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Full text of "The monks of the west : from St. Benedict to St. Bernard"
















BOOK XIX. continued. 






III., . . . . . .49 






OF KINGS, . . . . . . 288 

VIII. . . .'...' . . ,. . 316 

RIVALLED, . . . . , . 353 







Fine qualities allied to great vices in Henry IV. Young, ardent, and 
passionate, he was never trustworthy. Gregory VII. was not jealous 
of the power of bishops. Grief of the Pope at witnessing the cowardice 
of the French bishops and the scandalous life of their king. The 
paternal affection of St Gregory extended over kingdoms, churches, 
and individuals. Gregory the first to plan a crusade in the Holy 
Land. Nature of the relations of Gregory VII. with princes and 
nations. Gregory's letters to the King of Germany, to the Duke of 
Poland, to the Kings of Denmark, Hungary, and Norway. What is 
particularly striking in Gregory's letters is his passion for justice and 
his fear of compromising the safety of his soul. Gregory's tenderness 
of heart seen throughout his intimacy with the two countesses Beat- 
rice and Matilda. Confidences made by Gregory to Abbot Hugh of 
Cluny. His tender devotion to the Blessed Virgin. He restrains 
even his most innocent inclinations. He left to his successors an 
authority against which no human power has been able to prevail. 
The triumph of Gregory VII. was the triumph of humility over pride, 
of the soul in subjection to God over the flesh in revolt against Him. 

IP a conscientious study of facts could yet leave 
in our minds some doubts as to the respective 
merits of the two causes which were at war in the 
eleventh century, all that is needed to dissipate 
them is a comparison of the characters of the two 
individuals in whom were personified the Empire 
and the Church. 

It would be unjust, however, to deny to Henry 




Fine quail- IV. many of those qualities which make a great 

ties allied ^ J 

to great King \ he possessed together with extraordinary ao 
iv. tivity, perseverance, and intrepidity, worthy of the 
best of causes, a rare prudence and sagacity. 1 But 
these qualities were united in him to all the vices 
and excesses of a tyrant. We have seen with 
what deeds of cruelty and of monstrous debauch- 
ery he was reproached by the German Catholics. 
The Saxons declared that they had taken up arms 
against him less to avenge serious injuries, and 
escape the yoke of an oppressive despotism, than 
to punish the incest and sacrilege of which the 
prince had been guilty, 2 and which entitled him to 
rank first among the most cruel tyrants. Chris- 
tendom, indeed, saw with horror the revival, in the 
reign of a king professedly obedient to the Gospel, 
of such infamies as are attributed to the gods of 
mythology and the most barbarous persecutors of 
the Church. 3 Were the excesses imputed to Henry 
exaggerated ? It is difficult to believe it ; for they 
are affirmed by all orthodox writers, and contested 
by no one. 4 Nevertheless, several incidents of the 

1 " Homo magni consilii et mirabiliter sagax." BONIZO, p. 816. 

2 " Hos . . . quorum terram, quod omnium qu*e passi sumus gravis- 
simum ducimus, inauditis adinventionibus nee Christiano ore nominandis 
incestaret." LAMBERT, ann. 1073, ap. PERTZ, v. 198. Cf. eumdem, pp. 

3 ' ' Si mihi recolas Jovem adulterum, Neronem spurcum . . . Maxi- 
miminum, &c. . . . ego adhuc istis illi palmam dederim, qui aut sequalis 
eis aut etiam superior in flagitiis ... in augmentum sceleris eamdem 
flagitia sub titulo christianitatis peregit." GEROH. REICHESP., DC statu 
eccles., c. x. 

4 Stentzel affirms that Henry IV.'s excesses must be attributed to his 
bad education and the evil counsels of the favourites who surrounded him. 


monarch's life prove that evil passions had not 
extinguished in him that foundation of faith and 
attachment to religion which then formed, as it 
were, the moral basis of existence. 1 In this 
respect we must not confound Henry IV. with 
more modern persecutors, who were strangers, alike 
in faith and practice, to the worship which, for the 
profit of selfish interests, they undertook to regu- 
late. The emperor's refusal to accept, at Canossa, 
the communion which Gregory offered to him as 
a pledge of confidence in his repentance, attests 
at least the respect the prince felt for the au- 
gust sacrament of the altar ; 2 for such an action 
must have been considered as an avowal of the 
crimes imputed to him, and an acknowledgment 
that the sentence pronounced was just. 3 The per- 
jured, in general, do not yield to such scruples at 

1 For example, the profound indignation of the emperor on hearing 
of the destruction of the church of Harsbourg (Lamb. Schafn., ad ann. 
1074) his grief at being deprived of the sacraments at Christmas while 
he was a prisoner (1105). SIGEB. GEMBL., and UDALB., Cod., p. 116. 
If we were to adopt the system of the Imperialist historians, we should 
attribute to skilful hypocrisy the expression of sentiments little in har- 
mony with the actions of Henry IV. ; but it is at once juster and more 
natural to allow that this prince may have had revulsions of feeling such 
as a thousand circumstances of his social life might bring about. 

2 Cf. LAMBERT, ann. 1077 ; and BONIZO, Liber ad amicum, ap. (EFELE, 
p. 816. 

3 The reflections of Stentzel on this point (vol. i. p. 410) must be read 
to form an idea of the blindness and bitterness to which Protestant 
fanaticism may lead. The only excuse for the author is, that he can 
neither know nor imagine what the Holy Eucharist is with regard to 
Catholic unity, both for him who consecrates and for him who communi- 
cates. It is Stentzel who, at p. 502, discovers Jesuits in the eleventh 
century, which, at all events, is a testimony to the invariable nature of 
the active forces in the Church. 


the moment of committing sacrilege. Unhappily, 
this was the only moment of the prince's life in 
which he gave real proof of conscientiousness ; the 
ruling trait of his character was an absolute want 
of straightforwardness and sincerity. Contempo- 
raries wondered to find in a man so young and 

. . * 

ardent, so passionate, so great a perfection in cunniDg, 
he was' et dissimulation, and perfidy ; they found it hard to 
perfidious. ex plain how the extreme vivacity of such a char- 
acter never tempted him to lose an opportunity of 
hypocrisy or deceit. 

This inveterate duplicity was the great objection 
which other princes opposed to all projects of 
reconciliation with Henry. 1 In Gregory, on the 
contrary, they found nothing which could be sup- 
posed cunning no trace of a complicated or tor- 
tuous policy : frankness, honesty, and an indomit- 
able perseverance, were the Pontiffs only weapons. 2 

1 This is confessed almost on every page by Stentzel, his ardent apo- 
logist (vol. i. pp. 306-336, 341-414). At the same time, the author is 
far from considering it a crime in the emperor. "The eloquence of 
Archbishop Guibert of Ravenna," he says, "made the king repent of 
what he had done ; but the cunning Henry resolved to get all possible 
profit from what had passed, and to trick the Pope before breaking with 
him. . . . The veil of former prejudices fell from his eyes; he saw 
clearly ; his bonds were broken ; free, without restraint, fearing scarcely 
anything of all that his epoch considered holy, THENCEFORWARD HE 
WALKED THROUGH LIFE AS A MAN. He began the straggle with cour- 
age and decision, with inexhaustible resources of wit and cunning" (vol. 
i. pp. 414-416, ed. of 1827). We see what becomes of historical morality 
in the hands of scientific rationalism. Stentzel no doubt counts among 
the devices of this courageous and enlightened prince the many demon- 
strations of submission and devotion which he made to the Pope from 
1077 to 1080. The excuse given by the historian (pp. 446-452, &c.) is, 
that the emperor was not yet ready. 

* Stentzel himself is obliged to acknowledge this (vol. i. p. 362), 


From the first day of his reign to the last, no change 
is to be observed in his conduct or in his attitude 
it is always the simplicity of faith victoriously 
combating all the enterprises of the world and 
all the artifices of error. Let us hear, on this sub- 
ject, the unassailable testimony of one of the Pope's 
most openly-declared adversaries, a violent parti- 
san of the schism, Thierry, Bishop of Verdun, who 
wrote to the Pope in these words: "This is what 
we know of you from yourself and from persons 
worthy of all confidence : Pointed out from infancy 
by certain presages of future glory enrolled in 
youth among the Christian army, among the con- 
temners of the world laboriously devoted to the 
service of the Church, as archdeacon you won 
the love of all, and reached the height of Christian 
renown. More than once, on the point of being 
elected Pope, you escaped by flight from the bur- 
den with which you were threatened : but at last 
you were obliged to submit to the yoke; and 
then, urged by the necessities, of your pastoral 
charge, you were forced to labour with all your 
strength to bring back perverted hearts, to teach 
the truth without respect to persons; later still, 
having become the object of mortal execration 
to the reprobate, you have, without swerving, fol- 

though later (vol. ii. pp. 148-153) he accuses Gregory of duplicity. We 
insist on this historian's contradictions, because we recognise in him one 
of the remarkable writers of modern Germany, although, unlike Voigt 
and Bowden, he has used great knowledge and an excellent method only 
to give way to the narrowest and most profane views. 


lowed the royal path on which you had entered, 
striking right and left with the weapons of justice 
and of prayer." l 

However, in order to appreciate the character of 
Gregory VIL, we are not reduced to the evidence, 
in some degree involuntary, of his adversaries, nor 
to conjectures and the laborious researches of eru- 
dition. The nine books preserved to us of the 
correspondence of the great Pope, 2 are an imper- 

1 "De vobis vel a fidelibus audita, vel a nobis ipsis comperta. . . . 
Strenua et laudabili officii hujus administratione in totius orbis notitiam 
et dilectionem brevi pervenisse ad summum Christian! nominis. . . . 
Juxta quod boni et fide digni homines attestantur. . . . Culmen. . . . 
Urgenti pastoralis officii necessitate, distorta perversorum corda ad rec- 
titudmis lineam summa vi corrigere nitentem, absque personse accep- 
tione veritatein omnibus palam facere . . . perditorum hominum odium 
et detractionem, imino execrationem acerrimam usque ad mortis damna- 
tionem incurrisse : tamen in omnibus inconcussum, immotum viam 
regiam quam semel intravit per anna justitise, a dextris et a sinistris 
arguendo, obsecrando, increpando, fortiter adhuc incedere. Haec sunt 
quee de vobis conperimus . . . hsec de vobis credimus." Thes. anecd., 
vol. i. p. 215. It is remarkable that these eulogies, heaped upon Gregory 
VII. by a violent adversary, agree identically with those given to him by 
one of his most enthusiastic partisans : " Nactus omnium bonorum dilec- 
tionem ob zeli Dei fervorem et justities exequtionem. Sed quia nulla 
est societas luci ad tenebras, perditorum hominum odium et detractionem, 
immo persecutionem acerrimam incurrit ; regiam tamen viam quam semel 
iutraverat, inconcussus, immotus, per arma justitiae a dextris et sinistris 
fortiter incessit." HUG. FLAVIN., p. 207, ap. LABBE. 

2 The tenth book of St Gregory's correspondence has been lost, and 
there are only two letters of the eleventh and last. This collection, 
composed of 361 letters, is known by the name of Regestum Gregorii 
VIL, and is found in all the collections of councils. That of Labbe, 
which was published at Venice by Coletti in 1730, has two appendices 
containing seventeen more letters than the other collections (378 instead 
of 361). These seventeen letters are important ; but it is to be desired, 
in the interests of religious and historical truth, that there might be 
added to the letters already published those which are, as it were, lost 
in the works of Paul Bernried, Hugh de Flavigny, and, above all, of 


ishable monument of that good faith, moderation, 
uprightness, tenderness of heart in a word, of all 
the various forms of greatness which filled the 
soul of the immortal champion of the Church. 

Therefore certain Protestant critics, understand- 
ing all the importance of such a document, have 
made incredible efforts to prove that it is not 
authentic. 1 This argument could not fail to be 
maintained, beyond the Ehine, by one of those 
sophists who exhaust themselves in trying to show 
that the Gospel itself is but an altered text, and 
who do not find it extraordinary that the unknown 
inventor of the correspondence of Pope Gregory 
VII. should have been able, like the writer of the 
Gospel, to exhibit a genius so lofty and so pure. 

It is from the correspondence of Pope Gregory 
that we learn really to know and to love the Pon- 
tiff. A man cannot write nearly 400 letters, many 
of them with his own hand, in haste, in the most 
various circumstances, without betraying, here and 

1 It is M. Cassander of Hesse Darmstadt who may claim the honour 
of having made this fine discovery in 1842. The author, in his clumsy 
German libel, depends chiefly on a passage of letter 5, book viii., in 
which Gregory reproaches Henry IV. for having taken part in the elec- 
tion of the anti-Pope Cadalaus in 1063, at which date Henry was only 
thirteen, and consequently could not be responsible for the actions of 
his Council. It is not impossible that a wrong date may have found its 
way into the letter in question ; but to conclude thence that all the 
other letters are apocryphal is an enormity. We may remark, also, that 
the accusation brought by the Pope against Henry is not to be found in 
either of the two sentences fulminated against him. 

Since the death of M. de Montalembert there has been published a 
new and very good edition of the Letters of St Gregory, by M. JaflK, the 
collaborator of M. Pertz, whose premature loss has been regretted by the 
learned. Note by the Editor. 


there, the depths of his soul. 1 But we defy the 
most minute criticism to point out, in the corre- 
spondence of the illustrious Pope, a single passage, 
a single line, where there appears the smallest trace 
of egotism, of worldly ambition, of anger of any 
one, indeed, of the lower passions of humanity. 2 

It is then to this source, beyond suspicion, that 
the friends of Catholic truth must apply in order 
to complete the proofs of all that has been said of 
the greatness and holiness of Gregory. There they 
will see how the Pontiff regarded that awful min- 
istry which bound him to truth and justice towards 
all men ; which demanded of him to compromise 
no man's salvation by his silence ; 3 which, every 

1 "Vobis enim non aliquem vicarium in dictando acquire, sed me 
ipsum labori, licet rusticano stylo, supponi." Ep. i. 50, addressed to the 
two countesses Beatrice and Matilda. 

2 Of all the historians who have hitherto treated of the pontificate of 
Gregory VII., M. 1'Abbe Rohrbacher is the one who has most profited 
by St Gregory's correspondence. With the authentic text of these let- 
ters mutilated and falsified by the adversaries of the papacy, ignored or 
neglected by its defenders, the Catholic historian has been able to refute 
victoriously both the calumnies of Protestants, and certain assertions, at 
least careless, of Fleury and Bossuet, in the Defense des quatre articles, 
attributed, it is to be hoped wrongly, to the great bishop. The sixty- 
fifth book of the Hist. univ. de VEglise, by Rohrbacher, is, with the 
work of the Anglican Bowden, the best account we know of the pontifi- 
cate of Gregory VII. 

3 " Non ignorare credimus prudentiam vestram, quin sancta et apos- 
tolica sedes princeps et universalis mater sit omnium ecclesiarum et 
gentium quas divina dementia ad agnitionem sui nominis in fide Domini 
et Salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi per evangelicam et apostolicam doctrinam 
venire prseordinavit : quibus hanc curam et perpetuam debet sollicitudi- 
nem, ut sicut ad conservandam catholicse fidei veritatem, ita quoque ad 
cognoscendam et tenendam justitiam documenta et salutifera administret 
monita. Ad cujus dispensationis officium . . . creditum nobis minis- 
terium valde pertimescimus, scientes quoniam et his qui prope et his qui 
longe sunt debitores surnus, nee apud supermini Judicem excusationis 


day, loaded him with the anguish of an immense 
responsibility; 1 which, in short, invested him with 
an authority so great that all the efforts of kings 
and emperors, all human forces whatever, seemed 
to have no more weight against it than the dust 
or the straw that the wind carries away. 2 In this st Gregory 

1 IT- WaS ^ 

authority the episcopate, whose power and dignity jealous ot 
seemed to him superior to royal majesty, 3 ought 
to have largely shared ; for Gregory, we repeat, 
was no jealous adversary of episcopal influence. 
He indeed complained bitterly of the crimes of 
many of the bishops of his time; he perceived 
that all the ills of Christendom arose from the 
prevarication of those among whom he ranged 
himself; 4 and he congratulated himself that the 
laity, not excepting women, should devote them- 
selves to the liberty of the Church when so many 
prelates deserted the cause. 5 But the Pontiff's corre- 
spondence gives, on almost every page, proof that 
episcopal authority had no firmer defender than he. 
He wished that even when episcopal decisions were 
unjust they should be obeyed, provided they did 
not compromise the general safety of the Church. 6 

locum habere poterimus, si nostra taciturnitate eorum aut sal us negligi- 
tur aut culpa fovetur." Ep. iv. 28, ad Hispanos. 

1 "Potestas, qua quotidie angustamur apostolicse sedis." Ep. iv. 1. 

8 " Hoc in animo gerens, quod regum et imperatorum virtus, et uni- 
versa mortalium conamina, contra apostolica jura et omnipotentiam 
summi Dei quasi fa villa computentur et palea." Ep. iii. 8, ad Thedald. 
cleric. Mediol. 

3 Ep. ii. 5, and iv. 2. 

4 "Nos . . . prselati . . ." Ep. ii. 45. 

5 Ep. ii. 11. 6 Ep. ii. 45, and ix. 22. 


We see Mm refusing presents from the Count of 
Anjou, because he was excommunicated by his 
bishop. The jurisdiction of bishops as to conse- 
cration was, with him, the object of most scrupu- 
lous respect. 1 He never failed to enforce in their 
favour the decretals of the martyr popes against 
unworthy clerks ; 2 finally, as a crowd of examples 
shows, he never hesitated, in disputes between 
bishops and monks, to decide against the latter, 
even his fellow - Clunists, if equity required it. 3 
For him, the princes of the Church were truly 
the leaders of the Lord's army; and he urged them 
incessantly, by the example of secular chivalry, 
to self-sacrifice, devotion, and perseverance in the 
battles of their Master. 4 "They will tell you," 
he wrote to the Archbishop of Mayence, in 1075, 
" that you have a right to put off till another time 
the strict execution of our decrees; but boldly 
answer thus : ' When knights have been warned to 
hold themselves in readiness for war, what should 
they do if they hear that enemies are carrying 
sword and fire into their king's palace 1 Should 
they instantly seize their weapons to chase and 
overwhelm the assailant, or should they stay quietly 

1 Ep. ix. 29. 2 Ep. vii. 2. 3 Ep. vi. 33. 

4 ". . . Et quid regies milites, sanctos videlicet sacerdotes oportet 
facere, nisi . . . clypeo caritatis munitos gladio divini verbi accinctos 
auctoritatis vigore consurgere ; multum namque debet nobis videre 
pudendum quod quilibet saeculi milites. . . . Et nos qui sacerdotes 
Domini dicimur, non pro illo nostro rege pugnemus qui omnia fecit ex 
nihilo !" Ep. iii. 4. See also, Append., No. 15, the fine letter men- 
tioned by Hugh de Flavigny, p. 230. 


watching what the enemy will do ? And what is 
the spirit of evil doing but devastating incessantly 
the Church of God ? and what is the duty of the 
knights of the great King of Heaven that is, His 
consecrated priests but to throw themselves into 
the combat armed with the shield of charity and 
the sword of the divine word ? . . . Ah, how 
should we blush ! Secular knights every day 
combat for their temporal prince, every day they 
brave danger for his sake ; and we, who are called 
the priests of the Lord, we do not fight for our 
King for that King who has made all things out 
of nothing, who has not feared to suffer death for 
us, 'and who promises us an eternal reward 1 ' " l 

When Gregory saw the soldiers of God unfaith- Grief of the 
ful to their mission, he could not restrain the holy seem g a the 

r* r ^ TTT- i i T i cowal> dice 

lire ol nis reproaches. With what indignation did of the 


he raise his voice against the weakness of the bishops 

and the 

French bishops in presence of the scandals and 
crimes of their king, Philip LI kin s- 

" It is you, my brothers," wrote the Pontiff, "who 
are guilty; you who, by failing to resist with sacer- 
dotal vigour the wickedness of the prince, have 
become the open accomplices of his iniquities. We 
say it with regret and with lamentation, but it must 
be said : We fear lest you should receive the wages, 
not of shepherds, but of hirelings, since, seeing the 
wolf tear the Lord's flock under your very eyes, you 
have taken flight, and hidden yourselves in silence, 

1 Ep. iii. iv. 


like dogs who have forgotten how to bark 1 ... 
If you fancy that to repress your sovereign's faults 
is unlawful, and incompatible with your oath of 
fidelity to him, know that you are in great error; 
for he who has saved a man from shipwreck even 
in spite of himself, is really more faithful to him 
than one who would have let him perish. As for 
the fear with which your king inspires you, it is 
useless to speak of it ; for if you unite in defence 
of justice, you will acquire such strength that 
you will be able, without danger, to turn your 
prince from his bad habits, and at the same time 
to free your souls from responsibility. But allow- 
ing that you have all things to fear, even death, 
nevertheless you ought not to abandon the liberty 
of fulfilling your priestly obligations. We implore 
you, therefore, and enjoin you, in virtue of our 
apostolic authority, to think of your country, your 
fame, and your salvation, and to go in one united 
body to the king. Let him be warned of the 
peril and shame which menace his realm and his 
soul ! Denounce to his face the crimes of which 
he is guilty ; seek to soften him ; persuade him 
to make reparation for his rapine, to amend his 
depraved life, and, by the practice of justice, to 
restore the degraded glory and majesty of his 
kingdom 1 " 1 

1 " Vos etenim in culpa estis qui dum perditissimis factis ejus non 
resistitis. . . . Proinde, quod inviti ac gementes dicimus, fugitis, dum 
quasi canes non valentes latrare, sub silentio vos absconditis. . . . De 
timore vero vanum est dicere. . . . Quoniam vobis ad defendendam 


In the case of Philip remaining obstinate in ill- 
doing, the Pope ordered an interdict on all the 
kingdom, announcing plainly that he would spare 
no effort to dethrone the king, and that, if the 
bishops showed themselves lukewarm in the exe- 
cution of their duty, they also should be deposed. 
" Kemember," he added in conclusion, " this di- 
vine word : ' The fear of man bringeth a snare : 
but whoso putteth his trust in the Lord shall be 
safe. 7 1 So act, then, as to show that your souls are 
as free as your words ; shun that destruction which 
will be drawn upon you by your fear of a man 
weak as yourselves; and, strong in the Lord and 
in the power of His might, go up, like brave 
knights of Christ, to the assault of glory in this 
world and in the next." 2 

Now let us listen while he rehearses, in the last 
letter he wrote, and from which we have already 
quoted some passages, the duties and trials imposed 
upon him by his mission, as head of the Church. 
" The only reason/' he says, " which could have 

justitiam conjunctis et constanter accinctis tanta virtus foret. . . . Etsi 
timor ac periculum mortis immineret, vos tamen a libertate vestri sacer- 
dotalis officii desistere non oporteret. . . . Rogamus vos ut . . . patrias, 
famse vestrse ac saluti consulatis . . . " Ep. ii. 5. Notice here the use of 
the word, patria, the idea of which has been said to have been unknown 
in the middle ages. 

1 " Qui timet hominem, cito corruet, et qui sperat in Domino suble- 
vabitur." Prov. xxix. 25. 

2 " Ita agite, ita vos habetote, ut quam sit vobis libera mens et lingua 
ostendatis, nee timentes hominem infirmitatis vestrse ruinam patiamini, 
sed confortati in Domino, et in potentia virtutis ejus, sicut strenui 
milites Christi, ad celsitudinem prsesentisac futurse glorise sublevamini." 
Ep. ii. 5. 


assembled and armed against us the princes of the 
nations and the princes of the priests is this -that 
we have not chosen to keep silence as to the dan- 
ger which threatened the holy Church, or to be- 
come the accomplice of those who did not blush 
to reduce the bride of Christ to slavery. In every 
country of the world the poorest woman is allowed 
to choose a legitimate husband according to her 
will and to the law of the land ; but at the desire 
of the wicked, and under the empire of detestable 
customs, the holy Church, the spouse of God, and 
our mother, is forbidden to remain lawfully faith- 
ful to her Husband, in obedience to her own will 
and to the Divine commandment. Can we suf- 
fer that the sons of this holy Church should be 
condemned, as if they were sprung from an infam- 
ous adultery, to have for fathers only heretics and 
usurpers ? This is the source of all the evils, all 
the perils, and all the crimes which you have wit- 
nessed, and over which you groan. . . . There 
are in the world thousands of men who daily risk 
death to obey their lords ; but for the great God 
of Heaven, for Him who has ransomed us, how 
many shrink, not from death only, but even from 
the hatred of certain other men ! And if there 
are, as thank God we do find, though but in small 
numbers, men who resist the wicked openly, and 
even to death, for love of the Christian law, not 
only are they unsupported by their brethren, but 
they are held imprudent, indiscreet, foolish ! . . . 


We conjure you, therefore, by the Lord Jesus, force 
yourselves to understand what are the tribulations 
and anguish which we endure at the hands of ene- 
mies of the Christian religion, and to learn how 
and why we suffer them. Since the Church placed 
me, against my will, on the Apostolic throne, I 
have used all my efforts that the holy Church, the 
spouse of God, our mother and our lady, should 
regain her ancient glory, and become once more 
free, chaste, and catholic. But because nothing 
is more hateful than this to our old enemy, he has 
taken up arms. And since it is to me, though a 
sinner and unworthy, that the words of the pro- 
phet, 'Cry aloud and spare not/ have been spoken, 
therefore, willing or unwilling, without shame and 
without fear, without any earthly consideration, I 
cry, I cry, perpetually I cry aloud, to announce 
that the Christian religion, the true faith which 
the Son of God, come down from heaven, has 
taught us by our fathers, is degenerating into mere 
secular customs, is being lost, falling to nothing, 
and becoming an object of derision not only to the 
demon, but also to Jews, Saracens, and Pagans. 
For they at least obey those laws in which they 
believe ; while we, intoxicated by love of the world 
and a miserable ambition, and sacrificing religion 
and honour to pride and cupidity, live without 
law, without reason, without faith, without hope. 
The small number of those who still fear God fight 
chiefly for themselves, and not for the common 


salvation of their brethren. How many are there 
who spend their sweat or their blood for God, as 
secular knights spend theirs for their lords, or 
even for their friends and vassals ? If then, like 
all Christians, you believe St Peter to be the prince 
and father of all the faithful, the chief shepherd 
after Christ, and that the holy Roman Church is 
the mother and mistress of all Churches, I implore 
and command you, I, your brother and your un- 
worthy master, to come to the help of that father 
and that mother, and thus to merit the absolution 
of your sins, the divine benediction and grace in 
this world and in the next." 

Side by side with these majestic utterances of a 
zeal equally pure and intrepid, the correspondence 
of St Gregory shows us also the intense solicitude 
which filled his soul. This solicitude, the precious 
dower of the most lofty genius, embraced all 
the interests, great and small, of a world much 
vaster, as Gregory himself said, than the wide 
empire founded by the Eomans, in which the rule 
of Christ had succeeded the rule of Augustus. 1 
The pater- Glancing with paternal and attentive care from 

nal affec- 
tion of Ore- Norway 2 to Mauritania, 3 from Armenia 4 to Gali- 

1 " Plus enim terrarum lex Romanorum pontificum quam imperato- 
rum obtinuit : in omnem terram exivit sonus eorum et quibus imperavit 
Augustus, imperavit Christus." Ep. ii. 75, addressed to Sweyn, King 
of Denmark. 

2 Ep. vi. 13. In this letter Gregory invites King Olave to send him 
the sons of the Norwegian nobles: " De junioribus et nobilibus terrse, 
quatenus sub alis Apostolorum Petri et Pauli sacris et divinis legibus 
diligenter edocti . . . lingua et scientia moribusque prudentes digne Deo 
praedicare et efficaciter excolere valeant." 

3 Ep. i. 22, 23; iii. 19, 20, 21. * Ep. vii. 28 j viii. 1. 


cia. 1 turning away from the most critical events gory n. 

7 * extended 

and the most imminent dangers to uphold in some oy er ail 

* Churches, 


distant country the despised rights of some obscure 
victim, Gregory everywhere interfered for the pro- duals - 
tection of weakness and of justice sometimes for 
the shipwrecked, who were subject to the barbar- 
ous wreckers 2 sometimes for poor women cruelly 
treated as witches by the Danes ; 3 here to obtain 
the restitution of an unjustly detained succession, 4 
there to hasten the return of an exile ; 5 everywhere, 
and always, to enforce respect for the liberties of 
all, and for the possessions of religious houses. 6 
On the other hand, as he always kept in view the 
general interests of nations and Churches, Gregory 
energetically maintained liturgical unity against all 
the too exclusively national and local pretensions 
of the Slavonic nations 7 and the people of the 
Iberian peninsula ; 8 he protected Eussia 9 and 
Denmark against their enemies within and with- 
out, 10 Dalmatia n against foes and dangers of vari- 
ous kinds ; public peace in Brittany, 12 Arragon, ia 
and Bohemia, 14 against the intestine quarrels of 
princes and bishops ; the liberty of merchants and 

1 Ep. iv. 28 ; vi. 16. 

2 At the Council of 1078. LABBE, vol. x. p. 370, ed. Paris. 

3 Ep. vii. 221. * Ep. vi. 32. 6 Ep. vi. 29. 
6 Ep. i. 13, 31, 37, 81 ; ii. 15, 33, 69 ; ix. 6. 

? Ep. vii. 11. 

8 "Romana te cupit scire Ecclesia, quod filios, quos Christo nutrit, 
non diversis uberibus, nee diverse cupit alere lacte." Ep. iii. 18. 

9 Ep. ii. 73, 74. w Ep. vi. 13. n Ep. vii. 4. 
12 Ep. vii. 15; iv. 5. 13 Ep. vi. 16. 

14 Ep. ii. 6, 7, 8, 71, 72. 



pilgrims on their travels, from the extortions of 
the King of France ; l the sacredness of marriage, 
and the helplessness of women against the bar- 
barity of the Scotch : 2 finally, after having every- 
where exercised his authority so as to re-establish 
discipline, to calm dissension, and to repair injus- 
tice in the heart of Christendom, he extended his 
solicitude beyond it ; with noble confidence he 
recommended the Churches of Carthage and Hippo, 
purified by his cares, 3 to the Mussulman princes, 
who were their neighbours ; 4 and forestalling the 
future by an inspiration worthy at once of his 
genius and of his great heart, he preached a cru- 
sade to the whole Christian world, 5 offering him- 

1 Ep. i. 35 ; ii. 5. From Ep. vii. 20, it appears that the young king 
atoned for his crimes, for the Pope speaks of them as things olim, and 
congratulates him on the good dispositions several times expressed by 
his ambassadors. 

2 " Nefas quod de Scotis audivimus, quod plerique uxores non solum 
deserunt, sed etiam vendunt, modis omnibus prohibere. " App. ad. 
Epist. ii. ad Lanfrancum. 

3 Ep. i. 21, 22 ; iii. 19, 20. 

4 It must be remarked that Anzir, King of Mauritania, sent to Gre- 
gory an embassy with presents and released prisoners, the very same 
year that the natural head of the Christians, King Henry, had issued 
a sentence of deposition against him (1076). The Pope replied to him 
in terms of indulgent charity: " Omnipotens Deus qui omnes homines 
vult salvos facere, et neminem perire, nihil est quod in nobis magis ap- 
probet, quam ut homo post dilectionera suam hominem diligat, et quod 
sibi non vult fieri, alii non faciat. Hanc itaque caritatem nos et vos 
specialius nobis quam ceteris gentibus debemus, qui unum Deum, licet 
diverse modo, credimus et confitemur. . . . Et quotidie laudamus et 
veneramur. . . . Ut ipse Deus in sinum beatitudinis sanctissimi patri- 
archs Abrahse post longa hujus vitae spatia te perducet corde et ore 
rogamus." Ep. iii. 21. 

5 The first mention of this project is found in his letter, written in 
1074, to Count William of Burgundy. Ep. i. 46. Some days later 


self as leader in an enterprise which included not it was 
only the deliverance of the Holy Sepulchre, but who first 


also the defence of the Church of Constantinople, the i(lej i of 

* a crusade 

schismatic as it was! "The Christians of the intheEast 
East," wrote the Pontiff in 1074 to King Henry, on 
whom he thought he could count " those Chris- 
tians whom the pagans daily kill like sheep have 
called upon me to come to their help. Filled with 
grief, and with a desire to do good, I would choose 
rather to give my life for them than to command the 
whole universe, and neglect them. I have there- 
fore exhorted and implored all Christians to give 
their life for their brethren, to defend the law of 
Christ, and thus to display the true nobility of the 
sons of God. On both sides of the Alps my voice 
has been listened to, and more than fifty thousand 
men are preparing, if they can have me for leader 
and chief of the expedition, to march armed against 
the enemy, and to force their way, under the Lord's 
guidance, to his Holy Sepulchre. What chiefly 
urges me to this enterprise is, that the Church of 
Constantinople, though dissenting from us as to 
the Holy Spirit, looks to the Holy See for the res- 
toration of harmony. Our fathers and predeces- 

{March 1, 1074), he addressed himself to all Christians " (omnibus Chris- 
tianis) fidem defendere volentibus," to tell them of the disasters of the 
Greeks, and exhort them to succour the Byzantine empire. Ep. ii. 49. 
The first mention of the Holy Sepulchre is found in the letter to King 
Henry, a passage from which is quoted in the text. At the end of De- 
cember of the same year he exhorts all those faithful to St Peter beyond 
the Alps to send commissaries to him to prepare the means of going 
beyond sea. Ep. ii. 37. 


sors, whose steps, though unworthy, we wish to 
follow, have often gone into those countries to 
consolidate the Catholic faith there ; and we also, 
aided by the prayers of the faithful, if Christ 
deig'ns to open us a way, will go thither in our turn 
to defend the faith and those who profess it." a 

The excesses and perfidy of the German sover- 
eign put an obstacle in the way of the realisation 
of this great idea. But the germ, sown in the 
mind of Christian nations, was not to perish : 
twenty years later, the project conceived by Gre- 
gory was accomplished by the unanimous impulse 
of Europe ; and the war-cry, God wills it! served for 
two centuries to draw to the banner of the Cross 
all the flower of Christian knighthood. 
Nature of It is, above all, in the letters of St Gregory that 

Gregory's . 

relations we must study the true nature 01 his relationships 
princes either with princes or with nations, and the kind 

and people. 

of authority which he claimed over them. We see 
there that his sole object, in striving to maintain 
his supremacy, was the moral weight of a friend 
the beneficent and profitable influence of a father. 
The instructions which he gave to the different 
Powers of this world were proclaimed without dis- 
guise, and with perfect frankness. He showed a 

1 " Magis enim vellem pro his animam meam ponere, quam eos negli- 
gens, universo orbi ad libitum carnis imperare. . . . Jam ultra quin- 
quaginta millia ad hoc se preparant. . . . Armata maim contra inimicos 
Dei insurgere, et usque ad sepulcrum Domini, ipso ducente, pervenire. 
Illud etiam me ad hoc opus permaxime instigat, quod Constantinopoli- 
tana Ecclesia de Sancto Spiritu a nobis dissidens, concordiam aposto- 
licse sedis exspectat. " Ep. ii. 31. 


great affection for the people, 1 rejoicing to see them 
retain their ancient liberties, 2 and promising them 
the cordial support of their mother, the Eoman 
Church. 3 He reminded the nobles, then all-power- 
ful, that they ought to preserve the inheritance of 
virtue, together with that of an illustrious descent. 4 
" Friend," he wrote to a certain count, " thou who, 
by God's permission, hast command over many 
men, is it not just that, in return, thou shouldst 
consecrate to the service of the Lord at least one 
man that is to say, thyself by endeavouring to 

1 We do not mean that Gregory addressed himself to the people in the 
modern sense that is, to the lower classes exclusively, or to the whole 
mass of men but it is certain that he wished to influence all classes, 
and all the free and active individuals of a nation possessing certain 
social functions, according to the place they occupied in the social hier- 
archy, as is shown by the heading of several of his letters. For example : 
" Omnibus episcopis, et viris nobilibus, cunctisque tarn majoribus quam 
minoribus in insula Corsica consistentibus. " Ep. v. 4. " Archiepisco- 
pis, ducibus, comitibus et universis Christifidelibus clericis et laicis, tarn 
majoribus quam minoribus, in Teutonico regno constitutis." Ep. iv. 
28. " Clero et populo in Turonensi provincia constitutis." Ep. vii. 15. 
"Duci et genti Venetorum." Ep. ix. 8. " Duci et populo Venetiee." 
Ep. iv. 27, and ix. 8. And, as we have already said, it is evident that 
Gregory had succeeded in gaining the hearts of most of the lower classes 
in Germany by the reproach which Henry addressed to him in the letter 
announcing his deposition : ' * Hectares S. Ecclesise . . . sub pedibus 
tuis calcasti, in quorum conculcatione tibi favorem ab ore vulgi compar- 
asti." Cod. UDAL. BAB. ap. ECCAED., No. 163. 

2 " Multum gavisi pro dilectione . . . et libertate quam ab antiqua 
gtirpe Romanse nobilitatis acceptam conservastis." Ep. iv. 27, ad Vene- 
tos. " Notum esse credimus . . . quod jam ab ineunte setate terram ves- 
tram et libertatem hujus gentis valde dileximus." Ep. ii. 39, Duci et 
populo Venetice ; see also Ep. ix. 8. 

3 " Romana Ecclesia mater sit omnium Christian orum ; qu?e licet ex 
consideratione officii sui omnium gentium saluti debeat invigilare, speci- 
alem tamen et quodammodo privatam vobis sollicitudinem oportet earn 
impendere." Ep. i. 29, ad Judices Sardinia. 

4 Ep. viii. 16. R. and N., Nobilibus comitibus. 


preserve all the purity of thy heart and soul \ 
Those very duties which thou wouldst not have 
thy vassals neglect to perform towards thee, art 
thou not bound thyself to pay them to Him who 
has created thee in His image and ransomed thee 
with His blood?" 1 

To kings and sovereigns, whether inhabiting the 
neighbourhood of Eome and always ready, as in 
the case of the Italian princes, to make him suffer 
for his generous frankness 2 or whether dwelling 
at the ends of the earth, like the Scandinavian 
kings, 3 he constantly took care to give those lessons 
of humility which he judged necessary to subdue 
the working of pride in their hearts. 4 
Letters of Let us hear him speaking to the King of Ger- 

Gregoryll. . . 

of Ger^ ing man y hi mse lf " You will never be truly king," he 
Duki'of he sa y s > " unt ^ y u ma ke your pride of domination 
bow before Christ, the King of kings, and assist 
Him to restore and to defend His Church ; 5 . . . 

Hungary, for otherwise how shall we succeed, being such as 


1 " Dignum est ut cui tuo metui tantam hominum multitudinem sup- 
posuit, hanc ei vicissitudinem recompenses, ut unum hominem, videlicet 
teipsum, pura semper mente sibi et corde conserves . . . ut quod a sub- 
jectis tibi vis fieri non negligas pro illius amore agere qui te ad suam 
imaginem creavit, et suo precioso sanguine redemit." Ep. ix., T. no- 
Mlissimo cwniti. Probably Thibault, Count of Champagne. 

2 Ep. vi. 37, to the Prince of Capua. 

3 Ep. vi. 13, to the King of Norway. 

4 " Imperatoribus et regibus, ceterisque principibus, ut elationes maris 
et superbise fluctus comprimere valeant arma humilitatis, Deo auctore, 
providere curamus." 

5 "Tune demum regiam potestatem recte obtinere cognoscas, si regi 
regum, Christo, ad restaurationem defensionemque Ecclesiarum suarum 
faciendam, dominatiouis tuse altitudinem inclinas." Ep. ii. 30. 


we are, in giving to our Creator and Eedeemer that 
honour we demand from those who are but our 
brothers and companions in our state of servitude 
on earth I" 1 

To the Duke of Poland he said : " Keep ever 
before your eyes that last day of your life, which 
will come you know not when ; and be always 
in fear of the last judgment, so as to use, with 
scrupulous care, the authority committed to you 
by God; for know that there is nothing, in all 
that has been confided to you, of which the Su- 
preme Judge will not demand an account, and that 
you will have to undergo a judgment all the more 
severe as the right and the authority with which 
you are invested are the more extensive." 2 

To the King of Denmark he wrote : " With 
sincere affection we implore you to endeavour to 
exercise the royalty confided to you according to 
the will of God, to make your virtues match with 
the great name of king which you bear, and to 
enthrone in your own heart that justice which 
gives you the right to command your subjects. 
. . . You know that kings and beggars alike 
must end in dust and ashes ; that we must every 
one appear at that last judgment, all the more terri- 
ble for us, priests and kings, as we must give account 

1 " Honorem quern conservis et fratribus nostris exigimus." Ep. 
iii. 7. 

2 " Scire enim debetis quouiam supernns arbiter quse vobis commisit 
irrequisita non relinquet : cui tanto distinctius responsuri estis, quanto 
ampliora sunt jura et judiciorum moderamina quse tenetis. 


not only for ourselves, but for all those who shall 
have obeyed us. Live, then, my dearest brother, 
and reign, so that you may be able to stand with- 
out fear before the face of the eternal King, and 
receive from His divine hands a crown everlasting 
and beyond compare, in recompense for having 
worthily borne your earthly dignities." 1 

To the Spanish princes he spoke as follows : 
" You know, and you see evidence of it daily, 
how ephemeral life is, and how deceitful are our 
human hopes. Willing or unwilling, we must al- 
ways hasten towards our end, and be always ex- 
posed to a certain fate, without knowing when 
death will strike us. ... Think, then, of this 
end think of the bitterness of the moment when 
you must leave this world, to rot under ground ; 
think of the terrible judgment which will follow 
your actions, and arm yourselves beforehand 
against these dangers. Consecrate your arms, 
your wealth, your power, not only to secular 
pomp, but chiefly to the honour and service of 
the eternal King : govern, administer, in such 
a manner as to make of your well-doing an offer- 
ing of righteousness pleasing to the Almighty ; so 
that you may be able to depend on Him who alone 

i " Rogamus te et sincera et caritate monemus . . . quatenus earn, 
per cujus principatum subjectis irnperas, in corde tuo semper regnare 
justitiam ostendas. . . . Nosci quod reges sequa conditions ut pauperes 
futuri sunt pulvis et cinis. . . . Age ergo, dilectissime, ut ita vives, ita 
regnes ut tune seterni regis et judicis faciem securus aspicias," &c. Ep. 
ii. 51, ad Suenum regem Danorum. See also Ep. v. 10, and vii. 21, to 
Haco, son and successor of Sweyn. 


gives safety to kings who alone can snatch you 
from death, and transform the decaying grandeur 
which surrounds you here below into that sovereign 
beatitude and that divine glory which have neither 
rival, nor admixture, nor end." 1 

And to the King of Hungary this was his lan- 
guage : " We recommend to your prudence that 
you should walk, without delay or turning, in the 
way of justice that you should defend, with pater- 
nal tenderness, widows, orphans, and strangers, and 
not only do no wrong to churches, but preserve 
them from the violence and pride of invaders." 2 

He said to the King of Castile : " Your humility 
and obedience have earned for you the possession 
of divine truth and justice. . . . But as pious 
hearts love to be encouraged, and virtue needs 
always to be exercised, we exhort your highness 
to raise your soul from the perishable rank of this 
world towards that which is eternal to use the 
one as a thing which will soon vanish, and to seek 
eagerly for the other, which gives at once the ful- 
ness and perpetuity of glory. . . . That our words 
may be better graven on your heart, we send you 
a little key, which contains a relic of the chains of 

1 "Quotidie videtis quam fluxa et fragilis est vita. . . . Arma vestra, 
opes, potentiam, non ad secularem pompam tantum, sed ad honorem et 
servitium seterni regis vertite . . . ut superindicat vos eminentiori 
claritate . . . et de caducis honoribus quos nunc habetis transferat vos 
in regmmi glorise seternse suse, ubi nee beatitudine finem, nee gloria cor- 
ruptionem, nee dignitas habet comparationem." Ep. iv. 28, "regibus, 
coinitibus, ceterisque principibus Hispaniie." 

2 Ep. vi. 29. 


the Blessed Peter, in hope that God, who by a 
miracle of His omnipotence broke the iron fetters 
of His apostle, may set you free by his merits and 
his intercession from the chain of your sins." 1 
Elsewhere he says : " Do not hesitate to call to 
the highest offices of your Church foreigners or 
men of low birth, when they are suitable ; for the 
Koman Eepublic has owed its growth, great in the 
time of the pagans, and yet greater under the do- 
minion of Christ, to the fact that she has always 
thought less of noble race or origin than of the 
powers of the soul and body." 2 

To William the Conqueror, King of England, 
Gregory spoke thus : " Dearest son, whom I al- 
ways embrace with tenderness in Christ, thou art 
already the pearl of the princes of our day, and 
I desire that, by thy justice and obedience to the 
Church, thou shouldst always serve as rule and 
model to all the princes of the future. If, when 
enlightened by thy example, they will not follow 
thee, still thy glory and recompense shall not be 
lessened, and even in this world heaven will grant 
to thee and to thy lineage victory, honour, and 
power. If thou hadst raised some wretched serf 

1 " Divina dignatio . . . usque ad vestra reservavit tempora ut veri- 
tatem Dei et justitiam . . . vestra mereretur suscipere sublimis humili- 
tas et fidelis obedientia . . . vobis claviculam auream in qua de catenis 
Beati Petri benedictio continetur." Ep. vii. 6. 

2 " Cum Romana respublica, ut paganorum tempore, sic et sub Chris- 
tianitatis titulis inde maxime, Deo favente, excreverit, quod non tarn 
generis aut patriae nobilitatem, quam animi et corporis virtutes perpen- 
dendas adjudicavit." Ep. ix. 2. 


to royal estate, wouldst thou not expect that lie 
should honour thee ? Now God has taken thee, 
like a wretched serf of sin (for so are we all born), 
to make of thee, freely, a most powerful king : 
think and strive always, therefore, to glorify the 
almighty Jesus, to whom thou owest all that thou 
art, and do not let thyself be hindered by the crowd 
of evil rulers. Evil has always the multitude on 
her side ; good has but the chosen few. In battle, 
the more cowards there are, the greater is the glory 
of the brave knight who stands firm. Yes, the 
more the great ones of this world, blinded by pride, 
rush to plunge into the abyss, the more fitting is it 
for thee, whom God has cherished more than them, 
to increase thy greatness by humility and obedience. 
May this God and Father deign so to imprint these 
virtues in thy soul, that after the triumphs and 
conquests of thy mortal reign, thou mayst sit 
down for ever in the heavenly kingdom among 
its kings and saints." 1 

To the Queen of England, who offered him 

1 " Nunc igitur, carissime et in Christo semper amplectende fill ... 
talem te volo . . . ut, sicut cooperante Deo, gemma principum esse 
meruisti, ita regula justitiae et obedientise forma cunctis terrse principibus 
esse merearis. . . . Sicut eum velles ... sic et tu, quern ex servo pec- 
cati ut misero et pauperculo (ita quippe omnes nascimur) potentissimum 
regera Deus gratis fecit. . . . Nee ab hoc impediat te pessimorum prin- 
cipum turba. Nequitia enim multorum est, virtus autem paucorum. 
Gloriosius est probato militi, multis fugientibus, in prselio stare. Pre- 
tiosior ilia est gemma quse rarius invenitur. . . . Et in future cum sanc- 
tis regibus ad regna super coelestia inexcogitabiliter meliora feliciter in- 
troducat." Ep. vii. 33, written the year after he refused the homage of 


beforehand whatever presents he might choose to 
ask of her, he answered : " Instead of gold, of 
jewels, or of all the precious things of this world, 
these are the presents which you may give me, 
queen, and which I ask of you, lead a pure life ; 
share your wealth with the poor ; love God and 
your neighbour ; 1 esteem and cherish all that is 
honest and true." 

To another queen he said : " Write in your heart 
that the sovereign of heaven, the queen exalted 
above all the choirs of angels, the honour and 
glory of all women, the source of salvation and 
of dignity to the elect, did not disdain, on earth, 
to live in poverty and in holy humility. God will 
only acknowledge as queen the woman who shall 
have ruled her life by the fear and love of Jesus : 
thus it is that so many holy women who have been 
of the poor of this world are glorified in heaven 
and earth ; while so many queens, and even em- 
presses, are dishonoured before God and before 
man. We implore and enjoin you, therefore, to 
labour to draw towards God the soul of our dear 
son, your lord and king, that he may serve the 
Church with all his power, and defend the poor, 
and all victims of oppression and injustice." 2 

1 " Designastis ut quidquid de vestris vellemus, si notum vobis fieret, 
sine mora susciperemus . . . quod enim aurum, quse gemmse, 

mundi hujus pretiosa mihi a te magis sunt exspectanda, quam vita casta, 
rerum tuarum in pauperes distributio, Dei et proximi dilectio, hsec a te 
munera optanms : ut integra et simplicia diligas nobilitatem tuara pre- 
camur." Ep vii. 26. 

2 "Scribe in corde tuo, quia summa regina cceli, quae est decus et 


Finally, to the King of Norway he wrote : " It 
is you of whom the Gospel speaks, ' They shall 
come from the east and from the west, and shall 
sit down with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in the 
kingdom of God/ l Hasten thither, then. You 
are at the end of the world ; but if you quicken 
your steps you shall be associated in the royalty 
of the first fathers. Hasten to the goal which 
faith, love, and desire point out to you. Pass 
through life thinking of the nothingness of human 
glory. Use your power to defend and protect 
widows and orphans, and not only love right- 
eousness, but serve her with all your energies." 2 

What, however, is particularly shown in Gre- what is 

r ; , particular- 

gory S correspondence is the inner nature of J y striking 

& J in Gre- 

his soul. 3 There we find his ruling passion gory> let- 

ters is his 

charity, and the only fear which he ever knew 

gloria omnium mulierum . . . imo salus et nobilitas omnium electorum. 
. . . Ilia enim mulier vere apud Deum regina dicitur quse mores suos in 
timore et amore Christi moderatur. Inde fit ut . . . multse sseculares 
etiam reginas, vel imperatrices apud Deum et homines nee bonam famam 
valere mereantur. Rogamus ergo te et prsecipimus ut semper studeas 
animum domini tui regis et carissimi filii nostri. . . ." Ep. viii. 22. 

1 Matt. viii. 11. 

2 " De ultimis finibus estis ; sed si curritis, si festinatis, primis patri- 
bus in regno sociati eritis. Sit cursus vester fides amor et desiderium. 
Sit iter vestrum mundi gloriam assidue meditari esse caducam. . . . Sit 
vestrse potentise usus et exercitatio, subvenire oppressis . . . justitiam 
non solum diligere, sed etiam tota virtute defendere." Ep. vi. 13. 

3 The Pope no longer releases from the oajth of fidelity, but nations 
release themselves ; they revolt, they dethrone their princes, they send 
them to the scaffold ; they do yet worse they say to them, ' ' You suit us 
no longer, go ! " DE MATSTRE, Dupape, book ii. c. 2, written and pub- 
lished in 1817. We see that the great man was not only, as has been 
said of him, a prophet of the past. 


his fear of the fear of violating iustice 1 and of compromising 

endanger- & J 

ing his sal- his salvation. " I say with the prophet, he wrote 

vation. ^ L 

to the countesses Beatrice and Matilda, <:t Offer 
the sacrifice of righteousness and hope in the 
Lord/ 2 I place the defence of the miserable and 
oppressed as much above prayers, vigils, fasts, and 
other good works, as I rank charity, with the 
apostle, above all other virtues." And elsewhere : 
" We are placed above the other men who are 
confided to our care, much less to show them 
our power than our justice. 3 It is far safer 
for us to resist even to blood in defence of 
virtue, than to risk our eternal safety by comply- 
ing with iniquity. It is safer for us to die brav- 
ing the power of the wicked, than to betray poor 
Christians who love their God, obey His law, and 
prefer righteousness to life." 4 

Gregory ends the letter just quoted with these 
fine words, " To abandon righteousness is to ship- 

1 He valued justice as much in others as in himself : what made him 
prefer William the Conqueror to all other princes was his love of justice 
(Ep. iv. 18) ; and among the Germans he acknowledged no partisans but 
those who loved justice and the Chair of St Peter (Ep. vi. 14). 

2 " Sacrificate sacrificium justitiae, et sperate in Domino." Psalm 
iv. ; Ep. i. 50. 

' ' Neque ad hoc praelati sumus, lit nostrse commissos providentia3 
potenter magis quam juste tractemus." Ep. i. 81. 

4 " Certe tutius nobis est defendendo veritatem pro sui ipsius salute ad 
usque sanguinem nostrum sibi resistere, quam ad explendam ejus volun- 
tatem iniquitati consentiendo secum, quod absit, ad interitum ruere." 
Ep. i. 11. " Mori tutius est quam legem ejus (Christi) derelinquere, 
aut pro mundi gloria impiorum potius, si sint potentes, quam eorum 
personas respicere, qui, licet sint pauperes, legem sui conditoris exquir- 
unt, mandata diligunt, vitam potius quam justitiam deserunt. " Ep. 
ii. 12. 


wreck the soul." 1 " My greatest fear," he wrote 
to the Germans, "is to be accused before the 
Supreme Judge of neglect in the administration 
of my office." 2 Then, addressing the Duke of 
Bohemia, " It is God," he says, " who urges and 
threatens me by His prophet Ezekiel, when he 
says, 'If thou dost not warn the wicked, he 
shall die in his iniquity, but his blood will I 
require at thy hand/ " 3 "I am ready in all things 
to moderate the rigour of the doctrine of the holy 
Fathers, except in what touches the honour of 
the King Eternal or endangers souls." 4 "I will 
do for King Henry all that justice or mercy 
permit me to do without peril to my soul or 

We may remark that this reservation is the 
same which the Pope had already made in regard 
to Robert Guiscard, the only defender the Holy 
See possessed, and with whom it was so important 
to keep on good terms. 5 

St Gregory's tenderness of heart was displayed, 

1 "Cum nobis. . . . Deserere justitiam, animse, sit natifragium." 
Ep. i. 39. 

2 " Urgente me, prse omnibus, cum eo timore, ne susceptse me apud 
supernum Judicem negligentia dispensationis accuse!." Ep. i. 39. 

3 "Per Ezechielem namque proplietaih sub interminatione nostri interi- 
tus impellimur dicentem : Si non annuntiaveris iniquo iniquitatem suam, 
ipse iniquus in iniquitate sua morietur ; sanguinem autem ejus de manu 
tua requiram." Ep. i. 17. 

4 "In quo salvo seterni Regis honore, et sine periculo animarum nos- 
trarum . . . temperare posseraus . . . eorum consiliis condescendere- 
mus." Ep. iii. 10. 

5 " Sicut et te agere et me suscipere decet sine periculo animae tuse et 
mese." Act of investiture, inserted in the Regis., b. viii. Ep. 1 and 2. 


Gregory's above all, in his intercourse with Beatrice and 

tenderness -..-.,, ,, -, -, -, i 

of heart Matilda those brave and noble princesses to whom 
through- he justly gave the name of daughters of St Peter, 

out his 

correspond- h{$ true sisters, 1 whom he remembered every day 

ence with * J 

cessesBeat- * n ^ s prayers, 2 and who recalled to him the holy 
Matilda*, women of the Gospel at the tomb of the Saviour, 
when they came, with pious love, to seek, as it 
were, the captive and buried Church in the sepul- 
chre of affliction, and to labour for the resurrection 
of her freedom. 3 The Pope wrote in all the frank- 
ness of spiritual fatherhood, and with that warm 
and confiding affection which served as a pretext 
for calumny : 4 " We shall have to give account to 
you of our actions, and thus give you the most 
certain proof of the force of the affection which 
binds us to you. 5 Adieu, dearly beloved friends 
in Christ, know that we hold you in the depths of 

1 " Sicut sorormn nostranim et filiarum sancti Petri." Ep. ii. 9. 

2 Ibid. 

3 "Per vos illse mulieres olim quaerentes Dominum in monumento 
saepe nobis ad memoriam redeunt . . . ita vos Ecclesiam Christi quasi 
in sepulcro afflictionis positam, prse multis, imo prse omnibus terrarum 
principibus, pro amore visitatis, et ut ad statum libertatis suse resurgat, 
totis viribus connitentes," &c. Ep. i. 85, to the Empress Agnes, who 
shared with, the two illustrious countesses in his eulogies and in his 

4 " Haec est mulier ilia, de qua ab obtrectatoribus fidei, et conculca- 
toribus veritatis crimen incestus sancto Pontifici objiciebatur. Cui si 
deessent meritorum laudes, hoc solum satis earn commendabilem red- 
deret, quod cum tali viro, dum exprobratur, dum convicia suscipit, dum 
improperia audit, approbatur, honoratur, laudatur." HUG. FLAVIN., 
p. 228. 

8 " Vobis rationem de factis nostris non inviti reddimus, in eodemque 
quanta vis dilectionis, qua vobis adstringimur, non alia vobis adhuc 
certiorasignadedimus." Ep. i. 77. 


our heart chained, as it were, to our love/' l Fi- 
nally, in this correspondence is betrayed the secret 
of those sublime sufferings, the disgust of life, the 
passing sadness of a great mind oyerwhelmed by 
the weight of anguish, which sometimes threw him 
into despair, but always ended by changing into 
passionate aspirations towards heaven. " I am 
cured," he wrote to the two countesses ; " I have 
recovered from a serious illness beyond all hope, 
and I am sorry for it. For my soul was sighing 
for that celestial country where He who sees my 
sadness and my labour prepares rest and refresh- 
ment for my weariness. I am given back to my 
accustomed toils, to my ceaseless cares, condemned 
to suffer daily like a mother in travail, yet with- 
out being able to save the Church from ship- 
wreck." 2 To Hugh of Cluny he addressed these confid- 
ences made 

words : " How many times have I prayed to Jesus by st Gre- 
gory to 

either to take me out of this world, or to make me JJ"^ of 
of use to our common mother 1 and, nevertheless, 
He has not yet released me from my tribulations, 
and my life has not yet been of any use to that 
mother whose bonds He has willed should be 
chains also for me. 3 A sea of troubles encom- 

1 " Valete in Christo, carissimae, et in nostra dilectione corde tenus vos 
aunexas esse scitote. " Ep. i. 11. 

2 " Tendebat anima nostra, et toto desiderio ad illam patriam anhe- 
labat, in qua Ille, qui laborem et dolorem considerat, lassis quietem et 
refrigerium praestat. Verum reservat adhuc ... in singulas horas, 
quasi parturientis dolores et angustias patimur, dum pene in oculis 
nostris naufragantem Ecclesiam nullo valemus eripere gubernaculo. " 
Ep. ii. 9. 

3 " Tamen de magna tribulatione adhuc non eripuit, neque vita mea 


passes me on all sides ; the Eastern Church has 
deserted the Catholic faith, and the devil already 
punishes her for having obeyed him, by causing 
her children to be massacred by the barbarians, as 
if to prevent their repentance. If I look to the 
West, to the North, to the South, everywhere it is 
hard to find bishops who are legitimate by their 
appointment and by their morals ; among all secu- 
lar princes I know none who prefer God's glory to 
their own, and uprightness to gain. The Eomans, 
the Lombards, and these Normans among whom I 
live, are in some ways, as I often tell them, worse 
than Jews and pagans. . . . Between a daily 
renewed grief, and a hope too often, alas ! disap- 
pointed, beaten by a thousand storms, I live as 
always dying. I wait for Him who has bound 
me with His fetters, who has carried me back, in 
my own despite, to this Eome, where unwillingly 
I have spent twenty years ; I cry to Him perpetu- 
ally, ' Hasten, do not delay ! Set me free, for the 
love of the Blessed Mary and of St Peter. 1 . . . 
If Thou hadst laid so great a burden upon Moses 
or upon Peter, I think it would have overwhelmed 

prsedictae matri, cujus me catenis alligavit, ut sperabam profuit." 
Ep. ii. 49. 

" Circumvallat enim me dolor immanis et tristitia universal is, . . ., in qua coactus, Deo teste, jam a viginti annis inhabitavi. . . . 
Inter dolorem, quae quotidie in me renovatur, et spem quse nimis, heu ! 
protenditur, mille quassatus tempestatibus quoquomodo moriens vivo. 

" Etenim qui me suis allegavit vinculis, et Romam invitum reduxit, 
illicque mille angustiis praecinxit exspecto. Cui frequenter dico : Fes- 
tina, ne tardaveris . . . meque libera ainore B. Marise et S. Petri." 



them. How, then, will it be with me, who, com- 
pared to them, am nothing ? It must needs be, 
Jesus, that Thou Thyself, with Thy Peter, guide the 
pontificate, or that Thou consent to see Thy ser- 
vant fall and the pontificate fall with him/ " l 

Happily the great Pope knew a remedy for so 
many distresses : all the treasures of the spiritual 
life were open to him, for he never ceased to take 
refuge in prayer, until he was able to cry, "0 Jesus, 
Divine Consoler, true God and true man, when 
Thou boldest out a hand to my misery Thou giv- 
est me back joy; but of myself I am ever dying, 
and only find a few moments of life in Thee ! " 2 

Convinced that the defeats of the good cause 
resulted only from the sins of its defenders, 3 Gre- 
gory VII. regarded the prayers of pure souls as 
his best auxiliaries ; he begged, therefore, those of 
the monks of Cluny, 4 those of the community of 
Bee, and of Abbot Anselm, 5 who was soon to fol- 

1 " Frequenter hsec vita nobis est tsedio, et mors carnis desiderio. . . . 
Ad ilium gemens clamo : Si Moysi et Petro . . . restat ergo ut aut tu 
ipse cum tuo Petro pontificatum regas, aut me succumbere, et eumdem 
pontificatum confundi cernas." Ep. v. 21 ; also to Hugh. 

2 "Cumpauperi Jesus, ille pius consolator . . . manum perrigit, valde 
tristem et afflictum Isetificat ... in me quippe semper morior, sed in eo 
interdum vivo, et cum viribus omnino deficio. " Ibid. 

3 " Quoniam nihil in terra sine causa fit ... quod dudum sancta Ec- 
clesia fluctuum procellarumque mole concutitur, quodque tyrannicae per- 
cussionis hactenus rabiem patitur, non nisi nostris peccatis exigentibus 
e venire credendum est." Ep. viii. 9, ad Germanos. 

4 " Precor, exoro, rogo ut eos qui merentur audiri pro vitse mentis, 
rogites . . . ut pro me Deum exorent ea caritate . . . qua debent uni- 
versalem diligere matrem." Ep. ii. 49. 

5 " Credentes pro certo. . . . Ecclesiam Dei . . . tnis similiumque 
tui precibus etiam ab instantibus periculis Christi subveniente miseri- 
cordia posse eripi." Inter epist. S. Anselmi, vol. ii. No. 31. 


low so gloriously in his footsteps. With what 

enthusiasm does he quote words of encouragement 

drawn from the Fathers, when he recommends 

frequent communion to the Countess Matilda ! 

" One who has received a wound seeks the remedy : 

our wound is sin; our remedy the divine sacrament. 

As a woman is urged by nature to nourish with 

her milk the child to whom she has given birth, 

thus Christ constantly nourishes with His blood 

those to whom He has given regeneration." l 

Tender Whether he had, for the second time, to fulmi- 

of Gregory nate a sentence against the sovereign of Germany, 

the Blessed or whether he felt the need of pouring out his 


heart in the secrecy of correspondence, with what 
tender and humble confidence did he invoke the 
help of the Queen of heaven ! 2 How ardently 
did he pray that the salvation of Matilda might 
be the special care of her whom he regarded as 
the highest, the holiest, the best of protectresses, 
the gentlest mother of sinners, the most ready to 
help them in their fall, and to respond to their 
love ! 3 

1 " Qui vulnus habet, medicinam requirit. Vulnus est quia sub pec- 
cato sumus. . . . Sicut mulier affectionis natura cogente genitum alere 
sui lactis fecunditate festinat, sic et Chris tus quos ipse regenerat suo 
sanguine semper enutrit." Quotations from St Ambrose and St John 
Chrysostom in Ep. i. 47. 

2 See the Acts of the Councils of Rome from 1076 to 1080 ; and Ep. 
iv. 1, to the Germans ; vi. 14, to Duke Wolf of Bavaria; viii. 22, to a 
queen ; ix. 2, to King Alfonso of Castile, and elsewhere. 

3 "De matre vero Domini, cui te principaliter commisi et committo 
et nunquam committere omittam . . . quanto altior et melior ac sanc- 
tior est omni matre, tanto clementior et dulcior circa conversos peccatores 


This tender devotion to our Lady procured for 
him in sickness more than one vision in which the 
mother of God revealed to him, by salutary warn- 
ings, the way to perfection. 1 This is one of the 
tokens and privileges of saintship which the Church 
commands us to recognise in Gregory VII. 

Supernatural cures worked by the intercession 
of the Pontiff, and other miracles, attested this 
saintship to his contemporaries from his youth 
to his death. 2 It is related, among other facts, 
that while he was celebrating mass at Monte 
Cassino, where he had been taken by Robert 
Guiscard, towards the close of his life, 3 two peas- 
ants came to look at him. While they followed 
all the movements of the Pope with ardent curi- 
osity, suddenly one of them fell into an ecstasy, 
and saw a white dove with a golden breast de- 
scend from heaven, alight upon Gregory's right 
shoulder, and spreading its wings over his head, 

et peccatrices. . . . Invenies illam promptiorem carnali matre, et miti- 
orem in dilectione tui. . . ." Ep. i. 47, to Matilda. 

1 PAUL BERNRIED, i. 32, 33. The Holy Virgin told him that she had 
intended to call him to the company of virgins in Paradise, but that he 
had lost his right to this favour, because, when his niece visited him 
during a severe illness, he had asked the young girl, while playing with 
her necklace, when she meant to marry. " Ut nepti animae suse super 
fegritudine sua levigaret, monilia ejusdem manu tenens, an uubere vellet 

2 "Signa etiam et prodigia, quse per orationes papse frequentius fie- 
bant, et zelus ejus ferventissimus pro Deo et Ecclesiasticis legibus, satis 
eum contra venenatas detractorum linguas communiebant." LAMBERT. 
SCHAFN., ann. 1077. Cf. PAUL BERNRIED, c. 7 and 35. 

3 This is the version given by Baronius in the Chron. of Monte Cassine, 
b. iii. c. 54. Paul Bernried, c. 30, places the miracle at the Lateran, 
and the date immediately after the accession of the Pope. 


plunge its beak into the chalice which he had just 
consecrated. 1 The thrice-repeated apparition of 
St Peter to this same peasant induced him to re- 
late his vision to Gregory himself, in order to excite 
him to persevere in his work by the aid of the 
Holy Spirit. 2 The Pope, amidst the burden of 
secular affairs, coming from all corners of the 
world, had sometimes ecstasies which delivered 
him for the moment from his load, and transported 
him in fancy to the bosom of Paradise. When he 
was able to enjoy some hours of solitude, celestial 
visions came immediately to temper and refresh 
his soul. 3 These supernatural privileges changed 
in no way the humility which formed, as it were, 
the very groundwork of his character, but which 
never hindered his efforts to merit heaven. The 
Pontiff's fervent devotion sought eagerly that gift 
of tears accompanying prayer, which, as contem- 
porary historians attest, was so dear to medieval 
piety. 4 We must add, as a last touch to the moral 
portrait of the great Pope, that he shrank from 

1 " Duo rustic!, non improbabili curiositate ducti. . . . Alter eorum, 
velut in extasin raptus, vidit colunibam, de coelo descenders humeroque 
dextro Gregorii insidentem alis extensis caput ejus velare, completo 
canone . . . calici rostrum, ut sibi visum est, immisit." PAUL BERN- 
RIED, i. c. *'Vir quidam, Johannes nomine livei coloris columbam, 
cujus guttur videbatur esse aureum. . . ." PETR. DIAC., 1, c. 

2 " Vade, quantocius auribus Papse hoc ipsum intimato, ut constanter 
vigore S. Spiritus cceptum opus peragat." PETR. DIAC., I, c. 

3 " In ipsis sseeularibus negotiis saepius excessit mente, exhilarato 
spiritu suo ccelesti contemplatione : qui si privatus interdum existeret, 
revelatiouibus etiam divinis jucundatus est et confortatus. " Vit. S. 
Anselm. Lucens., c. 3, in Act. SS. 0. B., vol. ix. p. 473. 

* PAUL BERNRIED, cc. 32 and 33. 


none of the minute penances of cloistral life ; that Gregory 


having mounted the pontifical throne, he kept his 
body in subjection by fasts, vigils, and the use 
discipline, like the lowest of monks ; ] and that this 
hero, this giant among the soldiers of the faith, 
this conqueror, whose name has filled the world, 
had learned to rule his will, and even his most 
innocent inclinations, to the point of depriving 
himself of certain vegetables such as pears and 
onions because he took too much pleasure in 
eating them. 2 Thus it must not be forgotten 
that it is not only a great man but a great saint 
that Catholics venerate in Gregory VII. It is not 
enough to admire and bless his memory ; we have 
a right also to implore and to claim his intercession 
with God. For his name, after having shone with 
unequalled splendour in the pages of history, has 
been inscribed by the Church in that most glorious 
book ever given to man to write in the Martyr- 
ology. 3 

To one who studies the course of centuries from 
a Catholic point of view, it signifies much less to 
note the material successes of the Church, than to 
make clear the ever-abiding presence of the super- 

1 " Completis itaque duamm hebdomadarum vigiliis, jejunio et cor- 
porali disciplina." PAUL BERNRIED, c. 32, ap. Act. SS. 0. ., vol. ix. 

2 It is St Peter Damianus who tells us this in a letter addressed to 
Gregory : " Ipse mihi nuper confessus es quoniam ideo te funditus pur- 
roram sive cceparum perceptione compescis, quia videlicet his acumin- 
ibus uberius delectaris." Opusc. 33, c. 1. 

3 This is how he is mentioned in the Roman Martyrology : " Salerni ; 
depositio Beati Gregorii papce septimi Ecclesiasticce libertatis propugna- 
toris ac defensoris acerrimi." 


natural power of faith, the triumph of Christian 
opinion, the maintenance of the soul's dignity and 
purity, in the great events and great representatives 
of her history. Nowhere is this delight of the 
faithful heart more complete than in reading the 
life of Gregory VII. In him, indeed, reached its 
highest point the divine independence of the soul 
bought by the blood of a God as opposed to the 
powers of the world and the devil. And we do 
not fear to affirm that it is this, above all, which is 
to be noted in that famous interview at Canossa, 
where the young and splendid representative l of 
imperial power, and of the greatest lay sovereignty 
of Europe, was forced to prostrate himself in all 
the humility of Christian penance before a little 
old man of low birth 2 who governed the Church 
of God. Certain recent apologists of the papacy 
have wished to see in this the triumph of the 
Southern race over the Northern, which had so long 
been the oppressor, of civilisation over the barbar- 
ous world, of intelligence over material force. But 
why should we suffer a false and profane pride to 
The victory lessen the true majesty of such a spectacle 1 ? . . . Let 
us dare to say that this was a victory independent 

the victory of all questions of race, of time, or earthly rival- 

1 Henry IV. was then twenty-six years of age : " In turba procerum 
coeteris eminentior et major seipso videbatur ... in vultu terribile 
quoddam decus prseferebat. " ALBERTI LEODIENS. epist. de Vit. Henr. 
JF.,ap. GOLDASTI, Apolog., pro Imp. 

2 "Homuncio exilis staturse." WILL. MALM., De gestis reg.,lo. iii. 
p. 60. " Quanquam statura pusillus esset." LABB., ConciL, Fit. Gre- 
gorii F//., vol. xii. p. 230, ed. COLETTI. 


ries. a victory such as the Church has won by of humility 

J J over pride, 

thousands, though with less brilliancy such as the 
lowest of priests or the most ignorant of monks 
may still gain every day ; that is to say, a victory 
of humility over pride, of a vigorous and upright 
conscience over violence for a moment disarmed, 
of the soul obedient to God over rebellious human 
nature, of Christian duty over earthly passion ; in 
a word, a victory of all those supernatural powers 
which eternally constitute the divine independence 
of the Church over all the cunning and all the 
violence of her enemies. 

In his lifetime Gregory knew little success, ex- 
cept of a purely spiritual kind ; and this he bought 
at the cost of trials and disappointments the hard- 
est and most bitter, and which were constantly 
repeated till the end of his days. He foresaw this, 
and accepted it beforehand : " If I had been will- 
ing," he often said, " to let the princes and great 
ones of the world reign by the guidance of their 
passions ; if I had been silent when I saw them 
trample under foot God's justice ; if, at the peril 
of their souls and of mine, I had concealed their 
crimes; if I had not had righteousness and the 
honour of the holy Church at heart, ah I . . <> 
I might better have counted upon submission, 
wealth, repose, and homage more surely than could 
any of my predecessors. But knowing that a bishop 
is never more a bishop than when he is persecuted 
for right's sake, I resolved to brave the hatred of the 


wicked by obeying God rather than provoke His 
anger by guilty complaisance towards them. As 
to their threats and their cruelty, I pay no regard 
to them, being always ready to die rather than 
consent to partake of their iniquity and betray 
the good cause." l 

Gregory kept his word to the end, as is testified 
by his last utterance on his bed of death at Salerno, 
25th May 1085, the day of St Urban, Pope and 
martyr. "My beloved brothers," he said to the 
cardinals and bishops who surrounded him, "I 
account my trials as nothing, and place my con- 
fidence in one thing only that is, that I have 
always loved righteousness and hated iniquity ; 

1 "Si principibus et divitibus terrse vestrse regnare pro libidine, et 
justitiam Dei couculcare taciti consentire vellemus, profecto amicitias, 
munera, subjectiones, laudem, et magnificas ab eis hOnorifieentias habere 
possemus." Ep. ii. 12, to the Bishop of Halberstadt. ' ' Peccatorem me 
esse, sicut verum est, confiteri minime piget. Verum si causa odii vel 
detractionis eoruui qui in nos fremunt, subtiliter investigetur, profecto 
non tarn alicujus iniquitatis mese intuitu, quam ex veritatis assertione, 
injustitiaeque contradictione, illos in nos exarcisse patebit. Quorum 
quidem servitia et largissima munera, nos satis abundantius multis ante- 
cessoribus nostris habere potuimus, si ad periculum illorum et nostrum, 
veritatem silere, malitiainque ipsorum dissimulare maluissemus. At nos 
certe (ex hujus vitse termino et temporalium commodorum qualitate) per- 
pendentes nunquam melius quanquam posse Episcopum nominari, quam 
quum persecutionem patitur propter justitiam, decrevimus potius divinis 
mandatis obtemperando pravorum inimicitias incurrere, quam illis male 
placendo iram Dei provocare." Ep. ix. 2, to the King of Castile. " Tu 
ipse, amande frater, cognoscis quia si nos amor justitise et honoris Ec- 
clesiae non teneret . . . nullus aliquando antecessoruin meorum . . . 
tarn amplum et devotum servitium . . . habere potuerunt. Verum 
quoniam illorum minas et saevitiam pro nihilo ducimus, magis, si necesse 
erit, mortem suscipere parati erimus, quam impietatibus eorum assen- 
sum praabere aut justitiam relinquere. " Ep. ix. 11, to the Abbot of 
Monte Cassino. 


yet it is for this that I die in exile." 1 To which 
a bishop answered : " My lord, you cannot die in 
exile, for, as the representative of Christ and His 
apostles, you have received the nations as your 
inheritance, and the utmost parts of the earth for 
your possession." 2 

The bishop was right ; Gregory's was no exile. 
His was a death worthy of such a champion, the 
seal of a victory which posterity alone could value 
rightly ; for we may boldly affirm that he would 
have chosen well even if he had not foreseen the 
earthly triumph of his cause. Even if he had been 
vanquished, even if he gathered no fruit of his 
courage but defeat and exile, his glory would not 
have been lessened. But he succeeded; and the 
annals of the most remarkable earthly contests have 
guarded the memory of no success more complete 
and durable than his. He found the Church de- 
graded within, enslaved without ; he at once puri- 
fied and freed her. Thanks to him, the marriage 
of the clergy, at the moment when it was about 
to become a general law, disappeared ; and this 
principle, so vulnerable in all men commissioned 
to teach the truth, has never been seriously attacked 

1 " Ego, fratres mei dilectissiini, nullos labores meos alicujus moment! 
facio, in hoc solummodo confidens quia semper dilexi justitiam et odi 
iniquitatem, propterea morior in exilio." Part of the phrase is borrowed 
from Psalm xliv. 

2 " Quidam venerabilis episcopus : Non potes, Domine, mori in exilio, 
qui vice Christi et apostolorum ejus divinitus accepisti gentes hseredita- 
tem et possessionem terminos terrse." PAUL BERNRIED, Vit. Gregw., 
12, ap. Holland., p. 140. 


since his time : lie made celibacy the imperishable 
heritage of the Catholic priesthood. Thanks to 
him, simony was solemnly proscribed, and though 
constantly disguising herself under a thousand per- 
fidious shapes, has been completely extirpated from 
the bosom of the Church. Thanks to him, but only 
after fifty years of a war begun by his decrees and 
directed by his genius, the institution of bishops, 
the true basis of ecclesiastical government, ceased 
to be confounded with lay investiture ; above 
all, thanks to him, the independence of pontifical 
elections, annulled during two centuries by imperial 
usurpation, was guaranteed for all time. 1 
Gregory After his pontificate, the consent of the emperors 
successors was neither asked nor even offered, but he left to 

an autho- 
rity which hi s successors a throne which they might mount 

no human 

without an y human power daring to enervate and 
discredit their authority by claiming to control 
it. He left them yet more the most magnificent 
example of that mysterious and immortal force, 
always ignored by persecutors, because veiled under 
the sacred weakness of the Church, which survives 

1 " Ita plane persecution) bus indesinentibus, diversi generis sernmnis, 
atque ssepe csedibus sacerdotum nmlto felicius paritur Ecclesise pax, 
libertas aequiritur atque confirmatur Ecclesiastica, et salus quseritur 
animarum. Sic sacerdotes suos pugnare et vincere Christus docuit, 
cujus passionibus et infirmitatibus robur ac fortitudo, ac morte denique 
vita est fidelibus comparata. Mentiar nisi ista jam experhnento rerum 
prsesentium monstrari possint, per Gregorium nempe vindicatas e man- 
ibus principum Ecclesiarum investituras, liberam electionem "Romanorum 
pontificum postliminio restitutans, disciplinam Ecclesiasticam collapsam 
penitus reparatam, et alia immunera bona parta." BAKONIUS, Ann., ad. 
ann. 1085. 


them all, which they never provoke with impunity, 
and which always flashes out at the most unforeseen 
moment, to confound their cunning and exhaust 
their violence. In all these things Gregory VII. 
triumphed, and his triumph has lasted to our days. 
The only point where his work has not endured, 
although continued with equal courage and con- 
stancy by his successors through three centuries, 
the only point where the future has not completely 
justified him, has been in the establishment of the 
power of supreme arbitration between kings and 
people l a power which the greatest minds have 
always desired and admired, and which he believed 
that he drew honestly from the example of his pre- 
decessors, from the unanimous consent of Christian 
nations, and from the political and religious con- 
stitution of the society of his time. But he never 
pretended to bind the conscience of Christians by 
any solemn decree 2 on the subject of this power, 
which might be a benefit for temporal society, but 
was not absolutely necessary either to the authority 
or liberty of the Church. After having willingly 
recognised and invoked it, first kings, and then 
their subjects, thought well to refuse the maternal 
jurisdiction which the Church has now for a long 
time ceased to exercise or even to claim : kings 

1 Henry IV. of France and Leibnitz. See the latter's remarkable 
opinion in his Tractatus de jure suprematus, quoted by Gosselin, pp. 
471 and 511 ; and his Lettres & M. Grimaret. 

2 This is acknowledged by Fleury himself : Discours sur Vhistoire 
Ecdesiastiyiie, from A.D. 600 to 1100 ; 9, 18. 


have shaken off the yoke of those ideas and beliefs 
which rendered them amenable to the Church ; but 
as all earthly sovereignty needs a bridle and, 
thanks to heaven, this bridle will never be wanting 
others have set themselves up as judges of princes. 
As to the nations, they have united, in agreement 
with their masters, to overthrow the barrier which 
the Church had raised between the weak and the 
strong, and we are assured that it is a happiness 
and a progress for the whole of society to have 
silenced that grand voice which spoke so loudly to 
monarch and to subject. Is it so in truth ? The 
scaffold of Louis XVI., the partition of Poland, 
and the French Revolution, may bear witness for 
the one and for the other what they have gained 
by it. 



" Omnis pontifex ex hominibus assumptus, pro hominibus constitu- 
itur in iis quae sunt ad Deum, ut offerat dona et sacrificia pro peccatis : 
qui condolere possit iis qui ignorant et errant, quoniam et ipse circum- 
datus est infirmitate." H^EBR. v. 1, 2. 



Robert Guiscard and Anselm of Lucca soon follow Gregory VII. to the 
tomb. Abbot Didier, of Monte Cassino, appointed Pope under the 
name of Victor III. Heroism of the Countess Matilda. Norman 
princes in Sicily remain faithful to the Holy See. French monks 
assist in the Catholic restoration of Spain. Henry IV. defeated at 
Bleichsseld, August 10, 1086. Death of Burkhard, Bishop of Hal- 
berstadt. Henry IV. rejects the offer of peace made by the Catholic 
princes. Beautiful letter of the Count of Thuringia to the Arch- 
bishop of Magdeburg. Manegald, the monk, reconciles Alsace with 
the Holy See. Unsuitable marriage of Countess Matilda to Duke 
Welf. Urban II. restores the Sicilian churches, and makes that of 
Pisa metropolitan. St Bruno founds the Order of Carthusians. His 
death. The Lombard towns take up arms against Henry IV. Great 
distress of the Pope, who is succoured by Geoffrey of Anjou. Public 
confession of the Empress Adelaide at the Council of Placentia. 

GREGORY died at Salerno, on the day of St Urban, 
pope and martyr (25th May 1085). They buried 
him beside the relics of St Matthew the apostle 
and evangelist, for whom he had always had a 
special veneration. He was mourned by the poor, 

1 "De cujus obitu omnes religiosi utriusque sexus, et maxim e pau- 
peres, doluerunt." BERTH. CONST., Ckron., ad aim. 1085. 



the monks, 1 the Normans, 2 and all who had been 
his allies before God and man. Robert Guiseard, 
who had loved him as a son, with a constant 
and dutiful love, died a few months after him, 3 at 
the end of a victorious campaign against the Greek 
schismatics. He was buried, as befitted a champion 
of his time and his race, in a Benedictine abbey which 
he had founded at Venusia. 4 This great blow did 
not shake the cause of the Church. Gregory, in 
dying, did not leave an empire to be shared among 
his lieutenants : he had founded, in the breast of 
Christendom, a spirit henceforth imperishable ; he 
had taught all Catholics, all pure and generous 
hearts, to ally themselves against traitors and 
oppressors ; he had created of these chosen ones 
an army which might be often defeated, but 
would never be annihilated. Thus the death of 
this great man brought about no triumph for his 
enemies, no defection among the champions of the 

Meanwhile the dangers remained unaltered, and 

" Nunc monachi flerunt, monachus quia noscitur esse. " 

DOMNIZO, in Math. , ii. 3. 
" Dux non se lacrymis andita forte coercet 
Morte viri tanti : non mors patris amplius ilium 
Cogeret ad lacrymas. . . . 
. . . Quia magnus amoris 
Vivere dum licuit, nexus conjunxerat illos," &c. 

GUILL. APULIENS., b. v. p. 277, ap. MURAT. 

3 At Cephalonia, July 17, 1085. Robert had distinguished himself, 
as became a Norman knight and ally of St Gregory VII., by great liber- 
ality towards Monte Cassino. 

4 Historia Roberti Guiscardi, ed. Champollion, p. 320. 1835. 


the human means of opposing them were insigni- 
ficant. The death of Robert Guiscard seemed to 
expose the new-born sovereignty of the Normans 
to the dangers of a divided succession. Eome 
was, in fact, in the hands of the imperialists ; in 
Germany the Catholic party had but an inefficient 
head in its elected king, Hermann of Luxemburg. 
The first need of the Church was to find a worthy 
successor for Gregory VII. He had, on his death- 
bed, named four monks as candidates, whose zeal 
and courage he had known how to value : first, 
Didier, Abbot of Monte Cassino ; then Hugh, 
Abbot of Cluny ; Odo, a monk of the same mon- 
astery, Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia ; and Anselm, also 
a monk of the rule of Cluny, and Bishop of 
Lucca. 1 

For the first time then, for several centuries, the 
bishops and cardinals were able to proceed to the 
election of the supreme pontiff without regard to 
the imperial power, and thus to put a definitive seal 
to Gregory's great victory. Obedient to his voice 
and to his dying wish, the prelates chose the Abbot 
of Monte Cassino ; and in spite of Didier's abso- 
lute refusal, they undertook, in agreement with 
the Norman princes, to oblige him to accept 
their election. This resolution was fortified by 
the death of the holiest of the candidates for the 
papacy of Anselm of Lucca to whom Gregory, 
when dying, had bequeathed his mitre, as a pre- 

1 LEO OSTIENS., b. iii. c. 64. 


sage of the future. 1 Anselm, the minister and 
confessor of the Great Countess, had been, after 
Hildebrand, the chief support of the orthodox in 
Italy ; his benediction urged on the soldiers of 
Matilda to victory 2 his holiness attached them 
to duty, by conquering worldly passions in their 
hearts ; 3 and his zeal for ecclesiastical regularity 
forced him to declare that it would be better for 
the Church to have neither clergy nor monks than 
to have irregular ones. 4 The example and affection 
of Gregory had alone been able to console Anselm 
for having to abandon his monastic retreat and face 
the storms of the world. 5 Deprived of such a guide 
and friend, Anselm felt the sources of his life dry 
up, 6 and he quickly followed to heaven. He died 
at Mantua, 18th March, exhorting the cardinals, 
bishops, and knights gathered round his bed, to 
remain always faithful to the doctrine of the 
blessed Gregory, whose last words he delighted 

1 " Ille moriens mitram capitis sui transmisit isti, quasi potestatem 
suam ligandiet solvendi, sed et miraculi, credo faciendi." Act. SS. 0. 
B. ix. 481. He died on 18th March 1086 ; he was nephew of Pope 
Alexander II. 

2 Act. SS. 0. B., vol. ix. p. 479. 

3 " Milites domus illius, etsi nimium sseculares, in ilium tamen res- 
pexerunt omnes, plus ipsum quam naturalem dominam metuentes." 
Ibid., p. 481. 

4 "Se malle ut in Ecclesia nullus esset vel clericus vel monachus, 
quam irregularis et irreligiosus." Ibid. 

5 " Dum vitam rememoravit monasticam, quam se crebro deflevit 
amisisse, consolatus in eodem magistro est." Ibid., p. 482. 

6 " Ille fons erat : hie quasi rivus bonus ab illo fluebat et aridam irri- 
gabat. Ille ut caput . . . iste, quasi manus studiosa . . . iste sieut 
sol . . ." Vita, c. 26. 


to repeat : "I have loved righteousness and hated 
iniquity; therefore I die in exile." 1 

Monks and bishops disputed for the body of 
him who had done equal honour to the cloister 2 
and the episcopate ; schismatics rejoiced in his 
death. 3 But the Church was not quite widowed 
of his virtues and his courage, for the miracles 
wrought at his tomb inspired in Catholic Italy new 
energy for the struggle with imperial tyranny. 4 

The voices of the faithful pointed unanimously 
to Didier, the antecedents of whose life offered all 
the guarantees desirable. Sprung from the blood 
of the ancient Lombard princes of Beneventum, 5 
and nearly related to those of Salerno, he had 
early triumphed over all the seductions of the 
world. At twenty years of age, renouncing the 
brilliant marriage which his parents had provided 
for him as the only hope of their race, he one day 
left his servants, his horses, and his sword at the 
door of a church, and escaping by a private 

1 "Post omnia, dilexi justitiam," &c. Vita, c. 32. 

8 Bonizo, Bishop of Sutri, would not leave his body to the Abbey of 
Padolirone, where he had chosen his burial-place, because it was a de- 
pendency of Cluny, where he had been a monk. 

3 " De cujus vere tristantur morte tideles, schismatici gaudent." 

4 " Fideles S. Petri contra tyrannidem Henrici adhuc in came vivens 
multum incitavit, sed multo plus post obitum suum miraculis coruscans, 
eosdem contra eumdem persistere confortavit." BERNOLD. ad aim. 
1086. "Miraculis approbat quod sermone docebat. Omnes ergo qui 
in unitate catholica prseceptis domni papae Gregorii hactenus obedistis, 
gaudete et exsultate." Vita S. Anselmi, c. 27. 

3 "Ex nobilissima Beneventanorum principum origin e sanguinis 
lineam ducens." LEO O.ST., Chron. Cass., iii. 1. 


entrance, went to hide himself in a hermitage. 1 
Dragged from this retreat, he resisted the tears of 
his mother and the violence of his family ; and the 
Prince of Salerno conducted him surrounded by 
all his relations and the whole town, touched by 
so great a sacrifice to the monastery of St Sophia, 
which he had chosen as his retreat. 2 Being after- 
wards transferred to Monte Cassino, Didier there 
succeeded Pope Stephen IX. as abbot, and for 
twenty-eight years governed the greatest abbey in 
the world with a wisdom beyond comparison. 

The vast labours of this holy monk for the resto- 
ration and embellishment of his famous monastery, 
had excited general admiration. 3 Though his 
father had fallen by the Norman sword, Didier 
was able to live in friendship with Richard and 
Robert Guiscard, the leaders in the new conquest of 
Sicily, and to exercise the most salutary influence 
over them. His relations with Henry IV. were 
marked with the double stamp of moderation and 
courage. The emperor, following the example of 
his predecessors, claimed a special right to the 
adhesion of the imperial abbey of Monte Cassino, 
and summoned the abbot to come and swear faith 

1 "Quadam. die . . . quasi spatiandi gratia civitatem egressi . . . 
equos et gladium, quo tune erat accinctus, famulis pro foribus veluti 
servanda relinquunt . . . puer tarn nobilis, tarn delieatus, tarn dives, et 
prsecipue parentibus singularis. " Chron. Cass., iii. c. 2. 

2 Ibid., c. 5. 

3 We have spoken of this in the preceding Book, where the reader 
may see the details given by Leo of Ostia and Peter Diaconus in b. iii. 
of Chron. Cassin. 


and homage to him. Didier obeyed the summons 
to avert greater evils, but declared that he would 
take no oath, either to save the abbey or to earn 
the greatest honours in the world. He urged, 
also, that Henry had not yet received the imperial 
crown ; and that even when he should have done 
so, he, Didier, might reserve to himself liberty 
to choose between resignation and the oath de- 
manded. 1 

The pious abbot only promised to aid Henry 
to become a legitimate emperor ; and when they 
opposed to him a pretended diploma of Nicholas 
II. , by which it was stipulated that no pope should 
be elected without the imperial consent, he replied 
that " the Roman Church was mistress aod not 
servant ; that she was superior to all ; that no one 
had the right to sell her as a slave; that, if it 
had been possible for Pope Nicholas to execute 
the act of which they spoke, he would have com- 
mitted an injustice and a folly ; and that it was 
as impossible to allow that the dignity of the 
Church could have been compromised by the fool- 
ishness of a man without the good pleasure of God, 
as to believe that a German Icing could ever in 
future be permitted to institute a pope at Rome." 2 

1 " Se non modo pro abbatia, sed nee pro honore totius inundi id 
minime esse facturum. . . . Cum Roman! imperil coronam eum habere 
vidisset, tune si sibi videretur, abbatiam ab ipso reciperet, si vero no! let 
dimitteret." Chron. Cass., iii. 50. 

2 ' ' Apostolica enim sedes domina nostra est, non ancilla . . . ut earn 
aliquis quasi famulam vendat. Quod si hoc a Nicolao papa factum est, 


An imperialist bishop having replied to these 
words, that such language, if heard beyond the 
Alps, would raise the whole world against Didier, 
the latter declared that, " even if the whole uni- 
verse should league together against him, nothing 
would make him change his opinion. No doubt 
the emperor, with God's permission, may have his 
way for a time, and do violence to ecclesiastical 
right ; but he will never bring Catholics to sanc- 
tion his deed." l 

The man who thus avowed the principles pro- 
claimed and maintained by Hildebrand, was 
clearly the one who was fittest to succeed him in 
the throne of St Peter. 

Abbot After a year of interregnum, being sent to Rome 

Monte to supply the needs of the Church at the Pente- 


chosen cost of 1086, Didier became the object 01 the most 

pope by 

the name ardent solicitation s, and even violence, from the 

of Victor 

cardinals, clergy, and Catholics of Rome, who 

injuste procul dubio et stultissiine factum est ; nee pro humana stulti- 
tia potest aut debet amittere suam dignitatem Ecclesia ... nee, Deo 
volente, amplius net ut. Rex Alemannorum Papam constituat Romanor- 
um."Chron. Cass., iii. 1. 

1 " Potest quidem imperator ad tern pus, si tamen permiserit Deus, 
prsevalere, et vim Ecclesiastic* justitise inferre ; nostrum tamen consen- 
sum ad hoc nunquam poterit inelinare." Ibid. It does not appear that 
Didier ever had any other relations with Henry ; yet Stentzel, with the 
usual good faith of Protestants, does not fear to affirm that his conduct 
was always equivocal, and opposed to the party of Gregory VII. The 
only trace of disagreement between the two pontiffs is found in the in- 
terdict which Gregory laid upon Monte Cassino to punish Didier for 
having allowed a Norman prince to carry off the treasure which was 
kept there. Chron. Cassin., iii. 46. The nomination of Didier by 
Gregory on his deathbed, shows that he had completely forgiven this 
act of weakness. 


were determined to have him for pope. 1 But it was 
in vain that they knelt before him, weeping and 
imploring him not to abandon the Church to ship- 
wreck ; 2 the holy man replied, that being vowed 
to a solitary life, he wished to finish his pilgrim- 
age as a monk, and pointed out to the suffrages 
of his colleagues the monk Odo, Cardinal-Bishop 
of Ostia. But as the Abbot of Monte Cassino 
was the only one whom the electors desired, 
they, driven to extremity, dragged him to the 
church of St Lucia, 3 where, having proclaimed 
him under the name of Victor III., they succeeded 
in clothing him with the red cope, which was then 
part of the insignia of the papacy. 4 But, four 
days afterwards, the newly-elected pope fled from 
Eome ; laid aside, at Terracina, all marks of ponti- 
fical dignity; and took refuge in his abbey, as he 
had already sworn to those who laid violent hands 
on him that he would do. There he remained a 
whole year, firmly resisting all the supplications 
of the faithful, until he was forced to surrender, 5 

1 "Et Roman! omnes qui in fide catholic! gregis perdurabaut . . . 
episcopi et card males una cum clero et populo." Chron. Cass., iii. c. 

2 " Multotieus ad genua ejus, noimullis lacrymantibus, omnes pariter 
ruentes." Ibid. 

3 " In Desiderii duritiam stomachantes . . . statuenmt violenter cau- 
sam perficere. . . . Uiio consensu et animo ilium capientes, invitum et 
renitentem attrahunt." Ibid. 

4 "Cappam quidem rubeam induebat, albam vero nunquam ei potuer- 
unt induere." Ibid. 

5 "Tandem cum dux et princeps . . . &c., flentes ejus pedibus adja- 
cerent . . . coactus vix succubuit." Ibid., c. 68. 


overcome by the urgency of the Norman princes 
Jordan and Roger, 1 of Censius the prefect, and a 
part of the Roman nobles, who threw themselves 
at his feet at the Council of Capua. On Palm 
Sunday, 1087, the Normans brought the pontiff 
to Rome, and chased the partisans of the anti-Pope 
Guibert from the church of St Peter, where the 
orthodox pope was consecrated and installed. 2 
Eight days after his consecration, the friend of 
Gregory VII., already consumed by the malady 
which was soon to carry him off, returned to his 
monastery, but was almost immediately recalled 
to Rome by the Countess Matilda, who came to 
salute the successor of the great pope, whom she 
had so nobly defended. This famous princess, 
daughter of Marquis Boniface of Tuscany, and 
widow of Duke Godfrey of Lorraine, was, for ten 
years, the sole ruler of Tuscany, Lombardy, and 
Liguria, the vast domains of which her mother 
Beatrice, at her death, had left her the administra- 
tion. 3 During more than half a century these 

1 Jordan was son of Richard, first Norman Prince of Capua ; and Roger, 
the only son of Robert Guiscard. 

2 The Sunday after Ascension, 9th May. 

3 Beatrice, daughter of Frederic, Duke of Upper Lorraine, and of Ma- 
tilda of Suabia, sister-in-law of the Emperor Conrad II., was descended on 
both sides from the blood of Charlemagne ; in 1036 she married Boniface 
of Tuscany, by whom she had the great Countess Matilda, and who left her 
the enjoyment of his States. In 1063 she married Godfrey with the 
Beard, Duke of Lorraine, whose death we have elsewhere related, and 
who strongly opposed the imperial supremacy both in Germany and in 
Italy, and rendered important services to Popes Nicholas II. and Alex- 
ander II., although he has been suspected of having been led by views 


two illustrious women gave to the service of the 
Church not only their power and their soldiers, 
but also a most masculine vigour, tempered by 
profound humility. Beatrice, who asked that on 
her tomb, before all her other titles, should be 
inscribed that of sinner, 1 was worthy to be the 
mother of Matilda, all whose public documents 
commenced thus : " I, Matilda, by the grace of 
God what I am," &c. 2 Beautiful, accomplished, 
learned even, for her time, especially in languages, 3 

of personal ambition foreign to the noble nature of his wife and step- 
daughter. Godfrey had, by a former marriage, one son, Godfrey the 
Hunchback, whom he and Beatrice married in 1065 to Matilda, born in 
1046, and now become, by the early death of her brother, the sole heir 
of Marquis Boniface. This double alliance, between Godfrey with the 
Beard and Beatrice on one hand, and their children Godfrey the Hunch- 
back and Matilda on the other, was of the utmost importance to the 
independence of the Church, since it united in the same hands distant 
States, such as Lorraine and Tuscany, one of which gave access to Ger- 
many, and the other formed a centre of resistance to the imperial power 
in Italy. But the conjugal union of Matilda and the second Godfrey 
turned out ill; the prince allied himself with Henry IV., and died as- 
sassinated in 1076. See Dissert, on Beatrice and Matilda in Muratori 
and St Marc, History of Italy, vol. iv. pp. 1298-1315. 

1 " Quamvis peccatrix, sum domna vocata Beatrix. 

In tumulo missa jaceo quse comitissa." 

In the Campo Santo of Pisa is still seen the mausoleum, which bears 
this inscription, "encore plus grossiere que simple," as says the Galli- 
can philosopher St Marc. Hist, tf Italic. 

2 " Mathildis, Dei gratia id quod sum, or si quid est, or quidquid est." 
3 " Russi, Saxones, Guascones atque Frisones, 

Arverni, Franci, Lotharingi quoque, Britanni 

Hanc tantum noscunt, quod ei sua plurima poscunt . . . 

Omnibus ex istis equites habet alta Mathildis. 

Responsum cunctis hsec dat sine murmure turbis . . . 

Hsec Apices dictat, scit teutonicam bene linguam ; 

Hsec loquitur quin francigenamque loquelam. . . . 

Libros ex cunctis habet artibus atque figuris. ..." 

DOMNIZO, b. ii. , Prol. and c. 20. 


yet excelling priests or bishops in piety, 1 the coun- 
tess commanded the respect and admiration of her 
contemporaries. Nearly all North Italy was sub- 
ject to her. 2 Her strict justice placed a salutary 
check on the small tyrants who sheltered their 
violence under the imperial flag. 3 Round her, as 
in a tranquil harbour, bishops, monks, and Cath- 
olics, of all ranks and of all countries, exiled or 
despoiled by German oppression, found a refuge ; 
she often fed and clothed them with her own 
Heroism hands. 4 She herself, with knightly courage, led 
countess her soldiers to battle against the enemies of the 


Church, 5 for she hated them with the perfect 
hatred spoken of by the Psalmist, 6 Alone in 

1 " Ista sacerdotes de Christ! vincit amore . . . 
Nullus'ea praesul studiosior inveiiietur ..." 

DOMNIZO, 7. c. 

2 " Ad instar fortissimi principis totam terrain illam suo dominio sub- 
jugavit." Chr. Ursperg., ad aim. 1125. 

3 " Stabant o quanti crudeles atque tyranni 

ub specie justa, noscentes hanc fore justam ! " 

DOMNIZO, in fine. 

4 " Catholicis prorsus fuit hsec tutus quasi portus. 

Nam quos damnabat rex, pellebat, spoliabat 
Pontifices, monachos, clericos, Italos, quoque Gallos ; 
Ad vivum fontem currebant funditus omnes, 
Scilicet ad dictam dominant! tarn mente benignam . . . 
Vestibus e sacris rnultos haec nota ducatrix 
Patres catholicos vestisse quidein reminiscor." 

Ibid., ii. 4. 

5 " Oblita sexus, nee dispar antiquis Amazonibus, ferrata virorum 
agmina in bellum agebat fcemina." WILL. MALMES., de Gest. reg., b. 
iii. "Nullum fere periculum metuebat. . . . Quisnam potentum un- 
quam, ut ilia, deduxit exercitum." Vit. S. Ansclm., c. 18, in Act. SS. 
0. B., ix. 477-479. 

6 " Perfecto utique odio oderat exconimunicatos." Ibid. " Perfecto 
odio oderam illos." Psalm cxxxviii. 22. 


Italy, until the definite alliance of the Normans 
with the Church was concluded, she succeeded in 
resisting Henry IV., defeating his artifices, and 
triumphing over his military enterprises. 1 It was 
at her residence at Canossa, and in her presence, 
that unrighteous power, personified in Henry IV., 
was for a moment prostrated before the, justice 
and the majesty of the Associated with 
the glory 2 and the virtues of Gregory, she was 
associated also in the calumnies invented against 
the holy pontiff by ignoble adversaries, on account 
of the affection which existed between her and 
him. 3 Time cleared away this ignominy, and Ma- 
tilda continued to the Church, widowed of her great 
shepherd, the same love she had shown to Gregory. 
She came to support, with her authority and 
her respect, the newly - elected pope, as became 
one who, the moment she was mistress of her 

.V l " Sola resistit ei Mathildis filia Petri, 

Rex exardescens contra quam concitat enses." 

DOMNIZO, ii. 1. 

" Inventa est sola atque unica dux et marchionissa Mathilda in fide 
permanens . . . papae Gregorio obediens, totam se suae tradidit disposi- 
tioni . . . cui in remissionem datur ut, sicut altera Debora, populum 
judicet, militiam peragat." Vit. S. Anselm., Act. SS. 0. ., ix. 474, 
475. "Sola enim tune temporis inventa est inter fceminas, quae regis 
potentiam aspernata sit, quee calliditatibus ejus et potentiae etiam bellico 
certamine obviaverit." HUG. FLAVINIAC., ap. Pagi, 1199. 

- " Gregorium papam, cui.servit ut altera Martha." DOMN., L c. 

3 " Haec est mulier ilia de qua ab obtrectatoribus fidei et conculcator- 
ibus veritatis crimen incestus Sancto Pontifici objiciebatur. Cui si dees- 
sent meritorum laudes, hoc satis earn commendabilem redderet, quod 
cum tali viro dum exprobratur, dum cohvicia suscipit, dum improperia 
audit, approbatur, honoratur, Imidatur." HUG. FLAVIN., I. c. 


person and her states, had made the Roman Church 
her sole heir. 1 

Thanks to the army of the princess, 2 the parti- 
sans of the legitimate pope were able to snatch 
from the schismatics all Rome right of the 
Tiber, comprising Castle St Angelo, St Peter's, 
and also the island in the Tiber situated in the 
midst of the city. It was there that Victor 
established his residence, and received the homage 
of almost the whole Roman nobility. 3 But a new 
revolt broke out, on the eve of the festival of St 
Peter, among the numerous population which re- 
mained attached to the imperial cause and to the 
anti-Pope Guibert. It prevented Victor from 
celebrating the feast of the Holy Apostle, and 
obliged him to return to Monte Cassino, the crosier 
of which abbey he had determined to retain as 
long as he lived. This holy house, after having 
been the cradle of monasticism, was to serve, for 
a while, as asylum and true See to the papacy, so 
gravely endangered by the tumultuous disturbance 
of the Roman people. Reality is here in harmony 
with a vision which is said to have appeared to 
certain pilgrims. These strangers were journeying 
to Monte Cassino, when they encountered a vener- 

1 By .her first donation, made in 1077, and repeated in her second deed 
in 1102. Her mother and husband had both died in the previous year, 
and she had no children. 

2 " Acomitissaetejusexercitu." Chron. Cass., iii. 68. ". . . Anxilio 
et ope comitissfe . . ." 

3 " Omnem psene nobilium ccetum." Ibid. 


able old man, who was no other than the Apostle 
Peter, and who told them that he was going to 
take refuge with his brother Benedict, on account 
of the troubles of the apostolic city. 1 

Tranquil in the retirement of his monastery, 
and supported on one side by the Normans, and 
on the other by Matilda, the new pope thought it 
wise to send against the external enemies of the 
Church all the Catholic forces at his disposal. He 
assembled an Italian army, chiefly of Pisans and 
Genoese ; gave them the banner of St Peter ; and 
despatched them to Africa, for the purpose of there 
repressing the excesses of the Saracens, and also, 
no doubt, in order to effect a favourable diversion 
on the side of Sicily, where the Normans, under 
the son of Kobert Gruiscard, were still proceeding 
in their career of conquest. The expedition was 
fortunate : the fleet of the two republics came 
back loaded with spoil, which was chiefly con- 
secrated by the victor to the embellishment of 
churches. 2 

Meantime the anti-pope continued to devastate 
the imperialist provinces subject to his authority, 
and everywhere replaced Catholic bishops and 
abbots by simoniacal, disorderly, and ignorant 

" Canonicum senem. Percontantibus quis esset: Petrum apostolum 
se esse respondit. ... Ad fratrera Benedictum proficiscor, ut cum illo 
passionis meae celebrem diem. Romse quippe consistere nequeo, quia 
Ecclesia mea diversis procellis agitatur." Chron. Cass., I. c. 

2 Chron. Cass., iii. c. 70; BERTHOLP. CONST., ad ami. 1088; PAGI, 
crti., ad-ann. 1087, c. 3. 


clergy. 1 Warned by the indignation of the faith- 
ful, Victor, who had just confirmed the excom- 
munication and deposition of Henry IV., 2 assem- 
bled the bishops of southern Italy at the Council 
of Beneventum, where he renewed the anathemas 
pronounced by Gregory against the anti-pope; 
against those who should receive bishoprics or ab- 
beys from the hands of laymen, and against every 
emperor, king, duke, or secular person whatever, 
who should dispose of ecclesiastical dignities. 3 

The sovereign pontiff was also obliged to cut off 
from the communion of the faithful two men who, 
until then, had nobly combated for the good cause : 
Hugh, Archbishop of Lyons, and Richard, Abbot 
of Marseilles, who contested the validity of his elec- 
tion. Victor had resisted the unanimous suffrages 
of the electors so long, that he had a good right, in 
the interests of the peace and unity of the Church, 
to proceed against those who disputed the author- 
ity he had so unwillingly assumed. Hugh, hith- 
erto so zealous for the cause of the Church, that 
Gregory, when dying, had, as we have seen, named 
him among those whom he pointed out as his 

1 " Scelestos et illiterates, singulis urbibus, monasteriis ecclesiisque 
praefecit . . . dum non esset qui armato resisteret. . . . Catholici vero 
qui zelo Dei fidem ac religionem tuebantur, Victori papse adhserebant." 
Chron. Cass., iii. 69. 

"Litterse domini Papae in quibus . . . judicium sui antecessoris pise 
memoriae Gregorii papa3 super Henricum et fautores ejus apertissime con- 
iirmavit." BERTHOLD. CONST., ad ann. 1087. 

"Non timens seterni imperatoris judicium. ... Si quis item im- 
peratorum, regum, ducum. . . . Ecclesiasticam dignitatem dare prse- 
sumpserit. . . ." Ibid., c. 71. This council was held in August 1078. 


successors, was now, perhaps, misled by a move- 
ment of envy and ambition ; and in a letter to the 
Countess Matilda, he calumniated both the ante- 
cedents and the intentions of Victor, imputing to 
him a culpable complaisance towards the emperor. 1 
The archbishop nobly expiated this fault by his 
after-conduct ; and if it is true that ambition had 
inspired it, he was promptly punished for Victor 
dying a little while afterwards, 2 Hugh, being sus- 
pended, was naturally excluded from the choice of 
the cardinals, and thus left without a rival Odo of odo of 
Ostia, the only eligible candidate among the four under the 
whom Gregory had recommended. Victor, feeling Urban n., 

& J to succeeds 

the approach of death, convoked the bishops and victor m. 
cardinals at Monte Cassino, and presented Odo to 
them as his successor. 3 It was only, however, 
after another interregnum of six months, in March 
1088, that Odo, thanks to the exertions of the Coun- 
tess Matilda, was elected in an assembly held at 
Terracina. The Cardinal-bishop of Porto brought 
the adhesion of the Roman clergy, and the Prefect 

1 Hugh founded his accusation on the promise made by Didier, 
while still Abbot of Monte Cassino, to Henry IV., that he would inter- 
cede with the pope to obtain his coronation as emperor a promise which 
was in no way to be blamed, since he knew that Gregory would never 
consent to crown an emperor who should not have satisfied the Church, 
as Noel Alexandre and Pagi have well remarked. The letters of 
Hugh to Matilda are found in the chronicle of Hugo de Flavigny, ap. 
LABBE, Bill. MS., vol. i., and in COLETTI, Concil., vol. xii. p. 705. 

2 September 16, 1087. 

3 " Juxta Gregorii Papse statutum. . . . Accipite eum et in Romana 
sede locate, meamque vicem in omnibus, quousque id facere possitis, 
habetote." Chron. Cass., iii. c. 73. 



of Eome, Benedict, that of all the faithful laity. 
The bishops, cardinals, and abbots, 1 to the number 
of forty, after having prepared themselves by a 
three days' fast, declared that their unanimous 
choice fell upon Odo. His woollen frock was then 
taken from him, he was clothed in purple, and pro- 
claimed pope under the name of Urban II. Thus 
it was again a monk who, after Gregory VII. and' 
Victor III., was commissioned to preside over the 
Church in most critical circumstances. Urban 
was a Frenchman, son of a noble of Champaigne. 2 
After having received the instructions of St Bru- 
no at Kheims, he became a monk at Cluny under 
the Abbot St Hugh, who sent him as his rep- 
resentative to the Court of Gregory VI I. , at the 
latter's accession. Successively named Cardinal 
and Bishop of Ostia, and then legate in Germany, 
Urban was made prisoner by Henry IV.; and in 
this hard school was formed a character strong 
enough to continue the contest begun by Hilde- 
brand, and to. preach the first Crusade the 
greatest enterprise of Christendom. The day 
following his election, the new pope announced, 
by an encyclical letter to the Catholic world, the 
heavy charge which had been imposed upon him, 3 

1 In the first rank of the latter we find Oderisio, successor to Victor as 
Abbot of Monte Cassino : "ex nobili Marsorum comitum stirpe," says 
the chronicle. He governed until 1105. 

* His father was Seigneur of Lagery, between Chatillon - sur - Marne 
and Rheims. 

3 " Statim in sequenti die, missis litteris omnibus catholicis." Chron. 


and declared to the bishops and faithful the spirit 
which animated him. " Those who nominated 
me," he says, " declare that they resolved to do 
so by the authority and command of my predeces- 
sors, Gregory and Victor, of pious memory. God 
knows how great a constraint they have been 
obliged to put upon my desires and my will. But 
since, without ambition or presumption on my 
part, I have been forced to accept such a burden, 
it remains only for me to conjure you to continue 
faithful to the Church, to defend her, and to fight 
like valiant warriors in the day of the Lord's 
battles. As for me, have confidence, and believe 
that, eager to follow point by point the steps of 
our blessed father Pope Gregory VII., I will re- 
pulse all he repulsed, condemn all he condemned, 
embrace all that he loved, and confirm all that he 
thought good and Catholic." l 

After this, Urban, skilfully drawing upon the 
resources furnished to him by his monastic re- 
lations, appealed to his former superior, Abbot 
Hugh of Cluny. " I implore you," he wrote, " if 
you have any pity in your heart, if you cherish 

Cass. , iv. 2. This letter, the loss of which Baronius deplored, has been 
found by D. Martene, and published by him in Ampliss. colled, vol. i. 
p. 520. 

1 " De me porro ita confidete et credite, sicut de beatissimo patre nos- 
tro Papa Gregorio, cujus ex toto sequi vestigia cupiens, omnia quse respuit 
respuo, quae damnavit damno, quse dilexit prorsus amplector, qnae vero 
rata et catholica duxerit confirmo et approbo, et ad postremum in 
utramque partem qualiter ipse sensit, in omnibus omnino sentio atque 
consentio. . . ." Datum Terracinse, iii., Id. Mart. 


any recollection of your son and pupil, come and 
satisfy my ardent desires by your presence ; or if 
this may not be, send me at least such of your 
children, my old comrades, as I may consider and 
receive like yourself, who will fill your place near 
me who will in my troubles make me seem to 
hear your consoling words, taste the sweetness of 
your love, and know what concerns you and the 
congregation of our brothers. Above all, I beg of 
you, cause them to pray and entreat the Lord that 
He will deign to restore His Church, now so 
cruelly exposed ; and know that this is a special 
obligation which I impose on you." l 

His acts corresponded with this effusion of his 
soul. He tried to surround himself with monastic 
assistants. He raised his namesake Odo, also a 
monk of Cluny, to the dignity of Cardinal-bishop 
of Ostia, which he himself had borne before his elec- 
tion. He took two deacons from among the monks 
of Monte Cassino to be his secretaries ; one Leo, 2 

1 " Si qua tibi sunt pietatis viscera, si qua filii et alumni memoria. . . . 
tales de filiis tuis confratribus meis, in quibus te videam, te suscipiam, 
tuse consolationis in immensis perturbationibus positus verba cognoscerem, 
qui tuam caritatem, tuseque dilectionis affectum mini reprsesentens," &c. 
MAB., Ann. Ben., v. 1, 67, No. 55. This letter, in the copy of it given 
by Mabillon, is dated May 13th ; but, as he has himself remarked, the 
first part shows clearly that it was written the same day as the preceding, 
March 13th. . . . Some months later, by a diploma of November 1st, he 
confirms all the immunities and possessions of the monastery, where he 
had been regenerated by a second grace of the Holy Spirit, and received 
from Hugh the first lessons of monastic life. Bibl. Cluniac., p. 514. 

2 We must not, as Baronius has done, confound this Leo with the 
Leo who was author of the first books of the Chronicle of Monte Cassino. 
They were both monks of that abbey, and both Cardinals and Bishops of 
Ostia. PAGi,C7n*., ad 1088, c. 3; PETR. ViA.c.,De.vir. ill., cc. 30 and 31. 


distinguished by learning and eloquence the 
other, John, whom he shortly afterwards named 
Cardinal and Chancellor of the Church, and who 
was one day to succeed him under the name of 
Gelasius II. The pope then went to Monte 
Cassino, the palace and citadel of the sovereign 
pontiff: he there received a visit from Roger and 
Bohemond, sons of Robert Guiscard, and hastened 
to consecrate their expiatory gifts to the Abbey of 
Bantino, in Apulia, by going himself to dedicate 
the church, and by giving complete immunity to 
this monastery, which had been despoiled by the 
first Normans, and, moreover, impoverished by the 
sacrilegious usurpation of simoniacal bishops. 1 

The sons of Robert Guiscard were at this time in The Nor- 

man prin- 

arms against each other to dispute their father's of 

succession ; and as they agreed to acknowledge the 
authority of Urban II., he was able to become the Holy See 
mediator of their quarrels, and to bring about a re- 
conciliation and an equitable division. 2 In spite of 
their intestine dissensions, these valiant princes, 
in Italy as well as in Normandy, never failed 

1 "Quia monasterium ipsum . . . cum sacrilegis usurpationibus epis- 
coporum innumera lugenda detrimenta et indigne sustinuit." Deed of 
the pope, quoted by Baronius, ad aim. 1088, c. 8; UGHELLI, Italia sacra, 
vol. vii. ; D. RUINART, Hist. d'Urbain II. , c. 28. Bantino is in the 
diocese of Acerenza. We find also in Baronius, ad. ann. 1090, cc. 20-28, 
an important diploma given by the two princes, with the consent of 
their barons, in favour of the liberties of Bantino. 

2 The treaty between the two brothers was concluded in 1089, by their 
uncle Count Roger, and Cardinal Henry, Urban's legate. Roger had 
the duchy of Pouille and Calabria ; Bohemond, afterwards so celebrated in 
the first Crusade, had Bari, Otranto, Tarento, &c. PIRRO, SUicia Sacra, 
vol. Hi., not. Episc. Miazzar; ST MARC, Hist, of Italy, iv. 844. 


in their devotion to the orthodox popes, and 
their energetic assistance was never wanting to 
Urban II. 1 

King Philip of France, on his side, hastened to 
acknowledge the new pope ; 2 and Christian Spain 
soon rendered double homage to his authority 
and his solicitude. The day that Gregory VII. 
breathed his last at Salerno, Toledo, the ancient 
metropolis of Spain, was taken by assault from 
the Arabs by Alfonso VI., King of Castile and 
Leon ; 3 and the victor immediately convoked an 
assembly of lords and prelates, where a French 
monk of Cluny, named Bernard, was unanimously 
chosen archbishop of the illustrious see thus re- 
conquered. 4 Alfonso, who showed the tenderest 
devotion to the ancient abbey, contributed more 
than any one to the construction of the immense 
abbatial church. It was said that he had wished 
to become a monk there, 5 and had obtained Ber- 
nard from Abbot Hugh, in order to place him at 
the head of the famous Abbey of St Just and St 
Facond. The new archbishop desired to go to 
Italy to receive the pall from the hands of a pope 
who, like himself, was sprung from the ranks of 

1 " Normanni Catholico papse concorditer favebant ; verum inter se 
truculenter dissidebant." ORD. VIT., vii. 677. 

2 BERTH., Const., ad ann. 1089. 

3 May 25, 1085. 

4 "Convocavit regni proceres, et majores episcopos et abbates et viros 
religiosos . . . et communiter et concorditer elegerunt. . . ." RODER. 
TOLET., b. vi. c. 24. 

5 BARRON., ann. 1093, c. 10. A chronicle quoted by Baronius calls 
him "in conversatione Cluniacensis abbatis obedieutiarius." - 


Cluny. Urban did more than was asked of him ; 
he re-established the ancient primacy of Spain in 
favour of the metropolitan see of Toledo, thus 
gloriously restored, after 370 years of interruption, 
by the heroic efforts of Christian knighthood. 1 

Bernard, and the other monks of Cluny estab- 
lished in Spain, where their ascendancy was very 
considerable, contributed with all their might to 
the substitution of the Gallo-Roman liturgy for 
the Mozarabic ritual. 2 Another French monk, 
Adelme, 3 Abbot of Chaise-Dieu, had been present 
with the King of Castile's army at the passage of 
the Tagus. Mounted on his ass, he rode into the 
swollen river singing the verse of the Psalm, 
"Hi in curribus et hi in equis: nos autem in 
nomine Domini." The example of the good monk 
shamed the hesitating soldiers ; they swam after 
him, and the stream was crossed by the whole 
Christian army. 4 Adelme went barefoot to Eome, 
whence he returned to shut himself up in the Abbey 

1 "Lahore populi Christian!." Diploma given at Anagni, Oct. 15, 
1088. In Archbishop Roderick of Toledo, book iv. c. 26, may be seen the 
curious account of the anger of King Alfonso with the Primate Bernard, 
because the latter had made a church of the great mosque which the 
king had sworn to leave to the Moors. Alfonso wished to have him 
burned alive, in expiation of the perjury; but the Moors themselves, 
fearing the indignation of the Christians, obtained his pardon. Bernard 
succeeded, as legate in Spain, another monk, Richard, Abbot of Marseilles, 
of whom we have spoken in a previous book. 

2 "Monachi Cluniacenses, qui magna in Hispania auctoritate polle- 
bant, quique natione Galli erant, usus Gallicos, quantum poterant, intro- 
ducebant." PAGI, ad ann. 1091, c. 11. 

3 Adelme was born at, Loudun, in Poitou, of a great house there. 

4 RADULFUS, auct. Vit. S. Adelmi, in Act. SS. 0. .6., vol. ix, p. 870. 


of Chaise-Dieu. 1 The report of his virtues and his 
miracles crossed the Pyrenees. Queen Constance, 
wife of Alfonso VI., implored her husband to bring 
the holy monk to Spain, hoping that his example 
might sanctify their subjects. They gave him, at 
the gates of Burgos, a chapel and hospital, which 
became a famous abbey under the name of San 
Juan de la Vega, where he ended his life in works 
of charity and penitence, 2 but not until he had first 
propagated the strict observance of the Benedictine 
French rule then followed at Chaise-Dieu. The French 

monks as- 
sist in the seem to have been called upon at this time to take 


a gl or i us an( ^ considerable part in the Catholic 
restoration of Spain : on one hand holy monks, 
and on the other numerous knights, had hastened 
from all the provinces of France at Alfonso's call, 3 
when the invasion of the Almiravides gave fresh 
power to the Saracen sovereignty in the Penin- 
sula. The most distinguished among these French- 
men was the Norman William. 4 The presence 

1 "Balteumrailitare . . . prseeinxit, in cujus status exercitamentis non- 
nullos sago miles, corde monachus, transegit annos. . . . Ne ab amicis 
detineretur, intempeste nocte, cum armigero quodam suo . . . clam dis- 
cessit. Aliquantulum progressus, permutatis cum comite vestibus pre- 
ciosis, nudis pedibus iter arripiens," &c. BADULFUS, auct. Vit. S. 
Adelmi, in Act. SS. 0. B., vol. ix. p. 867. 

2 "Gloriosis facinoribus aulam et urbes illustrabat. " Ibid., p. 869. 
The Spaniards venerated him under the name of St Elesmes. He died 
in 1097. 

"Hoc accepto nuncio Gallorum proceres certatim milites congregant : 
denique tarn urbana quam rustica plebs se offert. Milites vero gregatim 
convenientes," &c. The noise of their coming alone put the Saracens to 
flight. Fragm. Histor., ap. DUCHESNE, Script., vol. iv. p. 88. 

4 " Inter quos unus Guillelmus . . . quern vidimus, et erat Norman- 
nus." Chron. Malleac., ad ann. 1087. 


or influence of men of this race, in Spain as in 
Italy, almost always indicates the preponderance 
of a deep feeling of devotion to the Eoman Church ; 
and, in fact, such had been the consequence of the 
alliance of the Normans and Catalans by the mar- 
riage of Eaymond Berenger III., Count of Barce- 
lona, with Matilda, daughter of Eobert Guiscard. 1 
In 1090, Eaymond wished to present his whole 
county to the Eoman Church, declaring himself 
the tributary and vassal of St Peter's successor, as 
much for love of God and His apostles as for the 
purpose of securing his independence with regard 
to other princes. 2 He added a special gift of the 
town of Tarragona, where Pope Urban hastened to 
re-establish the ancient metropolis, suppressed for 
more than four centuries in consequence of the 
Moorish conquest. " The Lord is just,"- said the 
pope, in the diploma relating to this recohstitution, 
" and holy in all His works ; and though His 
judgments are often incomprehensible, it is He 
who guides the revolutions of kingdoms and of 
ages. It has seemed good to Him, then, to restore 
lately the glory of Tarragona, while punishing 

1 GUILL., Apul.,}). iv. p. 270, ed. Muratori. 

2 "Ego Berengarius . . . amore Dei ductus, donaviDeo et apostolorum 
principi B. Petro, ejusque vicario Romanse sedis apostolico, omnem meum 
honorem . . . ut ego et mei poster! omnes . . . teneamus hoc totum per 
man urn et vocem B. Petri . . . ejusque Vicarii, persolventes ei censum 
. . . ut omnis hie honor sicut superius continetur, nullatenus transferri 
possit in alterius potestatis dominium, sed ego tantummodo et posteri 
mei in perpetuum teneamus hoc totum per manus principis apostolorum 
. .. . et successorum ejus B. Petri sedem canonice regentium." COLETTI, 
ConciL, vol. xii. p. 718. 


the sins of its inhabitants. For 390 years the 
Saracens had made of this city almost a solitude ; 
and behold, the Lord has put into the heart of 
Christian princes the thought of restoring it. Count 
Berenger, for the salvation of his soul, and with 
the consent of his nobles, has given it with all its 
territory to the blessed Peter. We take it, there- 
fore, under the special protection of the Holy See, 
and we confirm the liberties and immunities con- 
ferred by the Count." 1 

But the joy of seeing the almost simultaneous 
restoration of two celebrated metropolitans did not 
cause the sovereign pontiff to lose sight of the 
protection he owed to other sees in Spain. King 
Alfonso having ventured to depose and imprison 
the Bishop of Compostello, the pope issued a rep- 
rimand which breathes the very spirit of Gregory 
VII. : " The world is ruled by two powers the 
priestly and the royal. But the one is above the 
other, inasmuch as kings themselves must give 
account to the King of the universe. The pastoral 
office obliges us to provide, according to our power, 
for the salvation not only of the small, but of the 
great, that we may restore unhurt, to the true 
Shepherd, the sheep which He has confided to us. 

1 " Justus Dominus in viis suis. . . . Ipse transfert regna et mutat 
tempora. . . . Ipsi visum est, &c. B. comes pro animae suse salute, cum suse 
potestatis magnatibus non solum restitution! prsefatse urbis institit, sed 
et urbem ipsam et oinnem potestatis suse terrain B. Petro ejusque vicariis 
legal! stipulations tradidit," &c. Given at Capua, July 1, 1091. 
COLETTI, Condi, vol. xii. p. 718. 


We are bound, above all, to watch over thy 
safety, king, whom Christ has chosen to be the 
champion of the faith and of His Church. We 
pray thee therefore, glorious prince, in the name 
of God and His apostles, to cause this bishop to 
be restored to his dignity by the Archbishop or 
Toledo, and to send him to us with thy ambas- 
sadors, that we may judge him. Otherwise thou 
wilt oblige us to that against thee which we should 
do unwillingly." l 

While Urban II. thus corrected the excesses of 
orthodox kings, and saw the victorious Catholics 
of Spain declare themselves his vassals, he was 
himself almost a prisoner in the island of the Tiber, 
forced to defend himself against the snares of the 
schismatics who occupied half Rome and so poor, 
that he lived upon the alms of the Roman ladies, 
and even of women of the lower classes." 2 

The time, meanwhile, had arrived when he must 
occupy himself with the most pressing danger 
which menaced the Church the increase of power 
in the hands of the emperor, 3 the fomenter and 
protector of the schism of which the anti-Pope 
Guibert was pontiff. Though the imperialists of 

1 "Duo sunt, rex Ildefonse, quibus principaliter mundus hie regitur. 
. . . Sed sacerdotalis dignitas tanto potestatem regiam antecedit, ut, &c. 
. . . Sin autem facere nos erga dilectionem tuam compelleres invitos, 
quod nos quoque fecisse nollemus." COLETTI, Condi. , vol. xii. p. 752. 

2 ST MARC, Hist, d' Italic, vol. iv. p. 843. 

3 Like Cardinal Baronius and other Catholic writers, we give to 
Henry IV. the title of emperor from the time of his coronation at Rome, 
in 1084, although this ceremony was performed by the anti-pope. 


Germany and Italy were Guibert's only adherents, 1 
their support was formidable, on account of the 
number of German and Italian bishops who be- 
longed to the party. If, profiting by the hesita- 
tion of Didier, and the lamentable uncertainty of 
the two interregnums which intervened between 
the death of Gregory and the accession of Urban, 
Henry had been able to return to Italy at the 
head of a victorious army, he would no doubt 
have procured the triumph of the anti-pope, and 
assured for a long time the servitude of the 
Church. 2 But the hand of God detained the prince 
in Germany long enough to allow an energetic 
pope to reunite and direct against him all the 
Catholic powers. The Saxon people, who had so 
generously joined their cause to that of the Eoman 
Church during the lifetime of Gregory, was still, 
after his death, the principal bulwark of apostolic 
liberty. This noble nation, though distant from 
Italy, thus shared with the Normans the mission 
of repulsing or warding off the blows destined for 
the Church. 

Henry IY. had reawakened all their exaspera- 
tion against him, by placing intruders in the sees 
of orthodox bishops, and retaining the confiscated 
property he had promised to restore. The Bava- 

1 " Solus Henricus et pedissequi ejusdem Guilberto cohserebant. Galli 
vero et Angli aliseque gentes pene omnes per orbera Urbano pie obse- 
cundabant." ORDER. VIT., b. viii. p. 677. This assertion is not 
correct as regards England, as will be seen later. 

2 LUDEN, b. ix. pp. 238, 239. 


rians, his oldest adherents, declared against him, 
headed by their Duke Welf, an offshoot of the 
famous Guelphic race. The Suabians, who obeyed 
as their duke the son of King Rodolph killed 
fighting for the Church and the ancient laws of 
the Empire joined the Saxons. Henry, at the 
head of 20,000 men, chiefly raised in the Rhine 
cities, marched against the confederates. The 
latter, only 10,000 in number, advanced under 
the command of Ecbert, Margrave of Misnia, and 
of Hermann of Luxemburg, the prince whom the 
German Catholics had elected king : they drew 
with them a car surmounted by an immense cross 
and a consecrated banner, as the insignia of a 
Catholic army. 1 The forces met on the field of Henry iv. 
Bleichsseld, near Wtirzburg, August 11, 1086. 

Before the battle, all the Catholic army knelt while n, io86.' 
the Archbishop Hartwig, of Magdeburg, invoked 
the aid of God, in whose name they were about 
to draw their swords. 2 Unlike most medieval 
battles, this was a combat of infantry : Duke 
Welf, with his Bavarians and many Saxons, chose 
to fight on foot, 3 like the imperialist burgers. 
Those troops did no great service to their mas- 

1 In this may be recognised the model of the carroccio, so much used 
in the Lombard cities during their wars with the emperors. 

2 " Jamjam congressuri, omnes in terram prostrati, ccelum oratione 
penetravere, quain . . . archiepiscopus cum multis lacrymis et gemiti- 
bus effudit. Igitur in nomine Domini congressi." BERNOLD., Const., 
ad 1086, This writer was an eyewitness of the battle. 

3 " Welfo dux cum sua legione, et Magdeburgensis legio, relictis equis, 
pedites incedebant." Ibid., cf. STENTZEL, i. 528. 


ter ; the men of Cologne and Utrecht fled at the 
very outset. Henry defended himself bravely, but 
nevertheless sustained the most complete defeat of 
his whole reign. The Catholics immediately occu- 
pied the town of Wtirzburg, capital of the duchy 
of Franconia, and of the hereditary domains of the 
imperial house : there they re-established the legit- 
imate bishop, Adalberon, who had been ten years 
in exile. The Bishops of Salzburg and Passau 
were also shortly after restored. But as the em- 
peror united most indefatigable activity to great 
personal courage, he soon repaired the conse- 
quences of his defeat, and retook Wlirzburg. 
Before bringing back the intruded bishop, Megin- 
hard, Henry tried to win Adalberon over to his 
party ; but the latter would not even see him. 
He said to the princes sent on this mission by the 
emperor, " You may kill me, but you cannot force 
me voluntarily to see or speak with your king." 1 
Accordingly, he again quitted his bishopric ; and 
leaving his episcopal city, sought refuge in the 
Abbey of Lambach, which he had founded on his 
patrimonial estates, and where he died after four 
years of exile. 2 

The following year various conferences between 
the emperor and the Catholic lords, who called 

1 " Dicens se quidem posse mori, non autem flecti ut vellet unquam 
sponte sua regem Henricum videre vel alloqui." WALTRAM., De unit. 
Eccles. adversus Hildebrand. , vol. ii. p. 303, ed. Freher. 

2 He was son of the Count of Lambach ; the abbey still exists on the 
Traun, in Upper Austria. He died Oct. 6, 1090. STENTZEL, ii. 294. 


themselves the faithful of St Peter, 1 brought about 
no result. The princes communicated to Henry 
letters from, the new pope, Victor III., which con- 
firmed Gregory's sentence ; 2 they promised to ob- 
tain his recognition everywhere as emperor if he 
would only be reconciled with the Church : 3 but 
Henry declared that he did not regard himself as 
excommunicated. The princes then refused to 
treat with a public sinner who hardened himself 
in misdoing. They were, perhaps, encouraged in 
this course by a message from King Ladislas, of 
Hungary, who sent them word that, in case of 
need, he would come with 20,000 knights to the 
help of the faithful of St Peter against the schis- 
matics. 4 But though strong enough to make head, 
often with success, against Henry, and to hinder 
him from acting vigorously against the Church 
in Italy, the confederates wanted a military chief 
possessing sufficient ascendancy to -maintain him- 
self in opposition to the emperor. Hermann de 
Salm, Count of Luxemburg, the king whom they 
had some time previously elected, had shown him- 
self completely unfitted for his mission; and loaded 
with mortifications inflicted by his allies, had re- 
tired to Lorraine, where he died in 1088. The 

1 " Fideles S. Petri." At Oppenheim in March, and at Worms in 
August, 1087. 

2 BERNOLD, ad ann. 1087. Quoted before. 

3 " Eique adjutorium suum ad obtinendum regnum si de excominu- 
nicatione exire vellet, fideliter promiserunt. " Ibid. 

4 BERNHOLD., ad ann. 1087. 


most influential chief of the Catholics, both before 
and after this death, was Ecbert, Margrave of 
Misnia, an equivocal personage, selfish, but brave 
and skilful, who often deceived both parties, and 
was entirely without that loyalty and religious 
devotion indispensable to the Church's defenders. 
In an insurrection at Goslar, fomented by this 
Margrave, but the cause of which is difficult to 
Death of discover, the Church lost one of its bravest and 


P urest pontiffs, Burkhardt, Bishop of Halberstadt. 
Q n fa e eve O f h e outbreak, having just arrived in 
the city, drawn thither by a projected conference 
with the imperialists, who were ravaging the lands 
of his diocese, he had declared to his intimates 
that he felt himself too old and weary to continue 
the war, but that as long as he lived he would 
avoid, like a pestilence, all communion with tyr- 
anny, and that his only ambition was to find a 
refuge in some country, no matter what, where he 
might be for ever delivered from the sight of the 
tyrant. 1 Assailed in the dead of night by assas- 
sins, he was struck down with stones and clubs, 
and finally pierced by a lance, the iron of which 
remained in his body. They carried him, dying, 
to the neighbouring abbey of Ilsemburg, which he 
had reformed, and where he had chosen his burial- 

1 "Tyrannic communionis consortium tanquam letiferam pestem 
quoad vixerit fugiendam decrevisse. Ea propter id sibi potissimum cordi 
esse, quatenus . . . quodcumque sors obtulerit, exilium expetat, ubi 
non solum a communione, verum etiam ab aspectu tyranni perpetuo 
exsors maneat." Ann. Saxon., ad ann. 1088. 


place ; for the monasteries in Germany were even 
more than elsewhere the last asylum of orthodox 
bishops. He died there, singing a hymn to the 
Prince of the Apostles, to whom the last offering 
of his life was thus presented. 1 Some months 
later death carried of Gebhard, the holy Arch- 
bishop of Salzburg, 2 who had been restored shortly 
before to his metropolis by the swords of Count 
Engelbert and his knights. The monks of the 
Abbey of Admont, founded by this bishop, re- 
ceived his body, and graved on his tomb the fol- 
lowing epitaph : " He suffered for love of justice ; 
he endured exile through the hatred of the king : 
he preferred misery to schism. ... Eome, he 
obeyed thy decisions. . . . Faithful to the law 
of God, he feared neither king, nor violence, nor 
shame." 3 Henry wished to replace him immedi- 
ately by one of his own creatures ; but the Catho- 
lics of the province chose an orthodox prelate in 
the person of Thiemon, 4 Abbot of St Peter, a 
Bavarian noble, who had been a monk at Hirs- 
chau, which, as we have said, the holy Abbot 

1 " Hymnum : Jam bone Pastor Petre, altisona voce exorsus." Ann. 
Sax., April 6, 1088. 

2 Died June 15, 1088. 

3 " Propter justitiam toleravit et ipse rapinam ; 

Regis ob hanc odium fugit in exilium, 
Malens ille miser quam schismatis esse minister . . . 

Servans, Roma, tuo debita judicio. . . . 
Hie pro lege Dei nescivit cedere Regi, 
Vel cuiquam forti, vel quoque dedecori. 

ACTA S. GEBH., ap. CANIS., Lect. antiq., vi. p. 1237. 
4 Elected, March 25, 1090. 



William had succeeded in making a centre of 
Catholic resistance in Germany. 

Meanwhile Henry, fortified by the death of 
the Bishop of Halberstadt, by the submission of 
the Archbishop of Magdeburg, and the equivo- 
cal conduct of the Margrave Ecbert, was able 
again to attempt the subjugation of Saxony, 
and had nearly accomplished it when Ecbert sur- 
prised and defeated him near Gleichen in Thu- 
ringia. 1 Burkhardt of Lausanne, a bishop who, by 
a scandal unique even amidst the disorders of his 
party, was married, 2 and thus worthy to bear the 
banner of a schismatic emperor, was killed in the 
battle ; and another of Henry's most active adher- 
ents, Archbishop Liemar of Bremen, was taken by 
the young Count Lothaire, 3 son of a knight killed 
at Nohenburg 4 for the good cause, who thus, at 
the age of fourteen, began a life which he was to 
end in the imperial purple after having given 
peace arid freedom to the Church. 

Soon after this victory, Ecbert perished, assas- 
sinated by the soldiers of the Abbess of Quedlin- 
burg, sister of the emperor. The position of the 
Catholics was lamentable on account of the defec- 
tion or intrusion of most of the bishops. Only 

1 At Christmas, 1088. 

2 According to Stentzel this was to fulfil the words of the Apostle 
(unius uxoris virum, 1 Tim. iii. 2). It is unfortunate for Burkhardt and 
his modern panegyrist, that he was the only bishop of his time, Catholic 
or schismatic, who interpreted the Apostle's text in this manner. 

3 Of Supplingenburg. 

4 Victory gained by Henry over the Saxons, 1075. 


five could be counted in the ranks of the ortho- 
dox; 1 two of these, Adalberon of Wiirzburg and 
Hermann of Metz, died in 1090; but there re- 
mained Altmann of Passau and Gebhard of Con- 
stance, upon whom Urban principally depended, 
when, at this epoch, he resolved to interfere 
directly in the affairs of Germany. Gebhard 
was descended from the house of Lahringen, 
equally powerful and devoted to the Church ; he 
was a monk of Hirschau, and pupil of the Abbot 
St William. Urban had known him during his 
legation, and had himself consecrated him Bishop 
of Constance. By his letters of April 18, 1089, 2 
he constituted him his legate, and while renewing 
the excommunication in the first degree against 
Henry and the anti-pope, and in the second de- 
gree against their supporters and soldiers, he gave 
to Gebhard the powers necessary for modifying, 
with regard to the faithful, the consequences of 
their relations with the excommunicated, relations 
which became difficult to avoid during so pro- 
longed a war. The Catholic princes in vain re- Henry iv. 
newed their offers of peace and complete submis- offers of 1 

peace made 

sion to the emperor, on the sole condition that he ty the 


should renounce the anti-Pope Guibert, and re- princes. 
concile himself with the Church. Henry himself 

1 Hermann of Metz, Adalberon of Wiirzburg, Albert of Worms, Alt- 
mann of Passau, and Gebhard of Constance. BERNOLD, ad ann. 1089. 
The three first were imprisoned or driven from their dioceses. Cf. B. I. 
p. 165, No. 2. 

2 Cf. COLETTI, Condi., xii. 737. 


seems to have been inclined to do this, but the 
bishops ordained in the schism dissuaded him from 
it, in the well-founded fear that they might find 
themselves sacrificed together with the anti-pope 
in the future treaty. 1 It was necessary, therefore, 
to continue the war. These supporters of the 
revolt against the Church did not fight with arms 
only; besides warlike bishops, such as Burkhardt 
the married bishop of Lausanne, who died for his 
emperor on the field of battle, there were pleaders 
and preachers who spoke in the name of Holy 
Scripture, and took advantage of the calamities 
which fell upon the Catholics, to gain souls to the 
imperialist schism. 2 It was with this object that 
Waltram, intruding Archbishop of Magdeburg, 
wrote to Count Louis of Thuringia a letter in 
which he expatiates on the advantages of concord 
and charity, and invokes 'those texts on which 
so many have tried to justify the complicity of 
the Church with tyranny and wickedness. " The 
Apostle says, ' Let every soul be subject unto 
the higher powers. For there is no power but 
of God : the powers that be are ordained of God. 
Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth 

1 " Duces et comites fideles S. Petri cum Henrico colloquium habuerunt 
. . . quam quidem conditionem nee ipse multum respuit, si tamen in 
hoc ei principes sui assentiri vellent, videlicet episcopi, qui se cum 
Guiberto deponendos esse non dubitaverunt ... hi ergo penitus hac 
vice dissuaserunt ne S. Ecclesise reconciliaretur." BERN., I. c. ; cf. WAL- 
TRAM, Apolog. Henr. IV., ap. FREHER, Script, i. 296. 

2 " Ex nostro triumpho vos domino nostro Imperatori lucrifaciamus. " 
Epist. WALTRAM, ap. DODECHIN., in PIPTOR, Script., vol. i. 


the ordinance of God/ 1 And yet our friends 
would persuade women and ignorant people that 
they ought not to obey the royal authority. Will 
they resist God r ( Are they stronger than He ? 
But what says the prophet : ' All they that ivere 
incensed against Thee, Lord, shall be confounded, 
and they that strive with Thee shall perish.' 2 
Eodolph, Hildebrand, Ecbert, and many other 
lords have resisted the ordinance of God in the 
person of the Emperor Henry, and have perished : 
what has ended so ill must have had an ill begin- Eloquent 
ning." The Count of Thuringia borrowed the the Count 

6 of Thur- 

pen of Stephen, Bishop of Halberstadt, the worthy 

successor of the martyr Burkhardt, and addressed 
to the intruder a letter, of which these are some blug * 
passages. 3 " We say that your understanding of 
the Apostle's precept is wrong, and your interpre- 
tation worse. For if all power comes from God in 
the sense which you understand, how does it hap- 
pen that the Lord says by His prophet, 'They have 
reigned, and not by me ; they have made princes, 
and I knew them not' ? ^ 

"Augustine, explaining the Apostle's sentence, 
says, ' If a power commands that which is against 
God, then contemn the power and have no fear of 

1 Rom. xiii. 1. 2 i sa i a h x li. 11. 

3 We borrow Fleuiy's translation, B. 63, c. 52. Cardinal Baronius 
adds : " Hue usque litterse Waltrami quern nostri sseculi politici statuant 
sibi sui ipsorum dogmatis auctorem et defensorem." 

4 " Ipsi regnaverunt et non exrne : principes extiterunt et non cognovi 
eos." OSE, viii. 4. 


it.' 1 But let us listen to the Apostle, who himself 
speaks thus, 'There is no power but what comes 
from God ; ' and afterwards says, 'And those which 
come from God are ordained.' 2 Why have you 
suppressed this truth ? Why have you wished to 
veil from us the marrow and the bone of this 
sentence? Foreseeing by the inspiration of the 
Holy Spirit that there would arise one day in the 
Church heretics, such as you and your fellows, 
who would call evil good and good evil, who 
would change light into darkness, and transform 
the precepts of truth into arguments for error, the 
Apostle chose to cut short the conjectures of the 
reprobate mind by this addition, ' Those which come 
from God are ordained ; ' now show us an ordained 
power and we will no longer resist, but hold out 
our arms to it. But how, if a single drop of blood 
remains in your veins, do you not blush to call 
Henry IV. king, and to say that he is ordained ] 3 
Is he ordained to authorise crime, to confound all 
human and divine law ? Is he ordained to sin 
against his own body, and to abuse his wife in 
a manner before unheard of ? Is he ordained to 
treat as prostitutes the widows that come to him 
to demand justice ? " 

1 "Quod si potestas aliquia jubeat quod contra Deum sit, hie con- 
temne potestatem, non timendo potestatem alioquin." 

2 This is the translation given by Fleury, I. c., moving the comma of 
the verse thus : " Quae autem sunt a Deo, ordinatse sunt." 

3 " Miror si in te vel gutta sanguinis est quod non erubescis. . . . An 
ordo tibi videtur jus dare sceleri . . . uxorem propriam scelere omni- 
bus sseculis mundi inaudito lupanar facere? " 


Here follows a vivid enumeration of Henry's 
crimes and attacks upon the Church, upon the 
bishoprics, upon the abbeys sold by him or given 
up for often infamous reasons. 1 Then the pontiff 
goes on : " Excommunicated for his crimes by the 
Apostolic See, he will never have rule or power 
over us who are Catholics. You reproach us with 
hating our brothers, but God grant that we may 
never count Henry among our brothers or among 
Christians, who, deaf to the repeated call of the 
Church, should rather be considered a heathen and 
a publican ! We hate him, and we offer our 
hatred to God as a great sacrifice, saying with the 
Psalmist, 'Do not I hate them, Lord, that hate 
Thee f am not I grieved with Thine enemies f ' 2 
For this reason we strive to regard the enemies of 
the Church as our own enemies, and we hate them 
because they are the enemies of God, not ours. 
-. . . You preach to us peace with all men ; but 
you forget to add, with the apostle, ' if it may be.' 
Now it cannot be with the enemies of God. 
What said the divine Saviour, who is Himself our 
peace ? ' / come not to bring peace upon earth, 

1 "Etenim Constantiensem, Babenberg, Mogunt, et plures alias pro 
pecunia, Ratisbon. August. Strasburg. pro gladio, abbatiara Fuldens. 
pro adulterio, Monasteriens. episcopatum (quod dicere et audire nefas 
est) pro sodomitica immunditia vendidit, quae si impudenter negare 
volueris, teste ccelo, teste terra, omnes etiam a furno redeuntes scioli 

2 "Cujus odium pro magno sacrificio Deo offerimus, dicentes cum 
Psalmista : Nonne qui oderunt te, Domine, oderam, et super inimioos 
tuos tabescebam ? Perfecto odio oderam illos et inimici facti sunt." 
Psalm cxxxix. 


but a sword.' l What is this ? Why does peace 
bring a sword ? Why does it declare war ? To 
annihilate the peace of Satan, for he also has his 
peace, of which the Lord spoke when He said, 
* While the strong man keeps his house, his posses- 
sions are in peace.' 2 Oh, with what skill does 
the devil defend his house in these days by the aid 
of you, his satellites, who, armed with perfidy, are 
impenetrable to the shafts of truth and faith ! 
But our Lord may also come and vanquish the 
strong man, and snatch from him the arms in 
which he trusts. We are not wrong, then, in 
detesting -that false peace, more cruel than all 
wars, which the Psalmist thus brands, '/ detested 
the foolish when I saw the prosperity ofiheivicked* 
You tell us also that Pope Gregory, King Eodolph, 
and the Marquis Ecbert are dead miserably, and 
you felicitate your master on having survived 
them! But is it not better, to die well than to 
live ill \ Why not also felicitate Nero on having 
survived the apostles Peter and Paul 1 Herod on 
having survived St John ? or Pilate our Lord Jesus 
Christ ? . . . For us who have graven the Word 
of God on our hearts as on diamonds, we contemn 
all the .phantoms which rise up against the truth 
of God ; we glorify ourselves in tribulation ; we 
may be calumniated, proscribed, exiled, killed, but 
beat or vanquished never ! Our greatest joy is in 

1 Matt. x. 2 Luke xi> 

3 "Super iniquos zelavi, pacem peccatorum videos. "Psalm Ixxii. 


the glory of our fathers, who, in resisting the com- 
mands of princes, have gained a blessed eternity." l 
Thus spoke a Catholic prince by the mouth of 
an orthodox bishop, and such writings balance 
many battles. Scattered throughout Germany, 
they roused the zeal of the pontifical party, which, 
in spite of its recent losses, still counted numerous 
adherents, especially among the higher nobility of 
southern Germany. If the Saxons, exhausted by 
so many combats, resigned themselves, with the 
exception of Werner, the exiled Bishop of Merse- 
burg, to the emperor's yoke, the Bavarians, on the 
other hand, under Duke Welf, continued to offer 
to him an energetic resistance. The legate, Alt- 
man n of Passau (who died soon after), 2 left the 
Catholics of the banks of the Danube under the 
guidance of a vigorous chief, the monk Thiemon, 
now Archbishop of Salzburg, who was able, like 
his sainted predecessor, to endure exile, captivity, 
and all the violence of persecution. Condemned 
to die in prison, he felt the headsman's axe fall 
twice upon his neck. 3 

1 " Quse nos verba in memoria adamantina scribentes . . . omnem 
similitudinem extollentem se adversus veritatem Dei contemnimus ; et 
gloriantes in tribulationibus, calunmiari, proscribi et exterminari, deni- 
que occidi possunms : flecti vel vinci non possumus. Et cum magno 
tripudio illud . . . de patribus nostris exultamus, qui, contemnentes 
jussa principum, meruerunt prsemia seterna." DODECHIN., 1. c. 

2 He died August 10, 1081. 

3 "Surgensque dicto symbolo cum oratione procubuit, et cervicem 
super lignum extendit. Accedens lictor, totis viribus ensem adegit, 
sacrarn vero cervicem . . . secare non potuit. Tantum summa cutis vix 
tenuem velut lineam ictus, et quod solus ictus agnosceretur, accedit, 


The contest was, above all, warm in Suabia, 
under the direction of Gebhard, the legate of Con- 
stance, where William of Hirschau was still living. 1 
The holy abbot, not content with training courage- 
ous bishops, such as Gebhard and Thiemon, had 
also given a most powerful impulse to the internal 
and spiritual movement by which so many persons 
of both sexes and all ranks felt themselves drawn 
to embrace the monastic life in the character of 
lay brothers and sisters, 2 or to constitute themselves 
vassals of chapters or monasteries to which they 
rendered daily services, professing obedience to- 
wards the regular congregation. 3 Whole villages 
in Suabia were seen subjecting themselves to these 
voluntary obligations, and thus forming religious 
communities of a new kind. 4 Urban gave the 
apostolic sanction to this new manifestation of 
Catholic spirit, which had not failed to excite 

quod signum ulterius obduci, quamdiu in corpore vixit, non potuit." At 
the second blow the axe broke. ACT A SS. THIEMON, ap. CANISICM, 
Led. antiq., vol. iv. p. 637. 
. l He was martyred in Palestine, Sept. 28, 1101. 

2 July 4, 1091. 

3 " His temporibus in regno Teutonico communis vita multis in locis 
floruit . . . etiam in laicis se suisque ad eamdem coramunem vitam devot- 
issime ofFerentibus. Qui, etsi habitu nee clerici nee monachi viderentur 
. . . se servos eorumdem pro Domino fecerunt. . . . Se et sua ad congre- 
gationes tarn clericorum quam monachorum regulariter viventium de- 
votissime contulerunt, ut sub eorum obedientia eommuniter vivere et 
eis servire mererentur. . . . Innumerabilis multitude... . . Eisque more 
uncillarum quotidiani servitii pensum devotissime persolverent : in ipsis 
quoque villis filiae rusticorum innumerse conjugis et saeculo renuntiare," 
&c. BERNOLD., ad ann. 1091. We recognise here the type of the third 
order, organised in the thirteenth century by St Francis and St Dominic. 

4 "In Alemannia potissimum . . . multae vil-lae ex integro se religioni 
contra dederunt," &c. Ibid. t-\<i:. ;...V; i:(,..:ij 


much criticism, 1 but the good effects of which he 
had been able himself to appreciate ; for it alone 
consoled the Church for the coldness and defections 
which followed on the prolongation of the schism. 2 
Besides this popular movement, the principal 
nobles of Suabia, in accord with Duke Welf and the 
Bavarians, maintained the cause of the Church, and 
succeeded in repulsing the domination of Frederic 
of Hohenstaufen, the emperor's son-in-law, whom 
Henry wished to impose upon them as Duke of 
Suabia. Thus was already begun the rivalry be- 
tween the Guelfs and Ghibelines, which, after the 
elevation of Frederic's sons to the imperial throne, 
was to be, to a great extent, confounded with the 
permanent conflict between the emperor and the 
Church. 3 To oppose Frederic, and the intruded 
bishops who supported him, the Catholics elected 
Duke Berthold of Zahringen, brother of the legate 
Gebhard of Constance, and son-in-law of the ortho- 
dox King Rodolph, who had also been Duke of 
Suabia. 4 The Counts of Montfort, Hellenburg, 

1 "Quosdam accepimus morem vestrorum coenobiorum corrodent es 
quos laicos sseculo renuntiantes, &c. . . . suscipitis. Nos eamdeni . . . 
sicut oculis nostris inspeximus, approbamus, sanctam et catholicam nomi- 
namus," &c. Ibid. See also MABILL., Ann. Ben., vol. v. book 68, No. 18. 

2 "Multo ex Catholicis in partem excommunicatorum avaritia decepti 
sponte sua se transtulerunt." Ibid. 

3 Those of Coire, Bale, Lausanne, and Strasburg. Alsace and German 
Switzerland were then comprehended in the Duchy of Suabia or Alamania. 

4 Berthold, son of Rodolph, had first been opposed to Frederic by the 
Catholics ; but he died in 1090. Berthold of Zahringen, his brother-in- 
law, then replaced him. He was the founder of the present house of 


Toggenburg, Kiburg, and Bregens, and all the 
grand vassals of the province, 1 solemnly recognised 
the two brothers Berthold as dukes, and Gebhard 
as legate, at the provincial diet at Ulm (1093). 
They there also proclaimed the truce of God until 
1096, so as to protect monasteries, travellers, and 
merchants ; and this clause gained them the assent 
even of the towns always devoted to the emperor. 
Every count caused it to be sworn to in his 
county, by all the nobles and freemen. 2 Alsace 
The canon was kept in the right path by a regular canon 

Manegald , , i 

keeps AI- named Manegald. so learned that he was surnamed 


fui to the the master of the doctors? and already known by 

Holy See. * J 

his writings in favour of Gregory VII. He caused 
almost the whole of the Alsatian nobility to abjure 
the schism, and to be publicly reconciled with the 
Holy See. The emperor vainly tried to win him 
over; furious, he threw Manegald into prison, 
where he kept him for a long, time. This length- 
ened captivity was the reward of the unconquer- 
able resistance Manegald had so long and so gen- 
erously opposed to all attempts to corrupt him. 4 
Meanwhile Henry IV. had again started for 

1 We may point out among the proofs of the Catholic dispositions of 
tlie Suabian feudatories at the time the foundation of the abbeys of 
Neresheim in 1095, by Hartmann, Count of Kyburg, and Adelaide his 
wife, and of Isny, in 1096, by the Counts of Waeringen. 

3 STENTZEL, voL i. p. 549. PFEFFEL, Histoire et droit public de TAlle- 
magne, ann. 1092. 

3 ANON. MELLIC. in Fabr. Bibl. Eccles., c. 105. BERTHOLD, ad ami. 
1095-1098. Hist, litttr. de France, vol. ix. pp. 280-288. 

4 "In causa S. Petri, f erven tissimus." BERTH., ad ann. 1089. 


Italy, the principal theatre of the war. The 
Catholic party there had been weakened, in 1089, 
by the death of two of its most valiant defenders 
St Peter Igneus, Cardinal-bishop of Albano ; 1 
and the heroic Bonizo, Bishop of Sutri, and after- 
wards of Placentia, martyred by the schismatics 
of his episcopal city, who first tore out his eyes, 
and then cut off his limbs one by one. 2 In Sep- 
tember of this year Urban convoked a council of 
seventy bishops at Melfe, 3 where he published a 
series of canons, which were intended to confirm 
the sentences already pronounced against investi- 
tures, simony, the marriage of priests, and the 
presence of clergy at the court of princes, 4 and by 
which it was forbidden to all ecclesiastical per- 
sons to become the vassals of laymen? In the 
same assembly, the pope received the homage and 
oath of fidelity of Roger, son of Robert Guiscard, 

1 See above, the manner in which he gained the surname of Igneus, 
July 14, 1089. 


3 Labbe and Pagi have proved that this Council, wrongly placed by 
Baronius in 1090, was held in 1089 ; and St Marc (Hist, d'ltalie, vol. iv. 
pp. 840-849) maintains, with justice, as it seems to us, that it is the same 
of which Berthold speaks as being held at Rome in this same year. 

4 " Clericoruin acephalorum genus . . . qui in curiis morantur." 
CAN. 9, ap. BARON, ami. 1090. 

5 " Ne gravamen aliquod sancta patiatur Ecclesia, nullum jus laicis 
in clericos esse volumus et censemus ... si forte clericorum aliquis 
cujuslibet laicis possessionibus usus fuerit, aut vicarium qui debitum 
reddat, inveniat, aut possessione cadat, ne gravamen Ecclesise inferatur. " 
CAN. ii., Ibid. Urban, in this Council, responded to the complaints 
of several bishops, by forbidding the abbots to receive any new dona- 
tions with exemptions; he confirmed all the old ones. PAGI. Grit, in 
aim. 1090, n. 3. 


to whom he confirmed the possession of the Duchy 
of Apulia, by placing in his hands the ducal 
banner. 1 
unfortu- More and more assured of the help of the Nor- 

nate mar- 

nage of the mans, Urban devised a plan lor uniting and 

Countess . 

Matilda arranging the forces of which the partisans of the 

with the S & r 

y" n g .. orthodox Church could dispose in Italy and Ger- 

DukeWelf. J 

many. He persuaded the Countess Matilda to 
marry the young "Welf, son of the Duke of Bava- 
ria, one of the principal leaders of the German 
Catholics. The marriage was disproportioned, for 
Matilda was forty -three years of age and Welf 
only eighteen ; but for the good of the Church, 
though against the will of the countess, it took 
place. 2 It was impossible that harmony should 
continue between the married pair ; in the begin- 
ning, however, there was no disagreement between 
them. Welf showed himself, like his father, a 
vigorous champion of the pontifical cause, and 
became a source of great disquiet to the emperor, 3 
who decided to return to Italy, where he hastened 
to seize all the possessions of Matilda to the north 
of the Alps. 4 He then went down into Lombardy 
(1090), invested Mantua, one of the chief cities of 
the countess's states, and make himself master of 
it after a siege of eleven months. 5 

1 " Ligius ejus homo effectus . . . accepit per vexillum ab eo terrain 
cum ducatus honore. " ROMUALD, tfofern. Ckr. t ad. ann. 1090. 

2 " Invitam licet, jam provectioris setatis . . . imnquam voluit com- 
misceri viro." BARONIUS, ad. ann. 1089, n. 9. 

3 BERTHOLD. 4 DOMNIZO, vol. ii. p. 4. 5 April 12, 1091. 


The Komans of the imperial party again opened 
their gates to the anti-Pope Guibert, and for the 
third time since Gregory's death gained possession 
of Castle St Angelo. 

The Catholics were reduced to offer peace to the 
emperor; Duke Welf agreed to be reconciled to 
him if he would merely renounce Guibert, and 
restore the confiscated domains. Henry for the 
third time refused. 1 His triumph intoxicated him. 
The fall of Mantua soon brought about the sub- 
mission of all Matilda's states north of the Po. 
Ferrara was taken by the troops of the emperor, 
who carried the war to the south of the river, and 
began to ravage the estates of Welf, 2 to punish 
him for his marriage with the countess, and his 
alliance with the Holy See. 

Henry then made himself master of several fort- 
resses belonging to Matilda, in the Modena coun- 
try, and besieged Montevio, which was one of the 
most important of them. 

These successes terrified most of the vassals of 
the countess, who obliged her to try negotiations. 
Henry promised peace on the single condition of 
her acknowledging the anti-Pope Guibert; but 
this condition was indignantly refused, 3 which 
proves clearly that the independence of the 
Church was the true object of the contest. 

1 BERNOLD, ad. aim. 1091. 

2 Welf was grandson and heir of Azo, Marquis of Ferrara. 

3 "Hoc audire quidem nolunt aures comitissse." DOMINZO, vol. ii. 

p. 7. 



There was a conference held at Carpineta. 

Many bishops and monks were assembled there to 

examine the bases of a treaty. Bishop Heribert, 

of Keggio, insisted on the necessity of yielding to 

John, the the emperor's victorious arms ; but a monk, named 

monk, ad- ... 

vises the John. 1 protested against this conclusion. " God 

ance of the forbid," he cried, addressing the countess, " that 

such a peace should be made, for it would be con- 
trary to the honour of the Father, the Son, and 
the Holy Spirit ! Would you lose the fruit of so 
many efforts, so many labours, endured for Christ 1 
Do not cease the battle ; victory is there awaiting 
you ; the prayers of St Peter will obtain it from 
the Lord/' 2 

The assembly, carried away by these words, 
cried out that it would be better to die than to 
treat with Henry. 3 Matilda, all whose wishes 
agreed with this resolution, was rewarded for her 
constancy ; for the prophecy of John was soon 
fulfilled. The emperor's natural son was killed in 
attacking Montevio, and the emperor was forced 

1 Muratori proves that he wus abbot of St Apollonius at Canossa. In 
not. ad. DOMNIZO, pp. 372, 373. 

2 " Absit ne fiat, quia pax hsec est inimica 

Spiritui sancto, Patri, proprio quoque filio ! 
Ergo sudores aniittes, atque labores 
Tantos pro Christ! quos nomine sustinuisti. 
Ne titubes pugna, quoniam victoria multa 
De prope de coelo veniet tibi, dante sereno 
Christo pro Petri precibus. ..." 

DOMNIZO, vol. ii. p. 7. 

3 " Turba sacerdotum firmatur catholicorum. 

Ante volunt lethum quam regis denique foedus." 



to raise the siege. He tried to make up for this 
check by surprising Canossa, 1 and thus avenging 
the humiliation he thought he had suffered there 
at the feet of Gregory VII. But the inhabitants, 
encouraged by the prayers and hymns of John and 
his monks, defended it to the utmost. 2 

Henry then found himself forced to retreat, 
after having lost his banner, which, by Matilda's 
order, was hung in the church of Canossa, a glori- 
ous monument of the defeat of the perjured prince, 
who had carelessly forgotten all his promises of 
repentance, and thus robbed himself of the easy 
means of becoming the legitimate sovereign of 

Before the winter of 1090, Matilda reconquered 
all that she had lost south of the Po. Henry was 
obliged to take refuge in Lombardy, where Welf 
kept him shut up, thus preventing his junction 
with the King of Hungary, whose help he ex- 

Meanwhile Urban, driven from Eome by the 
success of the anti-pope, had sought shelter in 
the Campagna, in the ancient territory of the 
Samnites, under Norman protection. Without 
fixed abode, living on alms, but perhaps greater 

1 " At memor est factus Canossse quae mala passus. . . . 

Nunc ulciscendi tempus se credidit ex his. ..." 

DOMNIZO, ii. 7. 

2 " Cumque tubae magnse reboant, abbasque Joannes 

Cum monachis psalmos psallebat. . . . 

Abbas orabat, pugnabat plebs mem orata. ..." 

. Ibid. 



amidst the hazards and agitations of this fugi- 
tive life than in the lap of the splendid Roman 
Court, the pope carried into the exercise of his 
pontifical duties a marvellous vigilance and ac- 
tivity. He did not content himself with renewing, 
in a council held at Benevento, 1 the anathemas 
which his predecessors had fulminated against the 
emperor and the anti-pope; he also interposed 
daily in the general government of Christendom, by 
diplomas, by legations, by audiences granted to the 
numerous pilgrims who followed his steps in his 
exile, or by the dedication of churches, which rose 
in all parts of the country where he found an 
asylum. 2 That magnificent country, extending 
from the Bay of Naples to that of Taranto, con- 
tained, besides Salerno, Amalfi, Monte Cassino, 
La Cava, and many other places eternally asso- 
ciated with the glory of the Roman Republic. 
Lately opened to northern Europe by the exploits 
of the Normans, this happy land was, as it were, 
consecrated in the eyes of all Christians by the 
residence and death of Gregory VII., and also by 
the fact that it served afterwards for the abode 
and sanctuary of the series of great popes who 
followed Hildebrand. 

No Catholic traveller can pass through these 

1 March 28, 1091. 

8 Side by side with the constant largesses of the Norman conquerors 
to monasteries, we must point out, by way of contrast, the oppressions 
which Count William Tassio inflicted on the abbey of Casa Auria. 
MABILLON, Ann., I 691, No. 85. 


scenes, embellished by all the magic of nature 
and all the souvenirs of history, without remem- 
bering that it was amidst them that those fugi- 
tive but indomitable pontiffs who vanquished the 
world, and saved the Church in the most terrible 
crisis of its history, renewed their courage. Saler- 
no, above all, must have attracted Urban II. ; for, urban u. 
as he said, in a solemn diploma, to the archbishop imo, and 


placed over the see, " You have already the body the monas- 

* J J tery of La 

of the Apostle St Matthew, and those of the holy Cava - 
martyrs Fortunatus and his companions ; and now, 
in our days, God has deigned to confer upon you 
a new glory from the exile and the tomb of that 
Gregory of apostolic memory, whose uprightness, 
learning, and marvellous constancy are proclaimed 
by the Eoman Church, confessed by the whole West, 
and proved by the fall of vanquished tyrants." l 

Meanwhile the new church of the monastery of 
La Cava was finished. Urban went to consecrate 
it, 2 accompanied by Duke Eoger and a crowd of 
bishops, 3 cardinals, clergy, and laymen. In a bull 
addressed to the Abbot Peter, 4 the pope again bore 

1 " Apposuit etiam Deus tertii muneris claritatem tit earn iiostris tem- 
poribus Gregorii apostolicse memoriae VII. papae tarn exilio quam ttimulo 
illustraret. Cujus quam egregia jura (?) quam prseclara doctrina quam 
miranda constantia fuerit, Romana Ecclesia praedicat, Occidens universus 
agnoscit, tyrannorum pertinacia tolerat, et conculcata testatur." COL- 
ETTI, Concil., xii. 735. 

2 September 5, 1092. 

3 Eight bishops, eight cardinals ". . . cum immunera clericorum 
et laicorum turba." BARON., ad ann. 1092, No. 18. 

4 The holy abbot had refused to wear the mitre which Urban, in full 
council, had sent to him. Ibid., ad ann. 1091, No. 2. 


witness to his reverence for the memory of Gre- 
gory VIL, and his zeal for monastic liberty : 

" Firmly attached to the institutions of our pre- 
decessor Gregory, who had so much affection for 
this monastery, who brought you from the famous 
house of Cluny to be its abbot, and who so well 
secured the liberty of this house and its depen- 
dencies, that to this day it has remained free from 
all human yoke, we, in our turn, confer upon it, 
by this privilege, an absolute liberty with regard 
to all persons, secular or ecclesiastic." 1 He then 
enumerates the different indulgences and exemp- 
tions which he grants to the monks, 2 favours, 
whose object indeed was only to better guarantee 
the exact performance of all monastic duties. 

Duke Roger also associated himself with the 
pope's work. He granted to the monastery the 
tithe of the sea-fishery, guaranteed the indepen- 
dence of its jurisdiction, and confirmed, in ad- 
vance, all gifts or cessions of fiefs which his barons 
or vassals might wish to make to it. Leo, a holy 
abbot of La Cava, who had been repulsed with 
harshness by Gisulf, the last Lombard Prince of 
Salerno, when he came to beg the pardon of three 

1 " Prsedecessoris nostri . . . institutes tenacius adhserentes, cavent 
ccenobium, quod ipse singulariter dilexit. . . . Cluniacum locum ilium 
famosum dirigens inde te ut abbatem . . . adscivit, &c. . . . Nos quoque 
hujus nostri privilegii pagina communimus, et ab omnis tarn ssecularis 
quam Ecclesiastics personse jugo liberam omnino esse decernimus." 
BARON., I. c. 

2 He granted to the abbot the right of consecrating churches in the 
vast domains of the abbey, and many other privileges, which may be seen 
in the diploma, ap. BARON., and COLETTI, Condi. , xii. 722-727. 


condemned prisoners, had foretold to the prince 
that he would soon cease to reign. 1 Eobert Guis- 
card and his Normans shortly afterwards undertook 
to accomplish this prediction. Their new chief, 
no doubt remembering the circumstance, conferred 
on the abbots of La Cava the perpetual right of 
pardoning those condemned to death or other pen- 
alties, throughout his duchy, and specially those 
whom they might meet on the way to execution. 2 

This was the privilege which the Romans granted 
to vestals, and it reappeared, in the criminal law of 
Christian knights, as a tribute to true devotion and 
holy virginity. 3 The Normans gloriously continued 

1 ' ' Dum ad mensam cum fratribus sederet, tristis nuntius affuit, qui 
venerando viro tres homines privari lumine jussos a principe indicavit, et 
ejulans atque exclarnans subjunxit, dicens: Curre, pater, curre, quia 
jam miseri producuntur. . . . Pro crudelitate tua post parum temporis, 
hujus terrse dominus non eris." Act. SS. 0. B., vol. ix. p. 379. St 
Leo died in 1079, and Robert Guiscard dethroned Gisulf in 1075. 

2 " Concessit etiam vobis in perpetuum, ut in quacumque paite sui 
ducatus, tu vel tui successores personaliter fueritis, et unus vel plures 
homines ibi fuerint ad mortem, vel ad quodlibet supplicium judicati, 
possitis eos, sicut volueritis, liberare et ubicumque per suum ducatum 
transitum feceritis, obviosque habueritis in vestro transitu condemnatos 
qui ad suspendium vel decollations supplicium deportentur, valeatis 
eos, si vobis placuerit, facere liberari." This privilege, with others 
granted by Roger, are inserted in the pope's bull, ap. BARON., and 

3 This same privilege had been granted to the Abbot of Glastonbury 
in England, and to the Abbess of Lindau, on Lake Constance. HURTER, 
iii. 462. The Catholic spirit, so inexhaustible and so varied in its affec- 
tionate skill in the things of God, reproduced, with admirable similarity, 
the same fruits in the most distant places. The Reformation and modern 
policy have freed the world from these anomalies. The privilege here 
alluded to was abolished in a characteristic manner conformably to the 
spirit of the Reformation, when Henry VIII. caused the last Abbot of 
Glastonbury to be quartered at the door of his monastery, Nov. 14, 1538, 
for denying that the king was the visible head of the Church. 


their mission. Count Eoger, brother of Eobert 
Guiscard, and uncle of the young Duke of Apulia, 
had just completed the conquest of Sicily, then 
held by the Saracens. 1 He immediately occupied 
himself with the establishment of bishoprics and 
monasteries there : Palermo, Messina, Catania, 
Agrigento, Syracusa, and Chazzara were made 
bishops' sees by the pope, at the victor's request, 
and most of them received as their first bishops 
monks from Normandy, sharers in the first con- 
quests of their race in Italy. 

Urban, by the care he devoted to the regulation 

restores ' J & 

the Sicilian O f these different foundations, deserved to be con- 


plsaTme- sidered tne restorer of the Church in Sicily. 2 At the 

tropohtan same ^ me fa ra i se d the city of Pisa to metropolitan 
rank, and presented to it the island of Corsica, doing 
this at the request of Matilda, and in gratitude for 
the services rendered to the Holy See by this Be- 
public, and for its victories over the Saracens. 3 The 
cares of the sovereign pontiff were not bounded by 
Italy and its dependencies ; their wide extent is 
proved by the many deeds, 4 dated from these years 

1 By the surrender of Castro Giovanni, 1091. 

2 FLEURY, b. 64, No. 14. We refer to the learned dissertation of Car- 
dinal Baronius on the subject of the pretended ecclesiastical rights con- 
ferred upon Count Roger by Urban rights which were, later, the object 
of such grave dispute. Ann., ad ann. 1097, No. 18-143. 

3 Bulls of June 28, 1091, and April 22, 1092, ap. FLEURY, b. 64, 
No. 8. 

4 In re Cluny, Amiens, Marmoutier, Seez, Crespin, &c. He had, 
above all, defended the immunities of Fe'camp against the Archbishop 
of Rouen, himself a monk, but not the only bishop sprung from a mon- 
astery, and unfaithful to his origin. Happily the pope-monks never 
yielded to this tendency. 


of exile which relate to monastic affairs, and the 
liberty of episcopal elections in France and else- 
where. 1 At the very moment when the emperor, 
crossing the Alps, seemed about to fetter the 
papacy more than at any time since the death of 
Gregory VII. , Urban was able to reunite to the 
Holy See, by the closest bonds, two Frenchmen 
whose influence and services were destined to 
honour and fortify the Church Bishop Yves of 
Chartres, and St Bruno, founder of the Carthusian 
Order. Yves was not a monk, but he had been 
the pupil of Lanfranc at Bee, and being placed at 
the head of a community of regular canons at St 
Quentin of Beauvais, he had preserved during his 
whole career a lively recollection of the peace and 
spiritual pleasures of the cloister. He had com- 
posed a vast collection of canon law, known 
under his name, 2 and which retained great autho- 
rity until the publication of the famous decretals 
of Gratian. When Bishop Geoffrey of Chartres 
had been deposed after a long process at the Court 
of Kome, as guilty of simony, concubinage, and 
treason, Yves was chosen to replace him by the 
unanimous suffrages of the clergy and people of 
Chartres. 3 King Philip of France acknowledged 

1 Ep. 19, ad abbat. Fiscamn. See also Ep. 33, ad. Lamb., ap. 
Atrebat, No. 40. 

2 " Decretum Yvonis Carnotensis." 

3 He had to be forced to accept it. He wrote to the pope that he was 
not noble enough to be a bishop. Ep. 3. It is not known on what 
authority his biographer, Fronteau, wrote of him, "a nobili sanguine 
nobilem animum traxit." Vit. Yvon., in ed. Paris, 1647. 


him ; but not so the metropolitan Richer, Arch- 
bishop of Sens, who, being a partisan of Geoffrey, 
refused to consecrate Yves. The latter was obliged 
to go to the pope, who himself consecrated him at 
Capua, 1 and sent him back to France with a letter 
to the inhabitants of Chartres, in which he enjoined 
them to receive the prelate, as consecrated by the 
hands of St Peter himself. 2 And as Richer, far 
from yielding to the judgment of the supreme 
authority, wrote an injurious letter to the new 
prelate, in which he seemed scarcely to allow the 
validity of his consecration, 3 Yves replied by an 
ardent vindication of the Holy See, and by declar- 
ing all those who did not respect it to be heretics. 4 
Richer in vain tried to obtain his deposition by a 
provincial council, as having acted to the preju- 
dice of the royal authority in going to Rome to be 
consecrated. Yves retained his episcopal see, where 
we soon find him in the first rank of champions of 
the authority and discipline of the Church. 

Bruno, born at Cologne, of a noble and warlike 

1 In 1090, according to PAGI; 1091 according to MABILL., b. 68, 
No. 27. 

2 "Tanquam B. Petri manibus consecratum." Ep. Yvon. 1. 

3 " Non simpliciter benedictionem, sed qualemcumque hostili irrisione 
appellastis." Ep. Yvon. 28. 

4 " Cujus judiciis et constitutionibus obviare plane est hsereticse pra- 
vitatis notam incurrere. " Ibid. Urban II. had shortly afterwards to 
arrange a similar difficulty in favour of Lambert, elected at Arras by the 
clergy of the recently restored see. In spite of the strong opposition of 
the clergy of Cambrai (on which Arras had till then depended), and 
that of the King of France and the emperor, the metropolitan having 
been unwilling to consecrate him, Lambert went to Rome, and Urban 
himself consecrated him, March 19, 1094. 


race, 1 had been canon and schoolmaster of Rheims, 
where he taught Greek, Hebrew, and theology, 
and where he counted among his pupils the young 
noble of that country, who afterwards became pope 
under the name of Urban II. To avoid the dig- 
nity of Archbishop of Rheims, which was pressed 
upon him, Bruno renounced teaching and the 
world. Accompanied by his friends, two of whom 
were laymen, and the third a foreigner, 2 he went 
to beg a retreat with Hugh, Bishop of Grenoble, 
who had been his pupil at Rheims, and become a 
monk at Chaise-Dieu. 

On the eve of their arrival at Grenoble, Hugh 
dreamed that he was transported to the midst of 
the mountains of Dauphine, in the most savage 
and inaccessible part of his diocese. In his vision 
he seemed to see rising on the broken rocks a 
magnificent temple, while seven stars, coming from 
afar, paused over the roof of the building, and 
flooded it with their light. Next day, when 
Hugh saw seven travellers arrive, led by his old 
master Bruno, he understood that the vision was 
to warn him of their coming, and he himself led 
them to the place pointed out by the apparition of 
the seven stars. 3 

They could arrive there only by crossing forests 

1 It is said that his family bore the name of Hartenfaust or Strong- 

2 Landuin of Tuscany who succeeded him as Prior of the Chartreuse. 

3 I purposely abridge the story of the foundation of the Chartreuse, 
a story which has become popular, thanks to the pencil of Lesueur and 
the twenty-two masterpieces with which this great painter had decorated 


and precipices, so difficult of access, that they risked 
their lives on the journey; and when they did ar- 
rive, they found merely a narrow plateau surround- 
ed by pines, dominated by steep mountains, and 
perpetually swept by avalanches. 1 The travellers 
joyfully established themselves there, built an ora- 
tory and some cabins of branches, and gave them- 
selves entirely to contemplation, peace, and the 

st Bruno love of God. This solitude was called the Char- 
founds the 
order of treuse. and this was the origin of the order of 

Chartreux. ' t & 

Carthusians (Chartreux), 2 who at first bore the 
honourable title of Christ's Poor. By a mysterious 
exercise of the Divine Will, of all the monasteries 
which covered France, the Chartreuse alone has 
escaped the common and sacrilegious destruction. 
The new-comers bound themselves to follow the 
rule of St Benedict, but restored it to its primitive 
rigour, and modified it to a more hermit -like 
fashion. Isolated cells within the boundaries of 
the monastery were substituted for the common 
refectory and dormitory ; each of the thirteen 
monks (the number to which those of each house 
were strictly limited) inhabited one of them, where 
he ate, slept, and worked in solitude. 

the cloister of the Chartreuse at Paris, whence they were transported 
to the Louvre after the sacrilegious destruction of the monastery. 

1 On January 30, 1133, the cloister and cells of the first monastery, 
situated where the chapel of Notre Dame de Casalibus now stands, were 
buried, together with seven monks, by the fall of an avalanche. It was 
after this that the monastery was built on its present site. 

2 In 1084, Pauperes Christi, DUCANGE ; V- Pauper, PAGI, Crit., ad 
ann., 1086. 


They had few common services ; the conven- 
tual mass was only celebrated on Sundays and 
feast-days. On these occasions the solitaries per- 
mitted themselves the use of fish and chesee ; * at 
other times their sole nourishment was bran bread 
and vegetables. They cultivated but little of the 
sterile soil of their mountains, and lived only on 
the produce of their flocks ; it was forbidden to 
them to preach. 

The transcription of MSS., and above all that 
of Holy Scripture, was their principal occupation. 
" We will thus," said their statutes, " preach the 
Word of God, not by our lips, but by the work 
of our hands." 2 

Count William of Nevers, who was destined to 
end his life as one of them, having gone to visit 
them from devotion, was so touched by their 
poverty, that on his return he sent them a costly 
set of plate. They returned it to him ; but they 
gratefully accepted the parchments which he gave 
them afterwards, 3 and which they used in forming 
the rich library they shortly afterwards organised. 4 
This new branch of the monastic orders was in 
reality a rehabilitation of the eremitic life of the 
first Fathers of the Desert, but sheltered from the 

1 Prior Guigues says so expressly in the preamble to his statutes. 
Ap. MABILL., vol. v. b. 66, No. 65. 

2 " Ut quod ore non possumus, Dei verbum manibus prsedicamus." 
Statut. Guigon. xxvii., 4, ap. HURTER, iii. 578. 

3 " Bourn coria et pergamena plurima qu ad scribendos libros eis 
necessaria cognoverat. " GUIB. NOVIG., Vit. i. c. 21. 

4 " Ditissimam bibliothecam coaggerant." Ibid. 


dangers of an absolute solitude. Austere as the 
system was, it excited not only the emulation of all 
monks, but also the admiration and envy of all lay- 
men. Great troops of men, women, and even chil- 
dren 1 were seen, says a contemporary, soliciting ad- 
mission into the new fold of penitence and divine 
love. Meantime the number of houses was, at first, 
very limited. Bruno had lived six years at the Char- 
treuse, when an order of the pope drew him thence. 
Urban, amidst all the storms of his pontificate, had 
determined to call his old friend to the help of the 
Church; in 1090, therefore, he enjoined him to 
come to him, 2 and kept him near to himself during 
the whole of his stay in Italy, seeking assistance 
in all the papal councils from his knowledge and 
his affection. 3 Count Eoger of Sicily, who shared 
the special regard felt by Norman nobles for monks, 
disputed with the pope the possession of Bruno, 
and loaded him with marks of his generosity and 
tender affection. In vain he offered to the Car- 
thusian the Archbishopric of Keggio ; but when 

1 " Greges virorum feminarumque et immo decennes et undecennes 
infantuli." GUIB. NOVIG., Fit. i. c. 29. 

2 ' ' Per litteras ad S. Ecclesiae praestanda officia graviter prsecipiens, ne 
venire ad urbem cunctaretur." Vit. S. run., ap. SUEIUM, c. 16. 

3 " Papam solatio et consilio in Ecclesiasticis negotiis juvaturus." De 
institut. ord. Cartusiens., ap. LABBE, Bibl. i. 638. Ejus opera usus in 
celebrandis consiliis." BARON., ad ann. 1092, No. 12. These relations 
suggested to Zurbaran one of his finest pictures ; the pope and the saint 
in the dress of the time are represented alone, seated face to face. This 
masterpiece of the monastic painter, par excellence, was taken to the 
new museum at Seville when the Chartreuse of that city was changed 
into a china factory by a greed} 7 manufacturer, who does not even allow 
strangers to visit the place he has profaned. 


the saint, wearied of the life he led at the Roman 
Court, 1 had obtained his liberty, he accepted from 
the hands of the Count a monastery in Calabria, 2 
to which the pope allowed him to retire. Bruno 
soon quitted his solitude to go and baptise the son 
of Roger, who was one day to be the first Christian 
king of the Two Sicilies, and to receive the last 
sighs of the illustrious Count to whom is due the 
honour of having founded this kingdom. The Death of 

St Bruno, 

saint died four months after his friend, 3 and the October 
whole Church mourned him who had enriched her 
with a new legioii of soldiers and saints. 

Meantime, with the year 1093 there seemed to 
open a more favourable phase of the Catholic cause. 
The emperor, scarcely recovered from the defeat of 
Canossa, sustained a still more cruel misfortune in 
the defection of his eldest son Conrad, whom he had 
already caused to be crowned King of the Romans. 
This young prince, whose pious and pacific dis- 
position is praised by all his contemporaries, was 
revolted by the sight of his father's crimes ; above 
all, he was horrified by the odious attempts of the 
tyrant upon the person of his second wife, Adelaide 

1 " Cum tumultus et mores curise ferre non posset, relicitis solitudinis 
et quietis amore flagrans. " BARONIUS. After the Council of Placentia 
in 1085. 

2 La Torre, near Squillace. The saint drew the most charming pic- 
ture of it in his letter to Raoul le Vert, Archbishop of Rheims. See 
the deed in which Roger recounts the causes of his confidence in, and 
gratitude towards Bruno. BARON., ad ann. 1097, c. 14 ; SURIUS, vol. 
v., die 5th Oct. 

3 October 6, 1101. It is known that the Carthusian Order, by a 
unique exception, has never needed to be reformed. 


of Kussia. 1 An unnatural father, as well as an un- 
worthy husband, Henry IV. had wished to make 
Conrad, the stepson of the victim, his accomplice. 2 
Carried away by the most righteous indignation, 
the young prince fled and joined Matilda and her 
husband Welf, who were carrying on the war 
against Henry. Conrad fell, a few months later, 
into the hands of his father, who caused him to be 
imprisoned; but he succeeded in escaping, and 
being received with transport by the pontifical 
party, he was proclaimed King of the Lombards 
by the Archbishop of Milan. At the same time 
Matilda succeeded in rescuing Adelaide from the 
prison where Henry kept her at Verona. 3 The 
persecutor of the Church had thus to undergo a 
double punishment; his wife and son had both 
escaped, and having sought refuge in the ranks of 
his adversaries, raised their accusing voices to re- 
veal the horrible mysteries of the tyrant's private 

1 Some authors call her Praxeda ; she was the daughter of the Czar of 
Russia. He had married her in 1093, she being then widow of the Mar- 
grave of Brandenburg. He himself had lost his first wife Bertha, the 
mother of Conrad, who at this time was nineteen years old. 

2 " Incarceraverat earn, et concessit ut plerique vim ei inferrent, im- 
mo filium hortans, ut earn subagitaret. Quo recusante patris polluere 
stratum, eum Rex non suum sed peregrini filium esse affirmavit." AL- 
BERT STEDENS, Chron. in Schittir. scriptor. ; HERMOLD., Chron. Slavor., 
ed. 1659; DODECHIN., ad ann. 1093 ; in PISTOR., Script. Germ., vol. i., 
and ap. BARON., &c. This terrible story, upon which Henry's apologists 
throw doubts, is only too much in harmony with acts of the same kind 
with which the insurgent Germans always reproached Henry (see above, 
the letter of the Count of Thuringia); it is, besides, confirmed by the 
public declarations of the empress at the Councils of Constance and 
Placentia, as we shall see. 

3 DOMNTZO, ii. 8. 


life. His despair may be imagined ; it was so 
great that some thought he would kill himself. 1 
There was also a violent reaction against the prince 
in the very heart of that Lombardy which, for 
several years, had been the chief seat of his opera- 
tions. The great towns of the country declared The Lom- 

J bard cities 

against him, others announced that redoubtable declare 


municipal league, which, a century later, was to Henr y IV - 
be the bulwark of the Church and of Italian liberty 
against a new race of emperors. Milan, Lodi, 
Cremona, and Placentia swore to remain friends 
for twenty years, and concluded an offensive alli- 
ance against the emperor, the duration of which 
was also to be twenty years ; their soldiers, united 
to those of Matilda and Welf, occupied the passes 
of the Alps to prevent the arrival of Henry's 
German allies. 2 In Germany a similar movement 
broke out in the towns which hitherto had fur- 
nished to the emperor his most zealous partisans ; 
the burghers of Augsburg, Metz, Toul, and Verdun, 
drove out the bishops whom the schismatics had 
placed over them. These great news came to 
Urban in the depths of Apulia, at Traja, where he 
had just held his annual council, 3 and they brought 

1 " In quamdam munitionem se contulit, ibique diu absque regia dig- 
nitate moratus, nimioque dolore affectus, seipsum ut aiunt morti tradere 
voluit, sed a suis prseventus, ad effectum venire non potuit." BERNOLD., 
ad ann. 1093. 

2 " In viginti annos, conjuraverunt contra Henricum." Ibid. 

3 March 11, 1093. There were seventy bishops and eleven abbots as 
at Melfi in 1089. This Council published several canons as to degrees 
of consanguinity, and 011 the means of maintaining God's truce, &c. 


him back to Eome, where he was able to celebrate 
the feast of Christmas (1093). Guibert was with 
the emperor in Lombardy ; l but his followers still 
occupied the greater part of the city, and especially 
Castle St Angelo, the Lateran, and the bridges 
over the Tiber. The pope, concealed in the for- 
tified house of John Frangipani, 2 was reduced 
to almost complete destitution, and loaded with 
debts. 3 The account of this distress having 
reached the ears of a young Angevin noble 
named Geoffrey, 4 he, though as yet only a novice, 
started immediately with all the resources he 
could collect, to go to the pontiff's help, and 
reached him at night, in disguise, after braving 
a thousand dangers. A fortnight before Easter 
(1094) Ferruccio, who occupied the Lateran in 
Guibert's name, offered to give the palace up to the 
pope foi* a fixed price ; but as neither Urban him- 
self, nor the cardinals and bishops of his party had 
the means of paying, Abbot Geoffrey sold his 
horses and mules, and sent the price, with all that 
he possessed, to the sovereign pontiff, who was thus 
able to satisfy Ferruccio. The doors of the Lateran 

1 BERNOLD., ad ann. 1094. 

2 "In domo Joannis Fricapanem latitare." GOTFRID. VINDOCIN., 
Ep. 8. "In quadam firmissima munition e, prope Sanctam Mariam. no- 
vam." BERNOLD., Z. c. 

3 "Pene omnibus bonis temporalibus nudatum, et alieno aere nimis 
oppressum inveni." GOFF. VENDOC., Z. c. 

4 He was son of Henry Seigneur du Lion d' Angers, and grandson of 
the Seigneur du Craon, and a princess of France. Hist. Litt. de France, 
vol. xi. p. 177. He was consecrated abbot by Yves de Chartres, August 
24, 1093. 


were thus opened to Geoffrey, who had the privilege 
of being the first to kiss the feet of Urban II., re- 
established on the throne which no orthodox pope 
had occupied since the exile of St Gregory VII. 1 

Urban then went to Tuscany, summoned by 
Matilda, who was following up the success already 
obtained against the Imperialists. She brought to 
Kome the unfortunate empress, who, prostrate be- 
fore the common father of the faithful, related to 
him the shameful crimes of which she had been 
the victim. 2 Already in an assembly of German 
princes and prelates, held at Constance by the 
legate Gebhard, 3 the empress had denounced the 
outrages which she had endured from her un- 
worthy husband. 4 She renewed these terrible 
accusations before the most solemn tribunal in the 
world, at the general council convoked by the 
pope at Placentia, in the midst of the district 
formerly most infected by the Imperialist schism 

1 " Flens accessi ad eura dicens ut secure cum Ferruccio iniret pactum. 
Ibi aurum et argentum, nummos, mulas et equos expend! : et sic Latera- 
nense habuimus, et intravimus Palatium. Ubi ego primus osculatus 
sum Domini papse pedem, in sede videlicet apostolica, in qua longe ante 
catholicus non sederat papa." Ibid. 

2 " Quse susceptam reginam ad venerabilem perduxit Urbanum. . . . 
Cujus provoluta pedibus, profusis lacrymis ac intimis singultibus om- 
nem suse, quam pertulerat, calamitatis intimavit miseriam." DODE- 
CHINUS, I, c. 

8 At Easter, 1094. This council forbade people, under pain of excommu- 
nication, to be present at the services of the simoniacal or married priests. 

4 " Querimonia Praxedis regina3 . . . pervenit, quae se tan tas tarn que 
inauditas fornicationum spurcitias, et a tantis passam fuisse conquesta 
est, ut etiam apud inimicos fugam suam facillime excusaret, omnesque 
catholicos ad compassionem tantarum injuriarum sibi conciliaret. " 
BERNOLD., ad ann. 1094. 



(March 1095). 1 To this solemn assembly came 
the bishops of Italy, France, Burgundy, and Ger- 
many, to the number of 200, more than 4000 
clerks and monks, and 30,000 laymen. No church 
being able to contain such a crowd, the council 
had to be held in the open air outside the town. 
Adelaide appeared, and after a public confession of 
the horrible excesses to which her husband had 
condemned her, she obtained absolution for the 
involuntary part she had taken in them, 2 while a 
new excommunication was fulminated against her 
unworthy husband. 3 Meantime King Philip of 

1 "In media Longobardia inter ipsos schismaticos et contra ipsos. 
BERNOLD., ad ann. 1095. Primus erat mensis quo nascitur humor in 
herbis." DOMNIZO, ii. 8. 

2 "Cujus querimoniam Dominus Papa cum S. Synodo satis miser- 
icorditer suscepit, eo quod ipsam tantas spurcitias non tarn commisisse 
quam invitam pertulisse pro certo cognoverit. Unde et de pcenitentia 
pro hujusmodi flagitiis injungenda illam absolvit. BERNOLD., I. c. 
Heuricum denuo excommunicavit pro illicitis ac nefandis, omnibusque 
sasculis inauditis rebus in legitima uxore perpetratis. " DODECHIN., I. c. 
Adelaide returned to Russia, where she ended her days in a cloister. 

3 Among Henry's contemporary apologists, one only (Vit., Henric., 
Anon., ap. Urstir) accuses Matilda of having won over the young King 
Conrad ; and they all keep prudent silence as to the overwhelming accusa- 
tions of Adelaide. Protestant historians are less embarrassed, and show 
themselves only the more disposed to defend their hero. Let us take, 
for example, among the most learned of the moderns, MM. Liiden and 
Stentzel. Liiden, to explain the double accusation of wife and son, in- 
vents the most extraordinary explanation. According to him, Conrad 
and Adelaide must have been carried off from Verona by Matilda, who, 
in league with the pope, taught them their lesson, and dictated to 
Adelaide the infamous accusation she was to bring against her hus- 
band. He quotes no contemporary authority whatever in his short but 
laborious dissertation on the subject, b. xix. c. 11, No. 17, vol. ix. : 
"I cannot," he says, "understand the matter otherwise." This is a 
satisfactory reason to give to a conscientious reader ! Thus the pope, 
the Countess Matilda, the empress, the young king, the council of Ger- 
man princes and prelates at Constance, the general council of Placentia, 


France, who had been excommunicated the pre- 
vious year for bigamy, in a council held at Autun, 
had been cited before that of Placentia ; but he 
asked a delay, which the pope granted. The am- 
bassadors of Alexis Comnenus, emperor of the 
East, came thither also to beg humbly from the 
pope and Christians of the West some help against 
the infidels who were already menacing Constanti- 
nople. Urban, without making an obstacle of the 
schism which was infecting the Byzantine Church, 
exhorted the Catholics to give this help, and many 
engaged themselves by oath in the enterprise. 

The council afterwards regulated a number of 
points of discipline, and renewed the previous con- 
demnations against the heresy of Bdrenger and 
against simoniacs and married priests. The pope 

and contemporary historians, must all have been dupes or instruments of 
an abominable pretence ! This hypothesis is accepted as more admissible 
than the crime of a single man, because this man, in this quality as 
enemy of the Church, was one of the precursors of modern wisdom! 
M. Liiden cannot understand it otherwise ! As to M. Stentzel (vol. i. 
p. 552), he does not seek to deny the fact ; but, like Liiden (vol. ix. 
p. 246), he feels indignation not at the crimes committed by Henry 
against the person of his wife, but at the effrontery of the latter, who 
dared to complain openly in a council! "It may be," he says, to 
excuse not the victim but the executioner, "that this woman, being 
of a colder nature (she was a Russian), may have felt a repugnance for 
the excessive voluptuousness to which her husband subjected her." 
These incredible words should be quoted in the original: "Es mag 
seyn dass dieser Frau von kselterm Blute die auschereifende Wolluste 
zuwider war, zu der sie von Ihrem Gemahl genusbraucht werden 
mcechte." So that if she had had the warm blood of a Spaniard or 
Italian, nothing would have been more simple ! This is how history is 
written ! Is not this a case to recall the words of the Count de Maistre, 
referring to writers of this school, " They have no sympathy for anything 
but crime " ? 


then went to Cremona, where the young King 
Conrad joined him, served as his squire on his 
entrance to the city, and took an oath of fidelity 
to him. Urban received the prince as a son of 
the Koman Church, 1 arid promised to help him to 
obtain the imperial crown on condition of his 
renouncing the right of investiture. He then be- 
trothed him to the daughter of Count Koger of 
Sicily, so that the three powers of the Church party 
in Italy Matilda, the Normans, and the young 
king found themselves united by new bonds. 
This happy position of affairs 2 allowed the pope 
to travel into France, whither most important 
matters called him. 

1 "Officium stratoris exhibuit. ... In filium S. Romans Ecclesire 
recepit." BERN., arm. 1095. 

- "Rebus in Longobardia bene dipositis." Ibid. 




Yves de Chartres protests against the adultery of the King of France. 
Indomitable firmness of the Bishop of Chartres. The legate Hugh, 
Archbishop of Lyons, also defends the laws of marriage. Triumph of 
Yves de Chartres in defence of the purity of marriage, and the equality 
of. duties between the two sexes. Piety survives among women. 
They pay the debt of their mothers. 

IN 1092, King Philip of France was so com- 
pletely seduced by the beauty and artifices of Ber- 
trade de Montfort, 1 wife of Fulk le Ke*chin, Count 
of Anjou, that he repudiated his lawful wife 
Bertha, 2 by whom he had already four children, 

1 "Conscia nobilitatis et pulchritudinis suse." ORD. VITAL., vii. 
699. This historian adds that, fearing to be sent away by her husband, 
as his two previous wives had been, Bertrade sent an agent to the king 
to induce him to carry her off. She was daughter of the Count of Mont- 
fort and Agnes d'Evreux. 

2 Bertha was daughter of the Count of Friesland and Holland. Her 
misfortunes had been foretold to her as a punishment for the crime she 
had committed in expelling Abbot Gerald from the monastery of St 
Medard. "Si tu fratrem Geraldum hinc ejeceris, Deo vindice, tu quoque 
ante tuum obitum e regno extruderis, contemptaque et cerumnosa morieris." 
She died, in fact, two years after her repudiation, exiled to Montrenil in 
Ponthieu "illic plebeio more defunctam et sepultam." Vit. S. Arnulph., 
in Act. SS. 0. B., vol. ix. 


and carried Bertrade off from her husband, to 
marry her himself. 
Protest of The Bishop of Senlis 1 had had the criminal 

Yves de 

chartres weakness to bless this unlawful marriage, and 


raHt m oT" otner prelates of the kingdom, invited by the king, 
ofFnmce seeme( i to act as accomplices, 2 when Yves de 
Chartres, who had already protested by his ab- 
sence, thought it his duty to address directly to 
Philip and the bishops the following remonstrance : 
" Most magnificent lord, Philip, King of the 
French, I, Yves, the humble bishop of the Char- 
trains, ardently desire that you should govern 
your terrestrial kingdom so that you may not de- 
serve to be banished from the eternal kingdom. I 
will once more say to your serenity from a distance 
what I have already said viva voce I neither can 
nor will assist at your marriage until I have learned, 
by the decision of a council, whether your divorce 
and your new union are lawful. . . . Out of respect 
for my conscience, which I desire to keep pure 
before God, and that I may preserve the good 
fame which a priest of Christ ought to be honoured 
with before the faithful, I would rather be thrown 
into the depths of the sea with a millstone round 
my neck than be a stumbling-block to the weak. 
And when I speak thus, far from failing in the 

1 Not, as Ordericus Vitalis says, the Bishop of Bayeux. See PAGI, 
Grit, in ann. 1094. 

2 "Et quod scelestius est, invenit Galliarum episcopos, qui foverint 
adeo nefandis criminibus, uno contradicente omnibus illis Yvoiie." 
BARON., ad ann. 1094, c. 10. 


fidelity I owe to you, I give you the greatest proof 
of it; for I think you are exposing your soul to the 
gravest peril, and your crown to a real danger." l 

The prelate sent copies of this letter to the other 
bishops invited, with a circular, in which he spoke 
to them thus : " You have the same reason as I 
for not assisting at this scandalous marriage. Do 
riot then be like dumb dogs, unable to bark ; but, 
on the contrary, show yourselves good guardians, 
and seeing the enemy approach, blow your trum- 
pets, and take your swords in hand." 2 

The king, answering that all had been settled 
by the Archbishop of Rheims and his suffragans, 
Yves wrote to this metropolitan to exhort him not 
to shrink from the duty of his office, declaring 
that, for his part, he would rather lose the name 
and dignity of a bishop than by prevarication 
scandalise the flock of Christ. 3 The king, irritated 
by this resistance, ordered the prelate's domains to 
be ravaged, and caused him to be imprisoned by 
Hugh, Lord of Puiset, Viscount of Chartres. His- 
tory describes this captivity as being so severe 

1 "Domino suo Philippe, &c., sic militare in regno terreno ut non 
privetur aeterno. . . . Malo cum mola asinaria in profundum mergi, 
quam per me mentibus infirmorum tanquam coeco offendiculum poni. 
Nee ista contra fidelitatem vestram, sed pro summa fidelitate dicere me 
arbitror," &c. Yvo., Ep. 15, ed. Fronto. 

2 " Nolite fieri canes muti, latrare non valentes, sed sicut boni spe- 
culatores, videntes gladium venientem super terrain, buccina insonate." 
Id., Ep. 14. 

3 "Malo enim perpetuo nomine et officio Episcopi carere, quam pu- 
sillum gregem Domini mei legis praevaricatione scandalizare." Id., 
Ep. 13. 


that the prisoner even wanted bread. 1 The people 
were much irritated, but Yves absolutely forbade 
his friends to attempt to release him by force, as 
they had thought of doing. 

"Without God's will," he wrote, "neither you 
nor any one would be able to give me my liberty. 
Not having obtained the episcopate by violence, 
it is not by violence that I ought to be restored 
to it/' 2 

The pope, being informed of what was passing, 
wrote to the bishops of the province of Kheims that 
they should recall the king to a better mind. 
" Even if he repulse you," said the pontiff, " it is 
better for you and me that we should vindicate 
the divine law from the outrage it has suffered, 
and that we should pierce these adulterous Midi- 
anites with the sword of Phineas." 3 
Great firm- Urban did yet more ; he enjoined the bishops 

ness 9f the J J 

Bishop of to demand the release of Yves de Chartres, and to 


supported excommunicate the king if he should refuse it. 

by Urban 

Philip . did not dismiss his mistress ; but Yves 
succeeded in leaving his prison without the vigour 
of his iron will having been weakened by his eap- 

1 "Danma quse milii usque ad penuriam panis inflicta sunt." Yvo., 
Ep. 22, HILDEB., Ccenom., ep. 100. "In quodam castello quo frangat 
animum, ni saxo fortior esset." FRONTON., Tit. Yvon. 

2 " Quare ne fiat prohibeo, interdico. Nee enim incendiis domorum, 
deprsedationibus pauperum potestis Dominum placare. . . ." Ep. 20. 

3 " Quod si contempserit et vobis et nobis, necessitas imrninebit ut 
ad ulciscendas divinse legis injurias pro nostri officii debito accingamur, 
et Phineas gladio Madianitas adulteros perforemus." Letter of the 27th 
October 1092, ap. COLETTI, Condi, xii. 757. 


tivity. 1 In vain did the king persuade the prelate 
to come to him to assist at a provincial council 
convoked at Kheims, where he had the more hopes 
of obtaining sanction for his marriage, because 
Bertha was now dead. Yves answered the prince 
by reminding him of the sentence already pro- 
nounced by the pope against his union with 
Bertrade : " It is out of regard for your majesty," 
he added, " that I refrain from appearing in your 
presence, lest I should be obliged, in conformity 
with the injunction of the Apostolic See, which I 
must obey as Christ Himself, to speak aloud all 
that I now say to you in private." 2 

On the other hand, to his old adversary, Richer, 
Archbishop of Sens, the prelate wrote in these 
words : " They accuse me of having attacked the 
royal majesty ; but let me say to you that this 
reproach attaches much more justly to those 
who have recourse to powerless remedies instead 
of at once cauterising the wound. If you had 
been as firm as I, our sick man would long ago 
have been cured. It is for you to consider whe- 
ther, by your delays, you fulfil your obligations 
towards him, and the duties of your position. As 
for me, I am ready to suffer all the penalties our 

1 "Ferreum Yvonis animura," says BARONIUS, ad 1095, c. 16. The 
^date of Yves's deliverance, and the length of his imprisonment, are not 

positively known. 

2 " Phillippo Dei Gratia, &c. ... sic se regere ut Regi regum valeat 
complacere. . . . Poscens igitur majestati vestrse . . . ne . . . quod mine 
dico in aure, cogar in vestris et multorum aitribus publicare." Ep. 28. 


lord the king may be willing or able to inflict on 
me with God's permission. Let him imprison, 
banish, or persecute me ; with the help of heavenly 
grace, I am resolved to suffer for the law of my 
God, and nothing shall be able to force me to shut 
my eyes to the sin of him whose chastisement I 
am determined not to share." l 

The efforts of Yves of Chartres to renew the 
courage of his brethren were useless : "I have 
transmitted to them," he wrote to the pope, " your 
letters; but they are silent, like dogs that dare 
not bark." 2 

The bishop who thus expressed himself was, 
however, far from being an enemy to the royal 
authority ; he professed, on the contrary, with 
regard to the lay power, opinions more favourable 
than those of most of the eminent churchmen of his 
time, as we shall see further on ; but he would 
not traffic with evil. He was, besides, profoundly 
versed in the secrets of that government of souls, 
which he so justly called " the art of arts, and the 
heaviest of burdens." Far from being absorbed 
by discussions of the king's marriage, he was at 
the same time carrying on the refutation of the 
errors of Roscelin 3 as to the Holy Trinity, and he 

1 " Faciat ergo Dominus rex ad versus parvitatem meara, quantum Deo 
permittente, libuerit vel licuerit : includat, excludat, prescribat . . . 
decrevi pati pro lege Dei mei : nee ulla ratione cogente, volo ei consen- 
taneus in culpa esse, qui nolo esse censors in po3na." Ep. 35. 

2 " Adhuc tamen tacens, tanquara canes muti non valentes latrare." 
Ep. 25. 

8 Roscelin having been already condemned at the Council of Soissons 


addressed to the sophist the advice by which phil- 
osophers of all ages might profit, "Not to seek 
to know more them it was fitting to know" l He 
asked the prayers of the monks safe in harbour 
that he might have the strength necessary to 
navigate among the storms. 2 He envied their 
calm. " I fight daily with wild beasts," he wrote 
to the pope ; " my soul has no peace ; my heart 
is broken for the miseries of the Church, which 
no one, or scarcely any one, strives to cure. I ex- 
ercise authority over certain men, but without 
being of much use to them. This is why I am 
often tempted to lay down my office, and to return 
to my former quiet, where I might wait for Him, 
who would deliver me at once from the cowardice 
and the storms of my mind. My affection for 
you alone retains me here." 3 

This affection was at once noble and disinter- 

in 1092, had pretended that Yves and St Anselm, then Abbot of Bee, 
thought as he did ; he affirmed that he had retracted at Soissons only 
for fear of being torn to pieces by the people. He had afterwards written 
against Kobert of Arbrissel, one of the holiest monks of the time. St 
Anselm, who had just been made Archbishop of Canterbury, published 
about the same time his treatise on the " Incarnation " in order to refute 
the heresiarch. 

1 "Non plus sapere quam oportet sapere, sed sapere ad sobrietatem. " 
Ep. 7. 

2 ' ' Nos enim publicorurn negotiorum tumultibus occupati . . . in- 
ternse quietis suavitatem vix aliquando admittimus, raro etiam canoni- 
cum pen sum determinatio horis solvere prsevalemus. Vos igitur qui 
velut in portu navigatis, oportet ut nobis orationis man us qua longe po- 
testis extendatis." Ep. 19, to the Abbot of Fecamp, William de Ros. 

3 "Ad bestias quotidie pugnans . . . quia video me prseesse, sed 
nulli fere prodesse . . . quietem ubi ilium expectem qui salvum me 
faciat a pusillanimitate spiritus et tempestate." (Ps. 54,) Ep. 25. 


ested. The pious prelate had all possible right 

to employ this inscription for a letter addressed to 

the sovereign pontiff : " To Urban, Pope, I, Yves, 

his spiritual son, address the homage of a pure 

love, and not a servile submission." l 

The legate Soon, indeed, he ceased to be the only defender 

Lyon com. in France of the sacredness of marriage and of the 

missioned . 

*>o e h to prerogatives of the Church. For a long time past, 
the w hile pointing out to the sovereign pontiff the in- 
tolerable abuses which he observed in the Church 
of France, 2 he had implored him to appoint a legate 
who would seek not his own interest but that of 
Christ. 3 Urban yielded to this prayer by confer- 
ring the mission on Hugh, Archbishop of Lyons, 
the very man whom Gregory VII. had chosen for 
legate and designated for his successor. 4 

For a moment led away, Hugh had returned 
to the right path after the death of Victor III., 
and hastened to acknowledge Urban. At first he 
wished to decline the burden of the legation, but 
Yves begged him not to do so : " Do not," he 

1 " Urbano summo pontifici Ivo spiritualis ejus films, non servilis 
timoris, sed castse dilectionis obsequium." Ep. 25. 

8 ' ' Multa tolero, inulta dissimulo . . . multa eniin inordinata video 
in domo Dei, quse me torquent, maxime quod apud nos, qui altari non 
serviunt, de altari vivunt," &c.Ep. 12. 

3 " Qui non sua quserat, sed Jesu Christi. Necessarius enim esset Ec- 
clesiae Dei in qua quilibet, quodlibet audet, et quod audet facet, et quod 
facit impunitum transit" Ibid. 

4 He had been prior of St Marcel-les-Chalons, and as at this epoch 
there is no instance of an abbey or priory confided to other than monks, 
Mabillon (Ann., i. 70, No. 85) has concluded that he was a monk. But 
this opinion has been contested. See Hist, litter., de France, vol. ix. p. 


wrote to him, " be one of those bad physicians 
who prefer their own quiet to the health of their 
patients. There is a new Ahab in Italy, and a 
new Jezebel in France : it is your part to be the 
new Elijah. Herodias is there dancing before 
Herod, and demanding of him the head of John 
the Baptist : John the Baptist ought none the less 
to say to him, ' Non licet ; it is not lawful for thee 
to leave thy wife and take thy neighbour's/ " 1 

Hugh at last yielded; and was scarcely invested 
with the character of legate when he convoked at 
Autun 2 a council of thirty-two bishops and many 
abbots, where the sentences already pronounced 
against the Emperor Henry 3 and the King of 
France were renewed. Thus excommunicated, 
Philip appealed to the pope, threatening to with- 
draw from his obedience if he were not absolved. 
Hugh cited him to appear at the Council of 
Placentia, and afterwards gave him a reprieve un- 
til the Feast of All-Saints of the year 1095, in spite 
of the urgency of Yves of Chartres, whose only hope 
was in the energy of the sovereign pontiff and the 
legate. 4 

At this crisis Urban himself came into France, 
where, having celebrated the Feast of the Assump- 
tion at Notre Dame du Puy, he consecrated the 

1 Ep. 24. 2 October 16, 1094. 

3 This was done because most of the bishops at the council belonged 
to the kingdom of Burgundy or Aries, then united to the Holy Roman 
Empire. Even Lyon depended on the emperor, as well as on the king 
of France. 

4 " Ubi restat adhuc anchora aliqua spei nostwe." Ep. 30. 


Church of Chaise-Dieu, the great Monastery of 
Auvergne, which, under the rule of Abbot Seguin, 
had reached the highest point of splendour and 
regularity. Thence the pope went to his own 
monastery of Cluny, the abbot of which, the great 
Hugh, was still living, after forty -six years of 
office. Hugh had the happiness of receiving his 
old disciple, now become head of the Church, after 
having been Prior of Cluny. Urban was the first 
pope who ever visited this celebrated monastery, 
which was specially devoted by its founders to the 
defence of the papacy. The pontiff confirmed 
all the immunities of the illustrious house. He 
offered himself to consecrate the high-altar of the 
immense church which St Hugh was building, 
and in the discourse which he delivered to the 
people on this occasion, he declared that the de- 
sire to visit Cluny had been the first and principal 
cause of his journey into France. 1 Urban next 
returned to Auvergne, where he was to hold the 
famous Council of Clermont, 2 at which there were 
present 13 archbishops 3 with their suffragans, 225 
bishops, and 90 abbots, forming an assembly of 
about 400 prelates, or mitred abbots, without count- 

1 Biblioth. Cluniac., p. 508. He afterwards drew a line round the 
abbey and its principal dependencies, under the name of sacer bannus, 
or sacred banlieu, within which it was forbidden, under pain of sacri- 
lege, to commit any rapine or violence whatever. 

2 November 18, 1095. 

3 Those of Lyons, Pisa, Reggio, Bordeaux, Rheims, Bourges, Tours, 
Sens, Narbonne, Vienne, Tarragona, Aix, and Toledo. Besides these 
two last archbishops, there were several Spanish bishops. 


ing a numerous crowd of doctors and professors. 1 
They adopted a good many important measures, 
intended to keep the Church pure from all conta- 
gion of evil, and free from all secular power. 2 At 
the same time, the council confirmed, as a general 
institution, the Truce of God, which had been al- 
ready a long time in use in different provinces of 
the kingdom. 3 After having renewed the ordinary 
prohibitions relative to simony, the marriage of 
priests, and investitures, the pope, by new canons, 
forbade the bishops and priests to take the oath of 
liege homage between the hands of kings or other 
lay persons. 4 He forbade laymen to retain the 
tithes or other revenues of the Church, or to usurp 
the property of bishops or clergy after their deaths. 
He renewed the direction for abstinence in Lent ; 
he ordered that any one who took refuge at the 
foot of a wayside cross, should find sanctuary 

1 MABILL., i. 69, c. 22. " Illic prseter episcoporum et abbatum exa- 
mina, quos circiter 400 per prseeminentes fenilas fuisse aliqui numerant, 
totius Franciae et appendicium comitatuum litteraturaconflixit." GUIB. 
NOVIG., Gest. Dei per Franc., ii. 2. 

2 ORDER. VIT., b. ix. p. 719; COLETTI, ix., 897. 

3 The origin of this institution is traced back to 1034 ; it was recog- 
nised in Normandy in 1046 (see Leprevost, note in ORD. VIT., vol. v. 
p. 316), and several times confirmed by the councils held by the popes 
in Apulia. According to the first canon of the Council of Clermont, the 
Truce of God required that, in private or legitimate wars, monks, clergy, 
and women should be unharmed, and that hostilities (pads fractio) could 
only be carried on from the Monday to the Wednesday of each week, the 
other four days being reserved for the peace of God. A valuable regula- 
tion for the application of this canon to Touraine and Anjou, confirmed 
by the pope at Clermont, may be seen, ap. COLETTI, ConciL, xii. 933. 

4 "Ne episcopus vel sacerdos regi vel alicui laico in manibus ligium 
fidelitatem faciat." CAN., 17. 


there as if in a church, and should not be delivered 
to justice until assured of safety to life and limb. 
He recognised the primacy of the Church of Lyons, 
long disputed by those of Sens and Eouen. 1 Fi- 
nally, the delay allowed to Philip of France having 
expired without his dismissing Bertrade, the pope, 
in full council, pronounced sentence of excommu- 
nication against him, in spite of the solicitations 
and offers of all kinds made by the nobles of the 
court, where were assembled at this moment the 
king's principal accomplices, the Archbishops of 
Sens and Eheims, and many other great personages 
of the French kingdom. 2 Philip, to the scandal of an 
open adultery, added flagrant and inveterate habits 
Triumph of simony, 3 which are mentioned with reprobation 
chartres by several deeds drawn up at this time. 4 Yves of 

in defence 

of the Chartres, present at the council, finally triumphed; 

purity of 

marriage, an d this first victory did but increase the zeal which 

1 We will give later the decisions made on the subject of different 
monastic establishments. 

2 "Regem . . . tanta auctoritate excommunicavit, nt intercessiones 
spectabilium personarum, et multiplicium munerum illationes contemp- 
serit, et quod intra regni ipsius demorabatur limites non extimuerit." 
GTJIB. Nov., I. c. 

3 "Hominem in Dei rebus venalissimum. " GUIB. Nov. He was 
paid in his own coin by the Bishop of Chartres, predecessor of Yves, who 
had promised him the first prebend that should be vacant in his chapter. 
When the king reproached him for having given away several after this 
promise, the bishop answered : "I have not given away one ; I have 
sold them all." MICHEL SCOT, b. iv., mensa philos., c. 28, ap. PAGI, 
Crit., ann. 1095. 

4 " Facta est hsec donatio anno ab Incarnat, &c. . . . Urbano aposto- 
lico, Francia ex adulterio Philippi indigni regis fcedat. ..." It must 
be said that this donation was made by Count Fulk, Bertrade's outraged 
husband. PAGI. 


he displayed during all the rest of his life, in de- and the 


fence of the purity of marriage in all ranks of Duties of 

J both sexes. 

society, the equal duty of both sexes to observe 
their vows, conjugal fidelity, and, finally, the right 
of the woman to dispose of herself freely in mar- 
riage, in spite of contrary stipulations on the part 
of her parents. 1 It is true that in thus acting 
Yves only followed the immemorial tradition of 
the fathers, and trod the path whence truly Catho^ 
lie popes and bishops have never deviated. 

Throughout the middle ages the life of these 
fathers of the Christian people was a constant 
struggle in favour of the indissolubility of the con- 
jugal tie against the power of kings and nobles. 
The latter did not, indeed, yet possess the many 
opportunities of satisfying their sensual passions in 
secret offered to their successors by the life of courts 
and the relaxed morals of modern society; but 
through all ages, and in the most varying circum- 
stances, the Eoman Church has won for herself a 
glorious and eternal renown by protecting weak- 
ness in its holiest and most fragile form the lib- 
erty and purity of woman. From St John the 
Baptist to Clement de Droste, the last Archbishop 
of Cologne, it has been almost always on the 
question of marriage that the spiritual power has 
suffered from the sword and fetters of persecutors. 

In this one year 1095, the two most powerful 

1 See the collection of his letters, passim, especially Ep. 134 and Ep. 



sovereigns of Christendom the Emperor and the 
King of France had been excommunicated by the 
pope for having violated the law of marriage. 1 
From age to age the same example was followed 
until the sixteenth century, when a pope chose 
rather to see the whole kingdom of England break 
with the Holy See than to sell the right of divorce 
to a voluptuous tyrant. Let no one be astonished, 
then, that even amidst the religious degradation of 
our century piety has survived among women : 
they do but pay the debt of their mothers. 

1 Fleury remarks repeatedly (b. 64, n. 21 and 29) that the excom- 
munication of Philip did not lead to his deposition, and that no one 
ceased to obey him. Nothing was more natural ; the penal consequences 
of excommunication only followed, if the excommunicated person allowed 
a year and a day to pass without seeking absolution. Philip took care 
never to let this legal delay pass without making some show of submis- 
sion, or without obtaining a new prolongation, until his definitive absolu- 
tion in 1106. There was never, accordingly, any need for the pope to 
depose him, or for his subjects to disobey him ; unlike the case of the 
Emperor Henry, who, after having obtained his absolution a first time, 
again revolted against even the jurisdiction of the pope, and was deposed 
by him and by the assembly of princes. The president, Henault, does 
not seem so well satisfied as the Abbe Fleury with the consequences of 
the sentence passed upon Philip. He says of this king that ' he was 
less degraded in the eyes of his people by his vices than by his weakness in 
allowing himself to be punished for tfiem.' A fine doctrine, certainly, and 
one well worthy of a Parliamentary dignitary writing under the reign of 
Madame de Pompadour ! 




The first pilgrims in the Holy Land. St Simon and Sigebertof Mayence 
at Jerusalem. Calamities endured by the Christians in Palestine. 
The Crusades were not a cause of weakness to the Church. The sweet 
thirst for holy pilgrimage, for the journey of God. Urban II. the 
true promoter of the First Crusade. Pious foundations of the Cru- 
saders before their departure for the Holy Land. 

THAT which in the eyes of posterity gives their 
chief glory to the Council of Clermont and to 
Urban II., is the preaching of the First Crusade. 
This great enterprise had been for a long time 
preluded, so to speak, by the frequent pilgrimages 
of Western Christians to the Holy Sepulchre. 
Catholics of all ages and ranks went thither in 
crowds from all countries, and through a thousand 
dangers ; l princes and subjects alike, with staff in 
hand and scrip on shoulder. 2 Monks had always 

1 " Robertus, comes Flandrensis, cum baculo et pera ..." from 1085 
to 1089. MS. Rob. Monach., quoted by Ducange, not. in lib. vii. Alexi- 
adis ; the Viconite de Limoges, Comte d'Angouleme, Robert of Nor- 
mandy, the Comte de Luxemburg. 

2 There had already been several pilgrimages in the preceding cen- 
turies. See above the deed of election of an abbot in place of the one of 


been remarked in the first rank of these pilgrims. 
Almost all the eminent abbots of the twelfth cen- 
tury, 1 as well as a crowd of monks, had made the 
voyage to the Holy Land. A great number of 
nobles and knights thus abandoned their homes, 
and, touched by compunction, after praying at 
the tomb of Christ, returned to end their lives 
piously in some monastery. Towards the end 
of the tenth century, Bononius established him- 
self first in Egypt, and afterwards at Jerusalem. 
He reformed, according to the rule of St Benedict, 
the monasteries which still subsisted in the coun- 
tries conquered by the Mussulmans, and was able 
to bring back to Constantinople a number of Greek 
captives, who owed their ransom to his devotion. 2 
The earliest The great abbot, Kichard of St Yannes, started at 
the g H n oiy m the head of 700 pilgrims collected together by 
Simeon Duke Richard of Normandy, and whose expenses 

and Si CT e- 

bert of that prince undertook to defray. The monk St 


Simeon, who was born of a Greek family of Syra- 
cuse, and who died a recluse at Treves, carried 
away, says his biographer, by the invincible desire 
which drew Christians to Jerusalem, had, in his 

St Albin, who was going to the Holy Land. The explanation, No. 11, at 
the end of volume i. of Midland's History of the Crusades, contains a very 
complete list of the pilgrimages previous to the Crusades ; but the most 
exact work on this curious subject is the Chronological List of Pilgrim- 
ages anterior to the Crusades from the Thirteenth Century, drawn up with 
much care by M. Ludovic Lalanne, and inserted in the Biblioth. de I'ficolc 
de Chartres, vol. ii. p. 1, 2d series. 
. L Act. SS. 0. B., vol. viii. p. 238, ad ann. 1025. 
2 Act. SS. Julii, vol. ii. p. 545. 


earliest youth, renounced all else to hasten thither, 
and had passed seven years in Syria acting as 
guide to European pilgrims. 1 The monk Sigebert, 
Archbishop of Mayence, went thither, accompanied 
by 7000 companions. 2 It was on his return from 
the Holy Land that Liebert, Bishop of Cambrai, 
had founded the Abbey of St Sepulchre, in memory 
of his pilgrimage. The holy monk Udalric, the 
compiler of the Customs of Cluny, almost perished 
under the swords of the Saracens when he went to 
thank God for the grace of baptism on the banks 
of the Jordan. 3 Thierry, the first abbot of the re- 
stored St Evroul, finding himself attacked by a 
mortal illness at St Nicholas in Cyprus, entered 
a church, laid his head upon the altar-step, and 
joining his hands crosswise, thus fell asleep in 
death. 4 

It was not only isolated and wandering monks 

1 In 1064. 

2 "_Videns quosque et nos his partibus desiderio infatigabili currere 
ad sepulcrum Domini . . . per septem annos ductor peregrinorum fuit. " 
Act. SS. 0. B., vol. viii. p. 329, ad ann. 1035. St Simeon spoke five 
languages Egyptian, Syriac, Arabic, Greek, and Latin. Ibid., p. 331. 
It is surprising that M. L. Lalanne has not availed himself for his work 
of the curious Life of St Simeon, which contains a quantity of interest- 
ing details on the relations of Christians with the Holy Land before the 

3 Act. SS. 0. B., vol. ix. p. 780. He had desired martyrdom ; but 
human weakness getting the better of him, says his biographer, and 
seeing the Saracens appear as he was coming out of the river, he ran 
away without stopping to dress himself. 

4 " Super dextrum latus recubans, quasi dormire volens, caput suum 
super marmoreum gradum reclinavit, manusque super pectus in modum 
crucis aptavit." ORD. VIT., b. iii. p. 66, ed. Leprgvost. Raoul, Abbot 
of Mont St Michel, who accompanied Thierry, died like him, in pilgrim- 
age, in 1058. 


who endeavoured to practise the virtues of the sons 
of St Benedict near the tomb of Christ, polluted by 
the presence of conquering Mussulmans ; the en- 
terprise was shared by whole communities. There 
were, in the eleventh century, two monasteries at 
Mount Sinai and one at Bethlehem, sustained by 
gifts collected in the west, even in the depths of 
Normandy, 1 by the generous intervention of mer- 
chants of Amalfi. The Abbey of Santa Maria 
Latina, founded by these merchants at Jerusalem, 2 
and peopled by monks from Monte Cassino, intro- 
duced the rites of the Latin Church into the Holy 
Land. 3 A convent, under the invocation of St 
Mary Magdalen, was added. These communities, 
as may well be supposed, could not, like those 
in Europe, receive gifts of land; but the pious 
generosity of the people of Amalfi partly provided 
for their needs ; each year burghers and merchants 
collected among themselves a sum, which, being 
transmitted to Jerusalem, relieved the penury not 
only of the monks and nuns, but also of the Western 
pilgrims. 4 It may be imagined how the narratives 
of these pilgrims, on their return home, must have 

1 Fit. S. Simeonis, Nos. 4, 5, and 8, in Act. SS. 0. B., vol. viii. 
p. 330. 

2 In 1048. 

3 " Ut secundum latinitatis usum divinse majestatis servitium per- 
solverent." ORD. VIT., b. x. 

4 " Neque reditus erant neque possessiones ; sed prsedicti Amalfitani 
annis singulis, tarn qui domi erant, tarn qui negotiation es sequebantur, 
collecta inter se quasi per symbolum pecunia, per eos qui Hierosolymam 
proficiscebantur . . . advenientibus christicolis aliqua misericordia." 
GUILL. TYR., b. xviii. c. 5. 


swelled the hearts of their countrymen. But it 
was reserved for an obscure monk, Peter the Her- 
mit, 1 to determine the movement which was to 
fling the Catholic West upon the infidel East. Hav- 
ing brought back from Jerusalem and the holy 
places the most bitter recollections of the odious 
rule which pagans exercised over unhappy Chris- 
tians, the monk Peter, who, in celestial visions, 
seemed perpetually to hear the supplications of 
the Patriarch of Jerusalem, and the earnest ap- 
peals of the sovereign pontiff, undertook to travel 
throughout Europe, calling Catholics to the deliver- 
ance of the Holy Sepulchre and of their persecuted 
brethren in the East. 

After long wanderings through various countries, 
where the people listened with eagerness to his 
words, the hermit-preacher came to Urban II. at 
the Council of Clermont, and the pope's powerful 
voice was joined to his. 2 The monk-pontiff, full 
of faith in the prophetic hopes of two of his pre- 
decessors the monks Sylvester II. and Gregory 
VII. who had been the first to appeal to Christen- 
dom to deliver the Holy Land from the yoke of 
Islam, renewed, at the Council of Constance, an 
attempt he had already made at Placentia. Ad- 
dressing himself specially to the nobles, who had 
assembled in great numbers, he drew a powerful 

1 Mabillon lias proved that he was a monk and a Frenchman. Ann. 
Bened., vol. v. b. 68, No. 86. See GUIB. NOVIG., ii. 4. 

2 " Per manum Petri, viri venerabilis, qui praesens est. ..." Speech 
of the pope to the council. GUILL. TYR., De Bello sacro, i. 15. 


calamities picture of the cruelties and sacrileges committed 

endured by r 

Saracens in Palestine, and exhorted them 

to g an( j expiate, by a lawful and sacred war, 
their own violence, rapine, and indomitable pride. 1 

" Go," said the venerable pontiff, " and die for 
Christ, in that very place where Christ died for 
you/' 2 

Urban, in order to call down the blessing of 
heaven on the expedition which he destined to 
conquer the tomb of Christ, commanded the clergy 
to recite, every Saturday, the office of the Blessed 
Virgin. 3 Nothing could cool the zeal of the pope 
nor destroy his energy neither the perils which 
surrounded the Church in the West, nor the 
implacable struggle which, for twenty years, had 
been carried on between him and the emperor, 
and which had never suffered him, since his acces- 
sion to the pontificate, to occupy in peace the 
throne of St Peter and the- city of Eome. 

With the self-abnegation of a true monk, and 
the generosity of a great pope, Urban sacrificed 
everything to the realisation of his plan. His 
thoughts were concentrated on the East, whither 

1 " Vos accincti cingulo militise magno supercilio fratres vestros dilan- 
iatis. . . .Si vultis animabus vestris consuli, istius modi militise cin- 
gulum quantocius deponite, et ad defendendam orientalem Ecclesiam 
velocius concurrite." WILLELM. MALMESB., De reg. Angl., 1. iv. c. 2. 
Three different speeches, or three different versions of the same speech. 
of Urban in council, are given by William of Tyre, William of Malmes- 
bury, and Guibert de Nogent. 

2 "Pulchrum, sit vobis in ilia civitate mori pro Christo in qua pro 
yobis Christus mortuus est." WILH. MALM., I. c. 

3 BARON., ad ann. 1095, c. 51. 


flowed, at his bidding, the most valiant soldiers of 
Christendom. Himself for seven years a wan- 
derer and an exile, the pontiff employed all his 
authority and all his influence to re-establish in- 
ternal peace, that he might be free to send the 
most fervent champions of the Church upon this 
distant service. 1 

In reality this unheard of transplantation of the The ou- 

sades did 

living strength of the Church was no cause of not in re - 

aiity weak- 
weakness to her ; on the contrary, it only gave her 

authority deeper root. Nevertheless, as the guar- 
antee of so great a result, the pope had nothing 
but his absolute faith in the promises of Christ. 2 
Nothing is more admirable than his unconquerable 
resolution, unless it be the marvellous eagerness 

1 This disinterestedness appears so incredible to the Protestant Liiden, 
that he tries to persuade us that Urban yielded to force in preaching the 
Crusade, and that his speeches at Clermont only express an artificial 
enthusiasm. Erkunstelter Begeisterung, vol. ix. pp. 264-277. It is thus 
that since the Reformation and the Renaissance, the annals of our fathers 
have been interpreted, in contempt of the most striking facts, such as 
the two great councils of Placentia and Clermont, in contempt of the 
most incontestable assertions, and the unanimous testimony of contem- 
poraries. Thus we see a school of historians labouring to transform into 
acts of baseness and hypocrisy the great deeds of those whose faith they 
have always ignored or denied, and whose mind and genius, consequently, 
they could not understand. Judging others by themselves, and feeling 
themselves utterly incapable of any devotion whatever to a cause in a 
manner superhuman, they find it easier and more simple to explain, by 
the vilest motives, the greatest of our ancestors, which is supernatural 
for them, and they choose such personages alone out of history for apol- 
ogy or panegyric as will never put them to the embarrassment cf 
explaining the motives of their magnanimity. 

2 "Sic Urbano agente, refloruit orbis : nam pacem renovans, Ecclesia? 
jura sua restituit, et paganos de terris christianorum expelli fecit. Et 
quondam res Dei curavit, effecit vicissim Deus, ut omnes ultro ei se sub- 
jicerent." FULCHER, CARNOT., Hist. HierosoL, i. 1. 


with which the Catholic world responded. We 
know how the shout of " God wills it!" which had 
answered Urban's words at Clermont, resounded 
from one end of Christendom to the other; and how 
all at once there seemed to breathe upon Europe a 
rushing wind, which extinguished all discord, and 
filled the souls of men with a spirit from on high 
which none could resist. 1 

We know how not only princes and knights, 
but also peasants and serfs, rose in crowds to at- 
tack the infidel ; 2 how rich and poor, men and 
women, old and young, sold all they had to seek 
the way of God; 3 how the mockers of to-day, 
caught by the contagion of example, became the 
enthusiasts of to-morrow; 4 how even the poorest 
labourers, watching for the passing by of some lord 
whose troop they might join, 5 started in waggons 
drawn by oxen, carrying with them not only their 

1 " Guibert de Nogent, Gest Dei, ii. 3, uses an analogous though dif- 
ferent image : " Et sicuti rapidissimi venti impetus solet non magna 
pluviae unda restringi, ita illico contigit ad invicem simultates univer- 
sorum et bella sopiri, per inditam sibi aspirationem, haud dubium quin 
Christi." GUIB. NOVIG., I. c. 

* " Jam Palatinorum comitum pruriebat intentio : et mediocritas 
equestrium virorum parturire jam coeperat : cum ecce, pauperum ani- 
mositas tantis ad hoc ipsum desideriis aspiravit, ut eorum nemo de cen- 
suum parvitate tractaret, de domorum, vinearum et agrorum congruenti 
distractione curaret," &c. Ibid. 

"Quisque . . . de proponenda via Dei . . . quosque sollicitat." 

4 "Dum hodie super omnimoda aliorum venditione cachinnant . . . 
in crastinum repentino instinctu pro paucis mimmulis sua tota tradentes, 
cum eis proficiscebantur quos riserant." Ibid. 

5 "Catervatim concurrebant populi, ubicumque unum de principibus 
iturum se novissime audierant, ut se illius comitatui sociarent." GUILL. 
TYK. c. 23. 


most precious possessions, but even little children, 
who, whenever a town or castle came in sight, 
innocently asked if this were not Jerusalem. l 
From Galicia to Denmark whole nations were seen 
to rouse themselves and rush eastward. 2 

" Oh, what good seed," said contemporaries, " is 
the word of the great Shepherd ! How admirable 
are the fruit and flowers which it produces ! 3 Ines- 
timable and marvellous is the grace of Providence, 
which, by the love of Christ, and under His sove- 
reignty alone, can all at once collect into one body 
so many scattered members of Christ, 4 so many 

1 "Bobus viroto applicatis . . . substantiolas cum parvulis in carmca 
convehere ; et ipsos infantulos, dum obviam habent quselibet castella 
vel urbes, si hsec esset Jerusalem, ad quam tenderent rogitare." GUIB. 
Nov., L c. 

2 " Gallicos extremes hominum." ODER. VIT., b. ix. p. 725. The 
brother of the King of Denmark came with two bishops of his own 
country, where the faith has just been established. 

3 "O fidei semen, bona germina quot modo prsebes, 
Cum rutili flores refluunt pastoris ab ore, 
Et pariunt fructus Domini dignanter in usus ! . . . 
Sexus uterque Deo gliscit parere sereno ; 
Certatim currunt Christi purgare sepulcrum." 

DOMNIZO, b. ii. c. 10. 

4 "Eo tempore quo omnis terra festinabat venire in Jerusalem . . . 
fuit qusedam triremis magna et fortis quse plena hominibus armatis, 
volucri cursu tendebat properare in Hierusalem ut Christiano exercitui 
auxilium ferret. . . . Erant autem in ipsa maxima navi, homines diver- 
sarum nationum, Francorum scilicet, Burgundionum, Aquitanorum, 
Wasconum, Hispanorum, Italicorum, Siculorum, Calabridum, sed et 
aliarum nationum. ..." A storm comes on; the men of each country 
invoke their national saint the French, St Denis ; the Poitevins, St 
Hilaire ; the Tourangeaux, St Martin ; the Orleanais, St Aignan ; the 
Limousins, St Martial ; the Toulousains, St Saturnin ; the Auxerrois, 
St Germain ; the Vermandois, St Quentin, &c. But the storm only 
ceased when a man of Ponthieu had persuaded them to join in invoking 
St Riquier, founder and first abbot of the great abbey of that name. 
See above, b. i. c. 3. VARIULPH., De Mirac. S. Richar., c. 3 in Act. 
SS. 0. B., vol. vii., ad ann. 981. 



The sweet 
thirst of 
holy pil- 
for the 
of God. 

Urban II. 
the true 
of the First 

nations differing each from the other in language 
and in fatherland ! 1 Never did war furnish to 
sages, to poets, or to historians, a more glorious 
subject than these exploits of the soldiers of God. 
With this handful of Christians drawn from their 
homes by the SWEET THIRST 2 of pilgrimage, the 
Church triumphs over all the pagans of the East. 
The God of Abraham goes with them and renews 
His ancient miracles : He attracts the faithful of 
the West by an ardent desire to see the sepulchre 
of the Messiah : He guides them solely by the 
voice of Pope Urban, without the intervention of 
any king, or of any secular power : He draws them 
from all corners of the earth as heretofore the 
Hebrews from the land of Egypt : He conducts 
them through strange lands even to Palestine, and 
by them He gloriously overcomes cities, peoples, 
and kings/' 3 

Thus the true promoter of the Crusade was 
Pope Urban. 4 Peter the Hermit was, in fact, only 
the pontiff's enthusiastic auxiliary, and it appears 

1 " Mira et inestimabili divinitatis dispensatione tot X* 1 membra 
linguis, .tribubus et nationibus differentia, subito in unum X w caritate 
coaluere corpus, uno omnes Christo rege, singulis singulee gentes duel- 
bus procurate." Ann. Saxon., ad ann. 1096, p. 581. 


3 "Nulla, ut reor, unquam sophistis in bellicis rebus gloriosior materia 
prodiit, quam nostris nune Dominus poetis atque librariis tradidit, dum 
per paucos christicolas, &c. . . . Antiqua nempe miracula Deus Abraham 
nuper iteravit, dum solo ardore visendi sepulchrum Messise fideles occi- 
duos illexit, et sine rege sacularique exactione per Urbanum papam conv 
monuit," &c. ORDER. VIT., b. ix. p. 718. 

4 This is testified by all historians of the First Crusade without 
exception. ., ,. . / , 


from all contemporary accounts that the ardent 
preacher did not know how to rule, restrain, or 
direct the multitude which he had assembled, and 
with which he first started for the Holy Land. 
There were but eight knights in this disorderly 
and impatient crowd, 1 who branded with the mark 
of human corruption a work divinely inspired, by 
massacring the German Jews and ravaging Hun- 
gary, before they went on to perish in Bulgaria 
and the plains of Bithynia, under the swords of 
the infidels. The nobles, who had chiefly felt the 
impulse given by Urban, showed at once more re- 
ligious feeling and more prudence in the arrange- 
ments which they made before quitting their native 

"At the moment of starting, in obedience to the 
signal given by the Roman pontiff," said Stephen, 
Count of Blois, son-in-law of William the Con- 
queror, in a deed given to the Abbey of Marmou- 
tier, " I grant to the monastery the forest of Lome, 
for the good of the soul of my father Thibalt, whom 
I fear that I often offended during his lifetime 
a fault I have many times lamented, together with 
my wife, my friends, and my servants." 2 

Raymond, Count of Toulouse, the most powerful 

1 " Indiscipiinatura vulgus, utpote mancipia et publica servitia."- 
GUIB. Nov., ii. 4. 

2 " Jussu papee romani, Urbani scilicet secundi . . . timens ego cum 
patrem minus honorando vel minus ei parendo, meipsum quoad vixerat 
offendisse, cum ssepius inde conquerer et prsefata conjuge et amicis et 
familiaribus meis plerumque inde loquerer." MAB., Ann., vol. v. App., 
No. 40. 


prince who engaged in the First Crusade, declared 
that he took the cross for love of St Gilles, whose 
monastery he had injured. 1 While still young, 
before he became Count of Toulouse, he had gone 
to the tomb of the holy abbot Robert of Chaise- 
Dieu, and kneeling and taking up his sword, which 
had been laid upon the altar, he had promised that, 
if the Lord should bestow the county upon him, he 
would hold it only of God and St Robert. Now, 
starting for the Crusade, and desirous of remaining 
faithful to the oath of his youth, Raymond chose 
to carry with him, as a relic, the wooden cup and 
staff of the venerable abbot, and took also a monk 
of Chaise-Dieu, whom he named Bishop of Tripoli ; 
in Palestine. 2 Godfrey of Bouillon, the illustrious 
chief of the Crusaders, 3 went, before starting, to the 
Abbey of Afflighem, to visit a knight named God- 
frey the Black, who had been his friend in the 
world, and who was now fighting the devil under 
Pious the Benedictine cowl. The prince gave five estates 
to the house, 4 and took away with him a certain 

the Cru- 

1 CATEL, Hist, des comtes de TouL, p. 131. 

2 MARBOD., Ep. Redon. Vit. S. Itobert, lib. tripartitus dist., ii. c. 10. 

3 No author has explained the strange transformation undergone by 
Godfrey, who, from being the champion of the Imperial cause against 
Rodolph of Suabia, whom, it is said, he killed with his own hand, 
became the leader of an enterprise entirely conceived and directed by the 
papacy. It may be permitted to us to believe that the horrible revela- 
tions of the emperor's conduct towards his wife produced a great effect 
upon the hero, and separated him at last from a party utterly unworthy 
of him who was to be the first king of the Holy Land, the elected head 
of the most truly Christian kingdom on earth. 

4 Hist. Ajflighem.) c. 17, in Spicileg., vol. ii. See above for the origin 
of this house. 


number of pious monks, who, throughout the ex- 
pedition, celebrated the divine service day and the ircie- 

1 partnre 

night. 1 When the conquest of the holy places was 

achieved, Godfrey built, for these companions of Land - 
his pilgrimage, an abbey in the valley of Jehosha- 
phat : and he founded several others one at Beth- 
any, in honour of St Lazarus ; another at Jeru- 
salem, under the invocation of St Mary; finally, 
a convent under the name of St Anne, near the 
place which was believed to be that of the birth 
of the Blessed Virgin. 2 

All these foundations were placed under the rule 
of St Benedict, and they shed, through the new 
kingdom, the perfume of sanctity which had 
already embalmed the West. 3 The Norman Cru- 
saders, under Bohemond, naturally claimed for 
themselves the protection of the ancient abbey of 
St Maria Latina, which their neighbours of Amalfi 
had founded in the evil days of the past. A 
hospital for pilgrims had been joined to it in hon- 
our of St John, and it was the lay brothers of this 

1 ' ' Bene disciplinatos monachos . . . qui, toto itinere, horis diurnis 
et nocturnis, ecclesiastico more, divina ibi ministrabant officia." GUILL. 
TYR., b. ix. c. 9. It is not easy to reconcile the presence of these monks 
and many others, during the expedition (see the Chron. de Jtfirac., S. 
Richarii, quoted, note 3, p. 153), with the prohibition by Urban, proved 
to us by Geoffrey de Venddme in his letter to the Abbot of Marmoutier, 
to persuade him not to leave his monastery and go to Jerusalem. 

2 " Quia per ilia tempora mulieres ad sacra loca passim confluebant." 

3 "Tanquam cella aromatica," JACOB. VITE., Hist, occid., c. 38. 
The native monks ended by adopting the Latin ritual, and submitting 
themselves to Cluny. PETII. VENER., b. ii. ep. 44. 


Benedictine hospital who, a few years later, founded 
the famous Order of St John of Jerusalem, which 
for five centuries was the bulwark of Europe and 
the terror of infidels. 1 As many monks had 
visited the Holy Sepulchre before the Crusaders, 
and as the hermit and the pope who preached the 
Crusade were both monks, and aided by a great 
number of their brethren, it was but just that their 
names should be honourably inscribed in the his- 
tory of that holy and wonderful enterprise of which, 
indeed, many of them became the recorders. 2 We 
should not forget that to one of these monastic 
annalists is due the honour of having designated 
the expedition to the Holy Land by the grandest 
title which has ever been given to any work 
wrought by the hand of man 


1 These lay brothers, or Hospitallers, afterwards freed themselves 
from the Benedictine rule, and adopted that of St Augustine, but pre- 
served the black frock and white cross of their order. The regular name 
of the Order of St John (afterwards called of Rhodes and of Malta) was 
Brothers of the Hospital of St John of Jerusalem. 

2 Ordericus Vitalis, William of Malmesbury, Odo of Deuil. 

3 GUIBERT DE NOGENT. The Protestant Bongars has since used it 
for his collection of the Historians of the Crusades, 




Urban II. preaches the Crusade in Limousin, Touraine, Poitou, and 
Anjou. He arbitrates between Yves of Chartres and Geoffrey of 
Venddme. He visits Marmoutier and presides at the Council of 
Tours. He returns to Rome, where lie is visited by many chiefs of 
the Crusaders. Heiiry IV. takes no part in the Crusade. 

THE double interest of the Crusade and of the 
monastic orders seems to have occupied Urban II. 
incessantly during his stay in France after the 
Council of Clermont. In spite of the great num- 
ber of bishops drawn from monasteries, 1 or who, 
like Hugh of Grenoble, sought at Chaise -Dieu 2 
an asylum from the cruel burden of the epis- 
copate, 3 there continually arose distressing con- 
flicts between bishops and abbots. Yves of Char- 

1 Thus, about this period, Fulk of Bee became Bishop of Beauvais ; 
Gervin, Abbot of St Riquier, Bishop of Amiens ; Serlon, Abbot of St 
Evroul, Bishop of Se"ez, &c. 

2 He had only been able to remain there a year ; Gregory VII. had 
forced him to return to his diocese. He was the son of a gentleman of 
the Valentinois, who, being an octogenarian, became a Carthusian, and 
died after eighteen years of a religious life in the arms of his son. 

3 This was done also by Robert, Bishop of Langres, and by Hilgold 
and Henry, both Bishops of Soissons, one after the other. 



tres, so zealous for the maintenance of exact 
discipline, and united by many ties to a great 
number of monks, complained bitterly of the en- 
croaching spirit of certain monasteries, and of 
the inroads which they made upon episcopal 
authority. 1 With the object of remedying this 
state of things, a council had forbidden any abbot 
promoted to the episcopate to retain his abbey ; 2 
it had also secured to bishops the right of provid- 
ing for the government of parishes dependent 
upon abbeys, 3 and at the same time condemned as 
an act of simony the exaction called ransom of 
the altars, which the bishops claimed out of the 
proceeds of oblations yielded to the monks by 
laymen. 4 One of the most powerful abbeys in 
France at that time was Marmoutier, which was 
subject to Cluny, but rivalled its adopted mother 
in influence and in regularity, and laboured like 

1 " Infinita monachorum cupiditas infinitam facit manere discordiam." 
Ep. 216. " Monaclii, invidia demoniaca moti, voluerunt in alien am 
messem falcem immittere et mini episcopalia jura privare. " Ep. 226. 
See also his Epistles 36 and 65. It was chiefly the monasteries situated 
in episcopal cities which caused these discords. 

2 "Ne quis episcopus simul et abbas esset." OED., ix. 719. On ac- 
count of the bad conduct of Gervin, Bishop of Amiens, towards his 
Abbey of St Riquier, which was taken from him. 

3 Bishops, however, were obliged to obtain the approval of the abbots 
for the choice of the curates whom they nominated. CAN., iv. in add. 
COSSART., ap. COLETT., Condi., xii. 913. 

4 ' ' Redemptio altarium. " CAN. , iv. , ibid. We have not space to enter 
into the details of this affair. See FLEURY, b. 64, n. 29 ; COLETTI, Con- 
di., xii. 90 ; Not. in Ep. Yvon. Oarnot., p. 213, ed. Fronto. Thirty years 
later, the discussion of the matter was renewed between the Bishop of 
Angers and Geoffrey of Vend6me ; but the latter, who had been present at 
the Council, pronounced with the authority of an indisputable witness. 
Ep. GOFF. VIND., b. iii., n. 12; MAB., Ann., b. 75, n. 15. 


her to reform other monasteries. Finding its liberty 
threatened by Archbishop Eaoul of Tours, the 
great enemy of monks, formerly excommunicated 
by the papal legate, Marmoutier carried its cause 
to the council, where the pope pronounced in its 
favour. When the archbishop's partisans mur- 
mured and disputed the sovereign pontiff's right 
thus to exempt completely from episcopal jurisdic- 
tion, Urban rose, commanded silence, and declared 
that, in virtue of his apostolic authority, and the 
decrees of his predecessors, it was lawful for him 
either to unite two bishoprics in one, or to divide 
one into two, or to receive into the patronage of 
the Roman Church any establishment he chose, no 
one having a right to oppose him. And, having 
said this, he declared the privileges of Marmoutier 
to be irrevocable. 1 

The council rose at the end of November 1095, urban n. 
and the pope travelled through Limousin, Tour- 

' T /-* 

ame, ADJOU, and roitou, preaching the Crusade, sin, TOU- 

1 "Cum obstinati oblectarent . . . erectus in pedes pontifiex, imper- 
ato silentio ex apostolica auctoritate et pontificalibus decretis sibi com- 
petere dixit, ut ex uno episcopatu duos, et ex duobus unum facial ; ab- 
batias cseterasque congregationes, ubi sequitas et ratio posttilaret, aut 
coadunare, aut disjungere : et quidquid in patrocinium S. Romanse Ec- 
clesiae suscipere vellet, nullus suae auctoritati repugnare posset: quibus 
prsemissis, Majoris monasterii privilegium nodo indissolubili firmavit." 
MABILL., Ann. Sen., b. 69, c. 23. 

2 "Ubicumque fuit, praecepit cruces facere hominibus, et pergere Hier- 
usalem, et liberare earn a Turcis et aliis gentibus." Chron. Malleac., ad 
ann. 1096. " Venit Andegavum et ammonuit gentem nostram, ut irent 
Jerusalem, expugnaturi Gentilem populum." MS. Fulcon. comit., quoted 
by PAGI, ad ann. 1096. He went from Angers to Sable to persuade the 
lord of the latter town, Robert the Burgundian, to take the cross. 
Essai Historique sur VAbbaye de Solesmes, p. 22. 


raine, Poi- and himself distributing the cross to all whom he 

ton, and 

won f or the sacred enterprise. At the same time 
he went to visit the principal monasteries, 1 dedicat- 
ing cathedrals, abbatial and other churches, which 

1 We think it well here to trace the itinerary of Urban II. during 
his stay in France, from the dates of his deeds, and the accounts of 
contemporary writers. It is valuable for monastic history as well 
as for that of art. We will follow the authorities quoted by Mabillon 
in his Annals, and Pagi in his Criticisms on the Annals of Baronius, 
as we have done elsewhere in the work, supplementing them from 
the excellent chronological tables which Stentzel has given in the 
second volume of his History of the Franconlan Emperors, and by vari- 
ous other references. 

1095. The precise date of his arrival in France is unknown. 
? ? ? Valence. Urban consecrates the cathedral. 
August 15. Notre-Dame-du-Puy. Urban celebrates the Assumption. 
,, 18. At Chaise-Dieu. Dedication of abbey church, and pro- 
clamation of the exemption. 
Sept. 1 to 7. At St Gilles. Celebration of the feast of St Gilles. 

Privileges granted to Chaise-Dieu. 

,, 11. At Tarascon. Benediction of a field given by Countess 
Stephanie "the Gentle" to build a church upon. 
,, 12. At Avignon. Deed given to the canons of the cathe- 

? Date uncertain. At Macon. 
Oct. 18 to 25. At Cluny. Dedication of high altar. 
? At Souvigny. Stays eight days, and receives Archambaud de 

Bourbon penitent. 

Nov. 18. At Clermont. Opening of the Council. 
Dec. 2. Leaves Clermont. 

}) 3. At Soucilanges. Dedication of the abbey church. 
,, ? At Brioude. 
,, 7. At St Flour. Dedication of priory church. Deed for 

Marcigny and Soucilanges. 

,, 21. At Uzerches. Bishop Humbald prevents him from dedi- 
cating the abbey church. 

,, 23. At Limoges. Deposition of Bishop Humbald. 
29. At Limoges. Dedication of the cathedral. 
,, 31. At Limoges. Dedication of abbey church of St Martial, 

founded by Louis le Debonnaire. 
Jan. 2.1096. At Limoges. Privileges to the Abbey of Tulle. 

10. At Charroux. Dedication of grand altar in the abbey 


were rising on all sides, consecrating altars, re- 
forming abuses, reconciling excommunicated peni- 
tents, choosing from among monks such men as he 
thought able to do good service to the Church in 

Jan. 13. At Poitiers. Celebration of St Hilaire. 
,j 21. At Poitiers. Dedication of the abbey church of Moutier- 
neuf. See the inscription published by M. de Cnerge* in 
the Memoir es de la Society des Antiquaires de V Quest, 
1844, p. 186. 
Feb. ? At Loudun. Dedication of St Croix and St Nicholas, proved 

by a deed given at Tours. March 19. 

,, 10. At Angers. Dedication of abbey church of St Nicholas. 
,, 14. At Sable. Deed given to St Nicholas d' Angers. 
,, At Solesmes. 

,, At Glanfeuil. 

At Mans. 
,, At Vendome. Dedication of the altar of the Holy Trinity, 

and deed of exemption against the Bishop of Chartres. 
March 2 to 9. At Marmoutier, near Tours. 

,, 9. At Marmoutier. Preaches on the banks of the Loire. 

10. At Marmoutier. Dedication of the abbey church. 

,, 14. At Tours. Council. Confirmation of privileges of St 

,, 23. At Tours. Solemn procession of Lcetare Sunday. Gift 

of the Golden Rose to Count Fulk of Anjou. 
29. At Poitiers. New deed in favour of St Martin. 
,, ?? At St Maixent. Deed for Glanfeuil. 
?? At St Jean-d'Angely. Proved by letters from the pope 

to the abbot. 

April 7. At St Jean-d'Angely. Bull giving exemption to the Abbey 
of Moutierneuf, at Poitiers MAB., b. 69, No. 39 ; MSS. 
of D. Fonteneau, vol. xix. p. 85. 

,, 13. At Saintes. Feast of Easter. Duke William VII. of 
Aquitaine threatened with excommunication. Dedica- 
tion of an altar in the crypt of St Eutropius. 
,, 14. At Saintes. Bull in favour of Moutierneuf against the 

canons of St Hilaire. MSS. of Fonteneau, I. c. 
May 1. At Bordeaux. Dedication of St Etienne. 
,, ? At Ne'rac. Dedication of St Thomas and St Nicholas. 
7. At Leyrac. Cello, of Cluny. 
,, 13. At Moissac. Letter to Hugh of Cluny. 
,, 24. At Toulouse. Dedication of St Sernin. 
June 29. At Maguelonne. Benediction of the island. 


more elevated positions ; l deposing, as at Limo- 
ges, prevaricating bishops ; condemning the most 
powerful lords to penance and expiation, as in the 
cases of the Sire de Bourbon, 2 the Count of Anjou, 
and the Duke of Aquitaine ; exercising in all 
the great courts of the country 3 the function of 
supreme judge of the Church and of society. The 

? ? At Montpelier. Examination of the affair of the election 

to the see of Paris. 

July 12. At Nimes. Council. Absolution of the king. 
16. At St Gilles. Deed for two Spanish monasteries. 
,, 22. At Avignon. Deed in favour of St Gilles. 
? ? At Cavaillon. Confirmation of the privileges of Montma- 


Aug. 5. At Apt. Dedication of the church of St Eusebius. 
, By placing in 1095 the deed of September 11, on the subject of the 
benediction of the Comtesse de Tarascon's field, as suits the heading, anno 
Pontificates octavo, and as is done by Mabillon, who twice repeats it wrong- 
ly (b. 69, Nos. 21 and 41), we escape the contradiction noticed by Pagi 
between this date, which he places in 1096, and the express statement of 
Bernold of Constance, who says that the pope celebrated the Exaltation 
of the Cross (September 14) at Mortara, near Pa via. It is certain that 
he was on the banks of the Rhine in September 1095 : it is more natural 
then to fix his journey to Tarascon at that date. We have been able to 
find no exact authority for the date of his 1 journey to Vienne, where he 
ordered the founding of a church for the relics of St Antoine, which gave 
rise to the beautiful church of St Antoine in Dauphine*, afterwards 
the head of an order. Fleury and Mabillon placed the pope's journey 
in 1096. 

1 As Milo, a monk of St Albin d' Angers, who afterwards became 
Cardinal-bishop of Palestrina, and legate in France in 1103. Going to 
Uzerches, Bernard, Archbishop of Toledo, who accompanied the pope, 
took with him a distinguished monk, named Maurice Burdin; but the 
choice was not happy, for Maurice afterwards became anti-pope. 

2 Urban obliged Archambault de Bourbon to repair the wrongs he 
had done at Souvigny ; Fulk d'Anjou to release his brother whom he 
had kept in prison for thirty years ; and William of Aquitaine to re- 
store to the Abbey of Vend&me a church which he had usurped in the 
Isle of Oleron. 

3 For example, that which dispensed the canons from receiving the 
legates in procession, a favour which was reserved for the pope, the 
king, and the archbishop once in his life. 


historians of the time relate that the pontiff every- 
where applied himself to confirm the privileges 
and exemptions granted by his predecessors to the 
regular clergy, without stopping to consider what 
in them might be contrary even to the authority 
of the papal legates. He placed these privileges 
under the guarantee of the most solemn acts of 
his pontificate. 1 Thus, for example, he assigned 
to the Abbots of St Martin the principal share 
in the right of election to the vacant see, and in 
the government of the diocese during the bishop's 
absence. 2 

Being called upon, at Vendome, to pronounce Pope 

( r* " 

upon the contradictory claims of two of the holiest trates be- 

tween Yves 
and most eminent bishops of the Church Yves of of chart* 

and Geof- 

Chartres and Geoffrey of Vendome Urban 
not hesitate to declare in favour of Abbot Geof- 
frey, whom he released from his promise of obedi- 
ence to Yves, made at the time of his election, 
by declaring it null and void. 3 The pope re-estab- 

1 See the two deeds granted to St Martin at Tours. BARON., Ann., 
ad ann. 1096. . . . " Ut Romanse Ecclesise praecepta servantes Romanse 
Eoclesise libertate perpetua gaudeatis, salvo . . . jure, seii consuetudine, 
quam hactenus erga vos Turonensis noscitur archiepiscopus habuisse . . . 
si quis sane in crastinum Arehiepiscopus, aut Episcopus, Imperator aut 
Rex," &c. 

2 By a deed given at Saintes, Easter Day, 1096. 

3 GOFFRID., i. 2, ep. 11, 27 ; MABILL., Ann., b. 69, p. 34. The bishops 
desired the participation by all the principal abbots of their sees in their 
election ; because it became a guarantee of the submission of all these 
prelates in every matter which was not the object of a special exemption. 
Thus, in 1089, we find the Bishop of Autim cruelly persecuting Abbot 
Hugh of Flavigny, because he had sent a deputy to the bishop's elec- 
tion instead of going himself. Hugh was finally expelled from his 


lished in favour of Geoffrey, who had enthroned 
him in the Lateran, the privilege by which the 
dignity of cardinal was united to that of abbot. 1 

Urban II. freed Glaiifeuil, the first Benedictine 
foundation in France, from the yoke of the degen- 
erate monks of St Maur-les-FosseX near Paris. 2 
After passing eight days at Marmoutier, where he 
consecrated the church and cemetery, and where 
he and his cardinals dined in the refectory, the 
pope went to the banks of the Loire. Here, from 
a wooden pulpit, 3 erected beside the river, his 
eloquent voice was heard by an immense crowd, 
which filled the town of St Martin, and by the 
great personages of the neighbourhood, who formed 
the duke's cortege. 
urban Leaving Marmoutier, Urban held a new council 

visits Mar- m .. .. r> i i -i TT-- 

moutier, at lours, where ne refused absolution to King 
sides at Philip, and wrote to the bishops of France, blam- 

the Council 

of Tours. i n g those among them who. thought they might 
communicate with an excommunicated prince and 
absolve him themselves. 4 This steadiness in apos- 

abbey by the treason of his monks, and in spite of the favourable sen- 
tence of the Council of Valence in 1100. He is author of a much-esteemed 
chronicle on the history of the eleventh century. 

1 The Abbots of Vendome enjoyed this privilege for 300 years. As 
cardinals, they took their title from the Church of St Prisca at Rome. 

2 "A Fossatensium tyrannide libertati restituit." Chron. Cassin., b. 
iv. c. 18. Their rule was much relaxed. MAB., b. 69. 

3 " In gradu ligneo." Ibid. 

4 " Auditum est apud nosquosdam confratres nostros in tantam auda- 
ciam prorupisse, ut asserant se nequaquam a regis societate abstenturos 
. . . nobis sane et omnibus Turonis nobiscum Deo propitiante convener- 
tint, liquido paruit . . . nullam solvendi quern nos ligavimus Fraterni- 
tati vestrse suppetere potestatem." COI.ETT., Cone., xii. 736. 


tolic severity did not render him unjust ; for, by 
the advice of Yves of Chartres, who went with 
him everywhere, he approved the election to the 
see of Paris of the young William de Montfort, 
brother of that Bertrade whose love had drawn 
King Philip into sin. William had not yet 
reached the age fixed by the canons ; but Yves, 
Bertrade's inflexible enemy, had observed in her 
brother a mind so zealous for the good of the 
Church, that he persuaded the sovereign pontiff 
to sanction this choice. 

Meanwhile, towards the end of the period fixed 
by the Council of Clermont, the king consented 
to humble himself, and resolved to break off his 
unlawful union. His long-deferred absolution im- 
mediately followed : it took place during the meet- 
ing of the Council of Mmes, July 8, 1096. 1 

Before returning to Italy, Urban II. extended 
his cares to Spain, where the contest between 
Christians and Saracens continued uninterrupt- 
edly. It w r as during this year (1096) 2 that 

1 " Satis humiliter ad satisfactionem venit, et abjurata adultera in 
gratiam receptus est, seque in servitio domini Papse promptum exhibuit." 
BERNOLD. CONST., ad ann. 1096. In this same council, the pope 
published a canon which confirmed to monks the right of exercising 
sacerdotal functions agreeably to the decree of the Council of Rome, 
under Boniface IV., in 604. This canon interfered in no way with that 
of Clermont, which denied them the government of parishes. Fleury 
attacks it bitterly. We always find, side by side, in a mind like his, 
three hostilities against the authority of the Holy See, against the in- 
dependence of monks, and against the worship of the Blessed Virgin a 
certain sign of more or less pronounced connivance with the enemies of 
the Church. 

2 PAGI, crit. in BARON., 1091, No. 21. 


Avesca fell before the two kings of Aragon, one 
of whom, Sancho Kamirez, being mortally wounded 
under the walls of the place, made his successor 
swear never to raise the siege. During this time, 
the Clunist Bernard, Archbishop of Toledo, had 
joined Urban in France, purposing, like his com- 
patriots, to take part in the Crusade ; but the pope 
sent him back to Spain to organise the war with 
the infidels. 1 Finally, Urban, having gloriously 
ended his mission beyond the Alps, turned once 
more towards Italy, where, thanks to the Lombard 
bishops, the emperor still maintained his position. 

The cause of the Church had just suffered from 
the defection of Duke Welf and his son, the hus- 
band of Matilda. Deceived, as it would appear, 
in their expectations by the persistent intention of 
the great countess to give her property to the Holy 
See, they deserted their party and joined that of the 
emperor ; 2 but the heroic Matilda braved all three, 
and succeeded in preserving for the pope posses- 
sion of all the territory she had conceded to him. 

Urban first went to Milan, which he found stead- 
fast in its anti-imperialist disposition. He there 

1 Besides the future anti-pope, Maurice Burdin, a monk of Uzerches, 
Bernard took back with him to Spain a monk of Moissac, Gerard, 
who became Archbishop of Braga, and died 1110 ; he is honoured as a 

2 "Dux . . . Henricum sibi in adjutorem adscivit contra dominam 
Mathildem ut ipsam bona sua filio ejus dare compelleret, quamvis non- 
duin illam in maritali opere cognosceret." BEEN., ad 1095. According 
to STENTZEL, vol. i. p. 553, and LABBE, Chron., ii. 258, the defection of 
the Welfs dated from 1095 ; but no sign of it appears before the pope's 
journey into France. 


canonised as a martyr the Knight Herlembald, 
who, holding the banner of St Peter, had fallen 
under the knives of the simoniacal and married 
priests of Eome (1075). 

The pope also preached against simony, in pul- 
pito sanctcB Thedce, to an immense multitude, 
declaring to them that the lowest of the inferior 
clergy counted for more in the Church of God 
than the greatest monarch. 1 

From Milan the sovereign pontiff went to Kome, urban 11. 

. , returns to 

where most of the inhabitants had now recognised Rome, 

*- where sev- 

his authority, and where he solemnly celebrated 
the feast of Christmas, though St Angelo was still 
occupied by the anti-Pope Guibert, the steady ad- 
versary of all expeditions to the Holy Land. 2 It 
was about this time that Godfrey of Bouillon tra- 
versed Germany amidst the acclamations of the 
multitudes who firmly believed that Charlemagne 
was about to revive in order to lead them against 
the enemies of Christ. 3 It was then also that the 
French shout of " Dieu le veut " was first heard in 
Italy, 4 and turning the minds of the Normans there 
from their scarcely-completed conquests in Apulia 
and Sicily, hurried them away to the East. 

1 " In pulpito sanctse Theclse immensse multitudini ntriusque sexus 
praedicavit, quod minimus clericus de Ecclesia Dei major quolibet rege 
mortali." LANDULPH. DE ST PAUL, Chron. MedioL, c. 28, ap. MURA- 

2 RAUMER, History of the ffohenstaufens, vol. i. c. 3. 

3 Ibid. 

4 " Interea Boamundus Roberti ducis films . . . ccelesti instinctu pro- 
tinns jussit afferri pannum sericum, totumque in frustra concidi, ut tarn 


Bohemond, the eldest son of Eobert Guiscard, 
started with the flower of Count Koger's army ; 
and in spite of his ardent desire to avenge on his 
way the injuries heaped on his race by the treach- 
erous Byzantines, he was obliged to go on straight 
towards Jerusalem, carried away by the ardent 
zeal of his companions, and especially of the heroic 
Tancred. 1 

A certain number of French princes Hugh 
de Vermandois, the king's brother, Kobert, Duke of 
Normandy, and Stephen, Count of Blois chose 
the Italian route, so as to pass by Berne before 
reaching the holy city. Arriving at Lucca, they 
heard that the pope was in the neighbourhood, 
and all went to ask his blessing, 2 happy, says the 
chronicler, to continue their journey with such a 

Henry iv. Henry IV. seemed desirous to avoid the contact 
m> part L of these Catholic legions. Crossing the Alps, he 

the Cru- 

sibi quam suis et aliis ad se confluentibns, cruces hide confectas super - 
poneret humeris, omnesque itidem Deus lo volt clamare magnis vocibus 
jussit. . . . Tarn multi repente confluxere ut vix paucis cum comite 
Kogerio scilicet relictis, in Siciliam solus ferine redierit." CArow. Cass., 
b. iv. c. 11 ; ORDER. VIT., b. ix. ; GUILL. TYR., b. ii. c. 20. 

1 " Tertia pars per antiquam viam Romam venit." ANON., Hist. bell, 
sacr., in MAB., Mus. Ital, i. 2. 

2 " Cum usque Lucam pervenissemus, invenimus prope urbem illam 
Urbanum apostolicum, cum quo locuti sunt comes Robertus Normannus, 
et comes Stephanus, nos quoque ceteri qui voluimus. Et ab eo benedic- 
tione suscepta, gaudentes Romam ivimus." FULCHER CARNOT, Hist. 
HierosoL, i. 2. In this writer is found an account of the insults the 
Crusaders suffered at the hands of the partisans of the anti-Pope Guibert, 
at Rome : nothing can show more clearly the antipathy of the schisma- 
tics for the Crusades. 


rapidly quitted Italy, which he was never to see 
again, 1 thus leaving the territories where he had 
most partisans to the energetic action of Matilda 
and the moral influence of the pope. 

Urban thus found himself victorious at Rome, 
and more disposed than ever, according to the 
exhortations of his faithful friend, Bishop Yves of 
Chartres, to strive like St Peter and to reign like 
him. 2 

1 He returned to Germany May 15, 1097. STENTZEL, Tabl. Chron. 

2 ' ' Domno et patri suo Urbano . . . cum Petro pugnare et cum Petro 
regnare. Quoniam Romana Ecclesia post inulta naufragia sub vestro 
regimine ad portum pene pervenit, et Italia regnum tamdiu rebelle in 
conspectu vestro totum pene conticuit." Ep., YYON CAENOT., 43. 




A great contemporary of Urban IT. and Peter the Hermit. A nselm of 
Aosta and Ms philosophy. Influence of Anselm on the intelligence 
of the middle ages. The Abbot of Bee as popular in England as in 
France. His friends not less numerous in the world than in the clois- 
ter. Anselm's heart overflowing with love for his friends and charity 
for his enemies. Anselm suddenly snatched from the solitude of the 
cloister. King William Rufus and his minister, Ralph Flambard. 
Hugh the Wolf, Earl of Chester, brings Anselm to England. The 
king's sudden illness, repentance, and vain promises. Anselm suffers 
violence before he will accept the English primacy. The Archbishop 
of Rouen orders Anselm to obey the king's wish. Consecration of 
Anselm by St Wulstan. William Rufus false to all his promises. 
Encouraging words of St Wulstan. Anselm will not buy the king's 
favour. The Bishop of Durham takes part against Anselm. Ad- 
mirable words of a knight. Intervention of the barons in Anselm's 
favour. King William sends two clerks of his chapel to Rome. He 
refuses Anselm leave to go to Rome. The English bishops abandon 
their metropolitan. 

A famous WHILE a French monk was so worthily occupying 
the throne of St Peter while another monk was 

n! an/ an leading to the East the flower of European chiv- 


Hermit, airy, called to arms by his eloquence there was 

Anselm j L 

^ Aosta a third, in England, who, compelled to struggle 
against all the abuses and all the cunning of the 
temporal power, prepared a yet more splendid 


glory for the Church and the world. So rich were 
at that : rnoment the Christian world, the Church, 
and especially the monastic orders, in men of 
courage and genius ! 

Born at Aosta, in 1033, of a very rich patrician 
family, 1 Anselm had early suffered those trials by 
which great souls are so often tempered. When a 
child he lost his mother, and, as the pious author 2 
of his life expresses it, "the ship of his heart was 
deprived of its anchor, and he remained a wreck 
amidst the waves of the world," 3 an object of aver- 
sion to his father, and obliged to leave his native 
land. The fame of Lanfranc drew the young man 
to Bee, where, with indefatigable zeal, he gave him- 

1 "Juxta seculi dignitatem nobiliter nati, nobiliter sunt in Augusta 
conversati . . . ambo divitiis non ignobiles." EADM., Vit. S. Anselm, 
p. 2. 

2 Eadmer, a monk of Canterbury, and afterwards Archbishop of St 
Andrews, in Scotland, was Anselm's companion in travel and exile, hav- 
ing received from him a bond of special obedience, as authorised by Pope 
Urban. He has related, inconcussa veritate, he says, the life of his friend 
iu two works, entitled, De Vita S. Anselm, and Historia Novorum. 
One contains the details of the monastic and familiar life of the saint ; 
the other the events of his contest with the King of England. D. Ger- 
beron has published them, with notes by the learned Selden, at the end 
of the works of St Anselm, 1721. Eadmer relates that Anselm one day 
discovered the work at which he was occupied, and after having first ex- 
amined and corrected it, ordered him to destroy what he had already 
transcribed from his waxen tablets on to parchment. But Eadmer only 
obeyed after he had secretly made another copy. Supplement, c. 68, 
p. 215. The historian agrees perfectly with William of Malmesbury^ a 
writer very favourable to the Norman dynasty. Among moderns, no 
one has better related the life of Anselm than the anonymous author of 
two articles in Nos. 66 and 67 of the British Critic, a magazine belonging 
to the new Anglo-Catholic sect. 

3 "Defuncta vero ilia, ill ico navis cordis ejus, quasi anchora perdita, 
in fluctus seculi pene tota dilapsa est." Vit. S. Ans., p. 2. 


self up to work. Love of study led him by degrees 
to love of solitude and monastic penance. After 
some efforts he succeeded in mastering the passion 
for literary glory which at first had urged him to 
leave the place where the reputation of Lanfranc 
seemed to render all rivalry impossible. 1 He 
triumphed more easily over the temptation offered 
by a great fortune inherited from his father. At 
the age of twenty-seven he became a monk in the 
abbey of Bee, where he was soon to replace Lan- 
franc as prior ; 2 and fifteen years later, 3 at the 
death of the venerable Herluin, founder of the 
monastery, 4 he found himself, in spite of his eager 
resistance, named abbot by the 136 monks of the 

In great distress he threw himself weeping 
at the feet of the monks, imploring them not to 
lay such a burden upon him ; but they, kneel- 
ing before him, entreated him to have pity on 
their souls and on their house. 5 Ansel rn there- 
fore passed thirty years at Bee, partly as monk, 
partly as superior, dividing his time between the 
exact practice of monastic austerities, 6 and the 

1 "Ecce monachus fiam, sed ubi ? . . . Becci supererainens prudentia 
Lanfranci, qui illic monachus est, nie aut nulli prodesse, aut nihil valere 
comprobabit. . . . Nee dum eram edomitus, necdura in me vigebat mundi 
contemptus. . . ." EADM., p. 3. 

2 In 1063. 3 In 1078. 4 See above. 

5 "At illi orrmes e contra in terrain prostrati, orant ut ipse potius loci 
illius et eorum misereatur." EADM., p. 9. The Archbishop of Rouen 
had laid upon him the obligation of obedience to the choice of which he 
should be the object. 

6 "Quid de illius jejunio dicerem, cum ab initio prioratus sui tanta 
corpus suum inedia maceraverit . . . quid de vigiliis. . . ."EADM., p. 4. 


continuation of his studies. He applied himself 
specially to sounding the most delicate and diffi- 
cult problems of metaphysics, and, guided by the 
light of faith and humility, did not fear to face 
questions hitherto judged insoluble. 1 " I believe, 
but I desire to understand/' 2 said the Christian 
philosopher ; and these efforts to reach the compre- 
hension of truths imposed by religion have given us 
the magnificent treatises, in which the writer, thus 
constituting himself the disciple and successor of 
St Augustine, 3 has given to the questions of the 
divine essence, the existence of God, the incar- 
nation, the creation, the Trinity, free will, and 
grace, solutions and illustrations which even to our 
own days have retained the highest value in the 
eyes of theology and true philosophy, 4 of reason, 

1 "Soli Deo, coelestibusque disciplinis jugiter occupatus, in tantum 
speculations divinse culmen ascenderei, ut obscurrissimas et ante suum 
tempus insolitas de divinitate Dei et nostra fide quaestiones, Deo reser- 
ante perspieeret, ac perspectas erodaret, apertisque rationibus quae dice- 
bat rata et catholica esse probaret." EAPM., p. 3. 

2 "Credo, sed intelligere desidero . . . and he gave as second title to 
his Proslogion: Fides quaerens intellectnm. " Prooem. 

3 Prooem. Monologii. 

4 His most famous treatises (the Monologium, which contains the de- 
monstration of God by the idea we possess of infinite perfection, the 
Proslogion, the Liber Apologeticus, the dialogues De Veritate, De libero 
Arbitrio, De Casu Diaboli, &c.), were composed, according to D. Ger- 
beron, during the fifteen years of his priory. To form a just idea of St 
Anselm's philosophical leanings, it is necessary to read the essay on his 
scholastic theology, to be found in the Gesammelte Schriften und Aufsdtze 
of the admirable Mohler, author of the Symbolique, published after his 
death by Dr Dollinger. Apart from the orthodox point of view, the 
reader may profitably consult the preface to the translation of the Mono- 
logium and Proslogium, published in 1841 by M. Bouchitte', Professor at 
Versailles, under the utterly incorrect title of Christian Rationalism. In 



influence and of faith. On account of these works An- 

of Anselm 

on the in- selm has deservedly been regarded by the most 

telligence . & J 

of the mid- competent judges as the father and founder of 
Christian philosophy in the middle ages. The 
ardent sincerity with which he submitted all the 
results of his researches to the rules of faith and 
the infallible authority of the Church, 1 places an 
impassable abyss between his tendencies and those 
of modern metaphysicians. He seems to have 
pointed out beforehand this immeasurable gulf 
when, speaking of the rationalists of his own time, 
he said, " They seek for reasons because they do not 
believe ; we seek for them because we do believe." 2 
And he adds, " I do not try to understand that T 
may believe ; but I believe that I may under- 
stand." 3 " If," continues the great philosopher, 
"our reason is contradicted by the authority of 
Holy Scripture, we must allow, however unanswer- 
able our reason may appear, that she is entirely 

1842, M. Franck, a Protestant, published at Tubingen an essay on St 
Anselm, in which he points out and refutes, in a rationalist sense, most 
of the saint's demonstrations, while doing all justice to his moral and 
public life. He acknowledges him to have been a perfect monk. But, 
adds the philosopher, Anselm shared "many of his mother's weak- 
nesses," and was especially wanting in subjective freedom of mind Die 
subjective Geistes Freiheit. This says everything, and proves, without 
much trouble, the inferiority of the monk and son of the Church com- 
pared with the doctors of the nineteenth century. 

1 See, among others, the humble letter in which he submitted his 
treatises to the judgment of Lanfranc, already archbishop. Ep. i. 63, 
68 ; iv. 103. 

2 "Illi ideo rationem quaerunt, quia non credunt; nos vero quia credi- 
mus." Cur Deus homo, b. i. c. 2. 

3 "Neque enim qusero intelligere, ut credam ; sed credo, ut iiitel- 
ligam." Proslog., c. 1. 


in the wrong. 1 No Christian should in any way 
dispute truths the Catholic Church believes and 
confesses ; he may only, while preserving his faith 
from all hurt, and conforming his life to it, humbly 
examine the manner in which these truths exist. 
If he is able to understand, let him give thanks to 
God ; if not, let him not set himself up against the 
truth, but bend his head in reverence before it. 2 
. . . There are men of false learning who, be- 
fore they have gained a knowledge of the faith, 
fly at the highest sovereign questions ; . . . not 
able to understand what they believe, they dispute 
the truth of that faith which the fathers have 
confirmed. As if the owls and bats, and other 
creatures who only see by night, should dispute 
as to the light of day with eagles who look with 
undazzled eye upon the sun himself." 

Anselm was not content to compose only meta- 
physical works. He wrote also meditations and 
orations abounding in the treasures of ascetic 
piety, 4 of the deepest love for God and His saints, 

1 "At si ipsa nostro sensui indubitanter repugnat, quamvis nobis 
nostra ratio videatur inexpugnabilis, nulla tamen veritate fulciri cre- 
denda est." De concord. Grat., and Lib. arbit. qucest., iii. c. 6. 

2 "Nullus quippe Christianus debet disputare quomodo quod catholica 
Ecclesia corde credit . . . non sit, sed . . . quserere rationem quomodo sit. 
Si potest intelligere, Deo gratias agat: si non potest, non immittat cornua 
ad ventilandum, sed submittat caput ad veneranduin." De Fide Trini- 
talis, c. 2. 

3 " Velut si vespertiliones et noctuse, non nisi in nocte ccelum videntes, 
de meridianis solis radiis disceptent contra aquilas solem ipsum irrever- 
berato visu intuentes." Ibid. How is it possible to have ventured to 
represent tbe man who wrote these words as a Christian rationalist ? 

4 "In orationibus autem quas ipse juxta desiderium et petitionem 


and especially for Mary, 1 the mother of Him whom 
he did not fear to call the Elder Brother of Chris- 
tians. 2 Night was the time principally occupied 
by these works, and by the transcription and cor- 
rection of MSS. 3 His days were absorbed by the 
spiritual direction of those who came to him, 4 by 
the paternal instruction he freely gave to youth, 5 
and by assiduous care of the sick. Some loved 
him as a father, others as a mother, so well did 
he know how to gain the confidence and console 
the grief of all. 6 . . . He acted as servant to an 
old monk paralysed by age and suffering, himself 
putting the food into his mouth. 7 He would 
willingly have buried his whole life in this sacred 
obscurity, so as to render himself worthy of the 
habit which he wore. 8 

amicorum suorum scriptas edidit ; qua sollicitudine, quo tiraore, qua spe, 
quo amore Deum et sanctos cjus interpellaverit . . . satis est et me 
tacente videre. " EADM., p. 4. 

1 See his orations, 45 to 60, and his -letters to Gondulphus. Ep. i. 
p. 20. 

2 " Magne Domine, tu noster major frater ; magna Domina, tu nostra 
melior mater. " Orat. 51. 

3 "Prseterea libros, qui ante id temporis nimis corrupti ubiqne ter- 
rarum erant, nocte corrigebat." EADM., p. 4. 

4 " Totus dies in dandis consiliis ssepissime non sufficiebat. . . ." 

5 EADM., pp. 5 and 8. See the lesson he gave to an abbot guilty of 
extreme severity towards his pupils. 

6 "Sicque sanis pater, et infirmis erat mater . . . quicquid secret! apud 
se quivis illorum habebat, non secus quam dulcissimae matri ille revelare 
satagebat. " Ibid. 

7 "Quod tu Herewarde decrepite senex in teipso percepisti quando 
gravatus . . . ita ut nihil tui corporis prseter linguam, haberes in tua 
potestate per manus illius pastus, et vino de racemis per uvam in aliam 
ejus manum expresso, de ejus ipsa manu bibens et refocillatus." Ibid. 

8 He called himself "Frater Anselmus vita peccator, habitu monachus." 


When his friends exhorted him to make his 
works known, reproaching him for hiding his light 
under a bushel when they spoke to him of the 
glory of Lanfranc and Guitmond, monks like 
himself, and in the same province, he answered, 
" Flowers of the same colour as the rose have not 
always the same perfume." l By degrees, never- 
theless, his fame spread ; his treatises and medita- 
tions passed from hand to hand, and excited uni- 
versal admiration in France, Flanders, and Eng- 
land. From the depths of Auvergne the monks 
of Chaise - Dieu wrote to him that at the mere 
reading of his works, they imagined that they saw 
his tears of contrition and piety, and that their 
hearts seemed to be flooded as with sweet and 
refreshing dew. 2 He soon had as many friends in The M 

of Anselm 

the world as in the cloister. There was about equally 


him a charm which vanquished the souls of men. int ^e 

* world and 

The Norman knights surrounded him with the 
liveliest affection, received him with delight in 
their castles, confided their children to him, and 
considered him as an elder brother. 3 

In England, whither the affairs of his monastery 

1 " Quid vero quseritis cur fama Lanfranci atque Guitmundi plus mea 
per orbem volet ? Utique quia non quilibet flos pari rosse fragrat odore, 
etiamsi non dispari fallat rubore." Ep. i. 16. 

2 "Pias prsestant nobis lacrymas tuas legere, nostras edere ; ita ut 
utrumque miremur, et in corde tuo redundare tantae rorem benedicti- 
onis, et sine susurro descendere inde rivum in cordibus nostris." Ep. 
i. 61. 

3 EADM., pp. 8 and 33. "Dominus iste . . . de Normannorura no- 
bilissimis . . . cum niatre et fratribus suis et sorore . . . primogeniti 
mini dignitatem concesserurit." Ep. i. 18; see also 67 et passim. 


often took him, his popularity was as great as 
in Normandy ; the whole country was devoted to 
him, and there were earls, knights, and noble ladies 
who would have thought themselves deprived of 
all merit before God if the Abbot of Bee had not 
received some proof of devotion from their hands. 1 
He availed himself of this ascendancy to preach 
mortification and humility to the rich and noble 
of both sexes. His voluminous correspondence 2 
everywhere bears the marks of this task, and when 
the position of those he addressed permitted it, he 
used double efforts to induce them to embrace the 
monastic life. He made many valuable conquests 
among them, 3 employing for the purpose the 
ardent love which animated him, and which gave 
invincible power to his eloquence. 4 " Beloved 
friends of my soul," he wrote to two of his near 
relations whom he wished to draw to Bee, "my 
eyes ardently desire to see you, my arms open to 

1 "Non fuit comes in Anglia seu comitissa, vel ulla persona potens, 
qua non judicaret se sua coram Deo merita perdidisse, &c. . . . Familiaris 
ei dehinc Anglia facta est." EADM., p. 11. We have seen already how 
William the Conqueror grew mild with Anselm. 

2 We have 450 of his letters, which give us the true key to his char- 
acter and history. We will say for this correspondence, as well as for 
that of Gregory VII., that to publish it in a portable form, and add it 
to Eadmer's biography of the saint, would be to render an essential ser- 
vice to history and to religious truth. 

3 See the treasurer of Beauvais (adolescens delicatus et pulcherrimus, 
valde dives et nobilissimus), of whom he speaks, Ep. ii. 19, and the 
three noble ladies, Basilia de Gournay, Auffrida her mother, and Eve 
de Crespin. Chron. Becc. Mams, quoted by SELDEN, ap. GERBER, p. 559. 

4 See, among others (Ep. ii. 25, 29, 39 ; Lamberto nobili viro, p. 40), 
to Ermengarde, whose husband wished to become a monk, but who 
refused to be a nun. 


embrace you, my lips sigh for your kisses, all the 
life that remains in me wears itself out in waiting 
for you. ... I hope in prayer, and I pray in hope. 
Come and taste how good the Lord is ; you can- 
not know it as long as you find sweetness in the 
life of the world. ... I cannot deceive you, first 
of all because I love you, and secondly, because I 
have experience of what I speak of. Let us then 
be monks together, so that now and for ever we 
may be one flesh, one blood, one soul. . . . My 
heart is joined to yours. You can break it, but you 
cannot separate them ; neither can you loosen it, 
nor drag it into the world. I must say to you, 
" either live here with it, or break it." But God pre- 
serve you from doing such wrong to a poor heart 
which has never wronged you, and which loves 
yon. Oh, how my love burns ! How my affec- 
tion labours to make itself felt ! But no words 
are sufficient. I would write many things to you, 
but time fails, and I cannot express what I feel. 
Speak, then, good Jesus, speak to their hearts. 
Thou who alone canst make them understand, 
tell them to leave all and follow Thee. Do not 
separate me from those whom Thou hast bound to 
me by the bonds of blood and affection. Be my 
witness, Lord, with these tears which flow while 
I write." 1 Contrary to the common opinion, the 

1 ' ' Animse dilectissimse, animae mese . . . concupiscunt oculi niei vul- 
tus vestros, extendunt se bracchia mea in amplexus vestros. Anhelat 
ad oscula vestra os meum . . . vosque non fallo, quia amicus sum, certe 
nee fallo quia expertus sum . . . consolidastis animam meam animabus 


heart of Anselm, far from being chilled by study 

heart over- . -, i 

tiowed with or the macerations of penance, overflowed with 

tenderness * 

for his tenderness. Among the monks of Bee there were 

friends and 

w s a ene lor severa l whom he loved with passionate affec- 
tion : the young Maurice, whose health filled him 
with painful anxiety ; l Lanfranc, 2 nephew of the 
archbishop, to whom he wrote, "Do not think 
that, according to the vulgar saying, what is far 
from the eyes is far from the heart ; if it were so, 
the longer thou wert absent from me, the weaker 
my affection would grow ; whereas, on the con- 
trary, the less I can enjoy thy presence, the more 
ardently my soul desires it." 3 A third youth, 
named Gondulphus, also destined to the service of 
the altar, had gained, in the peaceful solitude of 
the cloister, all Anseim's affection, and received this 
letter from him : " For all my salutation, I write to 
thee these simple words : Anselm to Gondulphus. 
And, in effect, this short salutation must appear to 
thee enough at the head of my letter, for what 
could I say more to him I love ? Can any who 

vestris. Scindi potest, secerni jam non potest. ... quomodo inter 
prsecordia mea fervet amor meus ! Quomodo laborat totus erumpere 
simul affectus meus ! . . . Die tu, o bone Jesu, cordibus eorum . . . pro- 
mitte illis . . . nee separes a me quibus me tanto carais et spiritus affeetu 
junxistis. . . . Domine, tu testis es interius et lachrymse quse, me hoc 
scribente, fluunt, testes sunt, exterius," &c. Ep. ii. 28. 

1 See the five letters, 24-28, of b. i., on the headache from which 
Maurice suffered, and letters 32 and 34 on his recovery. 

2 He also suffered from an illness similar to Maurice's, of which St 
Anselm gives a curious and detailed description. Ep. i. 31. 

3 " Non sicut vulgo dici solet, quia quod longe est ab oculis longe est 
a corde . . . quanto minus ilia frui pro veto possum, tanto magis desid- 
erium ejus in veri dilectoris vestri mente fervescit." Ep. i. 66. 


knows Gondulphus and Anselm fail to understand 
how much love is expressed in these two words ? " 1 
Elsewhere he adds, " How can I forget you ? Do 
we forget him whom we have placed like a seal 
upon our hearts ? Even your silence tells me that 
you love me ; and in the same way, when I am 
silent, you guess that I love you. Not only have 
I no doubt of you, but I am certain that you also 
have full confidence in me. 2 . . . What can 
my letter tell you that you do not know already, 
soul of my soul ? Look into the secret depths 
of your heart, see what tenderness you find there 
for me, and you will understand what mine is 
for you ! " 3 

The young Gislebert, another friend of Anselm's, 4 
having left Bee, the latter wrote to him, "You 
knew, my friend, how much I loved you ; but I 
did not know. He who has separated us has 
alone taught me how dear you are to me. . . . 
No, I did not know until I felt the trial of your 
absence, how sweet it is to me to have you, how 
bitter not to have you 1 To console you, another 

1 "Quisquis enim bene novit Gondulphum et Anselmum, cum legit, 
Gondulfo Anselmus, non ignorat quid subaudiatur, vel quantus sub- 
intelligatur affectus." Ep. i. 7. fc 

2 " Qualiter namque obliviscar tui? Te silente, ego novi quia diligis 
me, et me tacente, scis quia amo te. Tu mihi conscius es quia ego non 
dubito de te; et ego tibi testis sum quia tu certus es de me." Ep. i. 4. 

3 " Sed quid te docebit epistola mea quod ignores, o tu altera anima ? 
Intra in cubiculum cordis tui. . . ." Ep. i. 14. See also Ep. i. 33. 

4 Perhaps Gislebert of the house of Crespin, so celebrated for his liB- 
erality. After having been a monk at Bee, he was made Abbot of 
Westminster in 1084. 


friend is near you, whom you love as well, or per- 
haps better, than me ; but I I have you no longer, 
and no one, you may be sure, can replace you. 
Consolations are offered to you ; but I am alone 
with my grief. Those who rejoice to have you 
near them, may perhaps be offended at what I say; 
but let them be content with their good fortune, 
and suffer me to weep for him who has been taken 
from me, and whose place no other can fill." l 

Death had no more power than absence to ex- 
tinguish in the heart of the monk these flames of 
holy love. At the time when Anselm was made 
prior, a young monk named Osborn, jealous, like 
several others, of this promotion, took a violent 
dislike to him 2 and showed his antipathy with a 
sort of frenzy. Anselm neglected nothing to gain 
the heart of his enemy by force of indulgence and 
kindness ; 3 he won him to repentance ; nursed 
him night and day in his last illness ; and when 
Anselm received his latest sigh, the rebel had 
become almost a saint. 

For a whole year Anselm never failed to say a 
mass each morning for his old enemy ; nor ceased 
to write to his friends to ask their prayers for the 
same object. 

1 " Et quidem tu sciebas erga te dilectionem meam : sed utique ego 
ipse nesciebam earn. Qui nos scidit ab invicem, ille me docuit quantum 
te diligerem. Tu habes prasentem alterum quern non minus aut certe 
plus amas : mihi vero tu, tu inquam, es ablatus, et nullus pro te oblatus," 
&c. Ep. i. 75. 

2 "More canino." EADM., p. 4. 

3 ' ' Coepit quadam sancta calliditate piis blandimentis delinire. " Ibid. 


" I beg you," he wrote to Gondulphus, " you and 
all my brothers, with all the strength of my affec- 
tion, to pray for Osborn ; his soul is mine, and 
I will accept all that you do for him during my 
life as if you did it for me ; and when I am dead, 
when you think of me, do not, I conjure you, for- 
get the soul of my beloved Osborn. If I am too 
troublesome to you, forget me, but remember him. 1 
. . . Oh you who surround me, and who have 
loved me, keep him as myself in your memory, 
and let this memory remain living in your heart 
as in mine. 2 

Such was the man who, after thirty years of Anseim 
such a life, was, at the age of sixty the age of dragged" 

3 ^ J & from the 

repose to be snatched by the hand of God from solitude 

of the 

the deep solitude of the cloister to go among men, cloister. 
and there to fight one of the greatest of battles 
against royal despotism. 

History relates that when, after the death of 
Gregory VII., William the Conqueror was also 
drawing near to the tomb, and reviewing, upon his 
deathbed, 3 all the violences of the Norman Con- 
quest, he prayed the Blessed Virgin Mary, Mother 

1 "Anima ejus anima mea est. Accipiam igitur in illo vivus quic- 
quid ab amicitia poteram sperare defunctus, ut sint otiosi me defuncto. 
. . . Precor et precor, et precor, memento mei, et ne obliviscaris 
animse Osberni dilecti mei. Quod si te nimis videor onerare, mei oblivi- 
scere et illius memorare." Ep. i. 4. 

2 Eos interiori cubiculo memorise tuse ibi, ubi ego assiduus assideo 
. . . colloca mecum in circuitu meo : sed animam Osberni mei, rogo, 
chare mi, illam non nisi in sinu meo." Ep. i. 7. 

3 September 9, 1087. 


of God, that she would deign to have mercy on 
him for the sake of the many monastic 1 founda- 
tions he had made on both sides of the Channel. 
These foundations were, indeed, of real benefit to 
the people. 

The crown of England passed to William the 
Red, to the prejudice of his elder brother Robert, 
whose share was only the Duchy of Normandy. 
To secure his recognition as king, William was 
obliged to swear, between the hands of Arch- 
bishop Lanfranc, that he would regard justice and 
mercy, and defend the peace and liberty of the 
Church against all. 2 But Lanfranc being dead, 3 
and the restraint he had exercised withdrawn, 
the king gave himself up without delay to the 
evil inclinations of his depraved nature. The 
Church and people of England alike groaned under 
his yoke. The zeal of the Conqueror for ecclesi- 
astical regularity, and his hatred of simony, had 
not prevented him from introducing into this new 
kingdom innovations 4 tending to abuses, and in- 
compatible with the liberty of the Church as well 

1 ORDER. VIT., b. viii. pp. 659-661. "Dominae meae, sanctse Dei 
genitrici Marise me commendo." 

2 EADMER, Hist. Nov., i. p. 33. 

3 May 27, 1089. One of the last acts of this illustrious monk, who 
called himself "Lanfranc, a sinner, and unworthy archbishop of the 
holy Church of Canterbury," was to write to two kings of Ireland to 
recommend them to watch over the inviolability of marriages in their 
country. He sent them Bishop Patrick, monasticis institutionibus a 
pueritia enutritum, who had come to him to be consecrated. BARON., 
Ann., ad ann., 1089. 

4 " Qusedam de eis quse nova per Angliam servare constituit ponam." 
EADM., p. 29. 


as with her social mission. He had claimed the 
right to accept or reject at pleasure the Roman 
pontiff's nomination ; to examine, beforehand, all 
pontifical letters addressed to the Church of Eng- 
land ; to submit to the royal judgment all decrees 
of the national councils ; finally, to forbid bishops 
to fulminate, without his permission, any ecclesias- 
tical sentence against barons or royal officers even 
if guilty of the greatest crimes. 1 Moreover, the 
Conqueror had rigorously upheld the custom, 
inveterate in England, of obliging bishops and 
abbots to receive investiture by the crosier, at the 
hands of the king, and to do him homage. 2 But 
the Eed King 3 was not content with this ; not 
only did he prevent the English Church from pro- 
nouncing in favour of the legitimate pope against 
the anti-pope, when all Europe, except the emper- 
or's partisans, recognised Urban II.; 4 but also, un- 
like his father, he scandalised all the country by his 
debauchery, brought back to favour that simony 
which the Conqueror, on his deathbed, boasted of 
having extirpated, and made the Church the victim 
of unparalleled rapacity. A priest's son, Ralph King wn- 
Flambard or the Firebrand, who had been a serv- and MS 


ing-man at the Norman court, 5 and who owed his 

1 EADM., p. 29. 

2 "Per dationem virgse pastoralis." EADM., in prcef. Hist. Nov. 
Eadmer maintains that investiture by the crosier dates only from the 
Conqueror ; but Selden (in EADM., not., p. 104) quotes several author- 
ities which prove that it was more ancient. 

3 " In curia Rupi Regis." ORD. VIT., viii. 682. 

4 SIMEON DUNELMENSIS, ann. 1091; PAOI, CrU. t ad ann. 1089. 

5 " Cujusdam plebeii presbyter! de pago Baiocensi iilius . . . inter 



name to the brutal violence of his extortions, 1 had 
the whole confidence of the young king, and guided 
him in his robberies. When a prelate died, the 
agents of the royal treasury flung themselves upon 
the vacant diocese or abbey, made themselves the 
sovereign administrators of it, upset order and 
discipline, reduced the monks to the condition of 
hirelings, and filled their master's coffers with the 
wealth which the piety of former kings had assured 
to the Church. 2 All the domains were put up to 
auction, and the last bidder could never be sure 
that his offers would not be surpassed by some 
new-comer to whom the king had yielded the 
purchase. 3 The shame of the clergy, and the 
misery of the poor may be imagined 4 when this 
ignoble oppression was suddenly substituted for 
the maternal administration of the Church ! In 

pedissequos curiales cum vilibus parasitis educatus." ORD., I. c. 
William made him Bishop of Durham. 

1 ' ' Flamma quippe ardeus . . . intulit genti novos ritus, quibus 
crudeliter oppressit populorum ccetus, et Ecclesiae cantus temporales mu- 
tavit in planctus . . . supplices regiae fidelitati plebes indecenter op- 
pressit." Ibid. St Anselm says of him : " Publicanorum princeps in- 
famissimus . . . propter crudelitatem similem flammse comburenti pro- 
nomine Flambardus." Ep. iv. 2. 

2 "Videres insuper quotidie (spreta servorum dei religione) quosque 
nefandissimos hominum regias pecunias exigentes per claustra monasterii 
torvo et minaci voltu procedere, hinc inde prsecipere, minas intentare, " 
&c. EADM., Z. c. "Ecclesias . . . cuilibet satellitum suorum sub- 
egit . . . suo infert serario largas opes quas Ecclesise Dei gratanter et 
devote dederunt antiqui Anglorum reges." ORDER., p. 679. "Mona- 
chis victum ac vestitum cum parcitate erogabant, cetera vero regiis the- 
sauris ingerebant." Id., p. 763. 

3 EADM.,/. c. 

4 "Quid de hominibus Ecclesise dicam, qui tarn vasta miseria . . . 
sunt attriti. " Ibid. 


spite of all complaints the king continued this 
state of things, and when it pleased him to fill up 
the vacancies, he sold the abbeys or bishoprics to 
the mercenary clergy who thronged his court. 1 

In this way the infamous Flambard became 
Bishop of Durham. England descended to the 
level of Germany in the youth of Henry IV. It 
needed a new Gregory VII. to rescue her. When 
the Archbishop of Canterbury died, William had 
no inclination to let slip so good an opportunity 
of enriching himself at the cost of God and the 
churches ; he kept the see vacant for nearly four 
years, thus giving up the foremost churches of his 
kingdom to such exactions and disorders that more 
than thirty parishes saw their churchyards turned 
into pastures. 2 No church escaped the royal ex- 
tortions. The king declared that sooner or later 
he would have every crosier in England in his 
hands. 3 He enjoyed his misdoing, and declared, 
laughing, " The bread of Christ is bread that 
fattens." 4 

In this condition of affairs, Hugh Lupus, Hugh LU- 
Earl of Chester, one of the most warlike and of Chester, 


powerful of the Anglo-Norman barons, 5 wrote to Anseim to 

come to 

1 " Quasi stipendia mercenariis, curialibus clericis seu monachis lion- 
ores ecclesiasticos porrigebat." ORDER., p. 763. 

2 Vit. Anseim. ex MS. Victorin, in edit. Gerber. 

3 Se velle omnes baculos pastorales per totam Angliam in potestate sua 
habere." WILL. THORN., p. 1704, ap. MABILL., Ann. Ben. 

4 " Panis Christi, panis pinguis est." MS. Viet., I. c. 

5 " In militia promptus, in dando nimis prodigus, gaudens ludis et luxi- 
bus ; mimis, equis et canibus . . . non familiam secum, sed exercitum 


Anselm to announce his intention of founding a 
monastery in his earldom, and to beg him to bring 
thither a colony of monks of Bee. Hugh had 
spent his life in fighting the Welsh, who had not 
yet submitted to the Norman yoke ; he was rich 
and prodigal, fond of luxury and good cheer, 
carrying about with him an army of servants, 
jesters, and dogs; given to women and to all 
kinds of excess. But, in the heart of the 
knight, good often resumed its sway. His 
chaplain was a holy priest of Avranches, who 
constantly lectured and reproved him, 1 remind- 
ing him of the histories of the Old and New 
Testaments, and chiefly those of many warriors, 
irreproachable in their use of arms, such as St 
George, St Demetrius, St Maurice, St Sebastian, 
and, above all, that famous duke who ended 
his career by becoming a monk. The Earl of 
Chester had long been united to Anselm 2 by the 
closest friendship, and it is probable that, in the 
general grief excited throughout England by the 
prolonged vacancy of the primate's see, he may 
have said to the king that the Abbot of Bee 
appeared to him the fittest person to succeed the 
illustrious Lanfranc. Already, in Normandy, it 
had been whispered that if Anselm crossed the 

semper ducebat. . . . Ventris ingluviei serviebat. . . . E pellicibus 
plurimam sobolera gerniit." ORDER. VIT., iv. 522, and vi. 598. 

1 ORD., I. c. He succeeded so well that Earl Hugh died a monk at 
the Abbey of St Werburgh, as we have already said. 

2 "Certe amicus meus familiaris ab antique comes Cestrensis Hugo 
fuit." EADM., p. 34. 


Channel he would surely be named archbishop in 
Lanfrane/s place. 1 And yet nothing was less pro- 
bable. How could the king, who claimed the 
right of investiture, and refused to acknowledge 
Urban II, think of Anselm ? For the Abbot of 
Bee had not only acknowledged Urban, the friend 
of France, but had even obtained from him an 
exemption for his abbey. 2 Add to this that he had 
been constantly associated in the efforts of Gregory 
VII. against investiture, simony, and the marriage 
of priests, and that he had received from the 
pontiff, so hateful to all princes such as the Eed 
King, this magnificent eulogy : {t The perfume of 
thy virtue has reached us, and we thank God 
for it ; we embrace thee in the love of Christ, and 
hold it certain that thy example will strengthen 
the Church, and that thy prayers may by God's 
mercy snatch her from the dangers which threaten 
her." 3 

Meanwhile, in spite of all the incompatibilities 
of which we have spoken, common opinion pointed 
to Anselm as the successor of Lanfranc. Terri- 
fied by this sort of public presentiment, the Abbot 
of Bee refused to yield to the wish of the Earl of 
Chester ; but the earl, having fallen seriously ill, 
renewed the invitation, swearing to Anselm that 

1 "Jam enim quodam quasi pnesagio mentes quorumdain tangeban- 
tur." EADM., p. 34. 

2 Ep. ii. 32, 33. 

3 " Quoniam fructuum tuorrnn bonus odor ad nos usque redoluit." 
ANS., Ep. ii. 31; COL., Con. xiL 692. 



the question was simply that of the safety of his 
own soul, and not at all of the archbishopric. 

Anselra having again refused, the earl wrote a 
third time, saying, " If you do not come, be sure 
that you will have to reproach yourself through 
all eternity." l Ansel m was obliged to yield. He 
came and founded, by the desire of the sick man, 
the Abbey of St Werburgh, 2 passing five months 
in England, occupied with various affairs. As not 
a word was said to him about the archbishopric, 
he ended by being completely reassured. But at 
Christmas 1092, the barons of the kingdom being 
assembled about the king for that festival, loudly 
complained of the unheard-of oppression and pro- 
longed state of widowhood endured by the mother- 
church of the kingdom, as they called Canterbury. 3 
The better to express their dissatisfaction, they 
begged ]eave of the king to have prayers put up 
in all the English churches that God would inspire 
him to choose a worthy primate. 4 

William, very angry, answered that they might 
pray as they pleased, but that all their prayers 
would not prevent his acting as pleased him. 5 

1 "Si non veneris, revera noveris quia nunquam in vita seterna in 
tanta requie eris, quin perpetuo doleas te ad me non venisse." EADM., 
p. 34. 

2 The Abbey of St Werburgh, where Hugh took the monastic habit 
before his death, was at Chester. 

3 " Onmes regni primores . . . optimi quique uno consensu de com- 
muni matre Regni quererenttir." EADM., p. 34. 

4 " Quod posteris mirum dictu fortasse videbitur, ajoute." EADM EH. 

5 ' ' Dicens quod quicquid Ecclesia peteret, ipse sine dubio pro nullo 
dimitteret quin faceret omne quod vellet." Ibid. 


They took him at his word, and the bishops who 
were most interested charged Abbot Anselm, who 
was thinking nothing of the matter, to arrange or 
draw up the required prayers. He did it in such a 
way as to win the applause of all the nobles, 1 and 
the churches soon resounded with these solemn 
supplications. One day a nobleman, talking with 
the king privately on this subject, said, " We have 
never known so holy a man as this Anselm, Abbot 
of Bee. He loves nothing but God, and desires 
nothing in this world." " Keally ! " answered the 
king, jestingly ; " not even the archbishopric of 
Canterbury \ " "Even less the archbishopric of 
Canterbury than anything else/' replied the noble- 
man; "at least that is my opinion and the opinion 
of many others." "Well, as for me," said the king, 
" I believe that he would work hand and foot if 
he saw any chance of getting it ; but by the Holy 
Face of Lucca, neither he nor any one else shall 
have it, and there shall be no archbishop but 
myself while I live." 2 

1 " Modum orandi cunctis audientibus edidit, et laudato sensu et per- 
spicacia animi ejus, tota qute convenerat nobilitas regni ... in sua dis- 
cessit." Ibid. 

2 " Unus de principibus terree cum rege familiariter agens . . . ita 
quod rex subsannans : N on, inquit, nee archiepiscopatum Cantuariensem. 
. . . Nee ilium quidem maxime sicut mea multorumque fert opinio. 
Obtestatus est Rex quod manibus et pedibus plaudens in amplexum ejus 
accurreret, si, &c. . . . Sed per sanctum Vultum de Luca nee ipse nee 
hoc tempore nee aliis quis archiepiscopus erit, me excepto." EADM., p. 
35. The holy countenance of Lucca was a very ancient crucifix, attri- 
buted to Nicodemus, brought miraculously from Palestine to Lucca, 
where it is still venerated under the name of the Volto Santo. 


Sudden Scarcely had he said these words when he fell 

illness of 

the king, ill an d was i n danger of death. 1 God seemed 

his repent- 

a bout to avenge Himself. Bishops, abbots, and 
barons assembled round his sick-bed at Gloucester 
to receive his last sigh. 2 They sent to seek Anselm, 
brought him into the king's room, and begged him 
to advise what should be done for the salvation 
of their master's soul. 3 Anselm insisted upon 
three things a full confession, a solemn and public 
promise of amendment, and the immediate execu- 
tion of those measures of reparation which the 
bishops had already suggested. The king consented 
to all, and ordered his promise to be laid upon the 
altar. An edict was immediately drawn up, and 
sealed with the royal seal, promising deliverance 
to all State prisoners, remission of all debts due to 
the crown, the annulling of all prosecutions, the 
exact administration of justice, and the establish- 
ment, for all English people, of good and just laws. 4 
Nor was this all ; loud complaints reached the 
king of the desolation of the church of Canterbury, 
and William showing himself well disposed, was 
promptly asked whom he would choose for pri- 
mate. Then, strange event ! he who had sworn 

1 " Hsec ilium dicentem a vestigio valida infirmitas corripuit et lecto 
deposuit . . . onme usque ad exhalationem spiritus egit." EADM., p. 35. 

2 " Nihil praeter mortem ejus prsestolantes. " 

3 " Ingreditur ad regem, rogatur quid consilii salubrius morientis 
animse judicet." 

4 " Scribitur edictum, regioque sigillo firmatur quatenus quicumque 
captivi in omni dominatione sua relaxentur. . . . Promittuntur insuper 
toto populo bonse et sanctse leges." 


that Anselm should never be archbishop was the 
first to designate the Abbot of Bee, whose name 
was received with unanimous acclamations. 1 

At this shout Anselm turned pale, and absolutely 
refused his consent. 2 The bishops drew him aside : 
" What are you doing ? " they said. " Do you not 
see that there are scarcely any Christians left in 
England ; that all is confusion and abomination ; 
that our churches are threatened ; that we our- 
selves are in danger of eternal death in consequence 
of this man's tyranny ? And you, who could save 
us, will not deign to do it. What are you thinking 
of ? The church of Canterbury calls you, waits 
for you ; she demands the sacrifice of your lib- 
erty; will you, for the sake of your own unprofit- 
able tranquillity, refuse to share the dangers of 
your brethren ? " 3 

To which Anselm replied : " Observe, I beg of 
you, that I am old, and unfit for work. Besides, 
as a monk, I have always detested secular affairs." 
" We will help you," answered the bishops. " Do 
you undertake to reconcile us to God, and we will 
undertake all secular affairs for you." 4 " No, no ; 

1 " Praenuntiavit ipse et concord! voce subsequitur acclamatio omnium 
abbatem Anselmum tali honore dignissimum." 

2 " Expavit Anselmus ad hanc vocem, et expalluit . . . toto conamine 

3 " Quid agis, quid intendis ? . . . Vides . . . ecclesias Dei in peri- 
culum mortis seternse per tyrannidem istius hominis decidisse . . . quid, 
o mirabilis homo, cogitas ? " 

4 " Tu Deo pro nobis intende, et nos ssecularia tua disponemus pro 


it is impossible," said Anselm ; " I am abbot of a 
foreign monastery, I owe obedience to my arch- 
bishop, submission to my prince, 1 help and counsel 
to my monks. I cannot break all these ties." 
" These are all trifles," replied the bishops ; and 
they drew Anselm to the bedside of the king, to 
whom they related the abbot's obstinate refusal. 2 
" Anselm," said the sick man, " do you wish to 
give me up to eternal punishment \ 3 My father 
and mother loved you, and you are willing to see 
their son perish, body and soul! Do you forget 
that I am lost if I die while I keep the archbishop- 
ric in my hands \ " 4 

Those present lost patience with Anselm, and 

forced by 

violence to declared to him that all crimes arid oppressions 

accet the 

un( ler which England should suffer for the future 
would be attributed to his stubbornness. In his 
anguish the Abbot of Bee turned to the two monks 
who accompanied him, and said to them, " Ah, my 
brothers, why do you not help me \ " One of them 
sobbing, 5 -answered, " If it is the will of God, father, 

1 " Archiepiscopum cui obedientiam . . . principem cui subjection- 
em. . . ." He spoke of the Archbishop of Rouen and the Duke of 

2 " Rapiunt igitur hominem ad regem et pervicaciam ejus exponunt." 

3 ' ' Anselme ! quid agis ? cur me poanis seternis cruciandum tradis ? 
Kecordare, quseso, fidelis amicitise, &c. . . . Certus sum cum quod peribo 
si archiep. in meo dominio tenens vitam finiero. Succurre igitur mihi, 
Domine Pater. ..." 

4 He said afterwards, recalling this scene, that at that moment death 
would have seemed to him a thousand times preferable to the episcopate. 
EADM., p. 36. 

5 " Quse verba lacrymse, et lacrymas sanguis ubertim mox e naribus 
illius profluens secutus. ..." 


who are we to resist Him ? " " Unhappy one ! " 
cried Anselm, " you are very ready to yield to the 
enemy." l The bishops, seeing that all was useless, 
blamed themselves for their weakness, and began 
to call, " A crosier ! a crosier I " 2 Then seizing 
the prelate's right arm, they drew him to the bed 
where the king was lying, who tried to place the 
crosier in Anselm's hand ; but as the abbot kept 
his fingers fast closed, the bishops were obliged to 
use such force to open them as made him cry out ; 
finally, the crosier was held in the hand of the 
newly elect, while every one shouted, "Long live 
the bishop ! " and while the Te Deum was chanted. 3 
Then the prelate was carried to a neighbouring 
church where the usual ceremonies were performed. 
Anselm constantly protested that all they were 
doing was null. 4 He was almost mad with grief; 
his tears, cries, and even shrieks ended by fright- 
eniug those concerned ; to calm him, they threw 
holy water over him, and even made him swallow 
some. 5 Having returned to the king, Anselm told 

1 Vse ! quam cito baculus tuus confractus est." We translate as 
Fleury does. 

2 Virgam hue pastoralem, virgam, clamitant, pastoralem ! " 

3 "Episcopi vero digitos ejus strictim volse infixes erigere couati 
sunt . . . ipse pro sua laesione verba dolentis ederet, tandem . . . clausse 
manui ejus baculus appositus est, et episcoporum manibus cum eadem 
manu compressus atque retentus. Acclamante autem multitudine, mvat 
episcopas, vivat ! " All these details, given by EADMEE, pp. 35, 36, are 
confirmed by the letter of Osborn, a monk of Canterbury, to Anselm, 
Ep. iii. 2. 

4 " Nihil est quod facitis, nihil est quod facitis." EADM. 

8 " Instantur lacrymse niese, et voces, et rugitus a gemitu cordis mei, 


him that he would not die of this illness, but that 
on his recovery he would have to repair what had 
just been done by violence. 1 As he was retiring, 
accompanied by the bishops and all the nobles, he 
turned to them and said, " Do you know what you 
wish to do \ You want to yoke an unbroken bull 
and a weak old sheep together. And what will 
happen? The furious bull will drag the sheep 
through the briers and thickets, and tear him to 
pieces without his having been good for anything. 
The Church is a plough according to the apostle's 
saying, Ye are God's husbandry. This plough is 
drawn in England by two oxen the king and the 
archbishop; one labouring for the administration 
of justice and the secular government, the other for 
divine doctrine and discipline. One of these two, 
Lanfranc, is dead ; there remains only the untam- 
able bull to which you would yoke me. If you do 
not give up this idea, your joy of to-day will be 
changed into sadness you will see the Church 
again widowed, even in her shepherd's lifetime ; 
and as none of you will dare to resist him, the 
king will trample you under foot as he pleases." 2 
The king caused the archbishop to be instantly 

quales nunquani de me ullo dolore memini exiisse . . . aqua benedicta 
me aspergentes, earn mihi potandam porrexerunt." ANS., Ep. iii. 1. 

1 " Pro hoc volo noveris quam bene corrigere poteris quod de me nunc 
actum est, quia nee concessi, nee concede ut ratum sit." EADM., I. c. 

2 " Intelligitis quid molimini? Indomitum taurum et vetulam ac 
debilem ovem in aratro conjungere sub uno jugo . . . et quid inde pro- 
veniat? . . . Aratrum ecclesiam perpendite juxta apostolum dicentem 
Dei agricultura estis" (1 Cor. iii. 9). "Hoc aratrum in Anglia duo 


put in possession of all the domains of the see, and 
required that he should live there until the neces- 
sary answers should arrive from Normandy. They 
were not long delayed. The Archbishop of Eouen The Arch- 

.. r/-Nin 

ordered the newly elect, in the name oi God and 


bt Peter, not to resist. 1 The monks of Bee hadAnseimto 

obey the 

much more difficulty in consenting to the sacrificed- 
asked of them. Anselm also grieved bitterly over 
the parting, for he loved nothing in the world so 
well as his abbey; 2 most of all, he regretted the 
young monks, those dear nurslings, who, as he 
said, were now to be weaned too early from the 
milk of his affection. 3 These young neophytes, 
who, for the most part, had been drawn to Bee 
by the hope of living there with Anselm, 4 gave 
him his liberty only after hot discussions, and by 
a very small majority. 5 

To render the noble old man's trial more com- 
plete, and to show that there is nothing so pure in 
the depths of a Christian heart but that a mean 

boves . . . trahunt et trahendo regunt, rex et arehiepiscopus : iste secu- 
lar! justitia et imperio, ille divina doctrina et magisterio. Horum bouni 
unus, scilicet Lanfrancus, &c. . . . vos quoque procul dubio pro libitu 
suo non dubitabit conculcare." This scene, so important for forming 
our judgment of the character of Anselm and that of his period, took 
place March 6, 1093. 

1 See his letter in EADM., p. 36. It ends thus, " Falete, viscera mea." 

2 " Quia nihil in hoc mundo purius dilexi nee diligo." Ep. iii. 9. 

3 " Dulcissimos filios ante tempus ablactatos (meos adolescentes dico)." 
Ep. iii. 21. See also Ep. iii. 22 ; and the charming letter addressed 
to these young men, Ep. iii. 17. 

4 " Multa propter me, et fere omnes Beccum venistis." Ep. iii. 7. 

5 From their letter, Ep. iii. 6, it was not even sure that this majority 
would have been gained. 


jealousy will try to calumniate it, a report was 
spread in France that Anselm's resistance was 
only feigned, and that in reality he, like so many 
others, had always coveted the primacy of Eng- 
land. Anselm recalled his energy to repel this 
imputation ; l for he regarded it as a duty to de- 
fend the honour of a bishop, called upon to serve 
as an example to other men. 2 He still, indeed, 
cherished some hope of being delivered from the 
burden laid upon him. The king had recovered, 
and immediately forgetting all his promises, had 
caused all accused persons or prisoners who re- 
mained in England to be again seized, and recom- 
menced, with double cruelty, all previous lawsuits 
and prosecutions. 3 In vain Anselm's friend, Gon- 
dulphus, the former monk of Bee, and now Bishop 
of Eochester, tried by multiplied exhortations to 
recall his sovereign to God. " By the Holy Face 
of Lucca ! " replied William, " God has done me 
too much evil ever to get any good from me ! " 4 

Anselm went to seek the prince at Dover, and 
demanded of him, as a sine qua non, before his 
acceptance, that the property of the See of Canter- 
bury, formerly possessed by Lanfranc, and now 

1 Ep. iii. 1, 7, 9, 10, and 11. 

2 " Multum enim nocet infirmis in Ecclesia Dei opinio alicujus vitii, 
sive vera, sive falsa sit, de aliquo homine : et maxime de eo qui sic est 
in Ecclesia Catholica constitutus, ut et verbo et exemplo vitse aliis debeat 
et possit prodesse." Ep. iii. 12. 

8 EADM. , p. 37. 

4 "Scias, o episcope, quod per sanctum vultum de Luca, nunquam 
me Deus bonum habebit pro malo quod mihi intulerit. " Ibid. 


claimed by himself, should be immediately re- 
stored ; he asserted, moreover, the right of exercis- 
ing his archiepiscopal authority in all religious 
affairs, 1 and finally, full liberty in his relations 
with Pope Urban II., whom he had hastened to 
recognise, and to whom he wished, on all occa- 
sions, to testify his obedience. 2 

The king having made Anselm an incomplete 
and equivocal answer, the holy man hoped that 
he was about to be released from a burden which 
he feared ; and as he had already sent back his 
abbot's crosier to Bee, requesting that his successor 
might be chosen as soon as possible, 3 he flattered 
himself that he should be able to pass the rest of 
his life in monastic poverty and obedience, without 
charge of souls, and safe from those spiritual dan- 
gers against which he did not think himself strong 
enough to struggle. 4 But after six months of re- 
sistance and uncertainty, the king, driven to it by 

" Volo ut in iis quse ad Deum et Christian itatem pertinent te meo 
prse cseteris consilio credas, et sicut ego te volo terrenum habere Domi- 
num et defensorem, ita et tu me spiritualem habeas patrem et auimse 
tuae provisorem." 

2 " De Urbano pontifice quern hucusque non recepisti, et ego jam recepi 
atque recipio, eique debitam obedientiam et subjectionem exhibere volo, 
cautum te facio ne quod scandalum inde oriatur infuturo." EADM., I. c. 
See also the letter from Anselm to the Legate Hugh. Ep. iii. 24. 

3 This successor was William, of the seigneurial house of Montfort- 
sur-Rille, and nephew of Count Roger de Beaumont. 

4 "Libentius eligerem sub abbate in monachica paupertate et humili- 
tate obedire . . . quam regnare sseculariter . . . aut archiepiscopatum 
. . . vel abbatiam, aut hominibus quibuslibet prseesse ad animarum 
gubernationem . . . quod ego ipse non imputomihi tantumad virtutem, 
quantum ad hoc quia talem me scio tarn parum fortem, pa rum strenuum 
. . . ut potius mihi congruat . . . servire quam dominari." Ep. iii. 11. 


the remonstrances of all good Catholics, 1 decided 
to agree to Anselm's. requirements ; and the latter 
did homage to William, as his predecessor had 
done, on taking possession of the See of Canter- 
bury. 2 He was consecrated December 4, 1093, by 
Anseim Wulstan of Worcester, the last bishop and the last 


Wulstan. gaint of the Anglo-Saxon Church, and the same 


whose heroic resistance to Lanfranc and to Wil- 


faithful to 

mises! pr l* am we h ave elsewhere related. 

Meantime the grief of Anseim was not lessened : 
for a long time he headed his letters -" Brother 
Anseim, monk of Bee by choice, Archbishop of 
Canterbury by violence." 3 

" When you write for me alone," he said to his 
former companions, " do not write too small ; for I 
have wept so much, night and day, that my eyes 
can scarcely see to read." 4 

In vain the good old man had tried to calm his 
anxieties by taking up again his beloved meta- 
physical studies, and defending Lanfranc's reputa- 
tion and his own against the imputations of Kos- 
celin the sophist, who endeavoured to make them 
accountable for his errors with regard to the 
Trinity. 5 The storm, which he had too well fore- 

1 "Cum . . . clamorem omnium, de Ecelesiarum destructione con- 
querentium, Rex amplius ferre nequiret." EADM., I. c. 

2 Sept. 25, 1093. He was consecrated Dec. 4th of the same year. 

3 " Professione et corde Beccensis. . . . Voluntate Beccensis nio- 
nachus, necessitate vocatus Cant. Archiep. " Ep. iii. 26, 39. 

4 " Non nimis gracilis sit scriptura . . . multse diurnse et nocturnse 
lacrymse. . . ." Ep.jii. 15. 

5 See his Liber de Fide Trinitatis, and De Incarnatione vcrbi contra 


seen, was not long in bursting. William needed 
money for his war with his brother Kobert, An- 
selm, in spite of the poverty of his flock, and the 
disorder in which he had found the Church pro- 
perty, willingly offered a present of five hundred 
pounds in silver. But greedy courtiers persuaded 
the king that the sum was too small ; that the 
first prelate of the kingdom ought to give at least 
a thousand, or perhaps two thousand pounds, and 
that, to frighten and shame the archbishop, it 
would be proper to send him back his money 
which was done. Anselm, indignant, went to the 
king, and represented to him that it was a hundred 
times better to obtain a little money willingly than 
to extort a great deal by violence ; and added, 
that though, out of friendship and goodwill, he was 
ready to yield much, yet he would never grant 
anything to those who attempted to treat him 
as a vassal of servile condition. 1 "Keep your 
money and your goods, and go I" 2 cried William, 
in fury. 

The archbishop retired, saying, "Blessed be 
God, who has saved my reputation. If the king 
had taken my money, people would have said that 
I was paying him the price of my bishopric." And, 

blaspkemias RuzeUni, cap. i., cf. Ep. ii. 35, 41. He then began the 
treatise Cur Deus homo. 

1 "Arnica nempe libertate me et omnia mea ad ntilitatem tuam habere 
poteris, servili autem conditione nee me nee mea habebis." EADM., 
p. 38. 

2 " Sint cum jurgio tua tibi, sufficient mea mihi ; vade." 


at the same time, he caused the five hundred 
pounds, which he had intended as a present to 
William, to be distributed to the poor. 1 

The old monk Wulstan, the last of the Saxon 

bishops, was still living. 2 This holy prelate, whose 

steadiness in resisting William the Conqueror we 

have recounted, must have understood and appre- 

Beautifui ciated Anselm better than any one else. " Your 

st wui- Holiness/' he wTote to him, " is placed at the sum- 


mit of the citadel to protect the holy Church from 
those whose duty should have been to defend her : 
fear nothing therefore; let no secular power humble 
you through fear, nor seduce you by favour ; begin 
vigorously, and finish, by God's help, what you 
have begun, by restraining oppressors, and deliver- 
ing our holy mother from their hands." 3 

Some time afterwards, the king having gone to 
Hastings, where he was to embark, all the bishops 
of England assembled to bless the royal traveller. 
But the wind remaining contrary, the prince was 
obliged to wait a whole month in that town. An- 
selm profited by the occasion to point out to him 
that, before going to conquer Normandy, he would 
do well to re-establish religion, now threatened 
with ruin, in his own kingdom, and to order the 

1 " Prsesignatum munus pro redemptione animse suse pauperibus Christ! 
dabo, non illi." 

2 He died soon after, Jan. 19, 1095. 

3 "Ne igitur dubibet ; non earn ssecularis potentise timor humiliet 
non favor inclinet, sed . . . opprimentes reprimat, S. Matrem nostram 
contra tales defendat." EADM., I. c. 


resumption of councils which, since his accession, 
had been forbidden. " I will attend to that when 
I choose," answered the king "at my pleasure, 
and not at yours ; " and then added, jestingly, 
" But what would you talk about in your coun- 
cils ? " 1 Anselm replied that he should occupy 
himself in trying to suppress the incestuous mar- 
riages and unspeakable debauchery which threat- 
ened to make of England a second Sodom. 2 
" And what will that do for you ? " asked the 
king. "If nothing for me, I hope it will do 
much for God and for you ! " " That is enough/' 
replied William, " I wish to hear no more." 3 

Anselm then changed the conversation, and re- 
minded the king how many abbeys were vacant, 
where disorder had been introduced among the 
monks, and how he was compromising his own 
salvation by not appointing abbots. But William, 
unable to restrain himself, cried angrily, " What is 
that to you ? Are not these abbeys mine ? What ! 
you can do what you like with your domains, and 
I may not dispose of my abbeys as I please 1 " 4 
" They are yours," replied Anselm, " to guard and 

1 " Adjecet subsannans : Tu vero in concilio unde loqueris ? " 

2 " Nefandissimuin Sodomse scelus . . . tota terra non rnulto post 
Sodoma fiet. " 

3 " Et in hac re quid fieret pro te ? . . . Si non pro me, spero fieret 
pro Deo et te. . . . Sufficit, nolo inde ultra loqueris." 

4 " Quid ad te ? Numquid abbatise non sunt mese ? Hem, tu quodvis 
agis de villis tuis, et ego non agam quod volo de abbatiis meis ! . . . 
Dei scimus eas esse, ut sui rninistri corde vivant, non quo expeditiones 
et bella tua inde fiant." 


defend them as their steward not to invade and 
ruin them. We know that the} 7 are God's, that 
His ministers may live by them not that you 
may make wars by means of them. You have 
enough domains and revenues for all your needs : 
give back to the Church what belongs to her." 
" Never," said the king, " would your predecessor 
have dared to speak in this manner to my father/' 
Anselm retired : then, as he wished peace above 
all things, he sent a message to the king by the 
bishops, to ask him to give him back his friend- 
ship, or at least to explain why he had withdrawn 
it. William replied, " I do not blame him for any- 
thing ; but I see no reason why I should receive 
him into favour." 1 The bishops then advised An- 
selm to appease the king by giving him immedi- 
ately the five hundred pounds already offered ; and 
secondly, by promising him the same sum a little 
later, to be raised among the vassals of the archi- 
Anseim But at these words the holy man 
buy the answered indignantly, " God forbid that I should 


favour. follow such advice ! These poor creatures have 
been but too much plundered since the death of Lan- 
franc; they are stripped to the skin, and you wish 
me to rob them of that ! You would have me buy 
the favour of the master, to whom I owe faith and 
honour, as I would buy a horse or an ass ! 2 But 

1 " De nulla re ilium inculpo, nee tamen ei gratiarn meam, quia non 
audio quare indulgere volo." 

2 "Absit . . . homines mei . . . depreedati sunt et spoliati et ego 
. . . jam eos nudos spoliarem, imo spoliatos excoriarem. . . . Fidem ei 


indeed, as to the 500, I have them no longer. I 
have already given them to the poor." 

This answer having been immediately reported 
to the king, he charged his courtiers to carry the 
following words to the archbishop : "I hated him 
much yesterday, and hate him more to-day ; let 
him know that I shall hate him always more and 
more bitterly for the future." l 

On the king's return, Anselm visited him at the 
Tower to tell him that he intended going to Eome 
to beg the pallium from the pope. 2 ' ' What pope '( " 3 
asked William, alluding to the anti-pope Guibert, 
who called himself Clement III. And when An- 
selm replied, " To Urban II.," the king angrily said 
that he had not acknowledged Urban, and that to 
accept him as pope under these circumstances 
would be very like abdicating. 

In vain did Anselm recall the conditions on 
which he had accepted the archbishopric, and 
which had been formally agreed to by the king. 
William, more and more irritated, declared that 
the archbishop could not at once be faithful to 
him and obedient to the Holy See against his 

debeo et honorem, et ego illi hoc dedecus facerem, scilicet gratiam suam 
quasi equum vel asinura vilibus nummulis emerem ! " 

"Heri inagno, et hodie ilium major! odio habeo, et sciat revera 
quod eras et deinceps acriori et acerbiori odio semper habebo." 

2 He explains the motives of this resolution and of his whole conduct 
in his letter to the legate Hugh, Archbishop of Lyons. Ep. iii. 24. 

3 " A quo Papa illud requirere cupis ?" EADM., p. 40. 



will. 1 Anselm then proposed to submit the 
question to the bishops, abbots, and barons of 
the kingdom assembled in Parliament. Parlia- 
ment met at Eockingham Castle. 2 There, not in 
presence of the king, but before a numerous as- 
sembly of monks, clergy, and nobles, Anselm ex- 
plained the state of things to the prelates and lay 
peers. 3 He related to them all that had passed 
between the king and himself ; he earnestly prayed 
the bishops to show him how he could best do 
his duty both to the pope and the King of Eng- 
land. After some hesitation, the bishops advised 
him to submit simply and entirely to the royal 
will, declaring that he must not depend at all 
upon them, since they could not help him in any 
way if he persisted in opposing the king. 4 This 
said, they bowed, as if to take leave of Anselm, 
who, raising his eyes to heaven, answered with 
emotion, 5 " Since you, the pastors and directors of 
Christian people, refuse me advice, I, who am 
your chief, however much it may be contested, 
will have recourse to the head Pastor and Prince 
of all, to the Angel of great counsel ; and I will 

1 " Protestatus est ilium nequaquam fidem quam sibi debebat simul et 
apostolicae sedis obedientiam, contra suam voluntatem posse servare." 

2 Mid- Lent, Sunday, March 11, 1195. 

3 "Eos et assistentein monachorum, clericorum, laicorum numerosam 
multitudinem alloquitur. " 

4 "Si au tern secundum Deum quod ullatenus voluntati Regis obviare 
possit, consilium a nobis expectas, frustra niteris : quia in hujusmodi 
nunquam tibi nos adminiculari videbis." 

5 " Conticuerunt et capita sua quasi ad ea quse ipse illaturus erat 
dimiserunt. . . Anselmus erectis in altum luminibus vivido vultu. ..." 


follow the advice that He gives me, in an affair 
which is at once His and that of His Church. 1 
It was said to St Peter, ' Thou art Peter ; . ; . . 
all that thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in 
heaven,' &c. And to all the apostles in common, 
1 He that heareth you heareth me, and he that de- 
spiseth you despiseth me.' No one can doubt that 
this was said also to the Vicar of St Peter, and to 
the bishops, vicars of the apostles ; but Jesus Christ 
has not said these things to any emperor, king, 
duke, or earl. He has Himself taught us our duty 
towards the earthly powers by saying, 'Render 
unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's, and un- 
to God the things which are God's.' Now I will 
not depart from these counsels given by God Him- 
self ; and I declare to you that, in all that relates 
to God I will obey the vicar of St Peter, and in 
all that is temporal I will serve my lord the king 
faithfully and with all my power." 

These words excited great emotion in the as- 
sembly ; and as no one dared repeat them to the 
king, Anselm undertook to do so himself. The 
king, exasperated, passed the whole day deliberat- 
ing with his courtiers on the best way of con- 
founding the primate. Dividing into little groups, 
nobles and clergy consulted among themselves 

i " Cum vos qui cliristianse plebis pastores . . . ego ad summum pas- 
torem et principem omnium, ego ad magni consilii angelum curram, et in 
meo, scilicet in suo et Ecclesise suse, negotio consilium quod sequar ab eo 
accipiam. ..." 


how to appease the king without too great a de- 
parture from the divine law. 

Anselm went into the Church alone, calm, strong 
in his innocence, and full of confidence in God. 
Fatigued with these interminable struggles, he 
rested his head against the wall, and fell into a 
peaceful sleep. 1 The bishops, accompanied by 
several barons, came to wake him, and again be- 
gan to preach submission. " Keflect well," they 
said to him, " on the gravity of your situation, 
and give up your obedience to Pope Urban, who 
can neither serve you if the king is angry, nor hurt 
you if the king is favourable. Shake off this yoke 
and remain free, as befits an Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, until you receive the king's commands." 2 
The Bishop William, Bishop of Durham, was the most eager 
takes part of all ; he had made sure, while with the king, of 
either bringing Anselm to dishonour himself by a 
shameful submission, 3 or to Jay down his dignity. 
He insisted, therefore, that the archbishop should 
answer immediately, lest, as he said, he should be 
condemned as guilty of lese-majesty. 4 And all 

1 " Rex vehementer iratus . . . hie duo, ibi tres, illic quatuor in 
unum cousiliabautur . . . solus inter hsec Anselmus sedebat innocentia 
cordis sui, et in misericordia Dei tiduciam habens. . . . Ipse adparietem 
se reclinans, leni somno quiescebat." 

2 " Urbani illius qui, offenso Domino rege, tibi prodesse, nee 
ipso placato obesse valet, obedientiam abjice . . . liber, ut arch. Can- 
tuar. decet. . . . Domini Regis jussionem exspecta." 

3 "Rex applaudebat sibi, sperans ilium vel abjurato apostolico in- 
famem remanere in regno suo." 

4 " Jam mine a vestigio ad Domini nostri dicta responde, aut senten- 
tiam tuse vindicem praesumptionis dubio procul in prsesenti experiere. 
Nee jocum existimes esse quod agitur." 


the others added, "Do not imagine this to be a 
light matter." 

The archbishop answered, " If any one can prove 
that I have broken my oath to the king, because I 
will not fail in the obedience due to the Eoman 
pontiff, let him show himself, and I will be ready 
to answer him as I ought, and where I ought." 
The bishops looked at each other in silence, for 
they knew well that the archbishop could only be 
judged by the pope. 

Meanwhile those present grew indignant at the 
sight of such unfair dealing, and murmurs began 
to be heard. Then a knight, issuing from the 
crowd, knelt before Anselm and said, -" My lord Admirable 

words of a 

and father, your children entreat you, by my knight. 
mouth, not to be troubled by what has just been 
said, but to remember the blessed Job, who, on his 
dunghil], vanquished the demon that overcame 
Adam in Paradise." l 

These noble words, from the heart of a soldier, 
were to the holy confessor an unexpected consola- 
tion and a pledge of popular sympathy. 2 Night 
closed the debate ; but it recommenced next morn- 
ing. The king seemed as much exasperated against 
his bishops, who, he said, accomplished nothing, 

1 " Miles unus de multitudine prodiens. . . . Memor esto beati Job 
vincentis Diabolum in sterquilinio, et vindicantis Adam quern vicerat in 

2 " Intellexit animum populi in sua secum sententia esse. Gavisiergo 
exinde sumus et animsequiores facti." It is evident that Eadmer, the 
narrator of all these scenes, was an eyewitness of them. 


as against the archbishop, who could not be moved. 
Then William of Durham proposed to depose 
Anselm, and banish him from the kingdom ; but 
the barons rejected this idea. The king, annoyed, 
asked, "If that does not please you, what wilH 
As long as I live, I will have no rival in my 
kingdom. Now talk among yourselves as you 
like ; but by the face of God, if you do not con- 
demn this man at my bidding, I will condemn 
you." 1 

One of the prince's favourites, named Eobert, 
said, " But what can we do with a man who goes 
to sleep quietly while we are exhausting ourselves 
in discussion, and who, with one word, destroys 
all our objections as if they were cobwebs ? " 2 

After long arguments, which ended by proving 
the impossibility of trying a primate of England, 
the king ordered the bishops to break off all rela- 
tions with him, and all ties .of obedience to him, 
declaring that he himself, as sovereign, would re- 
fuse to the metropolitan all confidence, all peace, 
and all safety. 3 The bishops again consented to 
carry this notification to the archbishop, who 

" Your conduct seems to me wrong, but I will 

1 " Ite, ite, consiliamini, quia per vultum Dei, si vos ilium ad meam 
voluntatem non damnaveritis, ego damnabo vos." 

2 "Cum omni studio per totum diem inter nos ilia conferimus . . . 
dormit et prolate coram eo statim uno labiorum suorum pulsu quasi 
telas araneae rumpit." 

3 " En ego primum in imperio meo penitus ei omuem securitatem et 
fiduciam mei tollo," &c. 


not return evil for evil. I regard you all as my 
brothers, as children of the church of Canterbury, 
and I will endeavour to bring you back to the 
right way. As to the king, I am ready to do him 
all the service I can, and to render him abundantly, 
when he wishes it, the most fatherly care ; but I 
will not abdicate the dignity and authority of my 

After this, the king tried to obtain from the lay 
peers, as well as from the bishops, a promise to 
renounce all relations with Anselm. But the The barons 

interfere in 

barons refused to imitate the cowardice of the Anseim's 


prelates. "We have never," they said, "been 
vassals to the archbishops, and we cannot abjure 
an oath we never took : but Anselm is our met- 
ropolitan ; it is his business to guide the religious 
affairs of this country; and therefore we, who are 
Christians, cannot withdraw from his authority, 
especially as his conduct is without a stain." 1 

The king feared to irritate his baronage by in- 
sisting. As to the bishops, their confusion was 
unbounded. They were the objects of universal 
indignation ; each received an insulting nickname 
one Judas the traitor, another Pilate, a third 
Herod. 2 At last, all the discussions having led to 

1 " Nos nunquam homines ejus fuimus. . . . Archiepiscopus noster 
est. Christianitatem in hac terra gubernare habet, et ea re, nos qui Chris- 
tiani suraus ejus magisterium dum hie vivimus declinare non possumus, 
prsesertim," &c. 

2 ' ' Audires . . . nunc ab isto mine ab illo istum vel ilium episcopum 
aliquo cognomine cum interjection e indignantis designari, videlicet Judre 
proditoris," &c. Eadmer adds, that the king having questioned the 


nothing, it was agreed to put off the final decision 
till Pentecost, all things remaining as they were 
until that time. 

This situation was far from consoling to Anselm, 
who had been obliged to return to Canterbury, 
where he saw, according to custom, the most odious 
treatment inflicted on the Church vassals, such, 
indeed, as drove them to curse the heroic resistance 
of their pastor. 1 The king drove into banishment 
Baldwin the monk, the intimate friend and coun- 
sellor of the archbishop, and the person who took 
charge of all those secular affairs the care of which 
was intolerable to him. This was to wound the 
prelate in the tenderest part of his nature, 2 for 
amidst all his trials he found support and consola- 
tion nowhere except among his old friends of the 
cloister. Of all the English bishops since the 
death of the Saxon Wulstan, there was but one 
who had not basely betrayed the archbishop, 3 and 

bishops one by one as to their renunciation of Anselm's authority, there 
were some who replied that they did not renounce it absolutely and 
without reserve, but only so far as he claimed to exercise this authority ^ 
over them in virtue of his submission to the pope. These were disgraced, 
and obliged to buy back the royal favour by a bribe. 

1 " Crudeles suorum hominum oppressiones quotidie auribus ejus in- 
sonantes. . . ." EADM., 14. " Passa est Ecclesia Cantuar. tarn seevam 
tempestatem, ut fere universi conclamarent melius sibi absque pastore 
jam olim fuisse, quam nunc sub hujusmodi pastore esse." Id., 43; see, 
further, p. 85. 

2 "Rex Anselmum hoc facto atroci mceroris verbere perculit." Ibid. 

3 EADMEB says expressly, " Rofenso solo excepto," p. 7. But WILLIAM 
OF MALMESBURY, de Gest. Pontif., ii. p. 257, points out also Bishop 
Ralph of Chichester, " qui contuitu sacerdotalis officii Wilkdmo infaciem 
pro Anselmo restitit." 


that was Gondulphus, Bishop of Eochester, whom 
we have seen so tenderly attached to him while 
they were both monks at Bee. Anselm could only 
breathe freely when he was able to shut himself 
up in the cloister of the Canterbury monks, and 
preside at their services. 

" I am like the owl," he said to them : " when 
he is in his hole with his little ones, he is happy ; 
but when he goes out among crows and other 
birds, they pursue him and strike him with their 
beaks, and he is ill at ease." 1 Often the holy 
old man wept when he thought of the danger to 
his soul in these perpetual combats, and cried, 
" Oh how much rather would I be schoolmaster 
in a monastery than primate of England I " His 
enemies, as well as his best friends, reproached 
him with his excessive love of retirement ; they 
said that he was better fitted to live shut up in a 
convent than to fill the office of primate 2 of a 
great nation. Anselm himself was more convinced 
of this than any one ; 3 but God knew and judged 
him better than his critics. 

Meanwhile King William had secretly sent two 

1 "Sicut bubo, dura in caverna cum pullis suis est, Isetatur, et suo 
sibi modo bene est; dum vero inter corvos . . . omnino quoque sibi 
male est; ita et mini." EADM., 14. 

2 " Pro ipsarum indiscreta, cui nonnullis et mini aliquando visum est, 
virtutum custodia ssepe reprehensus, et quod monachus claustralis quam 
primas tantaa gentis esse deberet." Id., 15. 

3 " In loco hnmili aliquid agere videbar : in sublimi positus . . . nee 
mini fructum facio, nee utilis alicui existo." Lettre au pape, Ep. iii. 


- clerks of his chapel to Eome, to find out which 

Ham sends 

two priests pope he ought to acknowledge, and beg him to 
to senc ^ *ke P a Ui um > not to Anselm, but to the king 
himself, who would give it to some archbishop. 
These envoys perceived that Urban was the true 
pope, and persuaded him to send to England as 
legate, Walter, Bishop of Albano, who brought 
the pallium. This prelate's conduct was equivocal, 
for he passed through Canterbury without even 
seeing Anselm, and took no steps in favour of the 
persecuted primate. 1 A report was spread that 
he had promised the king that in future no legate 
should come to England without his order, and that 
no one should be allowed to receive letters from 
the pope unknown to him. 2 This report caused 
many murmurs, and it was said, " If Eome prefers 
gold and silver to justice, what hope remains for 
the oppressed who have nothing to give ? " 3 

When the king had acknowledged Urban, how- 
ever, the legate absolutely refused to depose An- 
selm, in spite of the large sums William promised 
to pay if he might obtain what he desired. 4 

Meanwhile, as Pentecost approached, the king 
tried to extort money at least from the inflexible 
prelate ; bishops proposed to him to pay the prince 

1 See Anselm's very severe letter to the legate. Ep. iii. 36. 

2 MABILL., Ann.,}). 69, No. 27. 

3 "Papae, inquiunt, quid dicemus ? Si aurum et argentum Roma 
prseponit justitise, . . . quid solamims ibi deinceps in sua oppressione 
reperient, qui," &c. EADM., 44. 

4 " Spondens immensum pecunise pondus ei et Ecclesise romanse sin- 
gulis annis daturum." 


the sum which a journey to Eome, to receive the 
pallium, would cost him. 1 The archbishop indig- 
nantly refused. William was exasperated ; but, 
by the advice of the barons, he finally yielded he 
acknowledged Anselm as archbishop, and allowed 
him to take the pallium from the altar of the 
metropolitan church. 2 

The peace thus concluded could be only a truce. 
Anselm felt this ; and the feeling is evident in the 
letter which he wrote to the pope to thank him 
for the pallium, and excuse himself for not having 
yet gone to Eome. " Holy father," he said, " I 
regret being what I am, and no longer being what 
I was. I regret being a bishop, because my sins 
will not let me do all a bishop's duties. I bend 
under my burden, for I am wanting in strength, 
science, skill, and all needful qualities. I should 
like to fly from this insupportable load ; the fear 
of God alone detains me. Feed my misery with 
the alms of your prayers, I implore you ; if my 
shipwreck is complete, and the storm forces me 
to take refuge in the bosom of the mother Church, 
for love of Him who gave His blood for us, let 
me find in you an asylum and a consolation." 3 

1 " Laudamus et consuliraus ut saltern quod in via expenderes si pro 
hoc Romam ires, Regi des." 

2 Some days before this ceremony, the Bishops of Salisbury and Here- 
ford came to ask pardon of him for having, with the other prelates, aban- 
doned him at Rockingham. He gave them absolution "in quadam eccle- 
siola quce se nobis obtulit amlulantibus proposita via." EADM., 45. 

3 "Sancte Pater, doleo me esse quod sum, doleo me non esse quod 
fui. . . . Oneri cuidam succumbo . . . errabundus suspiro ... in 


But at the end of a few months the war broke 
out afresh. 

In 1096, Robert, wishing to go to the crusade, 
had yielded possession of Normandy for three 
years to his brother William, receiving 10,000 
marks of silver for it. 1 To procure this money 
the king, according to his usual custom, began to 
pillage the English churches. 2 Anselm gave, as 
his share, 200 marks. Afterwards the king under- 
took an expedition against the Welsh. Anselm 
sent the soldiers it was his duty to furnish ; but 
the king found them ill trained and ill equipped, 
and sent him word that he should be cited before 
his Court to answer for his negligence. Each day 
there was some new vexation, some requirement 
contrary to the law of God. 3 The kingdom was 
more and more desolated by the corruption of 
morals arid the spoliation of churches and abbeys. 
Anselm resolved to go to the pope, and consult 
him as to what he should do for the safety of his 
soul. 4 He took care to make his project known to 
the king, who was holding his Court at Windsor, 
and sent to ask his permission to leave the king- 

naufragio positus, si quando procellis irruentibns ... ad sinum matris 
Ecclesiae confugero." Ep. iii. 37. 

1 GUILL. GEMETIC., viii. 7. 

2 " Nihil Ecclesiarum ornamentis indulsit, nihil sacris altarium vasis, 
nihil reliquiarum capsis, nihil Evangeliorum libris auro vel argento 
paratis." EADM., 45. 

3 Letter of Anselm to Pascal II. Ep. iii. 40. 

4 " Ut inde consilinm de anima niea et de officio mini injuncto acci- 
perem." Ibid. 


dom. William refused it, saying, " He has done 
nothing that needs absolution from the pope, and Anseim 

. t . . permission 

he is much fitter to advise the holy father than to to g to 

J Rome. 

be advised by him." l Anseim was returning from 
Windsor to one of his own estates after this refusal, 
when a hare, pursued by hunters, took refuge be- 
tween the legs of his horse. The archbishop stopped 
the dogs, and seeing everybody laugh, he shed 
tears, saying, " Do you laugh 1 This poor creature 
is far from laughter ; she is like the Christian soul 
ceaselessly pursued by demons who would drag 
her to eternal death. Poor tortured soul, that 
looks anxiously round and seeks with ineffable 
desire the hand that can save ! " And he imme- 
diately ordered the poor animal to be let go in 
safety. 2 

Anseim twice renewed his request to leave Eng- 
land ; the last time was at a council held at Win- 
chester, October 1097. The king impatiently de- 
clared that if the primate went to Rome he would 
appropriate to himself all the property of the 

1 ' ' Magis ilium sciamus apostolico quam apostolicum sibi in dando 
consilio posse succurrere." 

2 "Solutusin lacrymis ait : Ridetis ? Et utique infelici huic nullus 
risus . . . hoc plane est et animse liominis . . . nimis anxia hue illucque 
circumspicit, et qua tueatur manum sibi porrigi ineffabili desiderio con- 
cupiscit." EA.DM., 17. This anecdote illustrates two different traits of 
Anselm's character his excessive kindness, and his fondness for draw- 
ing spiritual analogies from ordinary incidents. Eadmer relates other 
circumstances of the same kind, such as the story of the bird fastened by 
a string, and held by a child ; and that of his care for his guests, who 
ate comfortably while he patiently waited for them: " affabili vultus 
jucunditate super eos aspiciebat et adgaitdens, levata modicum dextra, 
benedicebat eis dicens: Benefaciat vobis," p. 15. 


church of Canterbury, which should cease to have 
an archbishop. Anselm replied that he would 
rather obey God than man ; l and calling out of 
the king's council the four bishops who were pres- 
ent there, he said to them, privately, " My bro- 
thers, you are bishops, and heads of the Church of 
God. Promise me, therefore, to uphold in my 
interest the rights of God and of justice with as 
much care and fidelity as you would use respecting 
the rights and customs of a mortal man in the 
interest of your neighbour. Then I will tell you, 
as my sons and faithful servants of God, what my 
purpose is, and I will follow the advice which your 
trust in God shall give me." 2 They retired to 
confer upon what they should answer, and at the 
same time sent one of their number to the king to 
ask his instructions. Having received them, they 
came back to the archbishop, and spoke thus : 
The Eng- " We know that you are a holy and religious man, 
entirely occupied with heavenly things. But we, 

tan. 101 bound to the world by our relations, whom we 
maintain, and by many terrestrial objects of our 
love, cannot rise to your height and disdain this 
world as you do. If, then, you will place your- 
self on our level, and travel the same road with 

1 " Occurrit animo episcopos aequius esse in suo quod erat Dei quam in 
consilio regis terreni." They were the Bishops of Winchester, Lincoln, 
Salisbury, and Bath. 

2 "Si ita fideliter et distincte vultis in mea parte considerare atque 
tueri rectitudinem et justitiam Dei, sicut in parte alterius perpenditis 
atque tuemini jura et usus mortalis hominis. ..." 


us, we will care for your interests as our own. 
But if you have resolved to think only of God, 
as in the past, you must do without us ; for we 
cannot be wanting in fidelity to our king." 1 

" Very well/' replied Anselm, " return to your 
master ; I will depend solely on God." 2 And he 
remained alone, with only a few monks, among 
whom was Eadmer, who has given us all these 
details. It was destined that, in this memorable 
history, the inviolable character of the episcopate 
should be raised to the highest majesty by Anselm, 
and dragged in the mud by his brethren. The 
latter, in fact, soon came back to him and said, 
" The king sends you word that you have broken 
your oath to observe the laws and customs of the 
kingdom, by threatening to go to Rome without his 
permission ; he requires, therefore, either that you 
should swear never to appeal, for any cause what- 
ever, to the Holy See, or that you should immedi- 
ately leave his dominions." Anselm went himself to 
carry his answer to the king. 3 " I acknowledge," 
he said, " that I have sworn to observe your usages 
and customs, but such only as are agreeable to 
God and the right." 

1 "Fatemur, ad sublimitatem vitae tuse surgere nequimus, uec huic 
mundo tecum illudere. Sed si volueris ad nos usque descenders . . . 
si vero te ad Deum solummodo . . . tenere delegeris, solus quantum 
nostri interest, in hoc, ut hactanus fuisti, et amodo eris. " 

2 ' ' Bene dixistis. Ite ergo ad dominum vestrum ; ego me tenebo ad 

" Ad regem nobiscum sequentibus ingressus, dextram illius ex more 
assedit." EADM., 48. 


The king and barons objected to this, swearing 
that there was no question either of God or of 
the right. " How 1 " replied the archbishop ; "if 
there is no question of God or the right, what is 
there question of 1 l God forbid that any Christian 
should observe laws and customs opposed to God 
and the right. You say that it is contrary to 
the customs of your kingdom that I should go to 
consult the Vicar of St Peter as to the safety of 
my soul and the government of my church, and 
I declare that such a custom is opposed to God 
and the right, and that every servant of God 
ought to contemn it. 2 All human faith has for 
its guarantee the faith due to God. 3 What would 
you say, king, if one of your rich and power- 
ful vassals should try to prevent one of his from 
rendering you the service he owes you?" " Oh, 
oh," interrupted the king and the Count of Meulan, 
" he is preaching us a sermon now ; there is no 
use in listening to what he says." 4 

The nobles tried to stifle his voice by their out- 
cries. He waited without impatience till they had 
wearied themselves, and then went on 

" Papae ! si nee Dei nee rectitudinis mentio ut dicitis, facta fuit, 
cujus tune ? " 

2 ' Et ideo ab omni servo Dei spernendam profiteer ac refutandam." 

3 "Omnis fides quse cuivis homini legaliter promittitur, ex iide Dei 
roboratur. Sic enim spondet homo homini. Per fidem quam debeo Deo, 
fidelis tibi ero. . . . Ergo liquet quod eadem fides si quando contraria 
fidei Dei admittit, enervetur." 

4 "0, o, pnedicatio est quod dicit, praedicatio est : non rei de qua 
agitur ulla, quse recipienda sit a prudentibus ratio." 


" You would have me swear never again to Anseim 

. vanquishes 

appeal to the vicar of Peter. To swear this the king 

by his 

would be to deny St Peter ; to deny St Peter is 
to abjure Christ; and to abjure Christ for fear of 
you would be a crime from which the judgment 
of your Court could not absolve me." l This calm- 
ness and courage prevailed. The king suffered 
Anseim to depart. 

The archbishop, when leaving William, said to 
him, " I do not know when I shall see you again. 
I shall never cease to desire your salvation, as a 
spiritual father desires that of his beloved son. 
As Archbishop of Canterbury I would give to the 
King of England God's blessing and mine at 
least if he does not refuse it." 

" No," said the king, " I do not refuse it." And 
he humbly bent his head to receive this benedic- 
tion. 2 

1 " Peccatum . . . judicio curise tuse non segnis emendabo." 

2 ' ' Signum S. Crucis super regem ad hoc caput humiliantem edidit et 
abscessit." EADMER, 49. 





An selm attacked by the Duke of Burgundy. He is venerated through- 
out Christendom. Pope Urban II. forbids Anselm to renounce his 
see. Anselm intercedes with the pope in favour of the King of Eng- 
land. Council at Rome, and speech of Reinger, Bishop of Lucca. 
Severe words of the pope as to lay investitures. Margaret of Scot- 
land strengthens Christianity there. Martyrdom of St Canute in 
Denmark. Scandal at the Court of the French king. Yves of Char- 
tres fulminates against the Archbishop of Tours. Assault and cap- 
ture of Jerusalem by the Crusaders. Death of Pope Urban II. Ac- 
cession of Pascal II. The three adversaries of William Rufus. 
His violence towards Hildebert, Bishop of Mans. Tragic death of 
"William Rufus. Anselm returns to England, where he does not find 
peace. The King of England, in prosperity, forgets his promises. 
Threats addressed to the pope by the King of England. Machiavelism 
of Henry of England's ambassadors at Rome. Admirable conduct of 
Bishop Giffard. Anselm leaves England for Rome. He stops at 
Lyons with Archbishop Hugh. Anselm's tender care for his flock. 
His exhortations to Queen Matilda of England. Anselm's answer 
to the king's letters. Anselm refuses to return to England. Return 
of the primate after three years of exile. The king declares that no 
one in his kingdom shall receive investiture by the crosier and ring 
from the hands of a layman. Anselm's long resistance to royal des- 
potism is a glory for the Church. Bishop Gondulphus of Rochester 
dies before Anselm. Frequent illness of the archbishop. His death 
and his glory. 

ANSELM immediately started for Canterbury, where, 
assembling his beloved monks about him, he en- 
deavoured to console them for his departure by 


holding before their eyes the hope that his journey 
would be of use to the future liberty of the Church. 1 
After a touching farewell address, in which he 
compared the religious life to temporal knighthood, 
Anselm gave to each one the kiss of peace. He 
then took from the altar his pilgrim's staff and 
scrip, and went to Dover to embark. There a new 
insult awaited him. A clerk named William 
stopped him on the shore, and in the king's name 
caused the archbishop's baggage to be searched to 
make sure that it contained no money. None 
was found ; and the royal revenue gained nothing 
but the maledictions of the indignant crowd. 2 The 
king indemnified himself by immediately seizing 
all the domains of the archbishopric, which were 
cultivated for his benefit. 3 

Scarcely had Anselm set foot upon the soil of 
France, when the popular enthusiasm declared it- 

1 " Sperans in respecttim misericordis Dei iter meum libertati Eccle- 
sise futuris temporibus non nihil profuturum. " EADM., 18. 

2 " In littore detinuit. . . . Allatse ante ilium bulgise et manticse ro- 
seratse, et tota supellex illius subversa et exquisita, ingenti plebis multi- 
tudine circumstante ac nefarium opus, pro sui novitate . . . execrante. " 

3 Would the reader like to know how the philosophers of our day 
judge of this conflict? Let him hear M. Fraiick, who, in the work 
already quoted, thinks himself obliged to excuse Anselm for his revolt 
against the king ; for this is what Protestants and rationalists call a 
revolt. He says that this revolt was less the fault of Anselm personally 
than of the age, and that, like all such tragic collisions, it must not be 
judged by the laws of ordinary morality DIE GEWOHNLICHE MORAL- 
ISCHE MAASTAB REiCHT BIER NIGHT AUS, p. 73. There is always 
among these doctors of liberty and equality this same claim to cre- 
ate, for great men and great events, an exceptional morality a theory 
which confounds both the doctrines and conduct of the great men of 


self. This was the first reward of his fidelity to 
God and the Church ; it was also for historians an 
incontestable proof of the powerful sympathy which 
then animated all Christian nations, and which, in 
spite of the restricted publicity of the period, united 
them in one body to share the joys or trials of their 
common mother the holy Catholic Church. Men 
and women, rich and poor, hastened to meet the 
pontiff- confessor, the voluntary exile, whose fame 
had preceded him. Wherever he came, the clergy, 
the monks, and the people gathered round him 
with flying banners, the music of canticles, and 
all the marks of excessive joy. 1 He already ex- 
ercised all the ascendancy of holiness ; some he 
stAnseim attracted and some he dominated. When he 

attacked i -n -1111 PI -> 

by the arrived in Burgundy, the duke ot that province, 
Burgundy, tempted by the rich prey offered in the person of 
a primate of England travelling to Eome, hurried 
to intercept the pilgrims and pillage them. But 
there was in those days, even in hearts most swayed 
by greed, a door always open to the light of reli- 
gion. When the duke, galloping up, had reached 
the travellers, he shouted loudly, "Which of you 
is the archbishop \ " But scarcely had he looked 
at Anselm than he grew red, lowered his eyes, 
stammered some words incoherently, and then was 

i " Videres ergo viros etmulieres, magnos et parvos, a domibns mere 
certatimque currendo. . . . Fama viri celerius prsecurrebat et multi- 
plici populos voce replebat. Unde turbarura concursus, clericorum 
coetus, monachorum exercitus, isti gaudio et exultatione concrepantes, 
illi vexillis et sonoris concentibus conjubilantes. " EADM., 19, 49. 


silent. The archbishop, as if he suspected nothing, 
offered the kiss of peace to the duke, who accepted 
it, recommending himself humbly to the prelate's 
prayers, and saying, as he retired, " I have seen 
the face of an angel from heaven, and not of a 
mau." l The seared conscience of the warrior had 
been touched by a ray of grace ; he became a cru- 
sader, died gloriously in defending the tomb of 
Christ, and his body, brought back to the monks 
of Citeaux, was buried under the porch of their 
church, where the steps of St Bernard, his brethren, 
and others of the faithful, through many years 
passed over its resting-place. 2 

Anselm, pursuing his journey, arrived at Cluny, 
where the holy Abbot Hugh and his army of 
monks 3 received him with delight. He there 
spent Christmas (1097), and then went to Lyons, 
to await at the house of his friend the Cardinal- 
Archbishop Hugh an answer to a letter which 
he had written to the pope first, to point out 
the incompatibility of his position in England 
with the exercise of episcopal liberty ; and, second- 
ly, to obtain permission to lay down the burden 

1 "In equis ocior advolat et clamore valido quis vel ubi esset archie- 
piscopus interrogat. Quern . . . intuitus subito pudore percussus, 
erubuit demisso vultu, et quid diceret non invenit. Cui Pater : Domine 
Dux, si placet, osculabor te. . . . Nee enim hominis sed vultus angeli 
Dei fulget in eo." EADM., 49. 

2 This duke was Eudes, surnamed Borel, who reigned from 1078 to 
1102, and contributed to the foundation of Citeaux in 1089, the year 
which followed Anselm's journey through his States. 

3 " Toto illius monasterii monachorum agmine." 


which weighed upon him, and to serve God 
in freedom. 1 

Urban wrote to Anselm to come to him without 
delay. The archbishop started immediately, in 
spite of illness and of the dangers of the road, 2 
which were then great. 

The cause of William Eufus was almost the 
same as that of the Emperor Henry IV. For this 
reason the Italian partisans of the latter, as well 
as those of the anti-pope, waited for the passing of 
the bishops and orthodox monks, with the inten- 
tion of pillaging, outraging, and even killing them. 3 
On hearing of the approach of the archbishop, 
whom they supposed loaded with riches, the greed 
of the schismatics was excited, and the road which 
the venerable traveller was to follow was closely 
watched. But Anselm disconcerted all their plans 
by travelling like a simple monk, accompanied 
only by two other monks his friend Baldwin 
and his biographer Eadmer. The primate received 
hospitality in the monasteries on his way, 4 with- 
out making himself known. Often the monks, his 

1 " VIdebam enim multa mala in terra ilia quse nee tolerare debebam, 
nee episcopali libertate corrigere poteram . . . ut animam meam de 
vinculo tantaj servitutis absolvatis, eique libertatem serviendi Deo in 
tranquillitate reddatis. " Ep. iii. 166. 

2 " Viae se periculis, mortem pro Deo non veritus, tradit." EADM. , 
50. The Tuesday before Palm Sunday, 16th March 1098. 

3 " Maxime homines Alemannici regis intendebant, ob dissentionem 
quse fuerat illis diebus inter Papam et ipsum." 

4 " Visum Patri est decentius inter monachos . . . qnam inter villa- 
nos, nocte ilia conversari, turn propter religionem monachini ordinis, 
turn propter officium imminentis noctis atque diei." 


hosts, spoke to him of the Archbishop of Canter- 
bury and his expected journey. 1 At Aspera theyAnseim 
told him that the primate had reached Placentia, throughout 


and there prudently turned back. At busa, the dom. 
abbot, hearing that the travellers were monks of 
Bee, said to them, " Tell me, brothers, I beg you, 
is that Anselm who used to be your abbot, that 
great friend of God and of good men, still alive \ " 
" Yes," said Baldwin, "he is alive, but he has been 
forced to become an archbishop in another coun- 
try." " I heard so," replied the abbot ; " but how 
is he now ? " * " They say he is well/ 7 answered 
Baldwin. " Pray God guard him ! " added the 
abbot ; " I pray for him day and night." 

When such incidents happened, Anselm drew 
his hood over his head and kept silence. 2 But 
the soft and steady glance which had vanquished 
the savage Duke of Burgundy revealed the great 
servant of God ; and in the Italian inns, men and 
women, after having examined the unknown tra- 
veller, knelt before him, and asked his blessing. 3 

At Eome, the pope received the primate in the 
Lateran, surrounded by the Eoman nobility; he 

1 See the conversation between the travellers and the monks of Aspera, 
five days' journey from Lyons. EADM., 51. 

2 "Fratres, obsecro vos, vivit ille adhuc, ille Dei et omnium bonorum 
amicus Anselmus . . . et ut valeat oro. Haec de se Anselmus dici 
audiens, infestim tecto cuculae suae capitio capite, demisso vultu sedebat." 
EADM., 20. 

*' Ecce solus Anselmi aspectus in admirationem sui populos excita- 
bat, eumque esse virum vitse designabat. . . . Viri cum mulieribus 
hospitium intrare, et ut hominem videre," &c. 


embraced him amidst the acclamations of the pon- 
tifical Court ; l and addressing those present, he 
made a magnificent eulogy of the prelate, declar- 
ing that he regarded as his master in learning, 
arid almost as his equal in dignity, this patriarch 
of a distant island, 2 which had banished him for 
preserving his fidelity to St Peter. 3 After having 
listened to Anselm's narrative, the sovereign pon- 
tiff wrote a letter to the King of England, in which 
he desired and even commanded him to repair the 
evil he had committed. 4 

The archbishop stayed only ten days at the 
Lateran ; the unwholesome air of Kome obliged 
him to go and wait William's answer at an abbey 
of Apulia, near Telesia, governed by a former monk 
of Bee. 5 Built on the summit of a mountain, in a 
domain called Schlavia, this place pleased Anselm 
so much that he exclaimed, " Here is my resting- 
place." 6 Here he at once resumed his old mon- 
astic habits and labours, and here he finished a 
treatise of remarkable power on the motives of the 
divine Incarnation. 7 

1 " Mane confluit ad Papam romana nobilitas. . . . Statim ab ipso 
erigitur ad osculum ejus. . . . Acclamat curia dicto. " 

2 " Quasi comparem vel ut alterius orbis apostolicum et patriarcham 
jure venerandum." EADM., 20. "Toto divisos orbe Britannos. . . ." 

3 "Viri propter justitiam necne fidelitatem B. Petri exulantis." 
EADM., 51. 

4 * ' Movet, hortatur, imperat. " 

5 John, Abbot of St Salvator. Telesia is between Benevento and 

6 " Hsec requies mea, hie habitabo." 

7 The treatise entitled Cur Deus homo, which he began in England. 


Meantime the Normans, some of whom had been 
his companions at Bee, did not leave him long un- 
disturbed ; Duke Eoger, whose troops were besieg- 
ing Capua, implored the saint to visit him and 
help him to walk more firmly in the way of salva- 
tion. Followed by all his knights, the prince came 
to meet the prelate, embraced him affectionately, 
and caused tents to be pitched for him at some 
distance from the body of the army, and not far 
from a little church, where, every day, he visited 
the archbishop and conversed with him. 1 

Pope Urban, on his side, did not delay joining 
Anselm at the Norman camp. None of those who 
came to visit the pope failed at the same time to 
present themselves before the primate, whose hu- 
mility and gentleness attracted every one, even 
those travellers whose inferior rank generally kept 
them at a distance from the pontifical majesty. 2 

The Saracens, great numbers of whom were 
serving under Count Eoger of Sicily, the duke's 
uncle, did not escape the charm exercised by 
the saint's virtues. When he passed through their 
camp, the infidels kissed his hands, kneeling, and 
called down the blessings of heaven upon him. 

1 " Cupiens . . . per eum his quse saluti suse adminiculari poterant 
informari. . . . Adhuc longe eramus ; ecce Dux ipse copiosa militum 
multitudine septus patri occurrit ac in oscula ruens. . . . Ducem ipsum 
cum suis nobiscum singulis diebus in promptu habentes." EADM., 51 
and 21. 

2 "Nee facile quivis declinaret ad Papam qui non diverteret ad An- 
selmum. . . . Mira et quse cunctos demulcebat pura cum simplicitate 
humilitas. Multi ergo quos timor prohibebat ad Papam accedere, festi- 
nabant ad Anselmum venire, amore ducti qui nescit timere. " 


Meantime William Rufus, far from yielding to 
the papal injunctions, constantly endeavoured by 
letters and presents to prejudice against ~ Anselm 
both the sovereign pontiff and Duke Roger. The 
duke was entirely unmoved by this ; and to induce 
the exiled prelate to remain with him, offered gifts 
of all the best of his possessions both in towns 
and castles. But the archbishop had no unwilling- 
ness to eat the bread of poverty. The last news 
from England, which informed him of fresh im- 
pieties and atrocious cruelties committed by the 
king, redoubled his wish to renounce the see of 
Canterbury and the primacy of England, where 
no one except a few monks would suffer them- 
selves to be influenced by him. 1 He soon confided 
his design to the pope, who did not approve of it. 

bishop! pastor!" he said to him, "you 


o have not yet shed your blood, and already you 

give up his J * J J 

would abandon the care of your flock I Christ tried 
St Peter by bidding him feed his sheep ; and An- 
selm the holy Anselm that great man, only be- 
cause he desires rest, would leave the flock of 
Christ to the teeth of wolves I Not only do I 
not permit you to resign, but I forbid you to do 
so, in the name of God and of the blessed St Peter. 
If the tyranny of the present king forbids your 

1 " Quomodo nullus, exceptis aliquibus monachis cum gratia fructifi- 
candi Deum audiret. " Eadmer tells several infamous stories of William. 
M. Thierry reproduces one in his Histoire de la conquete des Normands, 
vol. iii. p. 336, where he has not found room for a word about the trials 
of Anselm and of the Church. 

r- " 

ban forbids 


return to Canterbury, you are none the less arch- 
bishop by the Christian law, and clothed with 
power to bind and to loose as long as you live, 
and wherever you live. And I, whom you per- 
haps accuse of being insensible to your sufferings, 
I summon you to a council which I will hold at 
Bari beside the body of St Nicholas, that I may 
there consider and weigh what I ought to do to 
the English king and others like him, insurgents 
against the liberty of the Church." 1 

This council did assemble on the 1st October 
1098. One hundred and eighty-five bishops were 
present in their copes, under the presidency of the 
pope, who alone wore the chasuble and pallium. 
Anselm, whom the sovereign pontiff when taking 
his seat had forgotten, went, with his usual hu- 
mility, to place himself among the other prelates. 2 
The council began by a discussion with the Greek 
bishops as to the procession of the Holy Spirit. 
As the dispute grew warmer, and the question 
became more and more confused, the pope, who 

1 "OEpiscopum ! o pastorem ! nondum csedes, nondum vulnera per- 
pessus es, et jam. . . . Et Anselmus, Auselmus, inquam, ille sanctus, 
ille tails ac tantus vir, solummodo quiescere volens . . . quod si propter 
tyrannidem principis, qui mine ibi dominatur . . . jure tamen Christi- 
anitatis semper illius archiepiscopus esto. . . . Ego quoque ne de his 
. . . videar non curare, eaque gladio S. Petri nolle vindicare, moneo 
. . . ut quod de ipso rege Anglico suisque ac sui similibus, qui contra 
libertatem Ecclesise Dei se erexerunt, mediante sequitatis censura, me 
facturum disposui . . . percipias." 

2 " Omnibus ergo suum locum ex antiquo vindicantibus, Anselmus 
humilitate summus, quo poterat, assedit. Exciderat ammo summi Pon- 
tificis ingruente tumultu, ut ei locum delegaret." GUILL. MALMESB., 
de Gest. Pontif., i. 229. 


had already used some arguments drawn from 
Anselm's treatise on the Incarnation, demanded 
silence, and called loudly, " Our father and master, 
Anselm, Archbishop of the English, where are 
you \ " Anselm rose and said, " Holy father, I 
am here." The pope replied, " It is now, my son, 
that we need your learning and eloquence ; come 
up here come and defend your mother and ours 
against the Greeks. It is God who has sent you 
to our help." 1 

Amidst the great disorder produced in the 
assembly by the change of places, and to the aston- 
ishment of those present, who wondered what this 
old man was, and whence he came, the pope com- 
manded Anselm to seat himself at the foot of the 
pontifical throne, and declared to the auditory the 
talents, misfortunes, and virtues of the foreign 
doctor. 2 Auselm, after this introduction, spoke 
so clearly and so successfully on the controverted 
question, that the Greeks were confounded; and 
the sovereign pontiff pronounced an anathema 
against all who should not accept the true doctrine 
as the primate had set it forth. 3 

1 " Pater et magister Anselme, Anglorum archiepiscope, ubi es ? Se- 
debat pater in ordine ceterorum . . . et ego ad pedes ejus. . . . Sur- 
rexit continue et respondit : Domine pater, quid prsecipitis ! Ecce me." 
EADM., 53. Cf. GUILL. MALMESB., L c. 

2 " Videres quosque perstrepere, sedes mutare, locum sedendi viro 
parare . . . consilio stupente ad hsec et percunctante quis esset et 

3 Anselm himself describes this discussion in a treatise entitled de 
processione Spiritus sancti, copies of which he sent to different countries 


They then passed to the affairs of the English 
king. Anselm kept silence, but accusers were 
not wanting. After the recital of the horrible 
crimes which William had committed against God 
and man, 1 the pope added, " Such is this tyrant's 
life. In vain we have sought to amend him by 
persuasion. The persecution and exile of the great 
man now before you may prove how ill we have 
succeeded. My brothers, what is your decision ? " 

The bishops replied : " Since you have warned 
him three times, and he is still disobedient, it only 
remains to smite him with the sword of St Peter, 
that he may live under the weight of the anathema 
until he amends/' 2 

The pope was about to pronounce the excom- 


munication, when Anselm, rising quickly, 
kneeling before him, implored him not immedi- 
ately to pronounce the dreadful sentence. The land 
victim interceded for the executioner. At the sight 
of such charity, says William of Malmesbury, the 
council might well be convinced that Anselm's vir- 
tues were even greater than their reputation. 3 After 
the council the archbishop returned with the pope 

at the request of his friends. Cf. HILDEBERTI, EP. CENOMAN, Ep. 9, 
ed. Beaugendre, and EADM., p. 53. 

1 "Profenmtur in medium scelera dictu horrenda, adjicitur contemp- 
tui humano coelestis injuria." GUILL. MALMESB., I. c. 

2 "Ecce vita illius tyraimi. . . . Restat ut gladio sancti Petri sub 
anathematis ictu percussus, quod meruit sentiat, donee a sua pravitate 
decedat. " EADM. 

3 " Qu res ei non mediocrem apud cunctos videntes peperit gratiam, 
eo quod ostensione verse sanctitatis vicisset famaj suse gloriam. " GUILL. 
MALM., I. c. 


to Kome, where, a few days later, there arrived as 
envoy from the King of England that very Wil- 
liam who had searched the primate's baggage on 
the beach at Dover. William said that the king, 
his master, had acted in this manner because he 
thought the archbishop had no right to leave the 
kingdom without his permission. Urban showed 
himself much displeased at a claim hitherto un- 
heard of, and which made it a crime for a primate 
to visit the mother Church, 1 and he told the 
envoy that the king would certainly be excom- 
municated in the council which was to open at 
Kome after Easter. But William succeeded in 
softening the holy father, after several secret au- 
diences, and after having made skilful use of great 
presents and promises to different persons who 
were able to support his master's cause ; 2 so that 
the pope finally granted a fresh reprieve until 
Michaelmas of the following . year. 

It was then Christmas 1098. Anselm was kept 
at Kome against his will by Urban, who always 
showed him the greatest respect. 3 Every one con- 
sidered him as the second personage of the Church, 
and a canonised saint ; 4 the English who came to 

1 "Non Papse ! ait, quis unquam audivit talia. . . . Vere et sine 
omni ambiguitate dicere possumus a sseculo tale quid non esse auditum. 
Et pro tali response mirabilis homo hue te fatigasti ?" EADM., 54. 

2 "Munera quibus ea cordi esse animadvertebat, dispertiendo et polli- 

3 "Ipse papa frequenter ad Anselmum veniebat, Isete cum eo sese 
agendo et curiam faciendo ei." 

4 " Semper et ubique a Papa secundus erat . . . quasi proprio no- 
mine sanctus vocabatur." EADM., 21. 


Kome kissed the feet of their metropolitan as they 
did those of the pope. The imperialists, who 
formed the majority of the Eoman populace, tried 
to carry off the primate by force one day when 
he was going from the Lateran to St Peter's ; but 
the mere power of his glance stopped them, and 
reduced them to beg his blessing. 1 

At the council held in St Peter's a fortnight 
after Easter 1099, one hundred and fifty bishops 
renewed the decrees of Placentia and Clermont 
against simony and the marriage of priests. By 
the formal order of the pope, Anselm occupied 
one of the most distinguished places. While Council of 

Rome, and 

Keinger, Bishop of Lucca, was proclaiming in a speech of 
loud voice, to be heard above the noise of the Bishop of 
assembly, the canons of the council, he suddenly 
interrupted himself, and looking round upon his 
brethren with a glance of great discontent, 2 he 
cried, " But what are we doing, my brothers ? We 
are unsparing of advice to docile children, and we 
say nothing as to the crimes of tyrants 1 Every 
day the Holy See is informed of their oppression 
and pillage ; but what follows ? Nothing ; all the 
world knows and laments it. At this moment do 
I not see in this assembly a man modestly seated 
among us, whose silence cries aloud, whose patience 
and humility rise to the throne of God to accuse 

1 " Gives urbis, quorum ingens multitude propter fidelitatem impera- 
toris ipsi Papee erat infesta . . . viso vultu ejus, projectis armis," &c. 

2 "Subito admirantibus cunctis . . . unde suorum luminum acie in 
circumsedentes directa, vulneratse mentis dolerem," &c. EADM., 55. 


us ? 1 It is now two years since he came to de- 
mand justice from the Holy See ; and what has he 
obtained ? If there is any one among you igno- 
rant of whom I speak, let him know that it is of 
Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, in England ! " 

At the end of his speech, the prelate, whose 
indignation carried him away, struck the pave- 
ment of the church three times with his crosier. 2 
The pope, remembering that the reprieve granted to 
William had still three months to run, stopped the 
bishop, saying, 3 "Enough, brother Reinger, enough ! 
Good order shall be taken for all this." " There is 
much need, holy father," replied Eeinger; "other- 
wise the cause will be carried to the tribunal of 
Him who never delays justice." 4 

Anselm, who had not said a word of his mis- 
fortunes to the Bishop of Lucca, was astonished 
at this intervention, but he still kept silence. 

At the end of the council, the pope, by the 
unanimous advice of the bishops, published an 
excommunication against all those who should 
give or receive lay investitures for ecclesiastical 
dignities : " For," said he, " it is abominable that 

1 " Sed V8e quid faciemus. . . . Unus ecce inter nos, modesta tacitur- 
nitate quiescens mitis residet, cujus silentium clamor magnus est, cujus 
humilitas, &c. Sed vel quid hucusque subventions invenit ? " EADM. , 
Z. c. Cf. GUILL. MALMESB., I. c. 

2 "Virgam . . . tertio pavimento illisit, indignationem . . . com- 
pressis exploso murmure labiis et dentibus, palam cunctis ostendens." 

3 "Sufficit, frater Reinger, sufficit. . . . Procurabitur huic rei correc- 

4 " Et equidem expedit, nam aliter Eum qui justa judicat non tran- 



hands to which is granted the supreme honour, Severe 

words of 

refused even to angels, of creating the Almighty, Jj^jope 
and offering Him in sacrifice for the salvation 
the world, should be reduced to such ignominy as 
to be the servants of other hands, which day and 
night are soiled with impurity, with rapine, and 
with blood." 

All the assembled responded , " Amen I Amen 1 " 
The day after the closing of the council, An- 
selm, persuaded that he should not soon obtain 
justice, 2 went to Lyons to visit his friend the Cardi- 
nal Hugh, having first persuaded the pope to give 
him as his superior the monk Eadmer, his travel- 
ling companion. Placed under this tutelage, the 
prelate consoled himself for his exile by work ; he 
composed treatises of theology and philosophy ; 
he loved to persuade himself that having returned 
to the rule of monastic obedience he was scrupu- 
lously fulfilling the task imposed by his superior. 
He showed himself, indeed, so docile towards the 
latter, that he would not move without his per- 

1 "Execrabile videri manus quae in tan tarn eminentiam excreverint 
ut. . . . Deum cuncta creantera creent . . . ut ancillae fiant earum 
manuum quae die ac nocte obscoenis contagiis inquinantur. . . . His ab 
universis fiat, fiat, acclamari audivimus." EADM. Cf. ROGER HOVED, 
ad ann. 1099. 

2 " Vane nos ibi consiliuin nihil auxilium operiri intelleximus. . . . 
Nihil judicii vel subventionis, prseterquam quod diximus, per Romanum 
praesulem nacti." EADM., 55. William of Malmesbury plainly accuses 
the pope of having been gained over by the king's presents ; but Eadmer, 
who wrote on the spot, and never shrank from the truth, only blames 
some persons of his court. Baronius and Mohler have successfully jus- 
tified Urban from these reproaches. 



mission. 1 Anselm thus proved that he had always 
remained a monk ; all felt that this severe dis- 
cipline gave new temper to his courage and his 

Urban died before the expiration of the reprieve 
he had granted to William Kufus. In his deal- 
ings with the other northern kings he found more 
satisfaction. In Ireland, the relations begun by 
Lanfranc with the small provincial chiefs in the 
interest of ecclesiastical discipline and the invio- 
lability of marriage, 2 had been continued and 
strengthened, thanks to the persuasive eloquence 
of Anselm, who was primate not only of England, 
but of all the British isles. 3 An Irish monk bear- 
ing, like the first apostle of his country, the name 
of Patrick, and consecrated bishop at Canterbury, 
was the principal instrument of this return to 
unity. While in the south of the great island of 
Britain the Norman king was trampling under 

1 GUILL. MALM., de Gest. Pontif., i. 229. Anselm passed nearly two 
years at Lyons, treated by the Archbishop not as a guest, ' ' sed sicut in- 
digena et vere loci dominus." He there resumed his philosophical studies, 
and wrote two treatises De conceptu virginalis and De humana redemp- 
tione. EADM., 55 and 22. 

2 See his letters in BARONIUS, ad ann. 1090. They do not contain a 
word about the pope or the Norman royalty, nevertheless M. Thierry 
thus alludes to them : "After the conquest of England, the intrigues of 
the primate Lanfranc, a man devoted at once to the aggrandisement of 
the papal power and to Norman rule, were actually directed towards Ire- 
land, and began to mould a little the national spirit of the priests of that 
island." Histoire de la conqudte, vol. iii. b. ix. p. 201. This national 
spirit, if it can be so called, consisted in tolerating incestuous marriages 
and divorce, and in buying ordination from the bishops. Lanfranc, in 
his letters, opposes these things only. 

ST ANSELM, Ep. iii. 142-147 ; EADM., Hist, rwv., b. ii. 45. 


foot the rights of the people and the Church, in 

the north, in Scotland, a holy and royal lady, Margaret 

Queen of 

Margaret, sprung from the ancient race of Saxon Scotland 
princes, and recalled from Hungary, whither her 
family had been exiled, to become the wife of King tion - 
Malcolm TIL, was occupied in completing the con- 
version of this still half-savage kingdom by the 
influence of her own virtues, and the support 
of her pious husband. During a long reign the 
royal pair laid, as it were, the foundation of true 
Christian civilisation by releasing women 1 from 
a brutal yoke. To Queen Margaret belongs the 
honour of having prepared, by a sort of reparation 
made to God and her sex, the rise of that famous 
chivalry which in Britain, as elsewhere, was to 
obtain so brilliant a reputation. 2 The glorious title 
of patroness of Scotland, granted by Pope Clement 
X. to the noble princess, was well merited. 

Every day Margaret herself fed 300 poor; hav- 
ing become a widow, she gave up all her posses- 
sions to the unfortunate ; and when exhausted by 
her last illness, she caused herself to be carried 
into a church to hear mass. One day when she 
had just received the Communion she breathed 

1 Buchanan says, in his History of Scotland, that she caused . the 
abolition of feudal rights of the most infamous kind, the hideous re- 
mains of pagan slavery, and of that contempt for women which the 
Scotch had hitherto always displayed. See the famous letter of St 

2 Robert Bruce, the Douglases, Wallace, and many other heroes, until 
the time of Mary Stuart, when the Reformation made so great a change 
in the Scottish character. 


her last, says Ordericus Vitalis, in the midst of 
prayer, like a true Catholic queen. 1 The hagio- 
grapher adds, that on the face of the holy prin- 
cess, worn by age and suffering, there immediately 
reappeared the brilliant beauty and freshness of 
youth. 2 

Before leaving Great Britain, we must mention 
the foundation by King Malcolm of the Abbey of 
Dunfermline in Scotland, 1070, by the request of 
Queen Margaret, and at the place of their marriage. 
It is well known that Dunfermline was for a long 
time, like Westminster in England, a place of 
burial for the kings, and of meeting for the na- 
tional parliaments. 

Martyr- In Denmark, about the same time, the holy 
Canute m King Canute died a martyr to his zeal for the 

Denmark. * 

rights of the Church and his endeavours to estab- 
lish tithes. 8 This prince had profited by the lessons 
given him by St Gregory VII. ; 4 having doubled the 
size of his kingdom by conquests on the shores of 
the Baltic, he had assured to his bishops the rank 

1 " Post sacrse perceptionem Eucharistiae inter verba orationis expira- 
vit." OBD. VIT., viii. 701. She died in 1093. 

2 " Quo temporis momento facies ejus diuturni morbi macie ac pallore 
foedata, insolita quadam vemistate refloruit. " BREVIAR. ROMANOFOJM, 
die 10 Junii. 

3 July 10, 1087. See FLEURY, Hist. Ecdes., b. Ixiii. c. 37. This St 
Canute must not be confounded with his nephew of the same name 
(Duke Canute), also a martyr, whose festival the Church celebrates Jan- 
uary 7. King Canute was the father of Charles Count of Flanders, who 
also suffered martyrdom, as will be seen further on. 

4 Fleury thinks this prince was the same as Hacon or Haquin to 
whom Gregory VII. addressed his Ep. vii. 5, 21. 


and immunities of their office. First among the 
northern sovereigns, he had opened his dominions 
to monks summoned from that very England 
where his ancestors had destroyed so many mon- 
asteries and their inhabitants. 

After the death of Canute, a vast abbey found- 
ed over his tomb, where many miracles were con- 
stantly worked, enabled the still half -barbarous 
Danes to know and admire the sons of St Bene- 
dict. 1 Thus the blood of the royal martyr sealed 
the triumph of Christ in the country of those very 
Normans, who, through so many years, had been 
the most terrible scourge of Christendom. A little 
later, Magnus, son of King Olaus of Norway, 
founded the first bishoprics and monasteries in 
that country. 2 Eric II., successor of St Canute, 
anxious to free the new Christian kingdom from 
the jurisdiction of the metropolitan of Hamburg, 
a great supporter of the imperial schism, went 
himself to Rome to beg from Pope Urban the 
creation of another metropolitan see in Denmark. 

1 ' ' Primus enim ritus gentis suae . . . correxit, et metropolitanas 
sedes et episcopales construxit . . . monachos qui prius invisi et incog- 
niti Danis erant, accersiit et opportune habitations locum, in regno suo 
liberaliter eis delegavit. . . . Grande ccenobium monachorum construc- 
tum est et monasticus ordo, sicut in Anglia apud Eveshannium servatur, 
regulariter constitutus est. Inde nimirum primi monachi Danos adier- 
unt, et coenobiale Jus, barbaris mirantibus, diligenter ostenderunt." 
ORDER. VIT., b. vii. p. 650. 

2 ' ' Episcopatus et ccenobia monachorum, quse antecessores ejus non 
noverant." ORDER. VIT., b. x. p. 767. 

3 " Patriam ac domestica sacra saxonica prselatione liberare petivit." 
SAXO GRAMMAT., b. xii. This journey took place after 1095, according 
to PAGI, Crit. in Baron., ad ann. 1092. 


The pope promised to grant his request; and 
some years later, a cardinal legate, after having 
visited all the Scandinavian cities, chose that of 
Lund to be the new metropolitan see of the three 
kingdoms of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway. 1 

Eric, who had taken the cross, started immedi- 
ately for Jerusalem ; but he died on the way. This 
eager homage of a distant kingdom only just re- 
ceived into the fold of the Church must have con- 
soled the great heart of Urban, who at that mo- 
ment was forced to contend with the three most 
powerful sovereigns of the West the Emperor, 
the King of England, and the King of France. 

In the Church's resistance to King Philip, 
Yves, Bishop of Chartres, seemed called upon to 
play, with some differences, the part acted in Eng- 
land by Anselm of Canterbury. The direction of 
the principal affairs of the Church in his coun- 
try belonged to the French .prelate. About this 
very time a painful dispute had broken out between 
Yves and the Archbishop-legate Hugh of Lyons 
respecting the election to the metropolitan see of 
Sens, of a noble named Daimbert, much esteemed 
for his learning, and a great friend of the monks. 2 
Hugh having forbidden the bishops of the province 
to consider the newly elect as legitimate, until he 

1 " Celeberrimis Danornm urbibus inspectis, cuncta curiose collus- 
trando." SAXO GRAMM., I. c. This arrangement was only completed 
in 1103 under Pascal II. Eric died at Cyprus in 1101. 

2 According to the testimony of the chronicler of St Pierre-le-Vif, who 
wrote about this time. 


had recognised the rights of the primacy of Lyons, 
which, according to him, had been despised by the 
previous archbishops of Sens, Yves, suffragan of 
Sens, protested strongly against the interdiction. 1 
Daimbert acted as Yves of Chartres had done Yves of 


when unjustly persecuted ; he went to Eome and en ^ ed 
obtained his consecration from the pope. 2 It is Holy See. 
certain that the Bishop of Chartres had really 
right on his side ; 3 but in his letter to the legate 
Hugh, he had expressed opinions on the right of 
investitures and the conduct of the pope's minis- 
ters, which drew upon him severe censure. " I 
wish/' he had written to the legate, " and many 
pious souls wish as I do, that the ministers of the 
Eoman Church would apply themselves as expe- 
rienced physicians to curing great evils, and not 
give their enemies reason to say, ' You strain at a 
gnat and swallow a camel;'* we see, in fact, the 
greatest crimes openly committed in the world, 
but we do not see you employ the axe of justice 
to cut them away." Such a reproach could not 
certainly be applied to Archbishop Hugh, who 
had distinguished himself by his zeal in promul- 
gating the excommunication against the emperor 
and the French king. But the serious matter 
was the justification of royal investiture, which 

1 Ep. 60. Ed. Juret and Souchet, 1645. 

2 March 1098. PAGI, Grit., ad arm. 1099, c. 3. 

3 Baronius declares himself most decidedly against Hugh. Ad ann. 

4 " Culicem excolantes et camelum glutientcs." Matt. xxii. 24. 


Yves declared in the following words : l " Pope 
Urban, if we have clearly understood him, only 
excludes kings from corporal investiture, not from 
the right of election as being chiefs of the people, 
nor from cession. 2 And what does it matter 
whether this cession is made by the hand, or a 
movement of the head, or by the mouth, or by 
the crosier ? For kings do not pretend to give any 
spiritual gifts, but only to consent to the election, 
or to grant to the elect those lands and other 
material possessions which the churches have re- 
ceived from their liberality." 3 

It was the legate's duty to transmit these strange 
declarations to the pope, who showed much indig- 
nation against the bishop. Yves then hastened to 
write to Urban. " I am," he said, " the lowest of 
your sons ; but I do not believe there is any one 
on this side the Alps who has suffered so many 
affronts and wrongs as I have, done in the endeav- 
our to remain faithful and obedient to your com- 
mands. But since my words have given offence, it 
is not fitting for me to enter into controversy with 
you, and I would rather renounce my bishopric 
than expose myself to your reproaches, just or 
unjust. If this atonement satisfies you, accept it. 
If you require more, say what I ought to do. If 
I cease to be your servant, let me at least con- 

1 YVON., Ep. No. 60. 

2 "Non ab electione, in quantum sunt caput populi, vel concessione." 

3 Fleury's translation, b. Ixiv. No. 44. 


tinue to be your son. 1 . . . What I wish to* 
do with your authority, I am forced to do by 
the ever-deepening enmity of the King of France 
towards me." 

This enmity had arisen since the relapse of 
Philip, whose connection with Bertrade the bishop 
had so vigorously denounced. The monarch had 
now in fact recalled that same Bertrade whom 
he had carried off from her husband Count Fulk 
of Anjou, while his own lawful wife still lived ; 
and whom, when he was excommunicated, he had 
been obliged to dismiss. Bertrade exercised so 
extraordinary an empire over those around her, 
that she obtained the pardon of her double infi- 
delity from her husband Count Fulk, who carried 
his complaisance so far as to seat himself in public 
at the feet of this bigamous queen. 2 

Such a revival of a scandal supposed to be scandal at 

1 -i i T i i ^i i i *he Court 

ended, obliged the Church to renew the severe of the 
punishment which had already fallen upon Philip France. 
of France. When this royal breaker of the Divine 
law arrived in any diocese, the bells of all the 
churches were silent, the sounds of chanting 
ceased, the public worship of God was stopped, 

1 " Ivo minimus Sanctitatis Suse films. . . . Hanc si placet, accipite, 
si plus placet, addite. Si desisto vester esse servus, non desistam vester 
esse filius." Ep. 67. Baronius, Fleury, and the Hist. I'M. de France 
place this letter in 1099. But Pagi has shown that it ought to be at 
the beginning of 1098. 

2 " Ita mollificaverat, ut earn tanquam dominam veneraretur, et sca- 
bello pedum ejus ssepius residens ac si prsestigio fieret, voluntati ejus 
omnmo obsequeretur." SUGER, Vii. Lud. VI., c. 17. 


and signs of mourning were everywhere manifested. 
During the fifteen years of his life in which his 
ardent and lamentable passion for Bertrade kept 
him apart from the communion of the Church, 
Philip had at least so much conscience as to respect, 
to a certain point, the public affliction ; he contented 
himself with hearing mass in private when the pre- 
lates, whose temporal lord he was, permitted it ; he 
abstained from all State ceremonies, then inextri- 
cably mingled with those of the Church, and from 
solemnly wearing his crown on the great annual 
festivals. 1 However, on Christmas-day, 1097, in 
spite of the formal prohibition of the apostolic 
legate, 2 an archbishop, Eaoul of Tours, was found 
who was not afraid on the occasion of the festival 
to place the crown publicly on the head of the 
adulterous monarch. This act of guilty weakness 
was rewarded the next day by the nomination to 
the bishopric of Orleans of a creature of the prelate 
named John, whose extreme youth and debauched 
Yves of life scandalised the whole city. Yves of Chartres, 
denounced with his usual vigour, denounced the shameful 
bishop of bargain to the pope and his legate Hugh. 3 He 
accused the newly elect and his protector of the 

1 * ' Nee purpuram induit, neque solemnitatem aliquam regio more cele- 
bravit. In quodcumque oppidum vel urbeni Galliarum rex advenisset 

. . . cessabat omnis clangor campanarum, et generalis cantus clericor- 
um. Luctus itaque publicus agebatur et dominicus cultus privatim 
exercebatur, quamdiu transgressor princeps in eadem dio?cesi commora- 
batur. Perraissu tamen prsesulum quorum dominus erat," &c. ORDER. 
VIT., viii. 699. 

2 " Contra in terdictum legati vestri. " YVON., Ep. ad Pap. t I. c. 

3 Ep. 66, 67, 68. 


most vile crimes, 1 and bitterly complained of 
the conduct of the Archbishop of Tours, who said 
openly that he had no need to trouble himself 
either in seeking good priests, or about the canons, 
for that he had in his purse 2 what would smooth 
all difficulties. " Whatever may happen, whatever 
side you may take," wrote the Bishop of Chartres 
to the pope, " I have cleared my conscience and 
delivered my soul. I have raised my voice for the 
cause of truth and charity, for the good of the 
Church, and for your honour." 3 

The disagreement of Yves of Chartres with 
Hugh left, however, so little trace on the mind 
of the great bishop, that at about this period he 
begged the Holy See to reappoint his opponent 
to the office of legate, saying that he was more 
capable than any one else of filling it. 4 The eager 
rivalry which for so long had existed between 
the metropolitan sees of Lyons and Sens, and 
which had divided the two chief prelates of 
the Church of France, Archbishop Hugh and 

1 "Rex Francorum non private sed publice mihi testatus est quod 
prsedicti Joannis succubus fuerit (Radulphus archiepiscopus)." Ep. 

2 "Se non indigere bonis clericis vel canonibus cum hsec omnia 
prsesto sint ei in marsupio suo." Ibid. 

3 "Quidquid autem vos faciatis, ego liberavi animam meam." Ep. 
66. " Et vere dixi et pro veritate et caritate dixi : providens quantum 
in me est, et Ecclesise utilitati et vestrae honestati." Ep. 68. Either 
John must have completely repented of his crimes, or Yves must have 
discovered the injustice of his accusations, since AVC find him later in 
friendly relations with this same John, who filled the see of Orleans 
satisfactorily for twenty years. 

4 Ep. 109. 


Bishop Yves, was arranged 1 in April 1099, to the 
general satisfaction, in that same Council of Eome 
where we have seen Anselm of Canterbury sur- 
rounded by the homage of the episcopate, and 
defended, as he deserved, by the Bishop of Lucca. 
It was on the same day also that the pope pro- 
nounced, amidst the acclamations of the whole 
assembly, 2 a new and final sentence against lay 
investiture, and against the homage required by 
princes from Church dignitaries. These accla- 
mations, which proved the mainstay of spiritual 
liberty among the Catholics of the West, were 
soon echoed by those which saluted the news of 
the marvellous triumph obtained by the Crusaders 
in the East. After a thousand difficulties and 
perils, the remains of the Catholic army had at 
length reached Syria, taken Antioch, and estab- 
lished a Christian principality there under Bohe- 
mond the Norman. Adhemar du Puy, the legate, 
being dead, the Crusaders begged Pope Urban to 
come in person, and put himself at their head 
in that very town of Antioch where St Peter had 
occupied his first see, and where the Galileans 
had first borne the name of Christians. " We 
have conquered the Turks and pagans ; " said the 
leaders of the Crusade, "it will be easy for us to 
conquer the heretics, Greeks, Armenians, Syrians, 
and Jacobites; come then, we conjure you, Holy 

1 EPIST. URB., ad HUG., PAGI, Crit., ad ann. 1099, c. 5. 

2 "Et ab omnibus acclamatum est: Fiat, fiat; et consummation est 
concilium." ROGER HOVEDEN, ad ann. 1099. 


Father, come, and perform the functions of St 
Peter's vicar; come, and sit upon the Apostle's 
throne ! Encouraged by your authority we will 
root out all heresies ; you will open to us the 
gates of Jerusalem, 1 you will redeem the tomb of 
Christ, you will exalt the name of Christian to the 
highest, and the whole world will be brought into 
obedience to you." 

But, to obey their wishes, Urban must have 
abandoned the defence of the Church from lay 
heresy, since it claimed spiritual dominion now, 
the most dangerous of all. The Christian army, Assault 
therefore, without its head, continued its heroic ture of 


march, and Jerusalem was, by a victorious assault, b y the 

' J ' Crusaders. 

snatched from the hands of the infidels, July 15, 
1099, at three o'clock in the afternoon the very 
hour when our Lord Jesus Christ died for men. 
On the rescued tomb of the Saviour a Christian 
sovereignty was instantly proclaimed by the vic- 
tors. Godfrey de Bouillon, who had taken no part 
in the massacre of the infidels, was elected king ; 
but he was not crowned, not choosing, as he said, 
to wear a crown of gold where his Divine Master 
had worn a crown of thorns. 2 

1 "Tibi mandamus ut qui sermonibus tuis nos omnes terras nostras et 
quidquid in terris erat relinquere fecisti, complendo qu hortatus es, ad 
nos venias. ... In cathedra quam quotidie cernimns. . . . Illi qui 
prius vocabantur Galilsei, hie primum vocati sunt christiani . . . nos 
enim Turcos et Paganos expugnavimus ; hsereticos autem nequivimus. 
. . . Omnes hsereses cujuscumque gentis sunt, tua auctoritate et nostra 
virtute eradices et destruas . . . et etiam portas utriusque Jerusalem 
nobis aperias," &c. Letter of llth September 1098. Ap. REUDER, 
Script, rer. German., p. 399 ; GUILL. TYR., b. vii. c. 1, &c. 

2 GUILL. TYR., b. ix. c. 9. 


Faithful to the customs of that chivalry of 
which he had become the head, Godfrey soon 
after founded, in the valley of Jehosaphat, a mon- 
astery where he established the monks who had 
accompanied him to the Crusade ; he also intro- 
duced the Latin ritual into the Church of the 
Holy Sepulchre, and appointed as precentor a 
canon of Paris, wishing to show by this liturgical 
reformation the antipathy of the victorious West 
for all that belonged to the degenerate Church of 
the East. 1 

After assisting at the election of Daimbert, 
Archbishop of Pisa, and legate of Urban II., to be 
the first Latin patriarch of Jerusalem, Godfrey de 
Bouillon begged to receive from that prelate the 
investiture of his new kingdom. Nothing, as- 
suredly, could better show how completely the new 
Catholic king had changed the opinions which had 
formerly led him into the Imperialist ranks. 

Urban II. was called to render his account to 

i This has been thoroughly understood by M. Didion with regard to 
the arts. "It is supposed," he says, "but quite wrongly, that the 
Crusaders brought back to Europe and to France the arts of the East : 
exactly the opposite of this is true. There is not in France a single 
church built by the Crusaders in the style or on the plan of the Eastern 
churches ; in Greece, on the other hand, at Mistra, and at Chalcis, the 
Crusaders from Champagne became lords of the Morea, built churches in 
the style of France and Champagne. At Jerusalem, the Crusaders re- 
built the Holy Sepulchre in pointed architecture exactly as if they had 
been in France. . . . Far from borrowing a musical system from the 
East, the Crusaders carried their own even to the stone of the Holy 
Sepulchre, to the very tomb of Christ. We have given all to the East, 
and received nothing from thence." DIDION, Annal. Archeol., vol. v. 
pp. 77-79. 


Him whose vicar he had been on earth fifteen days Death of 
after the glorious accomplishment of that task ban u. 
which he had preached at Clermont. He died, not 
like Gregory VII. in exile, but in the moment of a 
double victory. The successor of St Peter had re- 
entered Kome while the Cross re-entered Jerusalem. 
The double despotism of Caesar and Mahomet, 
firmly seated for so many centuries, yielded before 
the keys of the Apostle and the sword of Catholic 
knighthood. It is true that this was not a com- 
plete and lasting success ; such is not the portion 
of the Church on earth ; but before returning to 
his Divine Master, Urban was enabled to enjoy 
one of those glorious and sublime moments which 
fully compensate for ages of painful combat, and 
which may well be said to illuminate all the future. 
When the body of the pontiff, who had just died 
within a few paces of St Peter's l prison, had been 
lowered into the vaults of the Vatican basilica, 
there to be placed beside the relics of the first 
pope, 2 it could be truly proclaimed throughout 
Christendom that the eleven years of his pontifi- 
cate had been but one heroic and sublime warfare 
with the enemies of God. Full of devotion for St 
Peter, having never known the fear of man, never 
suffered the smallest infringement of the liberty of 
the Church, an ardent promoter of the worship of 

1 Cod. Vatic., ap. BARON., ad aim. 1099, 24. 

2 " Eximius pontifex, post multos labores pro Ecclesia Dei summa cum 
moderatione tolerates, post doinitos patientia raagis quam arm is adver- 
saries. . . . " MABILL., vol. v. b. Ixix. No. 108. 


the Queen of Heaven, to whom he had specially 
consecrated Saturday, 1 Urban was surely worthy 
to be associated with the saints in paradise as one 
of themselves. 2 

Contemporaries of the illustrious pontiff said 
of him that he was a golden pope, profoundly de- 
voted to St Peter, who had never suffered the in- 
dependence of the Eoman Church to dwindle in 
his hands, and whose virtues had always equalled 
his talents. 

It was again a monk, and a monk of Cluny, who 
was chosen as his successor. Three popes 3 of the 
same order, such as Hildebrand, Didier of Monte 
Cassino, and Odo of Cluny, must naturally have 
encouraged the cardinals 4 to make another selec- 
tion from the monastic ranks. Their choice fell 
upon Eegnier, a Tuscan, who, after having em- 
braced a religious life at Cluny under the crosier 
of St Hugh, had been called from it by Gregory 

1 It was he who specially consecrated Saturday to the Blessed Virgin, 
and who instituted, or at any rate brought into more frequent use, the 
short service of Our Lady." MABILL., Ann. I. c. 

2 " Non erat hie rector tremulus quasi cannula vento ; 
Sed veluti ferrum truncabat noxia verbo : 
Cuncta sibi prava subduntur dogmata falsa ; 
Nunquam decrevit libertas denique Sedis 
Romanse per eum : sanctum quia peramat Petrum 
Aureus antistes. . . . 
. . . Sanctis merito sociatus." 

DOMNIZO, Vit. Math. b. ii. c.' 11. 

3 Gregory VII., Victor III., and Urban II. 

4 "Patres cardinales, episcopi, presbyteri, diaconi, primores urbis, 
primi scriniarii et scribse regionarii in Ecclesia sancti Clementis conveni- 
unt." PAND. PISAN., ap. BARON., et PAPEBROCH. CONAT., Act. SS. 
Mail, b. vii. 


VII., had become a cardinal, and later, abbot of 
the monastery of St Lawrence and St Stephen 
outside the walls of Kome. 

The moment he was informed of his election, 
Kegnier fled and hid himself ; but his retreat was 
discovered, and he was obliged by force to accept 
the purple, the tiara, and the girdle, whence hung 
the seven keys, symbols of the seven gifts of the 
Holy Spirit. 1 

The new pope received the name of Pascal II. Accession 

TT i of the 

He hastened to announce his accession to the ciunist 
Catholic princes and the Countess Matilda, and Pascal n. 
did not forget to send the information, as Urban 
II. had done, to his spiritual father, the holy Abbot 
Hugh of Cluny, who saw in him a second son 
worthy of the pontifical throne. 2 Pascal II. then 
addressed solemn felicitations to the Crusaders, 
whose heroism had freed the Holy Land, and re- 
conquered, together with the spear still red with 
Divine blood, a great portion of the cross on which 
the Kedeemer died for us. 

At the same time, Pascal sent them a new 
legate, charged to watch over the purity and 
safety of their souls. " May God," said the pope, 

1 "Fugit, latuitque, sed non diu potuit . . . invenitur, trahitur in 
conventum, conveuitur de fuga, redarguitur a patribus . . . chlamyde 
coccinea induitur et tiara . . . baltheo succingitur cum septeni exinde 
pendentibus clavibus, ex quo sciat, septem sigillis, septiformem Spiritus 
sancti gratiam cunctarum Ecclesiarum, quibus simul, Deo auctore, 
prseest, regimini in claudendo aperiendoque . . . providere debere." 
Ibid. He was elected August 3, 1099. 

2 MABILL., Ann., I. c. 



in conclusion, " absolve you from all your sins, 
and recompense you for your exile by opening 
to you the gates of the eternal country." 1 

He proved, at the same time, his zeal for that 
monastic freedom in which he had himself been 
trained. 2 He received, almost immediately on his 
accession, letters of adhesion and warning from 
Yves of Chartres, 3 and other letters from Anselm 
of Canterbury, in which that prelate related his 
difficulties and asked for instructions. 4 Finally, 
wanting money to provide for his most imperative 
needs, he was talking of it one day with the car- 
dinals, when he saw approaching some envoys from 
Eoger of Sicily, who, saluting him in the name of 
the Norman prince, laid a tribute of 1000 ounces 
of gold at his feet. 5 

Meanwhile the battle which the new pope had 
to maintain against the enemies of the Apostolic 
See lost nothing of its intensity. The anti-pope 
Guibert, who, under the name of Clement III., had 
held his ground for twenty years against the legit- 
imate popes, and boasted of surviving them, died 

1 "Videmus oriental em Ecclesiam, post longa captivitatis tempera, 
magna ex parte ad antiquam libertatis gloriam rediisse. . . . Ipse vos 
ab omnibus peccatis absolvat, et exilio vestro patiiam feternam tribuat." 
PASCH., Epist., No. 1, in Condi.; LABB., ed. COLETTI, xii. 966. 

2 See his letters in support of the exemption of Montierender against 
the Bishop of Chalons, and of Ely against the Bishop of Lincoln, in 
MABILL., Ann. 

3 YVON., Ep. 81. * ANSELM, Ep. iii. 40. 

5 " Dum cujus dispositionis acriter ageretur negotium, legati . . . 
curiam intrant, ex parte comitis officiosissime papam salutant et resalu- 
tant, atque inclinati ad pedes ejus posuerunt auri uncias mille." PAND. 
PISAN., I. c. 


shortly after Pascal's accession, and was destined 
to have but insignificant successors in his usurped 
dignity. 1 But the Emperor Henry, author of the 
schism and patron of the anti-pope, had not only 
recovered from his repeated defeats, but had even 
recently been able so to strengthen his forces as 
to be in a condition once more to invade Italy. 

In France, during this time, King Philip had 
again fallen into his former evil ways, and was 
consequently in revolt against the Church. 

In England, ever since the Conqueror's death, The three 

. adversaries 

the Norman king had trodden under foot with im- of wmiam 


punity the rights of the clergy and of the faithful. 
To her three redoubtable adversaries the Church 
opposed three champions, with whom victory was 
destined to remain : the immortal Matilda, whom 
God, says a historian, had placed on the threshold 
of Italy to confound imperial pride and tyranny; 2 
Yves of Chartres, that bishop of iron will 3 but 
moderate judgment, who could resist even a king 
of France ; and Anselm, the monk who refused to 
bend to the yoke of William Eufus. 

When William heard of the death of Urban II., 
whose goodwill, it is said, he had purchased, he 
was so enraged that he cried out, " May God's 
anger light on whoever mourns for him 1 " But 

1 See their fortunes in Vit. Paschal., ap, Cone., COLETTI, xii. 963 ; 
and PAGI, Crit., ad ann. 3100. 

2 " Admirabilem illam foeminam, quam ob confusionem tyrannicse 
superbise posuit Dens obicem in ipso Italire ingressu." BARON., ad ann. 
1100, c. 7. 

3 " Ferreus ille Yvonis animus." Ibid. 


directly after, he asked, " What sort of a man is 
the new pope ? " And when they told him that 
in many respects he resembled Anselm, he said, 
" By the Face of God, if that is so, he is good 
for nothing I But no matter ; for I swear that, 
this time, his primacy will weigh very little with 
me. I am free now, and I mean to do as I 
like." 1 And, in fact, he refused to acknowledge 
the new pope, and continued to oppress his people. 
In an expedition against his vassal Helie de la 
Fleche, Count of Mans, a knight as pious and 
charitable as he was brave, and as much beloved 
by his subjects as the Eed King was hated by his, 2 
William, having taken and burnt Mans, treated as 
a criminal the bishop of the city, Hildebert, one of 
the most illustrious priests of his time, and friend 
of Yves of Chartres and Anselm of Canterbury. 
The crime of this prelate, so worthy in all points 
of the affection of the two .great theologians of 
France and England, 3 was, that he had been elect- 

1 " Et Dei odium habeat qui inde curat. Ille vero qui modo est Papa, 
cujusmodi est? . . . Per vultum Dei, si talis est, non valet. . . . Ego 
interim libertate potitus agam quodlibet." EADMER, Hist, novorum, 
b. i. p. 56. 

2 ORDER. VIT., b. x. pp. 769 and 774. Ordericus adds that he was 
instar presbyteri bene tonsus, which showed the regularity of his life. 
See Opera S. ANSELMI., YVON., CARNOT., ORDER., et passim. 

3 He had been a pupil and admirer of Berengarius, but had soon re- 
turned to the orthodox faith. Noel, Bishop of Mans, had placed him at 
the head of the schools in his diocese. In his youth he had been accused 
of various irregularities of life, as is proved by a letter of Yves of Char- 
tres ; but Pagi and Beaugendre, editors of his works (folio, 1708), have 
refuted these accusations. It is thought that he had been a monk, or at 
least a scholar, at Cluny. 


ed by the clergy without the royal authorisation. 1 
William having the venerable bishop in his power, 
accused him of treason, ordered him to destroy the 
towers of the cathedral, which commanded the cas- 
tle, and on his refusal, plundered all his property, 
and did not leave him so much as a mitre. 

Although he was accustomed to ridicule the wniiam 

Rufus and 

appeal to God's judgment by the ordeal of red-hot his bar- 
iron whenever he thought it would result well for wards the 
the victims of his despotism, 2 William required Mans - 
Hildebert to submit to this form of trial forbidden 
to him by the canons of the Church ; and to force 
him to it, kept him confined in a dungeon, 
chained hand and foot, for more than a year. 3 
This last crime filled up the measure : the justice 
of God prepared to strike ; the people, warned 
by the mysterious light of faith, felt a prophetic 
thrill, precursor of their deliverance. A monk 4 
of Gloucester saw in a dream the Lord seated 
on a throne in glory, surrounded by the host of 
heaven ; prostrate at His feet was a virgin of the 
most brilliant beauty, who said, "Thou who didst 

1 In 1097. Count Helie, on the contrary, though he had nominated 
another candidate, respected the choice of Hildebert, "quiet Deum time- 
bat et ne lethale in membris Ecclesice schisma fieret." ORDER. VIT., x. 

2 He complained that God was won over by the prayers of the first- 
comer : " Quid est hoc ? Deus est Justus judex ? Pereat qui deinceps 
hoc crediderit. Quare per hoc et hoc meo judicio amodo respondebitur, 
non Dei quod pro voto cujusque hinc inde plicatur." EAPM., p. 52. 

3 Yvo., CARNOT., Ep. 74; BARON., ad ann. 1107; PAGI, Grit, in 
eumd. ; BEAUGENDRE, Vita Hildeb., xix. 

4 "Bonae famse, sed melioris vitse." ORDER. VIT., b. ix. p. 781. 


die upon the cross for the salvation of the human 
race, look with pity upon Thy people crushed 
under William's yoke. avenger of all crimes, 
avenge me upon William, and snatch me from the 
hands that torment and defile me!" And the Lord 
answered, " Wait yet a little ; vengeance is near, 
and shall be complete." l At these words the 
monk awoke, trembling, but assured that the vir- 
gin represented the Holy Church, and that God 
was preparing to punish the king for his excesses. 
Abbot Serlon, being informed of what had hap- 
pened, instantly wrote to William to warn him of 
the sinister augury. 2 On Wednesday, August 1, 
1100, the festival of St Peter in bonds, another 
monk named Foucher, Abbot of Shrewsbury, went 
up into the pulpit, and after having depicted the 
desperate state of England, announced the ap- 
proaching crisis in these words : " A sudden 
change of affairs is at hand. .... God will not 
be overruled by the unworthy. Behold the bow 
of the divine fury is drawn against the wicked ; 
the swift arrow is taken from the quiver to wound 
them. Suddenly it will smite them ! " 3 

The very day following that on which the monk 

1 "Splendidissima virgo. . . . Scelerum vindex omniumque judex 
justissime, de Guillelmo, precor, vindica me. . . . Patienter tolera, pau- 
lisper exspecta." ORDER. VIT., b. ix. p. 781. 

2 *' Commonitorios opices." Ibid. 

3 "En subitanea rerum instabit immutatio . . . non Deus domina- 
buntur effemiiiati. . . . Ecce arcus superni furoris contra reprobos in- 
tensus est et sagitta velox ad vulnerandum de pharetra extracta est. 
Repente jam feriet." ORDER., L c. 


Foucher thus preached, an arrow from an unknown 
hand pierced the Eed King to the heart while he 
hunted in that famous New Forest, to plant which 
his father had depopulated thirty -six parishes. 
That day, at sunrise, a monk from Gloucester had 
brought to the king a letter in which Abbot Serlon 
related the threatening vision seen by a brother of 
his monastery. At the reading of this letter, the 
king, who was at table with his courtiers, burst 
out laughing, and cried, " I wonder why Dom 
Serlon, whom I imagined a wise abbot, should 
have thought of telling me of such things, and 
writing to me about them from such a distance. 
Does he take me for one of those Englishmen 
who put off their journeys or their affairs to an- 
other day, because an old woman has dreamed or 
sneezed the night before ? " 1 

Saying this, the king rode away to the chase. Tragic 
His last words, addressed to Walter Tyrrel, one of wiiiiam 
his companions, were " Shoot, shoot, in the devil's 
name ! " And at the same instant an arrow, 
whether Walter's or another, passed through his 
breast. 2 The prince's body, placed on a charcoal- 

1 " Rex in cacliinnum resolutus est. . . . Mirqr unde Domino meo 
Serloni talia narrandi voluntas exorta est. ... Ex niinia simplicitate 
mild . . . soinnia sternutantium retulit. . . . Num prosequi me rituni 
autumat Anglorum qui pro sternutatione vel somnio vetularum . . . 
his dictis celer surrexit et cornipedern ascendens in sylvam festinavit." 
ORDER., I. c. 

2 "Trahe, tralie arcum, ex parte diaboli." HENRIC. KNYGHTON, p. 
2373. Abbot Suger relates that Tyrrel, who was supposed to be the 

'cause of this death, often swore to him that he had not even seen the 
king in the forest Vit. Lud., passim ap. SELDEN, not., in EADM., p. 190. 


burner's cart, with blood dripping from it along 
the road, was carried to Winchester: but the 
church-bells, which announce the obsequies of the 
humblest Christian, the poorest beggar, did not 
toll for the monarch ; and of all the treasures he 
had heaped up at the expense of his people, not 
one penny was given for the good of his soul. 1 
When this terrible act of divine justice was being 
accomplished, Anselm visited several monasteries 
of Bourgogne and Auvergne. At Marcigny the 
holy Abbot Hugh of Cluny related to him how 
on the previous night, in a dream, he had seen 
King William appear as a criminal before the 
throne of God, where he had been tried and con- 
demned. 2 At Chaise-Dieu the archbishop heard 
of the king's death ; he wept much, and in a voice 
broken by sobs declared that he would a thousand 
times rather have died himself 3 than have seen 
the king perish in this manner. 

Meantime there soon arrived messengers from the 
new King of England and his barons, who begged 
Anselm to return as quickly as possible, declaring 

1 "Cruore undatim per totam viam stillante." WILL. MALM., p. 126, 
ap. THIERRY. ' ' Regem veluti ferocem aprum venabulis confossum . . . 
detulerunt. Signa etiam pro illo in quibusdam ecclesiis non sonuerunt, 
quse pro infimis pauperibus et mulierculis crebro diutissime pulsata sunt." 
ORD., I. c. 

2 " Intulit testirnonio veritatis proxime prseterita nocte regem ante 
thronum Dei accusatum, judicatum, sententiamque damnation is in eum 
promulgatum. " EADM., 23. 

3 "At ille singultu verba ejus interrumpente, asseruit quod . . . 
multum magis eligeret seipsum corpore, quaiu illura sicut erat mortuum 


that all the affairs of the kingdom suffered from 
his absence. 1 

Henry, younger brother of William, had hasten- 
ed to seize the paternal throne, to the injury of the 
elder, Kobert of Normandy ; but on the day of his 
coronation he had been obliged to swear to respect 
the good and holy laws of King Edward, and 
to atone for the wickedness of the preceding 
reign. The new king had therefore published 
throughout the kingdom a charter, imposed by the 
barons, in which the rights of inheritance, marriage, 
and guardianship were guaranteed. Anselm then 
thought he might yield to the popular wish and England, 

& J r r ^ but finds 

return to England. But instead of tranquillity, he 
found a new battle to be fought on a ground yet 
more difficult than before. After having endured 
the brutal violence of a species of crowned bandit, 
the archbishop was now to find himself placed be- 
tween his clearly-defined duty as primate and the 
artful policy of a prince whose skill and finesse 
were such as to well merit his surname of Beau- 

For any other the position would have been 
dangerous ; but Anselm came back from his three 
years' exile more steadfast and resolute than ever. 
Armed with that gentleness which, as he himself 
said, had but once deserted him since he became a 

1 " Omnia negotia regni ad audientiaraet dispositionem ipsius referens 
pendere dilata." EADM., 57. See in Ep. ANS. iii. 41, the king's letter, 
in which he excuses himself for having been crowned by other bishops 
in the primate's absence. 


monk, 1 he possessed also the heroic firmness a 
noble nature draws from humility and a strong 
sense of duty. 2 The archbishop had spoken to the 
new pope 3 of his intentions. " 1 left England," 
he had said, "for the love and fear of God and 
the honour of His Church, and I will never return 
thither but for the same cause." 4 

On his arrival in England, 5 and on the very 
day of his first interview with the king, Anselni 
declared that he would no longer submit to the 
custom of investiture and homage which William 
had before imposed on him, and he justified his 
refusal by communicating to Henry the prohibi- 
tory decrees given by the Council of Rome in his 
presence the preceding year. " If my lord the king 
does not accept these decrees," added the primate, 
" there will be neither advantage nor honour for 
me in remaining in England, whither I am not 
come to see the king disobey the sovereign pon- 
tiff ; I cannot remain in communion with any one 
who receives investiture from the royal hand." 

Henry thought best to temporise, and obtained 

1 WILL. MALMESBURY, op. cit. 

2 " Fortezza ed umiltate e largo core." See the admirable article in 
the Anglican work The British Critic, vol. xxxiv. p. 101. 

3 " Precor et obsecro quanto possum affectu, ut nullo modo me in 
Angliam redire jubeatis, nisi ita ut legem et voluntatem Dei, et decreta 
apostolica voluntati hominis liceat mihi prseferre," &c. Ep. iv. 40. 

4 "Sicut propter timorem et amorem Dei et honorem ejus et Ecclesife 
ejus egressus sum de Anglia, ita nunquam egrediar in illam, nisi propter 
et secundum eamdem causam." Suppl. Ep. ii. It is entitled: Ansel- 
mus, Dei gratia, archiepiscopus Cantuariensis exul. 

5 He landed at Dover, Sept. 23, 1100. 


from Anselm a delay for the purpose of consulting 
the Holy See. The king wished to have on his 
side the authority and moral weight of the primate, 
for two reasons : first of all, he desired to see his 
marriage sanctioned with Matilda, daughter of St 
Margaret of Scotland, a princess descended from the 
ancient race of Anglo-Saxon kings ; l and secondly, 
he felt the necessity of defending his kingdom 
against his elder brother Robert, now returned 
from the Holy Land and prepared to claim the 

Before the death of William, Matilda had taken 
refuge in a convent to avoid the danger of violence 
at the hands of the Norman conquerors, and had 
even received the black veil from the hands of her 
aunt the abbess ; but she declared that this had 
been against her positive wishes. After having 
consulted a council of bishops, nobles, and monks, 
Anselm, judging Matilda to be perfectly free, 2 
blessed her marriage, and crowned her queen, but 
not without taking the greatest precautions to 
prove the excellence of his motives. He was, 
nevertheless, accused of culpable complaisance 
towards the king. 3 

1 See in Thierry, Hist, de la conq. des Normands, vol. ii. p. 345, 
the political importance of this alliance for the Norman king. 

2 "Pater ipse totam regni nobilitatem populumque minorem pro hoc 
circumfluentem . . . sublimius caeteris stans in commune edocuit quo 
ordine causa Virginis quam fama vulgarat, per episcopos, &c., determinata 
fnit." EADM., 59. 

3 " Anselmum in hoc a rectitudine deviasse nommlla pars hominum, 
ut ipsi audivimus, blasphemavit." EADM., 58. 


After this, when Robert was on the point of 
landing in England, 1 Anselm, as the representative 
of the English nobility and people, received the 
oaths from Henry, 2 who again swore always to 
govern his country by just and good laws, and, in 
particular, promised the archbishop to leave him 
full liberty to exercise all the rights of the Church, 
and to obey the pope. Anselm not only joined the 
royal army in person with his vassals, but he exer- 
cised so great an influence, by his character and 
exhortations, over the principal nobles, that Kobert, 
finding himself unsupported, was obliged to re- 
nounce his pretensions. 3 

The King The danger once past, Henry, according to his 
m pros- custom, forgot all his oaths, and began to attack 

perity for- 

gets MS the Church. Anselm had again to suffer all the 

oath and 

promises. SUCC ession of trials which he believed to have been 
exhausted under William, and without finding more 
support or courage than formerly among his col- 
leagues in the episcopate. The king, after having 
restored to the see of Canterbury the property 
usurped by William, never ceased to complain bit- 
terly of the innovation which, he said, had been 
introduced by the prohibition of investitures and 

1 It may be seen, from the letter of Pope Pascal II. to Anselm (Ep. iii. 
42), that the pontiff was very favourable to Robert, as being a Crusader. 

8 '* Tota regni nobilitas cum populi numerositate Anselmum inter se 
et regem medium fecerunt, quatenus ei vice sui manu in manum por- 
recta promitteret justis et sanctis legibus se totum regnum quoad viveret, 
in cunctis administraturum. " EADMER. 

3 " Si post gratiam Dei fidelitas et industria non intercessisset Anselmi, 
Henricus rex ea tempestate perdidisset jus Anglici regni." Hid. 


homage. This was, in fact, an innovation, 1 or 
rather it was a necessary return to the primitive 
independence of the Church, too long fallen into 
contempt, especially in England, where the undue 
preponderance of the royal power had from time 
immemorial acquired the force of law. 

The mission Anselm had received was to finish 
in England the work begun in the universal Church 
by St Gregory VII. The answer given by Pope 
Pascal when first consulted by the king, after 
Anselm's return, had been decisive. He said thus : 
" The Lord speaks as follows I am the door, Ego 
sum ostium. He who shall enter by me shall be 
saved. But if kings pretend to be the door of the 
Church, those who enter by them into it will not 
be shepherds but robbers." 

And after alluding to the resistance of St Am- 
brose to the Emperor Theodosius, the holy Father 
added : " The holy Eoman Church, in the person 
of our predecessors, in spite of the cruel persecu- 
tion of tyrants, has strongly resented royal usurpa- 
tion and the abominable custom of investiture. 
We have full confidence that the Lord will not 
permit Peter to lose his power in our person. ... 
Do not believe, king, that by renouncing a 
usurped and profane privilege you will weaken 

1 Different passages of Ordericus Vitalis (chiefly b. iii. p. 125, ed. 
Leprevost ; b. viii. p. 698, ed. Duch.) prove that investiture by the cro- 
sier was practised in Normandy as well as in England throughout the 
eleventh century. 


your authority : far from that, your authority will 
but gain more vigour, more strength, and more 
glory, when the Lord Jesus reigns in your king- 
dom." 1 

Vain endeavours 1 for the king none the less 
persisted in claiming from Anselm either homage, 
or the consecration of bishops whom he had in- 
vested, under pain of being driven from the king- 
dom. " I care nothing for what they may think 
at Eome of Anselm's protestations," replied the 
monarch. " I do not choose to give up the cus- 
toms of my predecessors, and I will suffer no per- 
son in my kingdom who is independent of me." 2 
Unfortunately, among the English bishops the only 
dispute was who should most completely yield to 
the king's will. 3 Anselm formally declared that he 
would not leave the kingdom, and that he would 
wait until they came to attack him in his church. 
Threats In this state of things it was agreed to send to 

addressed 'IP 

to the pope Rome a new embassy composed of persons of con- 

of England, sequence, to warn the pope that Anselm would be 

exiled and England withdrawn from pontifical 

obedience if the statu quo was not maintained. 

The archbishop sent two of his monks to represent 

1 " Eeclesia Romana . . . regiae usurpation! et investiturse abominabili 
obviare . . . et gravissimis persecutionibus per tyrannos affecta . . . 
ron destitit. . . . Tune validius, tune robustius, tune honorabilius reg- 
nabis, cum in regno tuo divina regnabit auctoritas." Ap. EADM., 60. 

2 " Quid ad me ? usus antecessorum meorum nolo perdere, nee in regno 
meo qui meus non sit quemquam sustinere." EADM., 60. 

3 " Episcopis ... in singulis regise voluntati parere certantibus, imo 
ne romano pontifici subderetur summopere insistentibus." 


him, and the king intrusted his interest to three 
bishops. 1 One of these three was able to judge, to 
his own cost, how deep an impression the primate's 
exile had made in France even upon monks most 
separated from public affairs; for having been 
stopped on his journey through the Lyonnais, and 
plundered by a robber lord called Guy, he could 
not obtain his release until he had sworn expressly 
that he would do nothing at Kome contrary to the 
honour or interest of Archbishop Anselm. 2 

The pope, as may well be supposed, did not re- 
ceive the application of the bishops with favour, 
but repulsed with indignation the proposal they 
made to him to sacrifice the decrees of the holy 
Fathers to the threats of one man. 3 This was the 
substance of the answers addressed both to the 
prince and the Archbishop of Canterbury. 4 In his 
letter to the latter, the holy Father reminded him, 
that in the council just held at the Lateran he 
had renewed the former decrees against investiture 
and homage done to sovereigns, and added, in 
conclusion: "Thanks be to God that the episco- 
pal authority has been maintained by you ; placed 
amidst barbarians, neither the violence of tyrants 
nor the favour of the powerful, neither steel nor 
fire, have been able to hinder you from proclaiming 

1 The Archbishop of York, and Bishops of Norwich and Chester. 


3 "Decreta, dicens indignando, et institutiones sanctorum patrum 
minis actus unius hominis dissiparem ! " EADM. 

4 See his letter to the king, ap. EADM,, 61. 


the truth. We conjure you to continue to act and 
speak as you have hitherto done. Be certain that 
\ve will be on your side. We believe that we have 
the same mind as our Fathers, according to which 
we speak. And the word of God is still free." l 

On the return of the envoys, the king con- 
voked a Parliament in London on St Michael's 
day, 1102, and again summoned Anselm either to 
obey him or leave the kingdom. The archbishop 
referred to the letter just received from Eome. 
" Let him show his, if he likes," said the king, 
" but, this time, I will not make mine public : 
however, there is no question just now of corre- 
spondence ; it is only necessary for the primate 
to say whether he will obey me yes or no." 2 

Anselm hastened to communicate to the Parlia- 
ment the letters written to him by the pope; 3 
to Rome but, to destroy their effect, the king's three am- 
king. bassadors declared on their word as bishops that 
the holy Father had charged them, with his own 
lips and in private, to tell the king that as long 
as he lived well he need not trouble himself about 
investitures ; and that, if this concession was not 

1 "Deoautem gratias quia in te semper episcopalis auctoritas per- 
se verat. . . . Euradem enim cum patribus nostris spiritum habentes 
credimus, propter quod et loquimur. Et verbum quidem Dei non est 
alligatum." ANS., Ep. iii. 44, of 15th April 1102. 

2 " Si vult suse videantur ; mess hac vice non videbuntur," &c. 

3 Beside the letter from which we have quoted a passage, Anselm pro- 
duced another, of December 12, 1101, given exactly by EADMER, in which 
Pascal reminds him of the condemnation of investitures at the Council 
of Bari, where they were both present. FLEURY, b. Ixv. No. 21. 


made in writing, it was only lest other princes 
should be tempted to usurp the same privilege. 1 
Anselm's messenger, Baldwin the monk, always 
zealous and bold, 2 formally denied that the pope 
could have said one thing and written another. 
The barons were much perplexed : some said they 
ought to believe the letters sealed with the papal 
seal, and agreeing with the report of the monks ; 
others maintained, on the contrary, that they ought 
to give credence to the testimony of the three 
bishops, rather than to parchment stained with 
ink and sealed with lead and they added, that in 
worldly affairs the affirmation of shavelings (mon- 
achellorum) who lived apart from the world ought 
to count for nothing. 3 " But/' cried Baldwin, 
"this has nothing to do with worldly affairs." 
"No doubt," he was answered, "you are a learned 
and honest man, but it is much more fitting that 
we should believe an archbishop and two bishops 
than a mere monk such as you are ! " 

Baldwin insisted. "Do you pay no regard to 
the pope's letters 1 " he asked. 

" What I " replied the king's supporters ; " we 
refuse the testimony of monks against the bishops, 
and we are to accept that of these sheepskins ! " 

1 " Contestati sunt in episcopal! veritate papam ipsum regi verbis 
puris mandasse per se . . . se clam illis alia egisse, palam alia. " 

2 " Spiritu fervens et boni amans." 

3 ( i Triuin potius episcoporum assertionibus quam vervecum pellibus 
atramento denigratis, plumbisque massula oneratis fore credenduin . . . 
objecto monachellorum testimonies " 



" Alas 1" returned the monks present, "is 'not 
the Gospel also written on sheepskins V n Anselm, 
who dreaded scandal, would not openly contradict 
the assertions of the three bishops. He contented 
himself with sending a third embassy to Rome, to 
clear up the difficulty, and he wrote to the sov- 
ereign pontiff a letter which contained the follow- 
ing passage : 

" I fear neither exile, poverty, torture, nor death : 
my mind is prepared to endure all things, by God's 
help, rather than disobey the Apostolic See, or 
sacrifice the freedom of my mother the Church 
of Christ. I desire only to do my duty and to 
respect your authority. In the Council of Rome 
I heard our Lord Urban, of venerable memory, 
excommunicate all kings and laymen, without 
exception, who should give the investiture of 
churches, and all those who should receive it from 
their hands. Will your Holiness deign either to 
dispense England from the excommunication, so 
that I may be able to remain here without danger 
to my soul, or else send me word that you intend 
to. maintain it whatever happens ? " 2 

While awaiting an answer to this letter, the pri- 
mate, with the permission of the king and the assist- 

1 V Ast hoc negotium seculare non est. . . . Et quidem te virum pru- 
dentein et strenuum scitnus, sed ipse ordo expostulat. . . . Vse, vae, 
nonne et Evangelia pellibus ovinis inscribuntur ! " 

2 "Non timeo exilium, non paupertatem . . . certitudinem tantura 
quaero. . . . Audivi in Romano concilio . . . excommunicari reges, &c. 
. . ._Ep. in. 73. 


ance of the prelates and barons, held at West- 
minster a national council, the first since the death 
of Lanfranc. The chief barons were present by 
Ansehn's invitation. The council deposed six 
abbots convicted of simony, and published several 
decrees for securing the celibacy of the clergy 
and repressing various disorders. Selling men like 
cattle, which had hitherto been practised in Eng- 
land, was forbidden; 1 and an anathema was pro- 
nounced against the infamous debauchees whose 
misdeeds had rendered it necessary to forbid the 
wearing of hair below the ears. 2 

The archbishop had promised that during the 
truce rendered necessary by the new mission to 

1 " Ne quis illud nefarium negotium quo hactenus homines in Anglia 
solebant velut bruta animalia venundari, deinceps ullatenus facere prse- 

2 Hume, that oracle of philosophical history in England, and other 
writers of his class, have jested on the importance attached by Anselm 
throughout his life to prohibitions against the criniti, or young men 
with long hair : they have affected to misunderstand the cause which 
then made this kind of coiffure the sign of the most monstrous excesses. 
ORDER. VIT., vol. viii. p. 682. Those who have been in the East in 
our days know what to think. Many other illustrious bishops sprung 
from the Monastic Orders made themselves remarkable, like Anselm, for 
their zeal against the criniti. Godefroy, Bishop of Amiens, celebrating 
Christmas, and refusing to accept the offerings of those who were intonsi, 
induced the Count of Flanders and his knights to cut off their hair with 
their swords and poniards, for want of scissors. Serlon, first Abbot of 
St Evroul, and afterwards Bishop of Seez, preaching on Easter Day at 
Carentan, where King Henry I. "satis humiliter inter eistas rusticorum 
in imo loco sedebat," all at once produced a pair of scissors from his robe, 
and cut the hair of the king and his knights. His sermon on this sub- 
ject is quoted by ORDER. VITAL., b. xi. p. 816. He objected yet more 
to the beard than to the hair. " In barba prolixa," he said to the fine 
gentlemen of his time, ' ' hircis assimilantur. . . . In nutrimento autem 
comarum mulierum sequaces cestimantur. Barbas suas radere devitant, 
ne pili suas in osculis arnicas prcecisi pungant." 


Rome, he would not excommunicate those whom 
the king should invest with bishoprics ; but neither 
would he consecrate them. Henry hastened to 
bestow a see upon his chancellor and his larderer 
or storekeeper. 1 On Anselm's refusal, Henry de- 
cided to have them consecrated by the Archbishop 
of York, together with William GifFard, who had 
been previously nominated to Winchester, and ac- 
cepted by the metropolitan clergy. The ceremony 
of Bishop was about to begin when Giffard, horrified by such 

Giffard. ... . 

iniquity, 2 declared that he would endure anything 
rather than take part in so great a profanation. 
The crowd which filled the church shouted that 
William GifFard was right, and that the other 
candidates would not be bishops, but shameless 
ill-doers. 3 

The bishops, terrified and confused, went to the 
king to complain of the brave priest. 4 William 
was obliged to appear before the prince. Stand- 
ing alone among courtiers, whose threats and in- 
sults could be heard on all sides, he remained im- 
movable. Stripped of all that he possessed, he was 

1 Larderarium. This larderer, like the chancellor, was called Roger. 
The former, nominated to Hereford, died immediately after his elevation, 
and was replaced by Reinelm, chancellor to the queen, who, seeing 
that Anselm would not consecrate him, sent his crosier back to the 
king, who punished him for his noble conduct by exiling him from 
the Court. 

2 " Amore compunctus justitiae mox inhorruit." 

3 "Totius multitudinis . . . clamor insonuit, una voce Wilhelmum 
recti amatorem, et episcopos non episcopos, sed justitise prsecipitatores 
esse increpantes." 

4 " At illi mentis suse rancoreni ex vultus immutatione pandentes." 


driven from the kingdom. 1 Anselm interceded, 
but vainly, for the condemned, whose fate he was 
soon to share. But the primate uttered no com- 
plaint. Writing to an abbess of the same diocese 
as the exile, he said, " It is a greater glory for him, 
in the sight of God and good men, to be thus de- 
spoiled and proscribed for the sake of right, than 
to be endowed by wicked hands with all the riches 
of the world. Let his friends rejoice and exult 
that he has remained unchangeably faithful to the 
truth." 2 

When he thus spoke, the venerable prelate was 
but making beforehand his own panegyric, for the 
time was approaching when he also was to be 

At Mid-Lent, 1103, the pope's answer to the 
assertions of the bishops having arrived, the king, 
according to his custom, refused to take any notice 
of it. "What have I to do with the pope/' he 
said, " in my own affairs ? " 3 

Anselm on his side refused to open the letters 

1 " Ille stat, nee avelli potest a recto, et ideo suis omnibus expo- 
liatus," &c. 

2 " Gaudeant igitur et exultent amici ejus," &c. Ep. iii. 70. See 
also Ep. iii. 105, to William, to exhort him to continue in the right 
way: "Vos scitis quia Dominus reprobat consilia principum ; consili- 
um autem Domini manet in asternum." 

3 ' ' Quid mihi de meis cum Papa ? Hsec si quis mihi auferre voluerit, 
quod inimicus meus sit, omnis qui me diligit certissime noverit." Anselm 
replied: "Nihil eorum quse ipsius esse scio ipsi tollo aut tollere volo. 
Verumtamen noverit quod nee pro redemptione capitis mei consentiam 
ei de iis quae praesens audivi in Romano concilio prohiberi, nisi ab eadem 
sede," &c. EADM., 65. 


from Eome without the king's consent, lest he 
should be accused of having altered them. Both, 
however, knew the contents beforehand. The 
difficulty, therefore, seemed insoluble. The dis- 
cussions recommenced with more vehemence than 
ever : the great barons of the kingdom, the king's 
chief councillors, wept at the thought of the evils 
reserved for England in the future ; pious men 
offered up the most ardent prayers. Suddenly the 
king proposed to Anselm that he himself should 
be sent to Kome to end the dispute. Parliament 
eagerly approved the idea. But the archbishop 
at once understood that this was a trick to make 
him quit the country. 1 Nevertheless he con- 
sented, in spite of his weakness and his great age 
for he was then seventy and. said to his 
friends, " You may be assured that if I can reach 
the pope, I will advise nothing that is contrary to 
my honour or the freedom of the Churches." 2 

On April 27, 1103, Anselm embarked. Having 
landed, he hurried to his dear Abbey of Bee, where 
he opened the pope's letters. There, as he ex- 
pected, he found the withering disavowal of the 
bishops' falsehood, and also the sentence of excom- 

1 The Anglican writer in The British Critic thinks, with what ap- 
pears good reason, that Henry feared the increasing influence of Anselm 
over the rest of the episcopate, and that this fear was justified by the 
noble conduct of the two bishops Reinelm and William, who had resigned 
their dignity. The king therefore wished that the archbishop should 
leave England, but not that he should arrive at Rome. Cf. Ep. iii. 86. 

2 "Noveritis quod ipse nihil quod vel Ecclesiarum libertati, vel meae 
pbssit obviare honestati, meo faciet . . . consilio." 


munication issued by the pope against them for 

perjury. 1 

- The heat of summer past, the primate travelled 

x leaves Eng- 

to wards Home, where he was lodged by Pascal as 
he had been by his predecessor, in the Lateran, 
There, as in the time of Urban II., he met William 
Warelwast, 2 who had been the agent of William 
Rufus, and who now, appointed Bishop of Exeter 
by Henry I., came to plead the cause of the latter. 
This Warelwast understood the art of mingling 
threats with arguments ; 3 and thus, as formerly, 
he succeeded in gaining the suffrages of many per- 
sonages of the Roman Court, who declared loudly, 
after hearing the Englishman's skilful pleading, 
" that it was advisable to yield to the wishes of so 
powerful a sovereign as the King of England." 

Neither Anseim nor the pope said a word. 
Encouraged by their silence, William ended his 
speech thus : " Whatever any one may say, let all 
here present know that my lord the King of Eng- 
land will never consent to renounce the right of in- 
vestitures, even if it should cost him his crown ! " 

1 "Episeopos qui veritatem in mendacio invocarunt, ipsa veritate 
quse Deus est in medium introducta, a B. Petri gratia et a nostra socie- 
tate excludinms, donee Romanes Ecclesise satisfaciant, et reatus sui pon- 
dus agnoscant." 

2 " Notus jam Romse." WILL. MALMES. 

3 He was also intrusted with a threatening letter from Henry, in 
which the" king said that while he lived the dignity of the English 
crown should never be lowered ; that, even if he himself would submit, 
the barons and people would not ; and that he ought not to be forced 
against his will into disobedience to the pope. BROMPTON ap. TWYS- 
DEN, Hist, amglic. script., i. p. 999. 


"And for my part," instantly replied the 
sovereign pontiff, " I declare before God that 
Pope Pascal will never allow your king to possess 
the right of investiture, even if his refusal should 
cost him his head ! " 1 

The Eomans applauded this speech. As for the 
pope, while remaining steady in his refusal, he 
thought fit to address a conciliatory letter to the 
king, in which he said that he exempted him from 
the personal excommunication, but that he strictly 
adhered to the sentence against all bishops who 
should receive investiture from him. 2 

Anselm then quitted Italy, furnished with ponti- 
fical letters which confirmed him in all the rights 
of his primacy. The great Countess Matilda, who 
had several times warmly recommended the prelate 
to the holy Father, escorted him across the Ap- 
ennines. 3 When he arrived at Lyons, towards 
Christmas, Warelwast, who had rejoined him on 

1 "Erupit et ait ... nee pro amissione regni sui passurum se perdere 
investituras Ecclesiarum. ... Si ... rex tuus . . . scias, ecce 
coram Deo dico, quia nee pro redemptione sui capitis eas illi aliquando 
Pasclialis papa impune permittet habere." 

2 Ap. EADMER, 67. He said to him, among other arguments : " Dices 
itaque : Mei hoc juris est. Non utique, non est imperatoriurii, non est 
regium, sed divinum. Solius Illius est qui dicit : Ego sum ostium. 
Unde pro ipso rogo te, cujus hoc munus est, ut ipsi hoc reddas. Ipsi 
dimittas cujus amori etiam quse tua sunt debes. Nos autem cur tuse 
obniteremur voluntati, cur obsisteremus gratise, nisi Dei in hujus negotii 
consensu sciremus voluntati obviare, gratiam amittere. . . . Revoca 
pastorem tuum, revoca patrem tuum," &c. 

3 "Nos, ductu gloriosse comitissa3 per Alpes euntes." EADM., 67; 
ANS., Ep. iv. 442. See Ep. iv. 37, where he thanks her for this service, 
and sends her his Meditations. 


the road, communicated to him the message which 
the king had directed to be given to him in case 
the pope would yield nothing. " The king," said 
Warelwast, " will welcome your return to England 
if you will live with him as your predecessors did 
with his." 

" Is that all ? " asked the primate. 

"I speak to a man of understanding/'* replied 

" Say no more ; I understand," said Anselm, 1 and 


from that moment firmly resolved to remain at at Lyons 

Lyons, where his old friend Archbishop Hugh w 


again offered him a most honourable resting-place. 2 
Here the primate spent sixteen months. 3 The 
king did not fail to seize for his own use all the 
revenues of the see of Canterbury, and he sent to 
Anselm a written order not to return to his diocese 
until he should have promised to obey the ancient 
customs. This new exile of the archbishop was 
the signal for a dreadful outbreak of evil in Eng- 
land ; rapine, sacrilege, the oppression of the poor 
by the nobles, violation of sanctuary, abduction of 
virgins, incestuous marriages, and especially the 
marriage of priests all these disorders took free 
course, and desolated the land. 4 Good Catholics 

1 "Ne amplius dices : prudenti loquor. . . Scio quid dicas et intelligo." 

2 " Ibi ut Pater et Dominus loci ab omnibus habitus." 

3 December 1103 to April 1105. 

4 " Damna Ecclesiarum ita ut locus corporis et sanguinis Domini liber- 
tatem amittat . . . et quodque omnium primum malum est, ad dedecus 
honestatis nostrse, sacerdotis uxores ducere." EADMEK, Hist, nov., b. 
iv. p. 69. 


blamed Anselm, reproaching him with having 
abandoned his flock, and fled before a word 
spoken by " a certain William/' 1 while his sheep 
were at the mercy of wolves. They threatened 
him with the last judgment; they reminded him 
bitterly of the example of Ambrose resisting 
Theodosius to his face ; 2 they declared that he 
was responsible for the ruin and the shame of 
the Church of England, which he was sacrificing 
to trifles. 3 

The monks of Canterbury were not the least 
bitter in their complaints. No trial was spared 
to the great archbishop, and perhaps none was 
more cruel than this injustice of good men. It 
was easy for him to justify himself, and he did 
it strongly and with a good conscience. 4 "There 
are people," he wrote to one of his monks, " who 
say that it is I who forbid investiture to the king, 
I who, unresisting, leave the Churches a prey to 
perverted clergy. Tell these people that they lie. 5 
It was certainly not I who invented the prohibi- 
tion relative to investiture ; but I heard the pope 
in full council excommunicate those who should 

1 " Pro uno verbo cujusdam Wilhelmi." 

2 "Tune fortassis fugisse pudebit cum videris ante tribunal Christ! 
ducentes chores animarum illos fortissimos gregis divini arietes, quibus 
nee lupus nocuit, nee alicuj us terror in fugam vertit. Quam beata erit 
tune memoria. . . . Ambrosii," &c. 

3 "Totius Anglorum Ecclesise ac legis christianse quotidiana dimi- 
nutio et summa destructio. . . . Quando vos qui talibus obviare con- 
stituti estis, pro nihilo . . abestis." , . 

. " 4 Ep. iii. 89, 90, 91, 100, 101. 

5 "Die eis quia mentiuntur. " Ep. iii. 100. 


give or receive this investiture : now I will not, 
by communicating with these excommunicated 
persons, become excommunicated myself. As to 
resisting corrupted priests, I have done it so often, 
that it is for that very cause that I am exiled, 
robbed of all things, and ruined." 

In the midst of his exile the primate watched Tender 

, , (, care f 

with tender and active care over the interests 01 Anseim 

for his 

his diocese and his monks, over the education of flock. 
the pupils of the monasteries, and the poor whom 
he was accustomed to aid. 1 He chiefly depended 
in these matters upon Gondulphus of Rochester, 
whose see was nearest to Canterbury, and who 
had never betrayed the old friendship formed at 
Bee. To this faithful friend, the only English 
bishop who had not deserted him, Anseim pointed 
out, as follows, the conduct in which he must re- 
main steadfast : 

"Let no threat, no promise, no artifice, entrap 
you into any homage or oath whatever. If they 
try to force you, answer, 'I am a Christian, I am a 
monk, I am a bishop, and therefore I am deter- 
mined to remain faithful to my obligations to all 
without neglecting my duty to any' Say neither 
more nor less than this." 2 And as to what con- 

1 "De pauperibus quod apud Cantuariam pascere debeo, rogo irmlt- 
um ne ullam patiantur iuopiam." Ep. iv. 33. Sec his active corre- 
spondence on these affairs with Prior Ernulf of Canterbury, and with 
GONDULPHUS, b. iii. and iv. passim. 

2 ' ' Hsec sit vestra responsio : Christianus sum, monachus sum, episco- 
pus sum : et ideo omnibus volo fidem servare secundum quod unicuique 
debeo . . . his verbis nee addatis quicquam, nee minuatis." Ep. iii. 92. 


cerned himself, he added : " Know that I hope, 
and am resolved, to do nothing contrary to my 
honour as a bishop in order to return to Eng- 
land ; I would rather be at enmity with men than 
be reconciled to them by being at enmity with 
God." i 

Meantime Henry was strongly urged to change 
his mind, and restore order by recalling Anselm. 
Queen Matilda, a pious and enlightened princess, 2 
to whom her people had given the name of The 
Good? showed herself anxious to bring about an 
agreement. She was tenderly attached to Anselm, 
who had married and crowned her ; she admired 
the great athlete of God, the vanquisher of 
nature ; 4 she had formerly trembled for his life 
when she saw him exhausted by daily fasts. 5 
" You must eat and drink," she wrote to him, 
"for you have still a great journey before you, a 
great harvest to gather into the barns of the Lord, 
and few labourers to help you. Eemember that 
you fill the place of John, the beloved apostle, who 

1 "Hoc autem scitote . . . contra episcopalem honestatem. . . . 
Malo hominibus non concordare, quam illis concordando, a Deo dis- 

2 GUILL. JEMMETIC, viii. 10 ; GUILL. MALMESB., De gest. reg., b. i. ; 
SELDEN., Not. in Ans., 576. 

3 Mold the god queen. ROB. OF GLOCESTER ; ROB. OF BRUNNE, ap. 

4 " Tan to patri cujus sum beneficiis obligata: tarn forti Dei athlete 
et humanae naturae victori." Ep. iii. 55. 

5 She was grieved to perceive that his voice was failing : "Vox spiritu- 
alium cedificatrix vanescat, et quce canorum et dulce Dei vcrbum," &c. 
He could no longer be heard from a distance when he preached. 


survived his Master that he might take care of the 
Virgin - Mother. You have to take care of our 
mother the Church, where, every day, destruction 
threatens the brethren and sisters of Christ, whom 
He has bought with His blood, and intrusted to 
you." i 

It was not by senile indulgence that Anselm 
had gained Matilda's heart ; he, indeed, answered 
her caressing letters by exhortations which set 
forth strongly the duties of royalty : " You are 
queen, not by me, but by Christ. Would you 
thank Him worthily for this gift \ Consider then 
who is the queen whom He has chosen in this 
world for His bride, and whom He has so loved as 
to give His life for her. See her exiled, wandering, 
almost widowed; see how she sighs, with her 
children, for the return of that Bridegroom who 
will One day come back from His distant king- 
dom, and render to every one the good or the 
evil they have done to His beloved. Whosoever 
has honoured her, shall be honoured with her ; 
whoever has trampled her under foot, shall be 
trampled under foot far from her ; whoever has 
exalted her, shall be exalted with the angels, 
and whoever has humbled her, shall be humbled 
among the devils." 2 

1 " Comedendum est vobis et bibendum quoniam . . . grandis messis 
seminanda, sarculanda ac metenda, in horreo . . . atque quotidie peri- 
clitabuntur fratres et sorores Christi." Ibid. 

2 " Qui hanc honorant, cum ilia honorabuntur ; qui hanc conculcant 
. . . qui hanc deprimunt, cum dsemonibus deprimentur." Ep. iii. 57. 


Possessed by this teaching, Matilda could not 
console herself for Anselm's banishment ; she wrote 
to the pope to implore him to send back to Eng- 
land her father and comforter; 1 above all, she 
wrote to Anselm with the frankness and simplicity 
of a loving daughter : " My good lord, my revered 
father, be persuaded ; let that heart, which I dare 
to call a heart of iron, be softened. Come and 
visit your people, and your handmaid who sighs 
for you. I have found a means by which neither 
your pastoral rights nor those of the royal majesty 
need be sacrificed, even if they cannot harmonise. 
Let the father return to his daughter, the master 
to his servant, and teach her what she ought to do. 
Come before I die, for even though I speak amiss, 
I will say that I fear lest if I die without seeing 
you I should be without joy in heaven itself. You 
are my joy, my hope, and my refuge. Without 
you my soul is a land without water; therefore 
I hold out my hands to you in supplication that 
you would refresh it by the sweet dew of your 
affection." 2 

Anselm's answer, though negative, 3 gave the 

1 Ep. iii. 99. 

2 " Veni, Domine, et visita servam tuam; veni . . . lacrymas ab- 
sterge. . . . Flecte, bone Domine, pie Pater . . . et ferreum pace tua 
dixerim pectus amolli. . . . Inveni viara qua nee tu pastor . . . nee 
regise majestatis jura solvantur. . . . Veniat ad filiam pater, ad aneil- 
lam dominus. . . . Improbe loquar : timeo ne mini etiam in ilia terra 
viventium et laetantium omnis exultandi pracidatur occasio." Ep. 
iii. 93. 

3 I suppose this answer to be Ep. 107 of book iii. 


queen the liveliest pleasure. " Your words/' she 
wrote to him, " have dispersed the cloud of sad- 
ness which surrounded me, as the rays of morning 
disperse the shades of night. I kiss this letter 
from my father ; I press it closely to my heart ; 
I continually read and meditate that dear writ- 
ing which speaks to me in secret, and which pro- 
mises the return of the father to his daughter, 
the lord to his servant, the shepherd to his 
sheep." 1 

The aged pontiff received also letters from the 
king, but of a less tender character, and to which 
he sent the following reply : " Your letter expresses Answer of 

* 1 1 i TIT i ( T IT Anselm to 

your friendship for me, and tells me that 11 I would the king's 
live with you as Lanfranc did with your father, 
you would willingly love me better than any one 
else in your kingdom. For your friendship I thank 
you ; but I answer that neither at my baptism nor 
at any of my ordinations have I promised to obey 
the laws or customs of your father or of Lan- 
franc ; it is to the law of God that I owe sub- 
mission. I would indeed rather serve you than 
any other mortal prince. But I will not at any 
price deny the law of God. And, moreover, I 

1 " Tristitise nebulis expulsis . . . tan quam novae lucis radius. Char- 
tnlam . . . loco patris amplector, sinu foveo, cordi quoad possum pro- 
plus admoveo. . . . Ea namque frequenter secretoque consulens spondet 
filise reditum patris, ancillse domini, ovi pastoris." Ep. in. 96. She 
adds that her husband is less angry than he is reported to be, and that 
she will do her best to soften him. Anselm answers that God does not 
make the wife -responsible for the sins of her husband. Ep. iii. 97. See 
other equally tender letters from the queen, Ep. iii. 119 ; iv. 74, 76. 


neither can nor ought to conceal from you that 
God will demand from you an account, not only 
of the royalty, but also of the primacy of England. 
This double load will crush you. There is no man 
to whom it is more needful than to a king that he 
should obey God's laws, or who incurs more dan- 
ger in breaking them. It is not I but Holy Scrip- 
ture which says, ' Potentes potenter tormenta pa- 
tientur, et fortioribus fortior instat cruciatus.' I 
see in your letter only a temporising which is not 
good either for your soul or the Church of God. 
If you still hesitate, I, who am not defending my 
own cause, but that which God has intrusted to 
me, I dare not delay to appeal to the Lord. Do 
not then force me to say against my will, ' Arise, 
Lord, and judge Thine own cause/ " l 

It was the first time the mild Anselm had thus 
spoken. This was in April 1105. The pope had 
hitherto contented himself with excommunicating 
the Count de Meulan, the king's chief minister. 2 
Anselm saw plainly that he must not hope for 

1 " De amicitia et de bona voluntate gratias ago. . . . Respondeo 
quod neque in baptismo, neque in aliqua ordinatione mea promisi me 
servaturum legem vel consuetudinem patris vestri vel Lanfranei, sed 
legem Dei et omnium ordinum quos suscepi. . . . Nulli homini magis 
expedit quam regi se subdere legi Dei, et nullus periculosius se subtrahit 
a lege ejus. . . . Exurge, Deus, judica causam tuam." Ep. iii. 95. 
The laws of Lanfranc! Just as writers in our own days have said, the 
doctrines of Bossuet. As we may see, the enemies of the Church do not 
change their tactics ; the Norman conquerors, like the Gallican legists, 
sought to arm themselves with the individual and always ill -interpreted 
authority of one doctor against the general and perpetual authority of 
the head of the Church. Anselm was not to be so misled. 

2 At the Lateran Council. See his letter of March 26th to Anselm. 


more decisive measures in this quarter. 1 The 
kings of France, Philip and his son Louis, who 
had been associated in the kingdom since 1099, 
and Manasses, the Archbishop of Rheims, invited 
him in the most affectionate terms to come to 
France. 2 He left Lyons therefore to go to Eheims. 
Having arrived at Charite'-sur-Loire, he heard of the 
serious illness of Adela, Countess of Blois, 3 sister 
of King Henry, who had always assisted him during 
his exile, and he did not hesitate to turn out of 
his way to go and console her. But, on his arrival, 
he found her almost recovered, and did not con- 
ceal from her that it was his intention to excom- 
municate her brother. The report of this project 
soon spread, and gave great delight to Henry's 
numerous enemies, 4 for he was at this moment in 
arms to rob his brother Robert of Normandy. As 
the kings of France would certainly not fail to 
seize such an opportunity of weakening their re- 
doubtable neighbour, Henry became uneasy, and 
begged his sister to act as mediatrix. And finally, 
an interview took place, July 22, 1105, at Laigle, 
where the king showed great consideration and 

i EADMER, 70. 2 75^ } p. [ v 50j 51 

3 This pious princess, daughter of the Conqueror, and ancestress of the 
famous race of the Counts of Champagne, afterwards became a nun at 
Marcigny, which St Hugh of Cluny had founded to receive ladies of 
the highest rank. See b. i. 

" Jam enim in multis locis per Angliam, Franciam et Normanniam 
fama vulgaverat regem proximo excommimicandum, et idcirco ei utpote 
potestati non adeo amatse multa male struebahtur, quse illi a tanto viro 
excommunicate facilius inferenda putabantur." EADM., 71. 



humility towards Anselm, 1 and promised to restore 
to the archbishop not only his own favour, but 
also the revenues of the see of Canterbury. In 
spite of this apparent reconciliation. Anselm would 

refuses to 

return to not return to England until another embassy sent 

England. J 

to Eome should have definitely arranged, on both 
sides, the various points in dispute between the 
king and the primate. But, with his usual bad 
faith, Henry, no longer in fear of excommunication, 
delayed this embassy by all sorts of devices, 
hoping to entrap the archbishop into communicat- 
ing with the bishops who had received investiture 
from the royal hand. 2 Moreover, as he needed 
money to continue the war in Normandy, the king, 
after having recourse to the shameful extortions 
habitual with his family, bethought himself of 
transforming into a source of revenue the canon 
promulgated by Anselm and the last council of 
London to enforce the celibacy of priests. He did 
not even stop there ; taking in hand the defence of 
ecclesiastical morality, he levied heavy fines upon 
all priests who had married during the archbishop's 
absence. At first the guilty were made to pay. 
But to procure the sums required, the innocent 
were soon confounded with the guilty, blameless 

1 " Quoties erat aliquid inter illos agendum semper ipsum ire ad Ansel- 

2 EADMER, p. 72, gives the letter in which Henry tries to excuse his 
delay, and the energetic complaints of Anselm both regarding the king 
and the Count de Meulan. 


priests with those who had broken the law. Fi- 
nally, the parish priests were all taxed, and those 
who could not or would not pay were imprisoned. 
The state of things was most wretched. l Two hun- 
dred priests, in alb and stole, went one day barefoot 
to beg the king's mercy ; but he ordered them to 
be driven from his presence. The mischief reached 
such a height that even the bishops who had given 
up the Church's liberty to the king, were driven to 
claim Anselm's support. 2 After enduring all sorts 
of trials, the brave pontiff was to experience all 
sorts of reparation ; six bishops, among whom were 
the three prevaricators already spoken of, who had 
falsified the account of the decision made at Eome, 
wrote to the eloquent champion of the Church to 
implore his assistance. " There is no peace for 
us," they said ; " arise, therefore, as Matathias did 
of old. ; ~ v . Your children will fight with 
you ; we are ready not only to follow you but even 
to go before if you command. . V ; For we 
will seek in this affair not our own interests but 
those of God." 3 Anselm answered : " I am sorry 
for your sufferings, but I congratulate you on that 
episcopal constancy which you promise to display. 

1 " Erat ergo miseriam videre." 

2 " Ipsi episcopi qui semper libertatem Ecclesise et Anselmum . . . 
cum principe deprimere nisi sunt. . . ." EADM., 73. 

3 ' ' Sustinuimus pacem et ipsa longe recessit. . . . Exsurge ut olim 
senex ille Mathathias. . , . Nos enim jam in hac causa non quee nostra, 
sed quae Dei sunt quserimus." Ep. iii. 121. 


You see at last to what your patience, if I may call 
it so, has led. 1 But I will not answer you more 
precisely until the return of our envoys from 
Eome, for the king will not support me in Eng- 
land unless I consent to violate the apostolical 
decrees." Nevertheless, he wrote to Henry to 
represent to him that it was unheard of for a king 
to usurp the rights of bishops by inflicting temporal 
punishment for crimes committed against the 
laws of the Church. The primate added that the 
cognisance and punishment of such crimes be- 
longed to his jurisdiction, and that it would not 
be enough to restore to him his territorial posses- 
sions and his revenues without the restitution also 
of his spiritual authority. 2 Henry promised him 
satisfaction, and pretended that he had acted only 
in the archbishop's interest. 

At last, in the spring of 1106, the envoys re- 
turned from Rome. It was William Warelwast on 
the king's part, and on Anselm's, Baldwin the 
monk, who had been charged to fight out this long 
battle between the despotic royalty of England 
and the ancient liberties of the Church. 3 They 
were commissioned to give to Anselm the sentence 
of the pope, who, without yielding in essentials, 

1 " Bonum est et gratum mihi quia tandem cognoscitis ad quid vos 
perduxit, lit mitius dicam, vestra patientia." Ep. iii. 122. 

2 "Quod hacteiius inauditum et inusitatum est in Ecclesia Dei de 
ullo rege et de aliquo principe. . . . Plus sum episcopus spiritali cura 
quam terrena possessione." Ep. iii. 109. 

3 "Pro causa quse inter re'gem Anglorum et me, imo inter ilium et 
libertatem Ecelesise pro qua sum exul . . . et spoliatus." Ep. iv. 48. 


was willing to respond to the king's submission by 
some concessions. " He who gives his hand to a 
man lying down can only do so by bending ; but 
however low he may bend, he does not lose his 
natural height." 1 The holy Father maintained the 
prohibition against investiture, but he authorised 
Anselm to absolve and ordain those who should 
have done homage to the king, until, by the help 
of God's grace, the archbishop should succeed in 
persuading the prince to abandon so unreasonable 
a pretension. 2 

Anselm, whose only desire was to obey the law, 
did not oppose this provisional concession, nor 
insist upon the question of homage, although that 
had been forbidden by Urban II. at the councils 
of Claremont and Rome, together with investiture. 3 
The king went to visit the prelate at Bee ; they 
kept the feast of the Assumption together, and so 
sealed their reconciliation. The king renounced his 
arbitrary exactions from the parish priests, as well 
as the revenues of vacant churches, and the tax 
which William Eufus had levied on all in common. 
Anselm then returned to England, after a second 

1 " Qui enim stans jacenti ad sublevandum manum porrigit nunquam 
jacentem eriget nisi et ipse curvetur. . . . Statum tandem rectitudinis 
non amittit." 

2 " Donee per onmipotentis gratiam ad hoc omittendum cor regium 
tuse praedicationis imbribus molliatur." This letter is of March 23, 

3 The king set a special value on the homage. See the letter of 
Anselm to Hugh of Lyons on this subject, Ep. iii. 123, and Hugh's 


Anseim exile of more than three years : he was received 

returns to 

Stera n n d w ^ trans P orts ? jJ> an( i Queen Matilda, who at 

exile of i as saw h er p ra y ers granted, hurried to meet the 

years. primate, whose lodging she had herself ordered to 

be prepared. The collectors of the revenue then 

disappeared from the churches and monasteries. 

Henry had remained in Normandy, where 
shortly afterwards he gained the brilliant victory 
of Tenchbrai which made him master both of the 
dukedom and of his brother's person. Public 
opinion attributed the victory to the king's 
reconciliation with the primate. 1 At the council 
of London (August 1, 1107) the clauses of the 
treaty were solemnly discussed between Henry, 
the bishops, the abbots, and the barons. More 
than one was found, both among the courtiers 
and the ill-reputed clergy, ready to urge the king 
to claim as a right, after the example of his father 
and brother, the privilege of granting investiture 
by the crosier ; but the minds of the prince's 
chief advisers had undergone a happy change. 
Warelwast himself had returned from his last 
journey to Kome entirely devoted to the freedom 
of the Church. 2 The Count of Meulan, who had 
been first excommunicated, and then, while still 

1 "Igitur ob pacem quam rex fecerat cum Anselmo hac victoria eum 
potitum multi testati sunt. " EADM., 76. Robert was not much better 
than Henry with regard to the rights of the Church, according to the 
complaints made of him by Yves of Chartres. 

8 "Erat enim tune jam ad libertatem Ecclesise Dei cor habens." 
EADM., 75. 


under the weight of this sentence, converted by 
the energetic remonstrances of Yves of Chartres, 1 
had applied to the pope and Anselm, and obtained 
leave to return to the communion of the faithful on 
condition that he should urge the king to submit 
to the decision of the holy Father. 2 The minister 
kept his word, and became from that time the 
ardent defender of ecclesiastical liberties in the 
royal councils. 3 

By his advice and that of Ealph de Kivers, 4 the The king 
king declared, in presence of Anselm and of a that no 

- one in his 

multitude transported with joy, that irom hence- kingdom 

L . shall re- 

forth no one should receive from the hand of the ce | ve from 

a layman 

sovereign, or any other layman, the investiture of 
bishopric or abbey by crosier and ring ; 6 and 
Anselm declared on his side that he would no 
longer refuse consecration to any prelate who had 
done homage to the king, 7 as he had thought right 
to refuse it in the reign of William. 

The king, then, according to these stipulations, 
and by the advice of Anselm and the barons, pro- 

1 YVON. Ep. 154, ed. Juret. 2 Ep. iii. 110, iv. 73. 

3 EADM., 78. Towards this time lie introduced monks of Bee at Meulan. 
MABILL., Ann., b. Ixx. c. 9. 

4 De Redueris ? Anselm, in his letter to Pascal, bears the same testi- 
mony to both. 

5 "Astante multitudine." EADM., 76; PETR. BLES., in contin. 
INGULPHI, p. 126. 

6 " Ut ab eo tempore in reliquum nunquam per dationem baculi pastor- 
alis vel annuli quisquam episcopatu vel abbatia per regem Tel quamlibet 
laicam manum investiretur in Anglia." EADM., 76. 

7 We may see by various instances that the new bishops did homage 
to the primate as well as to the king. EADM., 79. 


vided priests for those English churches which 
were vacant, and for several of the Norman ones 
which were in the same condition. On one day 
Anselm consecrated five bishops, among whom 
were William of Winchester and Eeinelm of Here- 
ford, who, like him, and through him, had endured 
disgrace and exile for having opposed the king's 

Thus, then, the old monk was victorious. The 
weak old sheep, as he had called himself, had 
ended by prevailing over the ungovernable bulls 
yoked with him to the plough of the English 
Church. Kufus and Beauclerc had vainly turned 
upon the primate all the batteries of force and of 
policy. The venerable churchman, without yield- 
ing a step, had survived the one, and brought the 
other to terms. 

Warlike barons, politic clerks, indefatigable ad- 
vocates, servile and disingenuous bishops had all 
failed, together with the kings whose docile instru- 
ments they were. It had come to be necessary to 
lay down the arms of William the Conqueror at 
the feet of this foreign monk, who, while still young, 
had been able by his mere presence to restrain 
the Norman prince. Fourteen years of struggle, 
persecution, exile, spoliation, intrigue, falsehood, 
meanness, and cruelty had not exhausted the brave 
old man ; feebly supported by the papal councillors, 
betrayed by his episcopal colleagues, he had en- 
dured all things, and not a single sword had been 


drawn in his defence. It must be acknowledged, 
however, that the question thus litigated was, 
though serious, so obscure that modern wisdom 
has ventured to pronounce it equally puerile and 

At the end of the battle, as at its commence- 
ment, Anselm still said : "I would rather die, or 
wear out my life in exile and in misery, than see 
the honour of the Church of God wounded on my 
account or by my example." l The victory which 
justly remained with the Archbishop of Canter- 
bury was, if not complete, at least striking, im- 
portant, and popular. 2 

The mere fact of such a contest and its long l 
duration had been a true triumph for the Church ; to 8 royal 


the glory she thus won was due to her, not only is an hon 

* J our to the 

because the treaty of London was the first instance church. 

1 "Malo mori et quandiu vivam omni penuria in exilio gravari quam 
ut videam honestatem Ecclesise Dei, causa mei aut meo exemplo, ullo 
modo violari." Recommendation sent to his agent at Rome in 1106. 
Ep. iv. 48. 

2 Such, at least, was the opinion of Eadmer, who was little disposed 
to concession ( Victoriam de libertate Ecclesice pro qua diu laboravercct, 
Anselmus adeptus est, p. 25), and of Cardinal Hugh of Lyons, the most 
zealous champion of the Church and most devoted instrument of Gregory 
VII. : ' ' Comperio quod illud propter quod assequendum tantopere hactenus 
laborastis . . . per Dei gratiam jam tandem ex magna parte assecuti 
estis." Ad ANS., Ep. iii. 124. He begs him to yield on the question 
of homage. The Gallican historian, St Marc, says : " Pascal, in his letter, 
did not grant the king the right to oblige bishops and abbots to do him 
homage for their fiefs ; he only advised the archbishop not to consecrate 
those who should be found to have done this homage, and charges him 
to persuade the king not to exact it again. By this means the decree of 
Urban II. remained unbroken. . . . Thus, in this accommodation, Rome 
appeared to yield something, while in reality she yielded nothing." 
Hist, dltalie, vol. iv. p. 969. 


since the commencement of the struggle by Gre- 
gory VII. of a concession made by a vanquished 
opponent ; not only because the most powerful of 
European kings renounced the symbols which the 
Emperor of Germany refused to give up ; not only 
because the unfaithful bishops were obliged to im- 
plore absolution, and the faithful permitted to re- 
ceive consecration at the hands of the most devoted 
champion of the Holy See ; but she triumphed, 
above all, in the lesson given to the contemporary 
world and to Catholic posterity by the heroic 
patience, the invincible gentleness, the unfailing 
energy of a poor Italian monk, who, first as a 
Norman abbot and afterwards as the English 
primate, had filled all the West with the brill- 
iance of his glory and the fame of his courage. 
Doubtless, even after investiture was abandoned, 
the royal influence over elections remained pre- 
ponderant; but it was impossible for this aban- 
donment not to reawaken at once, in chapters and 
monasteries, the sense of their rights, and in kings 
the consciousness of the terrible responsibility which 
weighed upon them. 1 

1 "In personis eligendis nullatenus propria utitur volontate, sed 
religiosorum se penitus committit consilio," wrote Anselm to the pope 
in 1108. Ep. iii. 181. "Rex antecessorum suorum usu relicto, nee 
personas quse in regimen Ecclesiarum sumebantur per se elegit, nee," &c. 
EADM., Fit. Anselm., 25. "Electiones praelatorum omnibus collegiis 
libere coneessit." PETR. BLESENS., in contin. INGULPH., p. 126. Herr 
Franck and even Dr Lingard think there was no essential change. The 
British Critic has successfully refuted this assertion, vol. xxxii. pp. 122- 
126. We refer for the last time to this work as the best account we know 
of the results of this contest. 


Anselm survived the council of London but a 
short time. He devoted the remnant of his life 
to healing the wounds suffered by the country 
during the contest between the Church and the 
Crown. He took part in the measures devised by 
the king for the suppression of coining, and also 
of the odious oppressions with which the royal 
agents loaded the people. The king supported 
him strongly in his resolution to reform discipline, 
enforce celibacy, and maintain the rights of the 
primacy of Canterbury, disregarded by the Metro- 
politan of York. 1 Henry, during his absence from 
England, intrusted to Anselm the government of 
his kingdom and family. 2 In one of his last letters, 
the archbishop tells Pope Pascal that the king of 
England was astonished that the head of the 
Church did not excommunicate the sovereign of 
Germany on account of his maintenance of in- 
vestitures in the empire. Anselm, on this point, 
advised the pope not to destroy on one side what 
he had built up on the other. 3 

The primate was preceded to the tomb by his faith- Bishop 
ful friend Gondulphus of Eochester, whose funeralphusofRo- 

A. TT / chester dies 

he celebrated. Himself for many years the victim before 

J Anselm. 

of frequent and most painful disease, the good old 

1 EADM., 78 to 84. 2 Ep. iv. 93. 

3 " Ideo minatur sine dubio se resumpturum suas investituras, quoniam 
ille suas tenet in pace . . . Rex enim noster diligenter inquirit quod de 
illo rege facitis." Ep. iii. 182. 

4 " Ut monachus, non ut episcopus mori cupiens, in domum infirmor- 
um se deferri jussit, nt inter monachorum manus spiritum redderet." 
MABILL., b. Ixxi. c. 69. 


Last iiiness man persevered none the less in habits of prayer 
primate. anc [ o f monastic austerities. Little by little he 

His im- * 


a S ^te of complete weakness, and at the 

beginning of Holy Week 1109, was in extremity. 
Medieval sovereigns were accustomed to hold 
courts at Easter, and to preside there, wearing 
their crowns. On the morning of Palm Sunday, a 
monk said to the primate, " Father, it seems to us 
that you are about to leave the world to appear at 
the Easter court of your Lord." 1 "I wish it," 
replied Anselm ; "and yet I should thank Him if 
He would leave me with you long enough to finish 
a work which I have in my mind on the origin 
of the soul." 2 When his last moment approached, 
they laid the dying man on haircloth and ashes. 
There he breathed his last sigh, surrounded by his 
monks, on the Wednesday of Holy Week, April 
21, 1109, at the age of 76. In what lively colours 
does the prelate's last wish, his regret at being un- 
able to finish a philosophical work, paint for us the 
active mind and firm will of the immortal philo- 
sopher ! History offers no other example of a man 
sharing in such violent and multiplied contests, yet 
remaining throughout devoted to such metaphysical 
speculations as seem to require an undisturbed 

1 "Domine Pater ... ad paschalera Domini tui curiam, relicto sse- 
culo, vadis." EADM., 25. 

2 " Verum si mallet me adhuc inter vos saltern tamdiu manere, donee 
qusestionem quam de aniinse origine rnente revolvo, alsolvere possem, 
gratiosus acciperem, eo quod nescio utrum aliquis earn me defuncto sit 
absoluturus. " 


mind and a life of external calm. 1 Amidst so much Extraor- 
commotion and trouble, Anselm carried on side by labours ot 

ii-i ii-i i-i i Anselm in 

side his theological and philosophical researches, the last 

/days of his 

and a correspondence of immense extent. In such life - 
a man no doubt the uprightness and simplicity of 
his soul doubled the powers of his intellect. His 
range of thought was as wide as his courage was 
invincible. Care for the good of individual souls 
was as powerful with him as his ardent zeal for 
the interests of the universal Church. Amidst the 
deepest tribulations of all kinds, Anselm guided 
with most scrupulous attention the conduct of his 
sister, his brother-in-law, and of his nephew whom 
he had the happiness of drawing into the cloister. 2 
With that tenderness of heart which was a secret 
of his time, he was neither limited to the narrow 
sphere of family life nor the wider one of a special 
church. He governed the consciences of a vast 
number of pious women, monks, and foreigners, 3 
Sometimes he wrote to the Archbishop of Lund, 
in Denmark, to instruct him in some point of 
discipline ; 4 sometimes to the Bishop of St Jago, in 
Galicia, to promise him his prayers against the 
Saracens ; 5 sometimes to the Bishop of Naumbourg, 

1 After his return from exile he wrote a treatise on the harmony be- 
tween free-will and grace, the divine presence and predestination. 

2 See his touching letters to his family. Ep. iii. 63, 66, 67, &c. 

3 See Ep., passim, especially b. iii. 133, 137, 138. In the latter is 
this fine thought : " Vita prsesens via est. Nam quamdiu homo vivit, 
non facit nisi ire ; semper enim aut ascendit, aut descendit. Aut ascen- 
dit in coelum, aut descendit in infernum." 

4 Ep. iv. 90, and suppl. Ep. 10, ed. Gerberon. 5 Ep. iv. 19. 


in Germany, to reproach him for following, in op- 
position to the Holy See, the party of the successor 
of Nero and of Julian the Apostate. 1 He inter- 
ceded with the Kings of Ireland and Scotland in 
the interest of law and morality. 2 He sent prayers 
and meditations to the great Countess Matilda ; 3 
he guided the steps of the Countess Ida of Boulogne 
in the perfect way, and every day, as he told her, 
he recalled her to his memory. 4 In the north, he 
commended to the Earl of Orkney the care of 
his subjects' souls; 5 in the south, he urged upon 
Marquis Humbert respect for the maternal rights 
of the Church. 6 He congratulated Count Eobert 
of Flanders on having spontaneously renounced 
investitures, and having thus separated himself 
from those who, disobeying the vicar of Peter, could 
not be counted among that flock which God 
had intrusted to him. " Let them seek," he said, 
" some other door into heaven, for they will cer- 
tainly not enter by that of which the Apostle St 
Peter holds the keys." 7 Then crossing the seas 

1 Ep. iii. 134, on sending him a consultation on the difference between 
the Roman and Greek Churches. This Bishop of Naumbourg was that 
Valeranus, whose imperialist pleading, addressed to Count Louis of 
Thuringia, we have already mentioned. He changed his opinions, and 
became secretary of the College of Cardinals. He informed Anselm of 
this, who congratulated him, and sent him a second work. 

2 Ep. iii. 132, 142, 147. 3 See supra. 

4 " Charissima, vos salutat mea epistola, sed quotidie vos aspicit mea 
memoria." Ep. iii. 56 ; see in addition, b. ii. 24, 27 ; b. iii. 18, 56. 

5 Ep. iv. 92. 6 Ep. iii. 65. 

7 " Quaerat igitur ille alias regni ccelorum portas : quia per illas non 
intrabit quarum claves Petrus apostolus portat." Ep. iv. 13. 


in thought, the pontiff went to salute the new 
Christian royalty that had risen beside the Holy 
Sepulchre, and to remind King Baldwin of Jer- 
usalem of this too-much-forgotten truth : " God 
loves nothing in the world better than the free- 
dom of His Church. He will not have His Bride 
a slave." 1 These last words might have served 
as motto to the great monk who has been justly 
regarded as the flower of medieval goodness, and 
whom the Almighty 2 seems to have sent as herald 
before the martyr of the thirteenth century, his 
fifth successor in the see of Canterbury, Thomas a 

1 " Nihil magis diligit Deus in hoc mundo quam libertatem Ecclesise 
suse. . . . Liberam vult esse Deus sponsam suam, non ancillam." 
Ep. iv. 9. 

2 "Flos bonorum . . . heros sacer." ORDER. VIT., b. xi. 839. 
Shortly after his death he became the object of common invocation in 
case of danger. See the instance of Earl Roger of Montgomery, quoted 
by Eadmer, p. 214, in suppl. ad calc., ed. Gerberon. 




The Council of Poitiers assembled to condemn the King of France. 
Heroism of Bernard, Abbot of St Cyprian, of Robert d'Arbrissel, and 
of the Legate Jean. Repentance and penance of the Duke of Aqui- 
taine. Unconquerable energy of Yves, of Chartres. His daring frank- 
ness in his relations with the pope. Moderation and firmness of 
Yves of Chartres in the struggle between the two powers. He ven- 
tures to remonstrate with the pope. What happened to Jerusalem 
and the Crusaders after the death of Godefroy de Bouillon. Bohemond, 
Prince of Antioch, marries the daughter of the French king, and 
preaches the Crusade at Notre Dame de Chartres, and afterwards in 
Spain and Italy. Council of Poitiers, where the monk Bruno and 
Bohemond of Antioch preach the Crusade.. Influence of the monks of 
the Grande-Sauve on the chivalry of Spain. 

WE have seen, during Anselm's exile, the lively 
sympathy shown for him by Philip King of France. 
It is difficult to judge how far this royal sympathy 
may have been mingled with that jealousy which 
might be naturally inspired in the French monarch 
by the position of a prince who, being at once 
his rival as King of England, and the possessor 
of the duchy of Normandy on the Continent, was 
much more powerful than his suzerain. At the 


same time, before offering an asylum to the primate 
" defender and victim of the liberty of the Church," 
Philip had been obliged to bend beneath the ma- 
ternal rod of that Church. We may remember how, 
carried away by his passion for the Countess of 
Anjou, the King of France, first excommunicated 
at the Council of Claremont, and then absolved 
on separating himself from his mistress, had again 
fallen back into open sin ; we may remember with 
what energy Yves of Chartres had denounced his 
fault. Pascal II., on his accession, had sent two 
cardinal legates, John and Benedict, to pronounce 
a fresh judgment on this great cause. Yves im- 
mediately wrote to congratulate one of these great 
prelates on having abstained from all communion 
with the king, thus separating himself from the 
other bishops who had not feared to crown him 
after the death of Pope Urban II., as if justice had 
died with him who was bound to be her defender. 1 
By agreement with Yves, the legates convoked a council of 

J . . . Poitiers 

council at Poitiers, so that it might not sit in assembled 

T IT- i to condemn 

territory directly subject to the king, where they the King 
could not without scandal hear the depositions of 
certain witnesses. 2 The council was opened on the 
octave of St Martin in 1100, in presence of a great 

1 ' ' Quidam Belgicse provincise episcopi . . . tanquaiu mortuo pi*se- 
cone justitise, justitiara mortuam esse crediderunt." IVON. CABNOT., 
Ep. 84. 

2 ' ' Quia si intra Belgicatn vel Celticam celebraretur multa premi 
.silentio oporteret . . . quse ventilata scandalum generarent . . . pressa 
vero silentio tanquam verbo Dei alligato, legationis tuse auctoritati 
plurimum derogarent." Ibid. 



number of abbots and bishops. 1 After deposing 
the Bishop of Autun, convicted of simony, and 
regulating various affairs, they came to those of 
the king. Philip had conjured Duke William of 
Aquitaine, Count of Poitiers, to prevent by any 
means their pronouncing the sentence of excom- 
munication against him in a town subject to the 
count's authority. 2 William was the more dis- 
posed to obey the prince's wishes because his own 
conduct was yet more scandalous, and he must 
have feared a similar punishment. 3 The legate 
John understood all the danger of the situation : 
every evening he might have been seen kneeling in 
prayer in the Church of St Hilary, that great bishop 
who had so nobly withstood an Arian emperor. 
On the. eve of the important day, John had, with 
tears, implored the illustrious patron of the Church 
of Poitiers to come to his help in the morrow's 

1 There were eighty according to Hugh of Flavigny, and one hundred 
and forty according to Gauffridus Grossus. Vit. Bernardi Tironensis. 

2 ' ' Velocius direxerat hortans et contestans ne hoc fieri permitteret 
in urbe sua, quse de ipsius regno erat." Append, ad Vit. B. Hilarii, 
Script, rer. Gallic., vol. xiv. p. 108. Fleury and the Benedictines call 
this prince William VII. as Count of Poitiers, and William IX. as 
Duke of Aquitaine. He was the father of William X., last Duke of 
Aquitaine, whose daughter Eleanor took her heritage successively to 
Louis VII. and to Henry II. of England. He was famed for his caustic 
wit and unregulated fondness for women. See William of MalmesLury, 
b. x. p. 170. 

3 " Totius pudicitise et sanctitatis inimicus, timens ne similem vin- 
dictam pro criminibus actis pateretur." GAUFF. GROSS., Vit. Bern. 
Tir. } I. c. It must be said that all historians do not^treat him so 
severely; Abbot Geoffrey of Vendome openly praises him, and Ma- 
billon doubts all the excesses imputed to him. Ann. Bened., b. Ixix. 
No. 137. 


struggle. At the moment when he fell asleep in 
the midst of his ardent prayer, St Hilary appeared 
to him and promised to aid him and make him 
triumph over all the enemies of the faith. 1 

Nevertheless, the next day, while the papers 
relating to the process were being read, the Count 
of Poitiers suddenly entered the council, surrounded 
by a band of fierce soldiers, 2 and interrupting the 
reading, said loudly, " The king my master has 
informed me that you intend to excommunicate 
him, to his shame and mine, in this city which I 
hold from him. He has therefore ordered me, by 
the fealty I owe him, not to suffer this, and I am 
come to forbid you to attempt anything of the 

As the count enforced these words by threaten- 
ing to seize all those who should disobey him, 3 
several prelates ranged themselves on his side ; 4 
every one was alarmed, especially the bishops and 
abbots of the royal domains, 5 who fled from the 

1 "Ibi vigiliis et orationibus sedulus instabat, donee media fere nocte 
ad hospitium remearet. . . . Nocte vero ilia prolixius et propensius 
cum lacrymis orabat . . . cum in medio precum suarum obdormire 
cospisset. . . . Ne timeas, carissime frater . . . quoniam in coucilio eras 
ero tecuin . . . " 

2 "Nimio furore succensus, jussit omnes illos depredari, flagellari, 
occidi." GAUF. GROSS., 1. c. " Cum primam causam legunt . . . ad- 
venit tanquam furibundus, magna caterva stipatus suorum . . . mul- 
tumque vociferans, in heec verba prorupit. . . ."Scr. rer. Franc., vol. 
xiv. p. 108. 

3 "Ad dedecus ipsius et meum in liac urbe quam ab ipso habeo." 

4 FLEURY, b. Ixv. No. 8. 

5 "Cum episcopis et abbatibus de proprietate regis." Scr. rer- 
Franc., I. c. 


assembly followed by many of those present. l 
courage But amid all the confusion, two monks, Bernard, 
Abbot of ' who had iust been elected Abbot of St Cyprian at 

St Cyprian, 

of Robert Poitiers, and Robert d'Arbrissel, the future founder 


the ie n ate f ^ Fontevrault, remained unmoved by the danger. 2 
John, the legate, formerly a monk of Pavia, 3 more 
intrepid than all the rest, stopped the fathers, 
crying, " If our lord the count shows himself so 
faithful to the orders of his temporal king, how 
much more should we obey the orders of the 
heavenly King, whose vicars we are ! Let hire- 
lings take fright and fly from the wolf, but let 
all good and true shepherds remain here with 
us and know how to endure persecution for the 
cause of right." 4 Then turning to the count, 
John said distinctly, " The blessed John the Bap- 
tist was beheaded by Herod in such circumstances 
as these ; I am ready to suffer you to behead me 
also, if it pleases you." Then, holding his neck for 
the blow, ' ' Strike, if you dare," he said ; " I am 
ready to die for the truth." 5 

Duke William lived at a time when a priest's 
courage could be understood, and when " some 

1 " Pontifices et abbates omnes hue illucque diffuginnt. " GAUF. 
GROSS., L c. 

2 "immobiles constantesque perstiterunt " Ibid. 

3 FLEURY, b. Ixv. c. 10. 

4 "Si dominus conies iste sui regis, utique terreni, mandata. . . . 
Paveant igitur et fugiant mercenarii ad adventum lupi, maneant hie 
nobiscum qui sunt boni et veri pastores . . ." Ibid. 

6 " Con versus ad coraitem, voce clara ait : B. Joannes . . . et ego 
non refugio me propter hoc decollari, si volueris ; et extendens colluni : 
Percute, inquit, si audes, quia prsesto sum . . ."Ibid. 


light always shone from heaven" ; he acknow- 
ledged himself defeated, and hastily left the church 
that he might not be present at the excommunica- 
tion of his suzerain. 1 

The legate then once more addressed the Fathers, 
" Fear nothing from the threats of the prince, for 
his heart is in the hands of God, who will not 
suffer injury to be done to any of you assembled 
here in His name. And know also, that in this 
warfare, we have the support of the blessed Hilary, 
patron of the town. This very night he appeared 
to me, and told me that he would fight for us, 
and that we should triumph." 2 

These words restored peace and confidence ; 
lighted tapers were brought in, to be extinguished 
at the moment of pronouncing the sentence of ex- 
communication, which was passed without further 
opposition against both the king and Bertrade. 
But the duke's conduct had excited the minds of 
the people against the council ; a crowd collected 
and constantly increased. In the midst of the 
acclamations with which such assemblies always 
closed, a man of the lower class, who was in one 
of the galleries of the church, threw a stone at the 
cardinal - legates, which did not reach them, but 
which wounded a clerk of their suite. The sight 
of bloodshed in the church augmented the excite- 

1 " Ocius concilium exit, ne regem audiret exeommunicari. " FLEURY, 
b. Ixv. c. 10. 

2 "Habemus nobiscum in hoc conflictu prsesentem et socium B. Hila- 
rium . . . sicut ipse mihi dixit hesterna nocte." Ibid. 


merit and tumult. On this the two legates, taking 

off their mitres, remained bareheaded, to show 

that they neither feared the stones which might be 

flung at them, nor death under any form whatever. 1 

c Their calmness and courage finally disarmed the 

rage of the multitude, and soon afterwards the 

Repentance duke himself came to confess his fault. Kneeling 

anceofthe before the cardinals, he begged their pardon, and 

Duke of 

Aquitaine. swore ' never again to infringe the liberty of the 
Church. 2 The following year, in fact, he started 
for the Crusade, accompanied by that Eudes, Duke 
of Burgundy, whom St Anselm's glance had stopped 
in his violent career, and recalled from his revolt 
against the divine laws ; and who, like the Duke 
of Aquitaine, was urged to take the cross by the 
irresistible impulse of the genius of Catholicism. 

As to King Philip, the terrible sentence passed 
on him produced its customary effect : he found 
that he was no longer accounted to belong to the 
Church. Having shortly afterwards gone with 
Bertrade to Sens, all the churches were closed 
during the fortnight of their stay. Bertrade, very 
much irritated, ordered the door of a chapel to 
be broken open, and mass was said there by a 
priest who was cowardly enough to obey her. 3 

- - 1 " Manent columnae Christ! immobiles, mortem intrepid! aperientes, 
et ad saxa volantia, mitris ablatis, capita fmda retegentes." HUGO 
FLAVIN., Chron. Virdun., Scr. rer. Franc., vol. xiii. p. 626. 

2 " Prostratus in terra coram cardinalibus, eulpam confitebatur et 
veniam postulabat . . . se talia non commissurum cum juraniQnto pol- 
licitur," Append, ad Vit. S. Hilar., I. c. 

3 FLETJRY, b. l?v. c. 28, 


Philip, enraged, announced that he would go to 
Eome, and there obtain from the pope his absolu- 
tion from the sentence of the legates, as he had 
already done under Urban II. But Yves of Char- 
tres thought it his duty to warn the pope of what 
was passing : " Whether he comes, or whether he 
sends," he wrote to Pascal, "take care, both for 
your own sake and for ours, to hold him fast with 
St Peter's chains and keys. 1 If, after absolution, 
he returns to his evil ways, as he has done before, 
let him be again imprisoned under these keys 
bound with these chains, and let notice of it be 
sent by letters, under your own hand, to all the 
churches. But if it should happen that God leads 
his heart to repentance, remember us who have 
borne the burden and heat of the day, and let us 
share in the consolation who have shared so largely 
in the tribulation." 2 

Philip did not execute his threat ; but, about 
the same time, Yves was obliged to protest against 
a fresh scandal caused by his conduct. The church 
of Beauvais was vacant, and by the recommen- 
dation of the king and Bertrade, 3 there had been 
elected as bishop a priest of high birth named 
Etienne de Garlande, son of the Seneschal of 
France, who had been formerly expelled from 

1 " Cavete et nobis et vobis ut semper clavibus et catenis Petri fortiter 
teneatur. " I VON. , Ep. civ. 

2 " Si forte absolutus fuerit, et ad vomitum reversus . . . e vestigio 
eisdem clavibus recludatur, eisdem catenis religetur." Ibid. 

3 "Voluntate regiset illius contubernalis suae." I VON., Ep. 87. - 


the Church for open adultery. Yves, full of affec- 
tionate concern for the church of Beauvais, whence 
he himself came, denounced this scandalous elec- 
tion, first to the legates John and Benedict, and then 
to the pope himself. 1 It was annulled at Kome, 
and the uncorrupted part of the chapter, with 
the advice of the nobles of the diocese and the 
consent of the people, elected a monk named Galon, 
of low birth, but great learning, and a disciple of 
Yves, and who was also a man of the most exem- 
plary life. 2 The other canons, won by Garlande's 
presents, protested against the election, and de- 
nounced Galon to the king as a pupil of Yves of 
Chartres, and a creature of the pope. Philip and 
the young king Louis 3 swore that they would 
never acknowledge him as Bishop of Beauvais. 
" If such an oath," wrote Yves to the pope, " can 
invincible annul a canonical election, there will in future be 
Yvefof in France no other elections than intrusions by 
violence or by simony." 4 He accordingly took up 
warmly the cause of Galon, both with the sove- 
reign pontiff and with the Archbishop of Rheims ; 
and in withstanding the objections made to his 
protege's low birth, " If it please God," he said, 

1 Ep. 87, 89, 94, 95. It seems that Yves, while opposing Etienne de 
Garlande's election, had the weakness to give him a letter of recommen- 
dation to the pope, of an equivocal kind indeed, but with which the pope 
very justly reproached him. 

2 "Consilio optimatum dicecesis suse et laude populi." Ep. 104. 
' * Quemdam religiosum. " Ep. 89. 

3 By comparing the two epistles, 105 and 144 of Yves, we see that the 
same oath was taken by the two kings. 

* Ep. 105. 


" according to His custom, to choose the humble 
and the weak to confound the strong, who shall 
dare to resist Him ? Was not David a shepherd 
before he was a king, and Peter a fisherman before 
he was the prince of the apostles ? God con- 
stantly takes the poor from the dust and places 
them at the height of grandeur, to show that 
he values neither the power nor the wisdom of 
this world." l 

St Anselm also wrote to Pascal 2 in favour of 
the bishop-elect of Beauvais, who, banished from 
his diocese by the king's obstinacy, went to Rome 
to seek the asylum secured to him there by the affec- 
tionate protection of the primate of England and 
of the most zealous bishop of France. The pope 
employed him profitably as his legate in Poland. 3 
On his return to Rome, although absent from 
France, he was nominated Bishop of Paris by the 
unanimous voice of the clergy and people. The 
king made no opposition to this translation, and 
Galon, in return, obtained from the pope, under 
certain conditions, the king's absolution. Yves 
himself, some time after, claimed for the prince's 
weakness all the alleviations compatible with the 
good of his soul. 4 A new legate was sent, and 

1 " Ut ostenderet quia apud eum mundi sapientia vel secularis potentia 
nullius sunt moment!." Ep. 102. 

2 Ep. iii. 69. 

3 BARON., arm. 1104, c. ; PAGI, Crit. in eumd. 

4 "Suggerendo dicimus non ducendo . . . ut imbecillitati hominis, 
amodo, quantum cum salute ejus potestis, condescendatis, et terram quse 
ejus anathemate periclitatur, ab hoc periculo eruatis. " Ep. 144. 


after two councils held, one at Troyes (April 2, 
1104) and the other at Beaugency (July 30), the 
king was finally absolved at Paris, December 2, 
1104, under the conditions prescribed by the pope. 

In presence of Yves, Galon, eight other bishops, 
and a multitude of clerks and laymen, Philip, 
barefooted, and with every external mark of hu- 
mility and devotion, swore upon the Gospels to 
renounce his unlawful relations with Bertrade, 
and not to see her again except in the presence of 
unsuspected witnesses. Bertrade took the same 
oath. Both were then reconciled to their mother 
the Church by the holy bishop, Lambert of Arras, 
appointed by the pope to represent him. 1 

Yves made himself remarkable in all these 
disputes, as well as in the general regulation of 
affairs of conscience, by his zeal for discipline and 
the good of souls. Consulted on all sides, he was 
considered as the light and oracle of the Church 
of France ; his responses were distinguished at 
once for wisdom and justice. 2 He blamed the 
custom of judicial combats, 3 carried on ardently 

1 " Ad venit rex satis devote et multum humiliter, nudis pedibus. . . . 
Peccatum et consuetudinem carnalis et illicitae copulse quam hactenus 
cum Bertrada exercui . . . penitus et sine retractatione abjuro. ... In 
pnesentia honorabilium clericorum et laicorum non parva multitudine 
inibi consistentium. ... Taliter reincorporatus est rex Francorum S. 
catholicee Ecclesiae matris suso." Ms. IGNIACENS and Ms. COEBIENS., 
ap. LABBE., Condi., b. x. 668 and 742. Cf. PAGI, Critic., in 1104. 

8 See the collection of his Epistles, 287 in number, newly arranged and 
published, with notes by JURET, canon of Langres, and SOUCHET, canoii 
of Chartres, fol., Paris, 1647. 

3 Ep. 247,252, et passim. 


the reformation of abuses in monasteries, as well as 
in the rest of the Church, 1 and showed, especially 
in all affairs relative to the purity and freedom of 
marriage, a constant care for the rights of women 
and the maintenance of the ecclesiastical prohibi- 
tions against marriages between near relations. 2 Al^- Frankness 

of Yves of 

though he was the firmest supporter of the legiti- chartres 

in his rela- 

mate popes, and the most devoted of all the French ^ 
bishops to the Holy See, yet we may remark in all ^g 
his correspondence with the sovereign pontiffs a 
vigorous frankness and most complete liberty. He 
spared them neither advice nor remonstrances. 
For instance, he advised Pope Pascal to excel 
as much in virtue as in authority. 3 "My con- 
science," he wrote to him, " tells me that I am 
a true son of the Roman Church ; when scandals 
arise in her I burn ; her troubles are my troubles .; 
and those who tear her with their evil tongues 
lacerate me." 4 He drew courage from this filial 
love to reprove the pope for his tolerance of nar- 
row-mindedness in some of the legates ; 5 to blame 
too frequent appeals to Rome ; ^ to exclaim against 

1 Ep. 70, 110, et passim. 2 Ep. 134, 166, 183, 221, 242, 243, &c. 

3 "Paschali, suramo pontifici, Ivo humilis Carnotensis minister, sicut 
auctoritate ita prseeminere virtute." Ep. 109. 

4 "Quoniam uterinum filium Roman* Ecclesise, testante conscientia 
mea me esse cognosco, cum scandalizatur non possum non uri, cum tribu- 
latur, tribulor, cum detractorum livido dente laceratur, disrumpor." 
Ep. -89. 

5 Ep. 109. 

6 "Super quam et irapunitam appellatorum licentiam." Ep. 219. 
The Cardinal Baronius replied to that reproach with justness: " Aditus 
iste non potest nee debet ita occludi malis, ut non pateat ftonis adversus 
malos." Ann. .1104., c. 12; : v,i - 


the credulity with which calumniators of the clergy 
were received there, and the protection found 
there by rebels ; l to criticise severely the venality 
of the chamberlain, and other inferior officers of 
the Roman court, who levied fees under all sorts 
of pretexts, and even taxed pens and paper. 2 " I 
do not know what to say to these accusations," 
added the prelate, " except by quoting the words 
of the Gospel, ' Do what they say, and not what 
they do! " 3 He let it be seen that he considered 
the silence of good men on these subjects of 
scandal a real betrayal of trust. " If," he said, 
" our father's shame should be again discovered, 
which God forbid, we shall not mock at it like 
the sons of perdition, but we shall cease to give 
useless counsels. Let your Holiness not be angry 
that I speak thus to you as a son to a father, 
for there are many lovers of righteousness who, 
seeing that you have pardoned or concealed too 
many crimes, are driven in despair to take refuge 
in silence." 4 

1 "Litteras a sede apostolica nescio quibus subreption ibus impetratas 
nobis deferunt ad pallendam malitiam suam vel defendendam inobedien- 
tiam. . . . Ab ipsis columnis gratanter audiuntur cum vitam religios- 
orum aliquibus maculis respergere moliuntur." Ep. 110. 

2 " Cubicularios et ministros sacri palatii . . . cum nee calamus nee 
charta gratis ibi (ut aiunt) habeatur." Ep. 133. 

3 Matt, xxiii. 3. 

4 " Si qua pudenda patris, quod Deus avertat, revelata fuerint . . . 
quia multos amatores justitiae jam vidi propter remissa flagitiis . . . ori 
silentium posuisse et a spe corrigendorum malorum plurimum defecisse." 
Ep. 89. We do not find that the pope was ever irritated by the rude 
frankness of this language, and Cardinal Baronius, the ardent defender 
of the rights of the papacy, says while quoting this very letter : *' Has 


While incessantly vindicating the rigour of 
ecclesiastical law against prevaricators, whatever 
their condition, Yves desired that all proceedings 
should be conducted with the most strict obser- 
vance of form and rule in favour of the accused. 
St Gregory VI T. had already struck at the abuse 
of extra-judicial excommunication, by repeating to 
the Bishop of Prague the words of St Gregory the 
Great, " He who binds the innocent, soils with his 
hands the power to bind and to loose." 1 

When Kotrou, Count of Perche, by invading 
territory belonging to a knight then engaged in 
the Crusade, 2 and consequently under the protec- 
tion of the Holy See, had drawn upon himself the 
sentence of excommunication which the pope com- 
manded the Archbishop of Sens to pronounce 
against him, Yves, who was one of the prelate's 
suffragans, urged strongly that the sentence should 
not be promulgated until the count had been 
heard in his own defence. " I will not," he said, 
" after the fashion of assassins, strike any one with- 
out hearing him ; I will not give up to Satan him 
who desires neither to hide himself from justice 
nor to contemn her." 3 He carried the same con- 
scientiousness into his dealings with, the absolution 

litteras dedit, tanto viro dignas, et cui scriberentur valde utiles." Ann, 
1101, c. 10. 

1 See above. 2 Hugh Vicomte de Puiset. 

3 "Nolo quemquam more sicariorum sine audientia punire." . . . 
Ep. 169. Rotrou settled the question by appealing directly to the 
Holy See. 


of open sinners. " If I were forced,'' he wrote to his 
metropolitan, "to admit an impenitent sinner tore- 
conciliation, I would say to him publicly, Here is 
the threshold of the visible Church, I permit you 
to pass it at your own risk ; but I cannot thus 
open to you the door of the heavenly kingdom." l 
Moderation His conduct in the great contest which was 
weakness carried on in his time between the ecclesiastical 
Yves of and secular powers was always remarkable for its 
in the moderation. Although the necessity of self-defence 
^tween condemned him to be, through the greater part 
powers. O f ] ie pontificate of Urban II. , in open warfare 
with a prince whose disorders he had denounced, 
and who had imprisoned him in consequence, yet 
none the less he felt an affectionate respect for that 
French royalty usually so devoted to the Holy See. 
Having himself received royal investiture, he was 
unwilling to declare with Gregory of holy memory 2 
that this custom was as much a heresy as simony 
itself. 3 However, he ended by formally admitting 
and proclaiming the doctrine of Gregory and 
Urban. 4 But he would have chosen to act as 

1 "Si aliqua dispensatione faciente cogerer aliquem impoeriitentem ad 
feconciliationem admittere. . . . Nolo te fallere : introitum hujus visi- 
bilis EcclesiaB cum tuo periculo te habere permittd, sed januam regni 
coelestis tali reconciliatione tibi aperire non valeo." Ep. 171. 

2 "Tempore beatse memorise papae Gregorii." Ep. 24. 

3 Ep. 236, et passim. 

4 " De investituris Ecclesiarum quas laici faciunt sententiam prsece- 
dentium patrum Greg. VII. et Urb. II., quantum in me est, laudo, con- 
firmo, Quocumque autem nomine talis persuasio proprie vocetur, eorum 
sententiam, qui investituras laicorum defendere volunt, schismaticam 
judico." Ep. 235. 


mediator between the two rival powers, and to 
conciliate by prudence, indulgence, and all the 
ameliorations permissible, their reciprocal rights. 
" When the royal authority and that of the priest- 
hood are in harmony," he wrote to the pope, " the 
world goes well and the Church is flourishing and 
fruitful ; but when discord separates them, not 
only do the weak suffer, but the strong also lose 
their force." l This conciliatory spirit, however, 
did not at all lessen his faith in the claims, the 
power, and the supremacy of the Church, nor his 
courageous attachment to the inviolable legitimacy 
of her right over souls and over herself. " Let 


God first have in His Church by the highest right 
(principaliter) that which belongs to Him, and 
after that (posteriori ordine) let the king have 
that which is granted to him by God/' 2 Such 
was his interpretation of the text, "Render 
unto CcBsar" He wrote to the Count of Meulan, 
prime jninister of King Henry of England : "If 
the royal authority undertakes anything against 

1 "Cum regnum et sacerdotium inter se conveninnt, bene regitur 
mundus, floret et fructificat Ecclesia : cum vero inter se discordant, 
non tantum parvse res non crescunt, sed stiam magnae res miserabiliter 
dilabuntur." Ep. 238. This passage has been taken by Clement of 
Droste, the illustrious Bishop of Cologne, as the motto of the book, 
in which, while a captive and in exile for his faith, for the freedom 
of the Church, and the sanctity of marriage, he so wisely traced out 
the limits of the two powers. Thus across the ages, the souls of two 
great bishops met in the bosom of catholic truth to defend their common 

2 "Habeat ergo Deus in Ecclesia sua principaliter quod suum est. 
Habeat rex, posteriori ordine post Deum quod sibi a Deoconcessum est." 
Ep. 102. 


Christ and His Church, you must remember that 
you have been bought by Christ's blood, initiat- 
ed into Christ's laws, regenerated by the sacra- 
ments of the Church ; that you are the freedman 
of Him who made Himself a servant for you, 
and that you owe no submission to those who 
would offend the divine majesty or restrain the 
freedom of the Church. . . . Kings are ordained 
to punish the violators of the law, not to violate 
it themselves." l 

To the king himself, the archbishop, in con- 
gratulating him on his accession, wrote as follows : 
" We invite your Highness to give free course to 
the word of God in the kingdom which is in- 
trusted to you, and always to remember that an 
earthly sovereignty is subject to the heavenly 
sovereignty intrusted to the Church. As our 
senses are subjected to our reason, and our bodies 
to our souls, so should a terrestrial power be 
subjected to the ecclesiastical power. . . . And 
as the body is at ease only when the flesh does not 
resist the spirit, so a kingdom of this world is at 
peace only when it ceases to resist the kingdom 
of God, Think of this, and understand that you 
are not the master, but the servant of God's ser- 
vants, and that you should be like one of the 
cedars of Lebanon, which the Lord has planted 

1 "In mente habere debes quia . . . et Illius es liber qui pro te se 
servum fecit, nt libertas tua nihil se debere intelligat alicui quo divmam 
offendat majestatem, et Ecclesise minuat libertatem. . . . Non ad hoc 
iustituuntur reges, ut leges frangant." Ep. 154. 


that the birds of heaven may build their nests in 
them, that is to say, that Christ's poor may live 
in safety under your shadow, and pray for you." 1 

As regarded his own person, he shrank from none 
of the consequences of his convictions, and he set 
them forth in the following words to the seigneur of 
his diocese, Stephen, Count of Blois and Chartres : 
"Whoever shall dare to injure the Church com- 
mitted to my feeble care, I will resist with all the 
might God has given me, even to ruin and exile ; 
and I will smite him with the spiritual sword 
until satisfaction is made. That sword pierces 
towers, throws down bulwarks and destroys all 
that rise up against Christ's humility or invade 
the heritage bought with His blood. It is a sword 
which poverty retempers, which exile cannot break, 
which no prison is able to fetter/' 2 

Thus spoke to the princes of the earth that same Yves of 

. r . Chartres 

bishop who, strong in his devotion to God and the ventures 

to remon- 

Church, allowed himself, when there was occasion, fi rate with 

' the pope. 

1 " Sicut enim sensus animalis subditus debet esse rationi, ita potestas 
terrena subdita esse debet ecclesiastico regimini. Et quantum valet 
corpus, nisi regatur ab anima, tantum valet terrena potestas nisi. . . . 
Et sicut pacatum est regnum corporis. . . . Servura servorura Dei vos 
esse intelligite, non dominum, . . . unam debet esse de cedris Libani 
quas plantavit Dominus, in qua nidih'cent passeres," &c. Ep. 106. A 
letter, says Baronius in quoting it in 1607, well worthy to be read and 
re-read by all kings, especially in our days when the execrable heresy of 
politicians, under the veil of State rights, penetrates into the cabinet of 
kings, and shelters itself under their glory. Ann., 1100 c. 39. 

2 " Quos terminos cuicumque prresumpserit ad versus Ecclesiam par- 
vitati meae commissam transcendere. . . . Hie gladius penetrat turres, 
dejicit propugnacula, et omnem altitudinem . . . hie gladius in egestate 
fortior est, in exilio non frangitur, carcere non alligatur," &c. Ep. 49. 



to address remonstrances even to the popes them- 
selves. Anselm and many others did the same ; 
and we shall see St Bernard surpass them all in 
frankness and courage. In those happy times and 
among those great hearts, in the midst of the most 
brilliant splendours, or the most terrible dangers, 
the papacy found a thousand champions, but not a 
single flatterer. The struggle of the two powers in 
the very heart of Christendom, seems to have been 
at all periods an inseparable condition of the vital- 
ity of the Catholic faith. It ceased only in those 
rare moments when the temporal power was placed 
in hands at once strong and blameless, or in those 
too prolonged intervals when the weakness of faith 
and zeal among Catholics prepared and completed 
their enslavement. At the time of which we are 
speaking, this struggle had begun even in the 
bosom of that new kingdom founded beside the 
Holy Sepulchre by the victorious Crusaders, a 
kingdom which was a direct creation of the Eoman 
pontificate, and, as it were, the very conquest of 
what be- God and the Church. Godfrey of Bouillon had 
Jerusalem died after a reign of one year, 1 too soon for the 
Crusaders safety of his new Christian state ; and his brother, 

after the 


Baldwin L, elected in his place by the knights 

Godfrey r J 

on B uil an( ^ P r i es t s > an d brave and generous as Godfrey 
himself had been, was engaged in a long series of 
disputes with Daimbert, 2 the Patriarch of Jeru- 

1 July 18, 1100. 

2 Or Theobert, Archbishop of Pisa, sent as legate to the Crusading 


salem, on the subject of the old and new possessions 
of this enfranchised Church. The intrigues and 
jealousy of the Archdeacon Arnoul, an unsuccessful 
candidate for the dignity of which the Crusaders had 
thought the legate Daimbert more worthy, seem to 
have much contributed to keep up the unfortunate 
dissension. 1 Baldwin ended by expelling Daim- 
bert from his see, and replacing him by a certain 
Cremar, who was in his turn deposed as an in- 
truder by the legate Gibelinus. 2 But these dis- 
cords did not lessen the ardent faith or pious 
devotion which inflamed the Crusaders against 
the constantly reinforced armies of Islam. The 
Mussulmans of Egypt, Syria, Arabia, and Persia, 
flung themselves in turn upon the new colonies of 
Christians, and inflicted upon them the most cruel 
losses, and the most sanguinary defeats, without 
being able to shake their constancy. 

The capture of Jerusalem, though so dearly 
bought, only served to awaken the strongest 
enthusiasm in all Christian lands. 3 During the 
first year of the twelfth century there was a 
perpetual crusade, a permanent movement of the 

army by Urban II. in place of Adh&nar, Bishop of Puy, who had died 
at Antioch. 

1 " The details of this dispute may be seen in WILLIAM OF TYRE 
(b. x. c. 14 ; xi. c. 1 et seq., xii., c. 26, ap. Gesta Dei per Francos) and 
this recital may be compared with that of Albert of Aix in the same 
collection. Albert is unfavourable to the patriarch. 

2 GUILL. TYR., xi. c. 4. 

3 ' ' Mox profectio populosa et quse pene priori posset numero duntaxat 
sequari, subsequitur. " Chron. Ursperg. 


Western nations towards the East ; and although 
the Holy Land had become, as it were, one vast 
charnel-house of vanished generations, still each 
year brought to its shores new armies of pilgrims 
eager to visit the holy places, and to fight in the 
ranks of that handful of heroes who, under the 
leadership of King Baldwin, of the Normans Tan- 
cred and Bohemond, of Count Raymond of Tou- 
louse, and of Baldwin du Burgh, were defending 
their new possessions against the incessant assaults 
of the infidels. In 1101 a Genoese fleet aided 
King Baldwin to take Csesarea by assault, and 
was enabled to carry off in triumph, as its prin- 
cipal trophy, the sacred chalice in which our Lord 
consecrated His blood on the night of the Last 
Supper. 1 But these triumphs were reserved for 
very few. The greater part of the Crusaders 
gained nothing but a glorious death, ranked by 
the faith of their contemporaries with that of 
martyrs. A hundred thousand Lombards, led by 
Archbishop Anselm of Milan and several nobles, 
started to cross Thrace and Asia Minor. The arch- 
bishop carried before them an arm of his illustri- 
ous predecessor St Ambrose, an arm which was 
constantly raised to bless the Crusaders. These 
pilgrims were followed and joined by an army of 
German knights, at whose head were Duke Welf 

1 H sacro calino, brought to Paris under the Empire, and restored to 
the Genoese in 1815. Caffari ann. Genuens, ap. MURATORI, Script, rer. 
Italic., vol. vi. p. 248. 


of Bavaria, Archbishop Thiemon of Salzburg, and 
the Margravine Ida of Austria, whom neither her 
beauty nor the weakness of her sex hindered from 
exposing herself to the perils of an expedition in 
which she was to meet her death. 1 Finally, a 
third army set out, composed of Frenchmen, among 
whom were William, Duke of Aquitaine, and 
Count of Poitou, Duke Eudes of Burgundy, the 
Count of Nevers, 2 and Count Harpin of Berry, 
who, to provide for the expenses of the expedi- 
tion, had sold his county to King Philip. Public 
indignation forced those princes, whom the first 
reverses of the Crusade had driven from the army, 
to rejoin their companions. Among these warriors 
were Hugh of Vermandois, the king's brother, and 
Stephen of Blois, whom the reproaches of his wife 
Adela, daughter of William the Conqueror, and 
friend of Anselm, sent back to the Holy Land. 
These three great armies, making up more than 
500,000 pilgrims, 3 perished almost to a man in the 
defiles of Asia, without even coming in sight of 
Jerusalem, sacrificed to the odious treachery of the 
Byzantine emperors, and the pestilential influence 

1 LUDEN, Geschichte des Deutschen, &c., vol. ix. p. 289. ; ECKHARD. 
abbat., libell. in ampl. Coll., vol. v. p. 507. ; ALB. AQUEN. in Gesta Dei 
per Francos. 

2 William II., the same who was deposed with Suger from being 
regent of the kingdom by St Bernard in the Second Crusade. He had 
himself assembled 15,000 men at Nevers, and had received before start- 
ing the benediction of St Robert, Abbot of Molesmes, at the priory of 
St Etienne at Nevers. CROSNIER, Tableau chronol. et synopt. dutfiver- 
nais et du Donziais. 

3 " Praeter vulgus, ad triginta millia loricatorum. " Chron. Ursperg. 


of the climate. The Duke of Burgundy and the 
Count of Blois, who succeeded in reaching Pales- 
tine, died on the battle-field of Ramla, Duke 
William of Aquitaine, the haughty and brilliant 
Count of Poitou, who had started at the head of 
30,000 Poitevins in full armour, besides a crowd 
of infantry, returned to Aquitaine with scarcely a 
single follower. 1 

Still, the first enthusiasm was not extinct. 
After so many terrible reverses, when Bohemond, 
Prince of Antioch, having escaped from a Mussul- 
man prison, where he had spent four years in cap- 
tivity, came back to France, 2 he inflamed all hearts 
by his stories of the Crusade. A true son of Robert 
Guiscard, 3 Bohemond had taken the part of Daim- 
bert the patriarch, who came back to Rome with 
him. Pascal presented the gonfalon of St Peter to 
the brave knight, and associated with him, for the 
purpose of preaching the Crusade, Bishop Bruno 
of Segni, the friend and legate of Gregory VII. , 
who had just retired to Monte Cassino, 4 whence the 
pope recalled him to accompany Bohemond. The 

1 "Praeter vulgus, ad triginta millia loricatis. " Chron. Urspsrg.; 
AnnaL Sax., ad 1102, ORD. VIT. According to another version, he 
took 180,000 combatants-. CON c. COL., vol. xii. p. 1223. 

2 In March 1106, ORDERIC. VITAL., xi. 816. This writer attributes his 
deliverance to the love which he had inspired in the daughter of the 
Emir, whose prisoner he was. 

3 Daimbert wrote to him : "Tu autem, nisi paternse glorise vis esse 
degener filius, qui tyrannica crudelitate clausum ab impia inanu domi- 
num apostolicum Gregorium de urbe Roma eripuit, unde memorabile 
oculis omnibus nomem meruit." GUILL. TYR., b. x. c. 14. 

4 PETR. DIACO, Chron. Cassin., b. iv. c. 33. 


latter was on his way to France to fulfil the vow 
which he had made while in prison to visit as a 
pilgrim the tomb of the monk St Leonard, in the 
church of the same name, in Limousin. 1 He there Bohemond, 

Prince of 

made an offering of the silver chains with which Antioch, 

marries a 

the Turks had bound him in his prison. King 
Philip gave to the hero his daughter Constance; and 
amidst the marriage festivities at Chartres, Bohe- 
mond mounted a tribune arranged in front of the 
altar of the Virgin, and appealing to the warriors 
who surrounded him, by the recital of his own ad- 
ventures, and by the promises he held out to them 
of a great and glorious destiny, he inspired them 
with a keen desire to follow him to Palestine. 2 
Thence the prince went to Poitiers, where the Council of 


holy monk Bruno held a council in the pope's where 


name, 3 and where both addressed the great as- of Antioch 

and the 

sembly. 4 The fact of the defeats endured, and m r ^ o 
of the deplorable return of William of Aqui-^f^. 
taine, the very prince of whose territories Poitiers sade< 
was the capital, was so far from discouraging the 
auditors, that the knights of Limousin, Auvergne, 
and Poitou disputed the honour of being associated 
with the Norman hero, and accompanying him 

1 This monastic church, which gave rise to the little town of St 
Leonard, is still standing ; it is, as it now exists, about contemporary 
with Bohemond. An exact representation of it may be found in 
L'Ancien Limousin, by M. Tripon, vol. i. 

2 Chron. Malleac., ann. 1106 ; cf. FLEURY, b. 65, No. 48. 
a June 26, 1106. 

4 "Plenum et cekbre concilium," said the Abbe Suger, who himself 
assisted there. Vit. Lud. Crass., c. 9. 


to Antioch. 1 The number of warriors who pre- 
sented themselves was so great that BohemoncTs 
levies are called the Third Crusade. 2 

The prince further undertook to appeal to Spain, 
where, three centuries before, the First Crusade a 
war against the infidels had been carried on, and 
where Alfonso VII. of Castile, called the Valiant, 
was now waging with the Almoravides a glorious 
contest which was to end in the taking of Cor- 
dova 3 (1108). 

Bohemond brought new soldiers of the cross 
from Spain, and found others in Italy, with whose 
help he attempted to punish the Greek schis- 
matics for their long - continued perfidy towards 
the Latins ; but the expedition failed. It served, 
however, to give a wonderful testimony to the 
union of all Christian nations under the guidance 
of the popes, in that great and prolonged war 
against the infidels. And, finally, in the very year 
of Bohemond's death, a Norwegian fleet landed 
unexpected auxiliaries on the coast of Syria, and 
Sigurd, son of King Magnus, with 10,000 of his 
people, came to aid the King of Jerusalem to con- 
quer Sidon (Dec. 19, 11 II), 4 content to return to 

1 MICHAUD, Hist, des Croisadcs, b. ii. p. 47. ed. 1825. 

2 " Tune tertia profectio Occidentalium in Jerusalem facta est, mul- 
torumque maxima conglobatio millium pedibus suis Byzanteum stemma 
conculcare, p. 478, tantum contra Turcos progressa est." ORD. VIT., 

8 GUILL. TYR., b. xi. c. 14 ; TORF., Hist. rer. Norvegicar., pars iii. 
c. 18. 

4 He reigned from 1104 to 1134. His capital was Saragossa. 


the shores of the Baltic with no other reward than 
a piece of the true cross. 

Meantime Alfonso the Warrior, King of Arra- 
gon and Navarre, always supported the Crusade in 
Spain, and earned his surname by a great number 
of battles fought with the infidels, and victories 
gained over them. Monks were there as elsewhere 
more or less partakers in the movement of the 
Catholic nations, and maintained in their cloisters 
those homes of spiritual life whither kings and 
knights came to renew their courage and gain 
fresh supplies of that strength which inspired their 
arms and their hearts. 

We have told how the monks of Cluny had 
been, so to speak, associated in the foundation of 
the kingdoms of Castile and Arragon under Sancho 
the Great and Ramirez I. 1 In the beginning of the influence 

of the 

eleventh century these kingdoms felt the new in- " ks of 

J theGrande- 

fluence of the congregation of Notre Dame de la 1^" 
Grande-Sauve in Guienne, whose entirely knightly chlvah r- 
origin we have already noticed. 2 Sancho Ramirez 
I., who, like his grandfather Sancho the Great, 
united Navarre to Arragon, crossed the Pyrenees, 
and went to visit, in their solitude between the 
Gironde and the Dordogne, those heroes who had 
left their native country to practise Christian 
chivalry in the depths of unbroken forests. Amazed 
by the utter poverty of these servants of God, 3 the 

1 See above. 2 Ibid. 

3 "... Qui de patria progress! in silva majori, dignam Deo exerce- 


Spanish prince granted them large concessions of 
territory in his kingdom, and asked, in return for 
these gifts, that one poor man should be perpetually 
fed in the abbey as representing the person of the 
King of Arragon both present and future, with 
the sole obligation on the part of the monks 
that they should pray for their benefactor. 1 The 
prince also gave them beforehand all the tithes of 
the territory of Exea, with its mosques, to be turned, 
into churches when he should have made himself 
master of it. 2 Profiting by those benefits, many 
houses dependent on the congregation of the 
Grande-Sauve were established in Spain, and there 
was even a special order of knights subject to this 
abbey who distinguished themselves by their ex- 
ploits against the infidels. 3 Sancho was killed by 
an arrow in besieging Huesca ; 4 but his promises 
were fulfilled by his son, Alfonso the Warrior. 
While he was besieging Exea in 1107, and the 
siege was greatly prolonged, the Count of Bigorne 
and other Gascon lords who served him as auxil- 
iaries, reminded him of his father's engagement, 
and advised him to undertake before God, the 
Holy Virgin, and St Gerard, the founder of the 

bant militiam . . . cum postea ad eos gratia visendi venissem, eorumque 
nimiam cognovissem potestatem," &c. Diploma of King Sancho, in Act. 
SS. 0. B., vol. ix. p. 846, ad ann. 1095. 

1 " Quatenus pro rege Sancio et pro unoquoque de successions ipsius 
pauper unus . . . accipiatur ut menachus, fiat omnino sine pecunia, 
loco regis vestiatur, manducet et bibat." 

2 CIROT., Hist, de la Grande-Sauve, vol. i. p. 348. 

3 Ibid. 4 In 1054. 


Grande-Sauve, to carry out the late king's inten- 
tions. Don Alfonso took the oath suggested ; 
next day all the army confessed, and then having 
recommended themselves to St Gerard, rushed 
to the assault. The town was taken, and Alfonso 
immediately founded there an abbey which was 
long celebrated in Spain. The prince then went, 
accompanied by all the Gascon nobility, to the 
monastery of the Sauve, where solemn thanksgiv- 
ings were offered to the Virgin and St Gerard. 1 

1 V. CIROT, Hist, de la Grande- Sauve, vol. i. pp. 437 and 523. Cf. 
MARTEN., Thesaur. Anecdot., i. 263, and D. BOUQUET, Hist, de Fr., 
vol. xii. p. 384. 




under the 
of schism, 
does not 
share in 
the enthu- 
siasm for 
the Cru- 

Germany, where schism was in the ascendant, did not share in the en- 
thusiasm for Crusades. German knights tempted to take the 
cross. Robert II., Count of Flanders, performs such exploits in the 
Holy Land that the Saracens take him for St George. Eloquent 
words of Abbot Udalric to Pope Urban II. The Abbey of St Hubert 
in the Ardennes. Grave accusation against Albert of Liege. The 
son of Henry IV. revolts against his father. The emperor wishes to 
treat with his son, who refuses. The old emperor abandoned by his 
lieutenants. Interview between Henry IV. and his son at Coblentz. 
Henry V. raised to the empire. Unexpected death of the emperor. 
General Council of Guastalla. 

OF .all the countries of the West, Germany was 
the one which had least share in the crusading 
spirit. The Germans had regarded as folly the 
enthusiasm which had drawn from their homes 
so many knights and soldiers, so many peasants, 
women, and children, to fling them, in spite of the 
length and perils of the way, into unknown and 
barbarous lands. 1 

The excesses committed by the first bands of 
Crusaders everywhere excited a strong disgust. 
But the real obstacle to every great foreign expe- 

1 " Teutonicus populus ... tot catervas ruricolarum, fceminarum ac 
parvulorum quasi inaudita stultitia delirantes subsannabant, utpote qui 
pro certis incerta captantes. . . ." ECKHAKD. ABBAT., libell qui dici- 
tur lerosolymita in Ampl. Collect., vol. v. p. 507. 


dition was to be found in the spread of the impe- 
rialist schism 1 which was dominant throughout 
the country. In fact, to engage in a Crusade 
preached by the pope would have been to accept 
his authority and acknowledge his orthodoxy. 
All who rejected this authority, therefore, found 
themselves excluded from the holy war ; and, on 
the other hand, the defenders of the Koman 
Church in Germany were neither strong enough 
nor numerous enough to abandon their country 
and leave the field open to the schismatics. 

The emperor, who had quitted Italy at the 
moment when the French Crusaders were arriving 
there, and the pope coming back from France, 
employed the three years during which the First 
Crusade lasted in fortifying his power in his own 
States. Henry, if he wanted those higher virtues 
which make a great man, possessed at least most of 
the qualities which make a skilful ruler, and he knew 
how to use them to repair the checks he suffered, 
and to restore his affairs at the very moment when 
they appeared most desperate. The Catholics, on 
the contrary, seem, towards the end of the eleventh 
century, to have yielded to an access of discour- 
agement. The defection of Welf had been a severe 
blow to them. The most notable of the Catholic 
princes Berthold of Zahringen gave up the pos- 
session of the Duchy of Suabia to the emperor's 

1 " Orientalibus Francis, &c. . . . hsec buccina minime insonuit, 
propter schisma." ECKHARD. 


nephew, Frederic of Hohenstaufen, in return for 
Henry's recognition of his ducal title, and of his 
rights in Brisgau and in western Switzerland. 
There was, as it were, a tacit suspension of 
hostilities, and peace was scarcely troubled by 
the rupture between the emperor and the arch- 
bishop, Ruthard of Mayence. 1 The latter, after 
having long been a partisan of the anti-pope 
Guibert, was offended by an unjust accusation 
made by the emperor, quitted his see, and took 
refuge in a castle of Eichsfeld, refusing all future 
communication with the excommunicated prince. 
Henry reproached him for not having watched 
over the property of the Jews massacred by the 
first Crusaders in their passage, and who belonged 
to him, he said, " as serfs of the imperial chamber." 
The emperor ordered the seizure of the archbishop's 
revenues, and the sale of the property of his rela- 
tions. 2 At the beginning of 1099, 3 he caused his 
younger son Henry to be elected and crowned 
king at Aix-la-Chapelle, after having deposed and 
excluded from the succession his elder son Conrad, 
who, attached to the Church party, and married 
to the daughter of the Norman Count of Sicily, 
had been acknowledged by the Catholics as King 
of Italy. This young Conrad, who had always 
shown great external respect for his father, 4 died 

1 He had succeeded Archbishop Wecilon in 1088. 

2 Chron. Ursperg., ad ann. 1089. 3 January 5, 1099. 
4 Amial. Saxo., ad- ann. 1099. 


soon after, at Florence, 1 after two years of an ex- 
emplary reign. 

The sentence of excommunication under which 
the impenitent emperor had so long lain, without 
injury to his prosperity, was gradually losing its 
force in the eyes of the people, and some monks 
even passed over to the party of the stronger. 2 
Meantime the princes of both parties, who were 
constantly persuading the emperor to treat with 
the Holy See, redoubled their efforts for that end 
when they heard of the death of the anti-pope 
Guibert. 3 Henry yielded to their persuasion, and 
promised to go to Rome and submit to be judged 
by a council. But he did not keep his promise, 
being dissuaded by his intruded bishops, 4 who 
feared lest an accommodation should lose them 
their dioceses. 

Meanwhile, the success of the First Crusade and 
the deliverance of the Holy Sepulchre having been 
reported in Germany, Duke Welf of Bavaria, re- 
penting that he had deserted the Church party, 
took the cross, and went, together with Thiemon, 

1 July 1001. Stentzel (vol. i. p. 568) reports a quarrel between 
Conrad and the Countess Matilda, followed by a reconciliation before 
his death ; but he quotes no authority for these statements, and the 
passage in which he gives them contains so audacious a falsification 
of the text of Landolphus Junior (c. 1) on the relations of Conrad 
with Luitprand, that it is impossible to believe this unproved as- 

2 " Multum pene ubique sententia excommunicationis ccepit tepescere 
. . . quidam religiosi qui inter excommunicates promoveri non timer- 
ent." BERNOLD., ad ann. 1100. 

3 October 1100. 4 STENTZEL, i. 571. 


the orthodox Archbishop of Salzburg, to die in 

the East. 1 

German The desire to take part in the Crusade, and not 
desire to to be left behind by all the other Catholic nations, 

take part . . 

in the Cm- was not long in spreading throughout the knight- 


hood of Germany. The emperor, anxious to secure 
his dominion over the minds of his subjects, him- 
self announced his intention of taking the cross, 
and made a public declaration to that effect at 
the diet of Mayence during the celebration of high 
mass at Christmas. 2 He also proclaimed the 
Truce of God, and a general peace for four years. 
He thus won all hearts. 3 But when the execution 
of his promise was first indefinitely postponed, 
and then positively refused, the indignation of the 
princes was roused anew. It was always the 
same Henry, expert in falsehood and incurable 
in his habits of bad faith. 4 

The zeal of the Catholic party revived. The 
council, before which Henry had falsely promised 
to appear, that his cause might be judged canoni- 
cally, was held at Rome at the end of Lent 

1 After the destruction of the German army in Asia Minor, Welf died 
in the island of Cyprus, and Thiemon perished by the swords of the 

2 Christmas 1102. At the same time he wrote a letter on this sub- 
ject to his godfather, Abbot Hugh of Cluny, which, according to Luden, 
could not have deceived anybody. 

3 " Inde favorem magnum tarn vulgi quam principum et clericorum 
fallendo adquisivit." Ann. Saxo., 1103. 

4 " Proinde secum ficta fide versabantur et ad versus eum conspirabant : 
en quod omnes principes regni decipiebat, &c., et nil rerum veritatis in 
republica fieret. " 


1102. Surrounded by all the Italian bishops, and in 
presence of envoys from most of those beyond the 
Alps, Pascal renewed the anathema already pro- 
nounced by his predecessors Gregory and Urban, 
against the prince who had wounded and stained 
the Church by his rapine, perjury, and homicide. 1 
The pope delivered the sentence with his own 
mouth, on Holy Thursday, in the Lateran Church, 
before an immense assembly of different nations, 
so that the news of it might be carried abroad and 
held for certain in distant parts of Europe. The 
great Countess Matilda, always steadfast in her 
devotion to the sacred weakness of the Church, 
this same year repeated, at Canossa, between the 
hands of Cardinal Bernard, Abbot of Vallombrosa 
and legate of the Holy See, the solemn donation 
of all her wealth, present and future, which she 
had already made to St Gregory VII., desiring to 
enjoy it only as a feudatory of the Church. 2 A 
new and valuable ally of the Holy See appeared 
at this time in the Belgic provinces. Robert II. Robert TI 
Count of Flanders, 3 had at first been hostile to 
ecclesiastical immunities ; but having taken the 

1 " Quia, inquit, tunicam Christ! scindere, id est Eeclesiam rapinis et 
incendiis, luxuriis, perjuriis atque homicidiis non cessavit." Recit d'un 
Umoin oculaire, revenu de la croisade a Home, and inserted in the Chron. 
Ursperg., ad ann. 1102. 

2 The text of the deed is found in MURATORI, vol. v. p. 384, from the 
poem of DOMNIZO and LEIBNITZ, Scr. Brunsw., i. 687 ; and ST MARC, 
Hist. cC Italic, vol. iv. p. 1280. At the same time Matilda made many 
donations to the abbeys of Vallombrosa, Polirone, &c. See MABILL., 
Ann., vol. v., passim. 

3 Son of Robert II. of Friesland became Count in 1093. 



in cross in expiation for his misdeeds, he had distin- 

the Holy r 

guished himself among the Crusaders by his con- 

himf?st S ^ anc 7 an d prudence. Eobert performed such pro- 
George. digious exploits that the Saracens took him for 
St George, that patron of knighthood whom they 
heard perpetually invoked by the Christians. On 
his return from the Crusade, after the taking of 
Jerusalem, the Count declared himself a champion 
of the liberty of the Church against schismatics and 
usurpers. He voluntarily renounced the right of in- 
vestiture ; and he tried to make the law respected 
in the Church of Cambrai, of which the intruding 
Bishop Gaudier had been deposed by Urban II. at 
the Council of Claremont, but where the imperialist 
schism had been long deeply rooted. With this ob- 
ject he allied himself to the citizens of Cambrai, 
who were induced to establish the independence of 
their municipality by expelling their bishop. 1 

The emperor, assisted, it is not clear why, by 
Count Hugh of Troyes, marched to the support of 
his creature besieged in Cambrai, and forced the 
Count of Flanders to retire. But he was himself 
obliged to retreat before the severity of winter. 
Pope Pascal congratulated Robert on his zeal. 
" Blessed be God," he said, " that since your return 
from the Syrian Jerusalem, you march towards 
the celestial Jerusalem by the deeds of a true 

1 AUGUSTIN THIERRY, Lettres sur Vhistoire de France, letter xiv. 
p. 262. This author sees in Robert's enterprise only the desire to ag- 
grandise himself at the expense of the imperial power. 


knight, for a true knight will contend vigorously 
with his Lord's enemies." Then, exhorting the 
Count to act with the same energy against the 
excommunicated clergy of Liege as he had shown 
against those of Cambrai, but especially to combat 
everywhere and with all his might the chief of 
the heretics, the pontiff added, " You can offer to 
God no sacrifice more agreeable than a warfare 
waged with him who rises up against God, who 
endeavours to deprive the Church of her crown, 
who has set up the idol of simony in the holy 
place, and who has been driven from the Church 
by the servants of God, by the holy apostles and 
their vicars. This we enjoin upon you and all your 
knights, for the remission of your sins, and that 
you may be led by these labours and these triumphs 
to the heavenly Jerusalem." 1 About the same time 
Anselm of Canterbury also addressed praises and 
encouragement to Count Kobert : " You give a 
good example," he said, " to other princes, and 
thus invite all Christians to pray for you. . . . 
I am the faithful lover of your soul, and I con- 
jure you, my friend, beloved in the Lord, 
never fear that you can lessen your dignity by 

1 " Qui reversus Hierusalem Syriae, in coelestern Hierusalem justis 
militise operibus ire contendis, hoc est legitimi militis. . . . Ubique 
cum potueris Henricum hsereticorum caput, et ejus fautores pro viribus 
persequaris. Nullum profecto gratius Deo sacrificium offerre poteris, 
quam si eum impugnes, qui . . . hoc tibi et militibus tuis in pecca- 
torum remissionem et apostolicam familiaritatem prsecipimus. " Letter 
of January 21, 1103. We will later notice the answer published by the 
Liegeois to this pontifical letter. 


cherishing and defending the liberty of the Church, 
the spouse of God, and your mother; never believe 
that you can humble yourself by exalting her, or 
weaken yourself by strengthening her. ;>1 Eobert, 
who received these exhortations from a pope and 
a primate both sprung from the monastic ranks, 
knew well that the Church could oppose to her 
enemies a force yet more to be relied upon than 
the sword of Catholic knights namely, the regu- 
larity and fervour of monasteries. In them, and 
chiefly in the old Austrasian provinces, in Bel- 
gium and Lorraine, was kept up, as under Gregory 
VII., an ardent glow of resistance to schism and to 
lay oppression. Thence issued from time to time 
assurances of adhesion to the sovereign pontiff, 
such as that of Udalric, Abbot of St Michel-sur- 
Meuse, who, amidst the general defection which 
in Germany marked the last years of Urban II., 
Eloquent wrote to the pontiff : " All that you love, we love ; 
Abbot all that you regret, we regret ; all that you suffer 
to Pope for Christ, we suffer with you. We have few 

Urban II. 

friends in this country, for fear of the tyrant has 
drawn to his communion those who formerly obeyed 
you. But we know that you have the word of 

i "p r ecor, obsecro, raoneo, ut fidelis animse vestrse, ut nunquam sesti- 
metis vestrae celsitudinis inimici dignitatem si sponsse Dei et matris 
vestrse Ecclesise amatis et defenditis libertatem ; nee putetis vos humil- 
iari, &c. . . ." S. ANSELM, Ep. iv. 13. The rest of this letter seems 
to show that it was written after the catastrophe of the Emperor Henry : 
" Videte, circumspicite, exempla sunt in promptu, considerate principes 
qui illam impugnant et conculcant, ad quid proficiunt, ad quid deveni- 
unt ? Satis patet : non eget dictu. " 


life, and with you we neither shrink from hard- 
ships in this world, nor from a glorious death." 1 

Kobert of Flanders saw grow up beside him the 
noble and illustrious Abbey of St Bertin, reformed 
by the care of Abbot Lambert. The latter having 
found but twelve degenerate monks in his monas- 
tery, had gone to Cluny to ask for twelve others, 
and to make profession of submission to the holy 
patriarch Hugh, and on his return, had soon 
gathered one hundred and fifty monks under his 
crosier. The beneficent influence of Cluny and its 
abbot Hugh produced the same happy change in 
St Ke'my at Kheims, in St Me'dard at Soissons, in 
Anchin, Afflighem, and many other houses in the 
north of France and Flanders. 2 At Afflighem, 
in Brabant, the Abbot Fulgence governed two 
hundred and thirty monks and nuns with equal 
holiness and solicitude. 3 The great Abbey of St 
Martin at Tournay had been thoroughly restored 
and placed in the first rank of the most regular 
houses, 4 by Eudes or Odo of Orleans, who began 
his career as a learned and widely known profes- 
sor, and was afterwards converted by reading the 

1 " Tecum in terra laboriose vivere, vel gloriose mori non abhorre- 
mus." BALUZ. MISCEL., vol. iv. p. 452. 

2 "Per Dei gratiam vix jam invenitur in Francia vel Flandria ali- 
quod ccenobium in quo non videas Cluniacenses consuetudines servari." 
HERMANN, De inst. S. Mart. Tornac. in SpiciL, b. xii. p. 443. 

3 MABILLON, Ann., b. Ixxiv. c. 59. 

4 " Ccenobium tune in toto regno Francorum erat excellentissimee 
religionis, quoniam nondum germinaverat rigor Cisterciensis, nee de 
domno Nortberto aliqua mentio erat." Ibid., and MABILLON, v. b. 69. 


writings of St Augustine. When, after having made 
many converts among the Flemish nobility, he de- 
termined to retire into a yet more profound soli- 
tude, all the people of Tournay opposed his project; 
and 60,000 men went out to meet him and cele- 
brate his return. From him Count Robert re- 
quested disciples to reform St Vast at Arras, and St 
Peter at Ghent, and to make these abbeys once 
more strongholds of orthodoxy. 1 When Count 
Robert undertook to obey the pope by reducing 
the Liegeois, whose bishop, Albert, one of the 
warmest partisans of the excommunicated em- 
peror, had just published a long and virulent 
manifesto against the rights and doctrines of the 
Holy See, 2 he could count upon the support of 

1 Blandin, near Ghent, was only reformed in 1117 by the influence of 
St Bertin. 

2 This letter, the composition of which is attributed to the monk 
Sigebert of Gemblours, is reproduced in the Collection des Conciles (ed. 
COLETTI, vol. xii. pp. 973-985) and analysed by Fleury (b. Ixv. No. 40). 
The Church of Liege complains in it of the exhortations addressed by 
the pope to the Count of Flanders (see above) to engage him to make war 
on the emperor and the schismatics of Liege. The author acknowledges 
Pascal as the legitimate pope, and Gregory VII. also. In principle he 
denies to the Church the power of the sword, contests her right to ex- 
communicate kings, approves oaths made by bishops to princes, and main- 
tains that even heretical sovereigns ought to be obeyed. He says that 
Hildebrand was the first author of a new schism, and that he first turned 
the sacerdotal lance against the royal diadem. He rejoices that the 
popes have hitherto been defeated, and says, "Lord Pascal would do 
well to remember how the unheard-of excesses of Hildebrand were sup- 
pressed, how false popes have been condemned and deposed, and how 
the imperial power has outweighed the excommunications of Hildebrand, 
Odo, Urban II., and Pascal. ' Ibi plus valuit virtus imperialis quam 
excommunicatio . . . ," which does not prevent him from heaping 
insults upon them ; " Evomuit cor domini Paschalis vile convicium prout 
vetulce el textrices faciunt." 


more than one such stronghold situated in the 
very diocese of Liege, and towards which schism 
and tyranny were bitterly hostile. In the forest The Abbey 
of the Ardennes, which the first monks had opened bert in the 


up, the Abbey of St Hubert, successively governed 
by two abbots named Thierry, the first of whom 
was an intimate friend of Gregory VII., and the 
second a protege of Urban II , had openly de- 
clared itself against Henry IV. ; cruel persecu- 
tion and pillage, suffered at the hands of Bishop 
Albert, and the violent expulsion of the second 
Abbot Thierry, could not shake the courage of 
the monks. 1 Words spoken with authority came 
to their support from the depths of Burgundy. 
Jarenton, Abbot of St Benigne at Dijon, had been 
trained, like Thierry, in the school of Gregory 
VIL, and afterwards had been commissioned by 
Urban II. to negotiate with William Rufus. In 
1092, he had gone to Metz at the risk of his life 
to instal an orthodox bishop. 2 Such a man was 
fitted to give lessons of courage and perseverance 
to the monks of St Hubert. " We wish you," he 
wrote to them in the name of his convent, "the 
spirit of Moses in the presence of Pharaoh and his 
servants. The trumpet of Satan sounds around 
us, and threatens our earthly possessions with 
ruin, and our mortal bodies with torments. But 
what signifies this to Christian love, so long as 

1 Chron. Andagin., ap. MARTENN., Ampl. Coll., iv. 978-1019. 

2 Huoo FLAVINIAC., Chron. ad ann. 1092. 


neither life nor death prevail with us to abandon 
the defence of truth, lose our zeal for the right, 
desert the bosom of our mother, and turn from the 
path of Kome ? If you fear to be disturbed in 
your lowly existence, the house of St Benigne is 
ready to receive with joy the fugitive sons of the 
Church." l But they were not to be driven to 
this extremity. Powerful intervention on the 
part of the nobles of the country forced Bishop 
Albert not only to restore Abbot Thierry to St 
Hubert, but also the abbot to St Laurent at Liege, 
his episcopal city, 2 whence he had driven him. 
The intruding or schismatic bishops justly feared 
these holy houses where zeal for justice and truth 
was cherished. Thence generally were drawn the 
true shepherds who succeeded in keeping a certain 
number of sees free from schism, or in displacing 
schismatics from their usurped episcopacy. At 
the Council of Rheims, in 1105, Abbot Eudes, 
the reformer of Tournay, was, to the despair of 
his monks, elected Bishop of Cambrai by the 
prelates of the province, thus superseding the 
schismatic Gaucher, who remained obstinate in 
his revolt against the pope. 3 At the Council of 

1 "TubaSatanse graviter intonat . . . totum libenter aceipit Christ! 
caritas, ut neque mors neque vita, terreat nos a defensione veritatis, et 
. . . nequeamus ... a semita Romance exhorbitare sedis. . . . S. 
Beuigni domus fugam filiorum Ecclesise in Christi gratia benigne susei- 
piet" Cod. S. Viton., ap. MABILL., Ann. Ben., b. Ixx. c. 33. 

2 See the curious account in Hist. Andaginensis in Ampliss. Collect., 
vol. iv., to which we shall return. 

3 He could not be installed till after the death of Henry IV. in 1106 7 


Troyes, in the preceding year, 1 the see of Amiens, 
also in the province of Rheims, had been confided 
to a monk well-known for his zeal in defence 
of ecclesiastical celibacy. This monk, named 
Godfrey, and Abbot of Nogent-sous-Coucy, had 
reformed his abbey, which had been reduced to 
six inhabitants, and had repeopled it with fervent 
monks. In the midst of his new dignity he 
always remained a monk both in heart and in 
name. 2 

In the following year, 3 Albert of Liesre was on Grave ac- 

3 J cusatiou 

the point of suffering the same fate as Gaucher of against 

r Albert of 

Cambrai. Accused, before the provincial council Li 
of Aix-la-Chapelle, by his archdeacon in the name 
of all his clergy, 4 of having infringed all laws both 
ecclesiastical and civil, of having sold abbeys, and 
trampled under foot the liberties guaranteed by 
his predecessors, 5 he was severely reprimanded, 

Gaucher having resisted in arms the decrees of the council. HERMANN, 
De inst. S. Mart. Tornac. in Spidleg. 

1 April 1104. 

2 Fit. S. Godefr., ap. Surium, 8 nov. ; GUIB. NOVIG., De vita sua, c. 
22. He always called himself PRATER GODEFRIDUS, Die gratia Ambia- 
niensium episcopus. MAHILL., Ann., b. Ixxi., No. 65. He obtained from 
Enguerrand, Count of Boves, the re-establishment of the Abbey of St 
Fuscien. Belonging by birth to the nobility of the country, he inter- 
fered successfully in the quarrels of the Picard nobles among themselves, 
and especially obtained the release of Adam de St Omer, by excommuni- 
cating the Vidame of Picquigny, who had dragged him from the bishop's 
cort&ge and imprisoned him. 

3 At the beginning of 1106. 

4 Totius cleri Leodiensis, which must be an exaggeration, for it is hard 
to believe that those among the clergy of Liege who held the imperialist 
doctrines expressed in the letter of Sigebert of Gemblours, could have 
thus pronounced against Albert, the emperor's chief partisan. 

^ " . . . Et, quod est deterius, corrumpi consenserit . . . quod contra 


and then suspended from his office. He obtained, 
however, a delay to make reparation ; but he 
profited by it only to ally himself closely with 
Henry, who, pursuing the course of his policy, 
crippled more and more the independence of the 
Church by substituting creatures of his own choice 
for prelates trained in monasteries and devoted to 
the Holy See. 

Faithful to his system, the emperor, in 1102, 
expelled from the see of Osnaburg Marquard, 
formerly Abbot of Corbie, and a zealous Catholic. 1 
In 1103 he placed an intruder in the see of 
Constance, 2 in the room of the holy and coura- 
geous Gebhard, that great monk of Hirschau, to 
whom Pascal II. had continued the office of legate, 
which he had filled so vigorously under Urban II. 
The pope was specially distressed by this last 
attack. Writing on February 10, 1103, to the 
Duke Welf of Bavaria, Berthold of Suabia, and 
other princes and nobles of this latter province, he 
reproached them with their cowardice and com- 
plicity with the bitter enemy of the Church. The 
crime was the more inexcusable in these nobles, 
because they had formerly been the defenders and 

libertatem public! juris, leges a majoribus nostris hactenus habitas vio- 
lenter infringere contenderit." Hist. Andaginens. Monast., No. 126, in 
Ampliss. Collect., vol. iv. p. 1020. 

1 " Catholicarum partium studiosissimus. " MABILL., b. 70, c. 34. 

2 Arnoul, monk of St Gall. We have already remarked that St Gall 
was one of the few abbeys attached to the schism, and that Hirschau, on 
the contrary, was the centre of orthodoxy in Germany. Udalric, Abbot 
of St Gall, had been made Patriarch of Aquileia by Henry. 


devoted sons of their outraged mother. The holy 
Father ended his letter by exhorting the culprits 
to return to the right way, and follow the in- 
structions of Gebhard, whom he called the eye of 
the Church. If they should so act, he promised 
them absolution from all the censures which they 
might have deserved, and which he intended to 
pronounce once more against the intruder, who, 
like a decayed limb, had just been cut oft* from 
Catholic unity. 1 

The same day the pope addressed to the monks 
of Hirschau, and all Catholic abbots and monks 
of Suabia, a command to take Gebhard for their 
model, to surround him with their love, and to 
seek from him the help they needed in the midst 
of their tribulations. 2 " But," he added, " these 
tribulations are your glory. The world rages 
more than ever against you, persecutions increase, 
the waves of the ocean rise and seem ready to 
engulf you. But our Lord had trodden these 
waves. Let us learn to imitate our fathers, let 
us learn how to rejoice in the midst of suffering. 
Your sorrow shall soon be turned into joy. Soon, 

1 "Perverse capiti adhaesistis, membra ejusdem Ecclesise quse vos in 
Christo generavit, injurias irrogantes, et cum malorum omnium capite 
ipsam matrem restrain infestationibus aggravantes . . . qui ejus vos 
defensores, ejus vos novimus amatores . . . habetis juxta vos summi 
capitis membrum et Ecclesise oculum. . . . Porro . . . excommunica- 
tum et a catholicse Ecclesise unitate tanquam putridum membrum esse 
pra3cisum. Hunc quasi mortiferum venenum per omnia fugat." NEU- 
GART, Codex diplomaticus Alemannfo., S. Blasii, 1798, b. ii. p 833. 

2 "Dilectis G. Hirsaugieiisi et cseteris catholicis abbatibus per Sue- 
viam." Ibid., No. 832. 


by the merits of the holy apostles, an end shall be 
put to your persecutions through Him who said, ' / 
have overcome the world.' " 1 This prediction of the 
pontiff was shortly to be accomplished the end of 
the labyrinth traversed by the personal enemy of 
the Church was almost reached ; his own bishops, 
those of them, at least, whose lives were befitting 
their high position, deserted him. Bruner, even, 
a Franconian noble full of talent and courage, 
whom he had made Archbishop of Treves, and 
himself invested with crosier and ring, desired, at 
the end of three years, to obtain the pope's con- 
firmation of his dignity, and went to Rome, where 
the sovereign pontiff in his annual council 2 severe- 
ly reprimanded him for having received lay in- 
vestiture. The prelate was obliged to lay down 
his office, which the pope, in consideration of the 
services he would be able to render to the Church, 3 
restored to him three days later, at the request of 
the bishops, and after imposing on him a public 

There was at the imperial court a Suabian 
gentleman, not rich, but pious and learned, named 
Otho, whom Henry had made his chaplain, and 
on whom he bestowed in 1102, in spite of his 

1 " Audivimus, carissimi, quia plus solito ... in vos fluctus maris 
acrius surgant ; sed admirabilis in excelsis Dominus, qui suis ea pedibus 
calcat ... in tribulationibus vestris quse est gloria vestra. . . . Tris- 
titia enim nostra vertatur in gaudium," &c. NEUGART, I. c. 

2 PAGI, ad ann. 1104, c. 11. 

3 Chron. hist. Trevir. in Spicileg., 2, 12, and Cone. Colctti, b. xii. p. 


reluctance, the bishopric of Bamberg. Otho feared 
the responsibility of lay investiture, and was no 
sooner installed at Bamberg, which he entered 
walking barefoot over snow and ice, 1 than he 
hurried to Rome, and there, laying his crosier 
and ring at the pope's feet, explained the affair, 
begged pardon for his imprudence or error, and 
promised to submit to canonical punishment. 2 
The pope not only forgave him, but consecrated 
him himself ; 3 and then sent him back to his 
diocese, a devoted servant of the Holy See. 4 
These ecclesiastical defections were but the fore- 
runners of the storm which was about to break 
upon the emperor. The lay princes w^ere gradually 
separating themselves from him. They imputed 
to him the murder of two of the most considerable 
among them, Conrad of Beichlingen, and Sieghart 
of Bavaria. 5 They wanted only a chief to lead The son of 
them, and this chief was found in the emperor's reSSif 
own son, the young King Henry, for whose benefit MS father. 
he had disinherited his elder son Conrad. The 
prince's companions in his pleasures excited him 
to rise up against the emperor, whom the Church, 

1 Vit. S. Otton. in Canis. Thes. antiq. lection., c. 5, by an eyewitness. 

2 " Fatetur omnia, baculum ponit et annulum ad pedes Apostolic! . . . 
pro quo et severius in se canonicse, districtionis sibimet imprecatur 
ultionem. " Ibid. 

3 At Pentecost 1103. 

4 Baronius calls him "transfugam a schismaticis ad catholicos." 
Ann., 1103, c. 1., cf. Ep. OTTON andPASCH., papse ad Ecdes. Babenberg., 

5 Chron. Ursperg., ad aim. 1103 and 1104. 


they said, had rejected, and whom all the nobles 
agreed to detest. 1 Henry was easily led away 
by these counsels ; it is not certain whether he 
even needed them. He was twenty -four years 
of age, and already his prudence and his extraor- 
dinary qualities had won him many adherents. 
His position gave hopes to those who sincerely 
desired the reconciliation of the Church with the 
empire, and saw the impossibility of arriving at 
that result while the old emperor was in power. 2 
He, indeed, during a reign of fifty years had always 
trampled under foot not only the rights of the 
Church, but also the traditional liberties which 
constituted the common law of the empire. The 
young king, on the contrary, seemed animated by 
the most lively desire to restore every one to his 
rights, and by humble devotion to the Church. We 
may believe that his mind had been revolted by 
his father's determination to strengthen himself 
in schism, and to brave excommunication ; 3 but 
political interests also weighed with the young 
prince. Already recognised as king and successor 
to his father by the whole imperialist party, it was 

1 "Maxime cum patrem ejus excommunicatum et Ecclesia dudum 
rejecerit et proceres regni reprobaverint. " Vita Henrici, p. 387, ap. 
URSTIS., Script, rer. German. 

2 Contemporary chronicles often call him Henricus senior, not so 
much on account of his age, for he was not much more than fifty, but to 
distinguish him from his son. 

3 " Detestabatur eum films, sicuti cuncti fideles, quia denuntiabatur 
excommunicatus ab apostolicis Gregorio, Urbano, Paschali." Ann. Sax., 
ad aim. 1104. 


of consequence to him not to suffer the Catholic 
party again to elect such a chief as Eodolph of 
Suabia or Hermann of Luxemburg ; it was import- 
ant to him to obtain his succession to the empire 
by the unanimous will of the princes, the bishops, 
and the pope himself. 1 The rupture between father 
and son took place at Fritzlau, in December 1104. 
The young king suddenly left the army which 
Henry was leading against an insurgent vassal, 
and declaring that he would not hold further in- 
tercourse with the emperor .while he continued 
excommunicated, immediately sent word to the 
pope that he was ready to make his submission, 
and asked his advice as to the oath he had taken 
never to claim the government without his father'^ 
permission. Pascal charged the legate Gebhard 
to receive the prince into the bosom of the Church, 
and to give him the apostolic benediction, promis- 
ing him absolution at the last judgment if he 
would engage to be a just king, and to repair 
the crimes of his father Henry IV. towards the 
Church. 2 

1 This is what has been perfectly shown by Gervais : Politische 
Geschichte Deutscfilands unter Heinrich V. und Lothar III. : Leipzig, 

2 " Apostolicus, nt audivit inter patrem et filium dissidium, sperans 
hoc a Deo evenisse, mandavit ei . . . de hoc commisso sibi promittens 
absolutionem in judicio future, si vellet Justus rex et gubernator esse 
Ecdesice, quse per negligentiara patris sui deturbata est multo tempore." 
Ann. Saxo., ad 1105. Fleury says (b. Ixv., No. 37) "The emperor's 
excommunication was the pretext for his son Henry's revolt, and the 
young prince was artfully incited to it by the letters of pope Pascal, who 
exhorted him to assist in delivering the Church of God. Thus sp'eaks a 



The em- 
wishes to 
with his 
son, who 

The emperor much wished to enter into negotia- 
tions with his son ; but the prince refused any in- 
tercourse with his father until the excommunica- 
tion should be taken off. All Bavaria pronounced 
for the young prince ; the towns and the nobles of 
Saxony, too justly angry with the elder Henry, 
unanimously recognised his successor. The latter, 
in concert with the legate Gebhard and Archbishop 
Euthard of Mayence, occupied himself in bringing 
back the churches of Saxony and other parts of 
Germany into the Eoman unity. 1 He restored to 
their abbeys the monks who had been exiled for 
defending the cause of the Church ; 2 and he obliged 

monk and a contemporary writer, who adds that the son, ambitious, and 
delighted to see himself authorised, armed himself eagerly against his 
father." Here the calumnious malice of the Galilean priest contemporary 
with Louis XIV. surpasses that of the imperialist chroniclers of Henry's 
time, and even that of Protestant and rationalist historians of our own 
days. The Vita Henrici (p. 387) the source most favourable to Henry, 
says expressly that the young king was urged to revolt against his 
father by the young men of his court ; " Frequenter eum venatum secum 
abducebant, conviciorum illecebris inescabant, jocis in dissolutionem animi 
mulcebant . . . denique ui Jit inter adolescentes," &c. Stentzel and 
Liiden, Henry's modern apologists, say the same ; the latter says only 
that Pascal was no doubt informed of the young Henry's plans, but 
without quoting the least proof of the assertion. Fleury, instead of fol- 
lowing competent authorities, has preferred, in accusing of artifice the one 
among all the popes who showed himself least capable of it, to follow 
the account of Hermann of Tournay, a writer not personally acquainted 
with the events, of which indeed he only speaks in passing, in his 
narrative of the re-establishment of the Abbey of St Martin, in Spicil., 
vol. xii. No. 83. Stentzel himself acknowledges the inexactness of 
Hermann, vol. i. p. 600, note 44. There is nothing more evident in 
this affair than the total absence of initiative on the part of the pope. 

1 "Totam Saxoniam apostolicse sedi reconciliavit. " Ann. Saxo., ad 

2 Especially at Isenburg, where the martyr-bishop Burkhardt of Hal- 
berstadt had died. 


the imperialist bishops either to abandon the 
schism, or else to give place to the legitimate 
holders of their sees, or to men newly elected and 
imbued with the Roman spirit. 1 

Henry V. displayed his piety by walking bare- 
foot in the procession on Holy Thursday at Qued- 
lenburg, and completely won the hearts of his 
subjects by his humility at the provincial council 
of Nordhausen, 2 where the decrees of the orthodox 
assemblies were renewed, and where an immense 
crowd of bishops, abbots, and monks, all eager 
for the establishment of unity, were gathered 
together. 3 The young king would not enter until 
the fathers of the council called him ; he then 
appeared in the most simple costume, confirmed all 
the decrees of his predecessors, and spoke with 
such pathos and piety of his zeal for the salva- 
tion of his father and of his resolution to obey him 
like the lowest serf if he would only submit to the 
Vicar of Peter, that all the assembly, weeping, 
burst out into loud acclamations, and afterwards 
chanted litanies for the conversion of the father 
and the prosperity of the son. 4 

1 Thus at Halberstadt, Minden, Paderborn, Hildesheira, Magdeburg, 
Wtirzburg, Ratisbon, and Spire. This last see was given to Gebhard, 
Abbot of Hirschau, the abbey so often mentioned as the chief centre of 
Catholic resistance. 

2 May 29, 1005. 

8 " Ingens enim cum episcopis et clericis, abbatum et monachorum Ec- 
clesise unitatem sitiens turba confluxerat." Chron. Ursperg., ad 1105, &c. 

4 " Abjecto productus habitu . . . serviliter spondebat subesse : quae 
verba omnis multitudo collaudans . . . lacrymas et preces effudit, voce 
magna Kyrie eleison declamans." Ibid. 



When the emperor had marched against his son, 
and the two armies were face to face onj;he banks 
of the Regen, the prince renewed his protestations, 
declaring that he had no wish to be guilty of 
parricide, and that his purpose was to be not an 
The old aggressor but a defender. 1 And when the emperor 
prepared for the fight, those princes who were under 

lieuten- his banners refused to give battle and drew back. 
Henry first fled to Bohemia, and then to the Ehine 
where the citizens were generally favourable to 
him. 2 His son followed closely, re-established the 
primate Ruthard in the see of Mayence, and con- 
voked a solemn diet at that place for Christmas. 
In this extremity, the emperor remembered that 
at Rome there was a pope whom he had never 
acknowledged, and against whom he had supported 
three consecutive anti-popes ; by the advice of his 
partisans he wrote a letter to Pascal, in which, 
recognising him as pope, he begged him to act 
paternally towards him, and send a nuncio who 
might serve as mediator between him and his son. 3 

1 "Ego parricida vocari vel esse nolo . . . me non impugnatorem 
patris, sed paterni regni propugnatorem esse noveritis." Chron. Ursperg., 
and Ann. Saxon., ad aim. 1105. 

2 He went from Mayence to Hammerstein, a fortress, the ruins of 
which may be still seen on the Rhine between Andernach and Bonn ; 
then to Cologne, where the Archbishop Frederic was hostile but the 
citizens friendly to him. Those of Mayence, to the number of 20,000, 
took up arms in his cause (Udalr. Cod. Ep., No. 213, in ECKHARD., 
vol. ii.) which did not prevent their opening their gates to the young 
king and receiving the primate Ruthard with enthusiasm. Ann. Saxon., 
adann. 1005. 

3 See the text of the letter in URSTIS., Script, rer. Germ., p. 395, 
BARON., Ann., ad ann. 1105, c. 6. He there complains of the severity 


But before this letter could reach Eome all was 
over. The two princes having met at Coblentz, 1 
the old emperor threw himself at his son's feet, 
and conjured him to remember that, even if God 
willed his chastisement, it was not the part of a 
son to punish his father's faults. 2 The young king 
knelt in his turn and swore to obey as a knight his 
lord and as a son his father, if the emperor would 
consent to be reconciled to the Holy See. 3 Henry 
having declared that he did consent, both marched 
on together to the approaching council of Mayence 
where the diet was held. All the princes of Ger- 
many, except the Duke of Saxony, had arrived 
in the city, and a new legate from the pope, 
Eichard, Cardinal - Bishop of Albano, had come 
thither to join Gebhard of Constance in pub- 
lishing once more the sentence of excommuni- 
cation against the emperor. The two prelates 
received a solemn abjuration of the schism pro- 
nounced by all present. 

In this state of affairs, Henry IV., who was 
singularly terrified by his imprisonment, demanded 
to appear before the diet ; but the princes, fear- 
ing a popular commotion in Mayence in his fa- 

of Pascal's predecessors since Nicholas II. and Alexander II., of whose 
charity he boasts. 

1 December 21, 1105. 

2 " Si pro peccatis meis flagellandus eram a Deo, culpse patris vin- 
dicem filium, et nulla divinse legis constituit sanctio." 

3 " Ut miles domino, ut patri lilius cum fide et veritate obauditunim 
cum lacrymis promisit si modo vellem. . . ." Ep., Henr. ad reg. Franc., 
ap. URSTIS., 396, BARONIUS, I. c. 


vour, 1 decided that the meeting should be held 
at Ingelheim, once the residence of Charlemagne, 
the glorious founder of the Holy Eornan Empire. 
Thither was brought, a captive and desolate, the 
great emperor's successor. They summoned him 
to abdicate, not without threats of putting him to 
death. He consented ; asking only that his life 
might be spared, saying that he no longer felt able 
to hold the reins of government, and that it was 
time he should think of his soul. He even went 
farther ; throwing himself at his son's feet, he 
implored the prince to spare him new affronts. 
At this spectacle the whole assembly was pro- 
foundly touched. Many wept ; the young Henry 
alone remained insensible ; 2 Cardinal Kichard then 
interfered, and told the prisoner that his sole chance 
of safety lay in confessing that he had unjustly 
persecuted Pope Gregory, the Holy See, and the 
whole Church. 3 Henry begged some delay in 

1 Ann. Saxo., 1106. 

2 "Nonvia coactum, sed propria voluntate inductum . . . sibi jam 
deficere vires ad moderandas regni habenas. . . . Teinpus esse ut honore 
cum onere deposito, provideret animae suse. " . . . " Multos ad gemitus 
et lacrymas commovit. . . . Cum caderet ad pedes filii, orans, &c. . . . 
nee vultum nee animum ad patrem reflexit." Hist, de Vita Henrici I V., 
ap. URSTIS. . . . German. Histor., p. 389. 

3 It would seem that there were two successive discussions, one with 
the princes as to the abdication, and the other with the cardinal as to 
the retractation and absolution. The emperor, whose version, given in 
his letter to the King of France, we follow, says : " Legatus qui ibidem 
aderat (non dico quia omnia haec audierat) respondit." The annals of Hil- 
desheim, &c., say : " Cardinalis qui inopinate ad hsec facta convenerat." 
Thus it results that he took no part in the threats relative to the abdi- 
cation, which, however, does not justify his great severity towards the 


order to justify himself, but it was refused. Then, H 

J * m tion of the 

kneeling before the legate, he implored him at least Emperor 

Henry IV. 

to obtain for him the favour of immediate absolu- 
tion when he should have confessed. 1 The princes, 
moved by pity, 2 thought this prayer should be 
granted ; but the legate replied that he had no 
power to absolve so great a criminal in the ab- 
sence of the pope. 3 The unfortunate emperor 
being able to obtain nothing consented to all ; he 
abdicated the imperial crown, confessed his guilt, 
and remained solitary, despoiled, hopeless, and 
still excommunicated. 4 The expiation, hard as it 
might be, had been merited by thirty years of 
crimes against the Church, against the domestic 
virtues, justice, and honour; but it is for ever to 
be regretted that it was inflicted by a son with 
apparent sanction on the part of the Church. 5 

1 Vita ffenrici, ap. URSTISIUM, I. c. 

2 " Laici misericordia moti veniam dabant." Ckron. Ursperg. ad aim. 

3 "Se nullo modo tarn magnam personam, propter quern tanta mala 
in regno sint perpetrata, absents Apostolico nullo modo suscipere." 
Ann, Saxon. " Dixit non esse sui juris me absolvere ; si vellem, inquit, 
absolvi, Romam irem satisfacere Apostolicse sedi." Ep., ffenr. ad regem 

4 "Sic desolatum et spoliatum ... in eadem villa reliquerunt me." 

5 We are far from desiring to associate ourselves with the systematic 
falsification of Gallican, Protestant, and rationalist historians, who have 
all chosen to represent Henry IV. as an innocent victim, a veneranle old 
man, shamefully persecuted by a parricidal son and a fanatical clergy, 
and who are careful not to remember the .atrocious crimes which he had 
committed throughout his reign against the popes, against the honour of 
women and his own, against all the political and social rights of Germany. 
For us, Henry IV. is an odious tyrant who merited a thousand times to 
be deposed by the double authority of the Church and the German nobles. 


The son of The princes then elected the young Henry king, 

Henry IV. ln . . it' 

raised to excluding his fathers intervention, and the Arch- 

the govern- 
ment, bishop of Mayence delivered to him the crown, 

sceptre, cross, lance, and sword which the em- 
peror had given up, saying to him, " If you fail to 
govern the kingdom justly, and to defend the 
Church of God, may you suffer the fate of your 
predecessor ! " l 

In spite of the greatness of his fall, Henry IV. 
had for a moment a hope of rising again. Having 
recovered a little from the condemnation which 
had struck him down, and fearing lest he might 
be imprisoned for the rest of his life, he took refuge, 
first at Cologne, which was devoted to him, and 
afterwards at Liege, where there was an excom- 

But after an attentive study of two different versions of this great event, 
we find that the young king (very unlike his elder brother Conrad) 
acted with a revolting faithlessness worthy of his father ; we think also 
that the legate Richard did not, in the moment of victory, show that 
compassion which is a special and exclusive right of the Church. It is 
painful to us to dissent here from the opinion of Baronius, who, after 
having reproduced with an impartiality never imitated by the enemies 
of the Church all the emperor's imprecations against his son, concludes 
thus : " Inter quos si arbiter sedeas quod ad persecutionem, captivitatem, 
atque privationem imperil spectat per filium procuratas in patrem, cum 
ex animi affectu ista pendeant, nihil habes in quo damnes filium magis 
quam si vehement! febre phrenetico, deliranti, insanienti, furentique pius 
films injiciat vincula patri, si vero intuitu pietatis, ut facere pne se tulit, 
ea omnia prsestitit. Certe quidem furor Henrici senioris toto vitse suse 
tempore majoribus in dies accessionibus auctus in Ecclesise catholicse 
detrimentum, et cladem assiduam occidentalis imperii, ejusmodi plurirnis 
experimentis cognitus est, ut aliter curari non posset, nisi hujus modi 
vinculis. . . . Cseterum (quod exclamat pater) si ea ex malis artibus 
nempe perjuriis offensse prsestitse fidei, fieri contigeruut, laudari minime 
possunt." Ann., 1106, c. 14. 

1 " Ut si non Justus, regni gubernator et Ecclesiarum Dei defensator 
existeret, ut ei sicut patri suo eveniret." Ann. Saxon., ad ann. 1106. 


municated clergy openly hostile to the Church, 
and a bishop, Albert, who immediately took up 
arms to defend the fallen sovereign. This was 
not all ; first, other Rhine cities, excited by the 
Bishop of Liege, and afterwards the Duke of Lor- 
raine and several other princes, declared them- 
selves in turn for the old monarch. Henry 
hastened to address to the Kings of France, 
England, Denmark, and other countries a detailed 
account of the treatment to which he had been 
subjected, calling upon them to observe that the 
common interests of all the kings of Christendom 
were concerned. 1 He wrote at the same time to 
his godfather, the holy abbot Hugh of Cluny, 
whom he implored to intercede with the pope in 
his favour, giving him full power to treat in his 
name. 2 He promised to devote himself for the 
future exclusively to the restoration of the Church, 
and to go to the Crusade as soon as peace should 
be concluded. 

The partisans of the astute prince regained 
courage. The citizens of Trent, with a certain 
Count Adalbert, stopped in the defiles of the Tyrol 
the bishops and princes whom the diet of Mayence 

1 "Vestra tamen et omnium regum terras interesset, injuriani et 
contemptum meum vindicare." Ep. ad rag. Franc., ap. Chron. Urs- 
perg. and Cud. Udalr., Ep., No. 226, in Ecc. cor p. hist., b. ii. ; BARON., 
1106; cf. Ilesp. princip., ibid. 

2 "Ita ut salvo honore nostro totum papae faciam quod disposueritis. 
. . . Pro reparations Ecclesiarura quse nostris temporibus nostris 
peccatis, heu ! corruerunt, omnibus modis prout Deus vires dederit, 
volumus laborare." In Spicilegio, iii. 443. 


were sending as ambassadors to beg the pope 
to come to Germany ; all these personages were 
robbed and imprisoned. 1 The young king hav- 
ing marched against Liege, saw his advanced- 
guard put to rout by the Lorrainers of the im- 
perial party at Vesel on the Meuse : he vainly 
besieged Cologne, whence the citizens had driven 
the orthodox archbishop, and which they held 
for Henry IV. The latter soon found himself at 
the head of an army with which he could surround 
that of the besiegers. Kesuming the imperial 
title, which he had abandoned at Ingelheim, he 
published two manifestoes, addressed one to the 
princes and bishops, and the other to his son, 
whom he reproached for his unfaithfulness to his 
word, and for the violence of which he had been 
guilty towards his father. In this document he 
added that he was ready to submit his cause to 
the judgment of a council composed of princes 
and monks, among whom should be Hugh of 
Cluny ; 2 that he demanded a suspension of hostili- 
ties, and appealed to the pope and the holy Eoman 
Church. 3 The young king caused the answer of 
the princes to be read to his army by the Arch- 

1 Except only Gebhard, Bishop of Constance, who succeeded in find- 
ing circuitous paths, and so was able to rejoin the Countess Matilda and 
Otho of Bamberg, whose vassal Adalbert was. 

2 "Pro concilio vestro et aliorum qui nos odio non habent religio- 
sorum virorum . . . spiritualis patris nostri H. Cluniacensis abbatis. " 
Chron. Ursperg., ad ann. 1106 ; BARON., eod. ann. 

8 4 *Appellamus Romanum pontificem, et sanctara universalem Roman- 
am sedem et Ecclesiam." Ibid. 


bishop of Magdeburg. It commenced thus : " After 
forty years of discord, sacrilege, perjury, and 
crime, which have reduced our kingdom almost 
to apostacy and paganism, 1 we, being the sons of 
the spouse of Christ, by the grace of the Holy 
Spirit, have returned to the unity of the faith, 
and rejected the incorrigible chief of the schism, 
Henry IV., who calls himself our emperor, and we 
have done this out of zeal for God, and obedience 
to the apostolic faith, and have chosen a Catholic 
king sprung from the same blood. 2 But now, after 
having voluntarily abdicated, the fallen emperor 
pretends that he has suffered violence, and com- 
plains of this injury to all the kings of the earth, 
whom he endeavours to excite against us. His 
only object is to dissolve the army of Christ, again 
to ravage the Lord's vineyard, and once more to 
crucify the scarcely risen Saviour. 3 Therefore, to 
take from him all pretext for complaint, we, the 
king, in concert with the princes of the kingdom, 
and the orthodox army, grant to Henry permission 
to come to this place with whatever guarantee he 
may desire, to plead his cause before the assembled 
senate and people, to do and to receive justice for 

1 "Regnum nostrum non tan turn in solitudinem, sed etiam ad apos- 
tasiam catholicse fidei, sive in ipsum paganismum propemodum redegit." 

2 "Henricum . . . zelo Dei et Apostolicae fidei obedientia abdicavi- 
mus, catholicum nobis, licet ipsius de semine elegimus." Ibid. 

3 "Re autem vera solitis argumentis castra hsec Domini dispergere, 
Christi exercitum exarmare conatur . . . iramo Christum jam iterum in 
Ecclesia sua resurgentum in omnium cordibus crucifigere meditatur." 


all that has passed since the commencement of the 
schism, that right may be done to the father and 
the son alike, and that we may make an end im- 
mediately, and not after the delay asked for, 
of all the disputes which agitate the Church and 
the kingdom. 1 

But the old emperor, 2 with the consciousness of 
power, had regained his habitual cunning ; the 
commissioners who brought him the message were 
so maltreated as to be in peril of their lives, and 
were sent back with no other answer than a 
summons to their senders to lay down their arms 
immediately, and appoint a final conference to 
treat for peace. 

During this time the imperial forces daily in- 
creased. The young king was obliged to raise the 
siege of Cologne, and proposed to his father either 
to fight immediately or to hold a conference in 
eight days. Henry replied by a new manifesto 
in which he declared that the interval was too 
short ; that he required the presence of the most 
distant princes, such as the Duke of Bohemia, the 
Count of Burgundy, and others ; that he again 
appealed to the Holy See, and in default of being 
heard there, confided his cause to the Holy Trinity, 
the Blessed Virgin, St Peter, and St Lambert, 

1 "Coram present! senatu siniul ac populo eausam suam agat, justi- 
tiam suscipiat, justitiam et reddat quatenus . . . tarn filio quam patri 
justitia sua respondeat." 

2 " Quam legation em. . . . susceptam ex imperatori saepedicto . . . cum 
retulissent. " Chron. Ursperg., I. c. 


patron of Liege, where he then was. 1 A battle, unexpect- 
therefore, seemed inevitable, when Erkenbold, of the 


Henry's faithful chamberlain, and Burkhard, Henry iv. 
Bishop of Minister, whom he had kept prisoner, 
brought to the young king the sword and diadem 
of his father, 2 carried off by a sudden death at 
Liege, August 7, 1106. He was not fifty-five 
years of age, and had reigned fifty. His body, 
first interred in the Cathedral of St Lambert by 
Bishop Albert, was exhumed by the advice of the 
princes, until the absolution of the defunct should 
be obtained from Borne. 3 It was laid on an island 
in the Meuse, under the care of a single monk 
returned from. Jerusalem, who chanted psalms day 
and night for the repose of the dead emperor's 
soul. Afterwards the body was carried to Spires, 
where the sovereigns of his house had their burial- 
place ; but the monk of Hirschau who had be- 
come Bishop of Spires, refused to admit it into the 
cathedral, to the great discontent of the citizens of 
the town, which Henry had specially loved and 

The prince having died excommunicated, could 
not receive the honours due to a Catholic emperor; 
his body therefore remained in a stone sarcopha- 

1 This third letter is found with the others in Urstisius (Scr. Germ, 
rcr. p. 399) and in Baronius. 

2 Ann. Saxo. ; Annal. Hildesheim, ad ann. 1106, ap. LEIBNITZ. 
Script, rer. Brunsw., vol. i. 

3 " Quia quibus vivis Ecclesia non communicat, illis etiam nee mortuis 
communicare possit." Ann. Saxon., 1. c. 


gus 1 under the porch, because, even in death, he 
did not belong to the great Christian community. 

Thus, at the age of fifty-five, and after a reign 
of half a century, died the most formidable enemy 
perhaps that the Church had ever met since she 
issued from the catacombs. He was the more for- 
midable because, instead of being, like her ancient 
persecutors, a stranger to the Church, he occupied 
the foremost rank among her children, and also be- 
cause no one could deny the numerous good quali- 
ties which in him were mingled with the most 
perverse and most lamentable dispositions. His 
adversaries did not hesitate to acknowledge that 
no one could have been better fitted for empire 
than he, if his soul had not been depraved, and, as 
it were, suffocated by his passions. 2 

The joy of the Catholic party was very great. 
Divine justice had at length spoken ; the Church 
was avenged of the Pharaoh, of the Nebuchadnezzar 
who had oppressed her for half a century : a second 
time the Galilean had conquered. 3 The holiest and 

1 " In sarcophago lapideo." Chron. Ursperg, This refusal of sepulture 
has been the occasion of great outcries from all Protestant and philoso- 
phical writers. It was nevertheless obligatory, unless the Church would 
allow that the excommunication was a ridiculous formality, and that all 
men are not equal before God. 

2 " Nemo videretur fascibus imperialibus ipso aptior, si tamen in con- 
flictu vitiorum homo non degeneraret vel succumberet interior." Chron. 
Ursperg., ad ann. 1106. This judgment of a twelfth century monk 
agrees exactly with that pronounced a hundred and fifty years later by 
the Franciscan Salimbeni on Frederic II. the most brilliant imitator 
of Henry IV. : " An accomplished man, if he had but loved his soul ! " 

3 " Universorum tarn ibidem quam ubivis fere christianorum corda 
simul et ora infinito nimis tripudio . . . rumore replesse. Non altius con- 


least vindictive souls sought to draw lessons use- 
ful to their neighbour from this great example : 
" See," wrote St Anselm to the Count of Flanders, 
" look round you and consider the fate of princes 
who attack the Church and trample her under 
foot." 1 

The abbot Hugh of Cluny, so often invoked 
by the dead emperor during his last days, took 
occasion from this death to exhort King Philip of 
France to end his life in the monastic habit at 
Cluny. 2 

Henry V., by his father's death, found himself 
uncontested possessor of the German royalty; the 
sanction of the Church alone was yet wanting 
to him. 

Pascal II., who had advanced towards the Alps, General 

r Council 

held a general council at Guastalla on the banks f Guas - 


of the Po, on October 22, 1107, with the assist- 

cinebat Israel Domino, Pharaone demerso .... Deo autem gratias 
qui, licet tarde, tamen permagnifice victoriam concessit Ecclesise suse, 
cui etiam ejusdem Nabuchodonosor quinquagesimum exactionis annum 
iste Galileus, qui Julianum quondam vicerat, vertit in Jubilaeum." 
Chron. Ursperg., ad ann. 1106. It is well known that the important 
chronicle which bears the name of Urspergense (Auersperg) was not 
entirely drawn up by Abbot Conrad of Lichtenau, whose name it bears 
and who finished it in 1126. The first part, and notably all the reigns 
of Henry IV. and Henry V. is the work of a contemporary of these 
princes who constantly speaks as an ocular witness, and who is thought 
to have been a monk* of Bamberg. See PAGI in Crit. Baron. , ad ann. 
1102 and 1105 ; STENTZEL, vol ii. p. 106. The latter owns that this 
chronicle forms the most authentic source before the reign of Henry V. 
It has been almost literally transcribed by the annalist Saxo. 

1 "Videte, circumspicite . . . satis patet, non eget dictu." S. AN- 
SELM., Ep. iv. 13. 

2 In Sfricileg., vol ii. ep. 18. p. 400. 


ance of the indefatigable Countess Matilda, There 
he received the ambassadors of the young Henry, 
who came to ask his confirmation of their prince's 
election, to promise him that the successor of 
Henry IV. would be the faithful servant of the 
Holy See, and that he would submit to the Church 
as to his mother and to the pope as to his father. 1 
Pascal gave a series of decrees needful for consoli- 
dating the Church's victory ; 2 he consecrated 
and. reconciled several prelates, deposed others ; 
appointed as Bishop of Parma, at the request of 
the Parmesans, Cardinal Bernard Uberti, Abbot 
of Vallombrosa, who, two years before, had been 
dragged from the cathedral, wounded, beaten, 
and thrown into prison by these same Parmesans 
then entirely devoted to the emperor. 3 Out of 
love for peace, and regard to the small num- 
ber of German bishops who had remained ortho- 

1 " Quserens ut jus sibi regni 
Concedat, sedi sanctae cupit ipse iidelis 
Esse velut matri, subjici sibi vel quasi patri." 

DOMNIZO, Vita Math., ii. 17. 

Stentzel translates jus regni by "the right of giving investiture to 
bishops." A version which appears in direct contradiction with all 
the antecedents of the position and with the decree immediately after- 
wards pronounced by the pope. What proves this to be a misreading 
is that the Life of Matilda, in prose, by an anonymous writer, published 
in Muratori (Script, vol. v. p. 396) says expressly, " Petens ut sibi reg- 
nandi jus concederet." Stentzel, indeed, rightly remarks the kind of 
derision which the young king's promise contained since his mother was 
dead and he had betrayed and deposed his father. Taken in this light, 
his promise was kept. 

2 Ravenna, see of the anti-pope Guibert, was deprived of its rights as 
metropolitan over the towns of the Emilian provinces. 

3 DOMNIZO, Vita Math., ii. 14, 17. 


dox, 1 the pope recognised the bishops ordained 
during the schism, except the intruders and the 
simoniacs ; but at the same time, to signalise, as 
said the canon of the council, the Church's return 
to her natural freedom, 2 he formally confirmed the 
absolute prohibition of lay investiture. The Ger- 
mans expected that he would then cross the Alps 
in reply to their pressing invitations, and cele- 
brate Christmas with the king and princes at 
Mayence ; 3 but an insurrection at Verona, 4 and 

1 " Ut vix pauci sacerdotes aut clerici catholic! in tanta terrarum 
latitudine reperiantur. Tot igitur tiliis in hac strage jacentibus, Chris- 
tianse pacis necessitas exigit, ut super nos materna Ecclesiae viscera 
aperiantur. " Chron. Ursperg., I. c. 

2 "Nunc autem, cum per Dei gratiam ... in ingenuam libertatem 
resurgit Ecclesia." Cod. Cone., ap. BARON., ad aim. 1106, c. 33. 

3 " Nos vero id est Alpium transcessores, speciali quodam efferebamur 
tripudio, eo quod certi essemus D. Apostolici profectionem sic fuisse 
dispositam," &c. Chron. Ursperg., I. c. 

4 Many facts show that then, as in the pontificate of Gregory VII., 
there was still, in Lombardy, a centre of opposition to the Holy See, 
and of lively sympathy for the imperialist schism. Affairs moved slowly 
towards that union between the papacy and the Lombard towns which 
produced such great results in the second half of the twelfth century. 
If space allowed we might recount the noble efforts made at Milan by 
the priest Luitprand, whose nose and ears the schismatics cut off, and 
who endured the trial by fire like St Peter Igneus, to obtain the exclu- 
sion of the simoniacal Archbishop Grossulanus. (LANDULPHI junioris 
in Muratori Script., vol. v. ; PAGI, crit. in BARON., 1100, 1103, 1105.) 
We wish only to point out again one of those liberties which Protest- 
ant and philosophical historians permit themselves when they speak of 
men devoted to the cause of the Church. STENTZEL (vol. i. p. 568), 
speaking of this Luitprand, calls him a savage a name which suits not 
the victim but the schismatics who cut off his nose and ears ; thus it is 
the victim, not the executioner, who is the savage. Then, relating an 
interview between the priest and the young King Conrad, Stentzel says 
that the young prince, then in rebellion against his father, answered 
him with bitterness, and quotes as his authority LANDULPHI jun., c. i. ; 
but when we consult this author in Muratori, vol. v., we find that Con- 


other significant symptoms, made him doubt what 
his reception would be after the promulgation of 
his last decree. 1 He preferred, therefore, to turn 
towards Burgundy, and pass the feast of Christmas 
under the ever-hospitable roof of his old brethren 
of Cluny. 2 

rad speaks to Luitprand cum devotione. This Stentzel translates Mit 
BitterTceit. These are minutiae perhaps ; but they show the author's 
general disposition and that of his school. 

1 " Quod non facile gens nostra decretum illud recipiat . . ." Ibid. 

2 " Et natalis Dominici gaudium sua prsesentia Cluniacensibus mul- 
tum ampliavit. " Ibid. 




In the war of investitures both victors and vanquished turned to France. 

Devotion to St Benedict among the descendants of Hugh Capet. 

Journeys of Pope Pascal II. through different parts of France. 
Pascal at CharitS-sur-Loire and at St Denis. The tree planted by 
St Benedict spreads its branches over France. Foundations of Robert 
d' Arbrissel. Bernard de Tiron in Perche. Conversions worked by 
St Vital. Death of Abbot Hugh of Cluny. Vision of Fulgence of 
Afflighem. Bernard of Cluny in Spain. 

THUS, in the course of this great struggle, the in the war 

TT - 

victor and the vanquished, the .hmperor Henry tures both 

victors and 

and Pope Pascal, alike directed their thoughts and vanquished 

turned to 

wishes towards France and towards Cluny to the J n , ce and 

* to Cluny. 

kingdom which was always orthodox, and to the 
abbey which never had a rival. It was the sup- 
port of the King of France that Henry chiefly 
invoked to avenge the outraged rights of royalty ; 
it was the holy Abbot Hugh of Cluny whom he 
called upon to act as mediator between him and 
the princes. And it was also under the aegis of 
France and under the crosier of St Hugh that 



Pascal II. sought for men to aid him in the final 
settlement of the question of investiture, 1 turning 
thither rather than to Germany, where the most 
terrible enemy of the Church had just fallen. 

After the reconciliation of Philip I. with the 
Church in 1104, French royalty had returned to 
its natural paths, and again assumed in the eyes 
of nations that habitual character of tender and 
ardent devotion towards the Church, and especially 
towards the Monastic Orders, which distinguished 
the princes of the house of Capet when the passion 
of love did not lead them astray. 2 

When Philip I. died, 3 after a reign of forty-eight 
years, he, like his ancestor Hugh Capet, could 
confidently invoke the powerful protection of St 
Benedict. He desired that he might be buried 
near the relics of the great monk at the abbey of 
Fleury-sur-Loire. " I know," he said, " that the 
burial-place of the French kings is at St Denis ; 
but as I own that I have been a hardened sinner, 
I dare not be buried near so great a martyr. I 
fear lest, on account of my faults, I should be 
given up to Satan and share the fate of Charles 
Martel. . . . But confiding in St Benedict, 

1 Suger says expressly : " Ut regem Francorum et filium regem desig- 
natum et Ecclesiam Gallicanam consuleret super quibusdam molestiis, 
et novis investitures Ecclesiastics querelis quibus eis infestabat, et magis 
infestare minabatur Henricus imperator." De Vita Ludovici Grossi, 
c. ix. 

2 Robert and Bertha, Philip I. and Bertrade. See the wise reflections 
on this subject in MICHELET, Hist, de France, vol. ii. p. 149, &c. 

3 July 30, 1108. 


I invoke the venerable father of monks, and I 
desire to be buried in his church on the Loire ; 
for Benedict is full of clemency, and I know that 
he will give a welcome to all sinners who, wish- 
ing to amend their lives, have recourse to his 
rule to reconcile them to God." 1 

Already in the previous year, Louis, eldest son Devotion 
of the king, and associated with him in the sov- Benedict 

among the 

ereignty, had gone to assist at the raising of the 
body of the monastic patriarch, whose relics had 
been placed in a richer shrine : the story of the 
tears of joy and devotion shed at the sight of this 
precious treasure by the young king and the 
French lords had been faithfully related in the 
annals of the monastery. 2 Scarcely had Louis 
ascended the throne when he solemnly announced 
his intention to seek before all things the king- 
dom of God and His righteousness, by defending 
religion and protecting churches and monks ; 3 and 

1 "Sanctum Benedictum diligo, pium patrem monachorum supplici- 
ter exposco, et in ecclesia ejus super Ligerim tumulari desidero. Ipse 
enira clemens est et benignus, omnesque snscipit peccatores propitius, 
qui," &c. ORDER. VITAL., b. xi. p. 835, ed. Duchesne. 

2 " Ludovicus rex designatus, cum multis proceribus Franciae regni, 
et communi Isetitiae suam conjunxit. . . . Illic vidi flentes prae gaudio 
regem et principes, et omne vulgus ; praecipue monachos et abbates, 
hymnos et laudes, ut decebat, dicere volentes, sed sine lacrymis non 
valentes. . . . Levatum itaque gazophylacium auro et argento gemmis- 
que omnibus carius." Chron. S. Petri Vivi Senon., ad ann. 1107. 

3 " In exordio nostri principatus quam proximo nostri interesse officii 
primum quserere regnum Dei et justitiam ejus considerans, ad incremen- 
tum nostrse salutis tarn corporis quam animse crediinus proficere, si 
Ecclesiis sanctorum et monasteriis studuerimus non solum de nostris 
possessionibus largiri," &c. Diplom. pro monast. S. Quintini de Monte, 
in Ampl. Collect., p. 623. 


the clergy repaid thenceforward his filial devotion 
by giving him the most faithful support. 

On the death of the old king, Yves of Chartres 
summoned the assembly of barons, to confirm by 
a new election Louis's right to the crown, which 
he had already worn in his father's lifetime. 1 
The prelate convoked all the bishops who, like 
himself, were suffragans of Sens, and, in spite of 
the remonstrances of the metropolitan of Rheims, 
who claimed the exclusive right to perform the 
ceremony, hastily consecrated the young king at 
Orleans, 2 so as to cut short all pretensions hostile 
to his sovereignty. 3 Louis was then glad to in- 

1 It is well known that then, and up to the time of St Louis, the 
hereditary succession of the kings of France needed to be confirmed 
by the consecration a ceremony in which the exchange of oaths and 
the consent of the bishops and barons recalled the ancient elective 
right merged into hereditary royalty. There was therefore little differ- 
ence between the law of succession to the German empire and royalty 
and the law recognised in France. Philip I. had caused his son to be 
elected in his lifetime, as Henry IV. had done, which did not prevent 
either Louis le Grosor Henry IV. from requiring a new election on suc- 
ceeding their fathers. 

2 "Ad regni fastigia sicut bonorum voto adsciscitur, sic malorum et 
impioruni votiva machinatione, si fieri posset, excluderetur. Consult i 
ergo proceres, et potissimum dictante venerabili ac sapientissimo Yvone 
. . . ut ad repellendam impiorum machinationem citissime Aurelianos 
couveniant, ejus exaltationis operam dare festinant. Senonensis igitur 
archiepiscopus invitatus, cum comprovincialibus, videlicet Walone Pari- 
siensi episcopo," &c. SUGER, De Vita Ludov. Gross., c. 12. 

3 See the fine letter of Yves to Pascal II., against the pretensions of 
Rheims, which had appealed to the pope. He says in it: "Si eonse- 
cratio regis differretur, regni status et Ecclesise pax graviter periclitare- 
tur. " The see of Rheims was then occupied by a celebrated Benedictine, 
Raoul le Vert, friend of St Bruno, whom the latter had vainly endeav- 
oured to attach to his new order, but who had become a monk at St 
Remy. He was elected archbishop in 1108, and governed for sixteen 


voke the aid of that Wallon, Bishop of Paris, 
whom he had formerly sworn should never reach 
the episcopate. The prince's heart had been 
happily changed. He now regarded himself as 
girded not only with the temporal but also with 
the spiritual sword for the defence alike of the 
Church and of the poor. 1 

The king long profited by the wise counsels of 
Yves of Chartres. 2 Not content with the moral 
support given him by the bishops, he found the con- 
tingents which, as lords of lands they were able to 
furnish to him, useful instruments in his struggles 
with the lay vassals, whose violence and brigandage 
desolated his realms. 3 Henry L, King of England 
now, thanks to his reconciliation with Anselm 
of Canterbury and his defeat of his elder brother 
Eobert, 4 become Duke of Normandy had also by 
his vigorous proceedings against the robbers gained 

1 The words used by Suger are remarkable: " Qui (archiepiscopus) 
. . . sacratissimse unctionis liquore delibatum regem . . . abjectoque 
secularis militise gladio Ecclesiastko ad vindidam malefactorum eum 
accingens, diademate regni gratanter coronavit, necnon et sceptnim et 
virgam, et per hsec Ecclesiarum et pauperum defensionem, et qusecum- 
que regni insignia, approbante clero et populo, devotissime contradidit. " 
De Vita Ludov. Grossi, I. c. 

2 See the letters addressed to him by Yves to dissuade him from an 
unequal marriage, which would have given his great vassals an excuse 
for renouncing their allegiance (Ep. 209) ; to persuade him to marry the 
niece of the Count of Flanders (Ep. 239) ; to beg from him the pardon of 
the Commune of Beauvais (Ep. 263 and 264) ; to reprove him severely 
for his avarice (Ep. 202). 

3 "Ad comprimendum tyrannidem prsedonum et seditiosorum, auxil- 
ium totam per Galliam deposcere coactus est episcoporum." ORDEK. 
VITAL., b. xi. p. 836. 

4 At Tenchebray. 


the sympathy of the bishops and monasteries of 
that country, 1 as well as that of those barons who 
desired that the abbeys should not be despoiled 
of the property with which their pious ancestors 
had endowed them. 2 

The two kings were thus engaged in the same 
Christian work the defence of the Church and 
their people. Unfortunately, their success was of 
little benefit to the population ; for, if we may 
believe an impartial judge, the royal officers who 
were substituted for the seigneurs embittered by 
their exactions and arbitrary prosecutions the fate 
of those peasants to whom the yoke of sergeants 
and legists in the pay of royalty was far more 
bitter than that of the nobles. 3 

Such was the state of France when, in the last 

1 " Auditis rumoribus de victoria regis, religiosi quique Itetati sunt." 
ORDER. VIT., b. xi. p. 821. It was against his will that the pope 
favoured Robert, who had first compromised his duchy by his zeal for 
the Crusade. 

2 Thus Elie de la Fleche, Count of Mans, in the discussion with 
Robert of Bellesme, who urged Robert's rights as the elder, opposed to 
him the ignavia of the prince, adding, "Hinc turbse pauperum pulsae 
sunt in exilium . . . et rebus ac pnediis quse pii barones antea dederant, 
spoliata sunt monachorum ccenobia." ORDER. VIT., xi. 822. The 
Counts of Mans, Evreux, and Meulan, the Sires de Conches and de 
Montfort, William de Warenne, and Robert de Grantmesnil that is 
to say, the principal Norman nobles were for Henry. Robert had on 
his side only Robert de Bellesme, Grand Billard, the Count de Morteuil, 
and Robert d'Estouteville. 

3 "Insolitas exactiones imponebant, ac pro libitu suo judicia per- 
vertebant : summis et mediocribus multas gravedines inferebant, sed 
haec non sua virtute, imo timore regis et potestate agitabant. . . . Offi- 
ciales mali prsedonibus pejores sunt. Pagenses nempe latrunculos, fu- 
giendo sive divertendo devitare possunt ; versipelles vero bedellos nulla- 
tenus sine damno decliiiare queunt. " ORDER. VITAL., b. xii. p. 876. 


year of the reign of King Philip, Pope Pascal, in journey 
imitation of his predecessor Urban II., decided upon Pascal 
one of those apostolic pilgrimages in which a monk, different 

parts of 

raised to the papacy, understood how to warm the France. 
fervour of the people, to regenerate ecclesiastical 
discipline, to repress local usurpation, and to con- 
firm the rights and liberties of the monasteries. 
Everywhere in France the pontiff was welcomed 
with profound veneration as a heavenly legislator, 
and everywhere he showed a truly apostolic solici- 
tude for the faithful and for the churches. 1 

After having spent the winter of 1106-1107 
at Cluny, Pascal travelled towards Paris, conse- 
crating on his way the newly - finished monastic 
churches. 2 At St Benigne, at Dijon, the pope 

1 "Ab universis finium illarum Ecclesiis, ut vere Christi discipulus, 
et Apostolicus vicarius, ingenti honore suscipitur . . . non aliter quam 
legifer de ccelo missus auditur. Sic igitur . . . ut fidelis dispensator et 
prudens, quotidianam sollicitudinem omnium Ecclesiarum gerens." 
Ohron. Ursperg., ad ann. 1107. 

2 The itinerary of Pascal's travels in France is not so easy to settle 
as that of his predecessor Urban II., or his successors Calixtus II. and 
Innocent II. Here is all we have been able to ascertain : 

1106, Dec. 25. Celebration of Christmas at Cluny. 

1107, Feb. 8. At St Hippolyte. Deed of confirmation of the posses- 

sions and immunities of Cluny. Ep. Fasch. No. 69, in 
Gone., vol. xii. 
Feb. 16. At Dijon. Dedication of church of St Benigne. MS. St 

Ben. in Chifflet., De g. ill. S. Benen. 

,, 18. At Beze. Dedication of abbey church. PAGT, Crit., in 1107. 
,, At Langres. Confirmation of the election of Laon. 

March 15. At Charite-sur-Loire. Dedication of abbey church. 

Chron. Fiscann., in LABBE, Bibl. MS., vol. i. 
,, At De"ols-en-Berry. Dedication of abbey church. 

,, 24. At Tours. Lcetare Sunday. The pope officiates ponti- 
fically at St Martin of Tours. SUGER, De vit. Lud.. 


dedicated the magnificent basilica, which still 
exists, and which Abbot Jarenton had opened as 
a safe asylum for the Lorraine monks persecuted 
for the cause of the Church. 1 At Beze, an old 
and famous abbey of Burgundy, where for twenty 

April 14. At Chartres. Easter celebrated by Pascal with Yves of 

Chartres, ORDER. VIT., b. xi. p. 810. 
,, At St Denis. Interviews with Kings Philip and Louis. 

SUGER, I. c. 
,, At Chalons -sur-Marne. Interview with ambassadors of 

Henry V.Ibid. 

May 23. At Troyes. Council and new condemnation of investi- 
tures. Chron. Ursperg., ibid. 

25. (?) At Souvigny. Deed in favour of Cluny. Ep. 71, in 
Condi., vol. xii., ed. COLETTI, p. 1028, and Bibl. 
Cluniac., p. 550. 
August 4. At Aiguebelles (Aquam Bellam}. New deed in favour of 

Cluny. Ep. 70, ibid. 
Sept. 1. At Modena. 
,, 18. At Fiesole. 
24. At Florence. 

It is impossible to reconcile the date of the deed given at Souvigny, 
May 5, according to the Bibliotheca Cluniacensis, edition of the 
Councils of Coletti, with the holding of the Councils of Troyes on Ascen- 
sion Day, which this year fell on the 23d of the same month. The pope 
could not have reached Souvigny, in the 'Bourbonnais, the day after his 
departure from Troyes. It is known, however, that he did go to Sou- 
vigny, and that Hildebert of Mans was there with him, for he is named 
among the bishops who witnessed the deeds, and it was there that Pascal 
dissuaded Hildebert from his project of relinquishing the episcopate. 
See D. BEAUGENDRE, Not. in Epist. Hildeberti, b. iii. No. 7, p. 17. 
In the Life of Hildebert (p. xxii), De Beaugendre says the meeting took 
place at Savigny ; but this abbey, in the Lyonnais, was yet further from 
Troyes than Souvigny. The difficulty can only be removed by suppos- 
ing a printer's error in the two works of Marrier and Coletti, and substi- 
tuting July for June in the date 8th of the Kalends of June, which they 
both give, or in admitting, like the Chronicle of St Benigne (in LABBE, 
vol. i.) that the Council of Troyes took place on the Ides of May, the 

1 See above, the relations of St Benigne with Hirschau (St Vanne 


years Abbot Etienne l had laboured to reform his 
monks, had increased their number tenfold, and 
had created a nursery of pious abbots, Pascal 
spent three full days, delighted with the good 
order, the beautiful situation, and exact disci- 
pline of the house : he himself held the monastic 
chapter; preached to the monks the virtue of 
patience, which was so necessary to them ; and 
after his discourse, sang the Miserere, at the 
abbot's request, and gave the solemn absolution 
and pontifical benediction ; after which he conse- 
crated the altar of St Peter and St Paul, in 
presence of five cardinals, five bishops, and a 
crowd of abbots, clerks, and believers. 2 At LaPopePas- 
Charite-sur-Loire, a dependency of Cluny but a A ^ot 
gigantic dependency, almost rivalling its metro- 

politan the pope performed the same ceremony g| at st 
amidst a great concourse of bishops and barons, 
among whom was a low-born monk of St Denis, 
named Suger, who was destined to carry the 
precious memory of this journey to the royal mon- 
astery which he was to govern as abbot, and 
whence he was to be called to govern France. 3 

1 It was he who, born of a knightly race, had abandoned the career of 
arms to become a monk, after the example of Count Simon of Valois. 
See above. 

2 "Omnia laudans, omnia benedicens, ad ultimum in capitulum veni- 
ens consedit, ubi sermonem faciens (he took for text verse 4 of chap. xv. 
of the Epistle to the Romans). . . . Et quia monachis loquebatur quibus 
maxime necessaria patientia est, earn posuit quasi fundamentum." 
Chron. Besucnse, in Spicileg., vol. ii. p. 444. 

3 "Celeberrimo archiepiscoporum . . . conventu . . . affuerunt et 


From La Charite the sovereign pontiff went to 
Tours ; and then, for the feast of Easter, to the 
town of Chartres, whither he was invited by the 
great bishop. Yves, with the respectful but com- 
plete frankness of the men of his time, did not 
spare the head of the Church his most critical 
observations, but at the same time testified to- 
wards him the purest and most absolute devotion. 
The Countess Adela of Blois, daughter of William 
the Conqueror, herself chose to provide for all the 
pope's expenses. 1 

Pascal then visited the great and royal Abbey 
of St Denis, which he regarded as St Peter's special 
portion in France, 2 and there again renewed the 
alliance between the papacy and French royalty. 
The pope edified all present by his fervent devo- 
tion before the relics of the apostle of the Gauls, 
and by the disinterestedness " very unlike a 
Koman," says Suger with which he disdained all 
the treasures of the rich monastery, accepting no 
other present than a part of the saint's episcopal 
garments, which still bore the trace of his blood. 3 

nobiliores regni proceres . . . cui consecration! et nos ipsi interfui- 
mus." SUGER, De Vit. Lud., vi. c. 9. He was born at St Denis. His 
obscure birth is proved by himself when he says that he was elected 
"contra spem meriti, morum et generis," and in many other passages. 
Ap. DUCHESNE, Script., vol. v. pp. 343, 354, et passim. 

1 ORDER. VITAL, b. xi. p. 810. 

2 "Tanquam ad propriam B. Petri sedem." SUGER, I. c. 

3 " Hoc memorabile, et Romauis insolitum, et posteris reliquit exem- 
plum, quod nee aurum . . . quod multum timebatur . . . non tantum 
non affectabat, sed nee respicere dignabatur. . . . Sanctorum pignoribus 
humillime prostratus, lacrymas compunctionis offerebat. . . . Ne dis- 


After public homage had thus been rendered by 
the head of the Church militant to the pontiff- 
martyr, elect of the Church triumphant, the two 
kings in their turn, filled with the love of God, 
came to lay their crown humbly before the suc- 
cessor of Peter the fisherman. 1 Pascal implored 
their help against tyrants, begging them to lend a 
hand to the defence of the Church, as was fitting 
for successors of Charlemagne and pious kings 
of France. 2 The two sovereigns swore to give 
aid and assistance, and placed their kingdom at 
his disposal ; 3 afterwards they invited from the 
monastery several prelates, and among others Adam, 
Abbot of St Denis, whom Suger had accompanied 
to Tours, that they might attend them to Chalons, 
where they were to have a decisive interview with 
King Henry's ambassadors. 

Pascal found in France succour yet more effica- 
cious than that of the royal goodwill from the ever- 
living fervour and zeal of the Monastic Orders, 
whence, as under Gregory VII. , the champions of 

pliceat, inquiens, si de vestimentis ejus nobis vel parum reddideritis, qui 
eum vobis apostolatu Gallise insiguitum absque munere destinavimus." 
SUGER, I. c. 

1 " Gratanter et votive, amore Dei majestatem regiam pedibus ejus in- 
curvantes, quemadmodum consueverunt ad sepulcrum piscatoris Petri 
reges submisso diademate inclinari. Quos dominus papa manu erigens. 
. . ." SUGER, I. c. 

2 " De statu Eccleshe, lit sapiens sapienter agens . . . eosque blande 
demulcens. . . . Ecclesiam manu tenere, et sicut antecessorurn regum 
Francorum Caroli Magni, &c., . . . tyrannis et Ecclesise hostibus, et 
potissimum Henrico audacter resi.stere." Ibid. 

3 "Qui amicitiae, auxilii et consilii dextras dederunt, regnum expo- 
suerunt. " Ibid. 


the Church constantly recruited their numbers. 
The old The old tree planted by St Benedict, far from 

tree plant- ... . 

edbyst withering in France, put forth there, even more 

Benedict . . 

put out than elsewhere, vigorous branches, which, trained 

its most 

7 skilful hands, took here and there new aspects. 
in France. Thus arose the order of Grandmont, and that 
of the Chartreux ; thus the order of the Cister- 
cians, sown in an obscure corner of Burgundy, 
burst into brilliant life. At the time when Pas- 
cal II. visited the province so highly honoured by 
the virtues of Yves of Chartres and Hildebert of 
Mans, three new foundations, due to three holy 
friends, were beginning to attract the respect of 
the faithful and to promise new support to the 
Gallican episcopate. 

The Breton Robert of Arbrissel, whose courage 
had been so remarkable at the Council of Poitiers 1 
in 1100, after having been arch-priest of Rennes 
and schoolmaster at Angers, had quitted the world 
to live as a hermit in the forest of Craon, in Anjou, 
where he directed an abbey of regular canons. 
Urban II. having called him thence, to preach in 
the neighbouring dioceses, Robert travelled through 
Normandy, Bretagne, Anjou, and Touraine. He 
fulfilled his mission with brilliant success, draw- 
ing after him great troops of penitents of both 
sexes, who encamped in the woods, so as to be 
within hearing of the holy preacher. Robert, 
with unheard-of boldness, rebuked all disorders, 

1 See above. He was born in 1047. 


even those of certain of his ecclesiastical superiors. 
Some imprudences committed by the wandering 
crowd of men and women, in the midst of which 
the ardent missionary lived day and night, and, 
above all, the sometimes excessive zeal which he 
showed for the conversion of fallen women, 1 drew 
upon him the severe reproofs of Geoffrey, Abbot 
of Vendome, and of the learned Marbodius, Bishop 
of Eennes. 2 Robert was then obliged to seek some 
desert where his strange flock could live without 
scandal. One day in a forest, on the confines of 
Anjou and Lorraine, he met some robbers, whose 
chief, Evrault, demanded his money. " Willingly," 
replied the apostle ; " but, in exchange, you must 
give me your souls for God." The saint converted 
them ; and thenceforward established, in this forest, 
the centre of his new foundation, which, from the 
name of the brigand chief, he called Fontevrault. 3 

Here there soon assembled more than 3000 con- The foim- 

. . . n n dations of 

verts, of both sexes, who lived absolutely apart. Robert 

J r d'Arbris- 


1 Cf. BALDRIC., Vit. S. Roberti, ap. Act. SS. Bolland., vol. ii., Feb- 
ruary; GUILLELM. NEUBRIG., De rebus Anglids, b. i. c. 15 ; Ch/peus 
Fontebraldensis, vol. ii. p. 132 ; MASSION, Notice sur Robert d'Arbrissel. 

2 Mabillon, in his Annals (b. Ixix. No. 139), admits the authenticity 
of these two famous letters, which have been used to throw ridicule on the 
venerable founder ; but he shows that they are anterior to the establish- 
ment of Fontevrault, and that no conclusion unfavourable to Robert's 
morals can be drawn from them (cf. Acta SS. Bolland., 25th February, 
vol. ii. p. 601). Noel Alexander, in a learned and impartial dissertation 
(Hist. Eccles., sects, xi. and xii., dissert. 5, vol. vi.), arrives at the same 
conclusions, except that he does not admit the letter of Marbodius to have 
been written by that prelate. 

3 A noble lady named Aremburge furnished him with the means. 

4 According to others, there were 5QW.Clypeus Fontebraldensis. 


Nobles and peasants, lepers and courtesans, old and 
young, inhabited the huts built of branches, under 
Robert's sole guidance, 1 and remained thus until 
the day when the generosity of neighbouring nobles 
gave their founder the means of building a great 
monastery, which he divided into four separate 
quarters. In 1106 Pascal approved this founda- 
tion, of which Robert d'Arbrissel became superior- 
general, and to which were attached several other 
houses founded by him in different provinces. 
But at his death, to do honour to the Virgin, 
whom he had chosen as special protectress of this 
branch of the Benedictine order, he desired that 
the brothers of all his houses should acknowledge 
the supremacy of the Abbess of Fontevrault, 2 where, 
in the time of Suger, there were four or five thou- 
sand nuns. In the forest of Craon, whither Robert 
had first retired, he had been joined by a Picard 
monk named Bernard, who had fled from the dig- 

1 " Xec incertas nee pellices refutabant . . . leprosos . . . impo- 
tentes . . . pauperes et nobiles . . . viduae et virgines. . . . Innu- 
meram copiositatem capiebant tuguriola. . . ." BALDRIC., cc. 4 and 2, 
loc. tit. 

2 According to Mabillon, the first abbess was Hersende de Clairvaux, 
widow of William de Montsoreau ; and according to Fleury (b. Ixvi. 
No. 34) and the Hist. litt. (vol. x. p. 162), Petronille de Craon. Bar- 
onius (ad ami. 1117) enumerates the eleven daughters, granddaughters, 
and sisters of kings who were abbesses of this famous monastery. Fon- 
tevrault, like Mont St Michel and Clairvaux, is now transformed into a 
central house of detention for both sexes. The tower called that of Ev- 
rault, and the choir of the magnificent church, have alone been spared. 
In 1831 we saw the tombs of Richard Cceur de Lion and Henry I. in the 
most shameful state of neglect. Since then, these tombs have been 
taken away and carried to Versailles, where they are now mixed up with 
other fragments of the same kind. 


nity of abbot, which the monks of St Savin had 
desired to bestow on him. But later, the good 
monk could not escape from the choice of the 
brothers of St Cyprian at Poitiers. Once made 
an abbot, Bernard performed his new duties with 
energy. At the Council of Poitiers, he, like his 
friend Robert, distinguished himself by the most 
intrepid resistance to the violence of Duke Wil- 
liam. When the Abbey of Cluny claimed St 
Cyprian as one of its dependencies, Bernard laid 
down his office and went to join Robert d'Arbrissel 
and his fellow-labourers in preaching, at the risk 
of his life, against the scandalous priests of Nor- 
mandy, whose wives several times endeavoured to 
have him killed. 1 

Meantime the monks of St Cyprian, who were 
struggling with all their power against the pre- 
tensions of Cluny, gained from their old abbot a 
promise to go and plead their cause at Rome. He 
made two journeys thither, riding an ass, and wear- 
ing the poor dress of a hermit. At first well re- 
ceived, and afterwards repulsed, but always firmly 
convinced of the goodness of his cause, Bernard 
maintained his plea, even against the pope himself, 
and did not fear to cite him before the tribunal of 
God. 2 Pascal, though offended, soon suffered him- 

1 "Unde factum est lit uxores presbyterorum, metuentes ab iis dis- 
jungi, cum suis auxiliariis eum perimere quaererent. " GAUFR. GROSS., 

Vita S. Bernardi Tiron., ap. BOLLAND., die 14 April, c. 6. 

2 " Et quia sicut scriptum est : Justus nullo confidit, in Romana synodo 
contra Paschalem papani pro libertate litigavit ; ipsumque, quia plenar- 



Abbot of 
Tiron, in 

self to be appeased by the two cardinal-legates Bene- 
dict and John, who, themselves monks, had been 
able to appreciate the virtue and courage shown at 
the Council of Poitiers by Bernard. He was allow- 
ed, therefore, to recommence his pleading before the 
pope and the pontifical council, in which he argued 
that St Cyprian had flourished long before the birth 
of Cluny, and that Abbot Hugh was coveting a 
spouse not his own, and usurping, without justi- 
fication, the hitherto unknown title of arch-abbot. 1 
Bernard gained his cause. Pascal confirmed the 
freedom of St Cyprian, and wished to retain Ber- 
nard near him as a cardinal. But Bernard asked, 
as the only favour, that he might be released from 
his abbacy, which was granted. On his return 


to x* ranee, alter having met with those trials 
and persecutions which are, in this world, the 
conditions of all true success in the work of God, 
he at last found at Tiron, in a forest of Perch e, 
a retreat which suited him. The Count Eotrou 
gave him the property, and Yves of Chartres came 
thither to install him. 2 Very soon a hundred 
monks assembled round him, and a hundred cells 3 

ium sibi rectum non fecerat, ad divinum examen provocavit." ORDER, 
VITAL., b. viii. p. 715. 

1 "Nunc autem Cluniaceusis abbas, jnxta Isaiae vaticinium, ad ux- 
orem meam hinnire non desinit. . . . Archiabbatis nonien usurpans." 
MABIL., Ann., b. Ixxi. c. 17. 

2 Easter-day, 1109. 

3 " Centum cellse." GAUFR, GROSS., Vit. S. Bernardi, No. 52. Fleury, 
after Gall. Christ, (vol. iv. p. 864), counts but 12 abbeys, 48 priories, 
and 22 parishes. 


or priories formed a new congregation, which, 
placed under the rule of St Benedict, bore hence- 
forth, as did Bernard himself, the name of Tiron. 
The people of the neighbourhood, seeing this new 
species of hermits, even more poorly dressed than 
the old monks, first thought they were Saracens, 
come thither underground, arid afterwards that they 
were prophets, like John the Baptist. Bernard made 
use of the curiosity of these half-savage country- 
people for their conversion ; he delighted to recruit 
his monastic army among labourers and artisans, 
who continued their trades in the monastery. 
And while carpenters and masons, painters and 
sculptors, jewellers and smiths, ploughmen and 
vine-dressers, found at Tiron such work as suited 
them, 1 the fame of the new foundation spread 
widely, and so deeply touched the hearts of the 
great barons, that when, at the end of a year, 
a great scarcity happened, Count William of 
Nevers sent to Abbot Bernard a large golden vase 
that he might sell it and devote the product to 
feeding his monks and the poor. Thus, in spite 
of the absence of roads or canals, Christian charity 
found a way for itself from the confines of Bur- 
gundy to the unexplored solitudes of la Perche ! 2 

1 " Singulas artes quas noverant, legitimas in monasterio exercere prse- 
cepit. Unde libenter convenerunt ad eum tarn fabri lignarii quam fer- 
rarii, sculptores et aurifabri, pictores et casmentarii, vinitores et agricolae, 
multorumque officiorum artifices peritissimi." ORDER. VITAL., b. viii. 
p. 715. 

2 MABILL., Ann,, b. Ixxi. c. 40. In 1113, Bernard de Tiron was able 

VOL. VII. 2 A 


Another saint, destined to become the father of 
a third congregation, issued also from the forest 
of Craon where the love of penance had united 
him to Eobert d'Arbrissel and Bernard of Tiron. 
This third personage was of Norman descent and 
was called Vital. 1 He also was of low birth. 2 
More austere even than his two comrades, Vital 
soon drew more than one hundred and fifty-six 
disciples Around him, and Kaoul, Viscount of 
Fougeres gave up to them the whole forest of 
Savigny near Avranches, with the ruins of an 
old castle which they turned into a monastery. 3 
This new foundation became in its turn the cradle 
and capital of thirty-one great abbeys in England 
and France. Vital, a man of powerful eloquence, 

to send a monastic colony to Wales. Later we shall see the son of the 
King of Scotland come to him in search of monks. 

1 The MS. Life of the B. Vital, composed in the twelfth century by 
Etienne de Fougeres, Bishop of Rennes, and which the writers who con- 
tinued the Hist, litter, de France, believed to be lost, has been found 
by M. L. Delisle, pupil of the Ecole de Chartes, who has kindly given 
us a copy of it. The bishop declares that he writes from memoirs drawn 
up in French by disciples of the saint : " Haec enim, sicut Roman e 
scripta referimus, Latino eloquio fideliter transferentes litteris evidenti- 
oribus tradidimus." 

2 His parents, however, who were of the diocese of Bayeux, and of the 
town of Tirgerii, had some property (" vitamque enam ex justis labori- 
bus transigendo," ET DE FOUG., c. L), which he sold, and gave the price 
to the poor. From his childhood he was so grave that his playfellows 
called him The little Abbot. He began by being chaplain to Robert, 
Count of Mortain, half brother of William the Conqueror. FLEUKY, 
b. Ixvi. c. 19 ; ETIENNE DE FOUGERES, Vit. MS., passim. 

3 Vital retired to the forest of Savigny in 1105 ; but the deed of gift 
by Raoul de Fougeres was in 1112; it was confirmed by Henry I., and 
by the bull of Pascal II., March 23, 1113. Cf. FLEURY, b. Ixvi. c. 19 ; 
MABILL., b. Ixx. c. 95 ; ORDER. VIT., p. 715. 


often left his solitude to preach the word of God 
among the Norman nobles, who, since one of them 
had conquered England, were giving themselves 
up to the charms of ambition, and often left 
the path trodden by their ancient heroes. 1 Vital 
joined great courage and hardihood to his elo- conver- 
quence. His stern reproofs spared no one. At worked 
first he terrified his auditors ; those who went vital. 
to hear him out of curiosity usually returned pale, 
disturbed, and confused at having heard the faults 
they supposed they had dissimulated, unveiled in 
public. The apostle, adds the hagiographer, made 
the proudest lords tremble as much as the roughest 
peasants, country girls as much as the noble ladies 
whom he reproved for the unbounded luxury of 
their silks and furs. The greatest seigneurs, and 
even the king himself, venerated the boldness of 
the holy man. 2 Counting upon their indulgence, 
he ventured to present himself, before the battle 
of Tenchebray, as mediator between the two 

1 "Antiqui optimates." ORDER. VIT., b. viii. p. 708. 

2 Fortitudine et facundia praeditus et ad proferendum quicquid vole- 
bat animosus : non parcens in popular! sermone infimis nee potentibus 
. . . anmmtians populo Christiano scelera eorum. Reges igitur du- 
cesque reverebantur eum. Plures turbse manicabant ut audirent verba 
ejus, quse postmodum auditis ab illo latenter olim actis facinoribus, 
lugubres et confusse redibant. . . . Omnis ordo intrinsecus pungebat 
ejus veridicis allegationibus. Omnis plebs eontremiscebat coram illo. 
. . . Sic nimirum superbos athletas et indomitos vulgi cretus plerumque 
comprimebat, atque locupletes heras sericis vestibus et canusinis pellibus 
delicate indutas trepidare cogebat, dum verbo Dei gladio in scelera sre- 
viret, pollutasque conscientias . . . grandissimoque divinse animadver- 
sionis tonitru terreret." Id. y b. xi. p. 820. 


brothers, King Henry and Duke Robert, whom, 
unfortunately, he was unable to reconcile. 1 

However fruitful and popular these new founda- 
tions might be, the splendour of Cluny did not pale 
before them. Thirty-five abbeys of the first rank 
received her laws and were entirely subject to 
her; 2 eleven others, the chief in France, such as 
Ve'zelay, Moissac, and St Gilles, had accepted her 
customs without entering into the bonds of subjec- 
tion which, as is proved by the rebellion of St 
Cyprian, 3 she drew tightly, and it was to her that 
the great ones of the world and of the Church 
turned for refuge when God touched their hearts. 
It was at Cluny that a Count of Bo urges, who had 
pledged his county to King Philip to provide for 
the expenses of a Crusade, found a resting-place 
on his return from the Holy War, and from a 
terrible captivity becoming a monk by the advice 
of the pope. 4 Pascal, however, did not hesitate 
to dissuade Hildebert, Bishop of Mans, the worthy 
rival of Yves of Chartres in learning and piety, from 
the project he entertained of laying down his dig- 
nity and retiring to Cluny, where he hoped to escape 

1 " Audacter interdixit ne certarent cominus." ORDER. VIT., I. c. 

2 " Praecipua monasteria, " according to the first bull of Pascal II. in 

3 Some years later, in 1112, Abbot Lambert of St Bertin, who had 
introduced the reformation of Cluny into his abbey, went to Rome 
to ask for security against Abbot Pons of Cluny, who claimed, in his 
quality of spiritual father, to come with a cortege of one hundred mules 
and celebrate Easter there, tanquam in proprio. MABILL., Ann., b. 
Ixxii. c. 44. 

4 ORDER. VIT., b. x. p. 795. 


the vexations inflicted on him by the Norman kings, 
and the Counts of Mans. 1 Soon after he had 
received the visit of the third monk of Cluny 
whom Providence had called to the throne of St 
Peter, 2 the great and good Abbot Hugh, who for 
sixty years had presided over the destinies of the 
Queen Abbey, and enlisted more than ten thou- 
sand monks for the army of God, 3 went to rejoin Death of 

' Abbot 

in heaven his predecessors Odilon and Maieu, Odo, Hugh of 

' ' Cluny. 

and one of his dearest friends, St Anselm, dead 
but eight days before him. These two admirable 
saints, so united during their lives, were to be 
united also in death. Anselm had gone " to the 
Easter Court of his Lord " 4 on Wednesday in Holy 
Week 1109; Hugh died on Easter Tuesday, 
after having celebrated for the last time on his 
deathbed the offices of the festival, and washed 
for the last time the feet of the poor. When his 
eyes seemed to be losing their sight, and his feeble 
voice showed that consciousness was leaving him, 

1 " Cujus sinum, quasi reus eram, amplexus fuissem, si papa con- 
sultus pontificis onus amoliri permisisset. " Hildebr. Ep., b. 3. This 
illustrious bishop had gone to seek Pascal in Rome while the latter was 
travelling into France, and returned upon his steps to join him at last 
at the Abbey of Souvigny, in the Bourbonnais. In Italy he had been 
well received by Count Roger of Sicily, by Geoffrey of Mayence, and 
other Normans, who, faithful to their old predilections, had loaded him 
with presents for the churches of his diocese, and especially for his 
Cathedral of St Julian, which he rebuilt, and which was dedicated in 

2 Gregory VII., Urban II., and Pascal II. 

3 " Plus quam decem millia monachorum ad militiam Domini Sabaoth 
suscepit." ORDER. VIT., b. xi. p. 839. 

4 " Ad Paschalem Domini tui curiam vadis." EADM., de Vlt. Ansel., 
p. 25. 


they asked him, while administering the viaticum, 
whether he recognised the life-giving body of the 
Lord. " Oh yes/' he answered, " I recognise and 
I adore it." They carried him to the church and 
placed him on a bed of ashes where the old soldier 
of Christ breathed his last, at the age of eighty- 
five l leaving to his numerous family the joy of 
his triumph, the example of his life, and the hope 
vision of of his intercession. 2 The very same night, the 
of Afflig- pious Abbot Fulgence of Afflighem saw in a dream 
two beds of gold (lectuli) carried to heaven by 
angels, and it was told him that one was destined 
for St Anselm and the other for St Hugh of Cluny. 3 
King Alfonso VI. 'of Castile, the great benefac- 
tor of the Church of Cluny, whose claims Abbot 
Hugh had formerly broken, and who had remained 
his steady and grateful friend, soon followed him to 
the tomb. 4 He was buried, by his own desire, 
among the Benedictines of Sahagun (San Facundo). 5 
Bernard of Again it was by the intrepid firmness of Bernard, 
8pain. m Archbishop of Toledo, a monk of Cluny, that the 
capital and kingdom which the death of Alfonso 

1 April 29, 1109. 

2 " Veteranus ille Christi miles ... si vivificatricem Domini carnem 
cognosceret: 'Cognosce,' inquit, ' et adoro' . . . relinquens filiis gau- 
dium de corona, exemplum de vita, spem de intercessione." HILDEB., 
lib. de ejus Vita in Bibl. Clun., pp. 433-436. " Grandsevus heros ad 
Christum, cui a pueritia militaverat, migravit." ORDER. VITAL., 1. c. 

8 Chron. Afflig. in SpiciL, loc. sup. cit. The holy monk Godefroy, 
Bishop of Amiens, then in Italy to plead before the pope the cause of his 
church against the monks of St Valery, had also, during the same night 
of the 29th April, the vision of a procession of saints, who went to meet 
their new companion. Bibl. Cluniac., p. 463. 

4 See above. 5 June 30, 1109. 


had just greatly shaken was defended from invasion 
by the Moors. 1 

The rights of Donna Urraca, heiress of the 
deceased prince 2 were contested by Alfonso of 
Arragon. The princess hoped to settle the diffi- 
culty by marrying her cousin ; but Pascal com- 
manded her to renounce this alliance, under pain 
of excommunication and deposition. 3 

After the Arragonese usurpation Bernard of 
Toledo and the Abbot of Sahagun were torn 
from their sees, imprisoned, and exiled ; but all 
this discord and violence which Pascal endeav- 
oured to terminate by sending as legate to Spain 
a Benedictine abbot of Chiusa, 4 did not weaken 
the ardent faith in monastic prayers, which in- 
flamed Castilian hearts, and which dictated to 
another Urraca, sister of the friend of St Hugh, 
these words which are found in her charter of 
restoration of the Abbey of St Peter at Estoncia : 5 

" Do Thou, Lord, who art infinitely great even 
in the smallest things, receive these humble gifts, 
and deign to set so much value on them that, 
when I come before Thee, Thou mayst grant me 

1 MARIANA, Hist. Hispan., b. x. c. 8 ; PAGI, Grit., ad aim. 1109, 

2 Widow of Count Raymond of Burgundy, and mother of Alfonso 
VII., who called himself Emperor of the Spains. 

3 "Ut a consortio Ecclesise et saeculari potestate privetur." Ep. 
Pasc ., No. 21, ap. COLETTI, Condi., xii. 993. 

4 MABILL., Ann., b. Ixxii. No. 27; and in the details, Append., No. 
82 of vol. v. 

6 Founded in 900 by King Garcias, and restored in 1099 by Donna 
Urraca, daughter of King Ferdinand of Castile and Leon. 


the great joy of Thy kingdom. It is to Thee, my 
God, that I offer this monastery built in honour 
of Peter, the Prince of the Apostles, and of Paul, 
the chosen vessel. . . . Thus, my beloved Ke- 
deemer Christ, I offer to Thee this house as an 
expiation for my sins, and when Thou shalt come 
with those apostles to judge the world, may their 
prayers move Thee to be a merciful Judge towards 
me ; may they snatch me from the flames of hell, 
and bring me purified into the glory of heaven." 1 

1 *' Suscipe jam, Domine pie, qui immensus es in minimis. . . . Of- 
fero doque tibi, bone Deus, ccenobium . . . sic, sic, dilecte Redemptor 
meus Christe . . . ut me exiguam quam pretioso redemisti cruore. ..." 
She then enumerates the ornaments and twelve codices which she gives, 
and concludes thus : " Accipe, Christe, hsec munera, et concede ut, cum 
judex adveneris et cum eisdem apostolis orbem judicaveris, eorum preci- 
bus pulsatus, mihi sis judex mitissimus." Hist, de VOrdre de Saint- 
Benoit, vol. iv. sc. 35 ; MABILL., Ann., vol. v. b. Ixix. No. 13. 




Henry V. restores all the expelled bishops to their sees. A council at 
Troyes. Marriage of Henry V. with Matilda of England. Sack of 
Novara. Dangerous proposition made by the pope. The Church in 
Germany placed in a situation analogous to that of the churches of 
France. Oath sworn to the pope by the emperor. Unfair dealing 
of Henry V. Protest of the bishops and abbots. The pope given 
up to the soldiery. Violence used towards him. He is made prisoner. 
Pascal yields to the emperor in order to save his servants. He 
treats with the emperor and crowns him at Rome. Henry V. visits 
Countess Matilda. 

THE Church had great need to reinforce her armies, 
for she was on the eve of a trial such as she had 
never known through all the thousand years of her 
previous history, and about to encounter dangers 
more serious than had ever yet fallen to her lot. 
She had to expiate bitterly the fault of having ac- 
cepted, even against a guilty father, the aid of 
an unnatural son. This son was preparing to turn 
against his mother the sword which she had blessed, 
and what had never before been permitted to 
any other it was to be given him for a time to 
overpower the liberty of the Church even in her 
most august sanctuary. 


Henry v. Henry V. had begun the restoration to their 


a eiie h d eex ~ sees ^ a ^ ^ ie ortn dox bishops plundered by 
theirTes ^ s ^ atner>s friends, including the monks Eudes 
of Cambrai, and Gebhard of Constance, the in- 
defatigable legate of Urban and Pascal. 1 But 
scarcely had his authority been acknowledged by 
the majority, when this man who, at the meet- 
ing at Nordhausen, had appeared so humble that 
he would only take part in the deliberations of 
the bishops by their express invitation, and asked 
nothing but that the empire might return to unity 
and apostolic submission, all at once changed his 
behaviour and language, and claimed to invest the 
new bishops, who for the most part lent themselves 
to his usurpation. The monk Eudes of Cambrai 
refused to accept from a layman the crosier and 
ring which he had already received from a bishop 
when he was consecrated at the Council of Rheims. 2 
Henry marched against Cambrai, obliged Eudes to 
take refuge in the monastery of Anchin, 3 restored 

1 We may believe that the zeal of this famous bishop had cooled, if 
we judge from a letter of the pope, given by Neugart (Cod. dipt. Aleman., 
No. 834), who attributes it to the year 1107, in which the pontiff strong- 
ly reproves Gebhard for not having gone to the Council of Guastalla, de- 
claring that only the remembrance of his former services can save him 
from the interdict laid upon the Archbishop of Mayence and his suffra- 
gans on account of their absence from the council : " Nolunms enim," says 
Pascal, "ut juventutis certamina tern pore, quod absit, senectutisomittas." 

2 "Quia virgam et annulum quae consecratus ab Ecclesia acceperat 
iterate Jib Henrico accipere voluit." ODON., De blasph. in Spir. sanct.; 
ap. PAGI, in ann. 1109. 

3 Where he died in 1113. These words are engraved on his tomb : 

" Fuit exul, Deo fidus, 

Fulget ccelo sicut sidus." 
He is honoured as Blessed. ACTA SS. BOLL., June 19. 


the excommunicated Gaudier, and abolished the 
commune to which the citizens had sworn when 
they received back their lawful bishop ; l he then 
advanced towards the frontier of France and Lor- 
raine, sending forward ambassadors to summon 
the pope to concede to him the right of investiture. 
This embassy was composed of several prelates 
and nobles, who appeared rather prepared to inti- 
mate commands than to discuss matters reason- 
ably: 2 the most notable were Duke Welf, who 
caused a sword to be carried before him, and used 
other means to make himself heard ; 3 and the 
Archbishop of Treves, who spoke French fluently. 4 
The pope received them at Chalons-sur-Marne. 
The Archbishop of Treves formally claimed for 
the emperor, in virtue of the ancient law of the 
empire, not only the power of approving or reject- 
ing all candidates elected to the episcopate, but 
also the right of investiture and homage as an 
inseparable condition of the possession of regalia 
that is, of towns, castles, and tolls subject to the 
imperial authority. 5 To this the pope sent, by the 

1 Chron. de Cambrai, in Script. Rer. Franc., vol. xiii. p. 455 ; and 
THIERRY, Lettres sur Vhistoire de France, xiv. 

2 " Qui tumultuantes magis ad terrendum quam ad ratiocinandum 
missi viderentur." SUG., De Vita Lud. Gross., c. 9. 

8 " Cui gladius ubique prseferebatur, . . . clariiosus." Ibid. This 
was the husband of Countess Matilda, but separated from her and her 

4 " Vir clegans et jocundus, eloquentise et sapientise copiosus, Galli- 
cano cothurno exercitatus, facete peroravit." Ibid. 

5 " Pro regalibns, ut annulo etvirga investiatur fidelitatem et homini- 
um facere. . . . Etenim civitates et castella, marchias, thelonea, et qua?- 


Bishop of Placentia, the following reply: "The 
Church, bought by the precious blood of -Christ, 
and made free, may not again become a slave ; if 
she cannot elect a bishop without the emperor's 
consent, she is no better than his servant, and the 
death of Christ is of no avail. If the prelate-elect 
is invested by the lay power with the crosier and 
ring which belong to the altar, it is a usurpation of 
the rights of God ; and if the prelate subjects his 
hands, consecrated by the body and blood of oar 
Lord, to the hands of a layman blood-stained from 
his sword, he derogates from his orders and his 
holy unction." l 

The Germans, furious, and scarcely restrained by 

the presence of the French, cried out, "Not here, 

but at Eome, and with the sword, this quarrel must 

be decided." 2 And they returned to their master. 3 

council From Chalons-sur-Marne the pope went to hold 

held at 

Troyes, a council at Troyes. 4 As if the better to answer 

que imperatoriae dignitatis nullo modo aliter debere occupare." SUGER, 
L c. 

1 " Ecclesiam pretioso Jesu Christi sanguine redemptam et liberam 
constitutam, nullo modo iterate aneillari oportere. Si Ecclesia eo incon- 
sulto prselatum eligere non possit, cassata Christi morte, ei serviliter 
subjacere ; si virga et annulo, &c., . . . contra Deum ipsura usurpare ; 
.si sacratas Dominico corpori . . . ordini suo et sacrse unctioni derogare." 

2 "Theutonico impetu frendentes tumultuabant, et si tuto auderent, 
convicia . . . injurias inferrent. Non hie, sed Romse gladiis determin- 
abitur querela." Ibid. 

s Suger, an ocular witness of all these discussions, says that the pope 
again sent agents to the Chancellor Albert, the emperor's confidential 
minister, who had remained behind to treat with him more quietly. 

4 " Universale concilium honoriiice celebravit." Ibid. It was on the 
feast of the Ascension, May 23, 1107. 


Henry's embassy, he there again confirmed several 
ecclesiastical elections, and the condemnation of 
investitures ; the council also settled the Truce of 
God for the advantage of the Crusade, which the 
pope earnestly desired to encourage. Amidst these 
struggles with lay usurpation, the Church did not 
lose sight of the interests of the poor : one of 
the canons of the council forbade the burning of 
houses, or the carrying off of sheep and lambs l 
in private wars. By the advice of the synod, the 
pope condemned those German bishops who had 
been accomplices in Henry's pretensions. He ex- 
communicated the intruders at Liege, Carnbrai, 
and Verdun, saying of the latter, " Kichard of 
Verdun has given himself up to the king, and we 
give him up to Satan." 2 He did not even spare 
the two principal adherents of the Koman Church, 
Euthard of Mayence and the old legate Gebhard 
of Spires, who had had the weakness to retain 
cures, the investiture of which had been given by 
the king. But the simple threat of suspension 
recalled these prelates to their duty. 3 Pascal then 
appointed Henry a delay of a year to come and 
discuss the great cause in a general council at 

1 Chron. Malleac., ad ann. 1107, in LABBE, Bibl. nova MS. 

2 "Fertur dixisse Richavdum Virdunensem, qui se tradidit regime 
curise, et nos tradimus eum Satanse." LAURENT. LEOD., Hist, episc. 
Virdun. in SpiciL, b. xii. 

3 For these different sentences, cf. COLETTI, Cone., vol. xii. p. 1135, 
1136. MARTENE and DURAND, Ampliss. Collect., vol. i. prsef. and 
p. 618. 


Eome, whither he himself slowly turned his steps, 1 
and where the Romans, this time, received him 
with delight. 2 

Henry at first seemed to care little for this 
energetic action of the Roman Court. He devoted 
the years 1108 arid 1109 to not very glorious 
expeditions against Hungary, and the Sclavonic 
princes of Bohemia and Silesia, who scarcely 
owned the suzerainty of the empire. Towards 
the end of 1109, he sent to the pope a new em- 
bassy, composed of the Archbishops of Cologne and 
Treves, the Chancellor Albert, and other nobles, to 
treat for an accommodation which must neces- 
sarily precede the assumption of the imperial 
dignity, only due to the kings of Germany after 
they had been crowned by the sovereign pontiff. 
Pascal replied without in any way contradicting 
his former language, and with equal steadiness and 
good faith, that he would receive the king with 
the affection of a father if 'he would present him- 
self at Eome as a Catholic sovereign, a son and 
defender of the Church, and a friend of justice. 3 

In a diet held at Eatisbon, 4 Henry announced 
to the princes his intention of going to Italy to be 

1 " Cum amore Francorum," says Suger, "qui nmltum servierant, et 
tiraore Theutonicorum." 

2 "Tanto Roman! tarn cleri quam populi tripudiis suscipiebatur, acsi 
de mortuis redivivus crederetur." Ann. Saxo., ad 1107. 

3 "Omni paternitate, omui mansuetudine, eum se excepturum spon- 
det, si ipse se, ut regem catholicum, . . . Romanae sedi exhiberet." 
Chron. Ursperg., ad ami. 1109. 

4 January 6, 1100. 


crowned emperor, and at the same time to arrange, 
as might suit the sovereign pontiff, all that was 
required for the defence of the Church. 1 The 
princes, delighted with these pious and patriotic 
intentions, assured him, on oath, of their assist- 
ance. 2 He also obtained the support of the nobles 
of the western part of the empire in another assem- 
bly held at Utrecht, 3 where he celebrated his mar- Marriage 

. T , T- n/T'iii i of Henrv 

nage with the young rrmcess Matilda, daughter of v. ^yitl^ 
Henry I. of England. He thus formed an alliance England. 
with the most powerful of sovereigns outside the 
empire, with a prince who had himself long been 
in conflict with the Church, and who had but just 
submitted. This alliance might prove a serious 
danger if Henry V. should break the promises he 
had made at Ratisbon. 

Meanwhile the pope, to leave no doubt as to his 
resolution, and in spite of the king's preparation, 
renewed, in the council held at the Lateran, March 
7th, the formal condemnation of investitures and 
of all lay intervention in the disposal of the pro- 
perty of the Church. 4 He also confirmed the 
canon, often renewed during the Catholic ages, 

1 ' ' Quatenus ... ad orania quse defensio posceret Ecclesiastica 
ad nutum Apostolici promptum se demonstraret. " Ibid., ad ami. 

2 " Arrectis animis omnium ad votum pie providi consulis et indub- 
itati jam patria3 amatoris . . . sacramento nimis voluntario confirmatis. " 
Ibid., Ann. Saxo., &c. 

3 At Easter, April 10, 1110. 

4 "Si quis ergo principum vel aliorum laicorum dispositionem sen 
donationem rerum sive possessionum Ecclesiasticarum sibi vindicaverit, 
ut sacrilegus judicetur." Cone., b. xii. p. 1150, ed. COLETTI. 


which placed all the shipwrecked under the 
Church's protection, and excommunicated, as rob- 
bers and murderers, men who seized upon the 
fragments of a wreck. 1 Pascal did not forget 
those who had been the devoted champions of his 
predecessors in most critical moments; he went 
to Apulia, and there called together Duke Eoger, 
the Prince of Capua, and all the Norman counts 
who were vassals of the Church, and made them 
swear to assist him against Henry, in case of need. 
The leaders of the Roman nobility 2 entered into 
the same engagement. This done, the pope tran- 
quilly awaited the king's arrival in Rome, deceived, 
no doubt, by the protestations of devotion to the 
Apostolic See which had produced so great an 
effect at Ratisbon. 3 

In the month of August, Henry crossed the 
Alps at the head of an immense army, 4 which 
comprised a chosen body of 30,000 horsemen. 5 
The king also had with him a large number of 
clerks and learned doctors, all prepared to argue 

1 "Quicumque res naufragorum diripiunt, ut raptores et fratruin neca- 
tores ab Ecclesise liminibus excludantur. " Ibid. 

2 " Ducem ac principem, omnesque Apulise comites evocans, cum eis 
paciscitur, ut si opus esset, contra Henricum imperatorem dimiceiit. . . . 
Omnes Romanorum proceres simili sacramento constrinxit." PETR. 
DIAC., Chron. Cassin., b. iv. c. 37. 

3 The Protestant Liiden, not knowing how to account for this quiet 
confidence on the part of the pope, declares that there must have existed 
some profound and secret plot arranged against Henry by the pope and 
his confidant Peter de Le'on. But, unfortunately, he is obliged to own 
that he cannot guess in what this plot consisted. Vol. ix. p. 383. 

4 "Immense coacto exercitu." PETR. DIAC., I. c. 

5 "Circiter triginta millia equitum electorum. " Vit. S. Conrad., ap. 
CANIS., Thes. anecd., b. vi. 


for the lay power against the doctors of the 
Church. 1 Since the time of his grandfather 
Henry III., that is to say for more than half a 
century, Italy had not seen so great or so formid- 
able a display of force. The cities of Piedmont and 
Lombardy had profited by the weakened power 
of the German emperors, during their struggle 
with the Catholic princes, to increase their politi- 
cal liberty ; they made war among themselves as 
if they were so many independent states. But 
between their cause and that of the Church there 
was not yet that fusion, that solidarity, which 
later procured for both such brilliant triumphs. 
Some of these warlike cities made a show of resist- 
ance to the invasion of the German sovereign, 
but the sack of Novara, the first town which re- Great ter- 
ftised to obey him, terrified the others. They by the sack 

T i i -i fa of Novara. 

opened their gates to him without resistance, all 
except proud Milan, where the priest Luitprand, 
mutilated for his faith, long maintained " a centre 
of orthodox resistance : " this town alone refused 
to pay him the money demanded of her. 2 

1 " Literatis viris, paratis scilicet ad ratiunem omni poscenti redden- 
dam." Chron. Ursperg., ad aim. 1110. Among them was a Scotchman 
named David, called the imperial historiographer (he drew up the history 
of this expedition in three books ; "in regis gratiam magls quam kistori- 
cum deceret, prodivem" says William of Malmesbury), and afterwards 
Bishop of Bangor. WILL. MALM., vol. v. p. 167, Chron. Ursperg. It 
seems that the emperor did not wish to neglect any means of supporting 
his pretensions, but Providence defeated him in small things as well as 
great, and the narrative of his official historian has perished. 
2 "Nobilis urbs sola Mediolanum populosa 

Non servivit ei nummum, neque contulit seris." 

DOMXIZO, Vit. Math., ii. 18. 

VOL. VII. 2 B 


Having passed the Po to the plain of Eoncaglia, 
where he encamped for six weeks, Henry received 
the homage of all his feudatories in this part of 
Italy. The great Countess Matilda alone did not 
present herself. 1 She did not, however, try to 
oppose the passage of the Alps, either because she 
felt herself too feeble, or because, like the pope, 
she was mistaken as to the king's intentions. As 
it was important for Henry to be assured at least 
of the princess's neutrality, he sent ambassadors to 
her, whom she received at the Castle of Bibianello, 
near Canossa, at the same time as a number of 
nobles from beyond the Alps, who were curious 
to see so extraordinary a woman. There was a 
sort of reconciliation between the Countess and 
the prince, but she would promise him no assist- 
ance that could prejudice the independence of the 
Church. 2 He continued his journey towards Eome 
through Tuscany ; and was six weeks crossing 
the various chains of the Apennines. His army 
suffered cruelly from cold, while the violences of 
which it was guilty, especially towards churches 

1 "Sola Mathildis erat, qnia regem semper habebat 

Exosuin multum, certaminibusque repulsnm." 

DOMNIZO, ii. 18. 

2 " Ultramontani proceres multi quoque clari 

Ad quam venere, miraturi mulierem . . . 
Utraque pars tandem pacem laudavit eamdem ; 
Sed contra Petrum non promisit fore secum." 


The Chron. Ursperg. says : "Comitissam per intermmtios sibi subjee- 
tarn, gratia sua propriisque justitiis, donavit." 


and zealous Catholics, showed but too plainly the 
spirit of the enterprise. 1 

From Arezzo, which he had besieged and burned, 
Henry sent to the pope an embassy, headed by his 
chancellor, Albert, the Archbishop-elect of May- 
ence. A negotiation was begun with the pontifi- 
cal plenipotentiaries, the chief of whom was Peter, 
son of Leo. 2 

The discussion took place in the portico of 
St Peter's. 3 The pope refused to crown Henry 
emperor until he had secured the peace of the 
Church by renouncing the right of investiture. 
Henry declared that he could not injure his crown 
and the empire by renouncing a right exercised for 
more than 300 years, and confirmed by 63 popes. 4 

1 "Ecclesias destruere non cessavit, religiosos ac catholicos viros ca- 
pere ... a propriis sedibus expellere non desistebat. Sic impie agendo 
per Longobardiam et Tusciam usque pervenit." PANDULPH. PISAN., in 

Vita Poach. II. Orderieus Vitalis (b. x. p. 728) also speaks of the 
ravages committed by Henry's army, but supposes they were only on 
Matilda's possessions, which, after the treaty, seems improbable. 

2 Leo, the father of Peter, grandfather of the anti-pope Anaclete II., 
and founder of a very influential family, was of Jewish origin, and had 
become very powerful by his riches and his devotion to the Holy See. 
He had been able to ally himself with the most ancient Roman nobility, 
" sotus alto sanguine materno nobilitatis erat," said his epitaph, composed 
by Archbishop Alfano of Salerno. 

3 "In porticu S. Petri" (PETII. DIAC., Chron. Cassin., b. iv. c. 37). 
There was indeed an interruption. The first ambassadors sent from 
Arezzo returned to meet Henry V. at Acquapendente, bringing with 
them the Roman nuncios ; then he sent others, who treated at Rome, 
and brought him the results of the negotiation to Sutri, whither he had 
advanced by short journeys, at the beginning of February 1111. 

4 "Regno nostro a Carolo trecentis et eo amplius annis et sub Ixiii. 
Apostolicis investituras tenenti. . . . Et per nuntios eum nostros ab eo 
qusereretur, omnibus his sublatis quid de nobis fieret ? in quo regnum 
nostrum constaret?" Ep. ffenr. ad Parmenses, cod. Udalr., No. 261, 
apud ECKHARD, Corp. histor., b. ii. 


z- Then the pope proposed a solution equally new 


proposal arid important, and which plainly proved his good 
the pope, faith and the absolute disinterestedness of the 
Church in this vital question. He proposed to 
give up, in the name of the Church, all the pos- 
sessions and regalia which she held from former 
emperors, 1 and to content himself modestly with 
tithes and oblations, for ever forbidding the Ger- 
man bishops, under pain of anathema, to occupy 
cities, duchies, counties, monasteries, tolls, mar- 
kets, manors, castles, and rights of all kinds which 
were dependent on the empire, and comprised under 
the name of regalia? In return for this conces- 
sion, the future emperor, whom the pope promised 
to crown, was on his part to renounce, in writing, 
and publicly, on his coronation day, all that he 
had usurped from the Church (that is, the right of 
investiture), to declare the churches free, with their 
tithes, and those of their possessions which did not 
plainly belong to the empire ; finally, to omit 
nothing by word or deed to secure the patrimony 
of St Peter and the personal safety of the pope. 3 

1 ' ' Omnia prsedia et regalia quse a Carolo et Ludovico, Ottone et 
Henrico . . . ecclesiis collata sunt. " PETR. DIAC., I. c. 

2 " Sub anathemate ne quis eorum . . . invariant eariem regalia et 
civitates, ducatus, marchias, comitatus, monetas, theloneum, mereaturn, 
advocatias, omnia jura centurionum et villicorum, curtes et villas, qua; 
regni erant, cum pertinentiis suis, militiam et castra." Ibid., No. 262; 
cf. PETR. DIAC., Chron. Cassin., iv. 37. 

3 "Ut imperator . . . omne male usurpaturu Ecclesiasticum . . . 
astante clero et populo, per scriptum deponeret . . . Dimitteret ecclesias 
liberas cum oblationibus et possessionibus suis quas ad regni non per- 
tinere jus, constare potest. . . . Nihil aut faceret aut diceret nt papa 


The emperor thus obtained a thousand times 
more than he could have either asked or hoped for. 
The vast fiefs 1 of the bishops, which, independently 
of lands given to the Church, constituted in 
Germany principalities almost as large as those of 
the greatest lay vassals, would thus have returned 
to the royal domain, and the result would have 
been an enormous increase of power for German 
royalty, which, joined to the prestige of imperial 
authority with which it would be almost always 
clothed, would have furnished him the means of 
an easy triumph over the resistance of secular 
princes, and a foundation for that absolute 
monarchy which had been the dream of Henry 
TIL and Henry IV. It was natural, therefore, 
that such a concession should excite the liveliest 
opposition, not only among the German bishops, 
whom it would despoil, but also among the lay 
princes, whom it would expose to the formidable 
preponderance of the imperial power. As to the 
pope, he was only bound to regard the rights and 
spiritual interests of the Church, which were com- 
pletely guaranteed. The Church of Germany was situation 
to be placed by this arrangement in a position church of 

J C r Germany 

analogous to that of the Churches of France and analogous 

& ^ to that of 

England, where the bishops, though holders of e 
large domains, and on that account bound to do 

pontificatnm amittat, nihilque ipse patiatur in vita, vel in membris, vel 
eapiatnr mala captione." PETR. . . . DIAC., L c. 

1 Reichslehne, fiefs of the empire quite distinct from Kirchengilter or 
Church property. GERV., i. 40. 


feudal service, were far from counting among their 
fiefs territories as vast or cities as important as in 
the empire, but where, on the other hand, investi- 
ture by the crosier and ring no longer existed. 1 
By this system the German Church was to pre- 
serve its freedom of election, and was to retain 
absolute possession of the tithes, beside the endow- 
ments properly so called, tributes of piety and 
charity in the form of oblations or donations. 2 
Finally, she was to escape from that bondage of 
temporal interests which turned her aside from 
her august mission. " In your kingdom," said 
Pascal in the scheme for a treaty (in charta con- 
ventionis) which he sent to Henry, 3 "the bishops 
and abbots are perpetually obliged to attend the 
courts of justice, and to make war; the ministers 

1 In England, only since the peace made "between Henry II. and St 

2 Which were then naturally most frequently territorial, and which 
would have quickly formed again a vast domain. 

3 Cod. Udalr., No. 263., and COLETTT, Condi., vol. xii. p. 993. We 
translate by projet de convention (scheme for a treaty) the terms used by 
the emperor, charta conventionis, although in its actual form it seems 
to have been completed; but it is evident that it was only intended 
to come into operation after Henry's coronation, since we read in it, 
" Porro Ecclesias . . . liberas decernimus, sicut in die coronationis 
tuaB omnipotent! Domino in conspectu totius Ecclesise promi&isti." This 
promise was, as well as the coronation, one of the stipulations of the 
treaty, and the pope supposed it fulfilled. But Henry was only crowned 
two months afterwards, and without making any promise of this kind ; 
on the other hand, the pope had already a copy of this letter which he 
sends to the Parmesans, saying, " Petii ab eo ut sicut in charta conven- 
tion^ ejus scriptum est, mihi adimpleret. HOBC est charta conventionis 
ejus ad me." The text which we quote follows. Cf. Cod. Udalr., No. 
261, 262, and 263. Fleury is mistaken in referring this letter of the 
pope to the Lateran Council of 1112. St Marc, Hist, d 'Italic, iv. 982, has 
already noticed this strange error. 


of the altar are become ministers of the court, 1 in 
consequence of having accepted cities (duchies and 
all which belongs to the service of the kingdom) 
from the hands of kings ; and thus has arisen this 
intolerable custom that bishops-elect can only be 
consecrated after they have been invested by the 
royal hand : hence simony, and the violent usur- 
pation of dioceses. This is why our predecessors 
of happy memory, Gregory VII. and Urban II. , 
have in council constantly condemned lay investi- 
ture, and deposed and excommunicated those who 
received it. It is needful then that bishops, being 
freed from temporal burdens, should care only for 
their people and keep to their churches. They 
must watch, according to the apostle Paul, that 
they may render account of all the souls com- 
mitted to them." 

If we believe a not very trustworthy account, the 
imperial plenipotentiaries, 2 all, except the Chancel- 
lor Albert, 3 laymen, as were also those of the pope, 4 

1 " Ministri altaris miiiistri curise facti snnt. . . . Nunc et mosEccle- 
sise intolerabilis inolevit ut electi episcopi ac . . . oportet episcopos 
juris ssecularibus expedites, curam suorum agere populorum nee Ecclesiis 
suis abesse diutius, . . . tanquam rationem reddituri pro animabus 
eorum." Cod. Udalr., No. 263. 

2 We do not hesitate to describe thus Henry's letter to the Parmesans, 
written to justify the pope's captivity, and showing contradictions and 
bad faith in every line. No other contemporary source mentions these 

3 Their names are found at the head of the oath quoted by the Acta 
Sutrina, ap. BARON., ad ann. 1111, and Cod. Udalr., No. 262. 

4 The fact of the papal plenipotentiaries being laymen is remarked iu 
a letter from Cardinal John of Tusculum to the Bishop of Albano, ap. 
BARON., b. iv. c. 13. 


contented themselves with offering some objections 
to Pascal's plan, declaring that the king would 
neither do violence to the Church, nor incur the 
guilt of sacrilege by despoiling her. 1 But it is cer- 
tain that they accepted the treaty, knowing per- 
fectly, as their master afterwards declared, 2 that 
it was impossible to be executed. They did not 
hesitate to affirm that their king, in return for the 
concessions offered by the Pope, would renounce in- 
vestiture, 3 and these preliminaries were confirmed 
by the reciprocal oath of the negotiators on both 
sides made in the portico of St Peter's, February 5, 
1111. Henry's ambassadors carried the treaty to 
oath to him at Sutri, and he accepted it without hesita- 

the pope 

taken by tion, conditionally on its authentic and solemn con- 

the em- ' 

firmation by the ecclesiastic and secular princes. 4 
He also swore to accept all the conditions of the 
treaty, 5 and to protect the pope's life against any 
violence or imprisonment. 6 

1 "Cum nostri responderent : ISTos quidem nolle Ecclesiis violentiam in- 
ferre, nee ista subtrahendo tot sacrilegia incurrere." Cod. Udalr., No. 261. 

2 " Nostris tune idem firmantibus, si hsec uti prsemissum est, complesset 
(papa) quod tamen nullo modo posse fieri sciebant." Letter of Henry V. 
himself to the Parmesans, Cod. Udalr., 261. 

3 "Me quoque investituras Ecclesiarum, uti quasrebat, refutaturum." 

4 That is, probably, of a diet at which all the princes and bishops who 
had not accompanied him should be assembled. " Prsebuit rex assensum, 
sed eo pacto quatenus hsec transmutatio firma et autentica ratione, con- 
silio quoque vel concordia totius Ecclesise ac regni principum assensu 
stabiliretur. " Chron. Ursperg., ann. 1111. It is evident that he could 
not settle a matter so important to the constitution of the empire without 
the assent of all those interested. 

5 "Hsec ita jurejurando firmavit imperator." Ckron. Cassin., iv. 37. 

6 " Post hsec rnisit papse nuntios Sutrinm coram qnibus rex juravit in 
hsec verba. Juramentum Henrici, &c. : Ego, Henricus rex, ab hac hora 


Frederic, Duke of Suabia, the Chancellor Albert, 
Count Herman of Saxony, and nine other nobles, 
all counts or margraves, thus guaranteed by oath 
the pope's personal security. 1 They also exchanged 
hostages, to be retained until the entire accom- 

O ' 

plishment of the treaty. Frederic, the emperor's 
nephew, with four other nobles, was sent to the 
pope ; the king chose Peter, son of Leo, and his 
family. Pascal then wrote to Henry in the most 
affectionate terms to excuse himself, because the 
severity of .the season would not permit him to 
meet his guest. 2 

The king, seized with a very unexpected access 
of filial piety, demanded ecclesiastical burial for 
his excommunicated father; but the pope replied 
by a peremptory refusal, expressed thus : " The 
martyrs of God,' who are in celestial glory, com- 
mand us, under terrible penalties, to cast the bodies 

in antea non ero in facto aut consilio, ut dominus Paschalis papa II. 
perdat papatum, vel vitam, vel membra, aut capiatur mala captione, vel 
per me, vel per submissam personam. . . . Sic observabo domino papse 
sine fraude et malo ingenio, si D. papa proxime die Dominica sic adim- 
pleverit mini, sicut in conventions chartula scriptum est." ActaSutr. 
ap. BARON., ann. 1111. 

1 " Qui jurabant papae securitatem de vita, de membris, de papatu, de 
captione. ... Hi omnes post imperatorem eo ordine jurarunt, ut si 
imperator hsec implere nollet, ipsi cum omnibus suis cum Romana Ec- 
clesia tenerent. . . . Actum Sutrii in burgo, quinto Idus Februarii." 
Ibid. The pope might believe himself secured by three oaths: 1st, that 
of the Chancellor and four counts who had treated with Peter, son of 
Leo, at Rome ; 2d, that of the king ; 3d, that of the ten nobles and 
the Chancellor, who swore to put themselves at the disposal of the Ro- 
man Church if " Rex juramentum hoc et ea qua in charta conventionis 
scripta sunt non observaverit. " These two last oaths were taken at 
Sutri, Thursday, February 9th. 

2 Chron. Cassin., iv. 38. 


of criminals out of their churches, for we cannot 
have communion in death with those who are de- 
prived of it in life/' l 

This refusal did not stop Henry's advance. Hav- 
ing arrived on Saturday, February 1 1th, close to the 
gates of Eome, at a place whence the basilica of 
St Peter's could be seen, he there renewed his oath 
to renounce investitures, to watch over the pope's 
security and liberty, and to guarantee his posses- 
sion of the patrimony of St Peter, Apulia, Capua, 
Sicily, and Calabria in a word, all the provinces 
occupied by the Normans. 2 The next day, Quin- 
quagesima Sunday, the 12th of February, Henry, 
as had been agreed upon, entered the city, where 
he was received with the most triumphal pomp ; 
and having met the pope at the steps of St Peter's, 3 
he prostrated himself before him, kissed his feet, 
and served him as a squire when he dismounted ; 4 

" Ipsos enim Dei martyres jam in ccelestibus positos id terribiliter 
jussisse, scilicet ut sceleratorum cadavera de suis basilicis ejicereutur. " 

2 "Csesar, obsidibus datis vicissimque receptis, jurejurando firmavit 
de Apostolici ipsius vita, de honore, de membris, de mala captione, de 
regalibus et patrimoniis B. Petri, et nominatim de Apulia, Calabria, et 
Sicilia, Capuanoque principatu. " Ibid., c. 39. 

3 Saxo says that he there renewed his oath a third time. " In portion 
vero manu propria imperatoris et optimatum triplicatur juramentum" 
(1. c.) To abridge, we leave out the curious details of the extraordinary 
pomp with which Henry was received at Rome (see Act. Sutr. ap. BARON. , 
I. c.}, and the sanguinary combat which took place between his soldiers 
and the Roman people before he arrives at St Peter's, which he describes 
as treason, but makes little account of. " Ego tamen quasi pro levi 
causa non motus." Ep. Henr. ad Farm., I. c. 

4 "Ad cujus vestigia cum rex corruisset, post pedum osculo elevatus 
est. . . . Stratorii officium exhibuit . . ."Chron. Cassin., Ad. 
Sutr., I. c. 


then, after having kissed each other three times 
on the mouth, the eyes, and the forehead, they 
advanced together amidst the shouts of the people 
towards the silver gate. There Henry swore to 
protect the Eoman Church in the character of em- 
peror, and the pope greeted him by that title, 
embracing him again, while a cardinal read the 
first prayer out of the service of consecration. 1 

The ceremony thus commenced, the pope and 
emperor entered the church, and, followed by 
their double suite, seated themselves in the place 
called the Porphyry Wheel. The pope then claimed 
the execution of the reciprocal renunciations stipu- 
lated in the convention. 2 But Henry withdrew, 3 Unfair 
with his bishops and princes, to deliberate about of the em- 


them, as if that were the right place and time 
to discuss a treaty which had been accepted by 
the emperor three days previously, 4 and guar- 

1 " Ibi ex libro professionem imperatoriam faciens, . . . mox super 
eum orationem primam (sicut in ordine continetur) Lavicanus episcopus 
dixit. " Ibid. 

2 " Instaurari Ecclesiasticum jus, refutationem investiturse et ceetera 
quse in conventionis (charta) scripta fuerant petiit." Ibid. 

3 " In partem juxta secretarium." Act. Sutr., ap. BARON., I. c. 

* The treaty had been concluded at Rome, February 5th, accepted by 
the emperor at Sutri, February 9th ; these dates are proved by Stentzel, 
ii. 316. It was now the 12th. Between the 9th and the 12th Henry 
had had time to obtain the consent of his bishops, or, failing to obtain 
it, to have warned the pope. As to the lay princes, the Duke of Suabia 
and other great vassals had guaranteed the hostages of the treaty, which 
evidently implied their assent. The pope, seeing Henry present himself 
to be crowned, must have supposed the treaty accepted, and the opposition 
of the German bishops, only shown at St Peter's, has all the appearance 
of a trick arranged beforehand by the emperor to obtain his coronation 
without a treaty. Gervais thinks that Henry, and his Chancellor Albert 


anteed by the most powerful princes of the empire. 
There were among the latter only three Italian 
bishops, two of whom, -Bernard of Parma and Aldo 
of Placentia, were known for their zeal for the 
Church. 1 The precise details relative to this fatal 
conference are not known, but when the Germans 
left the church, after having been begged by a 
message from the pope to hasten, 2 a dreadful 
tumult suddenly broke out. 3 The bishops and 
and abbots, abbots 4 bitterly reproached the sovereign pontiff 

had endeavoured to conceal from the German bishops the treaty con- 
cluded with the pope until the moment when its execution should be 
demanded, so as to throw upon Pascal all the weight of the prelates' dis- 
content (vol. i. p. 200, No. 1). Raumer acknowledges that Henry 
certainly had an intention to deceive the pope, hut that he can find no 
proof of any similar intention on the part of Pascal History of the ffehen- 
staufen, vol. i. b. ii. e. 2. Liiden, on the contrary, suggests that the 
pope had desired and hoped for this scene, and that his cunning rivalled 
that of Henry ; it is true that, with the extreme disingenuousness of 
which that author gives so many proofs, he entirely suppresses in his 
narrative the important fact of the revolt of the German bishops against 
the confiscation of their fiefs. Gcschichte der deutschen Volks, vol. ix. 
b. xx. p. 391. Abbot Suger, whose authority is rather more imposing, 
both as a contemporary and as ... (sic), does not hesitate to accuse the 
emperor of bad faith. " Inire callens pacem simulat, querelain investi- 
turarum deponit, multa et haec et alia pollicetur, et ut Urbem ingredi- 
atur, quia aliter non poterat, blanditur nee fallere summum pontificem 
et totam Ecclesiam, immo ipsum Regem regum veretur." See p. 290. 

1 See above, the interview at Chalons. The third was Bensignore de 

- " Cum antem longior se hora protraheret, missis nuntiis pontifex 
conventionem supradicti tenoris repetiit adimpleri." Act. Sutr., I. c. 

3 It appears, however, that the German bishops began by showing the 
pope due honour. "Tune episcopi transalpini corruerunt et ad oscula 
surrexerunt. Sed post paululum," the discussion commenced. Suger 
sees in it only a feint, " inopinata nequitia ficta litis occasione furor 
Theutonicus frendens debacchatur" (I. c.} 

4 " Universis ei in faciem resistentibus et decreto suo plenam hseresim 
inclamantibus, scilicet episcopis, abbatibus tarn suis quam nostris et 
omnibus Ecclesise filiis." Ep. Henr. ad Farm.; Cod. Udalr., 262. We 


for having issued a heretical decree, which robbed 
them of their possessions, and which they openly 
refused to obey. The lay princes added a vehe- 
ment protest to that of the bishops, for the spo- 
liation of the latter deprived them of numerous 
domains which they held as sub -fiefs from the 
bishoprics. 1 

The officers in attendance on the king began by 
complaining, on their own account, of the injustice 
of such a treaty: the reply made to them on behalf 
of the pope was the quotation of those texts, so 
often invoked by the enemies of the Church, import- 
ing that we should render to Cassar the things that 
belong to Caesar, and that he who fights for God 
should not mingle in worldly affairs. 2 The better 
to explain his motives, Pascal wished to read the 
diploma, or, if that name is preferred, the bull, 

do not know whom Henry meant to designate by these words tarn suis ; 
since he afterwards caused to be arrested, at the same time as the pope, 
the three Lombard bishops, and a crowd of cardinals and priests. It is 
evident that the Roman clergy did not pronounce against the pope. 
This is therefore another falsehood. 

1 " Tumultuantibus in infinitum principibus, pro ecclesiarum spolia- 
tione et per hsec beneficiorum spoliatione." C/iron, Ursperg., ad ann. 
1111. We translate from the version of Stentzel (i. p. 63 S, No. 33), but 
are not certain that the term principibus will apply to others than the 
bishops. Henry does not speak of the secular princes in his letter to 
the Parmesans, and most of them had, as we have said, already guaran- 
teed the treaty. 

- " Familiares regis dolos suos paulatim aperire coeperunt, dicentes. 
. . . Quibus Evangelica et Apostolica auctoritas objiceretur, scilicet quia 
reddenda sunt Ccesari, &c., . . . et nemo militans Deo," &c. Acta Si(- 
trin., ap. BARON., I. c. We think that Fleury, who passes lightly over 
this crisis so important for the Church, had been mistaken in putting 
these objections into the mouth of Henry's friends. Hist, eccles., b. Ixvi. 
No. 3. 


which he had addressed to Henry, and which con- 
tained all the stipulations of the treaty ; 1 but 
Henry interrupted him, swearing by God and St 
Peter that he would always refuse to withdraw 
from the bishops and abbots the grants made to 
them by his predecessors. 2 He read arid signed 
this new oath, which destroyed the very basis of 
the convention, 3 and then summoned the pontiff 
to sign a treaty which, in all that referred to the 
coronation, was founded upon it. 4 At that moment, 
one of the courtiers who accompanied Henry rose 
and cried : " What is the use of so much talking '( 
Know, pope, that our lord the emperor intends to 
receive the imperial crown as Charles, Louis, and 
Pepin received it before him." 5 Pascal refused to 
give it thus ; but Henry, following the advice of 
the Chancellor Albert and Bishop Burckhard of 
Miinster, caused his soldiers to advance, and, in 

1 " Hoc, si salva pace Eeclesise dici potest, privilegium proferre voluit. 
. . . Haec est charta conventionis ejus ad me.^Ep.ffenr.adParm., 
I. c. 

2 "Affirmo Deo et S. Petro . . . ego peccator pro timore terribilis 
judicii ullo modo subtrahere recuso." Ibid. 

3 " In cunctorum astantium oculis et auribus . . . hoc decreto a me 
lecto et subscripto. " Ibid. 

4 " Petii ab eo ut, sicut in charta conventionis ejus scriptum est, mini 
adimpleret." Ibid. We do not know precisely where to place Peter 
Diaconus's curious account : " Interea imperator. . . . Volo, inquit, ut 
discordia quae inter nos et Stephanum Normannum hactenus fuit, jam 
finem recipiat (multa enim imperatoris gratia pericula Stephanus . . .) ; 
ipse ad haec pontifex : Dies, inquit, magna ex parte piaeteriit, officium- 
que prolixum erit hodie, ideoque si placet, quod vest-rum est prius im- 
pleatur." Chron. Cassin., iv. 40. 

5 " Quid tarn multis agimus verbis ? Scias dominum nostrum impera- 
torem," &c. Ibid. 


defiance of his solemn oaths, 1 gave up to them the The pope 
person of the pope and those of all his friends and suite given 

up to the 

servants. The day was already far advanced, and soldiers. 
evening approached ; the cardinals therefore ad- 
vised the pope to crown Henry at once, and put 
off the discussion of disputed points till to-morrow. 2 
But the Germans opposed this. It was with diffi- 
culty that mass was said. It was Quinquagesima 
Sunday ; and in the Gospel for the day it was read 
how Jesus warned His disciples that He should 
be given up, mocked, scourged, spit upon, and 
crucified, but that on the third day He would rise 
again. 3 

After mass the pontiff was dragged from his 
throne and seated before the Confessional of St 
Peter, where he remained until night, guarded by 
soldiers. 4 Two Germans only protested against 
the conduct of their king and countrymen. Con- 
rad, Archbishop of Salzburg, 5 loudly protested, 

1 The case of mala captione had been formally provided against in all 
the oaths taken by the emperor and his sureties. He had added the 
clause, " Si dominus papa proxima die Dominica sic adimpleverit mihi, 
sicut in conventionis chartula scriptum est; " but it is evident that the 
pope only asked to fulfil the agreement, and could not be responsible for 
the refusal of the German prelates to adhere to it. 

2 " Illi id quoque adversati sunt." Act. Sutr., L c. 

3 '"Eadem die Dominico quo legebatur Evangelium : Assumpsit Jesus 
duodecim. . . . Hsec sicut in Christo et in ejus Vicario sunt impleta us- 
que adhuc." Recit d'un ttmoin oculaire, in MS. Vatic., ap. BARON., ad 
ann. 1111, c. 9. 

4 " Ex cathedra descendere compulsus pontifex, deorsum ante Confes- 
sionem B. Petri cum fratribus sedit, ibique usque ad noctis tenebras sub 
armatis militibus est custoditus." Ibid. 

5 He is also called Gebhard. Vita S. Gebhardi, ap. CANIS., Lect. 
antiq., vol. vi. p. 1240. 


and a favourite of the emperor, Henry, burgrave 
of Misnia, surnamed Caput, or Cum Capite, 1 was 
so indignant that he drew his sword and threat- 
ened the prince. The archbishop, who was ready 
to die for the right, and who was horrified at 
the crime committed against the vicar of God, 
offered his life for Pascal's. 2 He was not put to 
death ; but he expiated his courage by nine years 
of persecution and exile. 3 God chose this moment 
to touch the heart of a man who, later, was to be 
counted among His greatest servants. Norbert, 
the emperor's chaplain, and afterwards founder of 
the Premonstratensian Order, threw himself at the 
feet of the imprisoned pontiff, demanded absolution 
from him, and renouncing the world, went to seek 
refuge in profound solitude. 4 Norbert and Conrad 
began thus, at the feet of a pope chained before 
the confessional of the first martyr-pope, that career 
at the end of which they were each destined to be 
violence canonised by a successor of Pascal II. 
against Night being come, the pope was taken to a house 

cardinals' near the church, with the cardinals, a number of 
laymen, the clergy, and many laymen, who shared his im- 

1 Details about him and his later career are found in GERVAIB, vol. i. 
p. 206, note 4. A contemporary monastic chronicle calls him " Henncus 
quidam rcgice tyrannidis capitaneus." Liiden calls him a heroic man, 
vol. ix. p. 478. 

2 "Zelo sequitatis vicem Dei dolens . . . tauquam pro justitia mori 
optans, jugulum praebuit." OTTO FKISING., Chron., vii. 14. 

3 He was obliged to hide himself in a cave near Admont, in Styria, 
where he afterwards founded a famous monastery. 

4 HERIMANN, De restaur S. Martini Tornac, in Spicileg., vol. ii. p. 


prisonment. 1 Henry let loose his soldiers against 
the crowd of men, women, and children, who had 
come with flowers and palms, many of whom were 
robbed, beaten, put in chains, and even killed. 2 
The Germans pillaged the ornaments and sacred 
vessels used in the procession. 3 The Eoman people, 
hearing of these indignities, and of the pope's im- 
prisonment, armed themselves, and seized all the 
Germans they could meet in the city. Next day, 
still more excited, they went to attack the imperial 
camp in front of St Peter's ; the emperor was thrown 
from his horse, and in great danger; Count Otho of 
Milan was cut to pieces. The fight went on all 
day. The Romans, at first victorious, and after- 
wards repulsed, ended by forcing the Germans 
back into their intrenchments. 4 Two cardinals, 
Leo, a monk of Monte Cassino, and Bishop of 
Os'tia, and Giovanni, Bishop of Tusculum, suc- 
ceeded in escaping from the pope's jailors, dressed 
like men of the lower class. 5 Towards night (Mon- 
day, February 13th), Cardinal Giovanni, constitut- 
ing himself the vicar of the sovereign pontiff, 6 con- 

1 " Capta est cum eo clericorum et laicorum copiosa multitude. " Act. 
Sutr., I c. 

2 " Pueros item, ac diversae setatis homines, qui obviam ei cum floribus 
et palmis exierant, alios obtruncari, alios . . . jussit." Act. Sutr., I. c. 

3 Rudolf. Chron. abb. S. Trudonis, p. 697, ap. STENTZEL, i. 639 ; DOM- 
NIZO, ii. 18. 

4 See the details. Chron. Cousin., iv. 41. 

5 " Plebeio habitu." Ibid. 

6 ' ' Agens vices domini Paschalis papse vincti Jesu Christi. " Epist. ad 
Rich. Alban.; PAPYK. MASSE., in not. ad Ivon. Carnot. Epist., ap. BARON., 
I. c. 

VOL. VII. 2 C 


voked the Eomans, and strongly exhorted them to 
fight for life and liberty, and for the defence and 
glory of the Holy See ("pro defensione, pro gloria 
sedis apostoliecB "). He made them swear war to 
the death against the emperor ; he wrote to the 
neighbouring bishops to come to the help of the 
Holy See, and to have prayers offered everywhere 
for the liberty of the pope and of the Chyrch. 1 

Informed of these preparations, Henry judged 
best to evacuate the enclosure of St Peter's ; but 
he took Pascal with him. At the end of two days 
the emperor ordered the pope to be stripped of 
his sacred garments, and gave him in charge to 
some knights of his suite, who tied his hands, and 
dragged him with them across the Tiber and the 
Anio, and into the Sabine country. 2 

The cardinals, bishops, priests, and laymen ar- 
rested with the pope, followed him, stripped of 

1 Epist. ad Rich. Alban., I. c. We have thought that this letter to 
Cardinal Richard, Bishop of Albano, was only a circular; but it must be 
observed that probably Richard was not in his diocese, as he had for a 
long time been legate in France ; and we find him there immediately 
after Pascal's release. 

2 This is how M. de St Marc, a Gallican of the last century, describes 
the king's conduct : " Henry, prouder and more impetuous even than 
his father, seeing then, and, I will venture to say, having a right to see, m 
the pope and his councillors nothing but seditious subjects who had tricked 
their sovereign, ordered the arrest of Pascal, and those of the cardinals 
who were not able to make a hasty escape. Henry's conduct is justified 
by the soundest policy and the most enlightened reason. " Hist, d 1 Italic, 
Paris, 1766, with the royal licence, pp. 891 and 972. Abbot Suger, 
whose policy was not so enlightened, although when he wrote he was 
first minister of a King of France, says: " Imperator pessimse con. 
scientise et facinoris facti perterritus cruciatu, urbem quantocius exivit, 
prsedam a Christiano Christianis inauditam, dominum videlicet papam, 
&c., adducens." De Vit. Lud. Grossi, p. 290. 


their most necessary clothing, and, like their 
master, bound with cords. Pascal, with six car- The pope 
dinals, was shut up in the Castle of Trabico. All the castie 

/i-Ti of Trabico. 

Italians were forbidden to speak to him : he was 
guarded and served by German nobles. 1 

Meantime Cardinal Giovanni, Bishop of Tuscu- 
lum, redoubled his efforts to sustain the courage of 
the Romans, and induce them to take advantage 
of the emperor's retreat. But without the support 
of the Church's old auxiliaries, Matilda and the 
Normans, what could be hoped ? Matilda did not 
move, and the Normans were in no condition to 
fulfil their obligations as vassals of St Peter. On 
hearing of Henry's arrival at the gates of Rome, 
the pope had written to his valiant allies to engage 
them to remain steadfast in their fidelity towards 
the Church. 2 But the son of Robert Guiscard, the 
Duke of Apulia and Calabria, died before he could 

1 " Advoeans milites pontificem sacris vestibus exui jussit : quod cum 
factum esset, vinctum secum pertraxere. . . . Et in Sabinos ad Lucaimm 
pontem iter agentes, ulteriores Romanse urbis partes aggressi sunt. 
Trahebanttir interea clericorum laicorumque plurimi vincti funibus. 
Latinorum nullus audebat cum eodem pontitice colloqui." Chrmi. 
Cassin., b. iv. c. 42. " Cardinales ipsos turpiter exuens, inhoneste 
tractavit, et quod dictu nefas est, ipsum etiam dominum papain tarn 
pluviali, quam mitra, cum qusecumque defert insignia apostolatus . . . 
superbe spoliavit. " SUGER, 1. c. "Clericos vero, archipresbyteros . . . 
exspoliavit, planatas et thymiamata auferendo ; et proprias vestes, ex 
quibus vestiti erant, minime dimittebat, nee etiam subtalaria atque femor- 
alia eis habere pernaittebat. " PAND. PISAN., Vit. Pasc.ll. Can we help 
recalling the treatment endured, seven hundred years later, by Pius VI., 
Pius VII., and the black cardinals, at Savona and at Fontainebleau ? 

2 "Pontifex hortatorias litteras illico disseminans, Northmannos et 
Longobardos monebat in Romanae Ecclesise fide ac devotione persistere." 
Ibid., c. 38. 


receive this letter, which would have made him 
fly to the aid of his suzerain. 1 To heighten this 
misfortune, Bohemond Prince of Tarento had also 
died, 2 and Sicily was in the hands of a minor, the 
young Roger, son of the Great Count, who was 
under his mother's tutelage. Without chiefs who 
could lead them to battle, therefore, the Normans 
were powerless, and had every reason to fear lest 
their Italian conquests should escape them. In- 
deed the Lombards, whom they had driven from 
Apulia, looked forward to a speedy revenge. 3 
Eoger's troops were obliged to intrench them- 
selves in expectation of immediate invasion. 
Prince Robert of Capua alone was able to send 
300 knights to the aid of Rome ; but at Jeventino 
they were met by the Count of Tusculum, a prince 
whose house had always been hostile to the liberty 
of the Church, and who, supported by other lead- 
ers of the Imperial party, put to rout this handful 
of faithful servants of the Holy See, and obliged 
their chief to beg for peace. 4 

Henry passed Lent at Albano, and cruelly 
ravaged the environs of Rome, in hopes of intimi- 
dating the Romans, whom he also tried to win by 
offers of money. But they, influenced by the 

1 21st February 1111. 2 7th March 1111. 

3 " Horum itaque mors, ut Northmannis magnum incussit metum de 
imperatoris ejusque exercitui, et Longobardis omnibus extulit animos. 
Verebantur illi ne imperatoris adventu sedibus suis et principatu 
pellerentur. . . ." Chron Cassin., iv. 41. 

4 Chron. Cassin., I. c. 


Bishop of Tusculum, would treat only on condi- 
tion that the pope and cardinals should be set at 
liberty. The emperor, therefore, caused the pope 
to be brought back into his camp, 1 and there de- 
clared to him solemnly that if the conditions pro- 
posed were not accepted, half of the many captives 2 
whom he drew after him should be put to death, 
and the rest mutilated ; and that, moreover, the car- 
dinals should suffer the same fate. 3 These threats 
were useless ; Pascal persisted in his refusal, de- 
claring that he would a thousand times rather 
sacrifice his life than the sacred rights of the 
Eoman Church. 4 Henry had then recourse to 
other means : he caused the sovereign pontiff to 
be besieged by incessant solicitations from the 
German bishops and nobles, who conjured him to 
treat with the king and show some faith in his 
promises, so as to obtain peace. 5 The citizens of 
Rome even obtained leave to come and describe 
to the pope the sufferings endured by the prisoners, 
the desolation of the Church, and the imminent 

1 ' ' Postremo tarn suspicionis quam et concordise gratia in eastro 
reductus est. Fuit Apostolicus in eodem ergastulo sexaginta et nnum 
dies." Ibid. Pagi has shown that the Pope's captivity lasted but 56 
days Grit, in Baron., aim. 1111. It is not known how the period was 
divided between the fortress and the camp. 

2 " Copiosa multitude ; uti supra." 

3 "Ccepit jurejurando firm are, nisi pontifex illi morem gereret, et 
ipsum, et omnes quos habebat in vinculis, partim occisurum, partim 
ampiitatis membi'is quibusque debilitaturum." Chron. Cassin., I. c. 

4 " Pontifex vitam ponere quam jura Ecclesiae malebat." Ibid. 

5 "Regis optimates . . . adeunt, monent, orant. . . . Regis sibi 
fidelitatem et obedientiam proponunt . . . ut ea quse pacis et concordine 
sunk" Chron. Saxo., ann. 1111. 


danger of schism. 1 Henry himself knelt before his 
prisoner, and begged his forgiveness, swearing to 
obey him if he would only consent to grant him 
the enjoyment of the imperial powers enjoyed by 
his predecessors. 2 The pope replied, " God pre- 
serve me from ever consecrating a man stained 
with so many crimes and with so much innocent 
blood ! " 3 Driven to extremity, Henry again 
began to threaten, and gave orders that the pri- 
soners should be executed in Pascal's presence, 4 
after allowing them to communicate with him, 
Pascal ii. and try Jo soften his resolution. Then only the 
the win of unhappy old man, vanquished by the grief and 
perorto prayers of his children, 5 bursting into tears, cried, 

save his r J , -. 

servants. " I must endure for the Church's peace and deliv- 
erance what I would give my life to avoid." 6 

A treaty was therefore set on foot at Ponte 
Mammolo, on the banks of the Anio, which divided 

1 "Hoc per principes, hoc per clericos, hoc per laicos, civesque Ko- 
manos sollicite satagebat. . . . Proponebantur pontifici captivorum 
calamitates qui amissis Uberis . . . durioribus compedibus coerceban- 
tur. . . ." Chron. Cassin., I. c. 

2 " Rex ipse pedibns ejus humiliter profusus veniam postulat, obe- 
dientiam spondet,-dummodo," &c. Ann. Saxon., ann. 1111. 

3 " Absit vero ut homini interfectorum sanguine cruentato, tantisque 
flagitiis exsecrando consecrationem impertiam ! " Trithemius, ap. MA- 
BILL., v. 559. 

4 See ibid. 

5 " Victus tandem lacrymis atque suspiriis filiorum." Chron. Cass., 
I. c. 

6 "En cogor pro Ecclesiae pace et liberatione id perpeti quod ne 
paterer, vitam quoque cum sanguine profundere paratus eram." Chronic. 
Cassinens. We have tried to harmonise the accounts of these outrages 
given by Peter Diaconus in his Chronicle of Monte Cassino, by the 
annalist Saxo, and by Trithemius, following the same order as Mabillon. 
Aim. Bened., b. 72, c. 2. 


the Imperialist army from the Koman troops, 
April 11, 1111. The emperor promised that on 
the next day or the one following he would libe- 
rate the pope, cardinals, and all the captives ; that 
he would restore the part of the Roman Church 
property which he had taken, and obey the pope, 
saving the honour of the kingdom and empire, 
as Catholic emperors were accustomed to obey 
Catholic popes. 1 Pascal, on his side, swore never 
to disturb the emperor nor the empire on the 
subject of investitures of bishoprics or abbeys, to 
pardon all the wrongs and outrages which his 
friends had endured, never to pronounce an ana- 
thema against the emperor, and finally to crown 
him immediately, and to aid him honestly in 
maintaining his empire in peace. 2 This promise 
was sworn to by the sixteen cardinals who were 
prisoners; 3 but Henry was not satisfied; he 
required that before being set at liberty, and 
allowed to return to Rome, where the pontifical 
seal had been left, Pascal should draw up and 

1 " Salvo honore regni et imperil, sicut imperatores catholic! pontifi- 
cibus Rornanis solent." This promise was sworn to by four bishops, the 
Chancellor Albert, seven counts, and the Marquis Werner. We are 
astonished to find foremost among them Frederic, Archbishop of Cologne, 
whose later conduct so loudly contradicted his participation in this deed. 

2 " Neque aliquod malum redditum reddet sibi vel alicui personse pro 
hac re, et penitus in persouam regis nunquam anathema ponet." WILL. 
MALM , b. x., ex Chron. David. Scott. Bancor. epist. Cf. BARONIUS, 
ann. 1111, et Concil., ed. COLETTI, vol. xii. p. 1174. The stipulation 
as to the anathema is not reproduced in the deed of the pontifical oath 
given by Baronius (ex Act. Vit. Pose.), but may be understood in the 
general terms, "Non inquietabit regem nee ejus regnum et imperium." 

3 Of whom two were suburban bishops and three deacons. 


give to him the bull which was to acknowledge 
the right of investiture. 

On the following day, April 12th, in the field 
of the Sette Frati, while the camp was being re- 
moved, the bull was prepared, and in the even- 
ing, when the army had crossed the Tiber, the 
pontifical seal was brought from Home by a secre- 
tary, who copied the bull, which Pascal immediately 
signed under the title of privilege. 1 It stated that 
the pope confirmed to the emperor the prerogative 
granted by his predecessors to those of Henry ; 
that bishops and abbots elected without violence 
or simony should be invested by the emperor with 
crosier and ring, and that no bishop elected with- 
out the emperor's consent should be consecrated 
until he had thus been invested. 2 An anathema 
was pronounced against whoever should infringe 
the provisions of this privilege, which was not, 
indeed, guaranteed or countersigned by any car- 
dinal. Finally, on Thursday, April 13th, Pascal II. 

1 "Die igitur altero, in eodem campo qui Septera Fratrum dicitur, 
dum castra moverent, illud dictari oportuit. . . . Jam locatis castris, 
accitus ex urbe scriniarius, scriptum illud inter tenebras nocturnas exar- 
avit, cui invitus licet pontifex subscripsit, quod sic se habet : Privilegi- 
ura Paschalis PP. quod fecit," &c. Thus speaks the author of Acta 
Sutrina or Acta PP. Paschalis, quoted by Baronius, who was an eye- 
witness, as he himself says in concluding : "H$ec sicut passi sumus, et 
oculis nostris vidimus, mera veritate conscripsimus." 

2 " Ut regni tui episcopis et abbatibus libere praeter violentiam et 
simoniam electis, investituram virgse et annuli conferas. ... Si quis 
autem . . . nisi a te investiatur, a nemine consecretur." The text of 
the privilege is in BARONIUS, ami. 1111, Cod. Udalr., No. 265 ; and 
Cone., xii. 1176. 


and Henry V. entered the Leonine city, 1 and pro- The pope 


ceeded to St Peter's, where, while the gates were to crown 

the em- 
dosed to keep out the people, 2 the pope crowned P eror - 

the emperor, and solemnly gave over to him the 
privilege of investiture. At the Communion the 
pope having broken the wafer, gave part of it to 
the emperor, saying, " Lord Emperor, this body 
of the Lord which the Catholic Church declares 
to have been born of the Virgin Mary, and cruci- 
fied for us, we give to you as a pledge of peace 
and concord between you and me, between the 
empire and the priesthood. As this portion is 
separated from the living body, thus may he who 
shall violate this treaty be separated from the 
kingdom of Christ." 3 

Pascal then returned to Eome, where the people 
received him joyfully. The emperor, after having 
loaded the pope and clergy with presents, started 

1 This name was given in the middle ages to the quarter on the right 
bank of the Tiber, which contained St Peter's, and which was then re- 
garded as outside the city of Rome. 

2 "Fortes omnibus Romanse urbis, ne quis civium eo adveniret ob- 
servatis." Chron. Cass., I. c. 

3 This last phrase, only quoted by Peter Diaconus, is not found in the 
versions of the pope's allocution given by William of Malmesbury, from 
the work of the emperor's chaplain, David of Bangor, the Codex Udalr,, 
No. 264, and Papyrus Masson, in his Notes sur Yves de Chartres. Liiden 
(vol. x. b. xx. c. 4, No. 11, p. 636) seems horrified by this communion 
of two, which he calls profanation. The breaking of the wafer seems to 
him above all incredible, and authorises him to call the pope " nonpon- 
tifex, sed carnifex." It is evident from these observations that the his- 
torian does not know that every day in all masses said by Catholic priests 
this breaking takes place. And it is by savants of this kind that the 
Catholic Church is daily judged and condemned. 


the same day for the north. 1 He had previously 

gone to visit the Countess Matilda, 2 whose favour 

he wished to secure, and at whose request he had 

at once released the Bishops of Parma and Reggio, 

who had been made prisoners with the pope. 3 

The em- The two illustrious personages met in the Castle 

the conn- of Bibianello, where they spent three days together, 4 

tessMa- . . J L J a > 

tuda. during which they needed no interpreter, as the 
Countess spoke German perfectly. Henry de- 
clared that he had never seen so extraordinary 
a woman : he gave her the title of Mother, and 
made her vice-queen of Italy. 

Henry then went to Verona, where he kept the 
feast of Whitsuntide, and renewed the alliance 
between the empire and the Venetian republic, 
after which, crossing the Alps, he proceeded to 
do honour to the memory of the father whom he 
had dethroned, by giving him the most magnifi- 
cent obsequies that had ever been known. Using 
the permission he had obtained from the pope, 
the emperor caused the body of the excommuni- 
cated prince to be interred in the Cathedral of 
Spires. Immunities were granted to the citizens 
of that town and of Worms on the occasion, to 

1 Chrou. Ursperg., I. c., 18. 2 DOMNIZO, ii. 18. 

3 Pergere nee Caesar sapiens usquam cupiebat 

Respicere faciem, nisi dictae comitissse." 


4 From the 3d to the 6th May 1111. 

6 From the Chron. Ursperg. , I. c., we might believe that he had also 
obtained this permission from the pope while a prisoner. 


reward them for their fidelity to the sovereign so 
cruelly treated by his son, but whose " blessed 
memory " 1 that son now celebrated. Finally, on 
the Feast of the Assumption he held a diet at 
Spires, near the glorified tomb of his victim. There, 
to put a seal on his victory, the prince bestowed 
the investiture of the archbishopric of Mayence, 
the first see of the empire, on his chancellor Al- 
bert, the man who had been the principal instru- 
ment of his violences, of his dishonest dealing, 
and of his success at Rome in this contest with 
Pascal II. 

1 "Ob firmam et inviolabilem fidem quam Wormatienses cives patri 
nostro bcatce memoriae servavemnt et nobis quoque servare debent." 
Ludwig. Ediqii'm MS., ii. 180, ap. STENTZEL, i. 653. Cf. GEHVAIS, 
i. 49. 




Bruno, Bishop of Segni, proposes to the pope to break his bull. Bruno's 
letter displeases the sovereign pontiff. The French bishops protest. 
Intervention of Geoffrey of Venddme. Exasperation of the monks 
of Hirschau. Manifesto of the monks who had taken refuge at St 
Benigne of Dijon. Pascal II. assembles a council at the Lateran. 
Humility of the sovereign pontiff. Pascal's profession of faith before 
the council. Sentence of the Lateran fathers. Hildebert of Mans 
and Yves of Chartres apologists for Pascal II. Joceran answers 
Yves. Council of Vienne, where the emperor is excommunicated. 
The emperor's chicanery enlightens the princes as to the dangers with 
which they are threatened. Henry V., becoming more powerful than 
Henry IV. had ever been, lays aside all caution. Defection of the 
Chancellor Albert of Mayence. Albert is imprisoned in his own fort- 
ress of Trifels. Marriage of Henry V. with Matilda of England at 
Mayence. Insurrection against the emperor: victory of the confede- 
rates. Thomas de Marie excommunicated and deprived of knightly 
honours. Council held at St Gereon at Cologne. Albert set free. 
Erlung of Wiirzburg deserts the emperor. 

THE temporal power, then, was victorious, and 
never did victory appear more complete or more 
brilliant. In the spectacle of a pope detained a 
prisoner before the confessional of St Peter's, 
dragged with bound hands into a fortress, and 
thence to the imperial camp, there to sign a treaty 
dictated by the emperor, there was more than 
complete vengeance for the humiliation which 


that prince claimed to have suffered at Canossa. 
Conqueror in a contest which had lasted for forty 
years, Henry, the son of the excommunicated 
sovereign, returned to rehabilitate his father's 
memory, and celebrate a double triumph, holding 
in his hand the authorisation of investitures signed 
by the very pontiff who had so often proscribed 
them. The allies of the pope saw bending before 
the ascendancy of the empire both the power of 
the Church and the independence of those lay 
vassals whose swords had so often preserved her. 
The Normans trembled for themselves in their 
mountains, and for the first time the Great Matilda 
had shown herself friendly to the German em- 
peror. The successor of Gregory VII. had neither 
been able to vanquish nor to die, nor even to 
keep silence. He remained in his city of Borne, 
deprived alike of allies, of resources, and of glory. 
But from this excess of abasement the Church was 
to spring as strong and as free as before, and the 
spirit of Gregory VII. was destined to show itself 
more living and more fruitful than ever. 

When Gregory had undertaken the government 
of the Church, it had been necessary for him to 
create a centre of resistance to lay usurpation ; 
he had been obliged to form and discipline that 
army which Borne was able to dispose of for 
a quarter of a century after his death. That 
army was so powerful, so numerous, and so in- 
flamed by the spirit of the immortal pontiff, that 


the blamable weakness of a successor was un- 
able to destroy it. All was saved because God 
directed all. 

Pascal II. might have repeated to his imperial 
jailor the words of Pope Vigilius when imprisoned 
by the Emperor Justinian, and bidden to sign an 
impious decree : "I warn you that though you 
may keep me prisoner you cannot keep St Peter." 

The indignation of Catholics first expressed 
itself by the mouth of a monk and saint from the 
height of that holy mountain which had been the 
cradle of the monastic orders. Monte Cassino was 
then governed by Bruno, a Piedmontese, sprung 
from one of the noblest families of Asti, 1 whom 
Urban II. had taken to the council of Clermont, 
and Pascal II. had appointed his legate in France. 2 
Having quitted his bishopric to become again a 
simple monk, Bruno had taken refuge in a cell 
at Monte Cassino ; but Pascal permitted him to 
remain there only on condition that he should con- 
tinue to govern his diocese. When he was elected 
abbot of the great mother abbey, Pascal congrat- 
ulated him, saying that he was not only worthy 
to fill that office, but even to occupy his own in the 
Bruno, Holy See. 3 Bruno was -the first to protest against 

Bishop of . .. . 

segnis, the treaty signed between the pope and the em- 
suggests T r f 11-1 i 
to the pope peror. In the name of several bishops and ear- 
to break r - 1 . 

his bull, dinals assembled at Monte Cassino, he invited the 

1 That of Soleri. 2 See above. 

3 Chron. Cassin., 1. iv: c. 31. 


pope to annul his bull and excommunicate Henry 
V. 1 This proposal gave rise to a division at Koine. 
Those who had shared the pope's captivity were 
resolved that investiture should be condemned as 
before ; 2 but others, on the contrary, became apol- 
ogists of all that had passed. Bruno, warned that 
he was being denounced as an encourager of dis- 
cord and scandal, thought himself obliged to write 
to the pope as follows : " To Pascal, sovereign 
pontiff, all that is due to such a lord and father, 
Bruno, a sinner, bishop and serf of the blessed 
Benedict. My enemies say that I do not love 
you, and that I speak evil of you ; but they lie. I 
love you as my lord and father, and will acknow- 
ledge no other while you live. But if I am bound 
to love you, I am bound to love yet more Him 
who has created both you and me, and who should 
be preferred above all others. But this treaty, so 
shameful, made with such treachery, and so con- 
trary to all true religion, I cannot approve ; and 
neither do you, according to what many have told 
me. And who, indeed, can defend a treaty which 
violates our faith, annihilates the freedom of the 
Church, destroys the priesthood by shutting the 
only true door by which it can be entered, and open- 
ing many others for thieves and robbers ? We have 
the canons and constitutions of the holy Fathers 

1 Chron. Cassin., 1. iv. c. 31. 

2 " Hi qui cum illo in vinculis fuerunt, dicebant : Qnod ante dixi- 
mus, dicemus ; damnamusque quod ante damnavimu.s." Ibid. 


from the time of the apostles to yours. We ought 
to walk in this royal road, and not to turn to the 
right or to the left. You had established an ex- 
cellent constitution, identical with that of the 
apostles, which condemns and excommunicates all 
who receive investiture from the hands of laymen. 
This constitution is holy and catholic, and there- 
fore should not be gainsaid. Confirm it again, 
venerable father ! proclaim it before all ! De- 
nounce once more that heresy which you have so 
often prosecuted, and you will soon see the Church 
reconciled to you, and all hastening to your feet, 
joyful to obey their father and lord. Have pity 
on the Church of God ! have pity on the spouse of 
Christ ! and restore to her by your prudence that 
liberty which she seems to have lost by your fault. 
As to your obligations, as to the oath you have 
taken, I think nothing of it ; and when you have 
broken it, I shall obey you as much as ever." : 
Pascal, extremely annoyed by this letter, cried, 

1 "Brunus peccator, episcopus, B. Benedict! servus. . . . Inimici 
mei dicunt quod . . . sed mentiuntur. . . . Fcedus autem illud tarn 
fcedum, tarn violentem, cum tanta proditione- factum. . . . Apostoli 
enim omnes (can. Apost., 31) illos damnant et a fidelium communione 
segregant, quicumque per ssecularetn potestatem Ecclesiam ob'tinent. 
Laici enim quamvis religiosi, nullam tamen disponendi Ecclesiam habent 
facultatem. Similiter et constitutio tua, quee de Apostolico fonte mana- 
vit. . . . Miserere Sponsse Cbristi, et per tuam prudentiam suam recu- 
peret libertatem, quam modo per te amisisse videtnr. Ego autem . . . 
illud juramentnm . . . parvipendo," &c. BARON., ann. 1111. He 
wrote at the same time to tbe cardinal-bisbop of Porto, wbo had signed 
the treaty, to remind him that those who defended a heresy condemned 
by the Church became by that very fact heretics and excommunicated 


'" If I do not remove him from his monastery, he The pope 
will remove me from the government of the Church by Bruno's 


with his arguments." : Bruno, by Pascal's nomi- 
nation, was already Bishop of Segni ; but, under 
present circumstances, the pope determined to for- 
bid him to be at once bishop and abbot, and sent, 
by Cardinal Leo of Ostia, a monk and librarian 
of Monte Cassino, an order to the monks of the 
monastery no longer to recognise Bruno, but to 
choose his successor. 2 The monks replied that 
they would obey Bruno as long as he would 
consent to govern them, and refused to accept 
the successor whom the cardinal-bishop declared 
should be imposed upon them by force, and even, 
if necessary, by the aid of armed men. Then 
Bruno, having assembled them, spoke to them as 
follows : " Rather than be the cause of a scandal- 
ous dissension between you and the holy Father, 
I return to you the crosier you have confided to 
me ; " 3 and he placed it on the altar and retired to 
his bishopric. 4 But this retreat did not allay the 
opposition to Pascal, which was daily increasing. 
The cardinal-monk of Monte Cassino, Leo, bishop 
of Ostia, who had been charged with the expres- 

1 "Nisi ilium a monasterii administratione removero, ipse suis argu- 
mentis Ecclesise mild regimen toilet." Chron. Cassin., b. iv. c. 44. 

2 "Sin aii tern secus agerent, in omnibus monasterii cellis abbates ipse 
statueret. " Ibid. 

3 " Nolo ut propter me inter vos et Romanum pontificem scandalum 
oriatur. . . . Accipite virgam quam mini tradidistis. " Ibid. 

4 He died August 24, 1125, and was canonised by Pope Lucius II. in 

VOL. VII. 2 D 


sion of the papal indignation against Bruno, joined 
the cardinal-bishop of Tusculum in invoking an 
assembly of bishops and cardinals to confirm the 
old sentences against investiture, and to declare the 
pope's concessions null and void. The latter, who 
had withdrawn to Terracina, reproached the prelates 
for their unruly conduct ; but at the same time pro- 
mised that he would revoke the deed which he had 
given only in the hope of saving the town and his 
brethren from certain ruin. 1 The pope fully un- 
derstood that true Catholics would not consent to 
perish with him ; he knew that orthodox Italy was 
addressing to him on all sides words such as those 
which a contemporary writer places in the mouth 
of St Peter : " Pope Pascal, learn to watch over 
the liberty of the Church, and to form thy will 
upon that of the Crucified who died for His Spouse; 
and who has confided her to thee that thou mightst 
keep her always worthy of Him. Know how to 
die, pontiff, rather than to let her be violated 
by enemies or seduced by false lovers, for the Lord 

1 "Joanni Tusculano et Leoni Velitrensi, episcopis et cardinal ibns in 
unura congregatis consortium et pacem in Christo. Id quod in per- 
sonam nostram, imo in patrem vestrum prseter ipsum Ecclesiaj judicium 
atque prsesentiam vos egistis, etsi vobis ex zelo Dei visum sit, non 
tamen, ut mihi videtur, canon ico tramite incessistis. . . . Commissum 
quod . . . fecimusemendarecurabimus." Reg. Pasch., No. 23,inC7owt\, 
vol. xii. Baronius and Fleury place this meeting of the cardinals before 
Bruno's protest, which is evidently a mistake : Pascal's letter to the 
cardinals reproving their conduct being of July 5th, while the dismissal 
of Bruno from his functions as Abbot of Monte Cassino, occasioned by 
his protest, must have been in May, since he was elected October 1, 1107, 
and governed the abbey three years and seven months, according to Peter 
Diaconus. Chron. Cassin., b. iv. c. 31, 44. 


Christ knows that if thou wilt resist to the utmost, 
none shall be able to prevail against the liberty of 
His Church/' ! 

In France the indignation of the Catholics broke The French 


out with even greater force, and the pope fell in protest, 
the estimation of the greater number. 2 Bishops 
Eobert of Paris, Gualo of Leon, the new abbot 
Pons of Cluny, and many other prelates, declared 
that all the concessions made to the emperor were 
absolutely null, and that Pascal ought to have 
died rather than give up justice and the decrees 
of the Fathers to the secular power. 3 The monk 
Joceran, Abbot of Ainay, who filled the see of 
Lyons as successor to the famous Hugh, as- 
sembled in council not only his own suffragans, 
but also the bishops of the neighbouring pro- 
vinces ; so that a report was spread that they 
would judge and condemn Pascal. 4 A prelate 

1 "0 pastor rector Paschalis, summe sacerdos . . . 

. . Scelus, aspice, libera caute . . . 
Velle tuum firmum super ilium stet Crucifixum 
Qui semet morti pro Sponsa subdidit hosti . . . 
Ferto prius mortem male quam violetur ab hoste : 
Nullus earn raptor rapiat tibi, nullus amator 
Falsus, seducat blande virtute nee ulla. 
Scit Dominus Christus quia si steteris bene firmus, 
Libertas Sponsae nunquam invenietur ab hoste. " 

DOMNIZO, ii. 16. 
3 " Multis postmodum vilior extitit." ORDER. VITAL., vol. x. p. 762. 

3 " Papam redarguebat . . . quidquid imperatori verbo seu scripto 
concesserat, irritum esse debere indubitanter censebant. . . . Pro veri- 
tate et justitia debuisset optare mori. . . . Vincula et flagra perpeti 
quam aliquid contra jus et statuta Patrum potestate annuere sseculari.'' 

4 See the letter from Yves of Chartres to the archbishop, to which we 
shall have to return later. 


equally eminent for his zeal and his high birth, 
allied to the King of France, and destined by God 
to bring about the glorious conclusion of the con- 
test between the priesthood and the empire, Guy 
of Burgundy, Archbishop of Vienne, wrote to the 
pope to learn the truth of what had happened, and 
to understand his future intentions. 1 
luterven- Abbot Geoffrey of Vend6me, who had reinstalled 

tion of * 

(leoffrey Urban II. in the throne of the Laterau, after the 

of Ven- 

expulsion of the anti-pope Guibert, 2 interfered also 
to reprove the pope for his weakness. Geoffrey 
was far from having extravagant opinions upon 
investiture ; 3 for it was he who had pronounced 
the words so often quoted by moderate Catholics : 
" The Church must be free, but we must take 
care not to rub the sick man till we bring blood, 
nor to break the vase in trying to free it from 
rust/' 4 But when he saw the humiliation of the 
Roman Church, the prelate's zeal knew no bounds. 
" The Church," he wrote to Pascal, " lives by faith, 
purity, and freedom, without them she languishes 
and dies. Faith is her foundation, Chastity her 
adornment, Liberty her shield. But when, in- 

1 "Quse cognoscere postulasti hsec sunt." Ep. Pascal, ad Guidon., 
ap. BARON., ann. 1112, c. 3. 

2 See above. 

3 See his explanation of the different kinds of investitures, and those 
which he considered lawful, in Opusc. iv., ed. Sirmond., or in Not. 
Juretiad Yvon., Carnot., p. 197. 

4 "Habeat Ecclesia suam libertatem, sed summopere caveat, nedum 
nimis emunxerit, alliciat sanguinem, et dum rubiginem de vase conatur 
eradere, vel ipsum frangatur." Opusc. ap. Sirmond., b. iii. p. 889. 


stead of forbidding investiture (which is a heresy, 
according to the sentence of the Fathers) she 
authorises it ; when she suffers herself to be cor- 
rupted by gifts ; when she submits to the secular 
power, she loses at once Faith, Chastity, and 
Liberty, and seems, not without reason, to be no 
longer living, but dead. 1 . . . He who, seated 
on the throne of the martyred Apostles, has re- 
versed their glorious destiny, he, since he has 
acted unlike them, ought to undo what he has done, 
and, like another Peter, repent with tears. If he 
has yielded for fear of death, he should apply his 
mind to repairing this weakness of the body, 
which, whether it will or no, must die, and over 
which he might triumph by winning a glorious 
immortality. If it was rather because he feared 
death for his children that he consented to that 
which Christ, St Peter, and the canons reject, his 
fault is not the less, for, instead of saving his 
children, he has put an obstacle in the way of their 
salvation. The saints have never taught us to 
shield from death those who, destined to suffer it 
sooner or later, might enter at once upon that 
eternal life which God has prepared for them to the 
profit of the universal Church. Kather, if they 
should prove cowardly enough to draw back from 
the gate of Paradise by renouncing the truth, it 
was thy duty to sustain them by exhortation and 

1 " Fide, castitate ac libertate vivit ac viget Ecclesia. . . . Quse vitam 
non habet, nee imnierito mortua creditur. ..." 


example, being thyself the first to die for the good 
cause. And as thy fault is inexcusable, as to try 
to excuse it would be but to aggravate it, nothing 
remains but to expiate it without delay ; through 
such expiation only, the Church, which now seems 
ready to breathe her last, may hope to survive. 
A shepherd whose morals are bad can be endured, 
but not one who goes astray in matters of doctrine. 
Against him, the lowest of believers, even an open 
and infamous sinner, has the right to rebel. And 
since we perceive the Lucifer of our days to be 
fallen from heaven, we must not, by any means, 
conceal from him his impiety, lest, which God 
forbid ! we should ourselves fall with him into 
the pit of despair. If I have said less than I 
ought, may my ignorance be forgiven ; if more, 
let me be pardoned for the sake of my hatred of 
iniquity, and my love of righteousness." 1 

Thus spoke Geoffrey to the monk of Cluny who 
occupied the place of Gregory VII. 

In Germany there were monks whose anger 
monks of even surpassed that of Geoffrey of Vend6me. The 
monks of Hirschau, if we may believe the accusa- 
tions brought against them to Henry V. by their 
rivals at Lorsch, asserted, that not only ought the 

1 "Et quia Luciferum nostris temporibus a ccelo lapsum indubitanter 
agnosciinus, non ei qualibet occasione illam impietatem dissimulantes, 
inhaereamus, ne in puteura desperationis cum eo, quod Deus abnuat ! 
corruamus. Si minus dixi quam debui . . . ; si amplius, quia de odio 
iniquitatis et sequitatis a more processi, ignoscatur." GOFF. VIND., b. i. 
ep. 7. 


emperor to be deposed arid excommunicated, but 
the pope also. 1 All monks had protested against 
the imperial triumph sanctioned by the episcopate. 
Gerard, Bishop of Constance, who, as legate, had 
so long guided Catholic resistance in Germany, 
had died before the emperor's journey to Borne. 
The Archbishop of Salzburg, the only one of 
the German prelates who had protested at Eome 
against the imperial violence, had been obliged to 
hide himself in a cave in the mountains of his 
diocese. 2 Henry had sent to every church in the 
empire a copy of the privilege extorted from Pas- 
cal, with orders to obey it faithfully. 3 Eichard, 
the usurping bishop of Verdun, excommunicated 
at the Council of Troyes, in 1107, did not fail to 
carry this instrument in triumph to the abbey of 
St Vannes, which was the principal centre of the 
Catholic spirit of Lorraine. Having assembled 
the monks, the bishop read to them the papal 
concession, and then said, " See the end of your 
tribulations, and exiles, and all that you have 
chosen to surfer for more than thirty years; see 
how they have all fallen into the mud ! " 4 Upon 

1 "Decani et conventualium principales abbatise Laurishamensis libel- 
lus supplex ad Henr. V. imper. contra monachos de Hirsaugia in Goldast." 
Apolog. , i. p. 223. Stentzel also quotes as an authority Chron. Lauris- 
hamense, p. 224, in Cod. Laurish. diplom., vol. i. 

2 See above. 

3 " Per omne regnum omnibus suis misit ac transcribi et teneri jussit. " 
Hist, episc. Virdun., in SpiciL, b. ii. p. 248. 

4 "Ecce quo tribulationes vestrse, quo exilia vestra quse per annos 
triginta plus minusve passi estis, ecce omnia in coenum devoluta sunt." 


which those who accompanied the bishop began to 
hold forth upon the extent of the imperial power, 
and to maintain that the king was also the pontiff, 
who had perfect right to create or to depose 
bishops. 1 The monks, seeing that the citadel of 
the Eoman faith had capitulated, blushed with 
shame, and remained silent. 2 But soon after, 
encouraged by news of the resistance offered 
by the Archbishop of Vienne, 3 and other prelates 
out of Germany, to the emperor, they also pro- 
tested, and although alone of their party in that 
province, they refused to communicate with im- 

The usurping bishop and his canons, according 
to the custom of the schismatics, proceeded to use 
violent measures against the monks. The laymen, 
whom devotion drew to their company, were pub- 
licly flogged ; monks were beaten, insulted, robbed, 
deprived of their library, disturbed in their service. 
The rich members of the chapter treated them as 
rustics, herdsmen, and beggarly foreigners, whom 
poverty had united. 4 The good monks once more 

1 "Quid referam quosdam comites ejus . . . grandia de rege dispu- 
tasse, eum regem pariter et summum sacerdotem (quod nee apud ullos 
haereticos dictum invenitur), ejus juris esse ut praesules faciat vel de- 
ponet dialecticasse. " Hist, episc. Virdun., in Spicil., L c. 

2 " Conventus erubuit, ingemuit, et quia turris Romans? fidei cesserat, 
iiullus eorum fuit qui aperiret os." Ibid. 

3 Vienne and Dauphine then formed part of the empire. 

4 "Fratres nostros non monachos, sed rusticos, gardones, pantonarios 
et advenas penuria congregates vocabatis." Ep. Laurent, abb. S. Viton., 
ad can. Virdun., in MABILL., Ann., vol. v., append. No. 80, where curi- 
ous details of this persecution may be found. 


took the way into exile already familiar to them. 
Led by their abbot Laurentius, they again sought 
an asylum at St Be"nigne, at Dijon, formerly 
opened to them by the holy and zealous Jarenton, 1 
and where they found the monks of St Hubert just 
arrived, exiled, like themselves, by the violence of 
a schismatic bishop. 2 This was the last service 
which Jarenton, the model of abbots, was to render 
to the cause of the Church, and to the doctrines 
of which Gregory VII. had constituted him the 
apostle. 3 From the shelter of this blessed refuge Manifesto 
the fugitive monks addressed to their persecutors monks 

t ... sheltered 

a manifesto, which paints in lively colours both at st Be- 

nigne of 

their sadness and their unshaken faith. " These 
are the traditions of the Fathers, for which we will 
live and die : to keep, first of all, the Catholic 
faith ; to adorn it with good works ; to obey the 
Apostolic See as the mother of all the Churches ; 
to abstain from all relations with the excommuni- 
cated ; to distribute ecclesiastical dignities without 
simony ; to forbid priests to defile themselves by 
marriage ; and to defend the Church, our mother, 
from all lay servitude." 4 

1 In 1085. 2 See above, c. 14. 

3 He died February 10, 1112 ; and the monks of Verdun had left after 
the festival of St Vanne, November 9, 1111. 

4 " Ut libera mater Ecclesia sub nulla servitute laica ancilletur, . . . 
ut nulla se succubarum pollutione commaculent," &c. Ep. Laur. I. c. 
This letter, which is one of the most eloquent monuments of the Catho- 
lic spirit of that epoch, commences thus : " Frater L. Catholicus, Do- 
mino miserante abbas, Deo disponente abbatia pulsus, homine perse- 
quente, clericatis Virdunensibus quod merentur." Abbot Hugh of 
Flavigriy, known by the chronicle which bears his name, was named 


At the furthest extremity of the Catholic world, 
in the new kingdom of Jerusalem, there was a 
German noble, Conon, Count of Urach, 1 who, after 
having founded the Abbey of Arrouaise, 2 had 
become cardinal - bishop of Palestrina, and the 
pope's legate in the Holy Land. At the news of 
the crimes committed against the Holy See and 
the liberty of the Church, he convoked a council, 
and was the first to fulminate the sentence of ex- 
communication against the emperor. 3 And it was 
thus, says the most illustrious historian of the 
papacy, that in the great shipwreck of the Roman 
Church, God permitted the failing strength of the 
head to be compensated by the union and vigour 
of the members. 4 

It is remarkable that the protest of Catholicity 
found an echo in the bosom of the Greek schism. 
Alexis Commenus, Emperor of Byzantium, sent an 
embassy to Rome to express the pain he had felt 

Abbot of St Vanne by Richard, and accepted the appointment, for which 
he was excommunicated by Jarenton. As to the intruder Richard, he 
repented after three years, and died in Italy, begging the pope to forgive 
his faults. 

1 This nobleman was son of Eginon, Count of Urach, in Wiirtemberg, 
and related by his grandmother to St Leo IX. Hist, litter, de France, 
vol. xiii. p. 30, NEUGART, cod. dipl. ALEMANN. ii., No. 834. 

2 This house, founded in 1090 by the B. Heldemar and Conon, finally 
became the headquarters of a celebrated congregation of regular canons. 

3 Chron. Urxperg., ann. 1116 ; COLETTI, Cone., xii. 1161. 

4 "Summam itaque in tanto naufragio Roinanae Ecclesiae et sacerdotali 
constantia Conon sibi gloriam comparavit, laudemque peperit immor- 
talem. Ita, Deo mirabili modo operante, ut quod deficit in capite robur, 
in cohserentibus membris magis ac magis accreverit ad alligandum per- 
fidum regem in compedibus anathematis, et nobiles ejus in malediction- 
ibus sempiteruis." BARON., Ann., ad ann. 1111. 


in hearing of the wrong done to the pope, and his 
captivity, and to congratulate the Romans on their 
resistance to the German emperor. 1 

Amidst this general revolt of Catholic souls 
against the sacrilegious action of the emperor, the 
pope long remained tossed and undecided. At first, 
he complained to Henry V. of the insults which were 
addressed to him, not only by those at a distance, 
but by those who surrounded him, but " being un- 
able," he said, " to obtain any satisfaction from them, 
he left them to the judgment of God, that he might 
not bring more serious trouble upon the Church." 2 

Eome thus resigned herself to bear the heavy re- 
proaches of the French bishops. 3 But soon the ever- 
rising wave of Catholic indignation, which threat- 
ened to submerge the supreme authority, inspired the 

1 Chron. Cassin., ix. c. 46. The Romans appointed an embassy of six 
hundred persons to go out to meet these envoys, and the chief of them 
are denounced to the Emperor Henry by the Abbot of Farfa in his letter. 
Ap. Cod. Ep. Udalr., No. 259. We do not know what consequences 
followed this curious negotiation. 

2 " Quod autem de episcopis conquereris, cor nostrum vehementer 
angustat. Ex quo eniin vobiscum illam, quam nostis, pactionem feci- 
mus, rion solum longius positi, sed ipsi etiam qui circa nos sunt cerviceni 
adversum nos erexerunt, et intestinis bellis viscera nostra collacerant, et 
multo faciem nostram rubore perfundunt. De quibus quia judicium 
consequi non possimus," &c. Cod. Udalr., No. 271. This letter is 
dated October 26th, no year. We think it belongs to 1111 rather than 
1112, because, if written in the latter year, it would be later than the dis- 
avowal made by Pascal at the Lateran Council, March 1112. On the other 
hand, the bishops of whom Henry complained might well be those of 
the Council of Vienne, which deposed him, September 11, 1116. 

3 " Ille vero reprehensiones sophistarum patientur tolerabat, et asser- 
tiones eorum legitimas ac veraces esse allegabat." ORDER. VITAL., b. x. 
p. 762. The term sophist was then used with a good meaning, as synon- 
ymous with wise, learned. PAGI, Grit., in BAUON., ann. 1111, No. 7. 


representative of that authority with other ideas. 1 
The pope signified to the most influential bishops, 
and especially to Yves of Chartres and Guy of 
Vienne, that he had only yielded to violence ; 2 
that being now come to himself, he broke, annul- 
led, and for ever condemned the concessions which 
had been snatched from him in the imperial camp, 
and that he maintained, and would always main- 
tain, all the condemnations, and all the decisions 
pronounced by the apostolic canons, by the coun- 
, cils, and specially by Gregory VII. and Urban IL 
of happy memory. 3 After which, filled with grief 
and confusion, the holy Father retired to the desert 
island of Ponza, where, resuming his monk's frock, 
he announced his desire to spend the rest of his 
days. 4 
Pascal as- Nevertheless, as the incessant protests of bishops 

sembles a 

council at throughout Christendom called for solemn repara- 


1 " Eo tempore multas a Romana Ecclesia passus est injurias, objicien- 
tibusei," &c. Chron. Ursperg., ann. 1112. 

2 "Quibusdam litteris mihi scripsit se coactum fecisse quod fecit, et 
adhuc se prohibere quod prohibuit, quamvis qusedam nefanda quibusdam 
nefandis scripta permiserit." Yvon., Ep. 233. "Quibusdam nostrum 
scripsit." Ejusd., Ep. 233. 

3 " Scripta quse in tentoriis. . . . Ego canonica censura cassa omnino 
et irrita judico, et sub damnatione perpetua permanere judico, ut nullius 
unquam auctoritatis sint et nullius bonse memorise. Ea vero quse . . . 
prseeipue felicis memorise Gregorius et Urbanus prohibuerunt, damnave- 
runt, &c.; . . . ego prohibeo, danmo, . . . et me illorum sanctiones 
servaturum profiteor." Reg. Pasch., No. 24. 

4 " Renuntians omnibus, ad secreta migravit." HILDEB. "Ad ere- 
mum solitudinis confugit, moramque ibi perpetuam fecisset, si," &c. 
SUGER, De Fit. Lud. Gross., c. 9. " Deponere se a papatu promiseiat et 
ad Poncianas insulas religiose habitu exul ire." Hist, episc. EngoL, 
ap. LABBE, ii. 249. 


tion, Pascal felt himself compelled to convoke a 
general council, which met at the Lateran in the 
middle of March 1112. 1 The legate Conon, re- 
turned from Palestine, had a seat there, together 
with all the leaders of Catholic resistance, Car- 
dinal Leo of Ostia ; Guy, Archbishop of Vienne ; 2 
Gerard, Bishop of Angouleme and Legate of Aqui- 
taine ; Gualo, Bishop of Leon, who was plenipo- 
tentiary for the Archbishops of Vienne and Bourges, 
and a great number of other prelates. The pope 
related his misfortunes and the promises extorted 
from him ; then he added : " Although Henry and 
his friends have in no way kept their oaths, 3 I will 
keep mine ; I will not anathematise the emperor, 
and I will never disquiet him on the subject of 
investitures, of which God in His sovereign justice 
shall be the judge. As to the writing which I 
have signed by constraint, not to save my life, but 
simply in view of the Church's necessities, and 

1 On the authority of a letter of Frederic elected to Liege by the chapter 
of Malines, published in the Ampliss. Collec., vol. i. p. 655, Martene, 
and after him Coletti, in his Councils, vol. xii. p. 1155. have believed in 
the existence of a council at Capua before that of the Lateran, where the 
pope first disavowed his treaty with Henry V. We think that if this 
council had been held, Pascal would have mentioned it in his letter to 
Yves or Guy of Vienne, and that Frederic has evidently made a con- 
fusion between Capua and Rome. 

2 William of Malmesbury says that the Bishop of Leon had his autho- 
rity, but we find his signature among those of the members of the 
council. COLETTI, vol. xii. p. 1116. He also says that Giovanni of 
Tusculum and Bruno of Segni, although they were at Rome, were not 
present at the papal deliberations, but that immediately after they 
approved of the acts of the council. 

3 See Cod. ep. Udalr., Nos. 265 to 270, a scries of reproaches 
addressed by the pope to the emperor. 


which was neither counselled nor signed by my 
brethren, 1 I acknowledge and confess that it was 
ill done, and I desire, with God's help, to see it 
amended. I refer for the manner of this amend- 
ment to the judgment of my brethren here as- 
sembled, so that no hurt may be done by it either 
to the Church or to my own soul/' 2 

Humility Pascal then made known his intention of resign- 
sovereign ing the pontificate, declaring that he acknowledged 
himself unworthy, that he would himself pronounce 
his deposition, and that he left to the Church the 
right of judging in his place. With these words 
he took off his mitre and cope. 3 But the council, 
after reading the papers, refused to accept the 

1 The pope's oath had been guaranteed by the cardinals ; but the 
writing or privilege which the emperor had caused to be drawn up in 
his camp had been signed only by the pope. See above. 

2 "Sicut prave factum cognosce, ita prave factum confiteor, et omnino 
corrigi, Deo prsestante, desidero : cujus correctionis inodum fratrum, qui 
convenerunt consilio judicioque constituo, ne forte per hoc in posterum 
detrimentum aliquid Ecclesise aut animsemese prsejudicium relinquatur." 
Ada cone., ap. COLETTI, b. xii. p. 1164. 

3 " Me quoque pontificem non fore jussa date ; 
Peccatis male vestra meis venisse notavi, 
Officiis me destitui dignum reputavi : 

Me quoque deposui, ne pareatis, ait. 
Hfec ait, et mitram rejicit mantumque relinquit ; 
Ordinet Ecclesia sine me quidquid placet, inquit, 
Moreque pontificis judicet ipsa sibi." 

Godefr. Viterbiensis notar. imper. , ap. MURAT. , 

b. vii., and COLETTI, I. c. 

This narrative is confirmed by the passage in the letter of Hildebert of 
Mans, which will be found complete in the Pieces justificatives : "Si ce 
cleri plebisque judicio sic commisit ut ex eorum sententia pendeat, an 
nova capitula cudat, an vetera destruat, aut quse constituit roboret, aut 
temporum ratione sic inconvulsa permaneant, in cathedra commoretur, 
aut deportetur exsilio." 


holy Father's resignation, and obliged him to 
resume the insignia of his dignity. 1 

They decided that those bishops to whom God 
had given most prudence and learning should 
deliberate carefully upon the part to be taken 
according to the inspiration of the Holy Spirit. 2 
While the Fathers were seeking means to excom- 
municate the emperor without Pascal breaking his 
oath, Bishop Gerard of Angouleme relieved them 
from their embarrassment by proposing to con- 
demn not the emperor's person, but the privilege 
which he had extorted from the pope. All ap- 
proved of this, saying that the Holy Spirit had 
spoken by his mouth. 3 Next day, therefore, the pascal's 
pontiff, in order to clear himself from the suspi- 

before the 

cion of heresy, of which all who approved of in- council. 
vestitures were accused, made a profession of faith 
before the whole council, protesting his absolute 
respect for the Holy Scriptures, the four oecumeni- 
cal councils, which he venerated as much as the 

1 " Scripta legunt cleri 

Copia pontificum non ita, dixit, erit, 

Tolle, pater, man turn, curia tota monet." 

2 Such is the sense taken by Fleury (b. Ixvi. c. 12); but I doubt whe- 
ther the text does not rather signify that all the bishops should deliber- 
ate : "Tune enim communi favore laudatum est, ut fratres omnes, qui 
domum a Deo sapientiae seientiaeque perceperant, maturuis super hoc 
consilium communi collatione susciperant. " Ada, L c. It is only clear 
that they did deliberate when the pope was not present. 

3 "In qua re nullum remedium a toto concilio inveniri poterat. 
Gerardus requisitus tandem tale consilium cledtt. . . . Omne concilium 
laudans dixit : Non tu locutus es, sed Spiritus sanctus ore tuo." Hist. 
Pontif. EngoL, c. 35, ap. LABBE, I. c. 


four Gospels, and the decrees of the Koman pon- 
tiff, especially those of Popes Gregory VII. and 
Urban II. of blessed memory. 1 " I approve," 
added Pascal, " I maintain, I confirm, condemn, 
reject, interdict, and prohibit respectively, all that 
these authorities have approved, maintained, con- 
firmed, condemned, rejected, interdicted, and pro- 
hibited, and I will always continue to do so." 2 
After which, the Bishop of Angouleme, assisted 
by the Cardinal of Ostia, two other cardinals, and 
the Bishop of St Pol de Leon, 3 read the sentence 
decided on after deliberation, which was in these 
sentence terms : " As to this privilege, which is not a 

of the . r 

Later. privilege, but a sacrilege extorted from Pope 

Fathers. r * 

Pascal II. by the violence of Henry and to obtain 
deliverance for the captives and the Church, we 
all, assembled with the same Lord Pope in this 
holy council by ecclesiastical authority and the 
judgment of the Holy Spirit, declare that we con- 
demn it, we hold it of no value, we absolutely 
dissolve it, and we forbid, under pain of excom- 
munication, that it be allowed any force or autho- 
rity." 4 All the council confirmed this act with 

1 FLEURY, I. c. 

2 " Et prsecipue domini mei papse Gregorii . . . quse ipsi laudaveraut, 
laudo ; quse ipsi tenuerunt, teneo . . . et per omnia et in his semper 
perseverabo." Act. cone., I. c. 

3 These were perhaps the members of the commission chosen to pre- 
pare the decree. 

4 Privilegium illud quod non est privilegium, neque vero dici debet 
privilegium, sed pravilegium . . . judicio Spiritus sancti damnamus et 
irritum esse judicamus, et ne quid auctoritatis et efficacitatis habeat, 
penitus excommuninamus." Acta.conc., I. c. 


shouts of " Amen ! amen I so be it I " l This great 
decision was subscribed and approved by one 
hundred and twenty-six bishops and cardinals who 
composed the assembly, without counting many 
abbots, clerks, and laymen. 2 At the same time the 
Church of Milan protested against imperial inter- 
ference, by deposing Archbishop Grossolanus, and 
electing in his place the deacon Jordanus, whose 
title was confirmed by the pope, 3 in spite of strong 
resistance from the emperor's party. 4 The latter's 
principal agents in Italy, the Bishop of Acqui and 
the Abbot of Farfa, wrote to tell him of what was 
passing in Kome and Lombardy, inviting him to 
come back immediately before the reaction should 
extend everywhere. 5 But already Bishop Gerard 

1 " Acclamation est ab universe concilio, Amen ! amen ! Fiat ! fiat ! " 

2 Among the signatures we observe those of the five suburban bishops, 
the Patriarch of Venice, thirteen cardinal-priests, and eight cardinal- 
deacons, two of whom were abbots : " Q*ui in damnationem consenserunt 
cum abbatibus aliis et innumerabili inultitudine tarn clericorum quam 
laicorum." Ibid. Fleury, by a strange blunder, but misled by a title 
in the Collection of Councils (CoLETTi, vol. xii. p. 993), refers to this 
council the project for a bull drawn up by Pascal at the treaty of Sutri, 
which we have already quoted in its proper place. 

3 See the details of this election in Landulph. Jun. Chron., c. 23, 25, 
ap. MUHATORI, vol. v. 

4 "Quod ego videns contra imperil vestri honorem fieri omnino in- 
terdixi." Ep. Anzonis Aquensis in cod. Udalr., No. 258. The mere 
superscription of this letter shows the servile spirit of this bishop : 
" Excellentissimo Domino suo Henrico, &c. A. ... Majestatis suae et 
Aquensis Ecclesiae servus ..." 

5 "Vestrse est adhuc Longobardise dum terror quern, incessistis in 
corde ejus vivit, et facilius potestis cum pugillo aqiue scintillulam ignis 
extinguere quam flammarum globum cum aquarum abundantia." Ibid. 
Cf. Ep. Farfensisabbat., cod. Udalr., No. 258. 

VOL. VII. 2 E 


of Angoulerne had been charged by the council 
to notify its decrees to the emperor, and request 
him to renounce the right of investiture. 1 

The French prelate fulfilled this mission with 
such zeal and courage in presence of Henry V., that 
the courtiers, on hearing his speech translated by 
the Chancellor Albert, were seized with the most 
violent anger. But the emperor, more generous, 
loaded the bishop with presents, while the Arch- 
bishop of Cologne, who had been Gerard's pupil, 
and was now his entertainer, showed himself much 
annoyed. " Master," he cried, " you have brought 
a great scandal upon our court I" The Bishop of 
Angouleme replied indignantly, " It may be a 
scandal to you, but to me it is the Gospel ! " 2 

Meantime many French bishops were dissatis- 
fied with the middle course which the council had 
taken on the proposition of one of their own 
number. They would have had the emperor ex- 
communicated, and they reproached the pope with 
weakness. But Pascal found two apologists in the 

of Mans -i i i r ' i i 

and Yves two bishops most distinguished for their learning 

of Chartres 

apologists an d eloquence, Hiidebert of Mans, and Yves of 

of Pascal 

1 " Quatenus investituras Romanse Ecelesise exponeret." Hist. Enyol. 
pontif., I. c. Stentzel thinks we should read deponeret. 

- " 'Magister, maximum scandalum generasti in curia nostra.' Indig- 
nans autem Gerardus : . . . ' Tibi sit scandalum, mihi est Evangelium.' " 
Ibid. The degenerate Benedictines who wrote the Hist. litt. of France 
(vol. xi. 602), translate : "Set the scandal before you, the Gospel is for 
me;" and add, "We must understand the Gospel commented on by 
the Decretals." They wrote in 1759, under censorship of Louis XV. 's 


Chartres. Hildebert's conduct was all the nobler 
because, having himself been about the same time 
the victim of a similar crime, he had shown the 
most heroic constancy. The seneschal of Count 
Rotrou of Mortagne having seized upon the bishop 
by means of a cowardly ambush, had kept him 
for several years chained in a narrow dungeon. 1 
Nothing would have been easier than to obtain his 
freedom on terms more or less burdensome to his 
Church ; but he would never consent to this, and 
had written to his clergy as follows : " Pray for 
me, and pity me, but take no heed of my ransom. 
Purchased once already by the blood of Christ, 
there is no need for me to be bought again. His 
blood is my redemption. How shall I suffer my- 
self to be bought for money for whom a ransom 
beyond price has been paid ? It would be an 
infamous redemption which would kill the liberty 
of the Church and bring her into slavery, for all 
the members must be enslaved when the head is 
bowed under the yoke of a tribute. I certainly 
do not value life so much that I should care to 
redeem its short span. I would rather endanger 
it, than, for its sake, trample our common liberty 
under foot. May my death be profitable to the 
Church, of which, while living, I have been an 
unprofitable leader. A. bishop who cannot live 

1 To avenge the imprisonment of the Count of Mortagne at Mans by 
the Count of Anjou. Hildebert only quitted his prison in 1118. Vil. 
Hild., ap. BEAUGENDRE, p. xxxv. 


for the general good, should be ready to die 
for it." 1 

Yves of Chartres made himself, even more openly 
than Hildebert, the champion and apologist of 
Pascal *II. He refused, in the name of his metro- 
politan and of all the bishops of his province, to 
appear at the council which the Archbishop of 
Lyons had convoked at Anse, and where he sup- 
posed they meant to put the head of the Church to 
open shame, and condemn him whom no mortal 
had the right to judge. 2 In the memoir which he 
published to account for this refusal, Yves justified 
the pope for not having used against the German 
king all the severity he deserved in consideration 
of the dangers this severity would have entailed. 
Supporting his argument by a text of St Augustine, 3 
he maintained that anathema ought only to be 
employed when there is no danger of schism, and 
when the criminal has not for accomplices a great 

1 We own ourselves unable to give the laconic force of the original : 
"Semel Christi redemptus sanguine, iterum redimi non requiro. San- 
gnis ille redemptio mea. . . . Praeterea infamis est redemptio qua liber- 
tas perit Ecclesia?, qua servitus comparatur. . . . Ego certe tanti vitam 
non facio, ut brevem diligam et redemptam. Halo periclitari de ea quam 
pro ea communem conculcare libertatera. Prosit Ecclesiae mea mors, cui 
dum vivens praefui, non profui. Pontificis est, si non vivere, mori saltern 
universis." HILDEB., Ep. iii. 17. 

- "Potius pudenda patris nostri nudabitis. . . . Concilia in quibus 
non possumus eas personas, contra quas agitur, condemnare vel judicare : 
quia nee nostro, nee ullius hominum probantur subjicere judicio." 
Further on he says : " Principals Ecclesiae claves nolumus potestate 
sua privare, quajcumque persona vices Petri habeat, nisi manifeste ab 
Evangelica veritate discedat." YVON., Ep. 236. 

3 Contra Parmenian. , b. iii. c. 2. 


number of Christians. 1 He even went so far as to 
praise Pascal for having made concessions to the 
king contrary to the ancient decrees and to his 
own conscience, for the purpose of avoiding, at 
their expense, the massacre of his people and other 
great misfortunes, so imitating the indulgence of 
our Lord. 2 Finally, he argued against those who 
treated investiture as heresy, declaring that in his 
opinion investiture by laymen was a sacrilegious 
usurpation, which it was necessary for the liberty 
and honour of the Church to do away with abso- 
lutely, if that were possible without disturbing the 
peace, but against which, in the meantime, protests 
should be made with discretion, lest they should 
give birth to a schism. 3 

The monk Joceran, Archbishop of Lyons, re- 

1*1 i i -r-iTi T 

plied to the prelate. What a new and curious Yves of 


philosophy is this," he said, " to exhort Christians 
to be timid in presence of the strong ; to preach 
pusillanimity in war and audacity in peace ; secu- 
rity in the midst of dangers, and prudence when 
there is nothing to fear ! What a detestable pilot 
must he be who uses all the resources of his skill 

1 "Cum congregatione Ecclesise multitude ab eo crimine, quod ana- 
tliematizetur, aliena est." Ibid. 

2 " Unde nunc excessum ejus non tantum non accusamus, sed dictante 
ratione approbamus, si imininente strage populi." Yvo., I. c. 

3 " Manualis ilia investitura per laicos facta, alieni juris est perversio, 
sacrilega prsesumptio, quse pro libertate Ecclesise et potestate, salvo pacis 
vinculo, si fieri potest, funditus absciscenda est. . . ." Ibid. Yves 
wrote several other letters on the necessity of temporising with the pope, 
and using charity and moderation towards the emperor. 


in a calm, and leaves the helm the moment the 
storm arises ! l You remind us of the dangers of 
the time, the multitude and strength of our ad- 
versaries, the weakness and small numbers of our 
friends ; but the more perilous the times are, the 
more should God's servants strive to keep alive 
the fire of love in the hearts of the small number 
of disciples to whom Christ has said, Be of good 
cheer ; I have overcome the world ! If you teach 
faithlessness you proclaim the victory of the world, 
and destroy the victory of Christ. 2 ... In endeav- 
ouring to withdraw kings and emperors from the 
jurisdiction of bishops, are you not opposing the 
decision of the great Emperor Constantine, who 
acknowledged their authority at the Council of 
Nicaea? Do you pretend to condemn Ambrose, 
who excommunicated Theodosius or Gregory 
VII., who condemned the Emperor of Germany ? " 
The archbishop defended himself against the 
charge of having intended to judge the pope. 3 He 
allowed, with Yves, that the act of investiture is 
not in itself heretical, but that there is undoubted 
heresy in maintaining and approving the custom. 4 

1 " Novnin et inauditum philosophandi genus, hortari contra fortes 
timidos . . . fieri in bello fugaces, in pace vero audaces. DetestabiKs 
inagister navis qui in tranquilla serenitate artis siue fastigium exereet." 
Ap. Ep. YVON., No. 237. 

3 "Si ergo doces diffidendum, victoriam mundi prsedieas et Christi 
victoriam prosternis. " Ibid. 

3 " Timuisti certe ubi non erat timor." 

4 "Et licet exteriores investituras per laicos factas non satis proprise 
hseresis nomine censeamus ; sentire tamen ac defendere, fieri debere, et 
indubitata hseresis est." Ibid. 


Joceran ended by inviting Yves to continue the 
discussion, but the Bishop of Chartres preferred 
to keep silence. 1 It is uncertain whether the 
council of Anse was ever held ; but Guy, Arch- 
bishop-legate of Vienne, provided with the pope's 
instructions, 2 and formally supported by King 
Louis of France, 3 convoked in council at Vienne, Council of 
September 15, 1112, all the prelates of Bur- where the 


gundy, Aries, and several other provinces. Two 
holy bishops distinguished among them were God- 
frey of Amiens, formerly Abbot of Nogent, to 
whom the legate yielded the presidency of the 
council, 4 and Hugh of Grenoble, whom Gregory 
VII. had obliged to quit his monastic life, and 
enter the episcopate. The last named, though 
famous for his gentleness and charity, was the most 
ardent of all in demanding the emperor's excom- 
munication. 5 The Fathers of the council yielded 
to his entreaties, and having, says Suger, bound 
the tyrant with the cords of the anathema, they 
pierced him with the sword of St Peter. 6 Henry, 

1 " Haec rescripsimus adversus quae si quid parare volueris sive cominus 
sive eminus, audire et respondere parati sumus." Baronius remarks that 
Yves has preserved this memorable answer in his collection. 

2 "Sanctae Paternitatis vestrae mandata sequentes." Litt. synod, ad 
Pasch. pap. ap. Condi. , vol. xii. p. 1184. 

3 "Domini Ludovici suffragio et concilio." SUGER, De vit. Ludov., 
vi. c. 9. 

4 On account of a difficulty which he had in speaking: "quod im- 
peditioris fuerit linguae." Hist. Vit. S. Godfr. Ambian., iii. 7. 

5 " Ipse sine cunctis ut Henricus qui sic enormiter in Paschalem pec- 
casset, excommunicaretur . . . effecit." GUIG. CARTH., De Vit. S. 
Hug., c. v. 

6 "Imperatorem tyrannum anathemate innodantes mucrone B. Petri 
perfoderunt." SUGER, I. c. 


however, had sent ambassadors to them with letters 
from the pope which warmly expressed a desire for 
peace and union, and which he audaciously affirmed 
had been forwarded to him since the last council 
of Kome. But the Fathers attached no importance 
to them ; a and being convinced that the pope's de- 
clarations to the legates Guy and Gerard deserved 
all respect when they affirmed that lay investiture 
was heretical, and that the document extorted by 
the king from the simplicity of the sovereign pon- 
tiff was void, 2 they solemnly and unanimously pro- 
nounced the sentence of anathema against Henry 
in the following words : 3 "As it is certain that 
Henry, King of the Germans, having come to Eome 
to sign a treaty of peace, and having sworn to Pope 
Pascal to secure his life, person, and liberty, and to 
renounce investiture, fulfilled none of these solemn 
engagements ; but, on the contrary, having 'kissed 
the feet, mouth, and face of the sovereign pontiff, 
the aforesaid king seized, by treason, perjury, and 
sacrilege, like another Judas, on the person of the 
sovereign pontiff, seated on his apostolic throne, 
in presence of the body of the blessed Peter, to- 
gether with the cardinals, bishops, and many noble 
Komans ; as it is certain that the aforesaid pontiff 

1 "Litteras Imllatas . . . audacter praetendentes . . . super his 
multa nobis admiratio incuteretur. " Litt. synod, ad Pasch. pap., I. c. 

2 " Scriptum illud quod rex a vestra simplicitate extorsit damnavi- 
inus." Ibid. 

3 "Inipsum regem nominatim et solemuiter et unanimiter senten- 
tiam anathematis injecimus." Ibid. 


was dragged into the imperial camp, where he was 
despoiled of his apostolic insignia, and made a 
prey to all sorts of indignity and derision, and 
that King Henry extorted from him by violence 
an abominable document, we excommunicate the 
said king, we anathematise him, we separate him 
from the bosom of our holy mother Church, until, 
renouncing all he has done, he shall make full 
satisfaction." l 

The Fathers immediately demanded from Pascal 
the public confirmation of their decrees, so that 
they might be communicated to their brethren, 2 
and they concluded with the following request : 
"^s the great majority of nobles, and nearly all 
the people of the country, think as we do on this 
matter, we pray you to enjoin upon them, for the 
remission of their sins, that they should, in case of 
need, give their support to us and to their father- 
land, 3 representing to you, with all due respect, 
that if you confirm our decree if, in future, you 
abstain from all correspondence, intercourse, or ex- 
change of gifts with the cruel tyrant or his emis- 
saries we will all be, as we ought, your sons and 

1 " Post dato sacramento vitae, membrorum nullae captionis, refuta- 
tionis investiturarum . . . post osculationem pedis, oris, faciei, prodi- 
tione, perjurio et sacrilegio velut alter Judas . . . excommunicamus, 
anathematizamus, et a grernio S. matris Ecclesise sequestramus." Cone., 
b. xii. p. 1183. 

2 " Per apertas nobis litteras significare dignemini, quas . . . alter 
alter! destinare possimus." Ibid. 

3 " Ut, si necesse fuerit, auxilium nobis et patrise unanimiter ferant." 


faithful subjects. But if, contrary to our hopes, 
you see fit to follow a different course, and refuse 
your confirmation, we will pray God to come to 
our help, for you will have rejected us from sub- 
jection and obedience to you." 1 

A month later, 2 Pascal solemnly confirmed all 
the acts of the council, giving God thanks, but not 
mentioning the emperor. 3 Henry seemed at first 
to trouble himself very little about these energetic 
proceedings of the Holy See, and appealing to the 
authority of the councils, he occupied several years 
in different expeditions, not brilliantly successful, 
against Hungary, Poland, and Bohemia. But as 
his policy was developed, a considerable resistance 
began to show itself. Long before his expedition 

1 "Si vero, quod minime credimus, aliam viam aggredi coeperitis et 
. . . propitius sit nobis Deus quia nos a vestra subjectione et obedientia 
repelletis." Cone., I. c. 

2 Diploma given at the Lateran, Nov. 20, 1112. Cone., vol. xii. 1186. 

3 " Unde Deo gratias referimus et quae statuta sunt ibi rata suseipi- 
mus et confirmamus et, cooperante Domino Deo nostra, illibata peima- 
nere censemus." Ibid. Baronius, who had not seen this deed, thought 
that Pascal deferred his confirmation till 1116. He blames the pope 
severely in these words : "Sic papa Paschalis . . . apostolicae constan- 
tiae succisis nervis, visus est languescere et hebescere, eum nee tot undi- 
que stimulis agitatus in Henricum sacrilegum insurrexerit, eumque an- 
athemate condemnaverit, nimis tenax prsestiti, immo per vim et metum 
extorti juramenti. Sed et quod ejusdem proditoris usum amicitise re- 
tinuerit, et quod ex adverse undique magno animo insurgentes, et zelo 
catholicae Ecclesise libertate Isesae sestuantes papa represserit, magnam 
ipse sibi notam incussit." Ann., an. 1112, c. 17. Pascal did not de- 
serve such severity ; but it is certain that his correspondence with Henry 
V., proved in Cod. Epist. Udalr., Nos. 266 to 271, shows an equivocal 
attitude on his part. We have elsewhere reproduced this extract from 
the most illustrious defender of pontifical authority and infallibility, 
printed at Rome itself, to show how great was, in the seventeenth century, 
the independence of Ultramontane writers. 


to Rome, the German princes had perceived, with The em- 


surprise and indignation, that the emperor, like his faith shows 

father and grandfather, dreamed of changing into 
an absolute monarchy that imperial power which |:{|f eu 
had at all times been limited by the rights of the 
Church and those of the great secular or ecclesias- 
tical vassals. From day to day Henry allowed his 
ambitious designs to become more and more visible; 
the mask of humility and religion which he had 
put on, the better to profit by the despotic and 
schismatic measures of Henry IV., no longer de- 
ceived any one. But active, persevering, and, above 
all, artful, like his father, the young monarch flat- 
tered himself that he should succeed where his 
father had failed. It was Henry V/s conspicuous 
bad faith towards the Church which made the 
princes understand all the danger which was 
threatening their independence. Little by little 
his perfidies, which were always unveiled in the 
end, separated from him most of the great vassals 
of the empire, who had been too often deceived to 
be able to be so for very long. To any one else 
it would have been easy to establish the peace 
and dignity of the empire solidly on ancient and 
legitimate bases. But Henry V. unscrupulously 
sacrificed the future, and the true strength of the 
imperial authority, to a dream of despotism for 
which the Catholic world was not yet ripe. 1 He 

1 Politische Geschichte Deutschland unter der Regierung der Kaiser 
Ueinrich V. und Lothar III., von Dr Eduard Gervais, Leipsic, 1841, 


had, above all, alienated hearts by the arrest of the 
Count Palatine Sigefroy (the first lay prince of 
the empire), who, imprisoned at Wurzburg in 1109, 
under pretext of treason, had to be released three 
years afterwards for want of proof. 1 The emperor 
had also created for himself, almost at the same 
time, a redoubtable rival in the person of Lothaire, 
Count of Supliugenberg, 2 brother-in-law of the 
Count Palatine. The latter, according to tradi- 
tion, was descended from Witikind, and, according 
to history, from a very warlike and chivalrous 
race. His father had died gloriously fighting for 
the Church and the freedom of the empire, against 
Henry IV. 3 Lothaire 4 himself had begun his 
career brilliantly, when fourteen years of age, at 
the battle of Gleichen, and had recently distin- 
guished himself against the Slavs of the island of 
Riigen and of Brandenburg. Thus the Duchy of 
Saxony, the most important in the empire, becom- 
ing vacant by the death of the last male of the race 
of the Billungs, Henry V. hastened to bestow it upon 
Lothaire, in order to escape confirming the heredi- 
tary principle, which would have called to the 
succession a relation of the last duke by the female 
line. The emperor, in thus acting, expected to turn 

vol. i. pp. 20-22. A valuable work, in spite of many concessions made 
to rationalist idolatry, and which has thrown the strongest light on this 
little understood epoch of German history. 

1 Chron. Ursperg., ad 1109 ; GERVAIS, i. p. 55. 

2 A castle near Helmstadt, in Brunswick. 

3 At Hohenburg, in 1075. 4 In 1106. 


to his own profit the great influence which Lothaire 
enjoyed, less on account of his riches than because 
of the importance of his family on the mother's 
side, and his marriage with Richenza, the co-heiress 
of the great county of Brunswick and of the power- 
ful house of Nordheim. 1 

On the emperor's return from his triumphant 
expedition to Rome, in which the princes and 
nobles of northern Germany had taken no part, 
the discontent of the latter became more and more 
manifest. The emperor, having attained the Henry v. 
height of his wishes both by gaining the right of 

investiture and by acquiring an extent of power tbanHem 

IV., uses 

always denied to his father, no longer put any no further 

01 T 1 caution. 

restraint upon himself, bometimes directly, some- 
times by means of inferior vassals devoted to him, 
he encroached on the right and inheritances of the 
most powerful nobles, pronouncing arbitrary con- 
fiscations 'with the object of increasing his own 
immediate domains, and. of enfeebling those who 
might one day become his rivals. 2 The first con- 

1 His mother, Hedvvige, had married, as her second husband, Duke 
Thierry of Lorraine, by whom she had Duke Simon of Lorraine and two 
daughters, married to Count Seighart of Bavaria and the Count of Hol- 
land. Through his father, Lothaire represented the house of Waldeck. 
His grandmother was niece of St Bruno, martyr and apostle of Prussia. 
GERVAIS, i. 9-18. 

2 Of the four great duchies of Germany, Henry had already secured 
Suabia, by giving it to his nephew Frederic of Hohenstaufen. Later, 
in 1116, he gave Franconia to his other nephew Conrad. These two 
brothers were sons of his sister Agnes and of Frederic I. of Hohen- 
staufen ; the emperor married this Agnes, after Hohenstaufen's death, 
to Leopold, Margrave of Austria, head of the house of Babenberg. Duke 
Welf of Bavaria, long ago reconciled to the imperial court, had all upper 


flict between the emperor and Lotbaire arose from 
a dispute as to the county of Stade, which the 
duke, while still a minor, had procured to be 
adjudged to himself, although he had as rival a 
creature of the emperor. 1 

A more serious rupture occurred in 1112, on the 
subject of the succession of the house of Weimar 
Orlamunde, claimed by the Count Palatine Sige- 
froy, who had been newly released from prison, in 
consequence of energetic remonstrances on the part 
of his neighbours. 2 Sigefroy having succeeded, by 
his eloquent account of the miseries of his captivity, 
in rousing the whole of Saxony, gathered round 
him to defend his cause the Landgrave Louis of 
Thuringia, the Counts AViprecht of Groitsch, 
father and son, the Palatine Frederic of Sommer- 
schenburg, the Margrave Eodolph of Nordmark, 
the Bishop of Halberstadt, and, finally, Duke 
Lothaire, who, being Sigefroy 's brother-in-law, was 
naturally placed at the head of this coalition of 
the princes of the North against Henry's incessant 

Germany under his authority from Alsace to Hungary. He also tried 
to secure the towns by concessions made to the detriment of the bishops 
and nobles, as at Spires and Worms. 

1 The princes of Saxony were chiefly alienated by the usurpation of 
Frederic Count of Stade, the emperor's creature, a man of obscure and 
uncertain origin, son of an Englishwoman shipwrecked (and conse- 
quently reduced to slaver) r , according to the barbarous custom against 
which the pope and the councils had so often protested). He was ac- 
cused of the murder of three Danish bishops. But Duke Lothaire and 
the Margrave Rodolph of Nordmark overthrew him, in spite of the 
efforts of Henry V. GERVAIS, pp. 77-82, and Alber. Stad. and Krantzus. 

2 GERVAIS, i. 56-95 ; Chron. Ursperg., ann. 1112. 


usurpations. The emperor received a more severe Defection 
blow in the desertion of his chancellor-minister chancellor, 

Albert of 

and most intimate confidant through many years, 1 Mayence. 
Archbishop Albert of Mayence, 2 who everywhere, 
but especially in Italy, had been the most intelli- 
gent, most active, and boldest instrument of the 
imperial violence, artifices, and plots. Strange to 
say, hardly had this politician without a conscience, 
who was regarded as the chief author of the pope's 
imprisonment, 3 this minister of triumphant ini- 
quity, been invested by his master with the pri- 
matial crosier of Mayence, which was the magni- 
ficent reward of his crimes against the papacy, than 
he all at once became Henry's most implacable and 
most dangerous adversary. This amazing trans- 
formation has long puzzled those who sought to 
explain it by temporal motives ; 4 but Catholic 

1 He was of the house of the Counts of Saarbruck. 

2 "Cujus oris et cordis unanimitate ipse imperator agebat." SUGEB, 
De mt. Lud. Gr., c. 9. 

3 "Hujus maximi sceleris auctor dicitur Albertus." OTT. FRISING., 
Chron., vii. 14. 

4 " Ambitione magis qnam pro justitia," says the Chron. Peterslms- 
dunn. ap Ussermann. Germ. sacr. prodromus. But what ambition could 
this be except to restore her rights to the Church? Gervais (i. p. 101) 
thinks the change must be attributed to the desire Albert must have felt 
to be consecrated by the pope and to obtain a cardinal's hat. But we are 
surprised to see a historian, usually so discriminating, satisfied with such 
futile reasons. Albert had no need of the pope's consecration ; none of 
his immediate predecessors had had it ; when he was consecrated after 
his release, it was by one of his suffragans. Besides, Pascal, who had 
consented to crown Henry would not probably have refused to consecrate 
Henry's prime minister, if required. As to the cardinalate (the car- 
dinal's hat was unknown then, and until the Council of Lyons in 1250), 
that dignity was inferior to the one of archbishop-primate of Germany 
which Albert had attained. At this period the bishops sat and signed 


minds will see in it one of those marvellous rev- 
olutions by which it pleases God to change his 
enemies into the ministers of His mercy, either by 
a sudden touch of His grace, as in the case of St 
Paul, or by the mere grace of the episcopate, as in 
the case of St Thomas of Canterbury and this very 
Albert whose vicissitudes we are about to describe. 1 
Already various symptoms of the archbishop's 
change had disquieted the emperor, who reproved 
him for a pride and pretension unsuited to his 
antecedents ; 2 and when the report of the sentence 
of excommunication, pronounced at Vienne on the 
very territory of the empire, had been spread by 
the cares of Archbishop Guy, 3 Albert's attitude 
became so hostile that the emperor thought it 
necessary to have him arrested. Led before Henry 
and bidden to explain his good intelligence with the 

before the cardinal-priests, even in councils held at Rome, and no foreign 
bishop ever appears among the cardinal-bishops. We even find that 
while the mere priests invested with the character of legates were almost 
always cardinals, the bishop-legates, such as Guy of Vienne and Gerard 
of Angouleme, were not so. Richard, Cardinal and Abbot of St Victor 
at Marseilles, legate of Gregory VII., after having been elected Arch- 
bishop of Narbonne in 1106, no longer used the title of cardinal. D. 
VAISSETTE, Hist, de Languedoc, ii. 344. 

1 "Hie simul ut infulas accepit episcopales, mutatur in virum alte- 
rum. . . ." BARON., Ann., 1112, c. 19. 

2 See the letter in which Henry enumerates his complaints against 
him. RAUMER., Hist, des ffohenstaufen, vol. i. b. ii. c. 2 ; ex Cod. 
Palat., MS. No. 271 ; and cf. LUDEN, ix. 638, No. 1. 

3 Chron. Ursperg., ann. 1112. Gervais thinks that Albert must have 
been in correspondence with the Fathers of the Council of Vienne, simply 
because he was not included in the decree of excommunication. The 
reason seems inconclusive. Helmold, in his Chron. Slav. (i. c. 40), says 
expressly that the excommunication was what turned Albert against the 


insurgent princes, and his various usurpations of 
territory, the archbishop replied " that he had 
only defended the cause of the Church, which he 
was bound never to abandon, and that he would 
permit no one to despoil her." l 

The emperor caused him to be shut up in his Adalbert 


own castle ot Irirels, where, amidst the torments m his own 

castle of 

of hunger, and of the most barbarous treatment, 2 
he was able to prove his obedience to that Church 
which he had formerly so basely betrayed. 3 

The pope vainly tried to intercede in favour of 
the prelate, 4 and to obtain his release from this 
imprisonment, which, being decreed without the 
judgment of his peers, constituted a new and 
flagrant violation of the liberties of the empire, 
and of the right of the princes, 5 in the person 
of the chief among them. 6 It became necessary 
to have recourse to arms. 7 But the capture and 
burning of the episcopal city of Halberstadt by 

1 Chron. Halbcrst., p. 131, in Lecbrut. script. Brunsw. Her., vol. i. 

2 " Diversis tormentis et incredibili famis ineclia afflixit eum." OTT. 
FHISING., vii. 14. 

3 " Imperator non nisi propter Rornanse Ecclesise obedientiam carceris 
etiam mihi captivo tenebras intulit." GUDEN, Coll. dipl., p. 118. ap. 
GERVAIS, p. 102. 

4 By a letter of Jan. 25, 1113. The friendly tone of this letter agrees 
ill with the ratification of the decree of the Council of Vienne given 
three months previously, and testifies to the equivocal attitude of the 

5 RATJMER, vol. i. b. ii. c. 2. 

6 The Archbishop of Mayence, as arch -chancellor, had precedence 
over all the other princes, ecclesiastical or lay ; he was also the first of 
the seven electors. 

7 " Hsec et his similia scandalorum zizania murmur infinitum in nuper 
pacato regno suscitant." Ann. Saxo., ann. 1112. 

VOL. VII. 2 F 


the emperor, the victory obtained by his lieu- 
tenant, Eoger of Mansfeld, over the allied princes 
at Warnstadt l where the Count Palatine Sige- 
froy was mortally wounded, and the Count of 
Groitsch made prisoner put an end to this 
insurrection in its very first stage. Henry 
then hastened to Lorraine to defend his partisan, 
Bishop Eichard of Verdun, against the attacks of 
the young Count Eegnaud de Bar. The latter, 
made prisoner by the emperor, was brought before 
the impregnable fortress of Mouzon, which his 
young countess w T as defending. Henry caused a 
gallows to be set up in sight of the place, and told 
the countess that if she did not open the gates by 
the next day her husband should be hanged. On 
the very night when these things were passing the 
countess gave birth to a son; the garrison, moved 
by her situation, hastened to swear fealty arid 
homage to the new-born child, and announced to 
the besiegers that even if their lord were hanged 
another would remain to them, for whom they 
would guard the fortress to death. 2 The emperor 
was obliged to raise the siege, and in his rage 
would have executed his prisoner, had not the 
princes who surrounded him threatened him with 
the anger of heaven. 3 Meantime the news of his 

1 February 28, 1113. 

2 See the details in OTT. Fms., De gest. Frid., b. i. c. 11 ; in Alberic. 
Trium Fontium. . . . 

3 He replied : "Turbato suse irse oculo, ' Ccelum cceli Domino, terrain 
autem dedit filiis hominura.'" OTT. FRIS., De gest. Frid., b. i. c. 11. 


excommunication spread more and more, and grad- 
ually detached the populace from a power which 
pressed so heavily upon all. As the holy Otto, 
Bishop of Bamberg, who had always been anxious 
to keep himself in union with Rome, 1 would 
no longer come to court, Henry chose to go to 
Bamberg himself for the celebration of Christmas, 
either in order to hide from the people a dis- 
agreement which could not but be injurious 
to him, or else to try the prelate's fidelity. 2 At Marriage 
the same time, he judged this moment favourable v. w!th y 

,. ,. i . ....... Matilda of 

tor the completion of his union, long ago decided, England 
with Matilda, the young daughter of Henry I., ence. 
King of England. This alliance was to draw 
closely together the head of the empire and the 
most powerful sovereign of the West. The latter 
had long contested with the Roman Church the 
right of investiture ; and since the death of An- 
selm of Canterbury 3 had renewed all the evil prac- 
tices of his worthless brother, William Rufus, by 
leaving the primatial see of Canterbury vacant, 
and refusing permission to the apostolic legates to 

1 See above. 

2 " Hoc non simpliciter, quia virum Dei Ottonem urbis episcopum 
propter qusedam jam in regno orientia scandala curiam frequentare re- 
nuentem ex parte s.uspectum habebat." Chron. Ursperg., ami. 1114. 
It is added that the bishop conducted himself with so much prudence 
and so great a display of magnificence that he overcame the king's 

3 We may remember the anxiety which he felt w y hen, in 1107, he saw 
Pascal tolerate in Henry V., without excommunication, investitures 
which were forbidden to him. Anselm informed the pope of it, who 
answered : ' ' Investituras Ecclesiarum . . . nee tolerasse nos aliquando, 
nee toleraturos scias." Ap. Ep. ANSELM., iii. 153. 


enter his kingdom. 1 The marriage took place at 
Mayence, on the feast of the Epiphany, 1114, with 
extraordinary pomp. 

The emperor desired that all the princes should 
be present at this ceremony, 2 and they came 
thither trembling. 3 In the midst of the solemn 
assembly, Henry obliged Duke Lothaire to come 
barefoot, and wearing a robe of frieze, to make 
his submission and to be pardoned for his re- 
volt. 4 Not content with imposing this humilia- 
tion on the most formidable of his rivals, Henry 
caused Count Louis of Thuringia, who had sup- 
posed himself safe in the shelter of the imperial 
hospitality, to be seized and thrown into prison. 5 
The princes of the empire were exasperated by 
this new attack upon their dignity, but terror 
restrained them. 6 Henry seemed, and believed 
himself to be, at the height of fortune and of 
power. His marriage secured to him the support 

1 EADMER, Hist. Novor., pp. 68-91. 

2 " Ubi etiara vix aliquas, aut certe nullum cle magnatibus abesse 
vohmt." Chron. Ursperg., I. c. 

3 "Multi de principibus sine Isetitia interfuerunt. " Chron. S. Fetr. 
Erf., p. 207, ap. RAUMER. 

4 "Nudis pedibus, sago indutus, coram omnibus. . . ." OTT. Fins., 
Chron., b. vii. c. 15. None of the historians who find so atrocious the 
voluntary humiliation of Henry IV. at Canossa, before him whom he 
believed to be the Vicar of God, cry out against the abasement of this 
most powerful prince of the empire before the temporal ruler. 

5 " Qui se putabat bene in gratia imperatoris esse." Chron. Ursperg., 
I. c. 

6 " Quae res multos principum contra imperatorem exacuit." Ibid. 
" Tantum usque ad id temporis timor principes invaserat, ut nullus re- 
bellare audeat." OTTO FJUSING., I. c. 


of England and Normandy ; all who had dared 
to resist him were expiating their boldness in his 
dungeons, or trembled, vanquished, before him. 
Armed with the right of investiture, he disposed 
as he would of dioceses and abbeys; the secular 
and ecclesiastical power were both, so to speak, at 
his feet. But this moment of supreme splendour 
was the dawn of his decline and fall. 

The princes understood that the fate of the 
German feudal constitution was in the balance. 
They understood also, as their fathers had done 
under Henry IV., how far the cause of the Church 
was inseparable from their own. It was evident, 
in fact, that Henry V., when he triumphed over the 
resistance of the Holy See and obtained that right 
of investiture which he arrogated to himself, had 
destroyed the most solid security for their inde- 
pendence. Instead of ecclesiastical princes, inde- 
pendent by election, as the lay princes were by 
their hereditary succession, there would soon be 
in the bishoprics and metropolitan sees only 
creatures of the emperor, instruments of the pre- 
ponderating royal will. Instead of a king first 
elected by the assembly of princes according to 
the immemorial national law, and then confirmed 
and consecrated by the Church, after she had 
received his oaths ; instead of a chief respon- 
sible to the Church and nobility for the good 
order and the honour of the country, and for the 
peace of faithful subjects, Germany, and all that 


depended on the empire, was threatened with the 
rule of a Caesar of ancient Rome, or of degenerate 
Byzantium, who would trample under foot the 
liberties of the nobles, and confiscate to his own 
uses both the moral power and the material riches 
of the Church. A pagan despotism was on the 
point of replacing a tempered, limited, and diffused 
Christian authority ; this would be the fruit of 
Henry's proud triumph at Mayence, but this was 
certain, sooner or later, once more to identify the 
cause of the Church with that of the German con- 
stitution and the independence of the nobles ; and 
such an identification, which would secure victory 
to the allies, must last until the contest reached 
its final issue. 1 

^he revolt, of which the plan was arranged at 

tiou against 

Mayence, 2 was as general as it was formidable. 
of The Saxons, who were accustomed, as in the time 

federates, of Gregory YIL, to be foremost in the struggle 
for ancient liberties against imperial despotism, 
were, this time, outstripped by the princes of 
Lorraine, Westphalia, and the banks of the Lower 
Rhine. Cologne, the most powerful city of the 
empire, joined them, and its archbishop, Frederic, 

1 Gervais, in his History of Henry V. (3d and 4th sections, pp. 123, 
and 153-155), has clearly shown the lawfulness of the princes' cause, and 
the motives which led them to see the necessity for an alliance with the 
Church. In his excellent reflections on the essence of the Germanic con- 
stitution, he destroys the pretensions of those who try to find in it the 
origin of modern monarchies and their bureaucracy. 

2 " Verum in hac curia quo pene omnes principes regni confluxerant 
conspirationes fiunt, ac ex tune non solum occulto consilio, sed et publica 
contra eum machinamenta disponuntur." OTT. FRISING., I. c. 


placed himself at the head of the insurrection. 
Henry, surprised and furious, at first tried to 
besiege Cologne. He failed ; and before the end of 
this very year 1114, begun with such splendour, 
he had been twice completely beaten by the 
confederates, near Bonn, and near Andernach. 
Thus vanquished on the Rhine, he turned to- 
wards Saxony, and tried to reduce it in the midst 
of winter. But there a yet more shameful reverse 
awaited him. The armies met in the woods of 
Welfsholz, 1 near Eisleben, and there fought for a 
whole day. The insurgents, commanded by Duke 
Lothaire, though but half the number of the im- 
perialists, obtained a complete victory. Roger of 
Mansfeld, to whom Henry had promised Loth- 
aire's duchy, was killed, and the emperor fled into 
Bavaria. 2 The Saxon victors built a chapel on 
the battle-field where they had destroyed the 
germs of autocratic despotism, 3 and placed in it 
a statue of a warrior armed after the fashion of 
their ancestors, whose freedom they had so glori- 
ously maintained. 4 And they determined the 
new religious character of the war by refusing 
Church burial to the vanquished who had been 
killed in the service of an excommunicated 
master. 5 

1 February 11, 1115. 2 Vita. Viperti., ap. GBRVAIS, i. 135. 

3 GEUVAIS, i. 154. 

4 The peasants made a saint of this statue : " Quasi Saxones victoriam 
ipsius auxilio habuerint." CORNER., p. 657 ; Dodectur., ann. 1115 ; 
KRANTZ, Hist. Sax. v. 36. ap. GERVAIS, I. c. 

5 Chron. Ursperg., ann. 1115. 


A new personage now appeared in Germany, 
to confirm that character and to give a strong 
impulse to the efforts of the Catholics. Cardinal 
Conon, Bishop of Palestrina, who from the shores 
of Syria, while Europe was still silent, had first 
dared to fling against the emperor his sentence of 
excommunication, obtained in 1114 his appoint- 
ment as legate, and used it to push to extremities 
the war with Henry. By birth Conon belonged 
to the great nobility of the empire, and by the 
monastic life which he had long led he was con- 
nected with the purest and most active element of 
the Church. He began his functions in northern 
France, and first of all held a council at Beauvais, 1 
where were nearly all the bishops of the provinces 
of Eheims, Bourges, and Sens. There he promul- 
gated, for the second time, and in their name, the 
sentence of anathema against the emperor. He 
then regulated various grave interests of the 
Church and the country, provided for the security 
of ecclesiastical property, 2 and again put in force 
the most important decrees of Gregory VII. and 
Urban II. The creation of communes among the 
citizens of the principal episcopal cities in the 
province of Eheims was cruelly agitating these 
neighbourhoods. 3 The Bishop of Laon had just 

1 December 6, 1114. 

2 We find, in the Acts of this Council, this curious avowal: "Cum 
viderent multos laicos noil solum Ecclesiis nil conferre, imo quod nequius 
est, quee a fidelibus et Deum timentibus collata sunt, violenter, si liceat, 
auferre. " D'ACHERY, Spicileg., vol. i. p. 634, in fol. 

3 We shall return farther on to the discussion of the nature of this 
communal revolution in its relation to the Church. 


been massacred and his cathedral burned 1 by the 
citizens exasperated by the suppression of their 
new commune. Godefroy, the holy Bishop of 
Amiens, whom we have seen presiding at the 
emperor's condemnation by the council of Vienne, 
had granted a commune to his episcopal city; but 
in despair at the disorders and sacrilege which 
resulted, 2 he sent his ring and sandals to the 
metropolitan of Eheims, and returning to the 
cloistered life which he had unwillingly left, 
retired first to Cluny and afterwards to the 
Grande Chartreuse. A nobleman, equally san- 
guinary and perfidious, Thomas de Marie, son of Thomas <ie 
Enguerrand de Coucy, had mingled in all these 


cated and 

discords, sometimes to protect the assassins, some- deprived 

of knightly 

times, as at Amiens, to burn a church quite rank - 
filled with innocent victims, and always to op- 
press the cause of right, the poor, and the monas- 
teries. The legate Conon punished this felon with 
the sword of St Peter, excommunicated him, and 
declared him incapable of bearing the shield of a 
knight, " seeing that he is a criminal, infamous, 
and an enemy of the name of Christian." 3 

1 At Easter 1112. 

2 Guibert de Nogent, the sworn enemy of the communes, said of him : 
" Turbam moverat quam sedare non poterat." De vit. sua, iii. 14. But 
Nicholas, his biographer and companion, says: "Quod tot ssecularium 
tunmltuum tempestates ferre non posset." Ap. MABILL., b. Ixxii. No. 60. 

3 " Innumerarum pulsatus molestia querelarum, Ecclesiarum, pauper- 
urn et orphanorum, derogationum, tyrannidem mucrone B. Petri, ana- 
themate scilicet generali detruncans, cingulum militarem ei, licet absent! 
decingit, ab omni honore, tanquam sceleratum, infamatum, Christian! 
nominis inimicum, omnium judicio deponit." SUGER, De Vit. Lud. 
Gross., p. 306, ap. DITCH. 


At the same council, the deputies of Amiens 
demanded the return of their bishop, although he 
had written from his beloved solitude that he was 
unworthy of the episcopate. The prelates having 
again assembled at Soissons, 1 sent an order to the 
Chartreaux to restore their novice to the Church. 
All wept with him, but they dared not keep him. 
Godefroy therefore left them, but as he went, says 
the hagiographer, he constantly turned, with eyes 
full of tears, to look once more at the peaceful 
Chartreuse where he had hoped to end his days. 2 
But Conon knew the full value of a holy bishop in 
these stormy days ; and when Godefroy, emaciated 
by his monastic austerities, reappeared before his 
brethren assembled in council at Eheims, the legate 
severely reproached him for having abandoned the 
charge God had confided to him, and neglected the 
salvation of many only to care for his own. 3 In 
this council of Rheims, 4 which was very numerous, 
Conon promulgated, for the third time, the sen- 
tence of excommunication against Henry. Leaving 
to his colleagues Guy of Vienne and Gerard of 

1 January 6, 1115. 

2 Vit. S. Godefr., auct. Nicolao, ap. SURIUM, 8th Nov. 

3 Ibid. Godefroy returned to Amiens, where he was joyfully received, 
but the communists soon made him endure many troubles ; he was 
obliged to besiege their tower in concert with the king. See A. THIERRY, 
LettressurVhistoire de France, pp. 336, 337, MABILL., Ann., la. Ixxii. No. 
107. It is generally thought that he died in this same year 1115; but 
M. Guerard, conseiller-auditeur of the Court of Amiens, in a remarkable 
Memoir, inserted in vol. vi. of the Mem. de la Societk d'Antiquit. de 
Picardie, has proved that he was still living in 1121, and fixed his death 
on the 8th November of that year. 

4 March 28, 1115. 


Angouleme the care of watching, in many other 
councils, over the discipline and liberty- of the 
Church of France, the Bishop of Palestrina turned 
towards the Khine to meet Archbishop Frederic of 
Cologne. The latter had been obliged to warn his 
suffragans to pay no heed to the words of certain 
bishops in which they maintained that an archbishop 
could not excommunicate a king who did not belong 
to his spiritual domains. In opposition to this 
opinion, the legate cited Theodosius excommuni- 
cated by Ambrose. 1 Frederic, at the news of the 
anathema promulgated against Henry at Beauvais, 
had addressed himself repeatedly to Bishop Otho of 
Bamberg to exhort him to make a stand against the 
oppression under which the Church was groaning. 2 
" If the zeal of God's house," he said to him, " or 
the love of the Church, the true house of God, has 
devoured the marrow of your bones, do not, through 
excess of patience, longer conceal the desolation and 
cruel profanation of God's heritage. See how, by 
the divine mercy, a great door is opened, that 
truth, too long silent, may make herself heard, 
that our liberty, too long oppressed, may raise her 
head ; see how the holy Koman Church lifts up 

1 In MART., Ampliss. Coll., i. 664. "Denuntiamus vobis in nomine 
Domini ut non cito moveamini a vestro sensu, tarn dictis pseudofratrnm 
nostrorum . . . quibus ex ore domini papse efficaciter respondemus, 
quia etsi nobis parochiali jure commissus non fuerit, auctoritate tamen 
Spiritus sancti et SS. Patrum, pro tanto scelere merito excommunicare 

2 " Ad defensionem vel saltern ad liberam deplorationem Lujus qiu-in 
videtis gravissimi Ecclesise casus." 


her voice for herself and for us. France is joined 
to us ; Saxony, as you may have heard, cries the 
truth aloud; 1 who, then, can remain insensible 
while all the power of the Church is being used 
only for the profit of courtiers and palace ser- 
vants ? when diocesan synods, annual councils, 
and all the forms of ecclesiastical administration 
are transformed into royal tribunals to fill the 
purse of the prince's creatures 1 2 when episcopal 
sees are given up to royal farmers, who, without a 
thought of the good of souls, care only to fill the 
insatiable maw of the royal revenue ? 3 It is our 
duty, who are pillars of God's Church, and called 
upon to guide the bark of Peter through the stormy 
waves of the world, so to hold the helm that she is 
not, by our negligence, broken upon the rock of 
impious tyranny, 4 that we may not deserve the 
shame of being counted among those whom the 
prophet calls dumb dogs, unable to bark. As for 
me, dearest brother, I promise you that by the 
grace of God neither tribulation, nor anguish, nor 

1 "Iterum, venerande frater, iterum idem dicimus, si zelus, ... si 
amor Ecclesjae . . . vos medullitus comedit, ne . . . ulterius dissimu- 
letis. Ecce magnum nobis ostium apertum est . . . ut libertas dill 
suppressa cervicem erigat. . . . Jungit se nobis Francia, libero, sicut 
audistis, ore, veritatem Saxonia profitetur." 

2 "Quia omnis Ecclesiastici vigoris auctoritas aulicis et palatinis in 
qusestum versa est. Synodales episcoporum . . . omnes denique Eccles- 
iastici ordinis administration es in regalem curiam translates sunt, ut 
illorum inarsupiis inserviant." 

3 "Quibus regales villici president . . . dum tantuin terrenis lucris 
regalis fisci os insatiabile repleatur." 

4 "Ne nobis segniter torpentibus . . . impise tyrannidis scopulis 
allisa convellatur." 


death, shall hinder me from the free confession of 
that faith which I have embraced. Our duty, as 
you know, is to brave death for the cause of Jesus, 
that the life of Jesus may one day be manifested 
in our mortal bodies." l 

The letter ends with an announcement of the 
decrees pronounced by the legate Con on. Otho, 
who was nearly related to the legate, 2 was not 
deaf to this appeal, 3 and seconded the prelate 
with all his power. Both, without loss of time, Council 

' held at St 

convoked a council at Cologne/ and there, on Gereon, at 


Easter Monday, fulminated against Henry V. the 
fourth sentence of excommunication pronounced 
against him since the council of Vienne. 5 Then, 
leaving the continuation of his work to his col- 
league, the legate Dietrich, who had arrived from 
Hungary, Conon returned to France to hold a 
fifth council which he convoked at Chalons-sur- 
Marne. 6 The Norman bishops and abbots whom, 
in virtue of his apostolic authority, he had invited 
thither, having been detained by King Henry L, 
the emperor's father-in-law, the legate deposed 
several of them for being more ready to obey their 
temporal suzerain than their spiritual chief, 7 and 

1 " Ex hac qua ccepimus veritatis libera professione nee tribulatio, nee 
angustia, nee mors, nee vita separabit." Cod. Ep. UdaL, No. 277, writ- 
ten between the councils of Beauvais and Rheims. 

2 "Salutat vos dominus Chuono, pronepos tuus." Ibid. 

3 At Christmas 1115 he was at Cologne. 4 April 19, 1115. 
5 For the first time on German territory. 6 July 12, 1115. 

7 The King of England was indignant, and complained bitterly to the 
pope. EADMER, Hist. Novor., b. v. ; SIMEON DUNELM., Hist, de gcst. 
reg. Ang. t ad ann. 1115. 


afterwards renewed, for the fifth time, the sentence 
of excommunication against Henry Y. ; so that 
the most powerful sovereigns of the West were 
simultaneously punished by the Church in defence 
of her rights and liberties. 

The terrible sentence, once openly published 
throughout Germany, could not fail to give a 
new impulse to the war. 1 It was thus published 
by Cardinal Theodoric, at the assembly of Goslar, 
(September 8, 1115), the cardinal having been 
commissioned by the pope to reconcile to the 
Church the Archbishop of Magdeburg and other 
prelates who had tolerated lay investiture. 

Duke Lothaire on one hand, and Archbishop 
Frederic of Cologne on the other, were daily press- 
ing more closely on the emperor's lieutenants and 
allies. 2 Henry, seeing his star pale, desired to 
treat. He convoked a general diet at Mayence for 
All Saints' Day, promising there to listen to all 
complaints, and to repair all mischiefs, at the will 
of the princes. 3 But as no one believed in him, 
no one answered his appeal. 4 

At Mayence, where the emperor was staying, 

1 " Saxonum consensus ad resistendum illi magis ac magis roboratur." 
Chron. Urspery., ann. 1115. 

2 Chron. Ursperg., Ann. Saxo., ad ann. pass. " Fredericus . . . totis 
viribus insequitur eum et fautores ejus, oppida et castella expugnat, et 
omnia ad eum pertinentia ferro et igne vastat. " ALBERIC. TRIUM Fox- 
TIUM, Chron., ann. 1115. 

8 "Ubi . . . de sibi objectis satisfactionem, de suis extraordinarie 
vel juveniliter gestis correctionem ad senatusconsultum repromisit. " 
Chron. Ursperg., L c. 

4 " Prseter paucos episcopos nemo principum adventabat." Ibid. 


waiting for the time of the meeting, the people 
revolted, supported by the knightly vassals of the 
metropolitan see, and with arms in their hands de- 
manded the deliverance of their archbishop. 1 To 
save his own life, Henry was obliged to yield. 2 
Adalbert, after three years of the hardest captivity, Adalbert 
left his prison, pale and reduced to a skeleton. 
His first deed was a formal act of submission to 
the legate Theodoric, whom he invited to attend 
a council at Cologne, to be held at Christmas. 
The legate died on the journey ; but Adalbert, who 
possessed all the necessary qualities, soon became 
the soul and head of the league of which Duke 
Lothaire was the arm. 4 

Surrounded by the fourteen German bishops who 
had already deserted the schism, he was consecrated 
at Cologne the day after Christmas, by Otho the 

1 "Moguntini . . . urbis familia, tarn nobiles, tarn ministeriales. " 
Chron. Ursperg., Ann. Hildesh., ann. 1115. Cf. LUDEN, vol. ix. b. 
xx. c. 6, not. 19 ; GERVAIS, i. 145, not. 1. 

2 In his letter to the people of Mayence (in Cod. Udalr., No. 319), 
Henry affirms that he released him only after he had sworn to remain 
quiet and given hostages. We may doubt this, especially if we compare 
this letter with the one which precedes it in the same collection (No. 
318), in which Henry affirms that the pope, in presence of all the cardi- 
nals, had disavowed the council of Vienne, condemned the legates Theo- 
doric and Conon, with the Archbishops of Cologne, Mayence, and Salz- 
burg, and declared that all who made war on the emperor were pagans 
and sacrilegious persons. We can easily believe that Pascal acted equi- 
vocally towards the emperor ; but such proceedings as these contradict 
all that is preserved in contemporary monuments, part of which we have 

3 " Vixossibushserentem." Ann. Saxo., ann. 1115 ; OTTO FBIHING., 
vii. 14. 

4 See STENTZEL, i. 666. 


holy Bishop of Bamberg, his suffragan ; and in 
this imposing assembly, in presence of Lothaire 
and many other lay nobles, the excommunication 
was again pronounced. 1 

During this time, the emperor, who was keep- 
ing the feast of Christmas at Spire with a small 
number of princes, decided to try a new expedient, 
and sent Erlung, Bishop of Wiirzburg, who re- 
mained faithful to him, to meet the confederate 
chiefs. But these chiefs would not even receive 
the ambassador, declaring that they would hold no 
intercourse with him until he should be reconciled 
to the Church, and give up all intercourse with 
the excommunicated sovereign. 

Eeturning to Spire, the bishop, who now re- 
pented of his errors, refused to communicate 
with the emperor. But Henry compelled him, by 
threatening him with death, to celebrate mass with 
him. The unhappy prelate, after he had under- 
gone this violence, fled from the court, obtained 
absolution yet once more, weeping for his in- 
voluntary relapse, and abandoned Henry for ever. 2 
To punish the fugitive, Henry separated the 
duchy of Franconia from the bishopric of Wiirz- 
burg, and gave it to his nephew, Conrad of Hohen- 

1 Ann, Saxo., ann. 1116. 

2 "Vitse periculo coactus missam coram imperatore celebravit, in- 
deque usque ad mortem contristatus latenter discessit, atque rursus 
communion! pristinse multis lacrymis reconciliatus ultra imperatoris 
aspectu simul et gratia caruit." Annal. Saxo., I. c. 


staufen. But the defection of Erlung of Wiirz- Eriung of 


burg made it clear to the emperor that Germany burg de- 

* sertstlte 

was no longer tenable for him. He resolved to emperor. 
try his fortune again in Italy, formerly so favour- 
able to him, and whither he was summoned by a 
new and pressing interest, that of disputing with 
the Church the succession of the great Countess 

VOL. VII. 2 (I 




Henry V. seizes the domains and fortresses of the Countess Matilda. 
Lateran Council, where Pope Pascal relates his wrongs and those of 
the Church. Pascal indignant that the word heresy should be pro- 
nounced in connection with him. Pascal approves the acts of Conon 
of Palestrina. Letter of Frederic of Cologne to the consuls and in- 
habitants of Milan. Henry tries to deceive Germany. The emperor 
condemned at the Council of Benevento. John of Gaeta elected pope 
under the name of Gelasius II. Gelasius becomes a bold defender of 
apostolic liberty. The pope finds a refuge in the Castle of San Paolo 
at Ardea. Henry V. creates an an ti -pope. Gelasius returns to 
Rome, and then visits France. 

MATILDA ended her long and glorious life on 
July 24, 1115, at the age of sixty-nine, the cru- 
cifix pressed to her lips. Before her death she 
rewarded the devoted affection of her many serfs 
by setting them all at liberty. 1 It was universally 
acknowledged throughout Christendom that with 
the great countess had disappeared not only the 

1 " Famulos suos innumeros post ejus mortem ingenuos esse jussit, 
cumque laboraret in extremis, episcopus corpus Dominicum ei tradidit, 
. . . mittens in manibus ejus crucem Christi, quam dum bajularet et in 
ea crebra figeret oscula, Oro inquit, te, Christi, quern semper colui, sem- 
per amavi, ut sordium mearum digneris mundare piacula." ANON., 
Vii. MatUld., c. 17, in MUKAT., vol. v. 397. 


richest and most powerful of princesses, but also 
the most pious Avoman of whom the lay world 
could then boast. 1 Shortly before she expired, 
the countess had received a visit from Abbot Pons 
of Cluny, whom she had loaded with favours and 
attention. 2 Her last public act 3 was a donation 
to the Abbey of Polyrone, 4 whence came her 
spiritual guide, the holy bishop Anselm of Lucca. 
She had chosen her own burial-place there, wish- 
ing, as she said, to intrust her body to the care 
of these pious sons 5 of St Benedict, because she 
had always found them foremost among the 
defenders of that Church which she had served 
and loved so passionately. Her remains rested 
there for five hundred years, until the time when 
the gratitude of a pope decided that the illus- 

1 "Quafemina sicut nemo nostris temporibus ditior et famosior, ita 
nemo virtutibus et religione sub laica professione reperitur insignior." 
Ann. Sax. } arm. 1115. 

2 ANON., Tit., 1. c. ; DOMNIZO, b. ii. in fine. Matilda was seized with 
a fatal chill while present, although ill, at service of Christmas night 
with Abbot Pons. 

3 May 4, 1115. 

4 Polyrone was a dependency of Cluny. Matilda had gone there in 
December 1115 to visit Abbot Alberic, who w r as also ill. This is what 
the princess herself says in her last deed : ' ' Cum ego, M athildis, . . . 
apud S. Benedictum veniremus . . . illam sanctam congregationem 
vidimus et super mortificatione eorum compatiens, compunctione miseri- 
cordise, devotione caritatis, ad eorum sustentationem qusedam transferre 
ex nostra largitate curavimus. Itaque coram illo venerabili collegio 
super sanctum altare B. Benedicti investituram posuimus, condonantes 
albergariam (jus hospitandi)," &c. 

5 " Te, Benedicte pater, moriens hsec curat amare, 
Ccenobiumque tutim ditatur corpore cujus 
Cui prece demonstra coeli cognoscere portas." 



trious dust should be placed in the tomb of the 
popes and martyrs in St Peter's at Eome. 1 

It will be remembered that Matilda had twice 
bestowed on the Holy See her vast domains, com- 
prising nearly the whole north of Italy to the 
Tiber. 2 This was too rich a prey for Henry to 
abandon. He thought he had acquired a right 
over that portion of the countess's property which 
depended on the empire, 3 and he also claimed the 
allodial lands and personal property of the prin- 
cess, in virtue of his relationship, which was very 
distant, and could in no way prevail against the 
will of the testatrix. 4 He went to Italy to pro- 
secute this claim in the beginning of 1116. His 
forces were inconsiderable, but he succeeded in 

1 This translation took place in 1635, under Urban VIII., five hun- 
dred and seventeen years after the great countess's death. 

2 She had all Tuscany, the patrimony of St Peter between Radicofani 
and the Tiber, the present duchies of Parma, Placentia, Modena, Man- 
tua, great part of Piedmont and Liguria, and many scattered estates in 
the towns of Tuscany and Lombardy, which insured her a sovereign 
influence in these countries. 

3 These are the words used by Matilda : " Omnia bona mea jure pro- 
prietario tarn quse nunc habueram quam ea quse in antea acquisitura 
eram sive jure successionis, sive alio quocumque jure ad me pertineant." 
Act of July 17, 1102, ap. LEIBNITZ, Script. Brunsw., and MUR., v. 
Probably she did not apply the terms, "jure proprietario et pertineant," 
to imperial fiefs ; but it is impossible to distinguish among these vast 
territories, which had that quality. The term "propria" is also care- 
fully employed by Domnizo : 

" Propria clavigero sua subdidit omnia Petro." 
Elsewhere : 

" Cui proprie telluris sortem subdidit omneni." 

4 See Table Genealogique, ap. GERVAIS, i. 160 ; ex BUNAN, Hist, of 
Frederic Barbarossa, p. 382. Raumer declares that the claim of the 
emperor to the allodial possessions and personal property of Matilda 
was absurd and iniquitous. Hist, of the Hohenstauf., b. ii. c. 3. 


winning many partisans by the contrast of his 
present moderation with the violence committed 
in his first expedition. 1 

The better to assure to himself the coveted in- Henry v. 
heritance, Henry remained for some time quietly in fortresses 
the north of Italy ; but a little later he took posses- of the 

J Countess 

sion of Canossa and the fortresses of the Apennines, Matilda. 
where Matilda had so long defied the imperial 

The pope at this epoch had partly regained his 
ascendancy in Italy ; while the Normans, whose 
young Duke William, grandson of Eobert Guis- 
card, had received from Pascal the investiture of 
Apulia, Calabria, and Sicily, 2 had recovered their 
importance. In obedience to the pope's exhorta- 
tions, the Pisans had directed an expedition 
against the Balearic Islands to destroy Saracen 
piracy, and had gloriously possessed themselves 
of Ivica and Majorca. 3 At the same time, the 
support of these foreigners, and of the new-born 
municipal republics, was not sufficient to enable 

1 He was especially well received at Venice. Chron. Dandol. ap. 
MURATORI, xii. 236-266 ; GERVAIS, I. c. 

2 October 1114. He also settled various disputes between the Nor- 
mans and Beneventines, and at the council of Troja (August 1115) made 
the Norman princes accept the truce of God for three years. The inves- 
titure of Sicily, given to William, only implied the suzerainty over that 
island, which was held as a sub-fief from the Church by Roger II., son 
of Roger called the Great, Count of Sicily, and brother of Robert Guis- 
card. Roger II. afterwards united all the conquests of his family, an 
was the first king of the Two Sicilies. 

3 PANDULP. PISAN., Vit. Pose. II.; LAUR. VERON., Poem, de beUo 
Balearico, ap. UGHELLI, Ital. sacr., vol. iii. ; PAGI, Crit., in ann. 11 H 
and 1115. See Letter of Henry to Pascal. 


the Holy See to dispute with the emperor the 
succession formally bequeathed by Matilda to St 
Peter. Thus we find no mention in contemporary 
writers of any attempt of the kind on the part of 
the Church. At this moment, indeed, Henry was 
showing the most conciliatory intentions towards 
the sovereign pontiff, to whom he sent Pons, 
Abbot of Cluny, 1 as his ambassador charged to 
plead the cause of the empire in the general council 
assembled at the Lateran in March 1116. 

The legate Conon having returned from France, 
was present at this council, together with a great 
number of bishops, abbots, dukes, counts, and 
envoys from all Catholic countries. 2 The first 
days were devoted to the examination of various 
local affairs. At one of the first sittings a bishop 
rose and said to the pope that, after having braved 
all sorts of dangers by sea and by land, the Fathers 
of the great assembly begged the sovereign pontiff 
to make known to them his personal opinions, and 

1 God. ITdalr., No. 273. "Qui et inter utramque partem pro compo- 
nendis pacifice rebus fid elis et impiger apocrisiarius in . . . studuit." 
Ann. Sax., I. c. 

2 "Synodus universalis concilii congregatis ibidem ex diversis regnis 
et provinciis episcopis et abbatibus, catholicis duoibns et comitibus, 
legatis universarum provmciarum quam plurimis." Cliron. Ursperg., 
ann. 1116. It is not clear whether it was at this council or that of 1112 
that Suger was present, and to which he refers in the following passage 
of the Life of Louis le Gros : " Quod (privilegium) idem dominus 
papa in magno concilio trecentorum et eo amplius episcoporum judicio 
Ecclesise nobis audientibus conquassavit," p. 290. The Hist. Litl., xii. 
364, says that he was present at the council of 1112, but this number of 
300 bishops does not agree with that of 126, which is found in the Acts 
of the Council. See above. 


the doctrines which, at their return home, they 
ought to teach in their churches. 1 

Pascal began his answer by relating the painful Lateran 
scenes he had witnessed, and the ills inflicted on where 

Pope Pas- 

the Church and the people of God during his cai relates 

his troubles 

captivity. He then expressed himself as follows : JJ^ 086 
" When the Lord had left me His servant, and the cllurch - 
people of Borne, in the hands of King Henry, I saw 
pillage, incendiarism, murder, and adultery daily 
committed ; and I sought any means by which 
to turn these dreadful calamities away from the 
Church and people of God. What I have done I 
did in the hope of delivering God's people. I -did 
it as a man, for I am but dust and ashes. I 
acknowledge that I did ill, and I beg you now 
to pray God to pardon me. As to this fatal 
document, dictated in a prison, I pronounce a 
perpetual anathema upon it, that its memory 
may be for ever odious ; and I pray you all to 
forget it." 2 

At these words all the assembly replied, "Amen! 
Amen ! " 

Bruno of Segni, always foremost in zeal, cried 

1 " Quidam episcoporum de medio surgens, . . . expediendum prius 
propter quod principaliter convenerant ut evident-ins pernoscatur quid 
dominus Appstolicus sentiat. . . ." Ibid. 

2 "Fed auteni ut homo quia pulvis sum et cinis. Fateor me male 
egisse, sed rogo vos omnes . . . istud autem malum scriptum quod in 
tentoriis factum est," &c. The pope adds here, in words which are 
found in most of the decrees and narratives of this affair, and which are 
untranslatable: "Quod pro pravitate sua pravileghnn dicitur." Else- 
where it is said : " Non privilegium, sed pravilegium. " 


in a loud voice, 1 " We should bless God that we 
have heard Pope Pascal condemn with his own 
mouth a pretended privilege, which covered both 
heresy and great wickedness." 2 

These words gave some scandal. " If this priv- 
ilege contained heresy/' said one of those present, 
" he who drew it up must have been a heretic ! " 3 
Pascal But Cardinal John of Gaeta 4 hastened to reply 

angry that 

the word to Bruno : " What ! do you venture, in full council 


should an d before the bishops, to call the pope a heretic ? 

be used in x * - 1 - 

Certainly the document he signed was bad, but it 
was in no way heretical." 5 " Not only," said an- 
other of the Fathers, " was it not heretical, but we 
must own that to try to deliver the people was an 
act worthy of praise." 

But Pascal had lost patience at hearing the 
dreadful word heresy. Commanding silence by 
a gesture, he cried, " My brethren and my lords, 
this Church has never known heresy ; it is she 
who has fought with and overcome all heresies. 

1 "Altius exorsus est." Ibid. He was crowned in 1183 by Pope 
Lucius III. 

2 " Quod pravitatem et heeresim coutinebat." Ibid. 

3 "Ad hsec quidam cavillatore subjunxit : Si ... qui illud fecit 
hfereticus fuit." 

4 The title of Bishop of Gaeta given to Cardinal John in most reprints 
of the Chronicle of Auersperg is a mistake. BARON., MANSI, COLETTI, 
&c. It is not given to him in the first edition of 1609. Cardinal John 
was only abbot and cardinal-deacon, as is proved by his signature at the 
Lateran Council in 1112. He was afterwards pope under the name of 
Gelasius II. 

5 " Tu ne hie, et in concilio, nobis prsesentibus 

Romanum pontificem appellas h.nereticum ? . . . 
Malum quidem fuit, sed hseresis non fuit. " 


Was it not for her that the Son of God prayed 
when, during His passion, He asked that Peter's 
faith might never fail ? " 1 

Next day a new and not less vehement discus- 
sion began between Cardinal Corion of Palestrina, 
who wished to repeat the emperor's excommuni- 
cation, 2 and the Abbot of Cluny, on one side, and 
Cardinal John of Gaeta and Peter, son of Leo, the 
negotiator of Sutri, on the other. 3 

The pope once more interfered, saying, "The 
primitive Church, in the time of the martyrs, was 
flourishing before God if not before men. After- 
wards emperors and kings were converted, and, 
like dutiful sons of the Church, honoured their 
mother, to whom they gave lands, fiefs, dignities, 
rights, and royal ornaments, as did Con stan tine 
and others. Then the Church flourished before 
men as well as before God. Let our mother and 
lady, the Church, keep what she has received from 
kings and princes, and let her dispense to her sons 
as she sees good." 4 After this Pascal renewed the 
prohibition established by Gregory VII. , under pain 
of anathema, against all who should give or receive 
lay investiture. Then Cardinal Conon presented 
the following request : " Most holy Father," he 

1 "Ad hsec patientia papae horrendo haeresis nomine pulsata . . . 
manu silentium indicens. ..." 

2 " Ssepius verbum excomnmnicationis exponere cnpienti." 

3 "In faciem resistentibus." 

4 " Habeat ergo mater et domina nostra Ecclesia sibi a regibus sive 
principibus collata: dispense! et tribuat filiis suis sicut scit et sicut 
vult." Ibid. 


said, "if I have shown myself your true legate, 
and if it pleases you to ratify what I have done, be 
pleased to declare it with your own lips, in presence 
of this holy council, that all may know I had 
received authority." 1 
Pascal ap- The pope replied : " You have been truly our 

proves the 

acts of legate a latere, and all that you and our other 

Cononof & m * J 

Paiestrina. brethren, cardinals, bishops, and legates, have done 
by the authority of this see, I confirm ; and I con- 
demn all that you have condemned." 2 

Conon then enumerated the different sentences of 
excommunication which he had pronounced against 
the emperor, first at Jerusalem on the earliest 
report of his crime, and afterwards in Greece, in 
Hungary, in Saxony, in Lorraine, in France, in five 
councils, at Eome, and in all the churches ; and he 
concluded by asking that the Fathers of the council 
should confirm all his acts, as the pope had just done. 
The envoys from the Archbishop of Vienne made 
the same request. Some objections were raised in 
the assembly, but all the bishops and abbots were 
unanimous. 3 Before they separated, the council 

1 " Doraine Pater, si tuae placet majestati, si vere tuus fui legatus et 
qtise feci tibi placentem rate, edicito. . . ." 

2 "Vere legatus ex latere nostro missus fuisti, et quidquid tu, cseteri 
. . . ego quoque probo et confirmo, quidquid damnaverunt damno." 

3 This is the reading adopted by Fleury, Stentzel, Gervais, &c. The 
text of the Chronicle of Auefsperg, the only contemporary authority, 
is obscure. We think best, therefore, to reproduce it entire : " Orare 
si demum, ut si cut D. papa legationem suam confirmasset, ita praesentis 
concilii patres et episcopi concorditer annuerent . . . dum tali ratione 
et ordine tarn varise et dissonae multitudinis assensus exquiritur ; saniori 
parte veritati et apertse rationi nihil contradictum ; a paucis submur- 


put an end to the controversy which for several 
years had been agitating the Church of Milan. 
The seeds of orthodoxy and regularity, scattered 
there during long years of struggles against simony 
by the heroic Luitprand, that priest whose nose 
and ears had been cut off by the schismatics, 1 had 
begun to spring up. 

Archbishop Grossolanus, whom Luitprand had 
always opposed, was removed, and his rival, Jor- 
danus of Chiusa, chosen by the party hostile to the 
emperor, received the crosier from the hands of the 
sovereign pontiff. 2 

Most of the Lombard bishops being still as 
much devoted to the imperial cause as in the time 
of Gregory VII., and the nobles following the 
same standard, it was of the greatest consequence 
for the Church to place in the see of Milan, the 
most important in Italy after Borne, a man de- 
voted to ecclesiastical liberty, and sufficiently in- 
fluential to gather round him, in support of the 
Catholic cause, those elements of strength and 
resistance which were every day growing more 
powerful in the Lombard municipalities. At this 

muratum, ab episcopis vel abbatibus nullo modo reclamatum." It will 
be seen that the pope, by a very useless subterfuge, avoided condemning 
the emperor by name. Thus Baronius says : " Sic videas quali ambitu 
opportuerit excommunicationem confirmari." 

1 He died in 1113. See above. 

2 " Gratiam et virgam pontificalem in ipso theatro suscepit." LAN- 
DULPH. junior, Chron. Medial., c. 30, ap. MUKAT., vol. v. Landulph 
relates in detail the long struggles which marked the whole pontificate 
of Grossulanus. They are analysed by FLEDRY., b. Ixvii. No. 38. Cf. 
Chron. Ursperg., ann. 1116 ;" Cod. Udalr., No. 258, 259. 


moment Milan was beginning to be the centre of 
that great struggle which was to last half a 
century, and to bring upon her so many misfor- 
tunes, but also so much glory. This rdle befitted 
the ancient city which had not yet ceased to hon- 
our the memory of Ambrose, or to keep in mind 
the wholesome humiliation inflicted on the Em- 
peror Theodosius : it belonged, as of right, to the 
illustrious town where, for the first time, had been 
manifested the splendour of that repressive power, 
till then unknown to the world, given by God 
to His Church to arm her for her warfare with the 
powers of this world. 

Following the example of Conon and Guy of 

Vienne, the new archbishop, as soon as he re- 

turned from the council, promulgated the sentence 

of excommunication against Henry. 1 The Ger- 

man princes in revolt against the emperor eagerly 

grasped at the valuable alliance offered to them 

beyond the Alps by the little Catholic republic. 

Letter of Archbishop Frederic of Cologne addressed to the 

cologne to consuls, captains, soldiers, and people of Milan, a 

the consuls . 

andinhabi- letter in which he spoke as follows : " We admire 

of r 


Milan. the greatness and mercy of God in endowing your 
city with freedom, to the joy of the whole world ; 
for you offer a brave resistance to all the powers 
of wickedness. Illustrious city, guard your free- 

1 "Henricum . . . una cum clero et populo suo Joanni Crementi car- 
dinal! Romano prsecipienti in pulpito sanctse Theclse excommunicavit." 
LANDULPH. jun., c. 31 ; MURAT., v. 500. 


dom with the utmost care ; that you should do so 
is the condition of your glory ; and be sure that 
as long as you resist the powers opposed to the 
Church, so long you will, by the help of Christ, 
enjoy true liberty. Build your confidence, dearest 
friends, upon the goodness of your cause, and upon 
the glory of the name transmitted to you by your 
fathers, which we all honour (applaudens unani- 
mitas). And believe that we are all, whether 
princes of Lorraine, of Saxony, of Thuringia, or of 
France, unanimous in our love for you ; we make 
but one body ; and you will find us always ready 
to join you in defending justice and lawful free- 
dom. Ask of us what help you will, and be cer- 
tain of our diligence in granting it to you." 1 

The church and city of Milan persevered in the 
way marked out for them by their traditions ; and 
when, at a later period (1118), the great Lombard 2 
vassals endeavoured, at a conference held in the 
city, to plead the emperor's cause before the arch- 
bishop and his suffragans, the latter strongly sup- 
ported the rights of the Church and the excom- 
munication of Henry V. 3 Unfortunately, they did 

1 " Magnus Dominus et laudabilis nimis. . . . Hsec itaque gloriosa 
cum per universum orbem de te sint dicta, civitas Dei inclyta, conserva 
libertatem, ut pariter retineas hominis Irajus dignitatem : quia quandiu 
potestatibus Ecclesise inimicis resistere niteris, verse libertatis auctore, 
Christo Domino adjutore, perfrueris. . . . Sicut in uno corpore sociamur 
ita in eadem justitia, eadem legum libertate una vobiscum parati inveni- 
emur." MARTENE, Ampliss. Collect., vol. i. p. 640. 

2 ' ' Marchiones et comites Longobardise. " The philosopher St Marc calls 
them military sages, friends of the public good. Hist. <X Italic, iv. 1057. 

3 LANDTJLPH. jun., Hist. Mcdiol., c. 34. 


not succeed in preventing the Milanese from wast- 
ing their strength in a sanguinary war against 
their neighbours at Como, which was carried on 
for two years. 

Meantime the emperor, while occupying himself 
in uniting the Countess Matilda's domains to his 
own, called a meeting of the Lombard bishops, 
most of whom were devoted to him, 1 and sent 
three of them 2 to the pope, hoping to obtain a 
reversal of the sentences passed upon him at the 
various councils. Pascal replied that, in order to 
keep the oath which had been extorted from him, 
he had not himself published the anathema against 
Henry ; but that this sentence, having been pro- 
nounced by the most eminent members of the 
Church, could only be remitted by their advice, 
and in another council. 3 The pope added that 
the letters of the Ultramontanes, and especially 
of Archbishop Adalbert of Mayence, urged him to 
remain firm. 

Henry tries Upon this, Henry endeavoured to deceive Ger- 
many by a completely false account of the pontifical 
sentiments, 4 and thus encouraged the people of 

1 See his letter to Hartwig, Bishop of Ratisbon.. Cod. Udalr., 318. 

2 Those of Placentia, Acqui, and Asti. 

3 " Propter securitatem quam regi licet coactus fecerat, diffitetur, ilium 
se anathematis vinculo colligasse, ab Ecclesise tauien potioribus membris 
excommunicationem connexam non nisi ipsorum consilio denegat se 
posse dissolvere, concesso nimirum utrinque synodalis audientise jure." 
Chron. Ursp., ann. 1117. 

4 Cod. Udalr., Ep. 317, 318. He there says that the pope, in pres- 
ence of all the cardinals, had disavowed Conon, Guy of Vienne, and 
Adalbert ; and condemned, as perjured and sacrilegious, all his subjects 


Eome in their disaffection. They, displeased with 
the pope's choice of a new prefect, had revolted 
and driven the holy Father from the city. 1 Just 
after this, Henry hastened to announce to his 
friends that he would shortly be in Eome. 2 And 
he did arrive there in the spring of 1117. This 
time the pope did not wait for him, but took ref- 
uge at Monte Cassino, under the protection of the 
Norman sword ; but he sent, as his legate to the 
emperor, Maurice Burdin, Archbishop of Braga, 3 
who, betraying the cause he was commissioned 
to defend, consented to crown the emperor during 
the feast of Easter. 4 The traitor was immediately Henry ex- 
excommunicated by Pascal, in a council held at cated by " 

-P. , -i . * the Council 

Benevento ; but Henry was little affected by this, of Bene- 


Always seeking to establish his rule in Italy, he 

who had made war on him. GERVAIS, i. 170, 171. This shows clearly 
the untrustworthiness of Henry's letters, which Stentzel and Liiden have 
blindly followed. 

1 See the details of this insurrection, which broke out March 26, 1116, 
in FALCO BENEVENTANUS, Chron., ann. 1116, ap. MURATORI, vol. v. 
The pope wished to give this office to Peter, son of Leo, brother of the 
cardinal ; the people desired another Peter, son of the late prefect. 
Pascal, betrayed by Count Ptolomeo of Tusculum, was obliged to yield. 

2 " His auditis, Henricus . . . laetus effectus, quia non bene cum 
papa conveniebat, scenia imperialia urbis prsefecto et Romanis trans- 
misit, adventum suum illis prsenuntians affuturum." Chron. Cass., 
iv. 60. 

3 Burdin was a Limousin, distinguished for his eloquence and learn- 
ing. Bernard, the monk of Cluny, who was Archbishop of Toledo and 
legate in Spain, having noticed him at the Council of Clermont in 1095, 
took him to Spain, where he became Bishop of Coimbra, and afterwards 
Archbishop of Braga. He had come to Rome to defend the rights of 
his metropolitan see against his old benefactor Bernard, who, as Arch- 
bishop of Toledo, claimed the primacy of all Spain. Vita Mauritii, ap. 
BALUZII, Miscell., vol. i. Chron. Mauriniac, PAND. Pis., Vit. Patch. 

4 March 25, 1117. 


gave his daughter in marriage to Count Ptolomeo 
of Tusculum, head of a house and party con- 
stantly opposed to the papacy. At the same 
time, he put to death all the Romans who were 
captured on their way to join the pope at Bene- 
vento. 1 At Whitsuntide, Henry returned to 
Upper Italy, 2 while Pascal ended the year among 
the Normans, his faithful and valiant defenders. 

Towards Christmas, the sovereign pontiff was 
able to return to St Peter's and the Leonine city. 3 
He was preparing to attack the imperial garrison 
in Rome when God put an end to his laborious 
pontificate. He died January 21, 1118. 4 A few 
days before his death, he assembled the cardinals, 
and urgently enjoined upon them to persevere in 
faith and charity, and in cursing the schism and 
German outrages. 5 

The cardinals chose for Pascal's successor John 
of Gaeta, 6 deacon and chancellor of the Roman 

1 Epist. Gauffrid. Vendoc. ap. Script. Rer. Franc., vol. xv. p. 297. 

2 Scarcely had he left Rome when the Prince of Capua, at the pope's 
request, sent 300 Norman knights, who invaded the Campagna, and 
pillaged Pagliano. Henry returned, put them to rout, and resumed his 
journey, "coactus fervore aestatis," says the Chron. Cassin., I. c. 

3 Vit. Pasch., ap. BARON., ann. 1117, c. 5. 

4 Date fixed by ^AGI, Crit. in BARON., ann. 1118. 

5 " Ut caverent dolos ab iis qui intus erant et extra in execratione 
Guibertinorum ac enorminatis Teutonicse." BARON., ann. 1118, c. 1. 
We see from the letter of the Archbishop of Cologne to the Italian 
cardinals and bishops, after Pascal's death, that the pope had entirely 
regained the good opinion of the zealous party. A p. MARTENE, Ampliss. 
Collect., vol. i. p. 641. 

6 He belonged to Gaeta, and was of a very noble family, sometimes 
supposed to be that of Gaetani, of which Boniface VIII. was a member, 
and which still exists at Rome with a ducal title. PANDULPH. Pis., 


Church, who was then living at Monte Cassino, 
where, when very young, he had assumed the 
Benedictine habit. 1 The future head of the John of 
Church was summoned, and in a meeting held elected 

pope under 

at a small church near the Capitol, the election the name 

of Gelasius 

was made unanimously, 2 in spite of the resist- IL 
ance of the venerable monk, who took the name 
of Gelasius II. 3 This was the fifth monk since 
Gregory VII. who was called to the Apostolic 
See. He had been honoured with the absolute 
confidence of Urban II., who had drawn him 
from Monte Cassino and made him a cardinal ; 
and had been named chancellor by Pascal II. 
on account of his great eloquence. 

In the Catholic world the new pope enjoyed a 
great reputation for honour, talent, and learning ; 4 
but he had been security for the unfortunate oath 
extorted from Pascal II. by the emperor ; and, on 
the other hand, the opposition he had made to 
Cardinal Conon of Palestrina and Bishop Bruno of 
Segni, at the last Lateran Council, had prejudiced 

Vit, Gelasii IL, cum not. D. Constant. Gaetani ab Ord. S. B. Rom. 
1638 and ap. MDBAT., Script., vol. iii. p. 1. 

1 " Ab infantia nutritus et adultus." EADM., Hist, nov., b. v. p. 92. 

2 " In monasterio quodam, quod Palladium dicitur, infra domos Leonis 
et Cencii Frangipani." PANDULPH. Pis., I. c. 

3 January 25, 1118. Pandulph quotes the names of all the cardinals 
present at the election, to the number of four bishops, twenty-six priests, 
and eighteen deacons ; and he adds, ' ' Approbatur ab omnibus, necnon 
etiam ab episcopis, quorum nulla est prorsus alia in electione prsesulis 
Romani potestas, nisi approbandi." 

4 " Ut per eloquentiam sibi a Domino traditam stylum . . . reforma- 
ret," &c. " Industria et litterarum scientia excellentissime roboratus." 
Chron. Moriniac., ap. DUCHESNE, iv. 366. 

VOL. VII. 2 H 


him in the minds of certain very ardent friends of 
the liberty of the Church. Thus, when Conrad, 
Archbishop of Salzburg, an exile for the faith, 
heard, in Germany, of the election of John of 
Gaeta, he is said to have exclaimed : "No one 
could have been worse than John ; but perhaps 
Gelasius may be good for something ! " l 

The German Catholics, however, were resolved 
to acknowledge no pontiff but one faithful to the 
line marked out by Gregory VII. and his successor. 
Archbishop Frederic of Cologne peremptorily signi- 
fied this resolution to the Italian bishops. " If our 
Pascal's successor is lawfully ordained," he said, 
" if he follows in the steps of the holy Fathers, 
we will all obey him ; but if he proves by his con- 
duct that he is not the minister of God, but of a 
worldly and excommunicated man, neither his se- 
ductions nor his condemnation shall move us ! " 2 

1 " Nam nullus eorum nequior Johanne ; forte in Gelasio poterit ali- 
quod boni esse ! " vita Theotger. episc. Mett., ap. MABILL. , 
Ann., b. 73, c. 31. 

2 This whole letter is very remarkable. After a eulogy of Pascal, al- 
ready indicated, he says: " Sed quomodo . . . vocatus est ad justitise 
coronam apud Deum repositam, vos, serenissimi Pat-res, sanctam ne de- 
seratis Ecclesiara, sed ejus imitantes vestigia, omnes qui vestram liber- 
tatem imminuere tentaverint damnate sententia. . . . Catholici con at us 
vestri fautores et adjutores inveniemur in ipso, non desistentes a vestra 
omniumque bonorum imitate et sacrse Matris nostrse recuperanda liber- 
tate. ... Si Patri nostro successor legitimus Dei ordinatione est substi- 
tutus, qui ejus per orania et sanctorum Patrum sectetur vestigia, omnium 
nostrum perfruatur obedientia : sin autem non Dei, sed homines terreni 
et excommunicatorum, quod absit, se fere factis probet antistitem, nul- 
lam seductionis suse vel damnationis nostrse in nobis inveniet subjec- 
tionem." MART^NE, Ampliss. Coll., vol. i. p. 641; MABILL., Annal., 
b. 73, c. 30. 


Gelasius did not deceive the hopes of those who 


trusted in his transformation. He who, by His * b ld d f 

fender 01 

grace, was able to make of the bitterest persecutor ^f^ 110 
of the infant Church the great Apostle of the Gen- 
tiles, suddenly changed the timid and vacillating 
minister of a wavering pontiff into a bold confessor 
of apostolic freedom. At the very moment when 
the supreme pontificate, with its terrible responsi- 
bilities, weighed most heavily upon him, the pon- 
tiff's soul rose to the height of his fortunes; the weak 
chancellor gave place to the monk whom Urban II. 
had summoned from the cloister to the great bat- 
tles of the Church ; and the captive of Sutri desired 
nothing better than to give his life, as St Peter had 
done, for the defence of that Church's liberty. 1 

The first act of Gelasius as pope was to address a 
fraternal greeting to the very Conon whom he had 
so violently opposed at the Lateran Council, and 
whom he now begged to continue his legation 2 
until he should point him out as the most suitable 
person for his successor. 

The imperialists did not deceive themselves : 
Cencio Frangipani, one of their leaders, when he 
heard of the election, ran, sword in hand, to the 

1 " Ita repente cum nomine et animum mutavit, ut tempore perpetuo, 
quo supervixit, postea piis operibus studens, Ecclesiam mirifice illustraret : 
adeo ut etiam paratus fuerit, contempta regis tyrannide, pro libertate Ec- 
clesise cum Petro et animam ponere." Anon. vit. Theotg., I. c. 

2 "Tauquam fratrem carissimum officiosissime salutavit." Ibid. 
Conon, then in Germany, asked details of the election from the bearer of 
the letter, and hearing of the unanimity of the suffrage, immediately 
proclaimed Gelasius. 


church where it took place, seized the new pope by 
the throat, and after having struck and kicked 
him, so as to bring blood, dragged him by the hair 
to his own palace, where he ordered him to be 
chained. 1 At these news, Peter the Prefect, Peter 
the son of Leo, Stephen the Norman, and other 
nobles, armed themselves and their men, and join- 
ing the Transteverins and all the Roman people, 
hurried to deliver the pope. The Frangipani, 
alarmed, hastened to release Gelasius, who was 
almost immediately afterwards crowned at St John 
Lateran. 2 But the unhappy pontiffs trials were 
not yet ended : before he could be consecrated (for 
he was only a deacon), he was informed one night 
that the emperor was within a short distance of 
St Peter's, at the head of his troops, and ready for 
the attack. Gelasius rose hurriedly, and, in spite 
of his great age, was flung upon a horse, and taken 
to the Tiber, where he was embarked in a galley 
bound to Porto. The sea was so rough at the time 
that it was impossible to put out from shore with- 
out risk of perishing. The Germans pursued the 
fugitives along the coast with a shower of arrows, 
and threatening to set fire to the galley if they did 

1 "Papam per gulam accepit, distraxit, pugnis, calcibus percussit, et 
tanquam brutum animal intra limen ecclesise acriter calcaribus cruenta- 
vit . . . per capillos et brachia detraxit . . . ubi cum catenavit et 
clausit." PAND. PISAN., I. c., an eyewitness. 

2 He was not yet a priest, and, according to the custom of the time, 
could only be ordained and consecrated at the next Ember days. FALCO 
BENEV., No. 1118. 


not immediately give up the pope. 1 Night and 
the storm, however, having stopped the pursuit, 
Cardinal Hugh took the pope on his shoulders, 
and carried him through the darkness to the 
Castle of San Paolo at Ardea, whence he was taken, p op e Geia- 
half dead, to Terracina, and thence to Gaeta. 2 a refuge at 

So dearly did the unfortunate Gelasius pay for 
the pontificate with which he had been invested 
against his will ; and such were the sinister events 
which interposed between his coronation and his 
consecration ! 

When the emperor heard that his prey had 
escaped him, he again had recourse to stratagem : 
he invited Gelasius to come to Rome to be conse- 
crated, saying that he should have much pleasure 
in being present at the ceremony, and so confirm- 
ing it. He added that, if Gelasius would sanction 
the agreement made with Pascal, he, Henry V., 
would engage immediately to swear fidelity to 
the pontiff; but he also ventured to declare that, 
in the opposite case, he would cause another pope 
to be enthroned. 3 

1 " Imperator furtiva et inopinata velocitate Romam veniens." Ep. 
Gelas. II, ad Gall, in Cone., xii. 1240. " Quiclam intempestse noctis si- 
lentio. . . . Henricum . . . armatum contra papara ad S. Petri porti- 
cum adventasse . . . jam pene senio et infirmitate confectus, fugere tarn 
repente non poterat. . . . Sic caballo ejectus. . . . Fugimus et omnes 
cum eo. . . . Allemannorum turbaries tela contra nos mixta toxico 
jaciebant, minitabantur etiam nos inter aquas natantes piceo igne cre- 

2 "Cepit donmum Hugo cardinalis et presbyter papam nostrum in 
collum . . . die tertio ripse Terracinensi vivi vix applicavimus." Ibid. 

3 FALCO BENEVENT., aim. 1118; Chron. Cassin., b. iv.; LANDULPH. 


Gelasius replied that lie was ready to terminate, 
either by a treaty or by any just means, a quarrel 
which disturbed the Church and the kingdom ; but, 
he added, he must defer the affair to a future time 
that is to say, to the following St Luke, when he 
should be at Milan or Cremona (cities then in re- 
bellion against the emperor). For the rest, before 
that date, the holy Father would take council with 
his brethren, whom God had made judges of the 
dispute. 1 

After this declaration, the pope was ordained 
priest and consecrated at Gaeta, where, among 
other prelates, he had been joined by the Arch- 
bishops of Capua, Benevento, and Salerno, the 
Abbots of Monte Cassino and La Cava, and the 
Norman princes, who all swore fidelity to him. 
Gelasius then gave investiture to Duke William, 
in the form employed by Gregory VII. for Eobert 
Guiscard, grandfather of the present prince. 2 
Meantime, on receiving the pontifical answer, 
Henry had caused it to be read in the basilica of 
St Peter. The cunning monarch was able to avail 
himself, with the Komans, of the contempt which, 

jun., Cliron., c. 32 ; GERVAIS, i. 182. "Pacem et minis ct terroribv.s 
postulavit," says the pope himself. Ep. ad Gall., I. c. 

1 " De controversia quse inter Ecclesiam et regnum est, vel conven- 
tion! vel justitise libenter acquieschmis . . . fratrum nostrorum judicio 
qui a Deo sunt judices constituti in Ecclesia, et sine quibus haec causa 
tractari non potest. " Ep. Gelas. , I. c. 

2 " Quemadrnodum Gregorius papa tradidit illam Roberto Guiscardo 
avo tuo." PANDULPH. PISAN., 1. c., who adds : " Ibi et me Pandulph- 
um ostiarium, qui hsec scripsi, in lectorem et exorcistam promovit." 


lie said, was shown for Borne, in fixing the scene 
of the negotiation at Milan or Cremona. 1 

The emperor was not attended only by soldiers, he 
had with him also Magister Guarnerius of Bologna, 2 
the restorer of the science of Roman law in Italy, 
and several others of those legists who are always 
found at the service of oppressors of liberty and 
of the conscience. The mission of these skilful 
men generally consisted in making long speeches 
to the populace in which the ancient canons were 
interpreted in a sense favourable to a new ponti- 
fical election. 3 

The public mind being thus prepared, Henry Henry v. 
caused Archbishop Maurice Burdin to be pro- anti-pope. 
claimed pope under the name of Gregory VIII. 4 
It was he who, as legate, had betrayed Pascal IT. 
But although the election of an intruder was 

1 "Numquid honorem Romse volunt illi transferre Cremonse ?" LAN- 
DULPH. jun., c. 32; MURAT., v. 502. 

2 This famous man is found forty years later at the diet of Roncaglia," 
in 1188, where he was one of the four legists who promulgated in favour 
of Frederic Barbarossa this fine maxim, " Tua voluntas jus esto : sicuti 
dicitur, quidquid principi placuit legis habet vigorem." OTHO MORENA, 
in Hist. rer. Laudun., ap. MURAT., I. c., No. 8. 

3 ' ' Magister Guarnerius de Benonia, et plures legis periti, populum 
Roinanum ad eligendum papam convenit, et quidam expeditus lector in 
pulpito S. Petri per prolixam lectionem decreta pontificum de substi- 
tuendo papa explicavit." LANDULPH. jun., I. c. 

4 March 10, 1118. Gelasius was consecrated at Capua that day or 
the next. The details of the election are in LANDULPH., c. 32 ; the 
people and a small number of clergy shared in it : " Totus populus 
. . . quidam de indutis liabitu ecclesiastico, . . . cum cceteris astantibus 
clericis." Gelasins, in his letter to the French, says that no member of 
the Roman clergy took part in the election, and names only the Guiber- 
tines or the schismatics. 


apparently popular, many of the Romans were 
distressed by a usurpation which seemed to rivet 
their Church to the imperial rule; 1 and many nobles 
sent word to the pope that they had taken no 
part in the crime which had placed an excommuni- 
cated man on St Peter's throne that the king's 
criminal artifices would soon be exposed and that 
the lawful pontiff, victorious over the malice of the 
schismatics, would soon be able to return to Rome. 2 

Gelasius hastened to denounce the sacrilegious 
election of Burdin in letters addressed to the 
prelates and the faithful of France, the anti-pope's 
native country ; after which, in a council held at 
Capua, the following Easter, he excommunicated 
both the emperor and the pope whom the emperor 
had enthroned. 3 

The council over, Gelasius following the example 
of his predecessors retired to Monte Cassino, the 
cradle of his religious life, and the citadel of his 
party. There the monks received him with delight, 
and he obtained from the Norman princes a pro- 

1 " Roman orum complures . . . aiebant : lieu, miseri, cum nos ex 
longo nostrorum patrum vetusto ritu, sine alicujus regis adventu et 
licentia, pastorem eligebamus, quern volebamus, nunc autem sine regis 
permissu jam amplius alium neque eligere, neque consecrare ausi erimus ! " 
FALCO BENEVENT., Chron. ann. 1118 : MURATOR, v. 91. 

2 " Roman orum nobiles . . . nos et nostros amicos consecration! il- 
lius excommunicati viri in pontificem scelestum nullatenus consilii et 
auxilii manus dedisse. . Et sciatis quoniam, Deo opitulante, regis illius, 
viri iniquissimi machinationes in proximo delebuntur. " Ibid. 

3 " Regem ipsum cum idolo suo excommunicavimus. " Ep. Gelas. ad 
canon, in Cod. Udalr., No. 293. It is of the 13th April, and is wanting 
in this collection of councils. 


mise to prosecute the war with vigour. 1 Mean- 
time it went on languidly on both sides, and the 
emperor found himself obliged to raise the siege of 
the castle of Torricella in the Abruzzi, which be- 
longed to the monks of Saint Andrea. This did 
not prevent the monarch from being crowned by 
his anti-pope at Whitsuntide, before his return to 
the north of Italy, where Jordanus, Archbishop of 
Milan, was carrying on a vigorous resistance. 2 

Gelasius, informed of the emperor's departure, The pope 

returns to 

returned secretly to Rome, rather as a pilgrim than Rome, 
as a pontiff, 3 and hid himself in a little church 
near the palace of Stephen and Pandulph, the two 
Normans who were of his party. 4 The pope con- 
ferred with the orthodox clergy as to the means 
of reducing the intruder; but having committed 
the imprudence of going to officiate for the feast 
of Sta Prassede, 5 in the church of that saint, he 

1 " Duci et principi Capuano aliisque baronibus dedit lirmiter in 
niandatis, ut omnes contra Barbarum arma compararent. " PANDULPH. 
PISAN., L c. 

2 See above, the council held on this subject at Milan. The church 
of Ravenna, which had so long been one of the centres of the im- 
perialist schism, and whose archbishop, Guibert, had been anti-pope, 
returned at this time to orthodoxy, as is shown in the bull of Gela- 
sius, which restores to it the metropolitan rights of which Pascal II. 
had deprived it at the Council of Guastalla in 1106. "Filii ipsius," 
says the pope in his bull of September 1, 1118, "delicta pat-rum corri- 
gere probaverunt, ut qui prseteritis temporibus per tyrannidem regiam 
praesules regibus placentes accipiebant, mine demum secundum canoni- 
cas sanctiones episcopum Deo placentem eligerent, et schismate abdicate, 
in catholicse congregationis gremium repedaret." Reg. Gelas., ii. No. 4. 

3 " Magis ut peregrini quam domini Romam intravimus. " PANDULPH. 
PISAN., I. c. 

4 " Quse S. Maria in secundo cerco dicitur." Ibid. 

5 " Pandulphi nomine ; " besides, "et Petrii Latronis Corserum." 



was assailed by the Frangipani. In the midst 
of a bloody combat maintained by Stephen and 
his nephew Crescenzio Gaetani in his defence, and 
in which he was the object struggled for by both 
sides, he succeeded in escaping, attracting the pity 
of the women who saw him, half stripped of his 
sacred ornaments, and flying alone through the 
fields at his horse's utmost speed. The cross- 
bearer fell while following his master. The pope 
was found, worn out and weeping, in the open 
country, near the church of San Paolo fuori le 
Mura. 1 This was too much ; the following day 
the venerable pontiff announced his intention of 
following the example of his predecessors arid 
leaving that Kome which he called a Sodom and 
a Babylon. 

" I say it before God and before the Church," he 

cried, "it would be better to have one emperor 

than so many ; one ill-doer would destroy those 

more wicked than himself, until the Emperor of 

emperors should do open judgment upon him." 2 

Geiasiusii. After having intrusted the different offices of the 

France. Church to cardinals in whom he could confide, arid 

1 " quanti lament! matronum quae papam solum tanquam scuram 
in campo . . . quantum equus poterat. . . . Nunc crucifer sequitur, 
cecidit. . . . Papa utrobique qusesitus demum . . . fessus, tristis et 
ejulans inventus et reductus. Die ilia prandium cum ccena fit unura." 
PAND. Pis., L c. 

2 " Mallem unum imperatorem *quam tot: unus saltern nequam per- 
deret nequiores, donee de illo quoque evidentem justitiam imperatorum 
faceret omnium Imperator." Ibid. 


constituted Stephen, the Norman hero, 1 gonfalonier 
of the Roman Church, Gelasius determined to visit 
France, as Urban II. and Pascal II. 2 had done. 

The pope went first to the two towns whose 
growing power and liberty assured valuable allies 
to the Church. Having left Rome by water, 3 he 
disembarked at Pisa, the warlike and faithful city 
which, obedient to the call of Victor III. and 
Pascal II. had sent its galleys by turns against the 
African Saracens and the Mediterranean islanders, 
and which for thirty years had maintained a per- 
petual crusade against the enemies of Christ. The 
holy Father was received with joy by an immense 
multitude gathered from the fields of Tuscany, to 
whom he preached with his usual eloquence. 4 

Freed from the agitations of Rome, Gelasius 
could enjoy the complete liberty of the pontificate, 5 
and he made use of it to raise the bishopric of 
Pisa into a metropolitan see, with extraordinary 
privileges, 6 and to consecrate, in honour of the 

1 " Princeps et clypeus omnium pariter curialium . . . collaudantibus 
omnibus, protector et vexillifer in Dei Patris nomine nimis efficaciter 
ordinatur. " Ibid. 

2 " Adeo ut si quis dicat, portum Romanse Eeclesise fluctuantis navi- 
culse Petri Galliam esse, non mentietur." BAR., Ann., 1118, c. 14. 
Suger says : " Ad protectionem serenissimi regis Ludovici, et Gallicame 
Ecclesise compassionem, sicut antiquittis consueverunt, confugit." 

3 September 2, 1118. 

4 " Coram innumerabilibus turbis Tusciae." Cod. MS. in UGHELL., 
Ital. sacr., vol. iii. 43d. 

5 p ro su j officii libertate plenaria tractans." Ibid. 

6 Urban II. 's decree for this purpose had not been executed. PAGI, 
Crit., ann. 1118, c. 11. These privileges have been confirmed and per- 


glorious and ever - triumphant Virgin, the new 
cathedral, 1 which the Pisans had just built from 
the spoils of the Saracens. This cathedral, whose 
magnificence surpassed that of any building then 
existing in Italy, is still standing; and the de- 
scendants of those who raised it, see in it with 
pride, a testimony to the splendour of the Italian 
cities in Catholic times. 

From Pisa, the sovereign pontiff went to Genoa, 
which rivalled the Tuscan city in glory, hardihood, 
and maritime greatness, and there again he con- 
secrated a cathedral in honour of the blessed mar- 
tyrs Laurence and Syr. 2 There is nothing more 
interesting in the general history of the epoch 
than these relations of the popes with the small 
municipal republics, whose infant liberties the 
Church encouraged, at the very time that she was 
protecting the traditional liberties of the German 
princes and nobles. 

petuated to our times when the archbishop and canons of Pisa have 
a ceremonial and costume almost analogous to that of the pope and 

1 September 20, 1118. "In honorem gloriosissimse semperque tri- 
umphatricis Virginis Marise." Cod. Pis., ap. UGHELL., I. c. 

2 October 10, 1118. See PAGI, I. c. 




Council of Angouleme. Councils at Dijon, Langres, and Tournus, to 
which the people flock. Monks receive Gelasius II. with great liber- 
ality. The decrees of several councils greeted with enthusiasm by 
the people. Pope Gelasius at Cluny. "War recommences between 
the German princes and the emperor. Henry V., again excommu- 
nicated, returns to Germany. Death of Gelasius II., election of 
Calixtus II. Confirmation, at Rome, of the election of Calixtus. 
Council of Toulouse. General Diet at Fribourg ; allocution of 
William de Champeaux. The emperor swears to respect the treaty 
with the pope. The election of Calixtus II. solemnly recognised at 
Tribur. Council of Rheims (1119), the five hundred knights of Adal- 
bert of Mayence. Harangue of Cardinal Conon. The emperor at 
Mouzon. Calixtus II. retires to a castle. The pope issues a solemn 
excommunication against the emperor. The Truce of God again 
decreed. Hildegarde, Duchess of Aquitaine, brings before the council 
her serious complaints against her husband. Calixtus II. mediates 
a peace between the Kings of France and England. The holy Father 
enthusiastically received in Italy and at Rome. Calixtus saves the 
anti-pope Burdin from his captors. 

FROM Geneva, Gelasius turned his steps, as Urban 
II. and Pascal II. had done, towards that noble 
country of France, which was then the port where 
the storm-tossed bark of St Peter ever found a 
safe harbour. 

The general state of this kingdom was then 
most satisfactory. The troubles caused in a small 
number of the northern towns by the institution 


of communes, the enterprises of King Louis le 
Gros against his great vassals enterprises in 
which the new communes, led to battle by ab- 
bots and bishops, brought efficacious support to 
royalty ! even the war of Louis of France with 
the King of England, and his defeat at Brenne- 
ville, in spite of the widespread fame it had had, 2 
had done no serious hurt to the liberty or salutary 
activity of the Church. But she was mourning a 
most heavy loss, that of Yves of Chartres, 3 one of 
the great lights of the French clergy, the friend of 
Pascal II., and united by many ties of sympathy 
to Gelasius. He had been quickly followed to the 
tomb by his friend and faithful counsellor, Kobert 
d'Arbrissel, 4 founder of Fontevrault, and by Ber- 
nard of Tiron. 5 These two rivals in active holi- 
ness and sublime austerity devoted their last 
efforts to the maintenance of freedom in ecclesi- 
astical elections, endangered on the occasion of 
giving a successor to Yves of Chartres. 6 The 

1 ORDEII. VITAL., b. xi. p. 836. 

2 " Quod longe lateque divulgatum est, et per omnes provincias cis 
Alpes a lugentibus sive subsannantibus passim diffusum est." OIID. 
VIT., b. xii. p. 855. 

3 In January 1117, after a pontificate of twenty-seven years, a date 
carefully fixed by Pagi. St Pius V. authorised his worship by the order 
of regular canons in 1570. 

4 February 21 or 25, 1117. 

5 April 25, 1117. Bernard had trained five hundred monks, three 
hundred of whom he kept at Tiron, sending the two hundred others to 
different places to live, twelve in each house, which he visited from time 
to time. Robert had collected more than three thousand disciples of 
both sexes at Fontevrault. 

6 FLEURY, b. Ixvi. c. 33 and 34. Count Thibault of Blois and 
Chartres would not at first recognise the election made by the canons, 


object of Kobert's last prayer was to obtain from 
God His support for the pope and the doctors of 
the Holy Church, that they might keep the good 
way to the end. 1 In the same year as these 
three great saints, France lost a fourth, Anselm, 
called the doctor of doctors, whose father was a 
ploughman. 2 Anselm for forty years had gathered 
round his chair, first at Paris, and afterwards 
at Laon, a crowd of illustrious pupils from all 
countries of Christendom. 3 In the little town of 
Laon he had established a true university, fre- 
quented by the youth of every country in Europe. 
France, in spite of these cruel losses, still pos- 

and seized the property of some of them : he resisted the persuasions of 
Bernard, but yielded to Robert. 

1 "Omnibus egressis, coepit humiliter rogitare, ut pro sua pietate 
Romanum papam et omnes doctores suse Ecclesise, in proposito sanctae 
religionis dignetur usque ad finem servare." ACT. SS. BOLLAND., vol. ii., 
Febr., p. 615. 

2 Petri cantoris verbum abbreviatum, 1639, c. 47. 

3 July 15, 1117. He trained many prelates for all countries: in 
Italy, Odalric and Anselm, both Archbishops of Milan : in Belgium, 
Franco, Abbot of Lobbe ; Jean, Abbot of St Amand ; Philippe, Abbot of 
Bonne - Espdrance ; Wibald, Abbot of Stevelot ; Bernard, Bishop of 
Utrecht : in England, William and Ralph, Archbishops of Canterbury ; 
the Bishops of Hereford, Rochester, and London, and Abbot Gilbert of 
Sempringham, founder of the order which bears his name : in Germany, 
the B. Dittmar, schoolmaster of Bremen ; Idunge of Ratisbon, a cele- 
brated writer ; B. Wecelin of Oldenburg, and Apostle of Holstein : in 
France, Raoul, his brother and successor as teacher at Laou ; St Bru- 
no, Mathieu of Laon, Cardinal-bishop of Albano ; Hugh Melet, Abbot of 
St Leon of Toul ; Gilbert de la Porr6e, and William de Champeaux ; 
Raoul Levert, Archbishop of Rheims ; Geoffrey le Breton and Hugh 
d' Amiens, Archbishops of Rouen ; Bishops of Coutances and Le Mans : 
and, finally, Abelard (who speaks ill of them), were all trained in the 
schools of Anselm. Hist. litt. de France, vol. x. 173, and DEVISME, 
Hist, de Laon, vol. i. p. 231. This enumeration, though very incom- 
plete, shows the unity and activity of intellectual culture in the twelfth 


sessed a number of eminent men : Hildebert, 
Bishop of Le Mans ; Geoffrey, Abbot of Vendome ; 
Joceran, Archbishop of Lyons ; and many other 
zealous prelates and learned doctors, in the front 
rank of whom appeared the two legates, Gerard of 
Angouleme and Guy of Vienne, who, during the 
last years of Pascal II., had continued to fill with 
advantage to liberty, ecclesiastical discipline, jus- 
tice, and the equality of laws, the glorious mission 
confided to them. Gerard was obliged to humble 
Count Conon of Bretagne, who, after having robbed 
the monks of Quimperle of a gift made by his 
ancestors, 1 tried to prevent them from appealing 
to the Holy See. Gerard obtained his object in a 
council called at Angouleme, 2 and which was pre- 
of ceded by a lively correspondence, in which he said 
leine. ^o the Count i " We have heard that you love 
justice and peace, and we are glad of it, for it 
is thus that good princes purchase for themselves 
the favour of the supreme King ; but if you hin- 
der your subjects from having recourse to the jus- 
tice of the Koman Church, which no other king 
or prince dares to do, you, whose ancestors have 
held the principality of Bretagne under the au- 
thority of the Vicar of St Peter, 3 be assured that 
the sentence of that, holy Church and the sword 

1 It referred to Belle Isle en Mer, which the Abbot of Redon had 

* At Lent, 1118. "Adversus pullulantia vitia et enormitates in 
Ecclesia et populo Dei emergentes," lie says in his letters of convocation. 

3 " Sicut in scripturis reperitur, a Vicario B. Petri principatum ten- 
uisse manifest urn sit." 


of St Peter shall smite both you and your prin- 
cipality." 1 

While Gerard of Angouleme was exercising his Councils 
legation in the West, his co-legate, Guy of Bur- Langres,' 
undy, Archbishop of Vienne. was, on his side, nus > whi - 

. ' ther the 

holding councils at Tournus, Dijon, and Langres, Q 16 
to regulate the laws and terminate the disputes 
submitted to him. It was not only bishops and 
abbots, or the nobility, who were present at these 
assemblies ; the people resorted there eagerly, and 
in crowds, for they were always public. 2 In these 
deliberations, where the most various complaints 
and accusations were heard, where injuries done to 
the poor were repaired, and the pride of the power- 
ful was punished, Christian people shared in the reg- 
ulation of matters affecting their dearest interests. 
These assemblies replaced the pleadings of God of 
the ancient Franks. The crowd at them was so 
great, that at the Council of Luz, between Langres 
and Beze, held by the legate Guy, 3 it was neces- 

1 " Noveritis pro certo S. R. Ecclesiae sententiam et gladium B. Petri 
vobis et principatui vestro imminere." Annal. Bened., vol. vi., app. 
No. 2. Pascal II. had written to Count Conon on the same subject, as 
follows : "Nosse debes, fill carissime, tjuia non est potestas nisi a Deo. 
Per ipsum igitur potestate accepta, noli adversus eum cervicem cordis 
erigere, nee ejus Ecclesiam impugnare, sed potius ejus omnipotentiam 
cogita, et humiliter Ecclesise praecepta custodi, ut qui magna suscepisti, 
majora merearis suscipere." Ibid. 

2 Nearly all the decrees of the councils are rendered ' 'Approbante im- 
mensa clericorum et laicorum multitudine." See Collect. Condi. , passim. 
The publicity of these deliberations is proved by the details of the 
Councils of Poitiers, Rockingham, and others of which we have not been 
able to speak. 

3 July 8, 1116. 

VOL. VII. 2 I 


sary, in order to lodge the innumerable multitude 
that came thither, to pitch a camp with tents and 
huts made of boughs, in the middle of which were 
placed in gold and silver shrines the relics of 
various saints. Before these sacred remains the 
council judged the causes of the many pleaders 
who had injuries to complain of, and decided them 
to the great satisfaction of the crowd. 1 

These assemblies seldom separated without hav- 
ing taken some general measures for the protection 
of the country people, such as the renewal of the 
Truce of God, or the interdiction, under pain of 
anathema, of the burning of cottages, and the theft 
of sheep and lambs during the time of war. 2 

The active, powerful, and continuous interfer- 
ence of apostolic legates must necessarily have 
kept up in the provinces sentiments of fidelity 
and attachment to the Eoman Church. 3 Thus 
when Pope Gelasius landed in France he was re- 

1 " Adfnit nobilium populique fere innumerabilis multitude, erectis in 
quamdam speciem castrorum hie illic papillionibus, de ramis arborum 
tectis viridantibus, dipositisque sub amplissirao tentorio, veluti portabili 
templo, diversorum sanctorum capsis. ... Id genus comitiorum pla- 
citum Dei . . . dixere majores. Agitata ibi permulta de damnis et 
injuriis multorum : multa definita, nonnulla rejecta vel compressa . . . 
absque graviore casu . . . immo plurimorum solatio finitus conventus. " 
VIGNERII, Chron. Lingon., veter. instrument, fide context., ap. 
COLET., Condi, xii. 1234. 

2 "Ibi" (at Troyes in 1107) " decretum, ut per nullam guerram in- 
cendia domorum fierent, nee oves aut agni raperentur." Chron. Malleac., 
ann. 1107 ; LABBE, Bill. nov. MS. 

* Baluze and Pagi, however (Crit., in ann. 1120, c. 7), think that 
Gerard of Angoule"me, always faithful to Pascal II. and afterwards to 
Calixtus II., did not acknowledge Gelasius II.; but the proofs they 
give seem quite insufficient. 


ceived by the prelates, the nobles, and the people 
with the most affectionate demonstrations of re- 
spect and joy. 1 All disputed with each other the 
right of relieving the noble poverty and suffer- 
ings of the pontiff. Gelasius arrived, much in- 
disposed after his sea voyage, deprived of every- 
thing, and in a state almost of beggary, 2 thus 
adding the privations of poverty to the outrages, 
violence, dangers, and fatigues of exile in a word, 
to all those trials which, ever since the beginning 
of his pontificate, had crowned his white hairs 
with all the merits which could be desired by the 
vicar of a crucified God. 

The monks chiefly reaped the honour of supply- Monks 

J L J. A ./ receive 

ing the needs of the head of the Church a monk Geiasius 

with great 

like themselves. The pope was first lodged at the lib eraiity. 
Abbey of St Gilles, where he received the most 
liberal hospitality. 3 Abbot Pons of Cluny, to 
whom as to a specially beloved son of the Koman 

1 " Excitati sunt quique potentes cum mediocribus, ei occurrere." 
EADM., Hist, nov., b. v. " Illuc omnes episcopi, abbates et monachi, 
nobiles et ignobiles, cujuscumque ordinis pari inodo conveniunt, quique 
suo modulo ei servire parati." PAND. Pis., L c. " Archiepiscopi omnes, 
et episcopi, proceresque alii gaudio cum ineffabili et honore immense 
eum susceperunt." FALC., Benev. Chron., 1. c. " Pauperie quippe 
multa angebatur." SUGER, De vit. Ludov. Gross., c. 21. " Pro rnaris 
molestia infirmatum." Biblioth. Cluniac., p. 559. 

2 According to Suger, at Maguelonne, and according to his companion 
Pandulph, at St Gilles, a league away from the Rhone, and a long way 
from its mouth ; but according to the Chronicle of Maurigny, at Mar- 
seilles (which is confirmed by the diploma dated thence, October 26, 
1118). Ann. Bemd., b. Ixxiii. c. 32. 

3 " Quam bene, quam largissime ab eis fuerit diutius pertractatus, 
satis manifestum est." PAND. PISAN., I. c. 


Church he had sent news of his coming by a 
courier from Pisa, hurried to meet the pontiff and 
escort him to the domains of his father, the Count 
of Melgueil, where he loaded him with presents, 
and took care of him until the august old man had 
recovered from his fatigues. 1 There Norbert, the 
young German noble, once chaplain to the emperor, 
whom we have seen venturing at the time of Pascal's 
arrest to protest against the conduct of his master 
and his countrymen by rendering public homage 
to the victim, came barefoot in the midst of winter 
to seek Gelasius, and demand his permission to 
preach the Word of God wherever he would ; and 
thus the future archbishop, the founder of a great 
new order, the generous young man whose voca- 
tion had been made known to him at the feet of a 
captive pope, now received from an exiled pope 
his express commission. 2 

Thither also came a monk destined, like Norbert, 
to great celebrity the monk Suger, from the 
Abbey of St Denis, who had been charged by King 
Louis of France to offer to the holy Father the 
first-fruits, as it were, of his kingdom, 3 and to 

1 " Cursore e Pisis emisso . . . propriuin et specialem filium . . . 
Equitaturas et alia quam maxima elegantissime ministrasti ... in til* 
solo nativitatis, quod pater tuus Petrus potens et nobilis comes Merguli- 
ensis jnri apostolorum Petri et Pauli contradidit et inde accepit, ut 
papam otficiosissime confovisti . . . qui denuo convalescens. . . ." 
Bibl. Cluniac., I. c. 

2 HUGO, Vit. S. Norbert., ap. HOLLAND, Act. SS. Junii, vi. p. 821. 
From a passage in the Cliron. Ursperg., ami. 1118, Norbert then passed 
for a Bendictine convert, "nosier conversus in peregrino habitu." 

3 " Quia regni primitias obtuleramns. " SUGEK, I c. 


arrange with him for an interview at the Abbey 
of Ve'zelay. 

The Abbot of Cluny gave the pope thirty horses ; 
the Abbot Catalan of St Concordio added ten, 1 and 
with this cortege Gelasius started on his journey 
through the country. But before travelling north- 
wards, the sovereign pontiff had the consolation of 
receiving the homage of a nation ever admirably 
Christian, who for four centuries had preserved, 
through a perpetual struggle with the infidels, an 
inviolable and ardent attachment to the Church. 
While the kings and heroes of Spain were gradually 
pushing forward the frontier of territories won from 
the Moors and Arabs at the sword's point, behind 
them bishops and monks, who had already borne 
a brilliant part in these combats, were founding 
and consolidating social order and Christian law in 
the bosom of the conquered country. The admi- 
rable results of a series of councils whose decrees 
the whole nobility eagerly sanctioned, bear the 
impression both of the most Catholic zeal and 
of that truly brotherly care for the poorer classes 
which has always done honour to Catholic Spain. 
At Valencia, in 1114, the Fathers in council found 
it necessary to provide for the restitution of pro- 
perty usurped during the civil wars. 2 At Com- 

1 PANDIJLPH. PISAN., I. c.; Ann. Bened., b. Ixxiii. c. 32. 

2 " Incipiunt decreta D. Didaci Conipostellani episcopi ad protegendos 
pauperes . . . canonicorum, judicura, caeterorumque nobilium virorum 
consilio." Ap. COLETT., Condi. , vol. xii. p. 1205. See the long list of 
signatures given by the nobility of Galicia at the Council of Oviedo. 
Ibid., p. 1216-1219. 


postella they decided that when a poor man had 
to plead against a rich man, the latter should be 
obliged to send an inferior 1 to represent him, in 
order, says the decree, that no respect of persons may 
interfere with the justice due to the poor man. 2 

Just as the French prelates, at the Council of 
people for Troves, had watched over the peasants' flocks, so 

the decrees ... 

of several the Castilian bishops and nobles at Oviedo, after 

councils. * 

having affirmed the right of sanctuary in churches, 
forbade all Christians, under pain of excommunica- 
tion and exile, to seize or detain the plough-oxen, 
even when they belonged to their own serfs or 
servants ; 3 and these decrees, rendered by fifteen 
bishops, sixteen counts, and two hundred and 
sixty-three barons, were greeted by the people as 
inspirations of God Himself; and the Jews and 
Mussulmans admired them as much as the Chris- 
tians. 4 During this time Alfonso the Warrior, 
was fighting the infidels with that indefatig- 
able perseverance to which he owed his sur- 

1 COLETT., Condi, xii. 1202-1206. 

2 "Pauperes et imbecilles misericorditer calumnias compleant, lit 
beneficiis suis penitus non priventur. . . ." Decret. xi. "Si quis po- 
tentum judicii causara tractare adversus pauperem vel definire habuerit, 
similem personam introducat, quse pro se causam suam definiat : ne forte 
cujuspiam majestate pauperis justitia suffocetur." Ibid., 1206, 1207. 

3 "Omnium sanctae crucis filiorum . . . ut vestrum nullus deinceps 
domitos vel indomitos pro aliqua causa pignoret boves, nee auferat alicui 
extraneo, vel suo servo, vel mandatitio. Quod si fecerit, sit maledictus, 
et excommunicatus," &c. Ibid., 1216. 

4 " Constitutio hasc non hominis, sed omnipotentis Dei vox fuit . . . 
et audita placuit . . . tarn Christianis quarn paganis vel Judseis." 
Ibid., p. 1219. Cf. SANDOVAL, Vit. Urrac., ap. PAGT, aim. 1115, 
c. 17. 


name, 1 and was tearing from them bit by bit the 
kingdom of Arragon. 2 He and his companions, 
who had been besieging Saragossa in vain for six 
months, thought they might take heaven by force 
by sending ambassadors to the exiled and perse- 
cuted pope to beg from him a special benediction, 
and the consecration of a bishop for a town which 
they expected soon to snatch from the infidels. 
G-elasius consecrated the bishop, and granted 
pontifical indulgence to all who should perish in 
this holy war. The bull was addressed to all the 
army encamped before Saragossa, 3 and was dic- 
tated at Alais on the eve of the very day 4 when 
the besieged city, after having for four hundred 
years groaned beneath the yoke of the Arabs, 
yielded to the swords of the heroes, 5 and by its 
fate brought about the enfranchisement of all 
Arragon. Gelasius seemed so touched by the 
devotion of the Spaniards to the cause of Christ, 
that a report was spread in France that he 

1 He is said to have fought twenty-nine battles during his reign. 

2 Huesca and Tudela were taken, in 1114, with the help of Rotrou, 
Count of Perche, and other Normans. ORDER. VIT., b. xiii.; PAGI, 
Grit, in BARON., ann. 1114, c. 15. 

3 " Gelasius ep. serv. serv. Dei exercitui Christianorum civitatem 
Caesaraugustanam obsidenti . . . et quoniam et vos ipsos et vestra ex- 
tremis objicere periculis decrevistis, si quis vestrum, accepta de peccatis 
suis poeuitentia in expeditione hac mortuus fuerit, nos cum S.S. meritis 
et totius Ecclesise catholicae precibus e suorum vinculis peccatorum ab- 
solvimus." Ep. vi. ap. BARON., and COLETTI. 

4 December 10, 1118. See for comparison and fixing of dates, PAGI, 
Crit. in BARON., ann. 1118, I. c. 

5 " Divina favente dementia vestris precibus et fortium virorum 
audacia. . . ." Ep. Petr. Ccesaraugust. episcop. encyclica., ibid. 


thought of crossing the Pyrenees. 1 But this was 
a mistake. After having convoked the bishops 
of France and Germany at a council which was 
to be held at Rheims in the spring of the year 
" 1119, the holy Father travelled by Puy, Lyons, 
an( j Macon to Cluny, the great French abbey, 
which, like Monte Cassino in Italy, was con- 
sidered as the fortress and natural refuge of the 
papacy. Gelasius there received a hospitality 
worthy of the first of transalpine monasteries, 
and saw offerings flow in from the prelates 
and most of the nobles of the country. 2 The 
two great ecclesiastical personages of the time, 
the Archbishop of Vienne and Conon of Pales- 
trina, found themselves together there, one hav- 
ing been sent for by the pope, 3 and the other 
having spontaneously hastened to visit him, al- 
though in Germany as well as in France the 
indefatigable champion of the Church had had 
to maintain contests, often successful, but always 
vigorous, against an enemy whose submission was 
never more than apparent. Cardinal Conon had 
very lately distinguished himself in the neighbour- 

1 ' ' Accepit a quibusdam papam longius discessisse et versus Hispa- 
nias ire proposuisse. " EADM., Hist, nov., b. v. 

2 " In quo juxta loci potentiam . . . et receptus est pariter et benign e 
tractatus. . . . Sed et reges et principes tanquam si Petrum viserint, 
tarn per se, quam per nuntios eum non parvis muneribus sedulo frequen- 
tabant." PAND. Pis., I. c. The Chron. Ursperg. and FLEURY speak of 
a council held by Gelasius at Vienne ; but PAGI proves that he never held 
one there. Ann. 1119, c. 1, 2. 

3 Ep. Calixt. in Chron. Ursperg. , aim. 1119. 


hood of Metz, by prodigies of skill, courage, and 
activity. This diocese had for a long time been 
oppressed and dishonoured by the lawlessness of 
Albe'ron, a relation of the emperor, 1 who had finally 
usurped the episcopal authority, which was dis- 
puted only by a courageous archdeacon named 
Alberius. Naturally, the usurper triumphed, and 
the archdeacon, upon whose head the emperor had 
set a price, was obliged to go in the midst of a 
thousand dangers to seek refuge at Eome. There 
the pope, being well informed of all that had hap- 
pened, gave Cardinal Conon orders to return across 
the Alps as legate, and remedy this state of affairs. 
Conon succeeded in safely crossing the Alps, de- 
ceived the vigilance of the imperial satellites, and 
disguised as a public writer, travelled, with the 
implements of his trade hung from his shoulder, as 
far as the city of Eheims. 2 There he made him- 
self known, summoned a council, and proclaimed 
Alberon's deposition. Without losing a moment, the 
legate then hurried to seek, in a deserted corner of 
the diocese, a pious abbot, named Theotger, whom 
he caused to be elected bishop. This Theotger, who 
came from the Black Forest, was of ignoble origin; 
he was son and grandson of priests, but himself 
renowned for the greatest virtue. In vain did the 
humble monk insist upon the stain on his birth as 

1 <: Imperial! prosapia, sed moribus, longe ignobilis." Ann.Bened., 
b. Ixxiii., No. 5. 

2 " Scriptoris assumpto habitn, civjus artis instrumenta ex humeris 
pendentia gerebat." Ibid. 


a reason for declining the episcopate ; Conon used 
his authority, and forced him to accept under 
pain of excommunication. The legate would not 
suffer, as we have already seen in the case of St 
Godefroy of Amiens, that a monk should prefer 
the sweetness of solitude to the burden of a 
bishopric. " We command you," he wrote to 
Theotger, " to accept, without resistance, the dif- 
ficult task of governing the church of Metz. 
Stand like a wall before the house of Israel, and 
prepare to defend the Church of Christ against 
the unchained fury of the waves which threaten 
her, following the example of those pastors of for- 
mer days who did not fear to expose themselves to 
death for her protection." 1 

This affair concluded, 2 Conon, whose energy 
never failed, and who possessed an iron constitu- 
tion, went to the Rhine to rejoin the princes allied 
for the defence of the Church and their own liber- 
ties. These were too skilful not to have profited 
by the emperor's long stay in Italy. On the other 

1 " Commonemus et prsecipimus quatenus injunction tibi onus . . . 
subire non subterfugias . . . et Ecclesiam Christi inter flantes et im- 
manissima rabie fluctuantes procellas nutantem," &c. NOUGART., Ccd. 
diplom. Aleman., vol. ii. No 83. In a second letter, Conon redoubled 
his threats, but permitted Theotger to retain the direction of his abbey 
until a suitable successor should be found. 

2 The nomination of Theotger was solemnly proclaimed at the council 
of Cologne in May 1118; but the imperialists, who were masters of 
Metz, closed its gates against him. He accompanied Calixtus II. to the 
Council of Rheims, in 1119, then to Auxerre and Cluny, where he re- 
mained four months, and where he died in 1120. TEITH., Chron. Her- 
saug., ann. 1087. 


side, Frederic of Hohenstaufen, the emperor's 
nephew and lieutenant, was not, in spite of his 
great valour, strong enough to struggle success- 
fully against the formidable alliance of secular and 
ecclesiastical princes, which was guided by Duke 
Lothaire and the two archbishops, Adalbert of 
Mayence and Frederic of Cologne. These power- 
ful personages had just been joined by the Arch- 
bishop of Magdeburg and by Conrad of Salzburg, 
recently emerged from the retreat where he had 
been obliged to hide himself after his bold protest 
against the pope's imprisonment in llll. 1 

The war, however, was continued from 1116 to war be- 
ll 17, with an animosity which caused fearful German 

princes and 

ravages among churches and monasteries. Con- Henry v. 


rad of Hohenstaufen, the new Duke of Franconia, 
brother of Duke Frederic of Suabia, distinguished 
himself above all by the violent means which he 
used to establish his authority in the province 
granted to him. 

Besides these two princes, his nephews, Henry 
had few open partisans except the Count-Palatine 
Godefroy, and a few bishops, 3 such as Hartwig 

1 See above. 

2 Annal Sax., 1116, 1117. We must refer for details of the battles 
and negotiations of these two years to the learned work of Gervais (Hist, 
of Henry V., vol. i. sect. 5) in which this epoch of German history is 
examined and ascertained. 

3 GERVAIS, i. p. 228, No. 1, enumerates them. Duke Welf of Bavaria 
seems to have remained neutral during the period of the contest. The 
chapters of Spire, Wurzburg, and Bamberg had an imperialist majority ; 
the holy bishop Otho of Bamberg, placed in the midst of Franconia, 
where the emperor's nephew ruled, used a reserve which excited the 


of Katisbon, who, with base servility, sent word 
to the emperor that he might count upon him 
not only as a bishop but as ready in all things 
to do a servant's duty. 1 Unlike the independent 
populations of the small republics of Italy, the 
citizens of most of the towns, especially in the 
valley of the Upper Ehine from Bale to Mayence, 
were devoted to Henry's cause, as they had been 
to his father's. But, on the other hand, most of 
the nobles were fighting for the Church and for 
freedom. 2 

Under the guidance of Duke Lothaire and Arch- 
bishop Adalbert, who succeeded in vanquishing and 
restraining the different cities, the monks, on their 
part, formed as ever a permanent centre of oppo- 
sition to the imperialists. At Limburg the very 
lives of the monks were threatened. 3 Those of 

lively indignation of the primate Adalbert, whom, at the commencement 
of the revolt, he had consecrated. See Cod. Udalr., Nos. 284, 285, 
286, 289, 290, 291. 

1 " Domino suo Romano Imper. Aug. Henrico suus omnimodo B. non 
episcopale, sed servile obsequium in omnibus." Cod. Udalr., No. 280. 
This initial B. indicates one of the following bishops : Burkhard of 
Halberstadt (t 1118) Bruno of Spire, vice-chancellor till 1116 ; Brano 
of Strasburg, vice-chancellor till 1123; or Burkhard of Bale, to whom 
Henry had given the Abbey of Pfeffen. From the following passage, 
" Ubicumque possum in villis, civitatibus et oppidis fautores vobis 
adquero, ita ut nuper meo labore et consilio conjuraverint omnes a 
Wermatia usque ad Argentinam vobis terrain illam et omnes homines 
retinere atque tueri," we may suppose that he was a bishop of the 
Rhine valley, and understand how important it was to the imperialists 
to gain partisans in the cities. 

2 LUDEN, vol. ix. b. xx. c. 8, p. 478. 

3 When the imperialist garrison of this Alsatian town, built round 
the great abbey, and besieged by Lothaire, were suffering from want, a 
Suabian knight, Ulric of JSTorningen, declared that, before giving up the 


the two imperial abbeys of Lorsch and Fulda 1 
revolted against the abbots whom the emperor, 
in spite of their earnest protests, had imposed 
upon them. 2 

Tidings of the election of the anti-pope, Gregory 
VIIL, and the revival of the schism in the spring 
of 1118, served only to heighten the zeal of the 
Catholic party ; and the arrival of the legate 
Conon in Lorraine inspired it with fresh activity. 

In a council held at Cologne, 3 Conon again pub- Henry v., 

T i -i ,1 > .-IT again ex- 

lished the emperors excommunication, with that communi- 
cated, re- 

of his nephews Frederic and Conrad, the' Count- turns to 


Palatine and his chief adherents. 4 As only the 
princes and prelates of Lower Germany could be 
present at this council, Conon and Adalbert called 
another at Fritzlar in Hesse, 5 where the sentence 

place, they ought to eat up the monks, who were very fat: " Melius 
fore ut pingues monachi ederantur quam castrum propter ciborum ino- 
piam hostibus traderentur. " OTTO FRISING., De Gest,. FricL, vol. i. b. i. 
c. 14. This threat forced the monks to produce the stores of provisions 
which they had tried to keep from the enemies of the Church. 

1 There were in the empire four great abbeys called imperial, whose 
abbots were chaplains to the emperor, bound to attend him to hi.s corona- 
tion at Rome, and to war, and in the diet were seated at his feet as 
referees ; these abbeys were Fulda, Hersfeld, Wissemburg, and Lorsch. 
Later, Corvey, Kempten, and Murbach had the same rank. They form^S 
a class superior to the " regalia monasteries, quce jura feudalia sive regalia 
tenebant ab imperio Jlomano, et ad communia regni obsequia per vices 
obligata erant." TRITHEM., Chron. Hirsaug., ann. 1114. The third 
class comprised all monasteries which were neither imperial nor royal. 

2 The imperialist Abbot of Lorsch was vigorously opposed and finally 
expelled by Count Berchthold, attorney of the monastery. GERVAIS, 
i. 224. 

3 May 19, 1118. 4 Chron. Ursperg., 1119 ; Cod. Udalr., 291. 

6 July 26, 1118. These dates are skilfully decided by Stentzel (vol. 
ii. p. 329), who has rectified the error fallen into by Pagi, and most 
historians, in placing these councils in 1119. 


was renewed. There the princes decreed that a 
general assembly should be held at Wtirzburg ; 
that the emperor should be summoned thither to 
defend himself; and that they should proceed to 
his deposition if he refused to appear at the 
appointed day. 1 

On hearing of this threatening resolution, Henry 
perceived that it was absolutely necessary to re- 
nounce the secondary affairs which kept him in 
Italy. He therefore left the empress there with 
a German army, and crossing the Alps, appeared 
suddenly on the banks of the Rhine in November 
1118. 2 

The war immediately recommenced with fresh 

The legate Conon had not waited for the em- 
peror's arrival ; hurrying with the speed of light- 
ning 3 wherever the needs of the Church called 
him, on the 5th November he was at Rouen, 

1 Gervais (vol. i. p. 248) thinks that this latter decree was not really 
passed, but that the rumour of it was sufficient to bring back the em- 
peror. The Cliron. Ursperg. s&ys : " Alter am quoque synodum in Fril- 
eslar eadem pro causa indixit Chuno, qua et habita, eadem quam prius 
excommunicationem confirmavit. Imperator, his auditis, insuper etiam 
quod principuTYi consensus generate vel curiale colloquium non multo post 
apud Wiurtziburg instituere proposuisset, libi ipse aut prcesens ad audi- 
entiam exhiberi aut absens regno deponi." Ann., 1119. Gervais also 
thinks that the lay princes allied against Henry, separated themselves 
at this period from the prelates, and that an agreement took place be- 
tween them and the leaders of the imperial party; but he gives no 
authority for this double supposition. 

2 "Efferatus animo . . . se nimis insperatus exhibuit." Chron. 
Ursperg., I c. 

3 " Qui instar fulgoris coiuscantis abiens et rediens." BARON., ann. 
1118, c. 20. 


where he found assembled in council king Henry 
of England, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and 
the Norman bishops and abbots. The cardinal 
described to them, with the lively eloquence com- 
mon to him, the troubles of the Church, the 
usurpation of Burdin, and the shameful persecu- 
tion by the emperor of Gelasius II. and the ortho- 
dox Catholics. He announced to them the true 
pope's speedy arrival in France, and summoned 
the church of Normandy to aid the exiled pontiff 
by prayers, and, above all, by subsidies. 1 It does 
not appear that Henry of England thought fit to 
offer any obstacle to what was preparing for his 
son-in-law. As to the French bishops, they emu- 
lated each other in desiring to support the sov- 
ereign pontiff. Conon was encouraged by the 
noble Hildebert : the holy bishop of Le Mans Hi 

,,,-,. , . pirTio Bishop of 

called him the representative 01 the Holy bee Le Mans, 


" in the East as well as in the West ; " he exhorted lates and 


him to remain, as he had hitherto done, steadfast ono ? ? f 


in his intrepidity, in braving all dangers, in remain- 
ing disinterested amidst all kinds of seductions 
and offers of gain, which, happily, could never 
" tarnish the gold of such a conscience." " You 
are," said the great bishop, " one of those to whom 
Satan will often come and say, / will give thee 

1 " Eloquentissimo sermone utpote latiali fonte a pueritia inebriatus, 
querimoniam fecit de imperatore . . . catholicorum diro persecutore 
. . . de multimodo in Tuscise partibus Ecclesiae tribulatione . . . 
subsidium petiit orationum magisque pecuniarum." ORDER. VITAL., b. 
xii. p. 826. See for dates, PAGI, ann. 1118, c. 14. 


all tJiou wilt, if thou wilt boiv down and worship 
me ; but I know you well you are also of those 
who will always reply to the tempter, ' Get thee 
behind me, Satan! " l 

From Rouen, Conon hurried to join Pope Gela- 
sius at Cluny ; but the two former rivals had little 
time to enjoy their union, and to mingle their zeal 
for the Church's defence. The pope now emulated 
Conon in resolution, and meditated great designs 
for continuing the contest ; 2 but, worn out by age, 
by infirmities, and by the fatigue of so long a 
journey, he was attacked by a mortal disease. 3 
In the midst of the great monastery of Cluny, 
now his asylum, all things reminded him that he 
was a monk ; 4 and he chose to die like a monk, 
laid upon the ground on a bed of ashes. 5 

1 " Prsenestino Episcopo C. card, et summi pontificis per Orientem et 
Occidentem legato. . . . Ecclesiae negotia quse pariter inter minas intre- 
pidus, et integer inter munera capitis discriraine peregisti. . . . Perse- 
veres, oro, uec patiaris ut illud purissimum conscientiae tuoe argentum 
cujuslibet muneris scoria decoloret. Venturus est Sathanas . . . sed si 
bene novi te . . ." &c. Ep. HILDEB., vol. ii. No. 16, eel. Beaugend., p. 
99. The date of this letter is uncertain ; the title might refer to the 
time when Conon returned from the East (in 1114). We have thought, 
however, that it might belong to the time when Conon, being at Rouen, 
was nearest to Hildebert of Le Mans. 

2 " Multa novis sseculis nova et inaudita proponentem facturum." 
EADM., Hist. Nov., b. v. p. 95. 

3 "Subita passione, quam Grseci pleuresim vocant." PANDULPH. 
PISAN., ap. BARON., 1119. 

4 " In propria domo proprius pastor." Bibl. Chron., p. 55. 

5 " Juxta normam monasticam strato terrse corpusculo. " PANDULPH., 
I e. 

" Cluniacensi 

Dormiit in proprio Romani juris asylo." 

PETR. PICTAV., Ep. GELAS., ap. BARON., 1. c. 


It was around this deathbed that the dying 
man called the cardinals who had accompanied 
him and pointed out to them as his successor the . 
legate Conon, who, since Pascal's fall, had directed 
the Church's opposition to the empire. In these 
eircumstances, the Cardinal of Palestrina showed 
the greatness, the humility, and the disinterested- 
ness which filled his heart, mingled with that in- 
domitable courage and firmness of which he had 
given so many proofs. Interrupting the dying 
pontiff, Conon exclaimed, " God forbid, holy Father, 
that so great an honour and so heavy a burden 
should be laid upon me, unworthy and miserable 
as I am ! The Roman Church in our days needs 
to be defended against persecution by temporal 
riches and influence. If you would take my ad- 
vice, it would be to elect the Archbishop of Vienne, 
a man both religious and prudent, and, moreover, 
possessed of worldly rank arid power. By God's 
help and the merits of St Peter he may be able to 
deliver the Roman Church, so long oppressed and 
threatened, and to lead her to peace and victory." l 

The pope and cardinals accepted this proposal : Death of 
they sent, instantly, to seek the archbishop in his n., and 

1 i * i 11'.' -I ' -11 election of 

diocese ; but before he could arrive, Gelasius had 

1 " Absit, omnino absit ut tanti honoris culmen, onerisque pondus 
indignus ego et infelix suscipiam ! . . . Viennensem Archiep., virum 
utique religiosum, prudentisque animi, potentia et nobilitate saeculari 
pollentem, ornatum virtutibus . . . eligamus. . . . Sub tanta? perse- 
cutionis periculo diutissime oppressam, credimus ad serenitatem atque 
triumphum sublevandam." FALCO BENEVENT., Chron., ann. 1119, ap. 
BARON, and MUKAT., vol. v. 

VOL. VII. 2 K 


breathed his last, 1 after a pontificate of less than a 
year. During this short period, Gelasius II. had, 
as all his contemporaries said, suffered more than 
any of his predecessors since the age of the mar- 
tyrs ; conflict, insults, violence, blows, exile, pover- 
ty, nothing had been wanting to him of all which 
constitutes, for a vicar of Jesus Christ, the glorious 
dower of trial and suffering. 

The monks of Cluny buried the pope-monk, thus 
dead in exile, in their great new church, beside the 
famous and holy brethren who had founded the 
power of the illustrious abbey, and among whom 
Gelasius, pope and confessor of the faith, was so well 
worthy of a place. 2 Nothing more was wanting to 
the glory of Cluny, now become the burial-place of 
a sovereign pontiff, and the destined scene of his 
successor's election. The Archbishop of Vienne on 
his way thither heard of the death of Gelasius, 
but continued his journey in order to be present 
at the pontifical funeral. 3 On the day after his 

1 January 29, 1119. 

2 " Hie igitur positus dilectos inter alumnos 
Cum patribns sanctis requiescit. 
Felix inde nimis semper Cluniace manebis 
Quod pater orbis Apostolicus summusque sacerdos 
Ecclesise, matris tua3 specialis, apud te 
Transiit ad superos, in te requiescit humatus. 
Nee minus hie etiam felicem credimus ilium 
Cui dedit ipse pius magno pro munere Christus, 
Ut monachi monachum, Patrem quoque pignora chara 
Jugiter aspieerent, lacrymisque rigando sepulchrum 
Sacris in precibus specialem semper haberent." 


3 "Ego ut fratribus qui cum domino eo veneraut, prout ratio exi- 
gebat, solatium exhiberem, Cluniacum cum gravi dolore perrexi. . . . 


arrival, Guy of Burgundy was, in spite of his 
resistance, elected pope by the cardinals. The 
election was enthusiastically confirmed by the 
bishops, and by several hundred clerks and nobles 
who were present. 1 Guy took the name of Calixtus 
II., but would not assume the red cope until the 
cardinals at Eome, to whom he instantly sent 
word of the election, should have confirmed it. 2 
Guy of Burgundy, though elected by the in- 
fluence of the great monastery of Cluny, did not, 
like Gregory VII., Urban II., and Pascal II., 3 be- 
long to a monastic order; he was the first pope, 
since the accession of Hildebrand, who had not 
been a monk. 4 But his turn of mind, his manner 
of life, and his austerity of morals were those of 
the cloister. The devoted friend and defender of 
monasteries, the Archbishop of Vienne passed all 
the time he could spare from his episcopal duties 
at the abbey of Bonnevau, 5 which he had founded, 
and from which he could hardly be torn. God 

Episcopi, eardinales, et centum clerici et laici Romanorum, invitum 
me penitusque renitentem. . . ." Ep. CALIXT., i. in Condi. 

1 "Qui se indignum iterate reclamans, idcirco omnibus modis re- 
sistebat, quia et incertum habebatur a mutis utruni Romse factum 
hujusmodi teneretur. Propter quod vix cappa rubea amiciri sustinuit, 
donee. . . ." PANDULPH. PISAN., I. c. 

2 Born at Quingey, in Franche-Comte. 

3 Some authors think that he also was of the Benedictine order, but 
there is no proof of this. D. H. Menard has, however, put him in the 
Benedictine martyrology. 

4 Victor III. and Gelasius II. were monks of Monte Cassino. 

5 " Ex Bouse vallis coenobio raptum . . . inter monachos continue 
conversantem atque semulantem eorum exercitio." MANEIQUE, Ann. 
Cistercienses, vol. i. p. 101. 


also granted to him the great honour of intro- 
ducing into the Church a new religious order, 
destined to eclipse by its splendour all to which 
monastic genius had hitherto given birth. 

Far from considering the successor of Gelasius 
II. as having degenerated from the austere fervour 
of his predecessors, the cardinals, in placing him 
upon the pontifical throne, desired to recompense 
the ardent courage and disinterested devotion 
which had made him the first in Europe to pro- 
nounce the anathema against his own near relative, 
the Emperor Henry Y. Since then, the Archbishop 
of Yienne had always fought in the foremost 
rank, to maintain the true faith and the indepen- 
dence of the Church. It was owing to him that 
France, and especially the two Burgundys, had 
remained untouched by the evil spirit which had 
triumphed over the papacy at Koine. The high 
birth of Guy of Burgundy, and his great alli- 
ances, must certainly, as Con on had foreseen, have 
strengthened the ascendancy of Calixtus II. He 
was the son of William, reigning Count of Bur- 
gundy, surnamed the Great, or Tete-Hardie, one 
of the most remarkable princes of the eleventh 
century, who had raised the splendour of his 
house to its greatest height by adding the counties 
of Yienne and Macon to his domains. 1 Guy had 
four brothers, three of whom died on the battle- 

1 Macon by succeeding to his cousin, and Vienne by his marriage 
with Countess Stephanie. He reigned over the county of Burgundy, 


field, fighting for Christ in the East ; l the fourth, 
Raymond, by marrying Urraca daughter and 
heiress of the King of Castile, 2 had founded in 
Spain a dynasty of crusaders from which was to 
spring St Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic. 
One of the prince's sisters had married Duke Eudes 
of Burgundy; another the Count of Flanders; a 
third, the Count of Savoy ; and the fourth, the 
Count of Bar and Montbeliard. The Queen of 
France was niece to the new pope, 3 who was also 
connected with the Emperor of Germany 4 and the 
King of England. 

Calixtus II. was allied then, by blood, to the 
most powerful princes of Europe. His nephews 
ruled Franche-Comte, 5 Burgundy, 6 Flanders, 7 and 

since called Franche-Comte, which he had gradually withdrawn from the 
imperial suzerainty, from 1057 to 1087. St Gregory VII. wrote several 
letters to him. 

1 Rayuaud II., Count of Burgundy in 1087, killed in 1100 ; Stephen, 
one of the heroes of the First Crusade, whose exploits were related so 
brilliantly by Albert of Aix and Foucher of Chartres, killed at Ramla in 
1102 ; lastly. Hugh, Archbishop of Besancon, also killed in the Crusade. 

2 He had gone to Spain at the head of a force of the Burgundian nobles 
to fight against the Saracens, in 1093 : he died there in 1108, covered 
with glory. 

3 Louis le Gros married, in 1115, Adelaide, daughter of Humbert, 
Count of Maurienne and Savoy, and of Gisele of Burgundy, sister of 

4 By Agnes of Poitou, wife of the Emperor Henry III ; comanguinitatis 
lineam a regibus Alemannice Francice atque Anglice ducens. PANDULPH. 
PISAN., MURATORI, iii. 419. See also SUGER, ap. DUCHESNE, iv. 310. 

5 William III., called the German, son of Raynaud II., reigned from 
1100 to 1124. 

6 Hugh II. Beret, Duke of Burgundy, from 1102 to 1142, son of 
Eudes and Matilda, sister of Calixtus. 

7 Baudouin VII., son of Robert of Friesland and of Clemence of 
Burgundy, sister of Calixtus (t 1119.) 


Castile, 1 and one of them was Archbishop of 
Besancon. 2 

During the thirty-six years which he had spent 
in the archiepiscopal see of the old capital of 
Burgundy, 3 Guy had not only detached his own 
family from the imperial cause, but had also organ- 
ised Catholic resistance in Dauphin e and on the 
banks of the Rhone. 

On his accession, Calixtus hastened to send the 
caiixtus Cardinal - deacon Roscemann, a monk of Monte 


at Rome. Cassino, to Rome to announce his election, which 
was confirmed there with enthusiasm by the cardi- 
nals of the three orders, by all the clergy, by the 
Roman people, 4 and even by many partisans of the 
anti-pope, who recognised the hand of God in an 
election in which simony and ambition had no 
part. 5 After having been crowned by the Bishop of 
Ostia, 6 in the old metropolitan church of Vienne, 7 
the pope charged Conon to carry the news to his 
nephew, the King of France, and himself wrote to 

1 Alfonso VII., King of Castile, son of Raymond of Burgundy, and of 
Donna Urraca. 

2 Hugh IV., son of Guy Count of Macon, and grandson of Guillaume 

3 King Rodolpli III. of Burgundy had united the county of Vienne to 
this see. FLEURY, b. 67, c. 15. 

4 See their letters in Cod. Ep. Udalr., Nos. 294 to 299. 

5 This is concluded by Gervais, vol. i. p. 259, from the letter given by 
MARTtiNE, Ampliss. Collect., vol. i. p. 649, where the bishops to whom 
Calixtus had not written approve his election : ' ' Quam neque lepra 
Simonis, neque tumor ambitionis infecit, tanquam a Deo datam amplexatl 

. 6 Lambert, who was afterwards pope under the name of Honorius I. 
7 Feb. 9, 1119. Letter of Conon, ap. Hist. Vizeliac. in Spicileg. 


the two leaders of the Catholic party in Germany, 
Adalbert of Mayence, and Frederic of Cologne. 1 
The event was everywhere greeted with delight. 2 
The King of England, and Archbishop Ralph of 
Canterbury readily acknowledged the new head of 
the Church, though many of the English belonged 
to the anti-pope's party. 3 

The King of France hastened to send Cardinal 
Conon, accompanied by two other prelates, to 
felicitate 4 Calixtus, who received the embassy in 
Auvergne, whence he went with the indefatigable Council of 


legate to Toulouse. There the prelates of Aqui- 
taine, Languedoc, part of Spain, and Brittany, 
assembled in council. Several canons were passed 
by them intended to preserve the purity and liberty 
of the Church, and to give up to the secular arm 
the Manichsean heretics, whose stronghold was 
always in that region. 5 

The pope then returned northward, passing 
Quercy, Perigord, Poitou, Anjou, and Touraine, 
everywhere making his passage remarkable, as his 
predecessors, Urban II. and Pascal II., had done, 
by redressing grievances, concluding old quarrels, 
dedicating new cathedrals and abbey -churches, 6 
visiting the chief monasteries, such as Fontevrault, 
St Maur, and Marmoutier, and confirming their 

1 Chron. Ursperg., arm. 1119 ; Hist, France, vol. x. p. 611. 

3 GERVAIS, I. c.; ANSELM. GEMBLAC., Chron., 1119. 

3 EADM., Hist, nov., v. p. 93. 4 Chron. Maurin., p. 369. 

5 Condi, vol. xii. p. 1283; FLEURY, b. 97, c. 2. 

6 Cahors, Fontevrault, St Maur, Angers, Maurigny. 


privileges and exemptions. 1 During his stay in 
Anjou, the holy Father extended the protection of 
the Eoman Church over the new monastic crea- 
tions of Fontevrault and Savigny, 2 which had al- 
ready borne such excellent fruit. 

Having thus made almost the tour of France, 
and edified all the faithful by his humility and 
energy, and by the excellence of his ecclesiastical 
government, 3 Calixtus II. was received at the new 
abbey of Maurigny, where he was to dedicate the 
church, by King Louis of France, and by the 
nobles, who were to accompany him to Paris. 
Towards the middle of October, the sovereign 
pontiff went from Paris to Rheims to attend the 
council, already convoked by Gelasius, and the pre- 
parations for which had been arranged by Conon. 4 

Meantime the emperor, even by his unexpected 
return to Germany, and the vigour with which he 
carried on the contest there, had not been able to 
counterbalance the effect produced by the election 
of the new pope, who had been very readily acknow- 
ledged by all the bishops of the empire. 5 The forces 

1 See his itinerary, with the dates of his visits and his diplomas, in 
the Appendix. 

2 Bulls of September 8 and 16, 1118. 

3 This is Sngef's testimony : ' Gloriose humilite)* sed strenue Ecclesice 
jura dispan ens . . . aptius Ecclesiastic-is providebat negotiis.'* 

4 Chron. Maur., pp. 368, 369. He had already returned to the pope 
at Maurigny, after his journey to Rheims. The chronicler of that abbey 
justly calls him " Totius Francice ac Teutonice, Alemannice ac Saxonice 

5 "Cui cum oranes nostrates episcopis obedientiam professi. . . ." 
Chron. Ursperg., ann. 1119. 


of the Catholic party were so increased that Henry General 

. . . i 

V. was obliged to yield to the unanimous wish 

^ t Allocution 

of the princes and prelates still faithful to his f 


CailSe, and consent to the holding of a general diet P eallx 
at Tribur, near Mayence. There, the two parties 
being present, the emperor was to give an account 
of his conduct to the assembled princes, promising 
to agree to their decisions. 1 In the interval he 
opened negotiations with the envoys of the sove- 
reign pontiff at Strasburg. One of these, Pons, 
Abbot of Cluny, had long been the emperor's friend, 
and even his representative with Pascal II. The 
other, William de Champeaux, Bishop of Ch&lons, 
and founder of the famous monastic school of St 
Victor, passed for the most zealous and learned 
of French bishops. 2 For this reason he had been 
chosen to speak before the diet, which he did as 
follows : " Would you, my lord the king, conclude 
a true treaty of peace 1 In that case, renounce 
absolutely the investiture of bishoprics and ab- 
beys. To prove to you that your power will not 
thus suffer any diminution, I tell you that, being 
elected a bishop in France, I have received no 

1 " Totius regni sacerdotum atque procerum nuntiis compulsus . . . 
ubi de omnibus quse sibimet imponerentur, juxta senatus consultum se 
satisfacturum spopondit." Chron. Ursperg., I c. This diet, first con- 
voked for St John's Day, 1119, was only held in September. The chron- 
ology of these different events is clearly established by Stentzel, vol. ii. 
p. 331, and confirmed by Gervais. 

2 " Auxiliatorem magnum, qui sublimes scholas rexerat, et tune zeluni 
Dei habens, super omnes episcopos totius Gallise divinarum Scripturarum 
scientia fulgebat." Chron. Mauriniae., p. 373. 


investiture from the king, either before or after 
consecration; nevertheless, in all which concerns 
imposts, military service, tolls, and all affairs of 
the commonwealth, which Christian kings have 
anciently given to the Church of God, I perform 
my duties to the State as faithfully as the bishops 
of your empire can do, after receiving from you 
the investiture which has been the cause of so much 
discord and even of excommunication." l On hear- 
ing this, Henry lifted his hand towards heaven, 
and cried, " Well, be it so ; I seek nothing more." 2 
The Bishop of Chalons resumed : " If you will 
give up investiture, restore the property of the 
Church, and of those who have laboured for her, 
and insure to them real peace, we will endeavour, 
with God's help, to end the quarrel." 3 
The em- The emperor, after consulting with his friends, 
swears to formally promised to fulfil the stipulated conditions 
mad?witii ^ *^ e PP e wou ld do him justice, and if the envoys 
the pope, would undertake to restore to him and his all the 

1 " Scito me in regno Francorum electum, nee ante consecration em nee 
post consecrationem aliquid suscepisse de maim regis : cui tamen de'tri- 
buto, de militia, de telonio et de omnibus quse ad rempublicam pertine- 
bant, et antiquitus scilicet a regibus christianis Ecclesise Dei donata sunt, 
ita iideliter deservio, sicut in regno tuo episcopi tibi deserviunt," &c. 
Comment., HESSONIS SCOLASTICI in Concil., vol. xii. p. 1300, and Cod. 
Udalr., No. 303. This author, to whom the Chron. Ursperg. refers as 
the most trustworthy, ends his narrative with these words : " Quod vidi 
et audivi, fideliter, et qiuznto brevius potui, pedestri sermone descripsi." 

2 ." Manibus elevatis. . . . Eia, iniquit, sic fiat : non qusero amplius. " 

3 "Si investituras dimittere volueris, et possessioriem ecclesiarum, et 
eorum qui pro Ecclesia laboraverunt, reddere, et veram pacem eis dare, 
laborabimus," &c. Ibid. 


possessions they had lost during the war. Henry 
V. offered his hand to the bishop and to the abbot, 
and swore, on his faith as a Christian, that he would 
observe the conditions honestly. 1 The Bishop of 
Lausanne, the Count Palatine, and other clerks 
and laymen of the emperor's suite, swore with him. 
William and Pons then returned from Strasburg 
to Paris, to tell the pope the result of their inter- 
view. Calixtus heard them joyfully, and only said, 
" would to heaven it were already done, if it can 
be done justly ! " 2 The memory of the bad faith 
from which Pascal had been so treacherously made 
to suffer could not be absent from the mind of the 
pontiff, or from that of any Catholic. 3 The pope 
immediately commissioned his two plenopotenti- 

1 " Propria maim, sub testimonio fidei Christianse in maim episcopi et 
abbatis firmavit, se prsefata capitula persecuturum. " Ibid. Mit. dem 
Handschlag. ; STENTZEL. 

2 " Utinam jam factum esset, si sine fraude fieri posset ! " Ibid. 

3 Gervais (i. 261) thinks that the pope premeditated this fraud as well 
as the emperor. This is an entirely gratuitous supposition, and one to 
support which he brings not the shadow of a proof. But to conform to 
the pretended impartiality of modern sophists, he thinks himself obliged 
to establish a sort of factitious equality between the two adversaries, and 
not being able to deny Henry's dishonesty, he supposes it also in Calix- 
tus. He forgets the terrible antecedent of Henry's conduct towards Pas- 
cal II. We much regret to see this learned writer, in all that relates to 
the Council of Rheims and the interview at Mouzon, departing from the 
justice which he displays in general. He chooses to suspect of partiality 
the narrative of Hesson, an eyewitness, who, however, is referred to by 
the imperialist chronicle of Auersperg in these words : ' ' Ejusdem acti- 
onem concilii, si quis plenarie cognoscere qucerit in literis cujusdam scko- 
lastici nomine Hessonis eleganter enudeatum reperiri poterit." This ac- 
count also agrees in every point with that of Ordericus Vitalis, whose 
independence, sometimes unfriendly to the Court of Rome, cannot be 
suspected ; and these two are the only contemporaries who have spoken, 
in any detail, of these events. 


aries, and with them two cardinals the Bishop of 
Ostia, and Gregory, deacon of St Angelo l to go 
to the emperor and promise him absolution if he 
kept his word. They were to demand also that 
the reciprocal stipulations should be put in writ- 
ing, and that a day should be fixed for the next 
council, at which they were, on both sides, to be 

Theeiec- The emperor, after these happy preliminaries, 
caiixtus could go safely to the assembly of the princes at 
lyrecog- Tribur, 2 where the election of Caiixtus was sol- 

nist'd at 

emnly recognised, and all the German bishops 
promised obedience to him. 3 The princes thus 
established and consolidated a defence for their 
consciences and for their resistance to Henry V. 
No one thought of the anti-pope Burdin ; the 
unfortunate man, who had betrayed the Church 
in order to make himself the instrument of the 
emperor., saw himself in his turn betrayed and 
abandoned by the very power to which he had 
sacrificed all. 

In the diet the princes and clergy decreed the 
cessation of hostilities, and the reciprocal restitu- 
tion of all that had been taken from the emperor 4 

1 Both popes, one as Honorius II., and the other as Innocent II. 
3 At the beginning of September. Chron. Ursperg., corrected by 

3 " Cui cum omnes nostrates episcopi obedientiam professi." Chron. 
Ursperg., 1119. 

4 The emperor, while restoring all that he had usurped from the 
princes, promised to content himself with the ancient revenues of the 
crown. Regum antiquorum facalia, Chron. Ursperg., ann. 1119. 


or the princes, and approved beforehand of the 
meeting of the Council of Kheims, where Henry 
promised to appear in order to bring about a 
general pacification in the Church. 1 The emperor 
then started, with an army of 30,000 men, to go 
to meet the pope. Between Metz and Verdun, the 
prince met Calixtus's four envoys, and renewing, 
in writing and by oath, the stipulations already 
arranged at Strasburg, 2 promised to execute them 
in the pope's presence at Mouzon on Friday the 
25th of the following October. The Duke of Bava- 
ria, the Count Palatine and other princes, swore 
after the emperor, whose oath was as follows : " I, 
Henry, by the grace of God august emperor of 
the Komans, for the love of God and St Peter, 
and of the lord pope Calixtus, renounce the right 
of investiture to all churches; I grant peace to 
all those who, since the beginning of the dispute, 
have been in arms for the Church ; I will restore 
to the churches, and all those who have laboured 
for them, such of their possessions as I have with- 
held, and I will loyally aid them to recover such 
as I am not myself withholding." 

The pope's deed, guaranteed by the oath of 
his plenipotentiaries, was as follows : " I, Calix- 
tus II., by the grace of God Catholic Bishop of 
the Roman Church, grant peace to Henry, the 

1 Ibid. 

2 "Quod prius apud Argentinam . . . firmaverat, iterum in manu 
episcopi Ostiensis, &c., propria manu firmavit ; quod videlicet," &c. 


august emperor of the Romans, and to all those 

who have acted with him against the Church ; I 

will restore, or cause to be restored the possessions 

of all those who have lost them through this war." 

The two engagements ended with this formula : 

" Every dispute which may arise shall be judged 

by a canonical judgment if it is ecclesiastical, and 

by a secular judgment if it is secular." 

council The Council opened at Rheims on Monday 

of Rheims J 

(iii9) and October 20, 1119. At the pope's summons there 

the five 

k ac ^ assembled, for the love of God, and in 
obedience to the Holy See, 1 the prelates not only 
of France and Germany, but of Brittany, Bur- 
gundy, Italy, England, Spain, and the isles of 
the sea. 2 The King of England had allowed his 
Norman and English bishops to appear, but had 
enjoined them not to bring back into his kingdom 
any dangerous novelty. 3 Adalbert, Archbishop of 
Mayence, seeing the approaching triumph of the 
cause he had so bravely served, arrived with seven 
hundred German bishops, 4 and an escort of five 
hundred knights. The pope, delighted at the 
coming of the great champion of the German 

1 " Apostolico jussu evocati . . . congregati sunt pro amore Salvatoris, 
ejus parati gran tan ter obedire mandatis." ORD. VIT., vol. xii. p. 857. 

* "De insulis Oceani et cunctis occidentalibus provinciis," says Orderi- 
cus. Does he mean Ireland ? or merely the Mediterranean islands ? 

3 "Sed superfluas adinventiones regno meo inferre nolite." Ib id. 
As the matter of investitures had been settled twelve years previously, 
the king's reservation only applied to the dispute between the Arch- 
bishops of Canterbury and York, of which we shall have to speak. 

4 Five of them were his own suffragans. There were also one suffra- 
gan of Cologne, two of Treves, two of Magdeburg, and one of Besanson. 


Church, sent the Count of Champagne with a 
numerous train of knights to meet him. 1 There 
were present sixteen archbishops, 2 more than two 
hundred bishops, and an equal number of abbots ; 
in all four hundred and twenty-seven crosiers. 3 

Louis le Gros, King of France, though seriously 
ill, sat in the assembly, together with his principal 
barons, during the first two days, and declared 
himself ready to obey the decrees of the Church as 
became the most Christian king. 4 The crowd of 
monks, clerks, and laymen present at the council 
was so great that many thought it seemed a rep- 
resentation of the last judgment. 5 The session 
was held in the metropolitan church of Notre 
Dame, before the rood-loft. 6 

After having chanted the mass, the pope took 

1 ORD. VIT., Z. c. Archbishop Frederic of Cologne did not come, but 
sent ambassadors to assure the pope of his submission and affection. 

2 Orderious names those of Rheims, Bourges, Sens, Lyons, Rouen, 
York, Tours, and Dol, " et alii octo archiepiscopi," he says. A title-deed of 
Tours, quoted ap. Concil., xii. 1309, names those of Mayence, Besancon, 
Tarantasia, and Tarragona. Among the bishops were William de 
Champeaux, Bishop of Chalons, Hildebert of le Mans, and Gerard of 
Angouleme, the three most notable among French bishops. 

3 " Numerabantur ibi personarum pastoralium virgae 424." ROGER 
HOVED., Ann. Angl. The learned Hesson, an eyewitness, says 427. 

4 "Quamvis gravi laborantem infirmitate, molestia corporis vehemen- 
ter urgente." Ep. LUDOV. ad CALIXT. in Regest. ad fin. " Biduo cum 
principibus suis coucilio eidem interfuit et mandata Ecclesiae sicut catho- 
licus et christianissimus veneratione debita obedivit." Condi., xii. 1309; 
cf. ORDER., I. c. 

5 ORDER., I. c. 

6 "Ante crucitixum:" that is to say, in front of the ambo, which 
was always surmounted by a large cross, as shown in the English deno- 
mination of that part of the church rood-loft. 


his ' place upon the throne, with the five cardi- 
nals at his feet, 1 and standing near him a cardi- 
nal-deacon named Chrysogonus, librarian of the 
Eoman Church, who had the book of canons, so 
that he might read, in case of difficulty, the deci- 
sions of the Ancients. 2 

Calixtus preached in Latin from the passage 
of the Gospel where it is said that Jesus com- 
manded his disciples to embark and put out before 
Him on a stormy sea. 3 He described the ship of 
the Church, and pictured the waves of temptation 
and trouble, and the blast of wickedness, sud- 
denly calmed by the word of the Saviour, who 
bade Peter walk upon the waters. Then Cardi- 
nal Conon rising, addressed the prelates with the 

Cardinal ... m 

conon. greatest eloquence upon their pastoral duty. The 
sovereign pontiff then explained to the Council 
his object in calling together his fathers and his 
brethren in such numbers and from such dis- 
tances ; 5 it was to root out thoroughly, by their 

1 Conon of Palestrina, Lambert of Ostia, Bozo of Porto, John of Cre- 
ma, and Hatto of Viviers ; the) 7 were commissioned to examine the 
questions prce omnibus aliis, and they answered all with wonderful erudi- 
tion. ORDER., I. c. 

2 "Manu canones gestabat, promptus propinare authenticas majornm 
sententias litres exigebat." ORDER. VIT. 

3 Matt. xiv. 22. 

4 He applied to them what is said in Genesis (xxxi. 38) of the care 
taken by Jacob of Laban's flocks. The four Protestant historians whom 
we have at hand, Raumer, Stentzel, Liiden, and Gervais, none of them 
quotes this appeal of the pope and of the chief of the cardinals to Holy 
Scripture, on this solemn occasion. Philosophic learning pretends that 
the Bible has only been respected and quoted since the Reformation ! 

5 " Domini patres et fratres, causa pro qua vos de terra longinqua et 


help, the simoniacal heresy, which derived all its 
strength from lay investiture. After this, Calixtus 
ordered the Bishop of Ostia to describe in Latin 
the course of the negotiations with the emperor, 
and the Bishop of Chalons to repeat the narrative 
in French, so that it might be understood both by 
priests and laymen. 1 

The King of France, the Countess of Poitiers, 
and other injured persons set forth, in their turns, 
the different complaints for which they demanded 
justice from the council ; but the pope deferred 
the decision of these and of all other affairs to 
the close of the proceedings. 2 

After having asked the advice of the bishops as 
to whether it was fitting that he should go to the 
stipulated interview with the emperor, and whether 
he could trust in the good faith of such a man, 3 
Calixtus II. announced his resolution to start for 
Mouzon. He forbade the bishops to depart during 
his absence, 4 so that he might find them all at 

remotis regionibus ad concilium vocavimus. . . ." HESSO SCHOLAST., 
in Cod. Udalr., p. 303. 

1 "Ex prsecepto domini papae hoc idem clericis et laicis materna 
lingua exposuit." Ibid. 

2 "Cum autem reversus fuero, clamores vestros et ratiocinationes, ut 
rectius potuero, diligenter discutiam, opitulante Domino." ORDER. 

3 ' ' Cum in hoc consilium episcoporum sedisset, ut dominus papa ad 
diem colloquii, pro componenda pace accederet, et utram in veritate 
homo ille ageret, per semetipsum tentaret." HESSO SCHOL. 

4 He declared that he did not even except the Abbot of St Thierry, 
whose abbey was at the very gate of Rheims. ORDER. VIT. This 
author adds that the prelates were very impatient of a delay which 
lengthened their absence and increased their expenses: " Ibi nihil 
agentes, infructuose sua destrahebant stiarumque curam domorum cum 
mcerore intcrmittebant." 

VOL. VII. 2 L 


hand on his return, to confirm the peace if God 
permitted it to be arranged, and to make known 
the news immediately to the whole world ; or, if 
Henry should as usual act the part of a cunning 
enemy, that he might be able to appeal to the 
judgment of the Holy Spirit and to that of the 
bishops, before drawing the sword of St Peter to 
punish him. 1 The pope also enjoined the Fathers 
to consecrate all the time of his absence, arid espe- 
cially the day of the conference, to prayer and 
sacrifice, and to go barefoot, in procession, to the 
metropolitan church of St Remy. Having given 
these directions, Calixtus started on October 23d 
for Mouzon, 2 where he arrived on Thursday 24th, 
extremely fatigued. There he called to his apart- 
ment the bishops, abbots, and doctors, a great num- 
ber 3 of whom had accompanied him, and caused 
to be read to them two documents drawn up in 
the emperor's name and his own. These papers 
were minutely examined, and the bishops were of 
opinion that it was important to see to the clear - 

1 "Si Deus nobis pacem dederit, commune gaudium universe mundo 
annuncietis. ... Si autem, quod Deus avertat, adversarius nobis- 
cum in dolo agere temptaverit ... in commentorem fraudis . . . 
judieio Spiritus sancti et vestro gladium B. Petri vibrare tentabimus." 

2 Mouzon, an abbey and castle on the Meuse, between Sedan and 
Stenay, was a seigneury of the archbishopric of Rheims, and was sup- 
posed to have been given to that see by Clovis. DE LA HAUT., Annales 
d* Yvois et de Mouzon, p. 243 : Paris, 1822. 

3 Among others, Cardinal John of Crema, the Archbishops of Rheims 
and Rouen, the Bishops of Chalons and Viviers, the Abbot of Cluny. 


ness of the clause in which Henry declared that he 
renounced all right of investiture, 1 so that he might 
not again claim ancient possessions of the Church, 
and proceed to invest bishops with them. In the 
second place, the bishops thought it necessary to 
examine closely that clause of the treaty by which 
the pope promised a true peace to all who had 
taken part in the war, lest it might be inferred 
that he recognised the intruded bishops, or those 
canonically deposed. 2 

Meantime the companions of the head of the The 
Church had heard, not without alarm, that the M< 
emperor was come to the place chosen for the 
conference, between Mouzon and Yvoy, 3 at the 
head of an army of 30,000 men. Fearing lest 
the crime committed against Pascal II. might be 
repeated, they decided that the pope should not 
quit the castle of Mouzon. 4 

Instead of Calixtus, the two former plenipo- 
tentiaries, William of Champeaux and Pons of 

1 "Maxime illud capitulum, ubi dicebatur : dimitte omnem investi- 
turam omnium ecclesiarum, dicentes : si quidem rex simpliciter agit, 
verba ista sufficiunt : si autem . . . aliquid cavillare conatur, determi- 
natione nobis videntur indigere." HESSO. 

2 " Ne forte in danda pace plus intelligerent quam reddendam com- 
munionem Ecclesise. " Ibid. 

3 Brevilly-sur-les-Chieres, a league and a half distant from Yvoy. The 
latter town is now called Carignan. DE LA HAUT., Ann. d'Yvois et de 
Mouzon, I. c. 

4 "Hoc ut animadvertimus . . . papam in prsefato castro . . . in- 
clusimus, et . . . exire omnino prohibuimus. . . . Memores quam 
fraudulenter idem ipse Romam intraverit, et ante aram in basilica S. 
Petri apostoli Puschalem papam ceperit. " Discourse of Cardinal John, 

ror at 


Cluny, together with Cardinal John of Crema, went 
to meet the emperor in his camp. They showed 
him the decrees, and explained the clauses to him 
as had been arranged. 1 The emperor at once 
denied that he had promised anything of all this. 2 
But the Bishop of Chalons, inflamed by praise- 
worthy zeal, 3 unsheathed the sword of the divine 
Word, and answered : " My lord the king, if you 
dispute the document I have in my hand, and the 
comment upon it which you have just heard, I am 
ready to swear on the holy relics and the Gospel 
that you guaranteed all these conditions in my 
presence, and that I accepted them in this sense." 4 
Henry, overcome by this testimony and by that of 
all who were present, and unable longer to deny 5 
his previous assent, bitterly reproached those who 
had made him promise what he could not fulfil 
without injury to his royal authority. William 
repeated the explanations already given at Stras- 
burg ; he declared that the pope had no wish to 
diminish the power of the empire or the splen- 
dour of the crown, but that, on the contrary, 
he would desire all to serve their sovereign faith- 

1 " Ostenderunt scripta, determinaverunt capitula prout omnium 
consilio definitum erat." HESSO, FLEURY, b. Ixvii., No. 6. 

2 " Prima fronte se nihil promissum horum omnino abnegabat." 

3 " Zelo Dei intiammatus et gladio Dei verbo accinctus." Ibid. 

4 "Si, domine rex, negare vis . . . paratus sum sub testimonio reli- 
giosorum virorum qui inter te et me fuerunt jurare. . . ." Ibid. 

5 "Cumque omnium testimonio vinceretur, tandem compulsus est 
confiteri quod prills negaverat." 


fully, both in peace and war j 1 and that, moreover, 
the imperial power could not but be increased by 
abandoning pretensions contrary to the law of 
God. Henry grew calmer, and demanded a delay 
until the morrow that he might confer with the 
princes during the night ; above all, he expressed 
a desire to see Calixtus. The envoys of the 
pope tried to obtain a private audience of Henry; 
but always found him surrounded by a crowd of 
courtiers who flourished their swords and lances to 
intimidate them, 2 and but too well reminded them 
of the scenes of violence which had taken place in 
Rome eight years before. Warned by this, they 
took the greatest care to keep the pope at a dis- 
tance from the place of meeting, lest he should 
meet with the fate of Pascal II. 

The imperial officers did not fail to raise diffi- 
culties as to the absolution which their master was. 
to receive, saying that it would be intolerable to 
see an emperor present himself barefoot, as other 
penitents did, for absolution. 3 The prelates pro- 
mised to intercede with the holy Father that he 
would receive Henry V. in private, and shod. 

After a whole day passed in interminable discus- 

1 " Imo palam omnibus denuntians, ut in exhibitions militise et 
caeteris omnibus, in quibus tibi et antecessoribus tiiis servire consne- 
verant, modis omnibus deserviant." 

2 " Lanceas gladiosque suos vibrantes . . . patrem patrum solerter et 
oculis ejus occultavimus, memores quam fraudulenter," &c. Discours 
du cardinal de Crtma au concile, ap. ORDER. 

3 "Durum sibi, immo importabile videri, si more aliorum, nudis 
pedibus, dominus suus ad absolutionem accederet." HESSO, I. c. 


sion (Friday, October 24), the prelates returned to 
Calixtus, who, despairing of peace, desired to re- 
turn immediately to Rheims ; but at the entreaty 
of the "Count of Troyes and other nobles, he waited 
until the next day (Saturday 25th) at noon. 

Very early in the morning the prelates went to 
seek the emperor's answer. The Bishop of Chalons 
told him that he and his colleagues would have 
been entitled to retire the evening before, since 
Henry had sworn to execute on that day the 
stipulations agreed upon, but that they had been 
unwilling for the sake of a single night's delay to 
render impossible the good which might yet be 
done. He added that if the emperor would keep 
his promise, the sovereign pontiff was quite ready 
to fulfil his. 1 At these words Henry cried out 
angrily that he consented to the free election of 
bishops and abbots, but that before renouncing 
investiture of ecclesiastical property, 2 it was neces- 
sary that he should convoke a general diet of the 
princes and obtain their consent. He did not 
choose to remember that the diet of Tribur had 
quite lately authorised him to treat upon the basis 
of the preliminaries arranged at Strasburg, pre- 
liminaries which depended upon the surrender of 
investitures. Convinced of Henry's bad faith, the 

1 "Heri quidem, domine rex, cum justitia possemus a te recedere, " 
&c. HESSO, I. c. 

2 Hesso does not mention this distinction, which, however, we think 
probable, and which is distinctly stated by Roger Hoveden. Ann. 
Anglic, a p. C&ncil., xii. 1308. 


Bishop of Chalons then said to him, " Since these 
demands for delay prove that you do not intend 
to keep your promises, henceforward there can be 
nothing in common between you and us." l The 

. . . . . II. retires 

prelate then retired without other leave-taking, to a castle. 
and rejoined the holy Father, who immediately 
started from Mouzon to hasten to another castle 
in the neighbourhood belonging to the Count of 
Champagne. 2 Henry, on hearing of the pope's 
departure, sent to beg the count to detain him at 
this place over the Sunday, protesting that on the 
Monday he would, without fail, fulfil the promise 
he had so many times given and withdrawn. 3 
But the pope answered with indignation, "For 
love of peace I have done that which, as far as 1 
know, none of my predecessors ever did ; I have 
left a general council assembled, while I came with 
great fatigue to meet this man, who shows no 
inclination for peace. I will wait no longer ; I 
shall return as quickly as possible to my brethren : 
but whether during the council or afterwards, if 
God grant us a true peace, I shall always be ready 
to receive the emperor with open arms." 4 

1 "Quia ssepe inducias quserendo, quse promisisti implere dissimulas, 
nihil nobis et tibi amplius : revertar ad dominum papara." HESSO. 

2 Perhaps Vouziers. The Count of Troyes or Champagne was Hugh 
I. , who afterwards became a Templar. 

3 " Promittens se facturum omnimodis feria II quod toties abnega- 
verat." HESSO. 

4 "Feci, fratres, pro desiderio pacis ... ad hominem istum cum 
multo labore perveniens, ea quae pacis sunt in eo non inveni. ... Si 
autem in concilio vel post concilium, veram pacem Deus nobis dederit, 
paratus ero suscipere et amplecti." HESSO. 


As the prelates feared lest Henry should pur- 
sue Calixtus with his army, 1 the holy Father set 
out before day, on Sunday, October 16th, and 
travelled so quickly that he reached Eheims, after 
a journey of twenty leagues, soon enough to cele- 
brate mass and to consecrate as Bishop of Liege, 
on the same day, the candidate rejected by the 
emperor. 2 

After two days' rest, during which Cardinal John 
of Crema related to the council the ill success of 
their journey, Calixtus reopened the sittings, and 
on Wednesday, October 29th, ordered the reading 
of the five canons or decrees which the council 
was to pronounce, and which summed up and con- 
firmed the conquests won for the Church's freedom 
and discipline since the days of Gregory VII. 

The first canon forbade simony in all shapes ; 
the second, investitures ; the third maintained the 
inviolability of gifts and oblations made to the 
Church ; the fourth forbade the bequeathing of 
benefices as if by hereditary right, and the receiv- 
ing of fees for baptism, and other sacraments, and 
for burial; the last imposed celibacy on all clerks. 3 

1 "Iter repedandi, immo fugiendi, velociter iniviinus, quin etiam ne 
formidabiliter tyrannus cum multis legionibus quas secum ducebat per- 
sequeretur, nos valde timuimus." Speech of the Cardinal of Crema, ap. 

2 " Tanta festinatione Remis usque cucurrU, ut vigniti lends consum- 
matis eadem die Remis missam celebraret." HESSO. It is indeed twenty 
leagues from Mouzon to Rheims; but the pope did not travel the whole 
distance in one morning, since he had passed the Saturday night in a 
castle of the Count of Champagne nearer to Rheims than Mouzon. 

3 This law was still resisted in certain countries, and especially in 


Each canon pronounced an anathema upon any 
one who should violate it. At the reading of the 
decree relative to investiture, the terms of which 
forbade it to all laymen with regard to churches 
and ecclesiastical property, a great murmur arose l 
among some ecclesiastics and a great many of 
the laity, for they thought the pope meant to 
deprive them of the tithes and ecclesiastical bene- 
fices or church property which they had long en- 
joyed. A discussion followed that lasted till 
evening. Calixtus put off the decision until the 
following day, October 30th, the last day of the 
council. On that day the holy Father opened the 
sitting with the singing of the hymn to the Holy 
Spirit, which was taken up with great fervour by 
the whole assembly. 2 Then, suddenly inspired by 
a supernatural eloquence not usual with him, 3 he 
described, in burning words, amidst the general 

Normandy, where Archbishop Geoffrey of Rouen, having wished to pro- 
claim this canon in a synod held in that city in 1119, met with so much 
resistance from the parish priests, that a fierce disturbance took place in 
the very metropolis itself. ORDER. VIT., b. xii. 

1 " Tantuui murmur . . . insonuit." HESSO. According to Roger 
Hoveden, this opposition, and the pope's speech which ended it, were 
caused by the excommunication of Henry. . . . " Henricus excommuni- 
candus. Quod cum quidam in concilia cegre ferrent, sententiam protulit 
Apostolicus ut qui in Jioc scandalizarentur, exeuntes," &c. We think it 
better to follow the version of Hesso, an eyewitness. Henry had been 
excommunicated several times, and the new promulgation of the sentence 
was less likely to cause difficulties than a general law which affected the 
personal interests of the laymen attending the council. Noel Alexander, 
not to be suspected of partiality for the pontifical cause, contests on other 
grounds the correctness of Roger Hoveden's account. 

2 " Qui cum ab omnibus fuisset affectuose decantatus." 

3 See above, at the Council of Vienne. 


admiration, 1 the action of this Holy Spirit, the 
source of all wisdom and of all discipline, the 
bond of union, peace, and charity. " We know, 
dearest brothers," said the pontiff, in conclusion, 
te that the zeal which has brought you from such 
distances to labour with us for the universal free- 
dom of our holy mother the Church, 2 has been 
pleasing to God and to the Holy Spirit who unites 
us ; but this zeal has displeased the spirit of evi], 
who has been able to find instruments of his malice 
to trouble our brotherly concord. Now, what will 
be said if, after having come to the council with 
such trouble and cost, you should return to your 
different dioceses, taking nothing with you because 
you will not listen to us \ 3 ... Yesterday, when 
we offered our propositions for the liberty of the 
Church, some persons were scandalised. To-day, 
we say with the apostles, ' If there is an unbeliever 
here let him depart and leave the faithful to deal 
with what belongs to the Church and is necessary 
to her freedom/ And to you, who hold the place 
of apostles in the Church of God, we say, as 
the Lord said to the twelve, 'Will you also go 
away!'" 4 

The assembly was deeply moved, and not a word 

1 " Vere invisibilis ignis flamma succensus, in ignea lingua exorsus, 
mirabiliter peroravit . . . diutius sub omnium admiratione." HESSO. 

2 " Pro communi libertate matris nostrse Ecclesise." Ibid. 

3 " Revertentes ad regiones vestras nihil reportare poteritis. . . ."- 

4 "Quod si infidelis discedit, discedat." 1 Cor. vii. 15. " Et vos 
vultis abire ? " JOHN vi. 68. 


of protest was spoken. 1 The canon, however, 
which had just been read by the pope's command, 
and which referred to investitures, had undergone 
an important change in no longer applying to any- 
thing but bishoprics and abbeys. 2 In this new 
form it was unanimously approved and adopted 
as well as the four others. After having thus 
fixed the Catholic law, the next thing was to give 
it effect. Odelgarius, a Catalan 3 monk and Bishop 
of Barcelona, emaciated, feeble, but equally learned 
and eloquent, who had been unwillingly obliged to 
become a bishop by Pascal II., preached an admir- 
able sermon on the royal and the priestly power. 4 
After which four hundred and twenty-seven tapers 
were brought, lighted and distributed to the four 
hundred and twenty-seven bishops and mitred 
abbots. 5 All then rose, taper in hand ; the pope in The pope 


a troubled voice pronounced the solemn sentence the solemn 


of excommunication, until complete satisfaction nication of 

the em- 

1 " Ita omnium corda concussit ac reclamantium voces compressit, ut 
nee unus qnidem contra decreta synodica quae postea lecta sunt, os 
aperire pmesumeret. HESSO. 

2 " Investituram Episcopatuum et Abbatiarum per manum laicam fieri 
omni modo prohibemus. " The original text had, " Investituram omnium 
Ecclesiarum per manum," &c. 

3 Before being a bishop he had been abbot of the regular canons of St 

4 "Corpore quidem macilentus et mediocris, sed erttditione curn fa- 
cundia et religione prsecipuus, subtilem satisque profundum sermonem 
. . . quern summa cuncti qui percipere poterant, hauserunt aviditate. " 

5 " Allatae sunt deniquc candelse ccccxxvii, et accensse datse singuke 
singulis tenentibus baculos episcopis et abbatibus." HESSO, eyewit- 


should be made, 1 against Henry V. and the anti- 
pope Burdin, with their chief partisans and other 
hardened criminals. At the same moment all the 
tapers were thrown to the ground and extin- 
guished. 2 The pope also declared that, in virtue 
of his apostolic authority, he released from their 
oath of fidelity all those who had sworn it to 
Henry, until he should have done penance 3 and 
given satisfaction to the Church of God. Calix- 
tus then gave absolution and his benediction to 
all, and the council was closed. 

Never, since the Church had been founded, had 
so terrible a sentence been pronounced by so nu- 
merous an assembly and in so imposing a form. 
cod's The pope's struggle against the emperor's usurp- 

ations and the custom of investiture, was not the 
only object of the council's deliberations. Before 
starting for Mouzon,the pope had lamented at length 
over the miseries and devastations which resulted 
from private wars ; and with the purpose of protect- 
ing the members of Christ, the Christian people ran- 
somed by the blood of the Son of God made man, 
and to establish peace on earth, 4 he again decreed 
the Truce of God, which Urban II. had established 

1 "Tune papa. . . . Henricum imperatorem Theomachum . . . &c. 
mcerens excommunicavit. " ORD. VIT. 

2 Such was the constant custom at solemn excommunications. 

- 3 " Absolvit a fidelitate regis omnes quotquot ei juraverant, nisi forte 
resipisceret et Ecclesiae Dei satisfaceret. " HESSO. 

4 " Filius Dei pro pace de cnelo descendit . . . ut letalem guerram 
per protoplasti reatum progressam pie sedaret. . . . Membra quippe 
Christi populum Christianum appello, quern ipse sanguinis sui pretio 
redemit." ORDER., I. c. 


at the Council of Clermont, adding measures 
adapted to render its observation more complete. 
It was ordered, for example, under pain of deposi- 
tion and the penalties of perjury, that all chaplains 
of fortresses, and monks inhabiting cells or priories 
founded by nobles in the neighbourhood of their 
castles, should cease divine service as soon as they 
should see booty or prisoners brought in, and not 
resume it until these objects should be restored, or 
justice done in some way. 1 Every Wednesday at 
sunset the bells were to ring for peace until the 
sunrise of the Monday following ; hostilities were 
also forbidden during Advent, Lent, Easter, vigils, 
and fasts, and all the festivals of the Blessed Vir- 
gin. 2 Monks, women with their escort, hunters, 
and travellers, were always to enjoy peace. 3 

Monastic institutions were nobly represented in 
this great assize of Christendom by the crosiers of 
more than 200 abbots. Vital, head of the new 
congregation of Savigny, preached there with such 
force as to make Pope Calixtus publicly declare that 
no one on this side the Alps had ever made him 
so well understand his obligations and his defects. 4 

1 " Capellani castrorum jurant, si praeda vel quodcumque raptum, vel 
captus aliquis ipsis scientibus ad castrum . . . deductum fuerit, se nulluni 
divinum officium ibi celebrare, non expectantes alicujus reclamationem> 
donee reddatur ablatum," &c. Condi., vol. xii. p. 1292. 

2 The time usually reserved by the Truce of God Avas from the sound 
of bells of the parish church on Wednesday evening to sunrise on the 
Monday. Ibid. 

3 " Omni tempore pacem habeant." 

4 ETTENNE DE FOUGERES, Vie manuscrite, b. ii. c. 12 ; FLEURY, Hist, 
ecchs., b. Ixvii. c. 10. He died three years afterwards, giving the 


Norbert, who had defended Pascal II. when a cap- 
tive, and done homage to Gelasius II. when an exile, 
came to greet Calixtus II., a conqueror at Rheims ; 
he arrived barefoot, according to his custom, and 
excited the admiration of the assembled prelates 
by the strictness of his penances and the eloquence 
of his sermons. The pope confirmed to him the 
right of preaching everywhere, and specially re- 
commended him to Bishop Barthelemy of Laon, 
in whose diocese Norbert next year founded the 
headquarters of the Premontratensian Order. 1 The 
order of Cluny, in the person of its Abbot 
Pons, had interposed too vigorously in the most 
serious affairs of the Church for its rights not to 
be scrupulously maintained by the pope and coun- 
cil. Therefore, when the Archbishop of Lyons 
and his suffragans, in the name of the Bishop of 
Macon, rose to complain of the immunities and 
usurpations of Cluny, a lively emotion stirred the 
assembly. 2 Abbot Pons also rose, and a crowd of 
monks with him. After having calmly repelled 
the accusations brought against his house, 3 he con- 
strongest proof of his love for the Rule. Being hopelessly ill, and 
having received the last sacraments, he would nevertheless attend in 
the choir, and died while singing matins, Sept. 24, 1122. ORD. VIT. 

1 Vit. S. Norbert, c. 4., ap. Bolland. Act. S.S. Junii, vol. i. 

2 Many other bishops, clerks, and monks of various orders joined in 
these complaints, and a great disturbance in the council resulted. " Cum 
vociferatione da/mores fecerunt , . , diitque perstrepentes, acerba quce 
ruminaverant evomuerunt," says Ordericus, who was a monk of an abbey 
subject to Cluny, and a great partisan of Abbot Pons. 

3 " Modesta voce et tranquilla elocutione querulosos impetitores com- 
pressit." Ibid. 


eluded by saying : " The church of Cluny is sub- 
ject only to the Roman Church it is the special 
property of the pope. Because we vigorously 
defend what the faithful have given to us for the 
love of God, we are called usurpers, and suffer all 
kinds of reproach. I shall not trouble myself much 
about it. It is the affair of our lord the pope ; 
let him defend his church if it pleases him/' l 

After a day of inquiry, Cardinal John of Crema 
pronounced, in the name of Calixtus, a sentence 
which referred to the foundation of Cluny by 
Gerard de Eoussillon, on the express condition 
that she should be subject only to Rome, and 
which, by the authority of God, commanded all 
sons of the Church to support the great abbey 
in peace, in her ancient freedom, and in all her 
exemptions and possessions. 2 

Many other complaints and disputes were 
brought before the council and judged accord- 
ing to the report of four French bishops, Ger- 
ard of Angouleme, Hatto of Viviers, Geoffroy 
of Chartres, and William of Chalons, who were 
considered as princes among the speakers. 3 The 
venerable assembly was specially attentive and 

1 " Cluniacensis Ecclesia soli Romanae Ecclesiae subdita est et papte 
propria. . . . Nimia de his ad me sollicitudo non pertinet. Ecclesiam 
suam dominus papa defendat si vult." Ibid. 

2 ' ' Romano, auctoritas Cluniacensium privilegia corroborat, et in vir- 
tute Del omnibus ecdesice filiis imperat, ne quis," &c. Ibid. Ordericus 
adds that several prelates were much dissatisfied with this decree, 
" quamvis aperte contradicere jussionibus papce non auderent." 

3 " Duces verbi prse ceteris intonuerunt." ORDER. VIT. 



nude- interested when Hildegarde, Duchess of Aquitaine 

garde, * 

anc ^ Countess of Poitiers, advancing into the midst 
f ^e church, followed by her servants, pleaded 
e eloquently 1 her own cause against her faithless 
husband Duke William, who had deserted her 
for Malberge, Viscountess of CMtellerault. This 
was the same Duke William of Aquitaine who, 
repenting of his violent behaviour to the prelates 
at the Council of Poitiers in 1100, had gone to 
the Crusade to expiate his fault. That holy pil- 
grimage had not, however, amended the warrior's 
morals. He was so passionately in love with the 
viscountess that he always carried her portrait 
attached to his shield, that it might be with him 
in all his battles ; and when the legate Gerard of 
Angouleme had excommunicated him on account 
of his open immorality, he had ridiculed the 
prelate, who was bald, saying, " You will comb 
the hair over your forehead before I leave my 
love." 2 

1 " Processit et alta claraqne voce querimoniam eloquenter enodavit, 
quam omne concilium diligenter auscultavit." ORDER. VIT. 

2 FLEITRY, Hist, cedes., b. Ixvii. c. 5, adds the following story : 
Pierre, Bishop of Poitiers, went to remonstrate with him on the same 
crime, and as he would not repent, Pierre began to pronounce his excom- 
munication. The duke, furious, seized him by the hair, and brandish- 
ing his sword, said, " I will kill you this moment if you" do not give me 
absolution." The bishop pretended to be frightened, and as soon as the 
duke released him boldly finished the eicommunication, then holding 
out his neck, he said, "Strike, then! strike!" The duke, who was 
famed for his wit, answered, " I hate you too much to send you to 
Paradise." Shortly afterwards, however, he condemned the bishop to 
exile, where he died like a saint. Miracles were worked at his tomb ; 
and the duke, when he was informed of this, said, " I am sorry I did 
not hasten his death ; he would have been under an obligation to me." 


After having heard the duchess's complaint, the 
pope asked whether William, in obedience to his 
summons, had come to the council ? Several 
bishops from Aquitaine rose and answered that 
their duke had been left sick on the road. A 
postponement was therefore granted to him, that 
he might present himself at the pontiff's court, 
and there reclaim his wife under pain of anathema. 1 

A person of yet higher rank than the Duchess 
of Aquitaine had appeared before the council on 
the day of its opening. King Louis of France, 
attended by his barons, mounting the platform on 
which the pontifical throne was raised, had there 
brought his complaint against Henry of England. 2 
He chiefly accused him of having unjustly deprived 
of the Duchy of Normandy, which owed feudal 
homage to France, his elder brother Eobert, whom 
he kept in prison, and whose son William now 
accompanied the king. Louis also imputed to 
the English monarch the captivity of Eobert of 
Bellesme and especially that of Count William of 
Nevers, a good and loyal baron, 3 whom Count 
Thibault of Blois, nephew of Henry, but vassal of 
the French crown, had stopped and imprisoned on 

1 The end of this affair is not known. William IX., Dnke of Aqui- 
taine, who was the first of the Troubadours, died February 10, 1127. 
Hist. lilt, de France, vol. ix. p. 42. 

2 " In consistorium ubi papa residens omnibus praeeminebat, con- 
scendit, querimoniamque suam rationabiliter deprompsit. . . . Ad hanc, 
inquit, concionem pro investigando consilio, cum baronibus meis venio, 
domine papa : et vos, o seniores, audite me, obsecro. " ORDER. VIT. 

3 "Bonum legitimumque virum." Ibid. 

VOL. VII. 2 M 


the return of the expedition ordered by the council 
of Beauvais in 1114 against Thomas de Marie. 1 

All the Frenchmen present at the council con- 
firmed the truth of the accusations brought by their 
king ; 2 but the Archbishop of Kouen, supported by 
the bishops and abbots, amidst a great tumult, 
undertook to refute them. The pope ended the 
dispute by promising to go, after the council, to 
meet the English king, who was his godson and 
relative, 3 and to engage him, as well as the 
Count of Blois, to support the cause of justice and 
peace, lest he should have to suffer a terrible 
anathema. Calixtus had indeed the greatest 
interest in restoring good intelligence between 
the two kings, united by so many bonds, and 
whose alliance was so useful to the cause of the 
Church. He had also various ecclesiastical dis- 
putes to settle with Henry of England, who had 
fallen back into many of. his old evil ways, and 
who would neither consent to receive legates from 

1 " Milii generalem inimicum peregrinorum et omnium simpUcium 
obsidere prceceperunt, et ipsi mecum, legitimique barones Gallice. ..." 
ORDER. VIT. We may notice here the original sense given by Orderic 
to the adjective legitimus, i.e., legem timens. An entirely different ac- 
count of the cause of William of Nevers's captivity is given by Rene de 
Blois in contin. Hist. Croyland, and by Jean de Marmoutiers in his Hist, 
de Geoff roy d'Anjou, afterwards son-in-law of Henry I., and founder of 
the House of Plantagenet, in not. ad Yvonis, Ep., p. 208. He was made 
prisoner by Geoffrey, of whom it is said, " Pictos leones prceferens in 
clypeo, veru leonibus nulla erat inferior feritudo ; " these pictos leones 
are the lions which the Plantagenets made the arms of England. 

2 "Cum . . . Gallicana concio veracem ejus orationem allegasset. " 

3 " Spiritual em fUium meum et originis propinquitate consobrinum 
regem Anglorum adibo," &c. 


the Holy 'See into his kingdom, nor permit the 
pope to consecrate Archbishop Thurstan of York, 
to the prejudice of the primatial see of Canter- 
bury. 1 However, Calixtus having performed that 
ceremony at Eheims, just before the opening ofcaiixtus 
the council, 2 went from Eheims to Gisors, where ates a 

peace be- 

he had the desired interview with the King of* w . eentl i e 

Kings of 

England. Henry received him with the greatest 
respect, and knelt before him. The pope raised 
him, gave him his blessing and the kiss of peace, 3 
and then requested him, in the name of the coun- 
cil, to restore to his brother both his liberty and 
the Duchy of Normandy. But the king drew such 
a picture of the state of disorder and misery into 
which the churches and people of Normandy had 
fallen during Eobert's administration, on account 
of his total incapacity, that the pope yielded to 
the monarch's arguments and deferred the ques- 
tion. At the same time he became yet more 
zealous in bringing about a reconciliation between 

1 See in Eadmer, Hist, nov., b. v. pp. 88-95, the details of these dis- 
putes, and the difficulties met with by Anselin the legate, nephew of the 
great and holy archbishop of the same name, a monk like his uncle, and 
Abbot of St.Saba at Eome, afterwards Abbot of St Edmundsbury and 
Bishop of London. 

2 Humbauld, Archbishop of Lyons, refused to be present at this cere- 
mony, in spite of the pope's commands, having a horror, says Eadmer 
(a monk of Canterbury), of the injury done to that church, with which 
that of Lyons, since she had served as an asylum to Anselm, had been 
allied by a special brotherhood. 

3 "Ad pedes pronus accessit . . . sibique consanguinitate propin- 
quum agnovit. Quern papa humiliatum benigniter erexit . . . benedixit, 
datoque osculopacis inter mutuos amplexus uterque exultavit." ORDER. 
VIT., b. xii. p. 864. 


the two princes : peace was concluded under the 
mediation of the sovereign pontiff, on condition of 
the reciprocal restitution of the prisoners and of 
the castles taken, amidst the general joy of both 
nations. 1 Calixtus was less fortunate in what 
concerned the special interests of the Church ; he 
was obliged to concede to the English king the 
confirmation of those customs which the Conqueror 
had established, and to renounce the right of send- 
ing any other legate to England than those whose 
nomination should be assented to by the sove- 
reign. 2 Though kings may often have succeeded 
in conciliating the favour of pontifical legates, yet 
they were, not the less, very formidable. Henry 
ventured to oppose a long resistance to the admis- 
sion of Thurstan to the archbishopric of York ; 
but he was obliged to submit when Calixtus, 
having by a solemn bull established the inde- 

1 ORDER. VIT., b. xii. p. 866. 

2 Such is Eadmer's account (Hist, nov., b. v. p. 95). He was above 
all things a monk of Canterbury, and much irritated against Calixtus on 
account of the decrees given by the pontiff in favour of the independence 
of York. But this account agrees ill with the fact of the legation in 
England of the famous Cardinal Peter, son of Leo, two years after the 
interview at Gisors. Even in Eadmer, however, we may remark the 
artifices used by Henry I. to prevent this legate from communicating 
with monasteries and churches during his residence in England. Pope 
Calixtus had himself been legate in England at the beginning of Henry's 
reign. It must be added that St Anselm also had declared against any 
other legation than his own as archbishop and ex officio legate (Ep. iv. 
2. ad Paschal). The claim of the English to receive no other legate than 
their own archbishop is identical with that which was afterwards made 
in Sicily under the name of Monarchia Sicilice. The kings of Sicily 
claimed, in virtue of a decree of Urban II., which Baronius has proved 
false, to be themselves ex officio legates in their kingdom. 


pendence of that metropolitan see, threatened to 
excommunicate the king, and to depose the pri- 
mate, if, in a month's time, Thurstan was not 
admitted to his diocese. 1 

Having thus punished the emperor at Kheims, 
restored peace between the kings of France and 
England, and consolidated his authority in both 
their kingdoms, the victorious pope set out to- 
wards Kome, which he had not visited since his 
election, and where a phantom anti-pope still 
reigned. On both sides of the Alps the march 
of the pontiff was a triumphal procession ; every- Triumphal 
where an innumerable crowd of the faithful flocked the pP e 


about his steps to show their love and reverence 
for the Vicar of Christ. 2 The King of France 
accompanied him as far as Melun. 3 In passing 
Saulieu, Calixtus solemnly confirmed, under the 
name of the Charter of Charity, the constitution 
of the new order of Cistercians, which, with that 
of the Premonstratensians, whose foundations had 
been laid at Kheims, was to occupy the foremost 
rank among monastic institutions. The pope cele- 
brated, by processions of horsemen, 4 the festival of 
Christmas at Autun, and those of the Circum- 

1 ROGER HOVEDEN, ap. in BARONIUS, in ann. 1119, c. xiii. The bull 
was published at Gap, March 3, 1120. See TH. STUBBS, Act. Pontific. 
Eborac. in SELDEN, Script. Angl., ii. p. 1716. 

2 "Undique confluente immunera multitudine populorum, eum tan- 
quam Christi Vicarium omner nimio venerabantur affectu et ad ejus 
vestigia certatim se devotissime prosternebant." Vit. Calixt. in Mur- 
ator. Script., vol. iii. p. 419. 

3 Chron. Mauriniac. See itinerary of Calixtus and Appendix. 

* "In solemnibus processionibus equitando factis, quando more 


cision and of Epiphany (1120) at Cluny, among 
the numerous Burgundian nobility, and with all 
the united splendours of the Eoman court and the 
queen of abbeys. 1 After having publicly heard 
the still surviving witnesses to the holiness of 
the great Abbot Hugh, 2 the sovereign pontiff can- 
onised him and ordered that his festival should be 
annually celebrated. Calixtus also decided that 
the Abbot of Cluny should everywhere enjoy the 
rank of cardinal, 3 so that his absolute and perfect 
exemption might be distinctly known. Two arch- 
bishops, one German and the other English, ac- 
companied the pope on his travels ; both of them 
obtained the justice they sought from him. 

During his stay at Cluny, Calixtus caused a deed 
to be drawn up, to re-establish Bishop Bruno of 
Treves in the independence which was disputed 
by Archbishop Adalbert of Mayence, as primate 
and legate. The sovereign pontiff thus sacrificed 
to justice the policy of conciliating the chief leader 
of the Catholic party in Germany. 4 

Apostolico coronatus fuit." Act. Pontif. Eborac. ap. PAGI, Crit., aim. 
1120, c. 1. 

1 " Copioso pontificum et cardinalium clioro constipatus. . . . Hunc 
quam multi Burgundise nobiles sequebantur. . . ." Biblioih. Cluniac., 
p. 560. 

2 " Non quorumlibet chartulas, . . . sed personas authenticas in me- 
dio Cluniacensi capitulo prsesentatas, de saneto quse viderant et au- 
dierant validius attestatas. . . . Episcopis pariter et cardinalibus pariter 
assentientibus." Ibid. 

3 ' ' Ut sic manifestum appareat cunctis, quia tecum et tua Cluniacus 
solins papie Roman! proprie propria censetur, quse sub alterius jure pon- 
tificis, seu cujuslibet potestatis, providente Deo, nee fuit aliquando, nee 
erit in futuro. " Ibid. 

4 Bruno had used rather equivocal manoeuvres in his relations 


At Gap, the pope, by a similar bull, released the 
Archbishop of York for ever from the jurisdiction 
of the primate of Canterbury. 1 And yet he had 
just formed into a primacy his see of Vienne, 
giving it jurisdiction over the seven ecclesiastical 
provinces which extended from the Alps to the 
Pyrenees. 2 

In Italy the holy Father was received with no The holy 
less enthusiasm than in France and Burgundy ; 

the populous towns of Lombardy and Tuscany, ceived 
Milan, Lucca, and especially Pisa, rivalled each 
other in proofs of attachment 3 and admiration. 
At the news of his approach, the anti-pope Burdin, 
desperate at seeing himself abandoned by the em- 
peror, fled for refuge to the fortress of Sutri, while 
Rome opened her gates to the legitimate pope. 
He was received with a pomp and a popular 
eagerness never shown in honour of any other 
pontiff. 4 After being a witness to the glorious 

the emperor. Gest. Treviror ap. LEIBNITZ, Access., pp. 110-118. PAGI, 
Grit., ami. 1120. c. 2. 

1 Act. Pontif. Eborac., I. c. 

2 Tarentaise, Aix, Embrun, Bourges, Auch, Narbonne, and Bordeaux. 
The archbishops of Bourges and Narbonne, being already called primates, 
those of Vienne took occasion to call themselves primate of primates. 
But this was an empty title. FLEUKY, Hist, cedes., b. 67. c. 15. 

3 "Quern Francia, Longobardia,Tuscia, Apulia prsedicat." Ep. EGINON., 
ap. BARON. * ' Descendens ad populosas Lombardiae civitates in quibus 
non minore honoriiicentia recipiebatur quam devotissima devotione 
tractabatur. " Vit. Calixt. ap. MURAT. and BARON. In this life are 
found details of his triumphal entry into Lucca and Pisa, where he re- 
consecrated the metropolitan church, tota ibidem Tuscia concurrente. 
Probably Gelasius II. had only consecrated the choir, and Calixtus the 
nave, or even some side altars. ST MARC, Hist. cTltalie, vol. iv. 
p. 1075. 

4 PANDULPH., 1. c., FALCO BENEVENT., aim. 1120. This entry was ou 


procession of the pope to the Lateran amidst 
the chanting of Latin, Greek, and even Hebrew 
hymns, by an immense train of little children 
carrying palms, as at our Saviour's entry into 
Jerusalem, and by the Eoman chivalry, who had 
hastened to meet Calixtus while he was still three 
days' journey distant from the city, a German 
abbot of the pontifical suite wrote to his country- 
men that Csesar would have beheld with indigna- 
tion his own glory surpassed, and Cicero would 
perhaps have become a Christian if he could have 
seen the banner of the cross borne proudly above 
those of consuls and emperors. 1 

June 3, 1120. A bull is quoted, dated from the Lateran, June 1st 
(which shows an error of at least three days), by which the pope grants to 
Aynard, Lord of Clermont in Dauphiny, and ancestor of the illustrious 
house of Clermont-Tonnerre, Montoison, d'Amboise, &c., in consideration 
of having escorted him to Rome with his soldiers in spite of the emperor 
and the anti-pope, and also in consideration of services rendered to the 
Church by his father Sibald and his grandfather Aynard, the right to 
bear, gules, two silver keys placed saltire-wise, with a tiara for crest, and to 
touch all relics and consecrated things (except the vases used for consecra- 
tion) on condition of kissing the feet of the pope and his successors, with 
these words : " Si omnes te negaverint nunquam te negabo ; " or, according 
to others "Etiamsi omnes, ego non. " Vraie et parfaite science des armoiries 
de Louvan Giliot, added to by Pierre Palliot (Dijon, 1661 folio), p. 176. 
The noble allusion made to this device, in 1828, by the last Cardinal de 
Clermont-Tonnerre is well known. The examples we have already men- 
tioned of Geoffrey of Anjou and of the Duke of Aquitaine show the 
symbolical importance attached in those days to the use of armorial 

1 " Caesar si superesset, indignans miraretur. Tullius forsitan attra- 
heretur, dum vexilla crucis omnium consulum et imperatomm superari 
trophsea conspicaretur." Ep. EGINON., ap. BARON., aim. 1120; and 
CANIS., Thes. anecdot., vol. ii. p. 240. This Egino was Abbot of St 
Ulrich at Augsburg ; he had had to maintain a fierce conflict with the 
schismatic bishop of Augsburg, and, by Adalbert's advice, had gone to 
join Calixtus in Italy. The pope took him to Rome, so that on his re- 


On the eve of this triumphal entry, Calixtus 
granted to a knight of Dauphin y, founder of the 
illustrious house of Clermont-Tonnerre, who had 
escorted him from the banks of the Ehone to 
Eome, the favour of bearing as his arms the keys 
and tiara, with the proud motto, " Etsi omnes, ego 


After having edified all Rome by his gentleness, 
his disinterestedness, 1 and the austerity of his life, 2 
and after having avenged the injuries done to 
Gelasius and the outraged dignity of the ponti- 
ficate, by causing the fortified towers of Cencio 
Frangipani to be rased, the pope followed the 
example of his predecessors, and went to seek rest 
and refreshment at Monte Cassino, where he stayed 
two months. 3 

At Benevento all the Norman princes came to 
swear fealty and do homage to Calixtus ; and at 
Traja, their chief, Duke William of Apulia, served 
the sovereign pontiff as squire, leading his horse 
by the bridle at his entrance into the town. 4 

In the spring of 1122, these warriors gave the 
pope their help to put an end to the incursions of 

turn to Germany, he might be able to describe the Church's triumph : 
"relaturi terrse nostne (ut ipsius verbis utamur) triumphum Ecclesise." 
He died the same year, at Pisa, on his way home, after having dictated 
the above letter. 

1 GUILL. MALM., ap. BARON. He encouraged the English to make 
pilgrimages to St James of Compostella rather than to Rome. 

2 Ep. EGINON., I. c. 

3 PETE. DIAC., Chron. Cass., b. iv. c. 70. 

4 " Cui vice stratoris ipse juxtasellam obambulans . . ." ROMUALD. 


the schismatics, who, quartered at Sutri, cruelly 
ravaged the environs of Rome, killing and mutilat- 
ing those who were going to the legitimate pope, 
if they refused to come and prostrate themselves 
before the anti-pope. 1 

The siege of Sutri was undertaken by an army 
half Norman and half Eoman, led by the sovereign 
pontiff. The inhabitants gave up Burdin to the 
besiegers, and this great culprit had to endure the 
maledictions of the soldiery. ".Thou hast dared," 
they cried, ' ' to tear the robe of Christ, to destroy 
Catholic unity ; accursed a thousand times be 
thou for having brought such scandal into the 
world." 2 Then they mounted him upon the camel 3 
which carried the cooking utensils of the true pope, 
with his face to the tail, made him hold the tail 
for a bridle, and put a bleeding goat-skin on his 
back to imitate the red cope worn by popes. In 
this guise Burdin made his entry into Rome, that 
the past shame of the Church might be avenged, 
and those warned who in the future should be 
Caiixtus tempted to imitate his crime. 4 Calixtus, with 
anti-pope difficulty, snatched the unfortunate man from his 

1 SUGER, De Vit. Lud. Gross., p. 310. 

2 "Maledicte, maledicte, per quern tarn magnum scandaluin venit ! " 
CARD. ARAGON., Vit. Calixt. ; MURAT., vol. iii. p. 420. 

3 " Tortuoso animali tortuosum antipapam, anno antechristum," says 
SUGER, I. c. "Super camelum qui ferebat calderias pontificis Calixti." 
Vit. Pontif. in Spicileg., Rom. ed. card. Mai, vol. vi. p. 299. 

4 " Ignominiam Ecclesise Dei ulciscentes." SUGER, I. c. "In 
exemplum aliorum, ne similia quis ultra auderet tentare." Vit. 
Calixt., I. c. 


tormentors, and decided to shut him up in a mon- Em-din 

from his 

astery, where he ended his days. 1 The pope an- torment- 
nounced the event to the French bishops, inviting 
them to thank God with him that he had been 
able to break the idol of the King of the Germans, 
and to destroy his diabolical nest. Then he applied 
himself to the restoration, in Rome and its en- 
virons, of order, security, and the inviolability of 
offerings ; and avenged the Church's dignity by de- 
stroying, as we have said, the fortresses of Cencio 
Frangipani, who had so shamefully outraged Gela- 
sius II. 2 

While he was thus vanquishing that schism 
whose consequences had been so pernicious to 
Italy, 3 the holy Father maintained and extended 

1 "... Vix a manibus eorum domino Apostolico ilium eripiente." 
Citron. Ursperg., aim. 1121. " Impetrante domino Papa. " SUGER, I. c. 
Will it be believed that in spite of these two distinct contemporary wit- 
nesses to Calixtus's merciful interposition, three Protestant historians 
LiiDEN (vol. ix. p. 509), STENTZEL (vol. i. p. 699), and GERVAIS (vol. i. 
p. 295) have dared not only completely to suppress them, but also to 
attribute exclusively to Calixtus, and to his base desire for vengeance, 
the harsh treatment which Burdin suffered ! Let us imagine for a mo- 
ment that the imperialist pope had triumphed over the Catholic one, and 
then interfered to save his rival's life, and then ask ourselves how these 
historians would have represented the facts ! But against the Church 
and her champions falsehood is and always has been permissible. Let 
us add that these writers have not even the pretence of contemporary 
authority for their slanders. The only author whose expressions could 
seem to show that the pope had any share in Burdin's treatment is Wil- 
liam of Tyre. But he wrote half a century later, and consequently his 
testimony has no value, especially as he says that Calixtus overcame 
Burdin by the help of the emperor : " ejus fretus auxilio ! " 

2 GUILL. MALM., De Gest. reg. Angl., i. See PAND. PISAN., ap. Mu- 
RATORI, iii. p. 418. 

3 " Domino itaque Callisto gloriose praesidente, et raptores Italiae et 
Apulise perdonante." SUGER, I. c. 


his authority in other Christian kingdoms by means 
of the zealous legates, whose experience was of 
such value to him in the Church's warfare. 1 Car- 
dinal Peter, son of Leo, 2 a monk of Cluny, filled 
this office in a part of France and in the British 
Islands, including the Orkneys. 3 Bishop Gerard 
of Angouleme exercised the same functions in the 
five provinces of Aquitaine and Bretagne ; 4 and 
Conon of Palestrina, so long the right arm of the 
legitimate papacy, continued to hold his former 
position in the provinces of France, properly so 
called. 5 In his apostolic journeys, Conon was 
accompanied 6 by William of Champeaux, Bishop 
of Chalons, surnamed the pillar of doctors? and 
who, in the conferences with the emperor, had 
been the pillar of the Church. They together held 
a provincial council at Beauvais, where, on account 
of innumerable miracles, they canonised the holy 
monk, Arnoul of Soissons, so long Gregory VIII.'s 
legate and auxiliary in Flanders. William of 

1 "Apostolici culminis securitate potitus, libera auctoritate, qua 
Romanum pontificem niti sequum esse probatur, quaquaversum per 
legates suos utebatur." EADM., Hist, novor., b. v. p. 99. 

2 He who was afterwards anti-pope under the name of Anacletus II. 

3 EADM., I. c. 

4 Dol, Tours, Bourges, Bordeaux, and Auch, by a bull of October 16, 
1120. Ap. PAGI, Grit., c. 21. 

5 Rheims, Sens, and Rouen. 

6 " Habens secum velut magnum auxiliatorem . . ." Chron. Maur., 
p. 372. 

7 " Columna doctorura." Fit. S. Arnulfi in D'ACHERY, Spicil. and 
Condi., vol. xii. p. 1311, where may be seen very curious details of the 
procedure followed by the bishops for this canonisation. Cf. D'ACHERY, 
Spicil., vol. i. p. 633, in not., folio ed. 


Champeaux died shortly afterwards ; 1 but his 
death did not prevent the legate Conon from 
holding another council at Soissons in the spring 
of 1121, where he pronounced a first sentence 
against Pierre Abelard, the celebrated and un- 
grateful pupil of William of Champeaux, whose 
appearance and whose doctrines presented to the 
Church a new species of enemy to be fought and 
vanquished. 2 

1 January 1121. 

2 What relates to this early history of Abelard will be found further 




Adalbert, named legate by Calixtus, organises the party of resistance. 
The armies face each other on the banks of the Mein, 1121. A diet 
convoked at Wiirzburg. Admirable conduct of the confederated 
princes. Letter of Calixtus to Henry V. Assembly and treaty at 
Worms. Grand spectacle on the banks of the Rhine. Joy of Calix- 
tus equal to that of the nation. (Ecumenical Council at the Lateran. 
Consequences of the peace between the pope and emperor. Erroneous 
value placed on the agreement of Worms. What would have hap- 
pened if the papacy had not won the victory. Great champions of 
the Church. Pagan Rome contrasted with Christian Rome. Private 
life of the monks in different monasteries. Monks of Bee philoso- 
phers, grammarians, and savants. William of Champeaux and the 
schools of Paris to which foreigners flocked. Foundation of the Uni- 
versity of Cambridge. Jurisconsults, physicians, and historians in 
monasteries. Cloistered life specially tempting to the higher classes. 
The abbey called Mont-des-Anges in Unterwald. Osmund, Main- 
sende, and their son and biographer. The Abbey of Fontevrault a 
refuge for high-born widows. Baudouin, Count of Flanders, becomes 
a monk of St Bertin. Foundation of the Abbey of Kloster Neubourg, 
near Vienna. Otho, Bishop of Bamberg, the restorer and founder of 
abbeys. Money collected to re-establish ruined monasteries. The 
Earl of Lothian at Tiron. Projects of the Emperor Henry V. against 
the kingdom of France. France, in the time of Louis le Gros and 
and Suger, was called the Queen of nations. Greatness of the abbeys 
of Cluny and of Monte Cassino. The orders of monks objects of 
envy and hatred to princes and even to bishops. A monk of Monte 
Cassino undertakes the defence of monastic orders, which are also 
avenged by Pope Calixtus II. 

FROM this time France and England, as well as 
the whole of Italy, recognised the great pope who 


had lately presided at Rheims over the solemn assize 
of Christendom. Schism, in losing Burdin, had 
lost its centre. The emperor alone now remained 
to be subdued. Left alone at Yvoi (1119) after 
the miscarriage of the conference of Mouzon, op- 
pressed by the sentence of excommunication pro- 
nounced at Rheims, the most solemn ever directed 
against any sovereign, Henry went, sad and soli- 
tary, to spend Christmas at Worms, 1 a town deeply 
devoted to his cause. The princes had deserted the 
imperial court ; the small number of bishops who 
had remained with the emperor diminished day 
by day. Bishop Burckhard of Munster, the most 
devoted of his creatures who had advised Pascal's 
imprisonment, had died on an embassy to Constan- 
tinople, whither he had gone to negotiate with the 
Byzantine Court 2 in Henry's favour. The Arch- 
bishop of Treves, hitherto neutral, had joined Calix- 
tus ; 3 the Bishop of Strasburg, Vice - Chancellor 
of the empire, had submitted to the pope as soon as 
he heard of the decrees of Rheims. The emperor, 
instead of trying to win back the prelate, sent him 
into exile, 4 where he was equally ill treated by 
the penitent bishops of Welpire and of Worms, 5 
who had been driven from their sees, and by the 
Bishop of Liege. This diocese was then one of 

1 "Natale Domini Wormatise non imperialiter celebravit." Chron. 
Ursperg., ann. 1120. 

2 Chron. Ursperg., ann. 1121 ; STENTZEL, i. 695. 

3 See above. Cf. GERVAIS, i. 302. 

4 STENTZEL, ibid., ex MART^NE, Ampliss. Colled., i. p. 676. 
6 Chron. Ursperg., ann. 1121. 


the largest in the empire ; it possessed the most 
flourishing schools, 1 and passed for the most power- 
ful, on account of the number and nobility of its 
feudatories. It had served as a refuge to Henry 
IV., and had always been considered as the chief 
centre of the schism. Having become vacant by 
the death of Olbert, one of the most ardent parti- 
sans of the imperial cause, the see was given by 
the emperor to Archdeacon Alexander of Juliers, 
who had brought him the crosier and ring of the 
late bishop. 2 But the chapter, encouraged by the 
metropolitan, Frederic of Cologne, would not re- 
cognise the choice, and elected their provost, Fre- 
deric, brother of the Count of Namur, whom Pope 
Calixtus consecrated at the Council of Rheims. A 
bloody war resulted, in which was repeated the great 
struggle then tearing the empire to pieces. The vast 
diocese of Liege, extending through Brabant and 
Lorraine, was cruelly ravaged. The Duke of Bra- 
bant, the Counts of Dliren and Montaigu, and the 
greater part of the immediate vassals of the bish- 
opric, 3 fought for the imperial candidate. But the 
Counts of Namur, of Limbourg, and of Fauque- 
mont, nearly the whole city of Liege, an immense 
majority of the clergy, and all the abbeys, 4 took 

1 "Leodium civitas . . . studiis literarum prse ceteris apprime farnosa." 
Ghron. Ursperg., ana. 1117. 

2 It is said that Alexander paid the emperor seven thousand livres of 
silver to obtain the dignity. CHAPEAUVILLE, GesL Episc. Leodensium, 
vol. ii. c. 21 ; ap. Condi. , xii. 1308. 

3 " Pene tota familia Ecclesise cum suis viribus." Ibid, 

4 "Civitas fere tota et omnes episcopatus abbates." Ibid. " De 


part with the bishop-elect, who represented the 
cause of ecclesiastical liberty. Abbot Kodolph of 
St Frond was especially distinguished for the zeal 
and steadiness with which he opposed the partisans 
of Alexander and the emperor; just as twelve years 
previously he had nobly striven, even to the point 
of suffering exile and all kinds of perils, to defend 
freedom of election in his own monastery, against 
the excommunicated candidate whom the emperor 
wished to introduce there. This time he again 
braved persecution by maintaining the same cause 
in his own diocese. Eather than communicate with 
the imperialists, he chose to abandon his monastery 
and take refuge at Cologne. 1 Frederic, thanks to 
the sword of his brother, the Count of Namur, 
finally triumphed, and received his rival publicly 
as a penitent ; but he died shortly after, poisoned 
by the schismatics, and honoured as a martyr by 
all Catholics. 2 These local wars were carried on in 
all the German States with various results and with 
periods of hesitation, and of overtures which, for 
the moment, gave hope of reconciliation between 
the emperor and the Saxon princes, now weary 
of conflict. 3 But the great Archbishop Adalbert, 

archidiaconis et prsepositis meliores et plurimi, clems quam plurimus." 
Chron. Rudal. abb. S. Trudonis in Spicileg., ii. p. 698. 

1 See the very curious and detailed account of Abbot Rodolph's trials 
in 1107 and 1119, in the Chronicle of St Frond, edited by himself, in 
Spirit., vol. ii. p. 686 et seq. 

2 Aqt. SS. Bolland., May 27. We are astonished to find nothing 
about this bull in the two histories of Liege, published by M. le Baron 
de Gerlache and M. L. Polain. 

3 We must again refer to Gervais for details of the wars and negotia- 
VOL. VI T. 2 N 


Adalbert, whom Calixtus had appointed legate, succeeded in 

named . . x 

legate by organising and keeping up a defence, winning, 1 by 
thf ai avt* ki s energy and eloquence, both bishops and princes 
ance sist ~ ^ ^is cause > anc '- communicating to the whole 
north of Germany a unanimous impulse of op- 
position to the emperor. In concert with Duke 
Lothaire and other Saxon princes, the archbishop 
busied himself in making canonical elections to the 
vacant sees, and especially to those of Magdeburg 
and Mimster, of men rejected by the imperialists 
on account of their steady devotion to the liberty 
of the Church, but whom he eagerly undertook to 
consecrate. 2 In this state of affairs Henry resolved 
to make a last attempt ; collecting all his forces, he 
besieged Mayence, as if he hoped to smother in the 
metropolitan stronghold those flames of resistance 
which Adalbert had kindled. But the archbishop 
redoubled his exertions. Having succeeded in in- 
teresting all orthodox Germany in the fate of this 
important city, 3 he hurried back from Saxony at 
the head of a considerable number of troops to 
defend it. The two armies came in sight of each 

tions during the years 1120 and 1121, carefully excepting the calumni- 
ous and altogether unsupported imputations made by this historian upon 

1 " Pontifices ac principes totius Saxonise pro utilitalibus matris Ec- 
clesise frequenter convocat . . . vir eloquens et primatum in Cisalpims 
partibus nmlti firmiter tenens." Chron. Ursperg., ann. 1121. 

2 " Litteris ac legationibus papse roborati cathedris vacantibus canoni- 
cse pastores elegerunt quos. . . . Mogontino prsesule . . . probabiliter 
et Ecclesiastica libertate consecrari fecerunt . . . contra voluntatem im- 
peratoris restituunt. " Ibid., 1120, 1121. 

3 "Ad defensionem metropolis totius Germanise animos omnium 
catholicam obedientiam profitentium tandem excitat.'* Ibid. 


other on the banks of the Mein in the middle of The armies- 
face to face 

June 1121. Henry was at last obliged to acknow- JjJ^* of 
ledge the impossibility of continuing the struggle ; ^e Mem,, 
the moment was one of bitter humiliation on all 
sides. Adalbert, his detested rival, the principal 
object of his hatred, was there with the half of 
Germany ranged in battle against him. Burdin, 
as will be remembered, had fallen from the pon- 
tifical throne where the emperor had seated him. 
His brother-in-law, William, the only son of the 
King of England, whose tyrannical disposition to- 
wards his future subjects had already made itself 
manifest, had just perished with his half-sister and 
three hundred companions by the wreck of his 
ship upon a rock near the Norman coast during a 
perfectly calm night. 1 The world had seen in this 
terrible catastrophe a striking instance of divine 
justice. "Your William," wrote a certain monk, 
" was dreaming of the greatness of his future 
royalty ; 2 but God said to him, Not so, impious 
prince not so ; and instead of being encircled by 
the golden crown, his head was crushed against the 
rocks of the sea." 3 

During this time, in all the churches of Germany 
fasts were held, and fervent prayers and solemn 

1 November 25, 1120. 

2 " Quae res multorum mentes exterruit atque turbavit et de occultis justi 
Dei judiciis in admirationem concussit." EADM., Hist, nov., b. 5, ad Jin. 

3 " Ille de regno future cogitabat, Deus an tern dicebat : Non sic, im- 
pie, non sic : contigit autem ei quod pro corona aim, rupibus marinis 
capite scinderetur." HENRI c. HUNTINGDON., Ep. de contempt, mundi 
in Anglia sacra, ii. 696 ; cited by THIERRY, Conquete de I'Angleterre. 


processions were made for the safety of Mayence 
and the restoration of peace. At the most critical 
juncture the pope's legates arrived. Calixtus, far 
from being intoxicated by his triumph at Rome, or 
inclined to abuse it, still showed himself as ready to 
treat as before the excommunication at Rheims : he 
displayed the most conciliatory disposition, and the 
most ardent desire that under his pontificate peace 
should be made throughout the Christian universe. 1 
Two of his cardinals, Lambert of Ostia and Gre- 
gory, both of whom were destined to occupy the 
pontifical throne after him, 2 and who had already 
been in communication with Henry V., were com- 
missioned, immediately after Burdin's capture, to 
return to Germany, 3 and to neglect nothing needful 
to attain the object of the pope's noble ambition. 
Their influence certainly contributed to the pre- 
valence of those pacific dispositions which were 
plainly shown by the great personages of both 
armies, and which induced them, instead of fight- 
ing, to approach each other with a desire to 
arrange terms of accommodation. 4 

1 "Per litteras et nuntios vestros cognovimus circa hsec raaxime 
semper versari vestrse pietatis desideria, lit Apostolica dispensatione 
vestris potissimum diebus pax et concordia descenderent .in universum 
mundum." Ep. ADALB. ad Calixt. Ampl. Collect., vol. i. p. 671. 

2 They had for a colleague Saxo, cardinal-priest of St Stephen. 

3 They returned to Rome at the end of August 1121. Cf. PAND. 
PISAN. and FALCO BENEVENT., ap. PAGI, Crit., ami. 1121, c. 6 and 9, 
whence it is natural to conclude that they took part in the negotiations 
of the months of June and July in Germany. Gervais, who willingly 
represents in a false light the Church's position at the end of the contest, 
makes no mention of this first mission of the three legates. 

4 " Missis utrimque quibusdam sapientissimis atque religiosis pro- 


The emperor was obliged to yield to this irre- 
sistible movement, and consent that the solution 
of the important question in debate between the 
Church and the empire should be confided to 
twenty-five princes, chosen among those who were 
supposed to be most influenced by the fear of God ; 
twelve from his party, and twelve from that of the 
Church. 1 A general diet was convoked at Wlirz- A diet con- 
burg for St Michael's Day (1121), in order to con- 
elude this much-desired peace. 

When the two armies found themselves within 
a day's march of each other on the banks of the 
Wernitz, there was, indeed, considerable tempta- 
tion to renew hostilities ; 2 but the emperor this 
time remained faithful to his oath, and consented 
that all questions should be settled according to 
the princes' decision. 3 The latter, both lay and 
ecclesiastic, but headed by the bishops, 4 showed 

ceribus, de concordia sua scilicet fraterna houorabiliter tractare ccepe- 
runt." Chron. Ursperg., ann. 1121. 

1 " Mentibus universorum tarn in uno divinse voluntatis assensu con- 
nexis . . . ut ipse praesens negocium non suo, sed optimatum utriusque 
partis arbitrio terrainandum decreverit ... ex utraque parte XII prim- 
ates, quorum corda timor Dei possidens inveteratam discordiam inter 
regnum et sacerdotium sedare . . . resistens sufficeret. " Ibid. 

2 " Licet nonnulli pacem odientes scandala nova veteribus super- 
semi nare tentaverunt. " Ibid. 

3 "Imperator sponsionis suse non immemor . . . quantum . . . non 
sui arbitrio . . . sed juxta senatusconsultum concludi per omnia in 
omnibus concessit." Ibid. 

4 We cannot find anywhere a list of these nobles ; to admit with 
Gervais (vol. i. p. 324, note 3) that the princes whose decision was 
acknowledged as sovereign were all, or nearly all, laymen, would be to 
disregard all the indications of history, and all the customs of the time, 
especially in Germany. Besides, we see in Charton, vol. i. p. 671, and 


themselves worthy of their high mission; they dis- 
played a spirit of justice, moderation, and gener- 
osity, which testified to their greatness of soul and 
their high intelligence, and proves how well they 
were fitted to decide the destinies of their country, 
and to interpose as mediators between the Church 
tind the sovereign, 1 both of whom they had served 
so bravely. Faithful to the spirit of the conven- 
tions agreed to by the emperor and the pope's 
plenipotentiaries at Strasburg, they began by de- 
creeing, under pain of death, the commencement 
of a general and complete peace, the reciprocal 
restitution of all domains and heritages usurped 
from the royal revenue, from the Church, or from 
the lawful heirs; the re-establishment of justice 
and of the privileges of each order ; 2 and the rig- 
orous prosecution of robbers. Thus the temporal 
interests of the empire were provided for wisely 
and justly; but the spiritual question, the chief 
cause of the quarrel, still remained to be settled. 
The custom of investiture was, in the eyes of most 
of the lay nobles, an hereditary appanage of the im- 
perial dignity; and when Archbishop Adalbert had 

Chron. Ursperg., p. 1121, that Adalbert and Otho of Bamberg had an 
important share in the proceedings. 

1 STENTZEL (i. 701) and GERVAIS (i. 330) have well shown the im- 
portance and the merits of the princes' interference on this occasion ; 
but we think that they have insisted too much on the novelty of such an 
intervention, numerous examples of which are supplied by the previous 
history of Germany and of all the European States. 

2 "Omnique personae vel conditioni propriam adjudicatam est justi- 
tiam." Chran. Ursperg. 


explained the law of the Church, he found himself 
considered by many as the destroyer of the em- 
pire. 1 It was then that those princes to whom the 
emperor had intrusted his prerogatives, those all- 
powerful warriors who had become the arbitrators 
of the spiritual and temporal future of the empire, 
gave the most astonishing proof of their modera- 
tion and true wisdom by abstaining from judging 
this aspect of the cause, and leaving it to the pope 
to decide in a general council all that referred to 
investitures and to the imperial excommunication. 
Guided by the fear of God, they chose to refer to Admirable 
the judgment of the Holy Spirit a question which the con- 
they found insoluble by means of purely human princes. 
skill. 2 They contented themselves, therefore, with 
advising the emperor never to lose sight of the 
obedience due to the Holy See, 3 and with promis- 
ing solemnly that they would all endeavour sin- 

1 "Tarn imperium quam imperator tan quam hereditario quodam jure 
baculum et annulum possidere volebant, pro quibus uiiiversa laicarum 
multitude imperil nos destructores inclamabat." Ep. ADALB., ad Pap., 
ap. MARTEINE, I. c. It is evident that this unanimity must not be 
taken literally, nor applied to all the nobles, since at least half of them 
had for fifty years been fighting against the imperial right of investiture. 
If it had existed, this right would certainly not have been abandoned by 
universal consent in the treaty which was the result of these negotiations. 

2 " De verbo autem excommunicationis . . . nihil est definitum, 
tamen ad Apostolicam audientiam concorditer in divino timore dilatum 
. . . quatenus indicto per auctoritatem Apostolicam generali concilio 
quaecumque, humano non possent Spiritus Dei judicio terminarentur." 
Okron. Ursperg. ,L c. " Judicio et consilio domini Apostolici, causam im- 
peratoris determinandam reservantes. " Chron. ffildeshdm., ann. 1121. 

3 This formula pads contains the bases of the accommodation such 
as they were no doubt submitted to the pope, and communicated to the 
absent princes. Cf. JEHVAIS, i. 329 ; STENTZEL, i. 700. 


cerely to bring about his reconciliation with the 
Church, and to make the settlement of the question 
of investitures compatible with the honour of the 
imperial crown. 1 This was not all ; they ordered 
that the bishops lawfully elected and consecrated 
by Adalbert should be maintained or established 
in their sees. Catholics were authorised to com- 
municate provisionally with the emperor, until 
an answer should arrive from Eome ; 2 but pre- 
viously the princes engaged to interpose their 
authority in case of the emperor attempting to 
avenge, upon any one, injuries received during 
the war; and they did not separate until they 
had sworn to maintain the bases of an accom- 
modation decided upon among themselves, even 
if the emperor should violate them. 3 The Bishop 
of Spire and the Abbot of Fulda were sent to 
Rome with the results of the conference : they 
returned at the beginning of 1122, with the three 
cardinals, Lambert, Gregory, and Saxo, who had 
already, in the preceding year testified to the 
pacific intentions of Calixtus. 4 They arrived in 

1 "Principes sine dolo et sine dissimulatione elaborare intendunt, ut 
in hoc regnum honorem suum retineat." Formula pacis, I. c. 

2 " Donee id fiat, episcopi et omnes catholici, sine ulla injuria et 
periculo communionem suam custodiant." 

3 "Siautem imperator hoc consilium prseterierit, principes sicut ad 
invicem fidem dederunt, ita earn observent." We do not know what