Full text of "Encyclopaedia Dictionary Islam Muslim World, etc, Gibb, Kramer, scholars. 13 vols & 12 vols. 1960-2004.1875.2009."

THE ENCYCLOPAEDIA OF ISLAM

NEW EDITION

PREPARED BY A NUMBER OF
LEADING ORIENTALISTS

EDITED BY AN EDITORIAL COMMITTEE CONSISTING OF

H. A. R. GIBB, J. H. KRAMERS, E. LEVI-PROVENCAL, J. SCHACHT

ASSISTED BY S. M. STERN AS SECRETARY GENERAL (pp. 1-320)

B. LEWIS, Ch. PELLAT and J. SCHACHT

ASSISTED BY C. DUMONT AND R. M. SAVORY AS EDITORIAL SECRETARIES
(pp. 321-1359)

UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF
THE INTERNATIONAL UNION OF ACADEMIES

VOLUME I
A-B

PHOTOMECHANICAL REPRINT

LEIDEN

E. J. BRILL

1986

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

Former and present members: A. Abel, C. C. Berg, F. Gabrieli, E. GarcIa G6mez, H. A. R. Gibb, the late

J. H. Kramers, the late E. Levi- Provencal, [G. Levi della Vida], B. Lewis, [the late E. Littmann], H. Masse,

G. C. Miles, H. S. Nyberg, R. Paret, Ch. Pellat, J. Pedersen, [the late N. W. Posthumus], J. Schacht,

F. C. Wieder

Former and present associated members: H. H. Abdul Wahab, the late A. Adnan Adivar, Husain Djajadi-

ningrat, A. A. A. Fyzee, M. Fuad KoprOlO, Ibrahim Madkour, Khalil Mardam Bey, Naji al-Asil,

Muhammad Shafi, Hasan Taghizade, E. Tyan

Former ana present honorary members: G. Levi della Vida; the late E. Littmann

On THE COMPLETION OF THE FIRST VOLUME OF THE NEW EDITION OF THE

Encyclopaedia of Islam, the Editorial Committee pays homage to the

memory of J. H. KRAMERS and E. LEVI-PROVENCAL, members of the

Executive and of the Editorial Committees, deceased in 1951 and

in 1956 respectively.

1st edition i960
reprinted 1967

reprinted 1979

ISBN 90 04 081 14 3

in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm or any other means without

written permission from the Editors

PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS

AUTHORS OF ARTICLES IN THIS VOLUME

Names in square brackets in this list are those of authors of articles reprinted or revised from the first
edition of this Encyclopaedia or from the Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam.

An asterisk after the name of the author denotes those articles reprinted from the first edition which have
been brought up to date by the Editorial Committee; where an article has been revised by a second author his
name appears within square brackets at the end of the article after the name of the original author.

M. Abdul Hai, University of Dacca.

H. H. Abdul Wahab, Tunis.

A. Abel, University of Brussels.

A. Adam, Institut des Hautes-Etudes Marocaines,

Rabat.
the late A. Adnan Adivar, Istanbul.

F. R. Allchin, University of Cambridge.
R. Anhegger, Istanbul.
W. 'Arafat, University of London.
R. R. Arat, University of Istanbul.
A. J. Arberry, University of Cambridge.
[C. van Arendonk, Leiden].

E. Ashtor, Hebrew University, Jerusalem.
J. Aubin, Institut Francais, Teheran.

G. Awad, Baghdad.

D. Ayalon, Hebrew University, Jerusalem.
Fr. Babinger, University of Munich.

F. Bajraktarevic, University of Belgrade.
J. M. S. Baljon Jr., Blankenham, Netherlands. -
[W. Barthold, Leningrad].
[H. Basset, Rabat].
[R. Basset, Algiers].

A. Bausani, Istituto Universitario Orientale, Naples.
M. Cavid Baysun, University of Istanbul.
L. BaziN, Ecole des Langues orientates, Paris.
A. S. Bazmee Ansari, Karachi.
S. de Beaurecueil, Cairo.
[C. H. Becker, Berlin].

C. F. Beckingham, University of Manchester.
A. F. L. Beeston, University of Oxford.
[A. Bel, Tlemcen].
N. Beldiceanu, Paris.
[M. Ben Cheneb, Algiers].
A. Bennigsen, Paris.

C. C. Berg, University of Leiden.
S. van den Bergh, London.
J. Berque, College de France, Paris.
W. Bjorkman, Uppsala.
R. Blachere, University of Paris.
[J. F. Blumhardt, London],
[Tj. de Boer, Amsterdam].

D. J. Boilot, Cairo.

S. A. Bonebakker, University of Leiden.
C. E. Bosworth, University of St. Andrews.
G.-H. Bousquet, University of Algiers.
the late H. Bowen, University of London.
J. A. Boyle, University of Manchester.
H. W. Brands, Fulda.
W. Braune, Free University of Berlin.
[C. Brockelmann, Halle].
R. Brunschvig, University of Paris.
[F. Buhl, Copenhagen].
J. Burton-Page, University of London.
A. Cafero&lu, University of Istanbul.
Cl. Cahen, University of Paris.
M. Canard, University of Algiers.
R. Capot-Rey, University of Algiers.
[B. Carra de Vaux, Paris].
M me H. Carrere d'Encausse, Paris.

W. Cask'el, University of Cologne.
~ Cerulli, Rome.

Chailley, Bamako.
Chafik Chehata, University of Cairo.

L. M. Clauson, London.

S. Colin, Ecole des Langues Orientates, Paris.

Colombe, Ecole des Langues Orientates, Paris.
C. S. Coon, University of Pennsylvania.
Ph. de Cosse-Brissac, Paris.

J. Coulson, University of London.
. Cour, Constantine].

A. C. Creswell, American University, Cairo.

Cruz Hernandez, University of Salamanca.

H. Dani, University of Dacca.

David-Weill, Ecole du Louvre, Paris.

Collin Davies, University of Oxford.

Decei, University of Istanbul.

Deny, Ecole des Langues Orientates, Paris.

Despois, University of Paris.

Dietrich, University of Gottingen.

Djurdjev, University of Sarajevo.

Dresch, University of Paris.

E. Dubler, University of Zurich.

W. Duda, University of Vienna.

M. Dunlop, University of Cambridge.

A. Duri, University of Baghdad.
Saleh A. El-Ali, University of Baghdad.

Elfenbein, London.

Elgood, El-Obeid, Sudan.

Elisseeff, Institut Francais, Damascus.

Emerit, University of Algiers.

Enamul Haq, Bengali Academy, Dacca.

Ettinghausen, Freer Gallery of Art, Washington.

G. Farmer, Glasgow.

Faublee, ficole des Langues orientates, Paris.

Fekete, University of Budapest.

Fleisch, Universite St.-Joseph, Beirut.

N. Frye, Harvard University.

W. Fuck, University of Halle.

A. A. Fyzee, University of Jammu and Kashmir,

Gabrieli, University of Rome.

Galand, Ecole des Langues orientates, Paris.
oe P. Galand-Pernet. Paris.

Garcia G6mez, University of Madrid.

Gardet, Paris.

L. Geddes. American University, Cairo.

Ghirshman, Institut Francais, Teheran.

A. Ghul, University of St. Andrews.
A. R. Gibb, Harvard University.

Giese, Breslau].

Glazer, Washington.

W. Glidden, Washington.

Glue

c, Cincii

D. Goitein, University of Pennsylvania.
Tayyib Gokbilgin, University of Istanbul.
Goldziher, Budapest].
L. Gottschalk, University of Vienna.
Graf, University of Cologne.
Grohmann, University of Cairo.

A. Guillaume, University of London.

Mohammad Habib, Muslim University, Aligarh.

G. Lankester Harding, Amman.

[A. Haffner, Vienna].

P. Hardy, University of London.

J. B. Harrison, School of Oriental and African

Studies, London.
[R. Hartmann, Deutsche Akademie, Berlin].
W. Hartner, University of Frankfurt.
L. P. Harvey, Oxford.
R. L. Headley, Dhahran.
[J. Hell, Erlangen].
[B. Heller, Budapest].
[E. Herzfeld, Chicago].
U. Heyd, Hebrew University, Jerusalem.
R. L. Hill, University of Durham.
S. Hillelson, London.
Hilmy Ahmad, University of Cairo.
M. G. S. Hodgson, University of Chicago.
W. Hoenerbach, University of California, Los

Angeles.
P. M. Holt, University of London.
[E. Honigmann, Brussels].
[P. Horn, Strasbourg).
[J. Horovitz, Frankfurt].

F. Hours, Beirut.

[M. Th. Hootsma, Utrecht].

I.'Hrbek, Oriental Institute, Prague.

[Cl. Huart, Paris].

A. Huici Miranda, Valencia.

A. J. W. Huisman, Leiden.

G. W. B. Hontingford, University of London.
H. R. Idris, University of Algiers.

Haul Inalcik, University of Ankara.

Sh. Inayatollah, University of the Panjab, Lahore.

[W. Irvine].

Fahir tz, University of Istanbul.

the late A. Jeffery, Columbia University, New York.

J. Jomier, Cairo.

J. M. B. Jones, School of Oriental and African

Studies, London.
[Th. W. Juynboll, Utrecht].
E. Z. Karal, University of Ankara.
Irfan Kawar, University of California, Los Angeles.
the late R. A. Kern, University of Leiden.
M. Khalafallah, University of Alexandria.
W. A. S. Khalidi, American University, Beirut.
H. Kindermann, University of Cologne.
H. J. Kissling, University of Munich.
M. J. Kister, Haifa.
L. Kopf, Jerusalem.
M. Fuad Koprulu, Ankara.
[T. Kowalski, Cracow].
J. Kraemer, University of Erlangen.
R. F. Kreutel, Vienna.
Kasim Kofrevi, Ankara.
E. KOhnel, Free University of Berlin.

E. Koran, Istanbul.

F. Kussmaul, Stuttgart.

Miss A. K. S. Lambton, University of London.

C. J. Lamm, Oregrund, Sweden.
[H. Lammens, Beirut].

J. M. Landau, Hebrew University, Jerusalem.

D. M. Lang, University of London.
H. Laoust, College de France, Paris.

J. D. Latham, University of Manchester.

J. Lecerf, Ecole des Langues orientales, Paris.

M me Ch. Le Oeur, Paris.

R. Le Tourneau, University of Aix-Marseilles.

the late E. Levi-Provencal, University of Paris.

R. Levy, University of Cambridge.

T. Lf.wicki, University of Cracow.

B. Lewin, University of Gothenburg.

B. Lewis, University of London.
G. L. Lewis, University of Oxford.
I. M. Lewis, Hargeisa, Somaliland.

the late E. Littmann, University of Tubingen.

L. Lockhart, University of Cambridge.

O. Lofgren, University of Uppsala.

Sh. T. Lokhandwalla, University of Edinburgh.

F. Lokkegaard, University of Copenhagen.
S. H. Longrigg, London.

[M. Longworth Dames, Guildford].

H. Louis, University of Munich.

R. J. McCarthy, Al-Hikma University, Baghdad.

[D. B. Macdonald, Hartford, Conn.]

D. N. Mackenzie, School of Oriental and African

Studies, London.
A. J. Mango, London.
S. E. Mann, University of London.
R. Mantran, University of Tunis.
S. Maqbul Ahmad, Muslim University, Aligarh.

G. Marcais, University of Algiers.
Ph. Marcais, University of Algiers.

the late W. Marcais, College de France, Paris.

[D. S. Margoliouth, Oxford].

M" E. Marin, New York.

H. Masse, Ecole des Langues orientales, Paris.

L. Massignon, College de France, Paris.

C. D. Matthews, Dhahran.

F. Meier, University of Basle.
M me I. Melikoff, Paris.

V. Melkonian, Basra.

V. L. Menage, School of Oriental and African Studies,
London.

G. Meredith-Owens, British Museum, London.
[M. Meyerhof, Cairo].

G. C. Miles, New York.

J. M. Millas, University of Barcelona.

V. Minorsky, University of London.

[E. Mittwoch, London].

[J. H. Mordtmann, Berlin].

G. Morgenstierne, University of Oslo.

S. Moscati, University of Rome.

[A. de Motylinski, Constantine].

H. C. Mueller, Dhahran.

W. E. Mulligan, Dhahran.

the late S. F. Nadel, Australian National University,

Canberra.
Albert N. Nader, Beirut.

ity of Teheran.

[C. ,

. Nal

ne].

M lle M. Nallino, University of Rome.

B. Nikitine, Paris.

K. A. Nizami, Muslim University, Aligarh.

M. Nizamuddin, Osmania University, Hyderabad.

J. Noorduyn, Oegstgeest, Netherlands.

S. Nurul Hasan, Muslim University, Aligarh.

H. S. Nyberg, University of Uppsala.

[C. A. van Ophuyzen, Leiden].

S. d'Otton Loyewski, Paris.

R. Paret, University of Tubingen.

V. J. Parry, School of Oriental and African Studies,
London.

J. D. Pearson, School of Oriental and African Stu-
dies, London.

J. Pedersen, University of Copenhagen.

Ch. Pellat, University of Paris.

H. Peres, University of Algiers.

K. Petracek, University of Prague.

A. J. Piekaar, The Hague.

R. Pinder-Wilson, British Museum, London.

S. Pines, Hebrew University, Jerusalem.

M. Plessner, Hebrew University, Jerusalem.

W. Popper, University of California, Berkeley.

J. Prins, University of Utrecht.

O. Pritsak, University of Hamburg.

M ue Ch. Quelquejay, Paris.

C. Rabin, Hebrew University, Jerusalem.

F. Rahman, McGill University, Montreal.
[H. Reckendorf, Freiburg i. Br.].
H. A. Reed, Moorestown, N. J., U.S.A.

G. Rentz, Dhahran.
[N. Rhodokanakis, Graz.].
R. Ricard, University of Paris.
J. Rikabi, University of Damascus
H. Ritter, University of Frankfurt.
J. Robson, University of Manchester.
M. Rodinson, Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Paris.

F. Rosenthal, Yale University.
the late E. Rossi, University of Rome.
R. Rubinacci, Istituto Universitario Orientale,

Naples.
[J. Ruska, Heidelberg].

A. J. Rustum, University of Beirut.
J. Rypka, University of Prague.

Ch. Samaran, Institut des Hautes Etudes, Tunis.

T. Sarnelli, Rome.

R. M. Savory, School of Oriental and African Studies,

London.
[A. Schaade, Hamburg].
J. Schacht, Columbia University, New York.
[J. Schleifer].
[M. Schmitz].

Bedi N. Sehsuvaroglu, University of Istanbul.
[M. Seligsohn].
[C. F. Seybold, Tubingen].

Muhammed Shafi, University of the Panjab, Lahore.
Stanford J. Shaw, Harvard University.

G. E. Shayyal, University of Alexandria.
H. K. Sherwani, Hyderabad, India.

D. Sinor, University of Cambridge.
Miss Margaret Smith, London.

W. Cantweu. Smith, McGill University, Montreal.

H. T. Sorley, Salisbury, S. Rhodesia.

D. Sourdel, Paris.

M me J. Sourdel-Thomine, Ecole des Hautes Etudes,

Paris.
T. G. P. Spear, University of Cambridge.

B. Spuler, University of Hamburg.
S. M. Stern, University of Oxford.
[M. Streck, Jena].

G. Strenziok, University of Cologne.

Faruk Sumer, University of Ankara.

[K. SOssheim, Munich].

[H. Suter, Zurich].

Fr. Taeschner, University of Munster.

A. H. Tanpinar, University of Istanbul.

A. N. Tarlan, University of Istanbul.

H. Terrasse, University of Algiers.

A. Tietze, University of California, Los Angeles.

H. R. Tinker, University of London.

Z. V. Togan, University of Istanbul.

L. Torres Balbas, University of Madrid.

J. S. Trimingham, University of Glasgow.

A. S. Tritton, University of London.

R. Tschudi, University of Basle.

E. Tyan, Faculty of Law, Beirut.

E. Ullendorf, University of Manchester.
I. H. Uzuncarsili, University of Istanbul.
G. Vajda, Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Paris.

M me L. Veccia Vaglieri, Istituto Universitario

Orientale, Naples.
J. Vernet, University of Barcelona.

F. SI Vidal, Dhahran.

F. Vire, Digne.
[K. Vollers, Jena].

G. E. Von Grunebaum, University of California, Los

P. Voorhoeve, Leiden.
E. Wagner, Gottingen.
J. Walker, British Museum, London.
J. Walsh, University of Edinburgh.
R. Walzer, University of Oxford.
W. Montgomery Watt, University of Edinburgh.
H. Wehr, University of Erlangen.
the late G. Weil, Hebrew University, Jerusalem.
[A. J. Wensinck, Leiden].
G. E. Wheeler, London.
C. E. J. Whitting, London.
[E. Wiedemann, Erlangen].
G. Wiet, College de France, Paris.
,D. N. Wilber, Princeton, N.J., U.S.A.
H. von Wissmann, University of Tubingen.
Yar Muhammad Khan, University of Sind, Hyder-
abad, Pakistan.
[G. Yver, Algiers].

M. A. Zaki Badawi, University of Malaya.
the late Zaky M. Hassan, Cairo.
[K. V. Zettersteen, Uppsala].

ABBREVIATED TITLES
OF SOME OF THE MOST OFTEN QUOTED WORKS

Abu'1-Fida', Takwim = Takwim al-Buldan, ed.

J.-T. Reinaud and M. de Slane, Paris 1840
Abu'1-Fida', Takwim, tr. = Giographie d' Aboulfida,

traduite de I'arabe en francais; vol. 1, II,

1 by Reinaud, Paris 1848; vol. II, 2 by St.

Guyard, 1883
Aghani 1 or a or s = Abu'l-Faradj al-Isfahanl, al-

Aghdni; 'BOlak 1285; "Cairo 1323; "Cairo 1345-
Aghdni, Tables = Tables alphabitiques du Kildb

al-aghdni. redigees par I. Guidi, Leiden 1900
Aghani, Brunnow = The XXIst vol. of the Kitdb

al-Aghdnl, cd. R. E. Brunnow, Leiden 1883
'All Djawad = Mamdlik-i 'Othmaniyyenin ta'rikh

wa djughrdfiyd lughdti, Istanbul 1313-17/1895-9.
al-Anbari, Nuzha = Nuzhat al-Alibba* ji Tabakdt

al-Udabd', Cairo 1294
c Awfi, Lubdb = Lubdb al-Albdb, ed. E. G. Browne,

London-Leiden 1903-1906
Babinger = F. Babinger, Die Geschichtsschreiber der

Osmanen und ihre Werke, 1st ed., Leiden 1927
BaghdadI, Fark = al-Fark bayn al-Firak, ed. Mu-
hammad Badr, Cairo 1328/1910
Baladhuri, Futuh = Futuh al-Buldan, ed. M. J. de

Goeje, Leiden 1866
Baladhuri, Ansdb = Ansdb al-Ashraf, iv, v. ed. M.

Schlossinger and S. D. F. Goitein, Jerusalem

1936-38
Barkan, Kanunlar = Omer Lutfi Barkan, XV ve

XVI inci Asirlarda Osmanh Imparatorlu^unda

Zirat Ehonominin Hukuki ve Mali Esaslan, I.

Kanunlar, Istanbul 1943
Barthold, Turkestan = W. Barthold, Turkestan down

to the Mongol invasion, London 1928 (GMS,

N.S. V)
Barthold, Turkestan' = the same, 2nd edition,

London 1958
Blachere, Litt. = R. Blachere, Histoire de la Littt-

Brockelmann, I, II = C. Brockelmann, Geschichte der

Arabischen Literatur, zweite den Supplement-

bandcn angepasste Auflage, Leiden 1943-49
Brockelmann, S I, II, III = G. d. A. L., Erster

(Zweiter, Dritter) Supplementband, Leiden

1937-42
Browne, i = E. G. Browne, A Literary History of

Persia, from the earliest times until Firdawsi,

London 1902
Browne, ii = A Literary History of Persia, from

Firdawsi to Sa'di, London 1908
Browne, iii = A History of Persian Literature under

Tartar Dominion, Cambridge 1920
Browne, iv = A History of Persian Literature in

Modem Times, Cambridge 1924
Caetani, Annali = L. Caetani, Annali dell'Islam,

Milano 1905-26
Chauvin, Bibliographic — V. Chauvin, Bibliographic

des ouvrages arabes et relatifs aux A robes, Lille

1892
pabbl = Bughyat al-Multamis fi Ta'rikh Ridfal AM

al-Andalus, ed. F. Codera y J. Ribera, Madrid

1885 (BAH III)
Damlrl = Haydt al-Hayawan (quoted according to

titles of articles)

ed. E. G.

Dawlatshah = Tadhkirat al-Shu'-ar

Browne, London-Leiden 1901
DhahabI, Huffdz = al-Dhahabi, Tadhkirat al-Huffaz,

4 vols., Hyderabad 1315 H.
Djuwaynl = Ta'rikh-i Diihdn-eushd. ed. Muhammad

Kazwinl, Leiden 1906-37 (GMS XVI)
Djuwaynl-Boyle = The History of the World-
conqueror, by 'Ata-Malik Djuwaynl, trans. J. A.

Boyle, 2 vols., Manchester 1958
Dozy, Notices — R. Dozy, Notices sur quelques

manuscrits arabes, Leiden 1847-51
Dozy, Recherches s = Recherches sur I'histoire et la

littirature de I'Espagne pendant le moyen-dge,

third edition, Paris and Leiden 1881
Dozy, Suppl. = R. Dozy, Supplement aux diction-

naires arabes, Leiden 1881 (anastatic reprint

Leiden-Paris 1929)
Fagnan, Extraits = E. Fagnan, Extraits inidits re-
latifs au Maghreb, Alger 1924
Farhang = Razmara and Nawtash, Farhang-i

Qiughrafiya-yi Iran, Tehran 1949-1953
Fihrist = Ibn al-Nadim, K. al-Fihrist, ed. G. Fliigel,

Leipzig 1871-72
Firishta = Muhammad Kasim Firishta, Gulshan-i

Ibrdhimi, lith. Bombay 1832
Gesch. des Qor. = Th. Noldeke, Geschichte des Qorans,

new edition by F. Schwally, G. Bergstrasser and

O. Pretzl, 3 vols., Leipzig 1909-38
Gibb, Ottoman Poetry = E. J. W. Gibb, A History

of Ottoman Poetry, London 1900-09
Gibb-Bowen = H. A. R. Gibb and Harold Bowen,

Islamic Society and the West, London 1950-1957
Goldziher, Muh. St. = I. Goldziher, Muhammeda-

nische Studien, 2 vols., Halle 1888-90
Goldziher, Vorlesungen = I. Goldziher, Vorlesungen

iiber den Islam, Heidelberg 1910
Goldziher, Vorlesungen 2 = 2nded., Heidelberg 1925
Goldziher, Dogme — Le dogme et la loi de Vislam,

Hadidji Khalifa. Djihan-numa = Istanbul 1145/1732
ijadidjl Khalifa = Kashf al-Zuniin, ed. S. Yaltkaya

and Kilisli Rifat Bilge, Istanbul 1941-43
Hadidji Khalifa, ed. Fliigel = K. al-Z-, Leipzig

1835-58
Hamd Allah Mustawfi, Nuzha = Nuzhat al-Kulub,

ed. G. le Strange, Leiden 1913-19 (GMS XXIII)
Hamdani = Sifat Djazirat al- l Arab, ed. D. H. Miiller,

Leiden 1884-91
Hammer-Purgstall GOR = J. von Hammer(-Purg-

stall), Geschichte des Osmanischen Seiches, Pest

1828-35
Hammer-Purgstall GOR ' = the same, 2nd ed. Pest

1840
Hammer-Purgstall, Histoire = the same, trans, by

J. J. Hellert, 18 vols., Bellizard [etc.], Paris

[etc.], 1835-43
Hammer-Purgstall, Staatsverfassung = J. von Ham-
mer, Des Osmanischen Reichs Staatsverfassung

und Staatsverwaltung, 2 vols., Vienna 1815
Houtsma, Recueil — M. Th. Houtsma, Recueil des

textes relatifs a I'histoire des Seldjoucides, Leiden

1886-1902

ABBREVIATED TITLES OF SOME OF THE MOST OFTEN QUOTED WORKS

Uudud al-'Alam = The Regions of the World, transla-
ted by V. Minorsky, London 1937 (GMS, N.S. XI)

Ibn al-Abbar = K. Takmilat al-$ila, ed. F. Co-
dera, Madrid 1887-89 (BHA V-VI)

Ibn al-Athlr = K. al-Kdmil, ed. C. J. Tornberg,
Leiden 1851-76

Ibn al-Athlr, trad. Fagnan = Annates du Maghreb et
de I'Espagne, tr. E. Fagnan, Algiers 1901

Ibn Bashkuwal=ii:. al-Sila fi Akhbdr AHmmat al-
Andalus, ed. F. Cod'era, Madrid 1883 (BHA II)

Ibn Battuta = Voyages d'Ibn Batouta. Arabic text,
ed. and Fr. tr. by C. Defremery and B. R.
Sanguinetti, 4 vols., Paris 1853-58

Ibn al-Faklh = Mukhtasar K. al-Bulddn, ed. M. J.
De Goeje, Leiden 1886 (BGA V)

Ibn Hawkal = K. $urat al-Ard, ed. J. H. Kramers,
Leiden 1938-39 (BGA II, 2nd edition)

Ibn Hisham = Sira, ed. F. Wustenfeld, Gottingen

Ibn 'Idhari = K. al-Baydn al-Mughrib, ed. G. S.

Colin and E. Levi-Provencal, Leiden 1948-51;

vol. iii, ed. E. Levi-Provencal, Paris 1930
Ibn al- c Imad, Shadhardt = Shadhardt al-Dhahab fi

Akhbdr man dhahab, Cairo 1350-51 (quoted

according to years of obituaries)
Ibn Khaldun, <Ibar = K. al-'-Ibar wa-Diwdn al-

Mubtada' wa-l-Khabar etc., Bulak 1284
Ibn Khaldun, Mukaddima <= Proligomines d'Ebn

Khaldoun, ed. E. Quatremere, Paris 1858-68

(Notices et Extraits XVI-XVIII)
(bn Khaldun-Rosenthal = The Muqaddimah, trans.

from the Arabic by Franz Rosenthal, 3 vols.,

London 1958
Ibn Khaldun-de Slane = Les proligomenes d'Ibn

Khaldoun, traduits en francais et commentes

par M. de Slane, Paris 1863-68 (anastatic reprint

1934-38)
Ibn Khallikan = Wafaydt al-A'ydn wa-Anbd* Abnd'

al Zamdn, ed. F. Wustenfeld, Gottingen 1835-50

(quoted after the numbers of biographies)
Ibn Khallikan, Bulak = the same, ed. Bulak 1275
Ibn Khallikan-de Slane = Kitdb Wafaydt al-A'-ydn,

trans, by Baron MacGuckin de Slane, 4 vols.

Paris 1842-1871
Ibn Khurradadhbih = al-Masalik wa 'l-Mamdlik, ed.

M. J. De Goeje, Leiden 1889 (BGA VI)
Ibn Kutayba, al-Shi l r = Ibn Kutayba, Kitdb al-

Shi'r wa'I-Shu'ard, ed. De Goeje, Leiden 1900
Ibn Rusta = al-AHdk al-Nafisa, ed. M. J. De Goejf

Leiden 1892 (BGA VII)
Ibn Rusta-Wiet = Les Atours pricieux, traduction

de Gaston Wiet, Cairo 1955
Ibn Sa'd = al-Jabakdt al-kubrd, ed. H. Sachau and

others, Leiden 1905-40
Ibn TaghrlbirdI = al-Nudfum al-Zdhira fi Muluk

Misr wa-l-Kdhira, ed. W. Popper, Berkeley-
Leiden 1908-1936
Ibn Taghribirdi, Cairo = the same, ed. Cairo 1348 ff.
IdrisI, Maghrib = Description de I'Afrique et de

I'Espagne, ed. R. Dozy and M. J. De Goeje, Leiden

1866
Idrisl-Jaubert = Geographic d'Edrisi, trad, de l'arabe

en francais par P. Amedee Jaubert, 2 vols,

Paris 1836-40
I?t,akhrl = al-Masalik wa 'l-Mamdlik, ed. M. J. De

Goeje, Leiden 1870 (BGA I) (and reprint 1927)
Juynboll, Handbuch = Th. W. Juynboll, Handbuch

des Isldmischen Gesetzes, Leiden 1910
Kh w andamlr = Pabib al-Siyar, Tehran 1271
Kutubl, Fawdt = Ibn Shakir al-Kutubl, Fawdt al-

Wafaydt, Bulak 1299

LA = Lisdn al-'-Arab

Lane = E. W. Lane, An Arabic-English Lexicon,

London 1863-93 (reprint New York 1955-6)
Lane-Poole, Cat. = S. Lane-Poole, Catalogue of

Oriental Coins in the British Museum, 1877-90
Lavoix, Cat. = H. Lavoix, Catalogue dts Monnaies

Musulmanes de la Bibliothique Nationale, Paris

1887-96
Le Strange = G. Le Strange, The Lands of the

Eastern Caliphate, 2nd ed., Cambridge 1930
Le Strange, Baghdad, = G. Le Strange, Baghdad

during the Abbasid Caliphate, Oxford 1924.
Le Strange, Palestine = G. Le Strange, Palestine

under the Moslems, London 1890
Levi- Provencal, Hist.Esp. Mus. = E. Levi-Provencal,

Histoire de I'Espagne musulmane, nouv. ed.,

Leiden-Paris 1950-53, 3 vols.
Levi-Provencal, Chorfa = E. Levi-Provencal, Les

Historiens des Chorfa, Paris 1922
Makkari, Analectes = Nafh al-Tib fi Ghusn al-

A ndalus al-Ratib (A nalectes sur V histoire et la litte-

rature des Arabes de I'Espagne), Leiden 1855-61
Makkari, Bulak = the same, ed. Bulak 1279/1862
Maspero-Wiet, Materiaux = J . Maspero et G. Wiet,

MaUriaux pour servir d la Geographie de I'Egypte,

Le Caire 1914 (MIFAO XXXVI)
Mas'udi, Murudi = Murudj. al-Dhahab, ed. C. Barbier

de Meynard et Pavet de Courteille, Paris 1861-77
Mas'udI, Tanbih = K. al-Tanbih wa-l-Ishrdf, ed.

M. J. De Goeje, Leiden 1894 (BGA VIII)
Mayer, Architects — L. A. Mayer, Islamic Architects

and their Works, Geneva 1956
Mayer, Astrolabists = L. A. Mayer, Islamic A strolabists

and their Works, Geneva 1958
Mayer, Metalworkers — L. A. Mayer, Islamic Metal-
workers and their Works, Geneva 1959
Mayer, Woodcarvers = L. A. Mayer, Islamic Wood-
carvers and their Works, Geneva 1958
Mez, Renaissance = A. Mez, Die Renaissance des

Islams, Heidelberg 1922
Mez, Renaissance, Eng. tr. = The Renaissance of

Islam, translated into English by Salahuddin

Khuda Bukhsh and D. S. Margoliouth, London

1937
Mez, Renaissance, Spanish trans. = El Renacimiento

del Islam, translated into Spanish by S. Vila,

Madrid-Granada 1936.
MIrkh"and = Rawdat al-$afd, Bombay 1266/1849
Mukaddasi = Ahsan al-Takdsim fi Ma'rifat al-Akd-

lim, ed. M. J. De Goeje, Leiden 1877 (BGA III)
Munadjdjim Bashl = $ahd*if al Akhbdr, Istanbul

NaJlino, Scritti = C. A. Nallino, Raccolta di Scritti

editi e inediti, Roma 1939-48
Zubayri, Nasab = Mus'ab al-Zubayri, NasabKuraysh,

ed. E. Levi-Proven?al, Cairo 1953
'■Othmdnll Muellifleri = Bursall Mehmed Tahir, 'Oth-

mdnli Muellifleri, Istanbul 1333
Pakahn = Mehmet Zeki Pakalin, Osmanh Tarih

Deyimleri ve Terimleri Sdzliigii, 3 vols., Istanbul

1946 ff.
Pauly-Wissowa = Realenzyklopaedie des klassischen

Altertums
Pearson = J. D. Pearson, Index Islamicus, Cam-
bridge 1958
Pons Boigues = Ensayo bio-bibliogrdfico sobre los

historiadores y gedgrafos ardbigo-espanoles,

Madrid 1898
Sam'anI = al-Sam'anl, al-Ansdb, ed. in facsimile by

D. S. Margoliouth, Leiden 1912 (GMS XX)
Santillana, Istituzioni = D. Santillana, Istituzioni di

diritto musulmano mahchita, Roma 1926-38

ABBREVIATED TITLES OF SOME OF THE MOST OFTEN QUOTED WORKS

Sarkis = Sarkls, Mu^dfam al-matbu c dt al-'arabiyya,
Cairo 1346/1928

Schwarz, Iran = P. Schwarz, Iran im Mittelatter
nach den arabischen Geographen, Leipzig 1896-

Shahrastanl = al-Milal wa 'l-Nihal, ed. W. Cureton,
London 1846

Sidjill-i 'Othmdni = Mehmed Thiireyya, SidjiU-i
t Othmdnl, Istanbul 1308-1316

Snouck Hurgronje, Verspr. Geschr. = C. Snouck
Hurgronje, Verspreide Geschriften, Bonn-Leipzig-
Leiden 1923-27

Sources inidiies = Comte Henry de Castries, Les
Sources inedites de I'Histoire du Maroc, Premiere
Serie, Paris [etc.] 1905 — , Deuxieme Serie, Paris

Spuler, Horde = B. Spuler, Die Goldene Horde,

Leipzig 1943
Spuler, Iran = B. Spuler, Iran in fruh-islamischer

Zeit, Wiesbaden 1952
Spuler, Mongolen * = B. Spuler, Die Mongolen in

Iran, 2nd ed., Berlin 1955
Storey = C. A. Storey, Persian Literature: a bio-
bibliographical survey, London 1927-
Survey of Persian Art = ed. by A. U. Pope, Oxford

1938
Suter = H. Suter, Die Mathematiker und A stronomen

der Araber und ihre Werkc, Leipzig 1900
Suyfltl, Bughya = Bughyat al-Wu'dt, Cairo 1326
TA = Muljammad Murtada b. Mubammad al-Zabidi,

TdM al- c Arus
Tabari = TaMkh al-Rusul wa 'l-Muluk, ed. M. J. De

Goeje and others, Leiden 1879-1901
Taeschner, Wegenetx — FranzTaeschner, Die Verkehrs-

lage und das Wegenetx Anatoliens im Wandel der

Zeiten, Gotha 1926
Ta'rikh Baghdad = al-Khatib al-Baghdadl, Ta'rtkh

Baghdad, 14 vols., Cairo 1349/1931.
Ta'rikh Dimashk = Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'riAA Dimashk,

7 vols., Damascus 1329-51/1911-31
Ta'rikh-i Guzlda = Hamd Allah Mustawfl al-Kaz-

wlnl, Ta'rikh-i Guzida, ed. in facsimile by E. G.

Browne, Leiden-London 1910
Tha c alibl, Yatlma = Yatlmat al-Dahr fi Mahasin

AM al- l Asr, Damascus 1304
Tomaschek = W. Tomaschek, Zur historischen Topo-
graphic von Kleinasien im Mittelatter, Vienna

1891.
Weil, Chalifen = G. Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen,

Mannheim-Stuttgart 1846-82
Wensinck, Handbook = A. J. Wensinck, A Hand-
book of Early Muhammadan Tradition, Leiden

1927
Ya'kubl = TaMkJi, ed. M. Th. Houtsma, Leiden 1883
Ya'kubi, Bulddn = ed. M. J. De Goeje, Leiden 1892

(BGA VII)
Ya c kubl-Wiet =» W*«M. Les Pays, trad, par Gaston

Wiet, Cairo 1937
Yakut = Mu<-diam al-Bulddn, ed. F. Wustenfeld,

Leipzig 1866-73 (anastatic reprint 1924)
Yakut, Udaba> = Irshdd al-Arlb ild Ma<ri/at al-

Adib, ed. D. S. Margoliouth, Leiden 1907-31

(GMS VI)
Zambaur = E. de Zambaur, Manuel de ginialogie

et de chronologic pour I'histoire de I'Islam,

Hanover 1927 (anastatic reprint Bad Pyrmont

1955)
Zinkeisen = J. Zinkeisen, Geschichte des osmanischen

Reiches in Europa, Gotha 1840-83

ABBREVIATIONS FOR PERIODICALS ETC.

Abh. G. W. Gotl. = Abhandlungen der GeseUschaft der

Wissenschaften zu GSttingen.
Abh. K. M. = Abhandlungen fiir die Kunde des

Morgenlandes.
Abh. Pr. Ak. W. = Abhandlungen der preussischen

Akademie der Wissenschaften.
Afr. Fr. = Bulletin du Comitt de I'Afrique francaise.
AIEO Alger = Annates de I'Institut d'Etudes Orien-
tates de I'UniversiU d' Alger.
AIUON = Annali dell' Istituto Universitario Orien-
tate di Napoli.
Am. Wien = Anzeiger der [kaiserlichen] Akademie der

Wissenschaften, Wien. Philosophisch-historische

Klasse.
AO = Acta Orientalia.
ArO = Archiv Orientdlni.
ARW = Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft.
ASI — Archaeological Survey of India.
ASI, NIS = ditto, New Imperial Series.
ASI, AR = ditto, Annual Reports.
AODTCFD = Ankara Vniversitesi DU ve Tarih-

Cografya FakUltesi Dergisi.
BAH = Bibliotheca Arabico-Hispana.
BASOR = Bulletin of the American Schools of

Oriental Research.
Belleten = Belleten (of Turk Tarih Kurumu)
BFac. Ar. = Bulletin of the Faculty of Arts of the

Egyptian University.
B£t. Or. = Bulletin d' Etudes Orientates de I'Institut

Francais de Damas.
BGA = Bibliotheca geographorum arabicorum.
BIE = Bulletin de I'Institut d'&gypte.
BIFAO = Bulletin de I'Institut Francais d'Archiologie

Orientate du Caire.
BR AH — Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia

de Espana.
BSE — Bol'shaya Sovetshaya Entsihlopediya (Large

Soviet Encyclopaedia) ist ed.
BSE' = the same, 2nd ed.

BSL[P] = Bulletin de la Sociiti de Linguistique de Paris.
BSO[A]S = Bulletin of the School of Oriental [and

African] Studies.
BTLV = Bijdragen tot de Tool-, Land- en Volken-

kunde [van NederUtndsch-Indie].
BZ = Byzantinische Zeitschrift.
COC — Cahiers de I'Orient contemporain.
CT = Cahiers de Tunisie.
EI 1 = Encyclopaedia of Islam, 1" edition.
EIM = Epigraphia Indo-Moslemica.
ERE = Encyclopaedia of Religions and Ethics.
GGA = Gbttinger Gelehrte Anzeigen.
GMS = Gibb Memorial Series.
Gr. I. Ph. = Grundriss der Iranischen Philologie.
I A = Isldm Ansiklopedisi.
IBLA = Revue de I'Institut des Belles Lettres Arabes,

IC = Islamic Culture.

IFD = Ilahiyat FakiUtesi Dergisi.

IHQ = Indian Historical Quarterly.

IQ = The Islamic Quarterly.

Isl. = Der Islam.

J A — Journal Asiatique.

J Afr. S = Journal of the African Society.

JAOS = Journal of the American Oriental Society.

JAnthr. I = Journal of the Anthropological Institute.
JBBRAS = Journal of the Bombay Branch of the

Royal Asiatic Society.
JE = Jewish Encyclopaedia.
JESHO = Journal of the Economic and Social

History of the Orient.
J[R]Num. S. = Journal of the [Royal] Numismatic

JNES = Journal of Near Eastern Studies.

JPak. H. S. = Journal of the Pakistan Historical

JPHS = Journal of the Punjab Historical Society.
JQR — Jewish Quarterly Review.
JRAS = Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.
J[R]ASB — Journal and Proceedings of the [Royal]

Asiatic Society of Bengal.
JRGeog. S. = Journal of the Royal Geographical

JSFO — Journal de la Sociiti Finno-ougrienne.

JSS = Journal of Semitic Studies.

KCA = KOrSsi Csoma Archivum.

KS = Keleti Szemle (Oriental Review).

KSIE = Kratkie Soobshfeniya Instituta £tnografiy

(Short communications of the Institute of

Ethnography).
LE = Literaturnayt± £ntsiklopedi£a (Literary Ency-
clopaedia).
MDOG = Mitteillungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesell-

schaft.
MDPV = Mitteilungen und Nachrichten des Deutschen

Paldstina- Vereins.
ME A = Middle Eastern Affairs.
ME J = Middle East Journal.
MFOB = Milanges de la Faculti Orientate de

I'UniversiU St. Joseph de Beyrouth.
MGMN = Mitteilungen zur Geschichte der Medizin

und Naturwissenschaften.
MGWJ = Monatsschrift fiir dieGeschichte und Wissen-

schaft des Judentums.
MI DEO = Milanges de I'Institut Dominicain d' Etudes

Orientates du Caire.
MIE = Mimoires de I'Institut d'Egypte.
MIFAO = Mimoires publiis par les membres de I'In-
stitut Francais d'Archiologie Orientate du Caire.
MMAF = Mimoires de la Mission Archiologique

Francaise au Caire.
MMIA = Madiallat al-Madima' al-Hlmi al-<Arabi,

Damascus.
MO = Le Monde oriental.

MOG = Mitteilungen zur osmanischen Geschichte.
MSE = Malaga Sovetskaya £nisihlopediya (Small

Soviet Encyclopaedia).
MSFO = Mimoires de la Sociiti Finno-ougrienne.
MSL[P] = Mimoires de la Sociiti Linguistique de Paris.
MSOS Afr. = Mitteilungen des Seminars fur Orien-

talische Sprachen, Afrikanische Studien.
MSOS As. — Mitteilungen des Seminars fiir Orien-

talische Sprachen, Westasiatische Studien.
MTM = Milli Tetebbu'-ler Medimu'asi.
MW = The Muslim World.
NC = Numismatic Chronicle.
NGWGott. = Nachrichten von der GeseUschaft der

Wissenschaften zu Gbttingen.
OC = Oriens Christianus.

ABBREVIATIONS

OLZ — Orientalistische Literaturzeitung.

OM = Oriente Moderno.

PEFQS = Palestine Exploration Fund. Quarterly

Statement.
Pet. Mitt. = Petermanns Mitteilungen.
QDAP = Quarterly Statement of the Department of

Antiquities of Palestine.
RAfr. = Revue Africaine.

RCEA = Ripertoire chronologique d'Epigraphie arabe.
RE J = Revue des Etudes Juives.
Rend. Lin. = Rendiconti delta Reale Accademia dei

Lincei, Classe di scienze morali, storiche e filolo-

REI = Revue des Etudes Islamiques.

RHR = Revue de I'Histoire des Religions.

RIM A = Revue de I'Institut des Manuscrits Arabes.

RMM = Revue du Monde Musulman.

RO = Rocznih Orientalistyczny.

ROC = Revue de VOrient Chretien.

ROL = Revue de VOrient Latin.

RSO = Rivista degli studi orientali.

RT = Revue Tunisienne.

SBAk. Heid. = Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Aka-
demie der Wissenschaften.

SBAk. Wien — Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der
Wissenschaften zu Wien.

SBBayr. Ak. = Sitzungsberichte der Bayrischen Aka-
demie der Wissenschaften.

SBPMS Erlg. = Sitzungsberichte der Physikalisch-
medizinischen Sozietdt in Erlangen.

SBPr. Ak. W. = Sitzungsberichte der preussischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin.

SE — Sovetskaya Etnografiya (Soviet Ethnography).

SO = Sovetskoe Vostokovedenie (Soviet Orientalism).
Stud. I si. = Studia Islamica.

S.Ya. = Sovetskoe Yazikoznanie (Soviet Linguistics).
TBG = Tijdschrift van het Bataviaasch Oenootschap

van Kunsten en Wetenschappen.
TD — Tarih Dergisi.
TIE = Trudl instituta Etnografiy (Works of the

Institute of Ethnography).
TM = Turkiyat Mecmuast.
TOEM = Ta'rikh-i "Othmdni (Turk Ta'rikhi) En-

diumeni medimu'asl.
Verh. Ak. A mst. = V erhandelingen der Koninhlijhe

Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam.
Versl. Med. Ak. A mst. = Verslagen en M ededeelingen

der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te

A msterdam.
VI = Voprosl Istoriy (Historical Problems).
WI = Die Welt des Islams.
WIn.s. = ibid., new series.
Wiss. Verbff. DOG = Wissenschaftliche Verbffent-

lichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft.
WZKM = Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des

Morgenlandes.
ZA = Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie.
ZATW = Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissen-

schaft.
ZDMG = Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen

Gesellschaft.
ZDPV = Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paldstinavereins.
ZGErdk. Birl. = Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fur Erd-

kunde in Berlin.
ZS = Zeitschrift fur Semitistik.

LIST OF TRANSLITERATIONS

SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION OF ARABIC CHARACTERS:

Long Vowels Diphthongs

j S

t
aitiai;

1 >

V-J5

L? ' 5

i —

<v —

. ay

^ = '

LK=

iyy (final form I)

SAoe* Foweis

-b

^_ a

S-

uww (final form 0)

_L_ u

— i

Oil

» a; at (construct state)

Jl (article), al- and >1- (even before the a

PERSIAN, TURKISH AND URDU ADDITIONS TO THE ARABIC ALPHABET:

yj or u3 g (sometimes 8 in Turkish)

Additional vowels:

a) Turkish: e, I, o, 6, ti. Diacritical signs proper to Arabic are, in principle, not used in words of Turkish

etymology.
6) Urdu: «, 6.

For modern Turkish, the official orthography adopted by the Turkish Republic in 1928 is used.
The following letters may be noted :

c = dj g = gh j=zh k = k and k t = t and {

c = i h = h, h and kh 5 = sh s = s, s and th z = z, z, d and dh

SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION OF CYRILLIC CHARACTERS:
ee Kk np 4> f m she

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA

i», 'Ababda, 1. 6 read limit.

2 b , read Aba? a.

3, Abarkubadh. Bibliography, add: G. C. Miles, Abarqubddh, A new Umayyad Mint, in American

Numism. Soc. Museum Notes IV, 1952, 115-120.
7 b , 1. 4 from below, for shahi-sewen read shah-seven.

8 b , 'Abbas I, add to the bibliography: Nasr Allah Falsafl, Zindagdnl-yi Shah 'Abbds-i Awwal, Tehran
1953 — ; Miguel Asin Palacios, Comentario de Don Garcia de Silva y Figueroa de la embajada
que de parte del Roy de Espana don Felippe III hizo al Rey Xa Abas de Persia, Madrid 1928;
N. D. Miklucho-Maclay, K voprosu nalagovoy politike v Irane pri Shakhe Abbase I . . ., in
Sovetskoe Vostokovedenie, vi (1949), 348-55; E. Kiihnel, Han 'Alam und die Diplomat: Bez.
zw. Gahdngir und Schah 'Abbas, in ZDMG xcvi (1942), 171-86.
, 1. 18, for 'Abbas Hilmi I read 'Abbas I.
1. 56, read A. H. 467 al-Muktadl.
1. 29, lor 68/686-8 read 68/687-8.

1. 26, jor by al-Zubayr read by 'Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr.

'Abd Allah b. al-Husayn, Bibliography, add: M. Khadduri, Fertile Crescent Unity, in R. N.
Frye, ed., The Near East and the Great Powers, Cambridge (Mass.) 1951, 137-177.
, 1. 66, lor Abu Hamara read Abu Himara.
add: 'Abd al-'Az!z b. 'Abd al-Rahman Ibn Abi 'Amir [see 'Amirids].
add: 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Abi Dulaf [see Dulafids].

'Abd al-'Aziz b. Marwan, Bibliography, add: U. Rizzitano, 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Marwdn, governatore
umayyade d'Egitto, in Rend. Lin., series iii, vol. ii, fasc. 5-6, 1947, 341-347.
1- 59. for 30 March read 30 May.
I. 50, 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Dihlawi, read Shah.
60, add 'Abd al-Eialil Abu 'l-Mahasin [see al-dihistanI].
add 'Abd al-Ghaffar b. 'Abd al-Karim [see al-kazwIni].
add 'Abd al-Ghaffar al-Akhras [see al-akhras].

'Abd al-Hakk b. Sayf al-DIn, Bibliography, add: Kh. A. Nizaml, Haydt Shaykh 'Abd al-Haty
Muhaddith Dihlawi, Dihli 1953.
6i a , 1. 46, after born Febr. 1852 add at Istanbul.
6i b , 1. 30, for in 1937 read on 12 April 1937 at Istanbul.
6i b , 1. 42, for Yadigar-i Harp read Yadgar-i Harb.
63", 1. 7, for Wasif read Wasif.

63°, 'Abd al-HamId II, 1. 2, for 5th of 30 read 8th of 40.
63 b , 1. 10 from below, for former read later.
64*, 1. 42, for amedji read ameddji.
64 b , 1. 42, for 1894 read 1889.
65, Bibliography, last line, for 1343 read 1943.
71, add 'Abd al-Karim b. 'Adjarrad [see ibn 'adjarrad].
72 b , 1. 30, for Pa'inda read Payanda.

75 b , 1. 15, after son of 'Abd al-'Aziz [q.v.] add born 30 May 1868.
76, add 'Abd al-Malik b. Hisham [see ibn hisham].
78, add 'Abd al-Malik b. Zuhr [see ibn zuhr].
80, add 'Abd al-RahIm b. 'AlI [see al-kadI al-fadil],

'Abd al-RahIm b. Muhammad [see ibn nubata].
91, add 'Abd al-Salam b. Ahmad [see ibn ghanimI.
91", in Bibliography, for Kumushakhanawi read Gumiish-khanewl.
97", 'AbdI Effendi, 1. 4, for 1764 read 1774.
I02 b , 1. 24, art. Abraha, for 640-650 A.D. read 540-550 A.D..
103*, 1. 20, after idem, le Musion, 1953, 339-42, add idem, La persecution des chritiens himyarites au

sixieme siecle, Istanbul 1956.
io5 b , 1. 42, for al-kafar al-Misri read al-frufr al-Misri.
108, Abu 'l-'Ayna'. Bibliography: add Djahiz, Hayawdn*, index; 'AskalanI, Lisdn al-mizdn, v, 344-46;

$afadi, Himydn, 265; Ch. Pellat, in RSO, 1952, 66.
109', 1. 8, from below, for 1136/1273 read 1136/1724.
I09 a , 1. 4, from below, for 1 133/1729 read 1004/1596.
iog», 1. 3, from below, lor 'Uthman III read 'Uthman II.
in", 1. 66, for Nahar*" read Nahar" 1 .
117", 1. 27, for al-Kahtani read al-Kahtani.
H7 b , 1. 15, read Akbar ndma, iii.
n8 b , 1. 30, after Nadjaf 1353, add and Cairo 1368/1949.

1. 63, for 'Hamah read Hamah.
H9«, 1. 40, for Takwln read Takwim.

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA XV

P. 123, Abu IJanIfa. F. Rosenthal points out that the name of the grandfather (Zwt> or Zwtrh) corresponds
to the Aramaic word for "small"; Abu Hanifa was therefore probably of local, Aramaean descent.
P. 125, Abu IJatim YOsuf b. Muhammad. [See rustumids].
P. I26», 1. 36, for al-Makdisi read al-Mukaddasi.

P. I4i b , 1. 72, ]or ("the man with green spectacles") read ("the man with blue spectacles").
P. 142, Abu Naddara. Bibliography: add Ibrahim 'Abduh, Abu Naddara, Cairo 1953.
P. I43», 1. 9, Abu Nuwis, for (d. 198/873) read (d. 198/813).
P. 143", 1. 35, tor al-Khatlb read al-KhasIb.
P. I44 b , Abu Nuwas, add to bibliography: E. Wagner, Der Oberlieferung des Abu Nuwds-Diwdn, Wiesbaden

1958.
P. 146", 1. 1, for ba read ba.
P. I47 b , Abu Sa c id b. Abi 'l-Khayr, add to bibliography: Muhammad b. Munawwar . . . MaykhanI, Asrdr

fi 'l-tawhid fi Makdmdt al-Shayhh Abi Sa'id, ed. Dhablh Allah Safa, Tehran 1332 S./1954.
P. 163, Abu Yazid al-BistamI. Bibliography: add H. Ritter, Die Ausspriiche des Bayezid Bisfdmi, in:

Westbstliche Abhandlungen Rudolf Tschudi . . . uberreicht, Wiesbaden 1954, 231-43.
P. 182*, 1. 10, for zaman read zaman.
P. 183*, 1. 9, for Brouquiere read Brocquiere.
P. 184', Adana, add to bibliography : see also map of Adana in Nazim Tarhan and Aziz Arsan, Tarihte Adana,

Adana ca. 1954, new ed. "Turistik Adana" ca. 1957.
P. i87», 1. 48 read 1748, fasc. Ill, 95 f.
P. i87», 'Adhab al-Kabr, add to the bibliography: Ibn Kayyim al-Djawziyya, al-Risdla al-Kabriyya fi

•l-Radd c ald Munkiri c Adhdb al-Kabr, in Madimii'at Sitt Rasa'il, Cairo and Kadiyan, n.d.
P. 188, Adhan. Bibliography : add Wensinck, Mohammed en de Joden te Medina, 127 ff. (French transl. in

RAfr., 1954, 96 ff.).
P. igo>, 1. 5, for 1728 read 1729-30.

P. 194', Adhari, add to Bibliography: Przeglad Orientalistyczny 1956/1 (17), 86 ff.
P. 199", Adiyaman, 1. 2, for Husnumansur read Hisnimansur.
P. 20i», 1. 41, for 365/972 read 365/976.
P. 207", al-'Abidjabi, 1. 5, for 97/"5 "ad 97/716.

P. 209*, 1. 68, add The seat of an administrative tribunal is therefore often called ddr aW-adl.
P. 2ii b , 1. 5, for 338/944 read 338/949.

P. 214*, 1. 48, add On the MustaHni of Ibn Biklarish, see Renaud, in Hesp., 1930, 135 ff.
P. 2i4», 1. 23, add On the Tafrwim al-Adwiya of al- c Ala e i, see Renaud, in Hesp., 1933, 69 ff.
P. 215", 1. 15 for Bahra' read Bahra\

1. 65 for Shananshan read Shahanshah.
P. 224, Afghanistan, (ii) ethnography. Bibliography: add Iwamura Sh. and H. F. Schurman, Notes on
Mongolian Groups in Afghanistan, Silver Jubilee volume of Zinbun-kagahu-Kenkyusho, Kyoto Univ.
1954, 480-515 (includes linguistic texts).
P. 225, Afghanistan, (iv) Religion. Bibliography: add W. Jackson and L. H. Gray, in ERE, s.v.
Afghanistan, i, 158, 160; N. Slousch, Les Juifs en Afghanistan, RMM, 1908, 502 ff.; M. Akram,
Bibliographic analytique de l'Afghanistan, i, Paris 1947.
P. 228*, 1. 7, from below, for Ghazna read Kabul.
P. 228 b , 1. 9, from below, for 1003/1621 read 1003/1595.

P. 234*, AflakI, at end, change full stop to comma and add by Tahsin Yazici, 2 vols., 1953-5.
P. 244*, 1. 34, for Persians read Akkoyunlus.

P. 244", Afyun Kara Hisar, add after line 50: Kara Hisar formerly owed some of its importance to being
a junction of the caravan routes between Izmir and the commercial centres in the interior (Ankara,
Kayseri, Tolot, etc.) on the one hand, and between Constantinople, or rather Scutari (Uskiidar),
and Syria on the other: see F. Taeschner, Das anatolische Wegenetz nach osmanischen Quellen, i,
Leipzig 1924, esp. 127; more recently it has become an important railway junction on the Izmir-
Kasaba and Anatolian systems.
249", 1. 49, read Djabriyya.
250*, 1. 21, add Ibrahim Shabbuh, in Revue de I'Institut des Manuscrits Arabes, 1956, 339 ff.

1. 30, read 148/765.
257", 1. 29, read of the brother of £ Ad.
267", Ahmad I, 1. 4, for 22 January read 22 December.
268», Ahmad II, 1. 4, for Rashld read Rashid.
268 b , Bibliography, 1. 1, for Rashld read Rashid.
268 b , Ahmad III, 1. 4, for 21 August read 23 August.
268 b , 1. 35, for Kopriilii read Kopriilii-zade.
277 b , Ahmad b. Hanbal, add to bibliography: H. Laoust, Les premieres professions de foi hanbalites, in

Mdlanges Massignon, iii/1957, 7-36.
279*, 1- 29, for as a magistrate in the Native Courts read as a kadi in the Shari'a Courts.
287 b , 1. 32, read in 1891, and his memoirs appeared under the title.
3o6 b , 1. 32 and 33 from below, read the early Middle Ages.

311, heading, for Ak Kirman read Ak Kirman-Ak Koyunlu.

312, heading, for Ak Kirman- read Ak Koyunlu-.
312*, Bibliography, for Inane read Yinanc.

3I2», A? Koyunlu, add to bibliography: J. Aubin, Notes sur quelques documents AqQoyunlu, in Milanges

Massignon, i/1956, 123-47.
313*, Aif Shehr, add to Bibliography: Ibrahim Hakki Konyali, Aksehir, Istanbul; Rifki Melul Meric,

Aksehir Tiirbe ve Kitdbeleri, TM, v, Istanbul.

XVI ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA

P. 317", 1. 8, after M. Roychoudhuri, The Din-i-Ilahi, Calcutta 1941, add 2nd edition, Calcutta 1952 (with

different pagination and additional appendix "C" to Chapter V).
P. 321', 1. 50, add tr. and annotated by Camara Lamine, Conakry 1950.
P. 332", 1. 5, Ajojund-ZAda, delete the words in his early days
P. 3326, 1. „ f. ; reai i j n AIUON, N.S., i (Scritti in onore di Luigi Bonelli).
P. 332", 1. 17 f., read The Hague, 1958.

Aisund-Zada, Bibliography: add M. F. Achundov (= Akhund-zade), Pis'ma Kemalud-dovli,

Baku 1959 (in Azeri) ; M. Rafili, Mirza Fatali Akhundov, Moscow 1959 (in Russian) ; K. Tarverdieva,

Abovjan i Achundov, Yerevan 1958 (in Armenian). See also F. Gasymzade, XIX isr Azerbajdlan

edebijjaty tarichi, Baku 1956 (in Azeri), 260-371; G. Gusejnov, Iz istoriy obshtestvennoy i filosofskoy

misli v Azerbaydiane XIX veka*, Baku 1958, 162-295.
P- 337". •• r 8, add [see durOz].
P. 355», add c Alaw1, Ba [see bA c alawI].
P. 358", add Albania [see arnawut].
P. 367*, 1. 55, read vanished, the future.
P. 368*, c AlI b. AbI Talib, Bibliography, add c Abd al-Fattah <Abd al-Maksfld, al-Imdm 'AH b. Abi Talib,

Cairo 1946-53.
P. 374 b , 1. 9-10, read spoken in the heart of the Oran region.

1. 11-12, delete except region.

P- 375 b , 1- 4°. ™ad biliteral.

1. 42, read Djidjellians (elsewhere ash, ah).
P. 376", 1. 16-17, read Only Old Tenes.

1. 20, read everywhere (except in Miliaria and Blida).

1. 23, read Cherchell, Miliana, Medea.
P- 377". 1- 2I , n<ut vowels in open syllables.

1. 60, read Oran and in the Chelif region.
P. 378 1 , 1. 50, read of the Oued Souf.

P. 379". 1. 49, add G. Kampffmeyer, Sudalgerische Studien, Berlin 1905.
P. 380*, 1. 60, read Ghllan.
P. 380", 1. 23, read 651/768, 1963.
P. 381*, 1. 9, read J A, 1869, 6th ser., xiv.
P. 388 b , 1. 8, from below, read 869-83.

P. 392", add c AlI al-HadI [see al- c AskarI, Abu 'l-Hasan].
P. 400", c Ali Werdi Khan, Bibliography: add Kalikinkar Datta, Alivardi and his times, Calcutta 1939,

(contains an exhaustive bibliography).
P. 404, Aljamia. Circumstances beyond the control of the Editorial Committee have made it necessary

for the text and the bibliography to appear as independent contributions by two different

P. 425", 1. 14, from below, for 1836-39 read 1836-99.

P. 426", Alwar, read Alwar.

P. 430", AmAn, Bibliography: add E. Tyan, Institutions du droit public musulman, i, Paris 1954, 426 ff.;
P. S. Leicht and G. Astuti, La posizione giuridica delle colonie di mercanti occidentali nel Vicino
Orienle e nell' Africa del Nord nel medio evo, in Mim. de I' Acad. Intern, de Droit Campari, iii/3,
Rome 1953, 133-146; M. Hamidullah, Extraterritorial Capitulations in favour of Muslims in
classical times, in Islamic Research Association Miscellany, i, 1948, 47-60; A. Abel, L'itranger dans
I'Islam classique, in L'itranger (Recueils de la Societe Jean Bodin, ix), 1957, 331-351.

P- 433", '• 5°, a ^d For a confirmation of the term menokad in an inscription at Leptis Magna, see G. Levi
Delia Vida, in Africa Italiana, vi, 1935, 4-6; J. Friedrich, PhSnizisch-punische Grammatih,
93 § 211.

P. 437*, 1. 16, Amin, for econimic read economic.

P. 446", add al- c Amiri [see muhammad b. yusuf, al-'amiri].

P. 497*, 1. 8, add J. D. Latham, Towards a Study of Andalusian Immigration and its place in Tunisian
History, in Les Cahiers de Tunisie, 19-20, 1957, 203-252.

P. 506 1 , Andjuman (India and Pakistan), Bibliography, add Sayyid Hashiml Ta'rikh-i Pandjdb Sdla-e-
Andiuman-i Tarakfti-i Urdu, Karachi 1953.

P. 5ii», 11. 8-9 from the bottom, delete in October.

1. 10 from the bottom, for June 1919 read September 1919.

P. 511", add al-Ankubarda, also al-Ankaburda, name of Lombardy in Arabic geographical works, (ed.).

P- 539", !• 43, PjazIrat al- c Arab, for The boundary general way. read The boundary between

Saudi Arabia and Kuwayt and the boundaries of their neutral zone were agreed upon between
Britain and the then Sultan of Nadjd (later King of Saudia Arabia) in the convention of al- c Ukayr
of 1922 but were not demarcated on the ground.

P. 548", 1. 49, add Recently discovered inscriptions indicate that the hypothesis set forth in this article
with respect to the starting point of the "Sabaean era" is untenable, and that certain changes
should be made in the chronology for Southern Arabia; see G. Ryckmans in Musion, lxvi (1953);
J. Ryckmans in Musion, lxvi (1953); idem, La persicution des chritiens himyarites au sixieme siecle,
Istanbul rg56.

P. 554 b , 1. 28, PjazIrat al^Arab, for In the latter part two years of rule, readln the latter

part of his reign he devoted most of his attention to his East African possessions, but their inde-
pendence under a younger line of his descendants was recognised in 1277/1861 by an arbitration
award of Lord Canning, Viceroy of India. The only Ibadi Imam elected during the century, 'Azzan

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA

b. Kays, failed to win recognition by the British and was killed in battle in 1287/1871 after two
years of rule.

1. 15, Pjazirat al- c Arab, for but in sides, read though the Sultan did not relinquish

his claim to sovereign rights over the whole of 'Uman. Thus in 1955, when the Imam, Ghalib b.
c Ali, sought independent membership of the Arab League, the Sultan held this to be an infringe-
ment of the terms of the Treaty of al-Sib and advanced into the interior of c Uman.
PjazIrat al- c Arab, Bibliography: add Eric Macro, Bibliography of the Arabian Peninsula, Uni-
versity of Miami Press, i960; idem, Bibliography on Yemen with notes on Mocha, University of
Miami Press, i960.
1. 15, read A. C. Woolner.
8, read 5th ed., Cairo 1950.

\rabiyya, add to Bibliography: G. V. Cereteli, Arabskie dialektl Sredney Aziy, Vol. \, Bukharskiy
.rabskiy dialekt, Tiflis 1956.
25, atfer A. Worsley, Sudanese Grammar, London 1925, vi-80 pp. in 8 vo., add now superseded
by J. Spencer Trimingham, Sudan Colloquial Arabic, Oxford 1946.

<, for Sudan Arabic, English-Arabic Vocabulary, read Sudan Arabic Texts.

6o8 b , ArbOna, Bibliography: add J. Lacam, Vestiges de I'occupation arabe en Narbonnaise, in Cahiers
archMogiques, viii, 93-115 (discovery, notably, of a mihrab).

609b, 11. 1-3 from below: delete the passage in brackets and what follows.

624% Architecture, Bibliography: add R. W. Hamilton, The Structural History of the Aqsa Mosque
London 1949; O. Grabar, The Umayyad Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, in ArsOrientalis, 1959, 33-62.
add I. Krackovskij, Vtoraya zapiska AbA-Dulafa v geografiieskom slovare yakuta (Azerbaydian,
Armeniya, Iran), Izbrannye Soiinenija, Moscow- Leningrad 1955, 280-292 (The second notice on
Abu Dulaf in the Geog. Diet, of Yakut (Adharbaydjan, Armenia, Iran), Selected works); N. D.
Mikluxo-Maklaj, GeografiCeskoye sotinenye XIII v. na persidskom jazlke (novly istolnik po istoriCeskoy
gcografiy Azerbaydiana i Armeniy), Uienye Zapiski Instituta Vostokovyedeniya, IX, 1954 (A geo-
graphical work of the 13th century in Persian: a new source for the historical geography of Adhar-
baydjan and Armenia, Learned Memoirs of the Institute of Orientalism).
1. 36, ArslanlI, for [see Ghurush] read [see sikka].

Artukids, add to bibliography: Ali Sevim, Anuk ogullarm Beyliklerintn ilk devri, Thesis Ankara
1958.

1. 2, for Ibn Kaysan read Ibn Kaysan.
1. 4, for al-Talkani read al-Talkani.
1. 13, for Al-Dahhan read Ibn al-Dahhan.
1. 15, for al-Sakkat read Ibn al-Sakkat.
1. 29, for al-Kalawisi read al-Kalawisi.
1. 19, for the symbol | o for the'quiescen
for Arzu Khan, read Arzu, Khan.

c Asabiyya, add to bibliography: H. Ritter, Irrational Solidarity groups, in Oriens i/i (1948), 1-44.
for Asfar b. ShIrawayhi, read Asfar b. ShIrawayhi.

1. 13, read of the son of his maternal uncle.

I. 34, Ashab al-UkhdOd, for (of Hinnom) read (Vale of Hinnom).
'Ashura', Bibliography, add G. Vajda, JeAne musulman et jedne
Annual, 12-13, r 938, 367-85.

II. 13-15, Asiya, for caused her stone, read caused a big rock to be cast upon her; but

as God took her soul to himself, the rock fell on a lifeless body.
1. 21 and 22 from below, read Itil (Atil [q.v.]).
1. 8, read Russians.

, Atabak (Atabeg), add at the end of the art. : The atabeg al-'asdkir under the Ayyubids and the first

Maniluks had restricted functions ; he was the commander of the army during the minority of the

prince, but in contrast with the atabeg under the Saldjukids he was not the tutor of the young

prince; a relative or a special freedman was appointed as tutor.
, 1. 59, Atbara, for 8 June 1898, read 8 April 1898 (see Sir G. Arthur, Life of Lord Kitchener, London

1920, i, 226; Cromer, Modern Egypt, London 1908, ii, 102).
, 1. 8, read al-Subh.
, 1. 56. read: HadidjI Khalifa.
, add Auspicious and Inauspicious [see sa'd].

1. 34, read Khitat.
, 1. 15, for i, 387, read i, 408.
, 1. 1, insert and at least specialised applications to before the history of science.

1. 41, read and the famous, widely read De inventoribus rerum.
, 1. 44, 'Awamir, after no claim to be a range of their own, insert Ibn Rakkad's position as

paramount shaykh of the nomadic elements of the central group has been disputed since 1947 by

Salim Ibn Hamm, also of Al Badr.

1. 34, lor 1319/1903 read 1319/1901-2.
, 1. 34, tor 1938 read 1896-7.
, 1. 11, read 748-760/1348-1360.
, add Ayyubid Art [see Supplement].
, 1. 12, read 1202/1787.

1. 56, read Ray.
, 1. 25, read 'Azlzl [see karaCelebi-zade].

e symbol | for the'quiescent'.

n Hebrew Union College

XVIII ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA

P. 827", 1. 34. read Tushadd.

P. 828", 1. ii, read Khatir.

P. 849", 1. 43, /or son-in-law read son.

P. 850*, BAd-i HawA, 1. 4, after income delete full stop and add (cf. the Tayydrdt m

Tu^I, BSOAS, x, 1940, 76i s 774)-
P. 855", 1. 7, from the bottom, read Chadjdju.
P. 856*, 1. 42, read Fawd'id al-Fu'dd'.

1. 44, read Bdkiydt.

1. 57, read Tawdli*.
P. 856", 1. 6, read Patiyall (in Etah District).

1. 13, read Abban.

1. 17, lor Djalal al-DIn, read Djalal Khan.
P. 857*, 1. 10, read Ma'dthir-i.

1. 23, read Akbari.
P. 86o», 1. 18, read his uncle Hammad.
P. 9o8 b , Baghdad, add to Bibliography: M. Canard, Hamddnides, i, 1

eleventh century Bagdad = Materials and notes, in Arabica, vi
P. 913", 1- 61, read Tara Bal.
P. 914*, 1. 24, read Ma'dthir-i.

1. 26, read c AlI.

1. 30, read Kamradj, A'zam al-Harb.

1. 42, read Mir'dt-i.
P- 923*, for BanI?at al-BAdiya [see malik hifni nAsif], read bAhithat al-bAdiya [see malik hifnI nAsif].
P. 927\ read Bahr Adriyas.
P. 952», 1. 13, lor Raja, read Radja.

1. 14, read diwdn; and read Na'ib.

1. 23, read BarelwI.

1. 32, read Guns.
P- 953 b . 1. 57, read Ghat.

1. 59, read Ramadan.
P. 954 b , 1- 8, delete the bracket.

1. 13, read Mir'dt.
P- 957*, 1. 34, read Muhammad.

1. 70, read Shukoh.
P. 957", 1. 10, Muhammad (Ahmad) Akhtar should not be in italics.

1. 14, read al-Hukumat.

1. 66, for ' Prophet, read Prophet.
P. 958", 1. 5, read Sa c ud.

1. 39, read al-hudjra min.

1. 40, read al-Hidjra.

1. 41, read al-Madina al-Munawwara.
P. 978', 11. 31-32 to be placed after 1. 24.

P. 983*, 1. 17, delete A. Schaade and read (G. E. Von Grunebaum).
P. 990", Balban, read [see dihl! sultanate].
P. ioi6 b , add between lines 23 and 24: In Spanish, albanecar means a certain' triangular set of beams in the

frame of a roof.
P. I020», 1. 1, read Makhluf.
P. 1023*, 1. 6, from below, read A 'lam.
P. 1037*, 1. 13, add Fatdwd-i Jahandari of Zia-u'din Barani, introd. by Muhammad Hablb and Engl, transl.

by Afsar Begum, in Medieval India Quarterly, iii/i and 2, Aligarh 1957, 1-87.
P. 1037*, BaranI, add to Bibliography: P. Hardy, Historians of Medieval India, London i960, 20-39.
P. 1053, heading, read BarkyAruk.
P. 1053*, 1. 7, for Abu '1-Hasim read Abu '1-Kasim.
P. 1069", article BArud (India), for Barani read Bernier.
P. n65 b , 1. 70, Benares, for formed read forced.
P. 1179*, Berbers, section IV, 2nd para., after H. Lhote, Touaregs du Hoggar, 221 ff.; , add idem, Comment

campent les Touaregs, Paris 1947.
P. 1187*, Berbers, section VI, add to Bibliography: J. Besancenot, Bijoux arabes et berberes du Maroc,

Casablanca 1959; Delegation g£neiale du gouvernement en Algene, Collections ethnographiques,

Album I, Touareg Ahaggar, Paris 1959.
P. 1192*, 1. 44, Bhakkar, lor Kubadja read Kabaca.
P. 1 196", 1. 68, BhopAl, lor Jsanah-i read Fasanah-i.
P. 1202", 1. 10, lor Bombay read Mysore.

1. 11, lor 350 miles south read 250 miles south-east.

1. 45, for SivadjI read ShivadjI.

1. 71, lor Marat'has read Marathas.
P. 1203", 11. 25, 32, 35, 42, for 'All read C A1I.
P. 1204*, 1. 19, for Anda read Anda.
P. 1214", BihzAd, add to Bibliography Muhammad Mustafa, Suwar min madrasat Bihzad fi 'l-madjmu c dt

al-fanniya bi 'l-Kdhira, Baden-Baden, 1959 (also published in German as Persische Miniaturen

Werhe der Behzad-Schule aus Sammlungen in Kairo).

ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA XIX

'. I234 b , BiREfii'K, add to Bibliography: J.-B. Chabot, Un ipisode inidit de I'histoire des Croisades (Le siige

de Birta, 114s), in Acadimie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, Comptes Rendus 1917, Paris 1917, 77-84.
. 12380, 1. 58, al-BirzAlI, for al-Munadjdjima read al-Munadjdjid.
. 1241", Bishr b. AbI KhAzim, add to Bibliography: G. Von Griinebaum, Bishr b. Abi Kharim: Collection

of Fragments, in JRAS 1939, 533-67-
. 1242*, 1. 59, Bishr b. QsiyA£h al-MarIsI, for Mdkdlat read Makdldt.
. 1248* 1. 31, BistAm b. Says, for Rabib read IJablb.

1. 32, BistAm b. Rays, for Sabd'ik read Sabd'ik.

1. 34, BistAm b. Kays, for Mulalif read Mutalif.

1. 40, BistAm b. Kays, for 1-000 read 1-100.

1. 44, BistAm b. Kays, for al-Hayawdn read al-Ifayawan.
'. 1257", after title Bonneval insert title Bookkeeping [see muhAsaba].

AARON [see harOn]

AB [see ta'rIiot]

'ABA' [see kisa']

'ABABDA (sg. 'AbbadI), an Arabic-speaking
tribe of Bedja [q.v.] origin in Upper Egypt with
branches in the northern Sudan. The northern limis
of their territory in Egypt is the desert road leading
from Kena to Kusayr, and their nomad sections roam
the desert to the east of Luxor and Aswan. The ori-
ginal 'Ababda stock is most truly represented by
the nomads but there are also sedentary sections
who have intermarried with the fallahin and adopted
much of their way of life. On the Red Sea coast
there is a small clan of fisher-folk, the Kiraydjab,
who by some are not recognized as true 'Ababda.

Like the rest of the Bedja the 'Ababda claim Arab
descent, and the genealogical table of 'Abbad, their
eponymous ancestor, begins with Zubayr b. al-
'Awwam, a famous companion of the Prophet.
Some of the tribesman living in the Sudan believe
that they are descended from Salman, an Arab of
the Banu Hilal. Though doubtlessly fictitious in
respect of the tribe as a whole this claim to Arab
descent yet embodies a genuine memory of the pro-
cess by which Djuhayna and Rabi'a Arabs acquired
an ascendancy in the Sudan through marriages with
the daughters of Bedja chiefs, amongst whom des-
cent was originally reckoned in the female line.
This process which according to Ibn Khaldun led
to the passing of the Nubian kingdom into the "hands
of the Djuhayna must also have taken place in the
case of the Bedja.

The Ababda have been affected by Arab influence
more strongly than those Bedja who still retain
their Hamitic tongue, so much so that in the Sudan
;hey are not easily distinguished from the Sudan
Arabs of the Dia'livvln group. They may in fact
be held to occupy an intermediate position between
the Bedja proper and the fully arabicized elements
who have become integrated in the Sudan Arabs.
In their physical characteristics, nevertheless, the
'Ababda together with the Tigre-speaking Ban!
'Amir bear a closer resemblance to the proto-Egyp-
tian inhabitants of the Nile valley than the other
Bedja. The Arabic spoken by the 'Ababda is quite
distinct from that of the fallahin, and the word
lists collected by H. A. Winckler contain an appre-
ciable number of Bedja words.

In their material culture and their customs the
'Ababda agree more closely with the Bedja proper
than with the Arabs. Certain wide-spread customs
which they share with the Sudan Arabs, such as
the infibulation of girls and the ceremonial respect
of in-law-relations, are of Hamitic origin. The

Encyclopaedia of Islam

'Ababda use the typically Bedja style of hairdressing
(dirwa) which has given rise to the nickname Fuzzy-
wuzzy, though this custom now tends to die out.
Their tents of palm-matting are quite unlike the
Arab "houses of hair". Their marriages, like those
of the Bedja proper, are matrilocal but their women
do not enjoy the freedom which is allowed to their
sisters of the Bishariyyln. The 'Ababda moreover
share with the Bedja, but not the Arabs, certain
taboos connected with milk: only men may do the
milking, for which only gourds and wicker vessels
may be used, and no man may drink of the milk
he has drawn until someone else has drunk.

The influence of Islam, which nominally is the
religion of all the 'Ababda, has made a marked im-
pression only on the more sophisticated elements;
in the life of the majority religion, as distinct from
traditional beliefs and superstitions, plays no im-
portant part. They venerate shaykh Abu '1-Hasan
al-Shadhili as their patron saint, and his tomb in
the Atbai desert is a place of pilgrimage at which
sacrifices are offered. It is also common to dedicate
the milk of a beast to al-Shadhili, and the milk of
such animals is always milked into separate wicker
vessels. When slaying an animal a piece of the victim's
right ear is reserved for al-Shadhili or some other
well-known saint and hung on the tent-pole. The
celebration of the 'id ai-kabir at the tomb of al-
Shadhill is the most important religious event of
the year. Sacrifices are also offered at the tomb
of the eponymous ancestor 'Abbad near Edfii, and
there is a cult of a female saint (fakira) who lived
some fifty years ago and was famous for gifts of
divination. The 'Ababda like the Bishariyyln believe
that an animal sacrificed at the tomb of a wall
turns into a gazelle or ibex, and that such animals
are protected by the wait. They also observe certain
taboos about birds and will not eat the flesh of the
sandgrouse or the desert-partridge, and both 'Ababda
and Bishariyyln are particularly afraid of killing
the bearded vulture (Gypactus barbatus).

The most important section of the Egyptian
'Ababda, of whom there are some 14,000, are the
'Ashshabab, who are divided into a number of
clans. Their paramount shaykhs are descended from
one Diabran who flourished towards the end of
the 18th century, and beyond whom there is no
reliable historical tradition. The largest and best
known sections in the Sudan are the Fukara and the
Milaykab who, according to tradition, were brought
to their present habitat by the Fundi kings of
Sennar in order to protect the caravan routes be-
tween Egypt and the Sudan. A small contingent
of 'Ababda, characterized by Cailliaud as the worst

'ABABDA — ABAN i

soldiers in the army, were employed as irregulars
by Isma'U Pasha during the invasion of the Sudan.
During the 19th century the c Ab5bda are often
mentioned by travellers as guides and camel men
between Korosko and Abu Hamad, and their chiefs
of theKhalifa family held posts of distinction under
the Egyptian government. Husayn Khalifa was
mudlr of Berber at the time of the Mahdist rebellion,
and 'Ababda irregulars shared in the fighting against
the Darwishes. Apart from traditions about wars
with neighbouring tribes there are no data for their
early history.

Bibliography: H. A. MacMichael, History of
the Arabs in the Sudan, Cambridge 1922; C. G.
Seligman, Races of Africa, London 1930; G. W.
Murray, Sons of Ishmael, London 1935; H. A.
Winckler, Agyptische Volkskunde, Stuttgart 1936
(full bibliography). (S. Hillelson)

ABAD originally means time in an absolute sense
and is synonymous with dahr[q.v.; see also ZamAn].
When under the influence of Greek philosophy the
problem of the eternity of the world (see kidam)
was discussed in Islam, abad (or abadiyya) became
a technical term corresponding to the Greek term
dtqjBapToi;, incorruptible, eternal a parte post, in
opposition to azal (or azaliyya) corresponding to
the Greek term <4txvt)t6i;, ungenerated, eternal a
parte ante. (Ibn Rushd — cf. ed. Bouyges, index —
uses azaliyya for "incorruptible"]. [For azal see
kid am.] As to the problem concerned, viz. if the
world is incorruptible, the philosophers of Islam
subscribed to the Aristotelian maxim that azal and
abad imply each other, that what has a beginning
must have an end and what has no beginning cannot
have an end. According to this theory time, move-
ment and the world in general are eternal in both
senses. Among the theologians who all believe
in the temporal creation of the world, only Abu
'1-Hudhayl, one of the earlier MuHazilites, admitted
the Aristotelian maxim mentioned. (He applied the
theory "that what has a first term must have a
last one" even to God's knowledge and power,
saying that God having arrived at the final term
of His power, would not be able any more to create

dead mosquito. See al-Khayyat, al-Intisdr, ed. Ny-
berg, 8ff.; Ibn Hazm, iv, 192-3). The theologians
opposed the Aristotelian dictum by the argument
that if the world were without a beginning, at the
present moment an infinite past would have been
traversed, which is impossible [cf. kidam]; in the
future, however, there is no such impossibility, since
in the future no infinite will ever be traversed. Be-
sides, the series of integers needs a first term but
no final one, and a man may have eternal remorse,
although his remorse must have a beginning (al-
MakdisI, al-Bad' wa-l-Ta'rikh, ed. Huart, i, 125,
cf. ii, 133). They concluded therefore that there is
no rational proof either for the incorruptibility of
the world or its opposite. According to the Kur'an,
xxxix, 67, on the Day of Judgment "the whole
earth shall be His handful and the heavens will
be rolled up in His right ha'nd". It became the ortho-
dox view that the annihilation of the whole world
(including the destruction of heaven and hell, which,
however, will not happen, as is known by revelation)
is possible, HdHz, considered as something in God's
power (al-Baghdadi, Fark, 319). This world (dunyd)
will be destroyed, but not heaven and hell.

Bibliography: The problem is treated in ex-
tenso by al-Ghazzali in ch. ii of his Tahdfut al-
Faldsi/a, ed. Bouyges, 80 ff. ; cf . Ibn Rushd, Ta-

hdfut al-Tahdfut, ed. Bouyges, 118 ff., tr. by S.
van den Bergh, 69 ff . (with notes) ; cf . also S.
Pines, Beitr&ge zur islamischen Atomenlehre, 15,
note 1. (S. van den Bergh)

ABADAH, a small town in Persia, on the
eastern (winter) road from Shiraz to Isfahan. By
the present-day highway Abadah lies at 280 km.
from Shiraz, at 204 km. from Isfahan, and by a
road branching off eastwards (via Abarkfih) at 100
km. from Yazd. In the present-day administration
(1952) Abadah is the northernmost district (shah-
ristdn) of the province (astdn) of Fars. The popu-
lation is chiefly engaged in agriculture and trade
(opium, castor-oil, sesame-oil). Iklid (possibly *kilid
"key [to Fars]") is another small town belonging
to Abadah. The whole district counts 223 villages
with 82,000 inhabitants. In history it is chiefly
mentioned in the 14th century. The town must
be distinguished from several homonymous villages
in Fars (Abada-yi Tashk in the NMz district, etc.).
Bibliography: Le Strange, 297; Mas'ud-
Geyhan, Qiugrdfiyd-yi mufassal, 1311, ii, 223;
Farhang-i dfugrd/iydH-yi Iran, vii, 1330/1951, p. 2.

(V. Minorsky)
AbAdAN [see abbAdAn]
ABADITES [see ibAdiyya]
ABAKA [see ilkhAns]
ABAN [see ta'rIkh]

ABAN b. <ABD al-HAMID al-LAhikI (i.e. son of
LSljik b. 'Ufayr), also known as al-Rakashi, because
his family (originally from Fasa) were clients of the
Banu Rakash, Arabic poet, died about 200/815-6.
He was a court poet of the Barmakids and wrote
panegyrics in their praise and the praise of Harun
al-Rashid. He also defended in some verses the
c Abbasids against the pretensions of the 'Alids. In
the usual manner of the epoch he engaged in vigo-
rous exchanges of lampoons with his fellow poets
(among them Abu Nuwas). His enemies accused
him, without justification, it seems, of Manicheism
(see G. Vajda, in RSO, 1937, 207 f.). His most impor-
tant achievement was the versification in couplets
(muzdawidi, q.v.) of the popular stories of Indian
and Persian origin: Kalila wa-Dimna [q.v.; samples
in al-Sflll], Bilawhar wa-Yudasf [q.v.], Sindbdd [q.v.]
Mazdak [q.v.] and the romanced stories of Ardashlr
and of Anushirwan. He wrote also original poems
in muzdawidi; sucn as a poem on cosmology and
logic (Dhdt al-Hulal) and one on fasting (sample
in al-SulI). Many members of his family, his son
Hamdan for instance, were also known as poets.
Bibliography: Sull, al-Awrdk, ed. Heyworth
Dunne, Section on Poets, 1-73 (pp. 1-12 being
a collection of passages about Aban by the edi-
tor); al-Aghdni l , xx, 73-8; Djahshiyarl, al-Wu-
zard', 259; al-Khatib, Ta'rikh Baghdad, vii, 44;
Fihrist, 119, 163; I. Goldziher, Muh. Studien, i, 198 ;
ii. 101; A. Krimsky, Aban al-Lahiki (in Russian),
Moscow 1913; Brockelmann, S i, 238-9; K. A.
Fariq, in JRAS, 1952, 46-59. (S. M. Stern)
ABAN b. 'UXHMAN b. 'AffAn, governor, son
of the third caliph. His mother was called Umm
'Amr bint Djundab b. 'Amr al-Dawsiyya. Aban
accompanied 'A'isha at the battle of the Camel in
Djumada I 36/Nov. 656; on the battle terminating
otherwise than was expected, he was one of the first
to run away. On the whole, he does not seem to
have been of any political importance. The caliph
c Abd al-Malik b. Marwan appointed him as governor
of Madlna. He occupied this position for seven years;
he was then dismissed and his place was taken by
Hisham b. Isma'il. Aban owes his celebrity not so

'UTHMAN — ABASKON

much to his activity as an official in the service of the
Umayyads as to his wonderful knowledge of Islamic
traditions. The Kudb al-Maghazi, sometimes ascribed
to him, is, however, according to Yakut (Irshdd, i,
36) and al-TiisI (Fihris, 7) of Aban b. c Uthman b.
Yahya (see J. Horovitz, in OLZ, 1914, 183).

Aban was struck with apoplexy and died a year
later at Madlna in 105/723-4 according to report,
at any rate during the reign of Yazld b. 'Abl al-
Malik.

Bibliography: Ibn Sa<d, v, 112 ff.; Nawawl,
125 ff. (K. V. Zettersteen)

ABANCS (variants: Abinus, Abunus, Abnus and
Abnus), ebony. The word is derived from the Greek
tbenos, which passed to the Aramean (abnusd) and
from there to Arabic, Persian, Turkish etc. Although
ebony had been already known in the old days in
the East, where it was imported from India and
Ethiopia, it was very little used at the early times
of Islam, on account of its rarity and the scanty
demand for artistic goods. Absolute faith must
not be given to the story according to which, when
the Mosque of the Rock was being built at Jerusalem
under the Umayyad caliph 'Abd al-Malik, the vene-
rable rock was enclosed with a palisade of ebony.
It is certain that this wood had been already used
under the caliphs together with ivory in the manu-
facture of chess-men [see Shatrandj] and dice, in
mosaics of the sort very often used later with great
skill on furniture, doors, latice work and wainscots
[see KhashabI.

As a medicine, ebony was known to the Muslims
as early as the ninth century from the translations
of Dioscorides and Galen. It was considered to be
a useful astringent for phylactenous inflammation
and chronic catarrh of the eyes; it was also taken
internally in the form of a powder for the bowels
and stomach, and was dusted over burns. According
to Dioscorides, Abyssinian ebony was generally con-
sidered to be more efficacious than Indian. To the
former were ascribed the properties which at the
present time are only found in the wood of the
Diospyros and the Maba kinds of the East Indies,
of Indonesia, of Madagascar, and of Mauritius, i.e.
an intense black colour and a fineness of grain that
almost makes it impossible to distinguish the fibre.
The African species of ebony which the Arabs prefer,
are nowadays rightly held in little estimation. In
particular the ebony tree of Abyssinia {shadjar ba-
banus), is according to A. E. Brehm (Reisesk. aus
Nordostafrika), more of a brush than a tree. Its
wood, though not of an excellent quality, can be
used, but if left unused, dries and rots.

Bibliography: Abu Mansur Muwaffak, al-

Abniya (Seligmann), 31 ; Ibn al-Baytar, Bulak 1291,

8; transl. Leclerc, Notices et Extraits, xxiii/i, 16;

Kazwlnl (Wiistenfeld), i. 247. (J. Hell)

ABARKtJBADH. one of the sub-districts (tassudi)

of c I*rak, according to the Sasanid division adopted

by the Arabs, belonging to the district (P. astdn,

A. kUra) Khusra Shadh Bahman (the district of

the Tigris) and comprising a tract of land along the

western frontier of Khuzistan, between Wasit and

Basra. The name is derived from the Sasanid king

Kawadh (Kubadh) I. The first part of the name is

probably Abar (P. abar or abr "cloud" is often seen

at the beginning of place-names) and not Abaz or

Abadh as the Arab geographers have it. Some Arab

authors give Abarkubadh as the name of the district

in which Arradjan is situated, but that seems to

spring from a mistake.

Bibliography: Ibn Khurradadhbih, 7; Ku-
dama, al-Kharddj, (de Goeje), 235; Yakut, i, 90;
Baladhurl, Fut*h, 344; Ibn Sa'd, vii/13; Tabari,
i, 2386, ii, 1 123; Th. Noldeke, Getch. d. Perstr u.
Araber z. Zeit d. Sasaniden, 146, n. 2 ; M. Streck,
Babylonien n.d. Arab. Geogr., i, 15, 19.

(M. Streck)
ABAR^OH, a small town belonging to Yazd
and lying on the road from Shlraz to Yazd (at 39
farsakhs from the former and at 28 fars. from the
latter) and also connected by a road with Abadah
[q.v.]. It lies in a plain, and according to Mustawfl,
Nuzha, 121, its name ("on a mountain") refers to
its earlier site. In 443/1051 Tughrllbeg gave Yazd
and Abarkuh to the Kakuyid Faramarz (Ibn al-
Athlr, ix, 384) as a compensation for the loss of
Isfahan. His successors continued to rule these towns
as atdbeks. In the 8th/i4th century Abarkuh is
frequently mentioned in the history of the Mu-
zaffarids. The oldest of the numerous ruins of Abar-
kuh is the mausoleum built in 448/1056 by FIruzan,
a descendant of the well-known condottiere of the
4th/ioth century, FTriizan of Ashkawar (in Gllan).
The so-called mausoleum of Ta'Qs al-Haramayn was
built (or rebuilt) in 718/1318 by a descendant (in
the fifth generation) of a Madid al-Dunyi wa-l-DIn
Tadj al-Ma^H Abu Bakr Muhammad (a Muzaffarid).
Bibliography: Le Strange, 284, 294, 297;
P. Schwarz, Iran, i, 17; A. Godard, in Athdr-i
Iran, 1936, 47-72; Mahmud Kutbl, History of
the Muzaffarids, in GMS, xiv, see Index in xiv/2;
Kasim GhanI, Ta'rikh-i <Asr-i Hdfiz, i, 1321/1942,
index. (V. Minorsky)

ABARSHAHR. the more ancient name of
N i sh a p u r [q.v.], was the capital of one of the four
quarters of the province of Khurasan. Its name in
Persian, according to the Muslim geographers, is
said to mean "Cloud-city", but Marquart's etymo-
„ togy {ErdnSahr, 74), the "district of the 'Aroxpvot*'
(comparing Armenian Apar assart) is more reliable.
It was sometimes given the honorific title of Irin-
Shahr "City of Iran". Its mint-signature on Sassa-
nian coins is Apr, AprS or AprSs, forms which con-
tinue to appear on the dirhams of Arab-Sassanian
type struck by the Muslim conquerers (from 54/673-4
to 69/688-9). Under the Umayyads its Arabic name
appears on the Post-Reform dirhams from 91/709-10
to 97/715-6. The names of the Umayyad governors
Ziyad b. AM Sufyan and his sons 'Ubayd Allah
and Salm as well as c Abd Allah b. Khazim all figure
on the coins of Abarshahr. The later mint activities
of the place continued under the name of Nisabur.
Bibliography: Le Strange, 383; J. Mar-
quart, ErdnSahr, Berlin 1901 (Abh. G. W. Gdtt,
N.S., III/ii),66,68,74; J. Markwart, A Catalogue
of the Provincial Capitals of Eranshahr, Rome
1931 (Analecta Orientalia, iii), 52-3; J. Walker,
A Catalogue of the Arab-Sassanian Coins, London
1941, p. ci-cii, cvi, 36, 72, 74, 87-8; E. Herzfeld,
in Transactions of the Intern. Congress of Numis-
matists, 1936, 423, 426. (J. Walker)
ABASKCN (or AbaskOn), a harbour in the
south-eastern covner of the Caspian. It is de-
scribed as a dependency of pjurdjan/Gurgan (Yakut,
i, 55: 3 days' distance from Pjurdjan; i, 91: 24
farsakhs). It might be located near the estuary of
the Gurgan river (at Khodja-Nefes ?). Al-Istakhrl,
214 (Ibn Hawkal, 273) calls Abaskun the greatest
of the (Caspian) harbours. The Caspian itself was
sometimes called Bahr Abaskun.

Abaskun possibly corresponds to Ptolemy's
Ecoxavaa in Hyrcania (Gurgan). Several times Abas-

ABASKON — 'ABBAD

kun was raided by Rus pirates (some time between
250-70/864-84, and in 297/909, see Ibn Isfandiyar,
Ta'rikh-i Tabari$tdn, ed. A. Eghbal, 266 [E. G.
Browne's transl., 199], cf. also Mas'fldi, ii. 18; circa
300/912). In 617/1220 the Kh»arizm-shah C A15 al-
Din, tracked by the Mongols, sought refuge on
"one of the islands of Abaskun", (see al-Djuwayni,
ii, 115), and died there. According to Ibn al-Athir,
xii, 242, he possessed in Ab-sukun (sic) a castle
surrounded by water. The islands of Abaskun ap-
parently correspond to the Ashur-ada group of
islands and spits of land, divided from the Gurgan
estuary by a strait.

Bibliography: B. Dorn, Caspia, Vber die Ein-
fdlle der alien Russen in Tabaristan, 1875, see
index; Barthold, Istoriya orosheniya Turkestana,
1914, 33- ( v - Minorsky)

ABAZA, Turkish name for the Abazes (see ab-
khaz), given as a surname to many persons in Otto-
man history who descended from those people.

1) Abaza pasha, taken prisoner at the defeat of
the rebel Djanbulad, whose treasurer he was, was
brought before Murad Pasha and had his life spared
only through the intercession of Khalll, agha of
the Janissaries, who, having become Itapuddn-pasha,
gave him the command of a galley, and conferred
upon him the government of Mar'ash when he was
promoted to the dignity of grand vizier. Later he
became governor of Erzerum and planned to destroy
the Janissaries; those in his province lodged a com-
plaint against him; he was deposed, but refused to
obey the orders of the Porte (1032/1623); he levied
taxes and raised troops on the pretext of avenging
the death of the sultan c Uthman II, marched upon
Ankara and Slwas, and took Brusa, but did not
succeed in seizing the citadel. In 1033/1624, the
grand vizier Hafiz Pasha defeated him in a battle
near Kaysariyya, at the bridge across the Kara-su,
owing to the defection of Tayyar pasha and the
Turkomans. Abaza took refuge at Erzerum, of which
he succeeded in having himself made governor on
condition that he should admit a guard of Janissaries
into the fortress. In 1036/1727, suspecting that the
expedition against Akhiska was in reality directed
against himself, he massacred a great number of
the Janissaries belonging to the army. His old master
Khalll besieged Erzerum in vain and was obliged
to retreat because of the snow (1037/1627). In the
following year, the Bosnian Khusrew Pasha, having
been made grand vizier, again besieged him and
forced him to capitulate after a fortnight's siege;
the rebel was granted his pardon and the govern-
ment of Bosnia. There he again persecuted his
enemies, the Janissaries, was deposed and went to
Belgrade, where on a hill to the south of the town
he erected Abaza K'oshki. Then he was sent to
Widdin and commanded the troops who invaded
Poland (1633). Being honored with the confidence
of Murad IV, he accompanied him to Adrianople
when preparations were made for a new campaign
against Poland; but his success excited envy; reports
against him cleverly disseminated, estranged the
sultan, who had him executed (29 Safar 1044/24
August 1634).

Bibliography: Hammer- Purgstall, iv, 569,
582; v, 26, 83, 173 H; 189 ff.; Mustafa Efendi,
NatdHdj, al-Wuku'-at, ii, 48, 82; Ewliya Efendi,
Travels, i, 119 ff.

2) Abaza Hasan had been given the command
of the Turkomans of Asia Minor as a recom-
pense for his capture of the rebel Haydar-eghlu.
Having been dismissed for no reason, he revolted

in his turn, held the country between Gerende and
Bolu, defeated the old bandit Katirdji-oghlu who
had been sent to fight against him, and submitted
on condition that he should have the title of voivode
of the Turkomans; later as the result of complaints
lodged against him, he was imprisoned in the Seven
Towers and was only released by the elevation of
Behayi to the position of Shaykh al-Islam (1062/
1652); his friend conferred on him the sandjak of
Okhri. When Ipshlr Pasha, who was also one of
the Abaza nation, was made grand vizier by Mu-
hammad IV, he sent for him. At his execution he
remained faithful to him, returned to Asia Minor
with the remainder of his troops and regained the
office of voivode of the Turkomans (1065/1655). He
settled at Aleppo and committed such ravages in
Syria that the Dlwan wanted to have him banished
from the empire ; the grand vizier, Sulayman Pasha,
however, confirmed him in his position of governor
and entrusted the defenses of the Dardanelles to
him. In 1066/1656 he was sent to Diyar Bakr as
governor. Two years later he rebelled, put himself
at the head of a considerable army under the pretext
of demanding the dismissal of Muhammad Kopriilu,
at that time grand vizier, and threatened Brusa.
In the neighborhood of Ilghin he completely defeated
Murtada Pasha, who had been sent against him
(15 Rabi c I 1069/11 Dec. 1658); but he fell into a
trap which had been set for him, left 'Aynjab for
Aleppo to make terms for his submission and was
treacherously assassinated there.

Bibliography : Hammer-Purgstall, v, 481,
560 ff., 563, 575, 634; yi, 35 ff., 51 ff.
3) Abaza Muhammad pasha was the beylerbey of
Mar'ash when, during the campaign against the
Russians (1183/1769), he was ordered to act in con-
cert with the khan of the Crimea. He commanded
the fortress of Bender and received the third tugh
in recompense for the part he had taken in raising
the siege of Choczim. Having been entrusted with
the defense of this place and seeing himself abandoned
by the Ottoman troops, he fled and was commis-
sioned to defend Moldavia, which he failed to accom-
plish. At the battle of Kaghul (1 Aug. 1770), he
commanded the right wing; after the defeat of the
Turks he feed to Ismail. Having been made governor
of Silistria, he was dismissed after he had squandered
the money given to him for the purpose of raising
troops, and was exiled to Kustendil. At the time
of the conquest of the Crimea and the flight of
Selim-Giray he refused to land the few troops he
was bringing up and returned to Sinope; he was
decapitated (1185/1771).

Bibliography: Hammer-Purgstall, viii, 341,

348, 369, 387; Wasif Efendi, in Pre'cis historique

de la guerre des Turcs contre les Russes, by P. A.

Caussin de Perceval, 23, 31, 37 ff., 59, 103, m,

148, 167. (Cl. Huart)

c ABBAD b. MUHAMMAD [see 'abbadids]

c ABBAD b. SULAYMAN al-SaymarI (or al-

DaymarI), one of the Mu'tazila of Basra,

died c. 250/864. He was a pupil of Hisham b. c Amr

al-Fuwati (jl.c. 210/825), like his father criticizing

the main tendency of the school of Basra (that of

Abu '1-Hudhayl), and being in his turn criticized

by Abu '1-Hudhayl's successors, al-Djubba^ and Abu

Hashim. Our knowledge of his distinctive views

comes mainly from al-Ash c ari's Makdldt.

He emphasized the difference between God and
man, admitting that God might be called a "thing"
in the sense that He was "other" (I.e., 519). In parti-
cular he insisted that God is eternal, and that what

He eternally is must be independent
mundane things. Thus God is not eternally "hearing"
and "seeing", since that involves objects heard and
seen (ib. 173, 493); He is not "before all things"
(ib. 196, 519); no accident (such as an apparently
supernatural event) can afford a proof of God, in
view of its*transient character (ib. 225). In this
way he came to distinguish between God's "active
attributes" (sifdt al-fiH) and His eternal attributes
(ib. 179, 186, 495-500), being perhaps the first to
work out this distinction which was later adopted
by orthodox theologians.

He went to extremes in insisting that God does
nothing that is evil in any respect, even denying
that God made unbelief vile (kabih; ib. 227-8, 537-9),
and maintaining that His punishment of the wicked
in Hell is not evil. His political views (ib. 454, 458-9,
467) seem to aim at a reconciliation of various con-
temporary political groups, but the point has not
been adequately studied.

Bibliography: al-Ash c ari, Makdldt al-Is-
lamiyyin, see index; al-Khavvat. al-Intisdr, 90-1,
203; al-Baghdadi, al-Fark, 147-8, 261-2; Ibn al-
MurtadS, al-Mu'-tazila, ed. Arnold, 44; al-Shah-
rastani, 51; A. S. Tritton, Muslim Theology, 11 5-9;
Montgomery Watt, Free Will and Predestination
in early Islam, 81-4. (W. Montgomery Watt)
'ASSAD b. ZIYAD b. AbI Sufyan, Abu Harb,
Umayyad general. Mu c awiya appointed him
governor of Sidjistan, where he stayed seven years;
in the course of his expeditions to the East, he con-
quered Kandahar. In 61/680-1 he was dismissed by
Yazid b. Mu c awiya who appointed in his place his
brother Salm b. Ziyad to be governor of Sidjistan and
Khurasan. In 64/684, he joined in the battle of Mardj
Rahit [q.v.], at the head of a contingent formed by
his own gens. Afterwards he wished to retire to
Dumat al-Djandal, but he was obliged to combat a
lieutenant of al-Mukhtar b. Abi c Ubayd [q.v.]. The
date of his death is unknown.

Bibliography: Baladhuri, Futuh, 365, 397,
434; id., Ansdb, v, 136, 267-8; Tabari, ii, 191 f.;
Ibn Kutayba, al-Ma c drif, 177; al-Aghdni 1 , xvii,
53 f. (K. V. Zettersteen)

C ABBADAN (Abadan) stands on the south-west
side of the island of the same name, on the left bank
of the Shatt al- c Arab. It is believed to have been
founded by a holy man named c Abbad in the 8th
or gth century A.D. (the people of Basra used
to add the termination "an" to a proper name in
order to change it into a place name). In those days
'Abbadan was on the sea coast, but with the gra-
dual extension of the delta of the Shatt al- c Arab,
it is now over 30 miles from the head of the Persian
Gulf. In the early 'Abbasid period c Abbadan was
a center of ascetics living in ribdf (L. Massignon,
Essai, 135; Abu '1-Atahiya, Diwdn, 218).

'Abbadan is described in the Ifudud al- l Alam,
139 (cf. also 392) as "a flourishing and prosperous
borough on the sea coast. All the 'Abbadanl mats

come from there, and therefrom comes the

salt for Basra and Wasit." Three and a half centuries
later, when Ibn Battuta visited c AbbSdan, it was
no more than a large village; it stood on a salty,
uncultivated plain. In later times the inhabitants
eliminated the salt from the soil bordering the river
and planted the palm-groves which are now such
a feature of both banks of the Shatt al-'Arab and
of those of the Bahmashlr river on the north-east
side of c Abbadan island. c Abbadan, however, re-
mained a village until it was chosen, in 1909, as the
site of the refinery of the Anglo-Persian Oil Co.

Since that time, it has increased enormously in size;
in 1951 its population was nearly 200,000 and the
refinery had become the largest in the world.

About 1935 RidS Shah, in pursuance of his policy
of Persianizing Arabic names, changed c Abbad5n into
Abadan.

Bibliography: Nasir-i- Khusraw. Safar-ndma,
ed. Schefer, 89; Le Strange, 48 f.; L. Lockhart,
Khuzistan Past and Present, in Asiatic Review,
Oct. 1948; Abadan Refinery, in Review of Middle
East Oil Petroleum Times, London, June 1948.

(L. Lockhart)
al- c ABBAdI, Abu <Asim Muh. b. Ahmad b.
Muh. b. c Abd Allah b. 'Abbad, often called al-
Kadl al-Harawi, a well-known Shafi'ite jurisconsult.
He was born in 375/985 in Harat, studied there and
in Nisabflr, and undertook extensive journeys on
which he met numerous scholars. He finally became
kadi of Harat and died there in 458/1066. He was
notorious for his dark and difficult style of expression.
Of his works, which al-Subkl enumerates, there have
survived the Tabakdt al-ShdfiHyyin (used by al-
Asnawl) in several manuscripts, and the A dab al-
Kadd } in the commentary which his disciple Abu
Sa c d (or Sa c id) b. Abi Ahmad b. Abi Yusuf al-
Harawi (d. about 500) wrote under the title al-
Ishrdf c ald Ghawdmid al-Ifukumdt (Subkl, iv, 31).
His son Abu 1-Hasan is the author of a K. al-Rakm.
Bibliography: Subki, Tabakdt, iii, 42 (with
extracts from his works and a discussion of his
style); Ibn Khallikan, no. 558; F.- Wiistenfeld,
SchdfiHten, no. 408; Brockelmann, i, 484; S i, 669.

(J. Schacht)
'ABBADIDS (Ban© c Abbad), dynasty of Arab
race which reigned for most of the 5th/nth century
over the S.-W. of al-Andalus, with its capital at
Seville [cf. ishbilya].

It was at the moment of the disintegration of
the Caliphate of Cordova and of the political dis-
memberment of the country by the petty kings
known as the taifas (muluk al-(awdHf) that the kadi
of Seville, Abu '1-Kasim Muhammad b. <Abbad,
succeeded in being proclaimed ruler in 414/1013. The
son of a celebrated Spanish-Muslim jurist of Lakhmid
origin, Isma'il b. £ Abbad, he began, on first seizing
power, by recognizing the suzerainty of the Ham-
mudid king Yahya b. c Ali, but soon threw off this
wholly nominal mark of subordination. There is
relatively little information on the details of his
reign, which was mostly occupied in settling by force
of arms his disputes with the Djahwarids [q.v.] of
Cordova and the lesser baronies in southern Andalu-
sia. He died in 433/1042.

His son, Abu c Amr c Abbad b. Muhammad suc-
ceeded, in a reign of nearly thirty years (433-460/
1042-69), in enlarging the territory of the princi-
pality of Seville to a considerable size by posing
as the champion of the Andalusian Arabs against
the Spanish Berbers, whose numbers, already large
in the Iberian peninsula in the 10th century, had
greatly increased since the period of the c Amirid
dictators.

On succeeding his father, the new king of Seville,
then 26 years of age, took the princely title of hd-
diib, following the custom of the time, but a little
later adopted the honorific lakab of al-Mu c tadid
bi c llah, by which he is generally known. Gifted
with real political qualities, it was not long before
he showed his true character, that of an authori-
tarian ruler, as ambitious as he was cruel, and with
few scruples in the choice of means to achieve his
ends. Immediately after his accession he conti-

nued the struggle opened by his father against the
minor Berber dynasty of Carmona [cf. ijarmuna],
Muh. b. 'Abd Allah al-Birzall and the latter's son
and successor Ishak. At the same time al-Mu'tadid
was preoccupied in extending his kingdom to the
west, between Seville and the Atlantic Ocean. With
this end in view he attacked and defeated succes-
sively Ibn Tayfflr, lord (?a&»6) of Mertola, and Muh.
b. Yahya al-Yahsubl, lord of Niebla [cf. labla],
who, notwithstanding his Arab descent, had un-
blushingly allied himself with Berber chiefs. In face
of the success of the king of Seville, the other muluk
al-tawd'if, distrustful of him, formed against him
a kind of league, which was joined by the princes
of Badajoz [cf. batalyaws], Algeciras [cf. al-
Pjazira al-khadra'], Granada [cf. gharnata] and
Malaga [cf. malaka]. War broke out soon afterwards
between the 'Abbadid of Seville and the Aftasid
[q.v.] al-Muzaffar of Badajoz; it was prolonged over
many years, in spite of the efforts at mediation of
the Djahwarid prince of Cordova, which bore fruit
only in 443/1051. In the interval, while continuing
to harass the frontiers of the kingdom of Badajoz,
al-Mu'tadid did not remain inactive; he defeated,
one after the other, Muh. b. Ayyub al-Bakri, lord
of Huelva [cf. walba] and of Saltes [cf. shaltIsh]
(whose son was the celebrated geographer), the Banu
Muzayn, lords of Silves [cf. shilb], and Muh. b.
Sa c id b. Harun, lord of Santa Maria de Algarve
[cf. shantamariyat al-gharb] and annexed their
principalities. In order to justify these annexations
al-Mu'tadid employed a somewhat clumsy strata-
gem: he claimed to have found the caliph Hisham
II, who had died in obscurity some years earlier,
and to be devoting himself tirelessly to restoring
to him his former empire, entirely submissive and
pacified. In order to protect themselves against the
assaults of the king of Seville, the majority of the
minor Berber chiefs in the mountains in the south
of Andalusia acquiesced in this theatrical pretence,
and paid homage both to the 'Abbadid and to the
Commander of the Faithful; miraculously restored
to light to serve the interests of al-Mu'tadid but at
the same time carefully kept in seclusion by him.
But their efforts were in vain. One day the 'Abbadid
invited all these minor Berber princes and their
attendants together to his palace at Seville and
suffocated them to death in a bath-house whose
openings he has walled up; by this means he appror-
priated Arcos [cf. arkush], seat of the principality
of the Banu Khizrun, Moron [cf. mawrur], ruled
by the Banu Dammar, and Ronda [cf. runda],
capital of the Banu Ifran (445/1053).

This action was enough to unloose the fury of
the most powerful Berber prince in Spain, Badls
b. Habbus the ZIrid [q.v.] at Granada, who alone
seemed capable of standing up to al-Mu'tadid.
When the war began, however, the latter found
fortune still smiling on him and soon afterwards
seized Algeciras from the Hammudid prince al-
Kasim b. Hammud. He then tried to capture Cor-
dova, and for this purpose despatched an expedition
under the command of his son Isma'il; but Isma'il
sought to profit from the occasion to rebel and to
create a kingdom of his own, with Algeciras as his
capital. This venturesome project cost him his life. It
also opened the political career of al-Mu'tadid's other
son, Muhammad al-Mu'tamid, who was to succeed
him on his death. On his father's orders, Muhammad
set out with an army to give support to the Arabs
of Malaga, who had revolted against the tyrannical
rule of the Berber despot of Granada, Badls. But

Badls routed the army of Seville, and the prince,
in sad plight, threw himself into Ronda, whence
he solicited and obtained his father's pardon. Al-
Mu'tadid had long since discarded the fable of the
pseudo-Hisham, which he no longer needed; he was
by far the most redoubtable and most feared of the
Spanish sovereigns; he had had no enemies but the
Berbers, Muslims like himself, but far further re-
moved from his Spanish-Arab social ideals than his
Christian neighbours of the north. In other places,
he might have been given the title of Berberohtonos.

When the powerful sovereign of Seville died in
461/1069, his son, Muhammad b. 'Abb ad,
better known by his honorific lakab of al-Mu'-
tamid [q.v.], took possession of his greatly enlarged
kingdom, which now embraced most of the S.W.
part of the Iberian peninsula.

Already in the second year of his reign, al-Mu'-
tamid was able, despite the ambitions of the king
of Toledo, al-Ma'mun [q.v.], to annex to his kingdom
the principality of Cordova, formerly ruled by the
Djahwarid princes. The young prince 'AbbSd was
appointed governor of the former capital of the
Umayyads. But on the instigation of the king of
Toledo, an adventurer, named Ibn 'Ukkasha, suc-
ceeded in seizing Cordova by surprise in 468/1075,
and put the young 'Abbadid prince and his general
Muh. b. Martin to death. Al-Ma'mun took possession
of the city, where he died six months later. Al-
Mu'tamid, wounded both in his paternal affections
and his royal pride, endeavoured for three years
in vain to reconquer Cordova. He gained his object
only in 471/1078; Ibn 'Ukkasha was put to death,
and all that part of the kingdom of Toledo lying
between the Guadalquivir and the Guadiana was
conquered by the armies of Seville. Yet at the same
time it needed all the skill of the vizier Ibn 'Ammar
[q.v.] to bring an expedition of Alfonso VI of
Castille against Seville to a peaceful conclusion, in
return for the payment of a double tribute.

This was, in fact, the moment when, thanks to
the tenacious vigour of the Christian princes in
seeking to profit from the sanguinary conflicts waged
against one another by the Muslim muluk al-tawd'if,
the reconquista — which had been arrested for a
time and had even receded under the last Umayyads
and the first 'Amirid dictators — resumed its advance
towards the south of the peninsula. Notwithstanding
their successes, blazoned by the Muslim chroniclers,
it must not be forgotten that from the middle of
the eleventh century many Spanish Muslim dynasties
were reduced to trying to gain, by means of heavy
tributes, the temporary neutrality of their Christian
neighbours. Shortly before the resounding capture
of Toledo by Alfonso VI, in 478/1085, al-Mu'tamid
began to find himself enmeshed in serious diffi-
culties. On the imprudent advice of Ibn 'Ammar,
he attempted, after the annexation of Cordova, to
annex further the principality of Murcia [cf. mur-
siya], then governed by a ruler of Arab origin,
Muh. b. Ahmad Ibn Tahir. In 471/1078, Ibn 'Ammar
paid a visit to the count of Barcelona, Ramon
Berenguer II, and asked for his assistance in con-
quering Murcia in return for the sum of 10,000
dinars, as surety for the payment of which a son
of al-Mu'tamid, al-Rashld, would serve as hostage.
After a series of agitated comings and goings, which
ended in the payment to the count of Barcelona
of a sum thrice as large, Ibn 'Ammar resumed his
project of conquering Murcia, and soon realised it,
thanks to the assistance of the lord of the castle of
Bildj (now Vilches), Ibn Rashik. It was not long,

'ABBADIDS -

however, before Ibn 'Ammar in Murcia made him-
self intolerable to his sovereign. Betrayed by Ibn
Rashik, he was forced to flee from Murcia, and
sought refuge successively at Leon, Saragossa and
Lerida. On returning to Saragossa he endeavoured
to assist its prince, al-Mu'tamin b. Hud [cf. hOoios],
in his expedition against Segura [cf. shakura], but
was captured and handed over to al-Mu'tamid, who,
notwithstanding the ties of friendship which had
for so long bound them together, killed him with

In the meantime Alfonso VI began to disclose
openly his designs on Toledo, which he had begun
to invest since 473/1080. Two years later, having
sent a deputation to collect the annual tribute
which al-Mu'tamid was paying to him, he learned
that its members had been molested and that the
Jewish treasurer Ibn Shalib. who had accompanied
it, had been put to death because of his refusal to
accept money of low standard. Thereupon he made
an incursion into the kingdom of Seville, raided the
flourishing townships of the Aljarafe [cf. al-sharaf],
struck across the district of Sidona [cf. shadOna] as
far as Tarifa [cf. tarif, bjazirat], where he pro-
nounced a celebrated phrase in which he boasted
of having trodden the furthest bounds of Spain.

The capture of Toledo by Alfonso VI was a
heavy blow to Islam in Spain. The king of Castille
at once demanded of al-Mu'tamid the return of his
possessions which had formerly been part of the
kingdom, of the Dhu '1-Nunids, i.e. part of the
present provinces of Ciudad Real and Cuenca.
Throughout Muslim Spain his ever-increasing de-
mands caused a particularly difficult situation. In
spite of their unwillingness, the princes of Spain,
with al-Mu c tamid at their head, were compelled to
implore the aid of the Almoravid sultan, Yusuf b.
Tashufln (see al-MurabitOn), who had recently
seized the whole of Morocco in an irresistible ad-
vance. It was decided to send him an embassy com-
posed of the vizier Abu Bakr b. Zaydun and of the
kadis of Badajoz, Cordova and Granada. The nego-
tiations were successfully concluded, though not
without difficulty; Yusuf b. Tashufln finally crossed
the Straits of Gibraltar, and inflicted on the Christian
troops, on 22 Radjab 479/23 October 1086, the
bloody defeat of al-Zallaka [q.v.], not far from Bada-
joz. It need here only be briefly recalled that Yusuf
b. Tashufln, compelled to return to Africa, was
unable to gain from his victory all the advantages
for which the Spanish Muslim princes had hoped,
while they, owing to the decisive influence exerted
by the Spanish-Muslim faklhs on the Almoravid,
rapidly lost all prestige in his eyes. After his with-
drawal the Christian troops began again to harass the
Muslim possessions, to such effect that al-Mu c tamid
had this time to present himself in person before
Yusuf b. Tashufln in Morocco, to ask him to recross
the Straits with his troops. Yusuf agreed to his
request and disembarked at Algeciras in the following
spring (480/1088). He set out to besiege the fortress
of Aledo (Ar. al!t), without success, but under
the stimulus of popular sentiment and the counsels
of the faklhs concluded that it would be of greater
advantage to him to pursue the djihdi in Spain
on his own account. From that time, he set himself
to dethrone and dispossess the princes who had
solicited his intervention, and it was not long before
he was carrying his arms into the kingdom of Seville
in order to take possession of it. An army commanded
by the general Sir b. AM Bakr by the end of 1090
seized Tarifa, then Cordova (where a son of al-

Mu'tamid, Fath al-Ma'mun, was killed), Carmona,
and finally Seville, which was taken in spite of a
heroic sortie by al-Mu'tamid. The vanquished prince,
made prisoner by the Almoravid, was at first sent
with his wives and children to Tangier, then to
Meknes, and after several months to Aghmat, not
far from Marrakush. He passed a miserable existence
there for some years, and died there in 487/1095,
aged fifty-five years. With him, in these lamentable
circumstances, ended the dynasty of the 'Abbadids,
which may be regarded, notwithstanding the ex-
cesses and cruelty of its princes, as the most brilliant
of the dynasties of the taifas and indubitably that
under which the arts and letters shone most brightly
in Muslim Spain of the eleventh century:

Bibliography: Ibn Bassam, al-Dhakhira, iv;
'Abd Allah b. Buluggin, al-Tibydn; Ibn al-Abbar,
al-Hulla al-Siydrd > (ed. Dozy, Notices etc.); 'Abd
al- Wahid al-Marrakushl, al-Mu'-diib; Ibn al-Kha-
tlb, al-Ihd(a; idem, A'mdl al-AHdm; Ibn 'Idhari
al-Baydn al-Mughrib, iii; al-Fath b. Khakan,
Kald'id al-Hkydn and Ma(mah al-Anfus; Ibn Khal-
dun, al-'Ibar, iv and Histoire des Berberes, trad,
de Slane, ii; al-HuUd al-Mawshiyya; Ibn Abl Zar',
Rawd al-Kirtds; Makkari, Analectes Most of the ex-
tracts of these authors concerning the 'Abbadids
have been put together by R. Dozy, Scriptorum
arabum loci de Abbadidis, Leiden 1846. R. Dozy,
Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne', Leiden 1932,
vol. iii; A. Gonzalez Palencia, Historia de Espana
musulmana*, Barcelona 1929, 73 ff.; E. Levi-
Provencal, Inscriptions arabes d'Espagne, Leiden-
Paris 193 1 ; A. Prieto Vives, Los reyes de taifas,
Madrid 1926 (especially coinage); E. Levi-Pro-
vencal, Esp. mus., vol. iv.

(E. L£vi-Provencal)
'ABBAS I, styled the Great, king of Persia
of the Safawl dynasty, second son and successor
of Muhammad Khudabanda. was born on 1 Rama-
dan 978/27 January 1571, and died in Mazandaran
on 24 Djumada I 1038/19 January 1629, after a
reign of 42 solar (43 lunar) years. In 980/1572-3
he remained at Harat when his father moved to
Shiraz. In 984/1576-7 Isma'Il II put to death the
lata (tutor) of 'Abbas, and appointed C A1I Kuli
Khan Shamlu governor of Harat with orders to
execute 'Abbas himself. C A1I Kuli procrastinated,
and, when the death of Isma'Il II (985/1577-8) ren-
dered the order null and avoid, was made himself
lata to 'Abbas by Muhammad Khudabanda. Three
years later 'All Kuli read the khufba at Harat in
the name of 'Abbas, but, when threatened by the
royal army, he re-affirmed his allegiance to Mu-
hammad Khudabanda at Ghurlyan. Shortly after-
wards his protege 'Abbas fell into the hands of his
rival Murshid Kuli Khan Ustadjlu, governor of
Turbat, and in 995/1587 the latter marched on
Kazwln. Muhammad Khudabanda was deposed, and
'Abbas became Shah at the age of 16, with Murshid
Kuli as his waktt-i diwdn-i c dli.

'Abbas, faced with the twofold task of enforcing
his authority over the Klzllbash amirs, and of check-
ing the encroachment on Persian territory of the
Ottomans in the West and the Uzbegs in the East,
at once created from the ranks of Georgian prisoners
converted from Christianity a cavalry corps of
ghuldmdn-i khdssa-yi sharifa, paid direct from the
royal treasury. With their aid, and by a successful
appeal to the loyalty of the shdhi-sewen [q.v.], he
crushed a revolt of amirs, and followed this by rid-
ding himself of the now too-powerful Murshid Kuli.
The importance of the ghuldms gradually increased.

--'ABBAS B. 'ABD al-MUTTALIB

The appointment of Allahwardl Khan t
of Fars elevated a ghuldm to equality of status with
the Kfzilbash amirs, and eventually ghuldms filled
some 20% of the high administrative posts. 'Abbas
systematically pacified the provinces of 'Irak-i
'Adjam, Fars, Kirman and Luristan. The local
rulers of Gllan and Mazandaran were subjugated.
In order to avoid fighting on two fronts, 'Abbas
signed in Constantinople in 998/1589-90 a peace
treaty most unfavourable to Persia. The regions of
Adharbaydjan, Karabagh, Gandja, Karadjadagh,
with Georgia and parts of Luristan and Kurdistan,
were to remain in Ottoman hands, and a interdict
was placed on the ShI'ite objurgation of the early
Caliphs.

'Abbas entrusted to Allahwardl Khan the re-
organisation of the army on the lines suggested by
Robert Sherley, an English adventurer then at the
Persian Court. A new corps of 12,000 musketeers
(tufangd), for the most part mounted, was recruited
locally from the peasantry; the strength of the
ghuldms'was raised to 10,000 by further recruitment
from the Georgian converts; 3000 more were se-
lected as muldzimdn or personal bodyguard to the
Shah; and a corps of artillery, comprising 12,000
men and 500 guns, was also recruited from the
ghuldms, cannon being cast under the supervision
of Sherley. 'Abbas thus had a standing army of

After the death of the Shaybanids 'Abd Allah
b. Iskandar [q.v.] and 'Abd al-Mu'min, dynastic
rivalries distracted the Uzbegs, and 'Abbas was able
to inflict on them a severe defeat at Harat (1007/
1598-9), and to recover Mashhad and Harat after
ten years of Uzbeg occupation. In a attempt to
stabilise the North-East frontier, 'Abbas installed
at Balkh, Marw and Astarabad Uzbeg chiefs sub-
servient to himself. But BakI Muhammad, the new
khan of Transoxania, re-occupied Balkh (1009/
1600-1), and though 'Abbas led a force of 50,000
men against him, he was outmanoeuvred and forced
to retreat (ion/1602-3), losing large numbers of
men through sickness, and abandoning most of his
new artillery. At this point hostilities in the East
were suspended, but in the West 'Abbas invaded
Adharbaydjan in 1012/1603-4, and occupied Nakh-
ciwan and Eriwan. The Ottomans under Cighala-
zada suffered a signal defeat at Sis near Tabriz
(1014/1605-6), with the loss of 20,000 men. Gandja
and Tiflis were taken by the Safawids. Internal
disorders in Turkey contributed to the haphazard
conduct of the war against Persia. Successive Tur-
kish invasions of Adharbaydjan were hampered by
the Persian policy of devastating the regions of
Cukhiir Sa'd and Nakhciwan and evacuating the
inhabitants. Peace was eventually concluded at
Sarab in 1027/1617-8, but was broken by 'Abbas
in 1033/1623-4, when he took Baghdad and Diyar
Bakr from the Ottomans.

In other directions too 'Abbas expanded Safawid
territory. Bahrayn was annexed in 1010/1601-2,
Shu-wan was reconquered in 1016/1607-8. With
British aid, the island of Hurmuz was taken from
the Portuguese in 1 030/1 620-1, but a long series
of bitter wars in Georgia failed to result in permanent
annexation, and 'Abbas was finally forced to re-
cognize the Georgian prince Taymuraz. Military
necessity was often the pretext for the transference
of large bodies of people to other regions. Some 20,000
Armenians from the Erzerum region were enrolled
in the ghuldms: a further 3000 families were moved
from Djulfa to Isfahan: the Karamanlu tribe of

Karabagh was moved to Fars in 1023/1614-5: and
the influx of Georgians from Kakhetia — 130,000
prisoners were taken in the expedition of 1025/
1616-7 alone — was a major factor in achieving that
admixture of races and creeds by which 'Abbas
planned to offset the power of the Klztlbash.

Diplomatic contacts with European countries and
with India were numerous during 'Abbas's reign,
but all his efforts to create a European alliance
against the Ottomans failed. Though careful to keep
on good terms with the Mughal Emperors Akbar
and Djahangir, he always regarded Kandahar, seized
by Akbar in 999/1 590-1, as Persian territory, and
in 1031/1621-2 he re-occupied the city. 'Abbas main-
tained friendly relations with the princes of Mus-
covy and the Tatar khans of the Crimea. Foreign
monastic orders, like the Carmelites, the Augusti-
nians and the Capuchin Friars, were accorded per-
mission to operate without hindrance. In 1007/
1598-9 Sir Anthony Sherley, brother of Robert, was
dispatched to Europe accompanied by a Persian
envoy, Husayn 'All Beg Bayat, and visited Prague,
Venice, Rome, Valladolid and Lisbon. Return em-
bassies were sent by the Spaniards, the Portuguese
and the English. The latter's envoy, Sir Dodmore
Cotton, was the first accredited English ambassador
to the Persian Court.

'Abbas improved communications by the construc-
tion of roads (notably t^le coast road through Ma-
zandaran), bridges and caravanserais. He enriched
Isfahan, which became his new capital in 1006/1597-8,
with mosques, palaces and gardens: but he also
built palaces at Kazwin, and at Ashraf and Fara-
habad on the Caspian, where he spent an increasing
amount of time in his later years. He explored the
possibility of diverting some of the head-waters
of the Karun into the basin of the Zayanda-ROd.
Although endowed with great qualities, 'Abbas
could be ruthless, and his family fell victims to his
desire for security. His father, Muhammad Khu-
dabanda, and two brothers, Abu Talib and Tah-
masp, were blinded and incarcerated at Alamflt;
a son, Muhammad Bakir MIrza, was executed on
a charge of treason in 1022/1613, and another,
Imam Kull, was made heir-apparent in 1030/1620
during an illness of 'Abbas, but was blinded on the
latter's recovery. Throughout his reign, 'Abbas at-
tached great importance to maintaining the pir u-
murshid relationship with his subjects: hence he
made frequent visits to the ShI'ite shrines at Ardabll,
Mashhad, where he repaired the damage caused by
the Uzbegs, and, after their capture from the Otto-
mans, to those at Karbala 5 and Nadjaf.

Bibliography: Iskandar Munshl, Tdrikh-i
c Alam-Ard-yi 'Abbdsi, Teheran 1897; A true re-
port of Sir Anthony Sherley 's journey, London
1600; Garcias di Silva y Figueroa, De rebus Persa-
rum Epistola, Antwerp 1620; Ambassade en Perse,
transl. de Vicqfort, Paris 1667; Pietro della Valle,
Voyages, Paris 1745; Sir John Malcolm, History
of Persia, London 1815, i, 555 ff.; Chardin, Voy-
ages du Chevalier Chardin, ed. Langles, Paris
1811; The three brothers, London 1825; W. Parry,
A new and large discourse, London 1601 ; CI. Huart,
Histoire de Bagdad, 55 ff.; Browne, iv, 99 ft.;
L. L. Bellan, Chah Abbas I, Paris 1932; V. Mi-
norsky, Tadhkirat al-Muluk, London 1943.

(R. M. Savory)
'ABBAS II and III [see safawids]
al-'ABBAS b. 'ABD al-MUTTALIB, with the
kunya Abu '1-Fadl, half-brother of Muham-
mad's father, his mother being Nutayla bint

C ABD al-MUTTALIB -

Djanab of al-Namir. The 'Abbasid dynasty took its
name from him, being descended from his son c Abd
Allah. Consequently there was a tendency for histo-
rians under the 'Abbasids to glorify him, and in
his case it is particularly difficult to distinguish
fact from fiction. He was a merchant and financier,
more prosperous than his half-brother Abu Talib,
who, in return for the extinction of a debt, surren-
dered to him the office of providing pilgrims to
Mecca with water (sikdya) and perhaps also with
food {rifdda). Though he owned a garden in al-
Ta'if, he was not so wealthy as the leading men of
the clans of c Abd Shams and Makhzum. There is
no clear evidence of any rapprochement between
him and Muhammad until 7/629 when he gave in
marriage to Muhammad Maymuna, the uterine
sister of his wife, Umm al-Fadl Lubaba. Stories
purporting to show that prior to this he supported
Muhammad are suspect. Thus he is said to have
acted as protector of Muhammad at the Assembly
of 'Akaba, and, while it is conceivable that he pro-
tected him during his last year or two in Mecca,
there is no evidence that the clan of Hashim revoked
Abu Lahab's refusal to give protection. Al-'Abbas
fought against the Muslims at Badr, was taken
prisoner and then released, though whether with
or without a ransom is disputed. He joined Mu-
hammad as he was marching on Mecca in 8/630,
but his conversion was less influential than that of
Abu Sufyan. Muhammad welcomed him, and after
the submission of Mecca confirmed in his family
the inherited office of the sikdya. He is said to have
acted bravely at Hunayn, and by his stentorian
shout to have turned the tide of battle. He settled
at Medina. Though one of those who contributed
to the finances of the expedition to Tabuk, he pos-
sibly did not campaign in Syria, as is sometimes
said. He was not on good terms with 'Umar, but
made a gift of his house for 'Umar's -extension of
the mosque in Medina. Muhammad is said to have
given him an annuity from the produce of Khavbar.
and 'Umar, in revising the pension roll, made him
the equal of the men of Badr; but he was never
given any administrative post. He died about 32/
653 aged about 88.

Bibliography : Ibn Hisham; WakidI, ed. Well-
hausen; Tabari — see indexes; Ibn Sa'd, iv/i,
1-22; Ya'kubi, ii., 47; Ibn Hadjar, al-Isdba, ii,
668-71; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghdba, iii, 109-12;
Goldziher, Muh. Stud., ii, 108-9; Th. Noldeke,
in ZDMG, 1898, 21-7; Caetani, Annali, i, 517-8,
ii, 120-1, etc.; MO, 1934, 17-58.

(W. Montgomery Watt)
'ABBAS b. ABI 'l-FUTCH Yahya b. TamIm

B. MU C 1ZZ B. BADlS AL-SlNHAQlI, AL-AFpAL RuKN AL-

DIn Abu 'l-Fapl, Fatimid vizier, a descendant
of the ZIrids [q.v.] of North Africa. He seems to
have been born shortly before 509/1 115, for in that
year he was still a nursling. His father was then
in prison and was banished in 509 to Alexandria,
whither his wife Bullara and the little 'Abbas ac-
companied him. After Abu '1-Futuh's death his
widow married Ibn Sallar [see al- c Adil ibn Sallar],
commandant of Alexandria and al-Buhayra, one of
the most powerful generals of the Fatimid empire.
When, in 544/1149-50, the caliph al-Zafir appointed
Ibn Masai to the position of vizier, which had for
some time been vacant, Ibn Sallar revolted, marched
on Cairo at the head of his troops and forced the
caliph to invest him with the vizierate. It was during
these troubles that 'Abbas appeared for the first
time on the political scene. He took the side of his

step-father and was entrusted by him with the
pursuit of Ibn Masai who had taken to flight. Ibn
Masai fell, and on 23 Dhu '1-Ka'da 544/24 March
1 1 50, Ibn Sallar made his entry into Cairo. During
the following years 'Abbas lived at the court of
Cairo and his son, Nasir al-DIn Nasr, became a
favourite of the caliph. In the beginning of 548/
spring 1153, 'Abbas was made commander of the
garrison of 'Askalan, the last place the Fatimids
still possessed in Syria. Before reaching Syria, how-
ever, at Bilbays, he decided — rumour had it, at
the instigation of Usama b. Munkidh (the various
historians who mention Usama's role evidently
follow one common source, cf. Cahen, 19, note 2) —
to assassinate his step-father and seize the vizierate.
Nasr, 'Abbas's son, returned secretly to Cairo, ob-
tained the consent of the caliph, who idolized him,
and assassinated Ibn Sallar, 6 Muharram 548/3 April
1153. 'Abbas returned as fast as he could and took
possession of the vizierate, whilst 'Askalan fell into
the hands of the Franks, 27 Djumada I 548/20
August 1153. 'Abbas did not enjoy the position he
had won for long. According to Usama (who was
an intimate companion of Nasr and took part in
the events which he relates) 'Abbas and his son Nasr
were deeply suspicious of each other, 'Abbas think-
ing that the caliph was urging Nasr to assassinate
him. Usama claims to have acted as a conciliator
between father and son, who resolved together to
kill the caliph. Nasr lured the caliph to his house
and assassinated him on the last day of Muharram
549/16 April 1 154. Thereupon 'Abbas charged the
nearest male relations of the caliph with the crime.
They were put to death and the minor son of al-
Zafir was placed upon the throne under the name of
al-Fa 5 iz bi-Nasr Allah. These proceedings stirred up
the court and the population; a message was sent
toTala'i'b. Ruzzik [q.v.], governor of Usyut. 'Abbas,
together with Nasr, fled before him to Syria, but
the Franks, warned by the enemies of 'Abbas, sur-
prised them near al-Muwaylih and 'Abbas was killed,
23 Rabi' I 549/7 June 1154. Nasr was captured and
delivered into the hands of the Fatimid government
and executed, Rabi' II 550/June-July 1155. (The
text of the sidjill announcing his arrival in Cairo
is preserved in MS Brit. Mus., Suppl. 1140, fol.
67v.).

Bibliography: Usama b. Munkidh, al-lHibar,
ed. Derenbourg, 5-6, 13-22, 69; Ibn Abl Tayy, see
Cahen; Ibn Zafir, see Wustenfeld and Cahen; Ibn
al-Muyassar, ed. Masse, 89-90, 92-5; Ibn al-Athir,
xi, 93-4, 122, 125-8; Abu Shama, Kitdb al-Raw-
datayn, Cairo 1287-8, i, 97 ff.; Ibn Khaldun. al-
c Ibar, iv, 74 ff.; Abu '1-Fida 5 , iii, 29-30; Ibn Tagh-
ribirdi, vol. iii; Ibn Khallikan, nos. 496, 522;
Makrizi, al-Khitat, ii, 30; F. Wustenfeld, Gesch. der
Fatimiden-Chalifen, 314 ff.; Lane- Poole, History of
Egypt, 174; H. Derenbourg, Ousdma ibn Moun-
kidh, i, 220 ff., 238-58. For the criticism of the
sources of the historians see CI. Cahen, Quelques
chroniques anciens relatives aux derniers Fatimides,
BIFAO, 1937-8, 19, note 2. Poems concerning
the affair of 'Abbas are quoted in 'Imad al-DIn,
Kharidat al-Kasr, Egyptian poets (Cairo 1951), i,
119. 190. (C. H. Becker— S. M. Stern)

al-'ABBAS b. AL-Atf NAF, Abu 'l-Fadl, ama-
tory poet of 'Irak, died, it seems, after 193/808.
His family belonged to the Arab clan of Hanlfa, from
the district of Basra, but had emigrated to Khu-
rasan. It seems, however, that the father of al-
'Abbas returned to Basra, where he is said to have
died in 150/767 (al-Khatlb al-Baghdadi, 133). Al-

>'ABBAS b. al-AHNAF

'Abbas was born about 133/750. He grew up in
Baghdad (this must be the meaning of the passage
of Ibn Kutayba, 525, and of the words of al-Suli
quoted by al-Khatlb, 128, or of those of al-Akhfash
repeated in Aghdni ', viii, 353). We do not know
anything about his adolescence or his studies. He
must have started writing poetry very early, as
Bashshar b. Burd (d. 167/783) speaks of his beginnings
and calls him fata, or ghuldm (Aghdni', v, 210
and al-Khatlb, 130). The only details we know about
his career show him as a favourite of the caliph H5-
run al-Rashid, who employed him, however, not as
a panegyrist, but rather as one to amuse him in
his hours of leasure (see e.g. Aghdni ', viii, 355 ft.,
and al-Khatlb. 131). It seems certain that the poet
accompanied the caliph in his campaigns in Khu-
rasan and Armenia, but, overcome by nostalgia,
received his permission to return to Baghdad (A-
ghdni ', viii, 372). Al-'Abbas was also connected
with the high officials of the Barmakid family, es-
pecially with Yahya b. Dja'far (Aghdni", v, 168, 241).
One can assume that his verses were highly enjoyed
by certain ladies of the caliph's harem, e.g. by
Umm Dja'far, who made him presents (Aghdni*
viii, 369). The favour shown to al-'Abbas by the
men in power seems to have given him an influential
position: a nephew of his, Ibrahim al-$uli (d. 243/
857), himself a poet, was "secretary" of the Chan-
cery (see on him al-Mas'udl, Muritdj, vii, 237-45
and al-Khatlb, 129; it is to be noted that through
him al-'Abbas was the great-uncle of the famous
Abu Bakr al-$ull [q.v.]). Almost nothing has come
down to us about the literary contacts of al-'Abbas.
He seems to have been on bad terms with Muslim
b. al-Walid (al-Khatlb, 128) and the Mu'tazilite
Abu '1-Hudhayl al-'Allaf (Aghdni, v, 354). Various
dates are given for his death: 188/803 according
to Aghdni, V, 254, repeated by al-Khatlb, 133; or
192/807, idem 133 and Yakut, IV, 283; or after
193/808, according to one of his friends who is
said to have met him in Baghdad after the death
of al-Rashid, which occurred in that year (al-Kha-
tlb, 133 and Ibn Khallikan). Al-'Abbas would have
been at that time about 60 years old. He is said to
have died while on pilgrimage and to have been
buried in Basra (al-Khatlb, 132-3 and al-Mas'udl,
vii, 247).

The work of al-'Abbas was collected after his
death by Zunbur, and subsequently, in the form of
extracts, by Abu Bakr al-Suli (Fihrist, 163, 151);
al-Suli wrote also a biography of the poet (ib.
151), which was extensively used by Abu '1-Faradj
al-Isfahanl in the article in the Aghdni. We have
no information about the versions that circulated
in Khurasan during the lifetime of 'Ubayd Allah
b. Tahir (d. 300/912; cf. Aghdni, viii, 353). One
cannot exclude the hypothesis that verses by un-
known authors were wrongly included in these
versions; cf. the detail quoted by al-Marzubanl,
292. At any rate Yakut, iv, 284 points out that
the manuscripts of his time were divergent. The
work of al-'Abbas is preserved only in two manu-
scripts of the selection made by al-§ull ; on a third
one, now lost ( ?), was based the unsatisfactory
edition, Istanbul 1298/1880 (reproduced in Cairo-
Baghdad 1367/1947; cf. A. Khusraji, Diwdn d'al-
< Abbds b. al-Ahnaf, thesis submitted to the Faculty
of Letters, Paris, in 1953). The existing collection
consists of pieces that are generally short and some
of which are perhaps only fragments of longer

Al-'Abbas, as all his Muslim biographers have

noted, cultivated only one genre, the ghazal [q.v.], i.e.
erotico-elegiac poetry (cf. e.g. Ibn Kutayba, 525;
Fihrist, 132; Aghdni', viii, 352). In their present
state, the pieces that are available confirm this fact
Al- 'Abbas appears in them as a follower of the poets
of al-Hidjaz, namely c Umar b. Abi Rabi'a and es-
pecially Djamll, al-Ahwas and al-'ArdjI, in whose
work the tendencies of the school began to take a
fixed form. In his poems there reappears not only
the psychological scheme of the submissive lover,
but also the fictitious personages of the rakib and
wdshi. The woman whom he extols is presented in
a stylised manner, so that we are unable to say if
the poet is merely combining cliches or starting
from a real experience. Not all the poems,
however, are expressions of ideal love; we find
(Diwdn, Istanbul, 148-50), the description of an
orgy with singing girls. On the whole, however, the
poetry of al-'Abbas stands in contrast to that of
Abu Nuwas [q.v.], which is permeated with the
carnal cult of the beloved. The art of al-'Abbas
is highly conventional and his inspiration is mono-
tonous. On the other hand, his style avoids the use
of gimcrack rhetoric and his language, simple and
fluent without being vulgar, is akin to that of Abu

The vogue enjoyed by the poetry of al-'Abbas
from the very first cannot be explained solely by
some hellenistic influence or by respect for an old
Arab tradition. The society in which the poet lived
must also be taken into consideration. Chiming with
the dilettantism of al-Rashid and the taste of the
women of the court, the poems of al-'Abbas were
ready-made material for composers and singers,
like Ibrahim al-Mawsill (cf. Aghdni', vi, 182, viii,
361, 354-6). Nevertheless the favour shown to them
by men of letters like al-Djahiz, Ibn Kutayba. or
al-Mas'udl, by a music-lover like the caliph al-
Wathik, by a bel esprit like Abu Bakr al-Suli, or
finally by a rigorist like Salama b. 'Asim (cf. Ibn
Kutayba, al-Shi'v, 525ft., and especially Aghdni',
viii, 354 ff.), shows that these poetical productions
could be enjoyed by a public of greatly varying

It is difficult to define the importance of al-'Abbas
b. al-Aljnaf in the history of Arabic poetry. If Muslim
Spain really appreciated this oriental poet (cf. Ibn
Hazm, Tawk al-Ifamdma (Bercher), 285; Peres, La
poesie andalouse en arabe classique au Xle siicle,
54, 411), one might see in him one of the poets who
influenced the erotic-elegiac poetry so highly valued
in that country. In this case, his role in the develop-
ment of the genre would be of the greatest impor-
tance. Recently, oriental critics like F. Rifa'I and
Bahbltl have tried to discover what in the work of
al-'Abbas retains a lasting value. In two penetrating
studies, Hell and Torrey placed the poet in his milieu
and noted his influence in Arabic literature.

Bibliography: Ibn Kutayba, Shi c r (de Goeje),
525-7; Mas'udi, Muru&i, vii, 145-8; al-Aghani',
passim, viii, 352-72 ; MarzubanI, al-Muwashshah,
290-3; Fihrist, 132, 151, 163; al-Khatlb al-Baghdadl
Ta'rikh Baghdad, xii, 127-33; Yakut, Irshdd, iy,
233-4; Ibn Khallikan, no. 319 (after al-Khatlb
and al-Mas'udl); F. Rifa'I, <Asr aX-Ma'mun, ii,
393-9; Bahbiti, Ta'rikh al-Shi'r al-<Arabi, Cairo
1950, 401-6; J. Hell, Al-'Abbds i. al-Ahnaf der
Minnesanger am Hofe Harun al-Raiids, Islamica,
1926, 271-307; C. C. Torrey, The history of al-
« Abbas b. al-Ahnaf and his fortunate verses, JAOS,
1894, 43-70; Brockelmann, I, 74, S I, 114.

(R. Blach£re)

al-'ABBAS b. 'AMR al-GHANAWI -

al-'ABBAS b. 'AMR al-GHANAWI, famous
general and governor of the 'Abbasid caliphs at the
end of the third century/c. 900. In 286/899 ne fought
against the Arab tribes in 'Irak. In 287/900 he was
appointed by the caliph al-Mu'tadid governor of Ya-
mama and Baljrayn, with orders to fight against the
Karmatian chief of Bahrayn, Abu Sa'Id al- Djannabl.
He left Basra with an army of regular soldiers, volun-
teers from Basra and beduin auxiliaries, was left in
the lurch in the first battle by the beduins andt he
volunteers and next day, after a bloody battle, he
was taken prisoner together with about 700 men
(end of Radjab 287/July 900). The prisoners were
executed, but al-'Abbas was spared by the Karma-
tian, who charged him with a message to the caliph,
in which he set forth the dangers and the uselessness
of a new campaign against him. One can find in
M. J. de Goeje's Memoire sur les Carmathes de Bah-
rain, 37-41, an account of the battle and its conse-
quences, after al-Tabari, as well as the anecdote,
told among others by al-Tanukhi {al-Faradi ba'd
ul-Shidda, Cairo 1903, i, 110-1), concerning the libe-
ration of al-'Abbas, a matter of astonishment to
contemporaries as well as his the historians. Al-'Ab-
bas was one of the generals who in 289/901-2 aban-
doned the commander-in-chief, Badr, at the insti-
gation of the new caliph al-MuktafJ. According to
Ibn al-Athir he was governor of Kumm and KSshan
in 296/908-9. He accompanied the army of Mu'nis
that defended Egypt, in 303-3/914-5, from a Fatimid
attack (Ibn Taghribirdi, Cairo, iii, 186). At the end
of his life, we find him as military and civil governor
of DiySr Mudar, residing in al-Rakka, where he died
in 305/917. He came, no doubt, from that district,
and gave his name to a Kasr al-'Abbas, situated
between Nisibis and Sindjar (Yakut, iv, 114).

There does not seem to be sufficient reason to
assume, as has been done in the first ed. of this
Encyclopaedia, that there was at the same epoch
another al-'Abbas b. 'Amr, different from ours.
Bibliography: Tabari, ii, 2193, 2196-7, 2210;
'Arlb, ed. de Goeje, 69 ; Miskawayhi, ed. Amedroz,
i, 56; Ibn al-Athir, vii, 344-5, 358; Mas'udI, Mu-
rudj, viii, 193-4; id., al-Tanbih, 393 f., trad. Carra
de Vaux, 499-500; Ibn Taghribirdi, Cairo, ii, 122,
186; Ibn Khallikan. no. 745, transl. de Slane, i,
427, iii, 417, iv, 331 ; Ibn al-'Imad, Shadharat,
ii, 194-5; C. Lang, MuHadid als Prim und Regent,
ZDMG, 1887, 270-1. (M. Canard)

'ABBAS b. FIRNAS b. WardCs, Abu 'l-Kasim,
Andalusi scholar and poet, belonging to the
entourage of the Hispano-Umayyad amirs al-Hakam
I, 'Abd al-Rahman II and MuhammadI, in the 3rd/gth
century. No biographical data about him are avail-
able, and we only know that he was an Umayyad
mawla of Berber origin, that he came from the kura
of Takurunna, i.e. the district of Ronda, and that
he died in 274/887. His strong personality is now
fully manifest, thanks to the newly found volume
of Ibn Hayyan's al-Muktabis concerning the
Andalusi amirate, where a long passage is devoted
to him and a great number of his verses are quoted.
'Abbas b. Firnas, who managed, thanks to his pana-
gyrics, to keep his position at the court of Cordova
during three successive reigns, is chiefly represented
as a uian ef curious and inventive mind. He is
said to have made a journey to 'Irak and to have
brought back to Spain the Sindhind. He was the
only one in Cordova to be able to explain the con-
tents of al-Khalll b. Ahmad's treatise on metrics.
To him is attributed the invention of the fabrication
of crystal. He constructed, and offered to his masters,

a clock (mankana) and an armillary sphere (dhat
al-halak). He was even a distant precursor of aviation,
thinking out a sheath furnished with feathers and
mobile wings; had the courage to put it on, to jump
from the top of a precipice and to hover in the air
for a few seconds before falling — escaping death by
a miracle. He was occasionally accused of iandak.a,
but without success.

Bibliography: Ibn Hayyan, al-Muktabis, i
(in press), fol. 130-2 and passim; Dabbl, Bughya,
no. 1247; Makkarl, Analectes, ii, 254; A. Gonzalez
Palencia, Moros y Christianos en EspaHa medieval,
Madrid 1945, 30 f. ; E. Levi-Provencal, La civili-
tation arabe en Espagne, 76 f.; idem, Esp. mus.,
i, 274. (E. L£vi-Provencal)

al-'ABBAS b. al-BUSAYN al-ShIrazI, Abu
'l-Fapl, vizier. At the death of al-Muhallabl in
352/963, al-'Abbas, head of the Dlwan of Expenses,
was charged by the Buyid Mu'izz al-Dawla with
the functions of a vizier, together with another
secretary, Ibn Fasandjas, but without succeeding
to the title. After the death of Mu'izz al-Dawla in
356/967, he was appointed vizier by the son and
successor of Mu'izz al-Dawla, Bakfctiyar. He suc-
ceeded in suppressing the rebellion of another son
of Mu'izz al-Dawla. Owing to the enmity of the
chamberlain Subuktakin, the financial difficulties,
and the intrigues of Ibn Fasandjas who hoped to
extract money from al-'Abbas, he was deposed in
359/969-70 and put into the hands of his rival. The
latter, however, was not more successful in his of-
fice and al-'Abbas managed to recover his freedom
in 360/971, to be re-appointed as vizier and to eli-
minate definitely Ibn Fasandjas. His extortion of
money, to pay the troops, made him again the butt
of hatred, especially that of Bakhtiyar's omnipotent
majordomo, Ibn Bakiyya. In 362/973 he was arrested
owing the machinations of Ibn Bakiyya, and the
latter was appointed vizier. Al-'Abbas was confined
in the house of an 'Alid in Kufa and died soon after-
wards, probably from poison.

Al-'Abbas possessed a palace in Baghdad, called
Khakan, which was destroyed by order of Bakh-
tiyar. On this palace, the festivals held in it, and
the other buildings of al-'Abbas, see al-Hnsrl,
Dhayl Zahr al-Addb, Cairo 1353, 275 f.

Bibliography: Miskawayh, ii, 121, 198ft.,
310 f.; Tanukhi, Nishwdr al-Muhddara, i, 215;
Ibn al-Athir, viii, 405 f. (M. Canard)

al-'ABBAS b. al-MA'MON, pretender to
the throne under al-Mu'tasim. His father, the ca-
liph al-Ma'mun, appointed him in 2 13/828-9 a governor
of al-Djazira and the neighbouring frontier district,
and he then showed great bravery in fighting the
Byzantines. On the death of al-Ma'mun in 218/833,
his brother, Abu Ishak Muhammad al-Mu'tasim
bi-'llah, by choice of the deceased, ascended the
throne of the 'Abbasids. The army which al-Ma'-
mun had collected against the Greeks, however,
proclaimed al-'Abbas caliph, although he himself was
not in the least disposed to comply with the wishes
of his troops and took the oath of fealty to his uncle.
After that, he went back to his army and succeeded
in appeasing its discontent. Then the caliph, in order
to strengthen his position, took many measures of
precaution; he had the fortress of Tuwana (Tyana)
raz&l, stopped the war against the Byzantines and
disbanded the army. Later, having organized some
Turkish regiments as his guard, he loaded them with
honours to an extent wbich disaffected the Arab
troops, who had shown themselves sufficiently ill-
disposed ever since the death of al-Ma'mun. 'Udjayf

l-MA'MUN — al-'ABBAS b

b. 'Anbasa, an Arab general in the service of al-
Mu'tasim utilized this discontent for the purpose of
organizing a conspiracy, the object of which was
to assassinate the caliph and to put al-'Abbas on the
throne. The latter allowed himself to be persuaded;
but the plot was discovered, and the conspirators
paid for their attempt with their lives. Al- 'Abbas
died in prison at Manbidj in 223/838.

Bibliography: Ya'kubi; Tabari; Mas'udi,
Murudi, indexes; al-A ghdni, Tables; Fragm.
Hist. Arab. (De Goeje-and de Jong), passim;
Ibn al-Athir, Index; E. Marin, Abu Ja'far Mu-
hammad b. Jarir al-Tabari's The Reign of al-Mu-
to'sim, New Haven 1951, index.

(K. V. Zettersteen)
al-'ABBAS b. MIRDAS b. AbI 'Amir b. Haritha
b. 'Abd Kays, of Sulaym, Arabian poet of the
mukhadramin. A sayyid in his tribe by noble des-
cent on both sides, he won renown as a warrior as
well as a poet; although he did not come up to the
fame of his stepmother, the celebrated al-Khansa'.
his poetical achievements surpassed those of his
brothers and his sister all of whom displayed literary
gifts and two of whom lived to compose elegies on
his death. Impelled, so the story goes, by two dream
experiences or epiphanies in which his family idol,
Dimar (not pimad, cf. TA, iii, 353) announced its
own downfall and the rise of the true prophet,
al-'Abbas went to Medina to embrace Islam. Mu-
hammad, who was at the time preparing for the
conquest of Mecca, arranged for al-'Abbas to meet
him with his tribesmen at al-Kudayd. Al-'Abbas
returned to the Banu Sulaym and burned his idol
while his wife, Habiba, returned to her people in
indignation over her husband's conversion. Al-
'Abbas kept his word and joined in the fath Mahha
(8/630) with some 900 fully armed warriors. He was
among the mu'allafa kulubuhum, those influential
men whose loyalty Muhammad endeavored to secure
by lavish gifts, but demurred when on the distri-
bution of the booty taken from the Hawazin at
the battle of Hunayn (630) his present turned out
substantially smaller than that of other leaders.
As a result of a kasida of protest Muhammad satis-
fied al-'Abbas by increasing his share. After the
fath he withdrew to the territory of the Sulaym.
He lived into the reign of 'Umar before whom he
is reported to have appeared in a quarrel with an-
other poet. Ibn Sa c d reports that he settled near
Basra, often coming into town where the Basrians
would take traditions from him. His son Djulhuma,
too, appears as a transmitter of hadith from the
Prophet. His offspring settled in and near Basra.
Al-'Abbas's poetical fame would seem to be due
as much to his colourful personality as to the actual
merits of his verse. His mukadjat with his fellow-
tribesman Khufaf b. Nadba, his poem upon his bur-
ning pimar and accepting Islam, his protest against
the Prophet's inadequate donation, and finally a
kasida {Asma ( iyydt, XXXVIII; cf. introduction, 12)
originating in connection with a successful raid into
the Yaman are perhaps the best-known of his poems,
which it seems were never collected into a diwdn.
The available material gives evidence of a certain
forcefulness but does not betray unusual talents.
Some of his lines are interesting because of dialectical
peculiarities, others because of the manner in which
they reflect his experience of Islam.

Bibliography: Aghdni 1 , xiii, 64-72; Ibn
Kutayba, Shi'r, 467-70; Ibn Sa'd, iv/2, 15-17;
Hamdsa of Abu Tammam, pp. 61-63 (ascription
doubtful), 214-6, 512-3; Ibn Hisham, Sira, index;

Khizdna, index ; Tabari, index ; C. Rabin, A ncient
West Arabian, London 1951, index.

(G. E. von Grunebaum)
al-'ABBAS b. MUHAMMAD B. 'AlI b. 'Abd
Allah, brother of the caliphs Abu l-'Abbas al-Saffahi
and Abu Dja'far al-Mansur. 'Abbas helped to retake
Malatya in 139/756, and three years later was ap-
pointed by al-Mansur as governor of al-DjazIra and
the neighbouring frontier district. He was dismissed
in 155/772, but his name continues to figure frequently
in the history of the following years, however little
important his political part may have been. He es-
pecially and often distinguished himself in the wars
against the Byzantines. In 159/775-6 he was put
at the head of the troops which the caliph al-Mahdi
mustered for an expedition against Asia Minor, and
it was with great success that he acquitted himself
of the charge committed to him. He died in 186/802.
Bibliography: Tabari, iii, 121; Baladhuri,
Futuh, 184; Ya'kubi, ii, 461 ff.; Ibn al-Athir, v,
372 ff.; Mas'udi, Murudi, vi, 266; ix, 64 t; Fragm.
Hist. Arab, (de Goeje and de Jong), 225, 227, 265,
275, 284; Abu '1-Mahasin (Juynboll andMatthes),
i, see index; al-A ghdni, Tables; S. Moscati, in
Orientalia, 1945, 309-10. (K. V. Zettersteen)
'ABBAS b. NA$IH al-Thakafi, Andalusi poet
of the 3rd/gth century. He stayed for a long time
in Egypt, Hidjaz and 'Irak, acquiring a broad culture.
A confidant of the amir al-Hakam I, who appointed
him as kadi of his native Algeciras, he soon made
a name for himself both as a philologist and a jurist.
The Muktabis of Ibn Hayyan has preserved
numerous specimens of his poetry. He died at the
end of the reign of 'Abd al-Rahman II, circa 238/852.
Bibliography: Ibn Hayyan, al-Muktabis, i
(in press), fol. 129 f.; Ibn al-Faradi, Td'rikh,
no. 879; Makkari, Nafh, index.

(E. Levi-Provencal)
al-'ABBAS b. al-WAL1D, Umayyad general,
son of the caliph al-Walid I. Al-'AbbSs owes his
celebrity principally to the energetic part he took
in the continual struggles of the Umayyads with
the Byzantines. Concerning the details, the Arabic
and Byzantine sources do not always agree. In the
early part of the reign of al-Walid I, he and his uncle
Maslama b. c Abd al-Malik, took Tuwana, the most
important fortress of Cappadocia. The Muslims had
begun to be discouraged and 'Abbas had to display
the greatest energy to succeed in stopping the fugi-
tives and renewing the battle. The Greeks were
forced to retire into the town, which was immedi-
ately invested and had to surrender after a long siege.
Arab historians give Pjumada II 88/May 707 as
the date of the fall of the fortress, but the Byzantines
put it two years later. For the following period,
the Arabic chronicles mention many military ex-
peditions undertaken by the two Umayyad generals,
sometimes jointly, sometimes by one of them in-
dependently of the other. The most remarkable
events were the taking of Sebastopol in Cilicia by
'Abbas, and of Amasia in Pontus by Maslama, in
93/712. In the following year, fAbbas seized Antioch
in Pisidia. He continued to support Maslama faith-
fully in subsequent battles. When, after the death
of 'Umar II in 101/720, Yazld b. al-Muhallab, the
governor of 'Irak, fomented a dangerous insur-
rection, 'Abbas was sent against him, first alone,
then he and Maslama together. Yazld was killed,
in a battle against the caliph's troops in 102/720,
and peace was soon restored. In the reign of Walld
II, he first was intelligent and loyal enough to
oppose the plot of his brother Yazld, whom he

--'ABBAS b. al-WALID — ABBAS 'MlRZA

warned, together with the other Marwanids, not to
loose by their revolts the fitna, which would prove
fatal to the dynasty. But at the end he had to give
in to violence and join the coup d'etat of 126/744.
Later he was thrown into prison by the last Umayyad
caliph, Marwan II. He died in prison in Harran,
in an epidemic, in 132/750.

Bibliography: Tabari, ii, 1191ft.; Ya'Ifubi,

ii, 350 ff.; Baladhuri, Futuh, 170, 189, 369; G.

Weil, Gesch. d. Chalifen, i, 510 ff.; A. Miiller, Der

Islam im Morgen- und Abendland, i, 415 f.; W.

Brooks, in Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1898, 182;

J. Wellhausen, Die Kampfe der Araber mit den

Romdern, NGWOStt, 1901, 436 f.; F. Gabrieli, in

RSO, 1934, 19-20, 22.

(K. V. Zettersteen — F. Gabrieli)

'ABBAS EFENDI [see baha'Is]

'ABBAS HILMl I, viceroy of Egypt, born
in 1813, son of Ahmad Tusun (1793-1816) and grand-
son of Muhammad 'All [q.v.]. He succeeded to his
uncle Ibrahim, who died 10 Nov. 1848. From his very
accession he showed great hostility to foreigners.
The reforms undertaken during the preceding period
he chose to consider as dangerous and blameworthy
innovations that were best abandoned. Most of the
schools opened by Muhammad 'Ali were closed, as
well as the factories, workshops and sanitary i
stitutions ; he even gave orders to destroy the works
of the Delta dam. Many foreign, especially French,
officials were dismissed. The result was, from the
beginning of his reign, the decline of French in-
fluence; on the other hand, he drew nearer to Great
Britain. Great Britain offered him its support in
the conflict with the Ottoman government about
the application in Egypt of the tanzimdt [q.v.]. In
■exchange for this support, Great Britain obtained
on 18 July 185 1 the authorisation to construct the
railway between Alexandria and Cairo. The opening
of this line, which was planned to be extended to
Suez, was meant to counteract the French project

Distrustful, brutal, hard, and sometimes cruel,
by nature, 'Abbas quickly became unpopular. It
must be noted, however, that at least in the first
years of his reign, his aversion to the reforms in-
spired by the West, helped, by a considerable de-
crease of the expenses, to relieve the poorest classes
of the population. They were granted some remis-
sion of taxes and had less to suffer from corvee and
conscription. Moreover, certain western and Egypt-
ian historians haye tried to explain the reactionary
and xenophobe policy of 'Abbas by an ardent pa-
triotism, which, allegedly, induced him to limit by
all means the foreign influence of the consequences
of which he was afraid; Sammarco, however, has
refuted this assertion.

'Abbas, impelled by his mistrustful character to
live in isolation, retired to his palace in Benha.
He was strangled there by two of his servants, on
13 July 1854, in circumstances which were never
■wholly cleared up. He was succeeded by his uncle
Muh. Sa'id [q.v.].

Bibliography: Precis de Vhistoire de VEgypte
par divers historiens et archiologues, vol. iv: Les
regnes de 'Abbas, de Sa'id et d'IsmaHl (1848-1879),
by A. Sammarco, Cairo 1935, 1-17; G. Hanotaux,
Histoire de la nation egyptienne, vol. vi, Paris 1936;
J. Heyworth-Dunne, Introduction to the History of
Education in Modern Egypt, London [1939], 285-
312 and index. (M. Colombe)

'ABBAS HILMl II, khedive of Egypt, bom
in Alexandria, 14 July 1874, died in Geneva 20

Dec. 1944. He studied in the Theresianum in Vienna
together with his brother Muh. C A1I (b. 9 Nov. 1875)
and succeeded to his father, Muh. Tawfik [q.v.],
on 8 Jan. 1892. He soon came into conflict with the
diplomatic agents and consuls general of England
in Cairo, first Sir Evelyn Baring (Lord Cromer),
and then Lord Kitchener [see misr].

When in August 1914 the world war broke out,
c Abb5s Hilml was in Istanbul, where he had arrived
in the summer. Having been wounded on 25 July
in an attempt on his life, he remained in the Ottoman
capital for treatment. From there he addressed to
the Egyptians and Sudanese, on Turkey entering
the war on the side of the Central Powers, an appeal
to fight against the occupiers of his country. On
the same day the state of siege was declared in
Cairo. A month later, on 18 Dec, the British Govern-
ment decided to put Egypt under their protectorate ;
on 19 Dec, the khedive was deposed and replaced
by prince Husayn Kamil, the eldest of the princes
of the family of Muh. 'All.

During the war, 'Abbas Hilml, kept in the back-
ground by the Young Turks, lived first in Istanbul
and then in Vienna, whence he made several jour-
neys to Switzerland. He spent in that country the
last part of his life. In 1922, when Egypt became
a sovereign and independent state (British declaration
of 28 Febr. 1922), and the sultan Fu'ad [q.v.],
successor of Husayn Kamil, who died in 1917, took
the title of king (15 March 1922), the ex-khedive
was declared to have lost all his rights to the throne
(this measure was not applied to "his direct and
legitimate masculine descendants"; royal rescript
of 13.4.1922, Official Journal of Egypt of 15.4, no.
38, extraordinary). His property was liquidated and
he was forbidden to enter Egypt. Nevertheless,
'Abbas Hilml had for some time many partisans
in Egypt and it was only in May 1931 that he re-
nounced "all pretension to the throne".

The ex-khedive had two sons, Muh. 'Abd al-
Mun'im and Mu&. 'Abd al-Kadir. The first (b. 20
Febr. 1899) was appointed, on the abdication of
king Faruk (26 July 1952) as a member of the re-
gency council, and became, on Oct. 1952, sole regent
of the kingdom until the proclamation of the Re-
public in June 1953.

Bibliography: Lord Cromer, Modern Egypt,
London 1908; idem, Abbas II, London 1915; G.
Hanotaux, Histoire de la nation igyptienne, vol.
vii; Hasan Chafik, Statut juridique international
de VEgypte, Paris 1928 ; Mohamed Seif Alia Rouchdi,
UH&rediti du tr6ne en Egypte contemporaine, Paris
1943; Abbas Hilmi II, A few words on the Anglo-
Egyptian settlement, London 1929. (M. Colombe)
'ABBAS MlRZA, son of Fath 'All Shah,
born in Dhu '1-Hidjdja 1203/Sept. 1789, in the small
town of Nawa, died on 10 Djumada II 1249/25
Oct. 1833. Although not the eldest son, he was made
heir to the throne because his mother also belonged
to the Kadjar family. Europeans who knew him
were unanimous in their praise of his bravery, gene-
rosity and other excellent qualities. R. G. Watson
(History of Persia, 128-9) describes him as "the
noblest of the Kajar race". He was passionately
devoted to the military art, and, with the aid of,
successively, Russian, French, and British officers
and men, introduced European tactics and disci-
pline amongst his troops in Adharbaydjan, of which
province he was Governor-General for many years.
Despite his military reforms, he failed in his cam-
paigns against the Russians, but he was successful
in the war against Turkey in 1821-3.

C ABBAS MlRZA — 'ABBASABAD

He died at Mashhad during his father's lifetime;
on Fath 'All Shah's death in the following year
(1834), 'Abbas MIrza's son Muhammad succeeded
to the throne.

Bibliography: Muhammad Hasan Khan,
Mafia 1 al-Shams, Teheran 1301, Suppl., 5; , Rida
Xuli Khan, Rawdat al-Safd-yi Ndsiri, ix, 342; J.
Morier, A second journey through Persian, Armenia
and Asia Minor, London 1818, 185-6, 211-20;
Maurice de Kotzpbue, Voyage en Perse, Paris 1819,
131 ff.; A. Dupre, Voyage en Perse, Paris 1819,
ii, 235; P. A. Jaubert, Voyage en Armenie et en
Perse, Paris 1821, i5i-72;/Jf-4S, 1834, 322; ZDMG,
1848,401:1866,294. (L. Lockhart)

'ABBASA, daughter of the caliph al-Mahdi,
sister of the caliphs Harun al-Rashld and al-Hadl;
it is to her that the locality Suwaykat al-'Abbasa
owes its name. She had three husbands in succession,
who all predeceased her; this inspired Abu Nuwas
to write some satirical verses, in which he recom-
manded the caliph, should he want to have a traitor
killed, to marry him to 'Abbasa. Her name is con-
nected with the fall of the Barmakids through the
amorous intrigue with Dja'far b. Yahya al-Barmaki,
with which she is credited. According to al-Tabari,
Harun could not deprive himself of the society of
either his sister or Dja'far, so that, in order to have
them both with him at the same time, he made
them contract a purely formal marriage. They,
however, were not contented with the form alone;
and when Harun learned that they had children,
and was convinced that the reports in circulation
about them were true, he caused Dja'far to be exe-
cuted. — Some earlier historians than al-Tabari do not
mention this fact; especially it must be noticed that
the commentaries on the verses of Abu Nuwas
give the names of 'Abbasa's husbands without men-
tioning that of Dja'far. Further, al-Tabari, like the
other chroniclers who repeat this story, only men-
tions it as one of the events which were reported
to have caused Dja'far's execution. Later chroniclers
amplify the love-story of Dja'far and 'Abbasa more
and more, until Ibn Khaldun calls its truth in
question, even if on grounds which are not very
conclusive for us. If one detail, found in the Persian
Tabari, must be believed, 'Abbasa was already
forty years old when her relations with Dja'far be-
gan. It is quite certain that her second husband
died eleven years before Dja'far, and these figures
put all ideas of a youthful romance out of the
question. We may then reasonably look upon this
anecdote as the product of popular imagination, to
give a poetic aura to the fall of this favorite minister.
This is the more likely in that pagan Arab stories
contain a remarkably similar episode of the mar-
riage of the minister of a king with the latter's
sister (see djadhIma al-abrash) ;■ it was very easy
to transfer to Dja'far the motif of this story.
What the greater number of authorities 'report
on the subject of 'Abbasa is reported by some
about two other fictitious sisters of Harun, May-
muna and Fakhita! The older authorities say
nothing about what happened to 'Abbasa. after
the death of Dja'far; it is only the later writers
who have woven mysterious horrors about her end.
The love of 'Abbasa and Dja'far has frequently
appealed to the imagination of European as well
as Arabian authors: in 1753 a French romance ap-
peared, and again more recently, in 1904 (Aime
Giron and Albert Tozza, Les nuits de Bagdad).
Bibliography: Abu Nuwas, Diwdn, ed. Is-
kandar Asaf, 174; Yakut, iii, 200; Muslim b. al-

Walid, Diwdn, 213, 304; al-Aghdni 1 , xx, 32; Ibn

Kutayba, al-Ma c drif, 193; Tabari, iii, 676; Persian

recension of the same, transl. Zotenberg, iv, 464 ;

Mas'udI, Murudj, vi, 338; Fragmenta historicorum

arab., ed. de Goeje and de Jong, i, 307; pseudo-

Ibn Kutayba, al-Imdma, ii, 330; Ibn Badrun, ed.

Dozy, 229; Ibn Taghribirdi, i, 465, 481; Ibn Khal-

likan, no. 129; Ibn Abl Hadjala, Diwdn al-Sabdba

(on the margin of Tazyin al-Aswdk), i, 54; Itlldi,

I'-ldm al-Nds, 87 ; Alf Layla wa-Layla, ed. Habicht,

vii, 259; G. Weil, Gesch. d. Chalifen, ii, 137; A.

Miiller, Der Islam im Morgen- und Abendland, i,

480; Chauvin, Bibliogr., v, 168. (J. Horovitz)

'ABBASA, town in Egypt, the name of which

derives from that of 'Abbasa, daughter of Ahmad

b. Tulun. The princess had pitched her camp on

its place and it was there that she said good-bye

to Katr al-Nada, daughter of Khumarawayh, who

was going to marry the caliph al-Mu'tadid. Around

this casual encampment buildings were raised and

Kasr 'Abbasa, the "palace of 'Abbasa", became the

township of 'Abbasa. It was at that time the last

town on the road to Syria, situated as it was at the

entrance of the Wadi Tumllat, that narrow strip

of vegetation that reaches to the East as far as the

Bitter Seas, and was called in the Middle Ages

Wadi al-Sadir and even WadI*'Abbasa.

The town was, therefore, destined to play a military
role and, in effect, it was a rallying point for troops
during the last period of the Tulunids and again
under the Mamluks. A customs-house was established
to collect duty on goods imported from Syria; it
is mentioned in connection with certain adjustments
of rates ordered by the sultan Barkuk.

The Fatimids did not often leave their capital,
but nevertheless, according to al-MakdisI, 'Abbasa
had smarter houses than Fustat, with protruding
balconies. It was embellished especially by the Ay-
yubid al-Malik al-Kamil, who paid the town long
visits. He had gardens laid out and pavilions built.
The ruler came to hunt and to fish, and couriers
on dromedaries brought him from Cairo the political
and administrative news.

'Abbasa kept until the end of the Mamluk period
its role as a meeting-place for hunts, and even Ka 5 -
itbay used to visit it from time to time. The town
had long since lost its strategic importance owing
to the foundation of Salihiyya about 35 miles to
the North-East, and later that of Zahiriyya, in the
immediate neighbourhood of 'Abbasa.

The district was inhabited by beduin Arabs,
who nomadized in the Wadi Tumllat, and whose
chief, according to some authorities, resided in
'Abbasa. Nevertheless, 'Abbasa is no longer men-
tioned in the Ottoman period and its name does
not appear in al-Djabarti's chronicle. It was from
Salihiyya that the troops of Bonaparte watched the
desert road. 'Abbasa is today an unimportant town-
ship, between Abu Hammad and Tall al-Kabir.
Bibliography: In addition to the authors
quoted in J. Maspero and G. Wiet, Matiriaux,
MIFAO, xxxvi, 1245, see al-Makrizi, ed. MIFAO,
xlvi and xlix, index; Makdisi, 196; Kindi, 247;
Ibn Taghribirdi, Cairo, iii, 109-11, 135, 138, 139,
148; viii, 141; x, 170-1,232; Ibn Iyas, ed. Kahle
and Mustafa, iii, 65, 123, 188; transl. Wiet, ii,
74, 143, 214; Zaky Mohamed Hassan, Les Tulunides
147, 149, 179. (G. Wiet)

'ABBASABAD, name of numerous places in
Persia. The best-known is a fortified borough
lying by the Cashme-yi-gaz on the Khurasan road,
between Sabzawar (circa 75 miles) and Shahrud

'ABBASABAD — 'ABBASIDS

(circa 68 miles), where Shah 'Abbas I [q.v.] settled
a colony of some hundred families of Georgians.
In 1934 there remained only one old woman who re-
membered Georgian. Another 'Abbasabad was built
by Prince 'Abbas MIrza [q.v.'] on the left bank of
the Araxes (near Nakhcuwan). Together with its
tfU-de-pont on the right bank, it was ceded to Russia
by the treaty of 1828. (V. Minorsky)

'ABBASl [see sikka]

'ABBASIDS (Banu 'l-'Abbas), the dynasty of
the Caliphs from 132/750 to 656/1258. The dynasty
takes its name from its ancestor, al-'Abbas b. 'Abd
al-Muttalib b. Hashim, the uncle of the Prophet.

The story of the origins and nature of the move-
ment that overthrew the Umayyad Caliphate and
established the 'Abbasid dynasty in its place was
for long known only in the much-revised version
put about when the dynasty had already attained
power, and, with it, respectability. A more critical
version was proposed by G. van Vloten (De opkomst
der Abbasiden in Chorasan, Leiden 1890, and Re-
cherches sur la domination arabe, U chiitisme el les
croyances messianiques sous U calif at des Omayyades,
Amsterdam 1894), and developed by J. Wellhausen
(in the final chapter of his Das Arabische Reich
und sein Sturz, Berlin 1902; English transl., Calcutta
1927). His findings, with some modifications, have
been confirmed by subsequent research, and more
especially by the new information that has come to
light in recent years on the early history of the
Shi'a sects, notably in the Firak al-SM'-a of al-Naw-
bakhtl (ed. H. Ritter, Istanbul 1931)- They were
to a remarkable degree anticipated by Ibn Khaldun
in his history.

The 'Abbasid party that won power from the
Umayyads was known as Hashimiyya. According
to the later chronicles, this name referred to Hashim,
the common ancestor of al-'Abbas, c Ali and the Pro-
phet, and it has been taken as asserting a claim to
the succession based on kinship with the Prophet.
In fact the name was of a quite different signifi-
cance, and reveals very clearly the true origins of
the 'Abbasid party. During the Umayyad period
the large number of Shi'ite and pro-Shl'ite sects and
parties that flourished in different parts of the
Empire, but especially in Southern 'Irak, may be
broadly divided into two main groups. One of them
followed the pretenders of the line of Fatima, and
was, generally speaking, moderate, differing from
the dominant faith chiefly by its support, on legi-
timist grounds, for the political claims of the house
of C A1I. The other first appeared in the revolt of al-
Mukhtar, who rose in 66/685 in the name of Mu-
hammad, a son of 'AH by a HanafI woman. For the
next sixty or seventy years the claims of Muhammad
b. al-Hanafiyya and his successors were advanced
by a series of sects of a more extreme character,
deriving their main support from the resentful and
imperfectly Islamised mawdli and embodying in their
teachings many ideas brought by these converts
from their previous religions.' After the death of
Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya in 81/700-1, his fol-
lowers split into three main groups, one of which
followed his son Abu Hashim 'Abd Allah [q.v.], and
was known after him as Hashimiyya. On the death
of Abu Hashim without issue in 98/716, his followers
again split into several groups, one of which main-
tained that Abu Hashim had bequeathed the Ima-
mate to Muhammad b. £ A1I b. 'Abd Allah b. al-
'Abbas, just before he died in the house of Muham-
mad b. 'All's father in Palestine. This group conti-
nued to be known as Hashimiyya, and also as Ra-

wandiyya (cf. S. Moscati, II testament*} di Abu Haiim>
RSO 1952, 28 ff.). It may be noted in passing that
the doctrine that the Imamate can be bequeathed
or transferred by the Imam to another person is
by no means infrequent in early ShI'ism (see B.
Lewis, The origins of IsmdHlism, Cambridge 1940,
25 ff. and 44 ff.).

Whether or not the story of the bequest of Abu
Hashim is, as has been suggested, fictitious, the
main fact remains clear: that Muhammad b. 'Al!
took over the claims of Abu Hashim, and, with
them, the sect and propaganda organisation of the
Hashimiyya, which he then proceeded to transform
into the instrument of the 'Abbasid party. He seems
to have lost little time in using it. The accounts
given by the historians of the first 'Abbasid missions
are incomplete and in part contradictory. Broadly,
they indicate that intensive propaganda began from
about 100/718. From headquarters in Kufa, the
Hashimiyya sent emissaries to Khurasan, one of
whom, Khidash, won considerable success, but was
executed in 118/736 after prematurely showing his
hand. The moderate ShI'a, whose support Muham-
mad b. 'Ali was still seeking, were alienated by the
extreme doctrines taught by Khidash. and after
his death Muhammad deemed it advisable to disa-
vow him and place his own organisation in Khurasan
under the control of the Shi'ite chief missionary,
Sulayman b. Kathir [q.v.]. A period of inactivity
followed, during which Muhammad died in 125/743.
His son Ibrahim [q.v.] succeeded to his claims and
was accepted by the followers in Khurasan, including
Sulayman b. Kathir. With Ibrahim a new phase of
activity began. In 128/745-6 Ibrahim sent his
mawld Abu Muslim [q.v.] as his personal represen-
tative to Khurasan. The sources differ on the origin
of Abu Muslim, but agree that he was a Persian, and
a freedman of Ibrahim. The use of the kunya was
at that time a privilege rarely enjoyed by non-Arabs,
and its employment by Persian emissaries of the
'Abbasids like Abu Muslim, his lieutenant Abu
Djahm, and his rival Abu Salama al-Khallal is not
without significance. Considered in the light of the
statements in some sources that Abu Muslim claimed
or was granted membership of the 'Abbasid house,
it may well be an example of the practice, common
among the extreme ShI'a, of granting to favoured
supporters adoptive membership of the house of
the Prophet, and thus, incidentally as it were, of
the Arab nation. A modified form of this method
of adoption later became part of the dynastic policy
of the 'Abbasid caliphs (see abna 1 ).

Abu Muslim's mission to Khurasan achieved a
rapid and resounding success. While his main appeal
was to the Persian mawdli, he also found important
support among the Yemenite Arabs, and is said
to have won over many of the Zoroastrian and
Buddhist dihkdns, some of whom were now convert-
ed to Islam for the first time. Opinions differ as
to the nature of Abu Muslim's teachings. Two
things are clear however — that he was a loyal agent
of the Hashimiyya, and that they were a part of
the extremist wing of the Shi'a. It seems likely
therefore that the doctrines he taught were of the
kind current among the extreme Shi'a — probably
including elements of Iranian origin, and thus the
more acceptable to those whom he addressed. The
hoisting of the black flags, later accepted as the
emblem of the house of 'Abbas, had at this stage
a messianic significance. Black flags were among
the signs and portents listed in the eschatological
prophecies current at the time, and had been used

as emblems of religious revolt by earlier rebels against
the Umayyads. Their use by Abu Muslim was thus
an appeal to messianic expectations. His activities
aroused some opposition among the more moderate
Arab ShI'a, led by Sulayman b. Kathlr, but a tactical
withdrawal of Abu Muslim from Khurasan was suf-
ficient to demonstrate that no effective movement
was possible without him and his policies, and led
to his return as undisputed leader of the mission.
By Ramadan 129/May-June 747 he was ready to
show his hand. The time and the place were aus-
picious. The moderate ShI'a and the Khawaridj, the
two most important opposition movements against
the Umayyads, had both shot their bolt — the
former in the risings of 122/740 and 126/744, the
latter in the rebellion of 127/745. These served the
double purpose of weakening the Umayyad regime
and, by their failure, eliminating possible rivals to
the Hashiml succession. 'Irak, the main centre of
previous anti-Umayyad movements, was exhausted,
and was moreover subject to special Umayyad sur-
veillance. In concentrating their attention on Khu-
rasan, the 'Abbasids were breaking new grounds.
Their choice was good. An active and warlike Persian
population, imbued with the religious and military
traditions of the frontier, was deeply resentful of
the inequalities imposed by Umayyad rule. The
Arab army and settlers, half Persianized by long
residence, were sharply divided among themselves,
and even during the triumphal progress of Abu
Muslim diverted their own energies and those of
the Umayyad governor, Nasr b. Sayyar [q.v.], to
Arab inter-tribal strife. Soon Abu Muslim was able
to take Marw, and then, ably seconded by his
general Kahtaba [q.v.], an Arab of the tribe of
Tayy, seized all Khurasan from the crumbling
Umayyad power. From Khurasan the 'Abbasid forces
advanced to Rayy and then, after defeating a relie-
ving Umayyad army from Kirman, captured Ni-
hawand. The way was now open to 'Ir^k. In 132/749
the 'Abbasid army crossed the Euphrates some 30
or 40 miles north of Kufa, and engaged and defeated
another Umayyad army led by Ibn Hubayra [q.v.].
Kahtaba feli on the field of battle, but his son, al-
Hasan b. Kahtaba, took command, and following
up the victory, took possession of the city of Kufa.
Ibrahim al-Imam had fallen into the hands of the
Caliph Marwan in 130/748, and died shortly after. It
was therefore his brother, Abu 'l-'Abbas [q.v.] who
was hailed as Caliph by the Hashimi troops in Kufa
in 132/749, with the title al-Saffah. The accession
of the first 'Abbasid Caliph was accompanied by
the first breach with the revolutionaries, when the
missionary Abu Salama [q.v.] was put to death in
obscure circumstances, allegedly for attempting
to bring about the replacement of the 'Abbasids
by the 'Alids. Abu Muslim undertook his removal,
perhaps in return for 'Abbasid acquiescence in the
death of Sulayman b. Kathlr. Meanwhile another
'Abbasid army, led by Abu 'Awn, advanced from
Nihawand towards Mesopotamia. In 131/749, in
the neighbourhood of Shahrazur, cast of the Lesser
Zab river, he inflicted a crushing defeat on an
Umayyad army led by 'Abd Allah, the son of the
caliph Marwan. Marwan now himself took the field,
and marched across the Tigris towards the Greater
Zab river, to engage the army of Abu 'Awn. The
latter had meanwhile handed over his command to
'Abd Allah, the uncle of al-Saffah, who had arrived
from Kufa with considerable reinforcements. The
battle of the Greater Zab, in 132/750, sealed the
'ate of the Umayyad Caliphate. The defeated Mar-

wan fled to Syria, where he tried in vain to organize
further resistance. The victorious 'Abbasid troops
advanced through Harran, the residence of Marwan,
into Syria, occupied Damascus, and then pursued
Marwan into Egypt, where he was killed and his
head sent to al-Saffah in Kufa. The authority o
the new 'Abbasid caliph was now established all
over the Middle East.

Much has been written about the historical sig-
nificance of the 'Abbasid revolution, which histo-
rians have rightly seen to be something more than
a mere change of dynasty. Many nineteenth century
orientalists, unduly influenced by the racial theories
of Gobineau and others, saw in the struggle a con-
flict between the Aryanism of Iran and the Semitism
of Arabia, ending in a victory for the Persians over
the Arabs, the destruction of what Wellhausen called
the "Arab Kingdom" of the Umayyads, and the es-
tablishment of a new Iranian Empire under a cloak
of Persianized Islam. There is at first sight much
to support this view: the undoubted role of the Per-
sians in the revolution itself, the prominent place
of Persian ministers and courtiers in the new regime,
the strong Persian elements in 'Abbasid government
and culture. It is not surprising to*find some state-
ments to the same effect in the Arabic sources (Cf.
al-Mas'Odl, Murudj, viii, 292 ; al-Djahiz,- al-Baydn
wa 'l-Tabyin, iii, 181 and 206; etc.). More recent
writers have however made important modifications
in the theories both of Persian victory and of Arab
defeat. Shi'ism, for long regarded as an expression
of the "Iranian national consciousness", was of
Arab origin, and had its main centre among the
mixed Arab, Aramaean and Persian population of
southern 'Irak. It was taken to Persia by Arabs,
and remained strongest in areas of Arab settlement
like Kumm. The revolt of Abu Muslim was directed
against Umayyad and Syrian rather than Arab rule
as such, and won the support of many Arabs, es-
pecially among the Yemenites. There were many
Arabs even among its leaders, including the redoubt-
able general Kahtaba. Though racial antagonisms
no doubt played their part in the movement, and
though Persians were prominent among the victors,
they nevertheless served an Arab dynasty, and, as
the fate of Abu Muslim, Abu Salama and the Bar-
makids shows, received short shrift if they fell foul
of their masters. Many high offices under the state
were at first reserved to Arabs, Arabic was still
the sole official language, Arabian land remained
fiscally privileged, and the doctrine of Arab supe-
riority remained strong enough, on the one hand,
to induce Persians to provide themselves with fa-
bricated Arab pedigrees, on the other to provoke
the nationalist reaction of the Shu'ubivva [q.v.].
What the Arabs had lost was the exclusive right to
the fruits of power. Persians as well as Arabs came
to the 'Abbasid court, and the favour of the ruler,
often expressed in the form of "adoption" into the
Royal household, rather than pure Arab descent,
came to be the passport to power and prestige. If
a term must be set to the Arab Kingdom, it must
be sought in the gradual cessation of the allowances
and pensions formerly paid as of right to the Arab
warriors and their families, and in the rise to power
of the Turkish guards from the time of al-Mu'tasim.

The real significance of the 'Abbasid victory must
be sought in the facts of the change that followed
it, rather than in dubiously documented hypotheses
on the movement that produced it. The first and
most obvious change was the transfer of the centre
of gravity from Syria to 'Irak, the traditional centre

of the great cosmopolitan Empires of the ancient
Middle East, and of the civilisation to which Toynbee
has given the name "Syriac". The first 'Abbasid
caliph al-Saffah set up his capital in the small
town of Hashimiyya, which he built on the east bank
of the Euphrates near Kufa. Later he transferred
the capital to al-Anbar. It was his brother and
successor, al-Mansur, in many ways the real founder
of the 'Abbasid Caliphate, who established the per-
manent capital of the Empire in a new city on the
west bank of the Tigris, near the ruins of Ctesiphon
and at the intersection of several trade-routes. Its
official name was Madinat al-Salam, but it is usually
known by the name of the small town that previously
occupied the site — Baghdad.

From this city or its neighbourhood the 'Abbasid
dynasty first ruled, and later reigned, as heads of
the greater part of the Islamic world for five centuries.
The period of their sovereignty, covering the great
epoch of classical Islamic civilisation, may be con-
veniently considered in two parts. The first, from
132/750 to 334/945, saw the gradual decline of the
authority of the caliphs and the rise of military
leaders ruling through their troops. During the
second, from ca. 334/945 to 656/1258, the caliphs,
with one exception, retained a purely nominal suze-
rainty, while real power, even in Baghdad itself,
was exercised by dynasties of secular sovereigns.

The main events of these two periods will be treated
under the names of the various caliphs, dynasties,
places, etc. Here only the broad outline of events
will be given, and an attempt made to describe the
main characteristics of each period.

1. 132/750—334/945

The 'Abbasid Caliphate in the days following its
establishment must have seemed very insecure to
contemporary eyes. Rebels rose against it on every
side and for a long time every new caliph had to
face risings in and around even the metropolitan
province of 'Irak. In Syria, Arab supporters of the
deposed Umayyads gave trouble, and found en-
couragement in the growing legend of the SufyanI,
a messianic figure of the house of Umayya who com-
peted with the 'Alid pretenders for the support of
the discontented. The 'Alids themselves, temporarily
disorganised by the frustration of their hopes, and
kept under close surveillance, were for a time in
eclipse, but soon reappeared as the most dangerous
and determined opponents of 'Abbasid rule. Even
the Khawaridj remained an active, if minor, op-
position force. Nor were the ostensible supporters
of the dynasty wholly reliable. In the prevailing
atmosphere of mistrust, only members of the 'Ab-
basid family were appointed to the highest positions
—but when Abu 'l-'Abb5s al-Saffah died and his
brother Abu Dja'far succeeded as Caliph with the
title al-Mansur, their uncle, 'Abd Allah b. 'All,
commanding the troops and raiders on the Byzan-
tine frontier, revolted and proclaimed himself
caliph, and this serious threat was averted thanks
in the main to Abu Muslim. There remained the
problem of Abu Muslim himself and the Hashimiyya.
The 'Abbasids, like others before and after them
who had come to power on the crest of a revolution-
ary movement, soon found themselves faced with
a conflict between the tenets and objectives of the
movement on the one hand and the needs of govern-
ment and Empire on the other. The 'Abbasids chose
continuity and orthodoxy, and had to face the angry
disappointment of some of their followers. Abu
Encyclopaedia of Islam

Salama had already been destroyed. Abu Muslim
himself was put to death as soon as al-Mansur
felt strong enough to dispense with his uncomfort-
able presence. These steps, and the suppression
of the more consistent wing of the Rawandiyya
[?.».], alienated the extremist following of the
'Abbasids, some of whom found an outlet in a series
of religio-political revolts in Iran, while others later
joined the ranks of the Isma'Ws, the extremist
wing of the Fatimid Shi'a that grew up in the course
of the 2nd/8th and 3rd,'oth centuries. At the same time,
however, the changes reassured the orthodox, thus
helping al-Mansur to meet the dangers of rebellion
and foreign war, and during his long and brilliant
reign, to lay the foundations of 'Abbasid govern-
ment. In this task, and especially in the elaboration
of the centralised administrative structure, al-
Mansur was ably seconded by a family that was to
play a vital role during the first half century of
'Abbasid rule. The Barmakids [q.v.] are usually de-
scribed as Persians, but they were of a very different
kind from the Khurasanian rebels who followed
Abu Muslim. Their religion before conversion to
Islam was neither Zoroastrianism nor any of its
heresies, but Buddhism, and they belonged to the
aristocratic, landowning priesthood of the Central
Asian city of Balkh, an ancient capital whose im-
perial and commercial traditions provided a fund
of experience to the ruling class of its citizens. It
was after the foundation of Baghdad that Khalid
al-Barmaki appeared as the righthand man of al-
Mansur, and thereafter he and his descendants
developed and directed the administration of the
Empire, until the dramatic and still unexplained
fall of the Barmakids from power under Harun
al-Rashld in 187/803. With the transfer of the
centre of the Empire to the East, the destruction
of the Arab aristocratic monopoly of high office, and
the firm establishment in power of the Barmakids,
Persian influences became stronger and stronger.
Sasanid Persian models were followed in the court
and the government, and Persians began to play
an increasingly important part in both political and
cultural life. This process of Persianisation continued
during the reigns of al-Mahdl and al-Hadi; the
prejudice against the employment of mawdli in high
places gradually disappeared. To replace the wea-
kening bond of Arab nationality the caliphs laid
increased stress on Islamic orthodoxy and confor-
mity, trying to weld their cosmopolitan Empire
into a unity based on a common faith and a common
way of life. Al-Mansur's renunciation of the hetero-
dox origins of the 'Abbasid movement was followed
under his successors by a deliberate policy of wooing
the orthodox theologians and makers of opinion,
and laying a greater stress on the religious element
in the nature of the authority exercised by the
caliphs. This policy, when contrasted with the
dissolute lives led by many of the caliphs and their
courtiers, often led to charges of hypocrisy, but was
in the main successful in achieving its object. Mecca
and Medina were rebuilt, the pilgrimage from 'Irak
organised on a regular basis, and orthodoxy rein-
forced by an inquisitorial persecution of the various
heretical movements and of Manichaeism, which
at this time became prominent, under the name of
Zandaka, as a revolutionary movement of the poorer
classes (see zindIij). For a time an attempt was
made to impose the Mu'tazili doctrine, which, if
H. S. Nyberg's attractive hypothesis is correct (see
EI 1 al-mu'tazila), was an official 'Abbasid at-
tempt at a compromise with the Shi'a. From the

time of al-Mutawakkil this attempt was abandoned,
and thereafter the 'AbbSsids adhered, formally at
least, to the most rigid orthodoxy.

The reign of Harun al-Rashid is generally
regarded as the apogee of 'Abbasid power, but it is
at this time that the first portents of decline are
seen. In Persia, the series of religious revolts that
had followed, the martyrdom of Abu Muslim became
ever more threatening, and challenged 'Abbasid
authority in the Caspian provinces as well as in
Khurasan. In the west, 'Abbasid authority disap-
peared almost completely. Spain had rejected the
'Abbasids and become independent under an Umay-
yad prince as far back as 138/756. After the death
of Yazld b. Hatim, the last effective 'Abbasid gover-
nor of North Africa, in. 170/787, independent dynas-
ties arose, first in Morocco and then in Tunisia, and
the authority of Baghdad was never again asserted
west of Egypt. The Aghlabids of Tunisia, exercising
hereditary and independent rule under the nominal
suzerainty of the caliph, set the pattern for a whole
series of subsequent local hereditary governorships,
whose encroachments eventually reduced the ef-
fective sovereignty of the Caliphate to central and
southern 'Irak. Another danger-sign showed the
weakness of the defences of the Empire. By 'Ab-
basid times the frontiers of Islam were more or less
stabilised. The only foreign wars of any importance
were with the Byzantines, and even these seem
to have been of more show than effect. The in-
conclusive campaigns of Harun were the last major
offensives launched against Byzantium by the Cali-
phate. Thereafter Islam was on the defensive. By-
zantine armies sought out weak points in Syria
and Mesopotamia, while Khazar invaders entered
Islamic territory in the Caucasus and Armenia.
Perhaps the most serious factor of weakness was the
obscure internal convulsion that culminated in the
degradation of the Barmakids and the assumption
by Harun of the reins of power in his own not too
competent hands. This step seems to have shaken
the alliance with the Persian aristocratic wing of
the movement that had brought them to power,
which the early 'Abbasids had maintained long after
shedding the more extremist elements. After Harun's
death, smouldering conflicts burst into civil war
between his sons al- Amin and al-Ma'mun. Al-
Amln's strength lay mainly in the capital and in 'Irak,
al-Ma'mun's in Persia, and the civil war has been
interpreted as a national conflict between Arabs
and Persians, ending in a victory for the latter.
The same objections can be raised to this explana-
tion as to the corresponding theory concerning the
'Abbasid revolution itself. The civil war was more
probably a continuation of the social struggles of
the immediately preceding period, complicated by
a regional rather than national conflict between
Persia and 'Irak. Al-Ma'mun, relying on eastern
support, for a while projected the transfer of the
capital from Baghdad to Marw, but some time after
his victory wisely decided to return to the Imperial
city. Thereafter Persian aristocratic and regional
aspirations found an outlet in local dynasties. In
205/820 Tahir, the Persian general of al-Ma'mun,
made himself virtually independent in Khurasan,
and founded a dynasty. His example was followed
by others, who, while for the most part still re-
cognizing the suzerainty of the caliphs, deprived
them of all effective authority in most of Persia.
While the power of the caliphs in the provinces
was gradually being reduced to the granting of
the de facto rulers, their

authority even in 'Irak itself was dwindling. A
spendthrift court and a inflated bureaucracy pro-
duced chronic financial disorder, aggravated by the
loss of provincial revenues and, subsequently, by
the exhaustion or loss to invaders of gold and silver
mines. The caliphs found a remedy in the farming
out of state revenues, eventually with the local
governors as tax-farmers. These farmer-governors-
soon became the real rulers of the Empire, the more
so when tax-farms and governorships were held by
army commanders, who alone had the force to
impose obedience. From the time of a 1-M u'tasim
and a 1 - W a th i k, the caliphs became the puppets of
their own generals, who were often able to appoint
and depose them at will. Al-Mu'tasim is usually
credited with the introduction of the practice of
using Turks from Central Asia as soldiers and officers,
and from his time the dominant military caste be-
came mainly Turkish. In 221/836 he built a new
residence at Samarra, some 60 miles north of Bagh-
dad. Samarra remained the Imperial residence until
279/892, when al-Mu'tamid returned to Baghdad.
Its foundation illustrates the growing gulf between
the caliph and his praetorians on the one hand
and the people of Baghdad on the other. Its art
and architecture illustrate the emergence of a new
ruling caste with different tastes and traditions.
Under al-Wathik the power of the Turks con-
tinued to grow. A serious attempt to reassert the
supremacy of the Caliphate was made by his
successor al-Mutawakkil, who tried to break
the power of the Turkish guards and to rally
support against them among the theologians and
the civil population, whose orthodox fanaticism he
sought to placate by renouncing and suppressing
the Mu'tazili doctrines of his predecessors and
enforcing the regulations against the Christians and
Jews. The attempt ended in failure. The murder
of al-Mutawakkil in 247/861 was followed by a
period of anarchy. During an interval of nine years
four caliphs succeeded one another, but all were
helpless in the hands of the Turkish guards, whose
control of the court and the capital grew firmer,
while the provinces relapsed into anarchy or, at
best, autonomy. In Southern 'Irak a revolt broke
out among the negro slaves, known as Zand] [}.».],
who worked on the salt marshes near Basra. This
rapidly developed into a major threat to the Empire.
The Zandj leader, who displayed brilliant general-
ship, defeated several imperial armies, and was
able to establish effective control over much of
Southern 'Irak and South West Persia. The lines
linking Baghdad with Basra, and
with the Persian Gulf and the trade route
to the East, were cut, and by 264/877 Zandj parties
were raiding within 17 miles of Baghdad itself. But
meanwhile a period of greater stability had begun
in the capital. The caliph a 1-M u ' t a m i d, who suc-
ceeded in 256/870, was not a very effective ruler, but
his brother a 1 - M u w a f f a k soon became the real
master of the capital, and during the twenty years
of his rule did much to restore the failing strength
of the house of 'Abbas. His first task was to restore
order and stability in Baghdad itself, then to tackle
the problems presented by the Zandj and by the
encroachments of provincial leaders, especially the
Saffarids in Persia and the Tulunids in Egypt and
Syria. By 269/882 he had expelled the Zandj from
all their conquests, and in 270/883 finally crushed
them. Though failing to destroy the Saffarids and
Tulunids, he did succeed in checking their ambitions,
and facilitated the task of his successors. On the

death of al-Muwaffak in 278/891, he was succeeded
as real ruler by his son a 1-M u ' t a d i d, who became
caliph on the death of al-Mu'tamid in the following
year. Al-Mu'tadid and his successor al-Muktafl
were both able and energetic rulers. In Persia and
Egypt the authority of the Caliphate was for a time
reasserted, leaving the government free to deal with
the menace of Shi'ism, now active again in a militant
and extreme form. After the rise of the 'Abbasids
and the consequent disappearance of the Hanafi
line of pretenders, it was the Fatimid line of Imams
who commanded the support of most of the Shi'a.
After the death of Dja'far al-Sadik in 148/765,
these split into two groups, one of which, known
as Isma'Ili, inherited many of the functions, doctrines
and followers of the vanished Hanafiyya. The trans-
formation of the Caliphate in the 8th and 9th cen-
turies from an agrarian, military state to a cosmo-
politan Empire with an intensive commercial and
industrial life, the growth of large cities and the
concentration of capital and labour, subjected the
loose social structure of the Empire to grave strain,
and engendered widespread discontent. The rapid
growth of the intellectual life of Islam, and the clash
of cultures and ideas resulting from outside in-
fluence and internal development, again helped to
prepare the way for the spread of heretical move-
ments which, in a theocratic society, were the only
possible expression of moral or material dissent from
the existing order. The endemic disorders and up-
heavals of the late 9th and early 10th centuries
brought these strains to breaking point, and the
caliphs were called upon to deal with a series of
challenges ranging in form from the revolutionary
violence of the Karmatians [q.v.] in Bahrayn, Syria-
Mesopotamia and Southern Arabia, to the more
subtle and ultimately more effective criticism of
peaceful moralists and mystics in Baghdad itself.
Al-Mu'tadid died after a defeat at the hand of the
Karmatians, but his successor al-Muktafi managed
to crush the Karmatian revolt in Syria and Meso-
potamia, and, at the time of his death in 295/908,
was leading a successful counter-attack against the
Byzantines, who had sought to exploit the anarchy
of the Muslim Empire. The Shi'ite danger was
however far from ended. After a brief struggle for
power, al-Muktafi was succeeded by his brother a 1-
M u k t a d i r, still a boy of 13. During his minority,
and the long and ineffective reign that followed it,
the destructive tendencies halted by the regent al-
Muwaffak and his two successors reappeared. The
Karmatians resumed their activities, and from their
bases in Bahrayn threatened the life-lines of the
Caliphate, while in the west another wing of the
Isma'ili movement established a Fatimid anti-Cali-
phate in Tunisia. In North Syria the beduin Ham-
danid dynasty established itself, while in Persia
another Shi'ite family, the Buyids, began to build
a new dynasty that soon threatened even 'Irak.
In the capital, growing disorder and confusion cul-
minated in the death of the caliph, while fighting
his general Mu'nis. Under his successors a 1 - K a h i r
and a 1 - R 5 d I, the decay of the authority of the
Caliphate was completed. The event that is usually
taken to symbolise this process was the grant to
the governor of 'Irak, Ibn Ra'ik, of the title amir
al-umard'— Commander of Commanders. This title,
apparently intended to assert the primacy of the
military commander of Baghdad over his colleagues
elsewhere, served at the same time to give formal
recognition to the existence of a supreme temporal
authority, exercising effective political and mili-

tary power, and leaving the caliph only as formal
head of the state and the faith and representative
of the religious unity of Islam. In 344/945 came the
ultimate degradation, when the BOyid Amir MuHzz
al-Dawla entered Baghdad, and the title of amir
al-umard*, and with it the effective control of the
city of the caliphs, passed into the hands of a
ShI'ite dynast.

Almost two centuries had passed between the en-
thronement of al-Saffah and the arrival of Mu'izz
al-Dawla. Though most of the period still awaits
adequate investigation, certain broad lines of deve-
lopment can be discerned. In government, the early
'Abbasid caliphs continued along the lines of the
late Umayyads, with far less break in continuity
than was at one time believed. Certain changes,
begun under the preceding dynasty, continued at
an accelerated pace. From an Arab super-shaykh
governing by the intermittent consent of the Arab
aristocracy, the caliph became an autocrat, claiming
a divine origin for his authority, resting it on his
armed forces, and exercising it through a vast and
growing bureaucratic organisation. Stronger in this
respect than the Umayyads, the 'Abbasids were
nevertheless weaker than the old oriental despots,
in that they lacked the support of an established
feudal caste and a priestly hierarchy, and were them-
selves theoretically subject to the Holy Law, of the
authority of which their office was the supreme em-
bodiment. With the transfer of the capital to the
East and the entry of increasing numbers of Persians
into the service of the caliphs, Persian influences
grew in the court and the administration, which
was organised in a series of diwdns [q.v.] or ministries,
under the supreme control of the wazir [q.v.]. Pro-
vincial government was carried on jointly by the
amir [q.v.] (Governor) and l amil [q.v.] (financial
administrator), under the general surveillance of
the capital, exercised through the agents of the
sahib al-barid (Director of Posts and Intelligence)
(see barId). In the army the Arab element gradually
lost its importance, and the pensions formerly paid
to Arabs were discontinued except for serving sol-
diers. The core of the early 'Abbasid army consisted
of the Khurasanis, a term that is to be understood
in a regional rather than national sense, and covering
both Arabs and Persians from Khurasan. In time
these gave way to the Turkish slave troops, who
from the time of al-Mu'tasim onwards became the
main element in the army and, in consequence, the
main source of political authority for the various
amirs and commanders whose power replaced that
of the caliphs.

The 'Abbasids came to power through a religious
movement, and sought in religion the basis of unity
and authority in the Empire they ruled. While broad-
ly successful in this purpose, they had throughout
to contend with a series of religious opposition move-
ments, and with the mistrust or reserve of the more
conscientious elements among the SunnI religious

The political breakdown of the 9th and 10th
centuries, resulting in the fragmentation of power
in the Empire as a whole and the decline and even-
tual collapse of authority in the capital, had no
immediate ill-effects on the economic and cultural
life of the Caliphate. The 'Abbasid accession had been
followed by a great economic revival, based on the
exploitation of the resources of the Empire through
industry and trade, and the development of a vast
network of trade relations both within the Empire
and with the world outside. These changes brought

important social consequences. The Arab warrior
caste was deposed, and replaced by a ruling class
of landowners and bureaucrats, professional soldiers
and literati, merchants and men of learning. The
Islamic town was transformed from a garrison city
to a market and exchange, and in time to the centre
of a flourishing and diversified urban culture. The
literature, art, theology, philosophy and science of
the period is examined elsewhere (in individual
articles). Here it need only be remarked that this
was the classic age of Islam, when a new, rich and
original civilisation, born of the confluence of many
races and traditions, came to maturity.

2- 334/945—656/1258

During the long period from the Buyid occupation
of Baghdad to the conquest of the city by the Mon-
gols, the Caliphate became a purely titular insti-
tution, representing the headship of SunnI Islam,
and acting as legitimating authority for the nume-
rous secular rulers who exercised effective sovereignty,
both in the provinces and in the capital. The caliphs
themselves, except for a brief revival towards the
end, were at the mercy of the secular rulers, who
appointed and deposed them at will, and only one
of them, al-Najir, has left any mark on history.
The appointment of Ibn Ra'ik as amir al-umard'
was the first of a long series, and marked the formal
recognition of the office of secular sovereign. The
main history of the period will be found in the
articles on the various dynasties that held it.

In the second quarter of the 10th century a number
of princes of the Shi'ite Persian house of Buya (or
Buwayh), originating in the highlands of Daylam,
extended their rule over most of western Persia,
and forced the caliphs to grant them legal recog-
nition. In 334/945 the Buyid prince Mu'izz al-Dawla
entered Baghdad, and wrung from the caliph al-
Mustakfi the title of amir al-umard'. For over a
century the caliphs were compelled to submit to
the final humiliation of accepting these Shi'ite mayors
of the palace as absolute masters. Despite their
ShI'ism, the Buyids made no attempt to install an
c Alid caliph— the twelfth Imam of the Ithna-'asharl
ShI'a had disappeared some 70 years earlier — but
gave outward homage to the 'Abbasids, retaining
them as an orthodox cover for their own power and
an instrument of their policy in the SunnI world.
It was from the extremist ShI'a that the real threat
to the 'Abbasids came. In 356/969 the Isma'IlI
Fatimids from Tunisia conquered Egypt, and were
soon able to extend their power into Syria and
Arabia. For the first time a powerful independent
dynasty ruled in the Middle East that did not re-
cognize even the titular authority of the 'Abbasids,
but on the contrary founded a Caliphate of their
own, challenging the 'Abbasids for the headship of
the whole Islamic world. The political and military
power of the Fatimids was supported by an elaborate
religious organisation, commanding a multitude of
agents, propagandists and sympathisers in the 'Ab-
basid dominions, and also by a skilful economic
policy aimed at diverting the Eastern trade from
the Persian Gulf to the Red Sea, and thus at the
same time strengthening Egypt and weakening 'Irak.
(See B. Lewis, The Fatimids and the Route to India,
Istanbul Iktisat Fak. Mecm., 1950, 355-60). It is
indeed arguable that the diversion of Shi'ite energies
due to the predominance of the Buyids in the East
was one of the factors that saved the 'Abbasid Cali-
phate from extinction, at this time (see H. A. R.

Gibb, The Caliphate and the Arab- States, in History
of the Crusades, Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, vol. i.).

In time the Buyid Empire broke up into a number
of smaller states, under Buyid and other rulers, while
in Persia the power of a new dynasty, the Seldjuks,
was steadily growing. By the middle of the nth
century Buyid power was at an end, and a Turkish
general called al-BasasIri was able to occupy Bagh-
dad and proclaim the khufba in the name of the
Fatimid caliph. This brief episode was the high
water mark of Fatimid power. In 447/1055 the
Seldjuk Tughrll-beg entered Baghdad, and had
himself proclaimed as Sultan. This title is often
attributed by the chroniclers to earlier rulers who
exercised a sovereignty not greatly different from
that of the Seldjuks. The Seldjuk sultans of Baghdad
appear however to be the first to have used the title
officially and inscribed it on their coins. In effect
the Seldjuk Great Sultanate, which lasted about a
century, was the logical development of the office
of amir al-umard', and the title has remained in
use ever since for the holder of supreme secular power.
The Seldjuks brought several important changes.
Unlike their predecessors they were Turks and Sun-
nls, and with their advent the power of the Turks,
that had been growing intermittently since the time
of al-Mu'tasim, was finally established. By now the
Turks in the Middle East were no longer all slave
or freed soldiers, imported from Central Asia; whole
clans of free, nomadic Turks began to migrate west-
wards, playing an increasingly important role and
in time changing the ethnic configuration of the
Middle East. The replacement of a ShI'I by a Sunni
ruler increased the prestige though not the power
of the caliphs, as did also the extension of the rule
of the central government, and therefore of the
nominal sovereignty of the caliphs, over many
hitherto independent lands. The period of the Sel-
djuks, and of the Seldjukid and Atabeg dynasties
that followed the break-up of the Great Sultanate,
brought two major changes. One was the regulari-
sation of the economic and social changes that had
been taking place in the preceding period, and the
elaboration of a new social and fiscal order of quasi-
feudal character ; the other was the campaign against
the Shi'ite menace, both on the political and mili-
tary level through the suppression of Shi'ite dynasties
and movements, and on the intellectual level through
the creation of a network of madrasas [?.».] to serve
as centres for the formulation and defence of Sunni
orthodoxy against the Shi'ite propagandists. Both
changes encountered a vigorous reaction in the form
of the Assassins (see nizarIs), an active and ener-
getic revolutionary movement that rose from the
ruins of the Fatimid daHva and offered a bitter and
sustained challenge to Seldjuk rule and SunnI or-
thodoxy. The Assassins ultimately failed, and there-
after ShI'ism was never again a major political fac-
tor until the rise of the Safawids.

After the break-up of the Great Sultanate, 'Irak
fell under the domination of a local dynasty of Sel-
djuk princes, the last of whom was Tughrll \\
(573-59o/ii77-ii94). The collapse of his power and
the absence of any alternative enabled the 'Abbasid
caliph a 1 - N a s i r to make a final attempt to restore
the lost authority of the Caliphate. The moment
was favourable — of the two major dynasties of the
Middle East, the Ayyubids in Egypt and Syria were
preoccupied with the struggle against the Crusaders,
the KWrizm-shah in the East with his wars
against other Turkish dynasties and then against the
Mongols. In this power vacuum, al-Na$ir attempted

to create a kind of State of the Church for the Cali-
phate in Baghdad and 'Irak, and to buttress his
authority by seeking popular support through the
futuwwa [q.v.] organisations and making adroit use
of pro-'Alid sentiment. It was however only the
diversion of their energies to meet the Mongol
threat in the East that saved him from destruction
by the Kh»arizm-shahs. Al-Nasir's successors were
weak and incompetent, and when the Mongol general
Hulaku, having already conquered Persia, appeared
before Baghdad in 656/1358, the last caliph al-Mus-
t a l s i m was unable to offer any serious resistance.
The Mongol conquest of Baghdad and the des-
truction of the Caliphate are usually described as
a major catastrophe in the history of Islam. Cer-
tainly they mark the end of an epoch — not only in
the outward forms of government and sovereignty,
but in Islamic civilisation itself, which after the
transformation wrought by the great wave of Tatar
invasion flows in new channels, different from those
of the preceding centuries. But the immediate moral
effects of the destruction of the Caliphate have been
overrated. The Caliphate had long ceased to exist as
an effective institution, and the Mongols did little
more than lay the ghost of something that was al-
ready dead. To the real organs of temporal power
the Mongol invasions made little difference, the only
change being that the Sultanate now began to ac-
quire de jure recognition, and sultans began to arro-
gate to themselves titles and prerogatives formerly
reserved to the caliphs.

The 'Abbasid Cal

s op Egypt

The establishment by Baybars of an 'Abbasid
shadow-Caliphate in Cairo in 659/1261 has been
explained by R. Hartniann as follows: the disappea-
rance of the Caliphate in Baghdad created a political
vacuum, affecting not so much the theologians as
the secular rulers, who still felt the need for a legi-
timating authority. Abu Numayy, the Sharif of
Mecca, gave formal recognition to the Hafsid ruler
of Tunisia Abu c Abd Allah, who had assumed the
title of caliph, with the regnal name of al-Mustansir,
in 650/1253. This assumption, made before the fall
of Baghdad, was not in the Sunni juristic sense of
the word caliph, but in that of North Africa, con-

ditioned by Almohad claims and practices. It ac-
quired a new value from Abu Numayy's recognition,
confirmed by Mamluk action in sending a report
on the victory of <Ayn Djalut to Abu <Abd Allah
and addressing him as amir al-mutminin — Com-
mander of the Faithful. Baybars, stronger than his
predecessor, preferred not to give this recognition
to a powerful and possibly dangerous neighbour,
and instead solved the problems of legitimacy and
continuity by installing an 'Abbasid refugee as
caliph in Cairo, with the same regnal name of al-
Mustansir.

For the next two and a half centuries a, line of
'Abbasids succeeded one another as nominal caliphs
under the rule of the Mamluk Sultans in Cairo. Ex-
cept for a brief interval in 815/1412, when the caliph
al-Musta c In became a stop-gap ruler for six months
in the course of a feud between rival claimants to
the Sultanate, the caliphs in Cairo were completely
helpless and powerless, being in effect little more
than minor court pensioners with purely ceremonial
duties to perforin on the accession of a new sultan.
Attempts by the Mamluk sultans to use their l Ab-
basid proteges as a means of gaining recognition
in other Muslim countries met with some limited
success, notably in India and in the Ottoman Empire
where Bayezid I applied to the Cairo caliph in 1394
for a diploma granting him the title of sultan. But
the Ottoman view of the Cairo Caliphate is perhaps
best expressed by the 15th-century historian Yazldjt-
oghlu 'AH, who in describing the role of the patriarch
at the Byzantine court calls him "the caliph of the
Christians"— a comparison that is far nearer the
truth than the more common one between the
caliph and the Pope (cf. P. Wittek, in BSOS, 1952,
649 f-).

In 1517 the last caliph al-Mutawakkil was deposed
by Sellm I, the Ottoman conquerer of Syria and
-Egypt, and the 'Abbasid shadow-Caliphate abolished.
A story that al-Mutawakkil transferred his title to
Sellm, and through him, to the Ottoman house, was
first published by Mouradgea d'Ohsson in 1788
{Tableau girUral de I'Empire Ottoman, i, 269-70),
and thereafter won wide acceptance. Barthold how-
ever showed this story to be completely without
foundation, and it is now generally rejected by
scholars [see khalifa].

. Abu n- c Abbas al-Saffah . . . . ;

136 al-Mansur . . . ;

158 al-Mahdt. . . .;

169 al-HSdl . . . . :

.... Hariin al-Rashld . . . ;

al-Am!n . . . . !

al-Ma'mun. . .1

218 al-Mu £ tasim . . I

227 al-Wathik ... I

232 al-Mutawakkil I

247 al-Muntasir . . !

248 al-Musta'in . . I

252 al-Mu c tazz. . .1

255 al-Muhtadl. . . f

256 al-Mu c tamid . . i

279 al-Mu'tadid . . I

289 al-Muktafi . . . <

295 al-Muktadir . . <

320 al-Kahir . . . . <

322 al-RSdi .... 934

329- al-Muttakl. . .940

333 al-Mustakfl . . 944

334 al-Mutl* .... 946

363 al-Ta'i' .... 974

381 al-Kadir .... 991

422 al-Ka'im. . . 1031

467 al-Muktafi. . 1075

487 al-Mustazhir . 1094

512 al-Mustarshid 1118

529 al-Rashid . . 1135

530 al-Muktafl. . 1136

555 al-Mustandjid 1160

566 al-Mustadi» . 1170

575 al-Nasir . . . 1180

622 al-?ahir . . . 1225

623 al-Mustansir. 1226

640-656 al-MustaSim 1242-1258

ABLE OF THE C ABBASID CALIP}

'Abbas b. 'Abd al-Muttalib
'Abd Allah

5. al-Rashid
1

3. al-Mahdl
1

9. al-Wa&ik
14. al-Muhtadl

17. al-Muktafl

I
22. al-Mustakfi

10. al-Mutawakkil

. al-Muntasir 13. al-Mu'tazz 15. al-Mu'tamid al-Muwaffak
Ibn al-Mu'tazz 16. al-Mu'tadid

18. al-Muktadir
! .

idi 21. al-Muttaki

25. al-Kadir

26. al-IJa J im
Muhammad Dhakhirat al-DIn

27. al-Muktadi
28. al-Mustazhir
"— i

!3. al-Muti c
! 4 . al-Ta'i'

29. al-Mustarshid

30. al-Rashid

31. al-Muktafl

32. al-Mustandjid

33. al-Mustadi'

34. al-Nasir

35- al-?ahir
I .

36. al-Mustan$ir

37. al-Musta^im

(after Khalll Edhem, Duwel-i islamiye,

al-Mustazhir

al-Mustarshid

I
itakfl I

al-Muktafi

al-Rashid Abii Baki

'All

al-Hasan

2. al-Hakim

al-Mustandjid

al-MustadT

al-Nasir

al-?3hir

Ahmad 3. al-Mus

al-Mus tansir 1. al-Mustansir
(caliph

4.al-Wathikl sal . H l kimU '

6. al-Mu c ta(Jid I
7. al-Mutawakkil I

I. al-Mu'tasim 9. al-Wathik II

10. al-Musta'm 11. al-Mu'tadid II

[5. al-Mutawakkil II

16. al-Mustamsik

12. al-Mustakfi II

13. al-Ka'im 14. al-Mustandjid

17. al-Mutawakkil III

'ABBASID ART

'abbasid c

A.D.

il-Mustansir billah Abu '1-Kasim Ahmad

il-Hakim bi-Amr Allah Abii l-'AbbSs Ahmad 1261

il-Mustakfi billah Abu '1-Rabi< Sulayman 1302

il-Wathik bUlah Abii Ishak Ibrahim 1340

il-Hakim bi-Amr Allah Abu 'l-'Abbas Ahmad 1341

il-Mu'tadid billah Abu '1-Fath Abii Bakr 1352

il-Mutawakkil <ala 'Hah Abii <Abd Allah Muhammad 1362

il-Mu'tasim (al-Musta<sim) billah Abu Yahya Zakariyya 5 1377

al-Mutawakkil c ala''llah (second time) 1377

il-Wathik billah 'Urnar 1383

d-Mu c tasim billah (second time) 1386

il-Mutawakkil <ala 'llah (third time) 1389

d-Mustaln billah Abu '1-Fadl al- e Abbas 1406

il-Mu'tadid billah Abu '1-Fath Dawfld 1414

il-Mustakfl billah Abu '1-Rabi< Sulayman 1441

al-Ka'im bi-Amr Allah Abii 1-Baka 3 Hamza 145 1

il-Mustandjid billah Abu '1-Mahasin Yiisuf .£455

il-Mutawakkil c ala 'Hah Abu 'l-<Izz c Abd al- c Aziz 1479

U-Mustamsik billah Abu '1-Sabr Ya'kub 1497

il-Mutawakkil <ala 'llah Muhammad 1508-9

d-Mustamsik billah (second time; as representative of his son al-Mutawakkil) 1516-17

The sources for the history of the 'Abbasid Cali-
phate are too numerous for anything more than
a general statement to be possible. A fuller dis-
cussion of the literature will be found in J. Sauvaget,
Introduction a I'histoire du monde musulman, Paris
1943, 126 ff., and of the historians in D. S. Mar-
goliouth, Lectures on Arabic Historians, Calcutta
1930 (cf. ta'rikh). The first group to be considered
are the chroniclers. While a large proportion of these
have been published, especially for the earlier
period, surprisingly little use has been made of them,
and most of the 'Abbasid period still awaits its
monographers. Still less attention has been paid to
the adab literature, perhaps the best expression of
the outlook and attitude of the secular literate
•classes who administered the Empire, and a fruit-
ful source of historical information. Travel and
geography, poetry, theology and law all have an
important contribution to make to historical know-
ledge, and except for the first two, have been little
used. To the vast Muslim literature may be added
the smaller but still valuable literatures of the Chris-
tians and Jews, in Arabic, Syriac, Hebrew, and some
other languages. Finally, there remains archeology.
A useful summary and bibliography of archeological
work will be found in the above-mentioned book
of Sauvaget.

No general history of the c Abb5sids has been pro-
duced for many years, and the reader must still
have recourse to early and out-of-date works like
G. Weil, Geschichle der Chalifen 5 vols., Mannheim-
Stuttgart 1846-62; idem, Geschichle der islamischen
Volker, Stuttgart 1866 (abridged English translation
by S. Khuda Bukhsh, Calcutta 1914); A. Miiller, Der
Islam im Morgen- und Abendland, 2 vols. Berlini885-
7 ; W. Muir, The Caliphate, its Rise Decline and Fall,
revised by T. H. Weir, Edinburgh 1915 and 1924.
More recent but more summary treatments are given
by P. K. Hitti, History of the Arabs, London 1937
and later editions; C. Brockelmann, Geschichle der
islamischen Vdlker und Stouten, Munich-Berlin 1939
{English and French translations); Gaudefroy-
Demombynes and Platonov, Le monde musulman
et byzantin jusqu'aux Croisades, Paris 1931; Ch.
Diehl and G. Marcais, Le monde oriental de 395 a
1081, Paris 1936. Many interesting and provocative
ideas on the nature of the 'Abbasid state and society

will be found in A. J. Toynbee, A study of history,
London 1934 ff.

Only the accession and the first few reigns have
been monographed in any detail. On the 'Abbasid
revolution Van Vloten and Wellhausen are mentioned
in the article. Th. Noldeke's OrienUUische Skizzen
Berlin 1892 (English translation by J. S. Black,
London 1892), includes studies on al-Mansur, the
Zandj rising, and the Saffarids. The most valuable
work to date on the early 'Abbasid period will be
found in the studies of F. Gabrieli (al-Amin, al-
Ma'mun) and S. Moscati (Abii Muslim, al-Mahdi,
al-Hadi), which, with other monographs, will be
found listed under the appropriate articles. For two
studies by S. Moscati on particular problems con-
nected with the 'Abbasid victory see II "Tradimento"
di Wdsit, Museon 1951, 177-86, and Le massacre
des Umayy\ides, ArO 1951, 88-115. Reference may
also be made to Nabia Abbott, Two queens of Baghdad,
Chicago 1937, dealing with the mother and wife
of Harun al-Rashld and giving a description of some
aspects of court life, and A. F. Rifa'i, 'Asr al-
Ma'miin, Cairo 1927. The period from 892 to 946
has been studied in great detail by H. Bowen, The
life and times of '■AH ibn 'Isd, Cambridge 1928.
This must now be supplemented by an important
additional source — the Akhbdr al-Radi wa l-Muttakl
of al-SulI (ed. J. H. Dunne, Cairo 1935; annotated
French translation by M. Canard, 2 vols. Algiers
1946-50). Two important works of a more general
character deal with the middle period: A. Mez, Die
Renaissance des Islams, Heidelberg 1922 (English
translation by S. Khuda Bukhsh and D. S. Margo-
liouth, London 1938), and c Abd al- c Az!z al-Duri,
Studies on the economic life of Mesopotamia in the
10th century, (in Arabic), Baghdad 1948. Reference
may also be made to general works in Arabic by
Ahmad Amin, C A. C A. Durl, Hasan Ibrahim Hasan
and others.

On the Cairo Caliphate see R. Hartmann, Zur
Vorgeschichte des 'Abbasidischen Schein-Chaliphates
von Cairo, Abhandlungen der deutschen Akademie
der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Phil.-hist. Kl. 1947,
nr. 9, Berlin 1950, and Annemarie Schimmel, Kali)
und Kadi im spatmittelalterlichen Agypten, WI, 1943,
3-27. (B. Lewis)

'ABBASID ART [see samarra]

l-ABBASIYYA — <ABD

al-ABBASIYYA, old town of Ifrlkiya
(Tunisia), three miles to the S.E. of al-Kayrawan.
It was also known by the name of Kasr al-Aghaliba
and al-Kasr al-Kadlm. It was built by Ibrahim b.
al-Aghlab, the founder of the Aghlabid dynasty, in
184/800, the same year in which he was appointed
amir of Ifrlkiya, after the revolt of some leaders of
the Arab djund. He gave his foundation the name al-
'Abbasiyya in honour of the 'Abbasids, his masters.
The town contained baths, inns, siiks and a Friday-
mosque with a minaret of cylindrical form, built
of bricks and adorned by small columns arranged in
seven storeys. After the example of the great
mosque of Kayrawan, a maksura of carved wood,
adjoining the mihrdb, was reserved to the amir and
high dignitaries. The town had several gates, the
following being the most important: Bab al-Rahma
(of Mercy), Bab al-Hadid (of Iron), Bab Ghalbfin
(attributed to al-Aghlab b. <Abd Allah b. al-Aghlab,
relative and minister of Ziyadat Allah I) and Bab
al-Rih (of Wind)— all these in the east; and Bab
al-Sa c ada (of Happiness), to the west. In the middle
of the town there was a large square called al-Maydan
(Hippodrome), where the parades and reviews fard)
of the troops took place. Not far away was the palace
of al-Rusafa, recalling by its name those of Damas-
cus and Baghdad. It was in this palace that Ibrahim
I received the ambassadors of Charlemagne who
came to ask for the relics of St. Cyprian and delivered
the gifts destined for the caliph Harun al-Rashld.
It was also there that the truce (hudna) of ten years
and the exchange of prisoners was arranged with
the envoys of Constantine, patrician of Sicily (189/
805). Many other embassies also of the Franks, By-
zantines and Andalusians, were received there by
subsequent Aghlabid rulers. From its foundation,
al-'Abbasiyya had a mint (dqr al-darb) where gold
dinars and silver dirhams, bearing the town's name,
were coined. An official factory of textiles (firdz)
produced the robes of honour (khiPa) and the stan-
dards. Under the successors of Ibrahim I, al- c Ab-
basiyya was provided with monuments of public
and private utility. Abu Ibrahim Ahmad built a
large reservoir (sahridj or fashiyya) of which impor-
tant remains have been preserved. The basin had
an abundant supply of water, which was carried to
Kayrawan in the summer, when the cisterns of the
capital were exhausted. — The town of Rakkada,
founded in 264/877 by Ibrahim II, some miles further
to the south, replaced al- c Abbasiyya as residence.
Al-'Abbasiyya sank to the level of a township, in-
habited by mawdli and tradesmen, but continued
to exist in a modest way until the Hilalian in-
vasion (middle of the 5th/nth century) when it
disappeared for good. A cursory excavation, in 1923,
of the hill (tell) where al- c Abbasiyya was situated,
brought to light many potsherds belonging to the
Aghlabid period. This white pottery with large black,
green and blue decoration was no doubt inspired by
oriental models coming from 'Irak (Samarra, Rakka)
and Egypt (Fustat). It is worth mentioning that al-
'Abbasiyya was the birth-place of several scholars,
notably of Abu 'l- c Arab [q.v.] Mulj. b. Ahmad b.
Tamlm, first historian of al-Kayrawan (d. 333/945).
Bibliography: Baladhuri, Futuh, 234; Bakri,
al-Masdlik (de Slane), 24; Idrisi (de Goeje, Des-
criptio al Magribi), 65-7; Ibn 'Idhari, al-Bayan
al-Mughrib, Leiden 1948, I, 84; Desvergers, Hist
de VAfr. et de la Sicilie (transl. of Ibn Khaldun),
Paris 1841, 86-8; G. Marcais, Manuel de I' Art
Musulman, Paris 1926, I, 40.

(H. H. Abdul-Wahab)

al-'ABBASIYYA [see tubna]

<ABD is the ordinary word for "slave" in Arabic
of all periods (the usual plural in this sense is '■abld,
although the Kur'an has Hbad: xxiv, 32), more
particularly for "male slave", "female slave" being
ama (pi. *«ta>). Both words are of old Semitic stock;
Biblical Hebrew uses them in the same meaning.
Classical Arabic also expresses the idea of "slave",
in the singular of both genders and in the collective,
by the generic term rakifr, which however is not
found in the Kur'an. On the other hand, the Kur'an
frequently uses the term rakaba, literally "neck,
nape of the neck", and, still more frequently, the
periphrasis ma malakat aymdnukum (-hum), "that
which your (their) right hands possess". The c abd?"
mamluk"" of xvi, 75 is to be regarded in the light
of this formula: it should properly be rendered "a
slave, who is (himself) a piece of property". Hence, no
doubt, the development in the classical language of
mamluk as a noun meaning "slave" (later also "ex-
slave"). In the course of the history of Arabic, as of
other languages, various vicissitudes have been under-
gone by euphemisms literally denoting "boy, girl" or
"manservant, maidservant" : fata (fern, fatal), which
is Kur'anic, ghulam for "male slave", djariya for
"female slave", both very common, wasif particularly
for men (the fern, wasif a is also found), and khddim
particularly for women (also, at an early date, for
"eunuch"), Both these last have in some countries
finally come to mean "negro, negress". Another term
sometimes used for "slave" is asif ^properly "captive".

The abstract "slavery" is expressed by rikk or
by a derivative of t abd, such as l ubudiyya. The
"master" is sayyid; he may also be referred to as
"patron" (mawld) or, in legal parlance, "owner"
(mdlik). The opposite of slave, "free man or woman".

r (fen

ra).

Turkish has, as equivalents for "slave", kul or
kdle, as well as loan-words from Persian: bende,
and from Arabic: esir (asir), gulam (ghulam) for the
masculine, cariye (djariya) and halaylk (khaldHk,
properly "creatures") for the feminine. Besides banda,
Persian has ghulam for the masculine and keniz

r the f.

. Before Islam

Slavery was practised in pre-Islamic Arabia, as
in the remainder of the ancient and early mediaeval
world. But it must be admitted that the sparse and
controversial data available to us for the pre-
Islamic period are insufficient to provide reliable
answers to most of the problems presented by the
institution. It may be allowed that, immediately
before the Hijra, the great majority of slaves in
western Arabia, a plentiful commodity at Mecca,
by whose sale merchants grew rich ( c Abd Allah b.
Djud'an [q.v.]; cf. Lammens, La Mecque. . . ., Beirut
1924, passim), were coloured people of Ethiopian
origin (Habasha). Some of them must have formed
the nucleus of the Ahdbish, the Meccan militia
(Lammens, J A, 1916 = V Arabic occidentals avant
Vhigire, Beirut, 1928, pp. 237-293). Bilal, the first
muezzin of Islam, was one such slave. There were
some white slaves of foreign race, far less
who were no doubt brought by Arab c
(slave-dealers as far back as the Bible story of
Joseph), or were the product of beduin captures
(legend of the Persian Salman Pak). Finally, there
are no objective grounds for denying the existence
of Arab slaves, although the ransoming of captives
among nomad tribes was a matter of common prac-

tice. We have the example of the Kalbite Zayd b.
Haritha, who became the adopted son of Muhammad:
a valuable example, even if it has been touched up
in the manner of Tradition (see the decision attri-
buted to 'Umar, infra, as plausible evidence pointing
the same way). We have, however, nothing conclusive
on the existence of enslavement for debt or the sale
of children by their families: the late and rare ac-
counts of such occurrences (Aghdni*, iii, 97; xix,
4) show them to be abnormal.

It would moreover be unwise to stretch the scanty
information we have on the condition of slaves in
the Hi'djaz before Islam, to fit every locality and every
social division. Nomads and sedentaries, in parti-
cular, may have shown evidence of quite a different
attitude, even in those days: we shall come to the
modern period later. The abiding scorn of slave an-
cestry, even if only on the mother's side, the satire
aimed at the man who marries a captive girl (G.
Jacob, Altarab.Beduinenleben, Berlin 1897, pp. 137-8,
213; Bichr Fares, L'honneur chez Us Arabes avant
V Islam, Paris 1932, p. 71) are perhaps characteristic
of beduin mentality, rather than indicative of the
general outlook of town-dwellers. The biography in
literary form of the renowned warrior-poet 'Antara,
son of a beduin and an Ethiopian slave-girl, who has
to perform dazzling feats of arms before his father
will consent to legitimize him, is a ronton a thise
(Lammens, Le berceau de Vlslam, Rome 1914, p.
299) against disinheriting the children of such unions,
indeed against keeping them in slavery: proof that
the question had some immediacy and demanded
a liberal answer, at any rate in some quarters.

It is probable that the usual practice of the pre-
Islamic Arabs was influenced by an ancient Semitic
distinction between two classes of slave, never per-
haps reduced to a strict legal principle (I. Mendel-
sohn, Slavery in the Ancient Near East, New York,
1949, pp. 57-8) and never ratified by Muslim law,
but which has left traces here and there in the code
of behaviour of Islamicized lands: in contrast with
the purchased slave {'abd* mamluka""), the slave born
in his master's house ('abd* kinn in ; a term later applied
to the slave over whom one has full and complete
rights of ownership) was, in the ordinary course of
events, unlikely to be sold or otherwise disposed of
by the master (LA, xvii, 227-8; Djurdjani, Ta c ri-
fdt, kinn). We are on firmer ground — because the
practice is expressly condemned in the Ku'ran, xxiv,
33 — in accepting it as fact that in pre-Islamic times
female slaves were prostituted for the benefit of their
masters, again in accordance with a Near Eastern
custom of great antiquity (Mendelsohn, op.cit. p. 54).

2. The Kor'an. The Religious Ethic

a. — Islam, like its two parent monotheisms, Ju-
daism and Christianity, has never preached the
abolition of slavery as a doctrine, but it has followed
their example (though in a very different fashion)
in endeavouring to moderate the institution and
mitigate its legal and moral aspects (for the part
played in this by Christianity, see M. Bloch, in
Annales, 1947, and Imbert, in Milanges F. de
Visscher, Brussels, 1949, vol. i). Spiritually, the
slave has the same value as the free man, and the
same eternity is in store for his soul; in this earthly
life, failing emancipation, there remains the fact
of his inferior status, to which he must piously resign
himself.

The I£ur'an regards this discrimination between
human beings as in accordance with the divinely-

established order of things (xvi, 71, 75; xxx, 28).
But over and over again, from beginning to end of
the Preaching, it makes the emancipation of slaves
a meritorious act: a work of charity (ii, 177; xc,
13), to which the legal alms may be devoted (ix,
60), or a deed of expiation for certain felonies (un-
intentional homicide: iv, 92, where "a believing
slave" is specified; perjury: v, 89; lviii, 3); con-
sent must be readily given to contractual emanci-
pation (xxiv, 33). The unemancipated slave is
mentioned among those who should be treated
"kindly" (ihsdn° n , iv, 36). Furthermore, his dignity
as a human being is shown in certain ordinances
relating to the sexual side of social relationships.
We have already mentioned the ban on the prosti-
tution of female slaves (xxiv, 33); nobody may
lawfully enjoy them except their master (xxiii, 6;
xxxiii, 5o;lxx, 30) or their husband, for legal mar-
riage is open to slaves, male and female. Masters
have the moral duty to marry off their "virtuous"
slaves of both sexes (xxiv, 32); if need be it is
even permissible for Muslim slaves to marry free
Muslims (ii, 221 ;iv, 25). The slave-woman who, ob-
taining her master's consent, which is essential, mar-
ries a free man, is entitled to "a reasonable dowry"
from her husband. She is obliged to remain faithful
to him; but if she commits adultery her slave status
re-emerges in the curious provision that she is liable
to only one-half of the punishment reserved for the
free married woman (iv, 25). Finally, the Kur'an
protects the slave's life, to some extent, by the law
of retaliation, but the formula "the free for the free,
the slave for the slave" (ii, 178) shows clearly how
in penal matters the principle of inequality is main-

Bibliography: R. Roberts, Das Familien,

Sklaven Recht im Qordn, Leipzig 1908, 41-47;

Social Laws of the Qordn, London 1925, 53 ff.

b. — The more or less official Muslim ethic, expressed
in the hadiths, follows the line of Kur'anic teaching;
it even iays perceptible stress on the humanitarian
tendencies of the latter in the question with which
we are dealing. Al-Ghazali, in the Ihyd', ed. 1346
A.H., ii, 195-7 (hukuk al-mamluk) (transl. G.-H.
Bousquet, AIEO 1952, 423-7) had only to string
together a number of well-known hadiths to produce
what amounts to a lecture on ethics for slave-owners,
illustrated by examples.

Tradition delights in asserting that the slave's
lot was among the latest preoccupations of the Pro-
phet. It has quite a large store of sayings and anec-
dotes, attributed to the Prophet or to his Compa-
nions, enjoining real kindness towards this inferior
social class. "Do not forget that they are your
brothers"; at any rate when they are Muslims,
as some texts specify. — "God has given you the
right of ownership over them; He could have given
them the right of ownership over you". — "God
has more power over you than you have over them".
Thus the master is recommended not to show con-
tempt for his slave; not to say "my slave" but
"my boy, my servant" (v. supra), to share his food
with him, to provide him with clothing similar to
his own, to set him no more than moderate work,
not to punish him excessively if he does wrong,
to forgive him "seventy times a day", and finally
to sell him to another master if they cannot get
on well together.

Manumission is commended as a happy solution
in many cases and is suggested as a way for the
master to make amends for excessive chastisement of
his slave. It is recommended, in the same category

as alms-giving, at the time of an eclipse, and is
included among the various possible ways of expi-
ating a voluntary breaking of the fast of Ramadan
(the Kur'an prescribes no more than "the feeding of
a poor man": Ii, 184). A twofold reward in heaven
is promised to the man who educates his slavegirl,
frees her and marries her. A famous hadlth affirms:
"The man who frees a Muslim (v. 1. 'a believer')
slave, God will free from hell, limb for limb".

It is the duty of the slave, for his part, to give
loyal service. He is "the shepherd of his master's
wealth" and will be asked for an account of it in
the next world. His reward in paradise will be two-
fold if, in addition to performing the usual religious
obligations, he has the especial merit of having given
good advice to his master.

If the Kur'an and Tradition show a certain
tavouritism towards such slaves as are Muslims,
another direction is shown in hadiths forbidding the
keeping of male Arabs in slavery; they invoke a
decision to this effect said to have been given by
the caliph c Umar, in favour of disposing of instances
of slavery against the payment of a ransom, where
these were the result of "pre-Islamic practices" (see
especially Ibn Sallam, K. al-Amwdl, pp. 133-4).
Bibliography: Wensinck, Handbook, s.v.

3. FlIfH

Under the heading of fikh properly so-called, we
shall have recourse to the main provisions agreed
on by the great Sunni schools. Thereafter we shall
note very briefly some typical solutions adopted by
Imami Shi'ism.

a. — Apart from the occasionally operative distinct-
ion between Muslim and non-Muslim slaves, Muslim
law recognizes only one category of slaves, regardless
of their ethnic origin or the source of their condition.
The institution is kept going by only two lawful
means: birth in slavery or capture in war, and even
of these the latter is not applicable to Muslims, since
though they may remain enslaved they cannot be
reduced to slavery. Legally therefore, the only Mus-
lim slaves are those born into both categories or who
were already slaves at the time of their conversion
to Islam. Their number tends to diminish both
through emancipation, particularly recommended
in such cases, and through the following provision:
whereas the usual principle of Muslim law is that
the child assumes at birth his mother's status, free
or slave, an exception, of all the more importance in
view of its wide application, is made in favour of
the child born of a free man and a female slave be-
longing to him; such a child is regarded as free-born
(otherwise he would be his father's slave). What
this amounts to is that slavery could scarcely con-
tinue to exist in Islam without the constantly renewed
contribution of peripheral or external elements,
either directly captured in war or imported commer-
cially, under the fiction of the Holy War, from for-
eign territory (ddr al-harb).

It is pleasing to see that in the eyes of Muslim
jurists slavery is an exceptional condition: "The
basic principle is liberty" (al-afl huwa 'l-hurriyya).
Consequently, for the majority of them, the pre-
sumption is in favour of freedom ; on the whole they
have come down on the side of regarding as free
the foundling (lakit) whose origin remains unknown.
But it may fairly be stated that, despite the strict-
ness professed by certain doctors of the law, the
filth has never evolved an adequately clear system

of sanctions to suppress the kidnapping or sale of
free persons, Muslim or non-Muslim. Still less do
we see any positive denunciation of the practice
of castrating young slaves, although it was con-
demned in principle.

b. — On the juridico-religious level, the slave has a
kind of composite quality, partaking of the nature
both of thing and of person. Considered as a thing,
he is subject to the right of ownership — indeed it
is in this that the strict definition of slavery lies —
exercised by a man or woman, and he may be the
object of all the legal operations proceeding from
this position: sale, gift, hire, inheritance and so
on. In this respect he is "a mere commodity" (sil c a
min al-sila'). In the various classes of property
distinguished by the fikh, he generally ranks with
the animals and his lot is like theirs: the new-born
slave, for instance, is the "fruit" (ghalla) of his
mother, like the young of cattle, and belongs to her
master; in the theoretical treatises on public law,
the muhtasib is given the duty of ensuring that mas-
ters treat their slaves and their animals properly.
The slave may (as among the Romans and in Christ-
ian Europe) belong to two or more owners at the
same time: he is then said to be "held in common"
(mushtarak) ; such joint ownership gives rise to some
extremely complex legal positions, which provide
abundant material for the casuistry of the doctors.
Again, it should be noted that the law lays down
the amount of the reward which may be claimed
by the one who restores a runaway slave (dbik)

Yet the slave, even from the point of view of the
right of ownership, of which he is the object, is not
always treated exactly like other property. Malikl law,
for example, allows, in towns where it is the custom-
ary usage, an automatic guarantee of three days,
at the expense of the seller of the slave, against
any "faults" ( c uyub) in the latter (one year in the
case of madness or leprosy). The fact that a master
may legally have sexual relations with his female
slaves gives rise to a system of regulating these
relations, which has repercussions elsewhere on his
exercise of the right of ownership : thus a distinction
is sometimes drawn between costly female slaves,
intended for cohabitation, and ordinary female
slaves (e.g. Mudawwana, vi, 192 seqq., concerning
a clause of non-guarantee in sale), between female
slaves within and outside the prohibited degrees of
relationship to the interested party (e.g. in the
matter of the loan of consummation, kard, except
among the Hanafls, who forbid it with all living
things). Further, the regard for kinship has an even
more striking effect. It is forbidden to separate a slave
mother and her young child, up to about the age
of seven, by their becoming the property of different
different masters (a hadlth runs: "Whoever separates
a mother from her child, God will separate him from
his dear ones on the Day of Resurrection"), under
pain of nullity of the legal transaction; the Hanafls,
more reluctant to impose legal sanctions, brand
as "objectionable" the separating of a slave, not
yet arrived at puberty, from any close blood-relative
within the prohibited degrees, whether the latter is
of age or not. Emancipation follows automatically,
except in the ?5hiri school, when a slave becomes
the property of a very close relative: according to the
Shafi'is, only in the ascending and descending lines:
the Malikis add brothers and sisters too, while the
Hanafls extend the rule to all relatives within the
prohibited degrees. Religious affiliation is also taken
into account, inasmuch as non-Muslims cannot

keep Muslim slaves; they must either free them or
dispose of them to Muslim masters.

If the master fails to meet his moral obligation
of providing for the physical maintenance (nafaka)
of his slave, the law requires in the last resort that
the latter be sold, a solution also enjoined, except
by the Hanafls, in the case of animals. The Malikis
hold that emancipation is compulsory (cf. Exodus,
xxi, 26-7) when the master carries his ill-treatment
of his slave to the point of mutilation or disfigure-
ment. Later, when we come to deal with personal
rights, we shall meet with other instances of curtail-
ment of the absolute right of ownership, as of other
features of penal law.

c. — On the personal rights of the slave, that is, on
his juridico-religious competence, it is interesting to
see whether the classical jurists have ever attempted
a general theory that would bring out the principles
underlying the solutions scattered under the various
headings of fikh. One such attempt is to be found
in the works of the Hanafi al-Pazdawi (d. 482/1089),
commented on and imitated in the later treatises on
usul al-fikh ; the basic ideas, Hanafi of course, are as
follows {Usui, ed. Istanbul 1307 A.H., pp. 1401-1426):
slave-status is incompatible with "patrimonial
ownership" (malikiyyat al-mdl), whence it follows
for example, that the slave cannot take a concubine,
but is compatible with "non-patrimonial ownership"
(malikiyyat ghayr al-mdl), whence it follows, for
example, that the slave may marry. His status does
not debar the slave from administering property
and laying claim to the "possession" (yad) of it,
but is incompatible with the full exercise of the
higher legal faculties of the human being: his dhimma
(abstract financial responsibility) and his hill (free-
dom of action in sexual matters) are reduced, and
all wildydt (public or private offices of authority)
are forbidden to him. More recent works, of the type
of the Ashbdh wa-Nazd'ir by the Shafi'ite Suyiitl
and the Hanafite Ibn Nudjaym, merely give dry
and rather disjointed lists of the manifold rules
about what slaves may and may not do.
d. — The Muslim slave has a religious status (Hbdddt)
theoretically identical with that of his free coreli-
gionists (the contrary opinion is exceptional; e.g.
in one solitary MalikI, cf. Ibn Farhun, DibdaJ,
1329 268); but some derogations were more or
less inevitable on cenain points. Most authori-
ties hold that his dependence on a master absolves
him from the strict necessity of performing such
pious acts as involve freedom of movement : the Fri-
day prayer, pilgrimage, the Holy War. Another
consequence of this dependence is that the master
is responsible for the annual payment of his "alms
at the breaking of the fast" (zakdt al-fifr). The Muslim
slave-woman is not under as strict an obligation to
"hide her nakedness" (satr al- l awra) at the ritual
prayer as the free woman. The slave is not forbidden
to act as leader (imam) of congregational prayer,
although the Hanafls disapprove of the practice,
and some other authorities do not permit him to
become a salaried imam, or at any rate they prefer
a free man to hold the office, if one is available
of the required competence. The question of his
acting as imam at the midday prayer on Fridays
and the two canonical festivals is more debatable,
especially if this office is regarded as an emanation
from the public authority; even within the various
schools there is disagreement about whether or not
it is allowable. On. the whole, however, the affirm-
ative answer seems to have prevailed, except among
the Hanbalis. The slave is no more qualified to

hold a position of religious magistrature (judgeship,
hisba) than an official position of secular authority;
he is nevertheless acceptable as a subordinate officer
in the revenue department.

e. — In matters of law in the strict sense (mu'-dmaldt) ,
the slave's incompetence to act (hadjr) is assumed in
principle, but is not absolute. If he is a Muslim, the
fikh confirms and expressly states his competence to
contract a marriage, as clearly laid down in the Kur'an
(v. supra) ; but the master's consent is required both
for male and female slaves (according to the Ma-
likis, the male slave of full age may marry of his
own accord, but the master then has the right either
to ratify the marriage or to terminate it by repu-
diation) and it is the master who acts as "guardian
for matrimonial purposes" (wali) of his female slaves.
The master can even marry off by "compulsion",
(djabr ) a male slave, not yet of age, or a female slave
(the father of a family has a similar right over his
children); the schools of Abu Hanifa and Malik
concede him the same power over a male slave of
full age. The Hanbalis alone, on the other hand, hold
that the slave may insist on his master's marrying
him off. Notwithstanding reservations and restrictions
based on the words of the Kur'an, and in spite of
the customary requirement of "compatability"
(kafd'd) between the parties, the jurists admit and
lay down rules for marriage between Muslims of
whom one is a slave and the other free. We have
convincing evidence that, in the course of the cen-
turies, such unequal marriages occurred (to the
advantage to the slave, male or female, concerned)
more often than one might think. A slave wife, on
being emancipated, has the right to opt for divorce
if her husband is a slave and, according to the
Hanafls, even if he is free.

A Muslim cannot be the husband or wife of his
or her slave (nor even, some would add, of the slave
belonging to his or her son) ; there is an absolute in-
compatibility, for the same persons, between connu-
bium and ownership. In contradistinction to the other
rites, the Hanafls permit a Muslim, even a free Muslim,
to marry a Jewish or Christian slave-girl. The slave
is entitled to a maximum of two wives, except in
the MalikI view, which grants him four, just like
a free man. The Malikis are also alone in conceding
that a slave-wife has the right to share in her hus-
band's nights on equal terms with a free co-wife;
the other jurists allow her only one night in three.
The obligation, which is generally recognized as
incumbent on a slave-husband, to maintain his wife,
gives rise to various solutions if he is not legitimately
possessed of adequate means.

Although the majority of authorities deny that
the male slave of full age can contract a valid marri-
age of his own free will, yet all agree that he has
the husband's usual right of repudiation (taldk) as
he thinks fit. But in accordance with the general
tendency to reduce by one-half, in the case of the
slave, all figures prescribed for free men, he may only
take back his wife after one single formula of repu-
diation, instead of the two which the Koran (ii,
229) lays down as a maximum. Consequently a
twofold repudiation on his part has the same decisive
result as a threefold repudiation by a free man;
the Hanafls alone, who in the matter of repudiation
have more consideration for the woman than for
the man, apply this reduction if it is the wife who
is a slave, whether or not her husband is a free man.
The Hanafls also set themselves apart from the other
schools in not permitting the married male slave to
use the device of "cursing" (li'dn), instituted by the

Kur'an (xxiv, 6-9) to the advantage of the husband
who may accuse his wife of adultery with no legal

The "legal period of withdrawal" (Hdda) which
must be observed by widows or repudiated woman
(i£ur 3 5n, ii, 228, -234; lxv, 4) is also halved when
the woman in question is a slave: 1) two months
and five days for a widow, instead of four months
and ten days; 2) two menstrual or intermenstrual
periods (depending on the school) instead of three
(one could hardly say one-and-a-half) for the repu-
diated woman who is usually regular, except that
the Zahiris keep the figure at three; 3) one month
and a half for the repudiated woman who is not
usually regular, except according to the Malikis,
who oddly enough, as Averroes remarks (Biddya,
ed. 1935, ii, 93; tr. Lai'meche, 233-4), here hold
to the figure of three.

f. — Far more important in practice, on account of
its wide application and great bearing on social
life, is the system of legal concubinage. In fikh
as in the Kur'an, extramarital cohabitation is per-
missible only between a man and his own female
slave; he is forbidden to cohabit with a slave be-
longing to his wife, even with the latter's consent
(contrary to the Biblical custom), but indulgence
is shown if he has relations with a slave belonging
to his son. Co-owners of a female slave may not
cohabit with her, nor may a sole owner cohabit with
a married female slave. When the concubine {surriy-
ya) has a child by her master, she enjoys the title
of umm walad [q.v.\ and an improved status in that
she cannot be sold and becomes free on her master's
death (compare the Code of Hammurabi, para. 170;
but for the fluctuations in old Islamic practice see
J. Schacht, in E.I. > s.v., and The Origins of
Muhammadan Jurisprudence, Oxford, 1950, 264-6);
that child and any others she may subsequently
have are born free. There is no limit to the number
of concubines as there is to the number of wives,
but almost all the authorities teach that there are
the same bars to cohabitation as to marriage : natural
or acquired kinship, two sisters together, the woman's
professing a heathen religion.

With the especial aim of avoiding confusion over
parentage, in the absence of any initial ceremony
or Hdda, the jurists have prescribed a temporary ban
on sexual relations, in the case of a slave-woman, for
"verification of non-pregnancy" or istibrd', when for
any reason she becomes the property of a new master
or changes her status (emancipation, marriage).
If she is pregnant, this ban lasts till her confinement,
as with the Hdda ; if not, its duration is one menstrual
period. If she is not yet regular in her periods or
has ceased to be regular, the authorities differ: one
month or three months is the usual rule. Malikis
and Hanbalis make the seller of the slave-woman
share in the responsibility of the istibra'; the former
entrust her (muwdda'a) to the supervision of a
third person. There is considerable difference of
opinion on points of detail in the numerous cases
where the istibra' would appear to be no longer obli-
gatory, as serving no purpose; to avoid it, recourse
is had to certain devices of procedure, particularly
by the Hanafi devotees of "circumventions of the
law" (hiyal) (well-known anecdote of Harun al-
Rashid and the kadi Abu Yusuf, which has found its
way into the Arabian Nights).

The children born of legal concubinage are legi-
timate and, in the matter of succession to their
father's estate, are on the same footing as children
born in wedlock. But it is harder to establish legally

the paternity of a master, with all its legal and social
consequences, than that of a husband; besides, the
old 'Iraki jurists were loth to declare it officially if
there was no expression of willingness on the part
of the master concerned. The Hanafis too stand
apart from the other schools in not fathering a child
on the master unless the latter acknowledges it,
and in permitting him to disown it if there is a legal
presumption in favour of his paternity inasmuch
as the concubine is already umm walad. In the other
schools, the master of an unmarried female slave
is legally regarded as the father of her child, not
only if he acknowledges it as his own but also if
he makes an implicit admission of having had re-
lations with her, as is obviously the case if she is
already umm walad. It is open to him to deny pater-
nity only if cohabitation was manifestly impossible
within the — very wide — officially recognized limits
of the term of pregnancy, or if he takes an oath
that he put his concubine in istibrd' at least six
months before the date of the birth, and that he
has not cohabited with her since. The ascription of
paternity becomes complicated in such abnormal
situations as when two co-owners of a slave cohabit
with her during the same intermenstrual period,
or when two entitled parties in succession have had
relations with her without istibra'; recourse is then
had to the ruling of the "physiognomists" {kd'if
pi. kdfa), an ancient Arabian expedient difficult of
application at certain times. Failing this, the child
is left to choose for himself at puberty. Here again
the Hanafis stand alone in refusing to ratify this
archaic institution ; they prefer, if the decision proves
to be rationally impossible, to set up a kind of two-
fold paternity.

g. — Most authorities deny the slave-woman the
right of custody (haddna) over her children to which
the free woman is entitled, nor do they permit the male
slave to be a "guardian for matrimonial purposes"
(wall). The Shafi'i and Hanafi schools (who have
not ratified the partial tolerance of Abu Hanifa)
refuse to allow the slave to act as executor of a will
[wasi). The testimony (shahada) of a slave is not
admissible in court, except among the Hanbalis,
and even they do not accept it in connection with
the most serious punishable offences. His affirmation
(ikrdr) is generally accepted in matters affecting his
person (apart from restrictions imposed by certain
authorities) but not in matters of property.

h. — All the schools agree that the master can do
as he likes with property in the possession of his
slave and is at liberty to take it away from him.
In the eyes of third parties, the ordinary slave has
no patrimony of his own: his business activities,
which are severely restricted, are on behalf of his
master, who alone is financially competent to act.
Nevertheless the Malikis take up the remarkable
position (for an interesting justification see 'Abd
al-Wahhab, Ishrdf, i, 270) of recognizing the slave's
"ownership" (milk) of his peculium, whose source
is mainly from gifts or bequests which it is permis-
sible for him to accept on his own account, although
the ownership here is precarious and may not be
disposed of without consent. Two important conse-
quences of this doctrine are that, according to the
Malikis, the slave may lawfully have concubines
without giving rise to any theoretical difficulties,
and that on gaining his freedom he may keep his
peculium, unless his master has formally announced
his wish to retain it.

Finally, apropos of patrimony, there is quite a
common practice, known from remote Semitic anti-

quity and from the Classical world, which provides
the slave with a real, though not unrestricted, legal
competency: it consists in the master's putting his
slave in charge of a business or of certain specified
business dealings, entrusting him with a capital sum
where necessary. The slave is then said to be "au-
thorized" (ma'dhan or ma'dhan lah). The effects of
this "authorization" (idhn), which may nevertheless
be revoked, are conceived in more or less generous
terms by different jurists. The recipient always in
fact becomes relatively independent, so as to be
able to deal quite finely with third parties. The autho-
rities are well-nigh unanimous in not making the
master responsible for the debts of his "authorized"
slave; the Hanafis, followed with some hesitation
by the Hanballs, allow them to be recovered on the
"physical person" (rakaba) of the slave debtor, if
the capital at his disposal is inadequate; in other
words he may be sold to pay them. On the other
hand, the Malikis and Shafils recognize his "ab-
stract responsibility" (dhimma); the "obligation to
pay" (dayn) they leave standing to the account of
those creditors whom the assets are insufficient to
satisfy, while deferring the "exaction of payment"
(mufdlaba, "Haftung") till such time as the slave
is emancipated.

i. — It is in connection with punishments ( l ukubdt)
that the hybrid and indeterminate character of the
legal nature of the slave, who is simultaneously a
thing and a person of inferior status, breaks through
the complicated web of solutions presented by the
fifth. Here is a curious example, of an unusual kind
but mentioned as clearly showing this ambivalence:
the "legal compensation" (diya) for the foetus aborted
by a free woman is a young slave of either sex, tech-
nically known as ghurra, whereas the compensation
for victims duly born is reckoned in camels or money.

To what extent is the law of retaliation (kisds)
applied to slaves, on the basis of I£ur 3 an, ii, 178
(v. supra) ? In a case of intentional homicide it works
against the slave, whether the victim be bond or
free (if he is free, it is no doubt not precisely the idea
of retaliation which underlies the punishment);
but the schools object to putting a free man to death
for killing a slave, with the noteworthy exception
of the Hanafis (and also of that illustrious, albeit
somewhat dissident, Hanball, Ibn Taymiyya; cf.
Laoust, Essai, 418, 438), and even they exempt
the man who kills his own slave or one belonging
to his son. The Malikis are almost alone in con-
ferring on the victim's next-of-kin the ownership
of the guilty slave (again with a great many reser-
vations), to do with him as he pleases: he may put
him to death, keep him in slavery or set him free.
This may be a survival of an archaic solution, else-
where replaced by the simple choice, as in the case
of free men, between retaliation and compensation
according to the tariff. In cases of deliberate wound-
ing the Shafi'is apply retaliation between the same
persons as in cases of homicide; Malikis and Hanba-
Hs insist on equality of status, slave or free, between
the guilty party and his victim; the Hanafis forego
retaliation altogether.

What of the monetary compensation, according
as the slave is guilty of or is the victim of bloodshed ?
— 1) Slave victim: The compensation goes to the
master. The diya is the responsibility of the guilty
person alone, except that the Shafi'Is are undecided
whether or not to bring in the "group jointly respon-
sible for the bloodwit" ( c dkila), which is the Hanafi
rule in cases of homicide only. This diya is not
fixed, as for the free man, but is calculated, in the

event of death, on the market value (klma) of the
victim; the Hanafis alone set an upper limit to it,
namely the diya of a free man less a token reduction
of ten dirhams. If there is only wounding, of a type
specified in the tariff laid down by the Law for. a
free man, the majority of authorities hold that the
market value of the injured slave should be reduced
by the amount of the difference between the figure
shown in the legal scale for an identical wound and
the maximum compensation for a free man. The
Malikis and some Hanballs teach, though with cer-
tain reservations, that the sum paid should exactly
equal the depreciation in the market value of the slave.

2) Slave guilty: The majority of authorities give
the master the choice between surrendering the cul-
prit (daf-, noxalis deditio) and paying the appro-
priate diya. But the Shafi'is, followed by several
Hanballs, regard the diya as incumbent on the
"physical person" (rakaba) of the slave in question,
whom his master will therefore sell, and hand over
the price received in exchange for him, up to the
amount of the diya, unless he prefers to pay the
sum due without selling him.

The slave guilty of theft and the Muslim slave
guilty of apostasy are punished in the same way
as free men: by cutting off the hand in the former
case, by death in the latter, when the necessary
conditions for these punishments are fulfilled.

Fornication (zind) committed by a slave of either
sex does not legally involve the death penalty, in
consequence of the Kur'anic ordinance (t>. supra) and
because neither male nor female slaves are held
capable of acquiring the particular legal condition
of a muhsan(a) spouse, which the fikh restricts to
free persons who have consummated marriage and
which it regards as necessary before a death-sentence
can be imposed for a sexual offence. As laid down
in the Rur'an, the punishment is half of that decreed
(xxiv, 2) for the free person who is not muhsan(a) ;
viz. fifty lashes instead of one hundred, to which
some authorities would add the further penalty of
banishment. It should be noted that Hanafis and
Hanbalis refuse to regard as muttsan the spouse of
anybody who is not muhsan: so, according to them,
the husband or wife of a slaw cannot be executed
for adultery. As part of the general tendency to
mitigate the punishment for sexual offences involving
slaves, certain cases of unlawful cohabitation with
a female slave (e.g. by a co-owner or the master's
father) are not looked upon as zina.

Finally, the slave who is guilty of a "false charge
of fornication" (kadhf) against a free person is liable,
here again, to half the penalty decreed by the
Kur'an (xxiv, 4) against the slanderer who is free;
viz. forty lashes instead of eighty. But the slave who
is the victim of such a slander has no right at all
to any such satisfaction, since the Law, which to
a certain extent protects the person of the slave,
does not go so far as to regard him or her as a man
or woman of honour.

The vast field of the "arbitrary punishments"
(ta'azir), left to the judge's discretion, almost com-
pletely defies investigation through the study of
written sources. We are conscious of our inability
to make a sufficiently close study of how, in matters
of punishment, the slave's position really compares,
throughout history, with that of the free man, in
the eyes of the judicial authorities of Islam.

j. — The emancipation ( l «A, 'ataka, i'tdk) of the
slave is a work of piety ; it is a unilateral act on the
part of the master, consisting in an explicit or implicit
declaration; in the former case it is not necessary

i. In principle, emancipation cannot
be revoked, nor may the beneficiary refuse it. If,
however, instead of being immediate, it is to take
effect at some fixed future date or subject to certain
conditions, all authorities but the Malikls permit
the slave to be sold in the meantime. This destroys
the effect of the emancipation (except, some say,
if the slave is then re-acquired by his former owner).
The children of a female slave, born or unborn, as
a rule become free on her emancipation. The partial
enfranchisement of a slave by his sole master is
equivalent to his total enfranchisement (Abu Hanlfa
formulates a reservation, but is not followed by his
disciples). The question is more involved when the
slave is held in joint ownership and one of the owners
enfranchises him insofar as his own share is concerned ;
if this owner is well-to-do, the enfranchisement
is total and he will compensate his fellow-owners
for the value of their shares. If the emancipator
is not wealthy enough for this, the slave remains
"partial" (muba"ad), except according to the Hana-
fis, who free him and allow the other owners to re-
cover their share out of the income from his work
(si'-dya). There is another point on which the Hanafis
reject the solution readily accepted by the other
schools: they do not permit recourse to the drawing
of lots (kur'-a) to determine which of several slaves
is to be enfranchised when circumstances make it
necessary to choose ; their rejection of this procedure
dictates certain of their rulings.

A grant of enfranchisement with effect from the
master's death, a desirable practice for the Faithful
and one for which they have often shown partiality,
is known as tadbir, from the expression l an dubur'"
minni, "after me" (this is the view of the Malikls,
who inlist on a formula containing a word from the
root dbr). The Shafi'Is also apply the term to an
enfranchisement to take effect from a date after
the master's death, which for the other schools
would count as no more than a revocable testa-
mentary disposition. Tadbir itself is in principle ir-
revocable, in the eyes of all the authorities, but here
too the Shafi'is and Hanbalis allow it to be made
void by the sale of the mudabbar slave. The Hanafis
permit this only if the tadbir is limited (mukayyad)
by a condition connected with the emancipator's
death. It is permissible for a master to cohabit with
his mudabbara slave; and her children, except in
the dominant Shafi'i view, follow the condition of
their mother. On the master's death, the mudabbar,
being regarded as part of his estate, is subject to
the rule of the disposable third and on this rule
depends the manner of his effective liberation, which
is different for each school. Except according to
the Hanafis, he remains in slavery if the debts of
the deceased cannot be settled without selling him.

Contractual enfranchisement is of great doctrinal
and practical importance. It is recommended by
the Kur'an (xxiv, 33: the interpretation of the
text as implying a strict obligation has not generally
prevailed). It consists in the master's granting the
slave his freedom in return for the payment of sums
of money agreed between them. Some call this
conditional enfranchisement, according to others
it is ransom by the slave of his own person: a diver-
gence which entails solutions differing in detail.
The transaction is known in the Kur'an as kitdb,
the verbal noun of the third form. In the classical
language, no doubt to distinguish this from kitdb =
"letter, book", it has been replaced by its morpho-
logical equivalent muhdtaba or by kitdba.

Although the payments are usually spaced out

(munadidjama) and the majority of jurists regard
settlement by instalments as essential to the con-
tract, the Hanafis accept one single and immediate
payment; the Malikls are satisfied with one instal-
ment, while Shafi'Is and Hanbalis insist on a mini-
mum of two. The sums to be paid are of course de-
ducted from the peculium of the slave, who is ipso
facto "authorized" to engage in business; the granting
of kitdba to a female slave who has no honest source
of income is frowned upon. The mukdtab is set free
only when his payments are completed (on some
archaic divergences, see Schacht, Origins, 279-80).
But the master is forbidden to sell him in the mean-
time, except by the Hanbalis, who nevertheless
hold the purchaser to the terms of the contract of
enfranchisement. The Malikls give the master a
limited right to dispose in advance of the total of
the sums which the mukdtab undertakes to pay (they
are known as kitdba, like the contracts itself). Con-
cubinage with a "contractually emancipated female
slave" is unlawful. A grant of mukdtaba may be
superimposed on one of tadbir, to the same person's
advantage. When the mukdtab reaches the end of
his payments, a "rebate" (««') is usually accorded
to him, in compliance with the Kur'anic text: fixed
or discretionary, obligatory or merely recommended,
according to the different authorities.

k. — Once he has gained his liberty, the freedman
('atih, mu'tah) immediately enjoys the same full
legal capacity as the freeborn. But both he and his
male descendants in perpetuity remain attached to
the emancipator (muHik), and to his or her family,
by a bond of "clientship" or wold', a term equally
denoting the converse side of the relationship: "pa-
tronage". "Patron" and "client" are both referred
to as mawld (pi. mawdli) in relation to each other;
if necessary they are differentiated by means of
epithets: "higher" (al-aHa) for the former and "lo-
wer" (al-asfal) for the latter. The Hanafis alone main-
tain, besides this waW which originates in slavery,
a legal institution known as waW al-muwdldt between
free men, which is outside the scope of the present
discussion.

A saying, applied with slight variations in the
different schools, runs: "Patronage belongs to the
emancipator" (al-wald* li-man a l tah); it cannot be
made over to a third party by any negotiation or
shift at the moment of emancipation. The fikh,
moreover, which insists on assimilating patronage to
natural kinship (hadlth: dl-waW luhma ka-luftmat al-
nasab), has succeeded in making it inalienable and
untransferable, whereas cases of sale were not un-
known before and even under Islam (cf. Ahmad
Amln, Fadfr al-Islam, i, no; Schacht, Origins,
173). Nevertheless, on the strength of the peculiar
concept of "attraction of patronage" (diarr al-waW),
this right may be transferred in certain cases; for
example, from the immediate emancipator to the
one who emancipated him, or from the emancipator
of the mother to the subsequent emancipator of
the father, subject to certain conditions. Malikls
and Hanbalis sanction, not without much wavering,
and under very different final forms, an ancient
type of enfranchisement without patronage, known
as Htk al-sdHba in reference to the pre-Islamic custom,
condemned indeed in the Kur'an (v, 103), which
consisted in turning loose in complete freedom one
particular she-camel of the herd, protected by taboos.

The patron and his "agnates" (<asaba), or those
of the patroness, stand in the position of agnates,
except according to the Zahiris, to the emancipated
slave who has no natural agnates, particularly in

n with tutelage for purposes of matrimony
and with joint responsibility in penal matters. In
return, the property of the emancipated slave or
of his or her descendants in the male line who die
leaving neither priority heirs nor agnates, reverts
to the patron or patroness or to their agnatic heirs,
in accordance with a system of devolution (by suc-
cessive generations among the kin; maxim: al-
waW li-l-kubr) more archaic than in usual cases
of succession (see R. Brunschvig, in Revue Historique
de Droit, 1950). A woman is absolutely excluded
from this "inheritance of patronage" (mirdth al-
waW) : she can be patron only of her own freedmen
or the freedmen of the latter; her sons inherit the
patronage, while they are not counted among her
agnates for purposes of joint responsibility in penal
matters, a particularly conservative institution. One
ancient isolated opinion notwithstanding, the jurists
have not granted the freedman the right to inherit
the property of the patron who dies without heirs.
Bibliography: Apart from references in the
text, all the collections of hadith and treatises
on fikh, not forgetting the works on ikhtilaf.
Studies in European languages: Weckwarth, Der
Sklave im Muham. Recht, Berlin 1909, mentioned
for the sake of completeness; Abd Elwahed,
Contributions a une theorie sociologique de I'escla-
vage, Paris 1931, is more important, but biassed.
For the three main Sunnl schools only, see first
of all: D. Santillana, Istituzioni, i 2 , 141-160;
Juynboll, Handleiding ', 232-40, Bergstrasser-
Schacht, Grundziige, 38-42 ; and, for penal law, L.
Bercher, Les delits et les peines de droit commun pre-
vus par leCoran, Tunis 1926, passim. On the Malik!
view of paternity in legal concubinage, Lapanne-
Joinville, in Revue Marocaine de Droit, 1952.
1. — The strictly juridical statute of slavery among
the Imami Shi'ites, for which one may refer to the
classic work of al-Hilll, ShardV al-Isldm (tr. Querry,
2 vols., Paris 1871-2) is indicative of attitudes some-
times considerably removed from the great Sunnl
principles. Among the solutions it offers we shall
confine ourselves to the following, as being parti-
cularly revealing of some interesting legal or social
viewpoints.

The child born in wedlock does not follow the
status of his mother, bond or free, but failing any
stipulation to the contrars', is born free if either of
his parents is free. If both are slaves but not of the
same master, he belongs jointly to the masters of
both parents. The master of a female slave may
grant a third party the "use" of her, for purposes
of work or sexual relations. There is a great deal
of controversy about the permissibility of manumit-
ting a non-Muslim slave; on the other hand it is
recommended that the Muslim slave should be
freed after seven years' service (compare with
Exodus, xxi, 2; Deut., xv, 12). Manumission is of
right, according to most authorities, when the
slave is mutilated by the master, as the Malikis
hold, or if he is smitten with blindness, leprosy or
paralysis in the course of his slavery. The concu-
bine who has borne a child is not automatically freed
on her master's death unless her child is still alive;
her value is then deducted from this child's share
of the inheritance. Enfranchisement with effect from
a master's death may be revoked, just like a legacy;
it does not prevent sale of the slave, which is tanta-
mount to a revocation. Contractual enfranchisemen}
is of two kinds: "conditional", which leaves in total
slavery the slave who defaults in his debts, as among
the Sunnis; "unconditional", which gives the slave

his freedom in proportion to the amount he pays.

In penal law, there is no retaliation on the freeman
for the murder of a slave. The wall of a freeman
killed by a slave can, as in MalikI law, claim the
possession of the guilty slave. The diya of the slave-
may not exceed (whereas the Hanafls say: amount
to) that of a free person of the same sex.

Some of these provisions show an independent
development of doctrine, while others clearly echo
ancient solutions which the Sunnis as a whole have
not retained (see two examples in J. Schacht, Origins y
265, 279).

The Practice of Slavery
A) In the Middle Ages

Throughout the whole of Islamic history, down
to the 19th century, slavery has always been an
institution tenacious of life and deeply rooted in
custom. The Turks, who were to come to the relief
of the Arabs in the victorious struggle against Christi-
anity, seem to have practised it but little in their
primitive nomadic state (Ucok, in Revue Historique
de Droit franfais, 1952, 423): after providing for
so long their unwilling quota, through kidnapping
or purchase, to the slave class of the Muslim world,
they became themselves supporters of the institution
in an ever-increasing degree, as they adopted Islam
and the sedentary way of life.

The wars of conquest, which, after the fulgurous
expansion of Islam in the first century of the hidjra,
continued throughout the Middle Ages to further
its spread in one direction or another despite set-
backs elsewhere, provided the conquerors with an
almost ceaseless stream of prisoners of both sexes,
many of whom remained in slavery. Even in those
places where the frontiers of the ddr al-Isldm were, for
the time being, established, armed raids into enemy
country, organized by the central power or individual
groups, continued to put into practice the principle
of the "Holy War", when no official truce or mo-
mentary alliance happened to be in force; and these
raids brought back captives. Piracy in the Mediter-
ranean, coupled with the privateering war from which
it was often barely distinguishable, both augmented
by grim razzias against the Christian seaboard, con-
tributed to the supply of slaves to the adjacent Mus-
lim lands, to an extent which varied at different
periods but was always considerable.

Mediterranean Christendom, from Spain to By-
zantium, paid this aggressive Islam in its own coin,
by land and by sea. A curious chapter in the economic
and social history of these Christian countries is
afforded by the periodic influxes to their territory
of "Moors" or "Saracens", reduced to slavery, then
closely watched, employed as labourers, sometimes
escaping or being ransomed but usually blending,
little by little, into the local population, after their
slow conversion to Christianity (see Ch. Verlinden's
detailed study, in L'Esclavage dans le monde iberique
medieval, in Anuario Historia Derecho Espanol, 1934;
idem, on Catalonia, in Annates du Midi, 1950, and
his useful bibliography, for various countries, in

Studi G. Luzzatto, Milan, 1949, while awaiting

his book on L'Esclavage dans VEurope Medievale;
due to appear in 1954; interesting documentation
on one particular society is to be found in A. Gonzalez
Palencia, Los Mozdrabes de Toledo en los siglos XII
y XIII, Madrid 1930, prel. vol., 242-6; on the quasi-
ritual invitation of Muslim captives to the Emperor
of Constantinople's banquet, in the 10th century,
see M. Canard, in Vasiliev, Byzance et les Arabes,
vol. ii, part 2, Brussels 1950, 387-8).

It sometimes happened, admittedly on a restricted
scale, that Muslims made slaves of other Muslims.
This was the case, for example, when members of
fanatical sects regarded the rest of mankind as beyond
the pale of Islam and consequently did not scruple
to attack them and, if they spared their lives, to
keep them in captivity. There was an exceptional
instance in 1077, when thousands of women of a
revolted Berber tribe were publicly sold in Cairo.
What happened more frequently, on the borders of
Muslim states, was that official or private razzias
against populations still largely pagan carried off
indiscriminately human beings, particularly children,
who might belong to Islam. With the spread of
Islam in negro Africa and the intensification of
Moroccan pressure in this direction, beginning in
the last centuries of the Middle Ages, the question
of the legality of subsequent sales had to be put
to some great jurists; they answered circumspectly,
giving the dealers the benefit of the doubt as to
the origin of individuals offered for sale (in 15th
century, al-WansharisI, Mi'ydr, vol. ix, 171-2,
tr. Archives Marocaines, xiii, 426-8; towards 1600,
Ahmad Baba of Timbuktu, quoted in P. Zeys, Escla-
vage et guerre sainte, Paris 1900).

The import of slaves by peaceful means tended,
from an early date, to compete with the forcible
method. Slaves were included in the well-known
ba£t [q.v.] (Latin pactum!) or annual Nubian tribute,
unquestionably a continuation of an ancient tradi-
tion, which was furnished to Egypt well-nigh regu-
larly for many hundreds of years. But, in the ordinary
course of events, it was trade that brought a plentiful
flow of slaves from outside into the markets of
the ddr al-Isldm. The slavers' caravans went into
the heart of Africa or of Asia to acquire their human
merchandise, bought or stolen; on the Dark Conti-
nent, the slaving propensities and internal struggles
of the natives facilitated the business of the dealers.
Not only Negroes and Ethiopians, Berbers and Turks
were the objects of this international trade; there
were in addition, chiefly in the early Middle Ages,
various European elements, above all, the "Slavs",
whose name has given rise to our term "slave"
and has also been extended in Arabic (Sakdliba)
to cover other ethnic groups of central or eastern
Europe, their geographical neighbours. The traffic
-was carried on by sea as well as by land; the Red
Sea has never ceased to provide a way from Africa
to Arabia; the Mediterranean, with its appendage
the Black Sea, offers a route, that has always been
frequented, from Christian or pagan Europe to the
Muslim world. Certain ports seem to have had a
bigger share than others, at various times, in the
reception of this merchandise: Almeria in Muslim
Spain, Farama and later Alexandria in Egypt.
Darband (Bab al-A bwdb), on the shores of the Caspian,
•was from quite an early date a very busy frontier-
market for slaves, as were Bukhara and Samarkand
in the interior.

From the middle of the 8th century, the Venetians,
to the great indignation of the Papacy, began then-
career as purveyors of slaves — sometimes Christian —
to the Islamic lands. In the 9th and 10th centuries,
Jewish merchants played an important part in the
traffic of "Slavs" across central and western Europe
(including a celebrated eunuch-"factory" at Verdun)
and their distribution throughout Islam (the famous
passage from Ibn Khurradadhbih on the Radhaniyya
is reproduced and translated by Hadj-Sadok, in Bibli-
othique arabe-francaise, vi, Algiers 1949, 20-3). At a
later date, the Mamluks of Egypt, with the consent

of the Byzantine emperor, imported new slaves, to
serve or to replace them, from the Genoese or Venetian
trading-posts of the Crimea or the Sea of Azov.

Even within the Muslim world, there were consi-
derable movements of slaves, of every racial origin,
in the Middle Ages; tribute sent to the caliphs by
provincial governors and vassal amirs, or commercial
traffic. We do not know all the details of the or-
ganization of this traffic, but we are acquainted with
certain aspects of it. Every big town had its public
slavemarket, which in some countries was called
the "place of display" (ma'rid). The one at Samarra,
in the 9th century, is described as being a vast
quadrilateral, with internal alleys and onestorey
houses, containing rooms and shops (al-Ya'kubl,
Bulddn, 260 = tr. Wiet, Cairo 1937, 52). The slave-
merchant, who was known as "importer" (dialldb)
or "cattle-dealer" (nakhkhds), inspired at the same
time contempt for his occupation and envy for his
wealth: he used in fact to draw huge profits, often
through clever faking of his merchandise, if he did
not actually hoodwink the unsophisticated customer
in a quite outrageous fashion. Some remarkable
details in this connection are to be found from
the pen of the eastern Christian doctor Ibn Butlan,
towards the middle of the nth century (see Mez,
Renaissance, 156-7) and in the writings of the con-
scientious Muslim al-Sakatiof Malaga, towards 1 100
(Manuel de Ifisba, ed. Colin and Levi-Provencal,
Paris 1931, 47-58).

I do not consider that it would serve any useful
purpose here to quote selling-prices, particularly if
the prices in question are exceptional. Such figures
have no real meaning unless subjected' to criticism
and compared with the commercial value of other
commodities — a study which has yet to be made and
the materials for which, it seems, could be assem-
bled with no great difficulty. But it is already clear
and well-known that there were differences in the
same market as between the various categories of
slave, according to their place of origin, their sex,
age, physical condition and abilities; these diffe-
rences seem vast in the case of choice items, parti-
cularly females: young, handsome, talented. As a
rule, whites were worth more than blacks; the as-
cending order of value among them, in nth-century
Spain, was: Berbers, Catalans, Galicians. At Alexan-
dria, in the 15th century, Tartars and Circassians
were prized above Greeks, Serbs and Albanians.
An elementary and traditional kind of comparative
psycho-physiology decides the typical qualities and
defects assigned, in popular lore, to representatives
of the various races and, in consequence, the func-
tions for which they are considered best suited. Ber-
ber women, for instance, are esteemed for housework,
sexual relations and childbearing; negresses are
thought to be docile ("one would say they born
for slavery"), robust and excellent wet-nurses; Greek
women may be trusted to look after precious things;
Armenian and Indian women do not take kindly
to slavery and are difficult to manage.

Almost all female slaves are destined for domestic
occupations, to which may be added, when they
are physically attractive, the gratification of the
master's pleasures. Herein indeed lies the commonest
motive — lawful in Muslim eyes — for their purchase.
Those of them who show an aptitude for study may
be given a thorough musical or even literary edu-
cation, by the slave-dealer or a rich master, and
beguile by their attainments the leisure hours of high
society (the slave-girl musician is called fyayna).

Some again are found here and there given over to
prostitution, despite the Kur'anic prohibition.

Male slaves have a wider range of duties, from the
beginning of their captivity. A great number form
the personal bodyguards or the enormous slave-mili-
tias, black or white, frequently in rivalry, which
speedily reinforce or replace the Arab, Berber and
Iranian fighting-men. This military function was the
chief reason for the Egyptian and North African
recruitment of slaves in the land of the negroes and
for the introduction into 'Irak, by the caliphs of
Baghdad, of Turkish slaves, employed in the same
way by the Samanids of Bukhara (details on their
formation and career in Nizam al-Mulk, Siydset-
nama, ed. tr. Schefer, Paris 1891-3, 95/139 f.).
But certainly the most remarkable regime in this
respect, remarkable both for the extent of the phe-
nomenon and for the great ethnic variety of white
warrior-slaves involved in it, must have been that
of the Mamluks [?.».].

Other male slaves have domestic duties — some-
times of a questionable nature — in the homes of
people of moderate means, as well as in those of the
great. Among them were the eunuchs who, chiefly
on the model of Byzantium, filled the palaces of
the caliphs, the amirs and all the nobles, at first
as guardians of the harim. They are rarely referred
to by their specific appellation of "castrate" {khafi)
or "eunuch" (tawdsk'"); they are more usually des-
ignated by a neutral term: "servant" (khadim), or,
as a mark of high honour, "master" in the sense of
"teacher" (ustddh; see Canard, Histoire d'ar-Rddi,
Algiers 1946, 210), which also indicates the function
performed by some of them. In the early Middle
Ages, the proportion of "Slavs" among the eunuchs
imported and then re-exported by Muslim Spain
was so high that $ilflabi (var. silflabi) was often used
there in the sense of "eunuch" (Dozy, Suppl., i,
663). In the 9th century, the illustrious writer al-
PJahiz states that the majority of white eunuchs in
'Irak were "Slavs", and in the course of the remarkable
essay which he devotes to the effects of castration on
men, he asserts that in these "Slavs", as opposed to
the blacks, the operation encourages the development
of all the natural aptitudes (al-fiayawdn, Cairo 1938,
i, 106 seqq., tr. Asin Palacios in Isis, 1930, 42-54). For
the following century, interesting details are to be
found in the work of the geographer Makdisi, on
the categories of eunuchs and the processes of cas-
tration (re-ed. Pellat, Algiers 1950, 56-9; see also
Ibn Hawkal, i, no). Whereas the blacks were usually
submitted to a complete and barbarous amputation,
"level with the abdomen", as the later expression
ran, the whites, who were operated on with a little
more care, retained the ability to perform coitus
(this distinction is also vouched for in modern times) ;
some of them took concubines or even wives, as the
Hanafi school allowed.

Outside the house, many slaves served as assistants
in business, or carried on business themselves, in
accordance with their legal position, with a conside-
rable measure of independence. Others cultivated
their masters' fields. Examples are found of monu-
mental building-works carried out by slave-labour,
especially by prisoners-of-war in government ser-
vice. But it must be emphasized that mediaeval
Islam seems scarcely to have known the system of
large-scale rural exploitation based on an immense
and anonymous slave labour-force. One big attempt
along these lines, carried out by the c Abb5sids in
order to revivify the lands of 'Irafc, the centre of their
empire, ended, during the second half of the 9th
Encyclopaedia of Islam

D 33

century, in the prolonged and terrible revolt of the
Zandj [q.v.] slaves, who had been imported from
the eastern coast of Africa to bring the swamps of
Lower Mesopotamia under cultivation.

The vast majority of slaves therefore escaped the
system of collective forced labour, which condemns
a man to one of the most distressful of all existences.
This does not mean that they were one and all
contented with their lot; the number of runaways,
which seems very high at certain periods, would
indicate the reverse. But setting aside the suffering
caused by the slave traffic (all the more if castration
was performed), and taking into account the general
harshness of the times, the condition of the majority
of slaves with their Muslim masters was tolerable
and not too much at variance with the quite liberal
regulations which the official morality and law had
striven to establish. Despite the obvious points of
inferiority, it was even known for them to attain
happy and enviable positions, in material prosperity
and influence, especially in rich and highly-placed
families and, even more, in the immediate entourage
of the sovereign. They had, in addition, the prospect
of liberation, which it was not always overbold to
hope for.

This liberation, in the case of prisoners-of-war
or victims of razzias by land or sea, might result
from negotiations between the powers concerned:
an exchange of captives or restoration in return for
a ransom. History is full of such negotiations, some-
times futile, sometimes crowned with success, be-
tween Christian and Muslim states. Many were the
captives ransomed, in both directions, thanks to
collections of an official nature, but also more and
more by ordinary individuals. In the latter case,
Jews often played a useftil Dart as go-betweens;
in Spain they were sometimes referred to as "al-
faqueques" (Ar. fakhdh, "liberator"). Further, great
Catholic religious Orders, organized for the most
part since the end of the 12th century and the be-
ginning of the 13th, devoted themselves to succouring
and ransoming their co-religionists who were cap-
tives in Muslim countries: in discharging this duty,
Trinitarians and Mercedarians were to have a long
and fruitful career, which their eulogists, ancient and
modern, have regrettably deemed it necessary to em-
bellish still further by means of exaggerated figures.

Also worthy of consideration, for their number
and for their effects on Muslim society, were the
compulsory manumissions, under the conditions
imposed by the Law, of concubines who had borne
children, as well as the voluntary manumissions of
slaves of both sexes, especially Muslims, by their
Muslim masters. Thus apostasy was rendered at-
tractive for Christians; though not, as a rule, im-
posed on them, it was insistently suggested. We
have already said that enfranchisement is an act
of piety, widely practised; it is frequently the result
of a vow or oath (conditional oath, expiation for a
violated oath). The beneficiary ranks unreservedly
as a free man or woman ; the bond of clientship which
continues to exist, and whose existence is felt, pre-
sents not so much a slight moral derogation as an
inestimable advantage in the reality of a highly
compact social structure. From 'Abbasid times on-
ward, more than one freedman rose very high in-
deed in the military and political hierarchy, even
to the most exalted ranks to which a free Muslim
might attain. Their very names, which they conti-
nued to bear, betraying to the world their former
servitude and even their irremediable condition as
eunuchs (some of them commanded armies), were

no obstacle to such a rise. In the 4th/ioth century,
such men as Mu'nis in Baghdad and the negro Kafur in
Egypt afford a remarkable illustration of the system.
A number of Muslim dynasties, in Spain as well
as in Egypt and the heart of Asia, have an avowedly
servile origin. A Turkish "slave" dynasty reigned at
Dihll in the 13th century [see dihl! sultanate). The
"mamluk" sultans of Cairo actually made such an
origin a condition of coming to power, through a
recognized cursus. honorum (see G. Wiet, in Hanotaux,
Histoire de la Nation Egyptienne, vol. iv, 1937, 393-5 ;
D. Ayalon,L' Esclavage du Mamelouk, Jerusalem 1951,
and mamlOks). As for maternal ancestry, reigning
sovereigns almost everywhere, including the 'Abbasid
caliphs, were commonly sons of slave concubines, of
widely varying provenance.

It is therefore easy to imagine the importance of
slavery in that mingling of populations to which
Muslim institutions have been so favourable. The
number of new slaves introduced into the great
cities in certain years could be reckoned in thou-
sands ; the slave element formed a considerable part
of the urban population and had a marked tendency
to blend with it, not only through enfranchisement
but also through sexual intermixing, which was
commonplace. Crossbreeding with blacks may have
had ethnological consequences, which it is not within
our competence to analyse. The slave-trade was of
prime importance in economic life; the taxes im-
posed on it were a source of profit to the authorities.
Although slave-labour was for the most part em-
ployed in household duties and was not generally
applied to productive work, yet the military function
of large numbers of male slaves was one of the salient
features of this civilization, and had repercussions
on the foreign and domestic policies of many mediae-
val states (see M. Canard, on a treaty between Byzan-
tium and Egypt in the 13th century, in Melanges
Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Cairo 1935-45, 197 S-)-

Bibliography : In addition to references in
the text: Le Strange, 184, 429, 437, 459, 487;
Mez, Renaissance, 152-62; Heyd, Histoire du com-
merce du Levant au moyen dge, Leipzig 1885-6,
ii. 555-63 and passim; Schnaube, Handelsgeschichte

der roman. Vblker Munich-Berlin 1906, 22-3,

102, 272 and passim; Ch. Verlinden, L'Esclavage
dans I'Espagne musulmane, Anuario de Historia
del Derecho espanol, 1935, 361-424 ; Levi-Provencal,
L'Espagne Musulmane au Xe siecle, Paris 1932,
29, 191-3; idem, Histoire de I'Espagne musulmane,
vol. iii; R. Brunschvig, La Berberie orientate sous
Us Ha/sides, i, 450-1, 454-8.

B) In the Modern Period

The practice of slavery among the Muslims seems
to have undergone no radical changes during the
modern period, down to the last century. The main
sources and the mediaeval routes of the slave-trade
were modified only to a limited extent by the
disappearance of Islam from Spain and on the
other hand its expansion or consolidation in the
Balkans, India and Indonesia. Far more considerable
must have been the effect of the position adopted
by European Christendom; having almost entirely
suppressed slavery on its own ground, it must have
ceased to contribute to the commercial supply of
white human merchandise long before it adopted the
worldwide policy of abolitionism, whose effects are
still perceptible in our own days. Christendom never-
theless busied itself with supplying its American
colonies with African negroes, thrown into cruel

bondage. Among these unfortunates, Muslims seem
to have been particularly numerous in Brazil, where
from 1807 to 1835 they fomented the great slave
revolts, rigorously quelled, which shook Bahia
(on their cultural influence and their disappearance,
sec R. Ricard and R. Bastide, in Hesperis for 1950
and 1952 respectively). In the Mediterranean, where
the corsairs and "Barbary" pirates continued their
ravages, perhaps to an even greater extent, after the
establishment of Ottoman supremacy (see 0. Eck, See-
rauberei im Mittelmeer, Munich-Berlin 1940), the bor-
dering Christian powers retaliated almost down to
the end of the 18th century, as they had done pre-
viously, by numerous captures. In this work the
Knights of Malta took an active part: during the
first half of the century, they sold to the French
navy the men it needed as rowers on the galleys.
More than ten thousand Muslim slaves attempted
a revolt on the island in 1749; Bonaparte liberated
the two thousand Barbary slaves whom he found
there in 1798 (see Godeschot and Emerit, in R.Afr.,
1952, 105-13)-

On the lot of Christian captives or slaves in the
hands of the Barbary corsairs, there is abundant
European documentation; perhaps even too abun-
dant, in view of its not being always of good quality.
If Cervantes' captivity at Algiers is a matter of
certainty and had a felicitous result on his work,
that of St. Vincent de Paul at Tunis is scarcely plau-
sible. The information provided in what might be
termed the classic accounts of the subject, such as
those of Friar Haedo or Father Dan (17th century,
the heyday of the corsairs), must be carefully checked
against other data, preferably derived, where possible,
from consular archives (for all aspects of slavery at
Algiers, see the solid study by H. D. de Gramont,
in Revue Historique, 1884-5, to be supplemented by
Venture de Paradis, ed. Fagnan, Algiers 1898, and
Lespes, Alger, Paris 1930, ii, chaps. 3-5; for Tu-

of t

by J. Pignon in R.T., 1930;
cent publication, Garcia Navarro, Redenciones de
cautivos en Africa, ed. Vazquez Pajaro, Madrid 1946).
It is important to distinguish particularly between
slaves held to ransom, who were rich and well-
treated, and the slave workers, whose widely-varying
destinies might hold in store for them a bitter life
in the galleys, or wretched toil in the countryside,
or an often much easier life in or just outside the
city. Barbary at that time abounded in "matamores"
(Ar. matmura: "silo") and "bagnios" (Ital. bagno:
"bath") in which the slaves were penned. The At-
lantic itself was scoured by the Moroccan corsairs,
from their base at Rabat-Sale (see Penz, Les capti/s
francais du Maroc au XVIIe siecle, Rabat 1944).
As in the Middle Ages, the liberationist religious
Orders and the Jews took an active part in procuring
releases by ransom. Renegades attained high positions
in the fleet or in the army. But at the beginning
of the 19th century, after a slow decline that was
hastened by increased pressure on the part of the
European powers, the number of Christian captives
was considerably diminished. At the time of the
French conquest in 1830, Algiers had no more than
1 22, as against several thousands two centuries earlier.
North Africa remained an outlet for the traffic in
negroes, on the other hand, right down to the French
occupation. In this traffic Morocco played a pre-
ponderant part, especially at that period in the
second half of the 17th century, when the sultan
Mulay Isma'il raised a veritable army of negroes
and half-breeds ('abid al-Bukhdri, in consequence

of the oath they took on this collection of "authen-
tic" traditions; see H. Terrasse, Histoire du Maroc,
ii, Casablanca 1950, 256-7). Black slaves of both
sexes continued to be imported into Morocco until
well into the 20th century, with some pretence at
secrecy since the open traffic from Timbuktu and
public sale (the fairs of SidI Ahmad u-Musa on the
southern borders; at Fez and Rabat the special mar-
ket was called birka, as in Tunisia) had become im-
possible. It should be pointed out how much their
presence colours the family and social life of the
cities (see R. Le Tourneau, Fis avant le Protectorat,
Casablanca 1949, 200-3, with references; and, under
the Protectorate, J. and J. Tharaud, Fez ou les
bourgeois de I'Islam, Paris 1930, 17-43).

Towards 1810, a competent observer, Dr Louis
Frank, made a special study of the importation
of slaves at Tunis {L'Univers Pittoresque, Tunis,
115 seqq.) as he had done in Egypt ten years pre-
viously under Bonaparte (his Memoire sur U commerce
des nigres au Kaire, Paris 1802). The general or-
ganization of the traffic, the focus of which was
public sales, recorded in writing, was much the same
in both places, with the difference that whereas
Cairo was supplied solely by big caravans (two annual,
one from Sennar and one from Darfur — see also
J. S. Trimingham, Islam in the Sudan, Oxford 1949,
passim — , and one biennial, from Bornu or Fezzan),
Tunis used to receive some isolated consignments,
apart from one big caravan every year from Fezzan
or beyond (see also J. Despois, Geographic humaine
du Fezzan, Paris 1946, 35-7, with references): an
annual total of some three thousand for Cairo and
one thousand for Tunis. In the latter city the male

or chief eunuch of the bey, while the negresses had
"a forewoman to rule and protect them." In Egypt,
the mortality of these negroes was high; in Tunis,
according to Dr. Frank, their infants survived only
if they were of mixed blood (on the blacks in present-
day Tunisia, see Zawadowski, in En terre d'Islam,
1942). In the time of Muhammad c Ali, towards
1835, the Egyptian army used to make up its strength
by yearly razzias from bases in Darfur and Kor-
dofan; it would enrol the sturdiest of the captives
and hand the rest over to the inhabitants of those
provinces and to the dealers, some of whom were
themselves black converts to Islam (see T. F. Buxton,
De la traite des esclaves en Afrique, French tr.,
Paris 1840, 70-5)-

The moral and social condition of slaves in an
urban environment, in the 19th century, seems to
have been fairly uniform in such diverse cities as
Tunis, Cairo and Mecca (a great centre for the traffic
on the occasion of the annual pilgrimage). White
slaves had become rare since the beginning of the
century; they were expensive and in little demand
except by exalted personages or rich Turks; white
female slaves were preferably Caucasians, famed for
their beauty. Arabia could muster a small number
of Indonesians. The bulk of the slaves were black,

but ii

the e

Ethiopians, who were paler and more highly prized,
and negroes in the strict sense. Eunuchs were im-
ported already castrated; in Mecca, the majority
of them were in the service of the mosques. All
the European writers lay stress on the good treat-
ment these blacks customarily received at the hands
of their town-dwelling masters, in contrast to the
dreadful conditions of their capture and subsequent
transportation under the lash of the Arab or Arabi-
cized slavers. They readily adopted Islam and be-

'D 35

came deeply attached to it (some even thanked God
for having led them to the true Faith through their
captivity: Doughty, ArabiaDeser ta', i, 554-5), though
their new faith did not prevent them from performing
their traditional songs and dances, or even their
African rites of exorcism (the zar[q.v.]; see Triming-
ham, op.cit., 174-7; similar facts in Barbary). They
formed, one may say, part of the family and, especially
as concubines, the slave-girls came to be of one blood
with it. Enfranchisements were usual, but it was not
unknown for a concubine who had borne a child to
seek from her master a denial of paternity, since
there were more advantages for her in remaining a
slave than in marrying and running the risk of re-
pudiation (see especially Lane, Manners arid Customs,
London 1895, 147, 168, 194-7; Burckhardt, Voyages
en Arabic, French tr., Paris 1835, i, 251-2; Snouck
Hurgronje, Mekka, ii (The Hague 1889), 11-24, 132-6).
It is therefore not surprising that, round about i860,
the Swiss Henry Dunant, founder of the Red Cross,
who knew Tunisian society, laid great stress on the
customary mildness of urban servitude among the
Muslims, as compared with the methods of American
slave-holders.

At the end of the 18th century, Mouradgea d'Ohs-
son, to whom we owe so much of our information
on the structure of the Ottoman empire, declared:
"There is perhaps no nation where the captives,
the slaves, the very toilers in the galleys are better
provided for or treated with more kindness than
among the Mohammedans" {Tableau general de
I'empire othoman, iv/i, 381).

Under the sultans of Constantinople, slavery
perpetuated the mediaeval traditions of the Islamic
peoples: it furnished domestics, concubines, officials
and soldiers. For the use of private persons, for ex-
ample, the slave-dealers (esirciler), who were under
the supervision of a kdhya, had at their disposal
a public building in the capital, not far from which
lived the expert matrons who acted as go-betweens
if the purchasers so desired. Every slave, after passing
the frontier, had a document of civic status bearing
his name, which remained as a title-deed in the
hands of his successive owners. People of quality, who
imitated the court on a reduced scale, had harims
of close on a hundred slave-women. The sultan's
harim numbered several hundred, classified in a
strict hierarchy of five ranks, only the two highest
of which (those of kadtn, "lady" and, below them,
of gedikli, "privileged"), were attached to the person
of the sovereign. Some of the women of the highest
rank were former slaves whom the sultan had freed
and subsequently married informally. Although for
many years none of the sultan's wives had been
freeborn, these former slaves had no difficulty in
wielding very great influence at court. Besides this
female element, there lived at the seraglio numerous

kish also uses in this sense the Arabic khddim >
hadlm). The black eunuchs, under the "agha of the
girls" (Hzlar agasf), vied with the white eunuchs,
under the "agha of the gate" (kapi agasi) for pre-
cedence and power; in the upshot it was the former
who carried the day. Finally we must note the
importance in all public services, civil and military,
of slaves of various origins, "slaves of the gate"
(kaplkullarl), who, often converted to Islam of their
own accord and enfranchised, attained the most
desirable posts. From the 15th century, when the
number of white slaves brought in by war and pur-
chase had dwindled, almost down to the middle
of the 17th century, there functioned the system,

contrary to the Sacred Law, of devsirme [see dew-
shirme], or forced enrolment of young Christians of
the empire, mainly from the Balkans, as slaves of the
government. These involuntary yet devoted servants
of the Porte used to receive a training suited to their
abilities; the most gifted would enter the palace or
the higher administration ; the rest were turned over
to the navy or various military corps, including the
Janissaries, whose brilliant reputation was due to
them (see M. d'Ohssbn, op. cit., vi and vii, and
H. A. R. Gibb and H. Bowen's solid and well-
documented Islamic Society and the West, i/i, Oxford
1950, 42-4, 56-60, 73-82, 329-33).

Further east, in modern Persia, it is essentially
in the domestic form that slavery has been practised.
There one meets with the general characteristics
already noted: usually good treatment, integration
in the family, ease of enfranchisement, with some
modifications belonging to Imami Shi'ite law
(v. supra). Seventeenth-century European travellers
were struck by the high number of eunuchs and the
power they had, both at the Safawid court and in
the houses of the great; according to Chardin (Voy-
ages en Perse, Amsterdam 171 1, ii, 283-5) there
were some 3,000 of them in the service of the sove-
reign, while the nobles and even rich private citizens
had staffs of eunuchs. They were given the considerate
appellation of "tutor, master" (khpdia, equivalent to
ustddh which we have met above). Their purchase price
was extremely high; the majority were white and
came mostly from the Malabar coast of India. In
the first half of the 19th century, under the Kadjars,
white slaves became few and soon disappeared al-
together, except for the pretty Caucasian girls who
continued to enter the harims; but, contrary to the
most widespread Muslim practice, their children
could not succeed to the throne, which was reserved
for sons whose mothers were of royal blood. The
numbers of the black slaves had increased; they
were either Ethiopians who had crossed Arabia, or
Zandj of east Africa, who came by way of Zanzibar,
Mascat and Bushire (on this traffic, in Arab hands,
see R. Coupland, The Exploitation of East Africa,
London 1939, 136-46, with references), to draw
custom to the market of Shlraz. The high mortality
which overtook these coloured men in Persia preven-
ted their forming an important element in the po-
pulation (see Polak, Persien, Leipzig 1865, i, 248-61,
661 ; E. Aubin, La Perse d'aujourd'hui, Paris 1908, 148).

The Persians, in the course of their armed con-
flicts with the Sunni inhabitants of Turkestan, were
sometimes reduced to slavery, as being heretics.
In the middle of the 19th century, it was still possible
for so many thousands of them, prisoners of war,
to be sold at once in the market at Bukhara that
prices slumped. Some of them in this same town,
having won their masters' regard and being en-
franchised, rose to every official position of honour.
Others, however, less well endowed, went from there
to swell the number of the slaves on whose shoulders
fell the greater portion of the agricultural work
in the khanate of Khiwa (see A. Vambery, Travels
in Central Asia, London 1864, 192-3, 331, 371).

Among the relatively rare examples of an essential
agricultural task performed by a compact slave
labour-force, we may cite that of the region of Zan-
zibar itself, where, in the 19th century, there was
kept a body of blacks gathered from almost as far
as the great lakes and destined in the mass for ex-
port. The harsh life of toil in the sugar- or clove-
plantations, run by Arab or Indian planters, all
along the coast, was quite devoid of the

of urban servitude. The lot of thousands of slaves
employed in pearl-fishing in the Persian Gulf also
seems to have been a very harsh one over a long

Much less burdensome, certainly, but wildly dis-
criminatory, is the slavery which still obtains today
in the desert : in the Sahara on the one hand, in Arabia
on the other, for the benefit of the nomad tribes.
Tuareg society, divided into three rigid castes, used
to keep on the lowest level, beneath the nobles and
their vassals, the slave-groups [akli, pi. ikldn), en-
franchised or not, almost all of them black, who were
utilized by the dominant clans either as tillers of the
soil or as servants to men and beasts. Among the
beduin of the Arabian peninsula and its fringes (see
especially A. Jaussen, Coutumes des Arabes au pays
de Moab, Paris 1908, 26, 60-1, 125-6; A. Musil, The
Manners and Customs of the Rwala Bedouins, New
York 1928, 276-8), black slaves may intermarry
and acquire property, but however intimate they
may be with the master and his family, however
great the advantages custom permits them to enjoy,
they are never regarded as equals, even after en-
franchisement : they are l abid, and c abid they remain ;
and marriage with the sons or daughters of them is
considered a come-down, by the lowliest of whites.
Bibliography: To the references in the text

may be added R. Levy, An Introduction to the

Sociology of Islam, i, 117-27.

Abolition

Although Islam, in teaching and in actuality, has
favoured the emancipation of slaves, it was only
under an overwhelming foreign influence that it
began, about a hundred years ago, an evolution in
doctrine and in practice towards the total suppression
of slavery, its abolition in law and custom. This
evolution, which has continued, is in some regions
still incomplete. Here we have one of the most typical
examples of the transformation that the Muslim
world has undergone, through European pressure
or example, from the mid-igth century down to
our own day.

The European powers concerned were themselves,
to some extent, novices in this field: they had long
favoured the traffic and maintained slavery in their
colonies. One of them, Russia, had maintained serf-
dom on her own soil. The French "philosophers"
of the 18th century, beginning with Montesquieu,
had condemned the very principle of slavery: its
short-lived suppression under the First Republic
was unfortunately a check. But, from 1806 onward,
Britain took the lead in the movement for the
suppression of the slave-trade and then of slavery
itself. She may be accused of having more than once
let her maritime and colonial interests dictate her
interventionary zeal or, on other occasions, the mild-
ness of her actions. Yet, when all is said, she stands
out as a great pioneer of abolition over the whole
surface of the earth, including the lands of Islam.

The diplomatic history of the 19th century, since
1814-15, is dotted with treaties and other inter-
national agreements aimed at banning the traffic
in negroes, by sea and across the continent of Africa,
in increasingly precise terms. The suppression of
slavery as such is mentioned only towards the end
of the century, and then timidly. But measures in
this direction had already been adopted in several
portions of the Muslim world, particularly those
under the authority of European states. Britain,
having emancipated the slaves in her colonies by

the famous Bill of 28 Aug. 1833, made in 1843 the
first general decision to abolish slavery in India
(completed by a series of other Acts down to 1862).
France completely abolished slavery in all her over-
sea territories, including Algeria, by a decree of the
Second Republic on 27 April 1848; the Netherlands
did the same for their Indonesian possessions by the
laws of 1854-59, with effect from 1 Jan. i860 (3
years before their colonies in the West Indies) ; and
Russia for her Central Asian dependencies on 12
June (O.S.) 1873, before even having completed the
conquest of Turkestan.

Parallel with this direct and radical action by
the Powers, the Muslim states which, while remaining
independent, were most subject to Western pressure
and had most contacts with European civilization,
were slowly and cautiously embarking on restrictive
measures. As early as 1830, the Ottoman sultan had
enfranchised en bloc those white slaves of Christian
origin who remained true to their religion, while
expressly keeping the Muslims in slavery (G. Young,
Corps de droit ottoman, ii, Oxford 1905, 171-2). To
Tunisia belongs the honour of having been the first
to promulgate a general edict of emancipation for
black slaves (ipso facto, of Muslim slaves: there were
practically no white slaves in the Regency). By a
decree of 23 Jan. 1846, the same year in which he
was to make his sensational journey to France, the
bey Ahmad ordered that letters of enfranchisement
should be granted to every slave who so wished, and
that every instance of slavery of which the religious
magistrates might be apprised should be referred
to him. The preamble to this decision, which was
approved by the two highest dignitaries of the Hanafi
and MalikI rites in the country, is worth dwelling
on : in it, slavery is declared to be lawful in principle
but regrettable in its consequences. Of the three
considerations particularized, two are of a religious
nature, the third political (maslaha siydsiyya): the
initial enslaving of the people concerned comes under
suspicion of illegality by reason of the present-day
expansion of Islam in their countries; masters no
longer comply with the rules of good treatment
which regulate their rights and shelter them from
wrong-doing. It is therefore befitting to avoid the
risk of seeing unhappy slaves seeking the protection
of foreign authorities (M. Bompard, Legislation de
la Tunisie, 398; Arabic text in SanusI, Madimu'dt
al-Kawdnln al-Tunusiyya, fasc. 1, p. 4).

Thirty years later, in the treaty concluded with
England on 19 July 1875, the bey Muhammad al-
Sadik undertook not only to see that the decree
of 1846 was given full effect, but also to do everything
in his power to suppress slavery and punish any in-
fraction. Under the "French protectorate, various
Tunisian ministerial circulars (1887-91) and the
bey's decree of 28 May 1890 completed the formal
prohibition of slavery in the Regency and the organ-
ization of the freeing of black slaves on the judicial
and administrative planes (M. Bompard, op. cit., 472 ;
P. Zeys, Code annoti de la Tunisie, i, 384-6).

At Istanbul, the first imperial firmans against
the slave-trade date from the period of the Tan-
fimdt, under c Abd al-Madjid, and especially from
the years of close understanding with France and
Great Britain: Oct. 1854 for the whites, Feb. 1857
for the blacks (a religiously-inspired reservation
exempted the Hidjaz from the reform). How little
effect these documents had at first in preventing the
import of blacks, is apparent from the multiplicity
of decisions of the same sort, the circulars and in-
structions which continued to repeat one another,

ID 37

in terms ever more insistent and explicit, till round
about 1900. The agreement entered upon with Great
Britain in 1880 but not applied till 1889, followed
by Turkey's adhesion to the general Act of the
Brussels Conference of 1890, constituted an important
double step towards the suppression of the traffic,
already much reduced by abolitionist action in Africa
and the Red Sea: till then "more or less clandestine",
it was to assume thenceforth "the nature of smuggling
and was treated as such" (G. Young, op. cit., 172-
206). Moreover, foreign consuls secured from the
Ottoman authorities the enfranchisement of slaves
who sought refuge with them. The Constitution of
1876, guaranteeing the personal liberty of all subjects
of the empire remained a dead letter until it was
put in force by the Young Turks in 1908. At this
time there were only a very few slaves, all of them
domestic, in the capital and those provinces under
the effective control of the central power (cf. Dr.
Millant, L'esclavage en Turquie, Paris 1912).

Egypt was nominally included in the Ottoman
territories within the scope of the oldest firman
forbidding the traffic in negroes. Indeed it needed
to be, for this traffic had expanded just at the mo-
ment when the Egyptians installed themselves in
the heart of the Sudan. Pashas subordinate to the
Porte organized some anti-slaving expeditions in
the south; the results were but mediocre (cf. J.
Cooper, Un continent perdu, Fr. tr. Paris 1876, 25-8).
Under the khedive Isma'il, a mission of this type
entrusted to Sir Samuel Baker (1869-73) was
equally disappointing (S. Baker, Ismailia, London
1874, Fr. tr. Paris 1875), whereas after 1874 the fight
against slavery was intensified, hand in hand with
the Egyptian expansion, under Colonel Charles
George Gordon and his European colleagues (cf.
P. Crabites, Gordon, the Sudan and Slavery, London
1933; H. Deherain, in Hanotaux, Histoire de la
nation igyptienne, vi, 481-552). At this period, the
khedive, under the terms of his agreement with
England of 4 Aug. 1877, was formally banning all
trade in negroes and then opening enfranchisement
offices in the various provinces. But it was only to-
wards the end of the century, under the English
de facto protectorate, that the most energetic mea-
sures were taken: since 1895, any infringement of
the freedom of the individual has been* classed as
a crime in Egypt, while since 1898 the slave-trade,
with the defeat of the Mahdist movement which
had revived it in the Sudan, has been no more than
an infrequent and clandestine phenomenon.

It was again the British who attacked, with no-
table persistence, one of the most productive sources
of Muslim slavery: that of east Africa. The traffic
there, by land and sea, had assumed terrifying pro-
portions since Sa'id, the Imam of Mascat, had suc-
ceeded in gaining a foothold on the coast of Africa,
at the beginning of the 19th century. The stages
through which English diplomatic activity passed
are symptomatic: in 1822, after ten years of par-
leying, Sa'id consented merely to forbid his subjects
to export slaves outside the maritime lane joining
Africa to Oman; in 1845, he prohibited the ex-
port of slaves from Africa to Arabia and beyond,
while all the time insisting on the lawfulness of the
import of slaves and of the slave-traffic within
African territory. His son Barghash, sultan of Zan-
zibar, was to go further, in consequence of Sir
Bartle Frere's famous mission to him: by the treaty
of 5 June 1873 he prohibited the maritime traffic
and the public slave-markets; then, in 1876, he de-
clared the traffic by land illegal (see R. Coupland,

East Africa and its Invaders, Oxford 1938; idem.
The Exploitation of East Africa, London 1939); if
this did not stop it immediately, it was at any rate
a considerable embarrassment for the trade. Next,
under the British protectorate, a decree of the sultan
in 1897 granted their freedom to any slaves who
should ask for it, and forbade the courts to con-
cede the claims of slave-owners. On 6 July 1909,
a final decree abolished the status of slave in its
entirety. The same thing had happened two years
before in British East Africa (now Kenya), against
an indemnity to be paid to the owners (the matter
was settled in 1916).

It is safe to say that, towards the end of the 19th
century and the beginning of the 20th, the export
of negroes was at a very low ebb. We may add that
Persia, one of the receiving countries, had also pu-
blicly renounced this trade in her 1882 treaty with
England, and her newly-created National Assembly
adopted in Oct. 1907 a "fundamental law" in favour
of individual freedom (E. Aubin, La Perse d'aujourd'-
hui, Paris 1908, 210); if slavery was not suppressed
by these measures, it did suffer a severe blow. In
Africa itself, the greater part of the vast zone where-
in the Muslim slaver held sway, extending from
the Atlantic to Wadai, east of Lake Chad, was con-
quered piecemeal and occupied by France; this has
been followed by the almost complete disappearance
of the slave-trade from this immense area and slavery
has been abolished almost everywhere within it.
Italy, the latest comer of the colonial powers, con-
ducted an identical policy in the territories she ad-
ministered in the east (Somaliland, Eritrea) and north
(Tripolitania, Cyrenaica) of the continent. But the
last independent state in Africa, Ethiopia, still
governed by a Christian dynasty, remained (despite
the negus's edicts against the traffic) a notable
stronghold of the slavers, facing the Sudan and
Arabia and exporting whenever possible; in the
provinces, islamization and the intensification of the
slave trade often went hand in hand (Trimingham,
Islam in Ethiopia, Oxford 1952, 203-4 and passim).
During the 1914-18 war, the relinquishment of Fezzan
by the Italians, who had just taken it from the Turks,
and its occupation by the Sanusls, allowed the traffic
to resume much of its activity: a slavemarket was
held every week at Murzuk (Petragnani, in V Italia
in Oricntc, Feb. 1921, tr. in L'Afrique francaise,
April 1922).

At the end of the first world war, when the victors
had visions of organizing the peace and of securing,
in accordance with their Convention of St. Germain
of 10 Sept. 1919, "the complete suppression of sla-
very in all its forms", long experience gave them
advance informatipn on the problems that were
bound to be raised by a task of this nature; on the
successes that might be hoped for and the resistance
that might be expected in Muslim lands. The sup-
pression of the traffic, which had become for the
most part clandestine, was a troublesome affair,
demanding the use of powerful forces and involving,
by sea, the risk of provoking legal conflict between
nations (France and Great Britain, 1905, in the
Indian Ocean). Yet making an end of the trade does
not mean putting a stop to slavery or to the trans-
fer of slaves from one owner to another. As for official
abolition, it is not always easy to secure under a
protectorate; nor is it always equivalent in practice
to positive and immediate suppression.

The fact is that, if slavery is such a firmly-rooted
institution in certain Islamic countries, it is due
far more to social conservatism than to a collective

economic need. We established above that the part
played by slave-labour in those lands is rarely essen-
tial for productive work. This explains why an
abolitionist policy, so long as it is not applied too
high-handedly, provokes no serious disturbance there,
nor any violent reaction. The prevailing wish in
the minds of slave-owners is to enjoy the comfort
afforded by having a large domestic staff, kept
under strict control; from which, moreover, lawful
concubines may be recruited. They have on their
side not only the tacit consent of the majority of
their slaves but also an extensive public opinion
and the religious tradition of Islam. The domestic
slave is in his master's power 'through fear and
respect, through self-interest, through affection. We
must bear in mind that he is generally well- treated ;
we may reflect that he lives in a family atmosphere,
without thought for the morrow. To the slave-
woman, concubinage offers, besides various advant-
ages for herself and her children, the chance of an
ascent in the social scale, of which an untimely
emancipation would rob her. Even when freed, the
slave is often likely to remain close to his master.
If he has procured his freedom against the latter's
wishes, or if he has been snatched from the claws of
the slaver, he is woefully without resources in a
hostile environment, unless he benefits by the special
measures which governments ought to take — and
which they have occasionally taken — with a view
to his social readjustment.

The fact, brought out in the Kur'an, that slavery
is in principle lawful, satisfies religious scruples.
Total abolition might even seem a reprehensible
innovation, contrary to the letter' of the holy Book
and the exemplary practice of the first Muslims.
Nevertheless, contact with the realities of the
modern world and its ideology began to bring about
a discernible evolution in the thought of many
educated Muslims before the end of the 19th cen-
tury. They may be fond of emphasizing that Islam
has, on the whole, bestowed an exceptionally fa-
vourable lot on the victims of slavery. Yet they are
ready to see that this institution, which is linked to
one particular economic and social stage, has had
its day. The reformer Sayyid Ahmad Khan in India,
goes so far as to maintain, in a special work, Ibfdl-i
Ghuldmi, which appeared in 1893, translated into
Arabic in 1895, that the Kur'an (xlii, 4) forbade the
making of new slaves (Baljon, The Reforms . . . of Sir
Sayyid Ahmad Khan. Leiden 1949, 28-29). Without
going so far, his illustrious compatriot Ameer Ali
{The Spirit of Islam, London, 1st ed. 1893; ed. 1935,
262) includes slavery among the prelslamic practices
which Islam only tolerated through temporary necess-
ity, while virtually abolishing them : man-made laws
were later to complete the abrogation of it, which
could not have been done formerly by a sudden
and total emancipation (cf. the Egyptian Ahmed
Chafik, on much the same lines: L'esclavage au point
de vue musulman, Cairo 1891, 2nd ed. 1938). This
thesis gradually found its way, to a varying extent,
into the circle of the 'ulama (for the school of Mu-
hammad 'Abduh, see Tafsir al-Mandr, xi, 288 ff.),
already open to the older arguments of the Tunisian
muftis, which were more restrained and more legalis-
tic. But obviously it could not gain the support of
the Wahhabls of Arabia, those uncompromising
restorers of the sunna of the Prophet; up to the
present day they have vigorously maintained their
downright antagonism towards abolition.

The League of Nations, from the very outset of
its work, displayed an active interest in all problems

relating to slavery. This interest was notably ex-
pressed in the adoption of the international Geneva
Convention of 25 Sept. 1926, in which the legal
definition of slavery is formulated ("status or con-
dition of a person over whom any or all of the powers
attaching to the right of ownership are exercised",
which squares with the concepts of Muslim law)
and the signatories pledge themselves "to bring about,
progressively and as soon as possible, the complete
abolition of slavery". One by one, almost all the
States concerned adhered to this Convention, but
not Saudi Arabia or the Yaman. From then on, a
consultative committee of experts worked indefati-
gably, gathering official returns (some of which, fur-
nished mainly by the British and Italian govern-
ments, are highly instructive) and publishing co-
pious reports. Legal measures multiplied, indepen-
dently of this international organization as well as
under its aegis. Abolition came as a matter of course
in the new Turkish Republic, which repudiated every
trace of Muslim law, as in the Levant territories
severed from the old Ottoman empire and directly
administered by France or Great Britain. In Egypt,
the 1923 Constitution confirmed the guarantee of
individual liberty. One after another, Afghanistan
(1923, 1931), 'Irak (1924), Kalat (1926), Persia [Iran]
and Transjordan (1929) suppressed the legal status
of slave. Bahrayn followed suit in 1937.

In Africa, an order of 1922, coupled with penal
sanctions in 1930, abolished slavery in Tanganyika
(the former German East Africa) under British man-
date; the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan took steps, as
far-sighted as they were vigorous, to put an end by
degrees to the vestiges of the traffic and to assist
the freed slaves. In Northern Nigeria, under British
administration, abolition, which began in 1907 and
suffered a momentary check towards 1933 from a
new offensive on the part of the trade, was accom-
plished by an order of 1936. In Morocco, a circular
from the French Protectorate administration in 1922
suppressed public siave-dealing and granted their
freedom to all who should ask for it. The pacifi-
cation of the Sahara frontiers of Morocco by the
French army, round about 1930, made it possible
to put an end to what remained of the traffic in
negroes. The Italians reoccupied Fezzan in 1929 and
secured respect once more for abolition. Finally,
Ethiopia showed evidence of good will: edicts of
1923, 1924 and 1931 forbade the capture of free
persons or the disposal of slaves, while ordering many
of them to be freed. A move was made to carry out

from August 1932. The undertaking was immense
and difficult. The Italians hurried things up by their
armed intervention; they abolished slavery in Ethio-
pia by a decree of 12 April 1936.

The sole remaining resort of slavery was Arabia
(outside the British colony of Aden). But it must
be noted that, even in Arabia, European and parti-
cularly British persistence with the local authorities
was not without effect. King Ibn Sa'ud, master of
the Hidjaz and Nadjd, had abolished the customs-duty
formerly levied on the import of slaves by the sharif
Husayn; in 1927 he officially confirmed to the British
legation at Djidda a general right to manumit all
slaves who claimed their freedom (there were some
150 of them between 1930 and 1935). Great Britain
renounced this right the day following the promul-
gation in Saudi Arabia of the regulation on slavery
of 2 Oct. 1936, which forbade the import of slaves
by sea (the reason being that the religious law pro-
hibits the capture or purchase of subjects of coun-

tries to which one is bound by treaty ; but this same
regulation declares servile status to be lawful and
organizes it according to the strict letter of Muslim
law; see Nallino, Scritti, i, 43, 124-5 and Appendice).
In Feb. 1934, the Imam of the Yaman entered upon
an undertaking with Great Britain to prohibit the
entry of slaves coming from Africa. From the sul-
tans and shaykhs of the southern coast (Eastern
Aden Protectorate) and the Persian Gulf, Britain
obtained similar decisions, reinforcing any made
previously. A further step forward was taken in
March 1935, when the sultan of Lahidj forbade all
sale of slaves. In 1938, two sultans of the Hadramaut
and the shaykh of Kuwayt declared all traffic in
slaves to be illegal, and authorised slaves to claim
their liberty (v. H. Ingrams, Arabia and the Isles,
London 1942, 349-50; and U. N. Economic and
Social Council, Official Records, Sept. 1951, 644).

Under cover of the second World War (1939-45)
there seems to have been some retrogression, with
a small-scale resumption of the trade, particularly
in certain Ethiopian provinces. At the time of
writing, it is usually acknowledged that there is
practically no transport of slaves any longer from
Africa to Arabia. Nevertheless the legal status of
slave persists in the peninsula. It is evidently the
example of the neighbouring independent states of
Saudi Arabia and the Yaman that prevents Britain
from increasing her pressure on the states under
her control with a view to total abolition. Other
considerations, no doubt, keep France from having
slavery abolished by law in Morocco, where there
are in any case only mild survivals in the cities or
the southern oases (see, for the bend of the Dra,
Dj. Jacques-Meunie, in Hesperis 1947, 410-2); in-
sistence to a final solution does not come from the
class of 'ulamd (for the present-day legal aspect, see
Gazette des Tribunaux du Maroc, 1944, 5-7; and Revue
Marocaine de Droit, 1952, 154-6; 183-5). In the Sahara,
the French administration which as early as 1916
deprived the Tuareg of their agricultural slaves, took
their house slaves away from them in 1946 (R.
Capot-Rey, Le Sahara francais, Paris 1953, 288-9).
The United Kingdom of Libya (a former Italian
possession), in its constitution of Oct. 1951, laid down
as a principle the personal liberty of its subjects.

The United Nations Organization (U.N.O.), the
moral heir of the League of Nations, has resumed
the study of slavery and has condemned it, in no
uncertain terms, in its "Universal Declaration of
Human Rights", voted by the General Assembly
on 10 Dec. 1948 (though not ratified by every State):
"Art. 4. No one shall be held in slavery or servitude.
Slavery and the slave trade are prohibited in
all their forms". An ad hoc Committee on Slavery,
under the Economic and Social Council, is proceeding
with enquiries by means of questionnaires addressed
to governments and recognized associations (Saudi
Arabia and the Yaman, both members of U.N.O.,
have not replied) and is proposing concerted solutions.
Its Report of 4 May 1951 (ref. E./1988) advocates
making a start by abolishing the legal status of
slave and demands that every State concerned
should assist emancipated slaves to fashion a new
life for themselves. As yet no resolution has been
passed by the United Nations, who are divided on
this point as on so many others and are far more
preoccupied with the serious forms of servitude
which continue to exist, or have come into existence
in the world of today, than with the last vestiges
of Muslim slavery, which are doubtless bound to
disappear quietly in the reasonably near future.

.-'ABBAS

Bibliography: In addition. to the references
in the text: J. H. Harris, A Century of Emanci-
pation, London 1933; H. H. Wilson, in American
Journal of International Law, 1950, 505-26; United
Nations, The Suppression of Slavery, New York,
July 1951 (19th century documents, and League
of Nations bibliography). It is also essential to
consult the Transaction of the Anti-Slavery So-
ciety, the publications of the League of Nations
(Official Journal and Reports, these latter classi-
fied in the above-mentioned U.N. pamphlet) and
of U.N. (Reports of the Committee on Slavery, and
Official Records of the Economic and Social Council ;
cf. United Nations Bulletin, 15 April 1950 and 15
May 1951). (R. Brunschvig)

'ABD ALLAH B. al-'ABBAS (frequently Ibn
'Abbas, without the article), Abu l-'Abbas, called
al-IJibr 'the doctor' or al-Bahr 'the sea', because
of his doctrine,is considered one of the greatest
scholars, if not the greatest, of the first
generation of Muslims. He was the father of
Kur'anic exegesis; at a time when it was necessary
to bring the Kur'an into accord with the new
demands of a society which had undergone a pro-
found transformation, he appears to have been
extremely skilful in accomplishing this task.

He was born three years before the hidjra, when
the Hashimite family was living shut up in 'the
Ravine' (al-Shi'b); and, as his mother had become
a Muslim before the hidjra, he also
as a Muslim.

From his youth he showed a stroi
towards accurate scholarly research, in so far as
such a conception was possible at that time. We
know indeed that the idea soon occurred to him
to gather information concerning the Prophet by
questioning his Companions. While still young, he
became a master, around whom thronged people
desirous to learn. Proud of his knowledge, which
was not based only on memory, but also on a large
collection of written notes, he gave public lectures,
or rather classes, keeping to a sort of programme,
according to the days of the week, on different sub-
jects: interpretation of the Kur'an, judicial questions,
Muhammad's expeditions, pre-islamic history, an-
cient poetry. It is because of his. habit of quoting
lines in support of his explanations of phrases or
words of the Kur'an that ancient Arabic poetry
acquired, for Muslim scholars, its acknowledged im-
portance. His competence having been recognized,
he was asked for fatwds (especially famous is his
authorization of mut c a marriage, which he later had
to vindicate). The Kur'anic explanations of Ibn
'Abbas were soon brought together in special col-
lections, of which the isndds go back to one of his
immediate pupils (Fihrist, 33); his fatwds were also
collected; today there exist numerous manuscripts
and several editions of a tafsir or tafsirs which are
attributed to him (whether rightly or wrongly cannot
be said, as no study of this material has yet been
made (Goldziher, Richtungen, 76; cf. also Brockel-
mann, i, 190, S i, 331).

The importance of the role played by Ibn 'Abbas
in the political and military events of his time
should not be exaggerated, as his Muslim biographers
have tended to do, influenced by the fact that he was
the grandfather of the 'Abbasids. He followed the
Muslim armies in several campaigns: into Egypt
(between 18 and 21 H.), into Ifrikiya (27 H.), into
Djurdjan and Tabaristan (30 H.), and, much
later (49 H.), he accompanied Yazld on his expedi-
tion against Constantinople (with 'Abd Allah b.

'Umar b. al-Khattab). At the battles of the Camel
(36 H.) and of Siffin (37 H.), he commanded a wing
of 'All's troops. For want of resounding exploits
and important offices to record, Ibn 'Abbas is pre-
sented to us later, by his biographers, as a coun-
sellor whom the caliphs 'Umar and 'Uthman valued
highly, and as a counsellor too — unfortunately litte
heeded — of 'All and his son al-Husayn. The truth
is that Ibn 'Abbas did not enter political life until
after 'All came to power, and took an active part
in it for only three or four years at the most. A single
official mission had been, in fact, entrusted to him
by 'Uthman, that of conducting the pilgrimage to
Mecca the year the caliph was besieged in his house
at Medina. It was for this reason that Ibn 'Abbas
was not in the capital at the time of the assassination
of 'Uthman. When he returned some days later, he
paid homage to 'All. From that time he was charged
with important missions and, after the occupa-
tion of Basra (36 H.), appointed governor of that
town. He was one of the signatories of the conven-
tion of Siffin (37 H.), which handed over to two ar-
bitrators the task of settling the quarrel between
'Ali and Mu'awiya, and in a discussion with the
Harurites (see harura 5 ) he pleaded in support of
the legal validity of that arbitration. But the re-
lations between Ibn 'Abbas and the caliph suddenly
became strained, with the result that Ibn 'Abbas
withdrew to Mecca, abandoning his seat of govern-
ment, and that 'Ali no longer regarded him as his
representative at Basra. The sources assign different
dates to this defection of Ibn 'Abbas: 38, 39, 40,
but there is good reason to believe that it took place
in 38 H. (it is possible to follow the movements
of Ibn 'Abbas during that year, and in the succeeding
years he no longer appears in the foreground). The
traditions which assert that Ibn 'Abbas was con-
sistently faithful until the death of the caliph are
not worthy of credence. What were the reasons for
the defection? Some Arabic sources say that Ibn
'Abbas took offence because 'Ali reproached him
for defalcations which he was alleged to have com-
mitted as governor; but the true motive of his
relinquishment of office, which coincided with that
of many other supporters of 'All, has to be related
to other much more important events of the period :
the massacre of the Kharidjites at al-Nahrawan,
which Ibn 'Abbas, 'according to certain men', had
stigmatised, and the false position of 'Ali, who
maintained his claim to be caliph when, according
to the verdict of the arbitrators, he was no longer
recognized as such by the majority of Muslims.

Later, Ibn 'Abbas took a step which one might
be tempted to judge severely, were it not that the
precise circumstances are completely unknown: he
carried off the provincial funds of Basra, probably
when he returned to the town some time after his
defection. Was this seizure criminal? When one
observes that this act did not diminish the esteem
in which Ibn 'Abbas was held by the Muslim com-
munity, one may suppose that there were some fairly
valid motives to justify it. Similarly, the events
in which Ibn 'Abbas was involved immediately after
the death of 'All are far from clear. Al-Hasan ap-
pointed him general of his troops, but Ibn 'Abbas
established contact with Mu'awiya: whether on his
own initiative or at the invitation of al-Hasan is
obscure; perhaps it was he who successfully brought
about the agreement between the two claimants to
the Caliphate; he maintained that, as a reward for
his good offices, Mu'awiya had recognized his right
to appropriate the money which he had seized (part

'ABD ALLAH B. 'ABD al-KADIR

of the treasury of Basra). All these machinations of
Ibn 'Abbas seemed to certain rdwi's imcompatible
with the dignity of such a personage; and so they
transferred them, obviously wrongly, to his brother,
'Ubayd Allah. During the long reign of Mu'awiya,
Ibn 'Abbas lived in the Hidjaz; he went fairly fre-
quently to the Damascus court, mainly, it seems,
to defend the interests of the Hashimites, which
were also his own.

The troubled events of the years which followed
the deaths of the first and second Umayyads brought
Ibn 'Abbas once again, perhaps against his will,
on to the political scene. Although the information
which we possess is fragmentary, it can be deduced
from it that c Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr, having raised
the standard of revolt at Mecca, became violently
incensed with Ibn 'Abbas who, with the son of c Ali
Ibn al-Hanafiyya, refused to recognise him as caliph.
Both were banished from Mecca; in 64, the year of
the siege of the town, they returned, but they
persisted in their opposition to Ibn al-Zubayr, with
unfortunate results: they were imprisoned. Al-
Mukhtar, informed of their dangerous situation, sent
from Kufa a large troop of horse, which delivered
them by a surprise attack. It was thanks to Ibn
'Abbas that on that occasion bloodshed was avoided
in the holy city. Under the protection of this troop,
the liberated men went to Mina, then to al-TS'if,
where Ibn 'Abbas died some time later (68/686-8).
The verdicts which Caetani and Lammens have
given on Ibn 'Abbas are in contrast to the respect
which Muslims of all periods have shown him. But.
Caetani's arguments can easily be disproved by fair
and careful criticism (it is specially important not
to confuse accounts from Muslim biblical history
with the hadiths concerning the Prophet), and grave
doubts can be cast on the resemblance to the original
of the portrait sketched by Lammens.

Bibliography : Biographies by Arab authors
(numerous, but often repeat the same information,
and mainly concerned with Ibn 'Abbas's scholarly
activity): Ibn Sa'd, ii/2, 119-23, 125; iv/2, 4;
v, 74-5, 216-7, 231 and Index; Baladhuri. An-
sdb, ms. Paris, f° 8 . 7i4r-73iv; 448V-451V; 723;
Kashshi, Ma'rifat Akhbdr al-Ridfdl, Bombay n.d.
36-42; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, Cairo 1280-6, iii, 192-5;
Sibt ibn al-DjawzI, Mir'at al-Zamdn, ms. Paris
Ar. 6131, f°". 187V-190V; Dhahabi, Ma'rifat al-
Kurra?, ms. Paris Anc. F. 742 = Cat. 2084, f°".
5V-6; Ibn Hadjar, Isaba, Calcutta 1856-93, ii,
802-13, no. 9149; id., Tahdhtb al-Tahdhib, Hyde-
rabad 1325-7, v, no. 474: Hadjdji Khalifa, ii,
332-3, 335, 361 (no. 3267), 377 (no. 3389), 348
(no. 3175), 456 (no. 3706); iv, 363 (no. 8789);
vi, 425 (no. 14179); on I. 'A. as for or against
writing; i, 79; iii, 144.

Information about I. 'A. as politician and warrior
in all the chroniclers and historians who have
dealt with the earliest Islamic history. E.g. Nasr
b. MuzShim al-Minkari, Wak'-at Siffin, pub. 'Abd
al-Salam Muh. Harun, Cairo 1365, index; Tabari
i, 3038, (cf. 3011, 3045 etc.), 3092, 3145, 3162,
(cf. 3229-30), 3181, 3273, 3289, 3354, 3358-9,
3367, 3368, 337o, 3413, 3430, 3431, 3449, 3453-6;
ii, 2, 86, 176, 222, 273-5; and index; Ibn al-Athir,
iv, 9, 105-6, and index; information also in the
books of adab; e.g. Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, <Ikd, ii,
295-7, 301, 323-4 and index in Mohammed Shafi,
Analytical indices to the K. al-Hqd, Calcutta 1935-7 ;
Mas'udI, Murudj, iv, 228-30, 229-303, 330, 327,
353-4, 382, 390, 392, 410, 451; v, 8 sqq., 19,

73, 177-9, 184-5, 187-8,

106-113, 121-5, 129-31, 1
231-3 and index.

Other references in Caetani, Chronographia is-
lamica, 68 a.H., par. 28.

Modern authors: A. Sprenger, Das Leben und die
Lehre ties Mohammed, Berlin, 1869, i, XVII; iii,
CVI et seq.; J. Wellhausen, Das arabische Reich,
Berlin 1902, 69-70; id., Reste arabischen Heiden-
thums, Berlin 1887-97, 12 et seq.; Caetani, Annali,
Indices ; vols ix and x passim ; particularly i, Intr.
par. 24-5 and 38 a.H., par. 219-27; H. Lammens,
Atudes sur le rigne du Calife Omayade Mo'-awia
1", index; I. Goldziher, Richtungen der islamischen
Koranauslegung, Leiden 1920, 65-81 and index;
L. Veccia Vaglieri, II confliUo c Ali-Mu<dwiya e la
secessione khdrigita riesaminati alia luce di fonti
abddite, in Annali 1st. Univ. Or. Napoli, N.S. iv,
passim, especially 75-6. (L. Veccia Vaglieri)
'ABD ALLAH b. 'ABD al-$ADIR (Malay pro-
nunciation Abdullah bin Abdulkadir), surnamed
Munshi 5 , i.e. teacher of languages, was "the greatest
innovator in Malay letters" (R. O. Winstedt, A
history of Malay literature, JMBRAS, 1940, ch. xii).
He was born in 1796 in Malacca, where his grand-
father, the son of Shaykh 'Abd al-Kadir, who came
originally from Yaman, had settled. At an early
age, 'Abd Allah received lessons in Malay from his
father, who is said to have been an expert Malay
scholar, and endeavoured to make himself fully
master of this language by reading Malay writings
and by associating with educated Malays. As he
learned foreign languages and continually came into
contact with Europeans, as for instance, Farquhar,
Raffles, and the missionaries Milne, Morrison and
Thomson, his culture increased regularly.

Shortly after the founding of Singapore (1819),
he established himself in that town and earned his
living in many different ways. He acted as an inter-
preter, gave lessons in Malay, wrote letters, and
assisted the American missionaries North, Keasberry
and others in translating mission books and school

In 1838 was published at Singapore under the title
Bahwa ini Kesah PH-layar-an Abdullah, ben Abdul-
kadir, Munshi, deri Singapura ka-Kalantan, a de-
scription of a journey to the Malay States on the
east coast of the Peninsula of Malacca, giving most
important information concerning them. This book
inaugurated a new and free Malay prose style; its
author may be considered a pioneer of the literary
movement which, continued by authors of the 20th
century, ultimately led to the development of Malay
into the national language of Indonesia.

'Abd Allah's principal work is the Hikayat Ab-
dullah, his Memoirs, in which inter alia he mentions
politically important personages, such as Farquhar
and Raffles (whose secretary he was), and emphasizes
the advantages of a European administration over
an Indian one, even though he at the same time
sharply criticizes the administrative measures of
the English and Dutch. The work was finished in
1843 and lithographed with a few additions in 1849.
Some copies of this first edition have an English
dedication to Governor Butterworth, in which the
work is called a "humble attempt to revive Malay
literature". In his Memoirs 'Abd Allah mentions
several works written by him. Among these is a
poem describing a fire in Singapore, in which the
author lost all his possessions. It was entitled ShaHr
Singapura dimakan api and printed in Malay as
well as in Latin characters (1843). The Mss. described
in the catalogues under this title do not contain this

'ABD ALLAH B. 'ABD al-KADIR — C ABD ALLAH E

poem, but a similar one, entitled ShaHr Kampong
Gelam terbakar, published after a fire in 1847.

The periodical Cermin Mata contains some con-
tributions by c Abd Allah. He died in 1854 during a
pilgrimage to Mecca, shortly after his arrival in
that city. The notes of his voyage as far as Djidda
were published in Cermin Mata.

Besides these original works 'Abd Allah translated
the Tamil redaction of PanCatantra (a collection of
Indian fables) into Malay under the title of Hihayai
Pandja Tanderan, and edited the Malay Chronicles
(Sidjarah Melayu).

Bibliography: R. O. Winstedt's work cited
above; Pelayaran ka-Kelantan, 1st ed. Singapore
1838 (Arab. char, and romanized side by side);
2nd ed., ibid. 1852 (lith.); reprinted in Maleisch
Leesboek, 4de stukje, by J. Pijnappel, Leiden 1855
(2nd ed. 1871); ed. H. C. Klinkert, Leiden 1889
(together with Pelayaran ka-Djudah; with notes)
and romanized by R. Brons Middel, Leiden 1893;
Malay Literature Series 2 (in 2 vols.), Singapore
1907, 1909 (roman. ed. and ed. in Arab char.)
and reprints; translations: French by E. Dulaurier,
Paris 1850 (with notes); Dutch by J. J. de Hol-
lander (de Oids 1851, abridged) ; Javanese, Batavia
1883; English by A. E. Coope, Singapore 1949
(with notes); ShaHr Singapura terbakar: P. Favre,
L'incendie de Singapour, in Melanges Or., Publ.
Ec. Langues Or. Viv., 1883 (transcribed in Malay
char, from the romanized text printed in 1843);
ShaHr Kampong Gelam terkakar, 1st ed. lith. on
a scroll of paper, Singapore 1847; romanized in
a collection of Malay poems, often printed (3rd
ed. Singapore 1887); Hikayat Abdullah, 1st ed.
Singapore 1849 (autogr.); 2nd ed. for the R. As.
Soc, Singapore 1880; ed. H. C. Klinkert, Leiden
1882 (with a fasc. of notes) ; ed. W. G. Shellabear,
Malay Literature Series 4 (2 vols.), Singapore 1907,
1908 (rom. and Arab, ed.); English trans, by J. T.
Thomson, London 1874; by W. G. Shellabear,
Singapore 1918; Dutch (abridged) by G. Niemann
(TNI, 1854); cf. C. Hooykaas, Over Maleise Lite-
ratuur 2nd ed., 1947, 101 ff.; Kissah pelayaran
Abdullah dart Singapura sampai ka-Mekah, all
editions incomplete (Cermin Mata, Singapore 1858 ;
Batavia 1866; Klinkert's edition, romanized "
BP, 1911, 1920); copy of the complete MS.
Leiden Univ. Libr. (MS. Klinkert 63); Dutch
trans, by Klinkert, BTLV 1867; Hikayat Pan-
djatanderan, finished 1835; 1st ed. lith. Singapore,
n.d.; 2nd ed. Singapore 1868; ed. H. N. v. d. Tuuk,
Maleisch Leesboek, VI (with notes), Leiden 1866,
1875, 1881; romanized ed. by C. A. van Ophuysen,
Leiden 1913; Dutch trans, by H. C. Klinkert,
Zaltbommel 1871; Javanese, Batavia 1878; Se-
djarah Melayu, Singapore n.d. (after 1831); muti-
lated re-edition by H. C. Klinkert, Leiden 1884; the
Singapore edition is also the basis of Dulaurier's
and Shellabear's editions; Hikayat Dunia, n.d.
(History of Asia and Africa); Hikayat pada menya-
tahan pirihal Dunia, Singapore 1856 (geography).

(C. A. van Ophuysen — P. Voorhoeve)
'ABD ALLAH B. 'ABD al-MALIK b. Marwan,
son of the caliph 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan [q.v.],
was born about the year 60/680-1, perhaps some-
what earlier, as he is said to have been 27 years
old in the year 85/704. He grew up in Damascus
and accompanied his father in several campaigns,
We first meet him as an independent general in the
year 81/700-1, in one of the usual razzias against
the Eastern Romans. Then in the year 82/70
he was sent with Muhammad b. Marwan to help

al-Hadjdjadj against al-Ash'ath and played a part
in the negotiations of Dayr al-Diamadjim. There-
upon he again led expeditions against the Eastern
Romans, and in the year 84/703-4 conquered al-
Massisa, which he converted into a military camp.
After the death of his uncle 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Marwan,
he was appointed governor of Egypt in the year
85/704. On n Djumada II he made his entry into
Fustat. He was to wipe out all traces of 'Abd al-'Aziz,
and therefore changed all the officials. His adminis-
tration left a bad record in the tradition, because he
accepted bribes and embezzled public moneys. The
only really important achievement of his rule was
the introduction of the Arab language into the
diwdns of the capital. His administration gave of-
fence in Damascus; in the year 88/706-7 he made
there a passing visit, and in 90/708-9 he was defi-
nitely recalled. He departed to Syria with many
presents, but they were taken from him in the pro-
vince of al-Urdunn by order of the caliph. Thereupon
he disappeared from the political arena. Only al-
Ya'kubl has the information that he was executed
when the 'Abbasids come to power. He is said to
have been crucified by al-Saffah in the year 132/-
749-50 in al-HIra.

Bibliography: Ibn Taghribirdi, i, 232 ff.;
Makrizi, Khifat, i, 98, 302 ; F. Wustenfeld, Die Statt-
halter von Agypten, i, 38 ff. ; Tabari, ii, 1047, 1073
ff.; 1 127, 1 165; Ibn al-Athir, iv, 377 ff., 398, 409;
Wellhauscn, in NGWGdtt., 1901, facs. 4, p. 20;
Ya'kubi, ii, 414, 466; Papyri Schott-Reinhardt, i,
15 f., 28 f. (C. H. Becker)

'ABD ALLAH b. 'ABD al-MUTTALIB of B.
Hashim of Kuraysh, father of the prophet
Muhammad. The earliest and most reliable sources
give little information about him. His mother was
Fatima bint 'Amr of B. Makhzum. Al-Kalbl places
his birth in the 24th year of the reign of Anushirwan
(554). but he is usually said to have been twenty-
five when he died ( ? 570). According to a well-
known story, picturesque but probably with little
factual basis, 'Abd al-Muttalib vowed that, if he
had ten sons who reached maturity, he would sa-
crifice one; he attained this and selected 'Abd Allah
by lot, but eventually sacrificed 100 camels instead.
His marriage to Amina bint Wah'i has been much
embellished in legend. It may have marked an
alliance between 'Abd al-Muttalib and Amina's clan,
B. Zuhra, as he himself married a woman of this
clan at the same time. During a trading expedition
'Abd Allah fell ill and died at Medina among the clan
of his father's mother, B. 'AdI b. al-Nadjdjar, being
buried in Dar al-Nabigha. His death took place either
shortly before Muhammad's birth or a few months
after; the word "orphan" in K. xciii, 6, doubtless
refers to Muhammad's early loss of his parents.
Bibliography: Ibn Hisham, 97-102; Ibn Sa'd,
i/i, 53-61 ; Tabari, i, 967, 979-80, 1074-81 ; Caetani,
Annali, i, 65-7, 118-20. (W. Montgomery-Watt)
'ABD ALLAH B. ABl ISHAtf al-Ha P ramI,
grammarian and Kur'an-reader from Basra,
died in 1 17/735-6. His "exceptional" (shddhdha)
reading continued the tradition of Ibn 'Abbas and,
in turn, influenced the readings of 'Is5 b. c Umar
al-Thakafl and of Abu 'Amr b. al-'Ala 5 . It seems
now established that he was the earliest of the real
Arab gra-nmarians (cf. Ibrahim Mustafa, Actes du
XXI Courses des Orient., 278-9). He is said to have
extended the use of inductive reasoning (kiyds) and
the detail is handed down that in case of doubt
he opted for the accusative (nasb). Nothing else is
known about him beyond the facts that, being of

C ABD ALLAH b. 'ABI ISHAK — C ABD ALLAH b. BULUGGlN

non-Arabic origin himself, he felt some hostility
towards the Arabs, and that he was the object of
a stinging riposte by al-Farazdak, whose mistakes
he had pointed out.

Bibliography: The fundamental passage of
al-Djumahl, Tabakdt, ed. Hell, 6-8 is partly repro-
duced by Ibn Kutayba, Shi c r, 25 ; Zubaydl, T^akdt,
ed. Krenkow in RSO, 1919, 117; Sirafi, Akhbdr al-
Nahwiyyin, ed. Krenkow, 25-28; Anbari, Nuzha,
22-5; Ibn al-Djazari, Kurrd', no. 1747; Suyuti,
Muzhir, ii, 247; G. Fliigel, Gramm. Schulen, 29;
cf. also Fihrist, 9, 30, 41, 42; Aghdni 1 , xi, 106.

(Ch. Pellat)
'ABD ALLAH b. AHMAD [see sa'dids].
<ABD ALLAH b. AHMAD b. HANBAL [see

AHMAD B. HANBAL].

'ABD ALLAH b. 'ALl, uncle of the caliphs Abu
l-'Abbas al-Saffah and Abu Dja'far al-Mansur. 'Abd
Allah was one of the most active participants in the
struggle of the 'Abbasids against the last Umayyad
caliph, Marwan II. He was commander-in-chief in
the decisive battle at the Greater Zab, where Marwan
lost his crown, and when the latter took to flight,
'Abd Allah pursued him, quickly captured Damascus
and marched on to Palestine, whence he had the
fugitive caliph pursued to Egypt. He was even more
implacable than his brother Da'ud b. c Ali in waging
war on the members of the Umayyad house, and
shrank from no method to exterminate them
root and branch. During his stay in Palestine, he
had about eighty of them murdered at one time.
Such cruelties naturally caused ill-will against the
new ruler, and a dangerous rebellion in Syria broke
out under the leadership of Abu Muhammad, a
descendant of Mu'awiya I, and Abu '1-Ward b. al-
Kawthar, the governor of Kinnasrin. The rebels at
first inflicted a defeat on the 'Abbasid troops, but
were beaten by 'Abd Allah in 132/750 at Mardj al-
Akhram. As governor of Syria, 'Abd Allah later
threatened the safety of the new dynasty. After
the death of al-Saffah he made claims to the Cali-
phate, which he could base on his important services
in the war against the Umayyads, and on the pro-
mise he claimed to have received from al-Saffah.
Moreover he had at his disposal a considerable army,
which in reality he was to lead against the Byzan-
tines. When he learned that the powerful governor
of Khurasan, Abu Muslim, had declared for the
caliph al-Mansur and was marching against him, he
is said to have killed 17,000 Khurasanians in his
army, because he feared they would never fight
against Abu Muslim, and with his remaining troops
proceeded against the latter. He was, however, in
Pjumada II 137/Nov. 754 defeated at Nisibis and
had to flee to his brother Sulayman, the governor
of Basra. After a couple of years, the latter was
dismissed, and 'Abd Allah was arrested by order of
the caliph al-Mansur. He remained some seven years
in prison, then in the year 147/764 he was taken into
a house that had been purposely undermined; it
fell down on him and buried him under the ruins.
At his death he is said to have been 52 years old.
Bibliography: Dinawarl, al-Akhbdr al-Tiwdl
(Guirgass); Ya'kObl; Baiadhurl, Futvh; Tabari;
Mas'udi, Muriidi, indexes ; A ghdnl, Tables; Fragm.
Hist. Arab, (de Goeje and de Jong), passim ; J. Well-
hausen, Das arabische Reich und sein Sturz, Berlin
1902, 341-5; L. Caetani, Chronographica Islamica,
Rome 1912, under the relevant years; L. Cactani-
G. Gabricli, Onomasticon Arabicum, Rome 1915,
731; L. Caetani, Chronologia generate del bacino

mediterraneo, Rome 1923, under the relevant years;
S. Moscati, Le massacre des V may y odes, in Archiv
Orientdlni, 1950, 88-115.

(K. V. Zettersteen — S. Moscati)
'ABD ALLAH b. 'AMIR, governor of Basra, was
born in Mecca in 4/626. He belonged to the Kuray-
shite clan of c Abd Shams and was a maternal cousin
of the caliph 'Uthman. In 29/649-50 he was appointed
by 'Uthman to the governorship of Basra, in suc-
cession to Abu Musa al-Ash'arl, and immediately
took the field in Fars, completing the conquest of
that province by the capture of Istakhr, Darabdjird
and DjQr (FIruzabad). In 30-31/651 he advanced
into Khurasan, defeated the Ephthalites, and occu-
pied the whole province up to Marw, Balkh and
(in 32/635) Harat. After making the Pilgrimage,
during which he distinguished himself by lavish
munificence to the Meccans and Ansar, he returned
to Basra, leaving the government of Khurasan in
the hands of deputies. In 35/656 he attempted in vain
to support 'Uthman, and subsequently assisted
'A'isha, Talha a nd al-Zubayr in organizing the re-
sistance to 'AH at Basra. After their defeat in the
Battle of the Camel he took refuge with a man of
the Banu Hurkus and made his way to Damascus,
where he joined Mu'awiya. In 41/661 he was one
of Mu'awiya's delegates to treat with al-Hasan b.
'All, and at the end of the same year he was re-
appointed to the governorship of Basra. In 42-43/
662-4 his lieutenants reconquered Khurasan and
Sidjistan, which had been lost to the Arabs during
the civil war, and an expedition was sent into Sind.
But his lenience towards the tribesmen appeared too
dangerous to Mu'awiya, who replaced him in 44/
664 by a more energetic governor; thereafter Ibn
'Amir appears to have lived in retirement until his
death at Mecca in 59/680, or in 57 or 58.

'Abd Allah b. 'Amir was celebrated not only for
his military abilities, but also for his generosity and
other personal qualities and especially for his nu-
merous public works. Among these were the con-
struction of two canals at Basra and the canal of
Ubulla, plantations in al-Nihadj and Karyatayn, and
improved water supplies for the pilgrims at 'Arafa.
Bibliography: Tabari, index; Ibn Sa'd, v,
30-5; Ya'kubl, ii, 191-5, etc.; id., Bulddn, in-
dex; Baladhuri, Futuh, 51, 315 ff.; id., Ansdb,
v, index; Muh. b. Hablb, al-Muhabbar, 150;
Aghdni, index; Ta'rikh-i Sistdn, 79ft., 90-1; Ibn
al-Athlr, Usd, iii, 191-2; Caetani, Annali, vii;
Chronographia, 629-30; B. Spuler, Iran in friih-
islamischer Zeit, Wiesbaden 1952, 17 ff. ; J. Walker,
Catalogue of the Arab-Sassanian Coins (in the
B.M.), London 1941, index. (H. A. R. Gibb)
'ABD ALLAH B. BULUGGlN B. BadIs b. HabOs
b. ZlRl, third and last ruler of the kingdom
of Granada, of the SinhadjI Berber family of the
Banu Zirl [see zIrIds of Spain]. Bom in 447/1056,
he was appointed at the death of his father Bulug-
gin Sayf al-Dawla, in 456/1064, as the presumptive
heir of his grandfather Badis b. Habus. He succeeded
him on the throne of Granada, while his brother
Tamim al-Mu'izz became independent ruler of Ma-
laga. His reign consisted of a long series of troubles
inside his kingdom, of armed conflicts with his
Muslim neighbours, and of compromises with Al-
fonso VI, king of Castille. At the time of the Al-
moravid intervention in Spain he took part in the
battles of al-Zallaka [q.v.] and Aledo, but his nego-
tiation with the Christian king soon cost him his
throne. He was besieged in his capital in 483/1090
by Yusuf b. Tashufin, was dethroned and sent into

C ABD ALLAH B. BULUGGlN — 'ABD ALLAH b. DJUD'AN

forced residence in Aghmat, in Southern Morocco,
where he ended his days.

.It was during his exile in Morocco that c Abd
Allah composed his "Memoirs", the almost com-
plete text of which was found by the author of the
present article in successive fragments, at inter-
vals of several years, in the library of the Djami'
al-Karawiyyin in Fes. This autobiography, called
al-Tibyan 'an al-hdditha al-kdHna bi-dawlat Bant
Zirl fi Gharndta, is the most considerable and the
least deformed document on the history of Spain
in the second half of the nth century. In spite of
the long digressions in which the author tries to
justify his political position in face of the dangers
menacing his kingdom, these "Memoirs" give a very
detailed chronicle of all the events that led in 478/
1085 to the taking of Toledo by Alfonso VI, and, in
the next year, to the arrival of the Almoravids in the
Peninsula. At the same time it is a psychological
document of the first order, that mirrors, much
better than the chronicles of the Andalusi (awdHf,
the state of social and political decomposition in
which Muslim Spain was found at the end of the
nth century, and the progress made by that time
by the efforts of the Reconquista. The account of
the events prior to the reign of the author is also
new and important. The "Memoirs" of 'Abd Allah
must be considered as the guiding thread that allows
us to find our bearings through the maze of the history
of Muslim Spain at the moment it was about to fall
into the power of the North African dynasties.

Several fragments of the Tibydn were published,
with an annotated translation by the author of this
article, in And., 1935, 233-344; 1936, 29-145; 1941.
231-93. The whole of the Arabic text, now recovered,
will be published soon. A Spanish translation, by
E. Levi-Provencal and E. Garcia G6mez (Las
"Memorias" de 'Abd Allah, Mtimo rey ziri de Granada)
is due to be published in 1953.

Bibliography: The biographical articles about
c Abd Allah by Ibn 'Idhari and Ibn al-Khatlb
have been reproduced in And., 1936, 124-7; see
also Ibn al-Khatlb, A'mdl al-AHdm (Levi-Pro-
vencal), 268-70; Nubahi, al-Markaba al-'Ulyd
(Levi-Provencal), 93-4; R. Menendez Pidal, La
EspaHa del Cid ', Madrid 1947, indices ; idem,
Leyendo las "Memorias" del rey ziri 'Abd Allah,
And. 1944, 1-8; E. Levi-Provencal, Esp. Mus., iv.

(E. Levi-Provencal)
C ABD ALLAH b. DJA'FAR B. AbI TAlib,
nephew of the caliph 'All. 'Abd Allah's
father had gone over to Islam very early, and took
part in the emigration of the first believers to Abys-
sinia, where, according to the common belief, c Abd
Allah was born. On his mother's side he was a brother
of Muhammad b. AbI Bakr; the mother's name was
Asma' bint c Umays al-Khath'amiyya. After some
years the father returned to Medina taking his son
with him. 'Abd Allah became known chiefly on
account of his great generosity, and received the
honorific surname of Bahr al-Diad, "the Ocean of
Generosity". He appears to have played no very im-
portant part in politics, although his name crops up
from time to time in history during 'All's time and
that following. When Mu'awiya tried to throw sus-
picion on Kays b. Sa c d, the valiant governor of Egypt,
to damage him in 'All's eyes, 'Abd Allah advised the
removal of Kays; 'All allowed himself to be persuaded
and took the fateful step of replacing him by Mu-
hammad b. AbI Bakr, who in a very short time
brought the whole of Egypt into the greatest con-
fusion. This took place in the year 36/656-7. When in

the year 60/680, after Yazid's accession, the Shi'ites
of Kufa summoned Husayn b. 'All to proceed to that
city to have himself proclaimed caliph, c Abd Allah
amongst others endeavoured to dissuade him from
this dangerous enterprise, but without success. The
date of 'Abd Allah's death is generally given as
80 or 85, but 87 and 90 are also recorded.

Bibliography: Tabari, i, 3243 ff.; ii, ^ff.;
iii, 2339 ff.; Ibn al-Athlr, iii, 224 ff.; Nawawl,
337 ff. ; Ya'kubi, ii, 67, 200, 331 ; Mas'udI, Murudj,
iv, 181, 271 f., 313. 329. 434; v, 19, 148, 38311-;
Lammens, £tudes sur le rigne du calif e omaiyade
Mo'dwia I", in MFOB, index. *

(K. V. Zettersteen)
'ABD ALLAH B. DJAHSH. of Banu Asad b.
Khuzavma. a confederate (halif) of Banu
Urn ay y a of Kuraysh. His mother was Umayma
bint 'Abd al-Muttalib, Muhammad's aunt. An early
Muslim along with his brothers, 'Ubayd Allah and
Abu Ahmad, he took part with the former in the
migration to Abyssinia. 'Ubayd Allah became a
Christian and died there, but 'Abd Allah returned
to Mecca and was the most prominent of a group of
confederates, including his sister Zaynab [q.v.], who
all migrated to Medina. He led the much-criticized
raid to Nakhla where Muslims first shed Meccan
blood, and fought at Badr. At his death at Uhud
he was between 40 and 50.

Bibliography: Ibn Sa'd, iii/i, 62-4; Ibn al-
Athlr, Usd, iii, 131; Ibn Hadjar, Isdba, s.v.

(W. Montgomery Watt)
'ABD ALLAH b. DJUD'AN, Kuray shite
notable of the clan of Taym b. Murra, at the end
of the 6th c. A.D. He acquired such wealth from
the caravan and slave trade that he possessed one
of the largest fortunes in Mecca (Ps.-Djahiz, Mahdsin
(van Vloten), 165; Ibn Rusta, 215; Mas'udI, Murud±,
vi, 153 ff.; Lammens, La Mecque d la veille de VHe-
gire, index). He surrounded himself with unusual
luxury (being nick-named hast 'l-dhahab, because he
used to drink from a golden cup), and was the owner
of the two singing-girls called "Locusts of 'Ad"
(Diarddatd 'Ad) whom he offered to Umayya b. Abi
'1-Salt. In giving magnificent banquets, he showed
a generosity that became proverbial (Aghani 1 , viii,
4; Tha'alibi, Thimdr, 487, in connection with the
expression: djifan Ibn Dpid'dn). Thus he won the
favour of the poets, but also drew on himself some
invectives (al-Djahiz, Payawdn', i, 364; ii, 93). His
prestige enabled him to play a certain role in po-
litics {Aghani, xix, 76), and he seems to have been
the promoter of the Meccan confederacy known as
hilt al-fudul (Ibn Hisham, 85; Ya'kubl, ii, 16;
Lammens, op. cit., 54 ff.).

Already before the 3rd/9th c, his unusual wealth,
and the wish of the Meccans to explain it other-
wise than by the slave trade, gave rise to his identi-
fication with the hero of a Yamanite legend, dis-
coverer of the tomb of Shaddad b. 'Amr [q.v.]
(Wahb b. Munabbih, Ttdjdn, 65 ff.). Thus he is
represented as a su'luk banished by his clan, wan-
dering in the desert and enriched by a treasure of
precious stones and gold which he finds in an old
tomb (al-Hamdanl, Iklil, viii, 183 sqq. ; al-DamM, s.v.
Thu'bdn; al-Djahiz, Baydn, ed. Sandubl i, 31). Ac-
cording to an isolated and no doubt apocryphal
tradition, he is buried in a place in Yaman called
Birk al-Ghumad (Yakut, i, 589).

Bibliography : Add to the references quoted
in the art.: Ta'bari, i, 1187, 1330; MakdisI, al-Bad*
wa-l-Ta'rikh, ed. Huart, iv, 128, v, 103; Tha-
'alibi, Thimdr, 539; Aghani », viii, 2-6; Ibn Durayd,

'ABM ALLAH b. DJUD c AN — 'ABD ALLAH b. HILAL

al-Ishtikdk, 88 ; Yakut, iv, 62 1 ; Mas'udl, al-Tanbih,
210-1, 291 (trans. Carra de Vaux, 282-4, 381);
Shibli, Akdm aX-Murdjdn, Cairo 1326, 141 ; Caussin
de Perceval, Essai, i, 300-51, passim; Barbier de
Meynard, Surnoms el sobriquets (= J A, 1907),
66; O. Rescher, Qaljubi's Nawddir, Stuttgart 1920,
no. 101. (Ch. Pellat)

C ABD ALLAH b. HAMDAN [see Hamdanids].
'ABD ALLAH b. HAMMAM al-Saluli, Arab
poet of the ist/7th century (he is said to have
died after 96/715), who played a political role under
the Umayyads. He was attached from 60/680 to
Yazid b. Mu'awiya, condoled with him upon the
death of his father and congratulated him at his
accession. He persuaded Yazid to proclaim his. son
Mu'awiya as heir presumptive and later he was the
first to greet al-Walid b. 'Abd al-Malik with the
name of caliph (86/705). During the reign of 'Abd
al-Malik (65-86/685-705), the only information we
have about his activity shows him to have had
relations with the Shi'ite agitator al-Mukhtar [q.v.]
and his entourage, as well as with the anticaliph
<Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr [q.v.]. To the latter he ad-
dressed a poem criticising the conduct of Mus'ab
[q.v.], who was in effect temporarily deposed soon
afterwards by al-Zubayr (67/686-7).

Bibliography: Baladhuri, Ansdb, v, index;
Djumahi, Tabakdt, (Hell) 135-6; pjahiz, ffayatran ",
index; idem, Baydn (Sandubi), ii, 66, 67; Ibn
Kutayba,SAt'r (de Goeje), 412-3; Ibn c Abd Rabbih,
'Ikd, Cairo 1940, iii, 254 (= iv, 173 = v, 136),
306; vii, 140-1; Abu Tammam, ffamdsa (Freytag),
507; Tabari, ii, 636-42 and passim; Mubarrad,
Kdmil, 34, 309; Mas'udl, Murudi, v, 126, 153-5;
Aghdni 1 , xiv, 120-1, 170; C. A. Nallino, Scritti,
vi, 154 (French transl. 236); H. Lammens, Le
calif at de Yaztd I", MFOB, v 1 , no, 120; idem,
Etudes sur le siicle des Omayyades, Beyrouth, 1930,
141, 158, 166. (Ch. Pellat)

C ABD ALLAH b. HAMZA [see al-Mansur
Bi'llah].

'ABD ALLAH b. HAN£ALA b. AbI 'Amir al-
AnsarI, one of the leaders of the revolution
that broke out in Medina against the caliph Yazid I.
Posthumous son of a Companion killed at Uhud and
surnamed Ghasil al-Mala'ika, 'Abd Allah is also known
as Ibn al-Ghasil. In 62/682 he took part in the depu-
tation sent to Damascus by the governor of Medina,
'Uthman b. Muhammad, to bring about a reconcili-
ation between the malcontents of Medina and the
Umayyads. Yazid showed special consideration for
the envoys, but they, nevertheless, spoke ill of the
caliph and described him as unfit for the caliphate.
Ibn al-Ghasil made himself prominent by his attacks
and when the Ansar openly revolted soon afterwards,
it was he whom they choose as their chief, while 'Abd
Allah b. Muti' [q.v.] took the leadership of the city's
Kurayshites. After the Umayyads of Medina had
been driven out, the caliph was compelled to punish
the rebels by force of arms. About the end of 63/683
he sent troops under the command of Muslim b. 'Ukba,
who occupied favourable positions on the Harra,
to the east of Medina, and after waiting three days,
engaged the Medinese in a bloody battle which ended
with the complete defeat of the rebels (Dhu'l-Hididia
63/Aug. 683). 'Abd Allah showed remarkable bravery
in the battle, but finally fell under the blows of
the Syrians. His head was cut off and brought to
Muslim, and the two soldiers who killed him received,
it is said, high rewards from the caliph.

Bibliography: Baladhuri, Ansdb, v, 154; Ibn
Sa'd, Tabakdt, v, 46 ff.; Tabari, ii, 412 ft.; Ibn

al-A&ir, iv, 45, 87 ft.; Ibn Hadjar, Isdba, no.
4637; Aghdni 1 , i, 12; A. Miiller, Der Islam im
Morgen- und Abendland, i, 365 ff.; J. Wellhausen,
Das arab. Reich, 16 ff.; H. Lammens, Le calif at
de Yazid Ier, 231 ff. (= MFOB, v, 211 ff.).

(K. V. Zettersteen-Ch. Pellat)
'ABD ALLAH b. al-HASAN b. al-Hasan, chief
of the 'A 1 i d s. 'Abd Allah was treated with great
favour by the caliphs of the Umayyad dynasty, and
when he visited the first 'Abbasid caliph Abu
•l-'Abbas al-Saffah at Anbar, the latter received
him with great distinction. Thence he returned to
Medina, where he soon fell under the suspicion of
the successor of al-Saffah, al-Mansur. Yet 'Abd Al-
lah owed his misfortune not so much to himself as
to his two sons Muhammad and Ibrahim. Al-Mansur
began to suspect them in 136/754, when he led the
pilgrimage to Mecca and they did not appear with
the other Hashimites to salute him, but his suspicions
fell more especially on Muhammad. After his accession
al-Mansur tried to sound the Hashimites as to Mu-
hammad's real opinions, but they spoke only good
of him and endeavoured to excuse his absence. Only
al-Hasan b. Zayd advised the caliph to beware of this
dangerous 'Alid. In order to remove all doubts, al-
Mansur ordered 'Ukba b. Salm to get into 'Abd
Allah's confidence by means of presents and forged
letters from Khurasan, the recognised centre of 'Alid
propaganda. At first 'Abd Allah was very cautious
but finally fell into the trap, and when 'Ukba asked
him for an answer for his supposed companions in
Khurasan, he did indeed refuse to give one in writing,
but asked him to inform them by word of mouth
that he greeted them and that his two sons would rise
in revolt in the near future. When 'Ukba had in this
manner convinced himself of the rebellious intentions
of the 'Alids, he at once informed the caliph, and
when the latter in the year 140/758 again made a pil-
grimage, he invited 'Abd Allah to come to him, and
asked him if he could really count on his fidelity.
'Abd Allah assured him of his honorable sentiments,
but when 'Ukba suddenly appeared, he understood
that he had been betrayed and took refuge in en-
treaties. Al-Mansur, however, had him arrested. 'Abd
Allah's relatives shared his fate, but the caliph was
not able to seize his two sons. When he again came
to Medina in the year 144/762 after making another
pilgrimage, he took the prisoners back with him to
al-'Irak, and soon afterwards 'Abd Allah died there
in prison at the age of 75. According to current
report, he was murdered by al-Mansur's orders.
Bibliography: Tabari, ii, 1338 ft.; iii, 143 ff-;
Ibn al-Athir, 172 ft.; Weil, Gesch. d. Chalifen, ii,
40 ff. (K. V. Zettersteen)

'ABD ALLAH b. HILAL al-HimyarI al-KufI,
a magician of Kufa, contemporary of al-Hadjdjadj,
with whom he was in relations after the building
of the palace in Wasit (Yakut, iv, 885; cf. also an
adventure with a concubine of the caliph, Ibn Ha-
djar, Lisdn al-Mizdn, iii, 372-3). Aghdni ', i, 167
quotes verses by 'Umar b. Abi Rabi'a that bear
witness to a connection between the poet and the
magician. He abtained his powers from a magic ring
given to him by Satan to thank him for having
defended him from children who were insulting him.
He was also thought to receive his inspiration
from Iblis, because he was descended from Iblis in
the maternal line; hence his nicknames of sadik
Iblis, sdhib Iblis, khatan Iblis or sibt Iblis (al-Djabiz,
al-ffayawdn', i, 190; al-Bayhaki, al-Mahdsin, 109;
al-Tha'alibi, Thimdr, 57); he is clearly described as
makhdum by al-Djahiz, al-ffayawdn ', vi, 198 (cf.

'ABD ALLAH B. HILAL — 'ABD ALLAH b. ISKANDAR

WZKM, vii (1893), 235-6). The Fikrist, 310 (repro-
duced in al-Shibll, Akdm al-Murdidn, 101-2) men-
tions him among those that follow al-farika al-
makmuda; on the other hand he is considered as the
master of al-Halladj, accused of practising diabolic
magic (L. Massignon, HaUddj, 792). Al-Djawbari
declares that he had read his books of magic (ZDMG,
xx, (1866), 487; the passage is missing in the Cairo ed.
of al-Mukktdr fi Kaskf al-Asrar) and refers to Fakhr
al-DIn al-RazI, al-Sirr al-Maktum. (Ch. Pellat)

C ABD ALLAH b . al-HUSAYN, AmlrofTrans-
jordan (Shark al-Urdunn), afterwards king of
Hashimite Jordan (al-Mamlaka al-Urdunniyya al-
Hashimiyya), second son of the Sharif al-Husayn
b. 'All [q.v.] king of Hidjaz. Born in Mecca, in 1882,
he studied in Istanbul. After the revolution of 1908,
he represented for some time the Hidjaz in the Otto-
man parliament. Just before the first world war he
joined the Arab Union, an association founded in
Cairo by the Syrian Muhammad Rashld Rida [q.v.]. In
April 1914 he had interviews in Egypt with Lord
Kitchener and Ronald Storrs and thus took part in
the negotiations that led to the proclamation of
"Arab Revolt" announced by his father in Mecca,
9 Sha'ban 1334/10 June 1916. During the hostilities
he played only a minor role. On 8 March 1920 an
'"Iraki .Congress", which met in Damascus, pro-
claimed him "constitutional king of 'Irak". But
he never took possession of the throne, which
was given by the English, in June 1921, to his brother
Faysal, who had been expelled from Damascus by
the French troops of General Gouraud (24-27 July
1920). In March 1921 'Abd Allah met in Jerusalem
W. Churchill, then colonial secretary. It was during
that interview that it was orally agreed to create in
Transjordan, separated from the rest of Palestine
placed under British mandate, a "national Arab
government" headed by c Abd Allah (28 March). On
28 August 1923 this government was recognized by
the High Commissioner for Palestine. Its relations
with Great Britain were fixed by a treaty signed
in Jerusalem 20 February 1928 (modified by the
agreements of 2 June 1934 and 9 July 1941).

In 1946 Great Britain recognized Transjordan "as
a completely independent state" (treaty of 22 March
1946, modified by the treaty of 15 March 1948).
c Abd Allah was crowned as king in 'Amman, 25
May 1946, and Transjordan, constituted a kingdom,
took the name of "Hashimite Kingdom of Jordan".
After the war in Palestine (15 May 1948-3 April
1949), 'Abd Allah annexed the territories occupied
by the Arab Legion to the west of the Jordan (April-
May 1950). He was assassinated in Jerusalem on 20
July 1951.

In the last years of his life, he visited successively
Turkey (Jan. 1947), Iran (July-August 1949) and
Spain (Sept. 1949). His journeys were followed by
the signature of treaties of friendship with these
countries (Turkey, n Jan. 1947; Iran, 16 Nov. 1949;
Spain, 7 Oct. 1950). On the other hand he tried to
overcome the hostility of the Arab League to his
projects of territorial expansion. He died, however,
without accomplishing the great ideal of his reign:
grouping round his throne the Arab lands of Syria
(project of Greater Syria).

He was the author of memoirs, only the first
part of which has been published.

Bibliograpky. c Abd Allah b. al-Husayn,

Mudkakkarati, 1945 (English transl., Philip P.

Graves, Memoirs of King Abdullah of Transjordan,

London 1950). Reference should be made especially

to OM 1923-51 and Cakiers del'Or.Cont., 1944-51.

See also T. E. Lawrence, Seven pillars of wisdom,
London 1935; idem, Revolt in Ike desert, London
1927; C. S. Jarvis, Arab command', 1943; R.
Storrs, Orientations, London 1943; J. Bagot Glubb,
Tke story of tke Arab Legion, London 1948; Et-
tore Rossi, Documenti sull'origine e gli sviluppi
delta questione arabe (1875-1904), Rome 1944. On
the project of Greater Syria, see Transjordan
Wkite Book, 'Amman 1947, and Li voild la
Grande Syrie, published by the review al-Dunya,
Damascus 1947. (M. Colombe)

'ABD ALLAH b. IBAp [see Ibadiyya].
'ABD ALLAH b. IBRAHIM [see aghlabids].
'ABD ALLAH b. ISKANDAR, a Shay ban id
[q.v.], the greatest prince of this dynasty, born in
940/1533-4 (the dragon year 1532-3 is given, probably
more accurately, as the year of the cycle) at Afa-
rinkent in Miyankal (an island between the two
arms of the Zarafshan). The father (Iskandar Khan),
grandfather (Djani Beg) and great-grandfather
(Kh'adia Muhammad, son of Abu '1-Khayr[j.u.]) of
this ruler of genius are all described as very ordinary,
almost stupid men. Djani Beg (d. 935/1528-9) had
at the distribution of 918/1512-3 received Karmina
and Miyankal; Iskandar was at the time of his son's
birth lord of Afarinkent; later, probably after the
death of one of his brothers, he emigrated to Kar-
mina. There 'Abd Allah first proved his ability as
a ruler in 958/1551; the country had been attacked
by Nawruz Ahmed Khan of Tashkend and 'Abd
al-Latif Khan of Samarkand; Iskandar had fled across
the Amu; 'Abd Allah assumed his father's duties
and successfully repulsed the attack. In the following
years 'Abd Allah tried to extend his possessions
westward in the direction of Bukhara and south-
eastward in the direction of Karshi and Shahr-i
Sabz, at first without permanent success; in 963/
1555-6 he was even obliged to evacuate the lands
inherited by his father and flee to Maymana. In
the same year (Dhu 'l-Ka'da/September-.October
1556) there died his powerful enemy Nawruz Ahmed
Khan, khan of the Ozbegs and lord of Tashkend
since 959/1552. 'Abd Allah immediately reasserted
his supremacy in Karmina and Shahr-i Sabz, and
in Radjab 964/May 1557 conquered Bukhara, from
that time his capital. There he had his uncle Pir
Muhammad declared as deposed and his weak-
minded father proclaimed in Sha'ban 968/April-
May 1 561 khan of all the Ozbegs, in order to rule
himself in the latter's name. Only in 991/1583, after
the death of his father (1 Djumada II/22 June), did
he accept the vacant throne. After severe fighting
against insubordinate supporters of the ruling house
he subjugated Balkh in 98 1/1 573-4, Samarkand in
Rabi' II 986/June 1578, Tashkend and the remaining
country north of the Syr in 990/1582-3, and Far-
ghana in 991/1583. In addition to these conquests,
'Abd Allah also made a raid in the first half
of the year 990/spring 1582 into the steppes as
far as Ulugh Tagh. In the year 996/1587-8 a stub-
born insurrection was suppressed in Tashkend, and
the enemy again pursued far into the steppes. In the
south-east Badakhshan was conquered, in the west
Khurasan, Gilan and Kh"arizm, the last-named first
in 1002/1593-4 and then, after an insurrection, re-
conquered in 1004/1595-6. An expedition to East
Turkistan resulted only in the laying waste of the
provinces of Kashghar and Yarkand. 'Abd Allah's
last years were darkened by a quarrel with his
only son 'Abd al-Mu'min, v.ho ruled in Balkh from
the end of 990/autumn 1582 in the name of his
father. As 'Abd Allah had been the real ruler under

'ABD ALLAH B. ISKANDAR — 'ABD ALLAH b. KHAZIM

Iskandar, in the same way c Abd al-Mu'min wanted
to occupy the same position in relation to his now
aging father. 'Abd Allah would, however, not hear
of any diminution of his power, and only the media-
tion of the clergy prevented an open breach between
father and son, and compelled 'Abd al-Mu'min to
yield. On hearing of the strained relations between
father and son, the nomads had penetrated into the
region of Tashkend and had defeated between Tash-
kend and Samarkand an army sent against them.
At the beginning of a punitive expedition against
this enemy 'Abd Allah was overtaken by death in
Samarkand (end of the "hen year", 1006/beginning
of 1598).

'Abd al-Mu'min was murdered only six months
later by his subjects. The conquests in Khurasan
and Kh w arizm were lost, and in the Ozbegs' own coun-
try the power fell into the hands of another dynasty.
Of greater permanence were' the results of 'Abd
Allah's activity in internal affairs; the administration,
especially the coinage system, was remodelled by
him, many public- works (bridges, caravanseras,
wells, etc.) were completed. Even at the present
day popular folklore ascribes all such monuments
either to Timur or to 'Abd Allah.

Bibliography: The life of this ruler up to
the year 996/1587-8 is described in detail by his
eulogist Hafiz Tanlsh: Sharaf-ndma-yi Shdhi
(Persian), usually called 'Abd Alldh-ndma. Much
information (especially about the last few years)
is given by c Abd Allah's Persian contemporary
Iskandar Munshi' in Ta'rikh-i 'Alam Ard-yi 'Ab-
bdsi (biography of Shah 'Abbas I, Teheran 1897).
Extracts from both works are in Welyaminow-
Zernow, Izslyedowaniya o kasimowskikh tsaryahh
i tsarewidakh, ii (in the Trudi wostol. old. imper.
arkheol. obshl., x.; German transl. Leipzig 1867),
and before that in his Moneti bukharshiya i
khiwskiya. See also my extracts from the little
known Bahr al-Asrdr by Mahmud b. Wali in the
Zapiski wostol. otd. imper. rusk, arkheol. obshi.,
xv. On the Bahr al-Asrdr comp. Ethe, India
Office Cat., No. 575. The information given by
Vambery, Gesch. Bochara's, and by Howorth,
Hist. 0/ the Mongols, ii. div. 2, who follows him,
is to be accepted with great caution.

(W.

-D)

'ABD ALLAH b. ISMA'lL, 'Alawid [q.v.]
sultan of Morocco, whose first reign started 4
Sjja'ban 1141/5 March 1729, while his last ended
with his death 27 Safar 1171/10 Nov. 1757.

This sovereign was in fact deposed several times,
five times according to the Arabic historians, and
as often recalled to power. For the good order
established in Morocco under Mawlay Isma'il [q.v.]
was at that time but a memory. When 'Abd Allah
assumed power, two of his brothers, Ahmad al-
Dhahabi and 'Abd al-Malik, had been fighting for
it for two years, and had roused, by their mutual
bids and their weakness, violent antagonism between
the black army of their father, the 'abid al-Bukhdri,
and the gish [diaysh, q.v.] tribe of Odaya and the
Berbers of the Middle and Central Atlas. When it
is added that the sons of Mawlay Isma'il were
numerous and that several of them aspired to power,
and that, on the other hand, 'Abd Allah showed
himself from the beginning to be capricious and cruel,
then it is plain why Morocco was at this time the
scene of constant disorders.

Raised to power by the 'abid, who had been won
over by his mother, 'Abd Allah immediately stirred
up against himself the city of Fez, whose resistance

only after a siege of six months. He
then tried to pacify his kingdom, but in consequence
of a disastrous campaign in the Central Atlas, ex-
cited the enmity of the 'abid and had to flee, on 29
Sept. 1734, to the Wadi Nun, to his mother's tribe.
Replaced by his brother 'All al-A'radj, he was re-
called in 1736, but was again expelled a few months
later by the 'abid. He took refuge with the Berber
Ait Idrasan and was replaced successively by two
of his brothers, Muh. b. al-'Arabiyya and al-Mustadi'.
Recalled in 1740, he fought against al-Mustadi' and
his ally, the pasha of Tangier, Ahmad al-RIfl, when
another son of Isma'il, Zayn al-'Abidin, was elevated
to the throne by the c abid. 'Abd Allah found new
supporters among the Berbers, with whose help he
regained power in the same year. He then suceeeded
in defeating al-Mustadi and al-RIfi and made an
effort to pacify Morocco. New revolts, however, fol-
lowed each other without interruption and the sultan
constantly changed his allies, relying sometimes on
the 'abid, sometimes on the Cdaya, sometimes on the
Berbers. He was deposed yet again (1748) in favour
of his son Muhammed governor of Marrakush. His
son, however, remained loyal and assured the reign
of 'Abd Allah until his death, but in the midst of
continual disorders. 'Abd Allah resided partly in
Meknes, and partly in a country house near Fez,
Dar Dbibagh.

Bibliography : ZayyanI, Le Maroc de 631 a-
1812 (Houdas), Paris 1886, 35-67; trad. Houdas,
64-127; AkensOs, al-Dxaysh al-'Aramram, lith,
Fes 1336/1918, reproducing al-Zayyani; Nasiri
Salawi, al-Istiksd', iv, Cairo 1312/1894, 59-91 ;
trad. E. Fumey, AM, ix, 1916, 171-270; L. de
Chenier, Recherches historiques sur Us Maures et
histoire de I'Empire de Maroc, iii, Paris 1787,
430-65; H. Terrasse, Histoire du Maroc, ii, Casa-
blanca 1950, 282-6. (R. le Tourneau)
'ABD ALLAH b. KHAZIM al-SulamI, governor
of Khurasan. On the first expedition of 'Abd Allah
b. 'Amir [q.v.] into Khurasan in 31/651-2, Ibn
Khazim commanded the advance-guard which occu-
pied Sarakhs. According to some accounts, he put
down a rebellion led by Karin in 33/653-4 and was
rewarded with the governorship of the province,
but this is probably an anticipation of the events
of 42/662. During Ibn 'Amir's second governorship
of Basra (41/661), Kays b. al-Haytham al-Sulaml
was appointed to Khurasan, and 'Abd Allah b.
Khazim and 'Abd al-Rahman b. Samura were des-
patched to recover Balkh and Sidjistan. When
Kays showed himself unable to deal with an Eph-
thalite revolt which broke out in the following year,
Ibn 'Amir replaced him as governor by 'Abd Allah
b. Khazim, who remained in Khurasan until recalled
by Ziyad in 45/665.

Ibn Khazim returned to Khurasan with the army
of Salm b. Ziyad (61-2/680-2), and when the latter
withdrew after the death of Yazld I Ibn Khazim
persuaded him to nominate him as governor of the
province (64/684). Having gained possession of Marw
after defeating its Tamimite governor, he then at-
tacked, with the aid of Tamfm, the Bakrite governors
of Marw al-Rudh and Harat, and overcame them
after a long struggle. The victory was followed by
repeated risings of the Tamlm against Ibn Khazim,
now nominally governor on behalf of Ibn al-Zubayr.
In 72/692 he received, but indignantly rejected, an
offer by 'Abd al-Malik to confirm him as governor
for seven years; the offer was then made to and ac-
cepted by his deputy in Marw, the Tamimite Bukayr
b. Wishah, who overtook and killed him (probably

'ABD A1.LA.H b. KHAZIM — 'ABD ALLAH B. MU'AWIYA

in 73/692-3) as he was attempting to join his son
Musa in the stronghold which he had previously
prepared at Tirmidh. The career of lbn Khazim was
-afterwards embellished with saga-like accretions,
which make it difficult to establish many details
-with precision.

Bibliography: Tabari, index (tr. Zotenberg,
iv, 63-5, 113-4); BalSdhuri, 356 ff., 409, 413 ft-;
Ya'kubl, ii, 258, 322-4; id. Bulddn, 279, 296-9;
Muh. b. Habib, al-Muhabbar, 221-2, 308; NakdHd
Diarir wa-l-Farazdah, index; al-Kali, Dhayl al-
Amdli, 32; Wellhausen, Arab. Reich, 258-62;
Caetani, Annali, vii, 275 ft., 493 ff.; viii, 3-8;
Barthold, Turkestan', 184; Marquart, £rdnSahr,
Berlin 1901, 69, 135; J. Walker, Catalogue of the
Arab-Sassanian Coins {in the B.M.), London 1941,
index; R. Ghirshman, Les Chionites-Hephtalites,
99-101; other reff. in Caetani, Chronographia,
853. (H. A. R. Gibb)

<ABD ALLAH b. MAS'CD [see ibn mas'&d].
<ABD ALLAH B. MAYMCN, client of the family
of al-Haritt? b. 'Abd Allah b. Abi Rabi c a al-Makh-
zumi (Ibn al-Zubayr's governor in Basra, cf . al-Tabari,
index), known in the Twelver Shi'ite literature as
a transmitter of traditions from Dja'far al-
Sadik (al-KulIni, Ibn Babuya, al-Tusi, passim, cf.
Ivanow, Alleged Founder, n -60; see also the Shi'ite
books of rididl- al-Kashshi, Ma'ri/at Akhbdr al-
Rididl, 160; al-Nadjashi, al-Rididl, 148; al-Tusi,
Fihrist, 197; he appears also in Sunni books of rididl:
al-Dhahabi, Mizdn al-IHiddl, ii, 81, who quotes the
earlier Sunni authorities; Ibn Hadjar, Tahdhib
al-Tahdhib, vi, 149). Since Dja'far al-Sadik died
in 148/765, c Abd Allah belongs to the middle and
the second half of the 2nd/8th century. His father
Maymun al-Kaddab ("sharpener of arrows" — so al-
Nadjashi — rather than "oculist") is also mentioned
in the Twelver sources as a companion of Dja'far's
father, Muh. al-Bakir. Ismail! sources, too, speak
of Maymun and c Abd Allah as companions of al-
Bakir and Dja'far al-Sadik (cf. Lewis, Origins, 65-7).
The anti-Isma'fll writers, from the beginning of the
4th/ioth century on, have a long and colourful tale to
tell of 'Abd Allah as the founder of Isma'ilism.
The source of all these accounts is that of Ibn Rizam
(beg. of the 4th/ioth century), quoted in the Fihrist,
186. According to this story, Maymun al-^addah, a
Bardesanian (hence in later sources "son of Daysan" ;
the name of the "father" seems to owe its existence
to the alleged adherence of Maymun to Ibn Daysan,
Bardesanes) was an extremist, follower of Abu '1-
Khattab [?.«.], and founded the sect called May-
muniyya. His son 'Abd Allah claimed to be a prophet,
supported his claims by conjuring tricks and, driven
by the ambition of securing worldly power, founded
a movement, instituting seven grades of beliefs that
-culminated in shameless atheism and libertinism.
He pretended to work on behalf of Muh. b. Isma'Il,
as expected Mahdi. 'Abd Allah came from Kuradj
al-'Abbas near Ahwaz, but transferred his head-
quarters first to c Askar Mukram, then to Basra,
and finally to Salamiya in Syria, where he .remained
in hiding until his death. His lifetime is put by Ibn
Rizam, anachronistically, in the middle of the 3rd/
■9th century. His successors stayed in Salamiya,
until 'Ubayd Allah al-Mahdl [?.«.] claimed to be
a descendant of Muh. b. Isma'Il, and fled to Ifrikiya
-to found there the Fatimid dynasty. This story of
Ibn Rizam proved a great success, was copied by
all the subsequent anti-Isma'IH writers (the chief
of them being Akhu Muhsin — preserved in excerpts
■by al-Nuwayri and al-MakrlzI — and Ibn Shaddad,

who gives Maymun the kunya Abu Shakir, cf. Ibn
al-Athlr, viii, 21, presumably in order to identify
him with the zindik Abu Shakir, for whom see al-
Khayyat, al-Intisdr, 40, 142; Fihrist, 337 and the
Twelver legends quoted by Ivanow, Alleged Founder,
91 ff. and G. Vajda, RSO, 1937, 192, 196, 224),
and became, with certain additions and variations
(cf. Lewis, Origins, 54-63) the standard account of
Sunni authors about the rise of Isma'ilism. This
is not the place to discuss in detail the vexed and
apparently insoluble problem of the antecedents of
the Fatimids (see fatimids and also isma'iliyya)
yet it must be pointed out that the view that the
Fatimids descended from Maymun al-fCaddah seems
to have been entertained not only by Ibn Rizam,
a great enemy of Isma'ilism, but also by certain
sections of the Isma'Il! movement itself, and the
Imam al-Mu'izz had to polemize against some of
his followers who considered him as a descendant
of Maymun (see the letter of al-Mu'izz quoted by
'Imad al-DIn Idris and printed by Ivanow in the
J. of the Bombay Branch of the RAS, 1940, 74-6,
and, confirming and completing that piece of in-
formation, a passage in al-Nu'man's al-Mad±dlis wa
'l-Musdyardt, MS of SOAS, London, 25434, fol. 76
ff., to be published by the author of this article).
W. Ivanow (The rise of the Fatimids, Bombay 1942,
see especially 127-56; The Alleged Founder of Ismai-
lism, Bombay 1946) denies the truth of any con-
nection between Isma'ilism and Maymun and 'Abd
Allah, or their descendants, considering the whole
story as freely invented by their enemies — although
it is difficult to see why they have picked out just
Maymun and c Abd Allah for the role and how
early Isma'ill circles could come to accept them,
merely on the authority of scandal invented by their
enemies, as the ancestors of the leaders to whom
they paid allegiance. B. Lewis, The origins of Ismai-
lism, Cambridge 1940 (see especially 49-73), admits,
on the whole, the historicity of the role of Maymun
and c Abd AUah as leaders of the extremist movement
out of which grew Isma'ilism. The evidence is as
yet not sufficient for a definite solution of this
problem, and it would seem possible that the basis
for the story about Maymun and c Abd Allah is to
be sought in the role that some descendants of 'Abd
Allah b. Maymun may have played in the Isma'ill
movement in its beginnings about 260/873, and that
the story was spun out of this knowledge of the con-
nection of some "Kaddahids" with Isma'ilism.
(S. M. Stern)
'ABD ALLAH b. MU'AWIYA, c Alid rebel. After
the death of Abu Hashim, a grandson of C A1I, claims
were laid to the Imamate from several quarters.
Some asserted that Abu Hashim had formally trans-
ferred his right to the dignity of Imam to the 'Ab-
basid Muhammad b. C A1I. Others said that he had
spoken in favor of c Abd Allah b. c Amr al-Kindl
and wanted to proclaim him Imam. As he, however,
did not come up to the expectations of his followers,
they turned from him and declared 'Abd Allah b.
Mu'awiya, a great-grandson of 'All's brother Dja-
'far, to be the rightful Imam. The latter asserted
that both the godhead and the prophetic office were
united in his person, because the spirit of God had
been transferred from the one to the other and had
finally come to him. In accordance with this his
followers believed in metempsychosis and denied the
resurrection. In Muharram 127/Oct. 744, 'Abd Allah
revolted in Kufa where he was joined by many fol-
lowers, especially from amongst the Zaydites [q.v.].
The latter captured the citadel and expelled the

<ABD ALLAH b. MU'AWIYA — C ABD ALLAH B. MUHAMMAD al-TA c A'ISHI

prefect. In a short time, however, <Abd Allah b.
■Umar b. c Abd al-'Aziz, the governor of c Irak, put
an end to his manoeuvres. When it came to fighting,
the ever unreliable Kufans deserted; only the Zay-
dites fought bravely and continued the battle till
c Abd Allah was granted an unimpeded retreat. From
Kufa he proceeded at first to MadS'in and then to
al-Djibal. His power was in no way broken. From
Kufa and from other places numbers of people flocked
to him and he soon succeeded in winning over several
important strongholds in Persia. After residing for
some time in Isfahan, he went to Istakhr. Owing
to the temporary weakness of the government in
Persia, as a result of the disorders in c Irak and Khu-
rasan, he had no difficulty in extending his rule over
a great part of al-Djibal, Ahwaz, Fars and Karman.
The Kharidiites. who had fought against Marwan
II on the Tigris, withdrew into c Abd Allah's domain
and other opponents of the caliph also joined him,
including some 'Abbasids. In the end, however, he was
unable to maintain his power. c Amir b. Dubara, one
of Marwan's generals, who had been entrusted with
the pursuit of the Kharidiites. led an army into c Abd
Allah's domains and brought his rule to a sudden
end. In the year 129/746-7, c Abd Allah was defeated
at Marw al-Shadhan and forced to flee to Khurasan,
where Abu Muslim, the celebrated general of the
'Abbasids, had him executed. After his death, some of
his followers, called al-Djanahiyya [q.v.], maintained
that he was still alive and would return ; on the other
hand, others, the so-called Harithites, believed that
his spirit was reincarnated in Ishak b. Zayd b. al-
Harith al-Ansari.

Bibliography: Tabarl, ii, 1879 ff-; Ibn al-
Athir, v, 246 ff.; Mas'udI, Murudi, vi, 41 ff., 67
ff., 109; ShahrastanI, 112-3 (transl. Haarbriicker,
i, 170) ; Aghdni, Index ; G. Weil, Gesch. d. Chalifen;
Wellhausen, Das arab. Retch, 239 ft.; id., Die
rel.-pol. Oppositionsparteien, in Abh. G. W. Gdtt.
v/2, 98 f. ; Caetani and Gabrieli, Onomasticon, ii,
853. (K. V. Zettersteen*)

C ABD ALLAH b. MUHAMMAD, Sharif of Mecca

[se

KA].

C ABD ALLAH B. MUHAMMAD B. c Abd al-
RaiimAn al-MarwanI, seventh Umayyad Amir
of Cordova. He succeeded his brother al-Mundhir
on the latter's death before Bobastro, centre of 'Umar
b. Hafsun's rebellion, on 15 Safar 275/29 June 888.
The circumstances of al-Mundhir's death arouse the
suspicion that the new sovereign was not quite in-
nocent of it. At his accession, c Abd Allah, born in
229/844, was forty-four years old. His reign, which
lasted for a quarter of a century, until his death on
1 Rabl c I 300/16 Oct. 912, was described in detail
by the chronicler Ibn Hayyan, in that part of his
Muktabis which has been preserved in an Oxford
manuscript, long since known and utilized, and
published in a somewhat faulty edition by M. M.
Antuna, Paris 1937.

His biographers present a flattering portrait of
the Amir c Abd Allah and omit to mention his cruelty
and his lack of scruples. They extol his sobriety,
his piety and his Islamic culture. It may be granted
to him as an undoubted merit that he maintained, in
a difficult period, the Hispano-Umayyad dynasty
and contrived to counter a multitude of internal
dangers, notably the Andalusian revolt fomented by
the muwallads and the particularist tendences of the
Arab gentry of Seville and Elvira. For further details

Encyclopaedia of Islam

Bibliography: Levi-Provencal, Esp. mus.,.i,

329 (list of Arabic sources, note i)-396; Dozy,

Hist. Mus. Esp 2 , ii, 21-93.

(E. Levi-Provencal)

C ABD ALLAH b. MUHAMMAD al-TA'A'ISHI
(his name is invariably pronounced as c Ab_dullahi),
the successor of Muhammad Ahmad [q.v.], the Suda-
nese Mahdi. He belonged to the Awlad Umm Surra,
a clan of the Djubarat section of the Ta'a'isha, a
tribe of cattle-breeding Arabs (Bakkara) in Darfur.
His great-grandfather is said to have been a Tunisian
Sharif who married a woman of the tribe. His father
Muhammad b. c Ali Karrar bore the nickname of
Tor Shayn (Ugly Bull). Religious pretensions were
hereditary in the family, and both father and son
were fakis of repute. Zubayr Rahma, the famous
merchant-adventurer and conquerer of Darfur, re-
lates that c Abdullahi narrowly escaped execution at
his hands, when taken prisoner during the Darfur
fighting in 1873, and that even then he was in search
of the Expected Mahdi. Tor Shayn died among the
Djim'a tribe in Kordofan and, according to the le-
gend, he enjoined on his son to seek out Muhammad
Ahmad the future Mahdi. 'Abdullahi adhered to
him in the Diazlra before he had manifested himself,
and was the first to believe in his mission. He was
his closest adviser during the years of propaganda
and fighting (1881-85), and his gifts of leadership
largely contributed to the successes which culmi-
nated in the fall of Khartum (26 Jan. 1885). In an
epistle, dated 17 Rabl c I 1300/26 Jan. 1883, the
Mahdi nominated him as his khalifa with the title
of al-Siddlk, and as amir of the Mahdist army. On
the Mahdi's death at Omdurman (22 June 1885)
c Abdullahi assumed control of the new Mahdist state.
A convinced believer in the Mahdi's mission and him-
self claiming supernatural gifts, he rigorously up-
held the religious ordinances of the Mahdiyya, with-
out neglecting the temporal aim of establishing his
personal and absolute rule. With this end in view
he deprived the Mahdi's blood-relations (the Ash-
raf) of all influence and successfully crushed the
opposition of powerful tribal chiefs and of rival
religious pretenders. Not himself a military leader,
c Abdullahi was served by a number of capable
amirs who, in the first year of his reign, captured
the last posts still held by the Egyptian garrisons.
His governor of the eastern province, the redoutable
c Uthman Digna [q.v.] fought numerous actions with
varying success against the Anglo-Egyptian forces
based on Suakin. Between 1887 and 1889 there was
intermittent warfare with the Abyssinians (sack of
Gondar by the Mahdists in 1887; battle of Kallabat
9 March 1889 when an Abyssinian victory was turned
into rout by the death in battle of King John).
In the execution of his policy c Abdullahi relied
largely on the Bakkara tribesmen of Kordofan and
Darfur, whom he brought to the Central Sudan where
they incurred much unpopularity as a privileged
and predatory class. c Abdullahi's most trusted as-
sociate was his brother Ya'kub and he seems to
have intended his eldest son c Uthman Shaykh al-
Din to be his successor.

The first serious reverse of his reign was the defeat
at Toshkl (3 Aug. 1889) of the Mahdist army under
c Abd al-Rahman al-Nadjumi which attempted the
invasion of Egypt with quite inadequate forces.
The country over which 'Abdullahi still ruled with
absolute power was now devastated by incessant
warfare and by the terrible famine of 1889. The end
came when the British government, then in virtual
control of Egypt, decided on the re-conquest of the

'ADD ALLAH B. MUHAMMAD AL-TA'A'ISHl — <ABD ALLAH B. RAWAHA

Sudan. The occupation of Dongola (1896) by Anglo-
Egyptian iorces was followed by their advance to
Oindurman and the decisive defeat of the Mahdist
army (2 Sept. 1898). 'Abdullahi fled to KordofSn
where he maintained himself with a considerable
body of followers for another year. In the final
battle of Umm Dubaykarat (24 Nov. 1899) he met
death with courage and dignity.

The Mahdi and his successor professed to re-live
the life of the Prophet and of early Islam, and 'Ab-
dullahi's epistles, in which he exhorted the Sultan
of Turkey, the Khedive of Egypt, and Queen Vic-
toria to embrace the Mahdist faith, vividly display
the anachronistic spirit of the Mahdiyya. Ruthless
towards external enemies and suspected rivals, and
governing without regard for the material welfare
of his country, 'Abdullahi yet remained true to his
fanatical faith and to the primitive code of a Bakkari
Arab. In contrast to European writers who stress
the cruel and barbaric character of his reign, Su-
danese tradition credits him with the virtues of
simplicity in his private life, generosity as a host,
and bravery as a fighter. From his numerous house-
hold of legal wives and concubines he had 21 sons
and 11 daughters, not counting those who died in

Bibliography: F. R. Wingate, Mahdiism in
the Egyptian Sudan, London, 1891; J. Ohrwalder,
Ten years captivity in the Mahdi's camp, tr. F. R.
Wingate, London 1892, many ed.; R. Slatin, Fire
and sword in the Sudan tr. F. R. Wingate, London
1896, often reprinted; Naum Shoucair, (Na'um
Shukayr), Td'rikh al-Suddn, Cairo 1903 (many
original documents); J. A. Reid, Some notes on
the Khalifa Abdullahi, Sudan Notes and Records,
1938, 207 ff. (based on oral tradition) ; A. B.
Theobald, The Mahdiyya, London 195 1. See also
the bibliography under muhammad ahmad and
Sudan (Eastern). Archives of 'Abdullahi's reign
consisting of more than 50,000 documents are
preserved in Khartum. (S. Hillelson)

C ABD ALLAH B. al-MU^AFFA' [see Ibn al-
Mukaffa'].

<ABD ALLAH b. MOSA b. Nusayr, eldest son
of Musa b. Nusayr [q.v.'] the conqueror of the Maghrib
and Spain. When his father left for Spain, he was
charged with the administration of Ifrikiya (93/711).
When Musa, denounced to the caliph al-Walid by
Tarik, left for the East, whence he never returned,
he again left 'Abd Allah as his lieutenant. Involved
in his family's disgrace by the caliph Sulaymin,
who saw not without disquiet Ifrikiya governed by
one son of Musa ('Abd Allah), Spain by a second
('Abd al-'Aziz) and the Maghrib by a third ('Abd
al-Malik), he was deposed in 96/714-5 and replaced
by Muh. b. Yazid, who assumed his office in 97/715.
It is uncertain what happened to him; he is said
to have been accused of having instigated the
murder of Yazid b. Abu Muslim and to have been
executed in 102/720 by Bishr b. Safwan, on the
orders of the caliph Yazid b. 'Abd al-Malik.

Bibliography: Ibn 'Idhari, i, index; ^aia
.Jhurl, Futuh, 231; Ibn Taghribirdi (Juynboll-
Matthes), i, 261; Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, Futuh
Ifrikiya (Gateau), Alger 1947, index.

(R. Basset)

liph Yazid I in Medina. When he saw the
' n of Yazid the Umayyad goven
increasing opposition, Ibn Mut

proposed to leave Medina, but 'Abd Allah b. 'Umar
[q.v.] advised him to remain, and he gave in to Ibn
'Umar's arguments. When the inhabitants of Medina
revolted against the new caliph, he became the leader
of the Kurayshite elements in the city and took
part in the battle of the Harra in Dhu 'l-Hidjdja
63/August 683. Escaping from the general rout, he
took refuge in Mecca with the anti-caliph 'Abd
Allah b. Zubayr, who appointed him in Rama-
dan 65/April 685 governor of Kufa. Shortly after-
wards he was attacked by the Shi'ite adventurer
al-Mukhtar b. AM 'Ubayd [q.v.]. Abandoned, be-
sieged in his palace and probably betrayed by his
own general Ibrahim b. al-Ashtar, he relinquished
his post, withdrew to Basra, and then joined Ibn
al-Zubayr in Mecca. There he joined Ibn al-Zubayr's
forces and was killed together with him in 73/692.
Bibliography: Baladhuri, Ansdb, v, index;
Ibn Sa'd, Tabakal, v, 48, 106 if.; Tabari, ii, 232
ff.; Ibn al-Athir, iv, 14 ff.; G. Weil, Gesch. d.
Chal., index: H. Lammens, Le calif at de Yazid
Ier, 214 ff. (= MFOB, v, 212 ff.); Caetani-Gabrieli.
Onomasticon, ii, 922.

(K. V. Zettersteen— Ch. Pellat)
'ABD ALLAH b. RAWAHA, a Khazradjite, be-
longing to the most esteemed clan of the Banu
'1-Harith. At the second 'Akaba assembly in March
622, 'Abd Allah was one of the 12 trustworthy men,
whom the already converted Medinians, conform-
ably to the Prophet's wish, had chosen. When
Muhammad had emigrated to Medina, 'Abd Allah
proved himself to be one of the most energetic and
upright champions of his cause. Muhammad appears
to have thought a great deal of him, and often en-
trusted him with honorable missions. After the battle
of Badr in the year 2/623, in which the Muslims
were victorious, 'Abd Allah together with Zayd b.
Haritha hastened to Medina to bring the tidings
of victory. During the so-called "second campaign
of Badr", in Dhu'l-Ka'da 4/Apr. 626, 'Abd
Allah remained behind in Medina as lieutenant-
governor. When in 5/627, at the commencement of the
siege of Medina, the fidelity of the Banu Kurayza,
his allies, was suspected, the Prophet sent 'Abd
ith three other influential Medinians

find o

s of h

allies

Khaybar had been conquered in the year 7/628 and
its territory divided, Muhammad appointed 'Abd
Allah as appraiser of its yield. On sending out the
Mu'ta expedition in the year 8/629, 'Abd Allah was
appointed by the Prophet as second in succession
to the commander of the army, and when both his
superiors had fallen, he sought and met his death
as they had done fighting for the Faith.

Besides his military talents 'Abd Allah possessed
other qualities which made him valuable to his
master; he was one of the few pre-Islamic men
who could write, and was for that reason, together
with other faithful followers, chosen as secretary by
the Prophet. Muhammad appears to have esteemed
him very highly, more especially on account of his
poetical gifts. In the Aghdni it is expressly stated
that the Prophet considered his poems equal to
those of his "court" poets Hassan b. Thabit and Ka'b
b. Malik. It is characteristic of 'Abd Allah's "literary
tendency" that he attacked the Kuraysh more espe-
cially for their unbelief, whilst the two other poets
always reproached them with their impious deeds.
Only about 50 verses of his have been preserved and
they are for the most part to be found in Ibn Hisham.
Bibliography: Ibn Sa'd, iii/2, 79 ff.; Ibn

Hisham, i, 457, 675; Tabari, i, 1460, i6ioff.; cd-

C ABD ALLAH b. RAWAHA — C ABD ALLAH b. SA'D

Aghdni', xi, 80; xv, 29; G. Weil, Gesch. Mohammed

der Prophet, 350; Rahatullah Khan, Von Einfluss

des Qur'an auf der arab. Dichtung; eine Unter-

suchung ... Abdullah b. Rawaha, Leipzig 1938.

(A. Schaade)

'ABD ALLAH b. SABA', reputed founder of

the ShI'a. Also called Ibn al-Sawda', Ibn Harb,

Ibn Wahb. "Saba"' appears also as Saba'; the name

of the associated sect appears as Saba'iyya, Saba'iy-

ya, or, corrupted, as Sabayiyya, Sababiyya.

In the Sunni account he was a Yamanite Jew con-
verted to Islam, who about the time of c Ali first
introduced the ideas ascribed to the more extreme
wing of the Shi'a [ghuldt, q.v.]. Especially attributed
to him is the exaltation of c Ali himself: that c Ali
stood to Muhammad as divinely appointed heir, as
Joshua did to Moses (the wisdya doctrine) ; that C A1I
was not dead, but would return to bring righteous-
ness upon earth (the radfa); that 'AH was divine,
exalted to the clouds, and the thunder was his voice.
To Ibn Saba"s conspiratorial cunning was ascribed
by Sunnls after al-Tabari the first breach in a perfect
harmony among the Sahdba (cf. al-MakrizI, Khitat.
ii, 334). He is said to have roused the Egyptians
against 'Uthman on the ground of 'All's special rights ;
and the bloodshed between 'All and Talha and
Zubayr is then ascribed to these same murderers
of 'Uthman under the name of Saba'iyya.

For the Shi'a he sometimes figured as type of
the extremist, the ghdli, being so cursed by Dja'far
(Kashshi, Ma^rijat Akhbdr al-Ridfal, 70). Ibn Saba'
became the subject of traditions used by both in
attacking and in defending the extremer Shi'a.
'All is said to have had him or his followers burned
for declaring him ('Ali) God. An Isma'Ili source
cites the incident in Ibn Saba"s favour, claiming
that he suffered only in appearance (cf. al-Makdisi,
Bad' al-Khalk, ed. Huart, v, 181; and the Haft
Bdb-i Bdbd Sayyid-nd, ed. Ivanow, in Two early
Ismaili treatises, Bombay, 1933, 15).

It is not clear what historical person or persons
lay behind this figure. Al-Tabari's source, Sayf b.
'Umar, is the chief authority for his political activity
against 'Uthman. Al-Dhahabi notes a general con-
demnation of Sayf as a traditionist (quoted by
Friedlander, ZA, 1909, 297), a condemnation sup-
ported on other grounds by Wellhausen {Skizzen
und Vorarbeiten, vi, 6); and surer sources seem to
exclude Ibn Saba' from any major role there. Fried-
lander suggests that Ibn Saba"s chief role was not
to proclaim 'All's divinity, but to deny 'All's death,
teaching that he died only in appearance (docetism),
and would in the end come again from the clouds
(messianism) — perhaps with the background of a
Yamanite Judaism related to that of the Falashas
of Ethiopia. Caetani would make Ibn Saba' in origin
a purely political supporter of 'All, around whom
later generations imagined a religious conspiracy like
that of the 'Abbasids. Massignon considers the Saba'-
iyya of al-Mukhtar's time as one of the 'ayniyya
sects (Massignon, Salman Pdk, Paris 1934, 37, 40).
Already in the earliest sources available contra-
dictory teachings are ascribed to Ibn Saba' and the
Saba'iyya (cf. Khushavsh al-Nasa'i [d. 253], re-
ported in al-Malatl, 118, 120). We may suppose that
personally Ibn Saba', perhaps together with a se-
parate Ibn al-Sawda', was a supporter of 'All, who
denied 'All's death. He was probably not a Jew
(Levi Delia Vida, RSO, 1912, 495)- He was either
founder or hero of one or more sects called Saba'iyya,
which exalted 'All's religious position.

Bibliography : Tabarl, ii, 2941 ff. and passim;
Nawbakhtl, Firak al-Shi c a, ed. Ritter, 19 f.; Ma-
latl, Kitdb al-Tanbih wa-'l-Radd, ed. Dedering,
14 f. ; Ash'arl, Makdldt al-Isldmiyyin, ed. Ritter,
15; Baghdad!, al-Fark, 223 ft., trans. Halkin, s.v.
Sababiyya; Shahrastani, 132 ff.; I. Friedlander,
'Abd Allah ibn Saba', ZA, 1909, 296 ff., 1910, 1-46;
L. Caetani, Annali, viii, 42 ff. and passim.

(M. G. S. Hodgson)
'ABDALLAHb.SA'D, Muslim statesman and
general. Abu Yahya 'Abd Allah b. Sa'd b. Abi
Sarh al-'Amiri belonged to the clan of 'Amir b.
Lu'ayy of Kuraysh and was as foster brother of the
subsequent caliph 'Uthman a chief partisan of the
Umayyads. He was less a soldier than a financier.
The judgements of historians on his character vary
greatly. His name is connected in many ways with
the beginnings of Islam. First he is mentioned as
one of Muhammad's scribes: he is supposed to have
arbitrarily altered the revelation, or at least he
boasted of doing so after his apostasy from Islam,
and thereby incurred the hatred of the Prophet. For
this reason the latter desired to have him executed
after the capture of Mecca, but 'Uthman obtained,
though with difficulty, the Prophet's pardon. This
story afterwards became very famous. 'Abd Allah
later on showed himself grateful to 'Uthman for his
rescue by agitating for the latter's election as caliph.
He was one of the Hidjra-Companions who took part
in the conquest of Egypt under 'Amr b. al-'Asi
[q.v.] and appears to have governed Upper Egypt
independently under 'Umar, after the latter's quarrel
with 'Amr. It is impossible exactly to fix the date
when he was appointed governor of the whole of
Egypt; according to Ibn Taghribirdi, as early as
the year 25/645-6, and therefore before the revolt
of Alexandria under Manuel. As he was not able
to suppresss this rising, 'Amr was recalled, who,
however, immediately after his victory had to restore
the government to 'Abd Allah. 'Uthman desired to
confirm 'Abd Allah as financial prefect and to
appoint 'Amr as military governor, but the latter
declined. 'Abd Allah now succeeded in considerably
increasing the state revenues of Egypt, much to the
satisfaction of the caliph. Although his principal
aim was the administration of the finances, he also
became renowned as a general. 'Abd Allah regulated
the relations between the Muslims and the Nubians
and supported Mu'awiya's expedition against Cyprus.
He himself undertook several expeditions against
Roman Africa, the first probably in the year 25/
645-6, the most important and most successful
certainly in the year 27/647-8. He subjected the
territory of Carthage to Islam. His most important
military performance, however was the naval battle
of Dhat al-Sawari, comparable in significance to the
battle of the Yarmuk [q.v.], in which the Roman fleet
was completely destroyed. This battle took place in
the year 34/655, although different dates are given in
some sources. Soon afterwards the agitations against
'Uthman began in many parts of the empire. 'Abd
Allah appears as the principal champion of the
regime represented by the caliph. He endeavoured
to warn the caliph and even left Egypt in order
to support him. His lieutenant al-Sa'ib b. Hisftam
was expelled by the Egyptian revolutionary party
under Muhammad b. Hudhayfa and c Abd Allah
himself was prevented from returning to Egypt. On
the frontier 'Abd Allah learned of the murder of
the caliph, and fled to Mu'awiya. Shortly before the
latter's march to Siffin, he died in Askalon or
Ramla (in 36 or 37/656-8). His supposed participation

'ABD ALLAH b. SA'D — <ABD ALLAH b. TAHIR

in the battle of Siffin and his late death in the year
57/676-7 belong to the numberless myths connected
with the battle of Siffin.

Bibliography: Ibn SaM, vii/2, 190; Kindl,
Wuldt (Guest), 10-17; Ibn Taghribirdi, i, 88-93
(Cairo, i, 65-92); Maljrizi, Khi\a\, i, 299; Tabari,
i, 1639 ff.; 2593, 2785, 2813 ft., 2817 ff., 2826,
2867 ff., 2980 ff., 3057; Ibn al-Athir, h, 189 f., 443;
iii, 67 ff., 90 ff., 118 ff., 220, 238, 295; id., Usd, iii,
173; Ya'fcubi, ii, 60, 191; Baladhuri, 226; Ibn
Hisham, 818 ff.; Nawawl, 345 f f . ; A. Miiller, Der
Islam im Morgen- und Abendland, i, 268 ff.; S.
Lane- Poole, History of Egypt, 20 ff.; A. Butler,
Arab conquest of Egypt, 465 ff.; G. Wiet, L'Egypte
arabe, Paris 1937, 27-32; Wellhausen, in N. G. W.
G6tt., 1901, facs. 4, P- 6 f., 13. (C. H. Becker*)
'ABDALLAHb. SALAM, a Jew of Medina,
belonging to the Banu Kaynuka' and originally
called al-Husayn (on the name Salam, see Ibn Khatlb
al-Dahsha, Tuhfa, ed. Mann, 69). Muhammad gave
him the name of 'Abd Allah when he embraced Islam.
This conversion is said to have taken place immedia-
tely after Muhammad's arrival at Medina, or, ac-
cording to others, when Muhammad was still in
Mecca. Another account which makes him accept
Islam in the year 8/629-30 is worthy of more cre-
dence — though Muslim critics think it badly ac-
credited — for his name is sought in vain in the
battles which Muhammad had to wage in Medina.
The few unimportant mentions in the Maghdzi may
well have been inserted in order to remove the glaring
contradiction with the generally accepted tradition.
He was with 'Umar in Diabiya and Jerusalem, and
under 'Uthman took the latter's side against the
rebels, whom he in vain endeavoured to dissuade
from murdering the caliph. After 'Uthman's death
he did not do homage to 'All and implored him not
to march to 'Irak against 'A'isha; legend brings him
into relation with Mu'awiya also. He died in 43/663-4.
In Muslim tradition he has become the typical
representative of that group of Jewish scribes which
honored the truth, admitting that Muhammad was
the Prophet predicted in the Torah, and protecting
him from the intrigues of their co-religionists. The
questions which <Abd Allah is made to ask Mu-
hammad and which only a prophet could answer,
the contents of the hadlths which the works on
tradition ascribe to him, and the story of Bulukya
which Tha'labI puts into his mouth, mostly have their
origin in Jewish sources; if they do not really come
from <Abd Allah himself, they certainly come from
Jewish renegade circles. While his contemporaries
often reproached him with his Jewish origin, later
on traditions were circulated, in which Muhammad
assures him of entry into Paradise, or in which
the Prophet and celebrated Companions give him
high praise. Certain verses of the Km-' 311 are also
said to refer to him. The "questions" which he
put to Muhammad were subsequently enlarged to
whole books, and in the same manner several other
works were foisted on him, which are partly based
on what is related by him in Hadlth. As well as his
sons Muhammad and Yusuf, Abu Hurayra and Anas
b. Malik also handed down his traditions. Tabari
took more especially Biblical narratives from him
into his Chronicle.

Bibliography: Ibn Hisham, 353, 395; W5-
kidl, Maghdzi, ed. Wellhausen, 164, 215; Tabari,
index; id., Persian recension, transl. Zotenberg,
i, 348; Bukhari, Anbiyd bab 1; Ahmad b. Hanbal,
iii, 108, 272; v, 450; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, iii, 176;
Ibn Hadjar, Isdba, ii, 780;, Diyarbakri, TaMkh

al-Khamis, Cairo 1302, i, 392; HalabI, Insdn al-
c Uyun, ii, 146; Nawawi, 347; Ibn Taghribirdi, i,
141; Ibn al-Wardl, Kharida, Cairo 1303, 118 ff.;
Kitdb MasdHl Sidi <Abd Allah, Cairo 1326 (?);
Ibn Badrun, 174 ff.; Wolff, Muh. Eschatologie,
69 (Arab. p. 39); Noldeke-Schwally, Gesch. d.
Qordns, i, 160; M. Steinschneider, Pol. und apolog.
Lit., noff.; Hirschfeld, in JQR, 1898, 109 ff.;
J. Mann, ibid., 1921, 127; J. Horovitz, in ZDMG,
1901, 524 ff.; J. Barth, in Festschrift Berliner (1903),
p. 36; Caetani, Annali, i, 413; Wensinck, in AO
1923, 192-8; G. F. Pijper, Boek der duizend vragen,
Leiden, 1924; BEO, 1931, 147 ( c Abd Allah as wall
in Hamah) ; Brockelmann, I, 209. (J. Horovitz)
<ABD ALLAH b. TAHIR, born 182/798, died
230/844, was a poet, general, statesman, con-
fidant of caliphs and, as governor of Khurasan,
almost an independent sovereign. His father, Tahir
b. al-Husayn, had founded the powerful Tahirid [q.v.]
dynasty which ruled over a territory extending
from al-Rayy to the Indian frontier, with its capital
at Naysabur.

In 206/821-2 the caliph al-Ma'mun appointed c Abd
Allah b. Tahir governor of the region between al-
Rakka and Egypt and at the same time he was placed
in command of the caliph's troops in the campaign
against Nasr b. Shabath, a former partisan of al-Amln,
who was endeavoring to gain control of Mesopotamia.
After subduing Nasr c Abd Allah went in 21 1/826-7 to
Egypt, where for ten years refugees from Spain had
been further weakening an already weak state, and
he swiftly captured the leaders and restored order.
While he was at DInawar, in al-Djibal, busy raising
troops to quell a revolt of Babak the Khurramite,
his brother, Talha, died and in 214/829-30 he was
appointed by al-Ma'mun to succeed Talha as gover-
nor of Khurasan. He proved to be an exceedingly
wise ruler, establishing a stable government in his
domains, protecting the poor against abuses by the
upper classes and bringing education to the masses;
no boy, however poor, was denied the means to
acquire knowledge. As a result of litigations in
Naysabur he ordered an investigation into the use
of water for irrigation, and the Book of Canals,
which was the outcome of this, established legal rules
for water utilization which served as a guide for
several centuries (cf. A. Schmidt, Islamica, 1930, 128).
During the caliphate of al-MuHasim, c Abd Allah
subdued the revolt of the <Alid pretender, Muham-
mad b. al-Kasim, in 219/834-5; and in 224/838-9
in Tabaristan, which was under his jurisdiction as
governor of Khurasan, he quelled the far more
alarming revolt of its isbahbad, al-Maziyar [q.v.], in-
cited to rebel by al-Afshln.

GardizI relates that al-Mu c tasim so hated <Abd
Allah b. Tahir for a personal criticism that l Abd
Allah had expressed about him that when he became
caliph he attempted to poison <Abd Allah by sending
him a slave girl with a gift of poisoned cloth, but
the attempt failed because the slave girl fell in love
with <Abd Allah and revealed the plot. However that
may be, l Abd Allah seems to have enjoyed the
caliph's esteem. His most implacable enemy, al-
Afshin, during his own heresy trial, testified bitterly
to the high regard the caliph had for him, and al-
Mu'tasim himself referred to <Abd Allah as one of
the four great men (curiously enough, all of them
Tahirids) of his brother's reign and regretted that
he had not been able to foster any men of the same
noble calibre.

Like all Tahirid rulers, c Abd Allah was enormously
wealthy; his magnificent palace in Baghdad enjoyed

'ABD ALLAH B. TAHIR — 'ABD ALLAH B. C UMAR B

the royal right of sanctuary and served as a residence
for the governor of the city, which remained under
Tahirid domination for a long time (Le Strange,
Baghdad, 119).

He was a man of wide culture with a deep love
and respect for learning ; in the controversy regarding
the relative merits of Arabic vs. Persian culture,
which engaged the keenest minds of that day, 'Abd
Allah strongly supported all things Arabic. In his
own right he was an accomplished musician and
a poet of note, as well as a sympathetic patron of
the poet Abu Tammam, the compiler of the Ijamasa,
who sang his praises in many poems.

At the age of 48 'Abd Allah b. Tahir died as a
result of quinsy after an illness of three days, on
Mon. 11 RabI' I, 230/Nov. 26, 844, according to
most Arab historians (but Nov. 26 was Wed.) and,
in true dynastic fashion, he was succeeded by his
son, Tahir. At the time of his death the taxes from
the provinces under his control amounted to

millioi

dirhan

bibliography: Tabarl, iii, 1044 ff.; Ibn al-
Athlr, vi, 256 ff,, vii, 9 ff.; Ibn Khallikan. trans,
de Slane, ii, 49; Ibn TaghrlbirdI, ed. Juynboll, i,
600 ff.; Ya'kflbl, ii 555 ff.; Gardlzi, Zayn al-Akh-
bdr, 5-9; al-Khatib. Ta'rikh Baghdad, ix, No. 5114;
Weil, Chalifen, ii, 201 ff.; Barthold, Turkestan*,
208 ff.; Abu Tammam, Hamdsa, ed. Freytag, 2.
Further bibliography in Caetani and Gabrieli,
Onomasticon Arabicum, ii, 973. (E. Marin)
'ABD ALLAH B. XHAWR [see abu fudayk].
'ABD ALLAH b. UBAYY b. Salul (Salul being
Ubayy's mother), chief of Ba 5 1-Hubla (also known
as Salim), a section of the clan of 'Awf of the Khaz-
radj, and one of the leading men of Medina.
Prior to the hidjra he had led some of the Khazradi
in the first day of the Fidjar at Medina, but did
not take part in the second day of the Fidjar nor
the battle of Bu'ath since he had quarreled with
another leader, c Amr b. al-Nu'man of BaySda, over
the latter's unjust killing of Jewish hostages, perhaps
because he realized the need for justice within a
community and feared 'Ami's ambition. But for
the coming of Muhammad he might have been
"king" of Medina, as the sources suggest. When all
but a small minority of the Medinans accepted Islam,
Ibn Ubayy followed the majority, but he was never
a whole-hearted Muslim. In 2/624 when Muhammad
attacked Banu Kaynuka', Ibn Ubayy pleaded for
them since they had been in league with him in
pre-Islamic times; he probably urged their im-
portance as a fighting unit in view of the expected
Meccan onslaught. In the consultations before Uhud
(3/625) he supported the policy originally favoured
by Muhammad of remaining in the strongholds.
When Muhammad decided to go to meet the enemy,
Ibn Ubayy disapproved, and eventually with 300
followers retired to the strongholds. This move may
have stopped the Meccans from attacking Medina
itself after the battle, but it showed cowardice and
lack of belief in God and the Prophet (cf. Kur'an,
iii, 166-8 [160-2]). Up to this point Ibn Ubayy had
done little but criticize Muhammad verbally, but
for the next two years he also intrigued against him.
He tried to persuade Banu al-Nadir not to evacuate
their homes at Muhammad's command, even pro-
mising military support. On the expedition to Mu-
raysl c he used the occasion of a quarrel between
Emigrants and Ansar to try to undermine Muham-
mad's position and make men think of expelling
him; and immediately afterwards he was active in
spreading scandal about 'A>isha. Muhammad called

a meeting and asked to be allowed to punish him
(without incurring a feud). There was high feeling
between the Aws and the Khazradj, but it was clear
that Ibn Ubayy had little backing. His reputation
of being leader of the Hypocrites (mundfikun) or
Muslim opponents of Muhammad is based on these
incidents. After this year there is no record of his
actively opposing Muhammad or intriguing against
him. He took part in the expedition of Hudaybiya,
but stayed away from that to Tabuk, doubtless
because of ill health, since he died shortly afterwards
(9/631). He was probably not involved in the in-
trigues connected with the "mosque of dissension"
(masdiid al-dirdr), since Muhammad himself con-
ducted his funeral. Throughout his dealings with
Ibn Ubayy Muhammad showed great restraint.

Ibn Ubayy had a son c Abd Allah b. 'Abd Allah
and several daughters who became good Muslims.
Bibliography: Ibn Hisham, 411-3, 546, 558,
591, 653, 726, 734, 927; Tabari, index; Wellhausen,
Muhammed in Medina, Berlin 1882, index; idem.
Shizzen und Vorarbeiten, Berlin 1889, iv. 50-62;
Ibn Sa c d, iii/2, 90, viii, 279; F. Buhl, Das Leben
Muhammeds, 207, 253, etc.; Caetani, Annali, i,
418, 548, 602, etc.; Samhudi, Wafa' al-Wafd\
Cairo 1908, i, 142; Ibn al-Athlr, i, 506 ff.

(W. Montgomery Watt)
'ABD ALLAH b. <UMAR b. 'ABD AL-'AZtZ,
son of the caliph 'Umar II. In the year 126/744 'Abd
Allah was appointed governor of 'Irak by Yazld
III, but in a short time aroused the discontent of
the Syrian chiefs in that place, who felt that they
were unfavorably treated by the new governor com-
pared with the inhabitants of 'Irak. After the ac-
cession of Marwan II, 'Abd Allah b. Mu'awiya
[q.v.], a descendant of 'All's brother Dja'far, rebelled
in Kufa in Muharram 127/Oct. 744, but was expelled
by c Abd Allah b. 'Umar, whereupon he transferred
his propaganda to other parts. When Marwan trans-
ferred to al-Nadr b. Sa'Id al-Harashl the governorship
of 'Irak, c Abd Allah energetically refused to leave
his post. Al-Nadr appeared at Kufa, whilst 'Abd
Allah remained in Hira and hostilities broke out
between them. Soon after, however, a common
enemy appeared in the person of the Kharidiite
chief al-Dahhak b. Kays, and then the two adver-
saries had to come to terms and even to join forces.
In Radjab 127/April-May 745 they were defeated by
al-Pahhak and 'Abd Allah withdrew to Wasit, whilst
the victor captured Kufa. Then the old enmity
between the two governors again broke out, but for
a second time al-Pahhak put an end to their quarrels.
After a siege lasting several months 'Abd Allah was
obliged to make peace with al-Dahhak. Subsequently
Marwan had c Abd Allah arrested. According to the
usual account, he died of plague in the prison of
Harran in the year 132/749-50.

Bibliography : Tabarl, ii, 1854 ff.; Ibn al-Athir,
v. 228 ff. ; G. Vfeil,Gesch. d. Chalifen; J. Wellhausen,
Das arab. Reich, 239 ff.; Caetani and Gabrieli,
Onomasticon, ii, 982. (K. V. Zettersteen)
'ABD ALLAH b. 'UMAR b. al-KHATTAB,
one of the most prominent personalities of the first
generation of Muslims, and of the authorities most
frequently quoted for Traditions. He derived his
reputation not only from being a son of the Caliph,
but also because his high moral qualities compelled
the admiration of his contemporaries. At a time
when the Muslims were being carried by their pas-
sions into civil war, Ibn 'Umar was able to maintain
himself aloof from the conflict; furthermore, he fol-
lowed the precepts of Islam with such scrupulous

l-KHATJAB — 'ABD ALLAH b

obedience that he became a pattern for future gene-
rations, to such a degree that information was col-
lected as to how he dressed, how he cut and dyed
his beard, etc. The biographies of him are full of
anecdotes and charming touches which serve to
illustrative his native wit, his deep piety, his gentle-
ness, modesty, propriety and continence, his deter-
mination to detach himself from all that he loved
most. Some of these stories may have been invented,
but his nobility of soul is incontestable. As a trans-
mitter of Tradition, he has been regarded as the
most scrupulous in neither adding to nor omitting
anything from the hadiths narrated by him. The
Caliphate was offered to him three times: immediate-
ly after the death of 'Uthman (35/655); during the
negotiations of the two arbiters appointed at Siffin
to resolve the dispute between 'All and Mu'awiya
(37-8/657-8); and after the death of Yazid I (64/683).
On each occasion he refused, because he would have
desired his election to be unanimous and wished to
avoid bloodshed in securing it. Whether or not this
was due to narrowmindedness (as Lammens has
suggested), it is undeniable that Ibn 'Umar was
lacking in energy, and his own father recognized
this defect in him.

The following are the events recorded on the life
of Ibn 'Umar. Born before the hid±ra, at an unspeci-
fied date, he embraced Islam with his father and
emigrated to Medina some time before him. The
Prophet sent him back on account of his age when
he presented himself to fight at Badr and at Uhud,
but accepted him at the siege of Medina known as
the Battle of the Moat, when he was about fifteen
years old (this served as a precedent later in ana-
logous cases). Afterwards he took part in the dis-
astrous expedition to Mu'ta (7), in the conquest
of Mecca (8), in the wars against the false prophets
Musaylima and Tulayha (12), in the Egyptian cam-
paign (18-21), in the battle of Nihawand (21), in
the expedition of the year 30 to Djurdjan and Ta-
baristan, and in Yazid's expedition against Con-
stantinople (49). In political affairs, he appears for
the first time as adviser to the Council appointed by
the dying 'Umar to choose from among its o
members the future Caliph; he had, however,
right of voting and was not eligible. At the elections
of the other Caliphs who came to power during h
lifetime he conformed to the will of the majority
of the Muslims, and if he refused to pay homage
to 'All it was because he was waiting for the comi
nity to reach agreement on his election. As agreement
was not reached and civil war broke out, he remained
neutral. If later he refused to recognize Yazid ;
heir-presumptive — he obviously disapproved of the
innovation introduced by Mu'awiya into the settle-
ment of the succession — he showed no hesitation in
paying homage to him after the death of his father.
Ibn 'Umar held no important office in the admini-
stration of the empire, except a few missions. Per-
haps he deliberately held aloof, devoting himself
to religious practices. It is related that he would not
accept the office of kadi, fearing that he might not
be able to interpret the divine law correctly.

Ibn 'Umar died of septicaemia in 73/693, well
over eighty years of age, as the result of a wound in
the foot inflicted by one of the soldiers of al-Hadj-
djadj with the lower end of his lance, in the throng
of pilgrims returning from 'Arafat. When al-Hadj-
djadj visited him during his illness and asked if he
knew the man who had wounded him, so that
could be punished, Ibn 'Umar reproached him for
allowing his men to carry arms in the holy places

and for having been, in this way, the cause of his
injury. This reproach probably gave rise to the story
found in certain of the later sources, that al-Hadj-
djadj commissioned an assassin to wound Ibn 'Umar
with the poisoned tip of a lance.

Bibliography: Longer biographies: Ibn Sa'd,
iv/i, 105-38; iii/i, 214; iii/2, 42; iv/i, 49, 62,
and index; Ibn Khallikan, Bulak 1275, i, 349-50;
Cairo 1367/1948, no. 297 (missing in other editions) ;
Abu Nu'aym, flilyat al-Awliyd', i, 292-314; Sibt
b. al-Djawzi, ms. Paris Ar. 6131, foil. 227r-229v;
Ibn al-Athir, Usd, Cairo 1285-7, ii, 227-31; Ibn
Hadjar, Isdba, Calcutta 1856-93, 840-7. Historical
sources: Mus'ab al-Zubayri, Nasab Kuraysh (ed.
Levi-Provencal), 350-1; Tabari, index; Mas'udI,
Murudi, iv, 396, 398, 400, 402 ; v, 43, 284-6, and
index; Ibn al-Athir, iv, 230, 295-6, and index;
Caetani, Annali, 20 A.H., paras. 236, 238 (9-10),
264 no. 6; 23 A.H., para. 147 no. 6 and indexes;
38 A.H., pp. 21, 23, 27, 38, 39, 45, 57; J. Perier,
Vie d'al-Hadidiadi ibn Yousouf, Paris 1904, 41,
5^-4. Many other references given in Caetani,
Chronographia, 73 A.H., para. 30.

(L. Veccia Vaglieri)
'ABD ALLAH b. WAHB al-RasibI, Kharidjite
leader, a tdbiH of the Badjlla tribe, noted for his
bravery and piety and surnamed dhu 'l-thafindt,
"the man with the callosities", on account of the
callosities on his forehead etc. resulting from his
many prostrations. He fought under Sa'd b. Abl
Wakkas in 'Irak and under 'Ali at Siffin, but broke
with him over the decision to arbitrate and joined
the dissidents at Harura'. Shortly before their final
departure from Kufa in Shawwal 37/March 658, the
Kharidjites elected 'Abd Allah as their commander
{amir, not khalifa, as usually stated), and he was
killed in the ensuing battle at Nahrawan, 9 Safar
38/17 July 658.

Bibliography: Tabari, i, 3363-6, 3376-81; Mu-
barrad, Kdmil, 527, 558 ff. ; Dinawari, ed. Guirgass
and Rosen, 215-24; Baladhuri, Ansdb, in Levi della
Vida, RSO, 1913, 427-507; Barradi, K. al-Djawdhir,
Cairo 1302; R. Briinnow, Die Charidschiten, 18 ff.;
J. Wellhausen, Religios-pol. Oppositionsparteien,
17 ff. ; Caetani, Annali, A. H. 38 passim (additional
reff. in para. 267) ; L. Veccia Vaglieri, II Conflitto
<Ali-Mu'dwiya, in Ann. dell'lst. Univ. Orient, di
Napoli, 1952, 58 ff. (H. A. R. Gibb)

'ABD ALLAH b. YASlN [see al-Murabitun].
'ABD ALLAH b. al-ZUBAYR, anti-Caliph,
son of al-Zubayr b. al-'Awwam [?.«.], of the 'Abd
al-'Uzza clan of Kuraysh, and Asma' [q.v.], daughter
of Abu Bakr and sister of 'A'isha. He was born at
Medina twenty months after the hidjra (c. Dh u
'1-Ka'da 2/May 624), and killed in battle against
the Syrian troops under al-Hadjdjadj, 17 Djumada
I or II,. 73/4 Oct. or 3 Nov., 692. Some sources (Ibn
Kutayba, Ma'drif, 116; Ibn Habib, Muhabbar, 275;
etc.) state that he was the first child born to the
Muhadjirln at Medina. The close kinship which linked
him to the family of the Prophet on both sides was
a factor which contributed to building up his repu-
tation, both as against the Umayyads and also (it
would seem) against the 'Alids.

He is reported to have been present, though still
a boy, with his father at the battle of the Yarmuk
(Radjab 15/Aug. 636), and accompanied him when
he joined the forces of 'Amr b. al-'As in Egypt
(19/640). He took part in the expedition of 'Abd
Allah b. Sa'd b. Abl Sarh in 26-7/647 against the
Byzantines in Ifrikiya and is said to have killed the
exarch Gregory with his own hand. On returning

'ABD ALLAH al-GHALIB

to Medina to announce the news of the victory, he
is credited with an eloquent description of this ex-
ploit (Aghdni, vi, 59, on which most of the later
narratives depend). He accompanied Sa'id b. al-
'As in his campaigns in northern Persia (29-30/650),
and was subsequently nominated by 'Uthman to be
one of the commission charged with the official re-
cension of the Kur'an (Gesch. des Qorans, ii, 47-55).
After the assassination of 'Uthman he accompanied
his father and 'A'isha to Basra and commanded
the infantry in the battle of the Camel (10 Dj.
II, 36/4 Dec. 656); after the battle he returned with
'A'isha to Medina, and took no further part in the
civil war, except to attend the Arbitration at Dumat
al-Djandal (or rather Adhruh), where he is said to
have advised 'Abd Allah b. 'Umar to bribe 'Amr
b. al-'As (Nasr b. Muzahim, Wapat Siffm, Cairo
1365, 623).

During the reign of Mu'awiya I, 'Abd Allah, who
had inherited a considerable fortune from his father,
remained in the background, biding his time, but
refused to take the oath to Yazid as heir-presump-
tive. On Mu'Swiya's death (60/680), he, together
with Husayn b. 'All [q.v.], again refused to swear alle-
giance to Yazid, and to escape the threats of Marwan
they fled to Mecca, where they remained unmolested.
When, however, after the expedition of Husayn and
his death at Karbaia', Ibn al-Zubayr began secretly
to enrol adherents, a small force was sent from Medina
under the command of his brother 'Amr to arrest
him. 'Amr was defeated and taken prisoner, beaten
and incarcerated in a cell until he died, and his body
was exposed on a gibbet (61/681). 'Abd Allah now
publicly declared Yazid deposed, and his example
was followed by the Ansar at Medina, who elected
'Abd Allah b. Hanzala [q.v.], known as Ibn al-
Ghasll (Ibn Sa'd, v, 46-9) as their chief. Yazid,
realizing that he had temporized too long, despatched
a Syrian army under Muslim b. 'Ukba, which de-
feated the Medinians in the battle of the Harra (27
Dhu '1-Hidjdja 63/27 Aug., 683) and proceeded (not-
withstanding Muslim's death) to besiege 'Abd Allah
b. al-Zubayr in Mecca (26 Muh. 64/24 Sept. 683).
Sixty-four days later, on receiving the news of Ya-
zid's death, the Syrian forces desisted, and the com-
mander, Husayn b. Numayr, tried to persuade Ibn
al-Zubayr to accompany them back to Syria, but
he determined to stay in Mecca.

The ensuing confusion in Syria and the outbreak
of civil war gave Ibn al-Zubayr his chance. He pro-
claimed himself amir al-mu'minin, and the oppo-
nents of the Umayyads in Syria, Egypt, southern
Arabia and Kufa recognized him as Caliph. But his
authority remained almost wholly nominal. The
victory of Marwan I [q.v.] at Mardj Rahit (end of
64/July 684) and the revolt ofMukhtar [q.v.] at Kufa
fifteen months later, placed his supporters in Syria,
Egypt and 'Irak on the defensive; and although al-
Muhallab's support of Mus'ab b. al-Zubayr at Basra
and subsequent victory over Mukhtar (67/687) re-
stored a Zubayrid government in 'Irak, Mus'ab was
to all intents an independent ruler. At the same time,
the Bakrite Kharidjites, who had separated from
Ibn al-Zubayr after the death of Yazid and had
established themselves in eastern Nadjd under the
command of Nadjda, occupied the province of
Bahrayn (i.e. al-Hasa), and in 68/687-8 seized al-
Yaman and Hadramawt, followed next year by the
occupation of Ta'if, thus completely isolating him
in the Hidjaz. At the Pilgrimage of 68/688 no fewer
than four different leaders presided over their se-
parate groups of partisans: Ibn al-Zubayr, a Kha-

ridjite, an Umayyad, and Muhammad b. al-Hana-
fiyya. Finally, after the Umayyad reoccupation of
'Irak, 72/691, 'Abd al-Malik despatched al-Hadj-
djadj to deal with Mecca. The siege began on 1 Dh u
'1-Ka'da 72/25 March, 692, and lasted for more than
six months, during which the city and the Ka'ba
were under bombardment. When at length his
supporters gave way, and even his own sons surren-
dered to al-Hadjdjadj, 'Abd Allah, urged on by his
mother, returned to the field of battle and was
slain. His body was placed on a gibbet on the spot
where his brother 'Amr had been exposed, and some
time later was given back by orders of 'Abd al-
Malik to his mother, who buried it in the house of
Safiyya at Medina.

'Abd Allah is the principal representative in history
of the second generation of the noble Muslim families
of Mecca, who resented the capture of the Caliphate
by the Umayyad house and the gulf of power which
this had created between the clan of 'Abd Shams and
the other Meccan clans. This resentment is still
clearly visible as a groundtheme in the numerous
anecdotes on his relations with Mu'awiya (see Bibl.
under Baladhuri), in spite of their later elaboration
and of Muslim idealization of this challenger of
Umayyad rule, which has transformed a brave, but
fundamentally self-seeking and self-indulgent man,
into a model of piety (see especially IJilya al-Aw-
liyd>, i, 329-337). On the other hand, many sources
portray him as avaricious, jealous, and ill-natured,
and reproach him particularly for his harsh conduct
towards his brother, Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya,
and 'Abd Allah b. 'Abbas.

Bibliography: Tabarl, index; Baladhuri,
Ansdb, iv B , 16-60; v, 188-204, 355-79 and passim;
Anonyme arab. Chronik, ed. Ahlwardt, 34 ff. ; also
in Levi della Vida, II Calico Mu'awiya I, Roma
1938, index; Aghdni, indexes; Muh. b. Habib, al-
Muhabbar, 24, 481, etc.; Ibn Hazm, Diamharat
Ansdb aW-Arab, 113; Kutubi, Fawat, no. 184 (efl.
Cairo 1951, i, 445-50); Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, Futuh
Ifrifriya, ed. and tr. Gateau, Algiers 1942, 38-47;
Wiistenfeld, Chron. d. Stadt Mekka, iv, 129 ft.;
H. Lammens, Califat de Yazid I, Beirut 1921,
182-269; id., Avinement des Marwanides, Beirut
1927, passim; J. Wellhausen, Arab. Reich, 89-124;
id., Rel.-pol. Oppositionsparteien, 27-38, 72-87;
Caetani, Chronographia, A.H. 73, para. 14, 32
(pp. 862-3, 866-8). (H. A. R. Gibb)

'ABD ALLAH DJEWDET [see djewdet].
'ABD ALLAH al-GHALIB bi'llah Abu Muham-
mad, Sa'did sultan, son of one of the founders
of the dynasty, Mahammad al-Shaykh al-Mahdl. He
was born Ramadan 933/June 1527 and, designated as
heir presumptive, was recognized as sultan on his
father's death, assassinated by his Turkish guards-
men 29 Dhu'l-Hidjdja 964/23 Oct. 1557. His reign
lasted till his death, due to a crisis of asthma, 28
Ramadan 981/21 Jan. 1574.

His reign as a whole was peaceful. Yet the sultan
showed himself uneasy in expectation of an eventual
intervention of the Turks, who had killed his father,
immediately afterwards invaded the North of Mo-
rocco, whence they had been repulsed, and who
offered asylum to three of his brothers: al-Ma'mun,
'Abd al-Malik and Ahmad. Thus he sought an alliance
with the Spanish. These preoccupations formed the
background to the cession of the Penon de Velez
(1564), the taking of Shafshawan (1567) and the
embarrassed attitude of the sultan at the time of the
revolt of the Moriscos (1568-71). He had relations
with other European powers also. He negotiated

C ABD ALLAH al-GHALIB -

with Antoine de Bourbon, king of Navarre, and
was prepared to cede to him al-Kasr al-Saghir in
exchange for 500 soldiers, and entered into commer-
cial relations with England. He tried to conquer
the fortress of Mazagan, which was in the hands of
the Portuguese, dispatching against it a numerous
army under the command of his son Muhammad,
his heir. The siege lasted from 4 March to 30 April
1562 and ended with the failure of the Sa c did troops,
who suffered heavy losses.

In internal affairs he consolidated the work of
his father, without meeting any serious opposition.
He seemed to have feared especially the members
of his family; he had his brother al-Ma'mun assas-
sinated in Tlemcen and put to death his nephew
Muh. b. c Abd al-Kadir, whose popularity roused
his ill-will (975/1567-8). He also seems to have
suspected some of the religious leaders: he impri-
soned, or put to death, several members of the
Yusufiyya order and had crucified in Marrakush
the fakih Abu £ Abd Allah Muh. al-AndalusI, accused
of heresy (15 Dhu'l-Hidjdia 980/19 April 1573). He
constructed several important buildings in Marra-
kush, such as the Ibn Yusuf madrasa. Diego de
Torres also attributes to him the establishment of the
malldh of Marrakush in its present location. He also
built a fortress to protect the harbour of Agadir.
Bibliography. Ibn al-*£adl, Durrat al-Hididl
(Allouche), II, 342-3 (no. 951); Djannabi, al-
Bahr al-Zakhkhdr, transl. in Fagnan, Extraits in-
edits relatifs au Maghreb, Alger 1924, 345-8; Chro-
nique anonyme sa'dienne (G.-S. Colin), Rabat 1934,
30-40, transl. Fagnan, Extraits, 383-93; Ifrani
(Eloufrani), Nuzhat al-Hddi (Houdas), 45-47,
transl. Houdas, 82-101; al-Nasiri al-Salawi, al-
Istiksd', Cairo 1312/1894, iii, 17-26, transl. by
Ahmad al-Nasiri al-Salawi, AM, xxxiv, 61-91;
Diego de Torres, Histoire des Cherifs (Fr. transl.),
Paris 1667, 219-26; Marmol, L'Afrique (Fr. transl.),
Paris 1667, i, 482-5; Sources inedites de V histoire
du Maroc, lire serie, France, i, 170-338; An-
gleterre, i, 23-122; A. Cour, L'etablissement des
Cherifs au Maroc, Paris 1904, 130-40; H. Terrasse,
Histoire du Maroc, ii, Casablanca 1950, 179-83.

(R. LE TOURNEAU)

<ABD ALLAH PASHA Muhsin-Zade Celebi,
Ottoman statesman and general, son of
Muhsin Celebi, descended from a family of mer-
chants at Aleppo. He started his career in 1115/
1703 in the financial administration with the post
of supervisor (emin) of the Mint (darb-khdne), the
defterddr of which was his brother, Mehmed Efendl.
He became son-in-law (ddmdd) of the Grand- Vizier
Corlulu 'All Pasha (1707-10) and enjoyed the fa-
vour of the court. On the revolt of Kaytas Beg,
he was sent to Egypt in 1126/1714, succeeded in
subduing the rebel and sent his head to the Porte.
Between 1715 and 1737 he filled several adminis-
trative and military posts: defterddr in Morea,
governor (muhdfiz) of Lepanto (Aynabakhti), chief
of the kapuajl with the rank of a Pasha, head of
the imperial chancery (nishandU), agha of the Janis-
saries, Beylerbey of Vidin, of Rumeli and of Bosnia.
He was commander (ser-'asker) at Bender, in Bess-
arabia, when Russia invaded the Crimea (1736) and
Austria threatened to intervene on the Danube.
Negotiations at Niemirov (Poland) led to no results.
Appointed by Sultan Mahmud I (1730-54) as Grand-
Vizier (6 Rabi c II, 1150/August 3rd, 1737), £ Abd
Allah Pasha directed the war operations, without
achieving the results hoped for by the court. Re-
called to Istanbul after four months, he had to hand

over the seal of office to the new Grand- Vizier Yegen
Pasha (Dec. 19th, 1737). He continued to fill posts
as commander of fortresses and governor of provinces
and died in Rabi c ii, 1162/spring 1749 m Trikala,
Thessaly, at the age of 90 years. His son Mehmed
Pasha Muhsin-Zade signed the peace of Kiictik
Kaynardje (1174)-

Bibliography: Hammer-Purgstall, iv, 330,
340; Sidjill-i 'Othmdni, iii, 379; N. Jorga, Gesch.
des osm. Retches, iii, 430, 434. (E. Rossi)

C ABD ALLAH SARI [see sari <abd allah

EFENDI].

<ABD AL- c AZlZ (AbdUlaziz), the thirty-second
Ottoman sultan. Born on 9 Feb. 1830, the third
son of sultan Mahmud II [q.v.\ he succeded his
brother c Abd al-Madjid [q.v.], 20 June 1861. His
reign was marked by revolts and insurrections in
the Balkan provinces (Montenegro, Serbia, Bosnia,
Herzegovina and Bulgaria) and in Crete, which
brought about the intervention of the great powers.
From 1870 onwards, the influence of Russia, sup-
planting that of France and England, preponderated
in Istanbul, and General Ignatief, the Russian
ambassador, often imposed his views on the grand
vizier Mahmud Nadim Pasha. Russia also made
efforts to stir up the discontent of the subjects of
the Porte: Slavs, Albanians, and even Arabs and
Egyptians.

In spite of internal crises, the policy of reforms,
called tanzimdt [q.v.], was not abandoned. The
administration of the provinces was reorganized
(law of wildyets modeled on French law, 1867) and
some attempts were made to reform the institution
of the wakfs (1867). On French advice, a council of
justice (shurd-yi dewlet), composed of Muslims and
Christians, and a council of justice (diwan-i ahkdm-i
l a<Uiyye) were set up (1868). Public education was
reorganized after the French model and a lycee was
opened in Galata-saray. It was open to all Ottoman
subjects and instruction was given in French by
French teachers (1868). A university (ddr ul-funun)
was established. At the same time, the army, and
especially the navy, were reorganized. Foreigners
acquired the right to possess immovable property
(1867). Other attempts at economic reforms remained
fruitless: in 1877, the deficit of the budget reached
112 millions. The government, judging itself unable
to face its obligations, followed the advice of the
Russian ambassador, reduced by half the payment
of interest on the debt and had to declare itself
bankrupt. The deplorable state of the national
economy, the financial crisis, the revolts and insur-
rections in the Balkan provinces, made it particularly
difficult to apply the reforms, with which the great
powers were dissatisfied, while the Old Turks con-
sidered them incompatible with religion and the
Young Turks insufficient. This resulted in general
discontent against the sultan, who was deposed on
30 March 1876 and committed suicide a few days
later.

Bibliography: Mahmud Dieladdin. Mir'dt-i
Hakikat, Istanbul 1326; Ibnulemin Mahmut Kemal,
Osmanli devrinde son sadralazanUar, i, Istanbul
1940; idem. Hatira-i Atif, TOEM, xv, 40; idem,
Sultan Abdulazize dair,TOEM, xv, 177; Abdurrah-
man Seref, Sultan Abdulaziz'in vefati intihar mi
katil mi, TOEM, xiv, 341; Ismail Hakki Uzun-
carsilioglu, Sultan Abdulaziz vak'asina dair vak'a
niivis Lutfi Efendinin Mr rislesi, Bell, vii 2 , 349;
Ahmed Sa'ib, Wak'-a-yi Sultan "Abd ul- c Aziz,
Cairo 1326; MiUiger (Osman Seyfi Bey), La
Turquie sous le rigne d'Abd ul-Aziz, Paris 1868;

A. D. Mordtmann, Stambul und das moderne

Tilrkentum, Leipzig 1877-8; Ahmed Midhat, Vss-i

Inkildb, Istanbul 1295; Ahmet Bedevi Kuran,

Inkilap Tarihimiz ve Ittihad ve Terakki, Istanbul

1948, 22-32; A. de Castov, Musulmans et Chritiens

de Mohamed le Prophete au Sultan Abd-ul-Aziz

Khan, Istanbul 1874; The Memoirs of Ismail

Kemal Bey, ed. Sommerville Story, London 1920;

E. Engelhardt, La Turquie et le Tanzimat, Paris

1882-4 (Turkish transl., Istanbul 1898); M. B. C.

Collas, La Turquie en 1864, Paris 1864; A. Ubicini,

Etat present de VEmpire ottoman, Paris 1876.

(E. Z. Karal)

C ABD al-'AZIZ b. al-HAPJPJ IBRAHIM al-

JhamInI al-IsdjanI, celebrated Ibadi scholar,

b. c. 1130/1717-8, probably at Wardjlan (Ouargla),

d. Radjab 1223/August 1808, at Banu Isdjan (Beni

Isguen) in the Mzab, where, at the age of about

forty, he had begun his studies under the shaykh

Abu Zakariyya' Yahya b. Salih, of Djarba. c Abd

al- c Aziz is held by the Ibadls to-day to be one of

the greatest scholars who ever lived in the Mzab,

where he has left the reputation of a man of fervent

piety, remarkable sagacity, great imperturbability,

perfect self-control, and astonishing assiduity.

He devoted himself to the composition of a dozen
works on theology and jurisprudence. His most
important work is K. al-Nil wa-Shifd* al- c AlU,
autographed at Cairo 1 305/1887-8. This treatise,
conceived on the plan of the Mukhtasar of Khaltt.
but less concise in style, is a complete exposition
of Ibadi legislation, put together from the most
authoritative works of Ibadi scholarship in c Uman,
12iabal Nafiisa, Djarba and the Mzab, all of which
can be identified without difficulty. It was on this
work that E. Zeys drew for his studies on this
subject. The other works of c Abd al- c AzIz are the
following: Takmilat al-Nil, published at Tunis some
25 years ago; al-Ward al-bassdm fi Riyad al-Ahkdm,
a precis of jurisprudence devoted chiefly to questions
of judgment; Ma c dlim al-Din, a reasoned exposition
of the Ibadi creed, along with refutation of the
arguments put forward by the defenders of the
other sects (unpublished) ; Mukhtasar al-Misbdh min
K. Abi Mas'ala waH-Alwdh, on questions of inherit-
ance; Hkd al-Qiawdhir, a summary of Kanatir al-
Khayrdt of al-Djaytall, on worship and religion in
general (unpublished) ; Mukhtasar IJuk&k al-Azwddf,
on the rights and duties of husband and wife (un-
published) ; Tddj. al-Manzum min Durar al-Minhddj
al-MaHum, abridgement of a voluminous 'Umani
work of jurisprudence (unpublished); Ta'dzum al-
Mawdjayn (or DhuH-Nurayn) '■aid Mardj al-Bahrayn
(unpublished); al-Asrdr al-Niirdniyya, on prayer
and the accompanying rites (autographed in Egypt
1 306/1888-9); al-Niir, on the principal dogmas of
the Faith (autographed in Egypt 1306/1888-9);
Mukhtasar Hawdshi al-Tartib, resume of several
Ibadi works on hadith.

Bibliography : E. Zeys, Legislation mozabite,
son origine, ses sources, son present, son avenir,
Paris 1886; idem, Le mariage et sa dissolution dans
la Ugislation mozabite, in Rev. alg. de leg. et de
jurisp., Algiers 1887-8; M. Morand, Introduction
d V etude du droit musulman algerien, Algiers 192 1;
Atfayyish, Risdla fi ba c d tawdrikh ahl Wddi Mizdb,
1326/1908, 47-48; S. Smogorzewski, l AbdaX- l Azlz,
ses icrits et ses sources (unpublished).

(A. DE MOTYLINSKI-T. LEWICKl)

<ABD al-<AZ1Z B. al-HADJDJADjI b. c Abd
al-Malik, Umayyad general. He was a faithful
partisan of his cousin Yazid III and one of his

Already in al-Walid IPs
reign he helped Yazid, who headed the malcontents,
to enlist troops against the caliph. When they had
succeeded in getting together an army in Damascus,
<Abd al-'Aziz received the supreme command and
marched against al-Walid. Yazid's brother 'Abbas,
who was about to go to the caliph's assistance, was
attacked and forced to pay homage to Yazid.
Shortly afterwards c Abd al-'Aziz stormed the castle
of Bakhra', whither al-Walid had withdrawn, and
put the caliph to death. This was in the year 126/744.
Yazid was now proclaimed caliph; the inhabitants
of Hims (Emesa), however, stoutly refused to do
homage to the usurper and marched against Damas-
cus. Yazid sent two army divisions against them,
and while the rebels were engaged with one division,
c Abd al-'Aziz advanced with the other and decided
the combat, whereupon the rising was suppressed.
In the same year Yazid died after settling the
succession on his brother Ibrahim and after him on
<Abd al-'Aziz. The inhabitants of Hims, however,
again refused to do homage to the new ruler, who
for that matter was hardly recognized outside the
capital. On Ibrahim's orders c Abd al-'Aziz therefore
began to lay siege to the town, but withdrew when
Marwan b. Muh., then governor of Armenia and
Adharbaydjan, advanced against him. Hims opened
its gates to Marwan, the followers of the late caliph
were defeated in Safar 127/Nov. 744 at c Ayn al-
Djarr, and Marwan had himself proclaimed caliph
in Damascus. As soon as he had entered the town,
c Abd al-'Aziz b. al-Hadjdjadj was murdered bv
clients of al-Walid II.

Bibliography: Tabari, ii, 17948-; Ibn al-

Athir, v, 215 ff.; G. Weil, Gesch. d. ChaUfen, i,

669 ff.; see also al-walid b. yazid.

(K, V. Zettersteen)

C ABD al-AZIZ B. AL-JJASAN, sultan of
Morocco from 1894 to 1908. He was born, according
to Weisgerber, on 24 Feb. 1878, according to Doutt6
and Saint-Rene Taillandier 18 Rabl< I 1298/18 Feb.
1881, of the sultan Mawlay al-Hasan and Lalla
Rukayya, of Circassian origin. When his father died
on a campaign, 9 June 1894, c Abd al-'Aziz was
proclaimed sultan in Rabat, thanks to the hddjib
Ahmad b. Musa, called Ba Ahmad, who had been
in charge of his education, and received as reward
the title of Grand-Vizier. <Abd al- c Aziz left the
management of affairs in the hands of Ahmad until
his death on 13 May 1900. During this period
Morocco continued to live more or less in its tradi-
tional way.

After the death of his mentor, 'Abd al- c AzIz fell
under the influence of a small group of Europeans,
including Sir Harry McLean, instructor of the
Sherifian infantry, who encouraged the natural
taste of the ruler for modernism, so that very soon
the Sherifian palaces housed photographic cameras,
billiards, etc. All this shocked the conservative
feelings of the Moroccans and cost money. Moreover,
in Sept. 1901, 'Abd al- c AzIz contemplated an
equitable reform of taxes, tartib, in order to abolish
the privileges and immunities of the existing system.
In consequence, an agitator {riigi), called Djilall b.
Idrls al-Zarhunl al-Yusufi, nicknamed BO Hmara
(Abu Hamara), rose in the district of Taza, gave
himself out as a brother of the sultan and quickly
became master of the region to the east of Fez
(1902), threatening the capital itself in 1903.

On the other hand, the European powers exerted
a strong pressure upon the Sherifian government,
to protect the Europeans established in Morocco,

C ABD AL-'AZIZ B

repress frontier incidents (region of Figuig), and
obtain a guarantee for the considerable sums lent
to the sultan by various European groups. These
pressures, marked by various incidents, such as the
visit of the German Emperor William II to Tangier
(31 March 1905), led to the conference of Algeciras.
The Act of Algeciras (7 April 1906), interpreted as
an admission of surrender to the demands of the
European powers, made c Abd al- c Aziz even more
unpopular in Morocco. Anarchy and discontent
increased equally, and the sultan was unable to
bring about any improvement. One of his brothers,
Mawlay 'Abd al-Hafiz, was proclaimed sultan in
Marrakush on 16 August 1907, immediately after
the disembarkation of French troops in Casablanca.
'Abd al-'Aziz tried to resist by organizing an
expedition to Marrakush in July 1908. His army
broke up and was defeated by the troops of his
brother on 19 August at Bu Adjiba on the Wadi
Tassa'ut. 'Abd al- c AzIz took refuge in Casablanca
and there abdicated on 21 August 1908. After a
short stay in France, he established himself in
Tangier, where he lived, without mixing in politics,
until his death, 10 June 1943.

Bibliography : Ibn Zaydan ( c Abd al-Rahman),
al-Durar al-Fdkhira, Rabat 1937, m-7; E. Aubin,
Le Maroc d'aujourd'hui, Paris 1904; G. Veyre,
Au Maroc, dans I'intimite du sultan, Paris 1905;
Cte. Conrad de Buisseret, A la cour de Fez, Bruxelles
1907; W. B. Harris, Morocco that was, Edinburgh
1921; G. Saint-Rene Taillandier, Les origines du
Maroc francais, ricit d'une mission (1901-1906),
Paris 1930; A. G. P. Martin, Le Maroc et VEurope,
Paris 1928; F. Weisgerber, Casablanca et les
Chaouia en 1900, Casablanca 1935; idem, Au
seul du Maroc moderne, Rabat 1947; H. Terrasse,
Histoire du Maroc, ii, Casablanca 1950.

(R. Le Tourneau)
'ABD al-'AZIZ b. MARWAN, son of the
caliph Marwan I and father of c Umar b. 'Abd al-
'Aziz. 'Abd al-'Aziz was appointed governor of
Egypt by his father, and the appointment was con-
firmed by 'Abd al-Malik, when he ascended the
throne. During his twenty years' sojourn in Egypt,
'Abd al-'Aziz proved himself a capable governor, who
really had the welfare of his province at heart. When
in the year 69/689, 'Abd al-Malik, after the assasi-
nation of his rebellious lieutenant 'Amr b. Sa'id,
intended to have the latter's relatives executed as
well, 'Abd al-'Aziz interceded for them and persuaded
the incensed caliph to spare their lives. Towards the
end of his life 'Abd al-'Aziz suffered from the ill
will of his brother 'Abd al-Malik. Marwan had
nominated him to succeed 'Abd al-Malik, but the
latter wished to secure the throne for his two sons,
al-Walid and Sulayman, and therefore cherished the
project of removing his brother from his governorship
and excluding him from the succession to the
throne, when in the year 85/754 news suddenly
reached Damascus that 'Abd al-'Aziz was dead.
Bibliography: Baladhurl, Ansdb, v, 183-5;
Ibn Sa'd, v, 175; Tabari, ii, 576 ff.; Ibn al-Athlr,
iv, 156 ff.; Ya 'kubi, ii, 306 ff.; G. Weil, Gesch. d.
Chalifen, i, 349 ff. ; A. Miiller, Der Islam im Morgen-
und Abendland, i, 383 ft. ; H. Lammens, Etudes
sur U siicle des Omayyades, 310-1; Caetani and
Gabrieli, Onomasticon, ii, 171.

(K. V. Zettersteen)

'ABD AL-'AZlZ B. MUHAMMAD B. Ibrahim

al-SinhaujI al-FishtalI, Moroccan writer, b.

956/1549, d. at Marrakush 1031/1621-2, was head

of the chancery (wazir al-kalam al-a'ld) and official

historiographer (mutawalli ta'rikh al-dawla) of
the Sa'did sultan Ahmad al-Mansur al-Dhahabi
[q.v.]. Of his literary and historical works, which
were considerable, there survive only lengthy quo-
tations, especially by the chronicler al-Ifrani [q.v.]
in his Nuzhat al-Hddi. Al-Fishtali, who was a
contemporary and friend of al-Makkari [q.v.], the
author of Nafh al-Tib, composed annals or the
Sa'did dynasty down to his own times,' under the
title of Mandhil al-Safd' fi akhbdr al-Muluk al-
Shurafd'. He was the author also of many panegyrical
poems, more particularly mawludiyydt [q.v.]. The
verses used for the epigraphic decoration of the palace
of al-Badi' at Marrakush were of his composition.
Bibliography: Ibn al-Kadl, Durrat al-Hidjdl
(ed. Allouche), Rabat 1936, no. 1056; IfranI,
Nuzhat al-Hddi (ed. Houdas), 164/267 ff.; Makkari,
Bulak, iii, 8 ff.; KhafadjI, Rayhdnat al-Alibbd\
Cairo 1294, 180; Kadiri, Nashr al-Mathdnl, Fez,
i, 140-2; Levi-Provencal, Hist. Chorfa, 92-97;
Brockelmann, S II, 680-1.

(E. Levi-Provencal)
'ABD AL-'AZlZ B. MUSA b. NU$AYR, first
governor of al-Andalus, after the departure to
the East of his father Musa b. Nusayr, the famous
conqueror of the Iberian peninsula, in 95/714. Musa,
on leaving, gave him instructions to pursue the
Muslim advance and to pacify the regions which
had come under Muslim control. According to
certain traditions, it was under his government that
part of what is now Portugal, including the towns
of Evora, Santarem and Coimbra, and the sub-
pyrenean regions from Pamplona to Narbonne were
conquered. He himself took Malaga and Elvira, and
then subdued the land of Murcia, concluding with
a Gothic lord, Theodemir (who gave his name to
the district, Tudmir [q.v.]) a treaty, the more or
less authentic text of which has survived.

'Abd al-'Aziz married the widow of the last Visi-
gothic king Roderic, Egil6n, who is said to have
adopted Islam and taken the name of Umm 'Asim.
This princess gained so much influence over the
governor that he soon became suspect to his com-
patriots and was accused of abusing his power. He
was assassinated in Seville, where he had fixed his
residence, by a certain Ziyad b. 'Udhra al-Balawi,
at the beginning of Radjab 97/March 718, and was
succeeded by his maternal cousin, Ayyub b. Habib
al-Lakhmi.

Bibliography: Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp.
Mus., i, 30-34 and references cited ibid., i, 8, n. 1.

(E. Levi-Provencal)

'ABD al-'AZIZ AL SA'OD [see Sa'Odids].

'ABD al-'AZIZ B. AL-WALlD, son of the

caliph al-Walid I. In 91/709-10, he took part in

the campaign against the Byzantines, under the

orders of his uncle, Maslama b. 'Abd al-Malik, and

during the following years, he also participated in

the battles against the same enemies. In 96/714-5,

al-Walid, whose designated successor was Sulayman

b. 'Abd al-Malik, tried to exclude Sulayman from

the succession in favour of his son 'Abd al-'Aziz,

but his attempt failed. After the death of Sulayman

at Dabik, 99/717, c Abd al-'Aziz wanted to claim the

crown, but learning that 'Umar II b. 'Abd al-'Aziz

had been proclaimed as caliph, he betook himself

to him and paid him homage. He died in 1 10/728-9.

Bibliography: Tabari, ii, I2i7ff.; Ibn al-

Athir, iv 439 ff.; Ya'kubi, ii, 435 ff.; G. Weil,

Gesch. d. Chalifen, i, 511 ff.; A. Miiller, Der Islam

im M or gen- und Abendland, i, 436;Caetani-Gabrieli,

Onomasticon, ii, 986. (K. V. Zettersteen'

C ABD A

UZ EFENDI — 'ABD al-DJABBAR b. AHMAD

ABD AL-'AZiZ EFENDI Kara Ce
Kara Celebizade].

shah 'ABD AL-'AZiZ AL-DIHLAWl, the eldest
son of Shah Wall Allah al-Dihlawi [q.v.], a noted
Indian theologian and author of several religious
works in Arabic and Persian, was born at Delhi in
1159/1746 (hence his chronogrammatic name Ghulam
Hallm) and died there in 1239/1824. He studied
mainly with his father, after whose death in 1176/
1762 he soon began to teach as the head of the
Madrasa Rahimiyya, founded by his grandfather.
As a teacher, preacher and writer, he exercised a
considerable influence on the religious thought of
his time. His chief works are as follows. In Arabic:
(1) Sirr al-Shahddatayn (Dihli 1261), in which he
sets forth the ingenious view that the Prophet
vicariously acquired the merit and distinction of
shahdda or martyrdom through the tragic death of
his grandson, Husayn son of 'All. One of his pupils,
Salamat Allah wrote a commentary on it in Persian
(Lucknow 1882). (2) 'Aziz al-Iktibds fi FaddHl
Akhydr al-Nds, a collection of traditions on the
virtues of the first four Caliphs (Dihli 1 322/1904,
with Persian and Urdu translations). (3) Mizdn al-
'■AkdHd, a concise statement of the Muslim creed
with the author's own commentary on it (Dihli 1321
A. H.). In Persian: (4) Tuhfa ithnd-'Ashariyya
(edited by Muhammad Sadik 'Ali Ridawi, Lucknow
1295 A. H.), in which he refutes the ShI'ite doctrines
and thus continues the controversial work of his
father, Izdlat al-Khafd* 'an Khildfat al-Khulafd>. It
has also been translated into Urdu. (5) 'Udjdla
Nd/i c a (Dihli 1312, 1348 A. H.), an introduction
to the science of Hadith. (6) Bustdn al-Mukadditkin
(Dihli 1898), a bibliography of Hadith literature,
giving descriptions of books together with brief
biographies of their authors. (7) Fatdwd (in 2 parts,
Dihli 1 341 A. H.), a, collection of opinions and
forma) decisions on questions of law and doctrine.
There is also an Urdu translation of part I by
M. Nawwab 'All and 'Abd al-Djalll (Haydarabad
Deccan 1313; also Cawnpore). (8) Fath al-'Aziz,
commonly known as Tafsir 'Azizi, a commentary
in Persian on Suras i and ii, and sections 29 and
30 of the Kur'an. Sections 29 and 30 were both
printed at Calcutta; the former bears the date
1248 A. H., while that of the other is not traceable.
There are several other prints. Urdu translations
of all the various parts have been published. (9)
Malfuzdt Shad 'Abd al'Aziz, the obiter dicta of the
author, originally collected in Persian in 1233 A. H.
and later translated into Urdu by 'Azmat Ilahi in
1315/1897 and lithographed at Meerut.

Bibliography: Siddlk Hasan Khan, Ithdf al-
Nubald', 296; Muhammad b. Yahya al-Tirhuti,
al-Ydni' al-Qiani fi Asdnid al-Skaykk 'Abd al-
Ghani, lithographed on the margin of Kashf
al-Astdr 'an Ridjal Ma'dni al-Athdr (Deoband
1349 A. H.), 73-5; Rahman 'Ali, Tadhkira
'Ulamd* Hind (Lucknow 1914), 122; Rahim
Bakhsh, Haydt Wali (in Urdu), Dihli 1319 A. H.,
338-42; idem., Haydt 'Azizi; Storey, Persian
Literature, i, 24; Zubaid Ahmad, The contri-
bution of India to Arabic literature, Jullundur,
1946, Index; Bashlr al-Din, Tadhkira 'Aziziyya,
Meerut 1934. (Sh. Inayatullah)

'ABD al-BAHA 5 [see BahaIs].
'ABD al-DJABBAR b. 'ABD al RAHMAN
al-Azdi, governor of Khurasan. In 130/747-8
and 133/750-1 he was a supporter of the 'Abbasids
in their conflict with the Umayyads, and was
appointed to command the shurfa during the cali-

phates of al-Saffah and al-Mansur. The latter sent
him to Khurasan as governor in 140/757-8. On
arrival in the province, he began a violent perse-
cution against the local aristocracy, whom he
accused of partiality for the 'Alids; but it seems
that his measures affected also some of the partisans
of the 'Abbasids (as is stated in the Persian version
of al-Tabari). This was apparently the reason why
the caliph came to suspect him of rebellion. A
cunning exchange of letters, which followed, only
confirmed these suspicions, and eventually in
141/758-9 al-Mansur sent an army against him under
the command of his son al-Mahdl. On the approach
of the troops the population of Marw al-Rudh rose
and delivered up 'Abd al-Djabbar, who was brought
before al-Mansur, tortured, and put to death,
probably at the beginning of 142/759-60.

Bibliography: Ya'kubl, index; Tabarl, index;
Chronique de Tabari (Persian), tr. H. Zotenberg,
iv, 378-80; S. Moscati, La rivolta di 'Abd al-Cabbar,
in Rend. Line., 1947, 613-5. (S. Moscati)

'ABD al-DJABBAR b. AQMAD b. 'Abd al-
Djabbar al-HamadhanI al-AsadabadI, Abu '1-
Hasan, Mu'tazilite theologian, in law a follower of
the Shafi'i school. Born about 325, he lived in
Baghdad, until called to Rayy, in 3&7/978, by the
sahib Ibn 'Abbad, a staunch supporter of the
Mu'tazila. He was subsequently appointed chief
kadi of the province; hence he is usually referred
to in later Mu'tazili literature as kadi al-kuddt.
(For some anecdotes on his relations with Ibn
'Abbad see Yakflt, Irshad, ii, 312, 314). On the
death of Ibn 'Abbad, he was deposed and arrested
by the ruler, Fakhr al-Dawla. because of a slighting
remark made by him about his deceased benefactor
(Irshad, i, 70-1, ii, 335). No details seem to be
available about his later life, and we do not seem
to know, for instance, whether he was re-instated
in his office. He died in 415/1025.

His main dogmatic work is the enormous al-
Mughni, of which the greater part has been pre-
served (in San'a, see: Fihris Kutub al-Khizdna al-
Mutawakkiliyya, 103-4; some volumes in Cairo,
brought from San'a, see: Kh. Y. NamI, a.l-Ba'tka
al-Misriyya li-Taswir al-Makk(u(dt al-'Arabiyya;
Cairo 1952, 15). Another important handbook of
his dogmatics, al-Muhi( bi'l-Taklif, was compiled
by his pupil Ibn Mattawayh [q.v.]. Several volumes
in San'a, Fihris, 102 (vol. i, Berlin 5149; Tay-
muriyya, 'Aka'id 357; fragments in Leningrad, see
A. Borisov, Les manuscrits mu'tazilites de la Biblio-
thique publique de Leningrad, Bibliografiya Vostoka,
1935, 63-95). His monograph on prophecy (Tathbil
DaldHl Nubuwwat Sayyidind Muhammad, Shehid
'AH Pasha 1575, cf. H. Ritter, Isl., 1929, 42) contains
also important discussions of the views of other
schools, especially those of the Shi'a. Another
important dogmatic treatise seems to be his Shark
al-Usul al-Khamsa (Vat. 1028). For other writings
that have come down to us, cf. Brockelmann. It is
not only from his own works, however, that his
system can be reconstructed. All the writings of
the latter Mu'tazila — including the Zaydl writers
on dogmatics; as a matter of fact, his own books,
too, have been preserved mainly by the Zaydls of
Yaman — are full of reports on his opinions. He was
the chief figure in the last phase of Mu'tazilism, but
his teaching has not yet been studied.

Bibliography : Abu Sa'id al-Bayhakl, Shark
'Uyun al-MasdHl, MS Leiden, Landberg 215,
fol. 123' — 125", whence Ibn al-Murtada, (al-
Mu'tazila, Arnold), 66 ff. ; al-Khatlb al-Baghdadl.

<ABD al-DJABBAR b. AHMAD — <ABD al-HAKK b, SAYF a

Ta'rikh Baghdad, xi, 113 ff.; al-Subkl, Tabakdt,

77-8, 235, x, 95; I. Goldziher, Isl., 1912, 214;
M. Horten, Die plilosophischen Systeme, 457-62;
A. S. Tritton, Muslim Theology, 191-3. — c Abd
al-Djabbar's Tabakdt al-Mu c tazila was the main
source of Abu Sa'id al-Bayhakl's important
historical account of the Mu'tazila in the intro-
duction of his Shark 'Uyun al-MasdHl. Al-Bay-
haki's account was taken over, in a slightly
abbreviated form, by Ibn al-Murtada (ed. Th.
W. Arnold). (S. M. Stern)

C ABD al-FATTAH FCMANl, Persian histo-
rian, lived probably in the i6th-i7th centuries.
Entering into government service in Fuman, the
old capital of Gilan (Ch. Schefer, Christ, pers., ii, 93)
he was appointed controller of accounts by the
vizier of the place, Behzad-beg, about 1018 or
1019/1609-10. After serving under several other
vizers, he was taken to 'Irak by c Adil Shah. He
wrote in Persian Ta'rikk-i Gildn, a history of Gilan
from 923/1517 to 1038/1628. This book, published
by B. Dorn (with a resume in his introduction),
completes the histories of Zahlr al-DIn [q.v.] and
c Ali b. Shams al-Din [q.v.].

Bibliography: 'Abdu'l-Fattdk Fumeny's Ge-
schichte von Gildn (vol. iii of B. Dorn, Muhamm.
Quellen zur Geschichte d. siidl. Kiistenldnder des
Kaspischen Meeres). (Cl. Huart — H. Masse)
<ABD al-GHANI b. Isma'Il al-NabulusI, a
mystic, theologian, poet, traveller, and
voluminous writer on a variety of subjects, born
in Damascus 5 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 1050/19 March 1641,
and the leading figure in the religious and literary
life of Syria in his time. His family, traditionally
Shafi'I (though his father had changed to the
Hanafi rite), had long been settled in Damascus
and MuhibbI describes his great-grandfather as
"shaykh maskdHkh al-Shdm" (Khuldsa. ii, 433). He
early showed an interest in mysticism, joining the
Kadiri and Nakshbandi tarikas, and as a young
man shut himself up in his house for seven years,
studying the works of Ibn al-'Arabi, Ibn Sab'in and
c Afif al-Din al-Tilimsanl, and bringing on himself by
his unconventionnal behaviour charges of anti-
nomianism. An early work, a badiHyya in praise
of the Prophet, was of such virtuosity that his
authorship was doubted, until he vindicated himself
by writing a commentary on it. In 1075/1664 he
made his first journey to Istanbul, and in 1100/1688
he visited the Bika* and Lebanon, in 1101/1689
Jerusalem and Hebron, in 1 105/1693 Egypt and
Hidjaz, and in 1112/1700 Tripoli, and wrote accounts
of all these travels except the first. His works
number (including short treatises) from 200 to 250.
His pupils were innumerable, the most important
probably being Mustafa al-Bakri (q.v.]. He died in
Damascus on 24 Sha'ban 1143/5 March 1731.

His works fall into three main categories: sufi,
poetry, travels. His sufi writings are mostly in the
form of commentaries on the works of Ibn al-'Arabi,
al-Djill, Ibn al-Farid and others. In these commen-
taries he does not merely paraphrase and epitomize,
but develops the thought in the tradition of the
great commentators by original, if sometimes far-
fetched, interpretation, which, as it is not exclusively
mystical, is an important source for his religious and
theological thought in general. In several of his
commentaries c Abd al-Ghani represents a conver-
gence of two trends of mystical thought, the Andalu-
sian-Maghribl trend (Abu Madyan, Ibn Mashish,
Shushtari, Sanusi) and the Perso-Anatolian trend

(Awhad al-Din Nuri, Mahmud Uskudari, Muhammad
Birgall). He wrote also on the orders to which he
belonged, as well as on the Mawlawl order. In his
original writings he seems to be dominated by the
concept of wakdat al-wudjud; of these original works
the most important is the first volume of his great
diwan.

The Diwan al-dawdwin, which contains the main
body of his poetical output, comprises, as well as
the first volume on mysticism (published Cairo 1302
etc.), three other volumes, all unpublished, con-
taining eulogies of the Prophet, general eulogies
and correspondence, and love-poems respectively.
This by no means represents the whole of his poetical
output, many of his other works also being written
in verse form, and his interest in poetry is reflected
in his commentary on the poems of Ibn Hani' al-
Andalusi. During his lifetime and after he had a
great reputation as a poet (see Amir Haydar, Le
Liban (ed. Rustum) i, 8 ff., 22 ff., and for his use
of the muwashshah, Hartmann, MuwaSSak, 6).

In his narratives of his travels (see above) it was
not c Abd al-Ghani's intention to present a description
of topographical or architectural detail. They are
rather records of his own mystical experiences; but
at the same time they throw a considerable amount
of light on the religious and cultural life of the age.
They are important also because they served as
models for later travellers, such as the Damascene
Mustafa al-Bakri and the Egyptian As'ad al-
Lukayml. In addition, he wrote works, some of
them vast and encyclopaedic, on tafsir, hadith,
kalam, fikh, interpretation of dreams (a mine of
information on the spiritualism and superstitions of
his age), agriculture, the lawfulness of tobacco, and
many other subjects.

Bibliography: Muradl, Silk al-durar, ii, 30-8;
Djabartl, 'AdidHb al-Athdr, i, 154-7; Mustafa al-
Bakri, al-Fath al-iariyy fi... al-shaykh <Abd
al-Ghani (Ms. in the writer's possession); Ibn
al-'Arabi, Fusus al-hikam, ed. 'Afifi (Cairo, 1946),
i, 23; A. S. Khalidi, Rihla ild diydr al-Shdm
(Jaffa, 1946); 'Abboud, Ruwwdd al-nahda al-
haditha (Bairut, 1952), 34 ff . ; R. A. Nicholson,
Studies in Islamic mysticism (Cambridge, 1921)
143 ff.; L. Massignon, La Passion de al-Hallaj,
passim. (W. A. S. Khalidi)

C ABD al-HAKK ABC MUHAMMAD [see MarI-

C ABD al-HAKK b. SAYF AL-DiN al-DihlawI
al-Bukhari, Abu 1-Madjd, with the takhallus Hakki,
Indian author in Arabic and Persian, born
Muharram 958/Jan. 1551, died 2 Rabi c II 1052/
30 June 1642. He spent some time in Fathpur,
studying with Faydi and MIrza Nizam al-Din
Aljmad, but fell out with them (cf. Bada'uni, iii,
113, 115 ff.; al-Makdtib wa 1-RasdHl, on marg. of
Akhbdr al-Akhydr, Delhi, 1332, 160; c Abd al-Hakk's
book on the writers of Delhi, cf. below, p. 20;
Haft Iklim, s. v. Dihli). He left for the Hidjaz in
996 (Adhkdr-i Abrdr, Urdu transl. of Ghawjhl's
Gulzdr-i Abrdr, Agra 1326, 559), studying for several
years with the famous scholars there (of whom he
gave an account in his Zdd al-Muttakin). On his
return, he taught for half a century in Delhi. He
won the favour of Djahangir (who praises him in
the Tuzuk-i Djahdngiri, Aligarh 1864, 28a) and
Shahdjahan. 'Ubayd Allah KbTeshgl, Mukhtasar
Ma'dridi al-Wilaya, Panjab Univ. Libr. MS. fol. 258
v., quotes a risdla by c Abd al-Hakk against the
"ecstatic phrases" (shafhiyydt) of Ahmad Kabull
{Mudjaddid-i alf-i thdni, d. 1034), but ultimately

<ABD al-HAKK B. SAYF AL-DlN — <ABD AL-HAKK HAMID

the controversy was settled peacefully (Siddik
Hasan Khan, Tiksdr Qjuyud al-Ahrdr, Bhopal 1298,
185). The tomb of £ Abd al-Hakk is in the Hawd-i
Shams! in Delhi. An inscription on the wall of the
kubba gives a sketch of his life; it is quoted fully
in Ghulam <Ali Azad, Ma'dthir al-Kirdm, Agra 1328,
201; Akhbdr al-Akhydr, 6; W. Beale, Miftdh al-
Tawdrikh, Cawnpur 1867, 246; Bashir al-Din
Ahmad, Wdki c dt-i Hukumat-i Dihli, Agra 1919, iii,
305. According to the Wdki'dt, <Abd al-Hakk's
descendants in Dehli were still celebrating every
year his c urs at the tomb.

In his TaHlf Kalb al-Alif bi-Kitdbati Fihrist al-
Tawdlif, appended to his treatise on the writers
and poets of Delhi (cf. the Urdu periodical Tdrikh,
Haydarabad-Deccan, vol. i, part 3-4), c Abd al-
Hakk gives a list of his forty-nine works in Arabic
and Persian. The following are the most important
of his works: a Diwdn (cf. Subh-i Gulshan, Bhopal
1295, 141); Lamahdt al-Tankih, Arabic commentary
on al-Tibrizi's Mishkdt al-Masdbih; Ashi"at al-
Lama'-At, a fuller, Persian, commentary on the
Mishkdt, Lucknow 1277; Akhbdr al-Akhydr, lives
of saints, mostly Indian ; Zubdat al-Athdr, biography
of <Abd al-Kadir al-Djilani; Miftdh al-Futuh,
Persian translation, with commentary, of al-
Dillanl's Futuh al-Ghayb; Dhikr al-Muluk, a sketch
of Indian history from the Ghurids to Akbar;
Diadhb al-Kulub, a history of Medina, based mainly
on al-Samhudl; Madaridx al-Nubuwwa, a biography
of the, Prophet (Urdu transl.: Mandhidj al-Nubuwwa,
Lucknow 1277). His main contribution is his share
of the; popularization of the stud;- of Hadith in India.
Bibliography: Autobiograpii> in Akhbdr
al-Akhydr and another in the treatise on tne
writers of Delhi; Tabakat-i Akbari (Engl. Transl.),
Calcutta 1936, 692; c Abd al-Hamid, Bddshdh-
ndma, i, 341; M. Salib, <-Amal-i Sdlih, iii, 384;
Ithdf al-Nubald', Cawnpur 1289, 303;' Tiksdr, 112;
Athdr al-Sanddid, Cawnpur 1904, 65 ; Cat. Peshawar
Libr., 48, 173, 203 ff., 277; Brockelmann, ii, 549,
S. i, 778, 277, 603; Storey, 194 ff., 181, 214, 427,
441 ; Zubaid Ahmad, The contribution of India to
Arabic literature, index. (Mohammad Shafi)

<ABD al -HAKK HAMID (AbdOlhak HAmit),
Turkish poet, born 2 Febr. 1852. He belonged to
an old family of scholars which came from Izmir,
but resided for some time in Egypt before returning
to Istanbul in the second half of the 18th century.
His grandfather, £ Abd al-Hakk Molla, was chief
court physician, and a great favourite during that
later period of Mabmud IPs reign which began in
1826 and brought renewal to the Empire. He had
a great part in the opening of the new School of
Medicine, wrote occasional poetry and left a diary
{Tar ikh-i Liwd?) describing the Sultan's sojourn in
1828 (during the Russian war) in the barracks of
Rami, supervising the training of the new army.
(His two brothers were also authors). Hamid's
father, Khavrullah Efendi, was one of the best
historians of his day. He also wrote a journal of his
visit to Paris (unpublished to this day) and was
the author of the first Turkish play, Hikdye-yi
Ibrahim Pasha.

Hamid grew up in this cultured environment;
the childhood reminiscences of his mother, a Cir-
cassian slave girl, added to this intellectual back-
ground a fairy tale touch and Hamid's work was
to remain to the end marked by this dual influence.
He began his studies in one of the newly founded
state schools and continued them in Paris, where
he went together with his father when he was eleven

years old. Back in Istanbul, and later in Teheran,
where his father was ambassador, he took private
lessons, especially in Arabic and Persian. Among
his tutors it was Tahsin Efendi who made the
deepest impression on him. It was his influence
that made Hamid's early works (among them a
narrative in verse, Ghardm) interesting records of
the first clash between Western science and philo-
sophy and Muslim faith.

After his father's death Hamid went back to
Istanbul and entered the Civil Service; in 1876
he was appointed second secretary to the embassy
in Paris. He had married in 1871, in Edirne, Fatma
Khanlm. of the well-known Pirizade family. In
Paris he met the ex-Prime Minister Midhat
Pasha. Letters and works written in that period
testify to the intellectual crisis he was then going
through. On his return he was appointed consul
in Poti (Russia), then in Golos (Greece), finally in
Bombay. On his way back in 1885 his wife died;
her death affected deeply Hamid and his poetry.
In 1885 he was appointed first secretary in London,
then minister in The Hague, returning as secretary,
then counsellor, to the London embassy. In 1908
Hamid, then ambassador in Brussels, became a
member of the Senate, and acted, during the first
world war, as a deputy president. When the Senate
was dissolved, he went to Vienna, returning towards
the end of the war of independence. He was elected
to the National Assembly in 1928. He died in 1937
and was given a national funeral.

His works before going to Europe (1873-6):
Mddjerd-yi "-Ashk, Sabr u Thebdt, I Hi Kiz, Dukhter-i
Hindu, Nazife. Between his journey to Europe and
his wife's death (1876-85): Nesteren, Tdrik yahut
Endulus Fdtihi, Sahrd, Tezer, Eshber. 1885-1908:
Makber, Olu, Hadjle, Bunlar o dur, Diwdneliklerim
yahut Belie, Bir Sefilenin Hasb-i Hdli. 1908-23:
Zeyneb — written 1887, Baladan bir ses, Ilkhdn,
Liberti, Wdlidem, Turkhan, Ilhdm-i Wafan, Mektuplar
I, II, Abdulldh-i Saghir, Finten— 1887, Jayiflar
Getidi, Yddigar-i Harp, Ibn-i Musd — 1881, Yabanaji
dostlar, Arziler, Ifahbe (Bir Sefilenin Hasb-i Hdli),
Khdkdn. Hep weya Hie — first collection of poems,
the play Diiinun ii c Ashk and some letters, as well
as the last play, Kdnuninin Widjdan Azabi, remained
unpublished; the memoirs that have appeared in
various newspapers have not come out in book form.

Hamid's first drama, Mddjerd'yi 'Ashk, is a
youthful attempt which contains already the
romantic elements to be developed later on by
him. Sabr ii Thebdt and Icli Kiz are of local inspi-
ration, full of comedy and rich in elements of folklore.
Influenced also by his relative Ahmed Wefik Pasha
[?.«.], it was from the school of ShinasI [q.v.] that
his personality received its first strong stamp.
Hamid belongs to the second generation of inno-
vators, the first being that of ShinasI. Too young
to join the Young Turks around Namik Kemal
[q.v.], he was strongly influenced by the literature
of that movement. But although Hamid followed
Namik Kemal in his search of the ideal man, his real
function may be seen in his achievement of a new
Turkish poetry. In a short poem inserted in his play
Dukhter-i Hindu, Hamid changed the long estab-
lished rhyme scheme, abandoned the conventional
poetic themes and images and enlarged the horizon
of his poetry by bringing it into direct contact
with life. In the collections of poems Belde and
Sahrd, partly written in Paris, this revolution is
even deeper. In his third collectibn of poems Bunlar
o dur he already appears as master of a new and better

<ABD al-HAKK HAMID — l ABD al-HAMID I

literary form and while sometimes still hesitating,
finally strikes a happy harmony between thought
and language. His works reflect his joy in redis-
covering nature, to which he no doubt owes the
pantheistic strain of his poetry.

Nowhere, however, can Hamid's personality be
so clearly perceived as in the poems written on
his wife's death : Makber, Olii, Hadjle. Obsession
with death, already present in Ghardm. is here still
more persistent and the problems of human destiny
are treated with genuine anguish. The influence of
a society which had lost the purity of its peaceful
faith in Islam and looked with apprehension at the
changing world, and the literary influence of Ziya
pasha's two poems Terkib-i Bend and Terdji c -i
Bend which Hamid had read in his youth with
great admiration, contributed to strengthen this
feeling of anguish. Makber is doubtlessly Hamid's
masterpiece. Fatma's image seems never to have
been absent from his mind and it is significant
that his second wife Nelly, whom he married in
England, resembled greatly his dead wife. Hamid's
poems written in this second period show affinities
of thought, if not of vision, with those of V. Hugo,
especially with such pieces as Dieu and La Fin
de Satan. In the poetry written after his appoint-
ment to London, there is less philosophical searching,
but the inspiration is of a clearer perfection. For
example, his poem "On passing through Hyde
Park" is one of the best ever written in Turkish
on the subject of nature and freedom. However,
c Abd al-Hamid's prohibition of the publishing of
his poems in the Istanbul newspapers put an end
to this third period of his literary career.

In his preface to Dukhter-i Hindu Hamid exposed
his preference for the romantic and exotic drama;
from then onwards, in all his plays, even in plays
such as Eshber, Nesteren or Tezer that seem by their
very subject to be nearer to the French classical
theatre, he remained faithful to this conception.
A despair born of political reasons and of the reali-
zation that his plays would never see the stage, make
these pieces overloaded with speculation, while the
dramatic situation is either absent or lost under
the wealth of incident. Though a play like Finlen
pretends to be a picture of English life, though
the dialogues of Ruhlar and Taylflar Gelidi are
dealing with the problem of man's destiny, most
of the plays are historical. They deal with ancient
India, Greece {Eshber), Mesopotamia (Sarddnapdl),
Turkish history in Central Asia, history of Andalusia.
Eshber, supposed to be influenced by Racine's
Alexandre and by Comeille, is an apology of pacifism
and patriotism, while Tdrik is the expression of
Namik Kemal's ideology. A peculiar feature of
these plays is Hamid's endeavour to assign to
woman her place in life. In Zeyneb, in Ibn-i Musd,
sequel of Tdrik and in Finlen, Hamid appears as
a follower of Shakespeare.

Hamid has deeply influenced Turkish poetry. The
generations both of Therwet-i Fiinun and Fedjr-i
Ali were under the impact of Hamid, and followed
the creative and revolutionary lead which he had
given in language and form. He not only employed
new metres unknown in Turkish poetry up to his day,
but also quantitative verse. He even tried a sort of
blank verse. In his drama he came nearer to spoken
language. As, however, his works written after
1885 were not published at the time, he had little
share in the developments that took place after-
wards. His real influence, starting in 1885, can be
said to have stopped already in 1905.

Bibliography: P. Horn, Geschickte der Tur-
kischen Moderne, 34 ff.; Gibb, Ottoman poetry, i,
133-5, iv, p. VII; Riza Tewfik, 'Abdiilhakk Hamid.
we Miilahafdt-i Felsefiyesi, Istanbul 1918; Turk
Yurdu Medjmu'-asi, ii, no. 13, Istanbul 1933;
UlkU Mecmuasi, ix, no. 51, Ankara 1937 (both
special numbers about the poet); Sabri Esad
Siyavusgil, in I A, s.v. Abdulhak HSmid; Mehmed
Kaplan, "Garam" daki ictimat ve felsefi fikirler,
1st. Univ. Edebiyat Fak. Turk dill ve edebiyati
dergisi, 1946, 246-60; idem, Tabiat karsisinda
Abdulhak Hamid, ibid., 1949, 333-49; 1951,
167-87; Ahmed Hamdi Tanpinar, XIX. asir
Turk edebiyati tarihi, Istanbul 1949, 278-466.
(A. Hamdi Tanpinar)
C ABD AL-JJAMlD I (AbdOlhamid), Ottoman
Sultan, born 5 Radjab 1137/20 March 1725, suc-
ceeded his brother Mustafa 8 Dhu 1-Ka c da 1187/
21 January 1774.

<Abd al-Hamld succeeded to the throne during
a war with Russia, in which financial difficulties,
rebellions in various provinces, and the weariness
aroused by ill success made the cessation of hostilities
an absolute necessity for Turkey. At the same time
Russia also had been placed by the Pugacev revolt
in a position to welcome peace. The new Sultan,
however, was unwilling to end the war without
some kind of victory, and the Porte accordingly
refused to accept the Russian proposals for peace
talks; hostilities were reopened, and the Turkish
army was defeated at Kozludja. The rout spread
to the headquarters at Shumla of the Grand Vizier
Muhsin-zade Mehmed Pasha, who was forced to sue
for peace from the Russian commander Rumjancev.
The treaty by which the war was terminated,
and which was dictated by the Russians, was signed
on 12 Djumada I, 1188/21 July 1774 at Kucuk
Kaynardje [q.v.] and is known by the name of that
town. By its terms the Crimea was to become an
independent state ; and Russia obtained the fortresses
on the coast of the Sea of Azof (Azak), the lands
of Lesser and Greater Kabartay, the area between
the rivers Dniepr and Bug, freedom of navigation
in the Black Sea, and the right to pass merchant
ships through the Straits. Its most dangerous feature
for Turkey was the wording of some of the clauses
in such a way as to lead Russia to claim the right to
protect Turkish subjects belonging to the Orthodox
church; in return, however, Russia recognized a
somewhat vaguely stated claim by the Sultan, as
khalifa, to religious authority over all Muslims.
After this treaty Austria too took advantage of the
weakness of Turkey and annexed Bukovina, hitherto
part of the principality of Moldavia (1775).

In 1774 war broke out also between Turkey and
Persia, following a Persian invasion of Kurdistan.
Ottoman forces were despatched to Baghdad in
1175, with the object of putting an end to the rule
of the Mamliiks, but the Porte was forced to recognize
their administration, and in the following year
Basra fell to the Persians. In 1779 it was evacuated
in consequence of internal disturbances in Persia,
and reoccupied by the mamluk Sulayman Agha,
who was then granted the three pashallks of al-
l Ir5k (1180).

The peace of Kucuk Kaynardje proved to be no
more than an armistice between Turkey and Russia.
Catherine II continued to aim at the annexation of
the Crimea, whereas the Porte was trying to bring
the principality back to its former status. For this
reason the Crimea became an area of conflict and
of Russian intervention under various forms; and

'ABD AL-HAMlD I

in addition, the clauses concerning the Straits and
the Orthodox Christians in Turkey were subjects
of contention between the two countries. Although
it seemed at one time that war was imminent over
the Crimean question, the terms relating to the
Crimea in the treaty of Kucuk Kaynardje were
interpreted and reaffirmed by a Convention, in
which France acted as mediator, signed at Istanbul
in the pavilion of Aynali-Kawak on 10 March 1779.

Nevertheless, Catherine II, after forming an
alliance against Turkey with Joseph II (who had
succeeded Maria Theresa on the throne of Austria),
stirred up a revolt in the Crimea against the Khan
Shahin Giray, and on this pretext sent an army to
the Crimea and annexed it to Russia. 'Abd al-Hamld
I, though deeply mortified by this action, could not,
being aware of the weakness of his empire, envisage
going to war. When, however, the 'Czarina began
to form far-reaching schemes for the setting up of
a Greek state with her grandson Constantine
PavloviC at its head, the Porte could no longer
tolerate the menacing demonstrations against
Turkey provoked by her and her ally Joseph II.

In spite of the Sultan's love of peace, war was
declared against Russia and Austria by the Grand
Vizier Kodja Yusuf Pasha (1787), when a request
for the return of the Crimea was rejected, and
Sweden subsequently joined in on the side of Turkey.
An attack by the Turkish fleet in the direction of
Kilburun was unsuccessful, and the Russians laid
siege to the fortress of Ocakov. The Turkish army,
however, attached mote importance to the Austrian
campaign and after twice defeating, at Vidin and
Slatin, the Austrian armies which had taken the
offensive along the Danube, invaded the Banat. On
the other hand, the Turkish fleet failed in its attempt
to relieve Ocakov, and after a long resistance the
fortress fell and its population was put to the sword.
'Abd al-Hamid, whose health was already under-
mined by the worries of the war, died of a stroke
on reading the news, 11 Radjab 1203/7 April 1789.

Although c Abd al-Hamld I, who succeeded to
the throne at an advanced age after spending most
of his life in the seclusion of the palace, cannot
be considered an energetic and successful sovereign,
he is noted for his zeal, humanity, and benevolence.
He gave wide powers, for that time, to his Grand
Viziers and left them free in their conduct of affairs,
and he endeavoured to strengthen the central
government against rebel forces within the empire;
e.g. he sent a punitive expedition under Djeza'irli
Hasan Pasha against Zahir al- c Umar, who had
acquired great influence in Syria, and against the
rebellious Mamluk beys in Egypt. It may be observed
that whereas during his reign the Porte followed a
special policy towards Caucasia by trying to civilize
the Circassian tribes and to attach them to Turkey
and, in order to further this object, developed
Sogudjuk and Anapa, the Russians, in opposition
to this policy, supported the Georgians.

The most important of the Grand Viziers of
'Abd al-Hamld I was Khalil Hamid Pasha, who
was a supporter of reforms and, in order to put
them into effect, tried to dethrone the old Sultan
and to put the young prince Selim (afterwards
Selim III) in his place. During the tenure of office
of this enlightened Grand Vizier, who paid for his
attempt with his life, the corps of Cannonneers,
Bombardiers and Miners were reorganized.

The opening of the Imperial Naval Engineering
School (Muhandiskhdne-yi bahri-yi humayun), for
the education of trained officers, and the reopening

of Ibrahim Muteferrika's [q.v.] printing house, which
had been allowed to fall into disuse, are among the
achievements of 'Abd al-Hamld I. He also founded
the Beylerbeyi and Mirgun mosques on the Bosporus,
as well as a number of benefactions such as libraries,
schools, soup-kitchens, and fountains.

Bibliography: Wasif, Ta'rikh, ii, Istanbul

1219; 'Asim, TaMhh, i, Istanbul n.d.; Djew-

det, Ta'rikh, ii-iv, Istanbul 1309; Ahmed ResmI,

Khulasat al-IHibdr, Istanbul 1307; Mehmed

Sadik, Wak'a-i Ifamidiyye, Istanbul 1289;

Aywansarayl Husayn, Hadikat al-djawdmi', ii,

Istanbul 1281; Ismail Hakki Uzuncarsili, HaXil

Hamid Pasa, Turkiyat Mec, 1936; Hammer,

Histoire de I'Empire ottoman, Fr. tr., xvi, Paris

1839, and other histories of the Ottoman Empire;

A. Sorel, La question d'Orient, Paris 1878; Baron

de Tott, Memoires, Amsterdam 1785; G. Noran-

dounghian, Recueil d'actes internationaux de

I'Empire ottoman, iv, Paris 1897-1903; S. H.

Longrigg, Four centuries of modern Iraq, Oxford

1925, 180-96; T. W. Arnold, The Caliphate,

Oxford 1924, 165-6. (M. Cavid Baysun)

'ABD AL-tIAMlD II (GhazI) (AbdOlhamid),

36th Ottoman sultan, fifth child of thirty of

'Abd al-Madjid (Abdulmecid) [q.v.], bom Wednesday,

21 September 1842. He is traditionally represented

as a reserved child, easily offended, and, in spite

of his keen intelligence, not given to study. It is

said that, after a stormy youth, he led a thrifty

family life, which earned him the undeserved

nickname 'Pinti Hamid', Hamid the Skinflint, taken

from a comedy by Kassab. He early showed a great

liking for the company of devout persons (Pertew-

niyal, a distortion of Pertew-nihal, wdlde sultan of

'Abd al-'Aziz) and for mystics, soothsayers, and

wonder-workers (the shaykh 'Abd al-Rahman al-Sur

of Sayda, prototype of the astrologer Abu-'l-Huda,

who later exerted so great an influence on C A.).

On 1 September 1876 he succeeded his brother

Murad V, who had been deposed, with the support

of the Young Turks, whose leader, the celebrated

Midhat (Mithat) Pasha [q.v.], was a former grand

vizier of Sultan 'Abd al-'Aziz. The Porte was then

engaged in victorious war with Milan, prince of

Serbia, and Nicholas I of Montenegro. To put a

stop to the intervention of the powers, 'A., in

agreement with Midhat, initiated an international

conference at Istanbul, and on the very day of its

opening (23 December 1876) a khaii-i humayun

promulgated the first Constitution or Mnun-i

(kanunu) esdsl, a 'fundamental Law' instituting a

two-Chamber parliamentary system. This Parliament,

summoned to meet on 17 March 1877, and presided

over by the famous Ahmed Wefik Pasha [q.v.], was

prorogued sine die on 13 February 1878 (actually for

a period of thirty years).

In the course of his reign Turkey had to wage
two wars, one with Russia (1877-8), the other with
Greece (18 April-5 June 1897); finally the inextri-
cable Macedonian imbroglio, in which the most
varied races were bitterly engaged, led to inter-
ventions by the Concert of Europe which precipitated
the Young Turk revolution. On 5 July 1908 the
vice-major (kol-aghasi) Niyazi Bey took to the
mountains at Resna and seized Monastir. On the
23rd, the major (bin-bashi) Enwer Bey, former
military attache in Berlin, rose in revolt at Salonika.
The sultan gave way, and the Constituent Assembly,
which had never disappeared from the official
Year-book (sal-name), was simply revived on 24 July
(which was later kept as a national holiday). After

C ABD al-HAMID II

the coup de force carried out by the
and by troops roused to fanaticism, on 13 April
1909, the 3rd army corps of Macedonia, commanded
by Marshal Mahmud Shewket, which had for that
occasion become an "investing" or "marching"
army (hareket ordusu), brought back the fugitive
Young Turks and the Constitution to Istanbul (24
April).

c Abd al-Hamid was deposed by a decision (kardr-
ndme) of the two Chambers, meeting as a National
Assembly on 28 April 1909, based on a fatwa of the
same day, a document in which appeared in particular
the strange imputation that he had "forbidden and
burnt the books of the religious Law". The brother of
*Abd al-Hamid, Muhanutiad (Mehmet) Reshad,
succeeded him as Muhammad V.

c Abd al-Hamid was exiled to Salonika. When the
Balkan war broke out, in 1912, he was moved to
the palace of Beylerbeyi (on the Bosphorus). He
died there of pneumonia, on Sunday, 10 February
1918, at the age of 75, and was buried in the turbe
of his grandfather, Mahmud II.

The two salient points of Abd al-Hamld's political
system were absolutism and Panislamism.

1) Absolutism (istibdad). — Although their power
was unlimited, c Abd al-Hamld's predecessors inter-
fered relatively little in the affairs of government.
They usually left it to their plenipotentiary repre-
sentative, the grand vizier (Sadr a'sam), who was
regarded as their wekil-i mutlak (a term which has
sometimes been translated as 'vicar absolute'). The
government was "the (Sublime) Porte" of the grand
vizier. c Abd al-Hamid wished to create an instrument
of domination carrying even closer personal control,
and he gave great importance to "the Palace" or
"the Court". In Turkish, this was termed the
Mabey{i)n, an Arabic term which means literally
"that (which is) between (the private apartments
and the Porte)". It was a separate building (within
the precincts of Yildlz), and contained the offices
of the chamberlains (mdbeyndii) and of the rappor-
teurs or referendaries (dmedji or dmedl). Hence the
power of the first secretary of the Mdbeyn (of the
sultan, in actual fact) — Tahsin Pasha, for instance —
or of a second secretary such as 'Izzet 'Abed, a
Syrian who was the object of public execration.
The palace of YUdlz, usually shortened to Yildlz
[q.v.], with its harem and its administrative depart-
ments, became a sort of town with several thousand
residents — a town half shrouded in secrecy, which
long haunted and terrified people's imaginations,
often without Cause.

This system, carried on at a time when there
existed a strong revolutionary ferment, was not
calculated to discourage conspiracies, and it was
only by miraculous good fortune that c Abd al-Hamid
escaped an Armenian bomb in 1905. This only
intensified the fear and suspicion which dominated
all his life. He encouraged informing and espionage,
which developed into an incredibly complicated
network. The name khafiyye, which means literally
"secret (police)" finally came to include the whole
range of informers and spies, from the highest social
levels to the lowest. Written denunciations were
known as diurnal, from an expression borrowed for-
merly from Muhammad c Ali of Egypt, and which
meant originally "daily administrative report".

The severity of the censorship reached a degree
of ineptitude that seems incredible, but is proved
by authentic documents. The censor struck out words
like wafan, "fatherland", because it was a conception
that implied rivalry to dynasty and religion, and

other words, such as liberty, explosion, bomb,
regicide, murder, plot, etc.

2) Panislamism. — c Abd al-Hamid had a deep sense
of the importance of his role (which was, however,
debatable) of khalifa, by virtue of which he was
protector of the religion of Islam (art. 3 of the
Constitution of 1876). He greatly esteemed Djamal
al-dln al-Afghani [q.v.], who had held out to him the
bright prospect of bringing the Shi'ites themselves
back into the bosom of Sunnism. This sterile and
even dangerous policy was largely based on the
illusion that he could count on the loyalty of the
Arabs, his spoilt children.

Strangely enough, the Turcologist Arminius
Vambery, a Hungarian Jew who was on terms of
friendship with 'Abd al-Hamid, encouraged him in
these tendencies. They had one useful result at
least, in that they prompted c Abd al-Hamid to
build the Hidjaz railway to the holy places of Islam.
This undertaking, which had also strategic value
because of the frequent troubles in the Yaman, and
of which c Abd al-Hamid was justly proud, was
paid for by collections made exclusively among
Muslims, and by the revenue from the "Hidjaz-
stamp". The railway was begun on 1 September 1900,
on the 25th anniversary of the Sultan's accession.
It was also the indirect cause of the Anglo-Turkish
dispute over Taba and the Gulf of c Akaba, in which
England appeared for the first time (1906) as the
official defender of Egyptian interests. The line
reached Medina in 1908.

Another manifestation of Panislamism was less
successful. This was the sending to Japan of the
screw training ship Ertogrul, a wooden vessel that
went down within sight of the Japanese coast
(25 September 1890).

The European press and caricaturists accused
c Abd al-Hamid of blind fanaticism, and branded
him with the name of 'Red Sultan' because of the
role attributed to him in the suppression of revolts
or of bloody conflicts in Macedonia and Crete, and
especially Armenia (risings in 1894 and 1895, raid
on the Ottoman Bank in 1896). The least that can
be said, indeed, is that he did little or nothing to
prevent horrible massacres (just as he did nothing
to prevent extortion). On the other hand, the
atrocities had begun before his time, and did not
stop after his disappearance. The Turkish population,
fanaticized for these occasions, was not the only
one to take part. There were also other Muslims:
the Circassian immigrants from the Caucasus, and
the Kurds.

It would be unjust to judge c Abd al-Hamid, who
has so often been accused of obscurantism, without
giving him credit for all the institutions established
during his reign.

Physically, c Abd al-Hamid had regular features,
an aquiline nose and lightcoloured eyes, but as he
grew older his appearance became that of a bent
and hunted old man. He had a loud, deep voice,
and knew how to be agreeable. In his dress he was
quiet, very simple, and distinguished. He was a man
of contrasts. Very approachable, unlike most of the
Ottoman sultans, he was given to sudden fits of
anger, which were, however, quickly suppressed.
Authoritarian to the point of despotism, very
intelligent, and possessed of an excellent memory,
he had an exceptional capacity for work, and liked
to deal with all affairs himself — a paralysing trait
in the head of a State.

Bibliography: Works, in alphabetical order

of authors, which, without being general histories

<ABD AL-HAMlD II — <ABD AL-HAMlD

of Turkey, are devoted entirely or in part to
c Abd al-Hamld. (No sultan has elicited in Europe
so many studies, for the most part tendentious).
<Abd til-Rahman Sheref and Ahmed Refik,
Sultan 'A. thdniye daHr (deposing; burial), Istanbul
1918; 'All Haydar Midhat Bey, Midhat-Pacha, sa
vie, son oeuvre (chap, v), Paris 1908 (Turkish
version, Cairo 1322/1906); idem, Hatlralarlm
1872-1946, Istanbul 1946, 194-216; c Ali Nouri,
Vnter dem Scepter des Sultan, Berlin 1908; Ali
Vahbi Bey, Pensies et souvenirs de V ex-sultan
C A., Paris, n.d.; P. Anmeghian, Pour le jubiU
du Sultan, Brussels 1900; B. Bareilles, Les Tuns,
Paris 1917, chap, viii; V. Berard, La politique
du Sultan, Paris 1897; H. Borotra, Lettres orien-
tates, Paris 1893, 74-86, 90-2; Bresnitz von
Sydatoff, C A. und die Ckristenvervolgungen in der
Turkei, Berlin 1896; G. Charmes, L'avenir de la
Turquie.-Le Panislamisme, Paris 1883 (a remark-
able and objective study) ; Damad Mahmud Pacha,
Lettre au sultan A., Paris 1900; idem, Protes-
tation . . ., n. p., n. d. ; (Turkish text, Cairo) ;
Anna Bownan [Blacke] Dodd, In the Palace of
the Sultan, New York 1903; G. Dorys (pseudonym),
A. intime (7th ed.) Paris, 1907; the same work in
Engl, transl. (N. Y. 1901), and in Germ. (Munich
1902) ; E. Fazy, Les Turcs d'aujourd'hui ou le grand
Karagheuz, Paris 1898, 217-61 (Turkish transl.
by Djemil Zekl and Refik Newzat, Paris 1898);
P. Fesch, Consple aux demiers jours d'A., Paris
1907; P. Fremont, A. et son rigne, Paris 1895;
E. Freville, Deux audience impiriales . . ., Reims
1903; A. Fua, A. et M our ad V, masque de fer,
Paris 1909; G. Gaulis, La mine d'un empire. A.,
ses amis et ses peuples, Paris 1913; R. Gillon,
Vers Stamboul, suivi d'une annexe sur le regime
hamidien et la Turquie constitutionnelle, Courtrai
1908; G. des Godins de Souhesnes, Au pays des
Osmanlis, Paris 1894, chap, xiv: Flagorneries ;
J. Grand-Carteret, Une Turquie nouvelle pour les
Turcs — La Turquie en images, Paris 1908 (repro-
ductions of caricatures) ; C. Hecquard, La Turquie
sous A., Brussels 1901; Hidayette, A. revolution-
naire..., Zurich 1896; P. Imbert, La renovation
de I'Empire Ottoman . . ., Paris 1909 (Turkish
transl. by Hasan Ferhat-Angel, Istanbul, 1329/
1913; Ismail Kemal Bey, The memoirs of..., ed.
t>y Sommerville Story, London 1920; Kamil Pasha,
Khatlrat... 1st., 1329/1913; Kamil Pashanln A'-yan
ReHsi SaHd Pashaya Djewdblari, 1st. 1328/1912;
A. H. Kober, Zwischen Donau und Bosporus,
Frankfurt/M. ; de Keratry, Mourad V, Paris 1878
<a good, objective work); K. Kiintzer, A. und
die Reformen. . ., Dresden 1897; E. Le Jeune and
Diran Bey, Comment on sauve un empire ou S. M.
le sultan ghazi A. khan II, Paris 1895; A. de
Lusignan, The twelve years' reign of A..., London
1889; MacColl (Malcolm), Le sultan et les grandes
Puissances, transl. from Engl., Paris 1890; F.
MacCullagh, The fall of A., London 1910; Mehmet
Memduh Pasha, Taswir-i Ahwdl, Tenwir-i Istihbdl,
Izmir 1328/1912; ibid., KhalHer idjldslar, 1st.
1329/1913, 133-78; Melek Hanoum, A.'s
daughter, the tragedy of an Ottoman princess,
London 191 3; Muhammad Abu '1-Huda Efendi,
Hadha Diwdn... (Poems in Arabic, in honour
of A.), Cairo 1897; Mustafa Refik, Ein kleines
Sundenregister A.'s. Dem jungtiirkischen Komite
in Genf zugeeignet, Geneva 1899; N. Nicolaides,
S. M. Imp. A. khan II, sultan, reformateur et
riorganisateur , Brussels 1907; ibid., S. M. I. A.
Khan II, I'Empire ott. et les puissances balkaniques,
Encyclopaedia of Islam

Brussels 1908; ibid., Lettre ouverte a S.M. I. le
Sultan A. khan II, Rome 1908; Sultana Nitisha,
My harem life, an intimate autobiography of the
sultan's favourite, London 1939; 'Othman Nurl
'Ergin', A.-i Thdni we Dewr-i Saltaneti, 1st.,
1327/1911; O.P., Mourad V, vrai kalife, sultan
Ugitime a A. II, usurpateur. Leare d S.M. I'Emp.
d'Allemagne, Paris 1898; E. Pears, Life of A.,
London 1917; ibid., Forty years in Consple.,
1873-1915, London 1916; L. Radet and H. Lebrun,
Rifutation des accusations dirigees contre le sultan
A. II, Paris 1882; P. de Regla (P. A. Desjardin),
La Turquie officielle, Paris 1881 ; ibid., Au pays
de Vespionnage. Les Sultans Mourad V a A. II,
Paris, n.d.; A. Renouard, Chez les Turcs en 1881,
Paris 1881, chap, xiii; G. Rizas, Les mysteres de
Yildiz ou A.,sa vie politique a intime, Consple. 1909
(copies textually from G. Dorys, P. de Regla, etc.);
G. Roy, A., le sultan rouge, Paris 1936 (biographical
novel) ; G. Sabungi and L. Bari, Jehan Aftab, 'the
sun of the world', A.'s last love, Detroit 1923; Sa'id
Pashanln Khatlratl, 1st. 1328/1912; SaHd Pashanln
Kamil Pasha Khafiratina Djewdblari : Sharki
Rumeli, Mlslr ve Ermeni Meselelerl, 1st. 1327/1911 ;
H. de Schwiter, 3 Sultans, d' Abdul Azis & A., Paris
1900; B. Stern, A. II, seine Familie und sein
Hofstadt, Budapest 1901; idem, Der Sultan und
seine Politik, Leipzig 1900; idem, Jungtiirken und
Verschwdrer . . ., Leipzig 1901 ; Tahsln Pasha,
A. ve Ylldlz hatlraiarl, 1st., 1931; Yousouf Fehmi
or J. Fehmi, Les coulisses hamidiennes devoilees
par un Jeune Turc, 1904; Z. Ziya Sakir, Ikinci
Sultan Hamid, 1st. 1343.

On the grand viziers of C A., see Ibnulemin
Mahmut Kemal Inal, Osmanll devrinde son
sadrazamlar, 1st. 1340-50.

The numerous articles in periodicals are not
given. (J. Deny)

C ABD al HAMlD B. Ya^ya b. Sa c d, the
founder of Arabic epistolary style, mawld
of the Kurashl clan of c Amir b. Lu'ayy. He was
probably a native of al-Anbar, and is said to have
been a travelling pedagogue before he was employed
in the Umayyad secretariat under Hisham's chief
secretary, the mawld Salim; he was then attached
to MarwSn b. Muhammad, whom he continued to
serve as chief secretary after Marwan's accession to
the Caliphate. He refused to desert his master in
misfortune and is generally said to have shared
his fate at Buslr on 26 Dhu 'l-Hidjdja 132/5 August
750. According to another account he took refuge
in the house of his disciple Ibn al-Mukaffa c , but was
traced and seized. His descendants continued to live
in Egypt under the name of Banu '1-Muhadjir and
furnished secretaries to Ahmad b. Tulun.

The surviving compositions of c Abd al-Hamid,
comprising six formal rasdHl and a few chancery
pieces and private letters, exhibit a remarkable
divergence of styles. His most elaborate risala, a
long epistle addressed to Marwan's son and heir
c Abd Allah, with advice on personal conduct,
ceremonial, and the conduct of war, is composed
in a language and style based on the idioms, rhythms,
and vivid metaphors of Arabic poetry and rhetoric,
but elaborated by the addition of often lengthy
sequences of qualifying clauses. Since the same style
appears in most of his other official rasdHl, it can
only be conjectured (in the absence of earlier secre-
tarial documents) that this feature — unusual in both
earlier and later Arabic style — is to be traced to
Greek influences in the Umayyad s

<ABD al-HAMID — <ABD al-KADIR

His most famous risala, on the other hand, that
addressed to the Secretaries (kuttdb), setting forth
the dignity of their office and their responsabilities,
is fluent, simple and straightforward. A comparison
of its contents with the writings of Ibn al-Mukaffa c
and later quotations from Persian works shows clearly
that it is inspired by the tradition of the Sasanid
secretariat, and largely reproduces with an Islamic
gloss the maxims of the Iranian dibhers (see A.
Christensen, L'Iran sous Us Sassanides 1 , Copenhagen,
1944, 132 ff.). Also of Persian inspiration, and quite
distinct from the traditional Arabic presentation
of the subject, is his risala describing the incidents
of a hunt, evidently written for the entertainment
of the court. A large proportion of the maxims ad-
dressed to the prince in the first risala mentioned
above are also derived from Sasanid court ceremonial
and usages, although the military instructions are
more probably influenced by Greek tactics, either
through literary channels or from actual experience

It would appear, therefore, that both views

expressed by later Arabic critics in regard to <Abd

al-Hamid are justified, in spite of their apparent

incompatibility. On the one hand is the statement

(e.g. al- c Askari, Dlwdn al-Ma'dni, ii, 89) that " c Abd

al-Hamid extracted from the Persian tongue the

modes of secretarial composition which he illustrated,

and transposed them into the Arabic tongue". On

the other hand there is the description of him

(e.g. Ibn <Abd Rabbih, aW-Ikd al-Farid, ii, 169

(1321) = iv, 165 (1944/1363) as having been "the

first to open up the buds of rhetoric, to smooth

out its ways, and to loosen poetry from its bonds".

He was also a master of pithy epigram, several

examples of which are recorded in the adab works.

Bibliography: Djahshiyari, Wnzara' (Mzik),

68-83 (Cairo 1938, 45-54); Istakhri, 145; Ibn

Khallikan, no. 378 (trad, de Slane, ii, 173-5);

Diamharat RasdHl al-'Arab, ed. A. Z. Safwat,

Cairo 1937, ii, 433-8, 473-556 (edition of the

rasdHl from the MS. of Aljmad b. Abi Tahir

Tayfur) ; M. Kurd <Ali, RasdHl al-Bulaghd*, Cairo

1946, 173-226; idem, in MM1A, ix, 513-31,

557-600 (= Umard al-Baydn, Cairo 1937, i, 38-98);

Taha Husayn, Min Hadith al-Shi'r wa 'l-Nathr',

Cairo 1948, 34-52; Brockelmann, S I, 105.

(H. A. R. Gibb)
<ABD AL-tfAMlD LAHAWRl, Indo-Persian
historian, died 1065/1654-5, author of the Pddshdh-
ndma, an official history of the Indian sultan Shah
Djahan. The work is composed of three parts, each
containing the history of one decade. Only the first
two parts, comprising the years 1037-1057, were
written by c Abd al-Hamid; the last part was
arranged by his pupil Muhammad Warith. Parts I
and II were published in the Bibliotheca Indica,
1866-72.

Bibliography: Elliot and Dowson, History 0/
India, vii, 3 ff. ; Storey, ii, fasc. 3, 574-7.
'ABD al-HAYY, Abu 'l-Hasanat Muhammad,
the son of Mawlawi 'Abd al-Halim, an Indian
theologian of the Hanafl school, associated with
the famous seminary of Farangi Mahall, Lucknow,
was born at Banda in Bundelkhand in 1264/1848.
He studied with his father and another scholar till
the age of seventeen, when he began to assist his
father as a teacher. He twice made the pilgrimage
to Mecca, where he met the Mufti Ahmad b. Zayni
Dahlan [q.v.], from whom he obtained idjaza for
a large number of works. He wrote glosses and

in the Indian niadrasas, besides numerous works
chiefly on religious and legal topics, mentioned by
himself in his al-Ndfi c al-Kablr and in his introduction
to his edition of al-Shaybani's recension of the
Muwatta' (Delhi 1297, 27-9). As a work of general
interest and utility, special mention is due to his
al-FawdHd al-Bahiyya fi Tarddjim al-Hana/iyya
(Delhi 1293; Cairo 1324), which is an abridgement,
with additional biographical notices, of Mahmud b.
Sulayman al-Kaffawi's KatdHb AHam al-Akhydr.
He was a distinguished and influential teacher,
whose lectures were attended by a large number
of students, who achieved prominence as teachers,
and scholars in their own turn. One of his pupils,
Mawlawi Haflz Allah wrote his biography under the
title of Kanz al-Barakat. He died at Lucknow in
1304/1886.

Bibliography: Raljman 'AH, Tadhkirat c Ula-
md? Hind (in Persian, Lucknow 1894 and 1914),
1 14-7; Zubaid Ahmad, The Contribution 0/ India
to Arabic Literature (Jullundur 1946), 114, 186;
Sarkis, Dictionnaire de bibliographic Arabe (Cairo
1928), col. 1595-7; Brockelmann, S II, 857-78
(where works nos. 18 and 19 are wrongly ascribed
to the subject of this article).

(Sh. Inayatullah)
C ABD al KADIR b. £HAYBl al-Hafiz al-
MaraghI, the greatest of the Persian writers
on music. Born at Maragha, about the middle
of the 8th/i4th century, he had become one of
the minstrels of al-Husayn, the Djala'irid Sultan
of c Irak, about 781/1379. Under the next Sultan,
Ahmad, he was appointed the chief court minstrel,
a post which he held until Timur captured Baghdad
in 795/1393, when he was transported to Samarkand,
the capital of the conqueror. In 801/1399 we find
him at Tabriz in the service of Timur's wayward
son Miranshah, for whose erratic conduct his "boon
companions" were blamed. Timur acted swiftly with
the sword, but 'Abd al-Kadir, being forewarned,
escaped to Sultan Ahmad at Baghdad, although he
once more fell into Timur's hands when the latter
re-entered Baghdad in 803/1401. Taken back to
Samarkand, he became one, of the four brilliant men
who shed lustre on the court of Shahrukh. In 824/
1421, having written a music treatise for the Turkish
Sultan Murad II, he set out for the Ottoman court
to present it in person in 826/1423. Later he returned
to Samarkand, dying at Harat in 838/March 1435.
Of the fame of c Abd al-Kadir in his day, and s ; nce,
there can be little doubt. Mu c in al-DIn-i Isfizari, the
author of the Rawdat al-Qxanndt, eulogizes him foi
his threefold talents as musician, poet, and painter,
but it was more especially for his skill in music that
he was called "the glory of the past age". In addition
to being a deft performer on the lute ( c h<2») and a
prolific composer (tasniji), he excelled as a music
theorist. His most important treatise on music is
the Didmi* al-Alhdn ("Encyclopaedia of Music"),
autographs of which are preserved at the Bodleian
Library and the Nuru 'OthmSniyya Library, Istanbul.
The first of these, written in 808/1405 for his son
Nur al-Din 'Abd al-Rahman, was revised by the
author in 816/1413. The second, dated 818/1415,
carries a dedication to Sultan Shahrukh. Several
abridgments of this work by the author also exist,
notably a shorter one, an autograph, without title,
dated 821/1421, which is at the 3odleian. It was
written, evidently, for Baysunghur. A longer version
in the same library, called the Makdsid al-Alhdn
("Purports of Music"), written about 834-7/1421-3,
was dedicated to the Turkish Sultan Murad II,

'ABD al-KADIR — C ABD al-KADIR b. MUHYI '

-DIN

according to the Leiden copy. A third treatise on
music, the Kanz al-Tuhaf ("Treasury of Music")
which contained the author's notated compositions,
has not survived. His last work, the Shark al-Adwdr
("Commentary on the [Kitdb al-] Adwdr" [of SafI al-
Dln]), is to be found in the Nuru 'Othmaniyya
Library. At Leiden there is a short Kitdb al-Adwdr
in Turkish bearing his name. These works are of
great importance in the history of Persian, Arabian,
and Turkish music. Although only a few of his
musical compositions have survived in the Diami 1 .
many have been handed down viva voce in a form
known in Turkish as the k'dr.

A son, 'Abd al-'AzIz, who is thought to have
settled at the Ottoman court after 1435, was the
author of a music treatise, the Nakawat al-Adwdr
("The Select of the Modes"), dedicated to the
Turkish Sultan Muhammad II (d. 886/1481), whilst
a grandson, Mahmud, who lived under Bayazid II
(d. 918/1512), compiled a Makdsid al-Adwdr ("Pur-
ports of the Modes"), both mss. being at the Nuru
'Othmaniyya Library.

Bibliography: Kh'andamir, iii, 3, 212:

Dawlatshah, see index; Sharaf al-Din Yazdl,

Zalar-ndma, i, 619; English version of the same

History of Timur-Bec (1723), i, 439. 537-8;

Munadidjim-bashi, iii, 57; Belin, Notice sur Mir

Ali-Chir Nevdi, in J A, 1861, i, 283-4; Barbier de

Meynard, Chronique Persane d'Hirdt, J A, 1862, ii,

275-6; Browne, iii, 191, 384; Ra'uf Yekta, La mu-

sique turque (Lavignac, Encyclopidie de la musique,

pp. 2977-9); Ethe and Sachau, Catalogue of

Persian . . . MSS. in the Bodleian Library, pp.

1057-63; Catalogus codicum orientalium Bibl. Acad.

Lugduno Bataviae, 1851-77, ii, 302-5; Nuru

'Othmaniyya kutubkhdna defteri, Istanbul, Nos.

3644, 3646, 3649, 3651; J. B. N. Land, Ton-

schriftversuche und Melodieproben aus dem muham-

medanischen Mittelalter (Vierteljahrsschrift fiir

Musikwissenschaft, ii, 1886); Farmer, History of

Arabian Music, 1929, 198-200. (H. G. Farmer)

'ABD al-$ADIR b. MUHYI al-DIN al-HasanI,

the Amir Abd el-Kader, descended from a

family which originated in the Rif and had settled

among the Hashim, was born in 1223/1808 at the

guetna of the Wadi al-Hammam, some twenty

kilometres west of Mascara. Studies at Arzew, then

at Oran, marriage, and a pilgrimage to Mecca in

1244/1828-9 were the most outstanding events in a

youth that was devoted to the reading of sacred

books and to physical exercises, under the direction

of his father, who, by his piety and charity, had

acquired a great influence.

The indecision shown by the French after the
capture of Algiers (5 July 1830) in the organization
of their conquest favoured Muljyl al-Din in Orania,
and he took the initiative in the strunggle against the
Christians, but soon yielded first place to his son,
who was proclaimed sultan of the Arabs on 5 Radjab
1248/22 November 1832 by the Hashim, the Banu
'Amir, and the Gharaba. In spite of the opposition
of certain elements of the population and the failure
of his supporters before Oran and Mostaganem
(1833), 'Abd al-Kadir's action prevented the paci-
fication of the country. This- state of affairs prompted
General Desmichels to treat with his adversary
(4 and 26 February 1834). Thus officially recognized
the new Amir of the Faithful extended his authority
to the gates of Algiers (April 1835), but his claims
provoked the renewal of hostilities. First Clauzel
and then Bugeaud avenged the defeat on the Macta
(28 June) by burning Mascara (6 December), occupy-

ing Tlemcen (13 January 1836), and winning a great
victory on the Wadi Sikkak (6 July); but these
successes were fruitless. Three times abandoned by
his troops, 'Abd al-Kadir immediately regrouped
them. The position of the French remained precarious,
with their towns invested, their columns ceaselessly
harassed, and their allies receiving heavy punish-
ment. The desire to be secured against attacks in
the west while, an expedition against Constantine
was being carried out led Louis-Philippe's govern-
ment to negotiate. By the signature of the treaty
of the Tafna (30 May 1837) Bugeaud repeated, in
a worse form, the mistake made by Desmichels.
Though the French kept Oran, Arzew, Mostaganem,
Blida, and Kolea, the Amir obtained the whole
province of Oran, part of that of Algiers, as well as
the whole bayllk of Titteri.

From June 1837 to November 1839 'Abd al-
Kadir used the cessation of hostilities to organize the
territories that had been handed over to him.
After establishing his capital at Tagdempt, he
travelled about his new state, imposing chiefs, by
force if necessary, on all the tribes between Morocco
in the west and Kabylia in the east, and gaining
recognition for his domination as far as the Sahara.

In the course of these journeys 'Abd al-Kadir,
taking advantage of the faulty wording of the
Treaty of the Tafna, had gone beyond the boun-
daries that had been assigned to him; Marshal
Valee therefore submitted to him a draft of an
additional treaty which accurately indicated, and
reduced, the territories over which France recognized
his rights, but he refused to ratify it. The 'Iron
Gates' expedition, in the course of which the Duke
of Orleans linked Constantine to Algiers, provided
the Amir with a pretext for restarting the war. On
20 November 1839 his forces invaded the Mitldja,
sacking farms and massacring settlers. Algiers was
threatened. The occupation of Miliana, then of
Medea (May-June 1840) by the French did not ease
their difficulties, for the supplying of their garrisons
made necessary the movement of convoys which
were exposed to continual attack.

The nomination of Bugeaud as governor-general
(29 December 1840) changed the course of events;
he realized that Algeria would never be pacified
until the power of 'Abd al-Kadir was crushed and
until the tactics of 'active columns' took the place
of 'limited occupation'. Between 1841 and 1843 he
seized the towns of Tagdempt, Mascara, Boghar,
Taza, Saida, Tlemcen, Sebdou and Nedroma, and
sent out expeditions with instructions to capture
his enemy and destroy his supporters. The capture
of the smala (16 May 1843), the travelling capital
of the Amir, was a serious blow to him. The tribes
submitted to France. Hunted and weakened, 'Abd al-
Kadir took refuge at the end of the year on the borders
of Morocco, to obtain shelter, to recruit soldiers, and
to compromise French relations with that empire.

His hopes were not deceived. The occupation of
Lalla Maghnia by la Moriciere stirred up a conflict,
but the bombarding of Tangier and Mogador (6 and
15 August 1844) and the victory of the Isly (14
August) compelled the Sultan Mawlay 'Abd al-
Rahman to refuse his guest any support and to
declare him an outlaw. 'Abd al-Kadir appeared
again in Algeria in 1846 to take the lead in. the
insurrections which were breaking out on all sides.
His first successes (Sidi-Brahim, 23 September)
seemed to promise final triumph for his cause. No
less than eighteen columns were needed to stem
the revolt and to throw the Amir back into Morocco

<ABD al-KADIR b. MUHYI 'l-DIN — 'ABD al-KADIR DIHLAWI

(July 1846), where he was now the object of the
hostility of the Sultan, who feared in him a dangerous
rival. Attacked by the tribes, and pursued by the
Sharif ian troops, 'Abd al-Kadir crossed the Algerian
frontier again. Finding all lines of escape towards
the south closed to him, he gave himself up to the
Due d'Aumale on 23 December 1847.

In spite of the promise to him that he would be
transported to Acre or to Alexandria, 'Abd al-Kadir
was, with his suite, interned successively at Toulon,
at Pau, and then at Amboise. Released by the
Prince- President Louis-Napoleon on 16 October
1852, the former leader of Algeria in revolt now
received a pension from the France of which he had
become the loyal subject, and went to live in retire-
ment first at Brusa (1853) and then at Damascus
(1855). It was in this town that he proved in a very
special way the sincerity of his loyalty, by delivering
the French consul and saving several thousand persons
when the Druses tried to massacre the Christian popu-
lation (July i860). He died there in the night of 25
to 26 May 1883, having passed his time during his exile
in meditation, the practice of his faith, and charity.
Bibliography: Paul Azzn,L'Emir Abd el-Kader,
Paris 1925; in appendix, list of manuscript and
printed sources used by the author. Bibliographic
militaire des ouvrages .... relatifs a I'Algirie, a la
Tunisie et au Maroc, Paris 1930, vol. i, 126-219,
vol. ii, 300-6; M. Emerit and H. Peres, Le
texte arabe du traiti de la Tafna, in RAfr. 1950;
M. Emerit, L'Algirie a Vipoque d'Abd el-Kader,
Paris 195 1 (Collection de documents inedits sur
l'histoire de l'Algerie, 2nd Series, vol. iv); La
crise syrienne et I'expansion iconomique franfaise
en i860, in Rev. Hist., 1952; W. Blunt, The Desert
Hawk, London 1947. — Works of 'Abd al-Kadir:
Nuzhat al-Khatir fi Karid al-Amir c Abd al-Kadir,
a collection of poetry (Cairo, n.d.) ; see H. Peres,
Les poesies d'Abd el-Kader composies en Algerie et
en France (Cinquantenaire de la Faculte des Lettres
d'Alger, 1932, 357-412); Dhikrd al-'Akil wa
Tanbih al-Ghdfil (Beyrouth n.d.), translated by
Gustave Dupat under the title of Rappel d Vintel-
ligent, avis d I' indifferent (Paris 1858); Wishdh
al-KatdHb (army regulations for 'A's regular
troops), trans, by V. Rosetty in Le spectateur
militaire, 15 Febr. 1844, repub. by L. Patomi,
Algiers 1890. (Ph. de Cosse-Brissac)

'ABD al-UADIR BADA'CNl [see bada'unI].
'ABD al-SADIR b. 'Umar al-BAGHDADI, a
well-known philologist, born in Baghdad in
1030/1621 and died in Cairo in 1093/1682. His
early education began in Baghdad, which from
941/1534 had been the scene of a fierce struggle
between the Safawids and the 'Uthmanlis. When in
1048/1638 it was retaken by the Turks, under the
personal direction of Murad IV, 'Abd al-Kadir left
for Damascus. He had by that time acquired a
thorough acquaintance with Arabic, Persian and
Turkish. He studied Arabic in Damascus with Muh.
b. Kamal al-Dln al-Husayni, the nakib of Syria,
and with Muh. b. Yahya al-Fara'idl. In 1050/1640
he went to Cairo and studied, in al-Azhar, the
religious and foreign sciences, particulary with al-
KhafadjI and Yasin al-Himsi. Due to his extensive
reading, even al-KhafadjI used to consult him
about difficult questions. On the death of al-KhafadjI
in 1069/1659, 'Abd al-Kadir acquired the greater
part of his shavkh's library, and developed it
further. It is said to have contained a thousand
diwdns of the pure Arabs (al- c Arab al-'Ariba),
enriched by various scholars with their scholia.

His library was unique for those times, cf.
Khizdna, i, 2. In Dhu '1-Ka'da 1077 he visited
Istanbul, but returned to Cairo after less than four
months, in 1078. In the same year, he made the
acquaintance of Ibrahim Pasha Katkhuda, governor
of Egypt, who treated him with great respect and
made him his associate and boon-companion. Some
years later, when Katkhuda was deposed from the
governorship and returned home through Syria
(reaching Damascus in 1085), c Abd al-Kadir
accompanied him and sojourned in Adrianople. He
made the acquaintance of the learned grand-vizier
of Turkey, Ahmad Pasha al-Fadil Kopriilii-zade,
and dedicated to him his masterly gloss on Ibn
Hisham's Sharh Bdnat Su'-id. Al-Muhibbi, son of
an old friend of 'Abd al-Kadir, who saw him in
Adrianople, records that he enjoyed, in this period,
the highest regard and respect of the important
personages of Turkey. But after a while he was
attacked by a disease, and as a cure could not be
affected by the physicians, he left for Cairo in disgust,
though he came back later. This time he caught a
disease of the eye and almost lost his sight. He
returned to Cairo and died there shortly after.

He knew by heart the Makdmdt of al-Hariri, many
Arabic diwdns and numerous Persian and Turkish
verses. He had a fine critical sense and a profound
knowledge of Arabic philology, Arabic poetry, the
history of the Arabs and Persians, Arabic proverbs
and anecdotes.

He wrote a number of useful books. Among these
are: 1) The Khizanat al-Adab wa Lubb Lubdb Lisdn
al- c Arab (Cairo, 1299/1882, 1347/1928-9 [publication
stopped in 1353 after shdhid 331]), a com-
mentary on the- 957 shawdhid quoted by al-Radl
al-Astarabadi (d. 686/1287) in his Sharh on Ibn al-
Hadjib's Kdfiya. It was begun in Cairo in 1073/1663
and finished there in 1079/1668 (after a brief inter-
ruption due to his visit to Istanbul) and dedicated
to Muljammad IV (1058-99/1648-87). It seems
originally to have been divided into eight volumes
(see al-Muhibbi). 2) A commentary on the shawdhid
cited in al-Radi's Sharh of Ibn Hadjib's Shdfiya. To
this he appended a Sharh of the shawdhid of the
Sharh of al-Djarabardi on the Shdfiya. 3) Gloss on
Ibn Hisham's Sharh Bdnat Su'dd (MS in Rampur
I- 583)- 4) Sharh al-Maksurat al-Duraydiyya.
5) Lughat-i Shdh-ndma, edited by C. Salemann,
St. Petersburg 1895. 6) Sharh al-Tuhfa al-Shd-
hidiyya bi 'l-Lugha al- c Arabiyya. For these and
other works and for their existing MSS. see
Brockelmann, S ii, 397, and the preface to the
Khizdna, ed. of 1347.

Bibliography: Abu 'Alawi Muh. b. Abi Bakr
b. Ahmad Djamal al-Din al-Shilli al-Hadrami, c Ikd
al-Djawdhir (Rampur I, 641, No. 173, p. 445); al-
Muhibbl, Khuldsat al-Athar, ii, 451-4; I. Guidi,
Sui poeti citati nell'opera Khizanat al-adab, in the
Atti Acad. Lincei, 1887; 'Abd al-'AzIz MaymanI,
Iklid al-Khizdna (index of titles of works occuring
in the Khizanat al-Adab), Lahore 1927; list of the
shawdhid, arranged alphabetically, according to
initial letters (also of 'Ayni) compiled after 1299
A.H., (my MS. acquired at Mecca); SamI Bey,
Kdmus al-AHdm, iv, 3083; Brockelmann, II, 286,
S II, 397. (Mohammad Shapi)

'ABD al-KADIR DIHLAWl, Indian theo-
logian, the third son of Shah Wall Allah Dihlawi
[?.».], bom at Dilhi (Dehll) in 1167/1753-4. He is
chiefly remembered for his Urdu translation of the
Kur'an, accompanied by explanatory notes. Its title
Mudih-i Kur'an ("Interpretation of the Kur'an")

<ABD al-KADIR DIHLAWI — 'ABD al-KADIR al-DJILANI

is the chronogram for 1 205/1 790-1, the date of the
completion of the work. It was published at Houghly
in 1245/1829; other editions, Lucknow 1263/1847
and Bombay 1270/1853-4. Since then, it has been
repeatedly lithographed interlineally along with the
Arabic text. It is generally regarded as more faithful
than the one prepared by his brother Shah Rafi c
al-DIn. He died in 1228/1813.

Bibliography: Garcin de Tassy, Hist, de la
litt. Hindouie et Hindoustanie, 2nd ed., Paris 1870,
i, 76 f f . ; idem, Chrestomathie hindoustanie ; Journal
des Savants, 1873, 435-43! Suppl. Catalogue of
Hindustani Books . . . Brit. Museum, London 1909,
215-22 ; R. B. Saksena, A History of Urdu Literature,
Allahabad 1940, 253-4; Siddlq Hasan Khan,
Iksir fi Usui al-Tafsir, Cawnpore 1290, 106.
(Sh. Inayatullah)
'ABD AL-&ADIR al-DJIlAnI (or al-DjIlI),
MuuyI al-DIn Abu Moh. b. AbI SAlih DjengI Dost,
Hanbalite theologian, preacher and Sufi,
who gave his name to the order of the Kadiriyya
[q.v.]; b. 470/1077-8, d. 561/1166. The authors of
the monographs about him considered him to be
the greatest saint of Islam and their accounts of
his life and activity were written out of edifying
and missionary, rather than historical interest.
Their writings have, therefore, little to contribute
to a historical account of his life and only a small
proportion of their data can be considered reliable.
Apart from Abu '1-Mah5sin (al-Nudium al-Zdhira,
ed. Juynboll, i, 698), who names as the birth-place
of 'Abd al-Kadir Dill, a village between Baghdad
and Wasit, all authorities are unanimous in stating
that he was a Persian from Nayf (Nif) in Dylan,
south of the Caspian Sea. The Persian name of his
father not only supports this statement, but at the
same time contradicts the common assertion that
he was descended in the paternal line directly from
al-Hasan, the grandson of the Prophet. Baghdad,
where he came to study at the age of eighteen,
remained the scene of his activities up to his death.
Apart from numerous other teachers, he studied
philology under al-Tibrizi (d. 502/1109), Hanbalite
law under Abu '1-Wafa' b. al-'Akil, who had come
over from the Mu'tazila to the rjanbalite madhhab
(d. 513/1121), and under the kadi Abu Sa'd al-
Mubarak al-Mukharrimi, hadith under Abu Muh.
Dja'far al-Sarradj, author of the Masdri* al-<Ushskak
(d. 500/1106). It was Abu '1-Khayr Hammad al-
Dabbas (d. 523/1 131) who introduced him to sufism.
This "syrup (dt'fts)-monger", who apparently never
wrote any book, seems to have been in his time a
highly appreciated master of sufism, whose ascetic
piety and the strict discipline which he exercised
over his novices are celebrated also by Ibn al-Athir
(x, 472). The khirka, the sufi robe, was bestowed
upon him, as the sign of the end of his noviciate,
by al-Mukharrimi. He was fifty years old when he
first appeared (521/1127) in public as a preacher. His
fame as preacher and teacher seems to have spread
quickly. Six years after his first appearance, the
school of his old teacher al-Mukharrimi was given
into his charge and was enlarged with financial aid
from the rich and free labour from the poor. Here
he was active as mufti, teacher of Kur'an-exegesis,
hadith and fikh, and especially as a far-famed
preacher. His reputation attracted numerous pupils
from all parts of the Islamic world, and his persuasive
discourses are said to have converted to Islam many
Jews and Christians. The financial support which
he received from his admirers enabled him, by making
him independent, to exercise criticism that was

heeded even at the court of the caliph, and to help
the poor. His school was continued, with the help
of pious endowments, by 'Abd al-Wahhab, one of
his numerous sons, and by his descendants [see
kAdirivva].

'Abd al-Kadir lived at a time when sufism was
triumphant and expanding. In the century preceding
him a conflict, tlfat had existed long before, assumed
an acute form and became the concern of every
individual. The consciousness of the individual as
well as the whole of society was torn by the breach
between secularism, religiously indifferent or religious
only in a conventional way, on the one hand, and
an intellectualist religion, at odds over theological
doctrine, on the other. Innumerable are the com-
plaints in literary works that express despair in face
of the vanity of the "world", but also the emptiness
of the legalistic religion, "dead knowledge handed
down by dead people" (Abu Yazld al-Bistami). In
such a situation sufism, as the embodiment of
emotional religion, became in the generations prece-
ding 'Abd al-Kadir, a wide-spread movement. The
historical process pushed one problem into the
foreground: how to reconcile the ascetic and mystic
elements with religious law. Ibn 'Akll [q.v.], 'Abd
al-Kadir 's teacher, met sufism, as befitted the
zealous Hanbalite convert, with a definite no. The
same attitude was later taken again and again by
strict Hanbalites. This was not, however, the only
possible way for them. Al-Ansari al-Harawi [q.v.] (d.
481/1088), who conducted disputations in the strictest
accordance with the school of Ahmad b. Hanbal (which
he extolled with the motto madhhab Ahmad ahmad
madhhab), wrote sufi books appealing to the emotions,
and Ibn al-Djawzi [q.v.], who made violent attacks
on the orgiastic piety of the sufi meetings, himself
held, according to the testimony of Ibn Diubavr.
meetings that are paradigmatic for sufi cult practice.

This is the period in which 'Abd al-Kadir was
active. He appears as a teacher of theology in his
al-Qhunya li-Talibi Tarik al-Hakk (Cairo 1304).
Starting with an exposition of the ethical and social
duties of a Sunni Muslim, it sets forth in the form
of a Hanbalite handbook the knowledge necessary
for the believer, including a short expos6 of the
seventy-three sects, and ends with an account of
the particular way of sufism. Extreme Hanbalites
have criticised the special duties taken upon them-
selves by the sufis. According to Ibn Taymiyya,
the particular litanies for certain days, taken over
in the Qhunya from Makki's Kut al-Kulub, are
reprehensible if they assume the character of a
legal duty. Conflicts with the religious law, however,
such as Ibn al-Djawzi, in his Talbis Iblis, finds among
contemporary sufis, do not occur in the writings of
'Abd al-Kadir. The unquestioning submission to the
message of Muhammad, as it is set forth in the
Kur'an and the sunna, excludes on the part of the
sufi any claim to inspired revelation. The fulfilment
of works of supererogation assumes the prior fulfil-
ment of the demands of divine law. Ecstatic practices,
though not forbidden, are allowed only with certain
restrictions. Ascetism is limited by the duties towards
family and society. The perfect sufi lives in his
divine Lord, has a knowledge of the mystery of God,
and yet this saint, even if he reaches the highest
rank, that of a badal or a ghawth, cannot reach the
grade of the prophets, not to speak of surpassing it,
as some sufis were teaching. In the personality of
'Abd al-Kadir the sufi is not at variance with the
Hanbalite.

This appears also in his sermons contained in the

<ABD al-KADIR al-DJILAM — C ABD al-KADIR al-KURASHI

collections al-Fath al-Rabbdni (62 sermons; Cairo
1302) and Futuh al-Ghayb (78 sermons; on the
margin of al-Shattanawfi) 'Abd al-Kadir often
directs the attention of his audience to the perfect
saint. Yet both the contents and the style show that
the sermons were not addressed to exclusive sufi
circles. The plain manner, avoiding sufi terminology,
and the often very simple moral admonishment
suggest that they were delivered before a large
audience. Before men, who experience the power
of fate as a permanent threat, he sets the ideal figure
of man: the saint, who has overcome his accidental
self and reached his essential being, conquering the
fear of fate and death, because he participates in
Him who orders fate and death. Sufism as taught by
the Hanbalite 'Abd al-Kadir consists in fighting, in
a djihdd greater than the holy war fought with weap-
ons, against self-will; in thus conquering the hidden
shirk, i.e. the idolatry of self and, in general, of
creaturely things; in recognizing in all good and
evil the will of God and living, in submission to His
will, according to His law.

Al-Shattanawfi" s work on 'Abd al-Kadir, Bahdjat
al-Asrdr, from which several other writers derived
their information, was written just over a hundred
years after 'Abd al-Kadir's death. His account,
rejected as untrustworthy already by al-Dhahabi
(JRAS, 1907, 267 ft.), presents him as the supreme
saint. He is not described according to the ideal of
the saint conceived by 'Abd al-Kadir himself. He is
not a man who serves as a symbol for cosmic resigna-
tion, whose example can be followed by resigning this
and the next world, by accepting in both of them
the lot given by God. The figure of 'Abd al-Kadir
as a saint, as it is drawn by al-Shattanawfi, is the
outcome of a piety which relinquished the hope of
being able to put the ideal into practice.

According to the legend, 'Abd al-Kadir himself,
by the sentence which remained closely associated
with his name: "My foot is on the neck of every
saint of God", laid claim to the highest rank and
obtained the consent of all the saints of the epoch.
A poem ascribed to him, al-Kasida al-Qhawthiyya,
speaks, in a style that is very different from
that of his authentic writings, of his mystery
that has the power to extinguish fire, raise the
dead, crush mountains, dry up seas, and of the
exaltedness of his position. In the 'Abd al-Kadir
of legend, the inconceivable, incomprehensible majes-
ty of God has become manifest. From his earliest
childhood, when he marked the beginning of the fast
by refusing the breast of his mother, his life is a chain
of miracles. His appearance, his knowledge and his
power are all miraculous. He punishes distant sinners
and assists the oppressed in a miraculous manner,
walks upon water and moves 'hrough air. Nothing is
impossible for him. Angels and djinns, "people of
the hidden world", and even Muhammad himself,
appear at his meeting and express their appreciation.
When Ibn al-DjawzI recommends his hearers to
confine themselves to the study of the religious
sources and the literature dealing with them, but
to read also edifying books, he does so because he
realizes the danger of legalistic intellectualism. The
sober Hanbalite, who "fought with passion against
passion", had, however, in mind the biographies of
the pious and exemplary people of the past. The
literature about 'Abd al-Kadir does not describe a
man who can be an example to other men. The
subject of their description is the concrete presence
of the Divine with its inconceivable and miraculous
quality. In a situation in which it seemed that the

claims of religion could not be complied with, the
saint was experienced as the presentiality of that
which was unattainable to human effort. The saint
does not make demands, but bestows grace for men
who worship the inconceivable. In this capacity,
'Abd al-Kadir became one of the best known media-
tors in Islam. His tomb, over which sultan Sulayman
had a beautiful turba built in 941/1535, has remained
to the present day one of the most frequented sanc-
tuaries of Islam in Baghdad.

Bibliography: The collection of legends by

al-Shattanawfi was used among others by Muh.

b. Yahya al-Tadafi, Kald'id al-Djawdhir, Cairo

1331. Other works by 'Abd al-Kadir and on him,

Brockelmann, I, 560, S I, 777. Carra de Vaux,

Gazali, Paris 1902 -(European bibliography); D. S.

Margoliouth, Contributions to the biography of ( Abd

al-Kadir (after al-Dhahabi), JRAS, 1907, 267-310;

W. Braune, Die Futuh al-daib des l Abd al-Qddir,

Berlin 1933; G. W. J. Drewes and Poerbatjaraka,

De mirakelen van A bdoelkadir Djaelani, Bandoeng

1938: Futuh al-Ghayb, English transl. by Aftab

ud-Din Ahmad (with uncritical introduction),

Lahore, n. d. (W. Braune)

'ABD al-KADIR b. «AlT b. YOsuf al-FASI,

the most famous representative of the Moroccan

family of the Fasiyyun, b. in al-Kasr al-Kablr 1077/

1599, d. 1091/1680. He was the head of the zdwiya

of the Shadhiliyya in al-Kasr al-Kablr. He wrote a

fahrasa and some books on hadith, but he is best

known as one of the main representatives of Moroccan

sufism at the beginning of the 17th century. His

descendants form today a very numerous and

important branch of the religious and' scholarly

aristocracy of Fez (the inhabitants of the town being

called, in order to avoid a confusion with the family

of the Fasiyyun, ahl Fas).

Bibliography : E. Levi-Provencal, Hist.Chorfa,
264-5 (with references). (E. Levi-Provencal)
'ABD alKAdIR at KURA£Hl. MuhvI al-
Din 'Abd al-Kadir b. Muhammad b. Muhammad
b. Nasr Allah b. Salim b. Abi 'l-Wafa j , Egyptian
professor of Hanafite jurisprudence and biographer,
born Sha'ban 696/May-;June 1297, died 7 RabI' I
775/27 August 1373.

He is best known for his collection of alphabetically
arranged brief biographies of Hanafites, al-Qiawdhir
al-Mudiyya fi Tabakat al-Ifanafiyya (Haydarabad
1332/1913-4), a valuable reference work, generally
considered to be the first to deal with its particular
subject. Written in a country in which the Hanafite
school was weakly represented, and in a period just
preceding its renaissance, the work has little firsthand
information but preserves much material, especially
from Persian local histories.

In addition, 'Abd al-Kadir wrote a biography of
Abu Hanlfa (al-Bustdn fi Mandkib Imdmind al-
Nu'mdn, used in Djaw. i, p. 26 ff.) and a collection
of biographies of persons who died between 696/1297
and 760/1359. His other publications (most complete
lists in Ibn Kutlubugha ed. Fliigel, p. 28, and Ibn
Tulun) belong to the ordinary run of juridical
textbooks, commentaries, and indexes.

Bibliography : Brockelmann, II, 96 f., S II, 89.
Additional biographies in Ibn Hadjar, Inbd', anno
775; Ibn Tulun, Ghuraf (ms.Shelud 'All 1924,
fols. I4ib-i42a); Ibn al-'Imad, Shadhardt, vi, 238.
References to his life and activities in D[aw., for
instance: i, 21, 93 f., 292, 304, 323, 346, 353, 367;
ii, 121, 127, 187, 204, 229 f., 428, 431 f., 440,
444, 445 f. (F. Rosenthal)

'ABD al-KARIM BUKHARl -

'ABD al-KARIM BUKHARl, a Persian
historian, wrote in 1233/1818 a short summary
of the geographical relations of Central Asiatic
countries (Afghanistan, Bukhara, Khlwa, Khokand,
Tibet and Kashmir), and of historical events in
those countries from 1160 (accession of Ahmad Shah
Durrani) down to his own times. 'Abd al-Karim
had already left his native country in 1222/1807-8
and accompanied an embassy to Constantinople; he
remained there till his death, which took place after
1246/1830, and wrote his book for the master of
ceremonies 'Arif Bey. The only manuscript was
obtained by Ch. Schefer from 'Arif Bey's estate and
published in the PELOV (the text was printed in
Bulak, 1290/1873-4, the French translation in Paris'
in 1876). The Histoire de I'Asie Centrale is a most
important authority for the recent history of Central
Asia, especially for Bukhara, Khlwa and Khokand.
(W. Barthold)

'ABD al-KARIM, Kutb al-DIn b. IbrahIm
al-DJILI. a Muslim mystic, descendant of the
famous sufi 'Abd al-Kadir al-Djilani, was born in
767/1365 and died about 832/1428. Little is known
of his life, as the biographical works do not mention
him. According to some of his own statements in
al-Insdn al-Kdmil, he lived from 796/1393 until
805/1402-3 in Zabid in Yaman together with his
shaykh Sharaf al-DIn Isma'il al-Djabartl. In 790/
1387 he was in India. He wrote about thirty books
and treatises, of which al-Insdn al-Kdmil ft Ma'rifat
al-Awdkhir wa 'l-Awd'il is the best known (several
editions printed in Cairo). An analysis of its contents
has been given by R. A. Nicholson : The Perfect Man
(Studies in Islamic Mysticism, Cambridge 1921,
Ch. ii). Al-I)jlll is an adherent of the well-known
pantheistic mystic Ibn c ArabI, to whose Futiihdt he
wrote a commentary and whose doctrines hedeveloped
and modified. According to his ontological doctrine
exposed in his al-Insdn al-Kdmil and his Mardtib al-
Wudjud, nothing really exists but the Divine Essence
with its creative (hakki) and creaturely (khalkl)
modes of being. Absolute Being develops in a scale
{mardtib) of individualisations or "descents" (ta-
nazzuldt). The most important of these are the
following: <amd, the simple hidden pure Essence
before its manifestation (tadjalli); ahadiyya, the
first descent from the darkness of c Amd to the
light of the manifestation, the first manifestation
of Pure Essence (dhdt) exclusive of Divine attributes,
qualities or relations; wdhidiyya, the manifestation
of the Essence with the attributes and qualities and
their effects under the aspect of unity. It is plurality
in unity. On this scale there is no distinction between
the attributes, they are identical with each other
and with the One. Opposites coincide — Mercy and
Vengeance are the same. Ildhiyya is higher than the
above-mentioned manifestations. It comprehends
both Being and Non-being in all degrees, the "places
of manifestation and the manifested" (al-ma?dhir wa
'l-zdhir), i.e. the Creator and the Creature (al-hakk wa
'l-khalk). At the same time it is the principle of order
for the whole series of individualisations and main-
tains each of them in its proper place. AH opposites
exhibit their relativity in the greatest possible
perfection, they do not coincide any longer. Rahmd-
niyya manifests the creative attributes (al-sifdt
al-kkalkiyya) exclusively, whereas ildhiyya com-
prehends both the creative and the creaturely. The
first Mercy (rahma) of God was His bringing the
Universe into existence from Himself. God is the
substance (hayuld) of the Universe. The Universe is
like ice, and God is the water of which the ice is

'ABD al-KARIM KASHMIRI 71

made. Rububiyya comprehends those attributes that
require an object and are shared by man, as knowing,
hearing, seeing. The differentiation of the phenomena
of the Universe is caused by their mutual relations
to the respective divine attribute through which God
manifests Himself. In his al-Insdn al-Kdmil al-DjIH
deals with most of the cosmic, metaphysical, religious
and psychological notions current in his time. He
establishes their place in his system and explains
their relations to the respective divine attribute. In
doing so he has succeeded in giving many new,
unexpected and highly interesting interpretations
of well-known theologoumena. Thus he builds a
phantasmal cosmology which differs widely from
orthodox views: e.g. Adam ate the forbidden fruit
because his soul manifested a certain aspect of
Lordship (rububiyya), for it is not in the nature
of Lordship to submit to a prohibition; for the
people in Hell God creates a natural pleasure of
which their bodies become enamoured; Hell at last
will be extinguished and replaced by a tree named
Diirdjlr; Iblls will return to the presence and grace
of God; all infidels worship God according to the
necessity of their essential natures and all will be
saved, etc. Al-DjiU's doctrine of the Perfect Man
{al-Insdn al-Kdmil), the Logos, is almost the same
as that of Ibn 'Arab! (cf. H. S. Nyberg, Kleinere
Schriften des Ibn al-'-Arabi, Leiden 1919, 104). He
is Muhammad the Prophet who may, however,
assume the form of any holy man. So al-Djili met
him in 796 in Zabid in the form of his shaykh. He
is a copy of God, who becomes visible in him, and
at the same time, he is a copy of the Universe, which
is brought into existence from him. His whole being
is sensible of a pervasive delight and contemplates
the emanation of all that exists from himself, etc.
Al-Djili had many auditions and visions. He talked
with angels and cosmic beings. When in 800 he
stayed in Zabid, he met all the prophets and saints;
he wandered through Heaven and Hell, in which
he met Plato. In the Mardtib al-Wud±ud forty
degrees of Being are enumerated, the first being
al-dhdt al-ildhiyya or al-ghayb al-mu(lak, the last
al-insdn. The other books and treatises of al-Djili
have not yet been studied by European scholars.
They are listed in Brockelmann, II, 264-5, S II,
283-4- (H. Ritter)

'ABD al-KARIM KASHMIRI b. 'Akibat
Mahmud b. BulakI b. Muh. RipA, Indo- Persian
historian. From autobiographical references in his
Baydn-i Waki 1 we learn that he was living in Dihli
at the time of its sack by Nadir Shah (1151/1739),
and entered the service of Nadir as a mutasaddi. He
accompanied Nadir on his march from Dihli to
Kazwin, reaching Kazwin in 1154/1741. From there
he travelled to Mecca and returned to India by
sea in 1156/1743- He died in 1 198/1784.

He is the author of a history of his own times
from Nadir Shah's invasion of India to 1 198/1784
(the India Office copy, Ethe 566, comes down to
1 199/1785), including an account of his own travels,
entitled Baydn-i Wdki c . He gives much information
obtained from Nadir's courtiers, including 'Alawi
Khan, the hakim bdshi, or based on personal obser-
vation, and is not afraid to criticise Nadir. The text
has not been printed so far; a condensed translation
was published by F. Gladwin, The Memoirs of Khoja
Abdulkurreem, Calcutta 1788, 1812, London '1793;
abridged version of this by L. Langles, Voyages de
I'Inde d la Mecque, Paris 1797. To the MSS enume-
rated by Storey can be added: The Panjab
Public Library Cat. (Persian), Lahore 1942, p. 5i»

<ABD AL-KARlM KASHMIRI — C ABD al-KAYS

copied 1230/1815; Panjab Univ. Library Shayranl
MS (1185/1771); MS in the possession of the writer
(1214/1800, from a copy made in 1 193/1779).

Bibliography: Elliot and Dowson, History of

India, viii, 124-39; Ch. Rieu, Cat. of Pers. MSS

(Brit. Mus.), 382; Storey, ii/2, 326-7; L. Lockhart,

Nadir Shah, London 1938, 301.

(Mohammad Shafi)

<ABD AL-KARlM MUNgHl.or more fully MunshI
MawlawI Muh. <Abd al-KarIm c AlawI, Indo-
Persian historian of the middle of the 19th cen-
tury. He may have lived in Lucknow {Ta'rikh-i Pan-
di&b, 2, Muhdraba 21) or Cawnpur (Muhdraba, 3). He
was fond of studying history, and during his retire-
ment rendered from Arabic into Persian al-Suyuti,
Ta'rikh al-Khulafd? , and Ta'rikh Misr, and prepared
an abridged version of Ibn Khallikan in Persian.
He also translated astronomical and geographical
works from English into Persian and Urdu, as well
as story-books, the whole of the Arabian Nights, a
history of Bengal etc. In Beale, Oriental Biogr. Die,
Calcutta 1881, 4, it is said that the MunshI had
"died about thirty years ago", which places the date
of his death not much later than the end of 1851
(he is spoken of as alive in the Muhdraba (preface)
in 1848 and Sept. 1851). Of his Persian works, the
following three, on contemporary history, have been
lithographed. He is praised for his careful and
objective writing of history and his simple, vivid
and clear narrative.

(i) Muhdraba-yi Kabul wa-Kandahdr, lith. Lucknow
1264/1848 and Cawnpur 1267/1851, describes the
Afghan War down to General Pollock's expedition
(Sept.-Oct. 1842). The author had prepared a rough
draft of the history of the Kabul and Kandahar
expedition at the time, but in 1 263/1847 he made
suitable additions and emendations in his work
after studying the Akbar-ndma, a Mathnawl poem
in the style of the Skdh-ndma and quoted passages
from it on occasions. This fairly long poem (com-
prising 8632 bayts in all) which is called gafar
Ndma in its Daftar 1, Section 5 (madh-i Shdh-i
(Hamdidh), was finished in 2 daftars, in 1260/1844
by MunshI Kasim Djan ("Mirza Kdsim Beg muta-
watfin balda-yi Shah Djihdndbdd" in one of the three
Panjab University Mss., which was transcribed in
Agra, in 1847). The poet had himself taken part in
the expedition (for details see the Muhdraba, 4, based
on the Khdtima of the Akbar-Ndma, Daftar 1).

Kasim's Akbar-Ndma (for MSS. other than those
noted above and for the Agra ed. of 1272 see Storey,
ii/2, 402) is not to be confounded, as has been done
by Ivanow (Descript. Cat. of the Pers. Mss. in the
Curzon collection, 12, no. 22) with Hamld Kashmiri's
Akbar-Ndma (Kabul, 1320 shamsl), a similar work
in theme and metre and date (it also was finished
in 1260).

The Curzon collection of the A.S.B. (see Ivanow's
Cat. mentioned above) has a ms. of the Muhdraba.

(ii) Ta'rikh Pandidb Tuhfat?* li-l-A hbdb (or Tuhfa-yi
Ahbdb) lith. Matba c MuhammadI (prob. Lucknow),
1265/1849, deals with the Anglo-Sikh Wars. It is
divided into two hamla's, the first relating to the
first Sikh War (1845-6) and the second to the second
Sikh War (1848-9), written in order to show that
the English had won the wars (Preface).

It is based on the statement of English officers
and the accounts published in contemporary Urdu
newspapers, duly checked. The work contains some
curious documents such as a statement of the
revenues of the Pandjab in the Sikh period, texts
of Anglo-Sikh treaties and texts

British public announcements in the Pandjab at
the time, inscriptions on the Sikh guns etc.

(iii) Ta'rikh-i Ahmad (or Ta'rikh Ahmadshdhi),
lith. Lucknow 1266/1850 (for the mss. of the work
see Storey ii/2, 403). Having completed the history
of Shudja' al-Mulk Durrani (see ii above) who left
Ludhiana and with the help of the British Govern-
ment regained the throne of his ancestors in 1255/
1 84 1, the author decided to write a complete history
of the Durranls. Till 1212/1797 (about the middle
of the reign of Zaman Shah) he based it on the
Husaynshdhi or the Td'rihh Husayni (see Rieu,
Cat. Pers. Mss. Br. Mus., iii, 904b) by Imam
al-DIn who had lived for a long time in Afghanistan.
A very brief history of the subsequent period up to
the fall of the dynasty he based on the information
received from well-informed, trustworthy and
truthful visitors of his from Kabul, Kandahar and
vicinity (Ahmadshdhi, 3, 51). After stating the
genealogy of the Abdalis he gives the history of
Ahmad Shah and his successors. In the last quarter
of the work is given an account of the chief amirs
of Zaman Shah, a geographical note on the Pandjab
and the stages of the route Kabul-Kandahar-Harat-
Cisht (with a list of the tombs of the Cishti saints),
and a chapter on Turkistan and its ruler Narbuta
Bey. The last event mentioned is the death of
Shudja 1 al-Mulk and the recall of the British troops
from Afghanistan, to which is appended a list of the
17 sons of Pa'inda Khan.

This work and the Muhdraba are among the
sources of the Sirddj al-Tawdrikh (Kabul 1337), a
history of Afghanistan compiled under the orders
of the Amir Habib Allah Khan.

An Urdu version of the Ta'rikh Ahmad by Mir
Warith 'All Sayfi and entitled Waki c dt-i Durrani was
lith. in Cawnpur. 1292/1875.

E. Edwards, Cat. of the Persian Printed Books in
the British Mus., London 1922, 21, ascribes to him:
A dictionary of Anglo-Persian homogeneous words etc.,
Bombay 1889.

Bibliography: Storey, ii/2, 402-4, ii/3, 673;

O. Mann, Quellenstudien zur Geschichte des Ahmed

Sdh Durrdni, in ZDMG, 1898, 106 ff.; Fr. transl.

of the chapter on Turkistan in Ch. Schefer,

Histoire de I'Asie Centrale par Mir Abdoul Kerim

Boukhary, Paris 1876, 280 ff.

(Mohammad Shafi)

'ABD al-KAYS (rarely <Abd Kays), i.e. "Servant
of (the god) Kays", old Arabian tribe in East
Arabia. The nisba is <Abdi and 'Abkasl.

c Abd al-Kays belongs to a group of tribes once
settled in the modern province of al-'Arid, whence it
advanced to the North- West as far as present-day
Sudayr and to the South-East as far as al-Khardj. This
group was later, in the genealogy of the Northern
Arabs, given the name of Rabi'a [?.».]. Already in
the 5 th century parts of this group detached them-
selves and started to nomadize partly within, partly
beyond the arch of the Tuwayk. To the latter belonged
'Abd al-Kays, which in the 6th century penetrated
into the two great oasis districts of Eastern Arabia,,
namely al-Bahrayn inland, and aJ-Katlf on the
coast. The oasis of al-Bahrayn (known since the
10th century as al-Ahsa 3 , and only since the 19th
as al-Hasa [q.v.]) is plentifully watered by wells and
natural and artificial streams, the greatest of which
is called ( c Ayn) Muhallim. The district reached in
the north as far as c Aynayn (= al- c Uyun), badly-
sanded already in the 12th century, and in the
south as far as the village of al-Kathib, which
survived till the Middle Ages. The capital was

Hadjar, with its citadel al-Mushakkar. Another
fortified place was Djuwatha. The oasis district
on the coast reached from Safwa (a name that does
not occur before the Middle Ages) in the north to
Zahran in the south, its capital being Zara near
Katif.

c Abd al-Kays was divided into two groups, Shann
and Lukayz. Lukayz comprised the tribes of Nukra,
al-DIl, c Idjl and Muharib b. c Amr. The last three
were distinguished by the denomination al- c Umiir
from their "brothers" the Anmar. These latter
consisted of the tribes of c Amir b. al-Harith (with
the sub-tribes of Banu Murra and Banu Malik) and
Djadhima b. c Awf (in which the branches c Abd
Shams, Hiyay and c Amr confederated, under the
name Baradjim, against the stronger HSritha).

The Muharib lived in the villages of the oasis of
al-Bahrayn. Hadjar itself was inhabited by a mixed
population, not bound by tribal ties. The same was
probably the case in Zara and other towns of the
coastal oasis, where there existed also a considerable
population of non-Arabic origin (Persians, Indians,
Jews, Mandaeans), and it can be assumed that this
was the case in Hadjar as well, though to a smaller
extent. Katif was inhabited by the Djadhima b.
c Awf and Zahran by the Nukra. In regard to land-
ownership, we know only that in Sulasil, in the
East Arabian Djawf (around Dara = al-Dar = c Ayn
Dar) a certain 'Amir was the owner, rabb, of the
oasis. In the summer, the northern c Abd al-Kays:
Shann. 'Amir b. al-Harith and al- c Umur used to
nomadize together inland around Wad! Faruk, while
the Nukra grazed between Zahran and the district
of Baynuna, S.-E. from Katar (where also the last
village of the tribe, Lu'ba, is to be looked for).

Emigration from the over-populated oases started
at an early date, directed partly towards the other
coastal lands of Arabia, 'Uman (fractions of Nukra
and DI1, 'Awaka, "brothers" of the 'Umur and
Anmar, etc.), and partly towards the Persian coast.

When <Abd al-Kays penetrated into Eastern
Arabia, they are said to have found there remnants
of Iyad, who were at that time migrating towards
'Irak. Later, they had as their northern neighbours
those of the Kays b. Tha'laba (of Bakr-Rabi'a) who
had left their dwellings in 'Arid and were grazing
along the line Thadj — Kazima — Faldj = al-Batin. The
enemies of c Abd al-Kays were the Sa c d, a group
of Tamim, who roamed on both sides of the Dahn5 J
as far as Wadi Faruk and Wadi al-Sahba.

The oases of the coast were from the time of
Shapur II (310-79) under direct Persian rule. The
country inland belonged at the beginning of the
6th century to the kingdom of Kinda, while after
its fall about 530 a lateral line of that dynasty
reigned in Hadjar. After its extinction, al-Bahrayn
was conquered, no doubt with the consent of the
Persians, by the Lakhmids of al-Hira. Under al-
Nu'man III (579-601) the resistance of the Shann
and Lukayz was broken by plundering expeditions.
After the fall of the Lakhmids the land was ruled
by a Persian ispahbadh residing in Mushakkar and
assisted by an Arabian person of trust. The cordial
reception given by the governors and later also by
the 'Abd al-Kays to Muhammad's envoys and
letters can be probably explained by the fact that
the two governors had lost the support of the home
country owing to the strife over the succession to
the throne that broke out in Persia in 628. During
the ridda part of the c Abd al-Kays, under al-DiSrud
(of the Haritha — Djadhima) remained faithful to
Medina, while others, led by the chief of Kays b.

C ABD AL-KAYS 73

Tha'laba, proclaimed a Lakhmid as their ruler. The
Muslims were besieged in Djuwatha, but held out.
After the arrival of reinforcements, made available
by the victory over Musaylima, they took the
initiative and attacked (12/633). It was not before
the autumn of 634 that the Persian garrison of Zara
was forced to surrender.

With the Muslim conquest starts a new movement
of emigration. Labu c (an older tribe than Shann and
Lukayz) took part in a expedition across the Gulf
against Fars and settled mainly in Tawwadj. The
emigration was directed mainly towards Basra;
in Kufa, the c Abd al-Kays were not so strongly
represented. With the troops of Kufa they reached
Mosul, with those of Basra Khurasan, where their
strength in 715 was four thousand men. The c Abd
al-Kays took no prominent part in the politics of
the newly conquered provinces. They more often,
with a few exceptions, adapted themselves to local
conditions, were c Alid in c Alid Kufa, and participated
in Basra and Khurasan in the feuds between the
tribes. In Basra, Harim b. Hayyan, one of the
earliest pietists of Islam and a forerunner of al-
Hasan al-Basrl, belonged to this tribe.

In their native country the c Abd al-Kays tried to
withstand, but without success, the Kharidjite
movement of Nadjda, centered in the Yamama
(67/686-7). At the same time, the tribal distribution
there begins to change. Of the tribes of c Abd al-Kays
only Djadhima b. <Awf and Muharib remained in
their old sites — Muharib occupying also the harbour
of 'Ukayr, and 'Amr b. al-Harith remaining in
Zahran and on one of the smaller islands of Baljrayn
(Sitra ?). The rest of their territory was occupied by
the Sa^l — Tamim, who penetrated into Bahrayn
itself and built there the village of al-Ahsa'. Azd
from c Um5n established themselves on the coast,
probably at the same time as in Basra, i.e. about
60/680. Some of them settled, together with c Abd
al-Kays, in the oasis of Tu'am = Tawam/Tuwaym
in Sudayr.

In the IXth century an oasis principality was
set up in East Arabia. An Azdite ruled in Zara, one
Ibn Mismar of the Djadhima b. c Awf in Katif, the
Banu Hafs, also belonging to <Abd al-Kays, in Safwa.
Bahrayn was divided into the principalities of
Hadjar and Djuwatha under al-'Ayyash al-Muharibl
and al- c Uryan (of the Banu Malik), respectively. In
the years 249-54/863-8 an c Alid, or pseudo-'Alid,
rebelled in Bahrayn. He tried his luck first in Hadjar,
then in al-Ahsa J among the Sa c d. Finally he with-
drew into the desert and collected an army consisting
of Tamim and of tribes which had newly immigrated
from the west. It cost al- c Uryan much trouble, with
help of the other chiefs of <Abd al-Kays, to expel
the rebel, who soon afterwards started the great
rising of the Zandj [q.v.] slaves in Basra.

The immigrants just mentioned and beduins who
infiltrated afterwards, as well as good families from
Katif, became in the next generation the supporters
of the Karmatian missionary Abu Sa'id al-Djan-
nabi. The revolution broke out in 268/899. Katif
fell first, Zara was burned, and finally Hadjar too
was taken, notwithstanding the Caliph's inter-
vention. Al-Afcsa' became the capital of the East-
Arabian state of the Karmatians [q.v.]. This was
overthrown in 469/1076-7 by the 'Uvunids [q.v.]
i.e. the Al Ibrahim, belonging to the Banu Murra
of al- c Uyun. The new dynasty soon showed signs of
decline, interrupted only by a short period of
recovery at the end of the 12th century. About
1245 this last dynasty of the <Abd al-Kays collapsed.

'ABD AL-KAYS — C ABD AL-MADJlD I

The attempt of the 'UyQnid 'All b. Mukarrab to
revive the ancient glory of the tribe by his poems
miscarried, partly because the old Arabian world
had long since become petrified, partly because also
the oases of East Arabia were permeated by new
immigrants.

Before the c Abd al-Kays accepted Islam, the
tribe seems to have been overwhelmingly Christian.
Only a few names bear witness to its original pagan
religion : 'Amr al-Af kal from Shann, c Abd Shams, c Abd
'Amr ( ?). The office of the" afkal (from Babylonian
apkallu, "priest") was taken over, as in other tribes,
from the early Arabian town civilisation. Tradition,
ignorant of this fact, made of 'Amr al-Afkal a
representative of hybris.

The genealogy of the c Abd al-Kays is, compared
with that of other tribes, remarkably incomplete, to
judge by Ibn al-Kalbl's Mukhtasar (Table A of
Wustenfeld contains many, Ibn Hazm's Qiamhara
some errors, the latter not only in the printed text,
but also in the good MSS of Rampore and Bankipore).
Firstly, many units, known from other sources, are
missing; secondly, the position of the "Companions",
or the members of the embassy of the tribe to the
Prophet, varies up to five generations, and an
officer of the caliph al-Mansur is put higher than
some of them.

Similar uncertainty exists concerning the poets
of the tribe, viz. al-Muthakkib and al-Mumazzak
of Nukra, Yazld and Suwayd b. al-Khadhdhak of
Shann. Yazld (according to others al-Mumazzak)
described, as an onlooker, his own burial; this is
something new. Al-Salatan, the poet from Basra,
a contemporary of Djarlr, belongs to Shann; Ziyad
al-A'djam, who lived in Persia, was a mawld of
the 'Amir b. al-Harith.

Al-Muthakkib uses several Persian loan-words,
not current otherwise, and some difficult expressions,
but they are not peculiarly dialectal. At any rate,
the dialect of the 'Abd al-Kays must not be iden-
tified with that of al-Bahrayn (here used, as generally
in later times, as the name of the province), con-
sidered by the Arab philologists as an inferior one.
Striking are the three forms for the personal and
tribal name Dil, Dul, Du'il, "weasel", among the
*Abd al-Kays, Bakr and Kinana.

Bibliography : The geographers, e.g. Yakut,
iii, 411; Hamdani, 136 «.; Mas'Qdi, Tanbih,
392 f . ; F. Wustenfeld, Wohnsilze und Wanderungen
der arab. Stamme, 74-6 ; idem, Bahrein und Jemama,
1-13. The historians, e.g. Ibn Sa'd, i/2, 54; v,
406 ff.; vii/i, 60 ff., 95; Tabari, ii, 1291; Th.
Noldeke, Oeschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit
der Sasaniden, 53, 57, 67; J. Wellhausen, Die
religios-polit. Oppositionsparteien, 29 ft., 58; idem,
Das arabische Reich und sein Sturz, 44 f., 130,
248 ff., 258, 266; J. M. de Goeje, La fin de V empire
des Carmathes du Bahrain, J A, 1895, 1-30; von
Oppenheim, Die Beduinen, iii (ed. by W. Caskel),
15-9. 130 ff.; Ibn Durayd, Ishtikdk, 196-202
(Wustenfeld) (using, among others, Mada'ini's
Ashrdf 'Abd al-Kays). For the poets, AsmaHyydt,
no. 50; Mufaddaliyydt, nos. 28, 76-81, Appendix
no. 4; WZKM, 1904, iff.; Ibn Kutayba, Shi'r,
233 ff., 257 ff.; AghdnP, v, 314, xiv, 98 ff. ; c Ali b.
Mukarrab, Diwan, Bombay 1310. (W. Caskel)
'ABD al-LATIF al-BASHDAdI, Muwaffak
al-DIn Abu Muhammad b. YOsuf, also called Ibn
al-Labbad, a versatile scholar and scientist,
born at Baghdad in 557/1162-3, died there in 629/
1231-2. In Baghdad he studied grammar, law,
tradition etc. (giving in his autobiography a vivid

picture of contemporary methods of study) and was
persuaded by a MaghribI wandering scholar to
devote himself to philosophy, mainly according to
the system of Ibn Sina, and to natural science and
alchemy. In 585/1189-90 he went to Mosul (where
he studied the works of al-Suhrawardl al-Maktul,
but found them inept), next year to Damascus, then
to the camp of Saladin outside 'Akka (587/1 191),
where he met Baha' al-DIn b. Shaddad and 'Imad al-
DIn al-Isfahanl, and acquired the patronage of al-
Kadi al-Fadil, and then to Cairo. Here he made
the acquaintance of Musa b. Maymun and a certain
Abu '1-Kasim al-Shari'I, who introduced him to the
works of al-FSrabi, Alexander of Aphrodisias and
Themistius, which turned him away from Ibn Sina
and alchemy. In 588/1192 he met Saladin in Jeru-
salem, then went to Damascus, whence he returned
to Cairo. After some years he went to Jerusalem and
then, in 604/1207-8, again to Damascus. Some time
later he went via Aleppo to Erzindjan, to the court
of 'Ala' al-DIn Da'ud. When the SaldjQkid Kayku-
badh conquered Erzindjan, 'Abd al-Latif, after a
journey to Erzerum, returned from Erzindjan to
Aleppo via Kamakh, Diwrigi and Malatiya (626/1228-
9), and soon afterwards returned to his native
Baghdad where he died.

His numerous writings covered almost the whole
domain of the knowledge of those days. Of those
extant, al-Ifdda wa'l-lHibar, a short description of
Egypt, was widely known in Europe and was trans-
lated into Latin, German, and French ; cf. S. de Sacy,
Relation de I'Egypte par Abd al-Latif, Paris 1810;
the others are on philology, tradition, medicine,
mathematics and philosophy. (For his work on
metaphysics cf. P. Kraus, in BIE, 1941, 277.) His
account of the Mongol invasion was taken over by
al-Dhahabl (cf. J. de Somogyi, Isl., 1937, 106 ff.)
His notes are quoted by Ibn Abl Usaybi'a for
information on personalities in Baghdad (cf. index).
Bibliography: Ibn Abl Usaybi'a, ii, 201-13
(based on his autobiography); Kutubl, Fawdt,
ii, 9 ff. ; Dhahabl, Ta'rikh al-Isldm, MS Oxford,
i, 654, fol. 16-7; L. Leclerc, Hist, de la midecine
arabe, ii, 182; Brockelmann, i, 632, Si, 880.
(S. M. Stern)
C ABD al-LATIF SASTAMUNILl [see latIfI].
'ABD al-MADJID I (Abdulmecid), Ottoman
sultan, son of Mahmud II and his second kadin
Bezm-i 'Alem (a remarkable woman), born on Friday,
14 (not 11) Sha'ban 1238/25 April 1823. He succeeded
his father, whose reforms he was to continue, on 19
(not 25) Rabi' II 1 255/1 July 1839, a few days after
the defeat of NIzIb (24 June) inflicted on the Turks
by Ibrahim Pasha [q.v.]. The concert of the powers,
which included, for the first time, Turkey, but not
France, saved, however, the Ottoman Empire
(Convention of London, 15 July 1840).

The most important events of his reign were the
proclamation of the hhat\-i sherif, or khatf-i hiimdyun,
of Gulkhane (26 Sha'ban 1255/3 Nov. 1839) and
the Crimean war, which began in 1853 and was ended
by arbitration in the Treaty of Paris (30 March 1856).
For the proclamation see tanzimat, gulkhAne,
khatt-i humayOn, 'uthmanlis, for the Crimean
war 'uthmanlis and, in general, the handbooks on
history. It is worth mentioning here that the famous
defence of Silistria, on the Bulgarian Danube (19 May-
23 June 1854) was the subject of a famous poem
by Namik Kemal [q.v.].

There was also a whole series of troubles, insurrec-
tions and massacres: in Kurdistan (1847), in the
Danubian principalities (1848), in Bosnia (1850-51),

'ABD al-MADJID I — 'ABD al-MALIK ABl 'AMIR

in Montenegro (1852-3), in the Lebanon (1849), in
Djidda, in the Lebanon and in Syria (i860), not to
speak of Bulgaria and Albania.

Apart from his legislative work, c Abd al-Madjid
was the author of important reforms, in regard to
ths administration (in the eydlets or wildyets, "pro-
vinces"), the army (law of 6 Sept. 1843; see redIf),
education (i'dddi, "military preparatory" schools,
1845; rushdiyye, "higher primary" schools for boys
and girls, 1847; ddr ul-ma'-arif , 1849; mekteb-i
l othmdni, "Ecole ottomane" in Paris 1855), and
the coinage (money of good alloy, carefully coined,
especially the pieces called medjidiyye, of 20 piastres;
issued from 1844). To him is due the building of
hospitals and other edifices, such as the palace of
Dolma Baghce 1853), the restoration of the Aya
Sofiya mosque by Fossati (20 July 1849), the first
depositary for the state archives, Khazine-yi Ewrah
(1845), the first theatre (French Theatre or "Crystal
Palace", by Giustiniani), the first sal-name, or
"imperial year-book" (1847).

It was from his reign onwards that the imperial
princes (shdh-zade) bore the simple title of efendi.
c Abd al-Madjid was the first sultan to speak a
Western language (French). He was a subtle and
polished person, lightly built, but of weak health
undermined by the abuses of drink and harem. He
was a spendthrift. Capricious, but courageous, he
gained universal respect by his refusal to hand over
to the Austrians, in 1849, Kossuth and the other
Hungarian political refugees. "The annals of Turkey
have as yet no record of a sovereign more humane,
of such gentle manners, animated by such civilizing
tendencies; his mild and attractive features revealed
a generous soul" (Mgr. Louis Petit — (pseudonym:
Kutchuk Efendi), Catholic bishop of Athens, Les
Contemporains, no. 333, Maison de la Bonne Presse,
1899)-

He died young, on 17 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 1277/25 June
1861, in the middle of the financial crisis of the
country. He was buried in a modest turbe near the
mosque of Sultan SelJm.

For three out of the ten Grand-Viziers of his
reign, see rashId pasha, 'AlI pasha, khusraw pasha.
The foreign diplomat who played during the
reigh of this sultan the most important role in
Istanbul was Stratford Canning (Lord Stratford de
Redcliffe).

Bibliography: Turkish historians; Luifl
Efendi, Ahmed Rasim, KSmil Pasha (TaMkh-i
Siydsi), l Atd Ta'rikhi (ii, 198 ff.); Western
historians: Iorga, Lavallee, de la Jonquiere. —
Ahmed Refik, Turkiyede Multediiler Mes'elesi,
Istanbul 1926 (the Hungarian refugees); A. de
Caston, Constantinople en 1869, 306; Debidour,
Hist, diplomatique de I'Europa, 1891 (index to
vol. i); idem, La question d'Oriem. Mahmoud,
Mehemet Alt, Abd ul-Medjid, in Lavisse and
Rambaud, Hist. Gen., x, 924-46 (with references) ;
Destrilhes, Confidences sur la Turquie, 1855;
E. Enault, Constantinople et la Turquie, 1855,
431-45; de Flers, Vers I'Orient, 383; G. Fossati,
Aya Sofia as recently restored, London- Paris 1852;
Halil Ganem, Les sultans ottomans, 1902, ii,
218-53; E. Hollander, La Turquie devant Vopinion
publique, 1858; Lettres du marechal de Mottke sur
I'Orient, 2nd ed., Paris, 371; Osman Nuri Ergin,
Tiirkiye maarif tarihi, 1940, ii; idem, Istanbul
sehreninleri, 1927, 49-80; E. Tarin and H. Lapeyrre,
Sultan Abdul Medjid, 1857; Ed. Thouvenel,
Constantinople sous Abdul- Medjid, Revue des Deux
Mondes, 1 Jan. 1840; A. Ubicini, La Turquie

actuelle, 1855, 102-30; Ulug Igdemir, Kuleli vak'asf

hakklnda bir arastlrma, Ankara 1937; Youssouf

Razi, Souvenirs de Leila Hanoum sur le harem

imperial, Paris 1925, 33-46. — See also nos. 71, 1061

and 1727 of Enver Koray's historical bibliography,

Ankara 1952. — For the constitutional edicts of

'Abd al-Madjid, see J A, 1933, 357-9 and references

in the notes; also the extensive articles in the

Turkish encyclopaedias: IA, Inonu Ansiklopedisi,

Istanbul Ansiklopedisi. — For the Jews of Turkey,

see M. Franco, Essai sur Vhist. des Israilites de

I'Emp. Ott., 1897, 143-60; Jewish Encyclopaedia,

s.v. Abd ul-Mejid. (J. Deny)

'ABD al-MAD-JID II (Abdulmecit), last

Ottoman caliph, son of 'Abd al-'Aziz [q.v.]. He

was elected caliph by the Great National Assembly,

18 Nov. 1922, and succeeded, in this quality only,

his cousin Muhammad VI, who, after the abolition

of the sultanate (1 Nov. 1922) took refuge on board

a British warship and left Istanbul. During some

months, all the opponents of the regime established in

Ankara by Mustafa Kemal rallied round the caliph,

who had, in reality, no power at all. Mustafa Kemal

put an end to these intrigues by proclaiming the

republic, 29 Oct. 1923. A little more than four

months afterwards, 3 March 1924, the Great National

Assembly resolved upon the abolition of the caliphate.

The next day 'Abd al-Madjid left Istanbul. He died

in Paris, 23 August 1944.

Bibliography : Discours du Ghazi Moustafa
Kemal, president de la Republique turque, Leipzig
1927; COC, 1944-5. 105-

'ABD al-MALIK B. Muhammad b. ABl 'AMIR
al-Ma'afirI Abu Marwan al-Muzaffar, son
and successor of the famous "major domo"
(hddiib) al-Mansur [q.v.] under the reign of the
Umayyad caliph of al-Andalus Hisham II al-Mu 5 ay-
yad bi'llah. He was the real sovereign of Muslim
Spain after the death of his father in Medinaceli
(Madlnat Salim) in 392/1002.

'Abd al-Malik, second son of al-Mansur, was born
in 364/975 ; his mother, an umm walad called al-
Dhalfa 3 , survived him several years. Even before
succeeding his father he gained experience as general
in several campaigns, both in the North of Spain,
against the Christians, and in Morocco. He was
appointed by his father as a kind of viceroy of
Morocco in 388/998, and took up his residence in
Fez, but was recalled to Cordova the next year.
On the career of 'Abd al-Malik as sovereign we are
informed in sufficient detail by the newly discovered
Hispano-Arabic chronicles. One gets the impression
that 'Abd al-Malik b. Abi 'Amir, without having
the genius of his father, was not lacking in certain
statesmanlike qualities. At any rate, the seven years
during which he held power are represented as the
last favourable period of the history of al-Andalus
before the fall of the Umayyad calipahate of the West.
The "majordomo", remaining faithful to the line
followed by al-Mansur, continued his policy of
harassing the Christian enemy beyond the frontier
zones (thughur). For this purpose he undertook year
after year an expedition to one or the other of the
marches of al-Andalus. In 393/1003 he directed his
army towards the Hispanic March (bildd al-Ifrandf),
ravaged the surroundings of Barcelona and laid
waste thirty-five fortresses of the enemy. In 394/1004,
he attacked the territory of the count of Castille,
Sancho Garcia, who asked for an armistice and
in the following year helped 'Abd al-Malik in his
campaign against Galicia and Asturias. In the
summer of 396/1006, 'Abd al-Malik started an

'ABD al-MALIK ABl 'AMIR — 'ABD al-MALIK b. MARWAN

offensive against the Frankish county of Ribagorza.
His most famous expedition, however, was that of
the following year, aimed against the fortress of
Clunia, which was taken and destroyed. This victory
gained for the 'Amirid hddfib the honorific title of
al-Muzaffar. In 398/1007 he had again to take up
arms against Sancho Garcia and Castille, and yet
again in the following year. While he was preparing
to set out against Castille, he succumbed to a disease
of the chest, near Cordova, on the Guadimellato
(Wadl Armilat), 16 Safar 399/20 Oct. 1008.

During the seven years of his rule, 'Abd al-Malik
al-Muzaffar preserved for the State of Cordova its
strong administrative structure, by favouring the
Slavonic dignitaries (sakdliba) against the Arab
aristocracy. Nevertheless, several attemps were made
on his person. There are reasons to assume that his
brother, c Abd al-Rahman Sanchuelo, who succeeded
him, was not without his share in the unexpected
and premature death of the second 'Amirid.

[See also 'amirids and umayyads op Spain].
Bibliography: Ibn Bassam, Dhakhira. iv (ed.

in preparation) ; Ibn 'Idharl, Baydn, iii, 3-37(transl.

in Dozy, Histoire des Musulmans d'Espagne 1 , iii,

185-214); Ibn al-Khatib. A"-mal al-AHdm, 97-104;

E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp. mus., ii, 273 (bibliogr.

references in note 1), 290 ff.

(E. Levi-Provencal)

C ABD al-MALIK B. KATAN al-FihrI, gover-
nor of al-Andalus. He succeeded in this office
c Abd al-Rahman b. 'Abd Allah al-Ghafikl [q.v.],
when the latter was killed during his expedition into
Gaul, 114/732. He had to surrender his office, in
116/734, to 'Ukba b. al-Hadjdjadj al-Saluli, but
resumed it in 123/740. Belonging to the Medinese
party, he evinced a rather unfavourable attitude
towards the caliph of Damascus. Almost at once,
however, he was confronted with grave difficulties
caused by the Berbers who revolted in the Iberian
peninsula and soon afterwards menaced Cordova.
In face of this danger, and in view of the insufficiency
of his own military resources, c Abd al-Malik had to
appeal, whether he liked it or not, for the services
of a group of Arabs belonging to various diunds
[q.v.] of Syria, who were besieged in the North-
African fortress of Ceuta, and gave them permission
to cross the Straits under the command of their
chief Baldi [q.v.]. Thanks to this reinforcement and
to three successive defeats which they inflicted
upon the rebellious Berbers, he suceeded in allaying
the danger that menaced him. The Syrian troops,
however, confident in their strength, had no difficulty
in removing 'Abd al-Malik b. Katan and put in his
place as wait of al-Andalus their own general Baldi,
at the beginning of Dhu '1-Ka'da 123/Sept. 741. One
of the first actions of the new governor was to order
the execution of his predecessor, who was then a

Bibliography : E. Levi- Provencal, Hist. Esp.
mus., i, 41, 43-7. (E. Levi-Provencal)

C ABD al-MALIK B. MARWAN, fifth Caliph of
the Umayyad line, reigned 65-86/685-705. According
to general report he was bom in the year 26/646-7,
the son of Marwan b. al-Hafcam [q.v.], his mother
being 'A'isha bint Mu'awiya b. al-Mughlra. As a
boy of ten he was an eye-witness of the storming
of 'Uthman's house, and. at the age of sixteen
Mu'awiya appointed him to command the Madinian
troops against the Byzantines. He remained at
Medina until the outbreak of the rebellion against
Yazld I (62-3/682-3). When the Umayyads were
expelled by the rebels, he left the town with his

father, but on meeting the Syrian army under
•Muslim b. 'Ukba he returned with him, after giving
Muslim information concerning the town and its
defences. This was followed by the battle of the
Harra and the total defeat of the Madinians (27 Dh u
'1-Hidjdja 63/27 Aug. 683). After the assassination of
his father (Ramadan 65/April-May 685), 'Abd al-
Malik was recognized as Caliph by the partisans of
the Umayyads, but he was faced with serious
difficulties. Although the battle of Mardi Rahit had
reaffirmed Umayyad control of Syria, and Egypt
had been recovered and was strongly held by his.
brother 'Abd al-'AzIz [q.v.], Zufar b. Harith held
out in the north at Kirkisiyya, with the support
of the Kays, until 71/690-1, and the Byzantines,
were giving much trouble on the frontiers, even
reoccupying Antioch in 68/688, as well as giving aid
to the Mardaites within Syria itself. In Mecca, 'Abd
Allah b. al-Zubayr [q.v.] had been proclaimed Caliph,
and was at least nominally recognized in most prov-
inces of the empire. Nevertheless, 'Abd al-Malik
showed himself equal to the task, and within a few
years succeeded in restoring the unity of the Arabs
under Syrian leadership.

At first, however, 'Irak and the East had to be
abandoned. The governor, 'Ubayd Allah b. Ziyad,
driven out by the tribesmen after the death of Yazld,
was unable, in spite of his success in defeating an
attack by Kufan forces in Mesopotamia (Ramadan
65/May 685), to reoccupy Kufa and Basra. Kufa
was shortly afterwards seized by the Shl'ite leader
Mukhtar [q.v.], whose partisans, after an indecisive
engagement with the Syrians (Dhu '1-Hidjdja 66/July
686), totally defeated 'Ubayd Allah on the Khazir
river in the following month under the command
of Ibrahim b. al-Ashtar. For the next five years
'Irak remained under the rule of Mus'ab b. al-
Zubayr, whose general al-Muhallab b. Abl Sufra,
with the troops of Basra, defeated Mukhtar's forces
at Harflra in Ramadan 67/April 687 and reoccupied
Kufa. In order to free his hands for dealing with
Irak, 'Abd al-Malik in 69/689 made a ten years' truce
with the Greek Emperor, by which, in return for
an annual tribute, the latter removed the Mardaites
from Syria into Greek territory. Immediately after-
wards 'Abd al-Malik set out from Damascus against
Mus'ab, but was obliged to return in order to deal
with a revolt in the capital led by his kinsman 'Amr
b. Said al-Ashdak [q.v.]. 'Amr fortified himself in the
residence, but on the Caliph's arrival he capitulated
on promise of life and liberty. Nevertheless, 'Abd
al-Malik was unable to trust him, and soon after-
wards had him seized and executed him, according
to the general statement, with his own hand. In the
following year (70/690) the campaign against Mus'ab
was renewed, but both armies faced one another in
Mesopotamia without result. In the third year,
'Abd al-Malik opened his campaign by besieging
Zufar in Kirkisiyya for some months. After its
capture he reoccupied Upper Mesopotamia, and
reinforced by the Kays marched into 'Irak. At
Dayr al-Djathallk, near Maskin, Mus'ab and Ibn
al-Ashtar were defeated and slain (Djumada I or
II, 72/Oct.-Nov., 691). Al-Muhallab with the troops
of Basra was engaged in the struggle with the
Kharidjites, and most of the 'Irakis were weary of
the conflict, which had brought them little but
hardships and loss. Immediately after the Caliph's
entry into Kufa, where he received the homage of
the province, a force of 2000 Syrians was despatched
under al-Hadjdjadi to deal with Ibn al-Zubayr at
Mecca. After a halt at Ta'if, al-Hadjdjadj laid siege

'ABD al-MALIK B. MARWAN — C ABD al-MALIK b. SALIH

to Mecca on i Dhu '1-Ka'da 72/25 March 692; it
was a little more than six months before Ibn al-
Zubayr was killed on the field and the city surren-
dered (17 Di- I or II, 73/4 Oct. or 3 Nov., 692).
Al-Hadjdjadj was rewarded with the governorship
of the Hidjaz.

The recovery of 'Irak involved 'Abd al-Malik in
the necessity of organizing immediate measures
against the Kharidiites. After an initial failure, the
combined forces of Kufa and Basra defeated the
Nadjdiyya of Yamama at Mushahhar in 73/692-3,
but the more dangerous and fanatical Azarika in
Persia set a tougher problem. Even under the
command of al-Muhallab, the war-weary mukdtila
showed little stomach for this task until in 75'694
'Abd al-Malik transferred al-Hadjdjadj to the
government of Kufa. With his ruthless and energetic
backing al-Muhallab was able to hunt down the
Azarika in a three-years' campaign.' In the meantime
a fresh Kharidiite rising broke out among the
Rabl'a tribesmen in Mesopotamia, who, under the
leadership of Shabib, swept down on the territories
of Kufa and seized Mada'in (76-7/695-6). When the
mukdtila of Kufa, recalled from Persia, proved
unable to prevent Shabib from investing their city,
al-Hadjdjadj obtained the services of 4000 Syrian
troops, who, after driving off the attackers and
killing Shabib (end of 77/beg. of 697) went on
to break up the Arab section of the Azarika in
Tabaristan. Following on an outbreak of disorder in
Khurasan in the same year (78/697), c Abd al-Malik
added this province also to the government of al-
Hadjdjadj, who appointed al-Muhallab to govern it
as his deputy. Al-Muhallab reopened shortly after-
wards the campaigns towards Central Asia, but few
positive gains are recorded before his death in
82/701-2, when he was succeeded by his son Yazld.
At the same time 'Abd al-Rahman b. Muhammad b.
al-Ash'ath, who had been appointed to Sidjistan,
was engaged in Afghanistan with the troops of Kufa
and Basra. Enraged by the criticisms directed
against them by the plebeian viceroy, Ibn al-Ash'ath
and the ashrdf revolted (81/700-1) and marched
back into 'Irak. The small body of Syrian troops
and their supporters were unable to withstand the
united forces of the province, and for a time the
situation was critical; but with the aid of reinforce-
ments from Syria the rebels were defeated at Dayr
al-Djamadjim (Dj. II, 82/July 701) and again routed
at Maskin on the Dudjayl (Sha'ban 82/Oct. 701),
and the remnants were pursued into Sidjistan and
Khurasan, where they were dispersed by Yazld b.
al-Muhallab (83/702). In the same year al-Hadjdjadj
"built a new garrison city for the Syrian troops at
Wasit. This episode proved to be a turning-point in
the history of the Umayyad Caliphate and the Arab
empire. Henceforward a permanent Syrian army of
occupation garrisoned 'Irak, and the mukdtila of
Kufa and Basra were never again called out on a
war footing. For twelve years more the heavy hand
of al-Hadjdjadj maintained order and security, and
laid the foundations of future economic prosperity
in 'Irak, but at the cost of much bitter resentment
amongst the tribesmen, especially in Kufa.

The war with the Byzantines was renewed in
73/692, in consequence of the Emperor's refusal to
accept the new Muslim gold currency struck by
*Abd al-Malik. Despite some initial successes in then-
raids into Anatolia and Armenia, the Syrian troops,
•commanded by the Caliph's brother Muhammad,
gained little territory, but prepared the way for
the expeditions of the next reign. In North Africa,

however, the mukdtila of Egypt, under Hassan b.
al-Nu'man, after regaining the southern part of
Ifrlkiya, advanced on Carthage with naval support
(78/679). A reinforcing Greek fleet was defeated,
Carthage occupied, and a secure base established
at Kayrawan for further conquests.

In the midst of these preoccupations with internal
conflicts and external wars, 'Abd al-Malik found
time to develop the administrative efficiency of his
empire. The answer to the disintegrating tendencies
of tribalism was centralization, and various reforms
were put in hand to this end. The most important
was the substitution of Arabic for Greek and
Persian in the financial bureaux; this was a first
step towards the reorganization and unification of
the diverse tax-systems in the provinces, and
also a step towards a more definitely Muslim admin-
istration. This appears even more clearly in the
decision to issue an Islamic gold coinage, replacing
the Byzantine denarius with its image of the Emperor
by a Muslim dinar with Kur'anic texts. Despite
the hostility which later tradition displayed towards
the Umayyads and al-Hadjdjadj in particular, it
cannot be doubted that already the influence of
Islam was strongly felt in this, the first generation of
Muslim rulers who had been brought up from child-
hood in the Muslim faith. Another, and even more
far-reaching reform was the re-edition of the 'Uth-
manic text of the Kur'an with vowel-punctuation,
a measure generally attributed to al-Hadjdjadj, but
which enraged the pietists of Kufa who held to the
"reading" of Ibn Mas'fld. 'Abd al-Malik was also the
builder of the Kubbat al-Sakhra [q.v.] at Jerusalem.
The last years of his reign were on the whole
years of prosperity and peaceful consolidation, but
for his anxiety over the succession. Marwan had
appointed as successor to 'Abd al-Malik his brother
'Abd al-'Aziz, but 'Abd al-Malik wished to exclude
him in favour of his own sons al-Walld and Sulayman.
A split was avoided just in time, by the death of
'Abd al-'Aziz in Egypt in Dj. I, 86/May 705, only
five months before the death of 'Abd al-Malik
(Shawwal 86/Oct. 705). He was succeeded by his
eldest son al-Walld [q.v.].

Bibliography: General histories of Tabari,
Baladhuri, Ya'kubi, Mas'udi, Ibn al-Athir, etc.;
Ibn Sa'd, v, 165-75; A ghdni, index; Ibn Kutayba,
<-Uyun al-Akhbdr, index; the general histories of
the Caliphate (see also umayyads); J. Walker,
Catalogue of the Arab-Sassanian Coins (in the B.M.),
and other catalogues of Umayyad coins; Caetani,
Chronographia, A. H. 86, para. 31 (pp. 1040-1).

(H. A. R. GtBB)
'ABD al-MALIK b. N©*I [see Samanids].
'ABD al-MALIK B. §ALIH b. AlI, cousin of
the caliphs Abu 'l-'Abbas al-Saffah and Abu Djaf ar
al-Mansur. In the reign of Harun al-Rashid 'Abd
al-Malik led several campaigns against the Byzan-
tines, in 174/790-1, in 181/797-8, and according to
some authorities also in 175/791-2, although other
sources assert that in this year the forces were
commanded not by 'Abd al-Malik but by his son
'Abd al-Rahman. He was also for some time governor
of Medina and held the same office in Egypt. At
length, however, he could not escape the Caliph's
suspicion; in 187/803 he was, for no adequate reason,
thrown into prison and remained there until al-
Rashld's death in 183/809. The new Caliph, al-Amln,
restored him to liberty and appointed him in 196/
811-2 governor of Syria and Upper Mesopotamia.
'Abd al-Malik set out at once for al-Rakka, but fell
ill and died in that town shortly afterwards (the year

<ABD al-MALIK B. SALIH — C ABD al-MU'MIN

of his death, 196/81 1-2, is confirmed by al-Mas'Qdl,
Tanbih 348; but the same author, MurOdj, iv, 437,
gives 197, while Ibn Khallikan indicates 193 (trans,
de Slane, i. 316) and even 199 (ibid., iii, 665, 667).
Some years later the caliph al-Ma'mun ordered his
tomb to be destroyed, it is said, because c Abd al-
Malik had sworn, during the civil war between
al-Amln and al-Ma'mun, never to pay homage to
the latter.

Bibliography: Tabari, iii, 610 ff ; Ibn al-AUjir,
vi, 64 ff; Ya'kiibl, ii, 496 ff.; Mas'udl, Muru&i,
iv, 302-5, 356, 419 ff., 437 ff-; Baladhurt, Futuh,
132, 153, 170, 185; Brooks, Byzantines and Arabs
in the Time of the early Abbasids, The English
Historical Review, xv, 728 ff, xvi, 84 ff.; Wasiyyat
c Abd al-Malik li'bnihi kabl wafdtih, ed. L. Cheikho,
in Machriq, xxv, 738-45. (K. V. Zettersteen)
<ABD al-MU'MIN B. 'Ali b. c AlwI b. Ya'lA
al-KCmI Abu Muhammad, successor of the Mahdl
Ibn Tumart [q.v.] in the leadership of the reformist
movement of tawhid, known as the Almohad move-
ment (see al-muwahijidun), and founder of the
Mu'minid dynasty, which in the West, in the
6th/i2th century, took the place of the kingdoms
of Ifrikiya and of the Almoravid dynasty of Morocco
and of Spain, with its capital at Marrakush [q.v.].
The history of the origins of the Almohad move-
ment and of the reign of c Abd al-Mu'min has been
illuminated and in large measure reinterpreted since
the present author had the good fortune to find,
in a miscellaneous collection in the Escurial library,
some extracts from an anonymous Kitab al-Ansdb
devoted to the principal protagonists of the religious
and political system set up by Ibn Tumart, and
especially the extremely lively and certainly authen-
tic 'Memoirs' of a companion of the Mahdl and of
his successor, Abu Bakr b. c Ali al-SinhadjI, called
al-Baydhak (E. Levi-Provencal, Documents inidUs
d'histoire almohade, Paris 1928). This extremely
important find was followed by the discovery of a
volume of the Nazm al-Djumdn by Ibn al-Kattan
on the beginnings of the movement (published in
part by E. Levi-Provencal, Six fragments inidits
d'une chronique du debut des Almohades, in Melanges
Rene Basset, Paris 1925, ii, 335-93), and also of a
collection of official letters from c Abd al-Mu'min
and his immediate successors (E. Levi-Provencal,
Trente-sept lettres officielles almohades, Rabat 1941;
Un recueil de lettres officielles almohades, analysis
and historical commentary, Paris 1941k It has thus
become possible, without having to rely only on
later Arabic historians, to attempt a detailed critical
account of this period which covered a large part
of the 6th/i2th century and coincided with an
unprecedented revolution in the history of the
Islamic West — an account which, however, still

The circumstances of the meeting of Ibn Tumart
and of his disciple <Abd al-Mu'min might have been
regarded as legendary were they not confirmed by
al-Baydhak, who was a witness. c Abd al-Mu'min,
a humble student, of the Arabicized Berber tribe
of the Kumya, of the ethnic group of the Zanata,
settled in the north of what is now the province of
Oran, not far from Nedroma, made no attempt to
claim, as did his master, an Arab and even Prophetic
ancestry until very much later. Still a young man —
the year of his birth has not been ascertained — he
had, with his uncle Ya'lu, left his native village of
Tagra to visit the East, or possibly Ifrikiya only,
in order to complete his studies there. But this pere-
grination for the purpose of talab al-Hlm was to take

him no further than Bougie (Bidjaya). It was in a
suburb of that town, Mallala, that Ibn Tumart, the
'faklh of the Sfls', as he was then called, who was on
his way back to Morocco, encountered the man who
was to be his successor. He persuaded him to join
the small group of disciples who accompanied him,
and taught him his "unitarian" doctrine, during the
few months that he remained at Bougie. This
meeting probably took place in the course of the
year 5"/i"7.

From this time onwards and until the death of
the Mahdl in 524/1130, c Abd al-Mu'min plays an
extremely active part at the side of his master,
who attached him by adoption to his own tribe,
the Hargha, and gave him a place in his "Council
of Ten". He took part in all the expeditions, had
a say in the deliberations of the Almohad general
staff, and found a far-seeing protector in the person
of the most active member of the movement, Abu
Hafs 'Umar al-Hintatl [q.v.]. It was the latter who, at
the death of Ibn Tumart, imposed on the Berber
hillsmen of Tlnmallal acceptance of the choice made
by the Mahdl of his own successor. Three whole years
were, however, to elapse before c Abd al-Mu'min
was proclaimed. He then received from all his new
subjects the bay l a of allegiance, but had at the
same time to face an uncertain political situation.
Events were to reveal his outstanding qualities as
a statesman, as a general, and as chief of a coalition
which was still, in spite of appearances, heteroge-
neous. His first task was, leaving aside all other
business, to break down the Almoravid structure,
whose foundations were already undermined. Fortune
favoured him to a degree beyond his. highest hopes.

The career of c Abd al-Mu'min as a sovereign began
on the day of his proclamation, in 527/1133, and
continued until his death in 558/1163. Here we shall
merely summarise its principal stages.

The first stage was to secure for the Almohads the
whole of Morocco. The conquest proved long and
difficult. c Abd al-Mu'min first of all attacked the
Sus and the Dra (WadI Dar'a [q.v.]), then the line of
Almoravid fortresses which in the North encircled the
Grand Atlas, preventing access to the plains and to
the capital, Marrakush. Then he swung towards the
northeast, took the fortified towns of Damnat and
Day, and step by step secured possession of the middle
Atlas and of the oases of the Tafilalt during the years
534-35/1140-41. Then the Almohad columns de-
bouched into northern Morocco, and, from their base
in the mountain massif of the Djebala, occupied the
fortresses in the region of Taza. Thence, they went on
to win over to the movement the sub-Mediterranean
tribes of the WadI Law, and of Badis, Nakfir, Melilla,
and the North-Oranian region; to his own village of
Tagra, c Abd al-Mu'min returned as a conqueror.

From this moment, c Abd al-Mu'min, at the head
of considerable forces, felt himself strong enough to
abandon the guerrilla operations in hilly country
which had hitherto been his tactics, and to confront
the Almoravids in the plain. The carrying out of
this intention was made all the easier for him by
the death of the Almoravid amir, 'All b. Yusuf
b. Tashufin, which took place in 537/1134, leaving a
tottering throne to his son Tashufin, and open rivalry
between the Lamtuna and Massufa chiefs in regard
to the succession to the amirate. Another untoward
circumstance for the Almoravids was the tragic death
of one of their most devoted and skilful generals, the
Catalan Reverter (al-Ruburtayr), leader of their
Christian militia, who was killed in an engagement
with the Almohads, in 539/1145, in eastern Morocco.

'ABD al-MU'MIN

Finally, the adhesion of the Zanata to the tawhid
further inclined the balance in favour of the rebel
movement. The armies of c Abd al-Mu'min and of
Tashufin b. 'All met before Tlemcen, and the Almo-
ravid was forced to fall back on Oran, but he died as
a result of a fall from his horse in the same year, 539.
Now the road to Fez was open : first Oujda (Wadjda)
and then Guercif (Adjarslf) were taken, and the capital
of north Morocco fell after a siege of nine months
in 540/1146, followed by MiknSsa (Meknes) and Sate.

This series of victories was quickly followed up
by the capture of Marrakush. The Almoravid capital
made some attempt to resist the attackers, but was
soon forced to capitulate, in spite of the heroic
defence made by the garrison of the ka$aba (Shawwal
541/April 1 147), and there was great slaughter of
the Almoravids, among the dead being the young
prince Ishak b. C A1I b. Yusuf. Henceforward the
Mu'minid dynasty had the capital of its choice. The
Almoravid palace was selected as his personal resi-
dence by 'Abd al-Mu 5 min, who gave orders for the
erection in its vicinity of the monumental Mosque
of the Booksellers (Diami 1 al-Kutubiyyin) , whose
imposing minaret still towers above Marrakush today.

The final destruction of Almoravid power made
it possible for c Abd al-Mu'min to organise his new
empire, using as a basis the political system of the
Almohad community, but broadened and adapted
to his purpose. He carried out a new scrutiny of
his supporters, thousands of whom, judged to be
of doubtful loyalty or lacking in religious fervour,
were put to the sword. Then it seemed to him that
the time had come to extend his conquests beyond
the boundaries of the Almoravid possessions in the
Maghrib, and he prepared to annex Ifrikiya.

Ifrikiya was in any case an easy prey at that
moment. The Sinhadjian dynasties of Bidjaya and
Kayrawan were thoroughly undermined, and the
wave of beduin incursions was swamping the whole
country, while the Normans, led by Roger II, king
of Sicily, were gaining a foothold in the principal
ports of Ifrikiya. An Almohad expedition against
Ifrikiya could therefore be regarded as all the more
justified, in that it could claim to be a djihdd against
the infidel. c Abd al-Mu'min concentrated his troops
at Sale, in 546/1151, then, in the course of an
irresistible thrust towards the east, took possession
one after another of Algiers, Bougie and of Kal'at
Bani Hammad, and utterly routed near Setif the
nomadic Arabs, formerly in the service of the
Hammadids of Bougie ; after which he did not scorn
to accept their services, and for the time being
refrained from advancing any further towards Tunisia.

Ifrikiya properly so called was not conquered
until eight yea,rs later. 'Abd al-Mu'min, leaving as
his lieutenant in the Maghrib Abu Hafs 'Umar al-
Hintatl, arrived before Tunis, after a journey of six
months, in Djumada II 554/June 1159- Having taken
♦he town, he went on towards al-Mahdiyya and
attacked this fortified town, which was in the hands
of Roger II of Sicily, with powerful forces; the town
fell in Muharram 555/January 1160. In the course
of this campaign he also secured possession of Susa,
Kayrawan, Sfax, Gafsa, Gabes, and Tripoli. Then
the ruler returned to Marrakush, whence he left for
Spain in 556/1161.

The establishment of the Almohads in the Iberian
peninsula had begun in 539/1145, immediately after
the capture of Tlemcen. In the next year the Almo-
ravid admiral lbn Maymun, who had gone over to
c Abd al-Mu'min, contributed his part by taking
Cadiz. In 541/1157 an Almohad army took succes-

sively the fortified towns of Jerez, Niebla, Silves,
Beja, Badajoz, Mertola, and finally Seville. In
549/1154 Granada was surrendered to the new
masters of the country by its Almoravid governor.
In 552/1157 Almeria was recaptured from the
Christians, who had seized it, and whose designs on
al-Andalus became ever more obvious. It was in
these circumstances that 'Abd al-Mu'min decided
to cross the Straits himself, and established his
head-quarters at Gibraltar (Djabal Tarik, after-
wards Djabal al-Fath), whose reconstruction he had
ordered in the previous year. He remained there for
two months of winter, and sent out his columns
towards Jaen, where the mercenaries of lbn Marda-
nlsh [q.v.] had engaged in raiding.

'Abd al-Mu'min returned to Morocco at the
beginning of 558/1162. He proceeded to concentrate
his troops in the huge enceinte built opposite Sal*,
the Ribdf al-Fath, now Rabat, with a view to another
expedition to the Iberian peninsula. But he had to
take to his bed, and, after a long and painful illness,
died in the month of Djumada II 558/May 1163.
(All the historians agree as to the month and the
year, but not as to the actual day). His remains
were taken from Sal* to TInmallal and buried
near the tomb of the Mahdl lbn Tumart.

In all probability, it was at the time of the capture
of Marrakush that 'Abd al-Mu'min had allowed his
entourage to confer on him the exalted title of
amir al-mu'minin, whereas the Almoravids had
used only the title amir al-muslimin, recognising the
spiritual suzerainty of the 'Abbasid caliphate of
the East. Also, breaking with the Almoravid tra-
dition, which itself had been inspired by the Hispano-
Umayyad organisation, he set up an administrative
system which took into account the political needs
of his great empire, as" well as his desire not to give
offence to his entourage of Berbers, "Almohads
from the very beginning". Many regulations that
formed part of this system are still in existence in
the organisation of the makhzen [q.v.] of modern
Morocco. But he had also to turn to Andalusian
experts for his chancellery, mostly to men who had
formerly been secretaries at the Almoravid court.
He cleverly secured his succession in the direct line,
and in 549/1154 had his eldest son Muhammad nomi-
nated as heir presumptive. In 551/1156 he appointed
his other sons to governorships of the principal towns
of his empire, posting with each one, as mentors,
men of the highest rank in the Almohad hierarchy.

Various estimates have been given of 'Abd al-
Mu'min, who was in no way marked out for the
brilliant career that he made for himself. If, at the
beginning and during the years that followed the
death of lbn Tumart, he seems to have been some-
what timid and to have allowed himself to be led
by his principal collaborator Abu Hafs 'Umar IntI,
it appears that he later manifested in increasing
measure not only strategic but also political qualities,
handling tactfully his susceptible entourage of
Almohad Berbers, winning the good will of the
Arabs of Ifrikiya after subjugating them, and
carrying out with great intelligence and energy,
and also cruelty, his role as head of a State and
guardian of the doctrine of the Mahdi, to whom he
owed his own fortune and that of his dynasty.

See also the arts, abu #afs c umar al-hintatI,

Bibliography: In addition to the basic texts
cited at the beginning of this article, the career
of 'Abd al-Mu'min is traced, though with many
errors in chronology, by 'Abd al- Wahid al-Marra-

'ABD al-MU'MIN — Mirza C ABD al-RAHIM KHAN

kushl, Mu l d±ib, ed. Dozy; Ibn Abl Zar', Rawd
al-kir(ds, ed. Tornberg and ed. of Fez; al-Hulal
al-Mawshiya, ed. Allouche, Ibn al-Athlr, xi index ;
Ibn al-Khatib, A c mal al-A c lam; Ibn Khaldun.
Hist, des Berbires, text, i, transl., ii; Zarkashi,
Ta'rikh al-Dawlatayn, Tunis 1289; Ibn Khallikan.
[Wafaydt al-a'-yan, I, 390-1]. See also G. Marcais,
La Berberie musulmane et VOrient au Moyen Age,
Paris 1946, 262-4; H. Terrasse, Histoire du Maroc,
Casablanca 1949, i, 282-316; C. A. Julien, Histoire
de VAfrique du Nord de la conq\lte arabe A 1830,
Paris 1952, 93-112; Levi-Provencal, Notes d'histoire
almohade, Hesp., 1930, 49-90; ibid., Islam d'Oc-
cident, Paris, 1948, i, 257-80; A. Huici, La historia
y la leyenda en los origenes del imperio almohade
And., 339 if. (E. Levi-Provencal)

'ABD al-MUTTALIB B. HASHIM, paternal
grandfather of Muhammad. Passing through
Medina on trading journeys to Syria, Hashim b.
'Abd Manaf married Salma bint 'Amr of the clan
of c Adi b. al-Nadjdjar of the Khazradj, by whom
he had two children, c Abd al-Muttalib (or Shayba)
and Rukayya. The mother and her son remained
in her house in Medina, this apparently being the
practice of her family in accordance with a matrilineal
kinship system. Some time after Hashim's death his
brother al-Muttalib tried to strengthen his deteri-
orating position in Mecca by bringing his gifted
nephew from Medina to help him. The common
explanation that the youth was called 'Abd al-
Muttalib because he was mistaken for the slave of
■al-Muttalib is not acceptable; the name has probably
a religious significance. Arabic sources give the
impression that 'Abd al-Muttalib was the leading
man in Mecca (sayyid Kuraysh), whereas sc
Western scholars have tried to show that he <
insignificant. It seems more probable that he '
a leader of a political group within Kuraysh which
had developed out of the alliance of the Mutayyabun
<B. 'Abd Manaf, B. Asad, B. Zuhra, B. Taym, B
Harith b. Fihr) by the secession of B. Nawfal b. c Abd
Manaf and B. c Abd Shams b. 'Abd Manaf. It
significant that c Abd al-Muttalib is said to have
had disputes with Nawfal and with the grandson
of c Abd Shams. Moreover it is doubtless as leader
of this group that he negotiated with the leader
of an Abyssinian army invading Mecca, perhaps
hoping thereby to obtain some advantage <
Meccan rivals. He also appears to have beei
alliance with tribes from the neighbourhood of
Mecca, Khuza'a. Kinana and Thakif, and to 1
owned a well at al-Ta'if. The basis of his prosperity
was trade, especially with Syria and the Yemen,
coupled with the sikdya and rifada (the privilege of
supplying pilgrims to Mecca with water and food),
which he had inherited from Hashim. He is credited
with having dug several wells, notably that of
Zamzam at the Rata. Fatima bint 'Amr (of B.
Makhzum) was mother of most of his children,
including 'Abd Allah [q.v.] (Muhammad's father) and
Abu Talib; he had other wives from B. Zuhra of
Kuraysh, al-Namir, 'Amir b. Sa'sa'a and Khuza'a,
mothers respectively of Hamza, al-'Abbas, al-Harith
and Abu Lahab. On the death of Muhammad's mother
he took the boy of six to his own house. While the
■stories about 'Abd al-Muttalib have been subject to
tendentious shaping, there may be more fact underly-
ing them than scepticalWestern scholars haveallowed.
Bibliography: Ibn Hisham, 33-5, 71, 9i" 6 >
107-14; Ibn Sa'd, i/i, 46-58, 74-5; Tabari, i,
937-45, 980-1, 1073-83, etc.; Caussin de Perceval,
Essai sur Vhistoire des Arabes avant Vislamisme,

i, 259-90; ZDMG, vii, 30-5; Caetani, Annali,

rn-20; F. Buhl, Das Leben Muhammeds, 113-6;

Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, index.
(W. Montgomery Watt)

Mirza C ABD al RAHlM KHAN, Khan-i KhanAn,
general, statesman and scholar, was born in
Lahore, 14 Safar 964/16 Dec. 1556, the son of Akbar's
first wakil, Bayram Khan [q.v.]. He belonged to the
Baharlu, a branch of the Kara Koyunlu Turkmens,
and his mother was a daughter of Djamal Khan
Mewati, whose elder daughter the emperor Humayun
had married. When he was four his father was
murdered and he was thereafter brought up by
Akbar himself, who gave him an excellent education
and training, and from whom he received the title
of Mirza Khan. In 1572 he accompanied Akbar to
Gudjrat and then had assigned to him, under the
tutelage of Sayyid Ahmad of Baraha, the district of
Patah, within which his .father had been murdered.

In Djumada I 981/Aug. 1573 he accompanied
Akbar on his historic forced march to Gudjrat and
he shared the command of the centre in the battle
of Sarnal which destroyed the power of the rebel
Mirzas. In 1576 he was appointed governor of
Gudjrat, Wazir Khan Harawi being entrusted with
the actual administration of the province. He was
deputed in the same year to the MewSr expedition
and assisted in the conquest of Gogunda and Kum-
bhalmer in 1578. As a mark of great confidence the
emperor appointed him, in 1581, mir c ard, an office
which was previously held by seven officers jointly.
He was also given the djagir of Ranthambore and
ordered to pacify the area. In 1582 he was appointed
atalik to Akbar's son Sallm, then a boy of thirteen.
In 1583 he was deputed to suppress the revolt of
Muzaffar Shah Gudjratl, which he broke by defeating
Muzaffar against heavy odds in Muharram 992/Jan.
1584, at the two battles of Sarkhedj and Nadot. In
recognition of his victories he was given the title of
Khan-i Khanan and raised to what was till then the
highest mansab, of 5,000. He remained in command
of Gudjrat, pursued Muzaffar into Kathiawar, and
subjugated Nawanagar. In 1585, during his tem-
porary absence at the court, Muzaffar again raised
the banner of revolt. He quickly returned to Gudjrat
and pacified the province. In the following year,
when the system of joint governors was instituted,
Kulidj Khan was associated with him in the govern-
ment of the province. In 1587 he was permitted to
return to the court while retaining nominally the
governorship. In 1589, Gudjrat was taken from him
and given to Mirza 'Aziz Kuka, the brother of his
wife, Mah Banu.

In the same year he was appointed to the highest
office at the court, that of wakil, and given Djawnpur
as d±aglr. In that year he presented to the emperor
his Persian translation of Bibur-ndma, entitled
Waki c dt-iBaburi. In 1 590-1 his d±ag%r was transferred
against his wishes from Djawnpur to Multan and
Bhakkar and he was appointed to command the
army sent to conquer Kandahar and to annex
Thatta, then held by Mirza Djani Beg Tarkhan.
'Abd al-Rahim decided, according to Abu '1-Fadl,
to proceed against Thatta in preference to Kandahar
in the hope of getting more booty. Consequently
the command of the Kandahar expedition was
entrusted to Akbar's son Daniyal. In 1000/1591-2
the conquest of Thatta was completed. Mirza Djani
Beg married one of his daughters to 'Abd al-Rahim's
son, Shah Nawaz Khan (Iridj), and came to the
court along with 'Abd al-Rahim.

In 1593 he was appointed to assist the prince

MirzA <ABD al-RAHIM KHAN — <ABD al-RAHMAN

Daniyal who was given the command of an expedition
to the Deccan, but on his advice the expedition was
cancelled. Two years later, when the conquest of the
Deccan was entrusted to another of Akbar's sons,
Murad, c Abd al-Rahim was given Bhilsa as djdgir
and ordered to assist the prince. From this time his
services were directed to the Deccan, except for
short breaches, for nearly thirty years. In con-
sequence of his delay, he was received discourteously
by Murad and did not take an active part in the
campaign except when he defeated a largely out-
numbering force under Suhayl Khan of Bidjapur
in an important battle fought in 1597. His relations
with the prince remained strained and in 1598 he
was recalled from the Deccan.

On the death of Murad, Daniyal was appointed
to the Deccan in 1599; c Abd al-Rahim was ordered
to join him and besiege Ahmadnagar, which was
being heroically defended by Cand Bibl. After the
fall of Ahmadnagar Daniyal was appointed to its
government and was married to Djani Begum, c Abd
al-Rahim's daughter. In 1601 <Abd al-Rahim was
ordered to repair to Ahmadnagar and pacify the
territory and in the following year the command
of Berar, Pathri and Telingana was made over to him.

When Salim ascended the throne with the title
of Djahangir, c Abd al-Rahim was in the Deccan. He
was confirmed in his post and the emperor especially
sent Mukarrab Khan to reassure him. When Malik
'Anbar, the commander of the Nizam Shahl dynasty
of Ahmadnagar, made a bold bid to recover the
territory lost to the Mughals, c Abd al-Rahim
promised the emperor quick victory provided he
received adequate assistance. A strong army under
the command of Djahangir's son Parwiz was des-
patched to assist him, but largely as a result of
lack of cooperation among the generals, c Abd al-
Rahlm was compelled to conclude a dishonourable
treaty with Malik 'Anbar in 1610. He was recalled
to the court in disgrace and accused of mismanage-
ment and treachery. He was soon forgiven and in the
following year received KalpI and Kannawdj as
Hdgir with the responsability of suppressing revolts
in those districts.

Since, however, Mughal fortunes in the Deccan
did not improve, c Abd al-Rahim was again appointed
to the Deccan in 1021/1612, but could do little more
than retrieve the situation, until in 1616 Parwiz was
replaced by the prince Khurram (later §hah Djahan)
who was sent with a large force. Malik 'Anbar was
defeated and concluded in 1617 a treaty restoring
the Mughal conquests, but again attacked Mughal
territory in 1620 and was again defeated by Shah
Djahan. In 1622 Shah Djahan was recalled from the
Deccan along with c Abd al-Rahim and asked to
command the army against the Persians who had
conquered Kandahar. Shah Djahan refused to obey
the summons and revolted. 'Abd al-Rahim joined
him but was arrested for communicating with
Mahabat Khan, the commander of the Imperial
forces, and subsequently released on the latter's
insistence to negotiate terms of peace. When he
reached the Imperial army, his communication with
the rebel forces was cut off and although he agreed
to join the Imperial side, he was placed under
surveillance.

In 1625 Djahangir called him to the court, restored
his title and honours and gave him one lac of rupees
as a gift. After the emperor was released from the
captivity of Mahabat Khan, who had rebelled, c Abd
al-Rahim asked for the command of the expedition
against the rebel general, and towards the close of
Encyclopaedia of Islam

1626 was ordered to make preparations for the
expedition and was assigned most of the dj,dgirs
formerly held by Mahabat Khan. Before the pre-
parations were completed, he fell ill at Lahore, and
died on arrival at Delhi in 1036/1627, at the age of 71.
His tomb still stands near that of the shaykh Nizam
al-DIn Awliya. He survived his four sons, Mirza
Iridj entitled Shah Nawaz Khan, who rose to be a
commander of 5,000 and died in 1619; Mirza Darab
entitled Darab Khan, also a distinguished commander
who was made governor of Bengal by Shah Djahan
during his rebellion, fell into the hands of Mahabat
Khan and was executed in 1625-6 ; Mirza Rahman-dad
(d. 1619); and Mirza Amr Allah who died young.

Mirza 'Abd al-Rahim was a distinguished scholar
and poet, and was proficient in Arabic, Persian,
Turk! and Hindi. Under the pseudonym Rahlm he
composed poetry in all four languages. He is especi-
ally famous for his Hindi poetry which is saturated
with the emotions of bhakti. He was a great patron
of arts and letters, and the Ma'dthir-i Rahimi
contains a long list of poets who enjoyed his
patronage. His munificence and generosity were
proverbial and anecdotes of his liberality are
numerous. Though frequently accused of treachery
and corruption, he possessed a better grasp of the
problems of the Deccan than any other Mugjjal

In his religious views he was professedly a Sunnl.
Though religious leaders like $haykh Ahmad Sarhindl
and shaykh c Abd al-Hakk Dihlawl counted him
among the orthodox, his religious outlook remained
mystical and liberal. The belief that he was suspected
of practising takiyya and of secretly following
Shi'ite tenets is not supported by contemporary
evidence.

Bibliography: Abu 'i-Fadl, Akbar-n^mA, m;
Nizam al-Din Ahmad, Jabakat-i Akbari, H^esp.
375-91; Tusuk-i Diahdngiri, transl. Roger* and
Beveridge; Mu'tamad Khan, Ikbdl-nana?yl ■£&•
hdngiri, esp. 287-8; c Abd al-Bakl NihflwandJ,
Ma'atiir-i Rahimi; Firishta, Gulshani Ibfikimi;
Abu Turab Wall, Ta'rikh-i Gudirdt, Calcutta 1909;
Muhammad Ma'sum, Ta'rlkh-i Sindjt, Bombay
1938, 250-7; Insha-yi Abu'l-Fafl, 1262, i, nos. 9,
10, ii (first half);. Maktubdt-i Imdm-i Rabbdnl,
Lucknow 1913, i, nos. 23, 67, 69, 191, 214, ii,
nos. 8, 62, 66, 67; c Abd al-Hakk Dihlawl, Mo&wfi'a-
yi Kitdb al-Makdtib, Delhi 1332, nos. 12, 14, 18,
19, 22; Shah NawSz Khan, Ma>dt&r al-Umard',
i. 693-713; A'in-i Akbari, transl. Blochmann,
Calcutta 1927, i, notes 354-61; D«va Prasada
Munsif, Khan KUn-nama (in Hindi); Maya
Sankara Yadjnlka, Rahim Ratndvali (in Hindi).

(Nurul Hasan)
C ABD al RAHMAN, the name of the Marwanid
prince who restored the Umayyad dynasty in al-
Andalus, and of four of his successors.

1. c Abd al-RahmAn I, called al-Dak^U, 'the Im-
migrant', was the son of Mu'awiya b. Hisjjam [q.v.].
When his relatives were being hunted down by the
'Abbasids, e Abd al-Rahman, still a youth— he was
bom in 113/731 — contrived to escape secretly to
Palestine, whence, accompanied by his freedman
Badr, he made his way first to Egypt, and then to
Ifrikiya. At Kayrawan, the hostile attitude of the
governor, c Abd al-Rahman b. Hablb, drove him
to seek refuge in the Maghrib. He stayed for some
time in the region of Tahart ; subsequently he sought
hospitality first from the Berber tribe of the
Miknasa, and then from the Nafza tribe, on the
Moroccan shore of the Mediterranean, taking ad-

C ABD al-RAHMAN

vantage of his family connections — his mother
having been a captive woman from that very tribe.
But the Berbers did not look with favour on the
political schemes of the young Syrian emigre, who
with tbe help of his mawla, decided to try his luck
in Spain.

'Abd al-Rahman b. Mu'awiya managed most
cleverly, and with keen political sense, to turn to
account the bitter rivalries which at that time
grouped the Arab Kaysite party and Yamanite party
in the Iberian peninsula in opposed camps. We
succeeded similarly in enlisting the support of the
numerous Umayyad clients who had come to Spain
with Baldj b. Bishr [q.v.], and who formed there a
local cadre of Syrian djunds dominating a large part
of the south of Andalusia. The ground having been
well prepared by Badr, c Abd al-Rahman entered
the peninsula: he disembarked at Almunecar (al-
Munakkab) on i Rabi' I 138/14 August 755, and
at once put forward his claim to the sovereign power.
The governor of al-Andalus, Yusuf b. c Abd al-
Rahman al-Fihrl, soon had to take up arms against
him. 'Abd al-Rahman, whose forces were continually
increasing, made his entry into Seville in Shawwal
138/March 756, defeated Yusuf al-Fihrl in the
outskirts of Cordova on the to Dhu '1-Hidjdja following
(15 May), and entered the capital, where he was
proclaimed amir of al-Andalus.

The founder of the Umayyad amirate of Cordova
was to reign for more than thirty-three years. He
spent the greater part of them in consolidating his
position in the capital itself. The news of his success
spread in the East, and soon a stream of dependents
or supporters of the Umayyads was flowing into
Spain to help with the restoration in the West of
the dynasty that in the East had fallen from power.
It was not long before the amir of Cordova was
forced to confront a multitude of political problems.
He had first of all to subdue finally the former wall
Yusuf al-Fihrl, who had collected round him a
certain number of malcontents and tried to retake
Cordova; but he was defeated in 141/758 and in the
next year was killed near Toledo. Meanwhile, just
as in the time of the former governors, embers of
revolt were smouldering in almost every part of the
new kingdom; unrest was stirred up not only by
the neo-Muslim Spaniards and by the Berbers of the
mountainous regions, but also by the mutual hostility
of the Arab clans. 'Abd al-Rahman I thus had to
stamp out rebellion at many different point: for
example, in 146/763, the rising of the Arab chief
al-'Ala> b. Mughith al-Djudhaml, and, in 152/769,
that of the Berber Shakya in the Santaver district
(Shantabariyya), now the province of Cuenca.
Later, a certain number of the Arab chiefs on the
eastern side of the Peninsula formed a coalition, and
asked for help from Charlemagne. The latter himself
crossed the Pyrenees at the head of a Frankish army
and laid siege to Saragossa in 162/778; but a
sudden recall to the Rhineland compelled him to
raise the siege. On the way back his army was
attacked in the narrow valley of Roncesvalley by
bands of Basques (Bashkunish) and was decimated
(episode of Roland, Duke of Brittany). 'Abd al-
Rahman in his turn laid siege to Saragossa, and
gained possession of it for a time. But he was forced
to give up the idea of recapturing other towns that
had fallen into the hands of the Christians. Thus
it was that Gerona (Djarunda) came under Frankish
control in 169/785.

Three years later, on 25 Rabi' II 172/30 September
788, 'Abd al-Rahman I died at Cordova before

reaching his sixtieth year. The State of Cordova was
doubtless still very insecure; but at least he had
provided it with an administrative and military
organisation similar, on a lesser scale, to that of the
former caliphate of Damascus, and which was to
last as long as the Marwanids of al-Andalus remained
faithful to the 'Syrian tradition'. In any case, the
success of the 'Immigrant' made a deep impression
in the East, and the 'Abbasid caliph Abu Dja'far
al-Mansur gave him the name sakr Kuraysh, 'Hawk
of Kuraysh', as a tribute to his courage and his
spirit of enterprise.

Bibliography: E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp.
mus., I, 91-138. The essential Arabic source for
the career of 'Abd al-Rahman I is the anonymous
compilation entitled Akhbdr Madimu'-a [q.v.],
46-120. For the other sources and the bibl., see
Hist. Esp. mus., I, 91, n. 1.

2. 'Abd al-Rahman II b. al-Hakam b. Hisham b.
'Abd al-Rahman b. Mu'awiya, great-grandson of
the above, succeeded his father al-Hakam I on
25 Dhu 'l-Hidjdja 206/21 May 822. He was born
at Toledo in 176/792 and was chosen as heir presump-
tive by his father. The recent discovery of that
part of the Muktabis of Ibn Hayyan which deals
with the reigns of al-Hakam I and c Abd al-Rahman
II has made it possible for the present writer to
offer a rather different picture of the latter sovereign
and of the kingdom of al-Andalus during his period
from that which Dozy based on the documentation
available in his time. It now appears that the reign,
of 'Abd al-Rahman II, which covered a third of a
century, was much more prosperous and brilliant
than was thought hitherto; in the history of Anda-
lusian civilisation it represented a decisive turning-
point, when for the first time there penetrated to
Cordova manners and a way of life directly borrowed
from Baghdad and from the 'Abbasid civilisation
which firmly set their stamp on the aristocracy
(khassa) of Muslim Spain, and led to a continuous
ebbing of the Syro-Umayyad tradition in the
Marwanid kingdom.

At the beginning of the reign of 'Abd al-Rahman II
some disturbances, which came about as a reaction
against the iron rule with which al-Hakam 1 had
governed al-Andalus, were easily put down; grad-
ually the Levante territories (Shark al-Andalus) were
brought completely under the crown, and a new
town, Murcia was founded in 216/831 to replace
the former chief town, Ello. A revolt on a considerable
scale broke out at Toledo; it was finally put down,

same time the ruler of Cordova took up afresh the
struggle against the Christians along the frontiers
of al-Andalus, and nearly every year personally led
or sent summer expeditions (sdHfa) against the
Asturio-Leonese kingdom. He also had to deal with
the revolt of the Berber Mahmud b. 'Abd al-Djabbar
in the region of Merida and with the minor
aggressive outbursts of the muwallad Banu Kasi
family [q.v.] of Aragon, while at the same time
waging war, at regular intervals, against the Basque
kingdom of Pamplona and the Hispanic Marches
(now Catalonia), which then formed part of the
empire of the Franks (lfrandj; q.v.).

Two important political events also took place
during the reign of 'Abd al-Rahman II. The first,
following upon a recrudescence of nationalist propa-
ganda, was the tenacious revolt of the Mozarab
Christians [q.v.] of Toledo and Cordova, fomented
by certain fanatics. Arabic historiography makes
no mention of this revolt, ai

C ABD al-RAHMAN

can only be obtained from a few contemporary Latin
sources. Not without reluctance, the government
of Cordova had to deal severely with a large number
of Mozarabs, priests and lay persons, men and
women, who were guilty of having reviled the
religion of the Prophet. At this time there was a
disturbing outbreak of voluntary martyrdom, which
was brought to an end by a Council held at Cordova
and presided over by the Metropolitan of Seville
(mafrdn) in 238/862. Seven years later the priest
Eulogus, who had been the leading spirit of this
movement and was. trying to reanimate it, was
arrested and beheaded, by the orders of amir
Muhammad I.

Far more serious was the raid of the Norsemen,
in 230/844, on Muslim Spain. The flotillas of Norsemen
(Urdumaniyyun), usually called Madjus [q.v.] by the
Chroniclers, first made their appearance at Lisbon,
then came up the Guadalquivir from its mouth and
sacked Seville and all the surrounding country. The
counter-stroke was not delayed, and after a bloody
battle Seville was recaptured from the pirates at
the end of Safar 230/14 November 844. To meet
this unexpected menace and to forestall any new
attack the navy was reinforced.

<Abd al- Rahman II instituted friendly relations
with three little independent kingdoms of western
Barbary: the Rus tumid kingdom of Tahart, the
Salihid kingdom of Nakur, and the Midrarid kingdom
of Sidjilmassa, but made no advances to the Aghla-
bids of Ifrikiya, who were partisans of the c Abba-
sids and had just conquered Sicily. From his reign
too dates the opening of diplomatic relations
between Cordova and Byzantium. An embassy from
the emperor Theophilus arrived in Spain in 225/840
to demand the restitution of Crete, which had been
occupied by the Andalusian adventurer Abu Hafs
'Umar al-Ballutl [q.v.]. The reply was in the negative,
but a Cordovan deputation, of which the poet al-
Ghazal [q.v.] was a member, went to Constantinople
at this time.

c Abd al-Rahman II was to become particularly
renowned as an organiser and builder, and as a
patron of letters and the arts. He reorganised the
administration of his kingdom on the lines of the
'Abbasid system, ordered the construction at
Cordova of several works of public utility, and on
two occasions undertook the extension of the great
mosque in his capital, in 218/833 and 234/848. His
court soon became most brilliant, from the time
when the musician and singer Ziryab [q.v.], who
came to Cordova in 207/822, won acceptance at
Cordova for the refined usages of the Baghdad
civilisation. Several poets won fame in the entourage
of the amir of Cordova: for example, al-'Abbas ibn
Firnas [q.v.], al-Ghazal, mentioned above, and
Ibrahim ibn Sulayman al-Shaml. During his reign
the Malikite school of Cordova developed greatly,
and several fakihs acquired a reputation in juridical
science, in particular the Berber Yahya [q.v.] al^
LaythI, whose dictates c Abd al-Rahman II followed in
his choice of kadis. The end of the amir's life was
darkened by palace intrigues, instigated by his
fata Nasr and by his concubine Tarub. He died at
Cordova on 3 RabI' II 238/22 September 852, after
a reign that, taken as a whole, can be called glorious,
and which should henceforward be assigned the
position which it deserves in the history of Umayyad

Bibliography: E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp.
mus., I, 193-278 (sources and bibliography ibid.,

193,

1).

3. <Abd al-Rahman III b. Muh. b. <Abd Allah,
the greatest of the Hispano-Umayyad rulers and
first caliph of al-Andalus.

The successor of the amir c Abd Allah was only
twenty-three at the time of his accession; in spite
of his youth he had been chosen by his grandfather
as heir presumptive because of his high qualities.
The choice was fully justified. Indeed, no reign in
the annals of Hispanic Islam was more brilliant or
more glorious. Its great length — a whole half century,
from 300/912 to 350/961 — ensured for the policies of
c Abd al-Rahman III the benefits of an unusual
degree of continuity, and made it possible for him
to subdue one after another all the centres of
disaffection in al-Andalus.

The reign of c Abd al-Rahman III can be divided
into two principal periods: first a period of internal
pacification, the result of which was the achievement
of political unity in the kingdom of Cordova, a
unity which had been gravely threatened in the
reign of amir c Abd Allah [q.v.] ; then a longer period,
mainly distinguished by activity in external policy:
an offensive against Christian Spain, and a struggle
with the Fatimid empire for influence in North

As soon as he came to the throne, c Abd al-Rahman
III mustered all his resources to put an end to the
revolt in southern Andalusia, and to neutralise once
and for all the aggressive power of the principal
instigator of this revolt, 'Umar b. Hafsun [q.v.].
Until 305/917 he unceasingly harassed the Andalusian
rebels and attacked the Arab aristocrats of Seville,
Carmona, and Elvira, who were forced to submit.
After the death of Ibn Hafsun, his sons quickly gave
up the struggle. Their head-quarters at Bobastro
[q.v.] were taken by storm in 315/928. Five years
later the last centre of resistance, Toledo, fell in its

At the same time the ruler of Cordova took care
not to allow himself to be outflanked by sporadic
outbursts of aggression by his Christian neighbours.
He stopped the advance of the king of Asturio-Leon,
Ordofio III, in 308/920, and seized a series of strong-
holds along the strategic line of the Duero, Osma,
San Esteban de Gormaz, and Clunia, particularly
after his victory at Juncaria (Valdejunquera). Four
years later the victorious operations known as the
Pamplona campaign put him in a position to sack
the Basque capital, the seat of Sancho Garces I,
and to secure his land frontiers for several years.
But he was to find a powerful opponent in the new
king of Leon, Ramiro II, who, shortly after his
accession, took the offensive against Islam and,
after a series of encounters in which he was beaten,
succeeded in inflicting on the ruler of Cordova, in
327/939, the very serious defeat at the "moat" of
Simancas (sometimes wrongly called the battle of
Alhandega).

Ten years had already passed since c Abd al-
Rahman III, after the taking of Bobastro, and as
a retort to the designs of the Fatimids on his realm,
had adopted the exalted title amir al-mu'minin, and
the honorific appellation al-Nasir li-DIn Allah.
He was now to pursue in North Africa a policy of
attraction and to combat, particularly in Morocco,
the influence of the new masters of Ifrikiya. In
order to secure from bases of operations on African
soil, he occupied certain presidios, Ceuta in particular,
which was taken in 319/931. On this battle of
influences, which was to continue until ' the end
of the tenth century, see the ai

C ABD al-RAHMAN — C ABD al-RAHMAN b. HISHAM

After the Simancas disaster, c Abd al-Rahman III
quickly succeeded in restoring the situation, especially
as his enemy Ramiro II died in 339/951 and his
sons Ordofio III and Sancho quarreled over the
succession. Al-Nasir took full advantage of the civil
wars which at that time steeped the kingsdoms of
Leon and Pamplona in blood (for fuller details see
the art. Umayyads).

'Abd al-Rahman III died at Cordova on 22
Ramadan 350/15 October 961, at the height of his
fame and power. During the latter part of his reign
he had lived in the style of a veritable potentate,
and had transferred his residence to his royal
establishment of Madinat al-Zahra' [q.v.], at the
gates of Cordova, which he made into a town by
itself. Of the kingdom of al-Andalus, which under
his predecessors had ever been an object of contention
shaken by civil war, the rivalries of the Arab clans,
and the clash of ethnic groups in opposition to each
other, he had contrived to make a pacified, pros-
perous, and immensely rich State. From that time
Cordova was a Muslim metropolis, a rival to
Kayrawan and to the great cities of the East. It far
surpassed the other capitals of Western Europe, and
enjoyed in the Mediterranean world a reputation
and a prestige comparable to that of Constantinople.
Bibliography: E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp.

mus., II, 1-164 (Arab, sources and bibl., ibid., 1,

4. 'Abd al-RaijmAn IV b. Muh. b. c Abd al-Malik
b. 'Abd al- Rahman, grandson of 'Abd al-Rahman
al-Nasir, Umayyad caliph of al-Andalus, who took
at the beginning of his short reign the honorific
title of al-Murtada. This personage, who, at the
time of the fitna of Cordova, had retired to Valencia,
was proclaimed at the end of 408/1018, after the
assassination of 'All b. Hammud [q.v.] by a number of
supporters collected together by the lord of Almeria,
the Sclavonian fold KhayrSn. Al-Murtada, before
trying to retake Cordova and to instal himself there,
laid siege to Granada, where the Sinhadja of Zawl b.
ZIri [q.v.] were in command, and suffered a serious
defeat. Betrayed, and abandoned by his own men,
he took refuge at Guadix (Wadi Ash), where he was
before long assassinated.

Bibliography: E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp.
mus., II, 328-30.

5. c Abd al-RapmAn V b. Hisham b. c Abd al-
Djabbar, one of the last Umayyad caliphs of al-
Andalus, was proclaimed on the 16 Ramadan 414/
2 December 1023 at Cordova, and took the honorific
title of al-Mustazhir bi'llah. He had barely attained
his majority, and showed remarkable literary gifts.
He surrounded himself with counsellors chosen from
among the aristocracy of the capital, men such as
the great writer 'All b. Harm, but was able to
remain in power for only forty-seven days. The
Cordovan mob deposed him in the course of a riot,
and replaced him by Muhammad III al-Mustakfl,
on 3 Dhu 'HCa'da of the same year/17 January 1024.
The first act of his successor was to put 'Abd al-
Rahman al-Mustazhir to death.

Bibliography: E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp.
mus. II, 334-5. (E- Levi-Provencal)

«ABD al-RAQMAN b. Mujhammad b. ABl
'AMIR, nicknamed Sanchuelo (Shandjwilo), the
"little Saucho" (as he was by his mother a grandson
of Sancho Garces II Abarca, Basque king of Pamp-
lona), son of the famous" majordomo" al-Mansur
[q.v.] b. Abl 'Amir. He suceeded his elder brother
'Abd al-Malik [q.v.] al-Muzaffar on his death, 16
Safar 399/20 Oct. 1008, with the consent of the titular

caliph, the Umayyad Hisham II al-Mu 5 ayyad bi'llah.
Indifferently gifted, vain, debauched, 'Abd al-
Rahman Sanchuelo, from the moment that he
assumed power in Cordova, made one mistake after
the other and alienated public opinion. He started
by obtaining from Hisham II his designation as
presumtive heir of the crown. The text of the
document of investiture, dated Rabi' I 399/Nov.
1008, has been preserved. The designation was very
badly received by the people of Cordova, who were
already exasperated by the pro-Berber feelings of
the 'Amirid hddiib. While 'Abd al-Rahman mis-
guidedly decided to go, in the middle of winter,
on an expedition against the kingdom of Leon, an
opposition party was formed in Cordova. They
elevated to the throne the Umayyad Muhammad
b. Hisham b. 'Abd al-Djabbar, whose first care
was to order the sack of the residence of the 'Amirids,
al-Madina al-Zahira [q.v.]. The reaction of 'Abd
al-Rahman to this news was half-hearted. He turned
back in the direction of Cordova, but during his
return journey he was abandoned by his troops and
arrested, not far from the capital, by emissaries of
the Umayyad pretender, who put him to death,
3 Radjab 399/3 March 1009.
[See also 'amirids and Umayyads of Spain].

Bibliography: E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp.

mus., ii, 291-304. E. Levi-Provencal)

'ABD al RAHMAN b. 'ALl [see ibn al-dayba'].

'ABD al-RAJHMAn b. 'AWF, originally called

'Abd 'Amr or 'Abd al-Ka'ba, the most prominent

early Muslim convert from B. Zuhra of IjCuraysh.

He took part in the Hidjra to Abyssinia and in that

to Medina, and fought at Badr and the other main

battles. He commanded a force of 700 men sent by

Muhammad in Sha'ban 6/December 627 to Dumat

al-Diandal; the Christian chief, al-Asbagh (or al-

Asya') al-Kalbl, became a Muslim and made a

treaty, and 'Abd al-Rahman married his daughter

Tumadir (but cf. Caetani, Annali, i, 700). By his

shrewdness and skill as a merchant he made an

enormous fortune. Politically he was a friend of

Abu Bakr and later of 'A'isha. On 'Umar's death,

as one of the Shura or council of six who had to

choose the new caliph, he played a leading part in

the appointment of 'Uthman. He died about 31/652

aged 75. According to Tradition he was one of the

ten whom Muhammad had assured of Paradise.

Bibliography: Ibn Sa'd, iii/i, 87-97 ; Tabari,

index; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghdba, iii, 313-7; Ibn

Hadjar, Isaba, ii, 997-1001; A. Sprenger, Das

Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad, i, 428-30.

(M. Th. Houtsma — W. Montgomery Watt)
'ABD al-RAHMAN b. HlgHAM, 'Alawid
[q.v.] sultan of Morocco, born in 1204/1789-90.
Proclaimed in Fez, 15 Rabi' 1 1238/30 Nov. 1822,
he succeeded his uncle Mawlay Sulayman [q.v.] who
had appointed him as his heir. Recognized without
great difficulties, the new sovereign had nevertheless
to repress during his reign several revolts of the
tribes. Among these were the revolts of Zemmur,
in 1240/1824-5, in 1259/1843, in 1269/1852 and in
1274-5/1857-8, the revolt of Banu Zarwal in 1241/
1825, that of ShidySma in i243'i827-8, that of 'Amir
and Za'i'ir in 1265/1849 and that of Banu Musa in
1269/1853. The two most serious revolts were,
however, that of Shrarda in 1244/1828 and that of
the geysh of Wadaya in 1247-8/1831-2. The sultan
besieged Faz al-Djadld, where the rebels had fortified
themselves, and after taking the city, dismissed
them and scattered them near Marrakush, at Rabat
and at al-'Ara'ish (Larache).

'ABD al-RAHMAN b. HISHAM — 'ABD al-RAHMAN b. MARWAN

The relations of Mawlay 'Abd al-Rahman with
the European nations were marked by a series of
failures that made him abandon his earlier plans of
aggression and expansion. The blockade of Tangier
by the English in 1828 and the bombardment of
al-'Ara'ish (Larache), Arzila and Tittawln under-
taken by the Austrians in 1829 as reprisals for the
seizure of merchant ships, made an end to an
attempted reconstruction of a corsair navy, while
the military successes of France in Algeria forced
the sultan to renounce all intervention in the territory
of the late regency. He tried in 1830-2 to extend
his influence to the East of his empire by appointing
khalifas in Tlemcen, Miliana and Medea, but had
to recall, or disavow, them, because of their troubles
and the protest of the French government. From
1832 to 1834 he lent c Abd al-Kadir, leader of the
holy war, his moral and material support and
allowed himself to be involved in a conflict with
France when his ally took refuge in Morocco in
order to continue the struggle. The reverses which
he suffered: battle of Isly (14 August 1844), bombard-
ment of Tangier and Mogador (6 and 15 August),
obliged c Abd al-Rahman to outlaw the Amir (treaty
of Tangier, 26 Oct. 1844). In 1847 he decided to
expel him from the country, thus compelling him
to give himself up to the French. Several incidents,
due to the fanaticism of his subjects, such as the
murder of the Spanish consular agent Darmon
(1843), that of the Frenchman Paul Rey (1855) and
pillage of the brig "Courraud Rose" (1851), embar-
rassed his relations with the foreign powers, but
generally he gave in before threats or force (bom-
bardment of Sale, 1851).

During his reign, Portugal (1823), England (1824,
1827), Sardinia (1825), Spain (1825), France (1825,
1844), Austria (1830), the kingdom of Naples (1834),
the United States of America (1836), Sweden and
Danemark (1844), renewed, or completed, their
commercial treaties with Morocco.

A pious ruler and a good administrator, Mawlay
c Abd al-Rahman had many monuments built or
restored: in Fez (Mosque of Mawlay Idris), Meknes,
Sale (minaret of the Great Mosque, fortifications),
Tangier (harbour), Safi, Mazagan.Marrakush (mosque
of Bfl Hassan, Kannariyya, al-Wusta, and the plan-
tation of the Agdal), etc. He died in Meknes, 29
Muharram 1276/28 August 1859.

Bibliography: al-Nasirl al-Salawi, al-Istiksd',
Cairo 1312, iv, 172-210, trad. E. Fumey, AM,
1907, 105-209; Ibn Zaydan, Ta'rikh Miknds,
Rabat 1933, i, 205-231, iv, 81-359; Freiherr von
Augustin, Marohho, Pest 1845; L. Godard, De-
scription et histoire du Maroc, Paris i860, ii, 585-629 ;
J. Caille, Le dernier exploit des corsaires du Bou
Regreg, Hesp., 1950, 429-37; Les relations de la
France et du Maroc sous la dtuxihne ripublique,
Actes du congris historique de centenaire de la
revolution de 1848, 397-408 ; La France et le Maroc
en 1849, Hesp., 1946, 123-55; Au lendemain de
la bataille de Vlsly, Hesp., 1948, 383-401 ; Charles
Jagerschmidt, charge" d'affaires de France au Maroc
(1820-1894), Paris 1952; Ph. de Cosse-Brissac, Les
rapports de la France et du Maroc pendant la
conqueHe de I'Algirie (1830-1847), Paris 1931.
(Ph. de Coss£ Brissac)
C ABD al-RAQMAN b. KHALID b. al-WalId
al-MakhzOmI, the only surviving son of the famous
Arab general. At the age of eighteen he commanded
a squadron at the battle of the Yarmuk. Mu'awiya
subsequently appointed him governor of Hims and
he commanded several of the later Syrian expeditions

into Anatolia. During the civil war, after successfully
opposing an 'Iraki expedition into the Djazlra, he
joined Mu'awiya at Siffln and was made standard-
bearer. According to the received tradition, Mu'awiya,
fearing that 'Abd al-Rahman might be a rival of
Yazld for the succession to the Caliphate, had him
poisoned in 46/666 by his Christian physician Ibn
Uthal, who was himself killed shortly afterwards by
one of his victim's relatives. H. Lammens (see Bibl.)
has disputed the reliability of this tradition (trans-
mitted from 'Iraki sources) and ascribed its origin
to incidents connected with an outbreak of anti-
Christian violence at Hims.

Bibliography: Baladhurl, Ansdb, in G. Levi
della Vida, // Califfo Mu'dwiya I, Rome 1938,
nos. 269, 281; Tabarl, i, 2093, 2913; ii, 82-3;
Ya'kubl. ii, 265; DInawari 164, 183, 197; Nasr
ibn Muzahim, Wak'at $iffin, Cairo 1365, index;
Aghdni, xv, 13; Tahmb ta'rikh Ibn 'Asdkir,
v, Damascus 1333, 80; H. Lammens, Etudes
sur le rigne de Mo l dwia I", Paris 1908, 3-15,
218 f. (H. A. R. Gibb)

'ABD al-RAHMAN b. MARWAN b. YOnus,
called Ibn al-I2>illI*I ("son of the Galician"), famous
chief of insurgents in the West of al-Andalus
in the second half of the 3rd/gth century. He belonged
to a family of neo-Muslims (tnuwaUadun), originating
from the North of Portugal and established in
Merida. Although his father had been governor of
this town on behalf of the sovereigns of Cordova,
'Abd al-Rahman revolted against the Umayyad
Amir Muhammad I in 254/868. The Amir besieged
him and forced him, after the capitulation of the
city, to reside in Cordova. He remained in the
capital until 261/875, when he returned to the region
of Merida and threw off his allegiance to the Umay-
yads. He fortified himself in the castle of Alange
(Hisn al-Hanash), but was again forced to surrender
by the Amir Muhammad I, who assigned to him
as residence Badajoz. It was not long before Ibn
al-Djilllkl again raised the standard of revolt,
supported by the muwallad lord of Porto (Burtukal),
Sa'dun al-Surunbakl, and by Alfonso III, king of
Asturias and Leon. The insurgents laid an ambush
for the loyalist general Hashim b. 'Abd al-'AzIz, in
the region of the Serra de Estrella, captured him
and delivered him into the hand of the Christian
king, who released him only against a high ransom.
Fearing, justly, a violent reaction from the govern-
ment in Cordova, Ibn al-Djilllkl took refuge with
Alfonso III. After staying for eight years in
Christian territory, he returned in 271/884 to Badajoz
and reached a tacit agreement with Cordova. This
allowed him to rule over a veritable principality
extending over the valley of the Guadiana and
the south of what is now Portugal. Under the
reigns of the Amirs al-Mundhk and 'Abd Allah,
'Abd al-Rahman practically had a free hand and
ruled over his territory as an independent prince,
until his death in 276/889. He was succeeded by his
son Marwan who only survived him by two months,
and after him by a grandson 'Abd Allah b. Muham-
mad b. 'Abd al-Rahman, who died in 311/923 and
was followed by a son, 'Abd al-Raljman. This
great-grandson of Ibn al-Djilllkl was finally com-
pelled to submit to 'Abd al-Rahman III in 318/930.
Bibliography: Ibn Hayyan, Muktabis, chron-
icle of the reign of the Emir Mull. I; F. Codera,
Los Benimeru&n en Merida y Badajot, Estud-os
crit. de hist. dr. esp., ix, 48 ff. ; E. Levi-Provencal,
Hist. Esp. mus., i, 255 «., 386; ii, 24-5.

(E. LAvi-Provbncal)

'ABD al-RAHMAN b. MUHAMMAD — <ABD al-RAHMAN al-SUFI

C ABD al-RAHMAN b. MUHAMMAD b. al-

Ash'ath [see ibn al-ash'athI.

C ABD al-RAHMAN b. RUSTUM [see rustu-

<ABD al-RAHMAN b. SAMURA b. HabIb
b. 'Abd Shams b. c Abd Manaf b. Kusayy, Arab
general. The name 'Abd al-Rabman was given
bim by Muhammad on his conversion in place of
his former name c Abd al-Ka'ba. His first command
was in Sidjistan in succession to al-Rabi' b. Ziyad
in the latter years of the caliphate of 'Uthmin,
when he conquered Zarandj and Zamln-i Dawar
and made a treaty with the ruler of Kirman. He
withdrew after the death of 'Uthman; according
to Chinese sources, PSroz, the son of Yazdigird III,
then attempted to establish himself in Sidjistan
(Chavannes, Documents sur Us Tou-kiue occidentaux,
275. 279)- c Abd al-Rahman b. Samura was, along
with 'Abd Allah b. 'Amir, one of the envoys of
Mu'awiya to al-Hasan b. 'All [?.».]. Ibn c Amir,
reappointed governor of Basra and the East, des-
patched c Abd al-Rahman and c Abd Allah b. Khazim
in 42/662 to restore Arab rule in eastern Khurasan
and Sidjistan. In 43/663 c Abd al-Rahman reoccupied
Sidjistan and captured Kabul after a siege of several
months. He then led an expedition to al-Rukhkhadj
(Arachosia) and Zabulistan (region of Ghazna), and
again attacked and captured Kabul, which had
rebelled, probably in 45/665. Mu'awiya subsequently
made him directly subordinate to the Caliph, but
shortly after the appointment of Ziyad as governor
of Basra he was replaced. He brought back with
him a body of captives from Kabul, who built a
mosque for him in his kasr at Basra in the architec-
tural style of Kabul. He died in 50/670 in Basra, where
his descendants formed a powerful and influential
clan during the next century.

Bibliography: Baladhuri, Futuh, 360, 394,

396, 397; Ibn Sa'd, vii, 2, 100-1; Tabart, i, 2831;

ii, 3; iii, 22; Ya'fcubl, Bulddn, 280, 281-2, 296

(tr. Wiet, 89-91, 117); Ta'rikh-i Sistdn, Tihran

1314, 82-9 (legendary expansion); Caetani, Annali,

vii, 278; Chronographia, 313-549 passim; J.

Marquart, Erdnshahr, Berlin 1901, 37, 199, 255;

idem, in FestschriftE duard Sachau, Berlin 1915,

267-70. (H. A. R. Gibb)

C ABD AL-RAHMAN b. 'Abd al-Kadir al-FAsI,

Moroccan scholar, b. at Fez 1040/1631, d. in

the same town 1096/1685. He was the pupil of his

father, c Abd al-Kadir b. 'AH [q.v.] and of numerous

other masters. He became a famous polygraph,

celebrated by all his biographers for the breadth and

the variety of his knowledge. He is said to have

compiled more than 170 works on Malikite fikh,

medicine, astronomy and history. But it is especially

as a lawyer that he is an authority, and his main

works are his great collection on the "customs"

of Fez, al-'Amal al-Fdsi, and a commentary on

al-Shi/d' by the famous kadi 'Iyad, entitled Miftah

al-Shita*. He is also the author of a long didactic

poem in radios, al-Uknum Ii Mabddi 1 al-'Uldm.

Bibliography: E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Chorfa

266-9 (with references); Brockelmann, ii, 612,

S ii, 694. (E. Levi-Provencal)

'ABD al-RAHMAN b. HabIb b. AbI 'Ubayda

(or c Abda) al-FIHRI, great-grandson of the famous

tab* 1 'Ukba b. Nafi', independent governor of

Ifrlkiya at the end of the Umayyad caliphate. His

father, HabIb, had sent expeditions against the Sus,

Morocco and Sicily, in which 'Abd al-Rahman,

still a youth, took an active part. He was one of the

i of the bloody defeat inflicted by the

Berbers upon the regular Arab troops in 123/741,
in which his father and the governor, Kulthum b.
'Iyad, lost their lives. He crossed over to Spain, but
fearing for his life, returned in 127/745 to Ifrifciya,
where he revolted against the actual governor,
Hanzala b. Safwan al-Kalbl, who two years later
saw no other choice but to yield the power to him.
'Abd al-Rahman, on becoming master of al-
Kayrawan, had to suppress several rebellions and
undertook several large expeditions, notably against
Sicily and Sardinia, in 135/752. His seizure of power
was the less contested as it coincided with the fall
of the Umayyad caliphate of Syria. It seems that
at the beginning he acknowledged the 'Abbasid
allegiance, but shortly afterwards repudiated it, on
the receipt of an insulting message from the caliph
al-Mansur. No doubt at al-Mansur's instigation, two
of the brothers of c Abd al-Rahman decided upon
his ruin; he was assassinated by one of them, Ilyas b.
HabIb, who took possession of al-Kayrawan 137/755).
HabIb, son of c Abd al-Rahman, with the help of
another uncle of his, 'Imran b. HabIb, governor of
Tunis, soon afterwards attacked the usurper and,
in turn, made himself master of Ifrikiya.

Another c Abd al-Rahman b. HabIb al-Fihrl,
a contemporary of the preceding, who was called, to
distinguish him from the former, by the surname
of al-Siklabl, was a propagandist of the 'Abbasids in
Spain. Pursued by the Umayyad amir 'Abd al-
Rahman I, he was assassinated near Valencia in
162/778-9.

Bibliography: Ibn 'Idhari, Baydn, i, 56,
60 ff., 67 f., transl. Fagnan, 62 ff., 73 ff. ; Humaydi,
Djazwat al-Muktabis (Tandji), Cairo 1953, no.
594; Dabbi, no. 1006; Ibn al-Athir, v, 235 ff.,
transl. Fagnan (Annates du Maghrib et de I'Es-
pagne), 74-81; Nuwayri, History of Africa (Caspar
Remiro), Granada 1919, 38-40; Ibn Khaldun.
'Ibar, i, 218 f.; G. Marcais, Berberie musulmane,
45; Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp. mus., i, 47, 97,
121-2. (E. Levi-Provencal)

'ABD al-RAHMAN b. 'Abd Allah al-
GHAFIgl, governor of al-Andalus. He
succeeded Muhammad b.. 'Abd Allah al-Ashdja'I in
this office at the end of in or at the beginning of
112/730, and retained it until his death in 114/732.
'Abd al-Rahman, who had already governed Spain
provisionally for about two months in 102/721, was
a tdbi 1 reputed for his piety. He is chiefly famous
for the incursion into Gaul that cost him his life.
His expedition, which was carefully prepared, had
for its object the basilica of St. Martin at Tours. He
collected a numerous army, and from Pamplona
marched through the pass of Roncesvalles on
Bordeaux, which he devastated, Duke Eudes of
Aquitania being powerless to oppose his advance.
He then advanced towards the Loire, but was
checked in his progress by the Duke of the Franks,
Charles Martel, who engaged him about 20 km. to
the north-east of Poitiers and inflicted on him a
severe defeat. The battle is known as the "battle
of Poitiers" in Frankish historiography, while the
Arabs call it baldf al-shuhadd', "causeway of the
martyrs of the faith". The Muslim survivors retreated
in disorder towards Narbonne, leaving behind on
the battlefield many dead, including 'Abd al-
Rabman. The date of this memorable encounter can
be fixed at the end of Oct. 732/Ramadan 114.
Bibliography: E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp.
mus., i, 40, 59-62. (E. Levi-Provencal)

'ABD al-RAHMAN b. HJmar al-$UFI, abu
'l-Husavn, eminent astronomer, born at Rayy

'ABD al-RAHMAN al-SUFI — e ABD al-RAHMAN KHAN

14 Muharram 291/8 Dec. 903, died -15 Muharram
376/25 May 986. In 337/948-9 he was in Isfahan, in
attendance on the vizier Abu '1-Fadl b. al-'Amld, in
349/960-1 at the court of 'Adud al-Dawla, no doubt
in the same town. He was the court astronomer of
this ruler, who boasted of three of his teachers: in
grammar al-Farisi, in the knowledge of astronomical
tables Ibn al-A c lam, and in the knowledge of the
constellations c Abd al-Rahman al-Sufi (Ibn al-Kiftl;
cf. also Yakut, I r shad, iii, 10). His best known work
is a description of the fixed stars (Suwar al-Kawdkib
al-Thdbita, quoted also by different titles), which he
wrote about 355/965 and dedicated to 'Adud al-
Dawla. The book described the constellations both
according to the system of the astronomers (after
Ptolemy) and the Arabic tradition of the antvd'
]cf. Naw'). The work was illustrated by drawings,
which the author, according to his own declaration,
preserved by al-BIruni (see H. Suter, Beitrdge zur
Geschichte der Mathematik bei den Gr-.echen und
Arabern, Erlangen 1922, 86), traced from a celestial
globe. He also saw, however, as he says in his
introduction, an illustrated work on the constellations
by 'Utarid b. Muhammad. The earliest extant MS,
in the Bodleian Library, was copied and illustrated
by the author's son, in 400/1009-10. There are many
other manuscripts, illustrated in the styles of the
various epochs. (See J. Upton, Metropolitan Museum
Studies, 1933, 189-99; K. Holter, Die Islamischen
Minialurhandschriften vor 1350, Zentralbl. f. Biblio-
thekswesen, 1937, 2-5, cf. Ars Islamica, 1940, 10).
The text and translation of the introduction was
published by Caussin de Perceval, Notices et Extraits,
xii, 236 ff.; a full translation by H.C. F.C.Schjellerup,
Description its itoiles fixes par Abd al-Rahman
al-Sufi, St. Petersburg 1874. The Arabic text was
published, mainly after the Paris MS (being the
copy of Ulugh Beg), in Hyderabad 1953, under the
editorship of M. Nizamuddin. His other extant
works are a handbook of astronomy and astrology
and a treatise on the use of the astrolabe. A silver
globe made by al-Sufi for 'Adud al-Dawla was
preserved in the library of the Fatimid palace in
Cairo (Ibn al-Kiftl, 440). —For an Urdjuza on the
fixed stars, attributed to a son of his, cf. Brockel-
mann, S i, 863; it was published at the end of the
Hyderabad edition of the Suwar.

Bibliography: Fihrist, 284; Ibn al-Rifil, 226;
BIrunI, al-Athdr al-Bakiya (Sachau), 336, 358 (Engl,
transl., 335, 358) ; M. Steinschneider, ZDMG, 1870,
348-50; Suter, 62, cf. Nachtrage, in Abh. zurGesch.
d.math. Wissensch., 1902, 166; Hauber, Isl. 1918,
48-54; Brockelmann, I, 253, S I, 398.

(S. M. Stern)
'ABD al-RAHMAN KHAN (c. 1844-1901),
Amir of Afghanistan, was the son of Afdal
Khan, the eldest surviving son of Dost Muhammad
Khan, the founder of the Barakzay dynasty in
Afghanistan. In 1853 he proceeded to Afghan
Turkistan where his father was serving as governor
of Balkh. Despite his youth he took part in a series
of operations which extended Dost Muhammad's
power over Kataghan, Badakhshan, and Derwaz.
Before his death in 1863 Dost Muhammad had
nominated a younger son, Shir 'AH, as his successor
to the exclusion of his two elder brothers, Afdal
laan and A'zam Khan. Shir 'All's succession was
therefore the signal for five years of fratricidal
warfare in which at the early age of nineteen c Abd
al-Rahman became involved. After temporary
successes his father, Afdal Khan, was defeated and
imprisoned, whereupon 'Abd al-Rahman fled to

BukhSra. In 1866, taking advantage of Shir 'All's
absence at Kandahar, 'Abd al-Rahman, with the
help of Raflk Khan, a general who had deserted Shir
'All, seized Kabul. The defeat of Sher 'All's forces
at Saydabad led to the fall of GhaznI. Afdal Khan was
now proclaimed Amir and coins were struck in his
name. Sher 'All was once more defeated at Kilat-i
Ghilzay in 1867 and driven from Kandahar. In the
same year Afdal Khan died and 'Abd al-Rahman,
who had hoped to be accepted as Amir, found it
expedient to support the claims of his uncle A'zam
Khan. Their combined forces were defeated by Shir
'All and his son Ya'kub ]£han at Zana-Khan, near
GhaznI, as a result of which 'Abd al-Rahman
became a homeless wanderer, first in Wazlristan and
later in Persia. From Mashhad he crossed the
Kara-Kum desert to Khlwa and Samarkand. At
Tashkent he was received by General Kaufmann,
the Russian governor-general. His request for
assistance against Shir 'All was refused but he was
granted an allowance and permitted to reside at
Samarkand, where he remained for eleven years
until the defeat of Shir 'All by the British in the
Second Afghan War of 1878-80. The flight and
death of Shir 'AH, the failure of his successor Ya'kub
Khan to control his unruly tribesmen, and the
assassination of Cavagnari the British Resident
necessitated the removal of Ya'kub Khan to India.
This left the Afghan throne vacant.

Because of Russian expansion towards the Oxus
it was decided to build up a strong, friendly, and
united Afghanistan to serve as a buffer state to the
British dominions in India. In July 1880, 'Abd
al-Rahman Khan, the most powerful candidate in
the field, was informed that the British were prepared
to recognize him as Amir of Kabul, provided he
acknowledged their right to control his foreign
affairs. He was also assured that the British would
aid him in repelling unprovoked aggression on his
dominions. These terms were accepted by 'Abd al-
Rahman at the conference of Zimma, 31 July-
1 August 1880 (Foreign Office 65, 1104: Papers
printed for the use of the Cabinet). Three years
later this promise was renewed by the Marquis of
Ripon who bestowed on the Amir an annual subsidy
of twelve lakhs of rupees to be devoted to the
payment of his troops and the protection of his
north-western frontiers. The British were now
pledged to defend a buffer state of unknown limits.
Hence the most important event in the reigu of
'Abd al-Rahman was the delimitation and demar-
cation where possible of the boundaries of Afghanistan
By 1886, although the Pandjdih incident [q.v.] of the
previous year had brought Britain and Russia to
the verge of war, an Anglo-Russian Boundary
Commission had demarcated the northern frontier
of Afghanistan from Dhu'l-Fikar to the meridian
6f Dukci, within forty miles of the Oxus. The
process of demarcation was completed in 1888. The
final boundary dispute with Russia was settled by
the Pamir Agreement of 1895 which defined the
Afghan boundary between Lake Victoria and the
Tagdumbash.

Although pro-British in so far as Russian expansion
was concerned, 'Abd al- Rahman's desire to annex
the territories of the Pa (nan tribes of the Indian
frontier was not calculated to improve Anglo-
Afghan relations. The tension was somewhat eased
by the Durand Agreement of 1893 which delimited
a boundary on the Indo-Afghan frontier across
which neither the Amir nor the Government of
India was to interfere in any way. Afghan intrigues

C ABD al-RAHMAN KHAN — C ABD al-RAZZAK al-KASHAnI

on the Indian side of this frontier still continued
and were partly responsible for the Indian frontier
conflagration of 1897. In fact, Afghan intrigues
were the chief cause of unrest on the Indian frontier
from 1890 onwards.

The greatest service rendered by e Abd al-Rahman
to his country was the suppression of internal
rebellion. The powerful Ghilzay tribesmen were
crushed in 1886; the rebellion of Ishak, son of
A^jfe K6M. *as suppressed in 1888; and finally,
afte*- severe fighting, the turbulent Hazaras of
cental Afghanistan were forced to acknowledge his
authority. In 1896 the territories of the non-Muslim
Wbei of Kafiristan to the west of Citral were
annexed and the Kafirs converted to Islam. c Abd
al-Rahm5n Khan died in 1901 and was succeeded
by his son Hablb Allah Khan.

Bibliography: Parliamentary Papers, Central
Asia, 1884-5; 1887; 1888; J. A. Gray, My Residence
at the Court of the Ameer, 1895; S. Wheeler, The
Ameer Abdur Rahman, 1895; Sultan Mahomed
Khan, Life of Abdur Rahman, 2 vols. 1900, vol. i
being a translation of <Abd al-Rahman's auto-
biography; C. C. Davies, The problem of the
North-West Frontier, 1890-1908, 1932; W. K.
Fraser-Tytler, Afghanistan, 1950; M. Longworth
Dames, in EI 1 , s.v. (C. Collin Davies)

*ABD al-RASHID b. <Abd al-GhafOr al-Hu-
saynIal-Madanial-TATTAWI, Persian lexico-
grapher, born in Tatta, but a Sayyid by descent;
died after 1069/1658. His principal work is a Persian
dictionary, usually called Farhang-i Rashidi, or
Rashidi Fdrsi, the first critical dictionary, which
Was compiled in 1064/1683-4 and published in 1875
in the Bibliotheca Indica. Splieth revised the preface
(Mukaddama): Grammaticae Persicae praecepta ac
regulae (Halle 1846). <Abd al-Rashld dedicated an
Arabic-Persian dictionary, Muntakhab al-Lughdt, or
«asiW{«4raM(i046/i636-7),toSh5hdjahan(editions:
Calcutta 1808, 1816, 1836; Lucknow 1835, 1869;
Bombay 1279/1862).

Bibliography: Blochmann, in JRAS Bengal,
xxxvil, 20sqq.; Rieu, Cat. of Pers. MSS., 501,
510; Pertsch, Vert. d. pers. Handschr. Berlin,
nos. 198-200. (M. Th. Houtsma)

<ABD al-RA'OF b. «Al! al-DjAw! al-FansOrI
al-SINKILI, religious teacher, b. c. 1G20 at
Singkel, north of Fansur (west coast of Sumatra), d.
after 1 693, and buried at the mouth of the Acheh river.
He studied for nineteen years in Arabia, was initiated
into the Shattariyya (arika by Ahmad al-Kushashi
and his successor Ibrahim al-Kuranl, and returned
about 1661 to Acheh, whence this (arlka was propa-
gated by his pupils throughout Indonesia, especially
in Java. Directions for "recitation" (dhikr), as
practised by this order, form, the most important
subject of his writings, the majority of which are
in Malay, but a few in Arabic — some with a Malay
rendering after each phrase. The subject is dealt
with most fully in his 'Umdat al-Muhtddjin ild Suluk
Maslak al-Mufridln which has as introduction a
summary of dogma on the same lines as al-SanusI's
Umni al-Bardhin. He took as a theoretical basis for
his mysticism the doctrine of the seven grades and
of man as the image of God, which he set out in
such works as Kifdyat al-Muhtddjin, DakdHk al-
#»r*/ and Baydn Tadjalli. In this he remained
within the bounds of orthodoxy; he rejected the
extreme mysticism which flourished in Acheh at
the beginning of the 17th century, but at the same
time did not associate himself with the violent
polemics of al-Ranlrl [q.v.]. ( Abd al-Ra'flf

translated the Kur'an into Malay with a concise
commentary taken from various Arabic exegetical
works (al-Tardjumdn al-Mustafid) and wrote a Malay
handbook of Shafi'ite fikh which deals only with
the mu'dmaldt and is plainly intended as a supple-
ment to al-Raniri's al-Sirdt al-Mustakim which
contains only the Hbdddt. His translations from
the Arabic are so literal that they are unintelligible
without a knowledge of that language, and moreover
not without mistakes. It is not altogether certain
whether he was the translator of al-MawdH? al-
Badi'a, which is a translation into Malay of a popular
Arabic collection of 32 hadith kudsi and eighteen
other admonitions. There are some other works
ascribed to him, such as the mystical eschatological
Malay poem Shair ma'rifat, which are certainly not
by his hand. After his death, as Teungku di- Kuala,
c Abd al-Ra'uf enjoyed such veneration that he
was even accorded the honour of having been the
bearer of Islam to Acheh.

Bibliography : C. Snouck Hurgronje, The
Achehnese, ii, 14 ff. ; D. A. Rinkes, Abdoerraoef van
Singkel, 1909; P. Voorhoeve, in TBG, 1952, 87 ff.
(edition of Baydn Tadjalli and another Malay
treatise with a list of c Abd al-Ra'flf's writings);
cf. also BTLV, 1951, 368.— Works of c Abd al-
Ra'flf: Mir'dt al-Tulldb (on fifth), the preface
edited by S. Keyser in BTLV, 1863, 211 ff.;
extracts ed. by A. Meursinge, in Handboek, 1844;
Tardjumdn al-Mustafid, Istanbul 1302 (2 vols.);
al-MawdH? al-Badi'a in Qjam 1 Djawdmi* al-
Musannafdt, Bulak, n.d.; 4th or 5th imp., Mecca
1310. (P. Voorhoeve)

<ABD AL-RAZZAS Kamal al-dIn b. Abu
•l-Ghana'im al-KASHAnI (or KAshanI or KashI or
KAsanI), celebrated Sufi author, died according to
HadjdjI Khalifa (ed. Fliigel, iv, 427), in 730/1329-
HadjdjI Khalifa, however, confusing him with the
historian of the same name, the author of the Matla'
al-Sa c dain, says in another place (ii, 175) that he
died in 887/1482 and, besides, gives his name
as Kamal al-Din Abu 'l-Ghana'im c Abd al-Razzak
b. Djamal al-Dln al-Kashl al-Samarkandl. Little
is known of <Abd al-Razzak's life; according to
Pjaml (Nafahdt al-Uns, quoted by St. Guyard),
he was a pupil of Nur al-DIn c Abd al-Samad and
a contemporary of Rukn al-DIn C A15' al-Dawla,
with whom he carried on a somewhat acrimonious
controversy, and who died in 736/1336. The
immediate cause of this correspondence was a
conversation which c Abd al-Razzak had with a
certain amir Ikbal SIstanI, a pupil of c Ala' al-
Dawla's, on the road to Sultanlya on the vexed
question of the orthodoxy of Ibn 'Arabl. Diami
then gives a long letter which c Abd al-Razzak
wrote to 'Ala' al-Dawla on this question, in which
he says that he has just read 'Ala' al-Dawla's
book, the l Urwa. As this work was written in 721/
1321, the date 730/1329 given as that of his
death must be assumed as the correct one. We
have then to place <Abd al-Razzak in the Djibai
province (Kashan) under the IlkhJns of Persia, and
especially in the reign of Abu Sa'id (716—36/
1316—35).

He was the author of a large number of works,
several of which have been published. So far back
as 1828, Tholuck used his LafdHf al-IHdm in Die
speculative Trinitdtslehre des spsteren Orients (13 — 22,
28 et seq..) and translated some passages, but without
knowledge of the author. In 1845 Sprenger published
at Calcutta the first half of his Istildhat al-Sufiya, or
Dictionary of the technical terms of the Sufies. An

C ABD al-RAZZAK al-KASHANI

analysis of the second part had been given by
Hammer-Purgstall, in the Jahrbiicher der Literatur
(lxxxii, 68 ff.). This book also was used by
Tholuck, and cited under the author's name
(loc. cit. 7, ii, 18, 26, 73). It is of special interest
because in the preface he states that it was written
after he had finished his commentary on the
Mandzil al-SdHrin of al-Harawi in order to explain
the Sufi technical terms which occur but are
inadequately explained in that work, and also in
his commentary on the Fufiis al-Ifiham of Ibn
•Arab! (Cairo 1309) and in his Ta'wildt al-Kur'dn.
According to HadjdjI Khalifa (ii, 175) the Ta'wildt
of 'Abd al-Razzak extend to Sura xxxviii only, yet
Berlin MS. no. 872 covers the entire Kur'an, but
apparently in abstract. Risdla ft'l-hada? wa'l-kadar,
treatise on predestination and free will, first trans-
lated into French, (J A, 1873; revised edition 1875),
then the text published by St. Guyard (1879);
it will be dealt with in detail below. The treatise
seems to have excited attention, for HadjdjI Khalifa
(iii, 429) gives three answers to it by Ibn Kamal
Pasha, Tashkuprii-zade and Ball Khalifa SufiyahwI.
A commentary on the TaHya poem of Ibn al-Farid
(Cairo 1310). His works as yet unpublished are:
Risdlat al-Sarmadiyya, on the idea of an eternal
Being; Risdlat al-Kumayliyya, on the traditional
answer by C A1I to the question of Kumayl b. Ziyad
fi'l-ftakika (comp. the Berlin MS. no. 3462; HadjdjI
Khalifa iv, 38; J A 14, 83); a commentary on the
Mawdki' al-Nudjum of Ibn ArabI and Tadhhirat al-
Sdhibiya. HadjdjI Khalifa (v, 587) adds Misbdh
al-Hiddya. For MSS. reference will suffice to Brockel-
mann, ii, 203, 204; S ii, 280-1; theGothacat.no.
76, 2, and Palmer's Trinity College Cat. 116.

It will already be tolerably clear what c Abd
al-Razzak's interests and positions were. He was
a Sufi of the school of Ibn c Arabi, the great the-
osophist of the Western Arabic type, though with
touches of independence, and he gave much labor
to defence and exposition of his master. In the
three great divisions of Muslim theologians, the
upholders of tradition (nakl), of reason ('««), and
of the unveiling of the mystic (kashf), he took his
place with the third. It may be significant that his
name never indicates to what legal school he adhered.
Like many mystics, he may have regarded such
matters as beneath notice, or he may, like Ibn
c ArabI, have been a belated Zahirite in law, as he
was evidently a Batinite in theology. The last is
plain through the title itself of his exposition of the
Kur'an, ta'wil, not tafsir, and is shown in detail in
his Iffildhat and his treatise on kadar. In the last
we have the normal combination of the Aristo-
telian universe, the Neo-Platonic metaphysics and
theology and the Kur'anic mythology of Muham-
mad. These all appear, too, in Ibn c ArabI, but
perhaps c Abd al-Razzak is more anxious to keep
the last element prominent, and to proclaim thus
his essential orthodoxy. Certainty, he strives to
avoid the absolute merging of the individual, and
the consequent fatalism of Ibn c ArabI and to lay a
possible basis for individual responsibility, for free-
dom and rewards and punishments hereafter. His
method in this is as follows. In order to bring
out clearly the forces leading to any event and
the close interweaving of all causes and effects to
make up the great organism of the universe, he
begins with a description of the universe on the
Sufi scheme. It is the Neo-Platonic chain. Above
is God, the One, the Alone; from him proceeds,
by a dynamic emanation, the Universal Reason

(al-'ahl al-awwal), called also the Primary or
Universal Spirit (al-ruh al-awwal) and the Highest
Knowledge (al-Hlm aj-aHd). This is a spiritual
substance and the first of the properties which
the divine essence implies. From it two other
substances are produced, one spiritual (r&ttdniyya)
which is the substance of the world of the Uni-
versal Reason, considered as apart from God and
inhabited by particular intelligences, somewhat
as fractions of the Universal Reason, which are
the angels of revealed religion; the other is psy-
chical, being the Universal Soul (nafs). Finally
come the material elements with their natural
forces and laws. In the Universal Reason are the
types of all things, as universals, and this Reason,
with its types, is known directly by God. God's
omnipotence (hdhiriyya) is manifested through these
angels or Intelligences, and their world is there-
fore called the World of Power ('dlatn al-kudra).
But they also, in their perfection, repair the im-
perfections of other beings. Their world again,
therefore, is called the World of Repairing ('atom
al-diabarut). Some, however, take the other sense
of the root djabar and render it, the World of
Constraint, because they constrain other beings to-
wards perfection. This world is also called the
Mother of the Book (umm al-kitdb; Kur'an, xiii,
39, xliii, 4), from it comes all knowledge of divine
mysteries, it is above all fetters of time and change.
The world of the Universal Soul, on the other hand,
called the World of Ruling { c dlam al-malakut), is a
step nearer the particular, material world. The types
which exist in the Universal Reason become in it
general conceptions, and these are further specialized,
determined, limited, brought near to what we know,
by being engraved on the individual reasonable
souls, which are the souls of the heavenly bodies,
corresponding to the angelic Intelligences, the
fractions of the Universal Reason. This world,
from its likeness to the human imagination, is
called the Imagination of the World (khaydl al-
c dlam) and the Nearer Heaven (al-samd* al-dunyd).
From it issue all beings in order to appear in
the World of Sense ( l dlam al-shahdda), it moves
and directs everything, measuring out matter and
assigning causes. The heavenly bodies, then, have
reasonable souls just like our own, these are the
imaginative faculties of the particular reasonable
souls, into which the Universal Soul divides. On
their changes all change in this world below 1 de-
pends (comp. al-Ghazall's scheme, in JAOS, 1899,
116 ff.).

Further, this constitution of the universe corres-
ponds to man's body, macrocosm to microcosm.
Just as the brain is the seat of man's ruling spirit,
so the Universal Spirit or Reason is seated in the
throne ('arsh) above the sphere of the fixed stars.
The fourth heaven, the sphere of the sun, which
vivifies all, is the seat of the Universal Soul, in
man this is the heart, wherein is his particular,
reasonable soul. So the fourth sphere is like the
breast, and the sun like the physical heart. The
individual soul of the sun corresponds to the animal
spirit in the heart, which is the source of human life.

Next, as to the place of predestination in this
scheme, for that there are three words, kadd',
kadar and Hndya. Kadi'' means the existence of
the universal types of all things in the world of
the Universal Reason. Kadar is the arrival in
the world of the Universal Soul of the types of
existing things, after being individualized in order
to be adapted to matter, these are joined to their

<ABD al-RAZZAK al-KASHANI — <ABD al-RAZZAK al-SAMARKANDI

causes, produced by them, and appear at their
fixed times. 'Inaya is, broadly, Providence and
covers both of the above, just as they contain
everything that is actual. It is the divine know-
ledge, embracing everything as it is, universally
and absolutely. It is not in any place, for God's
knowledge, in His essence, is nothing else than
the presence of His essence before His essence,
which is essentially one and goes with all the
qualities which inhere in Him. Further, while
the essence (hakika) of kadd? is part of the Hndya
of God, its entelechy {kamal) is in the world of
the Universal Reason. The Universal Soul is some-
times called the Preserved Tablet (al-lawh al-
tnahfuz), for on it are preserved unalterable all the
general conceptions which are on their way to the
individual heavenly souls.

It is the world, then, of kadar, of the Soul, which
sets everything in motion. This is by the yearning
of the reasonable souls of the heavenly bodies
towards their spiritual source, the Universal Reason.
They try to assimilate themselves to this, to uni-
versalize themselves. Step by step, they mount up,
and with each advance they receive a new outpouring
from that source, drawing them on further. With
each movement, there flows from them an influence
upon matter according as it is adapted to receive
it, and thus there is a series of changes in the
material world, corresponding to those in the world
of the Soul. These changes may be either absolute
of creation and destruction, or, between those
extremes, simply of condition. The duration of
existence constitues the Kur 3 anic adjal, and all these
are fixed by kadar.

Finally, this exegesis of Kur'an, lii, i — 6 will
show how c Abd al-Razzak applied Scripture. "By
the Mount and by a Book Inscribed in a Parch-
ment Outspread, and by the Frequented House,
and by the Raised Roof, and by the Flowing
Sea!" The Frequented House is the Spirit of the
fourth sphere, that of the sun. Therefore Jesus,
the Spirit of God, has been placed there, whose
miracle is the raising of the dead. The Mount is
the 'arsh, the seat of the Universal Reason. The
Book Inscribed is kadd', which is in that Reason:
and the Parchment Outspread is the Reason itself.
The Raised Roof is the nearest heaven, where are
the individual celestial souls; it is mentioned im-
mediately after the Frequented House, because from
this heaven the forms descend on the earth,
and from the Frequented House comes the breath
of the Spirit, by the combination of which the
creation of animated beings is achieved. The Flowing
Sea is the sea of primary matter which spreads
everywhere and is filled with forms.

How, then, is such a scheme related to pre-
destination and free will? It is highly complicated,
consisting of- a remote first cause and an infinity
of intermingling and crossing, nearer, secondary
causes. It is possible to look at these last only,
and so to assign absolute creative and deciding
power to our own wills. Or to look only at the
first cause and become fatalists. We must preserve
the balance and hold by both. The complete cause
of anything into which human will can enter must
have as an element in it, among so many others,
free will. It sets all the others in movement. Under
this conception, though never clearly stated, is
evidently implied that man has in him an element
of the divine deciding power. If there is freedom
in the divine nature, there must be also in its emana-
tions. For Ibn 'ArabI the oneness of the divine

nature over against the creation had overcome
everything. c Abd al-Razzak lays stress on the multi-
tudinous interweaving causes of the world, its
constantly developing processes, to show that in
life, purpose and will there must be multiplicity.
The divine is spread down through the sub-lunar
things, it does not simply rule from above. Again,
amongst the many causes working in the world and
upon men are the restraints and influences of religion,
the promises and threatenings of the prophets. These
we should permit to have their effects upon us as
parts of the whole scheme, the process of trai-
ning under which we are. But, again, why should
training be necessary? Why are there good and
bad ? Here, again, is an implication, once pretty
clearly expressed. Matter is of very differing na-
ture, grosser and finer, It can receive only a
corresponding soul, therefore souls also vary.
Character and disposition is a combination of
both, and it is for the soul to overcome its ma-
terial body and itself rise. This evidently is the
fundamental thought, but c Abd al-Razzak does
not give much space to it. Rather, he uses the
old theological catch. This must be the best pos-
sible creation, otherwise God would have created
a better. Further, if all things were equal, there
could be neither order nor organization. This
would also be hard on those less perfect things
thus ruled out of existence. All things should
have a chance; it is for them to use it. God knows
their differences and will allow for them. The most
and the greatest sins are from ignorance, and God
will so treat them. In the life to come the same
thing is to go on. Some will attain felicity, others,
because they might have done better, must undergo
purification by punishment, but that will not be
eternal. Here, perhaps, c Abd al-Razzak is most
unsatisfactory. He passes over into the normal
Muslim conception although it is not at all clear
that his system can permit individuality apart from
matter. Freed souls, we should expect, would either
return into the unity, or else be sent forth again
to another material life. Like so many in Muslim
theology and philosophy, this tractate was adapted
to an audience, and was not perfectly ingenuous.
Yet behind its caution of statement the real system
is tolerably plain. It is nearer orthodoxy than that
of Ibn 'Arabi, but not as near as this eschatology
would suggest.

Bibliography: St. Guyard, in Journ. As.,

7th ser., i, 125 ff., which is the main source;

Brockelmann, ii, 203 — 2 (treating him as two

different persons), S ii, 280-1.

(D. B. Macdonald)

C ABD AL-RAZZAg Kamal al-DIn b. Pjalal
al-DIn IshA* al-SAMARKANDI, Persian his-
torian, author of the well-known MafUi'-i Sa'dayn
wa-Madima'-i Bahrayn, born in Harat Sha'ban
816/Nov. 1413, died there Djumada II 887/July-
August 1482. His father was imam and kadi of the
camp (hadrat) of Shahrukh and read out books and
expounded various problems (masdHl) to him
(Mafia 1 , ii, 704, 870, cf. 706). He received the usual
type of education, and one of his teachers was his
elder brother £ Abd al-Kahhar. He also attended
when his father read the two Sahihs to Shams
al-DIn Muh. al-Djazarl (d. 833/1429) (ibid., ii, 631-
1294) and received an idjdza. After the death of
his father, he used to attend the court of Shahrukh
with his elder brothers, but when in 841/1437-8 he
dedicated his Shark on al-Risdla aV-Adudiyya to
the king and presented it to him, he was taken into

ABD AL-RAZZAtf al-SAMARKANDI — C ABD al-SALAM b. MASHlSH

service and allowed to attend the court regularly.
Two years later, he was examined by the 'ulamd'
at the court, and granted a salary and provisions
(marsum wa-'alu/a) (ibid., ii, 704, 731 f.).

In Ramadan 845/Jan. 1441 <Abd al-Razzak was
sent to India as ambassador and returned in
Ramadan 848/Dec. 1444. (For his mission and the
result obtained see Mafia 1 , ii, 783; T. W. Arnold,
The Caliphate, Oxford 1924, 113). He was similarly
sent to Gilan in 850/1446. He was ordered to make
ready for a mission to Egypt in the same year,
but due to the death of Shahrukh this was cancelled.
In the period following the death of that king he
served his successors Mirza c Abd al-Latif, Mirza
<Abd Allah and Mirza Abu'l-Rasim Babur, with some
as sadr, with others as ndHb and khdss ; see ibid., ii,
1440. Under the last-named prince, who included
him among his confidants, he enjoyed many favours
(ibid., ii, n 19). In 856/1452 he was in Yazd with
Mirza Babur, when the Mirza interviewed Sharaf
al-DIn c Ali Yazdi, and in 856/1452 he was with the
same prince when he besieged Samarkand, in which
city c Abd al-Razzak had many friends and old
acquaintances (Mafia 1 , ii, 1041, 1078). In 866/1462
he was sent to Asfuzar for fixing taxes (bunica
bastan). Soon after, under Sultan Abu Sa'id, on
3 Djumada I 867/24 Jan. 1463 the vizier Kh'adja
Rutb al-DIn T5 J us SimnanI appointed him shaykh
(governor) of the khdnkdh of Shahrukh (Matla', ii,
1270), which post he held till his death.

The Mafia' describes,, with a brief mention of the
birth (704/1304-5) and accession (716/1316-7) of the
Ilkhan Abu Sa c id, the events of the years 717-
875/1317-1471, in chronological order. Up to the
year 830/1426-7 use is principally made of the
Zubdat al-Tawarikh of Hafiz-i Abru [q.v.], which is
at times quoted literally. The famous account of
the embassy to China in 823-5/1420-2, is also taken
from the Zubda. For the period from 830 to 875/
1426-71 c Abd al-Razzak's work is one of the most
important original sources of information. Cf. the
takriz of <Abd al-Wasi* al-Nizami (for him see
Ifabib al-Siyar, iii, 3, 328) in Mafia', ii, 1440, which
refers to his indebtedness to Hafiz-i Abru for the
earlier period and his impartial narrative relating
to the period in which he himself lived. An edition
of vol. ii was published piecemeal in the Oriental
College Magazine, Lahore Nov. 1933 onwards, and
later a separate edition was published in two parts
(Lahore 1360/1941 and 1368/1949). Mss. of the
work are to be found in nearly all the larger European
collections but they are now rare in the East. The
Panjab University Library has an autograph copy
of vol. ii, acquired recently. It was completed by
the author on 17 RabI' I, 875/13 Sept. 1470, the
correction of the copy being completed by him on
the 18th Sha'ban 88s/23rd Oct. 1480. E. Quatremere
gives extracts from the work in the Notices et extraits,
xiv, part 1; as also H. M. EUiot in his History of
India, iv, 89-126, and others (for whom see Storey).

From the Mafia' (ii, 190) we learn that <Abd al-
Razzak also wrote a work on the history of Harat
and its districts (bulQkdt). In some places in the
Mafia' (e.g. ii, 951, 1208) he also quotes his own

Bibliography: Storey, ii, 293-8; W. Barthold,

Turkestan*, 56; Kh w andamlr, Bombay 1857,

iii/3, 335. (W. Barthold-Mohammad Shafi)

'ABO al-SALAM b. MASHlSH al-HasanI.

Practically nothing is known of this personage, who

has become one of the "poles" (hufi), [q.v.]) of popular

mysticism in Morocco. The only fairly certain fact

is that he died in 625/1227-8 by a
hermitage on the Djabal al-'Alam, in the territory
of the Banu c Arus, to the south-east of Tetuan. He
is said to have fallen victim to a man of the region,
Muhammad b. Abl Tawadjln al-Kutami, belonging
to riasr Kutama, who had rebelled against the
decaying Almohad power and was attempting to
pass himself off as a prophet, and who assassinated
the saint because the latter's prestige was an
obstacle to his ambitions. c Abd al-Salam was buried
at the top of the mountain, at the foot of an
oak, and seems to have been for a long time the
object of a purely local cult; Ibn Khaldun does not
mention him, nor for that matter the revolt of his
murderer.

Besides this account of his death, which seems
to be reasonably probable although reported by
much later authors, little more is known of the
saint than his genealogy, which, through several
ancestors with typically Berber names, attaches him
to the house of the Prophet. He is said to have been
born in the neighbourhood of the Djabal al- c Alam,
into the tribe of the Banu c Arus, and to have gone
"in pursuit of learning" to the East at the age of
sixteen; then, on his return, to have followed at
Bidjaya (Bougie) the instruction of the famous
Andalusian mystic Abu Madyan [q.v.], and to have
come back finally to stay in his native country,
where he lived an edifying life as an ascetic in his
mountain hermitage.

His teaching is scarcely better known, in spite
of the elaborations which it acquired in Moroccan
mysticism. "Perform the obligations of the Law and
avoid sin", he is said to have advised a disciple who
had asked him for a rule of life, "keep your heart
aloof from every temporal attachment, accept what
God sends you, and put above all else the love of
God" (Ibn 'Ayad, K. al-Mafdkhir, 106). It is related
also that he had as a disciple Abu '1-Hasan 'All
al-Shadhili [q.v.], who came to him for his initiation
into mysticism.

Only from the 15th century, it seems, at the time
when the marabout movement connected with al-
Shadhill became active in Morocco, did the fame of
c Abd al-Salam extend beyond the limits of his tribe
into the whole northern part of Morocco. He was
then regarded as the "pole" of the West, as c Abd
al-tCadir al-Gilanl was regarded as the "pole" of the
East. A pilgrimage was organized around his tomb
in the three days following the mawlid nabawl. A
colourful description of it, applying to the last
years of the 19th century, will be found in Le
Maroc inconnu of A. Moulieras.

Bibliography: Afcmad al-Kumushakhanawi
al-Nakshabandl, Qiami' Usui al-Awliyd? , tr. in
Graulle, Dawhat al-Nddhir, AM, XIX, 296-8;
Sha'ranl, al-Tabakdt al-Kubrd, Cairo 1299, ii, 6;
Nasirl, Istiksd', Cairo 1312, i, 210 (tr. IsmaelHamet,
A M, xxxii, 254-5 ; Ibn <Ayad, al-Mafdkhir al-'Aliyya
Ii l-Ma'dthir al-Shadhiliyya, Cairo 1323, 106; A.
Moulieras, Le Maroc inconnu, Paris 1899, ii, 159-79;
M. Xicluna, Quelques Ugendes relatives a Moulay
'Abd as-Saldm ben Mechich, AM, iii, 119-33;
A. Fischer, Der grosse marokkanische Heilige
'Abdesselam ben MeSH, ZDMG, 1917, 209-22;
E. Michaux-Bellaire, Conferences, AM, xxvii, 52-4
et 64-5; E. Westermarck, Ritual and Belief in
Morocco, ii, 600; Asln Palacios, Sadilies y alum-
brados, (I), And., 1945, 9-11; G. S. Colin, Chresto-
mathie marocaine, 226; Brockelmann, S I, 787.
I (R. Le Tournkau)

'ABD al-SAMAD al-PALIMBANI — <ABD al-WADIDS

'ABD al-SAMAD b. 'Abd Allah al-PALIM-
BAnI, i.e. of Palembang in Sumatra, was a pupil
of Muhammad al-Samman (d. 1 190/1776), the
founder of the Sammaniyya order (cf. Brockelmann,
S II, 535 and Nachtr.). He is known chiefly as
translator of al-Ghazall's Lubdb Ihyd* l Ulum al-Dln
into Malay, under the title of Sayr al-Sdlikin ild
Hbddat Rabb al- l Alamin. It was begun in 1193 and
finished at Ta'if in 1203. The translation is very
free, shortened in some places, enlarged elsewhere
by numerous additions, the sources of which are
enumerated in book iii, bab 10. Here we find also
an interesting list of sufi literature recommended
by the author to three stages of pupils in Sufism.
Most of the works in this list are in Arabic, but
some in Malay. It seems that c Abd al-Samad lived
mostly in Arabia. One of his earlier writings, Zuhrat
al-Murid fi Baydn Kalimat al-Tawhid, is a Malay
treatise on mantik and usul al-din, based on notes
which he took during a lecture given at Mecca by
Ahmad al-Damanhuri (Brockelmann, II, 371) in 1178.
His Hiddyat al-Sdlikin fi Suluk Maslak al-Muttakin
is a Malay adaptation of al-Ghazall's Biddyat al-
Hiddya, finished at Mecca, 5 Muh. 1192. In Arabic
he compiled a collection of awrdd entitled 'Urwat
al-Wuthkd wa-Silsilat uli'l-Ittikd, a rdtib, and a
treatise entitled Nasihat al-Muslimln. This last work
contains fervent admonitions to holy war against
infidels. It inspired the author of the Achehnese
poem Hihayat prang sabi, of which various redactions
were circulated in Acheh during the war against
the Dutch in the last quarter of the 19th and the
beginning of the 20th century.

Bibliography: Ph. S. van Ronkel, VBG 57,

383, 400, 429; id., Suppl. Cat. Arab. Mss. Batavia,

139, 216; R. O. Winstedt, A history of Malay

literature (JMBRAS 17, III), 103; H. T. Damste,

Hikajat prang sabi, in BTLV 84, 545 ff. ; for the

Sammaniyya: C. Snouck Hurgronje, The Achehnese,

ii, 216 ff. Two of 'Abd al-Samad's works have

been frequently printed: Sayr al-Sdlikin, Mecca

1306 (lith.), 1309 etc.; Hiddyat al-Sdlikin, Mecca

1287 (lith.), Bombay 1311, etc. On two works of

dubious authorship see TBG 85, no. The tract

Anis al-Muttakin by 'Abd al-Samad b. Faklh

Husayn b. Faklh Muhammad is not the work

of an Indonesian author, though on the title-page

of the lithographed edition the epithet al-Palimbanl

is added to the author's name; its attribution to

a Zaydl author (Brockelmann, S II, 966) is

equally false. (P. Voorhoeve)

'ABD al-WADIDS (BanO 'Abd al-Wad, or

Zayyanids, Banu Zayyan), a Berber dynasty

which, from the first half of the 7th/i3th century

to the middle of the ioth/i6th century had its

capital at Tlemcen (Tilimsan, [q.v.]) and extended

its power, against frequent opposition, over the

central Maghrib (from the frontiers of the present

Morocco to the meridian of Bougie).

According to the concepts recorded by Ibn
Khaldiin, the Banu 'Abd al-Wad were Zanata "of
the second race". Like the Banu Marin, B. Tudjln,
B. Rashid and B. Mzab, they belonged to the
great Zanata family of the Banu Wasln. Living as
nomads, like their neighbours and relatives, the B.
Marin and B. Tudjln, they once occupied a more
extensive territory, reaching to the vicinity of the
Awras. In consequence of the Hilali invasion
(5th/nth century) these Zanata nomads, driven
eastwards, were forced to abandon their territory
to the Arab nomads and to emigrate to the high
plateaux of what is now the province of Oran. The

conquest of the country by the Almohads, at the
beginning of the 6th/i2th century, made the fortune
of the Banu 'Abd al-Wad. They proved themselves
loyal and useful allies of the caliphs of Marrakush,
especially at the time when the terrible ravages of
the Almoravid Banu Ghaniva brought destruction
upon Ifrlkiya and the central Maghrib (581-600/
1185-1203). The assistance which they gave to the
Almohad forces earned its reward. Tlemcen, success-
fully defended, profited by the ruin of the neigh-
bouring centres and by the emigrations that were
depopulating them. In 633/1235 the chief of the Banu
'Abd al-Wad, Yaghmurasan (or better: Yagham-
rasan) b. Zayyan, inherited from his brother the
command over all the branches of the family. This
dignity, ratified by the consent of the tribes, was
confirmed by a diploma of investiture issued by
the Almohad caliph al-Rashid.

Yaghmurasan, the shaykh of an imposing nomad
group, who used to lead his tribesmen and their
flocks periodically from the desert to the plains of
the province of Oran and who could speak only
the Berber dialect of the Zanata, became the seden-
tary sovereign of a powerful state. He had moreover
the qualities of a founder of empire: energy, the
ability needed to hold his associates together around
him, political insight, a taste for grandeur and the
generous gesture. During a reign that lasted not
less than 48 years (633-81/1236-83), he already
encountered the dangers that never ceased to
menace the kingdom of Tlemcen. These arose on
the one hand from the legacy of the clan's former
life and the rivalries that set Berber against Berber,
and on the other hand from the consequences of
the new situation in which the 'Abd al-Wadids
found themselves. True to his duty as a vassal, he
supported the last Almohad caliphs against the
Marinids, who had become the masters of Fez. The
fall of the Almohads in 646/1248 left him face to face
with the Marinids. Between the Marinids and the
'Abd al-Wadids there was a long tradition of con-
flict; it was singularly widened by the establishment
of the two kindred kingdons, neighbours and all
the more ardently rivals.

These are the main themes which dictated the
course of the external history of the 'Abd al-Wadids.
Yaghmurasan foresaw their development and on
his death-bed, so the story goes, he traced for his
son 'Uthman the conduct he should adopt with
regard to the other powers: a strictly defensive
attitude as against Marlnid Maghrib; attempts at
expansion at the expense of the Hafsid kingdom
of Tunis, as occasion should offer. In addition to
this political testament, his successors could derive
lessons from the activities of Yaghmurasan himself:
his firmness in the face of the Zanata, his relatives
in the central Maghrib, namely Maghrawa and Banu
Tudjln; in Spain, the triple alliance which he con-
cluded with the sultan of Granada and the Christian
king of Castille, in order to thwart the action of
the Marinids, their common enemy, both in North
Africa and in the Peninsula.

The struggle of Fez against Tlemcen, the attack
on the 'Abd al-Wadid kingdom— the first objective
of their expansion in North Africa — by their western
neighbours, the Marinids, is the principal motif of
this history and could serve to mark its stages.
The first noteworthy episode was, under 'UftrnJn,
the son of Yaghmurasan, the long siege of Tlemcen
by the Marlnid sultan Abu Ya'kub al-Mansflr, who
isolated it during eight years (698-706/1298-1306)
by a rigorous blockade and began to build the

encampment-town of al-Mansura (see abO zayyAn I).
This time, Tlemcen did not fall. After expanding
eastwards under Abu Hammu I [?.».], the 'Abd
al-Wadids were again attacked by the Marinid Abu
'1-Hasan (see abO tAshufIn I), and on 30 Ramadan
737/2 May 1337 Tlemcen was taken by storm. After
ten years of Moroccan domination, Tlemcen was
delivered from the foreign yoke in 749/1348 by the
two brothers Abu Sa c Id and Abu Thabit, but
in 753/1352 was again conquered by the Marinid
Abu 'Inan, and was not regained by the 'Abd al-
Wadids until 760/1359.

These two Moroccan interregnums caused a break
in the history of the 'Abd al-Wadids which was to
show itself in all fields of action. Under Abu
Hammu II (760-91/1359-89 [q.v.]), the kingdom
regained a relative freedom of movement, but at-
tempts at expansion in the direction of the Hafsid

C ABD al-WADIDS 93

kingdom were frustrated (the expedition of 767/1366
against Bougie ended in disaster) and Marinid in-
vasion remained as a periodical threat. The struggle
with the Marinids had also taken on a new char-
acter, for various reasons : firstly, because of the role
played by the Ma'kil Arabs of TSfilalt and the valley
of the Muluya (WadI Malwiyya), who supported
Tlemcen against Fez; secondly, through the policy
of the Marinids, whose aim was less to annex
Tlemcen than to support an 'Abd al-Wadid pretender
and so to reduce, the kingdom to a vassal state;
thirdly, owing to the incapacity of the sultans of
Tlemcen to defend their capital, and its temporary
abandonment by the sovereign to seek refuge with
his nomad allies.

This is, in its main lines, the history of the 'Abd
al-Wadids during the second half of the 8th/i4th
century. For the further hundred and fifty years

Abu Yahya Yaghamrasan b. Zayyan

(633-81/1236-83)
Abu Sa'Id 'UJhman I b. Yaghamrasan

(681-703/1282-1303)
Abu Zayyan I Mufc. b. 'Uthman

(703-7/1303-8)
Abu Hammu I Musa b. 'Uthman

707-18/1308-18)
Abu Tashufin I 'Abd al-Rahman b. Musa

(718-37/1318-1337)

First Marinid interregnum

Abfl Sa'Id 'Uthman II b. 'Abd al-Rahman b.
Yahya b. Yaghamrasan — reigning togetherwith
his brother Abu Thabit (749"53/i348-52)

Second Marinid interregnum

Abu Hammu II Musa b. Abl Ya'kub Yusuf b. 'Abd

al-Rahman b. Yahya b. Yaghamrasan

(760-91/1359-89)
Abu Tashufin II 'Abd al-Rahman b. Musa

(791-6/1388-93)
Abu Thabit II Yusuf b. 'Abd al-Rahman

(796/1393)
Abu'l-Hadjdjadj Yusuf b. Musa (796-7/1 393-4)
Abu Zayyan II Muh. b. Musa (797-802/1394-9)

F THE 'ABD AL-WADIDS

Abu Muh. 'Abd Allah I b. Musa

(802-4/1399-1401)
Abu 'Abd Allah Muh. 1 b. Musa (804-13/1401-11)
'Abd al-Rahman b. Muh. (813-4/1411)
Sa'Id b. Musa (814/14")
Abu Malik 'Abd al-Wahid b. Musa

(814-27/1411-23)
Abu 'Abd Allah Muh. II b. 'Abd al-Rahman

(827-31/1423-7, 833-4/1429-30)
Abu'l-'Abbas Ahmad b. Musa (834-66/1430-61)
Abu 'Abd Allah Muh. Ill al-Mutawakkil b. Muh.

b. Yusuf (866-73/1461-68)
Abu Tashufin III b. Muh. al-Mutawakkil (873/1468)
Abu 'Abd Allah Muh. IV al-Thabitl b. Muh. al-
Mutawakkil (873-910/1468-1504)
Abu 'Abd Allah Muh. V al-Thabitl b. Muh. IV

(910-2 3/1504-17)
Abii Hammu III Musa b. Muh. Ill

(923-34/1517-27)
Abu Muh. 'Abd Allah II b. Muh. Ill

(934-47/1527-40)
Abu 'Abd Allah Muh. VI b. 'Abd Allah

(947/1540)
Abu Zayyan III Ahmad b. 'Abd Allah

(947-50/1540-3, 95i-7/i544-5o)
al-Hasan b. 'Abd Allah (957/1550)

during which the dynasty continued to exist they
never again became masters of their own fate. It
is true that they had nothing more to fear from
Morocco, where the weak Wattasids had succeeded to
the Marinids; but the hegemony passed to Tunis.
The last two great Hafsids, Abu Faris (827/1424)
and 'Uthman (871/1466), harking back to the
tradition of the first rulers of the dynasty, led
victorious expeditions against Tlemcen and imposed
in their turn vassal sovereigns of their own choice
on the 'Abd al-Wadid kingdom.

The incurable weakness of this kingdom, its
internal quarrels and the cupidity of the foreigners
made of the last phase of its history — i.e. the first
half of the ioth/i6th century— an epoch of sub-
mission and decadence. Tlemcen passed successively
under the suzerainty of the Spaniards (who had
become masters of Oran in 915/1509), then under
that of the Turks of Algiers in 923/1517, again from
the Spaniards to the Turks, finally under the
suzerainty of the Sa'did sovereigns of Marrakush,
from whom it was seized by the Turks in 957/i55o.

There can be no doubt that, compared with the
kingdom of their Marinid kinsmen, that of the
'Abd al-Wadids appears less rich in men, fertile land
and cities, and in every respect less well furnished.
Thus it was unable to undertake great military
enterprises in North Africa or in Spain. Its geograph-
ical position exposed it to the attacks of its
covetous neighbours to the east and to the west.
The place taken by the Arabs, notably by the
great Hil&U tribes of the Banu 'Amir and Suwayd,
who had invaded the plains of the district of Oran,
imposed upon it a ruinous collaboration with these
nomads. The Arabs, providing troops that could
easily be mobilized, and acting as collectors of
taxes and repaid in this service, took part in the
dynastic crises and always profited by them. The
liberation from the Moroccan yoke was due to them.
The greater part of the 'Abd al-Wadid territory
passed into their hands, in the form of iktd's,
beneficiary estates.

In spite of these precarious conditions of existence,
and in spite of their slighter resources,, which did

<ABD al-WADIDS — ABDAL

not allow the rulers of Tlemcen to live a life as

sumptuous, or to erect buildings as important, as

those of the kings of Fez, the c Abd al-Wadids seem

to have cut a figure as sovereigns earlier than the

Marlnids. From the very reign of Yaghmurasan,

the administrative personnel appears to be more

complete and their duties to be better defined than

among their western neighbours. At first, the

sovereign recruited his viziers among the members

of his own family. Under the fourth ruler, Abu

Hammu I, who according to Ibn Khaldun (Berberes,

ii, 142; transl. Hi, 384) transformed the kingdom

from its patriarchal ways and imposed on it the

etiquette of a real court, the vizierate was entrusted

to Andalusians; and the same system continued

under the fifth sultan. The Marlnid interregnum

gave rise to a new system: the vi

relative of the prince, becomes, as a

der of the army and a viceroy, who is tempted to

a j use the authority granted to him. In regard to

the hddjtb (great chamberlain), it is noteworthy

that while in Fez this dignitary is often a familiar

of the prince, of humble origin and an inglorious

past, in Tlemcen he is chosen for his knowledge of

law and his financial capacity. After the Marinid

interregnum, the title of (iddiib vanished almost

completely. No less markedly than in the military

and economic fields, the Moroccan occupation of the

middle of the 8th/i4th century represents a collapse

in the development of the c Abd al-Wadid state.

Bibliography: Ibn Khaldun, '■Ibar vii, 72-149

= Hist, des Berbires, ed. de Slane, ii, 109-224,

transl. de Slane, iii, 340-495; Yahya b. Khaldun,

Bughyat al-Ruwwdd ft Dhikr al-Muluk mitt Bant

<Abd al-Wdd, ed. and transl. A. Bel (Hist. desBeni

<Abd al-Wdd), Algiers 1903-1913; TanasI, Nazm

al-Durr wa'l- c Ikydn ft Baydn Sharaf Bant Zayydn,

partial transl. by J. J. L. Barges (Hist, des Beni

Zeian, rots de Tlemcen), Paris 1852 ; Ibn Maryam,

El-Bostan, Biographies des Saints et Savants de

Tlemcen, ed. M. Ben Cheneb, Algiers 1908;

transl. I. Provenzali, Algiers 1910; Leo Africanus,

Description de I'Afrique, ed. Ch. Schefer, iii,

Paris 1898; <Abd al-Basit b. Khalil, ed. and

transl. R. Brunschvig (Deux recits de voyage

inedits en Afrique du Nord au XV^me siicle),

Paris 1936; J. J. L. Barges, Complement a I'Hist.

des Beni Zeian, Paris 1887; idem, Tlemcen,

ancienne capitate du royaume de ce nom, Paris

1859; Brosselard, Inscriptions arabes de Tlemcen,

RAfr., 1859-62; idem, Me'moire e'pigraphique et

historique sur les tombeaux des Emirs Beni Zeiyan,

J A, 1876; W. Marcais, Musie de Tlemcen (Musees

de I'Algirie et de la Tunisie), Paris 1906 ; G. Marcais,

Les Arabes en Berbirie, Paris 191 3; idem, Le

Makhzen des Beni l Abd al-Wdd, Bull, de la sociiU

de geographic et d'archeologie d'Oran, 1940; W. and

G. Marcais, Les monuments arabes de Tlemcen,

Paris 1903; G. Marcais, Tlemcen (Les villes d'art

celibres), Paris 1950; Zambaur, 77-8. — Owing to

the close connection between the history of the

l Abd al-Wadids and that of the neighbouring

dynasties, the chroniclers of these dynasties (cf.

the bibliographies under marinids and hafsids)

have frequent references to the c Abd al-Wadids. —

Cf. also tilimsAn. (G. Marcais)

<ABD al-WAHHAB b. c Abd al-Rahman b.

Rustum [see rustumids].

<ABD AL-WAtfID B. c AlI al-TamImI al-MAR-
RAKUSHl, Abu Muhammad, Maghribi chron-
icler from the beginning of the 13th century, b.
Marrakush 7 Rabl< II 581/8 July 1185. We have no

information about his life except for a few auto-
biographical data that allow us to some degree to
piece together his career. He left, at an early age,
his native town for Fez, where he made his studies,
but returned several times to the Almohad capital
before going to Spain. He stayed in Seville in 605/
1208-9 and stopped for two years in Cordova. After
a short visit to Marrakush he established himself
at Seville, whose Almohad governor took him into
his service. At the end of 613/1217, he undertook
a journey to the East, going to Ifrikiya and then
to Egypt. It seems that he remained in the East
till the end of his life ; according to his own testimony,
he was in 617/1220 in Upper Egypt, three years
later in Mecca. It was in 621/1224 that he compiled,
probably in Baghdad, his al-Mu l diib fi Talkhis
Akhbdr al-Maghrib, published by R. Dozy (Leiden
1847, 2nd ed. 1881) under the title The History of the
Almohads (French transl. by E. Fagnan, Algiers 1893).

The MW-djib gives an often interesting precis of
the history of the Muslim West up to the epoch of
the Mu'minid dynasty. The author treats this
dynasty at greater length, more often relying on his
personal memories than on the official Almohad
historiography. For the earlier period, he seems to
have had at his disposition certain works of the
Andalusian chronicler and traditionist al-Humaydl.
The value of the book of <Abd al- Wahid is enhanced
by its rich material concerning literary history, espe-
cially of the century of the muluk al-(awdHf in Spain.
Bibliography: Pons Boigues, Ensayo biobiblio-

grdfico, 413; Brockelmann, I, 392, S I, 555.

(E. L£vi-Provencal)

C ABD al-WAHID AL-RAfiHlD [see al-Muwah-

HIDUN].

C ABD al-WASI 1 DJABALl b. c Abd al-Djami',
Persian poet, one of the panegyrists of the
Seldjuk sultan Sandjar. He came from the province
of Ghardjistan, lived for some time in Harat, then
went to Ghazna to enter the service of the sultan
Bahrain Shah, son of Mas'ud, of the Ghaznawid
dynasty. Four years afterwards he took the occasion
of sultan Sandjar's coming to Ghazna — to assist
Bahrain Shah, his maternal cousin— to address to
him a panegyric. During the last fourteen years of
his life he lived at Sandjar's court and is said to
have died in 555/1160. He excelled in Arabic and
Persian poetry according to c Awfi, who quotes, in
this connection, two mulamma's. His diwdn (MSS
Bodleian, and Brit. Mus. Or. 3320) is mainly com-
posed of kasidas, often very difficult. The edition,
Lahore 1862, is in need of revision.

Bibliography: Dawlat Shah, Tadhkirat al-

Shu'ara 3 (Browne), 73-6; 'Awfl, Lubdb (Browne),

ii, 104-10; Rida Kuli Khan, Madima' al-Fusahd',

i, 185-92 ; J. Hammer-Purgstall, Gesch. d. schdnen

Redekunste Persiens, 101; H. Ethe, in Grundr. d.

iran. Philol., ii, 261. (Cl. Huart-H. MassS)

ABDAL (A.; plur. of badal, "substitute"), one

of the degrees in the sufi hierarchical order of

saints, who, unknown by the masses (rididl al-

ghayb [cf. ghayb]), participate by means of their

powerful influence in the preservation of the order

of the universe. The different accounts in the sufi

literature show no agreement as to the details of

this hierarchy. There is also great difference of

opinion as to the number of the abddl: 40, e.g. Ibn

Hanbal, Musnad, i, 112, cf. v, 322; Hudjwiri,

Kashf al-Mahdiub (Zhukowsky), 269, (transl.

Nicholson, 214), 300 (al-Makkl, Kut al-Kulab, ii, 79) ;

7 (Ibn 'Arabi, Futuhdt, ii, 9). According to the

most generally accepted opinion, the abddl take the

ABDAL -

fifth place in the hierarchy of the saints which
descends from the great K u(b [q.v.]. They are preceded
after the Kutb by: 2) both assistants of the latter
[al-imdmdn) ; 3) the five "stakes" or "pillars"
(al-awtdd [q.v.] or al- c umud; 4) the seven "incom-
parables" (al-afrad). After the abddl in the fifth
degree come: 6) the seventy "pre-eminents" (al-
nudiabd'); 7) the 300 "chiefs" {al-nukabd') ; 8) the
"troops" {al-'asd'ib), 500 in number; 9) the "wise",
or the "isolated" (al-hukamd' or al-mufradun), of
an unlimited number; 10) al-radiabiyyun. Each of
these ten classes is located in a particular region
and assigned a particular sphere of action. The
vacancies which occur in each of the classes are
filled by the promotion to that class of a member
of the class immediately below it. The abddl (also
called al-rukabd 3 , "the guardians") have their
residence in Syria. To their merit and intercession
are due the necessary rains, victory over the enemy,
and the averting of general calamities. — A single
individual of the Abddl is called badal; badil,
however, which grammatically corresponds to
another plural (W«W), is the usual form in the
singular. In Persian and in Turkish the plural
abddl is often used as a singular.

Bibliography: G. Fliigel, in ZDMG, xx,
38-9 (where the older sources are indicated);
Vollers, ibid., xliii, 114 ft. (after Munawl); Hasan
al-'AdawI, al-Nafahdt al-Shddhaliyya, ii, 99 ff.
(where is to be found the most frequently accepted
division of the classes); A. von Kremer, Gesch. d.
herrsch. Ideen, 172 ff. ; Barges, Vie du ce'libre mara-
bout Cidi Abou-Midien, Paris 1884, Introduction;
Blochet, Etudes sur I'esoterisme musulman, in J A ,
1902, i, 529 ff. II, 49 ff.; Concordance de la tradition
musulmane, s.v. ; L. Massignon, Passiond'al-Halladj,
754; idem, Essai, 112 ff. (I. Goldziher')

In various orders of derwishes in the Ottoman
Empire the name abddl, as well as budaW (plur. of
badil) was used for the derwishes, e.g. among the
Khalwatiyya . (cf. for instance Yusuf b. Ya'kub,
Mendkib-i Sherif we-Tarikat-ndme-yi Pirdn we-
Meshdyikh-i Tarikat-i c Aliyye-yi Khalwetiyye, Istan-
bul 1290/1873, 34, where it is expressly stated that
Shaykh Siinbiil Sinan used to address his derwishes
as abddl). When the esteem enjoyed by the derwish
orders declined, the word abddl, and budaW, used
as singulars assumed in Turkish a pejorative meaning :
"fool". The derivation of budala* from a Turkish
word but, "plump body" (K. Lokotsch, Etymologisches
Wdrterbuch der europaischen Worter orientalischen Ur-
sprungs, Heidelberg 1927, 28) is mistaken. BudaW
occurs, in the same acceptation, also in Bulgarian,
Serbian and Rumanian. (H. J. Kissling)

ABDALl, the former name of the Afghan tribe
now known as the Durrani; they belong to the
SarbanI branch of the Afghans. According to their
own tradition, they derived their name from Abdal
(or Awdal) b. Tarln b. Sharkhabfln b. Kays; Abdal
was so called because he was in the service of an
abddl or saint named Kh^adja Abu Ahmad of the
Cishtiyya order. The Abdalis for long inhabited
the province of Kandahar, but early in the reign
of Shah 'Abbas I, pressure from the Ghalzay tribe
caused them to move to the province of Harat.
Shah 'Abbas made Sado, of the* Popalzay clan,
head of the tribe, with the title Mir-i Afdghina.
Though loyal to Shah 'Abbas, they emulated the
Ghalzays a century later and made themselves
virtually independent. Nadir Shah [q.v.] later
subdued the Abdalis, but treated them with leniency
and enrolled many in his army. Amongst these

- 'ABDAN 95

Abdalis was Ahmad Khan, the second son of Muham-
mad Zaman Khan Sadozay. The Abdalis served
Nadir well, and he rewarded them by restoring
them to ' their former territory of Kandahar. On
Nadir's assassination in 1747, Ahmad Khan had
himself crowned in Kandahar. Either as the result
of a dream or because of the influence of a fakir
named Sabar Shah, Ahmad Shah took the title of
Durr-i Durrani ("The Pearl of Pearls"), and the
tribe has since that time been known as the Durrani.
The two principal clans were the Popalzay and the-
Barakzay; the present royal family of Afghanistan
belongs to the latter. (For the history of the Durrani
tribe see durrAni and Afghanistan).

Bibliography : M. Elphinstone, Caubul, London

1842, ii, 95; <Abd al-Karlm, Ta'rikh-i Ahmad,

Kanpur 1292/1875, 3-4; Muhammad Hayat

Khan, tfaydt-i Afghani (English trans, entitled

Afghanistan, 57); Muhammad Mahdl Kawkabt

AstarabadI, Ta'rikh-i Nddiri, Bombay, 4-6;

B. Dorn, History of the Afghans, ii, 42 ; L. Lockhart,

Nadir Shah, London 1938, 3, 4, 16, 29, 31-4,

52-4, 113-4, 120, 201 ; K. Fraser-Tytler, Afghanistan

8, 62. (L. Lockhart)

'ABDALl, plural 'Abadil, 'Abadila and, in the

Turfat al-Ashdb, 'Abdiliyyun with i, is now most

commonly used as a collective name for the

inhabitants of Lahdj in S. Arabia. Ahmad

Fadl believes this usage to date from the time

when SJiaykh Fadl b. 'AH b. Salah b. Sallam b.

'AH al-Sallami al-'Abdall, made Lahdj independent

of the Zaydi Imam (1145/1732-3) and founded the

dynasty by which it has since been ruled (see lahdj).

According to the Turfat al-Ashdb (7th/i3th cent.)

the original clan Of the 'Abadil are descended from

Khawlan b. 'Amr b. Alhaf b. Kuda'a; al-Khazradil

mentions them in southern Yaman {Pearl Strings,

v, 217) and Landberg concluded from local enquiries

that they still lived in their former territories. In

the time of Fadl b. 'All at least, they belonged to

the Yafi'I confederacy; the Al Sallam, his own

branch, were represented at Khanfar, in Yafi'I

territory, and at Mukha. Ahmad Fadl states that

the majority of the inhabitants of the state were

then Asabih, descended through Asbah b. 'Amr

from Himyar al-Asghar; they had been there in

al-Hamdanl's time; the rest belonged to various

Kahtan tribes, 'Adjalim, Djahafil, Yafi', 'Akarib,

Hawashib and 'Amira. The capital of the state, al-

Hawta, now has a very mixed population including

representatives of many tribes of S. W. Arabia as

well as people of African descent. (There is also a

branch of the Banu Marwan called 'Abadil, living

on the Sa'udi side of the southern border of 'Aslr;

see Philby, Arabian Highlands),

Bibliography: Al-Malik al-Ashraf 'Umar b.
Yusuf, Turfat al-Ashdb, Damascus 1369; F. M.
Hunter and C. W. H. Sealy, An account of the
Arab tribes in the vicinity of Aden; C. Landberg,
Etudes sur les dialectes de V Arable meridionale;
Ahmad Fadl b. 'All Muhsin al-'Abdall, Hadiyyat
al-Zamdn, Cairo 1351, giving copious quotations.

(C. F. Beckingham)
'ABDAN, according to the account of Ibn Rizam
(see Fihrist, 187) and Akhu Muhsin (quoted in al-
Nuwayri's chapter on the Karmatians and in an abbre-
viated form in al-Makrizi, Itti l dz al-Hunafd' (Bunz),
103 ff.), also going back, no doubt, to lbn Rizam, was
brother-in-law and lieutenant of Hamdan
Karma t [q.v.], leader of the Karmatians [q.v.] of
southern 'Irak. When the Isma'ili headquarters in
Salamiya changed their policy, 'Abdan fell away

<ABDAN — 'ABDl

from their allegiance, but was killed, in 286/899, at
the instigation of Zikrawayh, the leader of the
loyalists. The account of the evidently well informed
Akhu Muhsin — Ibn Rizam is confirmed by Ibn
Hawkal (Kramers), 295. The party of 'Abdan
survived in southern 'Irak for some years. It seems
that F&timid orthodoxy rehabilitated 'Abdan's
memory. He is mentioned by the author of the
Dastur al-Munadidiimln (M. J. de Goeje, Mimoire
sur les Carmathes, 204) as "one of the most famous
helpers of the second hidden Imam". He was made
into an author; his nephew, c Isa b. Musa, is said
to have concocted books in the name of 'Abdan
(Akhu Muhsin, in al-Nuwayri, and al-MakrizI,
Itti'dif, 130). At any rate, the Fihrist, 189, knows
numerous books attributed to 'Abdan. B. Lewis,
The Origins of IsmdHlism, 68, states that several
works by c Abdan are claimed to be in the possession
of Syrian Isma'IU circles; cf. also W. Iv^uiow, A
Guide to Ismaili Literature, 31. [See also sarmatians].
(S. M. Stern)
al- c ABDARI (i.e. descendant of <Abd al-Dar b.
Kusayy, of the tribe of Kuraysh), Muhammad b.
Muhammad b. <AlI b. Ahmad b. Sa'ud Abu
Muhammad, author of a book of travels
bearing the title of al-Rihla al-Maghribiyya. He was
staying with the Haha, near Mogador, when he
started on his journey on 25 Dhu 1-Ka c da 688/n Dec.
1289. The dates of his birth and death are not
known: all biographical data are lacking, although
he was always held in esteem as the learned author
of the Rihla. Ibn al-Kadl (Qiadhwat al-Iktibds, lith.
Fez, 199; Durrat at-ffidjdl, i, 124) and al-Makkari,
Analectes, 789, 866) know of him only from his work.
That he had sufl affinities is shown by his interest
in the cult of saints ; he himself tells that he received
the sufl khirka from the shaykh Abu Muhammad
<Abd Allah b. Yusuf al-AndalusI in Tunis (MS.
Algiers, fol. 154b). In politics he seems to have
been a partisan of the Marinids as against the
c Abd al-Wadids. It was due, probably, to this
•circumstance that he was unable, on his return,
to publish his book in Tlemcen.

On his journey he received instruction from the
following: Sharaf al-DIn al-Dimyatl (al-Dhahabl.
Tadhkira, iv, 278), the famous traditionist Ibn
Daklk al-'Id (al-Suyutl, &usn al-Muhadara, i, 143),
Zayn al-DIn b. al-Munayyir (Ibn Farbfln, al-Dibddj,
205; Aljmad Baba, Nayl, 191), \Abd Allah b. Harun
al-Tal al-Kurtubl in Tunis, Abu Zayd c Abd al-
Rahman b. al-Asadl in Kayrawan, Abu '1-Hasan
< A1I b. Ahmad al-Karafl and others. His son Muham-
mad (see ibn al-hAdjpj) and Abu'l-Kasim b.
Ridwan are mentioned as his pupils. He writes
approvingly of some, such as al-Dabbagh (author
of Ma'dHm al-Imdn), while others are treated with
devastating criticism (e.g. Abu <Abd Allah b. c Abd
al-Sayyid of Tripolis).

The importance of his book does not lie in its
geographical details. Though he thinks it proper
to criticize — with scant justification — some state-
ments of al-Bakri, he is not a geographer and his
summary descriptions of various sights — where he
usually follows other geographers — are of no great
value. His rhetorical descriptions have no more
than literary interest, putting him in the line of
similar Rihlas (e.g. that of al-Balawi, who travelled
737-41/1336-40). Al-'Abdari's main concern is with
the state of Muslim scholarship and instruction.
His notes are important contributions to the history
of the scholars of the Maghrib. He shared the custo-
mary passion for idfdzas, and gives details of the

authorities from whom he obtained, both for himself
and his son, such certificates of study.- Thus his
Rihla turns into, a specimen of the rich literature
about teachers and books (bamtimadj,, fahrasa),
from which we gain an insight into the range of
works usually studied, classical, post-classical, and
contemporary. In Kur'an-reading and grammar the
late works of the Andalusians are preferred, in
poetry most interest is shown in the famous post-
classical product of North Africa. Among the longer
poetical pieces quoted are al-Kasida al-Shakrdfisiyya,
by Abu Muhammad c Abd Allah al-Kurashl (d. 466/
1073), in praise of the Prophet, and a takhmls of
the Munfaridja. He quotes also some of his own
poems; for instance one to his son, containing moral
advice, another addressed to the Sultan Salah al-DIn
Yusuf b. Ayyub, praying him to deliver the lands
of Islam from the Christian yoke.

The influence of the Rihla (a MS of which was
copied as late as 1883) can be traced in the geo-
graphical and historical literature of the Maghrib
from the 14th to the 18th cent. For instance, Ibn
Battuta's description of the Pharos of Alexandria
(i, 29-30) is derived from it; other travellers, e.g.
al-Balawi, and also biographers like Ahmad Baba
and Ibn al-Kadi used it extensively. Finally, its moral
purpose, to lay bare the material and spiritual short-
comings of contemporary Ifrikiya and Middle Maghrib,
makes the Rihla a document of considerable interest.
Bibliography: Brockelmann, I, 634, S I, 883
(add MSS Algiers 1017; Fez, Karawiyyln 1297);
Afcmad Baba, Nayl, marg. of Ibn Farijun, Dibddj,
68; TA, iii, 379; B. Vincent, in JA, 1845, 404-8;
M. Cherbonneau, in JA, 1854, 144-76; R. Dozy,
Cat. Lugd. Bat., iii, 137; M. Reinaud, Giographie
d'Aboulfdda, i, xxxvi; Motylinski, in Bull. Soc.
de Giogr. d' Alger, 1900, 71-7; W. Wright, in
Introd. of Ibn Djubayr, Rihla, 1907, 16-7; E. Rossi,
La Cron. di Ibn Galbun, 12; W. Hoenerbach, Das
Norda/rikanische Itinerar des 'Abdari, Leipzig 1940.

(Muh. Ben Cheneb-W. Hoenerbach)
al-'ABDARI ABC <ABD ALLAH Muhammad
b. Muhammad b. Muhammad b. al-hAdj&z al-FasI
[see ibn al-hadjpj].
ABDAST [see wupu'l.

'ABDl, Ottoman historian. Among the
Ottoman historians who bore the makhlas 'Abdl
(cf. Babinger, 432 f.), the secretary (kdtib) of Yusuf
Agha, chief of the eunuchs, is worthy of mention.
He was an eye-witness of the magnificent festivities
organized in Adrianople in June and July 1675
on the occasion of the circumcision of the crown-
prince Mustafa, son of Muhammad (Me^med) IV,
and of the marriage of the princess Khadidje with
the second vizier Mustafa Pasha (cf. Hammer-
Purgstall, vi, 307 ff. and 313 ff.), and in which his
master took a prominent part. A different account
is given in a more concise anonymous description of
the same circumcision festival, mostly bearing the
title Medima'-i Sur-i Humayun (MS Vienna, 1072,
of which a part has been lost since Hammer-
Purgstall's time but of which the greater part is still
preserved; Hammer's translation, vi, 704, replaces
the lost section; Hamburg, cod. or. 269 contains
only the list of the presents). Also diverging from
'AbdI's account is that of an anonymous author
in Paris, suppl. turc, 880, bound together with the
translation of the jeune de langues Etienne Roboly.
Of 'Abdi's book there are MSS in Paris, suppl. turc
501 (incomplete) and 1045 (the best MS), in the
private collection of R. Tschudi, Basle, and in
Istanbul, Millet Kiitubkhanesi, 277 (414).

c ABDl — ABDJAD

Bibliography: Babinger, 217 f.; J. H. Mordt-
mann, in Isl., 1925, 364. (Fr. Babinger)

<ABDl EFENDI, Ottoman historian. The
only information about his life is that he worked
under the sultans Mahmud I and Mustafa III, i.e.
about 1730-64. His history, called either simply
'Abdi Ta y rikhi, or Ta'rikh-i Sulfdn Mahmud Khan,
deals mainly with the antecedents of Patrona
Khalil's rebellion and with the revolution itself
(1730-1) and is one of the main contemporary
sources for this event. MSS are to be found in
Istanbul, Es'ad Efendi, 2153 and Millet Kutubkha-
nesi 409-

Bibliography: F. R. Unat, 1730 Patrona
ihtilali hakkmda bir eser Abdi tarihi, Ankara 1943;
Osmanh Miiellefleri, iii, 106; Indnii Ansiklopedisi,
i, 31; Ahmed Refik, Ldle dewri, Istanbul 1331,
116, 125, 140; Rdmiz Tedhkiresi, MS Millet
Kutubkhanesi 762, 185 ; Se/inet iil-Ru'asd', 83 ff.,
90 ff.— For the MSS cf. Istanbul Kutuphaneleri
Tarih-Cografya Yazmalan Kataloilart, I: Turkfe
Tarih Yazmalan, 2nd fasc, Istanbul 1944, 103 f.

(Fr. Babinger)
c ABDl PASHA, Ottoman historian. <Abd
al-Rahman 'Abdi Pasha came from Anadolu Hisart
on the Bosporus, was educated in the Seray, and
finally attained the post of imperial privy secretary
(sirr k l dtibi). In Muharram 1080/June 1669 he was
promoted to the office of nishdndji with the rank
of a vizier, and later was appointed kdHm-makdm
of the capital. In April 1679 he became governor
of Bosnia, next year again nishdndfi, in March a
so-called vizier of the cupola, in August 1684
governor of Basra (cf. Hammer-Purgstall, vi, 379).
Deposed in 1686, he was in the next year appointed
governor of Egypt. In 1688 he was governor of
Rumelia, next year governor of Crete, where he
died in Radjab 1103/March 1692. 'Abdi Pasha is
usually described, though whether correctly is open
to some doubt, as the first officially appointed
historiographer (wekdV-niiwis); cf. Ismail Hakki
Uzuncarsih, Osmanli devletinin merkez ve bahriye
teskilatt, Ankara 1948, 64-8. At any rate he was
the author of a history of the Ottoman empire,
which starts with the beginning of the reign of
Muljammad (Mehmed) IV, 1058/1648 and ends
with 3 Ramadan 1093/5 Oct. 1682. The book,
usually called Ta'rikh-i WehdV (HadjdjI Khalifa,
ed. Fliigel, no. 14523), but also Wak'a-ndmeyi 'Abdi
Pasha, was dedicated to the sultan Mehmed IV.
For the MSS cf. Babinger; additional MSS in
Istanbul, Baghdad Koshku, 217, Khaled Ef., 615
(cf. Isl., 1942, 207), and Istanbul Kutuphaneleri
Tarih-Coirafya Yazmalan Kataloilart, xi: Turkfe
Tarih Yazmalan, 2nd fasc, Ankara 1944, m f.
A partial French translation, by Etienne Roboly,
is preserved in Paris, suppl. turc, 867 (Blochet,
Cat., ii, 78).

Bibliography: Babinger, 227 f. (with further
references); Indnii Ansiklopedisi, i, 30; Hammer-
Purgstall, iii, 558 f. (Fr. Babinger)
ABDJAD (or Abadjad or Abu Djad), the
first of the eight mnemotechnical terms
into which the twenty-eight consonants of the
Arabic alphabet were divided. In the East, the
whole series of these voces memoriales is ordered
and, in general, vocalized as follows: 'abdiad hawwaz
huttiy kalaman sa'fas karashat thakhadh dazagh. In
the West (North Africa and the Iberian peninsula)
groups no. 5, 6 and 8 were differently arranged;
the complete list was as follows: 'abadjid hawaz tn
hu(iy ,n kalamn 1 * sa'fad 1 ' kurisat thakhudh zaghsh 1 *.
Encyclopaedia of Islam

The first six groups of the Oriental series preserve
faithfully the order of the "Phoenician" alphabet.
The last two, supplementary, groups consisted of
the consonants peculiar to Arabic, called, for this
reason, rawddif, "mounted on the hind-quarters".

From a practical point of view, this arrangement
of the alphabet has only one point of interest,
namely that the Arabs (like the Greeks) gave each
letter a numerical value, according to its position.
The twenty-eight characters are thus divided into
three successive series of nine each: units (1 to 9),
tens (10 to 90), hundreds (100 to 900), and "thous-
and". Naturally, the numerical value corresponding
to each of the letters that belong to groups no. 5,
6 and 8 differs in the Oriental and the Occidental
systems.

The use of the Arabic characters as numerals has
always been limited and exceptional; the ciphers
proper (cf. hisab) have taken their place. Never-
theless, they are used in the following cases: (i) on
astrolabes; (ii) in chronograms, usually versified
(epigraphic or otherwise), formed according to
the system called al-diummal (see hisab and
TA'Rlraj). (iii) in various divinatory procedures and
in composing certain talismans (type of bdwh = 2.4
6.8. see buduh). Even in our own days the tdlibs
of North Africa use the numerical value of the
letters for certain magical operations, according to
the system called aykash (1.10.100.1000); a specialist
in this technique is called in the vernacular yakkdsh ;
(iv) in the pagination, according to the modern
convention, of prefaces and tables of contents,
where we would use the Roman letters.

This "abecedarian" order of the Arabic letters
does not actually correspond to anything, whether
from the point of view of phonetics or of graphical
representation. To be sure, it is very old. For the
first twenty-two letters, it appears already in a
tablet discovered at Ra's Shamra which gives the
list of the cuneiform signs that constitute the
alphabet of the people of Ugarit in the 14th century
B.C. (Ch. Virolleaud, L'abicidaire de Ras Shamra,
GLECS, 1950, 57). Its Canaanite origin, at least, is
therefore certain; but moreover, the order was
kept in the Hebrew and Aramean alphabet, and
was, no doubt, taken over by the Arabs together
with the latter. Yet the Arabs, having no knowledge
of the other Semitic languages and moreover full
of prejudices arising from their strong self-con-
sciousness and their national pride, sought other
explanations for the mnemotechnic words abdfad
etc., handed down by tradition and incomprehensible
to them. All that they had to say on this head,
however interesting, is but a fable. According to
one version, six kings of Madyan arranged the
Arabic letters after their own names; according to
another tradition, the first six groups are the names
of six demons; a third tradition explains them as
the names of the days of the week. Sylvestre de
Sacy has noted the fact that in these traditions
only the first six words are used, and that, e.g.,
Friday is not called thakhadh, but c uruba; yet it is
not admissible to base on such vague traditions
the conclusion that the Arabic alphabet had origin-
ally only twenty-two letters (J. A. Sylvestre de
Sacy, Grammaire arabe', ii, par. 9). In fact, even
among the Arabs there were some more enlightened
grammarians, such as al-Mubarrad and al-Sirafl,
who, not satisfied with the legendary explanations
of abdiad, straightforwardly declared that these
mnemotechnic words were of foreign origin.

There is, however, one noteworthy detail among

these fabulous indications. One of the six kings of
Madyan had the supremacy over the others
(ra'isuhum) ; this was Kalaman, whose name is
perhaps somehow connected with the Latin
elementum.

For the other arrangement of the alphabet which
exists alongside this "abecedarian" order and which
is the one currently employed, see iiurCp al-hidja'.
It may be added that in North Africa the adjective
budjddi is still alive, with the acceptation of "begin-
ner, tiro, green", literally, "one still at the abeced-
arian stage" (cf. the Persian-Turkish abdj_ad-kh w an,
English abecedarian, German Abcschiiler).

Bibliography: Lane, Lex. s.v. abdjad; TA,
s.v. bdjd; Fihrist, 4-5; Cantor, Vorl. iiber Gesch.
d. Math.', i, 709; Th. Noldeke, Die semitischen
Buchstabennnamen, in Beitr&ge zur semit. Sprach-
wiss., 1904, 124; H. Bauer, Wie ist die Rcihenfalgc
der Buchstaben im Alphabet zustande gekommen,
ZDMG, 1913, 501; G. S. Colin, De Vorigine grecque
des "chiffres de Fis" et de nos "chiffres arabes",
J A, 1933, 193; J. Fevrier, Histoire de I'ecriture,
1948, 222; D. Diringer, The Alphabet, 1948;
M. G. de Slane, Us Prolegomines d'Ibn Khaldoun,
i, 241-53; E. Westermarck, Ritual and Belief in
Morocco, i, 144; E. Doutte, Magie et religion
dans I'Afrique du Nord, 172-95.

(G. Weil-[G. S. Colin])
ABECHE [see abeshr].
ABEL [see hAbIl].

ABENCERAGES [see al-sarradj, banO].
ABENRAGEL [see ibn abi >l-ridjal].
ABE&HR (Abeche), capital of the Sultanate of
Wada'i, Territory of the Tchad, French Equatorial
Africa, 14 north, lat. and 21 east, long., to the
south of Wara, the old capital. Founded in 1850,
chief town of a region and a district of 125,000
inhabitants (119 Europeans). Important center of
transit between the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and
the Tchad ; many djallaba merchants from Omdurman
have installed themselves in the town. Center of
trade in cattle, meat (freezing installations planned)
and karakul sheep, bred in the neighbouring sheep-
walk of Abugudam. A Franco-Arabic medersa was
opened in 1951, the master of which belongs to
the Tldjanl order, like all the Wada'is. The town,
built in a vast dry plain, dominated by isolated
mountains, comprises five big villages and a Euro-
pean township.

Bibliography: Lt. J. Ferrandi, Abeche, capitate

des Ouadai (Publ. Comite de I'Afr. franc.), 1913;

see also wada'i. (J. Dresch)

ABHA, capital of the Saudi Arabian province

of «AsIr [q.v.] situated in Wadi Abha (c. 18° 13' n.

lat. and 42 30' E. long.) at an elevation of c. 2200

meters. Perhaps 10,000 people, almost all Shafi'Is,

live in its several villages now growing together but

retaining distinctive names. One of the largest is

Manazir, sometimes given as the ancient name of

the place; al-Hamdani (i, 118) fails to mention

Manazir but names Abha as a location of the tribe

called *Asir. BanI Mughayd, dominant in modern

Abha, belong to 'Aslr.

Other communities are al-Kara, perhaps the
largest; Mukabil, joined to the main group by a
stone bridge across Wadi Abha; Na'man and al-
Rubu c ; al-Najab, where the principal mosque is
located; al-Khasha'; and al-Miftaha. The focal point
of town life is a large open square, where a Tuesday
market is held, with the adjacent stone fortress of
of Shada, the center of provincial administration.
Most of the houses have mud walls with multiple

eaves of flat stone as protection against water
erosion. Annual rainfall of c. 30 centimeters, aug-
mented by irrigation from numerous wells, supports
grains, fruits, and vegetables grown in terraced
plots. Turkish forts crown the prominences ringing
the town; two have been repaired and are used by
the Sa'udi army: Dhira, 125 meters above the
town to the SSE, and Shamsan to the north. Motor
routes connect Abha with Mecca, about 840 kilo-
meters to the north via Bisha, and Zahran and
Nadjran to the south and south-east; there is only-
animal transport for the steep descent to the Red
Sea ports of al-Kunfudha and Djizan.

Little is known of Abha's history until WahhabI
doctrine swept across the mountains about 1215/1800.
The subsequent Turco-Egyptian campaigns brought
an army including several Europeans to Manazir,
which was occupied for about one month in 1250/1834
(Tamisier mentions a nearby village of "Apha").
Al 'Ayid, the shaykhly clan of BanI Mughayd, there-
after ruled from Abha, later receiving the blessing
of the resurgent Wahhabis under Faysal b. Turkl.
In 1287/1871 when the Turks were engaged in reoc-
cupying the Yaman, Muhammad b. c Ayid attacked
them in the lowlands but they soon overwhelmed
him, occupied Abha, and put him to death. The
town became the center of a kada in the Yaman
wilayet and remained Turkish until after the 1918
armistice, except for several months in 1328-9/1910-1
when the Idrlsis [q.v.] of Sabya wrested it from
Sulayman Shafik, the Turkish governor. A relief
expedition led by Sharif Husayn of Mecca arrived
in Djumada II 1329/June 1911 to find Abh5 once
more in Sulayman's hands.

After the Turkish withdrawal, Al 'Ayid again
became sole rulers, but were promptly challenged,
first by Muhammad al-ldrisl, then by the Sa'udls,
whose two campaigns (one in 1339/1921 and another
in 1340-1/1922 led by Faysal b. c Abd al- c Aziz) broke
their power. Abha has since been the seat of a
Sa'udl governor, increased in importance by the
Sa'udl acquisition of Idrisi territory in 1345/1926.
The force commanded by Sa'ud b. *Abd al-'Aziz in
the Yaman War of 1355/1934 was based on Abha.
Two years later Philby found the place still suffering
from the ravages of its former insecurity, but under
peaceful rule prosperity is returning.

For bibliography see c asIr. (H. C Mueller)
ABHAR (in ffudud al-'Alam: Awhar), a small
town owing its importance to the fact that it lies
half-way between Kazwln (86 km) and Zandjan
(88 km.) and that from it a road branched off
southwards to DInawar. It was conquered in 24/645
by Bara' b. c Azib, governor of Rayy. Between
386/996 and 409/ 1029 it formed the fief of a Musaf irid
[q.v.] prince. The stronghold of Sar-djahan (in Rdhat
al-sudur: Sar-cahan), lying some 25 km. N.W. of
Abhar near a pass leading into Tarom [q.v.] played
an important r61e under the Saldjukids.

Bibliography: Le Strange, 221 ; Schwarz, Iran,
726-8; Minorsky, Studies in Caucasian history,
1952, 165. (V. Minorsky)

al-ABHARI, Athir al-DIn Mufaddal b. 'Umar,
philosophical writer, about whose life nothing is
known; d. in 663/1264 (according to Barhebraeus in
1262). He was the author of two works on scholastic
philosophy, which were much in use and often com-
mented: (i) Hiddyat al-Hikma in three parts, a. Logic
[al-man(ik), b. Physics {al-tabiHyydt), c. theology
\al-ilahiyydt). The best known commentary is that
by Mir Husayn al-Maybudl, written in 880/1475).
(ii) al-Isdghudji, an adaptation of the Isagoge of

l-ABHARI — ABIWARD

Porphyry (cf. pOrfIriyus). Of the commentaries,
that by Shams al-Din Ahmad al-Fanari (d. 834/1470)
has been printed in Istanbul; for other commentaries
and glosses, see Brockelmann.

Bibliography: Brockelmann, I, 608, S I,

839 ff.; C. F. Seybold, I si., 112 ff.

(C. Brockelmann)

ABlB [see ta'rIkh].

c ABlD [see c abd and makhzan].

'ABIDb. al-ABRAS. pre-Islamic Arab poet,
of the tribe of Asad. Very little is known of his life,
which must have lain in the first half of the 6th
century A.D. The probably legendary story that
his death was caused by al-Mundhir III, king of
HIra, would fix as a terminus ante quern the date
of the king's death, 554. The literary tournament
with Im™' al-Kays, attested by the historico-
literary tradition and by verses in the diwdn of
c AMd, shows that the two poets were contemporaries;
their joust would have to be placed between 530
and 550. About 530 — so Lyall assumes — the Band
Asad revolted against the supremacy of the kings of
Kinda and killed king Hudjr, father of Imru' al-
ways; hence the enmity and the rivalry between
the two poets.

The diwdn of 'Abid (edited and translated together
with that of c Amir b. al-Tufayl by Ch. Lyall, Leiden
1913, GMS xxi) contains thirty more or less complete
kasidas and seventeen fragments. The very distinct
archaism in the structure and the language of the
diwdn is a strong argument for its authenticity. The
dominant tone is one of melancholic and sententious
austerity, as well as of a proud dignity which finds
in individual and tribal fakhr the expression that
becomes it best.

The sentiment of love appears in a very restrained
and already strongly stylized form, so that the
nasib is more often devoted to the collective regret
for a dispersed group than for an individual woman
(e.g. kasida i, ix, xv, etc.). It is perhaps this melan-
cholic contemplation of life's flight and of its
fleetingness, so often expressed with original accents
in the poetry of 'Abid, that gave rise to the legend
that places him amongst the mu'ammarun [q.v.].
He seems to have died, according to Grunebaum's
view (Orientalia, 1939, 343, 345), rather young,
perhaps even before his fiftieth year. The sententious
mind of 'Abid is expressed not only in his nostalgia
for the past, but also in his praise of himself and
of his tribe (iv, vii, xxii, xxiv etc.) and in his virulent
polemics against Imru 1 al-Kays and other, unknown,
poets. The allusions to his poetical talent are
especially noteworthy (x and xxiii): they show that
he had a clear conscience of his inspiration and his
artistic technique. The old Arab critics admired his
descriptions of storms and desert tempests, but the
modem reader appreciates most among all the
poems of his diwdn his descriptions of animals,
such as the famous scene of an eagle chasing a. fox
(i) and that of the fish in the sea (xxiii). In these
poems and in other celebrated tableaux, 'Abid
appears as one of the most powerful poets of the
didhiliyya.

Bibliography: Ibn Kutayba, Shi'r, 143-5;

Aghdni, xix, 84-7; A. Fischer, Ein angeblicher

Vers des 'Abid b. al-Abras, MIFAO, 1935, 361-75;

F. Gabrieli, La poesia di 'Abid ibn al-Abras, Rend.

Acad. Italia, sc. mor., 1940, 240-51; Brockelmann,

I, 17, S I, 54. (F. Gabrieli)

'ABID b. SHARYA [see 'ubayd b. sharya].

ABI& [see 'abd].

ABISH [see SALCHURIDS].

ABlWARD, 01 BAward, a town and district
on the northern slopes of the mountains of Khurasan
in an area now belonging to the autonomous Turko-
man republic which forms part of the U.S.S.R. The
whole oasis region including Nasa [q.v.], Ablward
etc. (known by the Turkish name of Atdk "foothills")
played a great part in ancient times as the first line
of defence of Khurasan against the nomads.

In the Arsacid period this region was in the
ancestral country of the dynasty. Isidore of Charax,
par. 13 (at the beginning of the Christian era)
mentions between IIap9uT)vr) (with the town of
Nasa) and MapYionrf) (= Marw) the district of
'ArtaoapxTOcfj with the town of 'ATtauapxTodj,
cf. Pliny, vi, 46: Apaortene, and Justin, xli, 5:
mons (Z)apaortenon with the inaccessible town of
Dara (= Kalat?) built by Arsak.

Under the Sasanians the country remained broken
up into little principalities. Ibn Khurradadhbih, 39,
has preserved the names of the kings: of Sarakhs:
Zddoya; of Nasa: Abrdz ( ?), and of Ablward:
B.hm.na (B. hmiya H « ♦ { ... 1 ) which is perhaps
connected with the name of Mahana, Mayhana (in
the district of Khawaran to the east of Ablward).

Under Ma'mun, c Abd Allah b. Tahir built the
rabdf of Kufan, 6 farsakhs west of Ablward.

Perhaps even before the great migration of the
Ghuzz [q.v.] the district had been occupied by the
Khaladj Turks; cf. the Qiahdn-numd of Muh. b.
Nadjlb Bakran (written in 1200). Other Turkoman
tribes later succeeded the Khaladj.

In the I2th-i4th centuries Ablward passed into
the hands of the Djun Ghurb&nl princes, of Mongol
origin [cf. tus]. In the time of 'Abbas I Atak was
outside the zone of Persian influence. Under NSdir
who belonged to this region, Atak became the
starting point for his remarkable career. At that
time the river of Tefen (the Hari-riid) was regarded
as the eastern boundary of the cultivated lands of
Ablward (muntahd-yi ma'mura-yi sarhadddt-i Abi-
warddt; cf. Ta'rikh-i Nddiri, under 1142 A. H. [The
same source mentions among the dependencies of
Ablward (?): Yangi-kal'a, Kal'a-yi Baghwada,
Zaghcand (?) etc.]). After the disappearance of
NSdir from the scene, the semi-independent khans
of Kalat [q.v.] exercised a certain influence in the
district down to 1885, when, after the delimitation
of the Russo-Persian frontier, Atak with its Turko-
mans w'as incorporated in Russian territory. The
resulting return of security to northern Khurasan
enabled the Persians to develop agriculture on the
upper courses of the rivers running into At5k. The
irrigation of the latter region has suffered conside-
rably as the result.

Antiquities. The ruins of the old town (Kuhna-
Ablward) are situated about 5 miles W. of the station
of Kahka (Kahkaha) on the Transcaspian railway
and cover an area of 14,000 square yards. The
central tell is 60 feet high and 700 feet round. About
2 miles N. E. of Kuhna-Abiward is the little hill
of Namazgah and to the north of it the site of some
ancient town surmounted by a pish-fdk ("gateway")
45 feet high. Another important site is that of Kuhna-
Kahkaha, a fortress rebuilt by Timur in 784/1382
(Za1ar-ndma, i, 343). The whole region is very rich
in tells (kurghdn): 14 miles S. of Kahkaha are the
ruins of Khiwa-abad which was settled by NSdir
with prisoners liberated after the taking of Khlwa:
11 miles S.E. of the station of Arttk are the ruins of
a town called Coghondur (after the mazdr of a holy
man which dates from the 13th century). Several

ABlWARD — ABKHAZ

of these sites must go back to the Arsacid period
(Isidore of Charax mentions for example a town of
'PayaO etc.) and some are even prehistoric; cf.
R. Pumpelly, Explorations in Turkestan, Washington
1905, excavations at Anau.

Bibliography: Tomaschek, Zur hist. Topo-
graphic von Persien, i, in SBAk Wien, vol. cii; idem,
in . Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. A pauarktike and Dara;
E. Quatremere, Hist, des Mongols de la Perse, i,
182, and note 48; Th. Noldeke, in ZDMO, xxxiii,
147; J. Marquart, ibid., xlix, 628, xlviii, 403, 407;
A. W. Komarow, in Peterm. Mitt., 1889, vii,
158-63; Barthold, Istoriko-geogr. oierk Irana, St.
Petersburg 1903, 60-2, 70; idem, Turkestan, index;
idem, K istorii orosheniya Turkestana, St. Peters-
burg 1914, 41-3; Le Strange, 394; A. A. Semenow
and others, Drevnosti Abiverdskago rayona ("The
antiquities of the region of Abiward"), in Acta
Universitatis Asiae Mediae, ser. ii, Orientalia,
fasc. 3, Tashkent 1931 (expedition of 1928).

(V. Minorsky)
AL-ABlWARDl, Abu 5 l-Muzaffar Muhammad
b. Ahmad, Arab poet and genealogist, a
descendant of 'Anbasa b. Abl Suf yan (of the Umayyad
lineage of the younger Mu'awiya). He was born in
Abiward (Khurasan), or more exactly in the village
of Kawfan (not Kukan) near Abiward (he is therefore
sometimes called al-Kawfanl), and died from poison
in Isfahan in 507/1113 (not 557/1161-2). His philolo-
gical and historico-genealogical works, notably a
history of Abiward and a book on the different and
identical names of the Arab tribes, are lost; but
al-Kaysaranl extensively used the latter work. Of
his diwdn, the three most important sections: al-
Nadidiyydt, al- c Irdkiyydt (mostly on the caliphs
al-Muktadi, al-Mustazhir and their viziers) and
al-Wadidiyydt are preserved in several MSS. A diwdn,
arranged, according to the alphabetical order of the
rhymes, was published in the Lebanon in 1317,
but many poems by al-Ghazzi have been errone-
ously included; a choice of less important poems:
Mukatta c dt al-Abiwardi al-Umawi, was published in
Cairo, 1277/1860-1.

Bibliography : Yakut, i, in ; idem, Irshdd, vi,
342-58; Subkl, Tabakdt, iv, 62; SuyutI, Bughya,
16; Ibn Khallikan, no. 646 ; Abu'1-Fida', Mukhtasar
vii, 380; Ibn al-DjawzI, Muntazam, ix, 176-7;
KiftI, Akhbdr al-Muhammadin min al-Shu c ard : >,
MS Paris, iov-i2r; Brockelmann, I, 253, S I, 447;
a critical study of the poet and his work by Ali
Al Tahir, La Poisie arabe sous les Seldjoukides
(Sorbonne thesis, 1953).

(C. Brockelmann-[Ch. Pellat])
ABKAYK (properly bukayk), a town and oil
field in al-Hasa Province, Saudi Arabia. The name
is taken from that of the shallow water sources
(naba c ) of Bukayk in the sands some 15 miles north
of the present town. The names Bukayk and al-
Bakka (similar water sources not far to the north)
appear to be associated with meanings of the
Arabic root bakka relating to water rather than
bugs. The Bedouins know the location of the town
as Aba 'l-Ki'dan, "the place of the young male
camels".

Surrounded by the heavy dunes of al-Bayda',
Abkayk (49 40' E. long., 25 55' N. lat.) is about
halfway between al-Zahran and al-Hufhuf on the main
road connecting inner Arabia with the Persian Gulf
ports of al-Dammam and Ra's Tannura, and is also
on the Saudi Government Railroad (al-Dammam-
al-Riyad). Prior to the discovery of oil in the Abkayk
field by California Arabian Standard Oil Company

(now Arabian American Oil Company) in 1359/1940,
no settlement existed there. In 1372/1952 the
population was approximately 15,000, including
1,310 Americans.

The American geologist Max Steineke was pri-
marily responsible for finding oil in this wilderness of
dunes. The oil field is about 32 miles long, averages
5 miles in width, and for a time was the most
productive field in the world. In 1370/1951 daily
production reached about 600,000 barrels (90,000
tons) from only 61 wells. (W. E. Mulligan)

ABKHAZ. 1. For all practical purposes the term
Abkhdz or Afkhdz, in early Muslim sources covers
Georgia and Georgians (properly Diurzdn, q.v.).
The reason (cf. below under 2.) is that a dynasty
issued from Abkhazia ruled in Georgia at the time
of the early 'Abbasids. A distinction between the
Abkhazian dynasty and the Georgian rulers on the
upper Kur is made by al-Mas c udI, ii, 65, 74. The
people properly called Abkhdz is possibly referred to
only in the tradition represented by Ibn Rusta, 139:
f-y), read * jcjl Awghaz, see Marquart, Streifziige,
164-76, and Hudud al-'Alam, 456. Characteristically,
Ibn Rusta places this people at the end of the
Khazar dominions.

2. Abkhaz, a smaller people of Western
Caucasia on the Black Sea, which called itself
Aps-wad. It occupies the area between the main
range and the sea, between the river Psow (north
of Gagri) and the mouth of the Ingur in the south.
Since the 17th century (and possibly much earlier)
a portion of the tribe has crossed the main ridge and
settled on the southern tributaries of the Kuban.

The Abkhaz are mentioned in ancient times as
Abasgoi (by Arrian) or Abasgi (by Pliny), cf. Con-
tarini (A.D. 1475): Avocasia, in older Russian: Obezi,
in Turkish: Abaza. According to Procopius (5th
cent. A.D.) they were under the sovereignty of the
Lazes [q.v.], and in those days slaves (eunuchs) were
brought to Constantinople from Abkhazia. Subju-
gated by Justinian, Abkhazia was converted to
Christianity. According to the Georgian Annals
(Brosset, Histoire de la Georgie, i, 237-43), the Arab
general Murwan-Ifru ("Murwan the Deaf") having
occupied the passes of Darial and Darband, invaded
Abkhazia (whither the Georgian kings, Mir and Arcil,
had fled), and ruined Tskhum (Sukhum). Dysentery
and floods, combined with the attacks of the Georgians
and the Abkhazians, caused great losses to his army
and made him retreat. The chronology of the Annals
is very uncertain. The name Murwan- Kru seems to
refer to the Umayyad Muhammad b. Marwan, or
to his son Marwan b. Muhammad, i.e. to the early
part of the 8th century, cf. al-Baladhurl, 205, 207-9.
Towards A.D. 800 the Abkhaz won their independence
with the help of the Khazars: the prince (erist'avi)
Leon II, of the local dynasty issued from Ancabad,
married to a Khazar princess, assumed the title of
king, and transferred his capital to Kutaysi. Under
the governor of Tiflis, Ishak b. Isma'Il (c. 830-53),
the Abkhaz are said to have paid tribute to the
Arabs. The most prosperous period of the Abkhaz
kingdom was between 850 and 950; their kings
ruled over Abkhazia, Mingrelia (Egrisi), Imeretia and
Kartlia, and also interfered in Armenian affairs. Since
that period Georgian has remained the language of
the educated classes in Abkhazia. In 978 the Georgian
Bagratid Bagrat III, son of the Abkhazian princess
Gurandukht, occupied the Abkhazian throne and
by 1010 united all the Georgian lands. As his first
were based on the hereditary rights of

his mother, and as even in his later title the rank
of "king of Abkhazia" occupied the first place, the
Muslims continued to call the Georgian kingdom
Abkhazian (down to the 13th century, and occasio-
nally even later).

About the year 1325 the house of Sharvashidze
(in Russian: Shervashidze, alleged to be descended
from the dynasty of the Shirwan-shahs, [q.v.]) was
enfeoffed with Abkhazia; towards the middle of the
15th century (under king Bagrat VI) the Shar-
vashidze were confirmed as erisfavi of the country.
According to a letter from the emperor of Trebizond
in the year 1459, the princes of Abkhaz disposed
of an army of 30,000 men.

After the settlement of the Ottomans on the east
coast of the Black Sea, the Abkhaz came under the
influence of Turkey and Islam, although Christianity
was but slowly supplanted. According to the
Dominican John of Lucca, even in his time (1637)
the Abkhaz passed as Christians, although the
Christian usages were no longer observed. Since the
separation from Georgia the country had been under
its own Catholicos (mentioned as early as the 13th
century) in Pitzund. Up to the present day the
ruins of eight large and about 100 small churches,
including chapels, are said to exist in Abkhazia. The
house of Sharvashidze did not embrace Islam until
the second half of the 18th century, when Prince-
Leon recognized Turkish sovereignty. On this
account, he was given the fort of Sukhum, which
had already been besieged by the Abkhaz about
1725-8. The country was divided politically into three
parts: 1) Abkhazia proper, on the coast from Gagri
to the Galidzga under the said Sharvashidze; 2) the
highlands of Tzebelda (without any centralized
government) ; 3) the country of Samurzakan on the
coast extending from the Galidzga to the Ingur
(ruled by a branch of the house of Sharvashidze,
subsequently united with Mingrelia).

After the incorporation of Georgia by Russia in
1801, the Abkhaz had also to enter into relation
with this new powerful neighbour. The first attempt
was made in 1803 by Prince Kelesh-beg, but was
abandoned soon afterwards. After the assassination
of this prince in 1808, his son Sefer-beg came into
closer touch with Russia and claimed her help
against his brother, the parricide Arslan-beg. In
1810 Sukhum was taken by the Russians. Sefer-beg,
who had become converted to Christianity and
assumed the name of George, was installed as
prince, but from that time on Sukhum was occupied
by a Russian garrison. The two sons of Sefer-beg,
Demetrius (1821) and Michael (1822, after poisoning
his elder brother) had to be put in power by the
Russian armed force. Their rule was limited to the
neighbourhood of Sukhum, whose garrison could
communicate with headquarters only by sea. By
the incorporation of the whole coast-line from
Anapa to Poti (Treaty of Adrianople in 1829)
Russia's position was naturally strengthened, but
even in 1835 only the north-western part of the
country, the district of Bzbib, is said to have been
in the possession of Prince Michael. The other parts
had remained under the rule of his Muslim uncles.
Later on, with the help of Russia, Michael succeeded
in establishing his power almost as an absolute
ruler, but he too, in spite of his Christian faith, had
surrounded himself with Turks.

After the final subjugation of Western Caucasia
by the Russians (1864) the dominion of the House
of Sharvashidze, like that of the other native princes,
came to an end; in November 1864 Prince Michael

had to renounce his rights and leave the country.
Abkhazia was incorporated into the Russian empire
as a special province (otdyel) of Sukhum and divided
into three districts (okrug) — Pitzund, Ocemciri and
Tzebelda. In 1866 an attempt made by the new
governor to collect information concerning the
economic conditions of the Abkhaz, for the purpose
of taxation, led to a revolt, and, subsequently, to
a considerable emigration of the Abkhaz to Turkey.
In the thirties of the 19th century the population
of Abkhazia was estimated at about 90,000, and the
number of all Abkhaz (i.e. including those living in
the north outside Abkhazia) at 128,000 souls. After
1866, the population of Abkhazia was reduced to c.
65,000. The almost depopulated district of Tzebelda
ceased to be a district and was placed under a special
"Settlement Curator" (popelitel naseleniya). Later
the whole of Abkhazia under the name of district
(okrug) of Sukhum-Kale (Sukhum-Kal'a) formed a
part of the government of Kutais. The population
again decreased through emigration, especially after
the Abkhaz took part in the rebellion of the mountain
tribes caused by the landing of Turkish troops (1877) ;
in 1881 the number of Abkhaz was estimated at
only 20,000. No statistics on the Abkhazians in
Turkey are available.

Soviet Abkhazia. The Soviet power was pro-
claimed for a short time in 1918, and finally in 1921.
In April 1930 Abkhazia, as an autonomous republic
(A.S.S.R.), became part of the Georgian republic
(S.S.R.) and its special constitution was confirmed
in 1937. The Abkhazian A.S.S.R. has a population
of 303,000, but in this number the Abkhazians are
but a minority. In 1939 the total number of the
Abkhazians in the Soviet Union (i.e. apparently
including the northern colonies in Cerkesia) was
59,000. The capital (Sukhum) has 44,000 inhabitants.
The territory of the republic has acquired great
importance for subtropical cultures. Its water power
has been considerably exploited (in 1935, 45 electrical
stations).

Since the time when an Abkhaz alphabet was
invented by the eminent specialist in Caucasian
languages General Baron P. K. Uslar (in 1864),
and when a book on Biblical history was compiled
by a priest and two officers of Abkhaz nationality,
Abkhazian letters have had a considerable develop-
ment. In 1910 the founder of the new literature,
Dimitri Gulia (born in 1874), published a book of
popular poems. He has been followed by writers
in prose (G. D. Gulia, Papaskiri), poets (Kogonia
1903-29), L. Kvitsinia) etc. Abkhazian folklore has
been collected and schoolbooks written (C'oc'ua etc.).
The Abkhaz "polysynthetic" language belongs to
the same type as the Cerkes language. It has two basic
vowels as against 65 consonants in the northern (Bzlb)
dialect, and 57 in the southern (Abiu). The latter
has been adopted as the literary language. It is now
written in the Georgian alphabet suitably completed.
Bibliography: M. F. Brosset, Hist, de la
Giorgie; J. Marquart, Osteuropaische und ostasia-
tische Streifzuge, Leipzig 1903. Russian standard
work (up to 1826): N. Dubrovin, History of the
war and of the Russian rule in Caucasia, St. Peters-
burg 1871; cf. also an anonymous but competent
review of Dubrovin in the Sbornik swed. kaw-
kazskikh gortsakh, 6th part, Tiflis 1872; P. Zubow,
Kartina kawkazshago kraya, St. Petersburg 1834-5 ;
A. Dirr, Einfiihrung in das Studium der Kaukas.
Sprachen, 1940; G. Deeters, Der abchasische
Sprachbau, in NGW Gdtt., 1931, iii/2, 289-303.
In Russian: N. Y. Marr, Abkhazskiy slovar, and

ABKHAZ — ABRAHA

the recent works by Serdiu&enko and Tobil' on
northern Abkhazian dialects (1947-9).

(W. Barthold-[V. Minorsky])
c ABLA, sweetheart of 'Antara [q.v.].
AL-ABLAK, castle of Samaw'al [q.v.].
ABLUTION [see ghusl, tayammum, wupu'].
al-ABNA 1 , "the sons", a denomination applied
to the following:

(I) The descendants of Sa'd b. Zayd Manat b.
Tamlm, with the exception of his two sons Ka'b
and 'Arar. This tribe inhabited the sandy desert
of al-Dahna J . (Cf. F. Wiistenfeld, Register zu den
geneal. Tabellen der arab. Stdmme).

(II) The descendants born in Yaman of the
Persian immigrants. For the circumstances of the
Persian intervention in Yaman under Khusraw
Anushirwan (531-79) and the reign of Sayf b. Dhl
Yazan, as told by the Arabic authors, cf. sayf b.
roil yazan. After the withdrawal of the foreign
troops Sayf was murdered and the country again
subjugated by the Ethiopians, so that the Persian
general Wahriz had to return. The power of the
Ethiopians was this time definitely broken and
Yaman turned into a vassal state of Persia. At the
time of the Prophet the Persian governor Badham
(Badhan) was, together with his people, converted
to Islam and acknowledged the suzerainty of
Muhammad. Later, however, troubles broke out in
Yaman which led to complete anarchy; it was
only under the reign of Abu Bakr that order was
restored. (Cf. also al-yaman).

Bibliography: Th. Noldeke, Oesck. d. Perser
u. Araber zur Zeit der Sassaniden, 220 ff.; M. J.
de Goeje, in the Glossary to Tabari, s .v.

(K. V. Zettersteen*)

(III) Abnd 7 al-dawla, a term applied in the early
centuries of the 'Abbasid caliphate to the members
of the 'Abbasid house, and by extension to the
KhurasanI and other mawdli who entered its service
and became adoptive members of it. They survived
as a privileged and influential group until the
3rd/gth century, after which they were eclipsed by
the growing power of the Turkish and other troops.

Bibliography: Djahiz, Fadd'il al-Atrdk, pas-
sim; J. Wellhausen, Das Arab.' Reich, 347 f. (Engl,
tr., 556 f.); A. Mez, Renaissance d. Islams, 151
(Engl, tr., 155 I)-

(IV) Abnd' al-Atrdk, a term sometimes used in
the Mamluk sultanate to designate the Egyptian
or Syrian-born descendants of the Mamluks, as an
alternative to the more common awldd al-nds [q.v.].

(V) Abnd-yi sipdhiydn, a term sometimes employed
in formal Ottoman usage in place of the more
common sipdhi oghlanlarl — the first of the six
regiments (bdluk) of cavalry of the Ottoman standing
army. They were classed as "Slaves of the Gate"
(kapi kulu).

Bibliography: H. A. R. Gibb and H. Bowen,
Islamic Society and the West, i/i, 69 ff., 326 ff.;
Ismail Hakkl UzuncarsIH, Osmanli Devleti teskila-
tlndan Kapi Kulu Ocaklari, 1944, ", 138 «•

(B. Lewis)
ABRAHA, a Christian king of South
Arabia in the middle of the sixth century A. D.
In Islamic literature his fame is due to the tradition
that he led a Yamani expedition against Mecca
(referred to in the Kur'an, cv) in the year of Muham-
mad's birth, c. 570 A.D. The details of Abraha's
life given by Muslim historians are largely stories
of folk-lore origin which have been attached arbi-
trarily to the name of a famous personage. For

information we must turn to Procopius
and the Himyaritic inscriptions. According to
Procopius, Hellestheaios king of Abyssinia (Vsijh
of the inscription Istanbul 7608 bis) invaded South
Arabia a few years before 531 A.D., killed its king,
appointed a puppet-ruler named Esimiphaios (smyp c
of the inscriptions), and retired to Abyssinia ; subse-
quently, Abyssinian deserters who had remained
in South Arabia revolted against Esimiphaios and
set on the throne Abraha, originally the slave of
a Byzantine merchant of Adulis; two expeditions
sent by Hellestheaios against the rebels were
unsuccessful, and Abraha retained the throne;
Justinian's attempts to incite Abraha to attack
Persia were in vain, for he merely marched a little
way northward and then retired; so long as Helles-
theaios was alive, Abraha refused to pay tribute
to Abyssinia, but agreed to do so to Hellestheaios'
successor. Our main epigraphic source is Abraha's
long inscription on the Ma'rib dam {Corpus inscr.
sem., iv, 541). This records the quelling of an
insurrection supported by a son of the dethroned
Esimiphaios in the year 657 of the Sabaean era
(between 640-650 A.D.) ; repairs effected to the dam
later in the same year; the reception of embassies
from Abyssinia, Byzantium, Persia, Hlra and Harith b.
Djabalat the phylarch of Arabia ; and the completion
of repairs to the dam in the following year. A further
text (Ryckmans 506, see le Museon, 1953, 275-84)
discovered at Murayghan, east of the upper Wadi
Tathlitti, records a defeat inflicted by Abraha on the
North Arabian tribe Ma'add in 662 of the Sabaean era.
The Ma'rib text begins, "By the power and favour
and mercy of God and His Messiah and the Holy
Spirit (rh qds)". It is perhaps significant of a sec-
tarian distinction that Esimiphaios, who was no
doubt a Monophysite like his Abyssinian patron,
uses a different formula, "In the name of God and
His Son Christ victorious and the Holy Spirit (mnfs
qds)"; possibly Abraha had Nestorian leanings. The
titulature adopted by Abraha is identical with that
of his immediate predecessors, "King of Saba 1 and
Dhu-Raydin and Hadramawt and Yamanat and
their Arabs in the plateau and lowland", but in
the Ma'rib text he calls himself in addition Hly
mlkn 'g'zyn. The word c zly is not found elsewhere,
and no satisfactory explanation of the phrase has
yet been given. Conti-Rossini's rendering "the
valiant king, of the (tribe) 'Ag'azi" is syntactically
improbable; and Glaser's "viceroy of the Abyssinian
king'.' is incompatible with the passage later in the
inscription where Abraha receives an Abyssinian
embassy on the same footing as those of Byzantium
and Persia. J. Ryckmans' proposed reading Hly
mlkn "the king's highness" is worth consideration.
From here onwards reliable sources are silent, and
we have only the probably legendary story in the
Islamic sources, which attributes the motive of the
Meccan expedition to Abraha's jealousy of the
Meccan sanctuary and a futile attempt to substitute
his church at San'a as the place of pilgrimage for
all Arabia. If Abraha really made such an expedition
(the Kur'an does not name its leader), a more
likely explanation of his aims is that the rapproche-
ment with Abyssinia under Hellestheaios' successor
caused Abraha to adopt a more aggressive policy
towards Persia, and the expedition was the first
move of a projected attack on the Persian dominions.
However, it proved a failure, and only provoked the
Persians to their invasion under Wahriz a few years
later, which finally destroyed the ancient South
Arabian kingdom. The Martyrium Arethae asserts

ABRAHA — ABO 'ABD ALLAH al-SHI'I

103

that Abraha was placed on the throne by the Abys-
sinian king Elesbaas (usually identified with Pro-
copius' Hellestheaios) immediately after the death
of Dhu Nuwas. Other ecclesiastical sources, such as
the Leges Homeritarum attributed to Gregentius
bishop of Zafar, give similar accounts. This version
of events, which conflicts fundamentally with both
Procopius and the inscriptions, must be regarded as
unhistorical and due either to a confusion of names
or to a falsification for polemical reasons.

Bibliography: Tabari, i, 930-45; Ibn Hisham,
i, 28-41; Agkani, xvi, 72; Labid, xlii, i9;Kays b.
al- Khatim (Kowalski), xiv, 15 ;Caussin de Perceval,
Essai sur I'histoire des Arabes avant I'Islamisme,
i, 138-145; Th. Noldeke, Gesch. d. Perser u. Araber
zur Zeit d. Sassaniden, 200-5; Procopius, De bello
persico, i, 20; E. Glaser, Mitt. d. vorderas. Gesch.,
1897, 360-488; J. Ryckmans, V institution mo-
narchique en Arabic meridionale avant I'Islam,
239-45, 320-5; idem, le Muse'on, 1953, 339-42:0.
Conti-Rossini, Storia d'Etiopia, 186-95; A. F. L.
Beeston, Notes on the Mureighan inscription,
BSOAS, xvi, pt. 2.— Cf. also, for a feature of
the legend, abu righal. (A. F. L. Beeston)
ABRAHAM [see Ibrahim al-khalIl].
'ABS [see ghatafan].
al AB£HlHl [see al-ibshIhI].
ABC [see kunya].
ABU 'l-'ABBAS al-SAFFAH, 'Abd Allah b.

first

. The s

Saffah means "the bloodthirsty" or "the generous".
With the other members of the 'Abbasid family, he
took refuge in Kufa in Safar i32/Sept.-Oct. 749,
shortly after the occupation of the town by al-Hasan
b. Kahtaba and was proclaimed as caliph in the
great mosque on 12 RabI' II/28 November, on
which occasion he pronounced a famous speech.

The first task of Abu 'l-'Abbaswas the total defeat
of the Umayyads. The 'Abbasid troops, under the
command of his uncle 'Abd Allah b. C A1I, achieved
a complete victory on the Upper Zab (Djumada II
132/Jan. 750) and flung themselves into the pursuit
of Marwan II through Mesopotamia, Syria and
Palestine. When Marwan was killed in Egypt
(Dhu '1-Hidjdja 132/August 750), the main campaign
could be considered as ended. The isolated resistance
of Ibn Hubayra [q.v.] in Wasit was soon overcome
by treachery, while the revolts that broke out in
Mesopotamia and Syria were bloodily repressed.
The conquerors abandoned themselves to violent
acts of revenge, of which the first in importance
was the episode on Nahr Abi Futrus [q.v.]. Here
'Abd Allah b. 'All, having killed about eighty
Umayyad chiefs, laid tables over their bodies,
which he afterwards threw to the dogs to eat.
Similar scenes occurred in al-Kufa, al- Basra and in
the Hidjaz. Furthermore, the tombs of the Umayyad
caliphs were violated. Similarly, the discontent of
the c Alids, who, after having supported the cause
of the revolt, saw themselves deprived of its fruits,
was suppressed in blood: in 1 33/750-1, the governor
of Khurasan, Abu Muslim, put down a rising on
behalf of the 'Alids in Bukhara.

In this way, soon after the accession of the 'Ab-
basids to the caliphate, the principal squrces of
opposition, namely the Umayyad and the 'Alid ex-
enemies, were eliminated. The 'Abbasids, however,
wanted to go even further, to the elimination of
their own political and military chiefs who had
gained too great an authority, or who were, rightly

or wrongly, suspected of insubordination. With the
complicity of Abu Muslim, Abu Salama [q.v.] and
Sulayman b. Kathir [q.v.] were suppressed. Afterwards
it was the turn of Abu Muslim; the first attempt
against him, in connection with the rebellion of
Ziyad b. Salih in Transoxania (135/752-3) was
unsuccessful; the second, immediately after the
the death of Abu'l-'Abbas, was carried out success-
fully by his successor, al-Mansur [q.v.].

Abu'l-'Abbas died in al-Anbar, to which town
he had transferred his residence, in Dhu'l-Hididia
136/June 754. It is difficult to pass a judgment on
his personality, as we do not exactly know what
was his personal share in the events of his short
caliphate. What is certain is that during his reign
the 'Abbasid movement not only passed from the
revolutionary to the legal phase, but also consoli-
dated itself, and the first signs appeared of that
political and economic power which were confirmed
by the caliphate of al-Mansur.

Bibliography: DInawarl, al-Akhbar al-Jiwal
(Guirgass), Ya'kubi, Tabari, Mas'fldi, Murudj,
indexes; A ghdni. Tables ; Th. Noldeke, Orientalischt
Skizzen, 1 18-21; J. Wellhausen, Das arabische
Reich, 338-52. For the surname al-Saffah: H. F.
Amedroz, On the Meaning of the Laqab "al-Saffah",
JRAS, 1907, 660-3. On Ibn Hurayra: S. Moscati,
II "tradimento" di Wdsit, Museon, 1951, 177-86.
On the massacre of the Umayyads: idem, Le mas-
sacre des Umayyades, ArO, 1950, 88-115. On Abu
Muslim: idem, Studi su Abu Muslim, I-II, Rend.
Lin, 1949, 323-35, 474-95; 1950, 89-105, and
abO Muslim. (S. Moscati)

ABC 'ABD ALLAH YA'tfCB B. Da'Od, vizier.
Belonging to a philo-'Alid family, he participated,
together with his brother 'All, in the revolt of Ibrahim
and Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah against the caliph al-
Mansur in 145/762-3. Imprisoned for this, he was
pardoned by the next caliph al-Mahdl in 159/775-6
and succeeded in gaining his favour, it is said, by
revealing the plan of escape of another partisan of
the 'Alids. Having become a confidant and counsellor
of the caliph, he was appointed vizier in 163/779-80
in place of Abu 'Ubayd Allah, and used his power in
favour of his 'Alid friends. This policy was the main
reason for the suspicion, following upon some court
rumours, entertained against him by al-Mahdl. The
story goes that the caliph put him on trial by
handing over to his charge an 'Alid with the order
to kill him secretly; but he let him escape. When this
was discovered, he was deposed and thrown into
prison, from which he was released only by Harun
al-Rashld. Completely blind by now, his only wish
was to be sent to Mecca, where he died, probably
in 186/802. His policy was perhaps the expression
of an attempt at reconciling the 'Abbasids and the
'Alids; if so, he himself was at the same time the
symbol and the victim of the precarious nature of
such an attempt.

Bibliography: Tabari, Index; Diahshivari.

al-Wuzard wa 'l-Kuttab, Cairo 1938, 1 14-122; Ibn

Khallikan, no. 840; Ibn al-Tiktaka, al-Fakhri

(Derenbourg), 250-5, 257; S. Moscati, in Orientalia,

1946, 164-7. (S. Moscati)

ABC 'ABD ALLAH al-SHI'I, al-Husayn b.

Ahmad b. Muh. b. Zakariyya', sometimes also

called al-Muhtasib (he had allegedly been a muhtasib,

market overseer, in 'Irak), the founder of Fatimid

rule in North Africa. A native of San'a', he

joined the Isma'ili movement in 'Irak and was sent

to Yaman, where he spent his apprenticeship with

Mansur al-Yaman (Ibn Hawshab), head of the

104

ABO 'ABD ALLAH al-SHI'I — ABU 'l-'ALIYA al-RIYAhI

Isma'Ili mission in that country. On the pilgrimage
of 279/892 he met in Mecca some Kutama pilgrims
and accompanied them back to their native country,
which they reached on 14 Rabi' I 280/3 June 893. He
first established himself in Ikdjan near Satif. In
face of the opposition directed against him by a
confederacy of Kutama clans, Abu 'Abd Allah
transferred his headquarters to Tazrut, where he
steadily strengthened his position, captivated Mlla
and was able to withstand the attacks of two expe-
ditions sent against him by the Aghlabid government
(289/902 and 290/903). On the occasion of a temporary
setback, his headquarters were moved back to
Ikdjan, which remained his base for subsequent
operations. In 289/902 the imam al-Mahdl 'Ubayd
Allah [q.v.] fled from Syria, attempted to join Abu
'Abd Allah, but had to take refuge in Sidjilmassa,
where he was imprisoned. Abu 'Abd Allah's brother
Abu'l-'Abbas Muhammad, who had accompanied
the imam, fell into the hands of the Aghlabids. Abu
'Abd Allah then took Satif, Tubna (293/906) and
Billizma (same year), was victorious in the battle
of Dar Mallul, conquered Tldjis, Baghaya, defeated
the Aghlabid army near Dar Madyan, and seized
Kastiliya and Kafsa (296/909). When he took al-Urbus
(Laribus), the key of Ifrikiya (23 Djumada II, 296/
19 March 909), the Aghlabid amir Ziyadat Allah fled
from Rakkada. Abu c Abd Allah entered the Aghlabid
capital on 1 Radjab 296/25 March 909. Leaving his
brother Abu'l-'Abbas as his lieutenant, Abu 'Abd
Allah led an expedition against Sidjilmassa and
liberated the imam, who triumphantly entered Rak-
kada on 20 Rabi' II 297/6 Jan. 910, and conferred
high honours on Abu c Abd Allah and Abu'l-'Abbas.
The ruler and his powerful servants, however, soon
fell foul fo each other and both brothers were
murdered on 1 Dhu'l-Hidjdja 298/31 July 911.

Bibliography: The main authority, and
almost the unique source for the later historians,
is al-Kadi al-Nu'man, Iftitah al-Da c wa (MSS
preserved among the Bohras). Written in 346/
957-8, this book mainly consists of a very detailed
account of Abu 'Abd Allah's activities. It is
quoted in al-MakrlzI, al-Mukaffa, transl. E. Fagnan,
Centenario Michele Amari, i, 35 ff. ; an extensive
precis in 'Imad al-Din Idris, i Uyun al-Akhbdr,
first half of vol. v. Ibn al-Rakik, in his lost history
of Ifrikiya, followed the account of al-Nu'man
(see the quotation in al-Nuwayri, beg. of section
on the Fatimids; cf. J. A. Silvestre de Sacy,
Expose" de la religion des Druzes, i, p. cccciii). On
Ibn al-Rakik was based the relevant chapter in
Ibn Shaddad's history of al-Kayrawan, known from
the excerpts in Ibn al-Athir, viii, 23 ff., al-Nuwayri,
al-MakrizI, al-Mukaffd, transl. Fagnan, 47-53,
67-78. In this way, al-Nu'man's narrative entered
into the main stream of Islamic general history.
(Cf. also Ibn Hamadu (Vonderheyden), 7; Ibn
Khaldun, Hist. desBerb., ii, 509 f.; Makrizi, Khifaf,
i. 349-50, ii, 10 ff.; Ibn Kballikan, no. 171).— The
account of 'Arib (printed in the editions of Ibn
'Idharl, al-Bayan al-Mughrib : Dozy, i, 1 29 ff ., LeVi-
Provencal and Colin, i, 134 ff.) is independant of
al-Nu'man; Ibn 'Idharl (ed. Dozy, i, 118 ff., ed.
Levi- Provencal and Colin, i, 124 ff.) copies Abu
Marw5n al-Warrak, 6th/nth century (who ulti-
mately depends upon al-Nu'man), and c Arib. — Of
modern accounts — all of them antiquated by the
recovery of the Iftitah— that by F. Wiistenfeld,
Gesch. d. Fotimiden-Chalifen, Gottingen 1881,
8 ff., can be recommended. For the phases of
Abu 'Abd Allah's career where it touches that

of the imam, cf. W. Ivanow, Rise of the Fatimids,
index, and al-mahdI 'ubayd Allah.

(S. M. Stern)
ABC 'l-'ALA' al-MA'ARRI [see al-ma'arri].
ABC (bo) 'All tfALANDAR (Shaykh) Sharaf
al-DIn PanIpatI, one of the most venerated of
Indian saints, is believed to have died in 724/1324.
There is little authentic information about his life
and none of the surviving contemporary works even
mention him by name. The earliest reference to him
is in c Afif's Ta'rikh-i Firuz-Shdhi (written in 800/
1396), wherein Sultan Ghiyath al-Din Tughluk's
visit to him is recorded. According to the accounts
of his life written in the nth/i7th century, he was
a native of Panipat, to which place his father,
Salar Fakhr al-Din, had come from 'Irak. Trained
as a theologian, he ultimately renounced scholas-
ticism, threw away his books in the river, and became
a Kalandar. In the ecstasy of divine love, he gave
up observing the commandments of God and the
Prophetic Traditions, though he subjected himself
to great self-mortification. He is supposed to have
been a spiritual descendant of Kutb al-DIn Bakhtivar
[q.v.] ; however, it is doubtful if he belonged to any
organized sufi order. Numerous legends regarding
his life, miracles and death have grown, and it is
difficult even to say whether the tomb at Panipat
or at Kama! is his, though the former is more famous.
The works attributed to him include letters on
divine love addressed to Ikhtiyar al-Din (Sulayman
Coll., Aligarh Univ.) ; Hikam-ndma (As. Soc. Bengal,
Ivanow. 1 196), which is definitely apocryphal; and
two mathnawis: Kaldm-i Kalandar (Meerut) and
Mathnawi Bit 'Alt Shah Kalandar (Lucknow 1891).
Bibliography: Ahhbar al-Akhydr; Gulzdr-i
Abrdr (As. Soc. Bengal, Ivanow 259, ff. 32-3);
Subh-i Sddik (A. S. Coll., Aligarh Univ., iii f. 411a) ;
Siyar al-Akfdb; Mir'dt al-Asrdr (B. M. Or. 216,
f. 386a); Ma'dridi al-Wildya (Nizami's MS.,
Aligarh Univ., 230-5) ; Sharaf al-Madjdlis (Sulay-
man Coll., Aligarh Univ.); Punjab Dist. Gazetteer,
Karnal 1918, 76, 210-1, 223-4; Proc. As. Soc.
Bengal, 1870, 125; 1873, 97- (Nurul Hasan)
ABC <ALl al-SAlI [see al-ijalI].
ABC c ALl MUHAMMAD b. ILYAS [see
ilyAsids].

ABU'l-'ALIYA Rufay* b. Mihran al-RIYAhI,
a liberated slave of the Banu Riyah, belonging to
the first generation of tdbi'un residing in Basra; d.
90/708-9 or 96/714. A commentary on the Kur'an
is attributed to him (HadjdjI Khalifa (Fliigel), ii,
352), but he is mainly known as a traditionist
and a transmitter of the Kur'an. Having
collected in al-Basra and in Medina hadith transmitted
particularly by 'Umar and Ubayy b< Ka'b-, he was
considered thrustworthy {thika) and contributed to
the training of Katada, Da'ud b. Aba Hind, 'Asim
al-Ahwal and other traditionists of renown. His
name figures frequently in the "chains" of trans-
mission of hadith admitted into the great collections.
In the same way, data put under his name are
admitted by al-Tabari, Tafsir, passim, e.g. i, 228;
cf. al-Baydawi, Anwar al-Tanzil (Fleischer), i, 12".
He transmitted his system of "reading" {kird'a) to
al-A'mash and to the readers of Basra Abu 'Amr b.
al- c Ala> [q.v.] and Shu'ayb b. al-Habhab al-AzdS
(d. 130/747). He played no political role and took
no part in the conflict between 'All and his partisans
and the Umayyads.

Bibliography: Ibn Sa'd, vii, 81-5; Ibn
Kutayba, Ma l arif, Cairo 1353/1934, 200; Tabari,
i, 108-25; Abu Nu'aym, Hilya, Cairo 1351-6, ii,

ABU 'l-'ALIYA al-RIYAHI — ABU 'AMR B

105

217-24; Ibn 'Asakir, Ta'rikh, Damascus 1332,
v, 323-6; Nawawl, Tahdhib al-Asmd' (Wiistenfeld),
738-9; 'UthmanI, Tabakdt al-Fukakd 3 , MS Paris
2093, 43V; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, ii, 186-7, Ibn al-
Djazari, Kurrd', no. 1272; A. Sprenger, Leben des
Mohammed, iii, evil, cxvr. (R. Blach£re)

ABC C AMR Zabban b. al-'ALA>, a celebrated
'reader' of the Kur' an, regarded as the founder
of the grammatical school of Basra, died c. 154/770.
This scholar seems to have claimed a genealogy
connecting him with the Arab tribe of Mazin of
the confederation of Tamim; see Ibn Khallikan and
the other biographers, including Ibn al-Djazari, who,
however, in one isolated statement, links him with
Hanlfa. His name, Zabban, has never been fully
confirmed, and is only given in preference to a score
of others. He is believed to have been born c. 70/689
at the latest, either at Mecca, according to the
generally accepted view, including that of Ibn al-
Djazarl, i, 292 (citing a disciple of Abu 'Amr, the
'reader' 'Abd al-Warith, d. 180/796), or at Kazarun,
in southern Persia, according to an isolated piece of
evidence in the works of Ibn al-Diazari. i, 289. If
the former is correct, he must have passed his
childhood in Hidjaz before going to 'Irak; if the
latter, the opposite would be the case. The only
sstablished fact is that Abu 'Amr accompanied his
father when the latter, harassed by al-Hadjdjadj's
police, fled from 'Irak to seek refuge in southern
Arabia; see Ibn al-Djazari, i, 289 (there appear to
be lacunae in the text), and Ibn Khallikan. i, 386
ad fin. (Ibn al-Anbarl, 32, merely says that Abu
'Amr had to flee from al-Hadjdjadj, without giving
any details). According to his own recollections,
Abu 'Amr was then a little more than twenty
(which gives some force to the statements which
put his year of birth at 70/689) ; see Ibn Khallikan,
i, 387. It seems permissible to assume, from the
passage of Ibn al-Djazari, I, 289", that this journey
gave him the opportunity of pursuing further his
'readings' of the Ku'ran at Mecca and Medina,
studies which he would appear to have continued
on his return to 'Irak. It is difficult, however, to
reconcile this assertion with the statement of Ibn
Khallikan. i, 387, that Abu 'Amr and his father
returned immediately to 'Irak upon the death of
al-Hadjdjadj, in 95/714- However that may be,
when Abu 'Amr had settled in 'Irak, it appears
that he rarely left Basra again. If it is indeed he
who is praised in a line of al-Farazdak (d. 1 14/732-3)
(see al-Suyuti, Bughya, 367), he was already before
that date a celebrity of some standing in his city
of adoption: cf. the flattering comment on him
attributed to al-Hasan al-Basri (d. 110/728) and
handed on by -Ibn al-Diazari. 291. Nevertheless,
there is no evidence that reveals anything about his
relations with the Umayyad authorities. On the
other hand, when the 'Abbasids came to power,
his celebrity seems to have won him recognition
even in governmental circles, since he is said to have
had dealings with the uncle of the caliph al-Saffah,
Sulayman (Ibn Khallikan, i, 387), and with the
uncle of the caliph al-Mahdi, Yazid (see Fihrist, 50"),
as well as with the governor of Syria, 'Abd al-Wahhab.
It was on his return from a visit to the last-named
that he died and was buried at Kufa, c. 154/770
(or 155/771 or 157/773); see Ibn al-Djazarl, 293 (Ibn
Khallikan gives also 159/775).

Abu 'Amr seems to have left no written works,
and when Ibn al-Nadlm, 41, states that he saw
manuscripts of this master, at al-Hadltha, in the
4th/ioth century, and when this same author adds,

88, that a K. al-Nawddir was handed down in the
version left by him, he must have been referring
to writings taken down from his oral teaching by
his disciples.

Abu 'Amr belongs to the generation of scholars
for whom the study of Arabic was dependent on
that of the Ku'ran. It is thus an arbitrary distinction
if one tries to separate in him the 'reader' of the
Koran from the grammarian and the 'transmitter*
of poetry.

During his stay in Hidjaz, Abu 'Amr initiated
himself into the system of 'reading' in process of
formation at Mecca and Medina, following the
teaching of Abu 'l-'Aliya [q.v.] and Ibn Kathlr in
particular. In 'Irak he studied the system of Ibn
Abl Ishak al-Hadraml and of others (at Basra), and
that of 'Asim (at Kufa). A list of his masters is
given by Ibn al-Djazari, 289; cf. also al-Suyuti,
Muzhir, ii, 398, and Fihrist, 39. He built up a system
of his own in which the Mecca and Medina influences
predominate ; a complete table of the origins of this
system has been drawn up by C. Pellat, Milieu
basrien, 77 f . The 'reading' of Abu 'Amr, at Basra,
displaced all others previously existing in the town,
and especially that of al-Hasan al-Basri: see Pellat,
op. cit., 76; it is said to have been recommended by
the 'reader' of Kufa, Shu'ba (d. 193/808): see Ibn
al-Djazari, 292 ; it was taught by disciples who later
became famous, such as Yunus b. Habib, al-Asma'I,
and a large number of others: see the list ibid., 289.
In the 4th/ioth century, when the reforms of Ibn
al-Mudjahid were introduced, this system took its
place among the canonical 'Seven readings'. At the
time of Ibn al-Djazari (d. 833/1429) it was the
accepted system in Yaman, in Hidjaz, and in Syria,
a province where it had finally ousted that of Ibn
'Amir in the 5th/nth century : see Ibn al-Djazari, 292.
This system of 'reading' was the subject of a treatise
by Ibn al-Mudjahid, see Fihrist, 31 18 . Nevertheless,
writings of the same order had been composed before
that period : see the list, ibid., 28. Another summary is
also known, entitled al-Jiafar al-Misrl ft kird'at Abi
c Amr b. al-'Ald' al-Basri, by 'Umar b. al-Kasim
al-Nashshar (d. 900/1495), which is preserved in
Berlin: see Ahlwardt, no. 639. We have, too, an
opuscule based on the oral tradition, on the ortho-
graphy of the Koran: see 0. Rescher, in WZKM, 1912,
94 (this opuscule is in a miscellaneous collection, in
Aya Sofia, no. 4814). The influence of Abu 'Amr
was of the first importance for the development of
grammatical and lexicographical studies at Basra.
It is less easy to follow, however, than the influence
of his system of 'reading'. Among his disciples, the
following names are worthy of note: Yunus b, Habib,
al-Asma'I (see al-Suyuti, Muzhir, ii, 323, 329; Fihrist,
42; Ibn al-Anbarl, 30), Abu 'Ubayda (see Ibn Khal-
likan, 387), Khalaf al-Ahmar (see al-Suyuti, ii, 278,
403), and the future founder of the School of Kufa,
al-Ru'asi (see id., ii, 400). It is possible that already
then, under his stimulus, the method of seeking
information from the Beduins, in matters concerning
grammar and lexicography, was developed at Basra,
(see the anecdote recorded by id., ii, 278 and 304).

By his disciples, and especially by Abu 'Ubayda
and by such a scholar as al-Djahiz, Abu 'Amr was
regarded as 'the most learned man in things pertaining
to the Arabs, and combining with the accuracy of
his auricular transmission the veracity of his state-
ments' (see al-Djahiz, Baydn, i, 255, 256; cf. Aba
'1-Tayyib, who expresses a similar view in Muzhir,
ii, 399). And yet this point raises a very delicate
problem. This scholar seems, indeed, like a number

- ABU 'l-ASWAD al-DU'ALI

of his contemporaries, to have been an enthusiastic
collector of archaic poetry and of accounts of the
'Days of the Arabs'; cf. Blachere, Histoire de
la litterature arabe, Paris, 1952, i, 101 f. According
to an account taken from Abu c Ubayda by al-
Djahiz, Baydn, i, 256 (repeated in a somewhat
changed form by Ibn al-Djazari, 290, Ibn Khallikan.
i, 386, and al-Kutubi, i, 164), 'the books which Abu
'Amr.had written by taking the words down from
such Arabs as were worthy to serve as informers
filled a room in his dwelling. Later on, having
devoted himself to 'reading' (of the Ku'ran), he burnt
these books'. This piece of evidence, which we have
no means of checking, does not say that Abu 'Aim
destroyed the collections of poetry made by himself,
as has been too often asserted. Actually, the main
point to keep in mind is that after this destruction —
if it took place — Abu 'Ami continued nevertheless
to communicate orally the documentation which
he had accumulated in his memory. There are many
anecdotes which show his knowledge of ancient
poetry; see for example, al-Djahiz, Baydn, i, 256,
ii, 121; al-Sirafi, 30; Ibn al-Anbari, 31, 34. It is
known that on one occasion he did not hesitate to
forge a line; see al-Suyuti, Muzhir, ii,.4i5. This fact,
which he himself admitted, in no way detracted
from his acknowledged authority as a 'transmitter'
(rdwt). His place among Arab lexicographers seems
to have been very important, since he is said to
have been, in this sphere, the master of al-Khalil [q.v.] ;

e ibid.,
Abu <J

, 398, i

5 lexicographical authority, ibid., ii,
, 360. The authors of adab and the
anthologists often quote, too, his judgements on
the poets; see for example, ibid., ii, 479, 484, 486.
It is no exaggeration to say that the figure of
Abu c Amr b. al-'Ala 3 dominates the intellectual
activity of the centre of Basra at the period when
the generation of scholars was growing up — men
such as al-Khalil, al-Asma'I, Abu <Ubayda— who
were to become the masters of the philological and
grammatical school of that town.

Bibliography: Djahiz, Baydn (Sandubi), Cairo
I35i> i, 255-6 and passim ; SIrafI, A khbdr al-Nah-
wiyyln al-Basriyyin (Krenkow), and again in Ibn
al-Anbari, Nuzhat al-Alibbd } , 29-38; Fihrist, 35,
39, 88, and passim, used by Fliigel, Die gram-
matischen Schulen, 32 ff . ; Ibn Khallikan, 478 ; and
again in al-Yafi% Mir'at al-Djanan, i, 325 f.;
Kutubl, Fawdt, i, 164; Ibn al-Djazari, Ghayat al-
Nihdya ( Bergs trasser), Cairo 1933, i, 288-92 and
passim; Suyuti, Bughyat al-Wu'dt, 367, and Muzhir
(Badjawi), Cairo 1942, ii, 398 f. and passim; C.
Pellat, he milieu basrien dans la formation de Gdhiz,
Paris 1953, 76-8; Brockelmann, I, 99, S I, 158.

(R. Blachere)
ABU 'l-'ARAB Muhammad b. TamIm b. Tammam
al-Tam1mI, Malikite fakih, traditionist, his-
torian and poet from Kayrawan. Offspring of a
great Arab family (his great-grandfather was
governor of Tunis, seized Kayrawan in 183/799 and
ended his life in prison in Baghdad), Abu'l-'Arab,
born in Kayrawan between 250/864 and 260/873,
devoted himself to study under various masters,
trained, in his turn, several pupils (notably Ibn Abi
Zayd al-KayrawSnl), took part in the revolt of
Abu Yazld against the Fatimids, was put in prison
and died in 333/945. Of the works on fikh, hadith
and history attributed to him, only the Tabakdt
'Ulamd' Ifrikiya, a collection of anecdotical bio-
graphies of the scholars of Kayrawan and Tunis,
seems to have been preserved (ed. and transl. by

M. Ben Cheneb, Classes des savants de I'Ifriqiya,
Algiers 1915-20).

Bibliography: Dhahabi. Tadhkira, iii, 105;

Ibn Farhun, Dibddi, 233; Ibn NadjI, Ma'dlim

iii, 42 ; Ibn Khayr, Fahrasa (BAH, ix), 297, 301 ;

H.H. <Abd al-Wahhab, al-Muntakhab al-Madrasi*,

Cairo 1944, 37-8. (Ch. Pellat)

ABC 'ARlSH, a town in <AsIr, about 20

miles from Djizan. Philby describes it as kite-shaped,

nearly a mile across, consisting mainly of brushwood

huts ('ard'ish) and adjoining extensive ruins. The

population (about 12,000) grows millet and sesame.

The merchants are mostly of Hadrami origin.

First settled by a shaykh (7th/i3th century), it
prospered under the Zaydl Imams who captured it
in 1036/1627. In the next century the local ashrdf
became independent. They temporarily submitted
to the Wahhabis (1217/1802-3) and later to the
Egyptians. When the latter abandoned Hudayda
(1256/1840) Sharif Husayn occupied the Tihama, was
made Pasha and threatened c Adan. Britain protested
and the Turks drove him back to c AsIr. The power
of the ashrdf, weakened by civil war and the attacks
of Muhammad b. c A 5 id, disappeared when the Turks
reoccupied c AsIr; Philby could find no trace of
them. Abu c Arish has since belonged in turn to the
Turks, the IdrisI and Ibn Sa'ud.

Bibliography: Descriptions: C. Niebuhr,

Beschreibung von Arabien, 267; Tamisier, Voyage

en Arabie, i, 383-91; H. St. J. Philby, Arabian

Highlands, History: Tamisier, op. cit., i, 365-

74; Philby, op. cit.; A. S. Tritton, Rise of the

Imams of Sanaa,; H. F. Jacob, Kings of Arabia,

51-4; Muhammad b. 'All al-Shawkanl, al-Badr

al-tdli', Cairo 1348, i, 240, ii, 6-8; 'Uthman b.

Bishr al-Nadjdi al-Hanball, '■Unwdn al-MaaJd,

Mecca 1349, '. '44-5, 211. (C. F. Beckingham)

ABC c ARCBA, al-Husayn b. AbI Ma'shar

Muhammad b. Mawdud al-SulamI al-HarrAnI,

hadith scholar of Harran (b. ca. 222/837, d.

318/930-1).

Practically nothing is known about his life, except
the names of his authorities and his students, some
of them very famous personalities. He is said to
have been judge or mufti of Harran. One source
(Ibn c Asakir apud al-Dhahabl) states that he was
a partisan of the Umayyads.

According to the Fihrist, 230, Abu 'Aruba wrote
only one work, a collection of traditions which were
transmitted by his authorities. This work seems to
be identical with the Tabakdt which are mentioned
as a work of Abu c Aruba by al-Dhahabi. An excerpt
from the Tabakdt, which deals with the men around
Muhammad and their traditions, is preserved in
Damascus (cf. Yusuf al- c Ishsh, Fihris Makhtuldt
Ddr al-Kutub al-gdhiriyya, Damascus 1947, 169).
AbO c Aruba is also quoted as the author of a history
of Harran (or collection of biographies of scholars
of the Djazira) and a Kitdb al-AwdHl.

Bibliography: Brockelmann, II, 663; Fihrist,
322; Sam'anI, Ansdb, fol. 161a and passim; Yakut,
ii, 232, and passim; Ibn al- c Adim, Bughya (ms.
Topkapusaray, Ahmet III, 2925, iv, fols. 178b-
179a); Dhahabi, Nubald* (ms. Topkapusaray,
Ahmet III, 2910, ix, 545-7); idem, Ta'rikh al-
Isldm, anno 318; Ibn al- c Im5d, Shadhardt, ii,
279; F. Rosenthal, A history of Muslim histori-
ography, Leiden 1952, 310, 389, 393.

(F. Rosenthal)
ABU 'L-ASWAD al-DU'ALI (or, according to
West-Arabic pronunciation al-Dili, nomen relativum
from al-Du'il b. Bakr, a clan of the Banu Kinana),

ABU 'l-ASWAD al-DU'ALI — ABU 'l-'ATAHIYA

a partisan of 'All. His name (Zalim b. ( Amr)
and genealogy are uncertain; his mother belonged
to the clan 'Abd al-Dar b. Kusayy of Kuraysh. He
was probably born some years before the Hidjra.
In the caliphate of 'Umar he went to Basra. He
lived first among his own tribe, then among the
Banu Hudhayl, and for some time also among the
Banu Kushayr, the kinsmen of his favourite wife;
but his ShI'ite propensities as well as his obstinacy
and avarice made him disagreeable to his neighbours.
It is doubtful whether he held any office under
'Umar and 'Uthman. In 'All's caliphate he rose to
prominence. He is said to have taken part in the
unsuccessful negotiations with 'A'isha and in the
ensuing "Battle of the Camel", and also fought at
Siffln for 'All. He was employed at Basra either as
kadi or as secretary to the governor 'Abd Allah b.
'Abbas, and is even said to have held a military
command in the wars against the Khawaridi. When
'All's star was setting, and according to al-Mada J ini,
'Abd Allah b. 'Abbas planned to leave Basra, taking
with him the treasury, Abu '1-Aswad tried to stop
him and reported the matter to 'All, who appointed
him governor. This post he held, if at all, only for
a short time. When 'Ali was murdered, he made in
a poem (no. 59 in Reseller's numbering) the Umayyads
responsible for it. But his sentiments were of no
consequence, as there was no large ShI'a element
in Basra (Aghdni 1 , xi, 121). He did not realize that
he had lost all influence. He had reason to complain
about Mu'awiya's representative 'Abd Allah b.
'Amir, with whom he had formerly been on good
terms (Poems nos. 23, 46), and also tried in vain
to gain the favour of the viceroy Ziyad b. Abih.
Relations between them had been strained already
in the caliphate of 'All, when Ziyad was in charge of
the revenue-office (Aghdni 1 , xi, 1 19). He lamented the
death of al-Husayn in 61/680 (no. 61) and cried for
vengeance (no. 62). The last event mentioned in his
poems is his complaint to the "Prince ol the Faithful"
Ibn al-Zubayr about his representative at Basra in
c. 67/686 (Ibn Sa'd, v, 19). He died, according to
al-Mada'inl, at Basra during the great plague in
69/688.

A collection of his poems, made by al-Sukkari, is
extant, but has been published only in part. They
are poor in language and style and artistically and
historically insignificant; most of them deal with
petty incidents of everyday life ; some of the poems
are apparently forged. This applies also to the widely
circulated allegation — invented most probably by
some philologist of the Basra school — that is was
Abu'l-Aswad who laid down for the first time the
rules of Arabic grammar and invented the vocal-
isation of the Kur'an.

Bibliography: Brockelmann, I, 37, S I, 72;
0. Rescher, Abriss, i, 131-3; Th. Noldeke, in
ZDMG, 1864, 232-40; 0. Rescher, in WZKM,
1913. 375-97; Ibn Sa'd, vii, 1, 70; Ibn Kutayba,
Shi'-r, 457; Ma'drif, 222; Aghdni 1 , xi, 105-124;
al-Slrafl, Akhbdr, 13-22; J. W. Fuck, Arabiya,6.

(J. W. FOck)
ABC 'ATA' al-SINDI, Aflah (or Marzuk) b.
Yasar, Arabic poet. He owes his surname of
al-Sindi to the fact that his father came from Sind;
he himself was born in Kufa and lived there as a
client of the Banu Asad. He fought for the declining
Umayyad dynasty with pen and sword, praising
them and casting scorn on their adversaries. It is
true, however, that when the 'Abbasids obtained
power, he tried to insinuate himself into the favour
of the new rulers by singing their praises. But the

iron character of al-Saffah was but little sensible to
such fawning, and under the reign of his successor,
al-Mansur, the poet was even obliged to keep himself
hidden. Only after al-Mansur's death in 158/774 did
he again make his appearance. He died, no doubt,
shortly afterwards, but the exact date is not known.
Abu 'Ata* was considered a good poet — his elegy
on Ibn Hubayra [q.v.] being especially famous —
although he pronounced Arabic badly and even
stammered, so that he was obliged to have his
poetry recited by others.

Bibliography: Ibn Kutayba, Shi'r, 482-4;
Abu Tamilian, Hamdsa, i, 372 ft.; Aghdni 1 , xvi,
81-7; Marzubanl, Mu^djam, 380; al-Bakri, Simf
al-La'dli (Maimani), 802; al-Kutubl, Fawdt, Cairo
1283, i, 937; collection of fragments by Baloch
Nabi Bakhsh Khan, IC, 1949, 137 f.

(A. SCHAADE*)

ABU 'l-'ATAHIYA, poetic nickname ("father
of craziness") of AbO Ishak Isma'Il b. al-Kasim b.
Suwayd b. KaysAn, Arabic poet, born in Kufa
(or 'Ayn al-Tamr) 130/748 and died 210/825 or
211/826. His family had been mawdli of the 'Anaza
tribe for two or three generations, and were engaged
in menial occupations; his father was a cupper, and
the poet himself as a youth sold earthenware in the
streets. His outlook on life was embittered by a
sense of social inferiority; in his later verse he gave
vent to his hatred of the governing class and the
wealthy ; and he was notorious for covetousness and
meanness to the end of his life. But like Bashshar
b. Burd, he had a natural gift for poetry, and hoped
to find in this the door to a larger life. On account
of his poverty he had not the time to attend lectures
on philology and the poetry of the ancients, and
to this we must attribute the freshness and uncon-
ventionality of his style. As a young man he asso-
ciated with the profligate circle of poets grouped
around Waliba b. al-Hubab, and gained a reputation
with his ghazals and wine-songs; later critics have
condemned these productions as poor and effeminate
(Ibn Kutayba, SAi'r, 497), and only fragments of
them have survived. Like most of the spontaneous
poets, he showed a preference for simple language
and short metres, and first rose to fame by a panegyric
on al-Mahdi which, in spite of these unconventional
characteristics, gained the caliph's favour. He made
himself notorious in Baghdad by his ghazals in
praise of 'Utba, a slave-girl of al-Mahdl's cousin
Rayta, who hoped to gain the caliph's notice but
had no intention of throwing herself away on a
penniless nobody. He held the caliph responsible
for his failure to win 'Utba, and some indiscrete
verses gained him a flogging and banishment to
Kufa. When al-Mahdi died, he took his revenge in
some verses which could be read ambiguously.

Back in Baghdad his fulsome praise of al-Hadl
annoyed the latter's successor Hariin al-Rashld, who
sent him to prison along with his friend Ibrahim
al-Mawsill. Restored to favour, he charmed Hariin
with his love-lyrics, but suddenly renounced the
ghazal and devoted himself to ascetic poetry (c. 178).
Hariin at first took umbrage at his conversion and
imprisoned him, but was reconciled later at the
instances of al-Fadl b. RabI', and in part also no
doubt because of his popularity with the masses. It
may be suspected that al-Fadl's patronage was
connected with his intrigue, in association with the
queen Zubayda, against the Barmakids, and that
Abu 'l-'Atahiya's new "ascetic" productions con-
veniently served their purposes. However that may
be, Abu'l-'Atahiya maintained henceforward a vast

ABU 'l- c ATAHIYA — ABO AYYUB al-ANSARI

output of sermons in verse, long and short, painting
the horrors of all-levelling Death, and directed
especially against the rich and the powerful, not
excluding the caliph himself. So profitable was it
that when Abu Nuwas also began to produce
zuhdiyydt Abu'l-'Atahiya warned him not to trespass
on the field to which he had established a prescriptive
right {Akhbdr AH Nuwds, Cairo 1924, 70). Some,
later critics questioned, not without cause, the
sincerity of his conversion, notably the real ascetic
Abu'l-'Ala 3 al-Ma c arri, who referred to him as "that
astute fellow" (Ibn Fadl Allah, Masdlik al-Absdr,
xv, MS Brit. Mus. 575, fol. 136).

A more frequent accusation brought against
Abu'l-'Atahiya is that of heresy, which was a
favourite weapon at the time; and it was suggested
by Goldziher that one reason for his imprisonments
may be sought in the occasionally unorthodox tone
of some of his poems. Having no theological education
he seems to have been influenced by the modified
legacy of Manichaean beliefs still current in 'Irak,
which accounted for the disorders of this world by
the existence of two primary substances, good and
evil, though Abu'l-'Atahiya held that both were
the creation of Allah. In certain of his verses also,
such as "If you would see the noblest of mankind
look for a king in the guise of a pauper", there may
be suggestions of a concealed attachment to Musa
al-Kazim and the cause of the Shi'ite imams, still
Strong in Kufa.

His astonishing success as a poet was due to the
simplicity, spontaneity, and artlessness of his
language, which contrasted with the laboured
artificiality of some of his contemporaries, and
expressed the feelings of the people in verse that
they could understand. He was fortunate also, by
his friendship with Ibrahim al-Mawsill, to have
many of his poems set to music by the foremost
musician of the day. He and his younger contem-
porary Aban b. c Abd al-Hamld [q.v.] were the first
to use tnuzdawidj (couplet) rhyming verse, and he
was the first, according to al-Ma'arri (al-Fusul
wa'l-Ghaydt, i, 131), to invent the metre muddri'.
He also used a metre consisting of eight long sylla-
bles. Owing to his enormous output his entire diwdn
was never collected. The zuhdiyydt were put together
by the Spanish scholar Ibn c Abd al-Barr (d. 463/1071).
Bibliography: Ibn Khallikan, no. 91; al-
AghdnP, iii, 126-83 (', iv, 1-112); see also Guidi's
Tables for other references; Ta'rikh Bagjsddd, vi,
250-60; Goldziher, Trans. IX Congress of Orien-
talists, 113 ff.; G. Vajda, in RSO, 1937, 215 ft.,
225 ff.; Brockelmann, I, 76; S I, 119. Partial
editions of the diwdn were published in Bairut
1887, 1909; see also Madimu'-a, ed. F. E. Bustani,
Bairut 1927; Zuhdiyydt, trans. O. Rescher,
Stuttgart 1928. (A. Guillaume)

ABU 'l-A'WAR c Amr b. Sufyan al-SULAMI
general in the service of Mu'awiya. He belonged
to the powerful tribe of Sulaym (hence "al-Sulaml") ;
his mother was a Christian and his father had fought
at Uhud in the ranks of the Kuraysh. The son, who
does not seem to have belonged to the closest circle
of the Prophet, went, probably with the army
commanded by Yazid b. Abl Sufyan, to Syria. In
the battle of the Yarmuk he was in charge of a
detachment, and from that time he followed faith-
fully the fortunes of the Umayyads. He thus exposed
himself to the execration of 'All, especially after
he had taken part in the battle of Siffin. He assisted
c Amr b. al-'Asi in conquering Egypt for Mu'awiya
and was in command of various military expeditions

by sea. In addition, he showed also diplomatic and
administrative abilities. At Siffin, he took part in
the negotiations with c Ali and prepared the preli-
minary draft for the conference of Adhruh. He was
also commissioned to count the falldhs of Palestine
for a new distribution of taxes. Mu'awiya had in
mind to appoint him in Egypt to the post of 'Amr
b. al-'Asi, who had been guilty of showing a too
independent attitude ; but this plan came to nothing,
and he was appointed to the governorship of the
province of al-Urdunn. On the ground of his services
the Arabic annalists counted him among the main
lieutenants of Mu'awiya, those who constituted his
shi c a or bi(dna. He disappeared from the political
scene before the end of Mu c 5wiya's reign.

Bibliography: Ibn Sa c d, iii/2, 106; Ibn Rusta,
213; Tabari, index; Mas'udi, Murudj, iv, 351;
Michael the Syrian (Chabot), ii, 442, 445, 450;
Bayhaki, Mahdsin, 149; Ibn al-Athlr, Usd, v, 138;
Ibn Hadjar, Isdba, iv, 14; H. Lammens, Etudes
sur le rigne de Mo'-dwia, 42 ff. (H. Lammens *)
ABC 'AWN c Abd al-Malik b. YazId al-Khura-
sani, general in the service of the 'Abbasids. After
the outbreak of the rebellion in Khurasan. 25 Ramadan
129/9 June 747, Abu 'Awn several times took part
in the war against the Umayyads. At first he accom-
panied the 'Abbasid general Kahtaba b. Shablb;
then he was sent by the latter to Shahrazur, where
on 20 Dhu'l-Hidjdja 131/10 August 749, in con-
junction with Malik b. Tarif, he defeated 'Uttjman
b. Sufyan. While Abu 'Awn remained in the vicinity
of Mosul, the Umayyad caliph Marwan II marched
against him. Under the supreme command of 'Abd
Allah b. 'All, Abu 'Awn took part in the battle by
the Greater Zab (n Djumada II 132/25 January
750), in the pursuit of Marwan, and in the capture
of Damascus. When 'Abd Allah remained behind
in Palestine, he sent Salih b. 'All together with Abu
'Awn and a few others to continue the pursuit to
Egypt, and it was there that the caliph, after a
fresh defeat, was tracked down and killed in the
same year. Abu 'Awn remained in Egypt till further
orders as governor. In 159/775-6 he was appointed
governor of Khurasan by al-Mahdl, but deposed in
the following year.

Bibliography: Ya'kubl, Tabari, Mas'udI,

Murudi, Indexes; WeUhausen, Das arabische Reich

und sein Sturz, Berlin 1902, 341-3; L. Caetani,

Chronographia Islamica, Roma 1912, under the

relevant years. (K. V. Zettersteen *)

ABU 'l-'AYNA' Muhammed b. al-Kasim b.

Khallad b. Yasir b. Sulaiman al-HashimI, an

Arabian litterateur and poet. He was born about

the year 190/805 in al-Ahwaz (his family came from

al-Yamama) and grew up in Basra, where he received

instruction from the most famous philologists, Abu

'Ubaida, al-Asma'I, Abu Zayd al-Ansari and others.

He was renowned amongst his contemporaries not

only for his linguistic attainments, but also for his

quickness at repartee. Ibn Abl Tahir collected

anecdotes concerning him in a special work entitled

Akhbdr Abi 'l-'Aynd', many of which are to be

found in the al-Aghdni. The book itself as well

as the collection of his poems have not been

preserved. He became blind at the age of 40, later

on he emigrated to Bagdad, but returned to Basra

again and died there in the year 281 or 183/896.

Bibliography: Fihrist, 115; Ibn Khallikan,

no. 615. (C. Brockelmann)

ABC AYYCB Khalid b. Zayd b. Kulayb al-

NadjdjarI al-ANSArI, generally known by his

kunya, companion of the Prophet. It was in the

ABO AYYOB al-ANSARI — ABO BAKR

house of Abu Ayyub that the Prophet stayed on
his emigration to Medina, before his own mosque
and house were built. He took part in all the
Prophet's expeditions, was present at all the battles
of early Islam and served under the command of
'Amr b. al-'Asi during the conquest of Egypt. Later
on he was appointed by C A1I to the governorship of
Medina, but was obliged to rejoin C AH in 'Irak when
Busr b. Abi Artat approched the town with an
army of 3000 men put at his disposal by 'Amr b.
al- c Asi. In 'Irak Abu Ayyub al-Ansari took part in
the battles fought there by C A1I. During the reign
of Mu'awiya, he took part in the invasion of Cyprus
and the expedition against Constantinople led by
Yazid b. Mu'awiya. During the siege of the Byzantine
capital Abu Ayyub died of dysentery, in the year
52/672 (the years 50, 51 and 55 are also given as
the date of his death). At his own request, he was
buried under the walls of Constantinople.

150 hadiths are attributed to Abu Ayyub, but
only a small number of them (thirteen altogether)
have been admitted as authentic by al-Bukhari
and Muslim.

Bibliography: DhahabI, Tadirid Asma> al-
Sahdba, Haydarabad 1315, i, 161, ii, 161; Bala-
dhuri, FutHh, 5, 154; Ibn Sa c d, iii/2, 49-50 ; Tabari,
iii, 23-4; Ibn c Abd al-Hakam, Futufr Misr (Torrey),
index; Diyarbakrl, Ta'rikh al-Khamls, Cairo 1283,
ii, 294; Ibn c Abd al-Barr, Isti'ab, Haydarabad
1318, i, 156, ii, 638; Ibn Hadjar, Tahdhib, Hay-
darabad 1325-7, iii, 90; idem, Isdba, Cairo 1325,
ii, 89; Khazradji, Khuldsa. Cairo 1322, 86; Ibn
al-Kaysarani, Diam 1 , Haydarabad 1323, 118; Ibn
al-Athir, Usd dl-Ghaba, ii, 88, v, 143; Ibn Taghri-
birdi, Nudj,um, Leiden 1855, i, 22, 34, 151, 158-60;
Nawawi, Tahdhib al-Asmd y Gottingen 1842-7, 652;
Suyuti, ffusn al-Muhddara, Cairo 1322, i, 112;
Abu 'l- c Arab, Tabakat 'Ulanta' Ifrikiya, ed. and
transl. Ben Cheneb, Algiers 1920; 21/66 and note 2 ;
M. Canard, in J A, 192, 67 if.

(E. L£vi-Provencal)
The tomb of Abu Ayyub is mentioned for the
first time by Ibn I£utayba, al-Ma'-arif, 140 (ed.
Cairo 1934, 119); according to al-Tabari, iii, 2324,
Ibn al-Athir, iii, 381, Ibn al-Djawzi and al-I£azwini,
408, the Byzantines respected it and made pilgrimage
to it in time of drought to pray there for rain {istisba').
The — probably legendary — discovery of the tomb
by Ak Shams al-Din [q.v.] during the siege of the
city by Muhammad II can be compared to the
finding of the Holy Lance by the Crusaders during
the siege of Antioch. The Turkish legend is fully
reproduced in Leunclavius, Historiae musulmanae,
Frankfurt 1591, 38 ff. and in the careful monograph
by Hadjdji c Abd Allah, al-Athdr al-Ma&idiyya fi
'l-Mand&b al-Khalidiyya. See also A. M. Schneider,
in Oriens x 1 95 1, 113 ft.; P. Wittek, A ywansary, in
Annates de I'hist. de phil. et d'hist. orientates et
slaves, Bruxelles 1951, 505 ff. (esp. 513 ff.).

(J. H. MORDTMANN*)

A mosque was built on the spot by Muhammad II
in 863/1458; it was enlarged by Etmekdji-zade
Ahmad Pasha in 1000/1591; two new minarets,
each with two galleries, were added in 1136/1273.
It was in this mosque that the sultan Mahmud II
deposited the relics of the Prophet discovered in the
treasury of the Saray (the imprint of the foot). The
grand-vizier Sinan Pasha (d. 1133/1729), Mah Firuz
Khadldja (mother of the sultan c Uthm5n III), the
grand-vizier Semiz 'All Pasha, GurdjI Muhammad
Pasha, Lala Mustafa Pasha (the conqueror of

Cyprus) and a number of other important persons
are buried in the turba or in the immediate vicinity
of its court-yard. The mosque is situated outside
the Byzantine walls, and an important suburb
(Eyyiib [see Istanbul]) grew up round it. The
mosque was the object of special veneration and
it was forbidden for non-Muslims to enter it. Accor-
ding to a rather late custom (cf. Isl., 1931, 184 ff.
and mawlawiyya) it was in this mosque that the
sultan, on his accession, was girded with the sword
of his ancestors by the Celebi Efendi, the head of
the Mawlawi order who came especially from I£onya
to carry out the ceremony.

Bibliography: Hafiz Husayn b. Hadjdil
Isma'il, IJadikat al-Dxawdmi', Istanbul .1281, i,
243, cf. Hammer- Purgstall, xviii, 57; CI. Huart,
Konia, 206; F. W. Hasluck, Christianity and
Islam under the Sultans, Oxford 1929, ii, 604 ff.

(Cl. Huart*)
ABO BAKR, the first caliph,
i. Name, family, and early life. — Abu Bakr was
probably born shortly after 570 as he is said to have
been three years younger than Muhammad. His
father was Abu Suhafa ( c Uthman) b. 'Amir of the
clan of Taym of the tribe of Kuraysh., and he is
therefore sometimes known as Ibn Abi Kuhafa. His
mother was Umm al-Khayr (Salma) bint Sakhr of
the same clan. The names c Abd Allah and <Atik
('freed slave') are attributed to him as well as Abu
Bakr, but the relation of these names to one another
and their original significance is not clear. Muhammad
seems to have made a play on the name 'Atlk and
to have said that he was 'freed from Hell'. He was
later known as al-Siddik, the truthful, the upright,
or the t one who counts true ; the last meaning is
supported by the tradition that he alone immediately
believed Muhammad's story of his night-journey
(isrd>, q.v.).

In the course of his life he had four wives. (1) Kut-
ayla bint c Abd al- c Uzza of the Meccan clan of 'Amir,
who bore him <Abd Allah and Asma' (who married
al-Zubayr b. al- c Awwam); (2) Umm Ruman bint
'Amir of the tribe of Kyiana, who bore him c Abd al-
Rahman (originally c Abd al-Ka c ba or c Abd al-'Uzza)
and 'A'isha; (3) Asma' bint 'Umays of the tribe of
Khath'am, who bore him Muhammad; (4) Habiba
bint Kharidja, of the Medinan clan of al-Harith b.
al-Khazradj, wno bore him Umm Kulthum posthu-
mously. The last two marriages were made late in
his life and were doubtless political; Asma 1 bint
'Umays was the widow of Dja'far b. Abi Talib (who
was killed in 8/629). The first two marriages were
probably concurrent, since c Abd al-Rahman was
the eldest son, but only Umm Ruman accompanied
Abu Bakr to Medina.

Little is known about Abu Bakr's life before his
conversion. He was a merchant {tddiir) worth
40,000 dirhams, indicating (according to H. Lam-
mens, La Mecque d la Veille de I'Hegire, Beirut 1924,
226-8) that his business was comparatively unim-
portant. He is not mentioned as having travelled
to Syria or elsewhere, but he was an expert in the
genealogies of the Arab tribes.

ii. From his conversion to the death of Muham-
mad. — Abu Bakr was possibly a friend of Muhammad
before the latter's call to be a prophet and his own
conversion. According to some traditions he was
the first male Muslim after Muhammad (Ibn Sa'd,
iii/ 1, 121; al-Tabari, i. 1165-7); but this may simply
be a reflection of his later preeminence, since the
same claim is made for C A1I and Zayd b. Haritha.

Similarly the statement that Abu Bakr was respon-
sible for the conversion of c Uthman b. 'Affan,
al-Zubayr, <Abd al-Rahman b. <Awf, Sa'd b. AM
Wakkas and Taujah b. 'Ubayd Allah is suspicious
because these five and C AH constitued the shura or
council to elect a successor to c Umar. What is
certain is that for some time before the Hidjra, Abu
Bakr was the foremost member of the Muslim
community after Muhammad.

He remained in Mecca when many Muslims emi-
grated to Abyssinia. This is an obscure affair. It
has been suggested that the emigrants objected to
the policy of the group among the Muslims led by
Abu Bakr. The traditional view, however, was
that the emigrants went to avoid persecution; and
it may be that Abu Bakr's clan of Taym, like others
belonging to the group known as Hilf al-Fudul,
did not persecute its members. It seems, however,
that it also lacked the will or the power to defend
them, for it allowed Abu Bakr and his fellow
clansman Talha to be bound together by a man of
the Meccan clan of Asad; and at a later date Abu
Bakr left Mecca and only returned on receiving the
protection (djiwdr) of Ibn al-Dughunna, the chief
of a nomadic group in alliance with Kuraysh. The
slaves bought and set free by Abu Bakr, notably
c Amir b. Fuhayra and Bilal, suffered bodily violence.
The purchase of slaves who professed Islam, though
showing Abu Bakr's devotion to the cause, does
not completely account for the reduction of his
wealth to 5,000 dirhams at the Hidjra, and economic
pressure by the leading merchants of Mecca is to
be suspected.

Muhammad chose him to accompany himself on
his migration to Medina, an event to which reference
is made in Kur'an ix, 40. His family, that is, presum-
ably Umm Ruman, 'A'isha, Asma' and perhaps
c Abd Allah, foUowed soon afterwards. Abu Kuhafa,
however, remained in Mecca, and Abu Bakr's son
<Abd al- Rahman actually fought against the Muslims
at Badr and Uhud, but was converted to Islam
before the conquest of Mecca. In Medina Abu Bakr
found a house in the district of al-Sunh. His special
position in the community was marked by Muham-
mad's marriage to his daughter c A 5 isha. He was a
participant in all the expeditions led by Muhammad
in person, and was constantly at his side, ready to
help with advice and information. In critical
moments he was steady as a rock and did not lose
heart. There seems to have been a remarkable degree
of harmony between leader and follower. When
others (including c Umar who was inseparable from
Abu Bakr) questioned Muhammad's decisions to.
make peace at al-Hudaybiya and to abandon the siege
of al-Ta'if, Abu Bakr gave immediate and whole-
hearted support. He was the first to know the true
objective of the expedition which conquered Mecca
in 8/630. In other words, he was Muhammad's chief
adviser. He did not have any separate military
command, except of a small party detached from
a larger expedition in 6/627 and of a minor expedition
against the tribe of Hawazin in 7/628. In 8/629 he
served with 'Umar under the command of Abu
'Ubaydah, probably in order to smooth over political
difficulties. By his being appointed to conduct the
pilgrimage of A. H. 9 and to lead public prayers in
Medina during Muhammad's last illness, and by
other signs of respect, he was marked as successor.

iii. His caliphate, 11/632-13/634. — The day of
Muhammad's death (13 Rabl c I, 11/8 June, 632)
was a critical one for the young Islamic state. The
Ansar set about appointing a leader from their own

number, but were persuaded by 'Umar and others to
accept AbQ Bakr. He took the title of Khalifat Rasul
Allah, 'deputy or successor of the messenger of God',
and after a short time moved to a house in the
centre of Medina.

His caliphate of a little over two years was largely
occupied in dealing with the ridda or 'apostasy'. This
phenomenon, as the name given. by Arabic historians
indicates, was regarded by them as primarily a
religious movement; but recent European scholars,
especially J. Wellhausen (Skiizen und Vorarbeiten,
vi, Berlin, 1899, 7-37) and L. Caetani {Annali, ii,
549-831) have argued that it was essentially political.
More probably it was both. Medina had become the
centre of a social and political system, of which
religion was an integral part; consequently it was
inevitable that any reaction against this system
should have a religious aspect. There were six main
centres of this reaction. In four of these, the leader
had a religious character and is often called a 'false
prophet': al-Aswad al- c AnsI in the Yemen, Musay-
lima among the tribe of Hanlfa in the Yamama,
Tulayha in the tribes of Asad and Ghatafan, and
the prophetess Sadjah in the tribe of Tamlm. The
form of the ridda in each centre varied according to
local circumstances; it involved the refusal to send
taxes to Medina and to obey the agents sent out
by Medina. In the Yemen the ridda began before
Muhammad's death, and when Abu Bakr came to
power al-Aswad had been replaced by Kays b.
(Hubayra b. c Abd Yaghuth) al-Makshuh. In other
places there had presumably existed for some time
a movement against the rule of Medina, but it
became open revolt only after Muhammad's death.
During the absence of the main Muslim army in
Syria under Usama b. Zayd, some neighbouring
tribes tried to surprise Medina, but were eventually
defeated at Dhu '1-Kassa. After the return of the
Syrian expedition, a large army commanded by
Khalid b. al-Walld was sent against the rebels. First
Tulayha was defeated in a battle at Buzakha, and
the area restored to its allegiance to Islam. Soon
afterwards, Tamlm abandoned Sadjah and sub-
mitted to Abu Bakr. The most important battle
of the ridda was the battle of the Yamama at
'Akraba' (about Rabl c I, 12/May 633), known as
'the garden of death' on account of the great
slaughter on both sides. Here Musaylima, the most
serious opponent of the Muslims, was defeated and
killed, and central Arabia brought under their
control. Subordinate commanders were entrusted
with subsidiary operations in al-Bahrayn and
<Uman (with Mahra), while IQialid pacified the
Yamama before moving towards 'Irak- The ridda
in the Yemen and Hadramawt was defeated by
another commander, al-Muhadjir b. Abi Umayya.
In dealing with captured leaders Abu Bakr showed
great clemency, and many became active supporters
of the cause of Islam. The traditional view was
that the ridda had been quelled before the end of
n A.H. (March 633); but Caetani has shown that
the events require a much longer time, and that
it may have continued into 13/634.

The size of Muhammad's expeditions along the
road to Syria shows that he had realized the urgency
of expansion if peace was to be maintained among
the Arab tribes. Abu Bakr was aware of this strategic
principle. In the first days of his caliphate, despite
the threats of rebellion in Arabia, he persisted with
Muhammad's plan of sending a large army under
Usama towards Syria. Again, once the danger from
Musaylima in central Arabia was removed, no time

ABO BAKR — ABU 'l-BARAKAT

was lost in despatching Khalid towards 'Irak. Thus
was set on foot under Abu Bakr's direction the great
'conquest of the lands'. The traditional account
of the conquests and their chronology has been
radically revised by European scholars' critique of
the sources (Wellhausen, op. cit., 37-"3; De Goeje,
Me'moire sur la Conqutte de la Syrie*, Leiden, 1900;
N. A. Miednikoff, Palestina, St. Petersburg, 1897-1907
[in Russian]; Caetani, Annali, ii, iii). By the t
of Abu Bakr's death the position would seem to
be as follows. Khalid, joining a force of B. Bakr b
Wa'U under al-Muthanna b. Haritha, had advanced
plundering into 'Irak and threatened al-Hira, which
paid 60,000 dirhams to be left alone. While al-
Muthanna remained on this sector, Khalid carried
out a celebrated march to Damascus and linked up
with three Muslim columns which, under Yazid b.
Abi Sufyan, ShurahbU b. Hasana and <Amr b. al-
<As, had been operating with success in Palestine,
but were now retiring before a superior Byzantine
army. The united Muslim forces defeated the enemy
at al-Adjnadayn (probably a corruption of al-Djan-
nabatayn) between Jerusalem and Gaza at the end
of Djumada I (July 634). Thus the expansion into
the Persian empire was initiated by Abu Bakr,
but he still laid most emphasis on Syria. At what
stage the decision was made, not merely to rai
these lands, but to conquer them, is not clear.

Abu Bakr died on 22 Djumada II, 13/23 August
634, and was buried beside Muhammad. The great
simplicity of his life, with its rejection of all wealth,
pomp and pretension, became in later times a legend,
though there is doubtless a kernel of truth. The
assertion that he began the 'collection of the Kur'an'
is now usually held to be mistaken in view of the
general ascription of this to 'Urnar.

Bibliography : In addition to works cited in
the article: Ibn Hisham, passim; Wakidi (tr.
J. Wellhausen, Berlin, 1882), passim: Ibn Sa'd,
iii/i, 119-152, 202; Tabari, i, 1816-2144 (his cali-
phate); Baladhuri, Futuh, 96, 98, 102, 450;
Mas'udI, Murudj, iv, 173-90; Ibn Hadjar, Isdba,
ii, 828-35, 839; Ibn al-Athlr, Usd al-Ghdba, iii,
205-24; N. Abbott, Aishah the beloved of Moham
med, Chicago, 1942, see index; W. Montgomery
Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, Oxford, 1953, see
index; C. Becker, The Expansion of the Saracens,
Cambridge Medieval History, (1912), ii, 329-11
(= Islamstudien, Leipzig 1924, i, 66-82).

(W. Montgomery Watt)
ABO BAKR B. 'ABD ALLAH [see ibn abi

ABO BAKR B. AHMAD [see ibn KApi shuhba].

ABO BAKR B. <ALl [see ibn hidjdja].

ABO BAKR B. SA'D b.ZENGI [see salghOrids].

ABO BAKR al-BAYTAR [see ibn al-mundhJR]-

ABO BAKR al-KHALLAL [see al-hiallal].

ABO BAKR AL-KflWARIZMl [see al -kh-arizmI].

ABO BAKR A (the man of the pulley), the usual
designation of a Companion of the Prophet
called Nufay' b. Masruh, an Abyssinian, formerly
slave of the Thakafites of al-Ta'if. During the siege
of that town by Muhammad (8/630) he joined the
Muslims by letting himself down by a pulley and
was emancipated by the Prophet. He stayed after-
wards in Yaman and participated in the foundation
of Basra where he settled and died in 51 or 52/671-2.
Having been whipped by 'Umar because he had
testified against al-Mughira b. Shu'ba [q.v.] on a
charge of adultery, Abu Bakra played no part in
politics and held aloof (iHazala) during the Battle
of the Camel. He confined himself to cultivating the

estates given him by 'Umar and transmitting
hadtth, in which he is regarded as trustworthy by
the authorities.

His biographers give him as his mother Sumayya,
so that he is considered as the brother, on the
mother's side, of Ziyad b. Abihi, with whom,
however, he quarreled when Ziyad joined the party
of Mu'awiya. Abu Bakra left numerous descendants,
among them seven sons: «Abd Allah, 'Ubayd Allah.
<Abd al-Rahman, £ Abd al-'Aziz, Muslim, Rawwad,
Yazid and 'Utba, who had a part in the transmission
of hadith. Enriched by the exploitation of the
public baths and favoured by Ziyad, they gained a
place among the bourgoisie, and even the aristocracy,
of Basra, and forged themselves an Arab genealogy,
claiming that Abu Bakra was the son of al-Harith
b. Kalada, the "physician of the Arabs". Al-Mahdl,
on ascending the throne, did not recognize this gene-
alogy and forced the descendants of Abu Bakra to
return to the status of mawdli of the Prophet (Ibn
al-Tiktaka, al-Fakhri (Derenbourg), 245 ; al-MakdisI,
al-Bad? (Huart), vi, 94-5 ; I. Goldziher, Muh. Stud.,
i, 137 ff.). A descendant of the family was the kadi
Abu Bakra Bakkar b. Kutayba (182-270/798-884; see
Ibn Khallikan, no. 115).

Bibliography: Ibn Kutayba, Ma'arif,
Cairo 1353, 125-6; Ibn Sa'd, vii/i, 8-9, 138-9;
Baladhuri, Futuh, 343 ff.; Tabari, i, 2529 ff., iii,
477 ff.; Ibn al-Faklh, 188; Aghdni 1 , ii, 48; vii,
141; xi, 100; xiv, 69; Nawawi, Tahdhib, 378-9,
677-8; Ibn al-Athlr, Usd, i, 38, 151; ii, 215; Ibn
Hadjar, Isdba, no. 8794; Yakut, i, 638-644,
passim. (M. Th. Houtsma-[Ch. Pellat])

ABU "L-BARAKAT Hibat Allah b. Malka
al-BaghdadI al-BaladI, philosopher and phys-
ician, called Awhad al-Zaman, 'unique of his time',
was born at Balad, near Mosul, about 470/1077 at
the latest. Jewish by birth, he had for his master
Abu'l-Hasan Sa'id b. Hibat Allah, and became a
famous physician, serving in this quality the caliphs
of Baghdad— where he resided — and the Seldjuk
sultans. The anecdotes related by the biographers
reveal his often difficult relations with his various
patrons and their courts. At an advanced age he
was converted to Islam. This decision was taken by
him, according to the different rumours reported by
his biographers, out of wounded pride or out of
fear (because of the death of the wife of sultan
Mahmud who had been attended by him; or because,
taken prisoner during a battle in which the army
of the caliph al-Mustarshid was defeated by sultan
Mas'ud, his life was threatened). Having become
blind at the end of his life, he died in Baghdad,
it seems after 560/1164-5. Rival of the Christian
physician Ibn al-Tilmldh, he had as his disciple and
friend Ishak, the son of Abraham b. Ezra, who
composed on him a panegyric in Hebrew.

The main work of Abu'l-Barakat is the Kitdb
al-Mu l tabar, dealing with logic, naturalia (including
psychology) and metaphysics (published in three
volumes by Serefettin Yaltkaya, Hyderabad 1358/
1939). A detailed commentary on Ecclesiastes,
composed in Arabic, is of considerable philosophical
interest; it is almost entirely unpublished. Among
the smaller treatises ascribed to Abu'l-Barakat is to
be noted the Risdla fi Sabab Zuhiir al-Kawdkib
Layl" wa-KhafdHhd Nahdr" (cf. Ibn Abi Usaybi'a,
i, 280), transl. by E. Wiedemann (in Eders Jahrbuch
fur Photographic, 1909, 49-54). Under a slightly
different title: Ru'ya 'l-Kawdkib bi'l-Layl Id bi'l-
Nahdr, it passes for a work of Ibn Sina (cf. G. C.
Anawati, Essai de Bibliographic avicennienne, no. 162).

ABU 'l-BARAKAT

In al-Mu c tabar, modelled in great part on the
Shifd* of Ibn SIna, Abu'l-Barakat sometimes takes
over theses from that book, quoting them literally,
but at the same time attacks others that are among
the most essential. In his opposition to Ibn SIna he
is often at one, in the field of physics, with the
tradition that bore in Islamic lands the name of
Platonic, and which was that followed by Abu
Bakr al-RazI. His psychology is, in some respects,
related more than that of the Sftt/d 5 , or more mani-
festly so to that of the Neoplatonists.

Abu'l-Barakat's method of philosophizing does
not, however, lend itself easily to recourse to the
authority of tradition. This is shown by the very
title of the- Kitab al-Mu c tabar, which in the usage
of Abu '1-Barakat means something like: "The book
about what has been established by personal re-
flection". As a matter of fact, this method is
distinguished in the first instance by the appeal
to self-evident truths, the certainties a priori,
which nullify the theses a posteriori of the ruling
philosophy of the period. Abu '1-Barakat refuses to
make a difference between the certainties of reason,
admitted as valid by the Peripatetics, and those
depending on the estimative faculty (wahm),
dismissed by them.

It is mainly this method that leads Abu '1-Barakat
to assert, against the partisans of the Aristotelian
theory of space, the existence of a tridimensional
space. With John Philoponus he refutes the proposi-
tion denying the possibility of movement in the void.
Having demonstrated the fallacy of the peripatetic
arguments to the contrary, he proves the infinity
of space by the impossibility for man to conceive
a limited space.

Similarly, it is the appeal to the a priori knowledge
of the human mind that allows Abu '1-Barakat to
clarify the problem of time — the true solution of
which, according to him, depends upon metaphysics
rather than upon physics. In effect, he shows that
the apperception of time, of being, and of self, is
anterior in the soul to any other apperception the
soul might have, and that the nature of being and
that of time are closely linked. According to his
definition, time is the measure of being (not, as the
peripatetics held, that of movement). He does not
admit the diversity of the various levels of time, the
gradations of zamdn, dahr, sarmad assumed by Ibn
SIna and other philosophers. In his opinion, time
characterizes the being of the Creator as well as
that of created things.

He identifies prime matter with the body con-
sidered merely from the point of view of corporality,
apart from any other characteristic; corporality
being an extension susceptible of being measured.
Among the four elements, earth alone is, in his view,
constituted of corpuscles, indivisible because of
their solidity.

Dealing with the movement of projectiles, Abu
'1-Barakat accepts, though with modifications, the
theory of Ibn SIna — ultimately, as it seems, inspired
by John Philoponus — according to which the cause
of this movement is a 'violent inclination', that is
to say a force (called later by certain Latin schoolmen
impetus) imparted by the projecting body to the
projectile. He explains the acceleration in the fall
of heavy objects by the fact that the principle of
natural inclination (mayl tabiH, a current philo-
sophical term), contained in them, furnishes them
with successive inclinations. The text of the Mu'tabar
treating of this doctrine is the first one, as far as
is known at present, where one finds implied this

fundamental law of modern dynamics: a constant
force gives rise to an accelerated movement.

It is especially the psychological doctrine of Abu
'1-Barakat that shows in the most palpable way the
role given in his philosophy to recourse to what is
self-evident. As a matter of fact, this doctrine has
as its starting point the consciousness that man has
of himself, i.e. of his soul. This consciousness bears
the stamp of certainty and is anterior to any other
knowledge; it would be there even without the
perception of the sensible things.Ibn SIna had already
availed himself of this a priori datum, which he
had great difficulty in integrating with his psychology
— which bears the stamp of Peripaticism — while Abu
'1-Barakat is led by it towards other psychological
verities, equally guaranteed and authenticated by
their self-evident character. For instance, the valid
consciousness that man has of being one — the same
when he sees and hears, thinks, remembers or
desires, or accomplishes any other psychical act —
is sufficient in the view of Abu '1-Barakat to refute
the various theories postulating a multiplicity of
the faculties of the soul. Another example: the
certainty that one has of perceiving, in the act of
seeing, the very object that one sees, and at the place
where it really is — and not an image, that according
to certain hypotheses is situated inside the brain —
this certainty proves by itself the truth of the
impressions that it guarantees. We have, then, a
psychology that consists, partly, of a system of self-
evident truths, and is dominated up to a certain
point by the notion of consciousness or apperception
\shu c ur, a term used in a similar sense by Ibn SIna).
It denies the distinction established by the Aris-
totelian doctrine between intellect and soul. In fact,
according to Abu '1-Barakat, it is the soul that
accomplishes the so-called acts of intellection — a
concept which he criticises. Similarly, he denies the
existence of the active intellect postulated by the
peripatetics.

Platonic or Plotinian influences — which are, to
be sure, in harmony with the personal intuitions of
Abu '1-Barakat — appear perhaps in the definition
of the soul as an incorporeal substance acting in
and by the body. Immateriality is taken by Abu
'1-Barakat in a very strict sense, which was not
current at all; so for instance in the theory of
memory. The human souls are caused, in the view
of Abu '1-Barakat, by the stellar ones, and return,
after death, to their causes.

The knowledge of God, cause of causes, comes at
the end of. the knowledge of existing things and
that of being perceived by an a priori knowledge,
which divides being into necessary and contingent.
On the other hand, the wisdom manifested in the
order of nature proves the existence of a Creator.
Last not least there are ways of direct commu-
nication between God and men. Abu '1-Barakat,
following in this point the Avicennian tradition,
does not admit the proof for the existence of God
based on movement.

He holds that the essential attributes of God,
such as knowledge, power and wisdom, belong to
His essence in the same way as having three angles
equal to two right angles belongs to the essence of
a triangle.

In his view God may have manifold knowledge,
also about particulars. In order to refute arguments
to the contrary, he refers to his psychological
doctrine, where he proves that the forms of the
things perceived, stored up in the human soul, are
immaterial, like the entity that has perceived them.

ABU 'l-BARAKAT — ABU 'l-DARDA'

In this way divine knowledge appears as being up
to a point analogous to human knowledge.

Rejecting the theory of emanation held by the
philosophers, Abu '1-Barakat thinks that things
have been created by a succession of divine volitions,
either pre-eternal or coming, into being in time.
The first of these volitions, an attribute of the
divine essence, created the first thing in existence,
viz. according to religious terminology, the highest
of the angels.

The personalism of the conception of God in Abu
'1-Barakat sometimes relates it to the doctrines of
the kaldm. Nevertheless, this does not necessarily
justify the conclusion that the kaldm has influenced
his thought.

So far as the problem of the eternity of the world
is concerned, Abu '1-Barakat, having confronted the
theses of those who affirm it and those that deny
it, does not explicitly state his own conclusions, but
hints that one who has understood his expose of
the question will not fail to find the correct answer.
It seems, in summing up the discussion, that the
true solution is, in the view of Abu'l-Barakat,
that which asserts the eternity of the world.

Abu '1-Barakat whose authority was invoked by
a Jewish scholar of 'Irak, Samuel b. 'Eli, in his
polemic against Maimonides, had as his partisans
amongst the Muslims 'Ala 5 al-Dawla Faramurz b.
'All, prince of Yazd, who defended him and his
doctrines in a work bearing the title Muhdiat al-
Tawhld and in a dispute he had with 'Umar al-
Khavvam (see al-Bayhakl, Tatimma, no-i). The
influence of Abu '1-Barakat over a personage of
the first order, Fakhr al-DIn al-Razi, seems to
have been decisive. It is manifest especially in al-
Mabahith al-Mashrikiyya, a capital work of Fakhr
al-Din, and was of great historical importance. In
fact, the observation of the ShI'ite Muh. b. Sulayman
al-Tanakabuni, a Persian author of the 19th cent.,
who says, in substance, that the tradition of Ibn
SIna had almost succumbed under the attacks of
Abu '1-Barakal and Fakhr al-DIn, before being
re-established by Nasir al-DIn al-TusI (Kisas al-
'Ulamd', lith. 1304, 278), refers to a crisis in Muslim
philosophical speculation, a crisis originated by Abu
'1-Barakat, the memory of which remained alive
among the Iranian students of Ibn SIna.

Bibliography: Ibn al-Kiftl (Lippert), 343-6;
Ibn AM Usaybi'a (Muller), i, 278-80; BayhakI,
Tatimmat Siwdn al-Ifikma (ShafI'), 150-3; S.
Poznanski, in Zeitschrift fiir hebraische BibUo-
graphie, 1913, 33-6 (edition of some pages of the
Commentary on Ecciesiastes) ; Serefettin, in-
complete Turkish translation of the Ildhiyydt of
al-Mu c tabar, with introduction, Istanbul 1932;
study of Sulayman al-NadwI on Abu '1-Barakat,
at the end of vol. iii of the ed. of al-Mu c tabar,
230-52; S. Pines, Beitrdge zur islamischen Atomen-
lehre, Berlin 1936, 82-3; idem, Etudes sur Awhad
al-Zamdn Abu'l-Barakdt al-Baghd&dt, in RE J,
ciii, 1938, 4-64; civ, 1938, 1-33; idem, Nouvelles
Etudes sur Abu'l-Barakdt al-Baghdddt, will appear
in REJ, 1953. (S. Pines)

ABC BAYHAS al-Haysam b. Djabir, Khari-
djite, of theBanuSa'db.Dubay'a. In order to escape
from the persecution of al-Hadjdjadi, he fled to
Medina, but was arrested by the governor, 'UUiman b.
Hayyan, and cruelly executed (94/713)- He gave his
name to the Bayhasiyya, one of the Kharidiite sects,
who occupied an intermediate position between the
strict Azrakls and the milder Sufris and Ibadls. The
Bayhasls, though admitting that Muslims of different
Encyclopaedia of Islam

opinion from their own were unbelievers, considered
it permissible to live amongst them, to intermarry
with them and to inherit from them. Their tenets
again diverged, so that they branched off into

Bibliography: Mubarrad, Kdmil, 604, 615;
Baladhuri (Ahlwardt, Anonyme Arab. Chronik),
83; Mas'udI, Murudi, v, 230; Ash'arl, Makdldt,
113 ff., 95; Baghdad!, Fark, 87 f.; Ibn Hazm,
Fisal, iv, 190; Shahrastani, Milal, 93 f.

(M. Th. Houtsma*)
ABC BILAL [see mirdas b. udayya].
ABC BURDA [see al-ash'arI].
ABC DAHBAL AL-EJUMAtfl, Wahb b. Zam'a,
Kuray shite poet of Mecca, who started to
compose poetry before 40/660 and died after 96/715.
He is included among the erotic poets of the Hidjaz
by his poems devoted to three women: 'Amra, of
a noble Meccan family, a Syrian woman who led him
into a breach with his family, and especially 'Atlka,
daughter of Mu'awiya, whom he first saw during
a pilgrimage. His verses, soon becoming famous,
attracted the attention of the princess, whom he
followed to Damascus, but the caliph, though
recognizing the chaste character of Abu Dahbal's
relations with his daughter, took umbrage and
sent the poet away.

Abu Dahbal is not, however, an exclusively erotic
poet, as an important part of his work is devoted to
panegyrics on Ibn al-Azrak, governor of al-Djanad
in Yaman, appointed by 'Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr,
and 'Umara b. 'Amr, governor of Hadramawt. The
incident with Mu'awiya seems to have turned him
away from the Umayyads and made him a partisan
of the anti-caliph; the Aghdni even quotes some
verses alluding to the murder of al-Husayn b. 'All.
Bibliography: Brockelmann, S I, 80 and the
references given there; to the fundamental article
in the Aghdni 1 , vi, 154-70 should be added al-
Marzubanl, al-Muwashshah, 70, 189; idem, Mu'diam
117, 342; Nallino, Scritti, vi, 55; O. Rescher,
Abriss, i, 144-5; and especially the sources quoted
by F. Krenkow, JRAS, 1910, 1017-75, who has
collected the verses of the poet. (Ch. Pellat)
ABC PAMPAM, the hero of a collection of
anecdotes, cited already in the 10th century. All
kinds of foolish remarks are attributed to him, and
more particularly comical decisions on questions of
law, similar to those later attributed to Karakush.
This Abu Damdam is probably identical with the
devotee who, before or during the lifetime of Mu-
hammad, offered up his good name in place of the
poortax to the servants of God; for this express
sacrifice of the respect of his fellowmen may easily
be interpreted as a permission or invitation to expose
the devotee as the typical figure of foolishness. To
one bearer of the same name there is ascribed an
extraordinary knowledge of the ancient poetry, but
there is no means of deciding whether this is the
same personage.

Bibliography: Ibn Kutayba, Adab al-Katib

(Grunert), 3-4; idem, Shi'r, 3 f.; Fihrist, 313; Ibn

'Abd Rabbih, c Ikd. Cairo 1302, iii, 445; Ibn al-

Athlr, Usd, v, 232; Ibn Hadjar, Isdba, iv, 204; M.

Hartmann, in Zeitschr. d. Vereins f. Volkskunde,

v; J. Horovitz, Spuren griechischer Mimen, 31,

note. (J. Horovitz)

ABU 'l-DARDA' al-AnsarI al-KhazraeiI. His

name and genealogy are given as 'Uwaymir b. Zayd

b. Kays b. 'A'isha b. Umayya b. Malik b. 'AdI b.

Ka'b b. al-Khazradj b. al-Harith of the Balharith

family of the Khazradi. Some sources give his name

H4 ABU 'l-DARDA' -

as c Amir instead of 'Uwaymir, and for his father's
name instead of Zayd we find variously 'Amir,
'Abd AUah, Malik or Tha'laba, while some give him
the nisba al-Rahanl. He was a younger contempo-
rary of Muhammad who is generally listed among
the Companions {Saftdba) though some sources raise
doubts as to the legitimacy of this. He did not
become a Muslim till after the battle of Badr and
it is noted that he was the last of his family to
become a convert to Islam. Some list him among
those present at Uhud. When Muhammad established
"brotherhoods" between the Emigrants and the
people of Medina he was the "brother" chosen for
Salman al-FarisI. A certain number of traditions are
reported on his authority and are given in the
Dhakhd'ir al-Mawdrih, iii, 158-62. The Sufis claimed
him as one of the ahl al-fuffa [q.v.], quoting a number
of sayings of an ascetic or pietistic character from
him, which is probably the reason why in the
biographical dictionnaries he is called a zdhid and
one to whom Him was given. These sources also
say that he became known as the sage (bakim) of
the early Muslim community. He is reported as
having said that before Islam he was a merchant,
but after his conversion found that business life
interfered with strict attention to cult duties (Hbdda)
so he gave up business. His great reputation, however,
was as an authority on the ICur'an. He is listed as
one of the few who collected (dfama'a) revelations
during the Prophet's lifetime, and a small number
of variant readings from him is recorded in the
kird'dt books. During his stay in Damascus, where
he was sent to serve as a kadi, he made it a practice
to gather to the mosque groups to whom he taught
the Kur'an, thus becoming the true father of the
Damascus School later headed by Ibn 'Amir [q.v.].
He died at Damascus in 32/652, or thereabouts, his
tomb and that of his wife Umm al-Darda' being
shown there near one of the gates.

Bibliography: Ibn Habib, Muhabbar, 75,

286, 397; Ibn ICutayba, Ma'drif, 137; Ibn Hisham,

345; Ibn Durayd, Ishtikdk, 268; Nawawi, Tahdhib,

713; Ibn al-Athlr, Usd, iv, 158; v, 185; Ibn al-

Pjazari, Ghaya, No. 2480; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr,

Isti'db, ii, No. 2908; Ibn Hadjar, Isdba, iv, no,

in; idem, Lisdn al-Mizdn, vi, 375; idem, Tahdhib

al-Tahdhib, viii, 175-7; Ibn al-'Imad, Shadhardt,

i, 39; Fihrist, 27; al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirat al-Ifuffdz,

i, 23, 24; al-Khazradji, Khuldsa, 254; 'Abd al-

Ghanl al-NSbulusI, Dhakhd'ir, iii, 158-62; Caetani,

Annali, Index s.v. (A. Jeffery)

ABC DA'CD al-SIDJISTAnI, SulaymAn b.

al-Ash'ath, a traditionist; born in 202/817. He

travelled widely in pursuit of his studies and gained

a high reputation for his knowledge and piety.

Eventually he settled at Basra, which is no doubt

why some wrongly held that the nisba Sidjistanl

comes from a village near Basra called Sidjistan (or

Sidjistana), and not from the province of that name.

He died in Shawwal 275/Febr. 889.

Abu Da'ud's principal work is his Kitdb al-Sunan,
which is one of the six canonical books of Tradition
accepted by Sunnis. He is said to have submitted
it to Ahmad b. Hanbal who gave it his approval.
Ibn Dasa says Abu Da'ud declared that he collected
this work of 4800 traditions from a mass of 500,000,
and that it contains sound traditions, those which
seem to be so, and those which are nearly so. He
also said, "I have made clear the traditions in this
book of mine which contain great weakness, and
those about which I have said nothing are good
(sdlih), some being sounder than others". This refers

to the notes which he often adds to his traditions to
express his opinion on the value to be attributed
to them. Muslim has an introduction to his Sahih
in which he discusses some general questions of
criticism; but Abu Da'ud is the first to give such
detailed notes, paving the way for the more systema-
tic criticism of individual traditions given by his
pupil al-Tirmidhl in his collection. Abu Da'ud quotes
men not found in the two $ahihs, his principle being
that transmitters are counted trustworthy provided
there is no formal proof to discount them. His
work which has the generic title of Sunan, dealing
mainly with matters ordained, or allowed, or for-
bidden by law, received high praise. For example,
Abu Sa c Id b. al-A'rabl said that anyone who knew
nothing but the Kur'an and this book would have
sufficient knowledge; and Muhammad b. Makhlad
said that the traditionists accepted it without
question just as they accepted the Kur'an. But one
is surprised to find that, although many men in the
fourth century praised it highly, no mention of it is
made in the Fihrist. Indeed, Abu Da'ud is merely
mentioned there as the father of his son. People of
later times have expressed some criticisms. Al-
Mundhiri, for example, who produced a summary
of it, called al-Mudjtabd, criticized some of the
traditions not supplied with notes, and Ibn al-
Djawziyya added further criticisms. But while faults
have been found with the work, it still holds an
honoured place. The Sunan was transmitted through
several lines, some versions being said to contain
material not found in others. Al-Lu'luTs version
is the one which has gained most favour. A number
of editions of the Sunan have been printed in the
East (see Brockelmann). A small collection of
mursal traditions by Abu Da'ud, entitled Kitdb
al-Mardsil, was published in Cairo in 1310/1892.
Bibliography: Brockelmann, I, 168 f., S I,
266 f.; Ibn Khallikan, no. 271; Ibn al-Salah,
'Ulum al-Vadith, Aleppo, 1350/1931, 38-41; Ibn
Hadjar, Tahdhib al-Tahdhib, iv, 169-73; Nawawi,
Tahdhib al-Asmd' (Wustenfeld), 708-12; HadjdjI
Khalifa, no. 7263 ; Goldziher, Muh. Stud., ii, 250 f.,
255 f.; W. Marcais, in J A, 1900, 330, 502 f. ;
J. Robson, in MW, 1951, 167 f.; idem, in BSOS,
1952. 579 fi- (J- Robson)

ABC DHARR al-GhifarI, a Companion of
Muhammad. His name is commonly given as
Djundub b. Djunada, but other names are also-
mentioned. He is said to have worshipped one God
before his conversion. When news of Muhammad
reached him he sent his brother to Mecca to make
enquiries, and being dissatisfied with his report,
he went himself. One story says he met Muhammad
with Abu Bakr at the Ka'ba, another that 'Ali took
him secretly to Muhammad. He immediately be-
lieved, and is surprisingly claimed to have been the
fifth (even the fourth) believer. He was sent home,
where he stayed till he went to Medina after the
battle of the Ditch (5/627). Later he lived in Syria
till he was recalled by 'Uthman because of a com-
plaint against him by Mu'Swiya. He retired, or was
sent, to al-Rabadha. where he died in 32/652-3, or 31.
He was noted for humility and asceticism, in which
respect he is said to have resembled Jesus. He was
very religious and eager for knowledge, and is said
to have matched Ibn Mas'Qd in religious learning.
He is credited with 281 traditions, of which al-
Bukhari and Muslim rendered 31 between them.
Bibliography: Ibn Kutayba, Ma'drif (Wusten-
feld), 130; Ya'kubl, ii, 138; al-Mas'udl, Murudj,
iv, 268-74; Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Isti'db, Haydarabad

ABO DHARR — ABO DU'AD al-IYADI

1336, 82 f., 645 f.; Ibn al-Athlr, Usd, v, 186-8;
Nawawi, Tahdhib al-Asmd 1 (Wustenteld), 714 f.;
al-Dhahabl, Tadhkirat al-Huffdf, i, 171.; Ibn
Hadjar, If aba, Cairo 1 358/1939, iv, 63 ff.; Tahdhib
al-Tahdhib, xii, 90 f.; Wensinck, Handbook, 7
(add Ibn SaM, Il/ii, 112); A. Sprenger, Das Leben
und die Lehre des Mohammad, i, 4j4 ff.

(J. Robson)
ABC DHU'AYB al-HUCHALI, Khuwaylid
b. Khalio, Arabian poet, a younger contem-
orary of the Prophet. The legend presents him
journeying to visit Muhammad but reaching Medina
the very morning after his death. There is some
justification for the assumption that Abu Dhu'ayb
migrated to Egypt under 'Umar. From there he
joined Ibn Abl Sarh's campaign into Ifrikiya (26/647).
He died on his way to Medina where he accompanied
c Abd Allah b. al-Zubsfyr who had been charged by
Ibn Abl Sarh with informing the caliph 'Uthman
of the successes won by his armies (probably in
28/649). The only other known incident of his
biography is contained in the report — probably
factually correct but possibly spun out of the
opening lines of Poem i — that in Egypt he lost
within one year five sons to the plague.

Recognized by the Arab critics as the foremost
poet of his tribe, a judgement to which the modern
reader will readily subscribe, Abu Dhu'ayb excels
the bards of the djahiliyya by the stringent com-
position of his kasida's. In the care he devoted
to the structure of his odes he continued a trend
already traceable in the work of Sa'ida b. Dju'ayya,
an older Hudhall poet, whose rdwi Abu Dhu'ayb
was. Both poets share the description of wild honey
and its gatherer along with a certain delight in the
intimate and accurate description of the bees as
well as the procedure of the collector — a motif which
is not really popular with other Hudhall poets. A
peculiar treatment of the massing of a cloud formation
and the subsequent downpour is also characteristic
of Sa'ida and his rdwi. In Abu Dhu'ayb's love poetry
an adumbration of what came to develop into the
style of the Medinese school is clearly noticeable.
Another feature that seems to anticipate future
developments is the manner in which Abu Dhu'ayb
tends to elaborate the nasib into a complete ode
(cf. nos. II and XI, where the other themes are, as
it were, enveloped by the nasib). Like his master
Sa'ida, Abu Dhu'ayb is fond of, and excels in
descriptions of weapons and of hunting-scenes, but
is weak in depicting horses (as already noted by al-
AsmaS). Almost half of his preserved verse belongs
to elegies in which the gentle melancholy of his
obsession with the instability of fate provides an
appropriate emotional background. His masterpiece,
the elegy on the death of his sons (poem I), shows a
unity of mood and thought — the theme of the
inevitability of doom is stated and connected with
the occasion of the marthiya, then illustrated in
three gripping scenes, to be concisely restated in the
last line — which is unsurpassed in ancient poetry.
Bibliography : Brockelmann, I, 36-7, S I, 71;
Ibn Kutayba, Sft»V, 413-6; Yakut, Irshdd, iv,
185-8; Aghdni, vi, 58-69; J. Hell, Der Diwan des
Abu Du'aib, Hanover 1926; E. Braiinlich, Abu
Du'aib-Studien, in Isl., 1929. 1-23; the same,
Versuch einer literargeschichtlichen Betrachtungs-
weise altarabischer Poesien, ibid., 1937, 201-69.
(G. E. von Grunebaum)
ABC DJAHL, properly Abu '1-Hakam <Amr b.
Hisham b. al-MoghIra of the Banii Makhzum of
Kuraysh, also named Ibn al-Hanzaliyya after his

mother, Asma' bint Mukharriba. He was bom about
570 or a little after; he and Muhammad were youths
together at a feast in the house of c Abd Allah b.
Djud'an, while his mother became a Muslim and
lived until after 13/635. A few years before the
Hidjra Abu Djahl seems to have succeeded al-Walld
b. al-Mughlra as leader of Makhzum and also of the
group of clans associated with Makhzum. He was
less inclined to compromise with Muhammad than
was al-Walld, as his position in Meccan affairs was
more endangered by Muhammad than that of the
older man. He was perhaps largely responsible for
the boycott of Hashim and al-Muttalib, and the
ending of the boycott was a defeat for his policy.
He won an important success, however, when he
and <Ukba b. Abl Mu'ayt, soon after Abu Talib
died and was succeeded by Abu Lahab as chief of
Hashim, persuaded the latter to cease giving pro-
tection to Muhammad. Just before the Hidjra he
seems to have tried to have Muhammad killed, and
to make revenge impossible there was to be a man
from each clan involved. Owing to his hostility to
Muhammad during the latter years of the Meccan
period many acts of persecution of Muslims are
attributed to him, though probably not all really
happened (cf. K. xvii, 62, xliv, 43, xcvi, 6 and
commentators). He and his brother al-HSrith b.
Hisham persuaded their uterine brother c Ayyash
b. Abl Rabi'a to return from Medina and kept
him (perhaps forcibly) in Mecca. Abu Djahl's in-
fluence was based on his commercial and financial
strength. The expedition of Hamza to SU al-Bahr
in 1/623 came near a large caravan directed by Abu
Djahl. In 2/624 when Mecca was informed that Abu
Sufyan's caravan from Syria was threatened by the
Muslims, Abu Djahl led the force of about 1000 men
which went to save it, and perished in the battle
of Badr [?.».]. Abu Djahl sought battle with the
Muslims even after the caravan was known to be
safe, perhaps in the hope of gaining military glory,
since Abu Sufyan, when available, had the privilege
of commanding. After Abu Djahl's death the leading
men in the group of clans associated with Makhzum
were SafwSn b. Umayya (Djumah), Suhayl b. 'Amr
( c Amir) and eventually Abu Djahl's son 'Ikrima.
Bibliography: Ibn Hisham, Wakidi, Tabari—
see indexes; Ibn Sa c d, iii/i, 194, iii/2, 55, viii,
193, 220; Ya'kubl, ii, 27; Caetani, Annali, i,
2945. 309, 478, 491, etc.; Montgomery Watt,
Muhammad at Mecca, by index; AzrakI, Wiisten-
feld, 455, 469. (W. Montgomery Watt)

ABC DU'AD al-IYADI, Djuwayra, Djuway-
riyya or Haritha b. al-Hadjdjadj (or again
Hanzala b. al-SharkI, which was more probably,
however, the name of Abu '1-Tamahan al-IJayni, see
Shi'r, 229), pre-Islamic poetof al-HIra, contempo-
rary of al-Mundhir b. M3> al-Sama* (about 506-554
A.D.), who put him in the charge of his horses. The ex-
pression didr** ka-djar* Abi Du'dd, which appears in
a line of Rays b. Zuhayr and has become proverbial,
gave rise to several traditions showing Abu Du'ad
as the "protege" of a noble and generous dfdr, who
is either al-Mundhir, al-Harith b. Hammam or Ka'b

As a poet, AbQ Du J ad is famous for his description
of horses, and in this genre some critics consider
him superior to Tufayl al-Ghanawi and al-Nabigha
al-Dja'di. Nevertheless, the lexicographers have not
collected his poems systematically, as the ydid not
collect those of c Adi b. Zayd, because his language
was not "nadjdi" and he did not follow the poetical
tradition. Moreover, al-Asma'I accuses Khalaf al-

ABO DU'AD al-IYAdI — ABO DULAMA

Ahmar of having attributed to Abu Du'ad forty
kasidas composed by himself (al-Marzubanl, Mu-
washshah, 252).

Bibliography: Brockelmann, S I, 58 ; Caussin
de Perceval, Essai sur I'Histoire des Arabes, ii,
1 10-3, putting together the traditions; the
fundamental article is that of the Aghdnl 1 , xv,
95-9; see also Ibn Rutayba, Shi'r, 120-3; Maydanl,
Amthdl, Cairo 1352, i, 49, 170 (in reference to
djar ka-djdr A.D. and and al-nadhir al- c uryan);
Marzubanl, Muwashshah, 73-4, 88 ; idem, Mu l djam,
115; Ibn Durayd, Ishtikdk, 104; Ya £ kubi, i,
259-306; W. Ahlwardt, Sammlungen, i, 8-9; O.
Rescher, Abriss, i, 80-1,; Nallino, Scritti vi, 36, who
classes him among the Christian poets, although
Cheikho, Nasrdniyya, does not mention him. A
number of verses are to be found in Ahlwardt,
op. cit. i, 27-8, 68-70; Buhturi, Ifamdsa, 87
(Cheikho); Djahiz, Hayawdn*, index; as well as
in the works of philologists and lexicographers.
Collection of fragments by G. E. von Griinebaum,
Abu Dn'dd al-Iyddt: Collection of fragments,
WZKM, 1948, 1952. (Ch. Pellat)

ABC DULAF, MlS c AR B. MUHALHIL AL-KHAZRADjI

al-Yanbu c 1, an Arab poet, traveller and
mineralogist. The earliest date in his biography
is his appearance in Bukhara towards the end of
the reign of Nasr b. Ahmad (d. in 331/943)- His
travels in Persia hint at the years 331-341/943-952.
Abu Djalar Muhammad b. Ahmad, whom Abu
Dulaf mentions as his patron in SIstan (read : 'Ahmad
b. Muhammad), ruled 331-52/942-63. The author of
the Fihrist (completed in 377/987) refers to him as
djawwdla "globe-trotter" and as his personal
acquaintance. Al-Tha c alibi in his Yatimat al-Dahr,
Damascus, iii, 176-94, associates him with the
circle of al-Sahib Ismail b. 'Abbad (326-85/938-95),
probably during the later period of al-Sahib's life.
As transmitters of the verses of Abu Dulaf, al-
Tha'alibi mentions chiefly the natives of Hamadhan,
and among them Bad!' al-Zaman (d. 398/1007). The
long kasida on the slang of the rogues (Banu Sdsdn) ,
which enchanted the Sahib, was written in imitation
of the poem of 'Ukayl al- c UkbarI who belonged to
the same literary circle of Rayy (Yatima, ii, 285-8).
Abu Dulaf himself supplied the commentary on the
difficult expressions.

The two patrons, to whom Abu Dulaf dedicated
his two geographical risdlas, and who introduced into
them their own remarks, are still unknown. The
first risdla describes Abu Dulaf's journey in the
company of the envoys of the Turkish king Kalln
b. Shakhlr, who were returning from Bukhara to
Sandabil. Marquart, Streifziige, 88-90, identified
Sandabil with Kan-cou, the capital of the Western
Uyghur king. On the way there, Abu Dulaf quotes
in utter disorder the names of the Turkish tribes
which he pretends to have visited. From Sandabil
he suddenly goes over to Kila (Kra in Malaya), and
then, in a desultory way, refers to various places in
India, to emerge finally in SIstan. Grigoriev, Marquart
and von Miik recognized the spurious character of
the journey (except for the direct road Bukhara-
Sandabil, and SIstan). Later (1945) Marquart thought
that the genuine Abu Dulaf might be discovered in
the quotations found in al-Fikrist. The analysis of
the Mashhad text shows that both the risdlas are
equally genuine, as far as the authorship goes, and
therefore the fake must be attributed to Abu Dulaf
himself. The quotations in Fihrist, though differing
from the first risdla, have no better claim to veracity.
On the contrary, the second risdla, describing Abu

Dulaf's journey in more easily controllable regions
(western and northern Persia, Armenia) gives a clear
itinerary and contains a number of interesting details
which can be verified.

Bibliography: F. Wiistenfeld, Des Abu Dolef
Misar Bericht iiber die turkischen Harden, in
Zeitschr. f. vergl. Erdkunde, 1842 (text according
to Kazwlnl); C. Schlozer, Abu Dulaf Misaris . . .
de itinere suo asiatico commentarius, Berlin 1845
(text according to Yakut) ; V. Grigoriev, Ob arab.
puteshestvennike . . . Abu Dulaf, in Zurnal Min.
Narod. prosv., 1872, 1-45; Marquart, Streifziige,
1903, 74-95; id., Das Reich Zabul, in FeslSchrift
E. Sachau, 1915, 271-2; A. von Rohr-Sauer, Des
Abu Dulaf Bericht iiber seine Reise nach Turkestan,
China und Indien, Bonn 1939, (translates the
text of the Mashhad MS. discovered by A. Z.
Validi-Togan; H. von Miik, in his review of
this work, OLZ, 1942, 240-2, has pointed out the
leniency of Rohr-Sauer's conclusions); V. Mi-
norsky, La deuxi&me risala d'Abu Dulaf, in Oriens,
1952, 23-7; id., Abu Dulaf's travels in Iran (being
printed in Cairo, 1954) — gives the Mashhad text
of the second risdla with a detailed commentary.

(V. MlNORSKY)

ABC DULAMA Zand b. al-Djawn, a black slave,
client of the Banu Asad in Kufa. He is already
mentioned in the history of the last Umapyad
caliph, but appears as a "poet" only under the
'Abbasids and plays the part of a court jester in
the palace of al-Saffah and especially in those of
al-Mansur and al-Mahdl. His poem on the death of
Abu Muslim ( 137/754-5) is said to have been the
first of his works to make him a name. Examples
of his poetry show him to have been a clever, witty
versificator, who readily seizes upon low expressions
and displays all sorts of filth with cynical joy; but
he does not despise the most insipidly fulsome praise
when this form of mendicancy promises some reward.
He laughs at the praise of the crowd and his spiteful
tongue is feared by all. It is true he did not spare
himself and still less his near relatives; he would
even occasionally revenge himself for the coarse
jokes which the magnates played on him when one
of his patrons was pleased to ridicule another through
him. He also enjoyed the jester's liberty of being
above the Islamic laws and could make them the
butt of his insolent mockery. He has given proverbial
fame to his mule, which possessed all possible defects
and to which he dedicated a witty katjida.

Abu Dulama embodied a popular type of crude
and unrestrained comicality; hence the historicity
of some of the anecdotes that are told both of him
and of Abu Nuwas is somewhat doubtful.

Statements as to the date of his death vary:
according to some he died in 160/776-7, according
to others in 170/786-7; the first of these dates being
the more likely.

Bibliography: Ibn Kutayba, Shi ( r, 487ft.;
Aghani 1 , ix, 120-40; xv, 85 ; Ibn Khallikan, no. 243;
Hariri, MakdmaV, 518 (Makama 40); Sharishi,
Sharh Ma^dmdt al-JJariri, ii, 236 ft.; BayhakI,
Mahdsin, Schwally, 645; TaMkh Baghdad, viii,
488-93 ; Nuwayri, Nihdyat al-A rab, iv, 37-48 ; Yaf ii,
Mir'dt, i, 341-5 ; R. Basset, in Revue des traditions
populaires, xvi % 87; Brockelmann, I, 72; S I, in;
O. Rescher, Abriss, i, 303-7; A. F. Rifal, ( Asr
al-Ma'miin, ii, 300-16; Mohammed Ben Cheneb,
Abii Doldma, Poite bouffon de la cour des premiers
caUphes abbassides (containing an edition and
partial translation of the collected poems and
fragments), Alger 1922. (J. Horovitz)

ABU 'l-DUNYA — ABU 'l-FADL 'ALLAMi

ABU 'l-DUNYA Abu 'l-Hasan 'Ali b. 'Uthman
b. al-Khattab (or 'Uthman b. al-Kh.), one of
those to whom preternatural longevity has been
ascribed {mu'ammarun, q.v.); he is also called
al-Mu'ammar al-Maghribl or al-Ashadjdj al-Mu-
'ammar. He is said to have been born about
600 A.D. and to have died in 316/928,327/938-9
or even 476/1083-4. Of the tribe of Hamdan,
he drank in his youth from the source of life in the
presence of al-Khadir [q.v.], then joined 'All b. AM
Talib, with whom he fought at Siffin and from whom
he received the name of Abu '1-Dunya, after his horse
had made a scar on his face (al-Ashadjdj = the
scarred one). After the death of the caliph, he went
to Tangier. He returned at the beginning of the
4th/ioth century, to fulfil the pilgrimage and to
relate traditions which he claimed to have heard
from the mouth of 'All. The information about him
goes back to the 4th century (see Ibn Babawayh,
Ikmdl, 297-303, cf. I. Goldziher, Abhandlungen, ii,
Ixviii, n. 4; al-Dhahabl, Mizdn al-IHiddl, ii, 647; Ibn
Hadjar, Lisdn al-Mizdn, iv, 134-40, 191-2) and one
may think that this is no more than the tale of a
vulgar impostor. Nevertheless al-Djahiz, Tarbi 1
(Pellat), para 146, mentions an Ashadjdj b. 'Amr
(read al-Mu'ammar?) alongside al-Sufyani [q.v.]
and al-Asfar al-Kahtanl, and, according to the
prophecies of Daniel "one with a scar", sometimes
identified with 'Umar b. c Abd al-'AzIz (Ibn If utayba,
Ma l drif, Cairo 1353, 158; G. van Vloten, Recherches,
55-6, 79 and references), will fill the world with
justice. It is therefore possible that a group of
Sunnis put, as early as the 3rd century, their hope
in an Ashadjdj, especially as the Shi'ite Ibn Babawayh
uses the word mukhdlifund, "our adversaries", to
describe those who deny the existence of the kd'im,
but believe in the longevity of Abu '1-Dunya.

(Ch. Pellat)

ABU 'l-FAPL [see ibn al-'amId].

ABU 'l-FAPL (Fazl) 'ALLAMi (Shaykh),
author, liberal thinker, and informal secretary of
theemperor Akbar, was the younger brother of the
poet Faydi [q.v.], and the second son of Shaykh
Mubarak Nagawri (d. 1593), one of the most
distinguished scholars of his age in India, and the
author of a commentary on the Kur'an, Manba l -i
NafdHs al-'Uyun. He was born on 6 Muharram
958/14 Jan. 1551 at Agra, where his father had
settled, in 1543, as a teacher. Abu'1-Fadl was a
pupil of his father, and owed his profound scholar-
ship and liberality of outlook largely to the training
given him by the latter. By his fifteenth year he
had studied religious sciences, Greek thought and
mysticism; but formal education did not satisfy the
yearnings of his soul, nor did the orthodox faith
bring him spiritual solace. While teaching in his
father's school, he spent his time in extensive
reading, deep meditation and frequent discussions
of religious questions.

Abu '1-Fadl was presented at the court by his
brother, Faydi, in 1574. He soon gained high favour
with Akbar by his scholarly criticism of the narrow-
mindedness of the 'ulamd' in the religious discussions
which were started in the 'Ibddat Khdna in 1575.
He helped in freeing the Emperor from the domina-
tion of the 'ulamd', and was instrumental in bringing
about their ultimate political downfall by the
promulgation, in 1579, of the decree [maftdar),
drafted by him in collaboration with his father,
which invested Akbar with the authority of deciding
points of difference between the theologians.

A firm believer in God, whom he regarded as

transcendental and the Creator, Abu '1-Fadl con-
sidered that there could be no relationship between
man and God except that of servitude ('abdullahi)
on the part of the former. Servitude required sin-
cerity, suppression of the ego (nafs) and devotion
to Him, resignation to His will, and faith in His
Mercifulness. Though he regarded formal worship
as mere hypocrisy, he believed that there were many
ways of serving the Lord, but only divine blessing
could reveal the Truth. "In the main", he wrote,
"every sect may be placed in one of two categories—
either, it is in possession of the Truth, in which case
one should seek direction from it; or, it is in the
wrong, in which it is an object of pity and deserving
of sympathy, not of reproach" (Akbar Ndma, ii,
660). His faith in being at "peace with all" (sultt-
i-kull) involved not only toleration of all religions
but also love for all human beings.

In political affairs, Abu '1-Fadl sought to emphasise
the divine character of Akbar's kingship. Royalty,
he claimed, was light emanating from God (farr-i-
izadi), communicated to kings without the inter-
mediate assistance of any one. Though the existence
of kings was necessary at all times, it was only after
many ages that there appeared, by divine blessing,
a monarch who could not only rule effectively, but
could also guide the world spiritually. Since Akbar
could ensure the material as well as the spiritual
well-being of his subjects, he could be truly regarded
as the "Perfect Man" (insdn-i-kdmil). It was the
duty of all to give Akbar complete loyalty and to
seek his spiritual guidance by becoming his disciples.
The chosen among the disciples would be those who
attained the "four degrees of devotion" (chahdr
martaba-i-ikhldf), i.e. preparedness to place at
Akbar's disposal their property, life, honour and
faith.

Though Abu'l-Fadl's religio-political views
earned for him the enmity of the 'ulamd', the
policy of religious toleration which he helped Akbar
in evolving, the non-denominational yet spiritual
character of obedience to the Emperor which he
advocated, his justification, on ethical grounds, of
every imperial action, and his persistent efforts to
inculcate, especially among the nobles, a sense of
mystical loyalty to Akbar, contributed greatly to
the political consolidation of the Mughal Empire.

In spite of Abu'l-Fadl's immense influence over
Akbar and the numerous duties which he performed
at Court (especially in drafting letters to nobles and
foreign potentates), his progress in the official
hierarchy was slow. It was only in 1585 that he
was promoted to the mansab of 1000, which was
doubled in 1592. Six years later it was raised to
2500. Except when he was associated, for a short
time in 1586, with Shah Kull Khan Mahram in the
joint-government of Delhi, Abu'1-Fadl never held
any office until 1599, when he was posted to the
Deccan, at the instance of hostile elements at the
Court. He distinguished himself there as an able
administrator and military commander. In recog-
nition of his services, he was promoted, in 1600, to
the rank of 4000, and two years later, to that of
5000. The same year he was hastily summoned to
the Court when Akbar's son Sallm (afterwards the
Emperor njahanglr) rebelled. On his way back, he
was waylaid and assassinated by Radja BIr Singh
Deva, the disaffected BundSla chieftain of Orchha,
on 4 RabI' I 1011/22 Aug. 1602. His head was
severed and sent to Sallm, at whose instance the
crime had been committed, while the body was
buried at Antari (near Gwalior). The news came as

ABU 'l-FAPL 'ALLAmI — ABU 'l-FIDA

a great shock to Akbar, who mourned the loss
deeply and never forgave Sallm for instigating the
murder. Abu'1-Fadl was survived by his son, £ Abd
al-Rahman Aftfal Khan (d. 1613), who rose to be
governor of Bihar.

Abu'l-Fadl's principal title to fame as an author
rests upon his monumental work, Akbar Nama, a
history of Akbar (down to the 46th regnal year) and
of his ancestors, compiled in three daftars (first two
daftars published in Bibl. Ind. 3 vols.). The third
daftar, AHn-i-Akbari (Bibl. Ind., 3 vols.), dealing
with Imperial regulations and containing detailed
information on Indian geography, administration
and social and religious life, was the first work of
its kind in India. Abu'l-Fadl's compositions,
characterised by an individual literary style, served
as a model for many generations, though none was
able to imitate him successfully. His numerous
works include a Persian translation of the Bible;
'Iydr-i-Ddnish (a recension of Anwar -i-Suhayli);
prefaces to Tdrikh-i-Alfi (unfortunately lost), to
the Persian translation of Mahdbhdrata, and to many
other works; and a Munddidt (ed. by Rizvi, Medieval
India Quarterly, Aligarh, I/iii). His letters, prefaces
and other compositions were compiled by his nephew
under the title Inshd-i-Abu 'l-Fadl (3 vols.). Another
collection of his private letters is entitled Ruk'dt-i-
Abu 'l-Fadl.

Bibliography: Autobiographical accounts:
AHn-i-Akbari, iii (at end); Inshd-i-Abu 'l-Fadl, in.
Biographies: Ma'dthir al-Umard y {Bibl. Ind.), ii,
608-22 ; Elliot and Dowson, vi, 1 ff. ; Blochmau,
Introduction to his translation of AHn-i-Akbari;
Storey, ii/3, 541-51 (ietailed references

(Nui

l Has

other singers, such as Ma'bad and Ibn Suraydj, and
ABU 'l-FAPL 'IYAp [see 'iyadI.
ABU 'l-FARAEJ [see babbagha 3 ; ibn al-

PJAWZl; IBN AL-'lBRl; IBN AL-NADlM].

ABU 'L-FARAfiJ al I$BAHANl (or al-

ISFAHANl), C ALl B. AL-HUSAYN B. MUH. B. AHMAD

al-KurashI, Arab historian, litterateur and
poet. He was born in 284/897 in Isfahan (whence
his nisba) in Persia, but was of pure Arab race, a
descendant of Kuraysh, or, to be more exact, of the
Marwanid branch of the Umayyads. In spite of this,
he was a Shi'ite. He studied in Baghdad, where he
passed the greater part of his life, protected by the
Buyids, especially by the vizier al-Muhallabi. He
found also a warm welcome in Aleppo at the court
of the Hamdanid prince Sayf al-Dawla. He died in
Baghdad on 14 Dhu'l-Hidjdja 356/20 Nov. 967. His
main book, on which he worked according to his
own testimony for fifty years, is the Kitdb al-Aghdni
("Book of Songs"). In it the author collected the
songs that had been chosen, by order of the caliph
Harun al-Rashid, by the famous musicians Ibrahim
al-Mawsili, Isma'il b. Djami* and Fulayh b. al- c Awra 5 ,
and later revised by Ishak b. Ibrahim al-Mawsili;
he added songs by other singers such as Ma'bad and
Ibn Suraydj and by caliphs and their descendants;
for each song he indicated its melody. This is, how-
ever, but the least part of his work, as Abu'l-Faradj
added rich information about the poets who were
the authors of the songs, giving an account of
their life and quoting many of their verses, as
well as about the composers of the melodies.
Furthermore, he gives many details about the
ancient Arab tribes, their ayydm, their social life,
the court life of the Umayyads, society at the time
of the 'Abbasid caliphs, especially of Harun al-
Rashld, the milieu of musicians and singers. In one

word, in the Aghdni we pass in review the whole
of Arabic civilization from the didhiliyya down to the
end of the 3rd/gth century. The author even does
us another service: following the method of the
Arab writers, he quotes long passages from earlier
writers, whose works have not come down to us.
His book is thus a source also for the development
of Arabic style.

The first edition of the Aghdni was published
in Bulak 1285/1868-9 in twenty volumes, to which
should be added a twenty-first volume published
by R. Brunnow {The twenty-first volume of the
Kitdb al-Aghdni, Leiden 1888). For a lacuna see
J. Wellhausen, ZDMG, 1896, 145-51. Tables by
I. Guidi (Leiden 1895-1900). A second edition, being
a reproduction of the Bulak ed., together with the
twenty-first volume and the Tables of Guidi, Cairo,
1323/1905-6. Cf. also Muh. Mahmud al-Shinklti,
Tashih, Cairo 1334/1916). A third and much supe-
rior edition was started in Cairo in 1927.

Another work of Abu'l-Faradj that has come
down to us is Makdtil al-fdlibiyyin wa-Akhbaruhum,
a historical work composed in 313/923. It contains
biographies of the descendants of Abu Talib (from
Dja'far b. Abl Talib to the seventy who died under
the reign of al-Muktadir, 295-320/908-32) who in some
way lost their lives for political reasons, including
those who died in prison or in hiding. This book
was published in lithography, Teheran 1307 and in
print, Nadjaf 1353. The Bombay edition (1311) on
the margin of Fakhr al-DIn al-Nadjafi, Muntakhab
fi 'l-Mardthi wa 'l-Khutab, contains the first half only.
Among those books that are lost should be men-
tioned books on genealogy and a Kitdb Ayydm
aW-Arab, where 1700 "days" were mentioned.
Abu'l-Faradj also edited the diwdns of Abu Tammam,
al-Buhturi and Abu Nuwas.

Bibliography: Ibn KhallikSn, no. 351; Yakut,
Irshdd, v, 149-68 ; al-Khatib al- Baghdad!, Ta'rikh
Baghdad, xi, 398-400; Brockelmann, i, 146, S i,
225-6. A good biography, quoting his poetry and
containing information about the Aghdni, in
Aghdni', preface, i, 15-37 (the information about
the Muhadhdhab is to be corrected). For MSS of
the Aghdni see H. Ritter, in Oriens, 1949, 276 ff.;
for miniatures illustrating it, D. S. Rice, in
Burlington Magazine, 1953, 128 ff.

(M. Nallino)
ABU 'l-FATIJ [see ibn al- c amId; ibn al-furat;
al-muzaffar].

ABU 'l-FIDA, Isma'Il b. (al-Afdal) <AlI b.
(al-Muzaffar) Mahmud b. (al-Mansur) Muhammad
b. TaijI al-DIn c Umar b. Shahanshah b. AyyOb,
al-Malik al-Mu'ayyad c Imad al-DIn, Syrian
prince, historian, and geographer, of the
family of the AyyObids [q.v.], born in Damascus,
Djum. :, 672/Nov. 1273. At the age of 12, in the
company of his father and his cousin al-Mu?affar
Mahmud II, prince of Hamah, he was present at
the siege and capture of Markab (Margat) (684/1285).
He took part also in the later campaigns against the
Crusaders. On the suppression of the Ayyubid
principality of Hamah in 698/1299, he remained in
the service of its Mamluk governors, at the same
time ingratiating himself with the Mamluk sultan
al-Malik al-Nasir [q.v.] Muhammad b. IJala'un.
After several vain attempts to obtain the government
of Hamah, he was finally appointed on 18 Djum. i,
710/14 Oct. 1310, at the instance of the "king of the
Arabs", Muhanna, shaykh of Al Fadl. In 712/1312
his government was converted to a life principality,
but two years later he, with the other governors,

ABU 'l-FIDA. — ABO FIRAS

was made directly subordinate to the governor of
Damascus, Tankiz, with whom his relations were
for a time strained. In the following years he
strengthened his position by lavish patronage and
generosity, especially on the occasion of his visits
to Egypt. In 719/1319-20 he accompanied sultan
Muhammad on pilgrimage to Mecca, and on their
return to Cairo he was publicly invested with the
insignia of the sultanate and the title of al-Malik
al-Mu'ayyad (17 Muh. 720/28 Febr. 1320), and given
precedence over all governors in Syria. He continued
to enjoy the great reputation which he had acquired
as patron and man of letters, as well as the friend-
ship of the sultan, until his death at Hamah on 23
Muh. 732/27 Oct. 1331. With the support of Tankiz,
his son al-Afdal Muhammad was nominated as his
successor, and was also granted the insignia of the
sultanate. (For his grave, cf. ZDMG, lxii, 657-60;
lxiii, 329-33, 853 U.;Bull. d'Etudes Orient., 1931, 149)-

The Arabic biographical notices furnish several
specimens of his poetical productions, which included
a versification of the juristic work al-Hawi of al-
Mawardi [q.v.]. Of various other writings on religious
and literary subjects almost all have perished. His
reputation rests on two works, both largely compila-
tions, but rearranged and supplemented by himself.
The Mukhtasar ta'rikh al-bashar, a universal history
covering the pre-Islamic period and Islamic history
down to 729/1329, is in its earlier part based mainly
on Ibn al-Athir. Its contemporary popularity is
shown by the continuations to it written by Ibn
al-Wardi [q.v.], Ibn Habib al-Dimashkl, and Ibn
al-Shihna al-Halabi [q.v.]. It was a major source of
eighteenth-century orientalism, through the editions
of J. Gagnier, De vita . . . Mohammedis (Oxford 1723)
and J. J. Reiske-J. G. Chr. Adler, Annates Moslemici
(Leipzig 1754 and Copenhagen 1789-94). The com-
plete text was first published in Istanbul (2 vols.,
1286/1869-70).

The Takwln al-Bulddn, a descriptive geography
supplemented by physical and mathematical data
in tabular form (derived mainly from the Arabic
translation of Ptolemy, the tenth-century K. al-
a(wdl, al-BIruni and Ibn Sa'id al-Maghribl [qq.v.],
their divergences being noted) and completed in
721/1321, largely replaced all earlier geographical
works. It is extensively quoted by al-Kalkashandl
[q.v.], and several later abridgements were made,
including one in Turkish by Muh. b. 'All Sipahlzade
(d. 997/1589). Individual sections were edited and
translated by European scholars from the seven-
teenth century (John Greaves, London 1650;
J. B. Koehler, Leipzig 1766; etc.). The entire work
was edited by J. T. Reinaud and MacGuckin de
Slane (Paris 1840) and translated by Reinaud (Paris
1848) and Stanislas Guyard (Paris 1883), the first
volume of the translation consisting of a classic
survey entitled Introduction generate d la geographic
des Orientaux. The judgments of scholars on Abu
'1-Fida's geography have differed widely, from "a
rather poor compilation of earlier sources" (J. H.
Kramers, in Legacy of Islam, Oxford 1931, 91; cf.
C. E. Dubler, Abu Hamid el Granadino, Madrid 1953,
182) to G. Sarton (see Bibl.), for whom Abu'1-Fida
is "the greatest geographer of his age". See also the

art. DJUGHRAFIYA.

Bibliography: Autobiography (extracted from
the History), trans, de Slane, in Recueil des
Historiens des Croisades, Orientaux i, 166-186
(see also Appendice 744-5i); DhahabI, Ta'rikh
al-Islam, Suppl, Leiden MS. 765; Kutubl,
Fawdt (Cairo 1951), i, 7o; Ibn Hadjar, al-Durar

al-kamina, Hyderabad 1348, i, 371-3; Subki,
Tabakat al-ShdfiHyya, vi, 84-5; Ibn Taghribirdi,
Cairo, ix, 16, 23, 24, 39, 58-62, 74, 93. 100, 292-4
(largely reproduced in MakrizI, Suluk, i, Cairo
1941, 87, 89, 90, 137, 142, 166, 196, 202, 238);
idem, Les Biographies du Manhal Sdfi (G. Wiet,
Cairo 1932) no. 432; F. Wiistenfeld, Geschichts-
schreiber der Araber, 1881, 161-6; Brockelmann,
II, 44-46; S II 44; M. Hartmann, Das MuwaUah,
Weimar 1896, 10; Carra de Vaux, Les Penseurs
de VI slam, Paris, i, 139-46; G. Sarton, Introduction
to the History of Science, iii, Baltimore 1947, 200,
308, 793-9; A. Ates in Oriens, 1952, 44.

(H. A. R. Gibb)
ABC FIRAS al-HamdanI, poetic cognomen of
al-Harith b. Abi 'l-'Ala 1 Sa'Id b. Hamdan al-
TaghlibI, Arab poet, born in 320/932, probably in
'Irak. Sa'id, himself a poet, was killed by his nephew
Nasir al-Dawla Hasan on attempting to occupy
Mawsil in 323/935, The mother of Abu Firas, a
Greek umm walad, moved with her son to Aleppo
after its occupation by the poet's cousin Sayf al-Dawla
in 333/944. and there he was trained under the eye
of Sayf al-Dawla, who also married his sister. In
336/947-8 he was appointed to the governorship of
Manbidj (and later also of Harran ) , where, in spite
of his youth, he distinguished himself in the conflicts
with the. Nizari tribes of Diyar Mudar and the
Syrian desert. He also frequently accompanied Sayf
al-Dawla in his Byzantine expeditions, and was
captured in 348/951 but succeeded in escaping from
imprisonment at Kharshana by leaping on horseback
into the Euphrates. In 351/962 he was again captured
at Manbidj during the Greek operations preliminary
to the siege of Aleppo, and taken to Constantinople
where he remained, in spite of his entreaties to
Sayf al-Dawla, until the general exchange of prisoners
in 355/966. He was then appointed governor of Hims
and in the year after Sayf al-Dawla's death attempted
to revolt against his son and successor (and his
own nephew) Abu'l-Ma'ali, but was defeated, cap-
tured and killed by the latter's general Karghawayh,
2 Djumada i, 357/4 April 968.

The reputation of Abu Firas owes much to his
personal qualities. Handsome in person, of noble
family, brave, generous, and extolled by his con-
temporaries as "excelling in every virtue" (though
also egoistic and rashly ambitious), he lived up to
the Arab ideal of chivalry which he expressed in
his poetry. This is probably the thought which
underlies the often-quoted phrase of Ibn 'Abbad:
"Poetry began with a king (sc. Imru 1 al-Kays) and
ended with a king (sc. Abu Firas)". His earlier
output is composed of kasidas of the classical type,
devoted to praise of his family's nobility and warlike
deeds (notably a rd'iyya of 225 lines recounting
the history of the Hamdanid house) or to self-praise,
and shorter lyrical pieces on amatory or friendship
themes of the 'Iraki type. The former are remarkable
for their sincerity, directness, and natural vigour,
in contrast to the metaphorical elaboration of his
chief rival at the court of Sayf al-Dawla, al-Muta-
nabbi; the latter are elegant trifles, formal and
unoriginal. Noteworthy also are his outspokenly
vShi'ite odes, satirizing the 'Abbasids. But it is more
especially on the poems of his captivity, the Rumiyydt,
that his fame rests. In these he gives expression in
affecting and eloquent terms to the captive's year-
ning for home and friends, mingled with not a
little self-praise, reproach to Sayf al-Dawla for the
delay in ransoming him, and bitter complaints at
being neglected.

ABO FIRAS — ABU 'l-GHAZI BAHADUR KHAN

His diwdn was edited with a commentary (largely
from the poet himself) shortly after his death by
his tutor and friend, the grammarian Ibn Khalawayh
(d. 370/980). The manuscripts present, however, so
many variations in text and arrangement that
other recensions must also have been circulated,
including probably that of al-Babbagha (d. 398/1008:
see Tanukhi, Bibl.). All the earlier defective editions
(Bayrut 1873, I 9°o» I 9 I °) are superseded by the
critical edition of S. Dahhan (3 vols., Bayrut 1944),
with full bibliography.

Bibliography : Tanukhi, Nishwar al-Muhddara,
i, London 1921, 1 10-2 : Tha'alibi. Yatima, i, 22-62
(Cairo i, 27-71); also ed. and translated with an
introd. by R. Dvorak, Abu Firds, ein arab.
Dichter und Held, Leiden 1895; Ibn Khallikan,
no. 146; Brockelmann i, 88; S i, 142-4, M. Canard,
Say/ al-Daula (recueil de textes), Alger-Paris 1934,
index ; idem, Hist, de la Dynastie des Hamddnides,
i, Alger 1951, 379, 395 f., 596 ff.. 669 f., 763, 772,
796, 810, 824; H. Ritter, in Oriens 1948, 377-85-

(H. A. R. Gibb)
ABC FUDAYK c Abd Allah b. Jhawr, a Kha-
ridjite agitator, of the Banu Kays b. Tha'laba.
Originally associated with Nafi c b. al-Azrak [q.v.],
he left him to join Nadjda b. c Amir [q.v.], whom
he did not hesitate to murder, because of certain
differences of opinion that arose between them.
After this murder he gained control over Bahrayn
(72/691) and succeeded in withstanding the attack
of an army from Basra sent against him by c Abd
al-Malik. Shortly afterwards (73/693) a second
expedition, consisting of 10.000 men from Basra and
commanded by 'Umar b. 'Ubayd Allah b. Ma'mar
succeeded in defeating and killing him.

Bibliography: 'Adjdadj, no. 11; Mubarrad,
Kamil, 662; Baladhuri. Ansdb, v, 346, xi
(= Anonyme arab. Chronik, ed. Ahlwardt), 143 ff.;
Tabari, ii, 829, 852 ft.; Ash c ari, Makdlat, 101;
ShahrastanI, (on margin of Ibn Hazm, Fisal), i,
162-167; R- Briinnow, Die Charidschiten, 47 ff-;
J. Wellhausen, Die religiSs-politischen Oppositions-
parUien, 32. See also khawaridj.

(M. Th. Houtsma*)
ABU FUTRUS [see nahr abI futrus].
ABU 'l-FUTUH HASAN [see makka].
ABU 'l-FUTUH al-RAzI, Persian com-
mentator of the Kur'an. He lived between
480/1087 and 525/1131, fixed by conjecture. Among
his disciples are the famous Shi'te theologians Ibn
Shahrasub and Ibn Babuya [q.v.], who describes him
as a scholar, preacher, commentator of the Kur'an and
a pious man. According to al-Shushtarl (Madjalis
al-Mu'minin) he was a contemporary of al-Zamakh-
sharl, whom he quoted as his master — which would
explain the Mu'tazilism of his commentary. Muh.
Kazwlnl has proved that his commentary could
not date from before 510/1116. He claimed that he
was a descendant of the Companion N5fi c b. Budayl.
His Rawd al-Djindn wa-Rawh al-D±andn (Teheran
1905, in two volumes; 1937, in three volumes) is one
of the earliest — if not the earliest — of the Shi'ite
commantaries composed in Persian. In his intro-
duction he declared that he gave preference to this
language because those who knew Arabic were in
the minority. The commentary, preceded by an
introduction concerning the exegesis of the Kur'an,
deals with grammar, rhetoric, juridical and religious
commands and the traditions about the origin of
the verses. The influence of al-Tabari's Tafsir can
be perceived; the Shi'ite tendency is less pronounced
than in the later Persian commentaries. — In ad-

dition to the commentary he is said to be the author
of a commentary on the Shihdb al-Akhbdr of Muh.
b. Salama al-Kuda c i (Brockelmann, i, 343).

Bibliography: Storey, section i, no. 6; H.
Massi, in Melanges W. Marcais, Paris 1950, 243 ff.

(H. Mass£)
ABU GHANIM Bishr b. Ghanim al-KHURA-
SANl, eminent Ibadi lawyer of the end of the
2nd/8th and the beginning of the 3rd/9th century,
a native of Khurasan. On his way to the Rustamid
imam c Abd al-Wahhab (168-208/784-823) at Tahart,
to offer him his book al-Mudawwana, he stayed with
the Ibadi shaykh, Abu Hafs 'Amrus b. Fath, of
Pjabal Nafusa, who rendered a service to Ibadi
literature by conserving in the Maghrib a copy of
the work.

The Mudawwana of Abu Ghanim is the oldest
Ibadi treatise on general jurisprudence, according
to the teaching of Abu 'Ubayda Muslim al-Tamimi
(d. under al-Mansur, 136-58/754-75; cf. ibadiyya)
as transmitted by his disciples. The manuscript of
the Mudawwana, copied by 'Amrus b. Fath, was
composed of twelve parts; the titles are given in
the catalogue of Ibadi books compiled by Abu
'1-Kasim al-Barradi (8th/i4th century). The book
has become very rare; according to information
received from S. Smogorzewski, a unique manuscript
was in the possession of an Ibadi shaykh in Guerrara
(Mzab). Al-Barradi's catalogue also quotes another
law book by Abu Ghanim.

Bibliography: Shammakhi, al-Siyar, Cairo
1301, 228; Salimi, al-Lam c a, in a collection of
six Ibadi works published in Algiers 1326, 184,
197-8; A. de Motylinski, in Bull. Corr. afr., 1885,
18, nos. 12 and 14. (T. Lewicki)

ABU 'L-fiHAZt BAHADUR KHAN, ruler of
Khiwa and Caghatay historian, born probably
on 16 Rabl c i, 1012/24 Aug., 1603, son of 'Arab
Muhammad Khan, of the Ozbeg dynasty of the
Shaybanids [q.v.], and of a princess of the same
family. He spent his youth in Urgan6 (at that time
largely depopulated owing to the change of course
of the Oxus), at the court of his father, who
was khan of this place.. In 1029/1619 he was
appointed to be his father's lieutenant in Kath,
but when his father was killed soon afterwards
in a rebellion of two of his other sons, had to take
refuge at Samarkand with Imam-kuli Khan. After
long fighting he, together with his brother Isfandiyar,
succeeded in ousting the rebellious brothers, with
the aid of some Turkmen tribes. In 1033/1623 he
became lieutenant of his brother in Urganc, but
quarrelled with him, in connection with Turkmen
tribal feuds, in 1036/1626 and had to flee to Tash-
kent, where he lived for two years at the Kazakh
court. After another attempt to seize the throne in
Khiwa. he spent ten years (from 1039/1629) as an
exile at the court of the Safawids, mostly at Isfahan.
Here he widened his knowledge of the past of his
people, acquired at the Kazakh court, by the study
of Persian sources. By the evidence of his translation,
he knew Persian and Arabic well. After his flight
from Persia he perfected his knowledge at the
Kalmuk court, by collecting Mongol traditions.

It was only after the death of Isfandiyar (1052/
1642) that Abu '1-GhazI became (in 1054/1644-5)
khan of Khiwa. As khan, he maintained diplomatic
relations with all his neighbours, including Russia,
interrupted by repeated wars. Expeditions against
the Turkmens in 1054/1644, 1056/1646, 1058/1648,
1062/165 1 and 1064/1653, led finally to the sub-
mission of some of these tribes in Kara-Kum and

ABU 'l-GHAZI BAHADUR KHAN — ABO HAFS <UMAR al-HINTAtI

Manghishlak. He was engaged also against the
Kalmuks in 1059/1649, 1064/1653 and 1067/1656,
and against Bukhara in 1066/1655 and 1073/1662.
Occasionally he allowed Russian caravans passing
through his territory to be plundered, but had, in
the interests of his own trade if for no other reasons,
to pay compensation. For the rest, he endeavoured
to further the welfare of his country and to promote
scholarship. The military gifts which he ascribes to
himself were, according to less partial sources,
rather modest. He died in 1074/1663, shortly after
he had abdicated in favour of his son.

Of his works we possess: 1) Shediere-i Tera-
kime, composed in 1070/1659, mainly derived from
Rashidal-DIn and the Oghuznama, but with addi-
tions of independent value. The Caghatay text was
published in facsimile by the Turk Dil Kurumu,
Ankara 1937; there is a Russian translation by
A. Tumanski, 'Ashkabad 1892. 2) Shadiarat al-Atrak
(Shediere-i Tiirk), which he left unfinished at his
death ; the part from 1054/1644 was finished by his son
Abu '1-Muzaffar Anusha Muhammad Bahadur in
1076/1665. This work contains the history of the
Shavbanids from the middle of the 15th century,
and is the main source for the dynasty up to 1074/
1663, though written mostly "from memory",
without direct use of sources, and widely defective
for the earlier periods as well as in its chronology.
The introduction, containing traditions about
Cinghiz Khan and his immediate successors, is
almost wholly legendary. Nevertheless, as the work
became known in Europe at an early date, it re-
mained for some time the main authority for the
history of the Mongols. Two Swedes captured in
the battle of Poltava (1709), Tabbert von Strahlen-
berg and Schenstrom, became acquainted with it
in Siberia and, with the help of a Russian inter-
pretation by an imam, prepared a German transla-
tion, on which is based the French edition of v.
Bentinck, Histoire genealogique des Tartars, Leiden
1726. This was soon followed by a Russian and in
1780 by an English edition. The German original of
1716-7 was published by Messerschmid, Gottingen
1780, as Geschlechtsbuch der mungalisch-mogulischen
Chanen. Finally Ch. M. v. Frahn published a Latin
translation, Kazan 1825. A critical use of the text
was only made possible by the publication of the
Caghatay text, with a French translation, by J. J. P.
Baron Desmaisons, Histoire des Mogols et des Tatars,
1871-4, but this work in turn requires revision in the
light of more recent studies.

Bibliography: Desmaisons, ii, 312ft.; A.

Strindberg, Notice sur le MS. de la premiere

traduction de la chronique d'Abulghasi-Behader,

Stockholm 1889; I. N. Berezin, Biblioteka vostol-

nykh istorikov, iii (the Russian trans, by G. Sa-

blukov), 1852; Ahmed Zeki Velidi Togan, I A, iv,

79-83. (B. Spuler)

ABC UAF$ c UMARB.BJAMl',IbadI scholar,
probably a native of the Djabal Nafusa, mentioned
in al-Shammakhl's K. al-Siyar (Cairo 1301, 561-2),
in a short note that gives no chronological infor-
mation, but from which it may be deduced that he
lived at the end of the 8th/i4th or the beginning of
the 9th/i5th century.

He translated into Arabic the old l Akida of the
Ibadls of the Maghrib, originally composed in Berber.
This translation was in use, at the time of al-Sham-
makhi (d. 928/i52i-2h in the island of Djarba and
in the other IbadI communities of the Maghrib,
excepting the Djabal Nafusa. It is still the catechism
of the Ibadis of the Mzab and of Djarba. The 'Akida

of Abu Hafs was the subject of n
taries: by al-Shammakhl (circulating in MSS); by
Abu Sulayman Da'ud b. Ibrahim al-Thalati of
Djarba (d. 967/1559-60) (see Exiga dit Kayser,
Description et histoire de Vile de Djerba, Tunis 1884,
9-10 text, 9-10 transl.); and finally those by 'Umar
b. Ramadan al-Thalati (i2th/i8th century), auto-
graphed or printed after the ' Akida, in the editions
of Algeria (e.g. Constantine 1323) or Cairo.

The '■Akida of Abu Hafs was published and
translated, with notes taken from the IbadI com-
mentaries, by A. de Motylinski, V c Aqida des
Abadhites, Recueil Mim. et Textes XIV Congrts des
Orientalistes, Algiers 1905, 505-45.

(A. de Motylinski — T. Lewicki)
ABC HAFS 'UMAR b. Shu'ayb al-BALLCTI,
native of Pedroche (Bitrawdj) in the Fahs al-Ballut,
a district to the north of Cordova, founder of a
minor dynasty which ruled over the island of
Crete (Ikritish [q.v.]) between 212/827 and 350/961,
when his descendant c Abd al- c Aziz b. Shu'ayb was
dethroned and the island recaptured by the general
and future Byzantine emperor. Nicephorus Phocas.
After the celebrated revolt of the Suburb which
broke out in Cordova in 202/818 and was harshly
suppressed by the amir Hakam I (cf. umayyads of
spain), a group of Andalusians, several thousand
in number, who had been expelled from the capital,
decided to emigrate and try their luck in the
Mediterranean. They succeeded in gaining a foothold
in Egypt and occupied Alexandria for a few years.
Besieged by the governor, c Abd Allah b. Tahir, they
had to capitulate in 212/827 and then decided to
attempt a landing in Crete. Under the leadership of
their chief, Abu Hafs al-Balluti, they captured the
island, which thus passed under Muslim domination.
There is little information about the chronology of
the dynasty founded by al-Balluti and the history
of the island during that period. All that is known,
thanks to Byzantine historians, who call Abu Hafs
Apocapso or Apochapsa, is that all attempts by
the Byzantines to recapture Crete were in vain. It
was also in vain that in 225/840 the emperor Theo-
philus addressed himself to 'Abd al-Rahman II [q.v.]
to ask for the restitution of the island. During its
Muslim occupation, Crete maintained economic and
cultural relations with al-Andalus, and its capital,
al-Khandak (modern Candia), was quite a brilliant
intellectual centre.

Bibliography: Ibn Khaldun. c Ibar, iv, 211;
Kind! (GMS XIX), 158-184; M. Gaspar Remiro,
Cordobeses musulmanes en Alejandria y Creta,
Homenaje Codera, Saragosa 1904, 217-33; A. A.
Vasiliev, Byzance et les Arabes, i (Fr. edition by
Gregoire and Canard), Bruxelles 1935, 49 ff.; Zam-
baur, nos. 48, 70 ; A. Freixas, Espana en los historia-
dores bizantinos, Cuadernos deHist. de Esp., Buenos
Aires, xi, 1949, 21-2; Levi- Provencal, Hist. Esp.
Mas., i, 169-73, ii, 145-6. (E. Levi- Provencal)
ABC HAFS 'UMAR b. Yahya al-HINTATI
(an Arabic relative adjective formed from the name
of a Berber tribe of the Anti-Atlas in Morocco, the
Hintata), or, according to the more current Berber
form, Inti, the chief companion of the Almohade
Mahdi, Ibn Tumart [q.v.], and the most active
supporter of the dynasty of the Mu'minids (see 'abd
al-mu'min). It was his own grandson, the amir Abu
Zakariya' Yahya b. 'Abd al- Wahid who, in 634/1236-
37, renounced his allegiance to the Mu'minids in
Ifrikiya and founded, with himself and his de-
scendants as rulers, the dynasty of the Hafsids
[q.v.], which was to be called after this their ancestor.

ABO HAFS <UMAR al-HINTATI — ABO HAMMO II

Abu Hafs Inti — on whom the "Memoirs" of al-
Baydhak [q.v.] are the most detailed source, whose
information is most likely to be authentic — bore, in
common with all his fellow-tribesmen before the
activity of the Almohade Mahdl, a Berber name,
which appears to have been Faskat u-Mzal. Ibn
Tumart himself, after he had persuaded him to
■support his cause, gave him the name of Abu Hafs
'Umar, in memory of the famous companion and
lieutenant of the Prophet. Their first meeting, after
the Mahdi's return to his native mountains, can
be placed in the year 514/1120-21; Abu Hafs, at
this time, was apparently about 30 years old. From
that time on, he was to make a remarkable career
for himself, showing an extremely developed political
sense, a more and more marked ascendant over the
first Almohade caliph, his own "creature", and
enjoying the respect of all those who benefited under
the new regime, from the highest to the lowest; in
short, he was the "eminence grise" of the Almohade
system which owed to him, more than any other
the fact that it did not fall to pieces at the outset.
Until his death at a ripe age, in 571/1 175-76, this
intrepid Berber, victorious general, valued counsellor
and venerated shaykh, appeared continually in the
forefront of the historical scene of the Maghrib, al-
Andalus and Ifrikiya. For details of his long political
and military activities, see the articles al-muwah-

ii id

Bibliography: E. Levi-Provencal, Documents
inedits d'histoire almohade, Paris 1928, index; Un
recueil de lettres officielles almohades, Paris 1942,
index; Ibn al Kattan, in Melanges R. Basut, Paris
1925, », 335-393, and an unpublished manuscript
on the history of the Almohades (Nazm al djutndn) ;
c Abd al-Wahid al-Marrakushi al-Mu'-djib, ed. Dozy
and transl. Fagnan, index; the chronicles of the
post-Almohade period (Occident: al-Ifulal al-
mawshiyya, Ibn 'Idhari's Bayan, Ibn Khaldun's
c Ibar, Rawd al-Kirtds, Ta'rikh al-dawlatayn, etc.;
Orient: Ibn al-Athir, Nuwayri), etc.— The best
general account of Abu Hafs Inti, up to now,
is that given by R. Brunschvig, La Berberie
occidentale sous les flafsides, I, Paris 1940, 13-16.
His career will be treated in detail in a forthcoming
work (in Spanish) by A. Huici Miranda on the
Almohades and the dynasty of the Mu'minids in
North Africa and in Spain.

(E. Levi-Provencal)
ABC IjAMID al-CHARNATI, Muhammad b.
'Abd al-Rahman (variant al-Rahim) b. Sulayman
al-MAzini al-KaysT, Andalusian traveller and
collector of 'adjd'ib [q.v.] at the beginning of the
6th/i2th century, the perfect type of the Occidental
rahh&la, drawn by the desire of talab al-Hlm and
the spirit of adventure to the farthest limits of the
lands of Islam. There is little biographical information
about him and the main dates of his adventurous
life are given by himself in his works. He was born
in Granada in 473/1080, no doubt studied in his
native city, and perhaps stayed some time in Ucl£s
(Uklish); when he was about thirty years old he
left his native country, never to return. First he
spent some years in Ifrikiya, then embarked in
511/1117-8 for Alexandria, stayed first in that town
and later in Cairo, until 515/1123. After a stop at
Damascus, he went to Baghdad, where he spent
four years. In 524/1130 he was in Abhar in Persia
and subsequently near the mouth of the Volga. He
went, much later, to Hungary, staying there for
three years, until 548/1153. He then travelled
through the lands of the Sakaliba (Eastern Europe),

and reached Kh'arizm : from there he went, via
Bukhara, Marw, Nishapur, Rayy, Isfahan and al-
Basra, to Arabia, to perform the pilgrimage. In
550/1155 he settled in Baghdad, but left six years
later for Mosul. He then went to Syria, and after
staying in Aleppo, established himself at Damascus,
where he died in 565/1169-70.

It was in Baghdad, and then in Mosul, that Abu
Hamid al-Gharnati composed the two works that
made him famous. In Baghdad he wrote for the
well-known vizier Yahya b. Hubayra his al-Mu'-rib
an ba'd '■AdjaHb al-Maghrib; in Mosul, on the
demand of his protector and Maecenas, Abu Hafs
al-Ardabill (cf. Brockelmann, S i, 783-4), his Tuh/at
al-Albdb (or al-Ahbab) wa-Nukhbat al-A'djab, which
was abundantly cited by Muslim authors in the
West as well as in the East. These two books, which
are extant in numerous MSS, are full, not only of in-
teresting information and exact records, but also of
legendary or marvellous accounts. They have formed
the object of elaborate monographs, with edition of
the text and annotated translation; the Tuhfa was
published by G. Ferrand in J A, 1925, 1-148, 195-303;
the Mu'-rib by C. E. Dubler, with a Spanish trans-
lation and a hypercritical study (Abu fldmid el
Grenadino y su relacidn de viaje par tierras eurasidticas,
Madrid 1953). A translation of the description of
Rome contained in the Tuhfa was published, from
a Palermo MS, in the same city, by C. Crispo
Moncada in 1900.

Bibliography: Makkari, Analectes, i, 617-8;
Hadjdji Khalifa, ii, 222, iv, 189-90; Pons Boigues,
Ensayo bio-bibliogrdfico, 229-31 ; Brockelmann,
S I, 877-8. (E. Levi-Provencal)

ABC UAMMU I Musa b. Abi Sa'id <Uthman
b. Yaghmurasan, fourth king of the c Abd al-Wadid
dynasty. Proclaimed on 21 Shawwal 707/15 April
1308, he had first to repair the damage caused by the
siege of Tlemcen by the Marlnids; he then prepared
the defence of his capital against external attacks
and fortified it in the expectation of a new siege.
In the exterior, he restored his authority over the
Banu Tudjin and the Maghrawa and pushed as far as
Bidjaya (Bougie) and Constantine, while in the
west he hindered the Marlnids from advancing beyond
Wadjda (Oujda). Preoccupied by the upkeep of a
strong army, he could give little thought to the
material and intellectual situation of his subjects.
He showed extreme harshness even towards his
son Abu Tashufin, who had him murdered on 22
Djumada I 718/22 July 1318 and was proclaimed

Bibliography: see c abd al-wadids. (A. Bel)
ABC flAMMC II Musi b. Abi Ya'kub YOsuf
b. <Abd al-Rahman b. Yahya b. Yaghmurasan,
king of the c Abd al-Wadid dynasty. Born is Spain
in 723/1323-4, he was brought up at the court of
Tlemcen. After the victory of the Marinid army
over his uncles Abu Sa'id and Abu Thabit, in
Djumada I 753/June 1352, he had to take refuge
with the Hafsid court of Tunis. When the relations
between the Hafsids and Marinids deteriorated, he
was put at the head of an army and reconquered
Tlemcen, where he was proclaimed as king on Rabi* I
760/9 February 1359. In 772/1370 the capital again
fell under the rule of the Marinids, who, however,
evacuated it in 774/1372. Abu Hammu, returning
to his dominions, had to face several revolts
and especially the hostility of his son Abu Tashufin
II [q.v.], who attacked Tlemcen at the head of a
Marinid army in .791 ; Abu Hammu was killed in
the battle, on 1 Dhu'l-Hidjdja 791/21 Nov. 1389.

ABO HAMMO II — ABO HANIFA ai-NU'MAN

Abu Hammu had a highly cultivated mind and
sought the society of scholars and poets; he himself
composed a treatise on political ethics. His secretary,
intimate friend and historian, was Yahya b. Khaldun,
who was assassinated in Ramadan 780/Dec. 1379,
at the instigation of Abu Tashufin.

Bibliography: see c abd al-wadJds.

(A. Bel)

ABU HAMZA [see al-mukhtar b. c awf].

ABU HANlFA ai-NU'MAN b. Thabit, theo-
logian and religious lawyer, the eponym of
the school of the Hanafis [q.v.]. He died in 150/767
at the age of 70, and was therefore born about the
year 80/699. His grandfather Zuta is said to have
been brought as a slave from Kabul to Kufa, and
set free by a member of the Arabian tribe of Taym-
Allah b. Tha'laba; he and his descendants became
thus clients {mawld) of this tribe, and Abu Hanifa
is occasionally called al-Taymi. Very little is known
of his life, except that he lived in Kufa as a manu-
facturer and merchant of a kind of silk material
(khazz). It is certain that he attended the lecture
meetings of Hammad b. Abi Sulayman (d. 120) who
taught religious law in Kufa, and, perhaps on the
occasion of a hadjdj, those of <Ata> b. Abi Rabah
(d. 114 or 115) in Mecca. The long lists, given by
his later biographers, of authorities from whom he
is supposed to have „heard" traditions, are to be
treated with caution. After the death of Hammad,
Abu Hanifa became the foremost authority on
questions of religious law in Kufa and the main
representative of the Kufian school of law. He
collected a great number of private disciples to
whom he taught his doctrine, but he was never a
kadi. He died in prison in Baghdad, where he lies
buried; a dome was built over his tomb in 459/1066.
The quarter around the mausoleum is still called
al-A c zamiyya, al-Imam al-A'zam being Abu Hanifa's
customary epithet.

The biographical legend will have it that the
c Abbasid caliph al-Mansur called him to the newly
founded capital, wanted to appoint him as a kadi
there, and imprisoned him because of his steady
refusal. A variant makes already the Umayyad
governor Yazld b. 'Umar b. Hubayra, under Marwan
II, offer him the post of k&4i in Kufa and flog him
in order to make him accept it, but again without
success. These and similar stories are meant to
explain the end of Abu Hanifa in prison, and the
fact, surprising to later generations, that the master
should not have been a kadi. The truth is probably
that he compromised himself by unguarded remarks
at the time of the rising of the 'Alids al-Nafs al-
Zakiyya and his brother Ibrahim, in 145, was trans-
ported to Baghdad and imprisoned there (al-Khatlb
al-Baghdadl, xiii, 329).

Abu Hanifa did not himself compose any works
on religious law, but discussed his opinions with and
dictated them to his disciples. Some of the works
of these last are therefore the main sources for Abu
Hanifa's doctrine, particularly the Ikhtildf Abi
Hanifa wa'bn Abi Layla and the al-Radd 'aid Siyar
al-Awz&H by Abu Yusuf, and the al-lfudjadi and the
version of Malik's Muwa((a> by al-Shaybanl. (The
formal isndd al-Shaybanl— Abu Yusuf— Abu Hanifa,
that occurs in many works of al-Shaybanl, designating
as it does merely the general relationship of pupil
and master, is of no value in this connection). For
the doctrine that Abu Hanifa himself had received
from Hammad, the main sources are the al-Athar
of Abu Yusuf and the al-Athar of al-Shaybani. The
comparison of Abu Hanifa's successors with his

predecessors enables us to assess his achievement in
developing Muhammadan legal thought and doctrine.
Abu Hanifa's legal thought is in general much
superior to that of his contemporary Ibn Abi Layla
(d. 148), the kadi of Kufa in his time. With respect
to him and to contemporary legal reasoning in Kufa
in general, Abu Hanifa seems to have played the
role of a theoretical systematizer who achieved a
considerable progress in technical legal thought. Not
being a kadi, he was less restricted than Ibn AM
Layla by considerations of practice; at the same
time, he was less firmly guided by the administration
of justice. Abu Hanifa's doctrine is as a rule syste-
matically consistent. There is so much new, explicit
legal thought embodied in it, that an appreciable
part of it was found defective and was rejected by
his disciples. His legal thought is not only more
broadly based and more thoroughly applied than
that of his older contemporaries, but technically
more highly developed, more circumspect, and more
refined. A high degree of reasoning, often somewhat
ruthless and unbalanced, with little regard for the
practice, is typical of Abu Hanifa's legal thought
as a whole. Abu Hanifa used his personal judgment
(ra'y) and conclusions by analogy (kiyds) to the
extent customary in the schools of religious law in
his time; and as little as the representatives of the
other schools, the Medinese for example,, was he
inclined to abandon the traditional doctrine for the
sake of "isolated" traditions from the Prophet,
traditions related by single individuals in any one
generation, such as began to become current in
Islamic religious science during the lifetime of Abu
Hanifa, in the first half of the second century A. H.
When this last kind of tradition, two generations
later, thanks mainly to the work of al-Shafi% had
gained official recognition, Abu Hanifa for adventi-
tious reasons was made the scapegoat for the resist-
ance to the "traditions of the Prophet" and, parallel
to this, for the exercise of personal judgment in the
ancient schools of law, and many sayings shocking
to the later taste were attributed to him. Al-Khatlb
al-Baghdadi (d. 463/1071) made himself the mouth-
piece of this hostile tendency. The legal devices
(hiyal) which Abu Hanifa had developed in the
normal course of his technical legal reasoning, were
criticized too, but they became later one of his
special titles to fame (cf. Schacht, in Isl., 1926,
221 ff.).

As a theologian, too, Abu Hanifa has exercised a
considerable influence. He is the eponym of a
popular tradition of dogmatic theology that lays
particular stress on the ideas of the community of
the Muslims, of its unifying principle, the sunna, of
the majority of the faithful who follow the middle
of the road and avoid extremes, and that relies on
scriptural rather than on rational proofs. This
tradition is represented by the al-'Alim waH-
Muta'allim (wrongly attributed to Abu Hanifa) and
by the Fifth al-Absa(, which both originated in the
circle of Abu Hanifa's disciples, and later by the
works of Hanafi theologians, including the creed
of al-Tahaw! (d. 321/933) and the catechism of Abu
'1-Layth al-Samarkandl (d. 383/993) which has always
been very popular in Malaya and Indonesia, in
territory which in matters of religious law is solidly
Shafi'I. This dogmatic tradition arose out of the
popular background of the theological movement
of the Murdji'a [q.v.], to which Abu Hanifa himself
belonged. The only authentic document by Abu
Hanifa which we possess is, in fact, his letter to
'Uthman al-Battl, in which he defends his murdji'ite

ABO HANlFA al-NU'MAN — ABO HASHIM

al-Absa(, in Cairo 1368/1949). Another title that was
ascribed to Abu Hanifa is the Fikh al-Akbar.
Wensinck has shown that the so-called Fikh al-
Akbar I alone is relevant. This exists only embedded
in a commentary wrongly attributed to al-Maturidl
(printed as no. 1 in Madimu'at Shuruh al-Fikh
al-Akbar, Hyderabad 1321). The text itself consists
of ten articles of faith outlining the orthodox position
as opposed to the Kharidjis, the Kadaris, the
Shi'ites, and the Djahmis [see these articles].
Propositions directed against the Murdji'a as well
as against the Mu'tazila [q.v.] are lacking. This
means that the author was a Murdji'ite who lived
before the rise of the Mu'tazila. All but one of the
theses of the Fikh al-Akbar I occur also in the Fikh
al-Absat, which consists of statements of Abu
Hanifa on questions of theology in answer to
questions put to him by his disciple Abu Mutl c al-
Balkhl (d. 183/799). The contents of the Fikh
al-Akbar I are therefore authentic opinions of Abu
Hanifa, though nothing goes to show that he actually
composed the short text. But the so-called Fikh
al-Akbar II and the Wasiyyat Abi Hanifa are not
by Abu Hanifa. The authenticity of a number of
other short texts attributed to Abu Hanifa has not
yet been investigated and is at least doubtful; the
Wasiyya addressed to his disciple Yusuf b. Khalid
al-Sumtl al-Basri represents Iranian courtiers' ethics
and cannot be imagined as a work of a specialist in
Islamic religious law.

The later enemies of Abu Hanifa, in order to
discredit him, taxed him not only with extravagant
opinions derived from the principles of the Murdji J a,
but with all kinds of heretical doctrines that he
could not possibly have held. For example, they
ascribed to him the doctrine that hell was not
eternal — a doctrine of the Djahmis, against whom
Abu Hanifa ranged himself explicitly in the Fikh
al-Akbar, or the opinion that it was lawful to revolt
against a government — a doctrine which goes
straight against Abu Hanlfa's own tenets as expres-
sed in the aW-Alim wa'l-Muta c allim; he even was called
a Murdji'ite who believed in the sword, a contradictio
in adjecto. (This is perhaps deduced from his attitude
at the time of the revolt of al-Nafs al-Zakiyya).

Among his descendants, his son Hammad and his
grandson Isma'Il, kadi in Basra and in Rakka
(d. 212/827), distinguished themselves in religious
law. Among his more important pupils were: Zufar
b. al-Hudhayl (d. 158/775); Dawud al-Tal (d. 165/
781-2); Abu Yflsuf [q.v.]; Abu Mutl c al-Balkhl (see
above) ; Al-ShaybanI [q.v.] ; Asadb. 'Amr (d. 190/806) ;
Hasan b. Ziyad al-Lu'lul (d. 204/819-20). Among
the traditionists, <Abd Allah b. al- Mubarak (d.
181/797) esteemed him highly.

Under the growing pressure of traditions his
followers, starting with Yusuf, the son of Abu
Yusuf, collected the traditions from the Prophet
that Abu Hanifa had used in his legal reasoning.
With the growth of spurious information, typical
of a certain aspect of Muhammadan law, the number
of these traditions grew, too, until Abu '1-Mu'ayyad
Muhammad b. MahmOd al-Kh w arizmI (d. 655/1257)
collected fifteen different versions into one work
(Qiami* Masanld Abi Ifanifa, Hyderabad 1332). We
are still able to distinguish and to compare the
several versions, but none of them is an authentic
work of Abu Hanifa.

Bibliography: Ash'ari, Makdldt, 138 f.; Fih-

rist, 201 ; al-Khatib al-Baghdadl, Ta'rikh Baghdad,

xiii, 323-454; Abu 'l-Mu J ayyad al-Muwaffak b.
Ahmad al-Makkl, and Muh. b. Muh. al-Kardarl,
Manakib al-Imam al-AHam, Hyderabad 1321;
Ibn Khallikan, not 736 (tr. de Slane, iii, 555 ff.) ;
DhahabI, Tadhkirat al-Huffaz, i, 158 ff.; Ahmad
Amln, Duha 'l-Islam, ii, 176 ff.; Muhammad Abu
Zahra, Aba Ifanifa, 2nd ed., Cairo 1947; I- Oold-
ziher, g&hiriUn, 3, 12 ff.; A. J. Wensinck, Muslim
Creed, index; H. S. Sibay, in I A, iv, 20 ff.; J.
Schacht, Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence,
index; Brockelmann, I, 176 f.; S, I, 284 ff. (con-
tains several mistakes). (J. Schacht)
ABC HANIFA al-DINAWARI [see al-dIna-

WARI].

ABU 'L-flASAN c AlI, tenth ruler of the
dynasty of the Marlnids of Fez, was 34 years
old when, in 731/1331, he succeeded his father, Abu
Sa'Id 'Uthman. Of a strong constitution, he seems
also to have possessed the energy and the wide
outlook of a great prince. Numerous public buildings
show his piety and his magnificence. His reign saw
not only the zenith of the dynasty and its greatest
territorial expansion, but also the beginning of its
decline. In Spain, he took Gibraltar from the
Christians (1333), but after a success at sea, he
suffered a disastrous defeat at the Rio Salado, near
Tarifa, which put an end to the holy war for the
Marinids (1340). In Barbary, the took up again the
expansionist policy of the great Almohades; he
besieged Tlemcen, rebuilt the town-camp of al-
Mansura and, after three years, at last took the
capital of the c Abd al-Wadids. In conquered
Tlemcen, he received the congratulations of the
Mamluk sultan of Egypt and of the king of the
Sudan. In support of his ally, the Hafsid of Tunis,
he marched on Ifrikiya ; but, after a period of success,
he was crushingly defeated near al-Kayrawan
(Kairouan) by a coalition of the nomad Arabs (1348).
He left Tunis by sea, his fleet sank; he managed to
disembark at Algiers and tried to recover his king-
dom, which his son Abu c Inan had seized. He died
in 752/1352. Abu c In5n had him buried at Chella
(Sh&lla [,.«,.]).

Bibliography: Ibn Khaldun, Hist, des Ber-
bires, ed. de Slane, ii, 373-426; transl. iv, 211-92;
Ibn al-Ahmar, Rawdat al-nisrin, ed. and transl.
Bouali and G. Marcais, 20-2, 75-9; Ibn Marzuk,
Musnad, ed. and transl. E. Levi- Provencal, in
Hesp., 1925, 1-81; H. Terrasse, Hist, du Maroc,
ii, 51-62; G. Marcais, Les Arabes en Berbirie du
XI' au XIV siicle, passim; H. Basset and E. Levi-
Provencal, Chella, extract from Hesp., 1922.

(G. Marcais)
ABC HASHIM <Abd Allah, ShlMte leader,
son of Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya, whom he
succeeded as head of the smaller branch of the
shi'a [see kaysani yya]. The only information we have
about him concerns his death and his testament in
favour of the c Abbasids. Old historical and heresio-
graphical sources relate that Abu Hashim went,
with a group of ShI'ites, to the court of Sulayman b.
c Abd al-Malik, who, afraid of his intelligence and
authority, had him poisoned during his return
journey. Feeling his approaching death, Abu Hashim
made a detour to Humayma, not far from the
residence of the c Abbasids, where he died after
bequeathing his rights to the Imamate to Muhammad
b. C AU [q.v.]. This tradition has been generally taken
as an invention of the philo-'Abbasid party. Never-
theless, stripped of incongruences and superstruc-
tures, it may well contain a kernel of truth, especially
as, in effect, immediately after the death of Abu

ABO HASHIM — ABU 'l-HAWL

125

Hashim the 'Abbasids came out of the shadows
and the 'Iraki shi'a went into action in obedience
to their orders. [Cf. also 'abbasids].

Bibliography: Ibn Sa c d, v, 240-1; Ibn
Kutayba, Ma'arif (Wiistenfeld), in; Baladhhuri,
Ansdb, MS Paris Schefer A. 247, 685r-6v, 745v;
Ya'kubi, Tabari, indexes; Nawbakhtl, Firak al-
Shi'a (Ritter), 29-30; Ash'ari, Makdlat (Ritter),
i, 21; Baghdad!, Fark, 28, 242; Shahrastani, 15,
112 ; S. Moscati, II testamento di Abu HdSim, RSO,
1952, 28-46. (S. Moscati)

ABC HASHIM, sharif of Mecca [see makka].
ABC HASHIM, Mu'tazili theologian [see al-

DJUBBA'I].

ABC HATIM Ya c ¥Ob b. LabId (or LabIb or
HabIb) AL-MALZCZl al-NadjIsI, Ibadi imam
in the Maghrib. The orthodox Arab historians re-
present him as a mere leader of Berber rebels. His
role, however, was more defined, as he was given
by the Ibadis of Tripolitania the title of imam al-difa'-
("imam of defence"). According to the chronicle
of Abu Zakariyya 1 al-Wardjlani, this revolt took
place in Radjab i45/Sept.-Oct. 762, only one year
after the death of Abu '1-KhaHab. According to
al-Shammakhi, al-Siyar, Cairo 1301, 134, Abu
Hatim's, government began in (1)54 A. H. It is,
however, possible that this is a mistake for 145.

Little is known about the first years of Abu
Hatim's imamate; he captured Tripoli, massacring
many of his enemies, and made the city his capital.
According to Abu Zakariyya' he was in contact
with the future founder of the imamate of Tahart,
<Abd al-Rahman b. Rustum, who was at this time
entrenched in the mountain of Suf Adjadj. In
154/771 Abu Hatim took part in a general rising of
the Berbers against the 'Abbasid governor of
Ifrikiya, c Umar b. Hafs, caUed Hazarmard. With
his troops he took part in the siege of Tubna, in the
Zab. Another detachment of Abu Hatim's army
had been for eight months investing al-Kayrawan,
which was taken in the beginning of 155/771-2.
Soon after the capture of al-Kayrawan, an c Abbasid
army from Egypt appeared on the eastern frontier
of Tripolitania. Abu Hatim left Tripoli and defeated
this army in a battle, which is said by the Ibadi
chroniclers, probably erroneously, to have taken
place near Maghmadas (Macomades Syrtis in anti-
quity, Marsa Zafran of the modern maps). Shortly
after, however, another 'Abbasid army commanded
by Yazld b. Hatim al-Azdl advanced from Cairo
towards Tripoli. Abu Hatim collected the Ibadi
Berber tribes of Tripolitania: Nafusa, Hawwara,
Parlsa, etc. and went out to meet the enemy. The
battle took place on 27 Rabi c I 155/7 March 772, to
the west of a place called Djanbi (Abu Zakariyya')
or Djanduba (al-Shammakhi), to the east of Djabal
Nafusa. The Ibadi army was cut to pieces, and Abu
Hatim with 30,000 of his men are said to have
been left on the battlefield.

Bibliography: Abu Zakariyya', al-Sira wa-

Akhbdr al-AHmma (MS of the coll. of S. Smogor-

zewski), fol. I4r-i6r; E. Masqueray, Chronique

d'Abou Zakaria, Algiers 1878, 41-9; Shammakhl,

Siyar, Cairo 1301, 138-8; Baladhuri, Futuh, 232-3;

Ibn Khaldun. Hist, des Berb., i, 221-3, 379-85;

Idrisi, Descriptio al-Magribi (de Goeje), 83-4;

H. Fournel, Les Berbires, 370-80; R. Basset, in

J A, 1899 ii, 115-20.

(A. DE MOTYLINSKI T. LEWICKl)

ABC HATIM AL-RAZl, Ahmad b. Hamdan,
early Isma'IU author and missionary (daH) of
Rayy. Born in the district of Bashawuy near Rayy

and well versed in Hadlth and Arabic poetry, he
was chosen by Ghivath. dd'i of Rayy, as his lieutenant,
Ghivath was succeeded by Abu Dja'far, whom,
however, Abu Hatim contrived to oust, thus be-
coming himself the leader of the da'wa in Rayy. It
is reported that he succeeded in converting Ahmad
b. 'All, governor of Rayy (304-11/916-24). After the
occupation of Rayy by the Samanid troops' (311/
923-4) Abu Hatim went to Daylam to make common
cause with the c Alids there. His activities seem to
have been at first supported by Mardawidj [q.v.].
When Mardawidj later turned against the Isma'Ilis,
Abu Hatim fled to Muflih (who became governor
of Adharbaydjan in 319/931)- There he seems to
have died, according to Ibn Hadjar, in 322/933-4,
the date being, if not quite certain, approximately

Of his works the most famous is the al-Zina, a
dictionary of theological terms, which is dominated
by his philological interests, while Isma'IU tenets
are only discreetly alluded to. (For a short description
of the book cf. A. H. al-Hamdani, Actes XXIe Congris
des Orientalistes, 291-4). In a lost book, al-Islah, he
attacked the philosophical system of al-Nasafl [q.v.],
as expounded in al-Nasafl's al-Mahsul. When this
controversy has been better explored and Abu
Hatim's A'-lam al-Nubuwwa fully published, it is
hoped that more light will be shed on his own
opinions. (P. Kraus has published an important
section of A'-lam al-Nubuwwa, recording the dis-
putation between Abu Hatim and the philosopher
Abu Bakr al-RazI).

Bibliography: Nizam al-Mulk, Siyasat-Ndma,
Schefer, 186 (ed. Khalkhali, 157); Makrizi, IUi'az
(Bunz), 130; Fihrist, 188, 189; Baghdad!, al-Far^,
267 ; Ibn Hadjar, Lisan al-Mizan, i, 164 ; W. Ivanow,
A guide to Ismaili lit., 32; Idem, Studies in early
Persian Ismailism, 115 ff.; P. Kraus, in Orientalia,
1936, 38 ff.; idem, RasaHl Falsafiyya li Abi Bakr
al-Rdzi, i, 291 ff. (S. M. Stern)

ABC HATIM al-SIEJISTAnI, Sahl b. Muh.
al-BiushamI, Arabic philologist of Basra, d.
Radjab 255/869. His nisba is related to Sidjistan, a
village in the district of Basra (Yakut, iii, 44). He
was a disciple of Abu Zayd al-Ansarl, Abu 'Ubayda
Ma'mar b. al-Muthanna, al-Asma'I, etc. Among his
disciples are mentioned Ibn Durayd and al-Mubarrad.
As a grammarian he was of no great reputation, his
specific field being the works of the ancient poets,
their vocabulary and prosody. Of his works the
bibliographers mention thirty-seven titles (enume-
rated by A. Haffner, Drei arabische Quellenwerke
iiber die Addad, Beirut 1913, 160-2). The following
works have come down to us: (1) al- Addad, ed. by
Haffner, op. cit. 163-209; (2) al-Nakhl, ed. by B.
Lagumina in Atti . . . Lincei, Scienze morali, Ser. 4,
8, 5-41; (3) al-Tadhkir wa l-Ta>nith, MS Taymur, cf.
MMIA, 1923, 340; (4) al-Mu'ammarun, ed. by
I. Goldziher, Abh. z. arab. Philologie, ii, Leiden 1899.
Bibliography: Fihrist, 58-9; Azhari, Tahdhib
al-Lugha, ed. K. V. Zettersteen in MO, 1920, 22;
Zubaydl, Jabakat, ed. F. Krenkow in RSO,
1919-20, 127, no. 35; Anbari, Nuzha, 251-4;
Yakut, al-Irshad, iv, 258; Ibn KhalMkan, no. 266;
Y5fi% Mir'at al-Diandn, Haydarabad 1337-8, ii,
156; Ibn Hadjar, Tahdhib al-Tahdhib, Haydarabad
1326, ii, 257; SuyutI, Bughya, 265; Brockelmann,
I, 107, S I, 157. (B. Lewin)

ABU 'l-HAWL (Hol), "father of terror", the
Arabic name for the sphinx of Djlza (Gizeh). Some
authors simply call it al-sanam, "the idol", but the
name Abu '1-Hawl is already attested for the Fatimid

ABU VHAWL — ABO HAYYAN al-TAWHIDI

period. At that time the Coptic name Belhtt (Belhib),
or as al-Kuda<I (quoted by al-MakrlzI) has it:
Belhuba (Belhawba), was also still known. The Arabic
Abu '1-Hawl is most probably a popular etymology
based on the Coptic designation; the initial B
probably represents the Coptic article, which has
been transformed in Arabic, as often happened, into
AbQ. In the old tradition the name Abu '1-Hawl was
applied only to the head of the lionbodied sphinx,
as the body was covered by sand in the Middle Ages
and was disengaged only in 1817. Modem Arabic
authors use the word for "sphinx" in general, not
only for the sphinx in the vicinity of the pyramids.
The Arabs, who had no knowledge of ancient
Egyptian civilization, regarded with superstitious
awe the head which reached high above the sand of
the desert in majestic dimensions. It was considered
to be a talisman preventing the encroachment of the
sand on the valley of the Nile ; the same magical effect
was ascribed by others to the pyramids. Another,
female, colossal statue — to judge by the descriptions
probably a statue of Isis with the child Horus — which
lay on the other shore of the Nile in Fustat, was
considered to be the beloved of Abu '1-Hawl. She
had her back to the river, as Abu '1-Hawl had his
to the desert, and was thought to be a talisman
against the flooding of Fustat by high water. This
statue was destroyed in 711/1311 by treasure-
hunters and its stones were used in the building
of a mosque. According to another tradition Abu
'1-Hawl was the effigy of the legendary Ushmum,
to whom the Sabians used to sacrifice white cocks
and incense.

The Arabic accounts have but little to contribute
to the history of the monument. According to al-
Makdisi the face was apparently no longer intact in
375/985, although later accounts praise its beauty
and the harmony of its features, whose reddish
colour is frequently mentioned. About 780/1378 a
fanatical shaykh caused further damage to the statue.
Bibliography: MakrizI, Khifat, i, 122 f.; ed.
Wiet, ii, 155 ff. (with notes); Ibn Dukmak, iv,
21 f.; MakdisI, 210; Yakut, iv, 966; S. de Sacy,
Relation de I'Egypte, 180; C A1I Mubarak, al-Khifat
al-Djadida, xvi, 44 ff. ; E. Reitmeyer, Beschreibung
Agyptens im MMeUtlter, 98-102; K. Baedeker,
Agypten', 124 f. (C. H. Becker)

ABU 'l-HAYEJA al-HamdanI [see hamdanids].
ABU tf AYYAN AthIr al-DIn Muhammad b.
Yusuf AL-GHARNATl, the most distinguished
Arab grammarian of the first half of the 14th
century, was born in Granada, Shawwal 654/Nov.
1256, and died in Cairo, Safar 745/July 1344, where,
after 10 years of productive study and travel through-
out the entire Arab world, he had served as a pro-
fessor of the Kur'anic disciplines in the Tuhini
mosque. This creative scholar is purported to have
written 65 works, many of them multi-volumed, on
Arabic and other languages (notably Turkish,
Ethiopic, and Persian), Kur'anic studies, traditions,
jurisprudence, history, biography, and poetry.
Of the 15 extant works the most important ;
Manhadi al-Salik, a commentary of the Alfiyya of
Ibn Malik (ed. Sidney Glazer, New Haven 1947
includes, besides text, a complete bio-bibliography
of Abu Hayyan and a historical sketch of native
Arabic grammar); al-Idrak li-Lisdn al-Atrdk, the
most ancient grammar of Turkish available (ed.
A. Caferoglu, Istanbul 1931; cf. also J A, 1892,
326-35); al-Bahr al-Muhit, an extensive commentary
on the Kur'an (cf. Gesch. des Qor., iii, 243 and
Brockelmann, S ii, 136).

Abu Hayyan's greatness as a grammarian was due
not only to his mastery of the linguistic data and
control of his predecessors' efforts (he knew Slba-
wayhi's Kitdb by heart, for he accorded it an
authority in grammar equal to that of hadith in
religion), but to his remarkably modern approach
to descriptive and comparative grammar (cf. S.
Glazer, in JAOS, 1942), as shown both by his
willingness to illuminate an Arabic grammatical
concept through quotations from other languages
and by following such operational principles as "One
must base rules of Arabic on frequency of occurrence"
and "Analogous formations that contradict genuine
data found in good speech are not to be permitted".
This unusual spirit of objectivity and respect for
facts have made of the Manhadi al-Salik a work
of great distinction. Besides elucidating and correc-
ting Ibn Malik's brilliant if occasionally erroneous
compression of the totality of Arabic grammar into
1000 verses of poetry, the Manhadi presents a
miniature bibliography of grammatical science and
a panorama of thought on some of its most difficult
problems on which the opinions of hundreds of
grammarians, Kur'an readers, and lexicographers
are cited. It was consigned to obscurity by the
more elementary works on the same subject written
by his pupils Ibn c Akil and Ibn Hisham.

Bibliography: Makkarl, Analectes, i, 823-62;
Kutubl, Fawdt, ii, 282, 352-6; Ibn Hadjar al-
'Askalanl, al-Durar al-Kdmina, Hyderabad 1350/
'93'. ' v . 303-8; SuyutI, Bughyat al-Wu c dt, 121-2;
ZarkashI, Ta'rikh al-Dawlatayn, Tunis 1289/1872,
63; Brockelmann, II, 109, S II, 136; I. Goldziher,
Die Zdhiriten, Leipzig 1884, 188 ff.

(S. Glazer)
ABC tf AYYAN AL-TAWtflDl, <AlI b. Muh. b.
al-'Abbas (probably called al-Tawhldi after the
sort of dates called tawhid), man of letters and
philosopher of the 4th/ioth century. The place
of his birth is given either as NIshapur, Shlraz,
Wasit or Baghdad; its date must be placed between
310-20/922-32. He studied in Baghdad, grammar
under al-Sirafl and al-Rummanl, ShSfi'ite law under
Abu Hamid al-Marw al-Rudhl and Abu Bakr al-
ghashi; and also frequented sufi masters. He
supported himself by acting as a professional scribe.
It is said, in a somewhat doubtful passage (see al-
Subkl, al-Safadl, al-Dhahabl, Ibn Hadjar) that he
was, owing to heretical opinions, persecuted by the
vizier al-Muhallabl (d. 352/963). He was in Mecca
m 353/964 {al-Imta', ii, 79; Basd'ir, MS Cambridge,
fol. 167V) and in Rayy in 358/971 (Yakut, Irshdd,
ii, 292; at the court of Abu '1-Fadl b. al-'Amid?,
d. 360/970). From his al-Mukdbasdt, 156, we know
that in 361/971 he attended lectures of the philo-
sopher Yahya b. c AdI in Baghdad. He tried his luck
with the vizier Abu '1-Fath b. al- c Amid in Rayy
(d. 366/976), to whom he addressed an elaborate
epistle; to judge from his hostile sentiments towards
the vizier, he did not achieve much. From 367/977
he was employed by Ibn 'Abbad as an amanuensis.
In this case, too, he was anything but a success,
owing, no doubt, mainly to his own difficult character
and sense of superiority (he for example refused to
"waste his time" in copying the bulky collection of
his master's epistles), and was finally given his
dismissal. He felt himself badly treated and avenged
himself by a pamphlet containing brilliant carica-
tures of both Abu '1-Fath b. al- c Amid and Ibn
'Abbad (Dhamm— or MathcUib or AMdak—al-
Wazirayn; considerable extracts in Yakut, i, 281,
ii, 44 ff., 282 ft., 317 ff.; v, 359 ff., 392 ff., 406 f.).

ABO HAYYAN al-TAWHIDI — ABU 'l-HUDHAYL al- c ALLAF

It was in the period between 350-65/961-75 that he
composed his anthology of adab, entitled BasdHr
al-Kudama*, also called al-BasdHr wa'l-Dhakh&Hr,
etc.) in ten volumes (vols, i-v in Fatih (Istanbul),
3295-9 ; i-ii in Cambridge 134, in Djar Allah (Istanbul)
and in Manchester 767; unidentified volumes in the
c Umumiyya (Istanbul, Rampur i, 330, Ambrosiana
(?)). It was probably in Rayy that he addressed
to Miskawayh the questions which the latter ans-
wered in his al-Hawamtl wa'l-Shawdmil. After his
return to Baghdad, at the end of 370/980, he was
recommended by Zayd b. Rifa'a and Abu '1-Wafa 5
al-Buzdjani, the mathematician, to Ibn Sa'dan
(also called, after his function as an inspector of
the army, al-'Arid — cf. al-Rudhrawari, Dhayl
Tadi&rib al-Umam, 9; hence the confusion in Ibn
al-Kiftl and in modern authors). For him he started
his book on Friendship, which was finished, however,
only thirty years later. He frequented regularly at
this epoch (lectures attended in 371/981, al-Mukd-
basdt, 246, 286) the man who exercised the greatest
influence on him, namely Abu Sulayman al-Mantikl
[q.v.], who was his main oracle, especially on philo-
sophical matters, but also on every other conceivable
subject. Ibn Sa'dan was appointed by Samsam al-
Dawla as his vizier in 373/983. Abu Hayyan remained
an assiduous courtier of the vizier, attending his
evening receptions where he had to answer the
vizier's questions on the most varied topics of
philology, literature, philosophy, court- and literary
gossip. (He very. often reproduces the views of Abu
Sulayman — who lived in retirement and did not
attend the court — on the matter in question). At
the request of Abu '1-Waf5' the mathematician, he
compiled for his perusal a record of thirty-seven of
these sessions, under the title of al-Imtd'- wa'l-
Mu'anasa (ed. A. Amin and A. al-Zayn, Cairo
1939-44). In 375/985-6 Ibn Sa'dan fell and was
executed, and Abu Hayyan apparently remained
without a patron. (He wrote for Abu '1-Kasim al-
Mudlidji, vizier in Shiraz for Samsam al-Dawla in 382-
3/992-3, al-Muhadarat wa'l-Mundzardt; quotations in
Yakut, i, 15, iii, 87, v, 382, 405, vi, 466). Of the later
period of his life we know very little; he evidently
lived in poverty. It was in these later years that
he compiled his al-Mukdbasdt (Bombay 1306, Cairo
1929 — both very faulty editions), a collection of
106 conversations on various philosophical subjects.
The chief speaker is again Abu Sulayman, but there
appear all the other members of the Baghdad
philosophical circle. Al-Mukabasat and al-Imtd'
wa'l-Mu'dnasa are mines of information about
contemporary intellectual life and they should prove
invaluable for a reconstruction of the doctrines of
the Baghdad philosophers. — Towards the end of
his life Abu Hayyan burned his books, alleging as
reason the neglect in which he had to live for twenty
years. In the preface to his treatise on Friendship
(al-Saddka wa 'l-5*aik, printed together with a short
treatise on the use of science, Istanbul 1301), which
he finished in 400/1009, he makes similar complaints.
A guide book to the cemetery of Shiraz (Shadd al-
Izar '■an Ifatt al-Awzar, 17) claims that the tomb of
Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidi (whom it calls, however,
Ahmad i>. 'Abbas) was to be seen in Shiraz and
gives as the date of his death 414/1023.

Abu Hayyan was a master of Arabic style. He
was a great admirer of al-Djahi?., in whose praise
he wrote a special treatise, Takriz al-Diahiz (quoted
by Yakut, i, 124, iii, 86, vi, 58, 69; Ibn Abi '1-Hadid,
Shark Nahdi al-Baldgha, iii, 282 f.), and his wish to
imitate the style of the great prose-writer is evident

His talent is most apparent in the passages, frequent
in his books, where he characterizes people. As for
his beliefs, he does not seem to have had any original
system. He was obviously impressed by Abu Sulay-
man's Neo-platonic system, which the latter shared
with most of the other contemporary Baghdad
philosophers. Like the other members of the circle,
Abu Hayyan also showed an interest in Sufism, but
not enough to make him a regular Sufi. His al-
Ishdrdt al-Jldhiyya (ed. «A. Badawl, Cairo 1951)
"consists of prayers and homilies and only occasional
references to Sufi technicalities". "Abu Hayyan was
coupled with Ibn al-Rawandl and al-Ma'arrl as
one of the zindiks of Islam {JRAS, 1905, 80) but
his extant works scarcely justify this assertion"
(D. S. Margoliouth, in EI 1 , s.v.).

Bibliography: Yakut, Irshdd, v, 380 ff.; Ibn
Khallikan, no. 707; Subkl, iv, 2; Safadi, Wdfi, in,
JRAS, 1905, 80 ff.; Dhahabi, Milan, iii, 353; Ibn
Hadjar, Lisdn, iv, 369; Suyutf. Bugkya, 348;
Brockelmann, i, 283, S i, 435; Muhammad b. c Abd
al-Wahhab KazwinI, Sharh-i IfdU Abu Sulayman
Manfiki Sidjistdni, Chalon-sur-Saone, 1933, 32 ff.
(also in Bist Makdla, Tehran 1935); 'Abd al-
Razzak Muhyi '1-DIn, Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidi
(in Arabic), Cairo 1949; I. Keilani, Abu Ifayydn
al-Tawhidi (in French), Beyrouth 1950. — Abii
Hayyan's little treatise on writing, ed. F. Rosen-
thal, Ars Islamica, 1948, iff.; three epistles
(Risdlat al-Imdma — quoted by Ibn al-'Arabi,
Musdmardt, ii, 77, Ibn Abi 'l-Hadld, Shark Nahd£
al-Baldgha, ii, 592 ff., etc., and containing a
message purporting to be addressed by Abu
Bakr to 'All, but which, it has been suspected,,
was invented by Abu Hayyan himself; R. al-
tfaydt, from a philosophical point of view; and
the above mentioned treatise on writing) have-
been edited by I. Keilani, Thaldth Rasd'il, Damas-
cus 1952. An extract from al-Zulfa, al-Rudhra-
warl, 75. (S. M. Stern)

ABU 'L-HUDHAYL al-'ALLAF, Muhammad b.
al-Hudhayl B. 'Ubayd Allah b. Makhul, with
the nisba of al-'Abdi (being a mawld of 'Abd
al-Kays), the first speculative theologian of
the Mu'tazila. He was born in Basra, where he
lived in the quarter of the 'alldfiin, or foragers
(whence his surname); the date of his birth is
uncertain: 135/752-3 or 134/751-2 or even 131/748-9.
In 203/818-9 he settled in Baghdad and died, at a
great age, in 226/840-1, or according to another
tradition, in the reign of al-Wathik (227-32/842-7),
or, on the authority of others, in 235/849-50, under
al-Mutawakkil. He was indirectly a disciple of
Wasil b. c Ata J , through the intermediary of one of
Wasil's companions, 'Uthman al-TawIl. Like WasuV
he was lettered; his profound knowledge of poetry
was especially celebrated. Some hadiths also are
quoted under his name.

The theology which he inherited from the school
of Wasil was still rudimentary. Essentially polemical,,
it opposed — in a rather unsystematic fashion, it
seems — the anthropomorphism of popular Islam
and of the traditionists, the doctrine of determinism
favoured for political reasons by the Umayyads,
and the divinization of 'All preached by the extreme
Shi'ites. While continuing this polemic, Abu '1-
Hudhayl was the first to engage in the speculative
struggles of the epoch, a task for which he was
exceptionally well equipped by his philosophical mind,
his sagacity and his eloquence. He became the apolo-
gist of Islam against other religions and against the
great currents of thought of the preceding epoch-

128

ABU 'l-HUDHAYL al-'ALLAF

the dualists, represented by the Zoroastrians, the I
Manichaeans and other Gnostics; the philosophers
of Greek inspiration, the dahriyya, mainly represented
by the champions of the natural sciences; finally
against the increasingly numerous Muslims who
were influenced by these foreign ideas: crypto-
Manichaean poets like Salih b. c Abd al-Kuddus,
the theologians of the "modern" type who had
adopted certain gnostic and philosophical doctrines,
etc. It seems that it was only at a mature age that
he made himself acquainted with philosophy. On
the occasion of his pilgrimage (the date of which
is unknown) he met in Mecca the ShI'ite theologian
Hisham b. al-Hakam and disputed with him con-
cerning his anthropomorphist doctrines, which show
a gnostic influence; and it was only then that he
began to study the books of the dahriyya. Later
historians observe certain similarities between his
doctrine of the divine attributes and the philosophy
of Pseudo-Empedocles, forged by the Neo-Platonists
and natural scientists of late antiquity, in effect
his philosophical sources must have been of such a
kind, which are represented in general by medieval
Aristotelianism. These philosophers attracted, as
well as repelled, him; while combatting them, he
adopted their methods and their manner of looking
at problems. Naive as a thinker, and having no
scholastic tradition, he approached speculative
problems with a daring which did not even recoil
irom the absurd. Hence all the prematurity and
the lack of balance which characterize his theology,
but also the freshness of his attempts. He was the
first to set many of the fundamental problems at
which the whole of the later Mu'tazila was to labour.
The unity, the spirituality and the transcendence
of God are carried in the theology of Abu '1-Hudhayl
to the highest degree of abstraction. God is
he does not resemble his creatures in any respect;
he is not a body (against Hisham b. al-Hakam);
has no figure (hay'a), form (sura) or limit. God is
knowing with a knowledge, is powerful with a power,
alive with a life, eternal with an eternality, seeing
with a faculty of sight, etc. (against the Shi'ites
who asserted that God is knowledge, etc.), but this
knowledge, power, etc. are identical with himself
(against popular theology which regarded the divine
attributes as entities added to essence) : provisional
formulas of compromise which did not satisfy later
generations. God is omnipresent in the sense that
he directs everything and his direction is exercised
in every place. God is invisible in the other world;
the believers will see him with their hearts. The
knowledge of God is unlimited, as to what concerns
his knowledge of himself; as for his knowledge of
the world, it is circumscribed by the limits of his
creation, which forms a limited totality (if it were
not limited, it would not be totality). The same
applies to the divine power. Abu '1-Hudhayl strove
to reconcile the Kur'anic doctrine of creation ex
nihilo with the Aristotelian cosmology, according
to which the world, set in motion by God, is eternal,
movement being co-eternal with the prime mover
himself. While accepting movement as the principle
of the universal process, he declared it to be created
in the Kur'anic sense; in consequence, movement
also will reach its end and will cease. This end is
placed by him in the other world, after the last
day: movement having ceased, paradise and hell
will come to a standstill and their inhabitants will
Tje fixed in a state of immobility, the blessed enjoying
for eternity the highest pleasures and the damned
enduring the most cruel torments. This bizarre

doctrine, which, according to tradition, he himself
revoked, is unanimously rejected by all the Muslim
theologians, Mu'tazilites or not; nor have its grave
consequences for the doctrine of God's omniscience
and omnipotence escaped them. In regard to theo-
dicy, Abu '1-Hudhayl taught that God has the
power to do evil and injustice, but he does not do
it, because of his goodness and wisdom. God admits
the evil actions of man, but he is not their author.
Man has the power to commit them, he is responsible
for them, and responsible even for the involuntary
consequences resulting from his actions (theory of
tawallud, first developed by Abu '1-Hudhayl). The
responsible being is man in his entirety, his rult
together with his visible body. It was Abu '1-Hudhayl
who introduced into Mu'tazilite speculation the
concept of the accidents (a'rdd) of bodies, and
that of the atom, which he called diawhar. These
concepts, which originally had a purely physical
relevance, were made by him to serve as the basis for
theology proper, cosmology, anthropology and ethics.
This is his most original innovation, as well as the
most heavy with consequences; -it was this which
gave to Mu'tazili theology its mechanical character.
Life, soul, spirit, the five senses, are accidents and.
therefore not enduring; even spirit (ruh) will not
endure. Human actions can be divided into two
phases, both of them movements: the first is the
approach ("I shall do"), the second the accomplished
action ("I have done"). Man having free will, the
first movement can be suspended in the second
phase, so that the action remains unaccomplished;
it is only the accomplished action which counts.
Divine activity is interpreted in the light ot the
doctrine of accidents: the whole process of the
world consists in an incessant creation of accidents,
which descend into the bodies. Some accidents,
however, are not be found in a place or in a body;
e.g. time and divine will (irada). The latter is
identical with the eternal creating word kun; it is
distinct from its object (al-murad) and also from
the divine order (amr), which man can either obey
or disobey (while the effect of the creating word
kun is absolute: kun fa-yakunu, Kur'an ii, in, etc.).
Those who are not acquainted with the Kur'anic
revelation, but have nevertheless accomplished
laudable acts prescribed by the Kur'an, have
obeyed God without having the intention to do so
(theory of (d'a la yurddu'llahu biha, otherwise
attributed to the Kharidjites). The Kur'an is an
accident created by God; being written, recited or
committed to memory, it is at the same time in
various places. — In the question of the manzila
bayn al-manzilatayn Abu '1-Hudhayl took up a
position which was in conformity with the political
situation of his time: he did not reject any of the
combatants round 'All, yet preferred 'All to 'Uthman.
He enjoyed the favour of al-Ma 3 mun, who often
invited him to the court for theological disputes. —
All the writings of Abu '1-Hudhayl are lost.

During his long life, Abu '1-Hudhayl had an
enormous influence on the development of theology
and he collected round him a large number of
disciples of different generations. The best known
amongst them is al-Nazzam, though he quarrelled
with his master because of his destructive theories
concerning the atom; Abu '1-Hudhayl condemned
him and composed several treatises against him.
Among his disciples are named Yabya b. Bishr
al-Arradjani, al-Shahham, and others. His school
continued to exist for a long time; even al-Djubbal
still avowed his indebtedness to Abu 'l-HudhayPs

ABU 'l-HUDHAYL al- c ALLAF — ABO c INAN FARIS

theology, in spite of the numerous points on which
he differed from him. — Unfortunately, the theology
of Abu '1-Hudhayl was exposed to the malevolence
of a renegade from Mu'tazilism, the famous Ibn
al-Rawandi, who, in his Fadifrat al-Mu c tazila grossly
misrepresented it, by submitting it to an often too
cheap criticism; this caricature has been faithfully
reproduced by al-Baghdadi in his Fark and often
recurs in the resumes of the MuHazila. It is only
with the help of al-Intisar, by al-Khayyat, the
severe critic of Ibn al-Rawandi, that we are able to
unmask the latter's procedure and gain an exact
idea of the true motives of Abu '1-Hudhayl's specu-
lation. Al-Ash c ari, in his Makdldt, reproduced his
theses with admirable impartiality, after the school
tradition of the MuHazila. Al-ShahrastanI based his
expose on the later Mu'tazilite tradition, especially,
it seems, on al-Ka<bI.

Bibliography : al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, Ta'rikh
Baghdad, Hi, 366-70; Mas'udi, MurudJ, index; Ibn
Khallikan, no. 617; Ibn al-Murtada (T. W.
Arnold, The MuHazila), index; Ibn Kutayba,
Ta'wil Mukhtalaf al-Hadlth, Cairo 1326, 53-5;
Khayyat, Intisar (Nyberg), index; Ash'ari,
Makdldt (Ritter), index; Baghdad!, Fark, index;
Ibn Hazm, Fisal, ii, 193, 487, iv, 83 ff., 192 ff.,
etc.; Mutahhar al-MakdisI, al-Bad" wa 'l-Ta'rikh
(Huart), index of transl.; Shahrastani, 34-7; S5 c id
al-Andalusi, Tabakdt al-Umam (Cheikho), 21 f.;
Makrizi, Khi\a\, ii, 346; S. Pines, Beitr&ge zur
islamischen Atomlehre, Berlin 1936; A. S. Tritton,
Muslim Theology, London 1947; L. Gardet and
M. M. Anawati, Introduction a la thiologie musul-
mane, Paris 1948; A. N. Nadir, Falsafat al-Mu'ta-
zila, Alexandria 1950-1. (H. S. Nyberg)

ABC HURAYRA al-Dawsi al-YamAnI, Com-
panion of Muhammad. His name c Abd Shams
was changed to c Abd Allah or c Abd al-Rahman
when he became a Muslim, but numerous other
names have also been mentioned. He was called
Abu Hurayra because, when he herded his people's
goats, he kept a kitten to play with. When he came
to Medina the Prophet was on the expedition to
Khaybar (7/629). Accepting Islam, he associated
closely with Muhammad on whose charity he
depended, and was one of the poor men called ahl
al-suffa [q.v.]. He was devoted to his mother whom
he persuaded to become a Muslim. c Umar appointed
him governor of Bahrayn, but deposed him and
confiscated a large sum of money in his possession.
When c Umar later invited him to resume the post,
he refused. Marwan is said to have appointed Abu
Hurayra his deputy when he was absent from
Medina, but another version says Mu'awiya gave
him this appointment. Abu Hurayra had a reputation
both for his piety and his fondness for jesting. He is
said to have died in 57, 58, or 59; but if it is true that
he prayed at c A'isha's funeral in 58, the date must
be 58/678, or 59. He was 78 years old.

Although he became a Muslim less than four
years before Muljammad's death, Abu Hurayra is
noted as a prolific narrator of traditions from the
Prophet, the number of which is estimated at 3500.
Ahmad b. Hanbal's Musnad contains 213 pages of
his traditions (ii, 228-541). 800 or more men are
credited with transmitting' traditions from him.
There is a story, given in slightly different forms,
in which he explains why he transmitted more
traditions than others. He says that while others
were occupied with their business, he stayed with
Muhammad and so heard more than they. When
he complained that he forgot what he heard, Muham-
Encyclopaedia of Islam

mad told him to spread out his cloak while he was
speaking and draw it round himself when he had
finished. Abu Hurayra did so, and thereafter forgot
nothing he heard the Prophet say. He had to defend
himself against suspicions regarding his traditions;
but whether this is genuine, or has merely been
invented for the purpose of overcoming the suspicions
of people at a later period, it is impossible to prove.
The traditions attributed to him contain much
material which cannot be genuine; but Sprenger is
scarcely justified in calling him a pious humbug
of the first water, as the traditions traced to him
are not necessarily his. He may be little more than
a convenient authority to whom inventions of a
later period have been attributed. Abu Hurayra
presumably did tell many stories about Muhammad,
but the authentic ones may be only a small amount
of the huge number of traditions traced to him. Many
of his traditions appear in the Sahihs of al-Bukhari
and Muslim.

Bibliography: Ibn Kutayba, Ma'-arif, 141 f.;
c Uyun, i, 53; DawlabI, al-Kund wa 'l-Asmd',
Hydarabad 1322-3, i, 61; Ibn c Abd al-Barr,
Isti'-ab, Hydarabad 1336, 697 f.; Ibn al-Athir,
Usd, v, 315-7; Nawawi, Tahdhib al-Asmd', ed.
Wustenfeld, 760 f.; DhahabI, Tadhkirat al-Huffaz,
i, 31-5; Ibn Hadjar, Isaba, Cairo 1358/1939, iv,
200-8; Tahdhib al-Tahdhib, xii, 262-7; Wensinck,
Handbook, 7 f . ; A. Sprenger, Das Leben und die
Lehre des Muhammad, iii, p. lxxxiii-lxxxx v ;
D. S. Margoliouth, Mohammed, 352 f . ; ZDMG, 1895,
487 f. The sahifa attributed to Hammam b.
Munabbih, containing traditions from his teacher
Abu Hurayra, was published by M. Hamidullah,
MMIA, 1953, 96 ff. (J. Robson)

ABC tfUSAYN (BanO AbI Husayn) Sicilian
dynasty [see kalbids].

ABC c INAN FARIS, eleventh sovereign of
the Marinid [q.v.] dynasty of Fez, born in 729/
1329, had himself proclaimed at Tlemcen in 749/1349,
when his father, Abu '1-Hasan 'All, after being
defeated at Kayrawan, was returning as a fugitive
to Morocco. Ibn al-Ahmar describes him as very
tall, with a fair skin (his mother was a Christian
slave), and says that he had a long beard. A fearless
horseman, he was also widely versed in literature
and the law. Like his father, he was a prince with
a passion for building, and completed several of the
foundations that his father had begun, in particular
medersas at Fez, Meknes, and Algiers. The BO
'Inaniyya at Fez is the most monumental of these
MaghribI colleges.

Having gained the throne by usurpation, Abu
c In5n went on to assume the caliphian title amir
al-mu'minin, which his father had not borne. He
made it his aim to rebuild his father's empire in
Barbary and fairly quickly succeeded in doing so,
but only for a few years. He seized Tlemcen from
the c Abd al-Wadids (1352); and, the same year, took
possession of Bougie. In 757/1357 he occupied Con-
stantine and had himself proclaimed at Tunis; but,
abandoned by his Arab auxiliaries, the Dawawida
of the Constantine region, he was compelled to
return to Fez. Not long afterwards he fell ill (759/1358)
and was strangled by his vizier al-Fududl, who
had the son of his victim proclaimed, and thus
inaugurated the series of palace revolutions and
the long decadence of the Marinids.

Bibliography: Ibn Khaldun, Hist, des Ber-
bires, ed. de Slane, ii, 423-42, transl. iv, 287-319;
Ibn al-Ahmar, Rawdat al-Nisrin, ed. and transl.
Bouali and G. Marcais, 23-5, 79-84; H. Terrasse,

ABO C INAN FARIS — ABO KABlR al-HUDHALI

Hist, du Maroc. ii, 62-6; M. van Berchem, Titres
califiens d'Occident, in J A, 1907, i, 245-535;
G. Marcais, Manuel d'art musulman, (1927), ii,
494 sqq., 517 sqq. (G. Marcais)

ABC 'ISA al-ISFAHAnI, Jewish pretender
to the title of the Messiah under the Umayyad c Abd
al-Malik b. Marwan, or according to others under
Marwan II. The most noteworthy of his doctrines
was his acknowledgment of the validity — for the
non-Jews — of Islam and Christianity. He was killed
in a battle against the Muslims; the sect, called
c Isawiyya, survived into the 10th century A. D.
Bibliography: Blrunl, al-Athar al-Bahiya,
15; Ibn Hazm, Fisal, i, 114-5; Shahrastanl, 168;
Makrizi, KMM, »» 478-9 (= S. de Sacy, Ckrest.
arabe 1 , i, 116); H. Gratz, Gesck. d. jtid. Volkes 1 ,
v, 173 and note 17 (by A. Harkavy) ; Encyclopaedia
Judaica, s.v. Abu Issa. (S. M. Stern)

ABC 'ISA Muhammad b. HarOn al-WARRA$,
a Mu'tazilite at first, became one of the arch-
heretics in Islam; his friend and pupil, Ibn al-
Rawandl [q.v.], went through the same metamorpho-
sis. The date of Abu 'Isa's death is given by al-
Mas'udl (vii, 236) as 247/861; if it is true, however,
that Ibn al-Rawandl died about the end of the
3rd/gth century (see Kraus, 379), this date would
seem to be too early. The issue would be decided
if one could be sure that the paragraph in al-Shah-
rastani, 198, where the date 271 occurs, still con-
tinues the quotation from Abu c Isa.

Abu *Isa was accused of Manichean sympathies.
Al-Murtada's defence, al-Shafi, 13, to the effect that
his books al-Mashriki and al-Nawh l ala al-BahdHm
were spuriously attributed to him by the Manicheans,
deserves, of course, no credit. On the other hand
it is not very likely that he was a formal adherent
of Manicheism; most probably he was an "indepen-
dent thinker" (L. Massignon). Interesting quotations,
showing his method in criticising current religious
beliefs, and taken from his al-Gharib al-Mashriki —
such is the full title also in Fihrist, 177, and al-Tusi,
99; a "stranger from the East" was evidently
introduced as the exponent of heterodox views —
are to be found in Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidi, al-Imta c
wa 'l-Mu'anasa, iii, 192.

His main work was a book on religions and sects,
al-Makaldt, which served as an important source
for writers such as al-Ash c ari (Makaldt al-Isldmiyyin,
33, 34 — Shl'a; cf. also index, 37), al-Mas e udI
(Murudx, v, 473 ff.— Zaydiyya), al-Baghdadl (Fark,
49, 51), al-BIrunl (al-Athar al-Bahiya, 277, 284—
Jewish sects, Samaritans), Abu '1-Ma c all (Baydn al-
Adydn (Eghbal), 10 — religion of the pagan Arabs;
as the editor points out, 54 ff., similar passages are
to be found in Ibn Abi '1-Hadid, Shark Nahdj al-
Balagha, i, 39, iv, 437; Ibn Abi '1-Hadld quotes
Abu 'Isa in other passages also), al-Shahrastanl.
(141, 143— Shi'a; 192— Mazdak; 188— Mani). Abu
'Isa's Mu'tazill adversaries insinuated that he was
too eager to reproduce in his book the arguments
of the Manicheans.

Abu c Isa wrote books favourable to the ShI'a
(al-Imama; al-Sakifa, quoted by al-Mufld, cf.
Eghbal, Khandan-i Nawbakhti, 86)— hence the
partiality* of Shi'ite authors for him.

His critical examination of the three branches
of Christianity (Orthodox, Jacobite, Nestorian)
survives in the refutation by Yahya b. «Adi (cf.
A. Perier, Yahya ben l Adi, 67, 150 ff.; L. Massignon,
Textes inidits conccrnant I'hist. de la mystique, 182-5 ;
A. Abel, Abu 'Isd al-Warrdq, Brussel 1949).

Bibliography: Khayyat, Intisar (Nyberg),
97, 149, 150, 152, 155, and note, 205; Mas'udI,
Murudx, vi, 57, vii, 236; Fihrist, 338; TusI,
Fihrist, 58, 72, 99; Nadjdjashi, Ridjal, 47, 263;
Th. M. Houtsma, in YVZKM, 1891, 231; H.Ritter,
in Isl., 1929, 35 f.; A. Eghbal, Khdnddn-i Naw-
bakhti, Teheran 1933, 84 ft.; P. Kraus, in RSO,
1934, 374; G. Vajda, in RSO, 1937, 196-7; J.
Schacht, in Studia Islamica, i, 1953, 41-2.

(S. M. Stern)
ABC ISIjAK AL-ILBlRl, IbrahIm b. Mas'Od b.
Sa'Id al-TupjIbI, Andalusian jurist and poet,
native, as shown by his nisba, of Ilblra (Elvira),
which in the century of the muluk al-tawaHf lost
its position to the neighbouring Granada. Little is
known of his life. Born in the last years of the
4th/ioth century, he was, during the reign of the
ZIrid king of Granada, Badis b. Habus, secretary
of the kd4i C A1I b. Muh. b. Tawba and at the same
time was occupied in teaching. In his poems he
protusted against the increasing influence of the
Jews in the kingdom of Granada and especially
against the functions, too important in his eyes,
entrested to the famous vizier Samuel ha-Nagid
Ibn NagrSUa, and to his son Joseph, who succeeded
him in this office in 448/1056-7. It was no doubt
at the latter's instigation that Badis assigned to
the fakih a forced residence in the rabita of al-
c Ukab, in the Sierra de Elvira. Abu Ishak, however,
did not give way, and the celebrated political poem,
to which he owes most of his reputation, was, if
not the determining cause, at least one of the factors
which brought about the well-known pogrom in
Granada, on 9 Safar 459/30 Dec. 1066, during which
Joseph b. Nagrella and 3000 of his correligionists
were murdered. Abu Ishak al-Ilbiri died shortly
afterwards, at the end of the same year of 459/1067.
In addition to his fulminating poem, to which
attention was long ago drawn by Dozy, Abu Ishak
left a collection of poems, which are in the majority
of ascetic inspiration and which he apparently
composed at an advanced age. This diwdn, of which
a MS has been preserved in the Escorial (no. 404),
has been published by the author of this article,
with an introduction. It is very characteristic of
the limited poetical faculties of an Andalusian fakih
of medium culture, who rises to eloquence only
when expressing his intolerant fanaticism.

Bibliography: Dabbl, no. 520; Ibn al-Abbar,
Takmila (Algiers), no. 352; Ibn al-Khatib, Ihdfa,
article reproduced by R. Dozy, Rech.', i, 282-94
and App. xxvi (Poime d'Abou Ishak d' Elvira
contre les Juifs de Grenade); idem, Hist. Mus. Esp. 1 ,
iii, 70-3; E. Garcia G6mez, Un alfaqui espanol:
Abii Ishaq de Elvira, Madrid-Granada, 1944;
Brockelmann, S I, 479-80.

(E. GarcIa G6mez)
ABC ISHAS [see al-sabi 5 and al-shIraz!].
ABC KABlR al-HUDHALI, an early Arab
poet, after Abu Dhu'ayb the second greatest poet
of the tribe of Hudhayl. He belonged to the Banu
Sa'd, or, according to some, to the Banu Djurayb.
His real name was c Amir (or c Uwaymir) b. al-Hulays
(also without the article), according to other state-
ments, c Amir b. Djamra, but he was always known
by his kunya. According to some commentators
(cf . e.g. al-TibrizI on the Hamdsa), Abu Kabir married
the mother of the famous Ta'abbata Sharr™ and as
the stepson was displeased at this union Abu Kabir
is said to have been advised by the mother of Ta'ab-
bata Sharr*" to kill him at the first opportunity,
but failed on account of the latter's bravery. This

ABO KABIR al-HUDHALI — ABO KALlDjAR

story can hardly be true but is rather an attempt
to explain the well known lines of Abu Kablr in the
Hamasa in which he describes a companion in arms,
an ideal hero in terms of the Arab conception. More-
over, in some versions the roles are interchanged (cf.
Ibn Kutayba, al-Shfr, 422): Ta'abbata Sharr" 11 mar-
ried Abu Kabir's mother and so on. The story that
represents Ta'abbata Sharr*" as the constant com-
panion of our poet deserves equally little credence
because his tribe was continually at feud with the
Fahmis. He flourished in the second half of the
6th and the beginning of the 7th century, so that
biographers like c Izz al-DIn b. al-Athir (Usd al-Qhaba,
Cairo 1280, vi, 272) and Ibn Hadjar al- c Askalani
(al-Isaba, Cairo 1325, vii, 162) number him among
the sahdba.

From the content of his poems he is, however,
decidedly to be classed as a diahili. His diwan,
edited and translated for the first time by F. Bajrak-
terevic, consists of only four long kafidas and 19
short fragments mostly wrongly attributed to him,
but is in many ways very interesting and valuable;
all the kafidas are composed in the same metre
(kdmil) and begin in the same way, as was pointed
out particularly by Ibn Kutayba (al-Shi'r, 420).
What is specially striking also in his poems is the
complete absence of any description of the camel.
Arab critics frequently rank Abu Kabir very highly
as a poet. Al-Ma c arri, it is true, accuses him of
narrowness of range but singles out some of his
verses as particularly fine, while c Awf b. Muhallim
(in Yakut, Irshad, vi, 97) goes so far as to call him
the greatest poet of Hudhayl.

Bibliography: Diwan al-Hudhaliyyin, Cairo
1948, ii, 88-115; Hamasa (Freytag), i, 36 ff. ; Ibn
Kutayba, Shi<r, 420-5; Abu 'l-'Ala' al-Ma c arri,
Risalat al-Ghufran, Cairo 1321, 100-1 (Engl,
transl. by Nicholson, in JRAS, 1900, 708-9);
SuyutI, Shark Shawdhid al-Mughni, Cairo 1322,
81-3;' c Abd al-Kadir al-Baghdadi, Khizdnat al-
Adab, Bulak 1277, iii, 466-73, iv, 165-7, 420-1;
c Aynl, al-Makasid al-Nahwiyya (on margin of
Khizdnat al-Adab), iii, 54-7, 361-4, 558-60; Is-
kandar Agha Abkarius, Rawdat al-Adab fi Tabakdt
Shu'ara* al-'Arab, Beyruth 1858, 192-6; Muham-
mad Bakir, Djami'- al-Shawdhid, Kumm 1308,
67-8, 167, 278-9; Muhammad c Abd al-Kadir al-
FasI, Takmil al-Maram bi-Sharfi Shaieahid Ibn
Hishdm, Fez 1310, i8 8 , 24 1 "'; F. Bajraktarevic,
La Ldmiyya d'Abu Kabir al-Hudali, publiie avec
le commentaire d'as-Sukkari, traduite et annotie,
J A, 1923, 59-115; idem, Le Diwan d'Abu Kabir
al-Hudali, publii avec le commentaire d'as-Sukkari,
traduit et annoti, J A, 1927, 5-94; Brockelmann,
S, i, 43- (Fehim Bajraktarevic)

ABC KALAMMAS [see kalammas].
ABC BALAMCN means originally a certain

stone, a bird, and a mollusc. The origin of
the word is not certain; the unanimous statement
of the Arab philologists that Abu Kalamun is a
Byzantine product would indicate the derivation
of the word from Greek. In the K. al-Tabassur bi
'l-tidjdra (MMIA, 1932, 337; Arabica, 1954, 158,
162), Abu Kalamun is listed as a precious Byzantine
textile. According to H. L. Fleischer (De Glossis
Habichtianis, Leipzig 1836, 106), followed by Dozy
(Suppl., i, 6, 85), it is derived from u7roxaXa|xov,
supposed to mean "striped cloth". S. de Sacy
proposed to derive the word from ya.\xa.\Ki(i>\,
"chameleon", proverbial for its changing colours
(Chrest. arabe, iii, trad. 268). But neither the diction-

aries nor Djahiz nor Damirl know of Abu Kalamun
as a name for the chameleon (though, according
to the Burhdn-i kdfi', the word has this meaning in
Persian). The proverb: "more changeable than Abu
Kalamun", or: "than Abu Barakish" (e.g. Freytag,
Proverbia, i, 409; HamadhanI, Makdmdt, Beyrouth
1924, 86; Ibn Hazm, Tawk, 69, cf. And., 1950,
353), could refer to the chameleon or to a bird of
changing colours which is also called Abu Barakish
(cf. Kazwlni, ed. Wustenfeld, I, 406). Further,
according to MukaddasI, 240-1 (ed. and transl. Pellat,
53 and no. 143), Abu Kalamun denotes a mollusc
(pinna), the byssus or "beard" of which is used in
the manufacture of a sheeny cloth, which is also
known as suf al-bahr (cf. Dozy, Suppl., s.v.). P.
Kraus, Jdbir ibn Hayydn, ii, 1 10) refers to the use
of )(a|xaiX£o>v as a term for the philosophers' stone
in ancient alchemy (cf. Lippmann, Entstehung . . .
Alchemic, i, 298). This usage explains why Diabir
gave one of his books, in which he treats of the
various colours of the seven metals (ad[sdd), the
title Kitdb Abi Kalamun (P. Kraus, op. cit., i, 24;
cf. Ruska, in Isl., 1925, 102 n.).

Bibliography : In addition to the references
given in the text: Istakhri, 42; G. Jacob, Studien
in arab. Geog., ii, 61 ; and the references given by
P. Kraus, Jdbir ibn Hayyan, ii, 109, no. 4.

(A. J. W. Huisman)
ABC KALB [see sikka].

ABC KALlDjAR al-Marzuban b. Sultan al-
Dawla, a prince of the Buwa yhid [q.v.] dynasty,
born in al-Basra in Shawwal 399/May-June 1009.
When in 412/1021 Musharrif al-Dawla's Daylamite
troops murdered his wazir at al-Ahwaz and declared
for his brother Sultan al-Dawla [q.v.], the latter,
whom Musharrif had supplanted as ruler of al-'Irak
in the previous year, took heart and sent them his
son Abu Kalldjar, though then only a boy of twelve,
to take over the city in his name. In the following
year Musharrif and Sultan made peace, Musharrif
retaining al- c Irak and Sultan regaining Fars and
Khuzistan; but in Shawwal 415/Decernber 1023-
January 1024 Sul(5n died, on which the control
of those provinces was for the next two years
disputed between Abu Kalldjar (who was even then
no more than sixteen) and another of his uncles
Abu '1-Fawaris, the ruler of Kir man. Abu Kalidjar
emerged victorious from this struggle, but then
failed in an attempt to dislodge Abu '1-Fawaris also
from Kirman; so that when they made peace in
418/1027 he was obliged to pay Abu '1-Fawaris a
yearly tribute of 20,000 dinars.

Meanwhile these preoccupations had prevented
Abu Kalldjar from accepting the invitation of
the Baghdad garrison to replace yet a third uncle,
Pjalal al-Dawla [q.v.], as Amir al-Umara', on the
latter's failure to appear in the capital after the
death, in Rabl c II 416/June 1025, of Musharrif al-
Dawla. Abu Kalidjar was nevertheless acknowledged
in the khutba at Baghdad for some eighteen months
(from Shawwal 416/Dec. 1025 to Djumada I 418/
June-July 1027); in 417/1026 he was likewise
acknowledged in the khu(ba at al-Kufa; and in the
following year he was able to send his wazir, Ibn
Babshadh, to assert his authority over the Euphrates
marshes, though the only result of this move was
a rebellion of their inhabitants against the wazir's
extortions. In 419/1028 Abu Kalidjar added both
al-Basra and Kirman to the area under his control,
the former by a timely intervention in a conflict
between the Daylamites and Turks of Djalal's
garrison, and the latter by the death of Abu

ABO KALlDjAR — ABO KAMIL SHUDjA*

1-Fawaris. In 420/1027 however, on his seizing Wasit,
Djalal retaliated by sacking al-Ahwaz; and when in
Rabi' I 421/April 1030 they met in a three-day
battle, Abu Kalldjar was severely defeated. Djalal
then retook Wasit and the marshes, and for a time
his troops also reoccupied al-Basra; but this was
soon recovered by those of Abu Kalldjar; and in
Shawwal/October of the same year he in turn
defeated Djalal at al-Madhar.

During the next five years Djalal was repeatedly
forced to leave Baghdad owing to the insubordination
of his Turkish mercenaries; and on two such occas-
ions — in 423/1032 and 428/1037 — his name was
replaced in the khutba of the capital at their instance
by that of Abu Kalldjar. On the second of these
occasions Abu Kalldjar despatched a force to help
the chief Turkish commander, which took and held
Wasit for a few months. During most of 424/1033,
on the other hand, al-Basra was occupied by Djalal's
forces and his name pronounced instead of Abu
Kalidjar's in the khutba there. But these mutual
aggressions proving of no advantage to either, in
428/1037, after Djalal's recovery of Wasit, uncle
und nephew concluded a formal peace, swearing to
molest each other no more.

In 431/1039 Abu Kalldjar joined in suppressing
his tributary governor of al-Basra with Ibn Mukram
of c Um5n, whom the governor had annoyed; and
later in the same year and again in 433/1041-2 was
obliged to send troops to c Uman itself to suppress
disorders consequent on Ibn Mukram's death. In the
latter year Abu Kalidjar's intervention in a quarrel
between the sons of the Kakawayhid (Kakoyid) 'Ala 5
al-Dawla was fruitless; but in 434/1042-3 his forces
repulsed the first Saldjukid attack on Kirman. Then
in Sha'ban 435/March 1044 Djalal died; and though
the Baghdad garrison first offered its allegiance to
his son al-Malik al- c Aziz [q.v.], Abu Kalldjar prevailed
on them with the offer of an ample accession gratuity
to withdraw it in his favour. In Safar 436/September
1044, accordingly, he was acknowledged in the
khutba not only in Baghdad itself but also in the
Hulwan district, the Euphrates territory and Diyar
Bakr, and thus became sole Buwayhid sovereign,
receiving from the caliph the lakab Muhyl al-DIn.

During his ensuing four years' reign Abu Kalldjar
was chiefly concerned to preserve his power against
Saldjukid encroachment. This had already caused
him to begin walling his capital, Shiraz, for the first
time, and in 437/1045-6 only the outbreak of disease
among his horses prevented him from challenging
a Saldjukid advance into the south-western Djibal.
Two years later, however, he decided instead to
ally himself with the Saldjukids; and, Tughrul [q.v.]
proving amenable, an alliance was sealed by
Tughrul's marriage with Abu Kalidjar's daughter
and the marriage of Abu Kalidjar's second son to
Tughrul's niece. This alliance preserved his dominions
in the west from further Saldjukid attacks; but in
440/1048, a Saldjukid force again invaded Kirman,
where, instead of being opposed, it was joined by
Abu Kalidjar's governor. He therefore set out to
vindicate his authority in person, but suddenly died
before reaching his destination (Djumada I 440/
Octobr 1048).

Abu Kalldjar left at least nine sons, the eldest
of whom, entitled al-Malik al-Rahim [q.v.], succeeded
him as Amir al-Umara J , the last of the dynasty to
rule in Baghdad and al- c Irak, and the second of
whom, Fulad-Sutun, succeeded him as ruler of Fars
until murdered by a rebel in 454/1062.

In 429, while in Shiraz, Abu Kalldjar, in common

with many of his Daylamite troops, was converted
to Isma'ilism by the Fatimid ddH al-Mu'ayyad
fi '1-Din [q.v.]. Some four years later, in order to
maintain good relations with the 'Abbasid al-Ka'im
he was obliged to banish the ddH from his dominions;
but it would appear from the account of these events
in the latter's Sira (ed. Kamil Husayn, Cairo 1949, 77)
that he remained personally devoted to the Fatimid
cause. A reference to Abu Kalidjar's dealings with
al-Mu'ayyad is made also by Ibn al-Balkhi in his
Fars-ndma.

Bibliography: Ibn al-Athlr, index; Ibn al-
Djawzi, al-Muntazam, vii, 17, 21, 30, 37, 56, 69,
72-3, 119, 128, 136, 139; Sibt Ibn al-Djawzi, Mir'dt
al-Zamdn (MS Paris 1506) fols.: 2V, 47V, 78V ;
Hamd Allah Mustawfi, Ta'rikh-i Guzida 92 ; Ibn
Khaldun, iv, 472 f.; Mir Kh»and, Rawdat al-Safd
(extract published by Wilken as Mirchonds Ge-
schichte der Sultane aus dem Geschlechte Bujeh,
Berlin 1835. 45-57); Kh'and Amir, Habib al-
Siyar (extract published by Ranking as A History
of the Minor Dynasties of Persia, 1910, 118-20);
H. Bowen, The Last Buwayhids, JRAS, 1929, 226 f.

(Harold Bowen)
ABC KAMIL SHIJDJA' b. Aslam b. Muh.
b. Shudja' al-Hasib al-MisrI, next to Muh. b. MOsa
al-Kh'arizmi [q.v.] the oldest Islamic algebraist
of whose writings we still possess some remains; they
entitle us to place him among the greatest mathe-
maticians of the Islamic Middle Ages (for the
development of Islamic algebra see al-djabr wa 'l-
mukabala). Through Leonard of Pisa and his
followers he exercised considerable influence on the
development of algebra in Europe and no less great
was the impact of his geometrical writings (algebraic
treatment of geometrical problems) on Western
geometry. No details of his life are known; all we
can say is that he lived after al-Kh w arizmi (d. about
850 A.D.) and before C AU b. Ahmad al- c Imrani
(d. 344/955-6) who wrote a commentary on his
Algebra.

The Fihrist, 281, lists a number of books on
astrological and mathematical subjects as well as
on other topics such as the flight of birds etc. Two
of these titles: Kitab fi 'l-D±am l wa 'l-Tafrik, "On
augmenting and diminishing" (the Fihrist attributes
a work bearing the same title to al-Kh w arizmI) an d
K. al-Khatd'ayn. "On the two errors", have been
the objects of elaborate discussions ever since F.
Woepcke (J A, 1863, 514) tried to identify al-Djam 1
wa 'l-Tafrik with the Latin augmentum et diminutio
occurring in the Liber augmenti et diminutions, ed.
Libri, in Histoire des sciences mathimatiques en Italic,
Paris 1838, 253-97, 2nd ed., 1865, 304-69; cf. H.
Suter, in Bibl. Math., 1902, 350-4, and J. Ruska,
Zur dltesten arab. Algebra und Rechenkunst, in
SBAK. Heid., 1917/2, 14-23.

None of the works mentioned in the Fihrist has
survived in Arabic. A work preserved in Arabic is
al-TaraHf (MS Leiden, 1001, fol. 50v- 5 8v), transl.
and commented by H. Suter, Das Buch der Selten-
heiten der Rechenkunst von Abu Kamil al-Misri,
Bibl. Math., 1910-1, 100-20. It deals with the integral
solutions of indeterminate equations ("Diophantine
analysis" according to modern usage; it may be
well to state that this term is historically incorrect:
Diophantus, 3rd cent. A.D., whom we have to
regard, at least as far as the Greek world is concerned,
as the founder of indeterminate analysis, is interested
only in rational, not exclusively integral, solutions
of his problems). Of al-Tard'if there exists a Hebrew
version (Munich 225, 4) by Mordekhai Finzi of Mantua

ABO KAMIL SHUDJA' — ABU Y-KHASlB

(c. 1460) who translated also Abu Kamil's trea-
tises on algebra (Munich 225, 3). As assumed by
G. Sacerdote, II trattato del pentagono e del decagono
di Abu Kimil, in Festschrift Sieinschneider, Leipzig
1896, 169-94, and proved by Suter, Die Abhandlung
des Abu Kdmil Shogd* b. Aslam "uber das Fiinfeck
und Zehneck", Bibl. Math. 1909-10, 15-42, these
translations were made not from Arabic or Latin,
but from Spanish. According to Suter, it is probable
that the Paris MS 7377 A, no. 6, is a Latin version
of al-TaraHf. (The same MS contains Latin versions
of Abu Kamil's algebra and of his treatises on the
pentagon and decagon). — Indeterminate equations
with integral solutions appear in India fully developed
about 1 150 in Bhaskara's Vijaganita (cf. Colebrooke,
Algebra with arithmetic and mensuration, London
1817, 233-5), but the problem is referred to already
by Aryabhata (b. 476), who even anticipates for its
solution the method of continued fractions, to which
Bhaskara applies the term ku((aka "dispersion" (cf.
M. Cantor, Gesch. d. Math.', i, 588 ff.) Abu Kamil's
procedure is less systematic and therefore inferior
to the Indian. He finds his solutions mainly by way
of trial, yet shows considerable skill in overcoming
the difficulties involved. It is hard to decide whether
or not he knew the kuiiaka method. However that
may be, it is certain that the anonymous author of
a commentary on al-TaraHf, of which the Leiden
MS contains a fragment (fol. 101-2), was familiar with
it, because he clearly refers to the proof of a method
of finding integral solutions that can hardly have
been different from the ku((aka method.

The connection between Abu Kamil and the
Indians is shown by a curious detail: they resort
to the same, or at least similar, varieties of birds
as examples in their problems. In Europe, we meet
with indeterminate equations in Leonard of Pisa's
Liber abaci (1202; Scritti, ed. Boncompagni, Roma
1857-62, i) — again with reference to birds. The
first appearance in Europe of this problem seems
to be marked by a MS composed about 1000 A.D.
in the monastery of Reichenau. Later European
algebraists, in particular the German "Cossists"
(Adam Riese, etc.) usually substitute men, women,
or virgins for the birds, and therefore the term
"regula virginum" (or "r. potatorum", "r. coeci"
or "r. coeti") was adopted by them to denote this
kind of problem (cf. Bibl. Math., 1905, 112).

Abu Kamil's "Algebra" is known only in Latin
(MS Paris 7377 A, fol. 71V-93V) and Hebrew (Paris
1029, 7 and Munich 225, 5) translations. The two
MSS of the Arabic original noted by Brockelmann
have not yet been examined. It is above all upon
this work that his fame rested. It was commented
by al-Istakhri and al- c lmranl, but both commentaries
are lost. L. C. Karpinski's elaborate study: The
Algebra of Abu Kamil Shoja'- ben Aslam, Bibl. Math.,
191 1-2, 40-55, is based on the Latin Paris MS. For
the historical background of the work, see also
O. Neugebauer, Zur geometrischen Algebra, Quellen
und Studien z. Gesch. d. Math., B (Studien), 1936,
245-59, and S. Gandz, The Mishnat ha-Middot and
the Geometry of Muh. b. Musa al-Khowarizmi, ibid.,
A (Quellen), 1932, in particular 37, 68, 83. In the
definition of djazr (radix, root), mil (census, capital)
and 'adad mufrad (numerus, absolute number) Abu
Kamil closely follows al-Kh w arizmi. but in many
respects he goes far beyond his predecessor. Thus
he effects the addition and subtraction of square
roots involving irrationalities only, by means of the
relations corresponding to our modern formula
1/a + Vb = Va + b + l/aab. E.g., to subtract

the square root of 8 from the sq.r. of 18, he gives the
rule: "Subtract 24 from 26, and 2 remains. The root
of this is the root of 8 subtracted from the root of 18".
The same example is found in al-KaradjI's ([q.v.];
d.c. 1029) treatise on algebra al-Fakhri (see F.
Woepcke, Extrait du Fakhri, Paris 1853, 57-9),
while Leonard of Pisa (Scritti, i, 363-5), in demon-
strating the same method, uses the numbers 18
and 32. The analogous treatment of cube roots, as
dealt with by al-KaradjI, is not yet found in Abu
Kamil.

The treatise "On the pentagon and decagon",
Latin version, MS Paris A, German transl. by Suter,
cf. above; Hebrew version, Munich 225, 3, Italian
transl. by Sacerdote, cf. above. All problems occur-
ring in this treatise are solved in a clear and simple
mode by applying algebraic methods to geometry.
Throughout his treatise, Abu Kamil chooses special
values — in most cases the value 10 — for the given
quantity, instead of denoting it by a letter or even
equalling it to 1. In this respect, he has not freed
himself from the method of al- Kh'arizmi ; but in
his way of handling the problem he is far superior
to his predecessor, and his work definitely marks
an important progress. Sacerdote has shown that
Leonard of Pisa knew this treatise and made extensive
use of it in his Practica geometriae (Scritti, ii).

Bibliography: Suter, 43; Brockelmann, S I,
390; M. Steinschneider, Hebraische Vbersetzungen,
584-8. (W. Hartner)

ABU 'l-SASIM, the name of a canting parasite,
whom Muhammed b. Ahmed Abu '1-Mutahhar al-
Azdl depicts in his tfikdyat Abi 'l-Kdsim al-Baghdadi
as a Baghdad type. The book was probably written
in the first half of the fifth century and purports to
relate faithfully a day in the life of its hero. Abu
'1-K5sim by means of his pious eloquence gets a
hearing in a society of people at a banquet, rails at
the guests and the host and shows his linguistic
skill in a detailed comparison of the advantages of
Baghdad and Isfahan. As the numerous courses of
the repast are served, they are accompanied by his
glib remarks. When the wine goes to his head he
becomes importunate and vulgar, till finally, being
forced to drink still more deeply, he falls asleep;
when the intoxication is over he again plays the
devout believer. Into this framework the author,
led on by his philological inclinations, has inter-
woven so much of his extensive knowledge of the
adab literature and of the terminology of the different
trades and also of pornographic poetry — he quotes
many verses of Ibn al-Hadidjadj — that the realism
of the description as well as the unity of the tale
suffer considerably.

Bibliography: Abu '1-Mutahhar al-Azdl, ffi-
kdyat Abi 'l-Kdsim, ed. A. Mez, Heidelberg 1902;
J. M. de Goeje, in GGA, 1902, 723 ff-; C. Brockel-
mann, in Literarisches Centralblait, 1902, 1568 ff.

(J. Horovitz)
ABU 'L-&ASIM [see al-zahrawI].
ABU 'L-^ASIM BABUR [see timurids].
ABU L-KHASlB, a canal to the south of Basra
(called after a client of the caliph al-Mansur), the
most important among the canals that in the Middle
Ages flowed from the west into the main channel
of the Tigris, the Didja al-'Awra 5 of Arabic authors,
i.e. the modern Shat{ al- c Arab. Its bed still exists.
It was on its bank that the Zand] rebels built in the
3rd/gth century the great fortress of al-Mukhtara.
Bibliography: Le Strange, 471.; M. Streck,
Babylonien nach den arab. Geogr., Leiden 1900, i, 42.
(M. Streck)

134

ABU

l-KHATTAB al-ASADI — ABO 'l-KHATTAR

ABU 'l-KHATTAB Muhammad b. Ab! Zaynab

Mtklas al-Adjda* al-ASADI, Muslim heresiarch.
According to al-Kashshi, his father was Miklas b.
Abi '1-Khattab, and he himself used the kunyas Abu
Ismail and Abu '1-Zubyan. He was a Kufan and a
mawld of the tribe of Asad. In the Nusayri writings
he is also called al- Kahili. He was one of the chief
daHs of the Imam Dja'far al-Sadik, but fell into
error and taught false doctrines, as a result of which
he was repudiated and denounced by the Imam.
Seventy of his followers, assembled in the mosque
of Kufa, were attacked by order of the governor
«Isa b. Musa, and after a bitter struggle, were killed.
Abu '1-Khattab himself Was arrested and brought
before 'Isa b. Musa, who had him executed and
crucified at Dar al-Rizk, on the Euphrates, to-
gether with a number of his followers. Their heads
were sent to the Caliph al-Mansur and impaled by
the gate of Baghdad for three days. The date of these
events is not precisely known, but a conversation
recorded by al-Kashshi as having taken place in
138/755 appears to refer to the recent extermination
of Abu 'l-I<haUab and his followers (fa'nkafa'at
dthdruhum wa-faniyat ddjdluhum: al-Kashshi 191;
cf. Lewis, 33; Ivanow, however (p. 117) interprets
this tradition as referring to the repudiation of Abu
'1-Khattab by Dja'far, and places his death in about
145/762). According to the Nusayris, who still
revere Abu '1-Khattab, 'he manifested the daSva'
at Dar al-Rizk on 10 or 11 Muharram, and both
this and the day of his 'appointment' by Dja c far
al-Sadik (11 Dhu '1-Hidjdja) are sacred anniversaries.
He seems to have played a role of some importance
in the early development of extremist ShI'ite
doctrine, and is named by the Central Asian Isma c ffi
book Umm al-Kitdb (Isl., 1936, pts. 1 and 2; cf.
W. Ivanow, REI, 1932, 428-9), as well as by a number
of SunnI and Ithna-'ashari sources, as a founder of
the Isma'Ili faith. He is however condemned in
later Isma'ill writings of the Fatimid period, in
much the same terms as in the books of the Ithna-
'ashariyya. For a discussion of his doctrines see
khattAbiyya.

Bibliography : The best accounts of the life
and death of Abu'l-KhaUab are to be found in
Ithna-'asharl works, especially Kashshl, Ma'rifat
al-Rididl, Bombay, 1317, 187 ff.; Nawbakhtl,
Firak, 37 and 58 ff. An Isma'ill account will be
found in the Kadi Nu'man's Da'd'im al- Islam
(A. A. Fyzee) vol. i, Cairo, 1951, 62 ff. There are
also some interesting references in the Nusayri
work Ma&mu' al-A c ydd, ed. R. Strothmann, in
Isl., 1946, 6, 8, 10, 148, 159, 202. For general
discussions see Henry Corbin, £tude priliminaire
pour le 'Livre riunissant les deux sagesses' de
Ndsir-e Khosraw. Tehran 1953, 14 ff. ; W. Ivanow,
The Alleged Founder of Ismailism, Bombay 1946,
113 ff.; B. Lewis, The Origins of Ismd'Uism,
Cambridge 1940, 32 ft.; Muhammad Kazwini, in
Djuwayni, iii, 344 ff. (B. Lewis)

ABU 'l-KHATTAB al-KALWAQHANI [see
al-kalwadhAni].

ABU 'l-KHATTAB c Abd al-A«lA b. al-Samh
al-MA'AFIRI al-HimyarI al-YamanI, the first
imam elected by the Ibadis of the Maghrib.
He was one of the five missionaries (hamalat al-Hlm,
"carriers of science") sent to the Maghrib by Abu
c Ubayda al-Tamlml of Basra, the spiritual head of
the sect, in order to preach there the Ibadi creed
[cf. ibadiyya]. These missionaries received from
Abu c Ubayda the order to establish an imamate
amongst the Ibadiyya of Tripolitania, with Abu

'1-Khattab as imam. The activities of the hamalat
al-Hlm were crowned with success. In 140/757-8
the Ibadi notables of Tripolitania, in a council held
in Sayyad, near Tripoli, elected Abu '1-Khattab
as imam. The Ibadi Berber tribes, Hawwara, Nafusa
etc., commanded by the new imam, conquered with
the slogan Id hukm ilia li'lldh wa-ld \d l a Hid \a l at
Abi 'l-Khattdb, the whole of Tripolitania, including
Tripoli, which became the residence of their chief.
In Safar 141/Juni-July 758 the army of Abu '1-
Khattab took al-Kayrawan, capital of Ifrikiya, at
that time in the possession of the Sufris of the
Berber tribe of Warfadjdjuma. <Abd al-Rahman b.
Rustam, the future founder oi the Ibadi imamate
of Tahart, was appointed governor of the town.
The outcome of Abu 'l-KhatUb's conquests was the
creation of an Ibadi state comprising the whole of
Ifrikiya, viz. Tripolitania, Tunisia and the eastern
part of Algeria. It even seems that Abu '1-Khattab
had a certain influence over the Sufris of Sidjilmassa.
In Dhu '1-Hidjdja 141/April 759, Muhammad b.
al-Ash'ath al-Khuza'I, 'Abbasid governor of Egypt,
sent to Ifrikiya an army commanded by al-'Awwam
b. c Abd al- c Aziz al-Badjall, to reconquer the province.
The army was defeated by the Ibadis in the region
of Surt, near the eastern boundaries of Abu '1-
KhaUab's possessions. Another 'Abbasid army, led
by Abu '1-Ahwas 'Umar b. al-Ahwas al-'ldjll, was
defeated at Maghmadas (Macomades Syrtis, modern
Marsa Zafran). In the meantime, Ibn al-Ash'ath
received orders to march himself against the Berbers
and to assume the government of Ifrikiya. On
receiving this news, Abu '1-Khattab set out with a
considerable army. Deceived, however, by a stratagem
of Ibn al-Ash c ath, who pretended to return to the
east, he allowed his troops to disband. When Ibn
al-Ash'ath shortly afterwards reached the neigh-
bourhood of Tripoli, the imam hastily assembled
the nearest tribes to check his advance. The battle
took place at Tawurgha (on the coast, a few days'
journey to the east of Tripoli) in Safar 144/May-June
761. It was very bloody: Abu '1-Khattab with
twelve or fourteen thousand of his followers were
killed. In Djumada I/August, Ibn al-Ash c ath reoc-
cupied al-Kayrawan. v

Bibliography: Abu Zakariyya', al-Sira wa-
Akhbar al-AHmma (MS coll. S. Smogorzewski),
fol. i v , 6'-i3 T ; E. Masqueray, Chronique d'Abou
Zakaria, Algiers 1878, 18-38; Shammakhl, Siyar,
Cairo 1301, 124-32; Bakri (de Slane, Descript. de
I'Afr. sept. *), 7, 28, 149, transl. de Slane, 22, 63,
285-6; Ibn Khaldun, Hist, des Berb., i, 220, 373-5;
H. Fournel, Les Berbers, i, 351, 355-60.

(A. DE MOTVLINSKI-T. LEWICKl)

ABU 'l-KHATTAR al-HusAm b. DirAr al-
KalbI, governor of al-Andalus, who arrived
in that country from Ifrikiya in 125/743, to replace
the wall Tha'laba b. Salama al-'Amill. He carried
out a liberal policy, and skilfully removed from
Cordova the representatives of the Syrian diunds,
who had come to Spain under the leadership of
Baldj b. Bishr [q.v.]. On the advice of Count Ardabast
(ArtObas), son of the Visigothic prince Witiza, he
settled these Hundis on fiefs, requiring from them
in return that they should respond to mobilization
appeals that might be made to them. It was in this
way that the Syrian system of the diunds came
to be introduced into al-Andalus. The representatives
of the dfund of Damascus were installed in the
Elvira district, those of the diund of the Jordan in
the district of Rayyo (Archidona and Malaga),
those of the djund of Palestine in the district 01

ABU 'l-KHATTAR — ABU 'l-KHAYR al-ISHBILI

135

Sidona, those of the diund of Hims (Emesa) in the
districts of Seville and Niebla, those of the diund
of Kinnasrin in the district of Jaen, and those of
the diund of Egypt in the Algarve and in the region
of Murcia (Tudmlr). A little later Abu '1-Khattar
entered into conflict with a powerful chief of the
diund of Kinnasrin, al-Sumayl [q.v.] b. Hatim al-
Kilabl, who mustered troops and defeated the
governor in Radjab 127/April 745 on the Guadalete.
In vain did Abu '1-Khattar afterwards attempt to
regain his office ; it was seized by the Djudhamite chief
Thawaba b. Salama, who himself died the next year.
Bibliography: E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Esp.
mus., i, 48-50. (E. Levi-Provencal)

ABU 'l-KHAYR, ruler of the Ozbegs [see
Uzbeks] and founder of the power of this nation,
descendant of Shayban, Djufi's youngest son [see
shaybanids], born in the year of the dragon (1412;
as the year of the hidjra 816/1413-4 is erroneously
given). At first he is said to have been in the service
of another descendant of Shayban, Djamaduk Khan.
The latter met his death in a revolt; Abu '1-Khayr
was taken prisoner, but was released and shortly
after proclaimed khan in the territory of Tura
(Siberia) at the age of 17 (year of the ape-1428; as
year of the hidjra 833/1429-30 is given). After a
victory won over another khan of the family of
Djufii the greater part of Kipiak submitted to him.
In 834/1430-1 he conquered Kh"arizm with its
capital Urgandj, which was plundered, but soon
afterwards he gave it back. According to his bio-
graphers, Abu '1-Khayr later vanquished two more
princes, Mahmud Khan and Ahmad Khan, conquered
the city of Urdu-Bazar, and seized (though for a
short time only) the "throne of Sayin Khan", i.e. that
of Batu. Shortly before the death of Sultan Shahrukh
(850/1447) Abu '1-Khayr established himself firmly
through the subjugation of the fortresses of Sighnak
(at present the ruins of Sunak-Kurghan), Arkuk,
Suzak, Ak-Kurghan and Uzkand ou the Sir Darya —
the most significant event in his reign for the further
history of the Ozbegs. Sighnak seems to have been
his' capital from that time. South of this region no
durable conquests were made under Abu '1-Khayr:
even the neighbouring town of YasI (now Turkistan)
remained in the power of the Tlmurids. Marauding
expeditions were frequently undertaken, even as
far afield as Bukhara and Samarkand. Abu '1-Khayr
appeared with greater forces in 855/1451-2 as an
ally of the prince AbO Sa'id against the then ruler
of Samarkand c Abd Allah; with his aid <Abd Allah
was defeated and killed and Abu Sa c Id was installed
as ruler in Samarkand; Rabi'a Sultan Begum,
daughter of Ulugh Beg, was given in marriage to
Abu '1-Khayr. A second attempt to interfere in the
disputes of the Tlmurids fell out less happily;
Muhammad DjukI, favored by Abu '1-Khayr against
Abu Sa'Id, was forced in 865/1460-1 after some
successes to raise the siege of Samarkand at the
approach of his enemy, to quit the country ravaged
by Abu '1-Khayr's auxiliary troops (under Burke
Sultan) and in 868/1463 — having, it seems, received
no assistance from Abu '1-Khayr — to surrender to
his adversary. Shortly before, probably about 861/
1456-7 (Abu '1-Khayr 's grandson, Mahmud, born
in 858/1454, is said to have been then three years
old), Abu '1-Khayr's power received a severe blow
from the Kalmak (Kalmucks); beaten in the open
field, he had to flee to Sighnak and let the enemy
ravage the whole country up to the Sir. About
870/1465-6 there appears to have taken place among
the Ozbegs that split, through which the proper

inhabitants of the steppes, since called Kazak,
separated from the other portion of the nation. The
year of the rat (1468; erroneously identified with
874/1469-70) is given as the year of Abu '1-Khayr's
death ; the power founded by him was after a short
interruption restored and extended by his grandson
Muhammad Shaybani.

Bibliography: Abu '1-Khayr's biography was

written towards 950/1543-4 by Mas c ud b. 'Uthman

al-Kuhistani (Ta>rikh-i Abu 'l-Khayr Khdni; the

statements in Howorth, Hist, of the Mongols, ii,

687, are correct only so far as concerns the MS.

of the British Museum, but not the work itself;

cf. Rieu, Cat. of Pers. MSS., i, 102 ; the Leningrad

MSS, including that of the University Library

or. 852, used here, have also the beginning of the

biography). Mas'ud was also able to utilize the

oral narratives of Abu '1-Khayr's son Suyiinifi

Khan (d. 931/1525), who seems to have drawn

his information from written sources, as for

example the Mafia' al-Sa'dayn of <Abd al-Razzak

al-Samarkandl. Information about Abu '1-Khayr

is also to be found in the historical works

on his grandson Shaybani and his successors,

especially in the Tawarikh-i Nusrat Ndma (cf.

Rieu, Cat. of Turkish MSS., 276 ff.) and the

writings dependent on it. (W. Barthold)

ABU 'l-KHAYR al-ISHBILI, surnamed al-

SHADjDiAR, "the arboriculturist", author of a

book on agriculture, was a native of Seville

(Ishbiliya). Neither the date of his birth or that

of his death are known, and one can only say that

as he is quoted by Ibn al-'Awwam [q.v.], who lived

in the second half of the 6th/i2th century, he must

have belonged to an earlier period. He was probably

the contemporary of the botanist-physicians and

"gardeners" of the 5th/nth century, such as Ibn

Wafid al-Lakhmi, Ibn Bassal, Ibn Hadjdjadj al-

" Ishbill and al-Tighnari. His K. al-Filaha is preserved

in MSS in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, in

the Zaytuna mosque in Tunis and some private

libraries in North Africa.

The following are the main contents of Abu
'1-Khayr's book, (i) General considerations on
planting (ghardsa): favourable months; influence of
the moon; the time needed for plants to grow and
to yield fruit ; age of trees ; damage (weather, animals,
fire, water); special treatment of olive-trees, vines,
fig-trees, palm-trees, (ii) Plantations proper: trees,
bushes, grain, seeds; layering, pruning, grafting;
fruit and vegetable conserves; growing of vegetables;
aromatic plants, flowers; flax and cotton; banana
and sugar-cane, (iii) Animals: of the back- yard,
especially pigeons; bees and wild animals; harmful
animals (reptiles, rodents and insects), (iv) Finally
two pages on the tadidrib al- l am, i.e. meteorological
or astrological prognostications.

Abu '1-Khayr appeals to his personal experience and
observations in the gardens, parks, fields, vineyards
and forests of the Aljarafe (al-Sharaf, district of Se-
ville). His literary documentation consists in quoting,
no doubt at second hand, the K. al-Nabdt of Abu
Hanlfa al-DInawari (which had been expounded
in 60 vols, by Ibn Ukht Ghanim— cf. Makkari,
Analectes, ii, 270), Aristotle, Anatolius, "Kastus"
(Cassianus Bassus Scholasticus), Philemo — through
adaptations of the Geoponica and through the al-
Filaha al-Nabafiyya of Ibn Wahshiyya [q.v.]. [For
this agronomical literature see filaha.] On the
whole, the book is an empirical work of technical
science, but, like the agronomical literature in
general, is not without its popular and superstitious

I 3 6

ABU 'l-KHAYR al-ISHBILI — ABO LAHAB

side, and formulas for amulets and descriptions
of talismans are given.

Bibliography: The K. al-Fildha published in
Fez 1357-8 is falsely attributed to Abu '1-Khavr.
An edition with annotated French translation is in
preparation by the author of this article. Some
paragraphs were published by A. Cherbonneau
and H. Peres, K. al-Fildha ou Livre de la Culture,
in Bibl. Arabe-Francaise, v, Algiers 1946. See also
<A. Abu '1-Nasr, in MMIA, 1953, 557; J.-J.
Clement-Mullet, intr. to Livre de V 'Agriculture
d'Ibn al-Awam, Paris 1864, i, 78; C. E. Dubler,
in And., 1941, 137; E. Garcia G6mez, in And.,
1945, 132-4, 137-9; E. Levi- Provencal, Hist. Esp.
mus., iii, 241; J. M. Millas Vallicrosa, in And.,
1943, 287; 1948, 351-2; idem, in Tamuda, Tetuan
1953, 48; H. Peres, La poesie andalouse en arabe
classique, Paris 1937, 197; idem, Bull, des Etudes
Arabes. Algiers 1946, 130-2; Introduction to K.
al-Fildha ou Livre de la Culture, d'Abu'l-Khavr
ach-Chadjdjar al-Ichbili, Algiers 1946, 7-11.

(H. Peres)
ABC KHIRASH Khuwaylid b. Murra al-
HudhalI. mukhadram Arab poet, who was con-
verted to Islam and died under the caliphate of
'Umar, from the bite of a snake while he was drawing
water for Yamanite pilgrims (who were then required
by the caliph to pay his diya). Abu Khirash is
counted among the pre-Islamic warriors who could
run faster then horses, sharing this distinction with
his nine brothers Abu Diundab. 'Urwa, al-Abahh,
al-Aswad, Abu '1-Aswad, 'Aim, Zuhayr, Diannad
and Sufyan, who also were poets of rank.

Bibliography: The diwdn of Abu Khirash
was published by J. Hell, Neue Hudailiten-Diwane,
ii, Leipzig 1933. Biographical notes and verses in
Pjahiz, Hayawdn*, iv, 267, 351; Ibn Kutayba,
Shi'r, 417-8; Abu Tammam, Hamasa (Freytag),
365, 37o; Aghdni 1 , xxi, 54-70; Ibn Hadjar, Isaba,
no. 2345; Baghdad!, Khizana. Cairo 1347, i, 400,
'Askari, Diwdn al-Ma'-ani, i, 131, ii, 72; Nallino,
Scritti, vi = Letteratura, 46 (French transl. 77).

(Ch. Pellat)
ABC $UBAYS, a sacred hill on the eastern
edge of Mecca. Rising abruptly from the valley
floor, it overlooks the Great Mosque a few hundred
meters away. The Ka c ba corner containing the
Black Stone points towards the hill, at the foot of
which is al-Safa, the southern end of al-Mas c a.
Buildings now hem the hill in on nearly every side.
Muslim tradition holds that this was the first
mountain created by God. Adam and other ancients
are sometimes said to be buried there. The hill's
older name was al-Amln, given because the Black
Stone was kept safe there during Noah's Flood.
Various stories explain the origin of the name Abu
Kubays (Yakut, s.v.); al-Azraki, 477-8, inclines
towards the version identifying Abu Kubays as a
man of Iyad, the first to build on the hiU. Djabal
Abu Kubays and al-Ahmar on the western side of
the valley were together called al-Akhshaban (the
Two Rough Ones); a hadtth says that Mecca will
last as long as these two. According to popular
tradition, the Prophet was standing on Abu Kubays
when the moon was rent in twain (Kur., liv, 1). The
Ka'ba was destroyed in 64/683-4 by shots from a
mandjanik fixed on Abu Kubays, and in medieval
times a castle crowned the hill; no fortifications
now remain there. The first zdwiya of the SanusI
order was built on Abu Kubays c. 1252-3/1837,

and in Snouck Hurgronje's time a large Nakshbandi
establishment also stood on the slopes (Mekka,
ii, 285).

For bibliography, see makka. (G. Rentz)

ABC $URRA Theodore, Melkite Bishop of
Harran, said to be the first Christian writer of
importance to produce works in the Arabic
language. He was born at Edessa c. 740 and must
have died c. 820. He refers to himself in his writings
as a disciple of John of Damascus (d. 749), but
though he studied as a youth in the monastery of
St. Saba in Palestine, he can hardly have been a
student under the Damascene. Like that of John,
however, his name is associated with the early
stages of Christian apologetics against Islam, and
with that Christian learning which played so large
a part in moulding the development of Islamic
theology. He wrote in his native Syriac, in Greek and
in Arabic. His writings are for the most part polemical
in nature, which may be explained by the fact that
in his days the city of Harran was a centre of vigorous
intellectual life in which pagans and Manichees, Jews,
Muslims and Christians of orthodox and of non-
orthodox persuasion all shared. In his extant
treatises he defends his orthodox faith against the
teachings of all these opposing traditions. His Greek
tractates have been edited in Migne, Pair. Gr., xcvii,
and the Arabic by Constantine Bacha, Oeuvres
arabes de Theodore Aboucara, Iveque de Haran,
Beyrouth, n.d., though there is some doubt as to
the authenticity of certain tractates included in
each of these collections (see Peeters, in Acta
BolUmdiana, 1930, 94, and H. Beck, in Orientalia
Christiana analecta, 1937, 40-3).

Bibliography: Michael Syrus, Chronique, iii,
29-34; C. Bacha, in Mach., 1903, 633-6; G. Graf,
Gesch. d. christl. arab. Lit., ii, 7-26; id., Die arabi-
schen Schriften des Theodor Abu Qurra, Paderborn
1910. His part in the Muslim controversy is
discussed in A. Palmieri, Die Polemik des Islam,
18 f.; G. Guterbock, Der Islam im Licht der
byzantinischen Polemik, 1912, 15 ff.; I. Kratsch-
kovsky, in Khristianskij Vostok, 1916, 301-9;
A. Guillaume, in the Centenary Suppl. to JRAS,
1924, 233-44; C. H. Becker, Islamstudien, i, 434 ff.;
W. Eichner, in Isl., 1936, 136 ff. (A. Jeffery)
ABC LAHAB, son of c Abd al-Muttalib and
I.ubna bint HSdjir (of Khuza'a), and half-brother
of Muhammad's father. His name was c Abd
al-'Uzza and his kunya Abu c Utba; Abu Lahab
(literally "father of the flame") was a nickname
given by his father on account of his beauty. At
one time, doubtless before Muhammad's prea;hing
had roused opposition, he was friendly with his
nephew, for his sons 'Utba and c Utayba were married
(or perhaps only betrothed) to Muhammad's daugh-
ters Rukayya and Umm Kulthum respectively.
During the boycott of Hashim and al-Muttalib by
the other clans Abu Lahab dissociated himself from
Hashim, probably because through his wife, a
daughter of Harb b. Umayya, he was connected with
c Abd Shams. On the death of Abu Talib, shortly after
the end of the boycott, Abu Lahab became head
of the clan and at first promised to protect Mu-
hammad, presumably for the sake of the honour of
the clan. He withdrew his protection, however, when
Abu Pjahl and <Ukba b. AM Mu'ayt managed to
convince him that Muhammad had spoken disrespect-
fully of deceased ancestors like c Abd al-Muttalib
and said they were destined for Hell. This loss of
protection probably led to Muhammad's attempt
to settle in al-Ta'if ; when it proved vain, Muhammad,

ABO LAHAB — ABO MADYAN

before entering Mecca again, had to obtain the
djiwar of the head of another clan. This hostile
conduct was doubtless the occasion of Sura
which, with a play on the name, consigns A
Lahab and his wife to the flames of Hell. He died
shortly after the battle of Badr to which he is :
to have sent in his place a man who owed him
money. There is a long story about his reactioi
the news of this defeat. His sons 'Utba and Mu c attib
became Muslims in 8/630, and 'Utba's grandson,
al-Fadl b. al- 'Abbas, was known as a poet (Aghani,

Bibliography: Ibn Hisham, 69, 231-3, 244,
430, 461; Ibn Sa'd, i/i, 57, iv/i, 41-2; Wakidi, ed.
Wellhausen, 42, 351; Tabari, index; Caetani,
Annali, i, 308-9, 496; A. Fischer, in Ber. it. d.
Verh. d. Sachs. Ak. Wiss., Bd. 89, Heft 2.

(W. Montgomery Watt)
ABU'l-LAYIH al-SAMAR&ANDI, Nasr b.
Muh. b. Ahmad b. IbrahIm, known as Imam al-
Hudd, a Hanafi theologian and jurisconsult of the
4th/ioth century. The date of his death is variously
given as between 373/983-4 and 393/1002-3. He
must not be confused with his slightly older con-
temporary al-Ijafiz al-Samarkandi, whose name was
also Abu '1-Layth Nasr. The oldest known bio-
graphical source, c Abd al-Kadir (d. 775/1373),
attributes to this latter person some of the main
works that generally go under the name of the
Imam al-Huda, but this seems to be a mistake.
Abu '1-Layth was a very successful author in
several fields of the Islamic sciences, and his books
have become popular from Morocco to Indonesia.
His main works are: (1) a Tafsir, printed Cairo
1310/1892-3; this was translated into old Ottoman
Turkish by Ibn 'Arabshah (d. 854/1450-1), and Ibn
'Arabshah's work was expanded by Abu '1-Fadl
Mflsa al-Izniqi, a contemporary, under the title
An/as al-Djawahir; manuscripts of these Turkish
editions are among the oldest dated Ottoman
Turkish manuscripts; (2) Khizanat al-Fikh, a hand-
book of Hanafl law; (3) Mukhtalif al-Riwdya, on
the divergent doctrines of the ancient Hanafi
authorities, in three editions; (4) al-Mukaddima fi
'l-Saldt, on the duty of ritual prayer, with many
commentaries; (5) Tanbih al-Ghafilin and (6) Bustdn
aW-Arifin, both on ethics and piety, often printed;
(7) an c Akida, in the form of question and answer
(ed. A. W. T. Juynboll, BTLV 1881, 215 ff., 267 ff.),
with a commentary by Muhammad b. c Umar al-
Nawawl (d. after 1305/1888), under the title Kafr
al-Ghayth (Brockelmann, S II, 814; C. H. Becker,
Isl. 1911, 23), often printed, also Malay and Javanese
interlinear translations. This c Akida is authentic
(against Juynboll, 1. c, and F. Kern, ZA 1912,
170) and represents a popular, Hanafi current of
theological thought (Schacht, in Studia Islamica, i).
Bibliography: <Abd al-Kadir al-Kurashl, al-
Djawahir al-MudVa, Hyderabad 1332, ii, 196,
264 f . ; G. Fliigel, Die Krone der Lebensbeschrei-
bungen, Leipzig 1862, 58 f., 152 f.; Muhammad
c Abd al-Hayy al-Laknawi, al-FawaHd al-Bahiyya,
Cairo 1324, 220; Brockelmann I, 210 f.; S I,
347 f. (nos. 6 and 7 refer to the same work).

(J. Schacht)
ABU 'l-MA c AlI Muhammad b. 'Ubayd AllAh,
Persian writer. His sixth ancestor was Husayn
al-Asghar, traditionist and son of the Imam Zayn
al- c Abidin. His family lived for a long time in
Balkh. He was a contemporary of Nasir-i Khus-
raw, whom he may have known and about whom
he gives us the earliest information available.

From two passages of his only work Ch. Schefer
assumed that he was at the court of the Ghaznawid
sultan Mas c fld III when he composed his Bayan
al-Adydn, dated 485/1092, the earliest known work
on religions in the Persian language. The first two
chapters are devoted to religions before Islam and
to some heresies; the third and fourth to the ex-
position of the Sunnite and ShI'ite doctrines and to
the Islamic sects (especially Isma'ilism); the fifth
chapter, dealing with the extremists (which may,
therefore, have been of importance) is lost. He
mentions his main sources. His work has not the
bulk of the Tabsirat al- c Awamm of Sharif Murtada
(second half of 12th century), but it commends
itself by its clear precision and by the sober vigour
of its style. It is among the best of the rare prose
works in Persian from the Ghaznawid period.
Editions by Ch. Schefer (Chrestomathie persane, i,
131-71) and Abbas Iqbal, Teheran 1312/1934 (detailed
genealogy of Abu '1-Ma c ali in the introduction);
transl. H. Masse, RHR, 1926, 17-75. (H. Masse)
ABU 'l -MA'ALl <ABD al-MALIK [see al-

DjUWAYNl].

ABC MADYAN, Shu'ayb b. al-Husayn al-
AndalusI, famous Andalusian mystic, born about
520/1126 at Cantillana, a little town about 20 miles
NNE of Seville. Sprung from a very modest family,
he learnt the trade of weaver, but, impelled by an
irresistible taste for knowledge, he learnt the Ku'ran
and, as soon as he was able, went to N. Africa to
complete his education. At Fez he was the disciple
of renowned masters, who owed, however, their
fame less to their theological learning than to
their piety and their ascetic lives — men such as
Abu Ya'azza al-Hazmirl, c Ali b. Hirzihim, and al-
Dakkak. This last invested him with the khirka,
the robe which bore witness to his vocation of
sufi; but his real initiator into the theories of
mysticism seems to have been Abii Ya'azza. With
the permission of this master, he left for the Orient.
There he succeeded in absorbing the tradition of
al-Ghazali and of the great mystics. At Mecca he
may have encountered the famous c Abd al-Kadir
al-GIlanl (d. 561/1166). He returned to the Maghrib,
and settled at Bidjaya (Bougie), where he became
known for his teaching and his exemplary life. His
fame reached the ears of the Mu'minid ruler Abu
Yusuf Ya c kub al-Mansur, who summoned him to
the court at Marrakush, no doubt apprehensive
about such religious prestige outside the Almohad
sect. When within sight of Tilimsan (Tlemcen) Abu
Madyan was taken ill and died (594/1197). Following
his expressed wish he was buried at al- c Ubb5d, a
village on the outskirts of Tlemcen, which was
apparently already frequented by ascetics, but
which, as his burial-place, was to become especially
venerable.

The place which he occupies amongst the most
important figures in western Islam is not due,
strictly speaking, to his writings; at least, his only
surviving writings are "a few mystical poems, a
wasiyya (testament), and an '■akida (creed)" (A. Bel).
It is because of the memory of him handed down
by his disciples, and the maxims attributed to him,
that he bas been considered worthy to be regarded
as a kutb (pole), a ghawth (supreme succour), and a
wall (friend of God). The maxims proclaim the
excellence of the ascetic life, of renunciation of
this world's goods, of humility, and of absolute
confidence in God. He used to say: "Action accom-
panied by pride profits no man ; idleness accompanied
by humility harms no man. He who renounces

ABO MADYAN — ABU 'l-MAHASIN al-FASI

calculation and choice lives a better life". He often
repeated this line: "Say: Allah! and abandon all
that is material or has to do with the material, if
thou desirest to attain the true goal". Actually there
is nothing original in his conception of sufism, but
the success of his doctrine and its long-continued
influence can be explained by its conciliation of
various tendencies and by the type of society which
received it. "His great merit and his great success
lie in his having realised, in a way that his hearers
could understand, a happy synthesis of the influences
which he had undergone. With him the moderate
sufism that Ghazali had already, a century earlier,
incorporated in Muslim orthodoxy, principally for
the use of a privileged elite, is now adapted to the
mentality of the North African believer, whether
man of the people or literate . . . Abu Madyan . . .
gave once and for all the keynote for North African
mysticism" (R. Brunschvig).

The books of hagiography attribute miracles to
him, and Tlemcen, where he died, adopted him as
patron. His tomb, which became the centre of a fine
architectural complex (mosque of al- c Ubbad 737/1339,
madrasa 747/i347j little palace, hammdm) mainly
built by the Marinid sultan of Fez Abu '1-Hasan,
ruler of Tlemcen, is still a place of pilgrimage for the
country people of the province of Oran and eastern
Morocco.

Bibliography: Ibn Maryam, al-Bustdn (Ben
Cheneb), Algiers 1326/1908; transl. Provenzali,
Algiers 1910, 115 ff. ; Ghubrinl. '■Unwan al-Dirava
(Ben Cheneb), Algiers 1910; Ibn Khaldun (Yahya),
Hist, des B. <Abd al-Wdd, transl. A. Bel, Algiers
1904, i, 80-3; Ahmad Baba, Nayl al-Ibtihddj.,
Fez 1917, io7-ii2;J. J.J. Barges, Vie du cilebre
maraboutCidi Abou Medien, Paris 1884; Brosselard,
Les inscriptions arabes de Tlemcen, in RAfr., 1859;
A. Bel, La religion musulmane en Berbirie, i, Paris
1938; id., Sidi Bou Medyan el son rnattre Ed-
Daqqdq, in Melanges R. Basset, Paris 1923, i,
31-68; R. Brunschvig, La Berbirie orientate sous
les Hafsides, ii, Paris 1947, 317-9; M. Asin Palacios,
El mistico murciano Abenarabi, Madrid 1925, 32.

(G. Marcais)
ABU 'L-MAtfASIN DjamAl al-DIn YOsuf B.
TAGHRlBIRDl, Arabic historian, bom at
Cairo, probably in 812/1409-10 (exact date doubtful).
His father was a mamluk from Asia Minor (Rum)
bought and promoted by Sultan al-Z5hir Barkuk;
under Sultan al-Nasir Faradj he became commander
in chief of the Egyptian armies (amir habir, atdbak)
in 810/1407, and in 813 viceroy (na'ib al-salfana) of
Damascus, where he died early in 815/1412. The
boy Yusuf was brought up by his sister, wife of the
chief kadi Muhammad b. al- c AdIm al-Hanafl and
then of the chief kadi «Abd al-Rahman al-Bulklni
al-Shafi c i (d. 824). He studied under many noted
scholars the usual learned disciplines, and also music,
Turkish and Persian. At the same time he had
entrance to the Mamluk court, became proficient in
military exercises, and was granted a fief {ik(d<).
He made the pilgrimage to Mecca in 826/1423, in
849/1445 (as a bdshd in the hadjdi escort), and again
in 863/1459. In 836/1432 he took an active part in
the Syrian campaign of Sultan Barsbay, with whom
he was on intimate terms (as he was with later
sultans), and turned to the writing of history after
he had heard al-'Ayni's works read to that sultan.
His first important work was al-Manhal al-Sdfi
wa 'l-Mustawfi ba'd al-Wdfi, biographies of the
sultans and important amirs and scholars from
650/1248 to 855/1451, but with some additions as

late as 862/1458; an annotated resume was published
by G. Wiet in MIE, 1932, 1-480.

Next came al-Nudium al-Zahira fi Muluk Misr
wa 'l-Kdhira, a history of Egypt from 20/641 to his
own times, and continuing also the biographical
series of the Manhal. It was written, he says, for
himself and his friends, especially Sultan Djafcmak's
son Muhammad, and at first went only to the end
of Djakmak's reign, Mubarram 857/Jan. 1453. Later
he continued it to 872/1467 (see below). Editions:
Abu 'l-Mahasin ibn Tagri Bardii Annates, from
20/641 to 365/976, ed. Juynboll and Matthes, 2 vols.,
Leiden 1855-61; Abu 'l-Mahdsin ibn Taghrt Birdt's
Annals, fiom 366/977 to 566/1171 and from 746/
1345 to 872/14 7, ed. W. Popper {Univ. of California
Publ. in Semitic Philology, ii, iii part I, v, vi, xii)
Benceley 1909-29; al-Nudium al-Zahira, from 20/641
to 799/1397, Cairo i348/ig29ff. (Dar al-Kutub al-
Misriyya, al-Kism al-Adabl).

The death of al-Makrlzi in 845 and of al- c Ayni
in 855 left Abu 'l-Mahasin as Egypt's principal
historian, and he wrote Hawddith al-Duhur fi Mada
'l-Ayydm wa 'l-Shuhur, chronicles from 845/1441 to
12 Muharram 874/July 16, 1469, to continue al-
Makrlzi's al-Suluk li-Ma'-rifat Duwal al- Muluk.
Simultaneously he continued his own Nudjum, but
omitted from it much of the Hawddith's fuller
material regarding persons and economic and
political conditions. Edition: Extracts from Abu
'l-Mahdsin ibn Taghri Birdi's Chronicle Hawddith
al-Duhur, ed. Popper {Univ. Cal. Pub. in Semitic
Phil., viii), 1930-42 (contains all passages npt
represented in Nudjum, vol. vii).

Two other extensive historical works, not men-
tioned by him or his biographers, are ascribed to
him: Nuzhat al-Ra'y for 678-747/1279-1346, and al-
Bahr al-Zdkhir fi Him al-Awwal wa 'l-Akhir, for
32-71/652-90.

He wrote also several condensations or extracts
from his main works: al-Dalil al-Shdfi <ala 'l-Manhal
al-Sdfi; Kitab al-Wuzard' ; al-Bish.dra fi Takmilat
al-Ishdra (supplement to al-Dhahabi's Ishdra); al-
Kawdkib al-Bdhira; Mansha> al-Latdfa fi Dhikr man
Waliya'l-Khildfa; and Mawrid al-Lafdfa fi man
WaHya'l-Saltana wa'l-Khildfa, ed. with Latin trans-
lation by J. E. Carlyle, Cambridge 1798.

His works other than on history were: Tahdrif
Awlad al- c Arab fi 'l-Asmd' al-Turkiyya; al-Amthal
al-SdHra; Hilyat al-Sifdt fi 'l-Asmd' wa'l-Sind'dt
(anthology of poetry, history and literature); al-
Sukkar al-Kddih wa'l-Htr al-Fd'ih (a poem of
mystic content) ; and a short treatise on vocal music.
He left the manuscripts of his works to the tomb-
mosque which he had built for himself. He died on
5 Dhu'l-Hididja, 874/5 June 1470.

Bibliography: Ahmad al-Mardjl (the author's

pupil and copyist of the Manhal), in Nudj&m,

Cairo, i, Introd., p. 9; Sakhawl, Daw', x, 305-8;

Ibn al- c Imad, Shadhardt, ix, 317; Ibn lyis, BaddH*

(Kahle and Mustafa), iii, (5c), 43; Weil, Chalifen,

iv, pp. xvii-xxi; v, pp. vii-xiv; E. Amar, in Mi-

langes H. Derenbourg, 1909, 245-54; G. Wiet, in

BIE, 1930, 89-105; Brockelmann, II, 41, S II,

39; F. Wustenfeld, Die Geschichtsschreiber der

Araber, no. 490; Hadjdji Khalifa (Fliigel), index,

no. 4301; Babinger, 61. (W. Popper)

ABU VMAtfASIN Yusuf b. Muhammad b.

Yusuf al-FAsI, Moroccan scholar, and Sufi

shaykh of repute, born in 938/1530-31, the ancestor

of the Fasiyyun (vernacular Fasiyyin) family, which,

since the 16th century, has provided the town of

Fas with a long succession of scholars and jurists.

ABU 'l-MAHASIN al-FASI — ABU MA'SHAR al-BALKHI

Abu'l-Mahasin al-Fasi himself belonged to the
Fihrite branch of the Banu '1-Djadd, which, about
880/1475, had emigrated from Malaga, in Spain, to
Morocco. He was born at al-Kasr al-Kablr (or, in
the Spanish form, Alcazarquivir), where his grand-
father Yflsuf had settled after a stay of seven years
at Fas (this is how he came to acquire the appel-
lative al-Fasi, which remained that of all his des-
cendants). But it was to the capital of North Morocco
that Abu'l-Mahasin al-Fasi went to study, and
there he finally settled, from 988/1580 onwards. He
soon acquired there an exceptional reputation for
learning and piety, and founded a zdwiya which
has been much frequented ever since. In 986/1578,
he took part in the famous battle of Wadi* 1-Makhazin
against the Portuguese (see sa'dids). He died on
18 Rabl c I 1013/14 August 1604. Among his most
famous descendants should be mentioned his son
Muhammad al- c ArabI al-Fasi, author of a monograph
on Abu '1-Mahasin, the Mir'dt al-Mahdsin (lith. at
Fez in 1324), his grandson 'Abd al-Kadir b. All
[q.v.], and the son of the latter, 'Abd al-Rahman
[q.v.]. A genealogical table of the Fasiyyun family
will be found in Hist. Chorfa, 242.

Bibliography: E. Levi-Provencal, Hist. Chorfa,
240-41, and the numerous references mentioned
ibid., 240, n. 4, among which may be cited here
only Ifrani, Safwat man Intashar, Fez, n. d., 27;
Kadiri, Nashr al-Matha™, Fez 13 10, i, 89; Mu-
hibbi, Khuldsat al-Athar, Cairo 1284, iv, 507;
kattani, Salwat al-An/as, Fez 1316, ii, 306 ff.;
M. Bencheneb, £'ude sur Us personnages mentionnls
dans I'idjdza du cheikh Abd el-Qddir el-Fdsy, Actes
XVI' Cong. Int. Or., iv, Paris 1908, § 19 bis.
(E. Levi-Provencal)
ABC MANSUR IlyAs al-NAFC