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Full text of "Encyclopaedia Dictionary Islam Muslim World, etc, Gibb, Kramer, scholars. 13 vols & 12 vols. 1960-2004.1875.2009."









(pp. 321-1359) 








Former and present members: A. Abel, C. C. Berg, F. Gabrieli, E. GarcIa G6mez, H. A. R. Gibb, the late 

J. H. Kramers, the late E. Levi- Provencal, [G. Levi della Vida], B. Lewis, [the late E. Littmann], H. Masse, 

G. C. Miles, H. S. Nyberg, R. Paret, Ch. Pellat, J. Pedersen, [the late N. W. Posthumus], J. Schacht, 

F. C. Wieder 

Former and present associated members: H. H. Abdul Wahab, the late A. Adnan Adivar, Husain Djajadi- 

ningrat, A. A. A. Fyzee, M. Fuad KoprOlO, Ibrahim Madkour, Khalil Mardam Bey, Naji al-Asil, 

Muhammad Shafi, Hasan Taghizade, E. Tyan 

Former ana present honorary members: G. Levi della Vida; the late E. Littmann 


Encyclopaedia of Islam, the Editorial Committee pays homage to the 

memory of J. H. KRAMERS and E. LEVI-PROVENCAL, members of the 

Executive and of the Editorial Committees, deceased in 1951 and 

in 1956 respectively. 

1st edition i960 
reprinted 1967 

reprinted 1979 

ISBN 90 04 081 14 3 

Copyright i960 by E. J. Brill, Leiden, Netherlands 

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or translated 

in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm or any other means without 

written permission from the Editors 



Names in square brackets in this list are those of authors of articles reprinted or revised from the first 
edition of this Encyclopaedia or from the Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam. 

An asterisk after the name of the author denotes those articles reprinted from the first edition which have 
been brought up to date by the Editorial Committee; where an article has been revised by a second author his 
name appears within square brackets at the end of the article after the name of the original author. 

M. Abdul Hai, University of Dacca. 

H. H. Abdul Wahab, Tunis. 

A. Abel, University of Brussels. 

A. Adam, Institut des Hautes-Etudes Marocaines, 

the late A. Adnan Adivar, Istanbul. 

F. R. Allchin, University of Cambridge. 
R. Anhegger, Istanbul. 
W. 'Arafat, University of London. 
R. R. Arat, University of Istanbul. 
A. J. Arberry, University of Cambridge. 
[C. van Arendonk, Leiden]. 

E. Ashtor, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 
J. Aubin, Institut Francais, Teheran. 

G. Awad, Baghdad. 

D. Ayalon, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 
Fr. Babinger, University of Munich. 

F. Bajraktarevic, University of Belgrade. 
J. M. S. Baljon Jr., Blankenham, Netherlands. - 
[W. Barthold, Leningrad]. 
[H. Basset, Rabat]. 
[R. Basset, Algiers]. 

A. Bausani, Istituto Universitario Orientale, Naples. 
M. Cavid Baysun, University of Istanbul. 
L. BaziN, Ecole des Langues orientates, Paris. 
A. S. Bazmee Ansari, Karachi. 
S. de Beaurecueil, Cairo. 
[C. H. Becker, Berlin]. 

C. F. Beckingham, University of Manchester. 
A. F. L. Beeston, University of Oxford. 
[A. Bel, Tlemcen]. 
N. Beldiceanu, Paris. 
[M. Ben Cheneb, Algiers]. 
A. Bennigsen, Paris. 

C. C. Berg, University of Leiden. 
S. van den Bergh, London. 
J. Berque, College de France, Paris. 
W. Bjorkman, Uppsala. 
R. Blachere, University of Paris. 
[J. F. Blumhardt, London], 
[Tj. de Boer, Amsterdam]. 

D. J. Boilot, Cairo. 

S. A. Bonebakker, University of Leiden. 
C. E. Bosworth, University of St. Andrews. 
G.-H. Bousquet, University of Algiers. 
the late H. Bowen, University of London. 
J. A. Boyle, University of Manchester. 
H. W. Brands, Fulda. 
W. Braune, Free University of Berlin. 
[C. Brockelmann, Halle]. 
R. Brunschvig, University of Paris. 
[F. Buhl, Copenhagen]. 
J. Burton-Page, University of London. 
A. Cafero&lu, University of Istanbul. 
Cl. Cahen, University of Paris. 
M. Canard, University of Algiers. 
R. Capot-Rey, University of Algiers. 
[B. Carra de Vaux, Paris]. 
M me H. Carrere d'Encausse, Paris. 

W. Cask'el, University of Cologne. 
~ Cerulli, Rome. 

Chailley, Bamako. 
Chafik Chehata, University of Cairo. 

L. M. Clauson, London. 

S. Colin, Ecole des Langues Orientates, Paris. 

Colombe, Ecole des Langues Orientates, Paris. 
C. S. Coon, University of Pennsylvania. 
Ph. de Cosse-Brissac, Paris. 

J. Coulson, University of London. 
. Cour, Constantine]. 

A. C. Creswell, American University, Cairo. 

Cruz Hernandez, University of Salamanca. 

H. Dani, University of Dacca. 

David-Weill, Ecole du Louvre, Paris. 

Collin Davies, University of Oxford. 

Decei, University of Istanbul. 

Deny, Ecole des Langues Orientates, Paris. 

Despois, University of Paris. 

Dietrich, University of Gottingen. 

Djurdjev, University of Sarajevo. 

Dresch, University of Paris. 

E. Dubler, University of Zurich. 

W. Duda, University of Vienna. 

M. Dunlop, University of Cambridge. 

A. Duri, University of Baghdad. 
Saleh A. El-Ali, University of Baghdad. 

Elfenbein, London. 

Elgood, El-Obeid, Sudan. 

Elisseeff, Institut Francais, Damascus. 

Emerit, University of Algiers. 

Enamul Haq, Bengali Academy, Dacca. 

Ettinghausen, Freer Gallery of Art, Washington. 

G. Farmer, Glasgow. 

Faublee, ficole des Langues orientates, Paris. 

Fekete, University of Budapest. 

Fleisch, Universite St.-Joseph, Beirut. 

N. Frye, Harvard University. 

W. Fuck, University of Halle. 

A. A. Fyzee, University of Jammu and Kashmir, 

Gabrieli, University of Rome. 

Galand, Ecole des Langues orientates, Paris. 
oe P. Galand-Pernet. Paris. 

Garcia G6mez, University of Madrid. 

Gardet, Paris. 

L. Geddes. American University, Cairo. 

Ghirshman, Institut Francais, Teheran. 

A. Ghul, University of St. Andrews. 
A. R. Gibb, Harvard University. 

Giese, Breslau]. 

Glazer, Washington. 

W. Glidden, Washington. 


c, Cincii 

D. Goitein, University of Pennsylvania. 
Tayyib Gokbilgin, University of Istanbul. 
Goldziher, Budapest]. 
L. Gottschalk, University of Vienna. 
Graf, University of Cologne. 
Grohmann, University of Cairo. 

A. Guillaume, University of London. 

Mohammad Habib, Muslim University, Aligarh. 

G. Lankester Harding, Amman. 

[A. Haffner, Vienna]. 

P. Hardy, University of London. 

J. B. Harrison, School of Oriental and African 

Studies, London. 
[R. Hartmann, Deutsche Akademie, Berlin]. 
W. Hartner, University of Frankfurt. 
L. P. Harvey, Oxford. 
R. L. Headley, Dhahran. 
[J. Hell, Erlangen]. 
[B. Heller, Budapest]. 
[E. Herzfeld, Chicago]. 
U. Heyd, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 
R. L. Hill, University of Durham. 
S. Hillelson, London. 
Hilmy Ahmad, University of Cairo. 
M. G. S. Hodgson, University of Chicago. 
W. Hoenerbach, University of California, Los 

P. M. Holt, University of London. 
[E. Honigmann, Brussels]. 
[P. Horn, Strasbourg). 
[J. Horovitz, Frankfurt]. 

F. Hours, Beirut. 

[M. Th. Hootsma, Utrecht]. 

I.'Hrbek, Oriental Institute, Prague. 

[Cl. Huart, Paris]. 

A. Huici Miranda, Valencia. 

A. J. W. Huisman, Leiden. 

G. W. B. Hontingford, University of London. 
H. R. Idris, University of Algiers. 

Haul Inalcik, University of Ankara. 

Sh. Inayatollah, University of the Panjab, Lahore. 

[W. Irvine]. 

Fahir tz, University of Istanbul. 

the late A. Jeffery, Columbia University, New York. 

J. Jomier, Cairo. 

J. M. B. Jones, School of Oriental and African 

Studies, London. 
[Th. W. Juynboll, Utrecht]. 
E. Z. Karal, University of Ankara. 
Irfan Kawar, University of California, Los Angeles. 
the late R. A. Kern, University of Leiden. 
M. Khalafallah, University of Alexandria. 
W. A. S. Khalidi, American University, Beirut. 
H. Kindermann, University of Cologne. 
H. J. Kissling, University of Munich. 
M. J. Kister, Haifa. 
L. Kopf, Jerusalem. 
M. Fuad Koprulu, Ankara. 
[T. Kowalski, Cracow]. 
J. Kraemer, University of Erlangen. 
R. F. Kreutel, Vienna. 
Kasim Kofrevi, Ankara. 
E. KOhnel, Free University of Berlin. 

E. Koran, Istanbul. 

F. Kussmaul, Stuttgart. 

Miss A. K. S. Lambton, University of London. 

C. J. Lamm, Oregrund, Sweden. 
[H. Lammens, Beirut]. 

J. M. Landau, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 

D. M. Lang, University of London. 
H. Laoust, College de France, Paris. 

J. D. Latham, University of Manchester. 

J. Lecerf, Ecole des Langues orientales, Paris. 

M me Ch. Le Oeur, Paris. 

R. Le Tourneau, University of Aix-Marseilles. 

the late E. Levi-Provencal, University of Paris. 

R. Levy, University of Cambridge. 

T. Lf.wicki, University of Cracow. 

B. Lewin, University of Gothenburg. 

B. Lewis, University of London. 
G. L. Lewis, University of Oxford. 
I. M. Lewis, Hargeisa, Somaliland. 

the late E. Littmann, University of Tubingen. 

L. Lockhart, University of Cambridge. 

O. Lofgren, University of Uppsala. 

Sh. T. Lokhandwalla, University of Edinburgh. 

F. Lokkegaard, University of Copenhagen. 
S. H. Longrigg, London. 

[M. Longworth Dames, Guildford]. 

H. Louis, University of Munich. 

R. J. McCarthy, Al-Hikma University, Baghdad. 

[D. B. Macdonald, Hartford, Conn.] 

D. N. Mackenzie, School of Oriental and African 

Studies, London. 
A. J. Mango, London. 
S. E. Mann, University of London. 
R. Mantran, University of Tunis. 
S. Maqbul Ahmad, Muslim University, Aligarh. 

G. Marcais, University of Algiers. 
Ph. Marcais, University of Algiers. 

the late W. Marcais, College de France, Paris. 

[D. S. Margoliouth, Oxford]. 

M" E. Marin, New York. 

H. Masse, Ecole des Langues orientales, Paris. 

L. Massignon, College de France, Paris. 

C. D. Matthews, Dhahran. 

F. Meier, University of Basle. 
M me I. Melikoff, Paris. 

V. Melkonian, Basra. 

V. L. Menage, School of Oriental and African Studies, 

G. Meredith-Owens, British Museum, London. 
[M. Meyerhof, Cairo]. 

G. C. Miles, New York. 

J. M. Millas, University of Barcelona. 

V. Minorsky, University of London. 

[E. Mittwoch, London]. 

[J. H. Mordtmann, Berlin]. 

G. Morgenstierne, University of Oslo. 

S. Moscati, University of Rome. 

[A. de Motylinski, Constantine]. 

H. C. Mueller, Dhahran. 

W. E. Mulligan, Dhahran. 

the late S. F. Nadel, Australian National University, 

Albert N. Nader, Beirut. 

ity of Teheran. 

[C. , 

. Nal 


M lle M. Nallino, University of Rome. 

B. Nikitine, Paris. 

K. A. Nizami, Muslim University, Aligarh. 

M. Nizamuddin, Osmania University, Hyderabad. 

J. Noorduyn, Oegstgeest, Netherlands. 

S. Nurul Hasan, Muslim University, Aligarh. 

H. S. Nyberg, University of Uppsala. 

[C. A. van Ophuyzen, Leiden]. 

S. d'Otton Loyewski, Paris. 

R. Paret, University of Tubingen. 

V. J. Parry, School of Oriental and African Studies, 

J. D. Pearson, School of Oriental and African Stu- 
dies, London. 

J. Pedersen, University of Copenhagen. 

Ch. Pellat, University of Paris. 

H. Peres, University of Algiers. 

K. Petracek, University of Prague. 

A. J. Piekaar, The Hague. 

R. Pinder-Wilson, British Museum, London. 

S. Pines, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 

M. Plessner, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 

W. Popper, University of California, Berkeley. 

J. Prins, University of Utrecht. 

O. Pritsak, University of Hamburg. 

M ue Ch. Quelquejay, Paris. 

C. Rabin, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 

F. Rahman, McGill University, Montreal. 
[H. Reckendorf, Freiburg i. Br.]. 
H. A. Reed, Moorestown, N. J., U.S.A. 

G. Rentz, Dhahran. 
[N. Rhodokanakis, Graz.]. 
R. Ricard, University of Paris. 
J. Rikabi, University of Damascus 
H. Ritter, University of Frankfurt. 
J. Robson, University of Manchester. 
M. Rodinson, Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Paris. 

F. Rosenthal, Yale University. 
the late E. Rossi, University of Rome. 
R. Rubinacci, Istituto Universitario Orientale, 

[J. Ruska, Heidelberg]. 

A. J. Rustum, University of Beirut. 
J. Rypka, University of Prague. 

Ch. Samaran, Institut des Hautes Etudes, Tunis. 

T. Sarnelli, Rome. 

R. M. Savory, School of Oriental and African Studies, 

[A. Schaade, Hamburg]. 
J. Schacht, Columbia University, New York. 
[J. Schleifer]. 
[M. Schmitz]. 

Bedi N. Sehsuvaroglu, University of Istanbul. 
[M. Seligsohn]. 
[C. F. Seybold, Tubingen]. 

Muhammed Shafi, University of the Panjab, Lahore. 
Stanford J. Shaw, Harvard University. 

G. E. Shayyal, University of Alexandria. 
H. K. Sherwani, Hyderabad, India. 

D. Sinor, University of Cambridge. 
Miss Margaret Smith, London. 

W. Cantweu. Smith, McGill University, Montreal. 

H. T. Sorley, Salisbury, S. Rhodesia. 

D. Sourdel, Paris. 

M me J. Sourdel-Thomine, Ecole des Hautes Etudes, 

T. G. P. Spear, University of Cambridge. 

B. Spuler, University of Hamburg. 
S. M. Stern, University of Oxford. 
[M. Streck, Jena]. 

G. Strenziok, University of Cologne. 

Faruk Sumer, University of Ankara. 

[K. SOssheim, Munich]. 

[H. Suter, Zurich]. 

Fr. Taeschner, University of Munster. 

A. H. Tanpinar, University of Istanbul. 

A. N. Tarlan, University of Istanbul. 

H. Terrasse, University of Algiers. 

A. Tietze, University of California, Los Angeles. 

H. R. Tinker, University of London. 

Z. V. Togan, University of Istanbul. 

L. Torres Balbas, University of Madrid. 

J. S. Trimingham, University of Glasgow. 

A. S. Tritton, University of London. 

R. Tschudi, University of Basle. 

E. Tyan, Faculty of Law, Beirut. 

E. Ullendorf, University of Manchester. 
I. H. Uzuncarsili, University of Istanbul. 
G. Vajda, Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Paris. 

M me L. Veccia Vaglieri, Istituto Universitario 

Orientale, Naples. 
J. Vernet, University of Barcelona. 

F. SI Vidal, Dhahran. 

F. Vire, Digne. 
[K. Vollers, Jena]. 

G. E. Von Grunebaum, University of California, Los 

P. Voorhoeve, Leiden. 
E. Wagner, Gottingen. 
J. Walker, British Museum, London. 
J. Walsh, University of Edinburgh. 
R. Walzer, University of Oxford. 
W. Montgomery Watt, University of Edinburgh. 
H. Wehr, University of Erlangen. 
the late G. Weil, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 
[A. J. Wensinck, Leiden]. 
G. E. Wheeler, London. 
C. E. J. Whitting, London. 
[E. Wiedemann, Erlangen]. 
G. Wiet, College de France, Paris. 
,D. N. Wilber, Princeton, N.J., U.S.A. 
H. von Wissmann, University of Tubingen. 
Yar Muhammad Khan, University of Sind, Hyder- 
abad, Pakistan. 
[G. Yver, Algiers]. 

M. A. Zaki Badawi, University of Malaya. 
the late Zaky M. Hassan, Cairo. 
[K. V. Zettersteen, Uppsala]. 


Abu'1-Fida', Takwim = Takwim al-Buldan, ed. 

J.-T. Reinaud and M. de Slane, Paris 1840 
Abu'1-Fida', Takwim, tr. = Giographie d' Aboulfida, 

traduite de I'arabe en francais; vol. 1, II, 

1 by Reinaud, Paris 1848; vol. II, 2 by St. 

Guyard, 1883 
Aghani 1 or a or s = Abu'l-Faradj al-Isfahanl, al- 

Aghdni; 'BOlak 1285; "Cairo 1323; "Cairo 1345- 
Aghdni, Tables = Tables alphabitiques du Kildb 

al-aghdni. redigees par I. Guidi, Leiden 1900 
Aghani, Brunnow = The XXIst vol. of the Kitdb 

al-Aghdnl, cd. R. E. Brunnow, Leiden 1883 
'All Djawad = Mamdlik-i 'Othmaniyyenin ta'rikh 

wa djughrdfiyd lughdti, Istanbul 1313-17/1895-9. 
al-Anbari, Nuzha = Nuzhat al-Alibba* ji Tabakdt 

al-Udabd', Cairo 1294 
c Awfi, Lubdb = Lubdb al-Albdb, ed. E. G. Browne, 

London-Leiden 1903-1906 
Babinger = F. Babinger, Die Geschichtsschreiber der 

Osmanen und ihre Werke, 1st ed., Leiden 1927 
BaghdadI, Fark = al-Fark bayn al-Firak, ed. Mu- 
hammad Badr, Cairo 1328/1910 
Baladhuri, Futuh = Futuh al-Buldan, ed. M. J. de 

Goeje, Leiden 1866 
Baladhuri, Ansdb = Ansdb al-Ashraf, iv, v. ed. M. 

Schlossinger and S. D. F. Goitein, Jerusalem 

Barkan, Kanunlar = Omer Lutfi Barkan, XV ve 

XVI inci Asirlarda Osmanh Imparatorlu^unda 

Zirat Ehonominin Hukuki ve Mali Esaslan, I. 

Kanunlar, Istanbul 1943 
Barthold, Turkestan = W. Barthold, Turkestan down 

to the Mongol invasion, London 1928 (GMS, 

N.S. V) 
Barthold, Turkestan' = the same, 2nd edition, 

London 1958 
Blachere, Litt. = R. Blachere, Histoire de la Littt- 

Brockelmann, I, II = C. Brockelmann, Geschichte der 

Arabischen Literatur, zweite den Supplement- 

bandcn angepasste Auflage, Leiden 1943-49 
Brockelmann, S I, II, III = G. d. A. L., Erster 

(Zweiter, Dritter) Supplementband, Leiden 

Browne, i = E. G. Browne, A Literary History of 

Persia, from the earliest times until Firdawsi, 

London 1902 
Browne, ii = A Literary History of Persia, from 

Firdawsi to Sa'di, London 1908 
Browne, iii = A History of Persian Literature under 

Tartar Dominion, Cambridge 1920 
Browne, iv = A History of Persian Literature in 

Modem Times, Cambridge 1924 
Caetani, Annali = L. Caetani, Annali dell'Islam, 

Milano 1905-26 
Chauvin, Bibliographic — V. Chauvin, Bibliographic 

des ouvrages arabes et relatifs aux A robes, Lille 

pabbl = Bughyat al-Multamis fi Ta'rikh Ridfal AM 

al-Andalus, ed. F. Codera y J. Ribera, Madrid 

1885 (BAH III) 
Damlrl = Haydt al-Hayawan (quoted according to 

titles of articles) 

ed. E. G. 

Dawlatshah = Tadhkirat al-Shu'-ar 

Browne, London-Leiden 1901 
DhahabI, Huffdz = al-Dhahabi, Tadhkirat al-Huffaz, 

4 vols., Hyderabad 1315 H. 
Djuwaynl = Ta'rikh-i Diihdn-eushd. ed. Muhammad 

Kazwinl, Leiden 1906-37 (GMS XVI) 
Djuwaynl-Boyle = The History of the World- 
conqueror, by 'Ata-Malik Djuwaynl, trans. J. A. 

Boyle, 2 vols., Manchester 1958 
Dozy, Notices — R. Dozy, Notices sur quelques 

manuscrits arabes, Leiden 1847-51 
Dozy, Recherches s = Recherches sur I'histoire et la 

littirature de I'Espagne pendant le moyen-dge, 

third edition, Paris and Leiden 1881 
Dozy, Suppl. = R. Dozy, Supplement aux diction- 

naires arabes, Leiden 1881 (anastatic reprint 

Leiden-Paris 1929) 
Fagnan, Extraits = E. Fagnan, Extraits inidits re- 
latifs au Maghreb, Alger 1924 
Farhang = Razmara and Nawtash, Farhang-i 

Qiughrafiya-yi Iran, Tehran 1949-1953 
Fihrist = Ibn al-Nadim, K. al-Fihrist, ed. G. Fliigel, 

Leipzig 1871-72 
Firishta = Muhammad Kasim Firishta, Gulshan-i 

Ibrdhimi, lith. Bombay 1832 
Gesch. des Qor. = Th. Noldeke, Geschichte des Qorans, 

new edition by F. Schwally, G. Bergstrasser and 

O. Pretzl, 3 vols., Leipzig 1909-38 
Gibb, Ottoman Poetry = E. J. W. Gibb, A History 

of Ottoman Poetry, London 1900-09 
Gibb-Bowen = H. A. R. Gibb and Harold Bowen, 

Islamic Society and the West, London 1950-1957 
Goldziher, Muh. St. = I. Goldziher, Muhammeda- 

nische Studien, 2 vols., Halle 1888-90 
Goldziher, Vorlesungen = I. Goldziher, Vorlesungen 

iiber den Islam, Heidelberg 1910 
Goldziher, Vorlesungen 2 = 2nded., Heidelberg 1925 
Goldziher, Dogme — Le dogme et la loi de Vislam, 

Hadidji Khalifa. Djihan-numa = Istanbul 1145/1732 
ijadidjl Khalifa = Kashf al-Zuniin, ed. S. Yaltkaya 

and Kilisli Rifat Bilge, Istanbul 1941-43 
Hadidji Khalifa, ed. Fliigel = K. al-Z-, Leipzig 

Hamd Allah Mustawfi, Nuzha = Nuzhat al-Kulub, 

ed. G. le Strange, Leiden 1913-19 (GMS XXIII) 
Hamdani = Sifat Djazirat al- l Arab, ed. D. H. Miiller, 

Leiden 1884-91 
Hammer-Purgstall GOR = J. von Hammer(-Purg- 

stall), Geschichte des Osmanischen Seiches, Pest 

Hammer-Purgstall GOR ' = the same, 2nd ed. Pest 

Hammer-Purgstall, Histoire = the same, trans, by 

J. J. Hellert, 18 vols., Bellizard [etc.], Paris 

[etc.], 1835-43 
Hammer-Purgstall, Staatsverfassung = J. von Ham- 
mer, Des Osmanischen Reichs Staatsverfassung 

und Staatsverwaltung, 2 vols., Vienna 1815 
Houtsma, Recueil — M. Th. Houtsma, Recueil des 

textes relatifs a I'histoire des Seldjoucides, Leiden 



Uudud al-'Alam = The Regions of the World, transla- 
ted by V. Minorsky, London 1937 (GMS, N.S. XI) 

Ibn al-Abbar = K. Takmilat al-$ila, ed. F. Co- 
dera, Madrid 1887-89 (BHA V-VI) 

Ibn al-Athlr = K. al-Kdmil, ed. C. J. Tornberg, 
Leiden 1851-76 

Ibn al-Athlr, trad. Fagnan = Annates du Maghreb et 
de I'Espagne, tr. E. Fagnan, Algiers 1901 

Ibn Bashkuwal=ii:. al-Sila fi Akhbdr AHmmat al- 
Andalus, ed. F. Cod'era, Madrid 1883 (BHA II) 

Ibn Battuta = Voyages d'Ibn Batouta. Arabic text, 
ed. and Fr. tr. by C. Defremery and B. R. 
Sanguinetti, 4 vols., Paris 1853-58 

Ibn al-Faklh = Mukhtasar K. al-Bulddn, ed. M. J. 
De Goeje, Leiden 1886 (BGA V) 

Ibn Hawkal = K. $urat al-Ard, ed. J. H. Kramers, 
Leiden 1938-39 (BGA II, 2nd edition) 

Ibn Hisham = Sira, ed. F. Wustenfeld, Gottingen 

Ibn 'Idhari = K. al-Baydn al-Mughrib, ed. G. S. 

Colin and E. Levi-Provencal, Leiden 1948-51; 

vol. iii, ed. E. Levi-Provencal, Paris 1930 
Ibn al- c Imad, Shadhardt = Shadhardt al-Dhahab fi 

Akhbdr man dhahab, Cairo 1350-51 (quoted 

according to years of obituaries) 
Ibn Khaldun, <Ibar = K. al-'-Ibar wa-Diwdn al- 

Mubtada' wa-l-Khabar etc., Bulak 1284 
Ibn Khaldun, Mukaddima <= Proligomines d'Ebn 

Khaldoun, ed. E. Quatremere, Paris 1858-68 

(Notices et Extraits XVI-XVIII) 
(bn Khaldun-Rosenthal = The Muqaddimah, trans. 

from the Arabic by Franz Rosenthal, 3 vols., 

London 1958 
Ibn Khaldun-de Slane = Les proligomenes d'Ibn 

Khaldoun, traduits en francais et commentes 

par M. de Slane, Paris 1863-68 (anastatic reprint 

Ibn Khallikan = Wafaydt al-A'ydn wa-Anbd* Abnd' 

al Zamdn, ed. F. Wustenfeld, Gottingen 1835-50 

(quoted after the numbers of biographies) 
Ibn Khallikan, Bulak = the same, ed. Bulak 1275 
Ibn Khallikan-de Slane = Kitdb Wafaydt al-A'-ydn, 

trans, by Baron MacGuckin de Slane, 4 vols. 

Paris 1842-1871 
Ibn Khurradadhbih = al-Masalik wa 'l-Mamdlik, ed. 

M. J. De Goeje, Leiden 1889 (BGA VI) 
Ibn Kutayba, al-Shi l r = Ibn Kutayba, Kitdb al- 

Shi'r wa'I-Shu'ard, ed. De Goeje, Leiden 1900 
Ibn Rusta = al-AHdk al-Nafisa, ed. M. J. De Goejf 

Leiden 1892 (BGA VII) 
Ibn Rusta-Wiet = Les Atours pricieux, traduction 

de Gaston Wiet, Cairo 1955 
Ibn Sa'd = al-Jabakdt al-kubrd, ed. H. Sachau and 

others, Leiden 1905-40 
Ibn TaghrlbirdI = al-Nudfum al-Zdhira fi Muluk 

Misr wa-l-Kdhira, ed. W. Popper, Berkeley- 
Leiden 1908-1936 
Ibn Taghribirdi, Cairo = the same, ed. Cairo 1348 ff. 
IdrisI, Maghrib = Description de I'Afrique et de 

I'Espagne, ed. R. Dozy and M. J. De Goeje, Leiden 

Idrisl-Jaubert = Geographic d'Edrisi, trad, de l'arabe 

en francais par P. Amedee Jaubert, 2 vols, 

Paris 1836-40 
I?t,akhrl = al-Masalik wa 'l-Mamdlik, ed. M. J. De 

Goeje, Leiden 1870 (BGA I) (and reprint 1927) 
Juynboll, Handbuch = Th. W. Juynboll, Handbuch 

des Isldmischen Gesetzes, Leiden 1910 
Kh w andamlr = Pabib al-Siyar, Tehran 1271 
Kutubl, Fawdt = Ibn Shakir al-Kutubl, Fawdt al- 

Wafaydt, Bulak 1299 

LA = Lisdn al-'-Arab 

Lane = E. W. Lane, An Arabic-English Lexicon, 

London 1863-93 (reprint New York 1955-6) 
Lane-Poole, Cat. = S. Lane-Poole, Catalogue of 

Oriental Coins in the British Museum, 1877-90 
Lavoix, Cat. = H. Lavoix, Catalogue dts Monnaies 

Musulmanes de la Bibliothique Nationale, Paris 

Le Strange = G. Le Strange, The Lands of the 

Eastern Caliphate, 2nd ed., Cambridge 1930 
Le Strange, Baghdad, = G. Le Strange, Baghdad 

during the Abbasid Caliphate, Oxford 1924. 
Le Strange, Palestine = G. Le Strange, Palestine 

under the Moslems, London 1890 
Levi- Provencal, Hist.Esp. Mus. = E. Levi-Provencal, 

Histoire de I'Espagne musulmane, nouv. ed., 

Leiden-Paris 1950-53, 3 vols. 
Levi-Provencal, Chorfa = E. Levi-Provencal, Les 

Historiens des Chorfa, Paris 1922 
Makkari, Analectes = Nafh al-Tib fi Ghusn al- 

A ndalus al-Ratib (A nalectes sur V histoire et la litte- 

rature des Arabes de I'Espagne), Leiden 1855-61 
Makkari, Bulak = the same, ed. Bulak 1279/1862 
Maspero-Wiet, Materiaux = J . Maspero et G. Wiet, 

MaUriaux pour servir d la Geographie de I'Egypte, 

Le Caire 1914 (MIFAO XXXVI) 
Mas'udi, Murudi = Murudj. al-Dhahab, ed. C. Barbier 

de Meynard et Pavet de Courteille, Paris 1861-77 
Mas'udI, Tanbih = K. al-Tanbih wa-l-Ishrdf, ed. 

M. J. De Goeje, Leiden 1894 (BGA VIII) 
Mayer, Architects — L. A. Mayer, Islamic Architects 

and their Works, Geneva 1956 
Mayer, Astrolabists = L. A. Mayer, Islamic A strolabists 

and their Works, Geneva 1958 
Mayer, Metalworkers — L. A. Mayer, Islamic Metal- 
workers and their Works, Geneva 1959 
Mayer, Woodcarvers = L. A. Mayer, Islamic Wood- 
carvers and their Works, Geneva 1958 
Mez, Renaissance = A. Mez, Die Renaissance des 

Islams, Heidelberg 1922 
Mez, Renaissance, Eng. tr. = The Renaissance of 

Islam, translated into English by Salahuddin 

Khuda Bukhsh and D. S. Margoliouth, London 

Mez, Renaissance, Spanish trans. = El Renacimiento 

del Islam, translated into Spanish by S. Vila, 

Madrid-Granada 1936. 
MIrkh"and = Rawdat al-$afd, Bombay 1266/1849 
Mukaddasi = Ahsan al-Takdsim fi Ma'rifat al-Akd- 

lim, ed. M. J. De Goeje, Leiden 1877 (BGA III) 
Munadjdjim Bashl = $ahd*if al Akhbdr, Istanbul 

NaJlino, Scritti = C. A. Nallino, Raccolta di Scritti 

editi e inediti, Roma 1939-48 
Zubayri, Nasab = Mus'ab al-Zubayri, NasabKuraysh, 

ed. E. Levi-Proven?al, Cairo 1953 
'■Othmdnll Muellifleri = Bursall Mehmed Tahir, 'Oth- 

mdnli Muellifleri, Istanbul 1333 
Pakahn = Mehmet Zeki Pakalin, Osmanh Tarih 

Deyimleri ve Terimleri Sdzliigii, 3 vols., Istanbul 

1946 ff. 
Pauly-Wissowa = Realenzyklopaedie des klassischen 

Pearson = J. D. Pearson, Index Islamicus, Cam- 
bridge 1958 
Pons Boigues = Ensayo bio-bibliogrdfico sobre los 

historiadores y gedgrafos ardbigo-espanoles, 

Madrid 1898 
Sam'anI = al-Sam'anl, al-Ansdb, ed. in facsimile by 

D. S. Margoliouth, Leiden 1912 (GMS XX) 
Santillana, Istituzioni = D. Santillana, Istituzioni di 

diritto musulmano mahchita, Roma 1926-38 


Sarkis = Sarkls, Mu^dfam al-matbu c dt al-'arabiyya, 
Cairo 1346/1928 

Schwarz, Iran = P. Schwarz, Iran im Mittelatter 
nach den arabischen Geographen, Leipzig 1896- 

Shahrastanl = al-Milal wa 'l-Nihal, ed. W. Cureton, 
London 1846 

Sidjill-i 'Othmdni = Mehmed Thiireyya, SidjiU-i 
t Othmdnl, Istanbul 1308-1316 

Snouck Hurgronje, Verspr. Geschr. = C. Snouck 
Hurgronje, Verspreide Geschriften, Bonn-Leipzig- 
Leiden 1923-27 

Sources inidiies = Comte Henry de Castries, Les 
Sources inedites de I'Histoire du Maroc, Premiere 
Serie, Paris [etc.] 1905 — , Deuxieme Serie, Paris 

Spuler, Horde = B. Spuler, Die Goldene Horde, 

Leipzig 1943 
Spuler, Iran = B. Spuler, Iran in fruh-islamischer 

Zeit, Wiesbaden 1952 
Spuler, Mongolen * = B. Spuler, Die Mongolen in 

Iran, 2nd ed., Berlin 1955 
Storey = C. A. Storey, Persian Literature: a bio- 
bibliographical survey, London 1927- 
Survey of Persian Art = ed. by A. U. Pope, Oxford 

Suter = H. Suter, Die Mathematiker und A stronomen 

der Araber und ihre Werkc, Leipzig 1900 
Suyfltl, Bughya = Bughyat al-Wu'dt, Cairo 1326 
TA = Muljammad Murtada b. Mubammad al-Zabidi, 

TdM al- c Arus 
Tabari = TaMkh al-Rusul wa 'l-Muluk, ed. M. J. De 

Goeje and others, Leiden 1879-1901 
Taeschner, Wegenetx — FranzTaeschner, Die Verkehrs- 

lage und das Wegenetx Anatoliens im Wandel der 

Zeiten, Gotha 1926 
Ta'rikh Baghdad = al-Khatib al-Baghdadl, Ta'rtkh 

Baghdad, 14 vols., Cairo 1349/1931. 
Ta'rikh Dimashk = Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'riAA Dimashk, 

7 vols., Damascus 1329-51/1911-31 
Ta'rikh-i Guzlda = Hamd Allah Mustawfl al-Kaz- 

wlnl, Ta'rikh-i Guzida, ed. in facsimile by E. G. 

Browne, Leiden-London 1910 
Tha c alibl, Yatlma = Yatlmat al-Dahr fi Mahasin 

AM al- l Asr, Damascus 1304 
Tomaschek = W. Tomaschek, Zur historischen Topo- 
graphic von Kleinasien im Mittelatter, Vienna 

Weil, Chalifen = G. Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen, 

Mannheim-Stuttgart 1846-82 
Wensinck, Handbook = A. J. Wensinck, A Hand- 
book of Early Muhammadan Tradition, Leiden 

Ya'kubl = TaMkJi, ed. M. Th. Houtsma, Leiden 1883 
Ya'kubi, Bulddn = ed. M. J. De Goeje, Leiden 1892 

Ya c kubl-Wiet =» W*«M. Les Pays, trad, par Gaston 

Wiet, Cairo 1937 
Yakut = Mu<-diam al-Bulddn, ed. F. Wustenfeld, 

Leipzig 1866-73 (anastatic reprint 1924) 
Yakut, Udaba> = Irshdd al-Arlb ild Ma<ri/at al- 

Adib, ed. D. S. Margoliouth, Leiden 1907-31 

Zambaur = E. de Zambaur, Manuel de ginialogie 

et de chronologic pour I'histoire de I'Islam, 

Hanover 1927 (anastatic reprint Bad Pyrmont 

Zinkeisen = J. Zinkeisen, Geschichte des osmanischen 

Reiches in Europa, Gotha 1840-83 


Abh. G. W. Gotl. = Abhandlungen der GeseUschaft der 

Wissenschaften zu GSttingen. 
Abh. K. M. = Abhandlungen fiir die Kunde des 

Abh. Pr. Ak. W. = Abhandlungen der preussischen 

Akademie der Wissenschaften. 
Afr. Fr. = Bulletin du Comitt de I'Afrique francaise. 
AIEO Alger = Annates de I'Institut d'Etudes Orien- 
tates de I'UniversiU d' Alger. 
AIUON = Annali dell' Istituto Universitario Orien- 
tate di Napoli. 
Am. Wien = Anzeiger der [kaiserlichen] Akademie der 

Wissenschaften, Wien. Philosophisch-historische 

AO = Acta Orientalia. 
ArO = Archiv Orientdlni. 
ARW = Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft. 
ASI — Archaeological Survey of India. 
ASI, NIS = ditto, New Imperial Series. 
ASI, AR = ditto, Annual Reports. 
AODTCFD = Ankara Vniversitesi DU ve Tarih- 

Cografya FakUltesi Dergisi. 
BAH = Bibliotheca Arabico-Hispana. 
BASOR = Bulletin of the American Schools of 

Oriental Research. 
Belleten = Belleten (of Turk Tarih Kurumu) 
BFac. Ar. = Bulletin of the Faculty of Arts of the 

Egyptian University. 
B£t. Or. = Bulletin d' Etudes Orientates de I'Institut 

Francais de Damas. 
BGA = Bibliotheca geographorum arabicorum. 
BIE = Bulletin de I'Institut d'&gypte. 
BIFAO = Bulletin de I'Institut Francais d'Archiologie 

Orientate du Caire. 
BR AH — Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia 

de Espana. 
BSE — Bol'shaya Sovetshaya Entsihlopediya (Large 

Soviet Encyclopaedia) ist ed. 
BSE' = the same, 2nd ed. 

BSL[P] = Bulletin de la Sociiti de Linguistique de Paris. 
BSO[A]S = Bulletin of the School of Oriental [and 

African] Studies. 
BTLV = Bijdragen tot de Tool-, Land- en Volken- 

kunde [van NederUtndsch-Indie]. 
BZ = Byzantinische Zeitschrift. 
COC — Cahiers de I'Orient contemporain. 
CT = Cahiers de Tunisie. 
EI 1 = Encyclopaedia of Islam, 1" edition. 
EIM = Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica. 
ERE = Encyclopaedia of Religions and Ethics. 
GGA = Gbttinger Gelehrte Anzeigen. 
GMS = Gibb Memorial Series. 
Gr. I. Ph. = Grundriss der Iranischen Philologie. 
I A = Isldm Ansiklopedisi. 
IBLA = Revue de I'Institut des Belles Lettres Arabes, 

IC = Islamic Culture. 

IFD = Ilahiyat FakiUtesi Dergisi. 

IHQ = Indian Historical Quarterly. 

IQ = The Islamic Quarterly. 

Isl. = Der Islam. 

J A — Journal Asiatique. 

J Afr. S = Journal of the African Society. 

JAOS = Journal of the American Oriental Society. 

JAnthr. I = Journal of the Anthropological Institute. 
JBBRAS = Journal of the Bombay Branch of the 

Royal Asiatic Society. 
JE = Jewish Encyclopaedia. 
JESHO = Journal of the Economic and Social 

History of the Orient. 
J[R]Num. S. = Journal of the [Royal] Numismatic 

JNES = Journal of Near Eastern Studies. 

JPak. H. S. = Journal of the Pakistan Historical 

JPHS = Journal of the Punjab Historical Society. 
JQR — Jewish Quarterly Review. 
JRAS = Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 
J[R]ASB — Journal and Proceedings of the [Royal] 

Asiatic Society of Bengal. 
JRGeog. S. = Journal of the Royal Geographical 

JSFO — Journal de la Sociiti Finno-ougrienne. 

JSS = Journal of Semitic Studies. 

KCA = KOrSsi Csoma Archivum. 

KS = Keleti Szemle (Oriental Review). 

KSIE = Kratkie Soobshfeniya Instituta £tnografiy 

(Short communications of the Institute of 

LE = Literaturnayt± £ntsiklopedi£a (Literary Ency- 
MDOG = Mitteillungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesell- 

MDPV = Mitteilungen und Nachrichten des Deutschen 

Paldstina- Vereins. 
ME A = Middle Eastern Affairs. 
ME J = Middle East Journal. 
MFOB = Milanges de la Faculti Orientate de 

I'UniversiU St. Joseph de Beyrouth. 
MGMN = Mitteilungen zur Geschichte der Medizin 

und Naturwissenschaften. 
MGWJ = Monatsschrift fiir dieGeschichte und Wissen- 

schaft des Judentums. 
MI DEO = Milanges de I'Institut Dominicain d' Etudes 

Orientates du Caire. 
MIE = Mimoires de I'Institut d'Egypte. 
MIFAO = Mimoires publiis par les membres de I'In- 
stitut Francais d'Archiologie Orientate du Caire. 
MMAF = Mimoires de la Mission Archiologique 

Francaise au Caire. 
MMIA = Madiallat al-Madima' al-Hlmi al-<Arabi, 

MO = Le Monde oriental. 

MOG = Mitteilungen zur osmanischen Geschichte. 
MSE = Malaga Sovetskaya £nisihlopediya (Small 

Soviet Encyclopaedia). 
MSFO = Mimoires de la Sociiti Finno-ougrienne. 
MSL[P] = Mimoires de la Sociiti Linguistique de Paris. 
MSOS Afr. = Mitteilungen des Seminars fur Orien- 

talische Sprachen, Afrikanische Studien. 
MSOS As. — Mitteilungen des Seminars fiir Orien- 

talische Sprachen, Westasiatische Studien. 
MTM = Milli Tetebbu'-ler Medimu'asi. 
MW = The Muslim World. 
NC = Numismatic Chronicle. 
NGWGott. = Nachrichten von der GeseUschaft der 

Wissenschaften zu Gbttingen. 
OC = Oriens Christianus. 


OLZ — Orientalistische Literaturzeitung. 

OM = Oriente Moderno. 

PEFQS = Palestine Exploration Fund. Quarterly 

Pet. Mitt. = Petermanns Mitteilungen. 
QDAP = Quarterly Statement of the Department of 

Antiquities of Palestine. 
RAfr. = Revue Africaine. 

RCEA = Ripertoire chronologique d'Epigraphie arabe. 
RE J = Revue des Etudes Juives. 
Rend. Lin. = Rendiconti delta Reale Accademia dei 

Lincei, Classe di scienze morali, storiche e filolo- 

REI = Revue des Etudes Islamiques. 

RHR = Revue de I'Histoire des Religions. 

RIM A = Revue de I'Institut des Manuscrits Arabes. 

RMM = Revue du Monde Musulman. 

RO = Rocznih Orientalistyczny. 

ROC = Revue de VOrient Chretien. 

ROL = Revue de VOrient Latin. 

RSO = Rivista degli studi orientali. 

RT = Revue Tunisienne. 

SBAk. Heid. = Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Aka- 
demie der Wissenschaften. 

SBAk. Wien — Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der 
Wissenschaften zu Wien. 

SBBayr. Ak. = Sitzungsberichte der Bayrischen Aka- 
demie der Wissenschaften. 

SBPMS Erlg. = Sitzungsberichte der Physikalisch- 
medizinischen Sozietdt in Erlangen. 

SBPr. Ak. W. = Sitzungsberichte der preussischen 
Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. 

SE — Sovetskaya Etnografiya (Soviet Ethnography). 

SO = Sovetskoe Vostokovedenie (Soviet Orientalism). 
Stud. I si. = Studia Islamica. 

S.Ya. = Sovetskoe Yazikoznanie (Soviet Linguistics). 
TBG = Tijdschrift van het Bataviaasch Oenootschap 

van Kunsten en Wetenschappen. 
TD — Tarih Dergisi. 
TIE = Trudl instituta Etnografiy (Works of the 

Institute of Ethnography). 
TM = Turkiyat Mecmuast. 
TOEM = Ta'rikh-i "Othmdni (Turk Ta'rikhi) En- 

diumeni medimu'asl. 
Verh. Ak. A mst. = V erhandelingen der Koninhlijhe 

Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam. 
Versl. Med. Ak. A mst. = Verslagen en M ededeelingen 

der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te 

A msterdam. 
VI = Voprosl Istoriy (Historical Problems). 
WI = Die Welt des Islams. 
WIn.s. = ibid., new series. 
Wiss. Verbff. DOG = Wissenschaftliche Verbffent- 

lichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft. 
WZKM = Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des 

ZA = Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie. 
ZATW = Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissen- 

ZDMG = Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen 

ZDPV = Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paldstinavereins. 
ZGErdk. Birl. = Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fur Erd- 

kunde in Berlin. 
ZS = Zeitschrift fur Semitistik. 



Long Vowels Diphthongs 


j S 


1 > 




L? ' 5 

i — 









<v — 

. ay 







^ = ' 








iyy (final form I) 







SAoe* Foweis 






^_ a 


uww (final form 0) 







_L_ u 







— i 





» a; at (construct state) 

Jl (article), al- and >1- (even before the a 


yj or u3 g (sometimes 8 in Turkish) 

Additional vowels: 

a) Turkish: e, I, o, 6, ti. Diacritical signs proper to Arabic are, in principle, not used in words of Turkish 

6) Urdu: «, 6. 

For modern Turkish, the official orthography adopted by the Turkish Republic in 1928 is used. 
The following letters may be noted : 

c = dj g = gh j=zh k = k and k t = t and { 

c = i h = h, h and kh 5 = sh s = s, s and th z = z, z, d and dh 

ee Kk np 4> f m she 


i», 'Ababda, 1. 6 read limit. 

2 b , read Aba? a. 

3, Abarkubadh. Bibliography, add: G. C. Miles, Abarqubddh, A new Umayyad Mint, in American 

Numism. Soc. Museum Notes IV, 1952, 115-120. 
7 b , 1. 4 from below, for shahi-sewen read shah-seven. 

8 b , 'Abbas I, add to the bibliography: Nasr Allah Falsafl, Zindagdnl-yi Shah 'Abbds-i Awwal, Tehran 
1953 — ; Miguel Asin Palacios, Comentario de Don Garcia de Silva y Figueroa de la embajada 
que de parte del Roy de Espana don Felippe III hizo al Rey Xa Abas de Persia, Madrid 1928; 
N. D. Miklucho-Maclay, K voprosu nalagovoy politike v Irane pri Shakhe Abbase I . . ., in 
Sovetskoe Vostokovedenie, vi (1949), 348-55; E. Kiihnel, Han 'Alam und die Diplomat: Bez. 
zw. Gahdngir und Schah 'Abbas, in ZDMG xcvi (1942), 171-86. 
, 1. 18, for 'Abbas Hilmi I read 'Abbas I. 
1. 56, read A. H. 467 al-Muktadl. 
1. 29, lor 68/686-8 read 68/687-8. 

1. 26, jor by al-Zubayr read by 'Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr. 

'Abd Allah b. al-Husayn, Bibliography, add: M. Khadduri, Fertile Crescent Unity, in R. N. 
Frye, ed., The Near East and the Great Powers, Cambridge (Mass.) 1951, 137-177. 
, 1. 66, lor Abu Hamara read Abu Himara. 
add: 'Abd al-'Az!z b. 'Abd al-Rahman Ibn Abi 'Amir [see 'Amirids]. 
add: 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Abi Dulaf [see Dulafids]. 

'Abd al-'Aziz b. Marwan, Bibliography, add: U. Rizzitano, 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Marwdn, governatore 
umayyade d'Egitto, in Rend. Lin., series iii, vol. ii, fasc. 5-6, 1947, 341-347. 
1- 59. for 30 March read 30 May. 
I. 50, 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Dihlawi, read Shah. 
60, add 'Abd al-Eialil Abu 'l-Mahasin [see al-dihistanI]. 
add 'Abd al-Ghaffar b. 'Abd al-Karim [see al-kazwIni]. 
add 'Abd al-Ghaffar al-Akhras [see al-akhras]. 

'Abd al-Hakk b. Sayf al-DIn, Bibliography, add: Kh. A. Nizaml, Haydt Shaykh 'Abd al-Haty 
Muhaddith Dihlawi, Dihli 1953. 
6i a , 1. 46, after born Febr. 1852 add at Istanbul. 
6i b , 1. 30, for in 1937 read on 12 April 1937 at Istanbul. 
6i b , 1. 42, for Yadigar-i Harp read Yadgar-i Harb. 
63", 1. 7, for Wasif read Wasif. 

63°, 'Abd al-HamId II, 1. 2, for 5th of 30 read 8th of 40. 
63 b , 1. 10 from below, for former read later. 
64*, 1. 42, for amedji read ameddji. 
64 b , 1. 42, for 1894 read 1889. 
65, Bibliography, last line, for 1343 read 1943. 
71, add 'Abd al-Karim b. 'Adjarrad [see ibn 'adjarrad]. 
72 b , 1. 30, for Pa'inda read Payanda. 

75 b , 1. 15, after son of 'Abd al-'Aziz [q.v.] add born 30 May 1868. 
76, add 'Abd al-Malik b. Hisham [see ibn hisham]. 
78, add 'Abd al-Malik b. Zuhr [see ibn zuhr]. 
80, add 'Abd al-RahIm b. 'AlI [see al-kadI al-fadil], 

'Abd al-RahIm b. Muhammad [see ibn nubata]. 
91, add 'Abd al-Salam b. Ahmad [see ibn ghanimI. 
91", in Bibliography, for Kumushakhanawi read Gumiish-khanewl. 
97", 'AbdI Effendi, 1. 4, for 1764 read 1774. 
I02 b , 1. 24, art. Abraha, for 640-650 A.D. read 540-550 A.D.. 
103*, 1. 20, after idem, le Musion, 1953, 339-42, add idem, La persecution des chritiens himyarites au 

sixieme siecle, Istanbul 1956. 
io5 b , 1. 42, for al-kafar al-Misri read al-frufr al-Misri. 
108, Abu 'l-'Ayna'. Bibliography: add Djahiz, Hayawdn*, index; 'AskalanI, Lisdn al-mizdn, v, 344-46; 

$afadi, Himydn, 265; Ch. Pellat, in RSO, 1952, 66. 
109', 1. 8, from below, for 1136/1273 read 1136/1724. 
I09 a , 1. 4, from below, for 1 133/1729 read 1004/1596. 
iog», 1. 3, from below, lor 'Uthman III read 'Uthman II. 
in", 1. 66, for Nahar*" read Nahar" 1 . 
117", 1. 27, for al-Kahtani read al-Kahtani. 
H7 b , 1. 15, read Akbar ndma, iii. 
n8 b , 1. 30, after Nadjaf 1353, add and Cairo 1368/1949. 

1. 63, for 'Hamah read Hamah. 
H9«, 1. 40, for Takwln read Takwim. 


P. 123, Abu IJanIfa. F. Rosenthal points out that the name of the grandfather (Zwt> or Zwtrh) corresponds 
to the Aramaic word for "small"; Abu Hanifa was therefore probably of local, Aramaean descent. 
P. 125, Abu IJatim YOsuf b. Muhammad. [See rustumids]. 
P. I26», 1. 36, for al-Makdisi read al-Mukaddasi. 

P. I4i b , 1. 72, ]or ("the man with green spectacles") read ("the man with blue spectacles"). 
P. 142, Abu Naddara. Bibliography: add Ibrahim 'Abduh, Abu Naddara, Cairo 1953. 
P. I43», 1. 9, Abu Nuwis, for (d. 198/873) read (d. 198/813). 
P. 143", 1. 35, tor al-Khatlb read al-KhasIb. 
P. I44 b , Abu Nuwas, add to bibliography: E. Wagner, Der Oberlieferung des Abu Nuwds-Diwdn, Wiesbaden 

P. 146", 1. 1, for ba read ba. 
P. I47 b , Abu Sa c id b. Abi 'l-Khayr, add to bibliography: Muhammad b. Munawwar . . . MaykhanI, Asrdr 

fi 'l-tawhid fi Makdmdt al-Shayhh Abi Sa'id, ed. Dhablh Allah Safa, Tehran 1332 S./1954. 
P. 163, Abu Yazid al-BistamI. Bibliography: add H. Ritter, Die Ausspriiche des Bayezid Bisfdmi, in: 

Westbstliche Abhandlungen Rudolf Tschudi . . . uberreicht, Wiesbaden 1954, 231-43. 
P. 182*, 1. 10, for zaman read zaman. 
P. 183*, 1. 9, for Brouquiere read Brocquiere. 
P. 184', Adana, add to bibliography : see also map of Adana in Nazim Tarhan and Aziz Arsan, Tarihte Adana, 

Adana ca. 1954, new ed. "Turistik Adana" ca. 1957. 
P. i87», 1. 48 read 1748, fasc. Ill, 95 f. 
P. i87», 'Adhab al-Kabr, add to the bibliography: Ibn Kayyim al-Djawziyya, al-Risdla al-Kabriyya fi 

•l-Radd c ald Munkiri c Adhdb al-Kabr, in Madimii'at Sitt Rasa'il, Cairo and Kadiyan, n.d. 
P. 188, Adhan. Bibliography : add Wensinck, Mohammed en de Joden te Medina, 127 ff. (French transl. in 

RAfr., 1954, 96 ff.). 
P. igo>, 1. 5, for 1728 read 1729-30. 

P. 194', Adhari, add to Bibliography: Przeglad Orientalistyczny 1956/1 (17), 86 ff. 
P. 199", Adiyaman, 1. 2, for Husnumansur read Hisnimansur. 
P. 20i», 1. 41, for 365/972 read 365/976. 
P. 207", al-'Abidjabi, 1. 5, for 97/"5 "ad 97/716. 

P. 209*, 1. 68, add The seat of an administrative tribunal is therefore often called ddr aW-adl. 
P. 2ii b , 1. 5, for 338/944 read 338/949. 

P. 214*, 1. 48, add On the MustaHni of Ibn Biklarish, see Renaud, in Hesp., 1930, 135 ff. 
P. 2i4», 1. 23, add On the Tafrwim al-Adwiya of al- c Ala e i, see Renaud, in Hesp., 1933, 69 ff. 
P. 215", 1. 15 for Bahra' read Bahra\ 

1. 65 for Shananshan read Shahanshah. 
P. 224, Afghanistan, (ii) ethnography. Bibliography: add Iwamura Sh. and H. F. Schurman, Notes on 
Mongolian Groups in Afghanistan, Silver Jubilee volume of Zinbun-kagahu-Kenkyusho, Kyoto Univ. 
1954, 480-515 (includes linguistic texts). 
P. 225, Afghanistan, (iv) Religion. Bibliography: add W. Jackson and L. H. Gray, in ERE, s.v. 
Afghanistan, i, 158, 160; N. Slousch, Les Juifs en Afghanistan, RMM, 1908, 502 ff.; M. Akram, 
Bibliographic analytique de l'Afghanistan, i, Paris 1947. 
P. 228*, 1. 7, from below, for Ghazna read Kabul. 
P. 228 b , 1. 9, from below, for 1003/1621 read 1003/1595. 

P. 234*, AflakI, at end, change full stop to comma and add by Tahsin Yazici, 2 vols., 1953-5. 
P. 244*, 1. 34, for Persians read Akkoyunlus. 

P. 244", Afyun Kara Hisar, add after line 50: Kara Hisar formerly owed some of its importance to being 
a junction of the caravan routes between Izmir and the commercial centres in the interior (Ankara, 
Kayseri, Tolot, etc.) on the one hand, and between Constantinople, or rather Scutari (Uskiidar), 
and Syria on the other: see F. Taeschner, Das anatolische Wegenetz nach osmanischen Quellen, i, 
Leipzig 1924, esp. 127; more recently it has become an important railway junction on the Izmir- 
Kasaba and Anatolian systems. 
249", 1. 49, read Djabriyya. 
250*, 1. 21, add Ibrahim Shabbuh, in Revue de I'Institut des Manuscrits Arabes, 1956, 339 ff. 

1. 30, read 148/765. 
257", 1. 29, read of the brother of £ Ad. 
267", Ahmad I, 1. 4, for 22 January read 22 December. 
268», Ahmad II, 1. 4, for Rashld read Rashid. 
268 b , Bibliography, 1. 1, for Rashld read Rashid. 
268 b , Ahmad III, 1. 4, for 21 August read 23 August. 
268 b , 1. 35, for Kopriilii read Kopriilii-zade. 
277 b , Ahmad b. Hanbal, add to bibliography: H. Laoust, Les premieres professions de foi hanbalites, in 

Mdlanges Massignon, iii/1957, 7-36. 
279*, 1- 29, for as a magistrate in the Native Courts read as a kadi in the Shari'a Courts. 
287 b , 1. 32, read in 1891, and his memoirs appeared under the title. 
3o6 b , 1. 32 and 33 from below, read the early Middle Ages. 

311, heading, for Ak Kirman read Ak Kirman-Ak Koyunlu. 

312, heading, for Ak Kirman- read Ak Koyunlu-. 
312*, Bibliography, for Inane read Yinanc. 

3I2», A? Koyunlu, add to bibliography: J. Aubin, Notes sur quelques documents AqQoyunlu, in Milanges 

Massignon, i/1956, 123-47. 
313*, Aif Shehr, add to Bibliography: Ibrahim Hakki Konyali, Aksehir, Istanbul; Rifki Melul Meric, 

Aksehir Tiirbe ve Kitdbeleri, TM, v, Istanbul. 


P. 317", 1. 8, after M. Roychoudhuri, The Din-i-Ilahi, Calcutta 1941, add 2nd edition, Calcutta 1952 (with 

different pagination and additional appendix "C" to Chapter V). 
P. 321', 1. 50, add tr. and annotated by Camara Lamine, Conakry 1950. 
P. 332", 1. 5, Ajojund-ZAda, delete the words in his early days 
P. 3326, 1. „ f. ; reai i j n AIUON, N.S., i (Scritti in onore di Luigi Bonelli). 
P. 332", 1. 17 f., read The Hague, 1958. 

Aisund-Zada, Bibliography: add M. F. Achundov (= Akhund-zade), Pis'ma Kemalud-dovli, 

Baku 1959 (in Azeri) ; M. Rafili, Mirza Fatali Akhundov, Moscow 1959 (in Russian) ; K. Tarverdieva, 

Abovjan i Achundov, Yerevan 1958 (in Armenian). See also F. Gasymzade, XIX isr Azerbajdlan 

edebijjaty tarichi, Baku 1956 (in Azeri), 260-371; G. Gusejnov, Iz istoriy obshtestvennoy i filosofskoy 

misli v Azerbaydiane XIX veka*, Baku 1958, 162-295. 
P- 337". •• r 8, add [see durOz]. 
P. 355», add c Alaw1, Ba [see bA c alawI]. 
P. 358", add Albania [see arnawut]. 
P. 367*, 1. 55, read vanished, the future. 
P. 368*, c AlI b. AbI Talib, Bibliography, add c Abd al-Fattah <Abd al-Maksfld, al-Imdm 'AH b. Abi Talib, 

Cairo 1946-53. 
P. 374 b , 1. 9-10, read spoken in the heart of the Oran region. 

1. 11-12, delete except region. 

P- 375 b , 1- 4°. ™ad biliteral. 

1. 42, read Djidjellians (elsewhere ash, ah). 
P. 376", 1. 16-17, read Only Old Tenes. 

1. 20, read everywhere (except in Miliaria and Blida). 

1. 23, read Cherchell, Miliana, Medea. 
P- 377". 1- 2I , n<ut vowels in open syllables. 

1. 60, read Oran and in the Chelif region. 
P. 378 1 , 1. 50, read of the Oued Souf. 

P. 379". 1. 49, add G. Kampffmeyer, Sudalgerische Studien, Berlin 1905. 
P. 380*, 1. 60, read Ghllan. 
P. 380", 1. 23, read 651/768, 1963. 
P. 381*, 1. 9, read J A, 1869, 6th ser., xiv. 
P. 388 b , 1. 8, from below, read 869-83. 

P. 392", add c AlI al-HadI [see al- c AskarI, Abu 'l-Hasan]. 
P. 400", c Ali Werdi Khan, Bibliography: add Kalikinkar Datta, Alivardi and his times, Calcutta 1939, 

(contains an exhaustive bibliography). 
P. 404, Aljamia. Circumstances beyond the control of the Editorial Committee have made it necessary 

for the text and the bibliography to appear as independent contributions by two different 

P. 425", 1. 14, from below, for 1836-39 read 1836-99. 

P. 426", Alwar, read Alwar. 

P. 430", AmAn, Bibliography: add E. Tyan, Institutions du droit public musulman, i, Paris 1954, 426 ff.; 
P. S. Leicht and G. Astuti, La posizione giuridica delle colonie di mercanti occidentali nel Vicino 
Orienle e nell' Africa del Nord nel medio evo, in Mim. de I' Acad. Intern, de Droit Campari, iii/3, 
Rome 1953, 133-146; M. Hamidullah, Extraterritorial Capitulations in favour of Muslims in 
classical times, in Islamic Research Association Miscellany, i, 1948, 47-60; A. Abel, L'itranger dans 
I'Islam classique, in L'itranger (Recueils de la Societe Jean Bodin, ix), 1957, 331-351. 

P- 433", '• 5°, a ^d For a confirmation of the term menokad in an inscription at Leptis Magna, see G. Levi 
Delia Vida, in Africa Italiana, vi, 1935, 4-6; J. Friedrich, PhSnizisch-punische Grammatih, 
93 § 211. 

P. 437*, 1. 16, Amin, for econimic read economic. 

P. 446", add al- c Amiri [see muhammad b. yusuf, al-'amiri]. 

P. 497*, 1. 8, add J. D. Latham, Towards a Study of Andalusian Immigration and its place in Tunisian 
History, in Les Cahiers de Tunisie, 19-20, 1957, 203-252. 

P. 506 1 , Andjuman (India and Pakistan), Bibliography, add Sayyid Hashiml Ta'rikh-i Pandjdb Sdla-e- 
Andiuman-i Tarakfti-i Urdu, Karachi 1953. 

P. 5ii», 11. 8-9 from the bottom, delete in October. 

1. 10 from the bottom, for June 1919 read September 1919. 

P. 511", add al-Ankubarda, also al-Ankaburda, name of Lombardy in Arabic geographical works, (ed.). 

P- 539", !• 43, PjazIrat al- c Arab, for The boundary general way. read The boundary between 

Saudi Arabia and Kuwayt and the boundaries of their neutral zone were agreed upon between 
Britain and the then Sultan of Nadjd (later King of Saudia Arabia) in the convention of al- c Ukayr 
of 1922 but were not demarcated on the ground. 

P. 548", 1. 49, add Recently discovered inscriptions indicate that the hypothesis set forth in this article 
with respect to the starting point of the "Sabaean era" is untenable, and that certain changes 
should be made in the chronology for Southern Arabia; see G. Ryckmans in Musion, lxvi (1953); 
J. Ryckmans in Musion, lxvi (1953); idem, La persicution des chritiens himyarites au sixieme siecle, 
Istanbul rg56. 

P. 554 b , 1. 28, PjazIrat al^Arab, for In the latter part two years of rule, readln the latter 

part of his reign he devoted most of his attention to his East African possessions, but their inde- 
pendence under a younger line of his descendants was recognised in 1277/1861 by an arbitration 
award of Lord Canning, Viceroy of India. The only Ibadi Imam elected during the century, 'Azzan 


b. Kays, failed to win recognition by the British and was killed in battle in 1287/1871 after two 
years of rule. 

1. 15, Pjazirat al- c Arab, for but in sides, read though the Sultan did not relinquish 

his claim to sovereign rights over the whole of 'Uman. Thus in 1955, when the Imam, Ghalib b. 
c Ali, sought independent membership of the Arab League, the Sultan held this to be an infringe- 
ment of the terms of the Treaty of al-Sib and advanced into the interior of c Uman. 
PjazIrat al- c Arab, Bibliography: add Eric Macro, Bibliography of the Arabian Peninsula, Uni- 
versity of Miami Press, i960; idem, Bibliography on Yemen with notes on Mocha, University of 
Miami Press, i960. 
1. 15, read A. C. Woolner. 
8, read 5th ed., Cairo 1950. 

\rabiyya, add to Bibliography: G. V. Cereteli, Arabskie dialektl Sredney Aziy, Vol. \, Bukharskiy 
.rabskiy dialekt, Tiflis 1956. 
25, atfer A. Worsley, Sudanese Grammar, London 1925, vi-80 pp. in 8 vo., add now superseded 
by J. Spencer Trimingham, Sudan Colloquial Arabic, Oxford 1946. 

<, for Sudan Arabic, English-Arabic Vocabulary, read Sudan Arabic Texts. 

6o8 b , ArbOna, Bibliography: add J. Lacam, Vestiges de I'occupation arabe en Narbonnaise, in Cahiers 
archMogiques, viii, 93-115 (discovery, notably, of a mihrab). 

609b, 11. 1-3 from below: delete the passage in brackets and what follows. 

624% Architecture, Bibliography: add R. W. Hamilton, The Structural History of the Aqsa Mosque 
London 1949; O. Grabar, The Umayyad Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, in ArsOrientalis, 1959, 33-62. 
add I. Krackovskij, Vtoraya zapiska AbA-Dulafa v geografiieskom slovare yakuta (Azerbaydian, 
Armeniya, Iran), Izbrannye Soiinenija, Moscow- Leningrad 1955, 280-292 (The second notice on 
Abu Dulaf in the Geog. Diet, of Yakut (Adharbaydjan, Armenia, Iran), Selected works); N. D. 
Mikluxo-Maklaj, GeografiCeskoye sotinenye XIII v. na persidskom jazlke (novly istolnik po istoriCeskoy 
gcografiy Azerbaydiana i Armeniy), Uienye Zapiski Instituta Vostokovyedeniya, IX, 1954 (A geo- 
graphical work of the 13th century in Persian: a new source for the historical geography of Adhar- 
baydjan and Armenia, Learned Memoirs of the Institute of Orientalism). 
1. 36, ArslanlI, for [see Ghurush] read [see sikka]. 

Artukids, add to bibliography: Ali Sevim, Anuk ogullarm Beyliklerintn ilk devri, Thesis Ankara 

1. 2, for Ibn Kaysan read Ibn Kaysan. 
1. 4, for al-Talkani read al-Talkani. 
1. 13, for Al-Dahhan read Ibn al-Dahhan. 
1. 15, for al-Sakkat read Ibn al-Sakkat. 
1. 29, for al-Kalawisi read al-Kalawisi. 
1. 19, for the symbol | o for the'quiescen 
for Arzu Khan, read Arzu, Khan. 

c Asabiyya, add to bibliography: H. Ritter, Irrational Solidarity groups, in Oriens i/i (1948), 1-44. 
for Asfar b. ShIrawayhi, read Asfar b. ShIrawayhi. 

1. 13, read of the son of his maternal uncle. 

I. 34, Ashab al-UkhdOd, for (of Hinnom) read (Vale of Hinnom). 
'Ashura', Bibliography, add G. Vajda, JeAne musulman et jedne 
Annual, 12-13, r 938, 367-85. 

II. 13-15, Asiya, for caused her stone, read caused a big rock to be cast upon her; but 

as God took her soul to himself, the rock fell on a lifeless body. 
1. 21 and 22 from below, read Itil (Atil [q.v.]). 
1. 8, read Russians. 

, Atabak (Atabeg), add at the end of the art. : The atabeg al-'asdkir under the Ayyubids and the first 

Maniluks had restricted functions ; he was the commander of the army during the minority of the 

prince, but in contrast with the atabeg under the Saldjukids he was not the tutor of the young 

prince; a relative or a special freedman was appointed as tutor. 
, 1. 59, Atbara, for 8 June 1898, read 8 April 1898 (see Sir G. Arthur, Life of Lord Kitchener, London 

1920, i, 226; Cromer, Modern Egypt, London 1908, ii, 102). 
, 1. 8, read al-Subh. 
, 1. 56. read: HadidjI Khalifa. 
, add Auspicious and Inauspicious [see sa'd]. 

1. 34, read Khitat. 
, 1. 15, for i, 387, read i, 408. 
, 1. 1, insert and at least specialised applications to before the history of science. 

1. 41, read and the famous, widely read De inventoribus rerum. 
, 1. 44, 'Awamir, after no claim to be a range of their own, insert Ibn Rakkad's position as 

paramount shaykh of the nomadic elements of the central group has been disputed since 1947 by 

Salim Ibn Hamm, also of Al Badr. 

1. 34, lor 1319/1903 read 1319/1901-2. 
, 1. 34, tor 1938 read 1896-7. 
, 1. 11, read 748-760/1348-1360. 
, add Ayyubid Art [see Supplement]. 
, 1. 12, read 1202/1787. 

1. 56, read Ray. 
, 1. 25, read 'Azlzl [see karaCelebi-zade]. 

e symbol | for the'quiescent'. 

n Hebrew Union College 


P. 827", 1. 34. read Tushadd. 

P. 828", 1. ii, read Khatir. 

P. 849", 1. 43, /or son-in-law read son. 

P. 850*, BAd-i HawA, 1. 4, after income delete full stop and add (cf. the Tayydrdt m 

Tu^I, BSOAS, x, 1940, 76i s 774)- 
P. 855", 1. 7, from the bottom, read Chadjdju. 
P. 856*, 1. 42, read Fawd'id al-Fu'dd'. 

1. 44, read Bdkiydt. 

1. 57, read Tawdli*. 
P. 856", 1. 6, read Patiyall (in Etah District). 

1. 13, read Abban. 

1. 17, lor Djalal al-DIn, read Djalal Khan. 
P. 857*, 1. 10, read Ma'dthir-i. 

1. 23, read Akbari. 
P. 86o», 1. 18, read his uncle Hammad. 
P. 9o8 b , Baghdad, add to Bibliography: M. Canard, Hamddnides, i, 1 

eleventh century Bagdad = Materials and notes, in Arabica, vi 
P. 913", 1- 61, read Tara Bal. 
P. 914*, 1. 24, read Ma'dthir-i. 

1. 26, read c AlI. 

1. 30, read Kamradj, A'zam al-Harb. 

1. 42, read Mir'dt-i. 
P- 923*, for BanI?at al-BAdiya [see malik hifni nAsif], read bAhithat al-bAdiya [see malik hifnI nAsif]. 
P. 927\ read Bahr Adriyas. 
P. 952», 1. 13, lor Raja, read Radja. 

1. 14, read diwdn; and read Na'ib. 

1. 23, read BarelwI. 

1. 32, read Guns. 
P- 953 b . 1. 57, read Ghat. 

1. 59, read Ramadan. 
P. 954 b , 1- 8, delete the bracket. 

1. 13, read Mir'dt. 
P- 957*, 1. 34, read Muhammad. 

1. 70, read Shukoh. 
P. 957", 1. 10, Muhammad (Ahmad) Akhtar should not be in italics. 

1. 14, read al-Hukumat. 

1. 66, for ' Prophet, read Prophet. 
P. 958", 1. 5, read Sa c ud. 

1. 39, read al-hudjra min. 

1. 40, read al-Hidjra. 

1. 41, read al-Madina al-Munawwara. 
P. 978', 11. 31-32 to be placed after 1. 24. 

P. 983*, 1. 17, delete A. Schaade and read (G. E. Von Grunebaum). 
P. 990", Balban, read [see dihl! sultanate]. 
P. ioi6 b , add between lines 23 and 24: In Spanish, albanecar means a certain' triangular set of beams in the 

frame of a roof. 
P. I020», 1. 1, read Makhluf. 
P. 1023*, 1. 6, from below, read A 'lam. 
P. 1037*, 1. 13, add Fatdwd-i Jahandari of Zia-u'din Barani, introd. by Muhammad Hablb and Engl, transl. 

by Afsar Begum, in Medieval India Quarterly, iii/i and 2, Aligarh 1957, 1-87. 
P. 1037*, BaranI, add to Bibliography: P. Hardy, Historians of Medieval India, London i960, 20-39. 
P. 1053, heading, read BarkyAruk. 
P. 1053*, 1. 7, for Abu '1-Hasim read Abu '1-Kasim. 
P. 1069", article BArud (India), for Barani read Bernier. 
P. n65 b , 1. 70, Benares, for formed read forced. 
P. 1179*, Berbers, section IV, 2nd para., after H. Lhote, Touaregs du Hoggar, 221 ff.; , add idem, Comment 

campent les Touaregs, Paris 1947. 
P. 1187*, Berbers, section VI, add to Bibliography: J. Besancenot, Bijoux arabes et berberes du Maroc, 

Casablanca 1959; Delegation g£neiale du gouvernement en Algene, Collections ethnographiques, 

Album I, Touareg Ahaggar, Paris 1959. 
P. 1192*, 1. 44, Bhakkar, lor Kubadja read Kabaca. 
P. 1 196", 1. 68, BhopAl, lor Jsanah-i read Fasanah-i. 
P. 1202", 1. 10, lor Bombay read Mysore. 

1. 11, lor 350 miles south read 250 miles south-east. 

1. 45, for SivadjI read ShivadjI. 

1. 71, lor Marat'has read Marathas. 
P. 1203", 11. 25, 32, 35, 42, for 'All read C A1I. 
P. 1204*, 1. 19, for Anda read Anda. 
P. 1214", BihzAd, add to Bibliography Muhammad Mustafa, Suwar min madrasat Bihzad fi 'l-madjmu c dt 

al-fanniya bi 'l-Kdhira, Baden-Baden, 1959 (also published in German as Persische Miniaturen 

Werhe der Behzad-Schule aus Sammlungen in Kairo). 


'. I234 b , BiREfii'K, add to Bibliography: J.-B. Chabot, Un ipisode inidit de I'histoire des Croisades (Le siige 

de Birta, 114s), in Acadimie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, Comptes Rendus 1917, Paris 1917, 77-84. 
. 12380, 1. 58, al-BirzAlI, for al-Munadjdjima read al-Munadjdjid. 
. 1241", Bishr b. AbI KhAzim, add to Bibliography: G. Von Griinebaum, Bishr b. Abi Kharim: Collection 

of Fragments, in JRAS 1939, 533-67- 
. 1242*, 1. 59, Bishr b. QsiyA£h al-MarIsI, for Mdkdlat read Makdldt. 
. 1248* 1. 31, BistAm b. Says, for Rabib read IJablb. 

1. 32, BistAm b. Rays, for Sabd'ik read Sabd'ik. 

1. 34, BistAm b. Kays, for Mulalif read Mutalif. 

1. 40, BistAm b. Kays, for 1-000 read 1-100. 

1. 44, BistAm b. Kays, for al-Hayawdn read al-Ifayawan. 
'. 1257", after title Bonneval insert title Bookkeeping [see muhAsaba]. 

AARON [see harOn] 

AB [see ta'rIiot] 

'ABA' [see kisa'] 

'ABABDA (sg. 'AbbadI), an Arabic-speaking 
tribe of Bedja [q.v.] origin in Upper Egypt with 
branches in the northern Sudan. The northern limis 
of their territory in Egypt is the desert road leading 
from Kena to Kusayr, and their nomad sections roam 
the desert to the east of Luxor and Aswan. The ori- 
ginal 'Ababda stock is most truly represented by 
the nomads but there are also sedentary sections 
who have intermarried with the fallahin and adopted 
much of their way of life. On the Red Sea coast 
there is a small clan of fisher-folk, the Kiraydjab, 
who by some are not recognized as true 'Ababda. 

Like the rest of the Bedja the 'Ababda claim Arab 
descent, and the genealogical table of 'Abbad, their 
eponymous ancestor, begins with Zubayr b. al- 
'Awwam, a famous companion of the Prophet. 
Some of the tribesman living in the Sudan believe 
that they are descended from Salman, an Arab of 
the Banu Hilal. Though doubtlessly fictitious in 
respect of the tribe as a whole this claim to Arab 
descent yet embodies a genuine memory of the pro- 
cess by which Djuhayna and Rabi'a Arabs acquired 
an ascendancy in the Sudan through marriages with 
the daughters of Bedja chiefs, amongst whom des- 
cent was originally reckoned in the female line. 
This process which according to Ibn Khaldun led 
to the passing of the Nubian kingdom into the "hands 
of the Djuhayna must also have taken place in the 
case of the Bedja. 

The Ababda have been affected by Arab influence 
more strongly than those Bedja who still retain 
their Hamitic tongue, so much so that in the Sudan 
;hey are not easily distinguished from the Sudan 
Arabs of the Dia'livvln group. They may in fact 
be held to occupy an intermediate position between 
the Bedja proper and the fully arabicized elements 
who have become integrated in the Sudan Arabs. 
In their physical characteristics, nevertheless, the 
'Ababda together with the Tigre-speaking Ban! 
'Amir bear a closer resemblance to the proto-Egyp- 
tian inhabitants of the Nile valley than the other 
Bedja. The Arabic spoken by the 'Ababda is quite 
distinct from that of the fallahin, and the word 
lists collected by H. A. Winckler contain an appre- 
ciable number of Bedja words. 

In their material culture and their customs the 
'Ababda agree more closely with the Bedja proper 
than with the Arabs. Certain wide-spread customs 
which they share with the Sudan Arabs, such as 
the infibulation of girls and the ceremonial respect 
of in-law-relations, are of Hamitic origin. The 

Encyclopaedia of Islam 

'Ababda use the typically Bedja style of hairdressing 
(dirwa) which has given rise to the nickname Fuzzy- 
wuzzy, though this custom now tends to die out. 
Their tents of palm-matting are quite unlike the 
Arab "houses of hair". Their marriages, like those 
of the Bedja proper, are matrilocal but their women 
do not enjoy the freedom which is allowed to their 
sisters of the Bishariyyln. The 'Ababda moreover 
share with the Bedja, but not the Arabs, certain 
taboos connected with milk: only men may do the 
milking, for which only gourds and wicker vessels 
may be used, and no man may drink of the milk 
he has drawn until someone else has drunk. 

The influence of Islam, which nominally is the 
religion of all the 'Ababda, has made a marked im- 
pression only on the more sophisticated elements; 
in the life of the majority religion, as distinct from 
traditional beliefs and superstitions, plays no im- 
portant part. They venerate shaykh Abu '1-Hasan 
al-Shadhili as their patron saint, and his tomb in 
the Atbai desert is a place of pilgrimage at which 
sacrifices are offered. It is also common to dedicate 
the milk of a beast to al-Shadhili, and the milk of 
such animals is always milked into separate wicker 
vessels. When slaying an animal a piece of the victim's 
right ear is reserved for al-Shadhili or some other 
well-known saint and hung on the tent-pole. The 
celebration of the 'id ai-kabir at the tomb of al- 
Shadhill is the most important religious event of 
the year. Sacrifices are also offered at the tomb 
of the eponymous ancestor 'Abbad near Edfii, and 
there is a cult of a female saint (fakira) who lived 
some fifty years ago and was famous for gifts of 
divination. The 'Ababda like the Bishariyyln believe 
that an animal sacrificed at the tomb of a wall 
turns into a gazelle or ibex, and that such animals 
are protected by the wait. They also observe certain 
taboos about birds and will not eat the flesh of the 
sandgrouse or the desert-partridge, and both 'Ababda 
and Bishariyyln are particularly afraid of killing 
the bearded vulture (Gypactus barbatus). 

The most important section of the Egyptian 
'Ababda, of whom there are some 14,000, are the 
'Ashshabab, who are divided into a number of 
clans. Their paramount shaykhs are descended from 
one Diabran who flourished towards the end of 
the 18th century, and beyond whom there is no 
reliable historical tradition. The largest and best 
known sections in the Sudan are the Fukara and the 
Milaykab who, according to tradition, were brought 
to their present habitat by the Fundi kings of 
Sennar in order to protect the caravan routes be- 
tween Egypt and the Sudan. A small contingent 
of 'Ababda, characterized by Cailliaud as the worst 


soldiers in the army, were employed as irregulars 
by Isma'U Pasha during the invasion of the Sudan. 
During the 19th century the c Ab5bda are often 
mentioned by travellers as guides and camel men 
between Korosko and Abu Hamad, and their chiefs 
of theKhalifa family held posts of distinction under 
the Egyptian government. Husayn Khalifa was 
mudlr of Berber at the time of the Mahdist rebellion, 
and 'Ababda irregulars shared in the fighting against 
the Darwishes. Apart from traditions about wars 
with neighbouring tribes there are no data for their 
early history. 

Bibliography: H. A. MacMichael, History of 
the Arabs in the Sudan, Cambridge 1922; C. G. 
Seligman, Races of Africa, London 1930; G. W. 
Murray, Sons of Ishmael, London 1935; H. A. 
Winckler, Agyptische Volkskunde, Stuttgart 1936 
(full bibliography). (S. Hillelson) 

ABAD originally means time in an absolute sense 
and is synonymous with dahr[q.v.; see also ZamAn]. 
When under the influence of Greek philosophy the 
problem of the eternity of the world (see kidam) 
was discussed in Islam, abad (or abadiyya) became 
a technical term corresponding to the Greek term 
dtqjBapToi;, incorruptible, eternal a parte post, in 
opposition to azal (or azaliyya) corresponding to 
the Greek term <4txvt)t6i;, ungenerated, eternal a 
parte ante. (Ibn Rushd — cf. ed. Bouyges, index — 
uses azaliyya for "incorruptible"]. [For azal see 
kid am.] As to the problem concerned, viz. if the 
world is incorruptible, the philosophers of Islam 
subscribed to the Aristotelian maxim that azal and 
abad imply each other, that what has a beginning 
must have an end and what has no beginning cannot 
have an end. According to this theory time, move- 
ment and the world in general are eternal in both 
senses. Among the theologians who all believe 
in the temporal creation of the world, only Abu 
'1-Hudhayl, one of the earlier MuHazilites, admitted 
the Aristotelian maxim mentioned. (He applied the 
theory "that what has a first term must have a 
last one" even to God's knowledge and power, 
saying that God having arrived at the final term 
of His power, would not be able any more to create 

dead mosquito. See al-Khayyat, al-Intisdr, ed. Ny- 
berg, 8ff.; Ibn Hazm, iv, 192-3). The theologians 
opposed the Aristotelian dictum by the argument 
that if the world were without a beginning, at the 
present moment an infinite past would have been 
traversed, which is impossible [cf. kidam]; in the 
future, however, there is no such impossibility, since 
in the future no infinite will ever be traversed. Be- 
sides, the series of integers needs a first term but 
no final one, and a man may have eternal remorse, 
although his remorse must have a beginning (al- 
MakdisI, al-Bad' wa-l-Ta'rikh, ed. Huart, i, 125, 
cf. ii, 133). They concluded therefore that there is 
no rational proof either for the incorruptibility of 
the world or its opposite. According to the Kur'an, 
xxxix, 67, on the Day of Judgment "the whole 
earth shall be His handful and the heavens will 
be rolled up in His right ha'nd". It became the ortho- 
dox view that the annihilation of the whole world 
(including the destruction of heaven and hell, which, 
however, will not happen, as is known by revelation) 
is possible, HdHz, considered as something in God's 
power (al-Baghdadi, Fark, 319). This world (dunyd) 
will be destroyed, but not heaven and hell. 

Bibliography: The problem is treated in ex- 
tenso by al-Ghazzali in ch. ii of his Tahdfut al- 
Faldsi/a, ed. Bouyges, 80 ff. ; cf . Ibn Rushd, Ta- 

hdfut al-Tahdfut, ed. Bouyges, 118 ff., tr. by S. 
van den Bergh, 69 ff . (with notes) ; cf . also S. 
Pines, Beitr&ge zur islamischen Atomenlehre, 15, 
note 1. (S. van den Bergh) 

ABADAH, a small town in Persia, on the 
eastern (winter) road from Shiraz to Isfahan. By 
the present-day highway Abadah lies at 280 km. 
from Shiraz, at 204 km. from Isfahan, and by a 
road branching off eastwards (via Abarkfih) at 100 
km. from Yazd. In the present-day administration 
(1952) Abadah is the northernmost district (shah- 
ristdn) of the province (astdn) of Fars. The popu- 
lation is chiefly engaged in agriculture and trade 
(opium, castor-oil, sesame-oil). Iklid (possibly *kilid 
"key [to Fars]") is another small town belonging 
to Abadah. The whole district counts 223 villages 
with 82,000 inhabitants. In history it is chiefly 
mentioned in the 14th century. The town must 
be distinguished from several homonymous villages 
in Fars (Abada-yi Tashk in the NMz district, etc.). 
Bibliography: Le Strange, 297; Mas'ud- 
Geyhan, Qiugrdfiyd-yi mufassal, 1311, ii, 223; 
Farhang-i dfugrd/iydH-yi Iran, vii, 1330/1951, p. 2. 

(V. Minorsky) 
AbAdAN [see abbAdAn] 
ABADITES [see ibAdiyya] 
ABAKA [see ilkhAns] 
ABAN [see ta'rIkh] 

ABAN b. <ABD al-HAMID al-LAhikI (i.e. son of 
LSljik b. 'Ufayr), also known as al-Rakashi, because 
his family (originally from Fasa) were clients of the 
Banu Rakash, Arabic poet, died about 200/815-6. 
He was a court poet of the Barmakids and wrote 
panegyrics in their praise and the praise of Harun 
al-Rashid. He also defended in some verses the 
c Abbasids against the pretensions of the 'Alids. In 
the usual manner of the epoch he engaged in vigo- 
rous exchanges of lampoons with his fellow poets 
(among them Abu Nuwas). His enemies accused 
him, without justification, it seems, of Manicheism 
(see G. Vajda, in RSO, 1937, 207 f.). His most impor- 
tant achievement was the versification in couplets 
(muzdawidi, q.v.) of the popular stories of Indian 
and Persian origin: Kalila wa-Dimna [q.v.; samples 
in al-Sflll], Bilawhar wa-Yudasf [q.v.], Sindbdd [q.v.] 
Mazdak [q.v.] and the romanced stories of Ardashlr 
and of Anushirwan. He wrote also original poems 
in muzdawidi; sucn as a poem on cosmology and 
logic (Dhdt al-Hulal) and one on fasting (sample 
in al-SulI). Many members of his family, his son 
Hamdan for instance, were also known as poets. 
Bibliography: Sull, al-Awrdk, ed. Heyworth 
Dunne, Section on Poets, 1-73 (pp. 1-12 being 
a collection of passages about Aban by the edi- 
tor); al-Aghdni l , xx, 73-8; Djahshiyarl, al-Wu- 
zard', 259; al-Khatib, Ta'rikh Baghdad, vii, 44; 
Fihrist, 119, 163; I. Goldziher, Muh. Studien, i, 198 ; 
ii. 101; A. Krimsky, Aban al-Lahiki (in Russian), 
Moscow 1913; Brockelmann, S i, 238-9; K. A. 
Fariq, in JRAS, 1952, 46-59. (S. M. Stern) 
ABAN b. 'UXHMAN b. 'AffAn, governor, son 
of the third caliph. His mother was called Umm 
'Amr bint Djundab b. 'Amr al-Dawsiyya. Aban 
accompanied 'A'isha at the battle of the Camel in 
Djumada I 36/Nov. 656; on the battle terminating 
otherwise than was expected, he was one of the first 
to run away. On the whole, he does not seem to 
have been of any political importance. The caliph 
c Abd al-Malik b. Marwan appointed him as governor 
of Madlna. He occupied this position for seven years; 
he was then dismissed and his place was taken by 
Hisham b. Isma'il. Aban owes his celebrity not so 


much to his activity as an official in the service of the 
Umayyads as to his wonderful knowledge of Islamic 
traditions. The Kudb al-Maghazi, sometimes ascribed 
to him, is, however, according to Yakut (Irshdd, i, 
36) and al-TiisI (Fihris, 7) of Aban b. c Uthman b. 
Yahya (see J. Horovitz, in OLZ, 1914, 183). 

Aban was struck with apoplexy and died a year 
later at Madlna in 105/723-4 according to report, 
at any rate during the reign of Yazld b. 'Abl al- 

Bibliography: Ibn Sa<d, v, 112 ff.; Nawawl, 
125 ff. (K. V. Zettersteen) 

ABANCS (variants: Abinus, Abunus, Abnus and 
Abnus), ebony. The word is derived from the Greek 
tbenos, which passed to the Aramean (abnusd) and 
from there to Arabic, Persian, Turkish etc. Although 
ebony had been already known in the old days in 
the East, where it was imported from India and 
Ethiopia, it was very little used at the early times 
of Islam, on account of its rarity and the scanty 
demand for artistic goods. Absolute faith must 
not be given to the story according to which, when 
the Mosque of the Rock was being built at Jerusalem 
under the Umayyad caliph 'Abd al-Malik, the vene- 
rable rock was enclosed with a palisade of ebony. 
It is certain that this wood had been already used 
under the caliphs together with ivory in the manu- 
facture of chess-men [see Shatrandj] and dice, in 
mosaics of the sort very often used later with great 
skill on furniture, doors, latice work and wainscots 
[see KhashabI. 

As a medicine, ebony was known to the Muslims 
as early as the ninth century from the translations 
of Dioscorides and Galen. It was considered to be 
a useful astringent for phylactenous inflammation 
and chronic catarrh of the eyes; it was also taken 
internally in the form of a powder for the bowels 
and stomach, and was dusted over burns. According 
to Dioscorides, Abyssinian ebony was generally con- 
sidered to be more efficacious than Indian. To the 
former were ascribed the properties which at the 
present time are only found in the wood of the 
Diospyros and the Maba kinds of the East Indies, 
of Indonesia, of Madagascar, and of Mauritius, i.e. 
an intense black colour and a fineness of grain that 
almost makes it impossible to distinguish the fibre. 
The African species of ebony which the Arabs prefer, 
are nowadays rightly held in little estimation. In 
particular the ebony tree of Abyssinia {shadjar ba- 
banus), is according to A. E. Brehm (Reisesk. aus 
Nordostafrika), more of a brush than a tree. Its 
wood, though not of an excellent quality, can be 
used, but if left unused, dries and rots. 

Bibliography: Abu Mansur Muwaffak, al- 

Abniya (Seligmann), 31 ; Ibn al-Baytar, Bulak 1291, 

8; transl. Leclerc, Notices et Extraits, xxiii/i, 16; 

Kazwlnl (Wiistenfeld), i. 247. (J. Hell) 

ABARKtJBADH. one of the sub-districts (tassudi) 

of c I*rak, according to the Sasanid division adopted 

by the Arabs, belonging to the district (P. astdn, 

A. kUra) Khusra Shadh Bahman (the district of 

the Tigris) and comprising a tract of land along the 

western frontier of Khuzistan, between Wasit and 

Basra. The name is derived from the Sasanid king 

Kawadh (Kubadh) I. The first part of the name is 

probably Abar (P. abar or abr "cloud" is often seen 

at the beginning of place-names) and not Abaz or 

Abadh as the Arab geographers have it. Some Arab 

authors give Abarkubadh as the name of the district 

in which Arradjan is situated, but that seems to 

spring from a mistake. 

Bibliography: Ibn Khurradadhbih, 7; Ku- 
dama, al-Kharddj, (de Goeje), 235; Yakut, i, 90; 
Baladhurl, Fut*h, 344; Ibn Sa'd, vii/13; Tabari, 
i, 2386, ii, 1 123; Th. Noldeke, Getch. d. Perstr u. 
Araber z. Zeit d. Sasaniden, 146, n. 2 ; M. Streck, 
Babylonien n.d. Arab. Geogr., i, 15, 19. 

(M. Streck) 
ABAR^OH, a small town belonging to Yazd 
and lying on the road from Shlraz to Yazd (at 39 
farsakhs from the former and at 28 fars. from the 
latter) and also connected by a road with Abadah 
[q.v.]. It lies in a plain, and according to Mustawfl, 
Nuzha, 121, its name ("on a mountain") refers to 
its earlier site. In 443/1051 Tughrllbeg gave Yazd 
and Abarkuh to the Kakuyid Faramarz (Ibn al- 
Athlr, ix, 384) as a compensation for the loss of 
Isfahan. His successors continued to rule these towns 
as atdbeks. In the 8th/i4th century Abarkuh is 
frequently mentioned in the history of the Mu- 
zaffarids. The oldest of the numerous ruins of Abar- 
kuh is the mausoleum built in 448/1056 by FIruzan, 
a descendant of the well-known condottiere of the 
4th/ioth century, FTriizan of Ashkawar (in Gllan). 
The so-called mausoleum of Ta'Qs al-Haramayn was 
built (or rebuilt) in 718/1318 by a descendant (in 
the fifth generation) of a Madid al-Dunyi wa-l-DIn 
Tadj al-Ma^H Abu Bakr Muhammad (a Muzaffarid). 
Bibliography: Le Strange, 284, 294, 297; 
P. Schwarz, Iran, i, 17; A. Godard, in Athdr-i 
Iran, 1936, 47-72; Mahmud Kutbl, History of 
the Muzaffarids, in GMS, xiv, see Index in xiv/2; 
Kasim GhanI, Ta'rikh-i <Asr-i Hdfiz, i, 1321/1942, 
index. (V. Minorsky) 

ABARSHAHR. the more ancient name of 
N i sh a p u r [q.v.], was the capital of one of the four 
quarters of the province of Khurasan. Its name in 
Persian, according to the Muslim geographers, is 
said to mean "Cloud-city", but Marquart's etymo- 
„ togy {ErdnSahr, 74), the "district of the 'Aroxpvot*' 
(comparing Armenian Apar assart) is more reliable. 
It was sometimes given the honorific title of Irin- 
Shahr "City of Iran". Its mint-signature on Sassa- 
nian coins is Apr, AprS or AprSs, forms which con- 
tinue to appear on the dirhams of Arab-Sassanian 
type struck by the Muslim conquerers (from 54/673-4 
to 69/688-9). Under the Umayyads its Arabic name 
appears on the Post-Reform dirhams from 91/709-10 
to 97/715-6. The names of the Umayyad governors 
Ziyad b. AM Sufyan and his sons 'Ubayd Allah 
and Salm as well as c Abd Allah b. Khazim all figure 
on the coins of Abarshahr. The later mint activities 
of the place continued under the name of Nisabur. 
Bibliography: Le Strange, 383; J. Mar- 
quart, ErdnSahr, Berlin 1901 (Abh. G. W. Gdtt, 
N.S., III/ii),66,68,74; J. Markwart, A Catalogue 
of the Provincial Capitals of Eranshahr, Rome 
1931 (Analecta Orientalia, iii), 52-3; J. Walker, 
A Catalogue of the Arab-Sassanian Coins, London 
1941, p. ci-cii, cvi, 36, 72, 74, 87-8; E. Herzfeld, 
in Transactions of the Intern. Congress of Numis- 
matists, 1936, 423, 426. (J. Walker) 
ABASKCN (or AbaskOn), a harbour in the 
south-eastern covner of the Caspian. It is de- 
scribed as a dependency of pjurdjan/Gurgan (Yakut, 
i, 55: 3 days' distance from Pjurdjan; i, 91: 24 
farsakhs). It might be located near the estuary of 
the Gurgan river (at Khodja-Nefes ?). Al-Istakhrl, 
214 (Ibn Hawkal, 273) calls Abaskun the greatest 
of the (Caspian) harbours. The Caspian itself was 
sometimes called Bahr Abaskun. 

Abaskun possibly corresponds to Ptolemy's 
Ecoxavaa in Hyrcania (Gurgan). Several times Abas- 


kun was raided by Rus pirates (some time between 
250-70/864-84, and in 297/909, see Ibn Isfandiyar, 
Ta'rikh-i Tabari$tdn, ed. A. Eghbal, 266 [E. G. 
Browne's transl., 199], cf. also Mas'fldi, ii. 18; circa 
300/912). In 617/1220 the Kh»arizm-shah C A15 al- 
Din, tracked by the Mongols, sought refuge on 
"one of the islands of Abaskun", (see al-Djuwayni, 
ii, 115), and died there. According to Ibn al-Athir, 
xii, 242, he possessed in Ab-sukun (sic) a castle 
surrounded by water. The islands of Abaskun ap- 
parently correspond to the Ashur-ada group of 
islands and spits of land, divided from the Gurgan 
estuary by a strait. 

Bibliography: B. Dorn, Caspia, Vber die Ein- 
fdlle der alien Russen in Tabaristan, 1875, see 
index; Barthold, Istoriya orosheniya Turkestana, 
1914, 33- ( v - Minorsky) 

ABAZA, Turkish name for the Abazes (see ab- 
khaz), given as a surname to many persons in Otto- 
man history who descended from those people. 

1) Abaza pasha, taken prisoner at the defeat of 
the rebel Djanbulad, whose treasurer he was, was 
brought before Murad Pasha and had his life spared 
only through the intercession of Khalll, agha of 
the Janissaries, who, having become Itapuddn-pasha, 
gave him the command of a galley, and conferred 
upon him the government of Mar'ash when he was 
promoted to the dignity of grand vizier. Later he 
became governor of Erzerum and planned to destroy 
the Janissaries; those in his province lodged a com- 
plaint against him; he was deposed, but refused to 
obey the orders of the Porte (1032/1623); he levied 
taxes and raised troops on the pretext of avenging 
the death of the sultan c Uthman II, marched upon 
Ankara and Slwas, and took Brusa, but did not 
succeed in seizing the citadel. In 1033/1624, the 
grand vizier Hafiz Pasha defeated him in a battle 
near Kaysariyya, at the bridge across the Kara-su, 
owing to the defection of Tayyar pasha and the 
Turkomans. Abaza took refuge at Erzerum, of which 
he succeeded in having himself made governor on 
condition that he should admit a guard of Janissaries 
into the fortress. In 1036/1727, suspecting that the 
expedition against Akhiska was in reality directed 
against himself, he massacred a great number of 
the Janissaries belonging to the army. His old master 
Khalll besieged Erzerum in vain and was obliged 
to retreat because of the snow (1037/1627). In the 
following year, the Bosnian Khusrew Pasha, having 
been made grand vizier, again besieged him and 
forced him to capitulate after a fortnight's siege; 
the rebel was granted his pardon and the govern- 
ment of Bosnia. There he again persecuted his 
enemies, the Janissaries, was deposed and went to 
Belgrade, where on a hill to the south of the town 
he erected Abaza K'oshki. Then he was sent to 
Widdin and commanded the troops who invaded 
Poland (1633). Being honored with the confidence 
of Murad IV, he accompanied him to Adrianople 
when preparations were made for a new campaign 
against Poland; but his success excited envy; reports 
against him cleverly disseminated, estranged the 
sultan, who had him executed (29 Safar 1044/24 
August 1634). 

Bibliography: Hammer- Purgstall, iv, 569, 
582; v, 26, 83, 173 H; 189 ff.; Mustafa Efendi, 
NatdHdj, al-Wuku'-at, ii, 48, 82; Ewliya Efendi, 
Travels, i, 119 ff. 

2) Abaza Hasan had been given the command 
of the Turkomans of Asia Minor as a recom- 
pense for his capture of the rebel Haydar-eghlu. 
Having been dismissed for no reason, he revolted 

in his turn, held the country between Gerende and 
Bolu, defeated the old bandit Katirdji-oghlu who 
had been sent to fight against him, and submitted 
on condition that he should have the title of voivode 
of the Turkomans; later as the result of complaints 
lodged against him, he was imprisoned in the Seven 
Towers and was only released by the elevation of 
Behayi to the position of Shaykh al-Islam (1062/ 
1652); his friend conferred on him the sandjak of 
Okhri. When Ipshlr Pasha, who was also one of 
the Abaza nation, was made grand vizier by Mu- 
hammad IV, he sent for him. At his execution he 
remained faithful to him, returned to Asia Minor 
with the remainder of his troops and regained the 
office of voivode of the Turkomans (1065/1655). He 
settled at Aleppo and committed such ravages in 
Syria that the Dlwan wanted to have him banished 
from the empire ; the grand vizier, Sulayman Pasha, 
however, confirmed him in his position of governor 
and entrusted the defenses of the Dardanelles to 
him. In 1066/1656 he was sent to Diyar Bakr as 
governor. Two years later he rebelled, put himself 
at the head of a considerable army under the pretext 
of demanding the dismissal of Muhammad Kopriilu, 
at that time grand vizier, and threatened Brusa. 
In the neighborhood of Ilghin he completely defeated 
Murtada Pasha, who had been sent against him 
(15 Rabi c I 1069/11 Dec. 1658); but he fell into a 
trap which had been set for him, left 'Aynjab for 
Aleppo to make terms for his submission and was 
treacherously assassinated there. 

Bibliography : Hammer-Purgstall, v, 481, 
560 ff., 563, 575, 634; yi, 35 ff., 51 ff. 
3) Abaza Muhammad pasha was the beylerbey of 
Mar'ash when, during the campaign against the 
Russians (1183/1769), he was ordered to act in con- 
cert with the khan of the Crimea. He commanded 
the fortress of Bender and received the third tugh 
in recompense for the part he had taken in raising 
the siege of Choczim. Having been entrusted with 
the defense of this place and seeing himself abandoned 
by the Ottoman troops, he fled and was commis- 
sioned to defend Moldavia, which he failed to accom- 
plish. At the battle of Kaghul (1 Aug. 1770), he 
commanded the right wing; after the defeat of the 
Turks he feed to Ismail. Having been made governor 
of Silistria, he was dismissed after he had squandered 
the money given to him for the purpose of raising 
troops, and was exiled to Kustendil. At the time 
of the conquest of the Crimea and the flight of 
Selim-Giray he refused to land the few troops he 
was bringing up and returned to Sinope; he was 
decapitated (1185/1771). 

Bibliography: Hammer-Purgstall, viii, 341, 

348, 369, 387; Wasif Efendi, in Pre'cis historique 

de la guerre des Turcs contre les Russes, by P. A. 

Caussin de Perceval, 23, 31, 37 ff., 59, 103, m, 

148, 167. (Cl. Huart) 

c ABBAD b. MUHAMMAD [see 'abbadids] 

c ABBAD b. SULAYMAN al-SaymarI (or al- 

DaymarI), one of the Mu'tazila of Basra, 

died c. 250/864. He was a pupil of Hisham b. c Amr 

al-Fuwati (jl.c. 210/825), like his father criticizing 

the main tendency of the school of Basra (that of 

Abu '1-Hudhayl), and being in his turn criticized 

by Abu '1-Hudhayl's successors, al-Djubba^ and Abu 

Hashim. Our knowledge of his distinctive views 

comes mainly from al-Ash c ari's Makdldt. 

He emphasized the difference between God and 
man, admitting that God might be called a "thing" 
in the sense that He was "other" (I.e., 519). In parti- 
cular he insisted that God is eternal, and that what 

He eternally is must be independent 
mundane things. Thus God is not eternally "hearing" 
and "seeing", since that involves objects heard and 
seen (ib. 173, 493); He is not "before all things" 
(ib. 196, 519); no accident (such as an apparently 
supernatural event) can afford a proof of God, in 
view of its*transient character (ib. 225). In this 
way he came to distinguish between God's "active 
attributes" (sifdt al-fiH) and His eternal attributes 
(ib. 179, 186, 495-500), being perhaps the first to 
work out this distinction which was later adopted 
by orthodox theologians. 

He went to extremes in insisting that God does 
nothing that is evil in any respect, even denying 
that God made unbelief vile (kabih; ib. 227-8, 537-9), 
and maintaining that His punishment of the wicked 
in Hell is not evil. His political views (ib. 454, 458-9, 
467) seem to aim at a reconciliation of various con- 
temporary political groups, but the point has not 
been adequately studied. 

Bibliography: al-Ash c ari, Makdldt al-Is- 
lamiyyin, see index; al-Khavvat. al-Intisdr, 90-1, 
203; al-Baghdadi, al-Fark, 147-8, 261-2; Ibn al- 
MurtadS, al-Mu'-tazila, ed. Arnold, 44; al-Shah- 
rastani, 51; A. S. Tritton, Muslim Theology, 11 5-9; 
Montgomery Watt, Free Will and Predestination 
in early Islam, 81-4. (W. Montgomery Watt) 
'ASSAD b. ZIYAD b. AbI Sufyan, Abu Harb, 
Umayyad general. Mu c awiya appointed him 
governor of Sidjistan, where he stayed seven years; 
in the course of his expeditions to the East, he con- 
quered Kandahar. In 61/680-1 he was dismissed by 
Yazid b. Mu c awiya who appointed in his place his 
brother Salm b. Ziyad to be governor of Sidjistan and 
Khurasan. In 64/684, he joined in the battle of Mardj 
Rahit [q.v.], at the head of a contingent formed by 
his own gens. Afterwards he wished to retire to 
Dumat al-Djandal, but he was obliged to combat a 
lieutenant of al-Mukhtar b. Abi c Ubayd [q.v.]. The 
date of his death is unknown. 

Bibliography: Baladhuri, Futuh, 365, 397, 
434; id., Ansdb, v, 136, 267-8; Tabari, ii, 191 f.; 
Ibn Kutayba, al-Ma c drif, 177; al-Aghdni 1 , xvii, 
53 f. (K. V. Zettersteen) 

C ABBADAN (Abadan) stands on the south-west 
side of the island of the same name, on the left bank 
of the Shatt al- c Arab. It is believed to have been 
founded by a holy man named c Abbad in the 8th 
or gth century A.D. (the people of Basra used 
to add the termination "an" to a proper name in 
order to change it into a place name). In those days 
'Abbadan was on the sea coast, but with the gra- 
dual extension of the delta of the Shatt al- c Arab, 
it is now over 30 miles from the head of the Persian 
Gulf. In the early 'Abbasid period c Abbadan was 
a center of ascetics living in ribdf (L. Massignon, 
Essai, 135; Abu '1-Atahiya, Diwdn, 218). 

'Abbadan is described in the Ifudud al- l Alam, 
139 (cf. also 392) as "a flourishing and prosperous 
borough on the sea coast. All the 'Abbadanl mats 

come from there, and therefrom comes the 

salt for Basra and Wasit." Three and a half centuries 
later, when Ibn Battuta visited c AbbSdan, it was 
no more than a large village; it stood on a salty, 
uncultivated plain. In later times the inhabitants 
eliminated the salt from the soil bordering the river 
and planted the palm-groves which are now such 
a feature of both banks of the Shatt al-'Arab and 
of those of the Bahmashlr river on the north-east 
side of c Abbadan island. c Abbadan, however, re- 
mained a village until it was chosen, in 1909, as the 
site of the refinery of the Anglo-Persian Oil Co. 

Since that time, it has increased enormously in size; 
in 1951 its population was nearly 200,000 and the 
refinery had become the largest in the world. 

About 1935 RidS Shah, in pursuance of his policy 
of Persianizing Arabic names, changed c Abbad5n into 

Bibliography: Nasir-i- Khusraw. Safar-ndma, 
ed. Schefer, 89; Le Strange, 48 f.; L. Lockhart, 
Khuzistan Past and Present, in Asiatic Review, 
Oct. 1948; Abadan Refinery, in Review of Middle 
East Oil Petroleum Times, London, June 1948. 

(L. Lockhart) 
al- c ABBAdI, Abu <Asim Muh. b. Ahmad b. 
Muh. b. c Abd Allah b. 'Abbad, often called al- 
Kadl al-Harawi, a well-known Shafi'ite jurisconsult. 
He was born in 375/985 in Harat, studied there and 
in Nisabflr, and undertook extensive journeys on 
which he met numerous scholars. He finally became 
kadi of Harat and died there in 458/1066. He was 
notorious for his dark and difficult style of expression. 
Of his works, which al-Subkl enumerates, there have 
survived the Tabakdt al-ShdfiHyyin (used by al- 
Asnawl) in several manuscripts, and the A dab al- 
Kadd } in the commentary which his disciple Abu 
Sa c d (or Sa c id) b. Abi Ahmad b. Abi Yusuf al- 
Harawi (d. about 500) wrote under the title al- 
Ishrdf c ald Ghawdmid al-Ifukumdt (Subkl, iv, 31). 
His son Abu 1-Hasan is the author of a K. al-Rakm. 
Bibliography: Subki, Tabakdt, iii, 42 (with 
extracts from his works and a discussion of his 
style); Ibn Khallikan, no. 558; F.- Wiistenfeld, 
SchdfiHten, no. 408; Brockelmann, i, 484; S i, 669. 

(J. Schacht) 
'ABBADIDS (Ban© c Abbad), dynasty of Arab 
race which reigned for most of the 5th/nth century 
over the S.-W. of al-Andalus, with its capital at 
Seville [cf. ishbilya]. 

It was at the moment of the disintegration of 
the Caliphate of Cordova and of the political dis- 
memberment of the country by the petty kings 
known as the taifas (muluk al-(awdHf) that the kadi 
of Seville, Abu '1-Kasim Muhammad b. <Abbad, 
succeeded in being proclaimed ruler in 414/1013. The 
son of a celebrated Spanish-Muslim jurist of Lakhmid 
origin, Isma'il b. £ Abbad, he began, on first seizing 
power, by recognizing the suzerainty of the Ham- 
mudid king Yahya b. c Ali, but soon threw off this 
wholly nominal mark of subordination. There is 
relatively little information on the details of his 
reign, which was mostly occupied in settling by force 
of arms his disputes with the Djahwarids [q.v.] of 
Cordova and the lesser baronies in southern Andalu- 
sia. He died in 433/1042. 

His son, Abu c Amr c Abbad b. Muhammad suc- 
ceeded, in a reign of nearly thirty years (433-460/ 
1042-69), in enlarging the territory of the princi- 
pality of Seville to a considerable size by posing 
as the champion of the Andalusian Arabs against 
the Spanish Berbers, whose numbers, already large 
in the Iberian peninsula in the 10th century, had 
greatly increased since the period of the c Amirid 

On succeeding his father, the new king of Seville, 
then 26 years of age, took the princely title of hd- 
diib, following the custom of the time, but a little 
later adopted the honorific lakab of al-Mu c tadid 
bi c llah, by which he is generally known. Gifted 
with real political qualities, it was not long before 
he showed his true character, that of an authori- 
tarian ruler, as ambitious as he was cruel, and with 
few scruples in the choice of means to achieve his 
ends. Immediately after his accession he conti- 

nued the struggle opened by his father against the 
minor Berber dynasty of Carmona [cf. ijarmuna], 
Muh. b. 'Abd Allah al-Birzall and the latter's son 
and successor Ishak. At the same time al-Mu'tadid 
was preoccupied in extending his kingdom to the 
west, between Seville and the Atlantic Ocean. With 
this end in view he attacked and defeated succes- 
sively Ibn Tayfflr, lord (?a&»6) of Mertola, and Muh. 
b. Yahya al-Yahsubl, lord of Niebla [cf. labla], 
who, notwithstanding his Arab descent, had un- 
blushingly allied himself with Berber chiefs. In face 
of the success of the king of Seville, the other muluk 
al-tawd'if, distrustful of him, formed against him 
a kind of league, which was joined by the princes 
of Badajoz [cf. batalyaws], Algeciras [cf. al- 
Pjazira al-khadra'], Granada [cf. gharnata] and 
Malaga [cf. malaka]. War broke out soon afterwards 
between the 'Abbadid of Seville and the Aftasid 
[q.v.] al-Muzaffar of Badajoz; it was prolonged over 
many years, in spite of the efforts at mediation of 
the Djahwarid prince of Cordova, which bore fruit 
only in 443/1051. In the interval, while continuing 
to harass the frontiers of the kingdom of Badajoz, 
al-Mu'tadid did not remain inactive; he defeated, 
one after the other, Muh. b. Ayyub al-Bakri, lord 
of Huelva [cf. walba] and of Saltes [cf. shaltIsh] 
(whose son was the celebrated geographer), the Banu 
Muzayn, lords of Silves [cf. shilb], and Muh. b. 
Sa c id b. Harun, lord of Santa Maria de Algarve 
[cf. shantamariyat al-gharb] and annexed their 
principalities. In order to justify these annexations 
al-Mu'tadid employed a somewhat clumsy strata- 
gem: he claimed to have found the caliph Hisham 
II, who had died in obscurity some years earlier, 
and to be devoting himself tirelessly to restoring 
to him his former empire, entirely submissive and 
pacified. In order to protect themselves against the 
assaults of the king of Seville, the majority of the 
minor Berber chiefs in the mountains in the south 
of Andalusia acquiesced in this theatrical pretence, 
and paid homage both to the 'Abbadid and to the 
Commander of the Faithful; miraculously restored 
to light to serve the interests of al-Mu'tadid but at 
the same time carefully kept in seclusion by him. 
But their efforts were in vain. One day the 'Abbadid 
invited all these minor Berber princes and their 
attendants together to his palace at Seville and 
suffocated them to death in a bath-house whose 
openings he has walled up; by this means he appror- 
priated Arcos [cf. arkush], seat of the principality 
of the Banu Khizrun, Moron [cf. mawrur], ruled 
by the Banu Dammar, and Ronda [cf. runda], 
capital of the Banu Ifran (445/1053). 

This action was enough to unloose the fury of 
the most powerful Berber prince in Spain, Badls 
b. Habbus the ZIrid [q.v.] at Granada, who alone 
seemed capable of standing up to al-Mu'tadid. 
When the war began, however, the latter found 
fortune still smiling on him and soon afterwards 
seized Algeciras from the Hammudid prince al- 
Kasim b. Hammud. He then tried to capture Cor- 
dova, and for this purpose despatched an expedition 
under the command of his son Isma'il; but Isma'il 
sought to profit from the occasion to rebel and to 
create a kingdom of his own, with Algeciras as his 
capital. This venturesome project cost him his life. It 
also opened the political career of al-Mu'tadid's other 
son, Muhammad al-Mu'tamid, who was to succeed 
him on his death. On his father's orders, Muhammad 
set out with an army to give support to the Arabs 
of Malaga, who had revolted against the tyrannical 
rule of the Berber despot of Granada, Badls. But 

Badls routed the army of Seville, and the prince, 
in sad plight, threw himself into Ronda, whence 
he solicited and obtained his father's pardon. Al- 
Mu'tadid had long since discarded the fable of the 
pseudo-Hisham, which he no longer needed; he was 
by far the most redoubtable and most feared of the 
Spanish sovereigns; he had had no enemies but the 
Berbers, Muslims like himself, but far further re- 
moved from his Spanish-Arab social ideals than his 
Christian neighbours of the north. In other places, 
he might have been given the title of Berberohtonos. 

When the powerful sovereign of Seville died in 
461/1069, his son, Muhammad b. 'Abb ad, 
better known by his honorific lakab of al-Mu'- 
tamid [q.v.], took possession of his greatly enlarged 
kingdom, which now embraced most of the S.W. 
part of the Iberian peninsula. 

Already in the second year of his reign, al-Mu'- 
tamid was able, despite the ambitions of the king 
of Toledo, al-Ma'mun [q.v.], to annex to his kingdom 
the principality of Cordova, formerly ruled by the 
Djahwarid princes. The young prince 'AbbSd was 
appointed governor of the former capital of the 
Umayyads. But on the instigation of the king of 
Toledo, an adventurer, named Ibn 'Ukkasha, suc- 
ceeded in seizing Cordova by surprise in 468/1075, 
and put the young 'Abbadid prince and his general 
Muh. b. Martin to death. Al-Ma'mun took possession 
of the city, where he died six months later. Al- 
Mu'tamid, wounded both in his paternal affections 
and his royal pride, endeavoured for three years 
in vain to reconquer Cordova. He gained his object 
only in 471/1078; Ibn 'Ukkasha was put to death, 
and all that part of the kingdom of Toledo lying 
between the Guadalquivir and the Guadiana was 
conquered by the armies of Seville. Yet at the same 
time it needed all the skill of the vizier Ibn 'Ammar 
[q.v.] to bring an expedition of Alfonso VI of 
Castille against Seville to a peaceful conclusion, in 
return for the payment of a double tribute. 

This was, in fact, the moment when, thanks to 
the tenacious vigour of the Christian princes in 
seeking to profit from the sanguinary conflicts waged 
against one another by the Muslim muluk al-tawd'if, 
the reconquista — which had been arrested for a 
time and had even receded under the last Umayyads 
and the first 'Amirid dictators — resumed its advance 
towards the south of the peninsula. Notwithstanding 
their successes, blazoned by the Muslim chroniclers, 
it must not be forgotten that from the middle of 
the eleventh century many Spanish Muslim dynasties 
were reduced to trying to gain, by means of heavy 
tributes, the temporary neutrality of their Christian 
neighbours. Shortly before the resounding capture 
of Toledo by Alfonso VI, in 478/1085, al-Mu'tamid 
began to find himself enmeshed in serious diffi- 
culties. On the imprudent advice of Ibn 'Ammar, 
he attempted, after the annexation of Cordova, to 
annex further the principality of Murcia [cf. mur- 
siya], then governed by a ruler of Arab origin, 
Muh. b. Ahmad Ibn Tahir. In 471/1078, Ibn 'Ammar 
paid a visit to the count of Barcelona, Ramon 
Berenguer II, and asked for his assistance in con- 
quering Murcia in return for the sum of 10,000 
dinars, as surety for the payment of which a son 
of al-Mu'tamid, al-Rashld, would serve as hostage. 
After a series of agitated comings and goings, which 
ended in the payment to the count of Barcelona 
of a sum thrice as large, Ibn 'Ammar resumed his 
project of conquering Murcia, and soon realised it, 
thanks to the assistance of the lord of the castle of 
Bildj (now Vilches), Ibn Rashik. It was not long, 


however, before Ibn 'Ammar in Murcia made him- 
self intolerable to his sovereign. Betrayed by Ibn 
Rashik, he was forced to flee from Murcia, and 
sought refuge successively at Leon, Saragossa and 
Lerida. On returning to Saragossa he endeavoured 
to assist its prince, al-Mu'tamin b. Hud [cf. hOoios], 
in his expedition against Segura [cf. shakura], but 
was captured and handed over to al-Mu'tamid, who, 
notwithstanding the ties of friendship which had 
for so long bound them together, killed him with 

In the meantime Alfonso VI began to disclose 
openly his designs on Toledo, which he had begun 
to invest since 473/1080. Two years later, having 
sent a deputation to collect the annual tribute 
which al-Mu'tamid was paying to him, he learned 
that its members had been molested and that the 
Jewish treasurer Ibn Shalib. who had accompanied 
it, had been put to death because of his refusal to 
accept money of low standard. Thereupon he made 
an incursion into the kingdom of Seville, raided the 
flourishing townships of the Aljarafe [cf. al-sharaf], 
struck across the district of Sidona [cf. shadOna] as 
far as Tarifa [cf. tarif, bjazirat], where he pro- 
nounced a celebrated phrase in which he boasted 
of having trodden the furthest bounds of Spain. 

The capture of Toledo by Alfonso VI was a 
heavy blow to Islam in Spain. The king of Castille 
at once demanded of al-Mu'tamid the return of his 
possessions which had formerly been part of the 
kingdom, of the Dhu '1-Nunids, i.e. part of the 
present provinces of Ciudad Real and Cuenca. 
Throughout Muslim Spain his ever-increasing de- 
mands caused a particularly difficult situation. In 
spite of their unwillingness, the princes of Spain, 
with al-Mu c tamid at their head, were compelled to 
implore the aid of the Almoravid sultan, Yusuf b. 
Tashufln (see al-MurabitOn), who had recently 
seized the whole of Morocco in an irresistible ad- 
vance. It was decided to send him an embassy com- 
posed of the vizier Abu Bakr b. Zaydun and of the 
kadis of Badajoz, Cordova and Granada. The nego- 
tiations were successfully concluded, though not 
without difficulty; Yusuf b. Tashufln finally crossed 
the Straits of Gibraltar, and inflicted on the Christian 
troops, on 22 Radjab 479/23 October 1086, the 
bloody defeat of al-Zallaka [q.v.], not far from Bada- 
joz. It need here only be briefly recalled that Yusuf 
b. Tashufln, compelled to return to Africa, was 
unable to gain from his victory all the advantages 
for which the Spanish Muslim princes had hoped, 
while they, owing to the decisive influence exerted 
by the Spanish-Muslim faklhs on the Almoravid, 
rapidly lost all prestige in his eyes. After his with- 
drawal the Christian troops began again to harass the 
Muslim possessions, to such effect that al-Mu c tamid 
had this time to present himself in person before 
Yusuf b. Tashufln in Morocco, to ask him to recross 
the Straits with his troops. Yusuf agreed to his 
request and disembarked at Algeciras in the following 
spring (480/1088). He set out to besiege the fortress 
of Aledo (Ar. al!t), without success, but under 
the stimulus of popular sentiment and the counsels 
of the faklhs concluded that it would be of greater 
advantage to him to pursue the djihdi in Spain 
on his own account. From that time, he set himself 
to dethrone and dispossess the princes who had 
solicited his intervention, and it was not long before 
he was carrying his arms into the kingdom of Seville 
in order to take possession of it. An army commanded 
by the general Sir b. AM Bakr by the end of 1090 
seized Tarifa, then Cordova (where a son of al- 

Mu'tamid, Fath al-Ma'mun, was killed), Carmona, 
and finally Seville, which was taken in spite of a 
heroic sortie by al-Mu'tamid. The vanquished prince, 
made prisoner by the Almoravid, was at first sent 
with his wives and children to Tangier, then to 
Meknes, and after several months to Aghmat, not 
far from Marrakush. He passed a miserable existence 
there for some years, and died there in 487/1095, 
aged fifty-five years. With him, in these lamentable 
circumstances, ended the dynasty of the 'Abbadids, 
which may be regarded, notwithstanding the ex- 
cesses and cruelty of its princes, as the most brilliant 
of the dynasties of the taifas and indubitably that 
under which the arts and letters shone most brightly 
in Muslim Spain of the eleventh century: 

Bibliography: Ibn Bassam, al-Dhakhira, iv; 
'Abd Allah b. Buluggin, al-Tibydn; Ibn al-Abbar, 
al-Hulla al-Siydrd > (ed. Dozy, Notices etc.); 'Abd 
al- Wahid al-Marrakushl, al-Mu'-diib; Ibn al-Kha- 
tlb, al-Ihd(a; idem, A'mdl al-AHdm; Ibn 'Idhari 
al-Baydn al-Mughrib, iii; al-Fath b. Khakan, 
Kald'id al-Hkydn and Ma(mah al-Anfus; Ibn Khal- 
dun, al-'Ibar, iv and Histoire des Berberes, trad, 
de Slane, ii; al-HuUd al-Mawshiyya; Ibn Abl Zar', 
Rawd al-Kirtds; Makkari, Analectes Most of the ex- 
tracts of these authors concerning the 'Abbadids 
have been put together by R. Dozy, Scriptorum 
arabum loci de Abbadidis, Leiden 1846. R. Dozy, 
Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne', Leiden 1932, 
vol. iii; A. Gonzalez Palencia, Historia de Espana 
musulmana*, Barcelona 1929, 73 ff.; E. Levi- 
Provencal, Inscriptions arabes d'Espagne, Leiden- 
Paris 193 1 ; A. Prieto Vives, Los reyes de taifas, 
Madrid 1926 (especially coinage); E. Levi-Pro- 
vencal, Esp. mus., vol. iv. 

(E. L£vi-Provencal) 
'ABBAS I, styled the Great, king of Persia 
of the Safawl dynasty, second son and successor 
of Muhammad Khudabanda. was born on 1 Rama- 
dan 978/27 January 1571, and died in Mazandaran 
on 24 Djumada I 1038/19 January 1629, after a 
reign of 42 solar (43 lunar) years. In 980/1572-3 
he remained at Harat when his father moved to 
Shiraz. In 984/1576-7 Isma'Il II put to death the 
lata (tutor) of 'Abbas, and appointed C A1I Kuli 
Khan Shamlu governor of Harat with orders to 
execute 'Abbas himself. C A1I Kuli procrastinated, 
and, when the death of Isma'Il II (985/1577-8) ren- 
dered the order null and avoid, was made himself 
lata to 'Abbas by Muhammad Khudabanda. Three 
years later 'All Kuli read the khufba at Harat in 
the name of 'Abbas, but, when threatened by the 
royal army, he re-affirmed his allegiance to Mu- 
hammad Khudabanda at Ghurlyan. Shortly after- 
wards his protege 'Abbas fell into the hands of his 
rival Murshid Kuli Khan Ustadjlu, governor of 
Turbat, and in 995/1587 the latter marched on 
Kazwln. Muhammad Khudabanda was deposed, and 
'Abbas became Shah at the age of 16, with Murshid 
Kuli as his waktt-i diwdn-i c dli. 

'Abbas, faced with the twofold task of enforcing 
his authority over the Klzllbash amirs, and of check- 
ing the encroachment on Persian territory of the 
Ottomans in the West and the Uzbegs in the East, 
at once created from the ranks of Georgian prisoners 
converted from Christianity a cavalry corps of 
ghuldmdn-i khdssa-yi sharifa, paid direct from the 
royal treasury. With their aid, and by a successful 
appeal to the loyalty of the shdhi-sewen [q.v.], he 
crushed a revolt of amirs, and followed this by rid- 
ding himself of the now too-powerful Murshid Kuli. 
The importance of the ghuldms gradually increased. 


The appointment of Allahwardl Khan t 
of Fars elevated a ghuldm to equality of status with 
the Kfzilbash amirs, and eventually ghuldms filled 
some 20% of the high administrative posts. 'Abbas 
systematically pacified the provinces of 'Irak-i 
'Adjam, Fars, Kirman and Luristan. The local 
rulers of Gllan and Mazandaran were subjugated. 
In order to avoid fighting on two fronts, 'Abbas 
signed in Constantinople in 998/1589-90 a peace 
treaty most unfavourable to Persia. The regions of 
Adharbaydjan, Karabagh, Gandja, Karadjadagh, 
with Georgia and parts of Luristan and Kurdistan, 
were to remain in Ottoman hands, and a interdict 
was placed on the ShI'ite objurgation of the early 

'Abbas entrusted to Allahwardl Khan the re- 
organisation of the army on the lines suggested by 
Robert Sherley, an English adventurer then at the 
Persian Court. A new corps of 12,000 musketeers 
(tufangd), for the most part mounted, was recruited 
locally from the peasantry; the strength of the 
ghuldms'was raised to 10,000 by further recruitment 
from the Georgian converts; 3000 more were se- 
lected as muldzimdn or personal bodyguard to the 
Shah; and a corps of artillery, comprising 12,000 
men and 500 guns, was also recruited from the 
ghuldms, cannon being cast under the supervision 
of Sherley. 'Abbas thus had a standing army of 

After the death of the Shaybanids 'Abd Allah 
b. Iskandar [q.v.] and 'Abd al-Mu'min, dynastic 
rivalries distracted the Uzbegs, and 'Abbas was able 
to inflict on them a severe defeat at Harat (1007/ 
1598-9), and to recover Mashhad and Harat after 
ten years of Uzbeg occupation. In a attempt to 
stabilise the North-East frontier, 'Abbas installed 
at Balkh, Marw and Astarabad Uzbeg chiefs sub- 
servient to himself. But BakI Muhammad, the new 
khan of Transoxania, re-occupied Balkh (1009/ 
1600-1), and though 'Abbas led a force of 50,000 
men against him, he was outmanoeuvred and forced 
to retreat (ion/1602-3), losing large numbers of 
men through sickness, and abandoning most of his 
new artillery. At this point hostilities in the East 
were suspended, but in the West 'Abbas invaded 
Adharbaydjan in 1012/1603-4, and occupied Nakh- 
ciwan and Eriwan. The Ottomans under Cighala- 
zada suffered a signal defeat at Sis near Tabriz 
(1014/1605-6), with the loss of 20,000 men. Gandja 
and Tiflis were taken by the Safawids. Internal 
disorders in Turkey contributed to the haphazard 
conduct of the war against Persia. Successive Tur- 
kish invasions of Adharbaydjan were hampered by 
the Persian policy of devastating the regions of 
Cukhiir Sa'd and Nakhciwan and evacuating the 
inhabitants. Peace was eventually concluded at 
Sarab in 1027/1617-8, but was broken by 'Abbas 
in 1033/1623-4, when he took Baghdad and Diyar 
Bakr from the Ottomans. 

In other directions too 'Abbas expanded Safawid 
territory. Bahrayn was annexed in 1010/1601-2, 
Shu-wan was reconquered in 1016/1607-8. With 
British aid, the island of Hurmuz was taken from 
the Portuguese in 1 030/1 620-1, but a long series 
of bitter wars in Georgia failed to result in permanent 
annexation, and 'Abbas was finally forced to re- 
cognize the Georgian prince Taymuraz. Military 
necessity was often the pretext for the transference 
of large bodies of people to other regions. Some 20,000 
Armenians from the Erzerum region were enrolled 
in the ghuldms: a further 3000 families were moved 
from Djulfa to Isfahan: the Karamanlu tribe of 

Karabagh was moved to Fars in 1023/1614-5: and 
the influx of Georgians from Kakhetia — 130,000 
prisoners were taken in the expedition of 1025/ 
1616-7 alone — was a major factor in achieving that 
admixture of races and creeds by which 'Abbas 
planned to offset the power of the Klztlbash. 

Diplomatic contacts with European countries and 
with India were numerous during 'Abbas's reign, 
but all his efforts to create a European alliance 
against the Ottomans failed. Though careful to keep 
on good terms with the Mughal Emperors Akbar 
and Djahangir, he always regarded Kandahar, seized 
by Akbar in 999/1 590-1, as Persian territory, and 
in 1031/1621-2 he re-occupied the city. 'Abbas main- 
tained friendly relations with the princes of Mus- 
covy and the Tatar khans of the Crimea. Foreign 
monastic orders, like the Carmelites, the Augusti- 
nians and the Capuchin Friars, were accorded per- 
mission to operate without hindrance. In 1007/ 
1598-9 Sir Anthony Sherley, brother of Robert, was 
dispatched to Europe accompanied by a Persian 
envoy, Husayn 'All Beg Bayat, and visited Prague, 
Venice, Rome, Valladolid and Lisbon. Return em- 
bassies were sent by the Spaniards, the Portuguese 
and the English. The latter's envoy, Sir Dodmore 
Cotton, was the first accredited English ambassador 
to the Persian Court. 

'Abbas improved communications by the construc- 
tion of roads (notably t^le coast road through Ma- 
zandaran), bridges and caravanserais. He enriched 
Isfahan, which became his new capital in 1006/1597-8, 
with mosques, palaces and gardens: but he also 
built palaces at Kazwin, and at Ashraf and Fara- 
habad on the Caspian, where he spent an increasing 
amount of time in his later years. He explored the 
possibility of diverting some of the head-waters 
of the Karun into the basin of the Zayanda-ROd. 
Although endowed with great qualities, 'Abbas 
could be ruthless, and his family fell victims to his 
desire for security. His father, Muhammad Khu- 
dabanda, and two brothers, Abu Talib and Tah- 
masp, were blinded and incarcerated at Alamflt; 
a son, Muhammad Bakir MIrza, was executed on 
a charge of treason in 1022/1613, and another, 
Imam Kull, was made heir-apparent in 1030/1620 
during an illness of 'Abbas, but was blinded on the 
latter's recovery. Throughout his reign, 'Abbas at- 
tached great importance to maintaining the pir u- 
murshid relationship with his subjects: hence he 
made frequent visits to the ShI'ite shrines at Ardabll, 
Mashhad, where he repaired the damage caused by 
the Uzbegs, and, after their capture from the Otto- 
mans, to those at Karbala 5 and Nadjaf. 

Bibliography: Iskandar Munshl, Tdrikh-i 
c Alam-Ard-yi 'Abbdsi, Teheran 1897; A true re- 
port of Sir Anthony Sherley 's journey, London 
1600; Garcias di Silva y Figueroa, De rebus Persa- 
rum Epistola, Antwerp 1620; Ambassade en Perse, 
transl. de Vicqfort, Paris 1667; Pietro della Valle, 
Voyages, Paris 1745; Sir John Malcolm, History 
of Persia, London 1815, i, 555 ff.; Chardin, Voy- 
ages du Chevalier Chardin, ed. Langles, Paris 
1811; The three brothers, London 1825; W. Parry, 
A new and large discourse, London 1601 ; CI. Huart, 
Histoire de Bagdad, 55 ff.; Browne, iv, 99 ft.; 
L. L. Bellan, Chah Abbas I, Paris 1932; V. Mi- 
norsky, Tadhkirat al-Muluk, London 1943. 

(R. M. Savory) 
'ABBAS II and III [see safawids] 
al-'ABBAS b. 'ABD al-MUTTALIB, with the 
kunya Abu '1-Fadl, half-brother of Muham- 
mad's father, his mother being Nutayla bint 


Djanab of al-Namir. The 'Abbasid dynasty took its 
name from him, being descended from his son c Abd 
Allah. Consequently there was a tendency for histo- 
rians under the 'Abbasids to glorify him, and in 
his case it is particularly difficult to distinguish 
fact from fiction. He was a merchant and financier, 
more prosperous than his half-brother Abu Talib, 
who, in return for the extinction of a debt, surren- 
dered to him the office of providing pilgrims to 
Mecca with water (sikdya) and perhaps also with 
food {rifdda). Though he owned a garden in al- 
Ta'if, he was not so wealthy as the leading men of 
the clans of c Abd Shams and Makhzum. There is 
no clear evidence of any rapprochement between 
him and Muhammad until 7/629 when he gave in 
marriage to Muhammad Maymuna, the uterine 
sister of his wife, Umm al-Fadl Lubaba. Stories 
purporting to show that prior to this he supported 
Muhammad are suspect. Thus he is said to have 
acted as protector of Muhammad at the Assembly 
of 'Akaba, and, while it is conceivable that he pro- 
tected him during his last year or two in Mecca, 
there is no evidence that the clan of Hashim revoked 
Abu Lahab's refusal to give protection. Al-'Abbas 
fought against the Muslims at Badr, was taken 
prisoner and then released, though whether with 
or without a ransom is disputed. He joined Mu- 
hammad as he was marching on Mecca in 8/630, 
but his conversion was less influential than that of 
Abu Sufyan. Muhammad welcomed him, and after 
the submission of Mecca confirmed in his family 
the inherited office of the sikdya. He is said to have 
acted bravely at Hunayn, and by his stentorian 
shout to have turned the tide of battle. He settled 
at Medina. Though one of those who contributed 
to the finances of the expedition to Tabuk, he pos- 
sibly did not campaign in Syria, as is sometimes 
said. He was not on good terms with 'Umar, but 
made a gift of his house for 'Umar's -extension of 
the mosque in Medina. Muhammad is said to have 
given him an annuity from the produce of Khavbar. 
and 'Umar, in revising the pension roll, made him 
the equal of the men of Badr; but he was never 
given any administrative post. He died about 32/ 
653 aged about 88. 

Bibliography : Ibn Hisham; WakidI, ed. Well- 
hausen; Tabari — see indexes; Ibn Sa'd, iv/i, 
1-22; Ya'kubi, ii., 47; Ibn Hadjar, al-Isdba, ii, 
668-71; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghdba, iii, 109-12; 
Goldziher, Muh. Stud., ii, 108-9; Th. Noldeke, 
in ZDMG, 1898, 21-7; Caetani, Annali, i, 517-8, 
ii, 120-1, etc.; MO, 1934, 17-58. 

(W. Montgomery Watt) 
'ABBAS b. ABI 'l-FUTCH Yahya b. TamIm 


DIn Abu 'l-Fapl, Fatimid vizier, a descendant 
of the ZIrids [q.v.] of North Africa. He seems to 
have been born shortly before 509/1 115, for in that 
year he was still a nursling. His father was then 
in prison and was banished in 509 to Alexandria, 
whither his wife Bullara and the little 'Abbas ac- 
companied him. After Abu '1-Futuh's death his 
widow married Ibn Sallar [see al- c Adil ibn Sallar], 
commandant of Alexandria and al-Buhayra, one of 
the most powerful generals of the Fatimid empire. 
When, in 544/1149-50, the caliph al-Zafir appointed 
Ibn Masai to the position of vizier, which had for 
some time been vacant, Ibn Sallar revolted, marched 
on Cairo at the head of his troops and forced the 
caliph to invest him with the vizierate. It was during 
these troubles that 'Abbas appeared for the first 
time on the political scene. He took the side of his 

step-father and was entrusted by him with the 
pursuit of Ibn Masai who had taken to flight. Ibn 
Masai fell, and on 23 Dhu '1-Ka'da 544/24 March 
1 1 50, Ibn Sallar made his entry into Cairo. During 
the following years 'Abbas lived at the court of 
Cairo and his son, Nasir al-DIn Nasr, became a 
favourite of the caliph. In the beginning of 548/ 
spring 1153, 'Abbas was made commander of the 
garrison of 'Askalan, the last place the Fatimids 
still possessed in Syria. Before reaching Syria, how- 
ever, at Bilbays, he decided — rumour had it, at 
the instigation of Usama b. Munkidh (the various 
historians who mention Usama's role evidently 
follow one common source, cf. Cahen, 19, note 2) — 
to assassinate his step-father and seize the vizierate. 
Nasr, 'Abbas's son, returned secretly to Cairo, ob- 
tained the consent of the caliph, who idolized him, 
and assassinated Ibn Sallar, 6 Muharram 548/3 April 
1153. 'Abbas returned as fast as he could and took 
possession of the vizierate, whilst 'Askalan fell into 
the hands of the Franks, 27 Djumada I 548/20 
August 1153. 'Abbas did not enjoy the position he 
had won for long. According to Usama (who was 
an intimate companion of Nasr and took part in 
the events which he relates) 'Abbas and his son Nasr 
were deeply suspicious of each other, 'Abbas think- 
ing that the caliph was urging Nasr to assassinate 
him. Usama claims to have acted as a conciliator 
between father and son, who resolved together to 
kill the caliph. Nasr lured the caliph to his house 
and assassinated him on the last day of Muharram 
549/16 April 1 154. Thereupon 'Abbas charged the 
nearest male relations of the caliph with the crime. 
They were put to death and the minor son of al- 
Zafir was placed upon the throne under the name of 
al-Fa 5 iz bi-Nasr Allah. These proceedings stirred up 
the court and the population; a message was sent 
toTala'i'b. Ruzzik [q.v.], governor of Usyut. 'Abbas, 
together with Nasr, fled before him to Syria, but 
the Franks, warned by the enemies of 'Abbas, sur- 
prised them near al-Muwaylih and 'Abbas was killed, 
23 Rabi' I 549/7 June 1154. Nasr was captured and 
delivered into the hands of the Fatimid government 
and executed, Rabi' II 550/June-July 1155. (The 
text of the sidjill announcing his arrival in Cairo 
is preserved in MS Brit. Mus., Suppl. 1140, fol. 

Bibliography: Usama b. Munkidh, al-lHibar, 
ed. Derenbourg, 5-6, 13-22, 69; Ibn Abl Tayy, see 
Cahen; Ibn Zafir, see Wustenfeld and Cahen; Ibn 
al-Muyassar, ed. Masse, 89-90, 92-5; Ibn al-Athir, 
xi, 93-4, 122, 125-8; Abu Shama, Kitdb al-Raw- 
datayn, Cairo 1287-8, i, 97 ff.; Ibn Khaldun. al- 
c Ibar, iv, 74 ff.; Abu '1-Fida 5 , iii, 29-30; Ibn Tagh- 
ribirdi, vol. iii; Ibn Khallikan, nos. 496, 522; 
Makrizi, al-Khitat, ii, 30; F. Wustenfeld, Gesch. der 
Fatimiden-Chalifen, 314 ff.; Lane- Poole, History of 
Egypt, 174; H. Derenbourg, Ousdma ibn Moun- 
kidh, i, 220 ff., 238-58. For the criticism of the 
sources of the historians see CI. Cahen, Quelques 
chroniques anciens relatives aux derniers Fatimides, 
BIFAO, 1937-8, 19, note 2. Poems concerning 
the affair of 'Abbas are quoted in 'Imad al-DIn, 
Kharidat al-Kasr, Egyptian poets (Cairo 1951), i, 
119. 190. (C. H. Becker— S. M. Stern) 

al-'ABBAS b. AL-Atf NAF, Abu 'l-Fadl, ama- 
tory poet of 'Irak, died, it seems, after 193/808. 
His family belonged to the Arab clan of Hanlfa, from 
the district of Basra, but had emigrated to Khu- 
rasan. It seems, however, that the father of al- 
'Abbas returned to Basra, where he is said to have 
died in 150/767 (al-Khatlb al-Baghdadi, 133). Al- 

>'ABBAS b. al-AHNAF 

'Abbas was born about 133/750. He grew up in 
Baghdad (this must be the meaning of the passage 
of Ibn Kutayba, 525, and of the words of al-Suli 
quoted by al-Khatlb, 128, or of those of al-Akhfash 
repeated in Aghdni ', viii, 353). We do not know 
anything about his adolescence or his studies. He 
must have started writing poetry very early, as 
Bashshar b. Burd (d. 167/783) speaks of his beginnings 
and calls him fata, or ghuldm (Aghdni', v, 210 
and al-Khatlb, 130). The only details we know about 
his career show him as a favourite of the caliph H5- 
run al-Rashid, who employed him, however, not as 
a panegyrist, but rather as one to amuse him in 
his hours of leasure (see e.g. Aghdni ', viii, 355 ft., 
and al-Khatlb. 131). It seems certain that the poet 
accompanied the caliph in his campaigns in Khu- 
rasan and Armenia, but, overcome by nostalgia, 
received his permission to return to Baghdad (A- 
ghdni ', viii, 372). Al-'Abbas was also connected 
with the high officials of the Barmakid family, es- 
pecially with Yahya b. Dja'far (Aghdni", v, 168, 241). 
One can assume that his verses were highly enjoyed 
by certain ladies of the caliph's harem, e.g. by 
Umm Dja'far, who made him presents (Aghdni* 
viii, 369). The favour shown to al-'Abbas by the 
men in power seems to have given him an influential 
position: a nephew of his, Ibrahim al-$uli (d. 243/ 
857), himself a poet, was "secretary" of the Chan- 
cery (see on him al-Mas'udl, Muritdj, vii, 237-45 
and al-Khatlb, 129; it is to be noted that through 
him al-'Abbas was the great-uncle of the famous 
Abu Bakr al-$ull [q.v.]). Almost nothing has come 
down to us about the literary contacts of al-'Abbas. 
He seems to have been on bad terms with Muslim 
b. al-Walid (al-Khatlb, 128) and the Mu'tazilite 
Abu '1-Hudhayl al-'Allaf (Aghdni, v, 354). Various 
dates are given for his death: 188/803 according 
to Aghdni, V, 254, repeated by al-Khatlb, 133; or 
192/807, idem 133 and Yakut, IV, 283; or after 
193/808, according to one of his friends who is 
said to have met him in Baghdad after the death 
of al-Rashid, which occurred in that year (al-Kha- 
tlb, 133 and Ibn Khallikan). Al-'Abbas would have 
been at that time about 60 years old. He is said to 
have died while on pilgrimage and to have been 
buried in Basra (al-Khatlb, 132-3 and al-Mas'udl, 
vii, 247). 

The work of al-'Abbas was collected after his 
death by Zunbur, and subsequently, in the form of 
extracts, by Abu Bakr al-Suli (Fihrist, 163, 151); 
al-Suli wrote also a biography of the poet (ib. 
151), which was extensively used by Abu '1-Faradj 
al-Isfahanl in the article in the Aghdni. We have 
no information about the versions that circulated 
in Khurasan during the lifetime of 'Ubayd Allah 
b. Tahir (d. 300/912; cf. Aghdni, viii, 353). One 
cannot exclude the hypothesis that verses by un- 
known authors were wrongly included in these 
versions; cf. the detail quoted by al-Marzubanl, 
292. At any rate Yakut, iv, 284 points out that 
the manuscripts of his time were divergent. The 
work of al-'Abbas is preserved only in two manu- 
scripts of the selection made by al-§ull ; on a third 
one, now lost ( ?), was based the unsatisfactory 
edition, Istanbul 1298/1880 (reproduced in Cairo- 
Baghdad 1367/1947; cf. A. Khusraji, Diwdn d'al- 
< Abbds b. al-Ahnaf, thesis submitted to the Faculty 
of Letters, Paris, in 1953). The existing collection 
consists of pieces that are generally short and some 
of which are perhaps only fragments of longer 

Al-'Abbas, as all his Muslim biographers have 

noted, cultivated only one genre, the ghazal [q.v.], i.e. 
erotico-elegiac poetry (cf. e.g. Ibn Kutayba, 525; 
Fihrist, 132; Aghdni', viii, 352). In their present 
state, the pieces that are available confirm this fact 
Al- 'Abbas appears in them as a follower of the poets 
of al-Hidjaz, namely c Umar b. Abi Rabi'a and es- 
pecially Djamll, al-Ahwas and al-'ArdjI, in whose 
work the tendencies of the school began to take a 
fixed form. In his poems there reappears not only 
the psychological scheme of the submissive lover, 
but also the fictitious personages of the rakib and 
wdshi. The woman whom he extols is presented in 
a stylised manner, so that we are unable to say if 
the poet is merely combining cliches or starting 
from a real experience. Not all the poems, 
however, are expressions of ideal love; we find 
(Diwdn, Istanbul, 148-50), the description of an 
orgy with singing girls. On the whole, however, the 
poetry of al-'Abbas stands in contrast to that of 
Abu Nuwas [q.v.], which is permeated with the 
carnal cult of the beloved. The art of al-'Abbas 
is highly conventional and his inspiration is mono- 
tonous. On the other hand, his style avoids the use 
of gimcrack rhetoric and his language, simple and 
fluent without being vulgar, is akin to that of Abu 

The vogue enjoyed by the poetry of al-'Abbas 
from the very first cannot be explained solely by 
some hellenistic influence or by respect for an old 
Arab tradition. The society in which the poet lived 
must also be taken into consideration. Chiming with 
the dilettantism of al-Rashid and the taste of the 
women of the court, the poems of al-'Abbas were 
ready-made material for composers and singers, 
like Ibrahim al-Mawsill (cf. Aghdni', vi, 182, viii, 
361, 354-6). Nevertheless the favour shown to them 
by men of letters like al-Djahiz, Ibn Kutayba. or 
al-Mas'udl, by a music-lover like the caliph al- 
Wathik, by a bel esprit like Abu Bakr al-Suli, or 
finally by a rigorist like Salama b. 'Asim (cf. Ibn 
Kutayba, al-Shi'v, 525ft., and especially Aghdni', 
viii, 354 ff.), shows that these poetical productions 
could be enjoyed by a public of greatly varying 

It is difficult to define the importance of al-'Abbas 
b. al-Aljnaf in the history of Arabic poetry. If Muslim 
Spain really appreciated this oriental poet (cf. Ibn 
Hazm, Tawk al-Ifamdma (Bercher), 285; Peres, La 
poesie andalouse en arabe classique au Xle siicle, 
54, 411), one might see in him one of the poets who 
influenced the erotic-elegiac poetry so highly valued 
in that country. In this case, his role in the develop- 
ment of the genre would be of the greatest impor- 
tance. Recently, oriental critics like F. Rifa'I and 
Bahbltl have tried to discover what in the work of 
al-'Abbas retains a lasting value. In two penetrating 
studies, Hell and Torrey placed the poet in his milieu 
and noted his influence in Arabic literature. 

Bibliography: Ibn Kutayba, Shi c r (de Goeje), 
525-7; Mas'udi, Muru&i, vii, 145-8; al-Aghani', 
passim, viii, 352-72 ; MarzubanI, al-Muwashshah, 
290-3; Fihrist, 132, 151, 163; al-Khatlb al-Baghdadl 
Ta'rikh Baghdad, xii, 127-33; Yakut, Irshdd, iy, 
233-4; Ibn Khallikan, no. 319 (after al-Khatlb 
and al-Mas'udl); F. Rifa'I, <Asr aX-Ma'mun, ii, 
393-9; Bahbiti, Ta'rikh al-Shi'r al-<Arabi, Cairo 
1950, 401-6; J. Hell, Al-'Abbds i. al-Ahnaf der 
Minnesanger am Hofe Harun al-Raiids, Islamica, 
1926, 271-307; C. C. Torrey, The history of al- 
« Abbas b. al-Ahnaf and his fortunate verses, JAOS, 
1894, 43-70; Brockelmann, I, 74, S I, 114. 

(R. Blach£re) 

al-'ABBAS b. 'AMR al-GHANAWI - 

al-'ABBAS b. 'AMR al-GHANAWI, famous 
general and governor of the 'Abbasid caliphs at the 
end of the third century/c. 900. In 286/899 ne fought 
against the Arab tribes in 'Irak. In 287/900 he was 
appointed by the caliph al-Mu'tadid governor of Ya- 
mama and Baljrayn, with orders to fight against the 
Karmatian chief of Bahrayn, Abu Sa'Id al- Djannabl. 
He left Basra with an army of regular soldiers, volun- 
teers from Basra and beduin auxiliaries, was left in 
the lurch in the first battle by the beduins andt he 
volunteers and next day, after a bloody battle, he 
was taken prisoner together with about 700 men 
(end of Radjab 287/July 900). The prisoners were 
executed, but al-'Abbas was spared by the Karma- 
tian, who charged him with a message to the caliph, 
in which he set forth the dangers and the uselessness 
of a new campaign against him. One can find in 
M. J. de Goeje's Memoire sur les Carmathes de Bah- 
rain, 37-41, an account of the battle and its conse- 
quences, after al-Tabari, as well as the anecdote, 
told among others by al-Tanukhi {al-Faradi ba'd 
ul-Shidda, Cairo 1903, i, 110-1), concerning the libe- 
ration of al-'Abbas, a matter of astonishment to 
contemporaries as well as his the historians. Al-'Ab- 
bas was one of the generals who in 289/901-2 aban- 
doned the commander-in-chief, Badr, at the insti- 
gation of the new caliph al-MuktafJ. According to 
Ibn al-Athir he was governor of Kumm and KSshan 
in 296/908-9. He accompanied the army of Mu'nis 
that defended Egypt, in 303-3/914-5, from a Fatimid 
attack (Ibn Taghribirdi, Cairo, iii, 186). At the end 
of his life, we find him as military and civil governor 
of DiySr Mudar, residing in al-Rakka, where he died 
in 305/917. He came, no doubt, from that district, 
and gave his name to a Kasr al-'Abbas, situated 
between Nisibis and Sindjar (Yakut, iv, 114). 

There does not seem to be sufficient reason to 
assume, as has been done in the first ed. of this 
Encyclopaedia, that there was at the same epoch 
another al-'Abbas b. 'Amr, different from ours. 
Bibliography: Tabari, ii, 2193, 2196-7, 2210; 
'Arlb, ed. de Goeje, 69 ; Miskawayhi, ed. Amedroz, 
i, 56; Ibn al-Athir, vii, 344-5, 358; Mas'udI, Mu- 
rudj, viii, 193-4; id., al-Tanbih, 393 f., trad. Carra 
de Vaux, 499-500; Ibn Taghribirdi, Cairo, ii, 122, 
186; Ibn Khallikan. no. 745, transl. de Slane, i, 
427, iii, 417, iv, 331 ; Ibn al-'Imad, Shadharat, 
ii, 194-5; C. Lang, MuHadid als Prim und Regent, 
ZDMG, 1887, 270-1. (M. Canard) 

'ABBAS b. FIRNAS b. WardCs, Abu 'l-Kasim, 
Andalusi scholar and poet, belonging to the 
entourage of the Hispano-Umayyad amirs al-Hakam 
I, 'Abd al-Rahman II and MuhammadI, in the 3rd/gth 
century. No biographical data about him are avail- 
able, and we only know that he was an Umayyad 
mawla of Berber origin, that he came from the kura 
of Takurunna, i.e. the district of Ronda, and that 
he died in 274/887. His strong personality is now 
fully manifest, thanks to the newly found volume 
of Ibn Hayyan's al-Muktabis concerning the 
Andalusi amirate, where a long passage is devoted 
to him and a great number of his verses are quoted. 
'Abbas b. Firnas, who managed, thanks to his pana- 
gyrics, to keep his position at the court of Cordova 
during three successive reigns, is chiefly represented 
as a uian ef curious and inventive mind. He is 
said to have made a journey to 'Irak and to have 
brought back to Spain the Sindhind. He was the 
only one in Cordova to be able to explain the con- 
tents of al-Khalll b. Ahmad's treatise on metrics. 
To him is attributed the invention of the fabrication 
of crystal. He constructed, and offered to his masters, 

a clock (mankana) and an armillary sphere (dhat 
al-halak). He was even a distant precursor of aviation, 
thinking out a sheath furnished with feathers and 
mobile wings; had the courage to put it on, to jump 
from the top of a precipice and to hover in the air 
for a few seconds before falling — escaping death by 
a miracle. He was occasionally accused of iandak.a, 
but without success. 

Bibliography: Ibn Hayyan, al-Muktabis, i 
(in press), fol. 130-2 and passim; Dabbl, Bughya, 
no. 1247; Makkarl, Analectes, ii, 254; A. Gonzalez 
Palencia, Moros y Christianos en EspaHa medieval, 
Madrid 1945, 30 f. ; E. Levi-Provencal, La civili- 
tation arabe en Espagne, 76 f.; idem, Esp. mus., 
i, 274. (E. L£vi-Provencal) 

al-'ABBAS b. al-BUSAYN al-ShIrazI, Abu 
'l-Fapl, vizier. At the death of al-Muhallabl in 
352/963, al-'Abbas, head of the Dlwan of Expenses, 
was charged by the Buyid Mu'izz al-Dawla with 
the functions of a vizier, together with another 
secretary, Ibn Fasandjas, but without succeeding 
to the title. After the death of Mu'izz al-Dawla in 
356/967, he was appointed vizier by the son and 
successor of Mu'izz al-Dawla, Bakfctiyar. He suc- 
ceeded in suppressing the rebellion of another son 
of Mu'izz al-Dawla. Owing to the enmity of the 
chamberlain Subuktakin, the financial difficulties, 
and the intrigues of Ibn Fasandjas who hoped to 
extract money from al-'Abbas, he was deposed in 
359/969-70 and put into the hands of his rival. The 
latter, however, was not more successful in his of- 
fice and al-'Abbas managed to recover his freedom 
in 360/971, to be re-appointed as vizier and to eli- 
minate definitely Ibn Fasandjas. His extortion of 
money, to pay the troops, made him again the butt 
of hatred, especially that of Bakhtiyar's omnipotent 
majordomo, Ibn Bakiyya. In 362/973 he was arrested 
owing the machinations of Ibn Bakiyya, and the 
latter was appointed vizier. Al-'Abbas was confined 
in the house of an 'Alid in Kufa and died soon after- 
wards, probably from poison. 

Al-'Abbas possessed a palace in Baghdad, called 
Khakan, which was destroyed by order of Bakh- 
tiyar. On this palace, the festivals held in it, and 
the other buildings of al-'Abbas, see al-Hnsrl, 
Dhayl Zahr al-Addb, Cairo 1353, 275 f. 

Bibliography: Miskawayh, ii, 121, 198ft., 
310 f.; Tanukhi, Nishwdr al-Muhddara, i, 215; 
Ibn al-Athir, viii, 405 f. (M. Canard) 

al-'ABBAS b. al-MA'MON, pretender to 
the throne under al-Mu'tasim. His father, the ca- 
liph al-Ma'mun, appointed him in 2 13/828-9 a governor 
of al-Djazira and the neighbouring frontier district, 
and he then showed great bravery in fighting the 
Byzantines. On the death of al-Ma'mun in 218/833, 
his brother, Abu Ishak Muhammad al-Mu'tasim 
bi-'llah, by choice of the deceased, ascended the 
throne of the 'Abbasids. The army which al-Ma'- 
mun had collected against the Greeks, however, 
proclaimed al-'Abbas caliph, although he himself was 
not in the least disposed to comply with the wishes 
of his troops and took the oath of fealty to his uncle. 
After that, he went back to his army and succeeded 
in appeasing its discontent. Then the caliph, in order 
to strengthen his position, took many measures of 
precaution; he had the fortress of Tuwana (Tyana) 
raz&l, stopped the war against the Byzantines and 
disbanded the army. Later, having organized some 
Turkish regiments as his guard, he loaded them with 
honours to an extent wbich disaffected the Arab 
troops, who had shown themselves sufficiently ill- 
disposed ever since the death of al-Ma'mun. 'Udjayf 

l-MA'MUN — al-'ABBAS b 

b. 'Anbasa, an Arab general in the service of al- 
Mu'tasim utilized this discontent for the purpose of 
organizing a conspiracy, the object of which was 
to assassinate the caliph and to put al-'Abbas on the 
throne. The latter allowed himself to be persuaded; 
but the plot was discovered, and the conspirators 
paid for their attempt with their lives. Al- 'Abbas 
died in prison at Manbidj in 223/838. 

Bibliography: Ya'kubi; Tabari; Mas'udi, 
Murudi, indexes; al-A ghdni, Tables; Fragm. 
Hist. Arab. (De Goeje-and de Jong), passim; 
Ibn al-Athir, Index; E. Marin, Abu Ja'far Mu- 
hammad b. Jarir al-Tabari's The Reign of al-Mu- 
to'sim, New Haven 1951, index. 

(K. V. Zettersteen) 
al-'ABBAS b. MIRDAS b. AbI 'Amir b. Haritha 
b. 'Abd Kays, of Sulaym, Arabian poet of the 
mukhadramin. A sayyid in his tribe by noble des- 
cent on both sides, he won renown as a warrior as 
well as a poet; although he did not come up to the 
fame of his stepmother, the celebrated al-Khansa'. 
his poetical achievements surpassed those of his 
brothers and his sister all of whom displayed literary 
gifts and two of whom lived to compose elegies on 
his death. Impelled, so the story goes, by two dream 
experiences or epiphanies in which his family idol, 
Dimar (not pimad, cf. TA, iii, 353) announced its 
own downfall and the rise of the true prophet, 
al-'Abbas went to Medina to embrace Islam. Mu- 
hammad, who was at the time preparing for the 
conquest of Mecca, arranged for al-'Abbas to meet 
him with his tribesmen at al-Kudayd. Al-'Abbas 
returned to the Banu Sulaym and burned his idol 
while his wife, Habiba, returned to her people in 
indignation over her husband's conversion. Al- 
'Abbas kept his word and joined in the fath Mahha 
(8/630) with some 900 fully armed warriors. He was 
among the mu'allafa kulubuhum, those influential 
men whose loyalty Muhammad endeavored to secure 
by lavish gifts, but demurred when on the distri- 
bution of the booty taken from the Hawazin at 
the battle of Hunayn (630) his present turned out 
substantially smaller than that of other leaders. 
As a result of a kasida of protest Muhammad satis- 
fied al-'Abbas by increasing his share. After the 
fath he withdrew to the territory of the Sulaym. 
He lived into the reign of 'Umar before whom he 
is reported to have appeared in a quarrel with an- 
other poet. Ibn Sa c d reports that he settled near 
Basra, often coming into town where the Basrians 
would take traditions from him. His son Djulhuma, 
too, appears as a transmitter of hadith from the 
Prophet. His offspring settled in and near Basra. 
Al-'Abbas's poetical fame would seem to be due 
as much to his colourful personality as to the actual 
merits of his verse. His mukadjat with his fellow- 
tribesman Khufaf b. Nadba, his poem upon his bur- 
ning pimar and accepting Islam, his protest against 
the Prophet's inadequate donation, and finally a 
kasida {Asma ( iyydt, XXXVIII; cf. introduction, 12) 
originating in connection with a successful raid into 
the Yaman are perhaps the best-known of his poems, 
which it seems were never collected into a diwdn. 
The available material gives evidence of a certain 
forcefulness but does not betray unusual talents. 
Some of his lines are interesting because of dialectical 
peculiarities, others because of the manner in which 
they reflect his experience of Islam. 

Bibliography: Aghdni 1 , xiii, 64-72; Ibn 
Kutayba, Shi'r, 467-70; Ibn Sa'd, iv/2, 15-17; 
Hamdsa of Abu Tammam, pp. 61-63 (ascription 
doubtful), 214-6, 512-3; Ibn Hisham, Sira, index; 

Khizdna, index ; Tabari, index ; C. Rabin, A ncient 
West Arabian, London 1951, index. 

(G. E. von Grunebaum) 
al-'ABBAS b. MUHAMMAD B. 'AlI b. 'Abd 
Allah, brother of the caliphs Abu l-'Abbas al-Saffahi 
and Abu Dja'far al-Mansur. 'Abbas helped to retake 
Malatya in 139/756, and three years later was ap- 
pointed by al-Mansur as governor of al-DjazIra and 
the neighbouring frontier district. He was dismissed 
in 155/772, but his name continues to figure frequently 
in the history of the following years, however little 
important his political part may have been. He es- 
pecially and often distinguished himself in the wars 
against the Byzantines. In 159/775-6 he was put 
at the head of the troops which the caliph al-Mahdi 
mustered for an expedition against Asia Minor, and 
it was with great success that he acquitted himself 
of the charge committed to him. He died in 186/802. 
Bibliography: Tabari, iii, 121; Baladhuri, 
Futuh, 184; Ya'kubi, ii, 461 ff.; Ibn al-Athir, v, 
372 ff.; Mas'udi, Murudi, vi, 266; ix, 64 t; Fragm. 
Hist. Arab, (de Goeje and de Jong), 225, 227, 265, 
275, 284; Abu '1-Mahasin (Juynboll andMatthes), 
i, see index; al-A ghdni, Tables; S. Moscati, in 
Orientalia, 1945, 309-10. (K. V. Zettersteen) 
'ABBAS b. NA$IH al-Thakafi, Andalusi poet 
of the 3rd/gth century. He stayed for a long time 
in Egypt, Hidjaz and 'Irak, acquiring a broad culture. 
A confidant of the amir al-Hakam I, who appointed 
him as kadi of his native Algeciras, he soon made 
a name for himself both as a philologist and a jurist. 
The Muktabis of Ibn Hayyan has preserved 
numerous specimens of his poetry. He died at the 
end of the reign of 'Abd al-Rahman II, circa 238/852. 
Bibliography: Ibn Hayyan, al-Muktabis, i 
(in press), fol. 129 f.; Ibn al-Faradi, Td'rikh, 
no. 879; Makkari, Nafh, index. 

(E. Levi-Provencal) 
al-'ABBAS b. al-WAL1D, Umayyad general, 
son of the caliph al-Walid I. Al-'AbbSs owes his 
celebrity principally to the energetic part he took 
in the continual struggles of the Umayyads with 
the Byzantines. Concerning the details, the Arabic 
and Byzantine sources do not always agree. In the 
early part of the reign of al-Walid I, he and his uncle 
Maslama b. c Abd al-Malik, took Tuwana, the most 
important fortress of Cappadocia. The Muslims had 
begun to be discouraged and 'Abbas had to display 
the greatest energy to succeed in stopping the fugi- 
tives and renewing the battle. The Greeks were 
forced to retire into the town, which was immedi- 
ately invested and had to surrender after a long siege. 
Arab historians give Pjumada II 88/May 707 as 
the date of the fall of the fortress, but the Byzantines 
put it two years later. For the following period, 
the Arabic chronicles mention many military ex- 
peditions undertaken by the two Umayyad generals, 
sometimes jointly, sometimes by one of them in- 
dependently of the other. The most remarkable 
events were the taking of Sebastopol in Cilicia by 
'Abbas, and of Amasia in Pontus by Maslama, in 
93/712. In the following year, fAbbas seized Antioch 
in Pisidia. He continued to support Maslama faith- 
fully in subsequent battles. When, after the death 
of 'Umar II in 101/720, Yazld b. al-Muhallab, the 
governor of 'Irak, fomented a dangerous insur- 
rection, 'Abbas was sent against him, first alone, 
then he and Maslama together. Yazld was killed, 
in a battle against the caliph's troops in 102/720, 
and peace was soon restored. In the reign of Walld 
II, he first was intelligent and loyal enough to 
oppose the plot of his brother Yazld, whom he 


warned, together with the other Marwanids, not to 
loose by their revolts the fitna, which would prove 
fatal to the dynasty. But at the end he had to give 
in to violence and join the coup d'etat of 126/744. 
Later he was thrown into prison by the last Umayyad 
caliph, Marwan II. He died in prison in Harran, 
in an epidemic, in 132/750. 

Bibliography: Tabari, ii, 1191ft.; Ya'Ifubi, 

ii, 350 ff.; Baladhuri, Futuh, 170, 189, 369; G. 

Weil, Gesch. d. Chalifen, i, 510 ff.; A. Miiller, Der 

Islam im Morgen- und Abendland, i, 415 f.; W. 

Brooks, in Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1898, 182; 

J. Wellhausen, Die Kampfe der Araber mit den 

Romdern, NGWOStt, 1901, 436 f.; F. Gabrieli, in 

RSO, 1934, 19-20, 22. 

(K. V. Zettersteen — F. Gabrieli) 

'ABBAS EFENDI [see baha'Is] 

'ABBAS HILMl I, viceroy of Egypt, born 
in 1813, son of Ahmad Tusun (1793-1816) and grand- 
son of Muhammad 'All [q.v.]. He succeeded to his 
uncle Ibrahim, who died 10 Nov. 1848. From his very 
accession he showed great hostility to foreigners. 
The reforms undertaken during the preceding period 
he chose to consider as dangerous and blameworthy 
innovations that were best abandoned. Most of the 
schools opened by Muhammad 'Ali were closed, as 
well as the factories, workshops and sanitary i 
stitutions ; he even gave orders to destroy the works 
of the Delta dam. Many foreign, especially French, 
officials were dismissed. The result was, from the 
beginning of his reign, the decline of French in- 
fluence; on the other hand, he drew nearer to Great 
Britain. Great Britain offered him its support in 
the conflict with the Ottoman government about 
the application in Egypt of the tanzimdt [q.v.]. In 
■exchange for this support, Great Britain obtained 
on 18 July 185 1 the authorisation to construct the 
railway between Alexandria and Cairo. The opening 
of this line, which was planned to be extended to 
Suez, was meant to counteract the French project 

Distrustful, brutal, hard, and sometimes cruel, 
by nature, 'Abbas quickly became unpopular. It 
must be noted, however, that at least in the first 
years of his reign, his aversion to the reforms in- 
spired by the West, helped, by a considerable de- 
crease of the expenses, to relieve the poorest classes 
of the population. They were granted some remis- 
sion of taxes and had less to suffer from corvee and 
conscription. Moreover, certain western and Egypt- 
ian historians haye tried to explain the reactionary 
and xenophobe policy of 'Abbas by an ardent pa- 
triotism, which, allegedly, induced him to limit by 
all means the foreign influence of the consequences 
of which he was afraid; Sammarco, however, has 
refuted this assertion. 

'Abbas, impelled by his mistrustful character to 
live in isolation, retired to his palace in Benha. 
He was strangled there by two of his servants, on 
13 July 1854, in circumstances which were never 
■wholly cleared up. He was succeeded by his uncle 
Muh. Sa'id [q.v.]. 

Bibliography: Precis de Vhistoire de VEgypte 
par divers historiens et archiologues, vol. iv: Les 
regnes de 'Abbas, de Sa'id et d'IsmaHl (1848-1879), 
by A. Sammarco, Cairo 1935, 1-17; G. Hanotaux, 
Histoire de la nation egyptienne, vol. vi, Paris 1936; 
J. Heyworth-Dunne, Introduction to the History of 
Education in Modern Egypt, London [1939], 285- 
312 and index. (M. Colombe) 

'ABBAS HILMl II, khedive of Egypt, bom 
in Alexandria, 14 July 1874, died in Geneva 20 

Dec. 1944. He studied in the Theresianum in Vienna 
together with his brother Muh. C A1I (b. 9 Nov. 1875) 
and succeeded to his father, Muh. Tawfik [q.v.], 
on 8 Jan. 1892. He soon came into conflict with the 
diplomatic agents and consuls general of England 
in Cairo, first Sir Evelyn Baring (Lord Cromer), 
and then Lord Kitchener [see misr]. 

When in August 1914 the world war broke out, 
c Abb5s Hilml was in Istanbul, where he had arrived 
in the summer. Having been wounded on 25 July 
in an attempt on his life, he remained in the Ottoman 
capital for treatment. From there he addressed to 
the Egyptians and Sudanese, on Turkey entering 
the war on the side of the Central Powers, an appeal 
to fight against the occupiers of his country. On 
the same day the state of siege was declared in 
Cairo. A month later, on 18 Dec, the British Govern- 
ment decided to put Egypt under their protectorate ; 
on 19 Dec, the khedive was deposed and replaced 
by prince Husayn Kamil, the eldest of the princes 
of the family of Muh. 'All. 

During the war, 'Abbas Hilml, kept in the back- 
ground by the Young Turks, lived first in Istanbul 
and then in Vienna, whence he made several jour- 
neys to Switzerland. He spent in that country the 
last part of his life. In 1922, when Egypt became 
a sovereign and independent state (British declaration 
of 28 Febr. 1922), and the sultan Fu'ad [q.v.], 
successor of Husayn Kamil, who died in 1917, took 
the title of king (15 March 1922), the ex-khedive 
was declared to have lost all his rights to the throne 
(this measure was not applied to "his direct and 
legitimate masculine descendants"; royal rescript 
of 13.4.1922, Official Journal of Egypt of 15.4, no. 
38, extraordinary). His property was liquidated and 
he was forbidden to enter Egypt. Nevertheless, 
'Abbas Hilml had for some time many partisans 
in Egypt and it was only in May 1931 that he re- 
nounced "all pretension to the throne". 

The ex-khedive had two sons, Muh. 'Abd al- 
Mun'im and Mu&. 'Abd al-Kadir. The first (b. 20 
Febr. 1899) was appointed, on the abdication of 
king Faruk (26 July 1952) as a member of the re- 
gency council, and became, on Oct. 1952, sole regent 
of the kingdom until the proclamation of the Re- 
public in June 1953. 

Bibliography: Lord Cromer, Modern Egypt, 
London 1908; idem, Abbas II, London 1915; G. 
Hanotaux, Histoire de la nation igyptienne, vol. 
vii; Hasan Chafik, Statut juridique international 
de VEgypte, Paris 1928 ; Mohamed Seif Alia Rouchdi, 
UH&rediti du tr6ne en Egypte contemporaine, Paris 
1943; Abbas Hilmi II, A few words on the Anglo- 
Egyptian settlement, London 1929. (M. Colombe) 
'ABBAS MlRZA, son of Fath 'All Shah, 
born in Dhu '1-Hidjdja 1203/Sept. 1789, in the small 
town of Nawa, died on 10 Djumada II 1249/25 
Oct. 1833. Although not the eldest son, he was made 
heir to the throne because his mother also belonged 
to the Kadjar family. Europeans who knew him 
were unanimous in their praise of his bravery, gene- 
rosity and other excellent qualities. R. G. Watson 
(History of Persia, 128-9) describes him as "the 
noblest of the Kajar race". He was passionately 
devoted to the military art, and, with the aid of, 
successively, Russian, French, and British officers 
and men, introduced European tactics and disci- 
pline amongst his troops in Adharbaydjan, of which 
province he was Governor-General for many years. 
Despite his military reforms, he failed in his cam- 
paigns against the Russians, but he was successful 
in the war against Turkey in 1821-3. 


He died at Mashhad during his father's lifetime; 
on Fath 'All Shah's death in the following year 
(1834), 'Abbas MIrza's son Muhammad succeeded 
to the throne. 

Bibliography: Muhammad Hasan Khan, 
Mafia 1 al-Shams, Teheran 1301, Suppl., 5; , Rida 
Xuli Khan, Rawdat al-Safd-yi Ndsiri, ix, 342; J. 
Morier, A second journey through Persian, Armenia 
and Asia Minor, London 1818, 185-6, 211-20; 
Maurice de Kotzpbue, Voyage en Perse, Paris 1819, 
131 ff.; A. Dupre, Voyage en Perse, Paris 1819, 
ii, 235; P. A. Jaubert, Voyage en Armenie et en 
Perse, Paris 1821, i5i-72;/Jf-4S, 1834, 322; ZDMG, 
1848,401:1866,294. (L. Lockhart) 

'ABBASA, daughter of the caliph al-Mahdi, 
sister of the caliphs Harun al-Rashld and al-Hadl; 
it is to her that the locality Suwaykat al-'Abbasa 
owes its name. She had three husbands in succession, 
who all predeceased her; this inspired Abu Nuwas 
to write some satirical verses, in which he recom- 
manded the caliph, should he want to have a traitor 
killed, to marry him to 'Abbasa. Her name is con- 
nected with the fall of the Barmakids through the 
amorous intrigue with Dja'far b. Yahya al-Barmaki, 
with which she is credited. According to al-Tabari, 
Harun could not deprive himself of the society of 
either his sister or Dja'far, so that, in order to have 
them both with him at the same time, he made 
them contract a purely formal marriage. They, 
however, were not contented with the form alone; 
and when Harun learned that they had children, 
and was convinced that the reports in circulation 
about them were true, he caused Dja'far to be exe- 
cuted. — Some earlier historians than al-Tabari do not 
mention this fact; especially it must be noticed that 
the commentaries on the verses of Abu Nuwas 
give the names of 'Abbasa's husbands without men- 
tioning that of Dja'far. Further, al-Tabari, like the 
other chroniclers who repeat this story, only men- 
tions it as one of the events which were reported 
to have caused Dja'far's execution. Later chroniclers 
amplify the love-story of Dja'far and 'Abbasa more 
and more, until Ibn Khaldun calls its truth in 
question, even if on grounds which are not very 
conclusive for us. If one detail, found in the Persian 
Tabari, must be believed, 'Abbasa was already 
forty years old when her relations with Dja'far be- 
gan. It is quite certain that her second husband 
died eleven years before Dja'far, and these figures 
put all ideas of a youthful romance out of the 
question. We may then reasonably look upon this 
anecdote as the product of popular imagination, to 
give a poetic aura to the fall of this favorite minister. 
This is the more likely in that pagan Arab stories 
contain a remarkably similar episode of the mar- 
riage of the minister of a king with the latter's 
sister (see djadhIma al-abrash) ;■ it was very easy 
to transfer to Dja'far the motif of this story. 
What the greater number of authorities 'report 
on the subject of 'Abbasa is reported by some 
about two other fictitious sisters of Harun, May- 
muna and Fakhita! The older authorities say 
nothing about what happened to 'Abbasa. after 
the death of Dja'far; it is only the later writers 
who have woven mysterious horrors about her end. 
The love of 'Abbasa and Dja'far has frequently 
appealed to the imagination of European as well 
as Arabian authors: in 1753 a French romance ap- 
peared, and again more recently, in 1904 (Aime 
Giron and Albert Tozza, Les nuits de Bagdad). 
Bibliography: Abu Nuwas, Diwdn, ed. Is- 
kandar Asaf, 174; Yakut, iii, 200; Muslim b. al- 

Walid, Diwdn, 213, 304; al-Aghdni 1 , xx, 32; Ibn 

Kutayba, al-Ma c drif, 193; Tabari, iii, 676; Persian 

recension of the same, transl. Zotenberg, iv, 464 ; 

Mas'udI, Murudj, vi, 338; Fragmenta historicorum 

arab., ed. de Goeje and de Jong, i, 307; pseudo- 

Ibn Kutayba, al-Imdma, ii, 330; Ibn Badrun, ed. 

Dozy, 229; Ibn Taghribirdi, i, 465, 481; Ibn Khal- 

likan, no. 129; Ibn Abl Hadjala, Diwdn al-Sabdba 

(on the margin of Tazyin al-Aswdk), i, 54; Itlldi, 

I'-ldm al-Nds, 87 ; Alf Layla wa-Layla, ed. Habicht, 

vii, 259; G. Weil, Gesch. d. Chalifen, ii, 137; A. 

Miiller, Der Islam im Morgen- und Abendland, i, 

480; Chauvin, Bibliogr., v, 168. (J. Horovitz) 

'ABBASA, town in Egypt, the name of which 

derives from that of 'Abbasa, daughter of Ahmad 

b. Tulun. The princess had pitched her camp on 

its place and it was there that she said good-bye 

to Katr al-Nada, daughter of Khumarawayh, who 

was going to marry the caliph al-Mu'tadid. Around 

this casual encampment buildings were raised and 

Kasr 'Abbasa, the "palace of 'Abbasa", became the 

township of 'Abbasa. It was at that time the last 

town on the road to Syria, situated as it was at the 

entrance of the Wadi Tumllat, that narrow strip 

of vegetation that reaches to the East as far as the 

Bitter Seas, and was called in the Middle Ages 

Wadi al-Sadir and even WadI*'Abbasa. 

The town was, therefore, destined to play a military 
role and, in effect, it was a rallying point for troops 
during the last period of the Tulunids and again 
under the Mamluks. A customs-house was established 
to collect duty on goods imported from Syria; it 
is mentioned in connection with certain adjustments 
of rates ordered by the sultan Barkuk. 

The Fatimids did not often leave their capital, 
but nevertheless, according to al-MakdisI, 'Abbasa 
had smarter houses than Fustat, with protruding 
balconies. It was embellished especially by the Ay- 
yubid al-Malik al-Kamil, who paid the town long 
visits. He had gardens laid out and pavilions built. 
The ruler came to hunt and to fish, and couriers 
on dromedaries brought him from Cairo the political 
and administrative news. 

'Abbasa kept until the end of the Mamluk period 
its role as a meeting-place for hunts, and even Ka 5 - 
itbay used to visit it from time to time. The town 
had long since lost its strategic importance owing 
to the foundation of Salihiyya about 35 miles to 
the North-East, and later that of Zahiriyya, in the 
immediate neighbourhood of 'Abbasa. 

The district was inhabited by beduin Arabs, 
who nomadized in the Wadi Tumllat, and whose 
chief, according to some authorities, resided in 
'Abbasa. Nevertheless, 'Abbasa is no longer men- 
tioned in the Ottoman period and its name does 
not appear in al-Djabarti's chronicle. It was from 
Salihiyya that the troops of Bonaparte watched the 
desert road. 'Abbasa is today an unimportant town- 
ship, between Abu Hammad and Tall al-Kabir. 
Bibliography: In addition to the authors 
quoted in J. Maspero and G. Wiet, Matiriaux, 
MIFAO, xxxvi, 1245, see al-Makrizi, ed. MIFAO, 
xlvi and xlix, index; Makdisi, 196; Kindi, 247; 
Ibn Taghribirdi, Cairo, iii, 109-11, 135, 138, 139, 
148; viii, 141; x, 170-1,232; Ibn Iyas, ed. Kahle 
and Mustafa, iii, 65, 123, 188; transl. Wiet, ii, 
74, 143, 214; Zaky Mohamed Hassan, Les Tulunides 
147, 149, 179. (G. Wiet) 

'ABBASABAD, name of numerous places in 
Persia. The best-known is a fortified borough 
lying by the Cashme-yi-gaz on the Khurasan road, 
between Sabzawar (circa 75 miles) and Shahrud 


(circa 68 miles), where Shah 'Abbas I [q.v.] settled 
a colony of some hundred families of Georgians. 
In 1934 there remained only one old woman who re- 
membered Georgian. Another 'Abbasabad was built 
by Prince 'Abbas MIrza [q.v.'] on the left bank of 
the Araxes (near Nakhcuwan). Together with its 
tfU-de-pont on the right bank, it was ceded to Russia 
by the treaty of 1828. (V. Minorsky) 

'ABBASl [see sikka] 

'ABBASIDS (Banu 'l-'Abbas), the dynasty of 
the Caliphs from 132/750 to 656/1258. The dynasty 
takes its name from its ancestor, al-'Abbas b. 'Abd 
al-Muttalib b. Hashim, the uncle of the Prophet. 

The story of the origins and nature of the move- 
ment that overthrew the Umayyad Caliphate and 
established the 'Abbasid dynasty in its place was 
for long known only in the much-revised version 
put about when the dynasty had already attained 
power, and, with it, respectability. A more critical 
version was proposed by G. van Vloten (De opkomst 
der Abbasiden in Chorasan, Leiden 1890, and Re- 
cherches sur la domination arabe, U chiitisme el les 
croyances messianiques sous U calif at des Omayyades, 
Amsterdam 1894), and developed by J. Wellhausen 
(in the final chapter of his Das Arabische Reich 
und sein Sturz, Berlin 1902; English transl., Calcutta 
1927). His findings, with some modifications, have 
been confirmed by subsequent research, and more 
especially by the new information that has come to 
light in recent years on the early history of the 
Shi'a sects, notably in the Firak al-SM'-a of al-Naw- 
bakhtl (ed. H. Ritter, Istanbul 1931)- They were 
to a remarkable degree anticipated by Ibn Khaldun 
in his history. 

The 'Abbasid party that won power from the 
Umayyads was known as Hashimiyya. According 
to the later chronicles, this name referred to Hashim, 
the common ancestor of al-'Abbas, c Ali and the Pro- 
phet, and it has been taken as asserting a claim to 
the succession based on kinship with the Prophet. 
In fact the name was of a quite different signifi- 
cance, and reveals very clearly the true origins of 
the 'Abbasid party. During the Umayyad period 
the large number of Shi'ite and pro-Shl'ite sects and 
parties that flourished in different parts of the 
Empire, but especially in Southern 'Irak, may be 
broadly divided into two main groups. One of them 
followed the pretenders of the line of Fatima, and 
was, generally speaking, moderate, differing from 
the dominant faith chiefly by its support, on legi- 
timist grounds, for the political claims of the house 
of C A1I. The other first appeared in the revolt of al- 
Mukhtar, who rose in 66/685 in the name of Mu- 
hammad, a son of 'AH by a HanafI woman. For the 
next sixty or seventy years the claims of Muhammad 
b. al-Hanafiyya and his successors were advanced 
by a series of sects of a more extreme character, 
deriving their main support from the resentful and 
imperfectly Islamised mawdli and embodying in their 
teachings many ideas brought by these converts 
from their previous religions.' After the death of 
Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya in 81/700-1, his fol- 
lowers split into three main groups, one of which 
followed his son Abu Hashim 'Abd Allah [q.v.], and 
was known after him as Hashimiyya. On the death 
of Abu Hashim without issue in 98/716, his followers 
again split into several groups, one of which main- 
tained that Abu Hashim had bequeathed the Ima- 
mate to Muhammad b. £ A1I b. 'Abd Allah b. al- 
'Abbas, just before he died in the house of Muham- 
mad b. 'All's father in Palestine. This group conti- 
nued to be known as Hashimiyya, and also as Ra- 

wandiyya (cf. S. Moscati, II testament*} di Abu Haiim> 
RSO 1952, 28 ff.). It may be noted in passing that 
the doctrine that the Imamate can be bequeathed 
or transferred by the Imam to another person is 
by no means infrequent in early ShI'ism (see B. 
Lewis, The origins of IsmdHlism, Cambridge 1940, 
25 ff. and 44 ff.). 

Whether or not the story of the bequest of Abu 
Hashim is, as has been suggested, fictitious, the 
main fact remains clear: that Muhammad b. 'Al! 
took over the claims of Abu Hashim, and, with 
them, the sect and propaganda organisation of the 
Hashimiyya, which he then proceeded to transform 
into the instrument of the 'Abbasid party. He seems 
to have lost little time in using it. The accounts 
given by the historians of the first 'Abbasid missions 
are incomplete and in part contradictory. Broadly, 
they indicate that intensive propaganda began from 
about 100/718. From headquarters in Kufa, the 
Hashimiyya sent emissaries to Khurasan, one of 
whom, Khidash, won considerable success, but was 
executed in 118/736 after prematurely showing his 
hand. The moderate ShI'a, whose support Muham- 
mad b. 'Ali was still seeking, were alienated by the 
extreme doctrines taught by Khidash. and after 
his death Muhammad deemed it advisable to disa- 
vow him and place his own organisation in Khurasan 
under the control of the Shi'ite chief missionary, 
Sulayman b. Kathir [q.v.]. A period of inactivity 
followed, during which Muhammad died in 125/743. 
His son Ibrahim [q.v.] succeeded to his claims and 
was accepted by the followers in Khurasan, including 
Sulayman b. Kathir. With Ibrahim a new phase of 
activity began. In 128/745-6 Ibrahim sent his 
mawld Abu Muslim [q.v.] as his personal represen- 
tative to Khurasan. The sources differ on the origin 
of Abu Muslim, but agree that he was a Persian, and 
a freedman of Ibrahim. The use of the kunya was 
at that time a privilege rarely enjoyed by non-Arabs, 
and its employment by Persian emissaries of the 
'Abbasids like Abu Muslim, his lieutenant Abu 
Djahm, and his rival Abu Salama al-Khallal is not 
without significance. Considered in the light of the 
statements in some sources that Abu Muslim claimed 
or was granted membership of the 'Abbasid house, 
it may well be an example of the practice, common 
among the extreme ShI'a, of granting to favoured 
supporters adoptive membership of the house of 
the Prophet, and thus, incidentally as it were, of 
the Arab nation. A modified form of this method 
of adoption later became part of the dynastic policy 
of the 'Abbasid caliphs (see abna 1 ). 

Abu Muslim's mission to Khurasan achieved a 
rapid and resounding success. While his main appeal 
was to the Persian mawdli, he also found important 
support among the Yemenite Arabs, and is said 
to have won over many of the Zoroastrian and 
Buddhist dihkdns, some of whom were now convert- 
ed to Islam for the first time. Opinions differ as 
to the nature of Abu Muslim's teachings. Two 
things are clear however — that he was a loyal agent 
of the Hashimiyya, and that they were a part of 
the extremist wing of the Shi'a. It seems likely 
therefore that the doctrines he taught were of the 
kind current among the extreme Shi'a — probably 
including elements of Iranian origin, and thus the 
more acceptable to those whom he addressed. The 
hoisting of the black flags, later accepted as the 
emblem of the house of 'Abbas, had at this stage 
a messianic significance. Black flags were among 
the signs and portents listed in the eschatological 
prophecies current at the time, and had been used 

as emblems of religious revolt by earlier rebels against 
the Umayyads. Their use by Abu Muslim was thus 
an appeal to messianic expectations. His activities 
aroused some opposition among the more moderate 
Arab ShI'a, led by Sulayman b. Kathlr, but a tactical 
withdrawal of Abu Muslim from Khurasan was suf- 
ficient to demonstrate that no effective movement 
was possible without him and his policies, and led 
to his return as undisputed leader of the mission. 
By Ramadan 129/May-June 747 he was ready to 
show his hand. The time and the place were aus- 
picious. The moderate ShI'a and the Khawaridj, the 
two most important opposition movements against 
the Umayyads, had both shot their bolt — the 
former in the risings of 122/740 and 126/744, the 
latter in the rebellion of 127/745. These served the 
double purpose of weakening the Umayyad regime 
and, by their failure, eliminating possible rivals to 
the Hashiml succession. 'Irak, the main centre of 
previous anti-Umayyad movements, was exhausted, 
and was moreover subject to special Umayyad sur- 
veillance. In concentrating their attention on Khu- 
rasan, the 'Abbasids were breaking new grounds. 
Their choice was good. An active and warlike Persian 
population, imbued with the religious and military 
traditions of the frontier, was deeply resentful of 
the inequalities imposed by Umayyad rule. The 
Arab army and settlers, half Persianized by long 
residence, were sharply divided among themselves, 
and even during the triumphal progress of Abu 
Muslim diverted their own energies and those of 
the Umayyad governor, Nasr b. Sayyar [q.v.], to 
Arab inter-tribal strife. Soon Abu Muslim was able 
to take Marw, and then, ably seconded by his 
general Kahtaba [q.v.], an Arab of the tribe of 
Tayy, seized all Khurasan from the crumbling 
Umayyad power. From Khurasan the 'Abbasid forces 
advanced to Rayy and then, after defeating a relie- 
ving Umayyad army from Kirman, captured Ni- 
hawand. The way was now open to 'Ir^k. In 132/749 
the 'Abbasid army crossed the Euphrates some 30 
or 40 miles north of Kufa, and engaged and defeated 
another Umayyad army led by Ibn Hubayra [q.v.]. 
Kahtaba feli on the field of battle, but his son, al- 
Hasan b. Kahtaba, took command, and following 
up the victory, took possession of the city of Kufa. 
Ibrahim al-Imam had fallen into the hands of the 
Caliph Marwan in 130/748, and died shortly after. It 
was therefore his brother, Abu 'l-'Abbas [q.v.] who 
was hailed as Caliph by the Hashimi troops in Kufa 
in 132/749, with the title al-Saffah. The accession 
of the first 'Abbasid Caliph was accompanied by 
the first breach with the revolutionaries, when the 
missionary Abu Salama [q.v.] was put to death in 
obscure circumstances, allegedly for attempting 
to bring about the replacement of the 'Abbasids 
by the 'Alids. Abu Muslim undertook his removal, 
perhaps in return for 'Abbasid acquiescence in the 
death of Sulayman b. Kathlr. Meanwhile another 
'Abbasid army, led by Abu 'Awn, advanced from 
Nihawand towards Mesopotamia. In 131/749, in 
the neighbourhood of Shahrazur, cast of the Lesser 
Zab river, he inflicted a crushing defeat on an 
Umayyad army led by 'Abd Allah, the son of the 
caliph Marwan. Marwan now himself took the field, 
and marched across the Tigris towards the Greater 
Zab river, to engage the army of Abu 'Awn. The 
latter had meanwhile handed over his command to 
'Abd Allah, the uncle of al-Saffah, who had arrived 
from Kufa with considerable reinforcements. The 
battle of the Greater Zab, in 132/750, sealed the 
'ate of the Umayyad Caliphate. The defeated Mar- 

wan fled to Syria, where he tried in vain to organize 
further resistance. The victorious 'Abbasid troops 
advanced through Harran, the residence of Marwan, 
into Syria, occupied Damascus, and then pursued 
Marwan into Egypt, where he was killed and his 
head sent to al-Saffah in Kufa. The authority o 
the new 'Abbasid caliph was now established all 
over the Middle East. 

Much has been written about the historical sig- 
nificance of the 'Abbasid revolution, which histo- 
rians have rightly seen to be something more than 
a mere change of dynasty. Many nineteenth century 
orientalists, unduly influenced by the racial theories 
of Gobineau and others, saw in the struggle a con- 
flict between the Aryanism of Iran and the Semitism 
of Arabia, ending in a victory for the Persians over 
the Arabs, the destruction of what Wellhausen called 
the "Arab Kingdom" of the Umayyads, and the es- 
tablishment of a new Iranian Empire under a cloak 
of Persianized Islam. There is at first sight much 
to support this view: the undoubted role of the Per- 
sians in the revolution itself, the prominent place 
of Persian ministers and courtiers in the new regime, 
the strong Persian elements in 'Abbasid government 
and culture. It is not surprising to*find some state- 
ments to the same effect in the Arabic sources (Cf. 
al-Mas'Odl, Murudj, viii, 292 ; al-Djahiz,- al-Baydn 
wa 'l-Tabyin, iii, 181 and 206; etc.). More recent 
writers have however made important modifications 
in the theories both of Persian victory and of Arab 
defeat. Shi'ism, for long regarded as an expression 
of the "Iranian national consciousness", was of 
Arab origin, and had its main centre among the 
mixed Arab, Aramaean and Persian population of 
southern 'Irak. It was taken to Persia by Arabs, 
and remained strongest in areas of Arab settlement 
like Kumm. The revolt of Abu Muslim was directed 
against Umayyad and Syrian rather than Arab rule 
as such, and won the support of many Arabs, es- 
pecially among the Yemenites. There were many 
Arabs even among its leaders, including the redoubt- 
able general Kahtaba. Though racial antagonisms 
no doubt played their part in the movement, and 
though Persians were prominent among the victors, 
they nevertheless served an Arab dynasty, and, as 
the fate of Abu Muslim, Abu Salama and the Bar- 
makids shows, received short shrift if they fell foul 
of their masters. Many high offices under the state 
were at first reserved to Arabs, Arabic was still 
the sole official language, Arabian land remained 
fiscally privileged, and the doctrine of Arab supe- 
riority remained strong enough, on the one hand, 
to induce Persians to provide themselves with fa- 
bricated Arab pedigrees, on the other to provoke 
the nationalist reaction of the Shu'ubivva [q.v.]. 
What the Arabs had lost was the exclusive right to 
the fruits of power. Persians as well as Arabs came 
to the 'Abbasid court, and the favour of the ruler, 
often expressed in the form of "adoption" into the 
Royal household, rather than pure Arab descent, 
came to be the passport to power and prestige. If 
a term must be set to the Arab Kingdom, it must 
be sought in the gradual cessation of the allowances 
and pensions formerly paid as of right to the Arab 
warriors and their families, and in the rise to power 
of the Turkish guards from the time of al-Mu'tasim. 

The real significance of the 'Abbasid victory must 
be sought in the facts of the change that followed 
it, rather than in dubiously documented hypotheses 
on the movement that produced it. The first and 
most obvious change was the transfer of the centre 
of gravity from Syria to 'Irak, the traditional centre 

of the great cosmopolitan Empires of the ancient 
Middle East, and of the civilisation to which Toynbee 
has given the name "Syriac". The first 'Abbasid 
caliph al-Saffah set up his capital in the small 
town of Hashimiyya, which he built on the east bank 
of the Euphrates near Kufa. Later he transferred 
the capital to al-Anbar. It was his brother and 
successor, al-Mansur, in many ways the real founder 
of the 'Abbasid Caliphate, who established the per- 
manent capital of the Empire in a new city on the 
west bank of the Tigris, near the ruins of Ctesiphon 
and at the intersection of several trade-routes. Its 
official name was Madinat al-Salam, but it is usually 
known by the name of the small town that previously 
occupied the site — Baghdad. 

From this city or its neighbourhood the 'Abbasid 
dynasty first ruled, and later reigned, as heads of 
the greater part of the Islamic world for five centuries. 
The period of their sovereignty, covering the great 
epoch of classical Islamic civilisation, may be con- 
veniently considered in two parts. The first, from 
132/750 to 334/945, saw the gradual decline of the 
authority of the caliphs and the rise of military 
leaders ruling through their troops. During the 
second, from ca. 334/945 to 656/1258, the caliphs, 
with one exception, retained a purely nominal suze- 
rainty, while real power, even in Baghdad itself, 
was exercised by dynasties of secular sovereigns. 

The main events of these two periods will be treated 
under the names of the various caliphs, dynasties, 
places, etc. Here only the broad outline of events 
will be given, and an attempt made to describe the 
main characteristics of each period. 

1. 132/750—334/945 

The 'Abbasid Caliphate in the days following its 
establishment must have seemed very insecure to 
contemporary eyes. Rebels rose against it on every 
side and for a long time every new caliph had to 
face risings in and around even the metropolitan 
province of 'Irak. In Syria, Arab supporters of the 
deposed Umayyads gave trouble, and found en- 
couragement in the growing legend of the SufyanI, 
a messianic figure of the house of Umayya who com- 
peted with the 'Alid pretenders for the support of 
the discontented. The 'Alids themselves, temporarily 
disorganised by the frustration of their hopes, and 
kept under close surveillance, were for a time in 
eclipse, but soon reappeared as the most dangerous 
and determined opponents of 'Abbasid rule. Even 
the Khawaridj remained an active, if minor, op- 
position force. Nor were the ostensible supporters 
of the dynasty wholly reliable. In the prevailing 
atmosphere of mistrust, only members of the 'Ab- 
basid family were appointed to the highest positions 
—but when Abu 'l-'Abb5s al-Saffah died and his 
brother Abu Dja'far succeeded as Caliph with the 
title al-Mansur, their uncle, 'Abd Allah b. 'All, 
commanding the troops and raiders on the Byzan- 
tine frontier, revolted and proclaimed himself 
caliph, and this serious threat was averted thanks 
in the main to Abu Muslim. There remained the 
problem of Abu Muslim himself and the Hashimiyya. 
The 'Abbasids, like others before and after them 
who had come to power on the crest of a revolution- 
ary movement, soon found themselves faced with 
a conflict between the tenets and objectives of the 
movement on the one hand and the needs of govern- 
ment and Empire on the other. The 'Abbasids chose 
continuity and orthodoxy, and had to face the angry 
disappointment of some of their followers. Abu 
Encyclopaedia of Islam 

Salama had already been destroyed. Abu Muslim 
himself was put to death as soon as al-Mansur 
felt strong enough to dispense with his uncomfort- 
able presence. These steps, and the suppression 
of the more consistent wing of the Rawandiyya 
[?.».], alienated the extremist following of the 
'Abbasids, some of whom found an outlet in a series 
of religio-political revolts in Iran, while others later 
joined the ranks of the Isma'Ws, the extremist 
wing of the Fatimid Shi'a that grew up in the course 
of the 2nd/8th and 3rd,'oth centuries. At the same time, 
however, the changes reassured the orthodox, thus 
helping al-Mansur to meet the dangers of rebellion 
and foreign war, and during his long and brilliant 
reign, to lay the foundations of 'Abbasid govern- 
ment. In this task, and especially in the elaboration 
of the centralised administrative structure, al- 
Mansur was ably seconded by a family that was to 
play a vital role during the first half century of 
'Abbasid rule. The Barmakids [q.v.] are usually de- 
scribed as Persians, but they were of a very different 
kind from the Khurasanian rebels who followed 
Abu Muslim. Their religion before conversion to 
Islam was neither Zoroastrianism nor any of its 
heresies, but Buddhism, and they belonged to the 
aristocratic, landowning priesthood of the Central 
Asian city of Balkh, an ancient capital whose im- 
perial and commercial traditions provided a fund 
of experience to the ruling class of its citizens. It 
was after the foundation of Baghdad that Khalid 
al-Barmaki appeared as the righthand man of al- 
Mansur, and thereafter he and his descendants 
developed and directed the administration of the 
Empire, until the dramatic and still unexplained 
fall of the Barmakids from power under Harun 
al-Rashld in 187/803. With the transfer of the 
centre of the Empire to the East, the destruction 
of the Arab aristocratic monopoly of high office, and 
the firm establishment in power of the Barmakids, 
Persian influences became stronger and stronger. 
Sasanid Persian models were followed in the court 
and the government, and Persians began to play 
an increasingly important part in both political and 
cultural life. This process of Persianisation continued 
during the reigns of al-Mahdl and al-Hadi; the 
prejudice against the employment of mawdli in high 
places gradually disappeared. To replace the wea- 
kening bond of Arab nationality the caliphs laid 
increased stress on Islamic orthodoxy and confor- 
mity, trying to weld their cosmopolitan Empire 
into a unity based on a common faith and a common 
way of life. Al-Mansur's renunciation of the hetero- 
dox origins of the 'Abbasid movement was followed 
under his successors by a deliberate policy of wooing 
the orthodox theologians and makers of opinion, 
and laying a greater stress on the religious element 
in the nature of the authority exercised by the 
caliphs. This policy, when contrasted with the 
dissolute lives led by many of the caliphs and their 
courtiers, often led to charges of hypocrisy, but was 
in the main successful in achieving its object. Mecca 
and Medina were rebuilt, the pilgrimage from 'Irak 
organised on a regular basis, and orthodoxy rein- 
forced by an inquisitorial persecution of the various 
heretical movements and of Manichaeism, which 
at this time became prominent, under the name of 
Zandaka, as a revolutionary movement of the poorer 
classes (see zindIij). For a time an attempt was 
made to impose the Mu'tazili doctrine, which, if 
H. S. Nyberg's attractive hypothesis is correct (see 
EI 1 al-mu'tazila), was an official 'Abbasid at- 
tempt at a compromise with the Shi'a. From the 

time of al-Mutawakkil this attempt was abandoned, 
and thereafter the 'AbbSsids adhered, formally at 
least, to the most rigid orthodoxy. 

The reign of Harun al-Rashid is generally 
regarded as the apogee of 'Abbasid power, but it is 
at this time that the first portents of decline are 
seen. In Persia, the series of religious revolts that 
had followed, the martyrdom of Abu Muslim became 
ever more threatening, and challenged 'Abbasid 
authority in the Caspian provinces as well as in 
Khurasan. In the west, 'Abbasid authority disap- 
peared almost completely. Spain had rejected the 
'Abbasids and become independent under an Umay- 
yad prince as far back as 138/756. After the death 
of Yazld b. Hatim, the last effective 'Abbasid gover- 
nor of North Africa, in. 170/787, independent dynas- 
ties arose, first in Morocco and then in Tunisia, and 
the authority of Baghdad was never again asserted 
west of Egypt. The Aghlabids of Tunisia, exercising 
hereditary and independent rule under the nominal 
suzerainty of the caliph, set the pattern for a whole 
series of subsequent local hereditary governorships, 
whose encroachments eventually reduced the ef- 
fective sovereignty of the Caliphate to central and 
southern 'Irak. Another danger-sign showed the 
weakness of the defences of the Empire. By 'Ab- 
basid times the frontiers of Islam were more or less 
stabilised. The only foreign wars of any importance 
were with the Byzantines, and even these seem 
to have been of more show than effect. The in- 
conclusive campaigns of Harun were the last major 
offensives launched against Byzantium by the Cali- 
phate. Thereafter Islam was on the defensive. By- 
zantine armies sought out weak points in Syria 
and Mesopotamia, while Khazar invaders entered 
Islamic territory in the Caucasus and Armenia. 
Perhaps the most serious factor of weakness was the 
obscure internal convulsion that culminated in the 
degradation of the Barmakids and the assumption 
by Harun of the reins of power in his own not too 
competent hands. This step seems to have shaken 
the alliance with the Persian aristocratic wing of 
the movement that had brought them to power, 
which the early 'Abbasids had maintained long after 
shedding the more extremist elements. After Harun's 
death, smouldering conflicts burst into civil war 
between his sons al- Amin and al-Ma'mun. Al- 
Amln's strength lay mainly in the capital and in 'Irak, 
al-Ma'mun's in Persia, and the civil war has been 
interpreted as a national conflict between Arabs 
and Persians, ending in a victory for the latter. 
The same objections can be raised to this explana- 
tion as to the corresponding theory concerning the 
'Abbasid revolution itself. The civil war was more 
probably a continuation of the social struggles of 
the immediately preceding period, complicated by 
a regional rather than national conflict between 
Persia and 'Irak. Al-Ma'mun, relying on eastern 
support, for a while projected the transfer of the 
capital from Baghdad to Marw, but some time after 
his victory wisely decided to return to the Imperial 
city. Thereafter Persian aristocratic and regional 
aspirations found an outlet in local dynasties. In 
205/820 Tahir, the Persian general of al-Ma'mun, 
made himself virtually independent in Khurasan, 
and founded a dynasty. His example was followed 
by others, who, while for the most part still re- 
cognizing the suzerainty of the caliphs, deprived 
them of all effective authority in most of Persia. 
While the power of the caliphs in the provinces 
was gradually being reduced to the granting of 
the de facto rulers, their 

authority even in 'Irak itself was dwindling. A 
spendthrift court and a inflated bureaucracy pro- 
duced chronic financial disorder, aggravated by the 
loss of provincial revenues and, subsequently, by 
the exhaustion or loss to invaders of gold and silver 
mines. The caliphs found a remedy in the farming 
out of state revenues, eventually with the local 
governors as tax-farmers. These farmer-governors- 
soon became the real rulers of the Empire, the more 
so when tax-farms and governorships were held by 
army commanders, who alone had the force to 
impose obedience. From the time of a 1-M u'tasim 
and a 1 - W a th i k, the caliphs became the puppets of 
their own generals, who were often able to appoint 
and depose them at will. Al-Mu'tasim is usually 
credited with the introduction of the practice of 
using Turks from Central Asia as soldiers and officers, 
and from his time the dominant military caste be- 
came mainly Turkish. In 221/836 he built a new 
residence at Samarra, some 60 miles north of Bagh- 
dad. Samarra remained the Imperial residence until 
279/892, when al-Mu'tamid returned to Baghdad. 
Its foundation illustrates the growing gulf between 
the caliph and his praetorians on the one hand 
and the people of Baghdad on the other. Its art 
and architecture illustrate the emergence of a new 
ruling caste with different tastes and traditions. 
Under al-Wathik the power of the Turks con- 
tinued to grow. A serious attempt to reassert the 
supremacy of the Caliphate was made by his 
successor al-Mutawakkil, who tried to break 
the power of the Turkish guards and to rally 
support against them among the theologians and 
the civil population, whose orthodox fanaticism he 
sought to placate by renouncing and suppressing 
the Mu'tazili doctrines of his predecessors and 
enforcing the regulations against the Christians and 
Jews. The attempt ended in failure. The murder 
of al-Mutawakkil in 247/861 was followed by a 
period of anarchy. During an interval of nine years 
four caliphs succeeded one another, but all were 
helpless in the hands of the Turkish guards, whose 
control of the court and the capital grew firmer, 
while the provinces relapsed into anarchy or, at 
best, autonomy. In Southern 'Irak a revolt broke 
out among the negro slaves, known as Zand] [}.».], 
who worked on the salt marshes near Basra. This 
rapidly developed into a major threat to the Empire. 
The Zandj leader, who displayed brilliant general- 
ship, defeated several imperial armies, and was 
able to establish effective control over much of 
Southern 'Irak and South West Persia. The lines 
linking Baghdad with Basra, and 
with the Persian Gulf and the trade route 
to the East, were cut, and by 264/877 Zandj parties 
were raiding within 17 miles of Baghdad itself. But 
meanwhile a period of greater stability had begun 
in the capital. The caliph a 1-M u ' t a m i d, who suc- 
ceeded in 256/870, was not a very effective ruler, but 
his brother a 1 - M u w a f f a k soon became the real 
master of the capital, and during the twenty years 
of his rule did much to restore the failing strength 
of the house of 'Abbas. His first task was to restore 
order and stability in Baghdad itself, then to tackle 
the problems presented by the Zandj and by the 
encroachments of provincial leaders, especially the 
Saffarids in Persia and the Tulunids in Egypt and 
Syria. By 269/882 he had expelled the Zandj from 
all their conquests, and in 270/883 finally crushed 
them. Though failing to destroy the Saffarids and 
Tulunids, he did succeed in checking their ambitions, 
and facilitated the task of his successors. On the 

death of al-Muwaffak in 278/891, he was succeeded 
as real ruler by his son a 1-M u ' t a d i d, who became 
caliph on the death of al-Mu'tamid in the following 
year. Al-Mu'tadid and his successor al-Muktafl 
were both able and energetic rulers. In Persia and 
Egypt the authority of the Caliphate was for a time 
reasserted, leaving the government free to deal with 
the menace of Shi'ism, now active again in a militant 
and extreme form. After the rise of the 'Abbasids 
and the consequent disappearance of the Hanafi 
line of pretenders, it was the Fatimid line of Imams 
who commanded the support of most of the Shi'a. 
After the death of Dja'far al-Sadik in 148/765, 
these split into two groups, one of which, known 
as Isma'Ili, inherited many of the functions, doctrines 
and followers of the vanished Hanafiyya. The trans- 
formation of the Caliphate in the 8th and 9th cen- 
turies from an agrarian, military state to a cosmo- 
politan Empire with an intensive commercial and 
industrial life, the growth of large cities and the 
concentration of capital and labour, subjected the 
loose social structure of the Empire to grave strain, 
and engendered widespread discontent. The rapid 
growth of the intellectual life of Islam, and the clash 
of cultures and ideas resulting from outside in- 
fluence and internal development, again helped to 
prepare the way for the spread of heretical move- 
ments which, in a theocratic society, were the only 
possible expression of moral or material dissent from 
the existing order. The endemic disorders and up- 
heavals of the late 9th and early 10th centuries 
brought these strains to breaking point, and the 
caliphs were called upon to deal with a series of 
challenges ranging in form from the revolutionary 
violence of the Karmatians [q.v.] in Bahrayn, Syria- 
Mesopotamia and Southern Arabia, to the more 
subtle and ultimately more effective criticism of 
peaceful moralists and mystics in Baghdad itself. 
Al-Mu'tadid died after a defeat at the hand of the 
Karmatians, but his successor al-Muktafi managed 
to crush the Karmatian revolt in Syria and Meso- 
potamia, and, at the time of his death in 295/908, 
was leading a successful counter-attack against the 
Byzantines, who had sought to exploit the anarchy 
of the Muslim Empire. The Shi'ite danger was 
however far from ended. After a brief struggle for 
power, al-Muktafi was succeeded by his brother a 1- 
M u k t a d i r, still a boy of 13. During his minority, 
and the long and ineffective reign that followed it, 
the destructive tendencies halted by the regent al- 
Muwaffak and his two successors reappeared. The 
Karmatians resumed their activities, and from their 
bases in Bahrayn threatened the life-lines of the 
Caliphate, while in the west another wing of the 
Isma'ili movement established a Fatimid anti-Cali- 
phate in Tunisia. In North Syria the beduin Ham- 
danid dynasty established itself, while in Persia 
another Shi'ite family, the Buyids, began to build 
a new dynasty that soon threatened even 'Irak. 
In the capital, growing disorder and confusion cul- 
minated in the death of the caliph, while fighting 
his general Mu'nis. Under his successors a 1 - K a h i r 
and a 1 - R 5 d I, the decay of the authority of the 
Caliphate was completed. The event that is usually 
taken to symbolise this process was the grant to 
the governor of 'Irak, Ibn Ra'ik, of the title amir 
al-umard'— Commander of Commanders. This title, 
apparently intended to assert the primacy of the 
military commander of Baghdad over his colleagues 
elsewhere, served at the same time to give formal 
recognition to the existence of a supreme temporal 
authority, exercising effective political and mili- 

tary power, and leaving the caliph only as formal 
head of the state and the faith and representative 
of the religious unity of Islam. In 344/945 came the 
ultimate degradation, when the BOyid Amir MuHzz 
al-Dawla entered Baghdad, and the title of amir 
al-umard*, and with it the effective control of the 
city of the caliphs, passed into the hands of a 
ShI'ite dynast. 

Almost two centuries had passed between the en- 
thronement of al-Saffah and the arrival of Mu'izz 
al-Dawla. Though most of the period still awaits 
adequate investigation, certain broad lines of deve- 
lopment can be discerned. In government, the early 
'Abbasid caliphs continued along the lines of the 
late Umayyads, with far less break in continuity 
than was at one time believed. Certain changes, 
begun under the preceding dynasty, continued at 
an accelerated pace. From an Arab super-shaykh 
governing by the intermittent consent of the Arab 
aristocracy, the caliph became an autocrat, claiming 
a divine origin for his authority, resting it on his 
armed forces, and exercising it through a vast and 
growing bureaucratic organisation. Stronger in this 
respect than the Umayyads, the 'Abbasids were 
nevertheless weaker than the old oriental despots, 
in that they lacked the support of an established 
feudal caste and a priestly hierarchy, and were them- 
selves theoretically subject to the Holy Law, of the 
authority of which their office was the supreme em- 
bodiment. With the transfer of the capital to the 
East and the entry of increasing numbers of Persians 
into the service of the caliphs, Persian influences 
grew in the court and the administration, which 
was organised in a series of diwdns [q.v.] or ministries, 
under the supreme control of the wazir [q.v.]. Pro- 
vincial government was carried on jointly by the 
amir [q.v.] (Governor) and l amil [q.v.] (financial 
administrator), under the general surveillance of 
the capital, exercised through the agents of the 
sahib al-barid (Director of Posts and Intelligence) 
(see barId). In the army the Arab element gradually 
lost its importance, and the pensions formerly paid 
to Arabs were discontinued except for serving sol- 
diers. The core of the early 'Abbasid army consisted 
of the Khurasanis, a term that is to be understood 
in a regional rather than national sense, and covering 
both Arabs and Persians from Khurasan. In time 
these gave way to the Turkish slave troops, who 
from the time of al-Mu'tasim onwards became the 
main element in the army and, in consequence, the 
main source of political authority for the various 
amirs and commanders whose power replaced that 
of the caliphs. 

The 'Abbasids came to power through a religious 
movement, and sought in religion the basis of unity 
and authority in the Empire they ruled. While broad- 
ly successful in this purpose, they had throughout 
to contend with a series of religious opposition move- 
ments, and with the mistrust or reserve of the more 
conscientious elements among the SunnI religious 

The political breakdown of the 9th and 10th 
centuries, resulting in the fragmentation of power 
in the Empire as a whole and the decline and even- 
tual collapse of authority in the capital, had no 
immediate ill-effects on the economic and cultural 
life of the Caliphate. The 'Abbasid accession had been 
followed by a great economic revival, based on the 
exploitation of the resources of the Empire through 
industry and trade, and the development of a vast 
network of trade relations both within the Empire 
and with the world outside. These changes brought 

important social consequences. The Arab warrior 
caste was deposed, and replaced by a ruling class 
of landowners and bureaucrats, professional soldiers 
and literati, merchants and men of learning. The 
Islamic town was transformed from a garrison city 
to a market and exchange, and in time to the centre 
of a flourishing and diversified urban culture. The 
literature, art, theology, philosophy and science of 
the period is examined elsewhere (in individual 
articles). Here it need only be remarked that this 
was the classic age of Islam, when a new, rich and 
original civilisation, born of the confluence of many 
races and traditions, came to maturity. 

2- 334/945—656/1258 

During the long period from the Buyid occupation 
of Baghdad to the conquest of the city by the Mon- 
gols, the Caliphate became a purely titular insti- 
tution, representing the headship of SunnI Islam, 
and acting as legitimating authority for the nume- 
rous secular rulers who exercised effective sovereignty, 
both in the provinces and in the capital. The caliphs 
themselves, except for a brief revival towards the 
end, were at the mercy of the secular rulers, who 
appointed and deposed them at will, and only one 
of them, al-Najir, has left any mark on history. 
The appointment of Ibn Ra'ik as amir al-umard' 
was the first of a long series, and marked the formal 
recognition of the office of secular sovereign. The 
main history of the period will be found in the 
articles on the various dynasties that held it. 

In the second quarter of the 10th century a number 
of princes of the Shi'ite Persian house of Buya (or 
Buwayh), originating in the highlands of Daylam, 
extended their rule over most of western Persia, 
and forced the caliphs to grant them legal recog- 
nition. In 334/945 the Buyid prince Mu'izz al-Dawla 
entered Baghdad, and wrung from the caliph al- 
Mustakfi the title of amir al-umard'. For over a 
century the caliphs were compelled to submit to 
the final humiliation of accepting these Shi'ite mayors 
of the palace as absolute masters. Despite their 
ShI'ism, the Buyids made no attempt to install an 
c Alid caliph— the twelfth Imam of the Ithna-'asharl 
ShI'a had disappeared some 70 years earlier — but 
gave outward homage to the 'Abbasids, retaining 
them as an orthodox cover for their own power and 
an instrument of their policy in the SunnI world. 
It was from the extremist ShI'a that the real threat 
to the 'Abbasids came. In 356/969 the Isma'IlI 
Fatimids from Tunisia conquered Egypt, and were 
soon able to extend their power into Syria and 
Arabia. For the first time a powerful independent 
dynasty ruled in the Middle East that did not re- 
cognize even the titular authority of the 'Abbasids, 
but on the contrary founded a Caliphate of their 
own, challenging the 'Abbasids for the headship of 
the whole Islamic world. The political and military 
power of the Fatimids was supported by an elaborate 
religious organisation, commanding a multitude of 
agents, propagandists and sympathisers in the 'Ab- 
basid dominions, and also by a skilful economic 
policy aimed at diverting the Eastern trade from 
the Persian Gulf to the Red Sea, and thus at the 
same time strengthening Egypt and weakening 'Irak. 
(See B. Lewis, The Fatimids and the Route to India, 
Istanbul Iktisat Fak. Mecm., 1950, 355-60). It is 
indeed arguable that the diversion of Shi'ite energies 
due to the predominance of the Buyids in the East 
was one of the factors that saved the 'Abbasid Cali- 
phate from extinction, at this time (see H. A. R. 

Gibb, The Caliphate and the Arab- States, in History 
of the Crusades, Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, vol. i.). 

In time the Buyid Empire broke up into a number 
of smaller states, under Buyid and other rulers, while 
in Persia the power of a new dynasty, the Seldjuks, 
was steadily growing. By the middle of the nth 
century Buyid power was at an end, and a Turkish 
general called al-BasasIri was able to occupy Bagh- 
dad and proclaim the khufba in the name of the 
Fatimid caliph. This brief episode was the high 
water mark of Fatimid power. In 447/1055 the 
Seldjuk Tughrll-beg entered Baghdad, and had 
himself proclaimed as Sultan. This title is often 
attributed by the chroniclers to earlier rulers who 
exercised a sovereignty not greatly different from 
that of the Seldjuks. The Seldjuk sultans of Baghdad 
appear however to be the first to have used the title 
officially and inscribed it on their coins. In effect 
the Seldjuk Great Sultanate, which lasted about a 
century, was the logical development of the office 
of amir al-umard', and the title has remained in 
use ever since for the holder of supreme secular power. 
The Seldjuks brought several important changes. 
Unlike their predecessors they were Turks and Sun- 
nls, and with their advent the power of the Turks, 
that had been growing intermittently since the time 
of al-Mu'tasim, was finally established. By now the 
Turks in the Middle East were no longer all slave 
or freed soldiers, imported from Central Asia; whole 
clans of free, nomadic Turks began to migrate west- 
wards, playing an increasingly important role and 
in time changing the ethnic configuration of the 
Middle East. The replacement of a ShI'I by a Sunni 
ruler increased the prestige though not the power 
of the caliphs, as did also the extension of the rule 
of the central government, and therefore of the 
nominal sovereignty of the caliphs, over many 
hitherto independent lands. The period of the Sel- 
djuks, and of the Seldjukid and Atabeg dynasties 
that followed the break-up of the Great Sultanate, 
brought two major changes. One was the regulari- 
sation of the economic and social changes that had 
been taking place in the preceding period, and the 
elaboration of a new social and fiscal order of quasi- 
feudal character ; the other was the campaign against 
the Shi'ite menace, both on the political and mili- 
tary level through the suppression of Shi'ite dynasties 
and movements, and on the intellectual level through 
the creation of a network of madrasas [?.».] to serve 
as centres for the formulation and defence of Sunni 
orthodoxy against the Shi'ite propagandists. Both 
changes encountered a vigorous reaction in the form 
of the Assassins (see nizarIs), an active and ener- 
getic revolutionary movement that rose from the 
ruins of the Fatimid daHva and offered a bitter and 
sustained challenge to Seldjuk rule and SunnI or- 
thodoxy. The Assassins ultimately failed, and there- 
after ShI'ism was never again a major political fac- 
tor until the rise of the Safawids. 

After the break-up of the Great Sultanate, 'Irak 
fell under the domination of a local dynasty of Sel- 
djuk princes, the last of whom was Tughrll \\ 
(573-59o/ii77-ii94). The collapse of his power and 
the absence of any alternative enabled the 'Abbasid 
caliph a 1 - N a s i r to make a final attempt to restore 
the lost authority of the Caliphate. The moment 
was favourable — of the two major dynasties of the 
Middle East, the Ayyubids in Egypt and Syria were 
preoccupied with the struggle against the Crusaders, 
the KWrizm-shah in the East with his wars 
against other Turkish dynasties and then against the 
Mongols. In this power vacuum, al-Na$ir attempted 

to create a kind of State of the Church for the Cali- 
phate in Baghdad and 'Irak, and to buttress his 
authority by seeking popular support through the 
futuwwa [q.v.] organisations and making adroit use 
of pro-'Alid sentiment. It was however only the 
diversion of their energies to meet the Mongol 
threat in the East that saved him from destruction 
by the Kh»arizm-shahs. Al-Nasir's successors were 
weak and incompetent, and when the Mongol general 
Hulaku, having already conquered Persia, appeared 
before Baghdad in 656/1358, the last caliph al-Mus- 
t a l s i m was unable to offer any serious resistance. 
The Mongol conquest of Baghdad and the des- 
truction of the Caliphate are usually described as 
a major catastrophe in the history of Islam. Cer- 
tainly they mark the end of an epoch — not only in 
the outward forms of government and sovereignty, 
but in Islamic civilisation itself, which after the 
transformation wrought by the great wave of Tatar 
invasion flows in new channels, different from those 
of the preceding centuries. But the immediate moral 
effects of the destruction of the Caliphate have been 
overrated. The Caliphate had long ceased to exist as 
an effective institution, and the Mongols did little 
more than lay the ghost of something that was al- 
ready dead. To the real organs of temporal power 
the Mongol invasions made little difference, the only 
change being that the Sultanate now began to ac- 
quire de jure recognition, and sultans began to arro- 
gate to themselves titles and prerogatives formerly 
reserved to the caliphs. 

The 'Abbasid Cal 

s op Egypt 

The establishment by Baybars of an 'Abbasid 
shadow-Caliphate in Cairo in 659/1261 has been 
explained by R. Hartniann as follows: the disappea- 
rance of the Caliphate in Baghdad created a political 
vacuum, affecting not so much the theologians as 
the secular rulers, who still felt the need for a legi- 
timating authority. Abu Numayy, the Sharif of 
Mecca, gave formal recognition to the Hafsid ruler 
of Tunisia Abu c Abd Allah, who had assumed the 
title of caliph, with the regnal name of al-Mustansir, 
in 650/1253. This assumption, made before the fall 
of Baghdad, was not in the Sunni juristic sense of 
the word caliph, but in that of North Africa, con- 

ditioned by Almohad claims and practices. It ac- 
quired a new value from Abu Numayy's recognition, 
confirmed by Mamluk action in sending a report 
on the victory of <Ayn Djalut to Abu <Abd Allah 
and addressing him as amir al-mutminin — Com- 
mander of the Faithful. Baybars, stronger than his 
predecessor, preferred not to give this recognition 
to a powerful and possibly dangerous neighbour, 
and instead solved the problems of legitimacy and 
continuity by installing an 'Abbasid refugee as 
caliph in Cairo, with the same regnal name of al- 

For the next two and a half centuries a, line of 
'Abbasids succeeded one another as nominal caliphs 
under the rule of the Mamluk Sultans in Cairo. Ex- 
cept for a brief interval in 815/1412, when the caliph 
al-Musta c In became a stop-gap ruler for six months 
in the course of a feud between rival claimants to 
the Sultanate, the caliphs in Cairo were completely 
helpless and powerless, being in effect little more 
than minor court pensioners with purely ceremonial 
duties to perforin on the accession of a new sultan. 
Attempts by the Mamluk sultans to use their l Ab- 
basid proteges as a means of gaining recognition 
in other Muslim countries met with some limited 
success, notably in India and in the Ottoman Empire 
where Bayezid I applied to the Cairo caliph in 1394 
for a diploma granting him the title of sultan. But 
the Ottoman view of the Cairo Caliphate is perhaps 
best expressed by the 15th-century historian Yazldjt- 
oghlu 'AH, who in describing the role of the patriarch 
at the Byzantine court calls him "the caliph of the 
Christians"— a comparison that is far nearer the 
truth than the more common one between the 
caliph and the Pope (cf. P. Wittek, in BSOS, 1952, 
649 f-). 

In 1517 the last caliph al-Mutawakkil was deposed 
by Sellm I, the Ottoman conquerer of Syria and 
-Egypt, and the 'Abbasid shadow-Caliphate abolished. 
A story that al-Mutawakkil transferred his title to 
Sellm, and through him, to the Ottoman house, was 
first published by Mouradgea d'Ohsson in 1788 
{Tableau girUral de I'Empire Ottoman, i, 269-70), 
and thereafter won wide acceptance. Barthold how- 
ever showed this story to be completely without 
foundation, and it is now generally rejected by 
scholars [see khalifa]. 

. Abu n- c Abbas al-Saffah . . . . ; 

136 al-Mansur . . . ; 

158 al-Mahdt. . . .; 

169 al-HSdl . . . . : 

.... Hariin al-Rashld . . . ; 

al-Am!n . . . . ! 

al-Ma'mun. . .1 

218 al-Mu £ tasim . . I 

227 al-Wathik ... I 

232 al-Mutawakkil I 

247 al-Muntasir . . ! 

248 al-Musta'in . . I 

252 al-Mu c tazz. . .1 

255 al-Muhtadl. . . f 

256 al-Mu c tamid . . i 

279 al-Mu'tadid . . I 

289 al-Muktafi . . . < 

295 al-Muktadir . . < 

320 al-Kahir . . . . < 

322 al-RSdi .... 934 

329- al-Muttakl. . .940 

333 al-Mustakfl . . 944 

334 al-Mutl* .... 946 

363 al-Ta'i' .... 974 

381 al-Kadir .... 991 

422 al-Ka'im. . . 1031 

467 al-Muktafi. . 1075 

487 al-Mustazhir . 1094 

512 al-Mustarshid 1118 

529 al-Rashid . . 1135 

530 al-Muktafl. . 1136 

555 al-Mustandjid 1160 

566 al-Mustadi» . 1170 

575 al-Nasir . . . 1180 

622 al-?ahir . . . 1225 

623 al-Mustansir. 1226 

640-656 al-MustaSim 1242-1258 


'Abbas b. 'Abd al-Muttalib 
'Abd Allah 

5. al-Rashid 

3. al-Mahdl 

9. al-Wa&ik 
14. al-Muhtadl 

17. al-Muktafl 

22. al-Mustakfi 

10. al-Mutawakkil 

. al-Muntasir 13. al-Mu'tazz 15. al-Mu'tamid al-Muwaffak 
Ibn al-Mu'tazz 16. al-Mu'tadid 

18. al-Muktadir 
! . 

idi 21. al-Muttaki 


25. al-Kadir 

26. al-IJa J im 
Muhammad Dhakhirat al-DIn 

27. al-Muktadi 
28. al-Mustazhir 
"— i 

!3. al-Muti c 
! 4 . al-Ta'i' 

29. al-Mustarshid 


30. al-Rashid 

31. al-Muktafl 

32. al-Mustandjid 

33. al-Mustadi' 


34. al-Nasir 

35- al-?ahir 
I . 

36. al-Mustan$ir 

37. al-Musta^im 

(after Khalll Edhem, Duwel-i islamiye, 



itakfl I 


al-Rashid Abii Baki 





2. al-Hakim 






Ahmad 3. al-Mus 

al-Mus tansir 1. al-Mustansir 
(caliph sal . H l kimU ' 

6. al-Mu c ta(Jid I 
7. al-Mutawakkil I 

I. al-Mu'tasim 9. al-Wathik II 

10. al-Musta'm 11. al-Mu'tadid II 


[5. al-Mutawakkil II 


16. al-Mustamsik 

12. al-Mustakfi II 

13. al-Ka'im 14. al-Mustandjid 

17. al-Mutawakkil III 


'abbasid c 


il-Mustansir billah Abu '1-Kasim Ahmad 

il-Hakim bi-Amr Allah Abii l-'AbbSs Ahmad 1261 

il-Mustakfi billah Abu '1-Rabi< Sulayman 1302 

il-Wathik bUlah Abii Ishak Ibrahim 1340 

il-Hakim bi-Amr Allah Abu 'l-'Abbas Ahmad 1341 

il-Mu'tadid billah Abu '1-Fath Abii Bakr 1352 

il-Mutawakkil <ala 'Hah Abii <Abd Allah Muhammad 1362 

il-Mu'tasim (al-Musta<sim) billah Abu Yahya Zakariyya 5 1377 

al-Mutawakkil c ala''llah (second time) 1377 

il-Wathik billah 'Urnar 1383 

d-Mu c tasim billah (second time) 1386 

il-Mutawakkil <ala 'llah (third time) 1389 

d-Mustaln billah Abu '1-Fadl al- e Abbas 1406 

il-Mu'tadid billah Abu '1-Fath Dawfld 1414 

il-Mustakfl billah Abu '1-Rabi< Sulayman 1441 

al-Ka'im bi-Amr Allah Abii 1-Baka 3 Hamza 145 1 

il-Mustandjid billah Abu '1-Mahasin Yiisuf .£455 

il-Mutawakkil c ala 'Hah Abu 'l-<Izz c Abd al- c Aziz 1479 

U-Mustamsik billah Abu '1-Sabr Ya'kub 1497 

il-Mutawakkil <ala 'llah Muhammad 1508-9 

d-Mustamsik billah (second time; as representative of his son al-Mutawakkil) 1516-17 

The sources for the history of the 'Abbasid Cali- 
phate are too numerous for anything more than 
a general statement to be possible. A fuller dis- 
cussion of the literature will be found in J. Sauvaget, 
Introduction a I'histoire du monde musulman, Paris 
1943, 126 ff., and of the historians in D. S. Mar- 
goliouth, Lectures on Arabic Historians, Calcutta 
1930 (cf. ta'rikh). The first group to be considered 
are the chroniclers. While a large proportion of these 
have been published, especially for the earlier 
period, surprisingly little use has been made of them, 
and most of the 'Abbasid period still awaits its 
monographers. Still less attention has been paid to 
the adab literature, perhaps the best expression of 
the outlook and attitude of the secular literate 
•classes who administered the Empire, and a fruit- 
ful source of historical information. Travel and 
geography, poetry, theology and law all have an 
important contribution to make to historical know- 
ledge, and except for the first two, have been little 
used. To the vast Muslim literature may be added 
the smaller but still valuable literatures of the Chris- 
tians and Jews, in Arabic, Syriac, Hebrew, and some 
other languages. Finally, there remains archeology. 
A useful summary and bibliography of archeological 
work will be found in the above-mentioned book 
of Sauvaget. 

No general history of the c Abb5sids has been pro- 
duced for many years, and the reader must still 
have recourse to early and out-of-date works like 
G. Weil, Geschichle der Chalifen 5 vols., Mannheim- 
Stuttgart 1846-62; idem, Geschichle der islamischen 
Volker, Stuttgart 1866 (abridged English translation 
by S. Khuda Bukhsh, Calcutta 1914); A. Miiller, Der 
Islam im Morgen- und Abendland, 2 vols. Berlini885- 
7 ; W. Muir, The Caliphate, its Rise Decline and Fall, 
revised by T. H. Weir, Edinburgh 1915 and 1924. 
More recent but more summary treatments are given 
by P. K. Hitti, History of the Arabs, London 1937 
and later editions; C. Brockelmann, Geschichle der 
islamischen Vdlker und Stouten, Munich-Berlin 1939 
{English and French translations); Gaudefroy- 
Demombynes and Platonov, Le monde musulman 
et byzantin jusqu'aux Croisades, Paris 1931; Ch. 
Diehl and G. Marcais, Le monde oriental de 395 a 
1081, Paris 1936. Many interesting and provocative 
ideas on the nature of the 'Abbasid state and society 

will be found in A. J. Toynbee, A study of history, 
London 1934 ff. 

Only the accession and the first few reigns have 
been monographed in any detail. On the 'Abbasid 
revolution Van Vloten and Wellhausen are mentioned 
in the article. Th. Noldeke's OrienUUische Skizzen 
Berlin 1892 (English translation by J. S. Black, 
London 1892), includes studies on al-Mansur, the 
Zandj rising, and the Saffarids. The most valuable 
work to date on the early 'Abbasid period will be 
found in the studies of F. Gabrieli (al-Amin, al- 
Ma'mun) and S. Moscati (Abii Muslim, al-Mahdi, 
al-Hadi), which, with other monographs, will be 
found listed under the appropriate articles. For two 
studies by S. Moscati on particular problems con- 
nected with the 'Abbasid victory see II "Tradimento" 
di Wdsit, Museon 1951, 177-86, and Le massacre 
des Umayy\ides, ArO 1951, 88-115. Reference may 
also be made to Nabia Abbott, Two queens of Baghdad, 
Chicago 1937, dealing with the mother and wife 
of Harun al-Rashld and giving a description of some 
aspects of court life, and A. F. Rifa'i, 'Asr al- 
Ma'miin, Cairo 1927. The period from 892 to 946 
has been studied in great detail by H. Bowen, The 
life and times of '■AH ibn 'Isd, Cambridge 1928. 
This must now be supplemented by an important 
additional source — the Akhbdr al-Radi wa l-Muttakl 
of al-SulI (ed. J. H. Dunne, Cairo 1935; annotated 
French translation by M. Canard, 2 vols. Algiers 
1946-50). Two important works of a more general 
character deal with the middle period: A. Mez, Die 
Renaissance des Islams, Heidelberg 1922 (English 
translation by S. Khuda Bukhsh and D. S. Margo- 
liouth, London 1938), and c Abd al- c Az!z al-Duri, 
Studies on the economic life of Mesopotamia in the 
10th century, (in Arabic), Baghdad 1948. Reference 
may also be made to general works in Arabic by 
Ahmad Amin, C A. C A. Durl, Hasan Ibrahim Hasan 
and others. 

On the Cairo Caliphate see R. Hartmann, Zur 
Vorgeschichte des 'Abbasidischen Schein-Chaliphates 
von Cairo, Abhandlungen der deutschen Akademie 
der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Phil.-hist. Kl. 1947, 
nr. 9, Berlin 1950, and Annemarie Schimmel, Kali) 
und Kadi im spatmittelalterlichen Agypten, WI, 1943, 
3-27. (B. Lewis) 

'ABBASID ART [see samarra] 


al-ABBASIYYA, old town of Ifrlkiya 
(Tunisia), three miles to the S.E. of al-Kayrawan. 
It was also known by the name of Kasr al-Aghaliba 
and al-Kasr al-Kadlm. It was built by Ibrahim b. 
al-Aghlab, the founder of the Aghlabid dynasty, in 
184/800, the same year in which he was appointed 
amir of Ifrlkiya, after the revolt of some leaders of 
the Arab djund. He gave his foundation the name al- 
'Abbasiyya in honour of the 'Abbasids, his masters. 
The town contained baths, inns, siiks and a Friday- 
mosque with a minaret of cylindrical form, built 
of bricks and adorned by small columns arranged in 
seven storeys. After the example of the great 
mosque of Kayrawan, a maksura of carved wood, 
adjoining the mihrdb, was reserved to the amir and 
high dignitaries. The town had several gates, the 
following being the most important: Bab al-Rahma 
(of Mercy), Bab al-Hadid (of Iron), Bab Ghalbfin 
(attributed to al-Aghlab b. <Abd Allah b. al-Aghlab, 
relative and minister of Ziyadat Allah I) and Bab 
al-Rih (of Wind)— all these in the east; and Bab 
al-Sa c ada (of Happiness), to the west. In the middle 
of the town there was a large square called al-Maydan 
(Hippodrome), where the parades and reviews fard) 
of the troops took place. Not far away was the palace 
of al-Rusafa, recalling by its name those of Damas- 
cus and Baghdad. It was in this palace that Ibrahim 
I received the ambassadors of Charlemagne who 
came to ask for the relics of St. Cyprian and delivered 
the gifts destined for the caliph Harun al-Rashld. 
It was also there that the truce (hudna) of ten years 
and the exchange of prisoners was arranged with 
the envoys of Constantine, patrician of Sicily (189/ 
805). Many other embassies also of the Franks, By- 
zantines and Andalusians, were received there by 
subsequent Aghlabid rulers. From its foundation, 
al-'Abbasiyya had a mint (dqr al-darb) where gold 
dinars and silver dirhams, bearing the town's name, 
were coined. An official factory of textiles (firdz) 
produced the robes of honour (khiPa) and the stan- 
dards. Under the successors of Ibrahim I, al- c Ab- 
basiyya was provided with monuments of public 
and private utility. Abu Ibrahim Ahmad built a 
large reservoir (sahridj or fashiyya) of which impor- 
tant remains have been preserved. The basin had 
an abundant supply of water, which was carried to 
Kayrawan in the summer, when the cisterns of the 
capital were exhausted. — The town of Rakkada, 
founded in 264/877 by Ibrahim II, some miles further 
to the south, replaced al- c Abbasiyya as residence. 
Al-'Abbasiyya sank to the level of a township, in- 
habited by mawdli and tradesmen, but continued 
to exist in a modest way until the Hilalian in- 
vasion (middle of the 5th/nth century) when it 
disappeared for good. A cursory excavation, in 1923, 
of the hill (tell) where al- c Abbasiyya was situated, 
brought to light many potsherds belonging to the 
Aghlabid period. This white pottery with large black, 
green and blue decoration was no doubt inspired by 
oriental models coming from 'Irak (Samarra, Rakka) 
and Egypt (Fustat). It is worth mentioning that al- 
'Abbasiyya was the birth-place of several scholars, 
notably of Abu 'l- c Arab [q.v.] Mulj. b. Ahmad b. 
Tamlm, first historian of al-Kayrawan (d. 333/945). 
Bibliography: Baladhuri, Futuh, 234; Bakri, 
al-Masdlik (de Slane), 24; Idrisi (de Goeje, Des- 
criptio al Magribi), 65-7; Ibn 'Idhari, al-Bayan 
al-Mughrib, Leiden 1948, I, 84; Desvergers, Hist 
de VAfr. et de la Sicilie (transl. of Ibn Khaldun), 
Paris 1841, 86-8; G. Marcais, Manuel de I' Art 
Musulman, Paris 1926, I, 40. 

(H. H. Abdul-Wahab) 

al-'ABBASIYYA [see tubna] 

<ABD is the ordinary word for "slave" in Arabic 
of all periods (the usual plural in this sense is '■abld, 
although the Kur'an has Hbad: xxiv, 32), more 
particularly for "male slave", "female slave" being 
ama (pi. *«ta>). Both words are of old Semitic stock; 
Biblical Hebrew uses them in the same meaning. 
Classical Arabic also expresses the idea of "slave", 
in the singular of both genders and in the collective, 
by the generic term rakifr, which however is not 
found in the Kur'an. On the other hand, the Kur'an 
frequently uses the term rakaba, literally "neck, 
nape of the neck", and, still more frequently, the 
periphrasis ma malakat aymdnukum (-hum), "that 
which your (their) right hands possess". The c abd?" 
mamluk"" of xvi, 75 is to be regarded in the light 
of this formula: it should properly be rendered "a 
slave, who is (himself) a piece of property". Hence, no 
doubt, the development in the classical language of 
mamluk as a noun meaning "slave" (later also "ex- 
slave"). In the course of the history of Arabic, as of 
other languages, various vicissitudes have been under- 
gone by euphemisms literally denoting "boy, girl" or 
"manservant, maidservant" : fata (fern, fatal), which 
is Kur'anic, ghulam for "male slave", djariya for 
"female slave", both very common, wasif particularly 
for men (the fern, wasif a is also found), and khddim 
particularly for women (also, at an early date, for 
"eunuch"), Both these last have in some countries 
finally come to mean "negro, negress". Another term 
sometimes used for "slave" is asif ^properly "captive". 

The abstract "slavery" is expressed by rikk or 
by a derivative of t abd, such as l ubudiyya. The 
"master" is sayyid; he may also be referred to as 
"patron" (mawld) or, in legal parlance, "owner" 
(mdlik). The opposite of slave, "free man or woman". 

r (fen 


Turkish has, as equivalents for "slave", kul or 
kdle, as well as loan-words from Persian: bende, 
and from Arabic: esir (asir), gulam (ghulam) for the 
masculine, cariye (djariya) and halaylk (khaldHk, 
properly "creatures") for the feminine. Besides banda, 
Persian has ghulam for the masculine and keniz 

r the f. 

. Before Islam 

Slavery was practised in pre-Islamic Arabia, as 
in the remainder of the ancient and early mediaeval 
world. But it must be admitted that the sparse and 
controversial data available to us for the pre- 
Islamic period are insufficient to provide reliable 
answers to most of the problems presented by the 
institution. It may be allowed that, immediately 
before the Hijra, the great majority of slaves in 
western Arabia, a plentiful commodity at Mecca, 
by whose sale merchants grew rich ( c Abd Allah b. 
Djud'an [q.v.]; cf. Lammens, La Mecque. . . ., Beirut 
1924, passim), were coloured people of Ethiopian 
origin (Habasha). Some of them must have formed 
the nucleus of the Ahdbish, the Meccan militia 
(Lammens, J A, 1916 = V Arabic occidentals avant 
Vhigire, Beirut, 1928, pp. 237-293). Bilal, the first 
muezzin of Islam, was one such slave. There were 
some white slaves of foreign race, far less 
who were no doubt brought by Arab c 
(slave-dealers as far back as the Bible story of 
Joseph), or were the product of beduin captures 
(legend of the Persian Salman Pak). Finally, there 
are no objective grounds for denying the existence 
of Arab slaves, although the ransoming of captives 
among nomad tribes was a matter of common prac- 

tice. We have the example of the Kalbite Zayd b. 
Haritha, who became the adopted son of Muhammad: 
a valuable example, even if it has been touched up 
in the manner of Tradition (see the decision attri- 
buted to 'Umar, infra, as plausible evidence pointing 
the same way). We have, however, nothing conclusive 
on the existence of enslavement for debt or the sale 
of children by their families: the late and rare ac- 
counts of such occurrences (Aghdni*, iii, 97; xix, 
4) show them to be abnormal. 

It would moreover be unwise to stretch the scanty 
information we have on the condition of slaves in 
the Hi'djaz before Islam, to fit every locality and every 
social division. Nomads and sedentaries, in parti- 
cular, may have shown evidence of quite a different 
attitude, even in those days: we shall come to the 
modern period later. The abiding scorn of slave an- 
cestry, even if only on the mother's side, the satire 
aimed at the man who marries a captive girl (G. 
Jacob, Altarab.Beduinenleben, Berlin 1897, pp. 137-8, 
213; Bichr Fares, L'honneur chez Us Arabes avant 
V Islam, Paris 1932, p. 71) are perhaps characteristic 
of beduin mentality, rather than indicative of the 
general outlook of town-dwellers. The biography in 
literary form of the renowned warrior-poet 'Antara, 
son of a beduin and an Ethiopian slave-girl, who has 
to perform dazzling feats of arms before his father 
will consent to legitimize him, is a ronton a thise 
(Lammens, Le berceau de Vlslam, Rome 1914, p. 
299) against disinheriting the children of such unions, 
indeed against keeping them in slavery: proof that 
the question had some immediacy and demanded 
a liberal answer, at any rate in some quarters. 

It is probable that the usual practice of the pre- 
Islamic Arabs was influenced by an ancient Semitic 
distinction between two classes of slave, never per- 
haps reduced to a strict legal principle (I. Mendel- 
sohn, Slavery in the Ancient Near East, New York, 
1949, pp. 57-8) and never ratified by Muslim law, 
but which has left traces here and there in the code 
of behaviour of Islamicized lands: in contrast with 
the purchased slave {'abd* mamluka""), the slave born 
in his master's house ('abd* kinn in ; a term later applied 
to the slave over whom one has full and complete 
rights of ownership) was, in the ordinary course of 
events, unlikely to be sold or otherwise disposed of 
by the master (LA, xvii, 227-8; Djurdjani, Ta c ri- 
fdt, kinn). We are on firmer ground — because the 
practice is expressly condemned in the Ku'ran, xxiv, 
33 — in accepting it as fact that in pre-Islamic times 
female slaves were prostituted for the benefit of their 
masters, again in accordance with a Near Eastern 
custom of great antiquity (Mendelsohn, op.cit. p. 54). 

2. The Kor'an. The Religious Ethic 

a. — Islam, like its two parent monotheisms, Ju- 
daism and Christianity, has never preached the 
abolition of slavery as a doctrine, but it has followed 
their example (though in a very different fashion) 
in endeavouring to moderate the institution and 
mitigate its legal and moral aspects (for the part 
played in this by Christianity, see M. Bloch, in 
Annales, 1947, and Imbert, in Milanges F. de 
Visscher, Brussels, 1949, vol. i). Spiritually, the 
slave has the same value as the free man, and the 
same eternity is in store for his soul; in this earthly 
life, failing emancipation, there remains the fact 
of his inferior status, to which he must piously resign 

The I£ur'an regards this discrimination between 
human beings as in accordance with the divinely- 

established order of things (xvi, 71, 75; xxx, 28). 
But over and over again, from beginning to end of 
the Preaching, it makes the emancipation of slaves 
a meritorious act: a work of charity (ii, 177; xc, 
13), to which the legal alms may be devoted (ix, 
60), or a deed of expiation for certain felonies (un- 
intentional homicide: iv, 92, where "a believing 
slave" is specified; perjury: v, 89; lviii, 3); con- 
sent must be readily given to contractual emanci- 
pation (xxiv, 33). The unemancipated slave is 
mentioned among those who should be treated 
"kindly" (ihsdn° n , iv, 36). Furthermore, his dignity 
as a human being is shown in certain ordinances 
relating to the sexual side of social relationships. 
We have already mentioned the ban on the prosti- 
tution of female slaves (xxiv, 33); nobody may 
lawfully enjoy them except their master (xxiii, 6; 
xxxiii, 5o;lxx, 30) or their husband, for legal mar- 
riage is open to slaves, male and female. Masters 
have the moral duty to marry off their "virtuous" 
slaves of both sexes (xxiv, 32); if need be it is 
even permissible for Muslim slaves to marry free 
Muslims (ii, 221 ;iv, 25). The slave-woman who, ob- 
taining her master's consent, which is essential, mar- 
ries a free man, is entitled to "a reasonable dowry" 
from her husband. She is obliged to remain faithful 
to him; but if she commits adultery her slave status 
re-emerges in the curious provision that she is liable 
to only one-half of the punishment reserved for the 
free married woman (iv, 25). Finally, the Kur'an 
protects the slave's life, to some extent, by the law 
of retaliation, but the formula "the free for the free, 
the slave for the slave" (ii, 178) shows clearly how 
in penal matters the principle of inequality is main- 

Bibliography: R. Roberts, Das Familien, 

Sklaven Recht im Qordn, Leipzig 1908, 41-47; 

Social Laws of the Qordn, London 1925, 53 ff. 

b. — The more or less official Muslim ethic, expressed 
in the hadiths, follows the line of Kur'anic teaching; 
it even iays perceptible stress on the humanitarian 
tendencies of the latter in the question with which 
we are dealing. Al-Ghazali, in the Ihyd', ed. 1346 
A.H., ii, 195-7 (hukuk al-mamluk) (transl. G.-H. 
Bousquet, AIEO 1952, 423-7) had only to string 
together a number of well-known hadiths to produce 
what amounts to a lecture on ethics for slave-owners, 
illustrated by examples. 

Tradition delights in asserting that the slave's 
lot was among the latest preoccupations of the Pro- 
phet. It has quite a large store of sayings and anec- 
dotes, attributed to the Prophet or to his Compa- 
nions, enjoining real kindness towards this inferior 
social class. "Do not forget that they are your 
brothers"; at any rate when they are Muslims, 
as some texts specify. — "God has given you the 
right of ownership over them; He could have given 
them the right of ownership over you". — "God 
has more power over you than you have over them". 
Thus the master is recommended not to show con- 
tempt for his slave; not to say "my slave" but 
"my boy, my servant" (v. supra), to share his food 
with him, to provide him with clothing similar to 
his own, to set him no more than moderate work, 
not to punish him excessively if he does wrong, 
to forgive him "seventy times a day", and finally 
to sell him to another master if they cannot get 
on well together. 

Manumission is commended as a happy solution 
in many cases and is suggested as a way for the 
master to make amends for excessive chastisement of 
his slave. It is recommended, in the same category 

as alms-giving, at the time of an eclipse, and is 
included among the various possible ways of expi- 
ating a voluntary breaking of the fast of Ramadan 
(the Kur'an prescribes no more than "the feeding of 
a poor man": Ii, 184). A twofold reward in heaven 
is promised to the man who educates his slavegirl, 
frees her and marries her. A famous hadlth affirms: 
"The man who frees a Muslim (v. 1. 'a believer') 
slave, God will free from hell, limb for limb". 

It is the duty of the slave, for his part, to give 
loyal service. He is "the shepherd of his master's 
wealth" and will be asked for an account of it in 
the next world. His reward in paradise will be two- 
fold if, in addition to performing the usual religious 
obligations, he has the especial merit of having given 
good advice to his master. 

If the Kur'an and Tradition show a certain 
tavouritism towards such slaves as are Muslims, 
another direction is shown in hadiths forbidding the 
keeping of male Arabs in slavery; they invoke a 
decision to this effect said to have been given by 
the caliph c Umar, in favour of disposing of instances 
of slavery against the payment of a ransom, where 
these were the result of "pre-Islamic practices" (see 
especially Ibn Sallam, K. al-Amwdl, pp. 133-4). 
Bibliography: Wensinck, Handbook, s.v. 

3. FlIfH 

Under the heading of fikh properly so-called, we 
shall have recourse to the main provisions agreed 
on by the great Sunni schools. Thereafter we shall 
note very briefly some typical solutions adopted by 
Imami Shi'ism. 

a. — Apart from the occasionally operative distinct- 
ion between Muslim and non-Muslim slaves, Muslim 
law recognizes only one category of slaves, regardless 
of their ethnic origin or the source of their condition. 
The institution is kept going by only two lawful 
means: birth in slavery or capture in war, and even 
of these the latter is not applicable to Muslims, since 
though they may remain enslaved they cannot be 
reduced to slavery. Legally therefore, the only Mus- 
lim slaves are those born into both categories or who 
were already slaves at the time of their conversion 
to Islam. Their number tends to diminish both 
through emancipation, particularly recommended 
in such cases, and through the following provision: 
whereas the usual principle of Muslim law is that 
the child assumes at birth his mother's status, free 
or slave, an exception, of all the more importance in 
view of its wide application, is made in favour of 
the child born of a free man and a female slave be- 
longing to him; such a child is regarded as free-born 
(otherwise he would be his father's slave). What 
this amounts to is that slavery could scarcely con- 
tinue to exist in Islam without the constantly renewed 
contribution of peripheral or external elements, 
either directly captured in war or imported commer- 
cially, under the fiction of the Holy War, from for- 
eign territory (ddr al-harb). 

It is pleasing to see that in the eyes of Muslim 
jurists slavery is an exceptional condition: "The 
basic principle is liberty" (al-afl huwa 'l-hurriyya). 
Consequently, for the majority of them, the pre- 
sumption is in favour of freedom ; on the whole they 
have come down on the side of regarding as free 
the foundling (lakit) whose origin remains unknown. 
But it may fairly be stated that, despite the strict- 
ness professed by certain doctors of the law, the 
filth has never evolved an adequately clear system 

of sanctions to suppress the kidnapping or sale of 
free persons, Muslim or non-Muslim. Still less do 
we see any positive denunciation of the practice 
of castrating young slaves, although it was con- 
demned in principle. 

b. — On the juridico-religious level, the slave has a 
kind of composite quality, partaking of the nature 
both of thing and of person. Considered as a thing, 
he is subject to the right of ownership — indeed it 
is in this that the strict definition of slavery lies — 
exercised by a man or woman, and he may be the 
object of all the legal operations proceeding from 
this position: sale, gift, hire, inheritance and so 
on. In this respect he is "a mere commodity" (sil c a 
min al-sila'). In the various classes of property 
distinguished by the fikh, he generally ranks with 
the animals and his lot is like theirs: the new-born 
slave, for instance, is the "fruit" (ghalla) of his 
mother, like the young of cattle, and belongs to her 
master; in the theoretical treatises on public law, 
the muhtasib is given the duty of ensuring that mas- 
ters treat their slaves and their animals properly. 
The slave may (as among the Romans and in Christ- 
ian Europe) belong to two or more owners at the 
same time: he is then said to be "held in common" 
(mushtarak) ; such joint ownership gives rise to some 
extremely complex legal positions, which provide 
abundant material for the casuistry of the doctors. 
Again, it should be noted that the law lays down 
the amount of the reward which may be claimed 
by the one who restores a runaway slave (dbik) 

Yet the slave, even from the point of view of the 
right of ownership, of which he is the object, is not 
always treated exactly like other property. Malikl law, 
for example, allows, in towns where it is the custom- 
ary usage, an automatic guarantee of three days, 
at the expense of the seller of the slave, against 
any "faults" ( c uyub) in the latter (one year in the 
case of madness or leprosy). The fact that a master 
may legally have sexual relations with his female 
slaves gives rise to a system of regulating these 
relations, which has repercussions elsewhere on his 
exercise of the right of ownership : thus a distinction 
is sometimes drawn between costly female slaves, 
intended for cohabitation, and ordinary female 
slaves (e.g. Mudawwana, vi, 192 seqq., concerning 
a clause of non-guarantee in sale), between female 
slaves within and outside the prohibited degrees of 
relationship to the interested party (e.g. in the 
matter of the loan of consummation, kard, except 
among the Hanafls, who forbid it with all living 
things). Further, the regard for kinship has an even 
more striking effect. It is forbidden to separate a slave 
mother and her young child, up to about the age 
of seven, by their becoming the property of different 
different masters (a hadlth runs: "Whoever separates 
a mother from her child, God will separate him from 
his dear ones on the Day of Resurrection"), under 
pain of nullity of the legal transaction; the Hanafls, 
more reluctant to impose legal sanctions, brand 
as "objectionable" the separating of a slave, not 
yet arrived at puberty, from any close blood-relative 
within the prohibited degrees, whether the latter is 
of age or not. Emancipation follows automatically, 
except in the ?5hiri school, when a slave becomes 
the property of a very close relative: according to the 
Shafi'is, only in the ascending and descending lines: 
the Malikis add brothers and sisters too, while the 
Hanafls extend the rule to all relatives within the 
prohibited degrees. Religious affiliation is also taken 
into account, inasmuch as non-Muslims cannot 

keep Muslim slaves; they must either free them or 
dispose of them to Muslim masters. 

If the master fails to meet his moral obligation 
of providing for the physical maintenance (nafaka) 
of his slave, the law requires in the last resort that 
the latter be sold, a solution also enjoined, except 
by the Hanafls, in the case of animals. The Malikis 
hold that emancipation is compulsory (cf. Exodus, 
xxi, 26-7) when the master carries his ill-treatment 
of his slave to the point of mutilation or disfigure- 
ment. Later, when we come to deal with personal 
rights, we shall meet with other instances of curtail- 
ment of the absolute right of ownership, as of other 
features of penal law. 

c. — On the personal rights of the slave, that is, on 
his juridico-religious competence, it is interesting to 
see whether the classical jurists have ever attempted 
a general theory that would bring out the principles 
underlying the solutions scattered under the various 
headings of fikh. One such attempt is to be found 
in the works of the Hanafi al-Pazdawi (d. 482/1089), 
commented on and imitated in the later treatises on 
usul al-fikh ; the basic ideas, Hanafi of course, are as 
follows {Usui, ed. Istanbul 1307 A.H., pp. 1401-1426): 
slave-status is incompatible with "patrimonial 
ownership" (malikiyyat al-mdl), whence it follows 
for example, that the slave cannot take a concubine, 
but is compatible with "non-patrimonial ownership" 
(malikiyyat ghayr al-mdl), whence it follows, for 
example, that the slave may marry. His status does 
not debar the slave from administering property 
and laying claim to the "possession" (yad) of it, 
but is incompatible with the full exercise of the 
higher legal faculties of the human being: his dhimma 
(abstract financial responsibility) and his hill (free- 
dom of action in sexual matters) are reduced, and 
all wildydt (public or private offices of authority) 
are forbidden to him. More recent works, of the type 
of the Ashbdh wa-Nazd'ir by the Shafi'ite Suyiitl 
and the Hanafite Ibn Nudjaym, merely give dry 
and rather disjointed lists of the manifold rules 
about what slaves may and may not do. 
d. — The Muslim slave has a religious status (Hbdddt) 
theoretically identical with that of his free coreli- 
gionists (the contrary opinion is exceptional; e.g. 
in one solitary MalikI, cf. Ibn Farhun, DibdaJ, 
1329 268); but some derogations were more or 
less inevitable on cenain points. Most authori- 
ties hold that his dependence on a master absolves 
him from the strict necessity of performing such 
pious acts as involve freedom of movement : the Fri- 
day prayer, pilgrimage, the Holy War. Another 
consequence of this dependence is that the master 
is responsible for the annual payment of his "alms 
at the breaking of the fast" (zakdt al-fifr). The Muslim 
slave-woman is not under as strict an obligation to 
"hide her nakedness" (satr al- l awra) at the ritual 
prayer as the free woman. The slave is not forbidden 
to act as leader (imam) of congregational prayer, 
although the Hanafls disapprove of the practice, 
and some other authorities do not permit him to 
become a salaried imam, or at any rate they prefer 
a free man to hold the office, if one is available 
of the required competence. The question of his 
acting as imam at the midday prayer on Fridays 
and the two canonical festivals is more debatable, 
especially if this office is regarded as an emanation 
from the public authority; even within the various 
schools there is disagreement about whether or not 
it is allowable. On. the whole, however, the affirm- 
ative answer seems to have prevailed, except among 
the Hanbalis. The slave is no more qualified to 

hold a position of religious magistrature (judgeship, 
hisba) than an official position of secular authority; 
he is nevertheless acceptable as a subordinate officer 
in the revenue department. 

e. — In matters of law in the strict sense (mu'-dmaldt) , 
the slave's incompetence to act (hadjr) is assumed in 
principle, but is not absolute. If he is a Muslim, the 
fikh confirms and expressly states his competence to 
contract a marriage, as clearly laid down in the Kur'an 
(v. supra) ; but the master's consent is required both 
for male and female slaves (according to the Ma- 
likis, the male slave of full age may marry of his 
own accord, but the master then has the right either 
to ratify the marriage or to terminate it by repu- 
diation) and it is the master who acts as "guardian 
for matrimonial purposes" (wali) of his female slaves. 
The master can even marry off by "compulsion", 
(djabr ) a male slave, not yet of age, or a female slave 
(the father of a family has a similar right over his 
children); the schools of Abu Hanifa and Malik 
concede him the same power over a male slave of 
full age. The Hanbalis alone, on the other hand, hold 
that the slave may insist on his master's marrying 
him off. Notwithstanding reservations and restrictions 
based on the words of the Kur'an, and in spite of 
the customary requirement of "compatability" 
(kafd'd) between the parties, the jurists admit and 
lay down rules for marriage between Muslims of 
whom one is a slave and the other free. We have 
convincing evidence that, in the course of the cen- 
turies, such unequal marriages occurred (to the 
advantage to the slave, male or female, concerned) 
more often than one might think. A slave wife, on 
being emancipated, has the right to opt for divorce 
if her husband is a slave and, according to the 
Hanafls, even if he is free. 

A Muslim cannot be the husband or wife of his 
or her slave (nor even, some would add, of the slave 
belonging to his or her son) ; there is an absolute in- 
compatibility, for the same persons, between connu- 
bium and ownership. In contradistinction to the other 
rites, the Hanafls permit a Muslim, even a free Muslim, 
to marry a Jewish or Christian slave-girl. The slave 
is entitled to a maximum of two wives, except in 
the MalikI view, which grants him four, just like 
a free man. The Malikis are also alone in conceding 
that a slave-wife has the right to share in her hus- 
band's nights on equal terms with a free co-wife; 
the other jurists allow her only one night in three. 
The obligation, which is generally recognized as 
incumbent on a slave-husband, to maintain his wife, 
gives rise to various solutions if he is not legitimately 
possessed of adequate means. 

Although the majority of authorities deny that 
the male slave of full age can contract a valid marri- 
age of his own free will, yet all agree that he has 
the husband's usual right of repudiation (taldk) as 
he thinks fit. But in accordance with the general 
tendency to reduce by one-half, in the case of the 
slave, all figures prescribed for free men, he may only 
take back his wife after one single formula of repu- 
diation, instead of the two which the Koran (ii, 
229) lays down as a maximum. Consequently a 
twofold repudiation on his part has the same decisive 
result as a threefold repudiation by a free man; 
the Hanafls alone, who in the matter of repudiation 
have more consideration for the woman than for 
the man, apply this reduction if it is the wife who 
is a slave, whether or not her husband is a free man. 
The Hanafls also set themselves apart from the other 
schools in not permitting the married male slave to 
use the device of "cursing" (li'dn), instituted by the 

Kur'an (xxiv, 6-9) to the advantage of the husband 
who may accuse his wife of adultery with no legal 

The "legal period of withdrawal" (Hdda) which 
must be observed by widows or repudiated woman 
(i£ur 3 5n, ii, 228, -234; lxv, 4) is also halved when 
the woman in question is a slave: 1) two months 
and five days for a widow, instead of four months 
and ten days; 2) two menstrual or intermenstrual 
periods (depending on the school) instead of three 
(one could hardly say one-and-a-half) for the repu- 
diated woman who is usually regular, except that 
the Zahiris keep the figure at three; 3) one month 
and a half for the repudiated woman who is not 
usually regular, except according to the Malikis, 
who oddly enough, as Averroes remarks (Biddya, 
ed. 1935, ii, 93; tr. Lai'meche, 233-4), here hold 
to the figure of three. 

f. — Far more important in practice, on account of 
its wide application and great bearing on social 
life, is the system of legal concubinage. In fikh 
as in the Kur'an, extramarital cohabitation is per- 
missible only between a man and his own female 
slave; he is forbidden to cohabit with a slave be- 
longing to his wife, even with the latter's consent 
(contrary to the Biblical custom), but indulgence 
is shown if he has relations with a slave belonging 
to his son. Co-owners of a female slave may not 
cohabit with her, nor may a sole owner cohabit with 
a married female slave. When the concubine {surriy- 
ya) has a child by her master, she enjoys the title 
of umm walad [q.v.\ and an improved status in that 
she cannot be sold and becomes free on her master's 
death (compare the Code of Hammurabi, para. 170; 
but for the fluctuations in old Islamic practice see 
J. Schacht, in E.I. > s.v., and The Origins of 
Muhammadan Jurisprudence, Oxford, 1950, 264-6); 
that child and any others she may subsequently 
have are born free. There is no limit to the number 
of concubines as there is to the number of wives, 
but almost all the authorities teach that there are 
the same bars to cohabitation as to marriage : natural 
or acquired kinship, two sisters together, the woman's 
professing a heathen religion. 

With the especial aim of avoiding confusion over 
parentage, in the absence of any initial ceremony 
or Hdda, the jurists have prescribed a temporary ban 
on sexual relations, in the case of a slave-woman, for 
"verification of non-pregnancy" or istibrd', when for 
any reason she becomes the property of a new master 
or changes her status (emancipation, marriage). 
If she is pregnant, this ban lasts till her confinement, 
as with the Hdda ; if not, its duration is one menstrual 
period. If she is not yet regular in her periods or 
has ceased to be regular, the authorities differ: one 
month or three months is the usual rule. Malikis 
and Hanbalis make the seller of the slave-woman 
share in the responsibility of the istibra'; the former 
entrust her (muwdda'a) to the supervision of a 
third person. There is considerable difference of 
opinion on points of detail in the numerous cases 
where the istibra' would appear to be no longer obli- 
gatory, as serving no purpose; to avoid it, recourse 
is had to certain devices of procedure, particularly 
by the Hanafi devotees of "circumventions of the 
law" (hiyal) (well-known anecdote of Harun al- 
Rashid and the kadi Abu Yusuf, which has found its 
way into the Arabian Nights). 

The children born of legal concubinage are legi- 
timate and, in the matter of succession to their 
father's estate, are on the same footing as children 
born in wedlock. But it is harder to establish legally 

the paternity of a master, with all its legal and social 
consequences, than that of a husband; besides, the 
old 'Iraki jurists were loth to declare it officially if 
there was no expression of willingness on the part 
of the master concerned. The Hanafis too stand 
apart from the other schools in not fathering a child 
on the master unless the latter acknowledges it, 
and in permitting him to disown it if there is a legal 
presumption in favour of his paternity inasmuch 
as the concubine is already umm walad. In the other 
schools, the master of an unmarried female slave 
is legally regarded as the father of her child, not 
only if he acknowledges it as his own but also if 
he makes an implicit admission of having had re- 
lations with her, as is obviously the case if she is 
already umm walad. It is open to him to deny pater- 
nity only if cohabitation was manifestly impossible 
within the — very wide — officially recognized limits 
of the term of pregnancy, or if he takes an oath 
that he put his concubine in istibrd' at least six 
months before the date of the birth, and that he 
has not cohabited with her since. The ascription of 
paternity becomes complicated in such abnormal 
situations as when two co-owners of a slave cohabit 
with her during the same intermenstrual period, 
or when two entitled parties in succession have had 
relations with her without istibra'; recourse is then 
had to the ruling of the "physiognomists" {kd'if 
pi. kdfa), an ancient Arabian expedient difficult of 
application at certain times. Failing this, the child 
is left to choose for himself at puberty. Here again 
the Hanafis stand alone in refusing to ratify this 
archaic institution ; they prefer, if the decision proves 
to be rationally impossible, to set up a kind of two- 
fold paternity. 

g. — Most authorities deny the slave-woman the 
right of custody (haddna) over her children to which 
the free woman is entitled, nor do they permit the male 
slave to be a "guardian for matrimonial purposes" 
(wall). The Shafi'i and Hanafi schools (who have 
not ratified the partial tolerance of Abu Hanifa) 
refuse to allow the slave to act as executor of a will 
[wasi). The testimony (shahada) of a slave is not 
admissible in court, except among the Hanbalis, 
and even they do not accept it in connection with 
the most serious punishable offences. His affirmation 
(ikrdr) is generally accepted in matters affecting his 
person (apart from restrictions imposed by certain 
authorities) but not in matters of property. 

h. — All the schools agree that the master can do 
as he likes with property in the possession of his 
slave and is at liberty to take it away from him. 
In the eyes of third parties, the ordinary slave has 
no patrimony of his own: his business activities, 
which are severely restricted, are on behalf of his 
master, who alone is financially competent to act. 
Nevertheless the Malikis take up the remarkable 
position (for an interesting justification see 'Abd 
al-Wahhab, Ishrdf, i, 270) of recognizing the slave's 
"ownership" (milk) of his peculium, whose source 
is mainly from gifts or bequests which it is permis- 
sible for him to accept on his own account, although 
the ownership here is precarious and may not be 
disposed of without consent. Two important conse- 
quences of this doctrine are that, according to the 
Malikis, the slave may lawfully have concubines 
without giving rise to any theoretical difficulties, 
and that on gaining his freedom he may keep his 
peculium, unless his master has formally announced 
his wish to retain it. 

Finally, apropos of patrimony, there is quite a 
common practice, known from remote Semitic anti- 

quity and from the Classical world, which provides 
the slave with a real, though not unrestricted, legal 
competency: it consists in the master's putting his 
slave in charge of a business or of certain specified 
business dealings, entrusting him with a capital sum 
where necessary. The slave is then said to be "au- 
thorized" (ma'dhan or ma'dhan lah). The effects of 
this "authorization" (idhn), which may nevertheless 
be revoked, are conceived in more or less generous 
terms by different jurists. The recipient always in 
fact becomes relatively independent, so as to be 
able to deal quite finely with third parties. The autho- 
rities are well-nigh unanimous in not making the 
master responsible for the debts of his "authorized" 
slave; the Hanafis, followed with some hesitation 
by the Hanballs, allow them to be recovered on the 
"physical person" (rakaba) of the slave debtor, if 
the capital at his disposal is inadequate; in other 
words he may be sold to pay them. On the other 
hand, the Malikis and Shafils recognize his "ab- 
stract responsibility" (dhimma); the "obligation to 
pay" (dayn) they leave standing to the account of 
those creditors whom the assets are insufficient to 
satisfy, while deferring the "exaction of payment" 
(mufdlaba, "Haftung") till such time as the slave 
is emancipated. 

i. — It is in connection with punishments ( l ukubdt) 
that the hybrid and indeterminate character of the 
legal nature of the slave, who is simultaneously a 
thing and a person of inferior status, breaks through 
the complicated web of solutions presented by the 
fifth. Here is a curious example, of an unusual kind 
but mentioned as clearly showing this ambivalence: 
the "legal compensation" (diya) for the foetus aborted 
by a free woman is a young slave of either sex, tech- 
nically known as ghurra, whereas the compensation 
for victims duly born is reckoned in camels or money. 

To what extent is the law of retaliation (kisds) 
applied to slaves, on the basis of I£ur 3 an, ii, 178 
(v. supra) ? In a case of intentional homicide it works 
against the slave, whether the victim be bond or 
free (if he is free, it is no doubt not precisely the idea 
of retaliation which underlies the punishment); 
but the schools object to putting a free man to death 
for killing a slave, with the noteworthy exception 
of the Hanafis (and also of that illustrious, albeit 
somewhat dissident, Hanball, Ibn Taymiyya; cf. 
Laoust, Essai, 418, 438), and even they exempt 
the man who kills his own slave or one belonging 
to his son. The Malikis are almost alone in con- 
ferring on the victim's next-of-kin the ownership 
of the guilty slave (again with a great many reser- 
vations), to do with him as he pleases: he may put 
him to death, keep him in slavery or set him free. 
This may be a survival of an archaic solution, else- 
where replaced by the simple choice, as in the case 
of free men, between retaliation and compensation 
according to the tariff. In cases of deliberate wound- 
ing the Shafi'is apply retaliation between the same 
persons as in cases of homicide; Malikis and Hanba- 
Hs insist on equality of status, slave or free, between 
the guilty party and his victim; the Hanafis forego 
retaliation altogether. 

What of the monetary compensation, according 
as the slave is guilty of or is the victim of bloodshed ? 
— 1) Slave victim: The compensation goes to the 
master. The diya is the responsibility of the guilty 
person alone, except that the Shafi'Is are undecided 
whether or not to bring in the "group jointly respon- 
sible for the bloodwit" ( c dkila), which is the Hanafi 
rule in cases of homicide only. This diya is not 
fixed, as for the free man, but is calculated, in the 

event of death, on the market value (klma) of the 
victim; the Hanafis alone set an upper limit to it, 
namely the diya of a free man less a token reduction 
of ten dirhams. If there is only wounding, of a type 
specified in the tariff laid down by the Law for. a 
free man, the majority of authorities hold that the 
market value of the injured slave should be reduced 
by the amount of the difference between the figure 
shown in the legal scale for an identical wound and 
the maximum compensation for a free man. The 
Malikis and some Hanballs teach, though with cer- 
tain reservations, that the sum paid should exactly 
equal the depreciation in the market value of the slave. 

2) Slave guilty: The majority of authorities give 
the master the choice between surrendering the cul- 
prit (daf-, noxalis deditio) and paying the appro- 
priate diya. But the Shafi'is, followed by several 
Hanballs, regard the diya as incumbent on the 
"physical person" (rakaba) of the slave in question, 
whom his master will therefore sell, and hand over 
the price received in exchange for him, up to the 
amount of the diya, unless he prefers to pay the 
sum due without selling him. 

The slave guilty of theft and the Muslim slave 
guilty of apostasy are punished in the same way 
as free men: by cutting off the hand in the former 
case, by death in the latter, when the necessary 
conditions for these punishments are fulfilled. 

Fornication (zind) committed by a slave of either 
sex does not legally involve the death penalty, in 
consequence of the Kur'anic ordinance (t>. supra) and 
because neither male nor female slaves are held 
capable of acquiring the particular legal condition 
of a muhsan(a) spouse, which the fikh restricts to 
free persons who have consummated marriage and 
which it regards as necessary before a death-sentence 
can be imposed for a sexual offence. As laid down 
in the Rur'an, the punishment is half of that decreed 
(xxiv, 2) for the free person who is not muhsan(a) ; 
viz. fifty lashes instead of one hundred, to which 
some authorities would add the further penalty of 
banishment. It should be noted that Hanafis and 
Hanbalis refuse to regard as muttsan the spouse of 
anybody who is not muhsan: so, according to them, 
the husband or wife of a slaw cannot be executed 
for adultery. As part of the general tendency to 
mitigate the punishment for sexual offences involving 
slaves, certain cases of unlawful cohabitation with 
a female slave (e.g. by a co-owner or the master's 
father) are not looked upon as zina. 

Finally, the slave who is guilty of a "false charge 
of fornication" (kadhf) against a free person is liable, 
here again, to half the penalty decreed by the 
Kur'an (xxiv, 4) against the slanderer who is free; 
viz. forty lashes instead of eighty. But the slave who 
is the victim of such a slander has no right at all 
to any such satisfaction, since the Law, which to 
a certain extent protects the person of the slave, 
does not go so far as to regard him or her as a man 
or woman of honour. 

The vast field of the "arbitrary punishments" 
(ta'azir), left to the judge's discretion, almost com- 
pletely defies investigation through the study of 
written sources. We are conscious of our inability 
to make a sufficiently close study of how, in matters 
of punishment, the slave's position really compares, 
throughout history, with that of the free man, in 
the eyes of the judicial authorities of Islam. 

j. — The emancipation ( l «A, 'ataka, i'tdk) of the 
slave is a work of piety ; it is a unilateral act on the 
part of the master, consisting in an explicit or implicit 
declaration; in the former case it is not necessary 

i. In principle, emancipation cannot 
be revoked, nor may the beneficiary refuse it. If, 
however, instead of being immediate, it is to take 
effect at some fixed future date or subject to certain 
conditions, all authorities but the Malikls permit 
the slave to be sold in the meantime. This destroys 
the effect of the emancipation (except, some say, 
if the slave is then re-acquired by his former owner). 
The children of a female slave, born or unborn, as 
a rule become free on her emancipation. The partial 
enfranchisement of a slave by his sole master is 
equivalent to his total enfranchisement (Abu Hanlfa 
formulates a reservation, but is not followed by his 
disciples). The question is more involved when the 
slave is held in joint ownership and one of the owners 
enfranchises him insofar as his own share is concerned ; 
if this owner is well-to-do, the enfranchisement 
is total and he will compensate his fellow-owners 
for the value of their shares. If the emancipator 
is not wealthy enough for this, the slave remains 
"partial" (muba"ad), except according to the Hana- 
fis, who free him and allow the other owners to re- 
cover their share out of the income from his work 
(si'-dya). There is another point on which the Hanafis 
reject the solution readily accepted by the other 
schools: they do not permit recourse to the drawing 
of lots (kur'-a) to determine which of several slaves 
is to be enfranchised when circumstances make it 
necessary to choose ; their rejection of this procedure 
dictates certain of their rulings. 

A grant of enfranchisement with effect from the 
master's death, a desirable practice for the Faithful 
and one for which they have often shown partiality, 
is known as tadbir, from the expression l an dubur'" 
minni, "after me" (this is the view of the Malikls, 
who inlist on a formula containing a word from the 
root dbr). The Shafi'Is also apply the term to an 
enfranchisement to take effect from a date after 
the master's death, which for the other schools 
would count as no more than a revocable testa- 
mentary disposition. Tadbir itself is in principle ir- 
revocable, in the eyes of all the authorities, but here 
too the Shafi'is and Hanbalis allow it to be made 
void by the sale of the mudabbar slave. The Hanafis 
permit this only if the tadbir is limited (mukayyad) 
by a condition connected with the emancipator's 
death. It is permissible for a master to cohabit with 
his mudabbara slave; and her children, except in 
the dominant Shafi'i view, follow the condition of 
their mother. On the master's death, the mudabbar, 
being regarded as part of his estate, is subject to 
the rule of the disposable third and on this rule 
depends the manner of his effective liberation, which 
is different for each school. Except according to 
the Hanafis, he remains in slavery if the debts of 
the deceased cannot be settled without selling him. 

Contractual enfranchisement is of great doctrinal 
and practical importance. It is recommended by 
the Kur'an (xxiv, 33: the interpretation of the 
text as implying a strict obligation has not generally 
prevailed). It consists in the master's granting the 
slave his freedom in return for the payment of sums 
of money agreed between them. Some call this 
conditional enfranchisement, according to others 
it is ransom by the slave of his own person: a diver- 
gence which entails solutions differing in detail. 
The transaction is known in the Kur'an as kitdb, 
the verbal noun of the third form. In the classical 
language, no doubt to distinguish this from kitdb = 
"letter, book", it has been replaced by its morpho- 
logical equivalent muhdtaba or by kitdba. 

Although the payments are usually spaced out 

(munadidjama) and the majority of jurists regard 
settlement by instalments as essential to the con- 
tract, the Hanafis accept one single and immediate 
payment; the Malikls are satisfied with one instal- 
ment, while Shafi'Is and Hanbalis insist on a mini- 
mum of two. The sums to be paid are of course de- 
ducted from the peculium of the slave, who is ipso 
facto "authorized" to engage in business; the granting 
of kitdba to a female slave who has no honest source 
of income is frowned upon. The mukdtab is set free 
only when his payments are completed (on some 
archaic divergences, see Schacht, Origins, 279-80). 
But the master is forbidden to sell him in the mean- 
time, except by the Hanbalis, who nevertheless 
hold the purchaser to the terms of the contract of 
enfranchisement. The Malikls give the master a 
limited right to dispose in advance of the total of 
the sums which the mukdtab undertakes to pay (they 
are known as kitdba, like the contracts itself). Con- 
cubinage with a "contractually emancipated female 
slave" is unlawful. A grant of mukdtaba may be 
superimposed on one of tadbir, to the same person's 
advantage. When the mukdtab reaches the end of 
his payments, a "rebate" (««') is usually accorded 
to him, in compliance with the Kur'anic text: fixed 
or discretionary, obligatory or merely recommended, 
according to the different authorities. 

k. — Once he has gained his liberty, the freedman 
('atih, mu'tah) immediately enjoys the same full 
legal capacity as the freeborn. But both he and his 
male descendants in perpetuity remain attached to 
the emancipator (muHik), and to his or her family, 
by a bond of "clientship" or wold', a term equally 
denoting the converse side of the relationship: "pa- 
tronage". "Patron" and "client" are both referred 
to as mawld (pi. mawdli) in relation to each other; 
if necessary they are differentiated by means of 
epithets: "higher" (al-aHa) for the former and "lo- 
wer" (al-asfal) for the latter. The Hanafis alone main- 
tain, besides this waW which originates in slavery, 
a legal institution known as waW al-muwdldt between 
free men, which is outside the scope of the present 

A saying, applied with slight variations in the 
different schools, runs: "Patronage belongs to the 
emancipator" (al-wald* li-man a l tah); it cannot be 
made over to a third party by any negotiation or 
shift at the moment of emancipation. The fikh, 
moreover, which insists on assimilating patronage to 
natural kinship (hadlth: dl-waW luhma ka-luftmat al- 
nasab), has succeeded in making it inalienable and 
untransferable, whereas cases of sale were not un- 
known before and even under Islam (cf. Ahmad 
Amln, Fadfr al-Islam, i, no; Schacht, Origins, 
173). Nevertheless, on the strength of the peculiar 
concept of "attraction of patronage" (diarr al-waW), 
this right may be transferred in certain cases; for 
example, from the immediate emancipator to the 
one who emancipated him, or from the emancipator 
of the mother to the subsequent emancipator of 
the father, subject to certain conditions. Malikls 
and Hanbalis sanction, not without much wavering, 
and under very different final forms, an ancient 
type of enfranchisement without patronage, known 
as Htk al-sdHba in reference to the pre-Islamic custom, 
condemned indeed in the Kur'an (v, 103), which 
consisted in turning loose in complete freedom one 
particular she-camel of the herd, protected by taboos. 

The patron and his "agnates" (<asaba), or those 
of the patroness, stand in the position of agnates, 
except according to the Zahiris, to the emancipated 
slave who has no natural agnates, particularly in 

n with tutelage for purposes of matrimony 
and with joint responsibility in penal matters. In 
return, the property of the emancipated slave or 
of his or her descendants in the male line who die 
leaving neither priority heirs nor agnates, reverts 
to the patron or patroness or to their agnatic heirs, 
in accordance with a system of devolution (by suc- 
cessive generations among the kin; maxim: al- 
waW li-l-kubr) more archaic than in usual cases 
of succession (see R. Brunschvig, in Revue Historique 
de Droit, 1950). A woman is absolutely excluded 
from this "inheritance of patronage" (mirdth al- 
waW) : she can be patron only of her own freedmen 
or the freedmen of the latter; her sons inherit the 
patronage, while they are not counted among her 
agnates for purposes of joint responsibility in penal 
matters, a particularly conservative institution. One 
ancient isolated opinion notwithstanding, the jurists 
have not granted the freedman the right to inherit 
the property of the patron who dies without heirs. 
Bibliography: Apart from references in the 
text, all the collections of hadith and treatises 
on fikh, not forgetting the works on ikhtilaf. 
Studies in European languages: Weckwarth, Der 
Sklave im Muham. Recht, Berlin 1909, mentioned 
for the sake of completeness; Abd Elwahed, 
Contributions a une theorie sociologique de I'escla- 
vage, Paris 1931, is more important, but biassed. 
For the three main Sunnl schools only, see first 
of all: D. Santillana, Istituzioni, i 2 , 141-160; 
Juynboll, Handleiding ', 232-40, Bergstrasser- 
Schacht, Grundziige, 38-42 ; and, for penal law, L. 
Bercher, Les delits et les peines de droit commun pre- 
vus par leCoran, Tunis 1926, passim. On the Malik! 
view of paternity in legal concubinage, Lapanne- 
Joinville, in Revue Marocaine de Droit, 1952. 
1. — The strictly juridical statute of slavery among 
the Imami Shi'ites, for which one may refer to the 
classic work of al-Hilll, ShardV al-Isldm (tr. Querry, 
2 vols., Paris 1871-2) is indicative of attitudes some- 
times considerably removed from the great Sunnl 
principles. Among the solutions it offers we shall 
confine ourselves to the following, as being parti- 
cularly revealing of some interesting legal or social 

The child born in wedlock does not follow the 
status of his mother, bond or free, but failing any 
stipulation to the contrars', is born free if either of 
his parents is free. If both are slaves but not of the 
same master, he belongs jointly to the masters of 
both parents. The master of a female slave may 
grant a third party the "use" of her, for purposes 
of work or sexual relations. There is a great deal 
of controversy about the permissibility of manumit- 
ting a non-Muslim slave; on the other hand it is 
recommended that the Muslim slave should be 
freed after seven years' service (compare with 
Exodus, xxi, 2; Deut., xv, 12). Manumission is of 
right, according to most authorities, when the 
slave is mutilated by the master, as the Malikis 
hold, or if he is smitten with blindness, leprosy or 
paralysis in the course of his slavery. The concu- 
bine who has borne a child is not automatically freed 
on her master's death unless her child is still alive; 
her value is then deducted from this child's share 
of the inheritance. Enfranchisement with effect from 
a master's death may be revoked, just like a legacy; 
it does not prevent sale of the slave, which is tanta- 
mount to a revocation. Contractual enfranchisemen} 
is of two kinds: "conditional", which leaves in total 
slavery the slave who defaults in his debts, as among 
the Sunnis; "unconditional", which gives the slave 

his freedom in proportion to the amount he pays. 

In penal law, there is no retaliation on the freeman 
for the murder of a slave. The wall of a freeman 
killed by a slave can, as in MalikI law, claim the 
possession of the guilty slave. The diya of the slave- 
may not exceed (whereas the Hanafls say: amount 
to) that of a free person of the same sex. 

Some of these provisions show an independent 
development of doctrine, while others clearly echo 
ancient solutions which the Sunnis as a whole have 
not retained (see two examples in J. Schacht, Origins y 
265, 279). 

The Practice of Slavery 
A) In the Middle Ages 

Throughout the whole of Islamic history, down 
to the 19th century, slavery has always been an 
institution tenacious of life and deeply rooted in 
custom. The Turks, who were to come to the relief 
of the Arabs in the victorious struggle against Christi- 
anity, seem to have practised it but little in their 
primitive nomadic state (Ucok, in Revue Historique 
de Droit franfais, 1952, 423): after providing for 
so long their unwilling quota, through kidnapping 
or purchase, to the slave class of the Muslim world, 
they became themselves supporters of the institution 
in an ever-increasing degree, as they adopted Islam 
and the sedentary way of life. 

The wars of conquest, which, after the fulgurous 
expansion of Islam in the first century of the hidjra, 
continued throughout the Middle Ages to further 
its spread in one direction or another despite set- 
backs elsewhere, provided the conquerors with an 
almost ceaseless stream of prisoners of both sexes, 
many of whom remained in slavery. Even in those 
places where the frontiers of the ddr al-Isldm were, for 
the time being, established, armed raids into enemy 
country, organized by the central power or individual 
groups, continued to put into practice the principle 
of the "Holy War", when no official truce or mo- 
mentary alliance happened to be in force; and these 
raids brought back captives. Piracy in the Mediter- 
ranean, coupled with the privateering war from which 
it was often barely distinguishable, both augmented 
by grim razzias against the Christian seaboard, con- 
tributed to the supply of slaves to the adjacent Mus- 
lim lands, to an extent which varied at different 
periods but was always considerable. 

Mediterranean Christendom, from Spain to By- 
zantium, paid this aggressive Islam in its own coin, 
by land and by sea. A curious chapter in the economic 
and social history of these Christian countries is 
afforded by the periodic influxes to their territory 
of "Moors" or "Saracens", reduced to slavery, then 
closely watched, employed as labourers, sometimes 
escaping or being ransomed but usually blending, 
little by little, into the local population, after their 
slow conversion to Christianity (see Ch. Verlinden's 
detailed study, in L'Esclavage dans le monde iberique 
medieval, in Anuario Historia Derecho Espanol, 1934; 
idem, on Catalonia, in Annates du Midi, 1950, and 
his useful bibliography, for various countries, in 

Studi G. Luzzatto, Milan, 1949, while awaiting 

his book on L'Esclavage dans VEurope Medievale; 
due to appear in 1954; interesting documentation 
on one particular society is to be found in A. Gonzalez 
Palencia, Los Mozdrabes de Toledo en los siglos XII 
y XIII, Madrid 1930, prel. vol., 242-6; on the quasi- 
ritual invitation of Muslim captives to the Emperor 
of Constantinople's banquet, in the 10th century, 
see M. Canard, in Vasiliev, Byzance et les Arabes, 
vol. ii, part 2, Brussels 1950, 387-8). 

It sometimes happened, admittedly on a restricted 
scale, that Muslims made slaves of other Muslims. 
This was the case, for example, when members of 
fanatical sects regarded the rest of mankind as beyond 
the pale of Islam and consequently did not scruple 
to attack them and, if they spared their lives, to 
keep them in captivity. There was an exceptional 
instance in 1077, when thousands of women of a 
revolted Berber tribe were publicly sold in Cairo. 
What happened more frequently, on the borders of 
Muslim states, was that official or private razzias 
against populations still largely pagan carried off 
indiscriminately human beings, particularly children, 
who might belong to Islam. With the spread of 
Islam in negro Africa and the intensification of 
Moroccan pressure in this direction, beginning in 
the last centuries of the Middle Ages, the question 
of the legality of subsequent sales had to be put 
to some great jurists; they answered circumspectly, 
giving the dealers the benefit of the doubt as to 
the origin of individuals offered for sale (in 15th 
century, al-WansharisI, Mi'ydr, vol. ix, 171-2, 
tr. Archives Marocaines, xiii, 426-8; towards 1600, 
Ahmad Baba of Timbuktu, quoted in P. Zeys, Escla- 
vage et guerre sainte, Paris 1900). 

The import of slaves by peaceful means tended, 
from an early date, to compete with the forcible 
method. Slaves were included in the well-known 
ba£t [q.v.] (Latin pactum!) or annual Nubian tribute, 
unquestionably a continuation of an ancient tradi- 
tion, which was furnished to Egypt well-nigh regu- 
larly for many hundreds of years. But, in the ordinary 
course of events, it was trade that brought a plentiful 
flow of slaves from outside into the markets of 
the ddr al-Isldm. The slavers' caravans went into 
the heart of Africa or of Asia to acquire their human 
merchandise, bought or stolen; on the Dark Conti- 
nent, the slaving propensities and internal struggles 
of the natives facilitated the business of the dealers. 
Not only Negroes and Ethiopians, Berbers and Turks 
were the objects of this international trade; there 
were in addition, chiefly in the early Middle Ages, 
various European elements, above all, the "Slavs", 
whose name has given rise to our term "slave" 
and has also been extended in Arabic (Sakdliba) 
to cover other ethnic groups of central or eastern 
Europe, their geographical neighbours. The traffic 
-was carried on by sea as well as by land; the Red 
Sea has never ceased to provide a way from Africa 
to Arabia; the Mediterranean, with its appendage 
the Black Sea, offers a route, that has always been 
frequented, from Christian or pagan Europe to the 
Muslim world. Certain ports seem to have had a 
bigger share than others, at various times, in the 
reception of this merchandise: Almeria in Muslim 
Spain, Farama and later Alexandria in Egypt. 
Darband (Bab al-A bwdb), on the shores of the Caspian, 
•was from quite an early date a very busy frontier- 
market for slaves, as were Bukhara and Samarkand 
in the interior. 

From the middle of the 8th century, the Venetians, 
to the great indignation of the Papacy, began then- 
career as purveyors of slaves — sometimes Christian — 
to the Islamic lands. In the 9th and 10th centuries, 
Jewish merchants played an important part in the 
traffic of "Slavs" across central and western Europe 
(including a celebrated eunuch-"factory" at Verdun) 
and their distribution throughout Islam (the famous 
passage from Ibn Khurradadhbih on the Radhaniyya 
is reproduced and translated by Hadj-Sadok, in Bibli- 
othique arabe-francaise, vi, Algiers 1949, 20-3). At a 
later date, the Mamluks of Egypt, with the consent 

of the Byzantine emperor, imported new slaves, to 
serve or to replace them, from the Genoese or Venetian 
trading-posts of the Crimea or the Sea of Azov. 

Even within the Muslim world, there were consi- 
derable movements of slaves, of every racial origin, 
in the Middle Ages; tribute sent to the caliphs by 
provincial governors and vassal amirs, or commercial 
traffic. We do not know all the details of the or- 
ganization of this traffic, but we are acquainted with 
certain aspects of it. Every big town had its public 
slavemarket, which in some countries was called 
the "place of display" (ma'rid). The one at Samarra, 
in the 9th century, is described as being a vast 
quadrilateral, with internal alleys and onestorey 
houses, containing rooms and shops (al-Ya'kubl, 
Bulddn, 260 = tr. Wiet, Cairo 1937, 52). The slave- 
merchant, who was known as "importer" (dialldb) 
or "cattle-dealer" (nakhkhds), inspired at the same 
time contempt for his occupation and envy for his 
wealth: he used in fact to draw huge profits, often 
through clever faking of his merchandise, if he did 
not actually hoodwink the unsophisticated customer 
in a quite outrageous fashion. Some remarkable 
details in this connection are to be found from 
the pen of the eastern Christian doctor Ibn Butlan, 
towards the middle of the nth century (see Mez, 
Renaissance, 156-7) and in the writings of the con- 
scientious Muslim al-Sakatiof Malaga, towards 1 100 
(Manuel de Ifisba, ed. Colin and Levi-Provencal, 
Paris 1931, 47-58). 

I do not consider that it would serve any useful 
purpose here to quote selling-prices, particularly if 
the prices in question are exceptional. Such figures 
have no real meaning unless subjected' to criticism 
and compared with the commercial value of other 
commodities — a study which has yet to be made and 
the materials for which, it seems, could be assem- 
bled with no great difficulty. But it is already clear 
and well-known that there were differences in the 
same market as between the various categories of 
slave, according to their place of origin, their sex, 
age, physical condition and abilities; these diffe- 
rences seem vast in the case of choice items, parti- 
cularly females: young, handsome, talented. As a 
rule, whites were worth more than blacks; the as- 
cending order of value among them, in nth-century 
Spain, was: Berbers, Catalans, Galicians. At Alexan- 
dria, in the 15th century, Tartars and Circassians 
were prized above Greeks, Serbs and Albanians. 
An elementary and traditional kind of comparative 
psycho-physiology decides the typical qualities and 
defects assigned, in popular lore, to representatives 
of the various races and, in consequence, the func- 
tions for which they are considered best suited. Ber- 
ber women, for instance, are esteemed for housework, 
sexual relations and childbearing; negresses are 
thought to be docile ("one would say they born 
for slavery"), robust and excellent wet-nurses; Greek 
women may be trusted to look after precious things; 
Armenian and Indian women do not take kindly 
to slavery and are difficult to manage. 

Almost all female slaves are destined for domestic 
occupations, to which may be added, when they 
are physically attractive, the gratification of the 
master's pleasures. Herein indeed lies the commonest 
motive — lawful in Muslim eyes — for their purchase. 
Those of them who show an aptitude for study may 
be given a thorough musical or even literary edu- 
cation, by the slave-dealer or a rich master, and 
beguile by their attainments the leisure hours of high 
society (the slave-girl musician is called fyayna). 

Some again are found here and there given over to 
prostitution, despite the Kur'anic prohibition. 

Male slaves have a wider range of duties, from the 
beginning of their captivity. A great number form 
the personal bodyguards or the enormous slave-mili- 
tias, black or white, frequently in rivalry, which 
speedily reinforce or replace the Arab, Berber and 
Iranian fighting-men. This military function was the 
chief reason for the Egyptian and North African 
recruitment of slaves in the land of the negroes and 
for the introduction into 'Irak, by the caliphs of 
Baghdad, of Turkish slaves, employed in the same 
way by the Samanids of Bukhara (details on their 
formation and career in Nizam al-Mulk, Siydset- 
nama, ed. tr. Schefer, Paris 1891-3, 95/139 f.). 
But certainly the most remarkable regime in this 
respect, remarkable both for the extent of the phe- 
nomenon and for the great ethnic variety of white 
warrior-slaves involved in it, must have been that 
of the Mamluks [?.».]. 

Other male slaves have domestic duties — some- 
times of a questionable nature — in the homes of 
people of moderate means, as well as in those of the 
great. Among them were the eunuchs who, chiefly 
on the model of Byzantium, filled the palaces of 
the caliphs, the amirs and all the nobles, at first 
as guardians of the harim. They are rarely referred 
to by their specific appellation of "castrate" {khafi) 
or "eunuch" (tawdsk'"); they are more usually des- 
ignated by a neutral term: "servant" (khadim), or, 
as a mark of high honour, "master" in the sense of 
"teacher" (ustddh; see Canard, Histoire d'ar-Rddi, 
Algiers 1946, 210), which also indicates the function 
performed by some of them. In the early Middle 
Ages, the proportion of "Slavs" among the eunuchs 
imported and then re-exported by Muslim Spain 
was so high that $ilflabi (var. silflabi) was often used 
there in the sense of "eunuch" (Dozy, Suppl., i, 
663). In the 9th century, the illustrious writer al- 
PJahiz states that the majority of white eunuchs in 
'Irak were "Slavs", and in the course of the remarkable 
essay which he devotes to the effects of castration on 
men, he asserts that in these "Slavs", as opposed to 
the blacks, the operation encourages the development 
of all the natural aptitudes (al-fiayawdn, Cairo 1938, 
i, 106 seqq., tr. Asin Palacios in Isis, 1930, 42-54). For 
the following century, interesting details are to be 
found in the work of the geographer Makdisi, on 
the categories of eunuchs and the processes of cas- 
tration (re-ed. Pellat, Algiers 1950, 56-9; see also 
Ibn Hawkal, i, no). Whereas the blacks were usually 
submitted to a complete and barbarous amputation, 
"level with the abdomen", as the later expression 
ran, the whites, who were operated on with a little 
more care, retained the ability to perform coitus 
(this distinction is also vouched for in modern times) ; 
some of them took concubines or even wives, as the 
Hanafi school allowed. 

Outside the house, many slaves served as assistants 
in business, or carried on business themselves, in 
accordance with their legal position, with a conside- 
rable measure of independence. Others cultivated 
their masters' fields. Examples are found of monu- 
mental building-works carried out by slave-labour, 
especially by prisoners-of-war in government ser- 
vice. But it must be emphasized that mediaeval 
Islam seems scarcely to have known the system of 
large-scale rural exploitation based on an immense 
and anonymous slave labour-force. One big attempt 
along these lines, carried out by the c Abb5sids in 
order to revivify the lands of 'Irafc, the centre of their 
empire, ended, during the second half of the 9th 
Encyclopaedia of Islam 

D 33 

century, in the prolonged and terrible revolt of the 
Zandj [q.v.] slaves, who had been imported from 
the eastern coast of Africa to bring the swamps of 
Lower Mesopotamia under cultivation. 

The vast majority of slaves therefore escaped the 
system of collective forced labour, which condemns 
a man to one of the most distressful of all existences. 
This does not mean that they were one and all 
contented with their lot; the number of runaways, 
which seems very high at certain periods, would 
indicate the reverse. But setting aside the suffering 
caused by the slave traffic (all the more if castration 
was performed), and taking into account the general 
harshness of the times, the condition of the majority 
of slaves with their Muslim masters was tolerable 
and not too much at variance with the quite liberal 
regulations which the official morality and law had 
striven to establish. Despite the obvious points of 
inferiority, it was even known for them to attain 
happy and enviable positions, in material prosperity 
and influence, especially in rich and highly-placed 
families and, even more, in the immediate entourage 
of the sovereign. They had, in addition, the prospect 
of liberation, which it was not always overbold to 
hope for. 

This liberation, in the case of prisoners-of-war 
or victims of razzias by land or sea, might result 
from negotiations between the powers concerned: 
an exchange of captives or restoration in return for 
a ransom. History is full of such negotiations, some- 
times futile, sometimes crowned with success, be- 
tween Christian and Muslim states. Many were the 
captives ransomed, in both directions, thanks to 
collections of an official nature, but also more and 
more by ordinary individuals. In the latter case, 
Jews often played a useftil Dart as go-betweens; 
in Spain they were sometimes referred to as "al- 
faqueques" (Ar. fakhdh, "liberator"). Further, great 
Catholic religious Orders, organized for the most 
part since the end of the 12th century and the be- 
ginning of the 13th, devoted themselves to succouring 
and ransoming their co-religionists who were cap- 
tives in Muslim countries: in discharging this duty, 
Trinitarians and Mercedarians were to have a long 
and fruitful career, which their eulogists, ancient and 
modern, have regrettably deemed it necessary to em- 
bellish still further by means of exaggerated figures. 

Also worthy of consideration, for their number 
and for their effects on Muslim society, were the 
compulsory manumissions, under the conditions 
imposed by the Law, of concubines who had borne 
children, as well as the voluntary manumissions of 
slaves of both sexes, especially Muslims, by their 
Muslim masters. Thus apostasy was rendered at- 
tractive for Christians; though not, as a rule, im- 
posed on them, it was insistently suggested. We 
have already said that enfranchisement is an act 
of piety, widely practised; it is frequently the result 
of a vow or oath (conditional oath, expiation for a 
violated oath). The beneficiary ranks unreservedly 
as a free man or woman ; the bond of clientship which 
continues to exist, and whose existence is felt, pre- 
sents not so much a slight moral derogation as an 
inestimable advantage in the reality of a highly 
compact social structure. From 'Abbasid times on- 
ward, more than one freedman rose very high in- 
deed in the military and political hierarchy, even 
to the most exalted ranks to which a free Muslim 
might attain. Their very names, which they conti- 
nued to bear, betraying to the world their former 
servitude and even their irremediable condition as 
eunuchs (some of them commanded armies), were 

no obstacle to such a rise. In the 4th/ioth century, 
such men as Mu'nis in Baghdad and the negro Kafur in 
Egypt afford a remarkable illustration of the system. 
A number of Muslim dynasties, in Spain as well 
as in Egypt and the heart of Asia, have an avowedly 
servile origin. A Turkish "slave" dynasty reigned at 
Dihll in the 13th century [see dihl! sultanate). The 
"mamluk" sultans of Cairo actually made such an 
origin a condition of coming to power, through a 
recognized cursus. honorum (see G. Wiet, in Hanotaux, 
Histoire de la Nation Egyptienne, vol. iv, 1937, 393-5 ; 
D. Ayalon,L' Esclavage du Mamelouk, Jerusalem 1951, 
and mamlOks). As for maternal ancestry, reigning 
sovereigns almost everywhere, including the 'Abbasid 
caliphs, were commonly sons of slave concubines, of 
widely varying provenance. 

It is therefore easy to imagine the importance of 
slavery in that mingling of populations to which 
Muslim institutions have been so favourable. The 
number of new slaves introduced into the great 
cities in certain years could be reckoned in thou- 
sands ; the slave element formed a considerable part 
of the urban population and had a marked tendency 
to blend with it, not only through enfranchisement 
but also through sexual intermixing, which was 
commonplace. Crossbreeding with blacks may have 
had ethnological consequences, which it is not within 
our competence to analyse. The slave-trade was of 
prime importance in economic life; the taxes im- 
posed on it were a source of profit to the authorities. 
Although slave-labour was for the most part em- 
ployed in household duties and was not generally 
applied to productive work, yet the military function 
of large numbers of male slaves was one of the salient 
features of this civilization, and had repercussions 
on the foreign and domestic policies of many mediae- 
val states (see M. Canard, on a treaty between Byzan- 
tium and Egypt in the 13th century, in Melanges 
Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Cairo 1935-45, 197 S-)- 

Bibliography : In addition to references in 
the text: Le Strange, 184, 429, 437, 459, 487; 
Mez, Renaissance, 152-62; Heyd, Histoire du com- 
merce du Levant au moyen dge, Leipzig 1885-6, 
ii. 555-63 and passim; Schnaube, Handelsgeschichte 

der roman. Vblker Munich-Berlin 1906, 22-3, 

102, 272 and passim; Ch. Verlinden, L'Esclavage 
dans I'Espagne musulmane, Anuario de Historia 
del Derecho espanol, 1935, 361-424 ; Levi-Provencal, 
L'Espagne Musulmane au Xe siecle, Paris 1932, 
29, 191-3; idem, Histoire de I'Espagne musulmane, 
vol. iii; R. Brunschvig, La Berberie orientate sous 
Us Ha/sides, i, 450-1, 454-8. 

B) In the Modern Period 

The practice of slavery among the Muslims seems 
to have undergone no radical changes during the 
modern period, down to the last century. The main 
sources and the mediaeval routes of the slave-trade 
were modified only to a limited extent by the 
disappearance of Islam from Spain and on the 
other hand its expansion or consolidation in the 
Balkans, India and Indonesia. Far more considerable 
must have been the effect of the position adopted 
by European Christendom; having almost entirely 
suppressed slavery on its own ground, it must have 
ceased to contribute to the commercial supply of 
white human merchandise long before it adopted the 
worldwide policy of abolitionism, whose effects are 
still perceptible in our own days. Christendom never- 
theless busied itself with supplying its American 
colonies with African negroes, thrown into cruel 

bondage. Among these unfortunates, Muslims seem 
to have been particularly numerous in Brazil, where 
from 1807 to 1835 they fomented the great slave 
revolts, rigorously quelled, which shook Bahia 
(on their cultural influence and their disappearance, 
sec R. Ricard and R. Bastide, in Hesperis for 1950 
and 1952 respectively). In the Mediterranean, where 
the corsairs and "Barbary" pirates continued their 
ravages, perhaps to an even greater extent, after the 
establishment of Ottoman supremacy (see 0. Eck, See- 
rauberei im Mittelmeer, Munich-Berlin 1940), the bor- 
dering Christian powers retaliated almost down to 
the end of the 18th century, as they had done pre- 
viously, by numerous captures. In this work the 
Knights of Malta took an active part: during the 
first half of the century, they sold to the French 
navy the men it needed as rowers on the galleys. 
More than ten thousand Muslim slaves attempted 
a revolt on the island in 1749; Bonaparte liberated 
the two thousand Barbary slaves whom he found 
there in 1798 (see Godeschot and Emerit, in R.Afr., 
1952, 105-13)- 

On the lot of Christian captives or slaves in the 
hands of the Barbary corsairs, there is abundant 
European documentation; perhaps even too abun- 
dant, in view of its not being always of good quality. 
If Cervantes' captivity at Algiers is a matter of 
certainty and had a felicitous result on his work, 
that of St. Vincent de Paul at Tunis is scarcely plau- 
sible. The information provided in what might be 
termed the classic accounts of the subject, such as 
those of Friar Haedo or Father Dan (17th century, 
the heyday of the corsairs), must be carefully checked 
against other data, preferably derived, where possible, 
from consular archives (for all aspects of slavery at 
Algiers, see the solid study by H. D. de Gramont, 
in Revue Historique, 1884-5, to be supplemented by 
Venture de Paradis, ed. Fagnan, Algiers 1898, and 
Lespes, Alger, Paris 1930, ii, chaps. 3-5; for Tu- 

of t 

by J. Pignon in R.T., 1930; 
cent publication, Garcia Navarro, Redenciones de 
cautivos en Africa, ed. Vazquez Pajaro, Madrid 1946). 
It is important to distinguish particularly between 
slaves held to ransom, who were rich and well- 
treated, and the slave workers, whose widely-varying 
destinies might hold in store for them a bitter life 
in the galleys, or wretched toil in the countryside, 
or an often much easier life in or just outside the 
city. Barbary at that time abounded in "matamores" 
(Ar. matmura: "silo") and "bagnios" (Ital. bagno: 
"bath") in which the slaves were penned. The At- 
lantic itself was scoured by the Moroccan corsairs, 
from their base at Rabat-Sale (see Penz, Les capti/s 
francais du Maroc au XVIIe siecle, Rabat 1944). 
As in the Middle Ages, the liberationist religious 
Orders and the Jews took an active part in procuring 
releases by ransom. Renegades attained high positions 
in the fleet or in the army. But at the beginning 
of the 19th century, after a slow decline that was 
hastened by increased pressure on the part of the 
European powers, the number of Christian captives 
was considerably diminished. At the time of the 
French conquest in 1830, Algiers had no more than 
1 22, as against several thousands two centuries earlier. 
North Africa remained an outlet for the traffic in 
negroes, on the other hand, right down to the French 
occupation. In this traffic Morocco played a pre- 
ponderant part, especially at that period in the 
second half of the 17th century, when the sultan 
Mulay Isma'il raised a veritable army of negroes 
and half-breeds ('abid al-Bukhdri, in consequence 

of the oath they took on this collection of "authen- 
tic" traditions; see H. Terrasse, Histoire du Maroc, 
ii, Casablanca 1950, 256-7). Black slaves of both 
sexes continued to be imported into Morocco until 
well into the 20th century, with some pretence at 
secrecy since the open traffic from Timbuktu and 
public sale (the fairs of SidI Ahmad u-Musa on the 
southern borders; at Fez and Rabat the special mar- 
ket was called birka, as in Tunisia) had become im- 
possible. It should be pointed out how much their 
presence colours the family and social life of the 
cities (see R. Le Tourneau, Fis avant le Protectorat, 
Casablanca 1949, 200-3, with references; and, under 
the Protectorate, J. and J. Tharaud, Fez ou les 
bourgeois de I'Islam, Paris 1930, 17-43). 

Towards 1810, a competent observer, Dr Louis 
Frank, made a special study of the importation 
of slaves at Tunis {L'Univers Pittoresque, Tunis, 
115 seqq.) as he had done in Egypt ten years pre- 
viously under Bonaparte (his Memoire sur U commerce 
des nigres au Kaire, Paris 1802). The general or- 
ganization of the traffic, the focus of which was 
public sales, recorded in writing, was much the same 
in both places, with the difference that whereas 
Cairo was supplied solely by big caravans (two annual, 
one from Sennar and one from Darfur — see also 
J. S. Trimingham, Islam in the Sudan, Oxford 1949, 
passim — , and one biennial, from Bornu or Fezzan), 
Tunis used to receive some isolated consignments, 
apart from one big caravan every year from Fezzan 
or beyond (see also J. Despois, Geographic humaine 
du Fezzan, Paris 1946, 35-7, with references): an 
annual total of some three thousand for Cairo and 
one thousand for Tunis. In the latter city the male 

or chief eunuch of the bey, while the negresses had 
"a forewoman to rule and protect them." In Egypt, 
the mortality of these negroes was high; in Tunis, 
according to Dr. Frank, their infants survived only 
if they were of mixed blood (on the blacks in present- 
day Tunisia, see Zawadowski, in En terre d'Islam, 
1942). In the time of Muhammad c Ali, towards 
1835, the Egyptian army used to make up its strength 
by yearly razzias from bases in Darfur and Kor- 
dofan; it would enrol the sturdiest of the captives 
and hand the rest over to the inhabitants of those 
provinces and to the dealers, some of whom were 
themselves black converts to Islam (see T. F. Buxton, 
De la traite des esclaves en Afrique, French tr., 
Paris 1840, 70-5)- 

The moral and social condition of slaves in an 
urban environment, in the 19th century, seems to 
have been fairly uniform in such diverse cities as 
Tunis, Cairo and Mecca (a great centre for the traffic 
on the occasion of the annual pilgrimage). White 
slaves had become rare since the beginning of the 
century; they were expensive and in little demand 
except by exalted personages or rich Turks; white 
female slaves were preferably Caucasians, famed for 
their beauty. Arabia could muster a small number 
of Indonesians. The bulk of the slaves were black, 

but ii 

the e 

Ethiopians, who were paler and more highly prized, 
and negroes in the strict sense. Eunuchs were im- 
ported already castrated; in Mecca, the majority 
of them were in the service of the mosques. All 
the European writers lay stress on the good treat- 
ment these blacks customarily received at the hands 
of their town-dwelling masters, in contrast to the 
dreadful conditions of their capture and subsequent 
transportation under the lash of the Arab or Arabi- 
cized slavers. They readily adopted Islam and be- 

'D 35 

came deeply attached to it (some even thanked God 
for having led them to the true Faith through their 
captivity: Doughty, ArabiaDeser ta', i, 554-5), though 
their new faith did not prevent them from performing 
their traditional songs and dances, or even their 
African rites of exorcism (the zar[q.v.]; see Triming- 
ham, op.cit., 174-7; similar facts in Barbary). They 
formed, one may say, part of the family and, especially 
as concubines, the slave-girls came to be of one blood 
with it. Enfranchisements were usual, but it was not 
unknown for a concubine who had borne a child to 
seek from her master a denial of paternity, since 
there were more advantages for her in remaining a 
slave than in marrying and running the risk of re- 
pudiation (see especially Lane, Manners arid Customs, 
London 1895, 147, 168, 194-7; Burckhardt, Voyages 
en Arabic, French tr., Paris 1835, i, 251-2; Snouck 
Hurgronje, Mekka, ii (The Hague 1889), 11-24, 132-6). 
It is therefore not surprising that, round about i860, 
the Swiss Henry Dunant, founder of the Red Cross, 
who knew Tunisian society, laid great stress on the 
customary mildness of urban servitude among the 
Muslims, as compared with the methods of American 

At the end of the 18th century, Mouradgea d'Ohs- 
son, to whom we owe so much of our information 
on the structure of the Ottoman empire, declared: 
"There is perhaps no nation where the captives, 
the slaves, the very toilers in the galleys are better 
provided for or treated with more kindness than 
among the Mohammedans" {Tableau general de 
I'empire othoman, iv/i, 381). 

Under the sultans of Constantinople, slavery 
perpetuated the mediaeval traditions of the Islamic 
peoples: it furnished domestics, concubines, officials 
and soldiers. For the use of private persons, for ex- 
ample, the slave-dealers (esirciler), who were under 
the supervision of a kdhya, had at their disposal 
a public building in the capital, not far from which 
lived the expert matrons who acted as go-betweens 
if the purchasers so desired. Every slave, after passing 
the frontier, had a document of civic status bearing 
his name, which remained as a title-deed in the 
hands of his successive owners. People of quality, who 
imitated the court on a reduced scale, had harims 
of close on a hundred slave-women. The sultan's 
harim numbered several hundred, classified in a 
strict hierarchy of five ranks, only the two highest 
of which (those of kadtn, "lady" and, below them, 
of gedikli, "privileged"), were attached to the person 
of the sovereign. Some of the women of the highest 
rank were former slaves whom the sultan had freed 
and subsequently married informally. Although for 
many years none of the sultan's wives had been 
freeborn, these former slaves had no difficulty in 
wielding very great influence at court. Besides this 
female element, there lived at the seraglio numerous 

kish also uses in this sense the Arabic khddim > 
hadlm). The black eunuchs, under the "agha of the 
girls" (Hzlar agasf), vied with the white eunuchs, 
under the "agha of the gate" (kapi agasi) for pre- 
cedence and power; in the upshot it was the former 
who carried the day. Finally we must note the 
importance in all public services, civil and military, 
of slaves of various origins, "slaves of the gate" 
(kaplkullarl), who, often converted to Islam of their 
own accord and enfranchised, attained the most 
desirable posts. From the 15th century, when the 
number of white slaves brought in by war and pur- 
chase had dwindled, almost down to the middle 
of the 17th century, there functioned the system, 

contrary to the Sacred Law, of devsirme [see dew- 
shirme], or forced enrolment of young Christians of 
the empire, mainly from the Balkans, as slaves of the 
government. These involuntary yet devoted servants 
of the Porte used to receive a training suited to their 
abilities; the most gifted would enter the palace or 
the higher administration ; the rest were turned over 
to the navy or various military corps, including the 
Janissaries, whose brilliant reputation was due to 
them (see M. d'Ohssbn, op. cit., vi and vii, and 
H. A. R. Gibb and H. Bowen's solid and well- 
documented Islamic Society and the West, i/i, Oxford 
1950, 42-4, 56-60, 73-82, 329-33). 

Further east, in modern Persia, it is essentially 
in the domestic form that slavery has been practised. 
There one meets with the general characteristics 
already noted: usually good treatment, integration 
in the family, ease of enfranchisement, with some 
modifications belonging to Imami Shi'ite law 
(v. supra). Seventeenth-century European travellers 
were struck by the high number of eunuchs and the 
power they had, both at the Safawid court and in 
the houses of the great; according to Chardin (Voy- 
ages en Perse, Amsterdam 171 1, ii, 283-5) there 
were some 3,000 of them in the service of the sove- 
reign, while the nobles and even rich private citizens 
had staffs of eunuchs. They were given the considerate 
appellation of "tutor, master" (khpdia, equivalent to 
ustddh which we have met above). Their purchase price 
was extremely high; the majority were white and 
came mostly from the Malabar coast of India. In 
the first half of the 19th century, under the Kadjars, 
white slaves became few and soon disappeared al- 
together, except for the pretty Caucasian girls who 
continued to enter the harims; but, contrary to the 
most widespread Muslim practice, their children 
could not succeed to the throne, which was reserved 
for sons whose mothers were of royal blood. The 
numbers of the black slaves had increased; they 
were either Ethiopians who had crossed Arabia, or 
Zandj of east Africa, who came by way of Zanzibar, 
Mascat and Bushire (on this traffic, in Arab hands, 
see R. Coupland, The Exploitation of East Africa, 
London 1939, 136-46, with references), to draw 
custom to the market of Shlraz. The high mortality 
which overtook these coloured men in Persia preven- 
ted their forming an important element in the po- 
pulation (see Polak, Persien, Leipzig 1865, i, 248-61, 
661 ; E. Aubin, La Perse d'aujourd'hui, Paris 1908, 148). 

The Persians, in the course of their armed con- 
flicts with the Sunni inhabitants of Turkestan, were 
sometimes reduced to slavery, as being heretics. 
In the middle of the 19th century, it was still possible 
for so many thousands of them, prisoners of war, 
to be sold at once in the market at Bukhara that 
prices slumped. Some of them in this same town, 
having won their masters' regard and being en- 
franchised, rose to every official position of honour. 
Others, however, less well endowed, went from there 
to swell the number of the slaves on whose shoulders 
fell the greater portion of the agricultural work 
in the khanate of Khiwa (see A. Vambery, Travels 
in Central Asia, London 1864, 192-3, 331, 371). 

Among the relatively rare examples of an essential 
agricultural task performed by a compact slave 
labour-force, we may cite that of the region of Zan- 
zibar itself, where, in the 19th century, there was 
kept a body of blacks gathered from almost as far 
as the great lakes and destined in the mass for ex- 
port. The harsh life of toil in the sugar- or clove- 
plantations, run by Arab or Indian planters, all 
along the coast, was quite devoid of the 

of urban servitude. The lot of thousands of slaves 
employed in pearl-fishing in the Persian Gulf also 
seems to have been a very harsh one over a long 

Much less burdensome, certainly, but wildly dis- 
criminatory, is the slavery which still obtains today 
in the desert : in the Sahara on the one hand, in Arabia 
on the other, for the benefit of the nomad tribes. 
Tuareg society, divided into three rigid castes, used 
to keep on the lowest level, beneath the nobles and 
their vassals, the slave-groups [akli, pi. ikldn), en- 
franchised or not, almost all of them black, who were 
utilized by the dominant clans either as tillers of the 
soil or as servants to men and beasts. Among the 
beduin of the Arabian peninsula and its fringes (see 
especially A. Jaussen, Coutumes des Arabes au pays 
de Moab, Paris 1908, 26, 60-1, 125-6; A. Musil, The 
Manners and Customs of the Rwala Bedouins, New 
York 1928, 276-8), black slaves may intermarry 
and acquire property, but however intimate they 
may be with the master and his family, however 
great the advantages custom permits them to enjoy, 
they are never regarded as equals, even after en- 
franchisement : they are l abid, and c abid they remain ; 
and marriage with the sons or daughters of them is 
considered a come-down, by the lowliest of whites. 
Bibliography: To the references in the text 

may be added R. Levy, An Introduction to the 

Sociology of Islam, i, 117-27. 


Although Islam, in teaching and in actuality, has 
favoured the emancipation of slaves, it was only 
under an overwhelming foreign influence that it 
began, about a hundred years ago, an evolution in 
doctrine and in practice towards the total suppression 
of slavery, its abolition in law and custom. This 
evolution, which has continued, is in some regions 
still incomplete. Here we have one of the most typical 
examples of the transformation that the Muslim 
world has undergone, through European pressure 
or example, from the mid-igth century down to 
our own day. 

The European powers concerned were themselves, 
to some extent, novices in this field: they had long 
favoured the traffic and maintained slavery in their 
colonies. One of them, Russia, had maintained serf- 
dom on her own soil. The French "philosophers" 
of the 18th century, beginning with Montesquieu, 
had condemned the very principle of slavery: its 
short-lived suppression under the First Republic 
was unfortunately a check. But, from 1806 onward, 
Britain took the lead in the movement for the 
suppression of the slave-trade and then of slavery 
itself. She may be accused of having more than once 
let her maritime and colonial interests dictate her 
interventionary zeal or, on other occasions, the mild- 
ness of her actions. Yet, when all is said, she stands 
out as a great pioneer of abolition over the whole 
surface of the earth, including the lands of Islam. 

The diplomatic history of the 19th century, since 
1814-15, is dotted with treaties and other inter- 
national agreements aimed at banning the traffic 
in negroes, by sea and across the continent of Africa, 
in increasingly precise terms. The suppression of 
slavery as such is mentioned only towards the end 
of the century, and then timidly. But measures in 
this direction had already been adopted in several 
portions of the Muslim world, particularly those 
under the authority of European states. Britain, 
having emancipated the slaves in her colonies by 

the famous Bill of 28 Aug. 1833, made in 1843 the 
first general decision to abolish slavery in India 
(completed by a series of other Acts down to 1862). 
France completely abolished slavery in all her over- 
sea territories, including Algeria, by a decree of the 
Second Republic on 27 April 1848; the Netherlands 
did the same for their Indonesian possessions by the 
laws of 1854-59, with effect from 1 Jan. i860 (3 
years before their colonies in the West Indies) ; and 
Russia for her Central Asian dependencies on 12 
June (O.S.) 1873, before even having completed the 
conquest of Turkestan. 

Parallel with this direct and radical action by 
the Powers, the Muslim states which, while remaining 
independent, were most subject to Western pressure 
and had most contacts with European civilization, 
were slowly and cautiously embarking on restrictive 
measures. As early as 1830, the Ottoman sultan had 
enfranchised en bloc those white slaves of Christian 
origin who remained true to their religion, while 
expressly keeping the Muslims in slavery (G. Young, 
Corps de droit ottoman, ii, Oxford 1905, 171-2). To 
Tunisia belongs the honour of having been the first 
to promulgate a general edict of emancipation for 
black slaves (ipso facto, of Muslim slaves: there were 
practically no white slaves in the Regency). By a 
decree of 23 Jan. 1846, the same year in which he 
was to make his sensational journey to France, the 
bey Ahmad ordered that letters of enfranchisement 
should be granted to every slave who so wished, and 
that every instance of slavery of which the religious 
magistrates might be apprised should be referred 
to him. The preamble to this decision, which was 
approved by the two highest dignitaries of the Hanafi 
and MalikI rites in the country, is worth dwelling 
on : in it, slavery is declared to be lawful in principle 
but regrettable in its consequences. Of the three 
considerations particularized, two are of a religious 
nature, the third political (maslaha siydsiyya): the 
initial enslaving of the people concerned comes under 
suspicion of illegality by reason of the present-day 
expansion of Islam in their countries; masters no 
longer comply with the rules of good treatment 
which regulate their rights and shelter them from 
wrong-doing. It is therefore befitting to avoid the 
risk of seeing unhappy slaves seeking the protection 
of foreign authorities (M. Bompard, Legislation de 
la Tunisie, 398; Arabic text in SanusI, Madimu'dt 
al-Kawdnln al-Tunusiyya, fasc. 1, p. 4). 

Thirty years later, in the treaty concluded with 
England on 19 July 1875, the bey Muhammad al- 
Sadik undertook not only to see that the decree 
of 1846 was given full effect, but also to do everything 
in his power to suppress slavery and punish any in- 
fraction. Under the "French protectorate, various 
Tunisian ministerial circulars (1887-91) and the 
bey's decree of 28 May 1890 completed the formal 
prohibition of slavery in the Regency and the organ- 
ization of the freeing of black slaves on the judicial 
and administrative planes (M. Bompard, op. cit., 472 ; 
P. Zeys, Code annoti de la Tunisie, i, 384-6). 

At Istanbul, the first imperial firmans against 
the slave-trade date from the period of the Tan- 
fimdt, under c Abd al-Madjid, and especially from 
the years of close understanding with France and 
Great Britain: Oct. 1854 for the whites, Feb. 1857 
for the blacks (a religiously-inspired reservation 
exempted the Hidjaz from the reform). How little 
effect these documents had at first in preventing the 
import of blacks, is apparent from the multiplicity 
of decisions of the same sort, the circulars and in- 
structions which continued to repeat one another, 

ID 37 

in terms ever more insistent and explicit, till round 
about 1900. The agreement entered upon with Great 
Britain in 1880 but not applied till 1889, followed 
by Turkey's adhesion to the general Act of the 
Brussels Conference of 1890, constituted an important 
double step towards the suppression of the traffic, 
already much reduced by abolitionist action in Africa 
and the Red Sea: till then "more or less clandestine", 
it was to assume thenceforth "the nature of smuggling 
and was treated as such" (G. Young, op. cit., 172- 
206). Moreover, foreign consuls secured from the 
Ottoman authorities the enfranchisement of slaves 
who sought refuge with them. The Constitution of 
1876, guaranteeing the personal liberty of all subjects 
of the empire remained a dead letter until it was 
put in force by the Young Turks in 1908. At this 
time there were only a very few slaves, all of them 
domestic, in the capital and those provinces under 
the effective control of the central power (cf. Dr. 
Millant, L'esclavage en Turquie, Paris 1912). 

Egypt was nominally included in the Ottoman 
territories within the scope of the oldest firman 
forbidding the traffic in negroes. Indeed it needed 
to be, for this traffic had expanded just at the mo- 
ment when the Egyptians installed themselves in 
the heart of the Sudan. Pashas subordinate to the 
Porte organized some anti-slaving expeditions in 
the south; the results were but mediocre (cf. J. 
Cooper, Un continent perdu, Fr. tr. Paris 1876, 25-8). 
Under the khedive Isma'il, a mission of this type 
entrusted to Sir Samuel Baker (1869-73) was 
equally disappointing (S. Baker, Ismailia, London 
1874, Fr. tr. Paris 1875), whereas after 1874 the fight 
against slavery was intensified, hand in hand with 
the Egyptian expansion, under Colonel Charles 
George Gordon and his European colleagues (cf. 
P. Crabites, Gordon, the Sudan and Slavery, London 
1933; H. Deherain, in Hanotaux, Histoire de la 
nation igyptienne, vi, 481-552). At this period, the 
khedive, under the terms of his agreement with 
England of 4 Aug. 1877, was formally banning all 
trade in negroes and then opening enfranchisement 
offices in the various provinces. But it was only to- 
wards the end of the century, under the English 
de facto protectorate, that the most energetic mea- 
sures were taken: since 1895, any infringement of 
the freedom of the individual has been* classed as 
a crime in Egypt, while since 1898 the slave-trade, 
with the defeat of the Mahdist movement which 
had revived it in the Sudan, has been no more than 
an infrequent and clandestine phenomenon. 

It was again the British who attacked, with no- 
table persistence, one of the most productive sources 
of Muslim slavery: that of east Africa. The traffic 
there, by land and sea, had assumed terrifying pro- 
portions since Sa'id, the Imam of Mascat, had suc- 
ceeded in gaining a foothold on the coast of Africa, 
at the beginning of the 19th century. The stages 
through which English diplomatic activity passed 
are symptomatic: in 1822, after ten years of par- 
leying, Sa'id consented merely to forbid his subjects 
to export slaves outside the maritime lane joining 
Africa to Oman; in 1845, he prohibited the ex- 
port of slaves from Africa to Arabia and beyond, 
while all the time insisting on the lawfulness of the 
import of slaves and of the slave-traffic within 
African territory. His son Barghash, sultan of Zan- 
zibar, was to go further, in consequence of Sir 
Bartle Frere's famous mission to him: by the treaty 
of 5 June 1873 he prohibited the maritime traffic 
and the public slave-markets; then, in 1876, he de- 
clared the traffic by land illegal (see R. Coupland, 

East Africa and its Invaders, Oxford 1938; idem. 
The Exploitation of East Africa, London 1939); if 
this did not stop it immediately, it was at any rate 
a considerable embarrassment for the trade. Next, 
under the British protectorate, a decree of the sultan 
in 1897 granted their freedom to any slaves who 
should ask for it, and forbade the courts to con- 
cede the claims of slave-owners. On 6 July 1909, 
a final decree abolished the status of slave in its 
entirety. The same thing had happened two years 
before in British East Africa (now Kenya), against 
an indemnity to be paid to the owners (the matter 
was settled in 1916). 

It is safe to say that, towards the end of the 19th 
century and the beginning of the 20th, the export 
of negroes was at a very low ebb. We may add that 
Persia, one of the receiving countries, had also pu- 
blicly renounced this trade in her 1882 treaty with 
England, and her newly-created National Assembly 
adopted in Oct. 1907 a "fundamental law" in favour 
of individual freedom (E. Aubin, La Perse d'aujourd'- 
hui, Paris 1908, 210); if slavery was not suppressed 
by these measures, it did suffer a severe blow. In 
Africa itself, the greater part of the vast zone where- 
in the Muslim slaver held sway, extending from 
the Atlantic to Wadai, east of Lake Chad, was con- 
quered piecemeal and occupied by France; this has 
been followed by the almost complete disappearance 
of the slave-trade from this immense area and slavery 
has been abolished almost everywhere within it. 
Italy, the latest comer of the colonial powers, con- 
ducted an identical policy in the territories she ad- 
ministered in the east (Somaliland, Eritrea) and north 
(Tripolitania, Cyrenaica) of the continent. But the 
last independent state in Africa, Ethiopia, still 
governed by a Christian dynasty, remained (despite 
the negus's edicts against the traffic) a notable 
stronghold of the slavers, facing the Sudan and 
Arabia and exporting whenever possible; in the 
provinces, islamization and the intensification of the 
slave trade often went hand in hand (Trimingham, 
Islam in Ethiopia, Oxford 1952, 203-4 and passim). 
During the 1914-18 war, the relinquishment of Fezzan 
by the Italians, who had just taken it from the Turks, 
and its occupation by the Sanusls, allowed the traffic 
to resume much of its activity: a slavemarket was 
held every week at Murzuk (Petragnani, in V Italia 
in Oricntc, Feb. 1921, tr. in L'Afrique francaise, 
April 1922). 

At the end of the first world war, when the victors 
had visions of organizing the peace and of securing, 
in accordance with their Convention of St. Germain 
of 10 Sept. 1919, "the complete suppression of sla- 
very in all its forms", long experience gave them 
advance informatipn on the problems that were 
bound to be raised by a task of this nature; on the 
successes that might be hoped for and the resistance 
that might be expected in Muslim lands. The sup- 
pression of the traffic, which had become for the 
most part clandestine, was a troublesome affair, 
demanding the use of powerful forces and involving, 
by sea, the risk of provoking legal conflict between 
nations (France and Great Britain, 1905, in the 
Indian Ocean). Yet making an end of the trade does 
not mean putting a stop to slavery or to the trans- 
fer of slaves from one owner to another. As for official 
abolition, it is not always easy to secure under a 
protectorate; nor is it always equivalent in practice 
to positive and immediate suppression. 

The fact is that, if slavery is such a firmly-rooted 
institution in certain Islamic countries, it is due 
far more to social conservatism than to a collective 

economic need. We established above that the part 
played by slave-labour in those lands is rarely essen- 
tial for productive work. This explains why an 
abolitionist policy, so long as it is not applied too 
high-handedly, provokes no serious disturbance there, 
nor any violent reaction. The prevailing wish in 
the minds of slave-owners is to enjoy the comfort 
afforded by having a large domestic staff, kept 
under strict control; from which, moreover, lawful 
concubines may be recruited. They have on their 
side not only the tacit consent of the majority of 
their slaves but also an extensive public opinion 
and the religious tradition of Islam. The domestic 
slave is in his master's power 'through fear and 
respect, through self-interest, through affection. We 
must bear in mind that he is generally well- treated ; 
we may reflect that he lives in a family atmosphere, 
without thought for the morrow. To the slave- 
woman, concubinage offers, besides various advant- 
ages for herself and her children, the chance of an 
ascent in the social scale, of which an untimely 
emancipation would rob her. Even when freed, the 
slave is often likely to remain close to his master. 
If he has procured his freedom against the latter's 
wishes, or if he has been snatched from the claws of 
the slaver, he is woefully without resources in a 
hostile environment, unless he benefits by the special 
measures which governments ought to take — and 
which they have occasionally taken — with a view 
to his social readjustment. 

The fact, brought out in the Kur'an, that slavery 
is in principle lawful, satisfies religious scruples. 
Total abolition might even seem a reprehensible 
innovation, contrary to the letter' of the holy Book 
and the exemplary practice of the first Muslims. 
Nevertheless, contact with the realities of the 
modern world and its ideology began to bring about 
a discernible evolution in the thought of many 
educated Muslims before the end of the 19th cen- 
tury. They may be fond of emphasizing that Islam 
has, on the whole, bestowed an exceptionally fa- 
vourable lot on the victims of slavery. Yet they are 
ready to see that this institution, which is linked to 
one particular economic and social stage, has had 
its day. The reformer Sayyid Ahmad Khan in India, 
goes so far as to maintain, in a special work, Ibfdl-i 
Ghuldmi, which appeared in 1893, translated into 
Arabic in 1895, that the Kur'an (xlii, 4) forbade the 
making of new slaves (Baljon, The Reforms . . . of Sir 
Sayyid Ahmad Khan. Leiden 1949, 28-29). Without 
going so far, his illustrious compatriot Ameer Ali 
{The Spirit of Islam, London, 1st ed. 1893; ed. 1935, 
262) includes slavery among the prelslamic practices 
which Islam only tolerated through temporary necess- 
ity, while virtually abolishing them : man-made laws 
were later to complete the abrogation of it, which 
could not have been done formerly by a sudden 
and total emancipation (cf. the Egyptian Ahmed 
Chafik, on much the same lines: L'esclavage au point 
de vue musulman, Cairo 1891, 2nd ed. 1938). This 
thesis gradually found its way, to a varying extent, 
into the circle of the 'ulama (for the school of Mu- 
hammad 'Abduh, see Tafsir al-Mandr, xi, 288 ff.), 
already open to the older arguments of the Tunisian 
muftis, which were more restrained and more legalis- 
tic. But obviously it could not gain the support of 
the Wahhabls of Arabia, those uncompromising 
restorers of the sunna of the Prophet; up to the 
present day they have vigorously maintained their 
downright antagonism towards abolition. 

The League of Nations, from the very outset of 
its work, displayed an active interest in all problems 

relating to slavery. This interest was notably ex- 
pressed in the adoption of the international Geneva 
Convention of 25 Sept. 1926, in which the legal 
definition of slavery is formulated ("status or con- 
dition of a person over whom any or all of the powers 
attaching to the right of ownership are exercised", 
which squares with the concepts of Muslim law) 
and the signatories pledge themselves "to bring about, 
progressively and as soon as possible, the complete 
abolition of slavery". One by one, almost all the 
States concerned adhered to this Convention, but 
not Saudi Arabia or the Yaman. From then on, a 
consultative committee of experts worked indefati- 
gably, gathering official returns (some of which, fur- 
nished mainly by the British and Italian govern- 
ments, are highly instructive) and publishing co- 
pious reports. Legal measures multiplied, indepen- 
dently of this international organization as well as 
under its aegis. Abolition came as a matter of course 
in the new Turkish Republic, which repudiated every 
trace of Muslim law, as in the Levant territories 
severed from the old Ottoman empire and directly 
administered by France or Great Britain. In Egypt, 
the 1923 Constitution confirmed the guarantee of 
individual liberty. One after another, Afghanistan 
(1923, 1931), 'Irak (1924), Kalat (1926), Persia [Iran] 
and Transjordan (1929) suppressed the legal status 
of slave. Bahrayn followed suit in 1937. 

In Africa, an order of 1922, coupled with penal 
sanctions in 1930, abolished slavery in Tanganyika 
(the former German East Africa) under British man- 
date; the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan took steps, as 
far-sighted as they were vigorous, to put an end by 
degrees to the vestiges of the traffic and to assist 
the freed slaves. In Northern Nigeria, under British 
administration, abolition, which began in 1907 and 
suffered a momentary check towards 1933 from a 
new offensive on the part of the trade, was accom- 
plished by an order of 1936. In Morocco, a circular 
from the French Protectorate administration in 1922 
suppressed public siave-dealing and granted their 
freedom to all who should ask for it. The pacifi- 
cation of the Sahara frontiers of Morocco by the 
French army, round about 1930, made it possible 
to put an end to what remained of the traffic in 
negroes. The Italians reoccupied Fezzan in 1929 and 
secured respect once more for abolition. Finally, 
Ethiopia showed evidence of good will: edicts of 
1923, 1924 and 1931 forbade the capture of free 
persons or the disposal of slaves, while ordering many 
of them to be freed. A move was made to carry out 

from August 1932. The undertaking was immense 
and difficult. The Italians hurried things up by their 
armed intervention; they abolished slavery in Ethio- 
pia by a decree of 12 April 1936. 

The sole remaining resort of slavery was Arabia 
(outside the British colony of Aden). But it must 
be noted that, even in Arabia, European and parti- 
cularly British persistence with the local authorities 
was not without effect. King Ibn Sa'ud, master of 
the Hidjaz and Nadjd, had abolished the customs-duty 
formerly levied on the import of slaves by the sharif 
Husayn; in 1927 he officially confirmed to the British 
legation at Djidda a general right to manumit all 
slaves who claimed their freedom (there were some 
150 of them between 1930 and 1935). Great Britain 
renounced this right the day following the promul- 
gation in Saudi Arabia of the regulation on slavery 
of 2 Oct. 1936, which forbade the import of slaves 
by sea (the reason being that the religious law pro- 
hibits the capture or purchase of subjects of coun- 

tries to which one is bound by treaty ; but this same 
regulation declares servile status to be lawful and 
organizes it according to the strict letter of Muslim 
law; see Nallino, Scritti, i, 43, 124-5 and Appendice). 
In Feb. 1934, the Imam of the Yaman entered upon 
an undertaking with Great Britain to prohibit the 
entry of slaves coming from Africa. From the sul- 
tans and shaykhs of the southern coast (Eastern 
Aden Protectorate) and the Persian Gulf, Britain 
obtained similar decisions, reinforcing any made 
previously. A further step forward was taken in 
March 1935, when the sultan of Lahidj forbade all 
sale of slaves. In 1938, two sultans of the Hadramaut 
and the shaykh of Kuwayt declared all traffic in 
slaves to be illegal, and authorised slaves to claim 
their liberty (v. H. Ingrams, Arabia and the Isles, 
London 1942, 349-50; and U. N. Economic and 
Social Council, Official Records, Sept. 1951, 644). 

Under cover of the second World War (1939-45) 
there seems to have been some retrogression, with 
a small-scale resumption of the trade, particularly 
in certain Ethiopian provinces. At the time of 
writing, it is usually acknowledged that there is 
practically no transport of slaves any longer from 
Africa to Arabia. Nevertheless the legal status of 
slave persists in the peninsula. It is evidently the 
example of the neighbouring independent states of 
Saudi Arabia and the Yaman that prevents Britain 
from increasing her pressure on the states under 
her control with a view to total abolition. Other 
considerations, no doubt, keep France from having 
slavery abolished by law in Morocco, where there 
are in any case only mild survivals in the cities or 
the southern oases (see, for the bend of the Dra, 
Dj. Jacques-Meunie, in Hesperis 1947, 410-2); in- 
sistence to a final solution does not come from the 
class of 'ulamd (for the present-day legal aspect, see 
Gazette des Tribunaux du Maroc, 1944, 5-7; and Revue 
Marocaine de Droit, 1952, 154-6; 183-5). In the Sahara, 
the French administration which as early as 1916 
deprived the Tuareg of their agricultural slaves, took 
their house slaves away from them in 1946 (R. 
Capot-Rey, Le Sahara francais, Paris 1953, 288-9). 
The United Kingdom of Libya (a former Italian 
possession), in its constitution of Oct. 1951, laid down 
as a principle the personal liberty of its subjects. 

The United Nations Organization (U.N.O.), the 
moral heir of the League of Nations, has resumed 
the study of slavery and has condemned it, in no 
uncertain terms, in its "Universal Declaration of 
Human Rights", voted by the General Assembly 
on 10 Dec. 1948 (though not ratified by every State): 
"Art. 4. No one shall be held in slavery or servitude. 
Slavery and the slave trade are prohibited in 
all their forms". An ad hoc Committee on Slavery, 
under the Economic and Social Council, is proceeding 
with enquiries by means of questionnaires addressed 
to governments and recognized associations (Saudi 
Arabia and the Yaman, both members of U.N.O., 
have not replied) and is proposing concerted solutions. 
Its Report of 4 May 1951 (ref. E./1988) advocates 
making a start by abolishing the legal status of 
slave and demands that every State concerned 
should assist emancipated slaves to fashion a new 
life for themselves. As yet no resolution has been 
passed by the United Nations, who are divided on 
this point as on so many others and are far more 
preoccupied with the serious forms of servitude 
which continue to exist, or have come into existence 
in the world of today, than with the last vestiges 
of Muslim slavery, which are doubtless bound to 
disappear quietly in the reasonably near future. 


Bibliography: In addition. to the references 
in the text: J. H. Harris, A Century of Emanci- 
pation, London 1933; H. H. Wilson, in American 
Journal of International Law, 1950, 505-26; United 
Nations, The Suppression of Slavery, New York, 
July 1951 (19th century documents, and League 
of Nations bibliography). It is also essential to 
consult the Transaction of the Anti-Slavery So- 
ciety, the publications of the League of Nations 
(Official Journal and Reports, these latter classi- 
fied in the above-mentioned U.N. pamphlet) and 
of U.N. (Reports of the Committee on Slavery, and 
Official Records of the Economic and Social Council ; 
cf. United Nations Bulletin, 15 April 1950 and 15 
May 1951). (R. Brunschvig) 

'ABD ALLAH B. al-'ABBAS (frequently Ibn 
'Abbas, without the article), Abu l-'Abbas, called 
al-IJibr 'the doctor' or al-Bahr 'the sea', because 
of his doctrine,is considered one of the greatest 
scholars, if not the greatest, of the first 
generation of Muslims. He was the father of 
Kur'anic exegesis; at a time when it was necessary 
to bring the Kur'an into accord with the new 
demands of a society which had undergone a pro- 
found transformation, he appears to have been 
extremely skilful in accomplishing this task. 

He was born three years before the hidjra, when 
the Hashimite family was living shut up in 'the 
Ravine' (al-Shi'b); and, as his mother had become 
a Muslim before the hidjra, he also 
as a Muslim. 

From his youth he showed a stroi 
towards accurate scholarly research, in so far as 
such a conception was possible at that time. We 
know indeed that the idea soon occurred to him 
to gather information concerning the Prophet by 
questioning his Companions. While still young, he 
became a master, around whom thronged people 
desirous to learn. Proud of his knowledge, which 
was not based only on memory, but also on a large 
collection of written notes, he gave public lectures, 
or rather classes, keeping to a sort of programme, 
according to the days of the week, on different sub- 
jects: interpretation of the Kur'an, judicial questions, 
Muhammad's expeditions, pre-islamic history, an- 
cient poetry. It is because of his. habit of quoting 
lines in support of his explanations of phrases or 
words of the Kur'an that ancient Arabic poetry 
acquired, for Muslim scholars, its acknowledged im- 
portance. His competence having been recognized, 
he was asked for fatwds (especially famous is his 
authorization of mut c a marriage, which he later had 
to vindicate). The Kur'anic explanations of Ibn 
'Abbas were soon brought together in special col- 
lections, of which the isndds go back to one of his 
immediate pupils (Fihrist, 33); his fatwds were also 
collected; today there exist numerous manuscripts 
and several editions of a tafsir or tafsirs which are 
attributed to him (whether rightly or wrongly cannot 
be said, as no study of this material has yet been 
made (Goldziher, Richtungen, 76; cf. also Brockel- 
mann, i, 190, S i, 331). 

The importance of the role played by Ibn 'Abbas 
in the political and military events of his time 
should not be exaggerated, as his Muslim biographers 
have tended to do, influenced by the fact that he was 
the grandfather of the 'Abbasids. He followed the 
Muslim armies in several campaigns: into Egypt 
(between 18 and 21 H.), into Ifrikiya (27 H.), into 
Djurdjan and Tabaristan (30 H.), and, much 
later (49 H.), he accompanied Yazld on his expedi- 
tion against Constantinople (with 'Abd Allah b. 

'Umar b. al-Khattab). At the battles of the Camel 
(36 H.) and of Siffin (37 H.), he commanded a wing 
of 'All's troops. For want of resounding exploits 
and important offices to record, Ibn 'Abbas is pre- 
sented to us later, by his biographers, as a coun- 
sellor whom the caliphs 'Umar and 'Uthman valued 
highly, and as a counsellor too — unfortunately litte 
heeded — of 'All and his son al-Husayn. The truth 
is that Ibn 'Abbas did not enter political life until 
after 'All came to power, and took an active part 
in it for only three or four years at the most. A single 
official mission had been, in fact, entrusted to him 
by 'Uthman, that of conducting the pilgrimage to 
Mecca the year the caliph was besieged in his house 
at Medina. It was for this reason that Ibn 'Abbas 
was not in the capital at the time of the assassination 
of 'Uthman. When he returned some days later, he 
paid homage to 'All. From that time he was charged 
with important missions and, after the occupa- 
tion of Basra (36 H.), appointed governor of that 
town. He was one of the signatories of the conven- 
tion of Siffin (37 H.), which handed over to two ar- 
bitrators the task of settling the quarrel between 
'Ali and Mu'awiya, and in a discussion with the 
Harurites (see harura 5 ) he pleaded in support of 
the legal validity of that arbitration. But the re- 
lations between Ibn 'Abbas and the caliph suddenly 
became strained, with the result that Ibn 'Abbas 
withdrew to Mecca, abandoning his seat of govern- 
ment, and that 'Ali no longer regarded him as his 
representative at Basra. The sources assign different 
dates to this defection of Ibn 'Abbas: 38, 39, 40, 
but there is good reason to believe that it took place 
in 38 H. (it is possible to follow the movements 
of Ibn 'Abbas during that year, and in the succeeding 
years he no longer appears in the foreground). The 
traditions which assert that Ibn 'Abbas was con- 
sistently faithful until the death of the caliph are 
not worthy of credence. What were the reasons for 
the defection? Some Arabic sources say that Ibn 
'Abbas took offence because 'Ali reproached him 
for defalcations which he was alleged to have com- 
mitted as governor; but the true motive of his 
relinquishment of office, which coincided with that 
of many other supporters of 'All, has to be related 
to other much more important events of the period : 
the massacre of the Kharidjites at al-Nahrawan, 
which Ibn 'Abbas, 'according to certain men', had 
stigmatised, and the false position of 'Ali, who 
maintained his claim to be caliph when, according 
to the verdict of the arbitrators, he was no longer 
recognized as such by the majority of Muslims. 

Later, Ibn 'Abbas took a step which one might 
be tempted to judge severely, were it not that the 
precise circumstances are completely unknown: he 
carried off the provincial funds of Basra, probably 
when he returned to the town some time after his 
defection. Was this seizure criminal? When one 
observes that this act did not diminish the esteem 
in which Ibn 'Abbas was held by the Muslim com- 
munity, one may suppose that there were some fairly 
valid motives to justify it. Similarly, the events 
in which Ibn 'Abbas was involved immediately after 
the death of 'All are far from clear. Al-Hasan ap- 
pointed him general of his troops, but Ibn 'Abbas 
established contact with Mu'awiya: whether on his 
own initiative or at the invitation of al-Hasan is 
obscure; perhaps it was he who successfully brought 
about the agreement between the two claimants to 
the Caliphate; he maintained that, as a reward for 
his good offices, Mu'awiya had recognized his right 
to appropriate the money which he had seized (part 


of the treasury of Basra). All these machinations of 
Ibn 'Abbas seemed to certain rdwi's imcompatible 
with the dignity of such a personage; and so they 
transferred them, obviously wrongly, to his brother, 
'Ubayd Allah. During the long reign of Mu'awiya, 
Ibn 'Abbas lived in the Hidjaz; he went fairly fre- 
quently to the Damascus court, mainly, it seems, 
to defend the interests of the Hashimites, which 
were also his own. 

The troubled events of the years which followed 
the deaths of the first and second Umayyads brought 
Ibn 'Abbas once again, perhaps against his will, 
on to the political scene. Although the information 
which we possess is fragmentary, it can be deduced 
from it that c Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr, having raised 
the standard of revolt at Mecca, became violently 
incensed with Ibn 'Abbas who, with the son of c Ali 
Ibn al-Hanafiyya, refused to recognise him as caliph. 
Both were banished from Mecca; in 64, the year of 
the siege of the town, they returned, but they 
persisted in their opposition to Ibn al-Zubayr, with 
unfortunate results: they were imprisoned. Al- 
Mukhtar, informed of their dangerous situation, sent 
from Kufa a large troop of horse, which delivered 
them by a surprise attack. It was thanks to Ibn 
'Abbas that on that occasion bloodshed was avoided 
in the holy city. Under the protection of this troop, 
the liberated men went to Mina, then to al-TS'if, 
where Ibn 'Abbas died some time later (68/686-8). 
The verdicts which Caetani and Lammens have 
given on Ibn 'Abbas are in contrast to the respect 
which Muslims of all periods have shown him. But. 
Caetani's arguments can easily be disproved by fair 
and careful criticism (it is specially important not 
to confuse accounts from Muslim biblical history 
with the hadiths concerning the Prophet), and grave 
doubts can be cast on the resemblance to the original 
of the portrait sketched by Lammens. 

Bibliography : Biographies by Arab authors 
(numerous, but often repeat the same information, 
and mainly concerned with Ibn 'Abbas's scholarly 
activity): Ibn Sa'd, ii/2, 119-23, 125; iv/2, 4; 
v, 74-5, 216-7, 231 and Index; Baladhuri. An- 
sdb, ms. Paris, f° 8 . 7i4r-73iv; 448V-451V; 723; 
Kashshi, Ma'rifat Akhbdr al-Ridfdl, Bombay n.d. 
36-42; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, Cairo 1280-6, iii, 192-5; 
Sibt ibn al-DjawzI, Mir'at al-Zamdn, ms. Paris 
Ar. 6131, f°". 187V-190V; Dhahabi, Ma'rifat al- 
Kurra?, ms. Paris Anc. F. 742 = Cat. 2084, f°". 
5V-6; Ibn Hadjar, Isaba, Calcutta 1856-93, ii, 
802-13, no. 9149; id., Tahdhtb al-Tahdhib, Hyde- 
rabad 1325-7, v, no. 474: Hadjdji Khalifa, ii, 
332-3, 335, 361 (no. 3267), 377 (no. 3389), 348 
(no. 3175), 456 (no. 3706); iv, 363 (no. 8789); 
vi, 425 (no. 14179); on I. 'A. as for or against 
writing; i, 79; iii, 144. 

Information about I. 'A. as politician and warrior 
in all the chroniclers and historians who have 
dealt with the earliest Islamic history. E.g. Nasr 
b. MuzShim al-Minkari, Wak'-at Siffin, pub. 'Abd 
al-Salam Muh. Harun, Cairo 1365, index; Tabari 
i, 3038, (cf. 3011, 3045 etc.), 3092, 3145, 3162, 
(cf. 3229-30), 3181, 3273, 3289, 3354, 3358-9, 
3367, 3368, 337o, 3413, 3430, 3431, 3449, 3453-6; 
ii, 2, 86, 176, 222, 273-5; and index; Ibn al-Athir, 
iv, 9, 105-6, and index; information also in the 
books of adab; e.g. Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, <Ikd, ii, 
295-7, 301, 323-4 and index in Mohammed Shafi, 
Analytical indices to the K. al-Hqd, Calcutta 1935-7 ; 
Mas'udI, Murudj, iv, 228-30, 229-303, 330, 327, 
353-4, 382, 390, 392, 410, 451; v, 8 sqq., 19, 

73, 177-9, 184-5, 187-8, 

106-113, 121-5, 129-31, 1 
231-3 and index. 

Other references in Caetani, Chronographia is- 
lamica, 68 a.H., par. 28. 

Modern authors: A. Sprenger, Das Leben und die 
Lehre ties Mohammed, Berlin, 1869, i, XVII; iii, 
CVI et seq.; J. Wellhausen, Das arabische Reich, 
Berlin 1902, 69-70; id., Reste arabischen Heiden- 
thums, Berlin 1887-97, 12 et seq.; Caetani, Annali, 
Indices ; vols ix and x passim ; particularly i, Intr. 
par. 24-5 and 38 a.H., par. 219-27; H. Lammens, 
Atudes sur le rigne du Calife Omayade Mo'-awia 
1", index; I. Goldziher, Richtungen der islamischen 
Koranauslegung, Leiden 1920, 65-81 and index; 
L. Veccia Vaglieri, II confliUo c Ali-Mu<dwiya e la 
secessione khdrigita riesaminati alia luce di fonti 
abddite, in Annali 1st. Univ. Or. Napoli, N.S. iv, 
passim, especially 75-6. (L. Veccia Vaglieri) 
'ABD ALLAH b. 'ABD al-$ADIR (Malay pro- 
nunciation Abdullah bin Abdulkadir), surnamed 
Munshi 5 , i.e. teacher of languages, was "the greatest 
innovator in Malay letters" (R. O. Winstedt, A 
history of Malay literature, JMBRAS, 1940, ch. xii). 
He was born in 1796 in Malacca, where his grand- 
father, the son of Shaykh 'Abd al-Kadir, who came 
originally from Yaman, had settled. At an early 
age, 'Abd Allah received lessons in Malay from his 
father, who is said to have been an expert Malay 
scholar, and endeavoured to make himself fully 
master of this language by reading Malay writings 
and by associating with educated Malays. As he 
learned foreign languages and continually came into 
contact with Europeans, as for instance, Farquhar, 
Raffles, and the missionaries Milne, Morrison and 
Thomson, his culture increased regularly. 

Shortly after the founding of Singapore (1819), 
he established himself in that town and earned his 
living in many different ways. He acted as an inter- 
preter, gave lessons in Malay, wrote letters, and 
assisted the American missionaries North, Keasberry 
and others in translating mission books and school 

In 1838 was published at Singapore under the title 
Bahwa ini Kesah PH-layar-an Abdullah, ben Abdul- 
kadir, Munshi, deri Singapura ka-Kalantan, a de- 
scription of a journey to the Malay States on the 
east coast of the Peninsula of Malacca, giving most 
important information concerning them. This book 
inaugurated a new and free Malay prose style; its 
author may be considered a pioneer of the literary 
movement which, continued by authors of the 20th 
century, ultimately led to the development of Malay 
into the national language of Indonesia. 

'Abd Allah's principal work is the Hikayat Ab- 
dullah, his Memoirs, in which inter alia he mentions 
politically important personages, such as Farquhar 
and Raffles (whose secretary he was), and emphasizes 
the advantages of a European administration over 
an Indian one, even though he at the same time 
sharply criticizes the administrative measures of 
the English and Dutch. The work was finished in 
1843 and lithographed with a few additions in 1849. 
Some copies of this first edition have an English 
dedication to Governor Butterworth, in which the 
work is called a "humble attempt to revive Malay 
literature". In his Memoirs 'Abd Allah mentions 
several works written by him. Among these is a 
poem describing a fire in Singapore, in which the 
author lost all his possessions. It was entitled ShaHr 
Singapura dimakan api and printed in Malay as 
well as in Latin characters (1843). The Mss. described 
in the catalogues under this title do not contain this 


poem, but a similar one, entitled ShaHr Kampong 
Gelam terbakar, published after a fire in 1847. 

The periodical Cermin Mata contains some con- 
tributions by c Abd Allah. He died in 1854 during a 
pilgrimage to Mecca, shortly after his arrival in 
that city. The notes of his voyage as far as Djidda 
were published in Cermin Mata. 

Besides these original works 'Abd Allah translated 
the Tamil redaction of PanCatantra (a collection of 
Indian fables) into Malay under the title of Hihayai 
Pandja Tanderan, and edited the Malay Chronicles 
(Sidjarah Melayu). 

Bibliography: R. O. Winstedt's work cited 
above; Pelayaran ka-Kelantan, 1st ed. Singapore 
1838 (Arab. char, and romanized side by side); 
2nd ed., ibid. 1852 (lith.); reprinted in Maleisch 
Leesboek, 4de stukje, by J. Pijnappel, Leiden 1855 
(2nd ed. 1871); ed. H. C. Klinkert, Leiden 1889 
(together with Pelayaran ka-Djudah; with notes) 
and romanized by R. Brons Middel, Leiden 1893; 
Malay Literature Series 2 (in 2 vols.), Singapore 
1907, 1909 (roman. ed. and ed. in Arab char.) 
and reprints; translations: French by E. Dulaurier, 
Paris 1850 (with notes); Dutch by J. J. de Hol- 
lander (de Oids 1851, abridged) ; Javanese, Batavia 
1883; English by A. E. Coope, Singapore 1949 
(with notes); ShaHr Singapura terbakar: P. Favre, 
L'incendie de Singapour, in Melanges Or., Publ. 
Ec. Langues Or. Viv., 1883 (transcribed in Malay 
char, from the romanized text printed in 1843); 
ShaHr Kampong Gelam terkakar, 1st ed. lith. on 
a scroll of paper, Singapore 1847; romanized in 
a collection of Malay poems, often printed (3rd 
ed. Singapore 1887); Hikayat Abdullah, 1st ed. 
Singapore 1849 (autogr.); 2nd ed. for the R. As. 
Soc, Singapore 1880; ed. H. C. Klinkert, Leiden 
1882 (with a fasc. of notes) ; ed. W. G. Shellabear, 
Malay Literature Series 4 (2 vols.), Singapore 1907, 
1908 (rom. and Arab, ed.); English trans, by J. T. 
Thomson, London 1874; by W. G. Shellabear, 
Singapore 1918; Dutch (abridged) by G. Niemann 
(TNI, 1854); cf. C. Hooykaas, Over Maleise Lite- 
ratuur 2nd ed., 1947, 101 ff.; Kissah pelayaran 
Abdullah dart Singapura sampai ka-Mekah, all 
editions incomplete (Cermin Mata, Singapore 1858 ; 
Batavia 1866; Klinkert's edition, romanized " 
BP, 1911, 1920); copy of the complete MS. 
Leiden Univ. Libr. (MS. Klinkert 63); Dutch 
trans, by Klinkert, BTLV 1867; Hikayat Pan- 
djatanderan, finished 1835; 1st ed. lith. Singapore, 
n.d.; 2nd ed. Singapore 1868; ed. H. N. v. d. Tuuk, 
Maleisch Leesboek, VI (with notes), Leiden 1866, 
1875, 1881; romanized ed. by C. A. van Ophuysen, 
Leiden 1913; Dutch trans, by H. C. Klinkert, 
Zaltbommel 1871; Javanese, Batavia 1878; Se- 
djarah Melayu, Singapore n.d. (after 1831); muti- 
lated re-edition by H. C. Klinkert, Leiden 1884; the 
Singapore edition is also the basis of Dulaurier's 
and Shellabear's editions; Hikayat Dunia, n.d. 
(History of Asia and Africa); Hikayat pada menya- 
tahan pirihal Dunia, Singapore 1856 (geography). 

(C. A. van Ophuysen — P. Voorhoeve) 
'ABD ALLAH B. 'ABD al-MALIK b. Marwan, 
son of the caliph 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan [q.v.], 
was born about the year 60/680-1, perhaps some- 
what earlier, as he is said to have been 27 years 
old in the year 85/704. He grew up in Damascus 
and accompanied his father in several campaigns, 
We first meet him as an independent general in the 
year 81/700-1, in one of the usual razzias against 
the Eastern Romans. Then in the year 82/70 
he was sent with Muhammad b. Marwan to help 

al-Hadjdjadj against al-Ash'ath and played a part 
in the negotiations of Dayr al-Diamadjim. There- 
upon he again led expeditions against the Eastern 
Romans, and in the year 84/703-4 conquered al- 
Massisa, which he converted into a military camp. 
After the death of his uncle 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Marwan, 
he was appointed governor of Egypt in the year 
85/704. On n Djumada II he made his entry into 
Fustat. He was to wipe out all traces of 'Abd al-'Aziz, 
and therefore changed all the officials. His adminis- 
tration left a bad record in the tradition, because he 
accepted bribes and embezzled public moneys. The 
only really important achievement of his rule was 
the introduction of the Arab language into the 
diwdns of the capital. His administration gave of- 
fence in Damascus; in the year 88/706-7 he made 
there a passing visit, and in 90/708-9 he was defi- 
nitely recalled. He departed to Syria with many 
presents, but they were taken from him in the pro- 
vince of al-Urdunn by order of the caliph. Thereupon 
he disappeared from the political arena. Only al- 
Ya'kubl has the information that he was executed 
when the 'Abbasids come to power. He is said to 
have been crucified by al-Saffah in the year 132/- 
749-50 in al-HIra. 

Bibliography: Ibn Taghribirdi, i, 232 ff.; 
Makrizi, Khifat, i, 98, 302 ; F. Wustenfeld, Die Statt- 
halter von Agypten, i, 38 ff. ; Tabari, ii, 1047, 1073 
ff.; 1 127, 1 165; Ibn al-Athir, iv, 377 ff., 398, 409; 
Wellhauscn, in NGWGdtt., 1901, facs. 4, p. 20; 
Ya'kubi, ii, 414, 466; Papyri Schott-Reinhardt, i, 
15 f., 28 f. (C. H. Becker) 

Hashim of Kuraysh, father of the prophet 
Muhammad. The earliest and most reliable sources 
give little information about him. His mother was 
Fatima bint 'Amr of B. Makhzum. Al-Kalbl places 
his birth in the 24th year of the reign of Anushirwan 
(554). but he is usually said to have been twenty- 
five when he died ( ? 570). According to a well- 
known story, picturesque but probably with little 
factual basis, 'Abd al-Muttalib vowed that, if he 
had ten sons who reached maturity, he would sa- 
crifice one; he attained this and selected 'Abd Allah 
by lot, but eventually sacrificed 100 camels instead. 
His marriage to Amina bint Wah'i has been much 
embellished in legend. It may have marked an 
alliance between 'Abd al-Muttalib and Amina's clan, 
B. Zuhra, as he himself married a woman of this 
clan at the same time. During a trading expedition 
'Abd Allah fell ill and died at Medina among the clan 
of his father's mother, B. 'AdI b. al-Nadjdjar, being 
buried in Dar al-Nabigha. His death took place either 
shortly before Muhammad's birth or a few months 
after; the word "orphan" in K. xciii, 6, doubtless 
refers to Muhammad's early loss of his parents. 
Bibliography: Ibn Hisham, 97-102; Ibn Sa'd, 
i/i, 53-61 ; Tabari, i, 967, 979-80, 1074-81 ; Caetani, 
Annali, i, 65-7, 118-20. (W. Montgomery-Watt) 
'ABD ALLAH B. ABl ISHAtf al-Ha P ramI, 
grammarian and Kur'an-reader from Basra, 
died in 1 17/735-6. His "exceptional" (shddhdha) 
reading continued the tradition of Ibn 'Abbas and, 
in turn, influenced the readings of 'Is5 b. c Umar 
al-Thakafl and of Abu 'Amr b. al-'Ala 5 . It seems 
now established that he was the earliest of the real 
Arab gra-nmarians (cf. Ibrahim Mustafa, Actes du 
XXI Courses des Orient., 278-9). He is said to have 
extended the use of inductive reasoning (kiyds) and 
the detail is handed down that in case of doubt 
he opted for the accusative (nasb). Nothing else is 
known about him beyond the facts that, being of 



non-Arabic origin himself, he felt some hostility 
towards the Arabs, and that he was the object of 
a stinging riposte by al-Farazdak, whose mistakes 
he had pointed out. 

Bibliography: The fundamental passage of 
al-Djumahl, Tabakdt, ed. Hell, 6-8 is partly repro- 
duced by Ibn Kutayba, Shi c r, 25 ; Zubaydl, T^akdt, 
ed. Krenkow in RSO, 1919, 117; Sirafi, Akhbdr al- 
Nahwiyyin, ed. Krenkow, 25-28; Anbari, Nuzha, 
22-5; Ibn al-Djazari, Kurrd', no. 1747; Suyuti, 
Muzhir, ii, 247; G. Fliigel, Gramm. Schulen, 29; 
cf. also Fihrist, 9, 30, 41, 42; Aghdni 1 , xi, 106. 

(Ch. Pellat) 
'ABD ALLAH b. AHMAD [see sa'dids]. 


'ABD ALLAH b. 'ALl, uncle of the caliphs Abu 
l-'Abbas al-Saffah and Abu Dja'far al-Mansur. 'Abd 
Allah was one of the most active participants in the 
struggle of the 'Abbasids against the last Umayyad 
caliph, Marwan II. He was commander-in-chief in 
the decisive battle at the Greater Zab, where Marwan 
lost his crown, and when the latter took to flight, 
'Abd Allah pursued him, quickly captured Damascus 
and marched on to Palestine, whence he had the 
fugitive caliph pursued to Egypt. He was even more 
implacable than his brother Da'ud b. c Ali in waging 
war on the members of the Umayyad house, and 
shrank from no method to exterminate them 
root and branch. During his stay in Palestine, he 
had about eighty of them murdered at one time. 
Such cruelties naturally caused ill-will against the 
new ruler, and a dangerous rebellion in Syria broke 
out under the leadership of Abu Muhammad, a 
descendant of Mu'awiya I, and Abu '1-Ward b. al- 
Kawthar, the governor of Kinnasrin. The rebels at 
first inflicted a defeat on the 'Abbasid troops, but 
were beaten by 'Abd Allah in 132/750 at Mardj al- 
Akhram. As governor of Syria, 'Abd Allah later 
threatened the safety of the new dynasty. After 
the death of al-Saffah he made claims to the Cali- 
phate, which he could base on his important services 
in the war against the Umayyads, and on the pro- 
mise he claimed to have received from al-Saffah. 
Moreover he had at his disposal a considerable army, 
which in reality he was to lead against the Byzan- 
tines. When he learned that the powerful governor 
of Khurasan, Abu Muslim, had declared for the 
caliph al-Mansur and was marching against him, he 
is said to have killed 17,000 Khurasanians in his 
army, because he feared they would never fight 
against Abu Muslim, and with his remaining troops 
proceeded against the latter. He was, however, in 
Pjumada II 137/Nov. 754 defeated at Nisibis and 
had to flee to his brother Sulayman, the governor 
of Basra. After a couple of years, the latter was 
dismissed, and 'Abd Allah was arrested by order of 
the caliph al-Mansur. He remained some seven years 
in prison, then in the year 147/764 he was taken into 
a house that had been purposely undermined; it 
fell down on him and buried him under the ruins. 
At his death he is said to have been 52 years old. 
Bibliography: Dinawarl, al-Akhbdr al-Tiwdl 
(Guirgass); Ya'kObl; Baiadhurl, Futvh; Tabari; 
Mas'udi, Muriidi, indexes ; A ghdnl, Tables; Fragm. 
Hist. Arab, (de Goeje and de Jong), passim ; J. Well- 
hausen, Das arabische Reich und sein Sturz, Berlin 
1902, 341-5; L. Caetani, Chronographica Islamica, 
Rome 1912, under the relevant years; L. Cactani- 
G. Gabricli, Onomasticon Arabicum, Rome 1915, 
731; L. Caetani, Chronologia generate del bacino 

mediterraneo, Rome 1923, under the relevant years; 
S. Moscati, Le massacre des V may y odes, in Archiv 
Orientdlni, 1950, 88-115. 

(K. V. Zettersteen — S. Moscati) 
'ABD ALLAH b. 'AMIR, governor of Basra, was 
born in Mecca in 4/626. He belonged to the Kuray- 
shite clan of c Abd Shams and was a maternal cousin 
of the caliph 'Uthman. In 29/649-50 he was appointed 
by 'Uthman to the governorship of Basra, in suc- 
cession to Abu Musa al-Ash'arl, and immediately 
took the field in Fars, completing the conquest of 
that province by the capture of Istakhr, Darabdjird 
and DjQr (FIruzabad). In 30-31/651 he advanced 
into Khurasan, defeated the Ephthalites, and occu- 
pied the whole province up to Marw, Balkh and 
(in 32/635) Harat. After making the Pilgrimage, 
during which he distinguished himself by lavish 
munificence to the Meccans and Ansar, he returned 
to Basra, leaving the government of Khurasan in 
the hands of deputies. In 35/656 he attempted in vain 
to support 'Uthman, and subsequently assisted 
'A'isha, Talha a nd al-Zubayr in organizing the re- 
sistance to 'AH at Basra. After their defeat in the 
Battle of the Camel he took refuge with a man of 
the Banu Hurkus and made his way to Damascus, 
where he joined Mu'awiya. In 41/661 he was one 
of Mu'awiya's delegates to treat with al-Hasan b. 
'All, and at the end of the same year he was re- 
appointed to the governorship of Basra. In 42-43/ 
662-4 his lieutenants reconquered Khurasan and 
Sidjistan, which had been lost to the Arabs during 
the civil war, and an expedition was sent into Sind. 
But his lenience towards the tribesmen appeared too 
dangerous to Mu'awiya, who replaced him in 44/ 
664 by a more energetic governor; thereafter Ibn 
'Amir appears to have lived in retirement until his 
death at Mecca in 59/680, or in 57 or 58. 

'Abd Allah b. 'Amir was celebrated not only for 
his military abilities, but also for his generosity and 
other personal qualities and especially for his nu- 
merous public works. Among these were the con- 
struction of two canals at Basra and the canal of 
Ubulla, plantations in al-Nihadj and Karyatayn, and 
improved water supplies for the pilgrims at 'Arafa. 
Bibliography: Tabari, index; Ibn Sa'd, v, 
30-5; Ya'kubl, ii, 191-5, etc.; id., Bulddn, in- 
dex; Baladhuri, Futuh, 51, 315 ff.; id., Ansdb, 
v, index; Muh. b. Hablb, al-Muhabbar, 150; 
Aghdni, index; Ta'rikh-i Sistdn, 79ft., 90-1; Ibn 
al-Athlr, Usd, iii, 191-2; Caetani, Annali, vii; 
Chronographia, 629-30; B. Spuler, Iran in friih- 
islamischer Zeit, Wiesbaden 1952, 17 ff. ; J. Walker, 
Catalogue of the Arab-Sassanian Coins (in the 
B.M.), London 1941, index. (H. A. R. Gibb) 
b. ZlRl, third and last ruler of the kingdom 
of Granada, of the SinhadjI Berber family of the 
Banu Zirl [see zIrIds of Spain]. Bom in 447/1056, 
he was appointed at the death of his father Bulug- 
gin Sayf al-Dawla, in 456/1064, as the presumptive 
heir of his grandfather Badis b. Habus. He succeeded 
him on the throne of Granada, while his brother 
Tamim al-Mu'izz became independent ruler of Ma- 
laga. His reign consisted of a long series of troubles 
inside his kingdom, of armed conflicts with his 
Muslim neighbours, and of compromises with Al- 
fonso VI, king of Castille. At the time of the Al- 
moravid intervention in Spain he took part in the 
battles of al-Zallaka [q.v.] and Aledo, but his nego- 
tiation with the Christian king soon cost him his 
throne. He was besieged in his capital in 483/1090 
by Yusuf b. Tashufin, was dethroned and sent into 


forced residence in Aghmat, in Southern Morocco, 
where he ended his days. 

.It was during his exile in Morocco that c Abd 
Allah composed his "Memoirs", the almost com- 
plete text of which was found by the author of the 
present article in successive fragments, at inter- 
vals of several years, in the library of the Djami' 
al-Karawiyyin in Fes. This autobiography, called 
al-Tibyan 'an al-hdditha al-kdHna bi-dawlat Bant 
Zirl fi Gharndta, is the most considerable and the 
least deformed document on the history of Spain 
in the second half of the nth century. In spite of 
the long digressions in which the author tries to 
justify his political position in face of the dangers 
menacing his kingdom, these "Memoirs" give a very 
detailed chronicle of all the events that led in 478/ 
1085 to the taking of Toledo by Alfonso VI, and, in 
the next year, to the arrival of the Almoravids in the 
Peninsula. At the same time it is a psychological 
document of the first order, that mirrors, much 
better than the chronicles of the Andalusi (awdHf, 
the state of social and political decomposition in 
which Muslim Spain was found at the end of the 
nth century, and the progress made by that time 
by the efforts of the Reconquista. The account of 
the events prior to the reign of the author is also 
new and important. The "Memoirs" of 'Abd Allah 
must be considered as the guiding thread that allows 
us to find our bearings through the maze of the history 
of Muslim Spain at the moment it was about to fall 
into the power of the North African dynasties. 

Several fragments of the Tibydn were published, 
with an annotated translation by the author of this 
article, in And., 1935, 233-344; 1936, 29-145; 1941. 
231-93. The whole of the Arabic text, now recovered, 
will be published soon. A Spanish translation, by 
E. Levi-Provencal and E. Garcia G6mez (Las 
"Memorias" de 'Abd Allah, Mtimo rey ziri de Granada) 
is due to be published in 1953. 

Bibliography: The biographical articles about 
c Abd Allah by Ibn 'Idhari and Ibn al-Khatlb 
have been reproduced in And., 1936, 124-7; see 
also Ibn al-Khatlb, A'mdl al-AHdm (Levi-Pro- 
vencal), 268-70; Nubahi, al-Markaba al-'Ulyd 
(Levi-Provencal), 93-4; R. Menendez Pidal, La 
EspaHa del Cid ', Madrid 1947, indices ; idem, 
Leyendo las "Memorias" del rey ziri 'Abd Allah, 
And. 1944, 1-8; E. Levi-Provencal, Esp. Mus., iv. 

(E. Levi-Provencal) 
nephew of the caliph 'All. 'Abd Allah's 
father had gone over to Islam very early, and took 
part in the emigration of the first believers to Abys- 
sinia, where, according to the common belief, c Abd 
Allah was born. On his mother's side he was a brother 
of Muhammad b. AbI Bakr; the mother's name was 
Asma' bint c Umays al-Khath'amiyya. After some 
years the father returned to Medina taking his son 
with him. 'Abd Allah became known chiefly on 
account of his great generosity, and received the 
honorific surname of Bahr al-Diad, "the Ocean of 
Generosity". He appears to have played no very im- 
portant part in politics, although his name crops up 
from time to time in history during 'All's time and 
that following. When Mu'awiya tried to throw sus- 
picion on Kays b. Sa c d, the valiant governor of Egypt, 
to damage him in 'All's eyes, 'Abd Allah advised the 
removal of Kays; 'All allowed himself to be persuaded 
and took the fateful step of replacing him by Mu- 
hammad b. AbI Bakr, who in a very short time 
brought the whole of Egypt into the greatest con- 
fusion. This took place in the year 36/656-7. When in 

the year 60/680, after Yazid's accession, the Shi'ites 
of Kufa summoned Husayn b. 'All to proceed to that 
city to have himself proclaimed caliph, c Abd Allah 
amongst others endeavoured to dissuade him from 
this dangerous enterprise, but without success. The 
date of 'Abd Allah's death is generally given as 
80 or 85, but 87 and 90 are also recorded. 

Bibliography: Tabari, i, 3243 ff.; ii, ^ff.; 
iii, 2339 ff.; Ibn al-Athlr, iii, 224 ff.; Nawawl, 
337 ff. ; Ya'kubi, ii, 67, 200, 331 ; Mas'udI, Murudj, 
iv, 181, 271 f., 313. 329. 434; v, 19, 148, 38311-; 
Lammens, £tudes sur le rigne du calif e omaiyade 
Mo'dwia I", in MFOB, index. * 

(K. V. Zettersteen) 
'ABD ALLAH B. DJAHSH. of Banu Asad b. 
Khuzavma. a confederate (halif) of Banu 
Urn ay y a of Kuraysh. His mother was Umayma 
bint 'Abd al-Muttalib, Muhammad's aunt. An early 
Muslim along with his brothers, 'Ubayd Allah and 
Abu Ahmad, he took part with the former in the 
migration to Abyssinia. 'Ubayd Allah became a 
Christian and died there, but 'Abd Allah returned 
to Mecca and was the most prominent of a group of 
confederates, including his sister Zaynab [q.v.], who 
all migrated to Medina. He led the much-criticized 
raid to Nakhla where Muslims first shed Meccan 
blood, and fought at Badr. At his death at Uhud 
he was between 40 and 50. 

Bibliography: Ibn Sa'd, iii/i, 62-4; Ibn al- 
Athlr, Usd, iii, 131; Ibn Hadjar, Isdba, s.v. 

(W. Montgomery Watt) 
'ABD ALLAH b. DJUD'AN, Kuray shite 
notable of the clan of Taym b. Murra, at the end 
of the 6th c. A.D. He acquired such wealth from 
the caravan and slave trade that he possessed one 
of the largest fortunes in Mecca (Ps.-Djahiz, Mahdsin 
(van Vloten), 165; Ibn Rusta, 215; Mas'udI, Murud±, 
vi, 153 ff.; Lammens, La Mecque d la veille de VHe- 
gire, index). He surrounded himself with unusual 
luxury (being nick-named hast 'l-dhahab, because he 
used to drink from a golden cup), and was the owner 
of the two singing-girls called "Locusts of 'Ad" 
(Diarddatd 'Ad) whom he offered to Umayya b. Abi 
'1-Salt. In giving magnificent banquets, he showed 
a generosity that became proverbial (Aghani 1 , viii, 
4; Tha'alibi, Thimdr, 487, in connection with the 
expression: djifan Ibn Dpid'dn). Thus he won the 
favour of the poets, but also drew on himself some 
invectives (al-Djahiz, Payawdn', i, 364; ii, 93). His 
prestige enabled him to play a certain role in po- 
litics {Aghani, xix, 76), and he seems to have been 
the promoter of the Meccan confederacy known as 
hilt al-fudul (Ibn Hisham, 85; Ya'kubl, ii, 16; 
Lammens, op. cit., 54 ff.). 

Already before the 3rd/9th c, his unusual wealth, 
and the wish of the Meccans to explain it other- 
wise than by the slave trade, gave rise to his identi- 
fication with the hero of a Yamanite legend, dis- 
coverer of the tomb of Shaddad b. 'Amr [q.v.] 
(Wahb b. Munabbih, Ttdjdn, 65 ff.). Thus he is 
represented as a su'luk banished by his clan, wan- 
dering in the desert and enriched by a treasure of 
precious stones and gold which he finds in an old 
tomb (al-Hamdanl, Iklil, viii, 183 sqq. ; al-DamM, s.v. 
Thu'bdn; al-Djahiz, Baydn, ed. Sandubl i, 31). Ac- 
cording to an isolated and no doubt apocryphal 
tradition, he is buried in a place in Yaman called 
Birk al-Ghumad (Yakut, i, 589). 

Bibliography : Add to the references quoted 
in the art.: Ta'bari, i, 1187, 1330; MakdisI, al-Bad* 
wa-l-Ta'rikh, ed. Huart, iv, 128, v, 103; Tha- 
'alibi, Thimdr, 539; Aghani », viii, 2-6; Ibn Durayd, 


al-Ishtikdk, 88 ; Yakut, iv, 62 1 ; Mas'udl, al-Tanbih, 
210-1, 291 (trans. Carra de Vaux, 282-4, 381); 
Shibli, Akdm aX-Murdjdn, Cairo 1326, 141 ; Caussin 
de Perceval, Essai, i, 300-51, passim; Barbier de 
Meynard, Surnoms el sobriquets (= J A, 1907), 
66; O. Rescher, Qaljubi's Nawddir, Stuttgart 1920, 
no. 101. (Ch. Pellat) 

C ABD ALLAH b. HAMDAN [see Hamdanids]. 
'ABD ALLAH b. HAMMAM al-Saluli, Arab 
poet of the ist/7th century (he is said to have 
died after 96/715), who played a political role under 
the Umayyads. He was attached from 60/680 to 
Yazid b. Mu'awiya, condoled with him upon the 
death of his father and congratulated him at his 
accession. He persuaded Yazid to proclaim his. son 
Mu'awiya as heir presumptive and later he was the 
first to greet al-Walid b. 'Abd al-Malik with the 
name of caliph (86/705). During the reign of 'Abd 
al-Malik (65-86/685-705), the only information we 
have about his activity shows him to have had 
relations with the Shi'ite agitator al-Mukhtar [q.v.] 
and his entourage, as well as with the anticaliph 
<Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr [q.v.]. To the latter he ad- 
dressed a poem criticising the conduct of Mus'ab 
[q.v.], who was in effect temporarily deposed soon 
afterwards by al-Zubayr (67/686-7). 

Bibliography: Baladhuri, Ansdb, v, index; 
Djumahi, Tabakdt, (Hell) 135-6; pjahiz, ffayatran ", 
index; idem, Baydn (Sandubi), ii, 66, 67; Ibn 
Kutayba,SAt'r (de Goeje), 412-3; Ibn c Abd Rabbih, 
'Ikd, Cairo 1940, iii, 254 (= iv, 173 = v, 136), 
306; vii, 140-1; Abu Tammam, ffamdsa (Freytag), 
507; Tabari, ii, 636-42 and passim; Mubarrad, 
Kdmil, 34, 309; Mas'udl, Murudi, v, 126, 153-5; 
Aghdni 1 , xiv, 120-1, 170; C. A. Nallino, Scritti, 
vi, 154 (French transl. 236); H. Lammens, Le 
calif at de Yaztd I", MFOB, v 1 , no, 120; idem, 
Etudes sur le siicle des Omayyades, Beyrouth, 1930, 
141, 158, 166. (Ch. Pellat) 

C ABD ALLAH b. HAMZA [see al-Mansur 

'ABD ALLAH b. HAN£ALA b. AbI 'Amir al- 
AnsarI, one of the leaders of the revolution 
that broke out in Medina against the caliph Yazid I. 
Posthumous son of a Companion killed at Uhud and 
surnamed Ghasil al-Mala'ika, 'Abd Allah is also known 
as Ibn al-Ghasil. In 62/682 he took part in the depu- 
tation sent to Damascus by the governor of Medina, 
'Uthman b. Muhammad, to bring about a reconcili- 
ation between the malcontents of Medina and the 
Umayyads. Yazid showed special consideration for 
the envoys, but they, nevertheless, spoke ill of the 
caliph and described him as unfit for the caliphate. 
Ibn al-Ghasil made himself prominent by his attacks 
and when the Ansar openly revolted soon afterwards, 
it was he whom they choose as their chief, while 'Abd 
Allah b. Muti' [q.v.] took the leadership of the city's 
Kurayshites. After the Umayyads of Medina had 
been driven out, the caliph was compelled to punish 
the rebels by force of arms. About the end of 63/683 
he sent troops under the command of Muslim b. 'Ukba, 
who occupied favourable positions on the Harra, 
to the east of Medina, and after waiting three days, 
engaged the Medinese in a bloody battle which ended 
with the complete defeat of the rebels (Dhu'l-Hididia 
63/Aug. 683). 'Abd Allah showed remarkable bravery 
in the battle, but finally fell under the blows of 
the Syrians. His head was cut off and brought to 
Muslim, and the two soldiers who killed him received, 
it is said, high rewards from the caliph. 

Bibliography: Baladhuri, Ansdb, v, 154; Ibn 
Sa'd, Tabakdt, v, 46 ff.; Tabari, ii, 412 ft.; Ibn 

al-A&ir, iv, 45, 87 ft.; Ibn Hadjar, Isdba, no. 
4637; Aghdni 1 , i, 12; A. Miiller, Der Islam im 
Morgen- und Abendland, i, 365 ff.; J. Wellhausen, 
Das arab. Reich, 16 ff.; H. Lammens, Le calif at 
de Yazid Ier, 231 ff. (= MFOB, v, 211 ff.). 

(K. V. Zettersteen-Ch. Pellat) 
'ABD ALLAH b. al-HASAN b. al-Hasan, chief 
of the 'A 1 i d s. 'Abd Allah was treated with great 
favour by the caliphs of the Umayyad dynasty, and 
when he visited the first 'Abbasid caliph Abu 
•l-'Abbas al-Saffah at Anbar, the latter received 
him with great distinction. Thence he returned to 
Medina, where he soon fell under the suspicion of 
the successor of al-Saffah, al-Mansur. Yet 'Abd Al- 
lah owed his misfortune not so much to himself as 
to his two sons Muhammad and Ibrahim. Al-Mansur 
began to suspect them in 136/754, when he led the 
pilgrimage to Mecca and they did not appear with 
the other Hashimites to salute him, but his suspicions 
fell more especially on Muhammad. After his accession 
al-Mansur tried to sound the Hashimites as to Mu- 
hammad's real opinions, but they spoke only good 
of him and endeavoured to excuse his absence. Only 
al-Hasan b. Zayd advised the caliph to beware of this 
dangerous 'Alid. In order to remove all doubts, al- 
Mansur ordered 'Ukba b. Salm to get into 'Abd 
Allah's confidence by means of presents and forged 
letters from Khurasan, the recognised centre of 'Alid 
propaganda. At first 'Abd Allah was very cautious 
but finally fell into the trap, and when 'Ukba asked 
him for an answer for his supposed companions in 
Khurasan, he did indeed refuse to give one in writing, 
but asked him to inform them by word of mouth 
that he greeted them and that his two sons would rise 
in revolt in the near future. When 'Ukba had in this 
manner convinced himself of the rebellious intentions 
of the 'Alids, he at once informed the caliph, and 
when the latter in the year 140/758 again made a pil- 
grimage, he invited 'Abd Allah to come to him, and 
asked him if he could really count on his fidelity. 
'Abd Allah assured him of his honorable sentiments, 
but when 'Ukba suddenly appeared, he understood 
that he had been betrayed and took refuge in en- 
treaties. Al-Mansur, however, had him arrested. 'Abd 
Allah's relatives shared his fate, but the caliph was 
not able to seize his two sons. When he again came 
to Medina in the year 144/762 after making another 
pilgrimage, he took the prisoners back with him to 
al-'Irak, and soon afterwards 'Abd Allah died there 
in prison at the age of 75. According to current 
report, he was murdered by al-Mansur's orders. 
Bibliography: Tabari, ii, 1338 ft.; iii, 143 ff-; 
Ibn al-Athir, 172 ft.; Weil, Gesch. d. Chalifen, ii, 
40 ff. (K. V. Zettersteen) 

'ABD ALLAH b. HILAL al-HimyarI al-KufI, 
a magician of Kufa, contemporary of al-Hadjdjadj, 
with whom he was in relations after the building 
of the palace in Wasit (Yakut, iv, 885; cf. also an 
adventure with a concubine of the caliph, Ibn Ha- 
djar, Lisdn al-Mizdn, iii, 372-3). Aghdni ', i, 167 
quotes verses by 'Umar b. Abi Rabi'a that bear 
witness to a connection between the poet and the 
magician. He abtained his powers from a magic ring 
given to him by Satan to thank him for having 
defended him from children who were insulting him. 
He was also thought to receive his inspiration 
from Iblis, because he was descended from Iblis in 
the maternal line; hence his nicknames of sadik 
Iblis, sdhib Iblis, khatan Iblis or sibt Iblis (al-Djabiz, 
al-ffayawdn', i, 190; al-Bayhaki, al-Mahdsin, 109; 
al-Tha'alibi, Thimdr, 57); he is clearly described as 
makhdum by al-Djahiz, al-ffayawdn ', vi, 198 (cf. 


WZKM, vii (1893), 235-6). The Fikrist, 310 (repro- 
duced in al-Shibll, Akdm al-Murdidn, 101-2) men- 
tions him among those that follow al-farika al- 
makmuda; on the other hand he is considered as the 
master of al-Halladj, accused of practising diabolic 
magic (L. Massignon, HaUddj, 792). Al-Djawbari 
declares that he had read his books of magic (ZDMG, 
xx, (1866), 487; the passage is missing in the Cairo ed. 
of al-Mukktdr fi Kaskf al-Asrar) and refers to Fakhr 
al-DIn al-RazI, al-Sirr al-Maktum. (Ch. Pellat) 

C ABD ALLAH b . al-HUSAYN, AmlrofTrans- 
jordan (Shark al-Urdunn), afterwards king of 
Hashimite Jordan (al-Mamlaka al-Urdunniyya al- 
Hashimiyya), second son of the Sharif al-Husayn 
b. 'All [q.v.] king of Hidjaz. Born in Mecca, in 1882, 
he studied in Istanbul. After the revolution of 1908, 
he represented for some time the Hidjaz in the Otto- 
man parliament. Just before the first world war he 
joined the Arab Union, an association founded in 
Cairo by the Syrian Muhammad Rashld Rida [q.v.]. In 
April 1914 he had interviews in Egypt with Lord 
Kitchener and Ronald Storrs and thus took part in 
the negotiations that led to the proclamation of 
"Arab Revolt" announced by his father in Mecca, 
9 Sha'ban 1334/10 June 1916. During the hostilities 
he played only a minor role. On 8 March 1920 an 
'"Iraki .Congress", which met in Damascus, pro- 
claimed him "constitutional king of 'Irak". But 
he never took possession of the throne, which 
was given by the English, in June 1921, to his brother 
Faysal, who had been expelled from Damascus by 
the French troops of General Gouraud (24-27 July 
1920). In March 1921 'Abd Allah met in Jerusalem 
W. Churchill, then colonial secretary. It was during 
that interview that it was orally agreed to create in 
Transjordan, separated from the rest of Palestine 
placed under British mandate, a "national Arab 
government" headed by c Abd Allah (28 March). On 
28 August 1923 this government was recognized by 
the High Commissioner for Palestine. Its relations 
with Great Britain were fixed by a treaty signed 
in Jerusalem 20 February 1928 (modified by the 
agreements of 2 June 1934 and 9 July 1941). 

In 1946 Great Britain recognized Transjordan "as 
a completely independent state" (treaty of 22 March 
1946, modified by the treaty of 15 March 1948). 
c Abd Allah was crowned as king in 'Amman, 25 
May 1946, and Transjordan, constituted a kingdom, 
took the name of "Hashimite Kingdom of Jordan". 
After the war in Palestine (15 May 1948-3 April 
1949), 'Abd Allah annexed the territories occupied 
by the Arab Legion to the west of the Jordan (April- 
May 1950). He was assassinated in Jerusalem on 20 
July 1951. 

In the last years of his life, he visited successively 
Turkey (Jan. 1947), Iran (July-August 1949) and 
Spain (Sept. 1949). His journeys were followed by 
the signature of treaties of friendship with these 
countries (Turkey, n Jan. 1947; Iran, 16 Nov. 1949; 
Spain, 7 Oct. 1950). On the other hand he tried to 
overcome the hostility of the Arab League to his 
projects of territorial expansion. He died, however, 
without accomplishing the great ideal of his reign: 
grouping round his throne the Arab lands of Syria 
(project of Greater Syria). 

He was the author of memoirs, only the first 
part of which has been published. 

Bibliograpky. c Abd Allah b. al-Husayn, 

Mudkakkarati, 1945 (English transl., Philip P. 

Graves, Memoirs of King Abdullah of Transjordan, 

London 1950). Reference should be made especially 

to OM 1923-51 and Cakiers del'Or.Cont., 1944-51. 

See also T. E. Lawrence, Seven pillars of wisdom, 
London 1935; idem, Revolt in Ike desert, London 
1927; C. S. Jarvis, Arab command', 1943; R. 
Storrs, Orientations, London 1943; J. Bagot Glubb, 
Tke story of tke Arab Legion, London 1948; Et- 
tore Rossi, Documenti sull'origine e gli sviluppi 
delta questione arabe (1875-1904), Rome 1944. On 
the project of Greater Syria, see Transjordan 
Wkite Book, 'Amman 1947, and Li voild la 
Grande Syrie, published by the review al-Dunya, 
Damascus 1947. (M. Colombe) 

'ABD ALLAH b. IBAp [see Ibadiyya]. 
'ABD ALLAH b. IBRAHIM [see aghlabids]. 
'ABD ALLAH b. ISKANDAR, a Shay ban id 
[q.v.], the greatest prince of this dynasty, born in 
940/1533-4 (the dragon year 1532-3 is given, probably 
more accurately, as the year of the cycle) at Afa- 
rinkent in Miyankal (an island between the two 
arms of the Zarafshan). The father (Iskandar Khan), 
grandfather (Djani Beg) and great-grandfather 
(Kh'adia Muhammad, son of Abu '1-Khayr[j.u.]) of 
this ruler of genius are all described as very ordinary, 
almost stupid men. Djani Beg (d. 935/1528-9) had 
at the distribution of 918/1512-3 received Karmina 
and Miyankal; Iskandar was at the time of his son's 
birth lord of Afarinkent; later, probably after the 
death of one of his brothers, he emigrated to Kar- 
mina. There 'Abd Allah first proved his ability as 
a ruler in 958/1551; the country had been attacked 
by Nawruz Ahmed Khan of Tashkend and 'Abd 
al-Latif Khan of Samarkand; Iskandar had fled across 
the Amu; 'Abd Allah assumed his father's duties 
and successfully repulsed the attack. In the following 
years 'Abd Allah tried to extend his possessions 
westward in the direction of Bukhara and south- 
eastward in the direction of Karshi and Shahr-i 
Sabz, at first without permanent success; in 963/ 
1555-6 he was even obliged to evacuate the lands 
inherited by his father and flee to Maymana. In 
the same year (Dhu 'l-Ka'da/September-.October 
1556) there died his powerful enemy Nawruz Ahmed 
Khan, khan of the Ozbegs and lord of Tashkend 
since 959/1552. 'Abd Allah immediately reasserted 
his supremacy in Karmina and Shahr-i Sabz, and 
in Radjab 964/May 1557 conquered Bukhara, from 
that time his capital. There he had his uncle Pir 
Muhammad declared as deposed and his weak- 
minded father proclaimed in Sha'ban 968/April- 
May 1 561 khan of all the Ozbegs, in order to rule 
himself in the latter's name. Only in 991/1583, after 
the death of his father (1 Djumada II/22 June), did 
he accept the vacant throne. After severe fighting 
against insubordinate supporters of the ruling house 
he subjugated Balkh in 98 1/1 573-4, Samarkand in 
Rabi' II 986/June 1578, Tashkend and the remaining 
country north of the Syr in 990/1582-3, and Far- 
ghana in 991/1583. In addition to these conquests, 
'Abd Allah also made a raid in the first half 
of the year 990/spring 1582 into the steppes as 
far as Ulugh Tagh. In the year 996/1587-8 a stub- 
born insurrection was suppressed in Tashkend, and 
the enemy again pursued far into the steppes. In the 
south-east Badakhshan was conquered, in the west 
Khurasan, Gilan and Kh"arizm, the last-named first 
in 1002/1593-4 and then, after an insurrection, re- 
conquered in 1004/1595-6. An expedition to East 
Turkistan resulted only in the laying waste of the 
provinces of Kashghar and Yarkand. 'Abd Allah's 
last years were darkened by a quarrel with his 
only son 'Abd al-Mu'min, v.ho ruled in Balkh from 
the end of 990/autumn 1582 in the name of his 
father. As 'Abd Allah had been the real ruler under 


Iskandar, in the same way c Abd al-Mu'min wanted 
to occupy the same position in relation to his now 
aging father. 'Abd Allah would, however, not hear 
of any diminution of his power, and only the media- 
tion of the clergy prevented an open breach between 
father and son, and compelled 'Abd al-Mu'min to 
yield. On hearing of the strained relations between 
father and son, the nomads had penetrated into the 
region of Tashkend and had defeated between Tash- 
kend and Samarkand an army sent against them. 
At the beginning of a punitive expedition against 
this enemy 'Abd Allah was overtaken by death in 
Samarkand (end of the "hen year", 1006/beginning 
of 1598). 

'Abd al-Mu'min was murdered only six months 
later by his subjects. The conquests in Khurasan 
and Kh w arizm were lost, and in the Ozbegs' own coun- 
try the power fell into the hands of another dynasty. 
Of greater permanence were' the results of 'Abd 
Allah's activity in internal affairs; the administration, 
especially the coinage system, was remodelled by 
him, many public- works (bridges, caravanseras, 
wells, etc.) were completed. Even at the present 
day popular folklore ascribes all such monuments 
either to Timur or to 'Abd Allah. 

Bibliography: The life of this ruler up to 
the year 996/1587-8 is described in detail by his 
eulogist Hafiz Tanlsh: Sharaf-ndma-yi Shdhi 
(Persian), usually called 'Abd Alldh-ndma. Much 
information (especially about the last few years) 
is given by c Abd Allah's Persian contemporary 
Iskandar Munshi' in Ta'rikh-i 'Alam Ard-yi 'Ab- 
bdsi (biography of Shah 'Abbas I, Teheran 1897). 
Extracts from both works are in Welyaminow- 
Zernow, Izslyedowaniya o kasimowskikh tsaryahh 
i tsarewidakh, ii (in the Trudi wostol. old. imper. 
arkheol. obshl., x.; German transl. Leipzig 1867), 
and before that in his Moneti bukharshiya i 
khiwskiya. See also my extracts from the little 
known Bahr al-Asrdr by Mahmud b. Wali in the 
Zapiski wostol. otd. imper. rusk, arkheol. obshi., 
xv. On the Bahr al-Asrdr comp. Ethe, India 
Office Cat., No. 575. The information given by 
Vambery, Gesch. Bochara's, and by Howorth, 
Hist. 0/ the Mongols, ii. div. 2, who follows him, 
is to be accepted with great caution. 



'ABD ALLAH b. ISMA'lL, 'Alawid [q.v.] 
sultan of Morocco, whose first reign started 4 
Sjja'ban 1141/5 March 1729, while his last ended 
with his death 27 Safar 1171/10 Nov. 1757. 

This sovereign was in fact deposed several times, 
five times according to the Arabic historians, and 
as often recalled to power. For the good order 
established in Morocco under Mawlay Isma'il [q.v.] 
was at that time but a memory. When 'Abd Allah 
assumed power, two of his brothers, Ahmad al- 
Dhahabi and 'Abd al-Malik, had been fighting for 
it for two years, and had roused, by their mutual 
bids and their weakness, violent antagonism between 
the black army of their father, the 'abid al-Bukhdri, 
and the gish [diaysh, q.v.] tribe of Odaya and the 
Berbers of the Middle and Central Atlas. When it 
is added that the sons of Mawlay Isma'il were 
numerous and that several of them aspired to power, 
and that, on the other hand, 'Abd Allah showed 
himself from the beginning to be capricious and cruel, 
then it is plain why Morocco was at this time the 
scene of constant disorders. 

Raised to power by the 'abid, who had been won 
over by his mother, 'Abd Allah immediately stirred 
up against himself the city of Fez, whose resistance 

only after a siege of six months. He 
then tried to pacify his kingdom, but in consequence 
of a disastrous campaign in the Central Atlas, ex- 
cited the enmity of the 'abid and had to flee, on 29 
Sept. 1734, to the Wadi Nun, to his mother's tribe. 
Replaced by his brother 'All al-A'radj, he was re- 
called in 1736, but was again expelled a few months 
later by the 'abid. He took refuge with the Berber 
Ait Idrasan and was replaced successively by two 
of his brothers, Muh. b. al-'Arabiyya and al-Mustadi'. 
Recalled in 1740, he fought against al-Mustadi' and 
his ally, the pasha of Tangier, Ahmad al-RIfl, when 
another son of Isma'il, Zayn al-'Abidin, was elevated 
to the throne by the c abid. 'Abd Allah found new 
supporters among the Berbers, with whose help he 
regained power in the same year. He then suceeeded 
in defeating al-Mustadi and al-RIfi and made an 
effort to pacify Morocco. New revolts, however, fol- 
lowed each other without interruption and the sultan 
constantly changed his allies, relying sometimes on 
the 'abid, sometimes on the Cdaya, sometimes on the 
Berbers. He was deposed yet again (1748) in favour 
of his son Muhammed governor of Marrakush. His 
son, however, remained loyal and assured the reign 
of 'Abd Allah until his death, but in the midst of 
continual disorders. 'Abd Allah resided partly in 
Meknes, and partly in a country house near Fez, 
Dar Dbibagh. 

Bibliography : ZayyanI, Le Maroc de 631 a- 
1812 (Houdas), Paris 1886, 35-67; trad. Houdas, 
64-127; AkensOs, al-Dxaysh al-'Aramram, lith, 
Fes 1336/1918, reproducing al-Zayyani; Nasiri 
Salawi, al-Istiksd', iv, Cairo 1312/1894, 59-91 ; 
trad. E. Fumey, AM, ix, 1916, 171-270; L. de 
Chenier, Recherches historiques sur Us Maures et 
histoire de I'Empire de Maroc, iii, Paris 1787, 
430-65; H. Terrasse, Histoire du Maroc, ii, Casa- 
blanca 1950, 282-6. (R. le Tourneau) 
'ABD ALLAH b. KHAZIM al-SulamI, governor 
of Khurasan. On the first expedition of 'Abd Allah 
b. 'Amir [q.v.] into Khurasan in 31/651-2, Ibn 
Khazim commanded the advance-guard which occu- 
pied Sarakhs. According to some accounts, he put 
down a rebellion led by Karin in 33/653-4 and was 
rewarded with the governorship of the province, 
but this is probably an anticipation of the events 
of 42/662. During Ibn 'Amir's second governorship 
of Basra (41/661), Kays b. al-Haytham al-Sulaml 
was appointed to Khurasan, and 'Abd Allah b. 
Khazim and 'Abd al-Rahman b. Samura were des- 
patched to recover Balkh and Sidjistan. When 
Kays showed himself unable to deal with an Eph- 
thalite revolt which broke out in the following year, 
Ibn 'Amir replaced him as governor by 'Abd Allah 
b. Khazim, who remained in Khurasan until recalled 
by Ziyad in 45/665. 

Ibn Khazim returned to Khurasan with the army 
of Salm b. Ziyad (61-2/680-2), and when the latter 
withdrew after the death of Yazld I Ibn Khazim 
persuaded him to nominate him as governor of the 
province (64/684). Having gained possession of Marw 
after defeating its Tamimite governor, he then at- 
tacked, with the aid of Tamfm, the Bakrite governors 
of Marw al-Rudh and Harat, and overcame them 
after a long struggle. The victory was followed by 
repeated risings of the Tamlm against Ibn Khazim, 
now nominally governor on behalf of Ibn al-Zubayr. 
In 72/692 he received, but indignantly rejected, an 
offer by 'Abd al-Malik to confirm him as governor 
for seven years; the offer was then made to and ac- 
cepted by his deputy in Marw, the Tamimite Bukayr 
b. Wishah, who overtook and killed him (probably 


in 73/692-3) as he was attempting to join his son 
Musa in the stronghold which he had previously 
prepared at Tirmidh. The career of lbn Khazim was 
-afterwards embellished with saga-like accretions, 
which make it difficult to establish many details 
-with precision. 

Bibliography: Tabari, index (tr. Zotenberg, 
iv, 63-5, 113-4); BalSdhuri, 356 ff., 409, 413 ft-; 
Ya'kubl, ii, 258, 322-4; id. Bulddn, 279, 296-9; 
Muh. b. Habib, al-Muhabbar, 221-2, 308; NakdHd 
Diarir wa-l-Farazdah, index; al-Kali, Dhayl al- 
Amdli, 32; Wellhausen, Arab. Reich, 258-62; 
Caetani, Annali, vii, 275 ft., 493 ff.; viii, 3-8; 
Barthold, Turkestan', 184; Marquart, £rdnSahr, 
Berlin 1901, 69, 135; J. Walker, Catalogue of the 
Arab-Sassanian Coins {in the B.M.), London 1941, 
index; R. Ghirshman, Les Chionites-Hephtalites, 
99-101; other reff. in Caetani, Chronographia, 
853. (H. A. R. Gibb) 

<ABD ALLAH b. MAS'CD [see ibn mas'&d]. 
<ABD ALLAH B. MAYMCN, client of the family 
of al-Haritt? b. 'Abd Allah b. Abi Rabi c a al-Makh- 
zumi (Ibn al-Zubayr's governor in Basra, cf . al-Tabari, 
index), known in the Twelver Shi'ite literature as 
a transmitter of traditions from Dja'far al- 
Sadik (al-KulIni, Ibn Babuya, al-Tusi, passim, cf. 
Ivanow, Alleged Founder, n -60; see also the Shi'ite 
books of rididl- al-Kashshi, Ma'ri/at Akhbdr al- 
Rididl, 160; al-Nadjashi, al-Rididl, 148; al-Tusi, 
Fihrist, 197; he appears also in Sunni books of rididl: 
al-Dhahabi, Mizdn al-IHiddl, ii, 81, who quotes the 
earlier Sunni authorities; Ibn Hadjar, Tahdhib 
al-Tahdhib, vi, 149). Since Dja'far al-Sadik died 
in 148/765, c Abd Allah belongs to the middle and 
the second half of the 2nd/8th century. His father 
Maymun al-Kaddab ("sharpener of arrows" — so al- 
Nadjashi — rather than "oculist") is also mentioned 
in the Twelver sources as a companion of Dja'far's 
father, Muh. al-Bakir. Ismail! sources, too, speak 
of Maymun and c Abd Allah as companions of al- 
Bakir and Dja'far al-Sadik (cf. Lewis, Origins, 65-7). 
The anti-Isma'fll writers, from the beginning of the 
4th/ioth century on, have a long and colourful tale to 
tell of 'Abd Allah as the founder of Isma'ilism. 
The source of all these accounts is that of Ibn Rizam 
(beg. of the 4th/ioth century), quoted in the Fihrist, 
186. According to this story, Maymun al-^addah, a 
Bardesanian (hence in later sources "son of Daysan" ; 
the name of the "father" seems to owe its existence 
to the alleged adherence of Maymun to Ibn Daysan, 
Bardesanes) was an extremist, follower of Abu '1- 
Khattab [?.«.], and founded the sect called May- 
muniyya. His son 'Abd Allah claimed to be a prophet, 
supported his claims by conjuring tricks and, driven 
by the ambition of securing worldly power, founded 
a movement, instituting seven grades of beliefs that 
-culminated in shameless atheism and libertinism. 
He pretended to work on behalf of Muh. b. Isma'Il, 
as expected Mahdi. 'Abd Allah came from Kuradj 
al-'Abbas near Ahwaz, but transferred his head- 
quarters first to c Askar Mukram, then to Basra, 
and finally to Salamiya in Syria, where he .remained 
in hiding until his death. His lifetime is put by Ibn 
Rizam, anachronistically, in the middle of the 3rd/ 
■9th century. His successors stayed in Salamiya, 
until 'Ubayd Allah al-Mahdl [?.«.] claimed to be 
a descendant of Muh. b. Isma'Il, and fled to Ifrikiya 
-to found there the Fatimid dynasty. This story of 
Ibn Rizam proved a great success, was copied by 
all the subsequent anti-Isma'IH writers (the chief 
of them being Akhu Muhsin — preserved in excerpts 
■by al-Nuwayri and al-MakrlzI — and Ibn Shaddad, 

who gives Maymun the kunya Abu Shakir, cf. Ibn 
al-Athlr, viii, 21, presumably in order to identify 
him with the zindik Abu Shakir, for whom see al- 
Khayyat, al-Intisdr, 40, 142; Fihrist, 337 and the 
Twelver legends quoted by Ivanow, Alleged Founder, 
91 ff. and G. Vajda, RSO, 1937, 192, 196, 224), 
and became, with certain additions and variations 
(cf. Lewis, Origins, 54-63) the standard account of 
Sunni authors about the rise of Isma'ilism. This 
is not the place to discuss in detail the vexed and 
apparently insoluble problem of the antecedents of 
the Fatimids (see fatimids and also isma'iliyya) 
yet it must be pointed out that the view that the 
Fatimids descended from Maymun al-fCaddah seems 
to have been entertained not only by Ibn Rizam, 
a great enemy of Isma'ilism, but also by certain 
sections of the Isma'Il! movement itself, and the 
Imam al-Mu'izz had to polemize against some of 
his followers who considered him as a descendant 
of Maymun (see the letter of al-Mu'izz quoted by 
'Imad al-DIn Idris and printed by Ivanow in the 
J. of the Bombay Branch of the RAS, 1940, 74-6, 
and, confirming and completing that piece of in- 
formation, a passage in al-Nu'man's al-Mad±dlis wa 
'l-Musdyardt, MS of SOAS, London, 25434, fol. 76 
ff., to be published by the author of this article). 
W. Ivanow (The rise of the Fatimids, Bombay 1942, 
see especially 127-56; The Alleged Founder of Ismai- 
lism, Bombay 1946) denies the truth of any con- 
nection between Isma'ilism and Maymun and 'Abd 
Allah, or their descendants, considering the whole 
story as freely invented by their enemies — although 
it is difficult to see why they have picked out just 
Maymun and c Abd Allah for the role and how 
early Isma'ill circles could come to accept them, 
merely on the authority of scandal invented by their 
enemies, as the ancestors of the leaders to whom 
they paid allegiance. B. Lewis, The origins of Ismai- 
lism, Cambridge 1940 (see especially 49-73), admits, 
on the whole, the historicity of the role of Maymun 
and c Abd AUah as leaders of the extremist movement 
out of which grew Isma'ilism. The evidence is as 
yet not sufficient for a definite solution of this 
problem, and it would seem possible that the basis 
for the story about Maymun and c Abd Allah is to 
be sought in the role that some descendants of 'Abd 
Allah b. Maymun may have played in the Isma'ill 
movement in its beginnings about 260/873, and that 
the story was spun out of this knowledge of the con- 
nection of some "Kaddahids" with Isma'ilism. 
(S. M. Stern) 
'ABD ALLAH b. MU'AWIYA, c Alid rebel. After 
the death of Abu Hashim, a grandson of C A1I, claims 
were laid to the Imamate from several quarters. 
Some asserted that Abu Hashim had formally trans- 
ferred his right to the dignity of Imam to the 'Ab- 
basid Muhammad b. C A1I. Others said that he had 
spoken in favor of c Abd Allah b. c Amr al-Kindl 
and wanted to proclaim him Imam. As he, however, 
did not come up to the expectations of his followers, 
they turned from him and declared 'Abd Allah b. 
Mu'awiya, a great-grandson of 'All's brother Dja- 
'far, to be the rightful Imam. The latter asserted 
that both the godhead and the prophetic office were 
united in his person, because the spirit of God had 
been transferred from the one to the other and had 
finally come to him. In accordance with this his 
followers believed in metempsychosis and denied the 
resurrection. In Muharram 127/Oct. 744, 'Abd Allah 
revolted in Kufa where he was joined by many fol- 
lowers, especially from amongst the Zaydites [q.v.]. 
The latter captured the citadel and expelled the 



prefect. In a short time, however, <Abd Allah b. 
■Umar b. c Abd al-'Aziz, the governor of c Irak, put 
an end to his manoeuvres. When it came to fighting, 
the ever unreliable Kufans deserted; only the Zay- 
dites fought bravely and continued the battle till 
c Abd Allah was granted an unimpeded retreat. From 
Kufa he proceeded at first to MadS'in and then to 
al-Djibal. His power was in no way broken. From 
Kufa and from other places numbers of people flocked 
to him and he soon succeeded in winning over several 
important strongholds in Persia. After residing for 
some time in Isfahan, he went to Istakhr. Owing 
to the temporary weakness of the government in 
Persia, as a result of the disorders in c Irak and Khu- 
rasan, he had no difficulty in extending his rule over 
a great part of al-Djibal, Ahwaz, Fars and Karman. 
The Kharidiites. who had fought against Marwan 
II on the Tigris, withdrew into c Abd Allah's domain 
and other opponents of the caliph also joined him, 
including some 'Abbasids. In the end, however, he was 
unable to maintain his power. c Amir b. Dubara, one 
of Marwan's generals, who had been entrusted with 
the pursuit of the Kharidiites. led an army into c Abd 
Allah's domains and brought his rule to a sudden 
end. In the year 129/746-7, c Abd Allah was defeated 
at Marw al-Shadhan and forced to flee to Khurasan, 
where Abu Muslim, the celebrated general of the 
'Abbasids, had him executed. After his death, some of 
his followers, called al-Djanahiyya [q.v.], maintained 
that he was still alive and would return ; on the other 
hand, others, the so-called Harithites, believed that 
his spirit was reincarnated in Ishak b. Zayd b. al- 
Harith al-Ansari. 

Bibliography: Tabarl, ii, 1879 ff-; Ibn al- 
Athir, v, 246 ff.; Mas'udI, Murudi, vi, 41 ff., 67 
ff., 109; ShahrastanI, 112-3 (transl. Haarbriicker, 
i, 170) ; Aghdni, Index ; G. Weil, Gesch. d. Chalifen; 
Wellhausen, Das arab. Retch, 239 ft.; id., Die 
rel.-pol. Oppositionsparteien, in Abh. G. W. Gdtt. 
v/2, 98 f. ; Caetani and Gabrieli, Onomasticon, ii, 
853. (K. V. Zettersteen*) 

C ABD ALLAH b. MUHAMMAD, Sharif of Mecca 



RaiimAn al-MarwanI, seventh Umayyad Amir 
of Cordova. He succeeded his brother al-Mundhir 
on the latter's death before Bobastro, centre of 'Umar 
b. Hafsun's rebellion, on 15 Safar 275/29 June 888. 
The circumstances of al-Mundhir's death arouse the 
suspicion that the new sovereign was not quite in- 
nocent of it. At his accession, c Abd Allah, born in 
229/844, was forty-four years old. His reign, which 
lasted for a quarter of a century, until his death on 
1 Rabl c I 300/16 Oct. 912, was described in detail 
by the chronicler Ibn Hayyan, in that part of his 
Muktabis which has been preserved in an Oxford 
manuscript, long since known and utilized, and 
published in a somewhat faulty edition by M. M. 
Antuna, Paris 1937. 

His biographers present a flattering portrait of 
the Amir c Abd Allah and omit to mention his cruelty 
and his lack of scruples. They extol his sobriety, 
his piety and his Islamic culture. It may be granted 
to him as an undoubted merit that he maintained, in 
a difficult period, the Hispano-Umayyad dynasty 
and contrived to counter a multitude of internal 
dangers, notably the Andalusian revolt fomented by 
the muwallads and the particularist tendences of the 
Arab gentry of Seville and Elvira. For further details 

Encyclopaedia of Islam 

Bibliography: Levi-Provencal, Esp. mus.,.i, 

329 (list of Arabic sources, note i)-396; Dozy, 

Hist. Mus. Esp 2 , ii, 21-93. 

(E. Levi-Provencal) 

(his name is invariably pronounced as c Ab_dullahi), 
the successor of Muhammad Ahmad [q.v.], the Suda- 
nese Mahdi. He belonged to the Awlad Umm Surra, 
a clan of the Djubarat section of the Ta'a'isha, a 
tribe of cattle-breeding Arabs (Bakkara) in Darfur. 
His great-grandfather is said to have been a Tunisian 
Sharif who married a woman of the tribe. His father 
Muhammad b. c Ali Karrar bore the nickname of 
Tor Shayn (Ugly Bull). Religious pretensions were 
hereditary in the family, and both father and son 
were fakis of repute. Zubayr Rahma, the famous 
merchant-adventurer and conquerer of Darfur, re- 
lates that c Abdullahi narrowly escaped execution at 
his hands, when taken prisoner during the Darfur 
fighting in 1873, and that even then he was in search 
of the Expected Mahdi. Tor Shayn died among the 
Djim'a tribe in Kordofan and, according to the le- 
gend, he enjoined on his son to seek out Muhammad 
Ahmad the future Mahdi. 'Abdullahi adhered to 
him in the Diazlra before he had manifested himself, 
and was the first to believe in his mission. He was 
his closest adviser during the years of propaganda 
and fighting (1881-85), and his gifts of leadership 
largely contributed to the successes which culmi- 
nated in the fall of Khartum (26 Jan. 1885). In an 
epistle, dated 17 Rabl c I 1300/26 Jan. 1883, the 
Mahdi nominated him as his khalifa with the title 
of al-Siddlk, and as amir of the Mahdist army. On 
the Mahdi's death at Omdurman (22 June 1885) 
c Abdullahi assumed control of the new Mahdist state. 
A convinced believer in the Mahdi's mission and him- 
self claiming supernatural gifts, he rigorously up- 
held the religious ordinances of the Mahdiyya, with- 
out neglecting the temporal aim of establishing his 
personal and absolute rule. With this end in view 
he deprived the Mahdi's blood-relations (the Ash- 
raf) of all influence and successfully crushed the 
opposition of powerful tribal chiefs and of rival 
religious pretenders. Not himself a military leader, 
c Abdullahi was served by a number of capable 
amirs who, in the first year of his reign, captured 
the last posts still held by the Egyptian garrisons. 
His governor of the eastern province, the redoutable 
c Uthman Digna [q.v.] fought numerous actions with 
varying success against the Anglo-Egyptian forces 
based on Suakin. Between 1887 and 1889 there was 
intermittent warfare with the Abyssinians (sack of 
Gondar by the Mahdists in 1887; battle of Kallabat 
9 March 1889 when an Abyssinian victory was turned 
into rout by the death in battle of King John). 
In the execution of his policy c Abdullahi relied 
largely on the Bakkara tribesmen of Kordofan and 
Darfur, whom he brought to the Central Sudan where 
they incurred much unpopularity as a privileged 
and predatory class. c Abdullahi's most trusted as- 
sociate was his brother Ya'kub and he seems to 
have intended his eldest son c Uthman Shaykh al- 
Din to be his successor. 

The first serious reverse of his reign was the defeat 
at Toshkl (3 Aug. 1889) of the Mahdist army under 
c Abd al-Rahman al-Nadjumi which attempted the 
invasion of Egypt with quite inadequate forces. 
The country over which 'Abdullahi still ruled with 
absolute power was now devastated by incessant 
warfare and by the terrible famine of 1889. The end 
came when the British government, then in virtual 
control of Egypt, decided on the re-conquest of the 



Sudan. The occupation of Dongola (1896) by Anglo- 
Egyptian iorces was followed by their advance to 
Oindurman and the decisive defeat of the Mahdist 
army (2 Sept. 1898). 'Abdullahi fled to KordofSn 
where he maintained himself with a considerable 
body of followers for another year. In the final 
battle of Umm Dubaykarat (24 Nov. 1899) he met 
death with courage and dignity. 

The Mahdi and his successor professed to re-live 
the life of the Prophet and of early Islam, and 'Ab- 
dullahi's epistles, in which he exhorted the Sultan 
of Turkey, the Khedive of Egypt, and Queen Vic- 
toria to embrace the Mahdist faith, vividly display 
the anachronistic spirit of the Mahdiyya. Ruthless 
towards external enemies and suspected rivals, and 
governing without regard for the material welfare 
of his country, 'Abdullahi yet remained true to his 
fanatical faith and to the primitive code of a Bakkari 
Arab. In contrast to European writers who stress 
the cruel and barbaric character of his reign, Su- 
danese tradition credits him with the virtues of 
simplicity in his private life, generosity as a host, 
and bravery as a fighter. From his numerous house- 
hold of legal wives and concubines he had 21 sons 
and 11 daughters, not counting those who died in 

Bibliography: F. R. Wingate, Mahdiism in 
the Egyptian Sudan, London, 1891; J. Ohrwalder, 
Ten years captivity in the Mahdi's camp, tr. F. R. 
Wingate, London 1892, many ed.; R. Slatin, Fire 
and sword in the Sudan tr. F. R. Wingate, London 
1896, often reprinted; Naum Shoucair, (Na'um 
Shukayr), Td'rikh al-Suddn, Cairo 1903 (many 
original documents); J. A. Reid, Some notes on 
the Khalifa Abdullahi, Sudan Notes and Records, 
1938, 207 ff. (based on oral tradition) ; A. B. 
Theobald, The Mahdiyya, London 195 1. See also 
the bibliography under muhammad ahmad and 
Sudan (Eastern). Archives of 'Abdullahi's reign 
consisting of more than 50,000 documents are 
preserved in Khartum. (S. Hillelson) 

C ABD ALLAH B. al-MU^AFFA' [see Ibn al- 

<ABD ALLAH b. MOSA b. Nusayr, eldest son 
of Musa b. Nusayr [q.v.'] the conqueror of the Maghrib 
and Spain. When his father left for Spain, he was 
charged with the administration of Ifrikiya (93/711). 
When Musa, denounced to the caliph al-Walid by 
Tarik, left for the East, whence he never returned, 
he again left 'Abd Allah as his lieutenant. Involved 
in his family's disgrace by the caliph Sulaymin, 
who saw not without disquiet Ifrikiya governed by 
one son of Musa ('Abd Allah), Spain by a second 
('Abd al-'Aziz) and the Maghrib by a third ('Abd 
al-Malik), he was deposed in 96/714-5 and replaced 
by Muh. b. Yazid, who assumed his office in 97/715. 
It is uncertain what happened to him; he is said 
to have been accused of having instigated the 
murder of Yazid b. Abu Muslim and to have been 
executed in 102/720 by Bishr b. Safwan, on the 
orders of the caliph Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik. 

Bibliography: Ibn 'Idhari, i, index; ^aia 
.Jhurl, Futuh, 231; Ibn Taghribirdi (Juynboll- 
Matthes), i, 261; Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, Futuh 
Ifrikiya (Gateau), Alger 1947, index. 

(R. Basset) 

liph Yazid I in Medina. When he saw the 
' n of Yazid the Umayyad goven 
increasing opposition, Ibn Mut 

proposed to leave Medina, but 'Abd Allah b. 'Umar 
[q.v.] advised him to remain, and he gave in to Ibn 
'Umar's arguments. When the inhabitants of Medina 
revolted against the new caliph, he became the leader 
of the Kurayshite elements in the city and took 
part in the battle of the Harra in Dhu 'l-Hidjdja 
63/August 683. Escaping from the general rout, he 
took refuge in Mecca with the anti-caliph 'Abd 
Allah b. Zubayr, who appointed him in Rama- 
dan 65/April 685 governor of Kufa. Shortly after- 
wards he was attacked by the Shi'ite adventurer 
al-Mukhtar b. AM 'Ubayd [q.v.]. Abandoned, be- 
sieged in his palace and probably betrayed by his 
own general Ibrahim b. al-Ashtar, he relinquished 
his post, withdrew to Basra, and then joined Ibn 
al-Zubayr in Mecca. There he joined Ibn al-Zubayr's 
forces and was killed together with him in 73/692. 
Bibliography: Baladhuri, Ansdb, v, index; 
Ibn Sa'd, Tabakal, v, 48, 106 if.; Tabari, ii, 232 
ff.; Ibn al-Athir, iv, 14 ff.; G. Weil, Gesch. d. 
Chal., index: H. Lammens, Le calif at de Yazid 
Ier, 214 ff. (= MFOB, v, 212 ff.); Caetani-Gabrieli. 
Onomasticon, ii, 922. 

(K. V. Zettersteen— Ch. Pellat) 
'ABD ALLAH b. RAWAHA, a Khazradjite, be- 
longing to the most esteemed clan of the Banu 
'1-Harith. At the second 'Akaba assembly in March 
622, 'Abd Allah was one of the 12 trustworthy men, 
whom the already converted Medinians, conform- 
ably to the Prophet's wish, had chosen. When 
Muhammad had emigrated to Medina, 'Abd Allah 
proved himself to be one of the most energetic and 
upright champions of his cause. Muhammad appears 
to have thought a great deal of him, and often en- 
trusted him with honorable missions. After the battle 
of Badr in the year 2/623, in which the Muslims 
were victorious, 'Abd Allah together with Zayd b. 
Haritha hastened to Medina to bring the tidings 
of victory. During the so-called "second campaign 
of Badr", in Dhu'l-Ka'da 4/Apr. 626, 'Abd 
Allah remained behind in Medina as lieutenant- 
governor. When in 5/627, at the commencement of the 
siege of Medina, the fidelity of the Banu Kurayza, 
his allies, was suspected, the Prophet sent 'Abd 
ith three other influential Medinians 

find o 

s of h 


Khaybar had been conquered in the year 7/628 and 
its territory divided, Muhammad appointed 'Abd 
Allah as appraiser of its yield. On sending out the 
Mu'ta expedition in the year 8/629, 'Abd Allah was 
appointed by the Prophet as second in succession 
to the commander of the army, and when both his 
superiors had fallen, he sought and met his death 
as they had done fighting for the Faith. 

Besides his military talents 'Abd Allah possessed 
other qualities which made him valuable to his 
master; he was one of the few pre-Islamic men 
who could write, and was for that reason, together 
with other faithful followers, chosen as secretary by 
the Prophet. Muhammad appears to have esteemed 
him very highly, more especially on account of his 
poetical gifts. In the Aghdni it is expressly stated 
that the Prophet considered his poems equal to 
those of his "court" poets Hassan b. Thabit and Ka'b 
b. Malik. It is characteristic of 'Abd Allah's "literary 
tendency" that he attacked the Kuraysh more espe- 
cially for their unbelief, whilst the two other poets 
always reproached them with their impious deeds. 
Only about 50 verses of his have been preserved and 
they are for the most part to be found in Ibn Hisham. 
Bibliography: Ibn Sa'd, iii/2, 79 ff.; Ibn 

Hisham, i, 457, 675; Tabari, i, 1460, i6ioff.; cd- 


Aghdni', xi, 80; xv, 29; G. Weil, Gesch. Mohammed 

der Prophet, 350; Rahatullah Khan, Von Einfluss 

des Qur'an auf der arab. Dichtung; eine Unter- 

suchung ... Abdullah b. Rawaha, Leipzig 1938. 

(A. Schaade) 

'ABD ALLAH b. SABA', reputed founder of 

the ShI'a. Also called Ibn al-Sawda', Ibn Harb, 

Ibn Wahb. "Saba"' appears also as Saba'; the name 

of the associated sect appears as Saba'iyya, Saba'iy- 

ya, or, corrupted, as Sabayiyya, Sababiyya. 

In the Sunni account he was a Yamanite Jew con- 
verted to Islam, who about the time of c Ali first 
introduced the ideas ascribed to the more extreme 
wing of the Shi'a [ghuldt, q.v.]. Especially attributed 
to him is the exaltation of c Ali himself: that c Ali 
stood to Muhammad as divinely appointed heir, as 
Joshua did to Moses (the wisdya doctrine) ; that C A1I 
was not dead, but would return to bring righteous- 
ness upon earth (the radfa); that 'AH was divine, 
exalted to the clouds, and the thunder was his voice. 
To Ibn Saba"s conspiratorial cunning was ascribed 
by Sunnls after al-Tabari the first breach in a perfect 
harmony among the Sahdba (cf. al-MakrizI, Khitat. 
ii, 334). He is said to have roused the Egyptians 
against 'Uthman on the ground of 'All's special rights ; 
and the bloodshed between 'All and Talha and 
Zubayr is then ascribed to these same murderers 
of 'Uthman under the name of Saba'iyya. 

For the Shi'a he sometimes figured as type of 
the extremist, the ghdli, being so cursed by Dja'far 
(Kashshi, Ma^rijat Akhbdr al-Ridfal, 70). Ibn Saba' 
became the subject of traditions used by both in 
attacking and in defending the extremer Shi'a. 
'All is said to have had him or his followers burned 
for declaring him ('Ali) God. An Isma'Ili source 
cites the incident in Ibn Saba"s favour, claiming 
that he suffered only in appearance (cf. al-Makdisi, 
Bad' al-Khalk, ed. Huart, v, 181; and the Haft 
Bdb-i Bdbd Sayyid-nd, ed. Ivanow, in Two early 
Ismaili treatises, Bombay, 1933, 15). 

It is not clear what historical person or persons 
lay behind this figure. Al-Tabari's source, Sayf b. 
'Umar, is the chief authority for his political activity 
against 'Uthman. Al-Dhahabi notes a general con- 
demnation of Sayf as a traditionist (quoted by 
Friedlander, ZA, 1909, 297), a condemnation sup- 
ported on other grounds by Wellhausen {Skizzen 
und Vorarbeiten, vi, 6); and surer sources seem to 
exclude Ibn Saba' from any major role there. Fried- 
lander suggests that Ibn Saba"s chief role was not 
to proclaim 'All's divinity, but to deny 'All's death, 
teaching that he died only in appearance (docetism), 
and would in the end come again from the clouds 
(messianism) — perhaps with the background of a 
Yamanite Judaism related to that of the Falashas 
of Ethiopia. Caetani would make Ibn Saba' in origin 
a purely political supporter of 'All, around whom 
later generations imagined a religious conspiracy like 
that of the 'Abbasids. Massignon considers the Saba'- 
iyya of al-Mukhtar's time as one of the 'ayniyya 
sects (Massignon, Salman Pdk, Paris 1934, 37, 40). 
Already in the earliest sources available contra- 
dictory teachings are ascribed to Ibn Saba' and the 
Saba'iyya (cf. Khushavsh al-Nasa'i [d. 253], re- 
ported in al-Malatl, 118, 120). We may suppose that 
personally Ibn Saba', perhaps together with a se- 
parate Ibn al-Sawda', was a supporter of 'All, who 
denied 'All's death. He was probably not a Jew 
(Levi Delia Vida, RSO, 1912, 495)- He was either 
founder or hero of one or more sects called Saba'iyya, 
which exalted 'All's religious position. 

Bibliography : Tabarl, ii, 2941 ff. and passim; 
Nawbakhtl, Firak al-Shi c a, ed. Ritter, 19 f.; Ma- 
latl, Kitdb al-Tanbih wa-'l-Radd, ed. Dedering, 
14 f. ; Ash'arl, Makdldt al-Isldmiyyin, ed. Ritter, 
15; Baghdad!, al-Fark, 223 ft., trans. Halkin, s.v. 
Sababiyya; Shahrastani, 132 ff.; I. Friedlander, 
'Abd Allah ibn Saba', ZA, 1909, 296 ff., 1910, 1-46; 
L. Caetani, Annali, viii, 42 ff. and passim. 

(M. G. S. Hodgson) 
'ABDALLAHb.SA'D, Muslim statesman and 
general. Abu Yahya 'Abd Allah b. Sa'd b. Abi 
Sarh al-'Amiri belonged to the clan of 'Amir b. 
Lu'ayy of Kuraysh and was as foster brother of the 
subsequent caliph 'Uthman a chief partisan of the 
Umayyads. He was less a soldier than a financier. 
The judgements of historians on his character vary 
greatly. His name is connected in many ways with 
the beginnings of Islam. First he is mentioned as 
one of Muhammad's scribes: he is supposed to have 
arbitrarily altered the revelation, or at least he 
boasted of doing so after his apostasy from Islam, 
and thereby incurred the hatred of the Prophet. For 
this reason the latter desired to have him executed 
after the capture of Mecca, but 'Uthman obtained, 
though with difficulty, the Prophet's pardon. This 
story afterwards became very famous. 'Abd Allah 
later on showed himself grateful to 'Uthman for his 
rescue by agitating for the latter's election as caliph. 
He was one of the Hidjra-Companions who took part 
in the conquest of Egypt under 'Amr b. al-'Asi 
[q.v.] and appears to have governed Upper Egypt 
independently under 'Umar, after the latter's quarrel 
with 'Amr. It is impossible exactly to fix the date 
when he was appointed governor of the whole of 
Egypt; according to Ibn Taghribirdi, as early as 
the year 25/645-6, and therefore before the revolt 
of Alexandria under Manuel. As he was not able 
to suppresss this rising, 'Amr was recalled, who, 
however, immediately after his victory had to restore 
the government to 'Abd Allah. 'Uthman desired to 
confirm 'Abd Allah as financial prefect and to 
appoint 'Amr as military governor, but the latter 
declined. 'Abd Allah now succeeded in considerably 
increasing the state revenues of Egypt, much to the 
satisfaction of the caliph. Although his principal 
aim was the administration of the finances, he also 
became renowned as a general. 'Abd Allah regulated 
the relations between the Muslims and the Nubians 
and supported Mu'awiya's expedition against Cyprus. 
He himself undertook several expeditions against 
Roman Africa, the first probably in the year 25/ 
645-6, the most important and most successful 
certainly in the year 27/647-8. He subjected the 
territory of Carthage to Islam. His most important 
military performance, however was the naval battle 
of Dhat al-Sawari, comparable in significance to the 
battle of the Yarmuk [q.v.], in which the Roman fleet 
was completely destroyed. This battle took place in 
the year 34/655, although different dates are given in 
some sources. Soon afterwards the agitations against 
'Uthman began in many parts of the empire. 'Abd 
Allah appears as the principal champion of the 
regime represented by the caliph. He endeavoured 
to warn the caliph and even left Egypt in order 
to support him. His lieutenant al-Sa'ib b. Hisftam 
was expelled by the Egyptian revolutionary party 
under Muhammad b. Hudhayfa and c Abd Allah 
himself was prevented from returning to Egypt. On 
the frontier 'Abd Allah learned of the murder of 
the caliph, and fled to Mu'awiya. Shortly before the 
latter's march to Siffin, he died in Askalon or 
Ramla (in 36 or 37/656-8). His supposed participation 


in the battle of Siffin and his late death in the year 
57/676-7 belong to the numberless myths connected 
with the battle of Siffin. 

Bibliography: Ibn SaM, vii/2, 190; Kindl, 
Wuldt (Guest), 10-17; Ibn Taghribirdi, i, 88-93 
(Cairo, i, 65-92); Maljrizi, Khi\a\, i, 299; Tabari, 
i, 1639 ff.; 2593, 2785, 2813 ft., 2817 ff., 2826, 
2867 ff., 2980 ff., 3057; Ibn al-Athir, h, 189 f., 443; 
iii, 67 ff., 90 ff., 118 ff., 220, 238, 295; id., Usd, iii, 
173; Ya'fcubi, ii, 60, 191; Baladhuri, 226; Ibn 
Hisham, 818 ff.; Nawawl, 345 f f . ; A. Miiller, Der 
Islam im Morgen- und Abendland, i, 268 ff.; S. 
Lane- Poole, History of Egypt, 20 ff.; A. Butler, 
Arab conquest of Egypt, 465 ff.; G. Wiet, L'Egypte 
arabe, Paris 1937, 27-32; Wellhausen, in N. G. W. 
G6tt., 1901, facs. 4, P- 6 f., 13. (C. H. Becker*) 
'ABDALLAHb. SALAM, a Jew of Medina, 
belonging to the Banu Kaynuka' and originally 
called al-Husayn (on the name Salam, see Ibn Khatlb 
al-Dahsha, Tuhfa, ed. Mann, 69). Muhammad gave 
him the name of 'Abd Allah when he embraced Islam. 
This conversion is said to have taken place immedia- 
tely after Muhammad's arrival at Medina, or, ac- 
cording to others, when Muhammad was still in 
Mecca. Another account which makes him accept 
Islam in the year 8/629-30 is worthy of more cre- 
dence — though Muslim critics think it badly ac- 
credited — for his name is sought in vain in the 
battles which Muhammad had to wage in Medina. 
The few unimportant mentions in the Maghdzi may 
well have been inserted in order to remove the glaring 
contradiction with the generally accepted tradition. 
He was with 'Umar in Diabiya and Jerusalem, and 
under 'Uthman took the latter's side against the 
rebels, whom he in vain endeavoured to dissuade 
from murdering the caliph. After 'Uthman's death 
he did not do homage to 'All and implored him not 
to march to 'Irak against 'A'isha; legend brings him 
into relation with Mu'awiya also. He died in 43/663-4. 
In Muslim tradition he has become the typical 
representative of that group of Jewish scribes which 
honored the truth, admitting that Muhammad was 
the Prophet predicted in the Torah, and protecting 
him from the intrigues of their co-religionists. The 
questions which <Abd Allah is made to ask Mu- 
hammad and which only a prophet could answer, 
the contents of the hadlths which the works on 
tradition ascribe to him, and the story of Bulukya 
which Tha'labI puts into his mouth, mostly have their 
origin in Jewish sources; if they do not really come 
from <Abd Allah himself, they certainly come from 
Jewish renegade circles. While his contemporaries 
often reproached him with his Jewish origin, later 
on traditions were circulated, in which Muhammad 
assures him of entry into Paradise, or in which 
the Prophet and celebrated Companions give him 
high praise. Certain verses of the Km-' 311 are also 
said to refer to him. The "questions" which he 
put to Muhammad were subsequently enlarged to 
whole books, and in the same manner several other 
works were foisted on him, which are partly based 
on what is related by him in Hadlth. As well as his 
sons Muhammad and Yusuf, Abu Hurayra and Anas 
b. Malik also handed down his traditions. Tabari 
took more especially Biblical narratives from him 
into his Chronicle. 

Bibliography: Ibn Hisham, 353, 395; W5- 
kidl, Maghdzi, ed. Wellhausen, 164, 215; Tabari, 
index; id., Persian recension, transl. Zotenberg, 
i, 348; Bukhari, Anbiyd bab 1; Ahmad b. Hanbal, 
iii, 108, 272; v, 450; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, iii, 176; 
Ibn Hadjar, Isdba, ii, 780;, Diyarbakri, TaMkh 

al-Khamis, Cairo 1302, i, 392; HalabI, Insdn al- 
c Uyun, ii, 146; Nawawi, 347; Ibn Taghribirdi, i, 
141; Ibn al-Wardl, Kharida, Cairo 1303, 118 ff.; 
Kitdb MasdHl Sidi <Abd Allah, Cairo 1326 (?); 
Ibn Badrun, 174 ff.; Wolff, Muh. Eschatologie, 
69 (Arab. p. 39); Noldeke-Schwally, Gesch. d. 
Qordns, i, 160; M. Steinschneider, Pol. und apolog. 
Lit., noff.; Hirschfeld, in JQR, 1898, 109 ff.; 
J. Mann, ibid., 1921, 127; J. Horovitz, in ZDMG, 
1901, 524 ff.; J. Barth, in Festschrift Berliner (1903), 
p. 36; Caetani, Annali, i, 413; Wensinck, in AO 
1923, 192-8; G. F. Pijper, Boek der duizend vragen, 
Leiden, 1924; BEO, 1931, 147 ( c Abd Allah as wall 
in Hamah) ; Brockelmann, I, 209. (J. Horovitz) 
<ABD ALLAH b. TAHIR, born 182/798, died 
230/844, was a poet, general, statesman, con- 
fidant of caliphs and, as governor of Khurasan, 
almost an independent sovereign. His father, Tahir 
b. al-Husayn, had founded the powerful Tahirid [q.v.] 
dynasty which ruled over a territory extending 
from al-Rayy to the Indian frontier, with its capital 
at Naysabur. 

In 206/821-2 the caliph al-Ma'mun appointed c Abd 
Allah b. Tahir governor of the region between al- 
Rakka and Egypt and at the same time he was placed 
in command of the caliph's troops in the campaign 
against Nasr b. Shabath, a former partisan of al-Amln, 
who was endeavoring to gain control of Mesopotamia. 
After subduing Nasr c Abd Allah went in 21 1/826-7 to 
Egypt, where for ten years refugees from Spain had 
been further weakening an already weak state, and 
he swiftly captured the leaders and restored order. 
While he was at DInawar, in al-Djibal, busy raising 
troops to quell a revolt of Babak the Khurramite, 
his brother, Talha, died and in 214/829-30 he was 
appointed by al-Ma'mun to succeed Talha as gover- 
nor of Khurasan. He proved to be an exceedingly 
wise ruler, establishing a stable government in his 
domains, protecting the poor against abuses by the 
upper classes and bringing education to the masses; 
no boy, however poor, was denied the means to 
acquire knowledge. As a result of litigations in 
Naysabur he ordered an investigation into the use 
of water for irrigation, and the Book of Canals, 
which was the outcome of this, established legal rules 
for water utilization which served as a guide for 
several centuries (cf. A. Schmidt, Islamica, 1930, 128). 
During the caliphate of al-MuHasim, c Abd Allah 
subdued the revolt of the <Alid pretender, Muham- 
mad b. al-Kasim, in 219/834-5; and in 224/838-9 
in Tabaristan, which was under his jurisdiction as 
governor of Khurasan, he quelled the far more 
alarming revolt of its isbahbad, al-Maziyar [q.v.], in- 
cited to rebel by al-Afshln. 

GardizI relates that al-Mu c tasim so hated <Abd 
Allah b. Tahir for a personal criticism that l Abd 
Allah had expressed about him that when he became 
caliph he attempted to poison <Abd Allah by sending 
him a slave girl with a gift of poisoned cloth, but 
the attempt failed because the slave girl fell in love 
with <Abd Allah and revealed the plot. However that 
may be, l Abd Allah seems to have enjoyed the 
caliph's esteem. His most implacable enemy, al- 
Afshin, during his own heresy trial, testified bitterly 
to the high regard the caliph had for him, and al- 
Mu'tasim himself referred to <Abd Allah as one of 
the four great men (curiously enough, all of them 
Tahirids) of his brother's reign and regretted that 
he had not been able to foster any men of the same 
noble calibre. 

Like all Tahirid rulers, c Abd Allah was enormously 
wealthy; his magnificent palace in Baghdad enjoyed 



the royal right of sanctuary and served as a residence 
for the governor of the city, which remained under 
Tahirid domination for a long time (Le Strange, 
Baghdad, 119). 

He was a man of wide culture with a deep love 
and respect for learning ; in the controversy regarding 
the relative merits of Arabic vs. Persian culture, 
which engaged the keenest minds of that day, 'Abd 
Allah strongly supported all things Arabic. In his 
own right he was an accomplished musician and 
a poet of note, as well as a sympathetic patron of 
the poet Abu Tammam, the compiler of the Ijamasa, 
who sang his praises in many poems. 

At the age of 48 'Abd Allah b. Tahir died as a 
result of quinsy after an illness of three days, on 
Mon. 11 RabI' I, 230/Nov. 26, 844, according to 
most Arab historians (but Nov. 26 was Wed.) and, 
in true dynastic fashion, he was succeeded by his 
son, Tahir. At the time of his death the taxes from 
the provinces under his control amounted to 



bibliography: Tabarl, iii, 1044 ff.; Ibn al- 
Athlr, vi, 256 ff,, vii, 9 ff.; Ibn Khallikan. trans, 
de Slane, ii, 49; Ibn TaghrlbirdI, ed. Juynboll, i, 
600 ff.; Ya'kflbl, ii 555 ff.; Gardlzi, Zayn al-Akh- 
bdr, 5-9; al-Khatib. Ta'rikh Baghdad, ix, No. 5114; 
Weil, Chalifen, ii, 201 ff.; Barthold, Turkestan*, 
208 ff.; Abu Tammam, Hamdsa, ed. Freytag, 2. 
Further bibliography in Caetani and Gabrieli, 
Onomasticon Arabicum, ii, 973. (E. Marin) 
'ABD ALLAH B. XHAWR [see abu fudayk]. 
'ABD ALLAH b. UBAYY b. Salul (Salul being 
Ubayy's mother), chief of Ba 5 1-Hubla (also known 
as Salim), a section of the clan of 'Awf of the Khaz- 
radj, and one of the leading men of Medina. 
Prior to the hidjra he had led some of the Khazradi 
in the first day of the Fidjar at Medina, but did 
not take part in the second day of the Fidjar nor 
the battle of Bu'ath since he had quarreled with 
another leader, c Amr b. al-Nu'man of BaySda, over 
the latter's unjust killing of Jewish hostages, perhaps 
because he realized the need for justice within a 
community and feared 'Ami's ambition. But for 
the coming of Muhammad he might have been 
"king" of Medina, as the sources suggest. When all 
but a small minority of the Medinans accepted Islam, 
Ibn Ubayy followed the majority, but he was never 
a whole-hearted Muslim. In 2/624 when Muhammad 
attacked Banu Kaynuka', Ibn Ubayy pleaded for 
them since they had been in league with him in 
pre-Islamic times; he probably urged their im- 
portance as a fighting unit in view of the expected 
Meccan onslaught. In the consultations before Uhud 
(3/625) he supported the policy originally favoured 
by Muhammad of remaining in the strongholds. 
When Muhammad decided to go to meet the enemy, 
Ibn Ubayy disapproved, and eventually with 300 
followers retired to the strongholds. This move may 
have stopped the Meccans from attacking Medina 
itself after the battle, but it showed cowardice and 
lack of belief in God and the Prophet (cf. Kur'an, 
iii, 166-8 [160-2]). Up to this point Ibn Ubayy had 
done little but criticize Muhammad verbally, but 
for the next two years he also intrigued against him. 
He tried to persuade Banu al-Nadir not to evacuate 
their homes at Muhammad's command, even pro- 
mising military support. On the expedition to Mu- 
raysl c he used the occasion of a quarrel between 
Emigrants and Ansar to try to undermine Muham- 
mad's position and make men think of expelling 
him; and immediately afterwards he was active in 
spreading scandal about 'A>isha. Muhammad called 

a meeting and asked to be allowed to punish him 
(without incurring a feud). There was high feeling 
between the Aws and the Khazradj, but it was clear 
that Ibn Ubayy had little backing. His reputation 
of being leader of the Hypocrites (mundfikun) or 
Muslim opponents of Muhammad is based on these 
incidents. After this year there is no record of his 
actively opposing Muhammad or intriguing against 
him. He took part in the expedition of Hudaybiya, 
but stayed away from that to Tabuk, doubtless 
because of ill health, since he died shortly afterwards 
(9/631). He was probably not involved in the in- 
trigues connected with the "mosque of dissension" 
(masdiid al-dirdr), since Muhammad himself con- 
ducted his funeral. Throughout his dealings with 
Ibn Ubayy Muhammad showed great restraint. 

Ibn Ubayy had a son c Abd Allah b. 'Abd Allah 
and several daughters who became good Muslims. 
Bibliography: Ibn Hisham, 411-3, 546, 558, 
591, 653, 726, 734, 927; Tabari, index; Wellhausen, 
Muhammed in Medina, Berlin 1882, index; idem. 
Shizzen und Vorarbeiten, Berlin 1889, iv. 50-62; 
Ibn Sa c d, iii/2, 90, viii, 279; F. Buhl, Das Leben 
Muhammeds, 207, 253, etc.; Caetani, Annali, i, 
418, 548, 602, etc.; Samhudi, Wafa' al-Wafd\ 
Cairo 1908, i, 142; Ibn al-Athlr, i, 506 ff. 

(W. Montgomery Watt) 
son of the caliph 'Umar II. In the year 126/744 'Abd 
Allah was appointed governor of 'Irak by Yazld 
III, but in a short time aroused the discontent of 
the Syrian chiefs in that place, who felt that they 
were unfavorably treated by the new governor com- 
pared with the inhabitants of 'Irak. After the ac- 
cession of Marwan II, 'Abd Allah b. Mu'awiya 
[q.v.], a descendant of 'All's brother Dja'far, rebelled 
in Kufa in Muharram 127/Oct. 744, but was expelled 
by c Abd Allah b. 'Umar, whereupon he transferred 
his propaganda to other parts. When Marwan trans- 
ferred to al-Nadr b. Sa'Id al-Harashl the governorship 
of 'Irak, c Abd Allah energetically refused to leave 
his post. Al-Nadr appeared at Kufa, whilst 'Abd 
Allah remained in Hira and hostilities broke out 
between them. Soon after, however, a common 
enemy appeared in the person of the Kharidiite 
chief al-Dahhak b. Kays, and then the two adver- 
saries had to come to terms and even to join forces. 
In Radjab 127/April-May 745 they were defeated by 
al-Pahhak and 'Abd Allah withdrew to Wasit, whilst 
the victor captured Kufa. Then the old enmity 
between the two governors again broke out, but for 
a second time al-Pahhak put an end to their quarrels. 
After a siege lasting several months 'Abd Allah was 
obliged to make peace with al-Dahhak. Subsequently 
Marwan had c Abd Allah arrested. According to the 
usual account, he died of plague in the prison of 
Harran in the year 132/749-50. 

Bibliography : Tabarl, ii, 1854 ff.; Ibn al-Athir, 
v. 228 ff. ; G. Vfeil,Gesch. d. Chalifen; J. Wellhausen, 
Das arab. Reich, 239 ff.; Caetani and Gabrieli, 
Onomasticon, ii, 982. (K. V. Zettersteen) 
one of the most prominent personalities of the first 
generation of Muslims, and of the authorities most 
frequently quoted for Traditions. He derived his 
reputation not only from being a son of the Caliph, 
but also because his high moral qualities compelled 
the admiration of his contemporaries. At a time 
when the Muslims were being carried by their pas- 
sions into civil war, Ibn 'Umar was able to maintain 
himself aloof from the conflict; furthermore, he fol- 
lowed the precepts of Islam with such scrupulous 


obedience that he became a pattern for future gene- 
rations, to such a degree that information was col- 
lected as to how he dressed, how he cut and dyed 
his beard, etc. The biographies of him are full of 
anecdotes and charming touches which serve to 
illustrative his native wit, his deep piety, his gentle- 
ness, modesty, propriety and continence, his deter- 
mination to detach himself from all that he loved 
most. Some of these stories may have been invented, 
but his nobility of soul is incontestable. As a trans- 
mitter of Tradition, he has been regarded as the 
most scrupulous in neither adding to nor omitting 
anything from the hadiths narrated by him. The 
Caliphate was offered to him three times: immediate- 
ly after the death of 'Uthman (35/655); during the 
negotiations of the two arbiters appointed at Siffin 
to resolve the dispute between 'All and Mu'awiya 
(37-8/657-8); and after the death of Yazid I (64/683). 
On each occasion he refused, because he would have 
desired his election to be unanimous and wished to 
avoid bloodshed in securing it. Whether or not this 
was due to narrowmindedness (as Lammens has 
suggested), it is undeniable that Ibn 'Umar was 
lacking in energy, and his own father recognized 
this defect in him. 

The following are the events recorded on the life 
of Ibn 'Umar. Born before the hid±ra, at an unspeci- 
fied date, he embraced Islam with his father and 
emigrated to Medina some time before him. The 
Prophet sent him back on account of his age when 
he presented himself to fight at Badr and at Uhud, 
but accepted him at the siege of Medina known as 
the Battle of the Moat, when he was about fifteen 
years old (this served as a precedent later in ana- 
logous cases). Afterwards he took part in the dis- 
astrous expedition to Mu'ta (7), in the conquest 
of Mecca (8), in the wars against the false prophets 
Musaylima and Tulayha (12), in the Egyptian cam- 
paign (18-21), in the battle of Nihawand (21), in 
the expedition of the year 30 to Djurdjan and Ta- 
baristan, and in Yazid's expedition against Con- 
stantinople (49). In political affairs, he appears for 
the first time as adviser to the Council appointed by 
the dying 'Umar to choose from among its o 
members the future Caliph; he had, however, 
right of voting and was not eligible. At the elections 
of the other Caliphs who came to power during h 
lifetime he conformed to the will of the majority 
of the Muslims, and if he refused to pay homage 
to 'All it was because he was waiting for the comi 
nity to reach agreement on his election. As agreement 
was not reached and civil war broke out, he remained 
neutral. If later he refused to recognize Yazid ; 
heir-presumptive — he obviously disapproved of the 
innovation introduced by Mu'awiya into the settle- 
ment of the succession — he showed no hesitation in 
paying homage to him after the death of his father. 
Ibn 'Umar held no important office in the admini- 
stration of the empire, except a few missions. Per- 
haps he deliberately held aloof, devoting himself 
to religious practices. It is related that he would not 
accept the office of kadi, fearing that he might not 
be able to interpret the divine law correctly. 

Ibn 'Umar died of septicaemia in 73/693, well 
over eighty years of age, as the result of a wound in 
the foot inflicted by one of the soldiers of al-Hadj- 
djadj with the lower end of his lance, in the throng 
of pilgrims returning from 'Arafat. When al-Hadj- 
djadj visited him during his illness and asked if he 
knew the man who had wounded him, so that 
could be punished, Ibn 'Umar reproached him for 
allowing his men to carry arms in the holy places 

and for having been, in this way, the cause of his 
injury. This reproach probably gave rise to the story 
found in certain of the later sources, that al-Hadj- 
djadj commissioned an assassin to wound Ibn 'Umar 
with the poisoned tip of a lance. 

Bibliography: Longer biographies: Ibn Sa'd, 
iv/i, 105-38; iii/i, 214; iii/2, 42; iv/i, 49, 62, 
and index; Ibn Khallikan, Bulak 1275, i, 349-50; 
Cairo 1367/1948, no. 297 (missing in other editions) ; 
Abu Nu'aym, flilyat al-Awliyd', i, 292-314; Sibt 
b. al-Djawzi, ms. Paris Ar. 6131, foil. 227r-229v; 
Ibn al-Athir, Usd, Cairo 1285-7, ii, 227-31; Ibn 
Hadjar, Isdba, Calcutta 1856-93, 840-7. Historical 
sources: Mus'ab al-Zubayri, Nasab Kuraysh (ed. 
Levi-Provencal), 350-1; Tabari, index; Mas'udI, 
Murudi, iv, 396, 398, 400, 402 ; v, 43, 284-6, and 
index; Ibn al-Athir, iv, 230, 295-6, and index; 
Caetani, Annali, 20 A.H., paras. 236, 238 (9-10), 
264 no. 6; 23 A.H., para. 147 no. 6 and indexes; 
38 A.H., pp. 21, 23, 27, 38, 39, 45, 57; J. Perier, 
Vie d'al-Hadidiadi ibn Yousouf, Paris 1904, 41, 
5^-4. Many other references given in Caetani, 
Chronographia, 73 A.H., para. 30. 

(L. Veccia Vaglieri) 
'ABD ALLAH b. WAHB al-RasibI, Kharidjite 
leader, a tdbiH of the Badjlla tribe, noted for his 
bravery and piety and surnamed dhu 'l-thafindt, 
"the man with the callosities", on account of the 
callosities on his forehead etc. resulting from his 
many prostrations. He fought under Sa'd b. Abl 
Wakkas in 'Irak and under 'Ali at Siffin, but broke 
with him over the decision to arbitrate and joined 
the dissidents at Harura'. Shortly before their final 
departure from Kufa in Shawwal 37/March 658, the 
Kharidjites elected 'Abd Allah as their commander 
{amir, not khalifa, as usually stated), and he was 
killed in the ensuing battle at Nahrawan, 9 Safar 
38/17 July 658. 

Bibliography: Tabari, i, 3363-6, 3376-81; Mu- 
barrad, Kdmil, 527, 558 ff. ; Dinawari, ed. Guirgass 
and Rosen, 215-24; Baladhuri, Ansdb, in Levi della 
Vida, RSO, 1913, 427-507; Barradi, K. al-Djawdhir, 
Cairo 1302; R. Briinnow, Die Charidschiten, 18 ff.; 
J. Wellhausen, Religios-pol. Oppositionsparteien, 
17 ff. ; Caetani, Annali, A. H. 38 passim (additional 
reff. in para. 267) ; L. Veccia Vaglieri, II Conflitto 
<Ali-Mu'dwiya, in Ann. dell'lst. Univ. Orient, di 
Napoli, 1952, 58 ff. (H. A. R. Gibb) 

'ABD ALLAH b. YASlN [see al-Murabitun]. 
'ABD ALLAH b. al-ZUBAYR, anti-Caliph, 
son of al-Zubayr b. al-'Awwam [?.«.], of the 'Abd 
al-'Uzza clan of Kuraysh, and Asma' [q.v.], daughter 
of Abu Bakr and sister of 'A'isha. He was born at 
Medina twenty months after the hidjra (c. Dh u 
'1-Ka'da 2/May 624), and killed in battle against 
the Syrian troops under al-Hadjdjadj, 17 Djumada 
I or II,. 73/4 Oct. or 3 Nov., 692. Some sources (Ibn 
Kutayba, Ma'drif, 116; Ibn Habib, Muhabbar, 275; 
etc.) state that he was the first child born to the 
Muhadjirln at Medina. The close kinship which linked 
him to the family of the Prophet on both sides was 
a factor which contributed to building up his repu- 
tation, both as against the Umayyads and also (it 
would seem) against the 'Alids. 

He is reported to have been present, though still 
a boy, with his father at the battle of the Yarmuk 
(Radjab 15/Aug. 636), and accompanied him when 
he joined the forces of 'Amr b. al-'As in Egypt 
(19/640). He took part in the expedition of 'Abd 
Allah b. Sa'd b. Abl Sarh in 26-7/647 against the 
Byzantines in Ifrikiya and is said to have killed the 
exarch Gregory with his own hand. On returning 



to Medina to announce the news of the victory, he 
is credited with an eloquent description of this ex- 
ploit (Aghdni, vi, 59, on which most of the later 
narratives depend). He accompanied Sa'id b. al- 
'As in his campaigns in northern Persia (29-30/650), 
and was subsequently nominated by 'Uthman to be 
one of the commission charged with the official re- 
cension of the Kur'an (Gesch. des Qorans, ii, 47-55). 
After the assassination of 'Uthman he accompanied 
his father and 'A'isha to Basra and commanded 
the infantry in the battle of the Camel (10 Dj. 
II, 36/4 Dec. 656); after the battle he returned with 
'A'isha to Medina, and took no further part in the 
civil war, except to attend the Arbitration at Dumat 
al-Djandal (or rather Adhruh), where he is said to 
have advised 'Abd Allah b. 'Umar to bribe 'Amr 
b. al-'As (Nasr b. Muzahim, Wapat Siffm, Cairo 
1365, 623). 

During the reign of Mu'awiya I, 'Abd Allah, who 
had inherited a considerable fortune from his father, 
remained in the background, biding his time, but 
refused to take the oath to Yazid as heir-presump- 
tive. On Mu'Swiya's death (60/680), he, together 
with Husayn b. 'All [q.v.], again refused to swear alle- 
giance to Yazid, and to escape the threats of Marwan 
they fled to Mecca, where they remained unmolested. 
When, however, after the expedition of Husayn and 
his death at Karbaia', Ibn al-Zubayr began secretly 
to enrol adherents, a small force was sent from Medina 
under the command of his brother 'Amr to arrest 
him. 'Amr was defeated and taken prisoner, beaten 
and incarcerated in a cell until he died, and his body 
was exposed on a gibbet (61/681). 'Abd Allah now 
publicly declared Yazid deposed, and his example 
was followed by the Ansar at Medina, who elected 
'Abd Allah b. Hanzala [q.v.], known as Ibn al- 
Ghasll (Ibn Sa'd, v, 46-9) as their chief. Yazid, 
realizing that he had temporized too long, despatched 
a Syrian army under Muslim b. 'Ukba, which de- 
feated the Medinians in the battle of the Harra (27 
Dhu '1-Hidjdja 63/27 Aug., 683) and proceeded (not- 
withstanding Muslim's death) to besiege 'Abd Allah 
b. al-Zubayr in Mecca (26 Muh. 64/24 Sept. 683). 
Sixty-four days later, on receiving the news of Ya- 
zid's death, the Syrian forces desisted, and the com- 
mander, Husayn b. Numayr, tried to persuade Ibn 
al-Zubayr to accompany them back to Syria, but 
he determined to stay in Mecca. 

The ensuing confusion in Syria and the outbreak 
of civil war gave Ibn al-Zubayr his chance. He pro- 
claimed himself amir al-mu'minin, and the oppo- 
nents of the Umayyads in Syria, Egypt, southern 
Arabia and Kufa recognized him as Caliph. But his 
authority remained almost wholly nominal. The 
victory of Marwan I [q.v.] at Mardj Rahit (end of 
64/July 684) and the revolt ofMukhtar [q.v.] at Kufa 
fifteen months later, placed his supporters in Syria, 
Egypt and 'Irak on the defensive; and although al- 
Muhallab's support of Mus'ab b. al-Zubayr at Basra 
and subsequent victory over Mukhtar (67/687) re- 
stored a Zubayrid government in 'Irak, Mus'ab was 
to all intents an independent ruler. At the same time, 
the Bakrite Kharidjites, who had separated from 
Ibn al-Zubayr after the death of Yazid and had 
established themselves in eastern Nadjd under the 
command of Nadjda, occupied the province of 
Bahrayn (i.e. al-Hasa), and in 68/687-8 seized al- 
Yaman and Hadramawt, followed next year by the 
occupation of Ta'if, thus completely isolating him 
in the Hidjaz. At the Pilgrimage of 68/688 no fewer 
than four different leaders presided over their se- 
parate groups of partisans: Ibn al-Zubayr, a Kha- 

ridjite, an Umayyad, and Muhammad b. al-Hana- 
fiyya. Finally, after the Umayyad reoccupation of 
'Irak, 72/691, 'Abd al-Malik despatched al-Hadj- 
djadj to deal with Mecca. The siege began on 1 Dh u 
'1-Ka'da 72/25 March, 692, and lasted for more than 
six months, during which the city and the Ka'ba 
were under bombardment. When at length his 
supporters gave way, and even his own sons surren- 
dered to al-Hadjdjadj, 'Abd Allah, urged on by his 
mother, returned to the field of battle and was 
slain. His body was placed on a gibbet on the spot 
where his brother 'Amr had been exposed, and some 
time later was given back by orders of 'Abd al- 
Malik to his mother, who buried it in the house of 
Safiyya at Medina. 

'Abd Allah is the principal representative in history 
of the second generation of the noble Muslim families 
of Mecca, who resented the capture of the Caliphate 
by the Umayyad house and the gulf of power which 
this had created between the clan of 'Abd Shams and 
the other Meccan clans. This resentment is still 
clearly visible as a groundtheme in the numerous 
anecdotes on his relations with Mu'awiya (see Bibl. 
under Baladhuri), in spite of their later elaboration 
and of Muslim idealization of this challenger of 
Umayyad rule, which has transformed a brave, but 
fundamentally self-seeking and self-indulgent man, 
into a model of piety (see especially IJilya al-Aw- 
liyd>, i, 329-337). On the other hand, many sources 
portray him as avaricious, jealous, and ill-natured, 
and reproach him particularly for his harsh conduct 
towards his brother, Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya, 
and 'Abd Allah b. 'Abbas. 

Bibliography: Tabarl, index; Baladhuri, 
Ansdb, iv B , 16-60; v, 188-204, 355-79 and passim; 
Anonyme arab. Chronik, ed. Ahlwardt, 34 ff. ; also 
in Levi della Vida, II Calico Mu'awiya I, Roma 
1938, index; Aghdni, indexes; Muh. b. Habib, al- 
Muhabbar, 24, 481, etc.; Ibn Hazm, Diamharat 
Ansdb aW-Arab, 113; Kutubi, Fawat, no. 184 (efl. 
Cairo 1951, i, 445-50); Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, Futuh 
Ifrifriya, ed. and tr. Gateau, Algiers 1942, 38-47; 
Wiistenfeld, Chron. d. Stadt Mekka, iv, 129 ft.; 
H. Lammens, Califat de Yazid I, Beirut 1921, 
182-269; id., Avinement des Marwanides, Beirut 
1927, passim; J. Wellhausen, Arab. Reich, 89-124; 
id., Rel.-pol. Oppositionsparteien, 27-38, 72-87; 
Caetani, Chronographia, A.H. 73, para. 14, 32 
(pp. 862-3, 866-8). (H. A. R. Gibb) 

'ABD ALLAH DJEWDET [see djewdet]. 
'ABD ALLAH al-GHALIB bi'llah Abu Muham- 
mad, Sa'did sultan, son of one of the founders 
of the dynasty, Mahammad al-Shaykh al-Mahdl. He 
was born Ramadan 933/June 1527 and, designated as 
heir presumptive, was recognized as sultan on his 
father's death, assassinated by his Turkish guards- 
men 29 Dhu'l-Hidjdja 964/23 Oct. 1557. His reign 
lasted till his death, due to a crisis of asthma, 28 
Ramadan 981/21 Jan. 1574. 

His reign as a whole was peaceful. Yet the sultan 
showed himself uneasy in expectation of an eventual 
intervention of the Turks, who had killed his father, 
immediately afterwards invaded the North of Mo- 
rocco, whence they had been repulsed, and who 
offered asylum to three of his brothers: al-Ma'mun, 
'Abd al-Malik and Ahmad. Thus he sought an alliance 
with the Spanish. These preoccupations formed the 
background to the cession of the Penon de Velez 
(1564), the taking of Shafshawan (1567) and the 
embarrassed attitude of the sultan at the time of the 
revolt of the Moriscos (1568-71). He had relations 
with other European powers also. He negotiated 



with Antoine de Bourbon, king of Navarre, and 
was prepared to cede to him al-Kasr al-Saghir in 
exchange for 500 soldiers, and entered into commer- 
cial relations with England. He tried to conquer 
the fortress of Mazagan, which was in the hands of 
the Portuguese, dispatching against it a numerous 
army under the command of his son Muhammad, 
his heir. The siege lasted from 4 March to 30 April 
1562 and ended with the failure of the Sa c did troops, 
who suffered heavy losses. 

In internal affairs he consolidated the work of 
his father, without meeting any serious opposition. 
He seemed to have feared especially the members 
of his family; he had his brother al-Ma'mun assas- 
sinated in Tlemcen and put to death his nephew 
Muh. b. c Abd al-Kadir, whose popularity roused 
his ill-will (975/1567-8). He also seems to have 
suspected some of the religious leaders: he impri- 
soned, or put to death, several members of the 
Yusufiyya order and had crucified in Marrakush 
the fakih Abu £ Abd Allah Muh. al-AndalusI, accused 
of heresy (15 Dhu'l-Hidjdia 980/19 April 1573). He 
constructed several important buildings in Marra- 
kush, such as the Ibn Yusuf madrasa. Diego de 
Torres also attributes to him the establishment of the 
malldh of Marrakush in its present location. He also 
built a fortress to protect the harbour of Agadir. 
Bibliography. Ibn al-*£adl, Durrat al-Hididl 
(Allouche), II, 342-3 (no. 951); Djannabi, al- 
Bahr al-Zakhkhdr, transl. in Fagnan, Extraits in- 
edits relatifs au Maghreb, Alger 1924, 345-8; Chro- 
nique anonyme sa'dienne (G.-S. Colin), Rabat 1934, 
30-40, transl. Fagnan, Extraits, 383-93; Ifrani 
(Eloufrani), Nuzhat al-Hddi (Houdas), 45-47, 
transl. Houdas, 82-101; al-Nasiri al-Salawi, al- 
Istiksd', Cairo 1312/1894, iii, 17-26, transl. by 
Ahmad al-Nasiri al-Salawi, AM, xxxiv, 61-91; 
Diego de Torres, Histoire des Cherifs (Fr. transl.), 
Paris 1667, 219-26; Marmol, L'Afrique (Fr. transl.), 
Paris 1667, i, 482-5; Sources inedites de V histoire 
du Maroc, lire serie, France, i, 170-338; An- 
gleterre, i, 23-122; A. Cour, L'etablissement des 
Cherifs au Maroc, Paris 1904, 130-40; H. Terrasse, 
Histoire du Maroc, ii, Casablanca 1950, 179-83. 


<ABD ALLAH PASHA Muhsin-Zade Celebi, 
Ottoman statesman and general, son of 
Muhsin Celebi, descended from a family of mer- 
chants at Aleppo. He started his career in 1115/ 
1703 in the financial administration with the post 
of supervisor (emin) of the Mint (darb-khdne), the 
defterddr of which was his brother, Mehmed Efendl. 
He became son-in-law (ddmdd) of the Grand- Vizier 
Corlulu 'All Pasha (1707-10) and enjoyed the fa- 
vour of the court. On the revolt of Kaytas Beg, 
he was sent to Egypt in 1126/1714, succeeded in 
subduing the rebel and sent his head to the Porte. 
Between 1715 and 1737 he filled several adminis- 
trative and military posts: defterddr in Morea, 
governor (muhdfiz) of Lepanto (Aynabakhti), chief 
of the kapuajl with the rank of a Pasha, head of 
the imperial chancery (nishandU), agha of the Janis- 
saries, Beylerbey of Vidin, of Rumeli and of Bosnia. 
He was commander (ser-'asker) at Bender, in Bess- 
arabia, when Russia invaded the Crimea (1736) and 
Austria threatened to intervene on the Danube. 
Negotiations at Niemirov (Poland) led to no results. 
Appointed by Sultan Mahmud I (1730-54) as Grand- 
Vizier (6 Rabi c II, 1150/August 3rd, 1737), £ Abd 
Allah Pasha directed the war operations, without 
achieving the results hoped for by the court. Re- 
called to Istanbul after four months, he had to hand 

over the seal of office to the new Grand- Vizier Yegen 
Pasha (Dec. 19th, 1737). He continued to fill posts 
as commander of fortresses and governor of provinces 
and died in Rabi c ii, 1162/spring 1749 m Trikala, 
Thessaly, at the age of 90 years. His son Mehmed 
Pasha Muhsin-Zade signed the peace of Kiictik 
Kaynardje (1174)- 

Bibliography: Hammer-Purgstall, iv, 330, 
340; Sidjill-i 'Othmdni, iii, 379; N. Jorga, Gesch. 
des osm. Retches, iii, 430, 434. (E. Rossi) 

C ABD ALLAH SARI [see sari <abd allah 


<ABD AL- c AZlZ (AbdUlaziz), the thirty-second 
Ottoman sultan. Born on 9 Feb. 1830, the third 
son of sultan Mahmud II [q.v.\ he succeded his 
brother c Abd al-Madjid [q.v.], 20 June 1861. His 
reign was marked by revolts and insurrections in 
the Balkan provinces (Montenegro, Serbia, Bosnia, 
Herzegovina and Bulgaria) and in Crete, which 
brought about the intervention of the great powers. 
From 1870 onwards, the influence of Russia, sup- 
planting that of France and England, preponderated 
in Istanbul, and General Ignatief, the Russian 
ambassador, often imposed his views on the grand 
vizier Mahmud Nadim Pasha. Russia also made 
efforts to stir up the discontent of the subjects of 
the Porte: Slavs, Albanians, and even Arabs and 

In spite of internal crises, the policy of reforms, 
called tanzimdt [q.v.], was not abandoned. The 
administration of the provinces was reorganized 
(law of wildyets modeled on French law, 1867) and 
some attempts were made to reform the institution 
of the wakfs (1867). On French advice, a council of 
justice (shurd-yi dewlet), composed of Muslims and 
Christians, and a council of justice (diwan-i ahkdm-i 
l a<Uiyye) were set up (1868). Public education was 
reorganized after the French model and a lycee was 
opened in Galata-saray. It was open to all Ottoman 
subjects and instruction was given in French by 
French teachers (1868). A university (ddr ul-funun) 
was established. At the same time, the army, and 
especially the navy, were reorganized. Foreigners 
acquired the right to possess immovable property 
(1867). Other attempts at economic reforms remained 
fruitless: in 1877, the deficit of the budget reached 
112 millions. The government, judging itself unable 
to face its obligations, followed the advice of the 
Russian ambassador, reduced by half the payment 
of interest on the debt and had to declare itself 
bankrupt. The deplorable state of the national 
economy, the financial crisis, the revolts and insur- 
rections in the Balkan provinces, made it particularly 
difficult to apply the reforms, with which the great 
powers were dissatisfied, while the Old Turks con- 
sidered them incompatible with religion and the 
Young Turks insufficient. This resulted in general 
discontent against the sultan, who was deposed on 
30 March 1876 and committed suicide a few days 

Bibliography: Mahmud Dieladdin. Mir'dt-i 
Hakikat, Istanbul 1326; Ibnulemin Mahmut Kemal, 
Osmanli devrinde son sadralazanUar, i, Istanbul 
1940; idem. Hatira-i Atif, TOEM, xv, 40; idem, 
Sultan Abdulazize dair,TOEM, xv, 177; Abdurrah- 
man Seref, Sultan Abdulaziz'in vefati intihar mi 
katil mi, TOEM, xiv, 341; Ismail Hakki Uzun- 
carsilioglu, Sultan Abdulaziz vak'asina dair vak'a 
niivis Lutfi Efendinin Mr rislesi, Bell, vii 2 , 349; 
Ahmed Sa'ib, Wak'-a-yi Sultan "Abd ul- c Aziz, 
Cairo 1326; MiUiger (Osman Seyfi Bey), La 
Turquie sous le rigne d'Abd ul-Aziz, Paris 1868; 

A. D. Mordtmann, Stambul und das moderne 

Tilrkentum, Leipzig 1877-8; Ahmed Midhat, Vss-i 

Inkildb, Istanbul 1295; Ahmet Bedevi Kuran, 

Inkilap Tarihimiz ve Ittihad ve Terakki, Istanbul 

1948, 22-32; A. de Castov, Musulmans et Chritiens 

de Mohamed le Prophete au Sultan Abd-ul-Aziz 

Khan, Istanbul 1874; The Memoirs of Ismail 

Kemal Bey, ed. Sommerville Story, London 1920; 

E. Engelhardt, La Turquie et le Tanzimat, Paris 

1882-4 (Turkish transl., Istanbul 1898); M. B. C. 

Collas, La Turquie en 1864, Paris 1864; A. Ubicini, 

Etat present de VEmpire ottoman, Paris 1876. 

(E. Z. Karal) 


JhamInI al-IsdjanI, celebrated Ibadi scholar, 

b. c. 1130/1717-8, probably at Wardjlan (Ouargla), 

d. Radjab 1223/August 1808, at Banu Isdjan (Beni 

Isguen) in the Mzab, where, at the age of about 

forty, he had begun his studies under the shaykh 

Abu Zakariyya' Yahya b. Salih, of Djarba. c Abd 

al- c Aziz is held by the Ibadls to-day to be one of 

the greatest scholars who ever lived in the Mzab, 

where he has left the reputation of a man of fervent 

piety, remarkable sagacity, great imperturbability, 

perfect self-control, and astonishing assiduity. 

He devoted himself to the composition of a dozen 
works on theology and jurisprudence. His most 
important work is K. al-Nil wa-Shifd* al- c AlU, 
autographed at Cairo 1 305/1887-8. This treatise, 
conceived on the plan of the Mukhtasar of Khaltt. 
but less concise in style, is a complete exposition 
of Ibadi legislation, put together from the most 
authoritative works of Ibadi scholarship in c Uman, 
12iabal Nafiisa, Djarba and the Mzab, all of which 
can be identified without difficulty. It was on this 
work that E. Zeys drew for his studies on this 
subject. The other works of c Abd al- c AzIz are the 
following: Takmilat al-Nil, published at Tunis some 
25 years ago; al-Ward al-bassdm fi Riyad al-Ahkdm, 
a precis of jurisprudence devoted chiefly to questions 
of judgment; Ma c dlim al-Din, a reasoned exposition 
of the Ibadi creed, along with refutation of the 
arguments put forward by the defenders of the 
other sects (unpublished) ; Mukhtasar al-Misbdh min 
K. Abi Mas'ala waH-Alwdh, on questions of inherit- 
ance; Hkd al-Qiawdhir, a summary of Kanatir al- 
Khayrdt of al-Djaytall, on worship and religion in 
general (unpublished) ; Mukhtasar IJuk&k al-Azwddf, 
on the rights and duties of husband and wife (un- 
published) ; Tddj. al-Manzum min Durar al-Minhddj 
al-MaHum, abridgement of a voluminous 'Umani 
work of jurisprudence (unpublished); Ta'dzum al- 
Mawdjayn (or DhuH-Nurayn) '■aid Mardj al-Bahrayn 
(unpublished); al-Asrdr al-Niirdniyya, on prayer 
and the accompanying rites (autographed in Egypt 
1 306/1888-9); al-Niir, on the principal dogmas of 
the Faith (autographed in Egypt 1306/1888-9); 
Mukhtasar Hawdshi al-Tartib, resume of several 
Ibadi works on hadith. 

Bibliography : E. Zeys, Legislation mozabite, 
son origine, ses sources, son present, son avenir, 
Paris 1886; idem, Le mariage et sa dissolution dans 
la Ugislation mozabite, in Rev. alg. de leg. et de 
jurisp., Algiers 1887-8; M. Morand, Introduction 
d V etude du droit musulman algerien, Algiers 192 1; 
Atfayyish, Risdla fi ba c d tawdrikh ahl Wddi Mizdb, 
1326/1908, 47-48; S. Smogorzewski, l AbdaX- l Azlz, 
ses icrits et ses sources (unpublished). 


<ABD al-<AZ1Z B. al-HADJDJADjI b. c Abd 
al-Malik, Umayyad general. He was a faithful 
partisan of his cousin Yazid III and one of his 


Already in al-Walid IPs 
reign he helped Yazid, who headed the malcontents, 
to enlist troops against the caliph. When they had 
succeeded in getting together an army in Damascus, 
<Abd al-'Aziz received the supreme command and 
marched against al-Walid. Yazid's brother 'Abbas, 
who was about to go to the caliph's assistance, was 
attacked and forced to pay homage to Yazid. 
Shortly afterwards c Abd al-'Aziz stormed the castle 
of Bakhra', whither al-Walid had withdrawn, and 
put the caliph to death. This was in the year 126/744. 
Yazid was now proclaimed caliph; the inhabitants 
of Hims (Emesa), however, stoutly refused to do 
homage to the usurper and marched against Damas- 
cus. Yazid sent two army divisions against them, 
and while the rebels were engaged with one division, 
c Abd al-'Aziz advanced with the other and decided 
the combat, whereupon the rising was suppressed. 
In the same year Yazid died after settling the 
succession on his brother Ibrahim and after him on 
<Abd al-'Aziz. The inhabitants of Hims, however, 
again refused to do homage to the new ruler, who 
for that matter was hardly recognized outside the 
capital. On Ibrahim's orders c Abd al-'Aziz therefore 
began to lay siege to the town, but withdrew when 
Marwan b. Muh., then governor of Armenia and 
Adharbaydjan, advanced against him. Hims opened 
its gates to Marwan, the followers of the late caliph 
were defeated in Safar 127/Nov. 744 at c Ayn al- 
Djarr, and Marwan had himself proclaimed caliph 
in Damascus. As soon as he had entered the town, 
c Abd al-'Aziz b. al-Hadjdjadj was murdered bv 
clients of al-Walid II. 

Bibliography: Tabari, ii, 17948-; Ibn al- 

Athir, v, 215 ff.; G. Weil, Gesch. d. ChaUfen, i, 

669 ff.; see also al-walid b. yazid. 

(K, V. Zettersteen) 

C ABD al-AZIZ B. AL-JJASAN, sultan of 
Morocco from 1894 to 1908. He was born, according 
to Weisgerber, on 24 Feb. 1878, according to Doutt6 
and Saint-Rene Taillandier 18 Rabl< I 1298/18 Feb. 
1881, of the sultan Mawlay al-Hasan and Lalla 
Rukayya, of Circassian origin. When his father died 
on a campaign, 9 June 1894, c Abd al-'Aziz was 
proclaimed sultan in Rabat, thanks to the hddjib 
Ahmad b. Musa, called Ba Ahmad, who had been 
in charge of his education, and received as reward 
the title of Grand-Vizier. <Abd al- c Aziz left the 
management of affairs in the hands of Ahmad until 
his death on 13 May 1900. During this period 
Morocco continued to live more or less in its tradi- 
tional way. 

After the death of his mentor, 'Abd al- c AzIz fell 
under the influence of a small group of Europeans, 
including Sir Harry McLean, instructor of the 
Sherifian infantry, who encouraged the natural 
taste of the ruler for modernism, so that very soon 
the Sherifian palaces housed photographic cameras, 
billiards, etc. All this shocked the conservative 
feelings of the Moroccans and cost money. Moreover, 
in Sept. 1901, 'Abd al- c AzIz contemplated an 
equitable reform of taxes, tartib, in order to abolish 
the privileges and immunities of the existing system. 
In consequence, an agitator {riigi), called Djilall b. 
Idrls al-Zarhunl al-Yusufi, nicknamed BO Hmara 
(Abu Hamara), rose in the district of Taza, gave 
himself out as a brother of the sultan and quickly 
became master of the region to the east of Fez 
(1902), threatening the capital itself in 1903. 

On the other hand, the European powers exerted 
a strong pressure upon the Sherifian government, 
to protect the Europeans established in Morocco, 


repress frontier incidents (region of Figuig), and 
obtain a guarantee for the considerable sums lent 
to the sultan by various European groups. These 
pressures, marked by various incidents, such as the 
visit of the German Emperor William II to Tangier 
(31 March 1905), led to the conference of Algeciras. 
The Act of Algeciras (7 April 1906), interpreted as 
an admission of surrender to the demands of the 
European powers, made c Abd al- c Aziz even more 
unpopular in Morocco. Anarchy and discontent 
increased equally, and the sultan was unable to 
bring about any improvement. One of his brothers, 
Mawlay 'Abd al-Hafiz, was proclaimed sultan in 
Marrakush on 16 August 1907, immediately after 
the disembarkation of French troops in Casablanca. 
'Abd al-'Aziz tried to resist by organizing an 
expedition to Marrakush in July 1908. His army 
broke up and was defeated by the troops of his 
brother on 19 August at Bu Adjiba on the Wadi 
Tassa'ut. 'Abd al- c AzIz took refuge in Casablanca 
and there abdicated on 21 August 1908. After a 
short stay in France, he established himself in 
Tangier, where he lived, without mixing in politics, 
until his death, 10 June 1943. 

Bibliography : Ibn Zaydan ( c Abd al-Rahman), 
al-Durar al-Fdkhira, Rabat 1937, m-7; E. Aubin, 
Le Maroc d'aujourd'hui, Paris 1904; G. Veyre, 
Au Maroc, dans I'intimite du sultan, Paris 1905; 
Cte. Conrad de Buisseret, A la cour de Fez, Bruxelles 
1907; W. B. Harris, Morocco that was, Edinburgh 
1921; G. Saint-Rene Taillandier, Les origines du 
Maroc francais, ricit d'une mission (1901-1906), 
Paris 1930; A. G. P. Martin, Le Maroc et VEurope, 
Paris 1928; F. Weisgerber, Casablanca et les 
Chaouia en 1900, Casablanca 1935; idem, Au 
seul du Maroc moderne, Rabat 1947; H. Terrasse, 
Histoire du Maroc, ii, Casablanca 1950. 

(R. Le Tourneau) 
'ABD al-'AZIZ b. MARWAN, son of the 
caliph Marwan I and father of c Umar b. 'Abd al- 
'Aziz. 'Abd al-'Aziz was appointed governor of 
Egypt by his father, and the appointment was con- 
firmed by 'Abd al-Malik, when he ascended the 
throne. During his twenty years' sojourn in Egypt, 
'Abd al-'Aziz proved himself a capable governor, who 
really had the welfare of his province at heart. When 
in the year 69/689, 'Abd al-Malik, after the assasi- 
nation of his rebellious lieutenant 'Amr b. Sa'id, 
intended to have the latter's relatives executed as 
well, 'Abd al-'Aziz interceded for them and persuaded 
the incensed caliph to spare their lives. Towards the 
end of his life 'Abd al-'Aziz suffered from the ill 
will of his brother 'Abd al-Malik. Marwan had 
nominated him to succeed 'Abd al-Malik, but the 
latter wished to secure the throne for his two sons, 
al-Walid and Sulayman, and therefore cherished the 
project of removing his brother from his governorship 
and excluding him from the succession to the 
throne, when in the year 85/754 news suddenly 
reached Damascus that 'Abd al-'Aziz was dead. 
Bibliography: Baladhurl, Ansdb, v, 183-5; 
Ibn Sa'd, v, 175; Tabari, ii, 576 ff.; Ibn al-Athlr, 
iv, 156 ff.; Ya 'kubi, ii, 306 ff.; G. Weil, Gesch. d. 
Chalifen, i, 349 ff. ; A. Miiller, Der Islam im Morgen- 
und Abendland, i, 383 ft. ; H. Lammens, Etudes 
sur U siicle des Omayyades, 310-1; Caetani and 
Gabrieli, Onomasticon, ii, 171. 

(K. V. Zettersteen) 


al-SinhaujI al-FishtalI, Moroccan writer, b. 

956/1549, d. at Marrakush 1031/1621-2, was head 

of the chancery (wazir al-kalam al-a'ld) and official 

historiographer (mutawalli ta'rikh al-dawla) of 
the Sa'did sultan Ahmad al-Mansur al-Dhahabi 
[q.v.]. Of his literary and historical works, which 
were considerable, there survive only lengthy quo- 
tations, especially by the chronicler al-Ifrani [q.v.] 
in his Nuzhat al-Hddi. Al-Fishtali, who was a 
contemporary and friend of al-Makkari [q.v.], the 
author of Nafh al-Tib, composed annals or the 
Sa'did dynasty down to his own times,' under the 
title of Mandhil al-Safd' fi akhbdr al-Muluk al- 
Shurafd'. He was the author also of many panegyrical 
poems, more particularly mawludiyydt [q.v.]. The 
verses used for the epigraphic decoration of the palace 
of al-Badi' at Marrakush were of his composition. 
Bibliography: Ibn al-Kadl, Durrat al-Hidjdl 
(ed. Allouche), Rabat 1936, no. 1056; IfranI, 
Nuzhat al-Hddi (ed. Houdas), 164/267 ff.; Makkari, 
Bulak, iii, 8 ff.; KhafadjI, Rayhdnat al-Alibbd\ 
Cairo 1294, 180; Kadiri, Nashr al-Mathdnl, Fez, 
i, 140-2; Levi-Provencal, Hist. Chorfa, 92-97; 
Brockelmann, S II, 680-1. 

(E. Levi-Provencal) 
'ABD AL-'AZlZ B. MUSA b. NU$AYR, first 
governor of al-Andalus, after the departure to 
the East of his father Musa b. Nusayr, the famous 
conqueror of the Iberian peninsula, in 95/714. Musa, 
on leaving, gave him instructions to pursue the 
Muslim advance and to pacify the regions which 
had come under Muslim control. According to 
certain traditions, it was under his government that 
part of what is now Portugal, including the towns 
of Evora, Santarem and Coimbra, and the sub- 
pyrenean regions from Pamplona to Narbonne were 
conquered. He himself took Malaga and Elvira, and 
then subdued the land of Murcia, concluding with 
a Gothic lord, Theodemir (who gave his name to 
the district, Tudmir [q.v.]) a treaty, the more or 
less authentic text of which has survived. 

'Abd al-'Aziz married the widow of the last Visi- 
gothic king Roderic, Egil6n, who is said to have 
adopted Islam and taken the name of Umm 'Asim. 
This princess gained so much influence over the 
governor that he soon became suspect to his com- 
patriots and was accused of abusing his power. He 
was assassinated in Seville, where he had fixed his 
residence, by a certain Ziyad b. 'Udhra al-Balawi, 
at the beginning of Radjab 97/March 718, and was 
succeeded by his maternal cousin, Ayyub b. Habib 

Bibliography: Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp. 
Mus., i, 30-34 and references cited ibid., i, 8, n. 1. 

(E. Levi-Provencal) 

'ABD al-'AZIZ AL SA'OD [see Sa'Odids]. 

'ABD al-'AZIZ B. AL-WALlD, son of the 

caliph al-Walid I. In 91/709-10, he took part in 

the campaign against the Byzantines, under the 

orders of his uncle, Maslama b. 'Abd al-Malik, and 

during the following years, he also participated in 

the battles against the same enemies. In 96/714-5, 

al-Walid, whose designated successor was Sulayman 

b. 'Abd al-Malik, tried to exclude Sulayman from 

the succession in favour of his son 'Abd al-'Aziz, 

but his attempt failed. After the death of Sulayman 

at Dabik, 99/717, c Abd al-'Aziz wanted to claim the 

crown, but learning that 'Umar II b. 'Abd al-'Aziz 

had been proclaimed as caliph, he betook himself 

to him and paid him homage. He died in 1 10/728-9. 

Bibliography: Tabari, ii, I2i7ff.; Ibn al- 

Athir, iv 439 ff.; Ya'kubi, ii, 435 ff.; G. Weil, 

Gesch. d. Chalifen, i, 511 ff.; A. Miiller, Der Islam 

im M or gen- und Abendland, i, 436;Caetani-Gabrieli, 

Onomasticon, ii, 986. (K. V. Zettersteen' 




Kara Celebizade]. 

shah 'ABD AL-'AZiZ AL-DIHLAWl, the eldest 
son of Shah Wall Allah al-Dihlawi [q.v.], a noted 
Indian theologian and author of several religious 
works in Arabic and Persian, was born at Delhi in 
1159/1746 (hence his chronogrammatic name Ghulam 
Hallm) and died there in 1239/1824. He studied 
mainly with his father, after whose death in 1176/ 
1762 he soon began to teach as the head of the 
Madrasa Rahimiyya, founded by his grandfather. 
As a teacher, preacher and writer, he exercised a 
considerable influence on the religious thought of 
his time. His chief works are as follows. In Arabic: 
(1) Sirr al-Shahddatayn (Dihli 1261), in which he 
sets forth the ingenious view that the Prophet 
vicariously acquired the merit and distinction of 
shahdda or martyrdom through the tragic death of 
his grandson, Husayn son of 'All. One of his pupils, 
Salamat Allah wrote a commentary on it in Persian 
(Lucknow 1882). (2) 'Aziz al-Iktibds fi FaddHl 
Akhydr al-Nds, a collection of traditions on the 
virtues of the first four Caliphs (Dihli 1 322/1904, 
with Persian and Urdu translations). (3) Mizdn al- 
'■AkdHd, a concise statement of the Muslim creed 
with the author's own commentary on it (Dihli 1321 
A. H.). In Persian: (4) Tuhfa ithnd-'Ashariyya 
(edited by Muhammad Sadik 'Ali Ridawi, Lucknow 
1295 A. H.), in which he refutes the ShI'ite doctrines 
and thus continues the controversial work of his 
father, Izdlat al-Khafd* 'an Khildfat al-Khulafd>. It 
has also been translated into Urdu. (5) 'Udjdla 
Nd/i c a (Dihli 1312, 1348 A. H.), an introduction 
to the science of Hadith. (6) Bustdn al-Mukadditkin 
(Dihli 1898), a bibliography of Hadith literature, 
giving descriptions of books together with brief 
biographies of their authors. (7) Fatdwd (in 2 parts, 
Dihli 1 341 A. H.), a, collection of opinions and 
forma) decisions on questions of law and doctrine. 
There is also an Urdu translation of part I by 
M. Nawwab 'All and 'Abd al-Djalll (Haydarabad 
Deccan 1313; also Cawnpore). (8) Fath al-'Aziz, 
commonly known as Tafsir 'Azizi, a commentary 
in Persian on Suras i and ii, and sections 29 and 
30 of the Kur'an. Sections 29 and 30 were both 
printed at Calcutta; the former bears the date 
1248 A. H., while that of the other is not traceable. 
There are several other prints. Urdu translations 
of all the various parts have been published. (9) 
Malfuzdt Shad 'Abd al'Aziz, the obiter dicta of the 
author, originally collected in Persian in 1233 A. H. 
and later translated into Urdu by 'Azmat Ilahi in 
1315/1897 and lithographed at Meerut. 

Bibliography: Siddlk Hasan Khan, Ithdf al- 
Nubald', 296; Muhammad b. Yahya al-Tirhuti, 
al-Ydni' al-Qiani fi Asdnid al-Skaykk 'Abd al- 
Ghani, lithographed on the margin of Kashf 
al-Astdr 'an Ridjal Ma'dni al-Athdr (Deoband 
1349 A. H.), 73-5; Rahman 'Ali, Tadhkira 
'Ulamd* Hind (Lucknow 1914), 122; Rahim 
Bakhsh, Haydt Wali (in Urdu), Dihli 1319 A. H., 
338-42; idem., Haydt 'Azizi; Storey, Persian 
Literature, i, 24; Zubaid Ahmad, The contri- 
bution of India to Arabic literature, Jullundur, 
1946, Index; Bashlr al-Din, Tadhkira 'Aziziyya, 
Meerut 1934. (Sh. Inayatullah) 

'ABD al-BAHA 5 [see BahaIs]. 
al-Azdi, governor of Khurasan. In 130/747-8 
and 133/750-1 he was a supporter of the 'Abbasids 
in their conflict with the Umayyads, and was 
appointed to command the shurfa during the cali- 

phates of al-Saffah and al-Mansur. The latter sent 
him to Khurasan as governor in 140/757-8. On 
arrival in the province, he began a violent perse- 
cution against the local aristocracy, whom he 
accused of partiality for the 'Alids; but it seems 
that his measures affected also some of the partisans 
of the 'Abbasids (as is stated in the Persian version 
of al-Tabari). This was apparently the reason why 
the caliph came to suspect him of rebellion. A 
cunning exchange of letters, which followed, only 
confirmed these suspicions, and eventually in 
141/758-9 al-Mansur sent an army against him under 
the command of his son al-Mahdl. On the approach 
of the troops the population of Marw al-Rudh rose 
and delivered up 'Abd al-Djabbar, who was brought 
before al-Mansur, tortured, and put to death, 
probably at the beginning of 142/759-60. 

Bibliography: Ya'kubl, index; Tabarl, index; 
Chronique de Tabari (Persian), tr. H. Zotenberg, 
iv, 378-80; S. Moscati, La rivolta di 'Abd al-Cabbar, 
in Rend. Line., 1947, 613-5. (S. Moscati) 

'ABD al-DJABBAR b. AQMAD b. 'Abd al- 
Djabbar al-HamadhanI al-AsadabadI, Abu '1- 
Hasan, Mu'tazilite theologian, in law a follower of 
the Shafi'i school. Born about 325, he lived in 
Baghdad, until called to Rayy, in 3&7/978, by the 
sahib Ibn 'Abbad, a staunch supporter of the 
Mu'tazila. He was subsequently appointed chief 
kadi of the province; hence he is usually referred 
to in later Mu'tazili literature as kadi al-kuddt. 
(For some anecdotes on his relations with Ibn 
'Abbad see Yakflt, Irshad, ii, 312, 314). On the 
death of Ibn 'Abbad, he was deposed and arrested 
by the ruler, Fakhr al-Dawla. because of a slighting 
remark made by him about his deceased benefactor 
(Irshad, i, 70-1, ii, 335). No details seem to be 
available about his later life, and we do not seem 
to know, for instance, whether he was re-instated 
in his office. He died in 415/1025. 

His main dogmatic work is the enormous al- 
Mughni, of which the greater part has been pre- 
served (in San'a, see: Fihris Kutub al-Khizdna al- 
Mutawakkiliyya, 103-4; some volumes in Cairo, 
brought from San'a, see: Kh. Y. NamI, a.l-Ba'tka 
al-Misriyya li-Taswir al-Makk(u(dt al-'Arabiyya; 
Cairo 1952, 15). Another important handbook of 
his dogmatics, al-Muhi( bi'l-Taklif, was compiled 
by his pupil Ibn Mattawayh [q.v.]. Several volumes 
in San'a, Fihris, 102 (vol. i, Berlin 5149; Tay- 
muriyya, 'Aka'id 357; fragments in Leningrad, see 
A. Borisov, Les manuscrits mu'tazilites de la Biblio- 
thique publique de Leningrad, Bibliografiya Vostoka, 
1935, 63-95). His monograph on prophecy (Tathbil 
DaldHl Nubuwwat Sayyidind Muhammad, Shehid 
'AH Pasha 1575, cf. H. Ritter, Isl., 1929, 42) contains 
also important discussions of the views of other 
schools, especially those of the Shi'a. Another 
important dogmatic treatise seems to be his Shark 
al-Usul al-Khamsa (Vat. 1028). For other writings 
that have come down to us, cf. Brockelmann. It is 
not only from his own works, however, that his 
system can be reconstructed. All the writings of 
the latter Mu'tazila — including the Zaydl writers 
on dogmatics; as a matter of fact, his own books, 
too, have been preserved mainly by the Zaydls of 
Yaman — are full of reports on his opinions. He was 
the chief figure in the last phase of Mu'tazilism, but 
his teaching has not yet been studied. 

Bibliography : Abu Sa'id al-Bayhakl, Shark 
'Uyun al-MasdHl, MS Leiden, Landberg 215, 
fol. 123' — 125", whence Ibn al-Murtada, (al- 
Mu'tazila, Arnold), 66 ff. ; al-Khatlb al-Baghdadl. 


Ta'rikh Baghdad, xi, 113 ff.; al-Subkl, Tabakdt, 

77-8, 235, x, 95; I. Goldziher, Isl., 1912, 214; 
M. Horten, Die plilosophischen Systeme, 457-62; 
A. S. Tritton, Muslim Theology, 191-3. — c Abd 
al-Djabbar's Tabakdt al-Mu c tazila was the main 
source of Abu Sa'id al-Bayhakl's important 
historical account of the Mu'tazila in the intro- 
duction of his Shark 'Uyun al-MasdHl. Al-Bay- 
haki's account was taken over, in a slightly 
abbreviated form, by Ibn al-Murtada (ed. Th. 
W. Arnold). (S. M. Stern) 

C ABD al-FATTAH FCMANl, Persian histo- 
rian, lived probably in the i6th-i7th centuries. 
Entering into government service in Fuman, the 
old capital of Gilan (Ch. Schefer, Christ, pers., ii, 93) 
he was appointed controller of accounts by the 
vizier of the place, Behzad-beg, about 1018 or 
1019/1609-10. After serving under several other 
vizers, he was taken to 'Irak by c Adil Shah. He 
wrote in Persian Ta'rikk-i Gildn, a history of Gilan 
from 923/1517 to 1038/1628. This book, published 
by B. Dorn (with a resume in his introduction), 
completes the histories of Zahlr al-DIn [q.v.] and 
c Ali b. Shams al-Din [q.v.]. 

Bibliography: 'Abdu'l-Fattdk Fumeny's Ge- 
schichte von Gildn (vol. iii of B. Dorn, Muhamm. 
Quellen zur Geschichte d. siidl. Kiistenldnder des 
Kaspischen Meeres). (Cl. Huart — H. Masse) 
<ABD al-GHANI b. Isma'Il al-NabulusI, a 
mystic, theologian, poet, traveller, and 
voluminous writer on a variety of subjects, born 
in Damascus 5 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 1050/19 March 1641, 
and the leading figure in the religious and literary 
life of Syria in his time. His family, traditionally 
Shafi'I (though his father had changed to the 
Hanafi rite), had long been settled in Damascus 
and MuhibbI describes his great-grandfather as 
"shaykh maskdHkh al-Shdm" (Khuldsa. ii, 433). He 
early showed an interest in mysticism, joining the 
Kadiri and Nakshbandi tarikas, and as a young 
man shut himself up in his house for seven years, 
studying the works of Ibn al-'Arabi, Ibn Sab'in and 
c Afif al-Din al-Tilimsanl, and bringing on himself by 
his unconventionnal behaviour charges of anti- 
nomianism. An early work, a badiHyya in praise 
of the Prophet, was of such virtuosity that his 
authorship was doubted, until he vindicated himself 
by writing a commentary on it. In 1075/1664 he 
made his first journey to Istanbul, and in 1100/1688 
he visited the Bika* and Lebanon, in 1101/1689 
Jerusalem and Hebron, in 1 105/1693 Egypt and 
Hidjaz, and in 1112/1700 Tripoli, and wrote accounts 
of all these travels except the first. His works 
number (including short treatises) from 200 to 250. 
His pupils were innumerable, the most important 
probably being Mustafa al-Bakri (q.v.]. He died in 
Damascus on 24 Sha'ban 1143/5 March 1731. 

His works fall into three main categories: sufi, 
poetry, travels. His sufi writings are mostly in the 
form of commentaries on the works of Ibn al-'Arabi, 
al-Djill, Ibn al-Farid and others. In these commen- 
taries he does not merely paraphrase and epitomize, 
but develops the thought in the tradition of the 
great commentators by original, if sometimes far- 
fetched, interpretation, which, as it is not exclusively 
mystical, is an important source for his religious and 
theological thought in general. In several of his 
commentaries c Abd al-Ghani represents a conver- 
gence of two trends of mystical thought, the Andalu- 
sian-Maghribl trend (Abu Madyan, Ibn Mashish, 
Shushtari, Sanusi) and the Perso-Anatolian trend 

(Awhad al-Din Nuri, Mahmud Uskudari, Muhammad 
Birgall). He wrote also on the orders to which he 
belonged, as well as on the Mawlawl order. In his 
original writings he seems to be dominated by the 
concept of wakdat al-wudjud; of these original works 
the most important is the first volume of his great 

The Diwan al-dawdwin, which contains the main 
body of his poetical output, comprises, as well as 
the first volume on mysticism (published Cairo 1302 
etc.), three other volumes, all unpublished, con- 
taining eulogies of the Prophet, general eulogies 
and correspondence, and love-poems respectively. 
This by no means represents the whole of his poetical 
output, many of his other works also being written 
in verse form, and his interest in poetry is reflected 
in his commentary on the poems of Ibn Hani' al- 
Andalusi. During his lifetime and after he had a 
great reputation as a poet (see Amir Haydar, Le 
Liban (ed. Rustum) i, 8 ff., 22 ff., and for his use 
of the muwashshah, Hartmann, MuwaSSak, 6). 

In his narratives of his travels (see above) it was 
not c Abd al-Ghani's intention to present a description 
of topographical or architectural detail. They are 
rather records of his own mystical experiences; but 
at the same time they throw a considerable amount 
of light on the religious and cultural life of the age. 
They are important also because they served as 
models for later travellers, such as the Damascene 
Mustafa al-Bakri and the Egyptian As'ad al- 
Lukayml. In addition, he wrote works, some of 
them vast and encyclopaedic, on tafsir, hadith, 
kalam, fikh, interpretation of dreams (a mine of 
information on the spiritualism and superstitions of 
his age), agriculture, the lawfulness of tobacco, and 
many other subjects. 

Bibliography: Muradl, Silk al-durar, ii, 30-8; 
Djabartl, 'AdidHb al-Athdr, i, 154-7; Mustafa al- 
Bakri, al-Fath al-iariyy fi... al-shaykh <Abd 
al-Ghani (Ms. in the writer's possession); Ibn 
al-'Arabi, Fusus al-hikam, ed. 'Afifi (Cairo, 1946), 
i, 23; A. S. Khalidi, Rihla ild diydr al-Shdm 
(Jaffa, 1946); 'Abboud, Ruwwdd al-nahda al- 
haditha (Bairut, 1952), 34 ff . ; R. A. Nicholson, 
Studies in Islamic mysticism (Cambridge, 1921) 
143 ff.; L. Massignon, La Passion de al-Hallaj, 
passim. (W. A. S. Khalidi) 


C ABD al-HAKK b. SAYF AL-DiN al-DihlawI 
al-Bukhari, Abu 1-Madjd, with the takhallus Hakki, 
Indian author in Arabic and Persian, born 
Muharram 958/Jan. 1551, died 2 Rabi c II 1052/ 
30 June 1642. He spent some time in Fathpur, 
studying with Faydi and MIrza Nizam al-Din 
Aljmad, but fell out with them (cf. Bada'uni, iii, 
113, 115 ff.; al-Makdtib wa 1-RasdHl, on marg. of 
Akhbdr al-Akhydr, Delhi, 1332, 160; c Abd al-Hakk's 
book on the writers of Delhi, cf. below, p. 20; 
Haft Iklim, s. v. Dihli). He left for the Hidjaz in 
996 (Adhkdr-i Abrdr, Urdu transl. of Ghawjhl's 
Gulzdr-i Abrdr, Agra 1326, 559), studying for several 
years with the famous scholars there (of whom he 
gave an account in his Zdd al-Muttakin). On his 
return, he taught for half a century in Delhi. He 
won the favour of Djahangir (who praises him in 
the Tuzuk-i Djahdngiri, Aligarh 1864, 28a) and 
Shahdjahan. 'Ubayd Allah KbTeshgl, Mukhtasar 
Ma'dridi al-Wilaya, Panjab Univ. Libr. MS. fol. 258 
v., quotes a risdla by c Abd al-Hakk against the 
"ecstatic phrases" (shafhiyydt) of Ahmad Kabull 
{Mudjaddid-i alf-i thdni, d. 1034), but ultimately 


the controversy was settled peacefully (Siddik 
Hasan Khan, Tiksdr Qjuyud al-Ahrdr, Bhopal 1298, 
185). The tomb of £ Abd al-Hakk is in the Hawd-i 
Shams! in Delhi. An inscription on the wall of the 
kubba gives a sketch of his life; it is quoted fully 
in Ghulam <Ali Azad, Ma'dthir al-Kirdm, Agra 1328, 
201; Akhbdr al-Akhydr, 6; W. Beale, Miftdh al- 
Tawdrikh, Cawnpur 1867, 246; Bashir al-Din 
Ahmad, Wdki c dt-i Hukumat-i Dihli, Agra 1919, iii, 
305. According to the Wdki'dt, <Abd al-Hakk's 
descendants in Dehli were still celebrating every 
year his c urs at the tomb. 

In his TaHlf Kalb al-Alif bi-Kitdbati Fihrist al- 
Tawdlif, appended to his treatise on the writers 
and poets of Delhi (cf. the Urdu periodical Tdrikh, 
Haydarabad-Deccan, vol. i, part 3-4), c Abd al- 
Hakk gives a list of his forty-nine works in Arabic 
and Persian. The following are the most important 
of his works: a Diwdn (cf. Subh-i Gulshan, Bhopal 
1295, 141); Lamahdt al-Tankih, Arabic commentary 
on al-Tibrizi's Mishkdt al-Masdbih; Ashi"at al- 
Lama'-At, a fuller, Persian, commentary on the 
Mishkdt, Lucknow 1277; Akhbdr al-Akhydr, lives 
of saints, mostly Indian ; Zubdat al-Athdr, biography 
of <Abd al-Kadir al-Djilani; Miftdh al-Futuh, 
Persian translation, with commentary, of al- 
Dillanl's Futuh al-Ghayb; Dhikr al-Muluk, a sketch 
of Indian history from the Ghurids to Akbar; 
Diadhb al-Kulub, a history of Medina, based mainly 
on al-Samhudl; Madaridx al-Nubuwwa, a biography 
of the, Prophet (Urdu transl.: Mandhidj al-Nubuwwa, 
Lucknow 1277). His main contribution is his share 
of the; popularization of the stud;- of Hadith in India. 
Bibliography: Autobiograpii> in Akhbdr 
al-Akhydr and another in the treatise on tne 
writers of Delhi; Tabakat-i Akbari (Engl. Transl.), 
Calcutta 1936, 692; c Abd al-Hamid, Bddshdh- 
ndma, i, 341; M. Salib, <-Amal-i Sdlih, iii, 384; 
Ithdf al-Nubald', Cawnpur 1289, 303;' Tiksdr, 112; 
Athdr al-Sanddid, Cawnpur 1904, 65 ; Cat. Peshawar 
Libr., 48, 173, 203 ff., 277; Brockelmann, ii, 549, 
S. i, 778, 277, 603; Storey, 194 ff., 181, 214, 427, 
441 ; Zubaid Ahmad, The contribution of India to 
Arabic literature, index. (Mohammad Shafi) 

<ABD al -HAKK HAMID (AbdOlhak HAmit), 
Turkish poet, born 2 Febr. 1852. He belonged to 
an old family of scholars which came from Izmir, 
but resided for some time in Egypt before returning 
to Istanbul in the second half of the 18th century. 
His grandfather, £ Abd al-Hakk Molla, was chief 
court physician, and a great favourite during that 
later period of Mabmud IPs reign which began in 
1826 and brought renewal to the Empire. He had 
a great part in the opening of the new School of 
Medicine, wrote occasional poetry and left a diary 
{Tar ikh-i Liwd?) describing the Sultan's sojourn in 
1828 (during the Russian war) in the barracks of 
Rami, supervising the training of the new army. 
(His two brothers were also authors). Hamid's 
father, Khavrullah Efendi, was one of the best 
historians of his day. He also wrote a journal of his 
visit to Paris (unpublished to this day) and was 
the author of the first Turkish play, Hikdye-yi 
Ibrahim Pasha. 

Hamid grew up in this cultured environment; 
the childhood reminiscences of his mother, a Cir- 
cassian slave girl, added to this intellectual back- 
ground a fairy tale touch and Hamid's work was 
to remain to the end marked by this dual influence. 
He began his studies in one of the newly founded 
state schools and continued them in Paris, where 
he went together with his father when he was eleven 

years old. Back in Istanbul, and later in Teheran, 
where his father was ambassador, he took private 
lessons, especially in Arabic and Persian. Among 
his tutors it was Tahsin Efendi who made the 
deepest impression on him. It was his influence 
that made Hamid's early works (among them a 
narrative in verse, Ghardm) interesting records of 
the first clash between Western science and philo- 
sophy and Muslim faith. 

After his father's death Hamid went back to 
Istanbul and entered the Civil Service; in 1876 
he was appointed second secretary to the embassy 
in Paris. He had married in 1871, in Edirne, Fatma 
Khanlm. of the well-known Pirizade family. In 
Paris he met the ex-Prime Minister Midhat 
Pasha. Letters and works written in that period 
testify to the intellectual crisis he was then going 
through. On his return he was appointed consul 
in Poti (Russia), then in Golos (Greece), finally in 
Bombay. On his way back in 1885 his wife died; 
her death affected deeply Hamid and his poetry. 
In 1885 he was appointed first secretary in London, 
then minister in The Hague, returning as secretary, 
then counsellor, to the London embassy. In 1908 
Hamid, then ambassador in Brussels, became a 
member of the Senate, and acted, during the first 
world war, as a deputy president. When the Senate 
was dissolved, he went to Vienna, returning towards 
the end of the war of independence. He was elected 
to the National Assembly in 1928. He died in 1937 
and was given a national funeral. 

His works before going to Europe (1873-6): 
Mddjerd-yi "-Ashk, Sabr u Thebdt, I Hi Kiz, Dukhter-i 
Hindu, Nazife. Between his journey to Europe and 
his wife's death (1876-85): Nesteren, Tdrik yahut 
Endulus Fdtihi, Sahrd, Tezer, Eshber. 1885-1908: 
Makber, Olu, Hadjle, Bunlar o dur, Diwdneliklerim 
yahut Belie, Bir Sefilenin Hasb-i Hdli. 1908-23: 
Zeyneb — written 1887, Baladan bir ses, Ilkhdn, 
Liberti, Wdlidem, Turkhan, Ilhdm-i Wafan, Mektuplar 
I, II, Abdulldh-i Saghir, Finten— 1887, Jayiflar 
Getidi, Yddigar-i Harp, Ibn-i Musd — 1881, Yabanaji 
dostlar, Arziler, Ifahbe (Bir Sefilenin Hasb-i Hdli), 
Khdkdn. Hep weya Hie — first collection of poems, 
the play Diiinun ii c Ashk and some letters, as well 
as the last play, Kdnuninin Widjdan Azabi, remained 
unpublished; the memoirs that have appeared in 
various newspapers have not come out in book form. 

Hamid's first drama, Mddjerd'yi 'Ashk, is a 
youthful attempt which contains already the 
romantic elements to be developed later on by 
him. Sabr ii Thebdt and Icli Kiz are of local inspi- 
ration, full of comedy and rich in elements of folklore. 
Influenced also by his relative Ahmed Wefik Pasha 
[?.«.], it was from the school of ShinasI [q.v.] that 
his personality received its first strong stamp. 
Hamid belongs to the second generation of inno- 
vators, the first being that of ShinasI. Too young 
to join the Young Turks around Namik Kemal 
[q.v.], he was strongly influenced by the literature 
of that movement. But although Hamid followed 
Namik Kemal in his search of the ideal man, his real 
function may be seen in his achievement of a new 
Turkish poetry. In a short poem inserted in his play 
Dukhter-i Hindu, Hamid changed the long estab- 
lished rhyme scheme, abandoned the conventional 
poetic themes and images and enlarged the horizon 
of his poetry by bringing it into direct contact 
with life. In the collections of poems Belde and 
Sahrd, partly written in Paris, this revolution is 
even deeper. In his third collectibn of poems Bunlar 
o dur he already appears as master of a new and better 


literary form and while sometimes still hesitating, 
finally strikes a happy harmony between thought 
and language. His works reflect his joy in redis- 
covering nature, to which he no doubt owes the 
pantheistic strain of his poetry. 

Nowhere, however, can Hamid's personality be 
so clearly perceived as in the poems written on 
his wife's death : Makber, Olii, Hadjle. Obsession 
with death, already present in Ghardm. is here still 
more persistent and the problems of human destiny 
are treated with genuine anguish. The influence of 
a society which had lost the purity of its peaceful 
faith in Islam and looked with apprehension at the 
changing world, and the literary influence of Ziya 
pasha's two poems Terkib-i Bend and Terdji c -i 
Bend which Hamid had read in his youth with 
great admiration, contributed to strengthen this 
feeling of anguish. Makber is doubtlessly Hamid's 
masterpiece. Fatma's image seems never to have 
been absent from his mind and it is significant 
that his second wife Nelly, whom he married in 
England, resembled greatly his dead wife. Hamid's 
poems written in this second period show affinities 
of thought, if not of vision, with those of V. Hugo, 
especially with such pieces as Dieu and La Fin 
de Satan. In the poetry written after his appoint- 
ment to London, there is less philosophical searching, 
but the inspiration is of a clearer perfection. For 
example, his poem "On passing through Hyde 
Park" is one of the best ever written in Turkish 
on the subject of nature and freedom. However, 
c Abd al-Hamid's prohibition of the publishing of 
his poems in the Istanbul newspapers put an end 
to this third period of his literary career. 

In his preface to Dukhter-i Hindu Hamid exposed 
his preference for the romantic and exotic drama; 
from then onwards, in all his plays, even in plays 
such as Eshber, Nesteren or Tezer that seem by their 
very subject to be nearer to the French classical 
theatre, he remained faithful to this conception. 
A despair born of political reasons and of the reali- 
zation that his plays would never see the stage, make 
these pieces overloaded with speculation, while the 
dramatic situation is either absent or lost under 
the wealth of incident. Though a play like Finlen 
pretends to be a picture of English life, though 
the dialogues of Ruhlar and Taylflar Gelidi are 
dealing with the problem of man's destiny, most 
of the plays are historical. They deal with ancient 
India, Greece {Eshber), Mesopotamia (Sarddnapdl), 
Turkish history in Central Asia, history of Andalusia. 
Eshber, supposed to be influenced by Racine's 
Alexandre and by Comeille, is an apology of pacifism 
and patriotism, while Tdrik is the expression of 
Namik Kemal's ideology. A peculiar feature of 
these plays is Hamid's endeavour to assign to 
woman her place in life. In Zeyneb, in Ibn-i Musd, 
sequel of Tdrik and in Finlen, Hamid appears as 
a follower of Shakespeare. 

Hamid has deeply influenced Turkish poetry. The 
generations both of Therwet-i Fiinun and Fedjr-i 
Ali were under the impact of Hamid, and followed 
the creative and revolutionary lead which he had 
given in language and form. He not only employed 
new metres unknown in Turkish poetry up to his day, 
but also quantitative verse. He even tried a sort of 
blank verse. In his drama he came nearer to spoken 
language. As, however, his works written after 
1885 were not published at the time, he had little 
share in the developments that took place after- 
wards. His real influence, starting in 1885, can be 
said to have stopped already in 1905. 

Bibliography: P. Horn, Geschickte der Tur- 
kischen Moderne, 34 ff.; Gibb, Ottoman poetry, i, 
133-5, iv, p. VII; Riza Tewfik, 'Abdiilhakk Hamid. 
we Miilahafdt-i Felsefiyesi, Istanbul 1918; Turk 
Yurdu Medjmu'-asi, ii, no. 13, Istanbul 1933; 
UlkU Mecmuasi, ix, no. 51, Ankara 1937 (both 
special numbers about the poet); Sabri Esad 
Siyavusgil, in I A, s.v. Abdulhak HSmid; Mehmed 
Kaplan, "Garam" daki ictimat ve felsefi fikirler, 
1st. Univ. Edebiyat Fak. Turk dill ve edebiyati 
dergisi, 1946, 246-60; idem, Tabiat karsisinda 
Abdulhak Hamid, ibid., 1949, 333-49; 1951, 
167-87; Ahmed Hamdi Tanpinar, XIX. asir 
Turk edebiyati tarihi, Istanbul 1949, 278-466. 
(A. Hamdi Tanpinar) 
C ABD AL-JJAMlD I (AbdOlhamid), Ottoman 
Sultan, born 5 Radjab 1137/20 March 1725, suc- 
ceeded his brother Mustafa 8 Dhu 1-Ka c da 1187/ 
21 January 1774. 

<Abd al-Hamld succeeded to the throne during 
a war with Russia, in which financial difficulties, 
rebellions in various provinces, and the weariness 
aroused by ill success made the cessation of hostilities 
an absolute necessity for Turkey. At the same time 
Russia also had been placed by the Pugacev revolt 
in a position to welcome peace. The new Sultan, 
however, was unwilling to end the war without 
some kind of victory, and the Porte accordingly 
refused to accept the Russian proposals for peace 
talks; hostilities were reopened, and the Turkish 
army was defeated at Kozludja. The rout spread 
to the headquarters at Shumla of the Grand Vizier 
Muhsin-zade Mehmed Pasha, who was forced to sue 
for peace from the Russian commander Rumjancev. 
The treaty by which the war was terminated, 
and which was dictated by the Russians, was signed 
on 12 Djumada I, 1188/21 July 1774 at Kucuk 
Kaynardje [q.v.] and is known by the name of that 
town. By its terms the Crimea was to become an 
independent state ; and Russia obtained the fortresses 
on the coast of the Sea of Azof (Azak), the lands 
of Lesser and Greater Kabartay, the area between 
the rivers Dniepr and Bug, freedom of navigation 
in the Black Sea, and the right to pass merchant 
ships through the Straits. Its most dangerous feature 
for Turkey was the wording of some of the clauses 
in such a way as to lead Russia to claim the right to 
protect Turkish subjects belonging to the Orthodox 
church; in return, however, Russia recognized a 
somewhat vaguely stated claim by the Sultan, as 
khalifa, to religious authority over all Muslims. 
After this treaty Austria too took advantage of the 
weakness of Turkey and annexed Bukovina, hitherto 
part of the principality of Moldavia (1775). 

In 1774 war broke out also between Turkey and 
Persia, following a Persian invasion of Kurdistan. 
Ottoman forces were despatched to Baghdad in 
1175, with the object of putting an end to the rule 
of the Mamliiks, but the Porte was forced to recognize 
their administration, and in the following year 
Basra fell to the Persians. In 1779 it was evacuated 
in consequence of internal disturbances in Persia, 
and reoccupied by the mamluk Sulayman Agha, 
who was then granted the three pashallks of al- 
l Ir5k (1180). 

The peace of Kucuk Kaynardje proved to be no 
more than an armistice between Turkey and Russia. 
Catherine II continued to aim at the annexation of 
the Crimea, whereas the Porte was trying to bring 
the principality back to its former status. For this 
reason the Crimea became an area of conflict and 
of Russian intervention under various forms; and 



in addition, the clauses concerning the Straits and 
the Orthodox Christians in Turkey were subjects 
of contention between the two countries. Although 
it seemed at one time that war was imminent over 
the Crimean question, the terms relating to the 
Crimea in the treaty of Kucuk Kaynardje were 
interpreted and reaffirmed by a Convention, in 
which France acted as mediator, signed at Istanbul 
in the pavilion of Aynali-Kawak on 10 March 1779. 

Nevertheless, Catherine II, after forming an 
alliance against Turkey with Joseph II (who had 
succeeded Maria Theresa on the throne of Austria), 
stirred up a revolt in the Crimea against the Khan 
Shahin Giray, and on this pretext sent an army to 
the Crimea and annexed it to Russia. 'Abd al-Hamld 
I, though deeply mortified by this action, could not, 
being aware of the weakness of his empire, envisage 
going to war. When, however, the 'Czarina began 
to form far-reaching schemes for the setting up of 
a Greek state with her grandson Constantine 
PavloviC at its head, the Porte could no longer 
tolerate the menacing demonstrations against 
Turkey provoked by her and her ally Joseph II. 

In spite of the Sultan's love of peace, war was 
declared against Russia and Austria by the Grand 
Vizier Kodja Yusuf Pasha (1787), when a request 
for the return of the Crimea was rejected, and 
Sweden subsequently joined in on the side of Turkey. 
An attack by the Turkish fleet in the direction of 
Kilburun was unsuccessful, and the Russians laid 
siege to the fortress of Ocakov. The Turkish army, 
however, attached mote importance to the Austrian 
campaign and after twice defeating, at Vidin and 
Slatin, the Austrian armies which had taken the 
offensive along the Danube, invaded the Banat. On 
the other hand, the Turkish fleet failed in its attempt 
to relieve Ocakov, and after a long resistance the 
fortress fell and its population was put to the sword. 
'Abd al-Hamid, whose health was already under- 
mined by the worries of the war, died of a stroke 
on reading the news, 11 Radjab 1203/7 April 1789. 

Although c Abd al-Hamld I, who succeeded to 
the throne at an advanced age after spending most 
of his life in the seclusion of the palace, cannot 
be considered an energetic and successful sovereign, 
he is noted for his zeal, humanity, and benevolence. 
He gave wide powers, for that time, to his Grand 
Viziers and left them free in their conduct of affairs, 
and he endeavoured to strengthen the central 
government against rebel forces within the empire; 
e.g. he sent a punitive expedition under Djeza'irli 
Hasan Pasha against Zahir al- c Umar, who had 
acquired great influence in Syria, and against the 
rebellious Mamluk beys in Egypt. It may be observed 
that whereas during his reign the Porte followed a 
special policy towards Caucasia by trying to civilize 
the Circassian tribes and to attach them to Turkey 
and, in order to further this object, developed 
Sogudjuk and Anapa, the Russians, in opposition 
to this policy, supported the Georgians. 

The most important of the Grand Viziers of 
'Abd al-Hamld I was Khalil Hamid Pasha, who 
was a supporter of reforms and, in order to put 
them into effect, tried to dethrone the old Sultan 
and to put the young prince Selim (afterwards 
Selim III) in his place. During the tenure of office 
of this enlightened Grand Vizier, who paid for his 
attempt with his life, the corps of Cannonneers, 
Bombardiers and Miners were reorganized. 

The opening of the Imperial Naval Engineering 
School (Muhandiskhdne-yi bahri-yi humayun), for 
the education of trained officers, and the reopening 

of Ibrahim Muteferrika's [q.v.] printing house, which 
had been allowed to fall into disuse, are among the 
achievements of 'Abd al-Hamld I. He also founded 
the Beylerbeyi and Mirgun mosques on the Bosporus, 
as well as a number of benefactions such as libraries, 
schools, soup-kitchens, and fountains. 

Bibliography: Wasif, Ta'rikh, ii, Istanbul 

1219; 'Asim, TaMhh, i, Istanbul n.d.; Djew- 

det, Ta'rikh, ii-iv, Istanbul 1309; Ahmed ResmI, 

Khulasat al-IHibdr, Istanbul 1307; Mehmed 

Sadik, Wak'a-i Ifamidiyye, Istanbul 1289; 

Aywansarayl Husayn, Hadikat al-djawdmi', ii, 

Istanbul 1281; Ismail Hakki Uzuncarsili, HaXil 

Hamid Pasa, Turkiyat Mec, 1936; Hammer, 

Histoire de I'Empire ottoman, Fr. tr., xvi, Paris 

1839, and other histories of the Ottoman Empire; 

A. Sorel, La question d'Orient, Paris 1878; Baron 

de Tott, Memoires, Amsterdam 1785; G. Noran- 

dounghian, Recueil d'actes internationaux de 

I'Empire ottoman, iv, Paris 1897-1903; S. H. 

Longrigg, Four centuries of modern Iraq, Oxford 

1925, 180-96; T. W. Arnold, The Caliphate, 

Oxford 1924, 165-6. (M. Cavid Baysun) 

'ABD AL-tIAMlD II (GhazI) (AbdOlhamid), 

36th Ottoman sultan, fifth child of thirty of 

'Abd al-Madjid (Abdulmecid) [q.v.], bom Wednesday, 

21 September 1842. He is traditionally represented 

as a reserved child, easily offended, and, in spite 

of his keen intelligence, not given to study. It is 

said that, after a stormy youth, he led a thrifty 

family life, which earned him the undeserved 

nickname 'Pinti Hamid', Hamid the Skinflint, taken 

from a comedy by Kassab. He early showed a great 

liking for the company of devout persons (Pertew- 

niyal, a distortion of Pertew-nihal, wdlde sultan of 

'Abd al-'Aziz) and for mystics, soothsayers, and 

wonder-workers (the shaykh 'Abd al-Rahman al-Sur 

of Sayda, prototype of the astrologer Abu-'l-Huda, 

who later exerted so great an influence on C A.). 

On 1 September 1876 he succeeded his brother 

Murad V, who had been deposed, with the support 

of the Young Turks, whose leader, the celebrated 

Midhat (Mithat) Pasha [q.v.], was a former grand 

vizier of Sultan 'Abd al-'Aziz. The Porte was then 

engaged in victorious war with Milan, prince of 

Serbia, and Nicholas I of Montenegro. To put a 

stop to the intervention of the powers, 'A., in 

agreement with Midhat, initiated an international 

conference at Istanbul, and on the very day of its 

opening (23 December 1876) a khaii-i humayun 

promulgated the first Constitution or Mnun-i 

(kanunu) esdsl, a 'fundamental Law' instituting a 

two-Chamber parliamentary system. This Parliament, 

summoned to meet on 17 March 1877, and presided 

over by the famous Ahmed Wefik Pasha [q.v.], was 

prorogued sine die on 13 February 1878 (actually for 

a period of thirty years). 

In the course of his reign Turkey had to wage 
two wars, one with Russia (1877-8), the other with 
Greece (18 April-5 June 1897); finally the inextri- 
cable Macedonian imbroglio, in which the most 
varied races were bitterly engaged, led to inter- 
ventions by the Concert of Europe which precipitated 
the Young Turk revolution. On 5 July 1908 the 
vice-major (kol-aghasi) Niyazi Bey took to the 
mountains at Resna and seized Monastir. On the 
23rd, the major (bin-bashi) Enwer Bey, former 
military attache in Berlin, rose in revolt at Salonika. 
The sultan gave way, and the Constituent Assembly, 
which had never disappeared from the official 
Year-book (sal-name), was simply revived on 24 July 
(which was later kept as a national holiday). After 


the coup de force carried out by the 
and by troops roused to fanaticism, on 13 April 
1909, the 3rd army corps of Macedonia, commanded 
by Marshal Mahmud Shewket, which had for that 
occasion become an "investing" or "marching" 
army (hareket ordusu), brought back the fugitive 
Young Turks and the Constitution to Istanbul (24 

c Abd al-Hamid was deposed by a decision (kardr- 
ndme) of the two Chambers, meeting as a National 
Assembly on 28 April 1909, based on a fatwa of the 
same day, a document in which appeared in particular 
the strange imputation that he had "forbidden and 
burnt the books of the religious Law". The brother of 
*Abd al-Hamid, Muhanutiad (Mehmet) Reshad, 
succeeded him as Muhammad V. 

c Abd al-Hamid was exiled to Salonika. When the 
Balkan war broke out, in 1912, he was moved to 
the palace of Beylerbeyi (on the Bosphorus). He 
died there of pneumonia, on Sunday, 10 February 
1918, at the age of 75, and was buried in the turbe 
of his grandfather, Mahmud II. 

The two salient points of Abd al-Hamld's political 
system were absolutism and Panislamism. 

1) Absolutism (istibdad). — Although their power 
was unlimited, c Abd al-Hamld's predecessors inter- 
fered relatively little in the affairs of government. 
They usually left it to their plenipotentiary repre- 
sentative, the grand vizier (Sadr a'sam), who was 
regarded as their wekil-i mutlak (a term which has 
sometimes been translated as 'vicar absolute'). The 
government was "the (Sublime) Porte" of the grand 
vizier. c Abd al-Hamid wished to create an instrument 
of domination carrying even closer personal control, 
and he gave great importance to "the Palace" or 
"the Court". In Turkish, this was termed the 
Mabey{i)n, an Arabic term which means literally 
"that (which is) between (the private apartments 
and the Porte)". It was a separate building (within 
the precincts of Yildlz), and contained the offices 
of the chamberlains (mdbeyndii) and of the rappor- 
teurs or referendaries (dmedji or dmedl). Hence the 
power of the first secretary of the Mdbeyn (of the 
sultan, in actual fact) — Tahsin Pasha, for instance — 
or of a second secretary such as 'Izzet 'Abed, a 
Syrian who was the object of public execration. 
The palace of YUdlz, usually shortened to Yildlz 
[q.v.], with its harem and its administrative depart- 
ments, became a sort of town with several thousand 
residents — a town half shrouded in secrecy, which 
long haunted and terrified people's imaginations, 
often without Cause. 

This system, carried on at a time when there 
existed a strong revolutionary ferment, was not 
calculated to discourage conspiracies, and it was 
only by miraculous good fortune that c Abd al-Hamid 
escaped an Armenian bomb in 1905. This only 
intensified the fear and suspicion which dominated 
all his life. He encouraged informing and espionage, 
which developed into an incredibly complicated 
network. The name khafiyye, which means literally 
"secret (police)" finally came to include the whole 
range of informers and spies, from the highest social 
levels to the lowest. Written denunciations were 
known as diurnal, from an expression borrowed for- 
merly from Muhammad c Ali of Egypt, and which 
meant originally "daily administrative report". 

The severity of the censorship reached a degree 
of ineptitude that seems incredible, but is proved 
by authentic documents. The censor struck out words 
like wafan, "fatherland", because it was a conception 
that implied rivalry to dynasty and religion, and 

other words, such as liberty, explosion, bomb, 
regicide, murder, plot, etc. 

2) Panislamism. — c Abd al-Hamid had a deep sense 
of the importance of his role (which was, however, 
debatable) of khalifa, by virtue of which he was 
protector of the religion of Islam (art. 3 of the 
Constitution of 1876). He greatly esteemed Djamal 
al-dln al-Afghani [q.v.], who had held out to him the 
bright prospect of bringing the Shi'ites themselves 
back into the bosom of Sunnism. This sterile and 
even dangerous policy was largely based on the 
illusion that he could count on the loyalty of the 
Arabs, his spoilt children. 

Strangely enough, the Turcologist Arminius 
Vambery, a Hungarian Jew who was on terms of 
friendship with 'Abd al-Hamid, encouraged him in 
these tendencies. They had one useful result at 
least, in that they prompted c Abd al-Hamid to 
build the Hidjaz railway to the holy places of Islam. 
This undertaking, which had also strategic value 
because of the frequent troubles in the Yaman, and 
of which c Abd al-Hamid was justly proud, was 
paid for by collections made exclusively among 
Muslims, and by the revenue from the "Hidjaz- 
stamp". The railway was begun on 1 September 1900, 
on the 25th anniversary of the Sultan's accession. 
It was also the indirect cause of the Anglo-Turkish 
dispute over Taba and the Gulf of c Akaba, in which 
England appeared for the first time (1906) as the 
official defender of Egyptian interests. The line 
reached Medina in 1908. 

Another manifestation of Panislamism was less 
successful. This was the sending to Japan of the 
screw training ship Ertogrul, a wooden vessel that 
went down within sight of the Japanese coast 
(25 September 1890). 

The European press and caricaturists accused 
c Abd al-Hamid of blind fanaticism, and branded 
him with the name of 'Red Sultan' because of the 
role attributed to him in the suppression of revolts 
or of bloody conflicts in Macedonia and Crete, and 
especially Armenia (risings in 1894 and 1895, raid 
on the Ottoman Bank in 1896). The least that can 
be said, indeed, is that he did little or nothing to 
prevent horrible massacres (just as he did nothing 
to prevent extortion). On the other hand, the 
atrocities had begun before his time, and did not 
stop after his disappearance. The Turkish population, 
fanaticized for these occasions, was not the only 
one to take part. There were also other Muslims: 
the Circassian immigrants from the Caucasus, and 
the Kurds. 

It would be unjust to judge c Abd al-Hamid, who 
has so often been accused of obscurantism, without 
giving him credit for all the institutions established 
during his reign. 

Physically, c Abd al-Hamid had regular features, 
an aquiline nose and lightcoloured eyes, but as he 
grew older his appearance became that of a bent 
and hunted old man. He had a loud, deep voice, 
and knew how to be agreeable. In his dress he was 
quiet, very simple, and distinguished. He was a man 
of contrasts. Very approachable, unlike most of the 
Ottoman sultans, he was given to sudden fits of 
anger, which were, however, quickly suppressed. 
Authoritarian to the point of despotism, very 
intelligent, and possessed of an excellent memory, 
he had an exceptional capacity for work, and liked 
to deal with all affairs himself — a paralysing trait 
in the head of a State. 

Bibliography: Works, in alphabetical order 

of authors, which, without being general histories 


of Turkey, are devoted entirely or in part to 
c Abd al-Hamld. (No sultan has elicited in Europe 
so many studies, for the most part tendentious). 
<Abd til-Rahman Sheref and Ahmed Refik, 
Sultan 'A. thdniye daHr (deposing; burial), Istanbul 
1918; 'All Haydar Midhat Bey, Midhat-Pacha, sa 
vie, son oeuvre (chap, v), Paris 1908 (Turkish 
version, Cairo 1322/1906); idem, Hatlralarlm 
1872-1946, Istanbul 1946, 194-216; c Ali Nouri, 
Vnter dem Scepter des Sultan, Berlin 1908; Ali 
Vahbi Bey, Pensies et souvenirs de V ex-sultan 
C A., Paris, n.d.; P. Anmeghian, Pour le jubiU 
du Sultan, Brussels 1900; B. Bareilles, Les Tuns, 
Paris 1917, chap, viii; V. Berard, La politique 
du Sultan, Paris 1897; H. Borotra, Lettres orien- 
tates, Paris 1893, 74-86, 90-2; Bresnitz von 
Sydatoff, C A. und die Ckristenvervolgungen in der 
Turkei, Berlin 1896; G. Charmes, L'avenir de la 
Turquie.-Le Panislamisme, Paris 1883 (a remark- 
able and objective study) ; Damad Mahmud Pacha, 
Lettre au sultan A., Paris 1900; idem, Protes- 
tation . . ., n. p., n. d. ; (Turkish text, Cairo) ; 
Anna Bownan [Blacke] Dodd, In the Palace of 
the Sultan, New York 1903; G. Dorys (pseudonym), 
A. intime (7th ed.) Paris, 1907; the same work in 
Engl, transl. (N. Y. 1901), and in Germ. (Munich 
1902) ; E. Fazy, Les Turcs d'aujourd'hui ou le grand 
Karagheuz, Paris 1898, 217-61 (Turkish transl. 
by Djemil Zekl and Refik Newzat, Paris 1898); 
P. Fesch, Consple aux demiers jours d'A., Paris 
1907; P. Fremont, A. et son rigne, Paris 1895; 
E. Freville, Deux audience impiriales . . ., Reims 
1903; A. Fua, A. et M our ad V, masque de fer, 
Paris 1909; G. Gaulis, La mine d'un empire. A., 
ses amis et ses peuples, Paris 1913; R. Gillon, 
Vers Stamboul, suivi d'une annexe sur le regime 
hamidien et la Turquie constitutionnelle, Courtrai 
1908; G. des Godins de Souhesnes, Au pays des 
Osmanlis, Paris 1894, chap, xiv: Flagorneries ; 
J. Grand-Carteret, Une Turquie nouvelle pour les 
Turcs — La Turquie en images, Paris 1908 (repro- 
ductions of caricatures) ; C. Hecquard, La Turquie 
sous A., Brussels 1901; Hidayette, A. revolution- 
naire..., Zurich 1896; P. Imbert, La renovation 
de I'Empire Ottoman . . ., Paris 1909 (Turkish 
transl. by Hasan Ferhat-Angel, Istanbul, 1329/ 
1913; Ismail Kemal Bey, The memoirs of..., ed. 
t>y Sommerville Story, London 1920; Kamil Pasha, 
Khatlrat... 1st., 1329/1913; Kamil Pashanln A'-yan 
ReHsi SaHd Pashaya Djewdblari, 1st. 1328/1912; 
A. H. Kober, Zwischen Donau und Bosporus, 
Frankfurt/M. ; de Keratry, Mourad V, Paris 1878 
<a good, objective work); K. Kiintzer, A. und 
die Reformen. . ., Dresden 1897; E. Le Jeune and 
Diran Bey, Comment on sauve un empire ou S. M. 
le sultan ghazi A. khan II, Paris 1895; A. de 
Lusignan, The twelve years' reign of A..., London 
1889; MacColl (Malcolm), Le sultan et les grandes 
Puissances, transl. from Engl., Paris 1890; F. 
MacCullagh, The fall of A., London 1910; Mehmet 
Memduh Pasha, Taswir-i Ahwdl, Tenwir-i Istihbdl, 
Izmir 1328/1912; ibid., KhalHer idjldslar, 1st. 
1329/1913, 133-78; Melek Hanoum, A.'s 
daughter, the tragedy of an Ottoman princess, 
London 191 3; Muhammad Abu '1-Huda Efendi, 
Hadha Diwdn... (Poems in Arabic, in honour 
of A.), Cairo 1897; Mustafa Refik, Ein kleines 
Sundenregister A.'s. Dem jungtiirkischen Komite 
in Genf zugeeignet, Geneva 1899; N. Nicolaides, 
S. M. Imp. A. khan II, sultan, reformateur et 
riorganisateur , Brussels 1907; ibid., S. M. I. A. 
Khan II, I'Empire ott. et les puissances balkaniques, 
Encyclopaedia of Islam 

Brussels 1908; ibid., Lettre ouverte a S.M. I. le 
Sultan A. khan II, Rome 1908; Sultana Nitisha, 
My harem life, an intimate autobiography of the 
sultan's favourite, London 1939; 'Othman Nurl 
'Ergin', A.-i Thdni we Dewr-i Saltaneti, 1st., 
1327/1911; O.P., Mourad V, vrai kalife, sultan 
Ugitime a A. II, usurpateur. Leare d S.M. I'Emp. 
d'Allemagne, Paris 1898; E. Pears, Life of A., 
London 1917; ibid., Forty years in Consple., 
1873-1915, London 1916; L. Radet and H. Lebrun, 
Rifutation des accusations dirigees contre le sultan 
A. II, Paris 1882; P. de Regla (P. A. Desjardin), 
La Turquie officielle, Paris 1881 ; ibid., Au pays 
de Vespionnage. Les Sultans Mourad V a A. II, 
Paris, n.d.; A. Renouard, Chez les Turcs en 1881, 
Paris 1881, chap, xiii; G. Rizas, Les mysteres de 
Yildiz ou A.,sa vie politique a intime, Consple. 1909 
(copies textually from G. Dorys, P. de Regla, etc.); 
G. Roy, A., le sultan rouge, Paris 1936 (biographical 
novel) ; G. Sabungi and L. Bari, Jehan Aftab, 'the 
sun of the world', A.'s last love, Detroit 1923; Sa'id 
Pashanln Khatlratl, 1st. 1328/1912; SaHd Pashanln 
Kamil Pasha Khafiratina Djewdblari : Sharki 
Rumeli, Mlslr ve Ermeni Meselelerl, 1st. 1327/1911 ; 
H. de Schwiter, 3 Sultans, d' Abdul Azis & A., Paris 
1900; B. Stern, A. II, seine Familie und sein 
Hofstadt, Budapest 1901; idem, Der Sultan und 
seine Politik, Leipzig 1900; idem, Jungtiirken und 
Verschwdrer . . ., Leipzig 1901 ; Tahsln Pasha, 
A. ve Ylldlz hatlraiarl, 1st., 1931; Yousouf Fehmi 
or J. Fehmi, Les coulisses hamidiennes devoilees 
par un Jeune Turc, 1904; Z. Ziya Sakir, Ikinci 
Sultan Hamid, 1st. 1343. 

On the grand viziers of C A., see Ibnulemin 
Mahmut Kemal Inal, Osmanll devrinde son 
sadrazamlar, 1st. 1340-50. 

The numerous articles in periodicals are not 
given. (J. Deny) 

C ABD al HAMlD B. Ya^ya b. Sa c d, the 
founder of Arabic epistolary style, mawld 
of the Kurashl clan of c Amir b. Lu'ayy. He was 
probably a native of al-Anbar, and is said to have 
been a travelling pedagogue before he was employed 
in the Umayyad secretariat under Hisham's chief 
secretary, the mawld Salim; he was then attached 
to MarwSn b. Muhammad, whom he continued to 
serve as chief secretary after Marwan's accession to 
the Caliphate. He refused to desert his master in 
misfortune and is generally said to have shared 
his fate at Buslr on 26 Dhu 'l-Hidjdja 132/5 August 
750. According to another account he took refuge 
in the house of his disciple Ibn al-Mukaffa c , but was 
traced and seized. His descendants continued to live 
in Egypt under the name of Banu '1-Muhadjir and 
furnished secretaries to Ahmad b. Tulun. 

The surviving compositions of c Abd al-Hamid, 
comprising six formal rasdHl and a few chancery 
pieces and private letters, exhibit a remarkable 
divergence of styles. His most elaborate risala, a 
long epistle addressed to Marwan's son and heir 
c Abd Allah, with advice on personal conduct, 
ceremonial, and the conduct of war, is composed 
in a language and style based on the idioms, rhythms, 
and vivid metaphors of Arabic poetry and rhetoric, 
but elaborated by the addition of often lengthy 
sequences of qualifying clauses. Since the same style 
appears in most of his other official rasdHl, it can 
only be conjectured (in the absence of earlier secre- 
tarial documents) that this feature — unusual in both 
earlier and later Arabic style — is to be traced to 
Greek influences in the Umayyad s 


His most famous risala, on the other hand, that 
addressed to the Secretaries (kuttdb), setting forth 
the dignity of their office and their responsabilities, 
is fluent, simple and straightforward. A comparison 
of its contents with the writings of Ibn al-Mukaffa c 
and later quotations from Persian works shows clearly 
that it is inspired by the tradition of the Sasanid 
secretariat, and largely reproduces with an Islamic 
gloss the maxims of the Iranian dibhers (see A. 
Christensen, L'Iran sous Us Sassanides 1 , Copenhagen, 
1944, 132 ff.). Also of Persian inspiration, and quite 
distinct from the traditional Arabic presentation 
of the subject, is his risala describing the incidents 
of a hunt, evidently written for the entertainment 
of the court. A large proportion of the maxims ad- 
dressed to the prince in the first risala mentioned 
above are also derived from Sasanid court ceremonial 
and usages, although the military instructions are 
more probably influenced by Greek tactics, either 
through literary channels or from actual experience 

It would appear, therefore, that both views 

expressed by later Arabic critics in regard to <Abd 

al-Hamid are justified, in spite of their apparent 

incompatibility. On the one hand is the statement 

(e.g. al- c Askari, Dlwdn al-Ma'dni, ii, 89) that " c Abd 

al-Hamid extracted from the Persian tongue the 

modes of secretarial composition which he illustrated, 

and transposed them into the Arabic tongue". On 

the other hand there is the description of him 

(e.g. Ibn <Abd Rabbih, aW-Ikd al-Farid, ii, 169 

(1321) = iv, 165 (1944/1363) as having been "the 

first to open up the buds of rhetoric, to smooth 

out its ways, and to loosen poetry from its bonds". 

He was also a master of pithy epigram, several 

examples of which are recorded in the adab works. 

Bibliography: Djahshiyari, Wnzara' (Mzik), 

68-83 (Cairo 1938, 45-54); Istakhri, 145; Ibn 

Khallikan, no. 378 (trad, de Slane, ii, 173-5); 

Diamharat RasdHl al-'Arab, ed. A. Z. Safwat, 

Cairo 1937, ii, 433-8, 473-556 (edition of the 

rasdHl from the MS. of Aljmad b. Abi Tahir 

Tayfur) ; M. Kurd <Ali, RasdHl al-Bulaghd*, Cairo 

1946, 173-226; idem, in MM1A, ix, 513-31, 

557-600 (= Umard al-Baydn, Cairo 1937, i, 38-98); 

Taha Husayn, Min Hadith al-Shi'r wa 'l-Nathr', 

Cairo 1948, 34-52; Brockelmann, S I, 105. 

(H. A. R. Gibb) 
<ABD AL-tfAMlD LAHAWRl, Indo-Persian 
historian, died 1065/1654-5, author of the Pddshdh- 
ndma, an official history of the Indian sultan Shah 
Djahan. The work is composed of three parts, each 
containing the history of one decade. Only the first 
two parts, comprising the years 1037-1057, were 
written by c Abd al-Hamid; the last part was 
arranged by his pupil Muhammad Warith. Parts I 
and II were published in the Bibliotheca Indica, 

Bibliography: Elliot and Dowson, History 0/ 
India, vii, 3 ff. ; Storey, ii, fasc. 3, 574-7. 
'ABD al-HAYY, Abu 'l-Hasanat Muhammad, 
the son of Mawlawi 'Abd al-Halim, an Indian 
theologian of the Hanafl school, associated with 
the famous seminary of Farangi Mahall, Lucknow, 
was born at Banda in Bundelkhand in 1264/1848. 
He studied with his father and another scholar till 
the age of seventeen, when he began to assist his 
father as a teacher. He twice made the pilgrimage 
to Mecca, where he met the Mufti Ahmad b. Zayni 
Dahlan [q.v.], from whom he obtained idjaza for 
a large number of works. He wrote glosses and 

in the Indian niadrasas, besides numerous works 
chiefly on religious and legal topics, mentioned by 
himself in his al-Ndfi c al-Kablr and in his introduction 
to his edition of al-Shaybani's recension of the 
Muwatta' (Delhi 1297, 27-9). As a work of general 
interest and utility, special mention is due to his 
al-FawdHd al-Bahiyya fi Tarddjim al-Hana/iyya 
(Delhi 1293; Cairo 1324), which is an abridgement, 
with additional biographical notices, of Mahmud b. 
Sulayman al-Kaffawi's KatdHb AHam al-Akhydr. 
He was a distinguished and influential teacher, 
whose lectures were attended by a large number 
of students, who achieved prominence as teachers, 
and scholars in their own turn. One of his pupils, 
Mawlawi Haflz Allah wrote his biography under the 
title of Kanz al-Barakat. He died at Lucknow in 

Bibliography: Raljman 'AH, Tadhkirat c Ula- 
md? Hind (in Persian, Lucknow 1894 and 1914), 
1 14-7; Zubaid Ahmad, The Contribution 0/ India 
to Arabic Literature (Jullundur 1946), 114, 186; 
Sarkis, Dictionnaire de bibliographic Arabe (Cairo 
1928), col. 1595-7; Brockelmann, S II, 857-78 
(where works nos. 18 and 19 are wrongly ascribed 
to the subject of this article). 

(Sh. Inayatullah) 
C ABD al KADIR b. £HAYBl al-Hafiz al- 
MaraghI, the greatest of the Persian writers 
on music. Born at Maragha, about the middle 
of the 8th/i4th century, he had become one of 
the minstrels of al-Husayn, the Djala'irid Sultan 
of c Irak, about 781/1379. Under the next Sultan, 
Ahmad, he was appointed the chief court minstrel, 
a post which he held until Timur captured Baghdad 
in 795/1393, when he was transported to Samarkand, 
the capital of the conqueror. In 801/1399 we find 
him at Tabriz in the service of Timur's wayward 
son Miranshah, for whose erratic conduct his "boon 
companions" were blamed. Timur acted swiftly with 
the sword, but 'Abd al-Kadir, being forewarned, 
escaped to Sultan Ahmad at Baghdad, although he 
once more fell into Timur's hands when the latter 
re-entered Baghdad in 803/1401. Taken back to 
Samarkand, he became one, of the four brilliant men 
who shed lustre on the court of Shahrukh. In 824/ 
1421, having written a music treatise for the Turkish 
Sultan Murad II, he set out for the Ottoman court 
to present it in person in 826/1423. Later he returned 
to Samarkand, dying at Harat in 838/March 1435. 
Of the fame of c Abd al-Kadir in his day, and s ; nce, 
there can be little doubt. Mu c in al-DIn-i Isfizari, the 
author of the Rawdat al-Qxanndt, eulogizes him foi 
his threefold talents as musician, poet, and painter, 
but it was more especially for his skill in music that 
he was called "the glory of the past age". In addition 
to being a deft performer on the lute ( c h<2») and a 
prolific composer (tasniji), he excelled as a music 
theorist. His most important treatise on music is 
the Didmi* al-Alhdn ("Encyclopaedia of Music"), 
autographs of which are preserved at the Bodleian 
Library and the Nuru 'OthmSniyya Library, Istanbul. 
The first of these, written in 808/1405 for his son 
Nur al-Din 'Abd al-Rahman, was revised by the 
author in 816/1413. The second, dated 818/1415, 
carries a dedication to Sultan Shahrukh. Several 
abridgments of this work by the author also exist, 
notably a shorter one, an autograph, without title, 
dated 821/1421, which is at the 3odleian. It was 
written, evidently, for Baysunghur. A longer version 
in the same library, called the Makdsid al-Alhdn 
("Purports of Music"), written about 834-7/1421-3, 
was dedicated to the Turkish Sultan Murad II, 




according to the Leiden copy. A third treatise on 
music, the Kanz al-Tuhaf ("Treasury of Music") 
which contained the author's notated compositions, 
has not survived. His last work, the Shark al-Adwdr 
("Commentary on the [Kitdb al-] Adwdr" [of SafI al- 
Dln]), is to be found in the Nuru 'Othmaniyya 
Library. At Leiden there is a short Kitdb al-Adwdr 
in Turkish bearing his name. These works are of 
great importance in the history of Persian, Arabian, 
and Turkish music. Although only a few of his 
musical compositions have survived in the Diami 1 . 
many have been handed down viva voce in a form 
known in Turkish as the k'dr. 

A son, 'Abd al-'AzIz, who is thought to have 
settled at the Ottoman court after 1435, was the 
author of a music treatise, the Nakawat al-Adwdr 
("The Select of the Modes"), dedicated to the 
Turkish Sultan Muhammad II (d. 886/1481), whilst 
a grandson, Mahmud, who lived under Bayazid II 
(d. 918/1512), compiled a Makdsid al-Adwdr ("Pur- 
ports of the Modes"), both mss. being at the Nuru 
'Othmaniyya Library. 

Bibliography: Kh'andamir, iii, 3, 212: 

Dawlatshah, see index; Sharaf al-Din Yazdl, 

Zalar-ndma, i, 619; English version of the same 

History of Timur-Bec (1723), i, 439. 537-8; 

Munadidjim-bashi, iii, 57; Belin, Notice sur Mir 

Ali-Chir Nevdi, in J A, 1861, i, 283-4; Barbier de 

Meynard, Chronique Persane d'Hirdt, J A, 1862, ii, 

275-6; Browne, iii, 191, 384; Ra'uf Yekta, La mu- 

sique turque (Lavignac, Encyclopidie de la musique, 

pp. 2977-9); Ethe and Sachau, Catalogue of 

Persian . . . MSS. in the Bodleian Library, pp. 

1057-63; Catalogus codicum orientalium Bibl. Acad. 

Lugduno Bataviae, 1851-77, ii, 302-5; Nuru 

'Othmaniyya kutubkhdna defteri, Istanbul, Nos. 

3644, 3646, 3649, 3651; J. B. N. Land, Ton- 

schriftversuche und Melodieproben aus dem muham- 

medanischen Mittelalter (Vierteljahrsschrift fiir 

Musikwissenschaft, ii, 1886); Farmer, History of 

Arabian Music, 1929, 198-200. (H. G. Farmer) 

'ABD al-$ADIR b. MUHYI al-DIN al-HasanI, 

the Amir Abd el-Kader, descended from a 

family which originated in the Rif and had settled 

among the Hashim, was born in 1223/1808 at the 

guetna of the Wadi al-Hammam, some twenty 

kilometres west of Mascara. Studies at Arzew, then 

at Oran, marriage, and a pilgrimage to Mecca in 

1244/1828-9 were the most outstanding events in a 

youth that was devoted to the reading of sacred 

books and to physical exercises, under the direction 

of his father, who, by his piety and charity, had 

acquired a great influence. 

The indecision shown by the French after the 
capture of Algiers (5 July 1830) in the organization 
of their conquest favoured Muljyl al-Din in Orania, 
and he took the initiative in the strunggle against the 
Christians, but soon yielded first place to his son, 
who was proclaimed sultan of the Arabs on 5 Radjab 
1248/22 November 1832 by the Hashim, the Banu 
'Amir, and the Gharaba. In spite of the opposition 
of certain elements of the population and the failure 
of his supporters before Oran and Mostaganem 
(1833), 'Abd al-Kadir's action prevented the paci- 
fication of the country. This- state of affairs prompted 
General Desmichels to treat with his adversary 
(4 and 26 February 1834). Thus officially recognized 
the new Amir of the Faithful extended his authority 
to the gates of Algiers (April 1835), but his claims 
provoked the renewal of hostilities. First Clauzel 
and then Bugeaud avenged the defeat on the Macta 
(28 June) by burning Mascara (6 December), occupy- 

ing Tlemcen (13 January 1836), and winning a great 
victory on the Wadi Sikkak (6 July); but these 
successes were fruitless. Three times abandoned by 
his troops, 'Abd al-Kadir immediately regrouped 
them. The position of the French remained precarious, 
with their towns invested, their columns ceaselessly 
harassed, and their allies receiving heavy punish- 
ment. The desire to be secured against attacks in 
the west while, an expedition against Constantine 
was being carried out led Louis-Philippe's govern- 
ment to negotiate. By the signature of the treaty 
of the Tafna (30 May 1837) Bugeaud repeated, in 
a worse form, the mistake made by Desmichels. 
Though the French kept Oran, Arzew, Mostaganem, 
Blida, and Kolea, the Amir obtained the whole 
province of Oran, part of that of Algiers, as well as 
the whole bayllk of Titteri. 

From June 1837 to November 1839 'Abd al- 
Kadir used the cessation of hostilities to organize the 
territories that had been handed over to him. 
After establishing his capital at Tagdempt, he 
travelled about his new state, imposing chiefs, by 
force if necessary, on all the tribes between Morocco 
in the west and Kabylia in the east, and gaining 
recognition for his domination as far as the Sahara. 

In the course of these journeys 'Abd al-Kadir, 
taking advantage of the faulty wording of the 
Treaty of the Tafna, had gone beyond the boun- 
daries that had been assigned to him; Marshal 
Valee therefore submitted to him a draft of an 
additional treaty which accurately indicated, and 
reduced, the territories over which France recognized 
his rights, but he refused to ratify it. The 'Iron 
Gates' expedition, in the course of which the Duke 
of Orleans linked Constantine to Algiers, provided 
the Amir with a pretext for restarting the war. On 
20 November 1839 his forces invaded the Mitldja, 
sacking farms and massacring settlers. Algiers was 
threatened. The occupation of Miliana, then of 
Medea (May-June 1840) by the French did not ease 
their difficulties, for the supplying of their garrisons 
made necessary the movement of convoys which 
were exposed to continual attack. 

The nomination of Bugeaud as governor-general 
(29 December 1840) changed the course of events; 
he realized that Algeria would never be pacified 
until the power of 'Abd al-Kadir was crushed and 
until the tactics of 'active columns' took the place 
of 'limited occupation'. Between 1841 and 1843 he 
seized the towns of Tagdempt, Mascara, Boghar, 
Taza, Saida, Tlemcen, Sebdou and Nedroma, and 
sent out expeditions with instructions to capture 
his enemy and destroy his supporters. The capture 
of the smala (16 May 1843), the travelling capital 
of the Amir, was a serious blow to him. The tribes 
submitted to France. Hunted and weakened, 'Abd al- 
Kadir took refuge at the end of the year on the borders 
of Morocco, to obtain shelter, to recruit soldiers, and 
to compromise French relations with that empire. 

His hopes were not deceived. The occupation of 
Lalla Maghnia by la Moriciere stirred up a conflict, 
but the bombarding of Tangier and Mogador (6 and 
15 August 1844) and the victory of the Isly (14 
August) compelled the Sultan Mawlay 'Abd al- 
Rahman to refuse his guest any support and to 
declare him an outlaw. 'Abd al-Kadir appeared 
again in Algeria in 1846 to take the lead in. the 
insurrections which were breaking out on all sides. 
His first successes (Sidi-Brahim, 23 September) 
seemed to promise final triumph for his cause. No 
less than eighteen columns were needed to stem 
the revolt and to throw the Amir back into Morocco 


(July 1846), where he was now the object of the 
hostility of the Sultan, who feared in him a dangerous 
rival. Attacked by the tribes, and pursued by the 
Sharif ian troops, 'Abd al-Kadir crossed the Algerian 
frontier again. Finding all lines of escape towards 
the south closed to him, he gave himself up to the 
Due d'Aumale on 23 December 1847. 

In spite of the promise to him that he would be 
transported to Acre or to Alexandria, 'Abd al-Kadir 
was, with his suite, interned successively at Toulon, 
at Pau, and then at Amboise. Released by the 
Prince- President Louis-Napoleon on 16 October 
1852, the former leader of Algeria in revolt now 
received a pension from the France of which he had 
become the loyal subject, and went to live in retire- 
ment first at Brusa (1853) and then at Damascus 
(1855). It was in this town that he proved in a very 
special way the sincerity of his loyalty, by delivering 
the French consul and saving several thousand persons 
when the Druses tried to massacre the Christian popu- 
lation (July i860). He died there in the night of 25 
to 26 May 1883, having passed his time during his exile 
in meditation, the practice of his faith, and charity. 
Bibliography: Paul Azzn,L'Emir Abd el-Kader, 
Paris 1925; in appendix, list of manuscript and 
printed sources used by the author. Bibliographic 
militaire des ouvrages .... relatifs a I'Algirie, a la 
Tunisie et au Maroc, Paris 1930, vol. i, 126-219, 
vol. ii, 300-6; M. Emerit and H. Peres, Le 
texte arabe du traiti de la Tafna, in RAfr. 1950; 
M. Emerit, L'Algirie a Vipoque d'Abd el-Kader, 
Paris 195 1 (Collection de documents inedits sur 
l'histoire de l'Algerie, 2nd Series, vol. iv); La 
crise syrienne et I'expansion iconomique franfaise 
en i860, in Rev. Hist., 1952; W. Blunt, The Desert 
Hawk, London 1947. — Works of 'Abd al-Kadir: 
Nuzhat al-Khatir fi Karid al-Amir c Abd al-Kadir, 
a collection of poetry (Cairo, n.d.) ; see H. Peres, 
Les poesies d'Abd el-Kader composies en Algerie et 
en France (Cinquantenaire de la Faculte des Lettres 
d'Alger, 1932, 357-412); Dhikrd al-'Akil wa 
Tanbih al-Ghdfil (Beyrouth n.d.), translated by 
Gustave Dupat under the title of Rappel d Vintel- 
ligent, avis d I' indifferent (Paris 1858); Wishdh 
al-KatdHb (army regulations for 'A's regular 
troops), trans, by V. Rosetty in Le spectateur 
militaire, 15 Febr. 1844, repub. by L. Patomi, 
Algiers 1890. (Ph. de Cosse-Brissac) 

'ABD al-UADIR BADA'CNl [see bada'unI]. 
'ABD al-SADIR b. 'Umar al-BAGHDADI, a 
well-known philologist, born in Baghdad in 
1030/1621 and died in Cairo in 1093/1682. His 
early education began in Baghdad, which from 
941/1534 had been the scene of a fierce struggle 
between the Safawids and the 'Uthmanlis. When in 
1048/1638 it was retaken by the Turks, under the 
personal direction of Murad IV, 'Abd al-Kadir left 
for Damascus. He had by that time acquired a 
thorough acquaintance with Arabic, Persian and 
Turkish. He studied Arabic in Damascus with Muh. 
b. Kamal al-Dln al-Husayni, the nakib of Syria, 
and with Muh. b. Yahya al-Fara'idl. In 1050/1640 
he went to Cairo and studied, in al-Azhar, the 
religious and foreign sciences, particulary with al- 
KhafadjI and Yasin al-Himsi. Due to his extensive 
reading, even al-KhafadjI used to consult him 
about difficult questions. On the death of al-KhafadjI 
in 1069/1659, 'Abd al-Kadir acquired the greater 
part of his shavkh's library, and developed it 
further. It is said to have contained a thousand 
diwdns of the pure Arabs (al- c Arab al-'Ariba), 
enriched by various scholars with their scholia. 

His library was unique for those times, cf. 
Khizdna, i, 2. In Dhu '1-Ka'da 1077 he visited 
Istanbul, but returned to Cairo after less than four 
months, in 1078. In the same year, he made the 
acquaintance of Ibrahim Pasha Katkhuda, governor 
of Egypt, who treated him with great respect and 
made him his associate and boon-companion. Some 
years later, when Katkhuda was deposed from the 
governorship and returned home through Syria 
(reaching Damascus in 1085), c Abd al-Kadir 
accompanied him and sojourned in Adrianople. He 
made the acquaintance of the learned grand-vizier 
of Turkey, Ahmad Pasha al-Fadil Kopriilii-zade, 
and dedicated to him his masterly gloss on Ibn 
Hisham's Sharh Bdnat Su'-id. Al-Muhibbi, son of 
an old friend of 'Abd al-Kadir, who saw him in 
Adrianople, records that he enjoyed, in this period, 
the highest regard and respect of the important 
personages of Turkey. But after a while he was 
attacked by a disease, and as a cure could not be 
affected by the physicians, he left for Cairo in disgust, 
though he came back later. This time he caught a 
disease of the eye and almost lost his sight. He 
returned to Cairo and died there shortly after. 

He knew by heart the Makdmdt of al-Hariri, many 
Arabic diwdns and numerous Persian and Turkish 
verses. He had a fine critical sense and a profound 
knowledge of Arabic philology, Arabic poetry, the 
history of the Arabs and Persians, Arabic proverbs 
and anecdotes. 

He wrote a number of useful books. Among these 
are: 1) The Khizanat al-Adab wa Lubb Lubdb Lisdn 
al- c Arab (Cairo, 1299/1882, 1347/1928-9 [publication 
stopped in 1353 after shdhid 331]), a com- 
mentary on the- 957 shawdhid quoted by al-Radl 
al-Astarabadi (d. 686/1287) in his Sharh on Ibn al- 
Hadjib's Kdfiya. It was begun in Cairo in 1073/1663 
and finished there in 1079/1668 (after a brief inter- 
ruption due to his visit to Istanbul) and dedicated 
to Muljammad IV (1058-99/1648-87). It seems 
originally to have been divided into eight volumes 
(see al-Muhibbi). 2) A commentary on the shawdhid 
cited in al-Radi's Sharh of Ibn Hadjib's Shdfiya. To 
this he appended a Sharh of the shawdhid of the 
Sharh of al-Djarabardi on the Shdfiya. 3) Gloss on 
Ibn Hisham's Sharh Bdnat Su'dd (MS in Rampur 
I- 583)- 4) Sharh al-Maksurat al-Duraydiyya. 
5) Lughat-i Shdh-ndma, edited by C. Salemann, 
St. Petersburg 1895. 6) Sharh al-Tuhfa al-Shd- 
hidiyya bi 'l-Lugha al- c Arabiyya. For these and 
other works and for their existing MSS. see 
Brockelmann, S ii, 397, and the preface to the 
Khizdna, ed. of 1347. 

Bibliography: Abu 'Alawi Muh. b. Abi Bakr 
b. Ahmad Djamal al-Din al-Shilli al-Hadrami, c Ikd 
al-Djawdhir (Rampur I, 641, No. 173, p. 445); al- 
Muhibbl, Khuldsat al-Athar, ii, 451-4; I. Guidi, 
Sui poeti citati nell'opera Khizanat al-adab, in the 
Atti Acad. Lincei, 1887; 'Abd al-'AzIz MaymanI, 
Iklid al-Khizdna (index of titles of works occuring 
in the Khizanat al-Adab), Lahore 1927; list of the 
shawdhid, arranged alphabetically, according to 
initial letters (also of 'Ayni) compiled after 1299 
A.H., (my MS. acquired at Mecca); SamI Bey, 
Kdmus al-AHdm, iv, 3083; Brockelmann, II, 286, 
S II, 397. (Mohammad Shapi) 

'ABD al-KADIR DIHLAWl, Indian theo- 
logian, the third son of Shah Wall Allah Dihlawi 
[?.».], bom at Dilhi (Dehll) in 1167/1753-4. He is 
chiefly remembered for his Urdu translation of the 
Kur'an, accompanied by explanatory notes. Its title 
Mudih-i Kur'an ("Interpretation of the Kur'an") 


is the chronogram for 1 205/1 790-1, the date of the 
completion of the work. It was published at Houghly 
in 1245/1829; other editions, Lucknow 1263/1847 
and Bombay 1270/1853-4. Since then, it has been 
repeatedly lithographed interlineally along with the 
Arabic text. It is generally regarded as more faithful 
than the one prepared by his brother Shah Rafi c 
al-DIn. He died in 1228/1813. 

Bibliography: Garcin de Tassy, Hist, de la 
litt. Hindouie et Hindoustanie, 2nd ed., Paris 1870, 
i, 76 f f . ; idem, Chrestomathie hindoustanie ; Journal 
des Savants, 1873, 435-43! Suppl. Catalogue of 
Hindustani Books . . . Brit. Museum, London 1909, 
215-22 ; R. B. Saksena, A History of Urdu Literature, 
Allahabad 1940, 253-4; Siddlq Hasan Khan, 
Iksir fi Usui al-Tafsir, Cawnpore 1290, 106. 
(Sh. Inayatullah) 
'ABD AL-&ADIR al-DJIlAnI (or al-DjIlI), 
MuuyI al-DIn Abu Moh. b. AbI SAlih DjengI Dost, 
Hanbalite theologian, preacher and Sufi, 
who gave his name to the order of the Kadiriyya 
[q.v.]; b. 470/1077-8, d. 561/1166. The authors of 
the monographs about him considered him to be 
the greatest saint of Islam and their accounts of 
his life and activity were written out of edifying 
and missionary, rather than historical interest. 
Their writings have, therefore, little to contribute 
to a historical account of his life and only a small 
proportion of their data can be considered reliable. 
Apart from Abu '1-Mah5sin (al-Nudium al-Zdhira, 
ed. Juynboll, i, 698), who names as the birth-place 
of 'Abd al-Kadir Dill, a village between Baghdad 
and Wasit, all authorities are unanimous in stating 
that he was a Persian from Nayf (Nif) in Dylan, 
south of the Caspian Sea. The Persian name of his 
father not only supports this statement, but at the 
same time contradicts the common assertion that 
he was descended in the paternal line directly from 
al-Hasan, the grandson of the Prophet. Baghdad, 
where he came to study at the age of eighteen, 
remained the scene of his activities up to his death. 
Apart from numerous other teachers, he studied 
philology under al-Tibrizi (d. 502/1109), Hanbalite 
law under Abu '1-Wafa' b. al-'Akil, who had come 
over from the Mu'tazila to the rjanbalite madhhab 
(d. 513/1121), and under the kadi Abu Sa'd al- 
Mubarak al-Mukharrimi, hadith under Abu Muh. 
Dja'far al-Sarradj, author of the Masdri* al-<Ushskak 
(d. 500/1106). It was Abu '1-Khayr Hammad al- 
Dabbas (d. 523/1 131) who introduced him to sufism. 
This "syrup (dt'fts)-monger", who apparently never 
wrote any book, seems to have been in his time a 
highly appreciated master of sufism, whose ascetic 
piety and the strict discipline which he exercised 
over his novices are celebrated also by Ibn al-Athir 
(x, 472). The khirka, the sufi robe, was bestowed 
upon him, as the sign of the end of his noviciate, 
by al-Mukharrimi. He was fifty years old when he 
first appeared (521/1127) in public as a preacher. His 
fame as preacher and teacher seems to have spread 
quickly. Six years after his first appearance, the 
school of his old teacher al-Mukharrimi was given 
into his charge and was enlarged with financial aid 
from the rich and free labour from the poor. Here 
he was active as mufti, teacher of Kur'an-exegesis, 
hadith and fikh, and especially as a far-famed 
preacher. His reputation attracted numerous pupils 
from all parts of the Islamic world, and his persuasive 
discourses are said to have converted to Islam many 
Jews and Christians. The financial support which 
he received from his admirers enabled him, by making 
him independent, to exercise criticism that was 

heeded even at the court of the caliph, and to help 
the poor. His school was continued, with the help 
of pious endowments, by 'Abd al-Wahhab, one of 
his numerous sons, and by his descendants [see 

'Abd al-Kadir lived at a time when sufism was 
triumphant and expanding. In the century preceding 
him a conflict, tlfat had existed long before, assumed 
an acute form and became the concern of every 
individual. The consciousness of the individual as 
well as the whole of society was torn by the breach 
between secularism, religiously indifferent or religious 
only in a conventional way, on the one hand, and 
an intellectualist religion, at odds over theological 
doctrine, on the other. Innumerable are the com- 
plaints in literary works that express despair in face 
of the vanity of the "world", but also the emptiness 
of the legalistic religion, "dead knowledge handed 
down by dead people" (Abu Yazld al-Bistami). In 
such a situation sufism, as the embodiment of 
emotional religion, became in the generations prece- 
ding 'Abd al-Kadir, a wide-spread movement. The 
historical process pushed one problem into the 
foreground: how to reconcile the ascetic and mystic 
elements with religious law. Ibn 'Akll [q.v.], 'Abd 
al-Kadir 's teacher, met sufism, as befitted the 
zealous Hanbalite convert, with a definite no. The 
same attitude was later taken again and again by 
strict Hanbalites. This was not, however, the only 
possible way for them. Al-Ansari al-Harawi [q.v.] (d. 
481/1088), who conducted disputations in the strictest 
accordance with the school of Ahmad b. Hanbal (which 
he extolled with the motto madhhab Ahmad ahmad 
madhhab), wrote sufi books appealing to the emotions, 
and Ibn al-Djawzi [q.v.], who made violent attacks 
on the orgiastic piety of the sufi meetings, himself 
held, according to the testimony of Ibn Diubavr. 
meetings that are paradigmatic for sufi cult practice. 

This is the period in which 'Abd al-Kadir was 
active. He appears as a teacher of theology in his 
al-Qhunya li-Talibi Tarik al-Hakk (Cairo 1304). 
Starting with an exposition of the ethical and social 
duties of a Sunni Muslim, it sets forth in the form 
of a Hanbalite handbook the knowledge necessary 
for the believer, including a short expos6 of the 
seventy-three sects, and ends with an account of 
the particular way of sufism. Extreme Hanbalites 
have criticised the special duties taken upon them- 
selves by the sufis. According to Ibn Taymiyya, 
the particular litanies for certain days, taken over 
in the Qhunya from Makki's Kut al-Kulub, are 
reprehensible if they assume the character of a 
legal duty. Conflicts with the religious law, however, 
such as Ibn al-Djawzi, in his Talbis Iblis, finds among 
contemporary sufis, do not occur in the writings of 
'Abd al-Kadir. The unquestioning submission to the 
message of Muhammad, as it is set forth in the 
Kur'an and the sunna, excludes on the part of the 
sufi any claim to inspired revelation. The fulfilment 
of works of supererogation assumes the prior fulfil- 
ment of the demands of divine law. Ecstatic practices, 
though not forbidden, are allowed only with certain 
restrictions. Ascetism is limited by the duties towards 
family and society. The perfect sufi lives in his 
divine Lord, has a knowledge of the mystery of God, 
and yet this saint, even if he reaches the highest 
rank, that of a badal or a ghawth, cannot reach the 
grade of the prophets, not to speak of surpassing it, 
as some sufis were teaching. In the personality of 
'Abd al-Kadir the sufi is not at variance with the 

This appears also in his sermons contained in the 


collections al-Fath al-Rabbdni (62 sermons; Cairo 
1302) and Futuh al-Ghayb (78 sermons; on the 
margin of al-Shattanawfi) 'Abd al-Kadir often 
directs the attention of his audience to the perfect 
saint. Yet both the contents and the style show that 
the sermons were not addressed to exclusive sufi 
circles. The plain manner, avoiding sufi terminology, 
and the often very simple moral admonishment 
suggest that they were delivered before a large 
audience. Before men, who experience the power 
of fate as a permanent threat, he sets the ideal figure 
of man: the saint, who has overcome his accidental 
self and reached his essential being, conquering the 
fear of fate and death, because he participates in 
Him who orders fate and death. Sufism as taught by 
the Hanbalite 'Abd al-Kadir consists in fighting, in 
a djihdd greater than the holy war fought with weap- 
ons, against self-will; in thus conquering the hidden 
shirk, i.e. the idolatry of self and, in general, of 
creaturely things; in recognizing in all good and 
evil the will of God and living, in submission to His 
will, according to His law. 

Al-Shattanawfi" s work on 'Abd al-Kadir, Bahdjat 
al-Asrdr, from which several other writers derived 
their information, was written just over a hundred 
years after 'Abd al-Kadir's death. His account, 
rejected as untrustworthy already by al-Dhahabi 
(JRAS, 1907, 267 ft.), presents him as the supreme 
saint. He is not described according to the ideal of 
the saint conceived by 'Abd al-Kadir himself. He is 
not a man who serves as a symbol for cosmic resigna- 
tion, whose example can be followed by resigning this 
and the next world, by accepting in both of them 
the lot given by God. The figure of 'Abd al-Kadir 
as a saint, as it is drawn by al-Shattanawfi, is the 
outcome of a piety which relinquished the hope of 
being able to put the ideal into practice. 

According to the legend, 'Abd al-Kadir himself, 
by the sentence which remained closely associated 
with his name: "My foot is on the neck of every 
saint of God", laid claim to the highest rank and 
obtained the consent of all the saints of the epoch. 
A poem ascribed to him, al-Kasida al-Qhawthiyya, 
speaks, in a style that is very different from 
that of his authentic writings, of his mystery 
that has the power to extinguish fire, raise the 
dead, crush mountains, dry up seas, and of the 
exaltedness of his position. In the 'Abd al-Kadir 
of legend, the inconceivable, incomprehensible majes- 
ty of God has become manifest. From his earliest 
childhood, when he marked the beginning of the fast 
by refusing the breast of his mother, his life is a chain 
of miracles. His appearance, his knowledge and his 
power are all miraculous. He punishes distant sinners 
and assists the oppressed in a miraculous manner, 
walks upon water and moves 'hrough air. Nothing is 
impossible for him. Angels and djinns, "people of 
the hidden world", and even Muhammad himself, 
appear at his meeting and express their appreciation. 
When Ibn al-DjawzI recommends his hearers to 
confine themselves to the study of the religious 
sources and the literature dealing with them, but 
to read also edifying books, he does so because he 
realizes the danger of legalistic intellectualism. The 
sober Hanbalite, who "fought with passion against 
passion", had, however, in mind the biographies of 
the pious and exemplary people of the past. The 
literature about 'Abd al-Kadir does not describe a 
man who can be an example to other men. The 
subject of their description is the concrete presence 
of the Divine with its inconceivable and miraculous 
quality. In a situation in which it seemed that the 

claims of religion could not be complied with, the 
saint was experienced as the presentiality of that 
which was unattainable to human effort. The saint 
does not make demands, but bestows grace for men 
who worship the inconceivable. In this capacity, 
'Abd al-Kadir became one of the best known media- 
tors in Islam. His tomb, over which sultan Sulayman 
had a beautiful turba built in 941/1535, has remained 
to the present day one of the most frequented sanc- 
tuaries of Islam in Baghdad. 

Bibliography: The collection of legends by 

al-Shattanawfi was used among others by Muh. 

b. Yahya al-Tadafi, Kald'id al-Djawdhir, Cairo 

1331. Other works by 'Abd al-Kadir and on him, 

Brockelmann, I, 560, S I, 777. Carra de Vaux, 

Gazali, Paris 1902 -(European bibliography); D. S. 

Margoliouth, Contributions to the biography of ( Abd 

al-Kadir (after al-Dhahabi), JRAS, 1907, 267-310; 

W. Braune, Die Futuh al-daib des l Abd al-Qddir, 

Berlin 1933; G. W. J. Drewes and Poerbatjaraka, 

De mirakelen van A bdoelkadir Djaelani, Bandoeng 

1938: Futuh al-Ghayb, English transl. by Aftab 

ud-Din Ahmad (with uncritical introduction), 

Lahore, n. d. (W. Braune) 

'ABD al-KADIR b. «AlT b. YOsuf al-FASI, 

the most famous representative of the Moroccan 

family of the Fasiyyun, b. in al-Kasr al-Kablr 1077/ 

1599, d. 1091/1680. He was the head of the zdwiya 

of the Shadhiliyya in al-Kasr al-Kablr. He wrote a 

fahrasa and some books on hadith, but he is best 

known as one of the main representatives of Moroccan 

sufism at the beginning of the 17th century. His 

descendants form today a very numerous and 

important branch of the religious and' scholarly 

aristocracy of Fez (the inhabitants of the town being 

called, in order to avoid a confusion with the family 

of the Fasiyyun, ahl Fas). 

Bibliography : E. Levi-Provencal, Hist.Chorfa, 
264-5 (with references). (E. Levi-Provencal) 
'ABD alKAdIR at KURA£Hl. MuhvI al- 
Din 'Abd al-Kadir b. Muhammad b. Muhammad 
b. Nasr Allah b. Salim b. Abi 'l-Wafa j , Egyptian 
professor of Hanafite jurisprudence and biographer, 
born Sha'ban 696/May-;June 1297, died 7 RabI' I 
775/27 August 1373. 

He is best known for his collection of alphabetically 
arranged brief biographies of Hanafites, al-Qiawdhir 
al-Mudiyya fi Tabakat al-Ifanafiyya (Haydarabad 
1332/1913-4), a valuable reference work, generally 
considered to be the first to deal with its particular 
subject. Written in a country in which the Hanafite 
school was weakly represented, and in a period just 
preceding its renaissance, the work has little firsthand 
information but preserves much material, especially 
from Persian local histories. 

In addition, 'Abd al-Kadir wrote a biography of 
Abu Hanlfa (al-Bustdn fi Mandkib Imdmind al- 
Nu'mdn, used in Djaw. i, p. 26 ff.) and a collection 
of biographies of persons who died between 696/1297 
and 760/1359. His other publications (most complete 
lists in Ibn Kutlubugha ed. Fliigel, p. 28, and Ibn 
Tulun) belong to the ordinary run of juridical 
textbooks, commentaries, and indexes. 

Bibliography : Brockelmann, II, 96 f., S II, 89. 
Additional biographies in Ibn Hadjar, Inbd', anno 
775; Ibn Tulun, Ghuraf (ms.Shelud 'All 1924, 
fols. I4ib-i42a); Ibn al-'Imad, Shadhardt, vi, 238. 
References to his life and activities in D[aw., for 
instance: i, 21, 93 f., 292, 304, 323, 346, 353, 367; 
ii, 121, 127, 187, 204, 229 f., 428, 431 f., 440, 
444, 445 f. (F. Rosenthal) 


'ABD al-KARIM BUKHARl, a Persian 
historian, wrote in 1233/1818 a short summary 
of the geographical relations of Central Asiatic 
countries (Afghanistan, Bukhara, Khlwa, Khokand, 
Tibet and Kashmir), and of historical events in 
those countries from 1160 (accession of Ahmad Shah 
Durrani) down to his own times. 'Abd al-Karim 
had already left his native country in 1222/1807-8 
and accompanied an embassy to Constantinople; he 
remained there till his death, which took place after 
1246/1830, and wrote his book for the master of 
ceremonies 'Arif Bey. The only manuscript was 
obtained by Ch. Schefer from 'Arif Bey's estate and 
published in the PELOV (the text was printed in 
Bulak, 1290/1873-4, the French translation in Paris' 
in 1876). The Histoire de I'Asie Centrale is a most 
important authority for the recent history of Central 
Asia, especially for Bukhara, Khlwa and Khokand. 
(W. Barthold) 

'ABD al-KARIM, Kutb al-DIn b. IbrahIm 
al-DJILI. a Muslim mystic, descendant of the 
famous sufi 'Abd al-Kadir al-Djilani, was born in 
767/1365 and died about 832/1428. Little is known 
of his life, as the biographical works do not mention 
him. According to some of his own statements in 
al-Insdn al-Kdmil, he lived from 796/1393 until 
805/1402-3 in Zabid in Yaman together with his 
shaykh Sharaf al-DIn Isma'il al-Djabartl. In 790/ 
1387 he was in India. He wrote about thirty books 
and treatises, of which al-Insdn al-Kdmil ft Ma'rifat 
al-Awdkhir wa 'l-Awd'il is the best known (several 
editions printed in Cairo). An analysis of its contents 
has been given by R. A. Nicholson : The Perfect Man 
(Studies in Islamic Mysticism, Cambridge 1921, 
Ch. ii). Al-I)jlll is an adherent of the well-known 
pantheistic mystic Ibn c ArabI, to whose Futiihdt he 
wrote a commentary and whose doctrines hedeveloped 
and modified. According to his ontological doctrine 
exposed in his al-Insdn al-Kdmil and his Mardtib al- 
Wudjud, nothing really exists but the Divine Essence 
with its creative (hakki) and creaturely (khalkl) 
modes of being. Absolute Being develops in a scale 
{mardtib) of individualisations or "descents" (ta- 
nazzuldt). The most important of these are the 
following: <amd, the simple hidden pure Essence 
before its manifestation (tadjalli); ahadiyya, the 
first descent from the darkness of c Amd to the 
light of the manifestation, the first manifestation 
of Pure Essence (dhdt) exclusive of Divine attributes, 
qualities or relations; wdhidiyya, the manifestation 
of the Essence with the attributes and qualities and 
their effects under the aspect of unity. It is plurality 
in unity. On this scale there is no distinction between 
the attributes, they are identical with each other 
and with the One. Opposites coincide — Mercy and 
Vengeance are the same. Ildhiyya is higher than the 
above-mentioned manifestations. It comprehends 
both Being and Non-being in all degrees, the "places 
of manifestation and the manifested" (al-ma?dhir wa 
'l-zdhir), i.e. the Creator and the Creature (al-hakk wa 
'l-khalk). At the same time it is the principle of order 
for the whole series of individualisations and main- 
tains each of them in its proper place. AH opposites 
exhibit their relativity in the greatest possible 
perfection, they do not coincide any longer. Rahmd- 
niyya manifests the creative attributes (al-sifdt 
al-kkalkiyya) exclusively, whereas ildhiyya com- 
prehends both the creative and the creaturely. The 
first Mercy (rahma) of God was His bringing the 
Universe into existence from Himself. God is the 
substance (hayuld) of the Universe. The Universe is 
like ice, and God is the water of which the ice is 


made. Rububiyya comprehends those attributes that 
require an object and are shared by man, as knowing, 
hearing, seeing. The differentiation of the phenomena 
of the Universe is caused by their mutual relations 
to the respective divine attribute through which God 
manifests Himself. In his al-Insdn al-Kdmil al-DjIH 
deals with most of the cosmic, metaphysical, religious 
and psychological notions current in his time. He 
establishes their place in his system and explains 
their relations to the respective divine attribute. In 
doing so he has succeeded in giving many new, 
unexpected and highly interesting interpretations 
of well-known theologoumena. Thus he builds a 
phantasmal cosmology which differs widely from 
orthodox views: e.g. Adam ate the forbidden fruit 
because his soul manifested a certain aspect of 
Lordship (rububiyya), for it is not in the nature 
of Lordship to submit to a prohibition; for the 
people in Hell God creates a natural pleasure of 
which their bodies become enamoured; Hell at last 
will be extinguished and replaced by a tree named 
Diirdjlr; Iblls will return to the presence and grace 
of God; all infidels worship God according to the 
necessity of their essential natures and all will be 
saved, etc. Al-DjiU's doctrine of the Perfect Man 
{al-Insdn al-Kdmil), the Logos, is almost the same 
as that of Ibn 'Arab! (cf. H. S. Nyberg, Kleinere 
Schriften des Ibn al-'-Arabi, Leiden 1919, 104). He 
is Muhammad the Prophet who may, however, 
assume the form of any holy man. So al-Djili met 
him in 796 in Zabid in the form of his shaykh. He 
is a copy of God, who becomes visible in him, and 
at the same time, he is a copy of the Universe, which 
is brought into existence from him. His whole being 
is sensible of a pervasive delight and contemplates 
the emanation of all that exists from himself, etc. 
Al-Djili had many auditions and visions. He talked 
with angels and cosmic beings. When in 800 he 
stayed in Zabid, he met all the prophets and saints; 
he wandered through Heaven and Hell, in which 
he met Plato. In the Mardtib al-Wud±ud forty 
degrees of Being are enumerated, the first being 
al-dhdt al-ildhiyya or al-ghayb al-mu(lak, the last 
al-insdn. The other books and treatises of al-Djili 
have not yet been studied by European scholars. 
They are listed in Brockelmann, II, 264-5, S II, 
283-4- (H. Ritter) 

'ABD al-KARIM KASHMIRI b. 'Akibat 
Mahmud b. BulakI b. Muh. RipA, Indo- Persian 
historian. From autobiographical references in his 
Baydn-i Waki 1 we learn that he was living in Dihli 
at the time of its sack by Nadir Shah (1151/1739), 
and entered the service of Nadir as a mutasaddi. He 
accompanied Nadir on his march from Dihli to 
Kazwin, reaching Kazwin in 1154/1741. From there 
he travelled to Mecca and returned to India by 
sea in 1156/1743- He died in 1 198/1784. 

He is the author of a history of his own times 
from Nadir Shah's invasion of India to 1 198/1784 
(the India Office copy, Ethe 566, comes down to 
1 199/1785), including an account of his own travels, 
entitled Baydn-i Wdki c . He gives much information 
obtained from Nadir's courtiers, including 'Alawi 
Khan, the hakim bdshi, or based on personal obser- 
vation, and is not afraid to criticise Nadir. The text 
has not been printed so far; a condensed translation 
was published by F. Gladwin, The Memoirs of Khoja 
Abdulkurreem, Calcutta 1788, 1812, London '1793; 
abridged version of this by L. Langles, Voyages de 
I'Inde d la Mecque, Paris 1797. To the MSS enume- 
rated by Storey can be added: The Panjab 
Public Library Cat. (Persian), Lahore 1942, p. 5i» 


copied 1230/1815; Panjab Univ. Library Shayranl 
MS (1185/1771); MS in the possession of the writer 
(1214/1800, from a copy made in 1 193/1779). 

Bibliography: Elliot and Dowson, History of 

India, viii, 124-39; Ch. Rieu, Cat. of Pers. MSS 

(Brit. Mus.), 382; Storey, ii/2, 326-7; L. Lockhart, 

Nadir Shah, London 1938, 301. 

(Mohammad Shafi) 

<ABD AL-KARlM MUNgHl.or more fully MunshI 
MawlawI Muh. <Abd al-KarIm c AlawI, Indo- 
Persian historian of the middle of the 19th cen- 
tury. He may have lived in Lucknow {Ta'rikh-i Pan- 
di&b, 2, Muhdraba 21) or Cawnpur (Muhdraba, 3). He 
was fond of studying history, and during his retire- 
ment rendered from Arabic into Persian al-Suyuti, 
Ta'rikh al-Khulafd? , and Ta'rikh Misr, and prepared 
an abridged version of Ibn Khallikan in Persian. 
He also translated astronomical and geographical 
works from English into Persian and Urdu, as well 
as story-books, the whole of the Arabian Nights, a 
history of Bengal etc. In Beale, Oriental Biogr. Die, 
Calcutta 1881, 4, it is said that the MunshI had 
"died about thirty years ago", which places the date 
of his death not much later than the end of 1851 
(he is spoken of as alive in the Muhdraba (preface) 
in 1848 and Sept. 1851). Of his Persian works, the 
following three, on contemporary history, have been 
lithographed. He is praised for his careful and 
objective writing of history and his simple, vivid 
and clear narrative. 

(i) Muhdraba-yi Kabul wa-Kandahdr, lith. Lucknow 
1264/1848 and Cawnpur 1267/1851, describes the 
Afghan War down to General Pollock's expedition 
(Sept.-Oct. 1842). The author had prepared a rough 
draft of the history of the Kabul and Kandahar 
expedition at the time, but in 1 263/1847 he made 
suitable additions and emendations in his work 
after studying the Akbar-ndma, a Mathnawl poem 
in the style of the Skdh-ndma and quoted passages 
from it on occasions. This fairly long poem (com- 
prising 8632 bayts in all) which is called gafar 
Ndma in its Daftar 1, Section 5 (madh-i Shdh-i 
(Hamdidh), was finished in 2 daftars, in 1260/1844 
by MunshI Kasim Djan ("Mirza Kdsim Beg muta- 
watfin balda-yi Shah Djihdndbdd" in one of the three 
Panjab University Mss., which was transcribed in 
Agra, in 1847). The poet had himself taken part in 
the expedition (for details see the Muhdraba, 4, based 
on the Khdtima of the Akbar-Ndma, Daftar 1). 

Kasim's Akbar-Ndma (for MSS. other than those 
noted above and for the Agra ed. of 1272 see Storey, 
ii/2, 402) is not to be confounded, as has been done 
by Ivanow (Descript. Cat. of the Pers. Mss. in the 
Curzon collection, 12, no. 22) with Hamld Kashmiri's 
Akbar-Ndma (Kabul, 1320 shamsl), a similar work 
in theme and metre and date (it also was finished 
in 1260). 

The Curzon collection of the A.S.B. (see Ivanow's 
Cat. mentioned above) has a ms. of the Muhdraba. 

(ii) Ta'rikh Pandidb Tuhfat?* li-l-A hbdb (or Tuhfa-yi 
Ahbdb) lith. Matba c MuhammadI (prob. Lucknow), 
1265/1849, deals with the Anglo-Sikh Wars. It is 
divided into two hamla's, the first relating to the 
first Sikh War (1845-6) and the second to the second 
Sikh War (1848-9), written in order to show that 
the English had won the wars (Preface). 

It is based on the statement of English officers 
and the accounts published in contemporary Urdu 
newspapers, duly checked. The work contains some 
curious documents such as a statement of the 
revenues of the Pandjab in the Sikh period, texts 
of Anglo-Sikh treaties and texts 

British public announcements in the Pandjab at 
the time, inscriptions on the Sikh guns etc. 

(iii) Ta'rikh-i Ahmad (or Ta'rikh Ahmadshdhi), 
lith. Lucknow 1266/1850 (for the mss. of the work 
see Storey ii/2, 403). Having completed the history 
of Shudja' al-Mulk Durrani (see ii above) who left 
Ludhiana and with the help of the British Govern- 
ment regained the throne of his ancestors in 1255/ 
1 84 1, the author decided to write a complete history 
of the Durranls. Till 1212/1797 (about the middle 
of the reign of Zaman Shah) he based it on the 
Husaynshdhi or the Td'rihh Husayni (see Rieu, 
Cat. Pers. Mss. Br. Mus., iii, 904b) by Imam 
al-DIn who had lived for a long time in Afghanistan. 
A very brief history of the subsequent period up to 
the fall of the dynasty he based on the information 
received from well-informed, trustworthy and 
truthful visitors of his from Kabul, Kandahar and 
vicinity (Ahmadshdhi, 3, 51). After stating the 
genealogy of the Abdalis he gives the history of 
Ahmad Shah and his successors. In the last quarter 
of the work is given an account of the chief amirs 
of Zaman Shah, a geographical note on the Pandjab 
and the stages of the route Kabul-Kandahar-Harat- 
Cisht (with a list of the tombs of the Cishti saints), 
and a chapter on Turkistan and its ruler Narbuta 
Bey. The last event mentioned is the death of 
Shudja 1 al-Mulk and the recall of the British troops 
from Afghanistan, to which is appended a list of the 
17 sons of Pa'inda Khan. 

This work and the Muhdraba are among the 
sources of the Sirddj al-Tawdrikh (Kabul 1337), a 
history of Afghanistan compiled under the orders 
of the Amir Habib Allah Khan. 

An Urdu version of the Ta'rikh Ahmad by Mir 
Warith 'All Sayfi and entitled Waki c dt-i Durrani was 
lith. in Cawnpur. 1292/1875. 

E. Edwards, Cat. of the Persian Printed Books in 
the British Mus., London 1922, 21, ascribes to him: 
A dictionary of Anglo-Persian homogeneous words etc., 
Bombay 1889. 

Bibliography: Storey, ii/2, 402-4, ii/3, 673; 

O. Mann, Quellenstudien zur Geschichte des Ahmed 

Sdh Durrdni, in ZDMG, 1898, 106 ff.; Fr. transl. 

of the chapter on Turkistan in Ch. Schefer, 

Histoire de I'Asie Centrale par Mir Abdoul Kerim 

Boukhary, Paris 1876, 280 ff. 

(Mohammad Shafi) 

'ABD al-KAYS (rarely <Abd Kays), i.e. "Servant 
of (the god) Kays", old Arabian tribe in East 
Arabia. The nisba is <Abdi and 'Abkasl. 

c Abd al-Kays belongs to a group of tribes once 
settled in the modern province of al-'Arid, whence it 
advanced to the North- West as far as present-day 
Sudayr and to the South-East as far as al-Khardj. This 
group was later, in the genealogy of the Northern 
Arabs, given the name of Rabi'a [?.».]. Already in 
the 5 th century parts of this group detached them- 
selves and started to nomadize partly within, partly 
beyond the arch of the Tuwayk. To the latter belonged 
'Abd al-Kays, which in the 6th century penetrated 
into the two great oasis districts of Eastern Arabia,, 
namely al-Bahrayn inland, and aJ-Katlf on the 
coast. The oasis of al-Bahrayn (known since the 
10th century as al-Ahsa 3 , and only since the 19th 
as al-Hasa [q.v.]) is plentifully watered by wells and 
natural and artificial streams, the greatest of which 
is called ( c Ayn) Muhallim. The district reached in 
the north as far as c Aynayn (= al- c Uyun), badly- 
sanded already in the 12th century, and in the 
south as far as the village of al-Kathib, which 
survived till the Middle Ages. The capital was 

Hadjar, with its citadel al-Mushakkar. Another 
fortified place was Djuwatha. The oasis district 
on the coast reached from Safwa (a name that does 
not occur before the Middle Ages) in the north to 
Zahran in the south, its capital being Zara near 

c Abd al-Kays was divided into two groups, Shann 
and Lukayz. Lukayz comprised the tribes of Nukra, 
al-DIl, c Idjl and Muharib b. c Amr. The last three 
were distinguished by the denomination al- c Umiir 
from their "brothers" the Anmar. These latter 
consisted of the tribes of c Amir b. al-Harith (with 
the sub-tribes of Banu Murra and Banu Malik) and 
Djadhima b. c Awf (in which the branches c Abd 
Shams, Hiyay and c Amr confederated, under the 
name Baradjim, against the stronger HSritha). 

The Muharib lived in the villages of the oasis of 
al-Bahrayn. Hadjar itself was inhabited by a mixed 
population, not bound by tribal ties. The same was 
probably the case in Zara and other towns of the 
coastal oasis, where there existed also a considerable 
population of non-Arabic origin (Persians, Indians, 
Jews, Mandaeans), and it can be assumed that this 
was the case in Hadjar as well, though to a smaller 
extent. Katif was inhabited by the Djadhima b. 
c Awf and Zahran by the Nukra. In regard to land- 
ownership, we know only that in Sulasil, in the 
East Arabian Djawf (around Dara = al-Dar = c Ayn 
Dar) a certain 'Amir was the owner, rabb, of the 
oasis. In the summer, the northern c Abd al-Kays: 
Shann. 'Amir b. al-Harith and al- c Umur used to 
nomadize together inland around Wad! Faruk, while 
the Nukra grazed between Zahran and the district 
of Baynuna, S.-E. from Katar (where also the last 
village of the tribe, Lu'ba, is to be looked for). 

Emigration from the over-populated oases started 
at an early date, directed partly towards the other 
coastal lands of Arabia, 'Uman (fractions of Nukra 
and DI1, 'Awaka, "brothers" of the 'Umur and 
Anmar, etc.), and partly towards the Persian coast. 

When <Abd al-Kays penetrated into Eastern 
Arabia, they are said to have found there remnants 
of Iyad, who were at that time migrating towards 
'Irak. Later, they had as their northern neighbours 
those of the Kays b. Tha'laba (of Bakr-Rabi'a) who 
had left their dwellings in 'Arid and were grazing 
along the line Thadj — Kazima — Faldj = al-Batin. The 
enemies of c Abd al-Kays were the Sa c d, a group 
of Tamim, who roamed on both sides of the Dahn5 J 
as far as Wadi Faruk and Wadi al-Sahba. 

The oases of the coast were from the time of 
Shapur II (310-79) under direct Persian rule. The 
country inland belonged at the beginning of the 
6th century to the kingdom of Kinda, while after 
its fall about 530 a lateral line of that dynasty 
reigned in Hadjar. After its extinction, al-Bahrayn 
was conquered, no doubt with the consent of the 
Persians, by the Lakhmids of al-Hira. Under al- 
Nu'man III (579-601) the resistance of the Shann 
and Lukayz was broken by plundering expeditions. 
After the fall of the Lakhmids the land was ruled 
by a Persian ispahbadh residing in Mushakkar and 
assisted by an Arabian person of trust. The cordial 
reception given by the governors and later also by 
the 'Abd al-Kays to Muhammad's envoys and 
letters can be probably explained by the fact that 
the two governors had lost the support of the home 
country owing to the strife over the succession to 
the throne that broke out in Persia in 628. During 
the ridda part of the c Abd al-Kays, under al-DiSrud 
(of the Haritha — Djadhima) remained faithful to 
Medina, while others, led by the chief of Kays b. 


Tha'laba, proclaimed a Lakhmid as their ruler. The 
Muslims were besieged in Djuwatha, but held out. 
After the arrival of reinforcements, made available 
by the victory over Musaylima, they took the 
initiative and attacked (12/633). It was not before 
the autumn of 634 that the Persian garrison of Zara 
was forced to surrender. 

With the Muslim conquest starts a new movement 
of emigration. Labu c (an older tribe than Shann and 
Lukayz) took part in a expedition across the Gulf 
against Fars and settled mainly in Tawwadj. The 
emigration was directed mainly towards Basra; 
in Kufa, the c Abd al-Kays were not so strongly 
represented. With the troops of Kufa they reached 
Mosul, with those of Basra Khurasan, where their 
strength in 715 was four thousand men. The c Abd 
al-Kays took no prominent part in the politics of 
the newly conquered provinces. They more often, 
with a few exceptions, adapted themselves to local 
conditions, were c Alid in c Alid Kufa, and participated 
in Basra and Khurasan in the feuds between the 
tribes. In Basra, Harim b. Hayyan, one of the 
earliest pietists of Islam and a forerunner of al- 
Hasan al-Basrl, belonged to this tribe. 

In their native country the c Abd al-Kays tried to 
withstand, but without success, the Kharidjite 
movement of Nadjda, centered in the Yamama 
(67/686-7). At the same time, the tribal distribution 
there begins to change. Of the tribes of c Abd al-Kays 
only Djadhima b. <Awf and Muharib remained in 
their old sites — Muharib occupying also the harbour 
of 'Ukayr, and 'Amr b. al-Harith remaining in 
Zahran and on one of the smaller islands of Baljrayn 
(Sitra ?). The rest of their territory was occupied by 
the Sa^l — Tamim, who penetrated into Bahrayn 
itself and built there the village of al-Ahsa'. Azd 
from c Um5n established themselves on the coast, 
probably at the same time as in Basra, i.e. about 
60/680. Some of them settled, together with c Abd 
al-Kays, in the oasis of Tu'am = Tawam/Tuwaym 
in Sudayr. 

In the IXth century an oasis principality was 
set up in East Arabia. An Azdite ruled in Zara, one 
Ibn Mismar of the Djadhima b. c Awf in Katif, the 
Banu Hafs, also belonging to <Abd al-Kays, in Safwa. 
Bahrayn was divided into the principalities of 
Hadjar and Djuwatha under al-'Ayyash al-Muharibl 
and al- c Uryan (of the Banu Malik), respectively. In 
the years 249-54/863-8 an c Alid, or pseudo-'Alid, 
rebelled in Bahrayn. He tried his luck first in Hadjar, 
then in al-Ahsa J among the Sa c d. Finally he with- 
drew into the desert and collected an army consisting 
of Tamim and of tribes which had newly immigrated 
from the west. It cost al- c Uryan much trouble, with 
help of the other chiefs of <Abd al-Kays, to expel 
the rebel, who soon afterwards started the great 
rising of the Zandj [q.v.] slaves in Basra. 

The immigrants just mentioned and beduins who 
infiltrated afterwards, as well as good families from 
Katif, became in the next generation the supporters 
of the Karmatian missionary Abu Sa'id al-Djan- 
nabi. The revolution broke out in 268/899. Katif 
fell first, Zara was burned, and finally Hadjar too 
was taken, notwithstanding the Caliph's inter- 
vention. Al-Afcsa' became the capital of the East- 
Arabian state of the Karmatians [q.v.]. This was 
overthrown in 469/1076-7 by the 'Uvunids [q.v.] 
i.e. the Al Ibrahim, belonging to the Banu Murra 
of al- c Uyun. The new dynasty soon showed signs of 
decline, interrupted only by a short period of 
recovery at the end of the 12th century. About 
1245 this last dynasty of the <Abd al-Kays collapsed. 



The attempt of the 'UyQnid 'All b. Mukarrab to 
revive the ancient glory of the tribe by his poems 
miscarried, partly because the old Arabian world 
had long since become petrified, partly because also 
the oases of East Arabia were permeated by new 

Before the c Abd al-Kays accepted Islam, the 
tribe seems to have been overwhelmingly Christian. 
Only a few names bear witness to its original pagan 
religion : 'Amr al-Af kal from Shann, c Abd Shams, c Abd 
'Amr ( ?). The office of the" afkal (from Babylonian 
apkallu, "priest") was taken over, as in other tribes, 
from the early Arabian town civilisation. Tradition, 
ignorant of this fact, made of 'Amr al-Afkal a 
representative of hybris. 

The genealogy of the c Abd al-Kays is, compared 
with that of other tribes, remarkably incomplete, to 
judge by Ibn al-Kalbl's Mukhtasar (Table A of 
Wustenfeld contains many, Ibn Hazm's Qiamhara 
some errors, the latter not only in the printed text, 
but also in the good MSS of Rampore and Bankipore). 
Firstly, many units, known from other sources, are 
missing; secondly, the position of the "Companions", 
or the members of the embassy of the tribe to the 
Prophet, varies up to five generations, and an 
officer of the caliph al-Mansur is put higher than 
some of them. 

Similar uncertainty exists concerning the poets 
of the tribe, viz. al-Muthakkib and al-Mumazzak 
of Nukra, Yazld and Suwayd b. al-Khadhdhak of 
Shann. Yazld (according to others al-Mumazzak) 
described, as an onlooker, his own burial; this is 
something new. Al-Salatan, the poet from Basra, 
a contemporary of Djarlr, belongs to Shann; Ziyad 
al-A'djam, who lived in Persia, was a mawld of 
the 'Amir b. al-Harith. 

Al-Muthakkib uses several Persian loan-words, 
not current otherwise, and some difficult expressions, 
but they are not peculiarly dialectal. At any rate, 
the dialect of the 'Abd al-Kays must not be iden- 
tified with that of al-Bahrayn (here used, as generally 
in later times, as the name of the province), con- 
sidered by the Arab philologists as an inferior one. 
Striking are the three forms for the personal and 
tribal name Dil, Dul, Du'il, "weasel", among the 
*Abd al-Kays, Bakr and Kinana. 

Bibliography : The geographers, e.g. Yakut, 
iii, 411; Hamdani, 136 «.; Mas'Qdi, Tanbih, 
392 f . ; F. Wustenfeld, Wohnsilze und Wanderungen 
der arab. Stamme, 74-6 ; idem, Bahrein und Jemama, 
1-13. The historians, e.g. Ibn Sa'd, i/2, 54; v, 
406 ff.; vii/i, 60 ff., 95; Tabari, ii, 1291; Th. 
Noldeke, Oeschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit 
der Sasaniden, 53, 57, 67; J. Wellhausen, Die 
religios-polit. Oppositionsparteien, 29 ft., 58; idem, 
Das arabische Reich und sein Sturz, 44 f., 130, 
248 ff., 258, 266; J. M. de Goeje, La fin de V empire 
des Carmathes du Bahrain, J A, 1895, 1-30; von 
Oppenheim, Die Beduinen, iii (ed. by W. Caskel), 
15-9. 130 ff.; Ibn Durayd, Ishtikdk, 196-202 
(Wustenfeld) (using, among others, Mada'ini's 
Ashrdf 'Abd al-Kays). For the poets, AsmaHyydt, 
no. 50; Mufaddaliyydt, nos. 28, 76-81, Appendix 
no. 4; WZKM, 1904, iff.; Ibn Kutayba, Shi'r, 
233 ff., 257 ff.; AghdnP, v, 314, xiv, 98 ff. ; c Ali b. 
Mukarrab, Diwan, Bombay 1310. (W. Caskel) 
'ABD al-LATIF al-BASHDAdI, Muwaffak 
al-DIn Abu Muhammad b. YOsuf, also called Ibn 
al-Labbad, a versatile scholar and scientist, 
born at Baghdad in 557/1162-3, died there in 629/ 
1231-2. In Baghdad he studied grammar, law, 
tradition etc. (giving in his autobiography a vivid 

picture of contemporary methods of study) and was 
persuaded by a MaghribI wandering scholar to 
devote himself to philosophy, mainly according to 
the system of Ibn Sina, and to natural science and 
alchemy. In 585/1189-90 he went to Mosul (where 
he studied the works of al-Suhrawardl al-Maktul, 
but found them inept), next year to Damascus, then 
to the camp of Saladin outside 'Akka (587/1 191), 
where he met Baha' al-DIn b. Shaddad and 'Imad al- 
DIn al-Isfahanl, and acquired the patronage of al- 
Kadi al-Fadil, and then to Cairo. Here he made 
the acquaintance of Musa b. Maymun and a certain 
Abu '1-Kasim al-Shari'I, who introduced him to the 
works of al-FSrabi, Alexander of Aphrodisias and 
Themistius, which turned him away from Ibn Sina 
and alchemy. In 588/1192 he met Saladin in Jeru- 
salem, then went to Damascus, whence he returned 
to Cairo. After some years he went to Jerusalem and 
then, in 604/1207-8, again to Damascus. Some time 
later he went via Aleppo to Erzindjan, to the court 
of 'Ala' al-DIn Da'ud. When the SaldjQkid Kayku- 
badh conquered Erzindjan, 'Abd al-Latif, after a 
journey to Erzerum, returned from Erzindjan to 
Aleppo via Kamakh, Diwrigi and Malatiya (626/1228- 
9), and soon afterwards returned to his native 
Baghdad where he died. 

His numerous writings covered almost the whole 
domain of the knowledge of those days. Of those 
extant, al-Ifdda wa'l-lHibar, a short description of 
Egypt, was widely known in Europe and was trans- 
lated into Latin, German, and French ; cf. S. de Sacy, 
Relation de I'Egypte par Abd al-Latif, Paris 1810; 
the others are on philology, tradition, medicine, 
mathematics and philosophy. (For his work on 
metaphysics cf. P. Kraus, in BIE, 1941, 277.) His 
account of the Mongol invasion was taken over by 
al-Dhahabl (cf. J. de Somogyi, Isl., 1937, 106 ff.) 
His notes are quoted by Ibn Abl Usaybi'a for 
information on personalities in Baghdad (cf. index). 
Bibliography: Ibn Abl Usaybi'a, ii, 201-13 
(based on his autobiography); Kutubl, Fawdt, 
ii, 9 ff. ; Dhahabl, Ta'rikh al-Isldm, MS Oxford, 
i, 654, fol. 16-7; L. Leclerc, Hist, de la midecine 
arabe, ii, 182; Brockelmann, i, 632, Si, 880. 
(S. M. Stern) 
'ABD al-MADJID I (Abdulmecid), Ottoman 
sultan, son of Mahmud II and his second kadin 
Bezm-i 'Alem (a remarkable woman), born on Friday, 
14 (not 11) Sha'ban 1238/25 April 1823. He succeeded 
his father, whose reforms he was to continue, on 19 
(not 25) Rabi' II 1 255/1 July 1839, a few days after 
the defeat of NIzIb (24 June) inflicted on the Turks 
by Ibrahim Pasha [q.v.]. The concert of the powers, 
which included, for the first time, Turkey, but not 
France, saved, however, the Ottoman Empire 
(Convention of London, 15 July 1840). 

The most important events of his reign were the 
proclamation of the hhat\-i sherif, or khatf-i hiimdyun, 
of Gulkhane (26 Sha'ban 1255/3 Nov. 1839) and 
the Crimean war, which began in 1853 and was ended 
by arbitration in the Treaty of Paris (30 March 1856). 
For the proclamation see tanzimat, gulkhAne, 
khatt-i humayOn, 'uthmanlis, for the Crimean 
war 'uthmanlis and, in general, the handbooks on 
history. It is worth mentioning here that the famous 
defence of Silistria, on the Bulgarian Danube (19 May- 
23 June 1854) was the subject of a famous poem 
by Namik Kemal [q.v.]. 

There was also a whole series of troubles, insurrec- 
tions and massacres: in Kurdistan (1847), in the 
Danubian principalities (1848), in Bosnia (1850-51), 


in Montenegro (1852-3), in the Lebanon (1849), in 
Djidda, in the Lebanon and in Syria (i860), not to 
speak of Bulgaria and Albania. 

Apart from his legislative work, c Abd al-Madjid 
was the author of important reforms, in regard to 
ths administration (in the eydlets or wildyets, "pro- 
vinces"), the army (law of 6 Sept. 1843; see redIf), 
education (i'dddi, "military preparatory" schools, 
1845; rushdiyye, "higher primary" schools for boys 
and girls, 1847; ddr ul-ma'-arif , 1849; mekteb-i 
l othmdni, "Ecole ottomane" in Paris 1855), and 
the coinage (money of good alloy, carefully coined, 
especially the pieces called medjidiyye, of 20 piastres; 
issued from 1844). To him is due the building of 
hospitals and other edifices, such as the palace of 
Dolma Baghce 1853), the restoration of the Aya 
Sofiya mosque by Fossati (20 July 1849), the first 
depositary for the state archives, Khazine-yi Ewrah 
(1845), the first theatre (French Theatre or "Crystal 
Palace", by Giustiniani), the first sal-name, or 
"imperial year-book" (1847). 

It was from his reign onwards that the imperial 
princes (shdh-zade) bore the simple title of efendi. 
c Abd al-Madjid was the first sultan to speak a 
Western language (French). He was a subtle and 
polished person, lightly built, but of weak health 
undermined by the abuses of drink and harem. He 
was a spendthrift. Capricious, but courageous, he 
gained universal respect by his refusal to hand over 
to the Austrians, in 1849, Kossuth and the other 
Hungarian political refugees. "The annals of Turkey 
have as yet no record of a sovereign more humane, 
of such gentle manners, animated by such civilizing 
tendencies; his mild and attractive features revealed 
a generous soul" (Mgr. Louis Petit — (pseudonym: 
Kutchuk Efendi), Catholic bishop of Athens, Les 
Contemporains, no. 333, Maison de la Bonne Presse, 

He died young, on 17 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 1277/25 June 
1861, in the middle of the financial crisis of the 
country. He was buried in a modest turbe near the 
mosque of Sultan SelJm. 

For three out of the ten Grand-Viziers of his 
reign, see rashId pasha, 'AlI pasha, khusraw pasha. 
The foreign diplomat who played during the 
reigh of this sultan the most important role in 
Istanbul was Stratford Canning (Lord Stratford de 

Bibliography: Turkish historians; Luifl 
Efendi, Ahmed Rasim, KSmil Pasha (TaMkh-i 
Siydsi), l Atd Ta'rikhi (ii, 198 ff.); Western 
historians: Iorga, Lavallee, de la Jonquiere. — 
Ahmed Refik, Turkiyede Multediiler Mes'elesi, 
Istanbul 1926 (the Hungarian refugees); A. de 
Caston, Constantinople en 1869, 306; Debidour, 
Hist, diplomatique de I'Europa, 1891 (index to 
vol. i); idem, La question d'Oriem. Mahmoud, 
Mehemet Alt, Abd ul-Medjid, in Lavisse and 
Rambaud, Hist. Gen., x, 924-46 (with references) ; 
Destrilhes, Confidences sur la Turquie, 1855; 
E. Enault, Constantinople et la Turquie, 1855, 
431-45; de Flers, Vers I'Orient, 383; G. Fossati, 
Aya Sofia as recently restored, London- Paris 1852; 
Halil Ganem, Les sultans ottomans, 1902, ii, 
218-53; E. Hollander, La Turquie devant Vopinion 
publique, 1858; Lettres du marechal de Mottke sur 
I'Orient, 2nd ed., Paris, 371; Osman Nuri Ergin, 
Tiirkiye maarif tarihi, 1940, ii; idem, Istanbul 
sehreninleri, 1927, 49-80; E. Tarin and H. Lapeyrre, 
Sultan Abdul Medjid, 1857; Ed. Thouvenel, 
Constantinople sous Abdul- Medjid, Revue des Deux 
Mondes, 1 Jan. 1840; A. Ubicini, La Turquie 


actuelle, 1855, 102-30; Ulug Igdemir, Kuleli vak'asf 

hakklnda bir arastlrma, Ankara 1937; Youssouf 

Razi, Souvenirs de Leila Hanoum sur le harem 

imperial, Paris 1925, 33-46. — See also nos. 71, 1061 

and 1727 of Enver Koray's historical bibliography, 

Ankara 1952. — For the constitutional edicts of 

'Abd al-Madjid, see J A, 1933, 357-9 and references 

in the notes; also the extensive articles in the 

Turkish encyclopaedias: IA, Inonu Ansiklopedisi, 

Istanbul Ansiklopedisi. — For the Jews of Turkey, 

see M. Franco, Essai sur Vhist. des Israilites de 

I'Emp. Ott., 1897, 143-60; Jewish Encyclopaedia, 

s.v. Abd ul-Mejid. (J. Deny) 

'ABD al-MAD-JID II (Abdulmecit), last 

Ottoman caliph, son of 'Abd al-'Aziz [q.v.]. He 

was elected caliph by the Great National Assembly, 

18 Nov. 1922, and succeeded, in this quality only, 

his cousin Muhammad VI, who, after the abolition 

of the sultanate (1 Nov. 1922) took refuge on board 

a British warship and left Istanbul. During some 

months, all the opponents of the regime established in 

Ankara by Mustafa Kemal rallied round the caliph, 

who had, in reality, no power at all. Mustafa Kemal 

put an end to these intrigues by proclaiming the 

republic, 29 Oct. 1923. A little more than four 

months afterwards, 3 March 1924, the Great National 

Assembly resolved upon the abolition of the caliphate. 

The next day 'Abd al-Madjid left Istanbul. He died 

in Paris, 23 August 1944. 

Bibliography : Discours du Ghazi Moustafa 
Kemal, president de la Republique turque, Leipzig 
1927; COC, 1944-5. 105- 

'ABD al-MALIK B. Muhammad b. ABl 'AMIR 
al-Ma'afirI Abu Marwan al-Muzaffar, son 
and successor of the famous "major domo" 
(hddiib) al-Mansur [q.v.] under the reign of the 
Umayyad caliph of al-Andalus Hisham II al-Mu 5 ay- 
yad bi'llah. He was the real sovereign of Muslim 
Spain after the death of his father in Medinaceli 
(Madlnat Salim) in 392/1002. 

'Abd al-Malik, second son of al-Mansur, was born 
in 364/975 ; his mother, an umm walad called al- 
Dhalfa 3 , survived him several years. Even before 
succeeding his father he gained experience as general 
in several campaigns, both in the North of Spain, 
against the Christians, and in Morocco. He was 
appointed by his father as a kind of viceroy of 
Morocco in 388/998, and took up his residence in 
Fez, but was recalled to Cordova the next year. 
On the career of 'Abd al-Malik as sovereign we are 
informed in sufficient detail by the newly discovered 
Hispano-Arabic chronicles. One gets the impression 
that 'Abd al-Malik b. Abi 'Amir, without having 
the genius of his father, was not lacking in certain 
statesmanlike qualities. At any rate, the seven years 
during which he held power are represented as the 
last favourable period of the history of al-Andalus 
before the fall of the Umayyad calipahate of the West. 
The "majordomo", remaining faithful to the line 
followed by al-Mansur, continued his policy of 
harassing the Christian enemy beyond the frontier 
zones (thughur). For this purpose he undertook year 
after year an expedition to one or the other of the 
marches of al-Andalus. In 393/1003 he directed his 
army towards the Hispanic March (bildd al-Ifrandf), 
ravaged the surroundings of Barcelona and laid 
waste thirty-five fortresses of the enemy. In 394/1004, 
he attacked the territory of the count of Castille, 
Sancho Garcia, who asked for an armistice and 
in the following year helped 'Abd al-Malik in his 
campaign against Galicia and Asturias. In the 
summer of 396/1006, 'Abd al-Malik started an 


offensive against the Frankish county of Ribagorza. 
His most famous expedition, however, was that of 
the following year, aimed against the fortress of 
Clunia, which was taken and destroyed. This victory 
gained for the 'Amirid hddfib the honorific title of 
al-Muzaffar. In 398/1007 he had again to take up 
arms against Sancho Garcia and Castille, and yet 
again in the following year. While he was preparing 
to set out against Castille, he succumbed to a disease 
of the chest, near Cordova, on the Guadimellato 
(Wadl Armilat), 16 Safar 399/20 Oct. 1008. 

During the seven years of his rule, 'Abd al-Malik 
al-Muzaffar preserved for the State of Cordova its 
strong administrative structure, by favouring the 
Slavonic dignitaries (sakdliba) against the Arab 
aristocracy. Nevertheless, several attemps were made 
on his person. There are reasons to assume that his 
brother, c Abd al-Rahman Sanchuelo, who succeeded 
him, was not without his share in the unexpected 
and premature death of the second 'Amirid. 

[See also 'amirids and umayyads op Spain]. 
Bibliography: Ibn Bassam, Dhakhira. iv (ed. 

in preparation) ; Ibn 'Idharl, Baydn, iii, 3-37(transl. 

in Dozy, Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne 1 , iii, 

185-214); Ibn al-Khatib. A"-mal al-AHdm, 97-104; 

E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp. mus., ii, 273 (bibliogr. 

references in note 1), 290 ff. 

(E. Levi-Provencal) 

C ABD al-MALIK B. KATAN al-FihrI, gover- 
nor of al-Andalus. He succeeded in this office 
c Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abd Allah al-Ghafikl [q.v.], 
when the latter was killed during his expedition into 
Gaul, 114/732. He had to surrender his office, in 
116/734, to 'Ukba b. al-Hadjdjadj al-Saluli, but 
resumed it in 123/740. Belonging to the Medinese 
party, he evinced a rather unfavourable attitude 
towards the caliph of Damascus. Almost at once, 
however, he was confronted with grave difficulties 
caused by the Berbers who revolted in the Iberian 
peninsula and soon afterwards menaced Cordova. 
In face of this danger, and in view of the insufficiency 
of his own military resources, c Abd al-Malik had to 
appeal, whether he liked it or not, for the services 
of a group of Arabs belonging to various diunds 
[q.v.] of Syria, who were besieged in the North- 
African fortress of Ceuta, and gave them permission 
to cross the Straits under the command of their 
chief Baldi [q.v.]. Thanks to this reinforcement and 
to three successive defeats which they inflicted 
upon the rebellious Berbers, he suceeded in allaying 
the danger that menaced him. The Syrian troops, 
however, confident in their strength, had no difficulty 
in removing 'Abd al-Malik b. Katan and put in his 
place as wait of al-Andalus their own general Baldi, 
at the beginning of Dhu '1-Ka'da 123/Sept. 741. One 
of the first actions of the new governor was to order 
the execution of his predecessor, who was then a 

Bibliography : E. Levi- Provencal, Hist. Esp. 
mus., i, 41, 43-7. (E. Levi-Provencal) 

C ABD al-MALIK B. MARWAN, fifth Caliph of 
the Umayyad line, reigned 65-86/685-705. According 
to general report he was bom in the year 26/646-7, 
the son of Marwan b. al-Hafcam [q.v.], his mother 
being 'A'isha bint Mu'awiya b. al-Mughlra. As a 
boy of ten he was an eye-witness of the storming 
of 'Uthman's house, and. at the age of sixteen 
Mu'awiya appointed him to command the Madinian 
troops against the Byzantines. He remained at 
Medina until the outbreak of the rebellion against 
Yazld I (62-3/682-3). When the Umayyads were 
expelled by the rebels, he left the town with his 

father, but on meeting the Syrian army under 
•Muslim b. 'Ukba he returned with him, after giving 
Muslim information concerning the town and its 
defences. This was followed by the battle of the 
Harra and the total defeat of the Madinians (27 Dh u 
'1-Hidjdja 63/27 Aug. 683). After the assassination of 
his father (Ramadan 65/April-May 685), 'Abd al- 
Malik was recognized as Caliph by the partisans of 
the Umayyads, but he was faced with serious 
difficulties. Although the battle of Mardi Rahit had 
reaffirmed Umayyad control of Syria, and Egypt 
had been recovered and was strongly held by his. 
brother 'Abd al-'AzIz [q.v.], Zufar b. Harith held 
out in the north at Kirkisiyya, with the support 
of the Kays, until 71/690-1, and the Byzantines, 
were giving much trouble on the frontiers, even 
reoccupying Antioch in 68/688, as well as giving aid 
to the Mardaites within Syria itself. In Mecca, 'Abd 
Allah b. al-Zubayr [q.v.] had been proclaimed Caliph, 
and was at least nominally recognized in most prov- 
inces of the empire. Nevertheless, 'Abd al-Malik 
showed himself equal to the task, and within a few 
years succeeded in restoring the unity of the Arabs 
under Syrian leadership. 

At first, however, 'Irak and the East had to be 
abandoned. The governor, 'Ubayd Allah b. Ziyad, 
driven out by the tribesmen after the death of Yazld, 
was unable, in spite of his success in defeating an 
attack by Kufan forces in Mesopotamia (Ramadan 
65/May 685), to reoccupy Kufa and Basra. Kufa 
was shortly afterwards seized by the Shl'ite leader 
Mukhtar [q.v.], whose partisans, after an indecisive 
engagement with the Syrians (Dhu '1-Hidjdja 66/July 
686), totally defeated 'Ubayd Allah on the Khazir 
river in the following month under the command 
of Ibrahim b. al-Ashtar. For the next five years 
'Irak remained under the rule of Mus'ab b. al- 
Zubayr, whose general al-Muhallab b. Abl Sufra, 
with the troops of Basra, defeated Mukhtar's forces 
at Harflra in Ramadan 67/April 687 and reoccupied 
Kufa. In order to free his hands for dealing with 
Irak, 'Abd al-Malik in 69/689 made a ten years' truce 
with the Greek Emperor, by which, in return for 
an annual tribute, the latter removed the Mardaites 
from Syria into Greek territory. Immediately after- 
wards 'Abd al-Malik set out from Damascus against 
Mus'ab, but was obliged to return in order to deal 
with a revolt in the capital led by his kinsman 'Amr 
b. Said al-Ashdak [q.v.]. 'Amr fortified himself in the 
residence, but on the Caliph's arrival he capitulated 
on promise of life and liberty. Nevertheless, 'Abd 
al-Malik was unable to trust him, and soon after- 
wards had him seized and executed him, according 
to the general statement, with his own hand. In the 
following year (70/690) the campaign against Mus'ab 
was renewed, but both armies faced one another in 
Mesopotamia without result. In the third year, 
'Abd al-Malik opened his campaign by besieging 
Zufar in Kirkisiyya for some months. After its 
capture he reoccupied Upper Mesopotamia, and 
reinforced by the Kays marched into 'Irak. At 
Dayr al-Djathallk, near Maskin, Mus'ab and Ibn 
al-Ashtar were defeated and slain (Djumada I or 
II, 72/Oct.-Nov., 691). Al-Muhallab with the troops 
of Basra was engaged in the struggle with the 
Kharidjites, and most of the 'Irakis were weary of 
the conflict, which had brought them little but 
hardships and loss. Immediately after the Caliph's 
entry into Kufa, where he received the homage of 
the province, a force of 2000 Syrians was despatched 
under al-Hadjdjadi to deal with Ibn al-Zubayr at 
Mecca. After a halt at Ta'if, al-Hadjdjadj laid siege 



to Mecca on i Dhu '1-Ka'da 72/25 March 692; it 
was a little more than six months before Ibn al- 
Zubayr was killed on the field and the city surren- 
dered (17 Di- I or II, 73/4 Oct. or 3 Nov., 692). 
Al-Hadjdjadj was rewarded with the governorship 
of the Hidjaz. 

The recovery of 'Irak involved 'Abd al-Malik in 
the necessity of organizing immediate measures 
against the Kharidiites. After an initial failure, the 
combined forces of Kufa and Basra defeated the 
Nadjdiyya of Yamama at Mushahhar in 73/692-3, 
but the more dangerous and fanatical Azarika in 
Persia set a tougher problem. Even under the 
command of al-Muhallab, the war-weary mukdtila 
showed little stomach for this task until in 75'694 
'Abd al-Malik transferred al-Hadjdjadj to the 
government of Kufa. With his ruthless and energetic 
backing al-Muhallab was able to hunt down the 
Azarika in a three-years' campaign.' In the meantime 
a fresh Kharidiite rising broke out among the 
Rabl'a tribesmen in Mesopotamia, who, under the 
leadership of Shabib, swept down on the territories 
of Kufa and seized Mada'in (76-7/695-6). When the 
mukdtila of Kufa, recalled from Persia, proved 
unable to prevent Shabib from investing their city, 
al-Hadjdjadj obtained the services of 4000 Syrian 
troops, who, after driving off the attackers and 
killing Shabib (end of 77/beg. of 697) went on 
to break up the Arab section of the Azarika in 
Tabaristan. Following on an outbreak of disorder in 
Khurasan in the same year (78/697), c Abd al-Malik 
added this province also to the government of al- 
Hadjdjadj, who appointed al-Muhallab to govern it 
as his deputy. Al-Muhallab reopened shortly after- 
wards the campaigns towards Central Asia, but few 
positive gains are recorded before his death in 
82/701-2, when he was succeeded by his son Yazld. 
At the same time 'Abd al-Rahman b. Muhammad b. 
al-Ash'ath, who had been appointed to Sidjistan, 
was engaged in Afghanistan with the troops of Kufa 
and Basra. Enraged by the criticisms directed 
against them by the plebeian viceroy, Ibn al-Ash'ath 
and the ashrdf revolted (81/700-1) and marched 
back into 'Irak. The small body of Syrian troops 
and their supporters were unable to withstand the 
united forces of the province, and for a time the 
situation was critical; but with the aid of reinforce- 
ments from Syria the rebels were defeated at Dayr 
al-Djamadjim (Dj. II, 82/July 701) and again routed 
at Maskin on the Dudjayl (Sha'ban 82/Oct. 701), 
and the remnants were pursued into Sidjistan and 
Khurasan, where they were dispersed by Yazld b. 
al-Muhallab (83/702). In the same year al-Hadjdjadj 
"built a new garrison city for the Syrian troops at 
Wasit. This episode proved to be a turning-point in 
the history of the Umayyad Caliphate and the Arab 
empire. Henceforward a permanent Syrian army of 
occupation garrisoned 'Irak, and the mukdtila of 
Kufa and Basra were never again called out on a 
war footing. For twelve years more the heavy hand 
of al-Hadjdjadj maintained order and security, and 
laid the foundations of future economic prosperity 
in 'Irak, but at the cost of much bitter resentment 
amongst the tribesmen, especially in Kufa. 

The war with the Byzantines was renewed in 
73/692, in consequence of the Emperor's refusal to 
accept the new Muslim gold currency struck by 
*Abd al-Malik. Despite some initial successes in then- 
raids into Anatolia and Armenia, the Syrian troops, 
•commanded by the Caliph's brother Muhammad, 
gained little territory, but prepared the way for 
the expeditions of the next reign. In North Africa, 

however, the mukdtila of Egypt, under Hassan b. 
al-Nu'man, after regaining the southern part of 
Ifrlkiya, advanced on Carthage with naval support 
(78/679). A reinforcing Greek fleet was defeated, 
Carthage occupied, and a secure base established 
at Kayrawan for further conquests. 

In the midst of these preoccupations with internal 
conflicts and external wars, 'Abd al-Malik found 
time to develop the administrative efficiency of his 
empire. The answer to the disintegrating tendencies 
of tribalism was centralization, and various reforms 
were put in hand to this end. The most important 
was the substitution of Arabic for Greek and 
Persian in the financial bureaux; this was a first 
step towards the reorganization and unification of 
the diverse tax-systems in the provinces, and 
also a step towards a more definitely Muslim admin- 
istration. This appears even more clearly in the 
decision to issue an Islamic gold coinage, replacing 
the Byzantine denarius with its image of the Emperor 
by a Muslim dinar with Kur'anic texts. Despite 
the hostility which later tradition displayed towards 
the Umayyads and al-Hadjdjadj in particular, it 
cannot be doubted that already the influence of 
Islam was strongly felt in this, the first generation of 
Muslim rulers who had been brought up from child- 
hood in the Muslim faith. Another, and even more 
far-reaching reform was the re-edition of the 'Uth- 
manic text of the Kur'an with vowel-punctuation, 
a measure generally attributed to al-Hadjdjadj, but 
which enraged the pietists of Kufa who held to the 
"reading" of Ibn Mas'fld. 'Abd al-Malik was also the 
builder of the Kubbat al-Sakhra [q.v.] at Jerusalem. 
The last years of his reign were on the whole 
years of prosperity and peaceful consolidation, but 
for his anxiety over the succession. Marwan had 
appointed as successor to 'Abd al-Malik his brother 
'Abd al-'Aziz, but 'Abd al-Malik wished to exclude 
him in favour of his own sons al-Walld and Sulayman. 
A split was avoided just in time, by the death of 
'Abd al-'Aziz in Egypt in Dj. I, 86/May 705, only 
five months before the death of 'Abd al-Malik 
(Shawwal 86/Oct. 705). He was succeeded by his 
eldest son al-Walld [q.v.]. 

Bibliography: General histories of Tabari, 
Baladhuri, Ya'kubi, Mas'udi, Ibn al-Athir, etc.; 
Ibn Sa'd, v, 165-75; A ghdni, index; Ibn Kutayba, 
<-Uyun al-Akhbdr, index; the general histories of 
the Caliphate (see also umayyads); J. Walker, 
Catalogue of the Arab-Sassanian Coins (in the B.M.), 
and other catalogues of Umayyad coins; Caetani, 
Chronographia, A. H. 86, para. 31 (pp. 1040-1). 

(H. A. R. GtBB) 
'ABD al-MALIK b. N©*I [see Samanids]. 
'ABD al-MALIK B. §ALIH b. AlI, cousin of 
the caliphs Abu 'l-'Abbas al-Saffah and Abu Djaf ar 
al-Mansur. In the reign of Harun al-Rashid 'Abd 
al-Malik led several campaigns against the Byzan- 
tines, in 174/790-1, in 181/797-8, and according to 
some authorities also in 175/791-2, although other 
sources assert that in this year the forces were 
commanded not by 'Abd al-Malik but by his son 
'Abd al-Rahman. He was also for some time governor 
of Medina and held the same office in Egypt. At 
length, however, he could not escape the Caliph's 
suspicion; in 187/803 he was, for no adequate reason, 
thrown into prison and remained there until al- 
Rashld's death in 183/809. The new Caliph, al-Amln, 
restored him to liberty and appointed him in 196/ 
811-2 governor of Syria and Upper Mesopotamia. 
'Abd al-Malik set out at once for al-Rakka, but fell 
ill and died in that town shortly afterwards (the year 



of his death, 196/81 1-2, is confirmed by al-Mas'Qdl, 
Tanbih 348; but the same author, MurOdj, iv, 437, 
gives 197, while Ibn Khallikan indicates 193 (trans, 
de Slane, i. 316) and even 199 (ibid., iii, 665, 667). 
Some years later the caliph al-Ma'mun ordered his 
tomb to be destroyed, it is said, because c Abd al- 
Malik had sworn, during the civil war between 
al-Amln and al-Ma'mun, never to pay homage to 
the latter. 

Bibliography: Tabari, iii, 610 ff ; Ibn al-AUjir, 
vi, 64 ff; Ya'kiibl, ii, 496 ff.; Mas'udl, Muru&i, 
iv, 302-5, 356, 419 ff., 437 ff-; Baladhurt, Futuh, 
132, 153, 170, 185; Brooks, Byzantines and Arabs 
in the Time of the early Abbasids, The English 
Historical Review, xv, 728 ff, xvi, 84 ff.; Wasiyyat 
c Abd al-Malik li'bnihi kabl wafdtih, ed. L. Cheikho, 
in Machriq, xxv, 738-45. (K. V. Zettersteen) 
<ABD al-MU'MIN B. 'Ali b. c AlwI b. Ya'lA 
al-KCmI Abu Muhammad, successor of the Mahdl 
Ibn Tumart [q.v.] in the leadership of the reformist 
movement of tawhid, known as the Almohad move- 
ment (see al-muwahijidun), and founder of the 
Mu'minid dynasty, which in the West, in the 
6th/i2th century, took the place of the kingdoms 
of Ifrikiya and of the Almoravid dynasty of Morocco 
and of Spain, with its capital at Marrakush [q.v.]. 
The history of the origins of the Almohad move- 
ment and of the reign of c Abd al-Mu'min has been 
illuminated and in large measure reinterpreted since 
the present author had the good fortune to find, 
in a miscellaneous collection in the Escurial library, 
some extracts from an anonymous Kitab al-Ansdb 
devoted to the principal protagonists of the religious 
and political system set up by Ibn Tumart, and 
especially the extremely lively and certainly authen- 
tic 'Memoirs' of a companion of the Mahdl and of 
his successor, Abu Bakr b. c Ali al-SinhadjI, called 
al-Baydhak (E. Levi-Provencal, Documents inidUs 
d'histoire almohade, Paris 1928). This extremely 
important find was followed by the discovery of a 
volume of the Nazm al-Djumdn by Ibn al-Kattan 
on the beginnings of the movement (published in 
part by E. Levi-Provencal, Six fragments inidits 
d'une chronique du debut des Almohades, in Melanges 
Rene Basset, Paris 1925, ii, 335-93), and also of a 
collection of official letters from c Abd al-Mu'min 
and his immediate successors (E. Levi-Provencal, 
Trente-sept lettres officielles almohades, Rabat 1941; 
Un recueil de lettres officielles almohades, analysis 
and historical commentary, Paris 1941k It has thus 
become possible, without having to rely only on 
later Arabic historians, to attempt a detailed critical 
account of this period which covered a large part 
of the 6th/i2th century and coincided with an 
unprecedented revolution in the history of the 
Islamic West — an account which, however, still 

The circumstances of the meeting of Ibn Tumart 
and of his disciple <Abd al-Mu'min might have been 
regarded as legendary were they not confirmed by 
al-Baydhak, who was a witness. c Abd al-Mu'min, 
a humble student, of the Arabicized Berber tribe 
of the Kumya, of the ethnic group of the Zanata, 
settled in the north of what is now the province of 
Oran, not far from Nedroma, made no attempt to 
claim, as did his master, an Arab and even Prophetic 
ancestry until very much later. Still a young man — 
the year of his birth has not been ascertained — he 
had, with his uncle Ya'lu, left his native village of 
Tagra to visit the East, or possibly Ifrikiya only, 
in order to complete his studies there. But this pere- 
grination for the purpose of talab al-Hlm was to take 

him no further than Bougie (Bidjaya). It was in a 
suburb of that town, Mallala, that Ibn Tumart, the 
'faklh of the Sfls', as he was then called, who was on 
his way back to Morocco, encountered the man who 
was to be his successor. He persuaded him to join 
the small group of disciples who accompanied him, 
and taught him his "unitarian" doctrine, during the 
few months that he remained at Bougie. This 
meeting probably took place in the course of the 
year 5"/i"7. 

From this time onwards and until the death of 
the Mahdl in 524/1130, c Abd al-Mu'min plays an 
extremely active part at the side of his master, 
who attached him by adoption to his own tribe, 
the Hargha, and gave him a place in his "Council 
of Ten". He took part in all the expeditions, had 
a say in the deliberations of the Almohad general 
staff, and found a far-seeing protector in the person 
of the most active member of the movement, Abu 
Hafs 'Umar al-Hintatl [q.v.]. It was the latter who, at 
the death of Ibn Tumart, imposed on the Berber 
hillsmen of Tlnmallal acceptance of the choice made 
by the Mahdl of his own successor. Three whole years 
were, however, to elapse before c Abd al-Mu'min 
was proclaimed. He then received from all his new 
subjects the bay l a of allegiance, but had at the 
same time to face an uncertain political situation. 
Events were to reveal his outstanding qualities as 
a statesman, as a general, and as chief of a coalition 
which was still, in spite of appearances, heteroge- 
neous. His first task was, leaving aside all other 
business, to break down the Almoravid structure, 
whose foundations were already undermined. Fortune 
favoured him to a degree beyond his. highest hopes. 

The career of c Abd al-Mu'min as a sovereign began 
on the day of his proclamation, in 527/1133, and 
continued until his death in 558/1163. Here we shall 
merely summarise its principal stages. 

The first stage was to secure for the Almohads the 
whole of Morocco. The conquest proved long and 
difficult. c Abd al-Mu'min first of all attacked the 
Sus and the Dra (WadI Dar'a [q.v.]), then the line of 
Almoravid fortresses which in the North encircled the 
Grand Atlas, preventing access to the plains and to 
the capital, Marrakush. Then he swung towards the 
northeast, took the fortified towns of Damnat and 
Day, and step by step secured possession of the middle 
Atlas and of the oases of the Tafilalt during the years 
534-35/1140-41. Then the Almohad columns de- 
bouched into northern Morocco, and, from their base 
in the mountain massif of the Djebala, occupied the 
fortresses in the region of Taza. Thence, they went on 
to win over to the movement the sub-Mediterranean 
tribes of the WadI Law, and of Badis, Nakfir, Melilla, 
and the North-Oranian region; to his own village of 
Tagra, c Abd al-Mu'min returned as a conqueror. 

From this moment, c Abd al-Mu'min, at the head 
of considerable forces, felt himself strong enough to 
abandon the guerrilla operations in hilly country 
which had hitherto been his tactics, and to confront 
the Almoravids in the plain. The carrying out of 
this intention was made all the easier for him by 
the death of the Almoravid amir, 'All b. Yusuf 
b. Tashufin, which took place in 537/1134, leaving a 
tottering throne to his son Tashufin, and open rivalry 
between the Lamtuna and Massufa chiefs in regard 
to the succession to the amirate. Another untoward 
circumstance for the Almoravids was the tragic death 
of one of their most devoted and skilful generals, the 
Catalan Reverter (al-Ruburtayr), leader of their 
Christian militia, who was killed in an engagement 
with the Almohads, in 539/1145, in eastern Morocco. 


Finally, the adhesion of the Zanata to the tawhid 
further inclined the balance in favour of the rebel 
movement. The armies of c Abd al-Mu'min and of 
Tashufin b. 'All met before Tlemcen, and the Almo- 
ravid was forced to fall back on Oran, but he died as 
a result of a fall from his horse in the same year, 539. 
Now the road to Fez was open : first Oujda (Wadjda) 
and then Guercif (Adjarslf) were taken, and the capital 
of north Morocco fell after a siege of nine months 
in 540/1146, followed by MiknSsa (Meknes) and Sate. 

This series of victories was quickly followed up 
by the capture of Marrakush. The Almoravid capital 
made some attempt to resist the attackers, but was 
soon forced to capitulate, in spite of the heroic 
defence made by the garrison of the ka$aba (Shawwal 
541/April 1 147), and there was great slaughter of 
the Almoravids, among the dead being the young 
prince Ishak b. C A1I b. Yusuf. Henceforward the 
Mu'minid dynasty had the capital of its choice. The 
Almoravid palace was selected as his personal resi- 
dence by 'Abd al-Mu 5 min, who gave orders for the 
erection in its vicinity of the monumental Mosque 
of the Booksellers (Diami 1 al-Kutubiyyin) , whose 
imposing minaret still towers above Marrakush today. 

The final destruction of Almoravid power made 
it possible for c Abd al-Mu'min to organise his new 
empire, using as a basis the political system of the 
Almohad community, but broadened and adapted 
to his purpose. He carried out a new scrutiny of 
his supporters, thousands of whom, judged to be 
of doubtful loyalty or lacking in religious fervour, 
were put to the sword. Then it seemed to him that 
the time had come to extend his conquests beyond 
the boundaries of the Almoravid possessions in the 
Maghrib, and he prepared to annex Ifrikiya. 

Ifrikiya was in any case an easy prey at that 
moment. The Sinhadjian dynasties of Bidjaya and 
Kayrawan were thoroughly undermined, and the 
wave of beduin incursions was swamping the whole 
country, while the Normans, led by Roger II, king 
of Sicily, were gaining a foothold in the principal 
ports of Ifrikiya. An Almohad expedition against 
Ifrikiya could therefore be regarded as all the more 
justified, in that it could claim to be a djihdd against 
the infidel. c Abd al-Mu'min concentrated his troops 
at Sale, in 546/1151, then, in the course of an 
irresistible thrust towards the east, took possession 
one after another of Algiers, Bougie and of Kal'at 
Bani Hammad, and utterly routed near Setif the 
nomadic Arabs, formerly in the service of the 
Hammadids of Bougie ; after which he did not scorn 
to accept their services, and for the time being 
refrained from advancing any further towards Tunisia. 

Ifrikiya properly so called was not conquered 
until eight yea,rs later. 'Abd al-Mu'min, leaving as 
his lieutenant in the Maghrib Abu Hafs 'Umar al- 
Hintatl, arrived before Tunis, after a journey of six 
months, in Djumada II 554/June 1159- Having taken 
♦he town, he went on towards al-Mahdiyya and 
attacked this fortified town, which was in the hands 
of Roger II of Sicily, with powerful forces; the town 
fell in Muharram 555/January 1160. In the course 
of this campaign he also secured possession of Susa, 
Kayrawan, Sfax, Gafsa, Gabes, and Tripoli. Then 
the ruler returned to Marrakush, whence he left for 
Spain in 556/1161. 

The establishment of the Almohads in the Iberian 
peninsula had begun in 539/1145, immediately after 
the capture of Tlemcen. In the next year the Almo- 
ravid admiral lbn Maymun, who had gone over to 
c Abd al-Mu'min, contributed his part by taking 
Cadiz. In 541/1157 an Almohad army took succes- 

sively the fortified towns of Jerez, Niebla, Silves, 
Beja, Badajoz, Mertola, and finally Seville. In 
549/1154 Granada was surrendered to the new 
masters of the country by its Almoravid governor. 
In 552/1157 Almeria was recaptured from the 
Christians, who had seized it, and whose designs on 
al-Andalus became ever more obvious. It was in 
these circumstances that 'Abd al-Mu'min decided 
to cross the Straits himself, and established his 
head-quarters at Gibraltar (Djabal Tarik, after- 
wards Djabal al-Fath), whose reconstruction he had 
ordered in the previous year. He remained there for 
two months of winter, and sent out his columns 
towards Jaen, where the mercenaries of lbn Marda- 
nlsh [q.v.] had engaged in raiding. 

'Abd al-Mu'min returned to Morocco at the 
beginning of 558/1162. He proceeded to concentrate 
his troops in the huge enceinte built opposite Sal*, 
the Ribdf al-Fath, now Rabat, with a view to another 
expedition to the Iberian peninsula. But he had to 
take to his bed, and, after a long and painful illness, 
died in the month of Djumada II 558/May 1163. 
(All the historians agree as to the month and the 
year, but not as to the actual day). His remains 
were taken from Sal* to TInmallal and buried 
near the tomb of the Mahdl lbn Tumart. 

In all probability, it was at the time of the capture 
of Marrakush that 'Abd al-Mu'min had allowed his 
entourage to confer on him the exalted title of 
amir al-mu'minin, whereas the Almoravids had 
used only the title amir al-muslimin, recognising the 
spiritual suzerainty of the 'Abbasid caliphate of 
the East. Also, breaking with the Almoravid tra- 
dition, which itself had been inspired by the Hispano- 
Umayyad organisation, he set up an administrative 
system which took into account the political needs 
of his great empire, as" well as his desire not to give 
offence to his entourage of Berbers, "Almohads 
from the very beginning". Many regulations that 
formed part of this system are still in existence in 
the organisation of the makhzen [q.v.] of modern 
Morocco. But he had also to turn to Andalusian 
experts for his chancellery, mostly to men who had 
formerly been secretaries at the Almoravid court. 
He cleverly secured his succession in the direct line, 
and in 549/1154 had his eldest son Muhammad nomi- 
nated as heir presumptive. In 551/1156 he appointed 
his other sons to governorships of the principal towns 
of his empire, posting with each one, as mentors, 
men of the highest rank in the Almohad hierarchy. 

Various estimates have been given of 'Abd al- 
Mu'min, who was in no way marked out for the 
brilliant career that he made for himself. If, at the 
beginning and during the years that followed the 
death of lbn Tumart, he seems to have been some- 
what timid and to have allowed himself to be led 
by his principal collaborator Abu Hafs 'Umar IntI, 
it appears that he later manifested in increasing 
measure not only strategic but also political qualities, 
handling tactfully his susceptible entourage of 
Almohad Berbers, winning the good will of the 
Arabs of Ifrikiya after subjugating them, and 
carrying out with great intelligence and energy, 
and also cruelty, his role as head of a State and 
guardian of the doctrine of the Mahdi, to whom he 
owed his own fortune and that of his dynasty. 

See also the arts, abu #afs c umar al-hintatI, 

Bibliography: In addition to the basic texts 
cited at the beginning of this article, the career 
of 'Abd al-Mu'min is traced, though with many 
errors in chronology, by 'Abd al- Wahid al-Marra- 


kushl, Mu l d±ib, ed. Dozy; Ibn Abl Zar', Rawd 
al-kir(ds, ed. Tornberg and ed. of Fez; al-Hulal 
al-Mawshiya, ed. Allouche, Ibn al-Athlr, xi index ; 
Ibn al-Khatib, A c mal al-A c lam; Ibn Khaldun. 
Hist, des Berbires, text, i, transl., ii; Zarkashi, 
Ta'rikh al-Dawlatayn, Tunis 1289; Ibn Khallikan. 
[Wafaydt al-a'-yan, I, 390-1]. See also G. Marcais, 
La Berberie musulmane et VOrient au Moyen Age, 
Paris 1946, 262-4; H. Terrasse, Histoire du Maroc, 
Casablanca 1949, i, 282-316; C. A. Julien, Histoire 
de VAfrique du Nord de la conq\lte arabe A 1830, 
Paris 1952, 93-112; Levi-Provencal, Notes d'histoire 
almohade, Hesp., 1930, 49-90; ibid., Islam d'Oc- 
cident, Paris, 1948, i, 257-80; A. Huici, La historia 
y la leyenda en los origenes del imperio almohade 
And., 339 if. (E. Levi-Provencal) 

'ABD al-MUTTALIB B. HASHIM, paternal 
grandfather of Muhammad. Passing through 
Medina on trading journeys to Syria, Hashim b. 
'Abd Manaf married Salma bint 'Amr of the clan 
of c Adi b. al-Nadjdjar of the Khazradj, by whom 
he had two children, c Abd al-Muttalib (or Shayba) 
and Rukayya. The mother and her son remained 
in her house in Medina, this apparently being the 
practice of her family in accordance with a matrilineal 
kinship system. Some time after Hashim's death his 
brother al-Muttalib tried to strengthen his deteri- 
orating position in Mecca by bringing his gifted 
nephew from Medina to help him. The common 
explanation that the youth was called 'Abd al- 
Muttalib because he was mistaken for the slave of 
■al-Muttalib is not acceptable; the name has probably 
a religious significance. Arabic sources give the 
impression that 'Abd al-Muttalib was the leading 
man in Mecca (sayyid Kuraysh), whereas sc 
Western scholars have tried to show that he < 
insignificant. It seems more probable that he ' 
a leader of a political group within Kuraysh which 
had developed out of the alliance of the Mutayyabun 
<B. 'Abd Manaf, B. Asad, B. Zuhra, B. Taym, B 
Harith b. Fihr) by the secession of B. Nawfal b. c Abd 
Manaf and B. c Abd Shams b. 'Abd Manaf. It 
significant that c Abd al-Muttalib is said to have 
had disputes with Nawfal and with the grandson 
of c Abd Shams. Moreover it is doubtless as leader 
of this group that he negotiated with the leader 
of an Abyssinian army invading Mecca, perhaps 
hoping thereby to obtain some advantage < 
Meccan rivals. He also appears to have beei 
alliance with tribes from the neighbourhood of 
Mecca, Khuza'a. Kinana and Thakif, and to 1 
owned a well at al-Ta'if. The basis of his prosperity 
was trade, especially with Syria and the Yemen, 
coupled with the sikdya and rifada (the privilege of 
supplying pilgrims to Mecca with water and food), 
which he had inherited from Hashim. He is credited 
with having dug several wells, notably that of 
Zamzam at the Rata. Fatima bint 'Amr (of B. 
Makhzum) was mother of most of his children, 
including 'Abd Allah [q.v.] (Muhammad's father) and 
Abu Talib; he had other wives from B. Zuhra of 
Kuraysh, al-Namir, 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and Khuza'a, 
mothers respectively of Hamza, al-'Abbas, al-Harith 
and Abu Lahab. On the death of Muhammad's mother 
he took the boy of six to his own house. While the 
■stories about 'Abd al-Muttalib have been subject to 
tendentious shaping, there may be more fact underly- 
ing them than scepticalWestern scholars haveallowed. 
Bibliography: Ibn Hisham, 33-5, 71, 9i" 6 > 
107-14; Ibn Sa'd, i/i, 46-58, 74-5; Tabari, i, 
937-45, 980-1, 1073-83, etc.; Caussin de Perceval, 
Essai sur Vhistoire des Arabes avant Vislamisme, 

i, 259-90; ZDMG, vii, 30-5; Caetani, Annali, 

rn-20; F. Buhl, Das Leben Muhammeds, 113-6; 

Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, index. 
(W. Montgomery Watt) 

Mirza C ABD al RAHlM KHAN, Khan-i KhanAn, 
general, statesman and scholar, was born in 
Lahore, 14 Safar 964/16 Dec. 1556, the son of Akbar's 
first wakil, Bayram Khan [q.v.]. He belonged to the 
Baharlu, a branch of the Kara Koyunlu Turkmens, 
and his mother was a daughter of Djamal Khan 
Mewati, whose elder daughter the emperor Humayun 
had married. When he was four his father was 
murdered and he was thereafter brought up by 
Akbar himself, who gave him an excellent education 
and training, and from whom he received the title 
of Mirza Khan. In 1572 he accompanied Akbar to 
Gudjrat and then had assigned to him, under the 
tutelage of Sayyid Ahmad of Baraha, the district of 
Patah, within which his .father had been murdered. 

In Djumada I 981/Aug. 1573 he accompanied 
Akbar on his historic forced march to Gudjrat and 
he shared the command of the centre in the battle 
of Sarnal which destroyed the power of the rebel 
Mirzas. In 1576 he was appointed governor of 
Gudjrat, Wazir Khan Harawi being entrusted with 
the actual administration of the province. He was 
deputed in the same year to the MewSr expedition 
and assisted in the conquest of Gogunda and Kum- 
bhalmer in 1578. As a mark of great confidence the 
emperor appointed him, in 1581, mir c ard, an office 
which was previously held by seven officers jointly. 
He was also given the djagir of Ranthambore and 
ordered to pacify the area. In 1582 he was appointed 
atalik to Akbar's son Sallm, then a boy of thirteen. 
In 1583 he was deputed to suppress the revolt of 
Muzaffar Shah Gudjratl, which he broke by defeating 
Muzaffar against heavy odds in Muharram 992/Jan. 
1584, at the two battles of Sarkhedj and Nadot. In 
recognition of his victories he was given the title of 
Khan-i Khanan and raised to what was till then the 
highest mansab, of 5,000. He remained in command 
of Gudjrat, pursued Muzaffar into Kathiawar, and 
subjugated Nawanagar. In 1585, during his tem- 
porary absence at the court, Muzaffar again raised 
the banner of revolt. He quickly returned to Gudjrat 
and pacified the province. In the following year, 
when the system of joint governors was instituted, 
Kulidj Khan was associated with him in the govern- 
ment of the province. In 1587 he was permitted to 
return to the court while retaining nominally the 
governorship. In 1589, Gudjrat was taken from him 
and given to Mirza 'Aziz Kuka, the brother of his 
wife, Mah Banu. 

In the same year he was appointed to the highest 
office at the court, that of wakil, and given Djawnpur 
as d±aglr. In that year he presented to the emperor 
his Persian translation of Bibur-ndma, entitled 
Waki c dt-iBaburi. In 1 590-1 his d±ag%r was transferred 
against his wishes from Djawnpur to Multan and 
Bhakkar and he was appointed to command the 
army sent to conquer Kandahar and to annex 
Thatta, then held by Mirza Djani Beg Tarkhan. 
'Abd al-Rahim decided, according to Abu '1-Fadl, 
to proceed against Thatta in preference to Kandahar 
in the hope of getting more booty. Consequently 
the command of the Kandahar expedition was 
entrusted to Akbar's son Daniyal. In 1000/1591-2 
the conquest of Thatta was completed. Mirza Djani 
Beg married one of his daughters to 'Abd al-Rahim's 
son, Shah Nawaz Khan (Iridj), and came to the 
court along with 'Abd al-Rahim. 

In 1593 he was appointed to assist the prince 



Daniyal who was given the command of an expedition 
to the Deccan, but on his advice the expedition was 
cancelled. Two years later, when the conquest of the 
Deccan was entrusted to another of Akbar's sons, 
Murad, c Abd al-Rahim was given Bhilsa as djdgir 
and ordered to assist the prince. From this time his 
services were directed to the Deccan, except for 
short breaches, for nearly thirty years. In con- 
sequence of his delay, he was received discourteously 
by Murad and did not take an active part in the 
campaign except when he defeated a largely out- 
numbering force under Suhayl Khan of Bidjapur 
in an important battle fought in 1597. His relations 
with the prince remained strained and in 1598 he 
was recalled from the Deccan. 

On the death of Murad, Daniyal was appointed 
to the Deccan in 1599; c Abd al-Rahim was ordered 
to join him and besiege Ahmadnagar, which was 
being heroically defended by Cand Bibl. After the 
fall of Ahmadnagar Daniyal was appointed to its 
government and was married to Djani Begum, c Abd 
al-Rahim's daughter. In 1601 <Abd al-Rahim was 
ordered to repair to Ahmadnagar and pacify the 
territory and in the following year the command 
of Berar, Pathri and Telingana was made over to him. 

When Salim ascended the throne with the title 
of Djahangir, c Abd al-Rahim was in the Deccan. He 
was confirmed in his post and the emperor especially 
sent Mukarrab Khan to reassure him. When Malik 
'Anbar, the commander of the Nizam Shahl dynasty 
of Ahmadnagar, made a bold bid to recover the 
territory lost to the Mughals, c Abd al-Rahim 
promised the emperor quick victory provided he 
received adequate assistance. A strong army under 
the command of Djahangir's son Parwiz was des- 
patched to assist him, but largely as a result of 
lack of cooperation among the generals, c Abd al- 
Rahlm was compelled to conclude a dishonourable 
treaty with Malik 'Anbar in 1610. He was recalled 
to the court in disgrace and accused of mismanage- 
ment and treachery. He was soon forgiven and in the 
following year received KalpI and Kannawdj as 
Hdgir with the responsability of suppressing revolts 
in those districts. 

Since, however, Mughal fortunes in the Deccan 
did not improve, c Abd al-Rahim was again appointed 
to the Deccan in 1021/1612, but could do little more 
than retrieve the situation, until in 1616 Parwiz was 
replaced by the prince Khurram (later §hah Djahan) 
who was sent with a large force. Malik 'Anbar was 
defeated and concluded in 1617 a treaty restoring 
the Mughal conquests, but again attacked Mughal 
territory in 1620 and was again defeated by Shah 
Djahan. In 1622 Shah Djahan was recalled from the 
Deccan along with c Abd al-Rahim and asked to 
command the army against the Persians who had 
conquered Kandahar. Shah Djahan refused to obey 
the summons and revolted. 'Abd al-Rahim joined 
him but was arrested for communicating with 
Mahabat Khan, the commander of the Imperial 
forces, and subsequently released on the latter's 
insistence to negotiate terms of peace. When he 
reached the Imperial army, his communication with 
the rebel forces was cut off and although he agreed 
to join the Imperial side, he was placed under 

In 1625 Djahangir called him to the court, restored 
his title and honours and gave him one lac of rupees 
as a gift. After the emperor was released from the 
captivity of Mahabat Khan, who had rebelled, c Abd 
al-Rahim asked for the command of the expedition 
against the rebel general, and towards the close of 
Encyclopaedia of Islam 

1626 was ordered to make preparations for the 
expedition and was assigned most of the dj,dgirs 
formerly held by Mahabat Khan. Before the pre- 
parations were completed, he fell ill at Lahore, and 
died on arrival at Delhi in 1036/1627, at the age of 71. 
His tomb still stands near that of the shaykh Nizam 
al-DIn Awliya. He survived his four sons, Mirza 
Iridj entitled Shah Nawaz Khan, who rose to be a 
commander of 5,000 and died in 1619; Mirza Darab 
entitled Darab Khan, also a distinguished commander 
who was made governor of Bengal by Shah Djahan 
during his rebellion, fell into the hands of Mahabat 
Khan and was executed in 1625-6 ; Mirza Rahman-dad 
(d. 1619); and Mirza Amr Allah who died young. 

Mirza 'Abd al-Rahim was a distinguished scholar 
and poet, and was proficient in Arabic, Persian, 
Turk! and Hindi. Under the pseudonym Rahlm he 
composed poetry in all four languages. He is especi- 
ally famous for his Hindi poetry which is saturated 
with the emotions of bhakti. He was a great patron 
of arts and letters, and the Ma'dthir-i Rahimi 
contains a long list of poets who enjoyed his 
patronage. His munificence and generosity were 
proverbial and anecdotes of his liberality are 
numerous. Though frequently accused of treachery 
and corruption, he possessed a better grasp of the 
problems of the Deccan than any other Mugjjal 

In his religious views he was professedly a Sunnl. 
Though religious leaders like $haykh Ahmad Sarhindl 
and shaykh c Abd al-Hakk Dihlawl counted him 
among the orthodox, his religious outlook remained 
mystical and liberal. The belief that he was suspected 
of practising takiyya and of secretly following 
Shi'ite tenets is not supported by contemporary 

Bibliography: Abu 'i-Fadl, Akbar-n^mA, m; 
Nizam al-Din Ahmad, Jabakat-i Akbari, H^esp. 
375-91; Tusuk-i Diahdngiri, transl. Roger* and 
Beveridge; Mu'tamad Khan, Ikbdl-nana?yl ■£&• 
hdngiri, esp. 287-8; c Abd al-Bakl NihflwandJ, 
Ma'atiir-i Rahimi; Firishta, Gulshani Ibfikimi; 
Abu Turab Wall, Ta'rikh-i Gudirdt, Calcutta 1909; 
Muhammad Ma'sum, Ta'rlkh-i Sindjt, Bombay 
1938, 250-7; Insha-yi Abu'l-Fafl, 1262, i, nos. 9, 
10, ii (first half);. Maktubdt-i Imdm-i Rabbdnl, 
Lucknow 1913, i, nos. 23, 67, 69, 191, 214, ii, 
nos. 8, 62, 66, 67; c Abd al-Hakk Dihlawl, Mo&wfi'a- 
yi Kitdb al-Makdtib, Delhi 1332, nos. 12, 14, 18, 
19, 22; Shah NawSz Khan, Ma>dt&r al-Umard', 
i. 693-713; A'in-i Akbari, transl. Blochmann, 
Calcutta 1927, i, notes 354-61; D«va Prasada 
Munsif, Khan KUn-nama (in Hindi); Maya 
Sankara Yadjnlka, Rahim Ratndvali (in Hindi). 

(Nurul Hasan) 
C ABD al RAHMAN, the name of the Marwanid 
prince who restored the Umayyad dynasty in al- 
Andalus, and of four of his successors. 

1. c Abd al-RahmAn I, called al-Dak^U, 'the Im- 
migrant', was the son of Mu'awiya b. Hisjjam [q.v.]. 
When his relatives were being hunted down by the 
'Abbasids, e Abd al-Rahman, still a youth— he was 
bom in 113/731 — contrived to escape secretly to 
Palestine, whence, accompanied by his freedman 
Badr, he made his way first to Egypt, and then to 
Ifrikiya. At Kayrawan, the hostile attitude of the 
governor, c Abd al-Rahman b. Hablb, drove him 
to seek refuge in the Maghrib. He stayed for some 
time in the region of Tahart ; subsequently he sought 
hospitality first from the Berber tribe of the 
Miknasa, and then from the Nafza tribe, on the 
Moroccan shore of the Mediterranean, taking ad- 



vantage of his family connections — his mother 
having been a captive woman from that very tribe. 
But the Berbers did not look with favour on the 
political schemes of the young Syrian emigre, who 
with tbe help of his mawla, decided to try his luck 
in Spain. 

'Abd al-Rahman b. Mu'awiya managed most 
cleverly, and with keen political sense, to turn to 
account the bitter rivalries which at that time 
grouped the Arab Kaysite party and Yamanite party 
in the Iberian peninsula in opposed camps. We 
succeeded similarly in enlisting the support of the 
numerous Umayyad clients who had come to Spain 
with Baldj b. Bishr [q.v.], and who formed there a 
local cadre of Syrian djunds dominating a large part 
of the south of Andalusia. The ground having been 
well prepared by Badr, c Abd al-Rahman entered 
the peninsula: he disembarked at Almunecar (al- 
Munakkab) on i Rabi' I 138/14 August 755, and 
at once put forward his claim to the sovereign power. 
The governor of al-Andalus, Yusuf b. c Abd al- 
Rahman al-Fihrl, soon had to take up arms against 
him. 'Abd al-Rahman, whose forces were continually 
increasing, made his entry into Seville in Shawwal 
138/March 756, defeated Yusuf al-Fihrl in the 
outskirts of Cordova on the to Dhu '1-Hidjdja following 
(15 May), and entered the capital, where he was 
proclaimed amir of al-Andalus. 

The founder of the Umayyad amirate of Cordova 
was to reign for more than thirty-three years. He 
spent the greater part of them in consolidating his 
position in the capital itself. The news of his success 
spread in the East, and soon a stream of dependents 
or supporters of the Umayyads was flowing into 
Spain to help with the restoration in the West of 
the dynasty that in the East had fallen from power. 
It was not long before the amir of Cordova was 
forced to confront a multitude of political problems. 
He had first of all to subdue finally the former wall 
Yusuf al-Fihrl, who had collected round him a 
certain number of malcontents and tried to retake 
Cordova; but he was defeated in 141/758 and in the 
next year was killed near Toledo. Meanwhile, just 
as in the time of the former governors, embers of 
revolt were smouldering in almost every part of the 
new kingdom; unrest was stirred up not only by 
the neo-Muslim Spaniards and by the Berbers of the 
mountainous regions, but also by the mutual hostility 
of the Arab clans. 'Abd al-Rahman I thus had to 
stamp out rebellion at many different point: for 
example, in 146/763, the rising of the Arab chief 
al-'Ala> b. Mughith al-Djudhaml, and, in 152/769, 
that of the Berber Shakya in the Santaver district 
(Shantabariyya), now the province of Cuenca. 
Later, a certain number of the Arab chiefs on the 
eastern side of the Peninsula formed a coalition, and 
asked for help from Charlemagne. The latter himself 
crossed the Pyrenees at the head of a Frankish army 
and laid siege to Saragossa in 162/778; but a 
sudden recall to the Rhineland compelled him to 
raise the siege. On the way back his army was 
attacked in the narrow valley of Roncesvalley by 
bands of Basques (Bashkunish) and was decimated 
(episode of Roland, Duke of Brittany). 'Abd al- 
Rahman in his turn laid siege to Saragossa, and 
gained possession of it for a time. But he was forced 
to give up the idea of recapturing other towns that 
had fallen into the hands of the Christians. Thus 
it was that Gerona (Djarunda) came under Frankish 
control in 169/785. 

Three years later, on 25 Rabi' II 172/30 September 
788, 'Abd al-Rahman I died at Cordova before 

reaching his sixtieth year. The State of Cordova was 
doubtless still very insecure; but at least he had 
provided it with an administrative and military 
organisation similar, on a lesser scale, to that of the 
former caliphate of Damascus, and which was to 
last as long as the Marwanids of al-Andalus remained 
faithful to the 'Syrian tradition'. In any case, the 
success of the 'Immigrant' made a deep impression 
in the East, and the 'Abbasid caliph Abu Dja'far 
al-Mansur gave him the name sakr Kuraysh, 'Hawk 
of Kuraysh', as a tribute to his courage and his 
spirit of enterprise. 

Bibliography: E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp. 
mus., I, 91-138. The essential Arabic source for 
the career of 'Abd al-Rahman I is the anonymous 
compilation entitled Akhbdr Madimu'-a [q.v.], 
46-120. For the other sources and the bibl., see 
Hist. Esp. mus., I, 91, n. 1. 

2. 'Abd al-Rahman II b. al-Hakam b. Hisham b. 
'Abd al-Rahman b. Mu'awiya, great-grandson of 
the above, succeeded his father al-Hakam I on 
25 Dhu 'l-Hidjdja 206/21 May 822. He was born 
at Toledo in 176/792 and was chosen as heir presump- 
tive by his father. The recent discovery of that 
part of the Muktabis of Ibn Hayyan which deals 
with the reigns of al-Hakam I and c Abd al-Rahman 
II has made it possible for the present writer to 
offer a rather different picture of the latter sovereign 
and of the kingdom of al-Andalus during his period 
from that which Dozy based on the documentation 
available in his time. It now appears that the reign, 
of 'Abd al-Rahman II, which covered a third of a 
century, was much more prosperous and brilliant 
than was thought hitherto; in the history of Anda- 
lusian civilisation it represented a decisive turning- 
point, when for the first time there penetrated to 
Cordova manners and a way of life directly borrowed 
from Baghdad and from the 'Abbasid civilisation 
which firmly set their stamp on the aristocracy 
(khassa) of Muslim Spain, and led to a continuous 
ebbing of the Syro-Umayyad tradition in the 
Marwanid kingdom. 

At the beginning of the reign of 'Abd al-Rahman II 
some disturbances, which came about as a reaction 
against the iron rule with which al-Hakam 1 had 
governed al-Andalus, were easily put down; grad- 
ually the Levante territories (Shark al-Andalus) were 
brought completely under the crown, and a new 
town, Murcia was founded in 216/831 to replace 
the former chief town, Ello. A revolt on a considerable 
scale broke out at Toledo; it was finally put down, 

same time the ruler of Cordova took up afresh the 
struggle against the Christians along the frontiers 
of al-Andalus, and nearly every year personally led 
or sent summer expeditions (sdHfa) against the 
Asturio-Leonese kingdom. He also had to deal with 
the revolt of the Berber Mahmud b. 'Abd al-Djabbar 
in the region of Merida and with the minor 
aggressive outbursts of the muwallad Banu Kasi 
family [q.v.] of Aragon, while at the same time 
waging war, at regular intervals, against the Basque 
kingdom of Pamplona and the Hispanic Marches 
(now Catalonia), which then formed part of the 
empire of the Franks (lfrandj; q.v.). 

Two important political events also took place 
during the reign of 'Abd al-Rahman II. The first, 
following upon a recrudescence of nationalist propa- 
ganda, was the tenacious revolt of the Mozarab 
Christians [q.v.] of Toledo and Cordova, fomented 
by certain fanatics. Arabic historiography makes 
no mention of this revolt, ai 



can only be obtained from a few contemporary Latin 
sources. Not without reluctance, the government 
of Cordova had to deal severely with a large number 
of Mozarabs, priests and lay persons, men and 
women, who were guilty of having reviled the 
religion of the Prophet. At this time there was a 
disturbing outbreak of voluntary martyrdom, which 
was brought to an end by a Council held at Cordova 
and presided over by the Metropolitan of Seville 
(mafrdn) in 238/862. Seven years later the priest 
Eulogus, who had been the leading spirit of this 
movement and was. trying to reanimate it, was 
arrested and beheaded, by the orders of amir 
Muhammad I. 

Far more serious was the raid of the Norsemen, 
in 230/844, on Muslim Spain. The flotillas of Norsemen 
(Urdumaniyyun), usually called Madjus [q.v.] by the 
Chroniclers, first made their appearance at Lisbon, 
then came up the Guadalquivir from its mouth and 
sacked Seville and all the surrounding country. The 
counter-stroke was not delayed, and after a bloody 
battle Seville was recaptured from the pirates at 
the end of Safar 230/14 November 844. To meet 
this unexpected menace and to forestall any new 
attack the navy was reinforced. 

<Abd al- Rahman II instituted friendly relations 
with three little independent kingdoms of western 
Barbary: the Rus tumid kingdom of Tahart, the 
Salihid kingdom of Nakur, and the Midrarid kingdom 
of Sidjilmassa, but made no advances to the Aghla- 
bids of Ifrikiya, who were partisans of the c Abba- 
sids and had just conquered Sicily. From his reign 
too dates the opening of diplomatic relations 
between Cordova and Byzantium. An embassy from 
the emperor Theophilus arrived in Spain in 225/840 
to demand the restitution of Crete, which had been 
occupied by the Andalusian adventurer Abu Hafs 
'Umar al-Ballutl [q.v.]. The reply was in the negative, 
but a Cordovan deputation, of which the poet al- 
Ghazal [q.v.] was a member, went to Constantinople 
at this time. 

c Abd al-Rahman II was to become particularly 
renowned as an organiser and builder, and as a 
patron of letters and the arts. He reorganised the 
administration of his kingdom on the lines of the 
'Abbasid system, ordered the construction at 
Cordova of several works of public utility, and on 
two occasions undertook the extension of the great 
mosque in his capital, in 218/833 and 234/848. His 
court soon became most brilliant, from the time 
when the musician and singer Ziryab [q.v.], who 
came to Cordova in 207/822, won acceptance at 
Cordova for the refined usages of the Baghdad 
civilisation. Several poets won fame in the entourage 
of the amir of Cordova: for example, al-'Abbas ibn 
Firnas [q.v.], al-Ghazal, mentioned above, and 
Ibrahim ibn Sulayman al-Shaml. During his reign 
the Malikite school of Cordova developed greatly, 
and several fakihs acquired a reputation in juridical 
science, in particular the Berber Yahya [q.v.] al^ 
LaythI, whose dictates c Abd al-Rahman II followed in 
his choice of kadis. The end of the amir's life was 
darkened by palace intrigues, instigated by his 
fata Nasr and by his concubine Tarub. He died at 
Cordova on 3 RabI' II 238/22 September 852, after 
a reign that, taken as a whole, can be called glorious, 
and which should henceforward be assigned the 
position which it deserves in the history of Umayyad 

Bibliography: E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp. 
mus., I, 193-278 (sources and bibliography ibid., 



3. <Abd al-Rahman III b. Muh. b. <Abd Allah, 
the greatest of the Hispano-Umayyad rulers and 
first caliph of al-Andalus. 

The successor of the amir c Abd Allah was only 
twenty-three at the time of his accession; in spite 
of his youth he had been chosen by his grandfather 
as heir presumptive because of his high qualities. 
The choice was fully justified. Indeed, no reign in 
the annals of Hispanic Islam was more brilliant or 
more glorious. Its great length — a whole half century, 
from 300/912 to 350/961 — ensured for the policies of 
c Abd al-Rahman III the benefits of an unusual 
degree of continuity, and made it possible for him 
to subdue one after another all the centres of 
disaffection in al-Andalus. 

The reign of c Abd al-Rahman III can be divided 
into two principal periods: first a period of internal 
pacification, the result of which was the achievement 
of political unity in the kingdom of Cordova, a 
unity which had been gravely threatened in the 
reign of amir c Abd Allah [q.v.] ; then a longer period, 
mainly distinguished by activity in external policy: 
an offensive against Christian Spain, and a struggle 
with the Fatimid empire for influence in North 

As soon as he came to the throne, c Abd al-Rahman 
III mustered all his resources to put an end to the 
revolt in southern Andalusia, and to neutralise once 
and for all the aggressive power of the principal 
instigator of this revolt, 'Umar b. Hafsun [q.v.]. 
Until 305/917 he unceasingly harassed the Andalusian 
rebels and attacked the Arab aristocrats of Seville, 
Carmona, and Elvira, who were forced to submit. 
After the death of Ibn Hafsun, his sons quickly gave 
up the struggle. Their head-quarters at Bobastro 
[q.v.] were taken by storm in 315/928. Five years 
later the last centre of resistance, Toledo, fell in its 

At the same time the ruler of Cordova took care 
not to allow himself to be outflanked by sporadic 
outbursts of aggression by his Christian neighbours. 
He stopped the advance of the king of Asturio-Leon, 
Ordofio III, in 308/920, and seized a series of strong- 
holds along the strategic line of the Duero, Osma, 
San Esteban de Gormaz, and Clunia, particularly 
after his victory at Juncaria (Valdejunquera). Four 
years later the victorious operations known as the 
Pamplona campaign put him in a position to sack 
the Basque capital, the seat of Sancho Garces I, 
and to secure his land frontiers for several years. 
But he was to find a powerful opponent in the new 
king of Leon, Ramiro II, who, shortly after his 
accession, took the offensive against Islam and, 
after a series of encounters in which he was beaten, 
succeeded in inflicting on the ruler of Cordova, in 
327/939, the very serious defeat at the "moat" of 
Simancas (sometimes wrongly called the battle of 

Ten years had already passed since c Abd al- 
Rahman III, after the taking of Bobastro, and as 
a retort to the designs of the Fatimids on his realm, 
had adopted the exalted title amir al-mu'minin, and 
the honorific appellation al-Nasir li-DIn Allah. 
He was now to pursue in North Africa a policy of 
attraction and to combat, particularly in Morocco, 
the influence of the new masters of Ifrikiya. In 
order to secure from bases of operations on African 
soil, he occupied certain presidios, Ceuta in particular, 
which was taken in 319/931. On this battle of 
influences, which was to continue until ' the end 
of the tenth century, see the ai 



After the Simancas disaster, c Abd al-Rahman III 
quickly succeeded in restoring the situation, especially 
as his enemy Ramiro II died in 339/951 and his 
sons Ordofio III and Sancho quarreled over the 
succession. Al-Nasir took full advantage of the civil 
wars which at that time steeped the kingsdoms of 
Leon and Pamplona in blood (for fuller details see 
the art. Umayyads). 

'Abd al-Rahman III died at Cordova on 22 
Ramadan 350/15 October 961, at the height of his 
fame and power. During the latter part of his reign 
he had lived in the style of a veritable potentate, 
and had transferred his residence to his royal 
establishment of Madinat al-Zahra' [q.v.], at the 
gates of Cordova, which he made into a town by 
itself. Of the kingdom of al-Andalus, which under 
his predecessors had ever been an object of contention 
shaken by civil war, the rivalries of the Arab clans, 
and the clash of ethnic groups in opposition to each 
other, he had contrived to make a pacified, pros- 
perous, and immensely rich State. From that time 
Cordova was a Muslim metropolis, a rival to 
Kayrawan and to the great cities of the East. It far 
surpassed the other capitals of Western Europe, and 
enjoyed in the Mediterranean world a reputation 
and a prestige comparable to that of Constantinople. 
Bibliography: E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp. 

mus., II, 1-164 (Arab, sources and bibl., ibid., 1, 

4. 'Abd al-RaijmAn IV b. Muh. b. c Abd al-Malik 
b. 'Abd al- Rahman, grandson of 'Abd al-Rahman 
al-Nasir, Umayyad caliph of al-Andalus, who took 
at the beginning of his short reign the honorific 
title of al-Murtada. This personage, who, at the 
time of the fitna of Cordova, had retired to Valencia, 
was proclaimed at the end of 408/1018, after the 
assassination of 'All b. Hammud [q.v.] by a number of 
supporters collected together by the lord of Almeria, 
the Sclavonian fold KhayrSn. Al-Murtada, before 
trying to retake Cordova and to instal himself there, 
laid siege to Granada, where the Sinhadja of Zawl b. 
ZIri [q.v.] were in command, and suffered a serious 
defeat. Betrayed, and abandoned by his own men, 
he took refuge at Guadix (Wadi Ash), where he was 
before long assassinated. 

Bibliography: E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp. 
mus., II, 328-30. 

5. c Abd al-RapmAn V b. Hisham b. c Abd al- 
Djabbar, one of the last Umayyad caliphs of al- 
Andalus, was proclaimed on the 16 Ramadan 414/ 
2 December 1023 at Cordova, and took the honorific 
title of al-Mustazhir bi'llah. He had barely attained 
his majority, and showed remarkable literary gifts. 
He surrounded himself with counsellors chosen from 
among the aristocracy of the capital, men such as 
the great writer 'All b. Harm, but was able to 
remain in power for only forty-seven days. The 
Cordovan mob deposed him in the course of a riot, 
and replaced him by Muhammad III al-Mustakfl, 
on 3 Dhu 'HCa'da of the same year/17 January 1024. 
The first act of his successor was to put 'Abd al- 
Rahman al-Mustazhir to death. 

Bibliography: E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp. 
mus. II, 334-5. (E- Levi-Provencal) 

«ABD al-RAQMAN b. Mujhammad b. ABl 
'AMIR, nicknamed Sanchuelo (Shandjwilo), the 
"little Saucho" (as he was by his mother a grandson 
of Sancho Garces II Abarca, Basque king of Pamp- 
lona), son of the famous" majordomo" al-Mansur 
[q.v.] b. Abl 'Amir. He suceeded his elder brother 
'Abd al-Malik [q.v.] al-Muzaffar on his death, 16 
Safar 399/20 Oct. 1008, with the consent of the titular 

caliph, the Umayyad Hisham II al-Mu 5 ayyad bi'llah. 
Indifferently gifted, vain, debauched, 'Abd al- 
Rahman Sanchuelo, from the moment that he 
assumed power in Cordova, made one mistake after 
the other and alienated public opinion. He started 
by obtaining from Hisham II his designation as 
presumtive heir of the crown. The text of the 
document of investiture, dated Rabi' I 399/Nov. 
1008, has been preserved. The designation was very 
badly received by the people of Cordova, who were 
already exasperated by the pro-Berber feelings of 
the 'Amirid hddiib. While 'Abd al-Rahman mis- 
guidedly decided to go, in the middle of winter, 
on an expedition against the kingdom of Leon, an 
opposition party was formed in Cordova. They 
elevated to the throne the Umayyad Muhammad 
b. Hisham b. 'Abd al-Djabbar, whose first care 
was to order the sack of the residence of the 'Amirids, 
al-Madina al-Zahira [q.v.]. The reaction of 'Abd 
al-Rahman to this news was half-hearted. He turned 
back in the direction of Cordova, but during his 
return journey he was abandoned by his troops and 
arrested, not far from the capital, by emissaries of 
the Umayyad pretender, who put him to death, 
3 Radjab 399/3 March 1009. 
[See also 'amirids and Umayyads of Spain]. 

Bibliography: E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp. 

mus., ii, 291-304. E. Levi-Provencal) 

'ABD al RAHMAN b. 'ALl [see ibn al-dayba']. 

'ABD al-RAJHMAn b. 'AWF, originally called 

'Abd 'Amr or 'Abd al-Ka'ba, the most prominent 

early Muslim convert from B. Zuhra of IjCuraysh. 

He took part in the Hidjra to Abyssinia and in that 

to Medina, and fought at Badr and the other main 

battles. He commanded a force of 700 men sent by 

Muhammad in Sha'ban 6/December 627 to Dumat 

al-Diandal; the Christian chief, al-Asbagh (or al- 

Asya') al-Kalbl, became a Muslim and made a 

treaty, and 'Abd al-Rahman married his daughter 

Tumadir (but cf. Caetani, Annali, i, 700). By his 

shrewdness and skill as a merchant he made an 

enormous fortune. Politically he was a friend of 

Abu Bakr and later of 'A'isha. On 'Umar's death, 

as one of the Shura or council of six who had to 

choose the new caliph, he played a leading part in 

the appointment of 'Uthman. He died about 31/652 

aged 75. According to Tradition he was one of the 

ten whom Muhammad had assured of Paradise. 

Bibliography: Ibn Sa'd, iii/i, 87-97 ; Tabari, 

index; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghdba, iii, 313-7; Ibn 

Hadjar, Isaba, ii, 997-1001; A. Sprenger, Das 

Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad, i, 428-30. 

(M. Th. Houtsma — W. Montgomery Watt) 
'ABD al-RAHMAN b. HlgHAM, 'Alawid 
[q.v.] sultan of Morocco, born in 1204/1789-90. 
Proclaimed in Fez, 15 Rabi' 1 1238/30 Nov. 1822, 
he succeeded his uncle Mawlay Sulayman [q.v.] who 
had appointed him as his heir. Recognized without 
great difficulties, the new sovereign had nevertheless 
to repress during his reign several revolts of the 
tribes. Among these were the revolts of Zemmur, 
in 1240/1824-5, in 1259/1843, in 1269/1852 and in 
1274-5/1857-8, the revolt of Banu Zarwal in 1241/ 
1825, that of ShidySma in i243'i827-8, that of 'Amir 
and Za'i'ir in 1265/1849 and that of Banu Musa in 
1269/1853. The two most serious revolts were, 
however, that of Shrarda in 1244/1828 and that of 
the geysh of Wadaya in 1247-8/1831-2. The sultan 
besieged Faz al-Djadld, where the rebels had fortified 
themselves, and after taking the city, dismissed 
them and scattered them near Marrakush, at Rabat 
and at al-'Ara'ish (Larache). 



The relations of Mawlay 'Abd al-Rahman with 
the European nations were marked by a series of 
failures that made him abandon his earlier plans of 
aggression and expansion. The blockade of Tangier 
by the English in 1828 and the bombardment of 
al-'Ara'ish (Larache), Arzila and Tittawln under- 
taken by the Austrians in 1829 as reprisals for the 
seizure of merchant ships, made an end to an 
attempted reconstruction of a corsair navy, while 
the military successes of France in Algeria forced 
the sultan to renounce all intervention in the territory 
of the late regency. He tried in 1830-2 to extend 
his influence to the East of his empire by appointing 
khalifas in Tlemcen, Miliana and Medea, but had 
to recall, or disavow, them, because of their troubles 
and the protest of the French government. From 
1832 to 1834 he lent c Abd al-Kadir, leader of the 
holy war, his moral and material support and 
allowed himself to be involved in a conflict with 
France when his ally took refuge in Morocco in 
order to continue the struggle. The reverses which 
he suffered: battle of Isly (14 August 1844), bombard- 
ment of Tangier and Mogador (6 and 15 August), 
obliged c Abd al-Rahman to outlaw the Amir (treaty 
of Tangier, 26 Oct. 1844). In 1847 he decided to 
expel him from the country, thus compelling him 
to give himself up to the French. Several incidents, 
due to the fanaticism of his subjects, such as the 
murder of the Spanish consular agent Darmon 
(1843), that of the Frenchman Paul Rey (1855) and 
pillage of the brig "Courraud Rose" (1851), embar- 
rassed his relations with the foreign powers, but 
generally he gave in before threats or force (bom- 
bardment of Sale, 1851). 

During his reign, Portugal (1823), England (1824, 
1827), Sardinia (1825), Spain (1825), France (1825, 
1844), Austria (1830), the kingdom of Naples (1834), 
the United States of America (1836), Sweden and 
Danemark (1844), renewed, or completed, their 
commercial treaties with Morocco. 

A pious ruler and a good administrator, Mawlay 
c Abd al-Rahman had many monuments built or 
restored: in Fez (Mosque of Mawlay Idris), Meknes, 
Sale (minaret of the Great Mosque, fortifications), 
Tangier (harbour), Safi, Mazagan.Marrakush (mosque 
of Bfl Hassan, Kannariyya, al-Wusta, and the plan- 
tation of the Agdal), etc. He died in Meknes, 29 
Muharram 1276/28 August 1859. 

Bibliography: al-Nasirl al-Salawi, al-Istiksd', 
Cairo 1312, iv, 172-210, trad. E. Fumey, AM, 
1907, 105-209; Ibn Zaydan, Ta'rikh Miknds, 
Rabat 1933, i, 205-231, iv, 81-359; Freiherr von 
Augustin, Marohho, Pest 1845; L. Godard, De- 
scription et histoire du Maroc, Paris i860, ii, 585-629 ; 
J. Caille, Le dernier exploit des corsaires du Bou 
Regreg, Hesp., 1950, 429-37; Les relations de la 
France et du Maroc sous la dtuxihne ripublique, 
Actes du congris historique de centenaire de la 
revolution de 1848, 397-408 ; La France et le Maroc 
en 1849, Hesp., 1946, 123-55; Au lendemain de 
la bataille de Vlsly, Hesp., 1948, 383-401 ; Charles 
Jagerschmidt, charge" d'affaires de France au Maroc 
(1820-1894), Paris 1952; Ph. de Cosse-Brissac, Les 
rapports de la France et du Maroc pendant la 
conqueHe de I'Algirie (1830-1847), Paris 1931. 
(Ph. de Coss£ Brissac) 
C ABD al-RAQMAN b. KHALID b. al-WalId 
al-MakhzOmI, the only surviving son of the famous 
Arab general. At the age of eighteen he commanded 
a squadron at the battle of the Yarmuk. Mu'awiya 
subsequently appointed him governor of Hims and 
he commanded several of the later Syrian expeditions 

into Anatolia. During the civil war, after successfully 
opposing an 'Iraki expedition into the Djazlra, he 
joined Mu'awiya at Siffln and was made standard- 
bearer. According to the received tradition, Mu'awiya, 
fearing that 'Abd al-Rahman might be a rival of 
Yazld for the succession to the Caliphate, had him 
poisoned in 46/666 by his Christian physician Ibn 
Uthal, who was himself killed shortly afterwards by 
one of his victim's relatives. H. Lammens (see Bibl.) 
has disputed the reliability of this tradition (trans- 
mitted from 'Iraki sources) and ascribed its origin 
to incidents connected with an outbreak of anti- 
Christian violence at Hims. 

Bibliography: Baladhurl, Ansdb, in G. Levi 
della Vida, // Califfo Mu'dwiya I, Rome 1938, 
nos. 269, 281; Tabarl, i, 2093, 2913; ii, 82-3; 
Ya'kubl. ii, 265; DInawari 164, 183, 197; Nasr 
ibn Muzahim, Wak'at $iffin, Cairo 1365, index; 
Aghdni, xv, 13; Tahmb ta'rikh Ibn 'Asdkir, 
v, Damascus 1333, 80; H. Lammens, Etudes 
sur le rigne de Mo l dwia I", Paris 1908, 3-15, 
218 f. (H. A. R. Gibb) 

'ABD al-RAHMAN b. MARWAN b. YOnus, 
called Ibn al-I2>illI*I ("son of the Galician"), famous 
chief of insurgents in the West of al-Andalus 
in the second half of the 3rd/gth century. He belonged 
to a family of neo-Muslims (tnuwaUadun), originating 
from the North of Portugal and established in 
Merida. Although his father had been governor of 
this town on behalf of the sovereigns of Cordova, 
'Abd al-Rahman revolted against the Umayyad 
Amir Muhammad I in 254/868. The Amir besieged 
him and forced him, after the capitulation of the 
city, to reside in Cordova. He remained in the 
capital until 261/875, when he returned to the region 
of Merida and threw off his allegiance to the Umay- 
yads. He fortified himself in the castle of Alange 
(Hisn al-Hanash), but was again forced to surrender 
by the Amir Muhammad I, who assigned to him 
as residence Badajoz. It was not long before Ibn 
al-Djilllkl again raised the standard of revolt, 
supported by the muwallad lord of Porto (Burtukal), 
Sa'dun al-Surunbakl, and by Alfonso III, king of 
Asturias and Leon. The insurgents laid an ambush 
for the loyalist general Hashim b. 'Abd al-'AzIz, in 
the region of the Serra de Estrella, captured him 
and delivered him into the hand of the Christian 
king, who released him only against a high ransom. 
Fearing, justly, a violent reaction from the govern- 
ment in Cordova, Ibn al-Djilllkl took refuge with 
Alfonso III. After staying for eight years in 
Christian territory, he returned in 271/884 to Badajoz 
and reached a tacit agreement with Cordova. This 
allowed him to rule over a veritable principality 
extending over the valley of the Guadiana and 
the south of what is now Portugal. Under the 
reigns of the Amirs al-Mundhk and 'Abd Allah, 
'Abd al-Rahman practically had a free hand and 
ruled over his territory as an independent prince, 
until his death in 276/889. He was succeeded by his 
son Marwan who only survived him by two months, 
and after him by a grandson 'Abd Allah b. Muham- 
mad b. 'Abd al-Rahman, who died in 311/923 and 
was followed by a son, 'Abd al-Raljman. This 
great-grandson of Ibn al-Djilllkl was finally com- 
pelled to submit to 'Abd al-Rahman III in 318/930. 
Bibliography: Ibn Hayyan, Muktabis, chron- 
icle of the reign of the Emir Mull. I; F. Codera, 
Los Benimeru&n en Merida y Badajot, Estud-os 
crit. de hist. dr. esp., ix, 48 ff. ; E. Levi-Provencal, 
Hist. Esp. mus., i, 255 «., 386; ii, 24-5. 

(E. LAvi-Provbncal) 




Ash'ath [see ibn al-ash'athI. 

C ABD al-RAHMAN b. RUSTUM [see rustu- 

<ABD al-RAHMAN b. SAMURA b. HabIb 
b. 'Abd Shams b. c Abd Manaf b. Kusayy, Arab 
general. The name 'Abd al-Rabman was given 
bim by Muhammad on his conversion in place of 
his former name c Abd al-Ka'ba. His first command 
was in Sidjistan in succession to al-Rabi' b. Ziyad 
in the latter years of the caliphate of 'Uthmin, 
when he conquered Zarandj and Zamln-i Dawar 
and made a treaty with the ruler of Kirman. He 
withdrew after the death of 'Uthman; according 
to Chinese sources, PSroz, the son of Yazdigird III, 
then attempted to establish himself in Sidjistan 
(Chavannes, Documents sur Us Tou-kiue occidentaux, 
275. 279)- c Abd al-Rahman b. Samura was, along 
with 'Abd Allah b. 'Amir, one of the envoys of 
Mu'awiya to al-Hasan b. 'All [?.».]. Ibn c Amir, 
reappointed governor of Basra and the East, des- 
patched c Abd al-Rahman and c Abd Allah b. Khazim 
in 42/662 to restore Arab rule in eastern Khurasan 
and Sidjistan. In 43/663 c Abd al-Rahman reoccupied 
Sidjistan and captured Kabul after a siege of several 
months. He then led an expedition to al-Rukhkhadj 
(Arachosia) and Zabulistan (region of Ghazna), and 
again attacked and captured Kabul, which had 
rebelled, probably in 45/665. Mu'awiya subsequently 
made him directly subordinate to the Caliph, but 
shortly after the appointment of Ziyad as governor 
of Basra he was replaced. He brought back with 
him a body of captives from Kabul, who built a 
mosque for him in his kasr at Basra in the architec- 
tural style of Kabul. He died in 50/670 in Basra, where 
his descendants formed a powerful and influential 
clan during the next century. 

Bibliography: Baladhuri, Futuh, 360, 394, 

396, 397; Ibn Sa'd, vii, 2, 100-1; Tabart, i, 2831; 

ii, 3; iii, 22; Ya'fcubl, Bulddn, 280, 281-2, 296 

(tr. Wiet, 89-91, 117); Ta'rikh-i Sistdn, Tihran 

1314, 82-9 (legendary expansion); Caetani, Annali, 

vii, 278; Chronographia, 313-549 passim; J. 

Marquart, Erdnshahr, Berlin 1901, 37, 199, 255; 

idem, in FestschriftE duard Sachau, Berlin 1915, 

267-70. (H. A. R. Gibb) 

C ABD AL-RAHMAN b. 'Abd al-Kadir al-FAsI, 

Moroccan scholar, b. at Fez 1040/1631, d. in 

the same town 1096/1685. He was the pupil of his 

father, c Abd al-Kadir b. 'AH [q.v.] and of numerous 

other masters. He became a famous polygraph, 

celebrated by all his biographers for the breadth and 

the variety of his knowledge. He is said to have 

compiled more than 170 works on Malikite fikh, 

medicine, astronomy and history. But it is especially 

as a lawyer that he is an authority, and his main 

works are his great collection on the "customs" 

of Fez, al-'Amal al-Fdsi, and a commentary on 

al-Shi/d' by the famous kadi 'Iyad, entitled Miftah 

al-Shita*. He is also the author of a long didactic 

poem in radios, al-Uknum Ii Mabddi 1 al-'Uldm. 

Bibliography: E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Chorfa 

266-9 (with references); Brockelmann, ii, 612, 

S ii, 694. (E. Levi-Provencal) 

'ABD al-RAHMAN b. HabIb b. AbI 'Ubayda 

(or c Abda) al-FIHRI, great-grandson of the famous 

tab* 1 'Ukba b. Nafi', independent governor of 

Ifrlkiya at the end of the Umayyad caliphate. His 

father, HabIb, had sent expeditions against the Sus, 

Morocco and Sicily, in which 'Abd al-Rahman, 

still a youth, took an active part. He was one of the 

i of the bloody defeat inflicted by the 

Berbers upon the regular Arab troops in 123/741, 
in which his father and the governor, Kulthum b. 
'Iyad, lost their lives. He crossed over to Spain, but 
fearing for his life, returned in 127/745 to Ifrifciya, 
where he revolted against the actual governor, 
Hanzala b. Safwan al-Kalbl, who two years later 
saw no other choice but to yield the power to him. 
'Abd al-Rahman, on becoming master of al- 
Kayrawan, had to suppress several rebellions and 
undertook several large expeditions, notably against 
Sicily and Sardinia, in 135/752. His seizure of power 
was the less contested as it coincided with the fall 
of the Umayyad caliphate of Syria. It seems that 
at the beginning he acknowledged the 'Abbasid 
allegiance, but shortly afterwards repudiated it, on 
the receipt of an insulting message from the caliph 
al-Mansur. No doubt at al-Mansur's instigation, two 
of the brothers of c Abd al-Rahman decided upon 
his ruin; he was assassinated by one of them, Ilyas b. 
HabIb, who took possession of al-Kayrawan 137/755). 
HabIb, son of c Abd al-Rahman, with the help of 
another uncle of his, 'Imran b. HabIb, governor of 
Tunis, soon afterwards attacked the usurper and, 
in turn, made himself master of Ifrikiya. 

Another c Abd al-Rahman b. HabIb al-Fihrl, 
a contemporary of the preceding, who was called, to 
distinguish him from the former, by the surname 
of al-Siklabl, was a propagandist of the 'Abbasids in 
Spain. Pursued by the Umayyad amir 'Abd al- 
Rahman I, he was assassinated near Valencia in 

Bibliography: Ibn 'Idhari, Baydn, i, 56, 
60 ff., 67 f., transl. Fagnan, 62 ff., 73 ff. ; Humaydi, 
Djazwat al-Muktabis (Tandji), Cairo 1953, no. 
594; Dabbi, no. 1006; Ibn al-Athir, v, 235 ff., 
transl. Fagnan (Annates du Maghrib et de I'Es- 
pagne), 74-81; Nuwayri, History of Africa (Caspar 
Remiro), Granada 1919, 38-40; Ibn Khaldun. 
'Ibar, i, 218 f.; G. Marcais, Berberie musulmane, 
45; Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp. mus., i, 47, 97, 
121-2. (E. Levi-Provencal) 

'ABD al-RAHMAN b. 'Abd Allah al- 
GHAFIgl, governor of al-Andalus. He 
succeeded Muhammad b.. 'Abd Allah al-Ashdja'I in 
this office at the end of in or at the beginning of 
112/730, and retained it until his death in 114/732. 
'Abd al-Rahman, who had already governed Spain 
provisionally for about two months in 102/721, was 
a tdbi 1 reputed for his piety. He is chiefly famous 
for the incursion into Gaul that cost him his life. 
His expedition, which was carefully prepared, had 
for its object the basilica of St. Martin at Tours. He 
collected a numerous army, and from Pamplona 
marched through the pass of Roncesvalles on 
Bordeaux, which he devastated, Duke Eudes of 
Aquitania being powerless to oppose his advance. 
He then advanced towards the Loire, but was 
checked in his progress by the Duke of the Franks, 
Charles Martel, who engaged him about 20 km. to 
the north-east of Poitiers and inflicted on him a 
severe defeat. The battle is known as the "battle 
of Poitiers" in Frankish historiography, while the 
Arabs call it baldf al-shuhadd', "causeway of the 
martyrs of the faith". The Muslim survivors retreated 
in disorder towards Narbonne, leaving behind on 
the battlefield many dead, including 'Abd al- 
Rabman. The date of this memorable encounter can 
be fixed at the end of Oct. 732/Ramadan 114. 
Bibliography: E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp. 
mus., i, 40, 59-62. (E. Levi-Provencal) 

'ABD al-RAHMAN b. HJmar al-$UFI, abu 
'l-Husavn, eminent astronomer, born at Rayy 


14 Muharram 291/8 Dec. 903, died -15 Muharram 
376/25 May 986. In 337/948-9 he was in Isfahan, in 
attendance on the vizier Abu '1-Fadl b. al-'Amld, in 
349/960-1 at the court of 'Adud al-Dawla, no doubt 
in the same town. He was the court astronomer of 
this ruler, who boasted of three of his teachers: in 
grammar al-Farisi, in the knowledge of astronomical 
tables Ibn al-A c lam, and in the knowledge of the 
constellations c Abd al-Rahman al-Sufi (Ibn al-Kiftl; 
cf. also Yakut, I r shad, iii, 10). His best known work 
is a description of the fixed stars (Suwar al-Kawdkib 
al-Thdbita, quoted also by different titles), which he 
wrote about 355/965 and dedicated to 'Adud al- 
Dawla. The book described the constellations both 
according to the system of the astronomers (after 
Ptolemy) and the Arabic tradition of the antvd' 
]cf. Naw'). The work was illustrated by drawings, 
which the author, according to his own declaration, 
preserved by al-BIruni (see H. Suter, Beitrdge zur 
Geschichte der Mathematik bei den Gr-.echen und 
Arabern, Erlangen 1922, 86), traced from a celestial 
globe. He also saw, however, as he says in his 
introduction, an illustrated work on the constellations 
by 'Utarid b. Muhammad. The earliest extant MS, 
in the Bodleian Library, was copied and illustrated 
by the author's son, in 400/1009-10. There are many 
other manuscripts, illustrated in the styles of the 
various epochs. (See J. Upton, Metropolitan Museum 
Studies, 1933, 189-99; K. Holter, Die Islamischen 
Minialurhandschriften vor 1350, Zentralbl. f. Biblio- 
thekswesen, 1937, 2-5, cf. Ars Islamica, 1940, 10). 
The text and translation of the introduction was 
published by Caussin de Perceval, Notices et Extraits, 
xii, 236 ff.; a full translation by H.C. F.C.Schjellerup, 
Description its itoiles fixes par Abd al-Rahman 
al-Sufi, St. Petersburg 1874. The Arabic text was 
published, mainly after the Paris MS (being the 
copy of Ulugh Beg), in Hyderabad 1953, under the 
editorship of M. Nizamuddin. His other extant 
works are a handbook of astronomy and astrology 
and a treatise on the use of the astrolabe. A silver 
globe made by al-Sufi for 'Adud al-Dawla was 
preserved in the library of the Fatimid palace in 
Cairo (Ibn al-Kiftl, 440). —For an Urdjuza on the 
fixed stars, attributed to a son of his, cf. Brockel- 
mann, S i, 863; it was published at the end of the 
Hyderabad edition of the Suwar. 

Bibliography: Fihrist, 284; Ibn al-Rifil, 226; 
BIrunI, al-Athdr al-Bakiya (Sachau), 336, 358 (Engl, 
transl., 335, 358) ; M. Steinschneider, ZDMG, 1870, 
348-50; Suter, 62, cf. Nachtrage, in Abh. zurGesch. 
d.math. Wissensch., 1902, 166; Hauber, Isl. 1918, 
48-54; Brockelmann, I, 253, S I, 398. 

(S. M. Stern) 
'ABD al-RAHMAN KHAN (c. 1844-1901), 
Amir of Afghanistan, was the son of Afdal 
Khan, the eldest surviving son of Dost Muhammad 
Khan, the founder of the Barakzay dynasty in 
Afghanistan. In 1853 he proceeded to Afghan 
Turkistan where his father was serving as governor 
of Balkh. Despite his youth he took part in a series 
of operations which extended Dost Muhammad's 
power over Kataghan, Badakhshan, and Derwaz. 
Before his death in 1863 Dost Muhammad had 
nominated a younger son, Shir 'AH, as his successor 
to the exclusion of his two elder brothers, Afdal 
laan and A'zam Khan. Shir 'All's succession was 
therefore the signal for five years of fratricidal 
warfare in which at the early age of nineteen c Abd 
al-Rahman became involved. After temporary 
successes his father, Afdal Khan, was defeated and 
imprisoned, whereupon 'Abd al-Rahman fled to 

BukhSra. In 1866, taking advantage of Shir 'All's 
absence at Kandahar, 'Abd al-Rahman, with the 
help of Raflk Khan, a general who had deserted Shir 
'All, seized Kabul. The defeat of Sher 'All's forces 
at Saydabad led to the fall of GhaznI. Afdal Khan was 
now proclaimed Amir and coins were struck in his 
name. Sher 'All was once more defeated at Kilat-i 
Ghilzay in 1867 and driven from Kandahar. In the 
same year Afdal Khan died and 'Abd al-Rahman, 
who had hoped to be accepted as Amir, found it 
expedient to support the claims of his uncle A'zam 
Khan. Their combined forces were defeated by Shir 
'All and his son Ya'kub ]£han at Zana-Khan, near 
GhaznI, as a result of which 'Abd al-Rahman 
became a homeless wanderer, first in Wazlristan and 
later in Persia. From Mashhad he crossed the 
Kara-Kum desert to Khlwa and Samarkand. At 
Tashkent he was received by General Kaufmann, 
the Russian governor-general. His request for 
assistance against Shir 'All was refused but he was 
granted an allowance and permitted to reside at 
Samarkand, where he remained for eleven years 
until the defeat of Shir 'All by the British in the 
Second Afghan War of 1878-80. The flight and 
death of Shir 'AH, the failure of his successor Ya'kub 
Khan to control his unruly tribesmen, and the 
assassination of Cavagnari the British Resident 
necessitated the removal of Ya'kub Khan to India. 
This left the Afghan throne vacant. 

Because of Russian expansion towards the Oxus 
it was decided to build up a strong, friendly, and 
united Afghanistan to serve as a buffer state to the 
British dominions in India. In July 1880, 'Abd 
al-Rahman Khan, the most powerful candidate in 
the field, was informed that the British were prepared 
to recognize him as Amir of Kabul, provided he 
acknowledged their right to control his foreign 
affairs. He was also assured that the British would 
aid him in repelling unprovoked aggression on his 
dominions. These terms were accepted by 'Abd al- 
Rahman at the conference of Zimma, 31 July- 
1 August 1880 (Foreign Office 65, 1104: Papers 
printed for the use of the Cabinet). Three years 
later this promise was renewed by the Marquis of 
Ripon who bestowed on the Amir an annual subsidy 
of twelve lakhs of rupees to be devoted to the 
payment of his troops and the protection of his 
north-western frontiers. The British were now 
pledged to defend a buffer state of unknown limits. 
Hence the most important event in the reigu of 
'Abd al-Rahman was the delimitation and demar- 
cation where possible of the boundaries of Afghanistan 
By 1886, although the Pandjdih incident [q.v.] of the 
previous year had brought Britain and Russia to 
the verge of war, an Anglo-Russian Boundary 
Commission had demarcated the northern frontier 
of Afghanistan from Dhu'l-Fikar to the meridian 
6f Dukci, within forty miles of the Oxus. The 
process of demarcation was completed in 1888. The 
final boundary dispute with Russia was settled by 
the Pamir Agreement of 1895 which defined the 
Afghan boundary between Lake Victoria and the 

Although pro-British in so far as Russian expansion 
was concerned, 'Abd al- Rahman's desire to annex 
the territories of the Pa (nan tribes of the Indian 
frontier was not calculated to improve Anglo- 
Afghan relations. The tension was somewhat eased 
by the Durand Agreement of 1893 which delimited 
a boundary on the Indo-Afghan frontier across 
which neither the Amir nor the Government of 
India was to interfere in any way. Afghan intrigues 


on the Indian side of this frontier still continued 
and were partly responsible for the Indian frontier 
conflagration of 1897. In fact, Afghan intrigues 
were the chief cause of unrest on the Indian frontier 
from 1890 onwards. 

The greatest service rendered by e Abd al-Rahman 
to his country was the suppression of internal 
rebellion. The powerful Ghilzay tribesmen were 
crushed in 1886; the rebellion of Ishak, son of 
A^jfe K6M. *as suppressed in 1888; and finally, 
afte*- severe fighting, the turbulent Hazaras of 
cental Afghanistan were forced to acknowledge his 
authority. In 1896 the territories of the non-Muslim 
Wbei of Kafiristan to the west of Citral were 
annexed and the Kafirs converted to Islam. c Abd 
al-Rahm5n Khan died in 1901 and was succeeded 
by his son Hablb Allah Khan. 

Bibliography: Parliamentary Papers, Central 
Asia, 1884-5; 1887; 1888; J. A. Gray, My Residence 
at the Court of the Ameer, 1895; S. Wheeler, The 
Ameer Abdur Rahman, 1895; Sultan Mahomed 
Khan, Life of Abdur Rahman, 2 vols. 1900, vol. i 
being a translation of <Abd al-Rahman's auto- 
biography; C. C. Davies, The problem of the 
North-West Frontier, 1890-1908, 1932; W. K. 
Fraser-Tytler, Afghanistan, 1950; M. Longworth 
Dames, in EI 1 , s.v. (C. Collin Davies) 

*ABD al-RASHID b. <Abd al-GhafOr al-Hu- 
saynIal-Madanial-TATTAWI, Persian lexico- 
grapher, born in Tatta, but a Sayyid by descent; 
died after 1069/1658. His principal work is a Persian 
dictionary, usually called Farhang-i Rashidi, or 
Rashidi Fdrsi, the first critical dictionary, which 
Was compiled in 1064/1683-4 and published in 1875 
in the Bibliotheca Indica. Splieth revised the preface 
(Mukaddama): Grammaticae Persicae praecepta ac 
regulae (Halle 1846). <Abd al-Rashld dedicated an 
Arabic-Persian dictionary, Muntakhab al-Lughdt, or 
Calcutta 1808, 1816, 1836; Lucknow 1835, 1869; 
Bombay 1279/1862). 

Bibliography: Blochmann, in JRAS Bengal, 
xxxvil, 20sqq.; Rieu, Cat. of Pers. MSS., 501, 
510; Pertsch, Vert. d. pers. Handschr. Berlin, 
nos. 198-200. (M. Th. Houtsma) 

<ABD al-RA'OF b. «Al! al-DjAw! al-FansOrI 
al-SINKILI, religious teacher, b. c. 1G20 at 
Singkel, north of Fansur (west coast of Sumatra), d. 
after 1 693, and buried at the mouth of the Acheh river. 
He studied for nineteen years in Arabia, was initiated 
into the Shattariyya (arika by Ahmad al-Kushashi 
and his successor Ibrahim al-Kuranl, and returned 
about 1661 to Acheh, whence this (arlka was propa- 
gated by his pupils throughout Indonesia, especially 
in Java. Directions for "recitation" (dhikr), as 
practised by this order, form, the most important 
subject of his writings, the majority of which are 
in Malay, but a few in Arabic — some with a Malay 
rendering after each phrase. The subject is dealt 
with most fully in his 'Umdat al-Muhtddjin ild Suluk 
Maslak al-Mufridln which has as introduction a 
summary of dogma on the same lines as al-SanusI's 
Umni al-Bardhin. He took as a theoretical basis for 
his mysticism the doctrine of the seven grades and 
of man as the image of God, which he set out in 
such works as Kifdyat al-Muhtddjin, DakdHk al- 
#»r*/ and Baydn Tadjalli. In this he remained 
within the bounds of orthodoxy; he rejected the 
extreme mysticism which flourished in Acheh at 
the beginning of the 17th century, but at the same 
time did not associate himself with the violent 
polemics of al-Ranlrl [q.v.]. ( Abd al-Ra'flf 

translated the Kur'an into Malay with a concise 
commentary taken from various Arabic exegetical 
works (al-Tardjumdn al-Mustafid) and wrote a Malay 
handbook of Shafi'ite fikh which deals only with 
the mu'dmaldt and is plainly intended as a supple- 
ment to al-Raniri's al-Sirdt al-Mustakim which 
contains only the Hbdddt. His translations from 
the Arabic are so literal that they are unintelligible 
without a knowledge of that language, and moreover 
not without mistakes. It is not altogether certain 
whether he was the translator of al-MawdH? al- 
Badi'a, which is a translation into Malay of a popular 
Arabic collection of 32 hadith kudsi and eighteen 
other admonitions. There are some other works 
ascribed to him, such as the mystical eschatological 
Malay poem Shair ma'rifat, which are certainly not 
by his hand. After his death, as Teungku di- Kuala, 
c Abd al-Ra'uf enjoyed such veneration that he 
was even accorded the honour of having been the 
bearer of Islam to Acheh. 

Bibliography : C. Snouck Hurgronje, The 
Achehnese, ii, 14 ff. ; D. A. Rinkes, Abdoerraoef van 
Singkel, 1909; P. Voorhoeve, in TBG, 1952, 87 ff. 
(edition of Baydn Tadjalli and another Malay 
treatise with a list of c Abd al-Ra'flf's writings); 
cf. also BTLV, 1951, 368.— Works of c Abd al- 
Ra'flf: Mir'dt al-Tulldb (on fifth), the preface 
edited by S. Keyser in BTLV, 1863, 211 ff.; 
extracts ed. by A. Meursinge, in Handboek, 1844; 
Tardjumdn al-Mustafid, Istanbul 1302 (2 vols.); 
al-MawdH? al-Badi'a in Qjam 1 Djawdmi* al- 
Musannafdt, Bulak, n.d.; 4th or 5th imp., Mecca 
1310. (P. Voorhoeve) 

<ABD AL-RAZZAS Kamal al-dIn b. Abu 
•l-Ghana'im al-KASHAnI (or KAshanI or KashI or 
KAsanI), celebrated Sufi author, died according to 
HadjdjI Khalifa (ed. Fliigel, iv, 427), in 730/1329- 
HadjdjI Khalifa, however, confusing him with the 
historian of the same name, the author of the Matla' 
al-Sa c dain, says in another place (ii, 175) that he 
died in 887/1482 and, besides, gives his name 
as Kamal al-Din Abu 'l-Ghana'im c Abd al-Razzak 
b. Djamal al-Dln al-Kashl al-Samarkandl. Little 
is known of <Abd al-Razzak's life; according to 
Pjaml (Nafahdt al-Uns, quoted by St. Guyard), 
he was a pupil of Nur al-DIn c Abd al-Samad and 
a contemporary of Rukn al-DIn C A15' al-Dawla, 
with whom he carried on a somewhat acrimonious 
controversy, and who died in 736/1336. The 
immediate cause of this correspondence was a 
conversation which c Abd al-Razzak had with a 
certain amir Ikbal SIstanI, a pupil of c Ala' al- 
Dawla's, on the road to Sultanlya on the vexed 
question of the orthodoxy of Ibn 'Arabl. Diami 
then gives a long letter which c Abd al-Razzak 
wrote to 'Ala' al-Dawla on this question, in which 
he says that he has just read 'Ala' al-Dawla's 
book, the l Urwa. As this work was written in 721/ 
1321, the date 730/1329 given as that of his 
death must be assumed as the correct one. We 
have then to place <Abd al-Razzak in the Djibai 
province (Kashan) under the IlkhJns of Persia, and 
especially in the reign of Abu Sa'id (716—36/ 

He was the author of a large number of works, 
several of which have been published. So far back 
as 1828, Tholuck used his LafdHf al-IHdm in Die 
speculative Trinitdtslehre des spsteren Orients (13 — 22, 
28 et seq..) and translated some passages, but without 
knowledge of the author. In 1845 Sprenger published 
at Calcutta the first half of his Istildhat al-Sufiya, or 
Dictionary of the technical terms of the Sufies. An 



analysis of the second part had been given by 
Hammer-Purgstall, in the Jahrbiicher der Literatur 
(lxxxii, 68 ff.). This book also was used by 
Tholuck, and cited under the author's name 
(loc. cit. 7, ii, 18, 26, 73). It is of special interest 
because in the preface he states that it was written 
after he had finished his commentary on the 
Mandzil al-SdHrin of al-Harawi in order to explain 
the Sufi technical terms which occur but are 
inadequately explained in that work, and also in 
his commentary on the Fufiis al-Ifiham of Ibn 
•Arab! (Cairo 1309) and in his Ta'wildt al-Kur'dn. 
According to HadjdjI Khalifa (ii, 175) the Ta'wildt 
of 'Abd al-Razzak extend to Sura xxxviii only, yet 
Berlin MS. no. 872 covers the entire Kur'an, but 
apparently in abstract. Risdla ft'l-hada? wa'l-kadar, 
treatise on predestination and free will, first trans- 
lated into French, (J A, 1873; revised edition 1875), 
then the text published by St. Guyard (1879); 
it will be dealt with in detail below. The treatise 
seems to have excited attention, for HadjdjI Khalifa 
(iii, 429) gives three answers to it by Ibn Kamal 
Pasha, Tashkuprii-zade and Ball Khalifa SufiyahwI. 
A commentary on the TaHya poem of Ibn al-Farid 
(Cairo 1310). His works as yet unpublished are: 
Risdlat al-Sarmadiyya, on the idea of an eternal 
Being; Risdlat al-Kumayliyya, on the traditional 
answer by C A1I to the question of Kumayl b. Ziyad 
fi'l-ftakika (comp. the Berlin MS. no. 3462; HadjdjI 
Khalifa iv, 38; J A 14, 83); a commentary on the 
Mawdki' al-Nudjum of Ibn ArabI and Tadhhirat al- 
Sdhibiya. HadjdjI Khalifa (v, 587) adds Misbdh 
al-Hiddya. For MSS. reference will suffice to Brockel- 
mann, ii, 203, 204; S ii, 280-1; 
76, 2, and Palmer's Trinity College Cat. 116. 

It will already be tolerably clear what c Abd 
al-Razzak's interests and positions were. He was 
a Sufi of the school of Ibn c Arabi, the great the- 
osophist of the Western Arabic type, though with 
touches of independence, and he gave much labor 
to defence and exposition of his master. In the 
three great divisions of Muslim theologians, the 
upholders of tradition (nakl), of reason ('««), and 
of the unveiling of the mystic (kashf), he took his 
place with the third. It may be significant that his 
name never indicates to what legal school he adhered. 
Like many mystics, he may have regarded such 
matters as beneath notice, or he may, like Ibn 
c ArabI, have been a belated Zahirite in law, as he 
was evidently a Batinite in theology. The last is 
plain through the title itself of his exposition of the 
Kur'an, ta'wil, not tafsir, and is shown in detail in 
his Iffildhat and his treatise on kadar. In the last 
we have the normal combination of the Aristo- 
telian universe, the Neo-Platonic metaphysics and 
theology and the Kur'anic mythology of Muham- 
mad. These all appear, too, in Ibn c ArabI, but 
perhaps c Abd al-Razzak is more anxious to keep 
the last element prominent, and to proclaim thus 
his essential orthodoxy. Certainty, he strives to 
avoid the absolute merging of the individual, and 
the consequent fatalism of Ibn c ArabI and to lay a 
possible basis for individual responsibility, for free- 
dom and rewards and punishments hereafter. His 
method in this is as follows. In order to bring 
out clearly the forces leading to any event and 
the close interweaving of all causes and effects to 
make up the great organism of the universe, he 
begins with a description of the universe on the 
Sufi scheme. It is the Neo-Platonic chain. Above 
is God, the One, the Alone; from him proceeds, 
by a dynamic emanation, the Universal Reason 

(al-'ahl al-awwal), called also the Primary or 
Universal Spirit (al-ruh al-awwal) and the Highest 
Knowledge (al-Hlm aj-aHd). This is a spiritual 
substance and the first of the properties which 
the divine essence implies. From it two other 
substances are produced, one spiritual (r&ttdniyya) 
which is the substance of the world of the Uni- 
versal Reason, considered as apart from God and 
inhabited by particular intelligences, somewhat 
as fractions of the Universal Reason, which are 
the angels of revealed religion; the other is psy- 
chical, being the Universal Soul (nafs). Finally 
come the material elements with their natural 
forces and laws. In the Universal Reason are the 
types of all things, as universals, and this Reason, 
with its types, is known directly by God. God's 
omnipotence (hdhiriyya) is manifested through these 
angels or Intelligences, and their world is there- 
fore called the World of Power ('dlatn al-kudra). 
But they also, in their perfection, repair the im- 
perfections of other beings. Their world again, 
therefore, is called the World of Repairing ('atom 
al-diabarut). Some, however, take the other sense 
of the root djabar and render it, the World of 
Constraint, because they constrain other beings to- 
wards perfection. This world is also called the 
Mother of the Book (umm al-kitdb; Kur'an, xiii, 
39, xliii, 4), from it comes all knowledge of divine 
mysteries, it is above all fetters of time and change. 
The world of the Universal Soul, on the other hand, 
called the World of Ruling { c dlam al-malakut), is a 
step nearer the particular, material world. The types 
which exist in the Universal Reason become in it 
general conceptions, and these are further specialized, 
determined, limited, brought near to what we know, 
by being engraved on the individual reasonable 
souls, which are the souls of the heavenly bodies, 
corresponding to the angelic Intelligences, the 
fractions of the Universal Reason. This world, 
from its likeness to the human imagination, is 
called the Imagination of the World (khaydl al- 
c dlam) and the Nearer Heaven (al-samd* al-dunyd). 
From it issue all beings in order to appear in 
the World of Sense ( l dlam al-shahdda), it moves 
and directs everything, measuring out matter and 
assigning causes. The heavenly bodies, then, have 
reasonable souls just like our own, these are the 
imaginative faculties of the particular reasonable 
souls, into which the Universal Soul divides. On 
their changes all change in this world below 1 de- 
pends (comp. al-Ghazall's scheme, in JAOS, 1899, 
116 ff.). 

Further, this constitution of the universe corres- 
ponds to man's body, macrocosm to microcosm. 
Just as the brain is the seat of man's ruling spirit, 
so the Universal Spirit or Reason is seated in the 
throne ('arsh) above the sphere of the fixed stars. 
The fourth heaven, the sphere of the sun, which 
vivifies all, is the seat of the Universal Soul, in 
man this is the heart, wherein is his particular, 
reasonable soul. So the fourth sphere is like the 
breast, and the sun like the physical heart. The 
individual soul of the sun corresponds to the animal 
spirit in the heart, which is the source of human life. 

Next, as to the place of predestination in this 
scheme, for that there are three words, kadd', 
kadar and Hndya. Kadi'' means the existence of 
the universal types of all things in the world of 
the Universal Reason. Kadar is the arrival in 
the world of the Universal Soul of the types of 
existing things, after being individualized in order 
to be adapted to matter, these are joined to their 



causes, produced by them, and appear at their 
fixed times. 'Inaya is, broadly, Providence and 
covers both of the above, just as they contain 
everything that is actual. It is the divine know- 
ledge, embracing everything as it is, universally 
and absolutely. It is not in any place, for God's 
knowledge, in His essence, is nothing else than 
the presence of His essence before His essence, 
which is essentially one and goes with all the 
qualities which inhere in Him. Further, while 
the essence (hakika) of kadd? is part of the Hndya 
of God, its entelechy {kamal) is in the world of 
the Universal Reason. The Universal Soul is some- 
times called the Preserved Tablet (al-lawh al- 
tnahfuz), for on it are preserved unalterable all the 
general conceptions which are on their way to the 
individual heavenly souls. 

It is the world, then, of kadar, of the Soul, which 
sets everything in motion. This is by the yearning 
of the reasonable souls of the heavenly bodies 
towards their spiritual source, the Universal Reason. 
They try to assimilate themselves to this, to uni- 
versalize themselves. Step by step, they mount up, 
and with each advance they receive a new outpouring 
from that source, drawing them on further. With 
each movement, there flows from them an influence 
upon matter according as it is adapted to receive 
it, and thus there is a series of changes in the 
material world, corresponding to those in the world 
of the Soul. These changes may be either absolute 
of creation and destruction, or, between those 
extremes, simply of condition. The duration of 
existence constitues the Kur 3 anic adjal, and all these 
are fixed by kadar. 

Finally, this exegesis of Kur'an, lii, i — 6 will 
show how c Abd al-Razzak applied Scripture. "By 
the Mount and by a Book Inscribed in a Parch- 
ment Outspread, and by the Frequented House, 
and by the Raised Roof, and by the Flowing 
Sea!" The Frequented House is the Spirit of the 
fourth sphere, that of the sun. Therefore Jesus, 
the Spirit of God, has been placed there, whose 
miracle is the raising of the dead. The Mount is 
the 'arsh, the seat of the Universal Reason. The 
Book Inscribed is kadd', which is in that Reason: 
and the Parchment Outspread is the Reason itself. 
The Raised Roof is the nearest heaven, where are 
the individual celestial souls; it is mentioned im- 
mediately after the Frequented House, because from 
this heaven the forms descend on the earth, 
and from the Frequented House comes the breath 
of the Spirit, by the combination of which the 
creation of animated beings is achieved. The Flowing 
Sea is the sea of primary matter which spreads 
everywhere and is filled with forms. 

How, then, is such a scheme related to pre- 
destination and free will? It is highly complicated, 
consisting of- a remote first cause and an infinity 
of intermingling and crossing, nearer, secondary 
causes. It is possible to look at these last only, 
and so to assign absolute creative and deciding 
power to our own wills. Or to look only at the 
first cause and become fatalists. We must preserve 
the balance and hold by both. The complete cause 
of anything into which human will can enter must 
have as an element in it, among so many others, 
free will. It sets all the others in movement. Under 
this conception, though never clearly stated, is 
evidently implied that man has in him an element 
of the divine deciding power. If there is freedom 
in the divine nature, there must be also in its emana- 
tions. For Ibn 'ArabI the oneness of the divine 

nature over against the creation had overcome 
everything. c Abd al-Razzak lays stress on the multi- 
tudinous interweaving causes of the world, its 
constantly developing processes, to show that in 
life, purpose and will there must be multiplicity. 
The divine is spread down through the sub-lunar 
things, it does not simply rule from above. Again, 
amongst the many causes working in the world and 
upon men are the restraints and influences of religion, 
the promises and threatenings of the prophets. These 
we should permit to have their effects upon us as 
parts of the whole scheme, the process of trai- 
ning under which we are. But, again, why should 
training be necessary? Why are there good and 
bad ? Here, again, is an implication, once pretty 
clearly expressed. Matter is of very differing na- 
ture, grosser and finer, It can receive only a 
corresponding soul, therefore souls also vary. 
Character and disposition is a combination of 
both, and it is for the soul to overcome its ma- 
terial body and itself rise. This evidently is the 
fundamental thought, but c Abd al-Razzak does 
not give much space to it. Rather, he uses the 
old theological catch. This must be the best pos- 
sible creation, otherwise God would have created 
a better. Further, if all things were equal, there 
could be neither order nor organization. This 
would also be hard on those less perfect things 
thus ruled out of existence. All things should 
have a chance; it is for them to use it. God knows 
their differences and will allow for them. The most 
and the greatest sins are from ignorance, and God 
will so treat them. In the life to come the same 
thing is to go on. Some will attain felicity, others, 
because they might have done better, must undergo 
purification by punishment, but that will not be 
eternal. Here, perhaps, c Abd al-Razzak is most 
unsatisfactory. He passes over into the normal 
Muslim conception although it is not at all clear 
that his system can permit individuality apart from 
matter. Freed souls, we should expect, would either 
return into the unity, or else be sent forth again 
to another material life. Like so many in Muslim 
theology and philosophy, this tractate was adapted 
to an audience, and was not perfectly ingenuous. 
Yet behind its caution of statement the real system 
is tolerably plain. It is nearer orthodoxy than that 
of Ibn 'Arabi, but not as near as this eschatology 
would suggest. 

Bibliography: St. Guyard, in Journ. As., 

7th ser., i, 125 ff., which is the main source; 

Brockelmann, ii, 203 — 2 (treating him as two 

different persons), S ii, 280-1. 

(D. B. Macdonald) 

C ABD AL-RAZZAg Kamal al-DIn b. Pjalal 
al-DIn IshA* al-SAMARKANDI, Persian his- 
torian, author of the well-known MafUi'-i Sa'dayn 
wa-Madima'-i Bahrayn, born in Harat Sha'ban 
816/Nov. 1413, died there Djumada II 887/July- 
August 1482. His father was imam and kadi of the 
camp (hadrat) of Shahrukh and read out books and 
expounded various problems (masdHl) to him 
(Mafia 1 , ii, 704, 870, cf. 706). He received the usual 
type of education, and one of his teachers was his 
elder brother £ Abd al-Kahhar. He also attended 
when his father read the two Sahihs to Shams 
al-DIn Muh. al-Djazarl (d. 833/1429) (ibid., ii, 631- 
1294) and received an idjdza. After the death of 
his father, he used to attend the court of Shahrukh 
with his elder brothers, but when in 841/1437-8 he 
dedicated his Shark on al-Risdla aV-Adudiyya to 
the king and presented it to him, he was taken into 


service and allowed to attend the court regularly. 
Two years later, he was examined by the 'ulamd' 
at the court, and granted a salary and provisions 
(marsum wa-'alu/a) (ibid., ii, 704, 731 f.). 

In Ramadan 845/Jan. 1441 <Abd al-Razzak was 
sent to India as ambassador and returned in 
Ramadan 848/Dec. 1444. (For his mission and the 
result obtained see Mafia 1 , ii, 783; T. W. Arnold, 
The Caliphate, Oxford 1924, 113). He was similarly 
sent to Gilan in 850/1446. He was ordered to make 
ready for a mission to Egypt in the same year, 
but due to the death of Shahrukh this was cancelled. 
In the period following the death of that king he 
served his successors Mirza c Abd al-Latif, Mirza 
<Abd Allah and Mirza Abu'l-Rasim Babur, with some 
as sadr, with others as ndHb and khdss ; see ibid., ii, 
1440. Under the last-named prince, who included 
him among his confidants, he enjoyed many favours 
(ibid., ii, n 19). In 856/1452 he was in Yazd with 
Mirza Babur, when the Mirza interviewed Sharaf 
al-DIn c Ali Yazdi, and in 856/1452 he was with the 
same prince when he besieged Samarkand, in which 
city c Abd al-Razzak had many friends and old 
acquaintances (Mafia 1 , ii, 1041, 1078). In 866/1462 
he was sent to Asfuzar for fixing taxes (bunica 
bastan). Soon after, under Sultan Abu Sa'id, on 
3 Djumada I 867/24 Jan. 1463 the vizier Kh'adja 
Rutb al-DIn T5 J us SimnanI appointed him shaykh 
(governor) of the khdnkdh of Shahrukh (Matla', ii, 
1270), which post he held till his death. 

The Mafia' describes,, with a brief mention of the 
birth (704/1304-5) and accession (716/1316-7) of the 
Ilkhan Abu Sa c id, the events of the years 717- 
875/1317-1471, in chronological order. Up to the 
year 830/1426-7 use is principally made of the 
Zubdat al-Tawarikh of Hafiz-i Abru [q.v.], which is 
at times quoted literally. The famous account of 
the embassy to China in 823-5/1420-2, is also taken 
from the Zubda. For the period from 830 to 875/ 
1426-71 c Abd al-Razzak's work is one of the most 
important original sources of information. Cf. the 
takriz of <Abd al-Wasi* al-Nizami (for him see 
Ifabib al-Siyar, iii, 3, 328) in Mafia', ii, 1440, which 
refers to his indebtedness to Hafiz-i Abru for the 
earlier period and his impartial narrative relating 
to the period in which he himself lived. An edition 
of vol. ii was published piecemeal in the Oriental 
College Magazine, Lahore Nov. 1933 onwards, and 
later a separate edition was published in two parts 
(Lahore 1360/1941 and 1368/1949). Mss. of the 
work are to be found in nearly all the larger European 
collections but they are now rare in the East. The 
Panjab University Library has an autograph copy 
of vol. ii, acquired recently. It was completed by 
the author on 17 RabI' I, 875/13 Sept. 1470, the 
correction of the copy being completed by him on 
the 18th Sha'ban 88s/23rd Oct. 1480. E. Quatremere 
gives extracts from the work in the Notices et extraits, 
xiv, part 1; as also H. M. EUiot in his History of 
India, iv, 89-126, and others (for whom see Storey). 

From the Mafia' (ii, 190) we learn that <Abd al- 
Razzak also wrote a work on the history of Harat 
and its districts (bulQkdt). In some places in the 
Mafia' (e.g. ii, 951, 1208) he also quotes his own 

Bibliography: Storey, ii, 293-8; W. Barthold, 

Turkestan*, 56; Kh w andamlr, Bombay 1857, 

iii/3, 335. (W. Barthold-Mohammad Shafi) 

'ABO al-SALAM b. MASHlSH al-HasanI. 

Practically nothing is known of this personage, who 

has become one of the "poles" (hufi), [q.v.]) of popular 

mysticism in Morocco. The only fairly certain fact 

is that he died in 625/1227-8 by a 
hermitage on the Djabal al-'Alam, in the territory 
of the Banu c Arus, to the south-east of Tetuan. He 
is said to have fallen victim to a man of the region, 
Muhammad b. Abl Tawadjln al-Kutami, belonging 
to riasr Kutama, who had rebelled against the 
decaying Almohad power and was attempting to 
pass himself off as a prophet, and who assassinated 
the saint because the latter's prestige was an 
obstacle to his ambitions. c Abd al-Salam was buried 
at the top of the mountain, at the foot of an 
oak, and seems to have been for a long time the 
object of a purely local cult; Ibn Khaldun does not 
mention him, nor for that matter the revolt of his 

Besides this account of his death, which seems 
to be reasonably probable although reported by 
much later authors, little more is known of the 
saint than his genealogy, which, through several 
ancestors with typically Berber names, attaches him 
to the house of the Prophet. He is said to have been 
born in the neighbourhood of the Djabal al- c Alam, 
into the tribe of the Banu c Arus, and to have gone 
"in pursuit of learning" to the East at the age of 
sixteen; then, on his return, to have followed at 
Bidjaya (Bougie) the instruction of the famous 
Andalusian mystic Abu Madyan [q.v.], and to have 
come back finally to stay in his native country, 
where he lived an edifying life as an ascetic in his 
mountain hermitage. 

His teaching is scarcely better known, in spite 
of the elaborations which it acquired in Moroccan 
mysticism. "Perform the obligations of the Law and 
avoid sin", he is said to have advised a disciple who 
had asked him for a rule of life, "keep your heart 
aloof from every temporal attachment, accept what 
God sends you, and put above all else the love of 
God" (Ibn 'Ayad, K. al-Mafdkhir, 106). It is related 
also that he had as a disciple Abu '1-Hasan 'All 
al-Shadhili [q.v.], who came to him for his initiation 
into mysticism. 

Only from the 15th century, it seems, at the time 
when the marabout movement connected with al- 
Shadhill became active in Morocco, did the fame of 
c Abd al-Salam extend beyond the limits of his tribe 
into the whole northern part of Morocco. He was 
then regarded as the "pole" of the West, as c Abd 
al-tCadir al-Gilanl was regarded as the "pole" of the 
East. A pilgrimage was organized around his tomb 
in the three days following the mawlid nabawl. A 
colourful description of it, applying to the last 
years of the 19th century, will be found in Le 
Maroc inconnu of A. Moulieras. 

Bibliography: Afcmad al-Kumushakhanawi 
al-Nakshabandl, Qiami' Usui al-Awliyd? , tr. in 
Graulle, Dawhat al-Nddhir, AM, XIX, 296-8; 
Sha'ranl, al-Tabakdt al-Kubrd, Cairo 1299, ii, 6; 
Nasirl, Istiksd', Cairo 1312, i, 210 (tr. IsmaelHamet, 
A M, xxxii, 254-5 ; Ibn <Ayad, al-Mafdkhir al-'Aliyya 
Ii l-Ma'dthir al-Shadhiliyya, Cairo 1323, 106; A. 
Moulieras, Le Maroc inconnu, Paris 1899, ii, 159-79; 
M. Xicluna, Quelques Ugendes relatives a Moulay 
'Abd as-Saldm ben Mechich, AM, iii, 119-33; 
A. Fischer, Der grosse marokkanische Heilige 
'Abdesselam ben MeSH, ZDMG, 1917, 209-22; 
E. Michaux-Bellaire, Conferences, AM, xxvii, 52-4 
et 64-5; E. Westermarck, Ritual and Belief in 
Morocco, ii, 600; Asln Palacios, Sadilies y alum- 
brados, (I), And., 1945, 9-11; G. S. Colin, Chresto- 
mathie marocaine, 226; Brockelmann, S I, 787. 
I (R. Le Tournkau) 


'ABD al-SAMAD b. 'Abd Allah al-PALIM- 
BAnI, i.e. of Palembang in Sumatra, was a pupil 
of Muhammad al-Samman (d. 1 190/1776), the 
founder of the Sammaniyya order (cf. Brockelmann, 
S II, 535 and Nachtr.). He is known chiefly as 
translator of al-Ghazall's Lubdb Ihyd* l Ulum al-Dln 
into Malay, under the title of Sayr al-Sdlikin ild 
Hbddat Rabb al- l Alamin. It was begun in 1193 and 
finished at Ta'if in 1203. The translation is very 
free, shortened in some places, enlarged elsewhere 
by numerous additions, the sources of which are 
enumerated in book iii, bab 10. Here we find also 
an interesting list of sufi literature recommended 
by the author to three stages of pupils in Sufism. 
Most of the works in this list are in Arabic, but 
some in Malay. It seems that c Abd al-Samad lived 
mostly in Arabia. One of his earlier writings, Zuhrat 
al-Murid fi Baydn Kalimat al-Tawhid, is a Malay 
treatise on mantik and usul al-din, based on notes 
which he took during a lecture given at Mecca by 
Ahmad al-Damanhuri (Brockelmann, II, 371) in 1178. 
His Hiddyat al-Sdlikin fi Suluk Maslak al-Muttakin 
is a Malay adaptation of al-Ghazall's Biddyat al- 
Hiddya, finished at Mecca, 5 Muh. 1192. In Arabic 
he compiled a collection of awrdd entitled 'Urwat 
al-Wuthkd wa-Silsilat uli'l-Ittikd, a rdtib, and a 
treatise entitled Nasihat al-Muslimln. This last work 
contains fervent admonitions to holy war against 
infidels. It inspired the author of the Achehnese 
poem Hihayat prang sabi, of which various redactions 
were circulated in Acheh during the war against 
the Dutch in the last quarter of the 19th and the 
beginning of the 20th century. 

Bibliography: Ph. S. van Ronkel, VBG 57, 

383, 400, 429; id., Suppl. Cat. Arab. Mss. Batavia, 

139, 216; R. O. Winstedt, A history of Malay 

literature (JMBRAS 17, III), 103; H. T. Damste, 

Hikajat prang sabi, in BTLV 84, 545 ff. ; for the 

Sammaniyya: C. Snouck Hurgronje, The Achehnese, 

ii, 216 ff. Two of 'Abd al-Samad's works have 

been frequently printed: Sayr al-Sdlikin, Mecca 

1306 (lith.), 1309 etc.; Hiddyat al-Sdlikin, Mecca 

1287 (lith.), Bombay 1311, etc. On two works of 

dubious authorship see TBG 85, no. The tract 

Anis al-Muttakin by 'Abd al-Samad b. Faklh 

Husayn b. Faklh Muhammad is not the work 

of an Indonesian author, though on the title-page 

of the lithographed edition the epithet al-Palimbanl 

is added to the author's name; its attribution to 

a Zaydl author (Brockelmann, S II, 966) is 

equally false. (P. Voorhoeve) 

'ABD al-WADIDS (BanO 'Abd al-Wad, or 

Zayyanids, Banu Zayyan), a Berber dynasty 

which, from the first half of the 7th/i3th century 

to the middle of the ioth/i6th century had its 

capital at Tlemcen (Tilimsan, [q.v.]) and extended 

its power, against frequent opposition, over the 

central Maghrib (from the frontiers of the present 

Morocco to the meridian of Bougie). 

According to the concepts recorded by Ibn 
Khaldiin, the Banu 'Abd al-Wad were Zanata "of 
the second race". Like the Banu Marin, B. Tudjln, 
B. Rashid and B. Mzab, they belonged to the 
great Zanata family of the Banu Wasln. Living as 
nomads, like their neighbours and relatives, the B. 
Marin and B. Tudjln, they once occupied a more 
extensive territory, reaching to the vicinity of the 
Awras. In consequence of the Hilali invasion 
(5th/nth century) these Zanata nomads, driven 
eastwards, were forced to abandon their territory 
to the Arab nomads and to emigrate to the high 
plateaux of what is now the province of Oran. The 

conquest of the country by the Almohads, at the 
beginning of the 6th/i2th century, made the fortune 
of the Banu 'Abd al-Wad. They proved themselves 
loyal and useful allies of the caliphs of Marrakush, 
especially at the time when the terrible ravages of 
the Almoravid Banu Ghaniva brought destruction 
upon Ifrlkiya and the central Maghrib (581-600/ 
1185-1203). The assistance which they gave to the 
Almohad forces earned its reward. Tlemcen, success- 
fully defended, profited by the ruin of the neigh- 
bouring centres and by the emigrations that were 
depopulating them. In 633/1235 the chief of the Banu 
'Abd al-Wad, Yaghmurasan (or better: Yagham- 
rasan) b. Zayyan, inherited from his brother the 
command over all the branches of the family. This 
dignity, ratified by the consent of the tribes, was 
confirmed by a diploma of investiture issued by 
the Almohad caliph al-Rashid. 

Yaghmurasan, the shaykh of an imposing nomad 
group, who used to lead his tribesmen and their 
flocks periodically from the desert to the plains of 
the province of Oran and who could speak only 
the Berber dialect of the Zanata, became the seden- 
tary sovereign of a powerful state. He had moreover 
the qualities of a founder of empire: energy, the 
ability needed to hold his associates together around 
him, political insight, a taste for grandeur and the 
generous gesture. During a reign that lasted not 
less than 48 years (633-81/1236-83), he already 
encountered the dangers that never ceased to 
menace the kingdom of Tlemcen. These arose on 
the one hand from the legacy of the clan's former 
life and the rivalries that set Berber against Berber, 
and on the other hand from the consequences of 
the new situation in which the 'Abd al-Wadids 
found themselves. True to his duty as a vassal, he 
supported the last Almohad caliphs against the 
Marinids, who had become the masters of Fez. The 
fall of the Almohads in 646/1248 left him face to face 
with the Marinids. Between the Marinids and the 
'Abd al-Wadids there was a long tradition of con- 
flict; it was singularly widened by the establishment 
of the two kindred kingdons, neighbours and all 
the more ardently rivals. 

These are the main themes which dictated the 
course of the external history of the 'Abd al-Wadids. 
Yaghmurasan foresaw their development and on 
his death-bed, so the story goes, he traced for his 
son 'Uthman the conduct he should adopt with 
regard to the other powers: a strictly defensive 
attitude as against Marlnid Maghrib; attempts at 
expansion at the expense of the Hafsid kingdom 
of Tunis, as occasion should offer. In addition to 
this political testament, his successors could derive 
lessons from the activities of Yaghmurasan himself: 
his firmness in the face of the Zanata, his relatives 
in the central Maghrib, namely Maghrawa and Banu 
Tudjln; in Spain, the triple alliance which he con- 
cluded with the sultan of Granada and the Christian 
king of Castille, in order to thwart the action of 
the Marinids, their common enemy, both in North 
Africa and in the Peninsula. 

The struggle of Fez against Tlemcen, the attack 
on the 'Abd al-Wadid kingdom— the first objective 
of their expansion in North Africa — by their western 
neighbours, the Marinids, is the principal motif of 
this history and could serve to mark its stages. 
The first noteworthy episode was, under 'UftrnJn, 
the son of Yaghmurasan, the long siege of Tlemcen 
by the Marlnid sultan Abu Ya'kub al-Mansflr, who 
isolated it during eight years (698-706/1298-1306) 
by a rigorous blockade and began to build the 

encampment-town of al-Mansura (see abO zayyAn I). 
This time, Tlemcen did not fall. After expanding 
eastwards under Abu Hammu I [?.».], the 'Abd 
al-Wadids were again attacked by the Marinid Abu 
'1-Hasan (see abO tAshufIn I), and on 30 Ramadan 
737/2 May 1337 Tlemcen was taken by storm. After 
ten years of Moroccan domination, Tlemcen was 
delivered from the foreign yoke in 749/1348 by the 
two brothers Abu Sa c Id and Abu Thabit, but 
in 753/1352 was again conquered by the Marinid 
Abu 'Inan, and was not regained by the 'Abd al- 
Wadids until 760/1359. 

These two Moroccan interregnums caused a break 
in the history of the 'Abd al-Wadids which was to 
show itself in all fields of action. Under Abu 
Hammu II (760-91/1359-89 [q.v.]), the kingdom 
regained a relative freedom of movement, but at- 
tempts at expansion in the direction of the Hafsid 


kingdom were frustrated (the expedition of 767/1366 
against Bougie ended in disaster) and Marinid in- 
vasion remained as a periodical threat. The struggle 
with the Marinids had also taken on a new char- 
acter, for various reasons : firstly, because of the role 
played by the Ma'kil Arabs of TSfilalt and the valley 
of the Muluya (WadI Malwiyya), who supported 
Tlemcen against Fez; secondly, through the policy 
of the Marinids, whose aim was less to annex 
Tlemcen than to support an 'Abd al-Wadid pretender 
and so to reduce, the kingdom to a vassal state; 
thirdly, owing to the incapacity of the sultans of 
Tlemcen to defend their capital, and its temporary 
abandonment by the sovereign to seek refuge with 
his nomad allies. 

This is, in its main lines, the history of the 'Abd 
al-Wadids during the second half of the 8th/i4th 
century. For the further hundred and fifty years 

Abu Yahya Yaghamrasan b. Zayyan 

Abu Sa'Id 'UJhman I b. Yaghamrasan 

Abu Zayyan I Mufc. b. 'Uthman 

Abu Hammu I Musa b. 'Uthman 

Abu Tashufin I 'Abd al-Rahman b. Musa 


First Marinid interregnum 

Abfl Sa'Id 'Uthman II b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. 
Yahya b. Yaghamrasan — reigning togetherwith 
his brother Abu Thabit (749"53/i348-52) 

Second Marinid interregnum 

Abu Hammu II Musa b. Abl Ya'kub Yusuf b. 'Abd 

al-Rahman b. Yahya b. Yaghamrasan 

Abu Tashufin II 'Abd al-Rahman b. Musa 

Abu Thabit II Yusuf b. 'Abd al-Rahman 

Abu'l-Hadjdjadj Yusuf b. Musa (796-7/1 393-4) 
Abu Zayyan II Muh. b. Musa (797-802/1394-9) 


Abu Muh. 'Abd Allah I b. Musa 

Abu 'Abd Allah Muh. 1 b. Musa (804-13/1401-11) 
'Abd al-Rahman b. Muh. (813-4/1411) 
Sa'Id b. Musa (814/14") 
Abu Malik 'Abd al-Wahid b. Musa 

Abu 'Abd Allah Muh. II b. 'Abd al-Rahman 

(827-31/1423-7, 833-4/1429-30) 
Abu'l-'Abbas Ahmad b. Musa (834-66/1430-61) 
Abu 'Abd Allah Muh. Ill al-Mutawakkil b. Muh. 

b. Yusuf (866-73/1461-68) 
Abu Tashufin III b. Muh. al-Mutawakkil (873/1468) 
Abu 'Abd Allah Muh. IV al-Thabitl b. Muh. al- 
Mutawakkil (873-910/1468-1504) 
Abu 'Abd Allah Muh. V al-Thabitl b. Muh. IV 

(910-2 3/1504-17) 
Abii Hammu III Musa b. Muh. Ill 

Abu Muh. 'Abd Allah II b. Muh. Ill 

Abu 'Abd Allah Muh. VI b. 'Abd Allah 

Abu Zayyan III Ahmad b. 'Abd Allah 

(947-50/1540-3, 95i-7/i544-5o) 
al-Hasan b. 'Abd Allah (957/1550) 

during which the dynasty continued to exist they 
never again became masters of their own fate. It 
is true that they had nothing more to fear from 
Morocco, where the weak Wattasids had succeeded to 
the Marinids; but the hegemony passed to Tunis. 
The last two great Hafsids, Abu Faris (827/1424) 
and 'Uthman (871/1466), harking back to the 
tradition of the first rulers of the dynasty, led 
victorious expeditions against Tlemcen and imposed 
in their turn vassal sovereigns of their own choice 
on the 'Abd al-Wadid kingdom. 

The incurable weakness of this kingdom, its 
internal quarrels and the cupidity of the foreigners 
made of the last phase of its history — i.e. the first 
half of the ioth/i6th century— an epoch of sub- 
mission and decadence. Tlemcen passed successively 
under the suzerainty of the Spaniards (who had 
become masters of Oran in 915/1509), then under 
that of the Turks of Algiers in 923/1517, again from 
the Spaniards to the Turks, finally under the 
suzerainty of the Sa'did sovereigns of Marrakush, 
from whom it was seized by the Turks in 957/i55o. 

There can be no doubt that, compared with the 
kingdom of their Marinid kinsmen, that of the 
'Abd al-Wadids appears less rich in men, fertile land 
and cities, and in every respect less well furnished. 
Thus it was unable to undertake great military 
enterprises in North Africa or in Spain. Its geograph- 
ical position exposed it to the attacks of its 
covetous neighbours to the east and to the west. 
The place taken by the Arabs, notably by the 
great Hil&U tribes of the Banu 'Amir and Suwayd, 
who had invaded the plains of the district of Oran, 
imposed upon it a ruinous collaboration with these 
nomads. The Arabs, providing troops that could 
easily be mobilized, and acting as collectors of 
taxes and repaid in this service, took part in the 
dynastic crises and always profited by them. The 
liberation from the Moroccan yoke was due to them. 
The greater part of the 'Abd al-Wadid territory 
passed into their hands, in the form of iktd's, 
beneficiary estates. 

In spite of these precarious conditions of existence, 
and in spite of their slighter resources,, which did 


not allow the rulers of Tlemcen to live a life as 

sumptuous, or to erect buildings as important, as 

those of the kings of Fez, the c Abd al-Wadids seem 

to have cut a figure as sovereigns earlier than the 

Marlnids. From the very reign of Yaghmurasan, 

the administrative personnel appears to be more 

complete and their duties to be better defined than 

among their western neighbours. At first, the 

sovereign recruited his viziers among the members 

of his own family. Under the fourth ruler, Abu 

Hammu I, who according to Ibn Khaldun (Berberes, 

ii, 142; transl. Hi, 384) transformed the kingdom 

from its patriarchal ways and imposed on it the 

etiquette of a real court, the vizierate was entrusted 

to Andalusians; and the same system continued 

under the fifth sultan. The Marlnid interregnum 

gave rise to a new system: the vi 

relative of the prince, becomes, as a 

der of the army and a viceroy, who is tempted to 

a j use the authority granted to him. In regard to 

the hddjtb (great chamberlain), it is noteworthy 

that while in Fez this dignitary is often a familiar 

of the prince, of humble origin and an inglorious 

past, in Tlemcen he is chosen for his knowledge of 

law and his financial capacity. After the Marinid 

interregnum, the title of (iddiib vanished almost 

completely. No less markedly than in the military 

and economic fields, the Moroccan occupation of the 

middle of the 8th/i4th century represents a collapse 

in the development of the c Abd al-Wadid state. 

Bibliography: Ibn Khaldun, '■Ibar vii, 72-149 

= Hist, des Berbires, ed. de Slane, ii, 109-224, 

transl. de Slane, iii, 340-495; Yahya b. Khaldun, 

Bughyat al-Ruwwdd ft Dhikr al-Muluk mitt Bant 

<Abd al-Wdd, ed. and transl. A. Bel (Hist. desBeni 

<Abd al-Wdd), Algiers 1903-1913; TanasI, Nazm 

al-Durr wa'l- c Ikydn ft Baydn Sharaf Bant Zayydn, 

partial transl. by J. J. L. Barges (Hist, des Beni 

Zeian, rots de Tlemcen), Paris 1852 ; Ibn Maryam, 

El-Bostan, Biographies des Saints et Savants de 

Tlemcen, ed. M. Ben Cheneb, Algiers 1908; 

transl. I. Provenzali, Algiers 1910; Leo Africanus, 

Description de I'Afrique, ed. Ch. Schefer, iii, 

Paris 1898; <Abd al-Basit b. Khalil, ed. and 

transl. R. Brunschvig (Deux recits de voyage 

inedits en Afrique du Nord au XV^me siicle), 

Paris 1936; J. J. L. Barges, Complement a I'Hist. 

des Beni Zeian, Paris 1887; idem, Tlemcen, 

ancienne capitate du royaume de ce nom, Paris 

1859; Brosselard, Inscriptions arabes de Tlemcen, 

RAfr., 1859-62; idem, Me'moire e'pigraphique et 

historique sur les tombeaux des Emirs Beni Zeiyan, 

J A, 1876; W. Marcais, Musie de Tlemcen (Musees 

de I'Algirie et de la Tunisie), Paris 1906 ; G. Marcais, 

Les Arabes en Berbirie, Paris 191 3; idem, Le 

Makhzen des Beni l Abd al-Wdd, Bull, de la sociiU 

de geographic et d'archeologie d'Oran, 1940; W. and 

G. Marcais, Les monuments arabes de Tlemcen, 

Paris 1903; G. Marcais, Tlemcen (Les villes d'art 

celibres), Paris 1950; Zambaur, 77-8. — Owing to 

the close connection between the history of the 

l Abd al-Wadids and that of the neighbouring 

dynasties, the chroniclers of these dynasties (cf. 

the bibliographies under marinids and hafsids) 

have frequent references to the c Abd al-Wadids. — 

Cf. also tilimsAn. (G. Marcais) 

<ABD al-WAHHAB b. c Abd al-Rahman b. 

Rustum [see rustumids]. 

<ABD AL-WAtfID B. c AlI al-TamImI al-MAR- 
RAKUSHl, Abu Muhammad, Maghribi chron- 
icler from the beginning of the 13th century, b. 
Marrakush 7 Rabl< II 581/8 July 1185. We have no 

information about his life except for a few auto- 
biographical data that allow us to some degree to 
piece together his career. He left, at an early age, 
his native town for Fez, where he made his studies, 
but returned several times to the Almohad capital 
before going to Spain. He stayed in Seville in 605/ 
1208-9 and stopped for two years in Cordova. After 
a short visit to Marrakush he established himself 
at Seville, whose Almohad governor took him into 
his service. At the end of 613/1217, he undertook 
a journey to the East, going to Ifrikiya and then 
to Egypt. It seems that he remained in the East 
till the end of his life ; according to his own testimony, 
he was in 617/1220 in Upper Egypt, three years 
later in Mecca. It was in 621/1224 that he compiled, 
probably in Baghdad, his al-Mu l diib fi Talkhis 
Akhbdr al-Maghrib, published by R. Dozy (Leiden 
1847, 2nd ed. 1881) under the title The History of the 
Almohads (French transl. by E. Fagnan, Algiers 1893). 

The MW-djib gives an often interesting precis of 
the history of the Muslim West up to the epoch of 
the Mu'minid dynasty. The author treats this 
dynasty at greater length, more often relying on his 
personal memories than on the official Almohad 
historiography. For the earlier period, he seems to 
have had at his disposition certain works of the 
Andalusian chronicler and traditionist al-Humaydl. 
The value of the book of <Abd al- Wahid is enhanced 
by its rich material concerning literary history, espe- 
cially of the century of the muluk al-(awdHf in Spain. 
Bibliography: Pons Boigues, Ensayo biobiblio- 

grdfico, 413; Brockelmann, I, 392, S I, 555. 

(E. L£vi-Provencal) 

C ABD al-WAHID AL-RAfiHlD [see al-Muwah- 


C ABD al-WASI 1 DJABALl b. c Abd al-Djami', 
Persian poet, one of the panegyrists of the 
Seldjuk sultan Sandjar. He came from the province 
of Ghardjistan, lived for some time in Harat, then 
went to Ghazna to enter the service of the sultan 
Bahrain Shah, son of Mas'ud, of the Ghaznawid 
dynasty. Four years afterwards he took the occasion 
of sultan Sandjar's coming to Ghazna — to assist 
Bahrain Shah, his maternal cousin— to address to 
him a panegyric. During the last fourteen years of 
his life he lived at Sandjar's court and is said to 
have died in 555/1160. He excelled in Arabic and 
Persian poetry according to c Awfi, who quotes, in 
this connection, two mulamma's. His diwdn (MSS 
Bodleian, and Brit. Mus. Or. 3320) is mainly com- 
posed of kasidas, often very difficult. The edition, 
Lahore 1862, is in need of revision. 

Bibliography: Dawlat Shah, Tadhkirat al- 

Shu'ara 3 (Browne), 73-6; 'Awfl, Lubdb (Browne), 

ii, 104-10; Rida Kuli Khan, Madima' al-Fusahd', 

i, 185-92 ; J. Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. schdnen 

Redekunste Persiens, 101; H. Ethe, in Grundr. d. 

iran. Philol., ii, 261. (Cl. Huart-H. MassS) 

ABDAL (A.; plur. of badal, "substitute"), one 

of the degrees in the sufi hierarchical order of 

saints, who, unknown by the masses (rididl al- 

ghayb [cf. ghayb]), participate by means of their 

powerful influence in the preservation of the order 

of the universe. The different accounts in the sufi 

literature show no agreement as to the details of 

this hierarchy. There is also great difference of 

opinion as to the number of the abddl: 40, e.g. Ibn 

Hanbal, Musnad, i, 112, cf. v, 322; Hudjwiri, 

Kashf al-Mahdiub (Zhukowsky), 269, (transl. 

Nicholson, 214), 300 (al-Makkl, Kut al-Kulab, ii, 79) ; 

7 (Ibn 'Arabi, Futuhdt, ii, 9). According to the 

most generally accepted opinion, the abddl take the 


fifth place in the hierarchy of the saints which 
descends from the great K u(b [q.v.]. They are preceded 
after the Kutb by: 2) both assistants of the latter 
[al-imdmdn) ; 3) the five "stakes" or "pillars" 
(al-awtdd [q.v.] or al- c umud; 4) the seven "incom- 
parables" (al-afrad). After the abddl in the fifth 
degree come: 6) the seventy "pre-eminents" (al- 
nudiabd'); 7) the 300 "chiefs" {al-nukabd') ; 8) the 
"troops" {al-'asd'ib), 500 in number; 9) the "wise", 
or the "isolated" (al-hukamd' or al-mufradun), of 
an unlimited number; 10) al-radiabiyyun. Each of 
these ten classes is located in a particular region 
and assigned a particular sphere of action. The 
vacancies which occur in each of the classes are 
filled by the promotion to that class of a member 
of the class immediately below it. The abddl (also 
called al-rukabd 3 , "the guardians") have their 
residence in Syria. To their merit and intercession 
are due the necessary rains, victory over the enemy, 
and the averting of general calamities. — A single 
individual of the Abddl is called badal; badil, 
however, which grammatically corresponds to 
another plural (W«W), is the usual form in the 
singular. In Persian and in Turkish the plural 
abddl is often used as a singular. 

Bibliography: G. Fliigel, in ZDMG, xx, 
38-9 (where the older sources are indicated); 
Vollers, ibid., xliii, 114 ft. (after Munawl); Hasan 
al-'AdawI, al-Nafahdt al-Shddhaliyya, ii, 99 ff. 
(where is to be found the most frequently accepted 
division of the classes); A. von Kremer, Gesch. d. 
herrsch. Ideen, 172 ff. ; Barges, Vie du ce'libre mara- 
bout Cidi Abou-Midien, Paris 1884, Introduction; 
Blochet, Etudes sur I'esoterisme musulman, in J A , 
1902, i, 529 ff. II, 49 ff.; Concordance de la tradition 
musulmane, s.v. ; L. Massignon, Passiond'al-Halladj, 
754; idem, Essai, 112 ff. (I. Goldziher') 

In various orders of derwishes in the Ottoman 
Empire the name abddl, as well as budaW (plur. of 
badil) was used for the derwishes, e.g. among the 
Khalwatiyya . (cf. for instance Yusuf b. Ya'kub, 
Mendkib-i Sherif we-Tarikat-ndme-yi Pirdn we- 
Meshdyikh-i Tarikat-i c Aliyye-yi Khalwetiyye, Istan- 
bul 1290/1873, 34, where it is expressly stated that 
Shaykh Siinbiil Sinan used to address his derwishes 
as abddl). When the esteem enjoyed by the derwish 
orders declined, the word abddl, and budaW, used 
as singulars assumed in Turkish a pejorative meaning : 
"fool". The derivation of budala* from a Turkish 
word but, "plump body" (K. Lokotsch, Etymologisches 
Wdrterbuch der europaischen Worter orientalischen Ur- 
sprungs, Heidelberg 1927, 28) is mistaken. BudaW 
occurs, in the same acceptation, also in Bulgarian, 
Serbian and Rumanian. (H. J. Kissling) 

ABDALl, the former name of the Afghan tribe 
now known as the Durrani; they belong to the 
SarbanI branch of the Afghans. According to their 
own tradition, they derived their name from Abdal 
(or Awdal) b. Tarln b. Sharkhabfln b. Kays; Abdal 
was so called because he was in the service of an 
abddl or saint named Kh^adja Abu Ahmad of the 
Cishtiyya order. The Abdalis for long inhabited 
the province of Kandahar, but early in the reign 
of Shah 'Abbas I, pressure from the Ghalzay tribe 
caused them to move to the province of Harat. 
Shah 'Abbas made Sado, of the* Popalzay clan, 
head of the tribe, with the title Mir-i Afdghina. 
Though loyal to Shah 'Abbas, they emulated the 
Ghalzays a century later and made themselves 
virtually independent. Nadir Shah [q.v.] later 
subdued the Abdalis, but treated them with leniency 
and enrolled many in his army. Amongst these 

- 'ABDAN 95 

Abdalis was Ahmad Khan, the second son of Muham- 
mad Zaman Khan Sadozay. The Abdalis served 
Nadir well, and he rewarded them by restoring 
them to ' their former territory of Kandahar. On 
Nadir's assassination in 1747, Ahmad Khan had 
himself crowned in Kandahar. Either as the result 
of a dream or because of the influence of a fakir 
named Sabar Shah, Ahmad Shah took the title of 
Durr-i Durrani ("The Pearl of Pearls"), and the 
tribe has since that time been known as the Durrani. 
The two principal clans were the Popalzay and the- 
Barakzay; the present royal family of Afghanistan 
belongs to the latter. (For the history of the Durrani 
tribe see durrAni and Afghanistan). 

Bibliography : M. Elphinstone, Caubul, London 

1842, ii, 95; <Abd al-Karlm, Ta'rikh-i Ahmad, 

Kanpur 1292/1875, 3-4; Muhammad Hayat 

Khan, tfaydt-i Afghani (English trans, entitled 

Afghanistan, 57); Muhammad Mahdl Kawkabt 

AstarabadI, Ta'rikh-i Nddiri, Bombay, 4-6; 

B. Dorn, History of the Afghans, ii, 42 ; L. Lockhart, 

Nadir Shah, London 1938, 3, 4, 16, 29, 31-4, 

52-4, 113-4, 120, 201 ; K. Fraser-Tytler, Afghanistan 

8, 62. (L. Lockhart) 

'ABDALl, plural 'Abadil, 'Abadila and, in the 

Turfat al-Ashdb, 'Abdiliyyun with i, is now most 

commonly used as a collective name for the 

inhabitants of Lahdj in S. Arabia. Ahmad 

Fadl believes this usage to date from the time 

when SJiaykh Fadl b. 'AH b. Salah b. Sallam b. 

'AH al-Sallami al-'Abdall, made Lahdj independent 

of the Zaydi Imam (1145/1732-3) and founded the 

dynasty by which it has since been ruled (see lahdj). 

According to the Turfat al-Ashdb (7th/i3th cent.) 

the original clan Of the 'Abadil are descended from 

Khawlan b. 'Amr b. Alhaf b. Kuda'a; al-Khazradil 

mentions them in southern Yaman {Pearl Strings, 

v, 217) and Landberg concluded from local enquiries 

that they still lived in their former territories. In 

the time of Fadl b. 'All at least, they belonged to 

the Yafi'I confederacy; the Al Sallam, his own 

branch, were represented at Khanfar, in Yafi'I 

territory, and at Mukha. Ahmad Fadl states that 

the majority of the inhabitants of the state were 

then Asabih, descended through Asbah b. 'Amr 

from Himyar al-Asghar; they had been there in 

al-Hamdanl's time; the rest belonged to various 

Kahtan tribes, 'Adjalim, Djahafil, Yafi', 'Akarib, 

Hawashib and 'Amira. The capital of the state, al- 

Hawta, now has a very mixed population including 

representatives of many tribes of S. W. Arabia as 

well as people of African descent. (There is also a 

branch of the Banu Marwan called 'Abadil, living 

on the Sa'udi side of the southern border of 'Aslr; 

see Philby, Arabian Highlands), 

Bibliography: Al-Malik al-Ashraf 'Umar b. 
Yusuf, Turfat al-Ashdb, Damascus 1369; F. M. 
Hunter and C. W. H. Sealy, An account of the 
Arab tribes in the vicinity of Aden; C. Landberg, 
Etudes sur les dialectes de V Arable meridionale; 
Ahmad Fadl b. 'All Muhsin al-'Abdall, Hadiyyat 
al-Zamdn, Cairo 1351, giving copious quotations. 

(C. F. Beckingham) 
'ABDAN, according to the account of Ibn Rizam 
(see Fihrist, 187) and Akhu Muhsin (quoted in al- 
Nuwayri's chapter on the Karmatians and in an abbre- 
viated form in al-Makrizi, Itti l dz al-Hunafd' (Bunz), 
103 ff.), also going back, no doubt, to lbn Rizam, was 
brother-in-law and lieutenant of Hamdan 
Karma t [q.v.], leader of the Karmatians [q.v.] of 
southern 'Irak. When the Isma'ili headquarters in 
Salamiya changed their policy, 'Abdan fell away 


from their allegiance, but was killed, in 286/899, at 
the instigation of Zikrawayh, the leader of the 
loyalists. The account of the evidently well informed 
Akhu Muhsin — Ibn Rizam is confirmed by Ibn 
Hawkal (Kramers), 295. The party of 'Abdan 
survived in southern 'Irak for some years. It seems 
that F&timid orthodoxy rehabilitated 'Abdan's 
memory. He is mentioned by the author of the 
Dastur al-Munadidiimln (M. J. de Goeje, Mimoire 
sur les Carmathes, 204) as "one of the most famous 
helpers of the second hidden Imam". He was made 
into an author; his nephew, c Isa b. Musa, is said 
to have concocted books in the name of 'Abdan 
(Akhu Muhsin, in al-Nuwayri, and al-MakrizI, 
Itti'dif, 130). At any rate, the Fihrist, 189, knows 
numerous books attributed to 'Abdan. B. Lewis, 
The Origins of IsmdHlism, 68, states that several 
works by c Abdan are claimed to be in the possession 
of Syrian Isma'IU circles; cf. also W. Iv^uiow, A 
Guide to Ismaili Literature, 31. [See also sarmatians]. 
(S. M. Stern) 
al- c ABDARI (i.e. descendant of <Abd al-Dar b. 
Kusayy, of the tribe of Kuraysh), Muhammad b. 
Muhammad b. <AlI b. Ahmad b. Sa'ud Abu 
Muhammad, author of a book of travels 
bearing the title of al-Rihla al-Maghribiyya. He was 
staying with the Haha, near Mogador, when he 
started on his journey on 25 Dhu 1-Ka c da 688/n Dec. 
1289. The dates of his birth and death are not 
known: all biographical data are lacking, although 
he was always held in esteem as the learned author 
of the Rihla. Ibn al-Kadl (Qiadhwat al-Iktibds, lith. 
Fez, 199; Durrat at-ffidjdl, i, 124) and al-Makkari, 
Analectes, 789, 866) know of him only from his work. 
That he had sufl affinities is shown by his interest 
in the cult of saints ; he himself tells that he received 
the sufl khirka from the shaykh Abu Muhammad 
<Abd Allah b. Yusuf al-AndalusI in Tunis (MS. 
Algiers, fol. 154b). In politics he seems to have 
been a partisan of the Marinids as against the 
c Abd al-Wadids. It was due, probably, to this 
•circumstance that he was unable, on his return, 
to publish his book in Tlemcen. 

On his journey he received instruction from the 
following: Sharaf al-DIn al-Dimyatl (al-Dhahabl. 
Tadhkira, iv, 278), the famous traditionist Ibn 
Daklk al-'Id (al-Suyutl, &usn al-Muhadara, i, 143), 
Zayn al-DIn b. al-Munayyir (Ibn Farbfln, al-Dibddj, 
205; Aljmad Baba, Nayl, 191), \Abd Allah b. Harun 
al-Tal al-Kurtubl in Tunis, Abu Zayd c Abd al- 
Rahman b. al-Asadl in Kayrawan, Abu '1-Hasan 
< A1I b. Ahmad al-Karafl and others. His son Muham- 
mad (see ibn al-hAdjpj) and Abu'l-Kasim b. 
Ridwan are mentioned as his pupils. He writes 
approvingly of some, such as al-Dabbagh (author 
of Ma'dHm al-Imdn), while others are treated with 
devastating criticism (e.g. Abu <Abd Allah b. c Abd 
al-Sayyid of Tripolis). 

The importance of his book does not lie in its 
geographical details. Though he thinks it proper 
to criticize — with scant justification — some state- 
ments of al-Bakri, he is not a geographer and his 
summary descriptions of various sights — where he 
usually follows other geographers — are of no great 
value. His rhetorical descriptions have no more 
than literary interest, putting him in the line of 
similar Rihlas (e.g. that of al-Balawi, who travelled 
737-41/1336-40). Al-'Abdari's main concern is with 
the state of Muslim scholarship and instruction. 
His notes are important contributions to the history 
of the scholars of the Maghrib. He shared the custo- 
mary passion for idfdzas, and gives details of the 

authorities from whom he obtained, both for himself 
and his son, such certificates of study.- Thus his 
Rihla turns into, a specimen of the rich literature 
about teachers and books (bamtimadj,, fahrasa), 
from which we gain an insight into the range of 
works usually studied, classical, post-classical, and 
contemporary. In Kur'an-reading and grammar the 
late works of the Andalusians are preferred, in 
poetry most interest is shown in the famous post- 
classical product of North Africa. Among the longer 
poetical pieces quoted are al-Kasida al-Shakrdfisiyya, 
by Abu Muhammad c Abd Allah al-Kurashl (d. 466/ 
1073), in praise of the Prophet, and a takhmls of 
the Munfaridja. He quotes also some of his own 
poems; for instance one to his son, containing moral 
advice, another addressed to the Sultan Salah al-DIn 
Yusuf b. Ayyub, praying him to deliver the lands 
of Islam from the Christian yoke. 

The influence of the Rihla (a MS of which was 
copied as late as 1883) can be traced in the geo- 
graphical and historical literature of the Maghrib 
from the 14th to the 18th cent. For instance, Ibn 
Battuta's description of the Pharos of Alexandria 
(i, 29-30) is derived from it; other travellers, e.g. 
al-Balawi, and also biographers like Ahmad Baba 
and Ibn al-Kadi used it extensively. Finally, its moral 
purpose, to lay bare the material and spiritual short- 
comings of contemporary Ifrikiya and Middle Maghrib, 
makes the Rihla a document of considerable interest. 
Bibliography: Brockelmann, I, 634, S I, 883 
(add MSS Algiers 1017; Fez, Karawiyyln 1297); 
Afcmad Baba, Nayl, marg. of Ibn Farijun, Dibddj, 
68; TA, iii, 379; B. Vincent, in JA, 1845, 404-8; 
M. Cherbonneau, in JA, 1854, 144-76; R. Dozy, 
Cat. Lugd. Bat., iii, 137; M. Reinaud, Giographie 
d'Aboulfdda, i, xxxvi; Motylinski, in Bull. Soc. 
de Giogr. d' Alger, 1900, 71-7; W. Wright, in 
Introd. of Ibn Djubayr, Rihla, 1907, 16-7; E. Rossi, 
La Cron. di Ibn Galbun, 12; W. Hoenerbach, Das 
Norda/rikanische Itinerar des 'Abdari, Leipzig 1940. 

(Muh. Ben Cheneb-W. Hoenerbach) 
b. Muhammad b. Muhammad b. al-hAdj&z al-FasI 
[see ibn al-hadjpj]. 
ABDAST [see wupu'l. 

'ABDl, Ottoman historian. Among the 
Ottoman historians who bore the makhlas 'Abdl 
(cf. Babinger, 432 f.), the secretary (kdtib) of Yusuf 
Agha, chief of the eunuchs, is worthy of mention. 
He was an eye-witness of the magnificent festivities 
organized in Adrianople in June and July 1675 
on the occasion of the circumcision of the crown- 
prince Mustafa, son of Muhammad (Me^med) IV, 
and of the marriage of the princess Khadidje with 
the second vizier Mustafa Pasha (cf. Hammer- 
Purgstall, vi, 307 ff. and 313 ff.), and in which his 
master took a prominent part. A different account 
is given in a more concise anonymous description of 
the same circumcision festival, mostly bearing the 
title Medima'-i Sur-i Humayun (MS Vienna, 1072, 
of which a part has been lost since Hammer- 
Purgstall's time but of which the greater part is still 
preserved; Hammer's translation, vi, 704, replaces 
the lost section; Hamburg, cod. or. 269 contains 
only the list of the presents). Also diverging from 
'AbdI's account is that of an anonymous author 
in Paris, suppl. turc, 880, bound together with the 
translation of the jeune de langues Etienne Roboly. 
Of 'Abdi's book there are MSS in Paris, suppl. turc 
501 (incomplete) and 1045 (the best MS), in the 
private collection of R. Tschudi, Basle, and in 
Istanbul, Millet Kiitubkhanesi, 277 (414). 



Bibliography: Babinger, 217 f.; J. H. Mordt- 
mann, in Isl., 1925, 364. (Fr. Babinger) 

<ABDl EFENDI, Ottoman historian. The 
only information about his life is that he worked 
under the sultans Mahmud I and Mustafa III, i.e. 
about 1730-64. His history, called either simply 
'Abdi Ta y rikhi, or Ta'rikh-i Sulfdn Mahmud Khan, 
deals mainly with the antecedents of Patrona 
Khalil's rebellion and with the revolution itself 
(1730-1) and is one of the main contemporary 
sources for this event. MSS are to be found in 
Istanbul, Es'ad Efendi, 2153 and Millet Kutubkha- 
nesi 409- 

Bibliography: F. R. Unat, 1730 Patrona 
ihtilali hakkmda bir eser Abdi tarihi, Ankara 1943; 
Osmanh Miiellefleri, iii, 106; Indnii Ansiklopedisi, 
i, 31; Ahmed Refik, Ldle dewri, Istanbul 1331, 
116, 125, 140; Rdmiz Tedhkiresi, MS Millet 
Kutubkhanesi 762, 185 ; Se/inet iil-Ru'asd', 83 ff., 
90 ff.— For the MSS cf. Istanbul Kutuphaneleri 
Tarih-Cografya Yazmalan Kataloilart, I: Turkfe 
Tarih Yazmalan, 2nd fasc, Istanbul 1944, 103 f. 

(Fr. Babinger) 
c ABDl PASHA, Ottoman historian. <Abd 
al-Rahman 'Abdi Pasha came from Anadolu Hisart 
on the Bosporus, was educated in the Seray, and 
finally attained the post of imperial privy secretary 
(sirr k l dtibi). In Muharram 1080/June 1669 he was 
promoted to the office of nishdndji with the rank 
of a vizier, and later was appointed kdHm-makdm 
of the capital. In April 1679 he became governor 
of Bosnia, next year again nishdndfi, in March a 
so-called vizier of the cupola, in August 1684 
governor of Basra (cf. Hammer-Purgstall, vi, 379). 
Deposed in 1686, he was in the next year appointed 
governor of Egypt. In 1688 he was governor of 
Rumelia, next year governor of Crete, where he 
died in Radjab 1103/March 1692. 'Abdi Pasha is 
usually described, though whether correctly is open 
to some doubt, as the first officially appointed 
historiographer (wekdV-niiwis); cf. Ismail Hakki 
Uzuncarsih, Osmanli devletinin merkez ve bahriye 
teskilatt, Ankara 1948, 64-8. At any rate he was 
the author of a history of the Ottoman empire, 
which starts with the beginning of the reign of 
Muljammad (Mehmed) IV, 1058/1648 and ends 
with 3 Ramadan 1093/5 Oct. 1682. The book, 
usually called Ta'rikh-i WehdV (HadjdjI Khalifa, 
ed. Fliigel, no. 14523), but also Wak'a-ndmeyi 'Abdi 
Pasha, was dedicated to the sultan Mehmed IV. 
For the MSS cf. Babinger; additional MSS in 
Istanbul, Baghdad Koshku, 217, Khaled Ef., 615 
(cf. Isl., 1942, 207), and Istanbul Kutuphaneleri 
Tarih-Coirafya Yazmalan Kataloilart, xi: Turkfe 
Tarih Yazmalan, 2nd fasc, Ankara 1944, m f. 
A partial French translation, by Etienne Roboly, 
is preserved in Paris, suppl. turc, 867 (Blochet, 
Cat., ii, 78). 

Bibliography: Babinger, 227 f. (with further 
references); Indnii Ansiklopedisi, i, 30; Hammer- 
Purgstall, iii, 558 f. (Fr. Babinger) 
ABDJAD (or Abadjad or Abu Djad), the 
first of the eight mnemotechnical terms 
into which the twenty-eight consonants of the 
Arabic alphabet were divided. In the East, the 
whole series of these voces memoriales is ordered 
and, in general, vocalized as follows: 'abdiad hawwaz 
huttiy kalaman sa'fas karashat thakhadh dazagh. In 
the West (North Africa and the Iberian peninsula) 
groups no. 5, 6 and 8 were differently arranged; 
the complete list was as follows: 'abadjid hawaz tn 
hu(iy ,n kalamn 1 * sa'fad 1 ' kurisat thakhudh zaghsh 1 *. 
Encyclopaedia of Islam 

The first six groups of the Oriental series preserve 
faithfully the order of the "Phoenician" alphabet. 
The last two, supplementary, groups consisted of 
the consonants peculiar to Arabic, called, for this 
reason, rawddif, "mounted on the hind-quarters". 

From a practical point of view, this arrangement 
of the alphabet has only one point of interest, 
namely that the Arabs (like the Greeks) gave each 
letter a numerical value, according to its position. 
The twenty-eight characters are thus divided into 
three successive series of nine each: units (1 to 9), 
tens (10 to 90), hundreds (100 to 900), and "thous- 
and". Naturally, the numerical value corresponding 
to each of the letters that belong to groups no. 5, 
6 and 8 differs in the Oriental and the Occidental 

The use of the Arabic characters as numerals has 
always been limited and exceptional; the ciphers 
proper (cf. hisab) have taken their place. Never- 
theless, they are used in the following cases: (i) on 
astrolabes; (ii) in chronograms, usually versified 
(epigraphic or otherwise), formed according to 
the system called al-diummal (see hisab and 
TA'Rlraj). (iii) in various divinatory procedures and 
in composing certain talismans (type of bdwh = 2.4 
6.8. see buduh). Even in our own days the tdlibs 
of North Africa use the numerical value of the 
letters for certain magical operations, according to 
the system called aykash (; a specialist 
in this technique is called in the vernacular yakkdsh ; 
(iv) in the pagination, according to the modern 
convention, of prefaces and tables of contents, 
where we would use the Roman letters. 

This "abecedarian" order of the Arabic letters 
does not actually correspond to anything, whether 
from the point of view of phonetics or of graphical 
representation. To be sure, it is very old. For the 
first twenty-two letters, it appears already in a 
tablet discovered at Ra's Shamra which gives the 
list of the cuneiform signs that constitute the 
alphabet of the people of Ugarit in the 14th century 
B.C. (Ch. Virolleaud, L'abicidaire de Ras Shamra, 
GLECS, 1950, 57). Its Canaanite origin, at least, is 
therefore certain; but moreover, the order was 
kept in the Hebrew and Aramean alphabet, and 
was, no doubt, taken over by the Arabs together 
with the latter. Yet the Arabs, having no knowledge 
of the other Semitic languages and moreover full 
of prejudices arising from their strong self-con- 
sciousness and their national pride, sought other 
explanations for the mnemotechnic words abdfad 
etc., handed down by tradition and incomprehensible 
to them. All that they had to say on this head, 
however interesting, is but a fable. According to 
one version, six kings of Madyan arranged the 
Arabic letters after their own names; according to 
another tradition, the first six groups are the names 
of six demons; a third tradition explains them as 
the names of the days of the week. Sylvestre de 
Sacy has noted the fact that in these traditions 
only the first six words are used, and that, e.g., 
Friday is not called thakhadh, but c uruba; yet it is 
not admissible to base on such vague traditions 
the conclusion that the Arabic alphabet had origin- 
ally only twenty-two letters (J. A. Sylvestre de 
Sacy, Grammaire arabe', ii, par. 9). In fact, even 
among the Arabs there were some more enlightened 
grammarians, such as al-Mubarrad and al-Sirafl, 
who, not satisfied with the legendary explanations 
of abdiad, straightforwardly declared that these 
mnemotechnic words were of foreign origin. 

There is, however, one noteworthy detail among 

these fabulous indications. One of the six kings of 
Madyan had the supremacy over the others 
(ra'isuhum) ; this was Kalaman, whose name is 
perhaps somehow connected with the Latin 

For the other arrangement of the alphabet which 
exists alongside this "abecedarian" order and which 
is the one currently employed, see iiurCp al-hidja'. 
It may be added that in North Africa the adjective 
budjddi is still alive, with the acceptation of "begin- 
ner, tiro, green", literally, "one still at the abeced- 
arian stage" (cf. the Persian-Turkish abdj_ad-kh w an, 
English abecedarian, German Abcschiiler). 

Bibliography: Lane, Lex. s.v. abdjad; TA, 
s.v. bdjd; Fihrist, 4-5; Cantor, Vorl. iiber Gesch. 
d. Math.', i, 709; Th. Noldeke, Die semitischen 
Buchstabennnamen, in Beitr&ge zur semit. Sprach- 
wiss., 1904, 124; H. Bauer, Wie ist die Rcihenfalgc 
der Buchstaben im Alphabet zustande gekommen, 
ZDMG, 1913, 501; G. S. Colin, De Vorigine grecque 
des "chiffres de Fis" et de nos "chiffres arabes", 
J A, 1933, 193; J. Fevrier, Histoire de I'ecriture, 
1948, 222; D. Diringer, The Alphabet, 1948; 
M. G. de Slane, Us Prolegomines d'Ibn Khaldoun, 
i, 241-53; E. Westermarck, Ritual and Belief in 
Morocco, i, 144; E. Doutte, Magie et religion 
dans I'Afrique du Nord, 172-95. 

(G. Weil-[G. S. Colin]) 
ABECHE [see abeshr]. 
ABEL [see hAbIl]. 

ABENCERAGES [see al-sarradj, banO]. 
ABENRAGEL [see ibn abi >l-ridjal]. 
ABE&HR (Abeche), capital of the Sultanate of 
Wada'i, Territory of the Tchad, French Equatorial 
Africa, 14 north, lat. and 21 east, long., to the 
south of Wara, the old capital. Founded in 1850, 
chief town of a region and a district of 125,000 
inhabitants (119 Europeans). Important center of 
transit between the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and 
the Tchad ; many djallaba merchants from Omdurman 
have installed themselves in the town. Center of 
trade in cattle, meat (freezing installations planned) 
and karakul sheep, bred in the neighbouring sheep- 
walk of Abugudam. A Franco-Arabic medersa was 
opened in 1951, the master of which belongs to 
the Tldjanl order, like all the Wada'is. The town, 
built in a vast dry plain, dominated by isolated 
mountains, comprises five big villages and a Euro- 
pean township. 

Bibliography: Lt. J. Ferrandi, Abeche, capitate 

des Ouadai (Publ. Comite de I'Afr. franc.), 1913; 

see also wada'i. (J. Dresch) 

ABHA, capital of the Saudi Arabian province 

of «AsIr [q.v.] situated in Wadi Abha (c. 18° 13' n. 

lat. and 42 30' E. long.) at an elevation of c. 2200 

meters. Perhaps 10,000 people, almost all Shafi'Is, 

live in its several villages now growing together but 

retaining distinctive names. One of the largest is 

Manazir, sometimes given as the ancient name of 

the place; al-Hamdani (i, 118) fails to mention 

Manazir but names Abha as a location of the tribe 

called *Asir. BanI Mughayd, dominant in modern 

Abha, belong to 'Aslr. 

Other communities are al-Kara, perhaps the 
largest; Mukabil, joined to the main group by a 
stone bridge across Wadi Abha; Na'man and al- 
Rubu c ; al-Najab, where the principal mosque is 
located; al-Khasha'; and al-Miftaha. The focal point 
of town life is a large open square, where a Tuesday 
market is held, with the adjacent stone fortress of 
of Shada, the center of provincial administration. 
Most of the houses have mud walls with multiple 

eaves of flat stone as protection against water 
erosion. Annual rainfall of c. 30 centimeters, aug- 
mented by irrigation from numerous wells, supports 
grains, fruits, and vegetables grown in terraced 
plots. Turkish forts crown the prominences ringing 
the town; two have been repaired and are used by 
the Sa'udi army: Dhira, 125 meters above the 
town to the SSE, and Shamsan to the north. Motor 
routes connect Abha with Mecca, about 840 kilo- 
meters to the north via Bisha, and Zahran and 
Nadjran to the south and south-east; there is only- 
animal transport for the steep descent to the Red 
Sea ports of al-Kunfudha and Djizan. 

Little is known of Abha's history until WahhabI 
doctrine swept across the mountains about 1215/1800. 
The subsequent Turco-Egyptian campaigns brought 
an army including several Europeans to Manazir, 
which was occupied for about one month in 1250/1834 
(Tamisier mentions a nearby village of "Apha"). 
Al 'Ayid, the shaykhly clan of BanI Mughayd, there- 
after ruled from Abha, later receiving the blessing 
of the resurgent Wahhabis under Faysal b. Turkl. 
In 1287/1871 when the Turks were engaged in reoc- 
cupying the Yaman, Muhammad b. c Ayid attacked 
them in the lowlands but they soon overwhelmed 
him, occupied Abha, and put him to death. The 
town became the center of a kada in the Yaman 
wilayet and remained Turkish until after the 1918 
armistice, except for several months in 1328-9/1910-1 
when the Idrlsis [q.v.] of Sabya wrested it from 
Sulayman Shafik, the Turkish governor. A relief 
expedition led by Sharif Husayn of Mecca arrived 
in Djumada II 1329/June 1911 to find Abh5 once 
more in Sulayman's hands. 

After the Turkish withdrawal, Al 'Ayid again 
became sole rulers, but were promptly challenged, 
first by Muhammad al-ldrisl, then by the Sa'udls, 
whose two campaigns (one in 1339/1921 and another 
in 1340-1/1922 led by Faysal b. c Abd al- c Aziz) broke 
their power. Abha has since been the seat of a 
Sa'udl governor, increased in importance by the 
Sa'udl acquisition of Idrisi territory in 1345/1926. 
The force commanded by Sa'ud b. *Abd al-'Aziz in 
the Yaman War of 1355/1934 was based on Abha. 
Two years later Philby found the place still suffering 
from the ravages of its former insecurity, but under 
peaceful rule prosperity is returning. 

For bibliography see c asIr. (H. C Mueller) 
ABHAR (in ffudud al-'Alam: Awhar), a small 
town owing its importance to the fact that it lies 
half-way between Kazwln (86 km) and Zandjan 
(88 km.) and that from it a road branched off 
southwards to DInawar. It was conquered in 24/645 
by Bara' b. c Azib, governor of Rayy. Between 
386/996 and 409/ 1029 it formed the fief of a Musaf irid 
[q.v.] prince. The stronghold of Sar-djahan (in Rdhat 
al-sudur: Sar-cahan), lying some 25 km. N.W. of 
Abhar near a pass leading into Tarom [q.v.] played 
an important r61e under the Saldjukids. 

Bibliography: Le Strange, 221 ; Schwarz, Iran, 
726-8; Minorsky, Studies in Caucasian history, 
1952, 165. (V. Minorsky) 

al-ABHARI, Athir al-DIn Mufaddal b. 'Umar, 
philosophical writer, about whose life nothing is 
known; d. in 663/1264 (according to Barhebraeus in 
1262). He was the author of two works on scholastic 
philosophy, which were much in use and often com- 
mented: (i) Hiddyat al-Hikma in three parts, a. Logic 
[al-man(ik), b. Physics {al-tabiHyydt), c. theology 
\al-ilahiyydt). The best known commentary is that 
by Mir Husayn al-Maybudl, written in 880/1475). 
(ii) al-Isdghudji, an adaptation of the Isagoge of 


Porphyry (cf. pOrfIriyus). Of the commentaries, 
that by Shams al-Din Ahmad al-Fanari (d. 834/1470) 
has been printed in Istanbul; for other commentaries 
and glosses, see Brockelmann. 

Bibliography: Brockelmann, I, 608, S I, 

839 ff.; C. F. Seybold, I si., 112 ff. 

(C. Brockelmann) 

ABlB [see ta'rIkh]. 

c ABlD [see c abd and makhzan]. 

'ABIDb. al-ABRAS. pre-Islamic Arab poet, 
of the tribe of Asad. Very little is known of his life, 
which must have lain in the first half of the 6th 
century A.D. The probably legendary story that 
his death was caused by al-Mundhir III, king of 
HIra, would fix as a terminus ante quern the date 
of the king's death, 554. The literary tournament 
with Im™' al-Kays, attested by the historico- 
literary tradition and by verses in the diwdn of 
c AMd, shows that the two poets were contemporaries; 
their joust would have to be placed between 530 
and 550. About 530 — so Lyall assumes — the Band 
Asad revolted against the supremacy of the kings of 
Kinda and killed king Hudjr, father of Imru' al- 
ways; hence the enmity and the rivalry between 
the two poets. 

The diwdn of 'Abid (edited and translated together 
with that of c Amir b. al-Tufayl by Ch. Lyall, Leiden 
1913, GMS xxi) contains thirty more or less complete 
kasidas and seventeen fragments. The very distinct 
archaism in the structure and the language of the 
diwdn is a strong argument for its authenticity. The 
dominant tone is one of melancholic and sententious 
austerity, as well as of a proud dignity which finds 
in individual and tribal fakhr the expression that 
becomes it best. 

The sentiment of love appears in a very restrained 
and already strongly stylized form, so that the 
nasib is more often devoted to the collective regret 
for a dispersed group than for an individual woman 
(e.g. kasida i, ix, xv, etc.). It is perhaps this melan- 
cholic contemplation of life's flight and of its 
fleetingness, so often expressed with original accents 
in the poetry of 'Abid, that gave rise to the legend 
that places him amongst the mu'ammarun [q.v.]. 
He seems to have died, according to Grunebaum's 
view (Orientalia, 1939, 343, 345), rather young, 
perhaps even before his fiftieth year. The sententious 
mind of 'Abid is expressed not only in his nostalgia 
for the past, but also in his praise of himself and 
of his tribe (iv, vii, xxii, xxiv etc.) and in his virulent 
polemics against Imru 1 al-Kays and other, unknown, 
poets. The allusions to his poetical talent are 
especially noteworthy (x and xxiii): they show that 
he had a clear conscience of his inspiration and his 
artistic technique. The old Arab critics admired his 
descriptions of storms and desert tempests, but the 
modem reader appreciates most among all the 
poems of his diwdn his descriptions of animals, 
such as the famous scene of an eagle chasing a. fox 
(i) and that of the fish in the sea (xxiii). In these 
poems and in other celebrated tableaux, 'Abid 
appears as one of the most powerful poets of the 

Bibliography: Ibn Kutayba, Shi'r, 143-5; 

Aghdni, xix, 84-7; A. Fischer, Ein angeblicher 

Vers des 'Abid b. al-Abras, MIFAO, 1935, 361-75; 

F. Gabrieli, La poesia di 'Abid ibn al-Abras, Rend. 

Acad. Italia, sc. mor., 1940, 240-51; Brockelmann, 

I, 17, S I, 54. (F. Gabrieli) 

'ABID b. SHARYA [see 'ubayd b. sharya]. 

ABI& [see 'abd]. 


ABlWARD, 01 BAward, a town and district 
on the northern slopes of the mountains of Khurasan 
in an area now belonging to the autonomous Turko- 
man republic which forms part of the U.S.S.R. The 
whole oasis region including Nasa [q.v.], Ablward 
etc. (known by the Turkish name of Atdk "foothills") 
played a great part in ancient times as the first line 
of defence of Khurasan against the nomads. 

In the Arsacid period this region was in the 
ancestral country of the dynasty. Isidore of Charax, 
par. 13 (at the beginning of the Christian era) 
mentions between IIap9uT)vr) (with the town of 
Nasa) and MapYionrf) (= Marw) the district of 
'ArtaoapxTOcfj with the town of 'ATtauapxTodj, 
cf. Pliny, vi, 46: Apaortene, and Justin, xli, 5: 
mons (Z)apaortenon with the inaccessible town of 
Dara (= Kalat?) built by Arsak. 

Under the Sasanians the country remained broken 
up into little principalities. Ibn Khurradadhbih, 39, 
has preserved the names of the kings: of Sarakhs: 
Zddoya; of Nasa: Abrdz ( ?), and of Ablward: (B. hmiya H « ♦ { ... 1 ) which is perhaps 
connected with the name of Mahana, Mayhana (in 
the district of Khawaran to the east of Ablward). 

Under Ma'mun, c Abd Allah b. Tahir built the 
rabdf of Kufan, 6 farsakhs west of Ablward. 

Perhaps even before the great migration of the 
Ghuzz [q.v.] the district had been occupied by the 
Khaladj Turks; cf. the Qiahdn-numd of Muh. b. 
Nadjlb Bakran (written in 1200). Other Turkoman 
tribes later succeeded the Khaladj. 

In the I2th-i4th centuries Ablward passed into 
the hands of the Djun Ghurb&nl princes, of Mongol 
origin [cf. tus]. In the time of 'Abbas I Atak was 
outside the zone of Persian influence. Under NSdir 
who belonged to this region, Atak became the 
starting point for his remarkable career. At that 
time the river of Tefen (the Hari-riid) was regarded 
as the eastern boundary of the cultivated lands of 
Ablward (muntahd-yi ma'mura-yi sarhadddt-i Abi- 
warddt; cf. Ta'rikh-i Nddiri, under 1142 A. H. [The 
same source mentions among the dependencies of 
Ablward (?): Yangi-kal'a, Kal'a-yi Baghwada, 
Zaghcand (?) etc.]). After the disappearance of 
NSdir from the scene, the semi-independent khans 
of Kalat [q.v.] exercised a certain influence in the 
district down to 1885, when, after the delimitation 
of the Russo-Persian frontier, Atak with its Turko- 
mans w'as incorporated in Russian territory. The 
resulting return of security to northern Khurasan 
enabled the Persians to develop agriculture on the 
upper courses of the rivers running into At5k. The 
irrigation of the latter region has suffered conside- 
rably as the result. 

Antiquities. The ruins of the old town (Kuhna- 
Ablward) are situated about 5 miles W. of the station 
of Kahka (Kahkaha) on the Transcaspian railway 
and cover an area of 14,000 square yards. The 
central tell is 60 feet high and 700 feet round. About 
2 miles N. E. of Kuhna-Abiward is the little hill 
of Namazgah and to the north of it the site of some 
ancient town surmounted by a pish-fdk ("gateway") 
45 feet high. Another important site is that of Kuhna- 
Kahkaha, a fortress rebuilt by Timur in 784/1382 
(Za1ar-ndma, i, 343). The whole region is very rich 
in tells (kurghdn): 14 miles S. of Kahkaha are the 
ruins of Khiwa-abad which was settled by NSdir 
with prisoners liberated after the taking of Khlwa: 
11 miles S.E. of the station of Arttk are the ruins of 
a town called Coghondur (after the mazdr of a holy 
man which dates from the 13th century). Several 


of these sites must go back to the Arsacid period 
(Isidore of Charax mentions for example a town of 
'PayaO etc.) and some are even prehistoric; cf. 
R. Pumpelly, Explorations in Turkestan, Washington 
1905, excavations at Anau. 

Bibliography: Tomaschek, Zur hist. Topo- 
graphic von Persien, i, in SBAk Wien, vol. cii; idem, 
in . Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. A pauarktike and Dara; 
E. Quatremere, Hist, des Mongols de la Perse, i, 
182, and note 48; Th. Noldeke, in ZDMO, xxxiii, 
147; J. Marquart, ibid., xlix, 628, xlviii, 403, 407; 
A. W. Komarow, in Peterm. Mitt., 1889, vii, 
158-63; Barthold, Istoriko-geogr. oierk Irana, St. 
Petersburg 1903, 60-2, 70; idem, Turkestan, index; 
idem, K istorii orosheniya Turkestana, St. Peters- 
burg 1914, 41-3; Le Strange, 394; A. A. Semenow 
and others, Drevnosti Abiverdskago rayona ("The 
antiquities of the region of Abiward"), in Acta 
Universitatis Asiae Mediae, ser. ii, Orientalia, 
fasc. 3, Tashkent 1931 (expedition of 1928). 

(V. Minorsky) 
AL-ABlWARDl, Abu 5 l-Muzaffar Muhammad 
b. Ahmad, Arab poet and genealogist, a 
descendant of 'Anbasa b. Abl Suf yan (of the Umayyad 
lineage of the younger Mu'awiya). He was born in 
Abiward (Khurasan), or more exactly in the village 
of Kawfan (not Kukan) near Abiward (he is therefore 
sometimes called al-Kawfanl), and died from poison 
in Isfahan in 507/1113 (not 557/1161-2). His philolo- 
gical and historico-genealogical works, notably a 
history of Abiward and a book on the different and 
identical names of the Arab tribes, are lost; but 
al-Kaysaranl extensively used the latter work. Of 
his diwdn, the three most important sections: al- 
Nadidiyydt, al- c Irdkiyydt (mostly on the caliphs 
al-Muktadi, al-Mustazhir and their viziers) and 
al-Wadidiyydt are preserved in several MSS. A diwdn, 
arranged, according to the alphabetical order of the 
rhymes, was published in the Lebanon in 1317, 
but many poems by al-Ghazzi have been errone- 
ously included; a choice of less important poems: 
Mukatta c dt al-Abiwardi al-Umawi, was published in 
Cairo, 1277/1860-1. 

Bibliography : Yakut, i, in ; idem, Irshdd, vi, 
342-58; Subkl, Tabakdt, iv, 62; SuyutI, Bughya, 
16; Ibn Khallikan, no. 646 ; Abu'1-Fida', Mukhtasar 
vii, 380; Ibn al-DjawzI, Muntazam, ix, 176-7; 
KiftI, Akhbdr al-Muhammadin min al-Shu c ard : >, 
MS Paris, iov-i2r; Brockelmann, I, 253, S I, 447; 
a critical study of the poet and his work by Ali 
Al Tahir, La Poisie arabe sous les Seldjoukides 
(Sorbonne thesis, 1953). 

(C. Brockelmann-[Ch. Pellat]) 
ABKAYK (properly bukayk), a town and oil 
field in al-Hasa Province, Saudi Arabia. The name 
is taken from that of the shallow water sources 
(naba c ) of Bukayk in the sands some 15 miles north 
of the present town. The names Bukayk and al- 
Bakka (similar water sources not far to the north) 
appear to be associated with meanings of the 
Arabic root bakka relating to water rather than 
bugs. The Bedouins know the location of the town 
as Aba 'l-Ki'dan, "the place of the young male 

Surrounded by the heavy dunes of al-Bayda', 
Abkayk (49 40' E. long., 25 55' N. lat.) is about 
halfway between al-Zahran and al-Hufhuf on the main 
road connecting inner Arabia with the Persian Gulf 
ports of al-Dammam and Ra's Tannura, and is also 
on the Saudi Government Railroad (al-Dammam- 
al-Riyad). Prior to the discovery of oil in the Abkayk 
field by California Arabian Standard Oil Company 

(now Arabian American Oil Company) in 1359/1940, 
no settlement existed there. In 1372/1952 the 
population was approximately 15,000, including 
1,310 Americans. 

The American geologist Max Steineke was pri- 
marily responsible for finding oil in this wilderness of 
dunes. The oil field is about 32 miles long, averages 
5 miles in width, and for a time was the most 
productive field in the world. In 1370/1951 daily 
production reached about 600,000 barrels (90,000 
tons) from only 61 wells. (W. E. Mulligan) 

ABKHAZ. 1. For all practical purposes the term 
Abkhdz or Afkhdz, in early Muslim sources covers 
Georgia and Georgians (properly Diurzdn, q.v.). 
The reason (cf. below under 2.) is that a dynasty 
issued from Abkhazia ruled in Georgia at the time 
of the early 'Abbasids. A distinction between the 
Abkhazian dynasty and the Georgian rulers on the 
upper Kur is made by al-Mas c udI, ii, 65, 74. The 
people properly called Abkhdz is possibly referred to 
only in the tradition represented by Ibn Rusta, 139: 
f-y), read * jcjl Awghaz, see Marquart, Streifziige, 
164-76, and Hudud al-'Alam, 456. Characteristically, 
Ibn Rusta places this people at the end of the 
Khazar dominions. 

2. Abkhaz, a smaller people of Western 
Caucasia on the Black Sea, which called itself 
Aps-wad. It occupies the area between the main 
range and the sea, between the river Psow (north 
of Gagri) and the mouth of the Ingur in the south. 
Since the 17th century (and possibly much earlier) 
a portion of the tribe has crossed the main ridge and 
settled on the southern tributaries of the Kuban. 

The Abkhaz are mentioned in ancient times as 
Abasgoi (by Arrian) or Abasgi (by Pliny), cf. Con- 
tarini (A.D. 1475): Avocasia, in older Russian: Obezi, 
in Turkish: Abaza. According to Procopius (5th 
cent. A.D.) they were under the sovereignty of the 
Lazes [q.v.], and in those days slaves (eunuchs) were 
brought to Constantinople from Abkhazia. Subju- 
gated by Justinian, Abkhazia was converted to 
Christianity. According to the Georgian Annals 
(Brosset, Histoire de la Georgie, i, 237-43), the Arab 
general Murwan-Ifru ("Murwan the Deaf") having 
occupied the passes of Darial and Darband, invaded 
Abkhazia (whither the Georgian kings, Mir and Arcil, 
had fled), and ruined Tskhum (Sukhum). Dysentery 
and floods, combined with the attacks of the Georgians 
and the Abkhazians, caused great losses to his army 
and made him retreat. The chronology of the Annals 
is very uncertain. The name Murwan- Kru seems to 
refer to the Umayyad Muhammad b. Marwan, or 
to his son Marwan b. Muhammad, i.e. to the early 
part of the 8th century, cf. al-Baladhurl, 205, 207-9. 
Towards A.D. 800 the Abkhaz won their independence 
with the help of the Khazars: the prince (erist'avi) 
Leon II, of the local dynasty issued from Ancabad, 
married to a Khazar princess, assumed the title of 
king, and transferred his capital to Kutaysi. Under 
the governor of Tiflis, Ishak b. Isma'Il (c. 830-53), 
the Abkhaz are said to have paid tribute to the 
Arabs. The most prosperous period of the Abkhaz 
kingdom was between 850 and 950; their kings 
ruled over Abkhazia, Mingrelia (Egrisi), Imeretia and 
Kartlia, and also interfered in Armenian affairs. Since 
that period Georgian has remained the language of 
the educated classes in Abkhazia. In 978 the Georgian 
Bagratid Bagrat III, son of the Abkhazian princess 
Gurandukht, occupied the Abkhazian throne and 
by 1010 united all the Georgian lands. As his first 
were based on the hereditary rights of 

his mother, and as even in his later title the rank 
of "king of Abkhazia" occupied the first place, the 
Muslims continued to call the Georgian kingdom 
Abkhazian (down to the 13th century, and occasio- 
nally even later). 

About the year 1325 the house of Sharvashidze 
(in Russian: Shervashidze, alleged to be descended 
from the dynasty of the Shirwan-shahs, [q.v.]) was 
enfeoffed with Abkhazia; towards the middle of the 
15th century (under king Bagrat VI) the Shar- 
vashidze were confirmed as erisfavi of the country. 
According to a letter from the emperor of Trebizond 
in the year 1459, the princes of Abkhaz disposed 
of an army of 30,000 men. 

After the settlement of the Ottomans on the east 
coast of the Black Sea, the Abkhaz came under the 
influence of Turkey and Islam, although Christianity 
was but slowly supplanted. According to the 
Dominican John of Lucca, even in his time (1637) 
the Abkhaz passed as Christians, although the 
Christian usages were no longer observed. Since the 
separation from Georgia the country had been under 
its own Catholicos (mentioned as early as the 13th 
century) in Pitzund. Up to the present day the 
ruins of eight large and about 100 small churches, 
including chapels, are said to exist in Abkhazia. The 
house of Sharvashidze did not embrace Islam until 
the second half of the 18th century, when Prince- 
Leon recognized Turkish sovereignty. On this 
account, he was given the fort of Sukhum, which 
had already been besieged by the Abkhaz about 
1725-8. The country was divided politically into three 
parts: 1) Abkhazia proper, on the coast from Gagri 
to the Galidzga under the said Sharvashidze; 2) the 
highlands of Tzebelda (without any centralized 
government) ; 3) the country of Samurzakan on the 
coast extending from the Galidzga to the Ingur 
(ruled by a branch of the house of Sharvashidze, 
subsequently united with Mingrelia). 

After the incorporation of Georgia by Russia in 
1801, the Abkhaz had also to enter into relation 
with this new powerful neighbour. The first attempt 
was made in 1803 by Prince Kelesh-beg, but was 
abandoned soon afterwards. After the assassination 
of this prince in 1808, his son Sefer-beg came into 
closer touch with Russia and claimed her help 
against his brother, the parricide Arslan-beg. In 
1810 Sukhum was taken by the Russians. Sefer-beg, 
who had become converted to Christianity and 
assumed the name of George, was installed as 
prince, but from that time on Sukhum was occupied 
by a Russian garrison. The two sons of Sefer-beg, 
Demetrius (1821) and Michael (1822, after poisoning 
his elder brother) had to be put in power by the 
Russian armed force. Their rule was limited to the 
neighbourhood of Sukhum, whose garrison could 
communicate with headquarters only by sea. By 
the incorporation of the whole coast-line from 
Anapa to Poti (Treaty of Adrianople in 1829) 
Russia's position was naturally strengthened, but 
even in 1835 only the north-western part of the 
country, the district of Bzbib, is said to have been 
in the possession of Prince Michael. The other parts 
had remained under the rule of his Muslim uncles. 
Later on, with the help of Russia, Michael succeeded 
in establishing his power almost as an absolute 
ruler, but he too, in spite of his Christian faith, had 
surrounded himself with Turks. 

After the final subjugation of Western Caucasia 
by the Russians (1864) the dominion of the House 
of Sharvashidze, like that of the other native princes, 
came to an end; in November 1864 Prince Michael 

had to renounce his rights and leave the country. 
Abkhazia was incorporated into the Russian empire 
as a special province (otdyel) of Sukhum and divided 
into three districts (okrug) — Pitzund, Ocemciri and 
Tzebelda. In 1866 an attempt made by the new 
governor to collect information concerning the 
economic conditions of the Abkhaz, for the purpose 
of taxation, led to a revolt, and, subsequently, to 
a considerable emigration of the Abkhaz to Turkey. 
In the thirties of the 19th century the population 
of Abkhazia was estimated at about 90,000, and the 
number of all Abkhaz (i.e. including those living in 
the north outside Abkhazia) at 128,000 souls. After 
1866, the population of Abkhazia was reduced to c. 
65,000. The almost depopulated district of Tzebelda 
ceased to be a district and was placed under a special 
"Settlement Curator" (popelitel naseleniya). Later 
the whole of Abkhazia under the name of district 
(okrug) of Sukhum-Kale (Sukhum-Kal'a) formed a 
part of the government of Kutais. The population 
again decreased through emigration, especially after 
the Abkhaz took part in the rebellion of the mountain 
tribes caused by the landing of Turkish troops (1877) ; 
in 1881 the number of Abkhaz was estimated at 
only 20,000. No statistics on the Abkhazians in 
Turkey are available. 

Soviet Abkhazia. The Soviet power was pro- 
claimed for a short time in 1918, and finally in 1921. 
In April 1930 Abkhazia, as an autonomous republic 
(A.S.S.R.), became part of the Georgian republic 
(S.S.R.) and its special constitution was confirmed 
in 1937. The Abkhazian A.S.S.R. has a population 
of 303,000, but in this number the Abkhazians are 
but a minority. In 1939 the total number of the 
Abkhazians in the Soviet Union (i.e. apparently 
including the northern colonies in Cerkesia) was 
59,000. The capital (Sukhum) has 44,000 inhabitants. 
The territory of the republic has acquired great 
importance for subtropical cultures. Its water power 
has been considerably exploited (in 1935, 45 electrical 

Since the time when an Abkhaz alphabet was 
invented by the eminent specialist in Caucasian 
languages General Baron P. K. Uslar (in 1864), 
and when a book on Biblical history was compiled 
by a priest and two officers of Abkhaz nationality, 
Abkhazian letters have had a considerable develop- 
ment. In 1910 the founder of the new literature, 
Dimitri Gulia (born in 1874), published a book of 
popular poems. He has been followed by writers 
in prose (G. D. Gulia, Papaskiri), poets (Kogonia 
1903-29), L. Kvitsinia) etc. Abkhazian folklore has 
been collected and schoolbooks written (C'oc'ua etc.). 
The Abkhaz "polysynthetic" language belongs to 
the same type as the Cerkes language. It has two basic 
vowels as against 65 consonants in the northern (Bzlb) 
dialect, and 57 in the southern (Abiu). The latter 
has been adopted as the literary language. It is now 
written in the Georgian alphabet suitably completed. 
Bibliography: M. F. Brosset, Hist, de la 
Giorgie; J. Marquart, Osteuropaische und ostasia- 
tische Streifzuge, Leipzig 1903. Russian standard 
work (up to 1826): N. Dubrovin, History of the 
war and of the Russian rule in Caucasia, St. Peters- 
burg 1871; cf. also an anonymous but competent 
review of Dubrovin in the Sbornik swed. kaw- 
kazskikh gortsakh, 6th part, Tiflis 1872; P. Zubow, 
Kartina kawkazshago kraya, St. Petersburg 1834-5 ; 
A. Dirr, Einfiihrung in das Studium der Kaukas. 
Sprachen, 1940; G. Deeters, Der abchasische 
Sprachbau, in NGW Gdtt., 1931, iii/2, 289-303. 
In Russian: N. Y. Marr, Abkhazskiy slovar, and 


the recent works by Serdiu&enko and Tobil' on 
northern Abkhazian dialects (1947-9). 

(W. Barthold-[V. Minorsky]) 
c ABLA, sweetheart of 'Antara [q.v.]. 
AL-ABLAK, castle of Samaw'al [q.v.]. 
ABLUTION [see ghusl, tayammum, wupu']. 
al-ABNA 1 , "the sons", a denomination applied 
to the following: 

(I) The descendants of Sa'd b. Zayd Manat b. 
Tamlm, with the exception of his two sons Ka'b 
and 'Arar. This tribe inhabited the sandy desert 
of al-Dahna J . (Cf. F. Wiistenfeld, Register zu den 
geneal. Tabellen der arab. Stdmme). 

(II) The descendants born in Yaman of the 
Persian immigrants. For the circumstances of the 
Persian intervention in Yaman under Khusraw 
Anushirwan (531-79) and the reign of Sayf b. Dhl 
Yazan, as told by the Arabic authors, cf. sayf b. 
roil yazan. After the withdrawal of the foreign 
troops Sayf was murdered and the country again 
subjugated by the Ethiopians, so that the Persian 
general Wahriz had to return. The power of the 
Ethiopians was this time definitely broken and 
Yaman turned into a vassal state of Persia. At the 
time of the Prophet the Persian governor Badham 
(Badhan) was, together with his people, converted 
to Islam and acknowledged the suzerainty of 
Muhammad. Later, however, troubles broke out in 
Yaman which led to complete anarchy; it was 
only under the reign of Abu Bakr that order was 
restored. (Cf. also al-yaman). 

Bibliography: Th. Noldeke, Oesck. d. Perser 
u. Araber zur Zeit der Sassaniden, 220 ff.; M. J. 
de Goeje, in the Glossary to Tabari, s .v. 

(K. V. Zettersteen*) 

(III) Abnd 7 al-dawla, a term applied in the early 
centuries of the 'Abbasid caliphate to the members 
of the 'Abbasid house, and by extension to the 
KhurasanI and other mawdli who entered its service 
and became adoptive members of it. They survived 
as a privileged and influential group until the 
3rd/gth century, after which they were eclipsed by 
the growing power of the Turkish and other troops. 

Bibliography: Djahiz, Fadd'il al-Atrdk, pas- 
sim; J. Wellhausen, Das Arab.' Reich, 347 f. (Engl, 
tr., 556 f.); A. Mez, Renaissance d. Islams, 151 
(Engl, tr., 155 I)- 

(IV) Abnd' al-Atrdk, a term sometimes used in 
the Mamluk sultanate to designate the Egyptian 
or Syrian-born descendants of the Mamluks, as an 
alternative to the more common awldd al-nds [q.v.]. 

(V) Abnd-yi sipdhiydn, a term sometimes employed 
in formal Ottoman usage in place of the more 
common sipdhi oghlanlarl — the first of the six 
regiments (bdluk) of cavalry of the Ottoman standing 
army. They were classed as "Slaves of the Gate" 
(kapi kulu). 

Bibliography: H. A. R. Gibb and H. Bowen, 
Islamic Society and the West, i/i, 69 ff., 326 ff.; 
Ismail Hakkl UzuncarsIH, Osmanli Devleti teskila- 
tlndan Kapi Kulu Ocaklari, 1944, ", 138 «• 

(B. Lewis) 
ABRAHA, a Christian king of South 
Arabia in the middle of the sixth century A. D. 
In Islamic literature his fame is due to the tradition 
that he led a Yamani expedition against Mecca 
(referred to in the Kur'an, cv) in the year of Muham- 
mad's birth, c. 570 A.D. The details of Abraha's 
life given by Muslim historians are largely stories 
of folk-lore origin which have been attached arbi- 
trarily to the name of a famous personage. For 

information we must turn to Procopius 
and the Himyaritic inscriptions. According to 
Procopius, Hellestheaios king of Abyssinia (Vsijh 
of the inscription Istanbul 7608 bis) invaded South 
Arabia a few years before 531 A.D., killed its king, 
appointed a puppet-ruler named Esimiphaios (smyp c 
of the inscriptions), and retired to Abyssinia ; subse- 
quently, Abyssinian deserters who had remained 
in South Arabia revolted against Esimiphaios and 
set on the throne Abraha, originally the slave of 
a Byzantine merchant of Adulis; two expeditions 
sent by Hellestheaios against the rebels were 
unsuccessful, and Abraha retained the throne; 
Justinian's attempts to incite Abraha to attack 
Persia were in vain, for he merely marched a little 
way northward and then retired; so long as Helles- 
theaios was alive, Abraha refused to pay tribute 
to Abyssinia, but agreed to do so to Hellestheaios' 
successor. Our main epigraphic source is Abraha's 
long inscription on the Ma'rib dam {Corpus inscr. 
sem., iv, 541). This records the quelling of an 
insurrection supported by a son of the dethroned 
Esimiphaios in the year 657 of the Sabaean era 
(between 640-650 A.D.) ; repairs effected to the dam 
later in the same year; the reception of embassies 
from Abyssinia, Byzantium, Persia, Hlra and Harith b. 
Djabalat the phylarch of Arabia ; and the completion 
of repairs to the dam in the following year. A further 
text (Ryckmans 506, see le Museon, 1953, 275-84) 
discovered at Murayghan, east of the upper Wadi 
Tathlitti, records a defeat inflicted by Abraha on the 
North Arabian tribe Ma'add in 662 of the Sabaean era. 
The Ma'rib text begins, "By the power and favour 
and mercy of God and His Messiah and the Holy 
Spirit (rh qds)". It is perhaps significant of a sec- 
tarian distinction that Esimiphaios, who was no 
doubt a Monophysite like his Abyssinian patron, 
uses a different formula, "In the name of God and 
His Son Christ victorious and the Holy Spirit (mnfs 
qds)"; possibly Abraha had Nestorian leanings. The 
titulature adopted by Abraha is identical with that 
of his immediate predecessors, "King of Saba 1 and 
Dhu-Raydin and Hadramawt and Yamanat and 
their Arabs in the plateau and lowland", but in 
the Ma'rib text he calls himself in addition Hly 
mlkn 'g'zyn. The word c zly is not found elsewhere, 
and no satisfactory explanation of the phrase has 
yet been given. Conti-Rossini's rendering "the 
valiant king, of the (tribe) 'Ag'azi" is syntactically 
improbable; and Glaser's "viceroy of the Abyssinian 
king'.' is incompatible with the passage later in the 
inscription where Abraha receives an Abyssinian 
embassy on the same footing as those of Byzantium 
and Persia. J. Ryckmans' proposed reading Hly 
mlkn "the king's highness" is worth consideration. 
From here onwards reliable sources are silent, and 
we have only the probably legendary story in the 
Islamic sources, which attributes the motive of the 
Meccan expedition to Abraha's jealousy of the 
Meccan sanctuary and a futile attempt to substitute 
his church at San'a as the place of pilgrimage for 
all Arabia. If Abraha really made such an expedition 
(the Kur'an does not name its leader), a more 
likely explanation of his aims is that the rapproche- 
ment with Abyssinia under Hellestheaios' successor 
caused Abraha to adopt a more aggressive policy 
towards Persia, and the expedition was the first 
move of a projected attack on the Persian dominions. 
However, it proved a failure, and only provoked the 
Persians to their invasion under Wahriz a few years 
later, which finally destroyed the ancient South 
Arabian kingdom. The Martyrium Arethae asserts 



that Abraha was placed on the throne by the Abys- 
sinian king Elesbaas (usually identified with Pro- 
copius' Hellestheaios) immediately after the death 
of Dhu Nuwas. Other ecclesiastical sources, such as 
the Leges Homeritarum attributed to Gregentius 
bishop of Zafar, give similar accounts. This version 
of events, which conflicts fundamentally with both 
Procopius and the inscriptions, must be regarded as 
unhistorical and due either to a confusion of names 
or to a falsification for polemical reasons. 

Bibliography: Tabari, i, 930-45; Ibn Hisham, 
i, 28-41; Agkani, xvi, 72; Labid, xlii, i9;Kays b. 
al- Khatim (Kowalski), xiv, 15 ;Caussin de Perceval, 
Essai sur I'histoire des Arabes avant I'Islamisme, 
i, 138-145; Th. Noldeke, Gesch. d. Perser u. Araber 
zur Zeit d. Sassaniden, 200-5; Procopius, De bello 
persico, i, 20; E. Glaser, Mitt. d. vorderas. Gesch., 
1897, 360-488; J. Ryckmans, V institution mo- 
narchique en Arabic meridionale avant I'Islam, 
239-45, 320-5; idem, le Muse'on, 1953, 339-42:0. 
Conti-Rossini, Storia d'Etiopia, 186-95; A. F. L. 
Beeston, Notes on the Mureighan inscription, 
BSOAS, xvi, pt. 2.— Cf. also, for a feature of 
the legend, abu righal. (A. F. L. Beeston) 
ABRAHAM [see Ibrahim al-khalIl]. 
'ABS [see ghatafan]. 
al AB£HlHl [see al-ibshIhI]. 
ABC [see kunya]. 
ABU 'l-'ABBAS al-SAFFAH, 'Abd Allah b. 


. The s 

Saffah means "the bloodthirsty" or "the generous". 
With the other members of the 'Abbasid family, he 
took refuge in Kufa in Safar i32/Sept.-Oct. 749, 
shortly after the occupation of the town by al-Hasan 
b. Kahtaba and was proclaimed as caliph in the 
great mosque on 12 RabI' II/28 November, on 
which occasion he pronounced a famous speech. 

The first task of Abu 'l-'Abbaswas the total defeat 
of the Umayyads. The 'Abbasid troops, under the 
command of his uncle 'Abd Allah b. C A1I, achieved 
a complete victory on the Upper Zab (Djumada II 
132/Jan. 750) and flung themselves into the pursuit 
of Marwan II through Mesopotamia, Syria and 
Palestine. When Marwan was killed in Egypt 
(Dhu '1-Hidjdja 132/August 750), the main campaign 
could be considered as ended. The isolated resistance 
of Ibn Hubayra [q.v.] in Wasit was soon overcome 
by treachery, while the revolts that broke out in 
Mesopotamia and Syria were bloodily repressed. 
The conquerors abandoned themselves to violent 
acts of revenge, of which the first in importance 
was the episode on Nahr Abi Futrus [q.v.]. Here 
'Abd Allah b. 'All, having killed about eighty 
Umayyad chiefs, laid tables over their bodies, 
which he afterwards threw to the dogs to eat. 
Similar scenes occurred in al-Kufa, al- Basra and in 
the Hidjaz. Furthermore, the tombs of the Umayyad 
caliphs were violated. Similarly, the discontent of 
the c Alids, who, after having supported the cause 
of the revolt, saw themselves deprived of its fruits, 
was suppressed in blood: in 1 33/750-1, the governor 
of Khurasan, Abu Muslim, put down a rising on 
behalf of the 'Alids in Bukhara. 

In this way, soon after the accession of the 'Ab- 
basids to the caliphate, the principal squrces of 
opposition, namely the Umayyad and the 'Alid ex- 
enemies, were eliminated. The 'Abbasids, however, 
wanted to go even further, to the elimination of 
their own political and military chiefs who had 
gained too great an authority, or who were, rightly 

or wrongly, suspected of insubordination. With the 
complicity of Abu Muslim, Abu Salama [q.v.] and 
Sulayman b. Kathir [q.v.] were suppressed. Afterwards 
it was the turn of Abu Muslim; the first attempt 
against him, in connection with the rebellion of 
Ziyad b. Salih in Transoxania (135/752-3) was 
unsuccessful; the second, immediately after the 
the death of Abu'l-'Abbas, was carried out success- 
fully by his successor, al-Mansur [q.v.]. 

Abu'l-'Abbas died in al-Anbar, to which town 
he had transferred his residence, in Dhu'l-Hididia 
136/June 754. It is difficult to pass a judgment on 
his personality, as we do not exactly know what 
was his personal share in the events of his short 
caliphate. What is certain is that during his reign 
the 'Abbasid movement not only passed from the 
revolutionary to the legal phase, but also consoli- 
dated itself, and the first signs appeared of that 
political and economic power which were confirmed 
by the caliphate of al-Mansur. 

Bibliography: DInawarl, al-Akhbar al-Jiwal 
(Guirgass), Ya'kubi, Tabari, Mas'fldi, Murudj, 
indexes; A ghdni. Tables ; Th. Noldeke, Orientalischt 
Skizzen, 1 18-21; J. Wellhausen, Das arabische 
Reich, 338-52. For the surname al-Saffah: H. F. 
Amedroz, On the Meaning of the Laqab "al-Saffah", 
JRAS, 1907, 660-3. On Ibn Hurayra: S. Moscati, 
II "tradimento" di Wdsit, Museon, 1951, 177-86. 
On the massacre of the Umayyads: idem, Le mas- 
sacre des Umayyades, ArO, 1950, 88-115. On Abu 
Muslim: idem, Studi su Abu Muslim, I-II, Rend. 
Lin, 1949, 323-35, 474-95; 1950, 89-105, and 
abO Muslim. (S. Moscati) 

ABC 'ABD ALLAH YA'tfCB B. Da'Od, vizier. 
Belonging to a philo-'Alid family, he participated, 
together with his brother 'All, in the revolt of Ibrahim 
and Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah against the caliph al- 
Mansur in 145/762-3. Imprisoned for this, he was 
pardoned by the next caliph al-Mahdl in 159/775-6 
and succeeded in gaining his favour, it is said, by 
revealing the plan of escape of another partisan of 
the 'Alids. Having become a confidant and counsellor 
of the caliph, he was appointed vizier in 163/779-80 
in place of Abu 'Ubayd Allah, and used his power in 
favour of his 'Alid friends. This policy was the main 
reason for the suspicion, following upon some court 
rumours, entertained against him by al-Mahdl. The 
story goes that the caliph put him on trial by 
handing over to his charge an 'Alid with the order 
to kill him secretly; but he let him escape. When this 
was discovered, he was deposed and thrown into 
prison, from which he was released only by Harun 
al-Rashld. Completely blind by now, his only wish 
was to be sent to Mecca, where he died, probably 
in 186/802. His policy was perhaps the expression 
of an attempt at reconciling the 'Abbasids and the 
'Alids; if so, he himself was at the same time the 
symbol and the victim of the precarious nature of 
such an attempt. 

Bibliography: Tabari, Index; Diahshivari. 

al-Wuzard wa 'l-Kuttab, Cairo 1938, 1 14-122; Ibn 

Khallikan, no. 840; Ibn al-Tiktaka, al-Fakhri 

(Derenbourg), 250-5, 257; S. Moscati, in Orientalia, 

1946, 164-7. (S. Moscati) 

ABC 'ABD ALLAH al-SHI'I, al-Husayn b. 

Ahmad b. Muh. b. Zakariyya', sometimes also 

called al-Muhtasib (he had allegedly been a muhtasib, 

market overseer, in 'Irak), the founder of Fatimid 

rule in North Africa. A native of San'a', he 

joined the Isma'ili movement in 'Irak and was sent 

to Yaman, where he spent his apprenticeship with 

Mansur al-Yaman (Ibn Hawshab), head of the 



Isma'Ili mission in that country. On the pilgrimage 
of 279/892 he met in Mecca some Kutama pilgrims 
and accompanied them back to their native country, 
which they reached on 14 Rabi' I 280/3 June 893. He 
first established himself in Ikdjan near Satif. In 
face of the opposition directed against him by a 
confederacy of Kutama clans, Abu 'Abd Allah 
transferred his headquarters to Tazrut, where he 
steadily strengthened his position, captivated Mlla 
and was able to withstand the attacks of two expe- 
ditions sent against him by the Aghlabid government 
(289/902 and 290/903). On the occasion of a temporary 
setback, his headquarters were moved back to 
Ikdjan, which remained his base for subsequent 
operations. In 289/902 the imam al-Mahdl 'Ubayd 
Allah [q.v.] fled from Syria, attempted to join Abu 
'Abd Allah, but had to take refuge in Sidjilmassa, 
where he was imprisoned. Abu 'Abd Allah's brother 
Abu'l-'Abbas Muhammad, who had accompanied 
the imam, fell into the hands of the Aghlabids. Abu 
'Abd Allah then took Satif, Tubna (293/906) and 
Billizma (same year), was victorious in the battle 
of Dar Mallul, conquered Tldjis, Baghaya, defeated 
the Aghlabid army near Dar Madyan, and seized 
Kastiliya and Kafsa (296/909). When he took al-Urbus 
(Laribus), the key of Ifrikiya (23 Djumada II, 296/ 
19 March 909), the Aghlabid amir Ziyadat Allah fled 
from Rakkada. Abu c Abd Allah entered the Aghlabid 
capital on 1 Radjab 296/25 March 909. Leaving his 
brother Abu'l-'Abbas as his lieutenant, Abu 'Abd 
Allah led an expedition against Sidjilmassa and 
liberated the imam, who triumphantly entered Rak- 
kada on 20 Rabi' II 297/6 Jan. 910, and conferred 
high honours on Abu c Abd Allah and Abu'l-'Abbas. 
The ruler and his powerful servants, however, soon 
fell foul fo each other and both brothers were 
murdered on 1 Dhu'l-Hidjdja 298/31 July 911. 

Bibliography: The main authority, and 
almost the unique source for the later historians, 
is al-Kadi al-Nu'man, Iftitah al-Da c wa (MSS 
preserved among the Bohras). Written in 346/ 
957-8, this book mainly consists of a very detailed 
account of Abu 'Abd Allah's activities. It is 
quoted in al-MakrlzI, al-Mukaffa, transl. E. Fagnan, 
Centenario Michele Amari, i, 35 ff. ; an extensive 
precis in 'Imad al-Din Idris, i Uyun al-Akhbdr, 
first half of vol. v. Ibn al-Rakik, in his lost history 
of Ifrikiya, followed the account of al-Nu'man 
(see the quotation in al-Nuwayri, beg. of section 
on the Fatimids; cf. J. A. Silvestre de Sacy, 
Expose" de la religion des Druzes, i, p. cccciii). On 
Ibn al-Rakik was based the relevant chapter in 
Ibn Shaddad's history of al-Kayrawan, known from 
the excerpts in Ibn al-Athir, viii, 23 ff., al-Nuwayri, 
al-MakrizI, al-Mukaffd, transl. Fagnan, 47-53, 
67-78. In this way, al-Nu'man's narrative entered 
into the main stream of Islamic general history. 
(Cf. also Ibn Hamadu (Vonderheyden), 7; Ibn 
Khaldun, Hist. desBerb., ii, 509 f.; Makrizi, Khifaf, 
i. 349-50, ii, 10 ff.; Ibn Kballikan, no. 171).— The 
account of 'Arib (printed in the editions of Ibn 
'Idharl, al-Bayan al-Mughrib : Dozy, i, 1 29 ff ., LeVi- 
Provencal and Colin, i, 134 ff.) is independant of 
al-Nu'man; Ibn 'Idharl (ed. Dozy, i, 118 ff., ed. 
Levi- Provencal and Colin, i, 124 ff.) copies Abu 
Marw5n al-Warrak, 6th/nth century (who ulti- 
mately depends upon al-Nu'man), and c Arib. — Of 
modern accounts — all of them antiquated by the 
recovery of the Iftitah— that by F. Wiistenfeld, 
Gesch. d. Fotimiden-Chalifen, Gottingen 1881, 
8 ff., can be recommended. For the phases of 
Abu 'Abd Allah's career where it touches that 

of the imam, cf. W. Ivanow, Rise of the Fatimids, 
index, and al-mahdI 'ubayd Allah. 

(S. M. Stern) 
ABC 'l-'ALA' al-MA'ARRI [see al-ma'arri]. 
ABC (bo) 'All tfALANDAR (Shaykh) Sharaf 
al-DIn PanIpatI, one of the most venerated of 
Indian saints, is believed to have died in 724/1324. 
There is little authentic information about his life 
and none of the surviving contemporary works even 
mention him by name. The earliest reference to him 
is in c Afif's Ta'rikh-i Firuz-Shdhi (written in 800/ 
1396), wherein Sultan Ghiyath al-Din Tughluk's 
visit to him is recorded. According to the accounts 
of his life written in the nth/i7th century, he was 
a native of Panipat, to which place his father, 
Salar Fakhr al-Din, had come from 'Irak. Trained 
as a theologian, he ultimately renounced scholas- 
ticism, threw away his books in the river, and became 
a Kalandar. In the ecstasy of divine love, he gave 
up observing the commandments of God and the 
Prophetic Traditions, though he subjected himself 
to great self-mortification. He is supposed to have 
been a spiritual descendant of Kutb al-DIn Bakhtivar 
[q.v.] ; however, it is doubtful if he belonged to any 
organized sufi order. Numerous legends regarding 
his life, miracles and death have grown, and it is 
difficult even to say whether the tomb at Panipat 
or at Kama! is his, though the former is more famous. 
The works attributed to him include letters on 
divine love addressed to Ikhtiyar al-Din (Sulayman 
Coll., Aligarh Univ.) ; Hikam-ndma (As. Soc. Bengal, 
Ivanow. 1 196), which is definitely apocryphal; and 
two mathnawis: Kaldm-i Kalandar (Meerut) and 
Mathnawi Bit 'Alt Shah Kalandar (Lucknow 1891). 
Bibliography: Ahhbar al-Akhydr; Gulzdr-i 
Abrdr (As. Soc. Bengal, Ivanow 259, ff. 32-3); 
Subh-i Sddik (A. S. Coll., Aligarh Univ., iii f. 411a) ; 
Siyar al-Akfdb; Mir'dt al-Asrdr (B. M. Or. 216, 
f. 386a); Ma'dridi al-Wildya (Nizami's MS., 
Aligarh Univ., 230-5) ; Sharaf al-Madjdlis (Sulay- 
man Coll., Aligarh Univ.); Punjab Dist. Gazetteer, 
Karnal 1918, 76, 210-1, 223-4; Proc. As. Soc. 
Bengal, 1870, 125; 1873, 97- (Nurul Hasan) 
ABC <ALl al-SAlI [see al-ijalI]. 

ABU'l-'ALIYA Rufay* b. Mihran al-RIYAhI, 
a liberated slave of the Banu Riyah, belonging to 
the first generation of tdbi'un residing in Basra; d. 
90/708-9 or 96/714. A commentary on the Kur'an 
is attributed to him (HadjdjI Khalifa (Fliigel), ii, 
352), but he is mainly known as a traditionist 
and a transmitter of the Kur'an. Having 
collected in al-Basra and in Medina hadith transmitted 
particularly by 'Umar and Ubayy b< Ka'b-, he was 
considered thrustworthy {thika) and contributed to 
the training of Katada, Da'ud b. Aba Hind, 'Asim 
al-Ahwal and other traditionists of renown. His 
name figures frequently in the "chains" of trans- 
mission of hadith admitted into the great collections. 
In the same way, data put under his name are 
admitted by al-Tabari, Tafsir, passim, e.g. i, 228; 
cf. al-Baydawi, Anwar al-Tanzil (Fleischer), i, 12". 
He transmitted his system of "reading" {kird'a) to 
al-A'mash and to the readers of Basra Abu 'Amr b. 
al- c Ala> [q.v.] and Shu'ayb b. al-Habhab al-AzdS 
(d. 130/747). He played no political role and took 
no part in the conflict between 'All and his partisans 
and the Umayyads. 

Bibliography: Ibn Sa'd, vii, 81-5; Ibn 
Kutayba, Ma l arif, Cairo 1353/1934, 200; Tabari, 
i, 108-25; Abu Nu'aym, Hilya, Cairo 1351-6, ii, 



217-24; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh, Damascus 1332, 
v, 323-6; Nawawl, Tahdhib al-Asmd' (Wiistenfeld), 
738-9; 'UthmanI, Tabakdt al-Fukakd 3 , MS Paris 
2093, 43V; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, ii, 186-7, Ibn al- 
Djazari, Kurrd', no. 1272; A. Sprenger, Leben des 
Mohammed, iii, evil, cxvr. (R. Blach£re) 

ABC C AMR Zabban b. al-'ALA>, a celebrated 
'reader' of the Kur' an, regarded as the founder 
of the grammatical school of Basra, died c. 154/770. 
This scholar seems to have claimed a genealogy 
connecting him with the Arab tribe of Mazin of 
the confederation of Tamim; see Ibn Khallikan and 
the other biographers, including Ibn al-Djazari, who, 
however, in one isolated statement, links him with 
Hanlfa. His name, Zabban, has never been fully 
confirmed, and is only given in preference to a score 
of others. He is believed to have been born c. 70/689 
at the latest, either at Mecca, according to the 
generally accepted view, including that of Ibn al- 
Djazarl, i, 292 (citing a disciple of Abu 'Amr, the 
'reader' 'Abd al-Warith, d. 180/796), or at Kazarun, 
in southern Persia, according to an isolated piece of 
evidence in the works of Ibn al-Diazari. i, 289. If 
the former is correct, he must have passed his 
childhood in Hidjaz before going to 'Irak; if the 
latter, the opposite would be the case. The only 
sstablished fact is that Abu 'Amr accompanied his 
father when the latter, harassed by al-Hadjdjadj's 
police, fled from 'Irak to seek refuge in southern 
Arabia; see Ibn al-Djazari, i, 289 (there appear to 
be lacunae in the text), and Ibn Khallikan. i, 386 
ad fin. (Ibn al-Anbarl, 32, merely says that Abu 
'Amr had to flee from al-Hadjdjadj, without giving 
any details). According to his own recollections, 
Abu 'Amr was then a little more than twenty 
(which gives some force to the statements which 
put his year of birth at 70/689) ; see Ibn Khallikan, 
i, 387. It seems permissible to assume, from the 
passage of Ibn al-Djazari, I, 289", that this journey 
gave him the opportunity of pursuing further his 
'readings' of the Ku'ran at Mecca and Medina, 
studies which he would appear to have continued 
on his return to 'Irak. It is difficult, however, to 
reconcile this assertion with the statement of Ibn 
Khallikan. i, 387, that Abu 'Amr and his father 
returned immediately to 'Irak upon the death of 
al-Hadjdjadj, in 95/714- However that may be, 
when Abu 'Amr had settled in 'Irak, it appears 
that he rarely left Basra again. If it is indeed he 
who is praised in a line of al-Farazdak (d. 1 14/732-3) 
(see al-Suyuti, Bughya, 367), he was already before 
that date a celebrity of some standing in his city 
of adoption: cf. the flattering comment on him 
attributed to al-Hasan al-Basri (d. 110/728) and 
handed on by -Ibn al-Diazari. 291. Nevertheless, 
there is no evidence that reveals anything about his 
relations with the Umayyad authorities. On the 
other hand, when the 'Abbasids came to power, 
his celebrity seems to have won him recognition 
even in governmental circles, since he is said to have 
had dealings with the uncle of the caliph al-Saffah, 
Sulayman (Ibn Khallikan, i, 387), and with the 
uncle of the caliph al-Mahdi, Yazid (see Fihrist, 50"), 
as well as with the governor of Syria, 'Abd al-Wahhab. 
It was on his return from a visit to the last-named 
that he died and was buried at Kufa, c. 154/770 
(or 155/771 or 157/773); see Ibn al-Djazarl, 293 (Ibn 
Khallikan gives also 159/775). 

Abu 'Amr seems to have left no written works, 
and when Ibn al-Nadlm, 41, states that he saw 
manuscripts of this master, at al-Hadltha, in the 
4th/ioth century, and when this same author adds, 

88, that a K. al-Nawddir was handed down in the 
version left by him, he must have been referring 
to writings taken down from his oral teaching by 
his disciples. 

Abu 'Amr belongs to the generation of scholars 
for whom the study of Arabic was dependent on 
that of the Ku'ran. It is thus an arbitrary distinction 
if one tries to separate in him the 'reader' of the 
Koran from the grammarian and the 'transmitter* 
of poetry. 

During his stay in Hidjaz, Abu 'Amr initiated 
himself into the system of 'reading' in process of 
formation at Mecca and Medina, following the 
teaching of Abu 'l-'Aliya [q.v.] and Ibn Kathlr in 
particular. In 'Irak he studied the system of Ibn 
Abl Ishak al-Hadraml and of others (at Basra), and 
that of 'Asim (at Kufa). A list of his masters is 
given by Ibn al-Djazari, 289; cf. also al-Suyuti, 
Muzhir, ii, 398, and Fihrist, 39. He built up a system 
of his own in which the Mecca and Medina influences 
predominate ; a complete table of the origins of this 
system has been drawn up by C. Pellat, Milieu 
basrien, 77 f . The 'reading' of Abu 'Amr, at Basra, 
displaced all others previously existing in the town, 
and especially that of al-Hasan al-Basri: see Pellat, 
op. cit., 76; it is said to have been recommended by 
the 'reader' of Kufa, Shu'ba (d. 193/808): see Ibn 
al-Djazari, 292 ; it was taught by disciples who later 
became famous, such as Yunus b. Habib, al-Asma'I, 
and a large number of others: see the list ibid., 289. 
In the 4th/ioth century, when the reforms of Ibn 
al-Mudjahid were introduced, this system took its 
place among the canonical 'Seven readings'. At the 
time of Ibn al-Djazari (d. 833/1429) it was the 
accepted system in Yaman, in Hidjaz, and in Syria, 
a province where it had finally ousted that of Ibn 
'Amir in the 5th/nth century : see Ibn al-Djazari, 292. 
This system of 'reading' was the subject of a treatise 
by Ibn al-Mudjahid, see Fihrist, 31 18 . Nevertheless, 
writings of the same order had been composed before 
that period : see the list, ibid., 28. Another summary is 
also known, entitled al-Jiafar al-Misrl ft kird'at Abi 
c Amr b. al-'Ald' al-Basri, by 'Umar b. al-Kasim 
al-Nashshar (d. 900/1495), which is preserved in 
Berlin: see Ahlwardt, no. 639. We have, too, an 
opuscule based on the oral tradition, on the ortho- 
graphy of the Koran: see 0. Rescher, in WZKM, 1912, 
94 (this opuscule is in a miscellaneous collection, in 
Aya Sofia, no. 4814). The influence of Abu 'Amr 
was of the first importance for the development of 
grammatical and lexicographical studies at Basra. 
It is less easy to follow, however, than the influence 
of his system of 'reading'. Among his disciples, the 
following names are worthy of note: Yunus b, Habib, 
al-Asma'I (see al-Suyuti, Muzhir, ii, 323, 329; Fihrist, 
42; Ibn al-Anbarl, 30), Abu 'Ubayda (see Ibn Khal- 
likan, 387), Khalaf al-Ahmar (see al-Suyuti, ii, 278, 
403), and the future founder of the School of Kufa, 
al-Ru'asi (see id., ii, 400). It is possible that already 
then, under his stimulus, the method of seeking 
information from the Beduins, in matters concerning 
grammar and lexicography, was developed at Basra, 
(see the anecdote recorded by id., ii, 278 and 304). 

By his disciples, and especially by Abu 'Ubayda 
and by such a scholar as al-Djahiz, Abu 'Amr was 
regarded as 'the most learned man in things pertaining 
to the Arabs, and combining with the accuracy of 
his auricular transmission the veracity of his state- 
ments' (see al-Djahiz, Baydn, i, 255, 256; cf. Aba 
'1-Tayyib, who expresses a similar view in Muzhir, 
ii, 399). And yet this point raises a very delicate 
problem. This scholar seems, indeed, like a number 


of his contemporaries, to have been an enthusiastic 
collector of archaic poetry and of accounts of the 
'Days of the Arabs'; cf. Blachere, Histoire de 
la litterature arabe, Paris, 1952, i, 101 f. According 
to an account taken from Abu c Ubayda by al- 
Djahiz, Baydn, i, 256 (repeated in a somewhat 
changed form by Ibn al-Djazari, 290, Ibn Khallikan. 
i, 386, and al-Kutubi, i, 164), 'the books which Abu 
'Amr.had written by taking the words down from 
such Arabs as were worthy to serve as informers 
filled a room in his dwelling. Later on, having 
devoted himself to 'reading' (of the Ku'ran), he burnt 
these books'. This piece of evidence, which we have 
no means of checking, does not say that Abu 'Aim 
destroyed the collections of poetry made by himself, 
as has been too often asserted. Actually, the main 
point to keep in mind is that after this destruction — 
if it took place — Abu 'Ami continued nevertheless 
to communicate orally the documentation which 
he had accumulated in his memory. There are many 
anecdotes which show his knowledge of ancient 
poetry; see for example, al-Djahiz, Baydn, i, 256, 
ii, 121; al-Sirafi, 30; Ibn al-Anbari, 31, 34. It is 
known that on one occasion he did not hesitate to 
forge a line; see al-Suyuti, Muzhir, ii,.4i5. This fact, 
which he himself admitted, in no way detracted 
from his acknowledged authority as a 'transmitter' 
(rdwt). His place among Arab lexicographers seems 
to have been very important, since he is said to 
have been, in this sphere, the master of al-Khalil [q.v.] ; 

e ibid., 
Abu <J 

, 398, i 

5 lexicographical authority, ibid., ii, 
, 360. The authors of adab and the 
anthologists often quote, too, his judgements on 
the poets; see for example, ibid., ii, 479, 484, 486. 
It is no exaggeration to say that the figure of 
Abu c Amr b. al-'Ala 3 dominates the intellectual 
activity of the centre of Basra at the period when 
the generation of scholars was growing up — men 
such as al-Khalil, al-Asma'I, Abu <Ubayda— who 
were to become the masters of the philological and 
grammatical school of that town. 

Bibliography: Djahiz, Baydn (Sandubi), Cairo 
I35i> i, 255-6 and passim ; SIrafI, A khbdr al-Nah- 
wiyyln al-Basriyyin (Krenkow), and again in Ibn 
al-Anbari, Nuzhat al-Alibbd } , 29-38; Fihrist, 35, 
39, 88, and passim, used by Fliigel, Die gram- 
matischen Schulen, 32 ff . ; Ibn Khallikan, 478 ; and 
again in al-Yafi% Mir'at al-Djanan, i, 325 f.; 
Kutubl, Fawdt, i, 164; Ibn al-Djazari, Ghayat al- 
Nihdya ( Bergs trasser), Cairo 1933, i, 288-92 and 
passim; Suyuti, Bughyat al-Wu'dt, 367, and Muzhir 
(Badjawi), Cairo 1942, ii, 398 f. and passim; C. 
Pellat, he milieu basrien dans la formation de Gdhiz, 
Paris 1953, 76-8; Brockelmann, I, 99, S I, 158. 

(R. Blachere) 
ABU 'l-'ARAB Muhammad b. TamIm b. Tammam 
al-Tam1mI, Malikite fakih, traditionist, his- 
torian and poet from Kayrawan. Offspring of a 
great Arab family (his great-grandfather was 
governor of Tunis, seized Kayrawan in 183/799 and 
ended his life in prison in Baghdad), Abu'l-'Arab, 
born in Kayrawan between 250/864 and 260/873, 
devoted himself to study under various masters, 
trained, in his turn, several pupils (notably Ibn Abi 
Zayd al-KayrawSnl), took part in the revolt of 
Abu Yazld against the Fatimids, was put in prison 
and died in 333/945. Of the works on fikh, hadith 
and history attributed to him, only the Tabakdt 
'Ulamd' Ifrikiya, a collection of anecdotical bio- 
graphies of the scholars of Kayrawan and Tunis, 
seems to have been preserved (ed. and transl. by 

M. Ben Cheneb, Classes des savants de I'Ifriqiya, 
Algiers 1915-20). 

Bibliography: Dhahabi. Tadhkira, iii, 105; 

Ibn Farhun, Dibddi, 233; Ibn NadjI, Ma'dlim 

iii, 42 ; Ibn Khayr, Fahrasa (BAH, ix), 297, 301 ; 

H.H. <Abd al-Wahhab, al-Muntakhab al-Madrasi*, 

Cairo 1944, 37-8. (Ch. Pellat) 

ABC 'ARlSH, a town in <AsIr, about 20 

miles from Djizan. Philby describes it as kite-shaped, 

nearly a mile across, consisting mainly of brushwood 

huts ('ard'ish) and adjoining extensive ruins. The 

population (about 12,000) grows millet and sesame. 

The merchants are mostly of Hadrami origin. 

First settled by a shaykh (7th/i3th century), it 
prospered under the Zaydl Imams who captured it 
in 1036/1627. In the next century the local ashrdf 
became independent. They temporarily submitted 
to the Wahhabis (1217/1802-3) and later to the 
Egyptians. When the latter abandoned Hudayda 
(1256/1840) Sharif Husayn occupied the Tihama, was 
made Pasha and threatened c Adan. Britain protested 
and the Turks drove him back to c AsIr. The power 
of the ashrdf, weakened by civil war and the attacks 
of Muhammad b. c A 5 id, disappeared when the Turks 
reoccupied c AsIr; Philby could find no trace of 
them. Abu c Arish has since belonged in turn to the 
Turks, the IdrisI and Ibn Sa'ud. 

Bibliography: Descriptions: C. Niebuhr, 

Beschreibung von Arabien, 267; Tamisier, Voyage 

en Arabie, i, 383-91; H. St. J. Philby, Arabian 

Highlands, History: Tamisier, op. cit., i, 365- 

74; Philby, op. cit.; A. S. Tritton, Rise of the 

Imams of Sanaa,; H. F. Jacob, Kings of Arabia, 

51-4; Muhammad b. 'All al-Shawkanl, al-Badr 

al-tdli', Cairo 1348, i, 240, ii, 6-8; 'Uthman b. 

Bishr al-Nadjdi al-Hanball, '■Unwdn al-MaaJd, 

Mecca 1349, '. '44-5, 211. (C. F. Beckingham) 

ABC c ARCBA, al-Husayn b. AbI Ma'shar 

Muhammad b. Mawdud al-SulamI al-HarrAnI, 

hadith scholar of Harran (b. ca. 222/837, d. 


Practically nothing is known about his life, except 
the names of his authorities and his students, some 
of them very famous personalities. He is said to 
have been judge or mufti of Harran. One source 
(Ibn c Asakir apud al-Dhahabl) states that he was 
a partisan of the Umayyads. 

According to the Fihrist, 230, Abu 'Aruba wrote 
only one work, a collection of traditions which were 
transmitted by his authorities. This work seems to 
be identical with the Tabakdt which are mentioned 
as a work of Abu c Aruba by al-Dhahabi. An excerpt 
from the Tabakdt, which deals with the men around 
Muhammad and their traditions, is preserved in 
Damascus (cf. Yusuf al- c Ishsh, Fihris Makhtuldt 
Ddr al-Kutub al-gdhiriyya, Damascus 1947, 169). 
AbO c Aruba is also quoted as the author of a history 
of Harran (or collection of biographies of scholars 
of the Djazira) and a Kitdb al-AwdHl. 

Bibliography: Brockelmann, II, 663; Fihrist, 
322; Sam'anI, Ansdb, fol. 161a and passim; Yakut, 
ii, 232, and passim; Ibn al- c Adim, Bughya (ms. 
Topkapusaray, Ahmet III, 2925, iv, fols. 178b- 
179a); Dhahabi, Nubald* (ms. Topkapusaray, 
Ahmet III, 2910, ix, 545-7); idem, Ta'rikh al- 
Isldm, anno 318; Ibn al- c Im5d, Shadhardt, ii, 
279; F. Rosenthal, A history of Muslim histori- 
ography, Leiden 1952, 310, 389, 393. 

(F. Rosenthal) 
ABU 'L-ASWAD al-DU'ALI (or, according to 
West-Arabic pronunciation al-Dili, nomen relativum 
from al-Du'il b. Bakr, a clan of the Banu Kinana), 


a partisan of 'All. His name (Zalim b. ( Amr) 
and genealogy are uncertain; his mother belonged 
to the clan 'Abd al-Dar b. Kusayy of Kuraysh. He 
was probably born some years before the Hidjra. 
In the caliphate of 'Umar he went to Basra. He 
lived first among his own tribe, then among the 
Banu Hudhayl, and for some time also among the 
Banu Kushayr, the kinsmen of his favourite wife; 
but his ShI'ite propensities as well as his obstinacy 
and avarice made him disagreeable to his neighbours. 
It is doubtful whether he held any office under 
'Umar and 'Uthman. In 'All's caliphate he rose to 
prominence. He is said to have taken part in the 
unsuccessful negotiations with 'A'isha and in the 
ensuing "Battle of the Camel", and also fought at 
Siffln for 'All. He was employed at Basra either as 
kadi or as secretary to the governor 'Abd Allah b. 
'Abbas, and is even said to have held a military 
command in the wars against the Khawaridi. When 
'All's star was setting, and according to al-Mada J ini, 
'Abd Allah b. 'Abbas planned to leave Basra, taking 
with him the treasury, Abu '1-Aswad tried to stop 
him and reported the matter to 'All, who appointed 
him governor. This post he held, if at all, only for 
a short time. When 'Ali was murdered, he made in 
a poem (no. 59 in Reseller's numbering) the Umayyads 
responsible for it. But his sentiments were of no 
consequence, as there was no large ShI'a element 
in Basra (Aghdni 1 , xi, 121). He did not realize that 
he had lost all influence. He had reason to complain 
about Mu'awiya's representative 'Abd Allah b. 
'Amir, with whom he had formerly been on good 
terms (Poems nos. 23, 46), and also tried in vain 
to gain the favour of the viceroy Ziyad b. Abih. 
Relations between them had been strained already 
in the caliphate of 'All, when Ziyad was in charge of 
the revenue-office (Aghdni 1 , xi, 1 19). He lamented the 
death of al-Husayn in 61/680 (no. 61) and cried for 
vengeance (no. 62). The last event mentioned in his 
poems is his complaint to the "Prince ol the Faithful" 
Ibn al-Zubayr about his representative at Basra in 
c. 67/686 (Ibn Sa'd, v, 19). He died, according to 
al-Mada'inl, at Basra during the great plague in 

A collection of his poems, made by al-Sukkari, is 
extant, but has been published only in part. They 
are poor in language and style and artistically and 
historically insignificant; most of them deal with 
petty incidents of everyday life ; some of the poems 
are apparently forged. This applies also to the widely 
circulated allegation — invented most probably by 
some philologist of the Basra school — that is was 
Abu'l-Aswad who laid down for the first time the 
rules of Arabic grammar and invented the vocal- 
isation of the Kur'an. 

Bibliography: Brockelmann, I, 37, S I, 72; 
0. Rescher, Abriss, i, 131-3; Th. Noldeke, in 
ZDMG, 1864, 232-40; 0. Rescher, in WZKM, 
1913. 375-97; Ibn Sa'd, vii, 1, 70; Ibn Kutayba, 
Shi'-r, 457; Ma'drif, 222; Aghdni 1 , xi, 105-124; 
al-Slrafl, Akhbdr, 13-22; J. W. Fuck, Arabiya,6. 

(J. W. FOck) 
ABC 'ATA' al-SINDI, Aflah (or Marzuk) b. 
Yasar, Arabic poet. He owes his surname of 
al-Sindi to the fact that his father came from Sind; 
he himself was born in Kufa and lived there as a 
client of the Banu Asad. He fought for the declining 
Umayyad dynasty with pen and sword, praising 
them and casting scorn on their adversaries. It is 
true, however, that when the 'Abbasids obtained 
power, he tried to insinuate himself into the favour 
of the new rulers by singing their praises. But the 

iron character of al-Saffah was but little sensible to 
such fawning, and under the reign of his successor, 
al-Mansur, the poet was even obliged to keep himself 
hidden. Only after al-Mansur's death in 158/774 did 
he again make his appearance. He died, no doubt, 
shortly afterwards, but the exact date is not known. 
Abu 'Ata* was considered a good poet — his elegy 
on Ibn Hubayra [q.v.] being especially famous — 
although he pronounced Arabic badly and even 
stammered, so that he was obliged to have his 
poetry recited by others. 

Bibliography: Ibn Kutayba, Shi'r, 482-4; 
Abu Tamilian, Hamdsa, i, 372 ft.; Aghdni 1 , xvi, 
81-7; Marzubanl, Mu^djam, 380; al-Bakri, Simf 
al-La'dli (Maimani), 802; al-Kutubl, Fawdt, Cairo 
1283, i, 937; collection of fragments by Baloch 
Nabi Bakhsh Khan, IC, 1949, 137 f. 


ABU 'l-'ATAHIYA, poetic nickname ("father 
of craziness") of AbO Ishak Isma'Il b. al-Kasim b. 
Suwayd b. KaysAn, Arabic poet, born in Kufa 
(or 'Ayn al-Tamr) 130/748 and died 210/825 or 
211/826. His family had been mawdli of the 'Anaza 
tribe for two or three generations, and were engaged 
in menial occupations; his father was a cupper, and 
the poet himself as a youth sold earthenware in the 
streets. His outlook on life was embittered by a 
sense of social inferiority; in his later verse he gave 
vent to his hatred of the governing class and the 
wealthy ; and he was notorious for covetousness and 
meanness to the end of his life. But like Bashshar 
b. Burd, he had a natural gift for poetry, and hoped 
to find in this the door to a larger life. On account 
of his poverty he had not the time to attend lectures 
on philology and the poetry of the ancients, and 
to this we must attribute the freshness and uncon- 
ventionality of his style. As a young man he asso- 
ciated with the profligate circle of poets grouped 
around Waliba b. al-Hubab, and gained a reputation 
with his ghazals and wine-songs; later critics have 
condemned these productions as poor and effeminate 
(Ibn Kutayba, SAi'r, 497), and only fragments of 
them have survived. Like most of the spontaneous 
poets, he showed a preference for simple language 
and short metres, and first rose to fame by a panegyric 
on al-Mahdi which, in spite of these unconventional 
characteristics, gained the caliph's favour. He made 
himself notorious in Baghdad by his ghazals in 
praise of 'Utba, a slave-girl of al-Mahdl's cousin 
Rayta, who hoped to gain the caliph's notice but 
had no intention of throwing herself away on a 
penniless nobody. He held the caliph responsible 
for his failure to win 'Utba, and some indiscrete 
verses gained him a flogging and banishment to 
Kufa. When al-Mahdi died, he took his revenge in 
some verses which could be read ambiguously. 

Back in Baghdad his fulsome praise of al-Hadl 
annoyed the latter's successor Hariin al-Rashld, who 
sent him to prison along with his friend Ibrahim 
al-Mawsill. Restored to favour, he charmed Hariin 
with his love-lyrics, but suddenly renounced the 
ghazal and devoted himself to ascetic poetry (c. 178). 
Hariin at first took umbrage at his conversion and 
imprisoned him, but was reconciled later at the 
instances of al-Fadl b. RabI', and in part also no 
doubt because of his popularity with the masses. It 
may be suspected that al-Fadl's patronage was 
connected with his intrigue, in association with the 
queen Zubayda, against the Barmakids, and that 
Abu 'l-'Atahiya's new "ascetic" productions con- 
veniently served their purposes. However that may 
be, Abu'l-'Atahiya maintained henceforward a vast 


output of sermons in verse, long and short, painting 
the horrors of all-levelling Death, and directed 
especially against the rich and the powerful, not 
excluding the caliph himself. So profitable was it 
that when Abu Nuwas also began to produce 
zuhdiyydt Abu'l-'Atahiya warned him not to trespass 
on the field to which he had established a prescriptive 
right {Akhbdr AH Nuwds, Cairo 1924, 70). Some, 
later critics questioned, not without cause, the 
sincerity of his conversion, notably the real ascetic 
Abu'l-'Ala 3 al-Ma c arri, who referred to him as "that 
astute fellow" (Ibn Fadl Allah, Masdlik al-Absdr, 
xv, MS Brit. Mus. 575, fol. 136). 

A more frequent accusation brought against 
Abu'l-'Atahiya is that of heresy, which was a 
favourite weapon at the time; and it was suggested 
by Goldziher that one reason for his imprisonments 
may be sought in the occasionally unorthodox tone 
of some of his poems. Having no theological education 
he seems to have been influenced by the modified 
legacy of Manichaean beliefs still current in 'Irak, 
which accounted for the disorders of this world by 
the existence of two primary substances, good and 
evil, though Abu'l-'Atahiya held that both were 
the creation of Allah. In certain of his verses also, 
such as "If you would see the noblest of mankind 
look for a king in the guise of a pauper", there may 
be suggestions of a concealed attachment to Musa 
al-Kazim and the cause of the Shi'ite imams, still 
Strong in Kufa. 

His astonishing success as a poet was due to the 
simplicity, spontaneity, and artlessness of his 
language, which contrasted with the laboured 
artificiality of some of his contemporaries, and 
expressed the feelings of the people in verse that 
they could understand. He was fortunate also, by 
his friendship with Ibrahim al-Mawsill, to have 
many of his poems set to music by the foremost 
musician of the day. He and his younger contem- 
porary Aban b. c Abd al-Hamld [q.v.] were the first 
to use tnuzdawidj (couplet) rhyming verse, and he 
was the first, according to al-Ma'arri (al-Fusul 
wa'l-Ghaydt, i, 131), to invent the metre muddri'. 
He also used a metre consisting of eight long sylla- 
bles. Owing to his enormous output his entire diwdn 
was never collected. The zuhdiyydt were put together 
by the Spanish scholar Ibn c Abd al-Barr (d. 463/1071). 
Bibliography: Ibn Khallikan, no. 91; al- 
AghdnP, iii, 126-83 (', iv, 1-112); see also Guidi's 
Tables for other references; Ta'rikh Bagjsddd, vi, 
250-60; Goldziher, Trans. IX Congress of Orien- 
talists, 113 ff.; G. Vajda, in RSO, 1937, 215 ft., 
225 ff.; Brockelmann, I, 76; S I, 119. Partial 
editions of the diwdn were published in Bairut 
1887, 1909; see also Madimu'-a, ed. F. E. Bustani, 
Bairut 1927; Zuhdiyydt, trans. O. Rescher, 
Stuttgart 1928. (A. Guillaume) 

ABU 'l-A'WAR c Amr b. Sufyan al-SULAMI 
general in the service of Mu'awiya. He belonged 
to the powerful tribe of Sulaym (hence "al-Sulaml") ; 
his mother was a Christian and his father had fought 
at Uhud in the ranks of the Kuraysh. The son, who 
does not seem to have belonged to the closest circle 
of the Prophet, went, probably with the army 
commanded by Yazid b. Abl Sufyan, to Syria. In 
the battle of the Yarmuk he was in charge of a 
detachment, and from that time he followed faith- 
fully the fortunes of the Umayyads. He thus exposed 
himself to the execration of 'All, especially after 
he had taken part in the battle of Siffin. He assisted 
c Amr b. al-'Asi in conquering Egypt for Mu'awiya 
and was in command of various military expeditions 

by sea. In addition, he showed also diplomatic and 
administrative abilities. At Siffin, he took part in 
the negotiations with c Ali and prepared the preli- 
minary draft for the conference of Adhruh. He was 
also commissioned to count the falldhs of Palestine 
for a new distribution of taxes. Mu'awiya had in 
mind to appoint him in Egypt to the post of 'Amr 
b. al-'Asi, who had been guilty of showing a too 
independent attitude ; but this plan came to nothing, 
and he was appointed to the governorship of the 
province of al-Urdunn. On the ground of his services 
the Arabic annalists counted him among the main 
lieutenants of Mu'awiya, those who constituted his 
shi c a or bi(dna. He disappeared from the political 
scene before the end of Mu c 5wiya's reign. 

Bibliography: Ibn Sa c d, iii/2, 106; Ibn Rusta, 
213; Tabari, index; Mas'udi, Murudj, iv, 351; 
Michael the Syrian (Chabot), ii, 442, 445, 450; 
Bayhaki, Mahdsin, 149; Ibn al-Athlr, Usd, v, 138; 
Ibn Hadjar, Isdba, iv, 14; H. Lammens, Etudes 
sur le rigne de Mo'-dwia, 42 ff. (H. Lammens *) 
ABC 'AWN c Abd al-Malik b. YazId al-Khura- 
sani, general in the service of the 'Abbasids. After 
the outbreak of the rebellion in Khurasan. 25 Ramadan 
129/9 June 747, Abu 'Awn several times took part 
in the war against the Umayyads. At first he accom- 
panied the 'Abbasid general Kahtaba b. Shablb; 
then he was sent by the latter to Shahrazur, where 
on 20 Dhu'l-Hidjdja 131/10 August 749, in con- 
junction with Malik b. Tarif, he defeated 'Uttjman 
b. Sufyan. While Abu 'Awn remained in the vicinity 
of Mosul, the Umayyad caliph Marwan II marched 
against him. Under the supreme command of 'Abd 
Allah b. 'All, Abu 'Awn took part in the battle by 
the Greater Zab (n Djumada II 132/25 January 
750), in the pursuit of Marwan, and in the capture 
of Damascus. When 'Abd Allah remained behind 
in Palestine, he sent Salih b. 'All together with Abu 
'Awn and a few others to continue the pursuit to 
Egypt, and it was there that the caliph, after a 
fresh defeat, was tracked down and killed in the 
same year. Abu 'Awn remained in Egypt till further 
orders as governor. In 159/775-6 he was appointed 
governor of Khurasan by al-Mahdl, but deposed in 
the following year. 

Bibliography: Ya'kubl, Tabari, Mas'udI, 

Murudi, Indexes; WeUhausen, Das arabische Reich 

und sein Sturz, Berlin 1902, 341-3; L. Caetani, 

Chronographia Islamica, Roma 1912, under the 

relevant years. (K. V. Zettersteen *) 

ABU 'l-'AYNA' Muhammed b. al-Kasim b. 

Khallad b. Yasir b. Sulaiman al-HashimI, an 

Arabian litterateur and poet. He was born about 

the year 190/805 in al-Ahwaz (his family came from 

al-Yamama) and grew up in Basra, where he received 

instruction from the most famous philologists, Abu 

'Ubaida, al-Asma'I, Abu Zayd al-Ansari and others. 

He was renowned amongst his contemporaries not 

only for his linguistic attainments, but also for his 

quickness at repartee. Ibn Abl Tahir collected 

anecdotes concerning him in a special work entitled 

Akhbdr Abi 'l-'Aynd', many of which are to be 

found in the al-Aghdni. The book itself as well 

as the collection of his poems have not been 

preserved. He became blind at the age of 40, later 

on he emigrated to Bagdad, but returned to Basra 

again and died there in the year 281 or 183/896. 

Bibliography: Fihrist, 115; Ibn Khallikan, 

no. 615. (C. Brockelmann) 

ABC AYYCB Khalid b. Zayd b. Kulayb al- 

NadjdjarI al-ANSArI, generally known by his 

kunya, companion of the Prophet. It was in the 


house of Abu Ayyub that the Prophet stayed on 
his emigration to Medina, before his own mosque 
and house were built. He took part in all the 
Prophet's expeditions, was present at all the battles 
of early Islam and served under the command of 
'Amr b. al-'Asi during the conquest of Egypt. Later 
on he was appointed by C A1I to the governorship of 
Medina, but was obliged to rejoin C AH in 'Irak when 
Busr b. Abi Artat approched the town with an 
army of 3000 men put at his disposal by 'Amr b. 
al- c Asi. In 'Irak Abu Ayyub al-Ansari took part in 
the battles fought there by C A1I. During the reign 
of Mu'awiya, he took part in the invasion of Cyprus 
and the expedition against Constantinople led by 
Yazid b. Mu'awiya. During the siege of the Byzantine 
capital Abu Ayyub died of dysentery, in the year 
52/672 (the years 50, 51 and 55 are also given as 
the date of his death). At his own request, he was 
buried under the walls of Constantinople. 

150 hadiths are attributed to Abu Ayyub, but 
only a small number of them (thirteen altogether) 
have been admitted as authentic by al-Bukhari 
and Muslim. 

Bibliography: DhahabI, Tadirid Asma> al- 
Sahdba, Haydarabad 1315, i, 161, ii, 161; Bala- 
dhuri, FutHh, 5, 154; Ibn Sa c d, iii/2, 49-50 ; Tabari, 
iii, 23-4; Ibn c Abd al-Hakam, Futufr Misr (Torrey), 
index; Diyarbakrl, Ta'rikh al-Khamls, Cairo 1283, 
ii, 294; Ibn c Abd al-Barr, Isti'ab, Haydarabad 
1318, i, 156, ii, 638; Ibn Hadjar, Tahdhib, Hay- 
darabad 1325-7, iii, 90; idem, Isdba, Cairo 1325, 
ii, 89; Khazradji, Khuldsa. Cairo 1322, 86; Ibn 
al-Kaysarani, Diam 1 , Haydarabad 1323, 118; Ibn 
al-Athir, Usd dl-Ghaba, ii, 88, v, 143; Ibn Taghri- 
birdi, Nudj,um, Leiden 1855, i, 22, 34, 151, 158-60; 
Nawawi, Tahdhib al-Asmd y Gottingen 1842-7, 652; 
Suyuti, ffusn al-Muhddara, Cairo 1322, i, 112; 
Abu 'l- c Arab, Tabakat 'Ulanta' Ifrikiya, ed. and 
transl. Ben Cheneb, Algiers 1920; 21/66 and note 2 ; 
M. Canard, in J A, 192, 67 if. 

(E. L£vi-Provencal) 
The tomb of Abu Ayyub is mentioned for the 
first time by Ibn I£utayba, al-Ma'-arif, 140 (ed. 
Cairo 1934, 119); according to al-Tabari, iii, 2324, 
Ibn al-Athir, iii, 381, Ibn al-Djawzi and al-I£azwini, 
408, the Byzantines respected it and made pilgrimage 
to it in time of drought to pray there for rain {istisba'). 
The — probably legendary — discovery of the tomb 
by Ak Shams al-Din [q.v.] during the siege of the 
city by Muhammad II can be compared to the 
finding of the Holy Lance by the Crusaders during 
the siege of Antioch. The Turkish legend is fully 
reproduced in Leunclavius, Historiae musulmanae, 
Frankfurt 1591, 38 ff. and in the careful monograph 
by Hadjdji c Abd Allah, al-Athdr al-Ma&idiyya fi 
'l-Mand&b al-Khalidiyya. See also A. M. Schneider, 
in Oriens x 1 95 1, 113 ft.; P. Wittek, A ywansary, in 
Annates de I'hist. de phil. et d'hist. orientates et 
slaves, Bruxelles 1951, 505 ff. (esp. 513 ff.). 


A mosque was built on the spot by Muhammad II 
in 863/1458; it was enlarged by Etmekdji-zade 
Ahmad Pasha in 1000/1591; two new minarets, 
each with two galleries, were added in 1136/1273. 
It was in this mosque that the sultan Mahmud II 
deposited the relics of the Prophet discovered in the 
treasury of the Saray (the imprint of the foot). The 
grand-vizier Sinan Pasha (d. 1133/1729), Mah Firuz 
Khadldja (mother of the sultan c Uthm5n III), the 
grand-vizier Semiz 'All Pasha, GurdjI Muhammad 
Pasha, Lala Mustafa Pasha (the conqueror of 

Cyprus) and a number of other important persons 
are buried in the turba or in the immediate vicinity 
of its court-yard. The mosque is situated outside 
the Byzantine walls, and an important suburb 
(Eyyiib [see Istanbul]) grew up round it. The 
mosque was the object of special veneration and 
it was forbidden for non-Muslims to enter it. Accor- 
ding to a rather late custom (cf. Isl., 1931, 184 ff. 
and mawlawiyya) it was in this mosque that the 
sultan, on his accession, was girded with the sword 
of his ancestors by the Celebi Efendi, the head of 
the Mawlawi order who came especially from I£onya 
to carry out the ceremony. 

Bibliography: Hafiz Husayn b. Hadjdil 
Isma'il, IJadikat al-Dxawdmi', Istanbul .1281, i, 
243, cf. Hammer- Purgstall, xviii, 57; CI. Huart, 
Konia, 206; F. W. Hasluck, Christianity and 
Islam under the Sultans, Oxford 1929, ii, 604 ff. 

(Cl. Huart*) 
ABO BAKR, the first caliph, 
i. Name, family, and early life. — Abu Bakr was 
probably born shortly after 570 as he is said to have 
been three years younger than Muhammad. His 
father was Abu Suhafa ( c Uthman) b. 'Amir of the 
clan of Taym of the tribe of Kuraysh., and he is 
therefore sometimes known as Ibn Abi Kuhafa. His 
mother was Umm al-Khayr (Salma) bint Sakhr of 
the same clan. The names c Abd Allah and <Atik 
('freed slave') are attributed to him as well as Abu 
Bakr, but the relation of these names to one another 
and their original significance is not clear. Muhammad 
seems to have made a play on the name 'Atlk and 
to have said that he was 'freed from Hell'. He was 
later known as al-Siddik, the truthful, the upright, 
or the t one who counts true ; the last meaning is 
supported by the tradition that he alone immediately 
believed Muhammad's story of his night-journey 
(isrd>, q.v.). 

In the course of his life he had four wives. (1) Kut- 
ayla bint c Abd al- c Uzza of the Meccan clan of 'Amir, 
who bore him <Abd Allah and Asma' (who married 
al-Zubayr b. al- c Awwam); (2) Umm Ruman bint 
'Amir of the tribe of Kyiana, who bore him c Abd al- 
Rahman (originally c Abd al-Ka c ba or c Abd al-'Uzza) 
and 'A'isha; (3) Asma' bint 'Umays of the tribe of 
Khath'am, who bore him Muhammad; (4) Habiba 
bint Kharidja, of the Medinan clan of al-Harith b. 
al-Khazradj, wno bore him Umm Kulthum posthu- 
mously. The last two marriages were made late in 
his life and were doubtless political; Asma 1 bint 
'Umays was the widow of Dja'far b. Abi Talib (who 
was killed in 8/629). The first two marriages were 
probably concurrent, since c Abd al-Rahman was 
the eldest son, but only Umm Ruman accompanied 
Abu Bakr to Medina. 

Little is known about Abu Bakr's life before his 
conversion. He was a merchant {tddiir) worth 
40,000 dirhams, indicating (according to H. Lam- 
mens, La Mecque d la Veille de I'Hegire, Beirut 1924, 
226-8) that his business was comparatively unim- 
portant. He is not mentioned as having travelled 
to Syria or elsewhere, but he was an expert in the 
genealogies of the Arab tribes. 

ii. From his conversion to the death of Muham- 
mad. — Abu Bakr was possibly a friend of Muhammad 
before the latter's call to be a prophet and his own 
conversion. According to some traditions he was 
the first male Muslim after Muhammad (Ibn Sa'd, 
iii/ 1, 121; al-Tabari, i. 1165-7); but this may simply 
be a reflection of his later preeminence, since the 
same claim is made for C A1I and Zayd b. Haritha. 

Similarly the statement that Abu Bakr was respon- 
sible for the conversion of c Uthman b. 'Affan, 
al-Zubayr, <Abd al-Rahman b. <Awf, Sa'd b. AM 
Wakkas and Taujah b. 'Ubayd Allah is suspicious 
because these five and C AH constitued the shura or 
council to elect a successor to c Umar. What is 
certain is that for some time before the Hidjra, Abu 
Bakr was the foremost member of the Muslim 
community after Muhammad. 

He remained in Mecca when many Muslims emi- 
grated to Abyssinia. This is an obscure affair. It 
has been suggested that the emigrants objected to 
the policy of the group among the Muslims led by 
Abu Bakr. The traditional view, however, was 
that the emigrants went to avoid persecution; and 
it may be that Abu Bakr's clan of Taym, like others 
belonging to the group known as Hilf al-Fudul, 
did not persecute its members. It seems, however, 
that it also lacked the will or the power to defend 
them, for it allowed Abu Bakr and his fellow 
clansman Talha to be bound together by a man of 
the Meccan clan of Asad; and at a later date Abu 
Bakr left Mecca and only returned on receiving the 
protection (djiwdr) of Ibn al-Dughunna, the chief 
of a nomadic group in alliance with Kuraysh. The 
slaves bought and set free by Abu Bakr, notably 
c Amir b. Fuhayra and Bilal, suffered bodily violence. 
The purchase of slaves who professed Islam, though 
showing Abu Bakr's devotion to the cause, does 
not completely account for the reduction of his 
wealth to 5,000 dirhams at the Hidjra, and economic 
pressure by the leading merchants of Mecca is to 
be suspected. 

Muhammad chose him to accompany himself on 
his migration to Medina, an event to which reference 
is made in Kur'an ix, 40. His family, that is, presum- 
ably Umm Ruman, 'A'isha, Asma' and perhaps 
c Abd Allah, foUowed soon afterwards. Abu Kuhafa, 
however, remained in Mecca, and Abu Bakr's son 
<Abd al- Rahman actually fought against the Muslims 
at Badr and Uhud, but was converted to Islam 
before the conquest of Mecca. In Medina Abu Bakr 
found a house in the district of al-Sunh. His special 
position in the community was marked by Muham- 
mad's marriage to his daughter c A 5 isha. He was a 
participant in all the expeditions led by Muhammad 
in person, and was constantly at his side, ready to 
help with advice and information. In critical 
moments he was steady as a rock and did not lose 
heart. There seems to have been a remarkable degree 
of harmony between leader and follower. When 
others (including c Umar who was inseparable from 
Abu Bakr) questioned Muhammad's decisions to. 
make peace at al-Hudaybiya and to abandon the siege 
of al-Ta'if, Abu Bakr gave immediate and whole- 
hearted support. He was the first to know the true 
objective of the expedition which conquered Mecca 
in 8/630. In other words, he was Muhammad's chief 
adviser. He did not have any separate military 
command, except of a small party detached from 
a larger expedition in 6/627 and of a minor expedition 
against the tribe of Hawazin in 7/628. In 8/629 he 
served with 'Umar under the command of Abu 
'Ubaydah, probably in order to smooth over political 
difficulties. By his being appointed to conduct the 
pilgrimage of A. H. 9 and to lead public prayers in 
Medina during Muhammad's last illness, and by 
other signs of respect, he was marked as successor. 

iii. His caliphate, 11/632-13/634. — The day of 
Muhammad's death (13 Rabl c I, 11/8 June, 632) 
was a critical one for the young Islamic state. The 
Ansar set about appointing a leader from their own 

number, but were persuaded by 'Umar and others to 
accept AbQ Bakr. He took the title of Khalifat Rasul 
Allah, 'deputy or successor of the messenger of God', 
and after a short time moved to a house in the 
centre of Medina. 

His caliphate of a little over two years was largely 
occupied in dealing with the ridda or 'apostasy'. This 
phenomenon, as the name given. by Arabic historians 
indicates, was regarded by them as primarily a 
religious movement; but recent European scholars, 
especially J. Wellhausen (Skiizen und Vorarbeiten, 
vi, Berlin, 1899, 7-37) and L. Caetani {Annali, ii, 
549-831) have argued that it was essentially political. 
More probably it was both. Medina had become the 
centre of a social and political system, of which 
religion was an integral part; consequently it was 
inevitable that any reaction against this system 
should have a religious aspect. There were six main 
centres of this reaction. In four of these, the leader 
had a religious character and is often called a 'false 
prophet': al-Aswad al- c AnsI in the Yemen, Musay- 
lima among the tribe of Hanlfa in the Yamama, 
Tulayha in the tribes of Asad and Ghatafan, and 
the prophetess Sadjah in the tribe of Tamlm. The 
form of the ridda in each centre varied according to 
local circumstances; it involved the refusal to send 
taxes to Medina and to obey the agents sent out 
by Medina. In the Yemen the ridda began before 
Muhammad's death, and when Abu Bakr came to 
power al-Aswad had been replaced by Kays b. 
(Hubayra b. c Abd Yaghuth) al-Makshuh. In other 
places there had presumably existed for some time 
a movement against the rule of Medina, but it 
became open revolt only after Muhammad's death. 
During the absence of the main Muslim army in 
Syria under Usama b. Zayd, some neighbouring 
tribes tried to surprise Medina, but were eventually 
defeated at Dhu '1-Kassa. After the return of the 
Syrian expedition, a large army commanded by 
Khalid b. al-Walld was sent against the rebels. First 
Tulayha was defeated in a battle at Buzakha, and 
the area restored to its allegiance to Islam. Soon 
afterwards, Tamlm abandoned Sadjah and sub- 
mitted to Abu Bakr. The most important battle 
of the ridda was the battle of the Yamama at 
'Akraba' (about Rabl c I, 12/May 633), known as 
'the garden of death' on account of the great 
slaughter on both sides. Here Musaylima, the most 
serious opponent of the Muslims, was defeated and 
killed, and central Arabia brought under their 
control. Subordinate commanders were entrusted 
with subsidiary operations in al-Bahrayn and 
<Uman (with Mahra), while IQialid pacified the 
Yamama before moving towards 'Irak- The ridda 
in the Yemen and Hadramawt was defeated by 
another commander, al-Muhadjir b. Abi Umayya. 
In dealing with captured leaders Abu Bakr showed 
great clemency, and many became active supporters 
of the cause of Islam. The traditional view was 
that the ridda had been quelled before the end of 
n A.H. (March 633); but Caetani has shown that 
the events require a much longer time, and that 
it may have continued into 13/634. 

The size of Muhammad's expeditions along the 
road to Syria shows that he had realized the urgency 
of expansion if peace was to be maintained among 
the Arab tribes. Abu Bakr was aware of this strategic 
principle. In the first days of his caliphate, despite 
the threats of rebellion in Arabia, he persisted with 
Muhammad's plan of sending a large army under 
Usama towards Syria. Again, once the danger from 
Musaylima in central Arabia was removed, no time 


was lost in despatching Khalid towards 'Irak. Thus 
was set on foot under Abu Bakr's direction the great 
'conquest of the lands'. The traditional account 
of the conquests and their chronology has been 
radically revised by European scholars' critique of 
the sources (Wellhausen, op. cit., 37-"3; De Goeje, 
Me'moire sur la Conqutte de la Syrie*, Leiden, 1900; 
N. A. Miednikoff, Palestina, St. Petersburg, 1897-1907 
[in Russian]; Caetani, Annali, ii, iii). By the t 
of Abu Bakr's death the position would seem to 
be as follows. Khalid, joining a force of B. Bakr b 
Wa'U under al-Muthanna b. Haritha, had advanced 
plundering into 'Irak and threatened al-Hira, which 
paid 60,000 dirhams to be left alone. While al- 
Muthanna remained on this sector, Khalid carried 
out a celebrated march to Damascus and linked up 
with three Muslim columns which, under Yazid b. 
Abi Sufyan, ShurahbU b. Hasana and <Amr b. al- 
<As, had been operating with success in Palestine, 
but were now retiring before a superior Byzantine 
army. The united Muslim forces defeated the enemy 
at al-Adjnadayn (probably a corruption of al-Djan- 
nabatayn) between Jerusalem and Gaza at the end 
of Djumada I (July 634). Thus the expansion into 
the Persian empire was initiated by Abu Bakr, 
but he still laid most emphasis on Syria. At what 
stage the decision was made, not merely to rai 
these lands, but to conquer them, is not clear. 

Abu Bakr died on 22 Djumada II, 13/23 August 
634, and was buried beside Muhammad. The great 
simplicity of his life, with its rejection of all wealth, 
pomp and pretension, became in later times a legend, 
though there is doubtless a kernel of truth. The 
assertion that he began the 'collection of the Kur'an' 
is now usually held to be mistaken in view of the 
general ascription of this to 'Urnar. 

Bibliography : In addition to works cited in 
the article: Ibn Hisham, passim; Wakidi (tr. 
J. Wellhausen, Berlin, 1882), passim: Ibn Sa'd, 
iii/i, 119-152, 202; Tabari, i, 1816-2144 (his cali- 
phate); Baladhuri, Futuh, 96, 98, 102, 450; 
Mas'udI, Murudj, iv, 173-90; Ibn Hadjar, Isdba, 
ii, 828-35, 839; Ibn al-Athlr, Usd al-Ghdba, iii, 
205-24; N. Abbott, Aishah the beloved of Moham 
med, Chicago, 1942, see index; W. Montgomery 
Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, Oxford, 1953, see 
index; C. Becker, The Expansion of the Saracens, 
Cambridge Medieval History, (1912), ii, 329-11 
(= Islamstudien, Leipzig 1924, i, 66-82). 

(W. Montgomery Watt) 
ABO BAKR B. 'ABD ALLAH [see ibn abi 

ABO BAKR B. AHMAD [see ibn KApi shuhba]. 

ABO BAKR B. <ALl [see ibn hidjdja]. 

ABO BAKR B. SA'D b.ZENGI [see salghOrids]. 

ABO BAKR al-BAYTAR [see ibn al-mundhJR]- 

ABO BAKR al-KHALLAL [see al-hiallal]. 

ABO BAKR AL-KflWARIZMl [see al -kh-arizmI]. 

ABO BAKR A (the man of the pulley), the usual 
designation of a Companion of the Prophet 
called Nufay' b. Masruh, an Abyssinian, formerly 
slave of the Thakafites of al-Ta'if. During the siege 
of that town by Muhammad (8/630) he joined the 
Muslims by letting himself down by a pulley and 
was emancipated by the Prophet. He stayed after- 
wards in Yaman and participated in the foundation 
of Basra where he settled and died in 51 or 52/671-2. 
Having been whipped by 'Umar because he had 
testified against al-Mughira b. Shu'ba [q.v.] on a 
charge of adultery, Abu Bakra played no part in 
politics and held aloof (iHazala) during the Battle 
of the Camel. He confined himself to cultivating the 

estates given him by 'Umar and transmitting 
hadtth, in which he is regarded as trustworthy by 
the authorities. 

His biographers give him as his mother Sumayya, 
so that he is considered as the brother, on the 
mother's side, of Ziyad b. Abihi, with whom, 
however, he quarreled when Ziyad joined the party 
of Mu'awiya. Abu Bakra left numerous descendants, 
among them seven sons: «Abd Allah, 'Ubayd Allah. 
<Abd al-Rahman, £ Abd al-'Aziz, Muslim, Rawwad, 
Yazid and 'Utba, who had a part in the transmission 
of hadith. Enriched by the exploitation of the 
public baths and favoured by Ziyad, they gained a 
place among the bourgoisie, and even the aristocracy, 
of Basra, and forged themselves an Arab genealogy, 
claiming that Abu Bakra was the son of al-Harith 
b. Kalada, the "physician of the Arabs". Al-Mahdl, 
on ascending the throne, did not recognize this gene- 
alogy and forced the descendants of Abu Bakra to 
return to the status of mawdli of the Prophet (Ibn 
al-Tiktaka, al-Fakhri (Derenbourg), 245 ; al-MakdisI, 
al-Bad? (Huart), vi, 94-5 ; I. Goldziher, Muh. Stud., 
i, 137 ff.). A descendant of the family was the kadi 
Abu Bakra Bakkar b. Kutayba (182-270/798-884; see 
Ibn Khallikan, no. 115). 

Bibliography: Ibn Kutayba, Ma'arif, 
Cairo 1353, 125-6; Ibn Sa'd, vii/i, 8-9, 138-9; 
Baladhuri, Futuh, 343 ff.; Tabari, i, 2529 ff., iii, 
477 ff.; Ibn al-Faklh, 188; Aghdni 1 , ii, 48; vii, 
141; xi, 100; xiv, 69; Nawawi, Tahdhib, 378-9, 
677-8; Ibn al-Athlr, Usd, i, 38, 151; ii, 215; Ibn 
Hadjar, Isdba, no. 8794; Yakut, i, 638-644, 
passim. (M. Th. Houtsma-[Ch. Pellat]) 

ABU "L-BARAKAT Hibat Allah b. Malka 
al-BaghdadI al-BaladI, philosopher and phys- 
ician, called Awhad al-Zaman, 'unique of his time', 
was born at Balad, near Mosul, about 470/1077 at 
the latest. Jewish by birth, he had for his master 
Abu'l-Hasan Sa'id b. Hibat Allah, and became a 
famous physician, serving in this quality the caliphs 
of Baghdad— where he resided — and the Seldjuk 
sultans. The anecdotes related by the biographers 
reveal his often difficult relations with his various 
patrons and their courts. At an advanced age he 
was converted to Islam. This decision was taken by 
him, according to the different rumours reported by 
his biographers, out of wounded pride or out of 
fear (because of the death of the wife of sultan 
Mahmud who had been attended by him; or because, 
taken prisoner during a battle in which the army 
of the caliph al-Mustarshid was defeated by sultan 
Mas'ud, his life was threatened). Having become 
blind at the end of his life, he died in Baghdad, 
it seems after 560/1164-5. Rival of the Christian 
physician Ibn al-Tilmldh, he had as his disciple and 
friend Ishak, the son of Abraham b. Ezra, who 
composed on him a panegyric in Hebrew. 

The main work of Abu'l-Barakat is the Kitdb 
al-Mu l tabar, dealing with logic, naturalia (including 
psychology) and metaphysics (published in three 
volumes by Serefettin Yaltkaya, Hyderabad 1358/ 
1939). A detailed commentary on Ecclesiastes, 
composed in Arabic, is of considerable philosophical 
interest; it is almost entirely unpublished. Among 
the smaller treatises ascribed to Abu'l-Barakat is to 
be noted the Risdla fi Sabab Zuhiir al-Kawdkib 
Layl" wa-KhafdHhd Nahdr" (cf. Ibn Abi Usaybi'a, 
i, 280), transl. by E. Wiedemann (in Eders Jahrbuch 
fur Photographic, 1909, 49-54). Under a slightly 
different title: Ru'ya 'l-Kawdkib bi'l-Layl Id bi'l- 
Nahdr, it passes for a work of Ibn Sina (cf. G. C. 
Anawati, Essai de Bibliographic avicennienne, no. 162). 


In al-Mu c tabar, modelled in great part on the 
Shifd* of Ibn SIna, Abu'l-Barakat sometimes takes 
over theses from that book, quoting them literally, 
but at the same time attacks others that are among 
the most essential. In his opposition to Ibn SIna he 
is often at one, in the field of physics, with the 
tradition that bore in Islamic lands the name of 
Platonic, and which was that followed by Abu 
Bakr al-RazI. His psychology is, in some respects, 
related more than that of the Sftt/d 5 , or more mani- 
festly so to that of the Neoplatonists. 

Abu'l-Barakat's method of philosophizing does 
not, however, lend itself easily to recourse to the 
authority of tradition. This is shown by the very 
title of the- Kitab al-Mu c tabar, which in the usage 
of Abu '1-Barakat means something like: "The book 
about what has been established by personal re- 
flection". As a matter of fact, this method is 
distinguished in the first instance by the appeal 
to self-evident truths, the certainties a priori, 
which nullify the theses a posteriori of the ruling 
philosophy of the period. Abu '1-Barakat refuses to 
make a difference between the certainties of reason, 
admitted as valid by the Peripatetics, and those 
depending on the estimative faculty (wahm), 
dismissed by them. 

It is mainly this method that leads Abu '1-Barakat 
to assert, against the partisans of the Aristotelian 
theory of space, the existence of a tridimensional 
space. With John Philoponus he refutes the proposi- 
tion denying the possibility of movement in the void. 
Having demonstrated the fallacy of the peripatetic 
arguments to the contrary, he proves the infinity 
of space by the impossibility for man to conceive 
a limited space. 

Similarly, it is the appeal to the a priori knowledge 
of the human mind that allows Abu '1-Barakat to 
clarify the problem of time — the true solution of 
which, according to him, depends upon metaphysics 
rather than upon physics. In effect, he shows that 
the apperception of time, of being, and of self, is 
anterior in the soul to any other apperception the 
soul might have, and that the nature of being and 
that of time are closely linked. According to his 
definition, time is the measure of being (not, as the 
peripatetics held, that of movement). He does not 
admit the diversity of the various levels of time, the 
gradations of zamdn, dahr, sarmad assumed by Ibn 
SIna and other philosophers. In his opinion, time 
characterizes the being of the Creator as well as 
that of created things. 

He identifies prime matter with the body con- 
sidered merely from the point of view of corporality, 
apart from any other characteristic; corporality 
being an extension susceptible of being measured. 
Among the four elements, earth alone is, in his view, 
constituted of corpuscles, indivisible because of 
their solidity. 

Dealing with the movement of projectiles, Abu 
'1-Barakat accepts, though with modifications, the 
theory of Ibn SIna — ultimately, as it seems, inspired 
by John Philoponus — according to which the cause 
of this movement is a 'violent inclination', that is 
to say a force (called later by certain Latin schoolmen 
impetus) imparted by the projecting body to the 
projectile. He explains the acceleration in the fall 
of heavy objects by the fact that the principle of 
natural inclination (mayl tabiH, a current philo- 
sophical term), contained in them, furnishes them 
with successive inclinations. The text of the Mu'tabar 
treating of this doctrine is the first one, as far as 
is known at present, where one finds implied this 

fundamental law of modern dynamics: a constant 
force gives rise to an accelerated movement. 

It is especially the psychological doctrine of Abu 
'1-Barakat that shows in the most palpable way the 
role given in his philosophy to recourse to what is 
self-evident. As a matter of fact, this doctrine has 
as its starting point the consciousness that man has 
of himself, i.e. of his soul. This consciousness bears 
the stamp of certainty and is anterior to any other 
knowledge; it would be there even without the 
perception of the sensible things.Ibn SIna had already 
availed himself of this a priori datum, which he 
had great difficulty in integrating with his psychology 
— which bears the stamp of Peripaticism — while Abu 
'1-Barakat is led by it towards other psychological 
verities, equally guaranteed and authenticated by 
their self-evident character. For instance, the valid 
consciousness that man has of being one — the same 
when he sees and hears, thinks, remembers or 
desires, or accomplishes any other psychical act — 
is sufficient in the view of Abu '1-Barakat to refute 
the various theories postulating a multiplicity of 
the faculties of the soul. Another example: the 
certainty that one has of perceiving, in the act of 
seeing, the very object that one sees, and at the place 
where it really is — and not an image, that according 
to certain hypotheses is situated inside the brain — 
this certainty proves by itself the truth of the 
impressions that it guarantees. We have, then, a 
psychology that consists, partly, of a system of self- 
evident truths, and is dominated up to a certain 
point by the notion of consciousness or apperception 
\shu c ur, a term used in a similar sense by Ibn SIna). 
It denies the distinction established by the Aris- 
totelian doctrine between intellect and soul. In fact, 
according to Abu '1-Barakat, it is the soul that 
accomplishes the so-called acts of intellection — a 
concept which he criticises. Similarly, he denies the 
existence of the active intellect postulated by the 

Platonic or Plotinian influences — which are, to 
be sure, in harmony with the personal intuitions of 
Abu '1-Barakat — appear perhaps in the definition 
of the soul as an incorporeal substance acting in 
and by the body. Immateriality is taken by Abu 
'1-Barakat in a very strict sense, which was not 
current at all; so for instance in the theory of 
memory. The human souls are caused, in the view 
of Abu '1-Barakat, by the stellar ones, and return, 
after death, to their causes. 

The knowledge of God, cause of causes, comes at 
the end of. the knowledge of existing things and 
that of being perceived by an a priori knowledge, 
which divides being into necessary and contingent. 
On the other hand, the wisdom manifested in the 
order of nature proves the existence of a Creator. 
Last not least there are ways of direct commu- 
nication between God and men. Abu '1-Barakat, 
following in this point the Avicennian tradition, 
does not admit the proof for the existence of God 
based on movement. 

He holds that the essential attributes of God, 
such as knowledge, power and wisdom, belong to 
His essence in the same way as having three angles 
equal to two right angles belongs to the essence of 
a triangle. 

In his view God may have manifold knowledge, 
also about particulars. In order to refute arguments 
to the contrary, he refers to his psychological 
doctrine, where he proves that the forms of the 
things perceived, stored up in the human soul, are 
immaterial, like the entity that has perceived them. 


In this way divine knowledge appears as being up 
to a point analogous to human knowledge. 

Rejecting the theory of emanation held by the 
philosophers, Abu '1-Barakat thinks that things 
have been created by a succession of divine volitions, 
either pre-eternal or coming, into being in time. 
The first of these volitions, an attribute of the 
divine essence, created the first thing in existence, 
viz. according to religious terminology, the highest 
of the angels. 

The personalism of the conception of God in Abu 
'1-Barakat sometimes relates it to the doctrines of 
the kaldm. Nevertheless, this does not necessarily 
justify the conclusion that the kaldm has influenced 
his thought. 

So far as the problem of the eternity of the world 
is concerned, Abu '1-Barakat, having confronted the 
theses of those who affirm it and those that deny 
it, does not explicitly state his own conclusions, but 
hints that one who has understood his expose of 
the question will not fail to find the correct answer. 
It seems, in summing up the discussion, that the 
true solution is, in the view of Abu'l-Barakat, 
that which asserts the eternity of the world. 

Abu '1-Barakat whose authority was invoked by 
a Jewish scholar of 'Irak, Samuel b. 'Eli, in his 
polemic against Maimonides, had as his partisans 
amongst the Muslims 'Ala 5 al-Dawla Faramurz b. 
'All, prince of Yazd, who defended him and his 
doctrines in a work bearing the title Muhdiat al- 
Tawhld and in a dispute he had with 'Umar al- 
Khavvam (see al-Bayhakl, Tatimma, no-i). The 
influence of Abu '1-Barakat over a personage of 
the first order, Fakhr al-DIn al-Razi, seems to 
have been decisive. It is manifest especially in al- 
Mabahith al-Mashrikiyya, a capital work of Fakhr 
al-Din, and was of great historical importance. In 
fact, the observation of the ShI'ite Muh. b. Sulayman 
al-Tanakabuni, a Persian author of the 19th cent., 
who says, in substance, that the tradition of Ibn 
SIna had almost succumbed under the attacks of 
Abu '1-Barakal and Fakhr al-DIn, before being 
re-established by Nasir al-DIn al-TusI (Kisas al- 
'Ulamd', lith. 1304, 278), refers to a crisis in Muslim 
philosophical speculation, a crisis originated by Abu 
'1-Barakat, the memory of which remained alive 
among the Iranian students of Ibn SIna. 

Bibliography: Ibn al-Kiftl (Lippert), 343-6; 
Ibn AM Usaybi'a (Muller), i, 278-80; BayhakI, 
Tatimmat Siwdn al-Ifikma (ShafI'), 150-3; S. 
Poznanski, in Zeitschrift fiir hebraische BibUo- 
graphie, 1913, 33-6 (edition of some pages of the 
Commentary on Ecciesiastes) ; Serefettin, in- 
complete Turkish translation of the Ildhiyydt of 
al-Mu c tabar, with introduction, Istanbul 1932; 
study of Sulayman al-NadwI on Abu '1-Barakat, 
at the end of vol. iii of the ed. of al-Mu c tabar, 
230-52; S. Pines, Beitrdge zur islamischen Atomen- 
lehre, Berlin 1936, 82-3; idem, Etudes sur Awhad 
al-Zamdn Abu'l-Barakdt al-Baghd&dt, in RE J, 
ciii, 1938, 4-64; civ, 1938, 1-33; idem, Nouvelles 
Etudes sur Abu'l-Barakdt al-Baghdddt, will appear 
in REJ, 1953. (S. Pines) 

ABC BAYHAS al-Haysam b. Djabir, Khari- 
djite, of theBanuSa'db.Dubay'a. In order to escape 
from the persecution of al-Hadjdjadi, he fled to 
Medina, but was arrested by the governor, 'UUiman b. 
Hayyan, and cruelly executed (94/713)- He gave his 
name to the Bayhasiyya, one of the Kharidiite sects, 
who occupied an intermediate position between the 
strict Azrakls and the milder Sufris and Ibadls. The 
Bayhasls, though admitting that Muslims of different 
Encyclopaedia of Islam 

opinion from their own were unbelievers, considered 
it permissible to live amongst them, to intermarry 
with them and to inherit from them. Their tenets 
again diverged, so that they branched off into 

Bibliography: Mubarrad, Kdmil, 604, 615; 
Baladhuri (Ahlwardt, Anonyme Arab. Chronik), 
83; Mas'udI, Murudi, v, 230; Ash'arl, Makdldt, 
113 ff., 95; Baghdad!, Fark, 87 f.; Ibn Hazm, 
Fisal, iv, 190; Shahrastani, Milal, 93 f. 

(M. Th. Houtsma*) 
ABC BILAL [see mirdas b. udayya]. 
ABC BURDA [see al-ash'arI]. 
ABC DAHBAL AL-EJUMAtfl, Wahb b. Zam'a, 
Kuray shite poet of Mecca, who started to 
compose poetry before 40/660 and died after 96/715. 
He is included among the erotic poets of the Hidjaz 
by his poems devoted to three women: 'Amra, of 
a noble Meccan family, a Syrian woman who led him 
into a breach with his family, and especially 'Atlka, 
daughter of Mu'awiya, whom he first saw during 
a pilgrimage. His verses, soon becoming famous, 
attracted the attention of the princess, whom he 
followed to Damascus, but the caliph, though 
recognizing the chaste character of Abu Dahbal's 
relations with his daughter, took umbrage and 
sent the poet away. 

Abu Dahbal is not, however, an exclusively erotic 
poet, as an important part of his work is devoted to 
panegyrics on Ibn al-Azrak, governor of al-Djanad 
in Yaman, appointed by 'Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr, 
and 'Umara b. 'Amr, governor of Hadramawt. The 
incident with Mu'awiya seems to have turned him 
away from the Umayyads and made him a partisan 
of the anti-caliph; the Aghdni even quotes some 
verses alluding to the murder of al-Husayn b. 'All. 
Bibliography: Brockelmann, S I, 80 and the 
references given there; to the fundamental article 
in the Aghdni 1 , vi, 154-70 should be added al- 
Marzubanl, al-Muwashshah, 70, 189; idem, Mu'diam 
117, 342; Nallino, Scritti, vi, 55; O. Rescher, 
Abriss, i, 144-5; and especially the sources quoted 
by F. Krenkow, JRAS, 1910, 1017-75, who has 
collected the verses of the poet. (Ch. Pellat) 
ABC PAMPAM, the hero of a collection of 
anecdotes, cited already in the 10th century. All 
kinds of foolish remarks are attributed to him, and 
more particularly comical decisions on questions of 
law, similar to those later attributed to Karakush. 
This Abu Damdam is probably identical with the 
devotee who, before or during the lifetime of Mu- 
hammad, offered up his good name in place of the 
poortax to the servants of God; for this express 
sacrifice of the respect of his fellowmen may easily 
be interpreted as a permission or invitation to expose 
the devotee as the typical figure of foolishness. To 
one bearer of the same name there is ascribed an 
extraordinary knowledge of the ancient poetry, but 
there is no means of deciding whether this is the 
same personage. 

Bibliography: Ibn Kutayba, Adab al-Katib 

(Grunert), 3-4; idem, Shi'r, 3 f.; Fihrist, 313; Ibn 

'Abd Rabbih, c Ikd. Cairo 1302, iii, 445; Ibn al- 

Athlr, Usd, v, 232; Ibn Hadjar, Isdba, iv, 204; M. 

Hartmann, in Zeitschr. d. Vereins f. Volkskunde, 

v; J. Horovitz, Spuren griechischer Mimen, 31, 

note. (J. Horovitz) 

ABU 'l-DARDA' al-AnsarI al-KhazraeiI. His 

name and genealogy are given as 'Uwaymir b. Zayd 

b. Kays b. 'A'isha b. Umayya b. Malik b. 'AdI b. 

Ka'b b. al-Khazradj b. al-Harith of the Balharith 

family of the Khazradi. Some sources give his name 

H4 ABU 'l-DARDA' - 

as c Amir instead of 'Uwaymir, and for his father's 
name instead of Zayd we find variously 'Amir, 
'Abd AUah, Malik or Tha'laba, while some give him 
the nisba al-Rahanl. He was a younger contempo- 
rary of Muhammad who is generally listed among 
the Companions {Saftdba) though some sources raise 
doubts as to the legitimacy of this. He did not 
become a Muslim till after the battle of Badr and 
it is noted that he was the last of his family to 
become a convert to Islam. Some list him among 
those present at Uhud. When Muhammad established 
"brotherhoods" between the Emigrants and the 
people of Medina he was the "brother" chosen for 
Salman al-FarisI. A certain number of traditions are 
reported on his authority and are given in the 
Dhakhd'ir al-Mawdrih, iii, 158-62. The Sufis claimed 
him as one of the ahl al-fuffa [q.v.], quoting a number 
of sayings of an ascetic or pietistic character from 
him, which is probably the reason why in the 
biographical dictionnaries he is called a zdhid and 
one to whom Him was given. These sources also 
say that he became known as the sage (bakim) of 
the early Muslim community. He is reported as 
having said that before Islam he was a merchant, 
but after his conversion found that business life 
interfered with strict attention to cult duties (Hbdda) 
so he gave up business. His great reputation, however, 
was as an authority on the ICur'an. He is listed as 
one of the few who collected (dfama'a) revelations 
during the Prophet's lifetime, and a small number 
of variant readings from him is recorded in the 
kird'dt books. During his stay in Damascus, where 
he was sent to serve as a kadi, he made it a practice 
to gather to the mosque groups to whom he taught 
the Kur'an, thus becoming the true father of the 
Damascus School later headed by Ibn 'Amir [q.v.]. 
He died at Damascus in 32/652, or thereabouts, his 
tomb and that of his wife Umm al-Darda' being 
shown there near one of the gates. 

Bibliography: Ibn Habib, Muhabbar, 75, 

286, 397; Ibn ICutayba, Ma'drif, 137; Ibn Hisham, 

345; Ibn Durayd, Ishtikdk, 268; Nawawi, Tahdhib, 

713; Ibn al-Athlr, Usd, iv, 158; v, 185; Ibn al- 

Pjazari, Ghaya, No. 2480; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, 

Isti'db, ii, No. 2908; Ibn Hadjar, Isdba, iv, no, 

in; idem, Lisdn al-Mizdn, vi, 375; idem, Tahdhib 

al-Tahdhib, viii, 175-7; Ibn al-'Imad, Shadhardt, 

i, 39; Fihrist, 27; al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirat al-Ifuffdz, 

i, 23, 24; al-Khazradji, Khuldsa, 254; 'Abd al- 

Ghanl al-NSbulusI, Dhakhd'ir, iii, 158-62; Caetani, 

Annali, Index s.v. (A. Jeffery) 

ABC DA'CD al-SIDJISTAnI, SulaymAn b. 

al-Ash'ath, a traditionist; born in 202/817. He 

travelled widely in pursuit of his studies and gained 

a high reputation for his knowledge and piety. 

Eventually he settled at Basra, which is no doubt 

why some wrongly held that the nisba Sidjistanl 

comes from a village near Basra called Sidjistan (or 

Sidjistana), and not from the province of that name. 

He died in Shawwal 275/Febr. 889. 

Abu Da'ud's principal work is his Kitdb al-Sunan, 
which is one of the six canonical books of Tradition 
accepted by Sunnis. He is said to have submitted 
it to Ahmad b. Hanbal who gave it his approval. 
Ibn Dasa says Abu Da'ud declared that he collected 
this work of 4800 traditions from a mass of 500,000, 
and that it contains sound traditions, those which 
seem to be so, and those which are nearly so. He 
also said, "I have made clear the traditions in this 
book of mine which contain great weakness, and 
those about which I have said nothing are good 
(sdlih), some being sounder than others". This refers 

to the notes which he often adds to his traditions to 
express his opinion on the value to be attributed 
to them. Muslim has an introduction to his Sahih 
in which he discusses some general questions of 
criticism; but Abu Da'ud is the first to give such 
detailed notes, paving the way for the more systema- 
tic criticism of individual traditions given by his 
pupil al-Tirmidhl in his collection. Abu Da'ud quotes 
men not found in the two $ahihs, his principle being 
that transmitters are counted trustworthy provided 
there is no formal proof to discount them. His 
work which has the generic title of Sunan, dealing 
mainly with matters ordained, or allowed, or for- 
bidden by law, received high praise. For example, 
Abu Sa c Id b. al-A'rabl said that anyone who knew 
nothing but the Kur'an and this book would have 
sufficient knowledge; and Muhammad b. Makhlad 
said that the traditionists accepted it without 
question just as they accepted the Kur'an. But one 
is surprised to find that, although many men in the 
fourth century praised it highly, no mention of it is 
made in the Fihrist. Indeed, Abu Da'ud is merely 
mentioned there as the father of his son. People of 
later times have expressed some criticisms. Al- 
Mundhiri, for example, who produced a summary 
of it, called al-Mudjtabd, criticized some of the 
traditions not supplied with notes, and Ibn al- 
Djawziyya added further criticisms. But while faults 
have been found with the work, it still holds an 
honoured place. The Sunan was transmitted through 
several lines, some versions being said to contain 
material not found in others. Al-Lu'luTs version 
is the one which has gained most favour. A number 
of editions of the Sunan have been printed in the 
East (see Brockelmann). A small collection of 
mursal traditions by Abu Da'ud, entitled Kitdb 
al-Mardsil, was published in Cairo in 1310/1892. 
Bibliography: Brockelmann, I, 168 f., S I, 
266 f.; Ibn Khallikan, no. 271; Ibn al-Salah, 
'Ulum al-Vadith, Aleppo, 1350/1931, 38-41; Ibn 
Hadjar, Tahdhib al-Tahdhib, iv, 169-73; Nawawi, 
Tahdhib al-Asmd' (Wustenfeld), 708-12; HadjdjI 
Khalifa, no. 7263 ; Goldziher, Muh. Stud., ii, 250 f., 
255 f.; W. Marcais, in J A, 1900, 330, 502 f. ; 
J. Robson, in MW, 1951, 167 f.; idem, in BSOS, 
1952. 579 fi- (J- Robson) 

ABC DHARR al-GhifarI, a Companion of 
Muhammad. His name is commonly given as 
Djundub b. Djunada, but other names are also- 
mentioned. He is said to have worshipped one God 
before his conversion. When news of Muhammad 
reached him he sent his brother to Mecca to make 
enquiries, and being dissatisfied with his report, 
he went himself. One story says he met Muhammad 
with Abu Bakr at the Ka'ba, another that 'Ali took 
him secretly to Muhammad. He immediately be- 
lieved, and is surprisingly claimed to have been the 
fifth (even the fourth) believer. He was sent home, 
where he stayed till he went to Medina after the 
battle of the Ditch (5/627). Later he lived in Syria 
till he was recalled by 'Uthman because of a com- 
plaint against him by Mu'Swiya. He retired, or was 
sent, to al-Rabadha. where he died in 32/652-3, or 31. 
He was noted for humility and asceticism, in which 
respect he is said to have resembled Jesus. He was 
very religious and eager for knowledge, and is said 
to have matched Ibn Mas'Qd in religious learning. 
He is credited with 281 traditions, of which al- 
Bukhari and Muslim rendered 31 between them. 
Bibliography: Ibn Kutayba, Ma'drif (Wusten- 
feld), 130; Ya'kubl, ii, 138; al-Mas'udl, Murudj, 
iv, 268-74; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Isti'db, Haydarabad 


1336, 82 f., 645 f.; Ibn al-Athlr, Usd, v, 186-8; 
Nawawi, Tahdhib al-Asmd 1 (Wustenteld), 714 f.; 
al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirat al-Huffdf, i, 171.; Ibn 
Hadjar, If aba, Cairo 1 358/1939, iv, 63 ff.; Tahdhib 
al-Tahdhib, xii, 90 f.; Wensinck, Handbook, 7 
(add Ibn SaM, Il/ii, 112); A. Sprenger, Das Leben 
und die Lehre des Mohammad, i, 4j4 ff. 

(J. Robson) 
ABC DHU'AYB al-HUCHALI, Khuwaylid 
b. Khalio, Arabian poet, a younger contem- 
orary of the Prophet. The legend presents him 
journeying to visit Muhammad but reaching Medina 
the very morning after his death. There is some 
justification for the assumption that Abu Dhu'ayb 
migrated to Egypt under 'Umar. From there he 
joined Ibn Abl Sarh's campaign into Ifrikiya (26/647). 
He died on his way to Medina where he accompanied 
c Abd Allah b. al-Zubsfyr who had been charged by 
Ibn Abl Sarh with informing the caliph 'Uthman 
of the successes won by his armies (probably in 
28/649). The only other known incident of his 
biography is contained in the report — probably 
factually correct but possibly spun out of the 
opening lines of Poem i — that in Egypt he lost 
within one year five sons to the plague. 

Recognized by the Arab critics as the foremost 
poet of his tribe, a judgement to which the modern 
reader will readily subscribe, Abu Dhu'ayb excels 
the bards of the djahiliyya by the stringent com- 
position of his kasida's. In the care he devoted 
to the structure of his odes he continued a trend 
already traceable in the work of Sa'ida b. Dju'ayya, 
an older Hudhall poet, whose rdwi Abu Dhu'ayb 
was. Both poets share the description of wild honey 
and its gatherer along with a certain delight in the 
intimate and accurate description of the bees as 
well as the procedure of the collector — a motif which 
is not really popular with other Hudhall poets. A 
peculiar treatment of the massing of a cloud formation 
and the subsequent downpour is also characteristic 
of Sa'ida and his rdwi. In Abu Dhu'ayb's love poetry 
an adumbration of what came to develop into the 
style of the Medinese school is clearly noticeable. 
Another feature that seems to anticipate future 
developments is the manner in which Abu Dhu'ayb 
tends to elaborate the nasib into a complete ode 
(cf. nos. II and XI, where the other themes are, as 
it were, enveloped by the nasib). Like his master 
Sa'ida, Abu Dhu'ayb is fond of, and excels in 
descriptions of weapons and of hunting-scenes, but 
is weak in depicting horses (as already noted by al- 
AsmaS). Almost half of his preserved verse belongs 
to elegies in which the gentle melancholy of his 
obsession with the instability of fate provides an 
appropriate emotional background. His masterpiece, 
the elegy on the death of his sons (poem I), shows a 
unity of mood and thought — the theme of the 
inevitability of doom is stated and connected with 
the occasion of the marthiya, then illustrated in 
three gripping scenes, to be concisely restated in the 
last line — which is unsurpassed in ancient poetry. 
Bibliography : Brockelmann, I, 36-7, S I, 71; 
Ibn Kutayba, Sft»V, 413-6; Yakut, Irshdd, iv, 
185-8; Aghdni, vi, 58-69; J. Hell, Der Diwan des 
Abu Du'aib, Hanover 1926; E. Braiinlich, Abu 
Du'aib-Studien, in Isl., 1929. 1-23; the same, 
Versuch einer literargeschichtlichen Betrachtungs- 
weise altarabischer Poesien, ibid., 1937, 201-69. 
(G. E. von Grunebaum) 
ABC DJAHL, properly Abu '1-Hakam <Amr b. 
Hisham b. al-MoghIra of the Banii Makhzum of 
Kuraysh, also named Ibn al-Hanzaliyya after his 

mother, Asma' bint Mukharriba. He was bom about 
570 or a little after; he and Muhammad were youths 
together at a feast in the house of c Abd Allah b. 
Djud'an, while his mother became a Muslim and 
lived until after 13/635. A few years before the 
Hidjra Abu Djahl seems to have succeeded al-Walld 
b. al-Mughlra as leader of Makhzum and also of the 
group of clans associated with Makhzum. He was 
less inclined to compromise with Muhammad than 
was al-Walld, as his position in Meccan affairs was 
more endangered by Muhammad than that of the 
older man. He was perhaps largely responsible for 
the boycott of Hashim and al-Muttalib, and the 
ending of the boycott was a defeat for his policy. 
He won an important success, however, when he 
and <Ukba b. Abl Mu'ayt, soon after Abu Talib 
died and was succeeded by Abu Lahab as chief of 
Hashim, persuaded the latter to cease giving pro- 
tection to Muhammad. Just before the Hidjra he 
seems to have tried to have Muhammad killed, and 
to make revenge impossible there was to be a man 
from each clan involved. Owing to his hostility to 
Muhammad during the latter years of the Meccan 
period many acts of persecution of Muslims are 
attributed to him, though probably not all really 
happened (cf. K. xvii, 62, xliv, 43, xcvi, 6 and 
commentators). He and his brother al-HSrith b. 
Hisham persuaded their uterine brother c Ayyash 
b. Abl Rabi'a to return from Medina and kept 
him (perhaps forcibly) in Mecca. Abu Djahl's in- 
fluence was based on his commercial and financial 
strength. The expedition of Hamza to SU al-Bahr 
in 1/623 came near a large caravan directed by Abu 
Djahl. In 2/624 when Mecca was informed that Abu 
Sufyan's caravan from Syria was threatened by the 
Muslims, Abu Djahl led the force of about 1000 men 
which went to save it, and perished in the battle 
of Badr [?.».]. Abu Djahl sought battle with the 
Muslims even after the caravan was known to be 
safe, perhaps in the hope of gaining military glory, 
since Abu Sufyan, when available, had the privilege 
of commanding. After Abu Djahl's death the leading 
men in the group of clans associated with Makhzum 
were SafwSn b. Umayya (Djumah), Suhayl b. 'Amr 
( c Amir) and eventually Abu Djahl's son 'Ikrima. 
Bibliography: Ibn Hisham, Wakidi, Tabari— 
see indexes; Ibn Sa c d, iii/i, 194, iii/2, 55, viii, 
193, 220; Ya'kubl, ii, 27; Caetani, Annali, i, 
2945. 309, 478, 491, etc.; Montgomery Watt, 
Muhammad at Mecca, by index; AzrakI, Wiisten- 
feld, 455, 469. (W. Montgomery Watt) 

ABC DU'AD al-IYADI, Djuwayra, Djuway- 
riyya or Haritha b. al-Hadjdjadj (or again 
Hanzala b. al-SharkI, which was more probably, 
however, the name of Abu '1-Tamahan al-IJayni, see 
Shi'r, 229), pre-Islamic poetof al-HIra, contempo- 
rary of al-Mundhir b. M3> al-Sama* (about 506-554 
A.D.), who put him in the charge of his horses. The ex- 
pression didr** ka-djar* Abi Du'dd, which appears in 
a line of Rays b. Zuhayr and has become proverbial, 
gave rise to several traditions showing Abu Du'ad 
as the "protege" of a noble and generous dfdr, who 
is either al-Mundhir, al-Harith b. Hammam or Ka'b 

As a poet, AbQ Du J ad is famous for his description 
of horses, and in this genre some critics consider 
him superior to Tufayl al-Ghanawi and al-Nabigha 
al-Dja'di. Nevertheless, the lexicographers have not 
collected his poems systematically, as the ydid not 
collect those of c Adi b. Zayd, because his language 
was not "nadjdi" and he did not follow the poetical 
tradition. Moreover, al-Asma'I accuses Khalaf al- 


Ahmar of having attributed to Abu Du'ad forty 
kasidas composed by himself (al-Marzubanl, Mu- 
washshah, 252). 

Bibliography: Brockelmann, S I, 58 ; Caussin 
de Perceval, Essai sur I'Histoire des Arabes, ii, 
1 10-3, putting together the traditions; the 
fundamental article is that of the Aghdnl 1 , xv, 
95-9; see also Ibn Rutayba, Shi'r, 120-3; Maydanl, 
Amthdl, Cairo 1352, i, 49, 170 (in reference to 
djar ka-djdr A.D. and and al-nadhir al- c uryan); 
Marzubanl, Muwashshah, 73-4, 88 ; idem, Mu l djam, 
115; Ibn Durayd, Ishtikdk, 104; Ya £ kubi, i, 
259-306; W. Ahlwardt, Sammlungen, i, 8-9; O. 
Rescher, Abriss, i, 80-1,; Nallino, Scritti vi, 36, who 
classes him among the Christian poets, although 
Cheikho, Nasrdniyya, does not mention him. A 
number of verses are to be found in Ahlwardt, 
op. cit. i, 27-8, 68-70; Buhturi, Ifamdsa, 87 
(Cheikho); Djahiz, Hayawdn*, index; as well as 
in the works of philologists and lexicographers. 
Collection of fragments by G. E. von Griinebaum, 
Abu Dn'dd al-Iyddt: Collection of fragments, 
WZKM, 1948, 1952. (Ch. Pellat) 


al-Yanbu c 1, an Arab poet, traveller and 
mineralogist. The earliest date in his biography 
is his appearance in Bukhara towards the end of 
the reign of Nasr b. Ahmad (d. in 331/943)- His 
travels in Persia hint at the years 331-341/943-952. 
Abu Djalar Muhammad b. Ahmad, whom Abu 
Dulaf mentions as his patron in SIstan (read : 'Ahmad 
b. Muhammad), ruled 331-52/942-63. The author of 
the Fihrist (completed in 377/987) refers to him as 
djawwdla "globe-trotter" and as his personal 
acquaintance. Al-Tha c alibi in his Yatimat al-Dahr, 
Damascus, iii, 176-94, associates him with the 
circle of al-Sahib Ismail b. 'Abbad (326-85/938-95), 
probably during the later period of al-Sahib's life. 
As transmitters of the verses of Abu Dulaf, al- 
Tha'alibi mentions chiefly the natives of Hamadhan, 
and among them Bad!' al-Zaman (d. 398/1007). The 
long kasida on the slang of the rogues (Banu Sdsdn) , 
which enchanted the Sahib, was written in imitation 
of the poem of 'Ukayl al- c UkbarI who belonged to 
the same literary circle of Rayy (Yatima, ii, 285-8). 
Abu Dulaf himself supplied the commentary on the 
difficult expressions. 

The two patrons, to whom Abu Dulaf dedicated 
his two geographical risdlas, and who introduced into 
them their own remarks, are still unknown. The 
first risdla describes Abu Dulaf's journey in the 
company of the envoys of the Turkish king Kalln 
b. Shakhlr, who were returning from Bukhara to 
Sandabil. Marquart, Streifziige, 88-90, identified 
Sandabil with Kan-cou, the capital of the Western 
Uyghur king. On the way there, Abu Dulaf quotes 
in utter disorder the names of the Turkish tribes 
which he pretends to have visited. From Sandabil 
he suddenly goes over to Kila (Kra in Malaya), and 
then, in a desultory way, refers to various places in 
India, to emerge finally in SIstan. Grigoriev, Marquart 
and von Miik recognized the spurious character of 
the journey (except for the direct road Bukhara- 
Sandabil, and SIstan). Later (1945) Marquart thought 
that the genuine Abu Dulaf might be discovered in 
the quotations found in al-Fikrist. The analysis of 
the Mashhad text shows that both the risdlas are 
equally genuine, as far as the authorship goes, and 
therefore the fake must be attributed to Abu Dulaf 
himself. The quotations in Fihrist, though differing 
from the first risdla, have no better claim to veracity. 
On the contrary, the second risdla, describing Abu 

Dulaf's journey in more easily controllable regions 
(western and northern Persia, Armenia) gives a clear 
itinerary and contains a number of interesting details 
which can be verified. 

Bibliography: F. Wiistenfeld, Des Abu Dolef 
Misar Bericht iiber die turkischen Harden, in 
Zeitschr. f. vergl. Erdkunde, 1842 (text according 
to Kazwlnl); C. Schlozer, Abu Dulaf Misaris . . . 
de itinere suo asiatico commentarius, Berlin 1845 
(text according to Yakut) ; V. Grigoriev, Ob arab. 
puteshestvennike . . . Abu Dulaf, in Zurnal Min. 
Narod. prosv., 1872, 1-45; Marquart, Streifziige, 
1903, 74-95; id., Das Reich Zabul, in FeslSchrift 
E. Sachau, 1915, 271-2; A. von Rohr-Sauer, Des 
Abu Dulaf Bericht iiber seine Reise nach Turkestan, 
China und Indien, Bonn 1939, (translates the 
text of the Mashhad MS. discovered by A. Z. 
Validi-Togan; H. von Miik, in his review of 
this work, OLZ, 1942, 240-2, has pointed out the 
leniency of Rohr-Sauer's conclusions); V. Mi- 
norsky, La deuxi&me risala d'Abu Dulaf, in Oriens, 
1952, 23-7; id., Abu Dulaf's travels in Iran (being 
printed in Cairo, 1954) — gives the Mashhad text 
of the second risdla with a detailed commentary. 


ABC DULAMA Zand b. al-Djawn, a black slave, 
client of the Banu Asad in Kufa. He is already 
mentioned in the history of the last Umapyad 
caliph, but appears as a "poet" only under the 
'Abbasids and plays the part of a court jester in 
the palace of al-Saffah and especially in those of 
al-Mansur and al-Mahdl. His poem on the death of 
Abu Muslim ( 137/754-5) is said to have been the 
first of his works to make him a name. Examples 
of his poetry show him to have been a clever, witty 
versificator, who readily seizes upon low expressions 
and displays all sorts of filth with cynical joy; but 
he does not despise the most insipidly fulsome praise 
when this form of mendicancy promises some reward. 
He laughs at the praise of the crowd and his spiteful 
tongue is feared by all. It is true he did not spare 
himself and still less his near relatives; he would 
even occasionally revenge himself for the coarse 
jokes which the magnates played on him when one 
of his patrons was pleased to ridicule another through 
him. He also enjoyed the jester's liberty of being 
above the Islamic laws and could make them the 
butt of his insolent mockery. He has given proverbial 
fame to his mule, which possessed all possible defects 
and to which he dedicated a witty katjida. 

Abu Dulama embodied a popular type of crude 
and unrestrained comicality; hence the historicity 
of some of the anecdotes that are told both of him 
and of Abu Nuwas is somewhat doubtful. 

Statements as to the date of his death vary: 
according to some he died in 160/776-7, according 
to others in 170/786-7; the first of these dates being 
the more likely. 

Bibliography: Ibn Kutayba, Shi ( r, 487ft.; 
Aghani 1 , ix, 120-40; xv, 85 ; Ibn Khallikan, no. 243; 
Hariri, MakdmaV, 518 (Makama 40); Sharishi, 
Sharh Ma^dmdt al-JJariri, ii, 236 ft.; BayhakI, 
Mahdsin, Schwally, 645; TaMkh Baghdad, viii, 
488-93 ; Nuwayri, Nihdyat al-A rab, iv, 37-48 ; Yaf ii, 
Mir'dt, i, 341-5 ; R. Basset, in Revue des traditions 
populaires, xvi % 87; Brockelmann, I, 72; S I, in; 
O. Rescher, Abriss, i, 303-7; A. F. Rifal, ( Asr 
al-Ma'miin, ii, 300-16; Mohammed Ben Cheneb, 
Abii Doldma, Poite bouffon de la cour des premiers 
caUphes abbassides (containing an edition and 
partial translation of the collected poems and 
fragments), Alger 1922. (J. Horovitz) 


ABU 'l-DUNYA Abu 'l-Hasan 'Ali b. 'Uthman 
b. al-Khattab (or 'Uthman b. al-Kh.), one of 
those to whom preternatural longevity has been 
ascribed {mu'ammarun, q.v.); he is also called 
al-Mu'ammar al-Maghribl or al-Ashadjdj al-Mu- 
'ammar. He is said to have been born about 
600 A.D. and to have died in 316/928,327/938-9 
or even 476/1083-4. Of the tribe of Hamdan, 
he drank in his youth from the source of life in the 
presence of al-Khadir [q.v.], then joined 'All b. AM 
Talib, with whom he fought at Siffin and from whom 
he received the name of Abu '1-Dunya, after his horse 
had made a scar on his face (al-Ashadjdj = the 
scarred one). After the death of the caliph, he went 
to Tangier. He returned at the beginning of the 
4th/ioth century, to fulfil the pilgrimage and to 
relate traditions which he claimed to have heard 
from the mouth of 'All. The information about him 
goes back to the 4th century (see Ibn Babawayh, 
Ikmdl, 297-303, cf. I. Goldziher, Abhandlungen, ii, 
Ixviii, n. 4; al-Dhahabl, Mizdn al-IHiddl, ii, 647; Ibn 
Hadjar, Lisdn al-Mizdn, iv, 134-40, 191-2) and one 
may think that this is no more than the tale of a 
vulgar impostor. Nevertheless al-Djahiz, Tarbi 1 
(Pellat), para 146, mentions an Ashadjdj b. 'Amr 
(read al-Mu'ammar?) alongside al-Sufyani [q.v.] 
and al-Asfar al-Kahtanl, and, according to the 
prophecies of Daniel "one with a scar", sometimes 
identified with 'Umar b. c Abd al-'AzIz (Ibn If utayba, 
Ma l drif, Cairo 1353, 158; G. van Vloten, Recherches, 
55-6, 79 and references), will fill the world with 
justice. It is therefore possible that a group of 
Sunnis put, as early as the 3rd century, their hope 
in an Ashadjdj, especially as the Shi'ite Ibn Babawayh 
uses the word mukhdlifund, "our adversaries", to 
describe those who deny the existence of the kd'im, 
but believe in the longevity of Abu '1-Dunya. 

(Ch. Pellat) 

ABU 'l-FAPL [see ibn al-'amId]. 

ABU 'l-FAPL (Fazl) 'ALLAMi (Shaykh), 
author, liberal thinker, and informal secretary of 
theemperor Akbar, was the younger brother of the 
poet Faydi [q.v.], and the second son of Shaykh 
Mubarak Nagawri (d. 1593), one of the most 
distinguished scholars of his age in India, and the 
author of a commentary on the Kur'an, Manba l -i 
NafdHs al-'Uyun. He was born on 6 Muharram 
958/14 Jan. 1551 at Agra, where his father had 
settled, in 1543, as a teacher. Abu'1-Fadl was a 
pupil of his father, and owed his profound scholar- 
ship and liberality of outlook largely to the training 
given him by the latter. By his fifteenth year he 
had studied religious sciences, Greek thought and 
mysticism; but formal education did not satisfy the 
yearnings of his soul, nor did the orthodox faith 
bring him spiritual solace. While teaching in his 
father's school, he spent his time in extensive 
reading, deep meditation and frequent discussions 
of religious questions. 

Abu '1-Fadl was presented at the court by his 
brother, Faydi, in 1574. He soon gained high favour 
with Akbar by his scholarly criticism of the narrow- 
mindedness of the 'ulamd' in the religious discussions 
which were started in the 'Ibddat Khdna in 1575. 
He helped in freeing the Emperor from the domina- 
tion of the 'ulamd', and was instrumental in bringing 
about their ultimate political downfall by the 
promulgation, in 1579, of the decree [maftdar), 
drafted by him in collaboration with his father, 
which invested Akbar with the authority of deciding 
points of difference between the theologians. 

A firm believer in God, whom he regarded as 

transcendental and the Creator, Abu '1-Fadl con- 
sidered that there could be no relationship between 
man and God except that of servitude ('abdullahi) 
on the part of the former. Servitude required sin- 
cerity, suppression of the ego (nafs) and devotion 
to Him, resignation to His will, and faith in His 
Mercifulness. Though he regarded formal worship 
as mere hypocrisy, he believed that there were many 
ways of serving the Lord, but only divine blessing 
could reveal the Truth. "In the main", he wrote, 
"every sect may be placed in one of two categories— 
either, it is in possession of the Truth, in which case 
one should seek direction from it; or, it is in the 
wrong, in which it is an object of pity and deserving 
of sympathy, not of reproach" (Akbar Ndma, ii, 
660). His faith in being at "peace with all" (sultt- 
i-kull) involved not only toleration of all religions 
but also love for all human beings. 

In political affairs, Abu '1-Fadl sought to emphasise 
the divine character of Akbar's kingship. Royalty, 
he claimed, was light emanating from God (farr-i- 
izadi), communicated to kings without the inter- 
mediate assistance of any one. Though the existence 
of kings was necessary at all times, it was only after 
many ages that there appeared, by divine blessing, 
a monarch who could not only rule effectively, but 
could also guide the world spiritually. Since Akbar 
could ensure the material as well as the spiritual 
well-being of his subjects, he could be truly regarded 
as the "Perfect Man" (insdn-i-kdmil). It was the 
duty of all to give Akbar complete loyalty and to 
seek his spiritual guidance by becoming his disciples. 
The chosen among the disciples would be those who 
attained the "four degrees of devotion" (chahdr 
martaba-i-ikhldf), i.e. preparedness to place at 
Akbar's disposal their property, life, honour and 

Though Abu'l-Fadl's religio-political views 
earned for him the enmity of the 'ulamd', the 
policy of religious toleration which he helped Akbar 
in evolving, the non-denominational yet spiritual 
character of obedience to the Emperor which he 
advocated, his justification, on ethical grounds, of 
every imperial action, and his persistent efforts to 
inculcate, especially among the nobles, a sense of 
mystical loyalty to Akbar, contributed greatly to 
the political consolidation of the Mughal Empire. 

In spite of Abu'l-Fadl's immense influence over 
Akbar and the numerous duties which he performed 
at Court (especially in drafting letters to nobles and 
foreign potentates), his progress in the official 
hierarchy was slow. It was only in 1585 that he 
was promoted to the mansab of 1000, which was 
doubled in 1592. Six years later it was raised to 
2500. Except when he was associated, for a short 
time in 1586, with Shah Kull Khan Mahram in the 
joint-government of Delhi, Abu'1-Fadl never held 
any office until 1599, when he was posted to the 
Deccan, at the instance of hostile elements at the 
Court. He distinguished himself there as an able 
administrator and military commander. In recog- 
nition of his services, he was promoted, in 1600, to 
the rank of 4000, and two years later, to that of 
5000. The same year he was hastily summoned to 
the Court when Akbar's son Sallm (afterwards the 
Emperor njahanglr) rebelled. On his way back, he 
was waylaid and assassinated by Radja BIr Singh 
Deva, the disaffected BundSla chieftain of Orchha, 
on 4 RabI' I 1011/22 Aug. 1602. His head was 
severed and sent to Sallm, at whose instance the 
crime had been committed, while the body was 
buried at Antari (near Gwalior). The news came as 


a great shock to Akbar, who mourned the loss 
deeply and never forgave Sallm for instigating the 
murder. Abu'1-Fadl was survived by his son, £ Abd 
al-Rahman Aftfal Khan (d. 1613), who rose to be 
governor of Bihar. 

Abu'l-Fadl's principal title to fame as an author 
rests upon his monumental work, Akbar Nama, a 
history of Akbar (down to the 46th regnal year) and 
of his ancestors, compiled in three daftars (first two 
daftars published in Bibl. Ind. 3 vols.). The third 
daftar, AHn-i-Akbari (Bibl. Ind., 3 vols.), dealing 
with Imperial regulations and containing detailed 
information on Indian geography, administration 
and social and religious life, was the first work of 
its kind in India. Abu'l-Fadl's compositions, 
characterised by an individual literary style, served 
as a model for many generations, though none was 
able to imitate him successfully. His numerous 
works include a Persian translation of the Bible; 
'Iydr-i-Ddnish (a recension of Anwar -i-Suhayli); 
prefaces to Tdrikh-i-Alfi (unfortunately lost), to 
the Persian translation of Mahdbhdrata, and to many 
other works; and a Munddidt (ed. by Rizvi, Medieval 
India Quarterly, Aligarh, I/iii). His letters, prefaces 
and other compositions were compiled by his nephew 
under the title Inshd-i-Abu 'l-Fadl (3 vols.). Another 
collection of his private letters is entitled Ruk'dt-i- 
Abu 'l-Fadl. 

Bibliography: Autobiographical accounts: 
AHn-i-Akbari, iii (at end); Inshd-i-Abu 'l-Fadl, in. 
Biographies: Ma'dthir al-Umard y {Bibl. Ind.), ii, 
608-22 ; Elliot and Dowson, vi, 1 ff. ; Blochmau, 
Introduction to his translation of AHn-i-Akbari; 
Storey, ii/3, 541-51 (ietailed references 


l Has 

other singers, such as Ma'bad and Ibn Suraydj, and 
ABU 'l-FAPL 'IYAp [see 'iyadI. 
ABU 'l-FARAEJ [see babbagha 3 ; ibn al- 


ABU 'L-FARAfiJ al I$BAHANl (or al- 


al-KurashI, Arab historian, litterateur and 
poet. He was born in 284/897 in Isfahan (whence 
his nisba) in Persia, but was of pure Arab race, a 
descendant of Kuraysh, or, to be more exact, of the 
Marwanid branch of the Umayyads. In spite of this, 
he was a Shi'ite. He studied in Baghdad, where he 
passed the greater part of his life, protected by the 
Buyids, especially by the vizier al-Muhallabi. He 
found also a warm welcome in Aleppo at the court 
of the Hamdanid prince Sayf al-Dawla. He died in 
Baghdad on 14 Dhu'l-Hidjdja 356/20 Nov. 967. His 
main book, on which he worked according to his 
own testimony for fifty years, is the Kitdb al-Aghdni 
("Book of Songs"). In it the author collected the 
songs that had been chosen, by order of the caliph 
Harun al-Rashid, by the famous musicians Ibrahim 
al-Mawsili, Isma'il b. Djami* and Fulayh b. al- c Awra 5 , 
and later revised by Ishak b. Ibrahim al-Mawsili; 
he added songs by other singers such as Ma'bad and 
Ibn Suraydj and by caliphs and their descendants; 
for each song he indicated its melody. This is, how- 
ever, but the least part of his work, as Abu'l-Faradj 
added rich information about the poets who were 
the authors of the songs, giving an account of 
their life and quoting many of their verses, as 
well as about the composers of the melodies. 
Furthermore, he gives many details about the 
ancient Arab tribes, their ayydm, their social life, 
the court life of the Umayyads, society at the time 
of the 'Abbasid caliphs, especially of Harun al- 
Rashld, the milieu of musicians and singers. In one 

word, in the Aghdni we pass in review the whole 
of Arabic civilization from the didhiliyya down to the 
end of the 3rd/gth century. The author even does 
us another service: following the method of the 
Arab writers, he quotes long passages from earlier 
writers, whose works have not come down to us. 
His book is thus a source also for the development 
of Arabic style. 

The first edition of the Aghdni was published 
in Bulak 1285/1868-9 in twenty volumes, to which 
should be added a twenty-first volume published 
by R. Brunnow {The twenty-first volume of the 
Kitdb al-Aghdni, Leiden 1888). For a lacuna see 
J. Wellhausen, ZDMG, 1896, 145-51. Tables by 
I. Guidi (Leiden 1895-1900). A second edition, being 
a reproduction of the Bulak ed., together with the 
twenty-first volume and the Tables of Guidi, Cairo, 
1323/1905-6. Cf. also Muh. Mahmud al-Shinklti, 
Tashih, Cairo 1334/1916). A third and much supe- 
rior edition was started in Cairo in 1927. 

Another work of Abu'l-Faradj that has come 
down to us is Makdtil al-fdlibiyyin wa-Akhbaruhum, 
a historical work composed in 313/923. It contains 
biographies of the descendants of Abu Talib (from 
Dja'far b. Abl Talib to the seventy who died under 
the reign of al-Muktadir, 295-320/908-32) who in some 
way lost their lives for political reasons, including 
those who died in prison or in hiding. This book 
was published in lithography, Teheran 1307 and in 
print, Nadjaf 1353. The Bombay edition (1311) on 
the margin of Fakhr al-DIn al-Nadjafi, Muntakhab 
fi 'l-Mardthi wa 'l-Khutab, contains the first half only. 
Among those books that are lost should be men- 
tioned books on genealogy and a Kitdb Ayydm 
aW-Arab, where 1700 "days" were mentioned. 
Abu'l-Faradj also edited the diwdns of Abu Tammam, 
al-Buhturi and Abu Nuwas. 

Bibliography: Ibn KhallikSn, no. 351; Yakut, 
Irshdd, v, 149-68 ; al-Khatib al- Baghdad!, Ta'rikh 
Baghdad, xi, 398-400; Brockelmann, i, 146, S i, 
225-6. A good biography, quoting his poetry and 
containing information about the Aghdni, in 
Aghdni', preface, i, 15-37 (the information about 
the Muhadhdhab is to be corrected). For MSS of 
the Aghdni see H. Ritter, in Oriens, 1949, 276 ff.; 
for miniatures illustrating it, D. S. Rice, in 
Burlington Magazine, 1953, 128 ff. 

(M. Nallino) 
ABU 'l-FATIJ [see ibn al- c amId; ibn al-furat; 

ABU 'l-FIDA, Isma'Il b. (al-Afdal) <AlI b. 
(al-Muzaffar) Mahmud b. (al-Mansur) Muhammad 
b. TaijI al-DIn c Umar b. Shahanshah b. AyyOb, 
al-Malik al-Mu'ayyad c Imad al-DIn, Syrian 
prince, historian, and geographer, of the 
family of the AyyObids [q.v.], born in Damascus, 
Djum. :, 672/Nov. 1273. At the age of 12, in the 
company of his father and his cousin al-Mu?affar 
Mahmud II, prince of Hamah, he was present at 
the siege and capture of Markab (Margat) (684/1285). 
He took part also in the later campaigns against the 
Crusaders. On the suppression of the Ayyubid 
principality of Hamah in 698/1299, he remained in 
the service of its Mamluk governors, at the same 
time ingratiating himself with the Mamluk sultan 
al-Malik al-Nasir [q.v.] Muhammad b. IJala'un. 
After several vain attempts to obtain the government 
of Hamah, he was finally appointed on 18 Djum. i, 
710/14 Oct. 1310, at the instance of the "king of the 
Arabs", Muhanna, shaykh of Al Fadl. In 712/1312 
his government was converted to a life principality, 
but two years later he, with the other governors, 


was made directly subordinate to the governor of 
Damascus, Tankiz, with whom his relations were 
for a time strained. In the following years he 
strengthened his position by lavish patronage and 
generosity, especially on the occasion of his visits 
to Egypt. In 719/1319-20 he accompanied sultan 
Muhammad on pilgrimage to Mecca, and on their 
return to Cairo he was publicly invested with the 
insignia of the sultanate and the title of al-Malik 
al-Mu'ayyad (17 Muh. 720/28 Febr. 1320), and given 
precedence over all governors in Syria. He continued 
to enjoy the great reputation which he had acquired 
as patron and man of letters, as well as the friend- 
ship of the sultan, until his death at Hamah on 23 
Muh. 732/27 Oct. 1331. With the support of Tankiz, 
his son al-Afdal Muhammad was nominated as his 
successor, and was also granted the insignia of the 
sultanate. (For his grave, cf. ZDMG, lxii, 657-60; 
lxiii, 329-33, 853 U.;Bull. d'Etudes Orient., 1931, 149)- 

The Arabic biographical notices furnish several 
specimens of his poetical productions, which included 
a versification of the juristic work al-Hawi of al- 
Mawardi [q.v.]. Of various other writings on religious 
and literary subjects almost all have perished. His 
reputation rests on two works, both largely compila- 
tions, but rearranged and supplemented by himself. 
The Mukhtasar ta'rikh al-bashar, a universal history 
covering the pre-Islamic period and Islamic history 
down to 729/1329, is in its earlier part based mainly 
on Ibn al-Athir. Its contemporary popularity is 
shown by the continuations to it written by Ibn 
al-Wardi [q.v.], Ibn Habib al-Dimashkl, and Ibn 
al-Shihna al-Halabi [q.v.]. It was a major source of 
eighteenth-century orientalism, through the editions 
of J. Gagnier, De vita . . . Mohammedis (Oxford 1723) 
and J. J. Reiske-J. G. Chr. Adler, Annates Moslemici 
(Leipzig 1754 and Copenhagen 1789-94). The com- 
plete text was first published in Istanbul (2 vols., 

The Takwln al-Bulddn, a descriptive geography 
supplemented by physical and mathematical data 
in tabular form (derived mainly from the Arabic 
translation of Ptolemy, the tenth-century K. al- 
a(wdl, al-BIruni and Ibn Sa'id al-Maghribl [qq.v.], 
their divergences being noted) and completed in 
721/1321, largely replaced all earlier geographical 
works. It is extensively quoted by al-Kalkashandl 
[q.v.], and several later abridgements were made, 
including one in Turkish by Muh. b. 'All Sipahlzade 
(d. 997/1589). Individual sections were edited and 
translated by European scholars from the seven- 
teenth century (John Greaves, London 1650; 
J. B. Koehler, Leipzig 1766; etc.). The entire work 
was edited by J. T. Reinaud and MacGuckin de 
Slane (Paris 1840) and translated by Reinaud (Paris 
1848) and Stanislas Guyard (Paris 1883), the first 
volume of the translation consisting of a classic 
survey entitled Introduction generate d la geographic 
des Orientaux. The judgments of scholars on Abu 
'1-Fida's geography have differed widely, from "a 
rather poor compilation of earlier sources" (J. H. 
Kramers, in Legacy of Islam, Oxford 1931, 91; cf. 
C. E. Dubler, Abu Hamid el Granadino, Madrid 1953, 
182) to G. Sarton (see Bibl.), for whom Abu'1-Fida 
is "the greatest geographer of his age". See also the 


Bibliography: Autobiography (extracted from 
the History), trans, de Slane, in Recueil des 
Historiens des Croisades, Orientaux i, 166-186 
(see also Appendice 744-5i); DhahabI, Ta'rikh 
al-Islam, Suppl, Leiden MS. 765; Kutubl, 
Fawdt (Cairo 1951), i, 7o; Ibn Hadjar, al-Durar 

al-kamina, Hyderabad 1348, i, 371-3; Subki, 
Tabakat al-ShdfiHyya, vi, 84-5; Ibn Taghribirdi, 
Cairo, ix, 16, 23, 24, 39, 58-62, 74, 93. 100, 292-4 
(largely reproduced in MakrizI, Suluk, i, Cairo 
1941, 87, 89, 90, 137, 142, 166, 196, 202, 238); 
idem, Les Biographies du Manhal Sdfi (G. Wiet, 
Cairo 1932) no. 432; F. Wiistenfeld, Geschichts- 
schreiber der Araber, 1881, 161-6; Brockelmann, 
II, 44-46; S II 44; M. Hartmann, Das MuwaUah, 
Weimar 1896, 10; Carra de Vaux, Les Penseurs 
de VI slam, Paris, i, 139-46; G. Sarton, Introduction 
to the History of Science, iii, Baltimore 1947, 200, 
308, 793-9; A. Ates in Oriens, 1952, 44. 

(H. A. R. Gibb) 
ABC FIRAS al-HamdanI, poetic cognomen of 
al-Harith b. Abi 'l-'Ala 1 Sa'Id b. Hamdan al- 
TaghlibI, Arab poet, born in 320/932, probably in 
'Irak. Sa'id, himself a poet, was killed by his nephew 
Nasir al-Dawla Hasan on attempting to occupy 
Mawsil in 323/935, The mother of Abu Firas, a 
Greek umm walad, moved with her son to Aleppo 
after its occupation by the poet's cousin Sayf al-Dawla 
in 333/944. and there he was trained under the eye 
of Sayf al-Dawla, who also married his sister. In 
336/947-8 he was appointed to the governorship of 
Manbidj (and later also of Harran ) , where, in spite 
of his youth, he distinguished himself in the conflicts 
with the. Nizari tribes of Diyar Mudar and the 
Syrian desert. He also frequently accompanied Sayf 
al-Dawla in his Byzantine expeditions, and was 
captured in 348/951 but succeeded in escaping from 
imprisonment at Kharshana by leaping on horseback 
into the Euphrates. In 351/962 he was again captured 
at Manbidj during the Greek operations preliminary 
to the siege of Aleppo, and taken to Constantinople 
where he remained, in spite of his entreaties to 
Sayf al-Dawla, until the general exchange of prisoners 
in 355/966. He was then appointed governor of Hims 
and in the year after Sayf al-Dawla's death attempted 
to revolt against his son and successor (and his 
own nephew) Abu'l-Ma'ali, but was defeated, cap- 
tured and killed by the latter's general Karghawayh, 
2 Djumada i, 357/4 April 968. 

The reputation of Abu Firas owes much to his 
personal qualities. Handsome in person, of noble 
family, brave, generous, and extolled by his con- 
temporaries as "excelling in every virtue" (though 
also egoistic and rashly ambitious), he lived up to 
the Arab ideal of chivalry which he expressed in 
his poetry. This is probably the thought which 
underlies the often-quoted phrase of Ibn 'Abbad: 
"Poetry began with a king (sc. Imru 1 al-Kays) and 
ended with a king (sc. Abu Firas)". His earlier 
output is composed of kasidas of the classical type, 
devoted to praise of his family's nobility and warlike 
deeds (notably a rd'iyya of 225 lines recounting 
the history of the Hamdanid house) or to self-praise, 
and shorter lyrical pieces on amatory or friendship 
themes of the 'Iraki type. The former are remarkable 
for their sincerity, directness, and natural vigour, 
in contrast to the metaphorical elaboration of his 
chief rival at the court of Sayf al-Dawla, al-Muta- 
nabbi; the latter are elegant trifles, formal and 
unoriginal. Noteworthy also are his outspokenly 
vShi'ite odes, satirizing the 'Abbasids. But it is more 
especially on the poems of his captivity, the Rumiyydt, 
that his fame rests. In these he gives expression in 
affecting and eloquent terms to the captive's year- 
ning for home and friends, mingled with not a 
little self-praise, reproach to Sayf al-Dawla for the 
delay in ransoming him, and bitter complaints at 
being neglected. 


His diwdn was edited with a commentary (largely 
from the poet himself) shortly after his death by 
his tutor and friend, the grammarian Ibn Khalawayh 
(d. 370/980). The manuscripts present, however, so 
many variations in text and arrangement that 
other recensions must also have been circulated, 
including probably that of al-Babbagha (d. 398/1008: 
see Tanukhi, Bibl.). All the earlier defective editions 
(Bayrut 1873, I 9°o» I 9 I °) are superseded by the 
critical edition of S. Dahhan (3 vols., Bayrut 1944), 
with full bibliography. 

Bibliography : Tanukhi, Nishwar al-Muhddara, 
i, London 1921, 1 10-2 : Tha'alibi. Yatima, i, 22-62 
(Cairo i, 27-71); also ed. and translated with an 
introd. by R. Dvorak, Abu Firds, ein arab. 
Dichter und Held, Leiden 1895; Ibn Khallikan, 
no. 146; Brockelmann i, 88; S i, 142-4, M. Canard, 
Say/ al-Daula (recueil de textes), Alger-Paris 1934, 
index ; idem, Hist, de la Dynastie des Hamddnides, 
i, Alger 1951, 379, 395 f., 596 ff.. 669 f., 763, 772, 
796, 810, 824; H. Ritter, in Oriens 1948, 377-85- 

(H. A. R. Gibb) 
ABC FUDAYK c Abd Allah b. Jhawr, a Kha- 
ridjite agitator, of the Banu Kays b. Tha'laba. 
Originally associated with Nafi c b. al-Azrak [q.v.], 
he left him to join Nadjda b. c Amir [q.v.], whom 
he did not hesitate to murder, because of certain 
differences of opinion that arose between them. 
After this murder he gained control over Bahrayn 
(72/691) and succeeded in withstanding the attack 
of an army from Basra sent against him by c Abd 
al-Malik. Shortly afterwards (73/693) a second 
expedition, consisting of 10.000 men from Basra and 
commanded by 'Umar b. 'Ubayd Allah b. Ma'mar 
succeeded in defeating and killing him. 

Bibliography: 'Adjdadj, no. 11; Mubarrad, 
Kamil, 662; Baladhuri. Ansdb, v, 346, xi 
(= Anonyme arab. Chronik, ed. Ahlwardt), 143 ff.; 
Tabari, ii, 829, 852 ft.; Ash c ari, Makdlat, 101; 
ShahrastanI, (on margin of Ibn Hazm, Fisal), i, 
162-167; R- Briinnow, Die Charidschiten, 47 ff-; 
J. Wellhausen, Die religiSs-politischen Oppositions- 
parUien, 32. See also khawaridj. 

(M. Th. Houtsma*) 
ABU FUTRUS [see nahr abI futrus]. 
ABU 'l-FUTUH HASAN [see makka]. 
ABU 'l-FUTUH al-RAzI, Persian com- 
mentator of the Kur'an. He lived between 
480/1087 and 525/1131, fixed by conjecture. Among 
his disciples are the famous Shi'te theologians Ibn 
Shahrasub and Ibn Babuya [q.v.], who describes him 
as a scholar, preacher, commentator of the Kur'an and 
a pious man. According to al-Shushtarl (Madjalis 
al-Mu'minin) he was a contemporary of al-Zamakh- 
sharl, whom he quoted as his master — which would 
explain the Mu'tazilism of his commentary. Muh. 
Kazwlnl has proved that his commentary could 
not date from before 510/1116. He claimed that he 
was a descendant of the Companion N5fi c b. Budayl. 
His Rawd al-Djindn wa-Rawh al-D±andn (Teheran 
1905, in two volumes; 1937, in three volumes) is one 
of the earliest — if not the earliest — of the Shi'ite 
commantaries composed in Persian. In his intro- 
duction he declared that he gave preference to this 
language because those who knew Arabic were in 
the minority. The commentary, preceded by an 
introduction concerning the exegesis of the Kur'an, 
deals with grammar, rhetoric, juridical and religious 
commands and the traditions about the origin of 
the verses. The influence of al-Tabari's Tafsir can 
be perceived; the Shi'ite tendency is less pronounced 
than in the later Persian commentaries. — In ad- 

dition to the commentary he is said to be the author 
of a commentary on the Shihdb al-Akhbdr of Muh. 
b. Salama al-Kuda c i (Brockelmann, i, 343). 

Bibliography: Storey, section i, no. 6; H. 
Massi, in Melanges W. Marcais, Paris 1950, 243 ff. 

(H. Mass£) 
ABU GHANIM Bishr b. Ghanim al-KHURA- 
SANl, eminent Ibadi lawyer of the end of the 
2nd/8th and the beginning of the 3rd/9th century, 
a native of Khurasan. On his way to the Rustamid 
imam c Abd al-Wahhab (168-208/784-823) at Tahart, 
to offer him his book al-Mudawwana, he stayed with 
the Ibadi shaykh, Abu Hafs 'Amrus b. Fath, of 
Pjabal Nafusa, who rendered a service to Ibadi 
literature by conserving in the Maghrib a copy of 
the work. 

The Mudawwana of Abu Ghanim is the oldest 
Ibadi treatise on general jurisprudence, according 
to the teaching of Abu 'Ubayda Muslim al-Tamimi 
(d. under al-Mansur, 136-58/754-75; cf. ibadiyya) 
as transmitted by his disciples. The manuscript of 
the Mudawwana, copied by 'Amrus b. Fath, was 
composed of twelve parts; the titles are given in 
the catalogue of Ibadi books compiled by Abu 
'1-Kasim al-Barradi (8th/i4th century). The book 
has become very rare; according to information 
received from S. Smogorzewski, a unique manuscript 
was in the possession of an Ibadi shaykh in Guerrara 
(Mzab). Al-Barradi's catalogue also quotes another 
law book by Abu Ghanim. 

Bibliography: Shammakhi, al-Siyar, Cairo 
1301, 228; Salimi, al-Lam c a, in a collection of 
six Ibadi works published in Algiers 1326, 184, 
197-8; A. de Motylinski, in Bull. Corr. afr., 1885, 
18, nos. 12 and 14. (T. Lewicki) 

ABU 'L-fiHAZt BAHADUR KHAN, ruler of 
Khiwa and Caghatay historian, born probably 
on 16 Rabl c i, 1012/24 Aug., 1603, son of 'Arab 
Muhammad Khan, of the Ozbeg dynasty of the 
Shaybanids [q.v.], and of a princess of the same 
family. He spent his youth in Urgan6 (at that time 
largely depopulated owing to the change of course 
of the Oxus), at the court of his father, who 
was khan of this place.. In 1029/1619 he was 
appointed to be his father's lieutenant in Kath, 
but when his father was killed soon afterwards 
in a rebellion of two of his other sons, had to take 
refuge at Samarkand with Imam-kuli Khan. After 
long fighting he, together with his brother Isfandiyar, 
succeeded in ousting the rebellious brothers, with 
the aid of some Turkmen tribes. In 1033/1623 he 
became lieutenant of his brother in Urganc, but 
quarrelled with him, in connection with Turkmen 
tribal feuds, in 1036/1626 and had to flee to Tash- 
kent, where he lived for two years at the Kazakh 
court. After another attempt to seize the throne in 
Khiwa. he spent ten years (from 1039/1629) as an 
exile at the court of the Safawids, mostly at Isfahan. 
Here he widened his knowledge of the past of his 
people, acquired at the Kazakh court, by the study 
of Persian sources. By the evidence of his translation, 
he knew Persian and Arabic well. After his flight 
from Persia he perfected his knowledge at the 
Kalmuk court, by collecting Mongol traditions. 

It was only after the death of Isfandiyar (1052/ 
1642) that Abu '1-GhazI became (in 1054/1644-5) 
khan of Khiwa. As khan, he maintained diplomatic 
relations with all his neighbours, including Russia, 
interrupted by repeated wars. Expeditions against 
the Turkmens in 1054/1644, 1056/1646, 1058/1648, 
1062/165 1 and 1064/1653, led finally to the sub- 
mission of some of these tribes in Kara-Kum and 


Manghishlak. He was engaged also against the 
Kalmuks in 1059/1649, 1064/1653 and 1067/1656, 
and against Bukhara in 1066/1655 and 1073/1662. 
Occasionally he allowed Russian caravans passing 
through his territory to be plundered, but had, in 
the interests of his own trade if for no other reasons, 
to pay compensation. For the rest, he endeavoured 
to further the welfare of his country and to promote 
scholarship. The military gifts which he ascribes to 
himself were, according to less partial sources, 
rather modest. He died in 1074/1663, shortly after 
he had abdicated in favour of his son. 

Of his works we possess: 1) Shediere-i Tera- 
kime, composed in 1070/1659, mainly derived from 
Rashidal-DIn and the Oghuznama, but with addi- 
tions of independent value. The Caghatay text was 
published in facsimile by the Turk Dil Kurumu, 
Ankara 1937; there is a Russian translation by 
A. Tumanski, 'Ashkabad 1892. 2) Shadiarat al-Atrak 
(Shediere-i Tiirk), which he left unfinished at his 
death ; the part from 1054/1644 was finished by his son 
Abu '1-Muzaffar Anusha Muhammad Bahadur in 
1076/1665. This work contains the history of the 
Shavbanids from the middle of the 15th century, 
and is the main source for the dynasty up to 1074/ 
1663, though written mostly "from memory", 
without direct use of sources, and widely defective 
for the earlier periods as well as in its chronology. 
The introduction, containing traditions about 
Cinghiz Khan and his immediate successors, is 
almost wholly legendary. Nevertheless, as the work 
became known in Europe at an early date, it re- 
mained for some time the main authority for the 
history of the Mongols. Two Swedes captured in 
the battle of Poltava (1709), Tabbert von Strahlen- 
berg and Schenstrom, became acquainted with it 
in Siberia and, with the help of a Russian inter- 
pretation by an imam, prepared a German transla- 
tion, on which is based the French edition of v. 
Bentinck, Histoire genealogique des Tartars, Leiden 
1726. This was soon followed by a Russian and in 
1780 by an English edition. The German original of 
1716-7 was published by Messerschmid, Gottingen 
1780, as Geschlechtsbuch der mungalisch-mogulischen 
Chanen. Finally Ch. M. v. Frahn published a Latin 
translation, Kazan 1825. A critical use of the text 
was only made possible by the publication of the 
Caghatay text, with a French translation, by J. J. P. 
Baron Desmaisons, Histoire des Mogols et des Tatars, 
1871-4, but this work in turn requires revision in the 
light of more recent studies. 

Bibliography: Desmaisons, ii, 312ft.; A. 

Strindberg, Notice sur le MS. de la premiere 

traduction de la chronique d'Abulghasi-Behader, 

Stockholm 1889; I. N. Berezin, Biblioteka vostol- 

nykh istorikov, iii (the Russian trans, by G. Sa- 

blukov), 1852; Ahmed Zeki Velidi Togan, I A, iv, 

79-83. (B. Spuler) 

ABC UAF$ c UMARB.BJAMl',IbadI scholar, 
probably a native of the Djabal Nafusa, mentioned 
in al-Shammakhl's K. al-Siyar (Cairo 1301, 561-2), 
in a short note that gives no chronological infor- 
mation, but from which it may be deduced that he 
lived at the end of the 8th/i4th or the beginning of 
the 9th/i5th century. 

He translated into Arabic the old l Akida of the 
Ibadls of the Maghrib, originally composed in Berber. 
This translation was in use, at the time of al-Sham- 
makhi (d. 928/i52i-2h in the island of Djarba and 
in the other IbadI communities of the Maghrib, 
excepting the Djabal Nafusa. It is still the catechism 
of the Ibadis of the Mzab and of Djarba. The 'Akida 

of Abu Hafs was the subject of n 
taries: by al-Shammakhl (circulating in MSS); by 
Abu Sulayman Da'ud b. Ibrahim al-Thalati of 
Djarba (d. 967/1559-60) (see Exiga dit Kayser, 
Description et histoire de Vile de Djerba, Tunis 1884, 
9-10 text, 9-10 transl.); and finally those by 'Umar 
b. Ramadan al-Thalati (i2th/i8th century), auto- 
graphed or printed after the ' Akida, in the editions 
of Algeria (e.g. Constantine 1323) or Cairo. 

The '■Akida of Abu Hafs was published and 
translated, with notes taken from the IbadI com- 
mentaries, by A. de Motylinski, V c Aqida des 
Abadhites, Recueil Mim. et Textes XIV Congrts des 
Orientalistes, Algiers 1905, 505-45. 

(A. de Motylinski — T. Lewicki) 
ABC HAFS 'UMAR b. Shu'ayb al-BALLCTI, 
native of Pedroche (Bitrawdj) in the Fahs al-Ballut, 
a district to the north of Cordova, founder of a 
minor dynasty which ruled over the island of 
Crete (Ikritish [q.v.]) between 212/827 and 350/961, 
when his descendant c Abd al- c Aziz b. Shu'ayb was 
dethroned and the island recaptured by the general 
and future Byzantine emperor. Nicephorus Phocas. 
After the celebrated revolt of the Suburb which 
broke out in Cordova in 202/818 and was harshly 
suppressed by the amir Hakam I (cf. umayyads of 
spain), a group of Andalusians, several thousand 
in number, who had been expelled from the capital, 
decided to emigrate and try their luck in the 
Mediterranean. They succeeded in gaining a foothold 
in Egypt and occupied Alexandria for a few years. 
Besieged by the governor, c Abd Allah b. Tahir, they 
had to capitulate in 212/827 and then decided to 
attempt a landing in Crete. Under the leadership of 
their chief, Abu Hafs al-Balluti, they captured the 
island, which thus passed under Muslim domination. 
There is little information about the chronology of 
the dynasty founded by al-Balluti and the history 
of the island during that period. All that is known, 
thanks to Byzantine historians, who call Abu Hafs 
Apocapso or Apochapsa, is that all attempts by 
the Byzantines to recapture Crete were in vain. It 
was also in vain that in 225/840 the emperor Theo- 
philus addressed himself to 'Abd al-Rahman II [q.v.] 
to ask for the restitution of the island. During its 
Muslim occupation, Crete maintained economic and 
cultural relations with al-Andalus, and its capital, 
al-Khandak (modern Candia), was quite a brilliant 
intellectual centre. 

Bibliography: Ibn Khaldun. c Ibar, iv, 211; 
Kind! (GMS XIX), 158-184; M. Gaspar Remiro, 
Cordobeses musulmanes en Alejandria y Creta, 
Homenaje Codera, Saragosa 1904, 217-33; A. A. 
Vasiliev, Byzance et les Arabes, i (Fr. edition by 
Gregoire and Canard), Bruxelles 1935, 49 ff.; Zam- 
baur, nos. 48, 70 ; A. Freixas, Espana en los historia- 
dores bizantinos, Cuadernos deHist. de Esp., Buenos 
Aires, xi, 1949, 21-2; Levi- Provencal, Hist. Esp. 
Mas., i, 169-73, ii, 145-6. (E. Levi- Provencal) 
(an Arabic relative adjective formed from the name 
of a Berber tribe of the Anti-Atlas in Morocco, the 
Hintata), or, according to the more current Berber 
form, Inti, the chief companion of the Almohade 
Mahdi, Ibn Tumart [q.v.], and the most active 
supporter of the dynasty of the Mu'minids (see 'abd 
al-mu'min). It was his own grandson, the amir Abu 
Zakariya' Yahya b. 'Abd al- Wahid who, in 634/1236- 
37, renounced his allegiance to the Mu'minids in 
Ifrikiya and founded, with himself and his de- 
scendants as rulers, the dynasty of the Hafsids 
[q.v.], which was to be called after this their ancestor. 


Abu Hafs Inti — on whom the "Memoirs" of al- 
Baydhak [q.v.] are the most detailed source, whose 
information is most likely to be authentic — bore, in 
common with all his fellow-tribesmen before the 
activity of the Almohade Mahdl, a Berber name, 
which appears to have been Faskat u-Mzal. Ibn 
Tumart himself, after he had persuaded him to 
■support his cause, gave him the name of Abu Hafs 
'Umar, in memory of the famous companion and 
lieutenant of the Prophet. Their first meeting, after 
the Mahdi's return to his native mountains, can 
be placed in the year 514/1120-21; Abu Hafs, at 
this time, was apparently about 30 years old. From 
that time on, he was to make a remarkable career 
for himself, showing an extremely developed political 
sense, a more and more marked ascendant over the 
first Almohade caliph, his own "creature", and 
enjoying the respect of all those who benefited under 
the new regime, from the highest to the lowest; in 
short, he was the "eminence grise" of the Almohade 
system which owed to him, more than any other 
the fact that it did not fall to pieces at the outset. 
Until his death at a ripe age, in 571/1 175-76, this 
intrepid Berber, victorious general, valued counsellor 
and venerated shaykh, appeared continually in the 
forefront of the historical scene of the Maghrib, al- 
Andalus and Ifrikiya. For details of his long political 
and military activities, see the articles al-muwah- 

ii id 

Bibliography: E. Levi-Provencal, Documents 
inedits d'histoire almohade, Paris 1928, index; Un 
recueil de lettres officielles almohades, Paris 1942, 
index; Ibn al Kattan, in Melanges R. Basut, Paris 
1925, », 335-393, and an unpublished manuscript 
on the history of the Almohades (Nazm al djutndn) ; 
c Abd al-Wahid al-Marrakushi al-Mu'-djib, ed. Dozy 
and transl. Fagnan, index; the chronicles of the 
post-Almohade period (Occident: al-Ifulal al- 
mawshiyya, Ibn 'Idhari's Bayan, Ibn Khaldun's 
c Ibar, Rawd al-Kirtds, Ta'rikh al-dawlatayn, etc.; 
Orient: Ibn al-Athir, Nuwayri), etc.— The best 
general account of Abu Hafs Inti, up to now, 
is that given by R. Brunschvig, La Berberie 
occidentale sous les flafsides, I, Paris 1940, 13-16. 
His career will be treated in detail in a forthcoming 
work (in Spanish) by A. Huici Miranda on the 
Almohades and the dynasty of the Mu'minids in 
North Africa and in Spain. 

(E. Levi-Provencal) 
ABC IjAMID al-CHARNATI, Muhammad b. 
'Abd al-Rahman (variant al-Rahim) b. Sulayman 
al-MAzini al-KaysT, Andalusian traveller and 
collector of 'adjd'ib [q.v.] at the beginning of the 
6th/i2th century, the perfect type of the Occidental 
rahh&la, drawn by the desire of talab al-Hlm and 
the spirit of adventure to the farthest limits of the 
lands of Islam. There is little biographical information 
about him and the main dates of his adventurous 
life are given by himself in his works. He was born 
in Granada in 473/1080, no doubt studied in his 
native city, and perhaps stayed some time in Ucl£s 
(Uklish); when he was about thirty years old he 
left his native country, never to return. First he 
spent some years in Ifrikiya, then embarked in 
511/1117-8 for Alexandria, stayed first in that town 
and later in Cairo, until 515/1123. After a stop at 
Damascus, he went to Baghdad, where he spent 
four years. In 524/1130 he was in Abhar in Persia 
and subsequently near the mouth of the Volga. He 
went, much later, to Hungary, staying there for 
three years, until 548/1153. He then travelled 
through the lands of the Sakaliba (Eastern Europe), 

and reached Kh'arizm : from there he went, via 
Bukhara, Marw, Nishapur, Rayy, Isfahan and al- 
Basra, to Arabia, to perform the pilgrimage. In 
550/1155 he settled in Baghdad, but left six years 
later for Mosul. He then went to Syria, and after 
staying in Aleppo, established himself at Damascus, 
where he died in 565/1169-70. 

It was in Baghdad, and then in Mosul, that Abu 
Hamid al-Gharnati composed the two works that 
made him famous. In Baghdad he wrote for the 
well-known vizier Yahya b. Hubayra his al-Mu'-rib 
an ba'd '■AdjaHb al-Maghrib; in Mosul, on the 
demand of his protector and Maecenas, Abu Hafs 
al-Ardabill (cf. Brockelmann, S i, 783-4), his Tuh/at 
al-Albdb (or al-Ahbab) wa-Nukhbat al-A'djab, which 
was abundantly cited by Muslim authors in the 
West as well as in the East. These two books, which 
are extant in numerous MSS, are full, not only of in- 
teresting information and exact records, but also of 
legendary or marvellous accounts. They have formed 
the object of elaborate monographs, with edition of 
the text and annotated translation; the Tuhfa was 
published by G. Ferrand in J A, 1925, 1-148, 195-303; 
the Mu'-rib by C. E. Dubler, with a Spanish trans- 
lation and a hypercritical study (Abu fldmid el 
Grenadino y su relacidn de viaje par tierras eurasidticas, 
Madrid 1953). A translation of the description of 
Rome contained in the Tuhfa was published, from 
a Palermo MS, in the same city, by C. Crispo 
Moncada in 1900. 

Bibliography: Makkari, Analectes, i, 617-8; 
Hadjdji Khalifa, ii, 222, iv, 189-90; Pons Boigues, 
Ensayo bio-bibliogrdfico, 229-31 ; Brockelmann, 
S I, 877-8. (E. Levi-Provencal) 

ABC UAMMU I Musa b. Abi Sa'id <Uthman 
b. Yaghmurasan, fourth king of the c Abd al-Wadid 
dynasty. Proclaimed on 21 Shawwal 707/15 April 
1308, he had first to repair the damage caused by the 
siege of Tlemcen by the Marlnids; he then prepared 
the defence of his capital against external attacks 
and fortified it in the expectation of a new siege. 
In the exterior, he restored his authority over the 
Banu Tudjin and the Maghrawa and pushed as far as 
Bidjaya (Bougie) and Constantine, while in the 
west he hindered the Marlnids from advancing beyond 
Wadjda (Oujda). Preoccupied by the upkeep of a 
strong army, he could give little thought to the 
material and intellectual situation of his subjects. 
He showed extreme harshness even towards his 
son Abu Tashufin, who had him murdered on 22 
Djumada I 718/22 July 1318 and was proclaimed 

Bibliography: see c abd al-wadids. (A. Bel) 
ABC flAMMC II Musi b. Abi Ya'kub YOsuf 
b. <Abd al-Rahman b. Yahya b. Yaghmurasan, 
king of the c Abd al-Wadid dynasty. Born is Spain 
in 723/1323-4, he was brought up at the court of 
Tlemcen. After the victory of the Marinid army 
over his uncles Abu Sa'id and Abu Thabit, in 
Djumada I 753/June 1352, he had to take refuge 
with the Hafsid court of Tunis. When the relations 
between the Hafsids and Marinids deteriorated, he 
was put at the head of an army and reconquered 
Tlemcen, where he was proclaimed as king on Rabi* I 
760/9 February 1359. In 772/1370 the capital again 
fell under the rule of the Marinids, who, however, 
evacuated it in 774/1372. Abu Hammu, returning 
to his dominions, had to face several revolts 
and especially the hostility of his son Abu Tashufin 
II [q.v.], who attacked Tlemcen at the head of a 
Marinid army in .791 ; Abu Hammu was killed in 
the battle, on 1 Dhu'l-Hidjdja 791/21 Nov. 1389. 


Abu Hammu had a highly cultivated mind and 
sought the society of scholars and poets; he himself 
composed a treatise on political ethics. His secretary, 
intimate friend and historian, was Yahya b. Khaldun, 
who was assassinated in Ramadan 780/Dec. 1379, 
at the instigation of Abu Tashufin. 

Bibliography: see c abd al-wadJds. 

(A. Bel) 

ABU HAMZA [see al-mukhtar b. c awf]. 

ABU HANlFA ai-NU'MAN b. Thabit, theo- 
logian and religious lawyer, the eponym of 
the school of the Hanafis [q.v.]. He died in 150/767 
at the age of 70, and was therefore born about the 
year 80/699. His grandfather Zuta is said to have 
been brought as a slave from Kabul to Kufa, and 
set free by a member of the Arabian tribe of Taym- 
Allah b. Tha'laba; he and his descendants became 
thus clients {mawld) of this tribe, and Abu Hanifa 
is occasionally called al-Taymi. Very little is known 
of his life, except that he lived in Kufa as a manu- 
facturer and merchant of a kind of silk material 
(khazz). It is certain that he attended the lecture 
meetings of Hammad b. Abi Sulayman (d. 120) who 
taught religious law in Kufa, and, perhaps on the 
occasion of a hadjdj, those of <Ata> b. Abi Rabah 
(d. 114 or 115) in Mecca. The long lists, given by 
his later biographers, of authorities from whom he 
is supposed to have „heard" traditions, are to be 
treated with caution. After the death of Hammad, 
Abu Hanifa became the foremost authority on 
questions of religious law in Kufa and the main 
representative of the Kufian school of law. He 
collected a great number of private disciples to 
whom he taught his doctrine, but he was never a 
kadi. He died in prison in Baghdad, where he lies 
buried; a dome was built over his tomb in 459/1066. 
The quarter around the mausoleum is still called 
al-A c zamiyya, al-Imam al-A'zam being Abu Hanifa's 
customary epithet. 

The biographical legend will have it that the 
c Abbasid caliph al-Mansur called him to the newly 
founded capital, wanted to appoint him as a kadi 
there, and imprisoned him because of his steady 
refusal. A variant makes already the Umayyad 
governor Yazld b. 'Umar b. Hubayra, under Marwan 
II, offer him the post of k&4i in Kufa and flog him 
in order to make him accept it, but again without 
success. These and similar stories are meant to 
explain the end of Abu Hanifa in prison, and the 
fact, surprising to later generations, that the master 
should not have been a kadi. The truth is probably 
that he compromised himself by unguarded remarks 
at the time of the rising of the 'Alids al-Nafs al- 
Zakiyya and his brother Ibrahim, in 145, was trans- 
ported to Baghdad and imprisoned there (al-Khatlb 
al-Baghdadl, xiii, 329). 

Abu Hanifa did not himself compose any works 
on religious law, but discussed his opinions with and 
dictated them to his disciples. Some of the works 
of these last are therefore the main sources for Abu 
Hanifa's doctrine, particularly the Ikhtildf Abi 
Hanifa wa'bn Abi Layla and the al-Radd 'aid Siyar 
al-Awz&H by Abu Yusuf, and the al-lfudjadi and the 
version of Malik's Muwa((a> by al-Shaybanl. (The 
formal isndd al-Shaybanl— Abu Yusuf— Abu Hanifa, 
that occurs in many works of al-Shaybanl, designating 
as it does merely the general relationship of pupil 
and master, is of no value in this connection). For 
the doctrine that Abu Hanifa himself had received 
from Hammad, the main sources are the al-Athar 
of Abu Yusuf and the al-Athar of al-Shaybani. The 
comparison of Abu Hanifa's successors with his 

predecessors enables us to assess his achievement in 
developing Muhammadan legal thought and doctrine. 
Abu Hanifa's legal thought is in general much 
superior to that of his contemporary Ibn Abi Layla 
(d. 148), the kadi of Kufa in his time. With respect 
to him and to contemporary legal reasoning in Kufa 
in general, Abu Hanifa seems to have played the 
role of a theoretical systematizer who achieved a 
considerable progress in technical legal thought. Not 
being a kadi, he was less restricted than Ibn AM 
Layla by considerations of practice; at the same 
time, he was less firmly guided by the administration 
of justice. Abu Hanifa's doctrine is as a rule syste- 
matically consistent. There is so much new, explicit 
legal thought embodied in it, that an appreciable 
part of it was found defective and was rejected by 
his disciples. His legal thought is not only more 
broadly based and more thoroughly applied than 
that of his older contemporaries, but technically 
more highly developed, more circumspect, and more 
refined. A high degree of reasoning, often somewhat 
ruthless and unbalanced, with little regard for the 
practice, is typical of Abu Hanifa's legal thought 
as a whole. Abu Hanifa used his personal judgment 
(ra'y) and conclusions by analogy (kiyds) to the 
extent customary in the schools of religious law in 
his time; and as little as the representatives of the 
other schools, the Medinese for example,, was he 
inclined to abandon the traditional doctrine for the 
sake of "isolated" traditions from the Prophet, 
traditions related by single individuals in any one 
generation, such as began to become current in 
Islamic religious science during the lifetime of Abu 
Hanifa, in the first half of the second century A. H. 
When this last kind of tradition, two generations 
later, thanks mainly to the work of al-Shafi% had 
gained official recognition, Abu Hanifa for adventi- 
tious reasons was made the scapegoat for the resist- 
ance to the "traditions of the Prophet" and, parallel 
to this, for the exercise of personal judgment in the 
ancient schools of law, and many sayings shocking 
to the later taste were attributed to him. Al-Khatlb 
al-Baghdadi (d. 463/1071) made himself the mouth- 
piece of this hostile tendency. The legal devices 
(hiyal) which Abu Hanifa had developed in the 
normal course of his technical legal reasoning, were 
criticized too, but they became later one of his 
special titles to fame (cf. Schacht, in Isl., 1926, 
221 ff.). 

As a theologian, too, Abu Hanifa has exercised a 
considerable influence. He is the eponym of a 
popular tradition of dogmatic theology that lays 
particular stress on the ideas of the community of 
the Muslims, of its unifying principle, the sunna, of 
the majority of the faithful who follow the middle 
of the road and avoid extremes, and that relies on 
scriptural rather than on rational proofs. This 
tradition is represented by the al-'Alim waH- 
Muta'allim (wrongly attributed to Abu Hanifa) and 
by the Fifth al-Absa(, which both originated in the 
circle of Abu Hanifa's disciples, and later by the 
works of Hanafi theologians, including the creed 
of al-Tahaw! (d. 321/933) and the catechism of Abu 
'1-Layth al-Samarkandl (d. 383/993) which has always 
been very popular in Malaya and Indonesia, in 
territory which in matters of religious law is solidly 
Shafi'I. This dogmatic tradition arose out of the 
popular background of the theological movement 
of the Murdji'a [q.v.], to which Abu Hanifa himself 
belonged. The only authentic document by Abu 
Hanifa which we possess is, in fact, his letter to 
'Uthman al-Battl, in which he defends his murdji'ite 


al-Absa(, in Cairo 1368/1949). Another title that was 
ascribed to Abu Hanifa is the Fikh al-Akbar. 
Wensinck has shown that the so-called Fikh al- 
Akbar I alone is relevant. This exists only embedded 
in a commentary wrongly attributed to al-Maturidl 
(printed as no. 1 in Madimu'at Shuruh al-Fikh 
al-Akbar, Hyderabad 1321). The text itself consists 
of ten articles of faith outlining the orthodox position 
as opposed to the Kharidjis, the Kadaris, the 
Shi'ites, and the Djahmis [see these articles]. 
Propositions directed against the Murdji'a as well 
as against the Mu'tazila [q.v.] are lacking. This 
means that the author was a Murdji'ite who lived 
before the rise of the Mu'tazila. All but one of the 
theses of the Fikh al-Akbar I occur also in the Fikh 
al-Absat, which consists of statements of Abu 
Hanifa on questions of theology in answer to 
questions put to him by his disciple Abu Mutl c al- 
Balkhl (d. 183/799). The contents of the Fikh 
al-Akbar I are therefore authentic opinions of Abu 
Hanifa, though nothing goes to show that he actually 
composed the short text. But the so-called Fikh 
al-Akbar II and the Wasiyyat Abi Hanifa are not 
by Abu Hanifa. The authenticity of a number of 
other short texts attributed to Abu Hanifa has not 
yet been investigated and is at least doubtful; the 
Wasiyya addressed to his disciple Yusuf b. Khalid 
al-Sumtl al-Basri represents Iranian courtiers' ethics 
and cannot be imagined as a work of a specialist in 
Islamic religious law. 

The later enemies of Abu Hanifa, in order to 
discredit him, taxed him not only with extravagant 
opinions derived from the principles of the Murdji J a, 
but with all kinds of heretical doctrines that he 
could not possibly have held. For example, they 
ascribed to him the doctrine that hell was not 
eternal — a doctrine of the Djahmis, against whom 
Abu Hanifa ranged himself explicitly in the Fikh 
al-Akbar, or the opinion that it was lawful to revolt 
against a government — a doctrine which goes 
straight against Abu Hanlfa's own tenets as expres- 
sed in the aW-Alim wa'l-Muta c allim; he even was called 
a Murdji'ite who believed in the sword, a contradictio 
in adjecto. (This is perhaps deduced from his attitude 
at the time of the revolt of al-Nafs al-Zakiyya). 

Among his descendants, his son Hammad and his 
grandson Isma'Il, kadi in Basra and in Rakka 
(d. 212/827), distinguished themselves in religious 
law. Among his more important pupils were: Zufar 
b. al-Hudhayl (d. 158/775); Dawud al-Tal (d. 165/ 
781-2); Abu Yflsuf [q.v.]; Abu Mutl c al-Balkhl (see 
above) ; Al-ShaybanI [q.v.] ; Asadb. 'Amr (d. 190/806) ; 
Hasan b. Ziyad al-Lu'lul (d. 204/819-20). Among 
the traditionists, <Abd Allah b. al- Mubarak (d. 
181/797) esteemed him highly. 

Under the growing pressure of traditions his 
followers, starting with Yusuf, the son of Abu 
Yusuf, collected the traditions from the Prophet 
that Abu Hanifa had used in his legal reasoning. 
With the growth of spurious information, typical 
of a certain aspect of Muhammadan law, the number 
of these traditions grew, too, until Abu '1-Mu'ayyad 
Muhammad b. MahmOd al-Kh w arizmI (d. 655/1257) 
collected fifteen different versions into one work 
(Qiami* Masanld Abi Ifanifa, Hyderabad 1332). We 
are still able to distinguish and to compare the 
several versions, but none of them is an authentic 
work of Abu Hanifa. 

Bibliography: Ash'ari, Makdldt, 138 f.; Fih- 

rist, 201 ; al-Khatib al-Baghdadl, Ta'rikh Baghdad, 

xiii, 323-454; Abu 'l-Mu J ayyad al-Muwaffak b. 
Ahmad al-Makkl, and Muh. b. Muh. al-Kardarl, 
Manakib al-Imam al-AHam, Hyderabad 1321; 
Ibn Khallikan, not 736 (tr. de Slane, iii, 555 ff.) ; 
DhahabI, Tadhkirat al-Huffaz, i, 158 ff.; Ahmad 
Amln, Duha 'l-Islam, ii, 176 ff.; Muhammad Abu 
Zahra, Aba Ifanifa, 2nd ed., Cairo 1947; I- Oold- 
ziher, g&hiriUn, 3, 12 ff.; A. J. Wensinck, Muslim 
Creed, index; H. S. Sibay, in I A, iv, 20 ff.; J. 
Schacht, Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence, 
index; Brockelmann, I, 176 f.; S, I, 284 ff. (con- 
tains several mistakes). (J. Schacht) 
ABC HANIFA al-DINAWARI [see al-dIna- 


ABU 'L-flASAN c AlI, tenth ruler of the 
dynasty of the Marlnids of Fez, was 34 years 
old when, in 731/1331, he succeeded his father, Abu 
Sa'Id 'Uthman. Of a strong constitution, he seems 
also to have possessed the energy and the wide 
outlook of a great prince. Numerous public buildings 
show his piety and his magnificence. His reign saw 
not only the zenith of the dynasty and its greatest 
territorial expansion, but also the beginning of its 
decline. In Spain, he took Gibraltar from the 
Christians (1333), but after a success at sea, he 
suffered a disastrous defeat at the Rio Salado, near 
Tarifa, which put an end to the holy war for the 
Marinids (1340). In Barbary, the took up again the 
expansionist policy of the great Almohades; he 
besieged Tlemcen, rebuilt the town-camp of al- 
Mansura and, after three years, at last took the 
capital of the c Abd al-Wadids. In conquered 
Tlemcen, he received the congratulations of the 
Mamluk sultan of Egypt and of the king of the 
Sudan. In support of his ally, the Hafsid of Tunis, 
he marched on Ifrikiya ; but, after a period of success, 
he was crushingly defeated near al-Kayrawan 
(Kairouan) by a coalition of the nomad Arabs (1348). 
He left Tunis by sea, his fleet sank; he managed to 
disembark at Algiers and tried to recover his king- 
dom, which his son Abu c Inan had seized. He died 
in 752/1352. Abu c In5n had him buried at Chella 
(Sh&lla [,.«,.]). 

Bibliography: Ibn Khaldun, Hist, des Ber- 
bires, ed. de Slane, ii, 373-426; transl. iv, 211-92; 
Ibn al-Ahmar, Rawdat al-nisrin, ed. and transl. 
Bouali and G. Marcais, 20-2, 75-9; Ibn Marzuk, 
Musnad, ed. and transl. E. Levi- Provencal, in 
Hesp., 1925, 1-81; H. Terrasse, Hist, du Maroc, 
ii, 51-62; G. Marcais, Les Arabes en Berbirie du 
XI' au XIV siicle, passim; H. Basset and E. Levi- 
Provencal, Chella, extract from Hesp., 1922. 

(G. Marcais) 
ABC HASHIM <Abd Allah, ShlMte leader, 
son of Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya, whom he 
succeeded as head of the smaller branch of the 
shi'a [see kaysani yya]. The only information we have 
about him concerns his death and his testament in 
favour of the c Abbasids. Old historical and heresio- 
graphical sources relate that Abu Hashim went, 
with a group of ShI'ites, to the court of Sulayman b. 
c Abd al-Malik, who, afraid of his intelligence and 
authority, had him poisoned during his return 
journey. Feeling his approaching death, Abu Hashim 
made a detour to Humayma, not far from the 
residence of the c Abbasids, where he died after 
bequeathing his rights to the Imamate to Muhammad 
b. C AU [q.v.]. This tradition has been generally taken 
as an invention of the philo-'Abbasid party. Never- 
theless, stripped of incongruences and superstruc- 
tures, it may well contain a kernel of truth, especially 
as, in effect, immediately after the death of Abu 



Hashim the 'Abbasids came out of the shadows 
and the 'Iraki shi'a went into action in obedience 
to their orders. [Cf. also 'abbasids]. 

Bibliography: Ibn Sa c d, v, 240-1; Ibn 
Kutayba, Ma'arif (Wiistenfeld), in; Baladhhuri, 
Ansdb, MS Paris Schefer A. 247, 685r-6v, 745v; 
Ya'kubi, Tabari, indexes; Nawbakhtl, Firak al- 
Shi'a (Ritter), 29-30; Ash'ari, Makdlat (Ritter), 
i, 21; Baghdad!, Fark, 28, 242; Shahrastani, 15, 
112 ; S. Moscati, II testamento di Abu HdSim, RSO, 
1952, 28-46. (S. Moscati) 

ABC HASHIM, sharif of Mecca [see makka]. 
ABC HASHIM, Mu'tazili theologian [see al- 


ABC HATIM Ya c ¥Ob b. LabId (or LabIb or 
HabIb) AL-MALZCZl al-NadjIsI, Ibadi imam 
in the Maghrib. The orthodox Arab historians re- 
present him as a mere leader of Berber rebels. His 
role, however, was more defined, as he was given 
by the Ibadis of Tripolitania the title of imam al-difa'- 
("imam of defence"). According to the chronicle 
of Abu Zakariyya 1 al-Wardjlani, this revolt took 
place in Radjab i45/Sept.-Oct. 762, only one year 
after the death of Abu '1-KhaHab. According to 
al-Shammakhi, al-Siyar, Cairo 1301, 134, Abu 
Hatim's, government began in (1)54 A. H. It is, 
however, possible that this is a mistake for 145. 

Little is known about the first years of Abu 
Hatim's imamate; he captured Tripoli, massacring 
many of his enemies, and made the city his capital. 
According to Abu Zakariyya' he was in contact 
with the future founder of the imamate of Tahart, 
<Abd al-Rahman b. Rustum, who was at this time 
entrenched in the mountain of Suf Adjadj. In 
154/771 Abu Hatim took part in a general rising of 
the Berbers against the 'Abbasid governor of 
Ifrikiya, c Umar b. Hafs, caUed Hazarmard. With 
his troops he took part in the siege of Tubna, in the 
Zab. Another detachment of Abu Hatim's army 
had been for eight months investing al-Kayrawan, 
which was taken in the beginning of 155/771-2. 
Soon after the capture of al-Kayrawan, an c Abbasid 
army from Egypt appeared on the eastern frontier 
of Tripolitania. Abu Hatim left Tripoli and defeated 
this army in a battle, which is said by the Ibadi 
chroniclers, probably erroneously, to have taken 
place near Maghmadas (Macomades Syrtis in anti- 
quity, Marsa Zafran of the modern maps). Shortly 
after, however, another 'Abbasid army commanded 
by Yazld b. Hatim al-Azdl advanced from Cairo 
towards Tripoli. Abu Hatim collected the Ibadi 
Berber tribes of Tripolitania: Nafusa, Hawwara, 
Parlsa, etc. and went out to meet the enemy. The 
battle took place on 27 Rabi c I 155/7 March 772, to 
the west of a place called Djanbi (Abu Zakariyya') 
or Djanduba (al-Shammakhi), to the east of Djabal 
Nafusa. The Ibadi army was cut to pieces, and Abu 
Hatim with 30,000 of his men are said to have 
been left on the battlefield. 

Bibliography: Abu Zakariyya', al-Sira wa- 

Akhbdr al-AHmma (MS of the coll. of S. Smogor- 

zewski), fol. I4r-i6r; E. Masqueray, Chronique 

d'Abou Zakaria, Algiers 1878, 41-9; Shammakhl, 

Siyar, Cairo 1301, 138-8; Baladhuri, Futuh, 232-3; 

Ibn Khaldun. Hist, des Berb., i, 221-3, 379-85; 

Idrisi, Descriptio al-Magribi (de Goeje), 83-4; 

H. Fournel, Les Berbires, 370-80; R. Basset, in 

J A, 1899 ii, 115-20. 


ABC HATIM AL-RAZl, Ahmad b. Hamdan, 
early Isma'IU author and missionary (daH) of 
Rayy. Born in the district of Bashawuy near Rayy 

and well versed in Hadlth and Arabic poetry, he 
was chosen by Ghivath. dd'i of Rayy, as his lieutenant, 
Ghivath was succeeded by Abu Dja'far, whom, 
however, Abu Hatim contrived to oust, thus be- 
coming himself the leader of the da'wa in Rayy. It 
is reported that he succeeded in converting Ahmad 
b. 'All, governor of Rayy (304-11/916-24). After the 
occupation of Rayy by the Samanid troops' (311/ 
923-4) Abu Hatim went to Daylam to make common 
cause with the c Alids there. His activities seem to 
have been at first supported by Mardawidj [q.v.]. 
When Mardawidj later turned against the Isma'Ilis, 
Abu Hatim fled to Muflih (who became governor 
of Adharbaydjan in 319/931)- There he seems to 
have died, according to Ibn Hadjar, in 322/933-4, 
the date being, if not quite certain, approximately 

Of his works the most famous is the al-Zina, a 
dictionary of theological terms, which is dominated 
by his philological interests, while Isma'IU tenets 
are only discreetly alluded to. (For a short description 
of the book cf. A. H. al-Hamdani, Actes XXIe Congris 
des Orientalistes, 291-4). In a lost book, al-Islah, he 
attacked the philosophical system of al-Nasafl [q.v.], 
as expounded in al-Nasafl's al-Mahsul. When this 
controversy has been better explored and Abu 
Hatim's A'-lam al-Nubuwwa fully published, it is 
hoped that more light will be shed on his own 
opinions. (P. Kraus has published an important 
section of A'-lam al-Nubuwwa, recording the dis- 
putation between Abu Hatim and the philosopher 
Abu Bakr al-RazI). 

Bibliography: Nizam al-Mulk, Siyasat-Ndma, 
Schefer, 186 (ed. Khalkhali, 157); Makrizi, IUi'az 
(Bunz), 130; Fihrist, 188, 189; Baghdad!, al-Far^, 
267 ; Ibn Hadjar, Lisan al-Mizan, i, 164 ; W. Ivanow, 
A guide to Ismaili lit., 32; Idem, Studies in early 
Persian Ismailism, 115 ff.; P. Kraus, in Orientalia, 
1936, 38 ff.; idem, RasaHl Falsafiyya li Abi Bakr 
al-Rdzi, i, 291 ff. (S. M. Stern) 

ABC HATIM al-SIEJISTAnI, Sahl b. Muh. 
al-BiushamI, Arabic philologist of Basra, d. 
Radjab 255/869. His nisba is related to Sidjistan, a 
village in the district of Basra (Yakut, iii, 44). He 
was a disciple of Abu Zayd al-Ansarl, Abu 'Ubayda 
Ma'mar b. al-Muthanna, al-Asma'I, etc. Among his 
disciples are mentioned Ibn Durayd and al-Mubarrad. 
As a grammarian he was of no great reputation, his 
specific field being the works of the ancient poets, 
their vocabulary and prosody. Of his works the 
bibliographers mention thirty-seven titles (enume- 
rated by A. Haffner, Drei arabische Quellenwerke 
iiber die Addad, Beirut 1913, 160-2). The following 
works have come down to us: (1) al- Addad, ed. by 
Haffner, op. cit. 163-209; (2) al-Nakhl, ed. by B. 
Lagumina in Atti . . . Lincei, Scienze morali, Ser. 4, 
8, 5-41; (3) al-Tadhkir wa l-Ta>nith, MS Taymur, cf. 
MMIA, 1923, 340; (4) al-Mu'ammarun, ed. by 
I. Goldziher, Abh. z. arab. Philologie, ii, Leiden 1899. 
Bibliography: Fihrist, 58-9; Azhari, Tahdhib 
al-Lugha, ed. K. V. Zettersteen in MO, 1920, 22; 
Zubaydl, Jabakat, ed. F. Krenkow in RSO, 
1919-20, 127, no. 35; Anbari, Nuzha, 251-4; 
Yakut, al-Irshad, iv, 258; Ibn KhalMkan, no. 266; 
Y5fi% Mir'at al-Diandn, Haydarabad 1337-8, ii, 
156; Ibn Hadjar, Tahdhib al-Tahdhib, Haydarabad 
1326, ii, 257; SuyutI, Bughya, 265; Brockelmann, 
I, 107, S I, 157. (B. Lewin) 

ABU 'l-HAWL (Hol), "father of terror", the 
Arabic name for the sphinx of Djlza (Gizeh). Some 
authors simply call it al-sanam, "the idol", but the 
name Abu '1-Hawl is already attested for the Fatimid 


period. At that time the Coptic name Belhtt (Belhib), 
or as al-Kuda<I (quoted by al-MakrlzI) has it: 
Belhuba (Belhawba), was also still known. The Arabic 
Abu '1-Hawl is most probably a popular etymology 
based on the Coptic designation; the initial B 
probably represents the Coptic article, which has 
been transformed in Arabic, as often happened, into 
AbQ. In the old tradition the name Abu '1-Hawl was 
applied only to the head of the lionbodied sphinx, 
as the body was covered by sand in the Middle Ages 
and was disengaged only in 1817. Modem Arabic 
authors use the word for "sphinx" in general, not 
only for the sphinx in the vicinity of the pyramids. 
The Arabs, who had no knowledge of ancient 
Egyptian civilization, regarded with superstitious 
awe the head which reached high above the sand of 
the desert in majestic dimensions. It was considered 
to be a talisman preventing the encroachment of the 
sand on the valley of the Nile ; the same magical effect 
was ascribed by others to the pyramids. Another, 
female, colossal statue — to judge by the descriptions 
probably a statue of Isis with the child Horus — which 
lay on the other shore of the Nile in Fustat, was 
considered to be the beloved of Abu '1-Hawl. She 
had her back to the river, as Abu '1-Hawl had his 
to the desert, and was thought to be a talisman 
against the flooding of Fustat by high water. This 
statue was destroyed in 711/1311 by treasure- 
hunters and its stones were used in the building 
of a mosque. According to another tradition Abu 
'1-Hawl was the effigy of the legendary Ushmum, 
to whom the Sabians used to sacrifice white cocks 
and incense. 

The Arabic accounts have but little to contribute 
to the history of the monument. According to al- 
Makdisi the face was apparently no longer intact in 
375/985, although later accounts praise its beauty 
and the harmony of its features, whose reddish 
colour is frequently mentioned. About 780/1378 a 
fanatical shaykh caused further damage to the statue. 
Bibliography: MakrizI, Khifat, i, 122 f.; ed. 
Wiet, ii, 155 ff. (with notes); Ibn Dukmak, iv, 
21 f.; MakdisI, 210; Yakut, iv, 966; S. de Sacy, 
Relation de I'Egypte, 180; C A1I Mubarak, al-Khifat 
al-Djadida, xvi, 44 ff. ; E. Reitmeyer, Beschreibung 
Agyptens im MMeUtlter, 98-102; K. Baedeker, 
Agypten', 124 f. (C. H. Becker) 

ABU 'l-HAYEJA al-HamdanI [see hamdanids]. 
ABU tf AYYAN AthIr al-DIn Muhammad b. 
Yusuf AL-GHARNATl, the most distinguished 
Arab grammarian of the first half of the 14th 
century, was born in Granada, Shawwal 654/Nov. 
1256, and died in Cairo, Safar 745/July 1344, where, 
after 10 years of productive study and travel through- 
out the entire Arab world, he had served as a pro- 
fessor of the Kur'anic disciplines in the Tuhini 
mosque. This creative scholar is purported to have 
written 65 works, many of them multi-volumed, on 
Arabic and other languages (notably Turkish, 
Ethiopic, and Persian), Kur'anic studies, traditions, 
jurisprudence, history, biography, and poetry. 
Of the 15 extant works the most important ; 
Manhadi al-Salik, a commentary of the Alfiyya of 
Ibn Malik (ed. Sidney Glazer, New Haven 1947 
includes, besides text, a complete bio-bibliography 
of Abu Hayyan and a historical sketch of native 
Arabic grammar); al-Idrak li-Lisdn al-Atrdk, the 
most ancient grammar of Turkish available (ed. 
A. Caferoglu, Istanbul 1931; cf. also J A, 1892, 
326-35); al-Bahr al-Muhit, an extensive commentary 
on the Kur'an (cf. Gesch. des Qor., iii, 243 and 
Brockelmann, S ii, 136). 

Abu Hayyan's greatness as a grammarian was due 
not only to his mastery of the linguistic data and 
control of his predecessors' efforts (he knew Slba- 
wayhi's Kitdb by heart, for he accorded it an 
authority in grammar equal to that of hadith in 
religion), but to his remarkably modern approach 
to descriptive and comparative grammar (cf. S. 
Glazer, in JAOS, 1942), as shown both by his 
willingness to illuminate an Arabic grammatical 
concept through quotations from other languages 
and by following such operational principles as "One 
must base rules of Arabic on frequency of occurrence" 
and "Analogous formations that contradict genuine 
data found in good speech are not to be permitted". 
This unusual spirit of objectivity and respect for 
facts have made of the Manhadi al-Salik a work 
of great distinction. Besides elucidating and correc- 
ting Ibn Malik's brilliant if occasionally erroneous 
compression of the totality of Arabic grammar into 
1000 verses of poetry, the Manhadi presents a 
miniature bibliography of grammatical science and 
a panorama of thought on some of its most difficult 
problems on which the opinions of hundreds of 
grammarians, Kur'an readers, and lexicographers 
are cited. It was consigned to obscurity by the 
more elementary works on the same subject written 
by his pupils Ibn c Akil and Ibn Hisham. 

Bibliography: Makkarl, Analectes, i, 823-62; 
Kutubl, Fawdt, ii, 282, 352-6; Ibn Hadjar al- 
'Askalanl, al-Durar al-Kdmina, Hyderabad 1350/ 
'93'. ' v . 303-8; SuyutI, Bughyat al-Wu c dt, 121-2; 
ZarkashI, Ta'rikh al-Dawlatayn, Tunis 1289/1872, 
63; Brockelmann, II, 109, S II, 136; I. Goldziher, 
Die Zdhiriten, Leipzig 1884, 188 ff. 

(S. Glazer) 
ABC tf AYYAN AL-TAWtflDl, <AlI b. Muh. b. 
al-'Abbas (probably called al-Tawhldi after the 
sort of dates called tawhid), man of letters and 
philosopher of the 4th/ioth century. The place 
of his birth is given either as NIshapur, Shlraz, 
Wasit or Baghdad; its date must be placed between 
310-20/922-32. He studied in Baghdad, grammar 
under al-Sirafl and al-Rummanl, ShSfi'ite law under 
Abu Hamid al-Marw al-Rudhl and Abu Bakr al- 
ghashi; and also frequented sufi masters. He 
supported himself by acting as a professional scribe. 
It is said, in a somewhat doubtful passage (see al- 
Subkl, al-Safadl, al-Dhahabl, Ibn Hadjar) that he 
was, owing to heretical opinions, persecuted by the 
vizier al-Muhallabl (d. 352/963). He was in Mecca 
m 353/964 {al-Imta', ii, 79; Basd'ir, MS Cambridge, 
fol. 167V) and in Rayy in 358/971 (Yakut, Irshdd, 
ii, 292; at the court of Abu '1-Fadl b. al-'Amid?, 
d. 360/970). From his al-Mukdbasdt, 156, we know 
that in 361/971 he attended lectures of the philo- 
sopher Yahya b. c AdI in Baghdad. He tried his luck 
with the vizier Abu '1-Fath b. al- c Amid in Rayy 
(d. 366/976), to whom he addressed an elaborate 
epistle; to judge from his hostile sentiments towards 
the vizier, he did not achieve much. From 367/977 
he was employed by Ibn 'Abbad as an amanuensis. 
In this case, too, he was anything but a success, 
owing, no doubt, mainly to his own difficult character 
and sense of superiority (he for example refused to 
"waste his time" in copying the bulky collection of 
his master's epistles), and was finally given his 
dismissal. He felt himself badly treated and avenged 
himself by a pamphlet containing brilliant carica- 
tures of both Abu '1-Fath b. al- c Amid and Ibn 
'Abbad (Dhamm— or MathcUib or AMdak—al- 
Wazirayn; considerable extracts in Yakut, i, 281, 
ii, 44 ff., 282 ft., 317 ff.; v, 359 ff., 392 ff., 406 f.). 


It was in the period between 350-65/961-75 that he 
composed his anthology of adab, entitled BasdHr 
al-Kudama*, also called al-BasdHr wa'l-Dhakh&Hr, 
etc.) in ten volumes (vols, i-v in Fatih (Istanbul), 
3295-9 ; i-ii in Cambridge 134, in Djar Allah (Istanbul) 
and in Manchester 767; unidentified volumes in the 
c Umumiyya (Istanbul, Rampur i, 330, Ambrosiana 
(?)). It was probably in Rayy that he addressed 
to Miskawayh the questions which the latter ans- 
wered in his al-Hawamtl wa'l-Shawdmil. After his 
return to Baghdad, at the end of 370/980, he was 
recommended by Zayd b. Rifa'a and Abu '1-Wafa 5 
al-Buzdjani, the mathematician, to Ibn Sa'dan 
(also called, after his function as an inspector of 
the army, al-'Arid — cf. al-Rudhrawari, Dhayl 
Tadi&rib al-Umam, 9; hence the confusion in Ibn 
al-Kiftl and in modern authors). For him he started 
his book on Friendship, which was finished, however, 
only thirty years later. He frequented regularly at 
this epoch (lectures attended in 371/981, al-Mukd- 
basdt, 246, 286) the man who exercised the greatest 
influence on him, namely Abu Sulayman al-Mantikl 
[q.v.], who was his main oracle, especially on philo- 
sophical matters, but also on every other conceivable 
subject. Ibn Sa'dan was appointed by Samsam al- 
Dawla as his vizier in 373/983. Abu Hayyan remained 
an assiduous courtier of the vizier, attending his 
evening receptions where he had to answer the 
vizier's questions on the most varied topics of 
philology, literature, philosophy, court- and literary 
gossip. (He very. often reproduces the views of Abu 
Sulayman — who lived in retirement and did not 
attend the court — on the matter in question). At 
the request of Abu '1-Waf5' the mathematician, he 
compiled for his perusal a record of thirty-seven of 
these sessions, under the title of al-Imtd'- wa'l- 
Mu'anasa (ed. A. Amin and A. al-Zayn, Cairo 
1939-44). In 375/985-6 Ibn Sa'dan fell and was 
executed, and Abu Hayyan apparently remained 
without a patron. (He wrote for Abu '1-Kasim al- 
Mudlidji, vizier in Shiraz for Samsam al-Dawla in 382- 
3/992-3, al-Muhadarat wa'l-Mundzardt; quotations in 
Yakut, i, 15, iii, 87, v, 382, 405, vi, 466). Of the later 
period of his life we know very little; he evidently 
lived in poverty. It was in these later years that 
he compiled his al-Mukdbasdt (Bombay 1306, Cairo 
1929 — both very faulty editions), a collection of 
106 conversations on various philosophical subjects. 
The chief speaker is again Abu Sulayman, but there 
appear all the other members of the Baghdad 
philosophical circle. Al-Mukabasat and al-Imtd' 
wa'l-Mu'dnasa are mines of information about 
contemporary intellectual life and they should prove 
invaluable for a reconstruction of the doctrines of 
the Baghdad philosophers. — Towards the end of 
his life Abu Hayyan burned his books, alleging as 
reason the neglect in which he had to live for twenty 
years. In the preface to his treatise on Friendship 
(al-Saddka wa 'l-5*aik, printed together with a short 
treatise on the use of science, Istanbul 1301), which 
he finished in 400/1009, he makes similar complaints. 
A guide book to the cemetery of Shiraz (Shadd al- 
Izar '■an Ifatt al-Awzar, 17) claims that the tomb of 
Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidi (whom it calls, however, 
Ahmad i>. 'Abbas) was to be seen in Shiraz and 
gives as the date of his death 414/1023. 

Abu Hayyan was a master of Arabic style. He 
was a great admirer of al-Djahi?., in whose praise 
he wrote a special treatise, Takriz al-Diahiz (quoted 
by Yakut, i, 124, iii, 86, vi, 58, 69; Ibn Abi '1-Hadid, 
Shark Nahdi al-Baldgha, iii, 282 f.), and his wish to 
imitate the style of the great prose-writer is evident 

His talent is most apparent in the passages, frequent 
in his books, where he characterizes people. As for 
his beliefs, he does not seem to have had any original 
system. He was obviously impressed by Abu Sulay- 
man's Neo-platonic system, which the latter shared 
with most of the other contemporary Baghdad 
philosophers. Like the other members of the circle, 
Abu Hayyan also showed an interest in Sufism, but 
not enough to make him a regular Sufi. His al- 
Ishdrdt al-Jldhiyya (ed. «A. Badawl, Cairo 1951) 
"consists of prayers and homilies and only occasional 
references to Sufi technicalities". "Abu Hayyan was 
coupled with Ibn al-Rawandl and al-Ma'arrl as 
one of the zindiks of Islam {JRAS, 1905, 80) but 
his extant works scarcely justify this assertion" 
(D. S. Margoliouth, in EI 1 , s.v.). 

Bibliography: Yakut, Irshdd, v, 380 ff.; Ibn 
Khallikan, no. 707; Subkl, iv, 2; Safadi, Wdfi, in, 
JRAS, 1905, 80 ff.; Dhahabi, Milan, iii, 353; Ibn 
Hadjar, Lisdn, iv, 369; Suyutf. Bugkya, 348; 
Brockelmann, i, 283, S i, 435; Muhammad b. c Abd 
al-Wahhab KazwinI, Sharh-i IfdU Abu Sulayman 
Manfiki Sidjistdni, Chalon-sur-Saone, 1933, 32 ff. 
(also in Bist Makdla, Tehran 1935); 'Abd al- 
Razzak Muhyi '1-DIn, Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidi 
(in Arabic), Cairo 1949; I. Keilani, Abu Ifayydn 
al-Tawhidi (in French), Beyrouth 1950. — Abii 
Hayyan's little treatise on writing, ed. F. Rosen- 
thal, Ars Islamica, 1948, iff.; three epistles 
(Risdlat al-Imdma — quoted by Ibn al-'Arabi, 
Musdmardt, ii, 77, Ibn Abi 'l-Hadld, Shark Nahd£ 
al-Baldgha, ii, 592 ff., etc., and containing a 
message purporting to be addressed by Abu 
Bakr to 'All, but which, it has been suspected,, 
was invented by Abu Hayyan himself; R. al- 
tfaydt, from a philosophical point of view; and 
the above mentioned treatise on writing) have- 
been edited by I. Keilani, Thaldth Rasd'il, Damas- 
cus 1952. An extract from al-Zulfa, al-Rudhra- 
warl, 75. (S. M. Stern) 

ABU 'L-HUDHAYL al-'ALLAF, Muhammad b. 
al-Hudhayl B. 'Ubayd Allah b. Makhul, with 
the nisba of al-'Abdi (being a mawld of 'Abd 
al-Kays), the first speculative theologian of 
the Mu'tazila. He was born in Basra, where he 
lived in the quarter of the 'alldfiin, or foragers 
(whence his surname); the date of his birth is 
uncertain: 135/752-3 or 134/751-2 or even 131/748-9. 
In 203/818-9 he settled in Baghdad and died, at a 
great age, in 226/840-1, or according to another 
tradition, in the reign of al-Wathik (227-32/842-7), 
or, on the authority of others, in 235/849-50, under 
al-Mutawakkil. He was indirectly a disciple of 
Wasil b. c Ata J , through the intermediary of one of 
Wasil's companions, 'Uthman al-TawIl. Like WasuV 
he was lettered; his profound knowledge of poetry 
was especially celebrated. Some hadiths also are 
quoted under his name. 

The theology which he inherited from the school 
of Wasil was still rudimentary. Essentially polemical,, 
it opposed — in a rather unsystematic fashion, it 
seems — the anthropomorphism of popular Islam 
and of the traditionists, the doctrine of determinism 
favoured for political reasons by the Umayyads, 
and the divinization of 'All preached by the extreme 
Shi'ites. While continuing this polemic, Abu '1- 
Hudhayl was the first to engage in the speculative 
struggles of the epoch, a task for which he was 
exceptionally well equipped by his philosophical mind, 
his sagacity and his eloquence. He became the apolo- 
gist of Islam against other religions and against the 
great currents of thought of the preceding epoch- 



the dualists, represented by the Zoroastrians, the I 
Manichaeans and other Gnostics; the philosophers 
of Greek inspiration, the dahriyya, mainly represented 
by the champions of the natural sciences; finally 
against the increasingly numerous Muslims who 
were influenced by these foreign ideas: crypto- 
Manichaean poets like Salih b. c Abd al-Kuddus, 
the theologians of the "modern" type who had 
adopted certain gnostic and philosophical doctrines, 
etc. It seems that it was only at a mature age that 
he made himself acquainted with philosophy. On 
the occasion of his pilgrimage (the date of which 
is unknown) he met in Mecca the ShI'ite theologian 
Hisham b. al-Hakam and disputed with him con- 
cerning his anthropomorphist doctrines, which show 
a gnostic influence; and it was only then that he 
began to study the books of the dahriyya. Later 
historians observe certain similarities between his 
doctrine of the divine attributes and the philosophy 
of Pseudo-Empedocles, forged by the Neo-Platonists 
and natural scientists of late antiquity, in effect 
his philosophical sources must have been of such a 
kind, which are represented in general by medieval 
Aristotelianism. These philosophers attracted, as 
well as repelled, him; while combatting them, he 
adopted their methods and their manner of looking 
at problems. Naive as a thinker, and having no 
scholastic tradition, he approached speculative 
problems with a daring which did not even recoil 
irom the absurd. Hence all the prematurity and 
the lack of balance which characterize his theology, 
but also the freshness of his attempts. He was the 
first to set many of the fundamental problems at 
which the whole of the later Mu'tazila was to labour. 
The unity, the spirituality and the transcendence 
of God are carried in the theology of Abu '1-Hudhayl 
to the highest degree of abstraction. God is 
he does not resemble his creatures in any respect; 
he is not a body (against Hisham b. al-Hakam); 
has no figure (hay'a), form (sura) or limit. God is 
knowing with a knowledge, is powerful with a power, 
alive with a life, eternal with an eternality, seeing 
with a faculty of sight, etc. (against the Shi'ites 
who asserted that God is knowledge, etc.), but this 
knowledge, power, etc. are identical with himself 
(against popular theology which regarded the divine 
attributes as entities added to essence) : provisional 
formulas of compromise which did not satisfy later 
generations. God is omnipresent in the sense that 
he directs everything and his direction is exercised 
in every place. God is invisible in the other world; 
the believers will see him with their hearts. The 
knowledge of God is unlimited, as to what concerns 
his knowledge of himself; as for his knowledge of 
the world, it is circumscribed by the limits of his 
creation, which forms a limited totality (if it were 
not limited, it would not be totality). The same 
applies to the divine power. Abu '1-Hudhayl strove 
to reconcile the Kur'anic doctrine of creation ex 
nihilo with the Aristotelian cosmology, according 
to which the world, set in motion by God, is eternal, 
movement being co-eternal with the prime mover 
himself. While accepting movement as the principle 
of the universal process, he declared it to be created 
in the Kur'anic sense; in consequence, movement 
also will reach its end and will cease. This end is 
placed by him in the other world, after the last 
day: movement having ceased, paradise and hell 
will come to a standstill and their inhabitants will 
Tje fixed in a state of immobility, the blessed enjoying 
for eternity the highest pleasures and the damned 
enduring the most cruel torments. This bizarre 

doctrine, which, according to tradition, he himself 
revoked, is unanimously rejected by all the Muslim 
theologians, Mu'tazilites or not; nor have its grave 
consequences for the doctrine of God's omniscience 
and omnipotence escaped them. In regard to theo- 
dicy, Abu '1-Hudhayl taught that God has the 
power to do evil and injustice, but he does not do 
it, because of his goodness and wisdom. God admits 
the evil actions of man, but he is not their author. 
Man has the power to commit them, he is responsible 
for them, and responsible even for the involuntary 
consequences resulting from his actions (theory of 
tawallud, first developed by Abu '1-Hudhayl). The 
responsible being is man in his entirety, his rult 
together with his visible body. It was Abu '1-Hudhayl 
who introduced into Mu'tazilite speculation the 
concept of the accidents (a'rdd) of bodies, and 
that of the atom, which he called diawhar. These 
concepts, which originally had a purely physical 
relevance, were made by him to serve as the basis for 
theology proper, cosmology, anthropology and ethics. 
This is his most original innovation, as well as the 
most heavy with consequences; -it was this which 
gave to Mu'tazili theology its mechanical character. 
Life, soul, spirit, the five senses, are accidents and. 
therefore not enduring; even spirit (ruh) will not 
endure. Human actions can be divided into two 
phases, both of them movements: the first is the 
approach ("I shall do"), the second the accomplished 
action ("I have done"). Man having free will, the 
first movement can be suspended in the second 
phase, so that the action remains unaccomplished; 
it is only the accomplished action which counts. 
Divine activity is interpreted in the light ot the 
doctrine of accidents: the whole process of the 
world consists in an incessant creation of accidents, 
which descend into the bodies. Some accidents, 
however, are not be found in a place or in a body; 
e.g. time and divine will (irada). The latter is 
identical with the eternal creating word kun; it is 
distinct from its object (al-murad) and also from 
the divine order (amr), which man can either obey 
or disobey (while the effect of the creating word 
kun is absolute: kun fa-yakunu, Kur'an ii, in, etc.). 
Those who are not acquainted with the Kur'anic 
revelation, but have nevertheless accomplished 
laudable acts prescribed by the Kur'an, have 
obeyed God without having the intention to do so 
(theory of (d'a la yurddu'llahu biha, otherwise 
attributed to the Kharidjites). The Kur'an is an 
accident created by God; being written, recited or 
committed to memory, it is at the same time in 
various places. — In the question of the manzila 
bayn al-manzilatayn Abu '1-Hudhayl took up a 
position which was in conformity with the political 
situation of his time: he did not reject any of the 
combatants round 'All, yet preferred 'All to 'Uthman. 
He enjoyed the favour of al-Ma 3 mun, who often 
invited him to the court for theological disputes. — 
All the writings of Abu '1-Hudhayl are lost. 

During his long life, Abu '1-Hudhayl had an 
enormous influence on the development of theology 
and he collected round him a large number of 
disciples of different generations. The best known 
amongst them is al-Nazzam, though he quarrelled 
with his master because of his destructive theories 
concerning the atom; Abu '1-Hudhayl condemned 
him and composed several treatises against him. 
Among his disciples are named Yabya b. Bishr 
al-Arradjani, al-Shahham, and others. His school 
continued to exist for a long time; even al-Djubbal 
still avowed his indebtedness to Abu 'l-HudhayPs 


theology, in spite of the numerous points on which 
he differed from him. — Unfortunately, the theology 
of Abu '1-Hudhayl was exposed to the malevolence 
of a renegade from Mu'tazilism, the famous Ibn 
al-Rawandi, who, in his Fadifrat al-Mu c tazila grossly 
misrepresented it, by submitting it to an often too 
cheap criticism; this caricature has been faithfully 
reproduced by al-Baghdadi in his Fark and often 
recurs in the resumes of the MuHazila. It is only 
with the help of al-Intisar, by al-Khayyat, the 
severe critic of Ibn al-Rawandi, that we are able to 
unmask the latter's procedure and gain an exact 
idea of the true motives of Abu '1-Hudhayl's specu- 
lation. Al-Ash c ari, in his Makdldt, reproduced his 
theses with admirable impartiality, after the school 
tradition of the MuHazila. Al-ShahrastanI based his 
expose on the later Mu'tazilite tradition, especially, 
it seems, on al-Ka<bI. 

Bibliography : al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Ta'rikh 
Baghdad, Hi, 366-70; Mas'udi, MurudJ, index; Ibn 
Khallikan, no. 617; Ibn al-Murtada (T. W. 
Arnold, The MuHazila), index; Ibn Kutayba, 
Ta'wil Mukhtalaf al-Hadlth, Cairo 1326, 53-5; 
Khayyat, Intisar (Nyberg), index; Ash'ari, 
Makdldt (Ritter), index; Baghdad!, Fark, index; 
Ibn Hazm, Fisal, ii, 193, 487, iv, 83 ff., 192 ff., 
etc.; Mutahhar al-MakdisI, al-Bad" wa 'l-Ta'rikh 
(Huart), index of transl.; Shahrastani, 34-7; S5 c id 
al-Andalusi, Tabakdt al-Umam (Cheikho), 21 f.; 
Makrizi, Khi\a\, ii, 346; S. Pines, Beitr&ge zur 
islamischen Atomlehre, Berlin 1936; A. S. Tritton, 
Muslim Theology, London 1947; L. Gardet and 
M. M. Anawati, Introduction a la thiologie musul- 
mane, Paris 1948; A. N. Nadir, Falsafat al-Mu'ta- 
zila, Alexandria 1950-1. (H. S. Nyberg) 

ABC HURAYRA al-Dawsi al-YamAnI, Com- 
panion of Muhammad. His name c Abd Shams 
was changed to c Abd Allah or c Abd al-Rahman 
when he became a Muslim, but numerous other 
names have also been mentioned. He was called 
Abu Hurayra because, when he herded his people's 
goats, he kept a kitten to play with. When he came 
to Medina the Prophet was on the expedition to 
Khaybar (7/629). Accepting Islam, he associated 
closely with Muhammad on whose charity he 
depended, and was one of the poor men called ahl 
al-suffa [q.v.]. He was devoted to his mother whom 
he persuaded to become a Muslim. c Umar appointed 
him governor of Bahrayn, but deposed him and 
confiscated a large sum of money in his possession. 
When c Umar later invited him to resume the post, 
he refused. Marwan is said to have appointed Abu 
Hurayra his deputy when he was absent from 
Medina, but another version says Mu'awiya gave 
him this appointment. Abu Hurayra had a reputation 
both for his piety and his fondness for jesting. He is 
said to have died in 57, 58, or 59; but if it is true that 
he prayed at c A'isha's funeral in 58, the date must 
be 58/678, or 59. He was 78 years old. 

Although he became a Muslim less than four 
years before Muljammad's death, Abu Hurayra is 
noted as a prolific narrator of traditions from the 
Prophet, the number of which is estimated at 3500. 
Ahmad b. Hanbal's Musnad contains 213 pages of 
his traditions (ii, 228-541). 800 or more men are 
credited with transmitting' traditions from him. 
There is a story, given in slightly different forms, 
in which he explains why he transmitted more 
traditions than others. He says that while others 
were occupied with their business, he stayed with 
Muhammad and so heard more than they. When 
he complained that he forgot what he heard, Muham- 
Encyclopaedia of Islam 

mad told him to spread out his cloak while he was 
speaking and draw it round himself when he had 
finished. Abu Hurayra did so, and thereafter forgot 
nothing he heard the Prophet say. He had to defend 
himself against suspicions regarding his traditions; 
but whether this is genuine, or has merely been 
invented for the purpose of overcoming the suspicions 
of people at a later period, it is impossible to prove. 
The traditions attributed to him contain much 
material which cannot be genuine; but Sprenger is 
scarcely justified in calling him a pious humbug 
of the first water, as the traditions traced to him 
are not necessarily his. He may be little more than 
a convenient authority to whom inventions of a 
later period have been attributed. Abu Hurayra 
presumably did tell many stories about Muhammad, 
but the authentic ones may be only a small amount 
of the huge number of traditions traced to him. Many 
of his traditions appear in the Sahihs of al-Bukhari 
and Muslim. 

Bibliography: Ibn Kutayba, Ma'-arif, 141 f.; 
c Uyun, i, 53; DawlabI, al-Kund wa 'l-Asmd', 
Hydarabad 1322-3, i, 61; Ibn c Abd al-Barr, 
Isti'-ab, Hydarabad 1336, 697 f.; Ibn al-Athir, 
Usd, v, 315-7; Nawawi, Tahdhib al-Asmd', ed. 
Wustenfeld, 760 f.; DhahabI, Tadhkirat al-Huffaz, 
i, 31-5; Ibn Hadjar, Isaba, Cairo 1358/1939, iv, 
200-8; Tahdhib al-Tahdhib, xii, 262-7; Wensinck, 
Handbook, 7 f . ; A. Sprenger, Das Leben und die 
Lehre des Muhammad, iii, p. lxxxiii-lxxxx v ; 
D. S. Margoliouth, Mohammed, 352 f . ; ZDMG, 1895, 
487 f. The sahifa attributed to Hammam b. 
Munabbih, containing traditions from his teacher 
Abu Hurayra, was published by M. Hamidullah, 
MMIA, 1953, 96 ff. (J. Robson) 

ABC tfUSAYN (BanO AbI Husayn) Sicilian 
dynasty [see kalbids]. 

ABC c INAN FARIS, eleventh sovereign of 
the Marinid [q.v.] dynasty of Fez, born in 729/ 
1329, had himself proclaimed at Tlemcen in 749/1349, 
when his father, Abu '1-Hasan 'All, after being 
defeated at Kayrawan, was returning as a fugitive 
to Morocco. Ibn al-Ahmar describes him as very 
tall, with a fair skin (his mother was a Christian 
slave), and says that he had a long beard. A fearless 
horseman, he was also widely versed in literature 
and the law. Like his father, he was a prince with 
a passion for building, and completed several of the 
foundations that his father had begun, in particular 
medersas at Fez, Meknes, and Algiers. The BO 
'Inaniyya at Fez is the most monumental of these 
MaghribI colleges. 

Having gained the throne by usurpation, Abu 
c In5n went on to assume the caliphian title amir 
al-mu'minin, which his father had not borne. He 
made it his aim to rebuild his father's empire in 
Barbary and fairly quickly succeeded in doing so, 
but only for a few years. He seized Tlemcen from 
the c Abd al-Wadids (1352); and, the same year, took 
possession of Bougie. In 757/1357 he occupied Con- 
stantine and had himself proclaimed at Tunis; but, 
abandoned by his Arab auxiliaries, the Dawawida 
of the Constantine region, he was compelled to 
return to Fez. Not long afterwards he fell ill (759/1358) 
and was strangled by his vizier al-Fududl, who 
had the son of his victim proclaimed, and thus 
inaugurated the series of palace revolutions and 
the long decadence of the Marinids. 

Bibliography: Ibn Khaldun, Hist, des Ber- 
bires, ed. de Slane, ii, 423-42, transl. iv, 287-319; 
Ibn al-Ahmar, Rawdat al-Nisrin, ed. and transl. 
Bouali and G. Marcais, 23-5, 79-84; H. Terrasse, 


Hist, du Maroc. ii, 62-6; M. van Berchem, Titres 
califiens d'Occident, in J A, 1907, i, 245-535; 
G. Marcais, Manuel d'art musulman, (1927), ii, 
494 sqq., 517 sqq. (G. Marcais) 

ABC 'ISA al-ISFAHAnI, Jewish pretender 
to the title of the Messiah under the Umayyad c Abd 
al-Malik b. Marwan, or according to others under 
Marwan II. The most noteworthy of his doctrines 
was his acknowledgment of the validity — for the 
non-Jews — of Islam and Christianity. He was killed 
in a battle against the Muslims; the sect, called 
c Isawiyya, survived into the 10th century A. D. 
Bibliography: Blrunl, al-Athar al-Bahiya, 
15; Ibn Hazm, Fisal, i, 114-5; Shahrastanl, 168; 
Makrizi, KMM, »» 478-9 (= S. de Sacy, Ckrest. 
arabe 1 , i, 116); H. Gratz, Gesck. d. jtid. Volkes 1 , 
v, 173 and note 17 (by A. Harkavy) ; Encyclopaedia 
Judaica, s.v. Abu Issa. (S. M. Stern) 

ABC 'ISA Muhammad b. HarOn al-WARRA$, 
a Mu'tazilite at first, became one of the arch- 
heretics in Islam; his friend and pupil, Ibn al- 
Rawandl [q.v.], went through the same metamorpho- 
sis. The date of Abu 'Isa's death is given by al- 
Mas'udl (vii, 236) as 247/861; if it is true, however, 
that Ibn al-Rawandl died about the end of the 
3rd/gth century (see Kraus, 379), this date would 
seem to be too early. The issue would be decided 
if one could be sure that the paragraph in al-Shah- 
rastani, 198, where the date 271 occurs, still con- 
tinues the quotation from Abu c Isa. 

Abu *Isa was accused of Manichean sympathies. 
Al-Murtada's defence, al-Shafi, 13, to the effect that 
his books al-Mashriki and al-Nawh l ala al-BahdHm 
were spuriously attributed to him by the Manicheans, 
deserves, of course, no credit. On the other hand 
it is not very likely that he was a formal adherent 
of Manicheism; most probably he was an "indepen- 
dent thinker" (L. Massignon). Interesting quotations, 
showing his method in criticising current religious 
beliefs, and taken from his al-Gharib al-Mashriki — 
such is the full title also in Fihrist, 177, and al-Tusi, 
99; a "stranger from the East" was evidently 
introduced as the exponent of heterodox views — 
are to be found in Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidi, al-Imta c 
wa 'l-Mu'anasa, iii, 192. 

His main work was a book on religions and sects, 
al-Makaldt, which served as an important source 
for writers such as al-Ash c ari (Makaldt al-Isldmiyyin, 
33, 34 — Shl'a; cf. also index, 37), al-Mas e udI 
(Murudx, v, 473 ff.— Zaydiyya), al-Baghdadl (Fark, 
49, 51), al-BIrunl (al-Athar al-Bahiya, 277, 284— 
Jewish sects, Samaritans), Abu '1-Ma c all (Baydn al- 
Adydn (Eghbal), 10 — religion of the pagan Arabs; 
as the editor points out, 54 ff., similar passages are 
to be found in Ibn Abi '1-Hadid, Shark Nahdj al- 
Balagha, i, 39, iv, 437; Ibn Abi '1-Hadld quotes 
Abu 'Isa in other passages also), al-Shahrastanl. 
(141, 143— Shi'a; 192— Mazdak; 188— Mani). Abu 
'Isa's Mu'tazill adversaries insinuated that he was 
too eager to reproduce in his book the arguments 
of the Manicheans. 

Abu c Isa wrote books favourable to the ShI'a 
(al-Imama; al-Sakifa, quoted by al-Mufld, cf. 
Eghbal, Khandan-i Nawbakhti, 86)— hence the 
partiality* of Shi'ite authors for him. 

His critical examination of the three branches 
of Christianity (Orthodox, Jacobite, Nestorian) 
survives in the refutation by Yahya b. «Adi (cf. 
A. Perier, Yahya ben l Adi, 67, 150 ff.; L. Massignon, 
Textes inidits conccrnant I'hist. de la mystique, 182-5 ; 
A. Abel, Abu 'Isd al-Warrdq, Brussel 1949). 

Bibliography: Khayyat, Intisar (Nyberg), 
97, 149, 150, 152, 155, and note, 205; Mas'udI, 
Murudx, vi, 57, vii, 236; Fihrist, 338; TusI, 
Fihrist, 58, 72, 99; Nadjdjashi, Ridjal, 47, 263; 
Th. M. Houtsma, in YVZKM, 1891, 231; H.Ritter, 
in Isl., 1929, 35 f.; A. Eghbal, Khdnddn-i Naw- 
bakhti, Teheran 1933, 84 ft.; P. Kraus, in RSO, 
1934, 374; G. Vajda, in RSO, 1937, 196-7; J. 
Schacht, in Studia Islamica, i, 1953, 41-2. 

(S. M. Stern) 
ABC ISIjAK AL-ILBlRl, IbrahIm b. Mas'Od b. 
Sa'Id al-TupjIbI, Andalusian jurist and poet, 
native, as shown by his nisba, of Ilblra (Elvira), 
which in the century of the muluk al-tawaHf lost 
its position to the neighbouring Granada. Little is 
known of his life. Born in the last years of the 
4th/ioth century, he was, during the reign of the 
ZIrid king of Granada, Badis b. Habus, secretary 
of the kd4i C A1I b. Muh. b. Tawba and at the same 
time was occupied in teaching. In his poems he 
protusted against the increasing influence of the 
Jews in the kingdom of Granada and especially 
against the functions, too important in his eyes, 
entrested to the famous vizier Samuel ha-Nagid 
Ibn NagrSUa, and to his son Joseph, who succeeded 
him in this office in 448/1056-7. It was no doubt 
at the latter's instigation that Badis assigned to 
the fakih a forced residence in the rabita of al- 
c Ukab, in the Sierra de Elvira. Abu Ishak, however, 
did not give way, and the celebrated political poem, 
to which he owes most of his reputation, was, if 
not the determining cause, at least one of the factors 
which brought about the well-known pogrom in 
Granada, on 9 Safar 459/30 Dec. 1066, during which 
Joseph b. Nagrella and 3000 of his correligionists 
were murdered. Abu Ishak al-Ilbiri died shortly 
afterwards, at the end of the same year of 459/1067. 
In addition to his fulminating poem, to which 
attention was long ago drawn by Dozy, Abu Ishak 
left a collection of poems, which are in the majority 
of ascetic inspiration and which he apparently 
composed at an advanced age. This diwdn, of which 
a MS has been preserved in the Escorial (no. 404), 
has been published by the author of this article, 
with an introduction. It is very characteristic of 
the limited poetical faculties of an Andalusian fakih 
of medium culture, who rises to eloquence only 
when expressing his intolerant fanaticism. 

Bibliography: Dabbl, no. 520; Ibn al-Abbar, 
Takmila (Algiers), no. 352; Ibn al-Khatib, Ihdfa, 
article reproduced by R. Dozy, Rech.', i, 282-94 
and App. xxvi (Poime d'Abou Ishak d' Elvira 
contre les Juifs de Grenade); idem, Hist. Mus. Esp. 1 , 
iii, 70-3; E. Garcia G6mez, Un alfaqui espanol: 
Abii Ishaq de Elvira, Madrid-Granada, 1944; 
Brockelmann, S I, 479-80. 

(E. GarcIa G6mez) 
ABC ISHAS [see al-sabi 5 and al-shIraz!]. 
ABC KABlR al-HUDHALI, an early Arab 
poet, after Abu Dhu'ayb the second greatest poet 
of the tribe of Hudhayl. He belonged to the Banu 
Sa'd, or, according to some, to the Banu Djurayb. 
His real name was c Amir (or c Uwaymir) b. al-Hulays 
(also without the article), according to other state- 
ments, c Amir b. Djamra, but he was always known 
by his kunya. According to some commentators 
(cf . e.g. al-TibrizI on the Hamdsa), Abu Kabir married 
the mother of the famous Ta'abbata Sharr™ and as 
the stepson was displeased at this union Abu Kabir 
is said to have been advised by the mother of Ta'ab- 
bata Sharr*" to kill him at the first opportunity, 
but failed on account of the latter's bravery. This 


story can hardly be true but is rather an attempt 
to explain the well known lines of Abu Kablr in the 
Hamasa in which he describes a companion in arms, 
an ideal hero in terms of the Arab conception. More- 
over, in some versions the roles are interchanged (cf. 
Ibn Kutayba, al-Shfr, 422): Ta'abbata Sharr" 11 mar- 
ried Abu Kabir's mother and so on. The story that 
represents Ta'abbata Sharr*" as the constant com- 
panion of our poet deserves equally little credence 
because his tribe was continually at feud with the 
Fahmis. He flourished in the second half of the 
6th and the beginning of the 7th century, so that 
biographers like c Izz al-DIn b. al-Athir (Usd al-Qhaba, 
Cairo 1280, vi, 272) and Ibn Hadjar al- c Askalani 
(al-Isaba, Cairo 1325, vii, 162) number him among 
the sahdba. 

From the content of his poems he is, however, 
decidedly to be classed as a diahili. His diwan, 
edited and translated for the first time by F. Bajrak- 
terevic, consists of only four long kafidas and 19 
short fragments mostly wrongly attributed to him, 
but is in many ways very interesting and valuable; 
all the kafidas are composed in the same metre 
(kdmil) and begin in the same way, as was pointed 
out particularly by Ibn Kutayba (al-Shi'r, 420). 
What is specially striking also in his poems is the 
complete absence of any description of the camel. 
Arab critics frequently rank Abu Kabir very highly 
as a poet. Al-Ma c arri, it is true, accuses him of 
narrowness of range but singles out some of his 
verses as particularly fine, while c Awf b. Muhallim 
(in Yakut, Irshad, vi, 97) goes so far as to call him 
the greatest poet of Hudhayl. 

Bibliography: Diwan al-Hudhaliyyin, Cairo 
1948, ii, 88-115; Hamasa (Freytag), i, 36 ff. ; Ibn 
Kutayba, Shi<r, 420-5; Abu 'l-'Ala' al-Ma c arri, 
Risalat al-Ghufran, Cairo 1321, 100-1 (Engl, 
transl. by Nicholson, in JRAS, 1900, 708-9); 
SuyutI, Shark Shawdhid al-Mughni, Cairo 1322, 
81-3;' c Abd al-Kadir al-Baghdadi, Khizdnat al- 
Adab, Bulak 1277, iii, 466-73, iv, 165-7, 420-1; 
c Aynl, al-Makasid al-Nahwiyya (on margin of 
Khizdnat al-Adab), iii, 54-7, 361-4, 558-60; Is- 
kandar Agha Abkarius, Rawdat al-Adab fi Tabakdt 
Shu'ara* al-'Arab, Beyruth 1858, 192-6; Muham- 
mad Bakir, Djami'- al-Shawdhid, Kumm 1308, 
67-8, 167, 278-9; Muhammad c Abd al-Kadir al- 
FasI, Takmil al-Maram bi-Sharfi Shaieahid Ibn 
Hishdm, Fez 1310, i8 8 , 24 1 "'; F. Bajraktarevic, 
La Ldmiyya d'Abu Kabir al-Hudali, publiie avec 
le commentaire d'as-Sukkari, traduite et annotie, 
J A, 1923, 59-115; idem, Le Diwan d'Abu Kabir 
al-Hudali, publii avec le commentaire d'as-Sukkari, 
traduit et annoti, J A, 1927, 5-94; Brockelmann, 
S, i, 43- (Fehim Bajraktarevic) 

ABC KALAMMAS [see kalammas]. 
ABC BALAMCN means originally a certain 

stone, a bird, and a mollusc. The origin of 
the word is not certain; the unanimous statement 
of the Arab philologists that Abu Kalamun is a 
Byzantine product would indicate the derivation 
of the word from Greek. In the K. al-Tabassur bi 
'l-tidjdra (MMIA, 1932, 337; Arabica, 1954, 158, 
162), Abu Kalamun is listed as a precious Byzantine 
textile. According to H. L. Fleischer (De Glossis 
Habichtianis, Leipzig 1836, 106), followed by Dozy 
(Suppl., i, 6, 85), it is derived from u7roxaXa|xov, 
supposed to mean "striped cloth". S. de Sacy 
proposed to derive the word from ya.\xa.\Ki(i>\, 
"chameleon", proverbial for its changing colours 
(Chrest. arabe, iii, trad. 268). But neither the diction- 

aries nor Djahiz nor Damirl know of Abu Kalamun 
as a name for the chameleon (though, according 
to the Burhdn-i kdfi', the word has this meaning in 
Persian). The proverb: "more changeable than Abu 
Kalamun", or: "than Abu Barakish" (e.g. Freytag, 
Proverbia, i, 409; HamadhanI, Makdmdt, Beyrouth 
1924, 86; Ibn Hazm, Tawk, 69, cf. And., 1950, 
353), could refer to the chameleon or to a bird of 
changing colours which is also called Abu Barakish 
(cf. Kazwlni, ed. Wustenfeld, I, 406). Further, 
according to MukaddasI, 240-1 (ed. and transl. Pellat, 
53 and no. 143), Abu Kalamun denotes a mollusc 
(pinna), the byssus or "beard" of which is used in 
the manufacture of a sheeny cloth, which is also 
known as suf al-bahr (cf. Dozy, Suppl., s.v.). P. 
Kraus, Jdbir ibn Hayydn, ii, 1 10) refers to the use 
of )(a|xaiX£o>v as a term for the philosophers' stone 
in ancient alchemy (cf. Lippmann, Entstehung . . . 
Alchemic, i, 298). This usage explains why Diabir 
gave one of his books, in which he treats of the 
various colours of the seven metals (ad[sdd), the 
title Kitdb Abi Kalamun (P. Kraus, op. cit., i, 24; 
cf. Ruska, in Isl., 1925, 102 n.). 

Bibliography : In addition to the references 
given in the text: Istakhri, 42; G. Jacob, Studien 
in arab. Geog., ii, 61 ; and the references given by 
P. Kraus, Jdbir ibn Hayyan, ii, 109, no. 4. 

(A. J. W. Huisman) 
ABC KALB [see sikka]. 

ABC KALlDjAR al-Marzuban b. Sultan al- 
Dawla, a prince of the Buwa yhid [q.v.] dynasty, 
born in al-Basra in Shawwal 399/May-June 1009. 
When in 412/1021 Musharrif al-Dawla's Daylamite 
troops murdered his wazir at al-Ahwaz and declared 
for his brother Sultan al-Dawla [q.v.], the latter, 
whom Musharrif had supplanted as ruler of al-'Irak 
in the previous year, took heart and sent them his 
son Abu Kalldjar, though then only a boy of twelve, 
to take over the city in his name. In the following 
year Musharrif and Sultan made peace, Musharrif 
retaining al- c Irak and Sultan regaining Fars and 
Khuzistan; but in Shawwal 415/Decernber 1023- 
January 1024 Sul(5n died, on which the control 
of those provinces was for the next two years 
disputed between Abu Kalldjar (who was even then 
no more than sixteen) and another of his uncles 
Abu '1-Fawaris, the ruler of Kir man. Abu Kalidjar 
emerged victorious from this struggle, but then 
failed in an attempt to dislodge Abu '1-Fawaris also 
from Kirman; so that when they made peace in 
418/1027 he was obliged to pay Abu '1-Fawaris a 
yearly tribute of 20,000 dinars. 

Meanwhile these preoccupations had prevented 
Abu Kalldjar from accepting the invitation of 
the Baghdad garrison to replace yet a third uncle, 
Pjalal al-Dawla [q.v.], as Amir al-Umara', on the 
latter's failure to appear in the capital after the 
death, in Rabl c II 416/June 1025, of Musharrif al- 
Dawla. Abu Kalidjar was nevertheless acknowledged 
in the khutba at Baghdad for some eighteen months 
(from Shawwal 416/Dec. 1025 to Djumada I 418/ 
June-July 1027); in 417/1026 he was likewise 
acknowledged in the khu(ba at al-Kufa; and in the 
following year he was able to send his wazir, Ibn 
Babshadh, to assert his authority over the Euphrates 
marshes, though the only result of this move was 
a rebellion of their inhabitants against the wazir's 
extortions. In 419/1028 Abu Kalidjar added both 
al-Basra and Kirman to the area under his control, 
the former by a timely intervention in a conflict 
between the Daylamites and Turks of Djalal's 
garrison, and the latter by the death of Abu 


1-Fawaris. In 420/1027 however, on his seizing Wasit, 
Djalal retaliated by sacking al-Ahwaz; and when in 
Rabi' I 421/April 1030 they met in a three-day 
battle, Abu Kalldjar was severely defeated. Djalal 
then retook Wasit and the marshes, and for a time 
his troops also reoccupied al-Basra; but this was 
soon recovered by those of Abu Kalldjar; and in 
Shawwal/October of the same year he in turn 
defeated Djalal at al-Madhar. 

During the next five years Djalal was repeatedly 
forced to leave Baghdad owing to the insubordination 
of his Turkish mercenaries; and on two such occas- 
ions — in 423/1032 and 428/1037 — his name was 
replaced in the khutba of the capital at their instance 
by that of Abu Kalldjar. On the second of these 
occasions Abu Kalldjar despatched a force to help 
the chief Turkish commander, which took and held 
Wasit for a few months. During most of 424/1033, 
on the other hand, al-Basra was occupied by Djalal's 
forces and his name pronounced instead of Abu 
Kalidjar's in the khutba there. But these mutual 
aggressions proving of no advantage to either, in 
428/1037, after Djalal's recovery of Wasit, uncle 
und nephew concluded a formal peace, swearing to 
molest each other no more. 

In 431/1039 Abu Kalldjar joined in suppressing 
his tributary governor of al-Basra with Ibn Mukram 
of c Um5n, whom the governor had annoyed; and 
later in the same year and again in 433/1041-2 was 
obliged to send troops to c Uman itself to suppress 
disorders consequent on Ibn Mukram's death. In the 
latter year Abu Kalidjar's intervention in a quarrel 
between the sons of the Kakawayhid (Kakoyid) 'Ala 5 
al-Dawla was fruitless; but in 434/1042-3 his forces 
repulsed the first Saldjukid attack on Kirman. Then 
in Sha'ban 435/March 1044 Djalal died; and though 
the Baghdad garrison first offered its allegiance to 
his son al-Malik al- c Aziz [q.v.], Abu Kalldjar prevailed 
on them with the offer of an ample accession gratuity 
to withdraw it in his favour. In Safar 436/September 
1044, accordingly, he was acknowledged in the 
khutba not only in Baghdad itself but also in the 
Hulwan district, the Euphrates territory and Diyar 
Bakr, and thus became sole Buwayhid sovereign, 
receiving from the caliph the lakab Muhyl al-DIn. 

During his ensuing four years' reign Abu Kalldjar 
was chiefly concerned to preserve his power against 
Saldjukid encroachment. This had already caused 
him to begin walling his capital, Shiraz, for the first 
time, and in 437/1045-6 only the outbreak of disease 
among his horses prevented him from challenging 
a Saldjukid advance into the south-western Djibal. 
Two years later, however, he decided instead to 
ally himself with the Saldjukids; and, Tughrul [q.v.] 
proving amenable, an alliance was sealed by 
Tughrul's marriage with Abu Kalidjar's daughter 
and the marriage of Abu Kalidjar's second son to 
Tughrul's niece. This alliance preserved his dominions 
in the west from further Saldjukid attacks; but in 
440/1048, a Saldjukid force again invaded Kirman, 
where, instead of being opposed, it was joined by 
Abu Kalidjar's governor. He therefore set out to 
vindicate his authority in person, but suddenly died 
before reaching his destination (Djumada I 440/ 
Octobr 1048). 

Abu Kalldjar left at least nine sons, the eldest 
of whom, entitled al-Malik al-Rahim [q.v.], succeeded 
him as Amir al-Umara J , the last of the dynasty to 
rule in Baghdad and al- c Irak, and the second of 
whom, Fulad-Sutun, succeeded him as ruler of Fars 
until murdered by a rebel in 454/1062. 

In 429, while in Shiraz, Abu Kalldjar, in common 

with many of his Daylamite troops, was converted 
to Isma'ilism by the Fatimid ddH al-Mu'ayyad 
fi '1-Din [q.v.]. Some four years later, in order to 
maintain good relations with the 'Abbasid al-Ka'im 
he was obliged to banish the ddH from his dominions; 
but it would appear from the account of these events 
in the latter's Sira (ed. Kamil Husayn, Cairo 1949, 77) 
that he remained personally devoted to the Fatimid 
cause. A reference to Abu Kalidjar's dealings with 
al-Mu'ayyad is made also by Ibn al-Balkhi in his 

Bibliography: Ibn al-Athlr, index; Ibn al- 
Djawzi, al-Muntazam, vii, 17, 21, 30, 37, 56, 69, 
72-3, 119, 128, 136, 139; Sibt Ibn al-Djawzi, Mir'dt 
al-Zamdn (MS Paris 1506) fols.: 2V, 47V, 78V ; 
Hamd Allah Mustawfi, Ta'rikh-i Guzida 92 ; Ibn 
Khaldun, iv, 472 f.; Mir Kh»and, Rawdat al-Safd 
(extract published by Wilken as Mirchonds Ge- 
schichte der Sultane aus dem Geschlechte Bujeh, 
Berlin 1835. 45-57); Kh'and Amir, Habib al- 
Siyar (extract published by Ranking as A History 
of the Minor Dynasties of Persia, 1910, 118-20); 
H. Bowen, The Last Buwayhids, JRAS, 1929, 226 f. 

(Harold Bowen) 
ABC KAMIL SHIJDJA' b. Aslam b. Muh. 
b. Shudja' al-Hasib al-MisrI, next to Muh. b. MOsa 
al-Kh'arizmi [q.v.] the oldest Islamic algebraist 
of whose writings we still possess some remains; they 
entitle us to place him among the greatest mathe- 
maticians of the Islamic Middle Ages (for the 
development of Islamic algebra see al-djabr wa 'l- 
mukabala). Through Leonard of Pisa and his 
followers he exercised considerable influence on the 
development of algebra in Europe and no less great 
was the impact of his geometrical writings (algebraic 
treatment of geometrical problems) on Western 
geometry. No details of his life are known; all we 
can say is that he lived after al-Kh w arizmi (d. about 
850 A.D.) and before C AU b. Ahmad al- c Imrani 
(d. 344/955-6) who wrote a commentary on his 

The Fihrist, 281, lists a number of books on 
astrological and mathematical subjects as well as 
on other topics such as the flight of birds etc. Two 
of these titles: Kitab fi 'l-D±am l wa 'l-Tafrik, "On 
augmenting and diminishing" (the Fihrist attributes 
a work bearing the same title to al-Kh w arizmI) an d 
K. al-Khatd'ayn. "On the two errors", have been 
the objects of elaborate discussions ever since F. 
Woepcke (J A, 1863, 514) tried to identify al-Djam 1 
wa 'l-Tafrik with the Latin augmentum et diminutio 
occurring in the Liber augmenti et diminutions, ed. 
Libri, in Histoire des sciences mathimatiques en Italic, 
Paris 1838, 253-97, 2nd ed., 1865, 304-69; cf. H. 
Suter, in Bibl. Math., 1902, 350-4, and J. Ruska, 
Zur dltesten arab. Algebra und Rechenkunst, in 
SBAK. Heid., 1917/2, 14-23. 

None of the works mentioned in the Fihrist has 
survived in Arabic. A work preserved in Arabic is 
al-TaraHf (MS Leiden, 1001, fol. 50v- 5 8v), transl. 
and commented by H. Suter, Das Buch der Selten- 
heiten der Rechenkunst von Abu Kamil al-Misri, 
Bibl. Math., 1910-1, 100-20. It deals with the integral 
solutions of indeterminate equations ("Diophantine 
analysis" according to modern usage; it may be 
well to state that this term is historically incorrect: 
Diophantus, 3rd cent. A.D., whom we have to 
regard, at least as far as the Greek world is concerned, 
as the founder of indeterminate analysis, is interested 
only in rational, not exclusively integral, solutions 
of his problems). Of al-Tard'if there exists a Hebrew 
version (Munich 225, 4) by Mordekhai Finzi of Mantua 


(c. 1460) who translated also Abu Kamil's trea- 
tises on algebra (Munich 225, 3). As assumed by 
G. Sacerdote, II trattato del pentagono e del decagono 
di Abu Kimil, in Festschrift Sieinschneider, Leipzig 
1896, 169-94, and proved by Suter, Die Abhandlung 
des Abu Kdmil Shogd* b. Aslam "uber das Fiinfeck 
und Zehneck", Bibl. Math. 1909-10, 15-42, these 
translations were made not from Arabic or Latin, 
but from Spanish. According to Suter, it is probable 
that the Paris MS 7377 A, no. 6, is a Latin version 
of al-TaraHf. (The same MS contains Latin versions 
of Abu Kamil's algebra and of his treatises on the 
pentagon and decagon). — Indeterminate equations 
with integral solutions appear in India fully developed 
about 1 150 in Bhaskara's Vijaganita (cf. Colebrooke, 
Algebra with arithmetic and mensuration, London 
1817, 233-5), but the problem is referred to already 
by Aryabhata (b. 476), who even anticipates for its 
solution the method of continued fractions, to which 
Bhaskara applies the term ku((aka "dispersion" (cf. 
M. Cantor, Gesch. d. Math.', i, 588 ff.) Abu Kamil's 
procedure is less systematic and therefore inferior 
to the Indian. He finds his solutions mainly by way 
of trial, yet shows considerable skill in overcoming 
the difficulties involved. It is hard to decide whether 
or not he knew the kuiiaka method. However that 
may be, it is certain that the anonymous author of 
a commentary on al-TaraHf, of which the Leiden 
MS contains a fragment (fol. 101-2), was familiar with 
it, because he clearly refers to the proof of a method 
of finding integral solutions that can hardly have 
been different from the ku((aka method. 

The connection between Abu Kamil and the 
Indians is shown by a curious detail: they resort 
to the same, or at least similar, varieties of birds 
as examples in their problems. In Europe, we meet 
with indeterminate equations in Leonard of Pisa's 
Liber abaci (1202; Scritti, ed. Boncompagni, Roma 
1857-62, i) — again with reference to birds. The 
first appearance in Europe of this problem seems 
to be marked by a MS composed about 1000 A.D. 
in the monastery of Reichenau. Later European 
algebraists, in particular the German "Cossists" 
(Adam Riese, etc.) usually substitute men, women, 
or virgins for the birds, and therefore the term 
"regula virginum" (or "r. potatorum", "r. coeci" 
or "r. coeti") was adopted by them to denote this 
kind of problem (cf. Bibl. Math., 1905, 112). 

Abu Kamil's "Algebra" is known only in Latin 
(MS Paris 7377 A, fol. 71V-93V) and Hebrew (Paris 
1029, 7 and Munich 225, 5) translations. The two 
MSS of the Arabic original noted by Brockelmann 
have not yet been examined. It is above all upon 
this work that his fame rested. It was commented 
by al-Istakhri and al- c lmranl, but both commentaries 
are lost. L. C. Karpinski's elaborate study: The 
Algebra of Abu Kamil Shoja'- ben Aslam, Bibl. Math., 
191 1-2, 40-55, is based on the Latin Paris MS. For 
the historical background of the work, see also 
O. Neugebauer, Zur geometrischen Algebra, Quellen 
und Studien z. Gesch. d. Math., B (Studien), 1936, 
245-59, and S. Gandz, The Mishnat ha-Middot and 
the Geometry of Muh. b. Musa al-Khowarizmi, ibid., 
A (Quellen), 1932, in particular 37, 68, 83. In the 
definition of djazr (radix, root), mil (census, capital) 
and 'adad mufrad (numerus, absolute number) Abu 
Kamil closely follows al-Kh w arizmi. but in many 
respects he goes far beyond his predecessor. Thus 
he effects the addition and subtraction of square 
roots involving irrationalities only, by means of the 
relations corresponding to our modern formula 
1/a + Vb = Va + b + l/aab. E.g., to subtract 

the square root of 8 from the sq.r. of 18, he gives the 
rule: "Subtract 24 from 26, and 2 remains. The root 
of this is the root of 8 subtracted from the root of 18". 
The same example is found in al-KaradjI's ([q.v.]; 
d.c. 1029) treatise on algebra al-Fakhri (see F. 
Woepcke, Extrait du Fakhri, Paris 1853, 57-9), 
while Leonard of Pisa (Scritti, i, 363-5), in demon- 
strating the same method, uses the numbers 18 
and 32. The analogous treatment of cube roots, as 
dealt with by al-KaradjI, is not yet found in Abu 

The treatise "On the pentagon and decagon", 
Latin version, MS Paris A, German transl. by Suter, 
cf. above; Hebrew version, Munich 225, 3, Italian 
transl. by Sacerdote, cf. above. All problems occur- 
ring in this treatise are solved in a clear and simple 
mode by applying algebraic methods to geometry. 
Throughout his treatise, Abu Kamil chooses special 
values — in most cases the value 10 — for the given 
quantity, instead of denoting it by a letter or even 
equalling it to 1. In this respect, he has not freed 
himself from the method of al- Kh'arizmi ; but in 
his way of handling the problem he is far superior 
to his predecessor, and his work definitely marks 
an important progress. Sacerdote has shown that 
Leonard of Pisa knew this treatise and made extensive 
use of it in his Practica geometriae (Scritti, ii). 

Bibliography: Suter, 43; Brockelmann, S I, 
390; M. Steinschneider, Hebraische Vbersetzungen, 
584-8. (W. Hartner) 

ABU 'l-SASIM, the name of a canting parasite, 
whom Muhammed b. Ahmed Abu '1-Mutahhar al- 
Azdl depicts in his tfikdyat Abi 'l-Kdsim al-Baghdadi 
as a Baghdad type. The book was probably written 
in the first half of the fifth century and purports to 
relate faithfully a day in the life of its hero. Abu 
'1-K5sim by means of his pious eloquence gets a 
hearing in a society of people at a banquet, rails at 
the guests and the host and shows his linguistic 
skill in a detailed comparison of the advantages of 
Baghdad and Isfahan. As the numerous courses of 
the repast are served, they are accompanied by his 
glib remarks. When the wine goes to his head he 
becomes importunate and vulgar, till finally, being 
forced to drink still more deeply, he falls asleep; 
when the intoxication is over he again plays the 
devout believer. Into this framework the author, 
led on by his philological inclinations, has inter- 
woven so much of his extensive knowledge of the 
adab literature and of the terminology of the different 
trades and also of pornographic poetry — he quotes 
many verses of Ibn al-Hadidjadj — that the realism 
of the description as well as the unity of the tale 
suffer considerably. 

Bibliography: Abu '1-Mutahhar al-Azdl, ffi- 
kdyat Abi 'l-Kdsim, ed. A. Mez, Heidelberg 1902; 
J. M. de Goeje, in GGA, 1902, 723 ff-; C. Brockel- 
mann, in Literarisches Centralblait, 1902, 1568 ff. 

(J. Horovitz) 
ABU 'L-&ASIM [see al-zahrawI]. 
ABU 'L-^ASIM BABUR [see timurids]. 
ABU L-KHASlB, a canal to the south of Basra 
(called after a client of the caliph al-Mansur), the 
most important among the canals that in the Middle 
Ages flowed from the west into the main channel 
of the Tigris, the Didja al-'Awra 5 of Arabic authors, 
i.e. the modern Shat{ al- c Arab. Its bed still exists. 
It was on its bank that the Zand] rebels built in the 
3rd/gth century the great fortress of al-Mukhtara. 
Bibliography: Le Strange, 471.; M. Streck, 
Babylonien nach den arab. Geogr., Leiden 1900, i, 42. 
(M. Streck) 




ABU 'l-KHATTAB Muhammad b. Ab! Zaynab 

Mtklas al-Adjda* al-ASADI, Muslim heresiarch. 
According to al-Kashshi, his father was Miklas b. 
Abi '1-Khattab, and he himself used the kunyas Abu 
Ismail and Abu '1-Zubyan. He was a Kufan and a 
mawld of the tribe of Asad. In the Nusayri writings 
he is also called al- Kahili. He was one of the chief 
daHs of the Imam Dja'far al-Sadik, but fell into 
error and taught false doctrines, as a result of which 
he was repudiated and denounced by the Imam. 
Seventy of his followers, assembled in the mosque 
of Kufa, were attacked by order of the governor 
«Isa b. Musa, and after a bitter struggle, were killed. 
Abu '1-Khattab himself Was arrested and brought 
before 'Isa b. Musa, who had him executed and 
crucified at Dar al-Rizk, on the Euphrates, to- 
gether with a number of his followers. Their heads 
were sent to the Caliph al-Mansur and impaled by 
the gate of Baghdad for three days. The date of these 
events is not precisely known, but a conversation 
recorded by al-Kashshi as having taken place in 
138/755 appears to refer to the recent extermination 
of Abu 'l-I<haUab and his followers (fa'nkafa'at 
dthdruhum wa-faniyat ddjdluhum: al-Kashshi 191; 
cf. Lewis, 33; Ivanow, however (p. 117) interprets 
this tradition as referring to the repudiation of Abu 
'1-Khattab by Dja'far, and places his death in about 
145/762). According to the Nusayris, who still 
revere Abu '1-Khattab, 'he manifested the daSva' 
at Dar al-Rizk on 10 or 11 Muharram, and both 
this and the day of his 'appointment' by Dja c far 
al-Sadik (11 Dhu '1-Hidjdja) are sacred anniversaries. 
He seems to have played a role of some importance 
in the early development of extremist ShI'ite 
doctrine, and is named by the Central Asian Isma c ffi 
book Umm al-Kitdb (Isl., 1936, pts. 1 and 2; cf. 
W. Ivanow, REI, 1932, 428-9), as well as by a number 
of SunnI and Ithna-'ashari sources, as a founder of 
the Isma'Ili faith. He is however condemned in 
later Isma'ill writings of the Fatimid period, in 
much the same terms as in the books of the Ithna- 
'ashariyya. For a discussion of his doctrines see 

Bibliography : The best accounts of the life 
and death of Abu'l-KhaUab are to be found in 
Ithna-'asharl works, especially Kashshl, Ma'rifat 
al-Rididl, Bombay, 1317, 187 ff.; Nawbakhtl, 
Firak, 37 and 58 ff. An Isma'ill account will be 
found in the Kadi Nu'man's Da'd'im al- Islam 
(A. A. Fyzee) vol. i, Cairo, 1951, 62 ff. There are 
also some interesting references in the Nusayri 
work Ma&mu' al-A c ydd, ed. R. Strothmann, in 
Isl., 1946, 6, 8, 10, 148, 159, 202. For general 
discussions see Henry Corbin, £tude priliminaire 
pour le 'Livre riunissant les deux sagesses' de 
Ndsir-e Khosraw. Tehran 1953, 14 ff. ; W. Ivanow, 
The Alleged Founder of Ismailism, Bombay 1946, 
113 ff.; B. Lewis, The Origins of Ismd'Uism, 
Cambridge 1940, 32 ft.; Muhammad Kazwini, in 
Djuwayni, iii, 344 ff. (B. Lewis) 


ABU 'l-KHATTAB c Abd al-A«lA b. al-Samh 
al-MA'AFIRI al-HimyarI al-YamanI, the first 
imam elected by the Ibadis of the Maghrib. 
He was one of the five missionaries (hamalat al-Hlm, 
"carriers of science") sent to the Maghrib by Abu 
c Ubayda al-Tamlml of Basra, the spiritual head of 
the sect, in order to preach there the Ibadi creed 
[cf. ibadiyya]. These missionaries received from 
Abu c Ubayda the order to establish an imamate 
amongst the Ibadiyya of Tripolitania, with Abu 

'1-Khattab as imam. The activities of the hamalat 
al-Hlm were crowned with success. In 140/757-8 
the Ibadi notables of Tripolitania, in a council held 
in Sayyad, near Tripoli, elected Abu '1-Khattab 
as imam. The Ibadi Berber tribes, Hawwara, Nafusa 
etc., commanded by the new imam, conquered with 
the slogan Id hukm ilia li'lldh wa-ld \d l a Hid \a l at 
Abi 'l-Khattdb, the whole of Tripolitania, including 
Tripoli, which became the residence of their chief. 
In Safar 141/Juni-July 758 the army of Abu '1- 
Khattab took al-Kayrawan, capital of Ifrikiya, at 
that time in the possession of the Sufris of the 
Berber tribe of Warfadjdjuma. <Abd al-Rahman b. 
Rustam, the future founder oi the Ibadi imamate 
of Tahart, was appointed governor of the town. 
The outcome of Abu 'l-KhatUb's conquests was the 
creation of an Ibadi state comprising the whole of 
Ifrikiya, viz. Tripolitania, Tunisia and the eastern 
part of Algeria. It even seems that Abu '1-Khattab 
had a certain influence over the Sufris of Sidjilmassa. 
In Dhu '1-Hidjdja 141/April 759, Muhammad b. 
al-Ash'ath al-Khuza'I, 'Abbasid governor of Egypt, 
sent to Ifrikiya an army commanded by al-'Awwam 
b. c Abd al- c Aziz al-Badjall, to reconquer the province. 
The army was defeated by the Ibadis in the region 
of Surt, near the eastern boundaries of Abu '1- 
KhaUab's possessions. Another 'Abbasid army, led 
by Abu '1-Ahwas 'Umar b. al-Ahwas al-'ldjll, was 
defeated at Maghmadas (Macomades Syrtis, modern 
Marsa Zafran). In the meantime, Ibn al-Ash'ath 
received orders to march himself against the Berbers 
and to assume the government of Ifrikiya. On 
receiving this news, Abu '1-Khattab set out with a 
considerable army. Deceived, however, by a stratagem 
of Ibn al-Ash c ath, who pretended to return to the 
east, he allowed his troops to disband. When Ibn 
al-Ash'ath shortly afterwards reached the neigh- 
bourhood of Tripoli, the imam hastily assembled 
the nearest tribes to check his advance. The battle 
took place at Tawurgha (on the coast, a few days' 
journey to the east of Tripoli) in Safar 144/May-June 
761. It was very bloody: Abu '1-Khattab with 
twelve or fourteen thousand of his followers were 
killed. In Djumada I/August, Ibn al-Ash c ath reoc- 
cupied al-Kayrawan. v 

Bibliography: Abu Zakariyya', al-Sira wa- 
Akhbar al-AHmma (MS coll. S. Smogorzewski), 
fol. i v , 6'-i3 T ; E. Masqueray, Chronique d'Abou 
Zakaria, Algiers 1878, 18-38; Shammakhl, Siyar, 
Cairo 1301, 124-32; Bakri (de Slane, Descript. de 
I'Afr. sept. *), 7, 28, 149, transl. de Slane, 22, 63, 
285-6; Ibn Khaldun, Hist, des Berb., i, 220, 373-5; 
H. Fournel, Les Berbers, i, 351, 355-60. 


ABU 'l-KHATTAR al-HusAm b. DirAr al- 
KalbI, governor of al-Andalus, who arrived 
in that country from Ifrikiya in 125/743, to replace 
the wall Tha'laba b. Salama al-'Amill. He carried 
out a liberal policy, and skilfully removed from 
Cordova the representatives of the Syrian diunds, 
who had come to Spain under the leadership of 
Baldj b. Bishr [q.v.]. On the advice of Count Ardabast 
(ArtObas), son of the Visigothic prince Witiza, he 
settled these Hundis on fiefs, requiring from them 
in return that they should respond to mobilization 
appeals that might be made to them. It was in this 
way that the Syrian system of the diunds came 
to be introduced into al-Andalus. The representatives 
of the dfund of Damascus were installed in the 
Elvira district, those of the diund of the Jordan in 
the district of Rayyo (Archidona and Malaga), 
those of the djund of Palestine in the district 01 



Sidona, those of the diund of Hims (Emesa) in the 
districts of Seville and Niebla, those of the diund 
of Kinnasrin in the district of Jaen, and those of 
the diund of Egypt in the Algarve and in the region 
of Murcia (Tudmlr). A little later Abu '1-Khattar 
entered into conflict with a powerful chief of the 
diund of Kinnasrin, al-Sumayl [q.v.] b. Hatim al- 
Kilabl, who mustered troops and defeated the 
governor in Radjab 127/April 745 on the Guadalete. 
In vain did Abu '1-Khattar afterwards attempt to 
regain his office ; it was seized by the Djudhamite chief 
Thawaba b. Salama, who himself died the next year. 
Bibliography: E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp. 
mus., i, 48-50. (E. Levi-Provencal) 

ABU 'l-KHAYR, ruler of the Ozbegs [see 
Uzbeks] and founder of the power of this nation, 
descendant of Shayban, Djufi's youngest son [see 
shaybanids], born in the year of the dragon (1412; 
as the year of the hidjra 816/1413-4 is erroneously 
given). At first he is said to have been in the service 
of another descendant of Shayban, Djamaduk Khan. 
The latter met his death in a revolt; Abu '1-Khayr 
was taken prisoner, but was released and shortly 
after proclaimed khan in the territory of Tura 
(Siberia) at the age of 17 (year of the ape-1428; as 
year of the hidjra 833/1429-30 is given). After a 
victory won over another khan of the family of 
Djufii the greater part of Kipiak submitted to him. 
In 834/1430-1 he conquered Kh"arizm with its 
capital Urgandj, which was plundered, but soon 
afterwards he gave it back. According to his bio- 
graphers, Abu '1-Khayr later vanquished two more 
princes, Mahmud Khan and Ahmad Khan, conquered 
the city of Urdu-Bazar, and seized (though for a 
short time only) the "throne of Sayin Khan", i.e. that 
of Batu. Shortly before the death of Sultan Shahrukh 
(850/1447) Abu '1-Khayr established himself firmly 
through the subjugation of the fortresses of Sighnak 
(at present the ruins of Sunak-Kurghan), Arkuk, 
Suzak, Ak-Kurghan and Uzkand ou the Sir Darya — 
the most significant event in his reign for the further 
history of the Ozbegs. Sighnak seems to have been 
his' capital from that time. South of this region no 
durable conquests were made under Abu '1-Khayr: 
even the neighbouring town of YasI (now Turkistan) 
remained in the power of the Tlmurids. Marauding 
expeditions were frequently undertaken, even as 
far afield as Bukhara and Samarkand. Abu '1-Khayr 
appeared with greater forces in 855/1451-2 as an 
ally of the prince AbO Sa'id against the then ruler 
of Samarkand c Abd Allah; with his aid <Abd Allah 
was defeated and killed and Abu Sa c Id was installed 
as ruler in Samarkand; Rabi'a Sultan Begum, 
daughter of Ulugh Beg, was given in marriage to 
Abu '1-Khayr. A second attempt to interfere in the 
disputes of the Tlmurids fell out less happily; 
Muhammad DjukI, favored by Abu '1-Khayr against 
Abu Sa'Id, was forced in 865/1460-1 after some 
successes to raise the siege of Samarkand at the 
approach of his enemy, to quit the country ravaged 
by Abu '1-Khayr's auxiliary troops (under Burke 
Sultan) and in 868/1463 — having, it seems, received 
no assistance from Abu '1-Khayr — to surrender to 
his adversary. Shortly before, probably about 861/ 
1456-7 (Abu '1-Khayr 's grandson, Mahmud, born 
in 858/1454, is said to have been then three years 
old), Abu '1-Khayr's power received a severe blow 
from the Kalmak (Kalmucks); beaten in the open 
field, he had to flee to Sighnak and let the enemy 
ravage the whole country up to the Sir. About 
870/1465-6 there appears to have taken place among 
the Ozbegs that split, through which the proper 

inhabitants of the steppes, since called Kazak, 
separated from the other portion of the nation. The 
year of the rat (1468; erroneously identified with 
874/1469-70) is given as the year of Abu '1-Khayr's 
death ; the power founded by him was after a short 
interruption restored and extended by his grandson 
Muhammad Shaybani. 

Bibliography: Abu '1-Khayr's biography was 

written towards 950/1543-4 by Mas c ud b. 'Uthman 

al-Kuhistani (Ta>rikh-i Abu 'l-Khayr Khdni; the 

statements in Howorth, Hist, of the Mongols, ii, 

687, are correct only so far as concerns the MS. 

of the British Museum, but not the work itself; 

cf. Rieu, Cat. of Pers. MSS., i, 102 ; the Leningrad 

MSS, including that of the University Library 

or. 852, used here, have also the beginning of the 

biography). Mas'ud was also able to utilize the 

oral narratives of Abu '1-Khayr's son Suyiinifi 

Khan (d. 931/1525), who seems to have drawn 

his information from written sources, as for 

example the Mafia' al-Sa'dayn of <Abd al-Razzak 

al-Samarkandl. Information about Abu '1-Khayr 

is also to be found in the historical works 

on his grandson Shaybani and his successors, 

especially in the Tawarikh-i Nusrat Ndma (cf. 

Rieu, Cat. of Turkish MSS., 276 ff.) and the 

writings dependent on it. (W. Barthold) 

ABU 'l-KHAYR al-ISHBILI, surnamed al- 

SHADjDiAR, "the arboriculturist", author of a 

book on agriculture, was a native of Seville 

(Ishbiliya). Neither the date of his birth or that 

of his death are known, and one can only say that 

as he is quoted by Ibn al-'Awwam [q.v.], who lived 

in the second half of the 6th/i2th century, he must 

have belonged to an earlier period. He was probably 

the contemporary of the botanist-physicians and 

"gardeners" of the 5th/nth century, such as Ibn 

Wafid al-Lakhmi, Ibn Bassal, Ibn Hadjdjadj al- 

" Ishbill and al-Tighnari. His K. al-Filaha is preserved 

in MSS in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, in 

the Zaytuna mosque in Tunis and some private 

libraries in North Africa. 

The following are the main contents of Abu 
'1-Khayr's book, (i) General considerations on 
planting (ghardsa): favourable months; influence of 
the moon; the time needed for plants to grow and 
to yield fruit ; age of trees ; damage (weather, animals, 
fire, water); special treatment of olive-trees, vines, 
fig-trees, palm-trees, (ii) Plantations proper: trees, 
bushes, grain, seeds; layering, pruning, grafting; 
fruit and vegetable conserves; growing of vegetables; 
aromatic plants, flowers; flax and cotton; banana 
and sugar-cane, (iii) Animals: of the back- yard, 
especially pigeons; bees and wild animals; harmful 
animals (reptiles, rodents and insects), (iv) Finally 
two pages on the tadidrib al- l am, i.e. meteorological 
or astrological prognostications. 

Abu '1-Khayr appeals to his personal experience and 
observations in the gardens, parks, fields, vineyards 
and forests of the Aljarafe (al-Sharaf, district of Se- 
ville). His literary documentation consists in quoting, 
no doubt at second hand, the K. al-Nabdt of Abu 
Hanlfa al-DInawari (which had been expounded 
in 60 vols, by Ibn Ukht Ghanim— cf. Makkari, 
Analectes, ii, 270), Aristotle, Anatolius, "Kastus" 
(Cassianus Bassus Scholasticus), Philemo — through 
adaptations of the Geoponica and through the al- 
Filaha al-Nabafiyya of Ibn Wahshiyya [q.v.]. [For 
this agronomical literature see filaha.] On the 
whole, the book is an empirical work of technical 
science, but, like th