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Full text of "Encyclopaedia Dictionary Islam Muslim World, etc, Gibb, Kramer, scholars. 13 vols & 12 vols. 1960-2004.1875.2009."









T — U 





r. P.J. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, J.T.P. de Bruijn, A. Dias Farinha, E. van Donzel, 
.n Ess, W.P. Heinrichs, RJ. Kasteleijn, A.K.S. Lambton, B. Lewis, F. Rosenthal, F. Rundgren, 
A.L. Udovitch. 

Associated members: Haul inalcik, S.H. Nasr, M. Talbi. 

The preparation of this volume of the Encyclopaedia of Islam was made pos- 
sible in part through grants from the Research Tools Program of the National 
Endowment for the Humanities, an independent Federal Agency of the United 
States Government; the British Academy; the Oriental Institute, Leiden; Academie 
des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres; and the Royal Netherlands Academy of Sciences. 

The articles in this volume were published in double fascicules of 1 1 2 pages, the dates of publication being: 

1998: Fascs. 163-168, pp. 1-336 1999: Fascs. 169-174, pp. 337-672 

2000: Fascs. 175-178, pp. 673-968 

ISBN 90 04 11211 1 

© Copyright 2000 by Koninklyke Brill, Leiden, The Netherlands 

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval 

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For the benefit of readers w] 
decided to list after each coi 
other addresses are given (for 
In this list, names in squa 
edition of this Encyclopaedia 

i the t. 

may wish to follow up an individual contributor's articles, the Editors have 
ibutor's name the pages on which his signature appears. Academic but not 
retired scholar, the place of his last known academic appointment), 
brackets are those of authors of articles reprinted or revised from the first 
from the Shatter Encyclopaedia of Islam. An asterisk after the name of the author 
reprinted from the first edition which has been brought up to date by the 
where an article has been revised by a second author his name appears within square 
ne of the original author. 

Jamil M. Abun-Nasr, University of Bayreuth. 464, 

466, 826 
Iradj Afshar, Tehran. 136, 234 
Feroz Ahmad, University of Massachusetts, Boston. 

r University, Hamilton, 
University, Bloomington. 

Virginia Aksan, McMasi 
Salman H. Al-Ani, Indian 

M.A. al-Bakhit, Al al-Bayt University, Mafraq, Jordan. 

51, 616 
Hamid Algar, University of California, Berkeley. 498 
R.M.A. Allen, University of Pennsylvania, 

Philadelphia. 388, 799 
Sajida S. Alvi, McGill University. 442 
A.A. Ambros, University of Vienna. 872 
Edith G. Ambros, University of Vienna. 720, 737 
Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi, Ecole Pratique des 

Hautes Etudes, Paris. 746 
R. Amitai, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 164, 564, 

569, 608, 619, 814 
Barbara Watson Andaya, University of Hawaii at 

Manoa. 419 
P.A. Andrews, University of Cologne. 701 
W.G. Andrews, University of Washington, Seattle. 

A. Arazi, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 3, 788, 910 
the late M. Athar Ali, Aligarh Muslim University. 

188, 297, 552 
Francoise Aubin, Centre d'Etudes de Recherches 

Internationales, Paris. 339 
A. Ayalon, Tel Aviv University. 123, 241, 445 
[F. Babinger, Munich]. 539, 672 
Taieb Baccouche, University of Tunis. 660 
T. Bachrouch, University of Tunis. 760 
Roswitha Badry, University of Freiburg. 159, 201, 

373, 385, 497 
Eva Baer, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 397 
J. Baldick, University of London. 958 
Qigdem Balim, University of Manchester. 186, 235, 

423, 446, 678, 721 
P. Ballanfat, University of Lyons. 547 
[W. Barthold, Leningrad], 544 
F. Bauden, University of Liege. 17 
Th. Bauer, University of Erlangen. 909 
L. Bazin, Ecole des Langues Orientales, Paris. 689 
M. Bazin, University of Reims. 414, 560, 628 
J. Becka, University of Prague. 66 
the late A.F.L. Beeston, Oxford. 576 
M.AJ. Beg, Cambridge. 24, 25, 67, 102, 179, 435 
A. Ben Abdesselem, Institut National des Langues et 

Civilisations Orientales, Paris. 587, 740 
Lilia Ben Salem, University of Tunis. 663 
Omar Bencheikh, Centre National de la Recherche 

Scientifique, Paris. 179 
H. Bencheneb, Paris. 181 

J. P. Berkey, Davidson College, Davidson, North 

Carolina. 81 
Monique Bernards, University of Nijmegen. 433 
Th. Bianq_uis, University of Lyons. 151 
G. Biger, Tel Aviv University. 128 
J. Bisson, University of Tours. 52 
[W. Bjorkman, Uppsala]. 58, 615 
Sheila S. Blair, Richmond, New Hampshire. 50 
F.C. de Blois, Royal Asiatic Society, London. 1, 133, 

188, 232, 264, 302, 600 
S.A. Bonebakker, University of California, Los 

Angeles. 396 
M. Bonner, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. 

N. van den Boogert, University of Leiden. 347, 

Marilyn Booth, University of Illinois, Urbana. 640 
C.E. Bosworth, University of Manchester. 5, 15, 

23, 49, 60, 63, 67, 80, 103, 105, 110, 111, 1 

115, 125, 141, 144, 157, 163, 166, 171, 212, '< 

215, 223, 238, 307, 310, 312, 349, 369, 393, ■ 

402, 415, 419, 426, 435, 439, 442, 444, 447, '. 

466, 479, 480, 483, 496, 502, 529, 530, 553, ; 

555, 578, 590, 596, 600, 602, 603, 623, 624, ( 

665, 667, 670, 675, 678, 680, 686, 737, 745, ; 

761, 767, 768, 773, 778, 787, 800, 815, 839, i 

882, 885, 893, 899, 909, 927, 944, 945, 955, < 

A. Boukous, University of Rabat. 345 
IJ. Boullata, McGill University. 95 
Brahim Boutaleb, University of Rabat. 309 
[H.H. Brau]. 434 
Sonja Brentjes, Max Planck Institute for the 

History of Science, Berlin. 794 
J.T.P. de Bruijn, University of Leiden. 54, 123, 132, 

764, 870 
[R. Brunschwig, Paris]. 642 
J. Bujard, Fondation Max van Berchem, Geneva. 

856, 859 
[F. Buhl, Copenhagen]. 376 
R.W. Bulliet, Columbia University. 304 
P. Buresi, University of Lyons. 71, 794 
Kathleen R.F. Burrill, Columbia University. 352, 

P. Cachia, Columbia University. 96 
the late N. Calder, University of Manchester. 102, 

138, 934 
Y. Callot, University of Tours. 167 
J. Calmard, Centre National de la Recherche 

Scientifique, Paris. 22, 493 
M.G. Carter, University of Oslo. 82, 103, 180, 241, 

J.-Cl. Chabrier, Centre National de la Recherche 

Scientifique, Paris. 628, 770, 773 
Mounira Chapoutot-Remadi, University of Tunis. 

E. Chaumont, Centre National de la Recherche 

Scientifique, Aix-en-Provence. 16, 866 
P. Chelkowski, New York University. 408 
Moncef Chenoufi, Kuwait University. 425 
Mohamed-Hedi Cherif, University of Tunis. 651 
W.C. Chittick, State University of New York, Stony 

Brook. 324 
V. Christides, University of Ioannina, Athens. 213, 

J. Cler, University of Strasbourg. 734 
W.L. Cleveland, Simon Fraser University, British 

Columbia. 908 
J.F. Coakley, Harvard University. 899 
P.M. Cobb, University of Notre Dame. 822, 884 
Merce Comes, University of Barcelona. 837 
D. Commins, Dickinson College, Carlisle, Penn. 133 
S. Conermann, University of Kiel. 186 
M. Cote, University of Aix-en-Provence. 358, 580, 

J. Couland, University of Paris. 7 
D. Crecelius, California State University, Los 

Angeles. 834 
Patricia Crone, Institute for Advanced Study, 

Princeton, NJ. 954 
Stephanie Cronin, London. 23 
Yolande Crowe, Geneva. 767 

F. Daftary, Institute of Ismaili Studies, London. 404, 

Radhi Daghfous, University of Tunis. 648 
H. Daiber, University of Frankfurt. 750 

B. van Dalen, University of Frankfurt. 271 
Virginia Danielson, Harvard University. 856 

R.E. Darley-Doran, Winchester. 185, 410, 527, 

G. David, Eotvos Lorand University, Budapest. 417 
D. Davis, Ohio State University, Columbus. 672 
R.H. Davison, George Washington University. 209 
F.M. Denny, University of Colorado, Boulder. 75, 

385, 398, 863 
[J. Deny, Paris]. 598 

D. DeWeese, Indiana University, Bloomington. 563 

E. Dickinson, Yale University. 935 

A. Dietrich, University of Gottingen. 23, 587, 768, 

868, 946 
Moktar Djebli, University of Paris. 108, 136, 431 
G. Doerfer, University of Gottingen. 188 
Anne-Marie Edde, University of Reims. 600 
D.F. Eickelman, Dartmouth College, Hanover, New 

Hampshire. 225 
R. Eisener, University of Bamberg. 67 
Taieb El Acheche, University of Tunis. 142, 386, 

429, 463, 542, 782 
Mohamed El Mansour, University of Rabat. 185 
W. Ende, University of Freiburg. 140 
G. Endress, University of Bochum. 53, 530 

C. Ernst, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. 

H. Fahndrich, University of Zurich. 193 

[H.G. Farmer, Glasgow]. 34, 38, 626, 770, 894 

Suraiya Faroq_hi, University of Munich. 113, 21 

l Fierro, C.S.I.C., Madrid. 1 

R. Firestone, Hebrew Union College, Los Angeles. 

Kais M. Firro, University of Haifa. 192 
Barbara Flemming, University of Leiden. 352, 718 
W. Floor, Bethesda, Maryland. 926 
P. Fodor, University of Budapest. 166 
Ch.-H. de Fouchecour, University of Paris. 831 
B.G. Fragner, University of Bamberg. 64 
G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville, SherifT Hutton, York. 301, 

M. Gaborieau, Centre National de la Recherche 

Scientifique, Paris. 39, 580 

A. Gacek, McGill University, Montreal. 409, 871 
Expiracion Garcia-Sanchez, C.S.I.C., Granada. 480 
J.-Cl. Garcin, University of Aix-Marseille. 938 
GJ.H. van Gelder, University of Oxford. 4, 5, 79, 

123, 180, 341 
E. Geoffroy, University of Strasbourg. 61, 117, 246, 

854, 864 
Cl. Gilliot, University of Aix-en-Provence. 10, 805 
D. Gimaret, Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris. 

2, 139, 183, 389, 931 
Altan GOkalp, University of Paris. 126, 736 
P.B. Golden, Rutgers University. 303, 371, 417, 552, 

557, 623, 691, 693 
Lisa Golombek, Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto. 

523, 524 
G. Goodwin, Royal Asiatic Society, London. 569 
M.S. Gordon, Miami University, Oxford, Ohio. 618 
W.A. Graham, Harvard University. 312, 357 
W. Granara, Harvard University. 662 
Vincenza Grassi, University of Naples. 240 
P. Guichard, University of Lyons. 584 
J.-P. Guillaume, University of Paris. 193, 376, 835 
D. Gutas, Yale University. 231 
the late U. Haarmann, Free University, Berlin. 796 
Mohammad Hajji, Rabat. 56, 77 
H. Halm, University of Tubingen. 814 
Wael B. Hallaq, McGill University, Montreal. 161 
S. Nomanul Haq, Cambridge, Mass. 28 
G.R. Hawting, University of London. 99, 432, 847 
G. Hazai, University of Cyprus. 715 
[W. Heffening, Cologne]. 53, 469, 907 
W.P. Heinrichs, Harvard University. 7, 53, 70, 132, 

360, 424, 452, 482, 589, 670, 910, 928, 951 
CJ. Heywood, University of London. 801 
Carole Hillenbrand, University of Edinburgh. 528 
M. Hofelich, University of Frankfurt. 146 
V. Hohfeld, University of Tubingen. 571, 759 

C. Holes, University of Oxford. 818 
P.M. Holt, Oxford. 622 

[E. Honigmann, Brussels]. 481 

M.B. Hooker, Australian National University, 
Canberra. 430, 807 

D. Hopwood, University of Oxford. 389, 873 

B. Hourcade, Centre National de la Recherche 
Scientifique, Paris. 496 

[M.T. Houtsma, Utrecht]. 554 

R.S. Humphreys, University of California, Santa 

Barbara. 276, 280, 283 
J.O. Hunwick, Northwestern University. 89, 122, 134, 

143, 299, 340, 510, 810 

C. Imber, University of Manchester. 420, 738 
Halil Inalcik, Bilkent University, Ankara. 507 
B. Ingham, University of London. 957 
Svetlana Ivanova, National Library, Sofia. 547 
Mawil Y. Izzi Dien, University of Wales, Lampeter. 

77, 93, 304, 358, 406, 800 
P. Jackson, University of Keele. 552, 591, 593 
Renate Jacobi, Free University, Berlin. 400, 776 
JJ.G. Jansen, University of Leiden. 62, 938 



E C. j, 

University of Oxford. 740, 

ie Jong, University of Utrecht. 326 
G.H.A. Juynboll, Leiden. 78, 81, 382, 399, 446, 546 
O. Kahl, Sheffield. 476 

Mehmet Kalpakli, Bilkent University, Ankara. 478 
N. Kaptein, University of Leiden. 257 
A.T. Karamustafa, Washington University, St. Louis. 

Barbara Kellner-Heink 

rsity, Bcrlii 

[H. Kindermann, Cologne]. 786 
D.A. King, University of Frankfurt. 55, 133, 163, 313 
G.M.H. King, University of Oxford. 438 

F. Klein-Franke, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 461 
Sigrid Kleinmichel, Free University, Berlin. 733 

A. Knysh, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. 922 
Timur Kocaoglu, Koc University, Istanbul. 686 
Ebba Koch, University of Vienna. 60 
E. Kohlberg, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 40, 41 
Linda Komaroff, Los Angeles County Museum of 

Art. 525 
M.G. Kossmann, University of Leiden. 242 
[J.H. Kramers, Leiden]. 82, 416, 417, 766, 925 
Remke Kruk, University of Leiden. 148, 379 
P. Kunitzsch, University of Munich. 531 
H. Kurio, Staatsbibliothek Berlin. 181 
Abderrahmane Lakhsassi, Mohammed V University, 

Rabat. 551 
J. Lambert, Musee de FHomme, Paris. 211 
Ann K.S. Lambton, Kirknewton, Northumberland. 

290, 551 
J.M. Landau, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 177, 365 
Ella Landau-Tasseron, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 

D.M. Last, University College, London. 951 
J.D. Latham, University of Manchester. 449, 873 
M. Lavergne, Centre National de la Recherche 

Scientifique, Paris. 19, 216 
A. Layish, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 157, 161, 

the late Hava Lazarus-Yafeh, Hebrew University, 

Jerusalem. 112, 395, 960 
O.N.H. Leaman, John Moores University, Liverpool. 

M. Lecker, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 93, 116, 

176, 401, 432, 774, 784, 960 
S. Leder, University of Halle. 827 
J.L. Lee, Leeds University. 158 
R. van Leeuwen, University of Amsterdam. 194, 211 

G. Leiser, Vacaville, California. 170, 412, 413, 570 
T. Leisten, Princeton University. 675 

Amalia Levanoni, University of Haifa. 7, 925 

[G. Levi Della Vida, Rome]. 401 

[E. Levi-Provencal, Paris]. 83, 171, 913 

A. Levin, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 121 

B. Lewis, Princeton University. 81 

L. Lewisohn, University of London. 332, 378 
G. Libson, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 888 
Chang-Kuan Lin, National Cheng-chi University, 

Taipei. 476, 575, 808 
B. Lory, Institut National des Langues Orientales 

Vivantes, Paris. 372, 624 
P. Lory, Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris. 

M.C. Lyons, University of Cambridge. 436, 955 
M.C.A. Macdonald, University of Oxford. 438, 968 
D. MacEoin, University of Durham. 41 
W. Madelung, University of Oxford. 89, 162, 431, 

762, 792, 916, 927 
Ali Mahjoubi, University of Tunis. 654 
Ammar Mahjoubi, University of Tunis. 644 
Fedwa Malti-Douglas, Indiana University, Blooming- 

.. 587 


/, Medford, Mas: 

5. 566 

[G. Marcais, Paris]. 405 

Manuela Marin, University of Madrid. 106, 285 

Y. Marq_uet, University of Paris. 546 

P.J. Marshall, King's College, London. 533 

[L. Massignon, Paris]. 1, 498 

R. Matthee, University of Delaware. 756 

Catherine Mayeur-Jaouen, University of Paris. 190 

Daniela Merolla, University of Leiden. 119 

L.B. Miller, New Paltz, N.Y. 241 

[V. Minorsky, Cambridge]. 486, 487, 673, 744, 896, 

J.-P. Molenat, Centre National de la Recherche 

Scientifique, Paris. 607, 765 
L. Molina, University of Granada. 243, 586, 777, 

G. Monnot, Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris. 

J.E. M< 

823, 839, 946 
P.F\ de Moraes Farias, Ui 

ity of Cambridge. 220, 586, 
of Birmingham. 

P. Losens: 

, Indiar 


■, Bloomingto 

R. Morelon, Centre National de la Recherche 

Scientifique, Paris. 429 
D.O. Morgan, University of London. 412 
M. Morony, University of California, Los Angeles. 

D.W. Morray, University College Dublin. 167 
Abderrahmane Moussaoui, Oran, Algeria. 758 
J.-M. Mouton, University of Picardy, Amiens. 532 
M. Muranyi, University of Bonn. 840 
R. Murphey, University of Birmingham. 812 
j Silvia Naef, University of Basel. 366 
| Laila Nehme, College de France, Paris. 968 
! I.R. Netton, University of Leeds. 869 
i E. Neubauer, University of Frankfurt. 144, 759, 810 
j AJ. Newman, University of Edinburgh. 937 
, C. Nijland, Leiden. 619 
[B. Nikitine, Paris]. 398 
I the late K.A. Nizami, Aligarh Muslim University. 257, 
I 807, 896 

i G. Nonneman, Lancaster University. 854 
j A. Northedge, University of Paris. 792 
I Annette Oevermann, University of Tubingen. 97 
R.S. O'Fahey, University of Bergen. 4, 250 
K. Ohrnberg, University of Helsinki. 190 
! G. Oman, University of Naples. 212, 214 
I T. Penchoen, Hood River, Oregon. 170 
| Ch. Picard, University of Toulouse. 795 
j D. Pingree, Brown University. 28 
] [M. Plessner, Jerusalem], 179, 548 
j I. Poonawala, University of California, Los Angeles. 

J A. Popovic, Centre National de la Recherche 
Scientifique, Paris. 255, 574, 923 

Catherine Poujol, Institut National des Langues et 
J Civilisations Orientales, Paris. 222, 351, 560, 681 

K.-G. Prasse, University of Copenhagen. 381 
j I. Proudfoot, Australian National University, 
| Canberra. 302 

Nasser Rabbat, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 

Cambridge. 538 
B. Radtke, University of Utrecht. 317 
FJ. Ragep, University of Oklahoma. 752 
Munibur Rahman, Oakland University, Rochester, 

Michigan. 104, 114, 164, 165, 439, 599, 872 
R. Rashed, Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris. 

S.A. al-Rashid, King Saud University, Riyadh. 759, 

A.K. Reinhart, Dartmouth College, Hanover, New 

Hampshire. 99, 114, 400 
R.C. Repp, University of Oxford. 805 
A. Rieck, University of Hamburg. 1 1 7 
A. Rippin, University of Calgary. 88, 341, 359, 434, 


Ruth Roded, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 855, 

Fatima Roldan Castro, University of Seville. 145, 

149, 242 
B.A. Rosenfeld, Pennsylvania State University. 834 
F. Rosenthal, Yale University. 165, 168, 348 
A. Rouaud, Centre National de la Recherche 

Scientifique, Paris. 72 
E.K. Rowson, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. 

DJ. Roxburgh, Harvard University. 519 
P.C. Sadgrove, University of Manchester. 233, 679 
J. Samso, University of Barcelona. 942 

F. Sanagustin, University of Lyons. 926 
Paula Sanders, Rice University, Houston. 538 
T. Sato, University of Tokyo. 919 

Emilie Savage-Smith, University of Oxford. 356, 

R.M. Savory, University of Toronto. 110, 137 
A. Sawides, Centre for Byzantine Studies, Athens. 

414, 422, 572 
Ayman F. Sayyid, The Egyptian National Library, 

Cairo. 916 
Jennifer M. Scarce, National Museums of Scotland, 

Edinburgh. 88 
[J. Schacht, New York], 155, 859 
A. Schippers, University of Amsterdam. 216 
[O. Schirmer]. 368 

G. Schoeler, University of Basel. 306, 434, 913 
D. Schroeter, University of California, Irvine. 406 
R. Schulze, University of Berne. 168 

O. Schumann, University of Hamburg. 420, 475 

P. Sebag, Paris. 639 

T. Seidensticker, University of Jena. 108, 224 

R. Sellheim, University of Frankfurt. 98, 399, 462 

Hafedh Sethom, University of Tunis. 643 

C. Shackle, University of London. 881 

R. Shaham, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 354 

Irfan Shah!d, Georgetown University, Washington, 

DC. 192, 403, 436, 789 
Maya Shatzmiller, University of Western Ontario. 

S. von Sicard, Selly Oak Colleges, Birmingham. 197, 

Mohammad Yusuf Siddiq, Islamic University, Kushtia, 

Bangladesh. 541, 550, 574, 598 
H.J.AJ. Smeets, University of Leiden. 574, 766 
G.R. Smith, University of Manchester. 10, 107, 118, 

303, 392, 430, 449, 482, 673, 815, 817, 868, 913, 

P. Smoo 

, University of Amsterdam. 172, 8 

Susan A. Spectorsky, City University of New York. 

I. Steblin-Kamensky, St. Petersburg State College. 65 
F.H. Stewart, Hebrew University, Jerusalem. 95, 443, 

J. Stewart-Robinson, University of Michigan, Ann 

Arbor. 55 
the late Yedida K. Stillman, University of Oklahoma, 

Norman. 538 
W. Stoetzer, University of Leiden. 390 
[M. Streck, Jena]. 641, 665, 668 
G. Strohmaier, Berlin. 928 
fR. Strothmann, Hamburg]. 183 
Zeinab A. Taha, American University in Cairo. 4 
Mohamed Talbi, University of Tunis. 101, 172, 

W.M. Thackston, Harvard University. 517, 760, 835 

F. Thiesen, University of Oslo. 236 

D. Thomas, Selly Oak Colleges, Birmingham. 18, 

Amin Tibi, University of Oxford. 357, 825, 916 
Shawkat M. Toorawa, University of Mauritius. 103, 

104, 762 
Comi M. Toulabor, Centre National de la Recherche 

Scientifique, Bordeaux. 558 
J.L. Triaud, University of Aix-Marseilles. 575 
M. Tuchscherer, University of Aix-en-Provence. 

[V. Vacca, Rome]. 913 
D.M. Varisco, Hofstra University. 147 

G. Veinstein, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences 
Sociales, Paris. 959 

Chantal de La Veronne, Centre National de la 

Recherche Scientifique, Paris. 149 
C.H.M. Versteegh, University of Nijmegen. 361 
Maria J. Viguera, University Complutense of Madrid. 

304, 390, 739, 753 
the late F. Vire, Centre National de la Recherche 

Scientifique, Paris. 118, 396, 433, 510, 784 

D. Waines, University of Lancaster. 115, 32, 529 
[J. Walker, London]. 510 

S.M. Wasserstrom, Reed College, Portland. 778 

B.G. Weiss, University of Utah. 867 

A. Welch, University of Victoria. 595 

[A.J. Wensinck, Leiden]. 98, 119, 222, 360, 945, 952 

Mary C. Wilson, University of Massachusetts, 

Amherst. 887 
Christine Woodhead, University of Durham. 295, 

352, 450, 679, 738, 908, 920 
Mohammed Yalaoui, University of Tunis. 20, 499, 

500, 657, 791 

E. Yarshater, Encyclopaedia Iranica, New York. 

St. Yerasimos, Institut Francais d'Etudes Anatoliennes, 

Istanbul. 539, 616, 924 
Alexandra Yerolympos, Aristotelian University, Thes- 

saloniki. 540 
A. Zaborski, University of Cracow. 582 
Elizabeth A. Zachariadou, University of Crete. 777, 

Th. Zarcone, Centre National de la Recherche 

Scientifique, Paris. 253, 334, 963 
[K.V. Zettersteen, Uppsala]. 555 
Ming Zhu, Beijing University of Chinese Medicine 

and Pharmacy. 461 
P. Zieme, Free University, Berlin. 715 
EJ. Zurcher, University of Leiden. 418, 697 



P. 274 a , DIHLl SULTANATE, 1. 9 from foot, add to Bibi: P. Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate, a political and 
military history, Cambridge 1999. 

P. 1055 a , GHAZNAWIDS, Art and monuments, 1. 12, add to Bibi: Roberta Giunta, Les inscriptions de la ville 
de Gazni (Afghanistan), these de doctorat N.R., Univ. de Provence Aix-Marseille 1999, 3 vols., 
unpubl.; R. Hillenbrand, The architecture of the Ghaznavids and Ghurids, in Carole Hillenbrand (ed.), 
Studies in honour of Clifford Edmund Boswotth. 2. The Sultans turret, Leiden 2000, 124-206. 

P. 1104 a , GHURIDS, 1. 13, add to Bibi: Roberta Giunta, Les inscriptions de la ville de Gazni (Afghanistan), these 
de doctorat N.R., Univ. de Provence Aix-Marseille 1999, 3 vols., unpubl.; R. HiUebrand, The 
architecture of the Ghaznavids and Ghurids, in Carole HiUebrand (ed.), Studies in honour of Clifford Edmund 
Bosworth. 2. The Sultan's turret, Leiden 2000, 124-206; P. Jackson, The fall of the Ghurid dynasty, in 
ibid., 207-37. 

P. 1142 a , GURGANDJ, 1. 40, add after "iv, 260 f.)": A building surviving there, on stylistic grounds attrib- 
utable to the later 6th/ 12th century, is by popular local tradition considered as the tomb of the 
Kh w arazm Shah Tekish b. II Arslan (567-96/1172-1200 [q.v.]), but is more probably a palace or 
government building, perhaps part of a larger complex (see S. Chmelnizkij, The mausoleum of Tekesh 
in Kunya Urgench, in F. Reroche et alii, Art tun I Turkish art. 10th International Congress of Turkish 
Art... Geneva 17-23 September 1995, Geneva 1999, 217-23). 


P. 1178 b , IMRU' al-KAYS, add to Bibi: Irfan Shahid, Byzantium and Kinda, in Byzantinische Zeitschr., liii (1960), 
57-73; idem, Byzantium and the Arabs in the sixth century, Washington D.C. 1995; idem, The last days 
of Imru' al-Qays: Anatolia, in Issa J. Boullata and T. De Young (eds.), Tradition and modernity in Arabic 
literature, Fayetville, Ark. 1997, 207-22; Sezgin, GAS, ii, 122-6, ix, 266. 


P. 915 a , KHAKAN, 1. 33, and KHAN, p. 1010 b , 1. 23 from foot, add to Bibi: G. Moravcsik, Byzantino-tur- 
cica, ii, Sprachreste der Turkvolker in der byzantinischen Quellen, 2 Berlin 1958, 148-9, 332-4; A.G.C. 
Sawides, Some notes on the terms Khan and Khagan in Byzantine sources, in I.R. Nettorn (ed.), Studies in 
honour of Clifford Edmund Bosworth. 1. Hunter of the East, Leiden 2000, 267-79. 


P. 71», KHURYAN-MURYAN, 1. 13 from foot, add to Bibi: G.R. Smith, The Kurk Muria Islands, 1959- 

60. A footnote of British colonial history, in I.R. Netton (ed.), Studies in honour of Clifford Edmund Bosworth. 

I. Hunter of the East, Leiden 2000", 280-96. 
P. 707 b , LAWN, 1. 11, add to Bibi: P. Shinar, Quelques observations sur le role de la couleur bleue dans le Maghreb 

traditionel, in A. Borg (ed.), The language of color in the Mediterranean, Acta Universitatis Stockholmensis, 

Stockholm 1999, 175-9. 
P. 724% LEO AFRICANUS, add to Bibi: D. Rauchenberger, Johannes Leo der Afrikaner. Seine Beschreibung des 

Raumes zwischen Ml und Niger nach dem Urtext, Wiesbaden 1999. 
P. 1134 b , MADRAS A. I, add to Bibi.: Nicole Grandin and M. Gaborieau (eds.), Madrasa. La transmission du 

savoir dans k monde musulman, Paris 1997. 


P. 506 b , MUKARNAS, add to Bibi: W. Heinrichs, The etymology of Muqamas: some observations, in Asma 
Afsaruddin and A.H.M. Zahniser (eds.), Humanism, culture, and language in the Near East. Studies in 
honor of Georg Krotkoff Winona, Ind. 1997, 175-84. 


P. 67 a , NIZAK, TARKHAN, add to Bibi.: Emel Esin, Tarkhan Nlzak or Tarkhan Tirek? An enquiry concerning 

the prince of Badhghis who in A.H. 91/A.D. 709-710 opposed the 'Omayyad conquest of Central Asia, in 

JAOS, xcvii (1977), 323-31. 


P. 7 b , al-SAN'ANI, 'ABD al-RAZZAK, 1. 13 from the foot, after tafsir, add: ed. Mustafa Muslim 

Muhammad, 4 vols., Riyad 1989, and ed. 'Abd al-Mu'ti Amln Kal'adjI, 2 vols., Beirut 1991. 

P. 84 a , SATIH b. RABI'A, 1. 24 from bottom, for spitting in their months, read spitting in their mouths 

P., 118 b , SAYYID KUTB, add to Bibi: Sayyid Kutb's articles containing social criticism, published in peri- 
odicals during the Second World War, have been collected and edited, with an elaborate introd. 
by A. Roussillon: Sayyid Kutb, al-Muajtama' al-Misn. Djudhuruhu wa-afakuhu, i'dad wa-takdim Alan 
Rusijun, Cairo 1994, p. 388. ' 

P. 174% SHADHILIYYA, 1. 10, for Yashruti (d. 1891), read Yashruti (d. 1899) 

P. 377 b , SHAWK, add to Bibi: Nasr Allah Purdjawadi, Shawk-i didar, in Nashr-i Danish, Tehran, xiv/4 
(1994); idern^ Kibla-yi shawk, in ibid., xiv (1994). 

P. 378 a , AL-SHAWKANI, add to Bibi: Husayn 'Abd Allah al-'Amn, al-Imam al-Shawkdm, ra'id 'asrihi. Dirasa 
ft fikhihi wa-fkrihi, Damascus 1410/1990; idem, art. Muhammad b. 'All al-Shawkdm {1760-1834), in 
al-Mawsu'a al-yamaniyya, Beirut-San'a 1 1412/1992, ii, 828-9; B. Haykel, Al-Shawkani and the jurispru- 
dential unity of Yemen, in RMMM, lxvii (1993), 53-65, with bibi. and references. 

P. 462 a , SHI'R. 1 (a), add to Bibi: Renate Jacobi, Studien zur altarabischen Qaside, Wiesbaden 1971; eadem, 


Lhchtung und Luge in der aiabischen Literaturtheone, in hi, xhx (1972), 85-99; eadem, Ibn al-Mu'tazz: 
Dair 'Abdun, a structural analysts, in JAL, \i (1975;, 35-56, eadem. The Camel-section of the panegyrical 
ode, in ibid, \m (1982), 1-22, eadem, Neue Forschungen zur altarabuchen Qaside, in BiOr, xl (1983), 5- 
16, eadem. Die Anfange der arabischen Gazalpoesie Abu Du'aib al-Hudali, in 1st., lxi (1984), 218-50; 
eadem, Tune and riahtv in Nasib and Ghazal, in JAL, \\i (1985), 1-17, eadem, The Khayal motif in 
early Arabic poetry, in Oruns, xx\n (1990), 50-64, eadem, Altarabische Topoi in der Abbasidendichtung. ^ur 
Techmk und Funktion der " Verfremdung" , in M Forstner fed), Festgabe fur Hans-Robert Singer, Frankfurt 
1991, n, 757-71, eadem. Theme and variations m Umayyad Ghazal poetry, in JAL, xxiii (1992), 109-19; 
eadem, Und der Lagerplatz ruft Wo ist Labid' Interpretation einer Luzumlya, in Alma Giese and J.Chr. 
Burial (eds ), Got/ i\t schon und Er liebt die Schonheit Festschrift fur Annemane Schimmel, Bern 1994, 291- 
303, eadem, Z 1 " Gazalpoesie des Watid ibn lazld, in W Heinnchs and G Schoeler (eds.), Festschrift 
Ewald Wagner zum 65 Geburtstag, u, Studien zu arabischen Dichtung, Beirut 1994, 145-61; eadem, Von 
der Uammesduhtung zur Hofdhhtung Probteme des Mohimandels m der jruhen arabischen Literatur, in Ibn an- 
Nadim und die mittelalterltche arabische Literatur Beitrage zum I Johann Uithelm Fiick-Kolloquium (Halle 
1987), Wiesbaden 1996, 103-10, eadem, Al-Khayalant—a larmtion of the khayal motif in JAL, xxvii 
(1996), 2-12, eadem. The origins of the Qasida form, in S Sperl and C Shackle (eds.), Qasida poetry 
in Islamic Asia and Africa, i. Classical traditions and modem meanings, Leiden 1996, 21-34; Irfan Shahid, 
The authenticity of pre-Islamu poetry the linguistic dimension, in al Abhath, \h\ (1996), 3-29. 


P. 18 b , al-TABARI, add to Bibl J -M Gaudeul, Riposte aux Chretiens par 'Ali Al-Tabari, Rome 1995 (French 

tr of al-Radd 'aid 1-Nasdra) 

P. 32 b , TABKH, add to Bibl Th Bianquis, Une ense frumentaire dam 1'Egypte fatimide, in J ESHO, xxiii (1978), 

67-101, J CI Da\id, La cuisine, manger a Damas, dans Damas, miroir bnse d'un Orient arabe, Paris 1993, 

P. 70 b , TADJNIS, add to Bibl M Grunert, Die Begriffsverstarkung dutch das Ehmon im iltarabisehen, in Sb 

hais Akad d Wiss Wien, Philos -hist A7, cxx\, \, Vienna 1892, H Reckendorf Lber Paronomasie in 
den semitischen Spraehen, Giessen 1909, H Kindermann, Uber das Ehmologisieren und das Denken in 
Bildem im Arabischen, in WO, n (1959), 528-30 

P. 83 a , TAFILALT, add to Bibl H Peies, Les relations entre le Tafilalt it le Soudan a haters le Sahara du XII 

au XIV smle, in Melanges de geographic et d'onentahsme offerts a EF Gautier Tours 1937, J Margat 
Donnees sur I'habitat du Tafilalt Contribution a I'etude demographique des palmeraus du sud maroiain in Notes 
marocaines, Rabat, no 11-12 (1959), A Zerhouim, Maitrtse des eaux dans le penmelre du Tafilalt in 
Hommes, terres et earn, Rabat, no 42 (1981), D Jacques-Meume, Le \Iaroc sahanen des engines a 1670 
Pans 1982, G S Colin, Un voyage au Tafilalt en 1787, in Revue de la Geogr du \Iaroc Jan 1984), 
M. Boubekraoui and C. Carcemal, Le Tafilalt aujourd'hui. Regression aolution et societe dune palmoau 
du sud marocain, in Revue Geogr. Pyrenees et Sud-ouest, no. 47 (1986) 449-63 L Mezzine Lt Tafilalt 
Contribution a t'histoire du Maroc aux XVII' et XVIII' siecles, Pubis, de la Faculte des Lettres de 1 Unn 
de Rabat, Rabat 1987. 

P. 136% TAKIYYA, add to Bibl.: E. Kohlberg, Taqiyya in Shi'i theology and religion in H G kippenberg and 
G.G. Stroumsa (eds.), Secrecy and concealment. Studies in the history of Mediterranean and Near Eastern nil 
gions, Leiden 1995, 345-80 (provides excellent survey of both sources and secondary literature) 

P. 151 a , TALAT b. RUZZIK, add to Bibl.: See also Tala'i' b. Ruzzfk, Druan alua^ir Tala'i' al Malik al 
Salih, ed. A.A. Badawi, Cairo 1958, ed. M.H. al-Amim, Nadjaf 1964 SB Dado V an The Fatimid 
Armenians. Cultural and political interaction in the Near East, Leiden 1997 (for Tala'i' s Nusavnsm) 

P. 176\ TA'MIM, 1. 1, for milli, kardan read milti kardan. 

P. 290 b , TA'RJKH. 2. In Persian, 1. 9 from foot, add to Bibl: C.E. Bosworth The Persian contribution to 
Islamic historiography in the pre-Mongol period, in R.G. Hovannissian and G Sabbagh (eds ) The Persian 
presence in the Islamic world, Thirteenth Giorgio Levi Delia Vida Biennial Conference 1991 m honor of Ehsan 
Yarshater, Cambridge 1998, 218-36; Julie Scott Meisami, Why write history in Persian? Historical Writing 
in the Samanid period, in Carole Hillenbrand (ed.), Studies in honour of Clifford Edmund Bosuorth 2 The 
Sultan'sjurret, Leiden 1999, 348-74. 

P. 360 b , TASNIM, add at end of article: For the opposition between Fatimid Shi 'is and Shafi'is from Damascus 
on the tasnim of tombs, see Th. Bianquis, Damas et la Syrie sous la domination fatimide n Damascus 
1989, 627. 

P. 378% TAWAKKUL, 1. 19, add to Bibl.: L. Lewisohn, The way of Tawakkul The ideal of Trust in God 
in classical Persian Sufism, in IC, lxxiii/2 (1999), 27-62. 

P. 376", TAWAF, 1. -9, for keeping the Ka'ba on the right at all times, read for keeping the Ka'ba on 
the left at all times; 

P. 435 a , al-THA'LABIYYA, 1. 7, after al-MukaddasI add Yakut, Buldan, vi, 53 et passim. 

1. 10, before Today, add the sentence Many incidents which took place from the lst/7th to 6th/ 12th 
centuries are recorded by Ibn al-Athlr, al-Kamd; Fihnst, 440. 

P. 435 a , THALLADT, 1. -3 from bottom, after cf. add Musabbihl, Akhbar Mm, ed. Savyid-Bianquis, Cairo 
1978, 68; 

P. 436 b , THAMUD, replace 2nd paragraph, 11. 9-21, with: As the following article thamudic shows, the term 
"Thamudic" is a purely comentional one, actually a misnomer, and has no demonstrable con- 
nection with the historical tribe of Thamud; nor is there any evidence that the various scripts 
described as "Thamudic" are derived from Sabaic rather than their being parallel developments. 

P. 461 b , al-TIBRIZI, 11. 15-17, in place of what is umttm in the text, read 458/1065), and in Sur [q.v.] or 
Tyre, Sula>m b. Ayyub al-Razi (d. 447/1055), who as a philologist had specialised in hadith, tafiu, 
and above all Shafi'I law. 


P. 547% TIRMIDHl, add to Bibb. B. FurQzanfar (ed.), Ma'arif. Madjmu'a-yi mawa'iz wa kalimati-i Sayyid Burhan 
al-Din Muhakkik-i Tirmidhi, 2 Tehran 1377. 

P. 547 b , TiRNOWA, 1. 28 from foot, for At some point in the later 15th century, the Kawak Baba lekke 
had been established round the former church of the Forty Martyrs by a wakf read According to 
the latest evidence, the church of the Forty Martyrs was converted into the Kawak Baba tekke 
after the conquest of Tirnowa. Recent studies prove that the Kawak Baba tekke, with an 'imaret 
and a medrese, belonged to the wakf of Bayazid I. The tekke was established there towards the end 
of the 17th or at the beginning of the 18th century, when the church was abandoned, 

P. 567 b , TOPKAPI SARAYI, 1. -8, for Mehemmed III, read Mehemmed IV 

P. 568 a , 1. 33, 'for Mehemmed III, read Mehemmed IV 

P. 914 b , 'USHAK, add to BibL, H. Inalcik, The Yuruks: their origins, expansion and economic role, in Oriental Carpet 
and Textile Studies, ii (1986), 39-66. 


P. 411 a , ILAK, 1. 51, add In the later 4th/10th century and early 5th/llth centuries, the dihkans of Dak 
took the side of the incoming Karakhanids [see ilek-khans] against their Samanid overlords. It 
now seems possible to place the fulus minted during this period, going up to 403/1012-13, as 
emanating from three apparently successive dihkans. See M. Fedorov, A rare fals of AH 401 struck 
at Ildq (new data about the "Dihqdns of Ilaq" dynasty), in Oriental Numismatic Society Newsletter, n°. 162 
(winter 2000), 11-13. 

TA' and TA', the third and sixteenth letters 
of the Arabic alphabet, with the numerical val- 
ues in the abdjad system of 400 and 9 respectively. 
In the modern standard pronunciation, the former 
represents a voiceless, slightly aspirated, dental (or 
dento-alveolar) stop; the latter a voiceless, unaspirated, 
dental (dento-alveolar) stop with simultaneous velari- 
sation, i.e. with the back of the tongue lifted towards 
the soft palate. Slbawayh and his successors classify 
ta" as madjhur, which most modem scholars have under- 
stood to mean "voiced" [see huruf al-hidja' and the 
references cited there], but the evidence of modem 
Arabic dialects and of the other Semitic languages 
seems hardly reconcilable with the alleged voiced 
articulation of ta'. It is true that in a large area of 
central Yemen, including San'a', the reflex of clas- 
sical ta' is in fact realised as a voiced [d] in pre- and 
inter-vocalic positions, but in many of these dialects 
ta' is also voiced in the same positions (see P. Behnstedt, 
Die nordjemenitischen Diakkte. Teil 1. Atlas, Wiesbaden 
1985, 13 and Karte 6). Thus the Yemenite evidence 
does not really support the supposedly ancient voiced 
realisation specifically for "emphatic" ta'. 

In words of Greek or Latin origin which entered 
Arabic via Aramaic original [t] is normally repre- 
sented by ta'; this continues the scribal practice in 
Aramaic, where the letter taw represents the (origi- 
nally aspirated, later fricative) Greek 0, while the let- 
ter teth is reserved for the Greek (unaspirated) z. 
Similarly in borrowings from Iranian languages, orig- 
inal [t] is very often represented by ta' in Arabic (e.g. 
in place-names like Tabaristan, Tus, Istakhr), possi- 
bly suggesting that in early New Persian [t] was still 
(as in Old Iranian) unaspirated. However, in modern 
Persian [t] is pronounced almost exactly like Arabic 
[t] , i.e. with some degree of aspiration, and when the 
Persians began to write their own language in Arabic 
script they consistently used ta' for their [t], restrict- 
ing ta' to words borrowed from Arabic. 

Turkic languages, when written in Arabic script, 
generally use ta' for the more or less palatalised [t] 
occurring in the vicinity of front vowels and ta' for 
the same phoneme next to back vowels. Urdu uses 
ta' for its voiceless, unaspirated dental [t] and puts 
(at least in the modem orthography) a miniaturised 
ta' over the letters ra', dal and unpointed ta' to indi- 
cate the Indian retroflex consonants [f], [d] and [t]; 
ordinary ta' is used (as in Persian) only in Arabic 
words and is not distinguished from ta' in pronunci- 

Bibliography: W.H.T. Gairdner, The phonetics of 
Arabic, London 1925; J. Cantineau, Cours de phone- 
tique arabe, in Etudes in linguistique arabe. Memorial Jean 
Cantineau, Paris 1960, 31 ft".; H. Fleisch, Traite de 
pkilologie arabe, i, Beirut 1961, 57 ff.; A. Roman, 
Etude de la pkonologie et de la morphologic de la koine 

arabe, Aix-en-Provence 1983, i, 155 ff., 254-6, 311- 

13, ii, 604 ff.; T.F. Mitchell, Pronouncing Arabic, i, 

Oxford 1990, 33-45. (F.C. de Blois) 

TA-HA, two isolated letters at the head of sura XX 

in the Kur'an. It has been proposed to explain them 

as an abbreviation, either of an imperative (from the 

root w-t-'; al-Hasan al-Basn) or from a proper name 

(Talha; Abu Hurayra), meaning the Companion of the 

Prophet, who supplied this sura to the first compilers 

of the Kur'an. 

The important thing to note is that Muslim tradi- 
tion since the 3rd/9th century has made Ta-Ha one 
of the names of the Prophet, and as a result, to this 
day we find boys in Egypt and 'Irak given the name 
Muhammad Ta-Ha. From the 4th/ 10th century, mys- 
tics unanimously see in Ta-Ha the purity (tahara) and 
rectitude (ihtida') of the heart of the Prophet. Such 
are in djafr [q.v.] the classical meanings of the two 

On the other hand, the two letters ta-sin (found at 
the head of sura XXVII), following the methods of 
djafr which sees in them abbreviations of tahara + sana, 
have been taken by certain early mystics to designate 
Iblis, whose monotheistic preaching among the angels 
was parallel with the monotheistic mission of Ta-Ha 
(= Muhammad) among men (see al-Halladj, Tasin al- 
azal. In this connection, it may be asked whether ta- 
sin was not formed by the inversion of sht-tan and 
this after the year 309/922, date of the death of al- 
Halladj, for numerically ta + sin = 300 + 9). 

The personal name, reduced to Taha, has not ac- 
quired a comparatively frequent usage in the Islamic 
lands. This is particularly seen in the name of the 
famous Egyptian man of letters and politics, Taha 
Husayn [q.v.]. 

Bibliography. MaydanI, s.v. rudda min taha ila 
bismillah; Baklr, Tqfsir, Cawnpore 1883, ii, 18-19 (tr. 
in Massignon, Essai sur les origines du lexique technique 
de la mystique musulmane 2 , Paris 1954, 99, and idem, 
La passion d'al Halldj, Paris 1922, 884, n. 1); ibid., 
Eng. tr. H. Mason; Raghib Pasha, Saflna, Cairo 
1282, 395; Noldeke-Schwally, Geschichte des Qorans, 
ii,_70-9. (L. Massignon) 

TA'A (a., pi. ta'at), a term of the theological 
vocabulary for an act of obedience to God, 
contrasted with ma'siya, pi. ma'asi, act of disobedience 
to God, hence sin. The two terms represent respec- 
tively good and bad actions, but add, or substitute 
for, these purely moral ideas the religious concept of 
conformity or non-conformity to the divine Law. 


a Kur'a 

ally called salihat, or much more rarely, hasana, pi. 
hasanat (see V\, 160; XI, 114; XXV, 70; XXVII, 89; 
XXVIII, 84). On the other hand, the verb ata'a "to 
obey", is very common (74 attestations), and in 31 
instances it involves, in effect, obedience to God; but 


one should note that this obedience to God, when 
expressly formulated, is always linked with obedience 
to the Prophet (see III, 32, 132; IV, 13, 59, 69, 80; 
V, 92; VIII, 1, 20, 46; etc.). In seven cases, it is a 
question of obeying tout court, without further preci- 
sion (II, 285; IV, 46; V, 7; XXIV, 47, 51; XLVIII, 
16; LXIV, 16), and, once, obedience involves only 
the Prophet (XXTV, 56). It is not, however, the same 
with the verb 'asa "to disobey", for which there are 
seven mentions, in various ways, of disobedience to 
God alone (VI, 15; X, 15; XI, 63; XIX, 44; XX, 
121; XXXIX, 13; LXVI, 6). One should neverthe- 
less mention that the noun ma'siya, which appears in 
a unique passage (LVIII, 8-9), figures only in the 
expression ma'siyat al-rasul. 

In Hadith, so far as one can judge, obedience to 
God is expressed exclusively in the explicit formula 
ta'at Allah, with the plural never found. On the other 
hand, the pi. ma'asi is already used, in an absolute 
form, for sinful actions (see e.g. al-Bukhari, buyu', 2; 
tafsir sura II, 47). 

It would indeed be futile to claim to be able to 
say at exactly what moment the usage of ta'a and 
ma'siya, used absolutely, for good and bad actions, 
came to be employed. One can only say that, in the 
theological writings which are presumed to be the 
oldest (end of the 1st century A.H.), this usage seems 
to be already firmly established (thus in the Risdla 
attributed to al-Hasan al-Basn, ed. Ritter, in Isi, xxi 
[1933], 74,11.6-7, 76,11. 7-20, 78,1.5; in that attrib- 
uted to the caliph 'Umar II, ed. J. van Ess, in his 
Anfdnge muslimischer Theologie, Beirut 1977, §§ 14-16). 

On the exact meaning of ta'a, Sunm and Mu'tazili 
theologians were opposed, as a corollary of the debate 
which divided them on the crucial question whether 
God willed the evil actions of men or not. For the 
Mu'tazilis, God — by the fact of His justice — only wills 
men's good acts. He wills neither their unbelief nor 
their sins. In other words, there is no difference 
between what God wills and what He ordains, and 
to obey Him is thus the equivalent of conforming to 
His will. For the Sunn! theologians, on the contrary, 
God — from the fact of His all-powerfulr 
sarily wills everything which exists, including 
evil acts. Hence there cannot be in 
an equivalence between His will and His order; to obey 
Him is to do what He ordains, and not necessarily 
to do what He wills. On this question, see 'Abd al- 
Djabbar, Mughni, vi/a, 39, 11. 17 ff.; Ps. 'Abd al-Djabbar, 
Shark al-usul al-khamsa, Cairo 1965, 457, 11. 16 ff.; Ibn 
Furak, Muajarrad makalat al-Ash'afi, Beirut 1987, 70, 
11. 20-3, 157, 11. 12-18; al-Baghdadl, Fark, ed. 'Abd al- 
Hamld, Cairo n.d., 183, 11. 4-11; D. Gimaret, in SI, 
xli (1975), 69-71; idem, La doctrine d'al-Ash'ari, Paris 
1990, 298-9. 

Another question, connected with the foregoing, is 
that of knowing whether every act of obedience to 
God only merits being called thus if it is an act of 
conscious obedience to a divine order known as such. 
Certain theologians — admittedly a very small minor- 
ity — held that the answer was no, and admitted (at 
the time when there is, objectively, a coincidence 
between the act and such-and-such divine prescrip- 
tion) the existence of "acts of obedience in which God 
is not intended" (ta'at la yuradu biha Allah): thus the 
Mu'tazilr Abu '1-Hudhayl [q.v.] and certain Ibadis (see 
Gimaret-Monnot, Lime des religions et des seeks, i, Paris 
1986, 409, 411). Most of the Mu'tazila rejected this 
thesis (see al-Ash'arl, Makalat, 2nd ed. Ritter, 429, 
11. 12 ff.). For his part, al-Baghdadr affirms that, in the 
eyes of the Sunms, there is only one solitary case of 

unintentional obedience to God, sc. when a man who 
does not yet have knowledge of God uses reason- 
ing power (al-nazar wa 'l-istidlal) which leads him to 
this (Fark, 126, 11. 1-7; Usui al-dln, Istanbul 1928, 267, 
11. 6-10). 

According to 'Abd al-Djabbar, ta'a can be said of 
every act willed by God (in the Mu'tazili sense of 
the expression), by which he means it to be under- 
stood as either an obligatory act (wadjib) or a recom- 
mended one (nadb). It cannot be said of an act simply 
permitted (mubah) (Mughni, vi/a, 39, 11. 12-14). Al- 
Baghdadl is more explicit, and distinguishes four cate- 
gories of ta'a: (1) the most important is faith, which 
will vouchsafe to the believer entry to Paradise; (2) 
the affirmation of faith bi 'l-lisan, which will enable 
him to enjoy all the privileges reserved for Muslims 
in this present life; (3) involves performing all oblig- 
atory acts and eschewing grave faults, which will 
preserve him from Hell; and (4) the practice of 
supererogatory acts (nawqfil), which will guarantee him 
an extra reward in Paradise (Usui al-din, 268, 11. 3-12). 
Bibliography: Given in the article. 

(D. Gimaret) 

TA'ABBATA SHARRAN, the nickname of the 
pre-Islamic su'luk poet Thabit b. Djabir b. Sufyan 
of the Banu Sa'd b. Fahm (of the group Kays 'Aylan, 
see Ibn Hablb, Alkab, 307). The traditions which have 
attempted to explain this nickname ("he carried an 
evil under his arm") should not be taken at face value; 
the evil that was carried round by this very young 
man possessed a legendary significance, whether it 
concerned snakes, a sabre or a ghul [q.v.]. This name 
was intended to convey a particular image of a poet 
dominated by an inborn tendency to cause nuisance 
as well as to suggest the presence of an unconquer- 
able determinism. 

There are details in his biography which could well 
pass for authentic, but they are mixed with "traditions" 
(or rather literary episodes) which attempt to illustrate 
or enhance the essential themes of his poems. These 
narratives seem to have taken shape from the 2nd/8th 
century onwards. Muhammad b. Hablb (d. 245/859) 
speaks about numerous extraordinary stories connected 
with the raids he made, but he declines to report 
them (al-Muhabbar, 196); al-Baghdadi (Khizanat, i, 138) 
speaks of numerous stories which remain perplexing 
because of their fantastical nature. In this list are 
recorded his encounters and victorious batdes with 
the ghul (Ibn Kutayba, Shi'r, 175, a theme which is 
found again in 'Ubayd b. Ayyub al-'Anban, a su'luk 
of the Umayyad period, see Husayn 'Atwan, al-Shu'ara' 
al-sa'dUkfi 'l-'asr al-islami, Beirut 1407/1987, 155-7), 
his legendary speed, and his effectiveness in handling 
weapons and in the art of making raids. Similarly, 
the whole account accompanying the poem by Abu 
Kabir al-Hudhali in al-Tibrizi (al-Hamasa, Bonn 1828, 
41-4) aims to illustrate the mutual hatred between 
Ta'abbata Sharran and the Hudhalls, who were re- 
sponsible for the death of the poet (see below). 

The more authentic biographical details indicate 
that the poet possessed a good lineage; his mother 
was an Arab of the Banu Kayn (Fahm); one of his 
sisters, Umayya, was married to Nawfal b. Asad b. 
'Abd al-'Uzza (of Kuraysh), and she bore him a son 
'Adi b. Nawfal (Ibn Hazm, Qamharat ansdb al-'Arab, 
Cairo 1382/1962, 120)! It is also known that he mar- 
ried a woman of the Banu Kilab. 

Ta'abbata Sharran was a brigand, but despite his 
activities, just like 'Urwa b. al-Ward [q.v.], he was 
one of the very few sa'aUk al-'Arab who managed to 
remain integrated within his own tribe. Thus he never 


suffered the reproaches of thai' (repudiation by the 
tribe) and was never recorded as being called a khali'. 
His band of men seem also to have belonged to the 
Fahm: his alleged maternal nephew al-Shanfara, 'Amir 
b. al-Akhnas, al-Musayyab b. Kilab, Murra b. Khulayf. 
Sa'd b. al-Ashras and 'Amr b. Barrak. 

His incursions seem to have been directed in the 
main against the BadjTla, from whom he helped him- 
self to camels and sheep (jghanam), against the Hudhayl 
and the Azd, as in the episode of an escape helped 
by honey which he poured on to the slope of a moun- 
tain, and down which he was then able to slide to 
safety, and against the Khath'am. 

Brigands and their booty used to find refuge in the 
Sarat mountains, escaping pursuit by the clans they 
had raided. He met his death pierced in the heart 
by the arrows of a mere youth (duwayn al-hilm) of the 
Banu Hudhayl. His mortal remains were thrown to 
the bottom of the cave of al-Rakhman (for the nar- 
rative detail see Ibn Hablb, MughtaKn, 215). He was 
mourned by his sister Umayya or Rayta and his 
mother (Sezgin, GAS, ii, 139). 

The latter paints a very engaging portrait in a 
famous threnody of the perfect Djahili hero who was 
also a careful and perceptive leader of his men. Because 
of his attentive care, he was eulogised as umm al-'iyal, 
mother of the hearth and home (al-Tibrfzi, 523), and 
also as 'ayr al-'ana, the wild ass who has a herd of 
females (ibid., 526), because of his courage and relent- 
less intransigence. 

There were two chains of scholars who specialised 
in transmitting the poetry of Ta'abbata Sharran: 1. 
Abu 'Amr al-Shaybani (d. 206 AH) >'lbn Habib > 
al-Sukkarl; 2. al-Mufaddal al-DabbT > Ibn al-A'rabT. 
A good part of the poet's work is said to have been 
cited in al-Durra al-fakhira (al-Baghdadr, Khizdna, iii, 
344). This transmission was actually a little later than 
Khalaf al-Ahmar (d. 180/821-2). It has been suggested 
that it is legitimate to have a certain distrust towards 
this poetry (238 verses divided into 32 fragments and 
pieces), and some caution should be observed con- 
cerning Khalaf, one of the grand masters in the art 
of forgery. 

However, this poetry reflects in an exemplary fashion 
the usual ideas of the life of the su'luk. The work of 
Ta'abbata Sharran expresses the fierce claims of the 
"me", and a no less absolute contesting against col- 
lectivity, against the "us". Typical terms used in pre- 
Islamic poetry such as kawm, hayy, kabtla, kabil and 
the pronouns of the first person plural are totally 
absent from these texts; more precisely he uses them 
to describe his enemies and those he attacks and pil- 
lages. Nevertheless, these texts fit naturally into the 
three parameters of all poetry of the su'luk type [see 
su'luk]: the apologetic, the lyric and the therapeutic 
parameters, and can be divided thus: 

1. apologetic parameter (Yusuf ShukrT Farhat, 
Diwan Ta'abbata Sharran, in Diwan al-sa'alik, Beirut 
1413/1992, nos. I, II, VI, IX, X, XII, XIII, XV, 

xvi, xx, xxi, xxii, xxrv, xxv, xxvi, xxvn, 


2. lyric parameter: (nos. VII, VIII, XII, XVIII, 

3. therapeutic parameter: (nos. Ill, V, XI, XII, 

The most beautiful piece is the kafiyya (al-Mufad- 
daliyyat, no. 1; Diwan, no. XVIII). Gabrieli, however, 
considers it an accumulation of heterogeneous verses. 
According to him, it creates the impression of a mosaic 
of which the pieces have been arbitrarily collected by 
later rhapsodists (F. Gabrieli, Ta'abbata Sharran, Shanfara, 

Khalaf al-Ahmar, in Atti della Accademia Nazionale da Lined, 
8th series [1946], i, 49-50). 

Goethe translated the lamiyya of the brigand poet 
into verse in 1819 (Goethes Werke, ii, Gedichte und Epen, 
Hamburg 1952, 130-3), using Freytag's Latin transla- 
tion. After carrying out a study of the structure of 
the poem, in which he detected a profound order 
and harmony, the great German artist concluded in 
his analysis that this bare style reflected the serious 
element of the work. After a careful reading of the 
text, he wrote, the event unfolded to the smallest de- 
tail before the eyes of our imagination (ibid., 133-4). 
(Lyall, however, thought that Goethe's interpretations 

Bibliography: Zubayn, K. Nasab Kuraysh, Cairo 
1982, 209; Muhammad b. Habfb, K. al-Muhabbar, 
Haydarabad 1361/1942, 192, 196-7, 200; idem, 
K. Asma' al-mughtaUn min al-ashraffi 'l-Djdhiliyya wa 
'l-hlam, in Nawadir al-makhtutat, vi, Cairo 1393/1973, 
215-7; idem, K. Kuna al-Shu'ara', in ibid, 292; 
Sukkarl, K. Sharh ash'ar al-Hudhaliyyin, Cairo 1384/ 
1965, 239, 595, 844, 847, 1240; Tibrizi, Sharh U- 
tiyarat al-Mufaddal, Damascus 1391/1971, 93-140, 
523, 526, 1482; Ibn Kutayba, al-SM'r wa-'l-shu'ara', 
Leiden 1904, 174-7, 422-5, 437; Abu '1-Faradj al- 
Isfahani, al-Aghani\ xviii, 209-18; Hisham Ibn al- 
Kalbi, Nasab Ma'add wa 'l-Taman al-kabir, Beirut 
1408/1988, 555; 'Abd al-Kadir al-Baghdadr, Khiza- 
nat al-adab, Cairo 1406/1986, i, 134, 137-9, 201, 
iii, 344, 345, vi, 177, vii, 4, 487, 502-3, 506-7, viii, 
194-7, 219, 356; Ibn Sa'Id al-Andalusi, Nastwat al- 
tarabji ta'rikh Djahiliyyat al-'Arab, 'Amman 1982, ii, 
587-90, 790; al-Sharlf al-Murtada, Amali al-Murtada, 
Cairo 1387/1967, i, 280, ii, 72, 176-7, 185; Sulay- 
man b. 'Abd al-Kawr al-Tuff, Mawa'id al-hays ft 
fawd'id Imri' al-Kays, 'Amman 1414/1994, 164, 166, 
216; Nallino, La literature arabe, Paris 1950, 40,41, 
144, 185; Blachere, HLA, ii, 286, 413; Sezgin, GAS, 
ii, 137-9; Suzanne Pinckney Stetkevych, The mute 
immortals speak, Ithaca 1993, 87-118; A. Arazi, La 
realite et la fiction dans la poesie arabe ancienne, Paris 
1989, 51-2, 83; Yusuf Khulayf, al-Shu'ara' al-sa'alik 
fi 'l-'asr al-djahiR, Cairo 1959, 34-9, 41-3, 46-8, 50- 
5, 75-6, 80-4, 111-13, 158, 160, 162-3, 171, 174-5, 
182, 186-7, 191-3, 195, 201, 204-9, 215, 222-3, 227, 
231-2, 238-40, 245, 259-60, 265, 294-5, 305, 307; 
Salman al-Karaghuli and Djabir Ta'ban, SMi'r Ta'ab- 
bata Sharran, Baghdad 1973; Nasir al-Dln al-Asad, 
Masadir al-shi'r al-gjdhili wa-kimatuha al-ta' nkhiyya, 
Cairo, 1956, 452-3, 458-62; 'Abd al-Hahm Hifni, 
Shi'r al-sa'alik manhadjuhu wa-khasd'isvhu, Cairo 1987, 
60, 64, 69, 92, 113-14, 194, 212-5, 232-4, 243, 
244, 260, 269; Ibrahrm al-Nadjdjar, Madfma' al- 
dtakira, i, Thakafat al-badiya wa-masalikuha, Tunis 
1987, 41-55, 63-75; Mayy Yusuf Khulayf, al-Kasxda 
al-d}ahiliyya ft 'l-Mufaddaliyyat, Cairo 1989, 113-18. 

(A. Arazi) 
TA'ADDI (a., masdar of the form V verb), literally 
"act of going beyond, passing over... to", a term 
of Arabic grammar denoting transitivity; the 
related form ta'diya is also found. 

The term is understood in terms of the syntactic 
effect of the transitive verb which goes beyond and 
passes over the agent to fall on the direct object 
(Levin, 1979). In that sense, the verb is considered 
an operator which governs the syntactic inflections of 
the agent and the direct object. Verbs such as kana 
("to be"), lanna ("to suppose"), which is a verb that 
introduces what were originally the subject and pred- 
icate of a nominal sentence and keeps them in the 
now verbal proposition as its objects, and daraba ("to 


hit") which is a transitive real verb — are each called 
muta'add™ by all Arab grammarians. By definition, 
muta'add" verbs cause the agents to be in the nomi- 
native and the verb complements to be in the accu- 
sative. The term muta'add™ is therefore subsumed under 
the concept of 'amal or government. 

Arab grammarians regarded the morphological pat- 
terns of verbs as essential in determining verb tran- 
sitivity. Therefore, the patterns were always related to 
the concepts of ta'addl. However, the emphasis on how 
much the morphology of the verb could be the deter- 
mining element of its transitivity or intransitivity 
decreased significantly by the 4th/ 10th century espe- 
cially with the writing of Ibn al-Sarradj's al- Usui ft 
'l-nahw. Ibn al-Sarradj (d. 316/928) gave more empha- 
sis to the meaning denoted by the verb over the 
meaning denoted by the morphological pattern (Bohas 
and Guillaume, 1990). 

Starting with the work of al-Mubarrad (d. 285/898 
[q.v.]) and continuing very clearly in the work of Ibn 
al-Sarradj, the use of the word muta'add" as a tech- 
nical, structural term was based on purely syntactic 
processes. These processes concerned case inflections 
not only on the verb's agent and direct object, but 
also on all the other accusative complements used 
with the verb. In this manner, ta'addl reflected the 
verb's power to govern the nouns surrounding it. 

On the other hand, al-Mubarrad introduced the 
term wasil ("reaching") which Ibn al-Sarradj later used 
consistendy to refer to a different level of interaction 
between the action denoted by the verb, the doer, 
and the semantic object. This interaction covers the 
semantic side of verb transitivity which the structural 
term ta'addl does not (Taha, 1995). 

Bibliography: A. Levin, Ta'adda '1-fi'l ila in 
Sibawayhi's al-Kitab, in Studia orientalia D.H. Baneth 
dicata, Jerusalem 1979, 195-210; G. Bohas and 
S. Guillaume, The Arabic linguistic tradition, London 
and New York 1991; Z. Taha, Transitivity and gram- 
matical connections, a comparative study of Sibawayhi, al- 
Mubarrad, and Ibn al-Sarraj, Ph.D. diss., Georgetown 
Univ., Washington D.C. 1995, unpubl. 

(Zeinab A. Taha) 
TA'A DTDIU B (a.), lit. "amazement", a term of 
rhetoric. Though sometimes given a separate place 
in lists of badi' [q.v.], as in RadQyam's [q.v.] Tarqjumdn 
al-bakigha or Rashid al-Dm Watwat's [q.v.] Hada'ik al- 
sihr, it is far more often mentioned, in more general 
discussions of poetry, as one of the basic effects or 
aims of the poetic process, especially of imagery. It 
is found, together with its active counterpart ta'ajlb 
("causing amazement") in the Aristotelian tradition 
(Ibn Slna, Hazim al-Kartadjannl [q.w.]) and, in a some- 
what different sense, in the poetics of 'Abd al-Kahir 
al-Djurdjam [q.v.]. This "amazement", which is in fact 
usually "feigned amazement", is related to concepts 
such as igtrab or istighrab "[evoking] wonder", found 
in works of poetics since Kudama b. Dja'far [q.v.], 
and lies at the basis of the common figure of badi' 
called taajahul al-'arif "feigned ignorance". 

Bibliography: G. Schoeler, Einige Grundprobkme 
da autochthonen und der aristotelischen arabischen Litera- 
turtheork, Wiesbaden 1975, index s.v. ta'gib; W. Hein- 
richs, Arabische Dichtung und griechische Poetik, Beirut 
1969, index s.v. ta'gib; M. Ajami, 77k alchemy of glory, 
Washington 1988, index s.w. ta'ajjub and ta'jib. For 
'Abd al-Kahir, see e.g. his Asrar al-baldgha, Istanbul 
1954 (in brackets, the pagination of Ritter's trans- 
lation, Die Geheimnisse der Wortkunst, Wiesbaden 1959), 
115-16 (144-5), 121 (150), 281-4 (327-32), 317 (369). 
(GJ.H. van Gelder) 

TA'A'ISHA, one of a series of Arabic-speak- 
ing ethnic groups collectively called Bakkara [q.v.] 
"catde people", who live in the Sudan Republic across 
the southern Gezira, Kordofan [q.v.], Dar Fur [q.v.] 
and eastern Chad. The Ta'a'isha tribal home is in 
the far southwest of Dar Fur, neighbouring on the 
east the Habbaniyya, with whom they are closely 
linked. Little is known of the history of the Bakkara; 
nor can much be said about how and when the 
present groupings emerged, although in Dar Fur they 
were already in conflict with the sultanate to the north 
by the late 18th century. 

The Ta'a'isha rose to power when one of their 
number, 'Abdullahi b. Muhammad Karrar [see 'abd 
allah B. muhammad al-ta'a'ishi] , a member of a holy 
family affiliated to the Sammaniyya tarlka, became a 
follower of the Sudanese Mahdr, Muhammad Ahmad 
[see al-mahdiyya] before his public manifestation in 
1882. During the revolution, 'Abdullahi became the 
strongman of the movement and was designated as 
senior khatifa by the Mahdr. Following the Mahdi's 
death in June 1885, the Khalifa 'Abdullahi ruled the 
Mahdist state until its destruction by an Anglo-Egyptian 
army. He himself was hunted down and killed at 
Umm Diwaykarat on 24 November 1899. 

During the Khalifa's rule, he made extensive use 
of his relatives and other fellow-Ta'a'isha as soldiers 
and administrators, leading to what P.M. Holt has 
called "The Ta'a'isha autocracy" (77k Mahdist state 
in the Sudan, 1881-1898, 'Oxford 1970, 204-22). 
Throughout the Mahdist period there was constant 
tension between the Ta'a'isha leaders and the riverain 

Bibliography: In addition to Holt, Mahdist state, 
see H.A. MacMichael, A history of the Arabs in the 
Sudan, 2 vols., Cambridge 1922, repr. London 1967, 
i, 271-306; Farah 'Isa Muhammad, al-Turath al- 
sha'bi li-kabllat al-Ta'a'isha, Institute of African and 
Asian Studies, University of Khartoum 1 982 (a folk- 
lore _study). (R.S. O'Fahey) 
TA'AM (a.), food, nourishment. For foods and 
food habits, see ghidha'; for cookery and the culi- 
nary art, see tabkh. The present article deals with 
the restricted topic of food etiquette. 

Since pre-Islamic times, the rules of food etiquette 
were divided between host and guests, the prime rules 
being that the former should be as generous as pos- 
sible and the latter should not appear too greedy. 
Much may be learned from the numerous anecdotes 
on those who sinned against these rules: see the mono- 
graphs and chapters in adab anthologies on misers 
(buhhala'), especially the book by al-Djahiz [q.v.], and 
parasites and cadgers (tufayliyyuri), e.g. the K. al-Tatfil 
by al-Khatib al-Baghdadr [q.v.], Djudda 1986. Explicit 
prescriptions, all but absent from the Kur'an (cf. 
XXIV, 61), are found in Hadlth literature, e.g. al- 
Bukhan, al-Sahih, At'ima, or Muslim, al-Sahlh, Ashriba 
(bob adab al-ta'am), where one is enjoined to begin 
with pronouncing the basmala, to eat with the right 
hand, not to condemn any food but merely to leave 
it if one dislikes it, to praise God after a meal, etc. 
More detailed and comprehensive treatment of "table 
manners" — although instead of a table (khiwan), a mat 
(sufra or simat) is often preferred — is found primarily 
in religious works as well as secular texts. To the for- 
mer category belongs the Kitab Adab al-akl, which 
opens the second "quarter" of al-Ghazalf's [q.v.] Ihya' 
(cf. the section on the Prophet's eating behaviour, 
adabuhu ft 'l-ta'am, in K. Adab al-ma'isha wa-akhlak al- 
nubuwwa, which closes the same "quarter"). Aimed 
particularly at Sufis are the similar but shorter chapter 

on adab al-akl in 'Umar al-Suhrawardfs 'Awarif al- 
ma' anf and the lengthy chapters (39-40) in Abu Talib 
al-Makkfs Kut al-kulub, tr. R. Gramlich, Die Ndhrung 
des Herzen, iii, Stuttgart 1995, 266-390. The secular 
category, never devoid of religious elements, includes 
sections in all of the large adab anthologies that have 
chapters on eating and food. A K. Adab al-mawa'id by 
al-RamhurmuzI (d. ca. 370/971) is mentioned in the 
Fihrisl but is now lost. His contemporary Ibn Sayyar 
al-Warrak concluded his cookery manual K. al-Tabikh 
(ed. Helsinki, 1987) with chapters on table manners. 
Yahya b. 'Abd al-'Azim al-Djazzar (d. 669/1270 or 
679/1281), butcher and poet, wrote Fawa'id al-mawa'id, 
still unpublished but discussed by Traini (see Bibi). 
'Abd al Ra'uf al-Munawi [g.v.] was the author of the 
unpublished K. Adab al-akl wa 'l-shurb wa-'l-malbas. . . . 
In the entertaining R. Adab al-mu'akala by Badr al- 
Dln al-GhazzI (d. 984/1577), ed. in RAAD, xlii (1967), 
503-23, 732-57, many forms of bad eating behaviour 
are exposed in a fashion already found in al-Djahiz's 
BukhaUl'. On eating with kings, see Pseudo-Djahiz, 
K. al-Tddj (Cairo 1914: bob Jt muta'amal al-muluk). 

In general, eating etiquette seems to have been sim- 
ilar in many ways to what is expected of polite soci- 
ety in the West, stressing an aversion from unsavoury 
noises and messy or greedy behaviour. During com- 
munal meals, always preferred to solitary eating, 
particular care is to be taken to avoid contact with 
one another's saliva. Conversation during meals is 
generally encouraged, in spite of what seems a wide- 
spread practice in modern Arab countries, where food 
is consumed quickly and silently. 

Bibliography: H. Kindermann, Uber die guten 
Sillen beim Essen und Trinken. Das 11. Buck von al- 
GhazzaU's Hauptwerk. Ubersetzung und Bearbeitung ah 
an Beitrag zur Geschichte unserer Tischsitten, Leiden 1964 
(richly annotated); Habfb Zayyat, Adab al-ma'ida fi 
'l-Islam, in al-Mashrik, xxxvii (1939) 162-76; R. Traini, 
Un Irattatello di galateo ed etica comikiale: le Fawa'id 
al-mawa'id di Ibn al-Gazzar, in Studi in onore di Fr. 
Gabrieli.. ., Rome 1984, ii, 783-806; GJ. van Gelder, 
Arabic banqueters: literature, lexicography and reality, in 
Rika Gyselen (ed.), Banquets d'Orient (= Res Orientates, 
IV), 85-93. Much information is given in Sulayman 
Mahdjub's lengthy introduction to the edition of 
Ibn al-'Adim, al-Wusla Ha 'l-habib ft wasf al-tayyibdt 
wa 'l-tlb, Damascus 1986. On the contemporary 
Middle East, see e.g. D. Hawley, Dcbrell's manners 
and correct form in the Middle East, London 1984. 
(GJ.H. van Gelder) 
TA'ARRUB (a.), the verbal noun of a denomina- 
tive verb formed from 'Arab, pi. A'rab, in the sense 
of "nomads, Bedouins" (the Kur'anic sense of this lat- 
ter term, cf. e.g. IX, 98/97, XLIX, 14; ta'arrub itself 
does not occur in the Kur'an). In earliest Islam, 
ta'arraba and its synonym tabaddd denote the return 
to the Arabian desert after hidjra [q.v.] to the 
garrison towns {amsdr [see misr. B]) and participation 
in the warfare to expand the Arab empire and the 
Abode of Islam. Some of this movement back to the 
desert was doubtless legitimate, but on occasion it was 
denounced by circles of pietistic town dwellers as a 
kind of apostasy, the reversion to a life where the 
full, town-oriented Islamic cult could not be practised 
and its obligations fulfilled. See the full discussion in 
C.E. Bosworth, A note on ta'arrub in early Islam, in JSS, 
xxxiv (1989), 355-61. 

Bibliography: Given in the article. 

TA'AWUN (a.), co-operation in all modern 
senses of the term; a noun of activity and sometimes 
an abstract noun, parallelled, in the latter case, by 
ta'awuniyya (co-operativism). It was established in the 
early years of the 20th century as the term designat- 
ing this field of meaning, by transference from the 
sense of mutual aid (still valid), with the adjective 
ta'awunl (co-operative), the active participle muta'awin 
(co-operator), then, later, the substantive ta'awuniyya 
(co-operative, principally agricultural, but also organ- 
ised on the basis of supply of goods, housing, credit, 
crafts and manufacture). Since the middle of the 20th 
century it has been applied to the activities and insti- 
tutions of international co-operation. It is attested in 
Persian (ta'awn), although contemporary Turkish trans- 
lates co-operative by kooperatif, retaining le'awun (cur- 
rently teavun) in the sense that it possessed at the turn 
of the century (of mutual aid, solidarity), a sense for 
which Arabic prefers la'adud. 

The co-operative movement was inaugurated in 
Egypt by the Watani Party. Confronted by the finan- 
cial crisis of 1907 which devastated the countryside, 
'Umar Lutfi made inquiries in Italy regarding that 
country's experience of the agrarian co-operative move- 
ment and the judicial aspects of co-operative credit. It 
was above all a case of protecting medium and well- 
to-do landowners from usurers and of major landowners 
protecting themselves against state fiscal policies. In 
1912, a Nikaba 'amma li 'l-ta'awun united the score of 
co-operatives instituted since December 1909, agrar- 
ian ones (Mkabat zird'iyya [see nikaba]), credit and ser- 
vices into a sharikal (Sharikal al-ta'awuri). 

It was only during the 1920s that legislation concern- 
ing associations of this type was passed, and then to 
little effect. The same applied elsewhere, the Maghrib 
under French domination representing an exceptional 
case (reference to co-operativism by European labour 
organisations from the turn of the century, a number 
of successful foundations, outside this affiliation, pri- 
marily agricultural and restricted to the European 

The concept was re-launched during the 1940s, in 
association with the movement of decolonisation. It was 
the peasants — to whom the present survey is limited — 
who were principally concerned, the United Nations 
(and the United States) insisting on the necessity of 
agrarian reforms and the formation of co-operatives 
for a dual purpose, preventive and developmental. 
However, the movement proved genuinely successful 
only in tandem with policies of economic and social 
planning, whether these had the object of guarantee- 
ing independent and autonomous development or of 
promoting liberally-oriented growth. From the associa- 
tive form, the co-operative sector has thus, in most 
cases, advanced to the status of a category of owner- 
ship (alongside public, private, and sometimes mixed 

The first experiments were made in Nasserite Egypt. 
The law of agrarian reform of September 1952 (revised 
in 1961 and 1969) obliged landowners and small- 
holders to belong to Qfam'iyydt ta'awuniyya. When the 
process was completed, this consisted of pyramidal 
groupings, with examples at local, cantonal and provin- 
cial levels and a governing council. In the 1960s, the 
system was extended to include sectors of land unaf- 
fected by the reform (village co-operatives) or upgraded 
in parallel with the progress of construction of the 
Aswan Dam, these sectors, open to landless peasants, 
remaining, however, included within state farms. Spe- 
cialised co-operatives also appeared. The liberalisation 
(infitdh) introduced by President Anwar al-Sadat had 

the effect of limiting the role of co-operatives (credit, 
logistics and commerce), as well as the representation 
of small landowners (previously 80%) in the admin- 
istrative councils in order to stimulate the profitabil- 
ity of land and to permit foreign involvement. A new 
law regulating co-operativism (since revised) was passed 
in 1 980. The number of local co-operatives, formally 
subject to centrally-imposed regulation of production 
and prices, is in decline, whilst that of the specialised 
co-operatives is steadily growing. 

Other countries are related to this "model" (with 
its genuine, but relative social effects), conceiving this 
sector as a method of organising the agrarian branch 
of the public sector, depending on state planning (with 
its relative or negative effects). 

In Syria, the agrarian reform of September 1958, 
suspended after the breaking of the union with Egypt 
(February 1958— October 1961), was the object of a 
new law in June 1963, since amended. The obliga- 
tion to form co-operatives was maintained, but redis- 
tribution was sporadic, even with the addition of the 
upgraded land. In April 1974, agricultural co-operatives 
were combined with peasant associations (small land- 
owners, farmers and labourers) in a National Union, 
a consultative body, but also the agrarian wing of cen- 
tral planning. 

In 'Irak, the law of agrarian reform (August 1 958), 
which followed the revolution of 'Abd al-Karim 
Kasim [q.v.], was applied only to a limited extent 
until the Ba'thists returned to power (July 1968). 
A new law (May 1970) made "collective" exploitation 
(state, collective, co-operative farms) the framework of 
a "total agrarian revolution". If resistance in Kurdistan 
is discounted, the co-operative sector has been effec- 
tive. In 1977, peasant and co-operative associations 
were combined in one organisation. Here too, and to 
an even greater extent since the fragmentation of the 
Front in 1979, it is the Ba'thist structure which is 
dominant in serving the objectives of central planning. 

Algeria was slow to introduce such measures. From 
1962 to 1970, the formula of self-management, exer- 
cised over vacant land and nationalised colonial terri- 
tories, developed into nothing more than the agrarian 
branch of the state's public sector. Preceded by par- 
tial texts, the Charter of Agrarian Revolution (1972) 
opted for global and progressive agrarian reform and 
for the creation of co-operatives of various kinds, and 
later of Agrarian Revolution villages, in liaison with 
the Combined Agricultural Co-operatives with which 
self-managed holdings and the private sector were to 
be associated. But this experiment did not achieve the 
hoped-for results, and during the 1980s a return to 
privatisation has been observed. 

In Tunisia, the recovery of colonial territory and 
agrarian reforms coincided with the choice of a state- 
run and centralised planned development (1961-9). The 
agrarian programme was structured on "co-operative 
units" (all forms of production, development and serv- 
ices). The decision to extend this co-operative system 
to the entirety of agricultural enterprise (January 1969), 
provoked a crisis. The return to liberalism has led, 
in this case, to the dissolution of the co-operatives. 

In Morocco, the recovery of colonial territory pro- 
ceeded in stages (1963, 1973). As envisaged by 'Allal 
al-FasF [q.v. in Suppl.] as early as 1952, a law of agrar- 
ian reform was passed in 1966, but it was the Code 
of Agricultural Investment (1969) which, by the en- 
couragement of more favourable credit arrangements, 
boosted the formation of co-operatives (of utilisation 
of materials and of market-gardening). But this tended 
to favour major and medium-sized landowners, or at 

least, family groupings. Once subsidies were received, 
a number of them disintegrated. 

The choice made by Iran, at the beginning of the 
1960s, for a policy of planned growth, was accom- 
panied by agrarian reform (1962). A central organi- 
sation of rural co-operatives was created in 1963 in 
order to serve the interests of the latter. Conditions 
of repurchase or leases tended, however, to favour 
farmers backed by capital. The same has been the 
case in Turkey, where until 1 960 laws of reform were 
sporadic or unimplemented; the agrarian co-operative 
structure is poorly developed there. In Sukarno's 
Indonesia, under the agrarian law of 1960, the use 
of co-operatives was no longer obligatory, but it was 
among the demands of the rural movements during 
the unrest preceding the coup of 1965. 

The experience of the two Yemens before their 
unification (1990) deserves mention. In the North, the 
co-operative movement was the result of popular ini- 
tiatives at the time of the civil war (1962-70) and had 
the object of filling the gaps in matters of infrastruc- 
ture and local services. In 1963 and 1969, laws were 
passed with the object of harmonising the regulations, 
and in March 1973 the Ha/at al-Ta'awun al-Ahll were 
combined in a Federation. Incorporated into the single 
party (People's General Congress, 1982-), it supplied 
a basic framework of organisation. It was through the 
expedient of elections of local councils of co-opera- 
tive development (tatwir) (1985) that the country was 
endowed with municipal and communal councils. In 
South Yemen, as agreed in principle in the months 
which followed independence (1967), agrarian reform 
and the constitution of a co-operative sector were the 
object, from October 1970 onwards, of peasant intifadat 
which took possession of land and extended the co- 
operative sector, to include fishing and some sections 
of industry. The radical Arab nationalists in power 
(1969- ) supported a new law, passed in November 
1970, which encouraged this movement. The merg- 
ing of the radical Left into the Marxist Socialist Party 
(1978), confirmed the interest taken in this sector. In 
1988, there were the beginnings of public consulta- 
tion on the issue of ownership in the countryside, but 
it was after the unification of the two Yemens that 
moves were made in the direction of privatisation. 
The defeat of the Yemenite Left in the civil war of 
1994 led to the overall collapse of the co-operative 
often to the benefit of the former land- 

Bibliography: M. 'Abd al-Fadil, al-Tahawwulat 
al-iktisadijya wa 'l-idjtima'ijya ft 'l-rif al-Misri (1952- 
1970), Cairo 1978; Annuaire de I'Ajrique du Nord, Paris 
1962- ; R. Antoun and I. Harek (eds.), Rural politics 
and social change in the Middle East, Bloomington- 
London 1972; P. Procheux (ed), Histoire de I'Asie 
du Sud-Est. Revoltes, reformes, revolutions, Lille 1981; 
J. Chelhod (ed.), L'Arabie du Sud, histoire et civilisa- 
tion, ii, Paris 1984; Coquery-Vidrovitch (ed.), Societes 
paysannes du Tiers-Monde, Lille 1981; B. Destremau- 
Zeitz, La Republique Arabe du Yemen entre I'm vert et tor 
noir, thesis, Univ. of Amiens 1988, unpubl.; T. El 
Khyari, Agriculture au Maroc, Mohammedia 1987; 
'A. al-Fasi, al-Nakd al-dhaB, Cairo 1952; G. Haupt 
and M. Reberioux (eds.), La Deuxieme Internationale 
et I'Orient, Paris 1967; A.K.S. Lambton, The Persian 
land reform, Oxford 1969. J. Poncet, La Tunisie a la 
recherche de son avenir, Paris 1974; 'A.-R. al-RafiT, 
Muhammad Farid, ramz al-islah wa 'l-tadhiya, Cairo 
1948; A. Raymond (ed.), La Syrie d'aujourd'hui, Paris 
1980; J. Thobie and S. Kancal (eds.), Industriali- 
sation, communication et rapports sociaux en Turquie et en 


Mediterranee orientak, Paris 1994; D. Warriner, Land 
reform in principle and practice, Oxford 1969; Publica- 
tions and documents of the relevant states and 
organisations, as well as those of international and 
regional institutions, in particular: International Co- 
operative Alliance (1895- ), Geneva; Organisation 
Arabe pour le Developpement Agricole (League of 
Arab States, 1970- ), Khartum. (J. Couland) 
TA'AWWUDH (a.) means the use of the 
phrase a'udhu bi 'llahi min ... "I take refuge with 
God against . . .", followed by the mention of the thing 
that the utterer of the phrase fears or abhors. The 
term isti'ddha "seeking refuge", is often used as a syn- 
onym. The phrase, with variants, is well attested in 
the Kur'an, in particular in the last two suras which 
each consist of one extended ta'awwudh [see al- 
mu'awwtdhataV]. The litany-like enumeration of evil 
things in the first of the two foreshadows similar strains 
in a number of Prophetic invocations recorded in the 
Hadith collections (see e.g., several abwdb in the kitdb 
al-da'awdt of al-Bukharfs Sahlh, which actually have 
the terms ta'awwudh or, less frequendy, isti'ddha in their 
tides). With such precedent it is not surprising that 
ta'awwudh becomes a clearly recognisable subgenre of 
du'a' "invocation", in the devotional literature (see 
C.E. Padwick, Muslim devotions, London 1961, 83-93). 
Remarkably, ta'awwudh here often forms part of a two- 
pronged prayer in which the praying person asks for 
the good in the thing that is the object of the prayer 
and takes refuge against the evil in that very same 
thing (ibid., 89). If it is God's wrath (ghadab) that the 
praying person wants to guard against, refuge can 
only be taken with God's good pleasure (rida), which 
leads to the mysterious formula "I seek refuge from 
Thee with Thyself' (ibid., 90-2). 

More specifically, ta'awwudh is also used to denote 
the formula a'udhu bi 'llahi mina 'l-shaytani 'l-radjjm 
which usually precedes any Kur'anic recitation (and 
thus also the saldt) as a safeguard against misspeaking, 
omission of words, and other such mistakes. It is the 
counterpart of the formula sadaka 'llahu 'l-'agim which 
follows any formal recitation. The works on Kur'anic 
readings [see kira'at] have extended chapters on the 
ta'awwudh, dealing with its exact wording, its correct 
delivery, and its legal status (see e.g. Ibn al-Djazan, 
al-Nashrji 'l-kira'at al-'ashr, ed. 'A.M. al-Dabba', 2 vols., 
Cairo n.d., i, 243-59). 

Bibliography: Given in the article. 

(W.P. Heinrichs) 
TABAKA (a., pis. tibak or atbak), a term of 
Mamluk military organisation. The tibak were 
the barracks in the Cairo Citadel, Kal'at al-Djabal, 
where the Mamluk sultans (648-922/ i250-151 7) had 
their Royal Mamluks quartered and which also housed 
the military academies where newly-bought mamluks 
received their training. We first learn of the tibak dur- 
ing the reign of al-Zahir Baybars who "established . . . 
barracks for the mamluks which overlooked the great 
al-Dirka gate, and inside the al-Karafa gate he put 
up . . . a large building with small halls for the mam- 
luks' quarters, and above them barracks for those who 
were married" (Ibn Shaddad, 341, 343). According 
to the sources, there were seventeen tibak during the 
third reign of al-Nasir Muhammad (709-41/1310-41 
[g.v.]), but their number may have varied, as old ones 
were habitually demolished to make room for new 
ones and barracks could bear more than one name. 
The historian al-Zahin speaks of twelve barracks in 
the next century, each of which could house 1,000 
mamluks. Some of the better-known tibak were Tabakat 
al-Rafraf, Tabakat al-Zimam or al-Zimamiyya, Tabakat 

al-Hawsh, Tabakat al-Taziyya, Tabakat al-Mukaddam, 
Tabakat al-Sandaliyya and Tabakat al-Ashrafiyya. 

As their appellation indicates, many of the tibak 
were named after the eunuchs who had the overall 
responsibility for their administration. The tibak's staff 
of teachers and instructors, too, was mainly composed 
of eunuchs, according to a strict hierarchy: at the 
bottom were the tawashiyya, or khuddam al-tibak, respon- 
sible for training small groups of mamluks only; placed 
above them were the mukaddamu 'l-tibdk, each of which 
stood at the head of a tabaka, and at the apex stood 
the mukaddam al-mamaUk al-sultaniyya, who carried the 
responsibility for all Royal Mamluks. Then there were 
religious scholars (faklh, pi. fukaha') who were charged 
with the religious education of the mamluk trainees. 
One of the adult mamluks of each tabaka was appointed 
as leader (agha, pi. aghdwat, lit. "elder brother") of the 
younger mamluks (inl, pi. iniyyat, lit. "younger brother") 
whose task it was mainly to help them acclimatise to 
the life and discipline of the tabaka. Ties between 
guardian and trainee were often kept up long after 
the period of training at the tibak had come to an 
end. Upon entering the military academies, mamluks 
were divided into peer groups, according to age and 
ethnic origin, and further split up into smaller groups 
so as to make their instruction as efficient as pos- 
sible. Two principal stages characterised a mamliik's 
education: the first lasted into adolescence and con- 
centrated on religious studies, e.g., reading the Kur'an, 
the Islamic prescriptions and the shari'a, so as to make 
him a Muslim, while the second began at adolescence 
and was only concluded when the young mamliik's 
professional skill in the arts of war was deemed to 
have reached the highest level of accomplishment. The 
period of training at the tibak culminated in a spe- 
cial ceremony ('itk) during which mamluks of one and 
the same age group (kharaf) were released from servi- 
tude and became members of the Mamluk household 
of the Sultan at the Citadel. 

Bibliography: Ibn Shaddad, Ta'rtkh al-Malik al- 
Zahir, ed. A. Hutayt, Wiesbaden 1983, 341, 343; 
Maknzi, Khitat, Cairo 1987, ii, 213-14; Khalil al- 
Zahin, Z^da, Paris 1894, 27; D. Ayalon, L'esclavage 
du Mamelouk, in Oriental Notes and Studies, i, Jerusalem 
1951, 9-22, repr. in The Mamluk military society, Vario- 
rum, London 1979, no. I; A. Levanoni, A turning 
point in Mamluk history, Leiden 1995, 14-19. 

(Amalia Levanoni) 
TABAKAT (a.), pi. of tabaka, "everything which is 
related to another and which is similar or analagous 
to it, which comes to mean a layer of things of 
the same sort (Flugel, Classen, 269, n. 1). From 
this a transition can be made to the idea of a "rank, 
attributed to a group of characters who have played 
a role in history in one capacity or another, classed 
according to criteria determined by the religious, cul- 
tural, scientific or artistic order etc." (Hafsi, i. 229; cf. 
al-TahanawT, Kashshaf, 917). In biographical literature 
it is the "book of classes" of characters arranged 
by "categories" and organised into "generations". 
A. Lexicography and literature. 
1. This term does not appear in the Kur'an, but 
two other expressions approaching it do: tabak and 
tibak "analagous things which follow each other" 
(in a temporal or qualitative sense) or "placed on top 
of each other" (in a spatial sense); "You shall surely 
ride stage after stage" (LXXXIV, 19, tr. Arberry: 
tabak"" 'an tabak" from one state to another, or from 
one calamity to another; see al-Taban, TafsTr); "[God] 
who created seven tibak m " (the ranks or stages of the 
heavens, LXVII, 3^ LXXI, 15). The common point 

of reference is the idea of covering everything by 
something equivalent, of applying oneself to it (Kamus, 
s.v.). The idea of equivalence is again found in tabaka 
"a similar epoch" (al-karn min al-zaman). According to 
al-Asma'I, tibk designates a "group of people"; for Ibn 
al-A'rabl (d. 231/846) tabak reflects "a given state [or 
category] whatever its sort" (al-hal 'aid 'khtildfihaj. So 
does tabaka, according to al-Layth: kdna fuldn™ 'aid 
tabakat"' shatta min al-dunya: ay haldt; K. al-'Ayn; M.-N. 
Khan, Die exegetischen Teile des Kilab al-'Ayn, Berlin 1994, 
220, or again al-umma ba'd al-umma "one community 
succeeding another". For Ibn Siduh, tabak is "a group of 
people who correspond to an analogous group". The 
variant tibk designates a vast number of people, grass- 
hoppers, camels, etc. (LA and al-Saghani, Takmila . . ., 
ed. Mustafa al-HidjazI, Cairo 1988, s.v.; Ibn Siduh, 
Mukhassas, ix, 118). According to al-Layth, tabaka, 
which may be tabak in the masculine, is used as a 
unitary form of the noun of action tibak. Numerous 
other meanings are to be found in Lane, s.v. 

2. In adab and historiography, tabaka is in 
common use in the sense of category or class, in par- 
ticular of society: Ibn al-Mukaffa', Risala fi 'l-sahaba, 
ed. and tr. Ch. Pellat, Paris' 1976, §31; Ibrahim b. 
M. al-Shaybam (d. 298/911) according to al-'Ikd al- 
fand, ed. Tarhmr, iv, 262-3; G. Makdisi, The rise of 
humanism, Edinburgh 1990, 233-4. As for al-Djahiz, 
he uses it in the sense of degree, as in al-stakk fi 
tabakat™ "doubt is made up of degrees" (Hayawdn, vi, 
35, 37, Jahiz, Le cadi el la mouche, tr. L. Souami, Paris 
1988, 74, 75); tabakat ma'dmhd "degree or level (of 
meaning)" (op. cit., i, 10, Jahiz, 231; cf. i, 98). (Cf. 
Ibn Khaldtin, Mukaddima, 1073, tr. Rosenthal, ii, 344: 
tabakat al-kaldm.) What is more, in his work the mean- 
ing of "social categories/classes" is often associated 
with types of character: misers, singers, singing slave 
girls, traders, secretaries, Turks, etc. (Ch. Pellat, Arabische 
Geisteswelt, Zurich 1967, 48-9, 436 ff.; S. Enderwitz, 
Gesellschqftlicher Rang und ethnische Legitimation, Berlin 1979, 
72-3, passim: al-Djahiz on the Africans, the Persians 
and the Arabs). Finally, the notion of tabaka applied 
to poets has been attested at least since the second 
half of the 2nd/8th century; see al-AsmaT (d. 213/828), 
K. Fuhulat al-shu'ara', ed. Torrey, in ^DMG, lxv (191 1), 
495, 499. 

As to the following Prophetic tradition reported by 
Anas, it is very obviously spurious: "My community 
will be made up of five classes: firsdy forty years with 
charitable and pious people; they will be followed for 
the next 150 years by people who will live in com- 
passion and mutual harmony; then for 160 years more 
there will come people who will turn their backs on 
each other and will separate themselves; then will 
come a period of scattering (haraj) [and of war or of 
flight] and every-man-for-himself (nadja)". In another 
version it is said that each class would last for forty 
years and that another class would be added between 
year 40 and year 80 to arrive at the number of five 
(Ibn M5dja, Sunan, 36, Fitan, no. 4058; cf. Ibn al- 
Djawzr, Mawdu'at, iii, 196; idem, Talkih, 714, several 
versions). It is possible that it may have been mod- 
elled on the following tradition: "The best of men 
are those of my century (karni), and below them are 
those of the next century" (al-Bukhan, 62, Fada'il al- 
sahaba, i, tr. Houdas, ii, 583). 

In modern texts, the term is accepted most clearly 
to designate a "social class", as in sira' al-kabakat "the 
class struggle". 

B. The division into "classes". 

1. Origin and meaning. 

For several scholars, the origin of this division in 

Arab biographical literature is found in the criticism 
of tradition (Loth, 594 ff.). It has even been written 
that the genre of the tabakat "was born within the 
framework of the hadtth and is inseparable from it" 
(Hafsi, i, 227). What supports the thesis of Hafsi is that 
the first book of classes was perhaps the K. Tabakat 
al-muhaddithln of al-Mu'afa b. 'Imran al-Mawsill (d. 
184/800; Sezgin, i, 348; Hafsi, i, 241). One argument 
against his position would be the K. Tabakat ahl al- 
Hlm wa 'l-iahl of Wasil b. 'Ata> (d. 131/748), but the 
subject matter is not known: was it the "orthodox" 
believers, i.e. the Kadarls and the "ignorant", i.e. 
the predestinationists (Van Ess, TG, v, Berlin 1993, 

For Heffening, on the other hand, this grouping 
"much rather owes its origin to the interest of the 
Arabs in genealogy and biography". Rosenthal, 93-5, 
for his part, considers that the division is genuinely 
Islamic and that it would seem to be the oldest chrono- 
logical division which presented itself to Muslim his- 
torical thinking. It was the natural consequence of the 
concept of the Companions of Muhammad, the "Fol- 
lowers", etc., which in conjunction with the isnad crit- 
icism of traditions developed in the early second 
century of the hidjra. 

Without denying the fundamental role which it 
played in the birth and development of the genre, it 
does not seem that it originated from the genre, as 
the semantic survey above (cf. Heffening) would sug- 
gest. The ideas of covering, of egality, of analogy (cf. 
also kam, which perhaps preceded tabaka in the sense 
of "generation", Rosenthal, 93, and which also has 
the connotation of analogy) and of succession which 
this term conveys, correspond well to the Muslim con- 
cept of "the history of salvation", with the succession 
of pious men, beginning with the "prophets", whose 
characters were so many models to be imitated. Even 
if tribal genealogy continued to exist, it gave way 
more and more to a particular form of spiritual or 
intellectual genealogy which also appeared, of course, 
in the hadTth, "the transmission of knowledge", but 
also in other disciplines. In addition, by the use of 
certain types of tabakat every effort was made to main- 
tain the link with the primitive community which was 
widely mythologised. Finally, the fact that al-Asma'T 
(see above) had already used the term tabaka, however 
loosely, to compare two poets, and that al-Djumahi 
(d. 232/846) organised his Tabakat al-shu'ara" (see 
Kilpatrick) according to an order which has nothing 
to do with religious merit, about the same epoch as 
Ibn Sa'd (d. 230/845) composed his own work, sug- 
gests that the genre in its origins was part of a global 
preoccupation of all scholars in different fields: to give 
to society the canons for transmitting knowledge, 
whether sacred or secular, and in particular by means 
of a biographical tool. This concern for continuity 
(Khalidi, 46-8, 205 and n. 50) insists at one and the 
same time on "sacred history continued" and on the 
equally secular aspects of the genre deeply rooted in 
its origins, also apparent in the genre of the awa'il 
[q.v.], which was attested at least since the time of 
Ibn Shayba (d. 235/849; see book 34 of his Musannaf, 
Beirut 1995, vii, 247-76). It is not fortuitous if in 
Talkih, 461-8, the section concerning them follows that 
on the tabakat. 

The interest in "genealogy" understood in that way 
was specified above, and can also be observed in the 
role which local stories play in the evolution of the 
genre, with certainly a touch of regional pride, but 
especially in order to justify the juridical practices in 
use in one place or another (Rosenthal, 94). Already 

by this time, Ibn Sa'd had given a special place to the 
grouping according to the capital cities and towns 
(Mecca, Medina, Basra, Kufa), or even events (Badr) 
but the History of Wasit of Bahshal (d. 292/905 [g.v.]; 
ed. K. 'Awwad, Baghdad 1967; Rosenthal, 166-7) is 
essentially a work about the classes of traditionalists 
in this town. Later this division was extended to all 
sorts of persons, but generally scholars. 

2. Criteria of classification. 

For the classification of the Companions, especially 
in the work of Ibn Sa'd, see sahaba. For the Suc- 
cessors, see tabi'. For both, see al-Hakim al-Nisabun, 
Ma'rifat 'ulum al-hadith, chs. 7, 14 (twelve classes of Com- 
panions, fourteen classes of Successors); al-Suyuff, Tadrib 
al-rawi, 221-2, 234 ff., ch. 39-40, according to prece- 
dent; Marcais, 222-4; Hafsi, i, 242-4, 236-8. 

It is difficult to give general criteria for classification 
for all the tabakat; four can be distinguished: moral 
and chronological, relationship with the Prophet for 
the first generations, chronological, and finally a late 
classification where alphabetical order is used (Hafsi, 
i, 234-6). 

For the classes of traditionalists, the "encounter" 
(lukya) between master and disciple is a fundamen- 
tal criterion for distinguishing between the two classes 
('UmarT, 51). The principles of hierarchisation and 
also of illustration of the forged hadtth cited above, 
are seen in the original grouping which goes back to 
Abu Talib al-Makki (d. 386/996). He distinguished 
five classes of forty years up to his era, citing five 
names for each one: caliph, jurist, traditionist, reader 
and ascetic (Talkih, 714-17, takes up this classification 
which was continued by others until 560 A.H., per- 
haps some 40 classes). 

The organisation of works into classes did not seem 
very practical, as would appear in the work of al- 
DhahabT: Tadhkirat al-huffaz comprised twenty-one (80 
years); Ma'rifat al-kurra', seventeen; Siyar a'ldm al-nubala', 
about forty (from seven to thirty years); Ta'rikh al- 
Islam [i-xxvii (up to 400 A.H.). ed. 'U.'A. Tadmurl, 
Beirut 1987-92; i-iv (611-40 A.H.), ed. B.'A. Ma'riif 
et alii, Beirut 1988]; seventy (in general ten years). In 
this work he associates chronological organisation 
with organisation into classes, but in that way the tra- 
ditional principle of the "encounter" is abandoned. 
Furthermore, in two of his works he designates each 
class by one of its illustrious representatives, cf. "the 
class of al-Zuhn". Thus he continues in al-Mudjarrad 
ft asma' ri§al K. Ibn Maaja (eight classes, Ma'ruf, 103; 
'Umari 49-50; Sezgin, i, 148; ed. Faysal al-Djawabira, 
Riyad 1988) and in al-Mu'in ft tabakat al-muhaddithin 
[Gilliot, in MIDEO, xix, no. 105, mistaken by Hafsi, 
31, for Tadhkirat al-huffaz], where the first classes 
have names, e.g. "the class of al-A'mash and of Abu 
Hanifa", then from the 3rd/9th centuries onwards he 
has recourse to the classes of twenty to thirty years. 

C. Works in the genre. 

See Hadjdji Khalifa, ed. Fliigel, nos. 7879-7932. 
The lines which follow are the addenda (sometimes 
the corrigenda) to Hafsi, in particular the editions of 
texts which have appeared since. 

Philologists (Hafsi, ii, 155-61) and poets (iii, 50-61): 
Ibn al-Anban, Nuzhat al-alibba' ft tabakat al-udabd', 
ed. I. al-SamarraT (Baghdad 1970 2 ); Ibn Kadi Shuhba 
(d. 851/1448 [g.v.]), Jabakat al-nuhat wa 'l-lughawiyyin, 
ed. M. Ghayyad, Nadjaf 1974. 

Readers and exegetes (Hafsi, ii, 2-7): Ibn al-Djazan 
[g.v.], K. Ma'rifat al-kurra' al-kibar 'ala 'l-tabakat wa 'l-a'sar, 
i-ii, ed. M.S. Djad al-Hakk, Cairo 1969; Dawudi 
(M. b. 'A., d. 945/1538), Tabakat al-mufassirln, ed. 
'A.M. 'Uinar, Cairo 1972, Beirut 1983. 

Traditionists and associates (Hafsi, i, 241-65): Khalrfa 
b. Khayyat [g.v.]; Muslim, K. al-Tabakat (Hafsi, i, 248- 
9), ed. S.'A.M. al-Kazaki, announced in ATA, xxxv 
(1988), 17; Bardrdjr (A. b. Harun, d. 301/816; Sezgin, 
i, 166; Hafsi, i, 249-50), Tabakat al-asma' al-mufrada 
ft 'l-sahaba wa 'l-tabi'in wa-ashab al-hadith, ed. S. al- 
Shihabi, Damascus 1987; contrary to Sezgin, i, 350, 
al-Azdi (Abu Zakariyya' Yazid b. M., d. 334/935), 
K. al-Tabakat, lost work, which is different from Ta'nkh 
al-Mawsil, ed. 'A. Habiba, Cairo 1967, 11; Abu Shaykh 
('Al. b. M. b. Dja'far, d. 369/979; Hafsi, 25), Jabakat 
al-muhaddithin bi-Isbahan, ed. 'A.S. al-Bundan, i-iv, in 
two vols., Beirut 1989; 'All b. al-Mufaddal (al-Makdisi 
al-Iskandaram al-Malikl, d. 611/1214; Hafsi, i, 256), al- 
Arba'un al-murattaba 'ala tabakat al-arba'in, ed. announced 
in ATA, xl-xli (1989), 15. 

Hanafls (Hafsi, ii, 11-17): Ibn Abi 'l-Waia' al- 
Kurashl (d. 775/1373), i-v, ed. 'A.M. al-Hulw, Cairo 
1993 2 , see Gilliot in MIDEO, xxii, 191; M. b. 'U. al- 
Hanaii (d. 959/1551), add. Hafsi, ii, 15, n. 4: ms. Ali 
Emiri 2510; al-Hinna'i (d. 979/1572), Tabakat al- 
hanafiyya: add. Hafsi, ii, 16, n. 1: Baghdad, Awkaf 929- 
30; al-Ghazzi (A. b. 'Ak. al-Tamimi, d. 1004/1595), 
al-Tabakat al-saniyya fi taraqjim al-hanafiyya, ed. 'A.M. 
al-Hulw, Cairo 1989 2 (1970 1 ). 

Malikls (Hafsi, ii, 9-1 1): 'Iyad b. Musa [g.v], Tartib al- 
madarik, i-viii, ed. M.T. al-TandjT et alii, Rabat 1966 ff. 
(1983 2 ), preferable to the edition of A. Baku- Mahmud, 
i-iii, Beirut 1965-8; Ibn Farhun, al-Dibagj. al-mudhahhab, 
i-ii, ed. M. al-Ahmadl Abu '1-Nur, Cairo 1972; con- 
tinued by Ahmad Baba al-Takrun al-Tinbutktr (d. 
1036/1627; Brockelmann, II, 176), Nayl al-ibtihaaj, ed. 
'A. b. 'Al. al-Harlama, Tripoli (Libya) 1989. 

ShafiTs (Hafsi, ii, 17-24; introduction to al-'Abbadi 
by G. Vitestam, K. Tabakat al-Jukaha" al-shafi'iyya, Leiden 
1 964, 3-5; introduction of Khan, see below under Ibn 
Kadi Shuhba): MutawwiT ('U. b. 'A., d. ca. 440/1048); 
Abu '1-Tayyib Sahl al-Su'lukr (d. 404/1013-14); Khan, 
10, according to Hadjdjr Khalrfa, no. 7900; al-Subki 
(Tadj al-Dln, g.v.): Tabakat al-shqfi'iyya al-kubra, i-x, ed. 
al-Tannahl and al-Hulw, Cairo 1964-76; al-Asnawi 
('Abd al-Rahlm b. al-Hasan, d. 772/1370), Tabakat 
al-shafi'iyya, i-ii, ed. 'Al. al-Djuburi, Baghdad 1970-1 
(Riyad 1981); Ibn Kadr Shuhba, Tabakat al-shafi'iyya, 
i-iv, Haydarabad 1978-80, i-iv in 2 vols., ed. H.'A. 
Khan, Beirut 1987; Ibn KathTr ('Imad al-Din, d. 774/ 
1373), Tabakat al-fukaha' al-shafi'iyyin, with the Dhaylof 
al-Matan al-'Ubadi (d. 765/1363), i-iii, ed. M.Z.M. 
'Azab, Cairo 1993 (Gilliot, in MIDEO, xxii, no. 192, 
and corr. in MIDEO, xxiii, add. Hafsi, ii, 21: Ibn 
Mulakkin (A. Hafs 'U. b. 'A., d. 804), al-'Ikd al- 
mudhahhab fi hamalat [corr. Hafsi: ajumkt] al-madhhab, 
ms. DK 579 ta'nkh). 

Hanbalis (Hafsi, ii, 24-6): Ibn al-Mabrid (or Ibn 
'Abd al-Hadi, d. 909/1503), al-Djawhar al-munaddad fi 
tabakat rmita'akhkhiri ashab Ahmad, ed. A.S. al-'Uthaymin, 
Cairo 1987 (Gilliot, in MIDEO, xix, no. 106); al- 
'Ulaymi ( c Ar. b. M. al-'Amn (d. 928/1521), al-Manhadj. 
al-ahmadfi tabakat al-imam Ahmad, ed. M.M. 'Abd al- 
Hamrd, Cairo 1965. 

Mu'tazilTs (Hafsi, iii, 175-6, Madelung, 330): M. b. 
Yazdadh al-Isfahani (last wrote 3rd/9th century; 
Madelung), K. al-Masabih; Abu '1-H. b. Farzawayh, a 
disciple of Abu 'All al-DjubbaT, K. al-Mashayikh; 'Abd 
al-Djabbar, Tabakat al-mu'tazila (ten classes), with the 
addition of two supplementary classes by al-Hakim al- 
Djishumi, in Fadl al-i'&zal wa-tabakat al-mu'tazila, ed. 
F. Sayyid, Tunis 1974; Ibn al-Murtada, Tabakat al- 
mu'tazila, ed. S. Diwald-Wilzer, Wiesbaden 1961. Over- 
all, see Gilliot in MIDEO, xix, no. 56. 

Ash'arfs: Ibn Furak, K. Tabakat al-mutakallimin, prob- 


ably the oldest (Hafsi, iii, 180; Madelung 334), and 
Kamal al-Din b. Imam al-Kamaliyya (d. 864/1460; 
al-SakhawT, Daw', ix, no. 259), Tabakat al-ashd'ira are 
not preserved (Hafsi, ii, 26; Madelung, ibid.); Ibn 
'Asakir [q.v.], Tabyin kadhib al-muftari, divides them into 

Ibadis (Hafsi, iii, 176): al-Dardjrnl (d. 626/1229 
[q.v.]), K. al-Mashdyikh fi 'l-Maghnb (Tabakat mashayikh 
al-ibddiyya), i-ii, Beirut 1974. 

Shi* Is and Zaydfs (Hafsi, iii, 171-5): al-Barki (Abu 
Dja'far, d. 280/893), K. al-Ridjal, ed. Dj. Muhaddith 
Urmawl, Tehran 1964; al-Kashshr [q.v.], K. al-Ridjal, 
ed. S.A. al-Husaym, Karbala ca. 1960/ Ikhtiydr ma'ri- 
fat al-ridjal (summary by al-Tusi), ed. H. Mustafawr, 
Mashhad 1970. 

Ascetics and mystics (Hafsi, ii, 27-41): Ibn al- 
Mulakkin, Tabakat al-awliya', ed. N. SharTba, Beirut 
1986 2 "(1973'); al-Munawi ('Abd al-Ra'iif [q.v.]), al- 
Kawdkib al-durriyyafi taradjim al-sdda al-sufiyya (al-Tabakat 
al-kubra; first complete ed.), i-iv, in 2 vols., ed. 
'A.S. Hamdan, Cairo 1994 (see Gilliot, in MIDEO 

Physicians and sages (Hafsi, iii, 161-5): Sa'id al- 
AndalusT (d. 462/1070), Tabakat al-umam, add. Hafsi, iii, 
161, ed. L. Cheikho, Beirut 1912; ed. H. Bu 'Alwan, 
Beirut 1985; M.S. Khan, Qadl Sa'id al-Andalusi's Taba- 
kat al-umam, in Islamic Studies, xxx/4 (1991), 517-40; 
missing from Hafsi are the Siwdn al-hikma, wrongly 
atributed to Abu Sulayman al-Sidjistam [q.v.] , and Tatim- 
mat Siwdn al-hikma of Zahir al-Din al-Bayhakl [q.v.], 
new ed. R. al-'Adjam, Beirut 1992. 

Others: MalikT (A. Bakr 'Al. b. M., d. 453/1061; 
Hafsi, iii, 166), K. Riyad al-nufus fi tabakat 'ulamd' al- 
Kayrawdn wa-Ifrikiya, i-iii, ed. B. al-Bakkush, Beirut 
1983; BurayhT ('Abd al-Wahhab b. 'Ar. al-Saksakr, 
d. 904), Tabakat al-muqjtahidTn, ed. Abu 'Abd al-Rahman 
Ibn 'Akfl, in Risalatdn li-Ibn Kamal Bdshd wa-T&shkub- 
rizadah, Cairo 1976. 

Bibliography: W. Ahlwardt, Verzeichnis, x, index, 
s.v. Tabaqdt; P. Auchterlonie, Arabic biographical dic- 
tionaries. A summary guide and bibliography, Durham 
1987; G. Fliigel, Die Classen der hanefitischen Rechts- 
gelehrten, in Abh. Akad. Wien, philol.-hist. CI., viii/3 
(1861), 260-358; I. Hafsi, Recherches sur le genre des 
"tabaqat" dans la litterature arabe, in Arabica, xxiii-iv 
(1976-7); W. Heffening, Tabakat, in EV Suppl.; Ibn 
al-DjawzI, Talklh fuhul ahl al-athar, Cairo 1979; 
KannawdjT, Abajad al-'ulum, ii, Damascus 1978, repr. 
Beirut n.d., 362-5; T. Khalidi, Arabic historical thought 
in the classical period, Cambridge 1994; H. Kilpatrick, 
Criteria of classification in the Tabaqat fuhul al-shu'ara' 
of Muhammad b. Salldm al-Jumahl, in Procs. of the Ninth 
Congress of the UEAI, Leiden 1981, 141-52; O. Loth, 
Ursprung und Bedeutung der Tabakat, in £DMG, xxiii 
(1869), 593-614; W. Madelung, Der Kalam, in 
H. Gatje (ed.), GaP, ii, Wiesbaden 1987, 326-37; 
G. Makdisi, Tabaqat-Biography. Law and orthodoxy in 
classical Islam, in Islamic Studies, xxxii (1993), 371-96; 
W. Marcais (tr. and notes), Le Taqrib de en-Nawawi, 
Paris 1902 [= offprint from JA with index]; Ma'ruf 
(B. 'Awwad), introd. to Dhahabi, Siyar a'ldm al- 
nubala', ed. Shu'ayb al-Arna'ut et al, Beirut 1981-8, 
in i, 7-140 (ed. idem, al-Dhahabi wa-manhaaj kitdbihi 
Ta'rtkh al-Islam, Cairo 1976); F. Rosenthal, A his- 
tory of Muslim historiography 2 , Leiden 1968, A.D. al- 
'UmarT, introd. to his ed. of Khalifa b. Khayyat, 
K. al-Tabakat, Baghdad 1967, 2 Riyad 1982; Talklh, 
see Ibn al-Djawzi; F. Wiistenfeld, Der Imam el-Schdfi'i, 
seine Schuler, in Abh. G.W. Gbtt., hist.-phil. CI., xxxvi 
(1889-90), 1-106, xxxvii (1891), pp. VIII + 1-100, 
1-131. (Cl. Gilliot) 

TABALA, a town and wadi just within the 
northern boundaries of the 'Aslr emirate of present- 
day Saudi Arabia, situated about 200 km/ 125 miles 
as the crow flies from the Red Sea coast line and 
less than 100 km/62 miles due west of Blsha (Zaki 
M.A. Farsi, National guide and atlas of the Kingdom of 
Saudi Arabia, map 34, G5). 

The town is an ancient one, and is mentioned in 
the literature on the Prophet. Al-WakidI (ed. Marsden 
Jones, London, 1966, ii, 853-4 and iii, 981) twice 
mentions his raids against Khath'am in Tabala in 
8/629 and 9/630. It is stated in more than one source 
that the town is on the Yemeni pilgrim route, with 
al-Harbr (K. al-Manasik wa-amakin turuk al-hadjd} wa- 
ma'alim al-Djazlra, ed. Hamad al-DJasir, Riyad 1969, 
644) expressly placing the town between Bisha and 
Adjrab. The mediaeval geographers describe the town 
as large, with springs and wells which water date- 
palm groves and agricultural lands. Al-Hamdam (127, 
258) adds that it was the centre of the pre-Islamic 
idol Dh u '1-Khalasa and that most of its inhabitants 
were from Kuraysh. The story is also told that, when 
he was sent as governor by the caliph 'Abd al-Malik 
b. Marwan, al-Hadjdjadj b. Yusuf [q.v.] thought it 
too insignificant a place since it was hidden from his 
route by a hill. Consequently, he turned back and 
never entered the town. 

Bibliography: Apart from the sources mentioned 
in the text, see Ibn Khurradadhbih, 134, 188; IdrisT, 
Opus geographicum . . ., ed. E. Cerulli et alii, facs. 2, 
Leiden 1970-84, 146, 151; Yakut, Mu%am al-buldan, 
ed. Beirut 1979, ii, 9. (G.R. Smith) 

al-TABARANI, Abu 'l-Kasim Sulayman b. Ayyub 
b. Mutayyir al-Lakhmi, one of the most impor- 
tant traditionists of his age (260-360/873-971). 
He is said to have begun his studies in hadlth at 
the age of 13, with his education spanning his native 
Syria, 'Irak, the Hidjaz, Yemen and Egypt, and he 
is said to have frequented several thousand masters 
in the course of a nhla fi talab al-'ilm which lasted for 
33 years. Amongst these were Abu Zur'a al-Dimashkl, 
al-Tabarl and al-Nasa'I [q.v.]. He died at Isfahan, 
where he had lived for sixty years under the aegis of 
the governor Abu 'All Ahmad b. Muhammad b. 
Rustum, even though at the end of his life he left it 
because of having held suspect views on Abu Bakr 
and 'Umar. Amongst his numerous disciples were Abu 
Nu'aym al-Isfahani [q.v.] and Ibn Manda. 

He is known above all for three works on hadtth: 
al-Mu'ajam al-kabir ['ala asma' al-sahaba], ed. Beirut 1983, 
10 vols., from which he excluded the traditions from 
AbQ Hurayra, which he treated in a separate work, 
al-Mu'ajam al-awsat [fihi ahddlth al-afrad wa '1-gh.ara'ib], 
classed according to the names of his masters; and 
al-Mu'gjam al-saghlr, which gave a hadxth from each of 
his masters. Amongst his numerous other works in the 
same field, one may mention the K al-Du'a', K al- 
Manasik, K al-Sunna, K al-Nawadir, K. Dala'il al-nubuwwa, 
Musnad Shu'ba, Musnad Sujyan and K al-Awd'il. He also 
wrote a Tafslr, a Radd 'aid 'l-Mu'tazila and a K al- 
Salat 'aid 'l-nabi. There are lists of his extant works 
in Brockelmann, S I, 279, and Sezgin, i, 196-7, as well 
as a complete list of his works in al-Dhahabi, Huffdi, 
iii, 912-17. Ibn Hadjar, Lisdn al-mtzdn, iii, 73-5 no. 
275 gives some unfavourable reports on his work as 
a traditionist. 

Bibliography (in addition to references in the 
article): Ibn 'Asakir, T Dimashk (not seen); Ibn 
Khallikan, ed. 'Abbas, ii, 407 no. 274; Dhahabi, 
Siyar a'ldm al-nubala', xvi, 119-30 no. 86; Safadi, 
Waft, xv, 244-6 no. 492; Ibn Taghribirdi, Nuajum, 


iv, 59-60; Ibn al-'Imad, Shadharat, iii, 30; Hadjdjr 
Khalifa, v, 629; Kahhala, Mu'alliftn, iv, 253, xiii, 
391. (Maribel Fierro) 

al-TABARI, Abu Dja'far Muhammad b. DjarIr 
b. YazTd, polymath, whose expertises included tradi- 
tion and law but who is most famous as the supreme 
universal historian and Kur'an commenta- 
tor of the first three or four centuries of 
Islam, born in the winter of 224-5/839 at Amul, 
died at Baghdad in 310/923. 
1. Life. 

It should be noted at the outset that al-Tabari's 
own works, in so far as they have been preserved for 
us, give little hard biographical data, though they 
often give us leads to his teachers and authorities and 
help in the evaluation of his personality and his schol- 
arly attitudes. Several persons who knew him directly 
wrote on his life and works at an early date, though 
none of the works in question has survived in extenso, 
and they are only known from excerpts preserved by 
later authors. Thus the judge Abu Bakr Ahmad b. 
Kamil (d. 350/961) was close to al-Tabari and was 
an early adherent of al-Tabari's own madhhab, the 
Djaririyya (see below), whilst Abu Muhammad 'Abd 
Allah al-Farghanl (d. 362/972-3 [q.v.]) knew al-Tabari 
when al-Farghani was a student, prepared an edition 
of the latter's History and wrote a sila [g.v.] or con- 
tinuation to it which contained a long obituary notice 
of al-Tabarf. The Egyptian historian Abu Sa'Id b. 
Yunus'al-Sadafi (d. 347/958 [see ibn yCnus] included 
a section of al-Taban in his K. al-Qiuraba' "Book of 
strangers [coming to Egypt]" because al-Tabarl visited 
Egypt for study (see below). But there seems to have 
then been an hiatus until al-Kiftl (d. 646/1248 
[q.v.]) compiled an enthusiastic biography, al-Tahrir ft 
akhbar Muhammad b. Djarir. For knowledge of these lost 
works, we rely on the authors' material cited in the 
general biographical works of al-Khatlb al-Baghdadl, 
in his Ta'rikh Baghdad, and of Ibn 'Asakir, in his 
Ta'nkh Dimashk (because al-Taban came to the Syrian 
capital for study; see Annales, Introductio, pp. LXIX ff.), 
and, above all, the literary biographical work of Yakut, 
the Irshad al-anb. 

Al-Tabarl stemmed from Amul [q.v.] in Tabaristan, 
where his father Djarir seems to have been a mod- 
erately prosperous landowner. He provided his son 
with a steady income during the early part of his life, 
brought to the latter from Tabaristan to Baghdad by 
the annual Pilgrimage caravan from Khurasan, and 
when he died (at an unknown date), al-Tabarl inher- 
ited a share of his estate. Whether the family was of 
indigenous stock or descended from Arab colonists in 
Tabaristan is unknown. At all events, al-Tabari's mod- 
est degree of financial family support enabled him to 
travel extensively as a student and then, when he was 
an established scholar, gave him some independence 
from outside pressures and influences and from the 
necessity which poorer scholars experienced of seek- 
ing patronage. 

He was a precocious student who was, as he him- 
self states, a hafii or memoriser of the Kur'an aged 
seven, qualified as an imam or leader of the Muslim 
worship aged eight and studied the Prophetic tradi- 
tions aged nine. It seems well-authenticated that he 
left home aged twelve ft talab al-'ilm, and during a 
stay of five years in the metropolis of northern Persia, 
Rayy, he received an intellectual formation which 
gave him solid grounding for his future career. The 
most significant of his teachers there was 'Abd Allah 
b. Humayd al-Razi (d. 248/862), who as Ibn Humayd 
figures as an oft-quoted authority in al-Tabarf's History, 

above all, for information going back to Ibn Ishak, 
since Ibn Humayd was an authorised transmitter of 
Ibn Ishak's Kitdb al-Magh.azi through Salama b. al- 
Fadl (d. after 190/805-6). From Rayy, al-Tabari pro- 
gressed naturally, at the age of less than seventeen, 
to the intellectual centre of the Islamic world, Baghdad, 
according to one story, in the expectation of study- 
ing with Ahmad b. Hanbal (unfulfilled, at it happened, 
since Ibn Hanbal died at that point). After a year in 
Baghdad, he seems to have left for southern 'Irak (by 
242/856-7) to study with the leading scholars of Wasit, 
Basra and Kufa, whom he was afterwards to cite in 
his own works, such as Muhammad b. 'Abd al-A'la 
al-San'anl (d. 255/869) and Muhammad b. Bashshar, 
called Bundar (d. 252/866, see Sezgin, i, 113-24) in 
Basra, and Abu Kurayb Muhammad b. al-'Ala' (d. 
247 or 248/861-2) in Kufa. He probably returned to 
Baghdad after less than two years away and spent 
eight further years there, including a spell as tutor to 
one of the sons of the caliph al-Mutawakkil's vizier 
'Ubayd Allah b. Yahya b. Khakan [see ibn bjakan. 
2], hence at some point between 244/858-9 and 

He then embarked on his major educational and re- 
search journey, this time to Syria, Palestine and Egypt. 
His precise itinerary is unknown, but he was certainly 
in Beirut and the considerable number of scholars 
from or connected with such towns as Hims (a par- 
ticularly important centre, with its own special tradi- 
tion of hadtth transmission), al-Ramla and 'Askalan 
probably points to stays in those places and an inter- 
change of views and information with the local schol- 
ars. Al-Tabari's entry into Egypt seems to be fixable 
with some certainty as the year 253/867; he made a 
side-trip to the Syrian lands and then came back to 
Egypt, possibly in 256/870, though this is much less 
sure than the first date. In Egypt he met the lead- 
ing Egyptian muhaddzth and authority on the kira'at 
Yunus b. 'Abd al-A'la (d. 264/877, see Sezgin, i, 38), 
and profited especially from contacts with the leading 
authorities there on Malikism and Shafi'ism, includ- 
ing with the Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam [q.v.] family, which 
had been especially close to the Imam Muhammad 
al-Shafi'T and whose head was the eminent scholar 
Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah b. 'Abd al-Hakam. 

Al-Tabari returned from Egypt to Baghdad around 
the year 256/870. He may at some point have made 
the Pilgrimage but cannot have made a prolonged stay 
there for study, since HidjazI scholars do not seem 
to figure amongst his teachers. His return to Baghdad 
marked the end of his student Wanderjahre, and he 
now settled down for the remaining fifty years of his 
life in order to devote himself to teaching and author- 
ship, producing an amount of high-quality scholarship 
such as to evoke the admiration, in an age of pro- 
lific authors anyway, of both contemporaries and sub- 
sequent generations. During this half-century, he merely 
made two journeys to his native Tabaristan, the sec- 
ond in 289-90/902-3. See, in general, for al-Tabari's 
years of learning and study, with lists of his teachers, 
CI. Gilliot, La formation intellectuelle de Taban, in JA, 
cclxxvi (1988), 203-44, and idem, Exegese, langue et the- 
ologie en Islam. L'exegese coranique de Tabari (m. 311/923), 
Paris 1990, ch. I, 19-37 (adds additional references to 
the preceding a 

He v 

v able h 


plicity of branches of knowledge. This was to embrace 
not only history, Kur'an exegesis, hadith and fikh, but 
he also possibly wrote in the field of ethics and had 
an educated person's interest in Arabic poetry. His 
comfortable, if not luxurious, financial and economic 

s enabled him to follow an even tenor 
of life in which he seems to have eaten temperately, 
dressed modestly and generally to have avoided excess 
in all things. Anecdotal evidence suggests that he never 
accepted any official employment (such as that of kadi 
or judge, for which he would have been supremely 
well-equipped), although his post as tutor to the son 
of a vizier would doubdess have given him the entree 
to such a career had he wished for it. These stories 
also stress his high moral standards and his great pro- 
bity, with a reluctance to accept in return for ser- 
vices costly gifts which he did not feel he had earned 
or for which he could not give equally valuable pre- 
sents in return. He did probably add to his income 
from teaching a wide circle of students, one increas- 
ingly attracted by his fame, although he does not 
seem energetically to have sought after such sources 
of income; and he may perhaps have received fees 
for legal advice and opinions, one apparent instance 
being for services rendered to the caliph al-Muktafi 
[q.v.]. It does not appear that he ever married, but 
was wed to his scholarship; his continuator and biogra- 
pher, the Andalusian Maslama b. al-Kasim al-Kurtubi 
(d. 353/964) says that he lived as an hasur, one lead- 
ing a celibate life. On the sketchy evidence of one 
story, he may conceivably have had a son by a slave 
mother; his having a kunya, Abu Dja'far. does not of 
course imply in any way that he was a biological 
father. No progeny of his is mentioned, as one would 
certainly expect of a man of his celebrity, and all 
the evidence points to the fact that al-Tabarl never 

In Baghdad, he apparently installed himself on the 
eastern side of the city, in al-Shammasiyya, certainly 
in this quarter by the year 290/903, and lived there 
till he died, aged about 85 lunar years, on Monday, 
27 Shawwal 310/17 February 923. He was buried in 
his house on the next day, much eulogised by the schol- 
ars of his day; one of these encomia, by al-Tabari's 
acquaintance the philologist Ibn Durayd [q.v.], is pre- 
served in its entirety. 

The Baghdad years were filled with his various 
scholarly activities which, as noted above, embraced 
not only the traditional "Arab" sciences in which he 
excelled and with which he was primarily concerned, 
but also the "foreign" science of medicine; he pos- 
sessed a copy of the medical encyclopaedia, the Firdaws 
al-hihna, of his older contemporary and compatriot 
•All b. Rabban al-Tabari (d. in the 850s or early 
860s? [q.v.]), and occasionally prescribed medical treat- 
ment for friends and students. All his surviving works 
indicate that he had a reverence for scholarship and 
wished to present what must have already become, 
over the course of some two-and-a-half centuries, a 
formidable body of knowledge in such fields as fikh, 
tafsir, haaith and akhbar in as concise and accurate a 
manner as possible. An anecdote says that he origi- 
nally intended his History and his Commentary to be 
much lengthier and more detailed, but cut them down 
to more manageable proportions for his students and 
later scholars; the tale is very probably apocryphal, 
but indicates al-Tabari's concern for conveying essen- 
tials in a form which could be used by the follow- 
ing generations. 

In his approach to scholarship, most notable is his 
emphasis on idjtihad [q.v.] or independent exercise of 
judgement. After quoting his sources — in his major 
works, he depended essentially on existing written 
works and reports — he gives what he considers to be 
the most acceptable view. His own dogmatic beliefs 
appear to have been basically within the framework 

of "orthodox" Islam as conceived, e.g. in the envi- 
ronment of Ibn Hanbal just before al-Tabari's time 
and that of al-Ash'ari after him. This is clear from 
his extant dogmatic writings such as the Sarih al-sunna 
and the partly-preserved Tabsir utl 'l-nuhd wa-ma'alim 
al-huda (see below, section 3., nos. v, vi) and he fur- 
ther appears as a firm opponent of all "heretical inno- 
vations" (bida') [see bid'a]. On the question of the 
imamate or headship and leadership of the Muslim 
community, the most hotly-disputed dogmatic ques- 
tion of his time, when Shi'ism was becoming a force 
not only in peripheral areas like the Caspian provinces 
and Yemen but also in the heartland of the caliphate 
itself, he was a resolute defender of the pre-eminence 
of all four of the Rightly-Guided Caliphs, venerating 
Abu Bakr and 'Umar and defending the rights of 'All 
equally. Nevertheless, since accusations of Shi'i sym- 
pathies, however ill-founded, were a standard weapon 
at this time against opponents, al-Tabari seems to 
have found himself accused of such sympathies by his 
Hanbali opponents, who were to stir up the Baghdad 
mob against al-Tabari on more than one occasion. 
Yet despite his origins from Tabaristan — which had 
not, in any case, become in the early 3rd/9th cen- 
tury so closely identified with ZaydT Shi'ism as it was 
later to become — there is no evidence whatever of 
any inclination by al-Tabari towards Shi'ism beyond 
the admiration for 'Air as a person which was often 
found in the staunchest of Sunnls. In fikh, al-Tabari 
was at first a Shafi'i, but as his views developed into 
a distinct and self-sustaining corpus of law, he and 
his followers came to constitute themselves as a sep- 
arate madhhab, that of the Djaririyya (named after his 
father, a not uncommon feature of the nomenclature 
of sects and schools, cf. the Kharidjite 'Adjarida and 
Azarika [q.w.]). In al-Taban's later years, his students 
were considered as adherents of the Djanriyya, and 
the school's ranks included several leading scholars of 
the age; but its principles do not seem to have been 
distinctive enough from Shafi'ism to have ensured its 
future growth and development after al-Taban's death, 
especially since the intellectual environment was one 
in which the three well-established Sunn! madhahib of 
the Malikiyya, Hanafiyya and Shafi'iyya were by now 
firmly entrenched and competing for supremacy in 
various regions of the Islamic world. 

Al-Taban had debates and altercations with Abu 
Bakr Muhammad b. Dawud, son of the founder of 
the Zahiri law school with whom al-Tabarl had in 
fact studied [see dawud b. 'ali b. khalaf], but these 
took place on the level of courtesy and mutual respect. 
His conflicts with the belligerent and uncompromis- 
ing Hanbalis were, on the other hand, acerbic and 
may well have had a disturbing and unsettling effect 
on al-Taban's life. Hanbalism was at this time strug- 
gling to carve a niche for itself alongside the exist- 
ing three main madhahib and its advocates were 
pugnacious and often unscrupulous, being ready to 
whip up the mindless Baghdad mob. Al-Tabari him- 
self had originally been drawn to study at Baghdad 
by the presence there of Ahmad b. Hanbal (see above), 
and he always regarded him with great respect; he 
and Ibn Hanbal's youngest son 'Abd Allah, the trans- 
mitter of his father's teaching, had many common 
teachers. The break with the Hanbalis seems to have 
occurred over al-Tabarfs legal work, the lkhlilif 
al-fukaha' (see below, section 3. no. iii) in which al- 
Taban totally disregarded Ibn Hanbal as being es- 
sentially a hadtth scholar and not a jurist. This was 
a perfectly valid and sustainable judgement, but it 
enraged the touchy Hanbalis. The ensuing dispute — 

only known to us in the form of conflicting reports 
from both sides — involved such rallying-points for the 
Hanbalis as the interpretation of Kur'an, XVII, 81/79, 
with its mention of the "praiseworthy position" (makam™ 
mahmud m ) promised to the Prophet: did this mean, as 
a tradition from the Successor Mudjahid b. Djabr 
[q.v.] stated, that Muhammad would be seated with 
God on the divine throne, as the Hanbalis asserted? 
Al-Tabari discussed the interpretation of the phrase 
at great length in his Commentary (ed. Bulak, x, 97- 
100, partial tr. Rosenthal, in 77k History of al-Tabari, 
i, General introduction and from the Creation to the Flood, 
Albany, N.Y. 1989, 149-51), and in a circumspect and 
reasoned manner, but — perhaps aroused by HanbalT 
intransigence and misinterpretation — is said publicly 
to have denied the credibility of Mudjahid's tradition, 
and this led to Hanbalis stoning his house in a riot 
which had to be put down by the Baghdad shurta. 
The Hanbalis may have been behind occasional dif- 
ficulties which al-Tabari had in delivering his lectures 
and may have deterred students from coming to him 
from outside Baghdad. Violence around al-Tabarl's 
house is reported at the time of his death, again 
involving the controversial makdnf mahmud"" formula, 
although the reports of HanbalT hostility at the time 
of his funeral may be exaggerated; if al-Tabarl's funeral 
was a quiet one, attended by few people, it was prob- 
ably because al-Tabari had thus requested it. 

2. Al-Tabarl's methodology. 

This topic has already been broached in regard to 
al-Tabarfs emphasis on idjtihad after a thorough con- 
sideration of his sources, these being essentially writ- 
ten ones. The great virtues of his History and Commentary 
are that they form the most extensive of extant early 
works of Islamic scholarship and that they preserve 
for us the greatest array of citations from lost sources. 
They thus furnish modern scholarship with the rich- 
est and most detailed sources for the political history 
of the early caliphate, above all for the history of the 
eastern and central lands of the Dar al-Islam during 
the first centuries of the Hidjra, and also for the early 
stages of the development and subsequent variety and 
vitality of Islam as a religious institution and corpus 
of legal knowledge and practice. 

In the building-up of these two great syntheses of 
knowledge, al-Tabari relied, as by this time had be- 
come possible, on a wide spectrum of written sources 
which were available to him. When he introduced 
sources by such formulae as haddathana, akhbarana or 
kataba, this meant that he had the idjaza [q.v.] for the 
book from which the passage in question was quoted, 
whilst when he relied on older books for which he had 
no firm transmission tradition on which he could rely, 
he used words like kdla, dhakara, rawa, huddithtu, etc. 
Hence al-Tabarl's works are above all compilations 
of material written down during the two centuries 
from ca. 50/670 to ca. 250/864, and he did not in 
general use the works of his contemporaries. In his 
Commentary, when he does not trace traditions back to 
the Prophet, this means that al-Tabarfs sources were 
books which enshrined the interpretations or exegesis 
of their authors or their contemporaries. 

We must not suppose that al-Tabari worked single- 
mindedly on a particular work, completed it and then 
went on to a fresh project. It is likely that all his 
major works first took shape as dictated lectures (see, 
concerning this technique, mustamlI), and developed 
and grew over lengthy periods of his life, especially 
when the subject-matter concerned allowed of its 
treatment in self-contained, component sections. This 
meant that a work might reach its final form on a 

certain date but parts of it might well have been in 
circulation at earlier times. This accounts for the facts 
that the same work appears under different titles, or 
that what seem to be works with separate titles are 
in fact component parts of greater works. But in any 
case, al-Tabari rarely gives formal titles when he him- 
self cites his works, but rather, he refers to them by 
their subject-matter; formal titles may never have 
existed for some (or the majority) of them. All these 
uncertainties make it difficult to arrange his works 
chronologically, although there is a certain amount of 
evidence, internal and external, regarding their times 
of composition and their issue in final, complete copies. 

3. Works. 

Only al-Tabarl's major works are mentioned here. 
A complete listing of titles as mentioned in the sources, 
including those which seem to denote parts of larger 
works only or which appear to be wrongly attributed 
to al-Taban, is given by Rosenthal, in his General intro- 
duction, 81-134, with a classification by subject and an 
attempt at placing the works in chronological order, 
is given in his Appx. B at 152-4. Likewise valuable 
is Gilliot, Us mvres de Tabari, in MIDEO, xix (1989), 
49-90 (Gilliot must have been writing contemporane- 
ously with Rosenthal), concentrating with great detail 
on al-Tabarfs works in the field of the legal sciences; 
Gilliot points out (49-50) how great a confusion there 
exists regarding the number, titles and contents of 
al-Tabarfs works as listed in the sources, in large 
measure due to the fact that kitab is used both for 
complete works and also for chapter titles only. Ch. II 
of his Exegese, kngue et the'ologie en Islam (39-68) modifies 
his MIDEO article in some points. Of older listings, 
see Brockelmann, l\ 148-9, S I, 217-18, and Sezgin, 
i, 326-8. 

i. The History, usually simply referred to as such 
because of its fame; its most authentic title, as given 
by al-Taban himself in the colophon of one of the 
manuscripts, would appear to be Mukhtasar ta'nkh al- 
rusul wa 'l-muluk wa 'l-khulafa", but others are found. 
The use of the term mukhtasar "short version, epitome" 
apparently reflected the author's own modesty and 
may also have reflected the report that the fuller, origi- 
nal version was ten times as long as the extant version, 
which itself fills twelve-and-a-half volumes in the 
printed Leiden edition made by the team of editors 
brought together by M.J. de Goeje in the later 19th 
century (Annates quos scripsit Abu Djafar Mohammed ibn 
Djarir at-Tabari, 1879-1901, 15 vols, including Introduc- 
tio, Glossarium, Addenda et corrigenda, Indices, etc.). 

In form it is a universal history, dealing firstly with 
the Creation, the Old Testament patriarchs and pro- 
phets, the rulers of ancient Israel and of the ancient 
Persians, and the culmination of the prophets before 
Muhammad, Jesus, before arriving at the history of 
the Persian Sasanids. Then, after the account of the 
career of the Prophet Muhammad, the History is 
arranged annalistically, with very great detail on the 
conquests period, the Umayyads and 'Abbasids, ups 
to the date 22 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 902/6 July 915. Al- 
Tabarfs sources included an Arabic version of the 
Persian Kh w atay-namag or "Book of Kings" for pre- 
Islamic Persian history and an array of akhbariyyun for 
early Islamic history, such as al-Zuhrl, Abu Mikhnaf, 
al-Mada'im, Sayf b. 'Umar, Nasr b. Muzahim, 'Umar 
b. Shabba, Ibn Ishak, Ibn Sa'd, al-Wakidi, Ibn Abi 
Tahir Tayfur [q.vv.], etc. (Sezgin, i, 324 n. 1, mentions 
a study published as articles from 1950 to 1961 by 
the 'Iraki scholar Djawad 'All, on al-Tabarfs sources, 
Mawarid Ta'nkh al-Tabari). Al-Taban gave parallel ac- 
counts from all these last authorities of earlier Islamic 

times, rather than attempting to furnish a conflated, 
connected story of historical events, even when the 
parallel accounts could not easily be harmonised or 
were even contradictory. His aim was, rather, to pre- 
sent the evidence for the course of the early Islamic 
history of the lands between Egypt and the far east- 
ern fringes of the Iranian world so that others could 
evaluate it in a more critical fashion should they so 
wish. Hence a later historian like Ibn al-Athir was to 
use the History very extensively, in general simplifying 
it, endeavouring to harmonise disparate accounts and 
trying to supply gaps from other sources. It was, in- 
deed, through intermediaries like Ibn al-Athir that 
subsequent historians continued indirectly to use the 
History, at a time when complete manuscripts of the 
original were less and less copied and were becom- 
ing harder to find: Ibn KhaldOn at first copied the 
famous wasiyya or charge of Tahir Dhu '1-YamTnayn 
to his son 'Abd Allah from Ibn al-Athir, and was 
only later able to collate this with the original text 
of al-Tabarf (actually itself stemming from Ibn AbT 
Tahir Tayfur) (see Mukaddima, tr. Rosenthal, ii, 139 
n. 751). The specific relationship between al-Tabarf' s 
History and Ibn al-Athir's Kamil was examined by 
C. Brockelmann in his dissertation Das Verhaltnis von 
Ibn al-Atirs Kamil fit-ta'rih zu Tabaris Ahbar er-rusul wal 
muluk (Strassburg 1890). 

The work's fame speedily led to continuations by 
other Arabic scholars, such as the Sila of the Anda- 
lusian scholar 'Arlb b. Sa'd al-Kurtubi; the Mudhayyil 
or Sila of al-Tabarf s pupil Abu Muhammad 'All al- 
Fargham, who had his master's idjaza to transmit the 
History; the Tabnila of Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Malik 
al-Hamadham; continuations by Hilal b. al-Muhassin 
al-Sabi' and his son Ghars al-Ni'ma; etc. A Persian 
adaptation was made in 352/963 by the Samanid 
vizier Abu 'All Muhammad al-Bal'ami [see bal'ami] 
which epitomised the original but added a certain 
amount of new matter, making it to some extent an 
additional historical source besides being of philo- 
logical interest for students of early New Persian (see 
G. Lazard, La langue des plus anciens monuments de la 
prose persane, Paris 1963, 38-41; E.L. Daniel, Manuscripts 
and editions of Bal'ami's Tarjamah-i tarfkh-i Tabari, in 
JRAS [1990], 282-308), with further Arabic and 
Turkish translations made from this last. See Sezgin, 
i, 327, and sila, at vol. IX, 604b; and for knowl- 
edge of the History in the West, and previous trans- 
lations of parts of it before the appearance of the 
English translation under the general editorship of 
Ehsan Yarshater (The History of al-Tabari, an annotated 
translation, Albany N.Y. 1985-, to be completed in 38 
vols.), see Rosenthal, General introduction, 135-47. See 
also on the History, D.S. Margoliouth, Lectures on Arabic 
historians, Calcutta 1930, 110-12; Rosenthal, A history 
of Muslim historiography' 1 , Leiden 1 968, index. 

ii. The Commentary, the official title of which, DJami' 
al-bayan 'an ta'vvil al-Kur'an, is mentioned in the History 
but was never apparently much in general use, the 
work being simply known as the Tafsir par excellence. 
Al-Tabarf worked on this, too, over many years, and 
it was not ready for dissemination till some date 
between 283/896 and 290/903. It was immediately 
regarded very highly, and probably considered as al- 
Taban's outstanding achievement, even more so than 
his works on law and tradition; it has retained its 
importance for scholars till the present day. The 
Jacobite Christian philosopher and theologian Yahya 
b. 'Adr (d. 363/974 [q.v.]) reportedly copied it twice 
for sale to provincial rulers. Also like the History, it 
is said to have been longer than its present very 

extended form; an authority cited in Yakut's Irshad 
says that he saw a manuscript of it in Baghdad of 
4,000 folios, although this does not seem to be extra- 
ordinarily longer than the 3,000 and more closely- 
printed pages of the text which we have. 

In his work, al-Tabarf in general treated the Kur'anic 
verses from a grammatical and lexicographical stand- 
point, but also made dogmatic theological and legal 
deductions from the Kur'an text. After the commen- 
tary of Mukatil b. Sulayman (d. 150/767 [q.v.]) al- 
Taban's is the first major commentary to have 
survived — perhaps one should say that it is the first 
major running commentary tout court to have sur- 
vived — other ones antedating al-Tabari, such as those 
of al-Hasan al-Basrf [q.v.] , having to be reconstructed 
or such as those of Mudjahid b. Djabr and 'Abd al- 
Razzak b. Hammam al-Himyarf al-San'ani (d. 21 1/827 
[q.v.]) having survived only fragmentarily in late, pos- 
sibly reconstituted manuscripts. Al-Tabari took over 
al-Himyari's commentary in its entirety for his own 
work. H. Horst, in his %ur Oberlieferung im Korankommentar 
at-Tabafis, in ZDMG, ciii (1953), 290-307, surmised that 
al-Tabari in fact used several, complete, older com- 

The Commentary's great value and its popularity en- 
sured that supercommentaries upon it and epitomes 
early appeared, with an abridgement speedily made 
by the Baghdadr scholar of Turkish origin, Ibn al- 
Ikhshrd (d. 326/938, cf. Sezgin, i, 624, and D. Gimaret, 
EIr art. Ebn al-Eksid). A Persian translation was com- 
missioned by the Samanid amir Mansur I b. Nuh I 
(d. 365/976) and made by a group of scholars in 
Transoxania; this translation, or rather, adaptation, 
has survived in far fewer copies than al-Bal'amr's 
Tard}ama-yi Ta'rikh-i Tabari, but these manuscripts are 
old and the text likewise of great philological inter- 
est (see Lazard, op. cit., 41-5). A French abridged 
translation and an English translation have recently 
started to appear (see Rosenthal, Introduction, 111), 
though it may be doubted whether any modern trans- 
lation can convey the subdety of al-Tabarf's thought 
and scholarship except in a very circuitous and prolix 
fashion. See further, tafsir, and the extensive works 
on early Kur'an exegesis by Gilliot, including his Textes 
anciens edites en Egypte, in MIDEO, xix (1989) to xxii 
(1996), Les debuts de I'exegese coranique, in RMMM, lviii 
(1990), 82-100, Exegese, langue et theologie en Islam, and 
Mythe, recit, histoire du salul dans le commentaire coranique 
de Tabari, in JA, cclxxxii (1994), 235-68. The Com- 
mentary was first printed in 30 vols, at Cairo, 1321/ 
1903, with a further edition (considered the better of 
these two) in 1323/1905, and more recendy edited 
by Mahmud Muhammad Shakir and A.M. Shakir, 
16 vols.' Cairo 1954-68, incomplete (up to sura XIV, 
27); the best, complete edition is now that of A.S. 
'All, Mustafa al-Sakka et alii, Cairo 1954-7, repr. Beirut 
with indices, 30 vols. 

iii. The Ikhtilaf al-jukaha' , partially preserved, seems 
to have had the full tide Ikhtilaf 'ulama' al-amsar ji 
ahkam shara'i' al-Islam. In this work on the differences 
between the approaches and doctrines of the "ortho- 
dox" great jurists of early Islam, al-Tabari, accord- 
ing to Yakut, presented the legal scholarship of Malik 
b. Anas, al-Awza'I, Sufyan al-Thawri, al-Shafi'i, Abu 
Hamfa, Abu Yusuf, Muhammad al-Shaybam and (?) 
Abu Thawr Ibrahim al-Kalbi, but excluded any rep- 
resentation of the Mu'tazila (and, as noted above, in 
section 1., he excluded Ibn Hanbal as not primarily 
a fakih). Yakut also reports that the original ran to 
about 3,000 folios. The Cairo fragment was edited 
by F. Kern, Cairo 1902, and the Cairo one by 

J. Schacht,' Das Konstantinopkr Fragment des Kitab ihtilaf 
al-fuqaha', Leiden 1933. See Rosenthal, General intro- 
duction, 103-5; Gilliot, Les mares de Tabari, 52-6. 

iv. Tahdhib al-athar [wa-tafsil ma'am al-t/sabit 'an Rasul 
Allah min al-ahkbar] was al-Taban's most ambitious 
work on traditions, arranged according to the latest 
transmitter of the hadiths, and also according to the 
Prophet's Companions, but apparently never completed. 
It is more than a mere collection of traditions like 
Ibn Hanbal's Musnad, but examines exhaustively the 
philological and legal implications of each tradition, 
discussing its meaning and characteristics (e.g. whether 
it has any 'ilal or weaknesses) as well as its significance 
for religious practice; its contents thus amount to mon- 
graphs on a number of topics. Only fragments are 
preserved, including those in which al-Taban took 
material from the Musnads, of traditions going back to 
the Companions 'Umar b. al-Khattab, 'All and 'Abd 
Allah b. al-'Abbas [see musnad, at vol. VII, 706 a, 
middle]. What remains of the Musnads going back 
to the second and third of these three authorities 
has been published by Mahmud Muhammad Shakir, 
3 vols. Beirut n.d., introd. dated 1982. See Rosenthal, 
op. cit., 128-30; Gilliot, op. cit., 68-70; idem, Le traite- 
ment du hadlt dans le Tahdfb al-atar de Tabari, in 
Arabica, xii (1994), 309-51. 

v. Tabsir uli 'l-nuha wa-ma'alim al-huda, partly pre- 
served and still in manuscript, is a statement of the 
principles of the faith (usul al-din) written at the re- 
quest of the scholars of his home town of Amul. See 
Rosenthal, op. cit., 126-8. 

vi. Sank al-sunna, a brief profession of faith or creed 
('akida), preserved, and published with a French trans- 
lation by D. Sourdel, Une profession de foi de I'historien 
al-Tabarl, in REI, xxxvi (1968), 177-99. See Rosenthal, 
op. cit., 125-6. 

vii. al-Fasl bayn al-kira'a, preserved but unpublished, 
on Kur'anic readings, also mentioned under the title 
al-Djami' ft 'l-kira'at, this last was conceivably, but im- 
probably, a separate work. Yakut quotes Abu 'Air al- 
Hasan al-Ahwazi (d. 446/1054-5) that the latter had 
seen a copy of it in 18 volumes, admittedly in a large 
script. See Rosenthal, op. cit., 95-7; Gilliot, op. cit, 73. 

viii. Dhayl al-mudljayyal, only surviving in a brief 
selection (muntakhab), was a supplement to al-Tabarf s 
History, with historical information on the religious 
scholars needed in connection with the History. The 
surviving text was appended to the Leiden edition of 
the History at iii, 2295-2561. The whole work would 
appear to be that often mentioned by the literary 
biographers, etc., as the Ta'rikh al-Ridjal, i.e. of reli- 
gious scholars. See Rosenthal, op. cit., 89-90; Gilliot, 
op. cit., 72. 

Numerous other, substantially lost works are men- 
tioned both within al-Tabari's own works or in later 
literature, including a Latif al-kawl ft shara'i' al-Islam 
(many variants of this tide), a "slim" work on the laws 
and principles of the Islamic faith; separate works on 
the fada'il or merits of the first four caliphs and of 
the Prophet's uncle al-' Abbas, on which al-Taban seems 
at times to have lectured and for which he gathered 
material, without living long enough to put this into 
a single, compendious work; on the interpretation of 
dreams, 'Ibarat al-ru'ya; a refutation of the founder of 
the Zahiriyya, Dawud b. 'All, al-Radd 'aid dhi 'l-asfar; 
a refutation of some of Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam's view 
on Malik, originating during his stay in Egypt; etc. 
There were also various works which were probably 
falsely attributed to al-Tabarl, including, e.g., al-Radd 
'old 'l-Hurkusiyya; cf. on this last work, Rosenthal, 
op. cit., 123-4 (accepting the possibility that it was by 

al-Tabari), and Gilliot, op. cit., 24-6 (sceptical of the 


Bibliography: For earlier works, see the Bibl. to 
R. Paret's EI' art. The more recent bibl. is given 
by Rosenthal — combined with that for his tr. of 
the first 201 pp. of the History — in his General intro- 
duction . . ., 373-8, and Gilliot has a very detailed 
bibliography appended t( 

n Islam. Refere: 

within the 

body of the present article, which is based substan- 
tially on Rosenthal's exhaustive General introduction. 
Finally, one should note, of most recently-appeared 
works, Gilliot, Tabari et les Chretiens tagEbites, in Univer- 
site Saint-Joseph, Faculte des Lettres et des Sciences 
Humaines, Annates du Department des Lettres Arabes, 
vi/B (1991-2) [1996] (= In memoriam Professeur Jean 
Maurice Fiey, o.p., 1914-1995), 145-59 (al-Taban held 
that the People of the Book should be expelled 
from the whole of the Dar al-Islam when they were 
no longer of use to the Muslim community); and 
idem, Al-Tabari and "The history of salvation", in 
H. Kennedy (ed.), Procs. of the conference on the life 
and works of Muhammad b. Jarir al-Tabari, St. Andrews 
30 August-2 September 1995, forthcoming. 

(C.E. Bosworth) 
al-TABARI, al-Kadi al-Imam Abu 'l-Tayyib Tahir 
b. 'Abd Allah b. 'Umar b. Tahir, principal au- 
thority of his time in the 'Iraki branch of 
Shafi'ism [see shafi'iyya], born at Amul in Taba- 
ristan in 348/959-60, died in Baghdad in RabT' I 
450/May 1058. 

At fourteen years of age, Abu 'l-Tayyib al-Tabarl 
began his legal training under the tutelage of Abu 
'Air al-Zadjdjadjr, who had been a pupil of Ibn al- 
Kass, in his turn a disciple of the great Ibn Suraydj 
[q.v.]. Al-Taban completed his education with various 
Shafi'i masters, primarily Abu '1-Hasan al-Masardjisi 
but also Abu Ishak al-Isfara'ini, who taught him the- 
ology and usul al-frkh, and Abu Hamid al-Isfara'Inl, 
in Djurdjan, Nrsabur and Baghdad, where he estab- 
lished himself definitively. 

"The Judge" (al-Kadi), as he was called by 'Iraki 
Shafi'Is, pursued parallel careers as an educator and 
a judge. He apparently composed a considerable body 
of work in various branches of legal sciences but only 
a fragment of one of his texts, al-Ta'Uka (it is either 
a commentary which he wrote on the Mukhtasar of 
al-Muzanl or his commentary on the furu' of Ibn al- 
Haddad), has survived to this day in manuscript form 
(Istanbul, Ahmet III, no. 850, see G. Makdisi, Ibn 
'Aqil, Damascus 1963, 204). In fact, as is indicated 
by the manner in which al-Tabari is introduced by 
al-Nawawi ("the master of the author of the Muhadh- 
dhab": Tahdhib al-asma' wa 'l-lughat, Beirut n.d., ii, 247), 
his renown was rapidly eclipsed by that of his more 
famous disciple, Abu Ishak al-Shirazi [q.v.], who 
devoted to him one of the most laudatory notices in 
his Tabakdt al-fukaha', describing him as "the greatest 
mudjtahid" whom he had ever encountered (Beirut n.d., 
135). Only the tides of his other works have been 
preserved (besides the two above-mentioned works: 
al-Mudjarrad, al-Minhddj ft 'l-khilaftyyat and Tabakdt al- 
shafi'iyya, Beirut 1988, 210-11). Al-Taban conducted 
his lectures in a masdjid in the Bab al-Mardtib quar- 
ter of Baghdad, attracting large numbers of students. 
Among his disciples or pupils who are still renowned, 
are included the Shafi'i historian and traditionist al- 
Khatlb al-Baghdadi and the Hanbali Ibn 'Akil [q.vv.]. 
An important personality of Baghdad (madinat al- 
salam), and already well advanced in age, al-Tabarl was 
appointed to the post of judge {kadi) of the Karkh 

quarter at the time of the death, in 436/1045, of his 
predecessor in this function, the Hanafi al-Saymari. 
Abandoning teaching, al-Tabari remained kadi of al- 
Karkh until his death. According to al-Shlrazi, although 
a centenarian "his reason was not disturbed nor his 
understanding impaired". His funeral was conducted 
on a lavish scale in the mosque of al-Mansur and he 
was interred in the cemetery of Bab al-Harb. 
Bibliography: In the corpus of Shafi'i biogra- 
phical literature, it is invariably the notice devoted 
to al-Taban by al-Shlrazi (see above) which is re- 
produced as such, usually without any addition. 
The notice devoted to him by al-Subkl (Tabakat 
al-shafiHyya al-kubrd, Cairo n.d., v, 12-50) is consid- 
erably longer because it is augmented by, firstly, 
lengthy quotations from poems of al-Tabari; sec- 
ondly, the text of the controversies in which he was 
opposed by the Hanaffs (Abu '1-Hasan al-Talikani, 
who was kadi of Balkh, and Abu '1-Husayn al- 
KudQrl); and thirdly, a brief account of the special 
features of the master's legal thinking. 

(E. Chaumont) 
al-TABARI, Ahmad b. 'Abd Allah b. Muhammad 
b. Abi Bakr Muhi'bb al-Din Abu Dja'far and' Abu '1- 
'Abbas, ShafiT traditionist and jurist, b. 27 
Djumada II 615/20 September 1218, d. 2 Djumada 
II 694/19 April 1295. 

Considered as the greatest scholar of his century 
in the Hidjaz, he was born into a family who had 
recently settled in Mecca and who were destined to 
become one of the most important buyutdt. His great- 
grandfather, Abu Bakr, had emigrated from Tabaristan 
to the Holy City in the seventies of the 6th/' 12th cen- 
tury. There he married and had seven sons and one 
daughter. From the second generation onwards the 
family became well established, with several of his sons 
already occupying prestigious positions (khatlb, kadi 
and imam of the makam Ibrahim [q.v.] ; in fact, this last 
position became the almost exclusive privilege of this 
family until the 18th century). 

Al-Taban was educated essentially at Mecca. Sources 
do not take into account any rihla fl lalab al-'ilm. His 
principal teachers were the Hanbali traditionist Ibn al- 
Mukayyar (545-643/1 151-1246, al-Fasi, Dhayl al-takyid, 
ii, 189-90), Ibn Abi Harami (d. 645/1247, Brockel- 
mann, S I, 607), the Maliki scholar Sharaf al-Dm al- 
Mursr (569-655/1173-1257, Brockelmann, I, 312; S I, 
546), the Shafi'i traditionist Ibn al-Djummayzi (559- 
649/1 164-1251, al-Safadl, al-Wafi, xxii, 284), the mys- 
tic Bashlr b. Hamid al-Tibrlzi (570-646/1174-1248, 
al-Safadr, x, 161-2), and finally 'Air b. Abi Bakr al- 
Taban (576-640/1180-1242, al-Fasi, al-'Ikd al-thamln, 
vi, 143-4) and Ya'kQb b. Abi Bakr al-Tabari (592-665/ 
1195-1266, al-Fasi, vii, 473), both uncles of his father. 
He went to Kus [q.v.] to complete his education as a 
legal expert with the Maliki Madjd al-Din al-Kushayri 
(581-667/1185-1268, al-Safadl, xxii, 298-303). 

Al-Tabari maintained privileged relations with the 
Rasulid dynasty of the Yemen. Sultan al-Muzaffar 
(r. 647-94/1250-95) appointed him as teacher in the 
madrasa of al-Mansuriyya, which had been founded by 
his father al-Mansur within the precincts of the Ka'ba. 
Al-Tabari travelled repeatedly to the Yemen to impart 
a knowledge of the tradition and of some of his own 
works to the sultan himself and to his children. He 
was the author of about forty works that have largely 
disappeared. The most important of them can be c 
veniently classified according to their main then 
Kur'an, Fikh, Hadith, History, Poetry, Mysticism ; 
a. Kur'an 

(1) al-Kabas al-asna fl kashf al-gfrarib wa 'l-ma'na; (2) 
al-Kafi fl gharib al-Kur'an al-djami' bayn al-'Uzayzi wa 
'l-bayan; (3) K Marsum al-mushaf al-'uthmani al-madani; 
(4) a tafsir. 

b. Fikh 

(5) 'Awatif al-nusra fl al-tawaf wa 'l-'umra, 3. fatwa on 
the preferences available for the circumambulation or 
the minor pilgrimage (imicum at Princeton, no. 2275); 
(6) Istiksd' al-baydn fl mas'ala Shddhirwdn, fatwa on the 
Shadhirwan of the Ka'ba; (7) a madjmu' fi 'l-khilaf in 
the style of the ancients; (8) a summary (al-Maslak al- 
nabih fl talkhis al-Tanbih) and a commentary on the 
Tanbih by al-Shirazi. 

c. Hadith 

(9) Ghdyat al-ihkam fl ahddith al-ahkam, a collection 
of precepts drawn from the canonic corpus or other- 
wise in six volumes (the work is preserved in its 
entirety in manuscript); (10) al-Tabari produced two 
abridged versions of this: al-Ahkam al-wusta and al- 
Ahkam al-sughra; (11) al-Kira li-kasid umm al-kura, a text 
on the rites of pilgrimage (ed. M. al-Sakka, Cairo 
1367/1948); (12) Safwat al-kira fl sifat hidjdjat ' al-Mustajd, 
partly abridged from al-Kira (ed. R.M. FUdwan, Cairo 
1354/1935); (13) £ Gharib %dmi' al-usul, commentary 
on the rara of Qidmi' al-usul of Madjd al-Din Ibn al- 
Athir [q.v.] (ms. Ragib Pasa Musalla Medresesi 1950/ 
60); (14) al-Muharrar li 'l-Malik al-Muzaffar, a collec- 
tion of precepts of the two Sahihs dedicated to the 
Rasulid sultan al-Muzaffar; (15) al-Umda, an abridged 
version of the previously-mentioned work; (16) two 
alphabetic rearrangements of al-Gharib fi 'l-hadith of 
Abu 'Ubayd al-Kasim b. Sallam [q.v.]: al-Durr al- 
manthur li 'l-Malik al-Mansur and Takrib al-mardm fl 
gjtafib al-Kasim b. Sallam; (17) Tartib Qami' al-masamd wa 
'l-alkdb, an edition of the work of Ibn al-Djawzi [q.v.] . 

d. History 

(18) Khulasat siyar sayyid al-bashar, a compendium on 
the life of the Prophet (Indian edition 1343/1924-5); 
(19) al-Riyad al-nadirafi manakib al-'ashara al-mubashshann 
bi 'l-djanna, a work on the Ten Destined for Paradise 
(ed. Cairo 1327/1909, many reprints); (20) Dhakha'ir 
al-'ukbd fl manakib dhawl 'l-kurba, a work on the close 
agnatic relationship of the Prophet (first annotated 
edition based on six manuscripts by F. Bauden, see 
Bibl. below); (21) al-Simt al-thamln fl manakib ummahdt 
al-mu'mimn, a work on the wives of the Prophet (ed. 
M.R. al-Tabbakh, Aleppo 1346/1928, with many 

(22) Diwdn (fragments in the mss. Leiden Or. 2427, 
ff. 78a-b, and Berlin, Sprenger 872, ff. 173-7). 

f. Mysticism 

(23) Mukhtasar 'Awarif al-ma'arif, an abridged version 
of the work of al-Suhrawardi [q.v.]. 

g. Miscellaneous 

(24) two mashyakhas edited at the request of the 
sultan al-Muzaffar, al-Ta'rif bi-mashyakhat al-Haram al- 
sharif and al-'Ukud al-durriyya wa 'l-mashyakha al-makkiyya 

The attractiveness of al-Tabari lies especially in the 
method which he adopted. He omitted the isnad of 
the traditions which he cited but took care to give 
his sources. He probably thought that the isnad dis- 
tracted the reader and stopped him from coming 
directly to the point which interested him, in other 
words, the matn. As far as al-Tabari was concerned, 
anyone preoccupied with the isnad had only to refer 
to the source which he mentioned. If al-Tabari did 
not innovate in regard to this method, it appears that 
he was the first to make use of it on such a scale, 
since he applied it to most of his works. This was 

essentially why he gave a bibliographical list (170 titles) 
in his introduction to al-Riyad al-nadira. He was to use 
this list for his other works without having to repeat 
it. Several later traditionists (al-Yafi'i, iv, 224; al-Fasi, 
al-'Ikd al-thamin, iii, 62-3) reproached him for not indi- 
cating which traditions were weak (da'if) or fabricated 
(mawdu') as such, and this despite his method. Nonethe- 
less, al-Taban remains an extremely interesting author, 
if only for his sources, most of which are lost today 
and which only live on in the citations which he made 
of them. 

Bibliography: On the family of al-Tabari at 
Mecca, see F. Bauden, Les Tabariyya. Histoire d'une 
importimte famille de la Mecque {Jin Xll'-fm XV s.), in 
U. Vermeulen and D. De Smet (eds.), Egypt and 
Syria in the Fatimid, Ayyubid and Mamluk eras, Louvain 
(OLA 73), 1995, 253-66 (a preliminary study with 
a family tree of 164 members of the family, from 
a more extensive study which includes the family 
history from the 12th to the 18th centuries. The 
most thorough study of Muhibb al-Dm al-Taban 
is that of Bauden, Les Tresors de la Posterite ou les 
fastes des proches parents du Prophete (Kitab Daha'ir al- 
'ukba ft manakib dawi al-kurba) par Muhibb al-din 
Ahmad ibn 'Abd Allah ibn Muhammad al-Taban al- 
Makki (ob. 694/1295). Edition critique accompagnee 
d'une traduction annotee et d'une etude sur la vie et I'ceuvre 
de I'auteur, unpubl. doctoral diss, in 4 volumes, 
University of Liege, 1 996. Vol. i contains the biog- 
raphy, a complete inventory of his works listing the 
manuscripts that are still extant, and a study of the 
sources in al-Riyad al-nadira and Dhakha'ir al-'ukba. 
Biographical sources: Ibn Rashid, Mil' al- 
'ayba, ed. Muhammad al-Khudja, v, 233-52; Bir- 
zalT, Ta'rikh, ms. Berlin Sprenger 61, fol. 416a; 
Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Dimashki, Tabakat 'ulama' 
al-hadith, ed. I. Zaybak, iv, 258-9 no. U44; Dha- 
habr, Mu'djam al-shuyukh, ed. al-Suyufi, 37 no. 34; 
idem, Huffaa, iv, 1474-5; idem, 'Ibar, v, 382; 'Umari, 
Masalik al-absar, facs. Frankurt, xxvii, 377; SafadI, 
Waft, vii, 135-6 no. 3064; Yafi'i, Mir'at al-'djanan, 
iv, 224-5; Subkr, Tabakat, v, 8-9; Asnawi, Tabakat al- 
ihqfi'iyya, ed. K. al-Hut, ii, 72 no. 796; Ibn Kathlr, 
Tabakat al-fukaha' al-shafi'iyyin, ms. Chester Beatty 
3390, fol. 79; idem, Bidaya, xiii, 340-1; Ibn Habrb, 
Durrat al-aslak, ed. Weijers and Meursinge, 1846, 
290; idem, Tadhkirat al-nablh, i, 1 76; Khazradji, al- 
'Ukud al-lu'lu'iyya, tr. Redhouse, i, 233, iv, ed. 'Asal, 
277; Fast, al-'Ikd al-thamin, iii, 61-72; idem, Dhayl 
al-takyid, i, 323 no. 643; Makrizi, Suluk, ed. Ziyada, 
iii, 811, tr. Quatremere, Hist, des sultans mamlouks, 
ii, 28; idem, al-Mukaffa al-kabir, i, 516-17 no. 503; 
Ibn Kadi Shuhba, Tabakat al-shafi'iyya, ii, 162-4 no. 
459; 'Ayni, 'Ikd al-ajuman, iii, 284-5; Ibn Taghribirdi, 
al-Dalll al-shaft, ed. F. Shaltut, i, 54 no. 184; idem, 
al-Manhal al-safi, i, 342-9; idem, Mdjum, viii, 74-5; 
Sakhawi, al-Tuhfa al-latifa, ed. al-Fiki, i, 194; Suyuff, 
Tabakat al-huffai, ed. 'A.M. 'Umar, 510-1 1 no. 1131; 
Ibn al-Tmad, v, 425-6; Ibn al-Ghazzi, Diwan al- 
islam, ed. S.K. Hasan, iv, 160-1 no. 1877; Baghdad!, 
Hadiyyat al-'arifin, i, col. 101; ZiriklT, i, 159; Kahhala, 
i, 298-9; Brockelmann, I 2 , 444-5, S I, 615; Biiadi, 
Nashr al-rayyahin, i, 36-9; M. al-Hablb al-Hila, al- 
Ta'rikh wa 'l-mu'arrikhun bi-Makka, 53-8. 

(F. Bauden) 
al-TABARI, 'All b. Rabban, a 3rd/9th century 
convert from Christianity to Islam, who was 
known for his writings on medical topics and for two 
works in which he demonstrated the weaknesses of 
his former faith and the truth of the one he embraced. 
'All's father's name is recorded in a variety of 

forms. Ibn al-KiftT explains that the word read by 
various authors and their copyists as a name was 
really the Jewish title al-rabban, which was given to 
experts on the religious law, and that 'Air's father 
was a distinguished Jewish scholar (T. al-Hukama', 
Cairo 1326, 128, 155, repeated by Ibn Abi Usaybi'a, 
'Uyun al-anba', ed. Miiller, i, 309-10). This, however, 
must be regarded as an ex post facto reconstruction in 
view of the fact that for most of his life 'All himself 
was a Christian (e.g. Abu Dja'far al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, 
iii, 1276, 1283, 1293, and Ibn Khallikan, tr. de Slane, 
iii, 312, in addition to the evidence of 'Air's own 
works cited below), and in all probability so was his 
father's brother ('Air al-Tabari, K. al-Dln wa 'l-dawla, 
ed. A. Mingana, Manchester 1923, 129). In fact, with- 
out showing any religious self-consciousness, 'All ex- 
plains that his father was given this tide because of 
his dedication to learning (Firdaws al-hikma, ed. M.Z. 
Siddiqi, Berlin 1928, 1; M. Meyerhof, 'AH ibn Rabban 
at-Tabarl, ein persischer Arzt des 9. Jahrhumkrts n. Chr., 
in ZDMG, N.F. x [1931], 44, suggests it was a Syriac 
tide). It seems safe to say that 'Air's full name was 
Abu '1-Hasan 'All b. Sahl Rabban al-Taban. 

As a native of Tabaristan, 'All is mentioned as sec- 
retary to the governor Mazyar b. Karin [see karinids], 
whom he represented more than once in negotiations 
(al-Taban, iii, 1276-7; Fihrist, 296). He stayed loyal 
throughout Mazyar's insurrection against al-Mu'tasim, 
though when the governor was captured and executed 
in 225/840 he was admitted to the caliph's service 
in the new capital Samarra' (Fihrist, 296; Ibn Isfandiyar, 
History of Tabaristan, tr. E.G. Browne, Leiden 1905, 43). 
He evidently remained at court through the reigns of 
al-Mu'tasim, al-Wathik and al-Mutawakkil, and the 
latter made him a table companion (Fihrist, 296). Given 
these connections and dates, it is difficult to identify 
him with the Abu '1-Fadl 'All b. Rabban al-Nasrani, 
who was secretary to the Nestorian Patriarch Timothy 
I (Islamochristiana, i [1975], 158-9), since Timothy died 
as early as 208/823, although 'All very probably was 
a Nestorian (S.K. Samir, La reponse d'al-Saft ibn al- 
'Assal a la refutation des Chretiens de 'All al-Tabari, in 
Parole de I'Orient, xi [1983], 284-6). 

At some point in this period he became a Muslim. 
Ibn al-Nadrm suggests that this was under al-Mu'tasim 
(Fihrist, 296), thus between 225/840 and the caliph's 
death in 227/842; but 'All himself implies that al- 
Mutawakkil played an important part in his conver- 
sion, when he records this thanks for what the caliph 
has done (K. al-Din wa 'l-dawla, 144). 

The evidence of 'All's works themselves supports 
what he says here. For elsewhere in the K. al-Din wa 
'l-dawla (86, 93) he refers to an attack he has writ- 
ten on Christian doctrines, the Radd 'aid al-Nasara, 
and at the beginning of this earlier work he explains 
that he was a Christian for the first seventy years of 
his life (ed. I.A. Khalife and W. Kutsch, Ar-Radd 'ala- 
n-Nasara de 'AU at-Tabari, in MUSJ, xxxvi [1959], 1 19). 
This valuable item of information makes it much more 
likely that he converted in al-Mutawakkil's reign, since 
a conversion under al-Mu'tasim means that he would 
have been improbably old by the time he came to 
write the K. al-Din wa 'l-dawla, which is quite defi- 
nitely linked with al-Mutawakkil. It is likely that he 
converted in or after 235/850, since in the Firdaws 
al-hikma, which he says he completed in this year, he 
mentions al-Mutawakkil without any sign of intimacy 
or thanks for kindness (Firdaws, 2). 

The K. al-Din wa 'l-dawla may well have been writ- 
ten in 241/855 (see A. Mingana, The book of religion 
and empire, Manchester 1922, 138, n. 1), making it 


possible that 'Air's conversion took place a few years 
earlier, and giving 165/781 or just after as a possi- 
ble date for his birth. The date of his death cannot 
be fixed, though if he was over seventy in the late 
230s/early 850s he cannot have survived long after 

According to this dating, it is quite possible that 
the reports which link 'Air with the historian Abu 
Dja'far al-Tabaif [q.v.] are correct. According to Yakut 
{Udaba' vi,' 460, and cf. 429), Abu Dja'far, who was 
bora in 224-5/839, took down his own copy of the 
Firdaws al-hikma from 'Air's dictation. But 'All's link 
with the great physician Abu Bakr Muhammad b. 
Zakariyya al-RazT [q.v.], as reported by Ibn al-Kifti 
(155), Ibn AbT Usaybi'a, (309) and Ibn Khallikan {loc. 
cit), is problematic in view of the fact that al-RazI was 
not bom until 250/864, and could not have begun 
his education until 'All would have been extremely 
old. This link, and particularly Ibn al-Kifti's vivid 
portrayal of it, must presumably be ascribed to the 
tendency to make connections between well-known 
scholars in a shared discipline, and maybe also to al- 
Razi's knowledge and use of 'All's medical writings. 

Of 'Alfs works, twelve titles are known. These 
are, according to Ibn al-Nadim (Fihrist, 296, repeated 
by Ibn al-Kifti, 155), the Firdaws al-hikma, K. Tuhfiat 
al-muluk, K. Kunndsh al-hadra, K. Manafi' al-a'tima wa 
'l-ashriba wa 'l-'akakir, in addition, from Ibn Abi 
Usaybi'a (309), K. Irfak al-hayat, K. Hifz al-sihha, K. fi 
'l-rukan, K. fi 'l-hidjama, K. fit tarSb al-agjidhiya; from 
Ibn Isfandiyar {History, 80), Bohr al-fawa'id; cited by 
'All in the Firdaws al-hikma (113), K. al-Idah min al- 
siman wa 'l-huzal wa-tahayyudj al-bah wa-ibtalihi; and the 
two apologetic works, K. al-Din wa 'l-dawla, and al- 
Radd 'aid al-Nasara (which 'All also calls al-Radd 'ala 
asnaf al-Nasara, K. al-Din wa 'l-dawla, 86). If he is iden- 
tical with the 'Air b. Rabban al-Nasrani mentioned 
by Ibn al-Nadim {Fihrist, 316), then that author's 
K. fi 'l-addb wa 'l-amthal 'ala madhahib al-Furs wa 'l-Rum 
wa 'l-'Arab is a further tide. Of these, some may well 
be alternative names for the same work. 

Three of these works have been published, the 
Firdaws al-hikma, the K. al-Din wa 'l-dawla and the Radd 
'ala al-Nasard. The Firdaws was employed by many 
later medical authors, and enjoyed considerable cir- 
culation (see Meyerhof, 'AH at-Tabari's "Paradise of 
Wisdom", one of the oldest Arabic compendiums of medicine, 
in las, xvi [1931], 16-46). The anti-Christian works, 
however, did not gain a comparable popularity. The 
Radd is incomplete, but its latter sections can be recon- 
structed in part from the quotations preserved in the 
4th/ 10th century al-Radd 'ala al-Nasdra of another con- 
vert from Christianity al-Hasan b. Ayyub (quoted at 
length in Ibn Taymiyya, al-DJawdb al-sahih li-man bad- 
dala din al-Masih, Cairo 1905, ii, 312 ff., ed. and 
Dutch tr. F. Sepmeijer, Een Weerlegging van het Christendom 
uit de lOe eeuw. De brief van al-Hasan b. Ayyub aan zijn 
broer 'AH, Kampen 1985), and from the refutation 
made by the 7th/ 13th century Copt al-Safi Ibn al- 
'Assal (see Samir, art. cit). Also, the authenticity of 
the K. al-Din wa 'l-dawla has been questioned ever 
since it was translated and edited in 1922-3. Despite 
strong defences of the work by a number of schol- 
ars, it has always been surrounded by the suspicion 
that it is a modern forgery. However, its antiquity is 
virtually setded by two convincing pieces of evidence, 
which are that the unique ms. which contains the 
work is undoubtedly old, and that it was almost 
certainly used by the 4th/ 10th century authors al- 
Hasan b. Ayyub (see Sepmeijer, op. cit., 4-8) and Abu 
'1-Hasan Muhammad b. Yusuf al-'Amin (d. 381/992 

[a.v. in Suppl.]) So its age should no longer be ques- 
tioned and its authorship not seriously disputed (see 
D. Thomas, Tabari's Book of Religion and Empire, in 
BJRUL, lxix [1986], 1-7, adducing this evidence and 
citing the major participants in the debate). 

These two anti-Christian works show great inven- 
tiveness in their arguments, and reflect 'All's learning 
in his former faith. It could be that his informed 
approach was not well understood by Muslims whose 
knowledge of Christian teachings and beliefs was less 
extensive, and this may account for their compara- 
tive lack of direct influence in later discussions. 

Bibliography: See also Brockelmann, S I, 414- 

15; Sezgin, GAS, iii, 236-40; 'A.-M. Sharff, al-Fikr 

al-isldmifi 'l-radd 'ala al-Nasara, Tunis 1986, 128-35. 
(D. Thomas) 

TABARISTAN, in northern Persia, the name for 
the southern shore of the Caspian Sea, com- 
prising both the narrow coastal plain region and the 
steeply-rising mountainous interior of the Elburz chain. 
It was bounded in mediaeval Islamic times by Gilan 
and Daylam on the west and by Gurgan on the east. 

The name Tabaristan enshrines a memory of the 
ancient people of the ToOTupoi, but received a popular 
etymology as "land of the axe (tabar)" because wood- 
cutting was an activity in this heavily-wooded region. 
Tabaristan {nisba, al-Taban) was the designation for 
the region up to Saldjuk times, but thereafter the 
name Mazandaran comes in and becomes general 
from the Mongol period onwards. Hence for the his- 
torical geography, history, coins, etc. of the region, 

see MAZANDARAN. (Ed.) 

TABARIYYA, Tiberias, modern Israeli Te- 
verya, a town of Palestine situated on the edge 
of the Sea of Galilee (Yam Kinnereth in Hebrew, 
Buhayrat Tabariyya in Arabic) in the Jordan valley, 
already at this point 208 m/680 feet below sea level 
(lat. 32° 48' N., long. 35" 32' E.). 

According to some traditions, the town which Herod 
Antipas founded in ca. A.D. 87 as a capital, which 
he called Tiberias after the Emperor Tiberius, was 
built on the site of the Biblical Rakkath of Josh. xix. 
35. It was built on the model of Hellenistic towns, 
with temples, an amphitheatre, etc., and with the royal 
palace described by Josephus almost certainly on the 
mount of Herod (in recent times called Kasr Bint al- 
Malik) within the ancient walls. Strictly-observant Jews 
at first avoided Tiberias, hence it had a mixed pop- 
ulation of people forcibly settled there by Herod and 
people attracted by the privileges which he conferred 
on them. However, it later became a centre of Tal- 
mudic studies, where a strict Jewish life could be lived, 
and where the Sanhedrin sat. It was here that the 
famous Mishna or collection of legal prescriptions 
was composed, and here that, at the opening of the 
4th century, the Palestine Gemara (also called the 
Jerusalem Talmud) was put together. There were a 
series of tombs of great Jewish scholars, and one of 
them, that of Rabbi Meir Ba'al ha-Nes, was to become 
a place of pilgrimage. After the conversion of Constan- 
tine, Christianity appeared in Galilee. The town walls, 
which had been destroyed, were rebuilt by Justinian. 

In 16/635 Tiberias fell into the hands of the Mus- 
lims, surrendering to Shurahbfl b. Hasana [q.v.], who 
guaranteed to the inhabitants their security and pos- 
session of half their houses and churches. They were 
also to hand over for every djarib of cultivated land 
a djarib of wheat or barley and a dinar for each head 
of animals. Shurahbfl also reserved for himself the 
place where a mosque was to be built. In 'Uthman's 
time, the inhabitants broke the agreement but were 


subdued by 'Amr b. al-'As (or by Shurahbil again) 
and accepted the former conditions. As capital of the 
province of al-Urdunn [q.v.], the town is described by 
the mediaeval Arab geographers, including by al- 
Mukaddasi, 161-2, who describes it as a mile in length, 
stretched between the mountains and the Sea. When 
Nasir-i Khusraw passed through the town in 438/1047 
he described it as surrounded by walls except on the 
lake side, with a principal mosque and another one 
on the western side called the Masdjid al-Yasamin, 
which had the tombs of Joshua, son of Nun, and of 
70 prophets killed by the Israelites, as well as the 
tomb of the Companion Abu Hurayra [q.v.] (Safar- 
nama, ed. Schefer, 16, tr. W.M. Thackston, Albany 
1986, 18-19). 

At the time of the Crusades, the town was given 
as a fief to Tancred, before falling finally to Raymond 
of Tripoli. Al-Idrisi, who visited it in 549/1 154, praises 
it as a fine town and mentions the making of rush 
mats there and the activity of boats provisioning it. 
On 23 Rabf II 583/2 July 1187 Salah al-Dlh took 
possession of the town and burnt it. The Crusader 
troops encamped nearby at Saffuriyya let themselves 
be convinced by the Grand Master of the Templars 
to make a move to rescue the town, despite the warn- 
ings of Raymond, and this attempt led to the disas- 
ter of Hattm [q.v.], with the fall of Jerusalem and the 
reduction of much Crusader authority in the Levant. 
In 1240 it was recovered by the Christians, only to 
fall to Kh w arazmian troops in 1247. According to Ibn 
Battuta, in 725/1325 the town was still in ruins. 

After the Ottoman conquest of Syria, in ca. 1560 
an attempt to revive the town by introducing the 
manufacture of silk, begun by Don Joseph Nasi, Duke 
of Naxos (to whom the town and its area had been 
granted by the sultan for Jewish settlement), failed, 
the exact reason for this being unknown. The mod- 
em town was founded in 1740 by the shgykk Zahir 
al-'Amr, later the governor of Acre, who built a for- 
tified wall with towers, the remains of this being still 
visible today. But the town suffered two severe earth- 
quakes, in 1759 and above all in 1837. 

The hot springs (al-hammamat) to the south of the 
town, the most important in Palestine, have always 
played a prominent role in Tiberias's history, being 
mentioned by Pliny (Natural history, V. 1 5) and often in 
the Talmud. They are described by the Arab geog- 
raphers (their average temperature is 60° C); al-Idrm 
mentions especially the great baths called al-Damakir 
and others called al-Lu'lu' which were reportedly not 
saline. The springs were much frequented by those 
suffering from paralysis, chest complaints and wounds, 
who remained for three days in the waters and came 
out cured. The mild winter climate contributed much 
to making the town a famed centre for treatment. In 
1703, the springs reportedly dried up for a period. 
Since the old baths had fallen into ruins, new premises, 
described by Burckhardt, were built at the opening 
of the 19th century. Ibrahim Pasha built a second 
one, splendidly decorated, in 1833, and a third, fur- 
ther to the south, was built in 1890. 

But up to the First World War, the nearby region 
was almost desert, with traffic on the lake much re- 
duced from what it had been in Antiquity. Only from 
ca. 1900 did the town revive, with the foundation in 
1920 of the suburb of Qiryat Shemuel (named after 
Sir Herbert Samuel, the first High Commissioner for 
Palestine under the British Mandate) for Jewish set- 
ders, some 80 m/260 feet above the old Arab walled 
town. There was fighting at Tiberias during the war 
of 1948, with Arab and Jewish quarters of the old 

town largely destroyed, and the Arab population was 
evacuated in April 1948 by British troops. Since then 
it has come within the State of Israel, and has become 
essentially a centre for tourism and recreation, with 
the role of industry deliberately kept small. In 1970 
the population was ca. 23,000. 

Bibliography: Sir George Adam Smith, Historical 
geography of the Holy Land, London 1895, 447-55; Le 
Strange, Palestine under the Moslems, 30-2, 334-41; H.C. 
Luke and E. Keith-Roach, The handbook of Palestine 
and Trans-Jordan, London 1930, 206, 208-9, 363, 
367-8; Naval Intelligence Division. Admiralty Hand- 
books, Palestine and Transjordan, London 1943, 338-9 
and index; A.S. Marmardji, Textes geographiques arabes 
sur la Palestine, Paris 1951, 127-33. For other older 
references, see F. Buhl, EP s.v. For the town in 
modern Israel, see Yehuda Karmon, Israel, a regional 
geography, London 1971, 171-3; and for archaeologi- 
cal excavations there, E.M. Meyers (ed.), The Oxford 
encyclopedia of archaeology in the Near East, New York 
1996, v, 203-6. (M. Lavergne) 

TABARKA, Tabarca, known locally as Tbarka, a 
town on the north-west coast of Tunisia, 170 
km/ 105 miles west-north-west of Tunis, 17 km/ 10 miles 
to the east of the Algerian frontier and 60 km/37 
miles to the north of Djanduba, the chief town of 
the governorate of the region, of which Tabarka is 
a subdivision of 12,600 inhabitants. The layout of the 
road network which serves it is based on the two 
great ancient major axes, east-west and north-south, 
and since 1993 it has had an international airport. 
The railway line, which was the main link with the 
capital, now transports only freight. Tabarka also 
enjoys the asset of being a fishing port which is acces- 
sible to large trawlers, and has a marina frequented 
by holidaymakers in the Mediterranean. 

Tabarka is built around a fertile sandy beach 
watered by the Oued-el-Kebir, the ancient Tusca, 
which rises in the mountains of Khumayr [?.»■]• The 
modern town is a tourist centre as well as a fishing 
resort where the most sought-after product for a long 
time has been coral. Citrus groves are also found 
there, and livestock is bred on the farms. Several 
timber-based industries have been established which 
produce fibreboard and cork stoppers (out of a total 
area of 37,000 ha there are 27,000 ha of forest in 
the district); briar blocks used in the manufacture of 
pipes, as well as tiles, cardboard, carved wooden objects 
and coral are all produced locally. 

Tabarka was chiefly known in history as a rocky 
islet of 40 ha, which rises some 40 m from the shore, 
and this is the Tabarca of Western narratives. It is 
separated from the mainland by a small strait, but 
this has now been filled in to make a causeway, up 
to the Genoese fort; this fort was built by the Lomellini 
in about 1535 by order of Charles V. 

This coastal locality did not find favour in the 
eyes of the Muslim travellers. For Ibn Hawkal, Surat 
al-ard, Beirut 1979, 76, it had a notoriety because of 
the intense commercial transactions which made it 
"the port of the Andalusians". He added that they 
had formerly been compelled to pay tithes [ta'shlr). 
For al-Idrlsi, ed. Beirut 1989, 289, it was a coastal 
fort with only a few constructions round it, but it was 
also a very busy port. Al-Himyarl, al-Rawd al-mi'tar, 
ed. 'Abbas, Beirut 1984, adds that it was here the 
galleys were armed for their incursions against the 
Christians. He is in fact the only writer to mention 
the coral there, "several hundred quintals of which 
were gathered every year". Most of these authors 
agree that it had been possible to divert the Oued 


el-Kebir to the gates of the city, and even in 1725 
a French agent wrote to the minister Maurepas "that 
the river could be navigated with large flat boats 
(Denise Brahimi, Temoignages sur Vile de Tabarque au 
XVIII' stick, in ROMM, i [1970], 30). Today, the cur- 
rent of this river is much reduced. Al-Bakri, Masalik, 
ed. Van Leeuwen-Ferre, Tunis 1992, did not say 
much about it, but located here the scene of the 
heroic death of Kahina [q.v.], or in a nearby place 
since called "Bir el-Kahina" (the Well of Kahina); but 
M. Talbi, L'Epopk de la Kahina, in CT [1971], 47, 
casts doubt on that location. 

It is, however, an ancient site. Roman and Byzantine 
Thabraca was the port where Numidian marble was 
loaded from the quarries of Simitthu (Chemtou, 20 km 
from Djendouba on the left bank of the Medjerda), 
as well as other products from the hinterland such as 
cereals, oil, construction timber, minerals and even 
wild animals for the circus games at Rome (P. Gauckler, 
Mosaiques tombales . . . a Thabraca, 1906, repr. CT, 1972, 
154). Even writers as early as al-Bakn, Yakut and al- 
Himyari speak about the ancient ruins; the excavations 
undertaken since the end of the 19th century have 
brought to light more than one Christian necropolis 
where some of the sarcophagi were discovered to have 
been overlaid with mosaic, just like the semi-circular 
pavements from the trifolium of the "Godmet farm" 
(now in the Bardo Museum in Tunis). Ancient cis- 
terns still exist in modern times; one of these has pre- 
served the name basilica, because it was used until 
recently as a parish church, and is today the home 
of the Festival of Tabarka. 

The modern population of the region certainly seems 
to have very ancient antecedents. Libyan inscriptions 
and Punic inscriptions have been discovered in the 
burial chambers (hwanet, pi. of hanut) which are found 
in underground caves hollowed out of the cliff and 
covered with bichrome drawings. In a place called 
Keff Bllda one of these drawings represents a naval 
scene (Monique Selmi-Longerstay, Les Houdnet, in Bull, 
dactyl, de la Soc. hist, el archeol. de la Khroumirie el des 
Mogods, Tabarka 1980, 21) which would be evidence 
to support very ancient maritime activity. 

From the 17th century onwards, however, Tabarka 
gained more importance thanks to the Isle of Tabarca 
and' the richness of the coral beds surrounding it. 
J. Ganiage, Les origines du Prolectorat fianfais en Tunisie, 
Paris 1959, 62, talks of the sole fishing rights granted 
to the French from the reign of Henri IV onwards, 
but what is most certain is that the island was retro- 
ceded by the Spanish in 1530 or 1540 to the Lomellini 
of Genoa, who were given the responsibility for build- 
ing a fort there. This was built in 1553 (Lt.-Col. 
Hannezo, Tabarca, in RT [1916]) to accommodate a 
garrison and to pay a rent in coral (J. Pignon, Genes 
et Tabarka au XVII™ sikle, in CT [1979], 26). 

But commercial enterprise was not restricted to 
coral. Tabarca soon became the base from which forty 
coral-gathering frigates operated and a trading post 
from where the products of the region were sent to 
Europe: wheat, animal hides, leathers, honey, wax, live- 
stock and horses. The island was also used as a stag- 
ing post for the Christian prisoners being redeemed, 
an operation in which the Genoese probably played 
the role of intermediary. This concession was granted, 
it is said, in payment of the ransom for the famous 
Dragut who was captured by a pirate ship belonging 
to the same Lomellini (A. Rousseau, Annates tunisiennes, 
124; Ch.-A. Julien, Histoire de I'Ajrique du Nord, Paris 
1931, 572). The benefits gained under the Genoese, 
which had enhanced the strategic value of the island, 

succeeded in arousing the jealousy of the French com- 
panies established after 1561 in the French bastion 
near La Calle (the governor of this trading post, the 
adventurous Sanson Napollon, even tried to take pos- 
session of the island and was killed in the course of 
the operation), and of the French companies in Cap 
Negre (where the Compagnie d'Afrique used to fix 
as it pleased the purchase price of local products 
which it then exported without even paying any duty 
to the Bey, cf. art. xiii of the treaty of August 1766). 
The other powers, however, England, Spain, the king- 
dom of Naples, etc., also wanted to appropriate the 
coral reefs. The Lomellini were harrassed by their 
consuls and their agents and consented to get rid of 
the island at the risk of being thought traitors to their 
faith and to their country, according to Italian au- 
thors (see A. Gallico, Tunis el les consuls sardes, tr. L. and 
M. Yalaoui, Beirut 1992, 105, and the Fragments his- 
toriques et statistiques sur la Regence de Tunis du consul 
Filippi, ed. Ch. Monchicourt, 1929, 171). 

'Air Bey, acting on a warning, decided to liberate 
the island (June 1741) after two centuries of Christian 
occupation. The inhabitants, who since that time had 
been called Tabarcans, generally went to repopulate 
the Sardinian island of San Pietro or setded in Tunis, 
but 168 of them converted to Islam. Two women, 
Sofia Bosso and Salvatora Paona, even became the 
wives of the beys Sldi Muhammad and SrdI Mustafa 
(A. Riggio, Cronaca Tabarchina dal 1756 ai primordi 
dell'Ottocento, in RT [1937], 10). The capture of the 
island by Yunus Bey was the subject of two different 
narratives: the memoirs of A. Napoly, published by 
Plantet, Correspondance des Beys de Tunis avec la com de 
France, ii, 324, and the chronicle of Saghlr b. Yusuf, 
al-Mashra' al-malakt, ms. BN (from Tunis) 18,688, fol. 
194b, tr. V. Serres and M. Lasram, Paris 1900, 196. 
The latter document confirmed that the Bey had the 
fortifications demolished and had the arm of the sea 
separating the island from the shore filled in with 
rubble, though al-Himyan had already said that there 
was such a causeway visible above the surface, except 
in winter when the waves sometimes covered it. 

Within the Genoese fort there is accommodation 
for barracks and a working lighthouse. In 1742 De 
Saurins, a French naval officer, attempted an abor- 
tive raid on the island (Rousseau, op. cit., 130). But 
the island remained Tunisian until April 1881 when, 
using the Khumayr tribal incursions into Algerian 
territory as a pretext, the French military authorities 
organised an expedition by land and sea which ended 
in the occupation of the region concomitantly with 
the occupation of the whole of Tunisia. 
Bibliography: Given in the text. 

(G. Yver-[M. Yalaoui]) 

TABARRU' (a.), a term of Islamic religious 
polemics, derived from form V of the verb bari'a. 
The term tabarru' or tabarrl, which can also be found 
in the apparendy incorrect but not uncommon Arabo- 
Persian form tabarra (see below), primarily denotes the 
general idea of exemption or of disengagement, 
in particular exemption from responsibility. 
Among the Arabs bara'a, which is also called khal' or 
tabarru', is a pre-Islamic social and legal phenomenon, 
which has persisted in Bedouin society (Kohlberg, 
1986, 139 ff.). 

In the text of the Kur'an it seems that bara'a 

appears very 

late in the career of Muhammad. Bara'a 

and adhdn {[q.v.], the call to prayer) were declared 
following the day of the great farewell pilgrimage. 
This gave rise to many commentaries, especially 
because of the association between the bara'a and the 

surrogatory prayers known as kunut [q.v.], taken in 
the sense of imprecations or supplications (Rubin, 25; 
Kohlberg, 1986, 140 ff.). ShT'i traditions attribute the 
proclamation of the bara'a to 'All b. Abl Talib, acting 
on orders from Muhammad, and this would have in- 
volved the Islamisation of pagan allies of Muhammad 
(Rubin, 26 ff.). 

With successive exegeses and other commentaries, 
bara'a passed in meaning from dissociation to disuni- 
fication or repudiation, these ideas being taken up in 
different separatist or sectarian movements. The Khari- 
djites were apparently the first to develop an impor- 
tant point of doctrine from bara'a (dissociation from 
'All and from all their enemies; Kohlberg, 1986, 142 
ff.). The expressions tabarra'a min/'an, or often bari'a 
min/'an in the sense of "to regard as an enemy", was 
used very early on by various groups of Kharidjites 
(see al-Shahrastanl, 198, 203, 206, etc., tr. Gimaret, 366, 
371, 372-3; see also Gimaret, index, under tawalla). 

The Shl'i use of bara'a developed step by step, 
firsdy in non-doctrinal terms, concerning the hostility 
between 'All and his opponents, during and after the 
conflict with Mu'awiya, on the occasion of his disso- 
ciation in connection with Abu Bakr and 'Umar, which 
implied an allegiance (walaya) to 'All. The association 
of walaya with bara'a (or sometimes 'adawa, enmity) 
became a central idea for the ShI'Ts, although it had 
its opponents among the 'Alids of Kufa (Kohlberg, 
1986, 144 ff). 

The Imams, however, in particular Dja'far al-Sadik, 
made it, for various reasons, an article of faith. The 
bara'a/'aaawa was also expressed as a wrong against 
the Companions, sabb al-sahaba, an idea which had to 
remain played down during the Occultation in the 
name of takiyya (Kohlberg, 1986, 145 ff.; Amir-Moezzi, 
217 ff.). 

The idea of bara'a/ tabarri/tabarru' could apply - to 
various opposing parties, even at the heart of Imamism, 
including the members of the families of the Imams 
(Kohlberg, 1986, 158-67). The concept of juxtapos- 
ing tawalti—tabam which Gimaret (64-5, 142, 435 and 
index), prefers to translate as avowal — disavowal, had 
various connotations among the Shi" Is. But it was the 
Imamls especially, often known as the Rafidis [see 
al-rafida], who were distinguished by their practice 
of walaya — bara'a which was condemned as a whole 
by the hard line of Sunnism, as particularly expressed 
in Hanbalism (see H. Laoust, La profession de foi d'Ibn 
Batta, Damascus 1958, 162). 

Although the idea of bara'a and its variants (tabri'a, 
mubara'a, istibra', berat [q.v.] in Turkish, barat in Persian) 
have preserved the technical and legal connotations 
included in Imamism, the ImamTs have been particu- 
larly characterised by their partisan practice of the 
walaya — bara'a. 

In Persian usage, instead of tabarru' I tabarrf, in accord- 
ance with Arab grammar, the term tabarra is often 
used in association with tawalla. This terminology, and 
especially the expression tabarra in the sense of "to 
abstain" or "to dissociate oneself from" was used by 
the great classical Persian poets (see the entry Tabarra 
in Dihkhuda, Lughat-nama). The practice of tawalla — 
tabarra has been attributed to the Ilkhancid Ghazan 
[q.v.] regarding his so-called conversion to Imamism 
(see Calmard, 1993, 119). But it was particularly dur- 
ing the imposition of Twelver Imamism as the state 
religion by the Safawid Shah Isma'Tl (1501-24, [q.v.]) 
at the beginning of the 10th/ 16th century that the 
use of the term tabarra was widely extended beyond 
the closed circles of scholars and the 'ulama'. In its 
use as a sort of euphemism for insult 

(sabb, ta'n, la'ri) this term had the advantage of pro- 
viding an agent noun, tabarra'l, execrator, with a usage 
current in Safawid Persia. 

The doctrine and practices of exclusion, or even 
excommunication of the Companions (takjir al-sahaba), 
were ancient in Imamism (see Kohlberg, 1984, 148 ff.). 
Various methods were used to slander or curse the 
Great Companions by the Imamls, the Ghuldt, the 
ZaydTs and the Isma'llls (Kohlberg, 1984, 160 ff). 
Despite differences of opinion, the ancient Imaml 
bara'a was aimed especially at AbO Bakr, 'Umar and 
'Uthman. Other enemies of the Ahl al-Bqyt were in- 
cluded in this dissociation, in particular the Umayyad 
caliphs and the women 'A'isha, Hafsa, Hind and 
Umm al-Hakam (Kohlberg, 1986, 144 ff). However, the 
Rafidis were denigrated and condemned (Calmard, 
1993, 121), most particularly for the execration or 
insulting of the Companions (sabb al-sahaba), and more 
especially of the first two caliphs (sabb al-shaykhayri), 
which certain people practised more or less openly. 

The imposition of Safawid ShI'ism on a popula- 
tion which was largely SunnI posed various political 
and religious problems, and these were only partly 
resolved, in particular concerning the tabarra'is and 
the contents of their imprecations. These official exe- 
crators — delators, whose social origin remains uncer- 
tain — seem to have practised their profession first of 
all at Tabriz during the proclamation of ShI'ism in 
1501. But they were practised above all at Harat in 
1510, at the time of the dramatic circumstances sur- 
rounding that proclamation (where acknowledging their 
presence under this name poses, however, prob- 
lems), and especially at the time of the Uzbek-Safawid 
conflicts. In the course of these the town changed 
hands several times, and then the tabarra'is and their 
collaborators were seen at work. The latter were 
I instructed, under pain of death, to curse and have 
cursed the first two or three caliphs, the Ottomans 
(there was some confusion in regard to the caliph 
'Uthman), Yazld (who was particularly denigrated in 
the heterodox and popular circles, both SunnI and 
ShI'I, in the Turco-Iranian area), and the Sunnls (Cal- 
mard, 1993, 121 ff; on Yazld among the Ghulat, see 
Moosa, index). 

The cursing persisted under Shah Tahmasp I (1524- 
76 [q.v.]), including in his correspondence with Siiley- 
man KanunI, which caused diplomatic complications 
with the Ottomans as well as with the Uzbeks (Calmard, 
1993, 126 f). These practices also annoyed the Imaml 
'ulama' living in the territories under Ottoman con- 
trol. Some of them condemned the doctrinal stance 
taken by the mua^tahids, who had gone over into the 
service of the Safawids, and particularly al-Karakl 
(Newman, 82 ff). Despite the undertaking given to 
the Ottomans by Tahmasp at the peace of Amasya 
(962/1555) to stop the ritual cursing, it persisted at 
least until Isma'Il II decreed its abolition. He also 
had suspended the tabarra'is, who were officially ap- 
pointed and took measures against certain execrators, 
among whom were the 'ulama', who had a reputation 
for fanaticism (Calmard, 1993, 126; Calmard, 1996, 
161). After this decree the tabarra'is, do not seem to 
have functioned as official agents in Safawid Persia. 
The execrators included under this name nevertheless 
continued to practise, especially in the rawda-kjfants 
[q.v.] and other Shi 'I religious festivals. 

The efficacy of the tabarra'is can be measured by 
the very wide dissemination of the practice of cursing 
followed by the preachers and faithful Shi'Is, which 
was to last at least until the Kadjar period in Persia. 
Among the opponents of the Ahl al-Bayt was above 


all the caliph 'Umar, who was both privately and 
publicly increasingly execrated and vilified, especially 
at the time of the ritual feast ('Umar-kushan) celebrated 
on 9 Rabf I, in the course of which his effigy was 
burned, and also sometimes at ceremonies of Muhar- 
ram; he is then confused with 'Umar b. Sa'd, one of 
those chiefly responsible for the massacre of Karbala 
(see Calmard, 1996, 161 ff.). 

But in their hatred of the Sunnls and the Ottomans, 
the 'ulama' of Safawid Persia made every effort to 
extend the ritual cursing to Abu Hanifa, the founder 
of the official Ottoman madhhab (Arjomand, 166). His 
tomb in Baghdad was desecrated and destroyed by 
Shah Isma'il (1508), ornamented with a cupola by 
Siileyman Kanuni (1534), destroyed again by Shah 
'Abbas (1623), and reconstructed by Murad IV (1638). 
Amid the almost permanent socio-religious troubles, 
the execratory character of Imamism continued in 'Irak, 
which from then on was under Ottoman control, and 
among the strong Persian community in Istanbul until 
the end of the 1 9th century (see S. Derengil, The struggle 
against Shiism in Hamidian Iraq. A study in Ottoman counter- 
propaganda, in WI, xxx [1990], 45-62). 

Shi'ism with its sectarian practices was to some 
extent exported to India, notably in the ShT't sultan- 
ates of the Deccan which resulted from the decline 
of the Bahmanids (1347-1527 [q.v.]). This is particu- 
larly the case for the 'Adilshahis of Bidjapur (1490- 
1686), the first ShiT state in India (see R.E. Eaton, 
art. 'Adelsahis, in EIr). The rituals of the tawalla — 
tabarra also persisted in the popular Shr'ism of the 
state of Awadh [q.v.] in the north of India (see J.R.I. 
Cole, Roots of North Indian Shi'ism in Iran and Iraq. 
Religion and state in Awadh, 1722-1859, Berkeley and 
Los Angeles 1988, 108, 239 ff.). The adoption or 
rejection of these practices in other Shr'r states in 
India (which were often more moderate) remains to 
be determined. 

In the use that they made of the terms tabarra/ 
tabarra' T for elaborating and propagating Shi'ism, 
the Safawids largely went beyond takiyya during the 
Occultation of the Imam. This was not accepted by 
all the Imamr 'ulama'. For some, insult (sabb, i.e. the 
effective content of the Safawid bara' a/tabarra) was 
worse than bara'a in the sense of dissociation (see 
Kohlberg, 1986, 156, n. 89; Calmard, 1993, 145). 
Bibliography: This subject, which has only been 
briefly oudined here, and the related concepts which 
cover a very wide period, plus numerous references 
to primary sources, are given in the works cited in 
the text and in the following: Shahrastam, K. al- 
Milal wa 'l-nihal, ed. Fath Allah Badran, Cairo 1366- 
75/1947-55, tr. D. Gimaret, with introd. and notes 
by idem and G. Monnot, Le Livre des religions et des 
seeks, i, Louvain-Paris 1986; S.A. Arjomand, The 
Shadow of God and the Hidden Imam, Chicago 1984; 
U. Rubin, Bara'a. A study of some Quranic passages, 
in JSAI, v (1984), 13-32; E. Kohlberg, Some Imami 
Shi'i views on the Sahaba, in ibid., 143-75; idem, 
Bara'a in Shi'i doctrine, in ibid., vii (1986), 139-75; 
Matti Moosa, Extremist Shiites. The Ghulat sects, 
Syracuse 1988; M.A. Amir-Moezzi, Le Guide divin 
dans le shfisme originel, Lagrasse 1992; A J. Newman, 
77k myth of the clerical migration to Safawid Iran: Arab 
Shiite opposition to 'Ati al-Karaki and Safawid Shiism, in 
WI, xxxiii (1993), 66-112; J. Calmard, Les rituels shi- 
ites et le pouvoir. L'imposition du shiisme safavide: eulogies 
et maledictions canoniques, in idem (ed.), Etudes safa- 
vides, Paris-Tehran 1993, 109-50; idem, Shi'i rituals 
and power. II The consolidation of Safavid Shi'ism: folk- 
lore and popular religion, in C. Melville (ed.), Safavid 

Persia, Pembroke Papers, Cambridge, IV, London- 
New York 1996, 139-90. (J. Calmard) 
TABARSARAN (in Yakut, Bulddn, ed. Beirut, iv, 
16, Tabarstaran), a district of the eastern 
Caucasus, essentially the basin of the Rubas river 
which runs into the Caspian Sea just south of Dar- 
band [see derbend], the early Islamic Bab al-Abwab 
[q.v.]. It now comes within the southernmost part of 
Daghistan (see map in kabk, at IV, 344). Its popula- 
tion comprises Caucasian mountaineers plus a con- 
siderable admixture of Iranian speakers of Tati dialect 
[see tat]. 

At the time of the Umayyad prince Marwan b. 
Muhammad's raids through the Caucasus, there was 
a Tabarsaran Shah (known also with this tide in pre- 
Islamic times), who agreed to pay tribute to the Arabs 
(al-Baladhun, Futuh al-bulddn, 196, 208; al-Mas'Odi, 
Muru$, ii, 2 = § 442). It is frequendy mentioned in 
the Ta'rikh Bab al-Abwab from the 4th/ 10th century 
onwards, being ruled at various times by the Hashi- 
mid amirs of Darband and the Yazidr Shirwan Shahs; 
see V. Minorsky, A history of Sharvan and Darband in 
the lOth-llth centuries, Cambridge 1958, 91-2 and index. 
Bibliography: Given in the article. See also kabk 
and shIrwan shah. (C.E. Bosworth) 

al-TABARSI [see al-tabrisi]. 
TABAS, the name of two places in eastern 
Persia, denoted in the early mediaeval Islamic sources 
by the dual form al-Tabasan' (e.g. in al-Sam'ani, An- 
sab, ed. Haydarabad, ix, 45, and Yakut, Bulddn, ed. 
Beirut, iv, 20) and distinguished as Tabas al-Tamr 
"T. of the date-palms" and Tabas al-'Unnab "T. of 
the jujube trees", later Persian forms Tabas Gilaki 
and Tabas Maslnan respectively. Tabas al-Tamr lay 
to the west of Kuhistan [q.v.] in the central Great 
Desert at a junction of routes between the Dasht-i 
Lot in the south and the Dasht-i Kawfr in the north 
and west. Tabas al-'Unnab lay farther to the east in 
Kuhistan, adjacent to the modern border of Persia 
with Afghanistan. It is the first which has been more 
important and which has played a role in Islamic 

Tabas al-Tamr was reached in 'Umar's caliphate 
by Arab raiders from Kirman under 'Abd Allah b. 
Budayl al-Khuza'i. and a peace treaty made with the 
inhabitants (al-Baladhun, Futuh, 403). In the 4th/ 10th 
century it was a fortified place with a mosque, notable 
for its extensive date-palms and supplied with water 
brought to reservoirs by kanats. Nasir-i Khusraw passed 
through it in 444/1051 and noted that it was called 
Tabas Gilaki after its ra' is, Abu '1-Hasan b. Muham- 
mad Gilaki (Safar-nama, ed. M. Dabir-siyakT, Tehran 
1335/1956, 125-6, tr. W.M. Thackston, Albany 1986, 
100). In the later 5th/ 11th century it passed under 
the control of the Isma'ilis of Kuhistan, and in 494/ 
1 102 was attacked and pardy destroyed by a Saldjuk 
army sent by Sultan Sandjar (Farhad Daftary, The 
Isma'ilis, their history and doctrines, Cambridge 1 990, 34 1 , 
354). In the time of the Safawid Shah 'Abbas I it 
was devastated by the Ozbegs. It was soon after this, 
in 1621, that the first European to visit Tabas reached 
there, the Silesian nobleman Heinrich von Poser 
(A. Gabriel, Die Erforschung Persiens, Vienna 1952, 58). 
In the early 19th century, according to Sir John 
Malcolm, History of Persia, ii, 43-4, the virtually inde- 
pendent ruler in Tabas was the Arab chief Mir Husayn 
Khan, who maintained a powerful army there; by 
Curzon's time, however, the hereditary chief Mirza 
Bakir 'Imad al-Mulk supplied only 150 cavalrymen to 
the Kadjar army (Persia and the Persian question, London 
1892, i, 202-3). 


Modern Tabas (GilakT) (lat. 33° 37' N., long. 56° 
54' E.) is now the chef-lieu of a bakhih in the ustan 
of Khurasan. In ca. 1950 it had a population of 8,1 14, 
which had risen in 1991 to 17,071 (Preliminary results 
of the 1991 census, Statistical Centre of Iran, Popula- 
tion Division). Tabas (Masinan), also in Khurasan 
province (lat. 32° 48' N., long. 60° 14' E.), is a vil- 
lage in the Johnston of Birdjand; in ca. 1950 it had 
a population of 1,513, but in 1991 only 468 {ibid). 
Bibliography: (in addition to references in the 
article): Hudud al-'dlam, tr. Minorsky, 103, comm. 
326-7; Hamd Allah Mustawff, Nuzhat al-kulub, ed. 
Le Strange, 145, tr. 143; Barbier de Meynard, 

Diet de la Perse, 388; Le Strange, The lands of 

the Eastern Caliphate, 359-63; Sir C. MacGregor, 
Narrative of a journey through Khorasan in 1875, London 
1879, i, 137 ff.; P.M. Sykes, Fifth journey in Persia, 
in GJ, xxviii (1906), 447 ff., 561-4; Razmara (ed.), 
Farhang-i djughrafya-yi Iran-zamin, xi, 258. 

(C.E. Bosworth) 
TABASfflR, a medicament used in medi- 
aeval Islam. It is a crystalline concretion in the 
internodes of the bamboo (Bambusa arundinacea Willd., 
Gramineae). The concretions, also known as "bamboo 
sugar", consist of silicic acid, silicates, and carbonate 
of calcium. They are extracted by burning the bam- 
boo stems, often also through auto-combustion due 
to the heat by mutual friction of the stems when 
moved by strong winds (yahtarik win dhatihi li 'htikdk 
ba'diha bi-ba'd bi-rih shadlda). Some believed the con- 
cretions to be burnt elephant bones; most likely this 
is just a falsification using elephant teeth. Falsifications 
were also done with the burnt bones of ram's heads, 
whenever the price for tabashtr, which in its Indian 
place of origin was practically worthless, was higher 
in the outside world. Others consider tabdshir to be 
the roots of "Indian cane" (al-kasab al-hindi). The white, 
light, and soft concretions which were easily crushed 
and pulverised were considered the best (according 
to others those with a blueish hue). The Indians 
held especially the "knots" ('ukad) and the dirham-size 
disks inside the stems in high esteem. Tabashtr had 
been part of the Indian materia medica as of old; the 
Persian-Arabic name is supposed to be a translation 
of a Sanskrit word. The idea that tabashtr is simply 
Dioscorides' aditxapov is no longer held. Popularly in 
Egypt and Syria tabashjr denotes "chalk." 

The medicinal effects attributed to tabashtr are mani- 
fold. Taken internally or externally, it is used against 
inflammations of the gall bladder; it fortifies the sto- 
mach, is efficacious against high fever and thirst, low- 
ers the heat of the liver, is beneficial against ulcers, 
pustules, haemorrhoids, and stomatitis of children. It 
is astringent, tonic, and a mild expectorant due to its 
slight bitterness. It is beneficial against eye inflamma- 
tions, fortifies the heart, calms down heart palpita- 
tions and soothes stomach troubles of all kinds. Its 
application is also recommended in cases of diarrhoea 
and chronic liver ailments. 

Bibliography: RazT, al-Hawt, Haydarabad, xxi, 
162-3 (no. 545); Madjusi, al-Kamil, Bulak 1294, ii, 
130, 11. 27-32; Biruni, al-Saydana, Karachi 1973, 
252, Russian tr. Karimov, no. 658; Ibn al-Djazzar, 
al-I'timad, facs. ed. Frankfurt 1985, 103-4; Ibn 
'AbdOn, 'Umdat al-tablb, ms. Rabat, Bibl. Gen. 3505 
D, fol. 76b, 11. 4-13; Idrlsl, al-Djami' li-sifat ashtat 
al-nabat, facs. ed. Frankfurt 1995, 197, 11. 15-23; 
Ibn al-Baytar, al-Djami', Bulak 1291, iii, 96, 11. 
9-29; French tr. Leclerc, no. 1447; Ducros, Essai 
sur le droguier popuhire arabe, Cairo 1930, no. 148, 
and pi. IX, 4; A. Dietrich, Die Ergdnzung Ibn Gulgul's 

zur Materia medica des Dioskurides, Gottingen 1993, 

no. 18. (A. Dietrich) 

TABATABA'I, Sayyid Diya' al-Din, Persian 
statesman (1888-1969). 

He was born in Yazd into a conservative, clerical 
family, and spent much of his childhood and youth 
in Shiraz, where he received a traditional education, 
and then embarked upon a career in journalism, edit- 
ing a pro-constitutional newspaper, the Mda-yi Islam. 
He moved to Tehran where he continued his work 
as a journalist, editing the newspaper Ra'd. 

In Tehran, Sayyid Diya"s reputation as a reformer 
grew and he became the centre of a group of like- 
minded individuals. He also assiduously cultivated the 
confidence of the British military and diplomatic es- 
tablishment. In late 1919-early 1920 he was sent by 
the then Prime Minister, Wuthflk al-Dawla, to Baku 
to negotiate with the anti-Bolshevik Musawat party. 
As a result of this mission his prominence in official 
circles increased significandy. 

In the circumstances of political collapse prevail- 
ing in Persia in late 1920-early 1921, Sayyid Diya' 
entered into a conspiracy with Rida Khan [see rida 
shah], commander of the Cossack force then stationed 
under British control at Kazwln, and with certain 
officers of the nationalist Government Gendarmerie. 
On 20-21 February 1921 these elements marched on 
and captured Tehran and overthrew the government 
of Sipahdar, Sayyid Diya' becoming the new Prime 
Minister. The programme of his government con- 
tained far-reaching proposals for the reform and re- 
construction of the state with, as its centrepiece, the 
creation of a national army. Many members of the 
landed aristocracy, whose overthrow Sayyid Diya' 
had consistently advocated, were arrested and impris- 
oned, Sayyid Diya' intending to extract money from 
their families with which to finance the government's 

Sayyid Diya' remained Prime Minister for three 
months, being forced out of office and into exile in 
early May 1921 as a result of the growth and combi- 
nation of opposition from a variety of sources, includ- 
ing the Shah and the court, the notables, state officials 
and the 'ulama", and, decisively, from Rida Khan, now 
War Minister. Sayyid Diya' was given refuge in 
Palestine, then under British mandatory rule, where 
he devoted his attention to Islamic issues, partici- 
pating in the Islamic Congress in 1931, and also to 
farming and agriculture. 

In 1943 Sayyid Diya' returned to Persia and re- 
sumed his political and journalistic activity on a right- 
wing and pro-British basis. He founded the National 
Will party, and was elected to the Madjlis. In the 
early 1950s he opposed both Musaddik [q.v.] and the 
Tudah party. Subsequently he withdrew from politics. 
He died in 1969. 

Bibliography: J.M. Balfour, Recent happenings in 

Persia, Edinburgh and London 1922; H. Hakim 

Ilahi, Asrar-i siydst-yi kuditd va zindigdni-yi Sayyid Diya' 

al-DTn Tabataba't, Tehran 1943. 

(Stephanie Cronin) 

TABATTUL [see zuhd]. 

TABBAKH (a.), cook, a professional term, although 
rarely used as a lakab in early Islamic times; how- 
ever, the tahi or sham "roaster" is mentioned in ancient 
poetry describing feasts, but these were probably slaves 
deputed to do the job, and not professionals. 

The early Arabs' diet used to include dates, milk, 
vegetables, mushroom, lentils, onion, honey, coarse 
bread, and meat of various animals like lamb, goats, 
camels, rabbits, reptiles, etc. Most of the food they 


ate did not require much cooking, hence the profes- 
sion of cook only appears with the political expansion 
of the Arabs. The Umayyad governor of 'Irak and 
Khurasan. al-Hadjdjadj b. Yusuf, apparently had a 
taste for good food and employed a cook named 
Bashir from eastern Persia (Ta'rikh Baghdad, xiv, 86). 
The Arabs became familiar with the life-styles of their 
non-Arab subjects, including cooking tasteful food. By 
the time the 'Abbasids came to power in 132/750, 
the Arabs and Persians co-operated in social, eco- 
nomic and cultural activities. They also learnt a good 
deal of ancient culinary art and about applying colour 
to food. Al-Djahiz (d. 255/869) observed that a pro- 
fessional cook (tabbakh) would talk about his ability to 
dye food, and the many ways of cooking chicken and 
making sweets (cf. al-Bayan wa 'l-tabyin, ed. Sandubf, 
i, 222). However, muktasibs denied cooks the license 
to dye food as they wished, and only approved saf- 
fron as the dye for food. Moreover, in the urban cen- 
tres of the caliphate like Baghdad, Fustat and Cairo 
there were food markets (suk al-ta'am) wherein a per- 
son could buy and eat cooked food. However, mar- 
ket inspectors inspected the quality of food sold in 
cookshops and fined offenders who failed to observe 
the legal and customary guidelines for cooks. The hisba 
officials demanded cleanliness of cooks for the sake 
of public hygiene, and even recommended the cooks 
to follow instructions in al-Kindi's culinary pamphlet 
Kimiya' al-tabd'ikh "The chemistry of cooked foods". 
Cooks of both sexes are cited in Arabic proverbs 
and literary works. In Fatimid Egypt there were female 
slaves (djawari) working as professional cooks who were 
praised for their culinary skill, and in modern Egypt 
cooks have formed guilds. 

Bibliography: Tha'alibi, Bard al-akbad fi 'l-a'dad, 
in Khams rasa'U, Constantinople 1883, 129; Tawhrdi, 
al-Basa'ir wa 'l-dhakhd'ir, ed. Ibrahim al-Kaylam, 
ii/2, Damascus n.d., 642-3; Shabushti, K. al-Diyarat, 
ed. Gurgis 'Awwad, Baghdad 1966, 218; al-Khatib 
al-BaghdadT, Ta'nkh Baghdad, Cairo 1931, i, 113, 
xxii, 448, xiv, 86; idem, K. al-Tatfil, Damascus 
1946, 144-5; Ibn rButlan, Risalafi shira' al-rakik, ed. 
'A.S. Harun, in Nawadir al-makjjtutat, Cairo 1954, 
386-7; 'Abd al-Rahman b. Nasr al-Shayzarl, Mhdyat 
al-rutba fi talab al-hisba, ed. al-Baz al-'ArlnT, Cairo 
1946, 34-5; Ibn al-Ukhuwwa, Ma'alim al-kurba ft 
talab al-hisba, ed. R. Levy, London 1938, 106-8 
(Arabic); 'Abd al-Latlf al-Baghdadr, K. al-Ifada wa 
'l-i'tibar, tr. K.H. Zand et alii as The Eastern Key, 
London 191-9; Bustam, Da'irat al-ma'arif xi, Cairo 
1900, 299-303; A.J. Arberry, A Baghdad cookery book, 
in IC, xiii (1939), 21-47, 189-214; C. Elgood (tr.), 
Tibb al-Mabbi (sic) or Medicine of the Prophet, in Osiris 
(1962) 67-119; 'Abd al-Hayy al-Kattam, TarMb al- 
idariyya, ii, Beirut n.d. (1960s), 107-10; Zirikli, al- 
A'ldm, 2 Cairo 1955, 359; M.S. al-KasimT et alii, 
Kamus al-sina'dt al-Shamiyya, Paris and The Hague 
i960, ii, 276-7, 310-11; G. Baer, Egyptian guilds in 
modem times, Jerusalem 1964, 36; Khalifa b. 'Abd 
Allah al-HamidT, Akwal al-'Uman li-kull al-azman, 
Muscat 1987, ii, 124, 269. See also ghidha'; ta'am; 
tab™. (M.AJ. Beg) 

TABBAL (a.), lit. drummer; owner of a drum; 
a drumming expert who earned his livelihood 
by playing various kinds of drums [see tabl]. 
The drummers (tabbalun) as a group emerge in 
Arabic historical writings of the 'Abbasid period. Al- 
Isfaham noted that people used to sing with drum- 
beats. Drummers performed in various celebrations and 
festivities. Birthdays were celebrated by the wealthy 
who feasted with friends and fed the poor amidst 

musical entertainment. In one particular instance, the 
drummers beat drums and musicians played clarions 
(bukdt) while celebrating the birth of a son to the ca- 
liph al-Muktadi (467-87/1075-94) {al-Muntazam, ix, 14). 
Some Christians attended a funeral procession carry- 
ing crosses, accompanied by relatives, mourners and 
drummers in Baghdad in 403/1012 (ibid., vii, 262). 

Al-Djahiz cited the drums (tubul) as a characteris- 
tic musical instrument of the Turks, who were recruited 
into the 'Abbasid army and housed in special bar- 
racks in Samarra' from the reign of al-Mu'tasim on- 
wards. Drummers often accompanied the army on the 
battlefield and, despite their humble position, were 
required to wear coats of mail to protect themselves, 
because the outcome of the battle often depended on 
the standard-bearers and spirit-stirring drummers. 
Victory celebrations by the public also brought the 
drummers to the fore, as was the case in celebrating 
al-Ka'im's victory over the rebel al-Basasm in 451/ 
1059 when men and women played kettledrums 
(dabadib), tambourines (dufuf) and clarions in daylight 
hours and carried torches at night. In times of emer- 
gency, the drummers awakened the public to impend- 
ing danger, as they did at midnight during a Karmatr 
military threat to the 'Abbasid capital in 320/932 
(cf. The Eclipse, i, 132). 

The custom of beating drums in front of the caliph's 
palace at the five times of prayer was recorded during 
the 4th/ 10th century. The Buwayhid Amirs, especially 
Mu'izz al-Dawla and 'Adud al-Dawla, requested the 
same privilege from the Khalifa. After prevarication, 
the latter granted a reduced privilege of beating the 
drum away from the gate of Mu'izz al-Dawla's palace 
for three times: at dawn, sunset and night prayers. 
Al-Ta'i' allowed 'Adud al-Dawla to employ drummers 
in front of his palace in the Shammasiyya district of 
Baghdad at three of the times of prayer. Under the 
Saldjuks, a certain Sa'd al-Dawla, according to Ibn 
al-Athlr, also enjoyed the privilege of being serenaded 
by drummers in front of his residence in 471/1078. 
The Persian traveller Nasir-i Khusraw witnessed an 
impressive display of beating of drums and blowing 
of trumpets by a thousand soldiers (perhaps an exag- 
gerated number) in front of the royal palace at the 
sunset prayer (maghrib) in Cairo in 439/1047. The cus- 
tomary beating of drums thrice a day at prayer times 
(rasm al-tabl al-nawbafi 'l-salawat al-thalath) for amirs, ac- 
cording to Ibn al-Fuwati, was practiced until 634/1236. 

During the Mamluk period the drummers were 
employed as part of a military band at tabl-khana [q.v.] 
where they performed at fixed hours and regular occa- 
sions for the sultans. In Yemen during the Rasulid 
period (628-723/1228-1323), the tabl-khana existed, 
wherein drums were beaten with other musical instru- 
ments like cymbals at processions as well as on various 
celebrations for three or seven days. Some members 
of the military band were of African descent. The 
privilege of having tabl-khanas, was sometimes extended 
to various amirs. A place in San'a' was known as the 
quarter of the drum-band (harat tabl-khana). 

The drummers' status in society was low. In Safawid 
Isfahan, they were grouped with people of other 
demeaning professions like dancers, singers, pigeon- 
trainers and brothel keepers. Inferior social status pro- 
moted solidarity among the drummers, who formed 
guilds in Safawid Persia and early modern Egypt. 

In Syria, the drummers earned their livelihood by 
performing their art at the circumcision of male chil- 
dren, at mock sword-plays for folk-entertainment and 
in marriage ceremonies for three days. During the 
harvesting seasons of olives and grapes, they per- 



formed ritual beating of drums and sang songs to eke 
out a meagre wage. The drummers' work in pre- 
modern Syria, as elsewhere in the Middle East, was 
treated as a demeaning profession (hirfa danl'a). 

Bibliography: Djahiz, Manakib al-atrak, in Rasa'il, 
ed. Harun, Cairo 1964, i, 19, 53; Ibn al-Djawzr, 
al-Muntazam, vii, 262, viii, 57, ix, 14; Hilal b. 
Muhassin al-Sabl, Rusum dar al-khilafa, Baghdad 
1964, 24, 136-7, tr. Elie A. Salem, The rules and 
regulations of the 'Abbasid court, Beirut 1977, 24, 115; 
idem, Wuzara', ed. Amedroz, Leiden 1904, 377; 
Isfahan!, Aghanl', xvi, 138-9; Miskawayh, in Eclipse 
of the 'Abbasid caliphate, i, 132, ii, 264, 396, tr. iv, 
147, v, 281, 435; Nasir-i Khusraw, Safar-nama, tr. 
Thackston, Albany 1986, 45; Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, 
ed. Beirut, vii, 299, viii, 126; Yakut, Irshad, ed. 
Margoliouth, v, 164; LA, Beirut 1956, xi, 398-9; 
Ibn al-Fuwatr, al-Hawadith al-djami'a, Baghdad 1932, 
93; Ibn TaghnbirdT, Mudjum, Cairo 1933, iv, 132; 
M.S. al-Kasimi et at., Kamus al-sina'at al-Shamiyva, 
Paris and' The Hague 1960, ii, 288-9; R.B. Serjeant 
et at, San'a'-an Arabian Islamic city, London 1983, 
146 n.; Mehdi Keyvani, Artisans and guild life in the 
later Safavid period, Berlin 1982, 54-5; Muhammad 
Abdul Jabbar Beg, The Islamic city from al-Madinah 
to Samarra, in Historic cities of Asia, ed. with introd. 
by idem, Kuala Lumpur 1986, 250-61; M. Sham- 
suddin Miah, The reign of al-Mutawakkil, Dacca 1969, 
67, 216; H.G. Farmer, A history of Arabian musk to 
the 13th century, London 1929, 206-11. See also the 

Bitl. tO TABL-KHANA. (M.AJ. Beg) 

TABI' [see posta]. 

TABl'A (a.), literally "nature", functional equiva- 
lents tiba' and tab', a term of Islamic science, 
philosophy and theology. Numerous Arabic-writ- 
ing authors have defined the term, and a first survey 
shows that in a large number of cases these defini- 
tions betray Aristotelian origins. In such cases, there- 
fore, it would be legitimate to analyse tabl'a in the 
context of Aristotle's <ptioi<;, a term usually translated 
as "nature", provided that the distinct and varying 
conceptual range of the Arabic term is kept in view 
and it is not considered identical to its Greek source. 

1. Appropriations of the Greek <ptiovq tra- 

Ibn Sina [q.v.] writes in his K. al-Hudud that "tabl'a 
is an essential first principle (mabda' awwal) for the 
essential movement of that in which it is present; in 
short, for every essential change (taghayyur) and every 
essential persistence (thabat)" (Rasa'il, Cairo 1326, 86; 
cf. A.-M. Goichon, Lexique de la langue philosophique dTbn 
Sina, Paris 1938, 201). This is clearly an Aristotelian 
definition; in fact, in the 'Uyun al-hikma, we find Ibn 
Sina providing a fairly faithful Arabic paraphrase of 
Aristotle's Physics, ii/ 1, 192,b.20-3: "Tabl'a is a cause 
(sabab = aitia) in that it is a certain essential princi- 
ple (mabda' = dpxn) of motion and rest to that in 
which it is inherent, essentially and not by accident" 
(Arabic text in Goichon, 201). Similarly, to take an- 
other example, the Ghayat al-haklm of pseudo-Maslama 
b. Ahmad al-Madjntr [q.v.] also defines tabl'a as a 
cause and an essential principle; and in conformity 
with Aristotle it is expressly called a potentiality: we 
are told that tabl'a is a certain kuwwa (Swauu;) exist- 
ing in physical bodies by means of which their forms 
and acts are preserved for a finite period of time — 
"natural philosophers (tabl'iyyun) call this kuwwa the 
constraining cause (al-sabab al-mumsik) by means of 
which bodies persist without collapsing, disintegrating, 
or calcining. . . . The definition of tabl'a is that it is 
the essential first principle ... of motion and rest" 

(ed. H. Ritter, Berlin 1933, 284). Recall Aristotle's 
Metaphysics, ix/8, 1049.b.9-10: "<piiovq is in the same 
genus as 8tivaui<;; for it is a principle of movement". 
Ibn Hazm [q.v.'], too, in his polemical discourses on 
tabl'a, says that it is a potentiality, and so do the 
Ikhwan al-Safa' [q.v.] (see below). 

But pseudo-Madjnti continues to give the defini- 
tions of tabl'a according to others, and here the ques- 
tion of sources, though they remain evidently Greek, 
becomes rather complex. According to the philoso- 
phers, he says, tabl'a is a corporeal form (sura djismiyya) 
and "it is in physical bodies (al-badan) through the 
mediation of the Sphere lying between this [corpo- 
real form] and the Soul" (lee. cit.). Plato, he tells us, 
defined tabl'a as a natural substance (qjawhar tabl'i). 
And like Ibn Sina — and here the texts of the Hudud 
(Goichon, 201) and Ghaya are practically identical — 
he gives the definition of the physicians: "They apply 
the term tabl'a to humour, natural heat (al-harara al- 
ghanziyya), aspects of the bodily organs (hay'at al-a'da'), 
movements, and the vegetative soul" (lee. cit.). 

Indeed, the term is widely used by Arabic physi- 
cians and, as Goichon points out (200), in this usage 
it carries the broad sense of the Latin natura rerum 
In this connection, one should note what seems tc 
be a fairly common feature of Arabic encyclopaedic 
works on animals: found in these writings is a sec 
tion devoted to the taba'i' of each animal, followed 
by its properties (khawass) (see, for example, Ibn Abi 
'1-Hawafir (d. 701/1301), Bada'i' al-akwdn fl manafi' 
al-hayawan, ms. Chester Beatty 4325; Tsa b. 'All 
(Jl. 3rd/9th century), K. Manafi' al-hayawan, ms. Berlin 
6240; cf. Sezgin, GAS, iii, Leiden 1970). Also, i: 
ural historical writings sometimes the term used is 
tiba', which functions as the equivalent of tabl'a. Thus 
Aristotle's title History of animals is translated Ft ma'ri- 
fat tiba' al-hayawan al-bani wa 'l-bahri (ed. A. BadawT, 
Kuwait 1977). Again, in the Arabic translation of 
Aristode's Generation of animals attributed to Yahya b. 
al-Bitrlk, 911011; is consistently rendered tiba' (see ed. 
J. Brugman and HJ. Drossaart Lulofs, Leiden 1971, 
249). But the use of tiba' is not restricted to this par- 
ticular context, since, for example, in a discourse on 
the souls of heavenly bodies Ibn Sina speaks of their 
tiba' in which, he says, inheres the principle of change 
and multiplicity (Arabic text in Goichon, 201). 

An unmistakably Neoplatonic account of tabl'a is 
found in the Rasa'il of the Ikhwan al-Safa' which con- 
tains a whole chapter on the quiddity (mahiyya) of 
tabl'a. "Those among the sages and philosophers who 
used to talk about cosmic phenomena occurring in 
the sublunar realm", we read in the Rasa'il, "attrib- 
uted all natural events and processes to tabl'a . . . Know, 
O my brother, . . . that tabl'a is only one of the poten- 
tialities of the Universal Soul, a potentiality spread- 
ing through all sublunar bodies, flowing through each 
of their parts". Then we are told that, expressed in 
terms of Divine Law, tabl'a is a group of "angels who 
are assigned the task of protecting the world and carry- 
ing out natural creation (tadblr al-k/jatlka) by the per- 
mission of God" (Rasa'il, Beirut 1957,' ii, 63). This is 
an interesting appropriation of the Neoplatonic doc- 
trine of emanation, particularly as it is found in the 
historically important Theologia Aristotelis, a pseudo- 
Aristotelian text whose ultimate substratum is Ploti- 
nus' Enneads, iv-vi in Porphyry's arbitrary arrangement. 
In this text tabl'a is spoken of as an emanation ulti- 
mately radiating forth from the First Cause, through 
the successive emanations of the hypostases of the 
Intellect and Soul (ed. A. Badawi, in idem, Pletinus 
apud Arabes, Cairo 1955, 6). Note that both Plotinus 

and the Ikhwan agree on the intermediary roles of 
the Intellect and Soul in the creation of the natural 
world. God's method was to act indirectly, and for 
the Ikhwan, this meant that He carried out the 
afFairs of the world through His angelic agents — and 
tabl'a was one of them: "tabl'a is only one of God's 
angels, His supporters and His obedient slaves, doing 
whatever they are commanded to do" (Rasa'il, ii, 127; 
d! I. Netton, Muslim Neoplatonists, Edinburgh 1982, 38). 
We have already seen that pseudo-Madjntl assigns this 
role to the Sphere. 

Given the hierarchical ethos of Neoplatonic meta- 
physics, one frequently finds in the Islamic philo- 
sophical literature elaborate discourses on the ranks 
of created beings, and man's place on this scale. An 
example is the ethical treatise K. al-Nafs wa 'l-ruh (ed. 
M.S.H. Ma'sQmf, Islamabad 1968) of Fakhr al-Din 
al-RazI [q.v.]. In this work, the author organises his 
four ranks of beings on the basis of, inter alia, the 
existence or non-existence of tabl'a in a given being. 
Angels were on the top, endowed with intellect but 
no tabi'a; next came lower animals possessing tabl'a 
and desire, but no intellect; then inanimate objects, 
having none of the three; and finally the fourth place 
belonged to human beings, possessing all three, tabl'a, 
intellect, and desire. But then, we are told that it is 
the privilege only of human beings to be God's vice- 
gerents, because they had faculties of which other 
beings were deprived (see M. Fakhry, Ethical theories 
in Islam, Leiden 1991, 186); and in this sense man 
becomes the highest created being. Here it is inter- 
esting to note that al-RazI does not admit of tabl'a 
in inanimate objects, and this clearly means that he 
is thinking of it exclusively in psychological terms; for 
him, tabi'a was a faculty which necessarily implied 
volition, and this is certainly not Aristotle's ipwsii;. 

2. In Kalam. 

In the kaldm literature [see 'ilm al-kalam], the term 
tabl'a is often used interchangeably with tab'. Thus, 
in his own reformulation of the meaning of the two 
terms, the mutakallim al-Ash'an [q.v.] conflates them: 
when, he says, one is accustomed to seeing the occur- 
rence (huduth]) of some specific accidents (a'rad ) invari- 
ably ('aid watirat" wahidat") in some specific bodies, 
one calls them "tab' and tabl'a" (Ibn Furak, Mudjarrad 
makalat al-Ash'an, ed. D. Gimaret, Beirut 1987, 131- 
2). But this does not mean that here we have a total 
conceptual equivalence, for frequently one finds in 
kaldm a distinction between tab' and tabl'a. In gen- 
eral, the latter term in its standard non-kaldm usage 
is understood by the mutakallimun to mean the nat- 
ural disposition of a physical entity which necessarily 
determines its particular behaviour, and here tabi'a is 
practically synonymous with the khilka of the mutakallim 
al-Nazzam as reported by al-Shahrastani [q.v]: "Every- 
thing that lies beyond [the action of human beings] . . . 
is the work of God by the necessitation of a khilka" 
(al-Shahrastani, 38). Again, in a qualified manner, the 
term is functionally equivalent to the ma'na of Mu'am- 
mar (see R. Frank, Al-ma'nk Some reflections on the tech- 
nical meaning of the term in the Kaldm and its use in the 
physics of Mu'mmar, in JAOS, lxxxvii [1967], 248; cf. 
H.A. Wolfson, Philosophy of the kaldm, Cambridge, Mass. 
1976, 566). On the other hand, the mutakallimun view 
the standard notion of tab' in a distinct generic sense 
of a natural causal agency which brings about the 
real phenomena of the world (see below). It would 
appear, then, that here tabl'a is a special case of 
tab'; and since both of them were equally considered 
to imply natural causation for physical processes, as 
opposed to direct divine will or command, they were 

both equally unacceptable to practically all mutakallimun. 
It is for this reason, it seems, that they sometimes do 
not bother to keep the two terms distinct from each 

Mentioned among those whom the mutakallimun cen- 
sure for believing in natural causation is a group of 
thinkers called ashab al-taba'i', espousers of taba'i' — 
and this seems to be a rather broad designation for 
those who pursue natural philosophy (see A. Dhan- 
ani, The Physical theory of kaldm, Leiden 1994, 4, 182). 
However, it is clear that the mutakallimun attribute to 
these ashab such views on tab'/tabl'a as are shared 
also by the alchemists, for the alchemists did believe 
in tab'/tabl'a as an agency of natural causation (see 
3. below). But it is an interesting fact that in the Sirr 
al-khaUka of pseudo-Apollonius of Tyana [see balinus], 
a fundamentally important source of early Arabic 
alchemy [see rukn], we find mentions of ashab al- 
taba'i' as a group of people who deify and worship 
taba'i' and whom the author of the text strongly 
condemns (K. Sirr al-khallka wa-san'at al-tabl'a, ed. 
U. Weisser, Aleppo 1979, 30, 60). Further, in his 
K. al-Sab'ln, Djabir b. Hayyan [q.v], too, refers to 
ashab al-taba'i', whom he evidently considers outsiders 
to his field of alchemy (see P. Kraus, Jdbir ibn Hayyan, 
ii, Cairo 1942, 17). Thus the self-perception of some 
alchemists was that they are not among this group; 
but they do nonetheless fulfill the mutakallimun's cri- 
terion of what definitively characterises ashab al-taba'i'. 

Tabi'a and tab' as causality. It should be noted that 
the kaldm discourses on tab'/tabl'a, and they are volu- 
minous, are always carried out in the larger context 
of the problem of causality. Indeed, one would agree 
with the claim that for the mutakallimun the "term 
[tab'/tabl'a is] the equivalent of causality" (Wolfson, 
op. cit., 559). Ibn Rushd [q.v.] expresses this the other 
way around, but categorically: denial of causality is, 
in effect, a denial that things have a tabl'a (Tahdfut 
al-tahdfut, ed. M. Bouyges, Beirut 1930, xvii/5, 520). 
A lucid explanation of the mutakallimun's position on 
this matter is to be found in the Daldlat al-ha'irln of 
MQsa b. Maymun (Maimonides) [see ibn maymCn]. 
Here one reads the report of the kalam doctrine 
that all physical bodies consist of atoms (a^awhar, pi. 
djawahir/ djuz' , pi. aajza') and accidents ('arad, pi. 
a'rad) created by God through His will. All attributes 
of bodies (colour, smell, motion, growth, decay, life, 
death, etc.) are accidents. But these accidents do not 
arise out of, even less, are necessarily caused by, a 
tab' or tabl'a inhering in bodies and acting naturally 
without God's direct creative causal action. Everything 
in the world that comes into being comes into being 
by an act of free creation by God as He wills. The 
object of this doctrine, Maimonides tells us, is to guard 
against the idea that there is in any sense a tabi'a in 
things and that this tabl'a of a thing requires neces- 
sarily that there should be joined to it such and such 
accident (Le Guide des egares, ed. and tr. S. Munk, Paris 
1856-66, i, 375 ff.). 

In other words, tab'/tabl'a, in its standard usage, 
is considered by the mutakallimun to signify a real prin- 
ciple of natural causation, and this is in conformity 
with Aristotle. Again, Ibn Khaldun [q.v.], speaking of 
the mutakallimun's denial of causality, characterises them 
succincdy by his statement "They denied tabl 'a" (Mukad- 
dima, iii, 114). Ibn Hazm says of the Ash'arls that 
they used the term 'ada (custom) instead of tabl'a to 
designate the natural course of events not broken off 
by miracles (K. al-Fisal fi 'l-milal, Cairo 1320, v, 15). 
To be sure, in the Makalat al-Ash'an declares: "One 
who holds tabl'a to be necessitating (al-mudjiba) and 

tab' to be that which causally engenders (al-muwallid) 
is mistaken" (Ibn Furak, 131; note here the distinc- 
tion between tab' and (abl'a). He then explains his 
position by saying that it is simply a matter of lin- 
guistic usage that people say, "the tab' of so and so 
is good" and that "the tab' of so and so is evil". They 
do so because they are accustomed to (i'tadu) seeing 
some specific accidents occurring invariably in cer- 
tain bodies (132). Thus tab'/tabl'a has no ontological 
significance. Again, "He [al-Ash'ari] used to reject 
the views of the philosophers, the espousers of taba'i' 
(taba'i'iyyun), and the Mu'tazila, all of whom argue 
for their belief in causality (tawallud) by saying that 
there exists in fire a tendency {i'timad) which causally 
engenders its upward motion, and a tendency in stone 
which causally engenders its downward motion. He 
would say: all that is in these bodies is the creation 
of the Ail-Powerful, the Wise, Who does whatever He 
wills to do, without cause (sabab) and without any media- 
ting processes {mu'aladja). Indeed, we have already elu- 
cidated his views concerning his denial of the doctrine 
of taba'i'" (276). 

In explaining the regularity and predictability of 
natural phenomena, Abu Hamid al-Ghazah" [q.v.] also 
substitutes 'ada for tab'/tabl'a. But his explanation is 
more sophisticated. Why is it that fire always burns, 
and (to take one of his own examples) a boy never 
turns into a dog? His answer is twofold: (a) God cre- 
other events; this 
ay since God has 
{'add), and (b) God 

i the 

has created in us the knowledge of (a), namely that 
the custom will continue, and that fire will continue 
to burn, and a boy will not turn into a dog. Thus 
natural phenomena are not caused, of necessity, owing 
to a tab', but due to a divinely-created custom, a cus- 
tom of which we possess a divinely-created knowledge. 
{Tahajut al-faldsifa, ed. Bouyges, Beirut 1927, 270-86). 

But the substitution of 'ada for tab'/tabl'a came 
under heavy criticism in the hands of Ibn Hazm. 
Thus arguing on grounds of linguistic usage, he says, 
"'ada in the Arabic language" is used with regard to 
something which may either be avoided {tarkuhu) or 
not avoided, and whose absence (zawaluhu) is possi- 
ble {mumkin), in contradistinction to the term tabl'a, 
which is used with regard to something the avoid- 
ance of which {al-kJiuruqj 'anha) is impossible {mumtani') 
{Fisal, v, 15-6). Thus unlike tabl'a, 'ada cannot explain 
the regularity in the processes of the world, since they 
always happen in the same way. He then explicates 
the term: tabl'a — which is, he tells us, synonymous 
{mutaradifd) to khaUka, satika, bahlra, ghariza, sadjiyya, 
slma, and djibilla — only means the potentiality {kuwwa) 
of a thing whereby the qualities therein, such as they 
are, come to pass {Fisal, v, 15). But Ibn Hazm goes 
on to say that this does not mean that bodies act 
independendy by virtue of their tabl'a, for tabl'a so 
defined has no intelligence {'akl) and therefore actions 
of things are not created by the things themselves. 
Of necessity, says Ibn Hazm, we know that with re- 
gard to these actions, their creation is due to some- 
thing outside of the things in which they appear, and 
that can be none other than God. Thus by rejecting 
the ontological equivalence of tabl'a and natural cau- 
sation, Ibn Hazm makes tabl'a a potentiality whose 
actualisation is caused directly by divine will, even 
though for him the tabl'a of a thing is fixed once 
and for all by God {"al-kaldm Ji 'l-tawallud" , Fisal, v, 
59-60; cf. Wolfson, op. at., 576-7). 

3. Taba'i' in the alchemical tradition. 

In the Islamic alchemical literature there exists a 

rigorously systematic and rich theory of taba'i', and 
the grand corpus of tantalising Arabic texts attributed 
to Djabir b. Hayyan remains its supreme representa- 
tive. Indeed, so central is the doctrine of taba'i' in 
the alchemy of Djabir that his entire natural scien- 
tific system can be reduced to a theory of taba'i', 
their place, and their combinations; and in the devel- 
opment of this theory the Sin al-khaUka of pseudo- 
Apollonius seems to have served as a direct source 
(cf. Kraus, op. cit). 

"All things", says the author of the Sin, "arise out 
of the four taba'i', and they are: Hot (al-han [else- 
where al-harara]), Cold {al-bard [elsewhere al-buruda]), 
Moist {al-Hn [elsewhere al-rutuba/billa]), and Dry {al- 
yubs [elsewhere al-yubusa])" (ed. Weisser, 3). Identical 
declarations are to be found throughout the Djabirian 
corpus (e.g., see K. al-AhaJar, ed. S.N. Haq, in idem, 
Names, natures and things, Dordrecht and London 1993, 
passim). Indeed, for both pseudo-Apollonius and Djabir, 
the four taba'i' constituted the fundamental principles 
of the natural world; they were the First Simple 
Elements {al-'anasir al-basa'it/al-basa'it al-uwal) of all 
bodies. They were uncompounded entities {al-mujra- 
dat) out of which the first compound elements (al- 
murakkabat), Fire, Air, Water, and Earth were formed, 
and these latter were Second Elements {'andsir thawanl) 
(see Mukhtar rasa'il, ed. P. Kraus, Paris 1935, passim; 
Ahd^ar, ed. Haq, 38-4; Sin, ed. Weisser, passim). Again, 
"when these four taba'i' enter into combination, they 
give rise to Fire, Water, Air {al-rlh), and Earth (al- 
lurab), and they are then called ustukussat; they are 
the generators (al-ummahat) and principles (al-usul) of 
all individual things {al-ajradf {Sin, 187). 

The temptation to read Aristotle's four qualities 
into these taba'i' must be resisted; for even though 
some isolated similarities do exist here, the two sets 
of entities remain both metaphysically and function- 
ally distinct from each other. Aristotle's qualities were 
conceptual entities, taba'i' were real elements; the for- 
mer were not to be found in isolation from the four 
Empedoclean primary bodies in which they inhered, 
the latter were independently existing entities cap- 
able of physical acts, such as motion, combination, 
and separation. In the Sin, each of the taba'i' is 
sometimes referred to as a kuwwa (e.g. 186, 330, 372), 
but in the context the term seems to have a pecu- 
liar sense of a motive force, something that is con- 
ceptually far removed from Swam; or itoio-rn; (Ar. 
kayfiyyai). As for the Djabirian corpus, Aristotelian 
appellations in this particular matter are almost to- 
tally absent; indeed, the author of the corpus some- 
times explicitly distinguishes taba'i' from kayfiyyai (see 
K. Ikhradi ma fi 'I kuwwa ila 'l-fi'l, ed. Kraus, 92). 

In both the Sin and the Djabirian corpus, the gen- 
eration of bodies out of taba'i' is explained in mech- 
anistic terms. Thus: "When the Sphere {al-Jalak) [which 
encloses the world] moves perpetually and becomes 
vigorous in its motion, the four taba'i' form pairs 
(izdawa^at), one with the other. They become differ- 
ent, and one knows one pair from the other by its 
essence {'ayn) and form {sura) . . . Thus come to pass 
by their combination the four compound taba'i', 
namely, Fire . . . Water ... Air ... and Earth" [Sin, 187). 
The explanation is more elaborate in Djabir who 
speaks in Neoplatonic terms: At the root of the gen- 
eration of the corporeal world lies the Desire {shahwa) 
of the Soul which endows substance {djawhar) with 
formative power; thus substance attaches to taba'i', 
and the four elementary bodies come to pass. The 
Djabirian taba'i' get themselves "implanted" in sub- 
stance, they "attack" substance, and "act upon" it; 



they "shape" it, "embrace" it, and "compress" it (see 
Haq, 57-62). All this stands in sharp contradistinction 
to Aristode. 

It should be noted that the Djabirian taba'i' were 
indeed the true material elements of things; things 
could be decomposed into their constituent taba'i'; 
they could be made to undergo transmutation by aug- 
mentations, suppressions, and rearrangements of taba'i'; 
and like all material entities, taba'i' possessed weights 
and all other physical properties too (see K. al-Sab'in, 
ed. Kraus, 473). Indeed, the elixir was only a sub- 
stance in which the four taba'i' existed in a perfect 
numerical proportion (see ed. Haq, passim). Aristotle 
had said that to each elementary body there was only 
one affection (Generation and corruption, ii/3, 331.a.3-6); 
this meant that when, say, Fire is deprived of Hot, 
the contrary quality, Cold, always appeared — Fire 
which was hot and dry, thus became Earth which 
was cold and dry. But in the Djabirian system, we 
could, through alchemical procedures, extract Hot 
from Fire, and in this way reduce the latter to pure 
Dry; and of course there did exist bodies which were 
only hot, or only cold, and so on (see Kraus, Jabir 
ibn Hayydn, ii, 135-85). To be sure, the whole of 
alchemy consisted in nothing other than systematic 
operations on, and manipulations of, taba'i'. 

In the Islamic alchemical literature, the words tab' 
and tabi'a do occur in their ordinary sense of the 
natural properties or disposition of a thing, or the 
temperament of a person. But when so employed, 
these words do not seem to function as technical 
terms; rather, they are used informally in the way in 
which al-Ash'ari describes them — that is, as they are 
uttered in ordinary linguistic usage. 

Bibliography. In addition to works cited in the 
text, see Abu Rashid, K. al-Masa'il fi 'l-khildf bayn 
al-Basriyyin wa 'l-Baghdadiyyin, ed. and tr. A. Biram, 
Leiden 1902; A. Altmann and A.M. Stern, Isaac 
Israeli, London 1958; BaghdadT, Fark, ed. 'Abd al- 
Hamid, Cairo n.d.; idem, K. Usui al-din, Istanbul 
1346; Bakillanr, al-Tamhid, ed. RJ. McCarthy, Beirut 
1957; Djuwaym, al-Irshad fi usul al-i'tikad, ed. and 
tr. J.D. Luciani, Paris 1938; M. Fakhry, A History 
of Islamic philosophy, New York 1983; R. Frank, Notes 
and remarks on the taba'i' in the teaching of al-Maturidi, 
in Melanges d'islamologie. Volume dedie a la memoire de 
Armand Abel par ses collegues, ses Sieves et ses amis, ed. 
P. Salmon, Leiden 1974, 137; Ghazali, Ihya' 'ulum 
al-din, Cairo 1315; A.-M. Goichon, Introduction a 
Avicenne, Paris 1933; idem, La distinction de I'essence 
et de I'existence d'apres Ibn Sina, Paris 1937; B. Hane- 
berg, Ibn Sina und Albertus Magnus, in Abh. der 
Phihs.-philol. Classe der Kbniglich Bayerischen Akad. der 
Wiss., xi [1868], 191; Job of Edessa, Book of treasures, 
ed. and tr. A. Mingana, Cambridge 1935; Khayyat. 
K. al-Intisar, ed. and tr. A.N. Nader, Beirut 1957; 
Fakhr al-Din al-RazT, Muhassal afkar al-mutakaddimin 
wa 'l-muta'a/chkhirin, with the commentary of Nasir 
al-Dfn al-TusT, TalUlis al-muhassal, ed. A. Nuram, 
Tehran 1980; U. Weisser, Das "Buck iiber das Geheim- 
nis der Schopfung" von Pseudo-Apollonius von Tyana, Berlin 
and New York 1980. (S. Nomanul Haq.) 

4. In astronomy. 

It seems that the non-Ptolemaic planetary models 
of the 7th/ 13th to 10/ 16th centuries largely grew out 
of metaphysical speculations on the tabi'a of heavenly 
bodies. Recall that Ptolemy in Book ii of his Planetary 
hypotheses explains the diurnal rotation of the heavenly 
spheres by the tabi'a of the outermost Sphere and 
that of all the other spheres, which move uniformly 
and simultaneously in a circular motion. But the 

motions of the spheres within each planetary sphere 
he attributes to the will of the soul of that planet as 
well as to the tabi'a of ether (see A. Murschel, The 
structure and function of Ptolemy's physical hypotheses of plan- 
etary motion, in Journal for the History of Astronomy, xxvi 
[1995], 33). In the system of Ptolemy, then, simple 
bodies had composed motions. 

Ibn al-Haytham [q.v.] was troubled by this, con- 
sidering it to be a violation of the tabi'a of celestial 
bodies. Thus in ms. Y of his Fi hay'at al-'alam (ed. 
and tr. Y.T. Langermann, New York 1990, 66-7, 
230-1) he is quoted as saying that stars are natural 
(tabi'iyya) bodies that by themselves can have only one 
natural motion. There are four premises on which 
explanations of planetary motions must be based: 

1. A natural body does not move by its nature 
with more than one natural motion, 

2. A simple natural body does not move with a 
varying motion, 

3. The body of the heavens does not admit of 
being acted upon, 

4. A void does not exist. 

Ibn al-Haytham's argument runs something like this: 
since each star is of a simple substance, its motions 
must be regular and uniform. And given that there 
cannot be a void, each planet has a sphere whose 
circular motion carries it about. But since each planet 
has several motions, all planets have a separate sphere 
to account for each of their motions. 

Much of this is accepted by Nasir al-Din al-TQsI 
[q.v.] in his Tadhkira, i/2. Of interest is i/2, 2:' "If 
the motion of a self-moved mobile is monoform, its 
principle of motion is called a nature (tab'), whether 
the motion is natural and elemental or voluntary and 
celestial. Otherwise its [principle of motion] is called 
a soul (nafs), whether the [motion] be vegetative or 
animal" (ed. and tr. F.J. Ragep, New York 1993, 
100). It is in ii/7, 25, that al-Tiisr enumerates the 
ways in which Ptolemy's lunar model violates the prin- 
ciple of simple motion for simple bodies (for Mercury, 
see ii/8, 19, and also 'utarid) — a violation, that is, 
of their tabi'a. 

(D.E. Pingree and S. Nomanul HaqJ 

TABIB [see tibb]. 

fABriYYAT [see Suppl.]. 

TA'BIR [see ru'ya]. 

TABI'UN (a.) (sing, mbi' or tdbi'i), usually trans- 
lated as Successors, means the Successors of the 
Companions of the Prophet [see sahaba]. The 
Successors are the members of the generation of Mus- 
lims that followed the Companions, or those Muslims 
who knew one or more of the Companions but 
not the Prophet himself. They played a significant 
role in the early stages of Kur'an commentary [see 
tafsir], the biography of the Prophet including the 
history of his campaigns [see maghazi; sIra; ta'rIkh], 
jurisprudence [see fikh] and the collection and dis- 
semination of traditions [see haditb]. In all these 
fields, the earliest material consists of reports about 
the actions and sayings of the Prophet, his family and 
his Companions. The Companions transmitted this in- 
formation to the Successors, who in turn transmitted 
it, both in writing and orally, to one another, to their 
students and to the leadership of the larger Muslim 
world of the Umayyad and early 'Abbasid periods. 
Chronologically, the last of the Successors were those 
who knew the Companions who lived for the longest 
time after the Prophet's death. Among these are included 
those who studied and worked with the Companion 
Anas b. Malik [q.v.], who did not die until 91-3/ 
709-11 and was the last Companion to die in Basra. 

There are biographies of the Successors in tabakat 
[g.v.] works, as well as in the biographical diction- 
aries devoted specifically to establishing the reliability 
of hadith transmitters [see al-djarh wa 'l-ta'dil; 'ilm 
al-ridjal]. In tabakat works, Successors are ranked 
chronologically; ridjal works tend to list transmitters 
alphabetically (e.g. al-Bukharfs Kitdb al-Ta'rikh al-kablr). 

In his Kitab al-Tabakat al-kubra, Ibn Sa'd (d. 230/845 
[q.v.]) divides his biographies of the Successors into a 
number of classes corresponding to the places in which 
they taught and studied and to their contact with the 
most important Companions. The first class consists 
of Medinan Successors who transmitted from either 
Abu Bakr or 'Umar or both; the second, of Medinan 
Successors who transmitted from 'Uthman and 'All, 
as well as from eight other well-known Companions. 
After the Medinans come the Successors of Mecca 
(starting with those who transmitted from 'Umar), and 
then a few who were active in other parts of Arabia. 
He then moves on to notices of Successors active in 
Kufa, Basra and Baghdad, then in Syria and North 
Africa and finally he mentions one person, Mu'awiya 
b. Salih (d. 158/774), in al-Andalus. 

Some of the Successors are especially noted for 
their contribution to one or another of the fields of 
learning mentioned above. In tafsir, for example, among 
the students of the Companion 'Abd Allah b. 'Abbas 
(d. 68/687 [q.v.]), SaTd b. al-Djubayr (d. 95/714) and 
Mudjahid b. Djabr (d. 104/722 [q.vv.]) were particu- 
larly important; in maghazi, Aban b. 'Uthman (d. 105/ 
723) and 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr (d. ca. 94/713 [q.vv.]). 
A great many of them are known for their contri- 
butions to several fields. Ibn Shihab al-Zuhn (d. 124/ 
742 [q.v.]) is possibly the most famous polymath 
among the Successors. As an historian, he was one 
of the foremost early authorities on the life of the 
Prophet [see sira; maghazi] and he was a teacher of 
al-Wakidl (d. 207/823 [q.v.]); as a traditionist, he played 
a crucial role in the written transmission of hadith. 
Al-Hasan al-Basri (d. 1 10/728 [q.v.]) is claimed as a 
seminal figure by virtually all branches of religious 
learning (although Sezgin lists him with the theolo- 
gians; see Bibl.). 

As jurists, the Successors were considered the link 
to the early period of Islam that made it possible to 
ascertain the established practice, the surma [q.v.], of 
the Prophet and of the early community. Certain of 
them are associated with the legal development of a 
particular place. In Medina, prominent among the 
many Successors mentioned in early Malik! texts [see 
malikiyya] are the Medinan Sa'id b. al-Musayyab 
(d. 94/713) and Nafi' b. 'Umar (d. 117/735). In Kufa, 
the legal opinions of Ibrahim al-Nakha'I (d. 96/715 
[q.v.]) form the basis of early Hanafl doctrine. They 
were compiled by his student Hammad b. Abi Sul- 
ayman (also a Successor, d. 120/738), with whom 
Abu HanTfa (d. 150/767 [q.v]) studied. In Mecca, 
'Ata' b. Abi Rabah (d. 114/732 [q.v.]) stands out; in 
Damascus, Kabisa b. Dhu'ayb (d. 86/705). 

As the repositories of the legacy of the Prophet 
and the Companions, all the Successors were poten- 
tially traditionists. Distinguishing among them to deter- 
mine exactly who each was and whether he could be 
considered a reliable transmitter in the link of an isnad 
chain is the most important component of the sci- 
ences of Tradition ('ulum al-hadith) [see hadith. iv]. 
Thus their biographers are particularly careful about 
their genealogies, the time and place of their birth, 
the cities where they spent their active lives and their 
teachers. Once it is ascertained with whom they stud- 
ied, then the precise nature of the contact must be 

explored. In the case of the Successors who knew one 
or more Companions, for example, the question is 
whether they associated with them or simply encoun- 
tered them, and whether they actually heard (samd') 
traditions from those Companions, or merely trans- 
mitted on their authority (rawa 'an, or only 'an) [see 
mu'an'an; also again hadItjj]. 

The hadlth collections of a number of Successors 
happen to have survived in manuscript; they are listed 
in Sezgin (see Bibl). Two examples are Humayd b. 
al-Tawil (d. 142/759), and Hisham b. 'Urwa b. al- 
Zubayr (d. 146/763). The biographical information 
about them that can be gleaned from various sources 
(see Bibl.) will serve to illustrate what we find for the 
vast majority of Successors. The Basran Humayd trans- 
mitted on the authority of the Companion Anas b. 
Malik (see above), and is said to have taken and 
copied al-Hasan al-Basri's books and then returned 
them. However, the jurist and traditionist Yahya b. 
Sa'id (d. 143/760) is reported to have said that, when- 
ever he asked Humayd anything about al-Hasan's 
fatwas, he would say he could not remember. It is 
not clear whether Humayd actually heard 'Umar b. 
al-Khattab or only transmitted on his authority; sim- 
ilarly, he may have only transmitted on the author- 
ity of Anas b. Malik without actually having known 
him, despite the fact that he was a younger con- 
temporary of Anas's in Basra (al-Hakim al-Naysaburl 
[see Bibl.] mentions Humayd as one of those Succes- 
sors guilty of tadlis [q.v.], or improperly altering isnads). 
Hisham was born in Medina and died in Baghdad. 
He related from his father, the Successor 'Urwa b. 
al-Zubayr, and from his uncle 'Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr 
(d. 73/692 [q.v.]), a nephew of 'A'isha's. The noted 
Kufan traditionist Wakl" b. al-Djarrah (d. 197/812) 
reported that at a certain point he spent some time 
among the scholars of Kufa. 

In his work on hadlth methodology, K. Ma'rifat 'ulum 
al-hadith, al-Hakim al-Naysaburl (d. 404/1014 [q.v.]), 
like Ibn Sa'd, divides the Successors into a number 
of classes, although his classification system is not the 
same as Ibn Sa'd's (and is not fully explained). His 
first class is comprised of the Successors who trans- 
mitted from those Companions to whom the Prophet 
promised Paradise (al-mubashshara al-'ashara). Other 
classes include one made up of the seven jurists of 
Medina [see fukaha' al-madIna al-sab'a, in Suppl.]; 
Successors born in the period of the O^dhiliyya [q.v], 
al-mukhadramun [see mukhadram]; and people falsely 
credited with actually hearing (samd') one of the 
Companions when they in fact had heard only a 
fellow Successor. 

Al-Hakim prefaces his section on the Successors by 
saying that whoever does not know who the Successors 
are will not be able to distinguish between them and 
the Companions, nor will he be able to distinguish 
between them and the Successors of the Successors 
{tab? al-tabi'in or atba' al-tabi'in). These, al-Hakim ex- 
plains, are the third generation (tabaka) of Successors 
after the Prophet and among them are found such 
people as Malik b. Anas (d. 179/795 [q.v.]), Sufyan 
al-Thawn (d. 161/778 [q.v.]), Shu'ba b. al-Hadjdjadj 
(d. 160/776 [q.v.]) and Ibn Djuraydj (d. 150/767). 

With this group we move to the scholars in the 
forefront of the development of Islamic law who were 
known both as jurists and traditionists and whose use 
of traditions in legal reasoning, exemplified by al- 
ShafiT (d. 204/820 [q.v.], made hadith studies an in- 
extricable part of jurisprudence [see again fikh; also 
usul]. During this period, when the lives of the Prophet 
and the Companions were becoming part of the dis- 


tant past, the authority of the Successors as heirs to 
the knowledge of those times increased. Concern that 
their knowledge might be lost led the Umayyad caliphs 
of the early 2nd/8th century to patronise the efforts 
made by hadith scholars, most notably al-Zuhri, to 
collect and write down as many traditions as possible. 
In Muslim scholarship both of the pre-modern and 
modern periods, biographical information about isndd 
transmitters is utilised to assess the worth of each trans- 
mitter's contribution. The fact that many transmitters 
are known to have been inaccurate about their con- 
tacts and scholarly activities is considered proof of the 
veracity of the biographies. In secular and oriental- 
ist scholarship, most, if not all, of this information is 
viewed as later fabrication, and it is utilised to figure 
out how, when and for what purposes the scholars 
of the generations after the Successors chose to par- 
ticipate in the practice of depending upon and elab- 
orating isnads; the Successor and Companion links in 
the isnads that go back to the Prophet are considered 
particularly problematic. 

Bibliography: For biographies of Successors, see 
Bukharf, K. al-Ta'rlkh al-kablr, Haydarabad 1361-5, 
8 vols.; Ibn Hadjar al-'Askalam, K. Tahdhib al- 
tahdhib, Haydarabad 1325-7, 12 vols.; Ibn Hanbal, 
K. al-'Ilal wa-ma'rifat al-ridjal, eds. Talat Kocyigit and 
Ismail Cerrahoglu, Ankara 1963; Ibn Sa'd, K. al- 
Tabakat al-kubra. For individual Successors and pri- 
mary and secondary sources about them, see Sezgin, 
GAS, i. For hadith methodology, see al-Hakim al- 
Naysabun, K. Ma'rifat 'ulum al-hadith, Beirut n.d. 
For a reaction to the critical view of the role of 
the Successors, see Nabia Abbott, Studies in Arabic 
literary papyri, Chicago 1967, ii, and Sezgin, op. cit. 
For critical studies of their role, see M. Cook, Early 
Muslim dogma, Cambridge 1981, ch. 11 "The dat- 
ing of traditions"; G.H.A. Juynboll, Muslim tradition, 
Cambridge 1983; J. Schacht, The origins of Muham- 
madan jurisprudence, Oxford 1950; H. Motzki, Die 
Anfange der islamischen Jurisprudenz. Ihre Entwicklung in 
Mekka bis zur Mitte des 2.18. Jahrhunderts, AKM 50, 
2, Stuttgart 1991. (Susan A. Spectorsky) 

TABKH (a), the action of cooking either in 
a pot, by boiling or stewing; or by roasting, broiling, 
frying or baking. Beyond the narrow sense of cook- 
ing only fleshmeat, tabkh meant the transforma- 
tion from a raw state of every conceivable 
foodstuff for consumption. Possibly the Arabic 
substantive for "cook" (tabbakh [q.v.]) also contained 
the Hebrew sense of serving food at table, in addi- 
tion to its preparation. According to some lexicons, 
cooked food, tabikh, was distinguished from kadlr, the 
latter specifying fleshmeat cooked in a pot seasoned 
with pepper, cumin and the like, while the former 
meant meat not thus seasoned; or, tablkh meant flesh- 
meat cooked with broth or gravy, while a different 
term applied to meat prepared without such liquid 
(Lane, s.v. t-b-kh). It is evident, however, from the 
extant mediaeval culinary manuals (kutub al-tabikh) that 
such distinctions did not obtain in practice, the term 
"cooked" applying to a dish comprising any combi- 
nation of ingredients prepared by any of the meth- 
ods noted above. Food as nourishment, and factors 
determining diet in pre- and classical Islamic times, 
are treated in the art. gnrajA', while matbakh describes 
the kitchen, its major appliances and utensils employed 
therein. Here, cooking techniques will be dealt with, 
together with the main categories of ingredients used. 
Cooking techniques varied somewhat according to 
the social location of the "kitchen". Bread making, an 
activity common to all segments of the population, 

illustrates the point well. J.L. Burckhardt observed the 
following method among the Bedouin of the Arabian 
peninsula in the early 19th century. First, a circular 
"element" of stones was heated. The fire was then 
removed and dough made from coarse-ground grain 
was set on the stones over which the glowing ashes 
were placed until the bread was cooked (Notes on the 
Beduins and Wahabys, London 1831, 58). Unleavened 
bread made in this fashion was called khubz malla or 
"roasted" bread, malla referring to the hot ash and 
embers (Ibn Durayd, Djamhara, Haydarabad, 1925-33, 
s.v.). Another method was a kind of grilling process 
which involved the cooking of large thin loaves on a 
concave metal plate (sadj) inverted and supported on 
stones over a fire, with the dough placed on the con- 
vex side (A. Musil, The manners and customs of the Rzvala 
Beduins, New York 1928, 92). Bread was also pre- 
pared in the communal oven {film) employed by house- 
holds among settled hamlet and village as well as the 
less affluent urban populations; either the dough was 
prepared in the home and baked in the fum, the 
baker retaining a portion of the dough as payment, 
or else a poorer quality bread could be purchased 
directly from the baker. By contrast, bread made for 
a comfortable urban household was prepared in its 
own kitchen from the best wheat flour; the appliance 
used was the tannur, the bee-hive shaped baking oven 
of Mesopotamian origin. Another general contrast 
between the urban and rural-nomadic techniques may 
be found in methods of food preservation. In the 
latter tradition, sun- and wind-drying of raw materials 
like meat were common, desiccation being nature's 
own way of preservation. In the urban kitchen, ingre- 
dients such as salt, vinegar, lemon juice, mustard and 
other spices and the process of smoking were used in 
addition to the more "natural" means of preserva- 
tion. Finally, there was a contrast in the use of condi- 
ments accompanying a dish and flavourings in food. 
Complicated preparations like muni and kawamikh 
were commonplace in the urban "high" cuisine, while 
natural plant flavourings, where they could be had, 
were employed elsewhere. The cookbooks which have 
survived reflect the urban milieu of a leisure class, 
although they undoubtedly contain as well traces of 
regional or rural oral cooking traditions. For exam- 
ple, the preparation sauMk [q.v.] was traditionally made 
of barley, parched and dried for use on long jour- 
neys; the meal was reconstituted with water or milk 
when required. Food by the same name was sold in 
the markets of Baghdad as a poor man's staple made 
from powdered chickpeas. However, in more affluent 
households this rustic fare was made from fine wheat 
flour sweetened with sugar or mixed with other ingre- 
dients like pomegranate seeds. In the two extant cook- 
books of Andalusl-North African provenance, regional 
tastes appear reflected in the frequent use of eggs in 
a range of substantial dishes, in the traditional dish 
of Berber origin, couscous [see kuskusu], and in dishes 
associated with particular locales (D. Waines, The culi- 
nary culture of al-Andalus, in The legacy of Muslim Spain, 
ed. S.K. Jayyusi, Leiden 1992). The processes and 
ingredients discussed below are, however, derived solely 
from the culinary manuals. 

The most characteristic cooking method for creat- 
ing substantial dishes was the "stew" or "casserole" 
preparation where the ingredients (e.g. meat, vegeta- 
bles, seasonings) were cooked in liquid in a pot over 
the heat of a fire. Recipes for meat dishes other than 
fowl usually use only the word "meat" (lahm) which, 
appearing unqualified, should be assumed to mean 
mutton, a meat preference supported by medical opin- 

ion. It is impossible to tell at what age the mutton 
was deemed best for eating, whether as hoggets 
(between one and two years) or older. Lamb and kid 
were also enjoyed. Beef is only infrequently mentioned 
in recipes, possibly mirroring the medical view that, 
owing to its coarse nature, it was more suited to the 
toiling and labouring classes. Game meat such as rab- 
bit, hare, wild cow, wild ass, gazelle, horse, moun- 
tain goat, oryx and stag were all considered edible. 
Dishes containing fowl, especially chicken, were also 
popular. In one recipe for the famous Persian dish 
sikbadj [?•»•], mutton, beef and chicken are cooked 
together (al-Warrak, 132). 

Typically, these are meat dishes with vegetables and 
seasonings, but also with dried fruit in many cases. 
The meat in the first stage of the cooking process 
may be sauteed briskly in hot oil to which water is 
then added, furthering the cooking, while other ingre- 
dients and seasonings are placed in the pot; con- 
versely, the meat may first be boiled in a stock of 
water and oil to which other ingredients are added 
while the cooking process is brought slowly to an ( 
A recipe for zirbddj follows the second procedure 

Take a fine quality chicken, joint and clean it and 
place in a clean pot. Then pour over one-half rati of 
fresh water and a half ukiyya of good quality oil, s( 
white of onion and boil all together. When boiled, 
pour in white vinegar of half a rati and two ukiyya 
of white sugar and one ukiyya peeled almonds and 
one ukiyya of rose water. Add the spices, pepper, cin- 
namon and ginger tied up in a fine cloth so that 
they do not alter the dish's colour. Leave on the fire 
a little, allowing it to thicken (al-Warrak, 153). 

This recipe illustrates a number of interesting points 

t the mediae 

, the c 

clear, step-by-step descripti 
ration. Thirdly, zirbddj is a 
practice of "meat substitu 
main feature of the dish is 
recipes for zirbddj call for 
t and fowl, 

Persian, indicating its strong influence upon the cos- 
mopolitan character of the urban "high cooking cul- 
ture"; many other dishes, such as tharid, masliyya and 
madira [q.v.] , are contributions of traditional Arab pro- 
venance. Second, the recipe gives measures of ingre- 
dients, a rare feature of the corpus where measures 
and proportions were left to the cook's discretion, 
c of the recipes is their usually 
n of the process of prepa- 
1 example of the common 
ion" in dishes; while the 
ts sweet-sour flavour, other 
neat (lahm) or a combina- 
practice found today, for 
example, in North African cooking. Fourthly, recipe 
references to slaughtering and cleaning an animal or 
bird indicate that fresh meat could be had from live- 
stock, for example goats and chickens, kept by the 
household. Finally, a word on the use of spices in 
cooking. A spice combination in common use through- 
out the Middle East was cinnamon, coriander (often 
plus cumin), with pepper and saffron widely employed 
as well, while regional preferences probably also existed. 
The essential oils of pepper and cinnamon were known 
for their antiseptic, preservative properties. Their use 
was likely as much a matter of aesthetics as anything, 
their preservative function being useful when left over 
food could be served the following day, with the 
flavour of the dish perceptibly enhanced. This "spice 
spectrum" was inherited from the Middle East and 
transformed much of the European cuisine from the 
14th century onward (T. Peterson, The Arab influence 
on western European cooking, in J. of Medieval History, vi 
[1980], 317-41). The achievement of balance in bou- 
quet and flavour between "aromatic" (e.g. cinnamon) 
and "pungent" (e.g. coriander) spices was another fea- 

Popular meat dishes were also prepared in milk or 
with milk products; for example, masliyya was a dish 
of lamb (or kid) with finely-chopped dried curd cheese 
(masl) sprinkled on top, while madira was meat cooked 
in soured milk. 

Other dishes containing meat were known, how- 
ever, by a vegetable or fruit highlighted in it. Thus 
isfanakhiyya was a spinach (and meat) dish, tuffahiyya 
an apple dish, and saldjamiyya a dish of turnip, chicken, 
onion, cheese and seasonings. In the gardens and 
orchards of the urban Middle East, vegetables and 
fruits were seasonally available the year round. In the 
mediaeval culinary lore, vegetables (bukul) included 
edible plants which today would be considered herbs 
such as mint, dill, fresh coriander and fennel. Fruits 
(fawakih) were classified as dried and fresh; dried fruits 
included soft fruit like apples and apricots as well as 
nuts like almonds, pine seeds and pistachios. Fresh 
fruit, the most common being dates, of which there 
were said to be more than three hundred varieties, 
was also used in cooked dishes or else consumed 
before or after a meal. Plant food classified as "grains" 
or "seeds" (hubub) included chick peas, lentils and the 
mungo bean (mash) and the grasses wheat, barley and 

Vegetables prepared alone without meat formed 
another broad category of victuals for the table. They 
could be served hot or cold. One process was to stew 
the vegetable and then blend into it a quantity of oil 
into which seasonings had been lightly heated, and 
finally fold a beaten egg into the mixture while heat- 
ing it in a pan. Cold dishes were called bawdrid, and 
were prepared not only from vegetables, but also from 
meat, fowl and fish. Frequent ingredients of vegetable 
bawdrid were vinegar and a sweetening agent, sugar 

Fish dishes were popular as well. Rather than being 
stewed, they were generally prepared in a (frying) pan. 
Fresh fish rather than salted or dried fish appear to 
be the norm; it was recommended washing the fish 
thoroughly first, including scaling and gutting, lightly 
flouring and then frying it. The dish might be simple, 
prepared for example with pepper, garlic, finely 
chopped fresh coriander and onion cooked into a kind 
of sauce which was served over the fish at table. Or 
else the cleaned fish could be filled and covered with 
a highly seasoned pasty stuffing and baked slowly in 

The cereals wheat, barley and rice were probably 
common to the tables of the urban leisure class and 
poor alike. The difference between them was that the 
daily bread of poor was made from inferior quality 
wheat or other cereals while in times of real hard- 
ship, "secondary grains" such as pulses and nuts (acorn 
and chestnut) had to sufFice. The well-to-do had access 
to the finest wheat for even their plainest loaf; the 
same kitchen could also produce "glass-bread" a loaf 
baked in a thin glass mould which was broken upon 
completion of the baking. Wheat flour was also used 
to prepare many varieties of pastry and sweetmeats. 

The culinary manuals include not only prepara- 
tions for immediate consumption. The preservation of 
foodstuffs by pickling made mealtime planning more 
flexible. A preparation called hallam describes the 
steps for slaughtering either a kid or calf and boiling 
the jointed carcass in vinegar until cooked; the meat 
was then soused overnight in a mixture of vinegar, 
cinnamon, galingal, thyme, celery, quince, citron, and 
salt and then stored in glass or earthenware vessels. 
Again, chicken lightly boiled whole in water, salt and 

oil was then jointed and the portions placed in jars 
filled with vinegar and seasonings; when ready for use 
it was fried in oil and served. Vinegar, which was 
genuine vin aigre, was also the preserving agent for a 
wide variety of vegetable mukhallalat which included 
pickled onions, capers, cucumber, turnip, garlic, egg- 
plant and mint. These dishes were offered during 
meals to "cleanse the palate of greasiness, to appe- 
tize, to assist the digestion, and to stimulate the ban- 
queter" (A.J. Arberry (tr.) A Baghdad cookery book, in 
IC, xiii [1939], 205). 

Another variety of relish or condiment was called 
kawamikh. They may have been served, several at a 
time, in small bowls into which bread or morsels of 
food could be dipped. Certain kinds of kamakh or 
kamakh juice (ma' kamakh) were added to the pot as 
seasoning during cooking. One of the most important 
of this class of condiment was mum, a cereal-based 
preparation often mistakenly referred to as garum, the 
fish-based condiment of the classical world (D. Waines, 
Mum: the tale of a condiment, in al-Qantara, xii, [1991], 
371-88). It required a long, complicated process which 
took some three months from the end of March when 
preparation commenced. The condiment could then 
be stored for future use; shorter methods lasting only 
two days were also known which could have been 
employed the year round. 

Activities in the mediaeval kitchen were not merely 
concerned with the preparation of food for pleasure 
but also with matters of bodily equipoise (see R. Kuhne 
Brabant, Un tratado inedito de diektka de al-Razi, in 
Anaquel de estudios arabes, ii [1991], 35-55). Recipes for 
main dishes as discussed above often add a brief note 
as to its benefit for the regime and hygiene. One dish 
might be recommended to stimulate the appetite and 
strengthen the stomach, another for cooling the body. 
A certain class of meadess dish called muzawwar was 
identified for its aid to those with fever (D. Waines 
and M. Marin, Muzawwar: counterfeit fare for fasts and 
fevers, in Isl, lxix [1992], 289-301). Moreover, other 
preparations were intended more directly to alleviate 
the consequences of over-indulgence of food, as well 
as to stimulate other bodily functions and desires; 
these included such "home remedies" as electuaries, 
stomachics and medicinal powders and syrups, all pre- 
pared in the kitchen for immediate or future use. 

Finally, a word on "forbidden" beverages (sharab 
muskir). Explicit religious injunctions notwithstanding, 
intoxicating beverages were consumed at every level 
of society, although never by those who strictly 
observed the shan'a code. Recipes are found in the 
cookbooks for a barley beer called Jukka' which was 
simply and cheaply made; fermentation was achieved 
by placing the barley wort in a skin container and 
leaving it for two days so that it was ready for drink- 
ing on the third. Moreover, wine (nabidh [q.v]) was 
made in fermented and unfermented varieties. Some 
medical writers noted the medicinal benefits of sharab 
muskir, although they warned against its possible addic- 
tive qualities or even shorter term dangers. 

This brief survey of operations in the domestic 
kitchens of the urban leisure classes has covered the 
period from about the 3rd/9th to 8th/ 14th centuries. 
The major innovation of this "high cooking tradition" 
was in the collection, transformation, elaboration of 
and experimentation with hundreds of traditional, local, 
regional dishes within a dynamic cosmopolitan con- 
text. Although the culinary manuals are a rich resource 
for the study of this aspect of domestic life, they still 
do not yield answers to all a historian's questions. 
While the names of two cooks, one male the other 

female, are known to have held honourable positions 
in 'Abbasid court circles, one would like to know 
much more about those who performed the myriad 
operations in this, the most important space of the 
domestic household, the kitchen; but see further 


Bibliography: In addition to works cited in the 
article, the following items have been selected which 
deal with cooking activities in the broadest sense. 
The most important primary sources are A. Huici 
Miranda (ed.), La cocina hispano-magrebi en la epoca 
almohade segiin un manusaito anonimo, Madrid 1965; 
Fadalat al-khiwan ft tayyibat al-ta'am wa 'l-alwdn, 
ed. M. Benchekroun, Beirut 1984; Ibn Sayyar 
al-Warrak, K. al-Tablkh, ed. K. Ohrnberg and 
S. Mroueh, Helsinki 1987; Ibn al-'Adim, al-Wusla 
ila 'l-hablb ft wasf al-layyibal wa 'l-tib, ed. S. Mahdjub 
and D. al-Khatib, Aleppo 1988; Kanz al-fawa'id ft 
tanwi' al-mawa'id, ed. M. Marin and D. Waines, 
Beirut-Stuttgart 1993. Two recent anthologies of 
essays are La alimentacion e las culturas isldmicas, 
ed. M. Marin & D. Waines, Madrid 1994; Culinary 
cultures of the Middle East, ed. S. Zubaida and 
R. Tapper, London 1994; see also M. Rodinson, 
Recherches sur les documents arabes relatifs a la cuisine, 
in REI (1949), 95-165, and E. Garcia Sanchez, 
Fuentes para el estudio de la alimentacion en la Andalucia 
Isldmica, in Actas del XII Congreso de la U.EA.I, 
Malaga 1984, 269-88. (D. Waines) 

TABL, the generic name for any instrument of 
the drum family. Islamic tradition attributes its 
"invention" to Tubal b. Lamak (al-Mas'Qdi, Murudj, 
viii, 88-9 = § 3213, and see lamak), whilst another 
piece of gossip says that Isma'il, the founder of the 
musta'riba Arabs [q.v.], was the first to sound it (Ewliya 
Celebi, Travels, i/2, 239). The word is connected 
with Aramaic tabid. According to al-Fayyumi (733/ 
1333-4), the term tabl was applied to a drum with a 
single membrane (apld) as well as to that with two 
membranes. This, however, does not include the duff 
or tambourine [q.v.]. It is certainly an ancient Middle 
Eastern instrument, and players of large and small 
kettle drums appear on the Sasanid period Tak-i 
Bustan reliefs (near Kirmanshah), including as part of 
a military band, what in Islamic times would have 
been called a tabl-khana [q.s.] (H.G. Farmer, The instru- 
ments of music on the Taq-i Bustan bas-reliefs, in JRAS 
[1938], 404-5, 410). 

The tabl family may be divided into two classes, 
viz.: 1. the cylinder type; and 2. the bowl type. 
1. The cylinder type. There are two kinds of 
cylinder drums, viz.: a. the single membrane; and b. 
the double membrane. Of the former we have several 
shapes, although generally the body ($ism) is either 
cylindrical or goblet-shaped. The earliest name for the 
cylindrical drum with a single membrane would 
appear to be kabar which we find mentioned as early 
as Ya'kub al-Madjishun (d. 164/780-1) (Ibn Khallikan, 
tr. de Slane, iv, 270, ed. 'Abbas, vi, 376). It is iden- 
tified by al-Mufaddal b. Salama (d. 308/920) as a 
drum (Ancient Arabian musical instruments as described by 
al-Mufaddal ibn Salama (9th century) in the unique Istanbul 
manuscript of the Kitab al-malahi in the handwriting ofYaqut 
al-Musta'siml (d. 1298). Text in facsimile and transla- 
tion edited with notes by James Robson (= Collection 
of Oriental Writers on Music, ed. H.G. Farmer, iv), 
Glasgow 1938, 17: "... the tabl, which is the kabar 
and the kuba . . ."), and Ibn Khallikan (tr. de Slane, 
iv, 272, ed. 'Abbas, vi, 378) affirms that it had one 
membrane. The Arabic lexicographers confuse this 
word (cf. also the Glossarium Latino-Arabicum, 85, 562, 


and Farmer, Studies in oriental musical instruments, 59; 
see now WKAS, i, 24b). The name was probably 
derived from the Ethiopic kabaro, and we know that 
the Arabs borrowed at least one drum from Abyssinia 
(Lane, Lexicon, col. 2013). A more definite clue to the 
identity of this particular kind of drum is to be found 
in al-Shakundr (d. 629/1231-2 [?•»•]), where an in- 
strument called the akwal is mentioned (al-Makkarf, 
Anakctes, ii, 144). It still exists in the Maghrib. Dozy 
(Supplement, i, 30) says that it is a Berber word and 
Meaken writes it agwal. It is delineated by Host who, 
however, gives it as a goblet-shaped drum and calls 
it the akwal {Machrichten von Marokos und Fes, Copenhagen 
1781, 262, tab. xxxi, 9). The akwal/agwal is also known 
in Algeria as the gullal and it is generally about 60 
cm long. In Tripolitania, a similar instrument called 
the tabdaba is used among the folk (Delphin and Guin, 
Notes sur la poesie et de la musique arabes, Paris 1 886, 39; 
Lavignac, Encycl. de la musique, 2794, 2932). 

The goblet-shaped instrument may have been the 
dirridj mentioned by earlier Arabic writers such as al- 
Mufaddal b. Salama (op. cit., fol. 21), although he 
thought that it was a pandore (tunbur), as do many 
of the Arabic lexicographers. That it was a drum we 
know from al-Maydam (d. 518/1124). According to 
Ibn Manzur (d. 711/1311), the proper vocalisation is 
durraydj, and to-day it is this name, with colloquial 
variants, which is heard in the Maghrib (Crosby Brown, 
Cat. of the Crosby Brown collection of musical instruments, 
New York, iii, 51, 53: AM, xx, 239). East of Morocco, 
the instrument has come to have a different name. 
In Algeria, Tunisia, and Tripolitania, it has long been 
called the darbuka (Salvador-Daniel, La musique arabe, 
Paris 1879, 79; Christianowitsch, Esquisse historique de 
la musique arabe, Paris, 31; Delphin and Guin, 43; 
Laffage, La musique arabe, Tunis, vi, xxxii; Lavignac, 
2935), whilst in Egypt and Syria it carries the name 
darbukka [q.v.] , darabukka, dirbakka, darabukka, or darabukka 
(Villoteau, Description de I'Egypte. Etat modeme, i, 996; 
Lane, Modem Egyptians, ch. xviii; Darwish Muhammad, 
Safa" al-awkat, Cairo, 13; El-Hefny, Congres de musique 
arabe, Cairo, 660; H. Hickmann, La daraboukkak, in 
Bull, de I'Inst. de I'Egypte, xxxiii [1952]). For illustra- 
tions of both these instruments, see the authorities 
quoted above, whilst specimens may be found in most 
museums, notably Paris (nos. 954-7, 1457), Brussels 
(nos. 112, 330-4, 680), and New York (nos 335, 345, 
etc.). In some parts, the darbuka is known as the labia 
(Farmer, Studies, i, 86). 

In Persia, the instrument is known as the dunbak or 
tanbak, although wrongly registered by lexicographers 
as a bagpipe. See Advielle, La musique chez les Persons, 
Paris, 13, and pi.; Kaempfer, Amoenitatum exoticarum . . . 
fasciculi 5, Lemgoviae 1716, 742, fig. 6; Lavignac, 

The double-membrane drum is also found in sev- 
eral shapes. We read of the kuba, a drum shaped like 
an hour-glass which was forbidden to be used by 
Muslims, as early as <Abd Allah b. 'Umar (d. 18/639) 
(see WKAS, i, 420b-421a). It is condemned by sev- 
eral legists, including Ibn Abi '1-Dunya (d. 281/894) 
because of its association with people of low charac- 
ter (Dhamm al-malahl, ed. and tr. J. Robson, London 
1938, ed. M. 'Abd al-Kadir, Cairo 1987, 55, 59). 
The Ikhwan al-Safa' (10th century) call it the tabl 
al-mukhannith (ed. Bombay, i, 91). According to al- 
Djawhan (d. ca. 392/1002) it was "a small drum, 
slender in the middle", although al-Ghazali says that 
it was "long" (Ihya', Cairo 1908, ii, 186). Mediaeval 
designs of the kuba may be seen in the 6th/ 12th- 
century woodwork at Palermo (BZ, ii, 384), a 7th/ 

1 3th-century bowl from al-Mawsil (Victoria and Albert 
Museum, London 1856, 2734/56), and in a ms. of 
al-Djazari (dated 755/1354) at Istanbul (Martin, Minia- 
ture painting and painters of Persia, ii, pi. 2). The tabl of 
which we read so frequently in the Kitab al-Aghanl (ed. 
Bulak, viii, 161, ix, 162) as a rhythmic instrument in 
concert music, was probably either the kuba or dirridj 
(= darbuka). It is rarely seen nowadays in the Islamic 
East, except in India. 

The cylindrical or barrel-shaped drum has been 
more favoured. The former was probably the shape 
of the early warlike drum of which we read among 
the 'Abbasids in the 3rd/9th century (Agham, xvi, 139). 
It is to be seen in several mss. on automata by al- 
Djazan dating from the 7th/ 13th and 8th/ 14th cen- 
turies (Schulz, Die persisch-islamische Miniaturmalerei, tab. 
ii; The legacy of Islam, 1st edn., Oxford 1931, fig. 91; 
D.R. Hill (tr. and comm.), The Book of knowledge of 
ingenious devices (Kitab fi ma'rifat al-hiyal al-handasiyya) 
by Ibn al-Razzaz al-Jazari, Dordrecht-Boston 1974, 43 
(= fig. 34), showing the "water-clock of the drum- 
mers" with kettledrum, cylindrical drums (with drum- 
stick, sawlaajan), trumpet and cymbals). This long-bodied 
cylindrical drum was popular until the beginning of 
the 19th century and designs may be seen in Host 
(tab. xxxi) and Niebuhr (tab. xxvi); Villoteau (be. cit.) 
calls it the tabl al-turld. Since mediaeval times it has 
been played with a curiously crooked drumstick. By 
the 18th century, a second percussive implement, a 
switch, was in use. In modem times, this drum has 
been superseded by a drum with a shorter body. In 
early times, this seems to have been known in Persia 
and Arabic-speaking lands as the duhul. It is men- 
tioned by Nasir-i Khusraw (d. in the 1070s) as one of 
the martial instruments of the Fatimids (Safar-nama, 
ed. Schefer, 43, 46, 47), and by al-Zahiri (d. 872/1468) 
among the Mamluk sultans (al-MakrizI, Khitat, i/1, 
173-4). That it was different from the tabl we know 
from both Nasir-i Khusraw and Djalal al-Dln Rumi 
(Mathnawi, tr. R.A. Nicholson, iii, 159). In Egypt of 
modern times it is known as the tabl al-baladi (Villoteau, 
loc. cit.; Lane, op. cit, ch. xviii). Specimens may be 
seen at Brussels (nos. 336, 338, 341) and New York 
(nos. 417, 1321). Kaempfer (740, fig. 4) calls the Per- 
sian cylindrical drum the danbdl and delineates it. The 
tablr of Firdawsi may have been similar. See also the 
dhol of India. The dawul in Turkey is said by Ewliya 
Celebi (Travels, i/2, 226) to have been first used by 
Orkhan (724-61/1324-60), but we know of it in the 
time of his predecessor 'Othman I. The Turks, like 
the Arabs, used a drumstick (cangal) and a switch (day- 
nak) to play this drum. 

In modern Persia, the dohol is a barrel-shaped drum 
(Advielle, be. cit.; Lavignac, 3076; cf. Kaempfer, 743, 
fig. 12). The Arabic tabl or the Persian tablr was the 
parent of the European label, atabal, tabor, tambour, etc. 

2. The bowl type. This is represented by the 
ketdedrum. Although tradition says that Baba Sawindfk, 
the Indian, played the kettledrum (kus, for which see 
WKAS, i, 436a, nakkara) in the wars of the Prophet 
Muhammad (Ewliya Celebi, be. cit., 226), it is more 
likely, as Ibn Khaldun tells us (Mukaddima, ed. Quatre- 
mere, ii, 44, tr. Rosenthal, ii, 50) that the Arabs did 
not use drums in wartime at this period. The early 
Muslim legists discriminate between the tabl al-harb 
(war drum), the tabl al-hadjaj (pilgrimage drum), and 
the tabl al-lahw (pastime drum). The first two were 
allowable but the last was not (al-Ghazalr, Ihya', ii, 
186). The two former were doubtless identical with 
the modern nakkara and tabl al-sJsaml. 

The largest of the kettledrums used by Islamic 


peoples was the kurga which was greatly favoured by 
the Mongols. It was the royal drum which conveyed 
commands. The tabl al-kabir mentioned by Ibn Battuta 
(Rihla, ii, 127, tr. Gibb, ii, 343) was doubtless the 
kurga. We get an idea of the size of this drum from 
the A'ln-i Akbari (tr. H.G. Blochmann, i, 50-2), where 
it is nearly the height of a man. Abu '1-Fadl 'AUamf 
says here that the kurga and damama were identical 
(i, 50), but the damama of India is a much smaller 
kettledrum (see specimen at New York, 26). <Abd al- 
Razzak al-Samarkandr (d. 1482) clearly distinguishes 
between the kurga, damama and nakkara (Math' al- 
sa'dayn, in M, xiv, 129, 321). See also Farmer, Studies, 
ii, 12-13. 

The kettledrum next in size was the kus which, 
among the Arabs of the 4th/ 10th century, was the 
largest of their ketdedrums (Ikhwan al-Safa', i, 91). 
This also was a martial instrument; for its use, see 
tabl-khana. There is a 7th/ 1 3th-century Arabic ms. 
reproduced by Schulz (op. cit., pi. 8) showing three 
pairs of kusat. 

The ordinary kettledrum was what the Ikhwan al- 
Safa' call the tabl al-markab (mounted drum). They say 
that its tone was softer than that of the tabl al-kus. 
Another early name for this drum was dabdab or dab- 
daba. Later, it came to be known as the nakkara, a 
word, together with the instrument, which was adopted 
by Europe as the naker, nacaire, etc., whilst Persian 
tinbal became the European timbale, tymbala. For medi- 
aeval designs of the nakkara, see Schulz (op. cit., tab. 
ii), The legacy of Islam, 1st edn. (fig. 91), the Kitab al- 
Burhan (Bodleian ms., Or. 133, fol. 38), and the DJami' 
al-tawankh (Edinburgh University, fols. 54b, 157). See 
also tabl-khana. Early 19th-century examples are 
delineated by Villoteau (992-3), whilst actual speci- 
mens may be seen at Brussels (no. 335) and New 
York (no. 1232). For the Turkish dunbalak or tablak, 
see Farmer, in JRAS (1936). 

In Turkey, a medium-sized kettledrum is known as 
the kudum, and it is said to have been played at the 
nuptials of Muhammad and Khadrdja (Ewliya Celebi, 
i/2, 234). It was to be found in the darwish com- 
munities; for an illustration of Mawlawi/Mewlewl 
kudumzens or players in these drums, see Oriens, xv 
(1962), pi. viii. 

The smallest of the ketdedrums is the nukayra or 
tubayla, which belongs to concert music. We read of 
the former among the 'Abbadids (5th/llth century) 
of Moorish Spain (Dozy, Historia Abbadidorum, ii, 243), 
and in the Vocabulista Aravigo (1505) the word equates 
with the Spanish atabalia. In Russell's Aleppo (1794), 
there is a design (pi. iv) of the nakkara (= nukayra), 
whilst another may be found in Host (tab. xxxi, 10) 
and Christianowitsch (32, pi. 12), the latter being 
copied by Fetis (Hist, generate de la musique, Paris, ii, 
163) and Lavignac (2793). 

Villoteau, speaking of Egypt at the close of the 
18th century, mentions a number of small hand 
kettledrums but, with the exception of one called 
tabl-i baz, most of these names are unknown today 
(Villoteau, 994). It was, obviously, a drum used for 
decoying birds or recalling the hawk (baz), but by this 
time it had become the favourite instrument of the 
criers at Ramadan and the darwish fraternities, and 
was actually known as the tablat al-musahhira. There 
are specimens at Brussels (no. 329) and New York 
(nos. 421, 2661). It was held in one hand and beaten 
with a short stick held in the other hand. A slightly 
larger instrument was the tabl al-mifafi (sic). This was 
beaten with a leathern strap. 

Shallower types of kettledrums were the tabl al- 

shaml and the kas'a. The former was probably the tabl 
al-hadj$ so frequendy quoted by the legists. It was 
suspended from the neck, the head or membrane 
being perpendicular. There is a representation (10th/ 
16th century) of pilgrims with these drums in a 
Bodleian Library ms. (Or. 430, fol. 15). For early 19th- 
century designs and details, see Villoteau (992-4) and 
Lane (Modem Egyptians, chs. ii, vi, xviii). There are 
specimens at New York (nos. 386, 494). The kas'a of 
the Maghrib today has a flat bottom like a dish (kas'a), 
hence its name. It is played upon with rods called 
matarik (Delphin and Guin, 44; Lavignac, 2932); in 
the past it was a martial instrument. 

Bibliography (in addition to references in the 
article): Sachs, Reallexikon der Musikinstrumente; H.G. 
Farmer, Studies in oriental musical instruments, London 
1931; H. Hickmann, in Orientalische Musik - HdOr, 
Abt. 1, Erganzungsband IV, Leiden, 61-3; 77k new 
Grove dictionary of music and musicians, i, 514-39, art. 
Arab musk; The new Grove dictionary of musical instru- 
ments, i, 601-11, art. Drum. (H.G. Farmer*) 
TABL-KHANA, Nakkar-Khana, Nakkara-Khana. 
Nawba-Khana, literally the "Drum House", "Ketde- 
drum House", "Military Band House", the name 
given in Islamic lands to the military band and 

derived from the drums (tabl, nakkara) which formed 
the chief instruments of the military band, and from 
the name given to the special type of music (nawba) 
performed by this band. Originally, the nakkara-khana 
or tabl-khana consisted of drums only, and in some 
instances of particular kinds of drums. This we know 
from several authorities. Ibn Taghnbirdl (d. 815/1412) 
speaks of the "kettledrums (dabadib), i.e. the tabl-khana". 
Al-Zahiri (d. 872/1468) alludes to "three sets (ahmal) 
of tabl-khana and two trumpets". Ibn Iyas (d. ca. 930/ 
1524) has a reference to "the tabl-khana and the great 
kettledrums (kusat)" (al-Makrizi, Hist, des Sultans Mam- 
louks de I'Egypte, tr. Quatremere, Paris 1845, ii/1, 123, 
ii/2, 268, al-Khazradji, 77k pearl-strings, GMS, London 
1906-18, iii/5, 135, 229). As for the nawba, this was 
a special piece of music, which later comprised sev- 
eral movements (fusuf), performed by the nakkara-khana 
' at the five hours of prayer [see salat] by royalty, but 
at the three obligatory hours of prayer by dignato- 
ries of lesser rank. The sounding of the nawba was 
not only jealously guarded as one of the attributes 
of sovereignty, but its performance necessitated re- 
spectful silence from auditors (Ibn Battuta, Rihla, ii, 
188, tr. Gibb, ii, 377-8; von Hammer, Hist, de I'Empire 
Ottoman, Paris 1835, i, 75). The custom of the nawba 
is said to have been handed down from the days of 
Alexander the Great (al-Nasawi, Hist, du Sultan Djelal 
ad-Din Mankobirti, Paris 1895, 21). 

The Ancients. Instruments of percussion appear 
to have been specially favoured by peoples of the 
Orient for their martial display from time imme- 
morial. According to the Greeks, who only used the 
trumpet and flute in war, instruments of percussion 
belonged to the barbarians. Yet in the Syriac version 
of Pseudo-Callesthenes of the History of Alexander the 
Great (tr. Budge, 96) we find that the world-conqueror 
added drums to his martial music. If we turn to the 
Pseudo-Aristotelian Arabic treatise the Kitab al-Siyasa 
(3rd-4th/8th-9th century) and the contemporary works 
of Muristus [q.v.], also in Arabic, it would seem that 
Alexander also introduced a monster organ (urghanun) 
of the hydraulis type as a means of signalling to his 
troops and to spread dismay in the ranks of the enemy 
(Farmer, The organ of the Ancients, London 1931, 119- 
38). Strabo (1st century B.C.) says that the youth of 


:re called to arms by the sound of brazen 
its, and that the kings of India moved in 
public to the din of drums and cymbals (Geogr., xv.l, 
55, xv.3, 18). Plutarch (d. ca. A.D. 120) speaks of the 
Parthians using kettledrums to frighten the enemy 
(Crassus, xxiii, 10). The pages of the Shlh-ndma of 
Firdawsf (d. 411/1020) abound with details of the 
military music of Persia of old. Here we read of instru- 
ments of the horn and trumpet type (karrandy, shaypur, 
buk), the reed and brazen-pipe (nay, ruwin nay), the 
drum and great kettledrum (tabira, kus), as well as the 
Indian bell, sonette and cymbal (hindi dardy, zang, sindj). 

The Arabs of the Djahiliyya. Clement of 
Alexandria (2nd century A.D.) says that the Arabs of 
pre-lslamic days used cymbals in war (Paedagogus), but 
Arabic authors only mention the tambourine (duff 
[q.v.]) of the matrons and singing-girls (kiydn [see 
kayna]) in battle. This is what we see at Uhud and 
Badr, although it is highly probable that the reed- 
pipe (mizmar [q.v.]) was also an instrument of martial 
music in these days (Farmer, Hist, of Arabian music, 
London 1929, 10-11; Kitdb al-Aghdnt, ed. Bulak, ii, 
172). That highly imaginative Turkish writer, Ewliya 
Celebi (d. ca. 1091/1680) avers that in the time of 
Muhammad it was neither the trumpet nor the flute 
that sounded in his wars but only the great kettledrum 
(kus; Travels, tr. von Hammer, London 1846, i/2, 
194). On the other hand, Ibn Khaldun (d. 808/1406) 
says that the early Muslims used neither horns (abwdk) 
nor drums (tubul; ed. Quatremere, ii, 44, tr. Rosenthal, 
ii, 50). It is certain that, although the Arabs used the 
horn (buk [q.v.]) in civil life, it was not a military 
instrument with them since it is specially mentioned 
in the 3rd/9th century as being used by Christians 
(al-Djawhari, Sahdh). 

Umayyads and 'Abbasids. Under the Umay- 
yads, the drum and kettledrum appear to have been 
introduced into martial music and served as better 
accompaniments to the reed-pipe (mizmar) than the 
tambourine (duff; Seyyid Ameer Ali, A short history of 
the Saracens, London 1899, 65). Persian influences, 
which so strongly asserted themselves under the early 
'Abbasids led to the Persian reed-pipe (sumay) being 
adopted in place of the more primitive mizmar (Aghdm, 
xvi, 139, but read Jc^ instead of yllj-). With the 
Persians the sumay (- surydnay) went with the drum 
(tabl; al-Mas'udi, Murua}, viii, 90 = § 3214). By the 
4th/ 10th century, several types of kettledrums were 
in use in martial array: the tabl al-markab or "mounted 
drum" which was probably identical with the dabdab 
or dabdaba and the nakkdra, and a larger type, the 
great kettledrum called the kus (Rasd'il Ikhwdn al-Safd", 
ed. Bombay, i, 91). These were used in pairs and 
were carried on either side of a horse's or camel's 
neck. The buk or horn had also been adopted into 
military music by this time. Although originally fash- 
ioned out of the natural horn of an animal like the 
more primitive kam, it came to be made in metal, 
and Ewliya Celebi says that the metal form (pirindj 
buru) was introduced by the Saldjukid Alp Arslan (d. 
465/1073; Travels, i/2, 238). The trumpet proper was 
the nafir. This was first known as the buk al-nafir or "mili- 
tary buk" (Ibn al-Tiktaka, al-Fakhrl, ed. Derenbourg 30). 

The Buwayhids. Up to the 4th/10th century, 
the nakkdra-khana or tail-khdna, which by this time 
comprised kettledrums, drums, trumpets, horns and 
reed-pipes, was part of the insignia (mardtib) of the 
caliph and reserved, with the nawba, for the Com- 
mander of the Faithful alone (Ibn Khaldun. ed. Quatre- 
mere, ii, 42, tr. Rosenthal, ii, 48; Quatremere, Hist, 
des Mongols, 418). With the decline of the caliphate 

and the rise of petty rulers there came demands from 
all and sundry for the privilege of the nakkdra-khana 
and the nawba. Thus the custom arose that, when the 
caliph conferred regality on subject rulers, a drum or 
kettledrum usually accompanied the other patents or 
symbols of authority sent by the caliph, such as a 
diploma, banner, or standard; the type of instrument, 
the number, and the specific use of the nawba, being 
determined by the rank of the recipient. Mu'izz al- 
Dawla (d. 356/967), the Buwayhid amir, sought from 
the caliph al-Mutr' the privilege of the nakkdra-khana, 
but was refused. Yet in 355/966 this caliph allowed 
a commander to sound kettledrums (dabddib) during a 
campaign, an honour which the latter appears to have 
retained. It is said, however, that the first prince to 
obtain these coveted musical honours was the amir 
'Adud al-Dawla (d. 372/983). He was granted the 
nakkdra-khana by the caliph al-Ta'f' in 368/979, but 
he was only allowed the three-fold nawba at the oblig- 
atory hours of prayer, the five-fold nawba being reserved 
for the caliph. One of the Buwayhids, Abu KalTdjar 
(d. 440/1048), assumed the five-fold honour in Baghdad 
and although asked by the caliph to content himself 
with the three-fold one, he refused. Yet the caliph 
had already permitted others to have or assume this 
privilege. In the year 390/1000, under the caliph al- 
Kadir, a minister was allowed to beat a drum (tabl) 
for the five-fold nawba, and in 408/1017, Sultan al- 
Dawla was allowed or had assumed a similar honour 
(Quatremere, op. cit., 418; Margoliouth, The eclipse of 
the 'Abbdsid caliphate, ii, 264, 396, iii, 345; H. Busse, 
Chalif und Grosskonig, die Buyiden im Iraq (945-1055), 
Beirut-Wiesbaden 1969, 186-8). 

The Saldjukids. Considerable extensions of the 
privileges of the nakkdra-kjtdna were made under these 
rulers. The caliph al-Muktadi (d. 487/1094), in appoint- 
ing a governor to a province, conferred the great 
kettledrums (kusdt) on him, with permission to sound 
the five-fold nawba within his province, but only the 
three-fold one outside of this. When the two Saldjukid 
princes Berk-yaruk and Muhammad took the titles of 
sultan and malik respectively in 494/1 101, they adopted 
the five-fold and three-fold nawba with these respec- 
tive ranks. Both Alp Arslan and the Eldigiizid Kizil 
Arslan (d. 587/1191) used the five-fold honour (Ibn 
al-Djawzi, Muntazam; al-Bundari, Zubdd). 

The Arabs in Islamic times. In Yaman in 
the 3rd/9th century the KarmatT al-Mansur b. Hasan 
had thirty drums (tubul), and Sa'id al-Ahwal (d. 
482/1089) of the Nadjahids [q.v.] had horns (bukdt) 
and drums (tubul). Later, we read of the tabl-khdna 
and the great kettledrums (kusdt) and kettledrums 
(nakkdrdt; H.C. Kay, Yaman, its early mediaeval history, 
London 1892, 84; al-Khazradji, op. cit., iii/ 1 , 103, 160, 
iii/2, 3, 75, iii/3, 52). At Zufar in 'Uman in the 
8th/ 14th century the sultan had reed-pipes (sumdydt), 
horns (bukdt), trumpets (anfdr), and drums (tubal) at his 
gate. At al-Hilla, the military music consisted of horns 
(bukdt), trumpets (anfdr), and drums (tubul) (Ibn Battuta, 
ii, 98, 212, tr. Gibb, ii, 325, 390). At the beginning 
of the 5th/ 11th century, the 'Ukaylids favoured the 
horn (buk) and kettledrum (dabdab) in their martial 
music (JRAS [1901], 755, 785), whilst elsewhere we 
find a small shallow kettledrum called the kas'a in use. 
In the Alf layla wa-layla, the most imposing martial 
musical display is made up of reed-pipes (zumur), horns 
(bukdt), trumpets (anfdr), drums (tubul), and cymbals 
(kdsdt, ku'us). 

Egypt. The Fatimids dispensed musical honours 
upon subject rulers on very much the same lines as 
the caliphs of Baghdad (DjOzdjam, Tabakdt-i Ndsiri, tr. 

Raverty, London 1881, ii, 616; Bada'um, Muntakhab 
al-tawarikh, tr. Lowe and Ranking, Calcutta 1884-98, 
i, 94, 310). When al-'Aziz (d. 386/996) marched into 
Syria he had five hundred horns (abwak) sounding 
(Ibn Khaldun, ii, 45, tr. Rosenthal, ii, 51). Nasir-i 
Khusraw describes the Fatimid military band (ca. 438/ 
1047), and mentions that it comprised such instru- 
ments as the horn (buk), reed-pipe (suma), two kinds 
of drum (tabl and duhut), the latter a Persian variety, 
kettledrum {kits) and cymbal (kasa; Safar-nama, ed. 
Schefer, Paris 1881, 43, 46, 47). In the year 567/1 172, 
when Nur al-Dih and Salah al-Dm were together at 
Damascus, the former, who was the suzerain of the 
latter, sounded the five-fold nawba, whilst the latter 
contented himself with the three-fold one (Quatremere, 
Hist, des Mongols, 419). Under the Mamluk sultans, the 
military band was organised on more elaborate lines 
and, similar to the practice in 'Irak and al-Maghrib, 
it was linked up with the banners, standards and sim- 
ilar emblems of authority, as Ibn Iyas informs us (al- 
Makrizi, i/1, 226). According to al-Zahirl, the band 
of sultan Baybars I (d. 676/1277) comprised forty 
great kettledrums (kusat), four drums (duhul), four reed- 
pipes (zumur), and twenty trumpets (anfar). He says 
that the duhul and zumur were of recent adoption, but 
we have seen them in use under the Fatimids, the 
zamr and suma both being reed-pipes. Ibn Taghribirdl 
says that under Kalawun (d. 678/1290) a wazlr pos- 
sessed a tabl-khdna, and we read of a similar privilege 
in 821/1418, although we are told that the custom 
was not usual. Ibn Khaldun states that the great kettle- 
drums (kusat) were allowed to each amir and general 
(ii, 46, tr. Rosenthal, ii, 52), yet according to Ibn 
Taghrfbirdl it was only the umara' commanding a 
thousand men who were granted this honour. Among 
the instruments used in the tabl-khdna of an amir, says 
al-Zahin, were the drum or duhul (two), the reed-pipe 
or zamr (two), and the trumpet or nafir (four), but not 
the great kettledrum (kits). An atabak was allowed twice 
this number, whilst an amir mukaddam was only permit- 
ted to have a horn or buk. By the 9th/ 15th century, 
however, an amir of forty cavaliers was permitted to 
possess a tabl-khana, but for a time he was only allowed 
to sound it when on duty. When the Ottomans con- 
quered Egypt in 923/1517, the bands of the umara' 
were suppressed (Quatremere, in al-MaknzT, i/1, 173- 
4, i/2, 272). For instruments of martial music in 18th 
and 19th-century Egypt see Niebuhr, Voyage en Arable, 
1776, i, 145-6, tab. xxvi; Villoteau, Description de I'Egypk. 
Elat modeme, fol. ed., i, 701-3, 931-40, 948-9, 976-97 
and plates. 

The Maghrib. Ibn Khaldun says that the nomadic 
Arabs of North Africa employed an improvisator 
(munshid) who sang at the head of the troops just as 
the Arabs of the Arabian peninsula did in the Djahi- 
liyya. The Almohads suppressed bands used by local 
governors, and reserved the use of the tabl-khdna for 
royalty alone (Ibn Khaldun, ii, 45-6, tr. Rosenthal, 
ii, 51-2). This was formed into a separate company 
with the standards (bunud) which became known as 
the saka. The first Almohad sultan 'Abd al-Mu'min 
(d. 558/1163) had more than two hundred drums 
(tubul) and among them were such large instruments 
that the ground quaked when they were played (al- 
Marrakushf, Hist, des Ahnohades, ed. Dozy, Leiden 1881, 
165). The Marlnids possessed a large drum of this 
type, and this passed into the possession of the Sa'dian 
dynasty. It was an enormous instrument and could 
be heard a great distance (Nuzhat al-haM, ed. Houdas, 
Paris 1888-9, 117). For designs of 18th-century instru- 
ments of martial music in Morocco, see G. Host, 

Nachrkhten von Marokos und Fes, 1787, tab xxxi, 261. 

The Bilad al-Sudan. In the 8th/14th century, 
Ibn Battuta was at Mogadishu [see makdishu] in the 
Eastern Sudan and heard the tabl-khdna of the sultan, 
which comprised reed-pipes (sumayat), horns (abwak), 
trumpets (anfar), and drums (atbal). At Mallr in the 
Western Sudan [see Mali], the sultan's military band 
was made up of horns (abwak) and drums (atbal), the 
former being made out of elephant's tusks (ii, 188, 
iv, 403 tr. Gibb, ii, 377-8, iv, 958). One of the last 
of the Sonni rulers of the Songhay of Gao (1335- 
1493), 'All (d. 1492), used a drum as a symbol of 
authority. Their successors, the Askiya kings (1493- 
1590), also used the drum, and under the Askiya al- 
Hadjdj Muhammad troops were assembled in 1493 
to the beating of the drum (tabl). In 1500-1, a large 
trumpet called the kakaki was adopted by the cavalry 
of the Songhay. The Askiya Muhammad Bunkan (d. 
1537) invented a horn called the juturiju. There was 
also a drum known as the gabtanda, and both this and 
the Juturiju were used at Gao. He fixed the limit out- 
side a town where no drum save the royal drum (tabl 
al-saltana) could be sounded. This royal drum con- 
tinued to be used until the end of this dynasty. On 
the Moroccan conquest in 998/1590, and the gover- 
norship of the pashas in the place of the native kings, 
a change came in the martial music. Under Pasha 
Ahmad al-Khalrfa (1105-6/1694-5), reed-pipes (ghiydt), 
drums (atbal), and other instruments, including the native 
tambourines (dufuf al-asaki), were counted among the 
martial instruments of the pasha's court. The military 
music of the Bambara chiefs were horns (bukat) and 
tambourines (dufuf), and one chief had great horns 
(bukat al-kibar) as tall as a man (Ta'rikh al-Fattash, ed. 
Houdas and Delafosse, Paris 1913, 49, 54-5, 70, 84, 
153; Tadhkirat al-nisyan, ed. Houdas, Paris 1901, 43, 
45, 93, 120, 152; Ta'rikh al-Sudan, ed. Houdas, Paris 
1900, 79, 122, 197). 

The Il-Khanids. Under the early Khans, a royal 
prince was allowed kettledrums and a drum, whilst a 
wazir had a kettledrum. The commander-in-chief was 
given drums, and an amir of 10,000 (?) men, as well 
as tributary princes were allowed a [kettle] drum 
(d'Ohsson, Hist, des Mongols, iii, 581; iv, 96, 187, 566; 
Howorth, History of the Mongols, London 1 876-88, iii, 
296). Ibn Battuta gives a picturesque account of the 
military music of the sultan Abu SaTd (d. 736/1355) 
at Baghdad. It consisted of drums [and kettledrums] 
(tubul), trumpets (anfar), horns (bukat), reed-pipes (sur- 
nayat), and singers. According to this writer, the umara' 
had horns (bukat) as well as drums (tubul), and each 
royal princess (khatun) had a drum, whilst the Il-Khan 
himself had a special monster kettledrum called by 
Ibn Battuta the tabl al-kabir ("great drum"), but known 
to the 'Mughals as the kurga (ii, 126 tr. Gibb, ii, 
342-3). The kurga was the personal musical emblem 
of the Il-Khan and at his death it was destroyed, as 
Rashrd al-DTn, the historian of the Mongols, has 
related. In times of mourning, it was also customary 
to refrain from sounding the nawba. This was an old 
practice which we find as early as the caliph al- 
Muktadl who, when he lost his son Muhammad in 
480/1087, forbade the beating at the hours of prayers 
(Ibn al-DjawzI, Muntazam). Similarly, Salah al-Dln, 
having suffered a reverse at the hands of the Cru- 
saders, abandoned the nawba until he had won a vic- 
tory (al-Makrizi, Suluk, i, 42). During the Tlmurid 
period, according to the apocryphal Tuzukat ("Insti- 
tutes"), the military band was carefully regulated. A 
beglerbeg had a kettledrum (nakkdra) and a horn (burghu: 
for ^jijy. read jijy), and the amir al-umara' and an 


amir of the four-tailed tuk had a kettledrum only. A 
ming pasha had a trumpet (nafir), and a jv«^ pasha and 
on /iasia a drum (tabl), whilst an o_>mai (tribal chief) 
had a horn (burghu; Institutes, political and military, ed. 
Davy and White, Oxford 1781, 290-2). 

In India, the Mughals maintained the nakkara- 
khana as one of their attributes of sovereignty. Ibn 
BattOta points out that when the Medinan sharif Abu 
Ghurra visited India he caused great consternation by 
his use of drums (tubul) and trumpets (anfar) because 
here, unlike 'Irak, Egypt or Syria, nobody but the 
king could use the (i, 422-4, tr. Gibb, 
i, 259-62). Al-'Umarl (d. 750/1349), in his Masalik al- 
absar, speaks of the five-fold nawba of the sultan of 
Dihli being played by two hundred pairs of kettle- 
drums (nakkarat), forty pairs of great kettledrums (kusat 
al-kibar), twenty horns (bukat), and ten pairs of cym- 
bals (sunuaj; see Quatremere, in JVE, xiii, 189). The 
nakkar-khana of Akbar the Great (d. 1014/1605) is 
described by Abu '1-Fadl 'Allanvl. It was made up of 
the monster kettledrum called the kuwarga or kurga 
(about 18 pairs), the kettledrum or nakkara (about 20 
pairs), the drum or duhul (four), the reed-pipe or suma 
(nine, both Indian and Persian types), the large trum- 
pet known as the karrana or kama (four or more), the 
trumpet or nafir (Indian, Persian and European types), 
the horn or sing (two) and the cymbals or sindj (three 
pairs; A'ln-i Akbarl, tr. H.G. Blochmann, Calcutta 1873- 
94, i, 50-2). A description of the nawba is also given 
in this latter work. By this time, kettledrums were 
sometimes conferred on high civil or military func- 
tionaries, but the latter had to be of the rank of 
two thousand suwars at least, and they could not be 
sounded in the presence of the emperor nor within 
a certain distance from his residence. In confer- 
ring this privilege, the recipient had miniature drums 
placed around his neck (Thorn, Memoir of a war in 
India, 1818, 356; JASB [1879], 161). For other details 
of the nakkara-khana of the 18th century, see F. Bernier, 
Travels in the Mogul Empire 1665-1668, ed. Constable, 
363; Manucci, Storia do Mogor, or Mogul India 1653- 
1708, tr. W. Irvine. For later information, see Irvine, 
The army of the Indian Moghuls, London 1903, 30, 196, 
207; Day, The music and musical instruments of Southern 
India, London 1891, 96; Meadows-Taylor, in Proceedings, 
Royal Irish Academy, Dublin, ix/1. 

The Ottomans. Until comparatively recent times, 
the Turks made a special feature of their military 
music which, like the Mongols, they linked up with 
the insignia of flags, banners and tughs. When 'Othman 
I, the founder of the dynasty, was made a prince by 
the Saldjuk sultan of Rum 'Ala' al-Din in 688/1289, 
he was invested with a drum, flag and tugh. At the 
ceremony, absolute silence was insisted on during the 
performance of the nawba. The large kettledrums called 
kusat were used in the time of "Othman I (d. 724/1324) 
when they were carried by elephants on some occa- 
sions. Ewliya Celebi, who mentions this latter point, 
gives a few details of the military music of the 1 1th/ 
17th century {Travels, i, 225-6, 236-9). Murad IV (d. 
1050/1640) introduced the large trumpet called the 
kama from Persia. Military music was regularly organ- 
ised during this century, and Turkish bands comprised 
the large reed-pipe or kaba lilma, the small reed-pipe 
or §ura zurna, the flute or nay, the big drum or kaba 
duhul, the ordinary drum or duhul, the great kettle- 
drum or kus, the kettledrum or nakkara, the cymbal 
or zill and the "Jingling Johnny" or caghana (Mahillon, 
Catalogue . . . du Musee Instrumental du Conservatoire Royal 
de Musique de Bruxelles, 2nd ed., ii, 184). Coeck, in his 
Les Mmurs . . . de Turcz, 1553, ed. W.S. Maxwell in 

1873 as The Turks in 1553, gives a woodcut of a party 
of Janissaries headed by reed-pipes and kettledrums. 
In the 18th-century, a pasha of three tails had the 
reed-pipe or zuma, the trumpet or bum, the kettle- 
drum or nakkara and the cymbal or zill (de Marsigli, 
State militaire dell' imperio Ottomanno, 1732, ii, 54-5 (and 
pi. xviii). The sultan's military band comprised sixty- 
two players under the command of an officer called 
the mir mihtar tabl wa-'alam. 

Persia. Before the rise of the Il-Khanids, we find 
how important the nakkara-khana and the nawba were 
in the Middle East. GJiiyath al-Din the Ghurid (d. 
599/1203) had great kettledrums (kusat) of gold which 
were carried on a chariot (Djuzdjam, Tabakat-i Nasiri, 
tr. i, 404). Djalal al-Din Mingburnu (d. 628/1231), 
the last Shah of Kh"arazm. had his nawba performed 
on twenty-seven drums of gold encrusted with precious 
stones, the players being sons of subject rulers (al- 
Nasawl, op. cit., 21). A fine pair of bronze kettledrums 
from DaghistSn, but probably of Persian manufacture, 
were exhibited at the International Exhibition of Per- 
sian Art, London 1931, but were not catalogued. They 
belonged to the 6th-7th/ 12th- 13th century. Persian 
art teems with representations of military bands (see 
Bibl., Iconography). For the nakkara-khana under 
the Safawids and Kadjars, and its survival into the 
Pahlawi period, see nakkara-khana. It would appear 
that the English trumpet was known in Persia, as it 
was in Turkey (Ewliya Celebi, Travels, i/2, 238). The 
instruments used in Persian military music were the 
reed-pipe (suma or surnay), the large trumpet (kama), 
the trumpet (nafir), the horn (shakh), the large kettle- 
drum (kus), the kettledrum (nakkara), and the drum 
(duhul). For modern instruments, see Laborde, Essai sur 
la musique, 1780; Jourdain, La Perse . . ., 1814; Ouseley, 
Travels in various countries in the East, 1819; Fetis, Hist, 
generale de la musique, ii; Advielle, La musique chez les 
Persans en 1885, 1885; Lavignac, Encyclopedic de la 
musique, 3073-7. 

Modern conditions. In almost every Islamic 
land today, the march of Western civilisation has 
brought Western ideas of the military band. Brass and 
reed instruments of European manufacture and of 
equal temperament are gradually ousting the old con- 
ception of the nakkara-khana. Yet in the Middle Ages, 
it was Europe that borrowed from the Muslims. The 
nakkara-khana was an indispensable factor in military 
discipline, exercise, and tactics, as Christian armies 
soon found out. It was the rallying-point in battle, and 
the silence of the band was a sign that the banners 
and standards were in danger. Europe soon adopted 
the device, and up till the 17th century at least, the 
colours and the regimental music were kept together 
(Sir John Fortescue, History of the British Army, London 
1899, i, 14-15; Farmer, Rise and development of military 
musk, London 1912, 13). The West also borrowed the 
nakkara as the naker, nacaire, etc., the tabl as the label, 
tabor, etc., the tinbal as the timbale, the kas'a as the 
caisse, the [al-]buk as the alboque, the [al-]nafir as the 
anafil, whilst such terms as fanfare and tucket may pos- 
sibly be derived from anfar and tuka (see Farmer, 
Historical facts for the Arabian musical influence, London 
1930, 18-19). The percussion instruments in the mod- 
ern military bands of Europe were adopted from 
Turkey in the early 18th century, and when adopted 
in orchestral (string band) music they were for a long 
time called "Turkish Music". 

The English "Jingling Johnny" (Fr. chapeau chinois, 
Germ. Schellenbaum), with its horse-tails, carries a relic 
of its Turkish name caghana (> "Johnny"). It has been 
superseded by the portable glockenspiel. The fanfares 


of European military bands may very well be sur- 
vivals of mediaeval Oriental practice. 

Bibliography. The most important references 
to the nakkara-khana and nawba are to be found in 
the following works: Walley, Tear book of oriental 
art 1924-1925, London 1929; al-Makrizi, Hist, des 
Sultans Mambuks, as cited; Ibn Khaldun. Mukaddima, 
as cited; Ibn Fadl Allah 'Umari, Masalik al-absar ft 
mamalik al-amsar, tr. M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, 
La Syrie des Mamelouks, Paris 1927, pp. lvi-lviii; 
Quatremere, Hist, des Mongols, as cited; Irvine, 77k 
army of the Indian Moghuls, as cited; Farmer, Hist, of 
Arabian music, 109, 154, 206-8.— Iconography. 
Printed books. Many of the numerous works on 
Oriental art and painting contain pictures of the 
military band and the nakkara-khana quarters, among 
them Martin, 77k miniature painting and painters of 
Persia, India and Turkey from die viii lh to the xtdii" 1 cen- 
tury, 1912, ii, pi. 12, 183; P. Brown, Indian paint- 
ing under the Mughals, 136, pis. xxxi, xlvi; N.C. Mehta, 
Studies in Indian painting, Bombay 1926, 93, pi. 38; 
Ars Asiatica, xiii, pis. i, xxix, lv. — Manuscripts. In 
all the great public collections of illustrated Oriental 
mss., examples of both the military band and the 
quarters of the nakkara-khana are to be found. — 
Instruments. For instruments used in the nakkara- 
khana, see the catalogues of museum collections 
mentioned in the Bibb, to buk, mizmar, tabl. See 
also the Bibl. to nakkara-khana. 

(H.G. Farmer*) 
TABLlGH [see da'wa]. 

TABLlGHl DJAMA'AT (in Arabic, Qama'at al- 
tabligh), a Muslim missionary organisation 
founded in India around 1927 and established 
after 1947 throughout the world. The internal desig- 
nation is dim da'wat, religious mission, from the term 
da'wa [q.v.], taken here in the modern sense of a.prosel- 
ytising undertaking. 

The movement is founded on five basic principles. 
The invitation (da'wat in Urdu, for da'wa) to the prac- 
tice of Islam is not the business of an elite of reli- 
gious specialists but the individual responsibility of all 
Muslims who are required to devote time and money 
to this project. One should not wait for people to 
come but take the initiative and go to them: preach- 
ing is the activity of self-financing itinerant groups, 
criss-crossing first India and then the world. The min- 
gling of social classes is obligatory within these groups, 
since they must lodge together in mosques, eat at the 
same tables and engage in mutual instruction. The 
primary objective is the deepening of the faith of those 
who are already Muslims, preachers as well as con- 
gregations; proselytism directed towards non-Muslims 
remains a marginal activity. The promotion of Muslim 
unity is a fundamental objective; theological contro- 
versies are prohibited and the political sympathies of 
members must not interfere with the activity of what 
is ostensibly an apolitical movement. 

However, the history of the movement is firmly rooted 
in politics. It was created between 1925 and 1927 at 
the time when, in British India, the rift between Hin- 
dus and Muslims was becoming irreparable, presag- 
ing the partition of the sub-continent which took place 
in 1947 with the creation of Pakistan. Both religious 
communities felt threatened; each promoted mission- 
ary organisations with the object of attracting converts 
from the other. Numerous Muslim groups committed 
to propagating the faith (tabUgh) were created at this 
time; linked to political parties they had an ephemeral 
existence. Muhammad Ilyas (1885-1944) [see hind, v, c] 
founder of the Tablighi Djama'at, guaranteed its 

survival by avoiding any direct political involvement. 
Belonging to the scholarly lineage of the Kandhalawi, 
he received a religious education in the Deoband [q.v.] 
movement, then lived in seclusion at the Sufi sanc- 
tuary of Nizamuddin (Nizam al-DTn) at Dihli; there 
he created the Tablighi Djama'at with the object of 
purifying the religious practices of the Meos, semi- 
Islamised peasants from the region of Mewat [q.v.] to 
the west of Dihlr. He acquired the support of reformist 
schools such as Deoband and the Nadwat al-'Ulama' 
[q.v.] and of the merchants of Dihli; he was thus en- 
abled to establish his movement in northern and cen- 
tral India (United Provinces, Pandjab, Karachi and 
Bhopal). In order to avoid political complications, pro- 
selytism directed towards non-Muslims was forbidden. 
His son and successor, Muhammad Yusuf (1917-65 
[see yusuf, muhammad]) refused to transfer to Pakistan 
in 1947 and retained his headquarters or "centre" 
(markaz) at Nizamuddin. He consolidated the Tablighi 
Djama'at throughout the sub-continent with secondary 
centres in Pakistan (Raiwind near Lahore) and in East 
Pakistan, which in 1971 became Bangladesh (Tongi 
near Dhaka). He transformed it into a worldwide move- 
ment, extending proselytism to non-Muslims and oper- 
ating systematically in five continents: the first missions 
were sent into the Arab states and Turkey between 
1946 and 1951; the western countries (Britain, the 
United States, Japan and continental Europe) were 
reached between 1950 and 1961; the Afro-Asiatic 
countries (Black Africa and South East Asia) were 
explored systematically from 1956 onward; and the 
movement is currently active in Western China and 
in former Soviet Central Asia. Although omnipresent 
at the time of the death of Muhammad Yusuf, the 
Tablighr Djama'at remained little known; it became 
visible and impossible to ignore under his cousin and 
successor In'am al-Hasan (d. 1995) at the end of the 
1970s and during the 1980s; since then the annual 
gatherings (idjtima') held in India, Pakistan and Bangla- 
desh have regularly attracted millions of worship- 
pers; in western countries, the Tablighi Djama'at is 
often the principal religious organisation for Muslim 
immigrants, especially in Britain, France, Belgium 
and Canada. Since the death of In'am al-Hasan, the 
movement has been led collectively by two sons of his, 
Izhar al-Hasan and Zubayr al-Hasan (d. 1996), and 
one grandson of Muhammad Yusuf, Sa'd. 

A didactic literature which eschews all theological 
or political controversy is produced and diffused among 
the faithful: it constantly extols the merits (fadd'U) of 
canonical religious practices and preaches meticulous 
imitation of the Prophet and of his Companions. It 
essentially comprises nine monographs written be- 
tween 1928 and 1964 by a cousin of Muhammad 
Ilyas, Muhammad Zakariyya Kandhalawi (1898-1982) 
who taught hadith at Saharanpur [q.v.] (a subsidiary of 
Deoband) before moving to Medina, where he died. 
These monographs are distributed in the original Urdu 
and in English, French and Arabic translations as a 
means of reaching all the world's Muslims; most trans- 
lations are printed in Dihli. The entire corpus is col- 
lected in one or two volumes under the title Tablighi 
nisab (officially translated as The teachings of Islam/ Les 
enseignements de I'lslam). These texts are read and re- 
read, memorised and discussed in order to permeate 
the minds of the faithful and to induce them to con- 
form to the prestigious models of the Prophet and his 
Companions. The movement also distributes publica- 
tions of Deoband-affiliated theologians, such as the 
Bihishti zewar of Ashraf 'All ThanawT (1863-1943 [q.v.]); 
broadly it adheres to the teachings of the Deoband 


school, in other words a reformed Hanaff Sunnism 
which eschews the cult of saints but accepts a purified 
form of Sufism. It enjoins an austere practice of Islam, 
with female seclusion, and prohibition of music and 
cinema attendance. 

The organisation of the TablTghT Djama'at is cen- 
tralised and secret. Leadership has been provided since 
its inception by the dynasty of the KandhalawTs, three 
of whose members have so far been chiefs (amir) of 
the movement, with the present collective directorship 
(see above) made up of their offspring; they are based 
at Nizamuddin (Dihli), where they are also buried. 
Here a large building accommodates the central admin- 
istration of the movement and the publishing house 
from which its literature is distributed throughout the 
world. Teams working in other countries are trained 
at this centre. In each country, the TablTghT Djama'at 
has a chief who in his turn delegates authority, by 
stages, to those responsible for provinces, districts and 
towns . . . down to the smallest preaching group of 
some dozen persons, this group too having its own 
hierarchy. Members are trained and indoctrinated; in 
order to progress in the organisation they are required 
to gives pledges of their commitment, devoting a pro- 
portion of their time and their income to missionary 
ventures. Only then are they granted access to the 
inner circles of the movement, the functioning of which 
remains closed to outsiders. The financial apparatus 
of this vast world-wide organisation is also a closely- 
guarded secret. 

This secrecy raises the question of the ultimate 
political motivations of the Tablighl Djama'at. At its 
inception it had the form of a clan-based Sufi 
fraternity; at the end of its universal expansion, its 
functioning is more closely related to that of a sect. 
It exercises considerable worldwide power, with its 
dynamic proselytising, which it conceives as a form 
of djihad [q.v.] enabling it to mobilise millions of per- 
sons on a global scale. It may be wondered whether 
one day it will reveal political ambitions which are 
for the time being disguised. 

Bibliography: Muhammad Ilyas KandhalawT, A 
call to Muslims — message to an All-India Conference of 
Ulama, and the Muslim political leaders at Delhi in 
April 1944, the year of his death, Lyallpur n.d.; idem, 
Makdtib hadrat Mowlam Shah Muhammad Ilyas, ed. 
Abu '1-Hasan 'All Nadwl, Dihlr 1952; Muhammad 
Zakariyya KandhalawT, Tablighl nisab, Dihli n.d. 
(translations: The teachings of Islam, Dihli n.d.; Les 
enseignements de I'Islam, Saint-Denis de la Reunion 
n.d.); Abu '1-Hasan 'All NadwT, life and mission of 
Maulana Mohammad Ilyas, Lucknow 1979 (Urdu origi- 
nal, Hadrat Mawlana Muhammad Ilyas awr un-ki dim 
da'wat, Lucknow 1946); idem, Mawlana Muham- 
mad Zakariyya, Lucknow 1972; Muhammad Thani 
Hasani, Sawanih-i hadrat Mawlana Muhammad Yusuf 
KdndhalawX, Lucknow 1967; M.A. Haq, The faith move- 
ment of Mawlana Muhammad Ilyas, London 1972; 'Aziz 
al-Rahman Bidjnawn, Tadhkira-yi Mawlana Muham- 
mad Tusuf Sahib, Amir-i tab&gh, Bhera (Sargodha, 
Pakistan) 1980; Shams-i Tabriz Khan, Tarikh-i Nad- 
watu 'l-'ulama, ii, Lucknow 1984; Chr. W. Troll, Five 
letters of Maulana Muhammad Ilyas, the founder of the 
Tablighi Jama'at, translated, annotated and introduced, in 
idem (ed.), Islam in India. Studies and commentaries, ii, 
Dihli 1985, 138-76; idem, Two conceptions of da'wd 
in India: Jamd'at-i islami and Tablighi Jama'at, in 
Archives de Sciences Sociaks des Religions, lxxxvii (July- 
Sept. 1994), 1 15-33; G. Kepel, Us banlieues de I'Islam, 
Paris 1987; F. Dassetto, The Tabligh organization in 
Belgium, in T. Gerholm and Y.G. Lithman, The new 

Islamic presence in Europe, London 1988, 159-73; 
M. Ahmad, Islamic fundamentalism in South Asia. The 
Jama'at-i-islami and the Tablighi Jama'at, in M.E. Marty 
and E.S. Appleby (eds.), Fundamentalisms observed, 
Chicago 1991, 457-530; B.D. Metcalf, living Hadith 
in the Tablighi Jama'at, in Jnal. of Asian Studies, lii/3 
(1993), 584-608; eadem, "Remaking oursehes". Islamic 
self-fashioning in a global movement of spiritual renewal, 
in Marty and Appleby (eds.), Accounting for funda- 
mentalisms. The dynamic character of movements, Chicago 
1994, 706-25; P. Lewis, Islamic Britain. Religion, poli- 
tics and identity among British Muslims, London 1994; 
C. Clementin-Ojha and M. Gaborieau, La month du 
proselytisme dans k sous-continent indien, in Archives de 
sciences sociaks des religions, lxxxvii (July-Sept. 1994), 
13-33; Gaborieau, biographies of 'Abdu '1-Rahman 
MewatI, Arshad Peshawarl, Iftikhar FarTdT, Muham- 
mad KandhalawT, Muhammad Ilyas KandhalawT, 
Muhammad Isma'Tl KandhalawT, Muhammad 
Yahya KandhalawT, Muhammad Yusuf KandhalawT, 
Muhammad Zakariyya KandhalawT SaharanpurT, in 
M. Gaborieau, N. Grandin, P. Labrousse and A. Po- 
povic (eds.), Dictionnaire biographique des savants et grandes 
figures du monde musulman periphenque, du XIX' sieck a 
nos jours, i, Paris 1992; idem, Renouveau de I'Islam ou 
strategic politique occulte? La Tabtighi Jama'at dans k 
sous-continent indien et dans k monde, in Clementin- 
Ojha (ed.), Renouveaux religieux en Ask, Paris 1997, 21 1- 
29; idem, The transformation of Tablighi Jama'at into a 
transnational movement under the kadership of Muham- 
mad Yusuf 1944-1965, in M.K. Masud (ed.), Travellers 
in faith. Studies of Tablighi Jama'at as a transnational 
movement for faith renewal, in the press (this collective 
book, which covers the history and the worldwide 
expansion of the movement, is the main reference 
work on the subject); Y.S. Sikand, The fitna of 
irtidad. Muslim missionary response to the Shuddhi of 
Arya Samaj in early twentieth century India, in Journal 
of Muslim Minority Affairs, xvii/1 (1997), 65-82; 
S. Mayaram, Resisting regimes. Myth, memory and the 
shaping of a Muslim identity, Delhi 1997. 

(M. Gaborieau) 
al-TABRISI (TabarsT), Abu Mansur Ahmad b. 'Ali 
b. AbI Talib, Imam! scholar and author. (For 
the vocalisation of his nisba see the next entry.) He 
lived in the first half of the 6th/ 12th century; the 
death-date of ca. 620/1223 given by some late sources 
is probably erroneous. Virtually nothing is known of 
his life; the claim that he hailed from Sariya [q.v.] 
(Kh w ansari, i, 73), like the claim that he was related 
to al-Fadl b. al-Hasan al-TabrisT [q.v.], appears to be 
uncorroborated. He studied with Abu Dja'far MahdT 
b. al-Hasan al-Husaym al-Mar'ashT, and Ibn Shah- 
rashub [q.v.] was among his pupils. Some of his legal 
opinions are cited by later authors, including al-Shahid 
al-Tham [q.v.]. His shrine, in a place named after 
him and today called Karyat Shaykh TabarsT, is located 
near Barfurush [q.v.] in Mazandaran. 

Ibn Shahrashub (in his Ma'alim al-'ulama') lists six 
works by al-TabrisT: K. al-Kafi fi 'l-fikh, al-Ihtidjadj, 
Mafakjxir (Mufakharat) al-talibiyya, Ta'rikh al-a'imma, 
Fada'il al-Zahra' and K. al-Saldt. Of these, only the 
Ihtidjadj (more fully, al-Ihtidjadj 'aid ahl al-ladjdaj) is 
known to have survived. It opens with the text of 
debates which the Prophet held with representatives 
of various religions, but its bulk consists of disputa- 
tions which the Imams and a number of their fol- 
lowers held with opponents of the ShT'a. Also included 
are rescripts from the Twelfth Imam to various ShT'T 
leaders. Al-TabrisT neither identifies his sources nor 
provides the isnads of the traditions cited, except in 

the case of the Tafsir attributed to the Imam al-Hasan 
al-'Askari [q.v.] which, al-Tabrisi explains, is less 
well-known than the other sources he uses (al-Ihtidjddj, 
Beirut 1410/1989, 14; it is cited on pp. 15-55, 235-9, 
319-21, 330-1, 445-61). The Ihtidjadj was particularly 
popular in the Safawid period, when it was twice ren- 
dered into Persian (Storey, i/i, 14, 16). 

Bibliography: Ibn Shahrashub, Ma'alim al-'ulama\ 
Nadjaf 1380/1961, 25, § 125; idem, Manakib al Abi 
Talib, Beirut 1405/1985, i, 12; 'Abd Allah Afandf, 
Riyad al-'ulama', Kumm 1401/1981, i, 48-51; al-Hurr 
al-'Amill, Amal al-amil, Nadjaf 1385/1965, ii, 17; 
MadjlisI, Bihar al-anwar, Tehran 1376-94/1956-74, 
i, 9, 28; YQsuf al-Bahrani, Lu'lu'at al-Bahrayn, Nadjaf 
1386/1966, 341-3; idem, al-Kashkul, Nadjaf 1381/ 
1961, i, 300-3; Tunakabuni, Kisas al-'ulama', n. p. 
1320, 302; al-Kh w ansart, Rawdat al-gjannat, Beirut 
1411/1991, i, 72-4; al-Nurl al-TabarsT, Musladrak 
al-wasa'il, Tehran 1382-4, iii, 485; Mamakanl, Tanklh 
al-makal, Nadjaf 1349-52/1930-3, § 397; Muhsin 
al-Amin, A'yan al-shi'a, ix, Damascus 1357/1938, 
97-101 = Beirut 1406/1986, iii, 29-30; Brockelmann, 
S I, 709; 'Abbas al-Kummf, Fawa'id al-radawiyya, 
Tehran 1367/1948, 19; idem, al-Kuna wa 'l-alkab, 
Beirut 1403/1983, ii, 444-5; Mudarris, Rayhanal 
al-adab, iii, Tehran 1369, 18; Isma'Il al-Baghdadi, 
Hadiyyat al-'arifin, Istanbul 1951-5, i, 91; 'A.A. 
Dihkhuda, iMghat-mma, xxvi, Tehran 1329 .&./1950, 
1 39; H. Kariman, Tabrisi wa Madjma' al-bayan, Tehran 
1340-1 St., i, 180-1, 320-2; Kahhala, Beirut 1414/ 
1993, i, 203; Tihrani, al-Thjkat al-'uyun fi sadis al- 
kurun, Beirut 1392/1972, 11-2. (E. Kohlberg) 
al-TABRISI (Tabarsi), Amin al-Din (or AmIn al- 
Islam) Abu 'Ali al-Fadl b. al-Hasan, I ma mi 
scholar and author. His nisba refers to Tabris 
(Tabrish), which is the Arabicised form of Tafrish, a 
village between Kashan and Isfahan mentioned by 
'Alf b. Zayd al-Bayhaki (d. 565/1169-70) as the place 
of origin of al-Tabrisfs family (Tarikh-i Bayhak, 420). 
The pronunciation Tabarsr was first defended by some 
17th-century Safawid scholars, who took the nisba 
T-b-r-s-r to refer to Tabaristan; and in the following 
two centuries, a number of Shr'I authors actually called 
themselves Tabarsi (see KarTman, i, 166-205, 313-33). 
Al-Tabrisr was born in 470/1077-8 or shortly before 
and grew up in Khurasan. Among his masters were 
'Abd al-Djabbar b. 'Abd Allah al-Mukri' al-RazI (alive 
in 503/1109-10), who was a student of Abu Dja'far 
al-Tusi, and al-Tusi's son Abu 'All al-Hasan b. 
Muhammad (alive 'in 515/1121-2). Some of al'-TabrisI's 
teachers were Sunnls; they included the Kur'an com- 
mentator MahmQd b. Hamza b. Nasr al-Kirmanl 
(d. ca. 500/1 106-7) and the Shafi'I Abu '1-Fath 'Ubayd 
Allah (in most sources, erroneously, 'Abd Allah) b. 
'Abd al-Karlm al-Kushayrl (d. 521/1127), a son of 
the renowned mystic [q.v.]. For many years al-Tabrisr 
lived in Mashhad, where he had close ties with the 
Shr'I Zubara family. In 523/1129 he moved to Sab- 
zawar [q.v.] and taught in the Madrasat Bab al-'Irak. 
He died on 10 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 548/26 February 1 154. 
According to al-Bayhaki, his death occurred in 
Sabzawar, though others maintain that he died in 
Mashhad; but all agree in any event that he was 
buried in Mashhad. Kutb al-Din Muhammad b. 
al-Husayn al-Bayhaki al-Kaydarl (KaydhuiT) (alive in 
610/1213-4) refers to al-Tabrisi as a martyr {shahld), 
and this is repeated by some later biographers, who 
suggest that he was poisoned. His shrine is at Katl- 
gah (or Ghuslgah), said to be the spot where the 
Imam 'Ali al-Rida [q.v.] died (or where his body was 
washed). Al-Tabrisr's students included some of the 

best-known Imami authors of the 6th/ 12th century, 
such as Kutb al-Din al-Rawandl (d. 573/1177-8), 
Muntadjab al-Dm (d. ca. 585/1189), Ibn Shahrashub 
(d. 588/1192) [q.v.] and Shadhan b. DjibraTl al- 
Kummi (alive in 593/1 196-7). Al-Tabrisi was a promi- 
nent jurist, and some of his legal pronouncements are 
cited by later authorities; but he is not known to have 
written a work of fikh. In theology, he broadly fol- 
lowed the Mu'tazill doctrines adopted by his Imami 

The titles of over 20 works by al-Tabrisi are men- 
tioned in the sources (cf. Kariman, i, 260-90). Among 
the best-known are: 

(i) K. Madjma' al-bayan li 'ulum al-Kur'an (or fi ma'ani 
'l-Kur'an/fi tafsir al-kur'an), described by Muntadjab 
al-Din (145) as comprising 10 volumes. It was writ- 
ten for al-Sharif Djalal al-Din Abu Mansur Muham- 
mad b. Yahya b. Hibat Allah al-Husaynl al-Zubari 
(d. 8 Dhu '1-Ka'da 539/2 May 1145) and completed 
on 15 Dhu '1-Ka'da 534/2 July 1140 or 536/11 June 
1142; it eventually became one of the most authori- 
tative Imamf Kur'an commentaries. In the introduc- 
tion, al-Tabrisi acknowledges his debt to al-Tusi's 
K. al-Tibyan, but criticises al-TOsi for including unre- 
liable material and for occasional stylistic infelicities. 
Al-Tabrisi's method is to take up one group of verses 
at a time and discuss kira'at, language and grammar 
before providing a detailed commentary on the text, 
based on both Sunni and Shi'i sources and incorpo- 
rating his own views. 

(ii) al-shafi min kitab al-kashshaf, a one-volume 
Kur'an commentary also known as al-Tafsir al-wadjiz. 
As its title suggests, it is an abridgement of al- 
Zamakhsharf s Kastsiaf—a. work which al-Tabrisi came 
to know and admire after completing the Madjma' 
al-bayan. The Kofi was still available to 'Ali al-Karaki 
[q.v.] (see al-Madjlisi, Bihar al-anwar, cviii, 48). 

(iii) Djawami' al-gjami'. This 4-volume work, also 
known as al-Tafsir al-wasit, was the last to be written 
of the author's three Kur'an commentaries; it was 
composed at the request of al-Tabrisf s son al-Hasan 
and completed in a single year, on 24 Muharram 
543/14 June 1148. The material in the Diawami' is 
culled from both the Maapna' al-bayan and the Kofi. 

(iv) I'lam al-wara bi-a'lam al-huda, written for the 
Ispahbadi 'Ala' al-Dawla 'Ali b. Shahriyar b. Karin 
(r. 51 1-34/1 1 17-40) [see bawand]. It comprises biogra- 
phies of the Prophet, of Fatima and of the Imams, 
and is based on a wealth of Sunni and Shi' I sources. 
This work, under its alternative title Rabi ' al-shi'a, was 
on occasion erroneously attributed to Radi al-Din Ibn 
Tawus (d. 664/1266) (Kohlberg, 65). 

(v) al-Adab al-diniyya li 'l-khizana al-mu'iniyya, a work 
of adab dedicated to Mu'in al-Din Abu Nasr Ahmad 
b. al-Fadl b. Mahmud, who for two years, until his 
assassination by Isma'ill>/a'fs in Rabi' I 521 /March- 
April 1127, was a vizier of the Khurasanian ruler 
Sandjar b. Malikshah (d. 552/1157 [q.v.]). 

(vi) TaaJ al-mawaUd, containing succinct biographi- 
cal information about the Prophet, Fatima and the 
Imams. The work was written in 509/1115-6 (Taaj 
al-mawalid, in Madjmu'a nafisafi ta'rikh al-a'imma, Kumm 
1406/1985-6, 139, 146). 

(vii) Nathr al-la'ati, alphabetically arranged apo- 
thegms of 'All. It is sometimes confused with a work 
of the same title by 'All b. Fadl Allah al-Rawandi 
(alive in 589/1193) (Kohlberg, 298-9). 

All of these, with the possible exception of the Kofi, 

Al-Tabrisi wrote abridgements (ikhtiydrat) of various 
works, including (besides the Kafi) the Muktasad fi 


'l-nahw of 'Abd al-Kahir al-Djurdjanl (d. 471/1078) 
[q.v., in Suppl.] and the Shark al-Hamasa of al-Marzukl 
(d. 421/1030) [q.v.]. He appears to have also written 
his own commentary on the Hamasa, entitled al-Bahir 
ft shark al-Hamasa, of which an incomplete manuscript 
survives (see H. Ritter, in Oriens, ii [1949], 259, whence 
F. Sezgin, GAS, ii, 71, no. 26; see also Brockelmann, 
S I, 40). 

Prominent scholars among al-Tabrisfs descendants 
include his son Radi al-Din Abu Nasr al-Hasan b. 
al-Fadl (J. mid-6th/12th century), author of' Makarim 
al-akhlak, and his grandson Abu '1-Fadl 'All b. al-Hasan 
(Jl. late 6th/ 12th century), author of Mishkat al-amvdr. 
Bibliography: 'Abd al-Djalll al-KazwInl, K. al- 
Nakd, ed. Djalal al-Din Husayni Urmawi, Tehran 
1331 &/1952, 304; BayhakI, Tarlkh-i Bayhak, 
ed. K. Husayni Haydarabad 1388/1968, 420-1; 
Muntadjab al-Din Ibn Babawayh, Fihrist, ed. 'A.-'A. 
al-Tabataba'I, Beirut 1406/1986, 144-5; Ibn Shah- 
rashub, Ma'alim al-'ulama', Nadjaf 1380/1961, 135, 
§ 920; idem, Manakib al Abi Talib, Beirut 1405/ 
1985, i, 11, 12; Tafrishi, Nakd al-ri&dl, Tehran 
1318/1900-1, 266; Madjlisi, Bihar al-anwar, Tehran 
1376-94/1956-74, i, 9, cv, 259-61; 'Abd Allah 
Afandr, Riyad al-'ulama', Kumm 1401, iv, 340-59; 
al-Hurr al-'Amill, Amal al-amil, Nadjaf 1385, ii, 
216-7; YQsuf al-Bahram, Lu'lu'at al-Bahrayn, Nadjaf 
1386/1966, 346-8; Tunakabunl, Kisas al-'ulama', n. 
p. 1320, 301; Kh w ansarl, Rawdat al-ajannat, Beirut 
1411/1991, v, 342-9; al-Nurf al-Tabarsi, Mustadrak 
al-wasa'il, Tehran 1382-4, iii, 486-7; Mamakanl, 
Tanklh al-makal, Nadjaf 1349-52/1930-3, § 9461; 
Muhsin al-Amin, A'yan al-shl'a, xlii, Beirut 1377/ 
1958, 276-82 = Beirut 1406/1986, viii, 398-401; 
Brockelmann, I, 513-14, S I, 708-9; 'Abbas al- 
Kumml, al-Kuna wa 'l-alkab, Beirut 1403/1983, ii, 
444; idem, Fawa'id al-radawiyya, Tehran 1367/1948, 
350-2; Storey, i/i, 176, i/ii, 1197, 1252; Mudarris, 
Rayhanat al-adab, iii, Tehran 1369, 18-21; Isma'il al- 
Baghdadl, Hadiyyat al-'arifin, Istanbul 1951-5, i, 820; 
'A.A. Dihkhuda, Lughat-nama, xxvi, Tehran 1329 ffl./ 
1950, 140; H. Kariman, Tabrisi wa Ma&ma' al-bayan, 
Tehran 1340-1 St; Kahhala, Beirut 1414/1993, ii, 
622; M.H. al-Dhahabl, al-Tqfslr wa 'l-mufassirun, 
Cairo 1381/1961-2, ii, 99-144; al-Tihranl, al-Jhikat 
al-'uyun fl sadis al-kuriin, Beirut 1392/1972, 216-7; 
Musa O.A. Abdul, The unnoticed mufassir Shaykh Taiarst, 
in Id xv (1971), 96-105; idem, The Mqjma' al-Bayan 
o/Tabarsl, in I& xv (1971), 106-20; idem, The Qur'an: 
Shaykh Tabarsi's commentary, Lahore 1977; E. Kohlberg, 
A medieval Muslim scholar at wort Ibn Tawus and his 
library, Leiden 1992, index. (E. Kohlberg) 

TABRISI (Tabarsi), HAgDj Mirza Husayn b. 
Muhammad TakT Nun (1254-1320/1839-1902) Ithna- 
'ashan Shr'T scholar and divine considered by 
some to have been the greatest Sht'i exponent of 
haMth and akhbar since Muhammad Bakir al-MadjlisI 
(d. 1699 [q.v.]). Tabrisi first studied in his home prov- 
ince of Nur in northern Persia under Shaykh 'Abd 
al-Rahman BurudjirdT, with whom he later travelled 
to the ShT'7 shrine centres in 'Irak. He studied in 
Nadjaf, Karbala' and Samarra for several years (with 
intervals in Persia) under Shaykh 'Abd al-Husayn al- 
Tihranl (known as Shaykh al-'Irakayn), as well as 
under the two leading marddji' of the day, Shaykh 
Murtada al-Ansan and Mirza Hasan Shlrazl. He 
died in Nadjaf on 21 Djumada II 1320/25 September 

Tabrisfs scholarly interests lay mainly in the spheres 
of biography and tradition, specialising in the lives of 
'ulama", muhaddithun and ruwat. His books include Nqfs 

al-Rahman, a biography of Salman al-Farisi; al-Fayd 
al-kudsl, a biography of Muhammad Bakir al-Madjlisr; 
Ma'alim al-'abr, a continuation of vol. xvii of Madjlisi's 
Bihar al-anwar; and the well-known Mustadrak al-wasa'il 
wa mustanbat al-masa'il (3 vols., Tehran 1311-21), a con- 
tinuation of al-Hurr al-'Amili's hadlth collection the 
Tafstl wasa'il al-SM'a. 

Bibliography: Mihdr Bamdad, Tarlkh-i ridjal-i 
Iran, i, Tehran, 1347 ^./1969, 430; Miraa Muham- 
mad Mihdi al-Lakhnawi al-Kashmin, Nua^um al- 
sama': takmila, 2 vols., Kum 1396/1976, ii, 210-15; 
Muhammad Hasan Khan I'timad al-Saltana, Kitdb 
al-Ma'athir wa 'l-athar, Tehran 1306/1889, 155-6; 
Murtada al-Ansan, ^indiganl wa shakhsiyyat-i Shqyth-i 
Ansari, PTehran 1380/1960-1, 257-60. 

(D. MacEoin) 
TABRIZ, the traditional capital of the 
Persian province of Adharbaydjan [q.v.] and 
now the administrative centre of the ustdn of eastern 
Adharbaydjan (lat. 38° 05' N., long. 46° 18' E., alti- 
tude ca. 1,340 m/4,400 feet). 
1. Geography and history. 
Geographical position. The town lies in the 
eastern corner of the alluvial plain sloping slightly to- 
wards the north-east bank of Lake Urmiya. The plain 
is watered by several streams, the chief of which is 
the Adji cay ("bitter river") which, rising in the south- 
west face of Mount Sawalan, runs along the Karadja 
dagh which forms a barrier on the south and enter- 
ing the plain runs around on the north-west suburbs 
of the town. The left bank tributary of the Adji cay, 
Mihran rud (now the Maydan cay), runs through the 
town. Immediately to the north-east of the town rise 
the heights of 'Aynali-Zaynali (the ziyarat of 'Awn b. 
'All and Zayd b. 'All) which (6,000 feet) form 'a link 
between the mountain system of the Karadja dagh 
(in the north and north-east) and the outer spurs of 
the Sahand whose peaks (about 30 miles south of the 
town) reach a height of 11,500 feet. As the Karadja 
dagh is a very wild and mountainous region and the 
great massif of Sahand fills the whole area between 
Tabriz and Maragha, the site of Tabriz is the only 
suitable pass for communications between east and 
north. Lastly, as the outer spurs of the Sahand leave 
a rather narrow couloir along the east bank of Lake 
Urmiya, communication between north (Transcaucasia, 
Karadja dagh) and the south (Maragha, Kurdistan) 
must also take place via Tabriz. 

This fortunate position predestined Tabriz to be- 
come the centre of the vast and rich province lying 
between Turkey and the former Russian Transcaucasia 
and in general one of the most important cities between 
Istanbul and India (only Tiflis, Tehran, Isfahan and 
Baghdad fall into the same category). 

The climate of Tabriz is very severe in winter with 
heavy snowfalls. In summer, the heat is tempered by 
the proximity of the Sahand and by the presence of 
numerous gardens about the town. The climate is on 
the whole healthy. 

One feature of Tabriz is the frequent earthquakes. 
The most formidable took place in 244/858, in 434/ 
1042 (mentioned by Nasir-i Khusraw in his Safar-nama 
and predicted by the astronomer Abu Tahir Shlrazt), 
in 1641, in 1727, in 1780, etc. Seismic shocks are of 
everyday occurrence at Tabriz; they may be due to 
the volcanic activity of the Sahand. See further, N.N. 
Ambraseys and C.P. Melville, A history of Persian earth- 
quakes, Cambridge 1982, 37 ff., 57, 62. 

The fortifications of the town were razed to the 
ground in the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah. The part 
of the town called the Kal'a is therefore no longer 

of the town and the south-east. The tendency of the 
city is to extend to the west and south-west. 

The name. According to Yakut, Buldan, i, 822, 
the name of the town is pronounced Tibriz. Yakut 
gives as his authority Abu Zakariyya' al-TabrlzI 
(a pupil of Abu 'l-'Ala' al-Ma'arri [q.v.], of whom we 
know that he spoke the local Iranian dialect (see Say- 
yid Ahmad Kisrawi TabrizI, Adhari ya zaban-i bastan-i 
Adharbayagan, Tehran 1304/1925, 11). The pronunci- 
ation Tibriz must be one of the peculiarities of this 
dialect which is related to those called "Caspian", or, 
more probably, Arabic purism assimilating it to the 
fi'ttl form of the noun. The modern pronunciation is 
exclusively Tabriz (or with a metathesis typical of the 
Turkish dialect, now predominant throughout Adhar- 
baydjan: Tarblz). The Armenian sources confirm the 
pronunciation with a. The popular Persian etymology 
explains Tabriz as "making fever run" (- disappear) 
(Ewliya Celebi: sitma ddkudju), but it is possible that 
the name rather means "that which makes the heat 
disappear", in some connection with the volcanic activ- 
ities of the Sahand. The Armenian orthography reflects 
the peculiarities of Northern Pahlavi T'avrez and this 
suggests the origin of the name may go back to a very 
early period, pre-Sasanid and perhaps pre-Arsacid. 

History. The identification of Tabriz with some 
ancient city of Media has given rise to much dis- 
cussion (cf. the resume in Ritter, Erdkunde, ix, 770-9). 
According to the Armenian historian Vardan (14th 
century), Tabriz was founded on Persian territory by 
the Arshakid Armenian Khusraw (217-33) as an act of 
revenge against the first Sasanid king Ardashlr (224- 
41), who had killed the last Parthian king Artabanus; 
this story is not found in any ancient source and is 
probably to be explained by popular etymology. 

Arab rule. During the conquest of Adharbaydjan 
by the Arabs (ca. 22/642) the principal efforts of the 
latter were directed against Ardabil. Tabriz is not 
mentioned among the towns from which the Persian 
Marzuban had levied his troops (al-Baladhuri, Futuh, 
326). After the devastation mentioned by Faustus of 
Byzantium (4th century), Tabriz must have become a 
mere village. The later legend (Mustawfi, Nuzhat al- 
kulub, 730/1340) of the "building" of Tabriz in 175/ 
791 by Zubayda, wife of Harun al-Rashid, is perhaps 
based on the fact that after the sequestration of 
the Umayyad estates Zubayda had received Warthan 
(in Adharbaydjan on the Araxes). According to al- 
Baladhuri, 331 and Ibn al-Fakih, 285 (cf. also Yakut, 
i, 822), the rebuilding of Tabriz was the work of the 
family of al-Rawwad al-Azdl and particularly of the 
latter's sons, al-Wadjna' and others who built the walls 
round the town. Al-Tabari (iii, 1171 = Ibn al-Athlr, 
vi, 315) speaking of the rebellion of Babak (201-20/ 
816-35 [q.v]) mentions among his conquerors a cer- 
tain Muhammad b. Ba'Ith, owner of two castles: Shahl, 
which he had taken from al-Wadjna', and Tabriz (no 
details given). 

When Ibn Khurradadhbih, 119, wrote (232/840), 
Tabriz belonged to Muhammad b. al-Rawwad. In 244 
the town was destroyed by an earthquake but rebuilt 
before the end of the reign of al-Mutawakkil (232- 
47/847-61). Tabriz seems then to have changed hands 
several times, for, according to al-Istakhri (ca. 340/ 
951), 181, the strip of territory which included Tabriz, 
Djabrawan (or Dih-Kharrakan?) and Ushnuh bore the 
name of the ruling tribe BanQ Rudaynl, which had 
already disappeared by the time of Ibn Hawkal (ca. 
367/978), 289. These owners seem to have ruled in 

practical independence, for the history of the Sadjids 
[q.v.] (lords of Adharbaydjan 276-317/889-929) con- 
tains no reference to their intervention in the affairs 
of Tabriz. 

After the disappearance of the Sadjids, Adharbay- 
djan became the arena of numerous struggles. A for- 
mer governor for the Ziyarid Mardawldj, Lashkari b. 
Mardi, had seized the province in 326/938. He was 
driven out by the Kurd Daysam, who soon came into 
conflict with the DaylamI Musafirids [q.v.]. The peo- 
ple of Tabriz invited Daysam into their town, which 
was at once besieged by the Musafirid al-Marzuban. 
Daysam left Tabriz, and the rule of al-Marzuban was 
proclaimed in all the towns of Adharbaydjan (ca. 

The end of the Musafirid dynasty is not quite clear, 
but their successors the Rawwadids [q.v.] can be traced 
at Tabriz down to 446/1054. The following events 
are connected with these Rawwadls: in 420/1029, 
Wahsudan b. Mahlan (Mamlan?) had a large number 
of Ghuzz chiefs massacred at Tabriz (Ibn al-Athrr, 
ix, 279); in 434/1043 an earthquake destroyed Tabriz, 
and the amir (probably the same one) went to his 
other strongholds for fear of al-Ghuzz al-Saldjukiyya 
(ibid., 351); in 438/1046-7 Nasir-i Khusraw found in 
Tabriz a king Sayf al-Dawla wa-Sharaf al-Milla Abu 
Mansur Wahsudan b. Muhammad (Mamlan?) Mawla 
Amir al-Mu'mimn; in 446/1054 the Saldjuk Toghril 
received the submission of the lord of Tabriz, al-Amlr 
Abu Mansur b. Muhammad al-Rawwadi (ibid., ix, 410). 

The geographers and travellers. While Ibn 
Khurradadhbih, 119, al-Baladhuri, 331, al-Tabari, iii, 
1171, Ibn al-Fakih, 285, and even al-Istakhri, 181, 
simply mention Tabriz among the little towns of 
Adharbaydjan, al-MukaddasI already sings the praises 
of Tabriz, and his contemporary Ibn H aw kal (ca. 367/ 
978) considers it the most prosperous town in Adhar- 
baydjan, with a busy trade. Miskawayh (d. 421/1030) 
calls Tabriz a "noble city with a strong wall, sur- 
rounded by woods and gardens", and its inhabi- 
tants "brave, martial and rich". According to Nasir-i 
Khusraw, the area occupied by the town in 438/ 
1046-7 was 1,400 x 1,400 paces, which is only about 
a third of a square mile. 

Saldjuk period. Tabriz is very rarely mentioned 
in the history of the Great Saldjuks. In the vicinity 
of the town, Toghril celebrated his marriage with the 
caliph's daughter (Rawandl, Rahat al-sudur, 1 1 1). During 
his struggle with his brother Muhammad, Berk-yaruk 
retired in 494/1101 to the mountainous region to the 
south of Tabriz, but at the reconciliation of the broth- 
ers, Tabriz fell to Muhammad, who appointed Sa'd 
al-Mulk as wazlr there (498/1104-5). In 505/1111-12 
we find Amir Sukman al-Kutbi mentioned as lord of 
Tabriz, i.e. the founder of the dynasty of Shahs of 
Armenia (Shah-i Arman [q.v.]), which ruled at Akhlat 

Under the branch of the Saldjuks of 'Irak, whose 
capital was at Hamadan, Adharbaydjan played a more 
important part. In 514/1120 Sultan Mahmud spent 
some time at Tabriz to calm the inhabitants, who 
were alarmed at the inroads of the Georgians. The 
name of the Atabeg of Adharbaydjan at this period 
was Kiin-toghdi. After his death (515/1 121), the Amir 
of Maragha Ak-Sunkur Ahmadlli endeavoured to get 
Tabriz out of the hands of Toghril (brother of the 
sultan), but these intrigues came to nought. Mahmud 
appointed to Adharbaydjan the Amir Djuyush of Maw- 
sil, who was killed at the gate of Tabriz in 516/1 122. 
After the death of Mahmud (525/1131), his brother 
Mas'ud occupied Tabriz and was besieged there by 

Dawud, son of Mahmud. Finally, DawQd established 
himself in Tabriz and from this town ruled (526-33/ 
1 1 32-9) a great fief composed of Adharbaydjan, Arran 
and Armenia. Adharbaydjan and Arran were later 
entrusted to Toghril I's old slave, the Atabeg Kara 
Sunkur whose capital seems to have been at Ardabfl 
(Ibn al-Athir, xi, 52). After his death in 535/1140-1, 
the Amir Dja'ull (Cawli) al-Toghrill succeeded him, but 
we soon find Ildegfz [q.v.], the founder of the dynasty 
of Atabegs which ruled the province till 622/ 
1225, established in Adharbaydjan. The centre of Ilde- 
glzid power was at first to the north-west of Adharbay- 
djan, while Tabriz became part of the possessions of 
the Ahmadlll [q.v.] Amirs of Maragha, for it was not 
till 570/ 1 1 74-5 that the Atabeg Pahlawan b. Ildegiz 
[q.v.] took Tabriz from Falak al-Dln, grandson of Ak 
Sunkur b. Ahmadll, and gave it to his brother Kizil 
Arslan. It was during the period that Kizil Arslan was 
Atabeg (582-87/1186-91) that Tabriz definitely took 
its place as the capital of Adharbaydjan. 

In 602/1205-6 the Amir Kara Sunkur 'Ala' al-Dln 
Ahmadlll, in alliance with the Atbeg of Ardabll, made 
an attempt to retake Tabriz from Kizil Arslan's suc- 
cessor, the bon-vivant Abu Bakr. The attempt failed, 
and Kara Sunkur lost Maragha. 

The Ildeglzids lived in great style, as we may judge 
from the odes addressed to them by poets like NizamI 
and Khakani [?.»».], but of their buildings we only 
know the remains at Nakhciwan [q.v.]. 

The Mongols. The Mongols made their appear- 
ance before the walls of Tabriz in the winter of 617/ 
1220-1. The incapable Ildeglzid Atabeg Ozbeg b. 
Pahlawan obtained their departure by paying a heavy 
ransom. Next year, the Mongols came back again. 
The Atabeg fled to Nakhciwan, but a resistance was 
organised by the valiant Shams al-Dln al-Tughra'T 
and the Mongols departed with a new ransom, after 
which Ozbeg returned to Tabriz. In 621/1224 a new 
horde arrived from Mongolia and demanded from 
Ozbeg the surrender of all the Kh w arazmians in 
Tabriz. Ozbeg hastened to yield to this demand. 

Djalal al-Dln. The Kh w arazm Shah soon arrived 
from Maragha and on 27 Radjab 622/15 July 1225 
gained admittance to the town, which Ozbeg had 
again abandoned. The inhabitants were glad to find 
a valiant defender, especially as Djalal al-Dln was 
soon to show his energy by an expedition against 
Tiflis and by the punishment of the marauding Tur- 
komans of the tribe of Aywa (al-Aywa'iyya). Djalal 
al-Dln having married the malika, the former wife of 
Ozbeg, held Tabriz for six years, but towards the 
close of this period, his position was seriously com- 
promised by his failures as well as by his personal 
conduct (Ibn al-Athir, xii, 323). As early as 627/1230, 
a Turkoman chief of the tribe of Kush-yalwa (?), a 
chief of Ruyindiz (near Maragha), dared to plunder 
the environs of Tabriz. In 628/1231 Djalal al-Dln 
left Adharbaydjan and the Mongols conquered the 
whole province, including the town of "Tabriz which 
is the very heart (as!) of the country [for] every one 
is dependent on it and on those who live there" (Ibn 
al-Athir, xii, 328). The malik of the Mongols (Djurma- 
ghun noyin) sent for the notables, levied a heavy 
indemnity, ordered the weavers to make khata'l stuffs 
for the use of the great king (Ogedey) and fixed the 
amount of the annual tribute. From the time of Giiyiik, 
the effective rule of Arran and Adharbaydjan was in 
the hands of Malik Sadr al-Dln, a Persian ally of the 
Mongols (see Djuwaynl-Boyle, ii, 518). 

The Mongol Il-Khans. After the taking of 
Baghdad in 654/1256, Hiilegii went to Adharbaydjan 

and settled at Maragha [q.v.]. In 661/1263, after the 
defeat inflicted on him in the northern Caucasus by 
Berke's troops, Hiilegii returned to Tabriz and mas- 
sacred the merchants there of Kipcak origin. In 662/ 
1264, at the re-distribution of the fiefs, Hiilegii con- 
firmed Malik Sadr al-Dln in the governorship of the 
province of Tabriz. 

Tabriz became the official capital under Abaka 
(663-80/1265-82) and kept this position under his suc- 
cessors till the coming of Oldjeytii. In 688/1289 under 
Arghun, the Jewish vizier Sa'd al-Dawla appointed his 
cousin Abu Mansur to Tabriz. Under Gaykhatu, the 
revenues of the province of Tabriz were estimated at 
80 tumans. In 693/1294 Tabriz was the scene of a 
rebellion as a result of the introduction of a paper 
currency {Sao). It was in the reign of Ghazan Khan 
that Tabriz attained its greatest splendour. This mon- 
arch entered Tabriz in 694/1295 and took up his 
abode in the palace built by Arghun in the village of 
Sham to the west of the town, on the left bank of 
the Adji cay. Orders were at once given to destroy the 
temples of idols, churches and synagogues, and fire- 
altars. These orders are said to have been revoked 
in the next year on the appeal of the Armenian king 
Hethum. In 699/1299 on his return from the Syrian 
campaign, Ghazan began a whole series of buildings. 
He intended Sham, already mentioned, as the site of 
his eternal rest. A building was erected there higher 
than the gunbad of Sultan Sandjar at Marw, which 
was then considered the highest building in the Muslim 
world. Besides this mausoleum, which was crowned 
by a dome, there was a mosque, two madrasas (one 
Shafi'i and the other Hanafi), a hostel for Sayyids 
{dar al-siyada), a hospital, an observatory like that at 
Maragha, a library, archives, a building for the officers 
of these establishments, a cistern for drinking-water and 
baths with hot water. Wakfs, the revenues from which 
amounted to 100 tumans of gold (Wassaf), were set 
aside for the maintenance of these foundations. At each 
of the gates of the new town was built a caravanserai, 
a market and baths. Fruit trees were brought from 
distant lands. 

In the town of Tabriz itself, great improvements 
were also made. Hitherto its wall {baru) was only 6,000 
gam ("paces"). Ghazan gave it a new wall 25,000 gams 
in length (4V 2 farsakhs). All the gardens and the Kuh-i 
Waliyan and Sandjaran quarters were incorporated 
in the town. Within the wall on the slopes of the 
Kuh-i Waliyan (now Kuh-i Surkhab or 'Aynali-Zaynali) 
a series of fine buildings was erected by the famous 
vizier Rashld al-Dln, and the quarter was therefore 
known as Rab'-i Rashjdl {Mzhat al-kulub, 76, tr. 79- 
80). We have a letter from Rashld al-Dln in which 
he asks his son to send him from Rum 40 young 
men and women to people one of the villages in the 
new quarter; cf. Browne, LHP, iii, 82. 

As if to emphasise the fact that Tabriz was the 
real centre of the empire which stretched from the Oxus 
to Egypt, the gold and silver coins and the measures 
(kila, gaz) were standardised according to the standards 
of Tabriz (d'Ohsson, Hist, des Mongols, iv, 144, 271-7, 
350, 466-9). 

Tabriz was also at this time an important focus of 
Muslim literature, spirituality and mysticism, eulogised 
by RumI in his Mathnaxm, Book VI, w. 3106-5, tr. 
Nicholson, vi, 429-30. The Sufi poet Mahmud Shabis- 
tari (d. ca. 718-20/1317-20 [q.v.] came from a small 
town near Lake Urmiya and lived and worked at 
Tabriz amongst other places (see L. Lewisohn, The 
political milieu of Mongol Persia, in Beyond faith and infi- 
delity. The Sufi poetry and teachings of Mahmud Shabistari, 

London 1995, 55-103), and another notable Sufi" master 
of Tabriz was Kh w adja Muhammad b. Sadlk Kudjudji 
(d. 677/1279), whose descendants were later shaykh 
al-islams in Tabriz under the early Djalayirids, the 
TTmurids and the early Safawids (see J. Aubin, Eludes 
safavides. I. Shah Isma'll et les notables de I'Iraq person, in 
JESHO, ii [1959], 60-3, and Lewisohn, Palasi's mem- 
oir of Shaykh Kujufi, a Persian Sufi of the thirteenth century, 
in JRAS, 3rd ser, vi [1996], 345-66). 

In 703/1304 Ghazan Khan was buried with great 
ceremony in the mausoleum of Sham. In 705/1307 
his successor Oldjeytii conceived the idea of creating 
a new capital at Sultaniyya [</.».]. It was, however, 
not easy to move the inhabitants, as in 715/1315 we 
stall find the ambassador from the Ozbegs of Kipcak 
following the route by Tabriz instead of the shorter 
Mughan-Ardabil-Sultaniyya. It is also noteworthy 
that Tadj al-Din 'All Shah (vizier from 711/1312) 
had begun the construction of a magnificent mosque 
at Tabriz (outside the Mihad-mihih quarter). 

In 717/1317 under Abu Sa'Td, the retiring vizier 
Rashrd al-Din went to Tabriz and only left it the 
following year to meet his fate. His property was con- 
fiscated and Rab'-i RashldT sacked (Browne, LHP, iii, 
71). His son Ghiyath al-Din, who was called to power 
by AbQ Sa'Td himself, continued to enlarge Rab'-i 
RashldT. The capital continued to be Sultaniyya, judg- 
ing from the fact that Abu Sa'Td was buried there 
in a mausoleum which he himself had ordered to be 
built (d'Ohsson, iv, 720). 

When in 736/1336 his successor Arpa lost the 
batde of Taghatu (this to be read for Baghatu), his 
vizier Ghiyath al-Din was killed by the conqueror 'Air 
Padshah Oyrat. The property of the family of Rashid 
al-Din was plundered by the people of Tabriz, and 
valuable collections and precious books disappeared 

The Djalayirs and the Cobanids. In the 
midst of the anarchy which followed these events we 
have the rise of the Djalayir [q.v.] dynasty, whose for- 
tunes were closely associated with Tabriz. In 736/1336 
Hasan Buzurg Djalayir established on the throne of 
Tabriz his candidate Sultan Muhammad. In spite of 
its temporary nature, this episode marks the restora- 
tion of its primacy to the old capital. The Cobanid 
Hasan Kucik soon appeared on the scene with his 
own candidates. Hasan Buzurg retired to Baghdad and 
Hasan Kucik (740/1340) put on the throne Sulayman 
Khan with rule over 'Irak-i 'Adjam, Adharbaydjan, 
Arran, Mughan and Georgia. The successor of Hasan 
Kucik, his brother Ashraf, in 744/1344 proclaimed a 
new puppet, Anushirwan, whom he relegated to Sul- 
taniyya while he himself remained in Tabriz as the 
real ruler and extended his authority as far as Fars. 
His cruelty and exactions provoked an "intervention 
in the cause of humanity" by Djani Beg Khan of the 
Blue Horde (Eastern Kipcak). Ashraf was defeated at 
Khoy and Marand and his head suspended over the 
door of a mosque in Tabriz (756/1355). The vizier 
Akhidjuk whom Djani Beg had left in Adharbaydjan 
found his authority disputed on several sides. Tabriz 
was temporarily occupied by the Djalayir Uways b. 
Hasan Buzurg who came from Baghdad. Hardly had 
he been driven out by Akhidjuk than the MuzafFarid 
of Fars, Mubariz al-Din Muhammad, quarrelling with 
Djani Beg, who had called upon him to recognise his 
suzerainty, arrived from Shiraz, defeated Akhidjuk at 
Miyana and seized Tabriz in 758/1357. After two 
years he retired before Uways, who soon afterwards 
reoccupied Tabriz and slew Akhidjuk. 

When the news of the death of Uways (776/1377) 

reached Fars, the Muzaffarid Shah Shudja', who had 
succeeded Mubariz al-Din, set out from Shiraz to 
take Tabriz. Husayn, son of Uways, was defeated and 
Tabriz occupied, but after a few months, a rebellion 
having broken out at Udjan, forced Shudja' to evac- 
uate the town which Husayn reoccupied without strik- 
ing a blow. Sultaniyya seems to have marked the 
limits of the lands of the MuzafFarids in the north- 
west (Ta'nkh-i guzida, ed. Browne, 723-5). In 784/1382 
Husayn Djalayir was slain at Tabriz, and his brother 
Ahmad succeeded him in Adharbaydjan. but his rule 
was to be brief, for Tlmur soon after appeared on 
the scene. 

In spite of all the vicissitudes of their intermittent 
rule, the Djalayirs were able to gain the sympathy of 
the people of Tabriz. Their rights were implicidy 
recognised by the lords of Shlrwan and the Kara 
Koyunlu. Among their buildings in Tabriz are recorded 
their mausoleum Dimishkiyya and a large building by 
Sultan Uways, which, according to Clavijo contained 
20,000 chambers ("camaras apartadas e apartamien- 
tos") and was called Dawlat-khana ("Tolbatgana . . . 
la casa de la ventura"). 

The period of TimOr. During his first inva- 
sion of Persia (786/1384), Tlmur returned to Samar- 
kand after taking Sultaniyya. His great rival Toktamish 
Khan of the Golden Horde at once sent an expedi- 
tion against Adharbaydjan via Darband in 787/1385. 
The invaders took Tabriz, which was badly defended 
by Amir Wall (the former lord of Djurdjan driven 
out by Tlmur) and the Khan of Khalkhal, plundered 
the inhabitants, carried off prisoners (including the 
poet Kamal Khudjandl) and returned to Darband 
(Yazdl, Zafor-nama, i, 392; Browne, LHP, iii, 321). 

Hardly had Sultan Ahmad Djalayir recovered Tabriz 
than he was driven out again by Tlmur (788/1386), 
who came on the pretext of protecting the Muslims. 
Tlmur encamped at Sham-Ghazan and levied an 
indemnity (mal-i arnan) on the people of Tabriz (see 
Yazdl, i, 326). 

In 795/1392 the "fief of Hulegu" {takht-i Hulagu), 
consisting of Adharbaydjan, al-Rayy, Gilan, Shlrwan. 
Darband and the lands of Asia Minor, was granted 
to Mlran Shah (ibid., ii, 623) and Tabriz became the 
capital of this territory. Three years later, this prince 
became insane and committed a series of insensate 
actions (execution of innocent people, destruction of 
buildings; ibid., ii, 200, 213, and Browne, op. cit., iii, 
71). Tlmur immediately on his return from India set 
out for Adharbaydjan in 802/1399-1400 and executed 
those who shared in Mlran Shah's debauches. 

In 806/1403-4, Mlrza 'Umar, son of Mlran Shah, 
was placed at the head of the "fief of Hulegu" and 
the lands conquered by Tlmur in the west. His father 
Mlran Shah (in Arran) and his brother Abu Bakr (in 
'Irak) were placed under the authority of Mlrza 'Umar. 
After the death of Tlmur, a long struggle began be- 
tween 'Umar and Abu Bakr. In 808/1405-6, Abu 
Bakr succeeded in levying on Tabriz a tribute of 200 
'Iraki tumans. 'Umar returned to Tabriz, but his Tur- 
komans harassed the people and AbQ Bakr regained 
the town. Hardly had he left Tabriz than the Turko- 
man rebel Bistam PjagTr entered it but hurriedly 
retreated on the approach of Shaykh Ibrahim of Shlr- 
wan [q.v]. In 809/1406-7 the latter handed over 
Tabriz to Ahmad Djalayir as to its true sovereign 
and the inhabitants showed great joy on this occasion; 
see 'Abd al-Razzak Samarkandl, Math' al-sa'dayn, tr. 
Quatremere, 109. On 8 RabI' I, Abu Bakr was again 
at Sham-Ghazan. but did not dare go into the city 
where the plague was raging. 

A short time before these latter happenings, the 
Ambassador of Henry III of Castile, Clavijo, spent 
some time in Tabriz (in 1404 and with intervals 1405, 
i.e. from the end of 806 to the beginning of 808 
A.H.). In spite of the trials it had undergone, the 
town was very busy and conducted considerable trade. 
Clavijo speaks highly of the streets, markets and build- 
ings of Tabriz. 

The Kara Koyunlu [q.v.]. On 1 Djumada I 809/ 
14 October 1406, Kara Yusuf, the Kara Koyunlu Tur- 
koman, inflicted a defeat on Abu Bakr, who in his 
retreat handed Tabriz over to plunder, and nothing 
escaped the rapacity of his army (Matla' al-sa'dayn, 110). 
Kara Yusuf advanced as far as Sultaniyya and carried 
off the population of this town to Tabriz, Ardabfl 
and Maragha. Abu Bakr soon returned to Adharbay- 
djan, but Kara Yusuf assisted by Bistam defeated him 
at Sardarud (5 miles south of Tabriz). Mlran Shah 
fell in this batde and was buried at Tabriz in the 
cemetery of Surkhab. 

Kara Yusuf, remembering the agreements on the 
redistribution of the territory made with Sultan Ahmad 
Djalayir at the time when both were in exile in Egypt, 
had recourse to a stratagem. With great ceremony, he 
put on the throne of Tabriz his son Plr Budak who 
was regarded as Ahmad's adopted son (according to 
the Math' al-sa'dayn, Kara Yusuf did not give the title 
of Khan to Plr Budak till 814/1411-12). Ahmad to 
outward appearance resigned himself to this arrange- 
ment but, when Kara Yusuf was absent in Armenia, 
he occupied Tabriz. Ahmad was finally defeated in 
battle (28 Rabl' II 813/30 August 1410). He was exe- 
cuted by Kara Yusuf and buried in the Dimishkiyya 
beside his father and mother. Once more the sympa- 
thies of the people of Tabriz were with the last 
Djalayir king; cf. Huart, La fin de la dynastk des Ilkhaniens, 
in JA [1876], 316-62. 

Tabriz is regularly mentioned as the centre from 
which Kara Yusuf sent out his expeditions. The Timu- 
rid Shah Rukh, fearing the influence of Kara Yusuf 
in 817/1414, undertook his first expedition against 
him but did not advance beyond al-Rayy (Matla' al- 
sa'dayn, 238, 250). When in 823/1420 he was renew- 
ing his attempt, news reached him of the death of 
Kara Yusuf (on 7 Dhu '1-Ka'da 823/12 November 
1420). Anarchy broke out in the Turkoman camp, 
and a week later Mirza Baysunghur occupied Tabriz. 
Shah Rukh arrived there in the summer of 824/1421 
after defeating in Armenia the sons of Kara Yusuf. 
In 832/1429 Iskandar, son of Kara Yusuf, seized Sul- 
taniyya. Shah Rukh again arrived at Sham-Ghazan 
at the head of an army and inflicted a defeat on the 
Kara Koyunlu at Salinas. In the winter of 833/1429- 
30 Adharbaydjan was given to Abu Sa'id b. Kara 
Yusuf, who had come to pay homage to Shah Rukh. 
In the following year he was slain by his brother Is- 
kandar. In the winter of 838/1434, Shah Rukh came 
to Adharbaydjan for the third time. Iskandar thought 
it wiser to retire before him, but his brother Djahan 
Shah hastened to join Shah Rukh. The latter spent 
the summer of 839/1436 in Tabriz, and on the ap- 
proach of winter gave investiture to Djahan Shah. 

Thus began the career of the prince who made 
Tabriz the capital of a kingdom stretching from Asia 
Minor to the Persian Gulf and to Harat. The most 
remarkable building in Tabriz, "the Blue Mosque" 
(Gok masdjid} is the work of Djahan Shah (according 
to Berezin, of his wife Begum Khatun). It is possible 
that the presence in Tabriz in the Surkhab and Caran- 
dab quarters of members of the Ahl-i Hakk sect [q.v.] 
dates from the time of Djahan Shah, on whose hereti- 

cal views see Munedjdjim Bashi, Tkish. tr., iii, 154. 

The Ak Koyunlu [q.v.]. On 12 Rabl c II 872/ 
10 November 1467 Djahan Shah was surprised in 
Armenia and slain by Uzun Hasan Bayandurl, chief 
of the Ak Koyunlu Turkomans. The two daughters 
of Iskandar proclaimed at Tabriz their dervish brother 
Husayn 'All, but Begum Khatun, widow of Djahan 
Shah, put a stop to this plan. Tabriz was, however, 
occupied by Husayn 'All, the mad son of Djahan 
Shah (by another wife), who put to death Begum 
Khatun and her relatives (Munedjdjim Bashi). 

In spite of the assistance which he had received 
from the Tlmurid Abu Sa'id, Hasan 'All was defeated 
at Marand. Subsequent events led up to the death of 
Abu Sa'id himself. In 873/1468 Uzun Hasan seized 
Tabriz, which he made his capital (he announced this 
decision in a letter to the Ottoman sultan, see Ferldun 
Bey, Miinshe'at). 

The Venetian sources are of considerable value for 
the period of Uzun Hasan. Giosafa Barbaro, sent by 
the Republic in 1474, describes the animated life of 
Tabriz, to which embassies came from all parts. Bar- 
baro was received in a pavilion of the magnificent 
palace which he calls "Aptisti" (Haft + ?). The anony- 
mous Venetian merchant who visited Tabriz as late 
as 1514 (?) still speaks of the splendour of the reign 
of Uzun Hasan "who has so far not yet had an equal 
in Persia". Uzun Hasan died in 852/1477 and was 
buried in the Nasriyya Madrasa which he had built 
and which was later to be used for the burial of his 
son Ya'kub. During the twelve years of his compar- 
atively peaceful reign (883-96/1478-90), the latter at- 
tracted to his court many men of letters (the Kurdish 
historian Idrls was his secretary) and in 888/1483 
built in the garden of Sahibabad the Hasht Bihisht 
palace. This palace (Astibisti) was also described by 
the Venetian merchant; on the ceiling of the great 
hall were represented all the great battles of Persia, 
embassies, etc. Beside the Hasht Bihisht there was a 
harem in which 1,000 women could be housed, a 
vast maydan, a mosque and a hospital to hold 1,000 
patients (see also Ewliya Celebi, ii, 249). 

The Safawids and the Turco-Persian wars. 
Isma'il I occupied Tabriz in 906/1500 after his vic- 
tory at Sharur over Mirza Alwand Ak Koyunlu. Of 
the 200-300,000 inhabitants of the town, two-thirds 
were reported to be SunnI but the new ruler was not 
long in imposing ShI'ism upon them and took rig- 
orous measures against those who objected (Iskan- 
dar MunshI, 'Alam-ara, 31). In his hatred of the Ak 
Koyunlu, Isma'il had the remains of his predecessors 
exhumed and burned (G.M. Angiolello). The Venetian 
merchant speaks of the despair into which the de- 
bauches of the young prince had plunged several noble 
families. When Isma'il set out for Arzindjan after 
Alwand, the latter succeeded in returning to Tabriz 
and during his brief stay there "oppressed the rich" 
('Akm-ara, 31). 

The battle of Caldiran [q.v.] (2 Radjab 920/23 
August 1514) opened to the Ottomans the road to 
Tabriz. Nine days later the city was occupied by the 
vizier Dukagin-oghlu and the defterdar Plri and on 6 
September Sultan Sellm made his triumphal entry 
into it. In the town, the Turks conducted themselves 
with moderation (Browne, LHP, iv, 77) but seized the 
treasures amassed by the Persian sovereigns and car- 
ried off to Istanbul 1,000 skilled artisans. The sultan 
only stayed a week in Tabriz, as he had to return 
to his own lands in consequence of the refusal of the 
Janissaries to continue the campaign (von Hammer, 
GOR 2 , i, 720). 

The events of 920/1514 were a grave warning to 
the Persians, and under Tahmasp I, the capital was 
transferred much farther east to Kazwin. According 
to the Venetian Ambassador Alessandri, Tahmasp, as 
a result of his avarice, was not popular in the old 
capital of the Ak Koyunlu. 

At the suggestion of the renegade Ulama (of the 
Turkoman tribe of Tekke) the troops of Suleyman I 
under the command of the Grand Vizier Ibrahim 
Pasha, occupied Tabriz in 941/13 July 1534 and 
went to the summer camp at Asadabad (Sa'Tdabad?). 
Ibrahim Pasha began to build a fortress at Sham- 
Ghazan. The government of Adharbaydjan was en- 
trusted to Ulama, who had held the same post under 
Tahmasp. On 27 September, Suleyman himself arrived 
in Tabriz. A little later, he made a thrust as far as 
Sultaniyya and occupied Baghdad. On his return to 
Tabriz, he spent 14 days engaged in administrative 
business. The cold forced the Turkish army to retreat 
and the Persian troops at once advanced as far as 
Wan. Again in 955/28 July 1548, at the instigation 
of Alkas Mrrza, brother of Shah Tahmasp, Suleyman 
occupied Tabriz but only stayed five days there. The 
sultan refused Alkas Mlrza's proposal that the inhab- 
itants should all be massacred or carried off into cap- 
tivity. M. d'Aramon, ambassador of Francis I, was an 
eye-witness of the occupation of Tabriz and testifies 
to Suleyman's efforts to protect the town (Voyage, ed. 
Schefer, Paris 1887, 83). In 962/29 May 1555 there 
was signed at Amasiya the first treaty of peace between 
Turkey and Persia which lasted about 30 years (von 
Hammer, ii, 112, 120, 269; 'Alam-ara, 49-59). 

In 993/1585 the Grand Vizier of Murad III 
Ozdemir-zade 'Othman Pasha with 40,000 men under- 
took the recapture of Tabriz. The governor of Wan, 
Cighala-zade, joined him with 6,000 men. Going via 
Caldiran and Sofiyan, the Turks arrived before Sham- 
Ghazan. The Persian governor 'All Kuli Khan, after 
a bold sortie which cost Cighala-zade 3,000 men, 
retired during the night. In September the Turks oc- 
cupied the town. As a punishment for the murder 
of several soldiers, the Turks sacked the town and 
massacred its inhabitants for three days. The Persian 
chief minister Hamza Mfrza operating around the city 
on several occasions inflicted heavy losses on the Otto- 
man troops. To defend Tabriz, 'Othman Pasha built 
a square citadel, the walls of which were 12,700 ells 
long (Ewliya Celebi, mi'mar-i mekki arshuni). This citadel, 
which was erected in 36 days, was inside the town. 
It was held by a garrison of 45,000 men. The eunuch 
Dja'fer Pasha was appointed governor of Tabriz. On 
29 October 1585, 'Othman Pasha died. Cighala-zade, 
whom he had appointed on his deathbed to com- 
mand the Ottoman troops, succeeded in defeating the 
Persians, but soon the latter were able to besiege the 
Turks within the town. Forty-eight encounters took 
place before Ferhad Pasha definitely relieved the gar- 
rison (von Hammer, ii, 354). By the disastrous peace 
of 998/1590, Shah 'Abbas I had to cede to the Otto- 
mans their conquests in Transcaucasia and the west 
of Persia. Henceforth, the Turks took their occupa- 
tion of Tabriz seriously. Their many buildings, espe- 
cially those of Dja'fer Pasha, are mentioned by Ewliya 
in Tabriz and its vicinity. But the Persians were keep- 
ing a watchful eye on their old capital. 

The troubles with the sipahis [q.v.] at the beginning 
of 1603 showed the weakness of Sultan Mehemmed 
III. In the autumn, Shah 'Abbas left Isfahan unex- 
pectedly and entered Tabriz 12 days later. 'AH Pasha 
was defeated at Hadjdjf Harami (2 farsakhs from the 
town), after which the citadel surrendered. Shah 'Abbas 

treated the defeated foe with generosity, but in a re- 
vival of Shi'I fanaticism the inhabitants killed a large 
number of Turks in the town and neighbourhood 
without heed for any bonds of kinship or friendship 
that had been formed during the 20 years of Ottoman 
occupation. 'Abbas I invited the people to do away 
with all traces of Turkish rule and "in a few days 
they had left no vestige of the citadel nor of any of 
[their] houses, buildings, dwellings, caravanserais, shops, 
baths etc." {'Alam-ara, 441, 451). 

In 1019/1610, in the reign of the weak Sultan 
Ahmed III, the Turks again tried to resume the offen- 
sive. The Grand Vizier Murad Pasha unexpectedly 
appeared with an army in front of Tabriz, but 'Abbas 
I had had time to make his preparations. The town 
was defended by the governor PTr Budak Khan. No 
fighting took place, but the Turks suffered gready 
from want of provisions in the country which the 
Persians had laid waste. Five days later, the Turkish 
army was retracing its steps, while Shah 'Abbas and 
Murad Pasha continued to exchange embassies. This 
Turkish invasion hastened the building of a new fortress 
at Tabriz, which was built under the shadow of Sur- 
khab in the Rab'-i Rasjudr quarter. The materials were 
taken from old ruins, particularly at Sham-Ghazan 
('Alam-ara, 584, 601). On the other hand, the unsuccess- 
ful invasion by Murad Pasha led to the conclusion of 
a new treaty in 1022/1612 by which the Persians 
succeeded in restoring the status quo as it had existed 
in the time of Shah Tahmasp and Sultan Suleyman 
('Alam-ara, 600, 611; von Hammer, ii, 736, 745). 

In 1027/1618, at the instigation of some Tatar 
Khans of the Crimea, the Ottoman troops (60,000 
men) of Wan suddenly invaded Adharbaydjan. The 
Persians evacuated Tabriz and Ardabil. The Turks, 
who were short of supplies, revictualled at Tabriz and 
advanced to Sarab, where Karckay Khan, sipahsalar 
of Tabriz, won a brilliant victory over them. A new 
treaty was made confirming the conditions of that of 
1022 ('Alam-ara, 656-61; von Hammer, ii, 773). 

After the death of 'Abbas I, the struggle between 
Turk and Persian was resumed on a great scale. In 
the reign of his successor Shah Saff, Sultan Murad 
IV invaded Adharbaydjan in 1045/1635 and entered 
Tabriz on 12 September. The aim of this campaign 
was plunder rather than conquest. Murad ordered his 
soldiers to destroy the town. Having in this way 
"knocked down Tabriz" (Ewliya, eyigje brsekyip), Murad, 
in view of the advance of the season, hastened to 
return to Wan. In the following spring, the Persians 
reoccupied their possessions as far as Eriwan and by 
the treaty of 1049/1639 secured for themselves the 
frontier which has survived in its main lines to the 
present day. 

Hadjdji Khalffa, who was an eye-witness of the 
campaign of 1045/1635, says that after the devasta- 
tion wrought by Murad IV the old ramparts had 
completely disappeared and "only here and there could 
traces of old buildings be seen" (D^Mn-numa, 381). 
Even Sham-Ghazan was not spared; the mosque of 
Uzun Hasan alone was left intact. 

Such then was the state of the town, but a series 
of travellers who visited it a few years later say that 
it had undergone a splendid revival. The interesting 
story of Ewliya Celebi (in the reign of 'Abbas II in 
1057/1647) gives detailed statistics of Tabriz, its 
madrasas., schools, caravanserais, houses of notables, 
dervish tefayyes, gardens and animated public prom- 
enades. In the same period, Tavernier says that, in 
spite of the damage done by Murad IV, "the town 
is almost completely rebuilt". According to Chardin 

(ii, 328), in 1673 under Shah Sulayman I, there were 
in Tabriz 550,000 inhabitants (the figure seems ex- 
aggerated), 15,000 houses and 15,000 shops. It was 
"really a large and important town . . . There is plenty 
of all the necessaries of life and one can live very 
well and cheaply in it". There was a hospice of 
Capuchins at Tabriz on which the authorities cast a 
kindly eye. The beglerbegi of Tabriz had under his 
authority the Khans of Kars, Urmiya, Maragha and 
Ardabll and 20 sultans (= local chiefs). 

The end of the Safawids and Nadir. The 
Afghan invasion of Persia resulted in a state of com- 
plete anarchy. The heir to the throne, Tahmasp (II), 
who had fled from Isfahan arrived in Tabriz where 
he was proclaimed king in 1135/1722. When by the 
treaty of 12 September 1723, Tahmasp II ceded 
the Caspian provinces to Russia, Turkey announced 
that as a precautionary measure she would be forced 
to occupy the frontier districts between Tabriz and 
Eriwan. After the fall of Eriwan, Nakhciwan and 
Marand, the Turks under the ser'asker 'Abd Allah Pasha 
Koprulii arrived before Tabriz in the autumn of 
1137/1724. The Persians, who made Sham-Ghazan 
their base, held out. The Turks had some success, 
but the advanced season of the year forced them to 
retreat before the end of the month. In the follow- 
ing spring, Koprulii returned at the head of 70,000 
men. The siege only lasted four days, but the fight- 
ing in the seven fortified quarters was very desperate. 
The Persians lost 30,000 men and the Turks 20,000. 
The survivors of the Persian garrison, to the number 
of 7,000, withdrew without hindrance to Ardabll ('All 
Hazln, ed. Balfour, 153; Hanway, The revolutions of Persia, 
London 1754, ii, 229). 

The treaty of 1 140/1727 concluded with the Afghan 
Ashraf confirmed to the Ottomans the possession of 
northwestern Persia as far as Sultaniyya and Abhar. 
Two years later, Nadir defeated Mustafa Pasha's army 
at Suhaylan (vulgo Sawalan or Sinikh-kopru) near Tabriz. 
He entered this city on 8 Muharram 1 142/3 August 
1729 and made prisoner Rustem Pasha, governor of 

Anxious to take advantage of the domestic troubles 
of Turkey, Shah Tahmasp resumed the offensive but 
lost the battle of Kuridjan (near Hamadan) and the 
ser'asker 'All Pasha returned to Tabriz in the winter 
of 1144/1731 and even built a mosque and madrasa 
there. By the treaty concluded a little later (16 January 
1732), the Persians ceded to the Porte the lands north 
of the Araxes but kept Tabriz and the western 
provinces. As Tabriz had actually been occupied by 
'All Pasha, the Porte very reluctantly agreed to its 
restoration to Persia and the signing of the treaty 
resulted in the dismissal of the Grand Vizier (von 
Hammer, iv, 281). On the other hand, the cession of 
the Transcaucasian provinces to Turkey gave Nadir 
an excuse for deposing Tahmasp II. After checking 
Nadir near Baghdad, the governor of Wan, Rustem 
Pasha, re-occupied Tabriz. In 1146/1734, Nadir set 
out for Tabriz and as a result of his victories in 
Transcaucasia, the treaty of 1149/1736 re-established 
the status quo of 1049/1639. 

Towards the end of the reign of Nadir, when anar- 
chy was again beginning, the people of Tabriz declared 
in favour of an obscure pretender who claimed to be 
Sam Mlrza. The death of Nadir in 1160/1747 might 
have given the Porte an opportunity to intervene in 
Persian affairs especially as Rida Khan, son of Fath 
'All Khan, Mwan-begi of Tabriz, had come to Erzerum 
to beg Turkish support for one of the candidates for 
the throne (a Nadirid; von Hammer, iv, 474), but 

Turkey maintained complete neutrality. 

Nadir Shah had entrusted Adharbaydjan to his 
valiant cousin Amir Arslan Khan, who had 30,000 
men under him. After Nadir's death, this general aided 
Nadir's nephew Ibrahim Khan to defeat his brother 
'Adil Shah (Sultan 'All Shah), but Ibrahim at once 
turned on his ally, slew him and after collecting 1 20,000 
men spent six months in Tabriz where he had himself 
proclaimed king (Ta'rikh-i ba'd-Nadiriyya, ed. O. Mann, 
36-7). He was soon killed by Shahrukh, grandson of 

The history of Adharbaydjan during the rule of 
the dynasty of Karim Khan Zand is still little known. 
The Afghan Azad Khan was at first lord of the 
province. In 1 1 70/ 1 756 it was taken from him by 
Muhammad Husayn Khan Kadjar. Next year, Karim 
Khan defeated Fath 'All Khan Afshar of Urmiya and 
conquered the greater part of Adharbaydjan (Sir John 
Malcolm, Hist, of Persia). In 1194/1780 an earthquake 
did great damage in Tabriz (see Ambraseys and 
Melville, op. tit., 54-5). 

The Kadjars.Towards the end of 1 205/ 1 790, Aka 
Muhammad, founder of the Kadjar dynasty, set out 
to occupy Adharbaydjan. Among the governors who 
came to meet him was the hereditary lord of Khoy. 
Husayn Khan Dumbull. Aka Muhammad added Tab- 
riz to his fief. After the assassination in 1211/1796 
of the first Kadjar Shah, troubles broke out in Adhar- 
baydjan. Sadik Khan of the ShikakI tribe attempted 
to seize the supreme power, and appointed his brother 
Muhammad 'All Sultan to Tabriz. The Dumbull 
Khans took an active part in suppressing the rising, 
and in return, Fath 'All Shah confirmed Dja'far Kull 
Khan Dumbull in the governorship of Tabriz. The 
latter as soon as he arrived in Tabriz in 1213/1798 
formed a coalition with Sadik Khan, who had re- 
established himself in Sarab, and the Afshar Khan of 
Urmiya, and shaking off "the dependence which was 
so slight that it really was absolute independence" 
drove out the Shah's representatives. Troops were sent 
against Dja'far Khan who, with the help of the Kurds, 
held out for some time in Khoy; cf. Sir Harford 
Brydges, The dynasty of the Kajars, London 1833, 50, 
84, etc. In 1214/1799 the heir to the throne of Persia, 
'Abbas Mlrza, established himself in Tabriz with 
Ahmad Khan Mukaddam (of Maragha) as his begler- 
begi. Dja'far Khan sought refuge in Russia [see shark!] , 
but for some time other members of the Dumbull 
family continued to rule in Tabriz. 

After the incorporation of Georgia into Russia (1801), 
complications between Russia and Persia gradually 
increased and Tabriz became the principal centre of 
Persian activities. 'Abbas Mlrza set himself the task 
of Europeanising the Persian army. An important 
English mission, including a number of very notable 
explorers of Persia (Ouseley, iii, 399; Ritter, ix, 876- 
80), made its headquarters in Tabriz. The English 
and Russian diplomatic missions (the secretary and 
later head of the latter was the famous writer Gribo- 
yedov, later assassinated) also came to the court of 
'Abbas Mlrza. The energetic heir to the throne built 
arsenals, cannon foundries, depots and workshops. 
After the trials it had undergone the town was, how- 
ever, but a shadow of the splendid city of the time 
of Chardin. Tancoigne (1807) estimated its popula- 
tion at 50-60,000 including several Armenian fami- 
lies; Dupre (1809) at 40,000 with 50 Armenian families. 
Kinneir gives Tabriz ("one of the most wretched 
cities") only 30,000 inhabitants. Morier, who in the 
account of his first journey (1809) had given the exagge- 
rated figure of 50,000 houses with 250,000 inhabitants, 

in his second journey confines himself to saying that 
Tabriz had only a tenth of its pristine magnificence 
and that it had no public buildings of note. 

The Russo-Persian wars filled the period to 1828. 
During the operations of 1827, the General Prince 
Eristov, with the help of certain discontented Khans, 
entered Tabriz with 3,000 soldiers on 3 Rabl' II 
1243/24 October 1827. 'Abbas Mirza was away and 
opinions in the town were divided. Allahyar Khan 
Asaf al-Dawla was for continuing the struggle, but an 
important cleric, the Imam Mirza Fattah, insisted on 
surrender and opened the gates of the town to the 
Russians. (After the peace, Mirza Fattah had to leave 
Persia and take refuge in Transcaucasia.) The com- 
mander-in-chief Count Paskevic then came to Tabriz 
and met 'Abbas Mirza at Dih-Kharrakan. An armistice 
was signed, but the court of Tehran did not approve 
of the terms. The Russians resumed the offensive and 
occupied Urmiya, Maragha and ArdabTl. The peace 
of Turkman-cay 5 Sha'ban 1243, 22 February 1828 
[see Turkmen cjAYfi]], which fixed the frontier on the 
Araxes, finally put an end to the Russian occupation 

After the time of 'Abbas Mirza, Tabriz became 
the official residence of the heir to the Persian throne. 
Down to the accession of Muhammad Shah in 1250/ 
1834, the British and Russian diplomatic missions 
spent most of their time in Tabriz (J.B. Fraser, Travels 
in Koordistan, ii, 247). Their transfer to Tehran marked 
the definite transference by the Kadjars of the polit- 
ical capital to that city. Down to the end of the 19th 
century, little of general importance marked the life 
of Tabriz. On 27 Sha'ban 1286/8 July 1850, the Bab 
[g.v.] was executed in Tabriz at the entrance to the 
arsenal (djaba-Uiana). In 1880, the approach of the 
Kurds under Shaykh 'Ubayd Allah [see shamdInan] 
greatly disturbed the people of Tabriz. Gates were 
put up between the quarters to isolate them if nec- 
essary, but the Kurds did not go beyond the Binab. 

The consolidation of Kadjar power secured peace 
for Adharbaydjan, and Tabriz gradually recovered. In 
spite of the terrible ravages of cholera and plague in 
1830-1, the census made in Tabriz in 1842 recorded 
9,000 families or 100-120,000 people (Berezin). In 
1895 the number of inhabitants was estimated at 150- 
200,000, of whom 3,000 were Armenians (S.G. Wilson, 
Persian life and customs, London 1896, 53). Twenty years 
later, the population was certainly over 200,000 and, 
in spite of the rudimentary nature of the municipal 
organisation, the town showed every sign of prosper- 
ity. The trade of Tabriz, after a period of stagnation 
developed, especially between 1833 and 1836, but the 
too great excess of imports from Russia over exports 
from Persia produced a great crisis in 1837. The 
opening of the route by Transcaucasia (Pod-Baku) 
meant considerable competition for the parallel route 

Twentieth century. The history of Tabriz in 
the opening years of the century was very stirring. 
The Turks of Tabriz (who are the result of inter- 
marriage of Persians with Ghuzz, Mongols, Turkomans, 
etc.), played a very important part in the Persian 
nationalist and revolutionary movement. Open rebel- 
lion broke out in Tabriz on 23 June 1908, the day 
of the bombardment of the Parliament in Tehran. 
The names of Sattar Khan, a former horse-dealer 
who became chief of the Amir Khlz quarter, and his 
companion Bakir Khan, are closely associated with 
the brave defence of Tabriz, but darker sides of their 
activity were noted by E.G. Browne, The Persian 
Revolution of 1905-1909, Cambridge 1910, 491-2. The 

government troops under Prince 'Ayn al-Dawla sur- 
rounded the town, and at the beginning of February 
1909 blockaded it completely. On 20 April the Cabi- 
nets of London and St. Petersburg agreed to send to 
Tabriz a Russian force "to facilitate the entrance into 
the town of the necessary provisions, to protect the 
consulates and foreign subjects, and to help those who 
so desired to leave the town". The Russian troops 
led by General Snarski entered Tabriz on 30 April 
1909 (Browne, op. tit., 274). The negotiations for their 
withdrawal lasted till 1911, when the Russian ulti- 
matum presented at Tehran on 29 November pro- 
voked a new agitation in the country. On 2 1 December 
the ftda'is of Tabriz attacked the weak Russian detach- 
ment, distributed about the town, and inflicted con- 
siderable losses on them. This had the immediate 
result of the despatch to Tabriz of a Russian brigade 
under Voropanov, which arrived on the eve of the 
new year. The Russian military tribunal pronounced 
several death sentences (including one on the Thikat 
al-Islam, an important member of the ShaykhT sect 
[see shaykhiyya]). In October 1912 the Turkish de- 
tachments who occupied the "disputed" districts west 
of Adharbaydjan were recalled, but the question of 
the Russo-Turkish frontier [see Kurds, Kurdistan] re- 
mained still undecided. The Russian troops therefore 
remained in Adharbaydjan till 1914, when the First 
World War broke out [see further on the constitu- 
tional movement, dustur, iv. Iran]. 

At the beginning of December, the Kurdish irreg- 
ulars commanded by Ottoman officers began a move- 
ment from Sawdj-bulak towards Maragha and Tabriz. 
At the same time, Enwer Pasha's raid on Sari-kamish 
(south of Kars) threatened the whole Russian army 
in the Caucasus. Orders were given to evacuate Adhar- 
baydjan. Between 17 December 1914 and 6 January 

1915, the Russian troops and, following them, the 
bulk of the local Christian population, had left Tab- 
riz. On 8 January Ahmad Mukhtar Bey Shamkhal, 
at the head of a body of Kurds, entered the town. 
The situation changed suddenly, and on 31 January 
the Russians, returning in force, re-occupied Tabriz 
(see the details in the book by the former German 
consul in Tabriz, W. Litten, Persische Flitterwochen, Berlin 
1925, 8-127). 

Since 1906, a paved road connecting Tabriz with 
the Russian frontier (Djulfa. terminus of the Russian 
railway) had been constructed by the Russian gov- 
ernment company, which had obtained the concession 
from the Persian government. The work of changing 
this road into a railway was now actively hurried on, 
and it was opened to traffic at the beginning of May 

1916. The railway (80 miles long, with a branch line 
from Sofiyan to Lake Urmiya 25 miles long) was the 
first to be built on Persian territory [see sikkat al- 

The Russian army on the Persian frontier had 
become disorganised on the outbreak of the Revolution 
of 1917. Adharbaydjan was evacuated at the begin- 
ning of 1918. The representatives of the Persian cen- 
tral government, and even the Crown Prince, had 
remained all this time at their places, but when the 
last Russian detachment left Tabriz on 28 February 
1918, the actual power passed into the hands of the 
local committee of the Democratic Party and its head 
Isma'Il Nawbari. 

Meanwhile, the Turks emerging from their inac- 
tivity, quickly occupied the frontiers abandoned by 
the Russians. On 18 June 1918, the Ottoman advance 
guard entered Tabriz. On 8 July General 'Air Ihsan 
Pasha arrived, and on 25 August Kazim Kara Bekir 

Pasha, who commanded the army corps. The Otto- 
man authorities banished NawbarT and supported 
the appointment of Madjd al-Saltana as governor of 
Adharbaydjan. This troubled situation lasted for a 
year, and only with the arrival in Tabriz of the new 
Governor-General sipahsaldr (June 1910) did affairs 
begin to resume their normal course. Complete order 
was only established under Rida Khan [see rida shah], 
who became first of all Minister of War and later 
ruler of Persia. 

By the treaty of 26 February 1921, the Soviet gov- 
ernment renounced all the old concessions in Persia, 
and the railway from Tabriz to Djulfa built at the 
expense of the Russian government thus became the 
property of the Persian state. 

Tabriz suffered after the Constitutional period from 
the decline of the transit trade from Turkey and 
Russia, and from a lack of favour by the Pahlawls, 
suspicious of Azeri political and linguistic separatist 
feelings. From being in the 19th century the second 
city of Persia, in 1980 it was the fourth one, with a pop- 
ulation of some 600,000, risen by 1991 to 1,088,985 
(Preliminary results of the 1991 census, Statistical 
Centre of Iran, Population Division). After the Second 
World War, however, streets were widened and pub- 
lic gardens laid out. Local industries include the 
traditional one of carpet-weaving, plus textile manu- 
facturing, leatherworking, agriculture and food pro- 
cessing, etc. A railway links Tabriz via Zandjan and 
Kazwln with the Trans-Persian line at Tehran, whilst 
a westwards extension to Van in eastern Turkey has 
been constructed. 

With the abdication of Rida Shah in September 
1941, Russian troops occupied Tabriz and north- 
western Persia for military and strategic reasons. Their 
control there enabled the Soviets to encourage and 
train pro-Communist elements there, so that, although 
British troops withdrew from southern Persia in March 
1946, Russian troops remained. Tabriz had meanwhile 
become the capital, proclaimed there on 10 December 
1 945, of an autonomous, potentially secessionist, regime 
of the Democrat Party in Adharbaydjan under a vet- 
eran Bolshevik leader, Dja'far Plshawarl. The regime 
was not wholly kept in power by Soviet manipulation, 
but expressed some genuine local grievances against 
Rida Shah's centralisation policies and discrimination 
against the use of Azeri Turkish. It made a start on 
land reform and nationalisation of the larger banks, 
and a University of Tabriz was inaugurated, but there 
was a real danger of complete secession and possible 
union with the Azerbaijan S.S.R. In fact, the diplo- 
matic skills of the Prime Minister in Tehran, Ahmad 
Kawam al-Saltana, American pressure and unfavour- 
able publicity for the Soviet Union in the United 
Nations Organisation, brought about a Soviet aban- 
donment of their erstwhile proteges. The Imperial 
Persian army entered Tabriz on 12 December 1946, 
and a purge began of pro-Communist elements, with 
Plshawarl fleeing to Baku. In the ensuing years, Tabriz 
and Adharbaydjan in general suffered from the pro- 
found suspicions of the Tehran government regard- 
ing Adharbaydjanl secessionist sentiment, seen inter alia 
in a discouragement in schools, etc., of the majority 
Azeri Turkish language, an attitude which was only 
gradually relaxed somewhat by the 1970s. 

Bibliography: For the mediaeval period, see 

Le Strange, 77k lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 161-3; 

Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter, 1000 ff., 1955-74; 

Barthold, An historical geography of Iran, Princeton 

1983, 217-23; the works of Jahn and Mashkur cited 

in the Bibl. to 2. below; Judith G. Kolbas, Mongol 

money. The role of Tabriz from Chingiz Khan to Uljaytu, 
616 to 709 AW 1220 to 1309 AD, U.M.I, dissertation 
services, Ann Arbor 1992; also L. Lockhart, Famous 
cities of Iran, London 1939, 19-23. For detailed bibl. 
of Western travellers to and residents in Tabriz, 
see Minorsky's EI' art. s.v. See also those to EP 
adharbaydjan and dustur, iv. For the modern 
period, see G. Lenczkowski, Russia and the West in 
Iran 1918-1948, Ithaca 1949: R. Rossow, 77k batik 
of Azerbaijan, 1946, in MEJ, x (1956), 17-32; E. Abra- 
hamian, Iran between the two revolutions, Princeton 1982. 

(V. Minorsky-[C.E. Bosworth]) 
2. Architecture. 

In the early Islamic period, the city walls around 
Tabriz enclosed a small urban area less than half a 
mile square on the south bank of the Mihran River. 
Twelve gates led to bazaars surrounding the congre- 
gational mosque. When the Ilkhanid ruler Ghazan 
made Tabriz his capital, the urban area was tripled 
within a perimeter wall 25,000 paces around. To judge 
from contemporary reports by historians and trav- 
ellers, the city's bazaars were particularly flourishing 
at this time. The city also had two major suburbs. 
The one on the west known as Sham (or Shanb)-i 
Ghazan was centred on Ghazan's dodecagonal tomb 
and included institutions of learning, a library, a hos- 
pital, and a mosque. The suburb on the east known 
as the Rab'-i Rashldl was centered on the tomb com- 
plex founded by the vizier Rashld al-Dln in 709/1309. 
Although almost totally destroyed, it can be recon- 
structed from the text of its endowment deed (S.S. 
Blair, Ilkhanid architecture and society. An analysis of the 
endowment deed of the Rab'-i Rashldl, in Iran, xxii [1984], 
67-90). Surrounded by ramparts, the quarter had a 
monumental entrance leading to the founder's tomb 
complex, a hospice, a khanakah, a hospital and ser- 
vice buildings. The endowment provided upkeep for 
the buildings, support for more than 300 employees 
and slaves, and for the copying of luxury manuscripts 
of the Kur'an, hadlth and Rashld al-Dln's own works 
(eadem, Patterns of production and patronage in Ilkhanid 
Iran. The case of Rashid al-din, in Oxford Studies in Islamic 
Art, x, 1996). 

The only monument to survive from Ilkhanid Tabriz 
is the congregational mosque founded ca. 710/1310 
by the vizier Tadj al-Din 'Alishah just outside the 
southern gate to the city. Now known as the Arg or 
fortress, it comprised a huge barrel-vaulted hall (30 
x 65 m with walls 10 m thick), flanked by a madrasa 
and zawiya and fronting on a large, lavishly-decorated 
courtyard with a pool (reconstruction in D. Wilber, 
The architecture of Islamic Iran. The Il-Khanid period, 
Princeton 1955, no. 51). The vault, meant to surpass 
the fabled Sasanian Iwan at Ctesiphon, fell soon after 

Tabriz continued to be a major metropolis and 
artistic centre after the demise of the Ilkhanids. The 
Dawlatkhana, the palace built by the Djalayirid sultan 
Uways (r. 757-76/1356-74), for example, was reported 
to have had 20,000 rooms decorated with paintings. 
After the Tfmurids took the city several times, many 
of its public monuments were destroyed and its arti- 
sans carried off to Central Asia, but building was 
resumed under the Turkmen confederations of the 
Kara Koyunlu and the Ak Koyunlu, and the garden 
suburbs north of the river were developed. The most 
famous was the garden created by the Ak Koyunlu 
ruler Uzun Hasan (r. 857-82/1453-78 [?.».]), known 
from a lengthy description by a Venetian merchant 
who visited the city in the 1460s (summarised in 
L. Golombek and D. Wilber, The Timurid architecture 



of Iran and Turan, Princeton 1988, 178-9). A vast area 
lined by populars, the garden centred on a large octago- 
nal palace called Hasht Bihisht ("Eight Paradises"). 
Set on a raised marble plinth, it measured some 63 
to 72 m in circumference and had a central domed 
hall surrounded by 32 rooms. Other amenities in- 
cluded an adjacent pool, a guest house with many 
rooms to the east and a covered hall overlooking the 

The best surviving example of the rich architec- 
tural patronage left by the Turkmens is the Blue 
Mosque or Masdjid-i kabud, so-called because of the 
extraordinary blue tile revetment that covered both 
interior and exterior surfaces (F. Sarre, Denkmaler per- 
sischer Baukunst, Berlin 1901-10, 27-32; Dj.T. Taba- 
taba'i, Makshhd va nigdshtihd-yi masdjid-i kabud-i tabriz, 
Tabriz 1348/1969; Golombek and Wilber, no. 214). 
Located outside the south-east entrance to the city, 
it was part of the complex erected in 870/1465 by 
Khatun Djan, wife of the Kara Koyunlu sultan Djahan- 
shah. According to an endowment deed dating from 
the previous year, the complex included a hospice for 
Sufis with two pools fed by a canal and was intended 
as a mausoleum for the queen and her family. The 
mosque has an unusual plan, with a domed square 
hall (diameter 16 m) enclosed on three sides by a 
U-shaped corridor covered with nine domes. Behind 
the square hall on the axis of the main entrance is 
a smaller domed hall containing a mihrab. The tile 
revetment is unequalled in variety and technical vir- 
tuosity and includes not only the standard floral and 
arabesque designs but also medallion-shaped panels 
set against a background of unglazed brick tiles. The 
hall with the mihrab was particularly lavishly decorated, 
with a white marble dado surmounted by a revetment 
of small purple-glazed hexagonal tiles accented with 
designs in gold leaf. 

Wars between the Safawids and Ottomans in the 
16th century took their toll on the city's monuments, 
as did repeated earthquakes, but with the growing 
importance of the Russian frontier, Tabriz again be- 
came of special interest under the Kadjars. New boule- 
vards were cut through the city core, and mosques 
and caravanserais were erected after the devastating 
earthquake of 7 January 1780, the strongest ever to 
hit the city. Large gardens, such as the Bagh-i Shimal 
on the north, were added and became the stage for 
intriguing among foreigners. 

Bibliography: In addition to the studies on indi- 
vidual sites cited in the text, see K. Jahn, Tdbris, 
ein mittelalterliches Kulturzentrum zwischen Ost und West, 
in Oskrreichische Akademie der Wissauchajien, Anzeiger 
der phil.-hist. Klasse, cv/16 (1968), 201-12; 'A. Karang, 
Athar-i bastani-yi Adjmrbaydjan, i, Tehran 1351/1972; 
M.Dj. Mashkur, Tdrikh-i Tabriz ta paydn-i kam-i 
nuhum-i hidfri, Tehran 1352/1973; C. Melville, His- 
torical monuments and earthquakes in Tabriz, in Iran, xix 
(1981), 159-77; and art. Tabriz, in 77k dictionary of 
art, London 1996. (Sheila S. Blair) 

TABRIZI, the nisba normally to be expected 
from the name of the city in Adharbaydjan of 
Tabriz [q.v.]. This was, however, hypercorrected by 
early Arab writers to al-TibrizI. Hence in the EI early 
scholars writing in Arabic appear under this latter 
form, whereas those writing in Persian during later 
times or emanating from Tabriz appear under Tabriz!. 
TABRIZ!, Ahmad KasrawI [see kasrawi tabrIzi]. 
TABRIZ!, Kasim-i Anwar [see kasim-i anwar], 
TABRIZ!, Muhammad 'Assar [see 'assarI. 
TABRlZI, Muhammad Husayn [s 

TABRIZ^ Shams-i [see shams-i tabrIz(i)]. 

al-TABRIZI, Muhammad Husayn b. Khalaf 
[see burhan]. 

TABSHlR [see Suppl.]. 

TABUK, a town of northwestern Arabia, 
now the centre of an imdra or province of Saudi 
Arabia (lat. 28° 22' N., long. 36° 32' E., altitude 
6,500 m/2,250 feet), some 233 km/ 145 south-south- 
east of Ma'an and separated from the Red Sea and 
Gulf of 'Akaba by the Hisma mountains. 

It seems to be the Thapaua of Ptolemy, and formed 
part of the Roman Provincia Arabia set up in A.D. 
106. It was in the tribal area of the Banu Kalb, and 
later had a Byzantine military post, in the environs 
of which lived Arabs of the Lakhm, 'Amila and 
Djudham tribes [q.w.]. In the summer of 9/630, the 
Prophet Muhammad ordered preparations for a raid 
from Medina on Tabuk, where he had heard the 
Byzantines and Arab tribes were assembling., this being 
his second attempt in this direction after the abortive 
Mu'ta [q.v.] expedition of the previous year. However, 
many Muslims were reluctant to go on the expedi- 
tion in the summer heat and during the harvest period, 
so that it was referred to as the ghazwat al-'usra "raid 
of hardship"; the laggards were denounced in Sflrat 
al-Tawba, IX, of the Kur'an. The Prophet did not 
make contact with hostile forces at TabOk, but received 
the submission of some local chiefs of the region and 
the Gulf of 'Akaba-Red Sea coastal region (sc. Midian 
[see madyan shu'ayb]). An expedition was sent out 
under Khalid b. al-Walid against Ukaydir b. 'Abd al- 
Malik al-Kindl, the Christian ruler of Dumat al- 
Djandal [q.v.], who also submitted and agreed to pay 
the djizya. Muhammad then appointed 'Amr (or al- 
Hakam) b. al-'As to govern northwestern Arabia, with 
Mu'adh b. Djabal as collector (djabi) of the sadaka. 
In 98/716 the caliph 'Ulnar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz built a 
mosque at Tabuk, the Masdjid al-Tawba, on the spot 
where the Prophet had prayed, a mosque revered 
through the centuries by pilgrims passing through the 
town en route for Medina. This was several times 
repaired, with the present mosque built by King Faysal 
Al Su'ud in 1393/1973. 

Tabflk's importance as a station of the Syrian hadjdj 
route was because of the availability of water in its 
well, which was blessed by the Prophet. Pilgrims and 
travellers used to encamp there to fill their water 
skins, and occasionally, as in 937/1530, marauding 
Arab tribes attacked the pilgrims and prevented them 
from reaching the water in Tabuk or elsewhere. The 
region has a great amount of underground water, 
which accounts for the notable agricultural schemes 
which have been implemented there. The well was 
well maintained by the Ottomans, who provided it 
with a pumping machine to keep the water clean, as 
part of their project to build the Hidjaz Railway 
[q.v.]. References in geographical texts indicate that 
there had been palm, olive, lemon, and grape trees 
at Tabuk; grapes from Tabuk were well-known in the 

Two years after Bedouin attacks against the 
Pilgrimage caravan in 965/1557, Sultan Suleyman the 
Magnificent ordered the construction of a number of 
fortresses along the pilgrimage routes, including one 
at Tabuk. A surviving inscription states that it was 
rebuilt in 1064/1653. It had a mosque and a well, 
and was flanked by two ponds. Tabuk enjoyed secu- 
rity because of the fortress, with its permanent gar- 
rison that was provided even with cannons. This 
explains the degree of prosperity that it enjoyed, as 
is reflected in the 17th century travellers' accounts; 


Syrian merchants went at Tabuk to meet the pilgrims 
on their return and sell them provisions, sweets, and 

Tabuk was visited by a number of European trav- 
ellers, sc. Georg August Wallin (1850) and Charles 
Doughty (1877), who provided a grim picture of it 
as a place with few residents, while Charles Huber 
(1884) stated that it had been totally deserted by its 
inhabitants. This changed by the start of the 20th cen- 
tury as a result of the construction of the Hidjaz Rail- 
way, to which Tabuk was connected. It was selected 
as one of the workshop stations, a new suburb was 
built, and a hospital and medical quarantine were 
established. Eight buildings referred to as the Kal'a, 
which are still extant, were constructed, and as noted 
above, water resources were managed and the mosque 
was rebuilt. 

When the Kingdom of the Hidjaz was declared 
following the Arab Revolt, Tabuk was part of the 
new province of Ma'an that was created in 1432/1924 
by King Husayn b. 'All. Two years after the Hidjaz 
was annexed by King 'Abd al-'Aziz in 1344/1925, 
an amir was appointed over Tabuk and took up res- 
idence in the fortress. A number of governors, mostly 
members of the Sudayrl family and the Su'udi royal 
family, succeeded to this office. 

During the 19th century, the inhabitants of Tabuk 
were from the Hamfdat clan, but with passage of 
time and its growth, people of diverse origins settled 
in the city, which was surrounded by a number of 
different tribes, viz. the 'Atiyya, Bali, Huwaytat, and 
'Anaza. It has developed, thus, from a small settle- 
ment into an urban centre due to development schemes, 
and today it is the northern-western gateway of the 
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. 

Bibliography: CM. Doughty, Travels in Arabia 
Deserta, Cambridge 1888, index s.v. Tebukr, Govern- 
ment of India, General Staff, Routes in Arabia, Simla 
1915; A. Musil, The northern Hegaz, a topographical 
itinerary, New York 1926; C. Guarmani, Northern 
Najd. A journey from Jerusalem to Anaiza in Qasim, 
London 1938; H.St J. Philby, The land of Midian, 
London 1957, 1 1 1-31; 'Abd al-Kadir b. Muhammad 
al-DjazIif al-Ansarl, Durar al-fawd'id al-munazzama ft 
akjibdr al-haq}$ wa-tarik Makka al-mu'azzama, Cairo 
1384/1964; Hamad al-Djasir, Ft sbimal gharb al- 
djazira, nusus, mushahadai, intibd'dt, Riyad 1390/ 
1970, 423-49; idem, al-Mu'fiam al-a^ughraft' li 'l-bilad 
al-'arabiyya al-su'udiyya. Shimal al-mamlaka, Riyad 
1400/1980; Abdullah al-Wohaibi, The northern Hijaz 
in the writings of the Arab geographers 800-1150, Beirut 
1973, 272-6; Muhammad b. 'Air al-Harfi, Tabuk, 
Riyad 1410/1989. (M.A. al-Bakhit) 

TABUR (t.) (a word which has passed into French 
in the form tabor), from Eastern TurkI tapkur and 
tapkur, denoting a pallisade formed of waggons 
arranged in a circle or square; a body of 

talion; or a body of about 1,000 men com- 
manded by a binbashi (chief of a thousand). 

In Morocco, from the mid- 19th century, it denoted 
the first permanent military units. Under the French 
Protectorate, the term was applied to a group made 
up of several goums {gum, an armed group of ca. 150 
men commanded by officers of the Indigenous Affairs 
Department), hence parallel to a battalion. Several 
taburs could make up a regiment. The Moroccan taburs 
acquitted themselves gloriously in the Italian campaign 
(1944) and that of Indo-China (1945-54). Goums and 
tabors have formed the nucleus of the Royal Moroccan 
Army since Independence. 

Bibliography: H. Vambery, Caghataische Sprach- 
studien, Leipzig 1867, 253; Pavet de Courteille, Diet, 
turc-oriental, Paris 1870, 192; Ahmed WefTk Pasha, 
Lehdje-yi 'othmant, Istanbul 1293/1876, ii, 739; C. Bar- 
bier de Meynard, Diet, turc-franeais, Paris 1881-6, ii, 
250; Siileyman Efendi, Lughai-i Caghatay, Istanbul 
1297-1300/1880-3, 97; Radloff, Versuch eines Worter- 
buch, iii, 953, 978; J. Augarde, Tabor, Paris, ed. France- 
Empire, 1952. (Cl. Huart-[Ed.]) 
TADALLIS, Tedelles, the town now known 
as Dellys on the Algerian coast in the wildya 
of Tizi-Ouzou (lat. 36° 57' N., long. 3° 55' E.). It is 
110 km/70 miles east of Algiers and 5 km/3 miles 
to the east of the mouth of the Sebaou (Wadi Sabaw), 
the main river of Kabylia, from which it is separated 
by a mountain massif. 

The urban centre has developed on a slope towards 
the sea. It falls into three parts. In the north, the 
Arab-Kabyle town is the most densely populated and 
the only ancient quarter existing in Lower Kabylia; 
then, bordering on the ravine and developing to the 
south of that, is the town from colonial times; and to 
the east, there is the port quarter linked to the upper 
town by stairways or sinuous, very steep ways, as well 
as by the road which describes a hairpin bend to avoid 
the abrupt change of levels. Finally, the suburban 
zone of the gardens, attributed to the arrival of the 
Andalusians, has developed on the old, raised bank 
which looks northward; a centre for new development 
(dating from the War of Independence), the Garden 
City, has been formed with solid houses built within 
little patches of ground enclosed by reed hedges. As for 
the small blocks of apartments, these appeared after 
the years 1958-62 in order to accommodate an influx 
of rural population and as a result of the strengthen- 
ing of the administrative infrastructure. The little port 
(designed by the colonial authorities with the aim of 
making Dellys both the administrative centre of Lower 
Kabylia, easy of access, and also an entrepot and 
landing-place in case of troubles) is protected from 
the north-west winds by a promontory; hence is of a 
type of site for ports frequent along the Algerian coast. 

Before 1860, Dellys was the only town of Lower 
Kabylia. In 1844 it had 1,150 inhabitants, in 1886, 
3,900, and in 1968, 20,000. The people are of Kabyle 
Berber origin, but like the majority of tribes in the 
neighbourhood, speak only Arabic. 

2. History. 

The site of Dellys was occupied in the Roman 
period by the town of Rusucurru, a few traces of 
which have been discovered (remains of walls, cis- 
terns, etc.). This town must have been destroyed at 
the Arab conquest, and for long the site remained 
uninhabited. Al-Bakri (Description de I'Afrique, tr. de 
Slane, 135) does mention a port situated to the east 
of Marsa '1-Hadjadj which he calls the town of the 
Banu Djannad. 

The name itself under the form Tadellast, Tadellist 
("the cottage") does not appear till the period when 
the Hammadid sovereigns [see hammadids] established 
their capital in Bougie. Owing to its position, which 
enabled relations to be easily established with the peo- 
ple of the valley of the Sebaou, this little town acquired 
a certain commercial and military importance; it even 
had a Hammadid governor. In 496/1102-3, the sul- 
tan al-Mansur gave this office to a prince of Almeria 
who had taken refuge in Africa. Al-Idrisi (104) describes 
Tada'ills as a town on an eminence and surrounded 
by a strong wall. He mentions the fertility of the 
country around, the low cost of living, and the abun- 


dance of cattle which were exported to the adjacent 
regions. After the fall of the Hammadid kingdoms, 
Dellys passed under the rule of the Almohads, was 
taken by Yahya b. Ishak Ibn Ghaniya (622/1226-7), 
and then its possession was disputed among the Almo- 
hads, Zayyanids, Hafsids and the Mannids, who took 
it in 796/1394. In the 9th/ 15th century, according to 
Leo Africanus (bk. iv, tr. Schefer, iii, 69), Dellys shared 
the fate of Algiers. Like all the towns on the coast, it 
received a number of refugees from Spain who must 
have contributed to the economic and intellectual life 
of the town. Leo (loc. cit.) says that the inhabitants 
engaged in dyeing, traded successfully and were noted 
for their skill in playing the lute. As to their fashion 
of dress, he says it is like that of the people of al- 
Djaza'ir. When the Algerians had submitted to Spain 
(1510), the people of Dellys followed their example, 
but in 1517 it was retaken by 'Arudj [q.v.]. The Turks 
put a garrison there and made the town a base of 
operations against the tribes of the valley of Sebaou. 
Although the inhabitants kept up a constant inter- 
course by sea with Algiers, Dellys only vegetated under 
Turkish rule. It was a wretched village when the 
French occupied it on 7 May 1844. A European quar- 
ter was established there two years later. The con- 
quest of Kabylia, which was followed by the transfer 
of the military establishment to Tizi-Ouzou and Fort- 
National, arrested its development. In the course of 
the insurrection of 1871, Dellys was blockaded on the 
land side by the Kabyles (April-May), but maintained 
its own communication by sea so that it could not 
be taken by the rebels. 

After that time, peace reigned, with only a little Euro- 
pean colonisation developing on the town's outskirts. 
Because of its tripartite nature, with three distinct 
nuclei, the town hardly possesses a centre, unless it 
be the square which, together with the municipal 
headquarters and the post office, forms the geomet- 
ric centre of the three quarters. Most of the shops 
and commercial activity are aligned on the street 
which runs to the north-east of the square, in the 
direction of Algiers; others (and also some of the 
administrative services) are along the road which goes 
down towards the coast in a southwest direction, and 
also in the little street which one takes for going in 
the direction of the Djebel Bou Arbi. Finally, some 
businesses and cafes are grouped at the port, with- 
out any of these three poles being exclusive for these 
various activities; thus, e.g. some small booths can be 
found in the narrow streets of the old town. Some 
buildings are on the periphery, such as the technical 
high school and the collective apartments. Finally, 
some small units of production (shoes, food process- 
ing) are spread out within the whole urban area. 
Dellys nevertheless suffers from its position away from 
the main axes of development in contemporary Algeria; 
since the last century, the building of the Algiers-Tizi- 
Ouzou railway has strongly affected the commercial 
activities linked to the presence of the port. 

In sum, Dellys forms an authentic small town, with 
firm roots and with a relative firm social coherence. 
Its original feature lies in the fact that it has an active 
population, anciently established, better educated and 
less agricultural in origin than in the other towns of 
Lower Kabylia. 

Bibliography: Col. Robin, Notes sur I'organisation 
militaire des Turcs dans k Grande Kabylie, in RAfr. 
(1873); S.A. Boulifa, Le Djurdjura a trovers I'histoire, 
Algiers 1925; P. Peillon, L'occupation humaine en Basse- 
Kabylie. Peuplement et habitat dans une zone intermediaire 
du Tell algerim, diss. Univ. of Lyons II, 1972, unpubl. 

See also the Bibls. to EP kabylia and EP al- 
djaza'ir. (G. Yver-[J. Bisson]) 

TADBIR (a.), masdar or verbal noun of form II of 

1. In the sense of "direction, administra- 

The Arabic lexicographers explain dabbara as a verb 
from the noun dubur "the hindmost, the end" (oppo- 
site, kubul), meaning "to consider the end, or result, 
of an affair" (see LA, s.r., an tanzura ila ma ta'ulu ilayhi 
'akibatuhu "to heed what one attains at the end of the 
matter"; cf. Lane, 844), hence "to manage, or con- 
duct the affairs (as of a country, umur al-bilad)". But 
it is most likely a loanword from Aramaic, cf. Syriac 
dabbar "to run, govern, administer (something)", though 
strangely not listed in Fraenkel's Die aramaischen Fremd- 
worter im Arabischen. 

As a technical term, tadbir is used: (a) in the sense 
of "government, administration", synonymously with 
siyasa [q.v.] (e.g. in the title of an ethical-political com- 
pendium by Ibn Abi '1-RabT', Suluk al-malik ft tadbir 
al-mamalik), and (b) in the phrase tadbir al-manzil = 
oiKovonia, "administration, management of a house- 
hold". (This, in its turn, is called al-siyasa in Ibn Sura's 
treatise on the subject, see below.) Thus for example, 
Ibn Khaldun says in his Mukaddima (ed. Quatremere, 
i, 62, cf. iii, 127, on siyasa madaniyya, and tr. F. Rosen- 
thal, The Muqaddima, i, 78): "Political government (al- 
siyasa al-madaniyya) is the administration of a household 
or of a city (tadbir al-manzil aw al-madina) in accord- 
ance with the demands of ethics (akhlak) and philos- 
ophy (hikma) for the purpose of directing the mass 
towards behaviour that will result in the preservation 
of the [human] species". 

The Tadbir al-manzil is one of the three subdivisions 
of practical philosophy in the Hellenistic tradition; 
ethics ('Urn al-akhldk), economics ('ilm tadbir al-manzil), 
and politics ('ilm al-siyasa); going back to Aristotle, 
Nkomachean ethics, VI 8-9, 1141b31-2, 1142a9-10, this 
tripartition is well attested in later Greek and Syriac 
introductions to philosophy. In Arabic classifications, 
it is regularly referred to from the late 4th/ 10th cen- 
tury onwards, as in e.g. the Rasa'il Ikhwan al-Safa' 
(Beirut 1957, i, 274: 'ilm al-siyasa al-khassiyya), al- 
KfTarazmi. Mafdtih al-'ulum, ed. van Vloten, 132, and 
in Ibn Sum's Risalafi aksam al-'ulum al-'akliyya (in Tis' 
rasa'il, Constantinople 1298/1881, 73, and ed. Hasan 
'Asi, Beirut 1986, 85). 

The pseudo-Aristotelian (Economka, dealing with the 
family household as a pre-political form of society, 
left few direct traces in the Arabic treatments of the 
topic. It is mentioned as a textbook by Abu '1-Faradj 
Ibn al-Tayyib (d. 435/1043) in his prolegomena to 
Aristotelian philosophy, heavily dependent on Alex- 
andrian Greek sources (Tafsir Utah Katigjiuriyas, ms. 
Cairo, Dar al-Kutub, Mustafa Fadil hikma 1, fol. 5a3), 
and also by Sa'id al-Andalusi, Tabakat al-umam (ed. 
L. Cheikho, 39). Ibn al-Tayyib most probably wrote 
the epitome of CEcon. book 1, entitled Thimdr makalat 
Aristu fi tadbir al-manzil, extant in two mss. (Escurial 2 
888, among similar tkimar/istithmar compendia by Ibn 
al-Tayyib, and Zahle (Lebanon), Ma'luf collection, ed. 
<Isa' Iskandar al-Ma'luf, in RAAD, i [1921], 377-85). 

All other Arabic treatments of economics depend 
directly or indirectly upon the Oikonomikos of the neo- 
Pythagorean philosopher Bryson (2nd century A.D.?), 
a small work dealing in four chapters with the main 
topics set by ps.-Aristotle: 1. the necessity, acquisition, 
preservation and spending of property (mdl), 2. the 
treatment of slaves, 3. the tasks of women in the 
household and the role of man and woman in mat- 


rimony, and 4. the education of children — everything 
being regarded in view of attaining the greatest pos- 
sible good fortune. The unique ms. of the original 
(4th/ 10th century?) Arabic version (Kitab Brsys fl tad- 
Mr al-radjul li-manzilihi, Cairo, Dar al-Kutub, Taymur 
akjsldk 290, pp. 62-96) was edited by L. Cheikho (in 
Madaiq, xix [1921], 161-81; idem, Amiens traiks arabes, 
Beirut 1920-3, 13-33) and re-edited— with the medi- 
aeval Hebrew and Latin versions and a German trans- 
lation—by M. Plessner, Der Oikovouiko.;, 144-259. 
"Bryson" (Burusun, also Ubrusun, Burusis and other vari- 
ants) is first quoted as the standard textbook of eco- 
nomics by Miskawayh (Tahdhib al-akhlak, ed. K. Zurayk, 
Beirut 1966, 55 ff.), and Ibn Sina (R. fl aksam al- 
'ulum al-'akliyya, in lis' rasa'il, loc. at.), and then in 
many later encyclopaedias and classifications of the 
sciences, as by Ibn al-Akfam (d. 749/1348), Irshad al- 
kasid (ed. J.J. Witkam, De egyptische arts Ibn al-Akfam 
en zijn bidding van de weknschappen, Leiden 1989, 64, 
1, 845), followed by Tashkopriizade (d. 968/1561) in 
his Miftdh al-sa'ada (ed. Kamil Bakn and 'Abd al- 
Wahhab Abu '1-Nur, Cairo n.d, i, 407). Important 
excerpts are found in Miskawayh's Tahdhib (be. cit.), 
used also by al-Ghazali (Ihya' 'ulum al-dtn, books 12- 
14, see Plessner, 131 ff.), in the K. al-Siydsa of Ibn 
Sina (ed. L. Ma'lQf, in Madaiq, ix [1906] = idem, 
Traites inedits d'anciens philosophes arabes, Beirut 1911, 
1-17), and in the Ishara ila mahasin al-tidjara, a hand- 
book on trade written between the end of the 4th/ 10th 
and the middle of the 5th/ 10th century by Dja'far 
b. 'All al-Dimashki (analysed by H. Ritter, Handbuch 
der Handelswissenschqft). Independent use of the same 
source was made by Nasir al-Dln al-TusI in the sec- 
ond part of his Akjilak-i Nasiri, expanded from other 
Muslim Arabic and Iranian sources (Plessner, 52-103). 
All later treatments of the subject — as in the ethical 
manuals of al-Idji, al-Amulr, al-Dawani, etc. — depend 
on al-TusT's exposition of economics. 

Bibliography: Christel Hein, Definition und Einki- 
lung der Philosophie : von der spatanliken Einkitungslikratur 
zur arabischen Enzyklopddie, Frankfurt am Main etc., 
1985, 226-32, 320, 324; M. Plessner, Der OkovouiKoq 
des Neupythagoreers Bryson und sein Einfluss auf die isla- 
mische Wissenschaft, Heidelberg 1928 (diss., Breslau 
1925); idem, art. Bryson, in PW, Suppl. 11, Stuttgart 
1968, 356-7; M. Steinschneider, Die hebrdischen Uber- 
setzungen des Mitklalters, Berlin 1893, 227-9; H. Ritter, 
Ein arabisches Handbuch der Handelswissenschqft, in hi, 
vii (1917), 4-14; Nasir al-Dln al-TusI, Akhldk-i 
Nasiri, ed. Mudjtaba Mlnuwl and 'All-Rida Hay- 
daii, Tehran 1356/1977 (M373/1995), 205-44; 77k 
Nasirean Ethics, tr. G.M. Wickens, London, 1964, 
151-84. See also tidjara. 2, 3. 

(W. Heffening-[G. 

of ; 

This is a type of manumission which, however, 
only becomes operative after the death of the mas- 
ter. Dabbara is in this case a verb formed from the 
noun dubur "(life's) end", i.e. death, see L'A, v, 358; 
al-Mutarrizi, Mugfcrib, s.v. The manumitted slave (mu- 
dabbar) is in the same legal position as the urara walad 
[g.v.], except that, in the calculating of a dead man's 
estate for inheritance purposes, the cost of the man- 
umission of an umm walad is to be debited wholly to 
the man's assets, but only one-third of the cost of 
manumitting a mudabbar. 

Bibliography: D. Santillana, Istituzioni di diritto 

musulmano malichita, Rome 1926, i, 122; J. Schacht, 

An introduction to Islamic law, Oxford 1964, 129, 169. 

See also 'abd. (W. Heffening*) 

TADHKIRA (a.), "memorandum" or "aide- 
memoire". The word is considered a verbal noun 
of the form II verb dhakkara "to remind", but already 
in its nine occurrences in the Kur'an it tends to mean 
a concrete "reminder" rather than a verbal "reminding". 

1. In Arabic literature. 

Tadhkira occurs not infrequently in the titles of 
books. From a closer scrutiny of these titles, two clus- 
ters of books emerge that represent two different 
"genres" of text presentation: (1) handbooks and (2) 
notebooks. It should be noted that, in most cases, 
the word is not yet used as a strict technical term, 
although in its second meaning it comes close to being 

In the sense of "handbook", the term appears in 
the titles of books in a large variety of fields. Here are 
a few characteristic examples: (a) adab encyclopaedia: 
al-Tadhkira al-Hamduniyya by Ibn Hamdun (d. 562/ 
1166 [q.v.]), ed. I. and B. 'Abbas,' Beirut 1996; (b) 
poetic anthology of the Hamdsa [q.v.] type: al-Tadhkira 
al-Sa'diyyafi 'l-ash'ar al-'arabiyya by Muhammad b. 'Abd 
al-Rahman b. 'Abd al-MadjId al-'Ubaydi (8th/ 14th 
century), [vol. i], ed. 'A. al-Djuburi, Baghdad 1391/ 
1972; (c) hadlth transmission: al-Tadhkira fl 'ulum al- 
hadlth by Ibn al-Mulakkin (d. 804/1401), ed. 'A.H.'A. 
'Abd al-Hamld, 'Amman 1 988; (d) Kur'an readings: 
al-Tadhkira fi i-kira'at (title varies) by Ibn Ghalbun (d. 
389/999), ed. 'A.B. Ibrahim, Cairo 1990; (e) theology: 
al-Tadhfira fi 'l-ajawahir wa 'l-a'rad by Ibn Mattawayh 
(5th/ 11th century [q.v. in Suppl.]), ed. S.N. Lutf and 
F.B. 'Awn, Cairo [1975]; (f) medicine: Tadhkirat uli 
'l-albab wa 'l-djami' li 'l-'adjab al-'udjab by Dawud al- 
Antaki (d. 1008/1599 [q.v]); (g) ophthalmology: Tadh- 
kirat al-kahhalin by 'Air b. Tsa al-Kahhal (5th/ 11th 
century [g.v.]), ed. Ghawth Muhyi '1-Din al-Sharafi, 
Haydarabad 1383/1964; (h) astronomy: al-Tadhkira fl 
'Urn al-hay'a by Nasir al-Din al-Tusi (d. 672/1274 
[q.v.]), ed. F.J. Ragep, New York 1993; (i) biography: 
Tadhkirat al-hujfaz by al-Dhahabr (d. 748/1348 [q.v.]) 
and Tadhkirat al-nuhat by Abu Hayyan (d. 745/1344 
[q.v.]), ed. 'A. 'Abd al-Rahman, Beirut 1986. The 
Persian and Turkish use of the term for a biog- 
raphical dictionary of poets (see below) is attested in 
Arabic too, but is probably due to Ottoman influ- 
ence, thus al-Tadhkira by al-Fayyurm ('Abd al-Barr b. 
'Abd al-Kadir, d. 1071/1660 in Istanbul, cf. Brockel- 
mann, IP, 377). 

In its second meaning the word refers to, some- 
times huge, collections of text snippets that the com- 
piler found of interest to himself and gathered mainly 
for his own use. Some of these have been at least 
partially preserved, the best known perhaps being al- 
Tadhkira al-Salahiyya of al-Safadi (d. 764/1363 [q.v.]) 
in thirty volumes, of which a stray number is found 
in various libraries. The oblong book format of the 
safina seems to be popular for these notebooks, in 
which case the word may appear in the title (cf. e.g. 
Brockelmann, IF, 391, 558, S II, 55, 387, 402, 416, 
912). These collections often contain valuable mate- 
rials not found elsewhere. Thus the Safina of 'Ali b. 
Mubarakshah (mid-9th/15th century) has yielded 
unknown zadjak by Ibn Kuzman and others (see 
W. Hoenerbach and H. Ritter, Meue Materialien zum 
local. I, in Oriens, iii (1950), 266-316, see 267). 
Bibliography: Given in the article. 

(W.P. HErNMCHs) 

2. In Persian literature. 

Although most often concerned with the lives of 
poets, some works called tadhkira deal with calligra- 
phers, the Ahl al-Bayt, Sufi shaykhs or other categories 
of memorable persons (see e.g. the variety of the 

works mentioned by Storey). Actually, the oldest book 
carrying this term in its title is Fand al-Dfn 'Attar's 
Tadhkirat al-awliya' ("Memoirs of the saints"), a col- 
lection of hagiographies. The special connotation of 
a work on literary biography was derived from the 
Tadhkirat al-shu'ara' ("Memoirs of the poets"), com- 
pleted by Dawlatshah [q.v.] in 892/1487, which set 
an authoritative example for future generations. Basic 
to the genre is the combination of biography and 
anthology, although the importance of the latter fre- 
quently outweighs that of the former. Tadhkiras have 
often been criticised on account of their unreliability, 
especially as far as darings are concerned, and accused 
of recording legend rather than historical fact. 
Whatever limitations they may have as historical 
sources, it cannot be denied that the tadhkiras. consti- 
tute the only form of literary history created by the 
tradition itself. 

If each of its two aspects is considered separately, 
Dawlatshah's work cannot be regarded as a com- 
plete innovation. Already during the preceding cen- 
turies, anthologies had been assembled in many dif- 
ferent forms [see mukhtarat]. 'Awfi's [q.v.] Lubab 
al-albab (composed at Lahore, 617/1220-1), a precur- 
sor of the tadhkira, is still predominantly an anthol- 
ogy, but a biographical interest can be found also in 
other mediaeval genres. In the Cahar makdla (written 
ca. 550/1155), Nizami 'Arudl [q.v.] related anecdotes 
on a number of great poets, which typify different 
sides of court poetry. Hamd Allah MustawfT [q.v.] 
added a separate chapter on the poets to his Ta'nkh-i 
guzida (tr. E.G. Browne, in JRAS [1900], 721-62 and 
[1901], 1-32), and other historiographers equally paid 
attention to the lives of poets. Short biographies of 
poets who were the pride of their native towns can 
be found in the geography Athar al-bildd wa-akhbar al- 
'ibad by Zakariyya' al-Kazwini [q.v.]. The most impor- 
tant Sufi poets were dealt with separately by DjamI 
[q.v.] at the end of his hagiographical work JVafahat 
al-uns, and he inserted a section on poets into the 
elegant prose work Baharistan. 

The genre of the tadhkira proliferated in the 
10th/16th century and afterwards. A rough distinc- 
tion can be made between general works, surveying 
the entire history of Persian poetry up to the time of 
the author, and those which are focussed on a spe- 
cific period (usually the compiler's own), a region or 
a special kind of poetry; among the latter there are, 
e.g., works devoted to women poets only. General 
tadhkiras are often chronologically divided into sections 
on poets of the early period (mutakaddimin), of the mid- 
dle period (mutawassitin) and recent times (muta'akh- 
khirin). The information concerning older poets tends 
to be handed down cumulatively from one tadhkira to 
another, but even in a 19th century work like the 
comprehensive Madjma' al-fusaha' by Rida-Kuh" Khan 
Hidayat [q.v.] there are data not to be be found in 
earlier works still extant. The most valuable data are, 
of course, those which refer to the author's contem- 
poraries. (For further details on the history of the 
tadhkiras, see mukhtarat.) 

The tadhkiras have been drawn upon by modern 
writers on the history of Persian literature ever since 
Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall chose Dawlatshah's work 
as the main' source for Die schonen Redekunste Persiens 
(Vienna 1818). Nathaniel Bland introduced to Orien- 
talist scholarship 'Awff s Lubab al-albab, as well as many 
other tadhkiras. This new material stimulated the study 
of the beginnings of Persian poetry, pursued notably 
by Hermann Ethe in a great number of articles. The 
tadhkiras have further provided a wealth of factual 

information to the authors of catalogues of Persian 

Bibliography. The most comprehensive survey 
of Persian tadhkiras is A. Gulcin-i Ma'anT, Tarlkh-i 
ladhkiraha-yi first, 2 vols., Tehran 1348-50 .&./1969- 
71. See further N. Bland, On the earliest Persian biog- 
raphy of poets, . . . and some other works of the class called 
Tazkirat ul Shudrd, in JRAS, ix (1848), 1 1 1-76; H. Ethe, 
in GIPh, ii, 213-7 ("Ubersicht liber die QueUen"); 
E.G. Browne, 77k sources of Dawlatshah . . ., in JRAS 
(1899), 37-60; Storey, i/2, 781-922; F. Tauer, in 
J. Rypka et alii, History of Iranian literature, Dordrecht 
1968, 453 ff. (J.T.P. de Bruijn) 

3. In Turkish literature. 

The first Turkic biography of poets was produced 
by MFr 'All Shir Nawa'r in the Caghatay dialect in 
897/1491-2. His Madjalis al-nafi'is, along with two 
Persian works of this genre, Djami's Baharistan (883/ 
1478) and Dawlat Shah's Tadhkirat al-shu'ara' (892/ 
1487) were known to, and used as models by, the 
first Ottoman biographer of poets, Sehi of Edirne 
(d. 955/1548 [q.v.]) who composed his Heshl bihishl in 
Ottoman Turkish and finished it in 945/1538. There 
are, altogether, twenty-four of these collections of biog- 
raphies of note. The last one was completed in 1930 
by Ibnulemin Mahmud Kemal. Generally referred to 
as Tedhkere-yi shu'ara' by the Ottomans, this uninterrupted 
series has contributed considerable detail to the his- 
tory of Ottoman literature. 

The compilers were mostly members of the 'ulema' 
class and reflected the mentality, interests and tastes 
of this class. The tedhkeres themselves constitute the 
chief source of biographical detail on the biographers. 
Nearly all the biographers were poets in their own 
rights, and as such were featured in the works of col- 
leagues who were their contemporaries or continua- 
tors. Biographical matter on the poets included in the 
tedhkeres was generally obtained from previous tedhkeres, 
secondary documentary sources and oral sources of 
one kind or another. The biographers, like the his- 
torians, demonstrate a desire to satisfy the need for 
an unbroken chain of recorded facts placed in works 
that could be serialised by means of dheyk. The poetic 
citations that were invariably added to the end of the 
biographies were acquired mainly from diwans and 

The arrangement and length of individual notices 
vary between a few words to identify the poet to sev- 
eral folios. Each entry is identified most frequently by 
the nom-de-plume or makhlas or, in the case of sultans, 
statesmen or administrators, by the given name. This 
is followed by the name of the town where they orig- 
inated or the one in which they reside. There is little 
information given about ancestry and date of birth, 
but more information is supplied on the date of death. 
Generally, details concerning the education and train- 
ing of poets are restricted to the 'ulema', and citations 
pertaining to careers and professions range from sin- 
gle words like "judge" and "janissary", to much longer 
descriptions of the careers of better-known poets. There 
is hardly any reference to character or appearance, 
but the longer tedhkeres sometimes include additional 
biographical, anecdotal and incidental material. 

The Ottoman Turkish biographies of poets, like 
their Arabic and Persian counterparts, felt the need 
to tabulate, serialise, describe and preserve the best 
of the literary enterprises of the Ottomans for the 
benefit of posterity. As far as the compilers them- 
selves were concerned, it may be suggested that a 
second reason for and an objective of compiling these 
biographical dictionaries was to create opportunities 


for the compilers to exercise their very mild critical 
prowess as well as to praise the creativity of their fel- 
low-bards. The following are the twenty-four major 
kdhkeres, listed in chronological order: (1) Sehi (of 
Edirne), d. 1548; Hesht bihisht, comp. 1538; covers ca 
1400-1538. (2) Latrfr ('Abd ul-LatTf of Kastamonu), 
d. ca. 1582; Tedhkere-yi shu'ara', comp. 1546; covers 
ca. 1400-1546. (3) 'AhdT (Ahmed of Baghdad), d. ca. 
1593; Gulshen-i shu'ara', comp. 1563; covers ca 1520- 
63. (4) 'Ashik Celebi (Plr Mehmed of Prizrin), b. 1519, 
d. 1571; Mesha'ir ul-shu'ara' , comp. 1569; covers ca. 
1400-1569. (5) Klnalizade (Hasan Celebi of Bursa), b. 
1546, d. 1603; Tedhkere-yi shu'ara', comp. 1585; covers 
ca. 1400-1585. (6) BeyanT (Mustafa of Ruscuk), d. 1597; 
Tedhkere-yi sku'ara', comp. ca. 1595; covers ca. 1400- 
1585. (7) Riyadi (Mehmed of Istanbul), b. 1572, d. 
1644; Riyad al-shu'ara', comp. 1609; covers ca. 1400- 
1609. (8) Rida (Zehrr-i Marzade Seyyid Mehmed of 
Edirne), d. 1671; Tcdhkere-yi shu'ara", comp. 1 640; cov- 
ers 1591-1640. (9) Yiimni (Mehmed Salih of Istanbul), 
d. 1662; Tedhkere-yi shu'ara', comp ca. 1662; covers ca. 
1600-62. (10) Gufti ('Air of Edirne), d. 1677; Teshnfat 
ul-shu'ara', comp. ca. 1669; covers ca. 1600-69. (11) 
Miidjlb (Mustafa), b. 1671, d. 1726; Tcdhkere-yi shu'ara', 
comp. 1710; covers 1609-1710. (12) Safa'i (Mustafa 
of Istanbul), d. 1725; Tcdhkere-yi shu'ara', comp. 1719; 
covers 1640-1719. (13) Salim (Mirza-zade Mehmed 
Emm of Istanbul), b. 1687, d. 1743; Tedhkere-yi shu'ara' , 
comp. 1721; covers 1687-1720. (14) Beligh (Seyyid 
Isma'Il of Bursa), b. 1668, d. 1729; Nukhbet ul-athar 
li-dheyl-i Zubdet ul-ash'ar, comp. 1726; covers 1620-1726. 
(15) Ramiz (Hiiseyin of Istanbul), d. ca. 1785; Adab-i 
zurafa', comp. second half of 18th century; covers 
1721-84. (16) Esrar Dede (Seyyid Mehmed of Istanbul), 
d. 1796; Tedhkere-yi shu'ara-yi Mewlewiyye, comp. 1796; 
covers ca. 1400-1790. (17) Shefkat ('Abd ul-Fettah of 
Baghdad), d. 1826; Tedhkere-yi shu'ara', comp. 1813; 
covers ca. 1730-1813. (18) 'Akif (Mehmed), d. ca. 1796; 
Mir'at-i shi'r, comp. 1796; covers his contemporaries. 

(19) Es'ad (Mehmed of Istanbul), b. 1786, d. 1847; 
Baghce-yi safa-enduz, comp. 1835; covers 1722-1835. 

(20) 'Arif Hikmet (Seyyid Ahmed of Istanbul), b. 1786, 
d. 1858; Tedhkere-yi shu'ara', comp. ca. 1836; covers 
1589-1836. (21) Fatln (Dawud of Drama), b. 1814, 
d. 1867; Khatimet ul-esh'ar, comp. 1852; covers 1722- 
1852. (22) TewfTk (Mehmed of Istanbul), b. 1843, d. 
1893; KSfile-yi shu'ara', comp. 1873; incomplete. (23) 
'Alt Emm (of Diyarbakir), b. 1857, d. 1923; Tedhkere- 
yi shu'ara' -yi Amid, ca. 1878; covers the principal poets 
of Diyarbakir. (24) Inal (Ibnulemin Mahmud Kemal), 
b. 1870, d. 1957; Son asir turk sairkri, comp. 1930; 
covers 1852-1930. 

Bibliography: J. Stewart-Robinson, The Ottoman 
biographies of poets, in JNES, xxiv (1965), 57-74. 
(J. Stewart-Robinson) 
al-TA'DIL (a.), in planetary astronomy the cor- 
rection or equation (corresponding to medieval 
Latin aequatio) applied to mean positions of the 
sun, moon and planets to derive the true 
positions [see kamar; shams, i.; takwIm; zIej]. 
Muslim astronomers generally tabulated these func- 
tions in the same way as Ptolemy had done in the 
Almagest [see batlamiyus] but occasionally introduced 
more extensive sets of tables to facilitate the tedious 
application of more than one equation (as in the case 
of the moon and planets). 

Bibliography: E.S. Kennedy, Solar and lunar tables 
in early Islamk astronomy, in JAOS, lxxxvii (1967), 
492-7, and M. Tichenor, Late medieval two-argument 
tables for planetary longitudes, in JNES, xxvi (1967), 
126-8, both repr. in Kennedy et alii, Studies in the 

Islamu exact sciences, Beirut 1983, 108-13 and 122-4; 
D.A. King, A double-argument table for the lunar equa- 
tion attributed to Ibn Tunus, in Centaurus, xviii (1974), 
129-46, repr. in idem, Islamic mathematical astronomy, 
London 1986, 2 Aldershot 1993, V; G. Saliba, The 
double-argument lunar tables of Cyriacus, in Jnal. for the 
Hist, of Astronomy, vii (1976), 41-6, and idem, The plan- 
etary tables of Cyriacus, in Jnal. of the Hist, of Arabk 
Science, ii (1978), 53-65; and B. van Dalen, A tabk 
for the true solar longitude in the Jami' Zfj, in A. von 
Gotstedter, (ed.), Ad radices. Festband zum funfzigjah- 
ngen BesUhen des Instituts fur Geschichk der Naturwissen- 
schaften Frankfurt am Main, Stuttgart 1994, 171-90. 

(D.A. King) 
al-TA'DIL BAYN al-SATRAYN (a.), literally, cor- 
recting between the two lines, a 



nterpolation. Muslim 
used linear and non-linear procedures for calculating 
intermediate values in mathematical and astronomi- 
cal tables. 

Bibliography: J. Hamadanizadeh, A survey of 
medieval Islamk interpolation schemes, in D.A. King and 
G. Saliba (eds.), From deferent to equant. Studies ... in 
honor of E.S. Kennedy, New York 1987, 143-52. See 
also King, Ibn Tunus' Very Useful Tabks for reckoning 
time by the sun, in Archive for History of Exact Science, 
x (1973), 342-94 (repr. in idem, Islamk mathematkal 
astronomy, London 1986, 2nd ed. Aldershot 1993, X), 
especially 354-7, for a highly sophisticated double- 
order procedure advocated by Ibn Yunus ca. 400/ 
1010, and J.-P. Hogendijk, The Qibla tabk in the 
Ashrafi Zrj, in A. von Gotstedter (ed.), Ad radkes. 
Festband zum funfzigjahrigen Bestehen des Instituts fur 
Geschkhte der Miturwissenschaften Frankfurt am Main, 
Stuttgart 1994, 81-94, for an example of a 8th/ 14th- 
century table where the interpolation has gone awry. 

(D.A. King) 
TA'DIL al-ZAMAN (a.), or ta'dil al-ayyam bi-laydtha, 
the equation of time, a fundamental notion in 
mathematical astronomy. Times derived from obser- 
vations of the sun [see mikat] need to be corrected 
by a function which takes into consideration the fact 
that the true sun does not move on the celestial equa- 
tor but on the ecliptic [see mintakat al-burudj] and 
the fact that its motion on the ecliptic is not uniform. 
This correction, which varies throughout the year, is 
the equation of time, and it was tabulated in Islamic 
astronomical handbooks [see ziej] . Since tables of this 
function are dependent on three different parameters 
(the obliquity of the ecliptic [see mayl] and the solar 
apogee and eccentricity [see shams, i.]), they present 
a particular challenge to modern investigators. 

Bibliography: E.S. Kennedy, A survey of Islamk 
astronomica tables, in Trans. Amer. Philosophical Society, 
N.S. xlvi (1956), especially 141; and B. van Dalen, 
Ancient and mediaeval astronomkal tables. Mathematical 
structure and parameter values, Utrecht 1993, 97-152. 

(D.A. King) 
al-TADILI, Ibrahim b. Muhammad b. 'Abd al- 
Kadir al-Ribati (1242-131 1/1827-94), scholar from 
f adla, in particular, in the field of music. 
He was descended from Sidi Djabir, whose mau- 
soleum is on the left bank of the Umm al-Rabi' and 
who was of Djusham Arab origin, a group which had 
been established in that region since the 7th/ 13th 
century. For generations, his ancestors had lived in 
Rabat, which confirms the belief that they had emi- 
grated in the course of the 17th century, fleeing the 
troubles which shook Tadla after the death of Sultan 
Mawlay Isma'il. 

The Tadills of Rabat were renowned for their 
knowledge, their dignity and their distinction, and they 
were among the most illustrious families in the town; 
they were put on the same footing as those who were 
originally from al-Andalus. 

Ibrahim al-Tadili was unique among his contempo- 
raries for his encyclopaedic mind and his familiarity 
with European and oriental languages. Having finished 
the basic cycle of education which was usual for that 
period, he went to Fas to continue his studies. For 
fifteen years he attended courses in the Karawiyyfh 
[q.B.]. Among his teachers he had illustrious scholars 
such as al-WalTd al-Trakl, Ahmad Bennam, Hamdun 
b. Hadjdj al-Sularm, and several others. 

As well as following the linguistic and Islamic dis- 
ciplines, together with a few other students he applied 
himself to studying the rational disciplines, which were 
generally passed over and were no longer offered for 
study except in smaller mosques or in particular places, 
including, mathematics, astronomy, equations, astrology, 
medicine and logic, with music also included. In his 
writings he reserves a place for the teachers of music 
at Fas, whom the biographers have totally neglected, 
such as Hadjdj Haddu Bendjellun, Rashid Djamal and 
his brother al-Ghah" Djamal, Muhammad al-Sabban 
and al-Makki Mahrush. Al-Tadilr was therefore the 
only one to have recorded first-hand the facts of music 
teaching at Fas in the second half of the 19th century. 

On his return journey he stopped off several times 
at Meknes, and then derived learning from the local 
'ulama' of Marrakush. When he reached Rabat again, 
he busied himself with his tasks as a teacher. But 
feeling that he had not yet learned enough he decided 
to travel and hear the 'ulama' of the East, once in 
1862, and again in 1867. 

At the Azhar he deepened his knowledge of the 
disciplines of lafilr and hadith with the shaykh 'UUaysh. 
At Mecca, he studied law according to the different 
schools: Maliki, with which he had already famil- 
iarised himself in Morocco; Hanaff, with the skqykh 
Djamal al-Din al-Hindl; and Shaft' i, with the shaykh 
al-Hamzawi. He also put his stay in Mecca to good 
use by following other courses on different specialities 
with the shaykhs Siddik Hasan Khan al-Kannawdjr 
[see nawwab sayyid siddIk hasan khan] and al- 
Nahrawi, and finally with a Moroccan scholar who 
was resident in the Holy City, shaykh Muhammad b. 
Dahhu al-Zammuri, who issued him with an uijaza 
which sanctioned his transmission of the most authen- 
tic hadiths. On his return to his homeland, he taught 
at Rabat for three decades, delivering five to eight 
lectures daily. 

His works number more than 120, and can be 
divided into three categories. First, there are the didac- 
tic materials, which group together his commentaries 
on old texts and his own lectures. Most of these were 
unfinished for lack of time, and today quite a num- 
ber of them are known only by their titles. Then 
there are books on current Muslim disciplines. To his 
work on MaiikT fikh he added commentaries on Shafi'I 
fikh. Finally, there are the books on subjects which 
appeared to be new for that period, such as geogra- 
phy, astronomy, medicine, etc. The tides of three of 
these works are $nat al-nahr fi 'ulum al-bahr, in which 
he deals with the technique of navigating sailing boats 
and steam boats; Hisdn al-haka'ik wa 'l-raka'ik fi hisab 
al-duradj wa 'l-daka'ik, which deals with the mathemati- 
cal measurement of spheres, constellations, latitude 
and longitude; and Aghani al-sika wa-ma'ani al-musika 
or al-Irtikd' ila 'Urn al-musika. The subject of this third 
book, music, which formed an important aspect in 

the life of the author, did not attract any particular 
attention from his biographers. 

In fact, Aghani al-sika was finished in 1891, and it 
appeared at a time when Tetuan was experiencing a 
resurgence of musical activity. This was crowned in 
1885 by the compilation of Kunnash al-ha'ik, which 
grouped together the eleven nawbat of Andalusian 
music still in use today. All this suggests that al-TadilT 
contributed to the composition of the Tetuan book- 
let, for in fact the origin of these eleven nawbat, their 
time patterns, their cadences as well as the methods 
of playing and singing them based on the Fas model 
are set out in Aghani al-sika in ch. iv and those which 
follow in that book. His music courses in Rabat were 
to produce several musicians, such as Muhammad al- 
Rtal the singer, al-Hadjdj Kasim b. 'Asna the player 
of the kanun, and the lute player Makkl al-Figtgi. 

In Rabat, al-Tadili led a peaceful life. But his pres- 
tige and his audiences earned him jealousy from his 
enemies; no-one understood what were the prime mo- 
tives behind his incarceration, when 'Abd al-Rahman 
al-Bribn, the kadi of Rabat, intervened. His biogra- 
phers all bear witness to his courage in denouncing 
iniquity, so it was not surprising that in the course 
of his lectures, in which some members of the makhzan 
were present, he became indignant about the illegal 
imposition of the maks, an unpopular tax which had 
been levied for a long time in Morocco when prod- 
ucts of commercial value were brought into the towns. 
He was fearless, too, when he declined, for health 
reasons, the invitation from the king to participate in 
the religious evening at the Great Mosque in Rabat 
on the occasion of the night of 27 Ramadan 1302. 
What is more, he seized the opportunity to ask the 
chamberlain to beg Sultan Hasan I to abolish the 
maks. Five months later, in the zahir of 13 Rabf I, 
1303/20 December 1885, this tax was abolished. 

In 1886 al-Tadili undertook a third voyage to the 
East, but this time with a political aim. He went to 
Turkey in an attempt to bring together the Ottoman 
khalifa and the Shanfi khalifa, and was warmly received 
in Istanbul. For him this was a chance to meet poli- 
ticians and Muslim scholars and to appreciate the 
progress in modernisation and development that had 
been made by the Turks. From there he went on to 
Beirut, where he met Muhammad 'Abduh [q.B.], who 
was in exile and whose reformist ideas had aroused 
his admiration, and then to Palestine, where he lec- 
tured at the al-Aksa mosque. 

He died in Rabat on the night of Thursday and 
Friday 18 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 131 1/15 June 1894. 

Bibliography: Several of al-Tadili's own works 
remain in ms., but see Ibn Suda, Dalxl mu'arrikh 
al-Maghrib al-Aksa, Casablanca 1960; 'Abbas b. 
Ibrahim, al-l'lam, i, Rabat 1974; 'Abd al-'AzIz Ben 
'Abd Allah, in Encychpedie marocaine, Fedala 1975, s.v.; 
'Abd al-Wahhab Ben Mansur, A'ldm al-Maghrib al- 
'arabl, i, Rabat 1979; 'Abd Allah al-Djirari, Abu 
Ishak al-Tadili, Casablanca 1980; Muhammad Lam- 
num, Mazahir yakzat al-Maghrib al-haaith, Beirut 1985; 
Mohammad Hajji, Catalogue de la Bibliotheque sbihiyya, 
Kuwait 1985; Muhammad Larbi al-Khattabi. Cata- 
logue de la Bibliotheque Rqyale (Hasaniyya), iv, Rabat 
1985; Muhammad Dinya, Madjalis al-inbisat, Ra- 
bat 1986; Muhammad Bu Djandar, al-Ightibat, Rabat 
1987; 'Abd al'-Ilah al-Fasi, art. al-Tadili, Ibrahim, in 
Encychpedie du Maroc, Sala 1992; 'Abd al-Rahman 
Lahrishl, Catalogue abrege des mss. de la Fondation 'AIM 
al-Fasi, i, Casablanca 1991; 'Abd al-Salam b. Suda, 
Ithaf al-mutali', Beirut 1996. 



J.-TADILI, Yusuf b. Yahya, Ibn al-Zayyat [sei 


n Persi 

TADI { t 
going back to the Old Persian *tag; cf. Ar 
Aramaic tags. From it are formed in Arabic the bro- 
ken plural RdjSn and the corresponding verb t-w-dj, 
forms II "to crown", V "to be crowned", and ta'idj, 
"crowned" (Horn, Grundriss der neupersischen Etymologic, 
Strassburg 1893, 81; Siddiqi, Studien iiber die persischen 
Fremdwbrkr im klassischen Arabisch, Gottingen 1919, 74, 
84, Fraenkel, Die aramSischen Fremdwbrkr im Arabischen, 
Leiden 1886, 62). Like the name, the object itself 
comes from old Persia. The form of the crowns of 
the old Persian kings, which we know best from their 
coins, was not unknown in Arabic literature. Al- 
Mas'udr, for example, tells us he had seen an old 
book with coloured pictures of Persian kings wearing 
their crowns, which was translated into Arabic for the 
Umayyad Hisham b. 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan (Tanbih, 
106). A whole series of books now lost with titles like 
Kitab Siyar al-muluk and Kitab al-Tadj seem to have 
been of similar content. The Kitab al-Tadj edited by 
Ahmad ZakT Pasha (Cairo 1332/1914) is a compila- 
tion of Arab and especially Sasanid Persian traditions; 
its translator, Ch. Pellat (Le lime de la couronne, Paris 
1954, Introd.), thought that its author was an Arabised 
Persian, conceivably Muhammad b. al-Harith al- 
Taghlibr/al-Tha'labi, but certainly not al-Djahiz (see 
also Brockelmann, S I, 246; nasihat al-muluk; and 
al-tha'labi). It is presumably on such sources that 
are based the statements on the Persian crown in 
Hamza al-Isfahanl, Ta'rlkji Sim muluk al-ard wa '1-anbiyS' 
(Berlin, Kaviani Press, 17, 24-5, 32, 35 ff), and the 
Persian Mudjmil al-tawankh which utilises him and the 
statements in al-Tabarl also (on the relation of their 
sources, cf. Noldeke, Geschichte der Perm und Araber, 
Leiden 1879, Introd. (on the crown among the Persians, 
cf. especially, 95, 221, 304, 385, 453); A. Christensen, 
L'empire des Sasanides, Copenhagen 1907, 14, 89 ff., 
106; idem, Le regne du roi Kawadh I et le communisme 
mazdakite, Copenhagen 1925, 22 ff.). In the Arabic 
AwS'il [q.v.] literature, we are told that the first to 
wear a crown was al-Dahhak (see al-Kalkashandi, Subh 
al-a'shS, i, 415). 

On Islamic miniatures which depict the old Persian 
kings, the latter wear regular crowns, but their form 
is, of course, in no way authentic. On the miniatures, 
crowns are also worn by the angels, and notably by 
the Prophet Muhammad and Burak in the Mi'rSdj 
(see the miniature in the edition of the Uyghur Mi'rSdj- 
nSme', ed. Pavet de Courteille, Paris 1882). 

The Arabs made their first acquaintance with crowns 
before Islam, for the Persian kings occasionally gave 
their Arab vassal kings crowns as a token of their 
rank, e.g. to the Lakhmid Imru' al-Kays (d. 328 A.D. 
(if tg in the Namara inscription really equals tad}, 
which is by no means certain); cf. Clermont-Ganneau, 
Recueil dArchiol. Or., vi, 307: Le roi de "tous les Arabes" 
and vii, \76: Le Tddj-ddr Imrou 'l-Qais et la rcyaute generate 
des Arabes; U. Monneret de Villard, II Tag di Imru' 
l-Qais, in RCAL, CI. di Sc. morali, storiche e filo- 
logiche, viii [1953], 224-9; Man Shahid, Byzantium and 
the Arabs in the fourth century, Washington D.C. 1984, 
36-7, 413-14; Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, ii, 35, 375: also 
on the difference between ik&l and tadj; the latter 
seems to mean a simple chaplet only), and to the 
Lakhmid Nu'man III (see G. Rothstein, Die Dynastk 
der Lahmiden in al-Hira, Berlin 1899, 128) and to the 
Dhu 'l-Tddj Hawdha b. 'All, the Christian ruler of 
Yamama in the time of Muhammad, to whom the 
Prophet is said also to have sent a demand to become 

converted to Islam (Ibn Hisham, ed. Wustenfeld, 971; 
al-Kalkashandi, vi, 379; Fraenkel, 62; al-TabarT, i, 
985; Noldeke, Gesch. d. Perser u. Araber, 258). Crowns 
and bearers of crowns were often celebrated by the 
poets (see Siddiqi, 84; al-Mubarrad, Kamil, 289-90, 
where the crown is said to be a peculiarity of the 
Yemen, possibly a reminiscence of the old relations 
between Yemen and the Abyssinians; on the crown 
of the latter, cf. Noldeke, Geschichte, 225, 233). 

The celebrated crown of Khusraw II Aparwlz was 
among the booty which the Arabs took at Ctesiphon 
(Christensen, L'Empire, 106). But the crown continued 
to be something foreign and rare among the Arabs. 
There is a hadilh which says al-'amS'im tidjSn al-Arab, 
"the turbans are the crowns of the Arabs", i.e. accord- 
ing to the usual explanation in the LisSn al-Arab and 
elsewhere, turbans are as rare amongst them as crowns, 
for most Bedouins do not wear turbans but only kald- 
nis (caps, see kalansuwa) or no headdress at all. 

Islam knows no regular royal crown or coronation 
in our sense as a symbol of regal power. When we 
find mention of crowns, the reference is to foreign 
rulers like those of the old Persian Great Kings, of 
Christian rulers, etc. The tadj al-BSba is the tiara of 
the Pope and the tadj al-uskuf the mitre of a bishop. 
Only in the case of the so-called tad} al-khattfa do we 
seem at first sight to have a Muslim ruler's crown. 
This crown of the caliph, which is included among 
the insignia (Slat al-mulukiyyd) of sovereignty, is not 
found till the 'Abbasid period, and it has been sug- 
gested that this dynasty imitated the Persian tradition 
in deliberate contrast to the early caliphs and Umay- 
yads (Noldeke, Geschichte, 453). The caliph wore this 
tad), on ceremonial occasions (mawSkib [q.v.]) on the 
great feast-days. Al-Kalkashandi (iii, 472, 484 - Wus- 
tenfeld, Cakaschandi, 172, 182) describes the tad} of 
the Fatimid caliph of Egypt. It is evident from him 
that it was not a proper crown but a turban richly 
studded with gems, including a particularly large one 
called al-yatima, weighing seven dirhams, of the colour 
of the Fatimids, namely white, for the elaborate wind- 
ing of which (shadd al-tadj al-shanf) a special official 
(the shadd, later called laffaf) was appointed (cf. 
Inostrantsev, The ceremonial procession of the Fatimid caliphs 
[in Russian], St. Petersburg 1905, 64; Ibn al-Sayraff, 
KSnun dtwSn al-rasS'il, ed. Bahdjat, 27'). The Hafsid 
sultan, too, wore a tadj on his mawakibs (see Ibn Fadl 
Allah, Masalik al-absar, extract, Wasf Ifrlkiya wa H- 
Andalus, ed. Hasan Husm 'Abd al-Wahhab, Tunis [ca. 
1922], 23, no. 2). 

Among the robes of honour which the caliph or 
the sultan used to send to governors, ambassadors, 
etc., there was usually a tadj, as is often expressly 
mentioned. Thus according to al-Kalkashandi, viii, 
375, on his accession the caliph presents a crown set 
with jewels (tadj murassa'; cf. also Wustenfeld, Statthalter, 
iii, 38). A similar tadj seems also to appear as an 
emblem on the arms of amirs of the Mamluk period 
[see rank]. 

The name tadj was also given to the headdress of 
the Ottoman sultans. Even 'Othman I is said to have 
worn a tdaj-i Ehurasanl (d'Ohsson, ii, 135). We know 
exactly the kind of headdress worn by the conqueror 
of Constantinople from the paintings by Bellini. He 
wears a large turban, and the tadj; the inner cap of 
this turban is in the shape of a truncated cone and 
is usually red and rippled (? stitched). Round this is 
wound the turban proper (sank) of thin cloth. The 
form of the turban of Mehemmed Fatih found on his 
paintings is also shown on the medals. When we find, 
on the reverse of a medal, three regular crowns, which 


are believed to represent the three kingdoms of Asia, 
Greece and Trebizond united under Ottoman rule, 
the explanation probably is simply that the medal was 
designed and executed by a European artist (cf. G.F. 
Hill, in JVC [1926], 287-98 and pi. xiv). Karabacek 
has dealt fully with the tadj of the Ottoman sultans. 
According to him, the Perso-Turkish tadj corresponds 
to the tartur of Arabic-speaking lands, a rather high 
cap which is found represented as early as a papyrus 
of the 7th century A.D., and assumed many varying 
forms in the course of time. In remarkable agreement 
with these forms are the headdresses (hen[n]in) of the 
14th- 16th centuries of ladies in France and Spain, 
which according to Karabacek came direct from the 
east (the name, Arabic kanini, as well as the object 
itself). Particular forms of this headdress have sur- 
vived on women to the present day, e.g. among the 
Druses of the Lebanon and in Algeria and Tunis. In 
modern Egypt, there has developed from this the kurs 
as a woman's headdress. This is a plate-like orna- 
ment of gold and gems, which is sewn on the crown 
of a rather high cap and is sometimes of consider- 
able weight. This kurs is put on the top (shahid) of 
the bier of dead women, as is done with the turban 
in the case of men (cf. Lane, Manners and customs of 
the modem Egyptians, Appendix A; idem, Arabian society 
in the Middle Ages, 218, 234). The use of a special 
crown for brides, which is found all over the world, 
is also sometimes found in the Muslim world (Lane, 
The thousand and one nights, i, 424; Lagarde, Arabes mitrati, 
in Xachrichten . . . Gottingen [1891], 160 ff.; and the title 
of the well-known dictionary Tadj al-'arus; cf. for Eastern 
Turkestan, Brockelmann, in Asia Major, ii, 122). 

The tadj was given a special religious significance 
as a headdress among the dervishes. The assumption 
of the tadj was an essential part of the shadd [q.v.]. 
The different dervish orders each had their tadj of 
distinct form and colour, frequently with 12 seams 
(terk) from the number of the Imams, or with 9, 7 etc., 
and there were numerous names and symbolical in- 
terpretations associated with them (see Ahmed Rifat, 
Mir' at al-makasid, Istanbul 1293, 212-15; Brown, The 
Danishes, 148 ff.; pictures in d'Ohsson, ii, 292; there 
is also a large coloured table of the 14 most impor- 
tant dervish orders with pictures of their tdaj and 
accounts of the silsik of their founders, printed in the 
Istanbul press of Mahmud Bey, publ. by the Sana'i'-i 
neflse resim-khanesi of Ziya Bey, dated 15 Sha'ban 
1314). In Persia, under Shaykh Haydar [q.v.; whence 
Tadj-i Haydarl] and Shah Isma'ri [q.v.], we find the 
Sufi tadj as a kind of official headdress for the king, 
the court, the army and the officials, granted with a 
special ceremonial, but it probably existed before them 
(see Karabacek, op. cit., 87; and hzil-bash). 

We find tadj used in many ways with a metaphor- 
ical application. Names of honour (alkab) combined 
with tadj are very common in later times, and were 
probably most popular in the Mamluk period. At first 
they were content with simple epithets like Tadj al- 
Din for soldiers (al-Kalkashandi, v, 488) or Ta<jj al- 
Dawla for Christian secretaries {ibid., v, 487); then we 
get double epithets like 'Adud al-Dawla wa-Tadj al- 
Milla (v, 492), Tadj al-'Ulama' wa 'l-Hukkam for kadis 
(vi, 41) and many others. For infidel kings, forms of 
address like Bakiyyat Abnd' al-Tukhut wa 'l-Tldjan (vi, 
85), Mukhawwil al-Tukhut wa 'l-Tldjan (vi, 175), Warith 
al-Asirra wa 'l-Tldjan (vi, 177) were used. Perhaps the 
custom, of which there are countless examples, of giv- 
ing books titles in the form of Tadj with a genitive 
is connected with this. 

In astronomy, Tadj-i Sa'dan = Saturn [see zuhal]; 

Tadj al-Djabbar =■ a star near Orion. Tadj 'amud is the 
capital of a column (see Sarre-Herzfeld, Archaeol. Reise, 
ii, 185); tadj is also the name given to the comb of 
a cock and similar birds. A famous palace of the 
caliphs was called Kasr al-Tadj. It was built under the 
caliphs al-Mu'tadid and al-Muktafl out of the ruins 
of a palace in al-Mada'in, one of the seven wonders 
of the world, burnt down in 549/1154 after being 
struck by lightning, rebuilt but not finished, and com- 
pletely destroyed in 574/1178-9 (Yakut, i, 806-9, tr. 
in ZDMG, xviii, 403-6; Sacy, Chrestomathie, i, 74; von 
Kremer, Kulturgeschkhte, ii, 54; Sarre-Herzfeld, i, 92, 
ii, 63, 148). Among the pleasure houses (manazir) of 
the caliphs in Cairo there was one called Manzarat 
al-Tadj, built by Badr al-DjamalT [q.v.], which was in 
ruins by the time of al-Makrizi (al-MakrlzI, i, 481, 
ii, 129; Yakut, suppl., v, 15; Sacy, Chrestomathie, i, 224, 

Bibliography: In addition to the particular works 
mentioned in the text, see in general: Dozy, Dk- 
tionnaire des vetements, s.v. Tadj- Hastings' Encyclopaedia 
of Religion and Ethics, s.v. Crown; Karabacek, Abend- 
landische Kunstler in Konstantinopel im 15. u. 16. Jahr- 
hundert, I. Italienische Kiinstler am Hofe Muhammeds II. des 
Eroberers 1451-1481, in Denkschriften d. k. Akad. d. Wiss. 
Wien, lxii/1 (1918). See also kizJl-bash and libas 
and their Bibls. (W. Bjorkman*) 

TADJ MAHALL, the mausoleum which the 
Mughal emperor Shah Djahan [q.v.] (r. 1037-68/1628- 
58) built for his favourite wife Mumtaz Mahall at 
Agra [q.v.]. This is the grandest in a series of mon- 
umental dynastic mausoleums that have become syn- 
onyms of Mughal architecture. Mughal imperial tombs 
are the most spectacular exponents of a funerary tra- 
dition which creatively synthesised and developed 
ideas of its Timurid heritage and local Indian build- 
ing conventions. 

The architecture. The success of the Tadj 
Mahall lies not only in its aesthetic, romantic and 
symbolic appeal but in the fact that it expresses in 
a canonical form the architectural principles of the 
period. The Mughals had no written architectural 
theory; it was laid down here in a built form: (1) 
A rational and strict geometry brought about by mod- 
ular planning using grid systems based on the Shah- 
djaham gaz (varying in length between 80 and 82 cm 
or ca. 32 inches) (see R.A. Barraud, Modular gaz plan- 
ning of the Taj Mahal, Agra, unpubl. ms. 1995; Begley's 
and Desai's grids [Taj Mahal, figs. 13, 17] are not 
correct); (2) Consistent symmetrical planning with 
emphasis on bilateral symmetry on both sides of a 
central axis (karma) into which are integrated central- 
ised schemes; (3) A hierarchical grading of material, 
forms and colour down to the most minute orna- 
mental detail; and (4) A sophisticated symbolism in 
the architectural programme. 

The mausoleum is set at the northern end of the 
main axis of a vast oblong walled-in complex (ca. 
1,114.5 x 373 gaz) formed of three units: the tomb 
and its garden with elaborate water works (Fig. 3, A, 
B, E), and two courtyard complexes to its south with 
subsidiary structures (C, D), only one of which sur- 
vives. The preserved Tadj complex measures ca. 561 
m x 300 m (690 x 313 gaz). In its layout the tomb 
garden (A and B) is the monumentalised version of 
the Shahdjahani expression of the waterfront garden, 
a type specific to Mughal architecture (Koch, The 
Mughal water front garden, in A. Petruccioli (ed.), Theory 
and design of gardens during the times of the great Muslim 
empires, Leiden 1997). The plan shows the character- 
istic configuration of a raised rectangular terrace (kursT, 

A) on which are placed the main buildings and a 
lower centrally planned four-part garden (cahar bagh) 
(B); its square, measuring 368 x 368 gaz/296.3\ x 
296.31 m, formed the basis for developing the grid 
of the plan. The two complexes with the subsidiary 
structures are arranged according to the same com- 
positional scheme of a rectangle (C) combined with 
a centrally-planned unit (D) but here the buildings 
consist of open courtyards formed of narrow wings 
and arcades, typical of the residential and utilitarian 
architecture of the period (for the function of the 
buildings see muchals. 7. architecture, at Vol. VII, 
332). The courtyard complex adjoining the tomb gar- 
den contains also subsidiary tombs for other women 
of Shah Djahan's zanana. These tombs are set in 
miniature replicas of the main garden (C, 9a, b). (Their 
form revives an older Sultanate type of a domed octa- 
gon surrounded by arcades, translated into the lighter 
architectural vocabulary of the period; see mutoamman; 
Koch, Mughal architecture, 101, and figs. 34, 35.) Outside 
the walled enclosure is another small tomb complex 
varying this pattern (9c) and a tomb and a mosque 


e of the bazars and the karwansara'h of 
the subsidiary complexes (8, 10) — together with that of 
thirty villages from the district of Agra — was devoted 
by imperial command to the upkeep of the mausoleum. 

In the tomb garden, emphasis is on the features 
on the central axis: the grandiose group of the mau- 
soleum (rawda) (1) and its four minarets, flanked by 
a mosque (2) and a "guest house" (mihman-khana), 
rather an assembly hall (3), set the main accent. Radial 
symmetry is observed in the gatehouse (darwaza, 5) 
and the tomb proper. Both follow the ninefold plan 
(Fig. 4), the favourite plan of Mughal architecture 
with TTmurid antecedents (L. Golombek, From Tamer- 
lane to the Taj Mahal, in Islamic art and architecture. Essays 
in Islamic art and architecture in honor of Katharina Otto- 
horn, ed. A. Daneshvari, Malibu 1981, i, 43-50; 
E. Koch, Mughal architecture, 44-50, 80-1, 99-100). The 
plan of the mausoleum is inscribed in a square with 
chamfered corners or irregular octagon, described in 
the contemporary texts as muthamman [q.v.] baghdadt. 
The elevation follows — in the interior — the Tlmurid 
concept of two super-imposed tomb chambers sur- 
mounted by a high double dome (Fig. 2). The exte- 
rior — composed of monumental pishtah [q.v.] flanked 
by double-storey niches — brings the cubical tomb of 
the Dihli tradition enhanced by Deccani features (bul- 
bous profile of the dome) to a formal apotheosis of 
unparalleled elegance and harmony (Fig. 1). The bal- 
anced proportions are highlighted by the sophisticated 
facing of the brick structure: the white marble in- 
laid with pietre dure reacts to atmospheric changes and 
enhances the mystical and mythical aura of the build- 
ing. All the subsidiary structures of the Tadj complex 
are faced with red sandstone; special features, such 
as domes may be clad in white marble. This hierar- 
chically graded colour dualism — generally characteris- 
tic of imperial Mughal architecture but here explored 
with unparalled sophistication — connects with ancient 
Indian sastric traditions, laid down in the Visnudhar- 
mottara (8th century?) (tr. P. Shah, Ahmedabad 1990, 
268, 271) where white-coloured stones are assigned 
to brahmans and red ones to ksatriyas. The marble for 
the Tadj was brought from Makrana in Radjasthan 
and the sandstone from the quarries of the Vindhyan 
system in the region of Fathpur Srkri and Rupbas. 

The architectural decoration with naturalistic flow- 
ers and plants executed in relief (Fig. 5) and in the 
famous Italianate inlay with semi-precious stones 

(pietre dure, Mughal parcln kari [q.v.]) (Koch, Shah Jahan 
and Orpheus, Graz 1988, esp. 15-22, 39 n. 24) finds 
its richest and most artistic expression in the central 
chamber of the tomb (Fig. 6). It symbolises eternal 
bloom and supports thus the architectural programme 
of the building as an earthly replica of the abode of 
the pardoned Mumtaz in the gardens of heavenly 
Paradise. The elaborate Kur'anic inscriptions designed 
by Amanat Khan al-Shirazi focus accordingly on the 
Day of Resurrection, Last Judgement, and the Reward 
of the Faithful. 

The architect. The question about the identity 
of the architect of the building has as yet not been 
entirely solved, since contemporary sources minimise 
the role of the architects and emphasise the involve- 
ment of the patron. Mir 'Abd al-Karfm, Djahanglr's 
leading architect and the Mughal official Makramat 
Khan are named as overseers of the construction; 
Ustad Ahmad LahawrT is also reported to have been 
connected with the building (Begley and Desai, Taj 
Mahal, pp. xli-xliii, 260-86). The craftsmen made their 
contribution known with numerous mason marks, 
which still await systematic study. 

History. Mumtaz died on 17 Dhu '1-Ka'da 1040/ 
17 June 1631 in BurhanpQr [q.v.] and was temporarily 
buried there. The construction on the Tadj started 
in Djumada II 1041 /January 1632 after the take- 
over of the site had been negotiated with its then 
owner, Radja Djai Singh Kachwaha of Amber. The 
body of Mumtaz was brought in December 1631 from 
BurhanpQr to Agra and temporarily reburied in 
January 1632 on the construction site. In June 1632 
Shah Djahan commemorated the first death anni- 
versary Curs) in the sahn (courtyard [djilaw khdna]?) of 
the building with rites aimed at obtaining divine par- 
don for the deceased. The second 'urs in May of the 
following year was already held on the monumental 
platform (cabutra) on the terrace (kursi) raised over the 
third and final burial place of Mumtaz; the place of 
the tombstone was on this occasion surrounded by a 
screen of enamelled gold, the work of the imperial 
goldsmiths' department supervised by Blbadal Khan 
(replaced in 1643 by the present inlaid marble screen). 
At this time, the domed tomb structure had not as 
yet been raised. According to two inscriptions in the 
interior of the mausoleum and one in the portal of 
the west facade, the main mausoleum was completed 
in 1048/1638-9. The histories report that the entire 
complex was finished in 1052/1643 but — according 
to an inscription on the garden facade of the main 
gateway — work on the decoration went on at least 
until 1057/1647. Muhammad Salih Kanbo even 
reports that the entire complex took twenty years to 
be completed. The cost amounted to 50 lakhs (4 to 
5 millions) rupees (see S. Moosvi, Expenditure on build- 
ings under Shahjahan — a chapter of imperial financial history, 
in Procs. of the Indian History Congress, 46th session Amritsar, 
1985, 285-99). 

The 'urs celebrations are mentioned intermittently 
until the fourteenth death anniversary. Of particular 
importance was the 12th 'urs on 17 Dhu '1 Ka'da 
1052/6 February 1643, when the tomb was officially 
reported as being complete, on which occasion LahawrT 
and Kanbo provided detailed descriptions of the entire 
complex which — with regard to exactitude, detail and 
consistent terminology — are unparalleled in all of 
Mughal writing on architecture. After the 14th 'urs, 
Shah Djahan spent over two years in the north of his 
empire and moved his capital in 1648 to the newly- 
constructed Shahdjahanabad at DihlT. The last doc- 
umented imperial visit to the Tadj is that of Safar 



1065/December 1654. When Shah Djahan died in 
1076/1666, after having spent the last years of his 
life in captivity at Agra, he was buried in the tomb 
at the side of his wife. 

After Shah Djahan's burial little is known about 
the mausoleum until the later 18th century when it 
began to enter the awareness of the west through the 
depictions and descriptions of British visitors to India 
in search of the picturesque (Pal, 199 ft.). In 1803 
the British conquered Agra and the tomb became the 
focus of their selective restoration of monuments, which 
was put on a more systematic basis at the begin- 
ning of the 20th century when the Archaeological 
Survey of India (founded in 1860) also took on the 
agenda of conservation. Today, the Tadj Mahall is 
included in the Monuments of World Heritage in 
India and also, sadly, appeared on the 1996 list of 
the world's hundred most endangered historic sites, 
according to World Monuments Watch (tourism and 
uncontrolled industrial growth in its surroundings). 
Despite India's uneasiness with its Islamic past, the 
Tadj Mahall has become India's national symbol, 
advertising in particular tourism. 

Bibliography (including references given above): 
1. Original sources. All known 17th century 
sources — Mughal and Western — related to the Tadj 
Mahall have been compiled and translated by W.E. 
Begley and Z.A. Desai, Taj Mahal: the illumined tomb, 
Cambridge, Mass. 1989; the work includes also a 
detailed photographic documentation. 

2. Studies. The vast literature on the Tadj 
Mahall comprises surprisingly few serious scholarly 
studies. There is as yet no monograph dedicated 
to its architecture; J.A. Hodgson's plan (1828) pub- 
lished in Memoir on the length of the Illahee guz, or 
imperial land measure of Hindostan, in JRAS, vii (1843), 
42-63, remained until recently the most accurate 
survey of the Tadj complex and the basis of all 
later plans. A new plan based on measurements 
taken in 1995 by R.A. Barraud and E. Koch is 
published here as PI. IV. Pioneering studies are 
M. Moin-ud-Din, The history of the Taj and the build- 
ings in its vicinity, Agra 1905; and M.A. Chaghtai, 
Le Tadj Mahal d'Agra (Inde): histoire el description, 
Brussels 1938. In addition to the works mentioned 
in the text, see R. Nath, The immortal Taj Mahal, 
The evolution of the tomb in Mughal architecture, Bombay 
1972; R.A. Jairazbhoy, The Taj Mahal in the context 
of East and West: a study in the comparative method, in 
Jnal. of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, xxiv (1961), 
59-88; Begley, Amanat Khan and the calligraphy on the 
Taj Mahal, in Kunst des Orients, xii (1978-9), 5-39; 
idem, The myth of the Taj Mahal and a new theory of 
its symbolic meaning, in The Art Bulletin, lxi (1979), 
7-37; P. Pal, J. Leoshko et alii, Romance of the Taj 
Mahal, Los Angeles and London 1989; and for 
excellent photographs, see J.L. Nou, A. Okada and 
M.C. Joshi, Taj Mahal, Paris and New York 1993. 
For the most recent treatment in the context of 
Mughal architecture, see Ebba Koch, Mughal archi- 
tecture: an outline of its history and development (1526- 
1858), Munich 1991, and C.B. Asher, Architecture of 
Mughal India, Cambridge 1992. See also the bibls. 
to Agra and mughals. 7. Architecture. 

(Ebba Koch) 
TADJ al-DAWLA [see tutush]. 
TADJ al-DIN [see al-subkI]. 
TADJ al-DIN YILDIZ Mu'izzi, Turkish slave 
commander of the Ghurid sultan Mu'izz or Shihab 
al-Dln Muhammad, who after that ruler's death in 
602/1206, made himself, with the support of a group 

of other Turkish soldiers, independent i 
eastern Afghanistan. Mu'izz al-Din's 
Ffruzkuh [q.v.], Mahmud b. Ghiyath al-Dln Muham- 
mad, had to manumit Yildiz and recognise him as 
governor in Ghazna. During his nine years' rule there, 
Yildiz treated another Mu'izzi slave commander 
Iltutmish [q.v.], who had established himself in north- 
ern India, as his subordinate. But in the end, Yildiz 
was driven out of Ghazna in 611/1215 by the 
KrTarazmian forces of Djalal al-Din; he fled to India, 
but was defeated there in battle by Iltutmish and 

Bibliography: The main source is DjuzdjanI, 

Tabakat-i Msiri, ed. Habfbr, i, 410-14, tr. Raverty, 

i, 496-506. See also M. Habib and K.A. Nizami 

(eds.), A comprehensive history of India, v. The Delhi 

Sultanat [A.D. 1206-1526), Delhi, etc. 1970, 198-214. 
(C.E. Bosworth) 

TADJ al-MULUK [see burids]. 

TADJALLl (a.), a masdar formation from form V 
of the root dj-l-w, which means "to appear, to come 
to light, to be clear or brilliant". Rabah b. 'Amr al- 
Kaysr (d. ca. 180/796) of 'Irak seems to have been 
the first to use this term to designate the manifesta- 
tion of God to a person at the time of the Judgement 
and then in Paradise (L. Massignon, Essai sur les ori- 
gines du lexique technique de la mystique musulmane, Paris 
1922, 217). 

Sahl al-Tustari (d. 283/896) introduced it into Sufism, 
giving it a meaning which is reproduced in the man- 
uals of the 10th and 11th centuries (G. Bowering, 
The mystical vision of existence in classical Islam, 172-5 and 
index s.v. tagalU; al-Kalabadhi, al-Ta'arruf li-madhhab ahl 
al-tasawwuf Damascus 1986, 121-2; al-Kushayn, Risala, 
Damascus 1988, 74; al-Sarradj, al-Luma' fi 'l-tasawwuf 
ed. Nicholson, Leiden 1914, 362, etc.). The tadjalU con- 
sists of mukashafa, an "unveiling", which allows divine 
light to "irradiate" the heart of the meditator; it there- 
fore releases human nature from its darkness in the 
same way that the sun chases away gloom (cf. Kur'an, 
XCII, 2). 

The influence of al-Tustari is also equally noticeable 
in the Salimiyya, a spiritual movement which grew 
from him, as in his disciple al-Halladj (L. Massignon, 
Passion, 2 Paris 1975, i, 432, 568, 621, iii, 181-2; but 
note that Massignon has a tendency to "Christianise" 
the word tadjalU by translating it as "transfiguration", 
and in fact Christian Arabs use this same term to 
denote the Transfiguration of Christ). 

Later mystics retain the meaning of "unveiling" in 
the term (cf. Ibn al-'ArabT, Istilah al-sufiyya, in Rasa'il, 
Haydarabad 1948, 9, and this is often taken up again 
by other authors) while also exploring its range of 
meaning for initiation. TadjalU reveals divine knowl- 
edge which is in the heart of man, thus opening to 
him the pathway to gnosis. Such theophany is so 
powerful (according to Kur'an, VII, 143, it reduced 
Mount Sinai to dust before the eyes of Moses) that 
it made the human ego volatile. Mystics then experi- 
ment by attempting to annihilate the "Sinai of the 
soul", according to the formula of Kubrawi Sufis (cf. 
the introduction of H. Landolt to N. Isfararayini, 
Revelakur des mysteres, Lagrasse 1986, 106; and see also 
M. de Miras, La methode spirituelle d'un maitre du Soujisme 
iranien, Nur Ali-Shah, Paris 1973, 295, 322). Therefore a 
person can only tolerate theophanies of divine attrib- 
utes, names and acts, and these paradoxically form 
"so many protective veils between the divine essen- 
tial being and the creature". 

The term tadjalU also has a metaphysical and a 
cosmogonic meaning; as the correlative of the first, it 


i 1 # 




Fig. 1. Tadj Mahall 1041-52/1632-43 

Fig. 2. Section (Drawing R.A. Barraud/E. Koch) 

Si,r (>],.,! DtiHunn R.A. U.i, r.uul/K. korh 

A terrace (torn) 

H mini) garden [\cakar\bagh) 

(.: (oiii|jlr\ of foii.Touil f/irr'tjii- Mono) 

I) complex will) miss-shaped tar .a bazar and 

four \karwan\sara'is 
E water works 

1 mausoleum irawdat 

'II mosque imn\d}id\ 

3 assembly hall [rmhman kbana) 

■I Lj'LLCrl.n pavilion 

6 tower pavilion ffargl 

i quarters for limit) auuidaiits ikhawasspura) 

A subsirliai-j inmh .maklima 

Fig. 4. Overall plan of preserved complex showing main levels of the individual buildings (Drawing R.A. Barraud/E. Koch) 

Fig. 5. Main mausoleum, northern portal (Photo: E. Koch, 1979) 

Fig. 6. Tombstones in main tomb chamber (Photo: E. Koch, 1981) 


appears in Sufism, especially from Ibn al-'Arabi on- 
wards. The Arab philosophers were already using tadjalll 
in such a perspective. For Ibn Sina, souls and the 
tangible world flow by "irradiation" from the actu- 
ating intellect, which itself comes from God, the supreme 
light (L. Gardet, La pensee religieuse dAvicennt, Paris 
1951, 52, 166). In the work of the faldsifa, as in that 
of the later mystics, the notion of tadjalti shows affini- 
ties with that offayd, the theory of "emanation", bor- 
rowed from Plotinus. 

Ibn al-'Arabi, who distinguishes the two terms, made 
the first one of them the foundation for his meta- 
physical doctrine. Ibn Khaldun puts tadjalti elsewhere 
as a characteristic tenet of the major representatives 
of "the school of theophany" (ahl or ashab al-tadjalti) 
which in his opinion represents the major current of 
thought in "modern" Sufism (Shift' al-sa'il li-tahdhib 
al-masd'il, Tunis 1991, 212; Mukaddima, tr. V. Monteil, 
Discours sur I'Histoire universelk, Beirut 1968, 1017-22; 
however, the poet Ibn al-Farid, who is also included 
in this changing hierarchy, favours the term fayd). Ac- 
cording to Ibn al-'Arabi, multiplicity extends gradu- 
ally outwards from unity, through a long unbroken 
line of theophanies, which assume countless different 
forms; the world continues to exist thanks to "perpet- 
ual creation" (khalk djadid). By the "irradiation" of the 
Divine Essence on them, creatures pass from nothing- 
existence. Everything or every being is therefore a 
"theophanic locus" (mazhar, madjla), a receptacle (kabil) 
which receives this "irradiation" according to its pre- 
dispositions (isti'ddd). Consequently, man sees only his 
own image in the divine mirror. 

Elsewhere, most of the masters deny that God is 
revealed to objects in His Essence (tadjalti dhdti; cf., 
e.g. Ibn al-'Arabi, al-Futuhat al-makkiyya, Cairo 1329, 
ii, 606). For Tadj al-Dm al-Subki (Tabakat al-sMfi'iyya 
al-kubra, Cairo 1964, ii, 312), an author as early as 
al-Kushayri had this perception of tadjalll, but he was 
afraid to divulge its esoteric implications in his Risdla 
(loc. cii). 

Ibn al-'Arabi develops the metaphysics of tadjalti in 
many passages of his works (in particular the Fusus 
al-hikam and the K. al-Tadjalliyat; for this last work, 
use the edition of O. Yahia in al-Mashrik [1966-7]). 
This doctrine has clearly diffused mainly into the 
school of Ibn al-'Arabi (Kasham, Djllr, Kaysan, etc.) 
but also into more orthodoxly Sunn! Sufism (cf. for 
example K. al-Tadjalliyat of the Shadhih" Ibn Zagh- 
dan, ms. Berlin We II, 1505), Imamite gnosis (cf. La 
philosophic shi'ile, texts by H. Amoli, ed. H. Corbin 
and O. Yahia, Paris-Tehran 1969), and also to Isma'flr 
gnosis ('Aziz-i Nasaff, Le lime de I'homme parfait, ed. 
M. Mole, Paris-Tehran 1962; H. Corbin, Trilogie ismaeli- 
enne, Paris-Tehran 1961); the Isma'tlis already pro- 
fessed the doctrine of the cycles of occulation (satr) 
and of manifestation (tadjalll). 

Bibliography: The occurrences of the term tadjalR 
in mystical literature, particularly in that which is 
later than Ibn al-'Arabi, are too numerous to be 
recorded here. But a discussion of the teaching of 
the master on this subject is presented by Su'ad 
al-Hakim, al-Mu'djam al-sufi, Beirut 1981, 257-69; 
similarly see H. Corbin, L'imagination creatrice dans 
le soufisme d'Ibn 'Arabl, Paris 1958, 324 (index); 
G. Bowering, The mystical vision of existence in Classical 
Islam. The Qur'anic hermeneutics of the Sufi Sahl At- 
Tustari (d. 283/896), Berlin and New York 1980; 
W.C. Chittick et alii, Les Illuminations de la Mecque, 
The Meccan Illuminations, Paris 1988, 501 n. 7 (with 
copious references to passages on tadjalti in al-Futuhat 

- TADJDlD 61 

al-Makkiyya of Ibn al-'Arabr); Chittick, The Sufi path 

of knowledge, Albany 1 989, index s. v. jilwa. 

(E. Geoffroy) 

TADJDID (a.) "renewal", verbal noun of the form 
II verb djaddada "to renew", a term of both clas- 
sical and modern Islamic politico-religio- 
social vocabulary. 

A well-known tradition preserved in Abu DawQd's 
hadith collection (Wensinck, Concordance, i, 364) reports 
how the Prophet predicted that at the beginning of 
each century, God will send someone who will renew 
the religion of that century: 'aid ra'si kulli mi'ati sanat" 
man yudjaddidu lahd dtnaha. 

The title of mudjaddid [q.v.] "renewer" has been 
bestowed, amongst others, on the Umayyad caliph 
'Umar II (r. 717-20) and the famous theologian al- 
Ghazall (d. 1111). The great writer al-Suyutl (d. 91 1/ 
1505) expected his contemporaries to recognise him 
as the renewer of the 10th/ 16th century [see further, 

In modern times, the idea of a renewer for each 
century of the Muslim era has remained alive. It may 
be more a part of popular Islam than of the High 
Islam of the established official 'ulamd'. The first day 
of the first month of the Muslim year 1400 fell on 
21-2 November 1979. On the eve of the 15th cen- 
tury A.H., a number of candidates for the title of 
Renewer of the century were under discussion. 

One of these was Ruh Allah al-Khumaynl, who 
had come to power in Iran earlier that year. But the 
Egyptian Muslim reformer and cult leader Shukrl 
Mustafa (b. 1942, executed March 1978 for his in- 
volvement in an assassination which had taken place 
in July 1977) was, earlier in the 1970s, seen by 
many as, possibly, the Renewer of Islam of the 15th 

Also, the word tadjdid is repeatedly used in the title 
of books about the renewal of the Arab Muslim world 
in its confrontation with the West. One of the most 
famous of such books is Tadjdid al-fikr al-'arabi (1971) 
by the Egyptian neopositivist philosopher Zaki Nadjib 
Mahmud (1905-93). This book argues that every cul- 
ture is a collection of techniques, values, beliefs, uten- 
sils, etc., and that modern Arab culture should not 
simply imitate the West but has carefully to select the 
elements which it wants to take over from the West 
in order to create a new, cohesive culture that is truly 
both modern and Arab at the same time. 

The tension between High and Low Islam, it has 
been repeatedly pointed out, especially eloquently and 
convincingly in the writings of Ernest GeUner (d. 1995), 
has been responsible for the frequent launching of 
internal purification and renewal movements. Perio- 
dically, High Islam would attempt to impose itself on 
the whole of society. In the long run, this could not 
be successful, so that the resulting pattern has been 
one that might be called cyclical reformation. 

In the confrontation with the West, this state of 
affairs has created a particular development. Should 
Muslim countries, it was now asked, emulate those 
with whom they wished to be equal in power (thereby 
spurning their own tradition), or should they, on the 
contrary, affirm the values of their own tradition, even 
at the price of material and military weakness? 

The dominant and persuasive answer did not recom- 
mend emulation of the West, nor idealisation of some 
folk virtue and wisdom. It commended a return to, 
or a more rigorous observance of, High Islam. Self- 
renewal did, in this case, not have to go outside the 
society. Society could find self-renewal in its own per- 
fectly genuine and real Higher Culture which had 


been recognised, though not implemented, as a valid 
norm by the rest of Muslim society. 

It is this vision which is now conquering the Muslim 
world. The many books and articles about renewal 
of the Muslim world which are written and published 
in the Middle East often do not do much more than 
present a version of this view. In the West, since the 
seventies, such views, especially when violent, are usu- 
ally called "fundamentalist". 

Bibliography. J.J.G. Jansen, The philosophical devel- 
opment qfZafdJVagib Mahmud, in Bi Or, xxxiv (1977), 
298-300; idem, The significance of modem Muslim rad- 
icalism, in C. van Dijk and A.H. de Groot (eds.), 
State and Islam, Leiden 1995, 115-23 (on Shukri 
Mustafa); E. Gellner, especially his Postmodernism, 
reason and religion, London and New York 1992. 
. . (J.J.G. Jansen) 

TADJIK, the later form of a word Tazik or Tazik 
used in the Iranian and Turkish worlds. In Islamic 
usage, it eventually came to designate the Persians, 
as opposed to the Turks. 

1. Etymology and early linguistic develop- 
ment of the term. 

The traditional explanation of the term goes back 
at least to E. Quatremere, Histoire des sultans mamelmks 
de I'Egypte, ii/2, Paris 1845, 154-5, and was set forth, 
e.g., in Barthold's EX art. This derives Tazik, etc./ 
Tadjik from the name of the Arab tribe of Tayyi' 
[q.v.], Syriac Tayyaye, meaning "Arabs", said to have 
been the first Arab tribe encountered by the Persians 
in pre-Islamic times (this would presumably be from 
contacts with the Lakhmids [q.v.] of al-Hira, who used 
the Tayyi' as frontier guards in 'Irak, with Iyas b. 
Kabisa al-la'i in A.D. 602 actually taking over the 
wardenship of the marches from the Lakhmids), so 
that the Persians then applied it to the Arabs in gen- 
eral. The usage of the term may, however, be older 
than the 6th century. It spread eastwards with the 
Arab advance through Persia in the 7th century A.D., 
and when Arab troops reached Transoxania and first 
encountered members of the Western Turkish empire, 
the latter gradually took over the term, at first apply- 
ing it to all Muslims (between whose component 
ethnic groups they did not as yet distinguish) but sub- 
sequently to the Iranian peoples of Transoxania and 
then Persia proper, as the Muslim people with whom 
they were, by that time, most in contact. From the 
Turkish side, the Turks' nomadic, steppe background 
led them to use Tazik, etc., as applied essentially to 
sedentary agriculturists and town dwellers, somewhat 
disparagingly (for similar processes at work here with 
other terms from the same milieu and period, see 
sart and tat). However, it also begins to be used 
by the Persians themselves. In the mid- 11th century, 
the Ghaznawid historian Abu '1-Fadl Bayhaki in his 
Ta'rikh-i Mas'udt, ed. Ghani and Fayyad, Tehran 1 324/ 
1945, 594 ult., has a Persian official at the court 
speaking of his people as "we tdzikdn", i.e. it was by 
then a self-designation of the Persians in their rela- 
tions with the Turkish ruling and military classes. 

In a thoroughgoing study of more than half-a- 
century ago, H.H. Schaeder examined the origins and 
development of the terms Tat and Tadjik. He noted 
the MP form tacik (and the Armenian one tacik), which 
would normally yield in NP *tdzig. The transition is 
visible in languages of the Further East, where the 
term begins to be borrowed from MP: Old Turkish 
tazik, twice appearing in the Orkhon [q.v.] inscriptions 
of the first half of the 8th century to denote non- 
Turkish peoples of Central Asia, such as Transoxania; 
Chinese ta-she, and Tibetan stag-gzig = ta-zig. Hence 

when New Persian evolved, Tazik appears from the 
first half of the 1 1th century, and especially from the 
Mongol period, e.g. in the contrasting pair of terms 
Turk u Tazik. The Old Turkish form tazik must come 
not from NP but from MP taclk >^4azik > tazik (tazik 
in Mahmud Kashghari, and forms with z in the Cairo 
ms. of the Kutadghu bilig [q.v.]). At the side of tazik 
we have in NP the word tazi for the Arabs (hence 
Firdawsi speaks of taziyani, i.e. Arab, horses, see Ph. 
Wolff, Glossar zu Firdosis Schahname, Berlin 1935, s.v.). 
Here, the process of development from the name of the 
Arab tribe Tayyi' seems clear, and Schaeder felt that 
tazi and tazik could only spring from a common origin. 

The form Tadjik would thus be a later develop- 
ment, but seems to have become the standard one 
by the 15th century; the oldest citation for it which 
Schaeder could find was in verses of Djalal al-Din 
Rumi (13th century [q.v.]). He suggested that the tran- 
sition tazik > taapk first took place in western Persia 
via an intermediary form tazik. 

The topic has since been taken up by V.A. Livshits 
and Werner Sundermann. The implication now is that 
NP tazi "Arab" goes back to a MP *tdzik/g and 
Middle Parthian *tazik/g which was an Iranian caique 
on Tayyaye arising quite early in the Christian era 
(possibly on analogy with MP razik/g as the ethnic 
adjective from the city of al-Rayy, rhyming closely 
with Tayyi', and especially with its truncated form 
Tayy). Thus coined in western Persia to denote "Arab", 
the term would then have been carried by Persians 
and Parthians, traders and others, into various parts 
of Central Asia, but more probably by Parthians, the 
western neighbours of Sogdia, given the Sogdian 
spelling t'zyk = tazik/g. When, on the other hand, 
Arabs or Muslims in Central Asia are referred to, in 
the sources from the 8th century onwards, as Tazik 
with z, it must have been Persians who introduced 
the name or confirmed it by then established Persian 
pronunciation with z- The majority of Persian invaders 
of Transoxania in early Islamic times were, however, 
no less Muslim than their Arab commanders, to whom 
they, for ethnic and not for religious distinction from 
themselves, referred as Tazik/g. Hence Barthold and 
Schaeder thought it possible that the name Tadjik, 
as today applied to and used by native speakers of 
the form of Persian language current in what is now 
the former Tadjikistan SSR, finds its ultimate expla- 
nation in a restriction to the meaning "Persian", by 
the still un-Islamised Turks of Inner Asia, of a term 
originally meaning "Arab", which they had come to 
use in the sense of "Muslim". 

There is, however, a complication in that popular 
speech in the western province of Fars was at the 
end of the 19th century using the term tdqfik (not 
with z or z) to designate the everyday Persian koine 
spoken there, in order to show its distinctiveness from 
the true Iranian dialects of Fars (see O. Mann, Die 
Tajik-Mundarten der Provinz Fars. Kurdisch-persische For- 
schungen, Abt. 1., Berlin 1909, p. XXVIII). This pecu- 
liar usage may go back as far as Sasanid times. 
W. Henning (cited in M. Mu'in's ed. of the Burhan-i 
kati', Tehran, i, 455) therefore concluded that tadjik 
in the sense of "Persian" has nothing to do with MP 
tazik/g and MParth tazik/g, which exclusively mean 
"Arab", and convincingly postulated an origin for 
tadjik in *Tat-cik, originally *Tad-cik. Persians migrat- 
ing from Fars to Transoxania would have brought 
with them their own name for themselves and their 
language, a name quite distinct from Tazik and Tazik, 
names by which the Persians and Parthians respec- 
tively called the Arabs. 

In later centuries of the Islamic period, as with the 
term Sart [q.v.], Tadjik became for some Turkish peo- 
ples of Inner Eurasia especially associated with the 
Iranians in their role as traders. Thus amongst the 
Volga Tatars, Tadjlk/Tazik came to be used as a 
common noun "merchant, trader"; according to one 
of the original sources for the Russian conquest of 
Kazan [g.v.] in 1552 (Prince Kurbskiy's account), the 
citadel of Kazan was defended by the "ditch of the 
Tezik" (tezitskiy/ teshitskiy rov), with Tezik explained as 
meaning "merchant". 

By the 19th century, Tadjik was sometimes used 
to denote the Eastern Iranian peoples of Khurasan 
and Transoxania, as distinct from the Persians proper 
of central and western Persia; hence its particular 
usage during the 20th century in the designation of 
the Tadjikistan Autonomous SSR, set up in 1924 (in 
1929 a SSSR), the present independent Tadzhikistan 
Republic, and the language used there [see below, 
tadjIki 1.; and Tadjikistan]. 

Bibliography: In addition to references in the 
article, see Barthold, Ef art. s.v.; H.H. Schaeder, 
Turkische Namen der Iranier, in G. Jaschke (ed.), 
Festschrift F. Giese, Sonderband der Welt des Islams, 
Leipzig 1941, 1-34; V.A. Livshits, Sogdiisku dokumenti 
s gori Mug II, Moscow 1962, cited in Sundermann 
(see below); W. Sundermann, An early attestation of 
the name of the Tajiks, in Medioiranka. Procs. of the 
Internal. Colloquium . . . Katholieke Universiteit Leuven . . . 
1990, Leuven 1993, 163-71. (C.E. Bosworth) 
2. Historical development of the term from 
Timurid times onwards. 

In the usage of early Islamised Turks in Central 
Asia (Mahmud Kashghan, Diwan lughat al-turk, and in 
the Kutaaghu bilig [g.v.]) the word Tezik (alongside Tat) 
appears as a designation for the "Persians". In Persian 
documents up to the 19th century (in historiograph- 
ical works since BayhakT) the word appears regularly 
with the meaning of "Persians", almost always in a 
delimiting or contrastive combination with Turk. In this 
context, the comprehensive term Turk u Tadjik may 
mean something like "the totality of the subjects", the 
focus here being on social rather then ethnic differ- 
entiations. This situation becomes particularly clear in 
Timurid times (9th/ 15th century). According to the 
stereotypical imaginations typically formulated in this 
period, the following was generally accepted: The Turk 
are the warriors (ahl-i sayf), organised in tribes and 
being conscious of their tribal affiliations; the Tadjik 
are free of all tribal connections and are sedentary 
(peasants or urban dwellers); in the expectations of 
others they are not warriors, but rather tradesmen 
and, most particularly, merchants and bureaucrats 
(ahl-i kalam). The use of Persian is no differentiating cri- 
terion: at least those Turks that belonged to the elite 
were just as well in command of it as were the Tadjik. 
They had, however, one linguistic advantage: they 
spoke, in addition to Persian, their own Turkish ver- 
nacular which the Tadjik learned only in exceptional 
circumstances. At least, this is the way the contrast 
appeared to the Turk politician and poet Mir 'Air 
Shir Nawa'I [g.v.] in the courtly society of the late 
Timurid state; he belonged to the class of the amirs, 
i.e. the ahl-i sayf, although he himself was no active 
military man. The functional segregation of Turk and 
Tadjik was explicitly regulated in the government and 
court of the TTmurids: there were two princely coun- 
cils (diwan), the "Turkish Diwan" (in Persian diwan-i 
umara', in Turkish Turk diwanl) for the tribal and mil- 
itary leaders, and the "Persian Diwan" of the bureau- 
crats (in Persian diwan-i tddjikan, in Turkish sart aiwani; 

see Roemer, Staatsschreiben, 169 ff.). Sart [q.v.] was a 
further designation of the Tadjik, taken from Turkish 
usage, originally having the explicit meaning of "trader", 
"merchant" (for the semantic development of the term 
Sart see Baldauf, 79 ff.). 

Thus from the time of the TTmurids onward (and 
in Persia proper and Central Asia certainly up to the 
19th century) the term Tadjik was used, first and fore- 
most, in the contrastive pair Turk vs. Tadjik, without 
any specific regional correlation. The two terms had, 
if at all, only partially an ethnolinguistic semantic com- 
ponent. Turk implied also military prowess, tribal nobil- 
ity, and other such attributes, whereas Tadjik (with its 
synonym Sart) denoted, alongside the use of Persian, 
also sedentariness, lack of tribal affiliation, and often 
an urban way of life and the occupation of merchant 
(Bregel, Turko-Mongol influences, 63). Members of Persian- 
speaking tribes were never called Tadjik. 

This state of affairs changed with Russia's colonial 
rule over Central Asia. During the repeated censuses 
of the Russian colonial administration, observations 
of ethnographers were used as statistical categories 
throughout the empire. Thus it became current among 
the Russian bureaucrats to use Tadjik for those inhab- 
itants of Transoxania, Farghana, and the Pamirs who 
spoke Iranian languages and dialects, while sedentary 
people living in towns and rural areas and speaking 
predominantly Turkish (often, however, being bilingual) 
were statistically assigned the term Sart. This was based 
to a large extent on a misunderstanding, given that 
until then the two terms had denoted the same type 
of inhabitants. Even the fact that the major part of 
the urban Sart/TadjTk of the Zarafshan [q.v.] valley 
(Samarkand, Bukhara) and of the Farghana valley had 
become bilingual during the last three hundred years, 
had not been taken into account with this new ter- 
minology. During Russian rule, Sart and Tadjik were 
considered to be designations for two ethnolinguistic 
groups that were conceived of as quite distinct. 

In the early Soviet period, this differentiation 
was further developed. Literati like Sadr al-Dln 'Ayni 
(Becka, Sadriddin Ayni, passim) and the "regionalist" and 
Turkestanist 'Abd al-Ra'uf Fitrat (Becka, Tajik litera- 
ture, following Bertel's) [see tadjiki. 2. Literature] super- 
imposed the notion of Tadjik on to the linguistic term 
Tadjik! (todjiki), which denoted a modernised form of 
the Persian literary language as adapted to the col- 
loquial language of the inhabitants of Bukhara and 
Samarkand. 'Ayni was also representative of a tendency 
favoured by the Soviets, to separate the TadjTk as a 
Persian-(Tadjrki-)speaking nation from the Uzbeks, 
who were conceived as Turkophone. The term Uzbek, 
up to that time a tribal name, from now on also cov- 
ered the Russian colonial term Sart. With the found- 
ing of the Soviet Republic of Tadjikistan (Todjikiston) 
in 1929, Tadjik finally became the official name of 
a Soviet titular nation and, since 1991, that of the 
majority nation of an independent republic [see Tadji- 
kistan]. In Uzbekistan, Tadjik indicates the minority 
of Persian-(TadjTkT-)speakers in Bukhara, Samarkand, 
the Kashka Darya region and in parts of Farghana, 
which are mostly bilingual (Uzbek, Tadjik). Since the 
"national delimitation" of Central Asia in 1924, the 
Tadjik of the Uzbek part of the Zarafshan valley have 
been exposed to an extensive process of Uzbekisation. 
Following the usage of Russian colonial times, speak- 
ers of non- Persian Iranian languages and dialects 
were also called Tadjik, a fact which led to further 
confusion (Bregel, Motes, 15). For the sake of differ- 
entiation, terms like "Mountain Tadjiks" (a synonym 
of Galea) were introduced; these were all foreign des- 



ignations, which were, however, adopted by the peo- 
ples concerned under the influence of colonial, later 
Soviet, language regulation. 

In the People's Republic of China, Tadjik today 
almost exclusively means speakers of Iranian Pamir 
languages in Xinjiang (Sinkiang [q.v.]), in particular, 
speakers of Sarikuli. In Afghanistan, to the present 
day, it is the Persian-speaking, traditionally sedentary, 
and in no way tribally-bound population that is called 
Tadjik. As a self-designation this term, which earlier on 
had been more or less pejorative, has become accept- 
able during the last twenty years, particularly as a 
conscious and comprehensive delimitation of Persian- 
speaking Afghans. The self-designation of Persian- 
speakers in Afghanistan had been for a long time most 
commonly Farsiwan, Farsiban, or Farsi-gu(y). However, 
even today Tadjik does not comprise all Persian-speak- 
ing groups in Afghanistan; it has obviously preserved 
a socio-cultural semantic component. The Uzbeks in 
northern Afghanistan, mostly bilingual and thus also 
Persian-speaking, consider themselves, as can be ex- 
pected, clearly distinct from the Tadjik, and so do 
the Persian-speaking ShT'I Hazara [see hazaras, in 
Suppl.] and some other tribes. 

Until today, under the influence of the ethnogra- 
phers, a meaning of the term Tadjik has been pre- 
served in scholarly literature on regions outside the 
Republic of Tajikistan, one which corresponds closely 
to the concept of the Russian colonial administration. 
This may be helpful as a convention among scholars, 
but has little to do with the historical and the mod- 
ern meanings of the term and the self-understanding 
of the Tadjik. 

Bibliography: 'All Shir Nawa'T, Muhakamat al- 
lughatayn, introd., tr. and ann. R. Devereux, Leiden 
1966; I. Baldauf, Some thoughts on the making of the 
Uzbek nation, in Cahiers du Monde russe et sovietique, 
xxxii/1 (1991), 79-96; V.V. Bartol'd, Tadzhiki. Istori- 
ceskrji ocerk, in idem, Socineniya, ii/1, 451-70; H. Bauer, 
A. Kappeler and Brigitte Roth, Die JVationalitdten des 
Russischen Reiches in der Volkszahkng von 1897, Stuttgart 
1991; J. Becka, Sadriddin Ayni. Father of modern Tajik 
culture, Naples 1980; idem, Tajik literature from the 
16th century to the present, in Rypka et alii, History of 
Iranian Literature, Dordrecht 1968; A.K. Borovkov, 
Tadzhiksko-uzbeksoye dvukhyazlcie i vopros vzqymovliyanii 
tadzhikskogo i uzbekskogo yazlkov, in Uceniye zapiski insti- 
tuta Vostokovedeniya, iv (1954), 165-200; Y. Bregel, 
Notes on the study of Central Asia, Bloomington, Ind. 
1996 (= Papers on Inner Asia, 28); idem, Turko- 
Mongol influences in Central Asia, in R.L. Canfield 
(ed.), Turko-Persia in historical perspective, Cambridge 
1991, 53-77; B.G. Fragner, Nationalization of Uzbeks 
and Tajiks, in A. Kappeler, G. Simon, G. Brunner 
and E. Allworth, Muslim communities re-emerge, Durham 
and London 1994, 13-32; Fragner, Sowjetmacht und 
Islam: die Revolution von Buchara, in U. Haarmann 
and P. Bachmann (eds.), Festschrift H.R. Roemer, Beirut 
1979, 146-66; B.Gh. Ghafurov, Todjikon, 2 vols. 
Dushanbe 1983-5; B.Kh. Karmisheva, Ocerki etni- 
ceskoy istorii yuzhnikh rayonov Tadzhikistana i Uzbekistana 
(po etnogrqficeskim dannim), Moscow 1974; N. Khanikov, 
Opisaniye bukharskiye khanstva, St. Petersburg 1843; 
H.R. Roemer, Staatsschreiben der Timuridenzeit — das 
Saraf-nama des 'Abdallah Marwand in krilischer Auswert- 
ung, Wiesbaden 1952; M. ShukQrzada, Tadjlkan dar 
masir-i tarlkh, Tehran 1373 1994-5; Maria A. 
Subtelny, The symbiosis of Turk and Tajik in Central 
Asia, in J. Critchlow and Beatrice Manz (eds.), Soviet 
Central Asia in historical perspective, Boulder, Colo. 1994; 
O.A. Sukhareva, Bukhara: XlX—nacalo XX v., Moscow 

1966; N. Ne'matov, Todjikon-Todjik stoni tarikhi— 

Todjikistoni muosir, Dushanbe 1993. 

(B.G. Fragner) 


1. Language. 

Tadjlkl is the name of an Iranian (Irano-Aryan) 
language commonly applied to the official language 
of Tadjikistan (formerly a republic of the Soviet Union 
which declared its independence on 8 September 1991). 
Closely-related varieties of the spoken language called 
Tadjlkl are used by different ethnic groups (not nec- 
essarily sometimes identifying themselves Tadjiks) in 
many places over Central Asia, northern Afghanistan, 
Pakistan and the Sinkiang-Uygur province of China. 
All these genetically South-Western Iranic dialects go 
back to the classical New Persian language of the 
9th- 16th centuries, the common ancestor of modern 
Persian, Tadjik! and modern Darl of Afghanistan. In 
Tadjikistan, South- Western forms of Iranian supplanted 
indigenous Eastern Iranian languages (Bactrian, Sog- 
dian and others) over a long period of time, mainly 
after Islamisation of the area (8th-9th centuries) [see 
further, Iran. 3. Languages, in Suppl.]. 

The total number of speakers can be estimated at 
about 7-8 millions (over 3 millions in Tadjikistan). In 
Central Asia, dialectically differentiated are so-called 
groups of "northern" (Bukhara, Samarkand, Khudjand. 
Farghana), "central" (Zarafshan, Hisar, Dushanbe), 
"southeastern" (Badakhshan, Darwaz) and "south- 
western" (Kulyab — Khatlan) dialects. 

The first indications of Tadjlkl grammatical pecu- 
larities may be traced in literary texts originating in 
Central Asia and written in Arabo-Persian script from 
the 16th century onwards. After the introduction in 
1929 of a Latinised alphabet into Tadjikistan, the 
phonetical features of Tadjlkl became obvious. This 
Latinised alphabet was replaced in 1 940 by the Cyrillic 
(Russian) one, with 6 additional letters. Appeals for 
the restoration of the Arabo-Persian script are now 
being mooted. 

The written variety of Tadjlkl is characterised by 
a phonetic system of 6 vowels and 24 consonants 
(compared to the modern Persian 8 vowels — 6 monoph- 
thongs and 2 diphthongs — and 23 consonants' system). 
In morphological structure, Tadjlkl is differentiated 
from Persian by the existence of a developed system 
of verb formation, including several specific forms for 
definite tenses (such as xonda istoda-ast "he is reading 
now", xonda istoda bud "he was reading at some def- 
inite time in the past"), subjunctive participles in -gl 
(xondagt-st "he is supposed to have read"), composite 
verbal aspectual formations of various types {xonda mond 
"he finished reading") and also other peculiar verbal 
constructions (auditive, i.e. "non-obvious" perfect and 
other forms). 

Written Central Asian Tadjlkl is clearly orientated 
more to the spoken dialect variety of the "northern" 
group. Some dialects of this group are strongly under 
Turkic influence, and intermediate Uzbek-Tadjik ver- 
naculars exist in the region of active Uzbek-Tadjik 
bilingualism where Uzbek is supplanting Tadjlkl in all 
spheres of life (not only in the bazaars but also amongst 
families at home). In the south, on the contrary, the 
process of Tadjlkl's supplanting local Eastern Iranic 
(i.e. Pamir) languages continues (especially as Tadjlkl 
till recently remained the only written language of the 
Western Pamir area). 

Naturally, there is much Russian influence and a 
great amount of loanwords and Russian loanword-for- 
mations in the sphere of official and journalistic lan- 
guage; but attempts are now being made to substitute 

for Russian loanwords Persian ones (sometimes, ones 
coming from other European languages). 

The dialectal spoken varieties of Tadjik! become 
closer to Persian ones as one goes towards the south- 
west (sc. towards Khurasan). Among the Turkicised 
varieties of the north, some can be classified as Turkic 
by morphology, but lacking such Turkic features as 
vowel harmony (together with some Iranised Uzbek 

The authors of important works on Tadjik! and its 
dialects include the Russian scholars M.S. Andreyev, 
A.A. Semenov, I.I. Zarubin, V.S. Rastorgueva and 
A.Z. Rosenfeld, and the Tadjik scholars M. Shukurov, 
Sh. Rustamov and R. Ghafforov. 

Bibliography: V.S. Rastorgueva, A short sketch of 
Tajik grammar, Bloomington 1963; eadem, Opit srav- 
nitelnogo izuceniya tadzikskikh govorov, Moscow 1964. 
I.M. Oranskij, Die neuiranischen Sprachen der Sowjetunion, 
The Hague 1975; V.A. Efimov, V.C. Rastorgueva 
and E.N. Shrova, Persidskiy, dari, tadzikskiy, Osnovi 
iranskogo yazikoznaniya. Novoiranskie yaziki, Mos- 
cow 1982, 5-230; Grammatikai zaboni adabii hozirai tojik, 
ed. Sh. Rustamov and R. Ghafforov. Dushanbe 1985; 
G. Lazard, Le person, Compendium Linguarum Ira- 
nicarum, ed. R. Schmitt, Wiesbaden 1989, 263-93 
(with bibl.). (I. Steblin-Kamensky) 

2. Literature. 

Tadjlkl is an indivisible part of Persian literature 
[see Iran, vii], but its thousand-year existence and its 
historical circumstances justify treating it as a sepa- 
rate entity. In the Central Asia where the Tadjiks 
live, there originated, in the 10th and 11th centuries, 
the first Persian poets, whence the oldest style of 
Persian literature is called sabk-i turkistani, but until 
the 15th century at least, Persian literature was homo- 
geneous, and the classic works of Sa'dl, NizamI, Hafiz, 
and Rum! [q.vv.] have always been considered a part 
of the literature of the Tadjiks in Central Asia. 

From the 16th century onwards, a certain separa- 
tion in culture from Shl'T Persia and Central Asia 
began. Some authors used local dialects at times, and 
the influence of the large TurkT population was also 
felt. Literary production was more and more influ- 
enced by the so-called Indian style, sabk-i hindl [q.v.]. 
From the region sprang authors like Hilali, Wasifi", 
Banna'I [q.v.] and 'Abd al-Rahman Mushfikl (932- 
94/1525-85 [q.v.]), author of several mathnaiws and a 
dxwan-i mutd'ibat, which won him place among the 
popular jesters. Mir Abld Sayyida Nasaff, was the 
representative of the so-called artisanal poetry, author 
of the often-imitated dastdn, the Baharyyat or Haywanat- 
nama. Central Asian literature in Persian was com- 
pletely taken over by the style of the Indo-Persian 
author Bldil [q.v.], unknown at that period in Western 
Persia, and from the 18th century onwards, there was 
no poet or writer in Central Asia or in Afghanistan 
who did not imitate him. A prominent representative 
of derwish poetry was Sufi Allahyar KattakurghanI 
(d. 1136/1723), who, in verse written in Persian and 
TurkF, preached the renunciation of the earthly life. 
In the 19th century were notable the Bukharan poets 
'Abd al-Kadir Kh w adja Sawda (1239-90/1823-73) and 
Muhammad Shams al-Dln Shahin (1274-1312/1857- 
94), the author of a diwan and of the mathnawl Layla 
wa Maajnun, the Tuhfat-i dustdn and the prose work 
Bada'i al-sana'i. A new spirit was brought into the 
poetry by Tashkhudja Asm of Khodjand (1261-1315/ 
1864-1916), and new ideas are discernible in Ahmad 
Danish Kalla (1242-1315/1827-97) [see azadi, in 
Suppl., at 109], author of the prose work Nawddir al- 
wakd'i' containing new opinions on education, culture 

and technology. His Risala contains a condemnation 
of the Bukharan ruling dynasty. Danish was a pre- 
decessor of the so-called Djadid or Young Bukharan 
movement, whose theoretician then became 'Abd al- 
Ra'Qf Fitrat [q.v.] . An important follower of theirs was 
a pupil from the madrasas of Bukhara, Sadr al-Dln 
'Ayni (1878-1954 [q.v.]), who was, for his reformist 
educational methods (maktab-i usul-i djadid), condemned 
to 75 strokes of the cane in 1917 and narrowly escaped 

Tadjiki literature takes a new path after the 
Bukharan revolution in 1920. 'Ayni, Fitrat and others 
welcomed in their verse the fall of the amirate; its 
backwardness was described by 'Ayni in his story 
Adina about the life of a poor Tadjik boy, the first 
truly realist piece of prose in the Tadjik language. 

In 1926 'Aynl's Namuna-yi adabiyyat-i tadjtk was pub- 
lished, a traditional-type tadhkira that brought together 
samples of and short notices about 500 Central Asian 
poets and several writers, such as the Persian LahQtl 
[q.v.], who participated prominently in the formation 
of post-revolutionary Tadjik poetry. In the poetry of 
the 1920s, the leading place belongs to the innova- 
tor Payraw SulaymanI (1899-1933). 

A serious estrangement from the mainstream of 
Persian literature was caused by the substitution of a 
Latin script for the Arabic-Persian one in 1929 and 
later, 1940, a Cyrillic alphabet. In these years 'Ayni 
and the Tadjik language scholars were fixing the 
norms of their language, which showed differences in 
phonology, morphology, syntax and vocabulary from 
the Persian of Iran and Afghanistan; these differences 
are above all evident in works of prose, especially in 
journalistic language. 

'Aynl's novels DokJiunda (1930) (a transcription from 
the Tadjik Cyrillic script is used from here onwards) 
and Qhulomon (1934) form, together with Odina, a tril- 
ogy about the destiny of the Tadjik nation. It was 
followed by the successful satirical novel Margi sudkjiur 
(1939, new version 1953). Tadjik poetry is marked 
by the arrival of poets brought up in post-revolution 
schools, who published poetry which, in a less tradi- 
tional form, praises the liberation of women, the growth 
of education, victory over the Basmacis [q.v.] and the 
so-called success of the Soviet development, including 
eulogies of Lenin and Stalin. As everywhere in the 
Soviet Union, so in Tadjikistan there were in the 
1930s repressions; some writers were imprisoned, ex- 
iled or even lost their lives, and 'Ayni himself was 
persecuted. He then, in the 1940s and early 1950s, 
wrote his fundamental work, a book of recollections, 
ToddosMtho, a chronicle of the Bukharan society at the 
turn of the 1 9th century. 'Aynl's followers are younger 
writers like Djalol IkromI (1909-93), with a short novel 
Tirmor (1939), an autobiographic novel Subhi djavonii 
mo (1954) and others works, and also several plays 
for the theatre on historical and contemporary sub- 
jects. The 1960s brought a certain detente. In poetry, 
the leading place belongs to Mirzo Tursunzoda (191 1- 
77), who was for a long time President of the Tadjik 
Writers Union. He published several books of poetry 
denouncing colonialism, stressing the brotherhood 
between the eastern nations, and also some intimate 
lyrics. There are series of lyrical epic poems (dostons) 
about the changes in Tadjik life: Hasani arobakash 
(1954), Az Gang to KremL, about the journey of Raja 
Pratap to Moscow, or Caroghi abaat (1958), in honour 
of Sadriddin Ayni. Mirsaid Mirshakar (1911-93) pub- 
lished collections of poems as well as poetry for chil- 
dren or dostons like Ktshloki tilloi (1944) a legend from 
the Pamir region, and others, as well as his n 



Tordi yori mehrubon (1979). Mu'min Kanoat (b. 1932) 
wrote Korvoni nur, and the dostons Surudi Stalingrad, 
Gahvorai Ibni Sino, etc. To the distinguished poets of 
this time belong Ghaffor Mirzo, Abdudjabbor Kahhori, 
the poetess Gulrukhsor Safiyeva, Loik Sherall, Bozor 
Sobir and others. 

Although poetry was dominant, Tadjik prose is now 
gaining more prominence. Ikroml published his novel 
on contemporary themes £oghhoi badmwt (1977), and 
the crimes against humanity during the Stalinist era 
are treated in his short story Duvozdah kilometr (1967), 
published only in 1988. Ulughzoda published histori- 
cal works such as FirdusI (1978); Rahim Djalil (1909- 
89) wrote about the formation of socialism, and Foteh 
Niyozl (1914-91) treated mostly of war events. An 
author of some promise was Fazliddin Muhammadiyev 
(1928-91), with his novel Palatal kundja/a ("The corner 
room") showing a more liberal civil standpoint. Con- 
temporary life is the theme of authors like Yusufdjon 
Akobirov, Muhiddin Khodjayev. Amindjon Shukuhi 
or Djum'a Odina, whose novel Guzashti ayyom (1978) 
was prohibited because of its critical attitude to a 
Communist party functionary; and there are many 
other authors, like Urun KQhzod, Sorbon, Bahrom 
Firuz, Adash Istad, etc. The plays of GhanI Abdullo 
(1912-84) and those of authors like Ulughzoda, Ikroml, 
Shukuhi, Muhammadiyev, including the poets Mirsha- 
kar and Fayzullo Anson, have been staged in Tadjikis- 
tan theatres. 

In 1989 the Tadjikistan Parliament accepted a law 
about the priority of the "todjiki (forst)" language, 
which is expected to mean a return to the traditional 
script, but this has not so far been implemented. At 
the University of Dushanbe there has been created a 
department for the study of adabiyoti naviniforsii todjik. 
Political liberation at the end of the 1980s resulted 
in an outpouring of patriotic poetry, verses praising 
the mother-tongue, the national traditions, including 
Islam, and condemning the Soviet regime, the losses 
of Bukhara and Samarkand, etc. After civil war broke 
out in 1991, a quarter of a million Tadjiks, mostly 
intelligentsia, left the country, and from Russia, Persia 
and other countries are now resounding proclama- 
tions and verses of protest: doston Mu'min Kanoat's 
Hamosai dod (1994), the verses of Bozor Sobir, the col- 
lection of sorrowful poems ^pdruzi dard (Moscow 1994) 
by the poetess Gulrukhsor, and others. 

Bibliography: S. 'Aynl, Namuna-i adabiyyat-i tadjik, 
Moscow 1926; J. Becka, in J. Rypka et alii, History 
of Iranian literature, Dordrecht 1968, 483-605, J. Becka, 
Adabiyyat-i first dar Tajikistan, Tehran 1372/1993; 
A. Abdulloyev and S. Sa'diyev, Adabiyoti forsu todjik 
dar nimai duyumi asri XI va avvali asri XII, Dushanbe 
1986; A. Abdulloyev, Adabiyoti forsu todjik dar nimai 
awali asri XI, Dushanbe 1986; Usmon Karimov, Ada- 
biyoti todjik dar asri XVI, Dushanbe 1985; U. Kari- 
mov, Adabiyoti todjik dar nimai dumumi asri XVIII va 
awali asri XIX, Dushanbe 1974; Rasul Hodizoda, 
Adabiyoti todjik dar nimai duvvumi asri XIX, Dushanbe 
1968; J. Becka, Sadriddin Ayni. Father of modem Tajik 
culture, Naples 1980. (J. BEeKA) 

TADJIKISTAN (Djumhurii Todjikiston), a modern 
republic in Central Asia bordering on China 
(fronder of 430 km), Afghanistan (1,030 km), Uzbe- 
kistan (950 km), and Kirgizstan (590 km). 93% of its 
territory (in total 143,000 km 2 ) is covered by moun- 
tains, almost half of them higher than 3,000 m/9,840 
feet above sea level. Its capital is Dushanbe, renamed 
1929-61 Stalinabad. The state language is, according 
to the constitution of 1994, TadjikI (under Soviet rule 
officially promoted as a distinct Iranian language, nowa- 

days generally regarded as a variant of New Persian) 
[see tadjIki. 1.], and besides that, Russian for "inter- 
national relations". The population amounts to ca. 5.5 
million consisting, according to the last census (1989), 
of 62.3% Tadjrks, 23.5% Uzbeks, 7.6% Russians, and 
others (these figures may partly have changed due to 
developments connected with the civil war of 1992). 

As already the topography of the country suggests, 
the titular nation of the Tadjrks is of a regionally 
rather diverse character. It ranges between, on the 
one hand, a population of mixed Turkic-Iranian extrac- 
tion (prior to the 1920s, in the Russian sphere of in- 
fluence usually referred to as Sarts [q.v.]), not seldom 
bilingual in Turkic and Persian, and originating in 
the densely-populated agricultural regions and urban 
centres of the lowland; and, on the other hand, popula- 
tion remnants of Eastern Iranian elements, which have 
survived in the refuge areas of remote high mountain 
valleys, and have in part preserved their archaic lan- 
guages (such as YaghnabI, Yazghulami, ShughnI and 
Wakhr). Even though certain popular traditions and 
religious practices were more or less radically sup- 
pressed in Soviet times, the local population, espe- 
cially the rural one, to a certain extent kept up their 
customs and beliefs (predominantly SunnI of the Ha- 
naff law school, with an Isma'IlI community in Gorno- 

The creation of the state of Tadjikistan was brought 
forth under Soviet auspicies by the so-called national- 
territorial delimitation of Central Asia in 1924. The 
Tadjik Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR), 
functioning as a part of the Uzbek SSR, was made 
up of Eastern Bukhara — till then belonging to the 
Bukharan People's Republic (removed by the above- 
mentioned delimitation; until September 1920 the 
Emirate of Bukhara); a part of the Pamirs [q.v.] (since 
1895 under Russian dominion), and twelve districts 
(volost') of the Turkestan ASSR (also removed by the 
delimitation of 1924; until 1917, a governor-general- 
ship of Russia). In October 1929 the province and 
city of Khudjand [q.v.] (renamed Leninabad) was added 
to the territory of Tadjikistan, which at the same time 
received the status of a Union Republic (SSR). 

Tadjikistan was included in the general develop- 
ment schemes of the Soviet Union (collectivisation, 
industrialisation, etc.) and became subject to various 
campaigns — all of them, more or less extensively, for 
the first time launched from 1927-8 — such as the elim- 
ination of illiteracy, the changeover to the Latin then 
to the Cyrillic alphabet [see tadjiki. 1], the unveil- 
ing and liberation of women, the promotion of athe- 
ism, resettlement operations and political purges. 
During the first decade of these policies, there were 
waves of emigration (mainly to Afghanistan) and anti- 
Soviet, traditionalist, armed resistance by the Basmacis 
[q.v.]; one of the most prominent Basmaci leaders was 
Ibrahim Beg (arrested 1931, executed 1932). 

In the decades Mowing World War II, Tadjikistan, 
although continuing to be considered as the poorest 
republic of the Soviet Union, in a technical sense rep- 
resented a relatively developed country, with a certain 
amount of industrial and agricultural production, a 
basic infrastructure, and broad networks of public 
health and education. At the breakdown of the Soviet 
Union (August 1991), Tadjikistan declared itself inde- 
pendent but soon fell into a precarious situation. 
Regional animosities and political quarrels led to a 
civil war (1992). These conflicts and their manifold 
consequences are not yet (1996) finally resolved. The 
economy, apart from its having been a integral and 
therefore heavily dependent part of the centralised 



economy of the USSR, has almost come to a halt, 
thereby fostering further social disruption. 

Bibliography: There exists an ample amount of 
biased Soviet literature on Tadjikistan. For general 
information see, e.g., Istoriya Tadzhikistana (Ukazatel' 
sovetskoy lileraturi 1917-1983), i ff., Dushanbe 1986 
ff.; Taazhikskaya Sovetskaya Socialisticeskaya Respublika, 
Dushanbe 1974. For a post-Soviet assessment of the 
recent situation, see Respublika Tadjikistan. Otcet po 
celoveceskomu razvitiyu 1995, Bishkek 1995. Well- 
informed, comprehensive Western studies are not 
available. For certain aspects, see T. Rakowska- 
Harmstone, Russia and nationalism in Central Asia. The 
case of Tadjikistan, Baltimore and London 1970; 
M. Atkin, 77k subtlest battle. Islam in Soviet Tajikistan, 
Philadelphia 1989; Le Tadjikistan, existe-t-il? Destins 
politiques d'une "nation imparfaite" (Cahiers d'Etudes sur 
la Mediterranee Orientate el le Monde Turco-Iranien, no. 
18, 1994). (R. Eisener) 

TADJIK (a.), merchant, trader, further defined 
by Arabic authors as a person engaged in the 
buying and selling of commodities. The ety- 
mology of the term and the attitude towards merchants 
and trading in early Islamic society, with the evidence 
from the Kur'an and from Hadlth and then from 
subsequent writers, is considered below in tidjara. 2. 
Hence here will be given only some few comments 
on the role of the merchant; for an extended treat- 

The trader was certainly a well-known figure in 
the urban societies of pre-Islamic Arabia and Arabia 
at the time of the Prophet, even if some aspects of 
the significance of trading within the global society 
of Arabia and its Near Eastern environment are mat- 
ters for controversy (see Patricia Crone, Meccan trade 
and the rise of Islam, Princeton 1987). Muhammad him- 
self acted as a trader in the earlier part of his life, 
and Companions such as Abu Bakr, 'Uthman b. 'Affan, 
'Abd al-Rahman b. 'Awf, Talha b. 'Ubayd Allah and 
'Amr b. al-'As [q.w.] likewise followed this avocation. 
Yet, as Islamic society developed, traders often had 
something of an ambivalent status within it. There 
was a hierarchy within them, with perfume sellers and 
clothiers somewhere near the top, and the customary 
prescriptions of kafa'a, social compatibility for mar- 
riage, meant that e.g. a weaver was not regarded as 
the equal of a jeweller (ajawhan) or money-changer 
(sayrqfi). Senior government officials were considered 
to be higher in status than traders. Abu Hayyan al- 
Tawhrdf [a.v.] was probably voicing public opinion of 
his time when he said that these last lacked refine- 
ment (adab) and moral virtue (muruwwa), so that they 
ranked below the elite or khdssa of the ruler and his 
courtiers (al-ImW wa 'l-mu'anasa, Cairo 1944, iii, 60-1). 
A proverbial saying echoed such beliefs, that traders 
were like wolves beneath their outward clothing (ahl 
al-suk dhi'ab taht al-Myab). 

The cognomen of al-Tadjir was known for merchants 

who traded outside their own towns or lands on a 

large scale (cf. al-Sam'anl, Ansab, facs. ed. fol. 102a-b = 

ed. Haydarabad, iii, 2-4), such as the trader with the 

Far East cited by Ibn al-Fakrh, 1 1, Sulayman al-Tadjir. 

Bibliography: This is substantially given in 

tidjAra, but see also S.D. Goitein, The rise of the 

Near Eastern bourgeoisie in early Islamic times, in Jnal. 

of World Hist., iii (1957), 596-604; M.AJ. Beg, Social 

mobility in Islamic civilization, Kuala Lumpur 1981, 

28-30. (M.A.J. Beg) 

TADJMIR (a.), the verbal noun of form II of 

dj-m-r meaning basically "to come together". 

In early Islamic military and administra- 

tive usage, djammara had the meaning of "to keep 
the troops quartered on distant frontiers, far away 
from their families" (see L'A\ v, 217). The caliph 
'Umar is said to have disapproved of this, as lead- 
ing to discontent and rebelliousness amongst the Arab 
warriors. But once the initial phase of the Arab con- 
quests was over, the mukatila found themselves fight- 
ing in distant, climatically and topographically difficult 
environments like Central Asia and Afghanistan, so that 
complaints grew. It was discontent at al-Hadjdjadj's 
[q.v.] policy in the late 690s of stationing troops on 
the far eastern frontiers in permanent garrisons (tadjmir 
al-bu'uth) which sparked off the revolt of the "Peacock 
Army" under <Abd al-Rahman b. al-Ash'ath in 82/701 
and almost toppled the Umayyad caliphate (see ibn 
al-ash'ath and C.E. Bosworth, 'Ubaidatldh b. Abi Bakra 
and the "Army of Destruction" in Zabulistan (79/698), in 
Isl., 1 [1973], 268-83). 

Bibliography: Given in the article. 

(C.E. Bosworth) 
TADJMS (a.), a technical term for a rhetorical 
figure (alternative names, all from the same root, are 
djinas [very common], muqjanasa, mudjanas, and tadjanus), 
variously translated as paronomasia, pun, homony- 
my, and alliteration. The last two terms, how- 
ever, do not cover all the types that have traditionally 
been subsumed under this heading, while "pun" has 
also been used to render tawriya [q.v.], the difference 
being that tawriya is a one-term pun (double entendre). 
A general definition of tadjnis would be: a pair of 
utterances (mostly, but not necessarily single words), 
within a line or colon, which are semantically differ- 
ent but phonetically, either completely or partially, 
identical. The alternative "completeness or lack of 
such" is the basis for distinguishing the various sub- 
types that the rhetoricians have discovered. Since words 
that are only partially identical are very likely to be 
semantically different anyway, it becomes clear that 
two notions have merged in the tadjnis concept: a 
narrow one which covers only the case of complete 
phonetic identity (this is the tadjnis tamm, which some 
say, or imply, is the original and "correct" meaning 
of the term), and a broader one in which the two 
terms of the tadjnis show any kind of lesser degrees 
of assonance, down to root-repetition (ishtikak, fgura 
etymologica). Some authors deny that ishtikak is a sub- 
type of tadjnis. 

Tadjnis is without doubt one of the most popular 
and sought-after rhetorical figures, especially in later 
Arabic poetry and ornate prose, whence it became 
also a favourite in other Islamic literatures. Word plays 
are, of course, universal in all languages and liter- 
atures. In world-views that consider names not to be 
arbitrary, puns are used to discover and express hid- 
den relationships between similarly named things, while 
those who do not believe in "natural" names, may 
still use puns the same way, though tongue in cheek, 
or else employ them to create witty and unexpected 
connections. However, Arabic, as a Semitic language, 
has particularly ample possibilities here due to its root- 
and-pattern structure. Different derivations from the 
same root play an important role even in everyday 
syntax, as shown by such constructions as the cog- 
nate accusative (e.g. kala kawl m ), the participial expres- 
sion of an indefinite subject (e.g. kala kd'il""), and the 
strengthening of a noun with an etymologically related 
but per se meaningless adjective (e.g. layl m la'iV'/alyal"; 
laylaf" layld'u) (see Reckendorf and Griinert, in Bibl.). 
This kind of repetition (Jigura etymologica in Classical 
terms, and ishtikak in the later rhetorical fc 

but see below) thus comes naturally to artisans of the 
language and is made the starting-point for other more 
artistic uses of root-derivations. Examples collected by 
the rhetoricians from early, pre-"modern" poetry show 
that this particular type is moderately well attested. 
Particularly rich are the Umayyad raqjaz poets: Ru'ba 
[g.v.] has more than 1,200 cases in his Diwan (ed. 
Ahlwardt, p. xciii; and see the specimens, pp. xciv- 
xcvii). One specific use of this figure is to extract 
"meaning" from a personal or geographic name, a 
method that remains popular also in later poetry (cf. 
Djarir [q.v], Diwan, ed. al-Sawi, 326, 1. 6: fa-ma zala 
ma'kul™ 'Ikalun 'ani 'l-uld — wa-ma zala mahbus" 'ani 
'l-madjdi Habisu, a closure line in a hidja' against al- 
Farazdak that resounds with its two malicious name 
games). Apart from root repetition, there are also 
other, less extended, phonetic repetitions that were 
clearly intended by the poets, but which find their 
way into the later taajnis category only in part (see 
Renate Jacobi, Studien zur Poetik der altarabischen Qaside, 
Wiesbaden 1971, 183-93; Th. Bauer, Altarabische 
Dichtkunst, Wiesbaden 1992, i, 163-71). Word repeti- 
tion is not uncommon in early poetry (ibid.), but rarely 
has the second word a different meaning; thus the 
repetition does not constitute a taints in the later tax- 
onomies. The rhetoricians who can be trusted to have 
looked very hard cannot muster more than four or 
five examples of tadjnis tamm in ancient poetry (e.g. 
al-Afwah al-Awdl [g.v.] apud Ibn Rashtk, al-'Umda, i, 
322: wa-akta'u 'l-hawqjala musta'nis® 1 — bi-hawdjal'" 'ayra- 
naf 'aytamus "I cut through the pathless desert [hawajal] 
taking comfort — in an onager-like magnificent fleet 
camel mare [hawajal]"). 

With the rise of the "modern" poetry of the 'Abbasid 
era, tadjnis became a bone of contention, as it was 
one of the phenomena in the centre of the badi' con- 
troversy. As Ibn al-Mu'tazz (d. 296/908 [g.v.]) cor- 
rectly explains (Boat', 1), poets like Abu Tammam 
(d. 231/845 or 232/846 [g.v.]), who was the focus of 
the debate, "exaggerated" the use of this and other 
figures of speech and thus shifted the character of 
these figures from being a means of poetic style to 
becoming an essential part of the poetic endeavour. 
For a study of tadjnis in this period in general, see 
J.E. Bencheikh, Poetique arabe. Precedee de Essai sur un 
discours critique, Paris 1989, 186-202 (who deals only 
with the ishtikak variety), and for individual poets, see 
E. Wagner, Abu Nuwas. Eine Studie zur arabischen Literatur 
derfruhen 'AbbasidmzeU, Wiesbaden 1965, 432-36; Magda 
M. al-Nowaihi, 77k poetry of Ibn Khafaja. A literary analy- 
sis, Leiden 1993, 71-96; and, on al-Ma'arn, S. Sperl, 
Mannerism in Arabic poetry, Cambridge 1989, 142-51 
(who includes phonetic repetition). Although the figura 
etymologka can probably claim the lion's share, the 
taajnis tamm and, in particular, its murakkab variety gain 
much in popularity and soon have their own spe- 
cialists, such as Abu '1-Fath al-Bustl (d. 400/1010 or 
later [g.v.]). His friend, the arch-adib al-Tha'alibr 
(d. 429/1038 [g.v.]), declared the tadjnis murakkab to 
be the crowning achievement in this field and he 
compiled a sizable anthology of thematically arranged 
verse displaying this particular variety of punning (Anis, 
see Bibl.), in which al-Busti figures prominently (e.g. 
Anls, 452: had tafa'altu bi 'l-araki fa-lamma — an ra'aytu 
'l-araka kultu arakt—kha'ifan mm salahihi li-siwakin — an 
yakuna 'lladhi arahu siwaki "I took the arak-tree [araki] 
for a good omen and when — I saw the arak-tree, I 
said: I shall see you [ara-ki], — (though) fearing that, 
due to its being good for (the making of) tooth-sticks 
[siwaki(n)], — the one I shall see will be someone other 
than you [siwa-ki]."). Actually, the Ants contains also 

a number of instances of taajnis tamm. One particu- 
lar use made of both varieties is homonymous rhyme. 
Examples of this artifice, which retained a certain 
popularity through the centuries, are already attested 
for the 3rd/9th century (an inshad of Tha'lab [q.v] 
quoted by Abu Hilal al-'Askan, K. al-Sina'atayn, 438- 
40, with eleven instances of the rhyme-word khali). 
What is remarkable here is the fact that the tadjnis 
stretches over more than one line. 

In another work (K. al-Mutashabih, see Bibl), al- 
Tha'alibr devotes a large part to the tadjnis musahhaf, 
for which he adduces numerous examples, this time 
not only from poetry but also from prose, mostly cola 
from ornate epistles of well-known people of eloquence. 
A poetic example is the following verse by Ibn al- 
Ruml: Id asriku 'l-shi'ra wa-ghqyri kalah—yakfinrya 'ntikha- 
luhu 'ntihalah "I do not steal poetry, when another 
has said it; — sifting it prevents me from lifting it" 
(Mutashabih, 22), i.e. it is not good enough for me. 
The popularity, among the scribes, of this ingenious 
artifice is easy to understand. Al-Tha'alibi does, how- 
ever, express his dislike for texts that consist exclu- 
sively of pairs of tadjnis musahhaf, such as gharraka 
'izzuka fa-sara kusaru dhalika dhullaka . . . (Mutashabih, 24, 
and see below, II. Terminology, B, 1-2), where in 
every pair the words exhibit the same rasm. None- 
theless, even this odd self-imposed hardship found its 
adherents and reached its apogee in al-Risala al- 
taw'amiyya, the "Twin Epistle," of Safi al-Din al-Hilli 
(d. ca. 749/1348 [g.v.]). 

In post-classical poetry, the tadjnis, together with its 
cousin, the tawriya [q.v.], becomes ever more central. 
Al-Safadi (d. 764/1362 [q.v.]) wrote independent stud- 
ies on both figures of speech and, in the Djinan al- 
ajinas, included as its third part an anthology of his 
own djinas poetry. Studies are, however, still few. For 
AyyGbid poetry, see the few remarks in J. Rikabi, La 
poesie profane sous ks Ayyubides et ses principaux repre- 
sentants, Paris 1949, 264-8; on Mamluk poetry, see 
Muhammad Zaghlul Salam, al-Adabft 'l-'asr al-mamluki, 
2 vols., Cairo n.d. [1971], index of technical terms, 
s.w. tadjnis and djinas. Salam makes the point that 
the Syrians were more interested in tadjnis, while the 
Egyptian poets concentrated their efforts on the tawriya 
(op. cit., ii, 126). 

It is interesting to note that the taajms, which is 
often taken as a symbol of the late artificial, ossified 
state of pre-Modern Arabic poetry, also made it into 
many genres of folk poetry, particularly the mawaliya 
[g.v.], where it often is a feature of the rhyme scheme. 
This is to some extent already attested in pre-Modern 
sources (cf. a mawaliya by al-Shihab al-HidjazI with a 
tadjnis murakkab rhyme "kallam", apud al-Suyuti [d. 911/ 
1505], Djand, 141). In modern Egyptian mawwals, the 
rhyme paronomasia is generally achieved by wilfully 
distorting the words; this feature is called zahr "flow- 
ers" (see mawaliya, and P. Cachia, Popular narrative 
ballads of modem Egypt, Oxford 1989, see index s.w. 
"paronomasia" and "zahr"). 

II. Terminology 

Whether the early poets had terminological ways 
of talking about paronomasia is unclear. The earliest 
attestations from late Umayyad times onward show 
various terms, some of which do not find acceptance 
in the later terminology. Thus al-'Adjdjadj [g.v.], in 
an argument with his son Ru'ba [q.v.], emphatically 
tells him that he, al-'Adjdjadj, taught him 'atf al-raajaz, 
and as an example he adduces a line with triple 
paronomasia (apud Ibn RashTk, 'Umda, i, 331, and cf. 
G. Kanazi, Studies in the Kitdb as-Sind'atayn, 64). It is 
not certain, but very likely, that the enigmatic 'atf (m 

the sense of "folding back" or "adding on"?) meant 
"paronomasia." Similarly, 'Umara b. 'AkTl, great-grand- 
son of the Umayyad poet Djarlr [q.v.] , compared Abu 
Tammam's paronomasias to those of his famous fore- 
bear and called them raddat "echos" (?). The first term 
seems to be taken up again in the term ta'attuf of 
Abu Hilal al-'Askan (d. 395/1005 [q.v.]) (Sind'atayn, 
438-40; see below), whereas raddat may have meta- 
morphosed into the later term tardid, which however 
refers to a repetition of the same word with the same 
meaning in different syntactic contexts to create a 
contrast and is thus not a paronomasia. 

The first theorists are less than homogeneous in 
their technical language. Tha'lab (d. 291/904) uses 
the term mutabak, and although he defines it as the 
repetition of the same word with a different mean- 
ing, he includes a fair amount oi Jigura etymologica cases 
(Kawd'id, 64-7). Interestingly, his one-time disciple 
Kudama (d. 337/948 [q.v.]) takes up this term but 
combines it with mudjanas and assigns the meaning of 
"pun" to the former and the meaning of "Jigura ety- 
mohgica" to the latter. Thus, although he considers 
both as one phenomenon, he seems to feel uneasy in 
lumping the two subcategories together. At about the 
same time, Ibn al-Mu'tazz uses the term tadjnls; 
whether he introduced the term (some say he "in- 
vented" it) is unclear. Abu Hilal al-'Askan, who as a 
compiler is, of course, very much dependent on his 
predecessors, nonetheless veers off by using tadjms for 
the Jigura etymologica and excluding the word-repetition, 
which he says is called ta'attuf (see above, on 'atf). But 
the later theorists grosso modo understand tadjnls, or the 
equally frequent djinas, as covering both phenomena. 
There are numerous subcategories with a plethora 
of synonymous technical terms. The most important 
subcategories are the following, taking al-Khatib al- 
Kazwmi (d. 734/1338 [q.v.]) as the basis: 

A. Tamm, complete agreement in nature, number, 
and arrangement of consonants and vowels between 
two words of different meaning. 

1. Mufrad, either term is one word. 

(a) mumathil, both words belong to the same word 
'1-suUani 'l-djd'iri ka-zd'iri 'l-laythi 

l unjust ruler 

like s 

3. composite. 

visiting a roaring lio 

(b) mustawfd, the two words belong to different word 
classes, as in ma mata min karami 'l-zamdni fa-innahu 
yahya lada Yahya bni 'Abdi lldhi (Abu Tammam) "what- 
ever dies of the nobility of Time, that lives on with 
Yahya b. 'Abd Allah" [yahya verb and Yahya proper 

2. Murakkab, one term i: 

(a) malfuf, the composite 
pendent words. 

(b) marfuw, the composite term consists of one word 
and a fragment of another. An additional considera- 
tion is the question whether the two terms are spelled 
the same way (mutastdbih) or differently (majruk). 

Example of malfuf mutashabih: 

Idha malik" lamyakun djia hibah—fa-da'hu fa-dawlatuhu 
dhahibah (al-Busti) 

"When a king is not generous (lit. one of gift), 
leave him, for his rule is transient". 

Example of malfuf majruk: 

kullukum kad ajshadha 'l-djama wa-la ajama land — ma 
lladhi darra mudira 'l-djdmi law djamalana (al-Busti) 

"Each of you has received the goblet, but there is 
none for us — what harm would have been done to 
the one who makes the goblet go around, if he had 
been friendly to us?" 

Example of marfuw majruk: 

wa-la talhu 'an tadhkari dhanbika wa-'bkihl — bi-dam'in 
yuhaki 'l-muzna hala masabihl — wa-maththil li-'aynayka 
'l-himama wa-wak'ahu — wa-raw'ata malkdhu wa-mat'ama 
sabihl (al-Hariri) 

"Don't fail to be mindful of your sins and mourn 
them with tears that are like the rainclouds at the 
time of a downpour — and put before your eyes the 
fall of death, the terror o" ' 

3. Mulajfak, both terms are composites, as in Ha 
hatfl sa'a kadami — ara kadami ardka dami (al-Busti) 
"Toward my ruin ran my foot: I see my foot hav- 
ing spilled my blood". 

B. "Imperfect" paronomasia (there is no generally 
accepted cover term for this), which means lack of 
agreement (1) in the pronunciation of the consonants, 
(2) in their number, (3) in their arrangement, and (4) 
in individual consonants of the two terms. 

1. Muharraf difference in vocalisation, as in al-daynu 
shaynu 'l-din "debt is a blemish on religion". 

2. Musahhqf (or djinas al-khatt), difference in dia- 
critics, as in idha zuhara 'l-zina wa-'l-riba ji karyat" 
adhina 'lldhu Jt halakihd "when fornication and usury 
appear in a town, God will permit its ruin". 

Often both types are mixed, systematically, e.g. in 
the following pairing of terms: giarraka 'izzuka fa-sara 
kusdru dJialika dhullaka fa-khsha jahisha ji'lika fa-'allaka 
tuhdd bi-hadha wa 'l-salam (from an alleged letter of 
'All to Mu'awiya). "Your might has deluded you, so 
the outcome of that became your humiliation. Fear 
therefore your abominable deeds, perhaps you will be 
guided by that. Peace". 

3. Mkis, one term incomplete by one or two let- 
ters, which may be at the beginning or end or in 
the middle of the term. 

Example for incompleteness at the end of the word: 
yamudduna min ayd" 'awdf 'awasim™ — tasulu bi-asyaf" 
kawad" kawddibi (Abu Tammam) "they stretch out 
hands that attack and defend, which wield cutting 
sharp swords". 

If several letters are "appended" to one term, the 
tadjnis is called mudhayyal, as in inna 'l-buka'a huwa 
'l-shijd'u mma 'l-a^awa bayna 'l-djawanih fal-Khansa') "cry- 
ing is the medicine against love passion between the 

4. D)inas al-kalb, difference in the arrangement of 
the letters, as in husdmuka Jthi li 'l-ahbdbi fath m — wa- 
rumhuka jihi li 'l-a'dd'i hat/u (al-Ahnaf ) "Your sword 
carries victory for your friends, your lance carries 
death for your enemies". 

If the distribution of the two terms is the beginning 
and the end of a verse, it is called mua^annah, as in 
Idha anwdru 'l-nada min—kaffihtfi kulli hali "the rays 
of generosity shone from his hand in every situation". 

5. One divergent consonant. 

(a) mudari', homorganic, i.e. similar articulation area, 
as in bayni wa-bayna Hnnl layl m damis™ wa-tarik m Mmts(™) 
(Makdmdt al-Hann) "Between me and my inn is a 
dark night and an effaced road". 

(b) lahik, non-homorganic, as in wayl m li-kulli huma- 
zat'" lumazah "woe unto every calumniator and libeller" 

6. Terms are derivations of the same root (or seem- 
ingly the same root) {Jigura etymologica) [tadjms al-ishtikak], 
as in fa-akim wadjhaka li 'l-dini 'l-kayyim "so turn your 
face toward the straight religion". 

Bibliography: A. Monographs on tadjnxsl 
djinas: Tha'alibl, al-Mutash&bih, ed. Ibrahim al- 
Samarra'I, in Madjallat Kulliyyat al-Adab, Djdmi'at 
Baghdad, x (1967), 5-33; idem, al-Anis fi ghurar al- 
tadjnis, ed. Hilal Nadji, in Maajallat al-Madjma' al- 


'Ilml al-'lrdkl, xxxiii (1402/1982), 369-480; Safadl, 
Djindn al-djinds, Constantinople 1299/[1881-2], and 
ed. Samlr Husayn HalabT, Beirut 1407/1987; SuyutT, 
Djand al-ajinas, ed. Muh. 'All Rizk al-Khafadji, n.p. 
n.d. [1986] [with important introd.]; DjarmanGs 
Farhat (d. 1145/1732), Bulugh al-arab Jt 'ilm al-adab. 
'Ilm al-djinds, ed. In'am Fawwal, Beirut 1990. 

B. All works on rhetoric and literary criticism 
have a chapter on taints, the earlier and the more 
extensive ones are listed here: Tha'lab, Kawd'id al- 
shi'r, ed. Ramadan 'Abd al-Tawwab, Cairo 1966, 
64-7; Ibn al-Mu'tazz, K al-Badl', ed. I. Kratchkov- 
sky, London 1935, 25-35; Kudama, K Nakd al-shi'r, 
ed. S.A. Bonebakker, Leiden 1956, 93-5; idem, 
Djawdhir al-alfiz, ed. Muh. Muhyi '1-Din 'Abd al- 
Hamrd, Beirut 1399/1979, 3, 4-5; Ishak b. Ibrahim 
Ibn Wahb al-Katib (1st half 4th/ 10th cent.), al- 
Burhdn Jt wudjuh al-baydn, edd. Ahmad Matlub and 
Khadidja al-Hadlthi, Bagdad 1387/1967, 181 (al- 
mutdbaka wa 'l-mushdkala); Amidi (d. 371/981), al- 
Muwdzana bayn shi'r Abi Tammdm wa 'l-Buhturl, ed. 
al-Sayyid Ahmad Sakr, Cairo 1380-4/1961-5, i, 14 
[badt' > isti'dra, tibdk, tadjnls], 265-71 [bad tadjnls in 
Abu Tammam]; Rummani (d. 386/997), al-Nukal 
Jt i'djdz al-Kur'an, edd. Muh. Khalaf Allah and 
Muh. Zaghlul Salam, in Thaldth rasd'il Jt i'djdz al- 
Kur'an, Cairo n.d., 91-2 (tadjdnus); Hatimi (d. 388/ 
998), Hilyat al-muhddara, ed. Dja'far al-Kattani, 2 
vols., [Baghdad] 1979, i, 146 [fragmentary]; Kh w a- 
razmr, MafiSh al-'ulum, ed. van Vloten, Leiden 1895, 
repr. 1968, 72-3 (in the section on muwdda'dt hut- 
tab al-rasd'iL ishtikdk = in poetry: mudjdnasa), 94 (in 
the section on nakd al-shi'r: mudjdnasa); al-Kadi al- 
Djurdjani, al-Wasdta bayn al-Mutanabbl wa-khusumih, 
edd. Muh. Abu '1-Fadl Ibrahim and 'All Muh. al- 
Bidjawl, 3 Cairo n.d., 41-4 (tadjnls mutlak, t. must- 
aujd, I. ndkis), 46 (tashlj); Ibn WakT' (d. 393/1003), 
K al-MunsiJ li 'l-sdrik wa 'l-masruk minhu Jt izhdr 
sarikdt Abi 'l-Tayyib al-Mutanabbl, ed. Muh. YQsuf 
Nadjm, part 1, Kuwait: 1404/1984, 50-2 (mudjdnasa); 
Abu Hilal al-'Askan, K. al-Sind'atayn al-kitdba wa 
'l-shi'r, edd. 'All Muh. al-Bidjawi and Muh. Abu 
'1-Fadl Ibrahim, 2 Cairo n.d. [1971], 330-45 (tadjms), 
438-440 {ta'attuj), cf. also G. Kanazi, Studies in the 
Kitdb as-Sind'atayn of Abu Hildl al-'Askari, Leiden 
1989, index; BakillanI, I'gjdz al-Kur'an, ed. al- 
Sayyid Ahmad Sakr, Cairo 1963, 83-7, cf. also von 
Grunebaum (tr.), A tenth-century document, 20-5; Ibn 
Rashik, al-'Umda Jt mahdsin al-shi'r wa-dddbih wa- 
nakdih, ed. Muh. Muhyi '1-Dln 'Abd al-Hamid, 
3 Cairo 1383/1963-4, i, 321-32; Yazdadi (d. after 
403/1012-13), Kamal al-balu&a wa-huwa rasd'il Shams 
al-Ma'dU Kdbus b. Wushmgir, Cairo 1341/ [1922-3], 
20-1 {mudjdnis, sic voc), 24 (explanation of term 
mudjdnis); Ibn Sinan al-Khafadjr (d. 466/1074), Sin 
al-Jasdha, ed. 'Abd al-Muta'al al-Sa'Idi, Cairo 1389/ 
1969, 185-91 {mudjdnas); 'Abd al-Kahir al-Djurdjam, 
K. Asrdr al-baldgha, ed. H. Ritter, Istanbul 1954, 
5-19, cf. also Ritter (tr.), Die Geheimnisse der Wortkunst, 
Wiesbaden 1959, 5-36; SakkakI, Mijtah al-'ulum, ed. 
Nu'aym Zarzur, Beirut 1403/1983, 429-30; Diya' 
al-Dln Ibn al-Athir, al-Djami' al-kabtr Jt sina'at al- 
manzum min al-kaldm wa 'l-manthur, edd. Mustafa 
Djawad and Djamfl Sa Td, Baghdad 1375/1956, 
256-63; idem, al-Mathal al-sd'ir Jl adab al-kdtib wa 
'l-shd'ir, edd. Ahmad al-HufT and Badawi Tabana, 
2 Riyad 1403/1983, iii, 229-32 (ishtikdk); Ibn al- 
Zamlakam (d. 651/1253), al-Tibydn Jt 'ilm al-bayan 
al-mutli' 'aid i'qjaz al-Kur'an, edd. Ahmad Matlub and 
Khadidja al-Hadlthi, Baghdad 1383/1964, 166-9 
(tadjnls), 169-70 (ishtikdk); Ibn Abi '1-Isba' (d. 654/ 

1256), Badl' al-Kur'an, ed. Hifm Muh. Sharaf, 2 Cairo 
n.d., 27-30; idem, Tahrir al-tahbtr 'jt sina'at al-shi'r 
wa 'l-nathr wa-baydn i'qjdz al-Kur'dn, ed. Sharaf, 
Cairo 1963, 102-10; al-Muzaffar b. al-Fadl al-'Alawi 
al-Husaym (d. 656/1258), Nadrat al-ighrid Jt nusrat 
al-karid, ed. Nuha 'Arif al-Hasan, Damascus 1396/ 
1976, 49-97; Zandjam {J. 660/1262), K Mi'ydr al- 
nuzzdr Jt 'ulum al-ash'dr, ed. Muh. 'AIT Rizk al- 
Khafadjr, Cairo 1991, ii, 73-82; Sidjilmasi (d. after 
704/1304-5), al-Manza' al-badt' Jt tadjms asdUb al- 
badl', ed. 'Allal al-Ghazi, Rabat 1401/1980, 481- 
98; Nuwayrl, Mhdyat al-arab Jt Junun al-adab, vii, 
Cairo n.d., 90-8; al-Khatib al-Kazwim (d. 739/ 
1338), al-Iddh Jt 'ulum al-baldgha, ed. Muh. 'Abd 
al-Mun'im Khafadji, 'Beirut 1391/1971, 535-43 
(djinds); idem, al-TalkhisJt 'ulum al-baldgha [i.e. Tatkhis 
al-Miftdh], ed. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Barkuki, n.p. n.d. 
[Beirut 1982], 388-92 {ajinds).— Hebrew literature 
(text in Judaeo-Arabic): Moshe ibn 'Ezra, K al- 
Muhddara wa 'l-mudhdkara, ed. and tr. Montserrat 
Abumalhan Mas, Madrid 1985-6, i, 257-60 [mudjd- 
nasa), ii, 275-80.— Persian texts: Raduyam, Taraju- 
mdn al-baldgha, ed. Ahmet Atef, Istanbul 1949, 10-15 
(tadjnls); Shams-i Kays, al-Mu'ajamJt ma'dyir ash'dr al- 
'adjam, ed. Muh. ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab Kazwihi, 
Leiden and London 1909, 309-17 (tadjms); Rashid 
al-Din Watwat, Haddyik al-sihr Jt dakdyik al-shi'r, ed. 
'Abbas Ikb'al, '[Tehran] 1362/1983^ 5-14 (tadjnls). 

C. Taajnls in modern presentations: (a) 
Arabic: HifnT Muhammad Sharaf, al-Suwar al- 
badl'iyya bayn al-nazariyya wa 'l-tatblk, [Cairo] 1385/ 
1966, ii, 5-49 (ajinds); 'Air al-Djundl, Farm al-djinds. 
Baldgha— adab— nakd, Cairo n.d. [1954]— (b) Per- 
sian: Djalrl Tadjlil, Djinds dar pahna-yi adab-i first, 
[Tehran] 1367/1988— (c) Turkish:— Muallim Naci, 
Ishlahat-t edebiyye. Edebiyat terimleri, edd. A. Yalcin 
and A. Hayber, Ankara n.d. [1984], 124-129 (cinas), 
29-30 (iftikdk); W.G. Andrews, Jr., An introduction to 
Ottoman poetry, Minneapolis 1976, 86-92 (cinas, tecnis). 

(W.P. Heinrichs) 
TADJUH, the Tagus river, wddl Tdajuh (Port. 
Tejo, Span. Tajo), together with the Ebro [see ibruh], 
the Douro and the Guadalquivir (al-wddl al-kablr), one 
of the great rivers of the Iberian peninsula. 
Rising in the Serrania of Cuenca in Aragon, its course 
of over 1,000 km/600 miles, crosses the Castilian 
Meseta and Estremadura and then enters Portugal, 
to debouch into the Atlantic in the Bay of Lisbon. 

It is mentioned by Arabic geographers essen- 
tially in passages dealing with the towns of Toledo 
(Tulaytula), Talavera (Talablra), Santarem (Shantarm) 
and Lisbon (UshbQna [y.»t>.]). Most of them mention a 
bridge dating from Antiquity, crossing it downstream 
from Toledo, probably that of Alcantara (al-Kantara). 
Al-Himyarf alone, taking up al-Razi, devotes a com- 
plete notice, though brief, to the river in his K al- 
Rawd al-mi'tdr. He compares the Tagus to the Nile 
for its floods and the alluvium which it deposits on 
the plain of Santarem. Al-Idnsi mentions mills along 
its course as well as a piece of hydraulic machinery 
meant to draw water to an aqueduct. 

With the Muslim conquest in the early 8th cen- 
tury, the Tagus came within the dar al-Isldm. For two 
centuries, the neighbouring regions were characterised 
by the implantation of numerous Berber tribesmen in 
the mountainous regions along its upper and middle 
zones (MasmQda, Nafza, Hawwara, Miknasa, etc.). At 
the end of this period, the territory effectively occu- 
pied by the Muslims must have begun more or less 
with the line of sierras separating the Tagus from the 
Douro basin. But there was probably hardly any stable, 


dense population before the Tagus valley itself, where 
the line of fortresses of the Middle and Lower Marches 
were established to defend the Muslim territory: 
Santarem, Alcantara, Nafza and above all Talavera 
and Toledo [see al-thuohOr. 2] . Other places, recently 
revealed by archaeological excavations, reinforced this 
line: e.g. the town of Vascos (the Nafza of the Arabic 
texts?) not far from Talavera de la Reina, whose ruins 
stretch over more than 6 ha and are enclosed by an 
imposing wall of dressed stone, but there were also 
a certain number of fortifications in the rural districts 
along the Tagus (Castros, Alija, Espejel, etc.) whose 
architecture suggests a probable Berber occupation. 

Further to the north, between the Tagus and the 
sierras, some advanced points like Coria must have 
controlled a land where there was no-one but a few, 
fairly widely-spaced Berber tribesmen, perhaps still 
semi-nomadic. Against the image sketched out by Levi- 
Provencal in his Hist. Esp. mus. of marches strongly 
controlled from Cordova and having a well-defined 
administrative status, recent historians like Eduardo 
Manzano have opposed that of a mosaic of Berber 
or indigenous populations who were for most of the 
time outside the authority of the Asturian-Leonese 
kings and the amirs of Cordova. These territories com- 
paratively independent of the central power were in 
practice governed by local families, often Berber like 
the Dhu '1-Nunids and the Banu Razln [?.»».], whose 
authority Cordova simply recognised rather than for- 
mally entrusting it to them. 

Toledo was the capital of the Middle March until 
the Umayyad caliph 'Abd al-Rahman III al-Nasir 
decided to transfer its functions nearer to the scene 
of operations at Medinaceli. But after Alfonso VI of 
Castile's capture of Toledo in 1085, it was along the 
approaches to the Tagus that the Christian and Mus- 
lim positions finally became stabilised. In the western 
part, the river remained within Islamic territory. In 
the modern Portugal and in Estremadura, Muslim 
Santarem faced Christian Leiria and Coria faced 
Salamanca, but each side had bridgeheads on the 
other bank. On the other hand, upstream from Toledo, 
after half-a-century of fierce fighting to control the 
course of the Tagus or to defend it, this last really 
did separate Muslims from Christians. The Christian 
victory at Las Navas de Tolosa (al-'Ikab [q.v.]) in 1212 
marks the definitive conquest of the river's course by 
the Christian kingdoms, the opening-up of the gates 
of Andalusia to their armies and the fixing of the 
frontier in the southern parts of the Peninsula. 

Bibliography: See the geographers mentioned, 
and Levi-Provencal's work; J. Gautier-Dalche, Islam 
et chretiente en Espagne au XII' stick, in Hesperis, xlvii 
(1959), 183-217; P. Guichard, Structures societies "orien- 
taks" et "occidentales" dans I'Espagne musulmane, Paris 
1977; J. Vallve Bermejo, La division territorial de la 
Espana musulmana, CSlC Madrid 1986; S. Martinez 
Lillo, Arquitectura militar de dmbito rural de la Marca Media 
(al-thagjir al-awsat). Antecedents y evolucion, in Boletin de 
arqueologia medieval, iv (1990), 135-71; E. Manzano 
Moreno, Lajrontera de al-Andalus en epoca de los Omeyas, 
CSIC Madrid 1991; R. Izquierdo Benito, Ciudad 
hispanomusulmana "Vascos", Madrid 1994. 

(P. Buresi) 
TADIURRA, in English conventionally Tadjura; 
in French, Tadjoura; in Italian, Tagiura; etc., a small 
coastal port on the gulf of the same name 
in the Republic of Djibouti and residence of 
the dardar ("sultan") of Tadjura, one of the traditional 
'Afar chieftains. 

The Arabic name Tadjurra is itself a corruption of 

the name given to the locality by its inhabitants in 
their own 'Afar dialect, sc. Tagorri. This last name 
is derived from tagor, pi. of tagra (a leather bucket for 
drawing water). The town is thus "tagor [le 'eekj", 
meaning "[the well] with buckets", "the place of abun- 
dant water". Tadjura is, in fact, primarily an oasis. 

Flanked by a palm-grove to the west and over- 
shadowed by the Goda mountains from which it is 
separated by a plain traversed by wadis, the settle- 
ment is located on an impressive site. It consists of 
solidly built, single-storey white houses, interspersed 
with shacks constructed from vegetal material. 

Islam has a long history in Tadjura and is well 
entrenched, even if the practice of it is hardly con- 
spicuous. A degree of revival is, however, perceptible 
and non-Islamic practices are in decline. The last sac- 
rifice to the genies of the sea (baddi maskin), for exam- 
ple, is said to date back to 1973. Kur'anic education 
depends on women and on men, some of whom have 
left an indelible mark, such as Hajji Kaamil who 
was active during the 1970s. Tadjura is traditionally 
known as "the town of the seven mosques", a sub- 
stantial number by the standards of the region; in 
fact Tadjura had nine of them (almost all endowed 
with a short and square minaret), including the 
Khoroojib mosque and the Djaami' mosque, but the 
Tdi mosque was replaced in 1987 by a landing strip. 
The town possesses a kadi. Sufi brotherhoods seem 

The waits or saints revered in the region are: shaykh 
Gonduruhmaan, shaykh Abazeed, also known as Abu 
Yazld al-Bistami and shaykh Muhammad Ibrahim al- 
Zarben. The first is reckoned to have arrived from 
Sudan around 1880. Having died once at Balo in 
Ethiopia, he came to Ambabbo, some 10 km to the 
west of Tadjura, where he was betrothed to a Hasooba 
girl, but finally died for the second time before mar- 
rying. His tomb is the object of a siyyaara on 27 
Ramadan. The second, who allegedly lived from 188 
to 261 A.H., is honoured on the peak of Barra'barre 
in the Goda mountains, where his tomb (or his ceno- 
taph?) attracts pilgrims not only from the surround- 
ing region but also from Yemen and Somalia. The 
third, doubdess of Arab origin, threw his spear from 
Zayla' (Saylac) towards Tadjura. The place where it 
fell, at Marsaaki, is marked by a heap of dry stones. 
The inhabitants of Tadjura come to this place to 
appeal to the saint for prosperity and fertility. 

The "sultanate" of Tadjura which is defined as 
"the area [subject to] the dardar of Tadjura" (Tagorri 
dardarih deddar) is the only 'Afar chiefdom, the terri- 
tory of which is entirely enclosed within the frontiers 
of the Republic of Djibouti. It occupies part of the 
northern shore of the eponymous gulf and is bor- 
dered by the 'Afar sultanates of Rahayto (which has 
in the past grown at its expense) to the north and 
east, of the Awsa to the north and west, and of 
Gooba'ad to the south-west. 

The 'Afar clans occupying the territory are the 
Ad'ali, the Hasooba, the 'Able (the most numerous?), 
the Ayrolasso, the Songo Goda, the Ma'andiyta, the 
Seeka and the Mafa. 'Afar society recognises trans- 
versal associations, the fima, which counterbalance 
tribal divisions. In Tadjura there are four, the two 
male being Diinekala and Farrada, the two female 
Amrisa and Mahaysa. 

It is very difficult to construct a continuous history 
of Tadjura and of the sultanate. The first mention of 
the town would seem to be in the writings of al- 
Idnsi, and it is shown on the earliest Portuguese maps. 
Arab and European travellers mentioned it regularly. 



The Ad'ali, for their part, trace their origin from 
the miraculous appearance in the tree overshadowing 
the wells of 'Adaylu, 30 km to the north of Tadjura, 
of Hadalmaahis, "he who was in contact with (i.e. 
"on", "under" "beside", etc.) the tree in the morn- 
ing". This individual, traditionally regarded as being 
of Arab origin, established himself in this place and 
married there. The Ad'ali are descended from his sec- 
ond son, Adaa'al. Calculations based on the study of 
genealogies make it possible to locate the event towards 
the end of the 8th/ 14th century. In fact, it is known 
that at about this time there was an Ad'ali chiefdom 
in the upper Wee'ima which soon extended its power 
to Tadjura, expelling ca. 1600 from the place another 
'Afar group, the Ankaala. 

The Ad'ali constitute the majority of the 'Adoh- 
yammara (the "Whites"), a major grouping of families 
rivalling another assemblage, that of the 'Asahyam- 
mara (the "Reds"), of whom numerous elements, the 
Moodayto of Awsa and the Dammohoyta of Bidu, 
for example, nevertheless also claim descent from 

The sultanate's connections with France date back 
to 1705, in which year Bretons on their way towards 
Mokha arrived, as a result of navigational error, in the 
gulf of "Tagora" and made contact with the sultan 
Muhammad b. Dini. In the following century, after 
first contemplating competition on the Arabian shore 
of the Gulf with Great Britain, which had occupied 
Aden since 1839, France began to take an interest 
in the African shore. On 11 March 1862, the sultans 
of Tadjura, Rahayto and Gooba'ad agreed to a con- 
vention acknowledging French possession of Obock 
(Oboki, in 'Afar: Hayyu), an anchorage which was 
not effectively occupied until the summer of 1884. It 
was then that Leonce Lagarde, newly-appointed gov- 
ernor of Obock, signed protectorate treaties: on 9 
August with the sultan of Gooba'ad, and on 21 
September with the sultan of Tadjura, Ahmad b. 
Muhammad. In 1896 these 'Afar chiefdoms were 
joined to Somali territory to form a new colony, mis- 
leadingly called the French Coast of the Somalis. In 
March 1949, Tadjura became the provincial capital 
of an administrative division of 13,000 km 2 , currently 
one of the five districts of the Republic of Djibouti. 
Since the 19th century and until independence (1977), 
the population — always difficult to estimate — has var- 
ied around the 3,000 mark. At present (1997), it may 
reach 10,000 (70,000 for the district). Tadjura is, in 
any case, the most important town of the northern 
shore of the gulf, ahead of Obock and of the 'Afar 
region of Djibouti. 

Tadjura has always benefited by its position as a 
transit centre. On the landward side, the town is a 
point of convergence and a bartering site for nomads. 
It is also the point of arrival and departure of cara- 
vans heading towards Shoa, and in this capacity it 
was for many years the regional bridgehead for the 
traffic in slaves. This trade was still active after the 
First World War, supplying in particular the market 
in Djedda. The sultan himself was implicated, as were 
his counterparts in Awsa and Gooba'ad. It was as a 
result of a press campaign launched in 1922, and of 
abolitionist edicts issued by the Tafari ras with the 
aim of easing Ethiopia's admission to the League of 
Nations (1923) that this resource of the inhabitants of 
Tadjura steadily dwindled before finally disappearing. 

On the seaward side, Tadjura is a cabotage-port 
linked to Djibouti (by a ferry of often dubious relia- 
bility), as well as to ports on the Arabian and African 
shores of the Red Sea. There is also a small-scale 

boat-building operation, managed by expatriates from 

Today, the community subsists on coastal fishing, 
various trades (including the traffic in kat [q.zi.]) and 
supplies and posts for various local officials. 

The dardar, whose title, mis-translated as "sultan", 
derives from the Arabo-Persian sardar, is assisted by 
a banoyta (or "vizier"). These two functions alternate 
within two clans, the Burhanto and the Diinite; when 
the dardar is a Burhanto, the banoyta is a Diinite and 
vice-versa. At one time, the dardar ruled over a vast 
domain. Today his power is much reduced and his 
control is confined to his personal property. 

After the year of traditional mourning which fol- 
lowed the death of the Diinite dardar Habib Ahmed 
(enthroned in 1964), the dardar Abdoulkader Houmed 
and the banoyta Chehem Ahmed were enthroned on 
8 April 1985 in the presence of 40,000 persons and 
the significant absence of the Somali President of the 
Republic, Hassan Gouled. When unrest erupted in 
1991, Abdoulkader was asked by the government to 
intervene with the aim of obtaining the surrender of 
3,000 mutinous soldiers. He refused vehemently, thus 
regaining some of the prestige which he had earlier 
forfeited as a result of his obsequious appeasement of 
the authorities. 

Bibliography. In addition to the titles cited below, 
information regarding Tadjura and its population 
is to be found in works relating to the 'Afar and 
to the territory of Djibouti, as well as in the accounts 
of travellers who made their way by caravan from 
the coast to the Ethiopian plateau or who navigated 
the southern reaches of the Red Sea. On these 
subjects, the existing bibliographies may be con- 
sulted, with the addition of useful and recently-pub- 
lished titles such as D. Morin, Le Ginnili, Paris 1991, 
and idem, Des paroles douces comme la sole, Paris 1995. 
But a monograph on Tadjura which would lead 
to progress in 'Afar studies has yet to be written. 
Ahmed Dini Ahmed, Unfait social 'afar: laji'ma, in 
Pount (Djibouti), iii (1967), 31-6; M. Albospeyre, Us 
Danakil du Cerck de Tadjoura, Memoire du CHEAM, 
2154, 1953 (unpubl., extracts in Mer Rouge-Afrique 
Orientate, Paris 1959, 103-61); Aramis Houmed Soule, 
Le sultanat de Tadjourah, in Pount, xvii (1987), 3-11; 
N. de Callieres, L'abolition de I'esclavage a Tadjourah, 
in L'lllustration, no. 2543 (1 March 1890); E. Chede- 
ville, Quelques faits de ^organisation sociale des 'Afars in 
Africa (London), xxxvii/2 (1966), 173-96; M. Chailley, 
Notes sur les 'Afar de la region de Tadjoura, Paris, Acad, 
des Sc. d'O.M., 1980; Mohamed Kadamy, L'intro- 
nisation du "dardar" de Tadjourah, etc. in Bull, des it. 
qfiic. de IWALCO, xi (1986), 155-8. 

(A. Rouaud) 
TADJWlD (a.), verbal noun from djawwada, liter- 
ally means "to make better" in the sense of tahsin "to 
embellish, beautify", but has come to be understood 
generally as the art of reciting the Kur'an, 
known as Him al-tadjmd. The term does not occur in 
the Kur'an, but it was used early. For example, 'All 
b. AbT Talib, son-in-law of the Prophet and fourth 
caliph, is reported to have replied in answer to a 
question about the meaning of the Kur'anic phrase 
in sura LXXIII, 4, wa-rattili 'l-kur'ana tarSl m ("and 
recite the Kur'an by means of tarRl") that it means 
tadjwid al-huruf wa-ma'rifat al-wukuf ("excellent render- 
ing of the consonant sounds and knowledge of the 
pauses"). In this terse definition we see the impor- 
tance of both the phonetics and the semantics of 
Kur'anic recitation: giving each letter its due and 
knowing where to pause in the recitation, which also 


entails knowing where to resume it. This latter aspect 
came to be known as al-wakf ("pause", pi. wukuf) wa 
'l-ibtida' ("and beginning, resumption"), and occupies 
an important place in 'ilm al-tadjwld. Modern copies 
of the Arabic text of the Kur'an contain symbols indi- 
cating the pauses and their several kinds, as well as 
whether they are obligatory or optional. 

Although tadjwid is principally concerned with the 
rules and skills of the oral performance of recitation, 
it also extends to knowledge and practices that are 
not strictly phonetic in nature. For example, in addi- 
tion to the semantically and syntactically-oriented pause 
and beginning (al-wakf wa 'l-ibtida') is the etiquette of 
recitation (adab al-tildwa), covered in many tadjwid man- 
uals as an important part of the piety if not strictly 
the performance practices of recitation. 

1. Other terms. Another term for Kur'anic recita- 
tion is kira'a, lit. "recitation, recital", in the general 
sense of reciting passages during the prayer or recit- 
ing the entire Kur'an, as well as "reading", i.e. among 
variants. In this last sense, the discourse has to do 
not with the rules of 
the text itself— its m; 
admitted of variation 
the Arabic script had reached 
of readings" ('ilm al-kira'at [see kira'a] became an 
important, complex discourse with first seven, then ten, 
and later fourteen canonical readings of the Kur'anic 
text, although it is the seven which remain impor- 
tant. The multiplicity of readings does not mean that 
there are different versions of the Kur'an, but that 
there are variant readings — most very minor — of the 
same basic text. The question of whether reciters 
should mix variant readings in recitation performance 
has been much discussed, with a general tendency 
toward not doing so in the presence of listeners un- 
familiar with these matters, whose confidence in the 
revealed text might thereby be endangered through 

The teacher of "readings and recitation" (al-kira'at 
wa 'l-kira'a) is known as a mukri' (pi. mukri'un), and a 
reciter of the Kur'an is called a kari' (pi. kurra'). The 
former is a member of a relatively small professional 
elite, whereas the latter is a much more common per- 
former, albeit highly respected for mastery of tadjwid 
and, often, full memorisation of the Kur'an as a hafiz. 
Every mukri' must be a kari', but only rarely is a kari' 
also a mukri' in the strict sense of being a certified 
expert in the science of readings and recitation. 

Probably the most generic term for recitation of 
the Kur'an is tildwa "to follow, to read/read out loud, 
to recite". The term, like toff/, is Kur'anic (II, 121, 
"those unto whom We have given the Scripture, who 
read it [yatlunahu] with the right reading [hakka 
lildwalihi], those believe in it"). But tildwa does not 
specify anything concerning performance; that is the 
domain of tadjwid and, to a lesser extent, kira'a. Abu 
Hamid Muhammad al-QhazalT's gloss of tildwa (from 
his Ihya', as cited in 'Amir b. al-Sayyid 'Uthman, 
Kayfa yutld 'l-Kur'dn, Cairo 1394/1974, 9), contextu- 
alises Kur'anic recitation within scriptural piety rather 
than merely skilled technical oral performance: "[The 
Kur'an's] true recitation (tildwa) is that the tongue, 
the intellect and the heart share in it. The portion 
of the tongue is to render the consonants authentic 
by toff/, the portion of the intellect is the explana- 
tion of the meaning, and the portion of the heart is 
admonishment". The lexical meanings of tildwa con- 
vey the double senses of reading and being obedient 
to — "following"- 

s of tadjwi 


typical handbook quickly gets right into the technical 
matters of the phonetics of Kur'anic recitation, most 
of which require demonstrations to comprehend fully. 
First the letters of the Arabic alphabet are discussed, 
along with their places of articulation (makhdrujj al- 
huruf) in the human vocal anatomy and their man- 
ners of articulation (sifat al-huruf). With respect to 
makharidj al-huruf, modem manuals sometimes contain 
illustrations of the mouth, throat, teeth and lips with 
indications of precisely where each letter's utterance 
originates. One influential Indonesian manual has 
lessons with thoughtfully arranged sequences of jux- 
taposed sounds — using nonsense patterns — so that the 
non-Arabic speaking student will be able to master 
the difficult muscular and auditory skills of Arabic 
pronunciation. The sifat al-huruf treat groups of the 
alphabet in pairs of opposites, according to their char- 
acteristics as pronounced (some examples follow): 
whether they are gently uttered (e.g. thd', kha', sin, 
kqf, ha') or fully voiced (e.g. bd', ddl, ra', za', 'ayn, kqf 
lam, mim, waw, yd'), whether the letters are pronounced 
with confidence in their place of origin (e.g. djvn, ddl, 
kqf, td') or with some lack of confidence in the exact 
point (e.g. Ola', fa", waw, ha"), whether they are pro- 
nounced with tongue elevated (kha', sad, dad, ghqyn, 
td', kqf, za') or lowered (the remainder) in the mouth, 
whether they are "covered" (sad, dad, td', za') or 
"opened" (the remainder) with respect to the tongue 
being closely covered by contact with the hard palate, 
and whether the pronunciation is light — coming from 
the tip of the tongue and lips (fa', ra', mim, nun, lam, 
bd') or hard (the remainder). Some fine points under 
sifat include kalkala, strong pronunciation of certain 
letters when they are quiet (sdkin), e.g. kqf, td', ddl); 
taknr, trilling the ra' at certain times; and istitala 
"stretching" the sound from one side of the tongue 
to the other when pronouncing dad. 

The manuals then proceed to treat a number of 
additional matters pertaining to tadjwid: ghunna, nasal 
sound of certain letters in excess of ordinary speech; 
assimilation (idgham [q.v.]) of certain letter sounds, for 
example, silent nun and tanwin when followed by tan- 
win and ra', as in II, 5, where 'aid huda" min rabbi- 
him is rendered 'aid hudammirrabihim; madd "extending" 
the duration of a syllable; ikldb "alteration" of a let- 
ter's sound, as in quiescent nun followed by bd', where 
the phrase min ba'd becomes mim ba'd; and others. 

3. Styles of recitation. Recitation style is deter- 
mined in some degree by the pace of performance, 
ranging from very slow to rapid. The ideal form, 
which has dominated the discourse since earliest times, 
is called toff/, after the Kur'anic passage quoted above. 
A contemporary manual defines toff/ as "recitation . . . 
done at a slow pace . . . and the kari' observes with 
great care the clarity in pronunciation of each letter 
from its makhradj, place of origin, strictly follows all 
the rules of al-tadjwld, uses a melodious voice, exer- 
cises pauses and enables the listeners to comprehend 
each letter and meaning of the words for their reflec- 
tion . . . ." (Muh. I.H.I. Surty, A course in the science of 
reciting the Qur>an, Leicester 1988, 197). 

Another term for slow recitation is tahkik "meticu- 
lousness". It is in the class of toff/ but slower than 
ordinary toff/, and used principally in learning and 
practising tadjwid. Medium-paced recitation is known 
as tadwir, whereas rapid recitation is called hadr. The 
latter is generally reserved for private use, as when 
the reciter wishes to maintain the text in memory 
through frequent repetition. One reciter in East Java 
informed the present writer that he profitably and 
pleasantly passes the time on the slow train from 


Surabaya to Yogyakarta by reciting the whole Kur'an 
in hadr style. All the styles are strictly governed by 
the rules of tagjwtd. 

Certain kinds of recitation are considered as de- 
testable and others are unlawful. An example of the 
first is lengthening the short vowels and then stretch- 
ing the elongated (madd) vowels even more, and one 
of the second is transforming the recitation into singing 
(other examples, together with a table of words whose 
mispronunciation will change the meaning of the text 
and lead the reciter into unbelief, are in Surty, op. 
at., 201-2). 

4. Melodic recitation of the Kur'an. There 
is an ancient, absorbing and continuing discourse con- 
cerning the place and propriety of musical perfor- 
mance in Kur'anic and other types of pious recitation 
in Islam, such as the dhihr and soma' practices of Sufi 
orders. We do not know what the earliest Kur'anic 
recitation sounded like, so far as melodies and modes 
are concerned. A famous prophetic hadith. is: "He is 
not one of us who does not chant the Kur'an" (al- 
Bukhan). The word translated as "chant" is yataghanna, 
which can also mean "sing", although some com- 
mentators prefer "be content with" (yastaghni). Muham- 
mad enjoyed listening to the Kur'anic recitation of 
others and declared, according to another haaith, that 
Abu Musa al-Ash'arfs recitation was like "a flute of 
the people of David", where al-Nawawi glosses "flute" 
(mizmar) as "beautiful voice" (al-sawt al-hasan) (Sahih 
Muslim, bi-sharh al-JVawawl, Cairo 1964, vi, 80). Ibn 
Khaldun's interpretation (tr. Rosenthal, ii, 401) is that 
it "does not refer to cadence and melodious music, 
but ... to a beautiful voice, a clear pronunciation", 
that is, to strict ladjwid. There are reports in early 
Muslim history of recitation of the Kur'an using pop- 
ular melodies (alhan), but the influence of art song on 
the practice seems to have been relatively short-lived. 
It came under the severe censure of the 'ulama' quite 

Although the musical dimension of Kur'anic recita- 
tion is a diverse, complex discourse, sustained over 
many centuries, the practice of tadjwld came univer- 
sally to be independent of any kind of popular singing, 
with set melodies. In contemporary Egypt, which has 
great influence on recitation everywhere, the word 
tadjwid may be understood to designate melodic and 
highly embellished Kur'anic recitation as well its more 
generic meaning, discussed above. A more precise 
term for melodic recitation is mudjawwad style, as dis- 
tinguished from muratlal style (from tarttl). It employs 
musical modes/pitches (makam, pi. makamat) and largely 
improvised melodic chants (naghamat). But even muajaw- 
wad recitation should ideally be spontaneous, without 
set melodies, and obeying the rules of taajwid (see 
the detailed exposition by Kristina Nelson, 77k art 
of reciting the Qur'an, Austin 1985, 32-51, 101-35 and 

Sound recordings of Kur'anic recitation have 
become important means for learning the art, as well 
as for enjoying its many expressions. Two influential 
reciters of this century were the Egyptians Shaykh 
'Abd al-Basit 'Abd al-Samad, renowned for his mudjaw- 
wad performances, and Shaykh Mahmud Khalil al- 
Husari, whose recitation in murattal style was greatly 
admired. A respected contemporary woman reciter is 
the East Javanese reciter Mariya Ulfa, who is active 
in Kur'an recitation educational affairs, including the 
famous biennial Musabaqah Tilawatil Qur'an ("Contest 
in the Recitation of the Kur'an") in Indonesia. Per- 
formance recordings of all three reciters, and many 
more besides, are widely available. 

5. Other performance matters and exam- 
ples of the etiquette of recitation. Recitation 
of any portion of the Kur'an should be preceded by 
ta'awwudh [q.v.] "seeking protection" by saying the for- 
mula a'udhu billahi min al-shaytan al-raapm "I seek refuge 
in God from the accursed Satan". After seeking refuge, 
the reciter utters the basmala (regardless of whether 
the recitation begins at the beginning of or within a 
sura), "In the Name of God, the Merciful, the Com- 
passionate". Then the portion to be recited is com- 
menced. At the end of recitation is said sadaka 'llahu 
'l-offm "God the Mighty has spoken truthfully". 

Another matter is weeping during recitation, which 
is recommended both by the Kur'an (XVII, 109) and 
in hadith.. One should induce weeping if it does not 
come spontaneously, because thereby it brings more 
forcefully to mind, as al-Ghazali wrote, the "threats, 
warnings, covenants and promises ... in the Kur'an", 
noting that the "greatest of all misfortunes" is a "lack 
of grief and tears" for which, if nothing else, a per- 
son should weep (M.A. Quasem, 77k recitation and inter- 
pretation of the Qur'an: al-Qhazati's theory, Kuala Lumpur 
1979, 44). 

The best context for recitation is generally agreed 
to be while standing at the salat worship service. In 
any event, one should recite facing the kibla in a clean 
location and, if handling a Kur'an copy (mushaf), be 
ritually pure. It is permissible to recite the Kur'an 
from memory without first performing ivudu', whether 
sitting, standing, reclining or walking. At certain points 
in the text prostration (sadjda), as in the salat, is 
observed after reciting an aya such as VII, 206, "They 
celebrate His praises, and bow down before Him". 
The classical Sunm madhhabs recognise 11 to 15 oblig- 
atory sadjda verses, and most printed copies contain 
a rubric designating each prostration verse. In addi- 
tion to prostrations are various uttered words and 
phrases at certain points in the text, e.g. Subhan Allah 
"Praise God!" when a verse glorifying Him is recited. 

Opinions vary as to the amount to be recited at 
one time. Some people recite the entire Kur'an in 
one night, but it is more common for the text to be 
recited in its entirety over three days, a week, or a 
month. In an oft-quoted ftadilh, the Prophet declared 
that one who completes a recitation of the Kur'an 
in less than three days does not understand it (e.g. 
Ibn Madja, Sunan, al-Riyad 1404/1984, i, 244-5, 
"Ikama", no. 1341). Kur'an copies have marginal indi- 
cations for divisions and subdivisions of the text into 
equal portions for weekly or monthly completions. It 
is common for a group of reciters to perform by tak- 
ing turns, completing the entire Kur'an according to 
differing time-frames, which depend in part on whether 
the style adopted is tarRl or the much slower-paced 

it the si 

training, with sufficient time for correction and o 
mentary. In any recitation, both reciters and listen- 
ers have the duty to stop the proceedings for correction 
when an error is noticed. 

A completion of the recitation of the entire text is 
called a khatma, whereupon it is recommended imme- 
diately to recite sura I "al-Fatiha", and the first five 
verses of sura II "al-Bakara", ending with ula'ika humu 
'l-muflihun "these are the successful". It is common at 
this point to recite appropriate litanies and supplica- 
tions (du'a' [q.v.]), for which there is an established 

Bibliography (besides works cited in full in the 
text): Musa b. 'Ubayd Allah b. Khakan, Kasida ft 
'l-tadjwid, the oldest surviving treatise on the subject, 
published with tr. and comm. in P. Boneschi, La 


qaslda fi 't-tajund attribute a Musa b. 'Ubayd Allah b. 
Khaqdn, in RCAL, Classe di Scienze Morali, Storiche 
e Filologiche, ser. 6, xiv (1938), 51-92; Ghazali, 
Ihyd' 'ulum al-din, Cairo 1358/1939, Kitab adab tildwat 
al-Kur'an, i, 279-301 (especially helpful in under- 
standing — with copious ha&lh citations — the deep 
piety of reading and interpreting the Kur'an; tr. in 
M.A. Quasem, The recitation and interpretation of the 
Qur'an); Husayn al-Baghawf, expanded by Wall al- 
Dm al-Khatib al-Tibnzi, Mishkat al-masdblh, section 
Fada'il al-Kur'an, various Arabic editions available 
(valuable and varied collection of hadtth on recita- 
tion and related matters), Eng. tr. under romanised 
Arabic title by J. Robson, Lahore 1965, ii, 446-70; 
Kastallam, Lata'if al-isharat li-funun al-kira'at, Cairo 
1392/1972, i (treats both readings and recitation 
in detail); Ahmad 'Abd al-Kanm al-Ashmum, Manor 
al-huda ft bayan wakfwa 'l-ibtida', Cairo 1393/1973; 
Nawawi, al-Tibydn fi adab hamalat al-Kur'an, Cairo 
1379/1960 (probing and authoritative discussions 
of etiquette); Shams al-Dln Muhammad Ibn al- 
Djazan, Qhayat al-nihaya fi tabakdt al-kurra', 2 vols, 
ed. G. Bergstrasser, Cairo' 1352/1933; idem, al- 
Nashrfi 'l-kira'at al-'ashr, 2 vols. Beirut n.d.; Muham- 
mad Makki Nasr, Mhayat al-kawl al-mufid fi 'Urn 
al-tadjwld, Cairo 1349/1930 (comprehensive and 
authoritative); Muhammad al-Sadik al-KamhawI, al- 
Burhan fi tadjwid al-Kur'an, Cairo 1971-2 (widely 
used contemporary manual); Mahmud al-Husarl, 
Ma'a al-Kur'an al-Kanm, Cairo n.d. (comprehensive 
discussion of Kur'anic etiquette by a leading mod- 
ern reciter); Lablb al-Sa'rd, al-Djam' al-sawtl al-awwal 
li'l-Kur'an al-Kanm, aw al-mushaf al-murattal, bawa'ithuhu 
wa-mukhattatatuhu, Cairo 1387/1967, tr. and adapted 
B. Weiss, M.A. Abdul Rauf and M. Berger as The 
recited Koran: a history of the first recorded version, 
Princeton, N.J. 1975; G. Bergstrasser, Die Koranlesung 
in Kairo, in 1st, xx (1932), 1-42, xxi (1933), 110- 
40; J. Cantineau and L. Barbes, La recitation coranique 
a Damas et a Alger, in AIEO Alger, vi, 66- 1 07 ( 1 942-7); 
M. Talbi, La qira'a bi H-alhan, in Arabica, v (1958), 
183-90; F. Denny, The adab of Qur'an recitation: text 
and context, in International Congress for the Study 
of the Qur'an, Proceedings, Canberra 1980, 143-60; 
idem, Qur'an recitation training in Indonesia: a survey of 
contexts and handbooks, in A. Rippin, Approaches to the 
history of the interpretation of the Qur'an, Oxford 1988, 
288-306. (F.M. Denny) 

TADLA, a vast region of central Morocco. 
It is a landscape of plains, foothills and mountains. 
In the east it starts at the sources of the Umm al- 
Rabi' (Wansifane) and the Moulouya, and in the 
Middle-Atlas (Fazaz) it follows the upper course of 
the former river to its confluence with the Wad al- 
'Abrd. From there the plains of the Tadla stretch on 
both sides of the two rivers until they reach the fields 
of phosphates in the north; then they skirt the sills 
of the Sraghna and the Shawiya in the west. South- 
wards, Tadla thrusts towards the slopes of the High 
Atlas (Drane). It has a Mediterranean type climate, 
semi-arid to dry with an average precipitation of 350 
mm, except in the foothills where humidity is more 
noticeable. The geological evolution of the region has 
endowed Tadla with an alluvial plain which is par- 
ticularly rich in water resources and highly fertile. 

There are still divided opinions about how this voca- 
ble should be written (Tadla, Tadila, Tidle, etc.) and 
what it means. The Amazigh language of Morocco, 
Algeria, and the Touareg includes terms derived from 
the root t-d-l which indicate the colour "black" or 
"dark green". The morphological parallel which may 

exist between the vocables Tadila and Dila', denoting 
the mountainous zone in the north-east with the famous 
Zawiya of Dili', has already been emphasised else- 
where by the present writer, and can also be found 
in the writings of historians such as 'Abd al-'AzTz al- 
Fishtalr (d. 1031/1622-1) in Mandhil al-safa', and Abu 
al-Kasim al-Zayyani (d. 1241/1883) in al-Bustan al- 
larlf. The word Tadla, as it is pronounced locally, 
means "a sheaf of corn", which fits in well with the 
preponderant agricultural realities of the region. In 
Classical Arabic the ethnic name is tadiU, and in 
dialect it is tadlawi. 

The ancient inhabitants of the Tadla were Berbers, 
with the Zenata agriculturalists in the plains, and the 
Haskura-Snaga shepherds in the mountains. The first 
contact the Tadla had with the Arabs was when 'Ukba 
b. Nafi' (d. 63/683 [?.».]) passed through on his way 
back from Sus. But when Idris I conquered Tadla in 
172/789 he found only a small number of Muslims; 
the majority of the population were either Jews or 
Christians. In 202/818 the Andalusian Arabs on their 
flight from Spain after the revolt of the Rabad at 
Cordova settled in Tadla. Some years later, other Arabs 
from Fas followed them when an Idrisid armrate was 
created in that region. However, the main Arab migra- 
tion took place only at the end of the 6th/ 12th cen- 
tury, when the Almohads decided to make the Arab 
Bedouin of the Banu Hilal and Sulaym, who had set- 
tled in Tunisia, move towards Morocco. The Arabs 
then spread out within the country. On this subject 
Ibn Khaldun wrote that "the immigrant Arabs of 
the Djusham and Riyah have made their home in 
the plains and Morocco is being submerged by count- 
less clans". 

After the assassination of the Almohad Yahya b. 
Nasir in 633/1236, the Banu Djabir, another group 
of the Djusham, flocked to Tadla and settled in the 
foothills neighbouring the Snaga, who were established 
in the hilltops and the plains. Sometimes the Banu 
Djabir risked going to the plains but when they learned 
of danger coming from the central power or a ruth- 
less leader they withdrew to the mountains to their 
Berber allies. The Sa'dians, in their turn, brought in 
the Ma'kil Arabs who originally came from the Yemen 
to Tadla. 

In time, a heterogeneous Arabo-Berber population 
grew up. Because of its strategic situation between the 
north and the south, and its control of the road link- 
ing the two imperial cities, Fas and Marrakush, and 
its natural resources, Tadla has been the object of 
constant interest on the part of all the dynasties of 
Morocco, and each has tried to strengthen its hold 
there by nominating representatives from it to high 
levels of power. 

Nevertheless, conflicts affected the region badly; 
some towns were destroyed and rebuilt, but others 
just disappeared and new ones were built on their 
ruins. That is how, in the Middle Ages, the town of 
Tadla was a metropolis which gave its name to the 
whole province; al-Himyarl wrote in his al-Rawd al- 
mi'tar that "it is an ancient town where relics of an- 
cient times can be found". Al-IdnsT adds that "the 
city of Tadla held a prime position for the production 
of cotton and exported large quantities of it in all 
directions; it was the principal raw material used in the 
production of cotton fabric in the Maghrib al-Aksa". 

Only the town of Day at the foot of the moun- 
tain could be compared to it. Al-Bakri, calling it him, 
a stronghold, describes a lively trade there, with traders 
from Fas, Basra and Sidjilmasa. Al-Idrisi noted that 
Day had an advantage over the town of Tadla in its 

rich mineral resources, above all, its mine of pure 
copper. This was probably the reason why the IdrTsids 
chose Day as the chief town of their amfrate and 
prince Yahya (or Ahmad), the son of Idris II, settled 
there when the sultan of Fas, Muhammad b. IdrTs, 
shared out the provinces of Morocco among his 
brothers in 213/829. The IdrTsids had been very suc- 
cessful in penetrating into the mountains of Tadla 
and setting up there several mints, at Wazekkur, Mrirt, 
Wawahna and Tagarag. 

When the BanO Yafran, the Zenata Berber princes 
governing Sala and Shalla, had hounded the IdrTsids 
from power, they seized the province of Tadla, which 
they held until it was wrested from them by the 
Almoravids. It would seem that Day suffered enor- 
mously from these events and that the Almoravids 
did so much restoration work that it looked like a 
newly-created town. They also built the fortress of 
Tagrart in the neighbourhood. Scarcely a century 
later, the Almohads ousted the Almoravids from Day 
and Tagrart, and completely razed the two cities to 
the ground. At the same time, the city of Tadla per- 
ished, never to rise again; perhaps this was because 
of the opposition of the population to such tenden- 
cies of the Almohads as Mahdism and the impecca- 
bility of their Imam. 

When he visited the province of Tadla at the be- 
ginning of the 16th century Leo Africanus (who 
called it Tidle) spoke of new towns built at a high 
altitude. He mentions "Tafza, the chief town, built 
on the mountain side about five leagues away from 
the plains; the town of Afza, two leagues from the 
previous town; between them flows the WadT Darna. 
The town of Ayt 'Itab, to the south-west of that place, 
was approximately forty leagues distant. Finally there 
is the town of Ayt 'Iyat, built on a small mountain 
in the Atlas range". These towns all disappeared in 
their turn as a consequence of the many military 
actions on the battlefields of Tadla, in which the 
Wattasids were engaged against the Sa'dians. 

When the Sa'dT prince Zaydan was named viceroy 
of Tadla by his father Ahmad al-Mansur al-Dhahabr 
in 1584, he had a kasha built on the left bank of the 
Umm al-RabT', where he settled and which bore the 
name of Kasba Zaydaniyya. It was also destroyed, 
during the military operations which took place be- 
tween the sons of Ahmad al-Mansur after the death 
of their father. However, the remains of this kasba 
are still standing. 

One of the objectives in the political strategy of 
the 'AlawT sultan Mawlay Isma'Tl was the establish- 
ment of law and order. He therefore had fortified 
kashas built all across Morocco. He built one on the 
right bank of the Umm al-RabT' in 1688, and gar- 
risoned it with about 1,000 cavalrymen conscripted 
from the 'Abld. Then in 1700 he named his heir- 
presumptive Ahmad al-Dhahabl to act as his gover- 
nor of Tadla, gave him 3,000 soldiers and ordered 
him to undertake the extension of the precincts of the 
kasba. He built another kasba, in addition to the kasba 
of his father, within the precincts of which he built 
a palace for himself. The two fortifications together 
bore the name Kasba-Tadla, and they played impor- 
tant political and military roles in the course of the 
18th and 19th centuries; several times they changed 
masters and would pass from the hands of dissidents 
to the hands of refugees or conquerors, before being 
totally abandoned. 

Charles de Foucauld visited Kasba-Tadla on 17 
September 1883 and gave a detailed description of it, 
but without mentioning the kasba of Mawlay Isma'Tl, 

indicating that there was no trace of it at that time. 
As for the kasba of Ahmad al-Dhahabl, de Foucauld 
only found the walls, the doors, the towers, the mosque 
and the palace of the Makhzan. Everything was deserted 
and devastated. In the suburbs people had set up 
homes in dwellings with mud walls, whilst others were 
living in tents and huts. 

Early in its history, Tadla witnessed much cultural 
and mystical activity, possibly because of its contacts 
with the great intellectual centres from Sabta/Ceuta 
and Fas to Aghmat and Marrakush on the one hand, 
and on the other hand because of their constant con- 
frontation with their heretical neighbours, the Bargha- 
wata [q.v.], who dominated the plains of the Tamasna. 

This cultural and mystical activity was reflected in 
the 6th/ 12th century by the work of Ibn al-Zayyat 
al-TadilT, al-Tashawwuf, which comprises more than 
twenty biographies of Sufis originating from Tadla, 
ranking first among whom was Abu Ya'za Yalannur 
al-Haskun (d. 573/1 177). His qualities and his miracles 
gave rise to important literary works, and his mau- 
soleum, otherwise known as Mawlay Bu 'Azza, still 
receives a constant stream of pilgrims and visitors. 

There are some zawiyas scattered across Tadla, six 
of which are very important: the Zawiya Ahansal, on 
the banks of Assif Ahansal, one of the tributaries of 
the WadT al-'AbTd, was founded in the 7th/ 1 3th century 
by the shaykh Sa'Td Ahansal the Great; the Zawiyat 
al-Sawma'a was erected on the ruins of the town of 
Day, near the minaret of the Almoravid mosque, 
which had been spared; this zawiya remained until 
the beginning of the century as a centre of learning 
and mystical exercises; the Zawiya of Dila' [q.v. in 
Suppl.] was a religious and cultural influence on the 
whole of Morocco for about a hundred years, before 
it was devastated in 1668 by the young 'AlawT sultan 
Mawlay RashTd; the Zawiya of Bu Dja'd, called the 
Zawiya al-Sharkawiyya, still enjoys great esteem 
throughout the Tadla; the Zawiya of Tamadjdjut, 
about 30 km to the east of the town of Bani-Mellal, 
was founded by the shaykh 'AIT b. 'Abd al-Rahman 
al-Dar'T (d. 1091/1680); it was destroyed but was 
later reconstructed, and a mawsim is organised there 
every summer; finally, there is the Zawiyat al-Shaykh, 
the foundation of which was encouraged by Mawlay 
Isma'Tl with the aim of counteracting the influence 
of the Zawiya Bu Dja'd, a branch from the Zawiyya 
Nasiriyya of Tamgrut, in the Dar'a. 

Most of the scholars and Sufi's bore the ethnic 
name of al-TadilT, whilst some of them were known by 
an appellation like al-Sawma'T, al-Dila'T, al-SharkawT, 
al-Djabin. al-BzIwT, al-'UtabT, al-'Umayn, al-Ma'danl, 
etc., according to which zawiya or with which tribe 
of the region they were associated. Others belonged 
to part of a tribe or some forgotten corner of the 
region, so that their origin can only be discovered by 
reading biographical and genealogical works. Such is 
the case for Abu VAbbas al-GarrawT (d. 609/1212), 
for example, the famous poet of the Almohad court, 
who at the request of Ya'kub al-Mansur composed 
Sqfivat al-adab wa-diwan al-'Arab, an example of heroic 
Maghrib! poetry distinct from the heroic poetry of 
the East. 

In the 20th century, the plain of Tadla has under- 
gone an important agricultural revolution, principally 
due to the introduction of a modern irrigation sys- 
tem. As a result of the construction of the Kasba- 
Tadla barrage in 1929, the Umm al-RabT' was able 
to irrigate 34,500 ha of the territory of the Bam 
'Amir on its right bank; and in 1953 the Bin al- 
Wldan barrage on the WadT al-'Abld irrigated 69,500 


ha of the land of the Bam Musa on the left bank 
of the Umm al-Rabr c ; in all a total of some 104,000 
ha. After the independence of Morocco, interest in 
irrigation grew, so that the total surface area under 
irrigation increased to 120,000 ha. As a result there 
has been economic and social development, as well 
as a growth in the network of urban centres which 
have been created to absorb and organise the flow 
of emigrants from the different regions. 

The decree of 19 December 1955 announcing the 
first administrative divisions of independent Morocco 
promised thirteen provinces, one of which was the 
province of Bam-Mellal, to be made up of most of 
the territories in Tadla, plains and mountains. But in 
1974, this vast province was divided, and the province 
of Bam-Mellal, which would encompass only the plains, 
was separated from the province of Azilal, which was 
to include the mountainous regions throughout Tadla. 
The province of BanI Mellal actually includes ten 
urban centres, the majority of which bear the names 
of the tribes who live there. The chief town of the 
province is Bam-Mellal with 130,000 inhabitants (in 
1988); the others are Fklh ben Salah, Kasba-Tadla, 
Sebt Ulad al-Namma, Ulad 'Iyyad, Ulad Mbarek, Dar 
Wald Ziduh, Ulad Ya'ish, Had al-Bradya and SrdT 

The province of Azilal has six urban centres; Azilal 
is the chief town, and the others are Demnat, Afurar, 
Wawizaght, Fum al-Djumu'a and Bzu. 

There are other tribes or parts of tribes not men- 
tioned above which also live in the two provinces. In 
the plains are the Ban! Shagdal, Ayt al-Rba', Bam 
Ma'dan, Gtaya, Semkat, Ulad Hamdan, Ulad Sa'id, 
and the Ulad Gnaw; and in the mountains are the 
Berber Ayt 'Itab, Ayt Mhammad, Ihansalane, Fatwaka, 
Ayt 'Atta-u-Malu, Ayt Buzld, Ayt Utfarkal, Ayt Bugum- 
maz, and the Ayt 'Abbas. 

Bibliography: See the geographers and travel- 
lers (Bakrl; IdnsI; Himyari; Leo Africanus) and the 
historians (Ibn KhaldQn, 'Ibar; anon, K. al-Istibsar; 
Baydhak, Akbbdr al-Mahdi, Rabat 1971; al-Muktabas 
min Kitdb al-ansab, Rabat 1971; Ahmad al-Zayyani 
al-Mansuri, Ta'rikh baldat Khunifra, ed. Amahzuh, 
Casablanca 1986). Also Ch. de la Foucauld, Recon- 
naissance au Maroc, Paris 1988; L. Massignon, Le Maroc 
dans les premieres amies du 16""' siecle, Algiers 1900; 
R. Peyronnet, Histoire du Tadla des origines a 1910, 
Algiers 1924; Tadla, Moyen-Atlas, pays £«a«, Algiers 
1923; H. Terrasse, Hist, du Maroc, Casablanca 1950; 
J. Martin el alii, Geographic du Maroc, Paris 1964; 
Muhammad Hadjdjr, al-Zawiya al-dild'iyya, Rabat 
1964; Mustafa 'Arbush, Min ta'rikh mintakat iklim 
Tadla wa-Bani Malldl, Casablanca 1989; Muhammad 
Tamim, art. Azilal, in Encyclopedic du Maroc, Sala 
1989; Ahmad 'Amalak, art. Tadla, in ibid.; 'Abd 
al-Fattah Abu 'l-'Izz, al-Djihaz al-hadari bi-Tadla, 
diss. 1989-90; Actes du collogue de la Faculte des Lettres 
de Beni-Mellal on the theme Tadla, histoire, espace et 
culture, Casablanca 1993. (Mohammad Hajji) 
TADLlS (a.), a term of Islamic law, verbal 
a Form II verb dallasa which means, accord- 


3 L'A, ' 

i fault 

ity", with a not obviously related noun form 

1. In the law of sale and contract. 

According to a generally-accepted view, found e.g. 
in Coulson, the term stems from the Byzantine Greek 
word dolos (< Latin dolus) with the idea of fraudulent 
concealment of defects in merchandise. Ryner points 
out that both tadUs and taghrir [q.v.] appear to be 
almost synonymous and used interchangeably by clas- 

sical authors. TadUs is the term adopted by the Malikr 
school for the concept of taghfir, although this school 
represents only a part of the Medinan law, and the 
main term used for fraud, taghrir, is a native Arabic 
word. TadUs is quoted by Ryner as parallel to the 
English legal term of "misrepresentation", as used in 
Bahrain law (article 20). The difference between taghfir 
and tadUs remains subtle, and perhaps one can trace 
it in the nature of the action contained in each word. 
Although both refer to fraudulent actions, tadUs is more 
concerned with the object of the contract, mahall al- 
'akd, whereas taghrir is a fraudulent action that takes 
place against a second person who buys or enters into 
the contract. TadUs, according to Shaykh al-Dardir, 
occurs "when the buyer does not explain a fault that 
he is aware of in his commodity". The distinction 
between the two might be less ambiguous when we 
observe their other usage in Arabic; tadUs often seems 
to be used to describe abstract concepts like a weak 
hadith (see 2. below), while taghrir is used to describe 
a physical action like deception in marriage. Although 
tadUs is not found in the primary Islamic sources (e.g. 
the Kur'an) or frequently mentioned in early texts, 
the L'A quotes Sa'id b. al-Musayyab as having used 
a word of the same root to describe temporary mar- 
riage as a cause that leads to the evil of fornication, 
dhari'at al-zina. Sa'id b. al-Musayyab used the term 
dawlasi instead of dhari'a, the means of evil. This can 
be seen as one of the instances that views evil from 
a positive angle [see further sadd al-dharaY] . 

Bibliography: L'A, Beirut n.d., vi, 86; Ibn al- 
Athlr, Mhaya, Cairo 1963, ii, 130; N.J. Coulson, A 
history of Islamic law, Edinburgh 1 964, 28; Ahmad 
b. Muhammad al-'AdawI al-Dardir, al-Sharh al-saghir 
'aid akrab al-masalik Ud madhhab Malik, ed. Mustafa 
Kamal Wasfl, Cairo 1973, iii, 160-4, iv, 43-5; Nur 
al-Dln 'Itr, Lexique des terms techniques de la science du 
Hadith, Fr. tr. and adaptation by 'Abd al-Lafff al- 
ShlrazI al-Sabbagh and Dawud Gril, Damascus 
1977, 25-7; S.E. Ryner, The theory of contracts in 
Islamic law, London 1991, 194, 204, 208. 

(M.Y. Izzi Dien) 
2. In the science of hadith. 
Here, tadUs is a generic term indicating a number 
of deceitful methods used by hadith transmitters 
to make isnads [q.v.], with which traditions had to be 
authenticated, acceptable. 

The term used in a hadith context developed out 
of the original connotation of deceit, e.g. of a man 
who pretends that he is a free-born but is in reality 
a slave (al-Kulaym, Kofi, ed. Ghifari, v, 405, 1. 1, 410). 
Goldziher (Muh. Stud., ii, 48) states that the word is 
connected etymologically with dolus. By general con- 
sensus, this tampering with isnads was considered a 
kind of fraud but less objectionable than outright men- 
dacity (= kadhib). In mediaeval Muslim hadith sources, 
it is recorded that tadlis was already resorted to among 
the second earliest generation of hadith transmitters, 
that of the Successors. Examples of such Successors 
mentioned are al-Hasan al-Basri (d. 110/728 [q.v.]) 
and Katada b. Di'ama (d. 117/735 [q.v.]) among many 
others. In fact, all through the first two and a half 
centuries after the Hidjra, during which time tradi- 
tions were transmitted that eventually found a place 
in the canonical collections, tadlis was practised on 
varying scales of deceitfulness by very many trans- 
mitters whose activities, however, hardly ever escaped 
detection, if the large number of cases recorded is 
anything to go by. Apparently the first hadith scholar 
to catalogue the diverse tadlis methods used was al- 
Hakim al-Naysaburi (d. 405/1014 [q.v.]), cf. his Ma'rifat 


'ulum al-hadfti, ed. Mu'azzam Husayn, Haydarabad- 
Cairo 1937, 103-12. He distinguished six categories. 
Several of these showed up so much overlap in the 
eyes of the mediaeval hadtth expert Ibn al-Salah al- 
ShahrazurT (d. 643/1245 [q.v.]) that he summarised 
those six under only two headings: (1) tadUs in the 
isnad amounting to mentioning an informant but with- 
out adding that between that informant and oneself 
there were one, two or more other transmitters left 
unmentioned; and (2) tadUs in the identification of 
one's informant in an isnad by deliberately using a 
name, patronymic or agnomen by which the person 
was generally not known in order that he might not 
be recognised. The first category became the more 
severely criticised of the two, even prompting Shu'ba 
b. al-Hadjdjadj [g.v.] to label it "the brother of men- 
dacity". It eventually gave rise to some casuistry on 
how to deal with such ta/fo-affected traditions. The 
second category was seen to be less infamous, and 
qualifying this form as tadUs depended on the overall 
measure of (un)reliability of the transmitter once 
that man's identity was denuded of mystification. 
Possibly the earliest collection solely devoted to ridjal 
[q.v.] accused or suspected of tadUs is the Kitab al- 
Mudallisin of Husayn b. 'All al-Karabisr (d. 245/859 
or 248/862 [q.v.], cf. Sezgin, GAS, i, 599-600), which 
is preserved in some fragments in later works, but 
the Fihrist of Ibn al-Nadim also mentions a similar 
collection ascribed to 'All Ibn al-Madim (d. 234/849) 
of which there does not seem to be a trace. In all 
the later riajal lexicons, the term shows up frequently. 
Bibliography: Ibn Abi Hatim, K. al-Maqyuhin, 
Haydarabad 1970, 77, lists some famous thikdt [q.v.] 
among the mudallisun; al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, K. al- 
Kifaya ft 'Urn al-riwdya, Haydarabad 1357, 355-71; 
Ibn al-Salah al-Shahrazun, Mukaddima [ft 'Urn al- 
hadlth], ed. 'A'isha 'Abd al-Rahman Bint al-Shati', 
Cairo 1974, 165-72; Ibn Radjab, Shark 'ilal al- 
Tirmidhl, ed. al-Sayyid Subhr Djasim al-Humaydi, 
Baghdad 1396, 264-8; SuyutV, Tadrib al-raim fi shark 
Takrib al-Nawauii, ed. 'Abd al-Wahhab 'Abd al-Latif, 
2 Cairo 1966, i, 223-31; G.H.A. JuynboU, Muslim 
tradition. Studies in chronology, provenance and authorship 
of early hadith, Cambridge 1983, index s.w. Karabisr 
and tadlis. (G.H.A. Juynboll) 

TADMAKKAT (also Tadmakkat, Tadmakka, 
Tadimakka, and Tadmak, in Arabic transcription; 
Tadmakkat in modern Tamashak), name of a medi- 
aeval urban crossroads between Black Africa 
and North Africa and al-Andalus. According 
to Ibn Hawkal (i, 84, 105), the Tadmakkat area was 
ruled by Muslim Berbers of the Banu Tanmak. Yakut 
(ii, 938), probably borrowing from the lost work of 
al-Muhallabr (d. 380/990), mentions "Zakram" (pos- 
sibly a textual corruption of *Akram, from the Berber 
aghrem "settlement") as the capital of the "kingdom of 
Tadmak". Since al-Bakn (460/1067-8), the name 
"Tadmakkat" has been glossed as "The likeness of 
Mecca", or "This is Mecca", on account of the town's 
topography and role as Islamic centre. 

Tadmakkat's ruins and cemeteries, rich in Arabic 
inscriptions, are in the Adagh-n-Ifoghas, Mali, at lat. 
18° 46' N., long. 1° 11' E., at the site called 3ssuk 
in Tamashak (possibly from the Arabic al-suk "The 
Market") which also displays rock engravings and in- 
scriptions in Tifinagh [q.v., and see Berbers, vi]. The 
earliest Arabic inscription so far published dates from 
404/1013-4. But trans-Saharan contacts started much 
earlier. 3ssuk is on an ancient chariot route from 
the Fazzan. Later, from the late 2nd/8th century to 
the late 5th/ 11th century, Tadmakkat was frequented 

by Ibadiyya [q.v.] Maghrib! traders coming from 
Tahart (until its fall in 296/909), the Djabal Nafusa, 
Sadrata and Warglan. The military intervention by 
Ghana and the Murabitun [q.vv.] in 476/1083-4 or 
503/1109-10 was a setback to Ibadi influence in 
Tadmakkat. But even before this, the town's Magh- 
ribi contacts had been not only with Ibadi centres 
but also with Kayrawan and Tripoli. Its principal 
sources of slaves, gold, and ivory were Gawgaw 
(Kawkaw or Djawdjaw), i.e. Gao on the Niger, and 

By 737-8/1337-8 al-'Umarl mentions Tadmakkat 
no longer as a major trans-Saharan crossroads but in 
the context of a mainly pastoralist economy. How- 
ever, this perhaps reflected a temporary situation. Two 
confused passages in Ibn Khaldun, 'Ibar vi, 202, vii, 
51-2, dating from 754-76/1353-75, purportedly about 
Takadda (Tagadda, in the Ahir/Ayar area), are like- 
lier to refer in part to Tadmakkat. If so, they suggest 
a renewal of this town's long-distance contacts — with 
the Mali empire and Ibadi and other areas of the 
Maghrib. In any case, 3ssuk/Tadmakkat remained on 
the caravan route transporting Saharan salt to Gao, 
and up to the mid-1 lth/17th century retained a degree 
of urban life though perhaps not without interruptions. 
The 19th-century writings of the Kal-3ssuk Tuareg 
depict the town as a seminal centre of dispersion of 
Sufi (KadirT) mystics in the Sahel in the late 9th/ 15th 
and the 10th/ 16th centuries, following ruinous attacks 
by Songhay armies. It was finally abandoned after the 
Moroccan conquest of Songhay (999/1591) down- 
graded the route to Gao, and following the 1 1 th/ 1 7th- 
century droughts and conflicts in the Adagh-n-Ifoghas. 
Bibliography: See also Bakri, al-Masalik wa- 
'l-mamdlik, ed. and tr. de Slane, 181-3/338-43; Zuhn" 
A". al-Dja'rqfiyya, ed. Mahammad Hadj-Sadok, in 
BEt. Or., xxi (1968), 180-1, 183-4; "Umari, Masalik 
al-absar, excerpt, tr. J.F.P. Hopkins and N. Levtzion, 
in Corpus of early Arabic sources for West African his- 
tory, Cambridge 1981, 274; H. Lhote, Contribution a 
I'etude des Touaregs soudanais, in BIFAJV, xvii B (1955), 
334-70; H.T. Norris, The Tuaregs, Warminster 1975, 
passim; idem, The Arab conquest of the Western Sahara, 
Harlow and Beirut 1986, 81-90; J.O. Hunwick, Gao 
and the Almoravids, in B.-K. Swartz Jr. and R.E. 
Dumett (eds.), West African culture dynamics, The 
Hague 1979, 413-30; T. Lewicki, Les origines et 
I'islamisation de la villi de Tadmakka, in Le sol, la parole 
et I'ecrit. Melanges en hommage a Raymond Mauny, i, 
Paris 1981, 439-44; E. Hodgkin, Social and political 
relations on the Kxger Bend in the 17 til century, Ph.D. 
thesis, Birmingham University 1987, unpubl., 67-8, 
444-9; P.F. de Moraes Farias, The oldest extant writ- 
ing of West Africa, in Journal des Africanistes, lx (1990), 
65-1 13._ (P.F. de Moraes Farias) 

TADMIN (a.), quotation, enjambment, impli- 

This t. 

i ("inclus 

n") has a number of dif- 

i Arabic 



It is used for the incorporation in a poem of 
a line, or part of a line, by another poet by way of 
quotation rather than plagiarism [see sarika. In litera- 
ture, in Suppl.]. Felicitous quotation was included 
by Ibn al-Mu'tazz [q.v] in his seminal K. al-Baai' among 
the "beauties of speech" and was therefore adopted 
by many later authors, who often discuss it together 
with related phenomena such as the literary quotation 
of Kur'an or Tradition [see iktibas]. Related terms 
are isti'ana ("seeking help") and Ida' ("depositing"), 
sometimes as synonyms of tadmln in order to avoid 
confusion with other senses of the term. It was par- 


ticularly appreciated if a different twist 

the quoted part in its new context. W 

are found already in Abu Nuwas [q.v.]: 

of tadmin is found in parody. The khardja of the 

muwashshah normally poses as a quotation, which it 

Tadmin meaning enjambment, the syntactical de- 
pendence of a line on a following line, is usually con- 
demned by the prosodists, especially the more extreme 
forms (the standard example is al-Nabigha al-Dhubyanf's 
innil shahidlu "I/have witnessed", a phrase that strad- 
dles two consecutive lines). The same restrictions were 
sometimes made to apply to sadj' [q.v.]. Some forms 
were, however, condoned and even appreciated, such 
as the structure exemplified by the same poet in ma 
'l-Furatu . . . bi-adjwada minhu ("The Euphrates ... is 
not more generous than he"), with several lines inter- 
vening, a structure often found. The short lines of 
some metres from 'Abbasid times and strophic forms 
such as muwashshah and zadjal [q.w.] brought about a 
relaxation of the strict rules of the prosodists. Ignoring 
the caesura between hemistichs (idradj or ladwir) is not 
condemned; in some metres (e.g. khafif), words often 
straddle the two halves of a line. 

Tadmin meaning "implication" is listed in al-Nukat 
ft i'djaz al-Kur'an by al-Rummam [q.v.] as one of the 
ten elements of Kur'anic eloquence; it is explained as 
either a form of brevity (idjaz, also separately listed 
among the ten elements) or the connotation of word 
or expression (e.g. muhdath "created" implying a muhdith 
"creator"). This sense was rarely taken over by writ- 
ers on stylistics and rhetoric. 

Bibliography: TahanawT, al-Kashshaf/A dictionary 
of the technical terms, 896-8; A.F.M. von Mehren, Die 
Rhetorik der Araber, Copenhagen-Vienna 1853, 138-40; 
A. Jones, Final tadmin in the poems of Abu Nuwas, 
in Arabicus felix . . . (Festschrift A.F.L. Beeston), Oxford 
1991, 61-73; Amidu Sanni, On tadmm (enjambment) 
and structural coherence in classical Arabic poetry, in BSOAS, 
lii (1989) 463-6; J.E. Bencheikh, Poetique arabe, Paris 
1975, 148-55; Sayed Al-Bahrawi, L'enjambemenk des 
restrictions prosodiques a la liberie du vers, in Actes du 
XI' Congr. ae L'Assoc. Intern, de Lilt. Comp. (Paris, 
1985), vi, 205-12; GJ. van Gelder, Beyond the line, 
Leiden 1982 (see index); idem, Breaking rules for fun: 
making lines that run/ on, in I.A. El-Sheikh et alii (eds.), 
The challenge of the Middle East, Amsterdam 1982, 
25-31, 184-6; A. Arazi, Metrique et langage poetique: 
le cas de Halid al-Katib et des poetes ae muwassah, in 
IOS, xi (1991) 107-36. (GJ.H. van Gelder) 
TADMUR, Tadmor, the ancient name, and that 
of modern Arabic usage, for the city of Palmyra. 
It lies in the Syrian Desert some 145 km/90 miles 
east of Hims and 240 km/ 150 miles west of the mid- 
dle Euphrates (lat. 34° 36' N., long. 38° 15' E., alti- 
tude 407 m/ 1,336 feet). 

From early times, Tadmur must have been a sta- 
tion on the caravan route connecting Mesopotamia 
with Syria, since the road on which it lay could pass 
through a gap in the southwest to northeastwards- 
running chain of hills: to the southwest of Tadmur, 
the Djabal al-Khanazir. and to the north and north- 
east, the Djabal Abu Radjmayn running on to the 
Djabal al-Bishn and the Euphrates. It was clearly of 
importance in the late second millennium B.C., when 
letters from Mari record that Tiglath-Pileser I (1116- 
1076) defeated men from Tadmur in the land of 
Amurru, and it was significant enough for the Old 
Testament author of II Chron. viii. 4 to attribute its 
building to King Solomon. 

Under the Romans, the place was of international 

significance because of its position facing the lands of 
the Romans' enemies, the Parthians and the Sasanid 
Persians. In the troubled 3rd century A.D., the city- 
state of Palmyra was able to develop a wide-ranging 
policy and become a military power of significance 
under its energetic prince Septimius Odenathus II 
(Udhayna b. Hayran b. Wahb Allat), who drove the 
Persian emperor Shapur I [q.v.] back as far as his 
capital Ctesiphon and who acquired from the Roman 
emperor the title corrector totius orientis "governor of all 
the East". After Odenathus's assassination in 267 or 
268, his widow Zenobia (Zaynab) and her son Vabal- 
lathus (Wahb Allat) continued Odenathus's activist pol- 
icy, but in 272 Palmyra had to open its gates to the 
emperor Aurelian and Roman control. Zenobia, famed 
equally for her beauty and her intellect, entered later 
Arabic folklore under the name of al-Zabba; inter alia, 
she was said to have enticed and then killed the king 
of al-Hlra, predecessor there of the Lakhmids, Dja- 
dhrma'al-Abrash [q.v.] (al-Tabari, i, 757-61; al-Mas'udr, 
Muring, iii, 189-99 - §§ 1046-57; cf. R.A. Nicholson, 
A literary history of the Arabs, London 1907, 35-7). Pal- 
myra subsequently became a legionary station on the 
strata Diocletiana linking Damascus with the Euphrates. 
In 325 its bishop, Marinus (who could conceivably 
be, in the surmise of Irfan Shahtd, an Arab, since 
we know of a famous Arab clan in al-Hira, the Banu 
Marina; see his Byzantium and the Arabs in the fourth 
century, Washington D.C. 1984, 345), attended the 
Council of Nicaea, and Justinian later built a church 

Its great days ended with the Arab overrunning of 
Syria. In the 630s, it surrendered sulk"" to Khalid b. 
al-Walld but later rebelled and had to be conquered 
'anwaf" (al-Baladhuri, Futuh, 111-12; Yakut, Buldan, ed. 
Beirut, ii, 18-19). It now became a settlement of the 
Kalb, who dominated central Syria under the Umay- 
yads. It was one of the towns which, under the 
claimant Sulayman b. Hisham, rebelled against Mar- 
wan II al-Himar in 127/744-5 (al-Tabari, ii, 1896, 
1912), and according to Ibn al-Fakrh, 110, cf. Yakut, 
ii, 17, Marwan had part of Tadmur's walls pulled 
down. Soon afterwards, its people were involved in 
the pro-Sufyanid, anti-'Abbasid movement in Syria of 
Abu '1-Ward al-Kilabi (al-Tabari, iii, 53). 

The town suffered in later times from earthquakes, 
especially that of 552/1157, and Benjamin of Tudela's 
assertion, only sixteen years later, that there were 
2,000 Jews at Tadmur seems unlikely. It now sank 
to the status of a miserable village amongst the exten- 
sive ruins of ancient Palmyra. It was rediscovered by 
the West when in 1678 two traders from the English 
Levant Company's factory at Aleppo visited the site, 
and this last was explored in detail by Robert Wood 
in 1751 and splendidly described and illustrated by 
him in his The ruins of Palmyra, otherwise Tedmor, in the 
desert, London 1753. The town has now revived in 
the 20th century through its position during the inter- 
War period and the post-Second World War years 
on the Iraq Petroleum Company's Kirkuk-Tripoli oil 
pipeline and through the growing tourist trade; it is 
now a town of over 30,000 inhabitants in the muhafaza 
or govemorate of Hims. 

Palmyra was of significance in the development of 
early Arabic culture. Although the inscriptions, num- 
bering almost 2,000, found at Palmyra include many 
in what is a continuation of Imperial Aramaic and 
although Greek must also have been a language of 
cultural prestige, the everyday language of the towns- 
people in the early Christian centuries was probably 
Arabic and the people themselves ethnically Arab. 

This is shown by the Arab names of its rulers dur- 
ing the period of its florescence in the 3rd century 
A.D. and the fact that over half the personal names 
occurring in the inscriptions (naturally, from the class 
of notables and leading merchants) can be explained 
etymologically as Arabic; they include, e.g. many theo- 
phoric names with the god Arsu and the pan-Arab 
goddess Allat [see al-lat]. As well as Arsu, whose 
name is an adaptation of Ar. Ruda "the Favourable, 
Benevolent One", and Allat, other Arab deities are 
prominent, such as Ma'n, 'Azizu, Sa'r or Sa'd, Salman 
and RahTm. The whole region of Palmyrene, passing 
under the control of the Lakhmids of al-Hira, must 
have become substantially Arabised; in 328, at al- 
Namara [q.v.] some 220 km/ 140 miles to the south- 
southwest of Palmyra, the king Imru' al-Kays b. 'Amr's 
funerary inscription was written not in Aramaic but 
in Arabic language with the Nabataean alphabet (see 
F. Briquel-Chatonnet, in L'Arabie antique de Karib'il 
a Mahomet. Nouvelks donnees sur I'histoire des Arabes grace 
aux inscriptions, ed. Ch. Robin = RMMM, no. 61 
[1991-3], 40-3). 

Bibliography: For older bibl., see EI' art. Palmyra 
(F. Buhl): See now Le Strange, Palestine under the 
Moslems, 540-2; R. Dussaud, La topographs historique 
de la Syrie antique et medievale, Paris 1927, 247 ff.; 
A. Musil, Pahnyrena. A topographical itinerary, New York 
1928, 136-43 and index; Christine P. Grant, The 
Syrian Desert. Caravans, travel and exploration, London 
1937, index; Naval Intelligence Division. Admiralty 
Handbooks, Syria, London 1943, 230 and index; 
Shahid, Byzantium and the Arabs in the fourth century, 
20-2; I. Browning, Palmyra, London 1974; J. Starcky 
and M. Gawlikowski, Palmyre, Paris 1985; J. Texidor, 
Un port romain du desert, Paris 1985; D.N. Freedman 
(ed.), The Anchor Bible dictionary, New York 1992, v, 
136-7; Gawlikowski, Les Arabes en Palmyrene, in Helene 
Lozachmeur (ed.), Presence arabe dans le Croissant fer- 
tile avant I'Hegire, Paris 1995, 103-8; E.M. Myers (ed.), 
The Oxford encyclopedia of archaeology in the Near East, 
New York 1996, iv, 238-44. 

(C.E. Bosworth) 
TADRIS (a.), the masdar of the form II Arabic 
verb darrasa "to teach". One who teaches is known 
as a mudarris. In contemporary usage, the term is an 
unfocussed one, referring to instruction of different 
varieties. The term mudarris thus indicates a "teacher" 
in its most general sense, although it can also have 
e specific meaning: in the hierarchy of modern 
universities, for example, a mudarris is an 
r holding the Ph.D., but ranking below an 
ustadh and ustadh musa'id — roughly analogous, therefore, 
to an assistant professor in an American university. 

In the classical and mediaeval periods, the term 
tadrls, as well as various other technical terms derived 
from the same root, had more precise connotations. 
Tadrls usually referred specifically to the teaching of 
the religious law, that is, fikh [q.v.], and in this was 
distinct from other terms used to describe the trans- 
mission of knowledge: the relatively uncommon tasdlr, 
for instance, when used to mean instruction, had a 
more general application, while ta'Rm, which also indi- 
cated teaching, usually referred to instruction at a 
more basic level (hence mu'allim, a primary school 
instructor or Kur'an teacher). The term tadrls could 
be used with regard to instruction in other subjects, 
especially when it was combined with a qualifying 
phrase; thus, for example, tadrls al-tafslr ("teaching 
Kur'anic exegesis"), or even tadrls al-tibb ("teaching 

The methodology of instruction in the law has 


been thoroughly studied in a number of works by 
G. Makdisi, and discussed more fully in other entries 
of this Encyclopaedia [see esp. madrasa]. After an 
invocation, a class (dars, pi. durus) consisted of lecture 
and dictation, with the instructor providing an exe- 
gesis of the text or question under discussion. At more 
advanced levels, instruction focused on disputation 
(mundzara), in which the mudarris explored fine points 
of legal doctrine with his students and probed their 
understanding of the issues and their ability to solve 
difficult legal problems. As in all the traditional Islamic 
sciences (as, indeed, in pre-modern education more 
generally), memorisation played an important role. As 
the purpose of instruction in the law was the train- 
ing of qualified jurists and professors, legal education 
culminated in the issuing to the student of an idjdza 
[q.v.] (the term was borrowed from the conventions 
for the transmission of hadtth [q.v.]) acknowledging his 
qualifications to teach the law himself {idjftza li 'l-tadris) 
or to issue fatwds (idjdza li 'l-iftd'), or sometimes one 
encompassing both practices (idjazat al-ifta' wa 7- 
tadris) (examples in al-Kalkashandi, Subh al-a'shd, xiv, 
322 ff.). 

The establishment of institutions devoted principally 
or exclusively to higher education (both mosques with 
endowments supporting organised classes, and, from 
the 5th/ 1 1 th century, madrasas) had little effect on the 
process of tadrls itself. Methods of instruction remained 
the same, as did the measure of a pupil's success (the 
idjdza, usually awarded by his teacher or teachers): 
no system of institutional degrees took root before the 
modern period. But the spread of educational insti- 
tutions, and of the endowments which supported them, 
did have a profound impact on the social context in 
which tadrls took place. Most importantly, tadrls came 
to signify not merely an activity but an office, in 
effect, a professorship, one to which a learned indi- 
vidual could be appointed, and from which he might 
derive valuable emoluments. The reification of tadrls 
is reflected in the appearance in the sources of a 
plural form, taddrls, which was used to indicate the 
separate "professorships" in different fields [fikh, hadlth, 
tafslr, Arabic grammar, etc.) which an institution might 
support, or the multiple teaching posts held by a sin- 
gle individual (al-Kalkashandr, Subh, iv, 39). 

The social and even political consequences of this 
process of reification were enormous. Many of the new 
schools and endowed mosques were the creation of 
the ruling elite, and the founders might retain con- 
trol of appointments to their institutions' professor- 
ships. So, for example, when Nizam al-Mulk called 
Abu Hamid al-Ghazali to Baghdad and appointed 
him to the tadrls of Shafi'I fikh in the Nizamiyya 
madrasa, bestowing on him the honorifics "Zayn al- 
Din" and "Sharaf al-A'imma" (Ibn al-Djawzi, al- 
Muntazam, ix, 55), his action was as much a political 
statement as an expression of personal piety. Sultans 
in MamlQk Cairo routinely interfered in the appoint- 
ment process, naming scholars to professorships not 
only in madrasas which they themselves had founded 
but in older institutions as well. 

From the standpoint of academic instruction, a more 
important issue concerned the way in which scholars 
themselves learned to control and manipulate profes- 
sorial posts. On one level, of course, the academic 
elite benefited from the proliferation of endowed pro- 
fessorships. Not only were they guaranteed a stipend 
for their instructional efforts, but a respected scholar 
might acquire and hold multiple positions simultane- 
ously. In the mid 8th/ 14th century, TakI al-Dfn al- 
Subki held professorships in fikh in sev 


in Cairo, which he then passed on to his son Baha' 
al-Din (Ibn Hadjar al-'Askalam, al-Durar al-kamina, 
Cairo 1966-7, i, 225-6; Ibn Taghrlbirdi, al-Manhal al- 
safi, Cairo 1984, i, 409) — indicating that scholars, as 
well as sultans and viziers, had learned how to play 
the game of patronage. Another member of the Subki 
family, Tadj al-Din 'Abd al-Wahhab, was critical of 
scholars holding professorships in two or more schools 
(Mu'id al-ni'am wa-mubid al-nikam, ed. D.N. Myhrman, 
London 1908, 164), but in fact the practice was com- 
mon, and led to the frequent appointment of substi- 
tutes to fulfill the duties of an absent or over-burdened 
mudarris. Alternatively, a lucrative professorship might 
be divided among several difFerent scholars; the sources 
frequently report that some individual "held half the 
professorship" (lahu nisf al-tadris) in a given institution. 
Moreover, the financial lure of a well-paid tadris could 
be deleterious to the quality of instruction by attract- 
ing unqualified individuals. Tadj al-Din al-Subkl wor- 
ried about lazy professors who would simply memorise 
two or three lines of a text, deliver them to the assem- 
bled class, and leave; such individuals, he said, were 
"not fit for a professorship [of law]" (ghayr salih li 
'l-tadrts) and did not deserve a professor's stipend (ibid., 
153). Such problems did not necessarily pose a seri- 
ous threat to the transmission of knowledge in medi- 
aeval Islamic societies, but they did result from the 
transformation of tadris into an institutionalised and 

Bibliography: G. Makdisi, The rise of colleges. Insti- 
tutions of learning in Islam and the West, Edinburgh 
1981; J. Berkey, The transmission of knowledge in medieval 
Cairo. A social history of Islamic education, Princeton 
1992. (J.P. Berkey) 

TADWIN (a.), the verbal noun from dawwana "to 
register", most probably a denominal verb from the 
Persian noun diwan [q.v.]. For tadwin in the connota- 
tion of "drawing up lists for military and adminis- 
trative purposes", see diwan. For its use as "gathering 
poetry of a certain poet or tribe", see shi'r. 

In the science of hadith, the term indicates the col- 
lecting of traditions in writing in order to derive 
legal precepts from them and not as a mere mem- 
ory aid, for which rather the terms kitdbat al-'ilm or 
k. al-hadith were used. The period of tadwin al-hadith 
is generally assumed to have started at the end of 
the lst/7th century with the order issued by the 
Umayyad caliph 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'AzFz to Ibn Shihab 
al-Zuhri (d. 124/742) to repair to Medina and col- 
lect all the traditions he could lay his hands on. 
Another person receiving a similar order is Abu Bakr 
b. Muhammad b. 'Amr b. Hazm (d. sometime be- 
tween 110/728 and 120/738),' cf. Ibn Hadjar, Tahdhib 
al-tahdhib, Haydarabad 1327, xii, 39, Suyuti, al-Wasa'il 
ft musamarat al-awa'il, ed. M.S.B. Zaghlul, Beirut 1986, 
100. This resulted in as yet unstructured collections 
which difFered from those made during the kitaba stage 
in that they aimed at completeness. The Meccan tra- 
ditionist 'Abd al-Malik b. 'Abd al-'Azfz Ibn Djuraydj 
(d. 150/767) is also mentioned as one of the first to 
collect 'Um in this manner. Out of tadwin there arose 
the tabwib: there we see the first attempts at bringing 
the material together in chapters (Ar. bah, pi. abwab) 
under certain subject headings of gradually increasing 
detail and sophistication. Alongside this we find the 
first structural division of hadtths into collections 
ascribed to certain ancient individuals, Companions 
or Successors, which resulted in the first musnad [q.v.] 
collections, while the tabwib gave rise to the first 
musannaf [q.v.] works. 

Bibliography:: For a detailed account of the 

Muslim point of view, cf. Muhammad 'Adjdjadj al- 
Khatib, al-Sunna kabl al-tadwin, Cairo 1963, 293-382; 
G. Schoeler published on this subject four articles 
in IsL, lxii (1985), 201-30; lxvi (1989), 38-67, 213-51; 
and lxix (1992), 1-43; G.H.A. JuynboU, Muslim tra- 
dition. Studies on chronology, provenance and authorship of 
early hadith, Cambridge 1983, 21-2. 


TAFARNUDI (a.), from Ifrandj [q.v.], lit. "adopt- 
ing, imitating or aping the manners and customs of 
the Franks, i.e. the Europeans". The term was used 
by the pioneer journalist KhaM al-Khuri in his satir- 
ical novella Way idhan kstu bi-Ifrandji ("Alas then, I 
am not a European"), published in the magazine 
Hadlkat al-Akhbar in 1860, and may be older. The 
Turkish alafranga[lik], from Italian alia franca, and the 
Persian gharbzada[gi], literally "West-struck[ness]", con- 
vey the same meaning. The latter term has been var- 
iously rendered as "Westosis" and "Westoxication". 

During the 19th century, Muslims in significant 
numbers became aware of the culture, as well as of 
the political, military and commercial power of Europe, 
and reacted to it in various ways. Some responded 
eagerly, learning a European language, reading and 
even translating European books, and sometimes even 
adopting European dress and some European social 
usages. Others responded negatively, and called for 
the rejection of these alien and infidel innovations. 
Tafarnudj, with its equivalents in other Islamic languages, 
was a term used by the latter to designate — and 
denigrate — the former. The first European language 
to be widely used in the Middle East was Italian, fol- 
lowed by French and finally English. The stages of 
cultural penetration can be traced in the sequence 
and distribution of loanwords. Senate and Parliament 
in Ottoman Turkish are Senato and Parlamento, because 
it was in Italian that the Ottomans first heard of 
these physically and culturally remote institutions. It 
was not until late that Turks met senators, and that 
reports of parliaments reached the Arab provinces — 
hence Turkish senator and Arabic barlaman. By that 
time, French had replaced Italian as the European 
lingua franca of the Levant. In the late 20th century, 
both were being replaced by English, usually in its 
American form. 

Like the Frenchified fop in English, German and 
other European literatures in the period of French 
cultural ascendancy, the imitator of European ways 
became a figure of fun in Arabic, Persian and Turkish 
literature. Sometimes the attack is directed against 
any and every form of Western influence or borrow- 
ing. More often, in modern literature, it is concerned 
with the mindless imitation of everything Western, 
good, bad and indifFerent alike. 

Bibliography: Rotraud Wielandt, Das Bild der 
Europaer in der modemen arabischen Erzahl- und Theater- 
literatur, Beirut-Wiesbaden 1980, esp. 131 ft, 146 ff., 
151-2; Jalal Al-e Ahmad, Plagued by the West (Gharb- 
zadegi). Translated from the Persian by Paul Sprachman, 
New York 1982; Hasan Mukaddam, Djafar Khan 
az Farang amada (Fr. and Pers.), Oakland, Calif. 
1984. On earlier Muslim perceptions of Europe 
and Europeans, see B. Lewis, The Muslim discovery 
of Europe, New York 1982. On Ottoman reactions 
to the first inroads of French language and cul- 
ture, see idem, The impact of the French Revolution in 
Turkey, in Jnal. of World History, i (1953), 105-25, 
revised version in G.S. Metraux and F. Crouzet 
(eds.), The new Asia. Readings in the history of mankind, 
New York and London 1965, 31-59. 

(B. Lewis) 


TAFDIL (a.), literally "superiority, the act of rais- 
ing something to a higher level or degree". In gram- 
mar, it is the raising of a quality to a degree 
combining both the "comparative" and "superlative" 
functions of European adjectives, hence usually trans- 
lated as "elative". Formally, the elative has the pat- 
terns af'al" (masc.) and fu'ld (fem.) with sound plurals 
(also afd'iP and fu'al" respectively), in an obvious but 
still unexplained parallelism with the colour and defect 
adjective patterns af'al" and fa'la'". The origins of the 
patterns remain obscure: Wehr, 598 ff. (summarised in 
Fleisch, 409 ff.) provides some circumstantial evidence 
to connect afal" with exclamatory formulae; Bravmann, 
34, speculates, with no evidence at all, that ahsan is 
a variant of Hasan produced by a different resolution 
of the initial consonant cluster in *hsan which would 
underlie both forms. However, no theories can account 
for the feminine forms, still less for the syntax and 
possible links with the fi'l al-ta'adjdjub or "verb of sur- 
prise", which also has the form af'al (in ma af'alahu, 
or af'il in af'il biJii). 

The comparative and superlative senses are distin- 
guished only syntactically, broadly a distributive struc- 
ture (af'al' miri) for our comparative, and annexation 
(af'al" shay"", af'al" H-shay", af'al" 'l-ashya") for the 
superlative (see Wehr, 572, and reference grammars 
for details), which is thus seen to have the same syn- 
tax as hull "all" and ayy "which". Wehr, 612, makes 
the important point that af'al" forms are derived not 
only from simple "positive" adjectives but from^any 
kind of word, even a verb. 

The semantic and rhetorical features of the elative, 
as in other languages, are most complex. An inter- 
esting case is the occurrence of af'al'' in isolation, of 
which the best known example is Allah" akbar"; 
Sibawayhi's [q.v.] "comparative" paraphrase akbar" min 
kuW shay™ (Kitab, ed. Bulak, i, 233, ed. Derenbourg, 
i, 199) clearly reflects the intuitive understanding of 
this expression, but is remarkable also for the way it 
delicately avoids the heresy implicit in a "superlative" 
paraphrase akbar" shay""/ 'l-ashya", even though logically 
the two formulations might appear synonymous (wa 
'lldh" a'lam). Nor was Sibawayhi unaware of syntacti- 
cal problems caused by comparing a thing with itself, 
as in ma ra'ayf radjul" ahsan" 1 " fi 'aynihi 'l-kuhf minhu 
ft 'ayn' zayd m (ibid., i, 232/i, 199), a topic which 
detached itself as the "Kuhl question" (mas'alat al-kuhl) 
in later literature (see al-Mubarrad [q.v.], al-Muktadab 
iii, 248 ff., where there are also further references). 
Bibliography: H. Reckendorf, Arabische Syntax, 
Heidelberg 1921, index, s.v. Elaliv, Komparaliv, 
Superlata; H. Wehr, Der arabische Elaliv, Wiesbaden 
[1953]; W. Wright, A grammar of the Arabic language, 
index, s.v. Adjectives; M.M. Bravmann, The Arabic 
elative. A new approach, Leiden 1968; al-Mubarrad, 
K. al-Muktadab, ed. M.'A.Kh. "Udayma, Cairo 
1964-8; H. Fleisch, Traite de philologie arabe, Beirut 
1961-79, i, 408-15; M. UUmann, Arabische Kompara- 
tivsdtze, in Nachrkhten der Akad. der Wiss. in Gottingen 
(1985), no. 7; V. Cantarino, Syntax of Modem Arabic 
prose, Bloomington-London 1974-5, ii, 467-86. 

(M.G. Carter) 
al-TAFF, the desert region that lies west of 
Kufa along the alluvial plain of the Euphrates. It is 
higher than the low-lying ground by the river and 
forms the transition to the central Arabian plateau. 
According to the authorities quoted by Yakut, Buldan, 
iii, 359, al-tqff means an area raised above the sur- 
rounding country or fringe, edge, bank; the name is 
not found after the 13th century. The district con- 
tains a number of springs, the waters of which run 

southwest (cf. Ibn al-Faklh, 187). The best known of 
these wells was al-'Udhayr. From its geographical posi- 
tion al-Taff was the scene of the first encounter be- 
tween the Arabs and Persians (al-Tabarl, i, 2210, 
2247; Ibn al-AthTr, iii, 345, 351). The Sasanid kings 
had stationed there feudal guardians of the frontier 
which was defended by forts (maslaha) and a great 
ditch (khandak) which began at Hit (Ibn Rosta, 107). 
On al-Taff lay al-Kadisiyya [q.v.] and also Karbala' 
[q.v.], famous as the scene of the death of al-Husayn 
(Yakut, loc. at., and Bakri, Mu'djam, ii, 456). The lat- 
ter is accordingly referred to as al-Maktul bi 'l-Jqff 
(cf. al-Mukhtar, in Ibn al-AthTr, iv, 140; cf. also the 
poem quoted by Yakut, loc. cit., and Ibn al-AthTr, iv, 
267). In later centuries, al-Taff is rarely mentioned 
(e.g. in Ibn al-AthTr, vii, 379 in connection with the 
Karmatian troubles), and the majority of the Arab 
geographers make no mention of it. 

Bibliography: Given in the article; see also 
A. Musil, The Middle Euphrates, a topographical itiner- 
ary New York 1927, 48, 351. (J.H. Kramers) 
TAFILALT, with the nisba Filali, pi. Filala, the 
name of a district of southeastern Morocco, 
essentially comprising the broad basin of the Wadl 
ZTz, which runs into the fringes of the Sahara Desert 
(roughly between lats. 31° and 32° N. and longs. 3° 
30' and 4° W.). 

It consists of an alluvial plain 20 km/ 1 2 miles long 
and 16 km/ 10 miles broad, over which are scattered 
200 ksur (or fortified dwellings of clay) surrounded by 
gardens and cultivated fields. Where irrigation from 
wells is possible, the soil is wonderfully fertile. The 
chief product of Tafflalt is the palm-tree, of which 
there are several hundred thousand, and the most 
developed industry is the preparation of goat-skins by 
the use of the bark of the mimosa which yields a tan- 
ning gall. FilalT leather is famous and sought after 
throughout all North Africa. The population is dense, 
in the ksur of Tafflalt it was estimated in 1920 at 150- 
200,000. The historical capital of Tafflalt was Sidjil- 
masa ([q.v.] for the pre-modem political history of 
Tafflalt). Here one may simply state that the district 
was the cradle of the dynasty of the 'AlawT or Filali 
Sharifs, who have ruled Morocco from 1041/1631 
and the time of Mawlay Mahammad I al-Sharif up 
to the present day [see 'alawis]. Many of these Sharifs 
after the accession of their family to the throne 
remained in or returned to settle in Tafflalt, where 
they may be counted by thousands. A khalifa of the 
Moroccan sultan traditionally represented the author- 
ity of the makhzen among them and in the valley of 
the ZTz. 

After the establishment of the French Protectorate 
over Morocco, a French mission arrived at TTghmart, 
which has defences built at the end of the 19th century 
by Mawlay al-Hasan; but its presence was immedi- 
ately challenged by the local Ayt Atta confederation of 
Berbers under a claimant to power, al-SemlalT. The dis- 
trict was not re-occupied, by troops under Col. Giraud, 
till 1932. 

The main urban centres of Tafflalt are the adminis- 
trative chef-lieu, Er-Rachida (al-Rashida), formerly Ksar 
Es-Souk (Ksar al-Suk) and, to its south, Erfoud, both 
now linked by a road across the High Atlas and Mid- 
dle Atlas to Azrou (Azru) and then Fes (Fas) and 
Meknes (Miknas). At 1 5 km/ 1 miles south of Erzou 
is Rissani, a ksar built in the 18th century by Mawlay 
Isma'Tl and an ancient centre for the caravan trade 
between southern Morocco and the Sahara and West- 
ern Sudan. In its environs are a large market, Bu 'Amm; 
the z^wiya of Mawlay 'AIT al-Sharif, ancestor of the 




Filall ruling house (ca. 1050/1640); and the ruinous 
site of Sidjilmasa, whose kasba was finally destroyed 
by the Ayt Atta in 1818. 

Bibliography: See those to 'alawTs and sidjil- 
masa, and also P. Ricard, revised Ch. Bacquet, Guide 
Bleue. Maroc, 8th ed. Paris 1954, 424-31 and map 
at p. 416. (E. Levi-Provencjal*) 

TAFKHIM (a.), the verbal noun from jakhkhama 
meaning "to make thick, to emphasise or to make 
grand". In Arabic, it is a phonetic phenomenon involv- 
ing the pronunciation of the emphatic consonants, 
mujakhkhama (sing, mujakhkham), /t A, d je, s ^, 6 i/and 
also includes the marginal emphatics /r, ]/. Kur'anic 
orthoepists used the term tajkhim to describe certain 
variants of /r/ when it occurs next to low and back 
vowels; however, they designated the term taghliz, 
thickening, which they used synonymously with tajkhim, 
for the description of certain variants of IV. The l\l , 
as an emphatic variant, has a limited environment 
and is primarily used with the word Allah when not 
preceded by /i, \l . 

The earliest occurrence of the term tajkhim was 
when Sibawayhi used it to describe what he called 
alif al-tajkhim and he considered it as a variant, not 
a phoneme. According to him, alif al-tajkhim is found 
in a limited number of words such as salat, prayers; 
zakat, the giving of alms to the poor; and hayat, life, 
especially in the dialect of Hidjaz {al-Kitdb, iv, 432). 
The four primary emphatic consonants /s, d, t 5 / 
are not referred to by Sibawayhi as mujakhkhama but 
as mutbaka (sing, mutbak), a tradition followed by Arab 
grammarians and Kur'anic orthoepists. The verbal 
noun itbak "act of covering or putting on a lid", is used 
to describe the position of the tongue in the pronun- 
ciation of the mutbaka. The mutbaka, along with the 
velar/uvular group /x £, y £, q j/, are referred to by 
the generic term musta'liya, high or raised. The musta'liya 
consonants are described as preventing the occurrence 
of imala [}.».], "inclination" of /a/ towards l\l . 

Contemporary Arabists and linguists use the term 
tajkhim to describe the emphatic consonants, mujakh- 
khama, /t, d, s, <5 / and the marginal emphatics /r 
and 1/. Tajkhim is often characterised by pharyngeal- 
isation or velarisation, but the mujakhkhama consonants 
are best characterised by the phonetic feature of re- 
traction which involves moving the tongue up and 
further back toward the velum and upper pharynx. 
Tajkhim is not restricted to the environment of the 
emphatics, but rather spreads to any adjacent vowel 
or consonant making it emphatic. It is this feature of 
retraction that makes this group of consonants opaque 

Bibliography: For related articles on tajkhim in 
EP, see imala, masjartdj al-huruf and sawtiyya. 
Also Salman H. Al-Ani, and Mohamed S. El-Dalee, 
Tajkhim in Arabic. The acoustic and physiological para- 
meter, in M.P;R. Van den Broecke and A. Cohen 
(eds.), Proceedings of the Xth International Congress of 
Phonetic Sciences, Utrecht 1984, 385-9; Ibn Djinni, 
Sirr sina'at al-i'rab, Damascus 1985, i, 45-67; Ibn 
al-Djazan, al-Nashr ji 'l-kira'at al-'ashr, Cairo n.d., 
i, 210-4, ii, 90-119. R. Jakobson, Mujaxxama. The 
"emphatic" phonemes in Arabic, in Studies presented to 
Joshua Whatmough, ed. E. Pulgram, The Hague 1957, 
105-15; Sibawayhi, al-Kilab, ed. 'Abd al-Salam 
Muhammad Harun, Beirut 1975, iv. 

(Salman H. Al-Ani) 

TAFRA (a.), lit., "leap or impulsive movement", 

from tafara "to jump, leap", a term of Islamic 

philosophy, which became an important part of 

': theories brought into play during the 

of the Basra Mu'tazili cosmology, and 
which is attributed in particular to Ibrahim b. Sayyar 
al-Nazzam (and also to Hisham b. al-Hakam). Al- 
Nazzam [q.v.] is taken to have argued that it is pos- 
sible to move over a distance without going through 
all the parts of the distance, by leaping over those 
parts. Although this theory came in for a lot of crit- 
icism by those sympathetic to atomism, al-Nazzam was 
successful in pointing to difficulties in the minimal 
parts discrete geometry of the atomists. This is a ver- 
sion of the paradoxes which Zeno first discussed in 
connection with the existence of indivisible magni- 
tudes. The paradox of the flying arrow is that every 
thing which is moving is really resting at each stage 
of the movement. The movement itself is hidden in 
the substance and only appears when the substance 
itself is moving. Hisham al-Fuwati (Jl. early 3rd/9th 
century) is said to have abandoned the theory of leaps 
once he realised that, if it is valid, then a creature 
which had dipped its legs in ink would produce a 
discontinuous rather than a continuous track when it 
covered a particular distance (see Ibn Mattawayh, 1 69). 
This sort of example played a large part in contem- 
porary disputes over the plausibility of atomism and 
its alternatives as a theory of the nature of physical 

Bibliography: Ash'arl, Makalat al-Islamiyyin, 
Istanbul 1929-30, 61, 321; Baghdad!, Fork, 113; 
Shahrastani, 38-39; Ibn Hazm, Fisal, Cairo 1899, 
64, 92; Isfara'inl, Tabsir, Cairo 1955, 68; H. Daiber, 
Das theologisch-philosophische System des Mu'ammar ibn 
'Abbad as-Sulami, Beirut 1975, 300-2; Ibn Mattawayh, 
Tadhkirafi ahkdm al-a^awahir wa 'l-a'rad, ed. S. Lutf 
and F. c Awn, Cairo 1975; H. Wolfson, The philoso- 
phy of the Kalam, Cambridge, Mass. 1976, 514-7; 
J. van Ess, Theologie und Gesellschaft im 2. und 3. 
Jahrhundert Hidschra, Berlin and New York 1991-7, 
iii, 310-24, and index s.v. t-j-r at iv, 1001; 
A. Dhanani, 77k physical theory of kalam. Atoms, space 
and void in Basrian Mu'tazili cosmology, Leiden 1994, 
176-81. (O.N.H. Leaman) 

TAFSIR (a.), pi. tafasir "interpretation" (as a 
process and a literary genre), generally, but not always, 
of the Kur'an. The word is used for commentaries 
on Greek scientific and philosophical works, being 
equivalent to shark [q.v.]; the term is applied to the 
Greek and Arabic commentaries on the works of 
Aristotle, for example. Jews and Christians writing in 
Arabic also use the word in the context of transla- 
tions and commentaries on the Bible, as some of the 
works of Saadia Gaon demonstrate. The most signifi- 
cant usage of the word, however, and the focus of 
this article, is its reference to the branch of Islamic 
learning concerned with the Kur'an. An essential part 
of madrasa training, the study of tafasir of the Kur'an 
stands alongside the study of hadith and jikh as ele- 
ments of the traditional curriculum. 

The emergence of the word tafsir as a technical 
term is unclear. It is used once in the Kur'an at 
XXV, 33, "They [the unbelievers] bring not to thee 
[Muhammad] any similitude [mathal] but that We 
bring thee the truth and the best tafsir". This follows 
on a verse which states, "The unbelievers say, 'Why has 
the Kur'an not been sent down all at once?' Even so, 
that We may strengthen thy heart thereby, and We 
have chanted it very distinctly". The idea would appear 
to be that God has provided an explanation, tafsir, 
of why the Kur'an is being revealed piece-by-piece. 
Of course, other technical terms in Muslim religious 
thinking frequently have no special status within the 
Kur'an, so the lack of a firm reference point for the 

term tafsir is not particularly surprising (see J. Wans- 
brough, Quranic studies. Sources and methods of scriptural 
interpretation, Oxford 1977, 154-8). For the first three 
Islamic centuries, there appears to be no consistent 
differentiation between tafsir, ta'wil [q.v.] and ma'na 
[q.v., section 1] when used in titles of books or as a 
technical term within works of tafsir (and, indeed, this 
is the attitude of the lexicographers: see Lane, i, 2397; 
for the ambiguities of the differentiation between the 
terms in early times, see N. Kinberg, A lexicon of al- 
Farra"s terminology in his Qur'an commentary, Leiden 1996, 
40-2, 503-27, 563-6). After some time, tafsir was dis- 
tinguished from ta'wil by the latter being considered 
the product of research and investigation, the former 
dependent upon transmission from Muhammad and 
his companions. In its developed sense, ta'wtl became 
limited to interpretation which leaves the "obvious" 
(gahir) sense and delves into more speculative levels 
of language (batiri). Ma'na, on the other hand, became 
more constrained and limited primarily to lexico- 
graphical aspects of interpretation. 

A tafsir of the Kur'an is a work which provides an 
interpretation of the Arabic text of the scripture. There 
are formal characteristics of such works which help 
to define the literary genre further. In most cases, a 
work entided Tafsir will follow the text of the Kur'an 
from the beginning to the end, and will provide an 
interpretation (tafsir) of segments of the text (word- 
by-word, phrase-by-phrase, or verse-by-verse) as a 
running commentary. The major exceptions to this 
fundamental characteristic are to be found in the for- 
mative and the contemporary periods of Islam; in the 
formative period, one finds works of tafsir which cover 
only isolated segments of the text, and in the con- 
temporary period, thematic (mawdu'i) tafasir have 
become quite popular (see J.J.G. Jansen, The interpre- 
tation of the Koran in modern Egypt, Leiden 1974, 13-4). 
But the presence of scriptural text and commentary 
as two elements interplaying remains. A number of 
sub-disciplines are often included within the broad 
scholarly enterprise itself and these have resulted in 
books which concentrate on asbab al-nuzul, gharib al- 
Kur'an, kisas al-anbiya', kira'at, marsum al-khatt, al-nasikh 
wa 'l-mansukh, al-wakf wa 'l-ibtidd' and al-wuajuh wa 
'l-naza'ir. These works are best understood as a part 
of the overall 'ulum al-Kur'an (to which books are 
devoted as summaries of the various sub-disciplines, 
e.g., al-Zarkashr (d. 794/1392 [q.v.]), al-Burhan Jt 'ulum 
al-Kur'an, and Djalal al-Din al-Suyuti (d. 911/1505 
[q.v]), al-Itkdnji 'ulum al-Kur'an). However, the contents 
of these books have often been derived from the major 
works of tafsir (and then subsequendy have acted as 
a source for them in many instances), so, in that sense, 
such works are a part of the intellectual discipline 
while not formally being a part of the literary genre. 

Within the genre attempts have been made to 
classify the various books. Attempts to describe 
the "method" of the books predominate in Muslim 
discussions, and such classifications have also found 
their way into scholarly works (e.g., I. Goldziher, Die 
Richtungen der islamischen Koranauslegung, Leiden 1920). 
The basic separation between tafsir bi 'l-ma'thur (or 
riwaya) and tafsir bi 'l-ra'y (or diraya), with the occa- 
sional addition of tafsir bi 'l-ishara, reflects a tension 
which runs throughout the Muslim community and 
its intellectual disciplines, that of the authority of the 
community (ma'thur) versus that of the intellect (ra'y) 
(ishara being the speculative "hint" or "allusion" gen- 
erally connected to Sufism and outside these two main 
classifications). This separation does not, however, pro- 
vide a sufficient analytical tool by which one may 

characterise the wide variety of books and approaches 
which are contained within the broadly-defined genre 
of tafsir, since it concentrates on a superficial under- 
standing of the form of the works with little atten- 
tion to their underlying substance. 

Recent scholarly attempts to define the genre have 
concentrated on isolating the variety of elements which 
come together within a given text in varying pro- 
portions (see N. Calder, Tafsir from Tabari to Ibn Kathir: 
problems in the description of a genre, illustrated with reference 
to the story of Abraham, in G.R. Hawting and A.-K.A. 
Shareef (eds.), Approaches to the Qur'an, London 1993, 
101-40; P. Heath, Creative hermeneutics: a comparative analy- 
sis of three Islamic approaches, in Arabica, xxxvi [1989], 
173-210). Different mufassirun have different concerns 
and goals, and this is reflected in the relative weight 
they put upon elements such as history, grammar, 
semantics, law, theology, or folklore. All commenta- 
tors are concerned with the process of analysing the 
text in light of the "external world", however that be 
defined for the individual author, with the aim of 
resolving any apparent conflict and making the text 
"clear". Each element that comes into play within a 
text of tafsir acts both to prompt exegesis (in the sense 
that a conflict is perceived between the world and 
the text) and to characterise the emphasis of a given 
interpretative approach. 

Pride of place in the tools used in the interpreta- 
tive process has been given to grammar (including 
elements of lexicography and orthography). As an im- 
plement for asserting the scholar's status and author- 
ity, arguments over grammar have had no rival (see 
M.G. Carter, Language control as people control in medieval 
Islam: the aims of the grammarians in their cultural context, 
in Al-Abhath, xxxi [1983], 65-84). Grammar became 
a specialisation within tafsir, producing works such 
as Ma'ani 'l-Kur'an wa i'rabuhu by al-Zadjdjadj (d. 
311/923; see GAS, viii, 99-101), I'rab al-Kur'an by al- 
Nahhas (d. 338/950; see GAS, ix, 207-9) and Mushkil 
i'rab al-Kufan by Makki al-Kays! (d. 437/1045 [q.v.]). 
The historical origins of grammar and lexicographi- 
cal comparison within the framework of tafsir have 
become a matter of scholarly controversy in light of 
Wansbrough's arguments for the relatively late intro- 
duction of both aspects (see Quranic studies, 216-27); 
for example, C.H.M. Versteegh, Arabic grammar and 
Qur'anic exegesis in early Islam, Leiden 1993, and 
M. Muranyi, Neue Materialien zur tafsir-Forschung in der 
Moscheebibliothek von Qairawan, in S. Wild (ed.), The 
Qur'an as text, Leiden 1996, 225-55, both argue against 
Wansbrough's point, citing grammar and poetical ref- 
erences in texts understood to be early in date. Much 
of the dispute depends upon dating of texts (see 
A. Rippin, Studying early tafsir texts, in Isi, lxxii [1995], 

Rivalling grammar but yet itself often thought of 
as dependent upon it, the framework of legal analy- 
sis emerges quite clearly in some works, achieving a 
status reflected in titles such as the Ahkam al-Kur'an 
written by the Hanafi al-Djassas (d. 370/981 [q.v.]), 
the Maliki Ibn al-'ArabT (d. 543/1148 [q.v.]) and the 
Malikf al-Kurtubr (d. 671/1272 [q.v.]). Aiming to 
demonstrate that the body of Islamic law may be 
derived in the first instance from the Kur'an, such 
works include, out of necessity, grammatical and his- 
torical elements within interpretation in order to argue 
their legal points. 

Theology, on the other hand, frequendy remained 
subsumed within the overall contents of tafsir, although 
certain works attributed to prominent theologians (e.g. 
the Hakd'ik al-ta'wilfi mutashabih al-tanzil by al-Shanf 

al-Radr, d. 406/1016 [q.v]) tend to provide a thorough- 
going emphasis on a certain theological perspective. 
The famous work of al-Zamakhsharl (d. 538/1144 
[q.v.]), renowned for its Mu'tazili perspective, is dis- 
tinctive primarily for its special outlook and not for 
the presence of an overall theological argument per 
se, nor for the quantity of such argumentation. Other 
works, especially those from Shi'T writers such as al- 
Tusi (d. 460/1067) and al-Tabrisi (d. 548/1153), pro- 
vide more detailed and thorough-going examples of 
the Mu'tazili tendency, as does the work only avail- 
able in "reconstructed" form from al-Djubba'I (d. 303/ 
915 [q.v.]) (see D. Gimaret, Urn lecture mu'taziUte du Coran. 
Le tafsTr d'Abu All al-Djubba'i [m. 303/915], Louvain- 
Paris 1994). All other major works of tafsir have a 
theological perspective as well (see e.g. C. Gilliot, Exe- 
gese, langue, et theohgie en Islam. L'exegese coranique de Tabari 
(m. 311/923), Paris 1990, 207-78) but are not so "dis- 
tinctive" as to gain a reputation in that regard. The 
observation regarding al-Zamakhshan's distinctiveness 
(but not uniqueness) is confirmed by the frequent use 
of that book within the madrasa context, regardless of 
its theological perspective. 

The genius of Muslim tafsir is perhaps best seen 
in its historicisation of the text through the general 
tools of narrative provided by prophetic history, both 
of the distant past as found in the kisas al-anbiya', and 
of the contemporary as found in the sira of Muham- 
mad. Designed both to prove the fact of revelation 
and to embody an interpretation that would relate 
the text to a context (see Rippin, The Junction of asbab 
al-nuzul in Qur'anic exegesis, in BSOAS, li [1988], 1-20), 
historicisation grounded the text in the day-to-day life 
of the Muslim community. In that manner, the extrac- 
tion of law was facilitated, the sense of moral guid- 
ance was emphasised and the "foreign" made Islamic. 
Whether this was a matter of filling in the details on 
the life of the former prophets with incidents to which 
Muslims could relate (see e.g. J. Lassner, Demonizing 
the Queen of Sheba. Boundaries of gender and culture in post- 
biblical Judaism and medieval Islam, Chicago 1993), a 
concern with identifying the unknown within the con- 
text of the life of Muhammad (ta'yin al-mubham) (see 
U. Rubin, The eye of the beholder: the life of Muhammad 
as viewed by the early Muslims: a textual analysis, Princeton 
1995), or a polemical impulse from the context of 
Sunni-Shf'i interaction (see e.g. U. Rubin, Prophets and 
progenitors in the early Shi'a tradition, in JSAI, i [1979], 
41-65), historicisation of the text was comprehensive 
and compelling. Of course, this is not the history of 
contemporary historians, but a history which is both 
controlled by, and productive of, the meaning of the 
text of the Kur'an. 

It is in the flight from the constraints of sacred his- 
tory, however, that symbol, allegory and inspiration 
gained their status, especially in tafsir from within the 
context of Sufism, but by no means limited to that 
area. The appreciation of the literary qualities of the 
text of the Kur'an in terms of literary figures and 
general stylistic concerns may well have led, over the 
course of time, to more wide-ranging symbolic and 
allegorical readings of the text. In the hands of Sufis, 
such readings became supported by notions of insight 
derived from mystical experience; this is reflected in 
the text of their tafasir in the way in which a pas- 
sage of the Kur'an can be the jumping-off point (a 
"keynote") for a meditation on a topic seemingly 
unconnected to the text itself but derived from images 
contained within the personal experience of the indi- 
vidual Sufi: (on Sufi interpretation, see P. Nwyia, Exegese 
coranique el langue mystique, Beirut 1970). 

Within all these aspects and procedures, there are 
changing emphases over time. Variability in the mat- 
ter of citation of authorities is one such factor, and 
the one which Muslims seized upon in their efforts 
at classification, as noted above. Expansion and con- 
traction in the number of meanings provided is 
another, independent variable which appears to vary 
over time. It is perhaps one of the ironies (but also 
one of an author's celebrations) that the reliance on 
the citation of authorities tended, in some hands at 
least, to proliferate meanings. There was a continual 
building upon the past which was being accumulated 
for future generations within these works. Al-Kurtubi, 
for example, exemplifies the tendency towards multi- 
plicity of meanings with little indication of what is to 
be preferred. The Kur'an, it is being suggested, incor- 
porates all these potentialities. Named authorities are 
an important element within this proliferation of alter- 
natives. But even then, it needs to be remembered that 
all this is done within a certain framework of the 
author, his concerns and allegiances (e.g. his concept of 
what "Sunn!" Islam encompasses). The citations are 
always subject to choice, the authorities subject to selec- 
tion. Time, location, sectarian and popular beliefs will 
all have affected the selections and choices. The selec- 
tion of material is precisely what defines the tradition 
within which an author is working (and thus for the 
purposes of this overview of tafsir as a genre, distinc- 
tions such as Sunni versus Shr'T are irrelevant; on the 
specific characteristics of the latter, see G. Monnot, 
Islam: exegese coranique, in Annuaire EPHE, V section, xci 
[1982-3], 309-17). 

Another such variable may be seen in the expan- 
sion and contraction in the amount of supplementary 
material provided within a tafsir. This is especially so 
in the contemporary context, but it is a tendency 
which has roots in the mature stage of Muslim tafsir 
for a variety of reasons. Some authors clearly aimed 
their works at more popular (although not neces- 
sarily less learned) audiences with the result of pro- 
ducing concise works suitable for easy copying and 
detailed study. Such works (e.g. Djalal al-Din al- 
Mahalli, d. 864/1459 [q.v.] and Djalal al-Din al-Suyuti 
[d. 911/1505], Tafsir al-^alalayn) end up being tech- 
nical and presumptive of a great deal of knowledge 
in areas of grammar and the like. Other authors, 
however, reacted to the accumulation of exegetical 
material with a more negative attitude, feeling that 
much of it was "getting away" from the meaning of 
the Kur'an. Categories of material emerged which 
were deemed to be extraneous and were to be cen- 
sured: the movement against Isra'lliyyat [q.v.], a tech- 
nical term within tafsir apparently first employed as 
such by Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328 [q.v.]), serves as 
the prime example of this tendency. Rigorous isnad 
criticism and a prioritising of knowledge by its prox- 
imity in time to Muhammad also provided criteria 
by which the treasure trove of material from the gen- 
erations of past exegetes was whittled down to pro- 
duce more limited ranges of meaning. 

In tracing the historical developments of the genre, 
it is possible to separate out four periods of expres- 
sion: formative, classical, mature and contemporary. 
The separation is artificial, particularly fuzzy at the 
edges and certainly in need of refinement. It does, 
however, provide a means by which to summarise the 
contents of the genre by its highlights. 

A debate has raged for a century now in schol- 
arly literature concerning the origins of tafsir as a pro- 
cedure and as written works. To some extent, this is 
debate within Islam itself concern- 

ing authority in tafstr: did Muhammad authorise inter- 
preting the Kur'an? If so, then interpretations from 
him and his closest companions might be thought to 
be of the highest importance in establishing what the 
text means. It may be observed in passing that such 
an argument tends to be a restraining one, suggest- 
ing a limited range of legitimate meanings; these argu- 
ments become closely associated in mediaeval times 
with Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn Kathfr (d. 774/1373 [q.v]). 
On the other hand, an early reluctance to interpret 
the Kur'an is to be noted, especially associated with 
statements attributed to the caliph 'Umar b. al-Khattab 
[q.v.]. An attempt to reconcile these two ideas is found 
in the notion that 'Umar was only against interpre- 
tation of "unclear" verses. The lack of documentary 
evidence makes the debate a difficult one to adjudi- 
cate, and the debate among the views of Goldziher, 
Richtungen; H. Birkeland, Old Muslim opposition against 
the interpretation of the Koran, Oslo 1955; N. Abbott, 
Studies in Arabic literary papyri: Qur'anic commentary and 
tradition, Chicago 1967; and Wansbrough, Quranic studies, 
remains unresolved (see Gilliot, Les debuts de I'exegese 
coranique, in RMMM, lviii. 4 [1990], 82-100). 

One response to this uncertain historical situation 
has been the attempt on the part of a number of 
contemporary editors to reconstruct texts on the basis 
of attributions found in later texts. Such "books" are 
historically said to have existed (as Sezgin documents 
in GAS, i, 6-8, 25-35 esp.) but are no longer found 
in manuscript copies. Thus the only choice has been 
to reconstruct them. Such publications have recently 
proliferated and a number of examples can be cited: 
al-Hasan al-Basrl (d. 110/728 [q.v.] and see Gilliot, 
Textes arabes anciens edites en Egypte au corns des annees 
1992 a 1994, in MIDEO, xxii [1994], 295-6, no. 36); 
Ibn Abi Talha (d. 120/737; see Gilliot, Textes arabes 
anciens edites en Egypte au corns des annees 1990 a 1992, 
in MIDEO, xxi [1993], 439-40, no. 78); al-Suddl (d. 
128/745; see Gilliot, Textes arabes anciens edites en Egypte 
au cows des annees 1992 a 1994, 296, no. 37, and 
E. Kohlberg, A medieval Muslim scholar at work. Ibn 
Tawus and his library, Leiden 1992, 348, no. 574); and 
Sufyan b. 'Uyayna (d. 196/811 [q.v.], and see Gilliot, 
Les debuts de I'exegese coranique, 89-90). In some senses, 
these reconstructions may be no different from the 
supposedly early works found in late manuscript form 
ascribed to Mudjahid b. Djabr (d. ca. 100-4/718-22 
[q.v.], and see Gilliot, Textes arabes anciens edites en Egypte 
au cours des annees 1990 a 1992, 440, no. 79) and 
Sufyan al-Thawri (d. 161/778 [q.v.], and see Gilliot, 
Les debuts de I'exegese coranique, 89). A fundamental issue 
exists regarding the fragmentary nature of these books: 
should it be interpreted as evidence of the fragmen- 
tary nature of early tafstr per se, or as evidence of a 
mediaeval attempt to extract these books from later 
works? On this, see Rippin, Al-^uhri, naskh al-Qur'an 
and the problem of early tafstr texts, in BSOAS, xlvii (1985), 

We are on somewhat firmer ground for discussion 
of the formative period of tafstr with a series of books 
the character of which is more cohesive and thus 
more likely to be authentic, although certainly not 
free of later interpolation, reformulation and editorial 
intrusion. Works ascribed to Mukatil b. Sulayman 
(d. 150/767 [q.v.]), al-Farra' (d. 207/822 [q.v.]), 'Abd 
al-Razzak al-San'anl (d. 211/827; see GAS, i, 99), and 
al-Akhfash al-Awsat (d. 215/830; see Gilliot, Textes 
arabes anciens edites en Egypte au cours des annees 1990 a 
1992, 441-2, no. 81) may all be thought to fit into 
this category. However, the work ascribed to al-Kalbi 
(d. 146/763 [q.v.]) — and at the same time ascribed to 

'Abd Allah b. al-'Abbas (d. ca. 68/687 [q.v.]) and al- 
FTruzabadi (d. 817/1415 [q.v.])— indicates the diffi- 
culty in accepting an ascription without detailed 
examination and comparison; in this particular case, 
the work is more likely attributed to the 4th/ 10th 
century (see Rippin, Tafstr Ibn 'Abbas and criteria for 
dating early tafstr texts, in JSAI, xviii [1994], 38-83). It 
should be noted that the fragmentary nature of the 
works ascribed to Ibn Wahb (d. 197/812 [q.v.]) has 
been argued by Muranyi, 'Abd Allah b. Wahb (125/743- 
197/812). al-Gami'. Tafstr al-Qur'an [Die Koranexegese), 
Wiesbaden 1993-5, i, 2, to be evidence that this for- 
mative stage of tafstr is not as uniform as the above 
summary may suggest, but the nagging question of 
assessing the date of all these early texts still remains. 

The classical period of tafstr is often considered to 
come into existence with the Djami' al-bayan 'an ta'wil 
ay al-Kur'an of Abu Dja'far al-Tabart (d. 311/923 
[q.v.]). Al-Tabarl's work, the focus of a series of stud- 
ies by Gilliot (esp. Exegese, langue et theologie en Islam), 
is a vast compendium of traditions and analysis in 
which grammar plays its role as the major arbitrator 
between rival meanings. However, this period was 
clearly one of intense development of works of tafstr, 
and several significant works from authors who lived 
roughly in the same period as al-Tabarf still exist and 
need to be viewed as a part of this expression of 
classical tafstr. Notably, a number of other works that 
express differing theological viewpoints need close at- 
tention, especially when viewed in light of the polem- 
ical aspects of al-Taban: Hud b. Muhkim (d. towards 
the end of the 3rd/9th century; see GAS, i, 41), Tafstr, 
an Ibadi work; Furat b. Furat al-Kufi (d. ca. 310/ 
922; see GAS, i, 539), Tafstr, Shi'I; al-'Ayyashi (d. ca. 
320/932 [q.v.]), Tafstr al-'Ayyashi, ShiT; al-Kummi (d. 
end 4th/ 10th century; see GAS, i 45-6), Tafstr al- 
Kur'an, a brief and markedly Shf'i work; al-Tustan 
(d. 283/896; see GAS, i, 647, and G. Bowering, The 
mystical vision of existence in classical Islam. The Qur'anic 
hermeneutics of the Sufi Sahl al-Tustarl {d. 283/896), Berlin 
1980), Tafstr. More subtle in its theological variance 
but significant none the less is al-Matundf (d. 333/944 
[q.v.]), Ta'wildt ahl al-sunna (only vol. i published). 

Within the mature phase of tafstr there is an abun- 
dant number of works, the full dimensions of which 
have not been fully catalogued. Among the most 
famous are al-Tha'labi (d. 427/1035 [q.v.]), al-Kashf 
wa 'l-bayan 'an tafstr al-Kur'an (unpublished except for 
its bibliographic introduction, ed. I. Goldfeld, Acre 
1984), a vast compendium of material whose inter- 
ests are partially reflected in the author's work, 'Ara'is 
al-maajalis ft kisas al-anbiya'; al-Sulamf (d. 412/1021; 
see GAS, i, 671-4, and G. Bowering, The Qur'an com- 
mentary of al-Sulamt, in W.B. Hallaq and D.P. Little 
(eds.), Islamic studies presented to Charles J. Adams, Leiden 
1991, 41-56), Haka'ik al-tafslr, a work characterised 
by SufT interpretations (al-Sularm's ^iyadat haka'ik al- 
tafslr has now been published, ed. Bowering, Beirut 
1995); al-Mawardl (d. 450/1058 [q.v.], and see Gilliot, 
Textes arabes anciens edites en Egypte au cours des annees 
1992 a 1994, 296-7, no. 38), al-Nukat wa 'l-'uyun; al- 
Tusi (d. 460/1067 [q.v.]), al-Ttbyan fi tafstr al-Kur'an, 
a significant Shl'T expression; al-Zamakhshan, al- 
Kashshaf 'an haka'ik ghawamid al-tanztl; al-Tabrisi (d. 
548/1153 [q.v.], and also see M.O.A. Abdul, 77k 
Qur'an: Shaykh Tabarsi's commentary, Lahore 1977), 
Maapna' al-bayan li-'ulum al-Kur'an, a moderate ShiT 
work; Ibn al-Djawzi (d. 597/1201 [q.v], and see Jane 
McAuliffe, Ibn al-Jawzi's exegetical propaedeutic: introduc- 
tion and translation, in Alif Journal of Comparative Poetics, 
viii [1988], 101-13), Fakhr al-Din al-Razi (d. 606/1209 

[q.v.] , Kitab zad al-masir ft 'ilm al-tafsir, and also see 
the studies by J. Jomier, Les mafatih al-ghayb de I'imam 
FaMtr al-Din al-Razi: quelques dates, lieux, manuscrils, in 
MIDEO, xiii [1977], 253-90 and Fakhr al-Din al-Razi 
(m. 606 HJ 1210) el les commentaires du Coran plus anciens, 
in ibid., xv [1982], 145-72), Mafatih al-ghayb, a work 
generally cited for its vast coverage and philosophi- 
cal depth; al-Kurtubi (d. 671/1273 [q.v.]), al-L^ami' li- 
ahkam al-Kur'an, one of the most masterly compendia 
of interpretational material; al-BaydawI (d. between 
685-716/1286-1316; [q.v.]), Anwar al-tanzil wa-asrar al- 
ta'wil, a work usually understood as an epitomisation 
of that of al-Zamakhsharl, minus the Mu'tazili theo- 
logical slant; 'Abd al-Razzak al-Kasham (d. 731/1330 
[q.v.], see also P. Lory, Les commentaires esoleriques du 
Coran d'apres 'Abd ar-Razzaq al-Qashani, Paris 1980), 
usually known under the title Tafsir Ibn al-'Arabi, a 
Sufi tafsir, reflecting al-Kasham's mystical forebear Ibn 
al-'Arabi (d. 628/1240 [q.v.]); Abu Hayyan al-Ghamati 
(d. 745/1344 [q.v.]), al-Bahr al-muhit; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir 
al-Kur'an al-'azim; al-MahallT and al-Suyuti, Tafsir al- 
Qjaldlayn; al-Suyuti also wrote his own larger work, 
al-Durr al-manlhur ft 'l-tafsir bi 'l-ma'thur. This summary 
of titles only takes into account some of the major 
published works readily available; many more works 
exist, both published and unpublished, especially from 
the later centuries, of which only a small portion has 
been examined with scholarly eyes. 

It is in this mature phase that substantial debates 
rage within the discipline and have their affect upon 
the works produced. Ibn Taymiyya's al-Mukaddima fi 
usul al-tafsir is one of the most strident and polemi- 
cal of all such presentations and the effect of these 
ideas on Ibn Kathir and many contemporary mufas- 
sirun is noticeable. Fundamentally antagonistic to in- 
tellectual speculation of all types, whether legal or 
exegetical, Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn Kathlr stand in 
contrast to the general tendency in tafsir to allow for 
diversity. The latter champions dogmatism in his 
attempt to juxtapose and reconcile the Kur'an and 
the surma, both understood as revealed books (see 
Calder, Tafsir from Tabari to Ibn Kathir, 130; McAuliffe, 
Quranic hermeneutics: the views of al-Tabari and Ibn Kathir, 
in Rippin, Approaches to the history of the interpretation of 
the Qur'an, Oxford 1988, 46-62). 

In a manner which may well be unique amongst 
the world's religions, Muslims continue down to the 
present day to produce tafasir of the classical form, 
while also taking the enterprise into new literary re- 
gions. The contemporary phase of tafsir, then, is an 
important one. The impetus behind much of the writ- 
ing of tafasir from the 19th century on has been an 
attempt to simplify the content of the texts, making 
them more accessible to an increasingly literate but 
not necessarily formally religiously-trained population. 
As well, there has been the desire to spread religious 
and social ideas associated with the various contem- 
porary platforms of reform, and an effective vehicle 
for doing this has been tafsir (overviews of the sub- 
ject are provided by J.M.S. Baljon, Modem Muslim 
Koran interpretation (1880-1960), Leiden 1968, andJJ.G. 
Jansen, The interpretation of the Koran in modem Egypt). 

One can, then, point to a series of tafasir written 
in the 19th and 20th centuries that, in basic form, 
follow the classical literary genre. It is in their authors' 
conceptions of the world around them that the texts 
differ so markedly from their classical counterparts. 
This has especially led to a displacement of the exeget- 
ical tools of grammar and to an emphasis on theol- 
ogy and law but with those two disciplines defined 
to a large extent outside of their classical modes. Thus 

the Tafsir al-Manar of Muhammad 'Abduh (d. 1905 
[q.v]) and RashTd Rida (d 1935 [q.v.]) places an 
emphasis on law but sees this in general terms of 
moral guidance on the practical and social planes. 
Perhaps the most famous and influential of all con- 
temporary tafasir, Fi zilat al-Kur'an of Sayyid Kutb 
(d. 1966 [q.v.]), is an eloquent statement constructing 
an Islamic vision of the world that is, at times, bril- 
liant in its ability to relate the Kur'anic text to the 
contemporary situation often through the tools of alle- 
gory and symbolism (see e.g. A.H. Johns, Let my people 
go! Sayyid Qutb and the vocation of Moses, in Islam and 
Christian-Muslim relations, i [1990], 143-70, and O. Carre, 
Mystique et politique. Lecture revolutionnaire du Coran par 
Sayyid Qutb, Jrere musuhnan radical, Paris 1984). Like- 
wise, works known as tafsir 'ilmi (for example, Tantawi 
Djawhan(d. 1940 [see djawhari, tantawi]), al-L^awahir 
ft tafsir al-Kur'an al-karim) are characterised by an 
emphasis upon the "scientific" elements of the Kur'an 
and could be said to introduce a new tool for inter- 
pretation, that of the discipline of science. 

As well, there has been a tendency among con- 
temporary writers to leave the form of classical tafsir 
and compose works more limited in scope but embrac- 
ing particular methods of approach. 'A'isha 'Abd al- 
Rahman (b. 1913) has written (under the pseudonym 
Bint al-Shati') al-Tafsir al-bayani li 'l-Kur'an al-Karim, 
a study of 14 short suras which focusses on lexical 
matters and "original meanings" of individual words 
within a framework of attention to Kur'anic stylistic 
usage. Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd, Mafhum al-nass. Dirasa 
ft 'ulum al-Kur'an, is another recent example in quite 
a different vein, for it is a book which raises method- 
ological issues (severely challenged by some) about the 
understanding of the Kur'an within contemporary 
times, in a form structured along the lines of classi- 
cal introductions to tafsir (see R. Wielandt, Wurzeln der 
Schwierigkeit innerislamischen Gesprachs iiber neue hermeneutische 
Zugdrtge zum Korantext, in Wild (ed.), The Qur'an as text, 

The other important approach in contemporary 
times has been thematic (mawdu'i), a form that has 
no direct classical counterpart and breaks significandy 
from the description of the literary genre since, in 
the main, it leaves the principle of following the order 
of the scriptural text. The tafsir of Mahmud Shaltut 
[q.v.], for example, does follow the Kur'an sura-by- 
sura, but emphasises the themes which emerge from 
a given sura and then brings that theme into con- 
junction with all other passages dealing with the same 
theme. The treatment of each sura thus ends up being 
organised by theme rather than verse order (see 
K. Zebiri, Mahmud Shaltut and Islamic modernism, Oxford 
1993). As a technique of interpretation, this does not 
move far from Ibn Taymiyya's emphasis on the first 
source of interpretation being the Kur'an itself. Nor, 
upon close analysis, is it significantly different method- 
ologically from the classical exegetes' well-established 
willingness to adduce other passages from elsewhere 
in the Kur'an which would help in the elucidation 
of a problematic verse (al-Taban, for example, pro- 
vides many such instances of referring the reader back 
to earlier discussions of a given point of dispute). It 
is thus the form in which the commentary appears 
that gives the contemporary works their distinctive- 
ness. The popularity of this method has also led to 
the publication of vast numbers of monographs deal- 
ing explicidy with single themes within the Kur'an 
(e.g. Mahmud Shaltut, Min huda 'l-Kur'an, which con- 
tains a number of individual monographs). 

It is important to observe as well that in contem- 

porary times, the writing of tafasir in languages other 
than Arabic has become more significant. While clas- 
sical examples of such books exist in languages from 
Persian to Malay, such works were frequently (although 
not always; cf. the Persian tafsir of al-Maybudi, d. 6th/ 
12th century [q.v.], Kasfyf al-asrar wa-'uddat al-abrdr) 
based around translations from Arabic. In contempo- 
rary times there has been a recognition of the need 
to express an interpretation of the Kur'an in local 
languages and to raise interpretational issues of local 
concern. The extent of the material, as reflected in 
the example of Indonesia (see H. Federspiel, Popular 
Indonesian literature on the Qur'an, Ithaca 1994), indicates 
that this will be a significant field of study in the 
future. Tafsir has also been an important vehicle for 
new religious expressions, notably in the case of the 
BabI and Baha'I faiths, once again indicating an 
increasing flexibility in the genre within the contem- 
porary period. 

Bibliography: Largely given in the text. C. Gilliot, 
Exegese, langue el theologie en Islam, contains a signif- 
icant bibliography of the subject. For further biblio- 
graphies, see A. Rippin, The present status of tafsir 
studies, in MW, lxxii [1982], 224-38; A. Neuwirth, 
Koran, in H. Gatje (ed.), Grundriss der arabischen 
Philologie, Band II, Literatunvissenschafl, Wiesbaden 
1987, 119-35 (sections 3.7 and 3.8) and Band III, 
Supplement (W. Fischer, ed.), Wiesbaden 1992, 262-4. 
Still valuable as an overview of the subject is 
T. Noldeke and F. Schwally, Geschkhte des Qorans, 
ii, Die Sammlung des Qorans, Leipzig 1919, 163-92. 
Muhammad Husayn al-Dhahabr, al-Tafsir wa 'l- 
mufassirun, 'Cairo 1967, surveys the major tafasir in 
a useful manner. (A. Rippin) 

TAFTA (p.), a type and weave of fabric used 
mainly in dress in Persia and Turkey from the 16th 
century onwards. Since the verb tdjian has many mean- 
ings, e.g. to twist, turn, be woven, be shining, be 
sparkling, there has been much ambiguity and con- 
fusion of identification; the term has been used indis- 
criminately for both silk cloth and linen garments. 
The safest definition is based on technique, and here 
the meanings "twisted" and "shining" are important. 
Tafta is a silk cloth of technically simple plain or 
tabby weave. Fine horizontal silk weft threads pass 
over and under single alternating vertical silk warp 
threads of equal weight and thickness to produce a 
firm textured, but supple and versatile, fabric. Tafta 
was usually dyed in one colour only, and has a soft 
shimmering appearance, in contrast to the highly- 
polished surface of satin. 

Tafia was woven in large quantities in Persia dur- 
ing the Safawid period as a light silk garment fabric. 
The best surviving examples are coats of 17th cen- 
tury date, with tight bodices, long sleeves and full 
bell-shaped skirts which were all probably woven in 
Isfahan, with Yazd and Kirman as important sec- 
ondary centres of manufacture. Background colours 
include light blue, orange and golden yellow. Variations 
in the basic tafia weave depend on the twist of the 
silk, which produces a more or less pronounced ribbed 
effect. Tafta can be decorated with stamped geomet- 
ric motifs or with sprays of flowers woven in sup- 
plementary brocade weave in coloured silks and gold 
and silver wire. Tafta production continued into the 
18th and 19th centuries, brocaded with small repeated 
floral motifs. Tafia was used in Turkey from the 16th 
century onwards, mainly as a plain fabric decorated 
with stamped designs. Here it was used as linings and 
facings in contrasting colours to the long, formal kaftan 
and entari robes made of velvet or heavy silk brocade. 

Tafta passed into Europe as Italian taffeta, German 
Taft, where, although possibly represented in 16th cen- 
tury paintings, it is best known as a light silk fabric 
in fresh colours — blue, green, pink — made into women's 
fashionable dresses of the late 17th to 18th centuries. 
The tafia weave survives today but it is machine- 
woven in synthetic fibres. 

Bibliography: Nancy A. Reath and Eleanor B. 
Sachs, Persian textiles and their techniques from the sixth 
to the eighteenth centuries, including a system for general 
textile classification, New Haven 1937; Carol Bier 
(ed.), Woven from the soul, spun from the heart, Textile 
Museum, Washington D.C. 1987; Hulya Tezcan, 
Atlaslar atlast. A catalogue of the Vedat Nedim Tor fab- 
ric collection, Istanbul 1993. 

(Jennifer M. Scarce) 
al-TAFTAZANI, Sa'd al-DIn Mas'ud b. 'Umar 
b. 'Abd Allah, renowned scholar and author on 
grammar, rhetoric, theology, logic, law and 
Kur'an exegesis, born in Safar 722/February- 
March 1322 in Taftazan, a village near Nasa in 
Khurasan, d. 793/1390 (on the form of this place- 
name, see al-Sam'ani, Ansab, ed. Haydarabad, iii, 61- 
2; Yakut, Buldan, ed. Beirut, ii, 35). 

His family seems to have been distinguished in schol- 
arship for several generations, and his grandfather 
Fakhr al-Drn 'Umar was a kadi. Nothing certain is 
known about his education. Ibn Hadjar al-'Askalam 
in his unreliable biographical notice in his Inba' de- 
scribes him as a pupil of 'Adud al-Dln al-Idji and 
Kutb al-Din al-RazI without specifying a time or place 
for his alleged studies with them. It is, in fact, unlikely 
that al-Idji ever taught him. In his commentary on 
al-Idjf's Shark al-Mukhtasar fi 'l-usul, al-Taftazanr praises 
him highly without referring to him as his teacher. 
A story reported by Ibn al-'Imad about al-Taftazani's 
having at first been the most stupid among al-Idjr's 
pupils is entirely fictitious. According to Ibn 'Arabshah, 
al-Taftazani and Kutb al-Din al-Razi were both among 
the scholars active at the court of the Khans of the 
Golden Horde in Saray. If they were there at the 
same time, al-Taftazani may have benefited from Kutb 
al-Din's learning in philosophy. He was, however, 
already an established scholar at that time. More reli- 
able is perhaps a note in Ibn Hadjar's biography of 
Diya' al-Din 'Abd Allah b. Sa'd Allah al-Kazwini al- 
Kirimi that al-Taftazam was among his pupils. Al- 
Taftazam's fields of learning, especially his expertise 
in both Hanaff and ShafiT law and usul, closely 
matched those of Diya' al-Dfn. Al-Taftazam, in any 
case, completed his earliest book, a commentary on 
al-Tasnf al-'Izzi by al-Zandjanf on Arabic morphology, 
in 738/1338 at the age of sixteen, according to Fasih 
ai-Kh w afi in Faryumad. 

His further peregrinations are better known from 
the dates and places of completion of his works. In 
742/1342 he was in Djurdjaniyya in Kh w arazm. Then 
he became attached to the ruler of Harat, Mu'izz al- 
DTn Kart, to whom he dedicated his Sharh al-Talkhis 
al-mutaivwal in 748/1347. In 752/1351 he was in 
Djam. Next, he joined Djani Beg, Khan of the Golden 
Horde, to whom he dedicated his Mukhtasar al-ma'ani, 
completed at Ghudjduwan in 756/1355. Two years 
later he was in "Giilistan of Turkistan". Giilistan is 
known as a mint of the Golden Horde; its exact loca- 
tion is uncertain, but it has been thought to be near 
New Saray. Al-Taftazanr departed, presumably be- 
cause of the troubles following the death of Djani Beg, 
and was back in Harat in 759/1358. He completed 
boob in Kh w arazm in 768/1367, 770/1369, and 778/ 
1 367-8 and was evidently attached during this period 


to Husayn Sufi, independent ruler of Klfarazm. When 
Timur seized Kh w arazm in 781/1379, Mu'izz al-Din 
Kart's son Malik Muhammad, ruler of Sarakhs, asked 
his nephew, Pir Muhammad b. Ghiyath al-Din, who 
was in the suite of Timur, to obtain the latter's 
permission for al-Taftazanl to join him in Sarakhs. 
Al-Taftazam thus was in Sarakhs in 782/1380. Subse- 
quently, learning of his eminence in scholarship, Timur 
insisted that he come to Samarkand. He was there 
in 784/1382 and, after returning to Sarakhs in 785-6/ 
1383-4, stayed in Samarkand permanently from 787/ 
1385 until his death on 22 Muharram 793/30 Decem- 
ber 1 390. Timur at first treated him with great hon- 
our. A scholarly rivalry, however, arose between him 
and the much younger al-Sharif al-Djurdjanl, whom 
Timur brought to Samarkand after his conquest of 
ShTraz in 789/1387. (The assertion of some modem 
scholars that Sa'd al-Din al-Taftazam had earlier intro- 
duced al-Djurdjanl to Shah Shudja', the Muzaffand 
ruler of Fars, is based on a confusion with another 
Sa'd al-Din.) A public debate about al-Zamakhshari's 
exegesis of Kur'an, II, 5, took place between them 
in the presence of Timur. The Mu'tazill scholar 
Nu'man al-Din al-Kh w arazmT judged in favour of al- 
Djurdjanl, and Timur backed him. Al-Taftazanl's 
severe grief about this defeat is said to have hastened 
his end. His body was carried to Sarakhs where he 

Al-Taftazanf s fame rests mainly on his commen- 
taries on well-known works in various fields of learn- 
ing, which came to be widely used in teaching at 
madrasas until modern times. Many of them received 
supercommentaries by later scholars. His own origi- 
nal works are few, such as al-Makasid on theology, 
al-Miftah on Shafi'I law, a collection of Hanafl /atoas, 
and a Persian commentary on the Kur'an entitled 
Kasltf al-asrar wa-'uddat al-abrar. Noteworthy are also a 
Turkish versified translation of Sa'dl's Bustdn com- 
posed in 755/1354 (Gibb, HOP, i, 202-3) and a polem- 
ical refutation of Ibn al-'Arabfs Fusus al-hikam. 
Al-TaftazanI wrote on both Hanafl and Shafi'I law, 
and is described in some of his biographies as a 
Shafi'I. From remarks in his al-Talwih it seems evi- 
dent, however, that he personally adhered to the 
Hanafl school. In theology he sometimes, especially 
in his commentary on the 'Aka'id of the Maturldl 
scholar Nadjm al-Din al-Nasafl, upheld Maturldl 
positions against Ash'arl criticism, but he also often 
endorsed Ash'arl doctrine. Altogether, he backed a 
broad, though anti-Mu'tazill Sunnism, which was in 
accord with later concepts of SunnI orthodoxy. In 
later literature, he is often quoted simply as "al- 

Bibliography: Ibn Hadjar, Durar, Haydarabad 
1350, iv, 350; idem, Inba' al-ghumr, ed. H HabashI, 
Cairo 1969, i, 183, 389-90; Faslh Kh w afl, Mudjmal- 
i Fasihi, ed. Mahmud Farrukh, Mashhad 1962, iii, 
124; Ibn 'Arabshah, 'Adja'ib al-makdur, ed. 'All 
Muhammad 'Umar, Cairo 1979, 83; Ibn al-Tmad, 
Shadharat, vi, 319-22; KJTandamlr, Hablb al-siyar, 
Tehran n.d. [1954], iii, 544-6; Tashkubrfzada, Miftah 
al-sa'ada, ed. K.K. BakrI and 'A. Abu '1-Nur, Cairo 
1968, i, 205-8; Laknawl, al-Fawa'id al-bahiyya, Cairo 
1324, 128-30, 134-7; Browne, LHP, iii, 353-4; Brock- 
elmann, II, 278-80, S II, 301-4; Taftazanl, Shark 
al-'aka'id al-Nasafiyya, ed. Klud Salama, Damascus 
1974, introd. 6-36; idem, Shark al-Makasid, ed. 'Abd 
al-Rahman 'Umayra, Cairo 1984-9, i, introd., 74-146. 

(W. Madelung) 
TAGHAZA, a Saharan salt pan (sabkha [q.v.]), 
situated in lat. 23° 26' N., long. 4" 59' W. (hence 

now in southern Algeria), and a major source of 
rock salt for West Africa down to the mid-sixteenth 
century. It is possible that it is to be identified with 
the Tatantal of al-Bakrl [K. al-Masdlik wa 'l-mamalik, 
ed. de Slane, Algiers 1857, 171), which is described as 
a mine twenty days from Sidjilmasa [q.v.], from which 
huge quantities of salt are sent to Sidjilmasa and to 
bilad al-sudan. Salt blocks also formed the local building 
material. Al-Kazwlnl ('Aqja'ib al-makhlukat, ed. Wiisten- 
feld, ii, 16), the first author to mention Taghaza by 
name (for Taghara read Taghaza) also notes this feature, 
and says the salt was mined by slaves of the Masufa. 
Ibn Battuta (iv, 377-8, tr. Gibb and Beckingham, iv, 
947), whose journey from Sidjilmasa to Taghaza took 
twenty-five days, remarked on the large amounts of 
gold dust traded there for the salt. This salt was then 
carried to Walata and on to Mali [q.v.] where it was 
sold at great profit. He also notes the use of this salt, 
cut in pieces, as currency, as it was also in Gao (al- 
Bakrl, 183). 

At what point Taghaza came under the control of 
Songhay [q.v.] is not clear, but already by ca. 946/ 
1539-40 the Sa'dian sultan Ahmad al-A'radj was 
laying claim to it with Askiya Ishak I. Later, in 964/ 
1556-7, Mawlay Muhammad al-Shaykh attempted to 
install his own representative there. The mine was 
abandoned in favour of another called Taghaza al- 
ghizlan. On his accession in 986/1578, Mawlay al- 
Mansur demanded that Songhay hand over to him 
the tax revenue from this mine. Askiya Dawud re- 
sponded with a generous gift, but in 994/1586 a small 
Sa'dian force occupied this Taghaza and exploitation 
was moved to a site probably to be identified with 
Taoudeni (at lat. 22° 40' N. long. 3° 59' W.). A new 
Sa'dian demand to be paid the salt tax revenue in 
Safar 998/December 1589-January 1590 was met with 
defiance from Askiya Ishak II. This provided the pre- 
text for the Sa'dian conquest of Songhay in 1000/1591. 
Although the original mines of Taghaza were aban- 
doned, the site was used as an occasional caravan 
station. As late as 1828 Rene Caillie found Tadjakant 
nomads there clearing out wells and saw the ruins of 
houses made of salt slabs (Journal d'un voyage a 
Tombouctou et a Jenne, Paris 1830, ii, 471-8). Several 
superficial archaeological excavations have been car- 
ried out there, revealing two villages, one to the south- 
east and one to the north-west of the salt pan. In 
each, the remains of a mosque was found and, in 
the north-westerly one, traces of a fort. Mauny esti- 
mates that their total population may have reached 
1,200-1,800. Salt is still being mined at Taoudeni and 
carried to Timbuktu on camel-back (see J. Skolle, The 
road to Timbuctoo, London 1956). 

Bibliography: R. Mauny, Tableau geographique de 
I'ouest ajricain au mayen age, Dakar 1961 (Mems. IFAN, 
no. 61), 116-17, 328-32, 474-5, 485-7; 'Abd al- 
Rahman al-Sa'dl, Ta'fikh al-sudan, ed. O. Houdas, 
Paris 1898, 99, 111, 121, 137-8; Th. Monod, 
Teghaza, la ville en sel gemme, in La Nature, no. 3025 
(15 May 1938), 289-96. (J.O. Hunwick) 

TAGHLIB b. WATL (also Taghlib Wa'il), an 
important, mostly nomadic, tribe of the RabT'a b. 
Nizar group [see rabi'a and mudar; near b. ma' add], 
A member of this tribe was called TaghlabI or TaghlibI 
(for the plural Taghaliba, see al-Tha'alibl, Thimar al- 
kulub, ed. Ibrahim, Cairo 1384/1965, 130). The tribe's 
pedigree is Taghlib/Dithar b. Wa'il b. Kasit b. Hinb 
b. Afsa b. Du'ml b. Djadlla b. Asad b. Rabi'a b. 
Nizar b. Ma'add b. 'Adnan. 

Until the Basus [q.v.] war which they fought against 
their brother-tribe, Bakr b. Wa'il [q.v.], the Taghlib 


lived in Nadjd [q.v.]. Following their defeat in the 
battle known as Yawm Tahlak al-Limam ("the day 
of the shaving ofT of the hair that descends below 
the lobe of the ear", also called Yawm al-Tahaluk), 
which took place after the death of Kulayb b. Rabl'a 
[q.v.; and see bma], the Taghlib dispersed (Ja-tafarraku; 
Yakut, s.v. Kida) and settled, together with their "pater- 
nal uncles", the Namir b. Kasit and Ghufayla b. Kasit, 
on the lower Euphrates, where some of them may 
have settled earlier. After 'Amr b. Kulthum [q.v.] had 
in 569-70 assassinated the king of al-Hira [q.v.], 'Amr 
b. Hind [q.v.], they migrated further up the river to 
al-DjazIra [q.v.]. 

Before Islam the Taghlib were within the sphere 
of influence of the Sasanids [q.v.] and their client- 
kings, the Lakhmids [q.v.] of al-Hira. Already in the 
4th century A.D. Shapur [q.v.] II transferred Taghlibi 
captives to Bahrayn, more precisely to Darin, "the 
name of which is Haydj"(!), and al-Khatt (al-Tabari, 
i, 839, cf. 845; Noldeke, Gesch. d. Perser, 56-7, cf. 67). 
But the place-name "Haydj" owes its existence to a 
scribal error: instead of Darin wa-'smuha h.y.aj, read: 
Darin zva-Samahiaj (Ibn al-'Adlm, Bughyat al-talab . . ., 
facs. ed. Frankfurt a. M. 1986 ft"., ix, 290; for the 
later history of the Taghlib in Bahrayn, see al-Kalka- 
shandl, Subh al-a'sha, ed. Shams ai-Dln, Beirut 1407/ 
1987, i, 395-6). The poet Djabir b. Hunayy al-Taghlibi 
complained about the practices of a tax-collector sent 
by the king of al-Hira and the customs imposed on 
trade at the markets of 'Irak (Mufaddaliyyat, ed. Lyall, 
no. xlii). The Taghlib were at some stage part of the 
ridafa institution (MJ. Kister, Al-Hira: some notes on its 
relations with Arabia, in Arabica, xv [1968], 143-69, at 
149, 166, repr. in idem, Studies in Jahiliyya and Early 
Islam, Variorum Reprints, London 1980, no. III). 

For several decades in the second half of the 5th 
century and the first half of the 6th, Taghlib's for- 
tunes were connected to the rise of Kinda [q.v.] in 
central and northern Arabia. After a major Taghlibi 
defeat in the war against the Bakr and the retirement 
of their leader, Muhalhil, several tribes, including the 
Taghlib and Bakr, agreed to subject themselves to 
king al-Harith b. 'Amr b. Hudjr/Akil al-Murar al- 
Kindl. There followed a short interregnum of Kinda 
[q.v] in al-Hira in the twenties of the 6th century 
[see sasanids, vol. IX, at 77a]. After the king's death 
two of his sons, Shurahbll and Salama, fought against 
each other at al-Kulab (after 530; it was the First 
Day of al-Kulab, or the Kulab of the RabT'a; on 
WadI '1-Kulab (modern WadI '1-Sha'ra'), see al-'Arab 
[Riyad] xiii/1-2 [July-Aug. 1978], 14-29). The two 
brother-tribes returned to their feud; the Bakr fought 
on Shurahbll's side while the Taghlib and Namir were 
with Salama. The latter's cavalry was led by the 
Taghlibi warrior al-Saflah (Salama b. Khalid) (Abu 
'Ubayda, al-Dibadj, ed. al-Djarbu' and al-'Uthaymln, 
Cairo 1411/1991, 100). Shurahbll was killed by 'Amr 
b. Kulthum's cousin, Abu Hanash 'Us(u)m b. al- 
Nu'man. The war between the Taghlib and Bakr 
came to an end [see bakr b. wa'il] around the mid- 
dle of the 6th century with the signing of a peace 
treaty at the market of Dh u '1-Madjaz near Mecca. 

When the Lakhmids regained control of al-Hira, 
they could count on Taghlib's support. Al-Wazlr al- 
Maghribl (d. 418/1027; see al-maoiribi, vol. V, at 
1211b; Sezgin, GAS, viii, 245-6; Ibn al-'Adlm, Bughya, 
vi, 27 fT.) corrects a common error with regard to 
the famous visit of Imru' al-Kays b. Hudjr [q.v.] to 
Byzantium. It was not against the Asad [q.v.], who 
had killed his father, that Imru' al-Kays wanted the 
Byzantines to support him, but against the king of 

al-Hira, al-Mundhir III (b. Ma' al-Sama', ca. 505-54). 
Upon his return to the throne in al-Hira, al-Mundhir 
sent an army of the Taghlib and Bakr to hunt down 
Kinda's leading family, the BanQ Akil al-Murar (Ibn 
al-'Adlm, Bughya, iv, 567, confirming the reading 
"Taghlib" in Aghani', viii, 64, 1. 17; cf. G. Olinder, 
The kings of Kinda, Lunds Universitets Arsskrift, Nova 
Series xxiii/1 [1927], 1-118, at 66-7; Caussin de 
Perceval, Essai, ii, 85, n. 5). 

In the Islamic period, there were Taghlibls in the 
Farasan [q.v.] island(s) in the Red Sea near the Yemeni 
coast. The name Farasan originally belonged to a 
tribal group of the Taghlib which emigrated from 
Syria to the Mawza' area (Ahmad b. Muhammad al- 
Kurtubl, al-Ta'rif fi 'l-ansab . . ., ed. Zalam, Cairo 
[1407/1986], 119-22; cf. Hamad al-Djasir, in al-'Arab 
[Riyad] xxvi/3-4 [March-April 1991], 258-67, xxxvi/ 
5-6 [May-June 1991], 390). 

The genealogical literature records the name of 
al-Akhzar b. Suhayma, an early Taghlibi genealogist 
(nassaba) who transmitted at least part of the infor- 
mation on his tribe available to later scholars (cf. 
W. Caskel and G. Strenziok, Gamharat an-Nasab, i, 45- 
7). Between al-Akhzar's generation and that of the 
great philologists of the 2nd Islamic century there 
were intermediaries who in most cases remained anony- 
mous. Yet we know that one of Abu 'Ubayda's [q.v.] 
informants on the Yawm Irab was the Taghlibi Abu 
Khayra Afiar b. Laklt (Naka'id Djarir wa-l-Farazdak, 
ed. A.A. Bevan, Cambridge 1905, i, 473, 1. 11, ii, 
703, 1. 4; his nisba, al-'AdawI, shows that he belonged 
to the 'Adi Taghlib, i.e. 'AdI b. Usama b. Malik b. 
Bakr). But expertise in Taghlibi history and geneal- 
ogy was not an exclusive Taghlibi domain. Ibn al- 
Kalbl's informant about the First Day of al-Kulab, 
and about 'Amr b. Kulthum, was Khirash b. Isma'il 
al-'ldjll [cf. 'rojL] al-rawiya (on Khirash. see Ibn al- 
Kalbi, Djamharat al-nasab, ed. Hasan, Beirut 1407/1986, 
551; cf. op. cit., 544-5, 547; GAS, ii, 40). Khirash also 
gave information about the battle of Sifltn (M. Hinds, 
77k banners and battle cries of the Arabs at Sifftn (657 
A.D.), in al-Abhath, xxiv [1971], 3-42, at 6, 20), which 
indicates that his scholarly interests included both the 
pre-lslamic and early Islamic periods. Interestingly, a 
passage from Abu 'Ubayda's K. al-Ayyam (taken either 
from his K. al-Ayyam al-saghir or K. al-Ayyam al-kabir), 
which deals with the killing of 'Umayr b. al-Hubab 
al-Sulaml in the war between the Taghlib and the 
Kays 'Aylan [q.v.], demonstrates that Abu 'Ubayda's 
K. al-Ayyam (at least in its longer version) included not 
only pre-lslamic Ayyam but also battles of the early 
Islamic period (Bakrl, Mu'djam ma 'sta'djama, ed. al- 
Sakka, Cairo 1364/1945 ft"., i, 216, iv, 1362). 

Ibn al-Kalbi's interest in the Taghlib is reflected 
in the titles of two of his monographs, A". Akhbar Rabi'a 
wa 'l-Basus wa-hurub Taghlib wa-Bakr and K. Akhbar bam 
Taghlib wa-ayyamihim wa-ansabihim (al-Nadjashi, Ria^dl, 
ed. al-Na'mi, Beirut 1408/1988, ii, 400). 

The 2nd/8th century scholar 'Allan al-Shu'ubi com- 
piled K. JVasab Taghlib b. Wa'il and Abu '1-Faradj al- 
Isfaham compiled Nasab bam Taghlib (Yakut, Udaba' 2 , 
ed. 'Abbas, Beirut 1993, iv, 1631, 1709). Other early 
collections of reports about the Taghlib were en- 
titled Ash'ar [Bant] Taghlib (see Sezgin, GAS, ii, passim; 
I. Goldziher, Some notes on the Diwans of the Arabic 
tribes, in JRAS [1897], 325-34, at 331, repr. in 
idem, Gesammelte Schriften, iv, 1 19-28). Beside poetry, 
these monographs also included reports about the 
historical background of the verses (cf, e.g., Khizanat 
al-adab, ed. Harun, Cairo 1387/1967 ft"., ii, 173-4, 
viii, 557-60). 


From Taghlib are descended three sons: Ghanm. 
al-Aws and 'Imran. But the genealogical literature, 
keeping to the essentials, deals almost exclusively with 
the descendants of Ghanm b. Taghlib. The six sons 
of Bakr b. Hubayb b. 'Amr b. Ghanm formed a 
group called al-Arakim (pi. of al-Arkam, a certain 
speckled serpent). All six were eponyms of tribes 
(kaba'il), the most numerous and prestigious being the 
Djusham. Two of the Arakim tribes, the Djusham and 
the Malik, were referred to as al-rawkari ("the two 
horns" or "the two numerous and strong companies"). 
Bakr's other sons were 'Amr, Tha'laba, al-Harith 
and Mu'awiya. The Arakim were the most important 
group among the Taghlib; nearly all the information 
about the Taghlib in the genealogy books relates to 

Among the Djusham b. Bakr, the Zuhayr b. 
Djusham had a nisba of their own, al-Zuhayn. The 
Zuhayr included several separate groups, the most 
important being the 'Attab b. Sa'd b. Zuhayr. One 
of the 'Attab was the mu'allakat [q.v.] poet 'Amr b. 
Kulthum. Also, the poet and epistle writer Abu 'Amr 
Kulthum b. 'Amr [q.v.] al-Kinnasrim, who lived at 
the time of al-Ma'mun and Harun al-Rashid, belonged 
to the 'Attab (Yakut, Udaba'\ v, 2243-6). The 'Attab 
kept their leading position in Islamic times. When the 
Taghlib-Kays war began, the Taghlib were led by 
'Amr b. Kulthum's great-great-grandson (Aghani', xx, 
128, 1. 4). The 'Attab and their brother-clans, 'Utba 
and 'Itban, formed a group called al-'Utab. The other 
descendants of Sa'd b. Zuhayr, namely the offspring 
of 'Awf and Ka'b, were called Banu '1-Wahad or al- 

Still within the Zuhayr b. Djusham, but along the 
genealogical line of al-Harith b. Zuhayr, we find 
Kulayb b. Rabi 'a and his brother, the poet and leader 
Muhalhil. Kulayb was a djarrar, i.e. one who com- 
manded 1,000 men, and the same was said of his 
father Rabi 'a. 

The other component of the rawkari, namely the 
Malik b. Bakr, included the Djahili warrior al-Saflah, 
whose descendants, like those of 'Amr b. Kulthum, 
were prominent in the Islamic period. 

There were among the Taghlib at least five more 
tribal groups (asnaf) known by a tribal appellation. 
Most of them belonged to the Malik b. Bakr: al- 
Kamakim, al-Lahazim (probably the 'Awf b. Malik 
b. Bakr), al-Abna' (the Rabl'a, 'A'idh and Imru' al- 
Kays, sons of Taym b. Usama; J. Barth, Dtwan des 
'Umeir ibn Schujeim al-Qutaml, Leiden 1902, no. 31, 1), 
al-Ku'ur (the Malik b. Malik b. Bakr and al-Harith 
b. Malik b. Bakr) and Rish al-Hubara (the Ku'ayn 
b. Malik b. Bakr). The 'Amr b. Bakr were nicknamed 

Rich evidence about Taghlib's tribal divisions in 
the Umayyad period is derived from the reports about 
the Taghlib-Kays war. Particularly detailed is the 
description of the battle of al-Hashshak. Having been 
fatally wounded, their commander, Hanzala b. Kays 
b. Hawbar al-Kinam (of the Kinana b. Taym) was 
replaced by al-Marrar b. 'Alkama al-Zuhayn, who 
organised the Taghlibi units under their tribal ban- 
ners (rayat) and ordered each clan (banu ab) to place 
the women behind them. They were set in war dis-> 
position by a member of al-Abna'. The Malik b. Bakr 
had a banner of their own and one of their groups, 
the 'Adl Taghlib, was at the centre of the army (Shi'r 
al-Akhtal, ed. Kabawa, Aleppo 1390/1970, i, 75-6). 

Before Islam, Taghlib was one of the strongest and 
most numerous nomadic tribes. The Taghlibis were 
involved in some of the largest battles of pre-Islamic 

Arabia and often fought in large military formations. 
This indicates a high degree of solidarity among their 
subdivisions. Out of the eleven Rabl'a leaders listed 
as djarrarun, four belonged to the Taghlib (Ibn Hablb, 
Muhabbar, ed. I. Lichtenstadter, Haydarabad 1361/ 
1942, 249-50; for a fifth djarrar, al-Saflah, see Ibn 
Durayd, Ishtikak, ed. Harun, Cairo 1378/1958, 337). 
This is also true of Islamic times: in the category of 
those who held the command (ri'asa) over whole tribes 
or groups of tribes, the following are mentioned in 
I connection with the Taghlib-Kays war: Hanzala [b. 
Kays] b. Hawbar, Shu'ayth b. Mulayl and Marrar b. 
'Alkama al-Zuhayri (Muhabbar, 255-6). 

However, after the advent of Islam, Taghlib's polit- 
ical importance declined. In the battle of Dhu Kar 
[q.a.] around 605, the Taghlib and Namir (under al- 
Nu'man b. Zur'a, a descendant of al-Saffah) fought 
on the Sasanid side. Since the Taghlib lived far from 
the birthplace of Islam, they could not have played 
a central role in Islamic history during the Prophet's 
life. Only four Taghlibis were found in the biographical 
dictionaries dedicated to the Prophet's Companions: 

1. 'Atiyya b. Hisn, said to have visited the Prophet; 

2. The poet 'Utba b. al-Waghl; 3. A member of al- 
Akhtal's [q.v.] clan, the Banu Fadawkas, called Kabrsa 
b. Walik, a Kufan sharif and one of al-Hadjdjadj b. 
YQsuf 's [q.v.] generals; and 4. Khawla bt. al-Hudhayl 
b. Hubayra, a niece of the Companion Dihya b. 
Khalifa al-Kalbi and probably a Christian, was report- 
edly given in marriage to the Prophet but died on 
the way from Syria to Medina. 

The Taghlib took part in the ridda. The false 
prophetess Sadjah [q.v.], and her TamTmi clan were 
clients of the Taghlib in the Djazira, to whom her 
mother belonged. It was among the Taghlib that she 
began her career. One of her followers was al-Hudhayl 
b. 'Imran, a former Christian who led the Taghlibi 
unit in an army made of "mixed sorts of men from 
Rabl'a" (ajna' Rabl'a) which followed her into Arabia. 
Al-Hudhayl, who was one of the djarrarun, was later 
involved in fighting against the conquering Muslims 
at 'Ayn al-Tamr and elsewhere. 

Some wrongly assumed that al-Hudhayl b. 'Imran 
was identical to Khawla's father, al-Hudhayl b. 
Hubayra of the Tha'laba b. Bakr (or rather, the Hurfa 
b. Tha'laba), who was also one of the diarrarun. Now 
in order to differentiate between the two famous al- 
Hudhayls, al-Hudhayl b. 'Imran was called al-asghar 
or "the younger" (Djanr, Diwdn, ed. Taha, Cairo 
[1969-71], i, 253), while al-Hudhayl b. Hubayra was 
called al-akbar or "the older" (Naka'id I£arir wa 'l- 
Farazdak, i, 473, 1. 9). Indeed, whereas "the older" 
was connected to the pre-Islamic ayyam, "the younger" 
was linked to the conquests and was still alive at the 
time of 'Uthman. 

The Taghlib fought against the conquering Muslim 
armies in western 'Irak and the Djazira. The 'Utba 
b. Sa'd b. Zuhayr are specifically known to have taken 
part in the fighting. Al-Sahba' Umm Hablb, the daugh- 
ter of the TaghlibT leader, Rabl'a b. Budjayr of the 
'Utba, was taken captive at al-Tham and sent to 
Medina where she was bought by 'All b. AbT Talib 
[q.v.]. She bore 'Air twins, a boy and a girl, 'Umar 
al-akbar (Ibn al-Taghlibiyya) and Rukayya. 

Yet at some stage during the conquests, Taghlibi 
troops fought with the Muslims. The most prominent 
person among them was 'Utba b. al-Waghl (men- 
tioned above as a Companion) of the Sa'd b. Djusham 
b. Bakr. At the time of 'Uthman he was a political 
activist in Kufa, where the TaghlibT troops had set- 
tled. Taghlib's limited support in the conquests and 


'Umar b. al-Khattab's Realpolitik guaranteed for Taghlib 
a special status with regard to taxation. 

In the battle of the Camel [see al-djamal], the 
Rabi'a (including the Taghlib) and Kinda fought 
under the same banner on 'All's side (Abu 'Ubayda, 
al-Dibagj, 153-4). In connection with SiftTn [g.v.], we 
hear of the joint ri'asa of Kinda and Rabr'a. Among 
the Rabi'a who fought with 'All at Siffih there were 
also Taghlibis who had their own banner (Hinds, op. 
cit., 21), and the Arakim are specified in a verse (Nasr 
b. Muzahim, Wak'at' Siffln, ed. Harun, Cairo 1401/ 
1981, 486, 1. 13). The Arakim were also involved in 
the Taghlib-Kays war (see e.g., Yakut, s.v. al-Rahub). 
At Siffih there were Taghlibis on Mu'awiya's side as 
well. One of them was "Mu'awiya's poet", Ka'b b. 
Dju'ayl {Wak'at Siffln, 549). 'All's reported hostile atti- 
tude towards the Taghlib (al-Baladhurl, Futuh, 183, 1. 
2; 'Ikd, Cairo 1384/1965, vi, 248, 1. 15) may suggest 
that they were not an insignificant factor in the 
Umayyad force (cf. Ya'kubl, ii, 218). 

A crucial reconciliation between the Taghlib and 
Bakr (who at Dhu Kar still fought on opposite sides) 
was affected by the pro-Umayyad Hammam b. 
Mutarrif, described as the first leader {awwal man soda) 
of the Taghlib in Islam. He guaranteed (tahammala) 
the payment of the pending blood money (reportedly, 
for 1,000 men), giving 200 of his own camels, and 
paid the dowers of 500 women from each tribe who 
married men from the other tribe (al-Kurtubl, Ta'nf, 
1 1 8; the figures are no doubt exaggerated). The recon- 
ciliation was presumably brought about by the Taghlib- 
Kays war (cf. Barth, Dtwan . . . al-Qutaml, no. 25, 34-5). 
With the backing of both the Taghlib and Bakr, the 
leader of the former, 'Abd Yasu', addressed the caliph 
'Abd al-Malik as a representative of both sons of 
Wa'il (Ibn al-Kalbr, Qamharat al-nasab, 567). 

At the beginning of the rebellion of 'Abd Allah b. 
al-Zubayr [g.s.], the Taghlib supported the Kays, who 
were led by Zufar b. al-Harith al-Kilabl and 'Umayr 
b. al-Hubab al-Sulaml (on the latter, cf. M. Lecker, 
The Banu Sulaym, Jerusalem 1989, index) in their fight 
against the Kalb b. Wabara [g.v.]. Then a series of 
battles (maghdzT; Agham x , xi, 59, 1. 12) took place between 
the Taghlib, often together with the Namir, and the 
Kays which continued for some time after Ibn al- 
Zubayr's defeat (al-Baladhun, Ansab, v, 308-9, 313-31). 
The TaghlibI forces in the battle known as Yawm al- 
Hashshak, in which 'Umayr b. al-Hubab was killed, 
are of particular interest. First, not only Taghlib's 
nomads (badiya) took part in it but also their set- 
tled (hadira). Second, Taghlib's forces included 2,000 
cavalrymen from their muhadjirun [g.v.] (sic) equipped 
with heavy armour who had been called in from 
Adharbaydjan (Aghanf, xi, 62, 1. 3). 

The settled members among the Taghlib of the 
Djazira were few. Reportedly, the Taghlib were badw 
and included no hadira at all, but this statement must 
be qualified. In early Islam, the Taghlib, while own- 
ing no estates (amwal), had fields (hurulh) as well as 
cattle (Abu 'Ubayd, al-Amwal, ed. Harras, Cairo 1396/ 
1976, 37; note also the small villages (kurayyat) along 
the Khabur inhabited by the Taghlib in the Umayyad 
period; Aghani', xx, 127, 1. 9). 

The Taghlib-Kays war was merely an episode in 
the struggle between 'Abd al-Malik and 'Abd Allah 
b. al-Zubayr. The Taghlib were pro-Umayyad. Ibn 
al-Zubayr's governor in al-Mawsil [see al-muhallab 
b. abi sufra] threatened to raid them if they did not 
pledge their allegiance to Ibn al-Zubayr, but was dis- 
missed before he could carry this out. 'Umayr b. al- 
Hubab asked Ibn al-Zubayr's brother and governor 

of 'Irak, Mus'ab b. al-Zubayr [q.v.], to appoint him 
as Taghlib's tax-collector (Aghant, xx, 127, 1. 23). 
Moreover, Mus'ab killed the brother of a Bakr b. 
Wa'il leader who headed from 'Irak to the Djazira 
with reinforcements for the Taghlib. (The military aid 
must have followed the Taghlib-Bakr reconciliation.) 
The Taghlib are said to have complained to a leader 
of the Rabf'a, whose support they sought, about the 
official support given to their enemies: "You know 
that there is Christianity among us and that the Mudar 
are the Mudar. They are the government (sultan) and 
we cannot combat the government's stable or treas- 
ury". 'Umayr b. al-Hubab's head was reportedly sent 
in 70/689-90 to 'Abd al-Malik, who welcomed the 
killing of Ibn al-Zubayr's ally. 

The conversion of the Taghlib already began in 
the early days of Islam. "Mu'awiya's poet", Ka'b b. 
Dju'ayl, was a Muslim and the same was true of the 
small Taghlibi community in Kufa. The Umayyad 
poet al-Kutaml [g.v.] ('Umayr b. Shiyaym or Shuyaym) 
was a convert to Islam. Among the Taghlibis living 
in Kinnasrin [g.v.] there were early converts to Islam 
(see entries on two hadltt transmitters, a father and 
a son, in al-Mizzi, Tahdhlb al-kamal, ed. Ma'ruf, Beirut 
1405/1985 fF., iv, 141-4, xxiv, 5-6). 

But the number of converts during the Umayyad 
and early 'Abbasid periods was small. At that time the 
Taghlib, mostly Christian and living near the bounda- 
ry of a hostile Christian empire, were not given high 
positions in the Muslim state. The Taghlib probably 
did not take part in expeditions against Byzantium, 
and the participation of the poet known as A'sha Bam 
Taghlib in one such expedition (Ibn al-'Adim, Bughya, 
viii, 11 4) does not indicate the contrary. Yet they did 
not lose their military prowess or they would not have 
kept so tenaciously to their faith and their vast ter- 
ritories, constantly threatened by massive military pres- 
sure from immigrating Arabian tribes. 

Under the last Umayyad caliph Marwan II, Hisham 
b. 'Amr b. Bistam al-Taghlibl (a descendant of al- 
Safiah) was governor of al-Mawsil and the Djazira. 
(He had a partner who was in charge of the kharaax 
[g.v.].) At the time of al-Mansur, Hisham was gover- 
nor of Sind. Under al-Mahdl, Bistam b. 'Amr al- 
Taghlibl (perhaps Hisham b. 'Amr's brother) was 
governor of Sind and later of Adharbaydjan. 

Both Hisham and Bistam were no doubt Muslims. 
The summer expedition against Byzantium of 177/793 
was led by 'Abd al-Razzak b. 'Abd al-Hamid al- 
Taghlibr (al-Taban, iii, 629) whose forces must have 
included many Muslims from his own tribe. 

Later in the 'Abbasid period, the Taghlib became 
increasingly Muslim as well as more and more promi- 
nent in the government of their own territory. In 
197/813 al-Amfh appointed al-Hasan b. 'Umar b. al- 
Khattab al-'Adawi (of the 'Adi Taghlib) governor of 
al-Mawsil. Al-Hasan took the old town of Adhrama 
from its owner, built in it a castle and fortified it. 

In the 3rd/9th century there rose a powerful fam- 
ily in the Djazira linked through marriage to that of 
the above-mentioned al-Hasan b. 'Umar. Tawk b. 
Malik (d. 216/831) of the'Attab, who was a descend- 
ant of 'Amr b. Kulthum, officiated at the time of al- 
Ma'mun as governor of Diyar Rabi'a [g.v.] or the 
eastern Djazira (in al-Mu'afa b. Zakariyya', al-QjaRs 
al-salih, ed. al-KhulI and I. 'Abbas, Beirut 1407/1987 ff., 
iv, 100, instead of, read al-Diyar). 

The former's son, the above-mentioned Malik b. 
Tawk b. Malik (d. 260/874; sometimes the sources con- 
fuse the two), was governor of Damascus and al-Urdunn 
under al-Wathik and al-Mutawakkil (MukJstmar tdnkjj 


Dimashk li-Ibn 'Asakir, ed. al-Nahhas et alii, Damascus 
1 404/ i 984 ff., xxiv, 50-4). More importantly, Malik 
founded the town of al-Rahba [g.v.] or Rahbat Malik 
b. Tawk (modern al-Mayadin; cf. Th. Bianquis, Rahba 
et les tribus arabes (want les croisades, in BEt. Or., xli-xlii 
[1989-90], 23-53, at 27-8). There is yet another case 
of building activity carried out by Taghlibis in the 
same area. The offspring of Abu Rimtha al-Taghlibi 
(of the 'Attab, a descendant of 'Abd Yasfl') settled 
in the ancient castle of Kafartutha, fortified it and 
turned it into a madina (Ja-maddanuha). In 261/874-5 
Khidr b. Ahmad al-Taghlibi was appointed by al- 
Mu'tamid governor of al-Mawsil [see al-mawsil, vol. 
VI, at 900a]. 

The Hamdanids who in the 4th/ 10th century con- 
trolled both al-Mawsil and Aleppo, were reportedly 
of the 'Adi Taghlib. However, some claimed that they 
were mawdU Taghlib (cf. Canard, H'amdanides, 287-9). 
Further evidence on this matter goes back to al-Wazir 
al-Maghribr, whose father and grandfather were sec- 
retaries of Sayf al-Dawla al-Hamdanl. Al-Wazir remarks 
that one of those who were envious of the Hamdanids 
accused them of having made a false claim regard- 
ing their pedigree (da'wa). This unspecified person said 
that they were in fact the mawali of Ishak b. Ayyub 
al-Taghlibi (on whom, see al-Tabarl, index). Al-Wazir 
refutes this, and his defence of the Hamdanids seems 
to provide us with valuable evidence concerning a pre- 
sumed major conversion to Islam among the Taghlib 
in the latter half of the 3rd/9th century: simply, al- 
Wazir says, many of them converted to Islam "at the 
hands of" [see mawla, vol. VI, at 876a] Ishak (Ibn 
al-'Adim, Bughya, vi, 527-9). Roughly in the same 
period, Malik b. Tawk convinced al-Akhtal's great- 
grandson, Sahl b. Bishr b. Malik b. al-Akhtal, to con- 
vert to Islam together with the rest of al-Akhtal's 
offspring (Mukhtasar ta'rikh Dimashk, xxiv, 52 (see al- 
akhtal, where it is wrongly stated that the famous 
poet left no offspring). 

Bibliography (in addition to references given in 
the article): M. von Oppenheim, Die Beduinen, iv, 
Index, s.v. Taghlib; Caskel, Gamharat an-nasab, ii, 
27-8, 541-2; Ibn al-Kalbf, Djamharat al-nasab, 564-75; 
idem, Nasab Ma'add wa 'l-Taman al-kabir, ed. Hasan, 
Beirut 1408/1988, i, 83-94; Ibn Hazm al-AndalusI, 
Djamharat ansab al-'arab, ed. Harun, Cairo 1382/ 
1962, 303-7; Abu 'Ubayd al-Kasim b. Sallam, 
K. al-Nasab, ed. Maryam Khayr al-Dar', Damascus 
1410/1989, 355-6; Yakut, al-Muktadab min kitab 
faamharat al-nasab, ed. Hasan, Beirut 1987, 203-7; 
Ibn Kutayba, al-Ma'arif, ed. 'Ukasha, Cairo 1969, 
95-6; Naka'id Djarir wa 'l-Farazdak, i, 266, 373; 
H. Lammens, Le chantre des omiades, in JA (1894), 
94-176, 193-241, 381-459 (for the tribe's history 
after al-Akhtal, see 438 ff.). About the Taghlib! 
poets, see the relevant entries in GAS, ii. For the 
dispute over the question whether or not the Dawa- 
sir in contemporary Saudi Arabia are Taghlibis, 
see al-'Arab (Riyad) xix/1-2 (April-May 1984), 111- 
20. For Taghlibi traditionists of various periods, 
see Ibn Nasir al-Din, Tawdih al-musttabih, ed. al- 
'Araksusi, Beirut 1407-14/1986-93, ii, 45-9. 

(M. Leoker) 
TAGHRIR (a.) a term of Islamic law nor- 
mally meaning "deception". Its root is commonly 
used to refer to personal deceptive attributes of a per- 
son, while maghjur is a person who is self-deceived 
and an inexperienced person is called ghirr. This per- 
spective into the variety of the word's uses may help 
to distinguish it from tadHs [q.v.], a word often used 
synonymously for deception in contracts. 

The Madjalla [see medjelle] encapsulates the 
Islamic legal definition of taghrir (art. 164) to refer to 
deception (ghislisE)- The example given is when the 
vendor offers the purchaser his commodity for a cer- 
tain amount, telling him that he will be gaining, since 
it is worth more than that. The Madjalla permits a 
sale contract if it contains excessive undervaluing (ghabn 
Jahish) providing it contains no deception (taghrir). This 
clearly reflects a tendency towards a free market econo- 
my, which gives the vendor the right to sell at any 
price he sees fit. The exception to this rule is when 
the buyer is an orphan, or when the buying party is 
a religious endowment (wakf), or the treasury which 
represents a public interest (art. 356). This provision 
has also been adopted by the Promulgated Civil Code 
of United Arab Emirates in article 191. By taking 
this view on taghrir, the Madjalla follows the standard 
Ottoman Hanaff view which divides taghrir into kawU, 
verbal (see above), and ft'li, positive action of fraudu- 
lence, which takes place by deceiving the purchaser 
by misrepresenting the commodity's appearance or 
nature. The classical example of taghrir fi'U is when a 
substandard part of the merchandise is placed below 
the good, giving the impression that the whole is 
good. Taghrir can be seen as a prism that reflects the 
differences between the personal nature of bay' [g.v.] 
or sale in Muslim society and the formal nature of 
marriage [see sawm]. Taghrir in marriage is unlike 
taghrir in bay' [q.v.] or sale because, once it has taken 
place, the contract may be terminated by either party, 

rather involves a formal contract that is seen to affect 
society. Accordingly, if the man is led to believe that 
a woman is beautiful or a virgin when she is not, 
the contract can be nullified with ghirra compensation 
to be given by the person who caused such a decep- 
tion, the gharr. Similar rules apply to a woman deceived 
in marriage. 

Bibliography: Nasir al-Mutarrizi, al-Mughrib fi 
tarSb al-mu'rab, Beirut n.d., 337-8; Wahba al-Zuhaylr, 
al-Fikh al-IslSmi wa-adillatuh, Beirut 1985, iv, 527-8, 
vii, 123; Sharh al-Maajalla, Beirut repr. 1986, 199; 
S.E. Ryner, The theory of contracts in Islamic law, 
London 1991, 194, 204. (M.Y. Izzi Dien) 

TAGHUT (a). 

1. In pre- and early Islamic usage. 
The root t-gh-w yields several forms with the gen- 
eral meaning of "to go beyond the measure, be very 
lofty, overflow, be tyrannical, rebellious, oppressive, 
proud, etc.", from which two may be noted here: 
taghw, designating a height or mountain summit, and 
taghut, pi. tawaghit, meaning the great pre-Islamic 
Arabian deities like al-Lat at Ta'if and al-'Uzza at 
Mecca. The term was then applied to Satan, sorcerer 
and rebel, and to any power opposed to that of Islam. 
One may also cite taghwa "excess of injustice, impi- 
ety", as opposed to the skari'a and legitimate author- 
ity. This usage connects with usages and customs of 
various tribes in Yemen at variance with the Aari'a 
(see further for this sense, below, 2.). 

In the Kur'an, taghut is considered as a plural 
when it denotes the idols (II, 256-7; V, 60; XVI, 
36; XXXIX, 17) and as a singular when it is the 
equivalent of shaytan [q.v.] (IV, 60, 67) or diviner and 
magician (IV, 51) with, however, a collective sense. 
The sing, ought to be taghw which, according to 
al-Djawhan, ii, 620, means "mountain peak" and "any 
high place". Thus tawaghit are the high places and 
sanctuaries taking their place there and the divinities 
worshipped there. But, by assimilation to the Aramaic 
root t J -w (= Ar. t-gh-w; T'A, x, 225), found once in 

the Bible (Ezek. xii. 10) and meaning essentially "to 
lead into error" (not to be confused with t-'-y, Ar. 
t-gh-y; T'A, x, 224), whose basic sense is "to be exces- 
sive in everything, be despotic", taghut designates, 
according to the exegetes and lexicographers, "every- 
thing which leads astray and turns aside from the cult 
of Allah" (ibid., x, 225). Cf. however, Eth. td'ot "idols", 
in Noldeke, Neue Beitrage zur semitischm Sprachwissenschaft, 
470, and see this also for al-djibt "idol, magician, impi- 
ous person", named with taghut in Kur'an, IV, 51, 
and 'amlak gebt, 0eo<; jcpoopara;. See on this W. Atallah, 
Gibt et Tagut dans k Coran, in Arabica, xvii (1970), 69-82. 
In Hadith, the epithet taghiya is given to Dhu 
'1-Khalasa. tdghiyat Daws (al-Bukhan.jSto!, 23), to Manat 
(ibid., hadji, 79, and Muslim, hadj4, 261) and al-Lat 
(Abu Dawud, saldt, 12; Ibn Madja, masdapA, 3). One 
tradition distinguishes between a simple idol (wathan, 
see sanam) and a leading deity (taghiya) (Ibn Hanbal, 
vi, 6, 366). Faith in Allah presupposes the rejection 
of the cult of tawaghit (al-Bukhari, adtdn, 129, tawhid, 
24, rikdk, 52; Muslim, iman, 299; Ibn Hanbal, ii, 275, 
293, 524; al-Danmi, wasiyya, 4) and refusal to resort 
to them for their arbitration (al-Bukhan, iman, 5; Mus- 
lim, Man, 6; al-Nasa'i, iman, 10; Ibn Madja, kqffarat, 
2; Ibn Hanbal, v, 62). 

The cult of the tawaghit, largely similar to that of 
the Ka'ba, was made up of worshipping stones, bloody 
sacrifices and ritual processions (Ibn Hisham, Sira, 54- 
5). In origin, it must have had in it various, comple- 
mentary divine mythologies, given shape in different 
rituals, whose fusion into two rituals, that of the hadjdj 
on one hand and that of the 'umra on the other, 
makes these last two incomprehensible through their 
composite and fragmentary character. 

The hegemony of Mecca ended the ancient rivalry 
of the cults outside that of the Ka'ba. An example 
of resistance to that hegemony has been studied by 
Ihsan 'Abbas in his Two unpublished texts on pre-Islamic 
religion, in Signification du has moyen age dans I'histoire et la 
culture du monde musulman, Aix-en-Provence 1987, 7-16. 
Bibliography: The core of this article is to be 
found in T. Fahd, Le pantheon de I'Arabie CenlraU a 
la veille de I'hegire, Paris 1968, 240. See, especially, 
H. Lammens, Les sanctuaires preislamiks dans I'Arabie 
Occidentak, in MUSJ, xi (1926), 39-169; M. Gaude- 
froy-Demombynes, Mahomet, I'homme et son message, 
Paris 1957, 548 (he was hoping, in vain, that exca- 
vations carried out at Masdjid al-Khayf (see Yakut, 
i, 507-8) and at Mina would reveal the founda- 
tions of ancient temples). (T. Fahd) 
2. As a legal term in Yemen. 
Here, the term was commonly used by the learned 
to refer to the customary law of the tribes, e.g. al- 
Shawkani, 73-4 (18th century), Sayyid Mustafa Salim, 
209 (decree of the Imam Yahya issued in 1910). This 
usage was apparently also known elsewhere in Arabia 
(Rossi, 11; Serjeant, Studies, no. Ill, 41). For the 
learned, the term was one of opprobrium; but it has 
been implied that some tribespeople in their ordi- 
nary speech employed the word taghut to refer to the 
customary law, presumably without opprobrium, and 
furthermore that the word was used to refer to the 
arbitrator in customary law not only in Yemen (Land- 
berg, Datinah, 815n.; Serjeant, Customary and shan'ah 
law, no. Ill, 45) but also (opprobriously) in Saudi 
Arabia (al-'Azzawi, i, 403). More certainly, colloquial 
terms that can be used to refer to tribal law include 
'urf or a'rdf al-kabd'il; sunna; star'; shuru' al-kabd'il al- 
sdbika; silf (al-kabd'il); salaf and ahkdm al-asldf and in 
the south, sibl "custom", sawdbil "precedents", and 
perhaps sdriha. 

The word man'(a) is used in literary sources to refer 
to the customary law, and hukm al-man' and star' al- 
man' are also attested in the colloquial (Obermeyer, 
367). The term probably came into use because much 
of the law is concerned with the protection (man', cf. 
Landberg, Glossaire, s.v.; Adra, 164-5) of those to whom 
the tribesman has special obligations, e.g. the djar or 
manl' "one who seeks refuge" and the rajik "travel- 
ling companion". Educated Yemenis are reported to 
have distinguished between star' al-man', customary 
tribal law that was compatible with the sharl'a even 
though not part of it, and taghut, customary tribal law 
that was in contradiction to the stari'a. 

The belief that the al-man' is consistent with the 
stari'a is expressed in more than one Yemenite trea- 
tise concerning the man' (Rossi, 33; Serjeant, Materials, 
591). No doubt it was this belief that allowed learned 
men to write what were in effect brief codes of custom- 
ary law. Several works of this kind — the oldest dating 
back several hundred years — are to be found among 
the mss. bequeathed by R.B. Serjeant to the library 
of the University of Edinburgh. Rossi, 18-29, offers an 
invaluable summary of two of these treatises. An- 
other code of the man', entitled Ka'idat al-sab'in, has 
been published in the form of a photocopy of a dam- 
aged and incomplete manuscript (Abu Ghanim. 

Codes of customary law, which must often have 
included matter incompatible with the stari'a, were 
also sometimes produced at the behest of the tribes- 
men themselves. Those found in the possession of such 
codes were severely punished by the government of 
the Imam Yahya (1904-48). Nevertheless, some have 
survived. One such, from an area not controlled by 
the Imam Yahya, is the star' agreed upon between 
the Sultan and the tribesmen of the 'Awdhali sultan- 
ate; it was published in a "free translation" by R.B. 
Serjeant (Naval Intelligence Division, Western Arabia 
and the Red Sea, 587-9; Serjeant, Customary and shari'ah 
law, no. IV, 91). Another is a code agreed on in the 
18th century by the tribes of the Barat area (text with 
commentary in 'UlaymT, 118-41; a modern ms. of a 
fuller version is photographically reproduced in Abu 
Ghanim, 387-400; see also Dresch, 73 n. 23, 352). 

The laws of the Yemeni tribes resemble in their 
main features the laws of the tribal Arabs of other 
parts of Arabia and the Fertile Crescent. See further 

Bibliography: C. Landberg, Datinah, Leiden 
1905-13; idem, Glossaire datinois, Leiden 1920-42; 
'Abbas al-'Azzawi, 'Ashd'ir al-'Irdk, 4 vols., Baghdad 
1937-56; Admiralty Handbooks, Naval Intelligence 
Division, Western Arabia and the Red Sea, London 
1946; E. Rossi, // diritto consuetudinario delk tribu arabe 
del Yemen, in RSO, xxiii (1948), 1-36 (fundamental; 
includes analyses of all earlier publications); R.B. 
Serjeant, Materials for South Arabian history, in BSOAS, 
xiii (1950), 281-307, 581-601; C. Rathjens, Taghut 
gegen Scheri'a, in Jahrbuch des Museums fur Lander- und 
Volkerkunde, Linden Museum, Stuttgart, i (1951), 172- 
187; Muhammad b. 'Alt al-Shawkam, al-Dawd' al- 
'ddjil, in idem, Starh al-Sudur, ed. Muhammad 
al-KibtT, Medina 1389/1969, 59-82; Serjeant, Studies 
in Arabian history and civilisation, London 1981; G.J. 
Obermeyer, Tagut, man' and sari 'a, in Stadia arabica 
et islamica. Festschrift for 'Ihsdn 'Abbas, ed. Wadad al- 
Qadi, Beirut 1981, 365-71; Sayyid Mustafa Salim, 
Wattd'ik yamaniyya, Cairo 1982; N. Adra, Qabyala, 
Ph.D. diss., Temple University 1982 (UMI no. 
8311576) (important); Hamza 'All Lukman, Ta'rikt 
al-kabd'il al-yamaniyya, i, San'a' 1985; J. Chelhod et 


alii, L'Arabie du sud, iii, Paris 1985; Fadl 'Air Ahmad 
Abu Ghanim, al-Binya al-kabaliyya fi 'l-Yaman, 
Damascus 1985 (repr. San'a' 1991) (important); 
Rashad al-'UlaymT, al-Kada' al-kabaU fi 'l-mudjtama' 
al-yamam, San'a' (?) 1986 (?) (important); F.H. 
Stewart, Tribal law in the Arab world: a review of the 
literature, in IJMES, xix (1987), 473-90 (lists publica- 
tions 1948-84); P. Dresch, Tribes, government, and his- 
tory in Yemen, Oxford 1989 (important); M. Piamenta, 
Dictionary of post-classical Yemeni Arabic, Leiden 1990-1; 
Serjeant, Customary and shari'ah law in Arabian society, 
Aldershot 1991; P. Behnstedt, Glossar der jemenitischen 
Dialektworter, Vienna 1993; M. Mundy, Domestic govern- 
ment, London 1995. (F.H. Stewart) 
TAHA, 'ALl MAHMUD (1902-49), Egyptian 
poet, very popular in the 1930s and 1940s. He was 
born into a well-to-do family in al-Mansura and edu- 
cated there at a technical school, the Madrasat al- 
Funun wa 'l-Sana'i'. After he graduated in 1924, he 
became a government employee as an architect. He 
began writing poetry in 1918 and made the acquaint- 
ance of the town's poets, later to earn fame like him, 
such as Ibrahim Nadji [q.v.], Muhammad 'Abd al- 
Mu'tT al-Hamsharl and Salih Djawdat. He published 
his poems in Egyptian periodicals, including al-Risala 
and Apollo of Cairo. In the 1930s, he moved to Cairo, 
where he held posts at the Ministry of Commerce and 
in the Secretariat of the Egyptian parliament, and 
joined the Apollo Group of poets. His first collec- 
tion of poetry, al-Mallah al-ta'ih, appeared in Cairo 
in 1934 and received immediate acclaim. Following 
a first summer visit to Europe in 1938 and a second 
in 1939, he published LayaU 'l-mallah al-ta'ih in 1940, 
mosdy reflecting his frolicking and amatory exploits 
in Europe, including a gondola tour in Venice during 
a carnival described in his poem "Ughniyat al-Djundul", 
which was set to music and sung by Muhammad 
'Abd al-Wahhab, adding to his popularity. 

Taha published five other books of poetry and a 
book of essays and of translated English and French 
verse. His wide popularity rested on his first two books 
and a few poems from the others, and was basically 
engendered by his Romantic view of life and hedo- 
nistic love relations, his strong nationalist feeling, and 
his alluring musical use of polished Arabic in his 
poems. His popularity faded after mid-century with 
the rise of the free verse movement and changes in 
Arab poetic sensibility. 

Bibliography: al-Sayyid Taki al-Din al-Sayyid, 
'AH Mahmud Taha: hayatuh wa-shi'ruh, Cairo, 1964; 
Nazik al-Mala'ika, Muhadarat ft shi'r 'AH Mahmud 
Taha, Cairo 1965; 'Air Mahmud Taha, Dtwan, 
Beirut 1972 (contains six poetic collections); M.M. 
Badawi, A critical introduction to modern Arabic poetry, 
Cambridge 1975, 137-45; Salma Khadra Jayyu'si, 
Trends and movements in modem Arabic poetry, Leiden 
1977, ii, 397-410; Anwar al-Ma'addawt, 'AH Mahmud 
Taha: al-sha'ir . . . wa 'l-insan, Cairo-Baghdad 1986. 

(IJ. Boullata) 
TAHA HUSAYN (1889-1973): Egyptian critic, 
essayist, novelist, short story writer, histo- 
rian, literary and political journalist, trans- 
lator, editor, publisher and educator. 
(1) His formation. 

He was born in 'Izbat al-Kflu near Maghagha in 
the governorate of Minya, the seventh of thirteen chil- 
dren in a family of modest condition. At the age of 
two, he lost his eyesight. Local educational resources 
equipped him with little more than the memorisation 
of the Kur'an. In 1902 he was sent to al-Azhar 
University under the care of an elder brother who 

was a disciple of its rector, Muhammad 'Abduh [q.v.]. 
Taha heard the reformer's last two lectures and 
attended the literature courses of one of his proteges, 
al-Sayyid al-Marsaff (d. 1931); but he antagonised the 

degree. He had, however, already transferred his loy- 
alty to the modern Egyptian University (later renamed 
Fu'ad I, then Cairo University) from its inception, 
greatly admiring its Orientalist professors, especially 
Carlo Alfonso Nallino; and on presenting a doctoral 
dissertation on al-Ma'arn [q.v.] in 1914, he became 
its first graduate. 

A scholarship to the University of Paris at the 
Sorbonne brought him under the influence of such 
scholars as Gustave Lanson, but his doctoral work was 
on Ibn Khaldun [q.v.]. He graduated in 1918 and 
obtained the Doctoral d'Etat in 1919. He also married 
the French lady who had been his reader. 

Since early in his student -■days, he had made his 
mark as a sharp contributor to the press on literary 
and social issues, and was particularly associated with 
the circle of Ahmad Lutfi al-Sayyid [q.v.]. Now, en- 
amoured both with classical Arabic literature and with 
all aspects of French culture, he was soon to emerge 
as a leading modernist who held that the application 
of Western standards to the Arab-Islamic heritage was 
a process not of innovation but of renovation, some- 
times even arguing — perhaps reflecting Duhamel — 
that Egypt had always been not an Oriental but 
a Mediterranean country. A bold and hard-hitting 
polemicist, he was often to be at odds with both the 
political and the religious establishments, as well as 
with some of his fellow-writers. 

(2) His public career. 

On his return from France, his alma mater appointed 
him first Professor of Ancient History in 1919, then 
of Arabic Literature in 1925. The following year, how- 
ever, his Fi 'l-shi'r al-djahiH "On pre-Islamic poetry", 
which argued that the bulk of this highly-prized cor- 
pus had been forged, roused fierce controversy, espe- 
cially as it adduced religious considerations among the 
motives for the fraud. He was accused — but not con- 
victed — of heresy, and the book was banned, only to 
reappear in superficially emended form and under a 
slightly altered title. 

The University, headed by Ahmad Lutfi al-Sayyid 
stood by him, and in 1930 he was the first Egyptian 
to become Dean of its Faculty of Arts; but it was 
now a State institution, and in 1932 his political writ- 
ings led to a revival of the controversy and his dis- 
missal from all government service. He did later hold 
a variety of educational posts, but he lived largely by 
his pen. Between 1945 and 1948 he was a very active 
director of a publishing house and of its journal, both 
called al-Katib al-Misri "The Egyptian Scribe". He was 
at the time viewed as vaguely "leftist" because of the 
stress he laid on the plight of the poor, but His creed 
was a paternalistic one, relying on the good will of 
a liberal elite for the realisation of social justice, as 
was confirmed in his later polemic against the doc- 
trinnaire socialists of the middle 1950s. 

He reached the peak of his career as Minister of 
Education in the last Wafdist Cabinet, which lasted 
two years from January 1 950. In this capacity, he not 
only gave effect to the policy he had long advocated 
of abolishing fees in State schools but also did much 
to extend higher education and cultural representa- 
tion abroad. 

He remained active in journalism until the middle 
1960s; and despite ill-health, he was faithful to the 
end to the concerns of the Academy of the Arabic 


Language, to the presidency of which he had suc- 
ceeded Ahmad Lutfi al-Sayyid in 1963. 

(3) His writings. 

In common with many intellectuals of his genera- 
tion, Taha Husayn wrote profusely and on a wide 
variety of subjects. He is credited with 1,481 articles 
and 61 volumes of original writings (not a few of 
which are collected articles). In addition, he edited 
eight texts, translated eleven books and thirty articles, 
contributed substantially to twenty-one other books, 
and wrote introductions to another thirty-six. 

In his youth, he wrote some poetry which he later 
discounted. On the other hand, not a small contrib- 
utor to his popularity was his prose style, for he was 
a master of the classical language and a defender of 
its purity, while adapting it to new purposes with a 
deceptive suppleness and fluency. 

It was as a critic that he was most celebrated, for 
he produced some major studies and a multitude of 
articles covering virtually every period and most major 
aspects of classical and modern Arabic literature, 
excluding only folk compositions, for he considered 
the colloquial forms of the language as corruptions 
unworthy of artistic recognition. His aesthetic creed 
was never systematically expounded, but the progress 
of his thinking can be traced from the early studies, 
which claimed scientific rigour and ascribed to social 
and psychological factors considerable deterministic 
power, leading to an eventual recognition of the crit- 
ics's complete subjectivity. And in this respect, Taha 
Husayn was decidedly romantic, prizing the evoca- 
tion of emotion as the supreme touchstone of liter- 
He broke into the narrative field by retelling tales 
from early Islamic sources, but not without planting 
into them some modernistic seeds, and later wrote 
short stories and sketches mainly bearing on con- 
temporary social ills. A more signal achievement was 
the first volume of his fictionalised autobiography, 
al-Ayyam "The Days", serialised in al-Hilal "The 
Crescent" in 1926-7. This was the first modern Arabic 
literary work to receive international recognition, being 
translated into a number of foreign languages. He 
followed this up between 1935 and 1944, with six 
novels, and started another in 1946, Ma ward' al-nahr 
"Beyond the river", which was published posthumously 
in its incomplete form. Although he was not at his 
best in sustaining a well-integrated plot, he was char- 
acteristically bold in his choice of themes, Du'a' al- 
karawan "The call of the [mythical bird] Karawan", 
being a rare attempt at dealing with the code of honour 
that requires the slaughtering of a woman who 
offends against sexual mores, and Ahlam Shahrazad 
"The dreams of Scheherezade", being an early ex- 
ploitation of the Arabian Mights to convey a political 

His output includes substantial historical studies of 
the first four caliphs and a slighter but revealing early 
work, Kaaat al-fikr "Leaders of thought", which cele- 
brates the ascendancy of the Western over the Oriental 

Finally, in his lesser writings and his translations — 
which give a good deal of attention to the theatre — 
one may detect an effort to fill gaps in the Arab 
literary experience and in his own creative work. 

(4) His standing. 

He was a charismatic figure in his own time, his 
bold initiatives at the cutting edge of intellectual 
progress earning him the unofficial title of Dean 
of Arabic Letters. The next generation — more self- 
assertive towards the West, more rigorous in its crit- 

ical perceptions and imbued with socialist doctrines — 
has been somewhat less appreciative of his attain- 
ments, though they had opened the way to further 

Under the Egyptian monarchy, he was awarded 
the title of Bey, then that of Pasha. The Republic, 
having abolished titles, awarded him the Order of 
the Nile in 1965. Internationally, he received countless 
honorary doctorates and the French Legion d'Honneur. 
In 1949, mainly on the initiative of Andre Gide, he 
was nominated for the Nobel Prize. Finally, the United 
Nations' Rights of Man prize was delivered to him 
on his deathbed. 

Bibliography: Taha Husayn, al-Madjmu'a al-kamila 
"Collected works", Beirut 1973-4; Hamdi al-Sakkut 
and J. Marsden Jones, A'lam al-adab al-mu'dsirfi Misr 
"Leaders of contemporary literature in Egypt", i, 
rev. ed. Cairo and Beirut 1982; P. Cachia, Taha 
Husayn: his place in the Egyptian literary renaissance, 
London 1956; D. Semah, Four Egyptian literary crit- 
ics, Leiden 1974; Meftah Tahar, Taha Husayn, sa 
critique litteraire et ses sources jrancaises, Tunis 1976; 
Djabir 'Asfur, al-Maraya al-mutaajawira "Contiguous 
mirrors", Cairo 1983; Abdel-Rashid Mahmoudi, 
Taha Husain's education. From al-Azhar to the Sorbonne, 
Richmond, Surrey 1998. (P. Cachia) 

TAHA, MAHMUD MUHAMMAD, free-thinking 
Islamic reform theorist, founder and spiritual 
leader of the religio-political lay movement 
al-Ikhwan al-Djumhuriyyun in Sudan. Born about 
1909 in Rufa'a on the Blue Nile, he grew up in a 
traditionally mystic-religious environment. Following 
graduation as a hydraulics engineer in 1936 from the 
Gordon Memorial College in al-Khurtum (Khartoum) 
[q.v.], Taha worked until 1941 for the Sudan Railway 
Company in 'Atbara. 

Taha's thinking was clearly formed by both the 
religious nature of his home background and the 
intellectual confrontation with European thinking at 
the British colonial college and in 'Atbara. In addition 
to the traditional literature of his Islamic heritage, 
particularly al-Ghazali. Ibn al-'Arabi and al-Halladj, 
he also read sociological texts by Benjamin Kid, 
Auguste Comte and Herbert Spencer, as well as works 
by European philosophers of the schools of enlight- 
enment, logic and dialectic, from Hegel to Marx and 

Since the beginning of the Sudanese nationalist 
movement in the 1930s, Taha played an active part 
in fighting for Sudanese independence. However, his 
objective was neither Sudan under British rule, as 
advocated by the Umma Party, nor administrative 
and political unity with Egypt, as advocated by the 
Ashikka' Party, so that together with a few other 
intellectuals, he founded his own party in 1945, al- 
Hizb al-Djumhuri, and became party chairman. The 
objective of this party was an independent, federal 
republic of Sudan, where "democratic socialism" would 
guarantee individual freedom and perfect social justice. 

In 1946, an anti-British leaflet brought Taha into 
prison for the first time, accused of anti-government 
propaganda. Released prematurely after 50 days, he 
was arrested again during the same year and sentenced 
to two years' imprisonment for public incitement and 
sedition, after preaching a sermon to the population 
of Rufa'a in which he incited them to use violence 
to free a woman from prison who had had her 
daughter circumcised. His followers, the Djumhuriyyun, 
see this event as the turning point in their history. 

During his imprisonment and subsequent two-year 
period of voluntary isolation, khalwa, Taha subjected 


himself to stringent Sufi practices of fasting, prayer 
and meditation, re-appearing in public in 1951 with 
a new understanding of Islam instead of a political 
programme. Since recommencing their activities in 
1951, the Djumhuriyyun considered themselves to be 
more an instructive movement spreading an anti- 
legalistic, humanitarian understanding of Islam, rather 
than a political party. After the ban on parties following 
the bloodless coup of Dja'far al-NumayrT in 1968, 
they changed their name to al-Ikhwan al-Djumhuriyyun. 
They nevertheless retained their political objectives, 
integrating them in their purely Islamic ideological 
approach. They propagated their views in lectures, 
public discussions, newspaper articles and publications 

The core of Taha's teaching — the result of divine 
inspiration received during personal worship, according 
to Taha — is the opinion that the Kur'an contains two 
main messages. The first, reversing the revelation 
chronology, consists of the laws of Medina {furii'), 
which is the foundation among others for the tradi- 
tional shan'a. By contrast, the second message, pro- 
claimed in Mecca, contains the basic spiritual principles 
(usul) of the Islamic religion: individual liberty and 
religious freedom, equality regardless of sex, race or 
religion, and equal rights to property (i.e. socialism). 
Taha taught that the first message had only limited 
validity for the Islamic society in its status during the 
lst/ 7 th century, and should be replaced today by 
abrogation, naskh [q.v.], by the second, eternally valid 
message, in order to create forms of Islamic living 
and society which are in line with the changed realities 
of the 20th century. In this context, the focal demands 
of the Djumhuriyyun were for an individual, spiritu- 
alised religion, together with further development of 
the shan'a to assume ethical dimensions. 

Since the 1960s, Taha's reforms have repeatedly 
met with protest and resistance from the institutional 
orthodox Islamic religion in Sudan and on an inter- 
national dimension, and from the Sudanese Ikhwan 
al-Muslimun, who are based on implementing the 
shan'a as focal aspect of their ideology and as legiti- 
mation of their claims to political power. Taha was 
twice accused of committing apostasy: in 1968 with- 
out legal consequences, then in 1985 the proceedings 
were followed by his execution on 18 January, 1985, 
with posthumous annulment of the sentence because of 
numerous discrepancies. On the death of their leader, 
the Djumhuriyyun ceased all public involvement. 

Bibliography: The main titles of Taha's extensive 
works, most of which have disappeared from the 
market through being banned and destroyed, include: 
al-Risala al-thaniya min al-Islam, Umm Durman 1967, 
Eng. tr. with introd. by Abdullahi Ahmed an-Na'im, 
The Second Message of Islam, Syracuse-New York 1987; 
Tank Muhammad, Umm Durman 1966; and Risalat 
al-Saldt, Umm Durman 1 966. For Taha's reception, 
see al-Mukashifi Taha al-Kabbashi, al-Ridda wa- 
muhakamdt Mahmud Muhammad Taha ft 'l-Suddn, Riyad 
1987; al-Ustadh Mahmud Muhammad Taha, ra'id al- 
tadjdld al-dlm fi 'l-Sudan, ed. Markaz al-Dirasat al- 
SQdaniyya, Casablanca 1992; J. Rogalski, Mahmud 
Muhammad Taha. %ur Erinnerung an das Schicksal eines 
Myslikers und Inkllektuellen im Sudan, in Asien Afrika 
Laleinamerika (1996) no. 1; G. Lichtenthaler, Muslih 
mystic and martyr: the vision of Mahmud Muhammad 
Taha and the Republican Brothers in the Sudan. Towards 
an Islamic Reformation?, in Islam et Societes au sud du 
Sahara, no. 9 (Paris, Nov. 1995), 57-82. For other 
biographical information, see Annette Oevermann, 
Die "Republikanischen Bruder" im Sudan. Eine islamische 

Reformbewegung im ^wanzigsten Jahrhundert, Frankfurt 
am Main, etc. 1993. (Annette Oevermann) 
TAHA DTPJU D (a.), verbal noun of form V from 
the root h-dj-d, which is one of the roots with opposed 
meanings (addad [<?•»•]), as it signifies "sleep" and also 
"to be awake", "to keep a vigil", "to per- 
form the night salat or the nightly recita- 
tion of the Kur'an". The latter two meanings 
have become the usual ones in Islam. The word occurs 
only once in the Kur'an, sura XVII, 81: "And in a 
part of the night, perform a salat as a voluntary 
effort", etc., but the thing itself is often referred to. 
We are told of the pious (LI, 1 7) that they sleep little 
by night and pray to God for forgiveness at dawn. 
In XXV, 65, there is a reference to those who spend 
the night prostrating themselves and standing before 
their Lord. 

From the Kur'an it may be deduced that the old 
practice in Mecca was to observe two saldts, one by 
day and one by night (XVII, 80-1); LXXVI, 25: "And 
mention the name of thy Lord in the morning and 
in the evening [26] and in the night prostrate thy- 
self before Him and praise Him the livelong night"; 
XI, 116: "And perform the salat at both ends of the 
day and in the last part of the night". Tradition is 
able to tell us that for a shorter or longer period 
(mention is actually made of a "period of ten years", 
al-Tabari, Tafslr, XXIX, 68), vigils were so ardently 
observed that Muhammad and his companions began 
to suffer from swollen feet. The old practice is said 
to be based on LXXIII, 1. "O thou enfolded one, 
2. stand up during the night, except a small portion 
of it, 3. the half or rather less, 4. or rather more 
and recite the Kur'an with accuracy"; but its origin 
cannot be dissociated from the example of Christian 
ascetics. In the end, however, this form of asceticism 
became too much for Muhammad's companions. The 
revelation of LXXIII, 20 ff., brought an alleviation: 
"See, thy Lord knoweth that thou standest praying 
about two-thirds, or the half or a third of the night, 
thou and a part of thy companions. But God mea- 
sureth the night and the day; he knoweth that ye are 
not able for this; therefore he turneth mercifully to 
you with permission to recite as much of the Kur'an 
as is convenient for you". By the institution of the 
five daily saldts, the obligatory character of the tahaaj- 
djud was then abolished (cf. Abu Dawud, Tatawwu', 
bab 17, and al-Baydawi on LXXIII, 20). 

Nevertheless, Muhammad is said not to have aban- 
doned the vigils (Abu Dawud, Tatawwu', bab 18b); 
in hadtih and Jikh this is considered blameworthy for 
those who were wont to perform these saldls (Mus- 
lim, Siyam, trad. 185; al-Nasa'i, Kiyam al-layl, bab 59; 
al-Badjun, Hashiya, i, 165). The performance is in 
general regarded as sunna. David is said to have spent 
a third of the night in these exercises (Muslim, Siyam, 
trad. 189; Abu Dawud, Sawm, bab 67); another rea- 
son given in justification of it is that the tahaajdjud 
loosens one of the knots which Satan ties in the hair 
of a sleeper (Abu Dawud, Tatawwu', bab 18). The 
tahaa}a}ud is particularly meritorious in Ramadan and 
in the night before each of the two feasts (Ibn Madja, 
Siyam, bab 68: al-Nasa'i, Kiyam al-layl, bab 17, where 
the term ihyd' al-layl is used [see also tarawIh]). 

Even at the present day, the mu'adhdhin in some 
lands summons to a night salat (consisting of an even 
number of rak'as, and therefore called shaf; see witr) 
shortly after midnight by an adhan to which special 
formulae are added (Lane, Manners and customs, ch. iii 
"Religion and Laws"; cf. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka; 
Juynboll, Handleiding, 74). 


Bibliography: Besides the works quoted, see 
Sprenger, Das Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad, i, 
321 ff.; M.Th. Houtsma, lets over den dagelijkschen 
caldt der Mohammedanen, in Theol. Tijdschrift (1890), 
137 ff.; R. Bell, The origin of Islam in its Christian 
environment, London 1926, 143. 

For the views of the different law schools, see 
also I. Guidi, // "Muhtasar" di ffalil ibn Ishaq, Milan 
1919, i, 97; Abu Ishak al-ShTrazi, al-fanblh, ed. 
A.W.T. Juynboll, 27; Ramli, Mhayat al-muhtaaj, i, 
488 ff.; Ibn Hadjar al-Haytharm, Tuhfa, i, 201 ff; 
Abu '1-Kasim al-HillT, Kitab Shara'i' al-Islam, Calcutta 
1839, i,' 27; A. Querry, Droit musulman, Paris 1871, 
i, 52-3; Nizam, al-Faiawa al-'alamgiriyya, Calcutta 
1243/1827-8, i, 157. (A.J. Wensinck) 

al-TAHANAWI, Muhammad A'la ('Ala' or 'Ali 
are not correct) b. shayjh 'All b. kadi Muhammad 
Hamid b. Mawlana atka 'l-'ulama' Muhammad Sabir 
al-Faruki al-Sunni al-Hanaff al-TahanawI, originating 
from Tohana, a place at about 1 70 km/ 105 miles to the 
northwest of Dihli, philologist, especially lexicol- 
ogist, and kadi. The years of his birth and death 
are unknown; we only know that he finished the draft 
of his main work, Kashshaf in the year 1158/1745. 
His tomb in his native town is visited until today, 
including with the purpose to spend in his presence 
days and even weeks in studying scholarly works, in 
the expectation to be enlightened by the shaykh. 

Among the three works which have come down to 
us, is the well-known and often quoted large Kashshaf 
istilahat al-funun, a thesaurus of technical terms com- 
piled from good sources. Because of the 
interpolatibns and parts in Persian, this 
work has proved its value for the study of Islamic 
scholasticism, especially in India. Under the superin- 
tendence of Aloys Sprenger and William Nassau Lees, 
and by order of the Asiatic Society, Bengal, the work 
was published in altogether 17 fascicules from 1848 
onwards) by the MawlawTs Mohammad Wajih, 'Abd 
al-Haqq and Gholam K/Qadir, Calcutta 1862, 2 vols., 
the English title being A dictionary of the technical terms 
used in the sciences of the Musabnans (Bibliotheca Indica). 
In an Appendix, which had already been issued in 
1854, Sprenger published the compendium of Nadjm 
al-Dlh al-Kaubfs Logic, called al-Risala al-Shamsiyya ft 
'l-kawa'id al-mantikiyya, popular in India and repeat- 
edly published [see al-katibI, nadjm al-dIn], together 
with an English translation, The logic of the Arabians 
(cf. C. Ralfs, in Z^MG, ix [1855], 868 f.). The edi- 
tion of the Kashshaf (Kashf is incorrect) is based on 
two manuscripts, which were both copied from one 
and the same of the three autographs of the author 
which are available. A first, substantial, part was 
printed anew in Istanbul 1317-18/1899-1900. There 
is a new edition in four small volumes: i-iv ed. Lutff 
'Abd al-Badi', the Persian sections having been 
translated into Arabic by Amrn al-Na'im Muhammad 
Hasanayn, and i-ii revised by Arain al-Khuli. Cairo 
1382/1963, 1969, 1972 and 1977. The editor starts 
from the author's draft, with its corrections and addi- 
tions, always taking the two prints into consideration. 
Most recently, a new edition by Rafik al-'Adjam has 
appeared, 2 vols. Beirut 1996. 

Of the second work, Ahkam al-aradi, a treatise on 
the principles of the shar' regarding the ownership and 
taxation of the land, with special reference to India 
(some parts are explained in Persian), there is a man- 
uscript in the Library of the India Office, London 
(R. Levy, Catalogue, ii, 3 [Fiqh], London 1937, no. 
1730). — What exacdy is hidden behind the title of the 
third work, Sabk al-ghayat ft nask al-ayat, which could 

not be traced, remains uncertain. According to Sarkls, 
Mu'djam al-matbu'at, i, 645, it was printed in 1316/1898 
in India (Hind). 

Bibliography: Brockelmann, II 2 , 555, S II, 628; 
'U.R. Kahhala, Mu'ajam al-mu'allifln, Damascus 
1380/1960, xi, 47; Ziriklr, al-A'ldm, Beirut 1979, 
vi, 295; 'Abd al-Hayy al-Hasani, Mzhat al-khawatir, 
Haydarabad/Deccan 1376/1957, vi, 278. 

(R. Sellheim) 
TAHANNUTH (a.), verbal noun, and tahannatha, 
verb, are words found in some of the accounts of 
Muhammad's first prophetic experience. Already in 
the earliest texts which are available to us, they are 
accompanied by variant interpretative glosses and 
explanations, and their significance has been debated 
in both traditional and modern scholarship. 

In Ibn Hisham's Sira (151-2), Ibn Ishak reports that 
Muhammad used to spend one month each year 
making djiwar [q.v.] at Hira' — "that was a part of the 
tahannuth of Kuraysh (mimma tahannatha bihi Kuraysh) in 
the Djahiliyya". Tahannuth is immediately glossed as 
tabarrur ("abstaining from sin"?): wa 'l-tahannuth al-tabar- 
rur. Ibn Hisham then intervenes in the text to explain 
that "the Arabs" customarily pronounced / as th and 
that tahannuth, therefore, is the same as tahannuf. Thus 
he links the expression with the pristine monotheism 
of the Hamfs [q.v.] and the religion of Abraham. 
Another report in the Sira (151), which does not use 
either the verb or the noun, tells us that as part of 
his preparation for prophethood Muhammad had been 
caused by God to love solitude. In Ibn Sa'd's version 
(i/1, 129) the report goes on to say that he would 
go alone to the cave of Hira' where he would make 
tahannuth (jatahannathu fihi) on certain nights (al-laydti 
dhawat al-'adad) and then would go back to Khadrdja 
to obtain provisions for a similar period [li-mithliha). 
It was while he was in the cave doing this that the 
revelation came to him. In some of al-Bukhan's 
versions of the tradition (see A.J. Wensinck et alii, 
Concordance, s.v. tahannatha for references), tahannuth is 
glossed by ta'abbud ("devoting oneself to the worship 
of God"). 

Other and later traditionists and commentators pro- 
vide further interpretative additions. The most exten- 
sive survey of the material was made by MJ. Kister 
("Al-tahannuth: an enquiry into the meaning of a term", 
in BSOAS, xxxi [1968], 223-36). As well as with tabar- 
rur and ta'abbud, tahannuth was equated with such things 
as tafakkur (meditation), tahawwub (abstaining from sin), 
and ta'alluh (devotion to God). Solitude, (religious) 
retreat and withdrawal, devotional practices, gazing 
towards the Ka'ba, and feeding the poor are also 
mentioned. Since this was before the revelation made 
to the Prophet, speculation involved the question which 
body of law (shan'd) he followed at the time. Tahannuth 
is said to have been practised also by other individ- 
uals: Khalid b. al-Harith of Kinana, the Hanif Zayd 
b. 'Amr, Hakim b. Hizam and others. The traditions 
about these individuals supply further material for 
speculation regarding the content of tahannuth. 

After his survey of traditional and modern scholar- 
ship, Kister concluded that tahannuth was indeed an 
ancient custom of Kuraysh and that essentially it 
consisted of veneration of the Ka'ba and works of 
charity while being withdrawn on Mount Hira'. Others, 
such as Caetani (Annali, i, 222, "Introduzione", section 
208, n. 2), have suspected that the word was not used 
in Mecca in the time of the Prophet. N. Calder has 
argued that the word reflects the ideas and practices 
of the 2nd century A.H. ("Hinth, birr, tabarrur, tahannuth'- 
an inquiry into the Arabic vocabulary of vows", in 


£50,45, li [1988], 214-39). He has suggested that 
tahannuth refers to the condition which, in fikh, one 
assumes by making a binding vow — one becomes 
"liable" (hanith) to fulfil the vow. (Hanlth also 

"breaking a 

" and hinth n 


) In the 

traditions about the Prophet, the word would reflect 
the idea that he had made a vow to enter a period 
of retreat (i'tikaf [q.v.]), a practice of early Muslim 
times which was becoming less widespread as a result 
of juristic disapproval of asceticism. It was because 
the practice was in decline that the word was such 
a puzzle for later generations. 

H. Hirschfeld (New researches into the composition and 
exegesis of the Qoran, London 1902, 19, n. 94), saw 
tahannuth, not as a genuine Arabic noun form, but as 
an arabisation of Hebrew fhinnoth "prayers or voluntary 
devotions apart from the official liturgy". His suggestion 
was rejected by S.D. Goitein (Studies in Islamic history 
and institutions, Leiden 1966, 93, n. 2) on the grounds 
that that plural form is known in Hebrew with that 
technical sense only at a significantly later time (Goitein 
did not adduce his evidence). It may be noted, 
however, that the hithpael form of the Hebrew verb 
hanan with the meaning "to seek favour" (frequently, 
but not exclusively, from God), and the noun form 
t'hinna with the meaning "supplication" or "cry for 
favour" is relatively well attested in the Hebrew Bible 
and at Qumran (GJ. Botterwick and H. Ringgren 
(eds.), Theological dictionary of the Old Testament, Eng. tr., 
Grand Rapids, Michigan 1986, v, 22 ff.). 
Bibliography: Given in the article. 

(G.R. Hawting) 

TAHARA (a.), a masdar signifying cleanliness or 
freedom from disgusting matter. Some dictio- 
naries suggest as a fundamental meaning the notion 
of cleanliness (e.g. Abu '1-Baka', al-Kulliyyat, iii, 154) 
but the existence of the word in Syriac and Hebrew 
with a ritual meaning suggests that from its first usage 
in the Kur'an it is a technical term (perhaps for the 
cleansing of menstrual blood flow; L'A, iv, 505, s.v. 
t-h-r, quoting Ibn 'Abbas). The root may perhaps have 
to do with distinction, setting aside through cleansing 
(e.g. Kur'an, III, 42). 

Tahara is the rubric under which ritual order and 
purity are discussed in manuals of fikh. The word 
itself seems to have two aspects: material and formal. 
The material one would encompass foods and other 
substances to be avoided or removed — e.g. pork, faeces, 
blood, carcasses — and the means of their removal — 
the number of washings, the characteristics of the water 
used in washing, and the like. 

In general, substances connected with death, most — 
but not all — substances from within the body — blood, 
urine, semen, etc. — items associated with carrion or 
inedible animals — dogs, or pigs, for instances — must 
be avoided, and if they cannot be avoided, they must 
be removed in an appropriate manner [see nadjas]. 
To reinstate tahara, the test of whether something has 
been successfully removed is its imperceptibility in 
taste, smell or colour. 

Formal aspects of tahara concern the fitness of 
persons to carry out ritual practices and duties. Men- 
struation (hayd) and childbirth (ntfas), sexual excite- 
ment and consummation, defecation and urination, and 
various sorts of loss of control — sleep while reclining, 
according to some, quarrelling, violent laughter, etc. — 
require appropriate ritual cleansings — ablution (wudu' 
[q.v.]) for "minor or transient events" (hadalh [q.v.])- 
urination, defecation, breaking wind — the more total 
lustration (gtusl [q.v.]) for events that preclude one 
from religious community (djandba [q.v.]), such as sex- 

ual activity or menstruation. Despite the claims of 
certain apologists, the issue here is not cleanliness in 
the hygienic sense but in the formal and ritual sense. 
Madhhab differences are too various to be detailed 
here. In general, however, ImamT and Zaydi purity 
rules are more rigorous and they are more likely to 
see the nadjas thing or djunub person as contiguously 
impure. The Shi 'Is likewise refuse to accept kitdbis 
as butchers and food providers. 

Bibliography: C.H. Becker, <ar Geschichte des 
iskmischen Kultus, in Isl., iii (1912), 374-99; G.-H. 
Bousquet, La purete rituelle en Islam (Etude de fiqh et 
de sociologie religieuse), in RHR, cxxxviii (1950), 
53-71; M. Cook, Early Islamic dietary law, in JSAI, 
vii (1987), 217-77; Carol Delaney, Mortal flow. 
Menstruation in Turkish village society, in Blood magic, 
ed. T. Buckley and Alma Gottlieb, Berkeley 1988, 
75-93; I.K.A. Howard, Some aspects of the pagan Arab 
background to Islamic ritual, in Bull. British Assoc. Orient- 
alists, N.S. x (1978), 41-8; Julie Marcus, Islam, women 
and pollution in Turkey, in Jnal. Anthropological Assoc, 
of Oxford, xv/3 (1984), 204-18; E. Mittwoch, Z™ 
Enstehungsgeschichte des iskmischen Gebets und Kultus, in 
APA W, Berlin (1913); A.K. Reinhart, Impurity no danger, 
in History of Religions, xxx/1 (1990), 1-24 and sources 
cited there; R. Rubinacci, La purita rituale secondo gli 
IbadiU, in AIUON, N.S. vi (1954-6), 1-41; AJ. Wen- 
sinck, Der Herkunft der gesetzlichen Bestimmungen die 
Reinigung [istindja'J oder [istitaba] betreffend, in Isl., i 
(1910), 101-2; idem, Die Entstehung der muslimischen 
Reinheitsgezelzgebung, in Isl., v (1914), 62-80; Abu 
'1-Baka' Ayyub b. Musa al-Husayni al-Kaffawr 
(d. 1094/1683), al-Kulliyyat, mu'djam fi 'l-mustakhat 
wa 'l-furuk al-lughawiyya, ed. 'Adnan Darwfsh and 
Muhammad al-Misn, Damascus 1974; Ghazali, Mar- 
riage and sexuality in Islam: a translation of al-Ghazali's 
book on the etiquette of marriage from the Ihya', Salt Lake 
City 1984; idem, The mysteries of purity, Lahore 1966. 
See also the first section of any fikh book, e.g. 'Abd 
al-Rahman [Muhammad] al-Djazin, al-Fikh 'aid 'l- 
madhahib al-arba'a, Beirut n.d.; Muhammad Djawar 
Maghniyya, al-Fikh 'aid 'l-madhahib al-khamsa. 2 vols. 
Beirut n.d. (A.K. Reinhart) 

TAHART (or TIhart, Tahert) known as al- 
Haditha (the New), as opposed to al-Kadima (the 
Old), situated 9 km/5 miles to the north-east, becom- 
ing Tagdemt in Berber, the ancient Tingartia, a town 
of Algeria, founded by the Rustamids [q.v.] — accord- 
ing to a custom frequent in the mediaeval Muslim 
world — and capital of their kingdom. In Berber, Tahart 
is said to signify "lioness" or "tambourine" (doff), tak- 
ing the word in its first signification a reference to 
its location: a wooded plateau formerly inhabited by 
wild beasts which had, mysteriously, abandoned the 
place, a miracle borrowed from the foundation of 
Kairouan or Kayrawan [q.v.]. 

The beginnings of Tahart were modest. The anec- 
dote which tells of the founding Imam busily engaged 
in building his house with the aid of a slave, even 
if false — which is not necessarily the case — reveals 
the initial puritanism and principled egalitarianism of 
the Ibadis [see ibadiyya]. In their choice of site, the 
Rustamids were guided by several considerations: 
the region was populated by tribes — Lamaya, Lawata, 
Hawwara, Maghila, Zuwagha, Matmata and Miknasa 
Zanata — committed to Ibadism; the site benefited by 
the proximity of an existing ancient urban centre, 
with fortifications which often provided refuge dur- 
ing the disorders which affected New Tahart; water 
was abundant there, channelled towards homes and 
orchards, and the soil fertile; finally, and perhaps 


decisively, the land "belonged to the defenceless peo- 
ple (li-kawm mustad'afin) of the Marasa" (al-Bakn, 
Masalik, ed. A. Leuven and A. Ferre, Tunis 1992, ii, 
736). Construction of the town was, however, a labo- 
rious business: everything built by the founders dur- 
ing the daytime was destroyed at night. A compromise 
was eventually found when the ancient proprietors, 
the Lamaya, were offered a share of the kharadj. 

According to the anonymous author of the K. al- 
Istibsar (ed. Sa'd Zaghlul 'Abd al-Hamid, Alexandria 
1958, 178) the town was initially a rectangle of approx- 
imately 1,100 m by 800 m, traversed from east to 
west by a long thoroughfare — cardo maximus? — and 
enclosed within a perimeter wall of stone, breached 
by four gates at the four cardinal points, creating a 
chequered layout irresistibly reminiscent of Roman 
urban planning, the "islands" (insulae) thus constituted 
being distributed according to ethnic groups. In fact, all 
the contemporary geographers stress the segregation 
of the population of Tahart by tribal or regional origin. 

The town, which was financially supported at the 
outset by the Ibadr community of Basra, grew very 
rapidly, to such an extent that within a short space 
of time it became literally unrecognisable. The Basran 
benefactors failed to recognise the place on their sec- 
ond visit and were obliged, allegedly, to return home 
with their donations intact. Tahart soon became a 
powerful magnet for people and an important com- 
mercial centre. For the indigenous population, it played 
an important role in terms of sedentarisation, and' its 
magnetic appeal extended as far as the Orient; so 
much so that it was dubbed "the 'Irak of the Maghrib" 
(al-Ya'kubl (d. ca. 284/897), Buldan, tr. G. Wiet, Les 
Pays, Cairo 1937, 217). 

Towards the end of the Rustamid dynasty, the town 
had completely changed its appearance, exchanging 
its initial puritanism and simplicity for hedonism and 
opulence. Although still dominant, Ibadism ceased to 
be the faith of the majority. The town became afflu- 
ent arid elegant: twelve hammams, numerous suks, parks 
and gardens, sumptuous residences etc. "Highways 
connected it to the Sudan and to all the lands of East 
and West for the purposes of trade and the exchange 
of all kinds of commodities" (Ibn al-Saghir, Akhbar al- 
a'imma al-rustamiyyin, in CT, xci-xcii [1975], 325). The 
road from the Sudan was the source of gold and of 
slaves, which accounts for the particular interest taken 
in it: the Imam Aflah (208-58/824-72) had sent an 
ambassador to the king of Sudan with lavish gifts 
(ibid., 340). Jews, subsequendy established in Kairouan, 
were actively engaged in commerce (S.D. Goitein, A 
Mediterranean society, Berkeley, etc., i, 1967, iii, 1978; 
idem, Letters of medieval Jewish traders, Princeton 1974, 
index, s.v. Taherti). Wealthy merchants flaunted their 
riches ostentatiously and were accompanied in their 
travels by considerable entourages, composed principally 
of slaves. Predictably, cosmopolitanism and affluence 
encouraged moral laxity. "The town was corrupted 
(fasadal), as were its inhabitants", notes Ibn al-Saghir 
(op. cit, 363), citing as evidence the consumption of 
intoxicating liquor (al-muskir), and pederasty (ghilman). 
Abu Hatim (281-2/894-5) reacted vigorously, but not 
for long; it was in fact his rigorous moral stance which 
led to his deposition. As to whether he was equally 
intransigent during his second reign (286-94/897-907), 
the sources are eloquently silent. The end of the dynasty 
was approaching, and it was soon to be swept away 
by the Fatimid ride (296/909). The more fervent Ibadis 
emigrated towards the south and established them- 
selves in the oasis of Sadrata [q.v.] some 8 km to the 
south-west of Wardjilan [q.v.] , currently Ouargla, and 

finally at Mzab [q.v.], where their community still up- 
holds the ancient traditions. 

The prosperity of Tahart was maintained for some 
time. Al-IstakhrT, writing at the time of the founda- 
tion of al-Mahdiyya (308/920), noted that Tahart was 
"a large town, surrounded by an extensive fertile plain 
with abundant supplies of water", and that Ibadis 
were still "the dominant force there" (Cairo 1961, 
34). Ibn Hawkal, who visited Sidjilmasa in 340/951, 
also depicted it as a prosperous town deriving its 
wealth from agriculture, arboriculture, apiculture and 
stock-breeding (Sural al-ard, Beirut n.d., 84, 93). Al- 
Mukaddasi noted that the "district (kura) of Tahart" 
comprised no less than thirty-three towns (madlna) in- 
cluding Oran. The town, we are told, "disappears amid 
gardens ... a great and very rich city ... of wondrous 
appearance ... It is reckoned superior to Damascus", 
and also to Cordova, although he does not personally 
share this opinion (Description de I'Occident musulman . . . 
Arabic text and tr. Ch. Pellat, Algiers 1959, 5, 7, 23). 
A century and a half later, al-ldrisl says of the place: 
"the city of Tahart was, in times past (kanat Jt-ma 
salafa min al-zaman), composed of two large towns . . ." 
(Nuzhat al-mushtak, Naples-Rome 1972, as Opus geo- 
graphicum, iii, 255-6). Al- c Abdari, who crossed the whole 
width of the Maghrib on the Pilgrimage route, does 
not mention it in his Rihla (ed. M. al-FasI, Rabat 
1968). Ca. 1526, al-Hasan b. Muhammad al-Wazzan 
al-Zayyati (i.e. Leo Africanus, d. after 1550) had only 
vague impressions of it. He could only have discov- 
ered ruins there, "those of the town founded by the 
Romans, according to some" he says. Furthermore, 
he does not refer to Tahart, but to Tagdemt "which 
was a very civilised town", formerly ruled by the 
Idrisids (al-Adarisa, sic). He adds that wars have taken 
their toll, "so much so that the visitor can see there 
only the remnants of the foundations, as I have myself 
observed" ( Wasf Ifrikiya, tr. Muhammad Hadjdji and 
Muhammad al-Akhdar, Beirut 1983, ii, 40-1). The 
mediocre vestiges revealed by excavations (G. Marcais 
and A. Dessus-Lamare, Tihert-Tagdemt, in R. Afr., xc 
[1946], 24-54), which have not been pursued further, 
definitely do not reflect the state of the city at the 
height of its prosperity. 

Tahart suffered gready as a result of the wars which 
raged throughout the central Maghrib following the 
accession of the Fatimids. The ability to move rapidly 
with tents and livestock was essential; nomadism be- 
came the sole means of survival. In 297/910, 312/924, 
320/932, 358-60/968-71, the town was constandy sub- 
jected to successive assaults. In 360/971, in the process 
of avenging his father Ziri, BQluggln carried out a 
massacre there of the Zanata, on whose bodies "the 
muezzins climbed to proclaim the call to prayer" 
(Idrfs, grides, Paris 1962, i, 37). In Ramadan 362/June 
973, he took Tahart by storm. "He massacred the 
men, reduced women and children to slavery, pillaged 
and burned the city" (ibid., i, 48). In 374/984 the 
Zirid al-Mansur quelled a rebellion there "with slaugh- 
ter and pillage" (ibid., i, 79). In 390/998 the city was 
again the scene of carnage. From 408/1017 onwards 
it was part of the Hammadid kingdom. The amir 'Abd 
al-Kadir [q.v.] established his capital at Tagdemt (1835- 
43). It was there that in 1863, General La Moriciere 
founded the modern Tihert, currendy provincial cap- 
ital of the wildya, i.e. on the site of Roman Tingartia. 
The Tahart of the Rustamids does not survive. 

Bibliography: See ibadiyya and rustamids. 

Supplementary references, besides works cited in 

the body of the text and the two afore-mentioned 

entries, include: 

1. Sources. Maliki, Riyad, Beirut 1983, index; 
Yakut, Mu'djam al-buldan, Beirut 1965, ii, 7-9; Sham- 
makhl, Kitdb al-Siyar, ed. Muhammad Hasan, Tunis 
1995, index. 

2. Studies. Brahim Zerouki, L'imamat de Tahart, 
Paris 1987; F. Dachraoui, Fatimides, Tunis 1981, 134, 
150-4, 206-8, 237-8; L. Golvin, Le Maghrib central 
a I'epoque des grides, Paris 1957, index; J. Lethielleux, 
Ouargla, cite saharienne, des origines au debut du XX' 
siecle, Paris 1983; Ch.A. Julien, Histoire de I'Algerie 
contemporaine, Paris 1964, index; A. Laroui, L'histoire 
du Maghreb, Paris 1970, index; M. Talbi, Effondrement 
demographique au Maghreb du XV au XV siecle, in CT, 
xcvii-xcviii (1_977), 51-60. (Mohamed Talbi) 
al-TAHAWI, Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Salama 

b. 'Abd kl-Malik ai-Azdi al-Hadjri Abu Dja'far, a 
HanafT jurist (d. 321/933). He spent most of his 
life in Egypt, with only one brief trip to Syria. His 
fame depends on his writings which include works of 
fikh, works on technical legal and judicial matters, 
hadith criticism, and a famous and enduring statement 
of the Muslim creed. 

Life. Basic biographical details are provided in the 
HanafT biographical tradition represented by Ibn Kutlu- 
bugha, al-Kurashi and al-Laknawi. The last of these 
works incorporates most of the detail of the earlier 
ones, as well as extensive reference to the broader 
biographical tradition. Four different years of birth 
are given: 229/844, 230/845, 238/852 and 239/853. 
The last of these dates is given in a report attributed 
to al-Tahawi himself, the genealogist al-Sam'ani prefers 
229, and Ibn Khallikan prefers 238. His early train- 
ing was with his maternal uncle al-Muzani (Isma'il 
b. Yahya d. 264/878 [q.v.]), a pupil of al-Shafi'i [q.v.], 
but he subsequently transferred to the HanafT madhhab 
and trained with Ahmad b. AbT 'Imran MQsa b. Tsa. 
He went to Syria' in 268/882, where he worked 
for the kadi Abu Khazim 'Abd al-Hamid b. Dja'far 
(d. 292/905). He returned to Egypt after a brief stay 
and worked again with a kadi, namely Abu Bakra 
Bakkar b. Kutayba (d. 270/883 [q.v.]). He continued 
to advance his training in the HanafT madhhab, grad- 
ually acquiring prominence as an administrator in the 
judicial sphere and as a teacher. The lists of his pupils 
include a number of names, none of them very famous, 
but, perhaps significantly, including two or three figures 
identified as judges (kadis) and one who was both a 
kadi and leader of the Zahiris in his time. He pro- 
duced many books. The most important of these relate 
to three broad areas of study: 1. the propagation of 
the HanafT madhhab; 2. a specialist interest in practi- 
cal judicial activity; 3. hadith criticism. He also pro- 
duced his enduring statement of the Muslim creed, 
and a history, now lost (al-Ta'nkh al-kabir, possibly a 
biographical work). Further details of his role in the 
administrative and judicial spheres of Egyptian society 
can be gleaned from scattered reports in al-Kindi's 
Wuldt Mist. Secular biographies show a number of 
characteristic expansions, al-Sam'ani focusing on 
genealogy, Ibn Khallikan on the narrative of the split 
between al-Tahawi and al-Muzani (most of it incor- 
porated into al-Laknawi). Specialists in the science of 
hadith tend to criticise him: Ibn 'Asakir and Ibn al- 
Djawzi described him as deficient (nakasa) (cit. in Ibn 
Kutlubugha), and Ibn Taymiyya said that his knowl- 
edge of isndds was not like that of specialists in the 
field (cit. in al-Laknawi, who comments that Ibn 
Taymiyya was exaggerating as usual). Most of the 
material of the biographical tradition is gathered into 
the modern biography by al-Kawthari, al-Hamfi sirat 
al-imam Abi Djafar al-Tahawi. 


1. The madhhab. Al-Tahawi's work on the pro- 
pagation and continuation of the HanafT madhhab is 
represented by his commentaries on al-Shaybanfs 
al-L^ami' al-kabir and al-Qjami' al-saghir (both lost). Still 
extant are his Mukhtasar ft 'l-ftk'h and his Ikhtilaf al- 

fukaha'. Both have been published. The Mukhtasar 
follows the usual pattern of such works and attracted 
a number of commentaries, notably those of al-Djassas 
(Ahmad b. 'Alt al-Razi, d. 370/980 [q.v.]) and'al- 
Sarakhsi (d. ca. 490/1097 [q.v.]). The Ikhtilaf has 
been preserved only partially, and possibly only in a 
redaction by al-Djassas (see Sezgin; also Ma'sumi, in 
al-Tahawi, Ikhtilaf, ed.' Ma'sumi). 

2. Practical judicial works. Al-Tahawi's most 
enduring contribution in this area is represented by 
his works on formularies, of which three are mentioned, 
al-Shurut al-kabir, al-Shurut al-awsat and al-Shurut al- 
saghir. A number of treatises are mentioned in the bio- 
graphical tradition on topics like mahddir, sidjilldt, wasayd 
and fara'id, but these are in fact sections within the 
shurut works. Much of the material from these works 
was incorporated into later works of the HanafT 
madhhab, notably the Hidaya of al-Marghinanl [q.v.] 
and the Fatdwd 'Alamgiriyya. The K al-Shurut al-saghir 
is preserved in full, the K. al-Shurut al-kabir only in 
part, the Awsat not at all. Some fragments of the 
K. al-Shurut al-kabir were published by Joseph Schacht 
in the 1920s and a major section, the Kitdb al-buyu', 
in 1972, by Jeanette A. Wakin in a work which 
incorporates a bibliography and introduction. The 
whole of the Shurut al-saghir together with all extant 
fragments of the Shurut al-kabir were published in 1974 
in 'Irak (ed. Ruhr Uzdjan), independently of the 
Western editions. 

3. Hadith criticism. Al-Tahawi produced two 
important works in this area, one of which, the Baydn 
mushkil al-hadith (or Mushkil al-athar, or Sharh mushkil 
al-athar) was influential and widely admired; the other, 
the K. Ma'am 'l-dthar, also admired in the HanafT 
tradition, was more problematic. The Mushkil al-athar 
corresponds in aims and structure to the Ta'wil mukhtalif 
al-hadith of Ibn Kutayba [q.v.], which was clearly an 
influence. It is a catalogue of problem cases arising 
out of apparent discord between two or more hadith 
and/or between hadith and the Kur'an. It is not well- 
structured, but individual problems are dealt with by 
appeal to a variety of hermeneutical arguments, some 
of which are notably elegant or skilful. An abridged 
version was produced by Abu '1-Walid Muhammad 
b. Ahmad Ibn Rushd (grandfather of the philosopher) 
called a mukhtasar, incorporating criticisms. This in 
turn was edited by Yusuf b. Musa al-Hanafi (d. 803/ 
1401) in his al-Mu'tasar min al-Mukhtasar. (The printed 
version of this work identifies the intermediate author 
as Abu '1-Walrd Sulayman b. Khalaf al-Badjr, whose 
nisba is in fact mentioned in the author's introduction, 
but this is certainly an error.) The Ma'ani 'l-athdr is 
organised under the normal topics of a work of fikh. 
It presents Prophetic hadith which are problematic in 
so far as they conflict with each other or with the 
HanafT madhhab. Al-Tahawl's commentary and analysis 
tend to offer arguments that promote harmony between 
hadith and madhhab. It is this work that provoked the 
negative appreciation of al-Tahawi amongst hadith ex- 
perts of a later date, though it also generated defensive 
commentaries within the HanafT tradition, notably that 
of al-'Ayni (Mahmud b. 'Ali, d. 855/1451 [q.v.]). {The 
Mushkil al-athar and the Ma'ani 'l-dthar are discussed 
in Calder, Studies, ch. 9.) 

4. Creed. Al-Tahawl's presentation of the Muslim 



creed has always been and still is popular; and has 

generated important commentaries. 

Bibliography: 1. Works by al-Tahawi: al- 
Mukhtasar, ed. Abu 'l-Wafa', al-Afgham, Cairo 
1370/1951; Mtildf al-fukaha' ', in Muhammad SaghTr 
Hasan Ma'sumF, Tahawi's Disagreement of the Jurists, 
Islamabad 1391/1971; Kitab al-Shurut al-kablr, in 
Jeanette A. Wakin, The function of documents in Islamic 
law, Albany 1972; al-Shurut al-saghlr mudhayyal m bi- 
ma 'uthira 'alay-hi min al-Shurut al-kablr, ed. Ruhr 
Uzdjan, Baghdad 1394/1974; Sharh ma'anl 'l-athar, 
2 vols., Dihll ?1348/1929; Mushkit al-alhar, 4 vols., 
Haydarabad, 1333/1915. 

2. Other sources and studies: Sezgin, i, 
439-42; Fihrist, ed. Fliigel, 207; Ibn Khallikan, ed. 
Wiistenfeld, no. 24, ed. Ihsan 'Abbas, i, 61-2, tr. 
de Slane, i, 51-3; Ibn Kudubugha, Tadj al-tardajim, 
no. 15; 'Abd al-Kadir b. Abi '1-Wafa' Muhammad 
al-Kurashi, al-Djawahir al-mudiyya, Haydarabad 1332, 
i, 102-5; Abu '1-Hasanat Muhammad 'Abd al-Hayy 
al-Laknawi, al-Fawa'id al-bahiyya, Cairo 1324/1906, 
31-4; Muhammad Zahid al-Kawthari, al-Hawl fl 
slrat al-Imam Abi Qjafar al- Tahdm, Cairo 1 368/ 1 948; 
N. Calder, .Studies in early Muslim jurisprudence, Oxford 
1993 (chs. 9-10); F. Krenkow, in Ef, s.v. 

(N. Calder) 
TAHHAN (a.), miller; owner and operator 

of mills to grind wheat, and other grains to produce 

There were no millers (tahhan) and bread-makers 
or sellers (Ijhabbaz) in the Islamic society of Medina 
during the era of the Prophet. Instead, every family 
used to buy grain, grind and make bread for daily 
meals (Kattam, TaraSb, ii, 108-9). Some wives of the 
Prophet used to grind grains in hand-mills. A favourite 
illustration of this practice was the example of the 
Prophet's daughter, Fatima, who used to grind grain 
for her own family. 

In early Islam, some seasonal farm labourers of 
Basra were employed to grind grain, as did some 
slave-women of Indian origin. A popular anecdote 
from the Umayyad period, repeated by many Arab 
writers and historians, speaks of a Damascene miller 
who hung a bell (q}uldjul) on the neck of a donkey 
working in the mill so that he could know from a 
distance whether the animal was at work or whether 
it had stopped and was resting. 

During the 'Abbasid period, there were a variety 
of mills; for these, see tahun. 

Some millers were wealthy. During the attack of 
the Zandj slaves on Basra in 257/871, a wealthy 
miller, al-'Abbas b. al-Faradj al-Riyashi, was killed for 
his wealth. Millers' income depended on good or bad 
seasonal harvests, which also affected price of grains 
and flour. In Fatimid Egypt, when the price of flour 
rose high, the government imposed price control meas- 
ures, including lashing grain-merchants and millers, to 
bring down the price. 

A strong influence of Shr'ism was detected among 
some millers of Baghdad's Karkh district (Ibn al- 
Djawzi, al-Muntazam, x, 267). On the other hand, 
there were millers who were strongly Sunn! and who 
became well-known as reliable transmitters of tradi- 
tions (ahadith)- Many of them were known by their 
lakab of al-Tahhan, although it was not uncommon 
for some friends of millers to share the same sur- 
name, as was the case with Khalid al-Wasitl al-Tahhan. 
Bibliography: Ibn Sa'd, Tabakat, Beirut 1957, 

iii, 347; Ahmad b. Hanbal, al-Musnad, ed. Ahmad 

Muhammad Shakir, ' 'Cairo n.d., ii, 149-50; Abu 

Yusuf,,A". al-Mara4, Bulak 1884, 52; Sarakhsi, K. 

al-Mabsut, 2 Beirut n.d., xvi, 15-18; Djahiz, Bukhala', 
ed. al-Hadjirl, Cairo 1958, 129; idem, Rasa'il, ed. 
A.S.M. Harun, Cairo 1965, ii, 240-4; idem, Bayan, 
ed. Sandubi, ii, 187-8; Ibn al-Djawzi, Muntaiam, 
viii, 40, 190, x, 267; Abu Zakariyya' al-Azdr, Ta'rikh 
al-Mawsil, ed. 'All Hablba, Cairo 1967, 362; al- 
Khatib al-Baghdadl, Ta'rikh Baghdad, i, 91-2, xi, 90, 
206, xii, 140, xiii, 301; al-Raghib al-Isfaham, Muha- 
darat al-udaba', Beirut 1961, iii, 344; Sam'anI, Ansab, 
ed. 'Awwama, Beirut 1976, viii, 214-17; Kazwmr, 
Athar al-bilad, Beirut 1960, 202, 241, 260, 462, 
477; Safadi, Waft, vii, 270, viii, 15-16, xvi, 364; 
Ibshihl, Mustatraf Cairo 1952, ii, 53; Makrizi, 
Ighathat al-umma bi-kas_hf al-ghumma, Cairo 1940, 13; 
Abu '1-Fida', Takwim al-buldan, Geographie dAboulfeda, 
ed. Reinaud, Paris 1840, 340-1; Dimashkr, Nukhbat 
al-dahr, ed. Mehren, 181-2; R.B. Serjeant, A Zaidi 
manual of Hisba, in RSO, xxviii (1953), 14; A.H. al- 
Kattani, al-Taratlb al-iiariyya, Beirut n.d., ii, 108-9; 
Ibn al-'Imad, Shadharat, i, 287; Le Strange, Baghdad 
during the 'Abbasid caliphate, 145; for mills and millers 
in Umayyad Spain, see S.M. Imamuddin, The eco- 
nomic history of Muslim Spain (711-1031), Dacca 1963, 
181-6; M.A.J. Beg, A contribution to the economic history 
of the caliphate: a study of the cost of lining and the eco- 
nomic status of artisans in 'Abbasid 'Iraq, in IQ_, xvi 
(1972), 153. See also the Bibl. to tahun. 

(M.AJ. Beo) 
'1-Hasan, al-Nahwi al-Misn, the most important 
Egyptian grammarian of his time, usually 
referred to as Ibn Babashadh, d. 469/1077. Of 
Daylami origins, his father or grandfather set up in 
Cairo, where, after an interlude in 'Irak trading in 
precious stones, Ibn Babashadh found well-paid 
employment as a katib in the Diwan al-insha', as well 
as presiding over Kur'an recitation at the mosque of 
'Amr. He died in a fall from the minaret of this 
mosque, in which he had secluded himself for some 
time in a pious abandonment of his secular liveli- 
hood (he may have been a Sufi as well as a Shi'T: 
Haarmann, 167). 

Only two of his works survive. Among those lost 
are a commentary on the K. al-Usul of Ibn al-Sarradj 
[</.».] and a large treatise of some fifteen volumes 
known as Ta'llk al-ghurfa, after the room in the mosque 
where it was composed. It passed through the hands 
of several of his pupils and subsequently attracted the 
admiration of the Ayyubid Sultan al-Malik al-Kamil 
[</.».], but it proved impossible to edit after his death 
and has disappeared. An unpublished and highly 
regarded commentary on the Journal of al-Zadjdjadji 
[q.v.] survives in several copies, though the foreshad- 
owed edition (Sezgin, GAS, ix, 90) has not appeared. 
His best known work is the Mukaddima, on which 
he also wrote his own commentary. The Mukaddima 
(see Haarmann, 166, 168, for editions) is conspicuous 
for its arbitrary and rigid arrangement of topics into 
four sections over ten chapters, in which the princi- 
ple of classification is not so much the natural fea- 
tures of language as the urge for complete logical 
systematisation, probably to serve as a text book in 
the madrasa [</.».]. It seems to have enjoyed consider- 
able favour in the Yemen, being memorised by the 
Rasulid ruler al-Mu'ayyad (Carter, 1 79). The arrange- 
ment also attracted imitators: we read of a certain 
al-Fa'ishi (d. 697/1296) that he composed a gram- 
mar "in the Babashadhi style" (ibid). 

Bibliography: Brockelmann, I 2 , 365, S I, 171, 
529; Sezgin, GAS, ix, 84, 89-90, 239; N. Moussa, 
Les etudes grammaticaies en Egypte des origines a la fin 


des Fatanides. Etude bio-bibliographique des gr 
Analyse de leurs moires et edition critique d'un traite gram- 
maticale, le Kitab al-Muqaddima fi l-nahw d'Ibn Bdbisad, 
diss. Paris 1974; U. Haarmann, An eleventh century 
precis of Arabic orthography, in W. al-Qadl (ed.), Studia 
Arabka et Islamica. Festschrift for Ihsan 'Abbas, Beirut 
1981, 165-82; M.G. Carter, The grammatical riddles 
of 'AH ibn Muhammad ibn Ya'ls", in A.K. Irvine et alii 
(eds.), A miscellany of Middle Eastern articles. In memo- 
riam Thomas Muir Johnstone 1924-1983, London 1989, 
178-88. (M.G. Carter) 

TAHIR b. al-HUSAYN b. Mus'ab b. Ruzayk, 
called Dhu '1-Yaminayn (? "the ambidextrous"), b. 
159/776, d. 207/822, the founder of a short 
line of governors in Khurasan during the high 
'Abbasid period, the Tahirids [q.v.]. His forebears had 
the aristocratic Arabic nisba of "al-Khuza'i". but were 
almost certainly of eastern Persian mawld stock, Mus'ab 
having played a part in the 'Abbasid Revolution as 
secretary to the da'l Sulayman b. Kathfr [q.v.]. He and 
his son al-Husayn were rewarded with the governor- 
ship of Pushang [see bushandj], and Mus'ab at least 
apparently governed Harat also. 

Tahir likewise entered the 'Abbasids' service, and 
took part under Harthama b. A'yan in operations 
against the rebel in Transoxania Rafi' b. al-Layth 
[q.v.] (194/810). In the civil warfare between the two 
sons of Harun al-Rashid, al-Amiri and al-Ma'mun 
[q.vv.], Tahir led an army of the latter's and defeated 
al-Amln's general 'Air b. 'Isa b. Mahan at Hamadhan 
in 195/811, pressing on to Baghdad, where his sol- 
diers killed the captive al-Amin (198/813). He then 
became governor of the western provinces, with his 
base at HarQn's old capital of al-Rakka [q.v.] on the 
Euphrates, and also became sahib al-shurta [see shurta] 
in Baghdad, the basis of the extensive wealth and 
power which the Tahirid family was to acquire in 
'Irak. In 205/821 he became governor of Khurasan 
and the East. Soon after his arrival there, he began 
omitting the caliph's name from the khutba, and certain 
coins minted by him in 206/821-2 omit al-Ma'mun's 
name; both these actions were virtually declarations 
of independence from Baghdad, but at this point, in 
207/822, Tahir died at Marw. Because of this abrupt 
end, we do not know what Tahir's motives were or 
how events might have turned out; but the 'Abbasids 
did not hesitate to appoint Tahir's sons and later 
descendants to high office in Khurasan and 'Irak. 

Tahir is said to have been well educated in Arabic 
as well as his native Persian, and his epistle to his 
son 'Abd Allah on the latter's appointment to his own 
old office at al-Rakka in 206/821-2 (text preserved 
in Ibn AbT Tahir Tayfur and thence in al-Tabari) 
became famed as a modfl of Arabic eloquence. 

Bibliography: 1. Sources. The standard Arabic 
chronicles, esp. Ibn Abi Tahir's Kitab Baghdad and 
Tabari; also Ibn Khallikan, ed. 'Abbas, ii, 517-23, 
tr. de Slane, i, 649-55. For the famous epistle, see 
the Eng. trs. by F. Rosenthal in his tr. of Ibn 
Khaldun, Mukaddima, ii, 139-56, and C.E. Bosworth, 
in JXES, xxix (1970), 25-41. 

2. Studies. D. Sourdel, Les circonstances de la mort 
de Tahir I au Hurasan en 207/822, in Arabka, v 
(1958), 66-9; Bosworth, in Camb. hist. Iran, iv, 91-5; 
Mongi Kaabi, Les Tahirides au Ifurasan et en Iraq, 
Paris 1983, i, 69 ff.' (C.E. Bosworth) 

TAHIR b. MUHAMMAD b. 'Abd Allah b. 
Muhammad b. Musa b. Ibrahim, Abu 'l-'Abbas, al- 
Muhannad al-Baghdadi, poet and letter-writer 
(one biographer mentions interesting ones, rasa'il 
'adjiba), born in Baghdad in Ramadan 315/November 

927. In 340/951, in his mid-twenties, al-Muhannad 
left Baghdad for Cordova in search of fame and 
patronage, both of which he found as panegyrist and 
companion to the 'Amirid ruler al-Mansiir b. Abf 
'Amir [q.v.]. His biographers are consequently Anda- 
lusian. The earliest notice occurs in Ibn al-Faradi 
(d. 403/1013 [q.v]), Ta'rlkh 'Ulama' al-Andalus, ed. al- 
Abyarl, Cairo-Beirut 1983, i, 361, in a section devoted 
to foreign scholars ('ulama') in Spain. 

Ibn al-Faradr provides details such as al-Muhannad's 
full name, his date and place of birth, the date of 
his departure for Cordova, and the date of his death 
in his adoptive city in Muharram 390/December 999. 
However, he makes no mention of the assertion made 
by al-Humaydl (d. 488/1095 [q.v.]), Qjadhwat al-muktabis 
ft ta'rlkh 'ulama' al-Andalus, ed. al-Abyarl, Cairo-Beirut 
n.d., i, 383, no. 516, that al-Muhannad was a descen- 
dant of Ibn Abf Tahir Tayfur [q.v.], "the author of 
Ta'rikk Baghdad [sic]". Ibn al-Faradi either simply does 
not record the connection or is unaware of it, though 
he is otherwise very informed about al-Muhannad. 
Ibn Abi Tahir and his K. Baghdad would no doubt 
have reached Ibn al-Faradi's attention, if through 
nothing else but the history of Cordova by al-Razi 
(d. 340/955 [q.v.]), said to be modelled on that work. 
The genealogy in Ibn al-Faradi does argue against 
descent but the fact that al-Humaydi claims to have 
composed his work entirely from memory in Baghdad 
lends some credence to the assertion. Al-Humaydi's 
contemporary, Ibn Hayyan al-Kurtubi (3881469/987- 
1076 [q.v.]), records al-Muhannad in al-Muktabis, ed. 
al-Hadjdji, Beirut 1983, 31, 120, 156 ff., but, like Ibn 
al-Faradi, does not tie him to Ibn Abi Tahir. The 
al-Humaydl notice is quoted verbatim by the much 
later al-Dabbi (d. 599/1202-3 [q.v.]), Bughyat al-multamis 
fi ta'rlkh ridjal ahl al-Andalus, Cairo 1968, 326, no. 859. 

The biographers remark that reports (akjibar) are 
told about al-Muhannad's spiritual contemplations 
and how his espousal of the ways of the "heretic" 
mystic al-Halladj led people to have a low opinion 
of him. As these stories are uncorroborated (hukiyat 
'anhu), al-Humaydl adds that "God knows best!" 

Bibliography: Given in the article. See also 

Sezgin, GAS, ii, 690. (Shawkat M. Toorawa) 

TAHIR SAYF al-DIN, Abu Muhammad, 51st 
da'l al-mutlak, or absolute da'l (addressed as 
Bawa Sahib and Sayyidnd), vicegerent of the 21st Imam's 
(al-Tayyib) descendants, and leader of the small, 
predominantly GudjaratI, Isma'ili merchant 
community of Dawudi Bohoras [q.v.]. He was 
born in Bombay in 1304/1886, assumed headship 
of the dawat (= da'wa) from 'Abd Allah Badr al-Din 
in 1330/1912, and ruled till his death in Matheran 
in 1384/1965, when he was succeeded by his son, 
Muhammad Burhan al-Din (b. 1334/1915). He is 
buried in the "Rawdat Tahira" mausoleum built by 
his son, now a ziyara site for Bohoras. 

Though he is not a descendant, recent Bohora 
literature identifies Tahir Sayf al-Din's ancestors as 
"the Fatimi Imams" and describes the Bohoras as 
"FatimT". This re-establishment of links with the 
Fatimids was important to Tahir Sayf al-Din and was 
underscored by his successful negotiation with the 
Egyptian government for stewardship of the Mosque 
of al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah [q.v.] in Cairo. Indeed, his 
active cultivation of diplomatic contacts with heads of 
state brought to the office of da'l the bearing of a 
princeship it had not hitherto enjoyed. 

Tahir Sayf al-Din came under much criticism from 
Bohora reformist elements about management of dawat 
funds, but Privy Council decisions guaranteed him the 



right to manage "as sole trustee with wide discretionary 
powers". The reformers are right that the da'i al-du'at 
(chief da'l), his Fatimid analogue, did not have sim- 
ilar sweeping powers — but that was before the 
Occultation of the Imam. The da'i's right to excom- 
municate, frequently and prominently exercised in 
India as elsewhere (e.g. in Tanzania), also provoked 
outcry and judicial intervention. 

Tahir Sayf al-Din was responsible for the expan- 
sion of the al-D}dmi'a al-Sajfiyja in Surat [g.v.] into a 
large-scale Academy for the training of 'amik (the 
modern successors to the Fatimid regional da'is) in 
Arabic and religious matters. It is said to be inspired 
by the Dar al-Hikma [g.v.] of the Fatimid caliph al- 
Hakim and by al-Azhar [q.v.]. 

Bibliography. F. Daftary, 77k Isma'ilis, Cambridge 
1992; Dawat-e-Hadiyah, The Fatimi tradition, Bombay 
1988; idem, 77k Dawoodi Bohras, Bombay n.d.; idem, 
Believers and yet unbelievers; A.A. Engineer, 77k Boho- 
ras, Bombay 1980, esp. 156-9, 167-75, 209-13; S.C. 
Misra, Muslim communities in Gujarat, London 1964; 
S. Stem, The succession of the Fatimid Imam al-Amir, 
the claims of the later Fatimids to the Imamate, and the 
rise of Tayyibi Ismailism, in Oriens, iv (1951), 193- 
255; Tahir Sayf al-Din, Mrul Hakkul Mubin, Bombay 
1335/1917; idem, Sahlfat al-salat, Bombay n.d.; 
H. Halm, Shiism, Edinburgh 1991, 193-200, 204-5. 

(Shawkat M. Toorawa) 
TAHIR WAHID, Mirza Muhammad, Persian 

tary, born during the beginning of the llth/17th 
century, and died most probably in 1110/1698-9. 

He was born at Kazwin into a family whose mem- 
bers had served in the state chancery. His father, 
Mirza Husayn Khan, was a prominent citizen of 
Kazwin. Tahir Wahid learned the traditional subjects 
taught during his time, and acquired a good training 
in accountancy and secretarial work. He served as 
secretary to two successive prime ministers, Mirza 
Taki al-Din Muhammad, called I'timad al-Dawla, 
and Sayyid 'All al-Din Khalifa Sultan. Through the 
intervention of the latter he was appointed official 
chronicler in the administration of Shah 'Abbas II 
(r. 1052-77/1642-66), and in 1055/1645-6 he became 
the court historian of that ruler. In 1101/1689- 
90, after a temporary lay-off, he was recalled to fill 
the post of prime minister under Shah Sulayman I 
(r. 1077-1105/1666-96), and received the title of 'Imad 
al-Dawla. He held that position till the early years of 
Shah Sultan Husayn's reign (1105-35/1694-1722), 
when he resigned because of old age or, according 
to some writers, as a result of official censure. He 
died soon afterwards at the advanced age of nearly 
one hundred years. 

Tahir Wahid's intellectual activity covered poetry, 
letter-writing and historiography. His verse production 
is estimated at some 50,000 couplets (see Dhabih Allah 
Safe, Tarikh-i adabiyyat dar Iran, v/2, Tehran 1372/ 
i 993-4, 1348). It includes, besides kastdas, ghazals and 
ruba'is, a number of long and short mathnaivis such 
as Khalwat-i raz "The secret solitude"; Naz u niyaz 
"Pride and humility"; Saki-nama "Book of the cup- 
bearer"; 'Ashik u ma'shuk "Lover and beloved"; Fath-i 
Kandahar "Conquest of Kandahar"; and Gulzar-i Abbasi 
"The garden of 'Abbas". The poet has been judged 
favourably by most literary historians, with the sig- 
nificant exceptions of Rida-kuli Khan Hidayat and 
Lutf 'All Beg Adhar. who expressed their disapproval 

'Abbas II, and his history of the same ruler, pub- 
lished in 1329/1951, under the tide Abbas-nama. The 
letters were collected by the author himself and have 
been published from Calcutta in 1243/1826 and again 
from Lakhnaw in 1260/1844. The historical work 
was composed in response to the command of Shah 
'Abbas II, and the published version covers the first 
twenty-two years of the monarch's reign ending with 
the year 1073/1662-3. 

Bibliography: Mirza Muhammad Tahir Wahid 
Kazwini, Abbas-nama, ed. Ibrahim Dahgan, Arak 
1329/1951; Muhammad Tahir Nasrabadi, Tadh- 
kira-yi Nasrabadi, ed. Wahid Dastgardi, Tehran 
1361/1982; Shaykh Muhammad 'All Hazin, Tadh- 
kira-yi Hazin (introd. by Muhammad Bakir Ulfat), 
Isfahan 1334/1955; Rida-kuli Khan Hidayat, Madjma' 
al-fusaha', ed. Mazahir Musafta, Tehran 1339/1960-1, 
ii/1; Lutf 'All Beg Adhar, Atashkada, ed. Hasan 
Sadat Nasiri, Tehran 1338/1959, iii; Muhammad 
Afdal Sarkhush, Kalimat al-shu'ara', Lahore 1942; 
Mir Husayn Dust Sanbhali, Tadhkira-yi Husayni, 
Lakhnaw 1292/1875-6; Kudrat Allah Gopamawi, 
Mta'idJ al-afkar, Bombay 1336/1958; Muhammad 
'All Tabrlzl (Mudarris), Rayhdnat al-adab, Tabriz (?) 
1371/1952-3, iv; Browne, LHP, iv; Ahmad Gulcin 
Ma'ani, Tadhkira-yi paymana, Mashhad 1359/1980; 
Sayyid MahmQd Khayri. Tadhkira-yi shu'ard-yi Kaz- 
win, Tehran 1370-1991; Rieu, Catalogue of Persian 
manuscripts in the British Museum, i, Add. 1 1 ,632; 
Catalogue of the Arabic and Persian manuscripts in the 
Oriental Public Library at Bankipore, Calcutta 1912, iii; 
Storey, i/1; Fihrist-i Kitdbkhana-yi Madrasa-yi Ali-yi 
Sipahsaldr, Tehran 1316-18/1937-9, ii; Fihrist-i kutub- 
i khatti-yi Kitabkhana-yi Madjlis-i Shura-yi MUM, Tehran 
1318-21/1939-42, iii; Dihkhuda, Lughat-nama, s.v. 
Wahid Kazwini; Muhammad Mu'in, Farhang-i Farsi, 
Tehran 1371/1992,' vi; Muhammad 'Ali Tarbiyat, 
Yak safha az risala-yi hadi 'ashar, in Armagjian, xiii/5 
( 1 3 1 1 / 1 932). (Munibur Rahman) 

TAHIRIDS, the name of three dynasties of 
mediaeval Islam. 

1. A line of governors for the 'Abbasid caliphs 
in Khurasan and the holders of high offices in 
'Irak, who flourished in the 3rd/9th century (205-78/ 

The founder of the line was the Persian com- 
mander, of mawld origin, Tahir (I) b. al-Husayn Dh u 
'1-Yaminayn [q.v.], who became governor of Khurasan 
in 205/821 but who died almost immediately after- 
wards, after showing signs of asserting his independ- 
ence of Baghdad. Nevertheless, the caliph — possibly 
being unable to find anyone else with the requisite 
prestige and military capability to govern these dis- 
tant and potentially difficult regions^ — appointed first 
his son Talha (207-13/822-8), who is a somewhat 
shadowy figure in the sources, and then another son 
'Abd Allah, who left a strong imprint on the history 
and culture of his age and who was probably the 
greatest of the Tahirids (213-30/828-45 [q.v.]). 'Abd 
Allah had achieved great military successes for the 
caliphate whilst governor of the western provinces, 
securing the surrender of the rebel in al-Djazira Nasr 
b. Shabath [q.v.] and suppressing a longstanding 
rebellion in Egypt. With his local capital at Nishapur, 
'Abd Allah managed to retain the caliphs' favour, 
although he prudendy stayed in Khurasan and never 
visited the caliphal courts in Baghdad and Samarra'. 
His territories extended as far as Transoxania, where 
his deputy governors included members of the rising 
Samanid family [see samanids] . For details of his gov- 
ernorship, see the article on him. 

'Abd Allah's son Tahir (II) was eventually ap- 
pointed governor after his father's death (230-48/845- 
59), and like his father, received glowing praises from 
the historians for his benevolent and just rule in 
Khurasan, although they have little specific to say 
about the events of his time. But we know that it was 
during his governorship that direct Tahirid control 
over Slstan, hitherto an administrative dependency of 
Khurasan, was lost to local 'ayyar leaders, paving the 
way for the ultimate triumph in 247/861 of Ya'kub 
b. al-Layth and the indigenous Saffarid dynasty [q.v.] 

Tahir (II)'s successor at Nishapur was his son 
Muhammad [see muhammad b. tahir]. Perhaps because 
of his ultimate failure, the sources view him as weak 
and pleasure-loving, inferior to his predecessors. He 
was unfortunate in that Tahirid rule in the East was 
challenged by the Zaydr ShTT rebellion in the Caspian 
provinces under al-Hasan b. Zayd, called al-Da'i al- 
Kabir, an outbreak provoked by Tahirid financial 
oppression in the region. The downfall of Tahirid 
authority came, however, from the opposite quarter of 
Slstan, where Ya'kub b. al-Layth [q.v.] speedily made 
himself strong enough to challenge the Tahirids. In 
259/873 he entered Nishapur without a blow being 
struck, imprisoned Muhammad and effectively ended 
Tahirid authority in the East, although various local 
military adventurers in Khurasan subsequently claimed 
to be acting in the name of Muhammad (who, after 
escaping from Saffarid captivity, was once more 
appointed governor of Khurasan but who never dared 
to take up the office). 

The fortunes of the Tahirids in 'Irak were more en- 
during, based as they were on the immense property 
and wealth built up by them in Baghdad, epitomised 
in the Harim al-Tahir in Baghdad, where the Tahirid 
commanders of the police guard (shurta [q.v.]) and gov- 
ernors of 'Irak resided, and which enjoyed quasi-regal 
administrative and legal status (whence Harim = 
"Sanctuary"). The offices in 'Irak were held by mem- 
bers of both the line of Tahir (I) and of his cousin 
Ishak b. Ibrahim b. Mus'ab. Such governors as Ishak 
(207-35/822-49) and then the sons of 'Abd Allah b. 
Tahir (I), Muhammad, Sulayman and 'Ubayd Allah, 
gained great reputations not only as effective military 
commanders at a time when there was intense civic 
and ethnic violence enveloping the caliphate but also 
as patrons of literature and such arts as music, and 
as creative artists themselves; 'Ubayd Allah b. 'Abd 
Allah [q.v.] was himself the author of a work on music 
and singing. Some Tahirids held intermittent power 
in 'Irak at the end of the 3rd/opening of the 10th cen- 
tury, but the family then lapsed into obscurity; only 
al-Tha'alibi mentions a scion of Tahir II who resided 
at the Samanid court in Bukhara on estates granted 
to him by the Amirs and who was a litterateur. 

Earlier orientalists often regarded the Tahirids of 
Khurasan as the first provincial dynasty to arise out 
of the enfeebled condition of the 'Abbasid caliphate 
in the mid-3rd/9th century, but it is doubtful whether 
we should think of them thus. With the single excep- 
tion, an apparent aberration, of Tahir (I)'s action at 
the end of his life, the Tahirid governors faithfully 
acknowledged and fulfilled the constitutional rights of 
their overlords the caliphs. Their coins were little dif- 
ferent from those of other provincial governors, and 
some coins were minted in places definitely under 
Tahirid control without mentioning them at all. The 
Tahirids seem to have been retained in Khurasan by 
the 'Abbasids because they were able to provide firm 
government for an important sector of the empire at 

a time when the caliphs themselves were increasingly 
constricted in their own power. 

Bibliography: 1. Sources. See the Arabic and 
Persian chronicles (Ibn Abi Tahir Tayfur; Ya'kubl; 
Tabarl; Mas'udi, Murudj; Gardfzi; Ibn al-Athir) 
and adab and biographical works (Shabushti; Ibn 

2. Studies. Barthold, Turkestan', 207-18; G. Roth- 
stein, Z u as-Sabusti's Beruht uber die Tahiriden, in 
Orientalische Studien Theodor Nbldeke gewidmet, Giessen 
1906, i, 155-70; Spuler, Iran, 59 ff.; C.E. Bosworth, 
in Comb. hist, of Iran, iv, 90-106; Mongi Kaabi, Les 
origines tahirides dans la daSva 'abbaside, in Arabica, 
xix (1972), 145-64; idem, Les Tahirides au Hurasan 
et en Iraq, 2 vols., Paris 1983 (i = historical study, 
ii = texts). On literary and cultural aspects, see 
Bosworth, The Tahirids and Arabic culture, in JSS, xiv 
(1969), 45-79; idem, The Tahirids and Persian literature, 
in Iran, JBIPS, vii (1969), 103-6. For a list of the 
governors, see idem, The New Islamic dynasties, a 
chronological and genealogical manual, Edinburgh 1996, 
no. 82. (C.E. Bosworth) 

2. A minor dynasty of Al-Andalus. 
The Banu Tahir belonged to one of the most in- 
fluential families of Mursiya (currently Murcia), in 
the Shark al-Andalus, of Arab origin (Kays 'Aylan) and 
celebrated by Arab authors for its wealth and social 
status. They were major landowners; the name of the 
karyat Bam Tahir, near Murcia, is attested in the sec- 
ond half of the 4th/ 10th century, and they added to 
their possessions in the course of the following century. 
Some of the Banu Tahir distinguished themselves in 
literature and the sciences, while simultaneously play- 
ing a major role in the administration of the city. 
Also, during the periods of disintegration of the cen- 
tral power (first and second ta'ifas), members of this 
family were the heads of regional government. 

The first of the Banu Tahir to take power was 
Abu Bakr Ahmad b. Ishak b. Zayd b. Tahir al-Kayst 
(d. 455/1063), chosen by the ruler of Almeria, the 
slave Zuhayr, who wanted to rid himself of the rep- 
resentative of another eminent family, the Banu Khat- 
tab. After the death of Zuhayr, Ibn Tahir recognised 
the nominal authority of the prince of Valencia, the 
'Amirid 'Abd al-'Aziz, grandson of al-Mansur. Until 
his death, which occurred at a very advanced age, 
Ibn Tahir proved capable of maintaining peace in 
his domains, taking responsibility for payment of the 
djund applied to the region and keeping fiscal control 
of the territory. His son Abu 'Abd al-Rahman Muham- 
mad, who had held the post of sahib al-maialim, con- 
tinued the policies of Abu Bakr, and his reign is 
unanimously commended by Arab historians. However, 
he was unable to resist attacks on the part of the 
wazir of Seville Ibn 'Ammar, who succeeded in mak- 
ing alliances among the nobility of Murcia and ulti- 
mately conquered the city. Imprisoned in the castle 
of Monteagudo, near Murcia, Muhammad subse- 
quently managed to make his way to Valencia, where 
he participated in the events which led to the con- 
quest of the city by the Cid. Imprisoned again in 
488/1095, he died in Valencia in 507/1113-14 and 
was buried in Murcia. In addition to his political 
activities, Muhammad b. Ahmad was a respected man 
of letters. He was the author of numerous rasa'il col- 
lected by Ibn Bassam in a book entitled Silk al-djawdhir 
min tarsil Ibn Tahir, and reproduced partially in his 
Dhakhira. Arabic sources liken the literary output of 
Muhammad b. Ahmad to that of al-Sahib Ibn 'Abbad 
and convey anecdotes illustrating his wit and his ency- 
clopedic knowledge. 


In Rabf I 540/September 1145, during the period 
of the second ta'ifas which followed the Almora- 
vid collapse, the people of Murcia united in offering 
power to Abu 'Abd al-Rahman Muhammad b. 'Abd 
al-Rahman b. Ahmad b. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Tahir. 
Once installed in the kasr, this Ibn Tahir at first 
accepted the sovereignty of Ibn Hud [see HiiDlDs], but 
he was soon to declare himself independent ruler of 
Murcia, entrusting command of the cavalry to his 
brother Abu Bakr. However, a coup mounted by the 
ka'id Ibn "Iyad put an end to the reign of Ibn Tahir 
fifty days after his seizure of power. Subsequently, he 
became increasingly estranged from the new master 
of the Stark, Ibn Mardanish [q.v.], who was present- 
ing active resistance to the Almohads. In fact, Ibn 
Tahir became an ardent supporter of the Almohad 
doctrine, and died in Marrakush in 574/1178-9, hav- 
ing travelled to the Moroccan capital to present to 
the caliph his risala entided Al-Kafiyaji barahin al-imam 
al-Mahdi radiya Allahu ta'ald 'anhu 'akl m wa-nakl™ (repro- 
duced by Ibn al-Kattan, Na&n, 101-22). Ibn Tahir's 
personal interests were far removed from the politi- 
cal activity in which he was a reluctant participant. 
After studying fikh in Murcia and in Cordova, he 
devoted himself to the "sciences of the ancients" ('a/am 
al-awa'il), in which he became an authority acknowl- 
edged by the specialists in these branches of knowl- 
edge; he also lectured in philosophy. Married to Amat 
al-Rahman, daughter of the kadi Abu Muhammad 
'Abd al-Hakk b. Ghalib b. 'AtTyya (himself a mem- 
ber of an important Granadan family), he had a son 
(d. 598/1201) who took the name and kunya of his 
maternal grandfather and was a poet and an expert 
in the judicial sciences. 

As for those members of the Banu Tahir who had 
no involvement in public affairs, the biographical dic- 
tionaries cite several names, among which the most 
important is undoubtedly that of Muhammad b. Tahir 
Abi '1-Husam b. Muhammad b. Tahir al-Kaysi al- 
Shahfd'(d. 378/988-9)j a scholar of' ascetic inclination 
who spent eight years in Mecca perfecting his spiritual 
development. After his return to al-Andalus in 366 
or 367/976-8, he led a life dedicated to piety and to 
the practice of residence in a ribat, initially in the 
vicinity of Murcia and then in the frontier zone. He 
also involved himself actively in the practice of ajihad 
and participated in al-Mansur's expeditions against 
Zamora and Coimbra; he was only 42 years old when 
he died in the course of the Astorga campaign 
(377/988). Muhammad b. Tahir is described by the 
sources as a Sufi, and as a performer of miracles dur- 
ing the time of his residence in the Mashrik; a book 
entided K. al-Idjabal wa 'l-karamat is attributed to him. 
Bibliography: 1. Sources. Dabbr, Bughyal al- 
multamis, nos. 154, 381; Ibn al-Abbar, al-Hulla al- 
siyara', ii, 116-27 and 227-35; Ibn al-Abbar, Takmila, 
Cairo 1955, nos. 924, 1418; idem, Madrid 1887, 
no. 1807; Ibn Bassam, al-LVtakJiira, ed. 'Abbas, iii, 
24-40; Ibn al-Faradi, Ta'rlkh 'Ulama' al-Andalus, no. 
1349; Ibn al-Kattan, Mazm al-ajuman, ed. M.'A. 
MakkT, Beirut 1990, 101-22; Ibn Khakan, Kala'id 
al-'ikyan, ed. M. Ibn 'Ashur, Tunis 1990, 145-71, 
443; Ibn al-Khatib, A'mal al-a'lam, ed. E. Levi- 
Provencal, Rabat 1934, 232-3, cf. W. Hoenerbach, 
Islamische Geschichte Spaniens. Ubersetzung der A'mal al- 
A'lam und erganzender Texte, Zurich and Stuttgart 1970, 
382-4; Ibn Sa'id, Mughrib, ii, 247-8; Marrakushi, 
al-Dbayl wa 'l-takmila, v, no. 1165, vi, no. 896. 

2. Studies. 'I. Dandash, al-Andalus Jt nihdyat al- 
Murabitin wa-mustahall al-Muwahhidtn, Beirut 1988; 
M. Fierro, 77k Qadi as ruler, in Saber religioso y poder 

politico en el Islam, Madrid 1994, 71-116; M. Gaspar 
Remiro, Historia de la Murcia musulmana, Saragossa 
1905, repr. Murcia 1980; P. Guichard, Murcia musul- 
mana (sighs IX al XIII), in Historia de la region mur- 
ciana, iii, Murcia 1980, 132-85; MJ. Viguera, Los 
reinos de taifas y las invasiones magrebies, Madrid 1992; 
eadem, Historia politico, in Los reinos de Taifas: al- 
Andalus en el sigh XI, Madrid 1994, 31-129. 

(Mantjela MarIn) 
3. A Sunnl dynasty of South Arabia. 
They ruled, as direct successors of the Rasulids 
[q.v.], over the southern highlands of the Yemen and 
Tihama [q.v.] between the years 858-923/1454-1517. 
They take their name from one Tahir b. Ma'uda, 
the father of the first Tahirid ruler, who found 
favour with the Rasulids in the early 9th/ 15 th cen- 
tury (see Schuman, pull-out family tree after p. 142). 
They were mashayikh, originating from the area of 
Djuban and al-Mikrana, some 80 km/50 miles south 
of Rada'. 

1 . History. The Tahirids had taken Lahdj, just north 
of Aden, in 847/1443, as the Rasulids declined in the 
midst of internecine squabbles. Their capture of the 
chief port in 858/ 1 454 marks the beginning of their 
period of rule. There were four sultans: al-Zafir 'Amir 
[q.v.] and al-Mudjahid 'All, a dual sovereignty until 
864/1460, when the former relinquished his power; 
al-Mansur 'Abd al-Wahhab, 883-94/1478-89 and 
finally al-Zafir 'Amir II, 894-923/1517. 

The Tahirids were certainly less interested in ex- 
panding their territory in San'a' [q.v.] and into the 
north of the Yemen than their predecessors had been 
(see Smith, Some observations, passim). After initial con- 
solidation of territory in the southern highlands and 
Tihama, the Tahirids settled down to a regular pat- 
tern of government: their summers were spent in 
Djuban and al-Mikrana, with their easy access to the 
southern highlands, and their winters in Zabid [q.v.] 
in Tihama. The latter in part returned to its previ- 
ous role as intellectual and educational capital of the 
Yemen and a major seat of learning in the Islamic 
world. The primary sources indicate much more polit- 
ical and military activity in Tihama than in the south- 
ern highlands. The history of the period, in fact, is 
largely taken up with Tahirid efforts to quell the upris- 
ing of recalcitrant Tihama tribes and the punishment 
often dealt out to them. 

The destruction of the Tahirids was due indirectly 
to the activities of the Mamluks of Egypt, whose fleet 
in 921/1515 arrived off Kamaran, an island in the 
Red Sea off the Yemeni coast. The despatch of the 
fleet into the Red Sea was part of the Mamluk strat- 
egy to combat the increasing Portuguese threat to the 
eastern trade route. The Tahirid sultan, al-Zafir 'Amir, 
refused to provision the ships, but was defeated in 
batde near Zabid by a combined force of Mamluks 
and Zaydls from the north. The Mamluks were able 
to capture the Tahirid treasure house at al-Mikrana 
and killed al-Zafir 'Amir near San'a' in 923/1517, 
thus in effect putting an end to Tahirid rule. 

2. Monuments. Although their architectural legacy is 
undoubtedly less imposing than the Rasulids', Tahirid 
monuments are impressive, and some of them can 
still be seen and appreciated to this day. Perhaps the 
most famous is the 'Amiriyya madrasa in Rada' built 
in 910/1504. Other outstanding architectural exam- 
ples can be found in both Djuban and al-Mikrana, 
in Zabid and elsewhere. 

Bibliography: 1. History. The history of the 
Tahirids can be approached in the primary sources 
from three sides: (1) the pro-Tahirid Sunnl sources, 


mainly those of their historian, Ibn al-Dayba'; 
(2) the Zaydi ones; and (3) at least one Isma'ill 
source. Most are listed and discussed in G. Rex 
Smith, The Tahind sultans of the Yemen (858-923/1454- 
1517) and their historian Ibn al-Dayba', in JSS, xxix/1 
(1984), 141-54, but add Ibn al-Dayba', Bughyat al- 
mustqfid fi tarikh madinat £abid, and idem, al-Fadl 
al-mazld 'aid Bughyat al-mustafid, both ed. J. Chelhod, 
San'a' 1983. See also L.O. Schuman, Political his- 
tory of the Yemen at the beginning of the 16th century, 
Groningen 1960; G.R. Smith, Some observations on 
the Tahirids and their activities in and around San'a' (858- 
923/1454-1517), in Ihsan Abbas et alii (eds.), Studies 
in history and literature in honour of Nicola Qadeh . . ., 
London 1992, 29-37; Venetia Porter, The history and 
monuments of the Tahirid dynasty of the Yemen— 858- 
923/1454-1517, unpublished Ph.D. diss. University 
of Durham 1992, 2 vols, (an excellent work); C.E. 
Bosworth, The New Islamic dynasties, Edinburgh 1 996, 
no. 50. 

2. Monuments. See Porter, History and monu- 
ments, in particular chs. 7 and 8 of i, and ii, passim. 

(G.R. Smith) 
TAflKIM (a.), arbitration (the masdar of the form 
II verb hakkama. It denotes the action of making 
an appeal to arbitration by someone involved 
with another in a conflict or in some affair of a con- 
flicting nature by mutual agreement. It also desig- 
nates someone fulfilling the role of an agent with the 
power of attorney, or an authorised agent (with full 
powers to act) in a different or clear matter. This 
person should be qualified as a muhakkam, a person 
who is solicited for arbitration. The ancient Arabs 
preferred to use the word hakam, arbitrator, from the 
verb hakama, to judge (form I), from which the noun 
of action is hukm or hukuma, a decision, verdict or judge- 
ment, and in modern Arabic is also used to mean 
power, government (cf. Kur'an, IV, 35; L'A, xii, 142, 
s.v. hakama; TA, Cairo 1888, viii, 252 ff.; Kazimirski, 
Dietionnaire arabe-Jrancais, Paris 1960, i, 470; 'A. Harun 
et alii, al-Mu'a^am al-wasit, Cairo 1960, i, 189). 

Historically, the term tahkim designated the arbitra- 
tion which took place between the fourth caliph 'Air 
b. Abr Talib and the Umayyad Mu'awiya b. Abf 
Sufyan [q.w.] with the intention of effecting a solu- 
tion to the grave conflict which had broken out 
between the two men. 

The advent of "All in the year 35/656, following 
the assassination of 'Uthman, certainly took place 
under conditions which were, to say the very least, 
difficult and complex. The new caliph had immedi- 
ately to confront two opposition movements, contest- 
ing his legitimacy and accusing him of being involved, 
directly or indirectly, in the murder of the deceased 
caliph, and also of protecting the assassins. The first 
group was led by 'A'isha, widow of the Prophet, who 
nevertheless had been an adversary of 'Uthman dur- 
ing his lifetime, with the support of Zubayr b. al- 
'Awwam and of Talha b. 'Ubayd Allah, two illustrious 
companions of the Prophet. The second group was led 
by the redoubtable Mu'awiya, with the support of his 
ally 'Amr b. al-'As, who was rightly and suitably nick- 
named Dahiyat al-'Arab, "the supremely shrewd one of 
the Arabs", by reason of his intelligence and skill in 
political matters. 

For the events which followed, involving the Battle 
of the Camel and the Battle of Siffin, see 'alI b. abI 
talib; al-dlamal; siffin. This last series of skirmishes 
on the banks of the Euphrates in what is now north- 
eastern Syria in 36-7/656-7 ended with a final and 
most bloody confrontation on the laylat al-harir "night 

of clamour", Thursday-Friday Safar 37/27-8 July 658. 
After many exchanges of emissaries and mediators, 
the two opponents came to an agreement to cease 
fighting and designated an arbitrator in each camp, 
hoping thus to bring the conflict to a reasonable solu- 
tion, following the principles of the Kur'an. 'All in 
no way wanted this agreement. He wished to con- 
tinue in combat and to defeat once and for all the 
forces of his adversary. However, the kurra' [q.v.], the 
readers of the Kur'an, who allegedly numbered some 
20,000 men of his army although the number sounds 
vastly inflated, made him accept the c 

pressure from the kurra', was constrained to accept as 
his representative Abu Musa al-Ash'an, whom the 
Arab authors all depict as an honest though naive 
man. It seems 'Air would have preferred his cousin 
'Abd Allah b. 'Abbas or failing that, al-Ashtar. 

Other voices were again raised in protest among 
the supporters of 'Air, chanting the famous formula 
la hakam' ilia llah, wa-la hukrrf ilia li-llah, meaning lit- 
erally "there is no judge but God and there is no 
acceptable judgement but His". They assembled 
around 'Abd Allah al-Rasibi and were designated as 
the muhakkima al-ula, the first group to have proclaimed 
the spoken formula la hukm" ilia li-llah. It was they 
who initiated one of the first schismatic movements 
in Islam, known a little later by the name of Khawariaj 
[see KHARrpjiTEs] , the dissidents, or those coming from 
the ranks of the camp of 'All. While awaiting arbi- 
tration, the antagonists left Siffin and returned to their 
bases, the Umayyads to Damascus and the followers 
of 'Ali to Kufa. 

The Arbitration (al-tahklm). There is near total 
confusion surrounding the role of the two arbitrators 
(hakam), as well as the location for the arbitration. 
Concerning the place, Arab authors sometimes cite 
Dumat al-Djandal (present-day al-Djawf), an inter- 
mediate town between Syria and 'Irak, and some- 
times Adhruh, situated between Ma'an and Petra. H. 
Lammens, referring to a poem by al-Akhtal (Diwan, 
Beirut 1309/1891, i, 79) maintained that the meet- 
ing took place in the latter town (ET, vol. I, 135-6, 
art. adhroh). But many other poets mention Dumat 
al-Djandal on different occasions as the place of arbi- 
tration (see below). L. Veccia Vaglieri thought that 
the arbitrators held two meetings, one at Dumat al- 
Djandal and the other at Adhruh (EI 2 vol. I, 384, 
art. 'ali b. abi talib). In all probability there were 
indeed two meetings for arbitration, but one would 
have taken place at the end of the combat, on the 
spot, at Siffin; the other would have been held dur- 
ing the following year in a place half-way between 
Syria and 'Irak. Finally, the choice was fixed on 
Dumat al-Djandal. 

Ibn Muzahim al-Minkari (d. 212/827), a specialist 
in 'Alid affairs and one of the oldest to have devoted 
a work to the battle of Siffin (Wak'at Siffin), asserted 
authoritatively that several poems support this. For 
him the place in question was well and truly Dumat 
al-Djandal (see Wak'at Siffin, esp. 616-17 and passim; 
cf. Ibn Abi '1-Hadid, Shark, iv, 248-9, 253, 256 and 
passim; see also al-Ya'kubr, Ta'rlkh, Beirut 1379/1960 
ii, 190; al-Tabari, Cairo 1384/1964, iv, 56-8, 66-7; 
al-Mas'udi, Murudj, ed. Pellat, iii, 145; Ibn Kathir, 
Bidaya, vii, 282, etc.). 

Accompanied by eminent men from each camp, 
the two arbitrators held their first talks. This was a 
sort of preliminary meeting which led, after numer- 
ous attempts, to a treaty drawn up and signed, very 


probably on Wednesday, 13 Safar 37 in the same 
year/31 July 657 (cf. al-Tabari iv, 57; Ibn al-Athir, 
ed. Beirut, iii, 321. While guaranteering the safety of 
the arbitrators, the text invited the belligerents to 
observe a truce for one year to comply with the ver- 
dict of the arbitration which was based strictly on 
Kur'anic precepts. 

In Ramadan 38/February 658, the two arbitra- 
tors met again, each escorted by 400 cavalrymen 
from their camp. The two adversaries had to be pre- 
sent. But only Mu'awiya responded to the appeal. 'All 
had his cousin 'Abd Allah b. 'Abbas represent him. 
It was 'Amr b. al-'As who according to the accepted 
version of pro-'Abbasid and pro-Shl'I historians, mani- 
pulated the negotiations. He began by rejecting all 
the propositions of the other speaker. Then methodi- 
cally and with great skill, he managed to draw him 
into undermining the caliph and accepting the removal 
from power of both adversaries, 'All and Mu'awiya, 
in order to give a free hand to the Muslim commu- 
nity to designate the leader of their choice. 

At the end of their work, both arbitrators had each 
in turn to appear in public and announce their deci- 
sion, agreed by common assent. 'Amr feigned a great 
respect for Abu Musa on the pretext that he had 
been a Companion of the Prophet and was the older 
man, and he let him speak first. He hastened to pro- 
nounce the verdict. 'Amr followed him to the ros- 
trum, and to the great surprise of all, declared: "As 
far as I am concerned, I confirm the decision of Abu 
Musa about the demotion of his friend ['All] but I 
am supporting mine [Mu'awiya]". Thus silenced, al- 
Ash'ari set off for Mecca and remained there for the 
rest of his days. When this news was announced at 
Kufa, 'Air contested the outcome of the arbitration, 
considering it contrary to the Kur'an and the surma. 
He took the decision to fight Mu'awiya again, mo- 
bilised his forces and left immediately to conquer 

The ensuing events, the secession of the Kharidjites 

and 'All's crushing of the dissidents on the banks of 

the Nahr al-Nahrawan on 9 Safar 38/17 July 658, 

the continued intransigence of the schismatics and the 

final assassination of 'All by the Kharidjite 'Abd al- 

Rahman b. Muldjam in the great mosque at Kufa on 

17 Ramadan 40/24 January 661, may be followed in 

the articles 'alI b. abI talib; ibn muldjam; kharidjites. 

Bibliography: See the extensive bibls. in the 

articles named above and in siffTn, to which should 

be added G.R. Hawting, The significance of the slogan 

la hukma ilia li'llah and the references to the hudud in 

the traditions about the Fitna and the murder of 'Uthman, 

in BSOAS, xli (1978), 453-63; idem, The first dynasty 

of Islam. The Umayyad caliphate A.D. 661-750, London 

and Sydney 1986, 24-33; H. Kennedy, The Prophet 

and the age of the caliphates, London and New York 

1986. (MOKTAR DjEBLl) 

TAHLIL (a.), the verbal noun from hallala, form 
II verb, with two differing etymologies and meanings. 

(1) From hildl, the new moon, meaning "jubila- 
tion or excitement at seeing the new moon" 
[see hilal. i; talbiya]. 

(2) From the formula Id ildha ilia 'lldh, the first and 
main element of the Islamic profession of faith or 
shahada [q.v]. The verbal form is here obtained by 
the so-called procedure of naht "cutting out, carving 
out". The tahUl then denotes the pronouncing, in 
a high and intelligible voice, of the formula 
in question, which implies formal and basic recog- 
nition of the divine unity. 

Bibliography: See L'A, ed. Beirut 1375/1956, 

705; a 

j the I 

ibis, to allah; hilal; tawhid. 


TAHMAN B . 'AMR al-KILABI, minor Arab 
poet of the middle Umayyad period, whose 
exact dates are unknown. As the akhbar on Tahman's 
biography in his diwan (ed. al-Mu'aybid, 39, 42, 50, 
52-5, related at length in ET, IV, 665-6) cannot be 
corroborated from his poems, but on the contrary are 
possibly read into them, his poetry remains the only 
reliable source for his life. A laudatory poem on the 
Umayyad caliph al-Walrd (no. 5) probably refers to 
al-Walrd b. 'Abd al-Malik (cf. no. 8, 1. 7); hence 
Tahman was alive at some time between the years 
86 and 96/705 and 715. Other lines are indicative 
of difficult living conditions: in no. 1, 11. 15 and 19, 
prison and shackles are mentioned (cf. no. 15, 1. 4, 
only in ed. al-Mu'aybid), in no. 14 he complains of 
an enforced stay in the deserted al-Yamama, in no. 
15, 1. 10, only in ed. al-Mu'aybid, he calls himself a 
stranger in the lands of the Southern Arabian tribe 
of Madhhidj. Comparatively well known is poem no. 
8, addressed to an Umayyad caliph from the Marwanid 
line and containing a complaint about an amputated 
right hand; on details such as the identity of the 
addressee, the reason for the punishment and the 
question as to whether he was punished at all, the 
akhbar contradict each other. His diwan, preserved only 
in a Leiden manuscript and containing 14 poems, 
seems to be a fragment of al-Sukkan's (d. 275/888 
[q.v.]) otherwise lost Ash'ar (or Akhbar) al-lusus (Sezgin, 
GAS, ii, 63). Besides the poems nos. 5 and 8 (see 
above), three kasidas (nos. 1, 3 and 12), an elegy on 
a deceased comrade (no. 7), a poem about the killing 
of an enemy (no. 13) and two hiaja' pieces (nos. 9 
and 10) are worth mentioning. 

Bibliography: Diwan, ed. W. Wright, Opuscula 
arabica, Leiden 1859, 76-95; ed. M. L^. al-Mu'aybid, 
Baghdad 1968 (same sequence of poems, with an 
additional poem from other sources); for four addi- 
tional lines, cf. RIMA (Kuwayt), xxxi/2 (1987), 445; 
German tr. of Wright's edn. by O. Rescher, in 
Orientalistische Miszellen, Istanbul 1925, 180-93. 

(T. Seidensticker) 
TAHMASP (Tahmasb), the name of two Shahs 
of the Safawid dynasty [q.v.] in Persia. 

1. Tahmasp I, Abu '1-Fath, eldest son of Shah 
Isma'il [see isma'il i], born at Shahabad in the dis- 
trict of Isfahan on Wednesday, 26 Dhu '1-Hidjdja 919/ 
22 February 1514 (Hasan-i Rumlu, Ahsan al-tawarikji 
(ed. C.N. Seddon, Baroda 1931, 142), died Monday, 
15 Safar 984/14 May 1576 [Ahsan al-tawdnkh, 464), 
second ruler of the Safawid dynasty [see 

Following the early Safawid practice of appointing 
princes of the blood royal to be nominal governors 
of provinces, in the care of a Klzilbash [q.v.] amir who 
was their atabeg/lala (tutor/guardian), in 921/1515 the 
infant Tahmasp was appointed governor of Khurasan 
in the care of Amir Khan Turkman (Ahsan al-tawarikh, 

1. The Klzilbash interregnum (930-40/1524-33). 

On the death of Shah Isma'il I, Tahmasp acceded 
to the throne on Monday, 19 Radjab 930/23 May 
1524 at the age of ten. His extreme youth enabled 
the Klzilbash amirs, led by Diw Sultan Rumlu who, 
by virtue of the testamentary disposition of the late 
shah had become the atabeg of Tahmasp and amir al- 
umara' [see EIr, art., Amir al-Omara'. ii. Safavid usage], 
to seize power and make themselves de facto rulers of 
the state. Civil war ensued as rival Klzilbash tribes 
fought for power, and Tahmasp did not succeed in 

asserting his authority over the rebellious amfrs until 
940/1533 (for details, see R.M. Savory, Studies on the 
history of Safawid Iran, Variorum Reprints, London 1987, 
no. V, 65-71). 

The Ozbegs, led by the powerful chief 'Ubayd 
(Allah) Khan [q.v.], took advantage of this Safawid 
military weakness to lay siege to Harat (three times) 
and to capture it (twice) between 931/1524 and 940/ 
1533. The signal victory won by Tahmasp over the 
Ozbegs at the battle of Djam on 1 1 Muharram 935/25 
September 1528 gave the Safawids a brief respite, but 
did not remove the Ozbeg threat to the north-east 
frontier of the Safawid state (for full details, see M.B. 
Dickson, Shah Tahmasp and the Uzbegs: the duel for 
Khurasan with 'Ubayd Khan, unpubl. Ph.D. thesis, Univer- 
sity of Michigan 1958). 

2. Shah Tahmasp in command (940-982/1533-1574). 

For over forty years, Tahmasp reigned without fur- 
ther challenge to his authority from the Kizilbash amirs. 
External forces, however, continued to threaten the 
very existence of the Safawid state. The death of 
'Ubayd Khan in 946/1539 for a while reduced the 
threat in the north-east, but the threat from the 
Ottomans in the west and north-west increased after 
the accession of Sultan Suleyman KanunI [q.v.], who 
launched four full-scale invasions of Persia between 
940/1533 and 961/1553-4. In these campaigns, the 
Ottomans were aided by Kizilbash renegades [see 
takkalus] and also by the Shah's perfidious brother 
Alkas [see alkas mirza]. 

As a military commander, Tahmasp was at a con- 
stant disadvantage, in that the armies at his disposal 
were numerically inferior to those of his principal ene- 
mies, the Ottomans and the Ozbegs. He was there- 
fore rarely able to take the offensive or risk a pitched 
battle, but was forced to adopt scorched-earth tactics 
to blunt the impact of the Ottoman invasions. For 
example, on the occasion of Siileyman's third inva- 
sion in 955/1548, and again in 960/1553, Tahmasp 
laid waste the entire region between Tabriz and the 
Ottoman frontier, and the inhabitants of Tabriz 
blocked the underground irrigation channels [see 
kanat]. As a result, the Ottoman armies, denied sup- 
plies of food and water, were unable to effect a per- 
manent occupation of the area, and Safawid forces 
moved back into it when the Ottomans withdrew to 
winter quarters in Anatolia. However, in recognition 
of the vulnerability of Tabriz to Ottoman attack, in 
955/1548 Tahmasp transferred the capital to KazwTn 

The Treaty of Amasya (962/1555) gave Persia a 
twenty-year respite from the hostilities with the Otto- 
mans which had gone on intermittently for forty years. 
Under the terms of the Treaty, Georgia was divided 
into "spheres of influence" between the two parties, 
and the Ottoman-Safawid frontier in the north-west 
was demarcated without the cession by the Safawids 
of large areas of territory. These terms, in the cir- 
cumstances favourable to the Safawids, are clear evi- 
dence of the frustration felt by the Ottoman sultan 
at his inability to inflict a decisive defeat on the Safaw- 
ids. The success of Tahmasp in preserving the Safawid 
state, beset as he was by powerful enemies on two 
fronts and plagued by treachery both among the 
Kizilbash amirs and in his own family, must be seen 
as a remarkable achievement. D'Alessandri's accusa- 
tion that Tahmasp "never had inclination for war" 
and was "a man of very little courage" (Narrative of 
the Most Noble Vincentio d'Akssandri, ambassador to the King 
of Persia for the Most Illustrious Republic of Venice, in A 
Narrative of Italian Travels in Persia in the fifteenth and six- 

teenth centuries, Hakluyt Society, London 1873, 216) 
should be disregarded. When only fourteen years of 
age, Tahmasp commanded the Safawid centre at the 
battle of Djam, and it was his heroism that turned 
defeat into victory after most of his men had fled the 
field (Dickson, op. at., 134 ff.). 

The reassertion of royal authority in 940/1533 had 
its effect on the principal offices of state. The office 
of amir al-umard', denoting the commander-in-chief of 
the Kizilbash. troops, virtually disappeared from the 
scene, and the office is not recorded in the list of 
appointments made by 'Abbas I [q.v.; see also EIr, 
art. 'Abbas I] on his accession (Iskandar Beg Munshi, 
Tarikh-i 'Alam-ara-yi 'Abbasi, ed. Iradj Afshar, 2 vols., 
Isfahan 1334-5 A.H.S/1955-6, text i, 384, tr. Savory, 
ii, 554). Instead, the title kurcibashi [see kurcI] was 
increasingly used. The title wa/al, in the sense of the 
alter ego of the Shah with both temporal and spiritual 
authority, also fell into disuse. As a direct result of 
the lessening of Kizilbash influence in government, the 
head of the bureaucracy, the wazir, gained greatly in 
power, as is demonstrated by the career of Kadi 
Djahan KazwinT, who was appointed by Tahmasp in 
942/1535-6 and held office until about 957/1550-1 
(see Savory, Studies, no. V, 73 ff.; on allegations that 
Kadi Djahan was a crypto-Sunm, see Dickson, op. cit., 
191 ff.). Until about midway through the 10th/ 16th 
century, the Safawid state constituted essentially a 
Turco-Persian condominium. Between 947/1540-1 and 
961/1553-4, however, Tahmasp conducted a series of 
campaigns in Georgia, from each of which he brought 
back to Persia large numbers of prisoners, mainly 
women and children. From the 961/1553-4 campaign 
alone he brought back more than 30,000 prisoners, 
including a number of Georgian nobles (aznawuran) 
(Ahsan al-tawankh, 382). In addition, Armenians and 
Circassians were brought back to Persia from Safawid 
campaigns in the southern Caucasus. These prison- 
ers, and their offspring, introduced new ethnic ele- 
ments into Persia which collectively constituted a "third 
force" in the Safawid bureaucracy and army which 
in time altered the whole balance of power in the 
Safawid state (see Savory, Iran under the Safavids, 
Cambridge 1980, 67 ff.). The influence of this "third 
force" was amply demonstrated in 982/1574, when 
Tahmasp fell seriously ill of a fever (tab-i muhrik; pos- 
sibly typhoid) for two months, and discord and strife 
once again broke out among the amirs (Ahsan al- 
tawankh, 458). With the imminence of Tahmasp's 
death, ambitious Georgian and Circassian mothers of 
princes of the blood royal intrigued with the aim of 
securing the succession of their respective sons. Their 
scheming increased in intensity after the death of 
Tahmasp in 984/1576. 

3. Character of Tahmasp. 

No comprehensive biography of Shah Tahmasp 
exists, and what evidence we have as to his character 
is often of a disparaging nature and to some extent 
contradictory. Neither Persian nor Western sources 
seem willing to credit him with any significant skills 
in either the arts of peace or of war. He is portrayed 
as miserly and avaricious; as a religious bigot; as puri- 
tanical or alternatively as a voluptuary; and as a man 
capable of great cruelty. The charge of avarice seems 
to be well attested (see Sharaf al-Dln Bidlisi, Sharaf- 
nama, ed. Veliaminof-Zernof, St. Petersburg 1860-2, 
ii, 251-2; A chronicle of the Carmelites in Persia, 2 vols., 
London 1939, i, 47-8). The evidence also indicates 
that Tahmasp was an Ithna 'Asharl zealot. The story 
of his reception of the Englishman Anthony Jenkinson, 
who had made his way to the Safawid court in 

TAHMASP — tahmurath 

970/1562 by the extremely hazardous route north of 
Scandinavia to Archangel, and thence via Astrakhan, 
the Caspian Sea and ShTrwan. bearing a letter from 
Queen Elizabeth I to Tahmasp which sought to pro- 
mote trade between England and Persia, clearly indi- 
cates the Shah's attitude toward infidels {Early voyages 
and travels to Russia and Persia, Hakluyt Society, 1st 
Series, nos. LXXII and LXXIII, London 1886, vol. 
I, 147). In 951/1544, when the Mughal Emperor 
Humayun came to Persia as a fugitive, Tahmasp 
forced him to embrace Ithna 'Asharf Shf'ism as the 
price of sanctuary in Persia and of Safawid military 
aid (see Riazul Islam, Indo-Persian relations. A study of 
the political and diplomatic relations between the Mughul 
Empire and Iran, Tehran 1970, 28 ff., and Appendix 
C, Humayun's conversion to Shl'ism, 196-7; see also 
humayun). In 939/1532-3 Tahmasp performed his cel- 
ebrated act of repentance (tawba) from all "forbidden 
acts" (manahl). In 963/1555-6 the great amirs and 
courtiers were obliged to follow suit, and their exam- 
ple was said to have been followed by the populace 
at large {Ahsan al-tawarfkh, 246, 396; Tartkh-i 'Alam- 
ara-yi 'Abbast, text, i, 122, tr. i, 203). This puritani- 
cal posture in later life influenced his attitude toward 
poets in two ways: he regarded them as wine-bibbers, 
and no longer considered them to be God-fearing 
persons. Consequently, they fell from royal favour. 
Secondly, if they wrote occasional poems (kit'a) or 
odes {kasida) eulogising the Shah or other members 
of the royal family, Tahmasp told them they should 
devote their time to writing eulogies of the Imams 
(Tartkh-i 'Alam-ara-yi 'AbbM, text, i, 178, tr. i, 274-5; 
for an excellent account of Safawid literature as a 
whole, see safawids. III. Literature). 

When Tahmasp died in 984/1576, his reign was 
just nine days short of fifty-two (solar) years; no other 
Persian king had reigned for longer, with the excep- 
tion of the Sasanid ruler Shapur II (A.D. 309-79). 
H.R. Roemer, in CHIran, vi, 248, says that Tahmasp 
died "as a result of poison" . . . "whether this was by 
accident or design has never been established". The 
Ahsan al-tawarikh, 464, says that because one of the at- 
tending physicians, Abu Nasr (Gilam), had been guilty 
of treachery (Jskiydnat) in the course of the treatment, 
he was put to death. The Tartkh-i 'Alam-ara-yi 'Abbast, 
text, i, 168, tr. I, 264, says that Abu Nasr Gflam 
had a good reputation at court as a physician whose 
prescriptions were mostly successful. When Tahmasp 
fell ill, he attended him night and day, but "he 
unwisely sought recognition of his superior status vis- 
a-vis the other physicians; as a result, when Tahmasp 
died, Abu Nasr was accused of treachery {khtyanat) in 
the treatment he had prescribed, and he was put to 
death within the palace by members of the royal 

Tahmasp had thirteen sons: Muhammad (later 
Sultan Muhammad Shah: 985-96/1578-88); Isma'Il 
[see isma'Il ii]; Haydar; Sulayman; Mustafa; Djunayd; 
Mahmud; Imam KulT; 'Air; Ahmad; Murad; Zayn al- 
'AbidTn; and Musa, and probably thirteen daughters 
(the eight named in the sources are: Gawhar Sultan 
Begum; Part Khan Khanum; KhadTdja Sultan Begum; 
Zaynab Begum; Maryam Sultan Begum; Fatima Sultan 
Begum; Shuhra Banu Begum; and Khanish Begum. 
Bibliography: In addition to references in the 
text, see CHIran, vi, 233-50; Tqdhkira-yi Shah 
Tahmasp, ed. Phillott, Calcutta 1912 (for mss. of 
the work, see Storey, i, 305, 1279). For an anno- 
tated bibliography of the sources for the period of 
Tahmasp, see Dickson, op. cil., Appendix II. 

(R.M. Savory) 

2. Tahmasp II, one of the last rulers of the 
dynasty, ruled 1135-45/1722-32. 

Born in 1116/1704, the third son of Shah Husayn 
I, he was appointed by his father as crown prince 
and heir to the throne during the siege of Isfahan 
in 1134/1722 by the Afghans. He broke out of Isfa- 
han, and with Husayn's relinquishment of the throne 
of Persia to the Ghilzay leader Mahmud, had him- 
self proclaimed Shah at Kazwin (Muharram 1135/ 
November 1722), issuing his own coins and decrees. 
He was to reign, more or less nominally, for some 
ten years, until 1145/1732, when the infant 'Abbas 
III was placed on the throne by Nadir Khan, whose 
son Rida Kuli had Tahmasp executed in 1151/1739. 

The events of Tahmasp's reign are bound up with 
the career of Nadir Khan, who became Tahmasp's 
wakil al-dawla and in 1139/1726 received from him 
the title of Tahmasp KulT "slave of Tahmasp". For the 
course of these events, see nadir shah afshar. 

Bibliography: See that to the above-mentioned 

article, to whose Bibl. should be added H.R. 

Roemer, in Comb. hist, of Iran, vii, 326-8, and C.E. 

Bosworth, The Mw Islamic dynasties, no. 148. Cf. 

also EI' art. Tahmasp (CI. Huart). 

(C.E. Bosworth) 

TAHMURATH, generally accounted the second 
king of the Pishdadid dynasty [q.v.] in legen- 
dary Iranian epic history, coming after the first 
world-king Kayumarth or Gayomard and the founder 
of the Pishdadids, Hushang [q.v.]. Certain Islamic 
sources make him the first king of his line, and the 
length of the reign attributed to him — such figures as 
an entire millennium or 600 years are given — shows 
the importance attached to him. His name appears in 
the Avesta as Takhmo urupa azinavia, with the first ele- 
ment takhma, meaning "strong, courageous" (cf. the 
name Rustam/Rustahm) and urupi.azinavant, meaning (as 
recognised by K. Hoffmann, Aufsdtze zur Indo-iranistik, 
Wiesbaden 1976, 487-9) "equipped with a fox-skin" 
(originally a goat-skin), so that the whole name should 
be rendered as "the strong/brave one in the fox-skin". 
The Pahlavi spelling, in the Bundahishn and elsewhere, 
is thmulp or t'hmwrp, usually read as Tahmorup. There 
is no plausible phonetic reason why the final sound 
became rendered in the Arabic script as th except 
through the erroneous pointing of manuscripts, but 
this form was popularised in the Shah-ndma and be- 
came universal. A. Christensen put forward the sug- 
gestion that Hushang and Tahmurath were adopted 
into Iranian national lore from the Scythians of the 
Eurasian steppes. 

Various features of the ancient Iranian Tahmurath 
are taken up in the Islamic sources. Thus his epithet 
in the Shah-ndma of dewband comes from his subduing 
of the demons, from whom he extorted knowledge of 
the various kinds of writing (FirdawsT mentions six by 
name: the rumi, the tdzi, the parsl, the soghdt, the dm 
and the pahlaivl {Shah-ndma, ed. Vullers, i, 20-2, ed. 
Khalikr-Mutlak, i, 35-7; cf. Ph. Wolff, Glossar zu Firdosis 
Schahname, Berlin 1935, 593); this may preserve the 
memory of the Iranian tribes entering the land from 
Inner Asia and acquiring a knowledge of writing 
from the original inhabitants there. It is further said 
that it was Tahmurath who initiated the domestica- 
tion of wild animals, the use of horses for riding, the 
weaving of woollen and hair cloth for clothing and 
for carpets, the use of birds of prey for hunting, etc. 
(see al-Taban, i, 175-61; Bal'ami, Ta'rtkh, ed. M.S. 
Bahar, Tehran 1341/1962, 129; al-Tha'alibf, Ghurar 
akhbdr muluk al-Furs, ed. and tr. Zotenberg, 8-10; Shah- 
ndma, loc. cit.). There was also an attempt to insert 


Tahmurath, with his predecessors Kayumarth and 
Hushang, into the genealogy of the Biblical prophets, 
with e.g. Adam as the first man, and Tahmurath 
being equated with Noah, and to locate his residence 
at Sabur in Fars (see al-Mas'udl, Muruaj, ii, 111, iii, 
252 - §§ 535, 1 1 16). 

Unlike other royal names from the Iranian national 
epic, such as Rustam, Shahriyar, Hushang, etc., 
Tahmurath did not become popular within Muslim 
Persian and Persian-influenced onomastic. However, 
it does appear amongst the later line of ShTrwan Shahs 
[q.v.] as the name of the brother of the Shah Ibrahim 
b. Muhammad b. Kay Kubadh (780-821/1378-1418) 
(see C.E. Bosworth, The New Islamic dynasties, a chrono- 
logical and genealogical manual, Edinburgh 1996, no. 62). 
Also, it was probably these Shahs' fondness for Iranian 
epic names that made the Christian kings of Georgia 
(not infrequendy allied with the Shahs by marriage) 
adopt the name under the form T'eimuraz. 

Bibliography (in addition to references given 
in the article): Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch, 320-1; 
A. Christensen, Les types du premier homme et du pre- 
mier roi dans I'histoire legendaire des Iraniens, Stockholm 
1917, i, 182-216 (interpretations largely speculative 
and now untenable); E. Yarshater, Iranian national 
history, in Comb. hist. Iran, iii, 422; V. Minorsky, EI' 
art. s.v. (C.E. Bosworth) 

TAHNIT (a.), the verbal noun of hannata "to pre- 
pare a corpse for burial with embalming substances" 
(see Lane, i, 657a). For this process, and the sub- 
stances used, see htnata. 

TAHRIF (a.), change, alteration, forgery; 
used with regard to words, and more specifically with 
regard to what Jews and Christians are supposed to 
have done to their respective Scriptures (yuharrifuna 
'l-kalima 'an mawadi'hi, sura IV, 46, V, 13; see also 
II, 75), in the sense of perverting the language through 
altering words from their proper meaning, changing 
words in form or substituting words or letters for 
others. Such substitution is also termed tabdll, a wider 
term, used also in other contexts, but in the Kur'an 
and later literature practically synonymous with tahnf 
(see II, 59, VII, 162, and the commentary of Mudjahid 
b. Djabr [q.v.] to IV, 46, where he explains harrafa 
by baddala). 

The Kur'an accepts the Tawrat and Indjil [q.vv.] as 
genuine divine revelations taken from the same 
Guarded Tablets as the Kur'an itself and brought by 
true messengers to both Jews and Christians respec- 
tively. Those, however, did not adhere to their Law, 
but tampered with their own Scriptures (III, 78, with 
the verb lawa; V, 15, 45). The Kur'an does not state 
explicidy how this was done and when, but later com- 
mentaries give various explanations. Some relate it to 
the times of Moses (see commentaries to II, 58-9, 
wherein the Banu Isra'il are accused of having changed 
(orally?) the word hitta). Later authors accuse Israelite 
Kings or Priests, especially Ezra the Scribe (see below) 
or Byzantine rulers, etc. The accusation that Jewish con- 
temporaries of Muhammad concealed (kitman) Biblical 
material, e.g. the punishment (stoning) for adultery or 
the Biblical prediction of Muhammad's prophecy (see 
the commentaries on V, 42-9, and Ibn Hisham, ii, 
382 ff, 393-5) is also considered to be tahnf. 

The accusation of forgery was a widespread polem- 
ical motif, already in pre-Islamic times used by pagan, 
Samaritan and Christian authors to discredit their 
opponents and Scriptures. In the Medinan suras it is 
a central theme, apparendy used to explain away the 
contradictions between the Bible and the Kur'an and 
to establish that the coming of the Prophet and the 

rise of Islam had indeed been predicted in the "true" 

In the first centuries of Islam, tahnf was not a cen- 
tral theme, though well-known. Hadith and early com- 
mentaries filled out the gaps left by the relevant 
Kur'anic verses. Mudjahid explained that those who 
hide and distort Biblical verses are the Jewish 'ulama' 
(see al-Tabarl on the above verses). Others stated 
explicitly that the Jews do so in order to hide the 
fact that Muhammad was predicted in their Torah 
(Mukatil b. Sulayman, Tafsir, Cairo 1979, i, 118, to 
II, 76, see also 461). Some explained that tahnf means 
that the Jews "made the lawful forbidden and the 
forbidden lawful, and took the truth as falsehood and 
the falsehood as truth" (al-Taban, on II, 59). 

Muslim authors understood the falsification as 
either tahnf al-ma'na, distortion of the meaning of the 
text, or tahnf al-nass, falsification of the text itself (see 
the Risala of the 3rd/9th century writer Ibn al-Layth, 
in A.Z. Safwat, Djamharat rasa'il al-'Arab, iii, Cairo 
1356/1937, 296 ff., who seems to know both meanings 
and defends the Kur'an against the counter-argument 
of having also been altered). Early Christian authors 
already defend themselves and their Scriptures against 
both accusations (S.H. Griffith, 'Ammar al-Basri's Kitab 
al-Burhdn. Christian kalam in the first Abbasid century, in 
Le Museon, xlvi [1983], 165-8). Some Muslim authors 
take tahnf to mean only the distortion of meaning of 
the text, notably al-Kasim b. Ibrahim (d. 246/860; 
see I. Di Matteo, Confutazione contro i Christian! dello 
Zaydita al-Qasim b. Ibrahim, in RSO, ix [1922], 319) 
and Ibn Khaldun, who rejects the idea of actual falsifi- 
cation of Jewish or Christian Scriptures "since custom 
prevents people who have a (revealed) religion from 
dealing with their divine Scripture in such a manner" 
(Mukaddima, ed. Quatremere, i, 12-13, tr. F. Rosenthal 
i, 20-1; most printed editions omit this remark). 

The more common understanding, however, of tahnf 
among Muslim authors, especially from the 5th/ 11th 
century up to modern times, has been the one which 
accused Jews and Christians of having deliberately fal- 
sified the text of their own respective Scriptures. Jewish 
oral tradition, seen as an unauthorised addition to 
Scripture, is also considered to be part of this falsi- 
fication. So is Christian canon and other law. In this 
context, Muslim authors stressed the differences 
between the "three Bibles": the Hebrew Bible of the 
Jews; the Samaritan Bible; and the "Greek Bible" (i.e. 
the Septuagint) of the Christians (al-Mas'udl, Murudj, 
i, 118-19 = § 115; al-Blrum, al-Athar al-bakiya, 20-1, 
tr. Sachau, 24; Ibn Hazm, al-Fasl ft 'l-mikl, i, 117, 
198, ii, 7-10) as proof of the falsification. 

The argument of tahnf is refuted already in an 
early polemical text attributed to the Byzantine 
Emperor Leo III (A. Jeftery, Ghevond's text of the corre- 
spondence between 'Umar II and Leo III, in Harvard Theol. 
Review, xxxvii [1944], 269-321) with the statement that 
Jews and Christians share the same, widely-known 
divine text, and that Ezra, who redacted the Bible, 
was a pious, reliable person. The same arguments 
appear in later Jewish writings (see Ibn Kammuna 
[q.v.], Tankih al-abhath li 'l-milal al-thalath, ed. and tr. 
M. Perlmann, Berkeley 1971, 1967, ch. 2). The per- 
sonality of Ezra-'Uzayr [q.v.] becomes very involved 
in this discussion in the 4th/ 10th century, and espe- 
cially with Ibn Hazm [q.v.], who in his Fast expli- 
citly accused '"Azra" of having falsified and added 
interpolations into the Biblical text. He also ar- 
ranged systematically and in scholarly detail the argu- 
ments against the authenticity of the Biblical text in 
the first (Hebrew Bible) and second part (New Testa- 


) of his book: chronological and geographical 
uracies and contradictions; theological impossi- 
bilities (anthropomorphic expressions, stories of forni- 
cation and whoredom, and the attributing of sins to 
prophets), as well as lack of reliable transmission (tawd- 
tur) of the text. He explains how the falsification of 
the Pentateuch could have taken place while there 
existed only one copy of the Pentateuch kept by the 
Aaronid priests in the Temple in Jerusalem. Ibn 
Hazm's impact on later Muslim polemics was great, 
and the themes which he raised with regard to tahrif 
and other polemical ideas — updated only slightly by 
some later authors, such as the Jewish convert to 
Islam al-Samaw'al al-Maghribr (d. 570/1175) in his 
Ijhdm al-Yahud (ed. and tr. M. Perlmann, PAAJR, 32, 
1964) — became the standard themes of later Muslim 
polemical literature against both Jews and Christians 
(see, e.g., al-Karafi's (d. 684/1285) al-Adj.wiba al-fdhhira 
'an al-as'ila al-fddjira; Ibn Taymiyya; and Ibn Kayyim 

Modern European Bible criticism is taken by some 
Muslim authors as a vindication of the theory of tahrif 
(see Rahmat Allah al-Hindf's (1818-91) Izhdr al-hakk; 
cf. C. Schirrmacher, Mil den Waffen des Gegners, Christlkh- 
muslimische Kontroversen im 19 u. 20 Jahrhundert, Berlin 
1992, and M. Khalifa Hasan Ahmad, 'Aldkdt al-Islam 
bi 'l-Tahudiyya. Ru'ya Islamiyya fi masadir al-Tawrat al- 
hdliyya, Cairo 1986). 

In Sunni-Shi'i polemics, the problem of tahrif arose 
with regard to the text of the Kur'an. Sunn! authors 
accused the Shi'a of believing that the Kur'an had 
been falsified. Early Shi"i material on this topic seems 
to be lost; apparently only some ShiT authors held 
this view mainly with regard to omissions (of Kur'anic 
references to 'All and his family) and some minor 
changes in Kur'anic verses. Although the ShiTs prac- 
tically accepted the existing Kur'anic text, these accu- 
sations have been raised sporadically up to modern 
times (E. Kohlberg, Some notes on the Imdmite attitude to 
the Qur'an, in Islamic philosophy and the Classical tradition. 
For R. Walzer, Oxford 1972, 209-24). 

Bibliography (in addition to references in the 
article): Abu '1-Baka' Salih b. Husayn al-Dja'fan, 
Takhdjll man harrafa al-Indjtl, ed. F.J. van den Ham, 
Leiden 1877-90; E. Fritsch, Islam und Christentum im 
Mittelalter, Breslau 1930, 54-74; Kurtubl (probably 
not the Kur'an commentator but an 8th/ 14th cen- 
tury author whose first name is not known), al-I'lam 
bi-md ft din al-JVasdrd min al-fasdd wa 'l-awhdm, ed. 
A. al-Sakka', Cairo 1980; Ibn Kayyim al-Djawziyya, 
Hiddyat al-hayara fi 'l-radd 'old 'l-Tahud wa 'l-Nasdra, 
ed. S. al-Katib, Beirut 1 980; Ibn Taymiyya, al-Djawdb 
al-sahih li-man baddak din al-Masth, ed. A. al-Madam, 
Cairo n.d.; C. Adang, Muslim writers on Judaism and 
the Hebrew Bible from Ibn Rabban to Ibn Hazm, Leiden 
1996, ch. 7; W. Adler, The Jews as falsifiers, in 
Translations of Scripture, Suppl. to JQR (1990), 1-27; 
A. Bouamama, La litterature polemique musulmane contre 
k christianisme, Algiers 1988; R. Caspar and J.-M. 
Gaudeul, Textes de la tradition musulmane concemant k 
tahrif (falsification), in Islamochristiana, vi (1980) 61-104; 
A. Charfi, al-Fikr al-Isldmi fi 'l-radd 'ala 'l-Nasara, 
Tunis 1986; I. Di Matteo, // "tahrif" od alterazwne 
della Bibbia secondo i musulmani, in Bessarione xxxviii 
(1922), 64-1 1 1, 223-60; I. Goldziher, Ueber muhamme- 
danische Polemik gegen Ahl al-Kitab, in ZJiMG, xxxii 
(1878), 341-87; A.Th. Khoury, Der theologische Streit 
der Byzantiner mit dem Islam, Paderborn 1969; 
H. Lazarus-Yafeh, Intertwined worlds. Medieval Islam 
andBibk critkism, Princeton 1992, ch. 2; idem, Tahrif 
and thirteen Torah scrolls, in JSAI, xix (1995), 81-8; 

S.M. Stern, 'Abd al-Jabbdr's account of how Christ's 
religion was falsified by the adoption of Roman customs, 
in JTS, xix (1968) 128-85; M. Schreiner, Zur Ge- 
schkhte der Pokmik zwischen Juden und Muhammedanem, 
in ZDMG, xlii (1888) 591-675. See also M. Maimo- 
nides, Responsa, ed. J. Blau, Jerusalem 1986, i, 
284-5 (no. 149); M.M. Bar-Asher, Studks in early 
Imdmi-SJti'i Qur'an exegesis, Ph.D. thesis Jerusalem 
1991, unpubl. (in Hebrew), Eng. tr. forthcoming; 
idem, Variant readings and additions of the Imam Sl'a 
to the Quran, in IOS, xiii (1993), 39-74. 

(Hava Lazarus-Yafeh) 
TAHRIR (a.), a technical term of Ottoman 

Derived from a 
ing", this word is 
Ottoman Turkish 

i Arabic verb which denotes "writ- 
at times used in the same sense in 
as well. But as a technical term, 
tahrir has come to denote the Ottoman tax registers 
for the most part compiled during the 9th-10th/15th- 
16th centuries (Basbakanltk Osmanh arsivi rehberi, Ankara 
1992, 186-228, records them under this term, a syn- 
onym being tapu tahrir defterkri). This is one of the 
best-known series of the Ottoman archives, which in 
turn can be subdivided into defter-i mufassal, defter-i 
idjmdl and defter-i ewkdfi In principle, these registers 
were to be compiled about once every thirty years; 
but in reality, distances in time between different tahrirs 
covering a given region varied widely. 

The tahrirs were mainly designed to keep track of 
that part of Ottoman state revenue which did not 
reach the central treasury, but was assigned locally, 
to Smdr [q.v.] holders, garrison soldiers, waff admin- 
istrators, or even owners of private property (miilk); 
the latter might be required to furnish soldiers (eshkindji) 
in return for the privilege of official recognition. The 
tahrirs also recorded the revenues accruing to the cen- 
tral treasury (khdss [q.v.]) and assigned to the sultan 
himself, members of his family or provincial gover- 
nors. From the late 10th/ 16th century, a tax of vari- 
able level, known as the 'awdrid [q.v.], came to occupy 
a central place in Ottoman finance. As a result, the 
expense of preparing a tahrir must have no longer 
seemed justified, particularly since an increasing num- 
ber of revenues was now farmed out to the highest 
bidder. Tax registers were no longer compiled in co- 
herent series after the reign of Murad III. However, 
individual registers were occasionally prepared both in 
the 11th/ 17th and 12th/ 18th centuries, and a whole 
group of Anatolian tahrirs survives from the 1040s/ 

The most extensive form of tahrir is the defter-i 
mufassal, which contains an enumeration of taxpayers, 
listed by settlement. Muslims precede non-Muslims. 
At the end of each setdement, the defter-i mufassal 
records certain taxes due from the inhabitants, such 
as the tithes ('d'shur), farm taxes (resm-i aft, resm-i bennak, 
ispendje), and, where applicable, the djizye. Individual 
settlements were grouped by nahiye and kadd, and 
kadds by sand^ak. The largest unit, namely the wilayet, 
on account of its size does not often occur in the 
mufassal; but we possess idjrndh covering one or even 
several wildyets. However, this terminology was sub- 
ject to considerable variation. Some mufassals do not 
distinguish between kadd and nahiye, while, especially 
in 9th/ 15th century registers, the term wilayet was 
used for small units consisting of no more than a few 
villages. After mentioning the name of the setdement 
to be described, but before enumerating the taxpay- 
ers, the scribes often provided some information on 
the tax history of the town or village in question. 
Sometimes this consisted of a simple note to the effect 


that a given village was the timar of a certain per- 
sonage, or that this or that town formed part of the 
khass-i humdyun. In other instances, the defter might 
record that a given village had been wakf that it had 
been converted into a Bmar by Mehemmed II, and 
that it recently had reverted to its previous status. On 
the first pages of the defter-i mufassal we often find a 
kanunname, which contained mainly the rules for tax- 
ation to be applied in the area, but in some instances 
also specified the punishments to be administered in 
the case of crimes and misdemeanours. 

To facilitate the distribution of tax revenues to 
ffm«;-holders and other recipients, the data contained 
in the mufassal were summarised in the idfmdl. Here 
taxpayers were not enumerated individually, but merely 
the total taxpaying population was recorded for each 
settlement. However, many idjmals contain informa- 
tion on the taxpayers resident in a given kada who 
possessed a special tax status, such as unmarried men 
(mudjerred), garrison soldiers, people enjoying tax exemp- 
tions in return for services to the Ottoman adminis- 
tration {tuzdju, derbendaji, yuwadji, etc.). For a published 
version, see 438 numarah muhasebe-i vildyel-i Anadolu def- 
teri (937/1530), i-ii, Ankara 1993-4. 

As the amount of land recognised as wakf in most 

rural areas was fairly limited, wakf registers are often 

short, and may simply form an appendix to the idjmals. 

But some of the oldest surviving registers happen to 

concern wakf. Particularly notable is the document 

describing the province of Karaman shortly after this 

principality had finally been incorporated into the 

Ottoman domain (881/1476; published by Feridun 

Nafiz Uzluk, Fatih devrinde Karaman eyaleti vahflan fihnsti, 

Tapu ve Kadastro Umum Mudurlugii arsivindeki deftere gore, 

Ankara 1958). Moreover, in and around major cities, 

such as Bursa or Istanbul, the number of wakjs was 

considerable, resulting in voluminous documents (Omer 

Liitfi Barkan and Ekrem Hakki Av\erdi (eds ), 953 

(1546) tanhh Istanbul vahflan tahnr defteri, Istanbul 1970) 

Bibliography Balkan (ed ), XV ve XVhnci asirlarda 

Osmanli imparatorlugunda zirai ekonommin hukuki ve mall 

esaslan, i, Istanbul 1943, M Tavyib Gokbilgin, AT- 

XVI asirlarda Edtme ve Pasa lacisi. vakiflar—mulkler— 

mukataalar, Istanbul 1952, Hahl Inalcik, Suret-i defter-, 

sancak-i Awamd, Ankara 1954, L Fekete, Die Siyaqat- 

Schrift m der turkischen Finanzverwaltung, 2 vols , Budapest 

1955, Balkan, Essai sur /« donnees statistiques des regi- 

stres de recensement dam VEmfire ottoman au XV it 

XVI' siedes, in JESHO, i (1958), 9-36, Hahl Inalcik, 

Osmanhlarda raiyet rusumu, in Belleten, xxm (1959), 

575-610, Refet Yinanc and Mesut Ehbuyuk (eds), 

Maraj tahnr defteri (1563), 2 vols, Ankara 1988, 

Evangeha Balta, L'Eubee a la fin du XV siecle, economie 

et population Lei registres de Vannee 1474, Athens 1989, 

Ahmed Akgunduz led ), Osmanli kanunnamelen ve hukuki 

tahhllen, 8 vols to date, Istanbul 1990-, Huncihan 

Islamoglu Inan, State and peasant in the Ottoman Empire, 

Leiden 1994, Hahme Dogiu XVI yuzyilda Eshsehu 

ve Sultanonu sancagi, Istanbul 1992, Bahaeddm Yedi- 

yildiz and Unal Ustun (eds), Ordu roreu tanhinm 

kaynaklan 1455 tanhh tahnr defteri, Ankara 1992, St 

Yerasimos, La communaute juive d'Istanbul a la fin du 

XVI' siecle, in Turcica, wvii (1995), 101-34 


TAHSIL (a), the verbal noun of the foim II verb 
hassala "to collect together, acquire" In Indo-Mushm 
usage, this term — taken over from previous regimes — 
denoted m the British Indian provinces of Bombay, 
Madras and the United Provinces the collection of 
revenue and, thence, the administrative area 
from which this taxation was collected Thus 

in the above-mentioned provinces, the tahsil was a 
subdivision of a District (ta'alluka, corruptly, taluk) with 
an area of up to 600 square miles. Hence in size, a 
tahsil came between the pargana [q.v.] and the sarkar 
of the Mughal empire [see mughals. 3.]. The official 
in charge of it was called the tahsfldar, and was respon- 
sible to such superior officials as the District Magistrate 
and the Collector. 

Bibliography: Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson, a 
glossary of Anglo-Indian colloquial words and phrases', 
London 1903, 888-9; Imperial gazetteer of India', iii, 
53-4. (C.E. Bosworth) 

TAHSIN, Mir Muhammad Husayn 'Ata Khan, 
pioneer in Urdu prose-writing, who lived some- 
where in the middle of the 18th century. He was a 
native of Etawah | Itawa) in present-day Uttar Pradesh, 
and came from a middle-class family of sayyids. His 
ancestors reportedly migrated from Gardiz in what is 
now eastern Afghanistan, and settled in Kara Man- 
ikptir. His father, Mir Muhammad Bakir, moved to 
Dihlr at an early age and was employed as com- 
mander of 3,000 (sih hazari) in Awrangzlb's admin- 
istration; he is said to have been a poet writing under 
the pen-name Shawk. During the turbulent times that 
followed the death of Awrangzlb, Tahsin left Dihlr 
and served for many years under the Mughal viceroys 
of Bengal. Later, he was one of the first Indians to 
be employed in the service of the East India Company 
at Calcutta. He also served as secretary for a British 
army officer who is mentioned by him only as General 
Smith. When the latter returned to England around 
1769, Tahsin took up employment in Patna. After 
some time he proceeded to Faydabad where he 
gained access to the court of Shudja' al-Dawla, Nawab 
of Awadh, being still employed there in 1775 when 
the latter died and was succeeded by his son Asaf al- 
Dawla (d 1797) 

Tahsin is known chiefly for his Kaw tarz-i muraisa' 
"A new gold-embroidered style", which has been 
characterised as the first book of Uidu prose litera- 
ture produced in noithern India (see Nur al-Hasan 
Hashimfs introd to it, 23) It was completed around 
1775, and contains the stories of four deivishes, it is 
believed to be a translation of a Persian book Cahar 
danvish, wrongly attributed to Amir Khusraw [qv] It 
is written in an ornate style, with an artificial dic- 
tion Notwithstanding these diawbacks, one cannot 
overlook its importance, if only because it was used 
by other writers to pen their own vei sions of the nar- 
lative, most notable among them being Mil Aman's 
[see aman, mir] Bagh o bahdr which, completed in 
1217/1802, became the first classic of Urdu prose 

Apart from Kaw tarz-i murassa', Tahsin claims to 
have written othei works as well, some of which were 
in Persian, and are now known only by name He 
is also mentioned as a poet writing in both Persian 
and Urdu and as a master calligrapher, whose skill 
in fine writing had earned him the title of murasia' 
rakam "golden penmanship" 

Bibliography Tahsrh, Kaw tarz-i murassa', ed 
Nur al-Hasan "Hashiml, Allahabad 1978, Ghulam 
Muhyi al-Din Mubtala, Tabakat-i sukhan, ed Nasim 
Iktidar 'Air, Lucknow 1991, Abu '1-Hasan Amir al- 
Din Ahmad (Amii Allah Allahabadi), Tadhkira-yi 
masarrat-ajza, ed Kadi 'Abd al-Wadud, in Mu'asu, 
Patna, ii/5,6,7, Karfm al-Din, Tabakat-i ihu'ara-yi 
Hind (introd by Mahmud Ilahr), Lucknow 1983 
Muhammad Husayn Azad, Ab-i hayat, Lahore 1967, 
Garcin de Tassy, Histoire de la hlleralure Hindouie et 
Hindoustani, i. Pans 1839, T W Beale, An onental 
biographical dictionary, London 1894, TG Bailey, A 


hist, of Urdu literature, London 1932; R.B. Saksena, 
A hist, of Urdu literature, Lahore 1975; Sayyid Sajjad, 
An early prose-writer of modem Urdu, in IC, xiii/1 (1939); 
Hamid Hasan Kadiri, Dastan-i tarikh-i Urdu, Karachi 
1966; Gayan Cand Djayn, Urdu ki nathri dastanen, 
Karachi 1969; Djarml Djalibr, Tarikh-i adah-i Urdu, 
ii/2, Lahore 1982; 'Ubayda Begam, Fort William 
College ki adabi khidmat, Lucknow 1983. 

(Munibur Rahman) 
TAHSIN wa-TAKBIH (a.), "determining some- 
thing to be good or repellent", a phrase referring 
in shorthand fashion to the controversy over 
the sources of the moral assessment of acts. 
Some argued for an assessment of things according 
to the dictates of common sense ('all) or utility (naj'), 
and this led some to hold that the husn or kubh of 
an act was part of its ontology as an accident of 
essence or as an aspect (waa^h) of the thing itself. 
Others argued that it is only the deontic divine com- 
mand (star') that gives moral value to acts. 

The "sources" of this discussion are impossible to 
establish; certainly, the rudiments of the problem are 
already found in Plato's Euthyphro but the problem is 
common to all of the Revelational religions, whose 
Scripture does not reach in literal form to all possi- 
ble acts For Muslims, who had come by the 4th/ 10th 
century to believe that the Kur'an contained an assess- 
ment (hukm) for every act, the problem took a par- 
ticularly acute form. The Mu'tazila, in particular, for 
whom God's goodness required that He require only 
what was best (al-aslah) for His bondsmen, the imme- 
diate pointlessness of ritual also constituted an incen- 
tive toward the consideration of this problem. There 
were consequently two Mu'tazili positions on the ques- 
tion. The Baghdadis, especially al-Ka'bl [?.».], took 
the position that the 'akl could assess acts, but they 
were in fact proscribed (mahzur) before Revelation 
came to give mankind permission to perform them. 
The Basrans urged that acts could be assessed, and 
that they were, in default of some 'akli indication to 
the contrary, permitted (mubah). Of course, at issue 
was the category of acts which were not mentioned 

Despite the attempts of later biographical and 
heresiographical sources to conceal early diversity, it 
is clear that SunnI school positions for theological/legal 
schools did not begin to form until the 5th/ 11th cen- 
tury, with Hanballs, for example, defending "Mu'tazili" 
positions into the 6th/ 12th century (e.g. Abu '1-Khattab 
Mahfuz al-Kalwadham, d. 510/1117). By the 7th/13th 
century, the matter had sorted itself out so that Shafi' is 
and Hanbalis generally took the Ash'an position that 
the intellect could not assess the moral value of acts, 
and Hanafis/MatundTs took an intermediate position 
that gave common sense the ability to assess acts, 
with-out that assessment having soteriological signifi- 
cance. Imami and Zaydf ShiTs embraced the Basran 
Mu'tazili position that the performance of useful acts, 
in default of revelation, was permitted. 

Bibliography: R. Brunschvig. Mu'tazihsme et opti- 
mum (al-aslah),' in St. hi, xxxix (1974), 5-23; R.M. 
Frank, 77k metaphysics of created being according to Abu 
l-Hudhayl al-Allaf a philosophical study oj the earliest 
kalam, Leuven 1966; G.F. Hourani, 'islamic rational- 
ism. The ethics oj 'Abdaljabbar, Oxford 1971; idem, 
Reason and tradition in Islamic ethics. Cambridge etc. 
1985; idem, The rationalist ethics of 'Abd al-Jabbai, in 
Islamic philosophy and the classical tradition, in Essays 
presented by his jnends and pupils to Ruhard Waller on 
his seventieth birthday, ed. Houiani, Stern and Brown, 
Columbia, S.C. 1973, 105-15; A.K. Reinhart, Before 

revelation, Albany 1995 (and sources cited therein); 
idem, "Thanking the benefactor", in Spoken and unspoken 
thanks. Some comparative soundings, ed. J.B. Carman and 
FJ. Streng, Cambridge and Dallas 1989, 115-33; 
Abu '1-Khattab Mahfuz b. Ahmad al-Kalwadham 
al-Hanball (d. 510/1117), al-famhld ft usul al-fikh, 
ed. Muhammad b. 'All Ibrahim, 4 vols., Djudda 
1406/1985. (A.K. Reinhart) 

TAHUN (a.), mill. Lane (s.v. t-h-n) also offers the 
readings tahuna as the general word for mill, as well 
as watermill, and tahhana meaning an animal-powered 
mill. Contemporary Egyptian usage for the noun tahuna 
is given variously as grist mill, windmill and, in the 
expression tahunit bunn, coffee grinder; tahhana is also 
the word for grinder and, as in the expression tahhana 
filfil, a pepper mill (Hinds and Badawi, A dictionary of 
Egyptian Arabic, Beirut 1986). The root of the word, 
meaning crushing or grinding, had instrumental use 
both in large scale commercial enterprises and in the 
preparation of food in the domestic kitchen. In the 
latter case, for example, the term tahun is found, albeit 
but once, in a culinary manual. This occurs in a 
recipe called zuhnyya containing sandal, anbar and 
dried flower petals which are ground or milled (tahana) 
together in a tahun with cardamon, cloves and sugar 
(Kanz, 235). The employment of a small, domestic 
mill or hand rotary quern appears in contrast to the 
far more commonly used (in the urban household at 
least) mortar (hawun), where the ingredients were 
pounded (dakka) with a pestle. It may be assumed, 
however, that in instances where the verb tahana is 
used in recipes without mention of the specific in- 
strument being employed, a domestic grinding mill is 

Mediaeval commercial enterprises, whether private 
or government controlled, powered their mills by 
exploiting the natural forces of water and wind (in 
addition to animals), depending upon which was more 
easily or consistently available and cheaper to harness 
in any given area; there also existed many different 
types of mill. Water-powered mills using either the 
undershot, overshot or horizontal type of wheel existed 
in pre-Islamic times and were employed throughout 
the mediaeval period, while wind-powered mills appear 
to have been first used in Islamic Persia in regions 
where water was scarcer (see H.E. Wulff, The tradi- 
tional crafts of Persia. Their development, technology, and influ- 
ence on Eastern and Western civilizations, Cambridge, Mass. 
1966, 277-89; M. Harverson, Watermills in Iran, in Iran 
JBIPS, xxxi [1993], 149-77). Ship-mills of the under- 
shot wheel type, were found moored in mid-stream 
of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, while tidal mills 
are noted in use at Basra (A. Mez, The renaissance oj 
Islam, Patna 1937, 466-7). Mills of the water-driven 
trip-hammer type were used in the manufacture of 
paper and for husking rice, while others processed 
sugar cane, in addition to their primary purpose of 
providing adequate supplies of cereal flour for the 
major urban centres and even villages of the Middle 
East; a milling stage was also involved in the dress- 
ing of metal ore. Regardless of the mill type, the 
principles of operation were the same, the grinding 
being accomplished by means of a stone rotating on 
top of a fixed one. Traditional techniques have con- 
tinued down to modern times where other sources of 
eneigy, such as. fossil fuels, have not replaced those 
of water and wind. 

Bibliography: See also A.Y. al-Hasan and D.R. 
Hill, Islamic technology, an illustrated history, Cambridge 
1988; D.R. Hill, Islamic science and engineering, 
Edinburgh 1993; Kanz aljawa'idfi tanwT' al-mawa'id, 

(eds.) M. Marin and D. Waines, Beirut-Stuttgart 

1993. (D. Waines) 

al-TAT LI-AMR ALLAH (or Li >llah), 'Abd al- 

Karlm b. al-Fadl, faineant 'Abbasid caliph (363- 


His father was the caliph al-Mutl' [q.v.], after whose 
deposition on 13 Dhu '1-Ka'da 363/5 August 974 
he was proclaimed Commander of the Faithful. His 
mother, who survived him, was called 'Utb. As Ibn 
al-Athlr justly observes (ix, 56), al-Ta'i' during his 
reign had not sufficient authority- to be able to asso- 
ciate himself with any enterprises worthy of mention. 
He is only mentioned in history, one may safely say, 
in connection with certificates of appointment to office, 
letters of condolence and such-like formalities, and his 
most remarkable feature seems to have been his extra- 
ordinary physical strength. The real rulers were at 
first the Buyids [see buwayhids] but after the most 
important of them, 'Adud al-Dawla [q.v.] who was 
the caliph's father-in-law, had died in Shawwal 372/ 
March 983, his sons began to quanel among them- 
selves. In Sha'ban 381/Oct.-Nov. 991 Baha' al-Dawla 
[q.v. in Suppl.], who was in financial difficulties and 
could not pay his troops, was persuaded by his influ- 
ential adviser Abu '1-Hasan Ibn al-Mu'allim to over- 
throw the caliph and seize his treasury At an audience 
at which the Buyid appeared with a large retinue, 
the unsuspecting al-Ta'i' was torn from his throne by 
Baha' al-Dawla's orders and taken to the latter s house, 
where he was kept a prisoner. He was succeeded as 
caliph by his cousin Abu 'l-'Abbas Ahmad, who took 
the name al-Kadir [q.v.]. In Radjab 382/September 
992 the ex-caiiph was allowed to come to al-Kadii's 
palace, where he was well treated. He died on 1 
Shawwal 393/3 August 1003. 

The eastern Islamic dynasty of the Samanids [q.v.], 
and their vassals in Khurasan. Sebuktigin and Mahmud 
of Ghazna, refused to acknowledge the accession of 
al-Kadir, regarding him as the tool of the Buyids; on 
their coins the Samanids continued to their end to 
recognise al-Ta'i' as caliph, and he likewise appears 
on the coins 'of Mahmud till 389/999. 

Bibliography. Ibn Shakir al-Kutubr, Fawat al- 
wafaydt, ed. 'Abbas, ii, 375-6 no. 296; Ibn al-Athfr, 
viii-ix, see index; Ibn Khaldun, al-'Ibar, iii, 428, 
436; Ibn al-Tiktaka, al-Fakhri. ed. Derenbourg, 391; 
Weil, Geschuhte der Chahfen, iii, 21-44; Muir, The 
caliphate, its rise, decline, and fall\ 582; Le Strange, 
Baghdad during the Abbasid caliphate, 162, 270, 271; 
C.E. Bosworth, The imperial policy of the early Ghazna- 
wids, in Islamic Studies (Karachi), i/3 (1962), 60, repr. 
in The medieval history of Iran, Afghanistan and Central 
Asia, Variorum, London 1977, no. XI; H. Busse, 
Chahf und Grosskomg, die Buyiden im Iraq (945-1055), 
Beirut 1969, index. 

(K.V. Zettersteen-[C.E. Bosworth]) 
al-TA'IF, a town in Arabia to the south-east 
of Mecca which in the early days of Islam belonged 
to the Thakif [q.v.] tribe. Today it is the fourth largest 
town in Saudi Arabia, located at a road junction on 
the way from Mecca to al-Riyad [q.v.]. In former 
times it took two or three days to go from Mecca to 
al-Ta'if, depending on the route. Al-Ta'if is in the 
Sarat [q.v.] mountains, 1,680 m/5,500 feet above sea 
level. Some locate it in Nadjd [q.v.], while others 
argue that it is in Hidjaz [q.v.]. Its pleasant climate 
during the summei has made it the summer capital 
of western Arabia. 

Al-Ta'if is surrounded by valleys, the most impor- 
tant being the one in which it is situated, Wadjdj, 
which gave it its pre-Islamic name (see al-'Arab [Riyad] 

ix/7-8 [Feb.-March 1975], 514-31; for up-to-date 
information see ibid., xxiv/9-10 [Oct.-Nov. 1989], 604- 
16). A clause in the agreement between the Prophet 
and the Thakif declared the valley a haram or sacred 

On the eve of Islam, a brick wall was built around 
al-Ta'if. The initiative and financing reportedly came 
from a merchant who had immigrated to al-Ta'if from 
Hadramawt [q.v.]. Pre-Islamic al-Ta'if also had fortres- 
ses, the origin of which is disputed. Following a joint 
Thakafi-Kurashr trade expedition to Persia in which 
Ghaylan b. Salama al-Thakafi and Abu Sufyan [q.v.] 
took part, Khusraw sent, with the former, someone 
(i.e. a skilled constructor) who built for him the first 
fortress of al-Ta'if. This construction is variously 
referred to as an utum and flisn. This is supposed to 
have taken place on the eve of Islam, since both 
Ghaylan and Abu Sufyan became Companions of the 
Prophet. Another claim for "firstness" points to an 
earlier generation by linking the first fortress to Mas'ud 
b Mu'attib who was the father of the Prophet s Com- 
panion 'Uiwa b Mas'Qd Both Ghaylan and Mas'ud 
were members of the Thakif branch called al-Ahlaf 
(moreover, they belonged to the same clan, the 
Mu'attib) There was fighting between the Ahlaf and 
the Malik, who were a rival branch of Thakif At 
some stage, Mas'ud sought military aid from a friend 
in Yathnb, Uhayha b al-Djulah Instead, Uhayha sent 
with him a slave a skilled builder of utumt,, who built 
for him the first utum of al-Ta'if (cf G R D King, 
Cmwill'i appmiation of Arabian arihituture, in Muqarnas 
viii [1991], 94-102, at 98b-99a). 

The combination of fertile land and abundant water 
supply turned the valleys around al-Ta'if into a pros- 
perous agricultural area which grew wheat and vari- 
ous fruits and vegetables. One hadilh has it that al-Ta'if 
was originally a tract of land in Filastln transferred 
by God to Arabia following Abraham's prayer (Kur'an, 
XIV, 37). Many dams were constructed around al- 
Ta'if, among them one placed some 32 km/20 miles 
north-east of al-Ta'if which was built by Mu'awiya I. 
A Kufic inscription dates its construction to 58/677-8 
(G.C. Miles, Early Islamic inscriptions near Ta'if in the 
Hyaz, in JNES, vii [1948], 236-42; A. Grohmann, 
Arabic inscriptions, Louvain 1962, 56-8; M. Khan and 
A. Al-Mughannam, Ancient dams in the Ta'if area 1981 
(1401), in Atlal, vi [1982], 125-35, at 129-31). The dam, 
in the construction of which no mortar or mud were 
used, is still in good condition. 

The Ta'if area produced excellent honey, and the 
Liyya valley was famous for its pomegranates. But 
grapes were probably the most important product of 
the local economy. These figure prominently in the 
myth about the eponym of the Thakif. He was adopted 
by an old Jewess in WadI al-Kura [q.v.], who gave 
him vine twigs which he later planted in the Wadjdj 
valley. Naturally, there developed in al-Ta'if a wine 
industry. A list of tavern-keepers in Ibn al-Kalbl's 
A'. al-Mathalib includes two Ta'iffs who had partners 
from the KurashI Banu Umayya. One of them was 
Abu Maryam al-SalulI [see salul, at vol. VIII, 1004b]. 
Being a tavern-keeper, Abu Maryam had links with 
women of ill-repute [cf. bicha', in Suppl.] and at the 
time of Mu'awiya he testified that Abu Sufyan for- 
nicated with Sumayya. The testimony was given in 
support of the claim that Ziyad b. Ablhi [q.v.] (as he 
was pejoratively called after the Umayyad period) was 
Abu Sufyan's son (cf. U. Rubin, al-Walad li-l-firdsh: on 
the Islamic campaign against "zina", in SI, lxxviii [1993], 
5-26, at 13-15). 

Al-Ta'if supplied, and still supplies, most of Mecca's 

demand in fruit, hence it was called "the orchard of 
the haram" (i.e. of Mecca). Rich Kurashls developed, 
already before Islam, large estates in the valleys sur- 
rounding al-Ta'if. Their water supply was possibly 
based on underground irrigation canals [see kanat]. 
Among the Kurashl properties in the vicinity of al- 
Ta'if, the best known is al-Waht, which is located in 
the Wadjdj valley. 'Amr b. al-'As's [q.v.] father already 
owned this estate before Islam. 'Amr himself further 
developed it and it remained a source of fabulous 
revenues for his offspring. At the time of Mu'awiya, 
the governor of al-Ta'if, who was the caliph's brother, 
tried to seize this estate from 'Amr's son, 'Abd Allah 
(M. Lecker, The estates of 'Amr b. al-'As in Palestine: notes 
on a new Megev Arable inscription, in BSOAS, lii [1989], 
24-37, at 25-6). 

Al-Ta'if used to have a famous tanning industry 
and the Ta'ifl shoes, for example, were known for 



■side the Thakif, al-Ta'if was also inhabited by 
members of other tribes, mainly tribes of the Kays 
'Aylan [q.v.] (for an up-to-date report on the tribes 
in al-Ta'if and its vicinity, see al-'Arab [Riyad], xiv/ 
1-2 [June-July 1979], 42-73). 

Most of al-Ta'if 's inhabitants before Islam were 
idol worshippers and one of the major deities of pre- 
Islamic Arabia, al-Lat [q.v.], was situated there. Some 
of al-Ta'if 's inhabitants were Christians. Those who 
considered the famous physician, al-Harith b. Kalada 
[q.v. in Suppl.], a Dhimml (cf. G. Hawting, The devel- 
opment of the biography of al-Harith ibn Kalada.. ., in The 
Islamic World... essays in honor of Bernard Lewis, ed. 
C.E. Bosworth et alii', Princeton 1989, 127-40, at 128), 
probably had in mind Christianity. In the first decades 
of the Islamic era, the Ta'if district (mikhlaf) was 
inhabited by Jews who had been expelled from the 
Yemen and Yathrib. Mu'awiya bought his estates in 
al-Ta'if from one of them. 

The high standard of living enjoyed by the Ta'ifls 
before Islam and during its early period was accom- 
panied by a level of literacy which was no lower than 
that found in Mecca. Consequently, many literate Ta'ifis 
could easily be recruited by the administration. The 
self-evident link between literacy (including arithmetic 
skills) and administration can be demonstrated by de- 
tails from the biographies of the two most famous ex- 
Ta'ifls, Ziyad b. Ablhi and al-Hadjdjadj b. Yusuf 
[q.v.]. The former, whose mother was a slavegirl, was 
nevertheless educated in the kuttdb [q.v.] of Djubayr 
b. Hayya. Djubayr became a dlwan secretary in 'Irak 
and then his ex-pupil, Ziyad, made him governor of 
Isfahan. As to al-Hadjdjadj, he was a former teacher, a 
shortcoming which his enemies did not fail to mention. 
Bibliography (in addition to references given in 
the article): H. Lammens, La cite arabe de Ta'if a la 
veille de I'higiu, in MFOB, viii (1922), 113-327; M.J. 
Kister, Some reports concerning al-Ta'if mJSAI, i (1979), 
1-18, repr. in idem, Studies in Jahiliyya and early 
Islam, Variorum, London 1980, no. XI; H. Gaube, 
M. Scharabi and G. Schweizer, Taif. Entwicklung, 
Stmktur und tradilionelle Architektm emer arabischen Stadt 
im Umbruch, Wiesbaden 1993. (M. Lecker) 

TA'IFA (A.), pi. tawa'if means in general "a group, 
party corapan) of men as in Kur an \\I\ 
2 in later usage often i professional or trade group 
corporation the equivalent of sinj [q i ] and in later 
mediaeval and modern usage a religious or sectar 
lan group whence la ifina [q i ] sectarianism confes 
sionahsm Here the extended usage from gioup 
to its sense in Sufi mvstiosm will be considered 
since Sufis used the term in contexts conformable to 

the words basic meaning of "group", dfama'a, or "part 
of a whole", gjuz' (see L'A, Beirut 1988, viii, 223). 

From the 3rd/9th century, Muslim religious spirits 
affirmed their specificity by calling themselves by the 
all-encompassing term al-ta'ifa, abbreviated from ta'ifat 
al-kawm "the group of the men of God" or "community 
of spiritual persons". The term ta'ifa is in this context 
often preceded by the demonstrative hadhihi (see e.g. 
al-Kushayrf, Risala, Damascus 1988, 36; al-HudjwIrl, 
K'ashf al-mahdfiib, Ar. tr. Beirut 1 980, passim). Sometimes, 
al-kawm is found tout court. These expressions certainly 
reflect an allusive style favoured by Sufis, but their 
usage can also be explained by the fact that these 
persons were not yet differentiated into separate ways. 
Moreover, in certain regions, they were only to des- 
ignate themselves as Sufis quite late. The Baghdad 
master al-Djunayd (d. 298/911) thus received a nick- 
name which was never to leave him, sc. sayyid al-ta'ifa 
"master of the Muslim religious spirits" (see e.g. al- 
Kushayn, 430; al-HudjwIrl, 419). It was with this ge- 
neric sense in view that Ibn al-'Arabl used the term 
ta'ifa preceded by the definite article al- (al-Futuhat 
al-makkiyya, ed. O. Yahia, e.g. iv, 55,85, 190, 319). 
On the other hand, the use of the indefinite form 
goes back, in his usage, to the most common mean- 
ing of the word, that of religious community or group 
(op. cit., iv, 191-2, 276, etc.). Sufis continued to view 
themselves as and to be called al-ta'ifa in later times 
(cf. Ibn Khaldun, Shifa' al-sa'il li-tahdhib al-masa'il, 
Tunis 1991, 183; Ibn Hadjar al-Haytaim, d. 974/1566, 
al-Fatawa al-hadithiyya, Beirut n.d., 53). 

In the 6th7 12th "and 7th/ 13th centuries, the emer- 
gence of spiritual lines claiming spiritual descent from 
the eponymous masters brought into being a second 
usage of the term, which eventually supplanted the 
first one, sc. that of a particular Sufi order, distinct 
from the others, or also, in a similar fashion, one of 
the professional guilds of the futuwwa [q.v.] . This par- 
titive sense appears in the expression al-ta'ifa min 
al-fukara' "groups of those poor for God's sake" used 
by Ibn Khallikan in regard to the Rifa'i dervishes 
(ed. 'Abbas, i, 171). Already, al-HudjwIrl (d. 465/1072) 
had used the term to distinguish several groups of 
mystics by their attitude over agreement to the divine 
will (al-ridd), but here it is a question merely of spir- 
itual modalities (Kasjif, 405). In future, ta'ifa was to 
incarnate the organic dimension of Sufism. In the 
sources, it is used concurrently with tanka [q.v.], with 
the two terms often being used indifferently; but the 
second one had nevertheless a wider signification. 

In later Sufism — in general, from the beginning of 
the 8th/ 14th century — the term was used in a con- 
crete sense for every branch issuing through ramifi- 
cation from a mother-torffaz. This branch would assume 
its own autonomy, or this was accorded by the shaykh 
of the original tanka; it likewise acquired a specific 
name from its initiator. In general, the ta'ifas formed 
small-sized orders with a local or regional basis, this 
being notably true for the Arab East (L. Pouzet, 
Damas au VIP/ XIII' siecle, Beirut 1988, 209, 229; 
E. Geoffrey, Le soufisme en Egypte et en Syne sous les 
demiers Mamelouks et les premiers Ottomans, Damascus 
1995, 276-7) and for the Sufi communities of the 
Moroccan South (M Kably, Societe, pouvoir et religion 
au Mane a la fin du Moyen \ge Paris 1986) or al-Andalus 
(see the introd by R Perez to Ibn Khaldun, La voie 
et la loi Pans 1991 26) A ta'ifa which prospered 
could in turn give birth to a "sub-branch" and so 
on In order to establish their legitimacy, these 
branches sometimes placed the name of the original 
order in their form of identity. 

For J.S. Trimingham, the ta'ifa is characteristic of 
the third and last stage of Sufism, during which the 
mystical orders provided themselves with a fairly 
elaborate organisation; he dates this phase from the 
9th/ 15th century, when the Ottoman emphe was con- 
stituted (The Sufi orders in Islam, Oxford 1971, 67, 103). 
But this idea of things, adopted by researchers work- 
ing on the brotherhoods at the piesent time (see e.g. 
Les ordres mystiques dans I'lslam, ed. G. Veinstein and 
A. Popovic,' Paris 1986, 8, 167, 300), corresponds only 
partially to reality. In practice, the mateiial stiucture 
of Sufism in many cases only comes about from the 
beginning of the 12th/ 18th century. 

Bibliography: Given in the aiticle. 

(E. Geoffroy) 

TA'IFIYYA (a.) "confessionalism" (also tianslated 
"sectarianism" by opponents), the system of propor- 
tional political power-sharing between diffeient reli- 
gious groups (tamd'if, sing, ta'ifa) practiced in the 
Republic of Lebanon since the French mandate (1922- 
43). According to Art. 95 of the Lebanese constitu- 
tion of 1926, it was designed as "a temporary measuie 
to assuie a just representation of all Lebanese sects 
[the most important being Sunni", Twelver Shr'r and 
Druze Muslims and Maronite, Gieek Orthodox and 
Greek Catholic Christians] in public offices and in 
the formation of cabinets". Its precursors in Ottoman 
I^abal Lubncln have been councils representing the six 
major sects during the regime of the double ka'im- 
makamas 11843-60) and the mutasamfiyya (1861-1915) 

Propoitional representation of the sects in parlia- 
ment was not mentioned in the constitution prior to 
1990. From independence (1943) to the last pre-civil- 
war elections (1972), a ratio of six to five in favour 
of the Christian sects was maintained in diffeient elec- 
toral laws. The ieservation of key-offices foi membeis 
of specific sects (Maronite head of state, Sunni prime 
ministei, ShrT president of parliament and other stip- 
ulations) has been based on unwritten agreements since 
the 1930s and confirmed in the unwritten National 
Pact of 1943. Their validity has been increasingly 
challenged by both Muslim and leftist or Arab nation- 
alist Christian political groups since the late 1960s, 
many of them demanding the complete abolishment 
of political confessionalism. The refusal of Maronite 
political leaders to consider a reform of the confes- 
sionalist system was one of the causes for the out- 
break of the Lebanese civil war (1975-90). 

Following the Ta'if Accord adopted by the remain- 
ing members of the 1972 Lebanese parliament on 22 
October 1989, Art. 95 of the constitution was amended 
with validity from 21 September 1990. It henceforth 
stipulates a gradual abolishment of political confes- 
sionalism, starting with the lower echelon of the civil 
service and the armed forces, while representation of 
Muslims and Christians in the parliament and in cab- 
inets must remain equal during an unspecified interim 
period. New electoral laws in 1992 and 1996 have 
both maintained the principle of confessional propor- 
tionality (64 Christians, i.e. 34 Maronites, 15 Greek 
Orthodox, 7 Greek Catholic, 6 Armenians, 2 mem- 
bers of other Christian minorities; 64 Muslims, i.e. 
27 Sunnts, 27 ShrTs, 8 Druzes, 2 'Alawfs). 

Bibliography: Edmond Rabbath, La formation his- 

tonque du Liban politique et constitutionnel, Beirut 1973; 

Abdo I. Baaklini, Legislative and political development: 

Lebanon, 1842-1972, Durham, North Carolina 1976; 

Fu'ad Shatnn, al-Ta'ifiyya fi Lubnan. Hadiruha 

wa-dfudhurulia al-ta'rikhi wa l-idjtima'i, Beirut 1980; 

Georges Charaf, Communautes et pouvoir au Liban, 

Beirut 1981; Muhammad Ahmad Tarhinr, al-Usus 
al-ta'rikhma h-mzam Lubnan al-ta'ifi, Beirut 1981; 
Mas'ud Dahir, al-L^udhur al-ta'rikhma li 'l-mas'ala 
al-ta'fiyra al-lubnamyya 1697-1861, Beirut 1981; Yusuf 
Kuzma Khurl, a'l-Ta' ifiyya fi Lubnan nun khildl 
munakashat madflis al-nuwwa'b 1923-1987, Beirut 1989; 
P. Basile Basile, Statut personnel et competence judictaire 
des communautes canfesnonelles au Liban, Kaslik 1993; 
Antoine Nasri Messara, Theone generate du systeme poli- 
tique hbanais, Paris 1994. (A.' Rieck) 
al-TA'IR, al-TAYR (a.), any being or thing which 
is able to live or to fly above the ground level, either 
as a matter of function or for finding sustenance. 
Hence immense numbers of insects and birds are 
covered by the doublet ta'irltayr (pis. tuyiii, atyilr). 
Moreover, with the advent of modern inventions, the 

i for ; 

ty ma. 

living { tayaran), and the flight of such contrivances as 
aeroplanes and airships (tayyara, tci'lra), space ships and 
rockets and planetary satellites launched from an air- 
field (matar). By analogy, tayyaia can also denote a 
swiftly-running ship. 

Amongst the birds, certain ones are formed by tayi 
plus an annexed complement. Thus amongst the most 
current, one finds t. al-md' for waterfowl; t. al-timsah 
"crocodile bird" for the Egyptian plover (Plavianus 
aegyptius) which finds its food between the teeth of the 

as the green woodpecker, sharakrak (Picus vmdis); t. al- 
djamal "camel bird", for the ostrich; /. al-Iayl "night 
bird" for the screech-owl; and t. al-harrath "tiller's 
bird" for the lapwing and seagull. As for the /. al- 
ababil mentioned in Kur'an, CV, 3, as having pelted 
the aimv of Abraha when it was attacking Mecca 
[see makka. 1], there are various views: some take 
them to be swifts lApus apus) or swallows [Hirundo im- 
hca), and others, bats. One might finally mention the 
t. Sulayman "Solomon's bird", which is considered to 
be the hoopoe [Upupa epops). 

Amongst Arabic writers on natural history, it is 
really only al-Djahiz who treated at length of birds 
and everything connected with ornithology and hunt- 
ing with birds, in his K. al-Hayawan (see Bibl.). Amongst 
the winged tribe, he distinguishes three categories: (a) 
the baha'im al-tayr, plant and seed eaters; (b) the siba' 
al-tayr, carnivorous raptors, including the tayr hurr 
"noble birds" (falcon, goshawk, sparrow hawk), trained 
for hunting by flight [see bavzara]; and (c) the murakkab 
and mushtaiak, omnivorous birds like sparrows (Hayawan, 
i, 28-9, v, 205-7). 

Based on Kur'anic prescriptions, only game which 
is winged (the pheasant, partridge, quail) and farm- 
yard birds are lawful for human consumption. 

In ichthyology, the tayra or murdfan is the Mynpnstis, 
a small fish of the Mediterranean and Red Sea. 

The diminutive tuwqyr "small bird" can also be 
applied to butterflies, and the tuyun "bird seller" deals 
in small cage birds (canaries, etc.). 

Finally, in astronomy, al-Ta'ir denotes (a) the Swan, 
the 20th northern constellation, and (b) the star Altatr 
(from al-Nasi al-ta'ir "the flying vulture", sc. a Aquilae, 
mg. 0.9, of the 17th northern constellation of Aquila. 
Bibliography: Damm, Hayat al-hayawan al-kubra, 
Cairo 1 928-9," ii, 91-5, s.v. 'tci'ir; Kazwinr, 'Adja'ib 
al-makhlukat, on the margins of Damrrr, ii, 250-2; 
A. Malouf, Mu'djam al-hayawan/An Arabic zoological 
dictionary, Cairo 1932, passim; Djahiz, K. al-Hayawan, 
Cairo 1947, passim; A. Benhamouda, Les noms aiaba 
des Holies, in AIEO Alger, ix (1951), s.v. Altair; 
P. Kunitzsch, Aiabnche Stemnamen in Europa, Wies- 
baden 1959, 138-8 no. 52; H. Eisenstein, Emfuhrung 


in die arabische Zoographie, Berlin 1990, index s.v. 

Vogel, tair. (F. Vire) 

TA'IZZ, now the main town in the southern high- 
lands of the Yemen, some 195 km/ 120 miles south, 
slightly west, of San'a' [q.v.] and about 140 km/88 
miles north-west of Aden [see 'adan]. It is situated 
at the foot of Djabal Sabir which rises to a height 
of about 3,000 m/9,60b feet. Although the town is 
mentioned during the Ayyubid period of Yemeni his- 
tory (569-626/1173-1228) [see ayyubids], its main 
development came under the Rasulids (628-845/1230- 
1441 [q.v.]), who made the town their capital. It seems 
that Ta'izz was originally a settlement in the region 
of al-Djanad, the seat of the early Islamic governors 
in the area, possibly until its rise and growth in the 
RasQlid era, and that thereafter right down to the 
present day al-Djanad was a settlement in the region 
of Ta'izz. 

Our knowledge of Ayyubid Ta'izz comes in the 
main from Ibn al-Mudjawir, a traveller from the east 
who wrote in the early years of the 7 th/ 13th century 
(Ta'rikh al-Mustabsir, ed. O. Lofgren, Leiden 1951-4). 
He comments (144-5) that the coffers (khizana) of the 
port of Aden were taken up each year to the fortress 
of Ta'izz, four of them in all, containing the income 
of the ships arriving in Aden from India, that from 
the entry of madder (fuwwa) into the port, that of 
the export of horses to India and that of the ships 
travelling to India. Each one contained approximately 
150,000 dinars. This practice came to an end in 625/ 
1227. The fortress itself is described by Ibn al- 
Mudjawir on p. 156. It was strong, built of gypsum 
and stones and with firm gates and walls. It was a 
stronghold placed between two towns, al-Maghriba 
and 'Udayna, the latter at the foot of Sabir. A plan 
of Ta'izz follows the description on p. 157 of Lofgren's 
edition. Ibn al-Mudjawir also mentions the water sup- 
ply of Ta'izz (159) which came down from Djabal 

The first RasQlid ruler to enlarge and develop Ta'izz 
was al-Malik al-Muzaffar Yusuf, the second sultan of 
the dynasty, who in 653/1255 made the town the 
RasQlid capital. With the expansion of the town, the 
RasQlid rulers over the years built in particular fine 
mosques and madrasas, many of which can still be 
seen to this day. In particular, the Djami' al-Muzaffar 
(the founder dying in 694/1295) and the Ashrafiyya 
dating from al-Ashraf, regn. 778-803/1377-14Q- 

the r 

mposing i 

d dominate the v 

r the 

n. IsmaTl al-Akwa' (al-Madaris al-Islamiyya ji 'l-Yaman, 
San'5' 1980) provides some good descriptions of a 
number of such Rasulid monuments in Ta'izz and 
traces also their historical background. 

Ta'izz was visited during the Rasulid period in 
779/1377 by Ibn Battuta (Travels, ii, tr. H.A.R. Gibb, 
Hakluyt Society, Cambridge 1962, 369 ff.) and de- 
scribed in some detail. He found the inhabitants ". . . 
overbearing, insolent and rude", though perhaps no 
more so than is usual in capital cities! He further 
mentions three quarters: [al-Maghriba], where was the 
residence of the sultan, and where his courtiers and 
civil servants live; 'Udayna, where the sultan's amirs 
and troops live; and al-Mahalib, where the common 
people live and where the market is situated. He says 
much about the ceremonial of the RasQlid court. 
Other later visitors to Ta'izz included Niebuhr in 
1763, Glaser in the late 19th century and Hugh Scott 
in 1937. 

In the Rasulid context, it should perhaps be men- 
tioned that the small village of Tha'bat on the slopes 
of Sabir provided a peaceful retreat for a number of 

the sultans (see G.R. Smith, The Yemenite settlement of 
Tha'bat: historical, numismatic and epigraphic notes, in Arabian 
Studies, i [1974], 119-35). 

In 1948, Imam Ahmad Hamid al-Dln left the pre- 
vious capital, San'a', and moved to Ta'izz. All for- 
eign missions and consulates were also established in 
the town. It was not until 1962, the time of the rev- 
olution in northern Yemen, that San'a' regained her 
old position as capital of the Yemen Arab Republic 
which replaced the Mutawakkilr kingdom under the 
Harmd al-Dins. The importance of Ta'izz, however, 
as the chief town of the southern highlands of the 
Yemen (perhaps because of its geographical position 
in relation to the ports of Mocha and Aden and to 
the capital of the country, San'a') and the capital of 
ShafiT north Yemen, has continued to this day. 

Bibliography: Apart from the sources mentioned 
in the text, see also KhazradjI, al-'Ukud al-lu'lu'iyya, 
Leiden and London 1906-18, passim; Muhammad 
b. Ahmad al-Hadjan, Madjrnu' buldan al-Taman wa- 
kaba'ili-ha, ed. IsmaTl b. 'All al-Akwa', San'a' 1984, 
145-55; Yusuf 'Abd Allah, Ta'izz, in al-Mawsu'a 
al-Tamaniyya, ed. Ahmad Djabir 'ABf et ai, San'a' 
1992, i, 240-2. For the RasQlid monuments of 
Ta'izz, see the following articles in W. Daum (ed.), 
Yemen: 3000 years of art and civilisation in Arabia Felix, 
Innsbruck 1988: R. Lewcock, The medieval architec- 
ture of Yemen; Venetia Porter, The art of the Rasulids; 
and Barbara Finster, The architecture of the Rasulids. 

(G.R. Smith) 
al-TAKA [see kasala]. 

TAKBAYLIT, a dialect of Tamazight or 
Berber. It is spoken in Kabylia, one of the four 
Berberophone areas of Algeria, and a mountainous 
region at about 30 km from Algiers and compre- 
hending roughly the area between Thenia and Collo 
along the Mediterranean sea to the Jurjura Mountains 
in the south. The numerical percentage of Berber- 
speaking people in Algeria has not been properly 
established, but there is a general agreement to esti- 
mate the Tamazight-speaking people to be about 20% 
of the population (see Chaker 1989). The Takbaylit 
speakers should number in the region of three mil- 
lion, a moderate figure taking into account the high 
rate of emigrants from Kabylia in Algiers and France. 
The denomination Takbaylit probably derives from 
the Arabic kaba'il "tribes" [see Kabila], but it is dif- 
ficult to trace whether, and if so when, the people 
in the area now called Kabylia adopted a common 
name for the whole region. Today, the terms Lekbayel 
("Kabyles") and Takbaylit, Imazighen ("Free men") and 
Tamazight are used by the people to define themselves 
and their language. This is linked to the development 
of a sense of community which, previously based on 
a village or a confederation of villages, now comes 
to include all the Kabyle region with an extension to 
the other Tamazight-speaking areas. 

The general description of the Berber language [see 
Berbers] applies to Takbaylit notwithstanding some 
specific traits of this dialect. Phonetically, Takbaylit is 
characterised by the presence of affricadves and by 
the spirantisation of the short occlusives. The long- 
term contiguity with Arabic-speaking areas has affected 
the Takbaylit lexicon, which has about 35% of bor- 
rowings' from Arabic (see Chaker 1984, 82, 216-29). 
Until the last century, Takbaylit was a spoken lan- 
guage while Arabic script was used by a limited num- 
ber of religious literates. A system for writing Takbaylit 
was developed in Latin script during the French coloni- 
sation of Algeria. The colonial school, however, did 
not stimulate the acquisition of literacy in Kabyle. 


Similarly Berber did not find a place in the compul- 
sory education system of independent Alpena where 
Arabic and French were taught The present diffu 
sion of literacy in Takbaylit has resulted from acad- 
emic and associated activities that have found logistic 
and cultural support in the lands of Kabvle emigra- 
tion 1 e France Canada Belgium and the United 
States The recent creation of the High Commission 
for Amazigh-ness (1995) after years of demonstra 
tions and demands of recognition for Takbaylit in par- 
ticular and Tamazight in general has marked a change 
in the Mgenan language pohcv 

The literary production in Takbaylit compnses oral 
wutten and audio-visual genres Historical changes 
have modified the social and cultural functions of the 
oral production but the oral genres are still appre- 
ciated in Kabyha and in Kabyle emigrant circles A 
prestigious genre is the asefiu a sonnet of nine verses 
grouped in three strophes rhyming according to the 
scheme AAB Beautiful examples of this genre are the 
isefia (pi form) of the famous poet Si Mohand ou 
Mhand (see Boulifa 1904) Anothei poetic genre is 
the so-called izli a song of two or thiee couplets in 
rhyme The production of this genre is anonymous 
(see \acine 1988) The lyric genres usually give voice 
to individual desires and hopes while a normative 
discourse is expressed in the narrative genres For 
example the tiqsidm are long narratives in verse re- 
counting the adventures of Muslim heroes and saints 
the tidyanin are aetiological legends about animals 
while the limmuha narrate the adventures of heroes 
and heroines who assert the moral and symbolic organ- 
isation of the conventional Kabyle souetv (see Lacoste- 
Dujaidin 1970) 

Turning to the written production texts in Takbaylit 
were written by Si Amar ou Said Boulita already at 
the begin of the centurv while in the 1940s some 
nationalist Kabyle songs had a written origin Les 
cahiers de Belaid by Belaid Ait Mi |19b3l is however 
considered to be the first literary work written in 
Kabyle This work includes the authors personal ver- 
sions of timuiuha and narratives spanning the folk 
story the novel and the autobiography Since the 
1970s many collections of poems written in Kabyle 
have been published and six novels in Kabyle have 
appeared the first being As/el or Ritual sacrifice by 
Rachid Miche (Lvon Federop 1981) 

Genres produced in the audio-visual mode l e 
supported by technical means of lecording, are also 
newcomers on the scene The so-called modern song 
is the most important genre as to the amount of pro- 
duction and public acclaim The continuity between 
modern songs and oral poetry is indubitable but 
modifications in music and themes are ilso remark- 
able The assertion of Kabyle identity is a pivotal ele- 
ment of the modern songs but singers such as *Vjt 
Manguellet Idir and D|ura are also radical in then 

of S( 

The language used in the recent produc 
actensed by lexical borrowings trom French and by 
neologisms derived from other Berber dialects Synt 
tic interactions between Kabyle and French occui 
the written genres (see Abrous 1991) Conversely the 
Kabvle mother tongue punctuates novels and poen 
written in French by authors such as Taos and Jea 
Amrouche Tahar D|aoud Nabile Fares Mouloud 
Mammen and manv others Taking into consideration 
the process of literacy acquisition in Kabyha the works 
produced in Kabyle and those written in French by 
Kabyle authors should be seen in the tramework of an 
encompassing Kabyle literary space (see Merolla 1995) 

Bibliography D Abrous Quelgues remarques a 
propos du passage a I ecnt in Actes du Collogue Interna- 
tional Unite et Diiemte de Tamazight Ghardaia 20-21 
Ainl, Algieis 1991 1-14 Belaid Ait Mi Les cahiers 
de Belaid, ed JM Dallet and JL Degezelle Fort 
National (Algeria) 1963 Si Amar ou Boulifa Recuetl 
de poesies kabylts Mgiers 1904, S Chaker Textes en 
hnsruistiqut berbere CNRS Pans 1984 S Chaker, 
Berberes aupurdhui Pans 1989 G Lacoste-Dujardin, 
Le contt kabyle Etude ethnologique Pans 1970, D Me- 
rolla Petit on pallet dun espaie litteraire kabylP, in Etudes 
et Documentation Berberes xm (1995), 5-25 T \acine 
litouh Lizli ou lamout chante en kabyle Pans 1988. 

(Daniela Merolla) 
TAKBIR (a) verbal noun of form II from the 

the formula Allahu akbar It is already used in 
this sense in the Kur'an (e g LXXIV, 3 XVII 1 1 1 
with God as the object) On the different explana- 
tions of the elative akbai in this formula see LA, s.v., 
and the Kur'anic elative akram also applied to God 
\CVI 3) and a'la (XCII 20 LXXXVII 1) 

The formula as the briefest expression of the 
absolute supenontv of the One God is used in Muslim 
life in different cncumstances in which the idea of 
God His greatness and goodness is suggested When 
Muhammad had learned by supernatural means of 
the death of the Nadjashi in Abyssinia he proclaimed 
the news to those around him arranged them in rows 
on the Musalla and had a takbir pronounced four 
times (al-Bukhan Djana iz bah 4 55 bl) On other 
occasions also Muhammad is said to have called the 
takbv four or five times over a funeral bier (Muslim, 
Djana'iz trad 72) The tourfold takbir remained or 
became usual at the salat for the dead (al-Shirazi, 
Kitab alTanbih ed AWT Juynboll 47) The adhan 
[g i] is also opened with a tourfold takbir 

The Prophet is said to have uttered very frequently 
the lakbn during the Hadjdj at the beginning ( Mimad 
b Hanbal Mumad n 144) dunng (al-Bukhan DJihad, 
babs 132 133 but not too loudly, bab 131) and at 
the end of the journey (Ibn Hanbal u 5) at the 
sight of the Ka'ba (ibid m 320) at the Black Stone 
[ibid i 2b4) between Mina and 'Aiafa (al-Bukhan, 
Haqjdj bab 86) on Safa and Marwa (Ibn Hanbal, iii, 
320) etc 

The takbir is prescnbed bv the law at the beginning 
ot the salat (the so-called takbirat al ihram) during the 

Bibliography the dictionaries sv kbi T.P. 
Hughes A dictionary of Islam 629 Th V\ Juynboll, 
Handleiding 61 65 A J \\ ensmck A handbook of early 
Muhammadan tradition s v Constance E Padwick, 
Muslim delations repr Oxford 1996 29-3b see also 


TAKDIR (a ) verbal noun of the form II verb 
kaddara used variously as a technical term 

(a) The predominant meaning of takdir is "the 
imaginary utterance which the speaker intends as if 
he were saving it, when expressing a given literal 
utterance This definition needs some elucidation. 

In this meaning takdir is a grammatical technical 
term belonging to the terminologv ot one of the main 
theories of Arabic gi ammar which we may call here 
the theory of takdir Since Arabic texts on gram- 
mar do not include any systematic discussion of this 
theory its principles and notions as well as the sense 
of its terminology must be inferred from the data 
found in these texts 

The theory of takdir is based on the notion of al- 

Khalll, Sibawayhi's teacher, that, when pronouncing 
given utterances, the speaker simultaneously intends 
that it is as if he were expressing another utterance, 
differing in construction, but not in its intended mean- 
ing from his literal utterance (see Slbawayhi, ii, 137, 
11. 8-15). Thus, when the speaker expresses a given 
literal utterance, a corresponding imaginary utterance 
exists in his mind. If we mark the literal utterance 
by X and its corresponding imaginary utterance by 
Y, we can say that the main notion of the theory of 
takdir is that the speaker intends, or imagines, that 
when he says X it is as if he were saying Y. For 
example, the grammarians hold that when saying 
Zayd"" ft l-dari (= X) "Zayd is in the house", the 
speaker intends that it is as if he were saying Z"yd"" 
istakarra fi 'l-dari (= Y) lit. "Zayd has made his abode 
in the house". The imaginary utterance Z a yd m istakarra 
ft l-dari is given the name takdir. 

The notion of takdir was created by the grammar- 
ians in order to solve a theoretical difficulty, and they 
apply it when they find that the literal construction 
of a given utterance does not accord with one of 
their theories. E.g. the later grammarians, from the 
10th century onwards, believe that the prepositions 
called huruf al-djarr are connective particles which can 
only connect a verb or a participle with a noun, as 
in the example insaraftu 'an Zflyd" "I went away from 
Zayd" (see Levin, in, x~ 359-60). Since the lit- 
eral construction of the utterance Zayd"" ft 'l-dari does 
not include a verb, the particle fi apparently connects 
a noun with another noun. Hence the grammarians 
assume that when the speaker says Zayd 1 " ft 'l-dari, 
he intends to say Zayd"" istakarra ft l-dari. In this imag- 
inary utterance, the particle fi connects the unex- 
pressed verb istakarra with the noun al-dar, thus bringing 
the construction of the imaginary utterance called 
takdir into line with the theory that huruf al-djarr can 
only connect a verb or a participle with a noun. 

It can be inferred from the sources that, in the 
grammarians' view, the relevant construction as far as 
grammatical analysis is concerned is that of the imag- 
inary utterance (- al-takdir) and not that of the literal 
one (- al-lafi), since it is the construction of the former 
which exists in the speaker's mind. This notion led 
the grammarians to believe that an imaginary construc- 
tion, which accords with their theories, enables the 
occurrence of a non-according literal utterance. 

(b) It can be inferred that the grammarians assume 
takdir to exist in the speaker's mind in the following 
four cases: 

(i) When they hold that a given part of the sen- 
tence is unexpressed by the speaker since it is "con- 
cealed" in his mind. In the grammarians' terminology, 
the unexpressed part of the sentence is usually called 
mudmar "concealed in the mind" (see e.g. Slbawayhi, 
i, 32, 1. 2; 42, 1. 9), but sometimes it is denoted by 
the full form of the term, which is mudmar ft 1-niyya 
"concealed in the mind [of the speaker]" (see e.g. 
ibid., i, 106, 11. 12-14), mudmar fi niyyatika (i, 131, 11. 
12-14), and mudmar fi nafsika "concealed in your mind" 
(Ibn Djinm, al-Khasa'is, i, 103, 11. 11-12). It is also 
called mukaddar "intended [in the mind of the speaker]" 
(see e.g. Ibn Ya'ish, i, 820, 1. 8), and rarely also 
mukaddar ft 1-niyya "intended in the mind" (al-Djurdjam, 
i, 275, 1. 3), and mukaddar fi kalbika, lit. "intended in 
your heart" (al-Sirafi, according to Jahn, i, 2, 74, n. 7). 

The considerations leading the grammarians to hold 
that a given part of the sentence is concealed in the 
speaker's mind are usually grammatical, but sometimes 
they are both grammatical and semantic. Frequently, 
they say that a given part of the sentence is unex- 

pressed in the literal c 
not include a word which can serve as an 'amil, i.e. 
as a factor producing the case-ending of a given noun, 
or a mood-ending of an imperfect verb. Thus, e.g., 
Ibn Ya'ish says concerning the sentence Zayd"" darab- 
tuhu "Zayd (ace.) I hit him": wa-takdiruhu darabtu Zayd" 
darabtuhu "That which the speaker intends [when 
saying Zayd" darabtuhu] is darabtu Zayd™ darabtuhu (lit. 
"I hit Zayd, I hit him)" (Ibn Ya'ish, i, 199, 6). The 
form darabtu, occurring at the beginning of the takdir 
is unnecessary for understanding the lit- 
Zqyd" darabtuhu, but grammatically it is 
indispensable, since it is considered as the 'amil pro- 
ducing the accusative in Zayd". 

(ii) The grammarians believe that there are given 
utterances that include a "superfluous" part. In this 
case they assume that a corresponding imaginary utter- 
ance (- takdir) which does not include this "super- 
fluous" part, exists in the speaker's mind. E.g. some 
grammarians hold the view that in a sentence con- 
taining a badal, the noun which is "replaced" by the 
badal {- al-mubdal minhu) does not occur in the takdir 
construction. E.g. in the sentence ma dja'ani ahad"" 
ilia Zpyd"" "Nobody came to me except Zayd", Zayd" 1 
is the badal of ahad"". In referring to this example, al- 
Mubarrad says: fa-yasiru 'l-takdxru ma dja'ani ilia Zayd" 
"the takdir [construction] [of the above utterance] is 
ma dja'ani ilia Zayd"" (al-Mubarrad, iv, 394, 11. 5-6). 
Al-Mubarrad's illustration of this takdir derives from 
the notion that each verb can produce the nomina- 
tive in one subject only. Since in the literal con- 
struction of ma dja'ani ahad"" ilia Zqyd"", the verb 
dja'a is supposed to produce the nominative both in 
ahad"" and in Z a yd"", al-Mubarrad assumes that, when 
expressing this utterance, the speaker intends that it 
is as if he were saying ma dja'ani ilia Zayd""- Thus 
the takdir construction contains only one nominative 
(Zayd") which is affected by the verb dja'a. Note that 
in this case the takdir construction is snorter than the 

(iii) The grammarians further believe that, in cer- 
tain syntactic constructions, the literal word-order of 
the utterance differs from that intended by the speaker. 
This view is usually expressed when the literal word- 
order does not accord with one of the principles of 
the theory of the 3rd person pronoun. E.g. in refer- 
ring to the Bedouin proverb fi baytihi yu'ta 'l-hakamu 
"The arbitrator must be met in his home", Ibn al- 
Sarradj says that this utterance is grammatically per- 
missible li-anna 'l-takdir yu'ta 'l-hakamu fit baytihi "because 
what the speaker intends [when saying fi baytihi yu'ta 
1-hakamu] is yu'ta 'l-hakamu fi baytihi (Ibn al-Sarradj, 
ii, 238, 1. 17-239, 1.1). He expresses this view since 
the word-order of the literal utterance contradicts 
one of the main principles of the theory of the 3rd 
person pronoun, namely, that this pronoun cannot 
precede its antecedent (see Levin, in JSAI, xii, 40-3). 
However, in fi baytihi yu'ta 'l-hakamu the pronoun -hi 
precedes its antecedent al-hakamu. This theoretical dif- 
ficulty is solved by contending that the takdir of this 
utterance is yu'ta l-hakamufi baytihi. Since in the takdir 
construction existing in the speaker's mind, the pro- 
noun -hi does not precede its antecedent, its word- 
order accords with the grammarians' theory of the 
3rd person pronoun. 

(iv) The grammarians also believe that, when utter- 
ing given utterances, the speaker intends to express 
another utterance, corresponding in sense to his lit- 
eral utterance. This view is held when the literal con- 
struction does not accord with one of the grammarians' 
theories, or when it needs some theoretical elucida- 


jf the sv 


al-Mubairad savs about the example ma ahsana ^jjyd 
How good lb Zavd 1 fa takdiruhu shay'un ahsana ^ayd 
The utterance the speaker intends [when saving ma 
ahsana ^jjyd ] is shay'un ahsana ^ayd (lit something 
made Zavd [to be] good I (al-Mubanad iv 173 11 
5-9) In al-Mubarrads view this takdir construction 
provides evidence that ahsana is a past tense verb form 
according to the pattern af'ala and not an accusative 
elative form on this pattern is was held b) the gram- 
marians ol al-kufa The significance of al Mubairad s 
assumption that ma m the hteial constiuction is 
regarded bv the speaker as equivalent to shay is that 
ma like shay' is here i complete noun which does 
not need anv complement (= sila) as opposed to ma 

tive pronoun which needs a complement Since in 
al-Mubarrad s view ma is a complete noun he deter 
mines in his sv Mac tic analysis of ma ahsana Zjiyd tint 
ma is virtuallv i nominative occuning as \ subject 
(= mubtada' ) ahsana a verb piedicate of ma and ^jiyd" 
the direct object of ahsana (see i\ 173 11 7-8) 

The grammanans also applv the theorv of takdir 
in the domains of phonetics and morphologv Thev 
assume that certain vowels which do not occui in the 
literal form of given words are intended in the speakers 
mind The most salient example illustrating this notion 
is that of nouns which cannot take the case-ending 
vowels because oi then phonetic construction Here 
the grammanans hold that the final sound of the 
pausal foim of the noun which is an ahf(= a) includes 
an implicit vowel which the speaker intends that it is 
as if he were saving it Thus the final alf of the form 
fata a voungster includes in implicit case-ending 
vowel which is either a damma a Jatha oi a Kasra 
according to the eftect of its 'arml (see Ibn Djinni Sin 
n b07 11 3-7 cf al-Djurdjam i 10b 11 2-15 Ibn 

The data in the grammatical texts show Wans 
brough s conclusion that the term takdir signifies iecon 
struction or iestoration namelv oi a scnptual 

context oi passage to be incorrect (see Wansbiough 
m BSOiS xxxm [1970] 247 11 17-21 see also 248 
11 3-5 259 11 21-5) 

3 The process of inferring the takdir con- 

I The 


The following aspects confnm the definition of 
the term takdir given at the beginning of this article 
(a) The hteial sense of takdir is that which somebodv 
intends In this meaning takdir is a verbal noun in 
the sense oi a passive participle of the verb kaddara 
in the sense oi he intended (for kaddara in this sense 
see Tahdhib ix 24\ 11 8-10 L'i v 7bB 11 10-12 

or a passive participle see Sibawavhi n 242 11 3 b 
Ibn \a c ish i 810 II 7-9) This literal sense of the 
term takdir is attested bv the grammatical sources 
Thus the great scholar \bu Hayvan al-&harnati (d 
1344) notes that in grammatical terrmnologv the sense 
oi takdir is the same as that of al myya (Abu Hayvan 
147 11 5-b) This lemark is confirmed bv manv texts 
where the forms takdir and myya correspond to each 
other Similarly a correspondence is frequentl) found 
i othei technical terms and phrases derived 

a the r. 

and n 

(b) It can also be inferred that the technical phrase 
ka annahu kala it is as if he [l e the speaker] were 
saving corresponds to takdir (compare Ibn \a'ish l 
199 1 b and Sibawavhi, l 32 1 lj 

(c) A combination of the expressions takdir and ka 
annahu kala sometimes occurs in the texts as in the 
example takdiruhu ka annahu kala h I sami' That which 
he [l e the poet] intended is as if he were saving to 
the hearer (al-Djuidjam Dala'il 190 1 b which 
is a source dealing with rhetoric) It seems safe to 
assume that the expressions takdir and ka annahu kala 
are in fact elliptical wavs of expressing the rare com- 

ntended bv the 

The takdir 
inieired bv the gramman 
struction expressed bv him The takdir of certain elhp 
ticil sentences can be inferred from the circumstances 
under which these sentences are expressed (see Ibn 
Djinni alhhasa'is i 284 1 12-285 1 b) 

The process of inferring the takdir is based on the 
following principles (a) the sense of the takdir con- 
struction must accoid with that oi the hteial one 
(b) the takdir construction must agree with the pnn 
ciples oi \rabic grammatical theorv and (c) the takdir 

occms in speech (see ibid n 408 1 lb-409 1 8) 

This survev of the teim takdir is based on data 
gathered from grammatical texts The studv of the 
term in texts from other domains such as thetonc 
an poetrv needs 

The teiminologv of the theorv of takdir consists oi 
technical terms and phrases mainlv derived from the 
loots k d r and n u. y However it also includes terms 


' Phrase 

a the i. 

ix h m khy I and i a r also appear if rarelv The 
technical terms and phrases derived fiom the above 
loots aie discussed in detail in Levin al Takdir kudus 
in irahu grammatual thought and terminology 

5 Finallv it should be noted that \iabic gram- 
matical terrmnologv includes some technical terms and 
phrases derived from the root k d r which do not lefei 
to the theorv of takdir (some of these are denoted bv 
the form takdir itself ) The sense of these is com- 
pletely difterent from that of their homonvms used in 
association with this theorv For details see the above- 
mentioned forthcoming book 

Bibliography \zhan Tahdhib al lugha Cairo 
19b4 7 Abu Hayvan Manhadj. al salik 4bu Hayyan s 
commintary on the ilfiyya of Ibn Malik ed S Glazer 
New Haven Conn 1947 <\bd al-kahir al 
Djurdjam A al Muktasad fi sharh al Idah Baghdad 
1982 idem Dala'il al faja^ Damascus 1407/1987 
Ibn Djinni al Masa'is Beirut n d idem Sirr sina'at 
ali'rab Damascus 1405/1985 Ibn al-Sarradj 
A alUsulji Inahu. i al-Nadjaf 1973 n Baghdad 
1973 Ibn \a'ish Ibn Ja'is' [sic] Commmtar z« 
Zamathsati i Uujanal ed G Jahn Leipzig 1882-b 
Jahn, Sibaaaihis Buch uber die Grammahk ubeisetj und 
erklart ion Dr G Jahn 2 vols second pagination 
Berlin 1985 A Levin Thi vims oj the irab gram 

positions in JS4I x (1987), 342-b7 idem What is 
meant by 'akalum 1-baraghithu? in JSil xu (1989) 
140-b5 idem al- Takdir Studus in irabic gram 
matical thought and tirminology (forthcoming) L'i al- 
Mubanad A al Uuktadab Cairo 1385-8 Sibawavhi 
Le Lion de Sibaaaihi ed H Derenbourg Pans 
1881-9 J Wansbrough Mqa^ al Qur'an Periphrastic 
exegesis in BS04S, xxxm (1970) 247-bb 

Here it is used tor the process ot estimating the 

hence the equivalent of takhmin, in the Arabic-Spanish 
Vocabuhsta of Pedro de Alcala, apodar, afireciar See 
Dozy, Supplement, u, 312-13, and misaha 1 iEd ) 

TAKFIR (a), the verbal noun from the form II 
verb kaffara "to declare someone a kdjtr 01 


1 defim 

From earliest Islamic times onwards, this was an accu- 
sation hurled at opponents by sectarians and zealots, 
such as the Kharidjites [q.v.]; but a theologian like 
al-Ghazali [q.v.] held that, since the adoption of 
kufi was the equivalent here of apostasy, entailing the 
death penalty [see murtadd], it should not be lightly- 
made (Faysal al-tafrika bayn al-Islam wa 'l-zandaka, quoted 
in B. Lewis, The political language of Islam, Chicago- 
London 1988, 85-6). It has nevertheless continued 
to be used into modern times, and forms part of 
the vocabulary of abuse of modern Islamic funda- 
mentalist groups, such as the Egyptian al-Takflr wa 
'l-hidjra group [q.v.]. 

Bibliography: See that to kafir. (Ed.) 

2. In West Africa. 

The doctrine of takflr was first enunciated in the 
West African context by Muhammad b. <Abd al- 
Karim al-Maghill [q.v.] of Tlemcen, who answered 
questions for Askiya al-hddjdj Muhammad b. Abi Bakr 
[q.v.] of Songhay ca. 1498. Called on to make a judg- 
ment on the previous ruler Sunni 'All Ber, he gave 
a three-part definition of kufi: holding a belief which 
is itself kufi. such as disavowal of the Creator or an 
attribute of His without which He would not be 
Creator, or the denial of prophecy; doing that which 
is only done by an unbeliever even though the act 
itself is not itself kufi, such as declaring wine-drink- 
ing and adultery to be lawful; or uttering something 
which it is known would only emanate from one who 
does not know God. On this latter point he admits 
there has been difference of opinion, notably about 
the status of the Mu'tazila and other innovators (ahl 
al bid'a) These positions are evidently based on the 
views ot the kadi 'fyad b. Musa of Ceuta [q.v.] 
(d 1149), as stated in his A'. al-Shifa'. In his treatise 
on the status ot the Jews of Tuwat and their syna- 
gogue (see Mubah al arwah ft usul al-faldh, ed. Rabih 
Bunar, Algiers, 1968, 103), he also pronounces takflr 
against those who befriend the Jews and encourage 
or condone their ' rebellion against the laws", based 
on a restrictive interpretation of Kur'an, V, 51. 

Around the same time, another treatise was writ- 
ten for Askiva al Hddjdj Muhammad by al-'Akib al- 
Anusammani ot Takidda [q.v.] which, to judge by the 
surviving fragment, also dealt extensively with takflr. 
He classifies Muslims into several groups based on 
the quality of their belief, of which the first four prob- 
ablv correspond to perpetrators of the types of kufi 
which he cites from the commentary of al-Kirmani" 
on the Sahih of al-Bukhan: the kufi of unawareness 
(al mkar) of denial (al-djuhud), of obduracy (al-mu'd- 
nada), and of hypocnsv (al-nifdk) [see kafir]. 

In the 19th centurv the Fulani mudjaddid 'Uthman 
b Muhammad Fodi>e (Fad!) (d. 1232/1817 [q.v.]) 
accused the Hausa sultans of kufi, using the argu- 
ments ot al-Maghill to show that they ruled in such 
a way as to give proof that they were unbelievers, 
and that a djihad to overthrow them was incumbent. 
These views are expounded in several of his works, 
most notably Ta'lim al-ikhwan bi 1-umur allati kqffama 


biha muluk al-sudan (tr. B.C. Martin, in MES, iv/1 
[1967], 50-97). He and his son Muhammad Bello 
[q.v.] also accused Muhammad al-Amin al-Kaneml, 
Shehu [Shaykh] of Bornu [q.v.] similarly, in a lengthy 
correspondence included in Bello's Infak al-maysur (ed. 
C.J. Whitting, London 1951, 124-74). All of these 
arguments were known to al-hadjdj 'Umar b. SaTd 
al-Futi (d. 1280/1864), who used them against Ahmad 
Lobbo, ruler of Masina, his most damaging criticism 
being that the latter had come to the aid of the unbe- 
lieving ruler of Segu [q.v.] against al-hadjdj 'LTmar. 

In the 1970s in Nigeria, a general takflr was pro- 
nounced against Sufis, and especially adherents of the 
Tidjaniyya tanka, 'by the former Grand Kadi of Nor- 
thern Nigeria Abu Bakr b. Mahmud Gumi (d. 1992), 
on the grounds that Sufi beliefs and practices as a 
whole are innovations tantamount to kufi. This evoked 
many scholarly responses, the most detailed of which 
is al-Takflr akhtar bid'a tuhaddid al-Islam wa 'l-wahda bayn 
al-muslimin by Shaykh Sharif Ibrahim Salih of Maidu- 
guri (publ. Cairo 1986). 

Bibliography: Tyad b. Musa al-Yahsubl, A'. al- 
Shifa' bi-ta'nf ixukuk al-Mustafa, ed. 'All Muhammad 
al-Bidjawi, Cairo 1977, ii, 1065-87; J.O. Hunwick 
(ed. and tr.), Shari'a in Songhay: the replies of al-Alaghili 
to the questions of Askia al-hajj Muhammad, Oxford 
1985, 72-4, 118-25; idem, Al-'Aqib al-Anusammam's 
replies to the questions of Askiya al-hajj Muhammad: the 
surviving fragment, in Sudanic Africa, ii (1991), 139-63; 
Sidi Mohamed Mahibou and J.-L. Triaud, Voila ce 
qui est arrive. Bayan ma waqa'a d'al-Hdgg 'Umar al-Futi, 
Paris 1983. On the takflr of Sufis in Nigeria, see 
ALA, ii, 550-59. (J.O. Hunwick) 

al-TAKFIR wa 'l-HIDIRA (a.), the name of 
one of several militant Islamic groups which 
appeared in Egypt from the early 1970s onwards, 
against the background of a material and spiritual cri- 
sis. The name, literally meaning "charging [Muslims] 
with unbelief, and emigration [from an un-Islamically 
ruled state]" (reflecting two pillars of the group's ideol- 
ogy), was given to it by the media, while its own 
members called it djama'at al-muslimm "The Society of 

Al-Takflr wa 'l-Hidjra was founded in 1971 by Shukrl 
Mustafa, a former Muslim Brotherhood [see al-ikhwan 
al-muslimun] activist disenchanted with the Brother- 
hood's "moderation". Mustafa recruited mostly young 
men and (a unique feature of this group) women, 
of rural or urban lower middle-class background, 
managing to attract as many as 2,000 to 3,000 adher- 
ents by 1977. They were organised in a network 
throughout the country's major cities and the coun- 
tryside, with a hierarchy of command and rigid rules 
of loyalty and discipline. Regarding Egyptian society 
as corrupt and even atheist, the group sought to 
detach itself from it, its members secluding themselves 
from family, friends and society's institutions and mov- 
ing to reside in communes. The authorities at first 
considered them harmless, but arrested some of them 
in 1976 and early 1977. In July 1977 the group 
abducted the former Minister of Awkafl Muhammad 
al-Dhahabi in order to gain the release of detained 
members, then killed him when their demands were 
not met. This led to a clampdown on the group, 
including the arrest and subsequent execution of Shukrl 
Mustafa and four other leaders, which devastated the 

The ideology of al-Takflr wa l-Hidjra comprised ele- 
ments drawn from the teachings of Sayyid Kutb [q.v.] 
and, through them, the Khawaridj [q.v.]. Central to 
it was the idea of takflr, namely, the idea that Islamic 


society is a whole hid i everted to a state of unbe 
lief or djakiliyya (other groups professing tahfir applied 
it to the government only) Since society wis beyond 
redemption the group advocated hidpa to wit dis 
tincing itself fiom society is much as possible — from 
its mosques its githenng phces its hibits ind cus 
toms Ultimately the group would emignte to mother 
country establish a punfied community theie then 
return ind conquer the unbelieving society through 
dphad I this modern concept of hidfra seems again to 
hive been unique to this organisation! The group 
;sed idjhhad that is independent judgement 

s of i 

. pern 


and r 

ily behind 

me of the conventional religious c 
Alter the death of Mustafa the orgams 

mbers 1 
sed then 

giated ^ 

ts fom 


,ay h 


i ideas in the 1980s 

and 1990s 

Bibliography Saad Eddin Ibiahim Anatomy o, 
Egypt t militant Islamic groups mithodologual notts ant 
preliminary findings in IJMES xu (December 1980) 
423 53 G Kepel Muslim txtiemism in Egypt th, 
Prophet and Pharaoh Berkeley 1986 70 102 and passim 
zim Ramadan D,ama at al takfu ft Urn 

commonly found in Arabic textbooks In the anthol 
ogv Lubab al albab compiled in 1220 Awff [q ] uses 
phrases like al mulahkab bi whenever he refeis to a 
pen name This indicates that they weie regarded as 
no more than a special case of the lakab [q ] which 
still lacked a proper appellation of its own Only in 
the Timund period does the semantic change appeal 
to be fully completed as it is attested for instance 
by the use ol takhallus in Diwhtshah s Tadhhrat al 
shu am 

One of the rare reports on the actual adoption of 
a pen name is an anecdote telling how the Saldjuk 
sultan Malik Shah [q i ] showed his appreciation lor 
a t levei improvisation by permitting the poet Mu izzi 
[q ] to choose a pen name based on one of his lakabt, 
(Nizamiyi Arudi Cahar makala ed Tehran 1957 
65 9) Such a denvation from the n. 

een quit 

s only 

> 1995 

eself e 

In 1 


iry 1 

;ib] of the poly them 
themes esp the panegyric 

exit it miy be abiupt without any attem 
paring what follows or effected brusquely 
mulas such as da dha leave this (and speak on 
something else) From Abbasid times onwards poets 

a few lines serving as l hinge between the two sections 
In a quisi-narrative takhallus the poet may turn lwiy 
horn barren desett or hopeless love to kind and gen 
erous patron \ cry often the takhallus is effected by 
means of a simile oi metaphor involving i compari 
son of the pation with a phenomenon described in 
the pieceding e g [ He kissed me all night until] 
Morning appeared with a blaze as bright is the caliph s 
face when he is praised a line bv Muhammad b 
Wuhavb often given as an example of husn al takhallus 
C ntics from the time of Abu Ubav da [q i ] onw irds 
have studied the takhallus numerous works on badi' 
discuss hum al takhallus or husn al khurudf The school 
of al Sakkaki and Djahl al Din al Razwini [q i ] con 
sideis it with the beginning and the end of the poem 
[see ibtid-v' and intiha'] as one of three places merit 
ing particular attention 

Bibhogiaphy Renate J icobi Studitn ^m Poetik 
der altarabisihen Qaside Wiesbaden 1971 49 b5 GJ H 
van Gelder Biyond th Ime Leiden 1982 passim 
al Zu bi Mustalah al takhallus ft I nakd 

arded Howevei oth 
also be detected in pen names \ erv often they rehte 
to abstract concepts images oi motifs which were 
considered to be paiticularly poetic On the othei 
hand there are also names indicating geogiaphical 
origin tiades or religious affiliations Sometimes poets 
c hinged their names m the course of then careeis or 
used different names in poems written in diffeient 

The application of pen n lines to poetry is best 
known from its use in the concluding passages of the 
classical Persian gha^al [q ] In the early 6th/ 12th 



t fully 

il Dirasi 

il Isla 

a Isla 

2 In 

994) 81 13 
the sense 

(GJH vai. 
of pen name 


In Pet 

sian hteratu 


to takhallus a 

nd the synonvmous 

makhlas viz 

that of a 

pen name 

as it was adopted 

n particular 

s a rhetorical devic 

Pen nam 

s were an element of the poet 

from the 

very beginn 

ng but the semant 

c change in 

the term 

takhallus mi 

st have taken plac 


The Peisian rhetc 

.mans only 

n the sens 

of a transition 

established In the poetrv of Sana'i [q i ] for u 
„,..„, it only occuis in less than one third of the ghazak 
pre whereas pen names aie used with much greater fie 
'—• quency in the kasidat At that time apparently lef 
erences to the poet s own name were still a free 
rhetorical deuce which could be applied to am form 
ot poetrv eithei to mark a transition in a poem or 
to add i personal touch to the poetical statement An 
instance of each of these functions can be found in 
the poem Madar i may by Rudaki [q i ] the oldest 
complete kasida in Persian which has suivived As this 
example shows the device was already well known to 
eirly court poets This refutes the attempts (eg bv 
E E Bertcl s ind A Ates) to seek its origin in the 
rise of Sufi" poetrv Pen names were also used as struc 
rural elements in didactical mathnaipii, of which the 
convention introduced bv Nizami [q ] to conclude 
each makala of his poem Makh^an al asiar with a 
takhallus provides a clear example 

Bibliography H Ethe m TE Colebrooke On 
the proper namis of the Muhammadans in JRAS (1879) 
233 5 J Rvpka it alu History of Iranian literature 
Dordrecht 1968 99 (with tuithei refeiences) GJ 
van Gelder Biyond the Ime Leiden 1982 143 JTP 
de Bruyn The namt of the poet in Per Man poetry m 
Proteedings of tht Third European Confereme of Iranian 
Studies Cambridge Stpkmbei 1995 (forthcoming) 

(JTP de Bruijni 
TAKHMIS (a pi takhamis) a special kind of 
amplification of poetry which flourished as a 
genre from the 7/ 13th centurv until the modern era 
In the litenrv canon before this period the teim 
noimally tetened to the piocess of composing mukham 
masat (pentastichic stanznc poems bv a single author of 
which the earliest suiviving example is attributed to 
\bu Nuwas [see mitsammvt]) It is essential to under 
stand a distinction between takhmis when referring to 
an amplified poem and mukhammas (though the terms 
are sometimes used interchangeablv without ngoui) 
Takhmn invokes the addition of three hemistichs 

to each bayt of a given poem; the rhyme letter of the 
added hemistichs is determined by the first hemistich 
of each successive bayt. This extra material usually pre- 
cedes the original bayt; however, less commonly the 
bayt may be split and" filled (see Cairo, Fihns, iii, 49)— 
a process normally referred to as tashtir. (The num- 
ber of added hemistichs may in fact be more or less 
than three, in which case the term for the poem is 
variously tarbl' [2 added hemistichs], tasbi' [5 added 
hemistichs], etc.) 

The stanzas of a takhmh can be arranged on the 
page in one of two ways (upper case letters represent 
the rhyme words of the original hemistich; schemata 
are to be read from left to right): 

xxxxxxA xxxxxxA 


Mediaeval scribes tended to favour (i); modern 
printed texts prefer (ii). The essential point is that the 
genre is given to visual manipulation, an aspect of 
the poetry especially important in the calligraphic cele- 
bration of al-Busiri's Burda ode (see below) and other 
religious poems. 

Literary value. Takhmh may be viewed, in some 
measure, as a logical and natural development in the 
post-classical period of the poetic phenomena of tadmin 
(quotation) and mu'arada/nazlra (imitation), and of the 
pre-existent mukhammas form. Takhmis also feeds off a 
tendency towards explication (sharh) in the reception 
and diffusion of the poetic tradition (this fact is illus- 
trated by the titles often given to these amplifications, 
e.g. al-Atharl's (d. 828/1425) Nayl al-murad fi takhmis 
Banat Su'ad evokes the title of a straightforward exe- 
gesis of Ka'b's original poem, viz. Djalal ad-Din al- 
Suyutfs (d. 911/1505) Kunh al-murad fl sharh Banat 
Su'ad (Sezgin, ii, 232-4); some takhamis themselves 
spawn a sharh — thus several layers of literature cloak 
the original (e.g. Mach 4094). With regard to the 
Mamluk era, in which period religious takhamh flour- 
ished, we must understand that genre in the same light 
as other poetic developments fomented largely by the 
culture which celebrated the Prophet (broadly the 
same religio-literary culture which gave rise to tadhyil, 
na'tiyya, and badi'iyya poetry, see Schimmel, And 
Muhammad is His messenger). A recent aesthetic judg- 
ment — one which explains the dearth of scholarly 
attention paid to this literary genre — is as follows: 
"The procedure is interesting from a technical point 
of view, but it has the drawback that it compels the 

amplifier to expound in five (or seven or however 
many) lines what the original poet has said quite sat- 
isfactorily in two. It is thus no surprise that these 
poetic expansions have, as a rule, slight literary merit 
and that they are quite frequently copied without indi- 
cation of their author . . ." (de Blois). It is, however, 
worth drawing a distinction here between secular and 
religious poems, two categories which explain differ- 
ing levels (or functions) of creativity. 

There are seven non-religious amplifications in the 
diwan of Safi al-Dln al-Hilli (d. ca. 752/1351 fa.r.]), 
which include glosses on the work of Katari b. al- 
Fudja'a and Ibn ZaydOn (Vajda further notes the 
ascription to him of a takhmis of a poem by Waddah 
al-Yaman). It is, in particular, al-Hillfs treatment of 
Ibn Zaydun's humyya which illustrates well the possi- 
bilities of poetic creativity; for he develops quite art- 
fully the antitheses built into the original poem. 

In the religious sphere, one must mention Ibn al- 
'Arabfs (d. 638/1240 [q.r.]) takhmis upon a 22-line 
Sufi poem {kaslda) by Abu Madyan (d. 594/1 197). His 
amplification (which is a sharh of sorts) enhances the 
meaning and function of the original which sets out 
the etiquette of self-effacement and obedience within 
the Sufi" tartka. Certain stanzas are especially sensi- 
tive, and in some cases constitute clever syntactic inser- 
tions. Noteworthy is the way Ibn al-'Arabi refers to 
the very process of takhmis in the last verse, suggest- 
ing thereby the established nature and function of the 
genre (wa 'd'u h-man khammasa 1-asla llaahi hasuna). In 
subsequent periods, examples of the genre reflect Sufi 
practice, belief and sensitivity more generally, notably 
in the feature of devotional repetition (i.e. there is a 
striking reminiscence of the dhikr in Mingana 473: 
"Every stanza begins with the word Allah . . ."). 

An earlier takhmis is one of several that survive of 
Ka'b b. Zuhayr's Banat Su'ad or "Burda" (see Sezgin, 
ii, 234-5), ascribed to Shihab al-Din Yahya al- 
Suhrawardi (d. 587/1191 [q.v.]). However, it is the 
later "Burda" (also known as al-Kawahb al-durnyya fl 
madh khayr al-banyyd] of al-Busm (d. 694/1296 {q.v. in 
Suppl.]) which has been the most amplified in this 
way (Brockelmann, S I, 467-70); over 80 takhamu of 
this poem survive, 69 of them in a single collection 
containing some of the most recent examples (see 
Cairo, Fihns, iii, 49-57). 

Many takhamis of the "Burda" are prefaced in mss. 
by a version of the anecdote contained in al-Kutubfs 
Fawat al-Wqfayat (ed. 'Abd al-Hamld, Cairo 1951, ii, 
418-19) which describes the first realisation of the 
poem's healing powers. The point to note is that 
the ms. makes no reference to the takhmis itself, as 
illustrated symptomatically by the explicit to a copy of 
al-Fayyumfs takhmh (Khalili 563): tammat al-burda al- 
mu'azzama al-mubad^ala bi-hamdi 'llah ta'ald wa-mannihi. 
Thus in the web of individuals which form the culture 
of this poem's celebration only the poet (al-Busfn) 
and the text of the "Burda" itself are constant; even 
the dedicatee of a given ms. has been known to change 
with time. The motive is always pious and self-effacing: 
the preface in ms. Loth 1044 to Abu Bakr b. Ramadan 
b. Muk's takhmis explains the deliverance he experi- 
enced through the writing of his "gloss" (fa-ra'avtu 
'l-faradja fl athna'ihi). The same sentiments underpin 
a whole tradition in the subjection of Ibn al-Nahwfs 
(d. 513/1119) invocational al-Kanda al-munfandfa to 
numerous takhamis (see Mach 4078-80). 

Examination of the Cairo inventory and other 
samples of the Burda shows that amplifications tend 
to rework the lexicon of the individual bayt; hence 
collectively takhamis constitute, as one would expect. 


variations on a theme. The $am' al-takhamis by Ayt- 
mish al-Khidari al-Zahirl (d. 846/1442) (which in the 
Chester Beatty ms. (4215) of the 10th/ 16th century 
provides a good example of the potential of calli- 
graphic creativity and variety) offers an excellent sam- 
ple: a vocabulary seems to be established for each 
stanza (or section of the Burda); sometimes shared 
lexical formulae and conventions appear to have been 
established that are in fact independent of the language 
of the bayt fand illustrate the exegetical tradition 
for the particular section or bayt). For example, the 
bayt beginning wa'nsub ila dhatihi ma shi'ta min sharaf'" 
(in the section of the poem describing the Isra' has 
inspired a number of takhamis (dating back to the 
14th century), all of which articulate the role of the 
Prophet in the suhuf (or text of the Kur'an). 

The same collection— in the very manner of its cal- 
ligraphic arrangement — further illustrates the essential 
subordination of the amplification to the Burda land 
the virtual anonymity of the glossator in such collec- 
tive presentations); and, conversely, that certain takhamis 
(from various periods) were favourites and had a wide 
diffusion: for in the Aytmish collection we find the 
three takhamis contained in the Khalili collection (mss. 
563, 223 and 79), notably those of one Nasir al-Dfn 
Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Samad al-Fayyurm (mid- 14th 
century) and the better-known Abu Bakr b. Hidjdja 
al-Hamawf (d. 837/1434: see Brockelmann, IP, 16-20, 
S II, 8-9). 

The great reverence which the poem enjoyed in 
the pre-modern period led to the composition of 
takhamis with Turkish and Persian intralineation, and 
to "variations in the non-Arabic countries like India" 
(Schimmel, As through a veil, 187). 

Bibliography: A.J. Arberry, Tie Chester Beatty 

Library. A handlist of the Arabic manuscripts, v, Dublin 

1962; F. de Blois et at.. Tie Nasser D. Khalili Collec- 

lands, viii (forthcoming); Dar al-Kutub al-Misriyya. Fihris 
al-kutub al-'arabiyya, iii, Cairo 1927; Ibn <AtV Allah 
al-Iskandarl, 'Unwan al-tanfikfi ddab al-tarlk, Damas- 
cus 1962 (tr. 'A'isha 'Abd al-Rahman at-Tarjumana, 
Self-knowledge. Commentaries on Sufu songs, Tucson, 
Arizona 1978) M\ Kokan Arabic and Persian in 
Camatu Madras 1974 [not consulted] O Loth A 
catalogue of the Arabic manuscripts in the Library of the 
India Office London 1877 R Mich Catalogue of 
habit manusinpti in the Oamtt Collection Punceton 
1977 A Mingana Catalogue of the \rabu manuscripts 
in the John Rylands Libiary Mamhestti Manchestei 
1934 Zaki Mubarak al \Iada ih at nabauma 
ji ladab al aiabi Cairo 1935 Sule>man NahifT 
Takhmis i Laside yi Burde Istanbul 1297/1880 Annt 
mane Schimmel And Muhammad it His messengei 
Chapel Hill and London 1985 eadim As though a 
veil New \ork 1982 Sezgin CAS n G \ ajda 
Index general da manustnts aiabis musulmans de la 
Biblwtheque hationale de Pans i\ Pans 1953 [Some 
errata The alUarda al dhakiyya fi takhmis a I Burda 
aUahyya b> Abu Bakr b Ramadan b Muk 
(London India Office Loth 1044 ff 279-301) iden 
titled in Sezgin (n 234) as i takhmis ol Ka'b b 
Zuha\rs Banat Su'ad is in fact \et another ampli 
fication ol al Busin s Burda futthei the implifica 
tion ol Ibn Za\duns Kunnya listed as anonymous 
in Mach 4058 appears to be a cop> of the takhmis 
b> SafTalDin al Hilh ] (PF Kenned^ 

TAKHT-I PJAMSHID [see istakhr]. 
TAKHT-I TAWUS (p.), the Peacock Throne, 
a name given to various highly-decorated and much 
bejewelled royal thrones in the eastern Islamic world, 

in particular, to that constructed for the Mughal 
Emperor Shah Djahan (1037-68/1628-57 [?.».]). 

There are relevant accounts in the contemporary 
Indo-Muslim sources, e.g. in 'Abd al-Hamid LahawrT's 
Badshah-nama and Muhammad Salih's 'Amal-i Salih, 
and in the accounts of European travellers who claimed 
to have seen the throne, such as Tavernier, Bernier 
and Manucci. These last authorities, however, con- 
tain serious discrepancies in their accounts of the 
throne, which are hard to reconcile with the facts, 
leading one to wonder if they really did see it properly. 

The first darbar at which the Peacock Throne was 
used seems to have been when Shah Djahan cele- 
brated the Td al-Fitx and Nawruz together at Agra 
in Shawwal 1044/March 1635, and thereafter, the 
sources make frequent mention of its use by the 
Mughals. A contemporary painting from a royal album 
of Shah Djahan's shows the Emperor on a gold-enam- 
elled and jewel-encrusted throne which has four legs 
and four columns supporting a rectangular domed 
canopy with a projecting cornice and two peacocks 
perched above. According to Bernier, the peacocks 
were made by a French craftsman, possibly Austin of 
Bordeaux (see Victoria and Albert Museum, The Indian 
heritage. Court life and arts under Mughal rule, London 
1982, no. 57; there are other, similar paintings in 
existence). Later Mughal emperors, including the 
penultimate one, Mu'fn al-Dfn Akbar II b. Shah 'Alam 
II (1221-53/1806-37), are said to have had less costly 
replicas made of the Peacock Throne. 

Shah Djahan's throne was carried off when Nadir 
Shah [q.r.] sacked Dihlr in 1151-2/1739. One eye- 
witness account of the event, Tihram's Nadir-ndma, 
records that the Persian conqueror had 17 thrones 
amongst his spoils. Much of the throne, including its 
columns and bevelled roof, could have been disman- 
tled at Kandahar, during Nadir's return journey, when 
many of the plundered Indian jewels were sewn on 
to the Shah's tents as symbols of royal authority. 

Since then, there has been considerable confusion 
regarding thrones to be found in the Persian capital 
Tehran. Displayed in the Gulistan Palace of the 
Kadjars, and seen in the 19th century by various 
European tra\ellers such as Curzon were the so 
called Marble Thione Takht i Marmar ol Kanm 
Khan Zand and the Peacock Throne actuallv made 
lor Fath Wi Shah [qi] b\ the Sadi of Isfahan 
Muhammad Husa\n Khan when the Shah mimed 
an Isiaham wile known as Taw us Khanum Both ol 
these are platform thrones ol tvpical Indo Persian style 
Now in the Bank Melh \aults with the Peisian crown 
jewels is the Nadir Thione which is ol the chair 
tvpe and has no connection with the great conqueioi 
I the name to be interpreted is nadir remarkable ? ) 
and cannot be older than Fath Ah Shah s time prob 
abh \ounger in its present form See GN Cuizon 
Persia and the Persian question London 1892 i 317 22 
with illustration \ B Meen and AD Tushingham 
Crown jewels of Iran Toronto 1968 54-7 (for the Nadir 

Bibliography (in addition to references in the 
article) Abdul Aziz Thrones tents and their furniturt 
used by the Indian Uusjiuls Lahore nd [1940s] 35 
73 KRN Swam> and Meera Ravi The Peaiock 
Thrones of Ih norld A reference authority Bomba> 1993 

(CE Bosworth) 
TAKHT APT! (Tj, hteralK one who works in 
woods and forests, woodcutter, sawyer" (< takhta 
"wood"), the name of one of the Turkish 
nomadic groups of Anatolia which had a special 
legal status in Ottoman times, defined by their nomadic 


way of life, their specialisation within that group and 
their confessional religious connections. 

Thus we have Turkmen [q.v.], less an ethnonym 
denoting tribes of Oghuz [see cmizz] origin than a 
legal status within the Ottoman empire, paying the 
Turkmen mukdta'asi to the Ottoman ruling house (khass). 
The Takhtadjis enjoyed this khass status also in return 
for specialised services to the state of work in woods 
and forests, just as the Cepni were concerned with 
the transport for the troops and the Yaydji Bedir for 
bow-making. Yoruk, foi its part, denoted, and still 
denotes, a nomad in general (> yurumek "to travel about, 
journey"). Many tribal groups were and are of 'AlewT/ 
Bektashr/Kizilbash religious confession, for historical 
reasons (Ottoman-Persian rivalry) or for structural ones 
(the systems of lineage and of internal organisation of 
the religious community merging and supporting each 
other mutually). The Takhtadjis illustrate this principle 
of the complexity of multiple designations, being Turk- 
men, though not of the 14 component clans of the 
Oghuz and of the above religious affiliation, though 
this may be — in principle — held in secret, through 
takiyya [q.v.]. 

A relatively sure criterion of distinctiveness, however, 
allows one to bring some system into this, sc. choice 
of spouse and marriage relations. Amongst the Takh- 
tadjis, 'Alewl belief is the prime condition for any mar- 
riage. However, some 'Alewl nomadic groups and some 
non-nomad ones (e.g. the Kurds of Dersim) refuse to 
exchange daughters with them; whilst the Cepni, 'Alewi 
Tiirkmens of Oghuz origin and pastoral nomads, will 
accept Takhtadji wives but not give to the latter their 
own daughters, whilst admitting the possibility. It is 
probably for this reason that there exists a certain 
opposition of the two complementary groups, each for 
instance accusing the other of being "cattle thieves". 

In the early 20th century, Hasluck considered the 
"Kizilbash Takhtadji" to be numerous in Lycia. Von 
Luschan now locates their centre at Elmah. Each 
tribal group is divided into obas (the basic segment in 
the Turco-Mongol tribal scheme denoting, according 
to historical context, a clan, lineage or local segment 
of a clan) of some ten to thirty families, led by a keye 
(< kdhya). However reduced in size, the tribal group 
has its own baba or dede for religious matters. According 
to Ulkiitasjr (1968), the group is said to be made up 
of 20,000 hearths representing ca. 100,000 persons. 
Two main sections ('ashiret/asiret) are distinguished: the 
Caylaklar or "kites" and the Aydinhlar in the province 

The former occupy essentially the western zone, the 
Karaman plain, Mut, Finike and Fethiye, with three 
sub-groups (the Ustiirgeli, Samash and Cingozler). How- 
ever, because of the dynamics of the system of obas, 
with new names appearing with each new division, so 
that the mother-oia often co-exists with the daughter- 
oba, one may add other important sub-groups such 
as the Gokceli, Danabas, Eseli, Kabakci, gavlak, Kar- 
desli and Enseli for the western group (Roux, 1970). 
The Aydinhlar also have sub-groups such as the Agac- 
eri (an old name for the Takhtadjis meaning "tree 
men"; and Karakaya. They live in the east in the 
Adana-Mersin region, at Antalya and around Izmir 
in the west. 

Thus the Takhtadjis occupy the forest zones of the 
~ ' ' l in the south as well as the Aegean zone 

n the u 

t. Their 

the state persists to some extent through their con- 
nections with the National Dept. for Forests which 
looks after the state forestry resources. 

~ ' ' ' - s have become definitely seden- 

tarised like those of the districts of ganakkale and 
Bahkesir, where their arrival coincided with the Crimean 
War of the mid- 1 9th century and the vastly-increased 
investment in forestry required for shipbuilding pur- 
poses during that war. 

Bibliography: F.W. Hasluck, Christianity and Islam 
undei the sultans, Oxford 1929; Y. Ziya, Anadolu'da 
Aleviler ve Tahtaalar, in Iktisat Fak. Mecmuasi (1928- 
31); T. Toros, Toroslarda Tahtaa oymaklar, Mersin 
1938; Naci Kum (Atabeyli), Antalya Tahtacilanna dair 
notlar, in Turk Tarih ve Etnografa Dergisi, iv (1940), 
203-12; A. Yilmaz, Tahlacilarda gelenekler, CHP Hal- 
kevleri yay. IX, Ankara 1948; Navi Kum, Turkmen, 
Yoruk ve Tahtaalar arasinda ktkikler, in Turk Folklor 
Arajtirmalan (1949-50); V. Asan, Isparta Tahtacilanna 
dair, in Turk lordu (1954); F. Siimer, Oguzlar, Ankara 
1962; J.P. Roux, Quelques notes sur la religion des 
nomades el bucherons de la Turquie meridionale, in REI 
(1964), 45-86; idem, Les traditions des nomades d'Anatolie 
mendionale, Paris 1970; K. Ozbaynk, Tahtaalar ve 
Torukler, Bibl. Archeol. et hist, de l'Inst. Francais 
d'Archeologie, Istanbul, Paris 1972; M.S. Ulktitasir, 
Tahtaalar, in Turk Kulturu, no. 71 (Ankara 1978), 
840-3; A. Gokalp, Tetes Rouges el Bouches Moires, Paris 
1 980; F. von Luschan, Die Tachtadshy und andere Uber- 
reste der alien Bevolkerung Lykiens, in Archiv fur Anthro- 
pologic, xix (1983), 31-53; Roux, The Tahtaa of 
Anatolia, in A. Rao (ed.), The other nomads, Kolner 
Ethnologische Mitteilungen VIII, Cologne 1987; 
K. Kehj, The Tahtaa, F.U. Berlin, Occasional Papers, 
16, Forschungsschwerpunkt Ethnizitat und Gesell- 
schaft, Berlin 1988; P.A. Andrews, Ethnic groups in 
the Republic of Turkey, Wiesbaden 1989, 68-71, 288- 
94 (list of villages). (Altan Gokalp) 

TAKHTlT al-HUDUD (a.), lit. "delimiting 
boundaries or frontiers", in modern Arabic usage. 
International boundaries reflect the historical mo- 
ments in the life of a state, when its limits were made 
according to its force and ability at that time. Thus 
today's boundaries are relics from the past and might 
be changed in the future. States have acquired their 
boundaries in a variety of ways: in some cases they 
marked the territorial limit of a phase of political ex- 
pansion and conquest; in other cases, they have been 
imposed by external powers, either through acts of 
conquest or through negotiation. They function as 
barriers to the social and economic process, which 
would otherwise transgress the lines without interfer- 
ence, as well as holding economic significance through 
their association with tariff and quot; ' ' ~" 

latter convert an otherwise open world e 
work into series of partially closed economic systems. 
Boundaries appear on maps as thin lines between 
adjacent state territories, marking the limits of state 
sovereignties. The lines can be effective with regard 
to underground resources, marking the limits of ore, 
water and oil deposits, as well as above the ground, 
guarding the individual states' air space. In the past, 
they were drawn for defensive purposes; as cultural 
divisions; according to economic factors; for legal and 
administrative purposes; or on ideological bases. 
Sometimes they were drawn through essentially unoc- 
cupied territories, although they were usually super- 
imposed on existing cultural patterns, disturbing the 
lives of the people living in the border areas. 

Of the many criteria for establishing a boundary 
line the ethnic criteria are those applied most often 
in modern times. Accordingly, boundaries have been 
drawn to separate culturally uniform peoples so that 
a minimum of stress is placed upon them. The het- 
erogeneous world population, however, cannot define 


boundaries that completely and exacth separate peoples 
of different chaiacter and as a result, theie aie ethnK 
minorities in almost ey eiy state The definition of peo- 
ples, according to race, language or religion, has been 
used m several cases to delimit a state boundary Other 
political boundaries lie along piominent physical 
features in the landscape Such physiographic political 
boundaries, following nyers, mountain ranges or escarp- 
ments, sometimes termed "natural boundanes", seem 
to be especially acceptable criteria as such pronounced 
physical featutes often also sepaiate culturally distinct 
areas In the early days of boundary establishment, 
physiographic features were useful as they were 
geneially known and could be yisually lecogmsed 
Howeyer, many of the boundary lines that were based 
on such physiographic features haye subsequently cre- 
ated major difficulties between states Rivers tend to 
shift then couise, leading to countless disputes over 
whether the boundary should be along one of the 
nvei banks, along the thalueg (main navigation channel), 
through the median line of the water s surface or 


else [se, 

e led to w 

,t lines 

Most of today s political boundaries, e\en those in 
Islamic legions, haye been cieated by European 
nations In fact, it is difficult to identify any interna- 
tional boundary that has not directly myohed a 
Euiopean state at some stage of its eyolution The 

of the physical landscape, generally solving immediate 
territorial conflicts The need for delimitation of the 
boundaries emerged when the allocated boiderland 

in the area The delimitation of a boundary, which 
has usually been decided by agreement between two 
states or at a post-war conference, has geneially been 
a full definition and has sened as a guide-line foi 
the demarcation team Today, when many states aie 
energetically seeking to fix and demarcate their bound- 
aries, which were not accurately defined in the past 
there are still a great many (oyer 100) boundary and 
territorial disputes around the woild 

In contrast to modern Western ideas of boundanes, 
Islamic constitutional theory is concerned only with 

t with t. 

It IS f< 

' this 

son that, traditionally, the Islamic woild has 
oyerly concerned with precise boundary delimitation 
or with territorial sovereignty As fai as territorial con- 
trol has been concerned this tends to be a local 01 
administratis e matter The issue of boundaries has 
only acquired importance in the context of delegated 
authority within larger political entities, yet they were 
only relevant for administratis e comemence and were 
subject to frequent relocation Spheies of different 
political authonty were usually separated by boidei 
aieas, rather than by pi ease boundary lines It was 
only with the explicit introduction of the concept of 
the nation-state that concepts of temtonal soyereignty 
and boundanes began to emerge in the Islamic areas 
The boundanes between most of the Islamic states 
and between them and the outside world were mainly 
established, not by local rulers, but iather by extei- 
nal forces which shaped the world dunng the late 
19th and early 20th centunes As most lines weie de- 
maicated for the needs of colonial and imperial pow- 
eis they often cut through peoples, tubes, etc and 

The present boundary between Afghanistan and 
Pakistan, the Durand Line, represents such an exam- 
ple Its establishment in the late 19th century was the 
climax of a lengthy piocess of negotiations over the 
extent of Bntish influence in India and Central Asia. 
Two Afghan-Bntish wars, and the threat of negotia- 

the Afghan rulers, prompted Britain to dispatch Sir 
Mortimer Durand to Kabul to negotiate a permanent 
boundary line A treaty signed on 12 November 1893 
was re-affirmed in 1905 a Treaty of Peace was con- 
cluded between the Goyernment of India and Afghan- 
istan, aftei the Third Afghan War, on 8 August 1919, 
and a final tieaty was signed on 22 November 1921. 
In 1947 Pakistan inhented the Durand Line as its 
western boundary with Afghanistan. Successive Afghan 
goyernments questioned the line's legitimacy, claim- 
ing that its sanctions had lapsed with the transfer of 
soyereignty from Britain to Pakistan; for the history 
of these Afghan-Pakistan disputes, see pashtunistan. 
In 1950 and again in 195b the United Kingdom de- 
clared that it regarded the Durand Line as the inter- 
national boundary, while Pakistan has repeatedly stated 
that it has no dispute with Afghanistan over the exact 
location of the line, at piesent the Line remains under 
quiet dispute 

The division of the Arab lands of the Ottoman 
empire after the First World War, eventually creating 
the Middle Eastern countnes of Trak, Syria, Lebanon, 
Jordan and Isiael, had its origin in the secret Sykes- 
Picot-Sazanov Agieement of 1916 to create belts of 
British and French teintory with two nominally inde- 
pendent Arab states while in 1917 Britain issued the 
Balfoui Declaration concerning a Jewish national home 
in Palestine By the Treaty of Sevres (10 August 1920), 
the British and French effectively enacted the Sykes- 
Picot Agreement in that France established a Mandate 
oyei Syria and Lebanon while the British established 
the Mandates of Palestine and Mesopotamia (which 
latei became Tiak) [see mandates]. In 1922 Britain 
created the Emirate of Tians-Jordan in order to ful- 
fil an obligation to then Arab ally. The boundaries 
of the newly-cieated terntones were drawn by British 
and French officials and they served as the basic 
boundanes of the subsequently independent Middle 
Eastern countnes, although there have been and still 
are numerous disputes concerning those lines, espe- 
cially where there are mixed populations. Such has 
been the case oyer the former Ottoman wilayet of 
Mawsil, between Turkey and newly-mandated Trak, 
only settled in 1926 after a League of Nations enquiry' 

called Sanjak of Alexandretta, the later Turkish Hatay, 
which Turkey, in a calculated move when the Man- 
datary powei France's priorities were elsewhere, man- 
aged to acqune in 1939 [see iskandarOn]; and above 
all oyei the boundaries and very existence of the 
newly -created state of Israel and its Arab neighbours 
since 1948 

The modem Iian-Trak boundary line has a history 
of some three centunes Here the local Muslim powers, 
Ottoman Tuikey, the piedecessor of 'Irak and Safawid 
Persia were myohed in the early stages of delimita- 
tion, but the final line was demarcated by a British- 
Russian delegation in 1914. The boundary line is 
1,458 km long and reaches from the Shatt al-'Arab 
at the head of the Persian Gulf to the boundary tri- 
point with Tuikey on the Kuh-i-Dalanpar. It is one 


of the oldest established boundaries of the world, but 
its exact course is still unsettled. In the 1639 Zohab 
peace treaty, the Ottomans and Safawids delimited a 
boundary in the territory between the Zagros moun- 
tains and the Tigris River. Although this was disputed 
during the Turkish invasion of Persia in 1724, a peace 
treaty of 1746 reaffirmed the 1639 boundary. The 
Treaty of Erzerum of 1847, following the Persian- 
Turkish War of 1821-22, stipulated that the 1746 
boundary was valid. However, it also delimited a bound- 
ary in the Shatt al-'Arab for the first time, deter- 
mining the boundary on the eastern bank of the Gulf, 
leaving the waterway under Turkish sovereignty, but 
allowing freedom of navigation. Work on the bound- 
ary went forward during 1848-52, and by 1860 a col- 
laborative map (Carte identique) was produced to illustrate 
the boundary. By the turn of the century, in an effort 
at stabilisation, Britain and Russia urged Persia and 
Turkey to agree to a detailed delimitation, which was 
completed in 1911. The so-called Constantinople 
Protocol of 1913 then provided for a further detailed 
delimitation of the entire boundary by a commission, 
which demarcated it in 1914. The protocol specifically 
stated that the Shatt al-'Arab, with the exception of 
certain islands, was to come under Turkish sover- 
eignty; the demarcated boundary was to follow the 
low watermark on the Persian bank of the Shatt, 
except for the area around Khurramshahr, where the 
line was to follow the thalweg. For the subsequent 
course of the Perso-Traki dispute, see shatt al-'arab. 
The outstanding issues of the alignment of the inter- 
national boundary between Iran and 'Irak, the control 
of lands adjacent to the border, and the status of the 
Shatt al-'Arab remain unsettled today, so that the 
border question persists. 

The boundaries of the states and amirates of the 
Arabian peninsula (most of these political units having 
emerged only in the last century or so) have been 
fruitful causes of dispute, given the facts that the pen- 
insula has no perennial rivers or other natural bound- 
aries and that much of the sparse population was in 
the past nomadic, hence with little or no regard for 
political frontiers. The 'Iraki invasion of Kuwayt [q.v.] 
in 1990 has been the most violent outbreak, in this 
case a legacy of uncertainty over the extent of Ottoman 
sovereignty in the Upper Gulf coastal region; but there 
have also been, and in some cases remain, frontier 
disputes between the former North and South Yemens, 
between Yemen and Saudi Arabia over the Nadjran 
[q.v.] region, between the Sultanate of Oman and 
the former PDRSY over Dhofar (Zufar [q.v.]), and 
between Saudi Arabia on the one side, and Britain 
on behalf of the Sultanate of Oman and Abu Dhabi 
on the other, over the oasis of al-Buraymi [q.v.], not 
resolved till the late 1950s. 

The boundaries between Afghanistan and the newly- 
emerged Muslim Republics of Central Asia (Turkmen- 
istan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan) are also a European 
creation. The history of those boundaries dates back 
to the second half of the 19th century. At that time, 
the British and Russian empires contended for control 
in Central Asia, especially as Russia in 1865 extended 
her frontier in Central Asia towards British India. In 
1869 Britain and Russia decided to create a buffer 
zone between their Asian territories. Britain, which 
wanted an Afghanistan within the British sphere of 
influence, wished Russia to remain at a distance, while 
the Russians wished to secure a safe route fromthe 
Caspian Sea to Central Asia along the Oxus or Amu 
Darya River. The British proposed that the middle 
and upper Oxus, south of Bukhara, should serve as 

the boundary between the Russian Empire and Afgha- 
nistan. The proposal was accepted, but the western 
terminus of the line was not clear and the Khanate 
of Bukhara, which was under Russian control, owned 
territory south of the river. In 1872, after lengthy 
debate between the two countries, it was agreed that 
Afghanistan be regarded as neutral territory between 
the empires, and in 1873 the Oxus was established 
as the northern boundary of Afghanistan, south of the 
Russian region of Samarkand and of Bukhara. The 
boundary line left the river at the town of KrTadja 
Salar, and this enabled Bukhara to maintain its control 
over its area south of the river. Between 1882 and 
1884 there were further negotiations between Britain 
and Russia concerning the western section of the 
boundary up to the Harf Rud River which forms the 
eastern boundary with Persia. A demarcation commis- 
sion tried to place the boundary in the ground but 
found it difficult to establish the exact line, as it was 
agreed to leave some local Turkmen tribes within 
Russia although their land was irrigated by canals 
originating in Afghan territory. Not until 1888 was 
the boundary line finally demarcated and from then 
onwards, despite all the political changes, the bound- 
ary line has remained where it was established. 

Africa also has boundaries created by the Europeans 
between Islamic countries. The boundary between 
Egypt and Libya extends southward from the Gulf of 
Salum on the Mediterranean to the Sudan-Egypt- 
Libya tripoint at Jebel Uweinat, about 1,100 km/690 
miles south of the Sea. The current line dates from 
1841, when the Ottomans confirmed Muhammed 'All 
[q.v.] as hereditary governer of Egypt. On a map ac- 
companying the London Treaty of 1841, a line along 
the 29th meridian marked the boundary between Egypt 
and the Ottoman province of Libya. Britain estab- 
lished itself in Egypt in 1882, while Libya was occu- 
pied by Italy in 1912; in that same year Egyptian 
forces captured the coastal town of Salum. Attempts 
to formalise the boundary between British Egypt and 
Italian Libya first reached fruition in 1919, when the 
two countries signed an agreement placing the oasis 
of al-Djaghbub in Libya. An agreement concerning 
the remainder of the line was signed on 6 December 
1925. A chain of permanent beacons was erected in 
the northern sector of the boundary in 1938. From 
then onwards, despite some objections by both Egypt 
and Libya, the boundary line has not changed. 

Most other boundaries in Muslim Africa were also 
established by colonial regimes, mainly those of the 
French, which established the boundaries of Tunisia, 
Algeria, Morocco, Chad, Niger, Mauritania, etc. In 
most cases, local needs and history were not involved 
in the delimitation process, but the results of this still 
dominate the boundaries of the African continent with 
disputes at times reaching a state of warfare, as with 
Morocco and the so-called Polisario Front over the 
Spanish Sahara, and between Libya and Chad. 

Bibliography. A. Lamb, Asian frontiers, London 
1968; H.J. Collier, D.F. and J.R.V. Prescott, Fron- 
tiers of Asia and South-East Asia, Melbourne 1977; 
J.R.V. Prescott, Boundaries andfioniiers, London 1978; 
I. Brownlie, African boundaries. A legal and diplomatic 
encyclopaedia, London and Los Angeles 1979; A.J. Day 
(ed.), Border and territorial disputes, Detroit 1982; G.H. 
Blake and R.N. Scofield (eds.), Boundaries and state 
territories in the Middle East and North Africa, Cambridge 
1987; C. and R. Schofield (eds.), The Middle East and 
North Africa, World Boundaries Series, 2, London 1994; 
G. Biger, The encyclopedia of international boundaries, 
Fact on Files, New York 1995. (G. Biger) 


i [khayal; 


nage, o 

with v; 

ings but all broadly in the field of hei meneutics. 
It occurs in (a) theory of imagery, (b) philosophical 
poetics, (c) Kur'anic exegesis, and (d) among rhetor- 
ical figures. Whether any or all of these usages have 
a common root remains to be seen. It should be 
noted that, like any masdar, takhyil can also act as a 
verbal noun of the passive. Since in everyday lan- 
guage the verb was predominantly used in the pas- 
sive (khuyyda ilayhi "an illusion was created for him 
[that such-and-such was the case]", often in the con- 
text of magic), some dictionaries use wahm as a syn- 
onym of takhyil (cf. LA, xi, 231a, bottom). However, 
as shown by the syntax of the verb khayyala, the term 
takhyil in its technical use mostly (always?) implies the 
active meaning and as such is sometimes equated with 
the causative verbal noun iham (see below). 

1. In the discussions of poetic imagery the term 
takhyil v* as first employed bv "Abd al-Kahir al-Djurdjam 
(d 471/1078 or 474/1081 [q i mSuppl]) who was 
also the first to ldentifv the hterarv phe 
designated bv this term Bneflv put it con 
kind of make-behe\e in the form of giving 
stated in the poem a fantastic interpretive tv 
explains and supports that fat 


a be a 

i Thus 

the line bv Ibrahim al-Suh (d 243/857) The 
is jealous of me because of vou — I had not presumed 
it among mv enemies — when I intended a kiss it 
blew the wrap back o\er [vour] fate (hrar § 16/ 
13) the simple fact of the wind blowing the garment 
o\er the beloveds face is explained bv attributing 
a motivation to the wind and in the process person- 
living it <y-Drurdjam mentions {iuai § 10/10) that 
the procedures producing takhyil are so \aned and 
manifold that an enumeration and classification of all 
its subtypes would be impossible Instead he proceeds 

mques are mock etiologies fie asuibing a fantastic 
cause to a natuial phenomenon as in the example 
quotedl and mock analogies fi e proving a point with 
the help of a non-pertinent analog) as in al-Buhtun s 
(d 284/897 [qi ]) line and the whiteness of the fal- 
con is of a truer beauty if vou consider it than the 
ra\ en s blackness said to prove that the white hair 
of old age is preferable to the black hair of vouth 
[israr § lb/3]) Most of these conceits though bv 

arv historv of the motif at hand including its figu- 

phenomenon of the metaphor understood literallv oi 
as al-Djurdjam calls it the tanasi oi the metaphor 
l e pretending to be obliv lous oi its metaphoncalness 
This mav result in the specific conceits known as 
ta'aqjdiub wonderment and taajahul al 'anf feigned 
ignorance as when the metaphonsation oi the beloved 
as a 'sun is used bv the poet to allege not one but 
two real suns and consequentlv wondering how 
this might be possible or protesting ignorance as to 
which of the two suns is the real thing 

Al-Djurdjam contrasts these phantasmagoncal poetic 
notions (ma'am takhyikyya) with the realistic common- 
sensical ones (ma'am 'alliyya), which, he insists tan 
also be poeticallv expressive (eg gnomic verse) Given 
that takhyil is a kind of irrealitv — al-Djurdjam applies 
ditional maxim khayr al shi'n akdhabuh ' the 


s that which 1 

! the most —it 

as verbal alchemy leaves no doubt where his aesthetic 
preferences lay. 

It should be noted that takhyil is not the only type 
of the "fantastic" in 'Abbasid poetry. Another kind, 
pointed out by G.E. von Grunebaum (hntik und 
Diihtkunst, Wiesbaden 1955, 47-50), is the composite 
simile that lesults in an artificial construct, as in al- 
Sanawbarfs (d. 334/945 [q.v.]) line- "The red ane- 

banners of ruby unfurled on lances of chrysolith" 


j 10/1). 

Considering that al-Djurdjam identified an all- 
important trend in 'Abbasid poetry, which he pro- 
ceeded to name, to describe in generative and in 
classificatory terms, and to characterise in its over- 
all meaning, it is surprising to see that those who 
used his work as the basis for their own elaborations 
of 'dm al-bayan [see bayan] had no use for the notion 
of takhyil. The probable reason for this failure is the 
fact that Fakhr al-Dln al-Razr (d 606/1209 [qi]) 
and al-Sakkaki (d b26/1229 [q i ]) wrote their works 
(Nihayat al idjaz fi dimyat al i'djaz and Miftah al'ulum 
respectiv elv ) as svstematic contributions to the discus- 
sion oi i'd}a* al hur'an [q >], in which poetrv per se 
did not plav a role 

The term takhyil m its nuba form is indeed used 
in al-RazT and al-Sakkaki to denote a specific tvpe 
oi metaphor [see isti'ara] The isti'ara takhyiliyya is 
characterised bv the lack of a substratum as in the 
claws of Death where the metaphor claws is not 
tied as other metaphors often are bv an underlvmg 
simile to a part of death because death does not 
have anv part that could be likened to claws But the 
metaphor creates an illusion that there is such a part 
The technical term takhnh is thus apt but it has 
little to do with al-Djurdjam s notion 

Bibliography The basic text is chs 16-18 in 
Djurdjam israr al balagha ed H Ritter Istanbul 
1954 tr H Ritter Die Gtheimnmi der Uortkunst 
Wiesbaden 1959— Studies W Heinnchs iiabische 
Duhtune, und eimhmhe Poehk Beirut 1969 61-5 

1 'Abbas Ta'nkh al nakd al adabi 'ind al 'aiab Beirut 
1391/1971,435-7 K Abu Deeb 41 Jurjam s thion 
ofpoetu imagery Warminster, Wilts 1979 157-64 and 
see subject index s v takhyil M Ajami Ttie alihemy 
of glory The dialeetu of truthfidniss and untruthfulness m 
medieial irabu literary intuism Washington DC 1988 
87-100 (where rendering takhyil as imagination 
is potentiallv misleading) Margaret Lai kin The 
theology of meaning Abd al Qahii al Jurjam s thton of 
discourse New Haven Conn 1995 132-63 

2 In philosophical parlance takhyil is hrst 
and foremost, a logical teim the meaning oi which 
mav be circumscribed as the evocation oi images oi 
things in the minds oi listeners bv means oi figura- 
tive language As such it is the central notion of 
poetics as a branch oi logic denoting as it does the 
differentiating quality oi poetic utterances (akaitil 
shi'nyya) as logical constructs The whole idea oi poet- 
ic s as part of logic resulted from the late Alexandrian 
inclusion oi the Rhetoric and Poetic s among Aristotle s 
logical writings the result oi which was an Organon oi 
nine books including Porphvrv s Eisaepee isee Walzer 
in Bibl) While among the Neo-Platomc Mexandnan 

ter of debate as to whethei it was legitimate and if 
what grounds in the Aral 


I the 

jossiblv occur m the Kur'an 

fact that forces our 

establishing the svsterr 

atic struc 

ure of the 

new Orga- 

author to assign greater value 

to the ma'am 'akhyya 

non the two predom 

inant one 

s were (a) 

one pairing 

But his enthusiastic chaiactensa 

tion of takhyiti poetrv 

the logical arts with t 


uadd) where 

"poetry" equals "entirely false premises", and (b) 
another pairing them with man's internal faculties 
(td yvviaxiKa. Tfj<; yoxk nopta, al-hawdss al-batina), in 
which "poetry" is somehow connected with the Aris- 
totelian "imagination." For details see Heinrichs, Ara- 
bische Dichtung, 150-2, and especially Deborah L. Black, 
Logic, 37-41, 43-4. While the truth-value idea lin- 
gered on for a while (esp. in al-Farabl, Ta'allum al- 
falsafa, ed. F. Dieterici, Abhandlungen, [text] 52; [tr.] 
87, and Kawanin, 267, 11. 10-15), it was soon replaced 
by the more satisfactory correlation of the logical 
arts with the internal faculties, and it is here that 
"poetry" was paired with takhyil, the "creation of 
mental images (khaydlat) by the poet for the 'imagina- 
tion' (<pavtaaia, al-kuwwa al-mutakhayyila) of the lis- 
tener." As there is no exact forerunner to this coupling 
in the Greek texts, though similar attempts can be 
pointed out, it may possibly have been an Arabic 
innovation (see Black, Logic, 44). 

While the term takhyil thus originated in the dis- 
cussions of the "logical" character of Aristotle's Poetics, 
rather than in the book itself, the other key term, 
muhakat, is clearly a descendent of Aristotle's ui|tT|aii; 
"imitation". But the meaning has drastically changed: 
muhakat refers to imitative, i.e. figurative, language 
which presents one thing by means of another in the 
way of similes and metaphors (this semantic change 
may have occurred in the context of the "inclusion" 
debate, see G. Schoeler, Svllogismus, 87 and n. 207). 
It should be noted that, in al-Farabi (d. 339/950 
[q.v.]), the term muhakat is also used in a wider sense 

sculpture and painting as parallels in his writings on 
poetics, and he uses both this term and takhyil to 
characterise aspects of music (see his K. al-Musika 
•l-kablr, ed. Gh.'A. Khashaba, Cairo n.d., 62-3, 66 [al- 
alhan al-mukhayyila], 67-9, 71, 73). 

The three terms "poetry", "evocation of mental 
representations", and "imitation" occur together for 
the first time in al-Farabr's Shi'r; his Kawanin does 
not (yet?) contain the term takhyil and may thus be 
an early work. The poetic theory based on these terms 
states the following: The poetic text uses imitation 
toward its topic and evocation of i 

:. I.e. 

i topic 

whether thini 

or fact, by using a similar thii 
simile, metaphor, and/or analogy, this similitude being 
either attractive or repulsive; it thus produces, in the 
mind of the recipient, images that prompt the recip- 
ient to aspire to, or recoil from, what is being 
described, without first forming an assent (tasdik) to 
the proposition offered (the truth or falseness of the 
poetic statement being irrelevant). The takhyfl mech- 
anism in poetic utterances thus takes the place of 
tasdik in all other utterances; both produce action in 
the addressee. It is important to stress that poetic 
utterances, like all non-demonstrative propositions 
formed according to the various logical arts, are 
directed to a listener who is meant to be influenced 
by them. Consequently, al-Farabi calls the various 
branches of logic altogether al-sana'i' al-kiyasiyya wa- 
asnaf al-mukhatabat "the syllogistic arts and the kinds 
of addresses" (Ihsa\ 45, 11. 4-5). This should be kept 
in mind when translating expressions like al-akawil al- 
mukhayyila "the image-evoking utterances"; misreading 
this term as mukhayyala and mistranslating it as "imag- 
inative" has been all too common in works where 
these matters are only mentioned in passing by non- 

Although poetics as a logical discipline is said to be 
a syllogistic art, none of the philosophers elaborates 

on this aspects, except Ibn Sina, who does exemplify 
the poetic syllogism (see Schoeler, Svllogismus; and Black, 
Logic, 209-41). With him it seems" to be a metaphor- 
generating syllogism as in So-and-so is handsome (minor); 
Everyone handsome is a moon (major); So-and-so is a moon 
(conclusion). However, only the conclusion appears in 
the finished poem; the syllogism is thus an internal 
process of the poet, which in a way defeats the pur- 
pose of a syllogism of influencing the addressee. What 
is more, as appears from various passages in al-Farabi, 
the takhyll operation applies not only to propositions, 
arrived at as conclusions of syllogisms, but also to sin- 
gle concepts, arrived at as results of definitions. In 
other words, the takhyil operates on the level of both 
tasawwur "conception" and tasdik "assent", although it 
brings about no real tasawwur but only a conception 
of the image of the thing intended, a takhayyul, nor 
does it produce real tasdik, but only the action that 
would flow from real assent. 

Al-Farabl's most audacious deed was to use a com- 
bination of logical poetics and rhetoric as a model to 
express his theory of religious language. In brief, he 
establishes a parallelism between philosophical tasaw- 

ir and religious takhayyul, i. 

images, thus making use of logical poetics, and another 
parallelism between the certain proof of philosophy 
and the persuasion (ikna") of religion, thus drawing 
on logical rhetoric. Revelation is thus a language of 
images used in rhetorical, persuasive, proofs. Moving 
away from poetics on the level of proof was neces- 
sary because, as we have seen, the poetic utterances 
did not entail tasdik, which is, of course, a sine qua 
non of religion. The net result was that religion was 
an image of philosophy, as true and as untrue as the 
notion of "image" allowed. For details see Heinrichs, 
Verknupfung; Black, Logic, index, s.v. "Religion"; and 
Lameer, 259-89. 

While in al-Farabr muhakat and takhyil were strictly 
complementary, Ibn Sina (d. 428/1037 [q.v.]) tried to 
get out of the awkward consequence this theory 
entailed, to wit, the exclusive figurativeness of poetry, 
by considering "imitation" only one of the methods 
for "image-evocation". "Wonderment and pleasure" 
(ta'adfajub wa 'Itidhadh), derived from the form of the 
poetic text, are equally capable of takhyil. Various ver- 
bal and mental figures of speech, but also the sheer 
power of aptly expressed truth, have this emotive 
effect (see Schoeler, Grundprobleme, 57-73; idem, Svllogis- 
mus, 67-73). But thus making his theory more in tune 
with the existing poetry, he loses the clarity and neat- 
ness of al-Farabi's system. 

Abu '1-Barakat al-Baghdadi (d. after 560/1164-5 
[q.v.]) very reasonably distinguishes between the poetry 
of his own time and place and the one that "Aristotle" 
(i.e. the Greek tradition, including the commentators) 
had in mind. Ibn Rushd (d. 595/1198 [q.v.]) returns 
to the Farabian model; he uses muhakat and takhyil 
more or less as synonyms. Although he understands 
that many of the things described in Aristotle's Poetics 
are peculiarly Greek, he is convinced that the First 
Teacher wrote something of general validity for all 
poetry. He therefore tries to adduce examples from 
Arabic literature to clarify what he finds in the text. 

In brief accounts of logic it is usually the term 
takhyil (or mukhayyil) that survives as the key term of 
logical poetics, while muhakat seldom appears. 

Whether logical poetics was also used to generate 
"poetic" texts rather than characterise existing ones 
needs further investigation. P. Heath has suggested 
that Ibn Sina, in writing his allegorical works (such 
as Htm b. i'ak^an and Risalat al-Tayr), put to use the 

the j 


on the 

concepts into living beings, 
level of tasawwur (see abo\ e) seems to be at work here 
Unfoitunately, Ibn Slna himself, when discussing the 
symbolic mode of presentation, speaks of rumuz 
"symbols", and amthal/amthih "images", rather than 
of takhyil and muhakat (see D Gutas, Avicenna and the 
Aristotelian tradition, Leiden 1988, 299-307) 

Bibliography 1 Basic texts FarabI, Risala ft 
Kamanin sina'at al-shu'ara', ed and tr AJ Arberry, 
Farah's canons of poetry, in RSO, xvn (1938), 266-78 
(also ed 'A Badawi, in idem (ed ), Anstutalis, fann 
al-shi'r, Cairo 1953, 149-58], Kitab al-Shi'r, ed 
M Mahdi, m Shi'r m/4 (1959), 90-5, Risala fima 
yanbaghi an yukaddam labia ta'allum al-falsaja, ed 
F Dietenci, Alfarabi's philosophische Abhandlungen (Ar 
text) Leiden 1890, (German tr ) Leiden 1892, Ihsa' 
al-'ulum, ed and tr A Gonzalez Palencia, Catalogo 
de las aenaas, Madrid-Granada -1953— Ibn Slna, 
A" al-Mad)mu' aw al-hikma al-'arudiyya Ft ma'am Kitab 
al-Shi'r, ed MS Sahm, Cairo 1969, Al-Shifi' Kitab 
al-Shi'r, ed A Badawi, in Fann al-Sti'r, 159-98, tr 
I M Dahiyat, Avuenna's commentary on the Poetics oj 
Aristotle, Leiden 1974, — Abu '1-Barakat al-Baghdadi, 
al-Mu'tabar ft 'l-hikma, 3 parts, Haydarabad 1357- 
8, i, 276-82— Ibn Rushd, Djawami' Kitab al-Shi'r, 
ed and tr CE Butterworth, Averroes' three short 
tommentarm on Aristotle's "Topics", "Rhetoric", and 
"Poetics', Albam, NY 1975, Talkhis Kitab al-Shi'r (Ar 
and Hebr ), ed and tr F Lasinio, // commento me- 
dio di Averroe alia Poetua di Anstotele, Pisa 1873, ed 
'A Badawi, in Fann al-shi'r, 201-50, ed C E 
Butterworth and A Handi, Cairo 1985, tr Butter- 
worth, Averroes' middle commentary on Aristotle's Poetics, 
Princeton 1986 

2 Studies R Walzer, ~ur Traditionsgtschicht, der 
ansMelischm Poetik, in idem, Gretk into Arabic, Oxford 
-1963, 129-36, W Heinnchs, Arabuche Dichtung, 105- 
62, idem, Dit antike Verknupjung von phantasm und 
Dichtung bei den Arabern, in ^DMG, cxxvni (1978), 
252-98, G Schoeler, Eimge Grundprobleme der autoch- 
thonen und der anstotehschen arabischen Literatur- 
theorie, Wiesbaden 1975, idem, Der poetise he Syllogismus 
Em Beitrag zum Verstandms der "logischen" Poetik der 
Araber, in ~ZXUG, exxxm (1983), 43-93, Deborah 
L Black, Logic and Aristotle's Rhetoric and Poetics in 
medieval Arabic philosophy, Leiden 1990 (fundamen- 
tal), S Kemal, The poetics oj Alfarabi and Aruenna, 
Leiden 1991, Ulfat K al-Rubl, Nazanyyat al-shi'r 
'ind al-jalasija al-mushmin, Beirut 1983, J Lameer, 
Al-Farabi and Aristotelian svllogistus Greek theory and 
Islamic practice, Leiden 1994, 259-89, S Pines, 'Studies 
in Abu '1-Barakat al-Baghdadi's poetics and metaphysics, 
in Scnpta Hierosolymitana, lv, Studies in philosophy, ed 
SH Bergman, Jerusalem 1960, 120-98 
Logical poetics (and rhetoric) did not have much 
of an impact on indigenous poetics and literary the- 
ory Most authors ignored it and Ibn al-Athir, who 
became acquainted with Ibn Siha's theories, scorned 
it (al-Mathal al-sa'tr, ed A al-Hufl and B Tabana, 
3 vols, Cairo 1379-81/1959-62, 11, 5-6) This is cer- 
tainly due inter aha to the sharp dividing line between 
indigenous and foreign disciplines It also meant that, 
in most books on the division of the sciences, "poetry" 
appeared twice, once in the section on logic (of Greek 
origin) and again among the linguistic-literary disci- 
plines (of Arab origin) 

An exception to this rule is formed by a number 
of Maghrib! authors from the 1 3th century and later, 

who all show an influence of logical poetics Being 
very different in their respective approaches, the> can 
hardly be called a school It is only their common 
interest in philosophy that binds them together The 
most articulate among them is Hazim al-Kartadjanni 
(d 684/1285 [qv]), who quotes al-Farabi and Ibn 
Siha He appropriates the notions muhakat and takhyil, 
but in order to make them more easily applicable to 
Arabic poetry, he changes the meaning of muhakat 
from "figurative language" to "individually descnptive 
language" In other words, to "imitate" an object in 
poetry means to depict it through an artful enu- 
meration of its properties and qualities Within this 
general process, figurative language has its place as 
one particularly effective way of depicting the object 
Hazim also introduces "secondary imitations", by 
which he means the stylistic ornamentations which, 
he says, imitate the ornaments of other crafts, such 
as weaving, the goldsmith's art, etc (as a matter of 
fact, most terms denoting figures of speech are taken 
from the vocabulary of such crafts) 

Al-Sidjilmasi (d after 704/1304 [qv]) uses takhyil 
as a general teim for "imagery", thus differing greatly 
from Hazim Ibn "Amira (d 656/1258 or 658/1260 
[qv]) and Ibn al-Banna' (d 721/1321 [qv]) both 
seem to cling closely to the philosophers in con- 
sidering takhyil the distinctive feature of poetry, but 
they make their remarks more in passing, so that not 
much can be deduced from them 

Bibliography 1 Texts Ibn 'Armra, al-Tanbihat 
'aid ma fi l-Tibyan (of Ibn al-Zamlakanl) mm al- 
tammihdt, ed M Ibn SharTfa, Casablanca 1412/1991, 
55, 61, 76, 125, Hazim al-Kartadjanni, Minhadj 
al-bulagha' wa-siraaj al-udaba', ed M al-H Ibn 
al-Khudja, Tunis 1966, 62-129, German tr in 
W Hemnchs, Arahsche Dichtung, 173-262, SidjilmasI, 
al-Manza' al-badi' fi tadjnis asalib al-badi', ed 'Allal 
al-Ghazi, Rabat 1401/1980, 218-61, Ibn al-Banna' 
al-Marrakushi, al-Rawd al-mari' fi sina'at al-badi', ed 
R Binshakrun, Casablanca 1985, 103-4 {takhayyul 
and muhakat) 

2 Studies Heinnchs, Arabuche Dchtung, Schoeler, 
Grundprobleme (see previous bibl ), S Masluh, Hazim 
al-Kartadjanni ma-nazanyyat al-muhakdt wa 'l-takhyil fi 
1-shi'r, Cairo 1980, 'A"Djabr, Nazanyyat al-shi'r 'inda 
Hazim al-Kartadjanni, Nazareth 1982" 
3 In Kur'anic exegesis, the term takhyil was 
introduced b> al-Zamakhsharl (d 538/1144 [qv]) m 
his Kur'anic commentary al-hashshdf The most explicit 

of Swat al-~umar, XXXIX, 67 "The earth altogether 
shall be His handful on the Day of Resurrection, and 
the heavens shall be rolled up in His right hand" tal- 
Kashshaf ed M al-Sadik Kamhawl, 4 vols, Cairo 
1392/1972, in, 408-9) This, he says, is a "depiction 
(lasuir) of His majesty and putting before our e\es 
the essence of His majesr\ and nothing else, without 
taking the 'handful' or the 'right hand' into the realm 
of the literal or that of the figurative" As a Mu'tazili, 
al-Zamakhshan could not let the stark anthropomor- 
phism of this passage stand So the literal under- 
standing was out of the question, but to consider the 
"handful" and the "hand" metaphors would not solve 
the problem, either, because then the unanswerable 
question would arise what do they stand for' 1 There- 
fore, al-Zamakhshari considers the image presented 
by the Kur'anic verse hohsticalh takhyil is a visuali- 
sation of an abstract notion such as God's majesty 
and omnipotence m a comprehensive picture, the parts 
of which cannot be individually connected back to 
the notion expressed 


The histoiy of this hermeneutic tool after al- 
Zamakhsharl still needs to be studied, for some leads 
and references see Heinnchs, "Takhyil" and its tradi- 
tions, in Alma Giese and J Chi Burgel (eds ), Gott 1st 
schon und Er liebt die Schonheit Festschrift fur Anneniane 
Schimmel, Berne 1994, 227-47 

4 As a ihetoncal figure, takhyil is not very 
prominent nor veiy uniform It occuis in Abu Hilal 
al-'Askarl, K al-Sma'atayn, with the meaning of "giving 
the impression of praising while one is lampooning, 
and vice versa" (see G Kanazi, Studies in the Kxtab as- 
Smd-atayn of Abu Hilal al-'Askan, Leiden 1989, 186-88, 
the passage is missing in the printed editions), m Ibn 
al-Zamlakanl, al-Tibyan ji 'dm al-bayan, ed A Matlub 
and Khadldja al-Hadlthl, Baghdad 1383/1964, 178, 
with the meaning it has in al-Zamakhshari {taswir 
hakikat al-shay' hatta yutawahham annahu dhu sural" 
tusAahad) Finally, in Rashld al-Din Watwat (d 578/ 
1182-3 [qv]), Hada'ik al-sihr ji daka'ik al-shi'r, ed 
•A. Ikbal, Tehran 1339/1960,39-42, it occurs along- 
side iham to denote what is otherwise known as taw- 
riya [q.v.] or "double entendre." likewise, al-Nuwayrl, 
Mihayat al-arab fi funun al-adab, Cairo n.d., vii, 131-2, 
lists all three terms as synonymous. The discussions 
of tawriya are sometimes strangely permeated by al- 
Zamakhshari's takhyil explanations (on this see S.A. 
Bonebakker, Some early definitions of the Tawriya, The 
Hague 1966, 24-8). It'seems that scholars with a more 
Zahiri bent of mind explained the takhyil passages as 
tawriyas, i.e. by the assumption of homonyms, as this 
would avoid splitting the meaning of the passages into 
an outer and an inner sense (see Heinnchs, in Oriens, 
xx [1968-9], 404-5). (W.P. Heinrichs) 

TAKl AWHADl, or TakI al-Din Muhammad al- 
Husaynl al-Awhadl, Persian anthologist, lexi- 
cographer and poet. He was born at Isfahan on 
3 Muharram 973/31 January 1565, into a family with 
a Sufi tradition from Balyan in Fars. One of his pater- 
nal ancestors was the 5th/l lth-century Shaykh Abu 
'Air al-Dakkak. During his adolescence he studied in 
Shlraz, where he presented his early poems to a cir- 
cle of poets and was encouraged by 'UrfT [q.v.]. 
Returning to Isfahan, he attracted the attention of 
the young Shah 'Abbas I and joined his entourage. 
In 1003/1594-5, TakI retired for six years to the 
'atabdt, the holy cities of the Shl'Is in 'Irak. Like many 
Persian literati of his times, he left Persia, in Radjab 
1015/November 1606, to seek a career at the Indian 
courts. After a short stay in Lahore, he went to the 
court of Djahanglr [q.n] at Agra, but he also lived 
for many years at Ahmadabad in Gudjarat. The date 
of his death is not on record. He must have survived 
at least till 1042/1632-3, the latest year which he 


d his h 

During his journey to India, TakI AwhadI com- 
piled for his fellow-travellers an anthology of Persian 
poetry, entitled Firdaws-i khayal ("The paradise of fan- 
tasy"). At Agra he extended this into a full tadhkira, 
the 'Arafat al-'ashikin wa-'arasat al-'arifin ("The places 
of assembly for the lovers and the open spaces for 
the mystics"), completed between 1022/1613 and 
1024/1615. This voluminous work contains more than 
3,000 biographical entries, alphabetically arranged in 
28 'arias (one for every letter of the alphabet), and 
surveys the entire range of Persian poetry. It is a 
valuable source, especially for the contemporary his- 
tory of Persian letters in India. After its completion, 
TakT AwhadI continued to add dates and other pieces 
of information to manuscripts of his work, many of 
which are based on personal knowledge. At the request 
of the Emperor Djahanglr, he prepared in 1036/1626 

an abridged version, under the title Ka'ba-yi 'irfan, 
("The Ka'ba of mysticism") 

TakI Awhadi was a prolific water His learned 
prose includes Surma-yi Sulaymani ("Solomon's col- 
lynum"), a dictionary of rare Persian words, and trea- 
tises on the theory of rhyme and Sufism Of his 
poetry, which compnsed seven mathnawU and several 
diwans with kasidas on the Imams, satires and ghazak, 
little has remained 

Bibliography N Bland, in JRAS (1848), 134-6; 
Stoiey, i/2, 808-11, in/1, 25-6, Nazir Ahmad, in 
IC, xxxii (1958), 276-94, J Marek, in J Rypka et 
aln, History of Iranian literature, Dordrecht 1968, 726; 
A Gulcln-i Ma'anI, Ta'rikh-i tadhhraha-yi farsi, 
Tehran 1350 j/,/1971, n, 1-24, 33-6, Dh Safa, 
Ta'rikh-i adabmat dm Iran, v/3, Tehran 1371 
sh -71992, 1730-2 (JTP de Bruijn) 

TAKI al-DIN [see al-muzaffar] 
TAKI AL-DIN b Muhammad b Ma'ruf, sometimes 
given the msbas al-Dimashki, al-Sahyum or al-Misrl, 

Turkey, b. Cairo or Damascus in 927/1520-1 or 
932/1525 (the sources are not consistent), d. Istanbul, 
993/1585. He studied theology in Cairo, served as 
kadi in Nabulus, and in 979/1571 was appointed 
munedfdjim bashi in Istanbul. He was largely responsi- 
ble for persuading the Ottoman Sultan Murad III to 
build an observatory in Istanbul. This was achieved 
in 987/1579. However, the building was pulled down 
a few months later in 987/1580 as a result of TakI 
al-Dln's incorrect prediction of an Ottoman victory 
over the Safawids following the appearance of the 
famous comet of 1577. 

TakI al-Din wrote two astronomical handbooks with 
tables and explanatory text [see zTdj] entitled Kharidat 
al-durat wa-dfaridat al-Jikai, completed 1893 Alexander 
(A.D. 1581-2), and Sidrat muntaha 'l-afkar fT malakut al- 
falak al-dawwar, an extensive treatise on sundial the- 
ory [see mizwala] entitled Rayhanat al-rufifi rasm al-sa'at 
'ala mustawi 'l-sutuh; a treatise on astrolabe construc- 
tion [see asturlab] entitled Tastih al-ukar and full of 
tables; and various treatises on arithmetic and alge- 
bra. None of these has received the attention they 
deserve. His imposing treatise on optics [see manazir] 
Nur hadakat al-ibsar wa-nur hadikat al-absar is in the tra- 
dition of Kamal al-Din al-FarisI [q.v.]. His treatises 
on mechanical clocks entitled al-Kawdkib al-durriyya fi 
wad' al-binkamdt al-dawriyya (compiled 966/1552) and 
al-Turuk al-saniyya Ji 'l-alat al-ruhaniyya have been pub- 
lished and well illustrate the Ottoman reception of 
European notions and techniques in his time. He also 
compiled a set of tables for astronomical timekeeping 
serving the latitude of Istanbul, fully in the Islamic 
tradition [see mIkat]. The anonymous treatise on astro- 
nomical observational instruments entitled Alat-i 
rasadiyya li-^jdf-i Shahanshahiyya has been compared by 
S. Tekeli with the treatise of Tycho Brahe compiled 
in Denmark towards the end of the 16th century, 
and he has underlined the remarkable similarities. 

The famous miniature of the Istanbul Observatory 
from the Shahanshdh-nama (PI. 1) shows TakI al-Din 
with an assistant holding an astrolabe in front of a 
bookshelf. Many of his books are now in the University 
Library in Leiden, identifiable by his distinctive sig- 
nature on the title folios (see Unver, pi. 10-4). They 
are overseeing a group of astronomers involved in copy- 
ing manuscripts and operating various instruments. The 
terrestrial globe, mechanical clock and the sand-glass 
are of European inspiration, but all other instruments 
are Islamic. 

Bibliography: J.H. Mordtmann, Das Observatorium 


des Taqi ed-Din zu Peru, in Isl., xiii (1923), 82-96, 
repr. in F. Sezgin et alii (eds.), Arabische Instmmente 
in orientalistischen Studien, 6 vols., Fiankfurt 1991, iv, 
281-95; H. Suter, Die Mathematiker und Agnomen der 
Amber und ihre Wake, in Abh. iur Geschchk der math- 
ematischen Wissenschafkn, x (1900) (repr. Amsterdam, 
1982, and again in idem, Beitrage zur Geschichte der 
Mathematik und Astronomk im Islam, 2 vols., Frankfurt 
am Main 1986, i, 1-285 and 286-314), 191-2 (no. 
471); A. Sayili, The observatory in Islam, Ankara 1960 
(repr. New York 1981), 289-305; S. Unver, Istan- 
bul msathanisi Turk Tarih Kurumu Yaymlan VII 
Sen Sa>i 54 Ankara 19b9 and D A King -1 sur 
in of thi scientific manuscripts m the Egyptian National 
Library Winona Lake Ind 198b 171-2 (no H12) 
A new listing of all known woiks b> Taki al-Dm 
ind their mss is in E Ihsanoglu Osmanh literaturu 
tank I istronomi, IRC IC A Studies and sources on 
the history of science 7, Istanbul 199b 199-217 

On the observational instiuments at the Istanbul 
Obsenatorv see S Tekeh, Hat i rasadiyt h ~if i 
$ehinsalmt, Ankaia 19b4 and idem \asimddm 
Takiyuddm ic Tycho Biafu'ritn lasai aletlenmn mukayesesi 
Ankaia 1958 On Taki al-Dm s writings on clocks 
see idem The clocks in tht Ottoman Empire in the lbth 
cinturt in inkara Inuersitesi Dil le Tan/i ( ogiajya 
Fakultesi \aymlan 171 (19bb) 121-339 and \\ i\- 
Hasan, Taqi 'l-Din and Aiabic mtihanual tn^inemng, 
Aleppo 1976. On his tables lor timekeeping, see 
King, Astronomical timektepmg in Ottoman Tuifay, m 
Procs. of the Internal. Symposium on tht Obsenalones m 
Islam, 19-23 Sept. 1977, Istanbul 1980, 245-b9 liepr 
in idem, Islamic mathemahial astronomy London 198b, 
XII), especially 248-9. (D A Kincj 

TAKI al-DIN Muhammad b Sharaf al-DIn 'Ail 
al-Husayni al-Kashani, commonly tailed Taki Kashi, 
Persian scholar of the 1 Oth- 1 lth/ lbth- 17 th centuries 
He was a pupil of the poet Muhtasham Kashi", 

mental compendium of Persian poetrv hhulasat al ash'ai 
wa-zubdat al-afkar, of which the first version was com- 
pleted in 993/1585 and the enlarged second version 
in 1016/1607-8. It contains notices of well over 600 
poets from the 5th/ 1 lth tenturv up to the authors 
own contemporaries, each with a detailed biogiaphv, 
followed by an exceptionally generous selection of 
poems. Manuscripts of this gigantic work (some ol 
which contain only the biographies) aie rare and it 
remains unpublished. Taki's book is a valuable pn- I 
mary source for the literature ol the early Safawid 
period, but its main impoitance lies in the fact that j 
it has preserved a very large number of poems by- 
ancient authors which are not known from any inde- 
pendent source. In particular, it can be observed that 
all the surviving manuscripts of the diwans of such 
major poets as 'Unsun, Manucihri, FarrukhT [q.i'P.] 
and quite a few others, are not only later than Takr's 
compendium but in fact evidently derive from it. It 
is thus clear that Takr played a decisive role in col- 
lecting what in his time must already have been very 
rare works of early Persian poetry and in rescuing 
them for posterity. 

The importance of the Khuldsat al-ash'ar for the tex- 
tual history of early Persian poetry has until now been 
neglected; at the same time, its value as a biogiaph- 
ical source has been overrated. Taki's notices, like 
those in all the so-called biographical dictionaries of 
Persian poets, are a jumble of idle legends and largely 
scurrilous anecdotes. Taki had the particularly ini- 
tating habit of pretending to know the year when 
most of his poets died; many of these dates are man- 

ifestly wrong and it seems likely that virtually all of 
them were invented ad hoc. Unfortunately, these fic- 
titious dates have been perpetuated by subsequent 
works, among them many of the entries in the pie- 

Bibhogt aphy: A. Sprenger, A catalogue oj the Arabic, 
Persian and Hindustdny manuscripts, of the libraries of the 
King of Oudh, i [=" all published], Calcutta 1854 



uck 1979), 13-46 

t of 

:ussed by Takr, with theii 
posed date of death); Storey, i, 803-5; A. Gulcin-i 
Ma'am, Tarikh-i tadhhraha-yi first, i, Tehran 1348 
S./1969, 524-56 (with a list of mss.) 

(F.C. de Blois) 
TAKI al-DIN al-NABHANI (1909-77), founder 
ind chief ideologue of the Islamic Liberation 
Party (hizb al-tahnr al-islami), which has striven since 
ts formation in i 952 to establish an Islamic state and 
las been particularly active in Jordan. Al-Nabhani 
ms born near Haifa, studied at al-Azhar and the Dai 
il 'Ulum m Cairo (1927-32), then returned to Palestine, 
*here he taught religious sciences and worked in 
Islamic law courts In 1952, he sought petmission 
10m the Jordanian Intenoi Mimstrv to foim the 
Islamic Liberation Party as a legal political parrs, but 
:he request was denied on the grounds that its plat- 


3 Syria 

1953, ; 

nd thre< 

r he 

permanently resettled n 

In over two dozen works (listed in Musa Zayd al- 
Kaylani, al Harakat al islamiyya ji 'I Lrdunn, Amman 
1990, 117), al-Nabham elaborated his arguments for 
the imperative to establish a universal Islamic state, 
the charactei of such a state and the means to achieve 
it He expresses many of the same concerns as othei 
20th centurv revivalists, but he stands out for his 
emphasis on the revolutionary role of a vanguard 

among the masses guide them to overthrow existing 
iegimes and safeguaid the ideological punty of the 
Islamic state Al-NabhanI also laid down a detailed 
model constitution for such a state, and devoted sep- 
arate works to his vision of the Islamic economy and 
society While the Islamic Liberation Paity nevei 
atti acted a large following in the seveial Arab coun- 
tries wheie it established cells, al-Nabham s woiks have 
become an important pait of contemporarv Islamist 


For analysis 

, Taqi , 

of c 

thought, see D Con 

and the Islamic Liberation Party, in MW, lxxxi/3-4 
(1991), 194-211; S. Taji-Faiouki, Islamic discourse and 
modem political methods: an analysis of al-Nabhant's read- 
ing of the canonual textual sources of Islam, in American 
Journal of Islamic Social Science, xi/3 (1994), 365-93. 


TAKI KHAN AMIR-I KABIR [see amir kabir, 
in Suppl.]. 

TAKIDDA or Takedda (Tamadjak tagidda "saline 
spring, pool"), a name given by n 

■ loca 

t of 

jth-central Sahara. Ibn 
Battuta (iv, 438-45, tr. Gibb, iv, 972-5) described 
Takidda as a place where copper was mined, smelted 
and forged into rods used locally as currency. The 
copper was also exported to Bornti and other places 
to the south of Air. Takidda, in his day, was a flour- 
ishing commercial centie trading with Egypt, and a 
key centre of the slave trade. It had its own kadi and 
a resident community of North Africans. It also had 


a sultan who lived in a tented camp and was described 
by Ibn Battuta as a Berber. 

Ibn Khaldun describes Takidda as a meeting place 
for pilgrims from bilad al-sudan and says that its sultan 
exchanged gifts with the amirs of the Mzab and of 
Wargla (Hopkins and Levtzion, Corpus, 336, 338-9). 
His siting of Takidda (variously twenty or seventy days 
travel south and to the west of Warghla) indicates 
some confusion with Tadmakkat, a Berber town in 
Adrar-n-Iforas, some 250 km/ 150 miles north of Gao, 
though there is little doubt that his description of the 
place actually refers to Takidda. 

Other sources portray Takidda as a haunt of schol- 
ars. Al-Sa'di, Ta'rikh al-sudan (ed. O. Houdas, Paris 
1898, 66), mentions it as a place where some schol- 
ars fled, ca. 875/1470-1, to escape the persecution of 
Sunni 'Air of Songhay. Ahmad Baba (Nayl al-ibtihaaj, 
330-2, 335, 348) records that al-Maghilr '[q.v.] taught 
there ca. 1490, and gives biographies of two 10th/ 16th- 
century scholars who bear the nisba "al-Takkidawi": 
al-'Akib b. Muhammad al-Anusammanl (d. 955/1548) 
and al-Nadjib b. Muhammad (d. after 1004/1595). 

The precise location of Takidda has been a sub- 
ject of dispute, not least because there are several 
locations which have "Tagidda" as an element of their 
names: Tagidda-n-Tsemt (or Tagidda-n-Tesoum "of 
the salt"), Tagidda-n-Tagait ("of the doum palms") 
and Tagidda-n-Adrar ("of the mountain"), all to the 
west of Agades. At the first of these salt is extracted 
on a regular basis, leading Lhote to suggest that Ibn 
Battuta's account of copper production should be read 
as salt production. More recently, it has been demon- 
strated that Azelik (sometimes referred to as Tagiddaz- 
zarai "the first Tagidda" according to Dj. Hamani, 
op. tit., in Bibl, 98), some 25 km/ 15 miles north-east 
of Tagidda-n-Tsemt, is a location near which copper 
was smelted over many centuries. It seems likely that 
Azelik was the location visited by Ibn Battuta, and 
that it was the principal settlement of a small Sanhadja 
polity, known to the external world simply as Tagidda. 
This general picture seems confirmed by the report 
of the Genoese merchant Malfante visiting Tuwat in 
1447, who mentioned "Thegida, which comprises one 
province and three ksour". 

The history of Takidda is sketchy. Ahmad Baba 
(Kifdyat al-muhtadj, in Muhammad Bello, Infdk al-maysur, 
London 1951, 15) says it was founded by Sanhadja, 
and these may well have been members of the Masufa 
who settled in several Saharan fringe locations (Walata, 
Timbuktu and perhaps Gao) in the 5th-6th/l 1th- 12th 
centuries; their descendants would be the Inussufan, 
now considered a Tuareg