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W. C. FARABEE, Chairman ex-officio ; JOHN R. SWANTON, Secretary ex- 
officio; S. A. BARRETT, S. CULIN, J. W. FEWKES, A. A. GOLDEN- 

JOHN R. SWANTON, Editor, Washington, D. C. 
ROBERT H. LOWIE and FRANK G. SPECK. Associate Editors 

F. W. HODGE (Chairman) ; J. W. FEWKES, B. LAUFER, 
Advisory Sub-Coininittee 












Recent Explorations in Northwestern Texas. Warren K. Moore- 



Notes on Shell Implements from Florida. Clarence B. Moore 12 

Words for Tobacco in American Indian Languages. Roland B. 

Dixon i9 

Notes on the Stone Age People of Japan. H. Matsumoto 50^ 

Observations on the Anthropology of Hawaii. A. L. Kroeber 129 

Demon Design on the Bornean Shield: A Hermeneutic Possibility. 

Nenozo Utsurikawa 138 

Further Notes on Isleta. Elsie Clews Parsons i49 

A Note on Aesthetics. Robert H. Lowie 170 

An Unusual Group of Mounds in North Dakota. George F. Will. . 175 
The Need of Archaeologic Research in the Middle West. Frederick 

Houghton ^°° 

Aboriginal Sites in and near " Teaoga," now Athens, Pennsylvania. 

Part I. Louise Welles Murray 183 

The " Blond " Eskimos. Diamond Jenness 257 

Aboriginal Sites in and near " Teaoga," now Athens, Pennsylvania. 

Part II. Louise Welles Murray 268 

Tinneh Animism. John W. Chapman 298 

The Stone Statues of Nicaragua. S. K. Lothrop 311 

The Ceremonial Societies of the Quileute Indians. Leo. J. Frach- 

tenberg 320 

Charles Pickering Bowditch. Alfred M. Tozzer 353 

Aboriginal Tobaccos. William Albert Setchell 397 

The Supernatural in Tonga. E. E. V. Collocott 4^5 

A Preliminary Report on the So-called " Bannerstones." John 

Leonard Baer 445 

Egyptian Medicine: A Critical Study of Recent Claims. T. Win- 
gate Todd 460 

The Linguistic and Ethnological Position of the Nambicuara Indians. 

Rudolph Schuller 47i 




^Seneca Fiction, Legends and Myths (Krocbcr) yi 

ScHALLMAYER : Vererbung und Auslese. Grundriss der Gesell- 

schaftsbiologie und der Lehre vom Rassedienst (Lozvic) y^ 


Hewitt : 

Beckwith : The Hawaiian Romance of Laieikawai, with Introduc- 
tion and Translation (Krocbcr) 80 

Hart: The Psychology of Insanity (Lozvic) 215 

TCroerer * 1 

r-Source Book in Anthropology (Lozvic) 216 

Waterman: J 1 &J' v / 

James : An Introduction to Anthropology (Krocbcr) 217 

Morice: Essai sur I'origine des Denes de I'Amerique du Nord 

(Dixon) 218 

Thompson : To the American Indian (Krocbcr) 220 

Frachtenberg: Alsea Texts and Myths (Krocbcr) 221 

Grinnell: When Buffalo Ran (Gnnthcr) 222 

Schmidt: Die Gliederung der Australischen Sprachen (Krocbcr) . . . 224 

Jenness : The Northern D'Entrecasteaux (Lozvic) 226 

Wilder: A Laboratory Manual of Anthropometry (Schults) 360 

Bolton : New York City in Indian Possession (Krocbcr) 363 

Hodge : Hawikuh Bonework (Kidder) 363 

Bushnell: Native Cemeteries and Forms of Burial East of the 

Mississippi (Skinner) 366 

Nordenskiold: The Changes in the Materia] Culture of Two Indian 

Tribes under the Influence of New Surroundings (JVisslcr) .... 370 

Smith : "1 

^The Ila-speaking Peoples of Northern Rhodesia (Spier) . . 372 

Theal: History of South Africa from 1873 to 1884 (Starr) 374 

VoN LuscHAN : Zusammenhiinge und Konvergenz (Krocbcr) 478 

Mason : A History of the Art of Writing (Krocbcr) 478 

Gushing : Zuni Breadstuff (Krocbcr) 479 

Wiedermann : Das Alte Agypten (Breasted) 480 


Africa and the Discovery of America (Leo Wiener). 83. A Rejoinder 
(Roland B. Dixon), 94. The Reindeer (Gudmund Hatt), 97. Who 
Were the Padouca? (Truman Michelson), loi. The Central Ara- 
waks : A Reply to Dr. Roth ( William C. Farabee), 230. Indian Corn 


Hills (A. I. Hallowell), 233. A Haida Kinship Term among the 
Tsimshian ( E. Sapir), 233. Anthropometric Measurements (Har- 
ris Hawthorne Wilder), 234. Note on Cadzow's "Native Copper 
Objects of the Copper Eskimo" (D. Jenness), 235. The Classifica- 
tion of American Languages (Truman Michelson), 236. Some Criti- 
cisms of Curtis's "Songs from the Dark Continent" (Agnes C. L. 
Donohugh), 237. Note on the Hunting Territories of the Sauk and 
Fox (Truman Michelson), 238. Pressure-fracture Processes: An 
Omission (Walter E. Roth), 239. Copper Objects of the Copper 
Eskimo — A Reply (Donald A. Cadzow), 378. Dental Decoration 
■ (E. E. Schneider), 379. Smoking and Tobacco among the Northern 
Denes (A. G. Morice), 482. 


Note on the Night Chant at Tuwelchedu which Came to an End on De- 
cember 6, 1920 (Elsie Clews Parsons), 240. Notes by G. Comer on 
the Natives of the Northwestern Shores of Hudson Bay, 243. Notes 
on the Nez Perce Indians (L. Farrand), 244. Some Chippewa 
Medicinal Receipts (Albert B. Reagan), 246. Anthropology in New 
Zealand, Australia, and Japan (Clark Wissler), 381. An Example 
of Eskimo Art (George 'Grant MacCurdy), 384. A Kite-flying In- 
vocation from Hawaii (Joseph S. Emerson), 386. A Note on Twins 
(Esther Schiff), 387. The Alabama Anthropological Society (Peter 
A. Brannon), 489. 


Obituary notice of Professor H. P. Steensby, 115. American Foundation 
in France for Prehistoric Studies, 115. Seventieth anniversary of 
Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, 116. Election of Professor Franz Boas, 117. 
Appointment of Mr. Philip Ainsworth Means, 117. Trip of inspec- 
tion of Dr. J. W. Fewkes, 117. Honor conferred upon Dr. A. 
Hrdlicka, 117. Appointment of Dr. Aristides Mestro, 117. Appoint- 
ment of Dr. Luis Maria Torres, 117. Death of Professor Carl Toldt, 
117. Appointment of Mr. J. A. Jeangon, 117. Field work of Mr. 
Sylvanus G. Morley, and Mr. William E. Gates, 117. Obituary notice 
of Mr. George W. Grayson, 250. Anthropological publications of the 
Canadian Arctic Expedition, 251. Death of Mr. Charles P. Bow- 
ditch, 252. Field work of Mr. Arthur C. Parker, 252. Appointment 


of Mr. Leslie Spier, 252. Death of Miss M. A. Czaplicka, 252. 
Death of Professor £mile Houze, 253. Activities of Dr. Richard 
Thurnwald, 253. Field work of Mr. Harlan I. Smith, 253. Field 
work of Dr. Carl E. Guthe, 253. Sir J. Frazer appointed President 
of Section H, B. A. A. S., 253. Honors conferred on Mr. Vilhjalmur 
Stefansson, 253. Lectures before the Academy of Science and Let- 
ters of Sioux City, Iowa, 253. Field work of Mr. Ralph Linton, 254. 
Professor George Grant MacCurdy assumes directorship, 254. Ap- 
pointment of Dr. Ernest A. Hooton, 254. Lectures by Sir Arthur 
Keith, 254. Grants made by the A. A. A. S. to anthropology, 254. 
Field work of Dr. S. A. Barrett, 254. Field work of Mr. Alanson 
Skinner, 255. Anthropological papers before Oklahoma Academy of 
Sciences, 255. Lecture by Dr. James H. Breasted, 255. Promotions 
in American Museum of Natural History, 255. Summer school con- 
ducted by the University of Arizona and the Universidad Nacional de 
Mexico, 255. Appointment of Dr. Frank G. Speck, 256. Expedition 
of Mr. William B. Cabot, 256. Incorporation of Indians on Rappa- 
hannock River, 256. Election of Dr. Ales Hrdlicka, 256. Appoint- 
ments in the U. S. National Museum, 256. Work by Mr. Alanson 
Skinner republished, 256. Establishment of a Science News Service, 
256. Fossil remains discovered by Professor Eugene Dubois, 389. 
Fiftieth anniversary of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great 
Britain and Ireland, 389. Death of Professor Rudolf Poch, 389. 
Appointment of Dr. W. D. Wallis, 389. Work written by Fathers 
W. Schmidt and W. Koppers, 390. Grand opera with Eskimo char- 
acters produced, 390. Work by M. H. Beuchat translated into Span- 
ish, 390. Merger of French journals, 390. Field work of Messrs. 
W. K. Moorehead and J. B. Thoburn, 390. Lecture by Dr. John C. 
Merriam, 390. Dr. Edward A. Spitzka presents collection to U. S. 
National Museum, 390. Election of Dr. Wm. Curtis Farabee, 390. 
Installation of Dr. Livingston Farrand, 390. Lecture by Dr. A. C. 
Haddon, 390. Dr. C. T. Loram president of section of anthropologic 
and philology of the South African A. A. S., 391. Field work of 
Dr. Ales Hrdlicka, 391. Appointment of Dr. R. H. Lowie, 391. 
Papers before San Francisco Society of the Archaeological Institute 
of America, 391. Field work of Mr. B. S. Guha, 391. Field work 
of Mr. John P. Harrington, 391. Dr. J. Howard Wilson and Mrs. 
J. B. Wilson erect museum, 392. Election of Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, 


392. Honor conferred upon Professor Franz Boas, 392. Resigna- 
tion of Baron R. von Hiigel and appointment of Dr. A. C. Haddon, 
392. Death of Professor George Frederick Wright, 392. Courses 
conducted by Dr. A. A. Goldenweiser, 392. Lectures by Professor 
Frederick Starr, 392. Discovery by Professor Marshall H. Saville, 

392. The American School in France for Prehistoric Studies com- 
pletes its first term's work; activities of the Director, Dr. George 
Grant MacCurdy, 392. Field work of Dr. H. J. Spinden, 393. Pro- 
motion of Dr. A. M. Tozzer, 393. Field work of Mr. S. J. Guernsey, 

393. Meeting of Anthropological Society of Philadelphia, 393. The 
knud Rasmussen Danish expedition, 393. Appointment of Mr. M. 
W. Stirling, 393. Activities of members of Bayard Dominick expe- 
dition, 393. Appointments in Peabody Museum, 394. The tercen- 
tenary of the death of Thomas Harriot, 394. Lectures by Sir Arthur 
Keith, 394. Appointment of Professor R. J. Terry, 394. Anthro- 
pological members of the Australian National Research Council, 394. 
Presidential address of Sir Baldwin Spencer, 394. Field work of 
Dr. Truman Michelson, 395. Appointment of Dr. A. M. Tallgren, 

395. Honors conferred upon Dr. Wm. Curtis Farabee, 395. Ap- 
pointment of Professor J. Dyneley Prince, 395. Anthropology at 
the Indian Science Congress, 395. The Second National Eugenics 
Congress, 395. Lectures by Professors H. F. Osborn and William 
F. Gregory, 395. Field work of Mr. Neil M. Judd, 396. Field work 
of Miss Frances Densmore, 396. Field work of Mr. W. E. Myer, 

396. Lectures by Mr. Sylvanus G. Morley, 396. Death of Mrs. 
Paul Burlin (Natalie Curtis), 396. Appointments of Messrs. Wal- 
demar Bogoras, Waldemar Jochelson, and Leo Sternberg, 396. An- 
nual Meeting of the Anatomical and Anthropological Association of 
China, 527. Preservation of Antiquities in the State of Alabama, 
528. The Twentieth International Congress of Americanists, 529. 
Announcement by the American School in France of Prehistoric 
Studies, 529. Death of James Mooney, 529. Death of Dr. Vincenzo 
Giuffrida-Ruggeri, 530. Appointment and field work of Dr. T. T. 
Waterman, 530. Investigations by Father Wilhelm Koppers, 530. 
Lectures by Professor Arnold van Gennep. 530. Death of James R. 
Murie, 530. Appointment of Dr. H. J. Spinden, 530. Appointment 
of Dr. Fay-Cooper Cole. 530. Field work of Dr. Rudolf SchuUer, 
531. Death of Oscar Montelius, 531. Field work of Mr. J. A. 
Jeancon and Dr. E. B. Renaud, 531. British A. A. S. discusses origin 

viii AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

of Scotch people, 531. Expedition by Dr. C. G. Seligmann, 531. 

Anniversary of Dr. Georg Schweinfurth, 531. 
Anthropology at the Philadelphia Meeting and Proceedings of the 

American Anthropological Association for 1920 102 

American Anthropological Association, Officers and Members, 1921. 118 

Proceedings of the Anthropological Society of Washington 493 

Proceedings of the American Ethnological Society 513 

American Anthropologist 


Vol. 23 January-March, 192 i No. i 


By warren K. MOOREHEAD 

r~^ OME years ago specimens were sent me from the Canadian 
y^^ Yalley in Texas. These seemed to indicate something dif- 
ferent from the ordinary artifacts from the Southwest. 
As a result of the acquisition of these few objects two expeditions 
were sent up the Arkansas valley. The first passed through 
Oklahoma and Kansas, the local work in Oklahoma being left in 
charge of Professor J. B. Thoburn of the Oklahoma State Historical 
Society. This survey continued on up the main river to its source 
in Colorado. It crossed to the Canadian just over the New Mexico 
line, came down to Handley's ruins, and remained there three 
weeks, ending its season at Muskogee in November, 191 7. Some 
thirty sites were found and mapped. In June, 1919, C. B. Franklin, 
Esq., was sent from Havana, Arkansas, through Oklahoma and 
up the main Arkansas into western Kansas, whence he crossed 
the panhandle of Texas to Handley's ruins. This survey mapped 
more than seventy sites. Mr. Franklin reported that ranchmen 
told him that there were other small stone buildings, or "Indian 
works," in out-of-the-way places farther up the river. Mr. Franklin 
paid particular attention to sites in Kansas along the main Arkansas, 
and on southern tributaries. He worked into northwestern 
Oklahoma, but found no particular change there. That is, the 
prevailing central Oklahoma types seem to continue up to the 
Cimarron river in the western panhandle of that State. His 
report is lengthy and he secured some 1500 specimens. 

A search through the Peabody Museum library reveals very 


[N. s., 23, 1921 

scant reference to remains in the panhandle of Texais. Mr. Ban- 
deher has stated that he heard of ruins on the upper Canadian, 
yet does not mention those farther down. I do not think he visited 

J. T. Eyerly, Esq., wrote a brief article in "The Archaeological 
Bulletin," some twelve years ago. He presented a small map of 
the Handley ruins, then known as "Buried City." Dr. Fewkcs 
visited the Handley ruins and excavated in one of the sites, securing 

k»'T"-'S^kA. ^^^B*n»^^9Btf&. )idS^^^^^^^H 


H:^ % ^ \%S "■'■ ^ 

..*^^. W 




Fig. I. — General view of one ot the larger toiindations in Handle 

county, Texas. 

ruin?, < )chiltrce 

therefrom a skeleton. Mr. James Mooney told me in Washington, 
some years ago, that he had heard of ruins in the northwestern 
part of Texas, and expressed the opinion that they should be exam- 
ined. So far as I can ascertain at present, nothing was published 
concerning these ruins save Eyerly's brief account, and none of 
the observers seemed to have reported the larger groups of ruins 
located farther up the river. 

After a careful study of the notes and specimens secured by 
Mr. Franklin, it appeared that the region was important archaeo- 
logically. Therefore, in January of this year I went to Oklahoma 

^Archaeological InsiiliUe of America, Series iv, Part 11, p. 137. 

moorehead] explorations IN NORTHWESTERN TEXAS 3 

and Texas and spent considerable time traveling through the 
Canadian valley and tributaries of that stream. Returning east 
the latter part of March, arrangements were made for the financing 
of a large expedition. The specimens discovered in the course 
of explorations were to be placed in the University of Pennsylvania 
Museum. The survey located itself on the ranch owned by 
Messrs. Sam and Oscar Handley, Wolf creek, Ochiltree county. 
We found there more than twenty buildings of stone, varying from 
six or eight to twenty-three meters in diameter. (See fig. i). The 
upper portions of all these have disappeared, and only the founda- 
tions remain, and these were from one to slightly over one meter in 
height. Ruins are scattered along a level plain, convenient to the 
creek, and covering approximately one square mile in area. Five of 
these were excavated, and the results added to those of the first 
and second surveys. Something like three hundred specimens 
were secured, chief among which were two restored vessels, one 
nearly complete vessel, and numerous metates, grinding stones, 
small minute arrow heads, stone knives, bone tools, etc. 

About twenty-five miles southwest, on the main Canadian, 
is a similar group on the ranch of Archie King, Esq., and now named 
King's ruins. Farther up the river at Plemons are Cottonwood 
and Tarbox creeks. On both of these are more buildings or founda- 
tions than occur at either King's or Handley's. The Cottonwood 
and Tarbox ruins almost join, the creeks being no more than two 
miles apart, and the buildings and graves extend back from the 
cafion edges a considerable distance on the plain. In most of these 
structures the stones have been placed on edge and the space between 
outside and inside of wall filled with earth intermingled with small 
stones. The thickness of the walls ranges from one-fourth to one- 
half or occasionally two-thirds of a meter. (See fig. 2). All are in 
ruins, the stones scattered, and accurate observations difficult to 
make. In some of the smaller structures there appears to be a 
slightly raised ridge of hard earth. On, or in, this large stones were 
placed on edge. The interior was excavated somewhat and there is 
a distance of one to one and one-half meters from the inside floor 
to the tops of the larger stones. Still farther up the river, on Ante- 


(n. s., 23, 1921 

lope and Dixon creeks, about twenty-five miles north of the town 
of Panhandle, are other groups of ruins. In the valley of Antelope, 
on a second terrace, stand the foundations of a building nearly 
fifty meters in length. Proceeding to the Landergin ranch, forty 
miles north of Amarillo, is yet another group. This one is somewhat 

'jFig. 2, — Excavation to base of the wall of a building: on Ilandleys ranch, showing 

stones in position. 

different from the others in that it is situated in a high pinnacle 
approximately one hundred meters above the plain. The space 
upon the summit is less than an acre in extent, and there are twenty- 
two foundations, nearly all of which are circular. There is no 
water on this summit and the nearest spring is more than a mile 
distant. A creek, half a mile away, is dry save during the rainy 
season. At the time the hill-top was occupied these people may 
have been able to secure water, but our party was unable to find any 
trace of a spring nearer than the one mentioned. An aged Mexican 
(nearly 80) named Isabel, living at the ranch, states there is no 
water save that spring, and that the Kiowa and Comanche and 
Apache, at various times, camped on the hill-top for protection. 
He visited them fifty or sixty years ago. They found the ruins 
there, but used the stones in building low walls, fireplaces, etc. 
He says they did not make foundations for their lodges. 

moorehead] explorations IN NORTHWESTERN TEXAS 5 

The expedition of 1920 did not extend operations beyond 
the Landergin ranch for the reason that it had collected sufficient 
photographs, specimens, and data for a preliminary survey of the 
region. We were informed by cattlemen, who are familiar with 
the range between Amarillo and the Pecos valley in New Mexico, 
that similar ruins continue almost to the head of the Canadian. 


Fig. 3. — Figure cut in sand-^tone bluH, Sam Hallock's ranch. C iinarron county, Okla. 
Thought by Thorbun to represent a Spaniard in armor. 

The pottery becomes more of the Pueblo-Cliff Dweller type, and 
in some of the ruins farther west, painted pottery is said to be 
found. I am willing to accept this, since all information given 
us by cattlemen was found to be correct. 

As a result of the last expedition, we have mapped nearly one 


(.V. s., 23, 1 92 1 

hundred sites or places where aboriginal work was in evidence. 
In Meade county, Kansas, we found irrigation ditches covering 
some seven to nine miles. This is the farthest east that such have 
been reported, so far as I can ascertain. Meade county was not 
settled in early times, but at a comparatively recent period. 
Broken pottery, flint chips, arrowheads, broken metates, and those 
curious objects made of lava, common in Arizona and New Mexico, 
were found. 

In the Oklahoma panhandle, along the Cimarron, we discovered 
several series of pictographs. (See fig. 3). Whether these are the 
most extensive in the United States, I do not know, but they are 
scattered through eight miles of bluffs, and upwards of three hundred 
were noted by Mr. Johnson, Professor Thoburn, and myself. Quite 
a few were photographed and others drawn by us. They are com- 

FiG. 4. — A ruin on Cottonwood creek, with graves in the foreground. 

mon, we are told, along the river for miles. AH should be studied 
and copied. Many of them were exceedingly well executed, are 
spirited, full of action, and evince no little artistic ability. Some of 
them are in color, others cut in the stone. Vandals have carved 
their names over and near many of these pictographs. The state of 
Oklahoma has been requested to take action to insure their preser- 


vation. One large buffalo is painted life size, and will compare 
with the poorer of the paintings found on the walls of French 
caverns. We placed signs some distance from the pictographs, 
requesting people not to deface these remarkable examples of 
aboriginal pictorial art. 

The survey of 1920 has opened a new field in American archae- 
ology. (See fig. 4) . On Cottonwood and Tarbox creeks alone, there 
are one hundred and nine stone graves in one group and more than 

F"iG. 5. — A large ruin on the second terrace, Antelope creek. 

forty buildings. On Antelope creek, ruins are scattered through 
three miles of mesa, second terrace, and lower terrace of the valley. 
All we could do was to photograph, measure, and excavate. We 
carried a crew of eight men, but did not have time to examine more 
than fifty or sixty graves, and we excavated in twenty or twenty- 
five buildings. The graves are somewhat like those in Tennessee. 
Many are lined with flat slabs, not a few have stones placed on edge 
enclosing a space tw^o by one-half meters. At a slight distance 
they give the impression of white men's burials, yet they are strictly 

Few regions in the Painted Desert present a more weird aspect 
than the Cottonwood, Antelope, Tarbox, Dixon, or Landergin sites. 


(See fig. 5). There is little vegetation save cottonwoods in the 
valleys. The cafions are brightly colored by disintegrated rocks in 
red, brown, white, and blue shades. Most of the groups do not 
appear to have been visited by any one save the few cattlemen of 
the region. 

From a little distance, the large flat stones, on edge, and spaced 
more or less regularly, give the impression of miniature Stone- 
henges. It is estimated that two or three winters' work are 
necessary to make proper explorations. Summers are very hot 
and there is a scarcity of good water, hence winter is the best 
season for field operations. 

The results of our labors will be set forth in a volume devoted 
to the archaeology of the Arkansas valley, to be published at some 
future time, and it is therefore a little premature to offer con- 
clusions, yet the writer would present a few observations based on 
the work done. 

Beginning in central Oklahoma, we note a change from the 
general culture of the Mississippi valley tribes. The grooved 
axe almost disappears, and a notched hand hatchet takes its place. 
The pottery of the middle Mississippi valley group begins to change, 
and little of it is found beyond Havana, Arkansas; and practically 
none occurs at Muskogee, Oklahoma. 

In central Oklahoma, the small mano stone appears in large 
numbers, and the pestle of eastern form disappears; this is signifi- 
cant, it seems to the writer. There is no sudden change, although 
a gradual one, until we reach Jackson's ranch, seven miles down 
Wolf creek from Handley's ruins. Here we find the first stone 
buildings, rectangular in form, and the stones placed on edge 
instead of laid flat. This is characteristic of most of the ruins in 
the panhandle that the stones are placed on edge. Man has not 
yet learned to build a good wall for his house. 

Several characteristics are common to all of these structures. 
They are not large, they are rudimentary, and to the writer's 
mind they mark the beginning of architecture in stone in the South- 
west. The fact that buildings are very small but seven miles 
from the larger and more developed group on the Handley's ranch, 

moorehead] explorations IN NORTHWESTERN TEXAS 9 

is not surprising. The large group mentioned was probably con- 
structed a few generations later than the first ones. Or, the 
people may have first built small settlements such as we found on 
Turkey and other creeks. Omission is made, in this article, of 
several lesser sites. As the people increased in numbers and per- 
fected construction, the larger groups, such as Cottonwood, Tarbox, 
Dixon, and Handley's, came into being by gradual and natural 
evolution. (See fig. 6). 

Fig. 6. — Large stones forming part of the walls of a building on Tarbox creek. 

It is suggested to other observers that the many scattered 
stones found throughout the region, and especially those which 
still lie in circles, were used to hold edges of skin tipis, there being 
little wood outside of the valleys. The region is noted for very 
severe high winds and heavy stones are needed to hold down tent 
edges. From use of stones to hold down the tipi or brush-covered 
lodge, to use of inore stones, is a step the intelligent Indian soon 
took. Abundance of suitable rock in the canons and draws afforded 
him material. Thin slabs, a meter or more in length, set on edge, 
and other slabs to form a second row, gave the natives a foun- 
dation on which might be laid a low adobe wall. Between the stones 
he filled in earth. We do not know the nature of the roof, whether 


it was composed of cottonwood timbers on which was placed earth, 
or of skins. It is quite apparent that we should not class all these 
stone structures as erected by a tribe which later perfected the 
Pueblo style of architecture on mesas, in valleys or cliffs. This, 
for the reason that many of the stone circles are not house founda- 
tions, and also that certain of the ruins do not contain enough 
stone to represent substantial foundations. A bird's-eye view 
of the several hundred buildings visited by the expedition, would 
indicate that they mark the transition period from residence in 
skin-covered tipis to — 

1. Small foundations with pole and skin coverings. 

2. Thicker walls, probably adobe construction above. 

3. Stones laid flat — rudimentary Pueblo-Clifif Dweller construc- 

The Pueblo people did occasionally migrate and we have some 
historical references to certain of them building in western Kansas. 
However, it is suggested that these Canadian \alley ruins are not 
pure Pueblo. Next to architecture, the dominant factor of Pueblo- 
Cliff Dweller culture is the high ceramic art these people developed. 
It is but two hundred miles from the Landergin ruins to Pecos 
Pueblo, where the art was high. The able researches of Dr. 
Kidder and Dr. Guthe have proved this. It is unthinkable that 
Indians would lose, or discard, their skill as potters in traveling 
that distance. There has been no true Pueblo-Cliff Dweller pottery 
found on any of the sites visited by our party. Therefore, one is 
led to believe that the Canadian valley culture developed as it 
proceeded westward, rather than that these sites are mere outposts 
of those well-known Pueblo people. 

As to the.age of these remains, nothing positive can be affirmed. 
The King and Handley ruins are built upon a previous village 
site where buffalo, bear, antelope, and other bones have been found, 
one-half to one meter below the foundations. This is not where 
an overflow from a stream has occurred, although it may be due 
to a gradual wash from the hillsides, one hundred and fifty to 
two hundred and fifty meters distant. 

None of the stones used in the houses were dressed, and there 

moorehead] explorations IN NORTHWESTERN TEXAS II 

are several openings or doorways in most of the larger struc- 
tures. The floors were ordinary clay, hard packed. No tur- 
quoise and no ocean shells were found in the rooms. The oldest 
Apache, Comanche, and Kiowa were assembled in council five 
times during March, 1920, on the reservation near Anadarko, 
Oklahoma, by the writer. Upwards of a hundred Indians were 
interviewed. The older men remembered hunting buffalo in 
the panhandle, and some of them were in the Adobe Walls fight 
of 1874. They all stated that they had ridden over many of these 
ruins, but knew nothing concerning the building of them; that the 
old men of those days also were ignorant; they occasionally camped 
on top of the bluff at Landergin's ranch, but their people did not 
build the stone circles there. 

I regret that space does not permit presentation of illustrations 
of more of the buildings and the pottery. It is not Mississippi valley 
form; it is not Pueblo; it probably marks the transition. Finally, 
there is nothing found indicating Mexican origin or Pueblo influence. 
On the contrary, so far as the writer can observe, w^e have a tribe 
originally living in the buffalo country and of "Plains Culture" 
status which changed as it spread westward up the Canadian. 
They also built irrigation ditches farther up the streams from their 
villages. As they moved farther away from the buffalo country 
they continued to change and develop until they established 
themselves in permanent villages^ — were no longer nomads— and 
finally became the Pueblo-Cliff Dweller people. 

Andover, Mass. 


CONSIDERABLE has been written^ about the interesting imple- 
ments of shell, made from conchs (Bjisycon) and from 
"horse-conchs" (Fasciolaria), which are found throughout 
almost the entire state of Florida and sparsely in neighboring 
regions, but are preeminent as to numbers and quality of make in 
the midden sites of the aboriginal Ke^^-dwellers along the south- 
western Florida coast between Mound Key in Lee county and Loss- 
man's Key in the county of Monroe, inclusi\-e. (See map, fig. 7). 

Farther south among the Keys, on the peninsula, and among the 
beautiful islands below it, these midden sites do not extend, doubt- 
less owing to the scarcity in their waters of the oyster, the principal 
article of diet among the eaters of shell-fish along the coast. 

This season (1920) was spent by us along the southwestern 
Florida coast among many aboriginal sites, most of which were 
familiar to us. Among these was Sandfly, formerly described 
by us as Wiggins Key, on Sandfly Pass, near Chokoloskee. At 
Sandfly we found a change of ownership- and name and that a 
considerable amount of territory had been cleared since our latest 
visit in 1904, all of it a midden site covered with shells left from 
aboriginal times. 

' Charles Rau, Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge 287, "The Archaeological 
Collection of the United States National Museum," p. 66, et seq., fig. 257. 

Frank Hamilton Cushing, "A Preliminary Report on the Exploration of Ancient 
Key-Dweller Remains on the Gulf Coast of Florida," Proceedings of the American 
Philosophical Society, vol. xxxv, no. 153, p. 38 et seq. 

C. B. Moore, Journal of the Academy of Natural Sciences, Phila.: "Antiquities of 
the Florida West-Coast," vol. xi, p. 380 et seq.; "Miscellaneous Investigation in 
Florida," vol. xiii, p. 315 et seq.; "Notes on the Ten Thousand Islands, Florida," 
vol. XIII, p. 463 el seq. 

C. B. Moore, "Notes on the Archaeology of Florida," American Anthropologist, vol. 
XXI, no. 4, Oct. -Dec, 1919, p. 401 et seq. 

2 Mr. C. T. Boggess, the present owner, kindly placed the entire property at our 
disposal for repeated search. 




Fig. 7.— Outline map of the southwestern coast of the Florida peninsula. 

14 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

Here, on one extensive field almost exclusively covered with 
oyster shells, we found only two or three shell implements. These 
were of the ordinary type met with along the southwestern Florida 
coast, where almost the entire shell is used and has holes, or a hole 
and a notch, in the body whorl, somewhat below the shoulder, 
permitting the handle to enter the shell almost at right angles. 

In another great field, however, abounding with implements, 
practically all the shell tools made from the conch (Busycon) proved 
to be variants and had either one or two large holes in the top of the 
shell above the shoulder, and none intended for handles below it.^ 

About a score of these shell tools from Sandfly, variants so 
far as the southwestern Florida coast is concerned, were sent to 
Mr. Charles C. \\'illoughby who very kindly has written as to the 
method of their hafting, and has presented to us three specimens 
hafted by him as shown in the illustrations, two from Sandfly and 
one from near the eastenn coast of Florida. 

The shell implements you sent for examination fall naturally into two groups 
— those with a single hafting perforation, and those with double perforations for 
hafting. All of these holes, whether single or double, are in the outer whorl of 
the spiral body above the shoulder. A few other minor perforations or fractures 
occur in the body of some of the shells, either above or below the shoulder. Judg- 
ing by the weathering of their edges, some are as old as the hafting perforations, 
and as you suggest, may have been made to free the fish from the shell. Others 
are clearly of later date, for their edges show less weathering and some of the holes 
and fractures are relatively recent. I do not think that any of these smaller 
perforations had anything to do with the hafting of the implements, but that all 
of the twenty-two shells sent fall within one of the two above-mentioned groups. 

I find practically no evidences of wear caused by the haft in any of the imple- 
ments. Some of the hafting perforations are quite symmetrical with smooth 
edges, others a.'e more roughly fashioned. The smoother edges, howe\'er, seem 
to be the result of superior workmanship rather than of wear. 

It will be noticed that nearly all of the smaller implements come within the first 
group, and have but one perforation for the handle, while in the second ^roup two 
perforations are required to insure proper rigidity of the heavier tool. The method 
of hafting, illustrated in fig. 8, answers well enough for the smaller tool, as the 

1 To show how nearly universal was this rule we may say that besides many 
imperfect shell tools of this class, some having one hole in the top and some two holes, 
we got from this field, entire or almost so, twenty implements each having two holes 
above the shoulder, and fourteen having one hole so placed. But two exceptions 
were found, each having a single hole below the shoulder and none elsewhere. 




upper portion of the spire prevents the looped end of the haft from working loose 
in the ordinary light work such as the implement would naturally be used for. 

The looped end of the handle of the heavier shell, however, (fig. 9), would 
soon become loosened by the additional strain and turn upward over the shell's 
apex, were it not held securely by the binding which passes through the second 
perforation. Most of the implements have picklike narrow cutting edges. 
Some of the larger ones, however, have adze-like edges. All were ground while 

Fig. 8. — Method of hafting. About one-quarter size. 

holding the aperture of the shell downward towards the abrading surface of the 
limestone, or other substance used for the purpose. The ground surface near the 
beak of the shell is therefore on about the same plane as the aperture. When the 
implement is being hafted, the handle can be adjusted so as to bring the cutting 
edge approximately parallel to it, or at right-angles, or into almost any position 

With the Indian's proficiency in such work, it would not take him long to select 
a shell of the proper size from which the fish had been previously extracted, grind 

Fig. 9. — ^Method of hafting. About one-quarter size. 

its beak to an edge, perforate the body whorl, and insert a haft. With a single 
blow of such a tool the body shell of a live Busycon could be quickly perforated 
to facilitate the removal of the fish, and I am inclined to think that many of tiie 
smaller tools of this type were often used for this purpose. 

There is, of course, nothing new in the use of the looped handle such as I have 

l6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 23. 1921 

illustrated, except in its application to shell tools of this type for it was often 
employed by the Indians in hafting stone axes, mauls and clubs. 

And now to take up another point in relation to tools of shell. 
Many of these implements have holes for the handle so carefully 
rounded that one is uncertain how they were made. A solution 
can now be offered as to some of them at least. 

At Dismal Key we found a partly completed tool, evidently 
discarded on account of a crack accidentally de\eloped in the 
making. The body whorl of the shell had been cut back about 
four inches from the aperture; part of the beak had been broken 
off to leave an end sufficiently thick to bevel into a cutting edge. 
The interesting point about the shell, howe\er, is that in the place 
where a hole for a handle would be expected there is a round semi- 
perforation plainly made by pecking as shown in plate I. The 
margin of the hole later probably would have been ground into a 
regular surface. 

On the top of this shell, above the shoulder, a small, irregular 
hole has been knocked through and this brings us to another question 
which, though discussed before,^ may as well be brought to date. 

We know that some of the natives around Ke>' West, Florida, 
at the present time eat the conch (Busycon) and that, in order to 
aid in freeing the shell fish from its shell, the\' are accustomed to 
make a hole in it. Also we are told- that the aborigines of the 
West Indies made a small hole near the top of the shell (here the 
queen conch, Stromhiis gigas, is referred to) to aid in loosening the 
fish, and that the modern negro conch fishers there also break into 
the shell for this purpose but in different ways so that on finding 
these shells an investigator can determine by what class of persons 
the contents have been removed. 

On such of those southwestern Florida Keys, however, where 
conch shells {Busycon perversumy are found, often in great numbers, 
all brought there when their contents were used for food by the 
aborigines, while many of the shells have a small hole (in the top 

1 Notes on the Ten Thousand Islands, p. 463 et seq. 

^ Theodoor De Booy, Contributions from the Heye Museum, Number 9, p. 79. 
Reprinted from the American Anthropologist, vol. xvii, no. i, Jan. -March, 1915. 

3 Busycon carica, having the opening to the right as one faces it, is not found on 
the western coast of Florida. 


N. S., VOL. 23, PL. I 



as a rule), far greater numbers are without it. Therefore in this 
region we see that methods other than perforation of the shell 
often must have been practised to detach the fish. 

We note also that these holes, which are small as a rule and of 
course are found in quantities of shells that have not been made into 
implements, on occasion served a secondary purpose when the 
shells were wrought into tools. 

Gushing' in writing of his wonderful discoveries in the muck at 
Marco, a settlement at the northern end of Key Marco, tells us: 

Thus the stick or handle could be driven into these perforations [the large holes 
for the handle] past the columella in such manner that it was sprung or clamped 
firmly into place. Nevertheless it was usually further secured with rawhide 
thongs — now mere jelly — passed through one or two additional perforations in 
the head, and around both the stick and the columella. 

The present writer is fortunate in having received as a gift 
from Mr. Gushing a conch-shell implement from the Marco ex- 
ploration (fig. lo) having part of the wooden handle and showing 
plainly deep furrows indicating the former presence of the thongs 
described by him. The reader will see that probably starting from 
what is now a deep, central depression, evidently the location of a 
knot, a thong was carried to the reader's left, wound around the 
handle, brought back (as shown by the double groove), carried 
to the opening at the right where it was again looped around the 
handle, was led upward over the shoulder, part way not in contact 
with the shell, to the small opening above the shoulder, through 
which it was drawn around the handle inside the shell and then, 
returning through the same opening, was directed down over the 
shoulder to the starting point where the marked depression is 
apparent, and was there knotted to the other end and to the cross 
thong below. 

On all the hundreds, or probably thousands, of shell implements, 
dry surface finds, with one exception, that we have examined, no 
such furrows were apparent and we believe the marks on the shell 
in question were created by corrosive action in connection with 
the decomposition of the thongs, the acid affecting the lime of the 

1 Op. cit., p. 40. 




[n. s., 23. 1921 

shell lying in the wet muck, and were not the result of wear. The 
large tool found by us in the muck of the canal on Mound Keyi 

Fig. 10.— Shell tool from Marco, showing marks of thongs. Actual size. 

perhaps had been dropped there without a handle and the accom- 
panying thongs. 
Philadelphia, Pa. 

■ Certain AntiquUies of Ike Florida West-Coasl, p. 388. 



OF all the features of aboriginal American culture, the use of 
tobacco has long been regarded as one of the most char- 
acteristic. The idea of questioning its native character 
and antiquity could, in virtue of the mass of evidence indicating 
its use in very early times, hardly occur to anyone at all familiar 
with the results of American archaeology during the last generation. 
Professor Wiener, however, in a recent volume- has, in character- 
istically iconoclastic fashion, challenged this general conviction, 
and seeks to show, primarily on linguistic grounds, that not only 
are the words for tobacco over a large portion of the New World 
of West African Negro origin and ultimately derived from Arabic, 
but that the tobacco plant itself and the custom of smoking were 
unknown here until they were introduced, primarily by the 
Negro slaves brought over by the Portuguese and Spaniards, in 
the early part of the sixteenth century. Any question of the use 
of tobacco in America in pre-Columbian times is of course answered 
sufficiently and conclusively by the archaeological data and no 
amount of evidence that certain words for tobacco were of African 
origin could avail to prove the foreign introduction of the plant, 
in the face of the occurrence let us say of pipes or cigarettes in 
basket-maker or cliff-dweller sites, or of pipes in strata of typi- 
cal Toltec culture in the Valley of Mexico. While therefore, 

1 In spelling the many native words I have usually transliterated antiquated 
forms, where necessary, according to more modern usage. In a few cases, however, 
where the origmal forms are not open to misinterpretation, I have left the older spelling, 
but enclosed the forms in parentheses. I have not burdened the pages with the 
voluminous footnotes necessary to refer in every case to the sources from which the 
various words have been taken, since these are for the most part well known to 
linguistic students. In a few cases where it seemed desirable, full references have been 

-Africa and the Discovery of America, vol. i. Philadelphia, 1920. 


20 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23. 1921 

Professor Wiener's theory of the African origin of the plant itself 
and the custom of smoking, is manifestly quite indefensible, it is 
perhaps worth while to examine critically the evidence which he 
presents for the foreign origin of certain tobacco words. It will, 
I believe, be shown, that not only is there little or no foundation for 
the belief that American Indian words for tobacco are derived from 
Negro or European sources, but that the author of the theory 
could hardly have arrived at his conclusions, if his investigation of 
the whole question had been less superficial and more sound in 
method. Incidentally, this survey of the various words in use 
throughout the New World for a single object, brings out a number 
of interesting details as to possible culture contacts between rather 
widely separated tribes, and raises a number of rather puzzling 

Discussion of the data may be prefaced by a few words as to 
general principles. Native names for native products may in 
general be expected to be confined to languages of a particular 
linguistic stock, and each stock may thus be supposed to have its 
individual stem or stems which will not appear in unrelated lan- 
guages except in rare cases and then only where influence or contact 
exists or has existed. An introduced name for a foreign product 
on the other hand may be expected to show a distribution which is 
quite regardless of linguistic frontiers. Moreover, words of native 
origin in most cases may be expected on analysis, to show some 
relationship to stems of general meaning in the language; foreign 
words on the other hand, would either show no related stems, or 
only such as would naturally be derived from the exotic stem, 
and not of fundamental or general character. Similarities between 
words in unrelated languages naturally suggest borrowing, but 
this can not be regarded as proven, until analysis of the words 
has shown that they are not, after all, derived from quite different 
stems, and that the resemblance is thus only fortuitous. 

Knowledge, however, of perhaps the majority of American In- 
dian languages is still far too imperfect to enable us to do much in 
the way of analysis, and no one student can hope to be competent 
in this respect for all even of the languages for which we possess 


reasonably detailed knowledge. In what fallows, therefore, I have 
merely tried to gather together and present the data, calling atten- 
tion to such superficial, resemblances as seemed possibly signifi- 
cant, and only here and there attempting anything in the way of 

Beginning the consideration of tobacco words with those of 
North America, it may be noted that the various linguistic stocks 
fall rather easily into two groups, (i) those which, with a wide area 
of distribution, employ two or more different stems, and (2) those, 
in general of more limited extent, which have but a single stem 
Taking this latter group first, it appears that the stocks which it 
comprises fall naturally into a number of geographic subdivisions. 

The Southeastern group includes the Uchean and Timuquanan 
stocks, the word for tobacco in the former being i, in the latter 
hini. There is no certainty of any resemblance between these two 
forms, and the only suggestion of similarity with neighboring stocks 
is in the case of the Creek, Jiitci. 

The Gulf group presents somewhat paradoxical results, since 
the Attacapan, Chitimachan, and Tunican stocks which have 
recently been united by Swanton show three quite different forms 
(Attacapa, tsig; Chitimacha, net; Tunica, era); whereas the 
Coahuiltecan, ah, Karankawan, ak-anum, and Tonkawan, baqa, 
ne-bax-kan, seem to show considerable resemblance. On the 
other hand a second form, naots, given for Tonkawan, suggests 
possible relations with Chitimachan. With neighboring stocks 
there is a suggestion of relationship with the Caddoan, where the 
Wichita has tahah, and the Caddo, yahah. 

The Southwestern group with Zuiii, ana; Keresan, hami; and 
Tanoan ca, Le, tioye shows wide variability. The only form ex- 
hibiting similarities with other stocks is the Zufii, which may be 
compared with Navajo- Apache, nat'o, and possibly (?) with the 
Siouan stem, consonant + ani, or the Karankawan ak-anum. 

The Pacific Coast group is more widely scattered, but it too shows 
several examples of similarities. Beginning in the south we have 
Yukian, waimil; Yakonan, tcuursen; Kalapuyan, kainoL; Chinook, 
KainoL; -Wakashan, Lauk; Tsimshian, wundd; Haida, gul, kivil; 

22 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23. 1921 

Tlingit, gan[tc). Similarities are in all cases, as will be noted, 
between adjacent or supposedly related stocks. With neighboring 
stocks the only similarity noted is that of the Wakashan with 
the Bella Coola and Salishan tribes of Vancouver island. As 
the interior Salishan tribes all have a different term, it is obvious 
that the resemblance is due to the coastal tribes borrowing the 
Wakashan form. 

The Plateau group, finally, like the one just considered, shows 
but few cases of possible relationship between its members. We 
have: Klamath, katckal; Shahaptian, toh, tuwah; W^aiilatpuan, 
huntc, fidnp; Kutenay, yaket. The chief similarities with other 
stocks are Shahaptian tuwah with Hokan forms such as Shasta, 
oiva; Yuma, ova; Porno, kiiwa. A curious instance of probably 
accidental resemblance is that of the Waiilatpuan (Cayuse) huntc, 
with the Tlingit, gan(tc). 

The results of this comparison of the words used for tobacco 
by the smaller linguistic stocks, show that in general each stock 
has its own peculiar form, although in a few cases borrowing may 
have occurred between adjacent tribes. For none of the words 
in these stocks has Professor Wiener asserted an African source, 
and none show any resemblance to his three primary Negro forms, 
except possibly the Tunica. 

Turning now to the larger and more widely distributed stocks, 
we may begin with the Algonkian. The languages of which we 
have adequate information, have been grouped in four div^isions, 
the Blackfoot, Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Eastern-Central, of which 
the last comprises the great majority. The words for tobacco 
in all the languages of this last division except the Eastern section, 
are derived from a common stem sema or asdma: thus we have 
Cree-Montagnais, tcistemd; Menomini, ndnimau; Sauk, seiman, 
sdmon; Fox, Asdmaw"-; Kickapoo, nessdmon; Shawnee, Idema; 
Ojibwa, assdma; Potawatomi, sema; Ottawa, sema; Algonquin, 
semah. The phonetic variations are in accord with known sound 
modifications (Cree-Montagnais st, Menomini n, Shawnee 6 = 
general Central Algonkian s). It is dilhcult to see any grounds 
whatever for supposing this Central Algonkian stem, to have 


been derived from the Negro taba, tama, tawa, for as initial / is 
common in Algonkian languages, there is no reason to expect a 
modification of tama to sema. Since, moreover, the Arawak, 
word for tobacco (originally of " Negro origin ") which, it is claimed 
by Professor Wiener, was brought overland from the Gulf to the 
Iroquoian tribes of Ontario and the St. Lawrence was not tama 
but yidi, yari giving rise to yen-^ and since on the basis of his theory, 
the Central Algonkian tribes must have obtained both plant and 
name from this same source, there seems to be no possible way in 
which his tama stem of African origin could have reached them. 
Until the author of the theory explains how this could have 
occurred there can be no reason for giving the suggestion of African 
origin any serious consideration. 

The Eastern sub-division of the Central Algonkian languages, 
derive their words for tobacco from a different stem, viz., Micmac, 
tamdwd; Abnaki, iidaman; Maliseet, tumawe; Passamaquoddy, 
dumawai; Natick, wuttamaiiog; Narragansett, ottomaok. From 
this same stem, tama, AtAmd, the words for " pipe," and " to smoke " 
are also formed in these languages, and the words for " to smoke " 
in nearly all the rest of the Central Algonkian group. Professor 
Wiener might justly claim here, a virtual identity in sound between 
the Eastern Algonkian stem and his Negro tama — but, he has by 
his own statements denied himself the right to claim any relation- 
ship, since he states^ that only the Brazilian petun forms were 
introduced by the French up the St. Lawrence, and explicitly 
declares that, in the region between this river and Florida, the words 
for tobacco "proceeded northwards from Virginia, where the oldest 
form of the word is an abbreviated Span, tabaco or Fr. tabac^ 
This form apooke presents obviously no relation to the Micmac and 
other Eastern Algonkian words, so that again no evidence is pre- 
sented for the foreign origin of the American stem. 

The western languages of the Algonkian stock, differing as they 
do widely in vocabulary from those of the Central type, have, 
as might be expected, somewhat variant forms in their words for 

' Wiener; op. cit., p. 185. 
^ Ibid., p. 191. 

24 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

tobacco. The Blackfoot, pistakan, may conceivably be related to 
the Cree-Montagnais, tcistemau, and so ultimately derived from 
the general stem sema, asdma. The Arapaho, sisawa, and Gros 
Ventres, sedawa, are also, possibly related as is (?) the Cheyenne, 
tsinimo. That these western languages have, however, points of 
close contact with eastern forms is shown by the resemblance 
between the Blackfoot stem -tsissi, to smoke, and the Brother- 
town, ni-tsisimu, tobacco. The languages of the Lenape and 
southern Atlantic coast tribes offer further interesting variants. 
The Lenape themselves seem to employ a stem -cate, -tcate {ksha- 
iey, koshate, gutschartai, shaate) which suggests the Cheyenne- 
Gros Ventres stem for pipe, -tea, -tsa, or might on the other hand 
be compared with the neighboring Tuscarora and Cherokee, 
tcahu. On the other hand the word used for tobacco by the Vir- 
ginia tribes and their relatives {uppowoc, uhpook, apooke, hoohpaii) 
shows a stem from which these same tribes also derive their words 
for pipe {uhpoocan, paivpekon) and which is the basis furthermore 
for the words for pipe, not only in Lenape (hopoagan) and Natick 
(Jiopuonck), but also in all the Central Algonkian languages, viz., 
Cree, ospwagan; Montagnais, cpuagan; Menomini, ukpokan; 
Sauk and Fox, pwakan; Kickapoo, poakan; Shawnee, p'quaga; 
Miami, poakanoh; Illinois, poagan; Ojibwa, opwagan; Algonquin, 
opwagan. That all of these are derived from apooke and that this 
is a mere apocopation of tobacco (in which Professor Wiener enig- 
matically says that the /- appears as the "pronominal suffix"!) 
is a theory which without further evidence is not worthy of con- 
sideration. The other suggestion, ^ that the Cree-Montagnais 
stem pitu, to smoke, is derived from the French, petun in turn from 
the Brazilian petun, while superficially more credible, is certainly 
open to some question. The general Central Algonkian stem 
for "to smoke" is, as has been pointed out, AtAma, tama, AtAmd; 
the Ojibwa and Algonquin, however, use a stem sagas-, while the 
Cree-Montagnais as stated above, have pit or pitu. The fact 
that the supposed loan word is found only in these two closely 
related languages which extend over a very large area, and is 

1 Op. cit., p. 144. 


unknown to the other Algonkian tribes of Canada who had at 
least an equal opportunity of borrowing the word, makes the 
suggested origin not a little doubtful. 

The languages of the Muskhogean stock make use of two dif- 
ferent stems for their w^ords for tobacco. All except the Muskogee 
have a stem hak or ak, viz., Hitchiti, ak-tcomi; Natchez, hagiau); 
Alibamu, hak-sonia; Choctaw, hak-tcuma from which the Muskogee 
form hitci seems to be quite different. With the words for tobacco 
in use by neighboring stocks, this general stem, hak, ak, seems to 
show no resemblance, although its similarity to the more remote 
Coahuiltecan, a'h; Karankawan, ak-anum, and Tonkawan, ne-bax- 
kan has already been pointed out. Professor Wiener in his search 
for evidences of borrowing of Negro words, found comfort in the 
Choctaw hak-tcuma, whose latter portion he identified as the 
stem for tobacco, and thought to be derived from the Mande tawa, 
while the hak- he assumed to be the article. ^ In so doing he has 
"emptied out the baby with the bath," since what he thought to 
be the article is in reality the stem! That hak- was not the article 
a moment's reference to any Choctaw grammar would have shown, 
since the article follows and does not precede the noun. 

Words for tobacco in the languages of the Siouan stock seem, 
in the majority of cases, to be derived from a common stem, of 
which the initial consonant is rather widely variable. Thus, 
Dakota, tcandi; Assiniboin, tcanti; Kansas, nahni; Omaha, nini; 
Osage, nanahii, pahni; Ponca, nini; Iowa, nanye; Oto, rane; Winne- 
bago, tanina; Ofo, itcani; Biloxi, yani; Tutelo, yehni. The Kwapa, 
tadmi and Mandan, manace (Cf. Mandan manainiduc, tree; manape, 
leaves; Dakota, tcande, tcanwapa) may also be derived from the 
same stem. The Hidatsa-Crow languages make use of a different 
stem ope, which, curiously, seems to be that used by the Catawba, 
whose word for tobacco is umpa. This stem seems also to be 
related to the Dakota uiipa, to smoke. Whether or not there is 
any relation between this Siouan stem and the general Algonkian 
stem for pipe, upoa it is hard to say; the resemblance of the 
Catawba umpa and the Virginia Algonkian uhpook, apooke, etc., 

1 Op. cU., p. 140. 

26 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [v. s., 23, 1921 

is rather striking. Among the terms which Professor Wiener 
claims are derived from African originals, through Carib and 
Arawak, is the Biloxi yani. As this is so clearly a normal variation 
of the general Siouan stem, there is not the slightest reason to 
seek for it a foreign origin. 

The Caddoan languages appear to have two different stems. 
The more northerly tribes have, Arikara, nakiickanii; Pawnee, 
nawiskaru; while the more southerly have forms which seem quite 
unrelated, viz. Caddo, yahah; Wichita, tahah or weko. The re- 
semblance of these latter forms to the neighboring Coahuiltecan, 
Karankawan, and Tonka wan has already been noted. 

In the languages of the Salishan stock, all the interior dialects 
make use of a single stem, viz., Lillooet, smanih; Thomson River, 
cemen' eq; Shuswap, smanq; Okinagan, sman'uq; Flathead, sman'hti; 
Coeur d'Alene, semelkh; Columbia, snianhu; which is also the basis 
of the words in two of the coastal dialects, i.e., the Songish and 
Niskwalli, which have Clallam, smanac; Lummi, smannc; Songish, 
smanic; Niskwalli, smanac. This wide-spread stem shows no 
apparent resemblance to forms in use in any adjacent stocks, 
but may perhaps (?) be compared with the Central Algonkian 
sema, asdma. The Blackfoot, however, who are actually in contact 
with the Eastern Salishan tribes did not use this stem, so that 
unless their form pistakan is a relatively recent term, it is difficult 
to see how the borrowing could have taken place. Although the 
great mass of the interior Salishan tribes have thus a common stem 
for tobacco, the coastal tribes, with the exceptions above noted, 
use other stems. The more northern tribes have adopted the 
Wakashan stem, Bella Coola, La'uk; Comox, a'wak; Cowichan, 
ewauk; while the Sqwamish and Nanaimo dialects appear to have 
an independent form, spo'Len. The two southern coast groups, 
the Chehalis and Tillamook also have words which, with one 
possible exception, seem to have no similarities with others either 
within or without the stock, viz., Chehalis, stxlusoqiia, kwlemihin; 
Cowlitz, kwalemutxlin; Tillamook, suxootxlil, tsotxltxl. It is 
possible that the Cowlitz form is related to the Nez Perce, kelamut 
pipe, itself apparently from "calumet" which is of European 


The words for tobacco in the Athapascan stock show a number 
of interesting features.^ Beginning with the northern tribes we 
find one stem in use by the Kutchin tribes, viz., Loucheux, tsetted; 
Upper Yukon, se ei-i-ti-it ; as well as the Dog-rib, tsedetti; the Hares, 
tse-ettitri; the Montagnais, tseenttu; the Slave, SEt'u, tceltohi; and 
Chipewyan, ts'slt'tci. In these the -fu is probably the stem for 
"to suck." A second stem is found among the majority of the 
British Columbia tribes, viz., Sekane, edeke; Nahane, dekkei, 
tseakh; Carrier, teka, tsahara; Beaver, atdegai. Individual tribes 
in this northern group present still further variants: thus we have 
Kaiyukhotana, tahkuna; Tsetsaut (Ahtena), k'a; Sarsi, 'akatcinna; 
Chilcotin, tsulu. Of these the Chilcotin seems to be related to the 
Chipewyan-Slave type, while the Sarsi may be compared with 
the Sekane-Carrier type so far at least as its first portion is concerned ; 
the -tcinna probably means "stem of a plant." This is curiously 
similar to the tsinimo of the Cheyenne. Possibly the 'aka- of 
the Sarsi and the teka of the Carrier, Sekane, etc., may be compar- 
able with the Tlingit gan. 

The Pacific Coast group of Athapascan languages, show rather 
more uniformity among themselves. Tlatskanai, the northernmost, 
has tbtcane which appears to be unique, but the Umpqua setxlio 
and the Coquille, Tolowa selyo and Lassik selyo are practically 
identical and are analyzable into sel + yo, of which the latter is 
the stem "to blow.'.' The first portion set-, set- seems likely to be 
the same as the ts'el-, or tset- of the Chippewyan group, and if this 
suggestion is confirmed, we should have one single stem in use 
among tribes of this stock from the Mackenzie delta to California. 
Whether the Nongatl and Sinkyone sin-yo is also traceable to the 
same stem, is not clear. The Hupa and Kato forms, mindeiltcwe 
and Ut-tanon show no relationship at all to other forms and are 
probably the result of circumlocutions devised on account of the 
death of some person whose name involved the stem formerly used 
for tobacco. 

The words for tobacco among the Southern Athapascans, 

ipor much information in regard to Athapascan forms I am indebted to the 
kindness of Dr. P. E. Goddard. 

28 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 23, 192 1 

Navaho, and Apache, nat'o; Jicarilla, nat'odi, are practically identi- 
cal, and like the Chipewyan group in the north, are compounds 
of the verbal stem -t'o to suck. It is at least interesting, and 
perhaps significant, that the Zunian word for tobacco is ana. 

The apparent relationship of the Pacific Coast Athapascan 
sel-, set- to the Chipewyan-Kutchin ts'el-, tset- would seem to make 
it probable that the knowledge of tobacco had already been acquired 
before their separation, and further, would suggest that the Pacific 
Coast group were associated more with the Plains-Mackenzie 
than with the Rocky Mountain group of Northern Athapascans. 
Moreover, the fact that the Kutchin tribes of the upper Yukon 
use the same stem as the Chipewyan, Dog-rib, etc., would indicate 
that the use of tobacco spread into the upper Yukon region from 
the eastward. Lastly, the fact that the Navaho and Apache have 
a different stem than any of the other branches of the stock {i.e., 
the use of na-) might be taken as evidence that the separation of 
this southern group took place before the use of tobacco was known. 

In the Iroquoian stock, the Five Nations and probably the 
Hurons made use of a common stem {o^yengw, {o)yenkii', viz., 
Mohawk, oiengua; Onondaga, oienkwa; Cayuga, oyeangwa; Seneca, 
oyanqua; Huron', oyngoua. The Huron forms given by Sagard 
(te.stena, tistenda, ayentaqiie) are obviously from other stems, and 
will be considered later. Whether the form (qiiiecta) given by Cartier 
as in use at Hochelaga is from the same stem is uncertain. Trans- 
literated into phonetic spelling, Cartier's word would probably 
be something like kiyekta (Cf. Iroquois, ki-enkiva-thas , ki-yenkwa-C as , 
to put tobacco in one's pipe) in which th^ -yek- may be a dialectic 
form of yenk"". The southern Iroquoian tribes derived their words 
for tobacco from a wholly different stem, viz., Tuscarora, tcarho, 
tcehra; Cherokee, tcarhu, tsalu, which may perhaps be compared 
with the Onondaga, ivatcrota (wachrola) , to smoke. 

Professor Wiener in discussing the Iroquoian tobacco words 
seems to have gone astray in consequence of insufficient investi- 
gation of the facts. He states in the first place that Sagard's 
Huron forms for "tobacco," ayentaque, testena, tistenda, and ayettaya 

1 As given by Lahontan, Thwaites edit., II, p. 748. 


"I smoke," are "all from the root 3'ew"^ from which he also derives 
the Onondaga and Mohawk forms {ojenqua, oienkiva, etc.)- A little 
further investigation, however, would have shown that the stem 
for tobacco is probably not yen since this enters into the formation 
of a number of words of quite unrelated meaning, viz., Mohawk, 
gaienrha, (oienguara) smoke; oiente, {gaienta) word; gaienseron 
to decorticate; gaienton to strike; gaiendon to own a field; gaien- 
teron to know, etc., etc. It seems probable that the stem for tobacco 
must end with a guttural. Turning now to the Huron words as 
given by Sagard, it is clear that the problem cannot be settled in 
such an off-hand manner as that employed by Professor Wiener. 
It is fairly obvious that testena, tistenda are not derived from either 
yen or yenk"". The form ayentaque like the Iroquois terms cannot 
well be from a simple stem yen, but rather from yent, yenta. This 
it may be observed, is the Iroquois stem for wood {oiente, gaienta) 
to which the Huron form, although rather variant {ondata, in com- 
position -inda-ta), seems related. The Huron word for "I smoke" 
is, moreover, probably not derived from this stem at all. Sagard 
gives a number of forms, viz., ayettaya, agataya "I smoke"; etaya 
"give me something to smoke"; ataya N. "N. smokes"; sateya 
"smoke!" Obviously, these are not derived from any stem yen or 
yent. Chaumonot, whose knowledge of the Huron language was 
far better than Sagard's, gives atayen " to smoke" ; etayak'' I smoke " ; 
eyetaya "I shall smoke"; te yetayan'de "I am not smoking." The 
stem involved in all of these forms is pretty clearly something like 
{a)taya or {e)taya which may not improbably be connected with 
{a)teyen to burn. From what has been said, it is clear that the 
theory of the derivation of the Iroquoian and Huron words for 
tobacco from a stem yen derived from the Negro through the Arawak 
iouli, yari, yeury, improbable as it is on other grounds, is also inde- 
fensible on the linguistic side. 

The two recently advocated Californian stocks, the Penutian 
and Hokan, each of which combines a number of what had previously 
been regarded as separate stocks, show little uniformity in their 
words for tobacco. The Penutian has more separate stems than 

1 Wiener, op. cit., p. 145. 

30 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

the number of former stocks of which it is composed, viz., Maidu, 
pan; Wintun, lot, homit; Miwojc, kaiyau, kasu, kahu; Costanoan, 
matter), oya, sawan-s; Yokuts, sokon, tcani, haum. Within the 
stock it seems reasonable to connect the Maidu pan with Yokuts 
haum especially since the Sierra dialects of the Miwok which lie 
between the two, have paumma for pipe. With this may also 
be placed the Southern Wintun homit. The same stem, apparently, 
is found further afield, namely among the Shoshonean tribes lying 
to the eastward, where the Shoshone-Comanche and Mono-Paviotso 
have pamo, pamii. If the common origin of these forms is admitted, 
the question naturally arises as to whether the Shoshonean or 
Penutian tribes were originators of the stem, but this can hardly 
be answered with certainty as yet. Other comparisons which 
might be made are Costanoan, oya, with Yukian, ivoyol; Yokuts, 
sokon, with Chumashan, co{x) and Pomo, sako, saxa. The Miwok, 
kasu, kahu and Esselen,)fe'aa,is more doubtful, and the close similarity 
of Yokuts tcani and Dakota tcaiidi is probably wholly fortuitous. 

In the case of the Hokan stock there is more probability that 
the majority of the words for tobacco are formed from a common 
stem. Thus we have Karok, -hera; Chimariko, uwuh; Shasta, owa; 
Achomawi, op\- Atsugewi, ohpi; Yana, mohu; Pomo (N., C, E. and 
N. E.) saxa, saka, sako; (S., S.W., S. E.) kawa, tom-kowa; Chuma- 
shan, co{x); Salinan, talam; Esselen, k'aa; Yuman, iiha, ova, auva, 
auha, omp; Seri, api; Washo, hankiic. The Washo form suggests 
a connection with the Penutian-Shoshonean haum, pamo which, 
since the Washo are entirely surrounded by these tribes, would 
not be improbable. 

In connection with the Californian words for tobacco, mention 
must be made of the term given by Fletcher as obtained on Drake's 
voyage in 1579, to which much importance is attached by Professor 
Wiener.^ Fletcher states that the Indians brought as a gift, bags 
of an herb which they called tahah or tobah. This is declared by 
Professor Wiener to be evidence that tobacco and its name (derived 
in this instance from Span, tabacco) had been introduced by Spanish 
or Portuguese visitors prior to Drake's visit. The consensus 

1 Op. cit., p. 141. 


of Opinion places the location of his stay at or in the vicinity of 
Drake's Bay, which lies squarely within Miwok (Penutian) terri- 
tory. The dialect spoken in this vicinity has for tobacco the word 
kaiyaii in which it would require a very lively imagination to see an 
origin from the Spanish tahacco. It may be noted, however, that 
the coastal Porno (Hokan) dialect adjoining the' Miwok to the 
north, has kawa for tobacco which might have been heard by 
Fletcher as tabah. If this is the source of his word, then either 
the place of Drake's stay must have been farther north than has 
been thought (and on account of the character of the coast this is 
in the highest degree unlikely) or the southern limit of Pomo speech 
must have moved northward considerably since the end of the six- 
teenth century, for which supposition there is little evidence. It is 
of course also possible, that the plant in question was not tobacco, 
although in view of Dake's statement that the Indians brought 
"tabacco" this is not likely. That tobacco and its name could 
have been introduced prior to Drake's visit is extremely improbable. 
Cabrillo was the first explorer of the Californian coast north of San 
Francisco. On his voyage in 1542 he neither landed nor had any 
contact with the Indians in this region,and no other explorer or visitor 
is known to have been in the region between this date and Drake's 
visit, so that introduction of the plant and its name would seem to be 
quite doubtful. Moreover, the fact that the two species of tobacco 
{i.e., Nicotiana Bigelovii and N. attenitata) used by the Californian 
Indians were local and quite different from those in use in Mexico 
and the eastern United States would in itself be sufficient evidence 
for any botanist of the impossibility of Professor Wiener's claim. 

With the Shoshonean languages, we come to the northernmost 
member of the now pretty generally recognized Uto-Aztecan stock 
which includes, besides the Shoshonean, the Piman and Nahuan 
languages. The Shoshonean branch is far from employing a single 
stem for its words for tobacco. The Shoshone, Bannock, Mono- 
Paviotso, and Comanche all have a stem pamo, or pamu, whose 
similarity with Penutian forms has already been pointed out. 
The Ute-Chemehuevi words are derived from a stem kvap, kwap 
which appears to have no cognates anywhere. With the Southern 

32 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 23, 1921 

Californian dialects we come to what is apparently the general 
Uto-Aztecan stem piva, only the Kern River tribes differing in 
having a form cokont derived from the Yokuts sokon. The general 
Uto-Aztecan stem is found among the Hopi and throughout the 
Piman and northern Nahuan languages as far as Durango, viz., 
Hopi, piva; Pima, bov; Papago, Opata, viva-t; Tarahumare, wipa-; 
Yaqui, vivam; Tepehuane, vivai, virai. In the Cora and Huichol 
further south this becomes ya} In the Nahua itself the word for 
tobacco seems clearly to be ye-tl, the stem of which may well be 
related to the Cora-Huichol ya. 

The evidence for this Nahuan form, however, requires a brief 
discussion, since Professor Wiener has declared^ that the word 
"had no special meaning" and was probably derived from the 
Negro through the Arawak yidi. As he states, Olmos seems to be 
the first to use the term yetl which he translates "sahumerio," 
i.e., perfume, incense. In Molina's dictionary the word itself 
does not appear except in the form picietl defined as "an herb like 
henbane, which is medicinal." Professor Wiener goes on to point 
out that Hernandez^ does not use the word yetl in the edition of 
1615, but in that of 1651^ gives it as the equivalent of picietl, 
saying further that it is used in the making of cigarettes. So far 
Professor Wiener is on safe ground, but makes an unpardonable 
error when he states that yetl is a "back formation fron picietl" 
which is itself "an un-Mexican formation, for pic- does not occur 
in any other word whatsoever."^ As a matter of fact there are 
four other words which immediately follow picietl in Molina's 
dictionary which contain the stem pic-, viz., piciliiii to become small 
(not "to crush, to triturate" as Professor Wiener gives it); piciloa 
to waste or diminish ; piciUic small, as of objects like pebbles or pearls ; 
picqui a compact, solid thing. Other examples of the use of the 

1 Sapir: American Anthropologist (N.S.), XVII, p. no. 

^Op. cit., pp. 150, 155. 

' F. Hernandez: Cuatro Libros de la naturaliza y virtudes m?dicinales de las 
plantas y animates de la Nueva Espafia. Morelia, 1888, p. 136. 

* Nova plantarum, animalium el mineralium m-xicanorum hisloria. Romae, 
1651, pp. 173 sq. 

^ Wiener: op. cit., p. 150. 


same stem are the reduplicated forms pipica to drop a liquid drop 
by drop; pipiciltic a small seed or similar object and also picicitli 
a species of small bird. In saying, therefore, that pic- "does not 
occur in any other word whatsoever" except picietl Professor 
Wiener is guilty of an extremely careless misstatement and misrepre- 
sentation of the facts. It is fairly obvious that pic- is a stem con- 
noting the general idea of "smallness," and that therefore we are 
led to suppose that pic-ietl (pic-yetl) probably means "small or 
dwarf yetl." If we turn to Hernandez this supposition is imme- 
diately confirmed, for on the same page to which Professor Wiener 
refers, it is expressly stated that there are two varieties of the plant, 
one called picietl, the other qiiauhiyetl of which the former or ordi- 
nary variety is a small plant "two palms in height," whereas 
the latter (whose name means tv&e-yetl) is much larger, growing as 
tall as a lemon tree. This demonstrates very clearly the existence 
of yetl as an independent word, and that it can be nothing else 
than tobacco is shown by Hernandez's explicit statement that the 
small variety is the same plant which is called taiiacco in Santo 
Domingo, and that it is used with other aromatic substances in 
the making of cigarettes. Further confirmation of the existence of 
a word yetl may also be seen in the modern Mexican term yetlalcingo 
(for yetla-tzin-co) meaning "tobacco plantation."^ 

For the little known and extinct languages of northeastern 
Mexico, no data are available, but from the four stocks in the 
great enclave in Nahuan territory, material is at hand for three, 
viz., Otomi, yiy; Totonac (Tepehua) Hid, huxcuti; Mayan (Huas- 
teca) mai. Of these the only one which may be compared with 
forms in neighboring stocks is the Otomi, which is not very remote 
from the Nahuan ye- and Cora-Huichol ya. From the Zapotecan 
stock we have forms from the Zapotec, gessa and Amuzgo, {ts)o- 
kohnu; from the Zoque we have otsi, tsaivi and Mixe, hunk, hvik 
none of which appear to show notable resemblance to terms in 
other languages. The Tequiztlatecan, which has recently been 
suggested as a remote outlier of the Hokan stock, has ame. 

The Mayan stock, all of whose members except the Huasteca 

^ Robelo: Diccionario de Aztequismos, Cuernavaca, 1904, p. 415. 

34 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

occupy a solid block from the Caribbean to the Pacific separating 
the languages of Mexico from those of Central America, has three 
different terms for tobacco. The Tzendal and Chicomulteca in 
Chiapas and the Kekchi and Pokomam in central and southern 
Guatemala use the form mat which is that in use, as already pointed 
out, by the Huasteca in Vera Cruz. The Chuje, Jacalteca, Mam, 
Aguacateca, Zutuhil, and Uspanteca occupying the area in Guate- 
mala between the two wai-using groups, employ the stem sic. 
The Chontal, Maya, Choi, and Chorti who occupy all the northern 
portion of the stock area on the other hand have a stem kutz. On 
the basis of the tobacco words, therefore, the outlying Huasteca 
seem connected with the Chiapas and Guatemalan tribes rather 
than with those of Yucatan. 

In the region of great linguistic diversity lying between Guate- 
mala and Panama, data on words for tobacco are available for all 
the important languages except those of northern Honduras (Jica- 
quean and Payan) and the southern Nahua dialects. The terms 
found are as follows: Lencan, wa,yaJiua; Subtiaban, rande; Mata- 
galpan, wili, wilin; Chiapanecan (Dirian) nemiirema. Of these 
the Lencan and Matagalpan may well be compared with the 
Cunan wala. The Ulvan aka and Mosquito twaka are obviously 
connected, and the latter at once suggests an origin from tobacco, 
yet Brinton^ gives a quite different word for the Mosquito, viz., u 
which would look rather toward the "wa, wala, wili forms just 
noted. It is to be observed, moreover, that Twaka, Taoca is a well 
known name of one of the Mosquito tribes, and that the word also 
appears as the name of one of the rivers in their territory. The 
question therefore is one which requires further investigation before 
it can be regarded as settled. 

With the first of the Chibchan tribes, we cross definitely the 
ethnographic boundary into South America. In treating the 
data from the southern continent, the material from the Pacific 
Coast languages will first be considered, followed by those of the 
Atlantic drainage. 

The Chibchan stock is divided into an Isthmian and a con- 

1 Brinton: Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc, XXXIV, p. 413. 


tinental section by the Chocoan tribes who occupy the northwestern 
portion of Colombia. All of the Isthmian group (except possibly 
the Guaymi) form their words for tobacco from a stem dua, tua, viz., 
Guatuso, tua, tuah; Boruca, dua; Bribri, deua, dawah; Cabegar, duwa; 
Terraba, Tirribi, dim, dowo; Dorasque, dua, durni. The Guaymi 
form is given as so, but this is probably the term for "to smoke," 
cf. Dorasque, dua suluk, "to smoke." Professor Wiener declares 
unhesitatingly that all these forms are derived from tahacco intro- 
duced by the Spanish and Negroes from Hispaniola. While such 
an origin is possible, yet in view of the existence of the neighboring 
forms like wala of the Cunan tribes, whose language is supposed 
to be a probable member of the Chibchan stock, the conclusion 
ought not to be jumped at that these tua forms are certainly 
from tahacco. The continental Chibchan languages present a com- 
plete divergence from the isthmian group and, moreover, do not 
agree among themselves. Thus we have Koggaba, noai; Chimila, 
kooroka; Paez, mueihi; Chibcha, hoska. If we accept the wider 
limits for the stock recently proposed by Rivet, we find for the 
Barbacoan, Cayapa, tago; Colorado, taako forms which more 
certainly look as if they were derived from tahacco. The coastal 
districts of Colombia and Ecuador might a priori, be regarded as 
the one area in the New World outside the northern and southern 
extremities, where tobacco would be least likely to have been in use 
in pre-Columbian times, so that a term of introduced origin might 
perhaps be expected here. The word found here preserves, as 
does the less certain Mosquitoan twaka and the Eskimo forms, the 
gutteral sound present in the original, a fact certainly in favor of 
its origin from tahacco. Further evidence on this point will be 
referred to later, but as bearing on the whole question it may be 
noted that the Chocoan tribes who occupied the whole of the 
northern Pacific coast of Colombia, have a term for tobacco ade 
which seems quite unrelated to neighboring forms and is not open 
to the suspicion of an origin from tahacco, while the same thing is 
also true of the Esmeraldan stock on the southern Ecuadorian 
coast, who have the term kanca. 

Whatever may be the ultimate decision as to the precise relation- 

36 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 23. 1921 

ship between Quechua and Aymara, these two languages of the 
old Inca state both employ the same word for tobacco, viz. sairi. 
There is considerable evidence of a wide dispersion of this term 
or rather of what may be its essential stem, in the area east of the 
Andes, but these instances of possible transmission can more 
conveniently be considered in treating of the languages of the 
Atlantic drainage. Professor Wiener, in seeking African origins 
for American tobacco names, derives the Quechua-Aymara sairi 
from the Negro sira meaning snuff, ^ basing his argument on Her- 
rera's reference to "a load of shipwrecked Negroes" who in the 
early sixteenth century "had landed in Peru, where they formed 
a settlement with the Indians." It is quite evident, however, that 
Professor Wiener has again been in too much haste to prove his 
theory, and has failed apparently, even to consult a map to note 
where on the coast of "Peru" these Negroes came ashore! Had 
he done so, he would have found that the Cojimies river (as it is 
now called) where the refugees were said to have landed is in northern 
Ecuador, in Barbacoan, i.e., Chibchan territory and quite out of 
contact with Quechua speech. His theory thus, turns out to be 
baseless, in so far as he is seeking a source for the term sairi. It 
may be noted, however, that the Cojimies river is approximately 
the southern boundary of the Barbacoan group of Chibchan 
languages, among which group the presence of a form tago, taako 
has already been noted. Possibly Herrera's Negro refugees are 
responsible thus for the introduction of the obviously tobacco-like 
term, having brought it with them from Hispaniola. This question 
remains, however, an amusing little puzzle. 

The Araucanian term for tobacco presents a case of some little 
interest. The older forms of the word are given as ptem, puthem, 
piUhen, while the modern form is given by Augusta- as pEtrem. 
Lenz^ and others have regarded the word as probably derived from 
the Guarani pety, and since Professor Wiener regards this latter as 
of Portuguese origin, he enthusiastically follows and adopts this 

1 Op. cil., p. 186. 

2 F. J. de Augusta: Gramalica Araucana, Valdivia, 1903, p. 391. 

3 R. Lenz: Diccionario Etimologico de las voces chilenas derivadas de lenguas in- 
dijenas Americanas. Santiago de Chile, 1904-10, p. 616. 


view of the source of the Araucanian word.^ Although it must be 
admitted that the similarity between the Araucanian and Guarani 
words is sufficiently striking to warrant the possibility of their 
relationship, yet there is not a little to be said on the other side. 
For it may be noted that there are in Araucanian several words 
beside that for tobacco which are formed from the same stem, 
(viz. pt-en, puthen to burn; puthon to perfume, fumigate, smoke; 
puthocan to make a smoke fire). Now while it would be possible for 
the word for tobacco to be derived from a stem from which come 
the ordinary words for "to burn," "to make a smoke fire," etc.^ 
it would be almost incredible that these latter words of wide and 
general meaning should have come into existence only, as Professor 
Wiener says, after the use of tobacco became known, particularly 
if this was a knowledge gained so late as the sixteenth century. 

In speaking of this assumed late origin of the Araucanian term 
from the Portuguese through the Tupi-Guarani, Professor Wiener 
seeks to justify and account for its transmission by stating that 
"as Chile was a part of the Province of Rio de la Plata, the Guarani- 
Tupi word for "tobacco" and its derivatives naturally were trans- 
ferred to the west." This statement is, apparently, quite unwar- 
ranted as Chile proper never was a portion either of the Viceroyalty 
of Rio de la Plata (which did not even come into existence until 
1776 or nearly two centuries after Valdivia wrote his account of 
the Araucanian language); or of the earlier province which, or- 
ganized in 1620, was separated from Chile proper by Tucuman 
and Cuyo. The theory of the late introduction of the Tupi- 
Guarani term through Spanish influences has obviously, little or 
nothing to be said in its favor, but this is not to deny that such 
transference might not have taken place long before the advent of 
Europeans; indeed the striking similarity of the words in the 
two languages would naturally lead to this inference. Yet in 
this connection, it must be observed that the two stocks were not 
in contact in historic times, being separated from each other by a 
wide extent of territory occupied by Calchaquian, Puelchean, 
Guycuruan and Charruan tribes. If transference had taken place 

1 Wiener: op. cil., p. 185. 

38 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 23, 1921 

westward from the Guarani, one might expect to find traces of the 
fact in the words for tobacco used by these intervening tribes. 
Unfortunately we have data only from the Puelchean (?) and 
Guycuruan stocks. The word for tobacco among the former was 
piitroquin of which the first portion would seem to be closely allied 
to the Araucanian especially if we consider the modern form pet rem. 
The Guycuruan forms, asareh, eserike, etc., are obviously of quite 
different origin. The whole question is a rather involved one, 
and all that can be said with any certainty is, that any trans- 
mission which may have occurred was probably long anterior to 
the first appearance of Europeans in America. 

The Tupi-Guarani is one of the most widely distributed stocks 
in South America and affords, with the Arawakan and Cariban 
languages, data of importance in the study of tobacco words. 
The Tupi-Guarani are divided into a number of more or less separate 
groups, from all of which except the Bolivian tribes we have ma- 
terial. The Guarani used a form which in phonetic rendering, 
would seem to have been approximately petii'', while the Tupi of 
the Brazilian coast (who were probably offshoots of the Guarani 
that had migrated northward) employed a closely similar word, 
petema, pyty'ma (phonetically more nearly pilluma) petiin. Of 
the Central Brazilian group the majority appear to have used 
closely related forms, viz. Apiaka, petema, penteu; Cayova, pytyhla; 
Yuruna, poutima, pouitima; Kamayura, petun, petilm; Aueto, 
■pa, pah, he. The Maues and Mundurucu however have apparently 
quite different forms, viz. sovo and he, ee. The upper Amazon 
group and the tribes of the Guiana borders, again show close 
similarity to the original Guarani type, viz., Cocamas, pitema: 
Omaguas, petema, pitihla; Oyampi, petum, petoun; Emerillon, 
petime. On the whole, the many tribes of this stock show a striking 
degree of uniformity over a great area, ranging from southern 
Brazil to the Guianas and from the eastern slopes of the Andes to 
the Atlantic coast at Cape S. Roque. Except for the already 
discussed case of the Araucanian resemblance, the Tupi-Guarani 
stem shows no similarity to other languages, and seems with one 
or two insignificant exceptions, to be confined to members of 
the stock alone. 


This typically Tupi-Guarani stem, Professor Wiener declares^ 
to be of modern origin, being derived he says from the Portuguese 
hetiime a word meaning "any pasty substance" but transferred 
according to his theory to tobacco. For this transfer or for the 
use of betume to mean tobacco, no evidence whatever is given; 
until it is given, one may be pardoned for regarding the theory 
as utterly baseless. Yet, even if clear evidence of the use of the 
word by the Portuguese with this meaning were brought forward, it 
would be incumbent on the proponent of the theory of its being 
the source of the Tupi-Guarani stem, to show how this borrowed 
stem could have obtained the distribution which it has. That 
in its spread it should be so strictly selective as to be adopted only 
by Tupi-Guarani tribes, and should reach far distant and isolated 
tribes without appearing among their neighbors, is very hard to 
believe, and very clear proof for such a theory would be necessary 
for its acceptance. Until then, some valid evidence is presented 
in its favor, the suggestion that the Tupi-Guarani words for tobacco 
were all derived from the Portuguese betume must be considered 
as quite unproved. 

The Cariban stock vies with the Tupi-Guarani in its wide dis- 
tribution, and like the latter, is spread over one large, continuous 
area and numerous smaller, isolated ones. Among the tribes 
occupying the large, continuous area, (covering a large part of 
Venezuela, the Guianas and northern Brazil) the word for tobacco 
appears in two forms, viz. : Cumanagota, tarn, tamo; Cariniaco, 
tamoiii; Carib, tamoJi; Galibi, tamoiii; Roucouyenne, tamoui; 
Apalai, tamoui; Akawai, tamiii; Pianacoto, tamoui; Arara, tamoui; 
and Tamanaca, kauwai; Arecuna, kauwai; Macusi, kawai; Maquiri- 
tari, kaiiai; Fa.ra.v[\hana,kauvai; Azumara, kawi; Purigoto, kawaii. 
The tribes belonging to this second group, form a solid mass in 
southern Venezuela and on the upper Rio Branco, and are more or 
less surrounded on the north and east by the first group. Turning 
to the more isolated Cariban languages, we find the Apiaka of the 
lower Tocantins using the form tame, tawe; of the Parnahyba 
tribes, the Palmella have a similar form tama although the Pimen- 

1 Op. cil., p. 135. 

40 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23. 1921 

teira word tciaming may be of different origin. Of the upper 
Shingu tribes, the Bakairi use the form tawe, tawi while the Nahuqua 
have teninya. The eastern Colombian tribes used a form close to 
the general stem, viz., Carijona, tamouinto; Hianakoto-Umaua, 
tame; as did also the Carib tribes of the Lesser Antilles, i-taman-le. 

There would appear to be little doubt but that all of these 
forms, with the exception of the Pimenteiro and Nahuqua, are 
derived from the same stem tama or tawe of which the latter, if 
Bakairi is established as the most archaic dialect, would be the 
original form. The affiliation of the kaiiwai forms with this presents 
some little difficulty since a shift of initial / to k seems hardly yet 
established in the Cariban languages. 

Outside the Cariban stock, forms comparable to either the 
tama or kauwai stems seem not to occur, so that as in the case of the 
Tupi-Guarani their distribution is confined to the tribes belonging 
to the stock. Thus the same argument applies here, as in the 
Tupi-Guarani, namely that, in spite of an obvious similarity with 
the Negro taba, tama, tawa stems from which Professor Wiener would 
derive them,^ the facts of distribution make such an origin well 
nigh impossible. 

The tobacco words in use by the various Arawakan^ tribes 
offer perhaps the most interesting and puzzling problems of any. 
Of very wide distribution, the main body of the stock extends in 
an irregular but practically continuous band from northern Bolivia 
to the Orinoco, while other isolated groups were found from the 
upper Paraguay to the west coast of Florida. 

The majority of the tribes in the main Arawakan area use 
words for tobacco derived from one of two stems. The first stem 
is found in a compact, continuous area in the region of the upper 
Orinoco and Rio Negro in eastern Colombia and southern Vene- 
zuela, viz., Siusi, {n)dzema; Katapolitana, dzema; Karutana, ndzema; 
Caruzana, zhema; Cavere, (scema); Uarekina, ddma; Guipunavi 
dema; Mandahuaca, dehena; Yavitero, shama, dydma; Baniva, 

1 Op. cit., p. 140. 

2 I am indebted to Dr. W. C. Farabee for information on variants from some 
Arawak as well as other S. American tribes. 


djema; Piapoco, tsema; Maipure, hema; Tariana, ydma. To this 
group are probably related the forms in use by the Arawakan tribes 
of the interior of British Guiana, viz.: Wapisiana, siima; Atarois, 
suma, (schama); T aruma, tuma. The other stem, in contrast to the 
one just considered, is only found widely scattered, viz.: Yaulapiti 
(in the Upper Schingu region) airi; Pammari (on the Upper Purus) 
hddyiri (Cf. odyi, smoke) ; Piro (on the Ucayali) iri; Baniva (upper 
tributaries of the Rio Negro) eri, dli; Bare (ditto) hari, ari, ali; 
Goajiro (in the Goajiro Peninsula, Northern Colombia) yiiri, yillli; 
Arawak (Guiana coast) yaari, yeury, yulli; Arawak (Lesser An- 
tilles) (ioulli). 

Unlike the first stem, which seems to have no close analogues, 
these forms at once raise the question of possible extensive borrowing 
and transmission. It may be noted first, that the Arawakan tribe 
of the Anti or Campa (who were in the Apurimac and Urubamba 
valleys north of Cuzco, and close neighbors of the Piros as well 
as the Quechuas) used for tobacco a form given variously as sairi, 
seri, tzeri, leri of which all but the last are very evidently the 
regular Quechua word. The neighboring Piros had, as already 
noted, the form iri, and five small, supposedly independent stocks 
located in this same vicinity or near Arawakan tribes using this 
stem, had words for tobacco which show a rather striking simi- 
larity, viz., Chapacuran, aiwi, ivi, eve; Ypurinan, awiri; Salivan, 
arre; Uitotoan, yera; and (?) Chavantean waari, wali, wani. Too 
little has as yet been done in the way of comparative Arawakan 
studies to enable one to do more than suggest that there seems 
to be a possibility here, of the transmission of a single stem to un- 
related tribes over very extensive areas, although further analysis 
may show the resemblances to be in large part misleading. 

The Moxos form sahare (sahua) may (?) be allied to the sema, 
suma series; the adjacent Baures employ a different word sini, 
which seems to find analogies in the Yammamadi sina. The 
Paressi azie and Saraveka atce stand more by themselves, as does 
the word in the other Matto Grosso languages of the stock in this 
vicinity, viz., Mehinaku, Kustenau, Waura, hoka. The Guana 
form tcahi is almost identical with the neighboring Otuquian 
form tcaha. 

42 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

The Arawakan languages are believed by Professor Wiener^ 
to have borrowed their words for tobacco from the Malinke dyamba 
meaning tobacco, and the Mandingo duli meaning smoke; from the 
former he derives the dzema, sema, yema series, from the latter the 
eri, yeury, iouli series. The resemblances are, it must be said, not 
very striking, and it requires only slight further consideration to 
reveal serious difficulties. In the case of the dzema, sema, yema 
series although the fact of the limitation of the supposedly intro- 
duced form to tribes of the Arawakan stock is not, because of the 
smaller area and more compact character of the territory in which 
the stem occurs, as insuperable an obstacle as in several previous 
instances, it is nevertheless a serious difficulty. For it is not easy 
to see why or how the Negro dyamba, for whose existence in the 
Antilles no evidence is given, could have spread thence or been 
carried by "the Negroes and Indians of Hispaniola" to the tribes 
of the upper Orinoco and Rio Negro, over the heads of the whole 
series of coastal tribes, among whom, from the same source and 
by the same means, a wholly different stem is supposed to have 
been simultaneously introduced. 

Similar difficulties are met with in the case of the words derived, 
according to the African theory, from the Mandingo duli. Trans- 
mission of the stem yuli along the Caribbean coast from the Antilles 
to the Goajiro peninsula might indeed occur, but how account 
for the break of some six or seven hundred miles between the 
area of this coastal distribution and the Rio Negro region where 
the first of the interior tribes using the stem is found; and for the 
similar gaps of 500 to 1000 miles which lie between the other 
isolated areas in which it occurs? The assumption that these 
words are derived from a foreign stem introduced into the Antilles 
at the time of the discovery, and spreading thence for thousands 
of miles, in such a way as to occur only in small isolated and widely 
separated areas, is on its face impossible. The observed facts of 
distribution can only be explained on the basis of the shattering 
and wide dispersion of a group of Arawakan tribes having this 
stem in common, and who carried it with them to their final scat- 

^Op. cit., p. 154-5. 


tered seats. And just such a disruption and subsequent wide 
migration of the Arawakan stock is generally admitted to have 
taken place as the result of the northern movement of the Carib 
peoples. In the course of these movements, other tribes might 
perhaps have borrowed the Arawak word, and thus its seeming 
presence in the Salivan, Ypurinan, Chapacuran, and Chavantean 
stocks be accounted for. 

The real problem, however, is that of the Quechua-Aymara 
sairi. If the series, already pointed out, be arranged schematically 
with reference to geographical position, we get the following: 

Goajiro ytiri Arawak yaari, yeury 

Salivan arre 

Uitoto yera Pammari hddyiri 

Piro iri — Ypurinan awiri 

Chapacuran aiwi, ivi 

Yaulapiti airi — Chavantean waari 

Perhaps it is only a curious coincidence that the sairi form 
adjoins the yuri, iri, airi series, and the resemblance in sound may 
be purely fortuitous. Yet the similarity is striking enough for a 
hypothesis to be defensible to the effect that sairi was originally 
derived from the Arawakan stem. Should this connection be 
admitted, however, it would be further and conclusive evidence of 
the impossibility of the Arawakan stem being of foreign origin and 
introduced as a result of European contact in the early sixteenth 
century. For as the word sairi was recorded as early as 1586 
in Peru,^ and as Garcillasso de la Vega probably gained his know- 
ledge of the term before he left Peru shortly after the middle of 
the sixteenth century, there can be little doubt but that the word 
was in use in the Quechua language at least as early as 1550. Since, 
however, there was no effective Spanish penetration of the interior 
of Venezuela much before 1530 it would have been quite impossible 
for the supposed African forms to have accomplished the journey 
of several thousands of miles across the forests of the upper Amazon, 

iHolguin: Vocabulario de la Lengita general de todo el Peru llamada Quechua. 
Lima, 1586. 

44 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23. 1921 

in the decade or two before the appearance of the word sairi in 

The remainder of the South American stocks may best be 
considered in two groups, (i) those of the BraziHan highlands 
and (2) the broad belt of small stocks lying just east of the Andes 
and extending from the Chaco region almost to the Caribbean. 

The dominant factor in the first group is the Ges or Tapuyan 
stock which occupied the larger part of the whole area and appears 
to represent the oldest stratum of the aboriginal population. The 
languages in use by the tribes composing this group are pretty 
widely variant, and this is reflected in their words for tobacco. 
Some resemblances, however, may be seen. Thus we have Botocudo, 
hinkum, gninnang, etc.; Masacara, hina, hingza; Camacan, hiah; 
Apinages, karenio, kariniako; Cayapo, karingu, kalinu, arena; 
Aponegicren, boraho; Caraho, paro; Coroado, boke; Puris, poke. 
The forms in use by the Botocudo group may be compared with 
the neighboring Chavantean (Cherontes)' kwanyeii, waniyeu; the 
Aponegicren-Caraho with the Caririan poiuh, paewi. The ^cro- 
amirim wari seems to fall in with the Chavante waari in the Arawakan 
series. That there is any relation between the Arawakan Baures 
and Yammamadi sini, sina and the Masacara hina seems doubtful. 
The Tapuyan tribes were with few exceptions non-agricultural, 
nomadic tribes, and many were said not to have had tobacco when 
first known to Europeans. It is 'to be expected, therefore, that the 
terms for tobacco in use should show similarities to those of some 
of their more civilized neighbors. 

The other stocks in this eastern Brazilian area appear to have 
had, for the most part, quite independent words for tobacco. Thus 
we find Trumai,yi; Goyatacan, aptcign; Bororoan, wa/?; Carayan, 
kiiti; Guatoan, {ma)bo. The last, and what is said to have been 
the "old word" among the Caraya, biuwa, may be connected with 
the Caririan poiuh, paewi. This may have been brought in by 
the Cariri from the west, since we find Apolistan poi for cigar. 
In view of the almost complete encirclement in historic times of 
the whole area of the Brazilian Highlands by tribes of the Tupi- 
Guarani stock, it is striking that there seems to be no trace among 
the Highland tribes of any petun forms. 


In considering the patchwork of small stocks east of the Andes, 
we may most conveniently begin in the south and work northward 
toward the Caribbean. The Guycuruan stock of the Chaco at 
once affords a puzzle. The words here for tobacco are: Mocovi, 
asareh, eserike; Toba, asiedeh, ecierok. The striking resemblance 
of the Mocovi at least to the Quechua-Aymara sairi is at once ap- 
parent, and raises the question whether the Guycuruan languages 
can be added to the long list of those which appear to have derived 
their tobacco words from some common source. The stock was, in 
historic times, separated from the Quechua-Aymara by the territory 
of the Calchaquian tribes, of whose language we unfortunately 
know practically nothing. The closeness in form of the Guycuruan 
words to the Quechua and its location so far beyond any known 
Arawakan influence, suggest that perhaps the Quechuan form is 
the real source for both the Guycuruan and some of the other 
non-Arawakan terms, and that the two series of derivatives have 
accidentally met. 

The Yurucare, Mosatena, and Tacana although long in close 
contact with the Quechua-Aymara and showing a considerable 
number of loan words from these languages in their own speech, 
give little suggestion of borrowing so far as regards their words for 
tobacco. These are in order, kore, kos, and umasa, umaxa, and all 
appear to be independent except for a possible (?) connection of the 
latter form with the Panoan nimue. The Chapacuran languages 
situated somewhat farther eastward, have Chapacura, eve, ivi; 
Pawumwa, aiwi; Itenes, yove, which, as already pointed out, 
may be connected with the Arawakan iri, airi, yuri series. The 
large Panoan stock shows at least two words for tobacco, Conibo, 
rutmie {dromha}); Caripuna, rumoe; Sipibo, cika, tcika. The 
Conibo-Caripuna form suggests the Chibchan (Paez) mtie-hi, 
while the Sipibo word may be connected with the Chibchan hoska. 
Although at present the Panoan tribes are not in contact with 
the Chibchan stock, they are supposed to have formerly occupied 
territory much farther north, where contact would not have been 

The Jurian jiya (phonetically hiya?) shows no notable resem- 

46 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s.. 23. 1921 

blance to any neighboring forms, and this is also the case with the 
Mainan pinterlo, although the other word given from this stock, 
uhualek, might suggest connection with the Zaparan xwaneka. 
The Uitotoan yera, ydra iera would appear to belong, as previously- 
stated, to the Arawakan yuri, iri series. Jivaran tsalano, sango 
and the wide-spread Betoyan form meno seem all to be independent. 
Some interest attaches to a small group of four supposedly inde- 
pendent stocks lying between the Rio Negro and the Orinoco. 
The words used for tobacco by them are as follows: Makuan, hot, 
hE{h); Piaroan, hate, hahetue; Puinavian, jeup, job (phonetically 
hop, hob); Guahiban, joo, ho. With these possibly the Guaraunan 
forms aha, aoha, akae may also be compared. The similarity 
between these various tobacco words suggests that these stocks, 
now somewhat separated, may formerly have lived in close associa- 
tion, and have been scattered as a result of the Cariban invasion. 
The Otomacan gui (phonetically wi) seems to show no decided re- 
semblance to other neighboring forms, which is also the case with 
the Yaruran gambi. 

There remains to consider two special cases in which we know, 
or can be practically certain, that the introduction of tobacco dates 
from after the period of the discovery. The first is that of the 
Tsonekan or Tehuelche stock of Patagonia. Here the evidence, 
both historical and archaeological shows that tobacco was not in 
use prior to the period of Spanish contact. The word in use among 
these tribes is given variously as hiatca and golkul. Neither of 
these forms shows resemblance to the neighboring terms, the 
Guycuruan variant oiitcete and the Otuquian tcaha being too remote 
to be of any probable significance. 

The second case is that of the Alaskan Eskimo. Here, as we 
know from the form of the pipe, the knowledge and use of tobacco 
was introduced from the Chukchi of northeastern Siberia, who in 
their turn got tobacco and its name from the Russians. The 
word in use among all the Western Eskimo tribes is practically 
identical, viz., Kopagmiut, taivarak; Nuwukmiut, tauwak; Kotzebue 
Sound, tauwak; Malemiut, tabak; Ugalakmiut, tawaku and is ob- 
viously a close imitation of the Chukchi tawax {taivar, taak). The 


Eskimo of Labrador, on the other hand, who probably secured 
tobacco first from the eastern Algonkian tribes, use a quite different 
form, tiipiving. In the case of the western Eskimo thus, where 
we know the word to have been introduced, we have a very close 
approximation to the form tobacco, and no evidence of any greatly 
mutilated or modified forms as in the cases claimed in other areas 
by Professor Wiener. 

The foregoing rapid survey and comparison of the words for 
tobacco in the majority of American Indian languages seems to 
establish the following results. Speaking in general there are 
approximately as many distinct stems for the word "tobacco" 
as there are separate linguistic stocks, and as a rule each stock has 
its own characteristic stem or stems. In some cases the same stem 
appears to be in use by two or more different stocks, but this is on 
the whole a rare phenomenon. Only one case has been found in 
which a single stem seems to have a wide distribution among 
unrelated languages, that of sairi, for which, however, no extra- 
American source can be claimed. The situation is, in fact, just 
what would be expected if tobacco had been known and used by the 
American Indians for centuries or even thousands of years, and 
tobacco words seem to be quite on a par with other words relating 
to native plants and animals. 

Where more than one stem is in use by a stock, it is probable 
that one form is really characteristic, while the other or others 
are borrowed from neighboring stocks by peripheral tribes; or 
the stems for "tobacco," "to smoke," or "pipe" are used alter- 
natively by different portions of the stock. Where similarities 
between the words for tobacco suggest borrowing, in almost every 
case the tribes concerned either now are or at one time may have 
been in contact. 

The facts brought out tend very strongly to disprove, on purely 
linguistic grounds, the theory recently advanced by Professor 
Wiener, that tobacco and its use as well as many of the names for 
the plant, were of European and Negro introduction at the period 
of the discovery. The number and variety alone of the stems in 
use in the New World would negative such an hypothesis, in spite 

48 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23. 192 1 

of its author's nimbleness in deriving Indian forms now from one, 
now from another Negro word. The facts of the distribution of 
the supposed Negro forms, however, are such as to preclude the 
origin of the American forms from foreign stems, for the restric- 
tion of particular stems to particular stocks rather than their 
indiscriminate dissemination, and the existence of these typical 
stems in far distant and isolated tribes belonging to the stock, 
make any explanation, other than one based on expansion and 
migration of an originally united group of related tribes, practically 
impossible. Lastly, further evidence of the nati\'e origin of many 
of these tobacco words, is seen in the existence of other words in 
the language, formed from related stems, a condition which could 
hardly exist were the tobacco words of extraneous origin. 

That similarities can be found between certain Negro languages 
and some in America is obvious. They may be found between any 
two languages in any part of the world. The Mande tama, tawa, 
taba unquestionably suggests the Micmac tumawa or the Cariban 
tamo; but in view of all the known facts it is as unjustifiable to 
declare these American words to be derived from the Mande, as 
it would be to claim that the Cherokee tcalm was the source of 
the Otuquian tcahi, tcaha; the Miwok kasu of the Mosatena ^05; 
the Creek hitci of the Saravekan hatce; or that because the Maori 
of New Zealand call the sun ra, they must have borrowed the term 
from Egyptian! 

As stated in the beginning, the fact that tobacco and its use 
was known in America, centuries before the earliest European con- 
tact is abundantly proved by archaeological data; that it was in 
use at the time of the discovery is shown by historical evidence. 
To have made the foregoing investigation of the words for to- 
bacco, with a view to showing their native rather than foreign 
origin, has been consequently in part, a work of supererogation. 
It has, however, disclosed a number of interesting problems and 
suggested several unsuspected possibilities in the way of cultural 
influences. Our knowledge of the great majority of American Indian 
languages is as yet too incomplete to enable us to make trust- 
worthy analyses of much of their vocabulary, and for many Ian- 


guages must always remain so. But with increasing knowledge it 
may sometime be possible to obtain by some such study as has 
here been tentatively made, real clues as to the sources and lines of 
transmission of many of the cultivated plants of the New World. 
Harvard University 




PALEANTHROPOLOGICAL and archaeological studies in 
Japan have made great advances in the last Few years, owing 
to our successive discoveries of sites yielding many good 
human skeletons. Unfortunately, the majority of the reports of 
many Japanese authors were written in Japanese, so that they are 
generally not available to the authorities of foreign countries. 
I have been asked, first by Prof. M. Courant and now again by 
Prof. W. K. Gregory, concerning this subject. I am, at present, 
a visitor in America and hav^e no Japanese books or papers of refer- 
ence at hand, so it is impossible for me to make up a precise report 
with accurate statistical tables. It should be remembered that 
these notes have been written only from memory. 

II. More Important Stone Age Sites Yielding 
Human Skeletons 

1. Kitchen-midden of Aoshima, Tome district, Province oi 
Rikuzen, northeastern part of the main island. This site, dis- 
covered by me, consists of two shell-bearing beds; the upper one 
is rather poor in shell fragments, but the lower one very rich in 
this material. The shells are mostly from fresh water and only 
partly marine. I once obtained fourteen human skeletons from the 
upper bed of this site, and I am going to proceed with further re- 
searches after my return home. The stone implements and pot- 
tery of this site are of the type of the earlier stone age of Japan. 

2. Kitchen-midden of Miyato island, one of the islands of 
Matsushima, also Province of Rikuzen. The presence of human 
skeletons at this site was discovered by me and my cooperator, 
Dr. I. Hayasaka of our institute. This site now belongs to our 
institute as a ground for our study. It consists of about eighteen 



shell-bearing beds and ranges vertically more than twenty feet. 
I have obtained many good human skeletons from this site, and 
it is certain that it contains many skeletons as yet untouched. 
The stone implements and pottery of this site are of the type of 
the mediaeval stone age of Japan. 

3. Kitchen-midden of Tsukumo, Asaguchi district, Province of 
Bitchii, western part of the main island. The first discovery of 
human skeletons at this site was made by a landlord of this locality, 
Mr. S. Matsuyeda, by whom I was given a number of human 
skeletons. Since my preliminary short report of the human 
skeletons of this site, Profs. Hamada, Suzuki, Kyiono, Ogushi, and 
Hasebe have undertaken the study of the same subject. This site 
is a shell-bearing bed of the mediaeval stone age of Japan, covered 
over by a layer of the earlier metal age. The bed yielding human 
skeletons is undoubtedly the former. 

4. Site of Kd, Province of Kawachi, western middle part of the 
main island. The first discovery of human skeletons from this 
site was by Prof. Hamada. He, as well as Professors Ogushi, 
Koganei, and Hasebe, are now studying on this site, which is not 
a shell-heap. The lower layer 3'ields human skeletons, associated 
with stone implements and pottery of the latest mediaeval stone 
age, and the upper layer yields pottery of the earlier metal age. 

5. Kitchen-midden of the Cave of Osakai, Himi district, Province 
of Kaga, northern coast of middle part of the main island. This 
site, discovered by Mr. J. Shibata, consists of six shell-bearing beds, 
the lowest bed of which is of the mediaeval stone age, the next 
two beds of the later stone age, and the upper three beds of the 
metal age. The second and the fourth beds from below yielded a 
small number of human skeletons. 

6. Kitchen-midden of Higashi-ataka, near Kumamoto, Province 
of Higo, Kiushu. This site has yielded many human skeletons 
which are, at present, being studied by Prof. Yamazaki. The 
pottery of this site is said to be of the types of both the mediaeval 
and the later stone age of Japan. It is not yet clearly known which 
of the two types of pottery accompanied the human skeletons. 

7. Kitchen-midden of Todoroki, near Kumamoto, Province of 

52 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

Higo also. A part of the human skeletons found at this site has 
been reported upon by Prof. Suzuki, while another part is just being 
studied by Prof. Yamazaki. I am not informed concerning the 
pottery of this site, but it may possibly be of the type of either the 
mediaeval or the later stone age of Japan. 

Several other sites known to yield human skeletons are not yet 
carefully excavated and thoroughly studied. 

III. Chronologic.\l Subdivisions of the Stone Age of 

Japan — Degenerative Evolution of the Decorative 

Pattern of Pottery 

All the stone age sites hitherto discovered in Japan belong to 
the neolithic age, or new stone age, in the European classification. 
Nevertheless, the divergencies observed to exist among several 
sites and among several types of remains are very great, suggesting 
that the stone age of Japan might have had a considerable duration. 

Among the neolithic remains, the pottery is one of the most 
valuable horizon-indicators. Tracing the changes or evolution of 
the pottery from below upwards in any site, we can clearly recognize 
the direction of changes or evolution which have taken place in 
the stone age pottery. According to my own statistical studies 
of the pottery collected by careful, serial excavations, the following 
important changes have been proved occurring in the stone age 
pottery of Japan : 

1. Richer in large bottomed pottery below, and richer in small 
bottomed pottery above. 

2. Richer in thick pottery below, and richer in thin pottery 

3. Richer in pottery with coarse and rough mat impression 
below, and richer in that with fine and nice mat impression above. 

4. Richer in pottery with ornamental pattern of lower order 
below, and richer in that with ornamental pattern of higher order 
above. As to the ornamental pattern of the same order, richer in 
the more well-developed ornamental pattern below, and richer in 
the more upwardly retired ornamental pattern above. 

5. Richer in reddish or brownish pottery in the earlier than in 




the mediaeval stone age, and richer in very dark pottery in the 
mediaeval than in the earlier stone age; and again, richer in very 
dark pottery in the mediaeval than in the later stone age, and 
richer in reddish or yellowish pottery in the later than in the 
mediaeval stone age. 

Now I have to discuss the orders of the decorative pattern of 
pottery. They are : 

I. Bas-relief decorative pattern of curve and spiral design. 
This decorative pattern is observed in the earliest pottery of Japan. 
It consists of wide bas-relief ribbons of curve and spiral design 

h'n,. II. — iN'pc of pottery of the hnver earlier sti^ne age. 

applied on the outer surface of pottery. A small number of very 
elaborate handles also of bas-relief and spiral design developed on 
the oral margin of pottery, as a part or parts of this decoration. 
This decoration usually coexisted with mat impression on the outer 
surface of the same pottery. 

This decoration progressed upwards, toward the oral margin 
of pottery, uniting at last with the original oral edge so as to 
form a double edge. Hand in hand with the retirement of this 
decoration, the elaborate handles became smaller and simpler also. 

2. Incised decorative pattern of curve and spiral design. This 
decorative pattern was of the second order, developing upwards, 



[x. s., 23, 1921 

just below the retiring bas-relief decoration of the first order. The 
decoration of this second order was sometimes bas-relief consisting 
of narrow ribbons especially in its earlier stage, but most commonly 
it was incised throughout. This decoration might sometimes 
stand alone by itself, but usually coexisted with mat impression on 
the outer surface. 

This decoration reached its highest tide, when the decoration 
of the first order had just retired to the very margin of the mouth of 
pottery. At its highest tide, it occupied almost the whole outer 

Fig. 12. — Type of pottery of the lower earlier stone age. 

surface of the vessel or of the body of it, in the vessels without or 
with differentiated neck, respectively. After its highest tide, it 
again retired upwards, toward the oral margin or the lower border 
of the neck, respectively, in the pottery without or with differentiated 
neck. In its retiring stages, its area was bordered both above 
and below by one or a few incised streaks encircling the pottery. 
As a result of its extreme retirement, there was left only one or a 
few horizontal streaks around the vessels just below the oral 
margin or at the upper half of its shoulder. This decorative 
pattern of the second order thus converging into horizontal streaks, 
may be looked upon as the decorative pattern of the primary order 
of geometrical design. 




3. Decorative pattern of free mat Impression. The mat im- 
pression in general was one of the earhest characters of the stone 
age pottery. Very often it was included in the area occupied by 
the decorative pattern of curve and spiral design, while in other 
cases it was exclusive and free from that area. The free mat im- 
pression to be discussed here is, of course, that of the latter cases. 
Such a free mat impression was the decoration of the third order. 

As a typical case, this decoration arose and developed upwards, 
just below the lower border of the retiring decorative pattern of 
the second order. In another case, it took the same course just 
below the retiring decorative pattern of the first order. At its 
highest tide, it occupied almost the whole outer surface of the 

Fig. 13. — Type of pottery of the upper earlier stone age. 

vessel or of the body of it. After its highest tide it had again 
just the same destiny as its forerunners. 

In its earlier stage the mat impression in general was coarse 
and rough; but afterwards it became finer and nicer. The free 
mat impression of the later stage assumed very often a repetition 



[n. s., 23, 1921 

of pinnate arrangement. Thus the decorative pattern of the 
fine, pinnately arranged, free mat impression prevailed in the later 
mediaeval stone age of Japan. 

4. Decorative pattern of the secondary order of geometrical 
design. As a typical case, a few or many incised parallel streaks 
arose encircling the vessel just below the retiring free mat impression. 
These stripes correspond to the decoration of the fourth order in 
general, and that of the secondary order of geometrical design. 

Fig. 14. — Type of pottery of the upper earlier stone age. 

This decoration developed upwards hand in hand with the 
retirement of the free mat impression. When the free mat im- 
pression vanished as a result of its extreme retirement, both the 
primary and secondary decorative patterns of geometrical design 
became united, forming a compound decorative pattern of geo- 
metrical design. In another instance, the decorative pattern of the 
third order in general persisted as a mat impression itself, or as 
its modification, an incised false mat impression; then, both the 
primary and secondary decorative patterns of geometrical design 
and the mat impression or false mat impression formed together a 
compound decorative pattern of geometrical design. 

The degenerating handles of the vessels belonging to the decor- 
ative pattern of the first order persisted until the last of the curve 


and spiral design; then they disappeared almost entirely. They 
coexisted no longer, as a rule, with the well-established decorative 
pattern of geometrical design, except in the stone age pottery of 

It may be true that certain elements of the geometrical decor- 
ative pattern were imported into Japan from the continent; but I 
cannot agree by any means with those authors who declare that 
the whole geometrical decorative pattern was so derived. In my 
opinion, the change of the decorative pattern of the stone age 
pottery of Japan from curve and spiral design to geometrical design 
was chiefly an evolution but not a revolution. Consequently, 
we are obliged to look upon the artifacts of the stone age of Japan 

Fig. 15. — Type of pottery of the middle mediaeval stone age. 

as those made by the genuine ancestors of a greater part of us 
modern Japanese. This view will be confirmed again by a study 
of the racial types of both the stone age and the modern Japanese. 

Looking over all these changes of the stone age pottery, it 
may safely be said that they were chiefly degenerative in the limi- 
tation of the decorative pattern. It appears that the stone age 
pottery changed or evolved according to the law of the economy of 
labor and time. Again, the succession of the various orders of 
decorative pattern corresponds well to Dollo's law as is well known 
in our palaeontology. 

In accordance with these facts and considerations, I subdivide 
the stone age of Japan chronologically as follows: 



[y. s., 23, 1921 

I. Earlier stone age, or period of bas-relief pattern of curve 
and spiral design. 

Pottery large and very thick; mat impression, very common, 
coarse, and rough; bas-relief, decorative pattern of curve and 

¥n,. lb. — Human figure of the middle mediaeval stonL aL,^ . 

spiral design very common; handles, very large and elaborate 
(figs. II and 12). 

(i) Lower earlier stone age: — bas-relief pattern of the first 
order very well developed. 


(2) Upper earlier stone age: — bas-relief pattern of the first 
order usually limited to the upper part of the vessel (figs. 13 and 14). 

2. Mediaeval stone age, or period of incised pattern of curve and 
spiral design. 

Pottery, moderately thick to thin; mat impression, very com- 
mon, coarse, and rough to fine and nice; bas-relief patterns very 
few; incised decorativ^e patterns of curve and spiral design, com- 
mon; handles, large to very small. 

Fig. 17. — Type of pottery of the upper mediaeva! stone age. 

(i) Lower mediaeval stone age:— pottery, moderately thick; 
mat impression, coarse and rough; incised patterns of curve and 
spiral design, very common, \-ery well-developed; handles, large 
and elaborate. 

(2) Middle mediaeval stone age :— pottery, thin ; mat impression , 
fine and nice; incised pattern of curved and spiral design, very com- 
mon, very often limited to the upper part of the vessel; handles, 
small and simple (figs. 15 and i6j. 

(3) Upper mediaeval stone age :— pottery, thin; mat impres- 
sion, fine and very nice; free mat impression decoration, very well- 
developed, very often assuming a repetition of pinnate arrangement; 
incised decorative pattern of curve and spiral design, persisting 
but rather less common, mostly limited to the upper part of the 
vessels; handles, small and simple, or entirely absent (fig. 17). 



In. s., 23, 1921 

3. Later stone age, or period of incised patterns of geometrical 
design. Pottery, thin; mat impression, less common to entirely 
absent, besides incised false mat impression; bas-relief decorative 
patterns, very few; decorative patterns of curve and spiral design, 
entirely absent; that of geometrical design, common; handles, 
almost entirely absent, those of the secondary order, different 
from that of the handles of the preceding ages, might sometimes 
be present. 

(i) Lower later stone age: — mat impression decoration, per- 
sisting, usually limited to the upper part of the vessels; incised 
false mat impression, present. 

(2) Upper later stone age: — mat impression decoration, entirely 

Fig. 18. — Type of pottery of the Hanilx'-hvaibe period. 

absent; incised false mat impression, rather common. The later 
stone age was followed by the Hanibe-Iwaibe period which belongs 
to the metal age. 

4. Hanibe-Iwaibe period, or earlier metal age. Coexistence of 
the Hanibe pottery, which is very similar to the pottery of the 
upper later stone age, and the Iwaibe pottery, which is a grayish 
or dark bluish hard pottery and resembles very much that of the 
ancient Koreans (figs. 18 and 19). 


This period corresponds to the protohistorical and earher histori- 
cal ages of Japan. The chronological succession was very gradual in 
western Japan, while it was interrupted by the absence of the later 
stone age culture in northeastern Japan where the mediaeval 

Fig. 19. — Type of pottery of the Hanibe-Ivvaibe period. 

stone age culture was followed immediately by the Hanibe-Iwaibe 
culture. That is, the changes of the culture were an evolution 
throughout in western Japan, but partly an evolution and partly a 
revolution in northeastern Japan. 

IV. Burial Customs of the Stone Age People 
The stone age burials of Japan were almost always contracted, 
as clearly observed by Mr. Uchida, in the site of Tsukumo; by 
Prof. Suzuki, in the site of Higashi-ataka; by Prof. Hamada and 
Mr. Torii, in the site of K6; by Prof. Ogushi, in the sites of K6 
and Tsukumo; by Prof. Kiyono, in the site of Tsukumo; by myself, 
in the sites of Miyato island, Aoshima, and K6; by Prof. Koganei 
and Mr. Shibata, in the site of K6; by Prof. Hasebe, in the sites of 
K6 and Tsukumo; and so on; but very rerely extended, as observed 
by Prof. Kiyono and Ogushi in the site of Tsukumo. 

The bodies, skeletons when we discover them, were laid in 
tombs either with the back directly down or slightly to one side. 
The burials on the back appear to be more common in the sites of 
western Japan, as Tsukumo, K6, and Higashi-ataka, and in the 
earlier stone age sites of northeastern Japan, as Aoshima and 



[n. s., 23, 1921 

certain less important sites (fig. 20) ; the tilting toward one side 
appears to be more common in the later sites of northeastern 
Japan, as Miyato island (fig. 21). In these, the tilting toward 
the right side was much more common than that toward the left. 

The direction of the long axis of the body was exceedingly 
variable in the sites of northeastern Japan. In the site of Aoshima 

Fig. 20. — Burial of the Aoshima type, first stage of the first period. 

the head, not the face, of the skeleton was directed north or east or 
south but never west; in the site of Miyato island, southeast (most 
common direction in this site) or northeast or northwest but nev^er 
southwest. It is reported by Profs. Ogushi and Hasebe that the 
northeast and southeast directions were most common in the sites 
of Tsukumo and K6 respectively. 


Double burials have been observed to be present very rarely. 
I once discovered a double burial consisting of a very aged male 
and a child in the site of Miyato island. The aged man was 

Fig. 21. — Mivato island burial. 

laid on his right side, assuming an attitude embracing the child 
who was laid on his back and left side. Mr. Matsuyeda has also 
discovered a double burial consisting of two adults in the site of 
Tsukumo. I do not know the se.x of these two adults; but, judging 

64 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

from the photograph presented by Mr. Matsuyeda, one or both 
of these adults might be that of a male. Both of them were laid 
on their backs. 

Two female skeletons from the site of Aoshima were found with 
ear ornaments of clay, one on each ear. These ear ornaments 
are dumb-bell shaped, the anterior and posterior halves being almost 
of equal size and shape. This type of ear ornament is a common 
characteristic of the sites of western Japan and the earlier sites of 
northeastern Japan. 

Skeletons of one young female and of a child at the site of Miyato 
island were found with stone beads as ear ornaments, — one for each 
ear. The beads belonging to the young woman were made of jade 
and are charmingly executed. The jade might have been imported 
into Japan from the continent at such an ancient time. Again, 
the child skeleton of the double burial mentioned above was found 
with eight stone beads on the position corresponding to his right 
ear. Though not attached to any skeleton, another type of ear 
ornament of clay was obtained from this site. It is rather cup- 
shaped, the anterior half being much larger than the posterior. 
This type of ear ornament is characteristic of the later sites of 
northeastern Japan. 

It has also been reported by Profs. Ogushi, Koganei, and Hasebe, 
that several skeletons from the site of K6 were found bearing dumb- 
bell shaped ear ornaments of clay or stone ear ornaments shaped 
like an incomplete ring; and by Prof. Ogushi that one skeleton 
from the site of Tsukumo was found bearing ear ornaments made 
of deer's antler and shaped like an incomplete quadrangular ring. 
Prof. Ogushi considers that the ear ornaments made of deer's 
antler and shaped like an incomplete ring might be prototypes of 
the stone ear ornaments of similar shape, while Prof. Hamada 
looks upon the latter as prototypes of the metal ear rings of the 
earlier metal age of Japan. 

One very stout male skeleton from the site of Miyato island 
was discovered bearing two compact bands consisting of some 
eighty beads made of bird's bones, around his wrist, and just in 
front of his wrist five very nice and elegant ornaments, one of which 


was made of deer's antler and four of boar's tusks (the deer was 
a large variety of the sika, and the boar was a very gigantic race 
or species and is now everywhere extinct). 

It has also been reported by Profs. Kiyono, Ogushi, and Hasebe 
that some skeletons from the sites of Tsukumo and K6 were found 
bearing an elegant ornament made of deer's antler, just in front 
of the wrist. 

The majority of the skeletons from the site of Miyato island 
were found bearing the red tint of iron oxide on the upper portions 
of their bodies, especially on the face and breast. It might have 
been thrown over or tinted over the dead body by the mourning 
relatives and intimates. I have witnessed the fact that the child 
and young female skeletons were especially rich in this red tint. 

One skull from the site of the cave of Osakai was reported by 
Mr. Shibata to have been found tinted all over the face with 
red color. In the other sites, such as Aoshima, Tsukumo, K6, 
Hig'ashi-ataka and Todoroki, no skeleton with red paint was ever 

I have learned from Dr. Krischtofowitsch that a quite analogous 
burial of skeletons bearing red color was once observed in a certain 
kulgan near Odessa, excavated by the Geological Institute of the 
University of Odessa. It may also be analogous to what has been 
observed in certain Indian burials. 

Several skeletons from the site of Miyato island were found 
lying on a layer of ashes and cinders. This layer of ashes and 
cinders might have been purposely prepared in the grave for the 
reception of the dead. In all the other important sites no skeleton 
was ever found lying on such a layer of ashes and cinders. 

As a unique example in the site of the Miyato island, I found one 
large, leavy, round stone placed directly on a baby skeleton. 
It is reported by Profs. Ogushi and Hasebe that such a large, 
heavy, round stone laid on the thoracic region of a skeleton has 
been found by no means rarely in the site of K6. Certain anthro- 
pologists consider that such a stone might have been put on the 
dead to prevent the waking of the spirit. According to the Ainuan 
belief, any spirit wakened from the dead is a demon, which causes 
various evils to living people. 


66 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

As reported by Messrs. Kasai, Motoyama, and Prof. Ogushi, 
large jars containing a baby skeleton were sometimes found in 
certain sites including that of Tsukumo. 

As I have clearly observed in the sites of Aoshima and Miyato 
island, the graves were very shallow. It appears that the dead 
were laid down in such shallow graves and covered with earth, 
which formed then a very low heap above the body. The vertical 
depth from the top of the heap to the floor of the grave measured 
only about a foot or less. As the grave was so shallow, the highest 
parts of the skull and knees were almost above the level of the 
original surface of the ground at the time of burial. 

V. Custom of Removing or Modifying Several 
Teeth Artificially 

The existence of such a custom in the stone age of Japan was 
first noticed by Prof. Koganei. Afterwards, very abundant data 
on this subject were added by Profs. Ogushi, Kiyono, Sato, Hasebe 
and myself. 

It appears to me that this custom prevailed not at all or but 
little in the earlier stone age, so that no sign of the existence of 
such a custom has yet been discovered in the site of Aoshima; it 
then increased gradually, so that this custom was demonstrated 
only in a part of the adults from the sites of Nakazuhama, Prov. 
of Rikuzen, and Yoyama, Prov. of Shimosa; it then reached its 
highest development in the middle to later mediaeval stone age, 
so that evidence of this custom was found in all the adults 
from the sites of Miyato island and Tsukumo; it then decreased 
gradually, so that it was apparent only in part of the adults from 
the sites of K6 and the second bed from below of the cave of Osakai ; 
and finally it disappeared everywhere during the following metal 

This custom is quite variable as to its types, which may be 
distinguished as follows. The typical example of the first is to 
remove the pair of upper canines. The modifications of this type 
are to remove the upper canine of one side and the second upper 
incisor or the first upper premolar of the other side; to remove one 


of the second incisors, the canine and the first premolar of one side 
and two of the same of the other side of the upper jaw; and to 
remove twoor three of the same of either side of the upper jaw. 

The typical practice of the second type is to remove all the four 
canines of the upper and lower jaws. The modifications of this 
type correspond to those of the first type in both the upper and 
lower jaws. In a few examples the first upper incisors were also 

The third type and its modifications are to remove all the lower 
incisors or all the lower incisors and canines; besides they correspond 
to the first type and its modifications in the upper jaw. 

Another very unusual modification of the third type is to remove 
the pair of upper canines and all the lower incisors and canines 
and to modify artificially the natural form of all the four upper 
incisors. A unique example of this rare type has been obtained 
by Prof. Koganei from the site of K6. This example may possibly 
be feminine; her first upper incisors are three-pointed with two 
artificial indentations and her second upper incisors two-pointed 
with one artificial indentation. 

The first and second types and their modifications are proved 
to exist in the sites of eastern middle to northeastern Japan, while 
all the three types and their modifications are found to exist in 
the sites of western Japan. According to Prof. Hasebe, the third 
type and its modifications appear to be limited to female skeletons,^ 
in the sites of Tsukumo and K6; but according to Prof. Ogushi 
and myself there might be some exceptions to this rule. 

This custom was not found at all in the child skeletons. It 
appears that the operation of removing several teeth had been 
carried on in the adolescent stage in both men and women. Such 
a custom of removing or modifying several teeth is reported to exist 
among many races with primitive culture. In the neighborhood 
of Japan, some of the aborigines of Formosa and the Philippines 
have such a custom, while the modern Ainu have no such custom 
at all. 

68 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 23, 1921 

VI. Skeletal Characters of the Stone Age People of 

Japan — Racial Types 

The goodly number of skeletons hitherto found in the stone age 

sites of Japan all show a uniformity in certain characters, with a 

considerable divergency in certain other characters. Their common 

characters are as follows: 

Common Characters. .Calvarium, rather low and flattened 
above, being not very convex; lambda-inion curve, long and strongly 
curved ; inion-opisthion curve, very short. Os hicae or interparietals, 
•often well-developed, consisting of two to four conspicuous pieces. 
Glabella, eminentia supra-glabellaris and superciliary ridges usu- 
ally united together so as to form a conspicuous, rhomboidal, 
boss-like projection just above the root of nose. Face, shallow, 
very wide with jugals prominently projecting. Zygomatic arches, 
very deep and stout. Upper edges of orbits, almost hori- 
zontal instead of being divergent downwards. Nasals, usually 
narrow, strongly arched up, being strongly curved in horizontal 
:section; but, in a few of the female skulls, they are observed to be 
rather flattened and not arched up so much. Ascending bar of 
mandible, nearly perpendicular to the horizontal bar. Dental 
arches curved like a half of either an ellipse or a circle, the anterior 
parts being smoothly curved and not angular at the corners cor- 
responding to the canines. 

Vertebrae, not very stout. Sacrum, appearing to be usually 
dolichohieric and curved very feebly. Ribs, extraordinarily deep 
and stout. All the long bones of both the upper and lower limbs 
are very stout, with very well-developed projections and keels for 
the attachment of tendons of muscles; hence it is also evident that 
the muscles might also be very well-developed. Metacarpals, 
metatarsals, and phalanges appearing to be rather slender. 

Proportion of the length of fore-arm to that of upper arm, near 
that in the Ainu, being larger than that in the major modern Japa- 
nese. Greater tuberosity of humerus, high, arising almost to the 
same level as the head; deltoid process strong bicipital. Both 
radius and ulna curved very conspicuously; process of radius, very 




Femur, curved and obtorted very strongly; linea aspera, extra- 
ordinarily well-developed ; third trochanter, often well-developed 
and sometimes attaining an enormous size. In some skeletons 
the upper halves of the femurs are strongly compressed anterio- 
posteriorly. Tibia, strongly curved, sometimes strongly compressed 
laterally; anterior keel, blunt, being rounded in horizontal section 

Fig. 22. — Aoshiina skull, first stage of the first period. 

(that in the major modern Japanese forms a sharp cutting edge). 
Fibula, extremely stout with a number of very well-developed ver- 
tical keels and a number of concave surfaces bordered by these 
keels, very often strongly compressed laterally. The longer axis of 
the posterior surface of calcaneum inclines inward down, and out- 
ward up, instead of being nearly vertical or just the reverse. 
Lower surface of foot, flat, being not very concave. 

Almost all these common characters are also represented in 
the skeletons of the modern Ainu. Again, in many of these common 

70 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s.. 23. 1921 

characters the stone age people of Japan and the Ainu appear to 
resemble the upper palaeolithic people and a certain part of the 
neolithic people of Europe. 

Notwithstanding these common characters are represented, the 
skeletons from the stone age sites of Japan show a considerable 
divergence in the other characters. I will proceed with my descrip- 
tion, subdividing them into a number of racial types for convenience 
as follows: 

A. Aoshima Type. Skeletons from the site of Aoshima, and a 
part of the skeletons from the site of Miyato island. Moderately 
short, male adults standing about five feet two to four inches. 
Large-headed. Dolicho-mesocephalic. Glenoid fossae, shallow; 
post-glenoid spine, rather deep. Shallow-faced; though the face 
is not so shallow in absolute measurement, yet it is so broad as 
to be ranked among shallow-faced types in facial index; forehead, 
retired, and face, convex in lateral view, more or less strongly 
prognathous. Floor of the narial cavity and front surface of the 
upper jaw communicated together by a pair of grooves. Torus 
palatinus, often well-developed. Mandible, very strong; chin, 
not very strongly projected, and rounded in upper and lower view, 
except in some female skulls. Palatine and dental arches of both 
jaws, more or less long and large, like a half of an ellipse. Teeth, 
strong; molars, often of unreduced type, the upper ones being usually 
four-cusped and the lower ones usually five-cusped (fig. 22). 

B. Miyato Dwalf Type. Part of the skeletons from the site 
of Miyato island; also a part of those from the sites of Tsukumo 
and K6. Very short, male adults standing about five feet to five 
feet two inches. Size of head, moderate ;meso-brachycephalic, and 
also to brachycephalic. Glenoid fossae and post-glenoid spine, 
moderate. Shallow- faced, the face being very shallow both in 
absolute measurement and in proportion; forehead, not retired; 
straight-faced, orthognathous. 

Floor of the narial cavity and front surface of the upper jaw 
parted from each other by a ridge. Torus palatinus, not well- 
developed. Mandible, rather weak; chin, strongly projected, 
angular in upper and low view, quite like that of the European. 


Palatine and dental arches of both jaws, short and small, like a half 
of a circle. Teeth, weak; molars, of reduced type, the second and 
third upper ones being usually three-cusped and the second and 
third lower ones usually four-cusped. 

The dwarf type of the sites of Tsukumo and K6, which is pro- 
visionally referred to the present type, appears to be more brachy- 
cephalic than the typical type of the site of Miyato island. 

C. Tsukumo Tall Type. Part of the skeletons from the site of 
Tsukumo, and also of K6. Tall, male adults standing about 
five feet six or seven inches. Large-headed, but maybe moderate 
f taken in proportion to the height of body. Meso-brachy- 
cephalic. Glenoid fossae, deep; post-glenoid spine, very strongly 
reduced. Shallow-faced; forehead, not retired; straight-faced; 
orthognathous. Floor of the narial cavity and front surface of 
the upper jaw well-parted from each other by a ridge. Torus 
palatinus, not well-developed. Mandible, weak; chin, strongly 
projected, angular in upper and lower jaw, quite like that of the 
European. Palatine and dental arches of both jaws, short and 
small like a half of a circle. Teeth, very weak; molars of reduced 
type; the second and third upper ones being usually three-cusped 
and the second and third lower ones usually four-cusped. Tibia 
and fibula, long, both in absolute length and in proportion to the 
length of the femur. 

The longer bones of the lower limbs of this type much resemble 
those of the Cro-Magnon type, though the former type is evidently 
much more progressive than the latter type in many cranial char- 
acters. Moreover, some broad-headed skulls of the Miyato dwarf 
and Tsukumo tall types resemble very strongly the skulls of the 
Furfoot-Grenelle type. The Miyato dwarf and the Tsukumo tall 
types are quite like the European in the general structure of the 
face and especially in that of the jaws and teeth. Indeed, they are 
nearer the European than the Ainu are to the same. 

VII. Racial Types of the Modern Japanese and Ainu 
It has become evident by the studies of Profs. Koganei and 
Hasebe that there are two racial types among the modern Amu 



[n. s., 23, 1921 

of Hokkaido. One type, including about two-thirds of the total 
number of the modern Ainu of Hokkaido, comparatively tall (about 
five feet three to four inches or near that) and comparatively long- 
headed (cephalic index, ca. 75-76 ±), while the other type, com- 
prising about one-third the total number, is very short (about five 
feet to five feet one inch) and comparatively broad-headed (cephalic 
index, ca. 79-8o±). As far as I can judge from Mr. Torii's numer- 
ical tables, the modern Ainu of the Kurile islands appear to consist 
chiefly of the first type. The modern Ainu of Saghalin being also 
comparatively tall and long-headed, appear to me also to consist 
chiefly of the first type. 

Fig. 23. — Lt'fl, modern Ainu skull; Right, skull of the Miyato type. 

The first type of the modern Ainu appears to correspond well 
to the Aoshima type of the stone age, and the second type of the 
same to the Miyato dwarf type of the stone age (fig. 23). 

Analytical studies of the racial types of the modern Japanese 
have been made by Prof. Hasebe and Mr. Matsumura. As a result 
of their analytical studies, four racial types have been recognized 
to exist among the modern Japanese, — Ishikawa and Okayama 
types by Prof. Hasebe, and Chikuzen and Satsuma types by Mr. 
Matsumura. The Ishikawa type is characterized by the very 
short stature (five feet to five feet one inch), not very broad head 
(cephalic index, ca. 78±), straight and shallow face and weak jaws; 


the Okayama type by the tall stature (five feet five inches or more), 
broad head (cephalic index, ca. 82 or more) convex and deep face 
and strong jaws; the Chikuzen type by the tall stature (five feet 
five inches or more) and not very broad head (cephalic index, 
ca. 78 ±); and the Satsuma type by the very short stature (five 
feet one inch or near that) and broad head (cephalic index, ca. 82 ±). 

I have been informed privately by Mr. Matsumura that both 
his Chikuzen and Satsuma types may be shallow-faced. The 
Ishikawa type is to be met with abundantly in the northern middle 
part and northeastern part of the main island; the Okayama 
type in the coastal districts around the Inland sea, in Kinai, i.e., 
the former capital Kyoto and its vicinity, and in the western 
middle part of the main island; the Chikuzen type in the northern 
part of Kiushu; and the Satsuma type in the southern parts of 
both Kiushu and Shikoku. 

The Ishikawa type appears nearly, though not yet thoroughly, 
to correspond to the Miyato dwarf type of the stone age, and the 
Chikuzen type also nearly to the Tsukumo tall type of the stone 
age. The Ishikawa and Chikuzen types may possibly be Mongo- 
lianized survivors of the Miyato dwarf and Tsukumo tall types, 
respectively. In the stone age already, the shorter type of the sites 
of Tsukumo and K6 appears to be more broad-headed than the 
typical Miyato dwarf type of the site of Miyato island. Then, 
there may be a certain probability that both these dwarf types 
belong to local varieties of one and the same branch which show 
the divergency, being more long-headed northeastwards and more 
broad-headed southwestwards. If this view be correct we may 
expect the presence of a racial type characterized by short stature 
and broad head in the extreme southwestern Japan. Then, the 
Satsuma type fits strictly to the expected racial type. The Oka- 
yama type, which has been looked upon by Prof. Hasebe himself to 
be the Korean type of the Mongolian stock, is not yet actually 
discovered from the stone age sites of Japan. This type might 
have invaded Japan either at the close of the stone age or at the 
dawn of the metal age. 

74 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

VIII. Natural Position of the Stone Age People of Japan — 
Concluding remarks 
The Ainu, nowadays, are a quite isolated and well characterized 
race. Such an isolated distribution cannot in any case be looked 
upon as a primary condition. The races of mankind are compar- 
able to the local varieties of animals. We have learned that the 
local varieties, or a group of local species closely allied with each 
other, should primarily be ranged or distributed like a chain or a 
network. The isolated distribution of the Ainu, nowadays, repre- 
sents only a single link of a chain or a network. Thus, our search 
for the presumed missing links which formerly connected the Ainu 
to their primary relatives of far distant lands, proceeds. Now, 
our search is being answered by the successive discoveries of the 
human skeletons of the stone age people of Japan. 

Many European authorities consider that the Caucasian, 
Ainu, and Australian are to be grouped together in a great racial 
stock. And, I think they are right. In many physical characters 
the Ainu appear to be much more progressive than the Austrialian 
and a little more primitive than the European. 

As already stated, the stone age people of Japan are very near the 
Ainu, and some of them are more closely related to the European 
than the Ainu due to the same being evidently more progressive than 
the Ainu. And it is almost evident that they are to be grouped 
together with the Caucasian, so far as the Ainu should be grouped 
together with the latter. I have come to look upon the Miyato 
dwarf and Tsukumo tall types as corresponding to two discoveries 
of the missing links of the great racial chain, namely the Aino- 
Caucasian. The Aoshima type, of which little altered survivors 
may be represented by the more typical type of the modern Ainu, 
might probably be very near the ancestral type of both the Miyato 
dwarf and the Tsukumo tall type. 

The Aino-Caucasian range from Japan to Europe along the 
margin of the Asiatic continent, while the Mongolian occupy 
the central main part and the north of the same. Why has such a 
distribution arisen? It is obvious from the "theory of center of 
evolution and dispersion" developed by the eminent authorities 


of the American Museum of Natural History. The Aino-Caucasian 
are pre-Mongolian in a certain point of view; the former corresponds 
to the group which had been forced to move eastwards, southeast- 
wards, southwards, southwestwards, and westwards — always out- 
wards, toward the margin of the continent from the center of evo- 
lution and dispersion — by the latter. 

I call the Japanese xA.ino-Caucasian — the Aoshima, Miyato 
dwarf and Tsukumo tall types, including the modern Ainu, — all 
together by the name Pan- Ainu. Among the Pan- Ainu, the Aosh- 
ima type was the first arrival in Japan. This type is found from 
the earlier stone age of northeastern Japan almost as a pure 
race, and from the mediaeval stone age of the same as a race 
mixed with the next type. Nowadays, it lives in Hokkaido as a 
race mixed with the next type, and in the Kurile islands and in 
Saghalin almost as a pure race. 

The next to arrive or to arise in Japan was the Miyato dwarf 
type and possibly also its presumed cousins in western Japan. 
This type is found from the mediaeval stone age of northeastern 
Japan as a race mixed with the foregoing type; and its presumed 
cousins are found from the mediaeval stone age of western Japan 
as a race mixed with the following type. Nowadays, it lives in Hok- 
kaido as a race mixed with the foregoing type, and in northeastern 
Japan and in the north central part of the main island as a mixed 
race more or less Mongolianized; and its presumed cousins live m 
southwestern Japan as a mixed race more or less Mongolianized. 
This type and its presumed cousins are separated from each other 
in recent distribution by the two following newcomers. 

The third to arrive or to arise in Japan was the Tsukumo tall 
type. It is found from the mediaeval stone age of western Japan 
as a race mixed with the presumed cousins of the Miyato type. 
Nowadays, it lives in the northern part of western Japan as a mixed 
race Mongolianized; and also scattered in every part of Japan, 
for this type appears to be very common in the former knight 
class of Japan. 

The last newcomer to Japan was the Okayama type of the 
Mongolian stock. This type is not yet actually found from the 

76 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

stone age of Japan. Nowadays, it occupies middle western Japan 
including the former capital of Japan and its vicinity. 

The racial and cultural assimilation had been carried on just 
the reverse of the racial arrivals. It would appear that the Miyato 
dwarf type had assimilated the Aoshima type to a certain extent 
in northeastern Japan, while its presumed cousins had been assimi- 
lated to a great extent by the Tsukumo tall type in western Japan. 
There are certain reasons for assuming that the embryonal empire 
of Japan had been founded by the Okayama type, or by the union 
of this type and the surrendered aboriginals of western Japan, who 
consisted of the Tsukumo tall type and the presumed cousins of 
the Miyato dwarf type. A large part of the surrendered aboriginals 
served as the warriors of the Imperial army. These warriors 
invaded eastern and northeastern Japan conquering and assimilat- 
ing, step by step, the wild aboriginals of these districts. Thus, 
the type, which has lost its national independence last, was the 
very Ainu who were the first to arrive in Japan. 

ToHOKu Imperial University, 
Sendai, Japan. 



Vererhung iind Auslese. Griindriss der Gesellschaftsbiologie und der Lehre 
vom Rassedienst. Wilhelm Schallmayer. Dritte, durchwegs um- 
gearbeitete und vermehrte Auflage. Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1918. 

XVI, 536 pp. 

Dr. Schallmayer is known as one of the most energetic champions 
of Rassehygiene or eugenics, and the book now presented in a revised 
form ranks in Germany as one of the standard works the movement has 
produced. It is undoubtedly a comprehensive and thorough introduction 
to eugenic philosophy, especially valuable for the full bibliographic 
references to relevant literature. On the other hand, the mania for 
citing authorities and even subjective utterances of eminent writers 
detracts from the readableness of the book, which further loses through 
needless detail in the discussion of special points. Thus, the discussion 
of medical technique in connection with health certificates for bride- 
groom and bride (398 seq.) seems quite uncalled for. 

While Schallmayer is inevitably subjective in framing his ethical 
aspirations, his views generally commend themselves by an unusual 
measure of sanity. For a eugenist his position on the race question is 
remarkably temperate. He does not accept culture as a safe index of 
racial ability (p. 190) and devotes a whole chapter to an appreciation of 
the Chinese (pp. 282-310). He specifically repudiates the cult of 
Gobineau and refuses to identify eugenic aims with exclusive attention 
to the Nordic elements in the population (pp. 269, 375-387)- O" 
other specifically eugenic questions, such as birth control (p. 493). 
Schallmayer likewise assumes a moderate position. 

The author's political ideals have a distinctly liberal bias, especially 
when contrasted with those of some of his fellow-eugenists in our midst. 
For example, material success is not accepted without considerable 
qualification as proof of inherited worth (pp. 146, 226). Schallmayer 
is willing to go rather far in the direction of democracy and rightly 

Eine gesunde Demokratie schliesst eine Leistungsaristokratie nicht niir nicht 
aus, sondern ist ohne eine solche uberhaupt nicht moglich (p. 462). 


-8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23. 1921 

A somewhat curious conception of a European league of nations is 
offered (pp. 494-500). The primary motive is the preservation of 
Europe from Asiatic and American encroachments. Russia and England 
are to be excluded because their cooperation would render the formation 
of the league more difficult and diminish its internal strength. 

Ethnologically the author lapses into occasional naivete. Exogamy 
is twice defined as a prohibition against marriage within the tribe, 
Stamm (pp. 7, 393). And the pedigrees of the Samoans (p. 388) are 
not likely to shed much light on problems of heredity. 

On the whole, the book may be recommended as a temperate expo- 
sition of the eugenic point of view. 

Robert H. Lowie 


Seneca Fiction, Legends and Myths: collected by Jeremiah Curtin 
and J. N. B. Hewitt. Edited by J. N. B. Hewitt. (Thirty- 
second Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology.) 
Washington, 1918. 

This is one of the most important collections of traditional narratives 
from any native American people both as regards quantity and quality. 
Curtin's data were collected from 1883 to 1887, mostly in English, Hewitt's 
in 1896 in Seneca. Two of Hewitt's legends are in text with interlinear 
translation; the others are given in English only. More than three- 
fourths of the narratives are Curtin's but nearly half the bulk is from 
Hewitt. As the average length of the one hundred and thirty-eight 
stories is about six pages, it is evident that the rendering is full and that 
nothing has been lost through a desire to hurry through to a gist of the 
narratives. The native flavor is strong. Curtin's versions, although 
obviously somewhat less close to the original, hold up excellently in this 
regard, while Hewitt's must be regarded as models. They remind in 
many ways of the famous Algonkin translations of William Jones. 
There is no doubt that a certain quality of English text can be attained 
only by a recorder who possesses an intimate knowledge of the native 
language of his informants, such as the majority of field ethnologists in 
this country are far from possessing. This statement is not to be 
considered as suggesting that the majority of our Indian traditional 
material is worthless. For comparative purposes bulk of data and 
geographical inclusiveness are indispensable. It is far better that we 
should have collections of tales lacking in literary flavor than not to 


have them at all. Vet in the face of a volume which like this one is at 
once monumental and faithful in its reproduction of the native style, 
it is well to recognize its unusual virtues. 

Hewitt has divided the narratives into fiction, legends, and myths, 
plus some traditions and tales. In his introduction he discusses the 
development and relations of these several types. It is doubtful how 
far this classification would be applicable among other peoples. Some 
of Hewitt's criteria no doubt do apply elsewhere, and yet the attempt 
to schematize rigorously would be likely in most cases to lead to artifi- 
ciality. For ordinary purposes it will continue to be most practicable 
to assemble all material from one people and divide it so far as may be 
on the basis of distinctions which they themselves have worked out, or 
which may be readily apparent in the given case. 

Much the same applies to Hewitt's other theoretical point, namely 
that much of the collecting of native traditions has been so hasty as to 
be unfavorable to the acquisition of the more philosophic and poetic 
creations, and that it has frequently been accompanied by an over- 
accentuation of the coarse and obscene. The first part of this criticism 
can be met with considerations similar to those just discussed in regard 
to style. It is certainly desirable that we record the finest specimens of 
the product of the native mind. The search for values in civilization 
has the greatest importance, yet has often been ignored or looked upon 
askance as something unscientific. On the other hand there are results 
other than values or qualities that can be derived from cultures. The 
interest in the actualities of a civilization is as justified as in its idealities, 
and for purposes of tracing historic development and determining causes, 
it is indispensable that the material available be both as full as possible 
and free from selection by any standard of quality. It will be to the 
advantage of both lines of work if students devoted primarily to each 
will meet the efforts of the other camp with full sympathy. 

As regards the point of coarseness in native tradition, which Hewitt 
revives, we seem to have come to the stage where one group charges 
the other with being obscene-minded and this party retaliates with the 
accusation of unscientific prudishness. Here again a recognition of the 
value of each method of approach appears called for. It seems worth 
while only to add that there undoubtedly exist difterences in tempera- 
ment of nations as well as observers. If Hewitt's work had lain wholly 
among Pacific Coast instead of Iroquoian tribes his attitude would 
probably have been less positive. Part of the criticism which he directs 
against observers attaches to the tribes with which fortune has 

80 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

thrown them into contact. Nevertheless Hewitt's discussion is stimulat- 
ing and well worth while as a reminder that two attitudes are enter- 

All in all, this is a notable piece of work and arouses the lively hope 
that it may continue to be followed, and soon, by others from the pen 
of the part author and editor of the whole. 

A. L. Kroeber 


The Hawaiian Romance of Laieikawai, with Introduction and Transla- 
tion. Martha Warren Beckwith. (Thirty-third Annual Report 
of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 285-666.) Washington, 

The Laieikawai is a Hawaiian romance, heavih' flavored with nn- 
thology, epic in length and treatment, but with the love interest domi- 
nant. It contains many songs, but is mainly in prose. How long it had 
been preserved orally is not known. Haleole, a native, published it 
in Hawaiian in 1863 that there might "abide in the Hawaiian people the 
love of their ancestors and their country." The theme as well as the 
language were adapted by Haleole to his day; yet the modifications 
introduced by him into the ancient tale appear to be very slight. It is 
the longest and in many ways the greatest piece of Polynesian literature 
preserved. The plot, seemingly inchoate at first, develops through six 
hours of recital or 137 pages of print with ever-increasing inner unity- 
and magnificence of conception. The tale is a monument of the civiliza- 
tion that produced it. 

The Laieikawai was reprinted in Hawaiian in 1888, but has been 
available in translation only in greatly condensed versions, in king 
Kalakaua's book of legends and in an article by Rae in the Journal of 
American Folk-Lore for 1900. Miss Beckwith gives the full text, an 
apparently accurate translation, notes on the text, and an appendix of 
abstracts of other Hawaiian tales collected by Fornander. In her 
Introduction she reviews especially the mythology and the art of com- 
position involved. The latter section contains much of interest to 
students of comparative literature. Miss Beckwith's work throughout 
is done in a scholarly manner; and the intrinsic value of the material 
which she has made generally available is so great that her painstaking 
and successful labor deserves grateful recognition. 

A. L. Kroeber 



Boas, J. E. V. Einige Bemerkungen uber die Hand des Menschen. 
(Kgl. Danske Videnskabernes Selskab, Biologiske Meddelelser II, i.) 
Copenhagen, 1919. 32 PP-, 23 figs. 

Bushnell, David I. Native Cemeteries and Forms of Burial east 
of the Mississippi. (Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 71.) 
Washington, D. C, 1920. 

Frankowski, Eugeniusz. Estelas discoideas de la Peninsula Iberica. 
(Comision de Investigaciones Paleontologicas y Prehistoricas, Memoria 
N. 25.) Madrid (Hipodromo): Museo Nacional de Ciencias Naturales, 
1920. 192 pp. 

Giddings, Franklin H. Pluralistic Behavior. (American Journal 
of Sociology, vol. xxv, 1920, pp. 385-404, 539-56i.) 

Hocart, A. M. Notes on Rotuman Grammar. (Journal of the 
Royal Anthropological Institute, vol. XLix, July-Dec, 1919, pp. 252- 

Hooton, Earnest A. Indian Village Site and Cemetery near Madison- 
ville, Ohio. With Notes on the Artifacts by Charles C. Willoughby. 
(Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Eth- 
nology, Harvard University, vol. vill, no. l.) Cambridge, 1920. VII, 
137 PPm 30 pis., 5 ills. 

Keith, Arthur. Nationality and Race from an Anthropologist's 
Point of View. Humphrey Milford: Oxford University Press, 1919. 

39 PP- 

Kroeber, A. L. Yuman Tribes of the Lower Colorado. (LTniversity 
of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, 
vol. XVI, no. 8, pp. 475-485.) Berkeley, 1920. 

. California Culture Provinces. {Ibid., vol. xvii, no. 2, pp. 

151-169.) Berkeley, 1920. 

and Waterman, T. T. Source Book in Anthropology. Uni- 
versity of California Press: Berkeley, 1920. 565 pp. (Reviewed in the 
next issue.) 

Lubosch, W. Formverschiedenheiten am Korper des menschlichen 
Brustbeins und ihr morphologischer und konstitutioneller Wert. (Ge- 
genbaurs Morphologisches Jahrbuch, vol. Li, 1920, pp. 91-140.) 

MacCaughey, Vaughan. The Hawaiian Olona (Science, N.S., 
vol. Lii, 1920, p. 240 f.) 


82 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

Miiller, Fr. Aegidius. Zur materiellen Kultur der Kaffern. (Anth- 
ropos, vols, xii-xiii, 1917-1918, pp. 852-858.) 

Parsons, Elsie Clews. Notes on Ceremonialism at Laguna. (An- 
thropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, vol. 
XIX, pt. 4, pp. 85-131, 21 figs.) New York, 1920. 

Radin, Paul. The Sources and Authenticity of the History of the 
Ancient Mexicans. (University of California Publications in American 
Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. xvii, no. i, pp. 1-150.) Berkeley, 

Salem Museum. The Hawaiian Portion of the Polynesian Collec- 
tions in the Peabody Museum of Salem. Peabody Museum: Salem, 
1920. 56 pp., 14 pis., frontispiece. 

Skinner, Alanson. Medicine Ceremony of the Menomini, Iowa, 
and Wahpeton Dakota, with Notes on the Ceremony among the Ponca, 
Bungi Ojibwa, and Potawatomi. (Indian Notes and Monographs, vol. 
IV.) New York: Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, 
1920. 357 pp., 26 pis., 14 figs. 

Vormann, P. Fritz. Das tagliche Leben der Papua, unter besonderer 
Beriicksichtigung des Valman-Stammes auf Deutsch-Neuguinea. (An- 
thropos, vols. XII-XIII, 1917-1918, pp. 891-909.) 

Waterman, T. T. See Kroeber, A. L. 

Weule, Karl. Zusammenhange und Konvergenz. Ein Wort zu 
F. V. Luschans Glaubensbekenntnis. (Petermanns Mitteilungen, 1920, 
pp. 69-77, I. Pl-) 

Williams, Mary Wilhelmine. Social Scandinavia in the Viking Age. 
New York: The Macmillan Co., 1920. xiv, 451 pp., 50 figs., i map. 

Willoughby, Charles C. See Hooton, Ernest A. 

Zeidler, H. F. B. Beitrage zur Anthropologie der Gesichtsweich- 
teile der Neger. (Zeitschrift fiir Morphologic und Anthropologie, vol. 
XXI, 1920, pp. 153-184.) 


Africa and the Discovery of America 

I wish most emphatically to protest against Professor Dixon's 
unique method in attacking my book, Africa and the Discovery of America. 
I do not refer to his inability to accept rfty views, but to the manner 
in which he represents them to readers of the Anthropologist. I decline 
to answer in the same abusive language as that used by him, and it is 
impossible for anyone to answer generalities. Fortunately Professor 
Dixon has made a number of specific charges, and all of these I shall 
analyze here. 

Prof. Dixon says (p. 179): 

In one at least of his attempts to prove the "atrocious forgery" of much of Colum- 
bus' writings and those of Ramon Pane, Professor Wiener shows a readiness to 
seek for and accept far-fetched explanations, a tendency which becomes more 
noticeable in his later chapters. Thus he rejects as a lie the story told by Colum- 
bus of fishing by the aid of the remora or sucking-fish, and declares it to have 
been derived from Odoric of Pordenone's account of cormorant fishing in eastern 
China. A little investigation would have shown that improbable as it may 
seem, there is no good reason to brand it as a pure invention or plagiarism, for 
precisely this same method has been and still is employed in Melanesia and its 
practicability has recently been demonstrated by tests in New York. 

I am not dealing with the probability or improbability of the remora 
fishing, but with the literary lie connected with it. On p. 55 I say: 

Our purpose, however, is not to get at the correct text of Columbus, but to study 
the manner in which the errors were perpetuated and finally received the sanction 
of Columbus himself, who thus became a coadjutor in the forgeries. 

On p. 61 I refer to the fishing story as follows: 
We can study the formation of another ghost word in a passage contained in 
Peter Martyr and Bernaldez, and, although this ghost word is not necessarily 
due to Columbus, the lie told in connection with it was published in 1504 in the 
Libretto, and Columbus never took the trouble to deny it. 

I three times specifically absolved Columbus of this lie (pp. 61, 65, 67). 
I showed that Peter Martyr's guaicaniim, the native name of the fish 
caught by the remora, was a ghost word, arising out of Bernaldez 's 
caza, and was trying to get at the basis of " the older original from which 
Bernaldez got his version." I showed how the well-known cormorant 


84 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

Story in Odoric was in the Italian version changed into that of the 
remora, which puzzled Yule before me, for he said, "This (Italian) 
edition has in this passage an exceedingly curious variation, difficult to 
account for.''^ One can only be puzzled at the attempt of the gentlemen 
in New York to prove the veracity of the remora story, since it has 
been very frequently recorded. Mas'udi, Ibn Batutah, Idrisi, Al- 
Qazwlni, and Ad-Damiri hint at the catching of the wal ofT the shore 
of Zanzibar by means of the remora, and the works of Santos, Dampier, 
Commerson, Salt, and Middleton tell specifically of the turtle fishing 
by means of the remora on the east coast of Africa, from Zanzibar to 
Natal. In fact, that the whole story in Bernaldcz and in the writings 
based on Columbus' Second Voyage is a base lie. is proved, beyond any 
possibility of cavil, from an entry in the Swahili.Dictionary:" 

Kassa, turtle, of which there are various kinds. . . . The kassa is caught by 
means of the taza fish, which the fishermen carry alive with them. When they 
see a kassa, they let the taza go after it, to stick fast to the kassa. When the 
taza has seized it, the fisherman throws a harpoon and takes the kassa out of the 
sea, the taza letting go instantly when exposed to the air. 

This shows that Bernaldez's caza is taken out of an account about 
Zanzibar, and either there was an Arabico-African influence in America 
before Columbus, or the whole story is a huge lie. 

Again Prof. Dixon says (p. 179): 

As the earliest certain record the author has been able to discover referring 
to the use of tobacco in Africa is at the end of the sixteenth century, it is obviously 
incumbent on him, if he is to prove his theory, to find indirect evidence of its 
earlier presence. 

In the index of my book may be found ttie entr\': " Me)itioned in 
Africa in the fifteenth century, p. in," and on that page I say: 

An Arabic source speaks of it as in use in the middle of the ninth century of the 
hegira, which would be about the middle of the fifteenth century; this date, 
however, is not certain and needs verification. 

I give the reference in the footnotes: Cap. Binger, Dii Niger au 
Golfe de Gninee, Paris, 1892, vol. 11, p. 364. Here we read: 

M. Houdas a encore eu I'amabilite de nous donner la note cijointe, qui confir- 
merait bien que le tabac est, sinon originaire du Soudan, au moins qu'il y est 
connu depuis les temps recules. 'A Koubacga, le tasert aussi de monnaie. Par 

1 Sir Henry Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, London, 1913, vol. n, p. 189. 
^L. Krapf, A Dictionary of the Suahili Language, London, 1882, p. 130 f. 


une singuliere homophonie avec le nom europeen, les habitants du Darfour I'appel- 
lent, dans leur langage, taba. Bien plus, ce nom de taba est commun dans tout 
le Soudan. Au Fezzan et a Tripoli de Barbarie, on I'appelle tabgha. J'ai lu 
une cassidah, ou piece de vers, composee par un Bakride ou descendant de la 
famille du khalife Abou Bakr, afin de prouver que fumer n'est pas pecher. Ces 
vers, je crois, datent d'environ le milieu du IX*^ siecle de I'hegire. En voici 
quelquesuns: Dieu tout-puissant a fait sortir du sol de notre pays une plante 
dont le vrai nom est tabgha. Si quelqu'un, dans son ignorance, te soutient que 
cette plante est defendue, dis-lui: Comment prouves-tu ce que tu avances? 
Par quel verset du Coran? 

Since Houdas was not absolutely sure of the date, which might as easily 
be earlier than the middle of the fifteenth century as later, I advised 
caution as regards the date. That there are no other sources for smoking 
in Africa in the fifteenth century is only natural: there are no works 
whatsoever of the fifteenth century that deal with the manners of the 

In a footnote on page 180 Prof. Dixon says: 

Of the two references given to prove that tobacco is native in Africa, one does 
not even refer to the subject, while the other clearly indicates the exact opposite 
to what Prof. Wiener says. Similar examples of gross carelessness or direct mis- 
representation abound. 

This refers to my statement (p. 1 1 1) : "The Nicotiana tabacum grows 
wild in Africa, and so does the Nicotiana rustica." For the first the foot- 
note reads: " F. Welwitsch, Catalogue of the African Plants, London 1898, 
vol. i^, p. 754." In Welwitsch's work, where plants are distinguished 
as "cultivated," "escaped from cultivation," and "wild," the entry 
is: "iV. Tabacum. Icolo e Bengo. At the banks of the river Bengo, 
near Funda, wild.'" The second has the footnote: "G. Schweinfurth, 
Im Herzen von Afrika, Leipzig, London, 1874, vol. i., p. 295." The 
page reference, by oversight, is given as 295, instead of 279, but this 
does not excuse the reviewer's statement, since there are only two refer- 
ences to "tobacco" in the Index, one of them being the following in the 
English translation: ^ 

(Juite an open question I think it is, whether the N. rustica is of American origin. 
. . . Barth has given his opinion that the tobacco is a native of Logane (Mosgoo). 
. . . The conjecture is tenable, that they probably favoured the propagation 
of the foreign growth, because smoking, either of the common tobacco {N. rustica) 
or of some other aromatic weed, had in some way already been a practice amongst 

I E. E. Frewer, The Heart of Africa, London, 1873, vol. i, p. 255. 


86 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 23, 1921 

Barth^ says: 
We had already seen much cultivation of tobacco in this country, and were im- 
pressed with the opinion, however strange it may seem, that it was an indigenous 
plant, and not introduced at a recent period. 

Prof. Dixon continues (p. 180): 

The second stage in the argument, viz., that we have no early accounts of tobacco 
or the use of smoking in America is equally unconvincing. He points out what is 
indeed a puzzling fact, that Columbus in his first voyage makes but one very 
uncertain reference to smoking, and that in the earlier accounts of Florida its 
use is not mentioned. On the other hand he minimizes and quite misunder- 
stands (as well as mistranslates!) the evidence afforded by Sahagun and Bernal 

In regard to Bernal Diaz I said (p. 126): "Bernal Diaz del Castillo 
says that after Montezuma had partaken of his dinner he smoked liquid 
amber wrapped in leaves called tabaco, which put him to sleep," and 
quoted the Spanish passage: "Tambien le ponian en la mesa tres cafiutos 
muy pintados y dorados, y dentro traian liquidambar revuelto con unas 
yerbas que se dice tabaco y cuando acababa de comer, despues que le habian 
cantado y bailado, y alzada la mesa, tomaba el humo de uno de aquellos 
caiiutos, y muy poco, y con ello se dormia." Let any Spanish scholar 
show that I "minimize and quite misunderstand (as well as mistrans- 
late!)" the passage. There is no reference in Bernal Diaz to smoking, 
but only to snilifing incense. This is in complete agreement with Grijal- 
va's account, in 1518, as recorded by Oviedo:^ 

And the chief Indian . . . gave to each of the Christians, who were seated, 
a small tube which was burning at one end, which are made in such a way 
that after they are lighted they slowly diminish and are consumed until they stop 
burning, without giving out a flame, just as the incense sticks of Valencia do, 
and the smoke which came out of them gave forth a fine odor. And the Indians 
made signs to the Christians that they shbuld not allow any of the smoke to 
pass away, as when one takes tobacco.^ 

1 Travels and Discoveries in North and Central Africa, London, 1857, vol. iii, 
p. 229. 

^ Historia general y natural de las Indias, Madrid, 1851, vol. i, p. 525. 

' " Y el general, con los que el indio principal senalo, sentados, dio este al general 
e a cada uno de los chripstianos que estaban sentados un canuto engendido por el un 
cabo, que son fechos de manera que despues de engendidos poco a poco se van gastando 
e consumiendo entre si hasta se acabar ardiendo sin algar llama, assi como lo suelen 
hager los pivetes de Valencia, e olian muy bien ellos y el humo que dellos salia: e 
hacian senas los indios a los chripstianos que no dexassen perder 6 passar aquel humo, 
como quien toma tabaco." 



It is clear from the last sentence that the Indians did not smoke to- 
bacco, but were only sniffing incense. That this account is correct is 
proved by hundreds of representations, in the Aztec Manuscripts, of 
the priest with the yetecomatl, held in his hands, the finest being the 
picture of Montezuma; there being no case on record in which the tube 
is held in the mouth for smoking.^ The quotation from Sahagun is too 
long for reproduction. It is given by me on p. 148 f. The reader may 
compare it with the original and convince himself that my translation 
is substantially correct. To this I shall return further on. 

Again Prof. Dixon says (p. 180): 

He ridicules Oviedo's earlier errors in confusing the Antillean custom of 
inhaling cohoba (Piptadenia peregrina) with the smoking of tobacco, and denies 
in toto the former practice with its use of the bifurcated snuffing tube; a denial 
which, in view of Uhle's and Safford's careful studies, is without force. 

In my book I say (p. 113): 

Neither Ramon Pane nor Columbus refers to the smoking of cogioba, but only to 
its use as an inhaled powder. 

Is this a denial in toto, etc.? As to the bifurcated reed, I say (p. 107): 

From all this it follows that the implement used for errhines was a small funnel, 
which would be represented as Y, and which Columbus, who apparently saw 
the illustration in a book, mistook for a forked reed. It was the thinner end which 
was inserted in the nose, and it is not practicable to devise a forked reed, in 
order to insert the fork into the nose. Certainly no such implement could ha\^ 
been used for smoking, as has been shown by experiment. 

At the time of writing I did not know of Uhle and Safford. I am 
again grateful for being reminded of authorities which confirm my 
deductions in every detail. Safiford^ shows conclusively that neither 
Columbus nor Ramon Pane described smoking of tobacco, but snuffing 
of a narcotic, which is precisely my argument. Safford, too, ridicules 
Oviedo, and ends with the words :^ 

Oviedo, unfortunately, has been quoted by many authors, and his Y-shaped 
figure, with its branches so diverging that they could not possibly have been 
simultaneously inserted in the nostrils of a human being, has been copied again 
and again. 

1 This matter I shall treat more fully in my second volume. 

2 Identity of cohoba, the narcotic snuff of ancient Haiti, in Journal of the Wash- 
ington Academy of Sciencies, vol. vi, p. 547 ff. 

' Ibid., p. 549. 

88 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

The next passage in Prof. Dixon's review is too long to reproduce 
here. It ridicules my philological derivation of the Tupi-Guarani 
words for "tobacco" from Lat. bitumen. I ask the reader to read the 
passage and compare it with my deduction (p. 135): 

At the end of the fifteenth century the Arabic influence in medicine was not yet 
extinct in Portugal and Spain, and if the Arab, tubbdq passed into their languages 
in all its different significances connected with that aromatic plant, then betiime 
must have acquired the same various meanings. It is this word which was 
taken by the Portuguese, with the tobacco plant, to Brazil, at the same time 
that Portuguese niatraca entered into Tupi. 

What about matraca? Is this, too, ridiculous? Prof. Dixon says (p. 181): 

It was this word which, with the plant itself, had been taken by the Portuguese 
pilot of Pigafetta to Brazil more than thirty-five years before! Comment seems 

What I say is this: 

The latter fact (the entrance of matraca into Tupi) happened before 1519, possibly 
through that very pilot who accompanied Pigafetta on his Voyage around the 

In the next onslaught, too long to quote here, my veracity in quoting 
from Jaques Cartier is assailed, with the following comments. " 'Prunes' 
in English is not the equivalent of 'prunes' in French!" This is news 
indeed. Any dictionary will show that Fr. prunes means both plums and 
prunes. If necessary, the word seches is added to distinguish the second 
from the first. "The use of 'apples' in Cartier's text is, as Professor Wiener 
failed to note, due to a misprint of 'pommes' for 'prunes'." Pommes occurs 
twice after plums-} "They likewise have plums, which they dry as we 
do for the winter, which they name Honesta; figs, nuts, pears, apples, and 
other fruits, and beans, which they call Sahe; nuts, Daheya; figs, Hon- 
nesta; apples^ Consequently this cannot be a misprint for prunes. 
Besides, the facsimile MS. of Jaques Cartier's book has distinctly pommes, 
and not prunes.^ Prof. Dixon says (p. 181): 

Cartier does not say that the Indians had names for all of the seven articles which 
he enumerates, and he gives the names only for four of them, viz., figs., plums 
("prunes" in English is not the equivalent of "prunes" in French!) cloves and 

1 J. P. Baxter, A Memoir of Jacques Cartier, New York, 1906, p. no f. 

2 Ibid., pp. 289, 290. 


I say (p. 137): 

At the same time he mentions figs, cloves, and cinnamon, oranges, ahnonds, and 
apples, as known to the Indians and possessing Indian names. 

I did not say that six (not seven) articles all had Indian names; but they 
were all known to the Indians, and, of course, if the Indians understood 
Cartier, they all must have had Indian names. But I continued: 
"There is one circumstance which casts a doubt on the whole story." 
So I did not vouch for anything. Prof. Dixon's assumed identification 
of plums, cinnamon, etc., with American plants is taken bodily out of 
Baxter, 1 but both are thoroughly mistaken. Prunes, figs, almonds, 
nuts, etc., were carried by all the voyagers in their ships, and Indians 
constantly received these fruits from the Europeans. Indeed, we hear 
of these from the very earliest times after the discovery. In 1494 
ships carried almonds and olives to America, ^ and it will be observed 
that all MSS. of Cartier give an Indian name for "olives," namely 
houocohonda.^ In 1500 Alvares Cabral gave the Brazilian Indians some 
dried figs.^ Prunes are constantly mentioned in the Jesuit Relations 
as an Indian food, and more than once the specific statement is made 
that French prunes are meant: "Besides, they get from our French 
People galette, or sea biscuit, bread, prunes, peas, roots, figs, and the 
like. You have here the food of these poor people" (1634).^ This 
proves conclusively that Cartier had chiefly in mind imported articles 
of food. Prof. Dixon identifies "almonds" with "several varieties 
of nuts"; but in Cartier "almonds" is immediately followed by "nuts," 
which makes the identification impossible. 
Prof. Dixon says (p. 182): 

There remain the "cloves" and "cinnamon." In regard to the former, it is to 
be noted that they are referred to in two of the three manuscripts as "so-called 
cloves," obviously indicating that they resembled but were not true cloves. 

The sentence before the "cloves" reads: "Note that their lord 
named Donnacona has been to a land where they are, a moon going 
with their boats from Canada to the said land, in which there grows much 
cinnamon and cloves."*^ This is followed in two manuscripts by "ladicte 

1 Op. cit., p. III. 

2 M. F. de Navarrete, Coleccion de los viages y descuhrimientos. Madrid, 1825, 

vol. II, p. 151. 

' Baxter, op. cit., p. 212. 

4 Alguns documentos do archive naciona' da Torre do Tombo, Lisbon, 1892, p. no. 

5 Vol. VI, p. 273. 

^ Baxter, op. cit., p. 214 f. 

90 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

canelle," which Baxter blunderingly translates by "they call the said 
cloves adhotathny," while Prof. Dixon perpetuates Baxter's blunder, 
by translating canelle as "cloves," and in addition gives to Fr. ladicte 
a meaning which it does not possess, in order to make a point against me. 
Prof. Dixon says (p. 182): 

The theory that the Iroquoian tribes north of the St. Lawrence were, in the early 
sixteenth century, in direct trade relations with the Gulf of Mexico could, quite 
apart from its inherent improbability on account of the distances involved, only 
be imagined by one quite unaware of the character of Indian trade and of the 
political conditions among the eastern tribes at this time. 

Yet Baxter, whom Prof. Dixon quotes in toto, in order to prove 
Prof. Dixon's assumed identification of plants, has the very opposite 
opinion. Cartier says (p. 189 f .) : 

Moreover, they have given us to understand that at the place where we had left 
our boats when we went to Hochelaga there is a stream that goes toward the 
southwest, where, likewise, it takes a moon to go from St. Croix with boats as far 
as to a land where there is never ice nor snow; but that in this said land there 
are continual wars one with another, and that in this land there are oranges, 
almonds, nuts, plums, and other sorts of fruits, and in great abundance. And 
it was told us that the men and residents of the land were clad and arrayed with 
skins as themselves. After having asked them if there was any gold and copper 
there, they answered us no. I esteem the said place to be, by their saying, toward 
Florida by what they showed us by their signs and tokens. 

To this Baxter aptly adds the note: 

In spite of continual warfare among the different savage tribes, there were many 
ways by which they could obtain a knowledge of the inhabitants and products of 
distant regions. Cartier was evidently right in his conjecture that the country 
described was "toward Florida." It is quite possible that the natives of Canada 
had intercourse at times, either directly or indirectly, by the great waterways 
toward the southwest, with the tribes in that direction. 

Prof. Dixon can get his information only from the sources from which 
I get mine, namely from the writers of the sixteenth century', and they 
unanimously contradict him. The trader and medicine man was exempt 
from the feud, and traveled unmolested over enormous distances. 
Cabega de Vaca wrote: 

I put myself to contriving how I might get over to the other Indians, among whom 
matters turned somewhat more favorably for me. I set to trafficing, and strove 
to rhake my employment profitable in the ways I could best contrive, and by that 
means I got food and good treatment. The Indians would beg me to go from one 
quarter to another for things of which they have need; for in consequence of 


incessant hostilities, they cannot traverse the country, nor make many exchanges. 
With my merchandise and trade I went into the interior as far as I pleased, and 
traveled along the coast forty or fifty leagues. The principal wares were cones 
and other pieces of sea-snail, conches used for cutting, and fruit like a bean of 
the highest value among them, which they use as a medicine and employ in their 
dances and festivities. Among other matters were sea-beads. Such were 
what I carried into the interior; and in barter I got and brought back skins, 
ochre with which they rub and color the face, hard canes of which to make arrows, 
sinews, cement and flint for the heads, and tassels of the hair of deer that by 
dyeing they make red. This occupation suited me well; for the travel allowed 
me liberty to go where I wished, I was not obliged to work, and was not a slave. 
Wherever I went I received fair treatment, and the Indians gave me to eat out 
of regard to my commodities. My leading object, while journeying in this 
business, was to find out the way by which I should go forward, and I became 
well known. The inhabitants were pleased when they saw me, and I had brought 
them what they wanted; and those who did not know me sought and desired 
the acquaintance, for my reputation. ^ 

And how is it improbable that the Iroquoians were in direct trade relations 
with the Gulf of Mexico, when Cartier distinctly says so, and Sagard a 
hundred years later repeats the assertion? As to the distances involved, 
Ave have a very detailed itinerary for the Indians in the Jesuit Relations,^ 
from which we learn that they went in their canoes on long voyages, 
600 miles at a time, and averaged as high as 60 miles a day and more, 
going down stream. In a moon's time, going down the Mississippi 
and its tributaries, the Indians could make 1800 miles, or considerably 
more than the distance from the Huron country to the Gulf. In a 
moon and a half, as given by Sagard, they could have gone to any place, 
as far as the present state of Florida. 

Says Dixon (p. 182): 

On page 145 ff. it is contended that the carriers of this trade in tobacco and 
tropical fruits were the Algonkian people called by Sagard (and by him alone) 
the Epicerinys, whose name is derived by Professor Wiener with all apparent 
seriousness from the French 'epicerie' (spices). It is hardly necessary to point 
out that these "bringers of spices" are the Nipissirini or Nipissings of the lake 
of that name in northern Ontario. 

What I said is this: "It will be observed that the people who told 
Sagard about this are called Epicerinys, apparently from the French 
epicerie 'spices,' that is, 'the people who bring the spices.' " There 
can be little doubt that Sagard connected the Nipissings with traders 

1 Buckingham Smith, Relatioti of Alvar Nunez Cabeca de Vaca, New York, 1871, 
p. 85 f. 

2 Vol. XLIV, p. 237 ff. 



of the Sea of Spices, hence he changed Nipisserini to Bisserins, Epicerinys. 
It must be kept in mind that a large number of Indian names were 
by popular etymology transformed into French words. Just as the 
Hiirons were made to appear as the French hurons " tousle-heads," 
although derived from the Iroquoian hronon "man," a word with which 
many names of nations end in Iroquoian, so Epiceriny, "apparently from 
epicene,'" is in reality based on some other word. But Prof. Dixon's 
derivation of Nipissings from "Lake Nipissing" is as correct as would 
be the derivation of Huron from "Lake Huron." The Hurons called 
the Nipissings Skekwanenhroiion "Sorcerers," and the French, too, 
called them "Sorcerers." This makes it certain that their Algonkian 
name was Nipikiwinen "sorcerers," from which developed Nipissirinen, 
etc. But what in the world did the Nipissings have to do with my state- 
ment? I showed that for one hundred years the Hurons, or some people 
among them, traded with a people on the Gulf. Cartier told this of 
Donnacona, Sagard of the Epicerinys. Without committing myself to 
their identification, I merely showed that the traders were " the spicerers" 
of the north, and "spicerer" in the Middle Ages meant "dealer in im- 
ported fruits, etc."' The matter is not in the least changed, if the popular 
etymology is wrongly taken; hence I added the word "apparently." 
To continue with Prof. Dixon's criticism (p. 183): 

Space is lacking to point out all the vagaries which fill the pages of this 
extraordinary chapter. These range from misstatements, such as when (p. 189) 
it is said that Alarcon in 1540 described Indians of the Northwest (sic) as "ad- 
dicted to smoking, carrying the tobacco and the pipe in a bag tied to their arms, 
to the quite incomprehensible attempt to make the Mexican 'chapopotli' (which 
was by the author's own statements, a bituminous, reddish-purple, aromatic 
material mixed with other substances in the filling of cigarettes) equivalent to 

From here on Prof. Dixon's crabbed pronunciamentos make it 
hard to ascertain what his censure is. I shall try, however, to answer 
the vague charges as far as I can make them out. As to the Northwest, 
a little imagination will show that my geographical terms are those of 
the period to which I refer. When I speak of Florida, I mean the 
territory north of the Gulf of Mexico up to the fortieth degree of latitude. 
Similarly, the Pacific region north of Mexico is the Northwest of the 
sixteenth century. I had to choose some such expression, in order to 
include both Alarcon, who went up the Colorado River, and Drake, 

■ See my Economic History and Philology, in Quarterly Journal of Econo^nics, 
vol. xxv (1910), p. 275 ff. 


who went up to latitude 38°, as well as Fletcher, who speaks of latitude 
48°. I specifically pointed this out in the concluding sentence, "that 
tabaco, first mentioned in Hispaniola. should have found its way so far 
to the northwest, in addition to the rest of the continent, is a prima 
facie proof that the distribution of tobacco follows from its first appearance 
under Arabic influence, from Guinea to all countries where Spanish, 
Portuguese, and French sailors navigated via Guinea or after having 
taken part in Guinea expeditions" (p. 141). Prof. Dixon makes me 
say that Alarcon spoke of tobacco. On p. 141 I said, "It is not certain 
that Alarcon here described the tobacco." On p. 189 I made the con- 
cession to Prof. Dixon's school that it was tobacco, even as it is mentioned 
in the margin in Hakluyt. Although I counseled caution, I am now 
inclined to believe that that was exactly what Alarcon meant, because 
the early expression for "smoking" was "to drink tobacco," as it still 
is in Arabic and other languages. Besides, we have an almost contem- 
porary reference in Spanish to "drinking of tobacco." Herrera gives, 
under the date of 1550: "Tambien usan mucho del Tabaco, para Reumas, 
Corrimientos, i dolores de Cabega, i lo toman molido en polvo, por las 
Narices, i beben el gumo, i los hace purgar, i tambien lo usan los Castel- 
lanos." Tobacco was taken as snuff', through the nose, and the juice was 
drunk, as the Spaniards do, that is, it was smoked. If it was drunk, it 
was still tobacco that was drunk. 

The modern meerschaum dates from the eighteenth century, and 
the misnomer "sea-foam," since it is mined and not found in the sea, 
has been a puzzle to philologists. Sahagun and Belon, however, help 
us over the difficulty. The modern meerschaum is merely a substitution 
of the real meerschaum, the old German name of the alcyoniiim durum, 
a pitchy, pumice-like substance of the sea, which was used in the manu- 
facture of aromatic tobacco pipes {cf. my book, p. 148 f.). The confusion 
with the pissasphaltum of the ancients was due to Sahagun's followmg 
explicitly Belon's explanation. The modern meerschaum obviously 
came into use because of its property to discolor beautifully, exactly 
as Sahagun's chapopotli and Belon's pissasphaltum did, and this is the 
only justification for its absurd name. Had I been writing a disquisition 
on meerschaum and not on tobacco, I should have made the matter 
clearer, but all I wanted was to show the important fact that Sahagun 
got his description, not from an Aztec source, but from Belon. 

My critic speaks of 
the credulity which accepts without question Squier's identification of "manatee 
and "toucan" pipes in the Ohio mounds (p. 168) to the assurance which, in utter 

94 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

disregard of all archaeological data, declares the pottery heads of San Juan 
Teotihuacan "negroid" and hence post-Columbian. 

No doubt, Prof. Dixon has in mind H. W. Henshaw's censures of 
Squier and Davis in his Animal Carvings from Mounds of the Mississippi 
Valley,^ but even he did not speak so disparagingly of Squier. Besides, 
Henshaw's conclusion, 

that a large majority of the carvings, instead of being, as assumed, exact like- 
nesses from nature, possess in reality only the most general resemblance to the 
birds and animals of the region which they were doubtless intended to represent,- 

leaves the subject wide open, and, in spite of occasional errors in Squier 
and Davis it is much safer to accept their verdict, than Henshaw's. 
As to the post-Columbian origin of the negroid pottery head, there is 
not a word about it in my book. I only quoted Charnay, who said that 
he picked up a Negro head, and that the ruins were still in use in Spanish 

The other censures by Prof. Di.xon are too vague to be aswered here. 
They will be properly illustrated in my future works. 

Leo Wiener 

A Rejoinder 

The Editor has kindly given me the opportunity to add a few words 
in the way of rejoinder to Professor Wiener's lengthy criticism of my 
recent review of his book. Ordinarily I should be quite content to leave 
the verdict as to the value of the book, the validity of my criticisms, and 
the adequacy of Professor Wiener's reply to any anthropologists who 
cared to waste their time over the task. But (and I regret to be obliged 
to speak thus plainly) the disingenuousness of Professor Wiener's criti- 
cisms and the fact that he has stooped to the employment both of 
suggestio falsi and suppressio veri practically force me to make a brief 
answer. I shall do this by the shortest possible comments on the more 
important points at issue. 

I. Remora fishing: — On pages 61-67 of his book. Professor Wiener 
ridicules the whole idea of remora fishing, and attempts to prove the 
practice unknown in the West Indies and the accounts of it "lies." In 
his reply, he again obligingly refers to these accounts as "base lies." 
He refers to no purpose to eighteenth century descriptions of the practice 
on the East African Coast, but carefully omits any references to ac- 

' In Second Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1880-81, p. 123 ff. 
- Ibid., p. 166. 


counts of the use of the remora in Caribbean waters. The whole 
question has been exhaustively treated by Gudger (American Naturalist, 
LIU, pp. 289, 446, 515) to whose paper those interested may be sent. 

2. Earliest use of tobacco in Africa: — My statement was that the 
earliest certaiyi record given was toward the end of the sixteenth century. 
In his reply, Professor Wiener has only succeeded in making it more 
deadly clear that my statement was quite correct! 

3. Tobacco native in Africa: — -Welwitsch does indeed, as Professor 
Wiener states, record Nicotiana tabacuni as "wild" at one station, but 
Professor Wiener does not state two facts of vital importance in estimating 
the value of Welwitsch's evidence for this species of tobacco being 
native in Africa. These are: (i) that the station referred to is but a short 
distance from Sao Paulo de Loanda, the capital of Angola, a town which 
has been in existence since the latter part of the sixteenth century, and 
(2) that Welwitsch also gives a second station in the same area, with the 
entry "cultivated and afterwards sporadically and rather rarely half- 
wild." The mere fact that a plant is found growing "wild" is not, as 
any botanist knows, evidence that it is native in the region. As tobacco 
is a plant that somewhat easily escapes from cultivation and naturalizes 
itself, no competent botanist would, I think, accept Welwitsch's tivo 
statements, as in any sense proof that Nicotiana tabacum was native in an 
area where it has been cultivated for several centuries. 

As to Schweinfurth, Professor Wiener is obliged to admit that his 
reference made no mention of the subject. I was quite well aware of 
the statements elsewhere in the book, but I did not and do not regard 
"open questions" and "tenable conjectures" as constituting valid evi- 
dence, particularly when these "conjectures" go counter to the currently 
received scientific opinion. 

4. Bernal Diaz and Sahagun: — I still believe Professor Wiener 
"minimizes" the evidence of Bernal Diaz which he gives — and he does not 
give it all! The interpretation of Grijalva's account (which seems 
previously to have escaped Professor Wiener's attention) does not seem 
to me to be defensible. Professor Wiener wisely omits to quote the 
passage from Sahagun which I said he had misunderstood and mistrans- 
lated. The French text, speaking of the making of reed cigarettes 
(not "pipes" as Professor Wiener translates it) reads "il pulverise 
ensuite tres finement le charbon qu'il mouille et dont il bourre les roseaux." 
This is rendered (p. 148 of Professor Wiener's book), "Then he carefully 
pulverizes some coal, which he dampens in order to bore li'ith it through 
the reeds" (italics mine). Let any French scholar show that this is 

96 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

not a hopeless misunderstanding and egregious mistranslation of the 
original. The reeds were filled or stuffed with dampened charcoal, not 
"bored" with "coal." 

5. Inhaling cohoba: — An excellent example of disingenuous method. 
Professor Wiener artfully quotes a sentence of his from page 113 of his 
book, without its context which completely modifies its meaning, and 
then asks in injured innocence if " this is a denial in toto." Of course it is 
not — but the whole of the nine pages which precede are given up to 
nothing but an elaborate denial of the use of cohoba and the bifurcated 
snuffing-tube, and an attempt to prove both Columbus' and Ramon 
Pane's accounts of these to be pure lies! He then quotes Safford, 
cleverly but quite falsely suggesting that this quotation sums up Safford's 
views on the whole question — but very carefully omits any reference to 
the succeeding thirteen pages, in which Safford demonstrates the wide 
extension of both practices and their use in prehistoric times. 

6. Bitumen: — Comment, even on Professor Wiener's comment, 
again "seems superfluous." 

7. Cartier: — Fr. prune = plum; Fr. pruncau = prune. This is an 
old catch for beginners in French. If Professor Wiener can refer me to 
"any dictionary" which gives both meanings as in good use for F'r. prune, 
I shall be very grateful. In speaking of the misprint of pommes for 
prunes I was referring to the specific case of its appearance in the vocabu- 
lary. That the word for apple (a native fruit) occurs elsetvhere in Cartier's 
text has no bearing whatever on the question. I cannot take the space 
necessary for an adequate discussion of the other points raised. 

8. Epicerinys: — I would only point out that I never dreamed of 
deriving " Nipissing" from "Lake Nipissing." I merely stated the fact 
that the tribe called Nipissirini in the seventeenth century are today 
called Nipissings and that they lived near a lake which bears their 
name. I am quite content to leave Professor \\'iener's derivation from 
the Fr. epiccrie to the tender mercies of other philologists! 

9. Alarcon: — The "misstatement" lies in the fact that Alarcon does 
not mention either tobacco or pipes. Although fifty pages or so earlier, 
Professor Wiener admits that it is a pure assumption that tobacco was 
meant and could adduce no evidence whatever in regard to pipes, yet 
on the page referred to (p. 189) he states both assumptions as facts 
without qualification, in order to bolster up his theory. 

10. Chapopotli: — There is not space here to discuss the complete 
muddle into which Professor Wiener has fallen in this matter. Anyone 
who cares to read pp. 148-149. 181-184 of his book, can convince himself 
of this. 


11. Ohio Effigy-pipes: — Professor Wiener here again employs both 
suppressio veri and siiggestio falsi with a master hand. The question at 
issue is whether or not certain pipes found in Ohio represent the manatee 
and the toucan, animals and birds whose nearest habitat was in the 
Gulf of Mexico and the regions south. In order to give the impression 
that Henshaw's criticisms do not invalidate but rather confirm the 
accuracy of Squier and Davis' identification, Professor Wiener carefully 
quotes Henshaw's second conclusion, and then states that the latter thus 
"leaves the subject wide open." He deliberately omits, however, to give 
Henshasv's first conclusion which immediately precedes and which 
reads "that of the carvings from the mounds which can be identified 
there are no representatives of birds or animals not indigenous to the 
Mississippi Valley." In the body of his article, Henshaw has just 
shown conclusively that Squier and Davis' identifications of "manatee" 
and "toucan" pipes are absolutely untenable! 

12. Teotihuacan "negroid" heads: — The word "post-Columbian" 
is to be sure not used in connection with these heads — but the entire 
paragraph in which they are mentioned, has for its primary purpose to 
suggest that the heads are "negroid" because they were made subsequent 
to the introduction of Negro slaves. 

Professor Wiener's reply constitutes neither fair criticism nor legiti- 
mate argument; it is rather an evasion of the issues and a specious 
presentation of irrelevant or misleading facts. 

Roland B. Dixon. 

Harvard University. 

The Reindeer 

My "Notes on Reindeer Nomadism" (Memoirs of the American 
Anthropological Association, Vol. vi, 2) has called forth a reply from 
Dr. Laufer in the Anthropologist's April-June number, 1920, which has 
just come to hand. 

I am heartily in accord with Dr. Laufer when he says "that facts 
mean everything." Facts should, however, be rightly understood; 
therefore, we must attempt to find out the right order in which the facts 
should be arranged so as to be fully comprehended. That is where 
theory comes in. Now, Eduard Hahn and after him Dr. Laufer have 
not, in my opinion, arranged the facts in the right order; therefore, I 
have tried to arrange them better. From Dr. Laufer's reply I learn of 
his disapproval of my analysis of reindeer nomadism and my attempt at 
a chronological stratification of the elements contained in this culture- 


98 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

form. "The criteria made out for earlier and later phenomena are 
purely subjective and a matter of debatable opinion." Unfortunately, 
Dr. Laufer does not say why he regards my criteria as purely subjective. 
It would have been interesting to know why Dr. Laufer regards the 
geographical distribution of the elements of reindeer nomadism as 
purely subjective. The fact that he finds my work deserving of condem- 
nation is not sufficient basis for a discussion. 

When I find reason to suppose that 0rjan Olsen may have made a 
mistake regarding the taming of wild reindeer among the Soyot, I am 
not moved by any fear of having my theories contradicted or my "dreams" 
shattered. If Olsen's observations should happen to be perfectly correct, 
this would not seriously impair any of my theories. I find, however, that 
the process of taming, described by Olsen, has a suspicious similarity to 
the breaking of domesticated (not wild) reindeer among the Lapp; and it 
seems to me very curious that the Soyot should carry on a regular 
domestication of wild reindeer, as long as no such procedure is known 
from other reindeer tribes. 

On a number of points I have criticised Dr. Laufer's paper, "The 
reindeer and its domestication." Some of these points he passes by in 
silence in his reply — e.g., my criticism of his note on the Lappish and 
Samoyed sledges. Other points he takes up for discussion. With regard 
to Dr. Laufer's statement that "reindeer milk is not made into any 
product in northern Asia," I cited two instances to the countrary; Dr. 
Laufer declares that does not alter his views. That may be. More 
serious is his maintenance of his remarkable interpretation of Othere's 
account. Dr. Laufer declares that he does not read more into documents 
than is warranted by their contents. However, he not only refuses 
to accept the interpretation which our best authorities so far have given 
of Othere's reindeer account; he actually reads into this account some- 
thing which it does not contain, and which is moreover in perfect disac- 
cord with what we know of the culture of the old Norsemen and of the 
habits of the reindeer of the region where Othere lived. Othere's account 
does not state that his reindeer were "the venture of a sportsman, who 
had an aesthetic pleasure in the animals, like a park-owner in fallow 
deer": in this interpretation, Dr. Laufer goes entirely beyond the content 
of our document. Furthermore, the saga-literature, which tells us a 
great deal about the life and culture of the old Northmen, although not 
much about those of other nations, does not contain anything about 
deer-parks (one of our best authorities on the culture of the saga-period. 
Professor \'altyr Gudmundsson of the University of Copenhagen, has 


verified that). And, what is also a serious objection to Laufer's inter- 
pretation, the reindeer of the region are strictly migratory. Dr. Laufer 
finds these two objections not valid; it seems to me — and to other 
students of Lappish ethnology^that they have considerable force. 
The refusal of Dr. Laufer to take account of them cannot be given much 
importance as long as he has not produced a single piece of evidence in 
behalf of his theory about Othere's supposed deer-park. 

I am glad to learn that Dr. Laufer entertains no doubt as to the na- 
tionality of Othere's Finn. Page 95 of his paper gave me the impression 
that he was in doubt. Now, as Finn in Othere's narrative means Lapp, 
we learn from Othere that the Lapp in Othere's country in the ninth 
century caught wild reindeer by means of decoy deer — -that is, they used 
tame reindeer in hunting, probably by the same hunting methods as 
those which were fully described by later authors on Lapland, which 
have been in use by reindeer nomads all over northern Eurasia. Othere 
does not say that he himself used his six decoy deer in hunting. He 
says, however, that he owned altogether a herd of six hundred tame 
deer. As Scandinavians are not known to have been reindeer breeders,, 
except in a sort of cooperation with the nomadic Lapp who tended the 
reindeer of Scandinavian owners together with their own herds, and as. 
Othere mentions the Lapp and their use of decoy deer at the same time 
as he speaks about his herd of six hundred, the inference can hardly be 
avoided that Othere, the Lapp, and the reindeer had something to do 
with each other, probably in much the same way as Scandinavian rein- 
deer owners, nomadic Lapp, and reindeer in later centuries. If we are to 
understand Othere's reindeer account at all, we must read it in this way. 
Dr. Laufer's interpretation, on the other hand, is fanciful, as it does not 
agree with Othere's account, nor accord with other facts about Scandi- 
navians and reindeer. 

As I have shown (p. 125), an Icelandic poem, probably from the 
thirteenth century, mentions a Lapp chieftain, riding in a reindeer 
sledge. Dr. Laufer does not seem to have noticed that. On the other 
hand, he informs me of the undeniable truth, that Saxo's tale about 
Hotherus is legendary. I have, of course, not thought of doubting that; 
when I mentioned Saxo's tale, it was because an eminent folklorist has 
compared a passage in this tale with the reindeer-driving Lapp chieftain 
in the Icelandic saga and poem. As I have stated several times, wc do 
not learn much about other nations in the sagas. I find it, however, 
natural to adduce what the sagas have to say on Lapp and reindeer. 

Dr. Laufer's sweeping assertion, that "no historical facts should be 


deduced from the status of loan-words and other linguistic phenomena" 
is an attack on the eminent philologists who have deduced historical and 
culture-historical facts from loan-words and other linguistic phenomena 
in Lappish and neighboring languages, and does really not concern 
me, as I am not a philologist nor am I claiming to be one. I have cited 
the opinion of recognized philologists upon Lappish reindeer nomadism, 
because I found it desirable to call attention to as much material as 
possible, bearing upon this problem. I would advise Dr. Laufer to 
study the particular works in question before passing his sentence. 
Comparative philologists have probably made many mistakes, especially 
in their attempts at reconstructing the original " Indogermanic" culture. 
I fear, however, that by condemning indiscriminately all philologic 
attempts at deducing culture-historical facts from linguistic phenomena. 
Dr. Laufer may perhaps strike at more heads than he can easily cut off. 

Now we arrive at Kalevala. L^nfortunately, Dr. Laufer revealed in 
his paper a fatal lack of understanding of the real culture-historical 
import of this remarkable epic. It was necessary, therefore, to state 
shortly what Kalevala is, according to modern folklore. It is not at all 
my own ideas I have set forth about Kalevala; I may, therefore, justly 
disclaim the honour of being ridiculed by Dr. Laufer as a self-constituted 
Kalevala authority. I would, however, advise Dr. Laufer to read his 
classics, and some modern authors too, a little more carefully, before he 
takes his final stand in the question of Kalevala's bearing upon reindeer 

When I maintain that the description of Lapland and the Lapps in 
Kalevala is not realism, I do not assert, of course, that Kalevala does not 
contain any glimmering of truth about the Lapps. It is, however, on 
the whole a distorted, fanciful, imperfect, unrealistic picture of Lappish 
culture that can be gained from Kalevala. Laufer cites a number of 
verses in which snowshoes, reindeer-hunting, and sledges drawn by 
horses are mentioned. I do not quite understand why he does that. 
Is he not aware that horse driving is a Finnish trait and never was a 
Lappish one, and that snowshoeing and elk and reindeer hunting are 
old Finnish sports? 

Dr. Laufer has the audacity to assert, "Had it so happened that the 
Kalewala furnishes the opposite data which would support Hatt's 
presumptions, he would probably have accepted them without hesita- 
tion." This is glaring unfairness. If Dr. Laufer has read my paper 
through, he cannot have avoided noticing (p. 127) that I have cited a 
passage from Kalevala where the reindeer actually is mentioned as the 


northern or Lappish equivalent of the horse. As I have said already in 
my paper, I do not quote this passage as proof of the antiquity of 
reindeer nomadism — which would, in my opinion, be entirely inappro- 
priate — but solely to show that Dr. Laufer has not read Kalevala carefully 
enough. I confess that his reiterated assertion that Kalevala "does not 
contain the faintest allusion to domesticated reindeer," is evidence of a 
steadfast mind. 

The value of a discussion depends upon the validity of the arguments 
which are set forth, a validity notably lacking in Dr. Laufer's recent 

GuDMUND Hatt. 


October i6, 1920. 

Who Were the Padouca? 

Dr. Grinnell, American Anthropologist, Vol. 22 (n.s.), p. 248 et seq. dis- 
cusses the question as to who the Padouca were, and states (p. 260) that 
"the evidence . . . convinces me that the Padouca were not the Coman- 
che, and I am disposed to regard them as Apache." Without wishing to 
review his entire article, I may point out that the Foxes call the Comanche 
and no other people Pato'ka'^: see William Jones, Fox Texts [1907], 
p. 216; and this is substantiated by my own information. It is obvious 
that this has an important bearing on who the Padouca were.^ 

Truman Michelson. 

Bureau of American Ethnology, 
Washington, D. C. 

1 Naturally Pato'ka'' is not in the synonymy under the article Comanche, Hand- 
book of American Indians, but Dr. Grinnell has apparently ignored the fact that other 
living Indian tribes also know the Comanche by equivalents of "Padouca": see the 
synonymy under the article Comanche in the said Handbook. 


The American Anthropological Association held its nineteenth 
annual meeting at the Houston Club. University of Pennsylvania, 
Philadelphia, December 27 and 28, 1920. 

Three meetings of the Council were held at two of which President 
Wissler was in the Chair. Vice-President Swanton presided at the last 
meeting of the Council. 

Council Meeting, December 27, 945 a.m. 
The following reports were read and accepted : 

Report of the Secret.\ry 

The proceedings of the last annual meeting of the American Anthro- 
pological Association were published in the Americati Anthropologist for 
January-March, 1920. There has been no special meeting of the Asso- 
ciation nor of the Council during the year. 

The Executive Committee had numerous matters brought to its 
attention during the year. These were as follows: 

Feb. 16. In response to a circular letter of Feb. 16, the Committee 
voted unanimously to accept the invitation to meet in Chicago 
in December. 

Mar. I. The majority of the Committee voted to recommend to 
the National Research Council Mr. F. \V. Hodge to fill out the 
unexpired term of Dr. Franz Boas which extended to Jul\- i, 

Apr. 17. F. W. Hodge and Clark Wissler, nominated by the Council 
of the A. A. A. in December, 1919, were elected by the National 
Research Council to serve a three year period beginning Juh' i, 

Sept. 22. In response to a circular letter of Sept 22, the committee 
voted to discontinue the publication of the Memoirs. The 
sentiment of the Committee was against further reduction in 
the size of the Anthropologist. 


Nov. 18. As the result of a petition, the Committee was asked to 
reconsider its decision of Feb. 16 as to the place of the next 

Nov. 24. The Committee was asked to vote on Baltimore and Philadel- 
phia as the place for the coming meeting. 

Dec. 3. The Secretary was informed by the President that the 
majority of the Committee had voted to accept the invitation 
of the University of Pennsylvania and meet in Philadelphia. 

The anthropological membership of the Division in the National 
Research Council is now as follows: 

To serve until July i, 1921 : J. W. Fewkes, B. Laufer, P. E. Goddard.^ 

To serve until July i, 1922: R. B. Dixon, A. L. Kroeber, A. M. 

To serve until July i, 1923: Clark Wissler, F. \V. Hodge, J. H. 

Members of the Executive Committee: R. B. Dixon, J. \V. Fewkes. 

The President appointed during the year the following members to 
serve as a Committee on the Prehistoric Foundation in France: Charles 
Peabody (Chairman), G. G. MacCurdy, N. C. Nelson. 

The Association has lost by death during the year four members: 
Professor William Churchill, Professor S. A. Lafone Quevedo, Dr. \V. H. 
Furness, 3d., and Dr. James M. Flint. 

Fifteen members have resigned, five have been dropped, and 41 new 
names have been added to the list of members, making a net gain of 
fifteen. The membership at present is as follows: 

Honorary members 5 

Life members I3 

Regular members 499 

Total S17 

Respectfully submitted, 

Alfred M. Tozzer, 


1 Elected by National Research Council. 

104 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

Report of the Treasurer 


Balance on hand, January i, 1920 $ 319-30 

Anthropological Society of Washington $ 247.45 

American Ethnological Society 375-oo 

Annual Membership Dues: 

1918 1 27.00 

1919 174.01 

1920 1,785.90 

1921 838.28 $2,825.19 

Sale of Publications 391.61 

Rehabilitation Fund 100.00 

Reimbursements 130.40 

Interest 9.56 

Miscellaneous 1.60 $4,080.81 

Total Receipts $4,400.1 1 


New Era Printing Company $3,269.57 

Beck Engraving Company 77-27 

Treasurer-Editor's and Secretary's Expenses 470.98 

Miscellaneous 16.60 

Total Disbursements 3,834.42 

Cash on hand 565.69 

$4,400.11 $4,400.11 


Cash on hand, December 20, 1920 $ 565.69 

Due from engravings $ 6.84 

Due from sales : 

1919 $ 5-50 

1920 151.72 157.22 

Due from dues: 

1918 $ 24.00 

1919 48.00 

1920 182.00 254.00 418.06 

Total Resources $ 983.75 

Membership dues from 1921 already paid $ 838.28 

Total Liabilities 837.28 

Net excess of Resources over Liabilities 145-47 

$ 983-75 $ 983-75 


Cost of Publications 

American Anthropologist, vol. 21, no. 4: 

Engravings $ 6.70 

Printing 461.24 $ 467.94 $ 467-94- 

America7i Anthropologist, vol. 22, no. i: 

Engravings $ 3-68 

Printing 468.46 $ 472.14 

Reinbursements 3-68 $ 468.46 

American Anthropologist, vol. 22, no. 2: 

Engravings $ 25.87 

Printing 390.42 $ 416.29 

Reimbursements i9-03 $ 397-26 

American Anthropologist, vol. 22, no. 3: 

Engravings $ 21.13 

Printing 464-94 $ 486.07 

Reimbursements 21.13 $ 464-94 

Net Cost $1,798.60 

Memoirs, vol. 6, no. 3: 

Printing $ 398.09 $ 398.09 

Reimbursements 71-56 $ 326.53 

Memoirs, vol. 6, no. 4: 

Printing $ 289.65 $ 289.65 $ 289.65 

Net Cost ■ $ 6i6.i 8 

.Arwcrfcaw Anthropologist, net cost $1,798.60 

Memoirs, net cost 616.18 $2,414.78 

Reprints and Distribution (American Anthropologist and Memoirs) . 242.04 

Total Cost Ji'656-82 

Permanent Fund 

Balance, January i, 1920 $1,313.62 

Interest, May 17, 1920 $ 4-24 

Interest, December 7, 1920 4-26 ^-SO 

Total Receipts $i'322.i2 

Liberty Bonds, June 11, 1919 ^ 190.90 

W. S. S.. June 11, 1919 ^^-^^ 

W. S. S., October 21, 1919 4-2i 

W. S. S., May 17, 1920 4-i6 

W. S. S., December 13, 1920 4-23 $ 220.18 

Cash in envelope ^'94 

Loan to General Fund ^-^"Q-"*^ 

Total Investments $1,322.12 


The accounts of the Treasurer, P. E. Goddard, have been examined 
and found correct. 

M. H. Saville, 
R. H. LowiE, 

Auditing Committee. 

The income of the Association has increased slightly this year over 
the preceding years. At the last annual meeting the charge for publica- 
tions furnished to the Ethnological Society and the Washington Society 
was increased from ^3.50 to ^4.00 per volume. The total amount of the 
dues for 1920 is ^2,207.70 of which ^339.88 was received in 1919 and 
?i82.oo remains to be collected. The total for 1919 is ^2,200.88 of 
which ^48 is still uncollected. The sales have been unusually large, 
?543-33 as against ^211.27 for 1919. This is a result of an increasing 
demand by libraries for a complete set of the American Anthropologist to 
meet the requirements of their patrons, which it is hoped will be permanent, 
and in part to a recovery from the war, which is temporary. The sum of 
^100.00 has been added to the Rehabilitation Fund by spontaneous 

In May, word was received from our printers that there would be a 
further increase of about 25 per cent, in the manufacturing expense. 
By reducing the number of pages from 500 to 400 it has been possible to 
keep within the budget of ^2,000.00 for the American Anthropologist. 
The amount paid for printing four numbers is ^1,798.60. The reprints 
and postage bill of the Xew Era Printing Co. covering both the two 
numbers of the Memoirs and the four numbers of the Anthropologist is 
^242.04 which when added to the cost of printing amounts to ^2040.64. 

The allowance for office expenses was ?500 of which ^470.98 has been 

There has been sufficient income to pay for the two numbers of the 
Memoirs for 1919 amounting to ?6i6.i8. 

For the first time in years our bills are all paid and we have a balance 
in the bank of ^565.69. The statement of resources and liabilities 
shows an improvement in our condition of ?I50.82. 
Respectfully submitted, 

P. E. Goddard, 

Report of the Editor 
Owing to an advance in the cost of printing, the American Anthro- 
pologist was reduced from the intended 500 pages to 400. The \olume con- 


tains articles of both general and special interest. As examples of the 
former maybe mentioned the address by President Wissler on "Oppor- 
tunities for Coordination in Anthropological and Psychological Research" 
and one by Prof. Boas entitled "The Methods of Ethnology." Such 
articles mark for ourselves, and others who may be interested, the progress 
made in recent anthropological thinking. Among the articles of less 
general interest should be noted one by Dr. Gamio printed in Spanish on 
"Las Excavaciones del Pedregal de San Angel y la Cultura Arcaica del 
Valle de Mexico." 

The review section has been conducted by Dr. Lowie, /Associate 
Editor. These reviews, as in past years, serve as a ready source of 
information as to current anthropological writings and as a convenient 
means for comment on the methods and principles involved. In the 
opinion of the Editor, the department of Discussion and Correspondence 
also furnishes a much needed opportunity for a free expression of opinion 
in regard to newly discovered facts, current theories, and general criticism 
of recent publications. 

There is manifest a growing interest in anthropology, both on the 
part of educational institutions and the reading public. \n increase in 
the circulation of the journal amounting to 25 or 50 per cent, would pro- 
duce revenue sufficient for comfortable and ample publication. 

Respectfully submitted, 


The Treasurer moved the following recommendation for the budget 
for 1 92 1, which was adopted: 

For manufacturing and distributing the American Anthropologist and 

authors' reprints $2,500.00 

For providing engravings in special cases 150.00 

For the expenses of the Editor, Treasurer, and Secretary 550-00 

Total $3,200.00 

The resignation of the Secretary was accepted with regret and a vote 
of thanks was passed. 

Thirty-seven members were elected. Their names are as follows: 

Julius Springer Prof. Campbell Bonner 

W. Leon Godshall G. E. Nitzsche 

E. R. Groves P. J. Patterson 

C. Harris Prof. E. L. Patton 

Dr. J. H. Kellogg Dr. E. B. Renaud 



[n. s., 23, 1921 

Margaret J. McCoy 

F. C. Meredith 

Otto MuUer 

New School for Social Research 

R. F. Warren 

Dr. Spencer Trotter 

W. H. Over 

W. J. Wintemberg 

Dr. Aristides Mestre 

Union Medical College Library, 

P. F. Scott 
Sociedad cientifica "Antonio 

Dr. N. Utsurikawa 

P. Sherwin 

Sir Nil Ratan Sircar 

Tioga Point Museum 

U. S. Public Health Service 

University of Denver 

Whitcombe and Lombs 

University of Bristol 

University of Otago 

D. Jenness 

Prof. C. S. Brown 

Minna B. Fensin 

L. S. Shotridge 

C. E. Story 

R. J. Weitlauer 

Frank Wood 

It was moved and passed that the communication of Arthur Mac- 
Donald be laid upon the table. 

It was moved and passed that a set of the American Anthropologist 
be presented in the name of the Association to the Library of the Uni- 
versit}^ of Louvain. 

The following reports were read and accepted: 

Report of the Chairman of the Joint Committee of the American 
Anthropological Association and of the Archaeological 
Institute of America, December, 1920 

The enclosed report of the meeting of the Joint Committee in New 
York on April 22nd, 1920, prepared by the Secretary of the Committee, 
carries the history of the proposed American Foundation in France for 
Prehistoric Studies up to that time. 

The Chairman of that Committee has the honor to report as follows: 

The first year's budget of 21000 francs is guaranteed. 

It is hoped that a few more subscriptions or guarantees may come in 
so that the individual subscriptions or guarantees need not be received or 
demanded in full; while the Foundation may never be 
is a sign of financial health when a less sum is called for than is legally due. 

A list of subscriptions and guarantees is appended to this report. 

The Chairman is grateful to the individuals on that list and to others 
who have helped. Raising the money has not been an ungrateful task. 

In July the Chairman went abroad and returned in December, 1920; 


much of that time was spent in securing the good will of our French 
colleagues, without which the institution can not live, and without the 
securing of which the Chairman was unwilling to continue efforts in 
behalf of it. 

Most of the leading anthropologists of France were made accjuainted 
with the project, through being presented with an identical "Projet de 

No opposition was encountered. 

Some suggestions were received, which the Director may, if he chooses, 
accept or modify. 

In particular the cordial sympathy of the Ecole d'Anthropologie de 
Paris, the Institut de Paleontologie Humaine, the Museum d'Histoire 
Naturelle and the great National Museum at Saint-Germain seems 

During an interview secured just before returning the Chairman was 
assured by the Director des Beaux Arts (under whose authority the 
excavations of the Foundation will come) that he was "d'accord" with 
our plans; a formal request for " Reconnaissance" — not to be confounded 
with " Reconnaissance d'Utilite Publique " — has been sent by Ambassador 
Wallace, with a cordial approbation of his own through the intermediary 
of M. George Leygues, President of the Council, to M. Paul Leon, 
Directeur des Beaux Arts; this will require possibly several months and a 
written answer; it is by no means necessary to wait for this before be- 
ginning work. 

There are no legal interdictions on our plans; there are two laws, one 
of some years' standing and one passed a few months ago, which will 
place our exportation of specimens under a more or less ofificial control ; 
with tact, this will cause the Director no trouble. 

The Chairman begs, therefore, that in accordance with the vote of 
April 22d, 1920, the Council will, at its earliest opportunity, appoint the 
three members of the Governing Board, and that it will recognize officially 
the existence of the American Foundation in France for Prehistoric 

Charles Peabody, 


Report on the Meeting of the Joint Committee 
The Joint Committee on the proposed American Foundation in 

France for Prehistoric Studies met at the Hotel Plaza on April 22d, 1920. 
Present: C. Peabody (Chairman), C. Wissler, G. H. Chase, N. C 

Nelson, G. G. MacCurdy. 

no AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23. 1921 

The Chairman explained the reasons for the calling of the Committee 
also stating that Dr. Henri Martin's Laboratory and the principal part of 
the station at La Quina are now the property of the French Government. 

The Committee unanimously agreed that in order to insure the 
permanence of the Foundation the interest and aid of the French Govern- 
ment should be secured in addition to any promise of, or agreement with, 
Dr. Henri Martin; and that in the light of the records of other existing 
American schools of research in foreign lands, it would be highly desirable 
to found the one proposed in the field of prehistoric research. 

It was voted to add to paragraph 4 of the chairman's synopsis the 
following: "Said specimens of human skeletal remains discovered by 
said Foundation and left in Charente, shall always be accessible to 
American students whether members of the Foundation or not." 

The Committee recommends that a Governing Board of six be 
appointed by the Councils of the two constituent societies, three by 
each, and that this Board be empowered to appoint members at large 
not to exceed three. 

This Governing Board shall appoint a Director of the Foundation 
annually. At the suggestion of the Chairman, the Committee voted 
that one of its number. Professor G. G. MacCurdy, be asked to serve 
as first Director for the proposed Foundation. It also moved that any 
members of the Committee who may be abroad this summer shall 
constitute a subcommittee with power to act. 

It recommends that a Foundation Scholarship of 2000 francs be 
added to the proposed budget. 

An affirmative vote was taken on the following recommendations: 

1. That a letter of approval be secured from Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, 
Chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology. 

2. That the cooperation be secured of M. J. J. Champenois, New 
York representative of the Office National Universites et des Ecoles 
Frangaises, and of Stephen P. Duggan, Chairman of the Committee on 
Fostering International Relations. G. G. MacCurdy, 

The President appointed the following nominating committee: 
R. B. Dixon, W. Hough, and R. H. Lowie. 
The Council adjourned at 10:30 a.m. 

Council Meeting, December 27, 5 p.m. 
The reports of the committees on the Cahokia Mound and on legis- 
lation in Maine were read and accepted. It was moved and passed that 
these two committees be discharged. 


The Chairman of the Committee on the Cambridge meeting presented 
the following resolution which was passed: 

Resolved: That on behalf of the members of the Association in atten- 
dance at the annual meeting of 1919, we express our appreciation of the 
sincere welcome extended to us by the officers and members of the Council 
residing in and around Boston, to whom, individually and collectively, 
we are indebted for many personal hospitalities, and through whose 
efficient cooperation we were privileged to have a most stimulating session. 

Report of the Publication Committee 

The following report of the Publication Committee was read and 
accepted after various amendments had been voted down: 

The Publication Committee recommends to the Council that in the 
future each Publication Committee be directed to elect from its members, 
but not including the Editor or Associate Editors, a subcommittee of 
three which shall serve as an advisory body for the Editor, which shall 
decide any differences which may arise between authors and the Editor 
and with the Editor shall be charged with the conduct of the publications 
of the Association. 

It is recommended that the Editor be empowered to print extra 
copies of the American Anthropologist not to exceed 100 which copies 
shall be supplied to members in Europe and Latin American countries 
at the rate of exchange existing in 1914 before the war provided that 
the amount is not less than the additional cost of printing such copies. 

It is recommended that the Editor be given power to issue Memoirs 
from time to time as funds may be available but that such Memoirs 
shall bear serial numbers without a volume number and that each 
Memoir be issued complete in itself with an index. 

Three new members of the Association were elected. Their names 
are as follows: E. R. F. Johnson, M. M. Dorizas, H. Z. Heronimakis. 

After changes made at this meeting and at a subsequent meeting of 
the Council held on Tuesday, December 28, at 9 a.m. the following list 
of officers was offered by the Nominating Committee: 

President: \V. C. Farabee. 

Vice-President: 1924., G. G. MacCurdy. 

Secretary: A. V. Kidder. 

Treasurer-Editor: J. R. Swanton. 

Executive Committee: F. \V. Hodge, G. B. Gordon, J. W. Fewkes, 
C. Peabody. 

Council: (1924) Byron Cummings, G. G. Heye, H. J. Spinden, 


C. M. Barbeau, W. D. Wallis, A. B. Lewis, S. Hagar, H. N. Wardle, S. K. 
Lothrop, R. T. Aitken, J. E. Pearce, F. Starr, VV. E. Gates, M. R. Har- 
rington, S. J. Guernsey, W. W. Hyde, B. F. Schappelle, W. E. Meyer, 
S. Trotter, E. P. Wilkins, W. F. Ogburn, E. S. Handy, C. L. Hay, J. B. 

Representatives of the Association on the National Research Council 
to serve for three years from July i, 1921: B. Laufer and J. W. Fewkes. 

Delegates for the Association to Section H of the A.A.A.S.: C. Wissler 
and J. W. Fewkes. 

Committee on the Prehistoric Foundation in France: C. Peabody, 
G. G. MacCurdy, and N. Nelson.^ 

The following resolution was proposed and passed: 

Resolved: That the Association tender to Dr. Goddard their sincere 
appreciation of his services as Editor and of his most successful manage- 
ment of the funds of the Association as Treasurer. The Association 
would also like to express its satisfaction with the policy of Dr. Goddard 
in the development of the Anthropologist, in stimulating the departments 
of reviews and discussion, and in the securing of foreign articles. 

The Council adjourned at 6 p.m. 

Council Meeting, Tuesday 9 a.m. 

It was resolved by motions duly made and passed: 

That the Executive Committee be given power to choose the place 
of the next meeting of the Association. 

That a vote of thanks be given to the retiring President. 

That a vote of thanks be given the authorities of the University 
Museum of the University of Pennsylvania. 

That a vote of thanks be given to the Provost and other authorities 
of the University of Pennsylvania for its abundant hospitality. 

That a vote of thanks be given Dr. Speck for his activities in behalf 
of these meetings. 

That members elected at a meeting and not having paid their dues 
for the year in which they are elected shall not vote at that meeting. 

The Council adjourned at 10 a.m. 

Annual Meeting, December 28, 10:30 a.m. 
The names of A. M. Tozzer, P. E. Goddard, H. N. Hall, and Theresa 
Mayer were added to the list of members nominated for the Council. 

1 The three other members of this Committee, elected by the Council of the 
Archaeological Institute of America, are G. H. Chase, W. N. Bates, and W. N. Stearns. 


The officers and members of the Council as nominated were duly declared 
elected by a vote ordered cast by the Secretary. 

The President, Dr. WiUiam C. Farabee, appointed the following 

Committee on Program: F. G. Speck (chairman), A. V. Kidder (sec'y 
ex-officio), P. E. Goddard, H. N. Hall, M. H. Saville, C. M. Barbeau, 
S. J. Guernsey, N. M. Judd, S. K. Lothrop. 

Committee on Finance: R. B. Dixon (chairman), C. P. Bowditch, \V. 
E. Gates, G. G. Heye, C. B. Moore, E. E. Ayer, \V. H. Furness, C. L. 
Hay, A. M. Huntingdon, J. B. Stetson, Jr. 

Committee on Policy: Clark Wissler (chairman), \V. H. Holmes, 
S. Culin, G. B. Gordon, W. C. Mills, C. Peabody, F. Boas, J. W. 
Fewkes, A. E. Jenks, E. C. Parsons, A. M. Tozzer. 

Committee on Publication: W. C. Farabee (chairman, ex-officio), J. R. 
Swanton (sec'y ex-officio), S. A. Barrett, S. Culin, J. W. Fewkes, A. A. 
Goldenweiser, F. W. Hodge, E. A. Hooten, A. Hrdlicka, A. E. Jenks, 

A. L. Kroeber, B. Laufer, G. G. MacCurdy, W. K. Moorehead, S. G. 
Morley, E. Sapir, H. J. Spinden, H. N. Wardle, C. Wissler. 

The following advisory subcommittee was subsequently elected by 
the Committee on Publication in accordance with the vote of the Coun- 
cil as given above (page iii): F. W. Hodge (chairman), J. W. Fewkes, 

B. Laufer. 

The following papers were presented: 

J. H. Penniman, Acting Provost; Address of Welcome. 

A. I. Hallo WELL, More alien influences in America. 

Charles Peabody, Report on the Prehistoric Foundation in France. 

P. E. Goddard, Notes on the Wailaki of California. 

Franz Boas, The methods of ethnological research. 

T. MiCHELSON, Some notes on the Plains Cree. 

W. C. Farabee, Prehistoric South American gold models of throwing- 

H. N. Wardle, A double-bowled pipe, probably Peruvian. 
H. S. CoLTON, The petroglyphs in Picture Canyon. 
A. V. Kidder and S. J. Guernsey, Early cultures in northeastern 

S. K. Lothrop, The Nahua tribes of Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and 

W, K. Moorehead, Ruins in the Panhandle of Te.xas. 
J. R. Swanton, The social organization of the southeastern Indians. 
A. A. Goldenweiser, Some contributions to totemic theory. 

114 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

Elsie Clews Parsons, Kinship nomenclature of the Pueblo Indians. 
R. H. LowiE, Cultural relations of the Plateau Shoshoneans and the 

California Indians. 
Erna Gunther, Designs of Tlingit basketry (with remarks by 

L. Shotridge). 
The following papers were read by title: 

J. W. Fewkes, The Fire Temple, Mesa Verde National Park. 
Grace Dangberg, Social life of the Washo. 
H. N. Hall, Some hunting methods of the Yenisei .Samoyed and 

Papers relating to Folk-Lore were presented by Elsie Clews Parsons, 
F. G. Speck, Theresa Mayer, and Gladys Reichard at the meeting of 
the American Folk-Lore Society. Folk-Lore papers by Georgiana G. 
King and P. E. Goddard were read by title. 

The members enjoyed a dinner at the T-Square Club on Monday, 
December 27, and they were the guests of the Maya Society at a dinner 
on Tuesday, December 28. 

Alfred M. Tozzer, 



Obituary— Professor H. P. Steensby 

Anthropologists on this continent will learn with regret of the 
death, on October 12, 1920, of Professor H. P. Steensby, one of Den- 
mark's foremost geographers and students of Eskimo culture. Like so 
many of his fellow-countrymen Professor Steensby was early interested 
in Greenland, and gained his Ph.D. degree at the University of Copen- 
hagen with a treatise "On the Origin of Eskimo Culture." For a time 
he subordinated ethnology to geography, and in 1908 travelled in Algeria 
and Tunisia; but a visit to West Greenland in 1909 revived his interest, 
and from the year 191 1, when he became Professor of Geography in the 
University of Copenhagen, he devoted all his energies to the elucidation 
of the geographical, historical, and ethnological problems of that country. 
He was a notable contributor to the Middelelser om Grjzfnland, publishing 
several treatises that have gained wide-spread attention. His best 
known work is his "Anthropological Study of the Origin of Eskimo 
Culture," in volume 53 of that journal, where he tried to prove, by an 
analysis of the geographical conditions surrounding each branch of the 
Eskimo race and of the main culture-elements, that the original home of 
what is distinctively Eskimo must be placed in the region of Coronation 
Gulf. This was the cradle of the Eskimo race, he believed, but when, 
through the exhaustion of the musk-oxen, apparently, it was compelled 
to spread out, east and west and north and south, in search of new food 
areas, the culture of the different bands became more and more diverse, 
partly through the influence of their new surroundings, partly through 
contact with neighboring peoples. After this work was published Pro- 
fessor Steensby took up the problem of the Norse discovery of America, 
and thought to locate on the shores of the Gulf of St. Lawrence the site 
of the original Vinland. He published a treatise on this topic in 191 7, 
but in order to familiarize himself more with the geography of the region, 
he came over to Canada last summer. Tt was on his voyage back to 
Denmark that he suddenly fell ill and died. 

American Foundation in France for Prehistoric Studies 
Among the Proceedings of the American Anthropological Association 
at its last meeting, printed in this number of the Anthropologist, will be 



found the Report of the Chairman of the Joint Committee of the American 
Anthropological Association and the Archaeological Institute of America 
upon the project for the establishment of an American Foundation in 
France for Prehistoric Studies. This report, which not only assured the 
two societies of the desirability and feasibility of the plan but informed 
them that the budget for the first year had been guaranteed, was accepted, 
and a Governing Board of six was appointed. 

On February 3, 192 1, a meeting of the Governing Board was held at 
the Hotel Plaza, New York, and Prof. George Grant MacCurdy was 
elected first Director of the Foundation. Dr. Charles Peabody is 
Chairman of the Board and for the present will also serve as Treasurer 
of the Foundation. 

The year's work will open at La Quina (Charente) on July ist. 
After a stay of some three months at La Quina, there will be excursions 
in the Dordogne, in the French Pyrenees, and to the Grimaldi caves near 
Mentone. The winter term will be in Paris, and the work of the spring 
term will include excursions to the important Chellean and Acheulian 
stations of the Somme valley, to Neolithic sites of the Marne or some 
other suitable locality, and to Brittany for the study of megalithic 

Students may enroll for an entire year or for any part thereof. 
Those who contemplate entering, either for the year or for the first 
term, should communicate immediately with the Director, at Yale Uni- 
versity Museum, New Haven, Conn., or with Dr. Charles Peabody, Pea- 
body Museum, Cambridge, Mass. 

One Foundation scholarship of the value of 2,000 francs is available 
for the first year. The special qualifications of the applicant, together 
with references, should accompany each application. The Foundation 
is open to both male and female students. 

The address of the Director after June 15th will be "care of Guaranty 
Trust Company, Paris." 

The seventieth anniversary of Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, Chief 
of the Bureau of American Ethnology, which occurred on Nov. 14, 1920, 
was celebrated at a luncheon in the Smithsonian building, Washington, 
D. C, attended by about forty of his friends and associates. On this 
occasion he was presented with a specially bound volume of letters of 
congratulation contributed by his acquaintances in all parts of the 
country. Dr. Fewkes has recently been elected an Honorary Member of 
the Societe des Americanistes de Paris. 


Dr. Franz Boas, Professor of Anthropology in Columbia University, 
has been elected an Honorary Member of the Societe des Americanistes de 
Paris and of the Folklore Society of London. He has also been elected 
a Corresponding Member of the Prussian Academy of Sciences and has 
received the gold medal of the Anthropological Society of Berlin. 

Mr. Philip Ainsworth Means was appointed in May of last year 
to the directorship of the Museo Nacional de Arquelogia in Lima, Peru, 
assuming office in November. 

Early in November Dr. J. W. Fewkes accompanied Mr. Stephea 
T. Mather, Director of the National Park Service, and several gentlemen 
connected with the Denver & Rio Grande Railroad, on a trip of inspec- 
tion to the Mesa Verde National Park, Colorado. 

The degree of Doctor, honoris causae, has been conferred upon Dr. 
Ales Hrdlicka, Curator of Ph^-sical Anthropology in the U. S. National 
Museum, by Prague University. 

On Nov. 8, Dr. Aristides Mestro was made Honorary Professor of 
Anthropology in the Museo Anthropologico Montane, University of 

Dr. Luis Maria Torres, Head Professor of the Archaeological 
and Ethnographical Departments and Professor of American Prehistory 
in the National University of Argentina, has been appointed Director 
of the La Plata Museum. 

Prof. Carl Toldt, President of the Anthropological Society of 
Vienna, died on November 13 last. A memorial meeting in his honor 
was held at the University of Vienna on December 13. 

Mr. J. A. Jean^on, who had been filling an appointment as Special 
Archaeologist in the Bureau of American Ethnology, has accepted the 
position of Director and Curator of Archaeology in The State Historical 
and Natural History Society of Colorado. 

Mr. Sylvanus G. Morley of the Carnegie Institution, and Mr, 
William E. Gates are engaged in researches among the Mayan peoples 
of Guatemala. 



President: WILLIAM C. FARABEE, University of Pennsylvania Museum. 

Vice-President, 1921: A. HRDLICKA, U. S. National Museum. 

Vice-President, 1922: B. LAUFER, Field Museum of Natural History. 

Vice-President, 1923: JOHN R. SWANTON, Bureau of American Ethnology. 

\'ice-President, 1924: G. G. MacCURDV, Vale University. 

Secretary: A. V. KIDDER, Phillips Academy. 

Treasurer: JOHN R. SWANTON, Bureau of American Ethnology. 

Editor: JOHN R. SWANTON, Bureau of American Ethnology. 

Associate Editors: ROBERT H. LOWIE, FRANK G. SPECK. 

Executive Committee: The President, Secretary, Treasurer- Editor {ex officio), and 


Council: F. BOAS, W. H. HOLMES, J. W. FEWKES, R. B. DIXON, F. W. HODGE, 
MacCURDY, a. V. KIDDER, J. R. SWANTON (ex-officio) ; W. C. MILLS, C. B. MOORE, 

CARTAILHAC, PROF. EMILE. ^^S Century Building, St. Louis. 

S rue de la Chaine. Toulouse. France. j BOWDITCH. MR. CHARLES P..* 

MANOUVRIER. PROF. L., I iii Devonshire str.. Boston. 

15 rue de I'ficole de Medecine, Paris, ; EATON, DR. GEO. F., 

France. | Yale University Museum, New Haven, 


Momey Cross, Hereford, England. FORD, MR. JAMES B., 

RADLOFF, HIS EXCELLENCY W., 11 East 4Sth str.. New York. 

Ethnographic-Anthropological Museum, GATES, MR. P. G., 

Petrograd. Russia. 1 gouth Pasadena. California. 


Friedrichstr. i, Steglitz bei Berlin, Ger- 


Railway Exchange Building, Chicago. 

' Those whose names are marked with an asterisk (*) are Founders of the .\ssociation 


400 Chestnut str., Philadelphia. 

Museum of the American Indian, Heye 
Foundation, Broadway at lS5th str., 
New York City. 




Royal Anthropological Institute, London, 

Hispanic Soc. of America, Audubon Park, 
New York City. 

7 West 43rd str., New York City. 

53 rue Dumont d'Urville, Paris. 

1321 Locust str., Philadelphia. 

ABBOTT, Dr. W. L., 

400 South 15th St., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Philadelphia, Pa. 

71 Broadway, New York City. 

Cleveland, Ohio. 

2041 North Broad str., Philadelphia. 

Syracuse University, Syracuse, N. Y. 

Milwaukee Public Museum, Milwaukee, 

Upsala, Sweden. 

Montgomery, Ala. 

Suisun, Solano County, Cal. 

Broadway and 156th St., New York City. 

77th str., and Central Park West, New 
York City. 

104 South 5th str., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Amherst, Mass. 

Tokyo Imperial University, Tokyo, Japan. 

Sloane Hall, Yale University, New Haven, 

Care, Maruzen Co., Sanjodori, Kyoto, 

Sidney, N. S. W., Australia. 

802 F str., N.W., Washington, D. C. 

Box 42, Delta, Pa. 


243 Upper Circular Road, Calcutta, India. 

Geological Survey of Canada, Ottawa, 

Museum of Comparative Zoology, Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 

Seneca, Newton Co., Mo. 

Public Museum, Milwaukee, Wis. 

University, Va. 

Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 

Care, Farmers Loan and Trust Co., 22 
William St., N. Y. C. 

Beloit, Wis. 

Honolulu, H. I. 

Madrid, Spain. 

160 West 7Sth St., N. Y. C. 

787 Prospect str.. New Haven, Conn. 

Columbia University, New York City. 

10 Avenue d'lena, Paris. 

1025 Martin pi., Ann Arbor, Michigan. 

Boston, Mass. 

234 Berkeley str., Boston, Mass. 

I Trinity str., Cambridge, England. 

Care, Lloyd's Bank, Bath, England. 

McGill University, Montreal, Canada. 

Eastern Parkway, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

197 Montague str., Brooklyn, N. Y. 

1302 Commonwealth Building, 1201 Chest- 
nut str., Philadelphia, Pa. 

University, Miss. 

Kensington, Md. 



[n. s., 23, 1921 


Holmbank, Cashmere Hills, Christchurch, 
New Zealand. 

Providence, Rhode Island. 
Library Building, Buffalo, N. Y. 

Washington, D. C. 

Ridge Road, Park Hill South, Yonkers, 
N. Y. 
BUSH, DR. W. T., 

I West 64th str.. New York City. 

52 Downey ave., Indianapolis, Ind. 

San Francisco, Cal. 

Sacramento, Cal. 
Pittsburgh, N.S., Pa. 

Penn. State College State College, Pa. 

Pittsburgh, Pa. 

Stewart ave. & 68th str., Chicago, 111. 

Chicago, 111. 

Cincinnati, Ohio. 

Worcester, Mass. 

II St. Nicholas Place, N. Y. C. 

Cleveland, Ohio. 

27 West 51st str.. New York City. 

27 West 51st str., New York City. 

Colorado Springs, Colo. 

Drawer i. New Haven, Conn. 

Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago. 

Room 316, Main Bldg., Convent Ave., & 
139th St., N. Y. C. 
Greeley, Colo. 

University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. 
New York City. 


Care, Truxillo Railroad, Co., Truxillo, 

20 Dundee str., Boston, Mass. 

Caldwell Hall, Catholic University, Brook- 
land, D. C. 

Box 571, Placerville, Cal. 

Ithaca, N. Y. 

16, St Ann's Square, Manchester, England. 

iSth and H strs., Washington, D. C. 

American Museum of Natural History. 
New York City. 

II Ponckshockie St., Kingston, N. Y. 

Xyack, N. Y. 

Brooklyn Institute Museum, Brooklyn. 
N. Y. 

University of Arizona, Tucson, Ariz. 

Washington University Medical School, 
St. Louis, Mo. 

Hanover, N. H. 

Cold Spring Harbor, Long Island, N. Y. 
DEATS, MR. H. E., 

Flemington, N. J. 

7 West 45rd str., N. Y. C. 

Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. 

Denver, Colo. 

Detroit. Mich. 

Box 185, Rochester, N. Y. 

Washington, D. C. 

Wanamaker Auditorium, Philadelphia. Pa. 

Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass. 

Wistar Inst, of Anatomy, Philadelphia. 

Coudersport, Pa. 

31 West 76th str.. New York City. 




928 California ave., Santa Monica, Cal. 

34-36 Margaret St., Cavendish Square, 
London, W., England. 

738 West End ave.. New York City. 

Maud, Bucks Co., Pa. 

Princeton, N. J. 

School of Anthropology, University of 
Texas, Austin, Texas. 

West Mulberry str., Baltimore, Md. 

Ague Prieta, Apartado 2, Sonora, Mexico. 

Fall River, Mass. 

University Museum, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Faculty Club, Berkeley, Cal. 

Ripon, Wis. 

125 East i8th ave., Denver, Colo. 

637 S. Holman str., Hammond, Indiana. 

Bureau of American Ethnology, Washing- 
ton, D. C. 
Chicago, 111. 

57 East 93rd str.. New York City. 

University Museum, Philadelphia, Pa. 

460 Prospect str.. New Haven, Conn. 

214 First str., S.E., Washington, D. C. 

1818 N str., N.W., Washington, D. C. 

Northampton, Mass. 

1601 Ave. H, Brooklyn, N. Y. 

20 Exchange pi.. New York City. 

Universita di Bologno, Bologna, Italy. 

Dept. of Anthropology, University of 
California, Berkeley, Cal. 
13th and Locust strs., Philadelphia, Pa. 


Jersey City, N. J. 

New Bedford, Mass. 

Potter's Croft, Woking, England. 

670 Fifth ave.. New York City. 

Museo Nacional, Mexico, D. F. 
GATES, W. E., 

Point Loma, California. 
GENIN, Mr. A., 

i" de Luis Moya, 11, Mexico, D. F. 

Ottawa, Ontario. 
314 West 103rd str.. New York City. 

Affiliated Colleges, San Francisco, Cal. 

3526 N. 22nd str., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Bismarck, N. D. 

American Museum of Natural History, 
New York. 

Box 15, College Hall, University of Pennsyl- 
vania, Philadelphia, Pa. 

550 Riverside Drive, New York City. 

University Museum, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Grand Rapids, Mich. 

238 East 15th str.. New York City. 

74 Warren str., Needham 92, Mass. 

Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass. 

198 De Kalb ave., Brooklyn, N. Y. 

mi Michigan ave., Ann Arbor, Mich. 

48 Wall str.. New York City. 

Gothersgade, 30, Copenhagen, Denmark. 

R. F. D. No. 2, Box 24, Pasadena, Cal. 

Lukachikai, .\riz. 
HALL, MR. H. N., 

University Museum, Philadelphia, Pa. 

300 A Winona ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 
Clinton, Oneida Co., New York. 



[n. s., 23, 1921 


University of Texas, Austin, Texas. 

128 Dewitt str., Syracuse, N. Y. 
HANDY, MRS. H. H. S., 

128 Dewitt str., Syracuse, N. Y. 

60 Wall str., N. Y. C. 

Logan Hall, University of Pennsylvania, 
Philadelphia, Pa. 

Bureau of American Ethnology, Washing- 
ton, D C 

Museum of the American Indian, Heye 
Foundation, Broadway at iSSth str.. 
New York City. 

R. F. D. 7. Macomb, 111. 

13 Alexandra Road, Gloucester, England. 

Royal Ethnographical Museum, Stock- 
holm, Sweden. 

Cambridge, Mass. 

Union Station, Kansas City, Mo. 

Pyraeus. Greece. 

Voldmestergade, 21, Copenhagen, Den- 

90 Wall str., New Haven, Conn. 

Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Mass. 
32 East 37th str., N. Y. C. 

Basel, Switzerland. 

St. Joseph's Seminary, Yonkers, N. Y. 

Loleta, Humboldt County, Cal. 

Box 1056, San Antonio, Texas. 

I West Fourth str., Cincinnati, Ohio. 

Columbia University, New York City. 

Geneva, N. Y. 
Anuradhafura, Ceylon. 
HODGE, MR. F. W.,* 

Heye Foundation, Broadway at issthstr., 
N. Y. C. 


800 Jefferson str., Amarillo, Texas. 

Carnegie Museum, Pittsburgh, Pa. 

460 Washington ave.. Brooklyn, N. Y. 

U. S. National Museum, Washington, D. C, 
Peabody Museum, Cambridge. Mass. 

34 Shenandoah str.. St. Augustine, Florida. 

San Juan, Porto Rico. 

U. S. National Museum, Washington, D. C. 

New Orleans, La. 

U.S. National Museum, Washington, D. C. 

Union Station. Kansas City. Mo. 

Santiago de Chile, Chile. S. A. 
HURD, DR. H. M.. 

1210 Fidelity Bldg., Baltimore, Md. 

36 West s8th str., New York City. 

Care. B. T. B. Hyde. Century Assoc, 7 
West 43rd str.. New York City. 
HYDE. DR. W. W.. 

Dept. of Greek, University of Pennsyl- 
vania, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Indianapolis, Ind. 

Bloomington. Ind. 

R. Universita, Napoli, Italy. 

College Library, Springfield. Mass. 

Iowa City, Iowa. 

Des Moines, Iowa. 

Iowa City. Iowa. 

63 East 52nd str.. New York City. 
JEAN5ON. MR. J. A.. 

Colorado State Museum. Denver. Colo. 

East India Marine Hall, Salem, Mass. 

University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, 

Geological Survey, Ottawa, Canada. 




Tanana, Alaska. 

Quito, Ecuador. 

Rosdelnaya str., Petrograd, Lesnoi, Rus- 

Chicago, 111. 

Baltimore, Md. 

U. S. National Museum, Washington, D. C. 

P. O. Box C, Bayamon, Porto Rico. 

Kansas City, Mo. 

Topeka, Kansas. 
Emporia, Kansas. 

20 Cheapside, London, E. C, England. 

Battle Creek, Michigan. 

Ann Arbor, Michigan. 

Care, Joseph Folkman, R. F. D. No. 3, 
Ogden, Utah. 

215 Main str., Andover, Mass. 

Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawr, Pa. 

103 Everit str.. New Haven, Conn. 

University of Arizona, Tucson, Ariz. 

II, Rue de Lille, Paris, France. 
KOBER. DR. GEO. M., * 

1819 Q str., Washington, D. C. 

University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 

214 First str., S.E., Washington, D. C. 

Box 12, Zap, Mercer Co., N. D. 

Field Museum of Natural History, Chi- 
cago, 111. 

Museo de La Plata, La Plata, Argen- 
Stanford University, Cal. 

Casilla 844, Santiago, Chile. 


Field Museum of Natural History, 
Chicago, 111. 

28 rue des Paroissiens, Bruxelles, Belgium. 

Juniper and Locust strs., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Washington, D. C. 

Ottawa, Canada. 

Washington, D. C. 

Warren, Pa. 

214 E. Central ave., Moorestown, N. J. 
LONG, MR. M. C* 

12 West Missouri ave., Kansas City, Mo. 

Los Angeles, Cal. 

Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass. 

58 Lakeview ave., Cambridge, Mass. 

American Museum of Natural History, 
New York City. 

Lyme, Conn. 

32s Locust str., San Francisco, Cal. 

Lynn, Mass. 

34 South River str., Wilkes- Barre, Pa. 

West Graver's Lane, Chestnut Hill, 
Philadelphia, Pa. 
McGEE, DR. J. B., 

10502 Wade Park ave., Cleveland, Ohio. 

McGregor, prof, james h., 

Columbia University, New York City. 
McLEAN, MR. C. M.. 

54 Bennett ave., Binghamton, New York. 

Darlington, Neahwah, N. J. 

2929 Broadway, New York City. 

Yale University, New Haven, Conn. 

Mackenzie, mr. rex. 

1307 Marquette bldg., Chicago, 111. 

319 Stratiord rd., Brooklyn, N. Y. 

200 Highland str., Syracuse, N. Y. 



[s. s., 23, 1921 


Field Museum of Natural History, 
Chicago, III. 
Amherst, Mass. 

41 East 72nd str., N. Y. C. 

41 East 72nd str.. New York City. 

American Museum of Natural History, 
New York City. 

196 Beacon str., Boston, Mass. 

San Francisco, Cal. 

The Bartram, 33rd and Chestnut strs., 
Philadelphia, Pa. 

Melbourne, Australia. 

70 Central str.. Stoneham. Mass. 

The Northumberland, Washington, D. C. 

Dept. of Anthropology, University of 
Habana, Habana, Cuba. 

Bureau of Amer. Ethnologi'. Washington, 
D. C. 

Lansing, Mich. 

316 South 43rd str.. Philadelphia, Pa. 

1716 13th str., N.W., Washington, D. C. 

Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio. 

Milwaukee, Wis. 

Minneapolis, Minn. 

St. Paul, Minn. 

University of Habana, Habana, Cuba. 

1410 H str., N.W., Washington, D. C. 

Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass. 
MORICE, REV. A. G., O.M.I., 

Saint Boniface, Man., Canada. 

Carnegie Institution, Washington, D. C. 

Farmington, New Mexico. 
Peabody Museum. Salem. Mass. 

MOYLE, J. H., 

Treasury- Dept., Washington, D. C. 

Rosholt, Wisconsin. 

University of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia. 

16 High Rock Way. Allston, Mass. 

La Plata, Argentina. 

Buenos Aires, Argentina. 

University Library bldg., Lincoln, Neb. 

American Museum of Natural History, 
New York City. 

Army Medical Museum, Washington, D. C. 

Chicago, 111. 

Durham, N. H. 

Concord, N. H. 

Trenton. N. J. 

465 West 23rd str.. New York City. 

Sydney, N. S. W., Australia. 

M. Goddard, Sunday Editor, 2 Duane str.. 
New York City. 

New York City. 

Albany, N. Y. 

46 North Los Robles ave., Pasadena, Cal. 

Hotel St. George, Clark str., Brookyln, 
N. Y. 

Recorder, University of Pennsylvania, 
Philadelphia, Pa. 

Goteborg, Sweden. 

Bismarck, N. D. 

Evanston, Illinois. 

Casa Alvarado. Coyoacan, D. F., Me-xico. 

Oberlin, Ohio. 




n St. Nicholas Place, N. Y. C. 

Columbia University, N. Y. C. 

Columbus, Ohio. 

Columbus, Ohio. 

Toronto, Canada. 

Salem, Oregon. 

289 Fourth ave., N. Y. C. 

48 Whitson str.. Forest Hills Gardens, 
Long Island, N. Y. 

State Museum, Albany, N. Y. 

27 Broad str., O.^cford, England. 

7 East 76th str.. New York City. 

Rexford, Kansas. 

Hamilton College, Clinton, N. Y. 

197 Brattle str., Cambridge, Mass. 

Baltimore, Md. 

Cambridge, Mass. 

2607 University ave., Austin Texas. 

Harrisburg, Pa. 

Heye Foundation, Broadway at iSSth 
str.. New York City. 

205 South Prospect str., Burlington, Vt. 

Dept. of American Archaeology, Andover, 

222 Drexel bldg., Philadelphia, Pa. 

Dept. of Interior, Blackwater, Ariz. 

Georgetown, St. Vincent, B. W. I. 

University of Nebr. College of Medicine, 
Omaha, Nebr. 

Columbia University, New York City. 

Franklin, N. H. 

160 West soth str., New York City. 


Davenport Acad, of Sciences, Davenport, 

Davenport, Iowa. 

Chateau de Ledeberg, Lederberg-les-Gand, 

Princeton, N. J. 

Kingston, Ontario, Canada. 

Cambridge, Mass. 

The Museum, Oxford, England. 

Marine Biol. Laboratory, Heligoland, 

Furnald Hall, Columbia University, New 
York City. 

University of Denver, Denver, Colorado. 

Apdo 164, Merida, Yucatan Mexico. 

Houston, Texas. 
RIVERS, DR. W. H. R., 

St. Johns College, Cambridge, England. 

Columbia University, New York City. 

S3 Sibley str., Hammond, Indiana. 

Musee d'Anthrop., Acad. Imp. des Sci., 
Petrograd, Russia. 

232 Ninth St., N.E., Washington, D. C. 

Christianburg, Demerara River, British 

Edinburgh, Scotland. 

225 West 86th str., N. Y. C. 

St. Louis, Mo. 

St. Louis, Mo. 

St. Paul, Minn. 

San Francisco, Cal. 

Geological Survey, Ottawa, Canada. 

222 Arroyo Terrace, Pasadena, Calif. 



[n. s., 23, 1921 


Museum of the American Indian, Heye 
Foundation, Broadway at i55tl> str., 
New York City. 

Dept. of Romance Languages, University 
of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. 

41 West 83rd str., N. Y. C. 

318 Winona ave., Germantown, Philadel- 
phia, Pa. 

800 East 173rd str.. New York City. 

Santa Fe, N. M. 

7th and Brown strs., Philadelphia, Pa. 

87 Hamilton ave., Paterson, N. J. 

303 Fifth ave.. New York City. 
SCOTT, GEN. H. L., U.S.A.,* 

Princeton, N. J. 

307 Third str., Towanda, Pa. 

1424 Eleventh str., N.W.. Washington. 
D. C. 

4th and Madison strs.. Seattle. Wash. 

14 W. Hickman str., Winchester, Ky. 

1808 Gaylord str., Denver, Colorado. 

University Museum. Philadelphia. Pa. 
SIMONS. DR. M. H.. U.S.N. . 

St. Helena, Napa Co.. Cal. 

Vice-Chancellor, Calcutta University. 93 
Upper Circular Road, Calcutta, India. 

Public Museum, Milwaukee, Wis. 

146 West ssth str.. New York City. 

Geological Survey. Ottawa, Canada. 

Vergennes, Jackson Co.. 111. 

Mexico. D. F. 

Historical Museum. Christiania, Norway. 

267 Madison ave.. New York City. 

University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. 

University of Washington, Seattle, Wash. 


American Museum of Natural History, 
New York City. 

Spokane, Wash. 

Linkstrasse, W. 9. Berlin, Germany. 

141S Westmoreland str., Philadelphia, Pa. 

University of Chicago. Chicago, 111. 

Berlin, Germany. 

Amer. Geo. Society, Broadway and 156th 
str., N. Y. C. 

116 B str., N.E.. Washington, D. C. 

Fifth str. and Montgomery ave., Phila- 
delphia, Pa. 
Box 35. Lincoln, Nebraska. 

Lehigh University, South Bethlehem, Pa. 

644 Broadway, New York City. 

1 102 West Main str., Kalamazco, Mich. 

434 Eighth str., Augusta, Georgia. 

American Museum of Natural History, 
New York City. 
7th and B. strs., S.W., Washington, D. C. 

U.S. National Museum, Washington, D. C. 

Bureau of American Ethnology, Washing- 
ton, D. C. 

Swarthmore, Pa. 

259 West 129th str.. New York City. 

Spences Bridge, B. C. 

Box 383. Lima. Peru. S. A. 

Care. A. de Graaf. 61 W. Barents- 
straat, Utrecht. Netherlands. 

American Museum of Natural History. 
New York City. 

Columbia University, New York City. 
20 Newbury str., Boston, Mass. 




Athens, Pa. 

Wooster, Ohio. 

I3S3 East Ninth str., Cleveland, Ohio. 

Toledo, Ohio. 

Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 

Swarthmore College, Swarthmore, Pa. 

Peking, China. 

Rynsburgerweg 24, Leiden, Holland. 

Peking, China. 

Institute de Anthropologia, Coimbra, 

Fifth ave., and S4th str.. New York City. 

Miinchen, Germany. 

Vancouver, Canada. 

Bristol, England. 

Berkeley, Cal. 

Chicago, 111. 

Cincinnati, Ohio. 

Boulder, Colo. 

University Park, Denver, Colorado. 

Urbana, 111. 

Lawrence, Kansas. 

Lexington, Ky. 

Prof, of Anatomy, Melbourne, Australia. 

Ann Arbor, Mich. 

Minneapolis, Minn. 

Columbia, Missouri. 

Lincoln, Nebr. 

University, N. D. 


Dunedin, N. Z. 

Philadelphia, Pa. 

College of Liberal Arts. Los Angeles, CaL 

Austin, Texas. 

Sewanee, Tennessee. 

Toronto, Ontario. 

Salt Lake City, Utah. 

Seattle, Wash. 

Care, Library. Seattle. Wash. 

Section of Neuro-Psychiatry, 8th and E 
strs., Washington, D. C. 

Keio University, Tokio, Japan. 

Trinity Hall. Cambridge. Mass. 

The Hermitage. Kerrisdale. Vancouver, 
B. C. 

Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 

Hunter College. N. Y. C. 

Vorontzovski str.. 26, Jalta, Crimea, 

High School, Fresno, Cal. 

York, Pa. 

Care, Kuhn. Loeb & Co., New York City. 

Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadel- 
phia. Pa. 

1243 Hilyard str.. Eugene. Oregon. 

Nassau Hall, Princeton. N. J. 

Keenan Building. Pittsburgh, Pa. 

Washington. Pa. 

St. Louis. Mo. 



[x. s., 23, 1921 


University of California, Berkeley, Calif. 

Hartford, Conn. 

Station A., Lincoln, Nebr. 

1 1027 Clifton blvd., Cleveland, Ohio. 

Dunedin, N. Z. 

Fairbanks, Alaska. 

American Museum of Natural History, 
New York City. 

Smith College, Northampton, Mass. 

5837 Springfield ave., Philadelphia, Pa. 
WILL, MR. G. F., 

Bismarck, North Dakota. 

University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 

Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass. 

Castine, Maine. 

640 North 32nd str., Philadelphia, Pa. 


Geological Survey, Ottawa, Canada. 

Madison, Wis. 

American Museum of Natural History, 
New York City. 

Old Dartmouth Historical Society, New 
Bedford, Mass. 

Austin, Texas. 

Agusan Coconut Co., Cebu, P. I. 

Oberlin, Ohio. 

Windy Rock, Pleasantville, N. Y. 

3448 Longfellow Boulevard, St. Louis, Mo. 

Wilkes- Barre, Pa. 

New Haven, Conn. 

Zurich, Switzerland. 

133 South ave., Syracuse, N. Y. 

American Anthropologist 


Vol. 23 April-June, 1921 No. 2 


THE First Scientific Conference held under the auspices 
of the Pan-Pacific Union at Honolulu, August 2 to 20, 
1920, can best be described as surprisingly successful. The well- 
planned arrangements were realized smoothly, and the intelligence, 
hospitality, and forethought of the island residents made the con- 
ference equally pleasurable and profitable to visitors. The atten- 
dance of delegates, of whom there were fifty from outside the 
Hawaiian Islands, was large and representative enough to invest 
the proceedings with the quality of stimulating seriousness. At 
the same time the conference remained sufficiently compact to 
render not only sectional meetings but the general sessions worth 
while to all. Thus geographers, geologists, zoologists, botanists, 
and anthropologists were drawn together. The writer recalls no 
scientific gathering in his experience that was characterized by 
so lively a spirit as this one. 

The anthropological delegates present included F. Wood- 
Jones, Gerard Fowke, Clark Wissler, W. E. Safi'ord, A. M. Tozzer, 
A. L. Kroeber, K. Kishinouye, and N. Yamasaki; and of local 
students, or those for the time attached to the Bishop Museum, 
W. T. Brigham, J. F. G. Stokes, K. Emory, J. S. Emerson, T. G. 
Thrum, R. T. Aitken, L. R. Sullivan. 

In view of the interest in Hawaiian anthropology which the 
conference will surely help to spread, the following observations 
of a first time visitor are offered. 

Ethnology and Archaeology. It was the unanimous opinion of 

9 129 

130 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

those present at sectional meetings that in this region ethnology 
and archaeology cannot be divorced even temporarily. There 
appear to be ancient remains of but one culture in the Hawaiian 
islands — at least nothing significant of any other has yet been 
noted. This culture is that of the inhabitants whom Cook found, 
and is given an apparently reliable perspective of at least some 
centuries, provided a critical attitude is not wholly laid aside, 
by native tradition. To those who view such material askance, 
it may be said with positiveness that the temper of the Polynesian 
and of the North xA.merican Indian as to legend is strikingly different, 
and that oral tradition thus becomes a far more reliable and valuable 
tool in Hawaii than on the continent. The result is that archaeo- 
logical studies carried on as such would promise to become mechani- 
cal and barren, unless unforeseen findings should develop; and on 
the other hand ethnology pursued without reference to archaeol- 
ogy would remain unnecessarily intangible. There thus exists for 
Hawaii a fortunate condition of almost enforced correlation of the 
two lines of work such as in America is most nearly approximated 
in the Southwest but nowhere quite attainable. 

For the accumulation of new ethnological data the prospect 
does not seem promising in Hawaii. Something of the old life of 
course persists along with the language. But it is a full century 
since the natives, even before the arrival of the missionaries, 
deliberately broke up their religion and system of taboo. That 
this act meant a self-disembowelling of the culture needs no argu- 
ment. A mass of data can still be obtained with patience; but 
it is likely to consist in the main of corroborations and variants. 
One subject alone seems to have been neglected, native music. 
There is urgent need of a systematic collection of phonographic 
Hawaiian songs and chants, many of which appear to be preserved 
among the older people uninfluenced by our music. An analytic 
study of the art by a specialist in the history and theory of music 
would then be possible. 

If new discoveries are likely to be limited, it is because the 
ethnological literature on Hawaii is really large. At the same 
time it is very scattered. For something like half a century T. G. 

kroeber] anthropology OF HAWAII I3I 

Thrum's "Hawaiian Annual" has regularly contained material 
of great value. But who would look for first hand and high class 
ethnology in an almanac and year-book, and how many libraries 
possess a complete file? The non-specialist in Polynesian anthro- 
pology is likely to have an impression that relatively to its impor- 
tance Hawaiian ethnology has been neglected. This is because 
of the lack of a single, well-rounded book to serve for ready and 
authentic reference, and because much of the literature that 
possesses high intrinsic merit is cast in apparently unscientific 
form. A general work on Hawaii written for the non-Hawaiian 
by a modern ethnologist would be welcome in many quarters — 
much more than residents on the islands, whom daily experience 
and continued reading have steeped in the subject, can easily 
imagine. It may be that such a work will soon be produced, either 
as a unit or as part of a comprehensive ethnic history of Polynesia, 
by the large-scope investigations in progress under the auspices 
of the Bishop Museum. 

Racial and Psychological Anthropology. The impression that 
there is a Negroid strain in the Hawaiians can hardly be escaped. 
Their resemblance to the less specialized Mongoloids, such as East 
Indians and American Indians, is even more striking. At the same 
time, so far as the Hawaiians may be representative of the Poly- 
nesians generally, there is no doubt that these people form a highly 
specialized race, not easy to include off-hand in one of the recog- 
nized primary divisions of mankind nor to ally specifically with 
any subdivision. Whether this race has evolved through mixture, 
through the influence of environment in Polynesia or a former 
habitat, or through the influence of mutations which geographic 
isolation has preserved and fostered, will be an intricate and inter- 
esting problem to solve. The systematic researches which Mr. 
L. R. Sullivan of the American Museum of Natural History is 
carrying on for the Bishop Museum will no doubt commence 
the replacing of speculations on these topics by interpretations 
based on facts. 

The Polynesian temperament is also difficult to formulate. 
We are wont to think of these people as child-like, affable, impres- 

132 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

sionable, passionate, imaginative, volatile, gross, inconstant; 
yet very brief contacts reveal unsuspected qualities of reserve, 
shyness, humor, and stubbornness. So much is clear: their psychic 
life surely presents more sharply diverse facets than the coherent 
temperament of the American Indian. How far this difference 
may be congenital or on the other hand the effect on each individual 
of being reared in a more complexly coruscating culture is another 
problem that only the future can answer. 

In one respect the Hawaiian Islands of today offer an unparal- 
leled opportunity to the psychologist of race: there exists almost 
no color discrimination among the many races and nationalities. 
This means that when comparative tests or observations are made, 
there will be much less of social influence to eliminate before the 
mental workings of the individual or hereditary group are reached. 
What this promises, psychologists will be quick to appreciate 
who have run afoul of the entanglements of culture. A form- 
adjusting experiment inevitably results differently with a people 
that has and one that has not the custom of handling numerous 
devices and of working machinery. How much of the result is 
due to the subjects' inborn faculty and how much to the habits 
in which environment has immersed them, is usually pure estimate. 
In Hawaii, natives, Caucasians, and at least the island born among 
the Orientals attend the same schools and speak English familiarly. 
The subtle line that ever hems in the American negro before the 
white is scarcely sensed here. To be sure, there are social barriers; 
but they are mainly those of breeding and economic circumstance, 
rather than of race as a crystallized symbol. At any rate, Hawaiians 
and Chinese often associate and intermarry with Americans, and 
in no public matter, whether of residence, conveyance, business, 
or pleasure, is there exclusion on the basis of nationality or color 
Of course, it would be contrary to human nature were prejudice 
and its consequences wholly wanting. But there is astonishingly 
little of it in evidence in Hawaii; so that a carefully and vigorously 
planned investigation in comparative psychology would more 
readily yield dependable results than almost anywhere else. 

Insanity. An unusual opportunity for comparative racial 

kroeber] anthropology OF HAWAII 133 

and social studies is afforded in the territorial hospital for the 
insane at Honolulu, where the mentally ill of the most hetero- 
geneous nationalities live side by side in comfort and apparently 
greater contentment than in most asylums peopled by members of 
a single race. In the absence of Dr. W. A. Schwallie, head of the 
institution, Captain Abrahamsen was good enough to allow the 
writer observation of the inmates. He also furnished the following 
summary of their numbers as of June 30, 1920: Hawaiian, 53; 
part Hawaiian, 15; Chinese, 46; Portuguese, 50; Japanese, 83; 
American, 14; British, 2; German, 3; Russian, 7; Filipino, 23; 
Korean, 39; Spanish, 5; Porto Rican, 18; others 12; total, 370, of 
whom 104 were females. 

When these figures are com.pared with those for the population 
estimates for 1919 (the 1920 census data on race are not yet avail- 
able), there are some surprising results. The Chinese, who have 
been the longest settled of all the Asiatics on the islands, and 
have the reputation of keeping their insane at home as long as 
possible, constitute less than 9 per cent of the population but furnish 
12 per cent of the asylum inmates. On the other hand, the Japa- 
nese figures are respectively 42 and 22 per cent. Thus the Chinese 
are more than twice as inclined to mental disease necessitating 
institutional treatment as the Japanese. A social cause is difficult 
to assign. A fair proportion of the Japanese are married and 
almost invariably are rearing families; but the Chinese, who have 
fewer women, are considerably intermarried with Hawaiians, 
from whom the Japanese rather rigorously hold aloof. It is quite 
possible that the underlying cause is either hereditary disposition 
or something as yet undetermined in the cultural ideals of the two 
nationalities. The sex proportion in the asylum is about the same: 
Chinese, 6 women out of 46; Japanese, 12 out of 83. Yet in the 
population at large there were in 1910 among the Chinese 9 men 
to every adult woman, among the Japanese but 3. It may be 
added that everyone on the Islands to whom I mentioned the 
racial disproportion was unaware of it. At the hospital the Japa- 
nese have the reputation of entering in acute states but of being 
most set of all the nationalities on recovering health and most 

134 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

frequently doing so. This would point to manic-depressive and 
perhaps graver psycho-neurotic conditions. On the other hand, 
my casual survey left me with the impression of dementia praecox 
as the typical Chinese malady. Placid and vaguely smiling reac- 
tions among the Chinese patients are numerous in my memory. 

As for the Koreans, they seemed listlessly apathetic. Their 
numbers are astonishing: less than 2 per cent of the population, 
10.5 per cent of the inmates, all of them males. The Koreans 
are much the latest comers of the Asiatics in Hawaii, and have 
brought but few women: in 1910 fewer than a tenth of the adults 
were women. They show somewhat more inclination than the 
Japanese to marry Hawaiians. 

The Filipinos, who are mostly Bisayans and Ilocanos and are 
bringing some wives — many of whom retain their home style of 
dress — have a healthy record: over 8 per cent of population, only 
6 of insane. The sex proportion among their insane is probably 
not far from that in their whole population: 19 to 4. The Filipinos 
probably represent a selection of a more enterprising and vigorous 
element in the home population than the Koreans. 

The Hawaiians form 8.5 and the part Hawaiians — mostly of 
Caucasian and Chinese admixture — 6 per cent of the population, 
as against 14 and 4 per cent of the insane. The aggregate difference 
is not large: 14.5 to 18. In view of the apparent low frequency of 
insanity among most uncivilized peoples, — at any rate as deter- 
mined for the North American Indians by Hrdlicka — the ratio 
might be expected to run the other way. However, Polynesian 
culture was far from low, and for the last fifty years most Hawaiians 
have lived much the life of whites in the same economic circum- 
stances. For instance they are nearly universally literate. Then, 
too, there is a probability of their rather wide-spread syphilitic 
infection. Captain Abrahamsen is inclined to look upon this as 
contributory to their rather high insanity rate. On the other 
hand, Dr. J. R. Judd of Honolulu is of the opinion that the Hawaiians 
are not more luetic than most populations. Statistics do not seem 

Women outnumber the men by 40 to 28 among the insane 

kroeber] anthropology OF HAWAII I35 

Hawaiians and part Hawaiians. Among American Indians, Hrdlicka 
found more than twice as many men as women. The sheltered, 
subordinate position of the Indian woman and the free social status 
of the Hawaiian woman may account for the difference. But 
there may also be an inherent racial difference. 

For Caucasians of North European ancestry the populational 
percentage is 12, of insane 7. But these nationalities own most of 
the wealth of the Islands, so that it is likely that their mentally 
diseased frequently come to sanitaria on the mainland instead 
of the public hospital. Then, too, the American population consists 
perhaps one fourth of soldiers, who would also not enter the terri- 
torial civil hospital. For these reasons the apparent low insanity 
rate of these nationalities can not be accepted at face value. 

The Porto Ricans are new-comers in Hawaii, aggregating 2 
per cent of the population, whereas they contribute 5 per cent of 
the insane. One third of these are women, which is also the sex 
proportion in the population. 

The Portuguese are from the Madeira and Cape Verde Islands, 
and are distinguished as black and white according as they carry 
or do not carry negro blood. The white seem more numerous. 
They have the reputation of being quarrelsome, perversely stub- 
born, and given to petty thieving. In the asylum they are con- 
sidered the most intractable, insistent, violent, and least likely to 
recover of all nationalities. As might be expected, the proportion 
of insane is rather high: 13.5 as against 9.5 of the sane population. 
Both in the population and among the insane there are about as 
many women as men. 

In summary, the ratio which the number of committed insane 
of the principal nationalities bears to the number expectable on a 
populational basis is approximately as follows: 

Japanese 55 

N. European Caucasian [.60] 

Filipino 75 

Hawaiian, full and mixed bloods ....". 1.25 

Chinese 1.33 

Portuguese i .40 

Hawaiian, full bloods onlj' i 65 

Porto Rican 2.50 

Korean 5.50 

136 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23. 1921 

It is evident that it would be of exceeding theoretic interest, 
and no doubt of practical social value also, if the causes of these 
striking differences could be determined, especially in connection 
with the strength of respective tendencies toward the several 
forms of psychosis. Considerable painstaking investigation would 
probably be required to obtain sufhciently accurate data; but once 
secured, the information might well shed light on the psychiatric 
problem of the causes of insanity as well as on race problems. 

At any rate, these facts serve to exemplify the unusual yield 
with which the Hawaiian field promises to reward a broadly viewed 
and systematic investigation of its race elements. 

Language. The Hawaiian language retains greater vitality 
than the Hawaiian race. It is spoken by all full and probably 
nearly all mixed Hawaiians; by a considerable proportion of the 
longer settled Americans, including the most cultured strata; is 
partly understood by many of the others; some dozens of words 
have entered the vernacular English of speech and print; and 
nearly every one, whatever his nationality, has a few phrases at 
command. As it is one of the few languages whose orthography 
is phonetically consistent, it can be read at sight by anyone who 
speaks it and knows the Roman alphabet. The one theoretically 
regrettable feature of its spelling is the omission of the apostrophe 
to denote the glottal stop. But local residents, knowing the 
language, know where the stop falls though unwritten — and it is 
gratifying to hear it consistently pronounced by Anglo-Saxon 
larynges; while the philologist can easily supply it by comparison 
with other Polynesian dialects, in which it appears as k. 

Since no Polynesian language seems to have been described 
by a phonetician, the following notes, based unfortunately on 
exceedingly brief observation, are presented. 

The vowels are spoken grindingly, with the opposite quality 
from what we consider the open singing voice. The same handling 
of the larynx appears to be characteristic of old time Hawaiian 
chanting. The general effect of the language is therefore far less 
"musical" than its printed forms would suggest. 

E, o, i, u are close, but not stringently so. E and o especially, 

kroeber] anthropology OF HAWAII 137 

perhaps because they lack our y and w vanishes, seem almost as 
near to the English open as close vowels. 

Accent is never written, but falls so preponderatingly on the 
penultimate vowel that for scientific purposes it should be recorded 
when it rests elsewhere. 

The stops p and k are aspirated to about the same degree as in 
American English in the same position. They appear to lack 
the unaspirated quality of French surd stops and the momentary 
voicing characteristic of the "intermediate " stops of many American 
Indian languages, although on theoretical grounds such quality 
might be anticipated in a tongue that possesses only one series of 
stops to its Melanesian and Malaysian congeners' two. 

Hawaiian k is sometimes described as being as near t as k in 
formation. I did not detect this articulation in my informants, 
and was told that it was chiefly characteristic of the island of Kauai 
but was going out of use. 

The glottal stop is produced with unusual firmness. When 
intervocalic it is plainly audible in all but the most hurried or 
mumbling speech. 

M and n call for no comment. 

W is made with less rounding than in English, so that it approxi- 
mates a bilabial v. Americans sometimes render it by a labio- 
dental V. As Hawaiian w corresponds to v in most Polynesian 
dialects, its quality has historic grounding. What is written as 
intervocalic u seems sometimes to be w: I heard Kauai consistently 
as Kawai; but Maui, not Mawi. 

H is vigorous and made with sufficient construction to suggest 
a feeble fricative. 

L is evidently produced with the tongue more elevated than 
in English: I occasionally heard it first as r or n. 

Berkeley, California. 



ON the front of the shields of the Kayan, Kenyah, and Kleman- 
tan tribes of central Borneo, almost invariably appears a 
demon design, a large demon face with a pair of wide- 
staring eyes, indicated by concentric circles colored in red and 
black, and with a double row of teeth with two pairs of tusk-like 
canines (fig. 24, a-d, g). Sometimes the monstrous face alone is de- 
picted, but in a majority of cases it surmounts a diminutive human 
body whose limbs are highly distorted and often lost in an intricate 
design. Covering the design are rows and tufts of human hair, 
cut from the heads of slain enemies. On the interior surface are 
usually standing figures of men and women with hands up. Of 
these, W. H. Furness tells us that they are "painted there so that 
the warrior may be constantly reminded of his wife and family 
at home, for whose benefit and honor he is striving to bring back a 
fresh head."^ In regard to the meaning of the monster design 
on the exterior, Furness does not offer any explanation. To Hose 
and McDougall, however, the face seems to be human, for "al- 
though in some shields there is nothing to indicate this interpreta- 
tion, in others the large face surmounts the highly conventionalized 
outline of a diminutive human body."^ H. L. Roth^ with all his 
sumptuous illustrations is terse and uncommunicative on this 
point; he only says "it is often colored with red ochre, or painted 
some elaborate design or fantastic pattern." In the east of Borneo, 
the realistic human figures, crocodiles, and the like constitute the 
shield designs, while practically all shields from western Borneo 
have floral designs. 

iW. H. Furness, The Home Life of Borneo Head Hunters, Philadelphia, 1902; 
plate p. 80. 

2 C. Hose and W. McDougall, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, 1912, vol. i, p. 165. 
5 H. L. Roth, The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo, London, 1896, p. 138 




Fig. 24.— Bornean-shield and related designs: a. Dyak shield from Sarawak 
(Edinburgh Museum; L. Roth, 11, p. 125); b. Kenyah shield from the Sultanate of 
Kutai, S. E. Borneo (A. R. Hein, p. 59); c. Kayan shield from Kutai, S. E. Borneo 
(A. R. Hein, p. 67); d. Shield of unknown provenance (A. R. Hein. p. 65); e. " Bana- 
spati" head from a kriss handle, Bali Id. (Kat. Reich. Mus., vol. vii, no. 701/92); /• 
"Raksasa" head attached to a flute, Lombok Id. (Kat. Reichmus.. VII. no. 1614./10); 
g. Dyak shield from S. E. Borneo (A. R. Hein, p. 68). 

140 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

It is Prof. Alois Raimund Hein who has taken most pains in an 
effort to explain the origin of this design in his celebrated book/ 
After a long and erudite discussion, he concludes that it has its 
origin in the Chinese tiger and dragon shields, but that it is treated 
in a manner characteristic of Dyak art. His conclusion rests 
on the following facts observed by him: that there is mention of 
dragon shields and their illustration in the fictitious Chinese History 
of the Three Kingdoms; that many such dragon and tiger shields 
have been in use among the Chinese soldiers, and that the Chinese 
settlers in Borneo must have employed these shields in their defense 
against hostile natives; that the dragon faces in China, Japan, 
India, and the East Indies are all alike, and hence the abiogenesis 
of Bornean form is unthinkable; that the Balinese Raksasa has 
horns too strongly developed for a Dyak model; that the Dyak 
paintings contain an isolated symbol and ornamental motive directly 
related to the Chinese Yin and Yang symbol (see fig. 24 g, at a). 
Throughout his volume, he endeavors to show how strongly the 
Chinese influence must have been felt in Borneo. 

There are some phases of Bornean art which reflect China and 
the conclusion Prof. Hein arrived at elicits no small sympathy. 
In this particular case, however, I am inclined to differ with him. 
To decorate with such a fear-inspiring design is a universal human 
habit not confined to any particular race. As is clear from the 
comparative study of Bornean masks, the double rows of teeth 
with large tusk-like canines are typical in the southeast of Borneo. 
The same holds true in regard to the shield designs. Most typical 
demon heads are to be seen in the shields from the Kutai and Band- 
jermasin districts of Borneo; these, filtered into the north, it would 
be more reasonable to ascribe to an introduction by the Kayans, or 
Kenyahs, who are considered immigrants into Sarawak through 
central Borneo.^ So far as we know, the early as well as large 
Chinese settlement was in the extreme north, and in the northwest 
of Borneo,^ while the Dyak-Chinese intercourse in the Band- 
jermasin district in the south was largely commercial in its character. 
It is well known that the southern coast of Borneo bears the brunt 

1 A. R. Hein, Die Bildende Kunste bei den Dayaks auf Borneo. Wien, 1890. 

2 Hose and McDougall, vol. 11, pp. 232. 

3 Ibid., vol. I, pp. 10, 16, 17; vol. II, p. 231. 



Fig. 25.— Javanese and Bornean designs: a. Cover design (J. F. Scheltema, 
Monumental Java); b. "Banaspati" head from a temple edifice, Padjarakan, Java 
(Kat. Reichmus., v, no. 3017); c. Ghost mask of Mahakam Kayan (Nieuwenhuis, i, 
taf. 57); d. An erect Javanese "Kaara" (drum), surmounted by the head of a god, in 
the Copenhagen Museum (Jour. Anth. Inst., xxii, pi. 23, fig. 14); e. (left). Design on 
a Kayan bag, Upper Mahakam, central Borneo (Kat. Reichmus., 11, p. 62); e. (right). 
Design on a Kayan bag, Taman and Mahakam, central Borneo (Ibid.); /. Working 
table of Bahau Dyak (Nieuwenhuis, i, taf. 6ib); g. Two figures of gibbons on the door 
of a Sebop house, Klemantan (Hose and McDougall, vol. i. pi. 123); h. "Pamuras" 
(thunder case) with a Nagara head, from S. E. Borneo (Kat. Reichmus., bd. 11. p. 113)- 

142 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 23. 1921 

of strong Hindoo-Javanese influence. Such figures as " Banaspati" 
and Raksasa from Bali and Java (figs. 24, e, f ; 25, a, b, d, h) and 
" Nagara " from southeast Borneo may be a revelation. ^ There are 
no "too strongly developed horns" in these figures as Hein alleges. 

If for the moment, however, one accedes to Hein's view that the 
Dyak design is attributable to Chinese influence, how docs he 
account for the absence of similar designs among the Dusuns in 
the northeast, with an admitted infusion of Chinese blood and 
culture? Further, in the Philippine island of Luzon, where there 
is historical proof of as long contact with the Chinese as in Borneo, 
we get no such evidences as those brought forward by Hein. More- 
over, a demon-head shield also occurs in Nias, an island off^ the west 
coast of Sumatra, where there is seemingly no Chinese influence. 

A still greater difficulty in Hein's contention is the fact that the 
demon face often surmounts an outline of a diminutive human- 
like body. It is improbable that a tiger would be grafted on to an 
anthropomorphous body. The reference to the ornamental de- 
sign in the "Chinese Yin and Yang Symbol" is again dubious. 
It differs, strictly speaking, from the regular Chinese symbol; 
one in Borneo is an ofi'shoot of an interlocking hook, well-nigh 
universal in central Borneo. And the resemblance of the demon 
faces in China, Japan, India, and the East Indies, to my mind 
merely bespeaks a common Indian origin as some ramified ex- 
amples of Hindoo demonology are often found in these countries 
under the very same Indian names. 

So far I have tried to point out that there are better reasons for 
seeking its origin southward in the Hindoo-Javanese source, if it 
need be sought outside at all, than northward in China.' In point 
of time, the Indian influence is prior and paramount in Indonesia; 
this needs hardly any word of explanation. The first recorded date 

1 Raksasa heads on the gates in Boeleleng, Bali (Golyn, Neerlands Indie, p. 52) 
and at temples in Prambanam. Java (F. Benoit, L' Architecture I'Orient Medieval et 
Moderne) are still jnore convincing illustrations. 

2 E. Guinst is in accord with my view when he writes: "La question des boucliers 
est plutot du domaine de I'Ethnographie que de celui des religions. Les tetes de tigres, 
les figures a gros yeux et a longues dents sont de toute le civilizations. A Java il y a 
une sorte de demon qu'on represente frequemment meme sur les poignees de sabres 
et qui a ces traits caracteristiques. II serait plutot d'origine indienne que Chinoise." 
Hein, Kunst., p. 74. 

utsurikavva] demon DESIGN ON THE BORNEAN SHIELD I43 

of any Chinese venture into Indonesia is that of Fa-hien, 
( ^j;-iS ), the Buddhist pilgrim who visited Java in A. D. 414.^ 
There, he found plenty of Brahmins, and a gleam of Buddhism. 
Nearly contemporary inscriptions have been discovered at Koetli 
in Borneo and Java, placing beyond doubt the priority of the Indian 
influence.^ In southern Asia, the same influence extended east- 
ward even among the hills of Annam as early as the beginning of the 
Christian era. Even a little later, in the time of the Han dynasty, 
the travel from China was through central Asia. Fa-hien en- 
tered India by the same route, going home by way of Java. Fur- 
thermore, the Chinese do not appear to have been early and skilful 
navigators.* According to Chinese information, already in 669 
A. D., a prince of Brunei (Po-lo) is supposed to have sent an emissary 
to China; but since there is very little evidence that this particular 
passage refers to Borneo, it should not be taken too seriously. 
Indeed, according to the Annals of the Gen Dynasty, Kublai 
Khan sent an expedition against the islands of the Indian Ocean 
about the twelfth century.* How much influence it exerted upon 

1 Col. G. E. Gerini even doubts that it was Java of today. See his Researches on 
Ptolemy's Geography of Eastern Asia, London, 1909. 

2 Kern, Geden Kleekenen der oude indische beschaving in Kambodja onze E enw, 
Jan. 4, 1904 (Cited in V. A. Smith, Hist. Art. India and Ceylon). 

'J. Crawfurd, History of thz Indian Archipelagoe, 1820. Even at the time of 
Kublai Khan the Chinese coasted along in their voyage, without any compass. It 
took 68 days for Kublai Khan's army to reach Java. 

^According to the Annals of the Gen Dynasty ( 7^,5!^ ) compiled by "Sung-li" 
(^ ), following an imperial decree of 1369, Great Kublai Khan sent expeditionary 
troops to Java, Sumatra, Luzon, and other islands impossible to identify, in February 
in the 29th year of his reign. Troops consisting of "20,000 soldiers" raised from 
Fukien and Hunan, under the command of two generals, were conveyed in "1,000 
junks" provisioned for a year. They found the natives of Java at Kuran Mountain 
( /f^yfl^tl/ ) ^'^d also at Song Yaru ( i^^^^ ) and put several hundred to de th. 
They speak of capturing "a huge ship with a demon head." It was the Javanese 
who had the demon head. The account is so terse that there is no mention of their 
shield designs. It took 68 days, from China, proving they came by coasting. The 
number of soldiers, vessels, etc., should be taken figuratively as the Chinese writer is 
always extravagant in description. At about the same time the Mongols harassed 
Japan. Perusal of the most graphic descriptions of the battles on the shores of Kiushu 
Island does not give any hint as to their shields, much less the ornaments on them, 
although they give an account of the short, poisoned arrows and terrific explosives of the 
Mongols, and of their manner of fighting, etc. Col. Gerini identifies the places where 
Kublai's forces touched with the islands lying west of Java and the southwestern 
ip of Borneo. 

144 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

Borneo itself it is difficult to see. It is only for the fifteenth century 
and later that we have come into possession of any authentic his- 
torical accounts relative to Borneo. From what has been said, 
it must not be inferred, however, that the influence of the Chinese 
upon the inhabitants of Borneo is without significance; on the 
contrary I am inclined to think there must have been of necessity 
considerable flotsam of Chinese influence, so ubiquitous and perva- 
sive particularly in later times. But whatsoever influence there 
was or has been from that direction, that fact is per se irrelevant 
to the central question at issue. Obviously enough, from what 
precedes, the Hindoo or Hindoo-Javanese influence should have 
received greater attention than has been paid by Hein. 

In an ethnological investigation of this kind, the proper mode of 
procedure would be, of course, without any prepossession, to ex- 
haust the hermeneutic possibilities in the immediate and proper 
setting. If would be more rational to compare, for instance, such 
shields as those shown in fig. 24, a and b, with ghost masks of the 
Mahakam Kayans (or Bahau Dyaks), fig. 25 c, or with Kenyah 
"Kayong" masks worn by the "Dyongs" (Shamans) in the soul- 
catching ceremony.^ A pair of large round eyes, double rows of 
teeth with protruding tusks, and typically native ear ornaments 
made of tiger canines are common to both. The similitude is 
striking. Again, we find among the Bahau a figure like fig. 25, / 
carved on both ends of a working table. This is, indeed, a good 
replica of the Kayan shield design from Sultanate Kutai, southeast 
Borneo (fig. 24, c). 

Nieuwenhuis saw similar ornaments among the Bahau (Maha- 
kam Kayans) and the Kenyah objects. He sees some relation 
between this design and that of the shield.^ In general type all 

' The mask is very similar to the one figured by Nieuwenhuis. Nothing is said 
about what the mask represents but "the chant with which the Dayong begins his 
operations is essentially a prayer for help addressed to Laki Tenangan, or, in case of a 
woman, to Doh Tenangan also." (Hose and AIcDougall, vol. 11, p. 30.) 

2 "Andere Beispiele fur die Verwendung der Masken boser Geister als Verzierung 
finden wir in den sehr bekannten, urspriinglich von diesen Stammen herruhrenden, 
bunt bemalten Schilden, an deren \'orderflache eine Art von Gorgonenhaupt dem 
Feinde Schrecken einflossen soil. Eine derartige Wirkung auf den iingstlichen Bahau, 
der sich stets von bosen Geistern umringt und verfolgt glaubt, ist sehr wohl denkbar. 

"Um nicht zu stark abzuschweifen, soil das Menschliche Genital-motive, das in 

utsurikawa] demon DESIGN ON THE BORNE AN SHIELD 


Fig. 26. — Designs on shields of Borneo and Celebes: a. Ape design (Kat. Reich- 
mus., II, no. 1239/135); b. Klavvang shield, S. E. Borneo (Roth, 11, p. 130); c and d. 
Dyak shields, S. E. Borneo (A. R. Hein); e. Kayan shield, Rejang River, Sarawak 
(Roth, II, p. 126); /. Toriodjao shield, Celebes (A. R. Hein, p. 75). 


146 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 23, 1921 

SO far seem to show some relationship. Hence, we may infer that 
the shield design, despite a strong tendency to vary, is not an 
isolated exotic concoction divorced entirely from the ceremonial 
(or religious) and emotional life of the natives. 

Starting back again from this point, let us re-examine the rest 
of the specimens. In fig. 24, d we have a demon head possessing 
essential attributes but surmounting an outline of a diminutive 
human body. In this, one is struck by the simian appearance in 
both the face and the attitude of body. I seriously wonder if this 
design is not an ape derivative; my impression is not, I think, 
altogether a wild one, for we have incontestable proof of an ape 
design on the shield (see fig. 26, a). Still more supplementary 
evidence comes from southeast Borneo (fig. 26, b). Here, appa- 
rently, two apes or possibly monkeys are represented, one upside 
down, its tail extending upward, serving to complete the facial 
outline of the other. This identical design (fig. 25, g) occurs in a 
more realistic form among the Sebops (Klemantan), on the door 
of a room. Hose and McDougall suppose the figures represented 
to be gibbons. 

Such designs as figs. 25, g and 26, a-f may be considered as 
derivatives of the same. 

We know that simian designs are chiefly used among certain 
tribes; for instance, the Long Pokuns (Klemantans), use the form 
of the gibbon and of the "sacred ape" {Seminopitheciis Hosei). 

In the course of a discussion of animistic beliefs. Hose and 
McDougall give us a sanguine testimonial to our supposition. 
They write: 

Kenyahs, like all, or almost all, the other natives of Borneo, are more or less 
afraid of the Maias (the orang-utan) and of the long-nosed monkey and they will 
not look one in the face or laugh at one.' 

der Bahaukunst zu einer gang eigentiimlichen Art von Verzierung Anlass gegeben hat, 
spater behandelt und hier zur Besprechung des als Ornament ebenfalls haufig ver- 
wendeten Tierkorpers iibergegangen warden." {Durch Borneo, vol. 11, p. 242.) 

1 Vol. II, p. 73. And further, "In one Kenyah house a fantastic figure of the 
Gibbon is carved on the ends of all the main crossbeams of the house, and the chief said 
that this has been their custom for many generations. He told us that it is the custom, 
when these beams are being put up, to kill a pig and divide the flesh among the men 
who are working, and no woman is allowed to come into the house until this has been 
done. None of his people will kill a gibbon, though other Kenyahs will kill and possibly 

utsurikawa] demon DESIGN ON THE BORNEAN SHIELD 1 47 

How appropriate then such a simian design must be for orna- 
mental purposes on a shield, to strike terror into the mind of an 
enemy. Many a diminutive figure, supposedly human, accom- 
panying a monster face is suggestive of the simian posture, al- 
though such interpretation can not be actually borne out, for they 
often bear definitely human qualities, even tattoo marks; neverthe- 
less, they may be compared with some interest with such designs 
as those appearing on the Kayan textiles from Upper Mahakam and 
Taman, central Borneo^ (fig. 25, e). 

In Upper Mahakam, central Borneo, the "salutup" (rattan 
strap) in war custom is covered with orang-utan's skin.^ 

It may be profitably added here, as a memorandum, that the 
central theme of the Indian epic of the Ramayana, is the contest 
between Sugriva, the Wanar's lord Ape king, and Kumblakarna, 
Chief Raksasa of King Ravana's force, the ruler of Lanka (Ceylon). 

Of course, it must be admitted that there is a strong similitude 
between some of the Bornean masks and shields on the one hand, 
and Brahmanic mythical figures on the other; and to account for 
it as a Hindoo-Javanese influence, direct or indirect, would not be 
inconsistent with the general cultural history of the area. It is 
not improbable that the feature was originally initiated by such 
influence, coming from the south, but in the long process of time 
the original tradition of ornamentation was forgotten and the 
ornament itself has undergone a new modification in the hands of 


The exact duplicates of the shields from the southeast of Borneo 
are recorded from the Toradja (or To-ri-adjas) in the interior of 
Celebes, and from Makassar. It is impossible to differentiate one 
from the other. They are in the Leiden Museum, Holland. Curi- 
ously enough, Roth, Bock, Furness, and Hose and McDougall 

eat it. They claim that he helps them as a friend and the carvings on the beams seem 
to symbolize his supporting of the house." 

' Katalog des Ethnographischen Reichmuseums, band 11, p. 62. The figures are 
designated indiscriminately as "Menschenfigure"; but the prehensile lower limbs, 
long arms, and general posture, as well as references to simian figures by the author, 
favor the simian motive. 

^Ibid., p. 269. 

148 AMERICAN- ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

have nothing to say about them nor do they figure any such speci- 
mens from Celebes. 

A. Grubauer, who has been among the Toradjas, illustrates 
samples of their shields, which show very little likeness to any of 
those found in Borneo. As to the relation between the Borneo and 
Toradja shields, A. R. Hein himself, in spite of the illustration in 
his own book, affords little information. The only mention he 
makes is in regard to a shield "Kaliyawo" from south Celebes 
(tafel 10, no. 6, in his text), of which he says in a footnote: 

Kaliyawo Kliau. Dr. Czurda hat diesen Schild auf Siid-Selebes erworben, 
woervon den Buginesen und Makassaren nur bei grossen Festlichkeiten und feier- 
lichen Processionen, in denen er Fursten und Hauptlingen zum zeichen ihres Ranges 
nachgetragen wird, Verwendung findet. 

We know that there has been an influx of Buginese immigrants 
into southeast Borneo from time to time; and it is not inconceivable 
that interchange of cultures might have taken place between the 
two regions, and that some of the Borneo shields might have strayed 
into Celebes in the form of trophies. Still, an element of un- 
certainty attends the genuineness of Toradja shields. And it 
would be well, so long as it remains uncertain, to dismiss without 
further comment their ethnological relation to Borneo. 

Keio University, 
ToKio, Japan. 


THE following notes were made during a brief visit to Isleta 
and at interviews with an Isleta woman at Albuquerque, 
in a hotel room, safe from observation. Mexicanized or 
Americanized as is Isleta, fear of revealing Indian custom is 
as marked there as elsewhere, perhaps more marked than elsewhere. 
A woman who spoke English in the vernacular, who dressed as an 
American, and had worked for years in Albuquerque, resisted all 
endeavors to learn from her not only words of ceremonial import 
but clan names or the native name for the town. (It is Shidwi'ba; 
at Sandia given as Shiwipiin). On all things Mexican or Catholic 
she was communicative and glad to be helpful. The leading man 
of the town, a man of property and position, a graduate of 
St. Michael's College at Santa Fe and author, so he said, of 
a book on the life of his people, was equally timid. The 
book is to be published after his death, he announced, "as a 
keepsake." He would have no dealings with a stray scientist — 
he was afraid to, said a neighbor, citing his fears as a justification 
of her own. In the hotel room fear of neighborly eyes was pre- 
cluded, but even with this immunity fear lest supernatural harm 
might result had to be combated. Were my informant to fall 
sick at any time she would have to confess to her doctor her traffic 
with me. "I hope to God nothing will happen to me," she would 
reiterate. Her reference to voluntary confession was significant, 
of course; expressions of fear lest "something happen " for revealing 
native ways is common in all the pueblos, but the idea of voluntary 
or quasi-voluntary confession is, one surmises, essentially Catholic, 

a borrowed trait. 

Kinship Terms 

Mother, woman and man speaking,^ nana,^ voc. inke',^ desc. 
Reciprocals : 

* No indication to the contrary, bisexual use of terms is implied. 
^nana and lata are Spanish terms for mother and father (Harrington, J. P., 
" Tewa Relationship Terms," American Anthropologist (n. s.), xiv, 1912, p. 493). 
3 nk^e'l, recorded by Dr. Boas from another informant. 




infiuwei,^ desc. and voc, for female 

inuwei^, desc. and voc. for male | 

Father, lata, voc. 

■inkai, desc. 
Reciprocals : 
Mother's mother, chii, voc. 

inchii, desc. 
Reciprocal : 

maku, voc. for female and male 
inmakuwei, desc. 
Father's mother, luro, voc. 

inlure, desc. 
Reciprocal : 
maku, voc. 
inmakuwei, desc. 
Mother's and father's father, tee',^ voc. 

inlei, desc. 
Reciprocal : 

maku, voc. 
ittmakuwei, desc. 
Mother's sister, ^ec/t7<, voc. 1 

inkechei, desc. ; 

Reciprocal : 

inoawiwei, desc. 

In address dawi'^ would not be used, but the personal name.^ 
Father's sister, kiwuu' {kyuu'),^ voc. 
inkiwei,' desc. 
Reciprocal : 

inch'avewei,^ desc. for female 

int'uuwei, desc. for male. In address 

ch'ave would not be used, but the personal name.' 

1 inp'iuwei (Boas). 

2 in or iw and wei are possessive prefix and suffix, e. g.,male, house, inmalewei, 
my house. 

3 Cf. Barbara Freire-Marecco, "Tewa Kinship Terms from the Pueblo of Hano. 
Arizona," p. 279. American Anthropologist, n.s., vol. xvi, 1914. 

* Dr. Boas records rhwi for address. 

* No reluctance to mention personal names was observable. 
6 Cf. Freire-Marecco, p. 278. 

^ nk^uwei (Boas). 

^ nck'abewei (Boas, Parsons). 

* However, I did hear ch'abe used. 


Mother's and father's brother, meme,^ voc. ' 

inmemei, desc. 
Reciprocal : 

chunu, voc. 
inchunuwei, desc. 
Sister, older, tutu, voc. 

intutei, desc. 
Sister, younger, w. sp., p'eecku, voc. 

inp'eche', desc. 
Sister, younger, m. sp., inkwimwei,^ voc. 

inkwimuwei, desc. 
Brother, older, ^a/>a, voc. 

impape', desc. 
Brother, younger, p'aiyu, voc. 

imp'aiyuwet, desc. 
Cousin, prima, prima, voc. 

imprima, imprimo, desc. 

the sister-brother terms. 
Affinity terms: 

Parent-in-law, int'arawei,^ desc. 
Reciprocal : 

inf arawei, desc. 


Mother-in-law, int' arakewei, desc. 

Father-in-law, int' arakaawei, desc. 

Sister-in-law, insueyiwei,* desc. 

Brother-in-law, inyewei, desc. 

In address, parent-child, sister-brother terms are used. 

kumpairi (Sp. compadre) is the reciprocal term between wife's father and 
husband's father.^ 
Husband, insuewei,^ desc. 
Wife, inliawei, desc. 
Mother's relatives, inkeamt' aiwei 

inkeammatunwei, a more inclusive term. 
Father's relatives, inkaiamt' aiwei 


1 Cf. Freire-Marecco, p. 274. 

^ kwim'u (Boas). 

3 nt'drwei (Boas). 

^ insiuwei (Boas). 

6 Boas. 

''insir'iwei (Boas). Cf. Freire-Marecco, p. 279. 

152 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

For great-grandparents there are no terms of address distinctive 
from grandparent terms, the terms are only compound descriptive 


inchibeke, my grandmother her mother. 

inchibek'aa', my grandmother her father. 

inteheke, my grandfather his mother. 

intebek'aa', my grandfather his father. 

Teknonymous usages were denied, but the denial should be 
tested by observation. . . . The cousin terminology should also 
be tested by observation. In the one opportunity presented, a 
woman called her father's sister's daughter and father's sister's 
daughter's daughter kyuu' "because w^hen her father's sister died 
she had to take her father's sister's daughter for her kyuu'," a 
statement which is explicable only on the basis that the functions of 
the father's sister are important at Isleta as elsewhere among the 
Pueblo peoples. And in fact the father's sister does figure in 
name-giving at Isleta and in dance ceremonial. . . . Analogously in 
the matter of cousin nomenclature it was stated that a certain 
girl called her mother's brother's son as well as her mother's brother, 
meme. ... As elsewhere, unrelated seniors may be addressed as 
"mother" or "father," and juniors, as "child." 

Sandia Kinship Terms 

Sandia {Gaishiwim) is a Tanoan settlement off the railway 
and about thirty-two miles east of Isleta.^ The kinship nomen- 
clature I recorded in Sandia presents the following variations.^ 

innanei (desc), mother 
intatei (desc.), father 

Reciprocal, impyuwei, w. innuwei, m. 
bato''', mother's sister, father's sister, w.sp. 
Reciprocal term: 
bakwem', father's sister, m. sp. 

^ Isleta is 13 miles west of Albuquerque, Sandia about 3 miles east of Bernalillo. 

2 Sandia people {nafihun) were said at Isleta to drag their words. (A like distinc- 
tion is emphasized by Hopi informants in regard to Hopi dialectical differences, and 
by Keresan informants about Keresan dialects.) Taos people {thuwinin) are said to 
speak an intelligible but different dialect. 

parsons] further NOTES ON ISLET A 153 

Reciprocal term: 
Sister, m. sp., kwemei 
Brother, w. sp., papei 
Mother-in-law, m. sp. inluwei [?j 
Father-in-law, w. sp. intawei 

Islet A Clans 

In "Notes on Isleta, Santa Ana, and Acoma"^ I recorded a 
list of Isleta clans from a Laguna man who had grown up in the 
Laguna settlement within an eighth of a mile of Isleta. With 
one exception, this list which is conformant to the familiar clan 
nomenclature of the Pueblo tribes differs from the following list of 
clans or divisions I was given in Albuquerque, divisions that 
are theoretically oriented and associated with corn of different 
colors : 

Ihii t'ainin, day or daylight people . . . East side (dirbau) . . . white corn 

narni {t'ainin), ? . . . North side {dir'iu) . . . black corn 

pajini (bachiirni) {t'ainin), name of an ancient village. . . . West side {diirnan) 

. . . yellow corn 
k'oapin'we \ {t'ainin), name of an ancient village . . . South 
fiarunwe j side {diihu) . . . blue corn 

Zenith (ky'ie) and Nadir {nirai) are represented by corn of all 
colors {kwohutin, all together) but there are no social divisions to 
correspond to these directions. My informant appeared to think 
that marriage was allowed within these divisions, but she could 
cite only one such endogamous marriage — in the thufainin, on 
the part of the leading man previously referred to. 

It was impossible for me to verify my earlier list of clans or the 
similar lists made by Bandelier and Lummis. (See Table i). 
Informants stated most positively that they did not have clans 
{t'ainin) of that kind at Isleta. They may have been prevaricating, 
although one informant on matters which are generally held more 
secret than clan names was very frank. Three other hypotheses 
are tenable. The earlier lists may have referred to Isleta-Laguna 

^American Anthropologist, vol. xx (1920), p. 56. 



[n. s., 23, 1921 

Table 1 

Isleta Clan Lists 

Bandelier (1890) 1 

Hodge (Lummis) (1896) 2 

Parson-> (1920) ' 














Chaparral Cock 






Water pebble 






Lizard (Earth) ^ 


Mt. Lion 




clans or to equations ^ of Isleta clans with Isleta-Laguna clans or 
to a sometime classification of Isleta clans which has been super- 
seded. I incline to the third hypothesis. One Isleta informant 
had observed that the Corn people were included among the East 
Side people and the Parrot people among the North Side people. 

1 Final Report, pt. i. Papers, Archaeological Institute of America. Amer. Series, 
vol. Ill (1890), p. 273. 

2 "Pueblo Indian Clans," American Anthropologist, vol. ix (1896), pi. vii. 

3 Published in 1920 and collected in 1919, but from an informant who had been 
absent from Isleta for several years. 

* Both Bandelier and Hodge subdivide the Corn clan into four clans — Yellow, 
Blue, Red, White. I incline to think that their informants may have been referring 
to the directional distribution cited by my informants. 

' At Laguna and Acoma, Lizard and Earth are two names for the same clan. 

* In Zuiii lives an Isleta woman called Felicita (Zufii, Pelise) who has affiliated 
herself with the pikchikwe clan. In the east there is no such clan. A mutual Zuiii 
acquaintance suggested that Pelise had joined the pikchikwe because it was the largest 
Zufii clan and had the most prestige. This iJerformance of Pelise indicates either some 
indifference to clanship at home or to membership in a clan which has no equivalent at 
Zuni. The latter hypothesis is borne out by another Zuiii alien, Tomos of Laguna. 
He, too, affiliated himself with the pikchikwe, and stated to some o£ us that there was 
the same clan at Laguna. Asked by me for the name of it in Keresan, he answered 
that he had forgotten. Forgotten the name of his own clan! Everybody laughed. 



Of further equations she seemed uncertain. At Sandia, where 
the existence of clans was denied to me as it was denied twenty- 
five years ago to Mr. Hodge, a girl had remarked incidentally that 
of the Goose people there was only one boy left in Sandia, and 
my Isleta acquaintance was positive that there were clans in 
Sandia, i.e., divisions such as she knew them in Isleta, only people 
did not care to talk about them. Reticence, no doubt, but I can not 
but think it is reticence mixed with ignorance. My guess is 
that, thanks to Spanish influence, to the prevalence of Spanish 
custom in marriage and house owning, the old clan system has 
broken down and given place to a division based on directional 

Directional distribution is a familiar pattern of organization 
in Pueblo Indian circles, and in the present connection it is a striking 
fact that Gushing found this organization feature characteristic 
of Zuiii clans. Neither Kroeber nor I found at Zuni the directional 
clan distribution emphasized by Gushing, but directional dis- 
tribution of the rain priesthoods, priesthoods based on clan affilia- 
tions we, together with Stevenson, have found. 

The Zuiii rain priesthoods have a parallel or rather prototype 
at Isleta (and probably among the eastern Keresans) in the four 
clan heads, all men, of each of the four clan divisions — the thttt'- 
aikabede, nart'aikabede, k'oapint'aikabede, bachtlrt'aikabede. At 
the solstices these clan heads go into a retreat of four days to 
fast and pray. The winter solstice is called tixu' kyaawe be'amba, 
"south our father goes," the summer solstice, tiu kyaawe be'amba, 
"north our father goes," and the dates of these fasts are now fixed 
arbitrarily as from December first to sixth or eighth, and from 
June first to sixth or eighth. The retreats are made in the houses 
of the heads of the four clan divisions. The thiU'aikabede go in 
first, but there is no other precedence or rotation, and all the 
sets might go in synchronously. The head man of the set is chosen 
by his predecessor. There is a woman attached to each set to 
keep their room warm during their retreat and generally look 
after them, visiting their room three or four times a day.^ 

1 As at Zufii it is the economic character of the "priestess" which is conspicuous. 

156 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 23, 1921 


Between the clan heads or clans and the ceremonial moieties 
called shifunin or Black Eyes {shi, eye) and the shuren or Red 
Eyes there is, contrary to an earlier statement, no relationship. 
The children of a family are divided up between the two moieties,^ 
the first born being assigned to the father's group, the second child 
to the mother's and so on in alternation, providing the parents 
belong to different moieties, but as the moieties are notexogamous 
both parents may belong to the same moiety. The shifunin "take 
from June to November" and the shuren, from December to May, 
and in this sense the terms Summer people and Winter people 
may be used, but the seasonal terminology was not familiar to my 
informants. Each group has its own head or chief — shifunkdbede 
and shurekabede — a lifelong position to which a younger man is 
trained as a successor; and each group has its own estufa, tulai. 
These two estufas are square, non-detached rooms, the door sur- 
mounted by a terrace figure {nabese). 

Round House and Spruce Dance 

There is a third estufa which, in the English vernacular used 
by townspeople, is called Round House — tula kwirini {kwirini, 
round). This estufa is used to dance in at Eastertide and, at 
night, in the liwa pur or Spruce dance of February. This dance 
appears to be a shiwana or k'atsina dance without masks.' My 

1 My Laguna informant made the same statement, correcting his statement of the 
year before. He added that your father would choose a man either of his own moiety 
or the other to initiate you and give you your estufa or Black Eyes or Red Eyes name. 
See p. 166. 

2 This is a correction to my earlier account, unless it is understood that the shifunin, 
since "they turn the sun back to winter," are Winter people, and the shuren, turning 
the sun back to summer, are Summer people. 

^ As noted in my first account the only masks worn at Isleta are worn by the 
teen or clowns, three teen from the Black Eyes, three from the Red Eyes. They 
do not come out every year. They came out last February (1920), and before that 
in 1914. Their masks are white with red around the eyes, and short, "doglike" 
ears. Unlike the ne'wekwe-kashare, delight makers of Zuni and of the Keres, they 
wear no corn husks on their heads. They wear a coat and trousers of buckskin. 

According to my Laguna informant the shuren clowns are painted red and white, 


informant, indeed, equated liwan with k'atsina, saying that shiwana 
(k'atsina) was "just the same as liwan," spruce, or, as she said, 
evergreen. The dancers — thirty-nine or more men — wear the 
usual armlets, waist bands and collars of spruce, the usual pendant 
foxskin, tuwexai {tinveh'the, fox), and the usual leg rattle of turtle 
shell and deer toes. On the left leg they wear a rattle of leather 
and those bits of tin which sometimes fringe a dance kilt. They 
carry a gourd rattle. Two stiff eagle feathers are on the left side 
of their head and some downy eagle feathers on the right. In 
front are two horns of red pasteboard, trimmed with silver buttons. 
The horns are called nak'ee, although k'ee means feathers. The 
face is powdered white with a lumpy substance called ttini, and 
under the eyes is a streak of red. (This mineral pigment is got 
in Navaho trade.) The dancers are in single line, the two dance 
managers, as usual, in the centre of the line, and all sing as they 
dance. They dance not only at night, but in the plaza (paepinla, 
middle of village) during two days, coming out three times before 
breakfast, and four times in the afternoon, each time dancing four 
times — to east, north, west and south. A set of dancers is pre- 
sented from each of the square estufas, and they alternate in dancing, 
each set returning to their respective estufa while the other set is 
dancing. The kabede, either of shifiinin or of shuren, is at the 
head of the line of dancers. He wears white trousers and buck- 
skin leggings, around his head is a band of green (spruce, according 
to my informant but, more probably, yucca), and in his hands he 
carries twigs of spruce. He does not sprinkle meal, as does else- 
where the leader of masked dancers. (Indeed, curiously enough, 
sprinkling meal or pollen appears to be an unfamiliar rite at Isleta. 
Pollen (bapfhii) is collected by women to drink in water as medicine 
{nakii'), a Hopi usage also.) Nor was the dance thought of in re- 
ligious terms by my woman informant. The idea that it might be 
held for rain or for crops seemed really unfamiliar to her. It 
was only for amusement, although she admitted that persons who 
knew prayers might say them to the dancers, and that when the 

and the shifunin clowns, black; hence the names of the moieties, Red Eyes and Black 

158 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23. 1921 

dancers entered the estufa those present breathed four times from 
their clasped hands (ishuchi), "to have more Hfe," a rite identical 
with the Zuiil rite of yechu} 


In attendance on the dancers are the •wilawe, seven of them, 
three or four from the Black Eyes, three or four from the Red 
Eyes, each group appointing three one year, four the next year. 
The wilawe wear white trousers, buckskin leggings, a blanket, 
and around the head a band of green. They carry a little cane — 
wilawetii' . Painted like the dancers, the luilawe are without horns. 
If the dancers' horns blow off or a piece of spruce drops or the 
costume becomes in any way disarranged, the wilawe play valet. 
Each dancer is given pottery and hardware by his father's sisters 
and it is the duty of the wilawe to pile up these gifts in the estufa 
so that each dancer may find his own to take home. The wilawe 
do not make prayer-sticks, but they have to learn prayers. (All 
these functions together with the term of ofifice remind us at once 
of the koyemshiofZuhi as well as of the tsatio hocheni of the Keres.)^ 
Formerly the wilawe were appointed by the t'aikabede, the kazik'; 
nowadays they are appointed by the head of the kiimpawilawe, 
kumpawilawe diumida, or, as he is called, inkaawei, my father. 

T'aikabede, Kumpawnlawe, Kaan 

The last t'aikabede (people, chief) died about thirty-five years^ 
ago.^ Thepeople worked for him, their "father," the men bringing 

1 The Zuni rite of breathing from the clasped hand of another was also familiar 
to my informant. It is done at Isleta in connection with the medicine man {kaan), 
after he has completed his ritual and is taking leave. 

^ Indeed the wilawe or tuwilawe, as he called them, were equated by my Laguna 
informant with the war-captains of Laguna. The wilawe in their appointment and 
functions are furthermore suggestive of the akicila or policing system of the Plains 
Indians. The wilawe are a part of the dual division which is in turn reminiscent of 
the organization of one of the less remote of the Plains tribes, the Pawnee. The 
bundle system of the Pawnee (see Murie, J. R., "Pawnee Indian Societies," Anthrop. 
Papers. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. XI, 1916, — in each bundle, I recall, there are two 
ears of corn which are referred to as "mothers") is also highly reminiscent of the corn 
fetich system of the Tanoans of Isleta as well as of the other tribes. There is great need 
of investigation at Taos to throw light on possible cultural relations between the 
Plains tribes and the Indians of the towns. 

^According to my Laguna informant, they then tried to make a shuren man 

parsons] further NOTES ON ISLET A 159 

him wood and planting and harvesting for him, and the women going 
to his house to grind. He would settle troubles for people, ^ arbi- 
trate quarrels over a dance, give advice to everybody. He was 
chosen for life by all the older men. He was not a society or 
medicine-man (kaan), and my informant did not know his clan. 
His wife, a narnin woman, survives. As she did not do well by 
the people, they no longer take care of her. 

Presumably the Vaikahede nominated the governor (labtide) 
as w^ell as the wilawe. Today it is the kumpawilawe ch'umida 
who nominates the governor, he nominating the two lieutenant 
governors (tenyientm) and he, in turn, the two fiscales (kaveun). 
There is a crier, an old man who belongs to the thiit'ainin and who 
has been crier since my twenty-five year old informant could 
remember. He is called axa'pali {axa, our father) and he calls 
out from the roof of shifun tulai, summoning the men to a council 
meeting or to work on the ditch. 

Dances are not called out. The kumpawilawe ch'umida decides 
on dance dates and men tell their wives at home about the coming 

As stated in the earlier account, the kumpawilawe, like any 
curing society, are recruited through sickness. "If a man gets 
sick, he can promise to become kumpawilawe.'" There are today, 
according to my informant, six kumpawilawe. {Masewi, said she, 
is the Laguna word for them, thus equating them with the u'pi 
of the Keres and the apilashiwanni of Zufii.) 

The kumpawilawe are on guard^ for the kaan or "fathers" 

t'aikahede. "There were meetings, meetings, meetings." Finally the man died, 
and they gave up trying. 

' Nowadays troubles are referred to the governor, the idea of referring them to 
the clan heads seemed unfamiliar. 

"Presumably, as elsewhere, against witches (shahure). Here, as at Laguna, a 
pinch of ashes will be thrown against the window or dropped at the door as witch 
prophylaxis. There is an analogous use of ashes by the Hopi, in Hopi terms, a dis- 
charming rite. 

My Isleta informant would not buy a manta from Zufii last year because she 
had heard that witches there robbed the dead to sell their clothes. In her belt she 
had tied a piece of (pakunli) to burn its tip and fumigate against witches. The same 
wood is anti-witch fumigation at Laguna (kchuma) and at Cochiti (Katshrana) . (N. 
Dumarest, "Notes on Cochiti, New Mexico," Memoirs American Anthropological 
Association, vol. vi,.no. 3, p. 154, 1919. 

l60 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23. 1921 

during their curing ceremonials during which they fast ihehivehunwe) 
four days, taking, my informant felt positive, no food or water, 
but only cleaning their stomachs daily. In course of time, perhaps 
two or three years, the convalescent might join the society, unless 
he decided to pay his doctor at the time of treatment, paying him 
with food or calico or buckskin. There are but two sets of kaan, 
the due^ kaan, numbering from fourteen to sixteen, and the bir, 
i.e., Laguna kaan {hirni = Laguna people). The latter group 
of twelve to fourteen contains men both from Laguna-Isleta and 
Isleta. There is no specializing by the two groups in diseases. 
Stick-swallowing, fire handling, masking and dancing are not 
practices of the kaan. The kaan make no use of the estufas, having 
rooms of their own into which the people go in the daikwan or 
all round curing ceremonial of March. It is the kaan, not the 
clan heads, who are in charge of the geide, altars, and iamaparii' 
(Keresan, iyatik^, Zuhi, mVwe), the corn ear fetiches. 

Ceremonial Calendar 

tixti' kyaawe he'amha Dec. 1-8 Retreats or fasts of clan heads who 

north our father goes make tiiwe' or prayer-sticks to take 

(winter solstice) to the fields. The mapii tuive 

they make means corn with glumes 
(mapii) prayer-sticks. Women bake 
bread for the clan heads to eat 
at the end of their fast and to 
take home what is left. All the 
men make prayer-sticks to place 
in the middle of the fields. Con- 
jugal continence is generally ob- 


(Feast of the Immaculate Dec. 8 


Guadalupe tue (da\0 Dec. 12 At night boys, 12-15 years old, 

dance from house to house for 
Guadalupe. The people of the 
house give them bread, doughnuts, 
etc., or a meal at table. 
1 The word, I think, means village. It may be the same word as that for day, as 

the sounds are elusive — tue, tiiwe, thiie, liiwe. 

These "village fathers" and "Laguna fathers" were equated with the Flint cheani 

and Fire cheani by my informant in Laguna. 





Gigehwi hirxen auluwe Dec. 16-25 

(our mother virgin feast 


nufe piir (ftieY Dec. 25-28 Four days dancing in cemetery in 

Christmas dance^ front of church (wamz^ato). Christ- 

mas night dancing in church. 
Men and women dance in two sets, 
shifunin coming out first and alter- 
nating with shuren. In the ceme- 
tery they stand in two rows, men 
and women alternately. In the 
church there is but one row. The 
wilawe are in charge.* 

Jan. I 

Election of officers and of wilawe. 
Men go to the house of the governor 
and dance reininad for him, also 
to the houses of the lieutenants and 
"captains" (wilawe) J The gover- 
nor throws presents of all kinds to 
the dancers, the relatives and 
friends of the governor having 

reininad thiiwe 
Dia de los reyes 

Jan. 6 

The canes (tu) of the officers are 
"baptized," i.e., holy water is 
sprinkled on them in the church 
by the priest (tashide). The out- 
going governor hands the cane to 
his successor inside the court house 
(kurtinade) . Dance in which women 
join. Dancing as on Jan. i at 
officers ' houses. 

liwati piir Feb. 

Spruce dance 

^ Noche buena? 

2 Cf. E. C. Parsons, "Notes on Acoma and Laguna," American .Anthropologist, 
N. s., vol. XX, p. 171, 1918; "Nativity Myth at Laguna and Zuni," Journal American 
Folk-Lore, vol. xxxi, p. 260, no. 4, 1918. 

' At Laguna the kashare are in charge of the Christmas dancing. 

* Cf. "Notes on Acoma and Laguna," pp. 168-9. 


1 62 


[n. s., 23, 1921 

pa wir taratath 
water ditch work 


"our fathers are inside' 


shramon (Indian) 
Dia de los Ramos (Sp.) 
(Palm Sunday) 

kiath (Indian) 
Birnis santti (Sp.) 
(Good Friday) 

March, two The ditchworkers ask the kum- 

Sundays pawilawe to make a dance for them 

that they may enjoy themselves 
and not feel tired from their work. 
The dancers come out in two sets 
from shijunin tulai and shuren 
tiilai, the women dancers joining 
them outside. A line is formed all 
around the plaza. 

March The kaayi fast and one night the 

people go into the houses of the 
two sets of kaan to be cured. 
During the four days the kaan 
make prayer-sticks to take to the 

April After four p.m. boys of 8 to 10 

years run relay races in the plaza. 
As in adult races the close relatives, 
maternal and paternal, of the 
winner pay drygoods, food, etc., 
to the boy who has been caught by 
thec//o«goor by the nape of the neck. 

Easter and two Relay races by adults "for Jesus." 
following The round estufa is used and the 

Sundays defeated runner has to clean it out 

unaided. As much as $40 worth 
of goods will be paid to him if the 
winner is well off. All races are 
managed by the wilawe and kumpa- 
wilawe. A large pan of flour, etc., 
goes to kumpa-cvilawe ch'umida. Ths 
races are not run either by clan or 
by moiety. See "Notes on Isleta, 
etc.," p. 63. 

Two Sundays Communal rabbit hunt for homa- 
following hode, the two clan heads of the 

Easter (?) thut'ainin. Three circles or drives 

are made and all the kill goes to 
the homahode. Afterwards each 
hunts for himself. Women do 
not go on the hunt. 




till kyaawe be'amba 
north our father goes 
(summer solstice) 

santu marbtird {marv- 


"saint go around day" 

(Little St. Augustin's 


June 1-8 

June 16 or 17 

between June 
10 and 24 

San Juan (Indian and Sp.) June 25 
(St. John's Day) 

Retreats or fasts of clan heads. 
Prayer-stick ritual as at winter 

Limosana in money or in wheat' 
is paid to the priest to say mass for 
the saint. After mass all start 
northward, four women carrying 
the saint, two in front, two behind. 
At the railway track the priest 
returns; the others go with the 
saint from farm to farm, all 
morning, going about that rain 
may fall (according to one in- 
formant not for rain, but for crops 
and against grasshoppers). As 
soon as the procession is out of 
sight of town, the church bells 
cease ringing. As it comes back 
into sight the bells ring again that 
the people may go out to meet 
the saint. Dance about 6.30 p.m. 
when the saint is carried all about 
the village. 

About 2 p.m. the church bells ring 
three times. A group of men 
gathers and proceeds to visit all 
the houses where live a Juan or a 
Juana. Each saint-named person 
gives a cock or a large round cake 
also called cock, gain (Sp. gallo). 
The first cock or cake given is 
carried to the church. In the 
cock-pulling {gaiutawe) the cock 
is buried in the plaza, and the 
rider who succeeds in pulling it 
up as he races by on horseback is 
chased by the other riders who 
grab at it. 
Mexican dancing at night. 

1 At the harvests premisia are also paid to the priest — a barrel of corn, a string of 
chili, six ahnoris or one-half bushel of wheat. 

1 64 


[s. s., 23, 1921 

San Pedro athuwe 
St. Peter's Day 

June 29 

f aipniminai Summer 

people doing (?) 

San Agustina (Indian and Aug. 28 


San Agustinito 

Sept. 4 

The church bells ring. Two groups 
of boys and men carry the banners 
of St. Peter and St. Paul through 
the fields. They pull up sprouting 
corn. One group goes one way, 
one, the other. When they meet, 
they whip at one another with big 
whips. The banner-bearers run 
off and carr>' the banners to the 
houses where live persons named 
for this saint — Pedro, Petra, Pablo, 
Paula. Every one of these persons 
gives panao' or sweet bread to be 
left on the altar for the priest. 
The corn sprouts are also left in 
the church. All the time the 
banners are out there is bell 
ringing and shooting into the air. 
It may be that the field parade of 
banners and the cock-pulling may 
both take place on both June 25 
and June 29 — my informants were 

Drought ceremonial. 

People replaster the church and 
the churchyard walls and women 
whitewash the inside of the church. 
A bower is built in each corner of 
the plaza, the two corners nearest 
the church for the Mexicans, the 
N.W. corner for Padilas, the N.E. 
for Paharito, the S.W. corner for 
Isleta, the S.E. corner for Chikal, 
the settlement of Isleta people 
across the River. Under each 
bower is set an altar. The priest 
takes out the sacraments, children 
in veils following him and the 
people in two lines throwing flowers. 

Celebration for Chikal where it 
was formerly held. Indian dancing 
as at Christmas, in front of the 
governor's house. 




Sp., Pinitu 
Tablet dance 

shim santu nim ttie 
[shim santu natuwe) 
All Saints feast day 
Todos Santos 
(All Saints Day) 

piiana tue 
dead day 
(All Souls' Day) 

Corpus Christi Day 

Sept. 25 or 26 
every three or 
four years. 

Nov. I 

A tablet headdress is worn with 
eagle feathers fastened to the 

Nov. 2 

People take food to the graveyard 
and light a candle on the graves of 
the dead they know. All is re- 
turned to the priest who sells to 
the Mexicans, making perhaps $50 
from the transaction. 

July-August was noted as a non-ceremonial season because at 
that time people were busy cutting wheat. Similarly, October 
was devoted to cutting and roasting corn, and to stringing chili. 
In field-work the cooperation of relatives appears to be relied upon, 
and, as elsewhere, your helpers are fed at the end of the day's 
work in your house. 

Birth and Naming 

After the delivery the mother is given a brew of raw egg and 
cedar (hun) to drink, and on the fourth day she is bathed and her 
head washed in cedar water. During the confinement of four 
days she and the baby are looked after both by her mother and 
her husband's mother. On the fourth day the child is given a 
name by his mother; but this name is not formalized until the 
child is taken to the house of the mother's clan heads "to get his 
name and his corn," i.e., an ear of corn associated with his clan. 
He has to be taken to this house by the woman attached to the 
group while they are in retreat — if he is born after June 8 he will 
be taken during the December retreat, if after December 8, during 
the June retreat. One name I heard of was Toib'awi (referring in 

l66 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 23, 1921 

some way to the growth of corn) and it had been given by the 
woman's mother. Other names were K'yeku, Erect (?) and G'oa- 
wa, Cedar; but these names had been given by the child's 
father's sister. A child is taken by his father's sister to the house 
of her clan heads, during their retreat also and also during their 
first retreat after the birth. My informant explained that the 
advantage in thus getting a name from your father's sister lay in 
the fact that after you began at the age of fourteen or fifteen to 
join in the dances she would have to give you presents. The 
baptism in the church occurs whenever the madrina (godmother) 
is ready for it, having made clothes for the baby. At this time a 
child gets his Spanish name. When a child is a year old or less 
he gets his third Indian name — his estufa name. Before his birth 
a friend of his mother may have said to her, "Will you give your 
child to my husband?" meaning as a member of his moiety, Black 
Eyes or Red Eyes as he may be.^ Then during the pinihi dance 
or during the December 't)r June fasts the man, i.e., the ceremonial 
father, will take the child to his estufa to get a name. 

As usual, the child's English name is acquired at school. 

A woman at marriage docs not take her husband's name, 
either Spanish or English. 


The following account is obviously Mexican.^ To what extent, 
if any, native forms may be observed I had no opportunity to 
learn. . . . "Unlike Laguna people," said my informant, it is 
the boy who asks for the girl. He writes a letter and a man (aoHo- 
pinii, bride asker) takes it to the girl's parents. By this letter 
the suitor is "asking for the door," pidir un piierta {unahiliamirivan) . 
Thereupon the girl's parents summon all her relatives, near and 
distant, and before them ask her if she will accept the suitor, but 
even were she to refuse, they might force her into the marriage. 
(She is, we may note, very young. Like other girls my informant 

1 Membership in the Zuni estufa or in the Hopi ceremony which is part of the 
general initiation of boys may be planned for in the same way. 

2 And yet it has curious resemblances, likewise, with the Hopi marriage celebra- 


had married at fifteen.^ Her husband was twenty.) If the parents 
themselves refuse, some time within four days they must send the 
suitor a letter of refusal. ("They pumpkined him," le dierun 
calahaza — Indian apaivechevan.) In accepting the suitor no letter 
is sent, silence giving consent, and on the fourth night all the 
groom's relatives come to the bride's house where they are feasted. 
Four days later the groom's relatives again go to the bride's house to 
be feasted. Two days after that visit the bride's parents have 
another letter written to give to two or three relatives to take to 
the " bride asker." In this letter " they gave him the wife," le dierun 
mujer (Indian aliuwechihan) . The letter carriers are feasted by 
the bride asker and he and they go on together to the house of the 
groom's parents for another feast. The following night the groom's 
relatives go to the bride's house, taking with them the padrinho 
and viadrina of the wedding (the padrinhos, people say)^ in order 
to appoint the day. This is the last of the visita (Indian, naliopun). 
A week may elapse. Meanwhile the groom goes out to the moun- 
tains and the sheep camp to fetch in to the bride's house three or 
four wagon loads of wood and some sheep. The night before 
the wedding the groom's relatives bring to the bride a trunkful 
of clothes, and the bride's relatives send him, too, some clothes. 
On the wedding day before going to the church the couple kneel 
and an appointed man hangs around the bride's neck a necklace 
{prenda, present) given by the groom, and around the groom's 
neck a necklace given by the bride. A blessing is said. All go 
to the church, the bridal party in single file, first the padrinho, 
then the groom, then the madrina and last the bride. On the 
return, also in single file, the order is padrinho, groom, bride, 
madrina. During the church service, or perhaps two or three 
days later in the church, the priest's stole is drawn across the 
shoulders of the couple — providing the bride is not a widow. 

1 Indian women stay young looking, she thought, because they marry so young 
and the babies follow in quick succession. My informant was twenty-five and looked 
thirty-five. Her fact and theory did not correspond, and I questioned her power of 
observation even more when she guessed me to be twenty-seven or eight. 

" The respective parents being, of course, through baptism and wedding, either 
cumpairi (cotnpadre) or ciimairi (comadre) to one another. 

l68 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

After the service, congratulations and shooting off guns are in 
order. There is a big crowd, for all the relatives of the padrinho 
and of the madrina as well as of bride and groom are present. 
There are three tables, and the couple and all the guests must sit 
at each in turn — at the madrina' s, at the table of the groom's 
parents, at the table of the bride's parents. In conclusion the 
groom's parents and the madrina carry home their table and service. 
The groom remains at the bride's house. After two or three days 
the groom takes the bride to his parents' house and in a week or 
so the couple goes to live in their own house. 

As elsewhere among the eastern Pueblos, the house may belong 
to either woman or man, not, as in the west, exclusively to the 
woman. My informant, a woman, owned a house which she 
had inherited from her mother's mother. After her grandfather's 
death, as a child she went to live with this grandmother. Her 
mother, on the other hand, lived in her father's house. But it is 
her mother who owns the fields in the family. Her mother, an 
only child, inherited several fields, and her father sold his own 
field in order to look after her mother's fields. Offspring inherit 
fields or house equally. Formerly if there were no offspring, the 
property of the surviving spouse would be claimed by his or her 
mother or family. In recent years there have been lawsuits about 
this and now the surviving spouse inherits. It is a change which 
in all my informants prompted the expression of ethical opinions, 
an expression somewhat rare on the part of Pueblo Indians. . . . 
On divorce the property is divided between the man and the woman, 
according to their original title to it. How much divorcing there 
may be I had no opportunity to learn. An informant knew of 
four families where man and woman were living together without 
the legal, i.e., American divorce which was in order. 


Until about five years ago the dead were buried in the church- 
yard. The head of the corpse is to the south so that the dead, 
according to one informant, might rise and enter the church. Of 
interest in this connection is the fact that people are averse to 


sleeping with their heads to the south just as at Zuni, Acoma, 
and Laguna, where the burial is head to the east, people will not 
sleep head to the east. The burial is the day after the death. 
Water is poured over the grave, and the jar is brought home. 
Four days after death a bowl or pan of food together with the 
cup, saucer, or spoon of the deceased and a ring or bracelet which 
is broken are left out at night, back of the village, on the side where 
the deceased lived. 
New York City 


WHILE attempting to determine the artistic style of Crow 
parfleches as compared with that of other Plains tribes, 
I hit upon the notion that it might be desirable to apply 
some of the methods in vogue in experimental aesthetics. Cir- 
cumstances prevented me from carrying these inquiries very far. 
Nevertheless, I feel it may be worth while to record my measure- 
ments in the hope that they may stimulate others to make corre- 
sponding observations on a larger scale and particularly to under- 
take relevant investigatons in the field. 

Gustav Theodor Fechner, the founder of aesthetics as a branch 
of exact psychology, endeavored to determine what forms of a 
particular geometrical category were deemed most pleasing. For 
this purpose he employed three methods, — that of having his 
subjects choose from a series of, say, rectangles the most aesthetic 
samples; that of having them construct the desired forms; and 
that of noting objectively what forms predominated in actual use. 
Since the decoration of parfleches consists for by far the greatest 
number of instances of simple geometrical figures, it seems to 
present an excellent opportunity for applying Fechner's principles, 
though in the study of museum material the first two of his methods 
are of course excluded.^ 

Inquiries of this sort have an ethnographic no less than a psy- 
chological interest. A priori it is indeed possible to assume that 
in respect of the simpler geometrical figures a single aesthetic 
norm is common to all mankind, — say, the principle of the "golden 
cut" examined by Fechner, according to which the ideal rectangle 
has sides bearing to each other the ratio of i dz V5 to 2, the lesser 

1 Those interested may be referred to G. T. Fechner, Vorschule der Aesthetik 
(Leipzig, 1876) and Ch. Lalo, L'esthelique experhnenlale (Paris, 1908). 



lowie] a note on aesthetics I7I 

having a length approximately 61.8 per cent of the greater. But 
it is far more reasonable to expect certain differences in the aesthetic 
canons accepted in different regions. And if this anticipation were 
verified, we should have an additional set of features for differen- 
tiating cultures. What is more, by pursuing such studies it becomes 
possible to define existing differences with greater nicety: instead 
of contenting ourselves with the remark that one region favors 
an angular and the other a curvilinear style of decoration we may 
succeed in determining objectively that one tribe prefers a rectangle 
of one type, a neighboring tribe a rectangle of another type. 

But the matter is not quite so simple as this formulation might 
suggest. After one has handled a fairly large number of specimens 
from a single group it becomes clear that the preferences are not 
clear-cut and absolute. For example, we cannot say that the 
Crow use, say, isosceles triangles for the simple reason that even 
the same bag may be painted with right-angled as well as isosceles 
triangles; and the latter again may vary enormously in their aes- 
thetic character according to the angle enclosed by the equal sides. 
It appears that the aesthetic value of a simple form is affected 
by its position in the decorative field : what is proper in a marginal 
area may be taboo in the middle, and so forth. 

In order to avoid the pitfalls just hinted at I decided to compare 
the parfleches of the Shoshoni with those of the Crow as regards a 
single figure in the same position, to wit, the rectangle in the center 
of the decorative area. The central rectangle has been rightly noted 
as a trait characteristic of the Shoshoni parfleche, though it is by 
no means found on all Shoshoni specimens.^ This feature is to 
some extent shared by the Crow. That it has a single origin his- 
torically cannot be doubted considering the geographical position 
of the tribes concerned and the lack of this motive on the parfleches 
of most other tribes. The question, then, is whether the borrowing 
tribe has transmuted the borrowed feature in consonance with 
its own aesthetic predilections emd wherein such modifications 

1 A. L. Kroeber, " Ethnology of the Gros Ventre," Anthropological Papers, Atnerican 
Museum of Natural History, vol. i, p. 172 (1908). 

172 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

So far as I know, the two flaps of a parfleche invariably bear 
the same ornamentation and it is plausible to assume that they 
are meant to be identical. But whatever may be the artist's 
ideal, she frequently departs from it as regards the dimensions of 
her figures. In some instances, indeed, the discrepancies proved 
decidedly startling. I also found that the parallel lines of the 
same rectangle were not always equal in length but sometimes 
varied in appreciable measure. Accordingly, in establishing my 
ratios I measured all the sides and averaged those determining 
the same dimension. Since in the majority of cases there is a frame 
round the central figure, this provided an additional rectangle 
for each flap, so that the number of ratios for any one parfleche 
is usually four. The shrinking of the rawhide and the partial 
obliteration of some of the lines make exact measurement difficult 
in some of the specimens, but of course the minor inaccuracies 
due to these causes are negligible for present purposes. Only in 
one case were certain lines so completely effaced that measurement 
was impossible. 

In the following tables the fractions designate the specimens as 
registered in the catalogues of the American Museum of Natural 
History. The absolute measurements are given in millimeters, 
those relating to the parallel sides of the same rectangle being 

It would of course be vain to draw any far-reaching conclusions 
from the small number of cases available for comparison. If I 
venture to broach the subject, it is because it provides a valuable 
method for field-workers, which I hope they will not neglect. 
It is not always practicable to purchase large series of museum 
specimens, but few natives would object to having the figures 
on their rawhide bags (or other objects bearing designs) measured 
by an ethnological visitor. I certainly feel confident that had I 
been alive to this mode of research at the proper time I could have 
secured an imposing array of data on Crow parfleches that would 
have definitely decided the closeness of their kinship with those 
of the Shoshoni. 

I will assume that the samples of ratios supplied by my two 























61. s 

1 166 




172,183 . 











131. 130 


























61. 1 

























102, 97 




























90, 80 







86, 78 





























' This specimen was photographed in the field and the proportions calculated 
from the negatives. Owing to the small size of the measurements obtained, differences 
between parallel lines are ignored here. 

174 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

small series are typical and will collate the data in a table of dis- 
tribution, uniting percentages by fives. 

Ratios Crow Shoshoni 

40-45 I 

45-50 2 

50-55 5 

55-60 3 3 

60-65 2 7 

65-70 2 6 

70-75 O I 

75-80 I I 

80-85 3 I 

85-90 I o 

90-95 I 

The fact that the number of Crow cases above 80 is twice that 
of the Shoshoni is readily explained when we remember that the 
Crow piece in question has a framed rectangle while the excessively 
broad Shoshoni parfleche is frameless. Few as are the ratios, all 
the data .consistently point in one direction, — a preference of the 
Shoshoni for relatively wide rectangles in the central position. 
The narrowest Crow rectangle is much narrower than the narrowest 
Shoshoni one; the broadest Shoshoni rectangle is broader than the 
broadest Crow rectangle; the Shoshoni prefer quite decidedly the 
ratio of from 60 to 70, the Crow the ratio of from 50 to 60. On 
the basis of these figures the Shoshoni norm would fall somewhat 
above and the Crow norm somewhat below Fechner's ideal rectangle, 

I have already indicated that I attach to these findings a merely 

tentative and suggestive value. Of course comparison should not 

be restricted to rectangles in a particular position but must be 

extended to other forms, say, the diamonds or hour-glass figures 

that are so prominent in the rawhide decoration of Plains Indians. 

A comprehensive inquiry of this sort is bound to yield interesting 

results for it will be as important to ascertain that there is practical 

unity of aesthetic reaction to geometrical forms as to determine 

tribal differences. 

American Museum of Natural History, 
New York City 





DURING the summer of 1920 a new group of mounds was re- 
ported to the North Dakota Historical Society. It was 
recently examined by Dr. Gilmore of that organization and 
the writer. 

S. W. X OF SEIC. II, T. 135, R. 69 



Fig. 27. — Quarter-section S. E. of Streeter N. Dak., showing group of mounds. Scale 

880 ft. to I inch. 

These mounds are located about twelve miles south and east of 
Streeter, N. D., on the southwest quarter of section ii, township 
135, range 69. Similar mounds have been reported from the 
James and Sheyenne River valleys, but so far none of them have 
been described. These mounds also bear a resemblance to mounds 
south of Bismarck, N. D., near Apple Creek, ^ which were described 
in a paper for the Anthropologist some years ago. 

^ American Anthropologist (n. s.), vol. 13, no. 4 (Oct.-Dec, 1911), pp. 585-588. 




[n. s., 23, 1921 

The location of the mounds is in a rather beautiful and unusual 
spot for this part of North Dakota. They are placed in the very 
heart of the Coteau du Missouri on the top of a promontory jutting 
out from the highest range of hills in the region. This promontory 
is cut off both to the east and west by deep, timbered draws or 
coulees containing numerous large and very fine springs. We were 
told that this area hereabouts contained the only timbered coulees 
to be found for a great distance in any direction, a fact which 
doubtless has strong bearing on the location here of the various 
features to be mentioned. 

Fig. 28. — View to north from top of inouiid i. 

A rough map of the site is presented herewith (fig. 27) and the 
various features will be taken up in detail, references being made to 
the map and photographs. A general view looking north from 
mound I gives an idea of the height and wide outlook from the top 
of the promontory, and shows part of the timbered coulee along the 
east and north (fig. 28). 

Mound I, as the most important feature of the group, will be 
taken up first. The map shows its location on the nearly flat top 
of the promontory which slopes gently to the northern edge where 
it breaks abruptly into steep blufTs cut by deep washes. This 
mound is about forty feet in diameter with a height of from eight 
to nine feet at its center. Running a trifle west of northwest from 
it is a plainly marked, wide approach with a very gradual descent. 
This can be clearly seen in the view looking south toward the 
mound where the approach shows on the right-hand side. This 




ridge extends very clearly for about two hundred feet. The width 
is about twenty-four feet at the base of the mound and gradually 
narrows as it recedes. From a point two hundred feet from the 

Fig. 29. — Mound i, from the north. 

mound it runs as a narrow, rather indistinct, but continuous ridge, 
with a slight bend at the head of a draw nearly an eighth of a mile 
to the bluff edge as the map shows. The direction from the mound 
is just about that of the setting sun at its farthest north point in 

This mound had been partially excavated by the parties who had 
reported it. A round hole about seven feet across and six feet deep 

Fig. 30. — Mound i, from the south. 

had been dug at the center of the top. At a depth of five feet they 
stated that they had found the skeleton of a child which they be- 
lieved to be about seven years old. The bones were somewhat 
mixed up, with many of them missing. They were inspected and 
seemed to be in a fair state of preservation although they were 
reported as very soft and crumbling when taken out. 

178 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST. [s. s., 23, 1921 

Most of this mound is composed of the gravelly soil of the vicinity 
but there are a number of pockets and layers of wood ashes and also 
pockets of bone fragments with whole small bones, some of birds 
but mostly of buffalo. No depression showed in the vicinity from 
which the dirt of the mound might have been taken, so it seems 
probable that the earth was carried some distance. Pictures of 
the mound are shown from both the north and south, giving a 
good idea of its shape and of the approach (figs. 29 and 30). A 
good many flint chips were found in the mound, but no other arti- 

Fig. 31. — Mound 2, marked with a cross. 

Across the deep coulee to the east from the first mound is another 
large mound, mound 2, as shown on the map. A picture of it is 
also shown, the picture being taken from the top of mound i (fig. 
31). Mound 2 has never been disturbed by excavation. It is 
nearly circular, with no approach, and has a diameter of about 
sixty feet, with a maximum height of seven to eight feet at the 

A short distance south of mound i are two low mounds marked A 
and B on the map. These are about two and one half feet high at 
the highest points, with a diameter of forty feet for mound B, A 
being slightly smaller. They are hardly distinguishable in the 
photograph looking south from mound i (fig. 32) ; neither has been 

In addition to these clear features the ground over the whole 

will] mounds in north DAKOTA 1 79 

promontory seems to show signs of more or less disturbance long 
ago, with a number of very indistinct rings from twenty to thirty 
feet in diameter and with one almost rectangular shallow depression 
some distance to the north of mound i. The ground has not been 
plowed or disturbed in any manner within recent years. 

Fig. 32. — View to south from top of mound i. 

The fact that the location of this site is unique in the matter of 
the presence of both timber and water, which are to be found no- 
where else together for a great distance in any direction, serves to 
connect it in the mind with the tradition of a Cheyenne Indian 
village temporarily established in the hills of the Coteau du Plateau 
du Missouri not far west of the present town of Kulm, N. D. This 
site is some eighteen fcr twenty miles northwest of Kulm, and the 
only location where timber is to be found. The only drawback 
to the theory that this might be the Cheyenne site is the absence, 
so far as observed, of potsherds. As has been said, flint chips and 
flakes were found in the excavation of the mound, but absolutely 
no potsherds. The excavation for the- whole site has, however, 
so far been very slight and more careful investigations might easily 
show pottery fragments. In any event it might be well to consider 
that suitable pottery clay is hardly to be found in this region, and 
such articles of pottery as the people may have been able to carry in 
their flight from farther east would have been used with extreme care. 

Bismarck, N. D. 



ARCHAEOLOGIC fieldwork in western New York, northern 
Ohio, and southern Ontario has accomplished two definite 
results. First, it has established the characteristics of 
Iroquoian culture for those areas; it has differentiated this culture 
from the non-Iroquoian culture of the same areas; and it has dif- 
ferentiated the cultures of the Seneca, Erie, and Attiwandaron 
members of the Iroquoian family. Second, it has shown conclu- 
sively that these nations were not autochthonous in that territory 
but had entered it by migration, and that this migration was from 
the westward. 

Systematic attempts to determine the migration paths of the 
Senecas have resulted in tracing backward their migration from their 
historic seats in the Genesee country of New York southward and 
westward until their culture merges with an earlier culture at about 
the longitude of Erie, Pa. The Eries have been traced backward 
from a post-European site in the southwestern corner of New York 
to a prehistoric site at Willoughby, near Cleveland. The Atti- 
wandarons have been traced back from post-European sites on the 
Niagara frontier, the Grand River, and at the head of Lake Ontario, 
to early prehistoric sites at St. Thomas and London. 

The attempt to trace these migrations westward beyond the 
points mentioned has not failed because of any lack of material 
evidences of their culture beyond those places. It has been stopped 
by the difficulty of obtaining authentic information about the 
archaeological remains beyond, and the difficulty, almost amounting 
to impossibility, of one observer attempting to examine, in the 
detail necessary, the wide extent of territory which encircles the 
head of Lake Erie from Cleveland to Detroit and eastward to 
London, Ontario. Besides, there is the possibility, nay the prob- 
ability, that evidences of these migration paths, manifested by ar- 



chaeological remains of Iroquoian origin, exist in the territory west 
of the head of Lake Erie. That such evidences do exist is shown by 
the discovery and pubHcation by Mr. Langford of a site on the 
Kankakee River which has every characteristic of a pre-European 
Iroquoian site. 

To follow up this attempt to solve a very definite archaeological 
problem there is badly needed some accurate information about the 
aboriginal village sites located in northern Ohio west of Cleveland, 
the Canadian peninsula west of London, and a rather narrow tract 
of northern Indiana and Illinois and southern Michigan. 

To supplement and complete this there should be accurate in- 
formation about the character of the artifacts found on these sites. 
In that portion of Ohio lying contiguous to Lake Erie and in the 
western portion of the Ontario peninsula there should be numerous 
village sites not yet listed, and from some of these there will un- 
doubtedly have been collected artifacts of unmistakable Iroquoian 
origin. Similarly in the territory west of the Detroit River there 
are numerous sites known only to local collectors, and it is at least 
possible that in some of the collections gathered from these un- 
listed sites there are artifacts of Iroquoian origin which, if available, 
might add data bearing upon the migrations of these nations. It 
is only by listing these sites and the artifacts taken from them 
and determining those of possible or undoubted Iroquoian origin 
that the problem of the migrations of the Iroquoian nations can be 

Recognition of the Iroquoian culture is easy, for its characteris- 
tics are well marked. These are: deep refuse heaps in which are 
numerous animal bones and pottery fragments; a large proportion 
of artifacts made of bone and antler rather than of stone; tiny, 
keen, well-made, triangular chert arrow points; and round-bot- 
tomed clay kettles decorated with a band of triangles filled in with 
parallel lines, constituting the well known "chevron pattern." Any 
site showing these characters may safely be considered of Iroquoian 

There is another migration problem which might be solved at 
the same time. This has to do with the origin of the Wyandots. 

In the decade between 1645 and 1655 the New York Iroquois 

l82 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 23, 1921 

devastated the country of the Hurons, the Tionontadis, and the 
Attiwandarons, all kindred nations of the Iroquoian stock. As a 
result many of these people were killed, many perished as a result 
of privations, and many more were deported by the Iroquois to 
their towns in middle New York. Yet a large number survived 
and migrated. The Jesuits at Quebec reported in 1653 as follows: 

All the Algonquin nations are assembling with what remains of the Tobacco 
Nation and of the Neutral Nation at A'ontonatendie, three days' journey above 
the sault Skia'e toward the south. Those of the Tobacco Nation have wintered 
at Tea'onto'rai; the Neutrals to the number of 800 at Sken'chio'e toward Te'o' - 
chanontian; these two Nations are to betake themselves next autumn to A'otona- 
tendia where even now they number a thousand men.^ 

The Tobacco nation were the Tionontadis. The Neutral nation 
were the Attiwandaron. The Sault Skia'e were Sault St. Marie 
Indians, and Skenchis was on the west shore of Lake Huron, prob- 
ably at the entrance to Saginaw Bay. 

There seems every reason to believe that the W'yandots of the 
next century might have been formed by the fusion of these ex- 
patriated kindred refugees. If this be so there should be evidences 
of post-European Iroquoian villages marking their movements 
from northern Michigan to the region about the Detroit River. 

BUFF.\LO, N. Y. 

1 Jes. Rel., Thwaites ed., xxxviii, p. i8i. 






THE tendency of the intelligent student of history or archaeol- 
ogy today seems to be to require more facts, more partic- 
ulars. Curiosity has ever led man to gather and preserve 
unusual or mysterious objects, which often are assembled in mu- 
seums. Today it is a recognized fact that museums have a great 
educational value, and the student views a collection for what it 
means rather than what it is. Archaeology has taken vast strides, 
and the search for Indian artifacts without making written records 
is considered vandalism. The skilled archaeologist deplores the 
fact that sites have been "dug to death" when they might have 
been "dug to life for the benefit of science." 

Since the accidental discovery in 1882 of an Indian burial site in 
the writer's garden many questions, not easy to answer, have arisen. 
It was, and still is, evident that, if Pennsylvania were as well or- 
ganized for archaeological research as New York, or had been as 
completely dug over as Ohio, some at least of the questions might 
have been answered. For more than a quarter of a century we 
have struggled toward the light, studying museums and private 
collections, seeking the acquaintance of archaeologists, reading 
all available literature, endeavoring to lit statements and theories 
to what is self-evident in this locality. Forced to accept the idea 
that this is a neglected "transition area," we agree with Hanna, 
author of The Wilderness Trail, that" the field of Pennsylvania arch- 
aeology is still practically unbroken," and this seems especially 
true of the valley of the Susquehanna. 

Our first study, nearly twenty-five years ago, was with Gen. 
John S. Clark, a student of Indian occupation of the upper Sus- 


184 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 23, 1921 

quehanna, then an accepted authority both in New York State and 
in Pennsylvania, although today some of his conclusions are 
criticised and even discredited. He said to me: "Teaoga has been 
occupied, or frequented, by aborigines as long as they have lived 
on the Alleghany Range; remains have been and will be found 
reaching back a thousand, if not thousands, of years of all nations 
and languages, friends and enemies. I hope you will unravel some 
of the secrets." In company with the historian, the Rev. David 
Craft, Gen. Clark made surveys from the state line to Wyoming 
Valley before the canal and railroad had cut away many evidences 
of aboriginal occupation. Therefore we believe his work should 
be given scientific acknowledgment. 

Of late years so much attention has been given to the historic 
Iroquois that their predecessors hereabouts have not always had 
consideration, largely from lack of criteria. Inspired by Gen. 
Clark, and by continued finds in our immediate vicinity, we have 
endeavored to assemble in our local museum a collection repre- 
sentative of the various cultures here evident. While it was long 
since acknowledged "difficult to distinguish the web of conflicting 
evidence respecting the nationality of the Indians who from time to 
time have occupied the soil of Pennsylvania" (Egle), it is acknowl- 
edged that Teaoga must ever have been a strategic point, by reason 
of the junction here of the Chemung and Susquehanna Rivers. 
Holding the key, as it were, to the territory north of Pennsylvania, 
it was a natural watch town where many important Indian trails 

Inspired by some recent monographs from the pen of Mr. 
Alanson Skinner, also by the results of the research of the Lewis H. 
Morgan Chapter of Rochester, we hope, by a survey of the material 
in Tioga Point Museum and all available private local collections, 
to furnish additional criteria concerning the prehistoric occupation 
of the middle section of the main Susquehanna and its tributary, 
the Chemung. While the culture was inferior to that of the Iro- 
quois, there is considerable to be adnn'red, and we are not quite 
ready to agree with the suggestion that the river played a more im- 
portant part in historic than in prehistoric times. We believe from 
various indications that Teaoga was a permanent center, or at least 











N C W VO « K 









B " BuriaJ. 
C - Camp site 
^ - Village site 
/ndfon Triul 




', \V\''^/ 







Fig. 33. — Sketch map showing aboriginal sites in the 
region of "Teaoga," now Athens, Pa. 

1 86 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23. 1921 

a rallying point, during many periods. Many of the sites long sup- 
posed to be detached prove to be connected, and in several instances 
— always along the river — show repeated occupancy at different 
periods, at different levels, and by different peoples. Two or three 
terraces are plainly visible along both the Chemung and the Sus- 
quehanna Rivers in this valley, each often showing a different 
culture. These streams are subject to severe floods several times a 
year, uncovering in some places unsuspected sites and burying 
others more deeply in silt. 

The region covered by our proposed survey, shown on the ac- 
companying map (fig. 33), is about ten or twelve miles square, 
with mention of a few sites more distant. While overlapping the 
New York State line at the north, it is a territory little described 
on the printed page. Without special training, we propose to 
give the results of explorations of various collectors, depending on 
illustrations to assist in the progress of knowledge along archaeo- 
logical lines. Such data as we had already published^ now seems 
indefinite, incomplete, and in some instances inaccurate. In this 
work we have been assisted by Percy L. Lang, Ellsworth Cowles, 
Paul F. Scott, and a number of other local collectors, from whose 
observations we have made careful notes. We have also had coun- 
sel and advice from Alanson Skinner, Arthur C. Parker, Dr. Beau- 
champ, Alvin H. Dewey, and Christopher Wren. 

Traces have been found of cultures of different periods — archaic 
Algonkian; Andaste or archaic Iroquois; late Algonkian with Dela- 
ware predominating but possibly including Shawnee; later Iroquois, 
including many tribes that had become subject to them such as the 
Siouan Catawba and Tutelo. While there are indications of occu- 
pation even earlier than the archaic Algonkian, evidences of early 
and late Algonkian and Andaste or archaic Iroquois predominate 
in this locality; and in historic times it is evident that small groups 
of southern tribes conquered by the Iroquois had at least transient 
settlements here. Considerable data is available as to Algonkian 
culture, and Algonkian sites are easily identified by the long pestle, 
steatite dish, chipped grooved axe, stemmed and notched points, 
ceremonial and "problematical" artifacts of early days, and later 

1 A History of Old Tioga Point and Early Athens, Pennsylvania. Athens, Pa., 1908. 


their special types of pottery, by no means weak in decoration, as is 
noted elsewhere. But for long years we have wondered if the 
large skeletons from our own garden and the unwieldly imple- 
ments found there and on some neighboring sites did not indicate 
the same race as that described by Capt. John Smith in relating his 
encounters with the mighty Sasquesahannock in 1608. A careful 
study of old maps, of the writings of Champlain, Parkman and some 
Jesuit Relations, and the surveys of Gen. Clark encouraged us in 
this belief, first awakened by an erudite friend in 1896. Unques- 
tionably Capt. Smith's Indians were one with the Andaste, the 
least known inhabitants of the valley of the Susquehanna and the 
last, because the most powerful, tribe to resist the onslaughts of the 
famous Iroquois, to whom, however, they were related. We be- 
lieve this people made their last stand within the confines of Brad- 
ford County and along the state line. Their villages extended from 
Spanish Hill to Wyalusing and possibly a little farther south, and it 
is recorded that the last battle was at Wyalusing. In somewhat 
recent years our theories have been substantiated. The burial 
sites at Athens, on our own property, have furnished the best 
known artifacts for the study of the culture of the Andaste, or 
archaic Iroquois, and are to be found in the museums of the Wyom- 
ing Historical and Geological Society at Wilkes-Barre, of the 
American Indian, Heye Foundation, New York City, and our own 
of Tioga Point. These include skeletal remains, often indicating 
men six feet and more in height,^ and pottery with certain distinc- 
tive characteristics such as the deep collar, yet closely related to 
that of the Erie or Neutral group of the Central Iroquois, all coil- 
made, the clay tempered with burnt stone and pounded shell, and 
varying in size from the toy of a child to the great burial urn of a 
chief. All pottery was found in or associated with graves. Celts, 
chipped and polished, were of varied materials. Arrow points, 
usually of flint, were of the characteristic Iroquoian type, tri- 
angular. There are no bird-stones or banner-stones and few pipes; 

1 The size of many skeletons found hereabouts has been a matter of wonder for the 
last thirty years. While no competent specialist has checked them up, the unusual 
size led us to have a physician who had made a special study of anatomy examine 
many of the skeletons from Site 2. After measuring these he said. "They must have 
been seven feet tall." 

l88 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

but to whom but mighty men belong the large chipped tomahawk, 
the unwieldy pestle, and the grooved axe 13 inches long? Other 
artifacts may best be described in our survey. 

Description of the Sites 

Let us then journey from site to site — a seemingly more definite 
method than chronological consideration — starting at Site i on the 
map, the Spalding Memorial Library Building, the home of Tioga 
Point Museum. This spot was the known camping ground and 
rendezvous of the red man from the period of the French and 
Indian wars; but it was not until 1897 that evidence was found of 
the long-used camp or village site, and close by two burial sites, 
one beneath the other, discovered by laborers when excavating for 
the cellar of the present building. Since they were working under 
contract, with no skilled investigator at hand, no doubt valuable 
data were lost. 

The upper burials were about two and a half feet from the sur- 
face, the lower eight feet below. Under one of the lower burials 
was a bed of ashes with crushed pottery, shells, very crude points, 
pronounced palaeolithic, deer bones and antlers, indicating a kitchen 
midden or refuse pit of great age. Later, while grading the lot, 
many graves were found which have never been fully excavated, 
but a few were carefully examined and the skulls, bones, and im- 
plements taken from them are now in the Museum. Close to the 
edge of the high bank along the Chemung River two skeletons were 
found in one grave, flexed and buried in a sitting position, very 
close together, one facing east and one west. With them was 
pottery, a broken chisel, possibly double-bitted and 8 inches in 
length, crude knives, stemmed and barbed points, broken cere- 
monial celts and small black ones, seemingly all Algonkian. (See 
fig- 34)- The pottery, however, varies in size, shape, and decora- 
tion, and is pronounced by experts to be of three distinct types, 
indicating this to be a mixed site. Nearly all the vessels were 
broken before burial, which, as indicated later, was somewhat 
usual in this locality. Hammer stones, hoes, mullers, sinkers, 
shells, and deer bones complete the list of remains here found. 
There were no pestles, mortars, or lapstones, but many firestones 


Fig. 34.— Objects from the Museum site, including potsherds of different cultures 
and a finely executed chisel. 


and every indication of long-continued fires inside of two circles 30 
feet in diameter and 50 feet apart — apparently century old lodge 
sites. The whole of the narrow neck of land north and south of 
this site, about one-half mile in extent, seems to have been a burial 
place at different periods, for within a few hundred feet of each 
other are graves distinctly Algonkian, Andaste, and Iroquois. In 
what is now^ the main street, just below^ the Museum, in laying 
water pipes four feet underground twenty years ago, were found 
some very large skeletons, one of which was carefully examined and 
described as 

a man of gigantic size. Judging from the thigh bone, 21 inches long, he must 
have been seven feet tall. The skull was much larger than usual, very thick, the 
forehead unusually receding and the top flattened. The jaws were extremely 
strong, full of large perfect teeth. Altogether the remains seemed to be those of a 
brutal and very powerful giant. A few small flints and a rude flint axe head 
were found, and in other graves close by several broken pots. 

Although most of the bones crumbled, the femur above mentioned, 
together with the jaw and teeth, are in the Museum, also the arti- 
facts and pottery shown in Old Tioga Point (page 205). Passing 
by these graves, one of which had a noticeable headstone (now in 
the Museum), a few rods farther south is Site 2, the writer's garden, 
where between 1882 and 1896 were found 29 graves, 28 pots, whole 
when buried, and some other artifacts and ornaments described in 
Old Tioga Point, and in several volumes of the Proceedings of the 
Wyoming Historical and Geological Society. However, some de- 
tails are here repeated, as after the investigations of the Susque- 
hanna Archaeological Expedition all along the river, Mr. Alanson 
Skinner confirmed our own conclusion resulting from years of study, 
that this w^as an Andaste cemetery, yielding, in connection with 
other finds hereabouts, the first evidence of the culture indicated in 
Capt. John Smith's narrative of three hundred years ago. This 
"Murray garden" burial site, discovered by w^orkmen in digging a 
drain, w^as an oblong plot, 80 by 30 feet, w^ith a carefully arranged 
grave in the center, on a high bank of the Susquehanna. It yielded 
skeletal remains of twenty-five males, one child, and three females, 
each of the latter buried shoulder to shoulder with a male. Several 
skeletons examined by students indicated a height of above six and 


Fig. 35.— Andaste pottery from the Murray garden; reduced to about one-fourth. 
A, A, B. B, fragments of pot ornamented with faces. 

192 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 23, 1921 

a half feet. The graves were grouped somewhat regularly around 
the one in the center which was marked with such care that it was 
believed to be that of a chief surrounded by members of his clan. 
This burial site accidentally discovered was on a previously un- 
occupied village lot. The workmen unearthed three skeletons 
buried so close together as to indicate one grave. But it was the 
pottery that attracted most attention; and in all the museums we 
have visited we have yet to find faces more artistically executed 
than those on one of the five pots, all of which were broken in re- 
moval. (See fig. 35). While we reproduce only the faces, enough 
fragments are preserved to show unusual all-over decoration of 
lines, dots, and finger-nail imprints. Apparently the pot was 
about eight inches in height and twenty in circumference. The 
upper edge of the two-inch frieze was finished in four curves, those on 
opposite sides each having one of the relief faces, distinctiv'ely male 
and female. There were also found four celts of different materials 
and workmanship; a discoidal or game stone with a rough etching, 
possibly of a hafted celt; a gorget made from a marine shell, possibly 
nautilus; a unio shell cut to a sharp point, evidently used as a tool; 
and two pestles, one large and unwieldy but easily used by the big 
men here buried. There were many large drift stones in these and 
later-found graves though not used as lining, and over one skeleton 
was a large, flat stone, an inch thick, showing much use for house- 
hold purposes. All of these are now in Tioga Point Museum. 

The workmen's find attracted the attention of members of the 
Wyoming Historical and Geological Society, who asked the privilege 
of making further excavations, a request carelessly granted as an 
occasional grave had often been found in lower Athens. Harrison 
Wright and S. F. Wadhams came in April, 1883, measured off the 
plot in twelve-foot intervals from the original grave, and began 
excavations. While, as afterward proven, they did not exhaust 
the contents of the cemetery, test holes at intervals of twelve feet 
all over the garden brought surprising results. Mr. Wright's 
original map and notes were given to us and are here reproduced 
for the first time (fig. 36). Thirteen graves were found, and from 
the end of the first half-hour a rich harvest was gleaned for the Wy- 
oming Museum, something being found with every burial. In the 


/oz ^. 




lie. I. _ 

<2> "^^^ lIZuMn X^j^Mjt. 1U,.3 ^ ciUcnxUjt /oA'X^.^.y. 


h^^^\Mj^ Tco . 3 aJrruJ- ». ii^JUa i*-""^ yi.<fi^ llu^u.^A 

§ . . , I , ^ J, I^Ja^uM. 'kt.x 


ItL-i ^yvaco^iiX <^/tu^^ 


Fig. 36.— Harrison Wright's sketch and notes of his first examination of the Andaste 
cemetery in the Murray garden. 




[N. S., 23, 1921 

first grave was a skeleton above the average height, buried in a sit- 
ting posture, with turtle-shell rattles in good condition and four small 

Fig. 37. — Andaste skulls and pots from the Murray garden, in the Aluseuin of the 
Wyoming Historical and Genealogical Societj-, Wilkes-Barre, Pa. 

pebbles in each, close to each temple (skull no. i, upper section of 
fig- 37)- This grave yielded also a discoidal stone, a quantity of 





burnt ochre, a broken antler comb, part of a shell gorget, and some 
small shell beads that disintegrated on exposure to the air. These 
objects might well have belonged to a squaw, but no skeleton was 
found here except of the "medicine man," or "Turtle chief." The 
other graves yielded the group of pots and skulls — illustrated in the 
two sections of fig. 37 — now in the museum at Wilkes-Barre, one 
skull showing by the deep cut near the temple death by the toma- 
hawk. The pot at the left is 
decorated exactly like the face 
pot first found, being of the 
same size and shape. It is 
more fully shown in Wren's 
Appalachian Pottery. ^ The 
next is remarkable for the 
two faces showing headdresses 
— which Mr. Wright likened 
to those of Egyptian soldiers 
— rising to a point over the 
face and standing out stiffl\ 
at the sides (fig. 38). A few 
other pots were found, broken 
in removal, as well as a lap- 
stone, a few rude arrows and 
shell fragments, and a spiral 
copper bracelet, all well-de- 
scribed in the Proceedings of 

the Wyoming Historical and Geological Society (vol. ii, pt. i). 
Deserving mention next to the pottery is a small antler comb 
with four broken teeth, of the type made with stone tools about 
1600, with two perforations evidently for suspension. The brace- 
let, recently carefully examined by the writer, is probably of 
native workmanship like the Algonkian ornaments to be shown 
later, and made in the same fashion by beating the copper into a 
thin strip and then rolling it tightly. The spiral form is unusual. 
In Indian Implements from Graves at Athens, Pennsylvania, Chris- 

1 Christopher Wren, A Study of Notih Appalachian Indian Pottery, Plymouth, 
Pa.; republished from vol. xiii, Proc. Wyojning Hist, and Geol. Soc, Wilkes-Barre, Pa., 

Fig. 38. — Andaste pot with elliptical mouth 
from Site No. 2; height 4M inches. 



[s. s., 23, 1921 

Fig. 39. — Turtle-shell rattles, bone comb, and copper bracelet 
from Andaste graves in the Murray garden. 


topher Wren has given considerable study to these articles and the 
turtle-shell rattles, but we are inclined to be slightly critical as to 
his conclusions. Dr. Beauchamp, writing him with reference to the 
antler comb, says: "They were much used at the time the Iroquois 
were sending war parties down the Susquehanna against the And- 
astes. If simple it would be earlier." (See fig. 39). The rattles, as 
seen in Mr. Wright's map, were found with only one skeleton, and 
their perforations would indicate that they were used without a 
handle, quite possibly fastened to the ankles or suspended from the 
waist in the dance. That they are male and female shells is an in- 
teresting suggestion. Taken in consideration with long past and 
more recent investigations, we believe these should be classed as 
archaic Iroquois, or Andaste. 

After Mr. Wright's investigations, test holes having been made 
all over the one hundred foot lot at said stated intervals, it was soon 
discovered that there were many more graves and much more 
pottery. For long years this had been an apple orchard and under 
several of the old stumps, supposed to be from trees of Indian plant- 
ing, were Indian graves. Around each of two such stumps were 
seven graves in a circle, and directly under one stump in the center 
of a circle of graves, about three feet underground on a layer of 
clay, were eight pots carefully embedded in sand. Every one had 
been perforated by thread-like apple roots, and all were broken by 
a careless workman who was removing .the stump just after a 
day's futile excavation by a second party from Wilkes-Barre. The 
writer, called by the workman too late, superintended the next 
stump-pulling and rescued from a child's grave the tiny pot seen 
in figure 35. 

Red ochre in large quantities was found close to several skele- 
tons, also a paint cup and mixer; and for long years at garden- 
making time the children gathered arrows, sinker stones, and pot- 
sherds. A necklace of green beads encircled the neck of one 
skeleton, but perished on exposure. 

Throughout this plot with one exception the skeletons were 
flexed but buried in a sitting posture, often with the right hand 
upraised and bearing a pot containing food, arrow points, or seeds, 
the latter leading to the conjecture that the old apple trees may have 



[s. s., 23, 1921 

grown from these very seeds. Mr. Wright found one skeleton 
buried at full length with the head on a bundle of twigs, and some 
bark-lined graves. 

The perfect circle of stones in the center, long kept undisturbed, 
marked the most unusual form of burial. On being removed they 
were found to cover a quantity of huge drift stones in a space three 

Fig. 40. — Andaste grave in the Murray garden; skeleton now in Tioga Point Museum 

by five feet square with a marker at each corner underground. 
Underneath were more drift stones to a depth of nearly four feet, 
and below two large fiat stones, from a distant quarry of today, 
which covered the skeleton of a man six feet or more tall, lying 
on the back, with the elbows flexed, hands spread out on breast, 
right leg flexed, foot under thigh, and left leg flexed across right. 
The front of the skull was crushed, doubtless by the weight of 
stones. A hafted tomahawk lay by the right shoulder, and a 


large pot, crushed, at the left of the skull; a fine celt, triangular 
arrow point, bits of mica, and wampum were also found. This 
skeleton, embedded in the clay as found, was skilfully removed on 
sheets of zinc, boxed, and placed in Tioga Point Museum. While 
in his grave, this Andaste chief was viewed by more than a thousand 
people, and he is still an object of great curiosity (fig. 40). The 
rare double-necked small pot with many small fragments of others 
were found later in the street in front of this lot when gas pipes 
were being laid.^ 

The walk toward the meeting of the rivers takes us out of the 
narrow neck so full of graves toward old Diahoga or Teaoga (Site 
3). The earliest known records are those of Conrad Weiser of 
1725-37, who called the Chemung River as well as the town Dia- 
agon. A little later, 1743, John Bartram, botanist, accompanied 
him. Their location of the "town house" seems to indicate the 
well-known watch town of the Iroquois on the high ridge south- 
east of the stone house now on Tioga Point farm. But here for a 
hundred years artifacts have been gathered, showing a much earlier 
culture than archaic Iroquois, evidently archaic Algonkian. Seventy 
years ago a fine collection was sent to Barnum's new museum in 
New York City, later destroyed by fire. Some of the objects here 
reproduced were gathered sixty years ago, later carried to England 
by the collector, and recently returned to the Museum. Steatite 
fragments abound, and there are also short pestles and small metates 
found nowhere else in our survey (fig. 41), black celts, rhyolite blades 
and barbed points, two-holed gorgets, some barbed flints, game 
balls or war clubs, polished mullers, rubbing stones, crude toma- 
hawks, many small pestles or pottery smoothers, a beautiful barbed 
point of chalcedony, all typical Algonkian of the early period. 
Few pipes have been found here. The one shown is stone with 
incised lines, and one in the Museum is of catlinite, rarely found 
hereabouts. Artifacts showing the later culture are scarce and 

1 On June 9, 192 1, the gas trench having been reopened, parts of three skeletons 
and some potsherds were thrown out. Paul Scott, on behalf of the Peabody Museum, 
made further excavations and found a carefully buried skeleton, indicating that here 
was another cemetery, about one hundred feet from that just described and evidently 
extending imder the street where further investigation was impossible. The culture 
was apparently late Iroquoian. 



Fig. 41. — Algonkin artifacts from old Teaoga, including a small metate, 
steatite fragments, and an unusual, short pestle. 



not reproduced. All of the larger early implements are found on 
this site with great shell heaps of river mussel, a sure indication of a 
long-used village site; and nearby were also found quantities of 
unfinished and broken implements of stone, indicating a celt and 
pestle workshop. The pottery may have belonged to the contact 
period ; the potsherds were found 
with many different designs on 
the site of the pottery discov- 
ered in 1897, described in Old 
Tioga Point and in Wren's Ap- 
palachan Pottery and here rein- 
troduced by request (fig. 42). 
While examining the supposed 
site of Diahoga, M. P. Murray 
and G. T. Ercanbrack located 
what was evidently an extensive 
pottery on the bank of the Sus- 
quehanna River about 50 rods 
southeast of the present stone 
house. This valley, being on 
the edge of the ice sheet of ages 
past, has many beds of clay 
found associated with glacial 
drift. At the point mentioned 

the river bed from shore to shore is a thick mass of clay, and with the 
soft shale, sandstone, and mica close at hand pottery making was 
easy. And here were found close to the river's edge two circles, 
three or four feet in diameter, paved with sandstone with depression 
in center showing evidence of long-continued fires, and indicating 
that here the clay was mixed and tempered for the potter's use. 
Nearby was undoubtedly a kiln. Four shelves about two feet 
wide and four feet long, rising in tiers, were built against the bank 
and walled up at the ends, all of round sandstone laid like a cobble- 
stone pavement, burned and cracked with many fires and strewn 
with sherds of many pots broken in firing. How they walled up the 
kiln that easily held a hundred pots of average size we could not 
decide, but it was evident that the decorations used were seldom 

Fig. 42. — Potsherds from Teaoga. 

202 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

repeated. Most of the sherds indicate the culture of the Algonkian, 
but others show Iroquois influence, doubtless dating from the 
days when the Iroquois raided the Susquehanna settlements.^ 

Let us now retrace our steps, cross the bridge over the Chemung 
River, and continue our survey on its west bank. Just north of the 
bridge, along the river bank, has recently been found a row of fire- 
places, evenly spaced, indicating a row of single dwellings or a 
long house (Site 4). Lapstones, pestles, hammer stones, and all 
other village implements were found, also Algonkian potsherds and 
Iroquoian points. Cold weather has prevented further investiga- 
tion, but this may prove to be a town site of the Andaste, whose 
unusual cemetery lies only a few rods southward (Site 5). 

This burial place, although well known to the Murray family, 
who were the original purchasers of the land thereabouts in 1791, 
had never been explored because of the family prejudice against 
disinterment. The ordinary farm work had disclosed many burials, 
apparently hasty, the older men saying there seemed to have been 
trench burial as in time of battle. About 1890, in remaking the 
public highway, which seems to run through the cemetery, various 
remains were disclosed. No observations were recorded and 
nothing found except one large white glass bead, deposited by C. F. 
Murray in the museum of the Wyoming Historical and Geological 

In 1916 came the Susquehanna Archaeological Expedition, one of 
the avowed purposes of which was "to discover an Andaste ceme- 
tery." So many problems seem to await solution here that the 
advent of this party was hailed with delight, and every courtesy 
possible was extended to them by the Tioga Point Chapter D. A. R., 
which organization has assumed the care and maintenance of the 
Museum — established in 1895 by a short-lived historical society — 
now housed in the Spalding Memorial Library building. 

Mr. Alanson Skinner, who headed the expedition in the tem- 
porary absence of Mr. Warren K. Moorehead, spoke several times to 
interested audiences, saying of this region, previously neglected by 
archaeologists, that here seemed to be the clue to the origin or migra- 

1 Further investigation shows this to have been a twice occupied village or burial 
site, culture Algonkian and late Iroquois. 



tion of many early tribes. Realizing the value of scientific investi- 
gation M. P. Murray, husband of the writer, invited Mr. Skinner 
and his party to investigate the site on the high terrace, a few rods 
southeast of the Chemung River bridge on the upper end of the 
broad river bottom, known since 1770 as Queen Esther's flats. Dr. 
Donehoo, secretary of the Pennsylvania Historical Commission, was 
with the party. While the report of the latter has been published, 
embodying some notes from both Moorehead and Skinner, since the 
writer went over the ground with the men and was present as much 
as possible during the excavations, she considers this article would 
be incomplete without some mention of the results of the discovery 
of the first known Andaste cemetery named by the party "Upper 
Queen Esther's Flats." The enthusiasm of Mr. Skinner was very 
great when a complete pot was unearthed here which he pronounced 
to be "Archaic Iroquois." This was the beginning of the interesting 
discoveries, which mean much to science and help to unravel the 
archaeology of the Andaste. The work was carried on under dififi- 
culties, but, as the leader said at the time, "although the rain fell 
steadily and the openings were filled with water and mud, like that 
of Flanders, even the laborers became so interested that they worked 
every minute of the day; for with the skeletons were deposited 
relics, not numerous but enough to show that they were the same 
people that Capt. John Smith met on his raids on Chesapeake 
Bay," and the same as those buried in the Murray garden. 

At first this seemed to be entirely a communal burial place, for 
there were bundles of bones, disassociated skulls, and sometimes 
several skeletons together, so much like the Hurons that Mr. Skinner 
at once suspected this to be a cemetery of their relatives, the An- 
daste. Both he and Dr. Donehoo agreed that no such cemetery 
had been found east of the Mississippi; although, as excavations 
continued, various forms of burial were found and, from the con- 
dition of the bones, doubtless made at dilTerent periods. A careful 
survey of the field was made by Engineer Sugden, many test holes 
being sunk on the flats and west of the highway, but it was on the 
sunny knoll, east of the highway, that the fifty-seven skeletons were 
found in thirty-three graves, buried without any regularity as to 
depth, position, or location. There was such a paucity of relics 

204 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23. 1921 

that it was soon said that they must have been a poor people. 
All were flexed or bundle burials and the majority of artifacts were 
near the head or hips. One highly polished celt was found lying 
close to the chin of the skeleton of a male. 

Most of the pottery was decorated, showing about the same cul- 
ture as that in the Murray garden, and the condition of the greater 
part of the bones seemed to show about the same age, though 
others were soft. Dr. Donehoo stated that the relics resembled 
those found at Lock Haven, where, however, there are no skeletal 
remains. The skulls, femurs, and tibias found were of about normal 
size. Some graves revealed fragments of pottery and pipes, es- 
pecially under the skulls, possibly after the Indian fashion symbol- 
ical of the whole vessel ; and in several instances sherds from one pot 
were found in different graves, which at the Heye Museum proved 
to fit together sufficiently to restore the whole. One was really 
unique in that it seems to have two stories, others showing the 
notched rim or deep collar larger than the body, a true Andaste 
type, like some noted in Christopher Wren's North Appalachian 
Pottery although he fails to designate the culture. One grave had 
two skeletons, one lying above the other. Another had the head 
turned almost opposite to its natural position and the face jammed 
down. This may have been a young follower of the chase, a bear's 
lower jaw and a bone awl being close to the head ; fragments of a 
plain pot were behind him. In another grave beside the flexed 
skeletons were six bundle burials, a whole pot with them, and near 
the skeleton a smaller pot filled with oxide of iron and having for a 
cover one of those thin river pebbles chipped into a round shape 
so common in this region, but heretofore classed by Moorehead, 
Wren, and others as game stones or problematical objects. Let 
them hereafter be recognized as pot covers! 

In another grave were three skeletons "apparently flung in 
haphazard in the flesh." Another, having only fragments of a 
skull and some small bones, suggested possible reinterment in an 
ossuary or removal by white men. In one grave was the bowl of a 
beaver effigy pipe, broken before burial, similar to a wolf effigy 
pipe in the Tioga Point Museum. Two trumpet disk pipes were 
found and a very large one of the same type, broken and mended 


in ingenious fashion by its owner. It was not three-fourths of a 
yard long like those Captain Smith admired which were evidently 
effigy pipes, as he said, "They had a bird or deere or some such 
device at the great end, sufficient to beat out one's brains." While 
the writer was present one of the men in w^orking a grave exclaimed, 
"There are horns over his head!" Mr. Skinner said that indicated 
chieftainship. Later this was found to be a bundle burial, com- 
pletely covered with antlers of Virginia deer. A passing visitor, 
however, heard the exclamation and attempted to verify it by in- 
terrogating a fun-loving Maine w^orkman, and the story grew and 
was printed from coast to coast that one or more skulls had been 
found with horns growing from the forehead! 

But one grave suggested contact with whites, either through a 
visit to other tribes, or a guest in camp — perhaps Etienne Brule, 
Champlain's scout, the first white man known to have traversed the 
Susquehanna (about 1615). This skeleton had around the neck a 
string of copper beads, not made by Indians, strung on a braided 
sinew. The salts of the copper had preserved, not only the sinew, 
but a tiny fragment of the beaver skin robe in which the deceased 
had been wrapped for burial. Under his knees was a polished game 
stone, not often found so far north, and there were two band-like 
rings near his hips. Near his breast were the much-rusted remains 
of two steel scalping knives- — the only ones known to be found in 
this locality except in the grave of a surgeon of Revolutionary times 
near the Museum. This grave contained, not only another flexed 
skeleton, but under the feet of the two a bundle burial, two skulls 
being of children. A number of these skulls were only a few inches 
from the surface. With one skull of a child was an animal resem- 
bling a beaver, like the effigy pipe crudely made out of an antler. 
With one bundle burial were seven arrow points lying as though 
buried in a quiver, all of the Iroquois triangular shape, but serrated. 
There were celts, both chipped and polished. In all, 8 pots, 4 
pipes, 4 celts, and about 25 other objects were found, a small pro- 
portion as compared with the Murray garden cemetery. 

Along the line of the road west of the graves were five firepits 
from one to four feet in depth. Firepit No. i contained charcoal, 
burnt bones, and stones; no objects. No. 2 contained a bone awl; 
No. 3, no objects; No. 4, a bear's tooth; No. 5, no objects. 

206 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

Many broken objects proved to be restorable, and no doubt 
make a fine showing in the Heye Museum. We regret our in- 
ability to reproduce them. The strictly scientific observations 
we hope may be pubHshed in a not too distant future in the series 
of the Heye Museum bulletins. Therefore we leave to the reader 
the discussions and deductions to be drawn from the discoveries on 
this site. 

Dr. Donehoo recommended in a public address that the site be 
marked "as the first Andaste cemetery to be identified along the 
Susquehanna," pledging himself to obtain an appropriation for 
that purpose from the Pennsylvania Historical Commission. 

As to the already published reports of other work by the Ex- 
pedition in this valley, while much more time was spent here than 
at any other point, we do not consider that sufificient investigation 
was made to lightly set aside the work of former students of the 
early tribes along the Susquehanna. We believe that the careful 
study of the Andaste and the surveys made by Rev. David Craft 
and Gen. John S. Clark should not be considered as local traditions 
until thorough scientific investigation in fair weather can be made.^ 

Continuing on our way, a mile or two below, we reach Site 6, the 
broad river flats occupied in Revolutionary times by "Queen Esther 
Montour" and her tribe of Monsey Delawares, who with their 
flocks and herds occupied these flats from Milan to the site just 
described. Here lodge sites, fireplaces, and shell pits are still 
easily discernible. The exact location of Esther's town, destroyed 
by Hartley in 1778, was between Wolcott and Buck Creeks, ex- 
actly opposite the point made by the meeting of the Susquehanna 

1 The members of this Expedition differed somewhat as to the territory of the 
Andaste and the sites assigned to them bj^ Clark and Craft. Carantouan may be 
mythical, but no other town site has yet been discovered above Tioga Point. Below 
our present survey the earthworks at the mouth of Sugar Crei k are acknowledged to 
be similar to those of Spanish Hill, and the extensive site at the mouth of Towanda 
Creek was pronounced to be Andaste, needing more careful investigation; the site on 
the fiats of the Piollet farm at Wysox were set down as either Andaste or early Algon- 
kian. The almost obliterated site on the bluff at the mouth of Wyalusing Creek and 
possibly the one at Mehoopany also need further study. Sites previously named 
Andaste at Meshoppen and Tunkhannock were pronounced by Mr. Skinner to be 
Algonkian, the Andaste trails from their settlements on the West Branch having fol- 
lowed Towanda and Sugar Creeks, leaving the middle reaches of the river to the Algon- 


and Chemung Rivers, on a high bank washed and often overflowed 
by the violent Chemung floods. Indian artifacts have been col- 
lected at this site from the surface for a hundred years or more, but 
it is only within the twenty-five years since the founding of the Tioga 
Point Museum that they have been preserved, or any observations 
taken. The most noticeable is a fine wolf efifigy pipe found on the 
surface after a flood, which we had classed as a totem of the Wolf 
Clan of the Delaware; but it is not Algonkian, having been pro- 
nounced by members of the Susquehanna Expedition to be Andaste, 
or archaic Iroquois. Was this an Andaste site, too, prior to Dela- 
ware occupation? That it has known many periods of occupation 
is evident, not only from the artifacts but from the observations of 
all recent intelligent collectors. The most interesting and extensive 
finds have been from the river bank after floods. Here thirty 
years ago was found, far below the present surface, a slab-lined 
grave of the Shawnee type. With a very large skeleton was the 
longest pecked roller pestle ever found in this region. The pestle 
and most artifacts from this site indicate Algonkian culture. Small 
argillite blades and a crude drill, found by Andrew Delpeuch in 
recent years, are shown with pottery. He also found several stone- 
lined graves but no details were recorded. P. L. Lang discovered 
three fireplaces in the bank, one directly above the other, at depths 
of 6, 9, and I2 feet below the surface respectively. "The large 
deposits of firestone, charcoal, and shell refuse with clear deposits 
of silt between show that much time had elapsed between the usage 
of these three sites, a most unusual circumstance," says Mr. Lang. 
Even the highest fireplace is below the level of Esther's town. 
The potsherds found here all seem to be pre-Iroquoian. Washed 
from the bank, seemingly all from graves, sufficient fragments have 
never been found for restoration. The beautiful specimen, shown 
in Old Tioga Point (page 205), indicates a contact period, distinctly 
Algonkian in some details, yet showing some early Iroquois decora- 
tions. But the majority have the collarless rims, inside decorations, 
punched, roulette and fabric-wrapped paddle work of the Algon- 
kian. The chevron, or herring-bone decoration, is common, the 
best example (see fig. 43) having been found by Lewis Rinebold. 
A really unique decoration is shown in two sherds in the second row; 



[X. s., 23. 1921 


Fig. 43. — Objects from archaic Algonkian and late Delaware town; 
an effigy pipe, probably Andaste. 



and below is the punched decoration assigned by Professor Willough- 
by to the archaic Algonkian. The sherds, however, all vary in 
certain particulars, some being very thick and many having an 
outside layer of color. Nearby is a well-known bed of brick clay 
giving a dull-red color when fired, and this seems to have been used 
as slip over the outside of some vessels whose interior is made of 
carbonaceous shale. The large sherd found by Ellsworth Cowles 
(center top) apparently belongs to a pot of great size and others 
show slight Iroquois influence. 

The student may be interested to compare these potsherds with 
plates in Christopher Wren's North Appalachian Pottery, and with 

Fig. 44. — Tubes and broken pipes; reduced one-half: A, platform pipe from Cash 
Creek; B, D, from Sheshequin; C, from a hilltop west of Athens. 

the Lenape earthenware in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, 
the Field Museum at Chicago, or the American Museum of Natural 
History. In this locality we are unable to designate, as in Wyom- 
ing Valley, definite sites occupied by the Delaware, Shawnee, 
Nanticoke, and Conoy; therefore, only by comparison, may the 
special culture be decided. However, as the last inhabitants were 
the late Algonkian, may they not have known of the previous occu- 
pation by their kin? Large flint knives, ceremonial stone beads, 
and a stone knife cleverly fitted to the hand, similar to Moore- 
head's curved flaked knife (see fig. 46, A) were found on the lower 
part of the site, also a heart-shaped pendant of beaten lead with 
three perforations at the top, evidently of Indian workmanship. 


On the Point and on the west side of the river the number of 
stone hoes, large pestles, mullers, and very large mortars would 
indicate a people among whom agriculture had been long established. 

From here to Ulster doubtless the proximity of the steep moun- 
tains to the river precluded occupancy, as even the most used trail 
crossed to the New Sheshequin flats. Therefore we will make our 
next survey at Ulster, or Old Sheshequin, eight miles below Athens. 
Here there has always been desultory collecting. Probably the 
most extensive in comparatively recent years has been by Guy 
Culver and Andrew Delpeuch, both of whom have many artifacts, 
but no recorded data. We regret that the Culver collection is not 
available for study. Within the last five years Paul F. Scott — now 
studying at Harvard along these lines — has made some careful 
investigations and has a representative collection in Tioga Point 
Museum. We come first to a village site (No. 7), on the second 
river terrace on the Walker farm, just above Ulster. Broken chips 
and barbed points are abundant, indicating a possible workshop, 
such as are quite frequent along the river. Firestones are plentiful, 
rough pottery (see fig. 47), and great abundance of sinker stones for 
both lines and nets where shad were plentiful. On this site was 
found a heavy iron tomahawk of Dutch pattern, perhaps left by the 
captive Dutch traders of 16 14. Now we cross Cash Creek, on each 
side of which were Delaware towns two centuries ago (Sites 8 and 
9). Half a mile from the mouth is a more ancient camp or village 
site that has yielded rough celts, rhyolite points, and the burned 
stone of old fireplaces, also two unusual large pot covers of stone, 
dressed smooth with beveled edge. Still farther up this creek, on 
a hilltop that may have been used for signal fires, were found by 
Miles Smith a few hafted spears, one four inches long of yellow 
jasper, two highly polished celts, and the only platform pipe found 
in this region, of highly-polished mottled black stone, its edges 
broken by the plow (fig. 44, A). 

The tube C in this figure is from a hilltop west of Athens, and 
has been called a moose whistle. The others are from Sheshequin. 
We are in doubt as to the culture to which these should be assigned. 

Returning to the river, let us consider the long-known site (No. 
10) on the river flats east of the Lehigh Valley Railroad, covering 



Van Dyke and Scott farms. Within the past eighteen months the 
construction work on the highway has revealed a burial site, where 
Scott made careful investi- 
gations. "Six graves were 
opened, showing in every in- 
stance burned earth and 
charred corn near the surface, 
flexed skeletons from two to 
five feet underground, no 
evidence of European influ- 
ence. The skeletons were 
unusual in size, the skulls 
dolichocephalic.^ TheAlgon- 
kian "elbow pipe" of earth- 
enware, the soapstone pipe, 
both marked B (fig. 46), the 
bear's teeth perforated to be 
strung for a necklace are all 
from this burial site; also the 
pipe fragments, bone tools, 
bone perforated for pendant, 
ceremonial beads, and tiny 

Fig. 45. — Bone tools, amulets, beads, and 
fragments of pipes from the Paul Scott col- 

celts (fig. 45). The pottery lection; M, M, M, amulet and sinker stones, 
(fig. 47) varies in type but the 

arrow points here are all Iroquoian. The perforated hammer stone 
(fig. 47, B, middle row) is an Algonkian type found in Delaware and 
New Jersey, but seldom here. 

Some red and yellow jasper points, Algonkian potsherds, and a 
short highly-polished pestle in the Shaw collection are said to be 
from this site, but we cannot verify the data There is also in our 

1 We have records that enormous skeletons were found on this site seventy years 
ago; and about the same time two of unusual size were found in a "stone sepulchre" 
at Burlington (southwest) doubtless a Shawnee burial. There is also a record of an 
Indian grave opened seventy-five years ago near a spring on the south side of Mt. 
Pisgah, having a skeleton of immense size declared by a physician to have belonged 
to a man "seven feet tall." The Burlington collection in the Museum is worthy of 
examination, especially the peculiar celt, highly polished on one side and beveled on 
the other, pronounced a western Seneca type. There is also a bone gouge or spoon, 
but all other artifacts are Algonkian. 



[x. s., 23, 1921 

Museum a grooved axe of polished stone, thirteen inches long, 
from an Ulster site, the exact location unknown (see Old Tioga 
Point, p. 207), which could have been wielded only by a powerful 

Fig. 46. — Paul Scott collection: effigy pipe from supposed Algonkian site; A, stone 

knife; B, pottery and soapstone pipes; steatite fragments; C, large fragment 

of earthenware from another location. 

Just below here, on the second river terrace, is the most im- 
portant ancient village site (No. 11), in Old Sheshequin, extending 
from the Scott-Mather line south to the center of Layman farm, 
the lower end near a large spring showing the oldest culture. Ste- 
atite fragments of varying thickness abound (fig. 46), but there is 
no trace of earthenware. There are, however, medium-crude 
rhyolite points, crude knives, long pestles, hammer stones, club 
heads grooved longitudinally, many small celts of black slate, 



tiny scrapers, a broken butterfly ceremonial, a brass tube bead, 
small drills, one-sided spears, a broad arrow hafted (unusual), 
and wee ones all shown in the upper part of figure 47. Here also 
was found the fine effigy pipe of steatite similar to those of Andaste 

Fig. 47. — Paul Scott Collection, Ulster: B, brass tube bead and perforated hammer 
stone from Site ii, Algonkian and Iroquois. 

earthenware (fig. 46) — this represents a turtle or a porcupine with 
a distinct human face incised on the back — also the miniature 
amulet and sinker stones (m in fig. 45). Indeed Paul Scott's col- 
lection from this site shows a multiplicity of small artifacts, 
suggesting a tribe of pigmies rather than the giants of the Van 


214 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 23. 1921 

Dyke burial site, who might well have been some of Captain 
Smith's Sasquesahannocks. Doubtless this site should be as- 
signed to the archaic Algonkian, deserving further study. The 
large fragment of earthenware (fig. 46, C) was found by Scott across 
the river in a shell heap or refuse pit described later. Most of his 
collection are surface finds. 

Unquestionably here is a locality that should have more care- 
ful investigation, for which we hope in the near future. The lower 
half of Bradford County, almost untouched in our survey, has also 
much to reveal concerning both Andaste and Algonkian occupation, 
evidence fast being scattered by the desultory collector. Would 
that every private collector would adopt as an axiom these words of 
Arthur C. Parker: "Archaeological material should be collected 
only for two distinct purposes, first to increase knowledge, second 
to illustrate and diffuse knowledge." Each artifact, however 
tiny, should have a label or number connecting it with the site on 
which it was found. 

Tioga Point Museum, 
Athens, Pa. 




The Psychology of Insanity. Bernard Hart. Cambridge University 

Press, 1919. XII, 176 pp. 

Apparently many ethnologists are unable to resist the lure of psycho- 
analysis and the psycho-analysts are notoriously prone to correlate 
their psychiatric data with the findings of the ethnologist. Accord- 
ingly it seems desirable that the student of cultural anthropology should 
familiarize himself with the fundamental concepts of the new sister 
science through some approved manual rather than through incidental 
references in the press and current magazines, from which he might 
readily derive the notion that psycho-analysis belongs to the eminently 
disreputable cultural stratum of Greenwich Village and Bolshevism. 
The book here offered to us, representing the third printing of the 
third edition, may be fairly described as a pedagogical masterpiece. 
In the brief space of less than two-hundred pages Dr. Hart succeeds in 
giving an extremely lucid exposition of such basic notions as Dissociation, 
Complexes, Conflict, Repression. He is likely to correct the popular 
belief that the subject centers in a discussion of sex, for this topic is 
barely mentioned. The treatment of rationalization ought to prove 
especially stimulating to ethnologists, who have dealt with the com- 
parable phenomenon of secondary interpretation. There is also food 
for reflection in the concluding sentences, which thus dispose of much 
half-baked eugenic effort: 

Such considerations suggest . . . that those enthusiastic reformers who would 
initiate drastic legislation to obtain selective breeding may reasonably be asked 
to proceed with caution. For it is at least conceivable that our present compla- 
cent assurance that every individual must live and act within the arbitrary limits 
assigned by conventional and purely artificial standards of conduct, or else be 
segregated from society, may be fallacious and inimical to the best development of 
the race. It is possible that insanity, or a part of insanity, will prove to be less 
dependent upon intrinsic defects of the individual than on the conditions in which 
he has to live, and the future may determine that it is not the individual who must 
be eliminated, but the conditions which must be modified. 

Robert H. Lowie 


2l6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

Source Book in Anthropology. A. L. Kroeber and T. T. Waterman. 

University of California: Berkeley, 1920. 565 pp. 

Confronted with an ever increasing host of students registering for 
the two elementary courses offered by their department, the anthropolo- 
gists of the University of California have been hard put to it for lack 
of any adequate modern text-book. Originally they provided the essen- 
tial minimum of reading matter by a slender syllabus of selections 
published each semester and devoted to biological and to cultural anthro- 
pology, respectively. In 1919 a single paper cover united the year's 
selections, and the new cloth-bound Source Book represents a greatly 
amplified and partly altered edition of the previous year's compilation. 

Although the editors declare in the preface that the articles "have 
been selected for their utility in stimulating discussion," they have 
wisely departed from this rule in a number of instances by including 
statements of fact that are not otherwise readily acceptable. Von 
Luschan's lecture on "The Early Inhabitants of Western Asia" may 
be cited as an example. Altogether the new syllabus marks a great 
improvement on its predecessors inasmuch as there have been many 
additions from writers acquainted with modern points of view and tech- 
nique. Every teacher will also be delighted to find some real classics 
preserved here, notably Tylor's discussion of the Stone Age and his article 
on "A Method of Investigating the Development of Institutions." 

Naturally every anthropologist would make a somewhat different 
selection. Personally I regret the absence of any discussion of the 
origin of the domestication of animals. The article by Galton listed 
in the Bibliography, with a few pages translated from Hahn and a 
few more extracted from Laufer's monograph on the reindeer, would 
supply the deficiency. In general I feel that what is commonly known 
as culture-history is inadequately represented in the book. For future 
editions I venture to recommend Laufer's "Some Fundamental Ideas 
of Chinese Culture" {The Journal of Race Development, vol. V, no. 2, 
1914, pp. 160-174) and Breasted's paper on "The Place of the Near 
Orient in the Career of Man and the Task of the American Orientalist" 
(Journal of the American Oriental Society, 1919, vol. xxxix, pp. 159-184). 
Regarding the former I can record the experience that all of my students 
devoured it with avidity. Quite apart from their informational value 
both these papers suggest discussion of the processes of diffusion and 
relevant questions. 

The only selection to which I feel in duty bound to offer strenuous 
objection is that of O. T. Mason's "American Indian Basket Weaves." 


Perfectly legitimate in a graduate course on technology, it seems quite 
out of keeping with a general introductory course. I think even a 
detailed treatment of kinship nomenclature would prove less repulsive 
to the average undergraduate. 

In the continued lack of general books Professor Kroeber's and 
Professor Waterman's compilation will doubtless be of interest to other 
teachers of anthropology, and it is to be hoped that the edition is adequate 
to meet such extra-Californian needs. 

Robert H. Lowie 

An Introduction to Anthropology. Rev. E. O. James. London: Mac- 

millan and Co., 1919. 259 pp. 

This little volume appears scrambled together, but its diversity and 
loose-jointedness are likely to increase its appeal to those who have 
little previous acquaintance with the subject. The author's avowed 
purpose is to stimulate rather than to teach or prove; and in this he 

The introduction on the Evolution Hypothesis runs from Lucretius 
through the Church fathers, Luther and Milton, Linnaeus, Lamarck, 
Boucher de Perthes, The Origin of Species, anthropology as "the child 
of Darwin," to the compatibility of evolution with the belief in God. 
Religious harmonization of a liberal kind recurs in several subsequent 

The first chapter, on the "Origin and Antiquity of Man," surveys 
the Pleistocene fauna and glaciation. Pithecanthropus, Piltdown ("a 
new genus combining a human cranium with an ape's jaw"). Heidelberg 
(at much less length), and the racial types of the Palaeolithic. 

Then follows "The Culture of Primeval Man," Eolithic, Palaeolithic, 
and Neolithic, with attention particularly to implements. 

Chapter HI on the "Manners and Customs of Primeval Man" is 
written under the influence of SoUas in the beginning, then slips into a 
rather detailed account of the Australians, especially of their social 
organization, and ends with an argument for monogamy. 

The fourth chapter is devoted to religion and considers in turn the 
theories of Frazer, Marett, and Tylor, mana and animatism, the Chapelle 
aux Saints and Le Moustier burials, long and round barrows, Stonehenge 
and cromlechs, dolmens, the Elliot Smith Heliolithic theory, the cave 
of Niaux, Gargas hand stencils, Arunta churinga and intichiuma, their 
bearing on Aurignacian and Magdalenian cave ornamentation, sacrifice, 
and the attitude thereto of the J and P narratives of the Pentateuch. 

2l8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23. 1921 

"The Beginning of Civilization" makes chapter five. Genesis, 
pastoral life, Myres's four phases, blood bond, metals, bronze in Egypt 
and elsewhere, trade routes, iron, Hallstadt and La Tene, the Late 
Celtic period of Britain, Glastonbury are considered. 

The final section is on the "Distribution of Races." No attempt is 
made to give a definite classification. Descriptions of particular peoples 
and discussion of their historical movements or hypothetical origins are 
mingled with brief expositions of various theories, among whose authors 
are Keith, de Quatrefages, Elliot, Abercromby, Huxley, Keane, KoU- 
mann, Haddon, Schmidt, Rivers, Brinton. 

It is plain that the book is not integrated nor even orderly. But it 
flows with a certain continuity, touches upon many topics of intrinsic 
interest, and is distinctly readable. It is a product of the stream of 
thought from which Marett's "Anthropology "emanated; and, though 
to a less degree than that work, it promises to prove stimulative to people 
of a certain background of culture who want to know something, but not 
too much, of anthropology. This positive value must be appreciated, 
and is not detracted from by the fact that the volume is too loosely knit 
to aid much in teaching, too light to serve as a work of reference, too 
inclined to assume knowledge to succeed in spreading illumination among 
the ignorant, and too specifically insular in point of view to be likely to 
appeal widely outside of Great Britain. The book might have been 
better; but it serves a function. 

For the numerous and sometimes crass misprints responsibility 
must be divided between the author and a publisher that has heretofore 
prided himself on his reputation. Thus "Erasmus, Darwin" (p. 9); 
"evolution and anthropology disproves" (p. 20); "Pinck" and "Pithe- 
canthropes" (p. 25); "a pithecanthropi" (p. 57) ; " MacLennon" (p. 118); 
"fulc/fra" (p. 153); "the erection of the dolmens are" (p. 195); Greece 
in the Iron Age in " 12,000 B. C." (p. 198) ; " Syria " for Styria and " Cili- 
cia" for Galicia (p. 201); and Gramer for Graebner (p. 238). 

A. L. Kroeber 


Essai sur Vorigine des Denes de V Ameriqiie dii Nord. R. P. A. G. Morice, 
Saint Boniface, Manitoba, 1916. 245 pp., 12 plates. 
For many years Father Morice has been a missionary among the 
Athabascan tribes of British Columbia, and has written numerous valu- 
able articles and monographs in regard to them, based upon his personal 
observation. For these all students of the American Indian must be 


grateful. When, however, as in the present volume, he turns from the 
rich stores of his experience and first-hand knowledge to make an elabor- 
ate comparative study of the northern Athabascan tribes and those of 
northern Asia, and attempts to demonstrate the Asiatic origin of the 
present Dene culture, his friends must wish that he had been better 
advised. For he has only succeeded in producing a laborious compilation 
of similarities which are either without significance or whose significance 
he has misunderstood, with the result that he turns at last to that mirage 
of the Lost Ten Tribes, and finds in this the final solution of many of his 

In his introductory chapters Father Morice briefly describes the 
Dene tribes; refers to attempts to trace the origin of the American 
Indian; shows that on the linguistic side there is little observable resem- 
blance to Asiatic languages; and then quoting well-known facts, declares 
that a migration across Bering Straits was nevertheless quite possible. 
Accepting the relatively recent arrival of the American Indian in the 
continent, he further accepts as history the Dene traditions of migration 
from a land abounding in snakes and monkeys. There follow a series of 
chapters in which various elements of Dene culture are compared with 
those of a great variety of tribes of northern Asia; the result of this 
laborious and miscellaneous comparison is a conviction that the similari- 
ties found demonstrate the origin of the Dene from some northern 
Asiatic tribe, confirming thus their migration tradition. Since the 
Carrier language of British Columbia shows, according to Father IVIorice, 
monosyllabic, agglutinative, incorporative, and inflectional features, he 
concludes that this is a probable indication of its composite character, 
including thus Chinese, Ural-Altaic, and (?) Semitic languages. Fol- 
lowing, finally, the time-honored methods of those who have been be- 
guiled by the hoary fallacy of the Lost Ten Tribes, he ascribes to these 
the origin of many of the cultural elements among the Dene. 

Father IMorice has for the most part used his sources quite uncriti- 
cally; he has not distinguished between similarities in culture which 
are significant and those which are not; he fails to recognize that many of 
the items of northern Athabascan culture which he discusses are really 
borrowed and not Athabascan at all; he apparently has little conception 
of the real character, complexity, and antiquity of American culture in 
particular nor of the manner of growth of aboriginal culture in general. 
But it is unnecessary to go into further details. We can only hope that 
after this unfortunate adventure in a field and in a kind of investigation 
to which he is unaccustomed. Father IMorice will return to the field 

220 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

wherein he is at home — the description of the culture of the tribes among 
whom he has so long and so faithfully labored. 

R. B. Dixon 

To the American Indian. Mrs. Lucy Thompson. Eureka, California, 


This volume of over two hundred pages on the Yurok of north- 
western California is written and published by a full-blooded Yurok 
woman. It is a valuable contribution to the world's knowledge of a 
specialized culture of which available descriptions are few. 

In its exterior Mrs. Thompson's work shows roughnesses. The 
style is without polish, the proof-reading inexperienced. General 
background is lacking. Inadequacies of this nature are likely to estab- 
lish a prompt prejudice against the value of the subject matter. Such 
prejudice the reviewer wants very much to dispel. He has not only 
worked with the Yurok but lived with them, and finds it a pleasure to 
attest the definite scientific value of Mrs. Thompson's pages. The 
accounts of house building, burial, several of the dances, wars and feuds, 
marriage customs, slavery, tobacco growing, to mention only a few 
of many points, contain much detail that is entirely new. A comparison 
with Goddard's "Life and Culture of the Hupa" establishes agreements 
on hundreds of points, very few discrepancies, and many elaborations by 
Mrs. Thompson. Yurok sounds are difficult to render in modern English 
spelling, yet with the aid of Waterman's recent "Yurok Geography" 
virtually all her proper names can be transformed into scientific orthog- 
raphy. Her accounts of the fish dam at Kepel and the deerskin dance 
which follows, and of the so-called Jumping dance at her native village 
of Pekwan, are particularly detailed. These are two of the greatest 
ceremonials of the whole culture area. Numberless allusions throughout 
the book bring out the high regard which the Yurok had for property 
and the importance in their lives of a caste system. That the latter 
had an ethical as well as an economic aspect is a fact that ethnologists in 
their search for concrete data are likely to underrate. It is fortunate 
that Mrs. Thompson is sprung from the aristocracy. A low-birth 
Yurok would have acknowledged the pervasive class distinctions in his 
conduct, but unduly toned them down in his descriptions. 

At two points this work must be used with caution. The mythology 
has not the same value as the remaining material: it is blended with 
Christian elements. For instance, Wohpekumeu, the trickster culture- 
hero is presented as "God," Pulekukwerek, the monster-destroying hero. 



as "Christ." Some of the minor tales are purely native. Second, the 
author appears to overrate the influence of the Tetl (Talth) of whom she 
is one and whom she portrays as a constituted "lodge" or secret society. 
The Tetl seem to have comprised the medicine man or priest who knew 
and recited the formula for one of the great dances, his assistant and 
prospective successor, one or two women with definite ancillary ritual 
functions, and more or less variably a few other individuals who helped 
in singing. There is undoubtedly in this body a most interesting germ 
of a secret society, but the author's implication that it was organized 
as such is probably misleading. However we know very little about the 
Tetl at Pekwan or elsewhere, and all her statements about them are 
therefore most welcome. 

This book being as it were privately published, is likely not to reach 
libraries as extensively as it should, and once the edition has been dis- 
posed of to those with local interests it is likely to become very difificult 
for public institutions to secure. It can be obtained for $1.50 from the 
author at 1557 Myrtle Avenue, Eureka, California. It is a volume that 
should be available in every library that pretends to a complete record 
of American ethnology. 

A. L. Kroeber 

Alsea Texts and Myths. Leo J. Frachtenberg. (Bureau of American 

Ethnology, Bulletin 67.) Washington, 1920. 

In 1898 Boas initiated a movement to secure some record of the 
languages and cultures of the tribes of the Pacific coast before they should 
become extinct. Henry Villard, and subsequently his widow, financed 
the undertaking. Farrand began and Frachtenberg continued and 
completed the studies of the Alsea, which were carried on under the 
auspices of Columbia University and the Bureau of American Ethnology. 
The results were edited by the Bureau under Hodge and brought out 
under Fewkes. This record suggests that continuity of purpose and 
power of cooperation are perhaps more developed among anthropologists 
than their occasional conflicts of opinion lead them and fellow scientists 
to believe. 

The collection contains 24 texts, two of them interlinear, the re- 
mainder literally translated, aggregating over 200 pages; 4 additional 
tales in English; an Alsea-English and an English-Alsea vocabulary; 
and a list of grammatical elements. This means that the language 
has been adequately and the mythology tolerably preserved; and eth- 
nologic data are of course incidentally embodied. In an introduction 

222 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [m. s., 23, 1921 

the author discusses the nature and relations of the mythology. The 
latter does not seem very distinctive. The re viewer feels that the 
affinities with northern California are generic rather than specific, and 
that Farrand's finding of a noticeable change of culture at the southern 
border of the Yakonan family, of which the Alsea are members, is rather 
sustained by this material. 

Until the grammar based on the texts appears, comment on the 
character of the language is best deferred, except for the statement that 
the reviewer finds the vocabularies full of resemblances to the Penutian 
languages of the great central valley of California. For instance: 
Tooth, t'Elil; Wintuii si, Costanoan sit, Yokuts teli. Tongue, stilak"- 
ayust'; W tahal, Y talxat, talapis. Mouth, xamaL-iyu; Maidu sim, Y 
cama. Nose, tE-sin, ku-snun-hayust'; W sono, i.inik. Eye, hayan-iyust'; 
Md, C, hin. Hand, tam-tEm; W sem. Liver, k'ipil; W kila, Md kiila, 

Y dip, dalapis. Old man, mEhait; Y moxelo. House, Itsai-s; Y ti; 
tsi, Miwok utcu. Water, k'ilu; Y ilik, Mw kik, C si. Rain, Llaxu-s; 
W luka. Snou; t"iLxu-s; \V yolo, Mw kola, tana. Stone, k"il; \V tului, 

Y cilel, xelul. Star, laLt'; \V Luyuk, Larak, Md lulu, Mw tcalatu. 
Ashes, piya'; \V puk, put, Md pupu, Y hapac. Dance, kuit, kwid, 
k.iP; Mw kal-, Y k'am. Sleep, atsk., tsinsu; Mw ets, C eten, Y entim. 
Three, psinLx; W panoL, Y copin. Analytic comparison will no doubt 
confirm these hastily compiled examples and add many others. Even 
the frequency with which the several Californian languages appear in 
this brief list is suggestive. Wintun and Yokuts, the most northerly 
and southerly, appear to have the most numerous or most evident cog- 
nates in Alsea. They are also the ones which on a comparison of the 
California Penutian languages among themselves seem the most general- 
ized or primitive. 

Dr. Frachtenberg has performed a most valuable service in doing this 
work, and the Bureau, in promoting and issuing it, has again given evi- 
dence of its all-important function of serving as the great coordinator 
and clearing-house of American anthropology. 

A. L. Kroeber 

When Buffalo Ran. George Bird Grinxell. Yale University Press: 

New Haven, 1920. 114 pp. 

There is a distinct need in anthropological literature for the sort of 
book Mr. Grinnell has given us. A vast amount of ethnological data 
has been collected and published in a form that makes it valuable for the 
student of anthropology, but through these students there has grown 


up another group who are also interested in civilizations other than our 
own and yet are not attracted by ethnological reports. This group 
includes not only the reader who wanders to other lands and other 
cultures for entertainment, but also people whose interest in primitive 
life is stimulated by museums and other exhibits. Formerly authors 
tried to satisfy this curiosity by publishing the folk tales and myths of 
primitive peoples. These volumes are intensely interesting and very 
necessary for an understanding of other cultures, but they lack that 
personal touch which Mr. Grinnell has given us in his book. He lets 
Wikis, a Plains Indian, tell the story of his life — and his life as typical 
of the Plains about seventy years ago is not linked up with any particular 
tribe. The story is told very simply. Mr. Grinnell makes no attempt 
to keep the idiom of the Indian, which would probably make the tale 
awkward and monotonous, but he "has worked it over into smooth, 
simple language, using such words as Wikis may well have used and 
keeping the atmosphere splendidly. The story gives the most delightful 
glimpse of the everyday life of these people — a whole picture, not dissected 
and put into ethnological cubby-holes. The play of the children is 
told by one of those who took part in the games; life in the lodge and the 
duties of the various members of the household are described by the 
boy who became more and more important in the family life as he grew 
older; then as he approaches manhood his uncle instructs him in his 
duties and responsibilities; now Wikis goes hunting and later on the 
warpath and at last he marries Standing Alone, the little playmate 
whom he had described as "pleasant and nice and always busy" when 
they had played at keeping house in childhood; then the hard times begin 
and the wars with the whites — "Of that bad time and of what followed 
that time, I do not wish to speak, and so my story ends." 

When we read accounts of primitive life with customs that seem at 
first strange and queer, we forget that they belong to people like ourselves. 
This fact is brought home very forcibly in Mr. Grinnell's book — these 
are real human beings, they have their joys and sorrows, their pleasures 
and trials — they are not so different from us after all. It is most impor- 
tant to emphasize this fact especially for those who never have the good 
fortune of living in such a community and seeing this common humanity 
for themselves. 

There are others who have stores of information like that of Mr. 
Grinnell — can not the success of this life of Wikis, the Plains Indian, 
induce them to give us similar accounts of the people they know so well? 

Erna Gunther 

224 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s.. 23. 1921 


Die GUederung der Australischen Sprachen. By P, W. Schmidt, S. V. D. 

Vienna, 1919. 

In this volume Father Schmidt has republished (with some additions) 
his articles on the interrelations of the Australian languages which 
appeared in Anthropos for a number of years beginning with 1912. 
The work represents the first attack on the languages of the continent 
as a whole by a competent philologist, and its importance is therefore 
manifest. Father Schmidt has handled the sorry material available with 
his wonted expertness and true linguistic feeling. His general conclusion 
is that the idioms of the larger southern portion of the continent are 
more or less related genetically but that those of the northern part 
belong to a number of disparate stocks. 

The author's method departs from the established one of instituting 
comparisons with a view to accepting relationship where similarities are 
numerous enough and substantiable by sound shifts or morphological 
analysis, but denying relationship, or suspending judgment regarding it, 
when the similarities are so few or irregular that they might be due to 
coincidence or when there is direct or indirect evidence of borrowing. 
Instead, he assumes several distinct waves of immigration and migration 
each bearing a totally new language or set of languages, and explains 
both the similarities and the dissimilarities between the existing languages 
as due to displacements, mixtures, borrowings, and other dynamic 
relations that have occurred between them. The populational strata 
are those of Graebner's theory. Thus the dialects of Victoria are 
largely a survival of the speech of the carriers of Graebner's oldest 
Australian culture; the Yuin-Kuri group of the vicinity of Sidney and 
Newcastle represents the speech of Graebner's second or boomerang 
culture. The Narrinyeri of the lower Murray dates from the West 
Papuan or patrilinear totemic invasion; the languages of what Schmidt 
designates as the Central group — from the Darling northwestward to a 
line connecting latitude 17° on the east coast with longitude 134° on 
the south coast — -belong to the matrilinear moiety culture. Wiradyuri 
and Kamilaroi represent a mixture of the last three strata. And so on. 

Schmidt thus never really approaches the problem of genetic relation- 
ship. Having postulated separate former blocks of speech, some of 
them apparently by no means uniform themselves, he traces the remains 
and mixtures of these. This is refined speculation, not inductive empiri- 
cism. What is needed first is comparison of the languages as they are 



given, not a breaking up of them into imaginary elements and the 
reconstruction of these into a picture of the past. It is no wonder that 
Schmidt's linguistic findings corroborate Graebner's ethnological ones 
so strikingly, for he really begins with the latter's assumptions. 

It is of course important never to overlook the possibility of borrowing 
and mixture, that is, of the assimilation of originally distinct tongues. 
Objective proof of assimilation is however in the nature of things much 
harder to bring, where direct historic records are lacking, than proof of 
dissimilation such as is known to be always operative in some degree and 
at times to be rapid. The latter process Schmidt hardly considers, so 
busy is he in the pursuit of his intricate theories. 

The question of the relationship of the Australian languages therefore 
remains unanswered. Some years before Schmidt's results began to be 
published, the reviewer undertook a survey of the same field. This 
study was never completed; but it led him to the conviction of a high 
degree of probability that all the languages of the continent were only 
variations of a single original tongue, with the exception perhaps of 
those about Cape York. This conclusion, it seems to him, Schmidt's 
own tabular data now corroborate. It is true that the languages north 
of latitude i8° or 20° (with which Arunta must be included) are more 
divergent from one another and from the remainder than the latter 
(Schmidt's "South-Australian" main division) are from one another. 
But there are typical southern words which recur again and again in the 
north, and there is no northern language which does not contain some 
of them. Why the dialectic dissimilation should have been greater in 
the north, it would be impossible to say without careful analysis and 
perhaps without better data. The cause may have been greater exposure 
to non-Australian speech, or even admixture with it, or some entirely 
diflferent factor. But it would seem wisest to collect all possible similari- 
ties and see to what inferences they lead before proceeding to specific 
explanations of the dissimilarities on the basis of sweeping assumptions. 

Although Schmidt's broader findings are accordingly vitiated 
through his having fallen under the seduction of the Graebner dogma, 
yet many of his detailed results will stand. His grouping of the languages 
is usually convincing. Some of his correspondences between ethnological 
and linguistic areas and dividing lines are no doubt historically signi- 
ficant. Wherever he escapes from hypotheses, his penetration and 
mastery of genuine philological technique render his work valuable. 
His systematized presentation of the most important of the available 
data will much facilitate future comparative studies; and his map is a 
joy and a blessing. 


226 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

It is remarkable that there does not exist a single first-class mono- 
graph or body of material on any one of the native languages of this 
continent. This distressing fact should burn into the minds of all who 
profess interest in learning and science. Perhaps the realization that 
the first scholarly attempt to deal seriously with these tongues was 
made in German by an Austrian priest will stir Australians into effort. 

A. L. Kroeber 

The Northern D'Entrecasteaux. D. Jenness, M. A. (Oxon.) and the 

late Rev. A. Ballantyne. With a Preface by R. R. Marett. 

Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1920. 219 pp., 35 half-tones, 7 figs., 

2 maps. 

This volume represents the first instalment of Mr. Jenness's report 
on his expedition to the northern part of the D'Entrecasteaux Archi- 
pelago, off southeastern New Guinea. It is to be supplemented by 
publications on the folk-lore, songs, and language. In his work Mr. 
Jenness enjoyed the cooperation of his brother-in-law, the late Rev. 
Ballantyne, whose long residence on Goodenough Island and consequent 
knowledge of the native language made him a most desirable collaborator; 
and their joint labors have enriched ethnographical literature with a 
contribution to our knowledge of a practically unknown region. 

The culture of Goodenough Island and its neighbors is of great 
simplicity as compared with other sections of the same general area, 
though in a broad sense there is conformity to the New Guinea pattern. 
The natives are horticulturists depending mainly on the yam crop and 
eking out a livelihood in bad seasons by making sago. Social life centers 
in the family and the hamlet. There is patrilocal residence with local 
exogamy but no trace of a sib system, let alone of matrilineal descent. 
The kinship nomenclature is of the Hawaiian type. Clubhouses are 
lacking, and while both sexes undergo a puberty rite this does not involve 
any spectacular performances. Decorative art is almost wholly devoid 
of symbolic interpretation. Magic flourishes, while religion is limited 
to a belief in spirits none of whom attains the dignity of a genuine deity. 
Though technology is treated somewhat summarily, several points of 
interest are worth noting. Fire is ploughed; canoes are of the built-up 
and the simple dugout variety, the latter being adzed out without the 
aid of fire; and coiled pottery is rather extensively manufactured, though 
without any variety of shape and for purely utilitarian purposes. 

Mr. Jenness has presented his results with obvious care and may 
be sure that his future publications, both in the same domain and the 


widely different Eskimo field, will be received with respectful attention 
by his colleagues. 

Robert H. Lowie 


Bolton, Reginald Pelham. New York City in Indian Possession. 
(Indian Notes and Monographs, vol. ii, no. 7, pp. 221-397, 2 pis., i map.) 
New York: Museum of the American Indian, 1920. 

Cadzow, Donald A. Native Copper Objects of the Copper Eskimo. 
(Indian Notes and Monographs.) New York: Museum of the American 
Indian, 1920. 22 pp., 11 pis. 

Caspari, Wilhelm, and Schilling, Claus. Uber den StofYwechsel der 
Europaer in den Tropen. (Zeitschrift fiir Hygiene und Infektionskrank- 
heiten, 1920, vol. 91, pp. 57-132.) 

Choulant, Ludwig. History and Bibliography of Anatomic Illus- 
tration in its Relation to Anatomic Science and the Graphic Arts. Trans- 
lated and edited with notes and a biography by Mortimer Frank, Uni- 
versity of Chicago Press: Chicago, 1920. xxvii, 435 pp., numerous ills. 

Farabee, William Curtis. Indian Cradles. (The Museum Journal, 
University of Pennsylvania, pp. 182-21 1.) December, 1920. 

Hadfield, E. Among the Natives of the Loyalty Group. London: 
Macmillan, 1920. xix, 316 pp., many ills. 

Hahn, Ida. Dauernahrung und Frauenarbeit. (Zeitschrift fiir 
Ethnologie, 1919, vol. Li, pp. 243-259.) 

Hobhouse, L. T. Sociology. (Hastings's Encyclopaedia of Ethics 
and Religion, vol. 11, pp. 654-665.) 

Hochstetter, Ferdinand. Beitrage zur Entwicklungsgeschichte des 
menschlichen Gehirns. I Teil. Wien and Leipzig: Franz Deuticke, 

1919. 170 pp., 18 figs., 25 pis. 

Hodge, F. W. Hawikuh Bonework. (Indian Notes and Mono- 
graphs, vol. Ill, no. 3.) New York: Museum of the American Indian, 

1920. 65-151 pp., 56 pis., 45 figs. 

Hornell, Jas. The Origin and Ethnological Significance of Indian 
Boat Designs. (Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. vii, no. 3, 
pp. 139-256.) Calcutta, 1920. 

Karsten, Rafael. Studies in South American Anthropology. Over- 
sigt av Finska Vetenskapt Societetens Forhandlingar. Bd. LXir, 1919" 
1920. Avd. B. No. 2. Helsingfors, 1920. viii, 232 pp. 

ten Kate, H. De Indiaan in de Letterkunde. (Overgedruckt ait 
De Gids, 1919, no. 7.) 66 pp. 

228 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 
. De Indiaan in de Letterkunde. (Overdruk ait De West- 

Indische Gids, 1920, pp. 95-108.) 

. De Noord-amerikaansche Indiaan als Bondgenoot in de 

Oorlogen der Blanken. (Tijdschrift van het Kon. Nederlandsch 
Aardrijkskundig Genootschap, 2 ser., dl. xxxvii, 1920, Afl. 5, pp. 681- 

. Indiaansche Minnebrieven door Marah Ellis Ryan. (De 

Indische Gids, Augustus-Aflevering, 1920, pp. 696-716.) 

Knabenhans, Alfred. Die Erziehiing bei den Naturvolkern. (Mit- 
teilungen der Geographisch-Ethnographischen Gesellschaft Zurich, 
1918-1919, Band xix, Zurich, 1920, pj). 52-90.) 

Lindblom, Gerhard. The Akamba in British East Africa. 2nd 
edition. (Archives d'Etudes Orientates, vol. 17.) Upsala: Appelbcrg, 
1920. XII, 607 pp., 166 figs. 

Meissner, Bruno. Babylonien und Assyrien. (Kulturgeschichtliche 
Bibliothek, herausgegeben von W. Foy, 1. Reihe: Ethnologische Bib- 
liothek.) Erster Band. Heidelberg: Carl Winters Uni\ersitatsbuch- 
handlung, 1920. vill, 466 pp., 138 figs., 223 pis. and ills., i map. 

Rafy, Mrs. Folk-Tales of the Khasis. London: Macniilian, 1920. 
XI, 160 pp., many ills. 

Rivers, \V. H. R. History and Ethnology. (History, v, 1920, 
pp. 65-80.) 

. Anthropology and the Missionary. (Reprinted from the 

C. M. Review for Sept., 1920.) 8 pp. 

■. Instinct and the Unconscious; a Contribution to a Biological 

Theory of the Psycho-Neuroses. Cambridge: University Press, 1920. 
viii, 252 pp. 

Salas, Dr. Julio C. Civilizacion y Barbarie. Estudios Sociologicos 
Americanos. Barcelona: Talleri^s graficos "Lux," 1921. 176 pp. 

Saville, Marshall H. The Goldsmith's Art in Ancient Mexico. 
(Indian Notes and Monographs.) New York: Museum of the Amer- 
ican Indian, 1920. 264 pp., 21 pis., 10 figs. 

Smith, Rev. Edwin W. and Dale, Captain Andrew Murray. The 
Ila-speaking Peoples of Northern Rhodesia. 2 vols. Macmillan and 
Co.: London, 1920. xxvii, 423 pp.; xiv, 443 pp.; numerous ills., i map. 

Speck, Frank G. Decorative Art and Basketry of the Cherokee. 
(Bulletin of the Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, 11, no. 2, pp. 
53-86, pis. 14-22.) Milwaukee, July, 1920. 

Speiser, F. Kultur-Komplexe in den Neuen Hebriden, Neu- 
Caledonien u. den Sta.-Cruz Inseln. (Archives suisses d'Anthropologie 
generale, 1919, pp. 300-319.) 


Termer, Franz. Uber den Landbau im alten Mexico. (Natur- 
wissenschaftliche Wochenschrift, N. F., xix, nr. 47, 1920, pp. 740-744.) 

Wiedemann, A. Das alte Agypten, (Kulturgeschichtliche Bib- 
liothek, herausgegeben von W. Foy, i. Reihe: Ethnologische Bibliothek 
mit Einschluss der altorientalischen Kulturgeschichte.) Heidelberg: 
Carl Winters Universitatsbuchhandlung, 1920. xv, 446 pp., 78 text 
figs., 26 pi. ills. 


The Central Arawaks: A Reply to Dr. Roth 

In the issue of the American Anthropologist for July-September, 1920, 
pp. 291-3, Dr. Roth published some "Comments" which had appeared 
February 22, 1920, in the Daily Chronicle, Demarara, as a " Book Review." 

When "The Central Arawaks" was published I sent Dr. Roth a copy 
and asked him to review it. He replied, October 9, 1919, that "it would 
hardly be fair to Melville and Ogilvie" for him to do so. Knowing that 
he had spent six months among the Wapisianas after I had visited them 
and that he would see Melville and Ogilvie to whom I had also sent 
copies, I had reason to expect the honest criticism I coveted. The un- 
explainable animus exhibited and the character of his "Comments" 
destroy any value they might otherwise have, as the following letter 
indicates. It will be observed that the letter, which is published here 
by permission, was written for another purpose. 

November 15, 1920. 
Dr. Clark Wissler, President 

American Anthropological Association 
Washington, D. C. 

Dear Dr. Wissler: Permit me to supplement my letter of November 13 with 
an additional observation. I have just read Roth's criticism of "The Central 
Arawaks," in No. 3 of the A. A. and am struck by his remark on p. 292, "The 
author should remember that the history and language of any of our Guiana 
tribes is not to be picked up by a few months' cursory travel, with notes and 
queries obtained en route, even when the expedition is backed by a lavish ex- 
penditure of money." This is another illustration of what I took the liberty of 
pointing out in my previous letter to you: this supercilious statement has no 
bearing whatever on the problems under discussion, but is simply a personal 
affront to Dr. Farabee and casts a serious reflection on the Institution to which 
he is attached. The concluding paragraph is just as insulting. The bold asser- 
tion of Mr. Roth that "the result has been a failure" does not at all follow from 
his preceding comments; he merely rectifies a few points of detail, none of which 
is fundamental, but a book is not to be regarded as a failure because it contains 
errors and even hundreds of errors. It is just this type of book which many 
times has advanced the progress of science, while numerous books, correct as 
tailors' dummies, merely exist on shelves, and have never exerted any influence. 
Mr. Roth does not give any proof for his grotesque generalization, nor does he 



produce the evidence for his charge that the "grammar and language" (a very 
logical mode of speaking!) are unreliable: criticism must be specific and exhaustive, 
but not dogmatic and generalized. . . . 

Very truly yours, 

(Signed) B. Laufer 
Field Museum, Chicago, III. 

Nevertheless Dr. Roth has inadvertently rendered me a very great 
service. He will agree that Melville and Ogilvie are the only authorities 
on the region under discussion. He has taken my publication back to 
my original authorities, on the ground where, to some extent, he could 
make comparisons with his own observations, and the only points he 
finds to criticize in the whole material and social culture of the four 
tribes are: (a) "A couple of methods of catching small animals and deer 
. . . neither of these devices have been hitherto seen or heard of . . ."; 
(b) "the bird trap lacks the upper portion of the peg . . . upon which 
the whole delicacy of the trap depends"; (c) "the form of spring-basket 
fish trap ... is unknown." 

All of the other ethnological material may be accepted since it has 
been passed unchallenged by the highest authorities. Furthermore there 
is no new information at hand from this source except that there is an 
"upper portion of the peg." The following facts must also be kept in 
mind: (a) No one had previously investigated the methods of catching 
small animals and deer in vogue among these people; (b) an Indian drew 
the picture of the bird trap (I am sorry the doctor did not supply the 
missing part); (c) Saturday, January 31, 1914, Ogilvie found a spring- 
basket fish trap at the third Mapidian village, and on Sunday morning, 
February 8, 1914, our old Taruma guide brought in two Haimara fish 
which he had caught in the spring-basket traps he carried with him. Our 
Wapisiana boys said that their people also used such traps, but I did not 
see these employed among them. We took four boys on our travels in 
the interior among other tribes for five months; they were greatly in- 
terested and called our attention to similarities and differences in cul- 
tures. We recommend our method of study to those who think they are 
close observers. 

About one third of Dr. Roth's review of a book on ethnology is given 
to four possible mistakes in the identification of more than a hundred 
plants and animals. He indeed says: "The value of the list of fish 
poisons is inappreciable in view of the absence of any scientific identi- 
fication of the plants." I regret that no botanist has identified the 
plants used for fish poisons. I published the local names with sufficient 

232 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

description for their recognition. I gave the ethnological data concern- 
ing the extraction and use of the poisons and also I described the effect 
of the poisons on the fish. I still think it was well worth doing even 
if I could not supply the Latin names in parentheses. I am surprised 
that Dr. Roth, a medical man, has not taken advantage of his wonderful 
opportunity to study some of these poisons from the point of view of 
their medicinal value. 

Dr. Roth makes the broad statement that my Wapisiana linguistic 
material is "hopelessly inaccurate." He does not claim personal knowl- 
edge but speaks upon the authority of Melville without furnishing any 
evidence whatsoever. For twenty-four years Melville had been most 
intimately associated with the Atarois, while Ogilvie had been living 
and working with the Wapisianas for fourteen years. Ogilvie had made 
collections for museums with scientific notes on the use of the specimens. 
He had made a Wapisiana vocabulary of useful words along with their 
grammatical constructions in sentences. When he and Mehille dis- 
agreed about Wapisiana I tested the matter as far as possible with the 
Indians and accepted the better authority. 

In the last paragraph Dr. Roth speaks of "one bright spot . . . the 
excellence of the illustrations." I am in full agreement! Several of 
the best illustrations are from Melville's negatives and his name is 
published unth the photographs. "One plate [there were five] ... re- 
quires explanation" because it has been published elsewhere with a 
different legend. He finishes with a flourish and an interrogation, 
"which is correct?" Now, the good doctor knew at the time he was 
writing that it was Melville's photograph (he had seen Melville), that I 
did not write the earlier legend, and that I was in no way responsible for 
its first publication (the journal referred to said I was still in the field). 

The "lavish expenditure of money" is considered a legitimate argu- 
ment against any American in man},' countries, but Dr. Roth has the 
honor of being the first to use it in scientific discussion. But how in- 
appropriate in southern British Guiana where I lived and traveled for 
five months without seeing a penny! No one can pay for lodging or 
assistance at Melville's place where Dr. Roth made his headquarters for 
six months. 

Note Dr. Roth's exact scientific methods. He begins by misstating 
the title and contents of the book. He refers to articles in the American 
Anthropologist, the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, and 
the "Philadelphia Museum Journal" (there is no such publication) with- 
out giving dates. He criticises the "whole of the area under considera- 


tion" and refers to Mr. Melville only as authority, yet neither he nor Mr. 
Melville ever saw two of the four tribes under consideration. Neither 
of them ever visited the Wai-Wais, yet he says a certain trap is met 
with among the latter. Neither of them ever saw the interior forests, yet 
he is bold enough to say that certain trees do not grow there. It is to 
be observed that Dr. Roth does not quote Mr. Melville. 

William C. Farabee 
The University Museum, 
Philadelphia, Pa. 

Indian Corn Hills 

As a footnote to the neglected topic of Indian corn hills, described in 
such an interesting fashion by Messrs. Delabarre and Wilder {American 
Anthropologist, July-September, 1920), attention may be called to the 
existence of similar remnants of Indian agriculture in the vicinity of 
Mohegan, Conn. Unfortunately the writer did not make any of the 
careful measurements submitted by the authors of the article referred 
to, but perhaps memory will serve for a few outstanding features. 

The corn hills observed, during a few days visit to Mohegan last 
August, are in two localities. One of them is an eight to ten acre pasture 
on high ground, a few minutes walk a little to the southeast of the Indian 
meeting house. The mounds which stud this field are, from the point 
of view of order, intermediary between those described by Lapham and 
the hills referred to at Assonet neck. They probably resemble quite 
closely those described at Northampton, Mass. 

In the second locality, which is also pasture but farther towards the 
Thames River, and bordering on wooded land, the hills are quite ir- 
regularly scattered and few, if any, can be said to be in rows. It is said 
that mounds also existed in a field close to the first locality mentioned, 
but within a year or two the white man's plow has entirely obliterated 
all traces of them. 

It is of no little significance that there is an unbroken tradition at 
Mohegan regarding these corn hills. Anyone asked will point them out 
as such. As soon as an opportunity presents itself the writer will en- 
deavor to examine them with more care. 

A. I. Hallowell 

Philadelphia, Pa. 

A Haida Kinship Term Among the Tsimshian 
On page 269 of the American Anthropologist for 1920 (No. 3) I sug- 
gested that the Nass River vocative hadi.-"' "father," used by female 

234 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

children only, was borrowed from the corresponding Haida term Jwda-'i. 
Since this statement was published, I have received a note from Mr. 
William Beynon, a Tsimshian of Port Simpson, B. C, which turns the 
hypothesis into a practical certainty. He writes: 

Your theory, I am sure, is correct. I was struck by this term being used 
only by the female children of Haida parents, three of maternal descent and one 
paternal. These have been adopted into the Tsimshian tribes, ha'31 and hddi 
are the terms used by these female children to their fathers. On making inquiries 
among them as to the reason the term was not general among all the Tsimshian, 
[I learned that it was not a true Tsimshian word] but was a term introduced by 
those of Haida origin. There are only four such families there, but strong enough 
to show or bear out your theory on this. 

This is an excellent example of infiltration into a tribe of a kinship 
usage from an alien tribe by way of intermarriage and adoption. Among 
the Tsimshian proper the Haida term is still felt as an intrusive element. 
Among the Nass River people it has already become so well established 
as a native term that an Indian like Mr. Calder is totally unaware of its 
Haida origin and proposes to connect it with the native term for "in- 

E. Sapir 

Victoria Memorial Museum, 
Ottawa, Canada 

Anthropometric Me.^suremexts 

The following correction which was printed in Science, Jan. 7, 1 921, 
is repeated here because it also concerns readers of the Ajithropologist: 

During the sessions of two International Congresses of Anthropology, in 
1906 at Monaco, and in 1912 at Geneva, rules were drawn up for the standardizing 
of the more usual anthropological measurements. The work was undertaken in 
each case by a Committee, and the official reports were published by certain 
members to whom this duty was assigned. 

The prescription of 1906 included measurements of the skull and of the 
head and facial features of the living. It was published in the French language 
by Dr. Papillault and appeared in the pages of L' Anthropologic (Vol., 17, 1906, 
PP- 559~572). The prescription of 1912 was the work of a larger and more 
representative Committee, which, aside from French, German, and Italian 
members, included members from Great Britain, the United States, Russia, and 
Switzerland, countries not included in the former report. The official reporters of 
this prescription, which included measurements of the living body, exclusive of 
those of the head and face, were Drs. Rivet, Schlaginhaufen, and Duckworth, 
who published their reports in French, German, and English respectively. 

Having these data in mind I was led to state, in the preface to my recent 


Manual of Anthropometry, that the official reports of the prescription of 1912 
were pubHshed only on the other side of the Atlantic, and appeared in an American 
journal for the first time in 1919, when Dr. Duckworth's official report was 
reprinted by Dr. Hrdlicka in his new American Journal of Physical Anthropology. 

While this statement, so far as regards only the official reports, is strictly true, 
I should have mentioned also that unofficial, but equally accurate and trustworthy, 
reports were published in other countries, and especially should I have cited the 
report of Dr. MacCurdy, also a member of the Committee which drew up the 
prescription in Geneva. His report in full of this prescription was translated 
by him at the time of the Congress from Dr. Rivet's personal copy, and appeared 
during the same year, in both Science and the American Anthropologist. Had I 
noticed this in time I would certainly have brought it to the attention of the 
readers of my book, and wish to take this opportunity to rectify my unintentional 

The citations referred to are the following: 

Science: N. S., Vol. 36, No. 931, Nov. i, 1912, pp. 603-608. 

American Anthropologist: Vol. 14, No. 4, Oct.-Dec, 1912, pp. 621-631. 

Harris Hawthorne Wilder 

Smith College, 

Northampton, Mass., 

December 17, 1920 

Note on Cadzow's "Native Copper Objects of the Copper Eskimo" 

The specimens that are described and illustrated by Mr. Cadzow 
(Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, 1920, Msc. Pubs. 
No. 8) were obtained in 1919 at Fort Norman on the Mackenzie River, 
where a small party of Copper Eskimos was spending the summer. 

For nearly twenty years the Copper Eskimos have been in almost 
continuous contact wath white men, and their culture has undergone a 
profound change. Now there is hardly a bow in the country, iron has 
superseded copper in nearly everything, and the old style of dress is 
being rapidly abandoned. Even in 191 1 the natives had begun to manu- 
facture copper implements for sale. Dr. R. M. Anderson, who spent the 
summer of 1911 in Coronation Gulf, tells me that a Coppermine River 
Eskimo tried to sell him a copper tomahawk modelled after the Indian 
weapon. By 1914, when the southern party of the Canadian Arctic 
Expedition established its headquarters in Dolphin and Union Straits, 
copper had ceased to be used, other than as rivets, in all but arrows and 
the fishing implements. 

Most of the specimens, then, that Mr. Cadzow illustrates must have 
been manufactured for sale. The majority correctly reproduce the 
ancient types, but the snow-knife (Plate Va), which is a model of the 

236 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 23, 1921 

bone or horn knife, haviuyak, used for chopping up the snow for the 
cooking-pot, never, as far as we know, had a copper blade. The adze 
figured in Plate VIII would probably have had in actual use a protecting 
band of seal-skin under the lashings to prevent them from being cut 
through. I am not sure whether harpoons like the one figured in Plate 
IX ever had copper shanks; normally that portion of the weapon was of 
caribou antler. The seal-indicator, to be complete, should have a small 
round disc near the bottom, although this feature is occasionally lacking. 
The remaining specimens seem not to differ from the genuinely old types 

scattered in different museums throughout America. 

D. Jenness 
Geological Survey, 
Ottawa, Canada 

The Classification of American Languages 
The recent article by Dr. Boas {American Anthropologist, N.s., vol. 22, 
pp. 367 et sq.) is a discussion of the theoretical point of view one should 
adopt in classifying American languages. On the whole I am very 
much in sympathy with his remarks: see my paper on American languages 
in the Journal of the Washington Academy of Sciences (vol. vii, pp. 222 
et sq., 1917). But there is one point which I think Dr. Boas overlooks 
when discussing the borrowing of morphological features, admitting 
that he has made it very plausible that a number of borrowings occur 
where they had not been previously suspected. And this is that, if the 
morphological resemblances between two supposedly distinct but con- 
tiguous stocks were entirely due to borrowings, by the doctrine of chances 
we should expect to find similar borrowings in another supposedly dis- 
tinct but contiguous stock. And this is demonstrably not the case in 
at least certain instances. Thus Athapascan, so far as we know, has 
been in just as intimate contact for a very long period with Salishan and 
Esquimauan as with Tlingit; but there is not the slightest resemblance 
structurally between Athapascan, Salishan, and Esquimauan. On the 
other hand admittedly there is a very decided structural resemblance 
between Athapascan and Tlingit, even if the amount of vocabulary 
held in common is very small. Or again, Algonquian has been in just 
as intimate contact with Iroquoian, Siouan, and Muskhogean for at 
least several hundred years as it has with Esquimauan. Yet structurally 
Esquimauan and Algonquian resemble each other, and similarly Siouan 
and Muskhogean: but observe that the first pair does not resemble the 
second pair nor does either member of the first group resemble either one 
of the second. Similar cases occur in the Southwest and also Northwest. 


Now if the above were entirely due to borrowing we sliould expect to 
find resemblances equally distributed where the supposedly distinct 
stocks are contiguous. If the resemblances are confined to one or two 
features, they may safely be ascribed to acculturation; but when there 
are far-reaching structural resemblances between two or more supposedly 
distinct (and especially contiguous) stocks we may legitimately infer an 
ancient genetic connection which perhaps can no longer be proved owing 
to very early differentiation. The actual application of the above prin- 
ciple on a large scale is quite another thing. We are probably not yet 
in a position to make final announcement of such ancient genetic con- 
nections, though tentative results might properly be made public. The 
recent efforts to prove genetic connections on a large scale have been 
deplorable from a methodological point of view. Enthusiasts have 
cast all prudence to the winds; still their work has not been entirely in 
vain, for they have at least called attention to problems which must be 
faced sooner or later. 

Truman Michelson 
Bureau of American Ethnology, 
Washington, D. C. 

Some Criticisms of Curtis's "Songs from the Dark Continent" 

In the recently published So7igs from the Dark Continent by Natalie 
Curtis (Schirmer, 1920) we find an anachronism quite surprising in this 
day of scientific exactness. The cover design, the illustrations of tex- 
tiles, of carved figures and other objects, are all taken from materials 
found among the Bushongo, a tribe located just south of the Congo 
River and east and north of the Kassai, while the songs and the young 
men eulogized are of the Ndau and Zulu tribes. The Ndau is a small 
tribe in Portuguese East Africa near the coast, and the Zulu are farther 
south. There is such a great distance between the Bushongo and these 
east-coast tribes that there is not the least justification for using such 
illustrative material. The art work of the Bushongo is entirely distinc- 
tive, and if it is shared by other tribes that fact has not been recorded. 
The report of Torday and Joyce is our main source of information on the 

The ivory work of the Mangbettu, considerably to the northeast of the 
Bushongo, also represents a high development, but very different in 
design and technique. There are no correspondences between the 
products of the two peoples so far as exhibited specimens indicate. 

The early Bantu migrations are now so distant in time and so mythical 

238 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

that to suppose the Xdau or Zulu to be directly enough allied to such a 
tribe as the Bushongo as to be entitled to a "hereditary" use of their 
art designs is to draw upon the imagination to an unwarrantable extent. 
A comparable case would be to illustrate tales of the Plains Indians with 
art designs from the North Pacific Coast Indians. In one case both 
tribes are Negroes, in the other both are North American Indians — 
hardly an adequate basis for the use of art designs. 

The use of the term "Central African" as a caption to the photo- 
graphs is sufficiently indefinite to cover almost any material which would 
make the book pleasing in effect. As a geographical term "Central 
Africa" includes the vast area south of the Soudan to Rhodesia and 
middle Angola, and east from the coastal plain along the Atlantic to 
the lakes and the great central range of mountains. Within this area 
there is to be found wide diversity of culture and of type. The products 
of one part of the region are not characteristic of other parts. As for 
calling the Bushongo art work typical of "Central Africa," this in itself is 
most misleading. To imply that the Bushongo art well represents the 
work which Ndau or Zulu might accomplish is even more misleading. 

As for the value of the musical contribution to the study of primitive 
music, I am not competent to judge. In appearance and arrangement 
the book is most attractive, the reproductions of textiles and wood- 
carving unusually well done. The appeal for Hampton Institute is a 
very telling one and the stories of the young men sufficiently sentimental 
to turn their heads completely. 

The photographs and reproductions used in this volume closely 
resemble specimens in the Africa Hall of the American Museum of 
Natural History, New York, and yet nowhere in the volume is there any 
acknowledgment of their source. It is customary to show this courtesy 
in any instance in which an author's own material is not used. 

Agnes C. L. Donohugh 

New York City 

Note on the Hunting Territories of the Sauk and Fox 

We have all followed Professor Speck's discussions of the hunting 
territories of Algonquin Indians with interest, and it is for this reason 
that I venture to add the following quotation from Marston (1820) on 
the Sauk and Fox regarding this point: "it being previously determined 
on in council what particular ground each part shall hunt on" (most 
readily accessible in Blair, Indian Tribes of the Upper Mississipi and the 
Great Lakes Regions, vol. 11, p. 14S). It is most unfortunate that we do 


^ not know exactly what "each part" was. However, so much at least 

is clear, namely, that the hunting territories were not hereditary. 

Truman Michelson 
Bureau of American Ethnology, 
Washington, D. C. 

Pressure-fracture Processes: An Omission 

I note that in Mr. W. H. Holmes's "Handbook of Aboriginal Amer- 
ican Antiquities, Part I, Introductory; the Lithic Industries" no mention 
or reference is made under pressure-fracture processes (Ch. xxx) to 
the method described and illustrated by Roth from northern Queensland 
of obtaining the ultimately fine cutting edge by tapping the stone with 
a piece of flat hardwood. He saw it employed in the manufacture of 
stone chisels, and has published a description of it in Domestic Imple- 
ments, Arts, and Manufactures, Brisbane, 1904, a work that Mr. Holmes 
has omitted from his bibliography. 

Walter E. Roth 

British Guiana 


Note on the Night Chant at Tuwelchedu which Came to an End 
ON December 6, 1920* 

Even when a ceremonial has been as thoroughly described as the 
Night Chant by Washington Matthews, subsequent observations are 
not without significance as part of the historical record. A brief report, 
therefore, of a recent naakhdi, the concluding dance in that nine day 
ceremony, indicating a few variations from Matthews's account, may be 
of interest. Of interest also is the relation of the Tewa and Hopi of 
First Mesa to the Navaho. 

Word of the dance was brought to First Mesa by a visiting Navaho 
family on their way to a "Fire dance" in the west. On November 29, 
my Tewa host in Sichumovi said that word had been sent to him from 
Tewa that they were thinking there of going to Tuwelchedu to dance. 
My host belonged in the Tewa group who danced "Navaho"; he was in 
fact the dance director. Since during the next few days he had to be 
away from the mesa his Tewa colleagues finally gave up the idea of going 
to Tuweichedu. Had they gone, they would have formed one of the 
many dance sets assembled from different parts of the country. In 
other words, these Tewa-Hopi would have constituted an integral part 
of the Navaho ceremony. 

As it was, only a few from First Mesa went to the dance, Tom, the 
Hopi trader, in his automobile with a load of apples and bottles of a 
sweet, pink drink, two families in wagons, and a half dozen men on horse- 
back. We made a fire for ourselves, the back part of the wagons serving 
as box seats, and there was an interchange of food and coffee and Hopi 
jokes — against the enveloping Navaho a little self-protective circle, a 
not uncritical circle. 

It was of the dancing we were critical. It did not come up to Pueblo 
Indian standards. "They pay no attention to each other, and they 
don't know how to step," was the comment of more than one Hopi. 
One Navaho set was commended as dancing "almost like Zuiii." 

To the Hopi ear the songs of each dancer set were different — to me, 
as to Matthews, they seemed identical or very similar. The Hopi ap- 
peared to have scant knowledge of the ritual. My Tewa friend who 

' Tuwefchedu is about thirty miles southeast of First or East Mesa. 



spoke Xavaho did not know the names of the war gods or anything about 
the impersonations except that they were called hastinu, old ones, al- 
though he thought that the third masked figure in the late afternoon 
appearance represented, not hastseoltoi, but estsdnatlehi or, as he said, 
iiale, man-woman. This interpretation is sometimes held, to be sure, 
by Navaho laymen, according to Matthews. Incidentally I note that 
in describing estdnatlehi as Changing Woman, Matthews fails to bring 
out the fact that the change is hermaphroditic; such it is at least in Tewa 
opinion. The Tewa, by the way, have their own warrior woman, pohaha, 
who, as her mother was wheeling her hair, rushed out to fight, with one 
side of her head done and the hair of the other side hanging, in the way 
in which the Zuni kolamana (god, man-woman) is represented. 

My Tewa friend displayed ignorance about the ceremonial in other 
particulars; he thought, for example, that the patient had been cured the 
previous year. How much of the ceremony of the preceding days he 
knew about I do not know, but even if he knew about its occurrence, he 
certainly did not think of it as in itself the curing ceremony. The 
patient had been cured, he thought, of "a k'atsina sickness," i.e., he had 
tried different doctors and their medicines and the medicine that cured 
him was k'atsina medicine, proving that his sickness had been k'atsina 
sickness, therefore he was having the k'atsina ceremony. It would be 
extremely interesting to learn if this is mere Pueblo interpretation or if 
there is something to it from the Navaho point of view, information not 
secured by Matthews. Matthews has little to say, we may note, about 
the kind of sickness for which the Night Chant is held, or why it is chosen 
in preference to any other curing ceremonial. 

The two main variations in the performance, as I saw it, from the 
performances described by Matthews were, first, that the brush green- 
room opened, not to the south, but to the east, and second that the 
patient sprinkled the First Dancers, not from right to left, but in the 
usual sunwise direction, from left hand up left arm across chest and down 
right arm to right hand. 

All of the following particulars are indicated by Matthews as charac- 
teristic of one performance or another, or are points of very minor detail. 
The new hogan was circular. . . . Sprinkling of the dancers by the 
patient, after the sprinkling of the First Dancers, was extremely per- 
functory, in fact there was nothing in his tray basket to sprinkle. . . . 
The dance figure took less than three minutes to execute, the number of 
repetitions by each set was extremely erratic, from four or five to nine 
or ten. "Each set will repeat four times and only four times," a Hopi 


had persisted in saying to me, until I made him count with me the repeti- 
tions of one of the sets — a little illustration of how the Pueblo Indian 
is ever given to standardizing. 

No observer of Pueblo Indian dances could have failed to be critical, 
not merely of the dancing, but of the costuming in this dance. The 
Zuni or Hopi sense of style was lacking. One set of dancers impersonat- 
ing the male yet wore flesh-colored flannels. In some cases a kerchief 
took the place of the pendent fox skin. Impersonators of the female yei 
were mostly dressed in shirt and trousers. In some cases a woman's 
skirt was worn over the trousers; in some cases the impersonator was 
nude and kilted, like the male impersonation. A kilted female im- 
personation dancing next to a be-skirted impersonation went far to de- 
tract from the uniformity of design which appears to be essential, in the 
Pueblo view, as in our view, to a handsome appearance. 

The beard or fringe of the mask of the female impersonations was 
made of strings of jet, a row of abalone-shell fragments giving the finish 
where the fringe was fastened to the mask. 

While the dance paint is on, a Navaho dancer, like a Zuiii dancer, 
must remain continent; but the Pueblo Indian is more careful, I think, 
in washing off his dance paint. The morning after the dance at Tuwel- 
chedu the dancers could be recognized by the traces of white ])aint still 
on their hands or wrists.' 

The dancers may have been short on water, to be sure, although the 
place where we were congregated was possessed, as you might expect, of 
a spring, a spring belonging to Hastin Nes, step-father of the patient. 

Hastin Nes was said by the Hopi to be a kiaani clansman, his wife, 
the mother of the patient, a Tobacco-Rabbit (k'achin) clanswoman, and 
a Hopi woman. The Tobacco-Rabbit clan of First Mesa was described 
in this connection as having other Navaho afifiliations. Tapulu, the 
legendary village chief who is said to have called in men of Oraibi and 
Walpi to destroy his town, Awatobi, was a Tobacco clansman. Of the 
attack, Tapulu had warned his clahspeople, the story runs,^ and they 
left their mesa to scatter among the Navaho to the east, i.e., in the direc- 
tion of Tuwelchedu where "they became Navaho." Later some of 
these Awatobi-Navaho Tobacco people went to First Mesa. Together 
with the interesting fact of intertribal marriage appears in this connec- 

* Between this story and Hopi folk tales there is little or no difference. I attach 
little or no historical significance to the story of Tapulu. The history of the relations 
between the Hopi of First Mesa and quite probably of Awatobi and the Navaho is 
undoubtedly far more complicated than the origin stories of clan and ceremonial 


tion another fact of interest, but not of course a novel fact, namely that 
the Hopi carry their fondness for equating clans even into the clan system 
of the Navaho. This equation of the so-called Navaho Rabbit clan^ 
and the Hopi Tobacco clan may be the source of the Tobacco-Rabbit 
clan classification that has puzzled observers.^ 

Elsie Clews Parsons 
New York City 

Notes by G. Comer on the Natives of the Northwestern 
Shores of Hudson Bay 

The Southampton Island Eskimo. — These numbered 58 all told in 
1899, inhabiting the southwestern shore from the Bay of God's Mercy 
to the southern end. That summer the steamer Active built a whaling 
station on the island and brought over one hundred natives from other 
parts of the coast to work for it. Three white men were also there for 
the greater part of the time. This occupancy proved fatal to the South- 
ampton Islanders of whom, by the spring of 1903, only one woman and 
four small children were left. These were transferred to Repulse Bay by 
the Active along with the other Eskimo, when the station was removed 
to that point. Later the woman died, leaving at the time of writing 
(1907-9) only the four children — one boy and three girls — out of what, 
judging by the old dwellings, must formerly have been a considerable 
tribe. The children were adopted by Eskimo of the Aivilik tribe. 

Burial Customs of the Southampton Islandzrs. — The body seems to 
have been laid head toward the east, with a wall of stones around it and 
a flat stone on top. Several of the implements which the deceased had 
formerly used were laid under a stone near the head of the grave and near 
by was another stone on which the mourners would sit while they talked 
to him. K man whom I knew, Kum-er-kaw-yer [Kama Kauyaa] by 
name, requested that, when he died, he should be buried in the ground-ice 
so that when the ice broke up and went out to sea he would go out with 
it; then his spirit would be able to look out for and protect his people 
whejn they were out on the ice or in their kayaks. Afterward those who 

1 In Matthews's list of Navaho clans ("Navaho Legends," Mem. Amer. Folk- 
Lore Society, v, 29-31, 1897) I find neither Rabbit nor k'achin included. The other 
clan mentioned in my notes, kiaani, is perhaps identifiable with Matthews's kinad^ni, 
High Standing (or Stone) House, a' group said in the legends to live near such a house. 

2 See Kroeber, A. L., "Zuili Kin and Clan," p. 144. Anthrop. Papers Amer. Mus. 
Nat. Hist., vol. xvni, Pt. 11, 1917. The suggestion of Navaho provenience is sup- 
ported by the fact that the classification occurs only among the Hopi. (This clan is 
extinct at Zufli, and therefore the question so far as that Pueblo is concerned is doubt- 

244 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

went hunting in either manner threw some gift into the water to Kum-er- 
kaw-yer's spirit supposing that success would attend them in consequence. 

Methods of Carrying Children. — It is the custom of the native women 
to carry small children on their backs, and there are two ways of doing so. 
One is to let the child lie pressed against its mother's back with its feet 
forced up to its body, the knees well spread and held up by a strap, both 
ends being at her throat. The other way, generally in vogue among the 
Netchilik and also at Tununiq (Ponds Bay), is to let each leg of the 
child go down the sleeve of the woman's coat. In either case, of course, 
the garments of the mother are made to fit the requirements. 

Social Advancement among the Ighilik Eskimo. — One of the young 
natives in the vessel's employ caught a wolf in a trap, and that night, 
in accordance with the custom of his tribe (the Iglulik), he slept with 
his clothes on. His position as a hunter was elc\atcd in consequence. 
This custom prevails among the Tununiq or Ponds Bay natives. 

Aivilik Birth Customs. — When a child is born the woman's husband 
should do no work for three days. Otherwise the child's body will ha 
covered with bruised spots. The navel string must be severed with a 
piece of sharp white quartz instead of a metal knife. 

Customs and Beliefs Noted at Cape FuUerton. — When a hunter finds 
a young seal born i:)rematureh- he saves the skin, and afterward, when 
the ground shakes or loud noises are heard such as thunder, he beats the 
ground with it and all becomes quiet again, the bad spirits all leaving.^ 

When a bear kills a seal and eats it it would be supposed that the 
skeleton would be torn apart, but this is not the case. I have seen such a 
skeleton on the ice and have wondered how it could be preserved in a 
perfect condition, but the natives say it is the custom of the bear never 
to break the bones apart. They think this is done by the bear so as 
not to offend the seal's spirit or N^^de le a uke [\uliayuq], the goddess 
who is the mistress of life. 

Natives of different tribes assert that when a deer drops its young 
prematurely it does not dig holes in the snow to procure its food for the 
remainder of the winter, but waits until another deer has cleared away 
the snow and has afterward left it. This is said to be in comi)liance with 
the laws of the goddess. 

Notes on the Nez Perce Indians 

The following notes were recorded by Livingston Farrand in August, 
1902, the informant being a Nez Perce Indian named Jonas Hayes. 

1 See Boas, The Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay, Bull. Am. Mtis. Nat. 
Hist., vol. XV, p. 146. 


Divellings. — In ancient times the tepees were covered with reeds 
woven together; the use of buffalo skins came later. The common form 
of dwelling was round accommodating only one or two families, but some- 
times they constructed dwellings for several families, each having its 
own fireplace. 

Food. — In summer they fished for salmon in Snake River and other 
streams of clear water. In September they went into the mountains to 
hunt and stayed there two or three months. Until horses were intro- 
duced, which happened when Jonas's father was a little boy, they made 
this journey on foot. The length of their stay depended upon the 
amount of game which they were able to secure. In the spring they dug 
roots. The best place for these is across the Clearwater (?) from Lapwai, 
beyond the Snake River. They obtained canias roots on the famous 
Camas prairie. 

Naming. — A child was named at birth, but when a boy reached man- 
hood he changed, usually adopting the name of an ancestor; but if he 
had acquired supernatural power he took the name from his helper. 

The Supernatural Helper. — In former times a certain Indian became 
a prophet, communicating to the people knowledge which he claimed to 
have obtained from the moon and stars. It was in accordance with 
his directions that they sent their little boys, between the ages of six and 
ten, into the mountains alone. The boys would stay there one night, or 
perhaps three or four. Then the boy would hear a voice saying "There 
is someone standing by you." Turning round he would see a person 
standing near holding a bow and arrows, and this person would say to 
him: "Do you see my arrows? They are used to kill deer or any other 
kind of animal. I will give them to you. When you get home, you, too, 
must make arrows with which to kill things." He also gave the boy a 
song — an arrow song. The person that had appeared in this manner 
remained the boy's guardian spirit during the rest of his life. After 
acquiring power in this way the boy would make charms. Boys who 
did not go into the mountains to secure helpers were thought to be of 
no account. Girls were also sent into the mountains for the same 

In order to increase his supernatural power a man from time to time 
sang his own medicine song, acquired in the mountains or elsewhere, and 
danced. He was assisted by others to whom he afterward gave presents. 
A man would kill his "tamanous" animal, apologizing to it afterward — 
but he would not eat of it. There were stories told of boys who had 
been carried away to live with the animals. 

246 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 192 1 

Dances.— Besides the dance just mentioned there was a war dance, 
participated in by all warriors about to take part in an expedition. 
Hunting dances were held in winter in order to secure good luck for the 
next hunt. 

Shamans. — Shamans acquired power by fasting. As Jonas learned in 
his training fast, they had special styles of painting. His own colors 
were red and white. Yellow and black were the colors used for dancing 
in general; red, white, and yellow were the special war dance colors. 
Some few used black. There was no tattooing, nor did they pierce their 
noses, this they said being a Yakima custom. They did not wear ear- 

Marriage and Inheritance. — The parents of both parties exchanged 
gifts. The girl's father gave bags, food, and things of a like nature; 
the youth's father gave a horse, elk-teeth, and similar articles. In case 
of divorce the presents were not returned. Polygamy was common and 
depended on wealth. The widow inherited and if she remarried with 
the consent of her husband's family she could retain the property; if 
not, they took her inheritance. The bulk of the estate went to the oldest 

Burial. — The dead were buried under stones. Feasts were given for 
the deceased by his family, but there were no dances. They might be 
put off for a year, and great stores of food were gotten ready for them. 
No food was buried with the corpse, only fine clothes, but horses were 
often killed, especially at the death of a chief. As a sign of mourning the 
hair was cut off at the neck and old clothes were worn, but there was no 
special paint used at that time. 

Some Chippewa Medicinal Receipts . 

\\"hile I was Indian Agent at Nett Lake, Minnesota, one of the Bois 
Fort medicine men, known as George Farmer Nebedaykeshigokay, 
allowed me to copy his medicinal receipts from his note book. These I 
give below, believing that, though they are not very scientific, they will 
be of interest to students. The receipts were written in the Chippewa 
(Ojibwa) language but in our characters. The Indian original is given 
first with interlinear translation and afterward a complete explanation in 


Is-gi-ka-mi-si-gan. Mush-gi-gi ow omisat od-ji-bi-ga-wit. (a) Se-se-ga-dag 
boil in a kettle medicine this stomach died trembling swamp spruce 

in fit 



{b) o-si-si-ge-bi-mish, (c) shi-gwag, {d) ka-bi-sa-da-gi-sit, (e) mi-squa-bi-mag, 

bark of a small Norway 

pine white pine 


willow that grows 

near the lake (pus- 

sy willow) 

(/) mi-ti-go-mish, (g) anib, 

(/?) mi-naig, 

(/) ni-naig-wa-dag, 

(_/) sasibagwat 

oak white elm 

upland spruce 

balsam spruce 


bagi dagonigate. 




1 ittle put in 


bad sore 

I cut with ax put 

bad sick 

put medicine 

medicine on too 

This medicine is for pain in the stomach, also for fainting and fits of 
trembling. Make a tea of the following roots and barks by boiling or 
steeping in a kettle: swamp spruce, pussy willow, Norway pine, white 
pine, kinnikinik, oak, white elm, upland spruce, balsam spruce, and add 
a little sugar to sweeten it. 


(c) wi-gwas, 
white birch 

bad blood (inside) 

{d) winisik, 
vellow birch 


mi-na: (a) a-sa-ti, {h) manasati, 

give (or take) white poplar yellow poplar 

{e) mi-ti-ko-mish, 
a large oak 

(/) wisa-gi-mi-ti-go-mish, 
a small oak 

(g) mis-gwa-bi-mag, {h) bi-gwa-dji-mi-squa-bimag, 
kinnikinik the taller variety of kinnikinik 

{i) ki-si-swa-ti-go-wit o-ti-ni-ga-sa. 
(and) all the trees south of you 

As a medicine for bad diseases of the blood boil the bark of the follow- 
ing trees and shrubs: white poplar, yellow poplar, white birch, yellow 
birch, large oak, small oak, small kinnikinik, large kinnikinik, and all 

the trees south of you. 


(a) Adjimag, (A) mitigomish, (c) anib, {d) shishi-gi-me-wish, {e) asa edema 
ash oak white elm sugar maple put in tobacco 


little close trees 

ko-ko-sa-wet (or ho-ko-sa-wet) 

For gonorrhea make a tea of the root-bark of the following trees: 
ash, oak, white elm, and sugar maple; add a little tobacco and set the 

(6) ka-bi-sanigwe 





248 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

solution just east of and quite close to some trees. When it is cool drink 
a cupful three times a day. 


Mash-gi-ko (a) wish-go-bi-dji-big, 

Medicine horsetails 

agwash-ga-tet ma-ni-ga-got 
(f^-) bad sick stomach or bowels bad sick 
by eating too much 

For a "bad-sick" stomach, caused by eating too much, or for con- 
stipation, drink a medicine-tea made of horsetails and horsemint boiled 



Mash-gi-ki ow ag-wash-ga-tet. Mi-na-a o-na-bo-gan: (a) na-nie-\vash-gos, 
Medicine this stomach (or bowels) drink make in cup native peppermint 

(b) na-me-bin, (c) ka-ga-gi-mish, (d) ki-bai-mi-nah-ni-ha-gon, (e) a-te-go-bin 
another pepper slippery (or common fern crow-pills 

plant red) elm (crowberry) 

A medicine for stomach trouble is made b>" drinking a cupful of tea 
prepared by boiling native peppermint, a rush pc])per-i)lant. Minnesota 
fern, and the roots of the crowberry, and slippery elm (or common red 
elm) together. 

VVaba-no-wa-ia-i mash-gi-ki: (a) ma-ga-ni-bish ba-gwanan ma-dji-mash-gi-gi 
Eastern medicine leaves sarsaparilla this medicine 

mi-na-it mi-na-a. 
take it drink 


Another remedy for fainting and fits, also used as a blood medicine, 
is to drink sarsaparilla tea, made from the leaves of that plant. My 
informant advised me that this remedy is called "Eastern Medicine," 
because it is the medicine of the W'abeno (Eastern) Society of his people. 


(a) Wi-ni-si-ba-gon, (b) sa-ga-go-mi-na-ga-shin, (c) a-sa-te-odji-bi-ga-a-nit, 
swamp tea plant (a low-lying kinnikinik poplar, white poplar root 

plant with small leaves and 
running vine, growing in the 
swamps of Minnesota) 

(d) ma-na-sa-ti, (e) odja-gi-sot a-go-bi-son. 

balm-of-Gilead poplar root * apply on (a.ilicted parts) 


This is a general remedy. Take the roots of the swamp tea plant, 
kinnikinik, white poplar, and balm-of-Gilead poplar, and pound them 
into a pulp. Make this into a strong tea, and apply it to the afflicted 
parts by placing cloths on them and pouring the tea on the cloths so as 
to saturate them thoroughly. The pounded roots and bark are also 
applied hot from the steeping tray. It is a remedy much used in rheu- 
matism and kindred diseases. This is taken in part from an oral ex- 
planation by Nebedaykeshigokay. 


Ki-sha-o-ti-sot a-ko-bi-son: (a) Ok-i-ni-mi-na-gash, {b) ka-wa-go-mish, 
(For) cut foot apply on rosebush bitter root 

(c) mi-gwa-mi-ge-shi-na-g\vag. Mi-squi-wit badji mi-na-a. 
elm for bleeding little drink 

For a cut foot apply a tea made by boiling together roots of the rose- 
bush, bitter root, and elm. A little of this tea is also taken internally 
in cases of bleeding. 

Albert B. Reagan 
• Kayenta, Arizona 



George \V. Grayson 

George \\'ashington Grayson, Avhose death occurred December 3, 
1920, was well known to American ethnologists on account of the as- 
sistance which he rendered all students of his peoi^le, the Indians of the 
Creek Confederacy, and the intelligent zeal he displayed in having a 
permanent record made of their customs, ceremonies, and everything 
bearing upon their earlier history. He was born in the year 1843 five 
miles northwest of the present town of Eufaula, in what is now the state 
of Oklahoma. He was a direct descendant of Robert Grierson, a Scotch 
trader at Hilibi town near the Tallapoosa ri\er, Alabama, one whose 
character was highly extolled by Benjamin Hawkins, first United States 
agent to the Creek Indians, and all of his other contemporaries. Mr. 
Grayson's own parents were without education, but they were deter- 
mined that their children should enjoy this advantage and at an early 
age sent the subject of this sketch and his brother to the Asberry Mission 
Methodist school on the North Fork of the Canadian River where they 
remained until they were sixteen or seventeen. At this time the chief 
and the head men of the Creeks determined to send five of the most 
promising young men of their tribe to Arkansas College, Fayetteville, 
Ark., now the Arkansas State University, and Grayson was one of those 
chosen. In a few months he became a leader in all of his classes and 
ultimately proved to be the only one of the five to take permanent ad- 
vantage of the educational opportunity thus presented. Two 3'ears 
after his enfrance, however, the Civil War broke out and he was com- 
pelled to return home, where, although still a mere boy, he enlisted in the 
Second Regiment of Creek Confederate Volunteers. He was rapidlj' 
promoted and when the war closed was Captain of Company K. His 
principal exploit during that period was in intercepting, at Pleasant 
Bluff, Ark., the steamer /. R. Williams, which was on its way to Fort 
Gibson with supplies for the federal garrison. At that time he was in- 
strumental in saving the life of a white youth whom some of his men 
wished to kill, and ever afterward he looked back upon this act of human- 
ity with the greatest satisfaction. 

Soon after the close of the war Captain Grayson married Miss Anna 



Stidham, daughter of Judge George W. Stidham, a Hitchiti Indian whose 
name is also well known to students of Creek ethnology for the services 
he rendered to that pioneer student, Dr. Albert S. Gatschet. Judge 
Stidham was a member of the Creek council which prepared the alphabet 
officially adopted by the Nation. 

For a time Captain Grayson engaged in mercantile pursuits, but he 
soon gave them up to devote himself entirely to the affairs of his people. 
Not long after his marriage he was appointed Treasurer of the Creek 
Nation, a position which he occupied for eight years, and he was Secretary 
of the International Council of Indian Tribes, in which twenty-two 
different peoples were represented. He belonged to the Katcalgi or 
Panther clan of Coweta town and sat for that town in the Creek House 
of Warriors for more than forty years. For an equally long period he 
represented his nation before various committees of Congress. In 
November, 191 7, he was appointed Principal Chief of the Creek Nation. 
Early in the summer of 1920 he suffered a stroke of paralysis and sent in 
his resignation on the ground that he was no longer able to do justice to 
the position, but it was not acted upon before his death. 

Anthropological Publications of the Canadian 
Arctic Expedition 

The Arctic Board, which is a body composed of a number of scien- 
tists in the employ of the Canadian Government, has been arranging for 
the publication of a series of scientific monographs based on the results 
of the Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913-1918. The complete report is 
planned to take up sixteen volumes, many of which are subdivided into 
parts. A considerable number of the papers dealing with zoology and 
botany have already been issued. 

The last five volumes of the series are to be devoted to anthropology. 
The complete anthropological schedule so far as it can be definitely 
planned at the present date is as follows: 

VOLUME XII: Life of the Copper Eskimos. 

The Life of the Copper Eskimos. By D. Jejiness (in press). 
VOLUME XIII: Physical Characteristics and Technology of the 
Copper Eskimos. 
Part A: The Physical Characteristics of the Copper Eskimos. In part by D_ 

Jenness (in preparation). 
Part B: Technology of the Copper Eskimos (to be prepared). 
VOLUME XIV: Eskimo Folk-Lore and Language. 

Part A: Folk-Lore, with Texts, from Alaska, the Mackenzie Delta, and Corona- 
tion Gulf. By D. Jenness (in preparation). 

252 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

Part B: Comparative Grammar and Vocabulary of the Eskimo Dialects of 
Point Barrow, the Mackenzie Delta, and Coronation Gulf. By D. Jenness 
(in preparation). 
VOLUME XV: Eskimo String Figures and Songs. 

Part A: String Figures of the Eskimos. By D. Jenness (ready for press). 
Part B: Songs of the Copper Eskimos. In part by D. Jenness (in preparation). 
VOLUME XVI: Archaeology. 

Contributions to the Archaeology of Western Arctic America (to be prepared). 

Mr. Charles P. Bowditch, one of the best known patrons of anthro- 
pology in America, and himself an authority on the Mayan hieroglyphs, 
died on June i in his seventy-ninth year. An extended notice of his life 
and his scientific contributions will appear in the next number of the 

Mr. Arihur C. Parker during the mouth of June made an examina- 
tion and survey of a series of some three hundred Hint pits and three 
large quarries near Coxsackie, N. Y. The quarries and pits extend over 
a mile and cover the surface of a large ridge-like hill. Flnormous quanti- 
ties of rock had been excavated by the aborigines and the dum|:)s cover 
the hillsides to a considerable depth. In his survey for the State Museum 
of New York, Mr. Parker located the stations where the flint was sorted, 
the testing stations and the worksho])s where the flint was worked into 
blank forms and finished points. In the quarries large blocks of flint 
were found ready for removal, together with hammerstones and chipped 
disks. No pitted hammerstones were found on the quarry hill and out 
of 1,000 hammerstones from the workshop sites only one was jjitted. 

So far as known at present the Coxsackie flint sources are the largest 
in the state of New York. The discovery is due to Mr. Jefferson D. 
Ray of West Coxsackie who while collecting arrow points traced the 
chippings from the workshops on the flats to the source of the material 
on the hill. Mr. Ray has placed his large collection of chipped flints in 
the State Museum. 

Mr. Leslie Spier, formerly Instructor in Anthropology in the Uni- 
versity of Washington, has been appointed Assistant Professor of Anthro- 
pology in the same institution. 

We note with keen regret the death of Miss M. A. Czaplicka, the 
Polish anthropologist, a student of Dr. Marett's at Oxford and later 
lecturer at Bristol University. Miss Czaplicka is best known for her 
handbook on Aboriginal Siberia. She herself conducted an expedition 
to the natives of the upper Yenisei country. In the spring of 1920 she 


visited the United States and made the acquaintance of many of her 
American colleagues. 

Emile Houze, Professor of Anthropology at the University of 
Brussels and at the ficole d'Anthropologie of that city, died at Brussels 
on April 15, 1921. Among other publications may be mentioned his 
papers on the physical anthropology of the Flemings and the Walloons, 
which date back as far as 1882 and 1888. 

Dr. Richard Thurnwald, who spent some time in California on his 
return from New Guinea in 1916, is privatdozent at the University of 
Halle a. S. He has just published an enlarged German edition of the 
paper on Banaro Society issued as v^ol. HI, no. 4, of the Memoirs of the 
Anthropological Association. 

Harlan I. Smith, Archaeologist of the Victoria Memorial Museum, 
Ottawa, Canada (the national museum of Canada) is continuing his field 
studies of the ethno-botany, ethno-zoology, ethno-mineralogy, medical 
practices, and general material culture of the Bella Coola which he began 
last year. 

Dr. Carl E. Guthe, of the Carnegie Institution, returned early in 
June from a four months' field season in Guatemala. He inaugurated 
the archaeological excavations of the Institution in the Maya field, 
reporting a successful preliminary season at the historic ruin of Tayasal, 
near Flores, in the department of Peten. 

Sir J. Frazer has been appointed President of Section H (Anthro- 
pology) for the meeting of the British Association for the Advancement 
of Science at Edinburgh, September 7-14. "The Origin of the Scottish 
People" will be one of the subjects of discussion at that meeting. 

On motion of the Prime Minister of Canada Vilhjalmur Stefansson 
recently received the thanks of the Canadian government for his public 
services as a result of and in connection with his explorations during the 
years 1906-1919. He has also been awarded the Founder's medal by the 
Royal Geographical Society. 

The Academy of Science and Letters of Sioux City, Iowa, has ar- 
ranged a weekly lecture program for the present year, including the follow- 
ing subjects of interest to anthropologists: "The culture areas of the 
early Iowa Indians," by Prof. Charles R. Keyes; "The last stand of the 
Sioux," by Hon. Doane Robinson, State Historian, Pierre, S.D.; "Survey 
of prehistoric man," by Prof. H. G. Campbell, Department of Philosophy, 
Morningside College. 

254 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 23. 1921 

In a letter to Dr. J. \V. Fewkes, Chief of the Bureau of American 
Ethnology, Mr. Ralph Linton, who is engaged in archaeological work 
under Prof. H. E. Gregory, Director of the Bernice Pauahi Bishop 
Museum of Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, reports the discovery, in the 
Marquesas group, of a large rock with pictographs of a style which is 
decidedly non-Marquesan. This rock is at one end of an enormous struc- 
ture decorated with heads of regular Marquesan form, which Mr. Linton 
regards as the highest development of Marquesan stone work. It is a 
series of three platforms, the first 180 feet long, 40 feet wide, and 10 
feet high, built on a hillside. These stones are large and accurately 
fitted, the second terrace being decorated with gigantic stone heads in- 
serted in the masonry at irregular intervals. 

Yale University has granted leave of absence for 1921-22 to Pro- 
fessor George Grant MacCurdy, and on June i8th he sailed for Europe 
to assume his duties as Director of the recently established American 
Foundation in France for Prehistoric Studies. The School opened at the 
rock shelter of La Quina near Villebois-Lavalette (Charente) on July ist. 

Dr. Earnest A. Hootox has been appointed Assistant Professor of 
Anthropology at the Harvard Medical School. 

Six Hunterian lectures on the "Principles of human craniology," 
illustrated by specimens and preparations, were delivered by Professor 
Arthur Keith at the Royal College of Surgeons, London, during January. 

At the Chicago meeting of the American Association for the Advance- 
ment of Science a grant of one hundred and fifty dollars was made to 
Prof. T. R. Garth, of the University of Texas, for a psychological study 
of Indian children in the United States Indian Schools at Chilocco, 
Oklahoma, and Albuquerque, New Mexico; a grant of two hundred dollars 
to Prof. A. L. Kroeber, of the University of California, for bibliographical 
and clerical assistance in connection with an ethnological investigation 
to determine the culture areas of aboriginal South America; and a grant 
of one hundred and fifty dollars to Miss Helen H. Roberts, of the Amer- 
ican Museum of Natural History, for a study of Negro folk-music in 

Dr. S. a. Barrett, Director of the Public Museum of the City of 
Milwaukee, left May i with a small party to conduct further investi- 
gations at the famous Aztalan mound group, near Lake Mills, Wisconsin, 
where he has been carrying on intensive exploration for some years past. 


On May i, Mr. Alanson Skinner, Assistant Curator of the De- 
partment of Anthropology of the Public Museum of the City of Mil- 
waukee left for Shawano County, Wisconsin, to examine several interesting 
prehistoric sites and mound groups. Later he was to visit Green Bay 
and the Door County Peninsula for an archaeological reconnaisance of 
that region. This locality includes the ancient seats of the Menominee, 
Winnebago, Sauk, Potawatomi, and other Indian tribes and is also 
interesting because it was somewhere in this region that a large body of 
Huron, driven from their old homes in the Ontario peninsula, settled for 
several years after their expatriation. This part of the work is being 
conducted largely through the generosity of j\Ir. J. P. Schumacher the 
veteran archaeologist of Green Bay, who was to accompany and aid Mr. 

At the ninth annual meeting of the Oklahoma Academy of Sciences 
held in Oklahoma City on P'ebruary 11, and at the State University, 
Norman, on February 12, the following papers of anthropological in- 
terest were read: 

"The ceremonies and rites incident to eating peyote among the Chey- 
enne Indians," by J. B. Thoburn. 

"Where did the Indians of the Great Plains get their flint?" by Chas.' 
N. Gould. 

"The cliff-dwellers in Mesa Verde Park, Colorado," by C. W. 

On April 22, during the general meeting of the American Philosophical 
Society, Dr. James H. Breasted, Professor of Egyptology and Oriental 
History, in the University of Chicago, delivered an illustrated lecture 
entitled "Following the trail of our earliest ancestors." 

In appointing the scientific staff of the American Museum of Natural 
History for the current year the board of trustees promoted Mr. N. C. 
Nelson, from the position of Assistant Curator of North American 
Archaeology to that of Associate Curator of the same subject; and Mr. 
H. J. Spinden from the position of Assistant Curator of Mexican and 
Central American Archaeology to that of Associate Curator. 

The University of Arizona, in cooperation with the Universidad 
Nacional de Mexico, conducted a Summer School in Spanish and in 
Mexican Archaeology in the City of Mexico from June 29th to August • 



Dr. Frank G. Speck, Associate Editor of this journal, has been ap- 
pointed Associate Editor for American Archaeology of the American 
Journal of Archaeology. 

Mr. William B. Cabot, author of In Northern Labrador, voyaged 
last summer for forty days with the chief of the St. Augustine River 
Montagnais and a party of twenty-one persons, coming out through 
Paracusi River to Sandwich Bay. They performed the sweat-bath ten 
times in thirty-two days. 

The descendants of the Powhatan Indians on the Rappahannock 
River have recently formed and incorporated the Rappahannock Indian 
Association under Chief George L. Nelson, their object being to promote 
the social welfare of the community, achieve recognition, and preserve 
their identity. 

Dr. Ales Hrdlicka, Curator of Physical AnthroiM)log>- in the U. S. 
National Museum, has been elected a member of the National Academy 
of Sciences. 

Mr. Paul Van Natta, a student in the Anthropological Department 
of The George Washington University, has been appointed Assistant in 
the section of Physical Anthropology, U. S. National Museum. Another 
student in this department, Mr. John Baer, has been appointed Acting 
Curator of Archaeology in the National Museum for a period of five 
months, during the absence of Mr. Judd in the field. 

The American Museum of Natural History has just brought 
out the third edition of "The Indians of Manhattan Island and \'icin- 
ity," Guide Leaflet series No. 41, by Alanson Skinner. 

Although not of exclusiveh' anthropological interest, mention should 
be made of the establishment of a Science News Service "to act as a 
sort of liaison officer between scientific circles and the outside world." 
Its headquarters have been established provisionally in the building of 
the National Research Council, 1701 Massachusetts Ave., Washington, 
D. C, and through the generosity of Mr. E. W. Scripps, of Miramar, 
California, it has been assured of such financial support from the start 
as to insure its independence. ' 

American Anthropologist 


Vol. 23 July-September, 1921 No. 3 


By diamond JENNESS 

INTENSE interest was aroused in the scientific world when 
Mr. Stefansson announced his discovery of "blond" Eskimos 
in Victoria Island, and suggested that here in this remote 
corner of the Arctic we might find traces of the old Norse settlers 
who disappeared from Greenland in the course of the fifteenth 
century. General Greely at once made a comprehensive survey of 
all the literature dealing with the Eskimos, and published in the 
National Geographic Magazine an interesting compilation of the 
remarks of earlier writers on the varying physical types that are 
found among that people.^ Several travellers had noticed individ- 
uals who markedly resembled Indians; Collinson had observed 
aquiline noses and a Jewish caste of countenance in Walker Bay, 
in Victoria Island, and Murdoch had noticed the same thing at 
Point Barrow, in Alaska; Petitot had seen a Scotch- or Russian- 
looking individual in the Mackenzie River region, while one or 
two other travellers elsewhere had observed Scandinavian types. 
These variations were noticed all the way from Greenland to Alaska, 
and as far south as Labrador; for to the authors quoted b}' General 
Greely we have to add, besides Murdoch to whom we have already 
referred, the old Jesuit missionary Pere Lafitau, who says of the 
Labrador Eskimos, "They are tall, well built, and whiter than other 
savages. They allow their beards to grow, and have curly hair 
which they cut below the ears. Their hair is almost always black, 

1 National Geographic Magazine, 1912, pp. 1225-1239. 
17 257 



258 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23. 1921 

but a few have light-colored hair (Fr. blonds), and some red hair 
(Fr. roux), like the people of Northern Europe." ^ 

Mr. Stefansson first encountered the. Copper Eskimos at Cape 
Bexley, in Dolphin and Union Strait. Even there, he says, he had 
noticed a certain peculiarity in some of the natives, a certain light- 
ness in the color of the moustache and beard that he had never ob- 
served farther west. But it was only when he crossed the strait 
and met the Hanerak and Puivlik groups of southwestern Victoria 
Island that he became fully conscious of the change. "We had 
been told by our guide," he says, "that we should find the Victoria 
Islanders of a light complexion, with fair beards, but still we were 
not prepared for what we saw. . . . Here (in Victoria Island) are 
men with abundant three-inch-long beards, a light brown in their 
outer parts, but darker towards the middle of the chin. The faces 
and proportions of the body remind of 'stocky,' sunburned, but 
naturally fair Scandinavians." Mr. Stefansson finally sums up the 
physical characteristics of the Copper Eskimos as follows: "Of 
something less than a thousand persons, ten or more have blue 
eyes , . . some of the men eradicate their beards . . . but of 
those who have beards a good many have light brown ones; no one 
seen has light hair of the golden Scandinavian type, but some have 
dark-brown and rusty-red hair, the redness being usually more pro- 
nounced on the forehead than on the back of the head, and perhaps 
half the entire population have eyebrows ranging from a dark brown 
to a light brown or nearly white, A few have curly hair." Mr. 
Stefansson then compares the form of head of the Copper Eskimos 
with that of the Eskimos in other regions, and comes to the con- 
clusion, (i) that the Copper Eskimos show clear evidences of 
hybridism, and (2) that their European-like appearance is most 
easily explained by the theory that they have European blood in 
their veins, for which the old Scandinavian colony in Greenland 
furnishes the only explanation. ^ 

The southern party of the Canadian Arctic Expedition, of 

1 Moeurs des sauvages ameriquains, par le Pere Lafitau, de la Compagnie de Jesus, 
Paris, 1724, vol. i, p. 55f. 

^ My Life with the Eskimo, p. i92ff. 


which I was the ethnologist, had its head-quarters at Bernard 
Harbor, on the mainland side of Dolphin and Union Strait, from 
1914 to 1916. During two entire years we maintained an almost un- 
broken intercourse with the Eskimo inhabitants both of the main- 
land and of southern Victoria Island, from Cape Bexley at the west 
end of Dolphin and Union Strait, to Bathurst Inlet at the east end 
of Coronation Gulf; in addition we encountered a few natives, six 
adults and two children, from Prince Albert Sound, on the west coast 
of Victoria Island. Physical measurements were taken of 82 men 
and 42 women, and at the same time observations were made con- 
cerning their eyes and hair and other external features. In sum- 
marizing the results, in so far as they bear on the question of the 
"blondness" of these Eskimos and the possible infusion of European 
blood, I have not considered it necessary to separate the Victoria 
Islanders from the natives of the mainland south of them (although 
it might easily have been done), because all the tribes in this region 
constantly intermarry, and in any one group representatives may be 
found of half a dozen different tribes, both from the mainland and 
from Victoria Island. 

Of the 82 males that were measured 70 had eyes that ranged 
in color from light brown to dark brown. In the remaining 14 
the predominating color w^as brown, but it was tinged with grey 
(in one case a greenish-grey) or a milky blue. Closer examination 
showed that this second color was usually present only on the 
fringe of the iris, often only on the lower or the upper edge, and 
that it extended occasionally into the sclerotis; very rarely did 
it cover the whole of the iris. Of the women only two out of the 
42 showed any bluish or greyish tinge, the remainder all ha\-ing 
brown eyes.^ 

It is a significant fact that in every one of the 16 cases of light- 
colored eyes the native was either middle-aged or well advanced 
in years; the youngest could hardly have been less than 35 years 
of age, and the majority were probably from 40 to 50. Apparently^ 

' "The color of the iris among the total number of East Greenlanders examined 
(136) must be designated as brown with certain nuances; blackish-brown, dark- 
brown, greyish-brown — with only a single exception, a twenty-year old girl from 
Umanak, who had blue eyes." {Meddelelser om Gr<t>nland, vol. xxxix, p. 177.) 

26o AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

therefore, it is xevy rare in children. Further, the Hght coloration 
was sometimes more marked in one eye than in the other. It 
seems reasonable to suppose, therefore, that it is only a secondary 
characteristic, indicating probably a diseased condition. Dr. D. S. 
Neumann, the health ofificer of the Bureau of Education in northern 
Alaska, thought that it might be due to repeated attacks of snow- 
blindness, when it would naturally be more apparent in the older 
people, and among the men more than among the women. He 
kindly examined with me a number of Eskimos from the King and 
the Diomede Islands, and from Cape Prince of Wales, who happened 
to be in Nome at the time of my visit. The results were very in- 
structive. Out of 67 natives, adults and children, only two were 
found to be absolutely free from any eye disease. Ten out of 13 
King Islanders showed arcus senilis to a greater or less extent, and 
one rupture of the eyeball. Of 14 Diomede Islanders 10 had arcus 
senilis, 3 the same disease combined with pterygium, and i rupture 
of the eyeball; while out of 40 Cape Prince of Wales natives 21 had 
arcus senilis, 14 both arcus senilis and pterygium, 3 keratitis and 
arcus senilis, and two granulated lids. It required careful examina- 
tion in many instances to detect the signs of disease, but wherever 
arctis senilis was very pronounced there was the same bluish-grey 
coloration of the eye as I had noticed among the Copper Eskimos. 
It may be that future researches will show other causes for the 
variations in eye color; nevertheless the fact remains, that as far 
as my own observations enabled me to judge, the eyes of the Copper 
Eskimos differed in no respect from those of the natives in northern 

Although no correlation can be expected between the color of 
the eye and its shape, yet it is interesting to notice that there was 
the same variation in shape among the 16 light-eyed Copper Eskimos 
as among the other nati\es of their race. Two of the 14 men had 
perfectly "straight" eyes, while the remaining 12 showed the "Mon- 
golian" fold to a greater or less extent. In one of the women the 
fold was very strongly marked. E\^ery variety of shape is found 
indeed among all tribes of Eskimos, from full "Mongolian" to full 
"European," though the "half-Mongolian," i.e., the slight fold, is 


perhaps the commonest type. We made no attempt to measure 
little children among the Copper Eskimos, but all whom I saw 
seemed to have very dark brown eyes with the "Mongolian" curve 
more pronounced than in the case of the adults; Parry, it may be 
mentioned, noticed the same difference between children and adults 
among the Iglulik Eskimos of Baffin Land. ^ 

The next point to be considered is the color and shape of the 
hair. It is important to distinguish first of all between the hair 
of the head, the eyebrows, the moustache, and the beard. Among 
several races, including Europeans, it is usual for the moustache 
and beard to be a little lighter in color than the hair of the head. 
In the case of the 124 Copper Eskimos whom I measured, the hair 
of the head was uniformly some shade of black or brownish-black. 
In a dull light, except on the most careful examination, it would 
have passed as black in almost every case; but against a strong 
light a dark brown tinge was usually noticeable, especially at the 
ends of the hair. Its shape was seldom absolutely straight and 
lank; there were usually slight ripples in it, especially toward the 
ends. It might almost have been called "wavy" hair in one or 
two instances, if the term "wavy" had not been technically ap- 
plied to the much finer and more billowy hair of Europeans. I 
noticed that in many cases the hair seemed to begin a little farther 
back on the forehead than is usual, giving an unreal appearance of 
height to the forehead; but there was no change of color in this 
part of the head that I could perceive. As for the glossiness re- 
marked by earlier writers as so typical of Eskimo hair, it seemed to 
vary considerably from individual to individual. - 

The eyebrows were in most cases very sparse so that it was 
difficult to detect their real color; but in no one of the 124 cases 
that we examined were they lighter than a dark brown, save where 
they were becoming grey with old age. Neither the moustache 
nor the beard was ever thick or abundant, not did they attain to any 
great length. I can not help thinking that Back exaggerated some- 
what when he said of the Eskimos on the Great Fish River that 

1 Parry, Voyages, vol. iv, p. 78, 1835. 

2 In East Greenland the color of the hair is black or dark-brown {Meddel. am Gr0n.. 
vol. XXXIX, p. 177). 

262 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 23, 192 1 

"they could not have nurtured a more luxurious growth of beard, 
or cultivated more flowing moustaches." Certainly this was never 
the case among the Copper Eskimos we encountered, with whom 
neither the moustache nor the beard ever developed to any extent 
until they approached middle age; indeed the presence of a beard 
was considered by them as a certain sign of old age, or at least of 
advanced years. It is generally concentrated on the chin, with 
only a few sparse hairs scattered over the jowls; three inches would 
probably be the maximum length. In color it is usually a dark 
brownish-black, but not infrequently it is a rich brown, especially 
around the lips. Even in such cases, howe\'er, the hair on the chin 
is almost alwa^^s a brownish-black, except when it is becoming grey 
with old age. There is some reason, therefore, to suspect that 
any unusually light color around the lips is due to some bleaching 
agent, perhaps the hot blood soup that the natives are always 
drinking; for in no case that we noticed was the hair of the head 
other than black, or a dark brownish-black. 

The color of the skin ranged from a fairness almost as great 
as that of the average Englishman, to the olive color of the Italian. 
Murdoch found the same diflferences at Point Barrow, in northern 
Alaska. He says, "There appears to be much natural variation 
in the complexion, some women being nearly as fair as Europeans, 
while other individuals seem to have natural!}- a copper color." ^ 
I compared my upper arm with the upper arms of a number of 
Copper Eskimos, and in some cases there was hardly any per- 
ceptible difference. Those portions of the skin, however, that 
are exposed to the weather, the face and the hands, tan to a darker 
color than the corresponding portions in Europeans, and this 
natural dark hue is increased in summer by an incrustation of 
dirt, for the natives practically never wash. Hence the traveller 
who judged of the color of the Eskimos by their complexion in 
winter would come to the conclusion that they are a fair-skinned 
people, while another who saw them only in the summer would 
believe them to be as dark as Spaniards or even darker. There 

^ Ann. Rep. B. A. E., vol. 9, p. 36; cf. Simpson, Arctic Papers for the Expedition 
of 1875, p. 238, London, 1875. 


is one point, however, that it is important to notice, and that is 
that there appears to be no connection whatever between the fairer 
skin color of some of the natives and blue or grey eyes. 

Mr. Stefansson gave some figures showing the proportion be- 
tween the breadth of the face and the breadth of the head among 
the Copper Eskimos, and compared them with some figures that the 
veteran anthropologist Dr. Boas had published from other Eskimos.^ 
It is unfortunate that these particular measurements should have 
been chosen for comparison, for they are not the standard ones that 
are usually made by anthropologists in questions relating to race. 
Moreover most of the figures that are quoted from Dr. Boas are 
derived from skull measurements, and so are not strictly com- 
parable with measurements derived from living natives; then again 
they are derived from a very limited number of skulls, and so can 
not be relied upon as establishing definite types. Three Mackenzie 
River Eskimo men whom I measured gave results that were practi- 
cally identical with the measurements of the 82 Copper Eskimo 
men, which is totally at variance with Mr. Stefansson's conclusions.- 
But until more measurements of this kind are published from other 
sources no real comparisons can be made on this basis between 
the different tribes of Eskimos, and certainly no conclusions can 
be drawn from them concerning the purity or otherwise of any 
particular branch of that race. 

The best indications in regard to race, as far as physical meas- 
urements are concerned, are derived, according to the opinions 
of the leading anthropologists, from the stature, and the proportions 
of the length of the head to its breadth, i.e., the cephalic index. 
Now in selecting other Eskimo groups for comparison with the 
Copper Eskimos we ought to choose those which are admittedly the 
purest, and at the same time those from whom we have a consider- 
able amount of reliable anthropometric data. There is really 
only one group which answers to these two requirements, the Am- 
massalik Eskimos of East Greenland, who are regarded by S0ren 

^Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, vol. xiv, 1901, p. 60. 
2 The three Mackenzie River men gave an index of 95.6, and the 82 Copper Eskimos 
96. Three Alaskan natives from Point Hope gave an index of 99.1. 


Hansen, our chief authority, as "a pure and unmixed Eskimo tribe 
without any ostensible traces of foreign elements." ^ If, then, we 
compare the measurements obtained from the Copper Eskimos 
with the corresponding measurements obtained from East Green- 
land, we ought to be able to obtain some light on the purity or 
otherwise of the former people. 

Taking the stature first, Hansen found that in East Greenland, 
the average height of 53 men was 1629 mm. (maximum 1760 mm. 
minimum i486 mm.) and of 38 women 1538 mm. (maximum 1650 
mm., minimum 1430 mm.). My figures for 82 Copper Eskimo 
men gave an average of 1648 mm. (max. 1743 mm., min. 1495 mm.) 
and for 42 women 1564 mm. (max. 1660 mm., min. 1471 mm.). 
It would appear, therefore, that on the average the stature of the 
Copper Eskimos, both males and females, is very slightly greater 
than that of the East Greenland natives. The difference is so 
little, however, that, if significant at all, it could very easily be ac- 
counted for by the different conditions of life in the two regions. 
As far as the stature is concerned, therefore, we have no evidence of 
Scandinavian admixture among the Copper Eskimos. Indeed, 
the evidence we have might almost be said to point against it, 
for in southwestern Greenland, where there has been admittedly a 
considerable admixture of Danish blood, the average height of 
21 men (Hansen's figures again) was only 1576 mm. (max. 1684 
mm., min. 1520 mm.) and of 24 females only 1518 mm. (max. 1602 
mm., min. 1452 mm.); that is to say, in southwestern Greenland, 
where there is Scandinavian infusion, the stature is slightly below 
that of the pure-blood East Greenlanders, whereas among the 
Copper Eskimos it is slightly above. - 

Let us consider next the cephalic indices of the Copper Eskimos 
(the breadth of the head as compared with its length), and compare 
them with Hansen's figures from East Greenland. Here we find 
a very marked resemblance. The average cephalic index of the 82 
Copper Eskimo men was 77.6, and of the 42 women 76.7, whereas in 
East Greenland Holm's figures, as given by Hansen, are 76.9 for 

1 Meddelelser om Gronland, vol. xxxix, p. 179. 

* 13 Eskimo men of Point Hope, in northern Alaska, gave an average stature of 
1673 mm. 


53 men and 75.6 for 38 women. The differences in the figures are so 
slight as to be practically negligible; they might, indeed, almost 
disappear if we had a greater number of cases to go by. Certainly 
in themselves they lend no support to any theory of race inter- 
mixture for the Copper Eskimos which would not be equally true 
of the natives of East Greenland.^ 

It is quite possible, however, that although no single feature 
taken by itself should give definite evidence of an intermixture of 
races, yet the general appearance of the natives, more particularly 
their features, might in many cases afford some slight presumption 
of it. After all we should hardly expect on a priori grounds that 
the Eskimos would be an absolutely pure race, meaning by pure 
that from those early times when first they separated from the 
rest of the human family and developed peculiar characteristics 
of their own they have preserved themselves rigidly free from all 
intermixture with other races. There is perhaps not a single race 
on the face of the earth which would answer to this definition. 
Now a fusion of races inevitably brings about modifications in the 
physical types, as one descendant harks back to one line of ancestors 
and another to another. Within definite limits, therefore, a certain 
amount of heterogeneity, over and above what might be due to 
the varying conditions of life, is to be expected from every race, 
although for thousands of years it may have kept itself aloof from 
every other. It is interesting to remember in this connection that 
Petitot, the French missionary in the Mackenzie delta, speaks of 
four Eskimos with whom he travelled as presenting so many distinct 
types; one of them looked like a Scotchman or a Russian. Ras- 
mussen, again, mentions a native of Cape York, in northern 
Greenland, who "did not resemble in the least the type that is 
usually regarded as Eskimo. His face was narrow and clear-cut, 
his nose slightly aquiline ... he was more like a gypsy than an 
Eskimo." Different explorers will naturally find different analogies 
according to their earlier experiences. Thus in the very region 
where Mr. Stefansson was reminded of "stocky, sunburned, but 
naturally fair Scandinavians," Collinson had particularly remarked 
on the Jewish caste of countenance. 

1 The 13 Point Hope Eskimo men gave an average cephalic index of 78.2. 

266 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 23, 1921 

I myself seemed to distinguish among the Copper Eskimos three 
distinct types, which, while they must not be taken to represent 
so many distinct races, would serve to warn us that we should not 
expect to find a wholly homogeneous people. There was first 
the type that all writers have so consistently depicted as peculiarly 
Eskimo, the rather fair-skinned native with lank black hair, some- 
what short and squat, but with a round pleasant face, twinkling 
dark eyes that appear a little aslant as among Mongols, a rather 
flat nose with a low bridge, and high cheek-bones. The second 
type was taller, with a longer face, a chin that was often pointed, 
eyes that occasionally appeared a little aslant, but more often were 
quite straight like our own, and a nose rather i)ig and aquiline. A 
common type intermediate between these two gives a square, 
rather block-shaped face. 

The third type was very different from either of the preceding 
two, at least in its extreme forms. One might almost be tempted 
to call it a Melanesian type, so short is the face, so thick the lips, 
and so broad and flat the nose. In all the features there is a coarse- 
ness and brutality that is altogether foreign to the average Eskimo. 
Dress such a man in European clothes and the most learned ethnol- 
ogist might be puzzled to determine his race. 

Whether such a division into types has any independent \alue, 
and whether there are similar types among the Eskimos elsewhere, 
we have not the data at present to decide. There is a certain 
amount of e\idence to pro\e that many of the inland natives of 
northern Alaska are taller and more slender, and have longer and 
narrower faces, than the Eskimos farther east, and admixture with 
Indian blood is the usual reason assigned for it. It is possible 
that the same admixture has taken place, to a more limited ex- 
tent, among the Copper Eskimos also; but apart from this, there 
seems not the slightest indication of any racial intermixture that 
we can trace, and certainly not the faintest sign of any European 

To sum up, therefore, it seems clear that neither the color of 
the eyes, nor the color and shape of the hair, nor again the com- 
plexion of the Copper Eskimos, differentiates them in any way 


from the other branches of their race, or lends any support to the 

theory of Scandinavian or even European admixture. If such an 

admixture had occurred we should expect to find its signs, not only 

in these more external features, but also in the stature and in the 

shape of the head. Mr. Stefansson's own comparison — ^breadth 

of face with breadth of head — is inconclusive, firstly, because he 

has insufficient data of a similar nature from other Eskimo sources 

with which to compare his data from the Copper Eskimos, and, 

secondly, because it is not recognized by the best authorities as a 

consideration of major importance in determining questions of 

race. The principal feature that is employed for this purpose, 

the cephalic index, tends to show that the Copper Eskimos are 

as pure as the purest known branch of the Eskimo race of whom 

we have definite and detailed knowledge. Until, therefore, we are 

presented with more tangible and significant evidence, the theory 

of Scandinavian or even European infusion among the Copper 

Eskimos must be regarded as unproved, and indeed groundless. 

Geological Survey, 
Ottawa, Canada 




IN the first part of this paper we treated of the aboriginal remains 
from Athens, Pa., southward along the lower course of the 
Chemung River and on the west side of the Susquehanna to 
the neighborhood of Ulster (see map of the region, fig. 48, here 
reproduced from Part I). Crossing the long bridge over the Susque- 
hanna at the latter place to New Sheshequin, we turn south to 
visit the Hornbrook site, explored and described by Andrew Del- 
peuch. But while on the bridge, look south toward Layman's 
Island immediately below, on which, as on all the river islands, is 
considerable evidence of Algonkian occupation. On the north end 
Paul Scott recently found a very old fireplace evidencing long use, 
and the Delpeuch collection has pot lids, celts, war clubs, and the 
fragment of a small Algonkian pot shown at the middle left of 
figure 49. The village site (No. 12) on Hornbrook Creek marks 
the southern limit of our sur\'ey. It is close to a fine spring at the 
crossing of the old Indian trail, and absolutely pre-Iroquoian. In 
addition to the artifacts, shown in the lower half of figure 49, which 
include steatite and ceremonial objects, there has been found every 
sort of implement for agricultural purposes and home use. An 
unusual one at the upper right of the illustration has been named a 
"mushroom muller." The artifacts to the right of this are from 
the Coveleski collection, the small celt with the perforation, also 
the argillite spear and the trade bead which were found in the same 
grave. In the center of the plate is a concretion often called a 
"clay dog," and mistaken for an Indian effigy. The beveled celt 
is from the Macafee site hereafter to be noted, the black spear- 
head from the Mather site in Ulster, the rough celt and the grooved 




Fig. 48. — Sketch map showing "aboriginal sites in the region of "Teaoga," now Athens, Pa. 



[x. s., 23, 1921 

battle axe from Layman's Island, all belonging to the Delpeuch 

Returning toward the bridge, from the Gore flats came a large, 

Fig. 49. — Algonkian artifacts Iidiu ilornbrook. and Sheslieqiiin sites. 

highly polished steatite tube, five inches in length, suggesting 
Ohio "mound builders" (d in fig. 44, of Part I), also the straight 
tube-pipe (b in the same plate). These tubes are both unusual 

There has been found by various collectors evidence of continued 
occupation for about two miles north on the broad river flats (Sites 



Fig. 50. — Objects from archaic Algonkiaa site at Shcsheqiiin, including unusual 


272 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

14, 15, and 16). Just opposite Ulster Mr. Moorehead found traces 
of Andaste and late Algonkian occupation on the same site. Typi- 
cal Andaste potsherds were found in the shell pit; and no doubt 
here was long ago found the wonderful Andaste pot in the private 
collection of John W. Codding of Towanda, reproduced in Wren's 
Appalachian Pottery. Countless artifacts have been gathered here 
for years, only to be scattered with no recorded data. The large 
Delpeuch collection showing many cultures is not arranged ac- 
cording to culture. There are several early collections in Tioga 
Point Museum recorded only as "from Sheshequin," gathered by 
Snyder, Gore, and Jenny, long since dead, and consisting almost 
entirely of Algonkian artifacts. Figure 50 shows one of these 
collections, known only as from "Sheshequin camp," the points and 
knives being nearly all of rhyolite or common stone. The cere- 
monial objects are unusual both in material and shape, especially 
the lower one which glistens with mica. At the top of the same 
figure is part of the Litzelman collection from their own garden 
(Site 13) on a ridge or sunny knoll overlooking the river. The 
knife or scraper suggests the semilunar knife of the far north or the 
as yet undetermined Algonkian type, and is very similar to one from 
Hornbrook, as is also the round pendant, both of which when found, 
the collectors say, showed inlaid decoration of bits of mother of 
pearl. The double-grooved ball at the lower right may have been 
a sinew dresser. 

Returning to the river flats, the artifacts are from John Covel- 
eski's collection in the Museum, which includes many more arti- 
facts of varied use and varied cultures. Figure 51 shows a part of 
a large cache of slate spear heads disclosed and broken by an ice 
flood in the spring of 1920, the material from a ledge only a few rods 
away. The same plate shows steatite and some of the crudest 
artifacts found in our whole survey; yet there is some indication in 
the spear points of trade material, and the greatest variety in shape, 
with a small proportion of late Iroquois triangular points. Much 
of the older culture came from a refuse pit on the Cranmer farm some 
distance north of the bridge. The burial sites, in every instance 
close to the villages, were all disclosed by floods and no notes taken. 

Fig. 51. — Crudest implements and oldest local material tound on Sheshequin flats. 

Coveleski Collection. 

274 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

The Coveleski collection has an unusual number of rubbing stones 
and countless broken celts; and there are many indications that 
these flats were in early times a great workshop and that occupa- 
tion was not transient. At the extreme upper end (Site 17), on 
the Macafee flats, are repeated evidences of a village of long con- 
tinuance and of busy workmen. Flint chips abound; caches of 
arrow points and many drills have been found. Tradition tells 
of a thirty-foot circle here of flat stones, laid regularly with the 
stones pointing toward the center, supposed to indicate "an ossuary, 
or ceremonial outfit." Investigation has been in vain, and even the 
Susquehanna Archeological Expedition found here no traces of 
burial. V^ery recent investigation, with the writer present, re- 
vealed from the river bank, here very high, four fireplaces in a row, 
four to six feet apart, and two feet below the surface; but only a 
few broken arrow points were found. The writer has long believed 
this to be an Andaste as well as an Algonkian site. 

All the way along the river flats the innumerable broken celts 
and pestles as well as steatite fragments are noticeable. One 
mica ornament and many fragments of butterfly ceremonials are 
in the Coveleski collection in the Museum, which is notable for 
the use of local material, the scarcity of Iroquois types, and possibly 
pre-Algonkian implements. "Why are so many banner or butterfly 
stones found broken?" asks the collector. 

Here the old trail, named by the first white man "the break- 
neck path," goes over a steep mountain whose base is the river's 
edge, and for a few miles there is no possible place for a village or 
camp. Once over, on the Baldwin farm just across from old 
Teaoga have been found many small kni\es or celts of black slate, 
showing unusual workmanship. As the river flats widen, from the 
Harrington farm ^•irtually to the Sayre bridge, is a continuous 
Algonkian site, again long inhabited and with little evidence of 
later occupation. The arrow maker plied his trade on the present 
Fair Grounds, also close to the highway at the end of the Sayre 
bridge; and his arrows were all hafted or barbed. A burial site 
just south of the Athens bridge is almost washed away,' but many 

' Just opposite this on the west side of the river at the back of the Harris and 
Ahbe lots is sufficient evidence of an Iroquois burial site (shown in Lewis Rinebold"s 
collection) to justify further investigation. 




Algonkian potsherds have been found, and some pipe fragments 
(see WalHne collection in Museum), some of which are reproduced 
(top, fig. 52). Satterlee Creek shows both village and camp sites 
for some distance from the mouth (Site 18), see Webb collection 
shown in figure 52, archaic Algonkian. Along the bank above 

Fig. 52. — Objects from an archaic Algonkian site; near the top a tubular copper bead. 

have recently been found steatite fragments, banner stones, rough- 
celts, and an unusual type of spear, suggesting prehistoric occupa- 
tion, notable for the variety of materials. 

The Rinebold collection shows, from the river edge of the 
Harrington farm, a large mortar of unusual depth, and a tube bead 
of copper (shown in fig. 52) similar to those found by Mr. Skinner 
at Upper Queen Esther's Flats and made, evidently, by beating 
the metal into a thin plate and then rolling. These are possibly 
Algonkian artifacts like those from New York State, noted by Dr. 

There is an old ferry near the mouth of Satterlee Creek. Cross- 
ing and turning north a few rods we may visit the Susquehanna 



Fig. 53.— Some unusual Algonkian artifacts from Site 19; one-third original 
Tozer and Johnson Collections. 


Cove site (No. 19), from which have been gathered desultory collec- 
tions for over one hundred years, long ago carried out of the locality 
in ignorance of the fact that "the scattering of a collection from 
one site is the destruction of just so much knowledge." While 
practically no observations have been taken, there are in the 
Museum good collections and many single objects, all pre-Iro- 
quoian. Algonkian potsherds, rectangular celts, the gouge, knives, 
hafted and barbed points, rough stone celts, and a few unusual 
ceremonials, especially the small pendant, are seen in figure 53. 
This may have been a camp site but shows long usage, and many 
large implements were removed years ago. 

We are on the Owego trail and, following it for about a mile, we 
reach a village site of much interest at the mouth of Cayuta Creek, 
in one of those sharp, easily defensible angles that the red man loved 
(Site 20). As far as known, the collectors on this site (Delaney 
brothers, Lang, and Wolcott) have been few but faithful, and their 
finds are in the Museum or have been studied by the writer. The 
rough grooved axe, sinew dresser, and triple-grooved plummet of 
Rhode Island type, celts of many shapes and materials, odd knives 
and spears, some problematical artifacts, many drills, hafted and 
barbed points, an effigy pipe fragment, one-hole ceremonial objects, 
and a small proportion of triangular points, also the native copper 
earring, evidently of Indian workmanship, are well shown in the 
accompanying figures (54 and 55). There are some long points 
like most of those found on West Branch, more hafted than barbed 
small points, and a number with the bifurcated base occasionally 
found in Pennsylvania, as also in Ohio and the adjacent states. 
No argillite or rhyolite is found here, but most of the barbed arrows 
are of rough stone, of local material. Possibly from a later occupa- 
tion, there are many jasper points — red, yellow, and cream — and 
quantities of jasper chips found nowhere else, indicating a finishing 
shop for jasper brought from the quarries on the lower Susquehanna. 
There is one exquisite bird point of transparent flint that the col- 
lector said must have been made by some youth as a charm for 
his sweetheart. The large piece of steatite with serrated edge and 
many perforations seems problematical. Many rough tomahawks 



FIG. 54.-Unusual Algonkian artifacts from the mouth of Cayuta Creek; at the top a 
copper earring, probably of native manufacture. 



or hoes, mullers, hammers, and unusual, deep lapstones betoken an 
agricultural and industrial life. The large pottery fragment is 
almost identical in shape and decoration with one from Queen 
Esther's Flats, four miles away, except that inside and out it is 

Ifltitf f'\ 


Fig. 55. — Algonkian artifacts from the mouth of Cayuta Creek; one-third actual size. 
From the Wolcott, Delaney, and Lang Collections. 

covered with yellow clay, the middle layer being black; it shows no 
sign of use. The other sherds throughout are of yellow-colored 
clay mixed with an unusual amount of mica, thus forming a distinct 
group. The Algonkian rim decorations are in great variety, some 
extending inside more than an inch. 

"This trail was dotted with villages," and only a mile farther up 
is the State Line site that shows an older culture and a well-defined 



[s. s., 23, 1921 

burial site, perhaps established by the inhabitants at the mouth of 
the creek. From the Wolcott collection, the arrows, all barbed, 
are of rhyolite, common slate, and stone. There are also a number 

Fig. 56. — Archaic Algonkian artifacts, inrlu ling blade>s ol ar.<;ili.e and rhyolite, from 
Site 21. Park an! Cowlos Collection. 

made of jasper (lower left, fig. 55). Just above, from the same 
collection, are archaic Algonkian points, small drills, and a one- 
holed pendant from the site at the mouth of the creek. 



On the high ground is a burial place that may belong to a site on 
the other side of the river. Let us ferry over to Site 21. Here 
was a village of considerable extent between the highway and river 
on the Park farm. Two typical collections made here are in the 
jVIuseumi, the larger one gathered by Alvarado Park during a period 
of forty years' residence on the site. Many small artifacts were 
gathered after a flood which removed a foot or more of previously 
deposited silt as far back as the first terrace, at which time the 
neighbors joined in the "flint harvest" as it was called. Much 
is scattered and no notes were ever made by these early collectors, 
but we have the benefit of the more recent work of Ellsworth 
Cowles. Beginning at the river bank and working east to the crest 
ot the hill, "one may find evidence of all cultural periods, belonging 
to this region, and little or no evidence of contact with traders or 
Europeans." The village site proper does not appear to extend 
east of the highway, and present-day collectors seem to find most 
near the crest of the terrace one hundred feet from the river. There 
are many steatite fragments, as a rule found near or on the hill, 
also many stone implements, pecked 
and chipped, and every type of celt. 
Hoes, long pestles (one with a sup- 
posed bird effigy at the end), and 
large mortars show agricultural 
habits. The soil here is deep and 
light, well suited to aboriginal use. 
Figure 56 shows the leaf-shaped and 
hafted blades and spears, notched 
sinker stones, a broken bird stone 
showing evidence of use as a whet- 
stone, crude blades of argillite, long 
one-sided spears of early Algonkian 
type; also one-sided arrows, drills, 
and other articles of unusual shapes. 
These figures deserve close study. 
Figure 57 shows what its collector 
calls "a masterpiece of flint chipping." Two have been found 

Fig. 57. — Winged drilK?); reduced 
one-half. Cowles Collection. 



[n. s., 23, 1921 

here. It is problematical because each skilled archaeologist who 
has seen it (and they are many), has attributed to it a different 
use. Is it a winged or hafted drill, a woman's hairpin, or a blanket 
fastener? The collector \v'\\\ be glad to label it correctly. Most 
of the pottery shown in figure 58 is Algonkian, although A is a true 
Andaste form with the deep collar, and b shows Iroquois influence. 

Fig. 58. — Potsherds from the Park CoUoction; A and B Andaste, the rest Algonkian. 

The smallest sherds are reversed to show the interior rim decora- 
tion. This was all washed to the surface. No burials ha\ing 
been found near by, conjecture placed the cemetery across the 
river, unless it was washed away as has been the case with some 
sites farther up the stream. 

Another distinct village site (No. 22) is near Litchfield station, 
a half-mile farther up the river, which makes us wonder if the ab- 
original inhabitants did not use every foot of the river bank on 
both sides. Here again the Algonkian culture is plainly evident 
(see fig. 56, lower left corner), materials mostly local or of great 
age. The beveled celt is particularly notable, though occasionally 
found in the region surveyed. The lower implement the collector, 
Ellsworth Cowles, calls "a hand pestle, square in section with pits 


for finger grips on four sides." The large scraper of common field 
stone which may havfe been hafted, the small one of rhyolite, the 
argillite blades, one with a curious projection near the point, the 
steatite, and the potsherds speak for themselves. On Site 23 Cowles 
found a refuse pit, uncovered during a flood though on the highest 
terrace, with great masses of river shells, animal bones split for 
marrow, firestones, steatite fragments with serrated edge like that 
at the mouth of Cayuta Creek, and considerable pottery, notably 
a small pot filled with bones and packed inside another. In spite 
of careful handling both pots fell to pieces. Close by was a very 
long effigy pestle, similar to one found on the Park site. Hammers 
of conglomerate, sinker stones, both chipped and cut, arrow points 
of different cultures, some extremely crude and others showing 
the expert art of the Iroquois, prove this to be a reoccupied site.^ 
This was examined by Warren K. Moorehead. 

At the extreme right of the map, marked "camp and village 
sites," is a rather extensive site, in historic times called Maugha- 
tawanga, or more precisely Mauch-at-wau-gum (red bank). While 
in use in the days of the early explorers, it evidently knew very 
early occupation on both sides of the State Line, and will bear 
further investigation. There are two river terraces here, the arti- 
facts being found mostly on the lower. The majority are Algonkian 
with little evidence of contact or trade influence, excepting one 
fine obsidian spear point found by Mr. Lang. Note the crude 
workmanship of the grooved axes shown (fig. 59). Some lapstones 
are of an unusual type with a deep round hole in the center. There 
are many specimens from this site in the Lang and Cowles collec- 
tions, a few ornaments and some ceremonial objects, although not 

1 Some adjacent sites just bej-ond the limit of our proposed survey were explored 
twenty years or more ago by Mr. Percy L. Lang of Waverly, one of our pioneer field 
workers, who has the largest private collection, made by himself and covering a territory 
somewhat more extensive than that shown in the map, but along the same lines. Of 
the region he explored Mr. Lang says, "This territory should be studied and investi- 
gated systematically and intensively that all things pertaining to the Indian may be 
discovered and preserved." The discovery and investigation of many sites was 
begun by M. P. Murray and G. T. Ercanbrack, with whom were later associated not 
only Mr. Lang, but Dr. C. H. Ott, whose collection has long been a part of the Tioga 
Point Museum collection; and I. P. Shepard whose geological knowledge of the valley 
has been of great assistance. 



'N. S., 23, 1021 

FIG. 59.-Ceremonials and Algonkiau grooved axes from Maughatawanga and 
Nichols. Lang Collection. 



in the profusion evident on the site farther east at Nichols, now 
practically washed away. We reproduce a Nichols group (fig. 59, 
lower half) from the Lang collection. This village was on high 
ground on the east side of the mouth of Wappasena Creek, with a 
burial site on the flats; indeed, as Mr. Lang says, "There is not a 

Fig. 60. — Objects from Wyalusing: Algonkian artifacts, a stone pipe ornamented 
with a dog face, Seneca pottery pipe. 

locality along these rivers where a contributing stream appears 
that does not bear evidence of Indian occupation, from which 
many valuable and interesting specimens have been taken." 

[An Indian trail running along Wappasena Creek passed to the 
head waters of Wyalusing Creek at the mouth of which, in the 
lower part of Bradford County, were Andaste and archaic Algonkian 
villages. The few specimens from these sites are of unusual in- 
terest. Of the stone pipe we know nothing except that it has been 
pronounced Algonkian, also ceremonial. The earthenware pipe has 



[n'. s., 23, 1921 

its mate in the Dewey collection, made, Mr. Parker says, by a 
Seneca Indian three hundred and fifty years ago. This collector 
made no notes, but the crude axes and other artifacts in figure 
60 from the Ott collection were all found in one field on the 
high bluff near the Fair Grounds, later known as an Andaste site. 
Wyalusing deserves careful study, for the sites are many and of 
widely separated periods. There are several groups from there in 
Tioga Point Museum, but very much more is scattered, unlabeled, 
and neglected. It boasts a higher culture than Teaoga, with its 
grooved axes, effigy pipe, copper celt, and other unusual artifacts.] 

Fig. 61. — Algonkian artifacts from the Edgccomb Site; reduced one-half. 
Ellsworth Cowles Collection. 

Crossing the bridge near Nichols, we will turn west to Site 24 
at the mouth of Ellis Creek, which is about opposite the Park farm 
site, where much has been found for the last fifty years, but of which 
there is no record. Here there was a large burial site, possibly 
established by the early occupants across the river. We regret 
the lack of satisfactory data concerning this. 

We soon strike the old trail up Cayuta Creek, now a highway. 
On Talmadge Hill collector Cowles reports an interesting camp 
site (No. 26), evidencing several periods of occupation and some 
trade influence, yielding blades, scrapers, and points of all cultures 
and material, shown in figure 61, description of which seems un- 
necessary. This is near a large spring, and here was also found 
a bell pestle, rare in this locality, and a small stone pendant which 


Mr. Skinner says is peculiarly Lenape or Delaware, a nearly perfect 
circle of black stone showing much wear, about one inch in diameter 
and one-fourth of an inch thick, the eyes drilled to a depth of about 
one-eighth of an inch, and outlines of the nose and mouth being 
scratched on, with a hole at the top drilled through from the front 
close to the edge. We have seen but one other, which came from 
a very old site on the trail leading from Elmira to Seneca Lake. 
Near this was what Cowies calls a summer camp site close to a 
group of springs, with chipped hoes, several pecked pestles, barbed 
and hafted points of argillite, rhyolite, and yellow jasper, hammer 
stones, drills, knives, and a stone bead of native workmanship. 
A short distance be^nd, another camp site yields many Algonkian 
spear heads and a curious rectangular celt. From the Shipman 
farm nearby the Cowles collection in the Museum shows unusual 
artifacts — a broken butterfly-stone of highly polished green granite 
notched at each side after it was broken that it might still be used 
as a pendant, a rectangular celt, a short pestle, a spear head with 
spiral chip made from a flint pebble; truly a wondrous hillside, 
from which many implements have been carelessly scattered. Re- 
tracing our steps we cross Cayuta Creek and come to the town of 
Waverly, N. Y., within the limits of which have been collected a 
few unusual artifacts, seemingly all Algonkian; e.g., an argillite 
winged drill, the only one in the Museum. Note the bird-stone 
ceremonial (fig. 65) from the collection of Dr. Tucker, found along 
the old Indian trail which is now the road to Valley View Club 
House. No doubt this point, commanding so much of the valley, 
was used by Indians for signal fires. 

Abbott in his Primitive Industry tells of large mortars for common 
use, and such an one near a spring on Waverly Street, too heavy to 
move, is four feet square, about eighteen inches high, and with the 
depression six inches deep; whether a community mill or washtub 
who shall say? 

Here we have left the Susquehanna and returned to the valley 
of the Chemung, concerning which we insert data from the late 
L. D. Shoemaker of Elmira, who for twenty years made an intensive 
study of the region from Waverly to Corning (forty miles) and from 



[x. s., 23, 1921 

Elmira to Seneca Lake. The annotated results of his untiring 
work should be of value to archaeologists in New York State as 
well as hereabouts. He says: 

The Chemung has always been a turbulent stream, and its banks and adjacent 
territory show four distinct river terraces, indicating its former course and ex- 
panse over a period of hundreds if not thousands of years. On the higher terrace, 
now nearly half a mile from the present channel, has been found little else than 
rough blades and celts of argillite; on the second and third, the rhyolite knives, 
spears, barbed points, steatite and long pestles of Algonkian culture. On the 





Fig. 62. — Outline of Spanish Hill and sketch of supposed fortifications of Carantouan 

on its top. 

second terrace on pre-used sites, were found beautiful notched flint arrows antl 
spears distinctly diflferent from those of earlier periods, highly polished celts, 
butterfly and other ceremonial stones, noticeable absence of steatite, pottery of 
varying types. On the flats bordering the river as it runs today were the un- 
disputed remains of the Iroquois and their later contemporaries or tributary 

Mr. Shoemaker investigated all the supposed Andaste sites, 
and wrote an exhaustive description of Fort Hill at Elmira and its 
surroundings. We believe the three Andaste towns mentioned by 
Champlain may have been Fort Hill, Chemung, and Spanish Hill. 

We now approach Spanish Hill, a drift mound "deposited when 


the glacier was receding from this region," its intrenchments men- 
tioned by travelers of 1 795-1 804 and others as "Spanish Ramparts" 
(source of name unknown). The traveler of 1795 describes it as 
"a mountain in the shape of a sugar loaf, about 100 feet high, with 
level top, on which are remains of intrenchments. One per- 
pendicular breastwork is yet remaining, plainly indicating a parapet 
and ditch." In 1833 the visitor found "the remains of a wall which 
runs around the whole exactly on the brow, and within a deep ditch 
or intrenchment running round the whole summit." The double 
lines in the diagram indicate portions still clearly defined, evidently 
made much higher to protect those places most easily assailed. The 
dotted line indicates possibly an extra palisade for greater security, 
or protection for a covered way down the northern slope to a spring, 
further indicated by a deep cut seemingly artificial. The forti- 
fication seems to difl^er from the palisade work of the Iroquois. 

As to the fortification and occupation of Spanish Hill (Site 27), 
we have been chiefly concerned with unwritten history, and, 
lacking space, had thought to leave final discussion as to the loca- 
tion of Champlain's Carantouan to some expert who would visit 
it in fair weather and make convincing "scientific investigations." 
But since our name has been connected wnth it and our decisions 
questioned, we are disposed to remember our research twenty 
years ago, when, inspired by reading Parkman and Brodhead, we 
endeavored to obtain definite information concerning the Andaste. 
Wii read Champlain's wonderful Journal in the original French. 
A note in this original edition said : "Carantouannai, there is reason 
to believe that these are the same as the Andastes." We visited 
General Clark, saw his correspondence w^th Parkman and Brod- 
head, and, guided by him, made a study of the old maps and some 
Jesuit Relations (Lalemant and Ragueneau) and were ready to 
agree with his decision placing Carantouan — the town to which 
Champlain sent Brule ^^on Spanish Hill. "The size of this work 
(Carantouan)," said Gen. Clark, "would accommodate the number 
of warriors and their families as given by Brule, and no other forti- 
fied work in all that section of the country approaches anywhere 
near the requirements of Brule's estimate." 

1 See Parkman's Pioneers of France in the Nen' World. 

290 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 23, 1921 

The failure of the Susquehanna Archcological Expedition to 
find real evidence of a village on the hill was disappointing, but was 
no doubt due to the wet weather as well as the fact that the surface 
has been scoured by collectors for a hundred and twenty-fi\e years. 

Spanish Hill, from name to aboriginal occupation, guards its 
secret well. We know it was fortified, as shown by the accompany- 
ing diagram made during the lifetime of the oldest residents in the 
vicinity (fig. 62). We accept the decision of Mr. Shoemaker, who, 
at Mr. Moorehead's suggestion, made careful investigations in 
the early spring and late fall. He made only slight excavations, 
but found every evidence, on the surface, of a long-continued village 
site — darkened earth, shell heaps, corn caches, flint chips, and 
various implements. His observations are on record in the Museum. 
Bushels of potsherds have been gathered, both Algonkian and 
Iroquois. We concede that the group of artifacts from the top 
of the hill, shown in figure 63, is not distinctively Andaste. We 
can not decide the culture of the unusual metate (b in fig. 64) or of 
Mr. Lang's unique sandstone pipe with its concentric rings of 
drilling. The ossuary or cemetery, known as early as 1806, has 
not as yet been found; but no real search has been made except 
that by the Susquehanna Archeological Expedition. We are not 
ready to admit that our conclusions are based on "unscientific 
grounds," and hope it may yet be proven even to the theorist that 
the last Andaste stands were on Spanish Hill, Fort Hill, and at 
Chemung, all natural strongholds, easily fortified, on the border of 
the territory of the invincible Iroquois. 

Let us skirt the foot of the hill and look on the Chemung River 
flats for indications of an older occupation than that of the Cayuga, 
whose town in 1763 was known as Ganatocherat (Site 28). From 
the quantities of artifacts collected here, this site knew long occupa- 
tion. But in all the collections studied we have found absolutely 
nothing to prove this an Andaste site as Dr. Donehoo theorizes; 
nor have we any evidence of the Andaste village that he has sug- 
gested might be found between Spanish Hill and the Andaste 
cemetery on LTpper Queen Esther's Flats. The Pittsley collection 




in the Museum and the Landon private coUection are probably the 
largest made here; Mr. Lang has all the large implements of a 

Fig. 63. — Artifacts from Spanish liill; the pipe is of sandstone, and of the size here 


long used village site, the most unusual being a deep oval metate,. 
not reproduced, also large scrapers shown in figure 65. There are- 
also relics in I. P. Shepard's collection in the Museum, and in Dr. 
Tucker's private collection, to our regret unlabeled and only 
partially examined. The Landon collection — as far as it has been 
possible to examine it — has many notched and stemmed long; 



i\. s., 23, 1921 

points of the New Jersey type, no argillite or rhyolite. but several 
of the rough, thick, triangular points classed by Abbott as pre- 
historic. Many resemble those found at the mouth of Cayuta 
Creek, and one has a drilled perforation about one third of the 
length from the base. Figure 66 has a club head or short pestle 

Fig. 64. — Objects Ironi Clicmung sites: a, Algonkian axes and a "dead" steatite disti; 
B, a small stone mortar or metate 12 in. in diameter. 

with diagonal groove found on this site, a rare type. There is a 
very small proportion of Iroquois points from this site, but quantities 
of Algonkian potsherds. 

Exploring along the north bank of the Chemung, on a high 
terrace that was once the bank of the river now a quarter of a mile 
distant, at Sullivan's Eddy, Mr. Lang discovered an old village 


site (No. 29) undoubtedly archaic Algonkian, with httle evidence 
of later occupation. This site abounded in rough implements, 
some of which are shown in figure 64 (marked a). Note the "dead " 
steatite dish. Following the old Indian trail, still discernible at 
intervals, we find numerous camp sites along the river, a distinct 
village site (No. 30) at the mouth of Wyncoop Creek, and west of 
Chemung village, on another old river terrace, a site (No. 31) easily 
determined from Mr. Lang's investigations of twenty years ago 
to be that of a palisaded town of fair extent protected on one side 
by the creek. Corn caches and other evidences of permanent 
occupation have led us to believe this was one of the three Andaste 
towns mentioned by Champlain. l^nfortunately there are no 
labeled artifacts from this site, which should have had more careful 
investigation with recorded data. The ground just covered, ex- 
tending to the western limit of our survey, has been explored by 
Lang, Shepard, Pittsley, Coleman, and Cowles, some of their 
collections being shown in figures 65 and 66, and we believe much 
more may be found in the private collection of Dr. Tucker — un- 
classified however. 

We are not sure whether the site at Sullivan's Eddy or the 
palisaded town was "Old Chemung." Here we cross the bridge 
and survey the south bank, finding as before a village site at the 
mouth of every creek and some between, evidencing occupation 
at difTerent periods. Wilawana (Site 32) comes first, of which we 
know little in prehistoric times, but it is frequently mentioned in 
early archives. Yet many collectors have here found prehistoric 
relics (some shown in the lower part of fig. 65). 

Perhaps no collection in Tioga Point Museum has a greater 
variety of pre-Iroquoian types than that of E. S. Coleman, collected 
entirely from both banks of the Chemung River between Wilawana 
and Spanish Hill, largely at Sites 30 and 33. Triangular celts, 
chipped flint blades, hafted, barbed and bifurcated arrows, many 
of rhyolite, soapstone fragments, broken ceremonial objects, and 
Algonkian potsherds abound (fig. 66). Dr. Tucker shows a plain 
elbow pipe from Chemung, and Cowles a (^itawba pipe (both in 
fig- 65) found near the historic village site of the Tulelo. Before 



I'IG. 6.S. — Algonkian artifacts and Tutclo piijc. 



Fig. 66. — Artifacts from the Coleman Collection, principally Algonkiuu but including 
one Iroquoian potsherd; reduced one-half. 

296 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 23, 192 1 

reaching the last-mentioned, we pause at Queen Esther's Glen, 
a curious cleft in the rocks, whence came the rude two-holed cere- 
monial object in figure 65. Next comes the Elsbree farm (Site 35) 
where some years ago, in excavating for a foundation, graves were 
found which Mr. Lang investigated and thus describes: 

Here I disinterred a number of skeletons that disclosed haste and lack of care in 
burial; a ditch having been dug and remains thrown in without order, seemingly 
indicating epidemic, massacre, battle or some other calamity. The ditch was 
V-shaped and skeletons compressed in apex; no artifacts were found in association. 

Mr. Lang has remarked that between this spot and the ri\-er, l;)Oth 
up and down stream, there are surface indications of Indian oc- 
cupancy prior to the Iroquois, though some specimens show the 
culture of the latter. 

The Tutelo town of 1743 was in the angle of the mouth ol the 
creek which still bears the same name. The Siouan tribes of 
Tutelo and Saponi, and the Algonkian Conoy were transients under 
the Iroquois regime. Close to this place the mountains come to 
the river's edge. We will cross and turn toward Athens, not with- 
out mention of a burial site in Keystone Park, midway between the 
rivers, discovered some years ago, in\cstigation of which was not 
permitted. Along the east bank of the Chemung on the old Tyler 
farm we pass another village site (No. 36) which occupied the 
upper river terrace, every vestige of the artifacts from which is 
scattered, and only scanty verbal records of them remain. Here 
the boy collectors of twenty years ago gathered their arrow points, 
stoned the pottery to pieces, and seldom preserved a single curio. 

In reviewing our survey, we conclude that it is most evident that 
these broad, fertile river flats invited to occupancy all aborigines 
who were agriculturally inclined, as there are no implements more 
in evidence than those used for cultivating and grinding maize. 
It is increasingly evident that we have only lightly touched the 
borderland of scientific investigation and visualized for the reader 
but a small part of the available artifacts. 

We have reached the end of the trail; and here on this very 
ground where Brant held many a council, where for long years 



prisoners were brought en route to the land of the Iroquois, where 
the British, the Tory, and the red man assembled to embark for 
the tragic descent on Wyoming, here today is Tioga Point Museum 
established to preserve the memory of the participants in all this 
vivid history and maintained for the benefit of the student of an- 
thropology and archaeology. 

Tioga Point Museum, 
Athens, Pa. 



IT is the object of this essay to take up some of the most con- 
spicuous of the principles laid down by Dr. J. Warneck in 
his discussion of the religion of the Battaks of the Indian 
Archipelago/ and to show by an illustration from a new source 
how well worth considering is his proposition that "Animism is 
the key to an understanding of . . . all that is commonly called 
heathen superstition." Dr. Warneck says: 

An exact acquaintance with [Animism] is indispensable to an understanding of 
heathenism, because it is found all over the earth, and not only among the peoples 
of the Indian Archipelago. \Vc find traces of it in almost every region of the 
earth, and every student of religion must reckon with it. The study of Animism 
gives a surprising insight into the inner life and thought of primitive peoples. 
With all its strangeness, this exotic world of ideas proves that even the "savage" 
thinks, and feels the need of a reasoned view of the world. 

Whether the general description of Animism in the chapter 
on "Battak Heathenism" is accurate or not does not fall within 
the scope of this paper to discuss. It does furnish an excellent 
basis for comparison, and, while it is too long to quote entire, it 
may be abbreviated in such a manner as to bring into view some 
remarkable points of coincidence between the Battak system and 
that of the Tinneh of the lower Yukon. 

In the citations which follow I shall indicate these coincidences 
by italics, and the reasons for regarding them as such will be more 
fully presented farther on. 

To the Animist (says Dr. Warneck) the "soul" is something entirely different 
from what we understand it to be. It is an elixir of life, a life stuff, which is 
found everywhere in nature. Man has two souls, one of which, the bodily soul, 
pertains to him during his lifetime. It is a power outside himself, conditioning 
his earthly well-being, but does not essentially belong to his person; at death it 
returns to the animistic storehouse. The other soul, the shadow soul, emerges 
only when the man dies. It is the shadow^' continuation of his person, the part of 

1 The Living Christ attd Dying Heathenism. Fleming H. Revell Co., New York. 



his individuality that continues to Hve. The soul of the living man is conceived 
of as a kind of life-stuff, indestructible, and animating alternately this man and that. 
Among peoples of a lower grade the soul-stuff is conceived impersonally, as a 
vital power which at the death of its present possessor passes over to something 
else, man, animal, or plant. Higher developed peoples conceive the soul as a 
refined body, to some extent an alter ego, a kind of man within the man. But 
this soul never coincides with his person, but remains outside his consciousness. 
It is handed over to man at his conception from the loan ofifice of nature. But 
it is so independent and incalculable a thing that it may at any moment leave him for a 
longer or shorter period, as for example in dreams, or when it is frightened, or tvhen 
it thinks itself insulted. The well-being of the man depends upon its moods. It can 
be nourished, strengthened and augmented: it can also be weakened, diminished and 
enticed away. . . . The soul pervades the whole body, all the members of which 
are sharers in the soul-stuff, and therefore have a life of their own, a feeling of 
their own, and a will of their own. It is not the man who sees and hears and 
walks and breathes, but the eye sees, the ear hears, the foot walks and the mouth 
breathes. It is not the man who feels pain, but the part of the body where the 
pain is located. If the soul-stuff is removed from a member it feels pain and 
becomes ill. In man and beast this soul-stuff is found specially abundant in the 
head. . . . Head hunting has its root in this idea. The vital power and courage 
of the dead man is appropriated by him who possesses his skull. Medicine and 
magic are made out of human heads. . . . There is much soul-stuff in the blood, 
for life ebbs away with the blood. . . . Strength is imparted by drinking the 
blood of the slain foe. . . . Soul-stuff is ascribed to the placenta. There is a 
mysterious connection between it and the child, its "elder brother," all through 
life. . . . The decayed piece of umbilical cord is carefully preserved. The hair also 
contains much soul power, and is therefore not cut by the heathen. . . . Saliva is 
medicinal, because it contains soul power. . . . The sweat also, as a secretion of the 
body, contains soul-stuff, and so far as it communicates itself to the clothes, these 
become saturated with soul-stuff. . . . A man's name is closely connected with his 
soul. It is therefore holy, and should not be named except when necessary. No one 
should utter his own name or that of his parents. If one knows the name of anyone, 
he thereby obtains a certain power over him. . . . His very important that children 
should get the right name, and it is the duty of the magic priest to put them on the 
scent. . . . Sometimes hateful names are given to children, to make the envious 
spirits believe that the children are inferior. (If a child is born into a family which 
resembles some dead member of the family they say the dead man has reappeared in 
the child, and the name of the dead man is therefore given to the child. If an infant 
cries much it is a sign that it has not got the right name). . . . The soul does not 
hesitate to leave men if anything displeases it, for it does not essentially belong to 
them, and has no interest in its temporary dwelling. Hence caution must be 
used in chastising children. Give them their own way, lest the sensitive little souls 
leave them and they die. . . . Whilst the soul is represented as life-stuff, that stuff 
is also ascribed to animals and plants. . . . Objects also which are of value to men 

300 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [\: s., 23. 1921 

are thought to be animated, for their usefulness leads to the inference that they 
possess soul-stuff. Soul is awarded to the hearth, the house, the boat, the hatchet, 
iron, and many other instruments, not because they are fetiches, but because their 
usefulness is proof of their soul power. . . . The souls of men, animals, plants, 
and even those of lifeless things invigorate one another. One can augment or invigorate 
one's own soul-stuff through that of others. . . . The important thing in eating and 
drinking is not so much the matter of the food as its soul-stuff, for this alone gives 
health and strength to the eater. No animistic heathen, therefore, e.xpects the gods, 
or spirits, to consume the material of the food which he places before them as an offering, 
but only its soul-stuff. . . . The flesh of an animal that is eaten produces an effect 
on man corresponding to the qualities of the animal in question. . . . The numerous 
prohibitions as to food in sickness are rooted in this idea. Certain foods in so?ne 
circumstances drive the soul out of the body, and these must be avoided. When 
heathen people come to tlie missionary for medicine, they never fail to ask what 
food the sick man is forbidden to take. For the missionary, who is regarded as a 
magician, must know the kind of food to which the soul has an aversion at tlie 
time. . . . There are also objects which, in themselves, have no soul matter, 
but for some reason have such matter ascribed to them. Some peculiarly shaped 
root, or some wonderful .stone is seen, and its striking shape is supposed to indicate 
an indwelling soul power. , . . Such objects maybe called fetiches. . . . In this 
sense amulets are fetiches. They are mostly stones, scraps of lead, and things of 
extraordinary formation; these are carried about, and credited with the power 
of increasing their possessor's soul-stuff, and protecting him against evil spirits. 
. . . The human soul can be decoyed away by other souls, and the souls of children 
are especially sensitive and difficult to preserve. No one must visit the parents of a 
recently born child without bringing a present for the child's soul. . . . The 
spirits of the dead are more capable than the living of drawing souls to themselves. . . . 
Souls may be blended. This consideration makes one like to be spat upon by people 
who are accounted fortunate. People who are clever at speaking are entreated to 
spit into one's mouth. Sick people are breathed upon by the healthy, in order to 
bring them healthy soul-stuff. When a man dies, his soul power leaves him, in 
order to animate other things, men, beasts or plants. It always remains a power 
on this earth that can never be exhausted. The soul that continues to live, 
which must be clearly distinguished from the corporeal soul, is called begu — 
spirit, ghost. At first it feels very uncomfortable without a body; it searches for 
its old body and surroundings; it sits on its grave and terrifies the living. . . . For 
a long time it is not safe to be near the house of the dead at night, because the dead 
man is moving about there. From the moment of his departure the spirit of the 
dead is feared, as, out of ill will, he would like to drag others with him into death. . . . 
A great number of things are to be observed in connection with the corpse, with its 
burial, and afterwards. All their mourning customs are rooted in their fear of the 
dead. The hair is cut off, an offering to the dead, pars pro toto. It is fear that 
leads them to place food on the dead man's grave, to bring him his tools and coin, 
that his shadow may use them in the other world and be content. . . . As soon as the 

chapman] T inn eh animism 


coffin is brought into the house, the body is placed in it and the lid is fastened down, 
else the soul of some living person might slip into it. . . . They . . . bathe after 
the funeral. . . . The coffin is not carried out by the door in the usual way, for the 
soul must be deceived." 

It will be noticed that in making the above citation I have 
drawn attention, for the most part, rather to coincidences of fact 
than of theory. This is not from want of sympathy with Dr. 
Warneck's deductions, but merely because the evidence is not 
always convincing that the Tinneh native would give the same 
reason for any particular observance that the Battak would. For 
instance, both the Tinneh and the Battaks cut the hair when a 
relative dies and place food on the grave; but the reason given for 
the Battak observance is fear of the dead, w^hile that given by the 
Tinneh is grief, and solicitude for his welfare. I have ventured to 
subscribe to Dr. Warneck's important deduction that the soul is 
"an elixir of life, a life-stuff, which is found everywhere in nature," 
not because the Tinneh native so describes it, but because it fur- 
nishes a working hypothesis which appears to harmonize every- 
thing so far discovered, and to contradict nothing. The distinc- 
tion between the corporeal soul and the shadow soul I have not 
emphasized from the desire to be conser\'ative; yet there is much 
which would appear to support it. 

To the student of the Tinneh system the description above 
given comes as an astonishingly accurate picture of the subject 
with which he has become more or less familiar. Even to the 
casual reader the coincidences indicated by the italics must suggest 
a resemblance between the tw^o systems which is more than fortui- 
tous, and points to a unity in the essential principles underlying 
each. In some directions the religion of the Battaks has had a 
further development than that of the Tinneh. This is the case 
with ancestor worship, which is found among the Tinneh only in a 
rudimentary form, if it is to be found at all. Fatalism also, which 
is highly developed among the Battaks, is apparently non-existent 
among the Tinneh. 

The Tinneh, like the Battak, is a believer in the precxistence 
of souls, in the future existence of souls, in the existence of souls in 
the lower animals and in inanimate objects, in the power of one 

302 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

soul to affect another, and particularly in the power of the spirit 
of one who has lately died to attract to itself the spirits of the living, 
and in reincarnations. Like the Battak he has his mediums, who 
declare to the living that which they have received from the dead, 
and like him also he makes offerings and pours out libations for the 
benefit of his friends who are deceased, but apparently more from 
the desire to procure for them some satisfaction than from fear of 
what they may do to him if he neglects them. Like the Battak he 
believes in the existence of evil spirits and tries to propitiate them 
by offerings, and these spirits would appear to be a different order 
from the spirits of human beings. Finally, he has a vague belief, 
not yet touched upon, in the existence of a beneficent Creator, as the 
Battak also has, and like the Battak he has suffered the idea of this 
Creator to fall into the background of his consciousness, and offers 
him neither worship nor sacrifice, reserving his propitiatory service 
for those beings who seem to him to have a more immediate in- 
fluence upon his destinies. 

The belief of the Battak in preexistence may be inferred from 
the legends that give an account of man choosing his own destiny 
before being born into this world. The same belief among the 
Tinneh is to be inferred from a tradition by which birthmarks are 
explained. According to this tradition, there is a place filled with 
the spirits of little children, all impatient to be "called," i.e., born 
into this life. As one is called, the rest slap him, through jealousy 
and impatience, and the marks of their rough treatment persist. 

Among both peoples there is a body of tradition regarding the 
life of the future, and of the belief of both it might be said, as Dr. 
Warneck has remarked, "The other world is but a shadowy con- 
tinuance of the earthly life, and of the values that hold good here." 
As to a belief in immortality, in any true sense, it is denied for the 
Battaks on the strength of a positive tradition, and it could hardly 
be claimed by the representative Tinneh, who is prepared to main- 
tain that the white men who have of late years come into his country' 
in such numbers are the reincarnations of deceased Indians. 

There is a tradition among the Tinneh of the lower Yukon, that 
soon after death the spirit makes an underground journey to the 
city of the dead, somewhere near the sources of the river, but on 


the farther side of the divide. On its arrival it is received by the 
inhabitants of the city, who come out to meet it. Its own relatives 
are in advance of the rest, and they welcome it and conduct it to 
the custodian of newly arrived spirits, who takes it in charge over- 

The welfare of the spirits of the deceased is dependent to a 
considerable extent upon the living, who make feasts in their 
honor, and give away garments and food, from which the dead 
are supposed to receive a benefit. These feasts would appear to 
have more about them to indicate a true regard for the dead than 
the corresponding feasts among the Battaks, where the motive 
ascribed is fear. 

The belief in reincarnations among the Tinneh has already been 
alluded to. It receives further confirmation from a very interesting 
belief regarding the spirits of infants. When these die they are 
not buried in coffins, but are wrapped in a mat and buried at the 
foot of a young and vigorous spruce tree, in the belief that the life 
of the tree will in some way assist the soul of the child to remain 
available for another appearance in the flesh. The parents there- 
fore comfort themselves, thinking that they may receive their 
child again. The connection which is here asserted to exist between 
the life of the spruce and that of the child would point toward an 
acceptance of the view that the Tinneh and the Battaks have 
the same conception of the nature of the soul, or invigorating 
principle. There are other indications which tend to confirm 
this view. Among these are ideas which the Tinneh entertain 
with regard to the souls of bears and other animals, and also of 
inanimate objects. If we add to these the notion of special virtue 
residing in the secretions and in various parts of the body, as the 
hair, heart, and so on, and further, the notion that one's soul power 
may be augmented, diminished, or enticed away as the result of 
the influence of soul power obtained from another or imparted to 
him, we shall have very strong grounds for concluding that the 
two peoples, so widely separated geographically, are nevertheless 
possessed of a common method of reasoning concerning the phenom- 
ena of life. 

The belief of the Battaks has been sufficiently indicated in the 
citation which has been used as a basis of comparison. 

304 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [\. s., 23, 1921 

How closely it is paralleled in the belief of the Tinneh may be 
judged from the following observations. 

They think that in hunting bears and other animals we are 
really hunting souls, which have those forms as their presentments. 
Every hunter has his songs, with which to charm the spirits of the 
animals which he pursues. Our souls are hunted in the same 
manner. Bear meat is not to be eaten by the women. The hunter 
eats the heart of the bear to obtain courage. The heart of the 
porcupine is e\en more efficacious for this purpose, for he runs from 
nothing. It is on this account, perhaps, that he was the first of 
the animals created. The heart of the rabbit must not be eaten 
by children, for it will make them timid. The feet of the ptar- 
migan, which runs swiftly over the snow, are attached to the snow- 
shoes of children, in order that they inay be good runners. 

Nowhere, perhaps, does the character of these beliefs have a 
better illustration than in the Feast of Animals' Souls, which is 
held annually. At this feast images of all the animals that are 
hunted are carved upon the ends of sticks, and hundreds of these are 
stuck up around the interior of the council house and propitiated 
with songs and ofTerings. It is significant that among these images 
are also to be seen representations of bags of flour, guns, and other 
things useful for maintaining life. An aged Indian who was asked 
whether the people supposed that the images could understand what 
was being done answered, "No, but the animals upon the moun- 
tains see it, and they are pleased." This was said during a ceremony 
in which water was sprinkled over a group of images representing a 
herd of deer. 

The fact that souls are attributed to insensate things has a 
more striking confirmation from the custom of patting and rubbing 
a gun or other implement that has fallen, to restore the soul that 
has suffered a shock, just as a man's soul is restored under the 
same circumstances. 

Not only does the Tinneh belief resemble that of the Battak in 
ascribing soul to animals and to inanimate objects, but there is 
the same agreement with respect to the secretions and to the in- 
fluence which one soul may have upon another. The Tinneh be- 
lieves that the clothing, utensils, and other possessions of a good 

chapman] T inn eh animism 305 

hunter convey virtue. The sputum of a consumptive must not 
be burned, for it will take away some of his vitality. The hair 
must not be burned. Old people sometimes put their spittle into 
the mouths of children to bring them good luck. Healthy persons 
breathe upon one who is sick in order to invigorate him; but, if 
the patient is too far gone, they will not do it lest their souls should 
get entangled with the departing soul and leave them. 

The law of taboo, by which certain things — and notably certain 
kinds of food — are forbidden to certain persons, is found in opera- 
tion among the Tinneh, as among the Battaks. Prohibition of the 
eating of the rabbit's heart by children is only one of many illustra- 
tions. Fresh fish is forbidden to women under certain circum- 
stances. Red food must not be eaten by a person who is subject 
to hemorrhages. This may be taken in connection with the fact 
that it is forbidden to cut the hair of a person so afHicted, and also in 
connection with the fact that the Tinneh, equally with the Battak, 
will claim that the spirit of a deceased person, or one of those evil 
spirits, not human, whom he desires to propitiate, is benefited, 
not by the substance of the food which he sets out as an offering, 
but by its soul, of which alone he makes use, and the inference is 
not a difficult one that the Tinneh believes, as the Battak does, 
that the souls of men can be influenced by the souls of inanimate 
things. Indeed, it is a fact so obvious as hardly to deserve the 
name of an inference. 

The Tinneh freely admits that his medicine has no power over 
the white man. His explanation of this is that white men have 
no souls. Viewed in the light of his belief that white men are de- 
ceased Indians, this is not, perhaps, so irrational after all. It is 
difficult to tell what kind of medicine ought to be prescribed for a 

A comparison of the beliefs concerning the importance of names 
furnishes some singular coincidences. Reluctance to give one's 
name might be attributed to bashfulness; but what shall we say 
with regard to the following particulars in which l)oth systems 
agree ? 

I. It is important that the children should get the right name, 
and it is the duty of the magic priest to put them on the scent. 


306 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s.. 23, 1921 

2. Hateful names are sometimes given to the children. The 
Battak does this to make the envious spirits believe that the child 
is inferior. The Tinneh says that if he loves his child excessively 
it will die, and that he gives it a bad name to conceal his affection. 

3. More remarkable still, if an infant cries inordinately, both 
peoples attribute it to the same cause, that the child is seeking to 
be named after some particular relative who is deceased. The 
Tinneh have an expression, "He is born like . . . ," e.g., "He is 
born like his grandfather." This means that the relative who is 
deceased is seeking to become the special guardian of the child. 
It is here that the magic priest is called in, to determine whether 
the surmise of the parents is correct, and the child receives his 
name at some public gathering, as a potlatch or a mask feast. 
This name he retains during his childhood, and at maturity he 
receives another name. 

The belief that the soul may leave the body for a time, as in 
dreams or when it is frightened or feels itself insulted, has been 
noted as a tenet of the Battaks. There are numerous examples 
of its occurrence among the Tinneh. With regard to the punish- 
ment of little children, "Give them their own way," says the 
Battak, "lest the sensitive little souls leave them and they die." 
"Do not frighten them," says the Tinneh. "If they are punished 
too much their souls will get cranky and leave them." The Tinneh 
have to exercise great care not to subject the soul of the newborn 
child to any sudden shock. For twenty days the father is not 
allowed to chop wood or to do anything requiring severe exertion. 
He is not put to bed to keep him quiet, as among some primitive 
people, but all his movements must be regulated with the greatest 
caution. If he leaves the house a pair of scissors or a scrap of tin 
or some other metal is placed upon the breast of the child as a kind 
of shield to protect its soul. 

As among the Battaks, the soul may leave a person for a time, 
or may be enticed away, to the detriment of its possessor. The 
medicine men have their trances, when the soul is supposed to 
journey everywhere, and to find out the secrets of the future. To 
eat the eyes of a man is supposed to confer the power of traversing 
the air. A sudden shock may detach the soul, and it may depart 


chapman] T inn eh animism 307 

during a fainting spell. The expression, "he came to himself," 
in the parable of the prodigal son, would be intelligible to a Tinneh, 
but in a different sense from that which it conveys to the English 

As we might expect, the mortuary customs of the Tinneh furnish 
many illustrations of their belief in this detachable quality of the 
soul, and they also point toward the distinction between this soul, 
or life principle, and the spirit, or what Dr. Warneck calls "that 
part of the individuality that continues to live." Here, as I have 
already indicated, there are many striking parallels. 

1. The hair is cut by the mourners. 

2. The spirit of the dead is feared, as he would like to drag 
others with him into death. Among the Tinneh, it is the duty 
of the medicine man to find out whether there are any souls in the 
community which are detached from their owners, at the time of a 
death, and would on this account be liable to be enticed away by 
the spirit of the dead man. If he discovers these, they are cere- 
monially restored to the ones to whom they belong, before the 
burial takes place. 

3. As soon as the coffin is brought into the house, the body is 
placed in it, and the lid is fastened down, else the soul of some 
living person might slip into it. The Tinneh put off the making 
of the coffin as long as possible. If it is made at some distance 
from the house of the deceased, it is not taken to the house until 
the body is to be placed inside. If it is left in the shop overnight, 
the lid must not be placed upon it, and the tools which were used 
in making it must be placed inside. 

4. The coffin is not carried out by the door, in the usual way, 
for the soul must be deceived. The Tinneh sometimes take off 
a portion of the roof. In former times the body was taken out 
through the smoke-hole, instead of by the door. Before the coffin 
is taken out it is sometimes passed several times through the fire, 
that the soul may not follow it. A new trail is sometimes cut 
through the bushes, still further to deceive the soul. Whether 
this is the spirit, as distinguished from the corporeal soul, is not 
clear; but this is probably the correct view. It is undoubtedly 
true that the Tinneh fear the spirit of the deceased person, sup- 

308 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23. 1921 

posing that it is engaged in trying to entice their souls away from 
them. Dr. Warneck speaks of two customs of the Battaks which 
result from this fear. Thorns are put into the grave, to keep the 
spirit from coming back, and the personal belongings of the dead 
man are taken to the grave and scattered along the path, so that 
the spirit may not come back to the village looking for them. 
There are no thorn bushes in the valley of the Yukon, but wild 
roses grow in abundance, and there is at least one known instance 
of an Indian woman having placed these briers in the grave of a 
child. This may have been to prevent its reincarnation, for the 
parents had lost several children and had become discouraged and 
wished not to have another. The place which the dead man oc- 
cupied during his sickness is switched with briers after the body 
has been removed. Frequently some of the bedclothing or other 
belongings of the dead person are left near the gra\-e. 

5. Food is placed on the grave, and the utensils of the dead 
man are also brought thither. The Tinneh graves may be seen 
decorated with the snowshoes, guns, belts, and other belongings of 
the dead, and, as we might expect, food is placed upon them. Sleds 
used in transporting the body are broken and remain at the grave. 

6. Bathing after the funeral. This custom, mentioned by 
Dr. Warneck, is also found among the Tinneh. It is a ceremonial 
cleansing. Like many of the customs mentioned in this paper, it 
may have fallen into disuse, but the custom formerly was that, 
after a funeral, the men should assemble in the council house and 
bathe. The medicine man was then called in, and under his direc- 
tions all went through the motions of cleansing the hands and were 
then pronounced clean. 

7. For some time after the funeral, the house of the dead man 
is feared at night. Anciently, among the Tinneh, for four days 
after a funeral all work was forbidden in the village. At evening 
of each day a signal was given, and all the curtains were drawn. 
Everyone w'ent to bed at once. In the morning they rose at a 
given signal. In practice, this rule was felt to giv^e too much in- 
convenience, and by a shortening up process the observances of 
four days were compressed into the space of about an hour. Not- 
withstanding these precautions some perverse ghost might come as 



far as the entry, being unable to enter the house. If his voice 
should be heard by the living, the soul of the auditor would be in 
danger of going off with the ghost. 

This account, condensed as it is, would be inexcusably incom- 
plete without somewhat further mention of those beings which 
seem to be in a class outside the ordinary type of spirits with which 
we have been concerned. We are indebted to the Rev. Fr. Julius 
Jette for having distinguished four principal spirits whom the 
Tinneh think it necessary to propitiate. These are the Spirit of 
Cold, who kills men by freezing and then covers them with snow; 
the Spirit of Heat, who is at enmity with the Spirit of Cold and 
usually helps mankind; the Spirit of Wind; and the Spirit that 
Kills Us, an evil being who devours souls and so causes death. 
There is an extremely curious custom by which the wind is propiti- 
ated. One must get some young crows and set them adrift on a 
stick. So long as the mother follows and cares for them, there 
will be no wind; but should they come to the shore the wind will, 
begin to blow. A short period of good weather may be secured by 
putting a louse on the water. So long as it keeps afloat the weather- 
will be good. 

Of the Tinneh belief in evil spirits there can be no doubt. The 
evidence of their belief in a beneficent Creator is slight but it is 
worth consideration. At least two different observers have come 
upon the account of a Being whose name is too sacred for common 
use. One has reported this name as Trorto. It would seem that 
he is the Creator. There is a common notion that the Raven is 
the Creator, but this is denied by an aged native who claims to 
have heard from his grandfather that the Creator made all things 
good, but that the Raven appeared, a different person, and mis- 
chievously threw everything into confusion. There seems to be 
good reason to think that it has always been customary to com- 
fort orphans by telling them that there is One above who cares for 
them. As a means of comparing the Tinneh belief with the Battak, 
and as a suitable conclusion to this essay, I offer a quotation from 
Dr. Warneck's account of Battak heathenism: 

We have seen that one root of the Battak religion, and that the weakest, is its 
relation to mythological deities. A second root, the most vigorous of all, is the 


fear produced by the secret, uncomprehended powers of nature. There is a 
third, very deHcate and very difficult to discover, though deeply imbedded in 
the soul of the people. The eye, searching in the darkness, perceives the outline 
of a thought of some omnipotent power reigning over all those deities. Among 
the Battaks this is reflected in the general name, Debata, i.e. God. He is called 
simply God, also Lord, and Grandfather. [It is somewhat remarkable that the 
Tinneh also refer to the Creator as Grandfather, and that the name has been 
transferred to the Raven.] The idea which is here come upon of a supreme God 
is very vague, and is always in conflict with animistic feeling. ... No Battak 
can explain why, in many situations of life, he passes over Batara Guru and the 
other gods, and feels that he is related to the Debata. That can only be ex- 
plained by assuming that there is in the popular consciousness the remains of a 
purer idea of God, alongside and above the recognition of a plurality of gods, a view- 
also that cannot be derived from those. . . . He is not worshipped; He is scarcely 
even feared; He is so little known that nothing can be said about Him, save that 
one occasionally flees to Him. He is really in contradiction with the form in 
which those heathen religions appear today. The realities of animistic heathenism 
are Polytheism and worship of spirits, together with the fear and magic that 
accompany thv*m. Nevertheless, though painted over with colors of the loudest 
tints, the delicate outlines of the original picture have never been eftaced. 
Anvik, Alaska. 



ARCHAEOLOGISTS have known for many years that large 
stone statues are found in the region of the great lakes of 
Nicaragua. However, as yet no serious study of the 
problems raised by these figures has been made, and I therefore 
propose to discuss a few points in connection with them. 

In height the statues range from three to twelve feet, and the 
subject is invariably a human being, usually male, and often shown 
in conjunction with an animal figure. The types of particular in- 
terest are as follows: 

I. A human figure, to the back and shoulders of which clings 

an animal (fig. 67, d). 
II. A human figure bearing on its head the head of an animal 

(fig. 67, b). 
III. A human figure shown in conjunction with an animal or 
an animal head, within the jaws of which appears the 
human head (fig. 67, c). Sometimes the animal head 
of this type is partially conventionalized (fig. 67, a). 

These three types form a unit series in which certain changes 
take place. Thus, starting with a complete animal figure carried 
on the back of the man, we end up with the human head within 
the animal jaws. This series is obviously connected with a con- 
ception common among the ancient Mexicans and Maya, but it 
is distinguished from the Mexican and Mayan treatment in that the 
Nicaraguan body is always human, even when the head is enclosed 
in animal jaws, while the Mexican and Mayan body is character- 
istically an animal, within the jaws of which appears a human head. 

In addition to the above types there are: 

IV. A human figure seated on the top of a tall column. 







V. A human figure with a large gorget held in the hand or 
suspended from the neck. 
VI. A human figure with the arms folded across the chest. 
VII. Stone columns with pictographs. 

In distribution these statues come into direct contact with the 
Maya area. Dr. Gordon discovered in the Uloa Valley a rather 
crude sculpture (figure 68, a) which is comparable to a figure dis- 
covered by Squier on Zapatero Island in Lake Nicaragua (fig. 68, b). 

Fig. 68. — A stone statue (a) from the Uloa Valley Honduras, compared 
with a figure (b) found on Zapatero Island, Nicaragua. 

Seler found near Comitan, a town in southwestern Mexico, a statue 
(fig. 69, a) stylistically very close to one of the Nicaraguan types 
(fig. 69, b and c). This form, the fourth of our classificatory system, 
represents a man seated on the top of a tall column. The capital 
of this column is round while the shaft is usually square. 

A third pair of statues of greater significance is seen in figure 70. 
The standing figure (a) was found on Zapatero Island and is en- 



[X. s., 23, 1921 

tirely typical of that region. A seated figure (b) was found by the 
writer at La Florida, a town some sixty miles from the great Maya 
city of Copan and itself surrounded by ruins of Maya type. The 
La Florida sculpture bears on its back a small animal figure, which, 
we have seen, is a Nicaraguan feature and is not characteristic of 
Mayan art. 

While the La Florida figure belongs in the same group with 
what we have called the Nicaraguan figures, it also is stylistically 

Fig. Cg. — A stone statue from southwestern Mexico (a) compared witli 
statues of Nicaraguan type (b, c). 

affiliated with a group of crude sculptures found principally in the 
highlands of Guatemala (fig. 70, c), which are probably a local 
development of the Nicaraguan type. The method of representing 
the hands and arms as well as their position on the body indicate 
stylistic affiliation, and, furthermore, similar subjects, among which 
should be mentioned crude figures with a plate or disk held on the 
belly, are represented all the way from Guatemala to Costa Rica. 
This, perhaps, is the germ of the idea which later developed into 
the reclining human figure type commonly called the Chac Mool, 



Z 2 

o ^ 

« -3 

u ^ 

y, ,*-> U 

'^ i; 

t^ r ^ 

J o 

3l6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 192 1 

now proved to have been evolved as early as the Maya Great 
Period (sixth century A.D.) by its discovery by Prof. M. H. Saville 
at the ruins of Quirigua. 

Two statues of the Guatemalan sub-type (fig. 70, d and e) have 
been found at the ruins of Copan, where they had been built into 
the foundations of stelae 5 and 4 which are dated and 
9.17. 12. 13.0 in the Mayan system or 452 and 523 A.D. From this 
we may safely infer that these two monuments, and indeed the 
whole group under discussion, are comparatively early, and that 
their makers occupied the Co{)an region before the arri\-al of the 

The small jade figure known as the Tuxtla statuette (fg. 71, a) 
bears the date corresponding to 96 B.C. Mr. S. G. Morley, on the 
evidence of the glyphs themselves, believes that this date is contem- 
porary. It is therefore the earliest date yet known on the American 
continent which is not of obviously legendary character. It has 
been recognized that the Tuxtla statuette did not accord stylistically 
with other Mayan remains of any period whatsoever. However, it 
can be connected with two large stone figures from the Nicaraguan 
area (fig. 71, b and c) and with certain jade pendants from the 
nearby peninsula of Nicoya. The distinguishing characteristic 
of the Tuxtla statuette is the appendage which covers the mouth, 
which may be a beard but more probably represents the bill of a 
bird. The two Nicaraguan statues here represented are marked 
by the presence of objects on the lower part of the face which I 
feel confident are intended to represent the bill of a bird, for when 
we examine the jade pendants from Nicoya (fig. 72) we find forms 
almost identical with those of the statues, the evolution of which 
into bird types can be definitely traced. It is also of interest to 
note that in the Nicoya jades we can trace the transformation of 
this bird type into forms which are well known in South America 
in the early Peruvian cultures. 

The question who made these statues now arises. On artistic 
grounds our search can at once be limited to three peoples, the 
Maya, Nahua, and Chorotega, and I believe that they may be 
definitely ascribed to the Chorotega for the following reasons: 



I. The majority of the statues are in territory not known to 
have been occupied by anybody but Chorotega, while all the statues 
occur within the extreme limits of this stock, i.e. between the State 
of Chiapas in Mexico and northwestern Costa Rica. 

Fig. 71. — The Tuxtla statuette (a) compared with two large stone figures 
from the Nicaraguan area (b, c). 

II. We may eliminate the Maya, because it is certain that they 
never came to Costa Rica and Nicaragua. From archaeological 
remains it seems that Maya art once dominated Salvador, and 
certain Mayan motives appear on Costa Rican and Nicaraguan 
pottery, but, in the words of Dr. Spinden, these designs are "carried 
so far from the original that only an expert can see the connections.'' 

III. The Nahua came to Nicaragua at a comparatively late 
period — probably in the early part of the fifteenth century — and 
surely never occupied more territory than at the time of the con- 
quest. They certainly did not settle near La Florida and in the 
Uloa Valley, so they could not well have been the makers of the 

IV. While the statues are not Maya or Mexican in style, yet 
they are related to ceramic and jade remains from Nicaragua and 
Costa Rica which are universally ascribed to the Chorotega. 



[X. s., 23, 192 1 

A word must now be said about the Chorotega. At the time 
of the Spanish conquest they were divided into four geographical 
groups consisting of : (i) the Chiapanecs in Chiapas, or southwestern 
Mexico, (2) the Choluteca in the Honduranean Department of 
Choluteca, (3) the Mangue in the region between Leon, Managua, 
and the Pacific in Nicaragua, and (4) the Orotinans in north- 
western Costa Rica. Their language bears relationship to that of 
no other people, although at one time Brinton thought that it 
might be a branch of the Aymara tongue of Peru. The Chiapanec 
possessed a legend that they had come from Nicaragua, while all 
the Spanish historians of Nicaragua agree that the Chorotega were 
the "ancient and indigenous" inhabitants of that land. 

Fig. 72. — Jade pendants from Xicoya. 

With this information before us, we are now prepared to ad- 
vance certain hypotheses as to the movements of population m 
Middle America: 

I. The Chorotega, who on archaeological grounds show relation- 
ship with South America, probably moved from that continent 
into Central America in very early times. Archaeological remains 
show that they occupied, at one time or another, the highlands of 
Chiapas and Guatemala, the eastern and northern portions of 
Honduras, the central and western parts of Nicaragua, and the 
northwestern corner of Costa Rica. 

II. The Maya, who probably came originally from the district 
to the south of Vera Cruz, in the centuries immediately preceding 
the Christian era occupied the region of the Peten in northern 


Guatemala. At the beginning of the first century A.D. they ex- 
panded to the southeast, and settled in the Copan-Quirigua-Uloa 
Valley region, driving out the previous inhabitants, who were 

III. In the sixth and seventh centuries A.D. the Maya civiliza- 
tion was uprooted, probably through the failure of agriculture, 
and the population moved into Yucatan and the highlands of 
Guatemala. In the latter region they again encountered and drove 
out Chorotegan tribes, of which the remnants today are the Chi- 
apanecs and Mazatecs. 

IV. Various tribes of which we have not spoken, the Lenca, 
Xicaque, Ulva, etc., are almost certainly of South American origin 
and perhaps speak a South American language. They appear to 
have moved northward in the wake of the Chorotega, whom they 
drove out of Honduras and central Nicaragua. 

V. A third migratory wave from South America consisted of 
such Chibchan tribes as the Corobici, Guetar, and Talamanca. At 
the time of the Spanish conquest the Corobici and Guetar had come 
into contact with the Chorotega of Costa Rica, and were rapidly 
exterminating them. 

VI. Nahua tribes started to work down the west coast of Central 
America in comparatively early times, yet no group of this people 
passed the Lempa River in Salvador until the beginning of the 
fifteenth century. At that time, however, the Nicarao entered 
Nicaragua and displaced the Chorotegan tribes occupying the 
Isthmus of Rivas, the narrow strip of land which separates the 
Lake of Nicaragua from the Pacific. 

The hypotheses which have been advanced above rest on a 
complex of facts, for which as yet no other explanation has been 
offered. The outstanding features to which attention is invited 
are: (i) that stone figures of several distinct types distributed 
from southern Mexico to Costa Rica apparently form a unified 
group; (2) that this group, in part at least, is very early, as is shown 
by the presence of these statues under the Copan altars and by 
their artistic connection with the Tuxtla Statuette; and (3) that 
one and only one race, the Chorotega, has ever occupied the full 
and exact limits of the region wherein these statues occur. 

Cambridge, Mass. 




PROBABLY the most important (and complicated) feature 
in the social life of the tribes of the North Pacific coast, in 
addition to the potlatch, are the winter ceremonials (ritual 
dances, secret societies) which have thus far been observed to 
exist among the Tlingit, Haida, Tsimshian, Bella-Coola, Kwakiutl, 
Nootka, Comox, Pentlatch, Sanitch, Lkuiigen, Clallam, and 
Quileute Indians. These ceremonials consist of a series of dances, 
held during the winter months, and rendered at the initiation 
ceremonies of novitiates into the secret societies which are the 
owners and keepers of these dances. They have attained their 
fullest development among the Kwakiutl Indians, undoubtedly 
because of the intricate totemic organization of this tribe. Whether 
these ceremonials originated with the Kwakiutl Indians and were 
spread by them among the other neighboring tribes, is a question 
which will, perhaps, never be solved. As was pointed out by Boas,- 
all ceremonials were in the main derived from one source, namely 
from the Kwakiutl Indians. But, 

it does not necessarily follow that no secret societies existed [among the other 
tribes] before the Kwakiutl exerted their influence over the people of the [Xorth 
Pacific] coast. 

However, the fact remains that wherever these ceremonials have 
been met with, their main features and even nomenclature were 
patently Kwakiutl; moreover, in a number of instances, the partici- 
pants were able to point out that certain features were introduced 
within recent times from sources which ultimately go back to the 

1 Published with the permission of the Smithsonian Institution. 

2 Franz Boas, "The Kwakiutl Indians," in Report of U. S. National Museum for 
i8o5 (Washington, 1897), P- 661. 



original Kwakiutl source. In other words, while most of the tribes 
of the North Pacific coast may have had secret societies and attend- 
ing rituals of their own, they borrowed the main features of the 
winter ceremonials either directly or indirectly from the Kwakiutl, 
each tribe adapting and developing them in accordance with the 
peculiarities of its social organization and with the original elements 
of its own existing societies. 

This process of acculturation is perhaps best shown in the de- 
velopment of the ceremonial societies of the Quileute Indians. It 
is not within the scope of this paper to treat the Quileute ceremonial 
societies in their relation to the corresponding Kwakiutl ceremonies. 
This will be done systematically and extensively in a paper dealing 
with the general problem of Quileute ethnology. The object of 
this article is to give a brief description of the main features of the 
Quileute ceremonial societies and rituals and to call attention to 
those elements which have not been found in the societies of the 
other tribes and which must be looked upon as distinctively Quileute 
in origin. 

The Quileute Ceremonial Societies 
The Quileute Indians observed the following rituals,^ based 
upon the principle of ceremonial societies : 

1. The Tlokwali or Wolf Ritual {Ld'kwali). This society, as 
the mere name implies, is of Kwakiutl origin, having been intro- 
duced among the Quileute within comparatively recent years 
through their contact with the Makah (Nootka) Indians of Neah 
Bay. It has the largest membership and constitutes the so-called 
Warrior Society among the Quileutes. 

2. The Tsayeq or Fish Ritual (tsld'yeq), also of Kwakiutl origin, 
introduced within recent times through the medium of the Makah 
Indians.^ In point of membership it ranks next to the Tlokwali 
and its membership is primarily made up of fishermen and seal- 

1 The terms "ritual," "ceremonial society," "initiation-ceremony" arc so closely 
interwoven as practically to form synonyms. 

- The Kwakiutl term ts'els'aeqa (singular ts'a'eqa) means "secrets" and is used to 
denote "the period of the winter ceremonial" and also the ceremonial itself. See 
Boas, op. cit., p. 418. 


322 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

3. The Hunting Ritual of the Hunter Society {qe' l! a akwal 
"going up the river") is next in importance. This is the only 
original Quileute society, and, as will be pointed out later on, 
served as a model in the adaptation of all other ceremonial societies 
introduced through the influence of the neighboring tribes. Pri- 
marily only hunters could become members of this society. 

4. The Ritual of the Whale-Hunters' Society (siba'xulayo' 
"singing for the grease") is a whaling ceremonial recently adopted 
by the Quileute from the Makah Indians. The adoption took 
place some seventy years ago simultaneously with the introduction 
of whale-hunting. Only actual whale-hunters were entitled to 
membership in this society whose list was very small, owing to 
the k\ct that a limited number of Quileute Indians practised whale- 

5. The Ritual of the Weather Society {tcala'ldyo' "singing from 
the south") is a recent introduction from the Quinault Indians. 
All songs of this society were rendered in the Quinault language, 
hence the term "singing from the south." Membership was 
restricted to those who had acquired a guardian-spirit enabling 
them "to change the weather." 

Before proceeding to a detailed description of the rituals con- 
nected with each of these societies, it will be well to describe at 
first those elements (membership, duration, paraphernalia, etc.) 
that are common to all ; deviations from the general scheme, wher- 
ever such occur, being pointed out during the description of that 
particular ceremonial which shows such distinctive features. 

All rituals were held during the winter months and took place 
whenever a new member was initiated into a ceremonial society. 
Each ceremonial lasted (with the exception of the last one) six 
days, and one of its most prominent features was the distribution 
(on the last day) of presents on the part of the family of the novitiate 
among the other members of the society. This "potlatch" feature 
has assumed such importance among the Quileute Indians, that 
one is almost tempted to maintain that the ceremonial societies 
served the important purpose of facilitating the giving and re- 
ceiving of presents. The amount of a present to be given to a 


particular member was not based upon the social rank of the re- 
ceiver but was predicated upon the number of ceremonials previously 
arranged by that person ; that is to say, upon the number of members 
(in accordance with the number of children) which that person 
(head of the family) had in the society. Thus if a member of a 
given society had three children who were also members of that 
society, he received four presents (one for himself and one for each 
of his three children). Of course, presents received during those- 
ceremonials were returnable either to the giver himself or to his- 
descendants (or family). If the receiver died before he was able- 
to pay this obligation, then his children (family) were charged! 
with the duty of returning the same number of presents or even; 
more gifts of greater value. Because of this potlatch feature, 
each head of a family, in order to insure future wealth to his chil- 
dren, strove to enroll them in as many societies as was possible — 
the novitiate in many cases being a mere infant. Membership;> 
into any of these societies was open to males and females- 
Each society had two types of membership: (i) members whose- 
afifiliation was purchased for them by their fathers (or mothers)^ 
upon the arranging of a ceremonial, and (2) those who were in- 
itiated as members because they had obtained a guardian-spirit for 
that particular society. No social distinction, however, was made 
between these two types of membership, at least as far as the 
quantity or quality of the presents given to them was concerned! 
although a linguistic distinction obtained between them, a guardian 
member being called he'tsfdq, and a plain member hetlaya'sldqa' 
"he is sung for." Each member of a society was called tela a,. 
"ripe" in contradistinction to the non-members who were called 
xwela' "raw" and who could not participate in any of the cere- 
monials except as spectators, and who were not eligible to receive 
gifts. The initiation ceremonies varied somewhat in accordance 
with the two types of membership; that is to say, they were dififercnt 
for a hetlaya'sldqa' (plain member) and for a he'tsfdq (a member who 
had a guardian-spirit). These ceremonies will be described later on. 
Each society had its distinct guardian-spirits, and the color 
applied to the facial painting and the hea.dgear of the participants 

324 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [k. s., 23, 1921 

(members) differed for each society. Only members who had 
guardian-spirits were entitled to wear the headgear and to display 
the ceremonial facial paintings that pertained to their society. 
The headgear consisted of head-rings made of shredded cedar bark 
dyed black or brown. These head-rings were different for each 
society. In the same way, each society had its special facial paint- 
ings, every member using a distinct form, in accordance with the 
instructions given him by his or her guardian-spirit. The drums 
that were used during the initiation ceremonials consisted, in former 
days, of cedar chests, square or oblong, and manipulated by the 
hands and feet of the drummer. More recently these cedar boxes 
were replaced by circular drums consisting of cedar hoops over 
which was stretched deer skin fastened to the hoop by means of 
wooden pegs. The rattles consisted of two pieces of wood hollowed 
out and filled with small pebbles and fastened together by means 
of wild cherry bark. The shape and coloring of these rattles varied 
for each society. Whistles were made of cedar and were similar to 
those used among the other tribes of this aiea 

Each initiation ceremony was presided over and in the hands 
of a set of of^cials whose position was semi-hereditary, dependent 
upon the fulfilling of certain obligations. Thus, a son assumed the 
official position of his father (or uncle) and a daughter that of her 
mother (or aunt) as soon as he or she gave a feast which was re- 
garded as sufficient to justify the individual in question in assuming 
the prerogatives of his or her predecessor. Failure to comply with 
this custom constituted sufficient reason for the tribe to appoint 
to the vacancy a person outside of the family of the last incumbent. 
The names of these officials and their functions, in the order of their 
importance, were as follows: 

I. The Fathers {hehe'biUsts! "starters"), two in number, held 
their office by virtue of having obtained a special guardian-spirit 
(taxe'lit) for it, but subject to the previously mentioned regulations. 
It was their duty to give all necessary signals during the ceremonial, 
to start all songs, and to cut up and divide the food among the 
guests. They sat near the fireplace, facing the door. This office 
was considered a high honor, but no special privileges were con- 



nected with it, except that all the food left over from a ritual became 
the property of the Fathers. 

2. The Firemen {kle'iya'qiwdyo' "fire-owners"), also two in 
number, attended to the fire in the house in which the ceremonial 
was held. For this service they received some special gifts from 
the family of the novitiate. 

3. The Door-keeper (tia'tipdta'qiwayo' "door-owner") stood 
guard at the door seeing to it that no outsider entered the house. 
He closed and opened the door at a signal given him by one of the 
Fathers. He also was rewarded at the conclusion of the ritual 
with a special present from the family of the novitiate. 

4. The Water-carrier (khc<a'ya'aq!wayo' "water-owner") passed 
drinks to the participants whenever necessary. It was considered 
a bad breach of etiquette for any member to help himself to water 
without having first obtained permission from the Water-carrier. 
Whenever this happened, water was refused to all members until 
the Water-carrier had been appeased by the offender by some gift. 
A similar custom prevailed, whenever anyone helped himself to 
the food or threw a stick of wood into the fire without permission 
of the Fathers or Firemen. As soon as such an infraction of the 
rules occurred, the Door-keeper was informed of it and promptly 
closed the door and kept it shut until the fine was paid to the man 
against whose office the crime was committed. 

5. The Face-painter {ti'e'UHsHlat "painter of faces") painted 
the faces of the members of the society. This office was always 
held by a woman. She sat near the entrance, on the left side of 
the house, and had before her large wooden dishes filled with 
paints. As each person was about to enter the house, she inquired 
his particular design, whereupon she proceeded to paint the face in 
accordance with the instructions given her. 

Having discussed those elements of the rituals that are more 
or less common to all, we shall now proceed to describe the manner 
in which each ritual was held, beginning with the Tlokwali; and 
inasmuch as the initiation ceremony varied in accordance with 
the two types of membership (see above) we shall first describe the 
initiation of a young child whose parents arranged for a ceremonial 

326 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

in order to purchase for their offspring membership in the Tlokwali 

The Tlokwali (Wolf Ritual) 

Before announcing his decision to purchase for his child member- 
ship in the TlokwaH Society, the head of the family ascertains first 
whether enough presents are available. For that purpose he holds 
a consultation with all members of that family who are related to 
it by blood. If the father of the intended novitiate does not possess 
enough wealth, the other members of the family aid him by con- 
tributing additional gifts. The next step is to ascertain how many 
gifts each member of the Tlokwali is entitled to receive. This is 
done by calling into consultation the chief of the tribe and the 
heads of the most important families. Upon the completion of 
this task, two relatives of the prospective novitiate go around the 
village throwing handfuls of small pebbles on the roofs of the various 
houses. This serves as a warning to the inmates that a Tlokwali 
is about to be held and to get themselves ready for it. Upon the 
return of the two messengers all male members of the family of the 
prospective novitiate betake themselves, in the evening, to the 
woods near the village or to the burial grounds, where for about an 
hour they imitate the cry of the wolf, or that of the horned owl 
(two of the most important guardian-spirits of the Tlokwali Society). 

On the next day two messengers, dressed in their Tlokwali 
garments and painted accordingly (see below) go from house to 
house, carrying a rattle and a bundle of sticks, the latter represent- 
ing the gifts to be received by each participant. The messengers 
do not sing; they merely shake their rattles. Upon entering each 
house, they pull out from the bundle a previously indicated number 
of sticks (each stick represents the value of one gift) and touching 
the head of the family with them, they whisper, "You are invited 
by So-and-so to a Tlokwali tonight." 

The Tlokwali is always held in a special, commodious structure, 
belonging to the whole village and known as the Tlokwali-house. 
In the evening of the same day in which the invitations are made 
the members begin to assemble. At first only the women and 
old men appear in the Tlokwali-house. All other members of the 


Tlokwali betake themselves first to the woods where they imitate 
the cries and actions of the wolf. After a while they proceed to 
the Tlokwali-house whistling, crying, and behaving themselves 
like wolves. Before entering the house, they walk around it 
shouting, pounding the walls with sticks, and throwing rocks at 
them. Finally they enter, led by two men who wear wolf masks 
and the ends of whose blankets are tied in such a way as to represent 
the tail of the wolf. The others carry salal-bushes on their shoulders 
and are provided with whistles of various sizes. All crawl in on 
their hands and feet (also in imitation of the wolf). Before the 
actual entrance of the "Wolves," those inside the house begin to 
sing, or rather recite: 

Qwayd: tukiulswdi, qwayd: tukimswdi, qwayd: tilkwiswal, hiluufi. 

When the singers reach the word huuuu, the Doorkeeper throws 
the door open, whereupon the Wolves rush in, shouting, blowing 
their whistles, and shaking the salal-bushes. They walk to the 
right until they reach the northeast corner of the house, where they 
stop. Upon a signal from the Fathers they stop making noises 
and throw themselves in a pile, one on top of the other. After 
a few minutes the Fathers again begin the recitation of the previous 
song which is soon taken up by the whole assembly. This serves 
as a signal for the Wolves to get up. They arise and rush out of 
the house in the same manner in which they entered it. 

Outdoors the Wolves discard their masks, whistles, and salal- 
bushes and, dressed in their everyday garments, they dance into 
the house. Here they seat themselves, wherever they please, 
regardless of social rank. The women usually sit on one side of 
the house, while the men occupy the other side. After all are 
seated, the singing commences. The songs rendered on these 
occasions are always Tlokwali songs, that is to say songs which 
pertain to this ceremonial. These songs may be either inherited 
or received from the guardian-spirit. The first songs rendered are 
those by the Fathers; then the first member seated in the southwest 
corner of the house recites his song; he is followed by the individual 
sitting next to him, and so on until the last woman in the northwest 
corner is reached. Very young children and slaves are passed up. 

328 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

Each song is rendered by two people and is accompanied by the 
shaking of the ceremonial rattles (held by the singers in their right 
hands) and by the beating of the drums. The singers usually 
start the song and are soon joined by the whole assembly. Upon 
the completion of the song the singers pass the rattles to the next 
pair, and so on until they come back to the Fathers in whose charge 
they remain throughout the ceremonial. The drums are the 
property of the whole tribe and are always kept in the Tlokwali- 
house. Those who manipulate them are given small presents by 
the family of the novitiate. The rattles are made of vine-maple 
and are shaped like a raven; they are painted black, except the 
breast, bill, and eyes, which are painted red. The rattles are 
made and owned by those members who have the raven as their 

As soon as the singing is over, the Fathers take the novitiate 
between them and lead him once around the fire, starting from the 
right and going to the left. As they walk thus, the Fathers shout, 
whistle, throw up sticks of fire, tear mats,^ etc., while the other 
members of the society beat their feet against the floor or benches. 
Upon arriving at the left side of the house, the procession stops. 
The Fathers begin a song which is followed by a general dance of 
short duration. After the dance the child is taken back to its 
mother. If the novitiate is too young to walk, the mother carries 
him on her back while she is being led around the house by the 
Fathers. This ceremony is called Id'qlale'l "going to drive out," 
and it takes place whenever a novitiate desires to purchase member- 
ship in the Tlokwali society. Its apparent purpose is to visualize 
the prospective member to all other members. After this ceremony 
is over, the Firemen add more fuel to the fire, whereupon food 
is distributed among those present. This is done by the Fathers 
who, should the occasion demand it, may choose some assistants. 
This ends the ritual for the first night. 

On the morning of the second day the messengers invite the 
people again, without, however, throwing pebbles on the roofs of 

1 These "bad actions" of the Fathers correspond completely to the acts committed 
by the members of the noLEtnai (Kwakiutl) or sa'tisk (Nootka) societies. See Boas 
op. cit., p. 468. 

frachtenberg] ceremonial SOCIETIES OF QUILEUTE INDIANS 2)~9 

the houses. Nor do they take the bundles of sticks along, as is 
done on the first day. In the evening all members assemble at 
the Tlokwali-house. The spectacular entrance of the Wolves is 
omitted. As the members come in, their faces are painted by the 
Face-painter. The following are the most prevalent designs: the 
whole face painted black; the left side black and the right side white, 
or vice versa; both sides of the face black with a white stripe in 
the middle, from the center of the forehead to the point of the 
chin ; the upper part of the face black and the lower half red. These 
four designs are used only'by the so-called "spirit-men" (he'tslaq); 
that is to say, by those who have a Tlokwali guardian-spirit. All 
other members have only black finger-marks on their cheeks. 
The Face-painter performs the duties of her office on the second and 
each subsequent night. On the first night each member paints 
his own face before starting for the ceremonial house. 

As sooq? as the painting ceremony is over, the members seat 
themselves, whereupon the singing is started by the Fathers. From 
now on the ceremony takes exactly the same course as on the first 
night, and is likewise concluded with a general feast. The same 
rules are observed during the third and fourth nights. 

On the fifth night the members, after having undergone the 
usual painting ceremony, take their accustomed seats. On that 
night the novitiate is represented by a woman {tci'd"tlldt "pro- 
tector of people") chosen and rewarded by the novitiate's family. 
(The reasons for this substitution will appear later on.) She is 
seated on a mat placed in the back of the house opposite the door 
and is accompanied by five or six other women and by the man 
(or woman) who gave the Tlokwali. In front of them, at a distance 
of about fifteen feet, is placed a platter filled with dried black 
salmon which has been boiled, mashed, and mixed with whale-oil 
on the same morning. In front of this platter and facing the people 
on the mat, is seated a powerful medicine-man; he, in turn, is faced 
by two shamans of lesser prowess who sit behind the platter with 
their backs turned to the people on the mat and who serve as his 
assistants during the coming ceremony. This ceremony is called 
dlitse'licel "going to feed him" and takes place in order to give 

330 AMERICAX ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23. 1921 

the Tlokwali-giver an opportunity to partake of some food. Ac- 
cording to custom, the Tlokwali-giver must abstain from any food 
{sic!) for five days. He can eat only after he has tasted of the boiled 
and dried black salmon. 

As soon as everything is ready for the feeding ceremony, the 
leading shaman begins his magic song in which he extols the prowess 
of his guardian-spirit. As he sings, the women on the mat register 
by various motions excessive hunger, while the other members 
stamp their feet against the floor and benches and make all sorts of 
noises. Then the shaman, still singing, takes a handful of the food 
from the platter and shows it to the people. Then he applies his 
magic power to it, spitting on his hands and rolling the food be- 
tween his palms until, by a legerdemain trick, the food disappears. 
Thereupon he throws the (invisible) food to one of his assistants 
who "catches" it and passes it to the third shaman. This process 
is repeated several times. At last the first assistant takes the food 
to one of the women on the mat. puts it into her mouth, and, by 
motions with his hand, shows how he brings it down to her 
stomach. As soon as the woman has "swallowed" the food, she 
faints, whereupon the other occupants of the mat are fed in the 
same way. Then the shaman stops singing, and the occupants of 
the mat are covered with a blanket. Thereupon the Fathers make 
preparations for the I a' q! ale' I ("going to drive it") ceremony whose 
sole aim is to wake the women up. The Fathers start a certain 
song and, as the song progresses, the women are seen to tremble, 
and gradually they roll over and raise themselves on their hands. 
Thereupon a man called k.'i'e'lat ties a rope around the waist of 
each kneeling woman. The women rise and, led by the k.'i'e'lat, 
walk around the fire, shouting, picking up various objects from the 
ground and throwing them high into the air, while the other 
members stand up shouting and yelling. The women are led 
around the fire once. Upon arriving at the starting point, the 
ropes are taken off them, and all the participants of the Id'qlale'l 
ceremony go back to their seats. Then one of the Fathers intones 
his hereditary dance song. This is the signal for all members to 
commence dancing. The dancers hardly leave their places. They 

frachtenberg] ceremonial SOCIETIES OF QUILEUTE INDIANS 331 

merely raise their feet alternately, stamping them against the 
ground, and swing their arms up and down. During the dancing 
every member of the Tlokwali renders his special dance song in- 
herited by him from his father or mother and owned by his family. 
After the song of the last member has been rendered, the thirsty 
members drink from the bucket which is carried around by the 
Water-carrier. After this, food is served, and this concludes the 
ritual for the fifth night. Before their departure the members are 
addressed by some very old man thus: "Tomorrow morning all 
of you must arise early. Bathe, but do not eat! Repair at once 
to the Tlokwali-house. Those who do not wish actually to partici- 
pate in the Tlokwali dance will go to the house directly; the others 
will assemble outside." 

On the morning of the sixth and last day the old men, women, 
and children who do not dance the real Tlokwali dance go directly 
to the Tlokwali-house where they are painted, as on the previous 
nights, by the Face-painter. All other members assemble in front 
of the house, where a large fire has been kindled. Around this 
fire they dress themselves for the ceremony to come. All prepara- 
tions must be made around a fire, as otherwise the participants 
would die. The dancers {L!dk'"t!e'qale'l "about to obtain a guar- 
dian-spirit from the woods") paint their faces according to the de- 
signs owned by them. The entire body is covered with red ochre. 
On their heads and shoulders they place the appropriate Tlokwali 
head-bands and shoulder-rings, made of shredde'd cedar bark. 
These ornaments are painted either entirely black or red, or partly 
black and partly red, or not colored at all. The men wear short 
blankets around their groins, while the women wear skirts made of 
shredded cedar bark. All wear their hair tied in a knot in front 
over the forehead. Each dancer sticks into his body pins made of 
elk- or bear-bone, about eight inches long and a quarter of an inch 
thick, sharpened at one end and decorated at the other end with 
human hair or strands of shredded cedar bark. Some use arrows, 
knives, and seal-harpoons for that purpose. These are stuck into 
the skin of the back, forearm, calves, and thighs of the legs, or 
through the upper lip. The knives, arrows, and harpoons are owned 

332 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

by those who use them; the pins are the guardian-spirits of certain 
individuals, and must be returned to them at the close of the 
ceremony.^ According to information given me, these lacerations 
were by no means painful and special care was taken that no blood 
vessel should be pierced. Upon extracting these instruments of 
torture the wounded spot is merely rubbed and blown upon. 

As soon as the dancers have finished their preparations, the 
Fathers who are inside the house begin to sing. Thereupon the 
dancers, walking singly, enter the house, imitating the actions 
of the wolf and whistling, throwing sticks and stones at the guests, 
and tearing up anything that comes into their hands. All non- 
dancing members beat their feet against the floor or benches. The 
house is dark, there is no fire in it, and the skylights are down. 
As soon as all dancers are inside, the skylights are raised. Then 
all members of the Tlokwali begin to dance, singing the dance 
songs which belong to their families. After all the songs have been 
exhausted, the fire is kindled, and the Tlokwali dancers return the 
pins, etc., to their rightful owners. Preparations are then begun 
to serve food to the assembled guests. While the food is being 
cooked, the person who gave the Tlokwali distributes the presents 
among the members. The food is then served, and this ends the 
Tlokwali ritual in honor of a plain member. 

The Tlokwali ritual for a full member is the same as the corre- 
sponding hunting ritual, except that the arrangements of the 
house, dances, etc., are identical with the arrangements during 
the initiation of a plain member (as below). 

The Hunting Society (Hunting Ritual) 

This society, as has been stated before, is the only native 

Quileute ceremonial organization, and its ritual has served as a 

basis for all other rituals. The members of this society were 

divided into two categories, those having a guardian-spirit (qeLlaak- 

1 The self-inflicted tortures of these dancers may be compared to similar acts 
performed by the hdwl'nalai (Kwakiutl) and hl'itaq (Nootka) dancers. Within more 
recent years the Quileute dancers were wont to inflict upon themselves the most 
gruesome lacerations, with the result that the Government stepped in and forbade the 
holding of the Tlokwali ceremonial. 

frachtenberg] ceremonial SOCIETIES OF QUILEUTE INDIANS 333 

wd'Weqa') and plain members {tela' a "ripe"). Its guardian spirits 
were: Elk, Night Owl, Horned Owl, White Owl, Deer, Bow, Arrow, 
Ta'bale (a two-headed dog), etc. The color applied to the rattles, 
facial painting, etc., of the members of this society was dark brown. 
Membership was restricted, and, for that reason, the ceremony 
was held in any common house large enough to accommodate all 

The duration and type of the initiation ceremony varied in 
accordance with the manner in which a membership was obtained. 
The initiation of a plain member, that is to say of one who either 
purchased membership by merely arranging for the ceremonial 
and its attendant feasts and gifts or in whose behalf membership 
was purchased by the family, lasted two days. The initiation of 
a qeLla'akii'd'ltfeqa', that is to say, of one who had obtained a 
qeLla'akwdl guardian-spirit, lasted six days. We shall first describe 
the ceremonial connected with the initiation of a novitiate who had 
obtained a guardian-spirit. 

As soon as a man (or woman) receives a hunter's guardian- 
spirit, he becomes sick. A shaman is consulted who, by the color, 
ascertains the kind of sickness. The color being dark brown, the 
shaman declares the patient to have been rendered sick by a guar- 
dian-spirit of the qeda'akival (the Hunting Society). Thereupon 
a messenger is sent to all other members of this society inviting 
them to come to the house of the patient and to lend their assistance 
in curing him. The members arrive in the evening, wearing the 
appropriate head-rings, and their faces are painted by the Face- 
painter. The full members are painted in accordance with the 
instructions received from their guardian-spirits. Following are 
the most common designs: the whole face dark brown; the upper 
part brown and the lower white; the upper half brown with vertical 
red stripes (the red lines represent showers) and the lower half 
white; the whole face red (representing blood) with white stripes 
on both cheeks (these stripes represent showers). Plain members 
have only dark brown dots painted on their cheeks. 

When the members are assembled, the novitiate (he'ts!d:q "he 
is sung for") lies on a mat and is covered with blankets. The mat 

334 AMERICA!^ ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23. 1921 

is placed between two fireplaces in which fires are burning. In 
ancient times any one could attend to the fire; in more recent years 
this function became the sole privilege of the Fire-keeper. At 
the head of the novitiate is placed a wooden or cedar bark repre- 
sentation of his guardian-spirit; while on both sides of him sit two 
women called qwa'ye'l ("cheeks") and chosen because of their power- 
ful guardian-spirits. These women receive substantial presents for 
their services, and they serve as transmitters between the novitiate 
and the assembled members. The novitiate, as has been stated 
before, is sick "from his guardian-spirit"; hence, he can not talk 
nor sing loud. These two women sitting near him listen to his 
songs and repeat them in loud tones. In front of the fireplaces is 
a long bench on which sit all those members of the order who have 
a guardian-spirit; a similar bench is placed behind the mat of the 
novitiate, and this is occupied by the female members who have 
acquired the qeL.'aakwdl guardian-spirit; plain members occupy 
the side benches, and spectators, whenever such are admitted, are 
seated on benches near the entrance. 

As soon as all are seated, the first two male (and full) members 
of the order, each having a ceremonial rattle in his hand, begin 
their hunting-song. They are followed by the next pair and so on 
until all members who own qeiJa'akical songs have rendered them. 
Then the female members of the order render their songs, and 
are followed in turn by the plain members. The two qwa'ye'l 
women, sitting on both sides of the novitiate, sing last. Only one 
drum is used during this ritual. After all songs have been rendered, 
preparations are made for the la'qlale'l ceremony. Its purpose 
is to "wake up" the novitiate. All full members, male and female, 
xarise, and the first two members (male) at the left end of the bench 
take up the rattles and repeat their previous song. While they 
sing, the novitiate begins to tremble and, turning over, lifts his 
right hand and with his index finger points towards the ceiling, 
thereby indicating a desire to be "taken up to the mountains" 
where he had obtained his guardian-spirit. ^ (If the novitiate does 

1 If the novitiate received a guardian-spirit "from the woods or river," he does not 
point at the "hills" but, supported by the two women, crawls around the fireplace. 

frachtenberg] ceremonial SOCIETIES OF QUILEUTE INDIAN'S 335 

not raise his finger, the ceremony which follows is omitted.) After 
having raised his finger, the novitiate relapses into unconsciousness, 
and the two women cover him with the blankets.^ Thereupon 
the members of the society begin to dance, employing the songs 
owned by their respective families. The order in which these songs 
and dances are rendered is the same as during the Tlokwali (see 
above). Each member holds in his hand a short stick, about four 
feet long and painted dark brown (a color obtained by mixing 
black with red ochre). These canes are used, because the hunters, 
on their expeditions, always carry sticks. During these dances 
the actions of hunters and various game animals are imitated. 
After the dance food is served by the family of the novitiate, and 
thus ends the ritual for the first night. 

On the next day, early in the morning, the young male members 
of the order come to the house of the novitiate and build a large 
platform over the mat occupied by the novitiate. In the evening 
all members assemble, sing, and perform the waking up ceremony, 
as on the first night. This time the ceremony is successful, for as 
the singing continues the novitiate turns over on his right side and, 
attended by the two women, crawls (on his back) around the fire, 
going from right to left. Upon arriving midway between the two 
fireplaces, he jumps up on the platform.^ He is soon joined by 
all those members of the order, male and female, who have obtained 
a guardian-spirit "from the hills." ^ This action on the part of 
these members represents their journey to the hills, the land of 
their guardian-spirits. They take along a drum, and each member 
sings his particular ceremonial song. All lie on their backs (ex- 
cept the two qzva'ye'l women who attend to the novitiate) with 
their feet hanging down and gradually move farther up into the 
platform. Inasmuch as the journey is supposed to be a hard one, 

1 The women stay with him day and night. 

2 Inasmuch as the novitiate is supposed to be sick, he does not jump of his own 
volition; he is lifted up by his guardian-spirit. 

^ If the novitiate has a guardian-spirit "from the river or woods," this ceremony, 
which represents the journey of the members to the land of their guardian-spirits, is 
omitted. The novitiate crawls instead around the fire, increasing each night the 
distance traversed, while the other members having similar guardian-spirits stand up, 
shake or swing their arms, and shout. 

336 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

the distance traveled on this night is not more than about six feet. 
Every now and then one of the "travelers" will say, "It is hardly 
foggy enough in the mountains." Thereupon those members who 
remained below would throw mats, rags, etc., into the fire, causing 
it to smoke. Occasionally a plain member would shout at the 
qwa'ye'l women, "How are you folks up there?" And the answer 
would come back, "We are just beginning our homeward journey." 
Gradually the travelers turn around and, still crawling on their 
backs, come to the edge of the platform, until their heads touch 
the same and their hair hangs down. Then they turn around once 
more and sit up with their feet hanging down. Thereupon they 
begin to shake their heads to and fro, while those below beat their 
canes against the floor and shout. Suddenly they slip down and, 
as each man and woman comes down, those below seize and hold 
them by their waists. The travelers stretch out their arms, where- 
upon some of the plain members throw to them dried salmon or 
large slices of elk and deer meat, which they in turn throw back to 
the plain members. The meat or salmon not caught on the first 
throw is permitted to lie on the ground and is removed later on. 
This ceremony is called hayd'wahvaxat ("throwing to one another") 
and the only explanation given for it was that " the people who have 
such guardian-spirits play in this manner." Upon its termination 
the usual songs and dances are rendered. The travelers, still 
weak and weary from their long journey, participate in the dancing, 
but are supported by the plain members. After the dancing is 
over, the travelers are released, and all seat themselves. The food 
employed in the throwing ceremony is then served, and the ritual 
for the second night comes to an end. 

During the third and fourth nights the ritual follows the same 
course as on the second night with the exception, however, that on 
each of these nights the travelers traverse a greater distance and 
stay away for a longer period. 

On the fifth night only a limited number of ceremonial songs 
are rendered. These are followed by the dlitsi'dice'l ceremony 
("giving the food"). The significance and phases of this ceremony 
are the same as those of a similar ceremony performed during the 


Tlokwali and need not be described here (see above, p. 329). After 
this ceremony is over, the first two (male) full members sitting on 
the right end of the bench stand up, and while the other members 
of the order shake, sing, and produce various sounds, the uncon- 
scious novitiate and his companions roll over and begin to crawl 
until they reach a place situated between the two fireplaces. There 
they are seized by some of the other members, stood up, and held 
by their waists, while they repeat the throwing ceremony described 
above (see p. 336). At the end of this ceremony all begin to dance. 
When the dancing is over, the novitiate sings, in a loud voice, the 
song given him by his newly acquired guardian-spirit and follows 
it up with a similar dance, at the conclusion of which the members 
resume their seats and the novitiate returns to his mat. While 
food is being prepared for the assembled members, the young girls 
and boys (children of some members of the order and admitted as 
spectators) render some dances during which they imitate the 
actions of a stalked elk. Some of the dancers dance in an erect 
position, others stoop down, while still others dance on their knees. 
Occasionally, an aged spectator will join the dancing "elks," acting 
as if he were hunting them. This aged man (or woman) usually 
belongs to what might be called "the begging fraternity" and he 
uses this dance as an opportunity for begging. He will point at 
some rich man or woman, while dancing, and the individuals thus 
selected reward him with a small gift. As soon as the food is ready, 
it is served. After having partaken of the food the members go 
home, but before they depart they are invited by some old man to 
assemble on the next morning. The invitation is usually couched 
in the following words: "Arise ye early in the morning. We will 
emerge from the woods." 

On the morning of the sixth day the platform and the bench in 
front of the two fireplaces (on which the male full members of the 
order have been sitting) are removed. Outside the house a big 
fire is built around which assemble all full (but young) members 
and dress themselves for the coming ceremonial dance. The old 
men, women, and plain members go directly into the house. The 
full members put on the head-rings of the order, and paint their 

338 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 23, ig2i 

faces according to the respective designs owned l)y them. Upon 
a signal from the leaders (the Fathers) they enter the house crawling 
on their knees and acting like elks. Inside, they stand up and 
dance their ceremonial dances. While dancing they lock their 
arms and extend the same, thereby denoting that they are looking 
for food. Thereupon the plain members throw- to them salmon, 
salmon-eggs, berries, bags of oil, etc. This food is thrown back to 
the owners. After this throwing ceremony some more dances are 
executed. Then all members go to their seats, and the young 
boys and girls perform again the dance of the elks. During this 
performance the presents given away by the novitiate are dis- 
tributed, after which food is served. This concludes the ritual of 
the qe'Lla'aktvdl or H unling Society. 

In the evening of the same day the novitiate and the two qwa'ye'l 
women visit the houses of the several members and beg for food. 
This food is given away at a feast held the next day. If the feast 
does not take place, the food is divided among the several members 
of the order. No explanation for this custom could be obtained; 
it is probable, however, that it represents the appreciation by the 
individual members of the food eaten at the expense of the novitiate. 

Originally the Hunting Society did not have any distinct officers. 
But with the introduction of the Tlokwali similar officials were 
instituted during the Hunting ritual. Thus, the Hunting Society 
came to have, in addition to the Face-painter, two Fathers, a Fire- 
keeper, and a Water-carrier. 

A special degree of relationship seems to have existed between 
the members of the Hunting Society and those of the Whaling 
Society (see below). Thus, all whaling men were invited to and 
participated in the Hunting ritual, and vice versa. The two 
ceremonials were closely related, and the members of these two 
societies applied to one another the reciprocal term keH'qlwdyi'tsHIdt 
"staying on one side of the mountain." This close affiliation be- 
tween the two societies may, perhaps, be due to the fact that, ac- 
cording to a general belief, the guardian-spirits of these societies 
dwell in close proximity. The guardians of the Hunting Society 
live on the eastern slopes of the mountains while those of the 

frachtenberg] ceremonial SOCIETIES OF QUII^EUTE INDIANS 339 

Whaling Society dwell on the western slopes. Furthermore, these 
guardian-spirits can understand one another perfectly well. Con- 
sequently the whaling men, participating in a Hunting ritual, are 
assigned to special seats and, during every throwing ceremony, they 
first throw the food to the novitiate and his associates. In return 
the whaling members invite the hunters to their ritual, and the 
latter perform the same functions. The songs rendered by these, 
as it were, ex-olificio members are those of their own fraternity. 

The initiation of a new member (child or wife) through purchase 
lasts only two or three days, according to the amount of food at 
the disposal of the prospective novitiate's parents (or husband). 
On the evening of the day set for the initiation ceremony the 
members of the society appear at the designated house and are 
painted by the Face-painter. They sing and dance in the usual 
fashion and leave right after the food has been served. The same 
performance takes place on the second night. On the third morning 
they assemble at a different house. After painting their faces and 
putting on the proper headgear they dance into the house of the 
novitiate. Upon the completion of the dance, presents and food 
are distributed among them by the parents or husband of the 
novitiate, and this completes the ritual. 

In very recent years the members of the Hunting Society who 
danced into the house of the novitiate carried bags of peanuts 
which they threw all over the floor. These peanuts represented the 
excrement of the elk and were picked up and eaten by those members 
who did not participate in the dance. 

The Tsayeq (Fishing Ritual) 
Membership in this society, as in the two previous orders, could 
be obtained either by acquiring a special guardian-spirit or through 
purchase. A person acquiring such a guardian-spirit became a 
good fisherman, seal-hunter, canoe-maker, and (in the case of a 
woman) basket-maker. Hence membership was confined to such 
persons as followed these occupations. The most important 
guardian-spirits of the Tsayeq were the Seal, Spear, Canoe, Land- 
Otter, Salmon, Kingfisher, and Sawbill. The color of this order 

340 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

was red. The rattles used during the Tsayeq ceremonial were 
made of vine-maple and were painted red or red with white stripes. 
These rattles were of a special shape. The drums were the same 
as those used during the other ceremonials. Special head-rings, 
made of shredded cedar bark and dyed red, were worn only by 
members who had acquired a guardian-spirit. Such members 
displayed facial paintings of distinct designs suggested to them by 
their guardian-spirits. Three such designs were described to me 
as follows: the lower part of the face red with three perpendicular 
stripes on each cheek (representing three men in a canoe) ; the same 
design but with only one perpendicular stripe on each cheek; the 
whole face red with a wide white stripe in the center. Common 
members painted red dots or stripes on their cheeks. Originally 
only two Fathers and a Face-painter had charge of this ritual, l)ut 
in recent years the offices of Firemen and Water-carrier were 
added. We shall describe first the initiation ritual of a new member 
who had received a guardian-spirit belonging to the Tsayeq Society. 

As soon as the guardian-spirit enters the body of the prospective 
member he becomes sick. A shaman is called in who, noticing the 
color of the sickness to be red, declares the patient to be sick " from 
a Tsayeq guardian-spirit." The patient imparts this information 
to his relatives who decide, on the same night, to initiate him into 
this society.^ 

Messengers are sent to all members of the Tsayeq Society with 
instructions to assemble the next day in the house of the novitiate. 
They come, and their faces are painted by the Face-painter who 
holds this office only during the Tsayeq ritual. After all are 
seated the members, led by the two Fathers, begin to sing their 
Tsayeq songs. Then the Fathers begin to wake up the novitiate 
who, as during all other rituals, lies on a mat and is attended by 
two qwaye'l ("cheeks") women. As the Fathers walk up to the 
novitiate, they sing and dance. The other members are standing 
and swing their hands (with the palms open) from right to left, 
repeating the words Jioo'c hoo'c hoo'c after each verse. A stick is 

1 Swan, who witnessed this ceremonial, was misled as to its character. He calls it 
a strictly healing ceremonial. See James G. Swan, Indians of Cape Flattery, Smiths. 
Contr. to KnoivL, vol. xvi, p. 73. 

frachtenberg] ceremonial SOCIETIES OF QUILEUTE INDIANS 341 

placed in the ground on the right side of the novitiate. This 
stick is supposed to have been put there by the guardian-spirit. 
As the song of the Fathers progresses, the novitiate moves and, 
crawHng on his back, he goes a Httle way to the right. Soon he 
rises and, supported by one of the qwaye'l women, he dances, 
swinging his open palms from right to left and singing in a low 
voice the song given him by his guardian-spirit. This song is re- 
peated in loud tones by the qwa'ye'l women, who assist the noviti- 
ate {he'ts!a:q) back to his mat. The ritual for this night is con- 
cluded with a general feast. 

The ritual follows the same course on the second, third and 
fourth nights, excepting only that, during each night, the novitiate 
traverses a greater distance in crawling on his back around the 

On the fifth night the novitiate sits up and is ready to receive 
some food. The members enter as on the previous nights and are 
painted by the Face-painter. A platter of boiled black salmon is-, 
placed in the middle of the room, and in front of this platter, facing 
the novitiate, sits some exceptionally powerful shaman. Behind' 
the platter are seated two other shamans of lesser prowess. Then 
the feeding-ceremony takes place which is identical with the similar 
ceremony during the Hunting ritual (see p. 329). The novitiate is- 
joined by four or five other members who have guardian-spirits,, 
and they are also fed. Upon receiving the food, they become un- 
conscious and are "awakened" by the Fathers. While the Fathers 
sing, the novitiate and his companions arise and crawl clear around 
the fire. After they have returned to their starting point the 
novitiate reveals to his fellow-members the dance and song given 
him by his guardian-spirit, whereupon he goes back to his mat. 
Inasmuch as the novitiate has not yet regained his full strength he 
begins to sing a song called waWaxwald's "pounding with the 
stick." While rendering this song, he puts his hand on the stick, 
which had been placed in the ground on the very first night b>- his 
guardian-spirit. Contact with this cane greidually gives him back 
his former strength. After the song is over, food is served, and the 
members leave the house. They arc, however, invited by some 
old man to appear early on the next morning. 

342 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

In the morning the full members and those that want to join 
them appear in front of the house and there, standing around a big 
fire, they paint their faces and put on the proper head-rings. The 
other members and the old men and children go directly into the 
house. The dancers, headed by the Fathers, enter the house, 
crawling on their knees and shaking their heads back and forth. 
No songs are sung; only yells are given forth, while those on the 
inside pound the fioor with their sticks. As the dancers enter, the 
room is dark. After all are in the skj'lights are raised. Then all 
members begin to sing and dance, swinging their hands from right 
to left. At the end of each verse the women shout "hoo'c hoo'c, 
hoo'c." After all dances ha\'e been rendered, the presents are dis- 
tributed, food is served, and the ritual comes to an end. 

The ritual arranged in order to purchase membership for a 
child or wife lasts only two days. The members appear as on the 
other occasion, and the ceremony consists mainly of songs and 
dances rendered by the indixidual members. Each day, upon the 
completion of the songs and dances, the novitiate {hcHaya'ddqd' 
"he is sung for") led by a woman Ucia"tilat "protector of people") 
walks once around the fireplace, in order that the members may 
look upon him and come to know him. No presents are given 
during the shorter ritual. 

The Whale-Hunter Society (Whaling Ritual) 

This society was introduced among the Quileutes by the Makah 
Indians, and its ritual was modeled wholly after the nati\e Hunting 
ceremonial with which it shares in common special features (see 
above, p. 332). The color of this society is the same as that of the 
Hunting order, but somewhat darker, and the full members of the 
Hunting Society were always present at the ceremonial of this 
order, and vice versa. This may have been due to the fact that 
the two orders had fewer members than any of the other societies, 
although the reason given by the Indians is quite difTerent. Mem- 
bership into this society w^as open only to those who had acquired a 
guardian-spirit, and could not be purchased as was the case in the 
other ceremonial societies. The reason for this exclusi\eness given 

frachtenberg] ceremonial SOCIETIES OF QUILEUTE INDIANS 343 

to me was "that young children and women could not be expected 
to be good whale-hunters." Furthermore, this society was con- 
sidered the best of all, and its members had a special standing in 
the social life of the Quileutes. Only whale-hunters could belong to 
it. Its special guardian-spirits were the Whale, a rope made of 
sinews, any of the whale-hunting implements, etc. The ritual 
lasted five nights, and only two Fathers and the Face-painter 
officiated. The drum used during the ritual was the same as that 
employed on all other occasions, but the rattles, two in number, had 
a distinct shape and were colored dark brown. The members 
wore special head-rings, made of shredded cedar bark and colored 
dark brown. The same color was applied to the facial paintings, 
and the following designs obtained most frequently: the whole 
face painted dark brown ; the same but with white dots (this design 
belonged to such members as had a certain mythical being for their 
guardian-spirit); the same but with three slanting white stripes 
on either cheek; dark brown heavy circles around the eyes. 

Inasmuch as this society had but few members, the arrange- 
ment of the house during an initiation ceremony was somewhat 
different. To begin with, there was only one fireplace. The 
benches were built clear against the walls, the members of the 
Whale-Hunter Society occupying those on the left side of the house 
and half of the benches in the back of the house. Members of the 
Hunting Society occupied the other half of the benches placed at 
the back part of the house. The benches to the right were reserved 
for such spectators as were admitted to witness the initiation 

As soon as the shaman ascertains that the proposed novitiate 
is sick "from a guardian-spirit belonging to the Whale-Hunter 
Society," messengers are sent to all members inviting them to 
participate in the initiation ritual. The novitiate lies on a mat 
placed in the corner of the house and is attended by two qiua'ye'l 
women. Behind the mat two posts are driven into the ground and 
over these is stretched a piece of rope, made of twisted and braided 
cedar limbs. This rope is used only in cases where the novitiate 
has obtained a rope for his guardian-spirit. As soon as the members 

344 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 23, 1921 

have been painted by the Face-painter, the invited members of the 
Hunting Society place in the middle of the room a dish full of whale- 
oil. Thereupon each member of the Whale-Hunter Society steps 
forth and, scooping up some of the oil in the palms of his hands, he 
either drinks it or rubs it over his face. This oil represents the 
water of the whaling guardian-spirit. This ceremony over, all sit 
down, whereupon the Fathers intone their family songs pertaining 
to this ceremonial. Each member renders his own song; the Hunt- 
ing members sing the songs of their own society. After all songs 
have been rendered, the novitiate is "awakened," in exactly the 
same manner as is done during the Hunting ritual (see above, p. 334). 
As soon as he "wakes up," that is to say, as soon as he turns over 
and sits up, two mernbers of the society lift him up on the rope. 
Seated there he spreads out his arms, thus expressing hunger. 
Thereupon one of the members of the Hunting Society throws to 
him some dried fish, meat, or a bag containing oil. The novitiate 
catches it and throws it back. This throwing ceremony is re- 
peated several times and is followed by general dancing, during 
which the Whale-Hunters render the dancing songs of their order, 
while the Hunters employ the songs that pertain to their own 
ceremonial. The Whale-Hunters render their songs first, and these 
are followed by the songs and dances of the Hunting Society. 
When the dancing is over, the no\itiate is helped down from the 
rope, whereupon he sings, in a weak voice, the song of his guardian- 
spirit. This song is repeated, in louder tones, by the two Cheek- 
women. At the conclusion of the song the members sit down and 
are served with food. 

If the guardian-spirit of the novitiate is not a rope, the waking 
up ceremony varies somewhat. The novitiate is awakened and 
crawls sideways around the fire. Arriving at the starting point, 
he is made to stand up by some of the members and renders his 
song. The throwing ceremony is omitted. The sideways crawling 
represents the swimming of the whale. 

The ceremony varies but little on the second, third, and fourth 
nights. On each of these nights the novitiate moves farther from 
one end of the rope to the other (in case his guardian-spirit is a 
rope) or else crawls more times around the fireplace. 

frachtenberg] ceremonial SOCIETIES OF QUILEUTE INDIANS 345 

On the fifth night the novitiate sits up and is joined by three 
or four other members of the society. First the feeding ceremony 
(see p. 329) takes place. After the novitiate and his associates 
become unconscious the Fathers wake them up in the same way 
as is done during the Hunting ceremonial. The novitiate and his 
associates arise and, on their sides/slide around the fireplace. Then 
they stand up and are supported by some other members of the 
order, while the remaining participants in the ceremonial wash 
their faces in or drink the oil placed in the oil dish by the members 
of the Hunting Society. After the last man has washed his face, 
the throwing ceremony takes place. During this ceremony the 
members of the Hunting Society throw dried salmon, meat, or 
bags of oil to the members of the Whale-Hunting order. At the 
conclusion of this ceremony the novitiate sings his song and dem- 
onstrates the dance given him by his newly acquired guardian- 
spirit. The guests are served with food and are asked, prior to 
their departure, to appear again early in the morning. 

In the morning they assemble around a big fire, built outside 
of the house, and around this fire they paint their faces and put 
on their proper head-rings. The spectators and the members of 
the Hunting Society do not assemble around the outside fire, but 
go directly into the house which at first is darkened. The novitiate 
on this day joins his fellow members outside the house. Led by 
the two Fathers the novitiate and his fellow members enter the 
house, imitating the motion of the whale. This is accomplished 
by stooping down and raising the hands above the head and lowering 
them. All walk in sideways. As soon as the last man is inside the 
skylights are raised and the members of the Hunting Society pour 
some oil into a dish which is used by the members of the Whale- 
Hunter order either to wash their faces or for drinking purposes. 
This is followed by the throwing ceremony which, in turn, is fol- 
lowed by general dancing. The dancers jump up and down singing 
the following refrain: "When I go out to sea, my mouth opens and 
shuts." At the conclusion of the dimcing, the members sit down 
and presents are set aside for them by the family of the novitiate. 
The ritual is concluded with a feast. 

346 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

The Weather Society 

This society is of Quinault origin. The initiation ceremony, 
although based upon the ceremonial of the native Hunting Society, 
shows certain important and distinct features. It lasts five nights 
as do all other ceremonials. To become a member of this society 
one has to receive a weather guardian-spirit. Such a spirit enables 
its owner to change the weather and to bring a dead whale ashore. 
Non-initiates can be present at the ceremonial merely as spectators. 
The color of the society is light brown (tan), and the head-rings 
used by the members during the ceremonial are dyed in this color. 
The same color is applied to the facial painting which, however, 
does not show such a multiplicity of designs as obtains in other 
ceremonials. The faces are painted wholly brown or merely with 
brown dots or stripes. The only ofificial of this ceremonial is the 
Face-painter. No rattles are used to accompany the songs and 

As soon as the shaman ascertains, by means of the color, that 
the patient is sick "from a guardian-spirit belonging to the Weather 
Society," the members of this society are invited to the house of 
the patient who becomes a novitiate. They file in singly and are 
painted by the Face-painter. The novitiate sits on a mat spread 
somewhere on the floor, while the members seat themselves on the 
benches. After all are seated the novitiate {tcald'ldyoHsHt "maker 
of the tcald'ldyo'") renders the songs which he obtained from the 
newly acquired guardian-spirit. In turn the other members render 
their songs, following them up with the dances of this order. This 
concludes the ceremonial for the first night. No food is served. 

On the second night each member brings some food for the 
guardian-spirit of the novitiate. This food is placed in some corner 
of the house, and each succeeding night more is added to it. After 
depositing the food, the members take their seats and go through 
the same ceremonies as on the first night. 

The same ceremonies are repeated on the third, fourth, and 
fifth nights. On the morning of the sixth day the members and 
the novitiate go first to a different house where they put on the 


appropriate head-rings and paint their faces. Then, led by the 
novitiate, they repair to the house where the ceremonial took place 
during the preceding nights. They file in singly, singing and 
dancing. The songs rendered during this ceremonial are meaning- 
less, as far as the Quileutes are concerned. The words are Quinault, 
having been taken over with the main features of the society. 
Each member sings the song of his family. At the conclusion of 
the last song all sit down, and the novitiate distributes the gifts 
set aside for this occasion. Thereupon the food which was brought 
by the individual members on the previous nights as an offering 
to the guardian-spirit is served, and thus ends the ceremonial ot 
the Weather Society. 


The above descriptions of the main features of the Quileute 
ceremonial societies, while only sketchy, are sufficiently clear to 
give us a bird's-eye view of the several elements which enter into 
the composition of these societies. As has been stated in the intro- 
ductory chapter, the internal evidence, the linguistic nomenclature, 
and other factors point strongly to the fact that, of the five Quileute 
ceremonial societies, four have been adopted from adjacent tribes 
(three from the Makah, one from the Quinault) and only one (the 
Hunting Society) is of native origin. On the other hand, the rituals 
of these societies, while adhering closely in the main to the corre- 
sponding rituals of the borrowed orders (as is particularly the case 
in the Wolf, Fishing, and Whaling rituals), have been made to 
agree, in their more detailed aspects, with the original ritual of the 
native society. The introduction among the Quileute Indians of 
the non-native societies has taken place within comparatively 
recent years and may have been due to one of the following three 
factors: the importation of slaves in large numbers from the north 
and south, the frequent intermarriages which took place between 
the Quileute, Makah, and Quinault Indians, or the frequent friendly 
visits which these three tribes interchanged from time to time. 

The Tlokwali and Tsayeq Societies are undoubtedly of Kwakiutl 
origin, but their rituals, as practised by the Quileutes, show vast 
divergences, which are due to the fact that they have been intro- 

348 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

duced, not directly from the Kwakiutl, but through the medium 
of the Nootka, particularly the Makah Indians. A detailed in- 
vestigation of the Makah societies and their rituals will bear testi- 
mony to this fact. Pending such an investigation the original, 
native features of the Quileute ceremonial societies will ha\e to 
remain a matter of speculation. 

However, certain features are so unique as to justify us in the 
assumption that they represent native, and not borrowed, elements. 
The most important of these is what may be properly termed the 
professional element, a feature which, thus far, finds a parallel to 
some extent in the esoteric fraternities of the Zuiii Indians.^ Each 
Quileute society is a professional organization; that is to say only 
persons following the same occupation could belong to it, and each 
order is, so to speak, representative of one of the four most important 
occupations followed by the Quileute Indians. Thus the qeL.'a'ak- 
wdl is the society for hunters, the sibd'xulayo' for whale-hunters, 
the tsld'yeq for fishermen, and the Ld'kwali for warriors. The 
tcald'ldyo\ the Weather Society, is the latest introduction and may 
have received its occupational mark through the enormous influence 
wielded by the medicine men, of which we shall speak later. It goes 
without saying that these societies were introduced not at once but 
singly; and that each soon after, or perhaps simultaneously with, 
its adaptation became the order of persons following a certain occu- 
pation. We have the testimony of the informants themselves for 
the order in which these societies were introduced among the Qui- 
leute Indians. They are conscious of the fact that the sibd'xiildyo' 
was the first of the non-native societies to be introduced; next came 
the Ld'kwali and tsld'yeq; and these were followed in turn by the 
tcald'ldyo\ The Hunting Society {qlLla'akwdl) was in existence 
among the Quileute Indians from times immemorial and to this 
society only those w'ho were habitual hunters could belong. The 
Whaling ritual, as it was practised by the Makah, was a ritual ex- 
clusively for whale-hunters; and the Quileutes merely followed an 
established precedent as w^ell as the spirit of the borrowed society 

1 M. C. Stevenson, "The Zuni Indians," Twenty-third Ann. Report of the Bureau, 
of American Ethnology, pp. 407 ff. 

frachten'berg] ceremonial SOCIETIES OF QUILEUTE INDIANS 349 

when, upon its introduction, they reserved it for whale-hunters 
and their families. Later on, when the Ld'kwali and tsla'yeq were 
introduced, the first became the society for warriors, and the second 
the order of fishermen and (after the Quileutes took to seal-hunting) 
seal-hunters. The assignment of "weather-persons" to the tcald'- 
Idyo' may have been due to the fact that among a littoral people 
like the Quileute Indians special respect was paid to persons who 
claimed to possess tamanos power over the weather. This dis- 
tinction may also be due to an inherent feature in the original 
Quinault society which, however, for lack of data from that tribe, 
we are at the present unable to determine. The gradual breaking 
down of the native mode of living resulted in a gradual wiping out 
of the distinct professional character of some of these societies, 
as can be seen by the fact that in later times canoe-makers, basket- 
makers, and others were also included in the tsfd'yeq. However, the 
two oldest orders (the Hunting and Whale-hunting Societies) always 
kept their distinctive professional features even to within very 
recent times; and all present living members of these two extinct 
societies were either actual hunters or whale-hunters. Further- 
more, the professional emphasis laid upon these two societies was 
responsible for the special feeling of fraternization which existed 
between its respective members (see p. 342). It is also highly 
probable that originally only the male members of the tribe could 
belong to any of these societies and that the privilege of enrolling 
the female relatives of a male member also was granted only grad- 
ually and more as a matter of courtesy. This privilege was in the 
course of time extended until, aided by a desire to insure as much 
wealth to the future generations as possible, it became universal. 
However, the two eldest societies kept on granting full member- 
ship only to the male members of the tribe. 

Another important feature of the Quileute ceremonial societies 
is the manner of initiating a full member, that is to say of one who 
had received a special guardian-spirit presiding over a particular 
order. It will be remembered that the whole initiation ritual re- 
volves around the curing by his fellow-members of the novitiate 
who had been rendered sick through the entrance of the guardian- 

350 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 192 1 

spirit into his body. Of course, this is not to be taken Hterally, 
for the " patient " was at no time actually sick. What the Quileute 
meant to express by this term was probably the unconscious con- 
dition of the novitiate who had partaken of the powers of his 
guardian-spirit, a condition which disappeared as soon as, through 
the exorcisms of the shaman and of the fellow-members of the order, 
the novitiate arrived at an understanding of the qualities of the 
guardian-spirit. The mystery surrounding the quality and power;? 
of the guardian-spirit was particularly dispelled by the disclosures, 
on the part of the shaman, of the "color" of that spirit; in other 
words the novitiate began to feel more at ease by learning the type 
of his particular guardian-spirit, w^hile the continued incantations 
of his fellow-members rendered him more normal. This healing 
phase of the ceremonial is described distinctly by Swan as existing 
among the Makah Indians.^ However, this need not be taken as 
an indication that eventually this Quileute feature goes back to a 
Makah origin. The belief in shamanistic powers was exceedingly 
strongly developed among the Quileute Indians, and the shaman 
exercised an enormous influence over their daily and ceremonial 
life. Consequently, it seems highly plausible that this healing 
phase constituted one of the main features of the original Quileute 
society and that, fostered by the shamans, it became a similarly 
important feature in the other, introduced secret societies. 

The third important point suggesting itself in connection with 
the ceremonial societies of the Quileute Indians is the probable 
determination of the ultimate geographic distribution of this tribe. 
At the present time the Quileute Indians occupy a small strip of 
the northwestern coast of Washington where they were found 
one hundred years ago, while their only other cognates, the Chim- 
akum Indians, were found in a much farther northeastern direc- 
tion, on Puget Sound, in Snohomish County. Quileute mythology 
is particularly silent on the question of the original home of these 
two tribes. It does, however, speak of the separation of the two 
tribes as the result of a great flood. The myth recounting this 
event is as follows : 

1 James G. Swan, op. cit., loc. cit. 

frachtenberg] ceremonial SOCIETIES OF QUILEUTE INDIANS 351 

In early times the Quileute and Chimakum lived together. During 
the great flood the people took to their canoes, floating in them 
until they reached the crests of the Olympic Mountains. Here they 
tied them to trees and rocks. One night a great storm arose, and 
many of the canoes tore loose from their moorings. These canoes 
drifted in a northeastern direction until they reached the present 
site of the towns of Chimakum and Port Ludlow. Here the people 
abandoned their canoes and settled down, becoming in the course 
of time the Chimakum tribe. The people whose canoes were not 
loosened remained on the Olympic Mountains until the flood sub- 
sided. The receding waters carried them and the canoes towards 
the shores of the Pacific Ocean. They finally stopped at Quileute 
Prairie^ and became known as the Quileute (and Hoh) Indians.- 

Inasmuch as this myth has little historical probability, the 
original location of the Quileute tribe must be looked for at a 
point eastward of their present possessions; in other words, the 
Quileute Indians must have lived originally farther inland. And 
a clue that this may have been the case is furnished by the 
importance and antiquity of the Hunting Society of this tribe. 
Such a society with its attending ritual could have developed 
only among a group of people whose main occupation was hunt- 
ing and whose chief supplies of food were obtained through this 
mode of living. The probability of this theory is further sub- 
stantiated by the fact that the Quileute language contains a 
great number of diff^erent verbal stems expressing the various 
forms of the act of hunting. Now, the only regions in this particu- 
lar neighborhood abounding in game of all descriptions lie much 
farther east of the present site of the Quileute reservation, which is 
practically on the western slopes of the Olympic Range. To this 

^A prairie about forty-five miles south of Cape Flattery and six miles eastward 
from the present Quileute reservation. 

2 It is interesting to note that the Makah Indians account in the same way for 
their separation from the main body of the Nootka tribes. Furthermore, the same 
phonetic elements differentiating the Nootka from the Makah dialect (b > m; d > n) 
differentiate also the speech of the Quileute from that of the Chimakum, two features 
which, in addition to many other lexical, morphological, and structural correspondences 
go a long way toward encouraging us in the assumption of an ultimate genetic relation- 
ship between Wakashan, Chimakuan, (and Salish). 

352 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

range the Indians repair even now for the purpose of hunting, and it 
is here that we must look for the original home of the Quileute 
tribe Furthermore, that the Quileute Indians have only within 
comparatively recent times become fishermen par excellence is dem- 
onstrated beyond doubt by the following three facts: First, in 
ancient times these Indians knew nothing of their present intricate 
system of hereditary fishing-grounds, this institution having been 
introduced after their arrival at the mouth of the Quileute River; 
secondly, traces of old Indian settlements, and e\'en potlatch- 
houses, have been found as many as twenty miles farther to the 
east and the Quileutes still remember the native names of these 
villages; thirdly, the names of the most important sea-fish are not 
of native origin, having seemingly been borrowed from the Quinault 
(Salish) language. Of course, it is also quite probable that the 
original Hunting ritual may have been a general tribal ceremonial, 
with the identical aspects and in the same sense as, for example, 
are the tribal rituals among the Creek, Osage, and Omaha Indians. 
However, the above mentioned three facts militate strongly against 
this, and we ma}- be justified in the assumption that (i) the Quileute 
Indians were an inland people, (2) their chief occupation originally 
was hunting, and (3) their social and ceremonial life was greatly 
modified by this occupation. 
New York City 




AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGY has lost one of its greatest 
patrons in the death of Charles P. Bowditch, which occurred 
on June i, 1921. He was born in Boston, September 30, 
1842, the son of Jonathan IngersoU Bowditch and Lucy O. Nichols 
and the grandson of Nathaniel Bowditch. He received the A.B. 
degree from Harvard College in 1863 and the A.M. degree three 
years later. He married Cornelia L. Rockwell on June 7, 1866. 
She and four children survive him. He served in the Civil War as 
2d Lieutenant, ist Lieutenant, and Captain of the 55th Massa- 
chusetts Volunteer Infantry and as Captain of the 5th Massachu- 
setts Volunteer Cavalry. 

Mr. Bowditch was a man of broad interests as his membership 
in various learned societies shows. He was elected a member of 
the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1892 and was its 
Treasurer from 1905 to 1915 and President from 1917 to 1919. 
He was also a member of the Boston Society of Natural History, 
the American Antiquarian Society, and the American Geographical 
Society. His anthropological interests appear in his membership 
in the following societies: American Anthropological Association, 
American Association for the Advancement of Science, Archaeo- 
logical Institute of America, International Congress of Americanists, 
and the Societe des Americanistes de Paris. His historical-genea- 
logical interests are shown in his membership in the Massachusetts 
Historical Society, the Bostonian Society, the Colonial Society of 
Massachusetts, and the New England Historical-Genealogical 
Society. He was the author of the Pickering Genealogy. 

For many years he took a keen delight in the Bacon-Shakespeare 
controversary and was the author of Bacon's Connection with the 
First Folio of Shakespeare. 

As a man of affairs in Boston, Mr. Bowditch was an officer in 
many corporations and numerous benevolent enterprises. His 

23 353 

354 AMERICAA^ ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

list of charities was a long one. He was the author of the History 
of the Trustees of the Charity of Edward Hopkins. 

After a pleasure trip to southern Mexico and Yucatan, in 1888, 
Mr. Bowditch's main interest, outside that of his business as trustee, 
became centered in Maya antiquities. This enthusiasm for a 
region up to that time neglected and practically unknown resulted 
in establishing an entirely new field in American Anthropology. 

Mr. Bowditch's connection with the Peabody Museum of 
Harvard University was a long and a close one. From 1888, when 
the records show he presented his first gift to the Museum, up to 
the time of his death, he was its greatest benefactor. In 1894 he 
was elected a trustee of the Museum and he ser\-ed on the Faculty 
of this institution continuously from that time onward, rarely 
missing a meeting and always taking a most active part in the 
deliberations of that body. 

In 1 891 the Museum sent its first expedition to Central America. 
With the exception of only a few years this expedition has been an 
annual occurrence up to the present time. Mr. Bowditch planned 
and provided for these trips with little outside aid. The early 
work of Gordon, Saville, and Owens in Copan and the Uloa Valley, 
the discoveries of Maler on the Usumacinta River and Peten, 
the long continued investigations of Thompson in Yucatan and 
especially in the Cenote of Chichen Itza, the expeditions of Tozzer, 
Merwin, and Hay in British Honduras and northern Guatemala, of 
Lothrop in Honduras, the second expedition of Morley in Yucatan, 
and the work of Spinden in southern Yucatan are the most im- 
portant activities in this line. A very large number of hitherto 
unknown ruined sites were disclosed and a numerous addition to 
the wealth of hieroglyphic inscriptions resulted. 

There is hardly a man now working in the Central American 
field today who was not directly beholden at some time in his career 
to Mr. Bowditch for encouragement and aid. 

His interest in sending out expedition after expedition has re- 
sulted in a large accession to the collections of the Museum. Among 
the most important of these are: the large number of original stone 
carvings from Copan as the result of a concession from Honduras 


in 1 891 and continuing for ten years, molds and casts of the principal 
stelae and altars from Copan and Quirigua, lintels and stelae from 
Yaxchilan and Piedras Negras, and many of the sculptured stones 
from Chichen Itza, collections of pottery and other objects from 
the Uloa Valley and Copan, from Holmul, and from many of the 
ruins of Yucatan. Second to none is the unparalleled collection 
from the Sacred Cenote of Chichen Itza. This work was planned 
and financed almost entirely by Mr. Bowditch. The magnitude 
of these collections can be seen from the fact that they now fill at 
least three-fourths of two large halls given over to Mexico and 
Central America. 

Mr. Bowditch's one aim was the advance of knowledge of the 
Maya field and he always laid stress on this rather than on the ac- 
quisition of specimens. He gave generously for the publications 
of the results of the various expeditions to Central America. Ta 
him the Museum owes in greater part the publication of the six: 
folio volumes of its Memoirs and the following Papers: v. i, nos. i, 
3, and 7; V. 2; v. 4, nos. i, 2, and 3; v. 6, no. 2; v. 7; and v. 9, all 
of which contain material pertaining to the Maya field. 

As the grandson of Nathaniel Bowditch his mind ran to mathe- 
matics and his special interest in Central America was the study 
of the hieroglyphic inscriptions. His pioneer work in this field was 
second only to that of Goodman and Forstemann. His acute mind 
established many facts hitherto unknown concerning the Maya 
hieroglyphic writing. His unbiased opinion, strengthened by 
most painstaking study, was brought to bear on the many un- 
settled problems of the hieroglyphic system. The results of his 
investigations are summed up in his writings, a list of which is 
given at the end of this paper. Special mention should be made of 
his book, The Numeration, Calendar Systems, and Astronomical 
Knoivledge of the Mayas. This work was a landmark in the stud}' 
of the Central American writing and served to focus attention on 
this subject as no other book had done. His mental agility in 
working out the dates of the inscriptions and his feats of rapid 
calculation, often done without the aid of pencil and paper, were 
always received with wonder and admiration by his friends and 

356 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

colleagues in this study. His writings were almost exclusively 
technical in nature and served as guides to the specialist on the 
way to a complete elucidation of the hieroglyphic writing. 

Mr. Bowditch did not read German well and he secured the 
translation of practically the entire works of Seler, Forstemann, 
Schellhas, and other German writers in this field. Several of these 
translations have been published {P. M. Papers, v. 4, nos. i and 2, 
and Bulletin 28 of the Bureau of American Ethnology). The 
other translations have been deposited in the library of the Peabody 
Museum. His translation from the Spanish of the Relacion of 
Landa and that of Avendaiio represent another line which his 
acute mind took in furthering the advance of knowledge of the 
Central American field. 

Another activity of Mr. Bowditch in Maya studies was the 
collection of works and documents covering this area. He built 
up gradually one of the best working libraries on this subject, and 
afterwards gave it to the Museum. He had the Nuttall Codex 
copied and published, the Laud Codex in the British Museum 
copied, and, at the time of his death, he was having prepared a 
copy of the Sahagun manuscript in Florence with its many colored 
illustrations. Mr. William Gates kindly allowed Mr. Bowditch to 
purchase duplicate sets of the photographic reproductions of over 
fifty thousand pages of manuscripts and rare books on Central 
America and Mexico. This comprises practically everything in 
manuscript form now extant on the languages of Central America 
and much of the material on Mexican linguistics. These reproduc- 
tions have been bound and given to the Museum. Mr. Bowditch 
himself reproduced the various manuscripts which he had given to 
the Museum as well as several which are in other collections. 

No field of activity was overlooked. He became the sponsor of 
several Fellowships. The first Fellowship in American Archaeology 
of the Archaeological Institute of America as well as the Central 
American Fellowship of the Peabody Museum were given by him. 
He was in great part responsible for the establishment of the Divis- 
ion of Anthropology in Harvard University and an Instructorship 
in Central American Archaeology was first established by him. 


Instruction in this subject has been carried on by Harvard since 

As one of the Founders of the American Anthropological Asso- 
ciation, Mr. Bowditch was a generous supporter of the cause of 
Anthropology in America. His ready response could always be 
depended upon for overcoming deficits and for advice. There is 
perhaps no other instance in American Anthropology where an 
effort in one field of interest has been so long continued, so intense, 
and so productive of results. His monument is the Central Ameri- 
can collections in the Peabody Museum, its Maya publications, 
and its remarkable collection of books and manuscripts on Middle 
America. This monument will continue to increase in size as his 
generous interest in the Museum will be reflected in future acti\ities 
in the Maya field. 

Mr. Bowditch was a man of very strong personality. He tried 
to carry out the letter of the law and expected others to do so. 
Forceful but modest, always with opinions but willing to reason, 
wrathful before underhandedness but just to all, Mr. Bowditch 
will be remembered by his colleagues as one of the greatest friends 
of the science and one who tried to uphold its highest traditions. 

Published Works 

1900 The Lords of the Night and the Tonalamatl of the Codex Borbonicus, 

in American AnthropGlogist, (n.s.) v. 2, pp. 145-154. 
Review of John Campbell's " Decipherment of the Hieroglyphic Inscrip- 
tions of Central America," in American Anthropologist, (n.s.) v. 2, pp. 


1901 Memoranda on the Maya Calendars used in the Books of Chilam Baiani, in 

American Anthropologist, (n.s.) v. 3, pp. 129-138. 
The Age of the Maya Ruins, in A^merican Anthropologist, (n.s.) \-. 3, pp. 

A Method which may have been used by the Mayas in calculating Time, 

Cambridge, 8°, pamph. il pp. 
Was the beginning Day of the Maya Month numbered Zero (or twenty) 

or one?, Cambridge, 8°, pamph. 8 pp. 
Notes on the Report of Teobert Maler in Memoirs of the Peabody Museum, 

Vol. H, No. I ; Cambridge, 8°, pamph. 30 [)p. 

358 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

1903 A suggestive Maya Inscription, Cambridge, 8°, pamph. 16 pp. 

Notes on the Report of Teobert Maler in Memoirs of the Peahody Museum, 
Vol. II, No. 2, Cambridge, 8°, pamph. 29 pp. 
1906 The Temples of the Cross, of the Foliated Cross and of the Sun at Palenque, 
Cambridge, 8°, pamph. 11 pp., 3 tables. 
Mayan Nomenclature, Cambridge, 8°, pamph. 11 pp. 

1908 Collation of Berendt's Lengua Maya. Miscelanea, v. 2, in Berendt 

Linguistic Collection, No. 43. (Photographic reproduction by 
William Gates.) 
Collation of Berendt's Chilam Balam, in Berendt Linguistic Collection, 
No. 49. (Photographic reproduction by William Gates.) 

1909 The Dates and Numbers of Pages 24 and 26 to 50 of the Dresden Codex, 

in Putnam Anniversary Volume, New York, pp. 268-298. 

19 10 The Numeration, Calendar Systems and Astronomical Knowledge of the 

Mayas, Cambridge, 8°, xvii, 340 pp., xi.x pis. 

Unpublished Works 
Discussion of pages 3id-32d, 62, and 64 of the Dresden Codex, 4°, MS. 37 ff. 
4 Ahau 8 cumhu. What position does this date hold in the Maya reckoning of 

time?, 4°, MS. 4 fT., tables. 
Cardinal point symbols, colors, etc., 4°, MS. 25 ff. 
Dr. Seler's 59-day period, 4°, MS. 8 ff. 


List of Maya words in Landa and elsewhere with translation, 4°, MS. 17 ff. 

Landa's Relacion de las cosas de Yucatan. Translation from the French edition 
of Brasseur de Bourbourg and corrected from the Spanish edition of Rada y 
Delgado, 4°, MS. 160 ff. 

Avendano's Relacion de las dos entradas que hize a Peten Itza. Translation into 
English. (Published in large part in Means's History of the Spanish Con- 
quest of Yucatan and of the Itzas, in Papers of the Peabody Museum, v. 7, 
Cambridge, 1917.) 

Villagutierre's Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza, 1701. Transla- 
tion of Books II, III, V, VIII, IX. 

Lizana's Historia de Yucatan, 1633. Translation of Chaps. 1-6. 

Alonzo Cano's Manche and Peten. MS, 1696. Translation. (Published in 
large part in Means's History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the 
Itzas, in Papers of the Peabody Museum, v. 7, Cambridge, 1917-) 

Editori.\l Work 
1904 Mexican and Central American Antiquities, Calendar Systems, and 
History. Twentj'-four papers by Seler, Forstemann, Schellhas, 
Sapper, and Dieseldorff, in Bulletin 28, Bureau of Atnerican Etlmology, 
Washington, 8°, 682 pp., XLIX pis. 


Representation of Deities of the Maya Manuscripts by Paul Schellhas, 
in Papers of the Peahody Museum, Vol. 4, No. i, Cambridge. 
1906 Commentary on the Maya Manuscript in the Royal Public Library of 
Dresden by Ernst Forstemann, in Papers of the Peahody Museum, Vol. 
4, No. 2, Cambridge. 

Photostatic Reproductions 
Diccionario Pocomchi-Castellano y Castellano-Pocomchi de San Cristobal 

Cahcoh. MS. in Berendt Linguistic Collection, No. 61. 
Doctrina en Lengua Quiche. MS. owned by Marshall H. Saville. 
Maldonado de Matos. Arte de la Lengua Szinca, 1770. MS. in Peabody Museum. 
x'\lonso A-Iartinez. Manuel breve y compendioso para enpesar a aprender Lengua 

Zapoteca. MS. in John Carter Brown Library. 
A Mexican Catechism in Testerian Hieroglyphs. MS. in Peabody Museum. 
Platicas de la historia sagrada en Lengua Cacchii. XVII century MS. in Berendt 

Linguistic Collection, No. 79. 
Quaderno de Idioma Zapoteco de Valle. MS. in John Carter Brown Library. 
Sermones en la Lengua Kekchi de Cajabon. MS. in Peabody Museum. 
Vocabulario de Lengua Kiche. 1787 copy. MS. in Peabody Museum. 
Xiu Chronicles or Libro de Probanzas, 1608-1817. MS. in Peabody Museum. 

Alfred M.' Tozzer. 

Peabody Museum, 
Cambridge, Mass. 



A Laboratory Manual of Anthropometry. Harris H. Wilder. P. 

Blakiston's Son & Co.: Philadelphia, 1920. 193 pp., 43 ills. 

This book of two hundred pages, opens with the sentence: 
It has long been a reproach to American science that now, foe many years, the 
branch of Physical Anthropology has been so little cultivated, and this the more 
because of our early prestige in this very field and because of our unrivalled oppor- 
tunities. ... It was with a view to directing a broader American attention to 
this vitally important branch of Anthropology that the author . . . drew up, 
based largely upon the prescription of 1906, a set of rules for the guidance of the 
laboratory student . . . 

The intention of publishing a book on anthropometry in America is to 
be lauded, even though rules for measuring have been published re- 
peatedly in American journals (sec: Wilder, in Science, Llii, p. 20). 
Wilder's manual will, no doubt, help to stimulate anthropometric work 
and will be especially of assistance in college courses on anthropology. 
The student receives from it guidance as to ichat and honi to measure 
both the outer body and the skeletal parts of man, becomes acquainted 
with the chief anthropometric instruments, and learns what absolute 
measurements can to advantage be combined to form indices. The 
technical instructions are in parts enlivened by examples of the results 
of measurements taken on different races. 

From a critical point of view, however, a perusal of the manual 
leaves an impression of a certain unevenness and partiality in the arrange- 
ment and selection as well as the illustration of the text. The subject 
matter is divided into osteometry, comprising 114 pages, and somatom- 
etry, to which only 16 pages are devoted, a disproportion which seems 
hardly justifiable. The scanty bibliography (in footnotes), which is 
intended as an introduction to the literature on anthropometry, omits in 
many instances very important publications while giving certain special- 
ized papers of no general interest. In the part on "biometric" methods, 
which might more correctly be called "statistical" methods, one fails 
to find any mention of the correlation coefficient, which is as important 
as the coefficient of variation. Also the formulae for the various probable 
errors should have been included in this discussion. The lengthy 
chapter on craniometry would gain in value by a short enumeration of 



the points for determining age, sex, and normality of the skull. It also 
may be mentioned that the list of measurements on one hundred girls 
in Appendix B would be improved by grouping the girls according to 
age and race. 

In going through the book more in detail, a number of items are en- 
countered which are open to criticism. The historical review in the 
introduction is incomplete, neither Blumenbach, Retzius, nor R. Virchow 
receiving any mention. In the description of anthropometric instru- 
ments, particularly of those for taking angles, Alollison's convenient 
craniophore should not have been omitted. The caliper in figure I is 
not the one made by Hermann, as stated in the title of the figure, and 
has not a straight scale as described in the accompanying text, but 
apparently is the same as pictured in figure 2. In describing the method 
used in placing a skull in the Frankfort horizontal (p. 22) four points are 
mentioned as involved in this horizontal. Although corresponding to 
the original draft of the Frankfort convention, practice has since taught 
us the untenability of this provision, all the more so as three points are 
sufficient to establish a plane. It should have been pointed out at this 
place that two poria and the left orbitale suffice to determine the ear-eye 
plane. On page 57 the statement is made: 

Few people, even anatomists, realize to how great an extent the axis of the human 
skull has become shortened and bent together. 

This inclusion of anatomists is, to say the least, unnecessary in a manual 
for students, and no doubt incorrect. In figure 26 the various facial 
height measurements are correctly termed "heights," but on page 57 
and others the author speaks of the same measurements as facial 
"lengths," and the facial "length" measurements of figure 26 are referred 
to in the text as facial "depth." This regrettable mix-up would tend to 
confuse the student. On page 58 the assertion is made that, in the tri- 
angle formed by lines between nasion, basion, and prosthion, the angle 
with the apex at the basion is the most important. The reason for this 
preference of one angle is difficult to see and open to argument. On page 
71, G. Schwalbe is said to have used the glabella-inion line instead of the 
nasion-inion line, "in accordance with the usage of the time." This 
should more properly read, "according to the subject under investiga- 
tion." In the discussion of the vertebrae (p. 76 and following) the 
author speaks of their " antero-posterior thickness," meaning the height 
of the corpus, and not until page H2 does he explain, in a footnote, that 
"anterior" and "posterior" stand for "superior" and "inferior." If 
these terms have to be changed at all, it would be clearer to use cranial 

362 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

and caudal. The footnote just mentioned contains the statement that 
"the nomenclature used is the morphological one, as related to any 
mammal"; but on page 77, in some formulae for indices, the author calls 
his "antero-posterior thickness" the "vertical diameter of vertebra," 
which is inconsistent. The comment on the table of lumbar indices 
(p. 77) reads in part: 

In the first and second (lumbar vertebrae) the bodies are wedge-shaped, with 
the lesser thickness (the edge) pointing backwards (dorsally); ... in the fourth 
and fifth the wedge is turned around, with the edge pointing forwards (ventrally). 

In both instances the contrary is true, a fact which is well known, and 
which, furthermore, is shown by the table on page 77. How unevenly 
the subject matter is treated in certain parts is best shown by the fact 
that, whereas nearly two pages are devoted to the patella, the discussion 
of the sternum is exhausted by the statement that "very little has as yet 
been done with its anthropometry. . . ." This is not very flattering to 
investigators of the metric features of the sternum, such as Anthony, 
Bogusat, Dwight, Eggeling, Henke, Krause, Lubosch, Martin, Peter- 
moller, Strauch, W'eisgerber, and others. The description of measure- 
ment 6, on page 84, is unintelligible; the instruction that it !)'.* taken in a 
plane parallel to the long axis of the bone is of little helix inasmucn as 
there arc innumerable jjlanes parallel to one line. The first measurement 
on the radius (p. 98) is called "greatest maximum length"; would not 
one of these epithets suffice? 

In addition to the defects enumerated above, there are many other 
minor errors and discrepancies among which the following may be 
mentioned: Page 30, line 13 from bottom: multiplying column two 
(instead oi four) by column three; page 49, lines 12 and 8 from bottom: 
opisthocranion (instead of opisthocranium) ; page 75, figure 28: the 
measurements " naso-alveolaire" and " naso-sous-nasale" should be re- 
versed in the diagram; page 82, table: some of the figures are incorrectly 
copied; page 84, No. 3: epicondlyes, according to B. N. A. (instead of 
"condyles") ; page 90, line 9 from bottom: in the formula it should read 
"length of chord a b" (instead of A E); page 92, line 6 from top: there is 
no "n" in figure 33 as stated in the text; page 94, line 6 from top: "line 
A E (Fig. 34) " is not to be found in that figure; page 116, footnote, line 
5 from bottom: Anthropologic (instead of "Anatomie"). 

Such a considerable number of oversights and actual mistakes, which 
have been cited only in part, would suggest the advisability of a careful 
revision of the book, so that it might be of more value to the student. 

Adolph H. Schultz 



New York City in Indian Possession. Reginald Pelham Boltok. 

(Indian Notes and Monographs, vol. li, no. 7.) Museum of the 

American Indian, Heye Foundation : New York, 1920. 

This is an unusually interesting as well as valuable monograph. 
Based on deeds of purchase, charters, and other historical sources, and 
well related to archaeological evidence, it classifies the Indians of the 
vicinity of New York City. Eight groups of the Unami Delaware held 
the lands west of the Hudson, seven of the Wappinger Mahikan those to 
the east, and thirteen Matouack (IVlontauk) divisions occupied Long 
Island. Manhattan was mainly in the possession of the Reckgawawanc 
Unami, but its southern tip, northeastern Staten Island, and the islands 
in the East River were in Canarsee Matouack occupancy. An excellent 
map illustrates these interrelations, besides showing some eighty native 
stations or sites. In successive chapters the ownership or grouping of 
Manhattan, the Mahikan, Matouack, Unami, and Staten Island are 
succinctly reviewed. There follow chapters dealing with land purchases, 
a list of stations, a classified list of native personal names, and an index 
of all proper names. There are no citations of the original sources; but 
the inclusion of these would. have rendered the volume cumbersome with- 
out adding much of anthropological value. The treatment gives every 
impression of an accuracy and soundness which render the full presenta- 
tion of the historical sources unnecessary. As a piece of writing, the pub- 
lication is pleasing, particularly in the neatness of its style. 

Work of this order has much more than local or antiquarian interest. 
It provides knowledge of the concrete basis of native social, political, 
and economic life, and thus contributes a foundation for interpretative 
generalizations. A. L. Kroeber 

Haicikuh Boneivork. F. W. Hodge. (Indian Notes and Monographs, 
vol. Ill, no. 3.) Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, 
New York, 1920. 

Bonework has been the Cinderella of native Indian handicrafts. 
In the East it has been overshadowed by the variety and interest of the 
stone implements; and in the West, particularly in the Pueblo region, 
pottery has usurped the attention of most writers of archaeological 
reports. In the present publication, however, the art has finally come 
into its own; and for the first time the bone implements of an Indian 
tribe have been fully and satisfactorily treated. How richly these gen- 
erally neglected little objects have repaid study can be seen by a glance 
at the excellent illustrations in Mr. Hodge's monograph. 

364 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

The opening section deals with primary processes in the working of 
bone and antler. (One might suggest that bone and antler could be more 
clearly described if handled separately, both for processes of work and 
in the chapters on implements. The two materials are really quite 
dissimilar in physical properties, require different methods of manipula- 
tion, and produce tools which do not classify well together. I feel quite 
sure that an Indian would not consider bone and antler as belonging to 
the same category of materials.) The body of the book is occupied by 
full descrpitions of the various classes of objects; and the conclusion 
points out the fact that boncwork, like other arts at Hawikuh, was 
practically uninfluenced by 130 years of Spanish contact. 

Although bone implements grade into each other in a way that makes 
classification difificult, a grouping is not, as Mr. Hodge has demonstrated 
in this paper, impossible. The classification might, however, to my mind, 
have been carried somewhat further and have been tabulated somewhere 
in the text. For example: the subgroups into which the author has 
divided the awls can only be made out by repeated reading of the text 
and comparison with the plate captions; it would be simpler for the 
student if he could grasp this grouping at a glance. A tabulation would 
also have permitted the author to express, by numerical data incor- 
porated in it, the relative abundance of the various types, not only of 
awls, but also of the other classes of implements. This was done by 
Morris in his tabulated classification of pottery designs from the Aztec 
ruin {Anth. Papers Am. Miis. Nat. Hist., vol. xxvi, pt. l). 

The above bit of criticism serves merely to emphasize what is perhaps 
the most outstanding virtue of the paper, namely the fact that the 
relative abundance of types actually is expressed, so that the reader can 
get a clear idea of what is common, what is rare, and what is unique. 
This very important information is all too scanty in most archaeological 
publications for most writers have emphasized in the text, and particu- 
larly in plates, the odd or beautiful specimens; and neglected entirely, 
or at best failed to stress, the ordinary, abundant, and therefore really 
most significant specimens which have come from their excavations. 
Unusual objects should of course be shown, as the finest often represent 
the highwater marks of local art, and the aberrant ones are likely to be 
trade pieces, but it should always be made plain to the reader, as Mr. 
Hodge has done, that such objects are unusual. 

The book is an excellent exposition of the bonework of this particular 
site, and is very useful as such; but it stands at present too nearly alone 
to render the full service that it will eventually give when similar studies 
have been made for other districts, and one can judge to what degree 


their art in bone differs from that of Hawikuh. That there are differences 
there can be no doubt; Mr. Hodge's book already enables one to recognize 
a few: the deer-humerus scraper, for instance, so common in the late 
ruins of the upper San Juan, fails to appear at Hawikuh; the awl-like 
weaving tool is very abundant at Hawikuh, extremely rare at Pecos. 

Such differences are not the result of the animal environment, for 
that is practically uniform over the three regions just mentioned; they 
must represent, then, real though unobtrusive differences in the cultural 
complexes involved. Their very unobtrusiveness gives them a peculiar 
archaeological value, for the humbler and less considered the tool, the 
less is it likely to be affected by fortuitous circumstances. Styles in 
pottery may change because of the chance introduction of new styles of 
ornamentation, or the acquisition of new clays; architecture may be 
radically altered by new building materials or the exigencies of a new 
site. So modest an art as bonework, with so unchanging a raw material, 
should be, however, much more stable and should help us, if studied as 
closely as by Mr. Hodge, toward the solution of many difficult problems. 
For example: the great Aztec ruin is allied ceramically to the later Mesa 
Verde cliff-houses, and architecturally to the large pueblos of Chaco 
Caiion. At present we have no way of knowing whether the Aztec 
people merely borrowed from their two neighbors impartially, or whether 
they were basically related to the one or the other of them. If, however, 
we should find that their bonework, an art to which they hardly gave 
a second thought, was closely akin to, say, that of the Mesa Verde, and 
different from that of Chaco Caiion, should we not have a very weighty 
argument for considering them as allied to the former? 

I certainly do not wish to insist that the problems of Southwestern 
archaeology can be settled by the study of bonework alone. As a matter 
of fact most archaeologists, the reviewer included, have been all too 
prone to work along single favorite lines, to overemphasize certain cate- 
gories of evidence: one has a penchant for architecture, another for 
pottery, a third for clan migration-tales. All are valuable, but so far 
at least no one has been proved more valuable than another, because 
no single site or district has yet been considered from all points of view, 
and therefore it is not possible properly to weight the different classes of 
evidence. The present intensive excavations at Hawikuh, Aztec, the 
Chaco, and Pecos give promise, however, of a new era in Southwestern 
archaeology, one of the first signs of which is Mr. Hodge's unassuming 
but highly important paper. The present review is really a plea to all 
field-men to "go and do likewise." 

A. V. Kidder 

366 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

Native Cemeteries and Forms of Burial East of the Mississippi. David 

I. BusHNELL, Jk. (Bulletin 71 of the Bureau of American Ethnology) 

Washington, D. C, 1920. 

Under the title quoted above the reviewer was surprised to find 
not a large memoir, but a pamphlet of some 160 octavo pages, including 
the index, purporting to deal with the mortuary customs of the Indian 
tribes inhabiting the greater portion of the wooded part of North America, 
peoples divisible into a number of distinct culture areas. 

Even a hasty perusal of Mr. Bushnell's leaflet strikes the reader with 
surprise at its superficiality on the one hand, and on the other with the 
heterogeneous mass of misinformation and obsolete data it contains. A 
glance at the bibliography does not improve the impression made by the 
text. Why Mr. Bushnell ignores the fact that there are in the land 
several scientific institutions of standing, such as the American Museum 
of Natural History, the Peabody Museum of Harvard, the Museum of 
the American Indian, the Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, 
The Provincial Museum of Ontario, and a host of others which have 
devoted time and treasure to the practical investigation of the very 
subject dealt with in his compilation, is as great a mystery as the system 
by which he has made selection from the sources he does quote. One 
may search the leaflet from cover to cover for any mention of a number 
of men whose lives have been largely spent in research and publication of 
data on Indian mortuary customs, many of whose works are commonly 
regarded as standard reports by their fellow students. We may mention 
a few so well-known as Boyle, Hunter, Laidlaw, Parker, Bolton, Heye, 
Pepper, Houghton, Barrett, and Moorehead, and still leave the list 

Owing to the lack of space required for an exhaustive critique of 
Mr. Bushnell's paper, the writer will confine himself largely to a few 
observations on one of the regions with the archaeology and history of 
which he is somewhat familiar, namely the Iroquois and Algonkian area 
of the Middle Atlantic States. 

Were it not for the brief and cryptic hints which Mr. Bushnell 
throws out concerning the occurrence of Indian burials "in the vicinity 
of Manhattan Island," one would suppose him to be ignorant of the 
work of students of the archaeology of that region for the last half 
century, but these hints, coupled with a casual remark on the fact that 
a Munsee cemetery containing two types of burials had been found at 
Montague, northern New Jersey, shows that it was some curious personal 
bias that caused Mr. Bushnell to ignore the many writings of his prede- 


cessors in this field. For the benefit of the uninitiated, be it said that 
the cavalier reference to the Munsee site refers to work done and de- 
scribed in an excellent monograph by Messrs. Heye and Pepper in Vol. 11, 
No. I, of the Contributions from the Museum of the American Indian, Heye 

It might be added that, from a geographical standpoint, the author 
is scarcely justified in locating Montague south of Manhattan Island. 
Moreover, his lengthy quotation from Heckewelder on a late historic 
Delaware funeral applies, not to this earlier site, but rather to one of a 
later period, discovered at Port Jervis, N. Y., in which the dead were 
interred in coffins, opened and described by Mr. Parker, the New York 
State Archaeologist. 

As to why Bushnell quotes only from Van der Donck amid the array 
of contemporary Dutch writers on the New York Coastal Algonkian, we 
would hazard a guess that the identical quotation occurs in handy form 
in a recent paper on local archaeology by the writer of this review, 
except that we find in Mr. Bushnell's bibliography nothing on this 
region more recent than Dr. Beauchamp's first publication on the 
Aboriginal Occupation of Neiv York, an excellent pioneer volume, a- 
careful perusal of which might have saved the author from several errors. 
We hereby refer him to Dr. Beauchamp's observations on the lack of 
identity between the Iroquois and the builders of the mounds found in 
their territory, for example. There are a number of other works by Dr. 
Beauchamp, all of which are important, and several by Parker, including 
a monograph on a burial site of the Erie, published by the New York 
State Museum. Of these Mr. Bushnell seems ignorant, as he is of the 
various publications of other prominent museums and societies in New 
York State. Otherwise it would not have escaped his notice that the 
Iroquois were not the pristine inhabitants of the region in question, and 
that there are evidences of, not one, but several peoples of different 
culture who preceded them. 

The mounds on Long Sault and St. Regis Island in the St. Lawrence 
River, which he uses as the basis of his impossible hypothesis that the 
Iroquois were mound builders, are well known to have been made by 
people of another culture, containing, as they did, objects of types 
utterly foreign to the Iroquois complex. For example the specimens 
found in the former tumulus are now in the American Museum and the 
Museum of the American Indian, and, among other things, consist of 
slate tubes, gouges, beads of native copper, huge (lint blades, and non- 
Iroquoian pottery. 

368 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

If, as Bushnell states, on unknown authority, a piece of mica is 
proof positive that a mound opened near Chenango, N. Y., was of 
Tuscarora origin, then on this evidence the makers of the shellheaps at 
Shinnecock Hills, Long Island, and at Tottenville, Staten Island, hitherto 
considered Algonkian on mere cultural and historic evidence, were 
Tuscarora, and so were the inhabitants of what we considered to be an 
ancient pre-Iroquoian Algonkian burial village and burial site at Cayuga, 
N. Y., for mica has been found in all these places. The mystery of the 
origin of certain Ohio mounds will also be dissipated by this token. 

Why Mr. Bushnell laments the lack of any detailed description of 
the ossuary at Gasport (or Orangeport), X. Y., is a mystery, since two 
accounts by competent observers are available, in the Bulletin of the 
Buffalo Society of Natural Sciences for 1912. Incidentally, the reports of 
this ossuary, and another found near by, are illustrated by photographs 
superior to the one shown by Mr. Bushnell. 

We should like to make some further inquiries with regard to Mr. 
Bushnell's data on several other aboriginal areas farther afield. We 
should like to know why the important work of Barrett on the Kratz 
Creek Mounds in Wisconsin has been neglected, and whether the learned 
author's silence as to Warren K. Moorehead's recent discoveries with 
regard to the " Red Paint" culture of Maine is due to an oversight. 

On page 79 of his monograph Mr. Bushnell quotes from Graham's 
Magazine for January 1853 an account of certain burials found near 
Avon, N. Y., near the east bank of the Genesee River, which says in part: 
These discoveries strengthen a belief long entertained, that in 1687 tha Marquis 
de Nouvcllc fought his famous battle with the Senecas at or near the burial place 
mentioned, that on the banks of the Genesee, within the limits of Avon, Frank 
and Red Man closed in mortal death-struggle. 

It is an axiom that it is unwise to look for accuracy in the haphazard 
articles found in newspapers and magazines, hence they are seldom 
quoted as authorities. The facts of the case are that there is no Marquis 
de Nouvelle connected with the early colonial history of New York, 
There was, however, a Marquis de Nonville, who did, in 1687, fight a 
severe battle with the Seneca, and for many years the location of the 
battle has been known. The place is in another county from the site 
near Avon, not far from Victor, N. Y., near the foot of Boughton hill, 
where stood one of the principal Seneca villages of that date. It may 
interest Mr. Bushnell to hear that de Nonville's army found a very 
interesting Seneca cemetery or cemeteries on the hill, and that these did 
not escape minute description by him. Even a casual survey of the 


writers, ancient and modern, who have written on Iroquois burial customs 
alone would enable him to compile a book several times as thick as the 
one under discussion. 

Mr. Bushnell's omissions are sometimes little short of amazing. On 
page 148 he states: 

Only one instance can be cited where objects found in contact with burials had 
apparently been made especially for the purpose of being placed in the graves. 
This refers to the small thin earthenware vessels discovered in the stone graves in 
Missouri, as described. These small delicately formed bowls would have been 
of no practical use to the living, being very fragile and composed solely of clay 
without the usual admixture of pulverized shell or sand; and consequently they 
may be considered as mortuary bowls, fashioned to hold the offerings to the dead, 
to be placed in the grave with the remains. 

In the early reports on Florida archaeology written by Clarence B. 
Moore are a multitude of references to ceremonial vessels made with 
holes in the base before the firing of the vessel. In Mound Investigation 
on the East Coast of Florida, page 8, one finds for example: 
For the benefit of those not familiar with our previous Reports on the Florida 
mounds, we may saj' that it was the custom in that state often to knock out the 
bottom, or to make a hole through the bottom, of earthenware vessels, previous 
to inhumation with the dead and that this custom is believed to have been prac- 
tised with the Idea that the mutilation ' killed ' the vessel, freeing its soul to ac- 
company that of its owner into the next world. Apparently, however, it entered 
the minds of the more thrifty among the aborigines that vessels of value might 
serve a better purpose, and hence there arose a class of ceremonial ware, usually 
small in size, often of fantastic design and always of flimsy material, with bases 
perforated during the process of manufacture. This cheap ware was probablj' 
kept on hand and did duty for vessels more valuable and less readily spared. 

Similar observations may be found in Mr. Moore's "Certain Sand 
Mounds of the St. Johns River, Florida," Part I. Journ. Acad. Nat. Sci., 
Phila., Vol. X, Pages 43, 44. Plates XIII, XIV. 

Ditto, Part II, Vol. x, Pages 143, 147, 242. Plates XVII, XX, 

"Certain Sand Mounds of Duval County, Florida," Vol. x, p. 35. 
Plates LXXIV, LXXV. 

Professor \Vm. H. Holmes writes ("Earthenware of Florida," p. 118, 
A. N. S. Jonni. Vol. x, 1894), 

It is quite certain that articles so rude and fragile could have served no purpose 
in the arts; that they were not intended for use as utensils is supported by the 
fact that in most cases the vessels were made perforate. The paste is crude clay 
so slightly baked that many of the specimens fairly fall to pieces of their own 


370 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 23. 1921 

The practice of perforating vessels on consigning them to the grave was 
common along the Gulf coast and across northern Florida, but the making of 
vessel forms with perforated base has not been observed outside of Florida, and 
was first made known to anthropologists by Mr. Moore in "The American Nat- 
uralist." One specimen only of this class, from Franklin county, Florida, is 
found in the National Museum. 

In conclusion it may be said that of all the recent publications on 
archaeology brought out by the scientific bodies of North America, only 
one other can approach the volume under discussion in lack of thorough- 
ness, and that is the paper on the Indian village sites, recently published 
by the same author. 

Alanson Skinner 

The Changes in the Material Culture of Two Indian Tribes under the 

Influence of New Surroundings. (Comparative Ethnographical 

Studies, 2.) Erland Nordenskiold. Goteborg, 1920. Pp. 1-245, 

58 text figures, and 22 maps. 

This work is a continuation of the volume briefly noted in these 
columns (vol. 21, 1919, pp. 194-196) in which Dr. Nordenskiold presented 
a stimulating analysis of the culture of the Choroti and Ashluslay. In 
this second volume he applies the same methods to the Chiriguano and 
Chane tribes on the borderland between Bolivia and Argentina, which 
the author visited in 1908-9. For a clearer understanding of the kind of 
data the author deals with, it may be stated that the Chiriguano are a 
Guarani people who came into the region in the si.xteenth century and 
subdued the Chane who are of Arawak stock. Thus, there were brought 
into intimate contact two somewhat different types of culture. The new 
environment into which each moved successively also brought them into 
contact with other cultures, particularly with the higher culture of Peru. 
Again, somewhat later, European influences came in. As in the previous 
volume, the author undertakes to analyze the complex resulting from 
these many contacts and thereby identify the traits that came from each 
specific contact. His method is essentially the plotting of trait distribu- 
tion upon duplicate maps and drawing inferences as to sources of dis- 
persion. As in the first volume the author claims this to be a new 
method and, while politeness may demand one's passing over this claim 
in silence, it is due the reader to call attention to the point that, after all, 
the author is merely discussing the distribution of traits, reasoning from 
these to conclusions as to the place of origin and relative age. His 
individuality is, therefore, limited to the forms of his maps and tables. 


Further, he shows lack of experience in handling distributions and un- 
familiarity with the methods of the American school in particular. This 
is not said to condemn the work of the author, but to indicate the limits 
to his excellent contribution. He has most carefully compiled the data 
and his tables and maps will ever be a source of reference on culture 
distribution in South America. Further, the idea of plotting bibli- 
ographies on a continental map is ingenious and highly original. From 
Ihese one can see just what parts of the continent can be approached 
through the literature of a given period. 

In addition to the six maps showing the distribution of bibliographical 
material, there are sixteen for culture traits as follows: pile buildings, the 
platform bed, hammock, hunting net, multi-pointed fishing arrow, fishing 
with poison, Tipoy (carrying-band and analogous garment), stained teeth, 
games with India-rubber balls, trumpet, pan-pipe, masks, vessels with 
string-holes, baskets with lids, the Arawak loom, and urn burial. These 
are based upon data compiled under twenty-two tables giving the tribal 
names for which the different traits are listed in the literature of the 
subject. Anyone experienced in distribution studies will appreciate the 
industry and patience necessary to such a compilation. The text is 
further objectified by some 58 halftones and line cuts. The bibliography 
contains 310 selected titles and seems to cover the field exhaustively. 
This feature alone will make the volume one of great service, particularly 
since the maps show just which of these titles apply to a given locality. 
Thus this volume can be recommended as a serviceable research handbook 
in the material culture of South America. 

In the text each of the most important culture traits is taken up in 
succession. For example, we find a further discussion of the pellet-bo vV, 
as presented in the first volume, showing a strong case for its introduction 
by Europeans. In this, as in all other cases, it is the peculiar restricted 
distribution that suggests the relative newness of the trait. 

The pan-pipe is touched upon lightly — too lightly, we think^but 
the peculiar restricted area of its distribution is noted with the seeming 
inference that, whatever may have been its origin, it is relatively recent 
and spread from the Andes. 

In contrast to the preceding, the case of the trumpet is considered at 
length. It appears that there are two world types of trumpets repre- 
sented in South America — the end-blown cow-horn type and the side- 
blown, or African tusk type. The distribution of the two in South 
America shows a massing of the side-blown type in the basin of the Ama- 
zon, where due to the presence of the bush-negro and early contact with 

372 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23. 1921 

negro slaves, the idea could have been readily transplanted from Africa. 
The author, therefore, inclines to the view that the side-blown type is of 
post-Columbian origin in the New World, though he concludes that the 
evidence is as yet not as convincing as one could desire. Yet the reviewer 
fails to see that the evidence is less pertinent than in similar cases where 
he shows no hesitation in reaching a conclusion. The fact that the type 
does not occur outside of the eastern half of the Orinoco-Amazon basins 
is as good an argument as the facts concerning the pellet-bow. They 
should, if the author is consistent, indicate a recent origin. 

In an interesting discussion of urn burial, the author distinguishes 
between secondary and primary. This, perhaps better than any other 
section of the book, shows one difficulty in properly evaluating the data 
of the maps. The author reasons that because urn burial is most 
intensely distributed in the western half of South America, it had its 
origin there and not among the Guarani-Tupi, as has been proposed. 
The distribution map presented would justify this conclusion, but when 
he goes further and attributes its origin to Peru, we fail to follow, because 
the data on the map give no clues as to the center of distribution. Fur- 
ther, he makes the statement that it is "a western cultural element which 
first spread eastwards to the east coast of S. America and then was 
carried back from east to west by the Chiriguano" (p. 190). It is this 
part of the author's method that is a bit disappointing, for one gets the 
impression that he has thought the thing out rather carefully and then 
set down the result without telling how he arrived at it. The plotting of 
distributions is an empirical matter and of the most pressing importance, 
but the recording in somewhat similar fashion of one's interpretations of 
these phenomena is not sufficient. So such statements are in the highest 
sense suggestive, but difficult to evaluate. This statement should not, 
however, obscure the empirical merits of a work that will be indispensable 
to the student of the future. 

Clark Wissler 


The Ila-speaking Peoples of Northern Rhodesia. Edwin W. Smith and 
Andrew Murray Dale. London: MacMillan and Co., Ltd., 1920. 
2 vols., pp. xxvii, 856, illus., map. 

The Baila, who together with the neighboring tribes described in 
these volumes number 60,000, live on the Kafue River north of the middle 
Zambesi. As the group is dialectically and culturally homogeneous it is 
treated as a unit, but some care is exercised in discriminating the customs 


•of the Baila proper. The several chapters are accredited to the author 
primarily responsible, missionary and administrator respectively: an 
excellent feature were it not for several lapses in team-work (thus, the 
proportion of females to males is three to two [i, 15], while the excess of 
adult women is only ten per cent [il, 64]; which may well be true, but is 
not explained). On the whole, it is. a well-written, well-illustrated, and 
welcome addition to the MacMillan series. 

Baila economic and industrial life forms the bulk of Volume I. 
The circular village plan is invariable. There is marked interest in 
cattle, in which holdings rise to 600 head. Dairy products are the staple: 
a great drum is beaten during milking. Agriculture is but moderately 
developed, nevertheless the three acres per family furnish ample supply. 
Both sexes till the fields. An interesting calendar of seasonal activities 
and a full list of food stuffs is given (i, 141, 149). Ivory-turning and 
iron-working are professional activities, while there are itinerant foreign 
workers in wood. Smelting lies in the province of the "iron doctor."' 
Weaving is unknown: pottery is made by women, pipe-bowls by men. 
There is a curious coiffure to which the young men are addicted; an 
enormously long "horn" of hair rising straight from the crown. 

Personal relations are nicely delimited. The rigors of etiquette 
present many pitfalls for personal affronts, which are made the most of by 
a litigious people. An interesting account of leechcraft is given in some 
detail. The common belief in super-physical powers resident in objects 
and persons is formulated with some reserve by the authors as a belief 
in "dynamism." So with a "doctrine of souls" and the concepts of 
divinities and the supreme being, but care is exercised to present theory 
apart from the native statements. Proverbs, riddles, and conundrums 
are interpreted with discretion. A selection of representative folk-tales 
is appended. Volume II also contains a distinctly unilluminating section 
on the dialect ; indeed it is difficult to differentiate what refers to the Baila 
from hypothetical primitive Bantu. 

Baila history is notable for the absence, of the characteristic recital of 
chiefs' genealogies. The authors discriminate between two physical 
types, which, however, do not correspond to social gradations (no meas- 
urements are given). The people are grouped into some eighty or more 
communities, averaging 750 persons, although some are as large as 3000.. 
(The partial list, giving populations [i, 313-315], is valuable.) Each has 
a chief, and each village or section a headman. The functions of the 
former differ little from those of the latter, who with him form a council 
for hearing disputes. Maternal sibs exist, allhougli the families, which 

374 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

are nameless, are paternal. A list of 93 clans named for animals, plants, 
places, or persons, is given, together with the localities with which they 
are associated. Presumably the clans are localized in fact as well as in 
native theory, although a clan is found in several communities. Yet a 
man has a definite standing in his mother's community, where his clan- 
mates reside, beyond that in his father's and his own, and he may even 
be elected chief there. Further, we are told that the selection of a chief 
by council "is the business primarily of the clan, assisted by other elders 
of the community and friends," yet he need not be a clansman. The 
confusion of clan and community, which is common to most general 
accounts of East and South African tribes, might well yield to an applica- 
tion of the census method. Age-grades unite one with all men and women 
born and initiated in the same year, and secondarily with his parents' 
grades. Members exercise mutual privileges of ridicule and may demand 
assistance. Terms of relationship, illustrated by genealogies, complete a 
valuable section. 

Aside from its value in depicting a hitherto undescribed people, 
this book is also as useful as an introduction to East African ethnography 
as the works of Roscoe and Junod. In the face of this sympathetic and 
well-rounded account, it may seem churlish to point out that a host of 
questions which naturally arise can not be answered for lack of precise 
data. And yet the most valuable feature of the book is undoubtedly its 
fairly full illustration with concrete cases. 

Leslie Spier 

History of South Africa from 1S73 to 1884. George McC.\ll Theal. 

London: 1919. 2 vols. S', pp. xvi, 352, xi, 312. 

These volumes though appearing under a special name and as a pair 
are in reality part of a great series of eleven volumes covering the history 
of South Africa. The first volume of the series now appears under the 
title Ethnography and Condition of South Africa before 150$; the next 
three volumes are entitled History of Africa South of the Zambesi from 
J505 to 1795; the next five are History of Africa South of the Zambesi 
lyg^ to iSg2\ the remaining volumes are the two before us. The author 
of the work is well known; though born in Canada he has spent the 
greater part of his life in South Africa; he died last year, in his eighty- 
second 5'ear, while these volumes were in press. His great history has 
only indirect interest for the anthropologist, though the first volume is in 
our field. When it was first published it was an independent work, with 
the title Yellow and Dark-skinned People of Africa South of the Zambesi. 


In these final volumes we have a plain and simple narrative of "twelve 
eventful years." The period includes the Zulu War, the attempt to 
destroy the Transvaal Republic, and the effort to disarm the Basuto. 
It is a story of aggression and imperialistic expansion. To the anthro- 
pologist it is chiefly interesting as depicting contact between two peoples 
fundamentally difTerent and the results of the contact. 

Frederick Starr 


Bartlett, F. C. Psychology in Relation to the Popular Story (Folk- 
Lore, XXXI, 1920, pp. 264-293). 

Benedict, Francis G. and Talbot, Fritz B. Metabolism and Growth 
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Boule, Marcellin. Les Hommes fossiles; elements de paleontologie 
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Brunhes, Jean. Human Geography. Translated by T. C. Le 
CoMPTE, edited by Isaiah Bowman and Richard Elw^ood Dodge. 
Rand McNally and Co.: Chicago and New York, 1920. xvi, 648 pp., 
77 maps and diagrams, 146 half-tones. 

Czaplicka, M. A. Samoyed (Hastings's Encyclopaedia of Religion 
and Ethics, vol. xi, pp. 172-177). 

. Slavs {ibid., pp. 587-595)-, 

Gushing, Frank Hamilton. Zuhi Breadstuff (Indian Notes and 
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Davis, Edward H. The Papago Ceremony of Vi'kita (Indian Notes 
and Monographs, vol. in, no. 4, pp. I55-I77. M pls-)- New York, 1920. 

Harrington, M. R. Certain Caddo Sites in Arkansas (Indian Notes 
and Monographs). New York, 1920. 349 pp., I37 pls., 43 figs- 

Hartland, Edwin Sidney. Primitive Society; the Beginnings of the 
Family and the Reckoning of Descent. Methuen and Co.: London, 
192 1. VII, 180 pp. 

Hodge, F. W. Turquoise Work of Hawikuh, New Mexico (Leaflets 
of the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, No. 2). 
New York, 192 1. 30 pp., 3 figs., 2 pis. 

Huckerby, Thomas. Petroglyphs of Grenada and a Recently Dis- 
covered Petroglyph in St. Vincent (Indian Notes and Monographs, vol. 
I, no. 3, pp. 141-164, 8 pis., 14 figs.). New York, 1921. 

Ivens, Weaker G. Grammar and Vocabulary of the Lau Language, 
Solomon Islands (Carnegie Institution of Washington, Washington, 
D. C, 1921). 64 pp., 3 pis. 

376 AMERICAN AXTHROPOLOGIST [x. s.. 23. 1921 

Jenks, Albert Ernest. The Practical Value of Anthropology to our 
Nation (Science, Feb. 18, 1921, pp. 147-156). 

ten Kate, Herman. Indiaansche Minnebrieven door Marah Ellis 
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Koppers, Wilhelm. Die Anfange des menschlichen Gemeinschafts- 
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Gladbach, 1921). 192 pp. 

Kroeber, A. L. Three Essays on the Antiquity and Races of Man. 
Berkeley: University of California Press, 1920. 80 pp. 

Laughlin, Harry H. Calculating Ancestral Influence in Man: A 
Mathematical Measure of the Facts of Bisexual Heredity (Genetics, 
1920, vol. V, no. 5, pp. 435-458). 

Lehmann, Walter. Zentral-Amerika. I. Toil: Die Sprachen Zen- 
tral-Amerikas. Berlin: Reimer (Vohsen), 1920. xil, 595 pp., i map. 

Luschan, F. von. Kriegsgefangene. Hundert Steinzeichnungen von 
Hermann Struck. Mit Begleitwort von Prof. Dr. F. von Luschan. 
Berlin: Reimer (Vohsen), 1916. 27 pp., 60 ills., 100 drawings. 

. Zusammenhange und Konvergenz. Wien, 191 8. 117 pp., 

71 ills. 

. Die Neger in den \'creinigten Staaten (Koloniale Rundschau, 

1915, PP- 504-540). 

Oetteking, Bruno. Morphological and Metrical V'ariation in Skulls 
from San Miguel Island, California. I: The Sutura Nasofrontalis 
(Indian Notes and Monographs, vol. vii, no. 2, pp. 49-85, 2 pis., 3 
tables). New York, 1920. 

Pfeiffer, L. Die Werkzeuge des Steinzeit-Menschen. Jena: Fischer, 

1920, X, 415 pp., 540 ills. 

Read, Carveth. The Origin of Man and of his Superstitions. Cam- 
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Roy, Sarat Chandra. Principles and Methods of Physical Anthro- 
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181 pp. 

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1 92 1. 

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pp. 51-131). New York, 1921. 

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Thurnwald, Richard. Entstehung von Staat und Familie. J. 
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Van Gennep, Arnold. L'Etat actuel du Probleme Totemique. 
Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1920. 363 pp. 

Waterman, T. T. The Whaling Equipment of the Makah Indians 
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Copper Objects of the Copper Eskimo — A Reply 

My paper on "Native Copper Objects of the Copper Eskimo," 
published in Indian Notes and Monographs of the Museum of the American 
Indian, Heye Foundation, has called forth a criticism by Mr. Jenness 
which appears in the April-June issue of the American Anthropologist. 
Doubtless Mr. Jenness has reason for his remarks, and ])erhaps will 
explain more fully in a future number of the Anthropologist just what he 
means when he says that "for nearly twenty years the Copper Eskimos 
have been in almost continuous contact with white men." Perhaps, too, 
he will tell us where these isolated primitive people found a market for 
the copper ol)jccts which he says they manufactured for sale in Corona- 
tion Gulf in 191 1. 

Mr. Jenness claims that a copper tomahawk modeled after the Indian 
weapon was found in Coronation Gulf in the year named. Surely the 
idea of the manufacture of this weajion for sale was not obtained from 
any of the sub-Arctic Athapascan Indians. Perhaps some white tourists 
in the Gulf ordered it. 

Mr. Stefansson commanded the Canadian Arctic Expedition of which 
Mr. Jenness was a member, and is regarded as an authority on the Copper 
Eskimo culture, being both an able ethnologist and a truthful chronicler. 
I quote a few references in Mr. Stefansson's writings in answer to some 
of Mr. Jenness's criticisms. 

Respecting the contact of the Copper Eskimo with the whites: 

May 15, 1910 was the third day after our discovery of the Dolphin and Union 
Straits Eskimo. 1 

As for the contact of the Victoria Island Eskimo with the American whalers, 
there is little to be said. Only one out of the thirteen tribes visited by my party 
had ever been seen by the whalers, and they were first seen by the schooner Olga 
in 1906, when she wintered behind Bell island near the southwest corner of Vic- 
toria island. They were revisited by the Olga in 1908, but by no other ship, and 
the total contact of the Olga's crew with the people did not amount to a week of 
continuous association.* 

As to Mr. Jenness's criticism of the copper knife illustrated in my 
paper (pi. v, a), I wish to call attention to fig. 46 of Steiansson'a Anderson 

1 My Life ivilh the Eskimo, chap, xii, p. 18S. 
''■ Ibid., chap, xii, p. 202. 


Arctic Expedition: Preliminary Ethnological Report, published by the 
American Museum of Natural History in 1914, which represents a copper 
knife similar to the one referred to by me. Mr. Jenness claims that this 
type of knife "never, so far as we know, had a copper blade." He also 
states that he is not sure whether harpoons like the one shown in my 
plate ix, fig. I, ever had copper shanks, in reference to which I would 
invite attention to the following direct statement in Stefansson's Anderson 
Arctic Expedition (p. 113): 

Of the tribes whom we visited, the Kanhiryuarmiut are paramountly the 
makers of weapons and implements of copper. From the deposits northeast of 
Prince Albert Sound and from pieces of float which they pick up here and there 
they make long-bladed hunting knives, the ordinary half-moon shaped woman's 
knives, crooked knives for whittling purposes, copper rods for the foreshafts of 
seal harpoons, points of ice chisels, etc. 

I could quote various other references, but those given seem to be 
suiificient to meet Mr. Jenness's undue criticism. 

Donald A. Cadzow^ 

Dental Decoration 

My attention was recently attracted by an article in the American 
Anthropologist for 1913 (vol. 15, no. 3) entitled " Precolumbian Decoration 
of the Teeth in Ecuador" because I happened to be aware of certain 
curious fashions of dental decoration formerly prevalent in the Philip- 
pines. It turned out that the Ecuadorian and Philippine fashions are 
practically identical. But in the article it is stated, "So far as we are 
aware, the type of decoration represented by the insertion of stone or 
metal into the teeth in the manner about to be described is not found 
outside of ancient America." I realize that after so many years it is 
quite possible that someone else may have called to your attention, or to 
that of the author of the article, the fact that similar practices have been 
common in the Orient also, but even then it is not probable that he 
would have happened to run across the same references to it in literature. 

The following are from The Philippines, by Blair and Robertson: 

They color their teeth and bore them through from side to side, placing pegs 
of gold in the holes. — Vol. 2, p. 223, "Letter from Sevilla." (I suspect this means 
"from the front side to the back side" and moreover, that the "boring through" 
is perhaps an error.) 

They used to, and do even yet, insert gold between their teeth as an ornament. 
They all cover their teeth with a varnish, either lustrous black or bright red. 
. . . From the edge to the middle of the tooth they neatly bore a hob, which 
they afterwards fill with gold, so that this drop or point of gold remains as a 

380 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

shining point in the middle of the black tooth.— Vol. 12, p. 186, " Chirino Rela- 
tion." (This sounds like a description of the little disks the Ecuadorians in- 
serted close to the lower edge of the incisors.) 

In the upper row, they make a little covering which the}- fill with gold, which 
shows oflf to advantage on the black or red background of the polish. — Vol. 29, 
pp. 287-8, "Diego de Bobadilla's Relation." 

They also, especially the chief women, adorned the teeth with gold, with 
exquisite beauty. — Vol. 40, p. 327, "San Antonio Cronicas." 

Finally, the following from the Vocahidario de la Lengua Bicol, by 
Fr. Marcos de Lisboa, the first edition of which was published in 1754 
and the second in 1865, though it was written between 1690 and 1620: 

PASAC. Ornamentation of small pieces ("granites") of gold, brass, or 
other metal, inserted in something, as for instance in a swordhilt, etc. 

PASAC. Gold driven into, or wrapped about, the teeth, as was the use here 

The word pasak exists in various Philippine languages in such senses 
as "peg," "plug," "wedge," "inserted piece," etc. 

I have seen references to the practice of making inserts in the teeth 
in works about other parts of the Indo-Malayan region but can not 
recall where. If I am not much mistaken, there are some skulls in the 
collections of the Philippine Bureau of Science showing evidences of 
inlays in the teeth but, as far as I knoNV, nothing has been published 

here about them. 

E. E. Schneider 
Bureau of Forestry, 

M.^NIL.'^, P. I. 


Anthropology in New Zealand, Australia, and Japan 

The accompanying information regarding the institutions and activi- 
ties of anthropologists in Ne\v Zealand and Japan is abstracted from the 
Proceedings of the Pan- Pacific Scientific Congress held in Honolulu, 
August, 1920, the section on New Zealand having been prepared by Mr. 
H. D. Skinner, Lecturer in Ethnology in the University of Otago, and 
that on Japan by Dr. N. Yamasaki, Professor of Geography in Tokyo 
Imperial University. The Australian notes were contributed by Dr. 
Frederick Wood-Jones, Professor of Anatomy at the University of 

New Zealand 

A. Physical Anthropology 

1. Osteology. A large number of osteological measurements have 
been recorded in different scientific journals, but the only work on any 
considerable amount of material is that of the late Professor J. H. Scott, 
who gives measurements of eighty-three skulls, and of a much smaller 
number of body and limb bones. In the thirty years which have passed 
since Professor Scott's research, a large amount of osteological material 
has been collected, especially in the Anatomical Museum of the University 
of Otago, but no attempt has been made to work it up. 

2. Bodily Measurements of Living Subjects. The only work of this 
nature is that recently undertaken by Dr. Peter Buck, himself of Maori 
descent. This research promises to be of the very highest importance. 

B. Cultural Anthropology 

I. Sociology. Outstanding in this field is the work of Mr. Elsdon 
Best, who, coming late into the field, has far surpassed all other workers 
in the volume and value of the material he has collected. There is still 
scope for intensive work among the tribes not touched by Mr. Best, 
especially those of the Taranaki and Whanganui district, and of the 
peninsula north of Auckland. Mr. H. Beattie has recently collected 
with unexpected success among the scattered remnant of Maori in 
South Island. Mr. S. Percy Smith, doyen of New Zealand anthropolo- 
gists, has recorded an amount of traditional material unequalled by any 
other worker in the Pacific, but it is unlikely that any considerable 
amount of new traditional material will become available in the future. 


382 AMERICAN AXTHROFOLOGIST [n- s., 23, 1921 

2. Linguistics. In this Held, three generations of tlie Williams family 
are preeminent, and no great advance, in amount at any rate, is likely to 
be made on the fourth edition of the Maori Dictionary, edited by Arch- 
deacon Herbert Williams. There remains, however, much work to be 
done on Maori dialects, for which research a good deal of material is still 
available in the spoken language, and in manuscripts in libraries and 
private hands. The importance of work in this field is indicated by the 
fact that the phonetics of the Kai-tahu dialect differ from the phonetics 
of dictionary Maori more than do the phonetics of Easter Island. The 
collection of phonographic records of songs and speeches has been 
begun by Mr. J. McDonald of the Dominion Museum. 

3. Material Culture. Though in this field, as elsewhere, material is 
rapidly disappearing, a great amount of profitable collecting may still be 
done by the right kind of worker. Almost any middle-aged Maori can 
give information never before recorded regarding fishing, fowling, and 
similar aspects of the life of his tribe. Considering the inherent attrac- 
tiveness of this kind of material and the excellence of Maori craftsman- 
ship and decorative art, it is remarkable that so little information about 
it has been collected. Outstanding researches are those of Mr. Best on 
the working of stone, of Dr. Buck on weaving, of Archdeacon Williams 
on the Maori house, and of Mr. Downes on eeling. Mr. Anderson's 
record of string games should also be noted. 

C. Present Position of Anthropology in New Zealand 
Work in the past has been sporadic and of very varying quality. 
The chief encouragement to research has been the existence of the 
Polynesian Society which, through its journal, edited for thirty years by 
Mr. Percy Smith, has guaranteed the rapid publication of original work. 
The same function has been performed, but to a lesser degree, by the 
New Zealand Institute, through its Transactions, and during the past 
three years by the Nezv Zealand Journal of Science and Technology. 

The institution by the University of New Zealand of a Certificate in 
Anthropology has been followed by the appointment of a Lecturer in 
Ethnology in the University of Otago, and it is hoped that the three 
remaining colleges afifiliated with the University of New Zealand will 
also undertake the teaching of the subject. The University of Otago has 
supported field-workers for brief terms among the South Island Maori and 
at the Chatham Islands. The New Zealand Institute has also aided the 
^ormer work. 

Only one museum has thus far carried out anthropological work on 
any scale. Members of the staff of the Dominion Museum have in. 


recent years made some of the most notable of all contributions to the 
study of Maori ethnology. Other museums have confined their activities 
to making ethnographic collections, but there is now a reasonable 
prospect of some of them taking up field-work of other kinds. 

The New Zealand Institute makes grants to research workers. 

From this brief survey it will be seen that sporadic work by indi- 
viduals is slowly yielding to systematic work by three classes of institu- 
tions — the university colleges, the museums, and the New Zealand 
Institute. The intensification of work by all three is prevented solely 
by lack of funds. 

Nothing has been said in this report about field-work in the New 
Zealand dependencies in the Pacific. Our obligations in this regard are 


Australia has no federal bureau nor any institution in any individual 
state that maintains a properly staffed and equipped department for the 
conduct of anthropological work. 

The establishment of a chair of anthropology in one of the large 
universities having teachers and research facilities is a great desideratum. 
The writer is certain that many competent young men would take up 
work in anthropology were a chair established in one or more Australian 
universities. In the museums of Perth, Adelaide, Melbourne, and 
Sydney there is a large amount of anthropological material, both physical 
and cultural. There is also available a large amount of anthropological 
material in private collections. All of this should be worked over 
along modern scientific lines. More especially is this want felt in regard 
to the examination of the skeletal remains of the peoples of Australia 
and the surrounding Pacific regions. 

The museums mentioned above are not directly attached to the 
universities and it is much to be desired, pending the establishment of 
chairs in anthropology, that coordination of effort be brought about by 
the appointment of university teachers interested in anthropology as 
honorary curators of anthropology in the museums. 

The Anthropological Institute and Professorship of Anthropolog>- in 
the College of Science in the Imperial University of Tokyo were estab- 
lished in 1892. From that year until 1912, Dr. S. Tsuboi was Professor 
of Anthropology, but since that date the position has been vacant. 
However, there are two lecturers: R. Torii, S. Ishida. The rich collec- 

384 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s.. 23, 1921 

tions of anthropological, ethnological, and archaeological specimens from 
all parts of Japan, China, Mongolia, Manchuria, the South Sea Islands, 
etc., are in charge of the curator, A. Matsumura. The reports of the 
principal explorations conducted have been published in the Journal of 
the College of Science, in English or French. Reports on Formosa. China, 
Mongolia, Manchuria, and the Kurile Islands have been published by 
R. Torii and on the Caroline Islands by A. Matsumura. 

In the College of Literature, S. Harada is the Lecturer in Archaeology. 

At the Imperial University of Kyoto there is no chair of anthro- 
pology, but B. Adachi, Professor of Anatomy, is a lecturer, and K. 
Hamada is Professor of Archaeology. Prof. Hamada has published 
the follo\\ing in English: Stone Age Relics of Ko, Ancient Caves in 
Higo, etc. 

No professorship in anthropology is maintained at the Imperial 
University of Sendai, but the College of Science has a Professor of 
Anatomy, K. Hasebe. H. Matsumoto is Lecturer in Anthropology. 
The College has many good collections from northern Japan, while a 
great shell-heap on an island of the Matsushima group is reserved for 

In the department of history of the Imperial Museum of Tokyo there 
are excellent collections, in charge of the department director, Prof. Y. 
Miyake; the curator and his assistants are K. Takahashi, Wada, and 

The Anthropological Society of Tokyo was established in 1886. Its 
present membership is 313. The Society meets monthly at the Anthro- 
pological Institute of the Imperial University, except during July and 
August. It has published since its organization thirty-five volumes, in 
394 numbers, of the Journal of the Tokyo Anthropological Society. 
The presidency is vacant; there are twenty councilors whose acting 
director is Prof. R. Koganai; the secretaries are R. Torii, S. Ishida, and 

A. Matsumura. 

Clark W'issler 

An Example of Esklmo Art 
Horace R. Burritt of Portland, Oregon, a Yale graduate, recently 
presented to the Yale Museum a fine example of aboriginal carving in 
ivory (fig. 73). The only data he could give respecting the provenience 
of the specimen was that it came from Nome, Alaska, and that he secured 
it from a trader. When it came to Burritt, the ten holes were all filled 
with tundra debris (moss). 


The piece is stained to a rich tobacco brown relieved here and there 
by lighter patches. The stain penetrates deeph'. That the ivory had 
already taken on its present color before the carving was done seems 
evident from the fact that the cutting on the two flat sides of the larger 
end encroached upon one of these lighter patches. That the carving is 
not of recent date is proved by the fact that the patina is just as pro- 
nounced in the deepest grooves as it is elsewhere; also by the fact that 
the surface flaking, due to decay, has removed the incisions. Moreover 
the destruction of the design is general on the side not shown in the 
illustration, although enough remains to indicate that the car\-ing was 
bilaterally symmetrical. 

Fig. 73. — -An example of Eskimo art: probably the handle of a dog-whip. 

The author has failed to find in the literature on the subject or in 
the museums a specimen comparable with this, but has learned enough 
to satisfy himself as well as others that the piece in question is a handle 
for a dog-whip. The slit near the larger end and the cutting away of 
the ivory between it and the end were for the attachment of the whip- 
lash. The animal head at the opposite end served as a handhold. 

The shaft is carved to represent two fish heads with wide-open mouths, 
facing in the direction of the lash. In one, the lower jaw is longer than 
the upper; in the other, it is much shorter. Near the tip of each lower 
jaw, and in a median plane, is a single hole not unlike the paired holes 
representing the eyes. Between these lower jaws the space is filled by 
an upper jaw and pair of eyes for which there is no corresponding lower 
jaw. All ten holes average about 7 mm. deep and are round-bottomed. 
All the incisions, even the circular ones, are free hand and done with a 
degree of skill and steadiness of hand that would be difficult to find 
excelled in any age. 

In the American Museum of Natural History, New York, there are 
two whip handles made by the Plains Indians which resemble this speci- 
men except in material and workmanship. The length is about equal in 
all three; and the slit for the lash is of the same shape and located in the 
larger end. But the two whip handles from the Plains are not decorated. 

George Gr.ant MacCurdy 

Yale University 

386 AMERICAN AXTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23. 1921 

A Kite-flying Invocation from Hawaii 

The most interesting feature in connection with the ancient sport 
of kite-flying in Hawaii was the invocation to the god Hilo, which always 
accompanied it and by which it was believed the strength of the wind 
might be either increased or diminished. 

This Hilo was known in most of the Pohnesian groups as the patron 
of thieves and as a most famous voyager and robber. The name appears 
in the various dialects as Whiro, Hiro, Iro, or Hilo. It is pretty well 
agreed that he was a real historical character, born, according to For- 
nander, about the year 1400 A.D. In the Maori tradition, the scene of 
his early adventures is laid in Hawaiki, that mystical land from which 
the race migrated to New Zealand. He quarreled with and outwitted his 
brother Hua, whose son he brutally murdered. This led to a great fight 
between the factions of the two brothers, ending in the death of Hua's 
other children and most of his people in battle. Whiro is very frequently 
mentioned in the ancient incantations of the Maori, sometimes as an 
ancestor, but more frequently as a thief; he is sometimes alluded to as 
stealing away human beings. There is no doubt that at the time New 
Zealand was colonized he had become one of the most dreaded of the 
Maori gods. 

William Ellis says: "They (the akiia Ilauaii po, or ' Nightborn gods') 
were probably men who had e.xcelled their contemporaries in nautical 
adventure or exploits and were deified by their descendants. Hiro is 
conspicuous among them, although not exclusively as a god of the sea. 
The most remarkable accounts are given in their tales of his adv^entures, 
his voyages, his descent to the depth of the ocean while the god of the 
wind raised a violent storm to destroy a ship in which his friends were 
voyaging. Destruction seemed inevitable, but they invoked his aid and 
a friendly spirit entered the cavern in which he was reposing, roused him 
from his slumber, and informed him of their danger. He rose to the 
surface of the water, rebuked the spirit of the storm, and his followers 
reached their destined port in safety." 

As a being of such magic power over wind and wave, he was invoked 
by the kite-flying youth of Hawaii in the following words: 

"Pa mai, pa mai 
Ka makani nui o Hilo. 
Waiho aku ka ipu liilii, 
Ho mai ka ipu nui." 

Blow, blow, ye strong winds of Hilo, 
Put away the little wind gourd, 
Bring hither the great wind gourd. 


Again, when a milder breeze was desired, they would vary the invocation 

"Pa mai, pa mai 
Ka makani nui o Hilo. 
Waiho aku ka ipu nui, 
Ho mai ka ipu liilii." 
Blow, blow, ye strong winds of Hilo, 
Put away the great wind gourd. 
Bring forward the little wind gourd. 

Joseph S. Emerson 

A Note on Twins 

In Laguna, N. M., twins are considered a misfortune. So much so 
in fact, that a woman is not told she is giving birth to twins for fear she 
might in some way interfere with the birth of the second child. 

It is believed that twins are due to some evil person — a witch — with 
whom the prospective mother might unwittingly have quarrelled or 
whom she had offended in some way, during pregnancy.^ As soon as the 
twins are born, kcurna wawa,'^ a root, is burned constantly in the middle 
of the room. The smoke from this will drive away the witch. ^ 

To further counteract the evil influence of the witch, the twins are 
taken to the medicine man (tcaiyani). He gives each twin a teaspoonful 
of the urine of their mother that has been preserved for a week. Unless 
this is administered the twins will continue to be an evil influence in the 
community — "they will know all and become witches themselves." 

1 The Zuni believe a woman will have twins who eats the wafer bread her husband 
has taken with him on a deer hunt and brought back home, for the deer have twins. 
The bread, however, may be eaten with impunity if she passes it four times around the 
rung of her house ladder. It is also believed that a woman who eats venison and 
mutton or venison and beef at the same meal will also be the mother of twins. See 
E. C. Parsons, "Zuiii Conception and Pregnancy Beliefs," Proceedings, XIX Inter- 
national Congress of Americanists, Washington, 1915, p. 381. 

At Hopi, twins are believed to be due to intercourse in the day time, one child 
begot by the man, the other by the sun; in Pueblo Indian folk tales, twins are begot 
by the sun in several cases. — -Unpublished note by E. C. Parsons. 

- Father Noel Dumarest (Notes on the Cochiti, N. M., Memoirs of the American 
Anthropological Association, Vol. VI, No. 3, pp. 153, 154) refers to the "katshrana," 
an herb which is kept on the person of an invalid. This terrifies the witches and with 
it in the house they become powerless. 

3 At Cochiti a fire is lighted at birth and not extinguished for four days. During 
this time the man guards the lying-in woman for fear the witches may carry off the 
child and make a witch of him. (Dumarest, "Notes on Cochiti, N. M."). 

388 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

The use of urine in this instance is another case of inoculative magic, ^ 

for a witch may make two balls of earth wet by urine and roll the balls 

in the direction of the woman who has urinated.^ Since the mother 

may be bewitched by her urine, the twins may be cured by it. 

My informant, Dzaid'yuwi of Laguna, one of twin sisters, told me 

that her mother had not known of this preventative measure until she 

and her sister were quite old. Before they were given the medicine they 

hurt whoever crossed their path. If they only touched a person, a 

large bump would immediately form. However, after drinking the 

medicine, its potency caused the evil spirit to leave them. It is also 

believed that if a pottery jar in the making will not burn, a who is 

near is the cause. A twin passing an oven must blow upon it hard or 

spit three times,' otherwise the bread will not bake. 

■ Mrs. Parsons has described the ceremonial treatment of a child by the 

medicine man.'' For twins the routine is very similar. However, instead 

of one lyetikii, the most sacred symbol or fetich of the Keresans, there 

are two, one for each child. These are symbolic of the Xaiya (mother) 

lyetikii, the deity within the earth, and Mrs. Parsons described it as an 

ear of corn wrapped in unspun cotton and set in a little buckskin cap. 

These two ears are placed on either side of a bowl of medicine and the 

tcaiyani sprinkles a row of meal with his arrow point, from the door to 

each lyetiku. It is by these paths that the Kopishtaiya or benevolent 

spirits enter. The tcaiyani then offers a prayer that the children may 

have everything they will need and will always remain in good health. 

He then gives the mother a drink of the medicine in the bowl four times. 

This medicine is called madzi-ican-a (blood medicine). It is a tea made 

of the root of eriogonum and is administered also at the menstrual period 

and before and after confinement. 

Esther Schiff 

1 Elsie Clews Parsons, "Zuni Inoculative Magic," Science, n. s., vol. XLiv, pp. 
469-470, 1916. 

2 Elsie Clews Parsons, "Mothers and Children at Laguna." Man. Vol. xix, p. 37. 
London, 1919. 

3 These are common Pueblo Indian rites of exorcism. 

* Elsie Clews Parsons, "Mothers and Children at Laguna." Man. Vol. xix, p. 37- 


Considerable interest has been excited by the publication by Prof. 
Eugene Dubois, the discoverer of Pithecanthropus erectus, of an account 
of fossil human remains found in the same general region a year before 
those of Pithecanthropus. His attention having been attracted by the 
discovery of a fossilized human skull in the Wadjak district of Java, 
some sixty miles to the southeast of the site of his later and more famous 
find, he instituted excavations which resulted in unearthing fragments of 
the jaws and cranium of a second individual in the same state of mineral- 
ization. The most important feature of these remains is their pronounced 
Australoid character which indicates that a people similar to the primi- 
tive inhabitants of Australia was formerly represented in Java. The 
skulls differ from Australian skulls principally in the great development 
of the palate, and general large measurements. 

The anniversary meeting of the Royal Anthropological Institute of 
Great Britain and Ireland held January 25, 1921, marked the completion 
of the fiftieth anniversary of its existence. It came into being in 1871 
through the fusion of the Ethnological Society, founded in 1843, and the 
Anthropological Society, founded in 1863 as the result of a fission in the 
former society. Early in its career the Institute underwent considerable 
fluctuations, but in 1883 an increase in membership began which has 
been maintained steadily ever since. At the annual meeting in January, 
1920, a total membership of 520 was reported. Its two publications. 
The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and 
Ireland and Man, are standard sources of information for anthropolo- 
gists in all parts of the world. 

We note with regret the death of Professor Rudolf Poch of the Uni- 
versity of Vienna, which occurred on March 4, 192 1. A memorial 
meeting was held on May nth. Dr. Poch was best known for his work 
in physical anthropology. He organized somatological investigations of 
war prisoners taken by the Austrians. Dr. R. Thurnwald has published 
an obituary notice with bibliography. 

Dr. W. D. Wallis has been appointed to lecture on anthropology in 
Reed College, Oregon. 



Fathers W. Schmidt and W. Koppers have written a comprehensive 
work expounding their conception of culture-historical ethnology. Its 
publication has been delayed by post-bellum conditions. 

In Copenhagen there has recently been produced the first grand 
opera with Eskimo characters and setting. 

M. H. Beuchat's Manuel d'archeoJogie amcricaine has been trans- 
lated into Spanish by Domingo \'aca. 

The Institnt intcrnaiioval d' Ethnographic and the Societe des Tra- 
ditions popularies have merged and will henceforth publish a single 
iournal, viz. the Revue d' Ethnographic et des Traditions popidaires. 

In March and April, Messrs. \V. K. Moorehead and J. B. Thoburn 
travelled through the Upper Canadian valley and the Panhandle of 
Texas and eastern Xevv Mexico, continuing the explorations begun the 
year before of which an account was given in this journal. Their expe- 
dition confirmed in general the conclusions of the former trip to the effect 
that a new field in American archaeology had been opened and that the 
remains extended through a territory measuring approximately 250 by 
150 miles. 

In April Dr. John C. Merriam, President of the Carnegie Institution 
of Washington, D. C, delivered a lecture at the State University of Iowa 
entitled " Recent Researches on the Antiquity of Man in California." 

Dr. Edward A. Spitzka, formerly Professor of Anatomy at Jefferson 
Medical College, Philadelphia, has donated to the U. S. National Museum 
his collection of brains of distinguished persons. 

Dr. \Vm. Curtis Farabee, President of the American Anthropolog- 
ical Association, has been elected a corresponding member of the National 
Academy of History, Ecuador. 

Dr. Livingston Farrand, formerly Professor of Anthropology at 
Columbia University and recently Chairman of the Executive Committee 
of the Red Cross, was installed as President of Cornell University on 
October 20. 

The lectureship established in London to commemorate the work 
of Moncure Conway was held this year by Dr. A. C. Haddon, who 
selected as his subject "The Practical Value of Ethnology." 


Dr. C. T. Loram, of the Natal Education Department, was President 
of the section of anthropology and philology at the Durban meeting of 
the South African Association for the Advancement of Science, held at 
Durban, July 11-16, 

At the invitation and in the company of Mr. Northcott, the owner of 
Luray Caverns, Virginia, Dr. A. Hrdlicka of the U. S. National Museum, 
visited these caverns in June for the purpose of examining and removing 
certain bones enclosed in stalagmite and believed to be human which 
formed one of the attractions of the caverns for upwards of thirty years. 
These remains, which in fact proved to be parts of a human skeleton, 
though lacking unfortunately all of the skull with the exception of a 
portion of the lower jaw, were donated to the National Museum. 

Dr. Robert H. Lowie, formerly Associate Curator in the Depart- 
ment of Anthropology at the American Museum of Natural History, 
New York, and an Associate Editor of the American Anthropologist, 
is now Associate Professor of Anthropology at the University of Cali- 

At the meeting of the San Francisco Society of the Archaeological 
Institute of America held in Berkeley, Calif., in conjunction with the 
meeting of the Pacific Division A. A. A. S. in 1921, the following were among 
the papers read: On Abstraction in Primitive and Modern Art, by P. L. 
Faye, University of California; Geographic Environment and Culture, 
by W. D. Wallis, Reed College, Portland, Oregon; The Structure of 
Tongan Society, by E. W. Gifford, University of California; Recent 
Investigations on the Racial Type of the Polynesians, by L. R. Sullivan, 
/American Museum of Natural History, New York; Obsidian Quarries of 
Sonoma, by Llewellyn L. Loud, University of California. The following 
papers were read by title: Preliminary Mental Studies of the Children 
of Hawaii, by E. B. Hoag, Pasadena; Tongan Material Culture, by W. C. 
McKern, Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum, Honolulu; The History of 
Religion in Native California, by A. L. Kroeber, University of California; 
Cultural Relations of the Great Basin Shoshoneans, by R. H. Lowie, 
University of California. 

Mr. B. S. Guha, a graduate student of Harvard University, has been 
engaged in special work for the Bureau of American Ethnology at Towoac, 
Colo., and Shiprock, N. M. 

At the end of August Mr. John P. Harrington of the Bureau of 
American Ethnologv resumed field work in California. 


A museum is being erected at Castine, Me., by Dr. J. Howard Wilson 
and his mother, Mrs. J. B.Wilson, which is to contain, besides objects of 
later historical interest, a large collection of the artifacts, utensils, 
weapons, etc., of prehistoric man both in America and elsewhere. 

Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, Chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 
has been elected a member of the Indiana Archaeological Society. 

The University of Vienna has conferred an especially created honor- 
ary title upon a small number of individuals who had aided in relieving 
the material distress of the university during the past few years, among 
them Dr. Franz Boas, Professor of Anthropology in Columbia University. 

Baron R. von Hugel has resigned the curatorship of the Museum 
of Archaeology and Ethnology of the University of Cambridge and 
Dr. A. C. Haddoii, Christ's College, has been appointed Deputy Curator. 

Dr. George Frederick Wright, Professor Emeritus of the Har- 
mony of Science and Religion at Oberlin College, Ohio, widely known for 
his contributions to geology, especially the geology of the glacial period, 
and prominent in former years in discussions in anthropological circles 
on questions relative to the antiquity of man, died at Oberlin on April 20, 
aged eighty-three years. 

During the present academic year courses on " Races and Race 
Problems," "The Diffusion of Civilization," and "Social Theory" are 
being conducted by Dr. A. A. Goldenweiscr at The New School for 
Social Research, New York City. 

During August Dr. Frederick Starr gave a series of illustrated 
lectures on Mexico at the University of Chicago. 

In a lengthy communication to Science for Aug. 19, Prof. Marshall 
H. Saville of the Museum of the American Indian announces the dis- 
covery, near the Ecuadorean coast, and in the province of Esmeraldas, 
of a human skeleton which he believes constitutes "the oldest burial 
thus far found in South America." 

The American School in France for Prehistoric Studies has 
completed its first term's work in Charente, Dordogne, Correze, and 
the French Pyrenees. Professor George Grant MacCurdy of Yale 
University, Director of the School, has returned to Paris and, with Mrs. 
MacCurdy, is at Hotel Mont-Fleuri. Before leaving Charente, Professor 


MacCurdy was elected a Corresponding Member of the Societe Archeolo- 
gique et Historique de la Charente. 

Dr. H. J. SpindExN was the Director of the Peabody Museum Expe- 
dition to Middle America for 1921. He visited the hitherto unexplored 
region of southern Yucatan finding a large number of new sites of archaeo- 
logical interest. 

Dr. a. M. Tozzer has been promoted from the position of Associate 
Professor of Ahthropology at Harvard University to that of Professor 
of Anthropology. 

The annual Southwestern expedition of the Peabody Museum was 
in charge of Mr. S. J. Guernsey. He was accompanied by three Harvard 
students specializing in Anthropology, George Valliant, Oliver La Farge, 
and William Jackson. The work in the Navaho Indian Reservation in 
Arizona was continued. 

The Anthropological Society of Philadelphia held the first 
meeting for this season at the University of Pennsylvania, on November 
2, the speaker for the occasion being Dr. T. T. Waterman of the Museum 
of the American Indian, New York. The Society now numbers 48 
members. The officers for 192 1-2 are: President, Dr. F. G. Speck; 
Vice-President, Dr. J. W. Harshberger; vSecretary-Treas urer, Mr. E. P. 
Wilkins. The outlook for the winter is very good and many well-known 
ethnologists are scheduled to address the Society. 

The Knud Rasmussen Danish expedition, the object of which is 
"to explore and map the archipelago between Greenland and the Ameri- 
can continent, and also to investigate the migrations of the Eskimo, 
their folk-lore, and cognate subjects," left Godthaab, on the southwestern 
coast of Greenland , on September 7. 

Mr. M, W. Stirling, a graduate of the University of California, 
where he was teaching fellow in the Department of Anthropolog>% has 
been appointed Aid in the Division of Ethnology of the U. S. National 

Various members of the Bayard Dominick expedition to Polynesia 
have returned to Honolulu or the United States. Dr. E. S. Handy, now 
stationed at the Bishop Museum, is working up observations made in 
the Marquesas, where he and Mrs. Handy paid special attention to 

394 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23. 192 1 

features of economic, social, and religious culture. Messrs. E. \V. Gifford 
and W. C. McKern, who jointh' investigated the Tonga Islands, are 
both in California, where Mr. Gifford has given a course in Poly- 
nesian ethnography at the University. Mr. Robert T. Aitken, whom 
ill-health compelled to seek medical treatment in Tahiti, has resumed 
work in the Austral Islands. Mr. Ralph Linton has accepted an appoint- 
ment in the Field Museum of Natural History. 

Dr. H. J. Spinden has been appointed Curator of Mexican Archae- 
ology and Ethnology in the Peabody Museum, Harvard University, and 
Philip A. Means has been appointed Associate in the same institution. 

Nature (June 30, 1921) in noting that the tercentenary of the death 
of Thomas Harriot was to occur on July 2 gives an interesting sketch 
of his life. He was famous as a mathematician and astronomer, but is 
best known to American anthropologists for his sketches made in connec- 
tion with the Raleigh expeditions to Carolina, he having been employed 
as the surveyor for the attempted colony. 

Sir Arthur Keith, F. R. S., Conservator of the Museum and 
Hunterian Professor of the Royal College of Surgeons, England, lectured 
at Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, October 5, 6, and 7, on "The 
Differentiation of Modern Races of Mankind in the Light of the Hormone 

Professor R. J. Terry, of the Department of Anthropology of 
Washington University, St. Louis, has been appointed Anthropologist 
at the Barnes Hospital and St. Louis Children's Hospital. 

The members of the Australian National Research Council repre- 
senting Anthropology are: Prof. R. J. A. Berrj^ Mr. C. Hedley, Rev. 
John Matthew, Mr. S. A. Smith, Sir Baldwin Spencer, and Prof. F. 
Wood-Jones. Sir Baldwin Spencer is one of the Vice-Presidents of the 

The presidential address of Sir Baldwin Spencer, at the meeting of 
the Australian Association for the Advancement of Science, held at 
Hobart last January, was devoted to the intricate problems of Australian 
ethnology. The speaker suggested that the great multiplication of 
dialects might have been due to the progressive desiccation of the country 
rendering it necessary for various bands to isolate themselves from one 


another in districts less exposed to drought. He thought that the 
original immigrants probably entered Australia at the northeast in 
Pliocene or very early Pleistocene times, but believed Dr. Rivers's theory 
that the later culture had been modified by a gradual infiltration of 
seafaring people starting from many different points on the coast unten- 

Dr. Truman Michelson of the Bureau of American Ethnology 
returned to Washington in October after three and a half months' field 
work among the Fox Indians of Iowa. 

Dr. a. M. Tallgren, whose important work on Siberian archaeology 
was reviewed in this journal by Dr. Laufer (vol. 21, p. 78 seq.), has 
accepted a professorship at the new University of Dorpat. 

During the past summer the President of the American Anthro- 
pological Association, Dr. \Vm. Curtis Farabee, attended the Centennial 
Celebration at Lima, Peru, as member of a special mission appointed by 
President Harding. All members of the Mission were elected to the 
ancient order "El Sol de Peru." The Lima Scientific Society held a 
special meeting in Dr. Farabee's honor and elected him a Corresponding 

The death is announced of Emile Houze, Professor of Anthropology 
at the University of Brussels and at the Ecole d'Anthropologie of that 

Prof. J. Dyneley Prince of Columbia University, who has long 
been an active student of i\lgonkian philology, particularly of the dialects 
of the Wabanaki group, is U. S. Minister to Denmark. 

At the eighth annual meeting of the Indian Science Congress an 
independent section of Anthropology was revived. Sarat Chandra Roy, 
Editor of the new journal, of which two numbers have so far reached 
America, Man in India, was elected President. Seventeen papers on 
anthropological subjects were presented at this session. 

The Second International Eugenics Congress was held at the 
American Museum of Natural History, New York City, September 22 
to 28. A Eugenics Exhibit, formed in connection with this, was open 
until October 21. 

At the meeting of the Section of Biology of the New York Academy 
of Sciences held on Nov. 14 Prof. H. F. Osborn spoke on " Recent Dis- 

396 AMERICAX ANTHROPOLOGIST [s. s., 23, 1921 

coveries in the Pre-History of Man" and Prof. William F. Gregory gave 
"A Critique of Recent Papers on the Origin of Man." 

During the past season Mr. Neil M. Judd, Curator of American 
Archaeology in the U. S. National Museum, spent five months in the 
field as Director of the National Geographic Society's Pueblo Bonito 
Expedition. A unique undertaking introduced — -for the first time it is 
believed — in connection with this exploration, is an annual conference 
of scientists of different branches, through whose cooperation it is hoped 
that the problems which the research discloses may be more rapidly and 
more satisfactorily solved. The first of these conferences occurred late 
in August and was attended by several archaeologists and agriculturists. 

Miss Frances Densmoke returned to Washington late in October 
but left on the eleventh of the following month for .Minnesota from 
whence she will proceed somewhat later to Arizona to spend the winter 
in the study of Papago and Pima music. 

Mr. W. E. Myer, a volunteer collaborator in the Bureau of American 
Ethnology, returned to Washington Nov. 12 from archaeological work 
on the mounds of the middle west. 

On Nov. 15 Mr. S\l\anus G. Morley delivered a lecture in the 
Assembly Room of the Carnegie Institution, Washington, D. C, on 
"The Chronology of the Ancient Maya." Mr. Morley lectured in 
Toronto, Ontario, Nov. 12, and again in Washington, before the National 
Geographic Society, on Dec. 2. 

Oct. 23, 1921, Mrs. Paul Burlin, as Natalie Curtis well known to 
anthropologists for her studies and renderings of the music of primitive 
peoples, was killed in Paris in an automobile accident. 

Messrs. Waldemar Bogoras, Waldemar Jochelson, and Leo 
Sternberg, who have done such important work for the American 
Museum of Natural History, are holding administrative positions in the 
Ethnographical Museum of the Russian Academy of Sciences in Petro- 
grad. Mr. Bogoras is at the same time Professor of Siberian Languages 
at the University of Petrograd. Recently he has organized an expedi- 
tion for the exploration of the Arctic tribes of European Russia, west of 
the Ural Mountains. One party is wintering on the lower Petchora. 

American Anthropologist 


Vol. 23 October-December, 192 i No. 4 


ACCORDING to De Candolle in his Origin of Cultivated Plants,^ 
somewhat over forty of the plants now generally cultivated 
came from the Americas, some of them having been intro- 
duced into Europe very soon after the discovery of the " new conti- 
nent " by Columbus. This has been regarded as being true particu- 
larly of maize, potatoes, and tobacco. There have not been wanting 
claims as to other origins for many of these supposedly American 
cultivated plants and the tobaccos have frequently been under sus- 
picion. The most careful investigations, however, have tended only 
to confirm the idea of the non-existence of any species of tobacco 
used for smoking, snuffing, or chewing outside the confines of the 
American continents. The latest writer to claim a non-American 
origin for tobacco, as well as certain other cultivated plants of sup- 
posedly American origin, is Leo Wiener." Professor Wiener de- 
votes ninety pages of his book to a consideration of tobacco, chiefly 
from the point of view of its various names. His conclusions ajipear 
to be that the cultivated tobacco originated in Africa and was intro- 
duced thence into the Americas by Negro slaves imported by the 
Spaniards. The linguistic evidence brought forward by Professor 
Wiener seems to one unacquainted with the value of such evidence as 
to origins and migrations of peoples, plants, etc., to be far-fetched and 

1 Origin of Cultivated Plants, in Internal. Sci. Series, vol. 48, Now York, 

2 Africa and flic Discovery of America, vol. i, Philadelphia, 1920. 

26 397 

398 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n.s., 23, 1921 

often trivial. The discussion of this portion of Wiener's claim has 
been taken up by one well qualified to estimate its worth. ^ 

The botanical evidence, however, has not been dealt with to any 
extent by Wiener, and, in fact, he does not seem at all aware that 
there is any complexity to this side of the question he attempts to 
settle so readily and so smugly. While we are by no means certain as 
to the exact sources of the two species of Nicotiana most commonly 
used for smoking, viz., Nicotiana Tabacuni and A^. rusfica, all evi- 
dence in our possession is strongly against the assumption of a non- 
American origin. It seems to the botanist that Nicotiana Tahacum, 
for example, is much more likely to have been carried from Brazil 
or the West Indies, where its culture was early widespread, if not 
aboriginal, to Africa, by the very agents who procured the Negro 
slaves for American use. In doing so, it seems very likely that the 
Brazilian or other American names may thus have been transferred 
early to Africa along with the plants to which they belonged, and 
have become firmly and extensively incorporated into African native 
languages. However this may or may not be, the strongest botanical 
evidence for the American origin of the tobaccos, as used by man, 
is the existence of a large number of species of Nicotiana, undoubt- 
edly native to the Cordilleran ranges, extending from the State of 
Washington in the United States of North America to the central 
portions of Chile in South America. The only species of Nicotiana 
which are undoubtedly extra-American are two. viz.. A', siiavcolcns 
and N . fragrans, natives of the Australian region, closely related to 
certain Chilean species, and never used for smoking or similar pur- 
poses before the advent of the white man to the countries where they 
are known to occur. 

Of the somewhere in the neighborhood of seventy species of 
Nicotiana generally recognized, there are to be found in North 
America, either growing wild or in aboriginal cultivation, some four- 
teen species. Of these fourteen North American species, I have 
evidence of the use of nine species or varieties by different tribes of 
American Indians at the present time. At present they are used 

1 Cf. R. B. Dixon, American Anthropologist, vol. 22, no. 2, April-June, 
1920, especially pp. 179-181, and "Words for Tobacco in American Indian 
Languages," ibid., vol. 23, no. i, pp. 19-49. 

setchell] aboriginal TOBACCOS 399 

only, or at least chiefly, for ceremonial purposes, their use for smok- 
ing generally having been superseded by the trade-tobacco early intro- 
duced by the white traders. It is to the close association of tobacco 
with the religious and social observances of the various tribes of 
North American Indians that we owe the continuation of the use, and 
particularly of the cultivation, of aboriginal tobaccos and the oppor- 
tunity of obtaining first-hand information as to the species employed 
as well as to the ceremonies connected with their use. For some- 
what over fifteen years I have been collecting information on the 
subject of the species employed and have importuned every anthro- 
pologist who was luckless enough to come into my circle of acquaint- 
ances to assist in obtaining seed of any possible species of Nicotiana 
still found to be in aboriginal use. The result has exceeded my 
original expectations by far, and a number of species which I had 
imagined to be beyond further proof than mere mention of their 
employment by one tribe or another have been found still in use and 
either cultivated or collected wild. Of these, seed has been procured 
in practically all cases, and I have been able to grow it in the 
botanical garden at the University of California and assure myself 
as to the identity. 

The use of narcotics is found to be general wherever they are 
readily available and it is remarkable how quickly and how widely 
the use of a narcotic will spread when once introduced. This has 
been particularly the case with tobacco after the discovery of 
America, as Tiedemann^ has so convincingly shown. The extent of 
the use of the narcotics, tobacco and coca, in the Americas previous 
to 1492 is well delineated by Wissler.- Wissler's chart distinguishes 
between the areas where tobacco was chewed and those where it was 
smoked, and it even distinguishes between the areas where the tubular 
or elbow pipes were smoked and those where cigars or cigarettes 
were employed. This chart indicates that tobacco was used over the 
whole of both Americas with the exception of the extreme northern 
portions of North America and the extreme southern portions of 
South America. The tribes of North American Indians who were 
fortunate enough to dwell in a region provided with a native species 

i Geschichte des Tabaks, Frankfurt a M., 1854. 
2 The American Indian, fig. 8, New York, 19 17. 

400 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

of Nicotiana seem to have learned to use it and to have paid Httle 
or no attention to its cultivation. Some such tribes, however, did 
burn over small areas to make the wild tobacco grow more abun- 
dantly or more luxuriantly. The tribes of North American Indians, 
living in areas destitute of a native species of Nicotiana, either culti- 
vated some species or obtained their supply from other tribes who 
had a supply, cultivated or wild. The relation of the different species 
of North American tobacco to the various trade routes of the Indians 
has not as yet been investigated, but some suggestions as to these 
relations may become apparent as I proceed with the present discus- 
sion. When tobacco was cultivated, its planting, at least, was usually 
attended with more or less elaborate ceremonies. 

The species of Nicotiana which is best and most widely known is 
Nicotiana Tabacuni L. It is pink-flowered and is the only species 
belonging to its section of the genus. The variation within the 
species, however, is so very considerable that at least five subspecies 
may be segregated, and, superficially at least, these seem distinct 
enough to be considered as species. The subspecies may each be 
divided and subdivided again and again into a very large number of 
varieties and subvarieties, so that, in general, Nicotiana Tabacuni has 
all the ear-marks of an old and widely cultivated plant. The culti- 
vation of this species, in its various forms, is almost exclusive at 
present for the tobacco trade of all nations. It was the aboriginal 
tobacco of the West Indies, of the greater part of Mexico, of the 
states of Central America, of the United States of Colombia, of 
Venezuela, of the Guianas, and of Brazil. The Brazilian name of 
this species is said to have been " petun," and this name was very 
generally used for tobacco in the accounts of it in the sixteenth cen- 
tury. Wiener' thinks that this word is a corruption of the Portu- 
guese " betume," meaning a pasty substance. It seems strange that 
this derivation of the name was not known, if true, to any of the 
writers on tobacco of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The 
Mexican name for Nicotiana Tabacuni, " piecelt," was also early 

The origin, as well as the original sources, of Nicotiana Tabacuni 

1 Loc. cit., p. 135. 

setchell] aboriginal TOBACCOS 4OI 

is uncertain, since it is not known in the wild condition in any of the 
countries where it is under cultivation. It seems probahle that it 
may have originated in the interior of Brazil and possibly somewhere 
on the lower eastern slopes of the Andes. It is very evidently a 
tropical species and in the tropics often becomes spontaneous, escap- 
ing from cultivation and persisting in favorable localities. Some 
varieties are semi-hardy in regions of little frost, but frostless and 
humid areas are evidently similar to its ancestral home. Edward 
Palmer found it in Indian cultivation in southern Arizona under the 
name of " Yaqui Tobacco." ^ This " Yacjui Tobacco " is referred by 
Gray to the var. undulafa Sendtner. North of Mexico, however, 
Nicotiana Tabacuin was practically unknown in aboriginal use. 

The yellow-flowered tobacco, Nicotiana rustica L., was the second 
species of tobacco to attract the notice of Europeans and for some 
time almost monopolized attention. This was the first species of 
tobacco to be cultivated in the Colony of Virginia. It was fairly 
soon supplanted there, however, by a variety of Nicotiana Tabacum 
called " Orinoco," introduced, it is said, by Sir Walter Raleigh, or 
through his recommendation. Nicotiana rustica is still the home- 
grown species of the peasants of Central Europe and still furnishes 
the Syrian " Tombac " for the water-pipes of western Asia. It is a 
much more hardy species than is Nicotiana Tabacum and has been 
credited with being a native of the Old World. There seems to be 
no exact evidence, however, that this is so, and, although it has not 
been found in undoubted wild condition, the general supposition is 
that it probably originated in Mexico. It seems fairly certain that it 
is American and probably Cordilleran like all its near relatives of the 
Rustica section of the genus Nicotiana. Like Nicotiana Tabacum, 
N. rustica was described and figured in pre-Linnean herbals, espe- 
cially in certain of those of the sixteenth century, where it was desig- 
nated as the lesser or female tobacco, while A^. Tabacuin was called 
the greater or male tobacco. 

Nicotiana rustica seems to have been cultivated and smoked by 
all of the Indian tribes of North America east of the Mississippi 
River and by most of those immediately to the west of it. The west- 

1 Gray, Synoptical Flora of North America, vol. 2, pt. i, New York, 1878, 
p. 241. 

402 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x.s., 23, 1921 

ern boundary of its aboriginal cultivation or use is. naturally, difficult 
to determine with exactness, but is probably along the line of the 
eastern boundary of the " Plains Area " as outlined by Wissler.^ 
The use of this species, then, may be supposed to have extended over 
the " Eastern Woodland Area " and the " Southeastern Area " of the 
social groups of North American Indians as classified according to 
their cultures. The evidence on which this supposition is based is 
scanty, but reasonably convincing. In the first place, we know that 
smoking was general over these culture areas and was held of impor- 
tance as a ceremony. In the second place, Strachey, about 1610,^ 
speaks definitely of the flower of the tobacco of the Virginian Indians 
as having a yellow color and otherwise as conforming to the descrip- 
tion of Nicotiana riistica. It is interesting to note here that the 
Indian name for the Virginia tobacco was " Uppowoc," or, as 
Strachey wrote it, " Apooke." In the third place, the Onondaga In- 
dians, center nation, fire-keepers, tobacco nation, and holders of the 
responsiljility of general referendum of the Five Nations or Iroquois, 
still cultivate Nicotiana rustica as the " Sacred Tobacco " of their 
confederacy. I have been able to grow plants from Onondaga seed 
kindly furnished by Chief Cornplanter through Arthur C. Parker. 
W. M. Beauchamp^ mentions Nicotiana rustica as the species called 
" O-yen-kwa-hon-we," and I have seen specimens of the Onondaga 
plant provided by him in the Herbarium at the New York Botanical 
Garden. The Iroquois tradition of the origin of the tobacco plant 
is related by Arthur C. Parker.* As stated by Esquire Johnson, an 
old Seneca chief, to Mrs. Asher Wright, the missionary, the squash 
grew from the earth directly over Earth-]\Iother's navel, the beans 
from that above her feet, and the tobacco-plant from that above her 
head. " Thus," he added, " it soothes the mind and sobers thought." 
In the fourth place, tobacco seed from the Winnebago Indians of 
Minnesota, furnished by Dr. Melvin R. Gilmore, yielded Nicotiana 

1 Loc. cit., *p. 207. 

2 Strachey, William, The Historic of Travaile into Virginia Brittania, 
Hakluyt Society, London, pp. 121, 122, 1849. 

3 Onondaga Indian Names for Plants, Bull. Torrey Botan. Club, vol. 16, 
PP- 54, 55- 

* Indian Uses of Maize and other Food Plants, Bull. No. 114, New York 
State Museinn, 1910, p. 2j. 

setchell] aboriginal TOBACCOS 403 

rustica, on being grown. In the fifth place, and finally in the evi- 
dence, there occur spontaneous plants of Nkotiana rustica in various 
parts of these general areas, v^hich seem to be remnants of earlier 
Indian cultivation. Possibly some of these which have been collected 
and recorded may have been ballast weeds or escapes from cultivation 
more recent than that of the Indians, but some of them seem fairly 
certainly to be relics of aboriginal culture. Such possible remnants of 
Indian cultivation are credited to Connecticut, New York, Wisconsin, 
Illinois. ^linnesota, and Texas, in other words indicating an aboriginal 
cultivation of Nkotiana rustica extending well over the general areas 
to which I have assigned it. These facts, together with the general 
plausibility of the supposition, have led me to map out the areas of 
aboriginal culture for this species as I have indicated above. 

The third section of the genus Nicotiana is called the Petunioides- 
section whose corollas are typically salverform and whose color is 
white, although often tinged with green, red, or purple. About 
twelve species or well-marked varieties of this section occur within 
the confines of North America or the adjacent islands, but only seven 
of them are at all definitely known to me as having been used by the 
Indians. There is a most interesting group of five species and 
varieties centering about Nicotiana Bigelovii (Torr.) Watson and one 
very widespread species Nicotiana attcnuata Torr. The five species 
of this section of the genus which are not as yet known to have been 
in use by the Indians are the following: Nicotiana acuminata var. 
parvi flora Comes. ?, in central California; iV. Cleveland ii Gray, in 
southwestern California, possibly used by the Santa Barbara and 
other tribes of coast Indians; A^. repanda Willd., in southwestern 
Texas and adjacent portions of Mexico; iV. plumbaginifolia \'iv.. in 
northeastern Mexico and crossing the Rio Grande into Texas; and 
A^. Stocktoni Brandegee, on Guadalupe Island off the coast of Lower 

The Nicotiana Bigelovii-gvou^ consists of three very well marked 
varieties of A^ Bigelovii (Torr.) Watson, A'', quadrivalvis Pursh. and 
A'', multivalvis Landl. There is such a close resemblance in so many 
details of habit and structure that it certainly seems probable that the 
five distinct genetic entities of the B igelovii-gr oup must have origi- 



nated from one and the same stock, possibly through mutation, but 
probably also complicated by more or less hybridization. Their dis- 
tribution in nature and under aboriginal cultivation reenforces this 
assumption with strong arguments. The three varieties of Nicotiana 
Bigclovii are found native in three separate portions of California. 
N. multivak'is was cultivated by the Indians in Oregon. Idaho, and 
Montana, while A'', quadrivalvis was similarly cultivated in Xorth 
Dakota. The distribution of this group runs from southern Cali- 
fornia north through the entire state of California and well into 
Oregon, possibly also entering the southeastern corner of the state 
of Washington. From Oregon, it bends eastward up along the tril)U- 
taries of the Columbia River, across Idaho and the continental divide, 
and descends the Missouri River into Montana and North Dakota. 
With these ideas as to the group and its distribution, the way is made 
ready for a consideration of its various members. 

Torrey was the first to call attention to Nicotiana Bigclovii which 
he named N. plumbaginifolia? var. Bigclovii. This was as early as 
1857. In 1871, Watson raised the variety to a species and published 
a more complete description, as well as a good figure of it. The 
type specimens came from the Sierran foothills in central California 
and are low spreading plants, with short internodes, ascending 
branches, large and conspicuous white flowers, and prominent glandu- 
lar pubescence turning brownish, or rusty, with age. S. A. Barrett 
found it in the general type region in use among the ]\Iiwok Indians 
and was kind enough to obtain seed for me. I have grown it in the 
pure line for many years and find that it retains its distinctive varietal 
characteristics from generation to generation. This plant, the taxo- 
nomic type of Nicotiana Bigclovii, occupies an area in the very center 
of California which is definitely limited and also separated from the 
areas occupied by the other varieties of the species. 

The plant which has usually passed under the name of Nicotiana 
Bigclovii, however, is the tall erect variety found in abundance in the 
dry washes of stream-beds to the north of San Francisco Bay, from 
Sonoma, Mendocino, and Humboldt Counties eastward to Shasta and 
possibly also other counties of California. This variety, which as 
yet has no distinctive name, may reach a height of as much as six 


feet, has long erect branches with elongated internodes, and with 
large flowers which are more separated than in the plants of the 
taxonomic type. In common with the type of the species, this tall 
and erect variety has a decided tendency toward a three-celled ovary 
and such are to be found in most well-developed plants although in 
a small percentage of the total number of capsules matured. Chest- 
nut^ states that this variety is used for smoking and also for chewing 
by all the Indian tribes of Mendocino County, California. Thanks 
to P. E. Goddard- and S. A. Barrett, I have perfectly reliable evi- 
dence that it is still used by the Hupa and the Pomo. The Hupa, at 
least, knew it both wild and cultivated,^ but the Pomo seem to have 
used only the wild plant. As to how far the use of this variety 
extended into (Oregon I am uncertain, but I have the opinion that, to- 
wards its northern limits and beyond them, attempts were made to 
cultivate it, as certainly was the case among the Hupa. Northern 
California represents the limit of the spontaneous distribution of any 
coastal species of Nicotiana and in Oregon we find that the cultivated 
tobacco of certain Indian tribes was a nearly related species, or 
possibly derived variety, of A''. Bigclovii, viz., N. midtivalvis Lindl. 
There can be little doubt that it was some form of the Bigclovii- 
group of the genus Nicotiana which was used by the Indians whom 
Drake encountered in 1579, when he landed on the coast of California, 
somewhere in the vicinity of Drake's Bay. Wiener* remarks on 
Drake's account as follows : " That fabaco. first mentioned in His- 
paniola, should have found its way so far to the northwest, in addi- 
tion to the rest of the continent, is a prima facie proof that the dis- 
tribution of tobacco follows from its first appearance under Arabic 
influence, from Guinea to all countries where Spanish, Portuguese, 
and French sailors navigated via Guinea or after having taken part 
in Guinea expeditions." The extreme improbability of AUcotia)ia 
Bigclovii having originated in Guinea and having been brought thence 

1 Plants used by the Indians of Mendocino County, California, Contr. U. S. 
National Herb., vol. 7, no. 3, pp. 386, 387, 1902. 

2 Life and Culture of the Hupa, in Uiiiz'. Calif. Pubs., Aiiier. Arch, ami 
Eth., vol. I, no. I, p. 37, 1903. 

3 Goddard, loc. cit. 

4 Loc. cit., p. 141. 

406 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n.s., 23, 1921 

to the State of California, the only place where it has ever been 
known, and through any human agency, takes away the effectiveness 
of this "prima facie proof" and yields another strong probability 
that the tobacco of Hispaniola may have been carried from Hispan- 
iola to Guinea rather than that any species of tobacco may have been 
brought from Guinea to Hispaniola or any other portion of the Amer- 
ican Continent. 

The third variety of Nicotiana Bigclovii, the var. IVallacei Gray, 
is found in a limited area in southern California and distinctly sep- 
arated, in its distribution, from either, or both, of the other varieties 
of the species. Var. Wallacci is a plant of medium height, erect, and 
much more slender than either of the two varieties of central and of 
northern California. It has a smaller flower with more slender tube 
and I have never seen a three-celled ovary among several thousand 
examined, all the ovaries, and ripe capsules, having been found to 
be two-celled. While it is very probable that this variety may have 
been used by the Indian tribes of the region where it occurs, I have 
been unable to obtain any direct evidence that such was the case. Its 
relations with Nicotiana Clevclandii Gray, both botanically and as to 
aboriginal use, are still very uncertain. 

When Lewis and Clark visited the Mandan villages in North 
Dakota in 1804,^ they found the inhabitants smoking a kind of tobacco 
never seen previously by white men. They obtained specimens and 
seed for their collections as well as data for their report. The speci- 
mens brought back by them served as the type of the Nicotiana quad- 
rivalvis Pursh- and are now preserved among the collections of the 
Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia. The seed, or some 
of it at least, was distributed so that it was the source of the plants 
grown in various botanical gardens in Europe and its descendants are 
still to be found in some such institutions. A few years ago, through 
the courtesy of the Anthropological Section of the American Museum 
of Natural History of New York City, I was enabled to obtain from 
George F. Will of Bismarck, North Dakota, and from Melvin Ran- 

1 Cf. Thwaites, Original Journals of the Lezvis and Clark Expedition, 
1804-1806, vol. I, pp. 183, 186, 187, 1904; vol. 6, pp. 142, 149-151, 158, 190S. 
New York. 

^ Flora Americae Septentrionalis, vol. i, p. 141, 1814. 

setchell] aboriginal TOBACCOS 407 

dolph Gilmore of Lincoln, Nebraska, seed of this species which was 
still being cultivated by a Hidatsa Indian. I have grown the descend- 
ants of the plants from this seed and in the pure line for several 
generations and find that it still comes absolutely true to type as 
described by Lewis and Clark and as represented by the Lewis and 
Clark specimens. The plants very closely resemble those of the type 
of Nicotiana Bigclovii, but the flowers are neither quite so large nor 
so graceful. The chief difference from any of the varieties of N. 
Bigclovii, however, is to be found in the ovary. This is constantly 
four-celled in A^. quadrivalvis, while in A^. Bigclovii, it is preponderat- 
ingly two-celled, although three celled examples are frequent in the 
type and in the northern variety. Nicotiana quadrivalvis is not only 
the tobacco of the Mandan, but of the Arikara and the Hidatsa In- 
dians as well. How they obtained it is not known, but it is not 
known outside of cultivation. This latter fact, taken in connection 
with the close resemblance to Nicotiana Bigclovii, the only essential 
difference being the increase in the number of carpels as shown by 
the four-celled ovary, makes it appear reasonably certain that A''. 
quadrivalvis is only a derivative from some form of A'". Bigclovii. It 
may possibly have arisen by a single mutation or it may be a hybrid 
derivative from a cross between A". Bigclovii and A^". multivalvis. I 
have obtained forms very close to N. quadrivalvis as descendants of 
such a cross and such forms have appeared in the botanical garden 
of the University of California as the result of a probably spon- 
taneous cross between the two species mentioned. It is of decided 
interest to find a Bigclovii-dev'watixe so far from the Bigclovii home 
and this interest is increased by the fact that A^ quadrivalvis is con- 
nected in distribution with the Californian area by the area in which 
A^. multivalvis, itself seemingly a Bigclovii-dtvi\ati\e, is found under 
aboriginal cultivation. 

The Hidatsa tobacco, which is fairly certainly Nicotiana quadri- 
valvis, has been the subject of study by Gilbert L. Wilson.^ He says 
that the Hidatsa cultivate tobacco, but does not mention the species. 
It is not used by the young men because it prevents running by 

1 Agriculture of the Hidatsa Indians, an Indian Interpretation. Univ. of 
Minnesota Studies in the Social Sciences, no. 9, Minneapolis, 19 17, pp. 1 21-127. 

408 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [.v. s., 23, 1921 

causing shortness of l)reath. It is not planted near corn because 
tobacco has a strong smell that affects corn. In harvesting, the 
blossoms are picked first, the white parts (corollas) being thrown 
away, and the stems and leaves are picked last. Both blossoms and 
stems are treated with buffalo-fat before being stored. The Hidatsa 
name for their tobacco, according to Lowie,^ is ope. 

Melvin Randolph Gilmore,' in treating of the uses of plants by 
the Missouri River Indians, writes as if they all used Nicotiana 
qiiadrivalvis,^ although he mentions specifically that his definite knowl- 
edge was of the Hidatsa tobacco only. He states that .V. quadrivahis 
was cultivated by all the tribes of Nebraska,* but was lost as soon as 
they came into contact with Europeans and so completely that not 
even the oldest Omaha had ever seen it in cultivation. It seems fully 
as probable that the Nebraska tribes, being nomads, may not have 
cultivated tobacco, but probably obtained it by trade. In this case it 
seems just as likely that they may have obtained Nicotiana rustica 
from Indians of the Eastern Woodland Area or A^ attcniiafa from 
those of the Plains Area, as to have received N. qnadrivah'is from 
any one of the three tribes of village Indians of North Dakota. 

Nicotiana midtivalvis Lindl., the fifth and last member of the 
Bigcloz'ii-gronp to be considered, bears a striking resemblance to the 
type of A'^. Bigelovii and also to .V. qiiadrivalvis in habit, leaves, and 
shape — as well as color — of the flowers. The corolla, however, is 
usually more than five-lobed. varying to as many as twelve or more 
lobes. The ovary is the characteristic feature of the species. It is 
composed of two circles of cells, one within the other as in the case 
of the ovary of the navel-orange. The capsule of N. midtivalvis 
bears fertile seeds in all. or at least in most, of its cells. Such a form 
of ovary as this is evidently monstrous, at least from the point of 
view of the normal ovary of Nicotiana. and may be supposed to have 
been derived from a form such as the type of N. Bigelovii by a rela- 

1 The Tobacco Society of the Crow Indians, Anthrop. Papers, Ainer. Mits. 
Nat. Hist., vol. 21, pt. 2, 1919. 

2 Uses of Plants by the Indians of the Missouri River Region, 33rd Ann. 
Rep. Bur. Anier. Ethnology (for 1911-12), pp. 43-154, 1919. 

•* Loc. cit., p. 59. 
4 Loc. cit.. p. 113. 

setchell] aboriginal TOBACCOS 409 

tively simple mutation. An additional argument as to the possible 
derivation of this species from some simpler form is the fact that it 
has not been found outside of cultivation. 

Nkotiana niidtivakis was discovered by David Douglas^ in Au- 
gust. 1825. The first specimen he saw of it was in the hands of an 
Indian at the great falls of the Columbia River, but, although he 
ofifered two ounces of manufactured tobacco, an enormous remunera- 
tion, the Indian would not part with it. The Indians planted it away 
from the villages so that it could not be pulled before maturity. They 
burned a dead tree or stump in the open wood and strewed the ashes 
over the ground to be planted. Later on, Douglas found one of the 
little plantations and helped himself to specimens. Soon after, how- 
ever, he met the owner who appeared much displeased on seeing the 
plants under Douglas's arm. A present of an ounce of European 
tobacco appeased him and the present of an additional ounce induced 
him to talk of the Indian tobacco and to answer questions concerning 
it. Douglas learned from the Indian that he put wood ashes over 
the ground because it was supposed that the ashes make the tobacco 
plants to grow very large. He also learned that this species of to- 
bacco grew plentifully in the country of the Snake Indians, who may 
have brought it from the headwaters of the Missouri River which 
they annually visited, and have distributed it from this region and in 
both directions east and west of the Rocky Mountains. This sug- 
gestion of the Indian probably represents a portion of the truth as 
regards the travels of this species, but the general trend must have 
been rather from the coast to the eastward and into the interior, if 
the botanical probabilities are duly considered. 

Through the kindness of Dr. Robert H. Lowie, of the American 
Museum of Natural History, I have been able to make certain that 
the tobacco which is of so much ceremonial importance among the 
Crow Indians is Nicotiana midtivalvis . I have examined photo- 
graphs of the tobacco gardens of the Crows, in which the plants 
showed their characters remarkably well, and also a pressed specimen 
of an entire plant concerning whose identity there can be no doubt. 

^Journal Kept by David Douglas, etc., London, 1914, pp. 59, 141 (sub. A'. 

pulveriilcnta Pursh). 

^^10 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n.s., 23, 1921 

Dr. Lowie^ has since published his paper on the subject and brought 
forward much detail concerning the planting and ceremonial use of 
this species. In his preface. Dr. Lowie says that the Tobacco Society 
loomed large in the tribal life of the Crow, its ceremonial activities 
probably ranking next to the Sun Dance. The Crows insist that their 
tobacco is different from that of the Hidatsa (Nicotiana qiiadrivalvis) 
and botanically this idea is correct. In connection with the query as 
to whence the Crow, and the Hidatsa as well, may have obtained their 
particular types of tobacco. Dr. Lowie, in addition to the botanical 
evidence, calls attention to the fact that in the languages of several of 
the tribes using the Bigelovii-group of tobaccos, the root of the word 
for tobacco is dp or up and that the Diegueiios, the Shasta, the 
Takelma, the Crow, and the Hidatsa agree in this, while the tribes 
using other species of tobacco apply terms from different roots. 
This linguistic evidence is of decided interest and importance, espe- 
cially when taken in connection with the close botanical relationship 
of the species and varieties concerned. 

We have seen that the Indians of the Eastern Woodland Culture 
Area and of the Southeastern Culture Area made use of cultivated 
Nicotiana riistica which probably came to them through the south- 
western corner of Texas from Mexico. We may now see that the 
Indians of the greater portions of the Plains Area, the Southwestern 
Area, and even of the North Pacific Coast Area used an entirely 
different species, viz., Nicotiana attcnuata Torrey. The tremendous 
extent of that portion of North America over which this species 
furnished the tobacco of the aboriginal tribes is divided into a north- 
ern and a southern section, as a glance at the accompanying map will 
show, by the intrusion of two members of the Bigclovii-group, viz., 
A^. quadrivalvis and A^. miiltivalvis. Nicotiana attcnuata is found 
growing wild over the Southwestern Area and over the southern and 
middle portions of the Plains Area, at least to the westward, but was 
cultivated over the northern portion of the Plains Area and in the 
North Pacific Coast Area where it does not occur spontaneously. 
The condition in the easternmost portion of the Plains Area is not 
as yet clear to me. 
1 Loc. cit. 

setchell] aboriginal TOBACCOS 41I 

The type specimen of Nicotiana attenuata came from the Washoe 
country in Nevada and I have rehable testimony that it is still used 
by the Washoe Indians, especially by the older men. To the south, 
it is used by the Coahuilla Indians of southeastern California,^ and 
Leslie Spier has also kindly communicated to me that the Southern 
Dieguenos about Campo, California, use this species, which they call 
" Coyote Tobacco." and infrequently cultivate it near house sites. It 
grows rapidly and high wherever the ground has been newly burned 
over. " Coyote Tobacco " is used by these Indians to cure colds. It 
is also used in the south by the Zuni tribes,- whence I have received 
seed through Prof. A. L. Kroeber and have raised plants, and by the 
Tewa Indians.^ It was used by the Utes, although not named by 
Chamberlain,* and by the Gosiutes.^ Dr. Lowie has submitted to me 
some samples of the tobacco raised by the northern Blackfoot^ which 
seems, although fragmentary and much broken, to show the char- 
acteristic hairs of this species. I have received from Mr. James Teit 
of Spences Bridge, B. C. (through the kind offices of Dr. C. F. New- 
combe of Victoria), seed of the tobacco formerly cultivated by the 
Thompson River Indians of that vicinity and have demonstrated that 
the plants grown from it are true Nicotiana attenuata. C. F. New- 
combe has informed me that he has strong evidence that this species 
was also cultivated by the Indians of the Queen Charlotte Islands and 
used for chewing. The evidence for the extent of the aboriginal use 
of N. attenuata seems to be convincing for the area as mapped and 
as outlined above. 

Nicotiana attenuata has something of the appearance of a slender 
N. Bigelovii, but its flowers are smaller and less distinctly salverform, 

1 Barrows, The Ethnobotany of the Coahuilla Indians of Southern Cal- 
ifornia, Univ. of Chicago, p. 74, 1900. 

- Stevenson, Ethnobotany of the Zuni Indians, soth Ann. Rep., Bur. Anier. 
Ethnology, p. 86, 1915. 

3 Robbins, Harrington, and Freire-Marreco, Botany of the Tewa Indians, 
Bull. 55, Bur. Amer. Ethnology, pp. 103-107, 1916. 

4 Chamberlain, Some Plant Names of the Ute Indians, Amer. Anthrop , 
n. s., vol. II, igog. 

5 Ibid., Ethnobotany of the Gosiute Indians, Mem. Amer. Anthrop. Assoc, 
vol. 2, pt. 5. p. 345, igii. 

"Lowie, loc. cit., p. 112. 



the lower leaves more distinctly petioled. while the glandular hairs 
often have a swollen, bladdery base which, in collapse, gives a blistery 
appearance. This appearance is of the greatest service in identifying 
fragments, particularly of the calyx parts. The plant itself is tall, 
erect, and often slender, although very robust plants are found in 
favorable localities. 

One of the least satisfactorily known species of Nicotiana in 
North America is N. Clcvclandii Gray. I know of this species only 
through the dried specimens in the different herbaria in this country. 
The specimens referred to this species even by Gray himself vary so 
considerably that I feel much doubt as to the exact nature of the 
specific characters. I have attempted to obtain plants and seeds from 
students who might be in a position to collect them, but without suc- 
cess. N. Clcvclandii seems to have some characters similar to those 
considered peculiar to A', attcnuata and other characters similar to 
those of A^ Bigclovii var. U'allacci. Some specimens referred to 
A^. Clevelandii have more the general appearance of one of the two 
species just mentioned, while others are very much more like the 
other of the two. One suggestion which seems probable is that these 
puzzling plants are hybrid derivatives of the two species which they 
resemble. So far as may be determined, A^ Clcvclandii is confined 
to the coastward side of southern California, extending from Santa 
Barbara to San Diego. The relation to aboriginal use or culture of 
this species is as unsettled as its botanical status. Rothrock^ states 
that he foiuid A^ Clcvclandii only in association with shell heaps in 
the neighborhood of Santa Barbara, California, and, on account of 
the tobacco pipes found in the same heaps, suggests that this may be 
the species used by the tribes of Indians who made the pipes. Pos- 
sibly, also, this may be the tobacco mentioned by Sparkman- as hav- 
ing been formerly used by the Luiseno Indians of southern California 
and called in their language " pavivnt." 

There is a very interesting species, of striking appearance, Nico- 
tiana trigonophylla, in the southwestern United States, ranging from 

1 Botany, in Report U. S. Geog. Surveys ll'est of the looth Meridian in charge 
of First Lieut. George M. Wheeler, vol. vi, p. 48, 1S78. 

- The Culture of the Luiseno Indians, Univ. Calif. Pub., Amer. Archaeol. 
and Ethnol., vol. 8, p. 229, 1908. 

setchell] aboriginal TOBACCOS 413 

southeastern California to the western borders of Texas. Its aspect 
is very different from that of any other species of the genus in North 
America. It occurs in the lower portion of the territory occupied by 
Nicotiana attcnuata where the latter species is the one usually em- 
ployed for smoking. There is, however, a specimen in the U. S. 
National Herbarium (No. 13478), collected in Arizona by Edward 
Palmer in 1885, which has the note "used by the Yuma Indians." I 
am very much indebted to Leslie Spier of the University of Wash- 
ington for the information that this species (identified by Paul 
Standley of the U. S. National Herbarium) is used by the Havasupai 
Indians of Cataract Canyon in Arizona, a branch of the Yuman stock. 
The Havasupai distinguish two sorts of this tobacco which look alike, 
but which they say smoke differently. The Havasupai cut down a 
mesquite tree, burn it on the unbroken soil, and scatter the tobacco 
seed over the dead ashes. 

The remaining four species of Nicotiana found native in North 
America, or in the islands immediately adjacent to it, viz., A^. repanda 
Willd., A'', nudicaulis Watson, N. plimihaginifolia Viv., and A''. Stock- 
toni Brandegee, are not, so far as I have been able to ascertain, sus- 
pected of being associated with aboriginal use, although some of them 
seem as well adapted to smoking, at least, as some of those which are 
widely used. 

University of California, 
Berkeley, Calif. 


414 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 


The map used to indicate the areas of use of the different species of 
Nicotiana in North America, is obtained from the Department of Anthro- 
polog}' of the American Museum of Natural Mistory of New York City and 
is the same as that given by Dr. Clark Wissler in The American Indian 
(New York, 1917, fig. 103). The lines delimiting the different Nicotiana 
areas follow more or less closely those used to mark off the various " Cul- 
ture Areas" from one another (cf. Wissler, loc. cit., fig. 67), but with some 
differences. Within the different Nicotiana areas, the larger number within 
a single circle indicates the general species used, presumably throughout the 
area, while the smaller number within a circle indicates a tribe definitely 
known to have used it. The numbers in double circles placed without the 
borders of the land, but with arrows drawn to indicate the regions to which 
they belong, indicate, with the exception of No. 10, species not as yet known 
to have been in aboriginal use. The following is a list of the specie', each 
with its appropriate number : 

1. Nicotiana Tabacum L. 

2. " rustica L. 

3. " Bigclovii (Torrey) Watson (typical form). 

4. " " (tall form). 

5. " " (var. IVallacci Gray). 

6. " quadrivalvis Pursh. 

7. " multizahns Lindley. 

8. " attenuata Torrey. 

9. " Clevelandii Gray. 
ID. " trigonophylla Dunal. 
II. " re panda Willdenow. 

I am indebted to ]\Ir. Charles E. Davis of Edgewood, R. L, for tho 
preparation of this plate. 



& kQP^"'^- 


N. S. VOL. 23, PL. 3 



IT is no longer possible to observe at first-hand the ritual of 
Tongan worship. Even the names of the gods are well nigh 
forgotten. All that will be attempted here is to bring together 
a few of the conceptions of the old Tongan when he came to have 
dealings with the invisible world, adding little, probably nothing, to 
the general sum of information respecting Polynesian beliefs, but 
merely supplying a few points for comparison from a region which 
has not been so fully described as some others. 

general remarks 

The main island in the Tongan Group is marked on the maps as 
Tongatabu, though locally it is most often called simply Tonga. Very 
frequently, however, it is called Tongatabu, sometimes Tonga Lahi 
(Great Tonga), or Tonga Eiki (Chiefly Tonga). It probably owes 
its appellation of "tabu" to the fact that it is the residence of the 
great chiefs, those who in the beginning descended from heaven, the 
offspring of a mortal woman and a god. These chiefs are the fount 
and source of chiefly influence and prestige, the head of the sacred 
polity of the group in its practical working. Natives say that the 
people of the northern groups of Haapai and Vavau would remark 
on the incessant tabus imposed on them when they visited Tonga on 
account of the proximity of the high chiefs. That can have hap- 
pened, however, only in the immediate entourage of these great lords. 

The idea of tabu itself is twofold, or has a twofold aspect, indi- 
cating firstly sacredness, that which is ncfas, frequently equivalent to 
the holiness by which our English Bibles render the Hebrew qadosh, 
the mysterious perilousness and unapproachableness which surrounds 
mystic power. Besides this uncanny essence of the occult tabu em- 


4l6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23. 1921 

braces concretely the body of prescriptions which regulate the conduct 
of man in his relations to tabu persons and things. 

Besides the simple word tabu there are several compounds in 
common use, the reduplicated form fobitfabii which indicates a high 
degree of sacredness, as does also the word tabulia. There is the 
verb fabui which means " to place under a tabu." and the noun tabuaki, 
with corresponding adjective tabuekina and verb tabuakii, which are 
used now with the sense of bless, though if that be the precise ancient 
signification I am unable to say. These words are used frequently in 
Christian worship though I do not remember to have seen the three 
last in an old document. Possibly their meaning is " to invest with 

The range of ideas included under tabu is very wide, varying from 
the religious sanctity of gods and chiefs to the working of sympathetic 
magic. In its practical application to daily life it is a system of pro- 
hibitions, widening to meet the demands of religious, social, and in- 
dustrial activities. Some tabus, therefore, should be studied rather 
for the light they throw, for example, on social organisation than as 
elements in definite religious practice, but whether the tabu be to 
ensure a satisfactory yam harvest, or to preserve the purity of social 
relations, or to regulate the approach of man to his gods, the sanction 
is in all cases supernatural, safeguarded by laws beyond mortal ken, 
though man may frequently rid himself, and in some cases even fore- 
stall, the uncanny vengeance of the violated tabu. Although civilised 
and scientific man may classify the phenomena into various groups, 
to primitive man they are all part and parcel of the same thing, the 
relation of man with the great and often terrifying body of the un- 
known, all included under the same word and regarded with the same 
awe. There is no doubt that in some directions native ideas must 
have been rather vague as to what would be the consequences of 
neglected tabus, as experimental evidence was obviously not easily 
come by. 

From before his birth till his death, or after it, primitive man is 
surrounded by prohibitions of mystic sanction. It must not be imag- 
ined, however, that at the stage of development at which Tongans had 
arrived freedom was so curtailed, or the mind so filled with shadowy 

collocott] the supernatural IN TONGA 417 

dread, as to make life wretched. There were many tabus, but some 
of them resulted from the mistaken premisses of primitive science, 
and however ineffective their observance may have been they imposed 
no more toil on the laborer than a due regard to scientific agriculture 
entails on the white farmer. Rather less toilsome perhaps were they, 
but less useful. Again, in the matter of social relations the Tongan 
enjoyed in some respects a greater liberty than did his Christian con- 
temporary, whilst the duties imposed by religion proper were neither 
oft recurring nor excessively burdensome. The fear of hell which 
many a primitive man has exchanged for his heathenism would seem 
a motive for more harrowing dread than any supplied by his discarded 
beliefs. A mild climate, abundant rainfall, and fertile soil, in the 
fruits of which all might share, went far to assure physical content- 
ment, and, though the modern tendency is certainly not to underrate 
the importance of economic factors in national and cultural develop- 
ment, their potency in promoting material well-being is not likely to 
be overstated. 

In passing it may be remarked that Christianization frequently 
means for primitive man the carrying over to a new set of objects 
much of the old manner of thought. Thus Sunday, called in Tongan 
by the Jewish name Sabbath, " Sabate," is the tabu day. The pro- 
hibitions against labor in the Fourth Commandment are naturally and 
properly rendered in the Tongan version of the Bible (which by the 
way is called the Tabu Book) as labor being tabu on the seventh day, 
and this idea of the tabu day is more easily assimilated and more 
strictly enforced than many of the more positive precepts of Christian 
teaching. A Tongan will not so much as pluck a flower or break a 
branch from a shrub on that day. Again, church buildings are tabu. 
The practice, not infrequent in white countries, especially in rural 
districts, of holding social gatherings in church buildings at which 
food and drink are served would be entirely repugnant to Tongan 
thought. From regard to sacredness, also, water from church roofs 
is not stored or used. It is said that a few years ago a child died in 
one of the Haapai Islands through drinking water which had dripped 
from a church roof into an empty tin placed under the eaves. 

4l8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n.s., 23. 1921 


Before his birth the Tongan is protected by tabus which show the 
working of sympathetic magic. The expectant mother must not put 
any sort of girdle or necklace about her neck lest in labor the umbil- 
ical cord become entangled around the child's neck. The coconut for 
her to drink must be properly opened. There are two ways of open- 
ing a nut. one by piercing the little round eye at the stalk end. and 
the other by striking off the bottom of the nut, thus making a hole 
usually about two inches across. The pregnant woman must drink 
only nuts pierced at the top. Should she drink one opened by the 
other method her child's mouth will gape like the gaping coconut. 
She must not cut anything with a knife. Should she neglect this 
precaution her child will be marked by some sympathetic deformity, 
e.g., the hand may be deformed as though the fingers had been shorn 
oflF. She must not sit in the doorway of a house, lest, as she is 
partly within and partly without the house, her child's face reflect 
this local ambiguity by being differently formed on the two sides. 
The pregnant woman must allow no temptation to induce her to steal, 
as the child is sure to bear the mark of theft. Should the mother, 
for instance, steal a fowl and prepare it for the oven the child's legs 
may be trussed up like the fowl's, and so on of other thefts and their 
appropriate stigmata. In 1920 a woman bore a child whose hands 
were deformed as though the fingers had been cut off. She was 
questioned, and confessed that during her pregnancy she had stolen 
and cut up a fowl. These prohibitions for a pregnant woman apply 
with especial force against unauthorized meddling with her husband's 
possessions, though if she obtain his permission to use anything be- 
longing to him she may do so without fear. 

After confinement both mother and child are smeared with tur- 
meric, and the mother must not leave the house or bathe for five 
nights, or, as we should say, five days. Bathing was also prohibited 
for a fixed period, in this case three nights, after a boy had under- 
gone the operation of supercision, which is performed at the approach 
of puberty. After three nights the boy goes to the sea and bathes, 
this bathing having been called in my hearing, though doubtfully, the 
tabu bath. At about the same time the long lock of hair left on a 

collocott] the supernatural IN TONGA 419 

boy's head seems to have been cut. This practice of leaving a long 
lock is now obsolescent. One still sees, it, but not frequently. It is 
said that the hair of the girls used to be cut short on the crown and 
left long at the sides, but that at puberty the hair was cut the same 
length all over and then allowed to grow. This treatment of the 
girl's hair has become even more rare than the boy's long lock and 
I am unable to say that I have seen any undoubted example. 

Amongst the gifts at a wedding are mats, presented by the bride's 
relatives, on which the young couple shall lay their children when 
born. The happy pair rarely, if ever, use this thoughtful gift for its 
ostensible purpose, and indeed do not keep it for themselves at all, 
but let it go in the general distribution of presents at the wedding 
ceremony. For some days prior to the marriage of high chiefs, the 
length of time varying according to the period before the guests begin 
to arrive, native cloth for towels, and candle-nuts (with which the 
Tongans prepare a favorite detergent) are presented to both bride 
and bridegroom. The interesting statement has been made that the 
cloth and mats used by the bride in bathing were afterwards given to 
the bridegroom, but this has been categorically denied by the chief 
whose marriage called forth the statement, and as few have taken a 
deeper interest in ancient Tongan ceremonial, or are better versed in 
it, his ignorance of any such practice cannot be lightly set aside. In 
his opinion the cloth and candle-nuts were presented to the bride and 
bridegroom for them to cleanse and beautify themselves for each 
other. He added that there is always the possibility that they will 
not be so used, and that in any case they are distributed to the guests 
with the other presents. It should be added that the portion of the 
wedding gifts which ultimately falls to the lot of the bride and bride- 
groom may be very small. 

It is time, however, to return to our new-born infant, whose cord 
has not yet been cut. The cutting of the cord was performed by the 
male head of the household. The midwife placed the cord con- 
veniently, and as paterfamilias struck it asunder with an axe he 
uttered a wish for the future career of the child — that a boy might 
grow up a great warrior or fisherman, that a girl might be beautiful, 
and so forth. The paternal benediction not infrequently called for 

420 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

success in love in the case both of boys and girls. The severed cord, 
as Mr. McKern has informed me, is carefully buried in some recog- 
nizable place, e.g., in a mound if there be one conveniently close, or 
the spot may be marked by planting a tree or shrub. 


Social life is guarded by tabus vi^hich in their most general form 
forbid an inferior to touch his superior. Dr. Martin remarks (in 
Mariner's Tonga), "Every chief also pays the greatest respect to- 
wards his eldest sister, which respect he shows in an odd way, viz., 
by never entering the house where she resides; but upon what exact 
principle, except custom, Mr. Mariner has not satisfactorily learned." 
This tabu noted by Mariner between brother and sister is not con- 
fined to the eldest sister, but is general. "Brother" and "sister" 
are of course misleading terms if understood with their English con- 
notation. Distant cousins are included, and " collateral relatives " 
would better translate the Tongan words. But using " brother " and 
"sister" with the breadth of the corresponding Tongan terms we 
find that brothers and sisters are tabu to each other. A brother, if 
he enter a room where his sister is sitting, must keep at a distance 
from her, and so of the sister coming upon her brother. If a man 
is sitting talking to other women his sister must not approach the 
party at all. This tabu upon the intercourse of brothers and sisters 
is not entirely incompatible with cousin marriage, which may take 
place with the approval of the relatives on either side whose pre- 
rogative it is to secure a match for the couple concerned. When the 
match has been arranged the hitherto tabued " brother " and " sister " 
may be brought together and mated. Quite recently a youth and 
maid, distantly related, set their affections on each other, but when 
their love, which was very innocent, became known the relatives failed 
to smile. The girl's real brother in particular professed himself 
filled with shame, and the unhappy swain carried his embarrassment 
and stricken heart to another island. Tongan resentment, however, 
is short, life has resumed its normal course, and the youth has re- 
turned, though he appears to have left his unlucky passion in the 
place of his temporary exile. 

collocott] the supernatural IN TONGA 421 

The form of cousin marriage most favored is that of a man to 
his mother's brother's daughter, though other forms are possible. 
None of these relationship terms must be understood as connoting 
necessarily the same closeness of connection as in English. Cousin 
marriages are more common amongst chiefs than amongst the rank 
and file, and it is said indeed that when such marriages occur amongst 
the people it is in imitation of the chiefs. 

Considering the social status of women the foregoing tabu be- 
tween brother and sister may be part of the general system wherein 
the superior is tabu to the inferior, though old legends make it more 
probable that, at least in comparatively ancient times, the safeguard 
was against incest as such, though this is not in itself necessarily the 
explanation of the origin of the very stringent Tongan sentiment 
against marriage of close relatives. With reference to the expression 
" close relatives " a Tongan once remarked to me, " We count as 
closely kin those whose common ancestry is even four generations 

A tabu still regarded is that of not eating or drinking the remains 
of food or drink of a superior. The penalty for the violation of this 
rule is a sore throat, which can, however, be cured by being stroked 
by the superior whose victuals have caused the trouble, or by one of 
still higher rank. A person suffering from a sore throat, which he 
suspects to have been caused in this way, will take a short cut to cure 
by resorting at once to the highest chief available. In earlier days 
the cure used to be effected by an application of the chief's foot to 
the sore spot, but the hand has been found equally efficacious and is 
now usually employed. Should anyone desire to help himself from 
the platter of a superior the unseen powers may be cheated by a little 
simple collusion. After the inferior has helped himself to the tabued 
viands an immediate application of the superior's hand will ward off 
all unpleasant consequences. It is in the item of drinking a coconut 
after another that this tabu seems to be most regarded, possibly be- 
cause sharing a coconut is fairly common, but more probably because 
the coconut, being completely closed round but for one small opening, 
is a peculiarly fit receptacle to retain the influence emanating from 
the drinker. A similar idea to this is found in Fiji and will be 
noted later. 

422 AMERICAS AXTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23. 1921 

The tabus relating to contact with the body of a superior are nat- 
urally most marked in reference to high chiefs, but the respect paid 
to chiefs seems to be part and parcel of the general social system, 
throughout which the gradations of rank are well known. 

The head and back are the most sacred portions of a chief's body. 
No one will touch the head of a superior nor pass close behind his 
back without apology. In the case of a great chief he would not 
pass there at all. In certain great ceremonial kava drinkings there 
is a high chief who sits, not in the ring where the majority of the 
chiefs have their place, called the alofi, but in the portion of the 
ground where the kava is prepared, called the toua. But although 
this chief is called the chief of the toua, he sits by himself at some 
distance to the rear and side of the group who are l^rewing the drink, 
so that all work in connection with the ceremony is performed without 
anyone's passing behind him. So in the alofi the attendants as they 
come and go always pass within the circle, before the chiefs, and 
never outside, behind them. 

Eating and drinking in the presence of a high chief of greatly 
superior rank to oneself is tabu. A great chief himself may experi- 
ence this inconvenience in the presence, e.g., of the king. This has 
been noted b}' old voyagers, and an example came under my notice 
within recent years. A white lady invited the late king of Tonga 
and a couple of high chiefs to dinner. One of them was able to eat 
freely in the presence of His Majesty, but the other, a robust young 
man who might have been expected to own a healthy appetite, toyed 
with his food in embarrassment. Afterwards he laughingly remon- 
strated with his hostess for her unkindness in setting such an excel- 
lent dinner before him in the presence of the king, where he was 
unable to do justice to it. This tabu against eating in the presence 
of a high chief may be overcome by retiring to a short distance and 
turning the back to the great lord. 

Leaving the matter of eating and drinking to return to respect to 
the person of superiors, we find that if a chief be sitting with some 
utensil close behind him which the people about wish to use. their 
only hope is that the chief will himself notice their predicament and 
tell someone to come and take what is required. Otherwise they 

collocott] the supernatural IN TONGA 423 

must make shift to obtain elsewhere a utensil fitted for their purpose. 
A strict regard to the tabu surrounding the persons of superiors 
would introduce almost intolerable inconveniences into the relations 
of intimate domestic life, but although there is considerable relaxa- 
tion the tabu of the head and face is observed fairly strictly. A 
father's head is tabu to his child. There may be Tongan fathers who 
would pick up their children and let them pull their moustaches or 
hair as many a white father does, but they can not be numerous. The 
Tongan father does not nurse and caress his child as freely as the 
European father does. There are doubtless other considerations op- 
erative, of which, by the way, lack of natural affection is not one, but 
probsbly the most potent reason is the tabu of the father's person. 

In the treatment of the dead the working of these ideas is clearly 
seen. The body is prepared for burial by those of family rank supe- 
rior to that of the deceased, who had been able to approach him freely 
during his lifetime. Relatives and friends of inferior rank will pay 
a farewell visit to the deceased shortly after death, but the visit is 
short, and during it they sit at a respectful distance in that part of 
the room towards which the feet of the body are pointing. The 
visitors may indeed kiss the face of their dead friend (probably an 
innovation since the introduction of Christianity), but after bestow- 
ing the kiss they at once retire to a proper distance. There are those 
who kiss, not the face, but the feet of the deceased. Ordinarily the 
body is prepared for burial by those whose relations to the deceased 
enable them to approach him freely, and they suffer no inconvenience 
from the contact. In the case of high chiefs, however, the last offices 
are of necessity performed by those of inferior social status, and 
their hands are thereafter tabu for a certain period, during which the 
tabued person may not feed himself. It has not often been the for- 
tune of Europeans in these latter days to see a person with tabued 
hands, but the Rev. C. P. Walkden Brown, late Chairman of the Meth- 
odist Mission, who left the group in 1908, was on one occasion 
present at a Tongan feast in company with a man under this interdict. 

The rites in connection with the burial of great chiefs have fortu- 

424 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

nately been described by early travellers with a considerable amount 
of detail concerning ceremonies unfamiliar to the present generation 
of Tongans. The European custom of wearing black clothing and 
black arm bands as a sign of mourning is now universal and carried 
through much more completely than is usual amongst Europeans, 
especially in these hot tropical latitudes. In addition the old Tongan 
practice of wearing a ragged mat is still adhered to. A mat, other 
than the cloth loincloth, is a mark of respect to superior rank. In 
the item of the mat as a sign of mourning close relatives of the de- 
ceased will wear a ragged mat, but those not nearly akin to the 
deceased will wear a good one. As a mark of respect to a chief if 
a mat be not obtainable any sort of belt seems to answer the purpose. 
A few years ago I was working with some boys a few hundred yards 
from the beach. The king was on a visit to our island and happened 
to be standing at the time near the beach. None of the boys would 
even remotely approach the place where His Majesty was without 
first girding himself with a piece of mat or some substitute. Some 
of the boys wound a length of a creeping vine about themselves. Old 
travellers have noted that, in the presence of a chief, people who hap- 
pened to be clad about the shoulders turned their clothing back to the 
waist. It was tabu to have the native cloth (ngatu) about the body, 
but the mat (fala) around the waist, even if it extended higher up 
the body than was permissible for the cloth, was not only allowed but 
enjoined as a mark of respect. The leaves of the ifi (Tahitian chest- 
nut) around the neck were a sign of the utmost respect, and regularly 
worn by those who had a great boon to ask. 

Anciently the disposal of the body of a man of insufficient social 
elevation to be possessed of a soul seems to have dififered considerably 
from the elaborate ceremonial which marked the interment of a high 
chief. This is only to be expected, as the chief's body has been the 
temple of a spirit which lives on in Bulotu. although apparently 
capable of revisiting his earthly shrine, or in some other way exerting 
influence in its vicinity. The commoner's body was not the seat of a 
soul and its neighborhood was less likely to be made uncomfortable 
by ghostly disturbances. This apparently straightforward division 
into chiefs and commoners is not so simple as it looks. It would 

collocott] the supernatural IN TONGA 425 

probably puzzle most natives to draw the exact line at which the class 
of the soul-bearers ends and that of the soulless begins. Chiefs were 
buried in cemeteries (to which amongst other names that of malae 
is applied), whilst the lower orders were interred in some convenient 
place close to the dwelling. A man living alone would perhaps be 
buried inside his house and the house then deserted or even burned 
down. The members of a more numerous household would be buried 
round about the hovise, and when say half a dozen had been thus dis- 
posed of the survivors would seek a fresh site for their habitation. 
Christianity has endowed the common folk with souls, and promoted 
their mortal remains to the dignity of as careful interment in ceme- 
teries as that enjoyed by their " betters." In speaking of a very high 
dead chief it is not uncommon to refer to him as " the chief in such 
a burial ground, or malae." The highest chiefs are often said to be 
"away," or "at a distance," when their death is spoken of. 

After the death of the late King George II, in 1918, the body lay 
in state for several days (not an ancient custom), and every night 
during the lying in state multitudes of lanterns were burnt about the 
palace, and little fires completely surrounded the compound. These 
were tended in silence during the night, and might not be extinguished 
until the first had been put out by one of the very few persons — one 
at least of whom was a woman — of sufficiently high rank to give this 
signal. In this, as in other matters, foreigners are exempted from 
the tabus which bind the natives. One morning when a native able 
to extinguish the first flame was not at hand the services of an Indian 
cook were requisitioned, or were just about to be when a native 
appeared who was entitled to perform this ceremony. In the case 
of the kings the tasks connected with their burial are largely in the 
hands of the craftsman class or hereditary guild {haa tufunga). 
The tombs of the old Tongan kings stand in inviolate sanctity in 
places almost untrodden by human foot, and the gloom of forest and 
thicket enshrouds these abodes of supernatural dread. In modern 
times the Christian care of the resting places of the dead has over- 
come the old avoidance of burial-places. The present kings of 
Tonga, moreover, are buried in the town of Nukualofa, the capital, 
and the necessity of keeping such a site clear is modifying the old 

426 AMERICAN AXTHROPOLOGIST [n. s, 23, 1921 


The Tui Tonga when travelHng was frequently borne on a Htter, 
though land on which he stood, or houses into which he entered, did 
not become tabu and therefore unavailable to their former possessors 
or users. Mats and cloth which he used seem not to have returned 
to their former owners, but to have become the property of the Tui 
Tonga. Such articles he seems frequently to have passed over to his 
retinue. The tabus surrounding the Tui Tonga's person were of 
course strict. The London IMissionary Society's missionaries who 
arrived in the Duff in 1797 relate that the Tui Tonga going into their 
house in western Tongatabu requested that they shave him. This 
ceremony of the toilette was performed, but until everything was 
safely finished the natives about were in the greatest trepidation lest 
some of the sacred hair should fall to the ground. The operation of 
supercision could not be performed in Tonga on the Tui Tonga. He 
had either to go without the operation or visit Samoa or Fiji for the 


An interesting example of the tabu surrounding the great chiefs 
is seen in the opening of ceremonial speeches in their presence. The 
speaker clears away, group by group, the tabus that would prevent 
his speaking. He says " Tabu for such a one," using an expression 
which it is exceedingly difficult to render into English, but whose 
real significance seems to be, " With all due regard to the tabu of 
So-and-so." This introductory apology having been completed the 
speaker will say, " It is now permissible for me to go on with my 
speech." There are two important sets of these tabu formulae, one 
for the Tui Tonga chiefs and the other for the Tui Kanokubolu, but 
naturally enough the practice of thus prefacing a speech is widely 
extended. In sermons, ordinary addresses, and in conversation, any- 
thing which the speaker feels should be introduced " saving the pres- 
ence of " his auditors will be introduced with this apologetic preface. 
Especially is this the case when mentioning bodily infirmities to a 
person of superior rank. A commoner would scarcely mention at all 
a physical defect of a chief to whom he was speaking, at any rate 
without the license of intimately friendly conversation, but in men- 


tioning the ailments of himself or of some other person, at last com- 
ing to a point where description languishes for lack of an outright 
term, the dreadfully blunt truth must be told, " Tabu to you," and 
the exact condition of a leg or an eye is detailed. Matters which are 
treated with great reticence by Europeans are discussed by mixed 
companies of Tongans with perfect freedom and complete absence 
of embarrassment. 


No important ceremony is conducted without kava drinking, and 
in the preparation and serving of the kava is seen the flower of 
Tongan ceremonialism. Usages vary in the two great houses of the 
Tui Tonga and the Tui Kanokubolu. The modern consolidation of 
the kingdom has confirmed the power of the Tui Kanokubolu, and 
the office of Tui Tonga, although the higher in rank, has been abol- 
ished. In 1918 the present queen ascended the throne of her island 
kingdom with the title of Tui Kanokubolu, the title which was borne 
by her predecessors in the sovereignty of this now constitutional (on 
European lines) state. Besides a European crowning there was also 
an installation by the old kava ceremony. This was anciently per- 
formed at Kanokubolu, whence the title of Tui Kanokubolu (King of 
Kanokubolu) is derived. Kubolu is the same word as the Samoan 
Upolu, and legend asserts that this line is descended from a Samoan 
woman and a Tongan chief. Kano is a root found in words meaning 
"flesh," "body." The late Dr. Mouhon renders Kanokubolu as 
"Heart of Upolu." In Kanokubolu the king used to be installed 
with his back towards a certain tree, and the ancient requirements 
have been met in modern practice by letting a piece of wood from 
the traditionary tree into the back of the throne. The water for 
brewing the kava was on this occasion brought by a great number of 
runners from a supply a short distance away. So freely and with 
such obvious intention was water spilt as to suggest a charm, but 
good Tongan authority asserts that the water was spilt so that each 
man might arrive at the bowl with but little, and that the whole pro- 
ceeding might be marked by the maximum of bustle and activity on 
the part of as great a number as possible to show the numbers and 

428 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

zeal of the queen's followers. The strainers (bunches of wild hibis- 
cus fibre) were provided by special groups whose prerogative it was, 
and represented certain chiefly families. 

During the ceremony three conventional speeches were delivered 
by three chiefs belonging to the Tui Kanokubolu group, who each 
before speaking slid forward without rising, with two little jerks, 
returning in the same manner to his place when his speech was fin- 
ished. These speeches followed traditionary forms, and were ex- 
hortations to the Tui Kanokubolu and the people to do their duty to 
the Tui Tonga chiefs. The first referred to shell-fishing, the second 
to the bonito fishing, and the third to the fruits of the soil. 

An interesting feature of these ceremonies was a man belonging 
to a family which is connected with Fiji, who was decked out like a 
Fijian warrior. Fie preceded the royal procession to the ground by 
about a hundred yards or so, crouching and running and looking 
about like an outpost spying out the enemy. When the queen was 
seated he violated all tabus and rules of ordinary decency by taking 
up his station near her, passing freely behind or before her, smoking 
whilst standing or lounging close beside her, and finally, when the 
pig's liver which is customarily offered to the chief on such occasions 
was put before the queen, he broke off a piece on the point of his 
spear and ate it in her presence. 

The sanctity of the great chiefs is well illustrated in an interesting 
native manuscript which was made available to me by the kindness of 
the Hon. W. Tungi and Mr. E. W. Gifford. In these notes the 
special words applied to the highest chiefs, the Tamaha and the Tui 
Tonga, are called the tohutahu insignia, the most sacred insignia. 
Since the institution of monarchy on the European pattern the Tui 
Tonga words are applied to the reigning sovereign. 


Industries have their own tabus. I have been told that formerly 
a woman must not step over the green shoot of a sprouting yam, 
though this is not now regarded, and young women of the present 
generation whom I have questioned know nothing of it. It was also 
tabu for anyone to step over a fishing net whilst it was being made. 

collocott] the supernatural IN TONGA 429 

Presumably if men passed from one side to the other of the net the 
fish would do the same. The various sweet-smelling flowers which 
are used to adorn and scent the leaf-girdles which are always worn 
on festival occasions by both men and women, but particularly by the 
women, are protected by a tabu belonging to the range of sympathetic 
magic. Flowers that have been used in the leaf-girdle must not be 
burnt before they are quite dead and dried up. Should this tabu be 
violated the tree from which the burnt blossoms were taken will 
thereafter be useless for supplying flowers for the girdles, and any 
blooms plucked from it will quickly fade. It is only the individual 
tree which is aiTected, and flowers from other trees of the same 
species will retain their scent and freshness as before. 

Fishing, an important industry of the inhabitants of these tiny 
islets, and one moreover subject to alternations of success and failure, 
of calm tranquillity and boisterous hazard, from causes which it is 
frequently difficult either to foresee or to explain, retains in large 
measure its old safeguard of tabus. If a man be out fishing and 
someone inquire of his wife where he is she must not tell. Better to 
sacrifice the truth than her husband's luck. This tabu, however, is 
now falling into disregard. The best known tabus are those con- 
cerning the bonito and the shark. The bonito whose origin, or at 
the least first arrival in Tongan waters, has a supernatural connection 
with the Tui Haangana, the chief of the island of Haano in Haapai, 
will not suffer himself to be caught off that island if the chief ven- 
tures outside his house whilst bonito are in the vicinity. A similar 
tabu keeps one of the chiefs of the eastern end of Tongatabu within 
doors when the bonito appears. There is also a proper order for the 
disposal of the first-fruits of the bonito fishing in Tongatabu before 
the fish is available for the people at large. 

Of no fishing is the ritual more exact and more flourishing today 
than that attending the pursuit of the shark. The most perfect har- 
mony, even of thought and sentiment, must prevail amongst the 
fishermen and amongst their friends and relatives ashore. Discord 
or the hidden rancor of the heart is fatal to success. A young woman 
relates that in her childhood, as a party of shark-fishers were setting 
out, she cried to be taken with her father who was a member of the 


430 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23. 1921 

expedition. Every means was tried to pacify the child, but in vain. 
The situation was extremely awkward. On the one hand was the 
difficulty of taking the girl, and on the other the futility of hoping to 
take a shark if she were left weeping ashore. Finally, as the child 
refused to be comforted, she was perforce taken on board. The 
shark-fishing has been described in his book Chez Ics Meridionaux du 
Pacifiquc, by His Lordship Bishop Blanc of the Catholic Mission in 
Tonga, or P. Soane Malia as His Lordship was called at the time of 
publication.^ Before the expedition sets out a house ashore is shut 
up and l)ecomes tabu. " This house had just been carefully shut, 
shortly before the departure of the fishermen. It was that of the 
head man. Its being closed and the departure of its owner gave it a 
mysterious character ; it became * house of the fishing,' that is to say 
a place to which approach was forbidden to everybody until the return 
from the fishing." The shark is taken by a running noose on the 
end of a line, and is enticed alongside the boat by sounding with the 
coconut-shell rattle formed by threading coconut-shells on a stick, 
and by the fishermen calling out. The crew not only call to the shark 
to come, but add many blandishments, with flattery of its beauty and 
wily promises of high festival ashore. The subsidiary inducement of 
a piece of roast pork displayed outboard is not wholly discounte- 

When the shark has once come alongside his fate is usually sealed. 
The noose is slipped dexterously over his head, and if necessary a 
man will even jump into the sea to make a better adjustment of the 
cord. Non-success in this sport is attributed to broken tabus. On 
the occasion which Bishop Blanc describes nine sharks were taken, 
and it may be best to quote a little of the conversation which he had 
with the head of the expedition after its return : 

"And you have done this (i.e., called and taken a shark) nine 
times ? " 


" And the shark always comes ? It always obeys ? " 

"When it does not come that is a bad sign. There is something 
in fact which prevents the shark from coming." 

1 It was published by Librairie Catholique Emmanuel Vitte, Lyons and 
Paris, 1910. 

collocott] the supernatural IN TONGA 43 1 

" And what then ? " 

" When it does not come there is nothing to do but return to shore, 
because that is the proof that someone has violated the tabu of the 
closed house, or perhaps that one of us has some grudge or anger in 
his heart. So we must go and correct what is amiss, and then the 
fishing may recommence." ^ 

The shark indeed is a great searcher of the heart, and the man 
who attempts to approach the cavern where resides the great shark- 
god of the island of Eua will find himself unable to reach the spot 
should his heart be not as it should be. Although particularly notable 
in the case of the shark the same type of idea is found in fishing gen- 
erally. Persistent ill-luck gets a boat a bad reputation which reflects 
more on the ethical qualities of crew and owners, and of the boat 
herself, than on their skill as fishermen. "The fishing is accursed; 
let us go ashore." 

Gardens were protected by tabus. Frequently a coconut-leaf rep- 
resentation of the shark was put up on the trunk of a tree, which was 
as effective as turning the shark-god Taufa loose in the giarden. It is 
stated that Taufaahau, better known to Europeans as King George I — 
under whom, after many years of strife, Tonga became a homo- 
geneous kingdom with Christianity universally and firmly established 
throughout the group — experimented with some of these tabu signs 
to assure himself of the impotency of the old gods, and also made the 
more daring test of swimming out to the opening in the reef of the 
island of Lifuka in Haapai and shouting defiance to the sharks. 


A general idea of the sort of conduct that was ethically right is 
obtained by attention to the words which indicate wrong-doing. This 
is too lengthy an inquiry to be entered on in any detail in this place, 
but to inquiries as to what conduct would be formerly included under 
the word hia, which is commonly translated " sin " but is today too 
much mixed up with the modern machinery of law-courts to afford a 
clear idea of its ancient significance, it was answered murder and 
connection with the wife of a man of superior rank to the oft'ender. 

1 Op. cit., pages 59 and 60. 

432 . AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

Another native, commenting on sexual breaches, lemarked that a man 
who violated the wife of a great chief would be slain by his own 
people. There would seem to be little doubt that if any such hardy 
lover escaped the vengeance of mortals his offence would not pass 
unnoticed of the unseen powers. In fact an instance of this sort was 
recently related to Mr. Gifford and myself. A man of considerable 
rank had gone from the island of Eua to Tongatabu and was living 
in close and friendly connection with the reigning Tui Tonga. The 
latter went on a voyage to Haapai shortly after one of his wives (not 
the chief wife) had given birth to a child, leaving the mother and 
babe to the care of the Euan whose relations with his fair charge 
soon became too fond and intimate. As a consequence of his wife's 
frailty the Tui Tonga found on his return that the child had fallen 
ill. The secret of the guilty pair had, however, not yet been divulged, 
and recourse was had to the lot, by spinning a coconut, to discover 
the person whose wrong-doing was responsible for the royal infant's 
alarming condition. The lot fell between the Tui Tonga himself and 
his unfaithful spouse. The next spin brought the guilt right home 
to the woman who confessed her sin. The story ends in a manner 
to satisfy the most susceptible reader of love romances. Not only 
did the Tui Tonga forgive the lady, but he bestowed both her and the 
infant on the successful lover, and all three removed to Eua where 
the child became the progenitor of a line of chiefs. It was apparently 
no uncommon thing for a village to choose a handsome girl to take 
to a high chief that she might bring back to them a chiefly child. 
Such a child was called by a word indicating that he was not so much 
the possession of an individual mother as of the whole village or 
family group. 

The consequences attendant on illicit love affairs are often illus- 
trated today. Not infrequently a man and woman who do not desire 
to marry, or are unable to because of some previous union, take an 
oath of mutual fidelity on the Bible. Various circumstances may 
make them desire to be rid of this bond. Perhaps if the woman is 
married one of her legitimate children falls ill. One of the parties 
themselves, or one or other of their relatives, may become sick, or die. 
Although no entanglements of this sort may be irnpeding the course 

collocott] the supernatural IN TONGA 433 

of true love, errant fancy may have been attracted by some other 
charmer. In all cases the procedure is the same. Recourse is had 
to a vjhxtt missionary or native pastor to dissolve the oath. In the 
cases that have come to my own notice the clergy, European and 
Tongan, have refused to be parties to this superstitious use of the 
Bible, and have sent the suitors away with a little healthy advice. 

In reference to murder Mariner remarks, " An old mataboole used 
to say, that useless and unprovoked murder was highly offensive to 
the gods, and that he never remembered a man guilty of it but who 
either lived unhappily, or came to an untimely end." The gods some- 
times turned peevish for less weighty reasons than wanton homicide. 
Soon after the introduction of Christianity into Tongatabu, and be- 
fore it had spread throughout the whole island, Boiboi, the chief of 
a still heathen district, became very ill, and was carried on a stretcher 
to the priest of his god. After a time the priest was seized by the 
convulsive movements which indicated his possession by the deity, 
and then informed the waiting assembly that the god had been away 
in a different part of the island at a single-stick match, but had now 
returned. He had been very angry with Boiboi because the latter 
used to make an insulting gesture with his eyes, but he was now recon- 
ciled to him, and the chief would recover. Boiboi honored the dec- 
laration by an immediate recovery, and rising from the stretcher he 
went off quite well. 


general remarks 

Another important conception, shared by the Tongans with their 
neighbors of the Pacific, is that of mana. Whilst tabu inculcates the 
duty of man towards the occult, mana indicates the mysterious forces 
in operation. The range covered by this idea is very wide, and there 
has sometimes been a tendency to dogmatize too positively on the 
inability of peoples at the Tongan level of culture to conceive abstrac- 
tions. Mana is rendered in English as a wonder or miracle, and is 
employed in this sense in the vernacular version of the Bible. It is 
a common word for thunder. An adjective (maiia'ia) containing 
this root is used of a man who is especially attractive to women. It 

434 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

probably occurs in the word for breath (uianava), which again is 
used of the womb, though apparently without strict anatomical pre- 
cision. This same word is found in compounds meaning fear 
(manava-jii "little manava or breath," manava-hc "wandering 
manava"), and courage (manava-lahi "great manava"). Taking 
this class of words together the primary significance of mana seems 
to be living power or force, and the word for breath and womb per- 
haps means the place or seat of this power or force. 


The occult forces of the universe frequently manifest themselves 
as warnings to mankind, and hence arises one of the commonest uses 
of the word mana, namely an omen. Many of these omens are still 
known and more or less believed in. A considerable number are 
concerned with impending calamity to a chief. Usually of course 
the portent would occur in a locality or in an object which had some 
relation to the threatened lord. In the island of Uiha in Haapai is 
a spring which turned red as a warning of the approaching death of 
the chiefs connected with that place. A rock in the western district 
of Tongatabu indicated in some way a similar catastrophe. The 
breaking off, in calm weather, of branches of the banyan tree is an 
omen of the death of a great chief. The large tree in eastern Tonga- 
tabu under which Captain Cook addressed the natives fell down a 
few years ago, and this proved to be an omen of the death of the 
late King George II, though His Majesty survived the tree by about 
two years. The roaring of the sea on the wide flats skirting a good 
length of the shore of western Tongatabu is also the sign of the death 
of a chief. At the time of the death of King George I there was an 
unusually protracted spell of rainy weather. This too was mana, 
though apparently not so much an omen of the king's approaching 
end as a sympathetic disturbance of the supernatural powers accom- 
panying the passing of this truly great man. Some still affirm that 
this king's death was presaged by the approach of a great shoal of 
fish to the coast of Tongatabu. At Kolovai, in western Tongatabu, 
the village of the high chief Ata, are several casuarina trees where 
the flying-foxes are protected by a tabu. These trees with their clus- 

collocott] the supernatural IN TONGA 435 

ters of animal fruitage have often been photographed, and are widely 
known. Tradition speaks of a white flying-fox whose appearance is 
the sign of the approaching death of Ata. The other flying-foxes 
give this uncanny visitor wide elbow room. The tradition of the 
occasional appearance of a white flying-fox is correct, as the present 
Ata has seen no less than three — the last no longer ago than last year. 
This last one, maimed by a broken wing, fell into the possession of 
Ata himself, who was tending it, purposing on its recovery to present 
it to the queen, but unfortunately dogs or pigs snipped its vital cord. 
Ata, who is a very robust and athletic man in young middle life, has 
manifested no alarming symptoms as a result of being honored by a 
visit from the ominous creature. A white flying-fox figures in an 
old story as being used for divination by Bunga, chief of Boha in 
eastern Tongatabu. 

Mr. W. H. Alurley of Haapai and Mr. Gififord of the University 
of California have severally come across instances of fog l)eing re- 
garded as ominous of the death of a chief. Difference of opinion 
evidently prevails as to the rationale of this portent. Mr. ISIurley, 
who is exceptionally well versed in Tongan custom and tradition, 
speaks of a mist on the sea as ominous, whilst very good native 
opinion has assured me that the mist only presages evil when it is 
over the land. Several birds are also ominous. Should a traveler 
find a kingfisher persistently flying about him, that is a warning to 
relinquish his journey and return home. The hooting of an owl in 
the evening near a dwelling is the publication of the pregnancy of a 
woman in the house. The crowing of a cock in the afternoon (per- 
haps early evening) is a harbinger of evil unless he be answered by 
another cock. The crying of the rail at night is an omen of death, 
and the direction of his flight indicates the place in which the doomed 
person shall be buried. Mr. Murley notes that as he was sitting with 
a native a kingfisher entered the room, and his native friend became 
very uneasy at this circumstance as a portent of evil. Not only the 
kingfisher is thus ominous. Mr. Murley's friend informed him " that 
evil spirits come in with the rubbish, and lizards and rats as well as 
kingfishers." A similar instance came under my own observation. 
A fxilehcu (Ptilotis curunculata) came into my room, and a native 

436 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n.s., 23, 1921 

girl who saw it told me it was a sign of bad luck, without however 
appearing to attach much importance to the matter. It is not clear 
whether her unconcern was due to her enlightenment, or to indiffer- 
ence to my fate, or to the hope that being a foreigner I should be 
able to pull through all right. 


These manifestations in the seen world of purposes of the unseen 
world are mana. These are merely a few examples picked up here 
and there, and doubtless the list could be much extended. But super- 
natural power may also reside in a tool or weapon and become a 
mighty instrument in the hand of man. The club or spear of a great 
warrior, for example, is the abode of mana. The club of the chief 
Vahai was so charged with mana that it could not keep still, but was 
continually agitated by convulsive movements. Vahai kept this for- 
midable weapon wrapped in a mat in his house and on* one occasion 
sent a man to bring it to him. The messenger could see no club, 
only a bundle of mat agitated by an apparently living body, and re- 
turning to the chief told him that the only thing in the house was a 
child wrapped up in matting. The supposed child was of course 
none other than the club with its high power mana, and the man was 
again sent to fetch it. 

Mana could be communicated from one person to another. If a 
weapon in which resided this supernatural force were borrowed the 
owner laid it across the open palm of the borrower, and then, getting 
a piece of the stem of the banana tree, rubbed and squeezed it in his 
own hands, thus expressing the juice. Then he rubbed the banana 
stem over the weapon and the open hand of the borrower. Vahai, 
the owner of the club just mentioned, conveyed to another chief, 
Takai, his own martial courage and prowess by performing a like 
operation upon his body. In these examples the warrior himself 
would seem to be primarily the source of the mana, thence conveyed 
to the weapons which he victoriously wielded ; but from other state- 
ments it appears that the weapon itself might receive an inspiration 
of mana direct from the gods. In the account of the voyage of the 
missionary ship Duff weapons are spoken of as placed in temples to 

collocott] the supernatural IN TONGA 437 

obtain the coveted power : " From this we passed to the other large 
house which . . . was sacred to the God of Pretane, and in which 
old Mumui sleeps when indisposed, in hopes of a cure. On the 
floor were four large conch shells, with which they alarm the country 
in times of danger : and on the rafters were placed spears, clubs, bows 
and arrows, to receive from their imaginary deity supernatural virtue, 
to render them successful against their enemies." The Tongan 
philosopher was doubtless little troubled by questions as to whether 
the man gave the weapon the mana or the weapon gave it to the man. 
Traced to its ultimate source it was ever the gift of the gods. 


The mana was occasionally a mysterious visitor from the other 
world. As an example it was said that a man might suddenly see the 
supernatural personage in his boat. The boatman would treat the 
apparition with the greatest respect, and set off home with as little 
delay as possible, convinced that some mishap had befallen. The 
recipient of such a visit would consider it a mark of divine dis- 
pleasure, and would ask the sprite what wrong he had done, and why 
he was angry with him. 

Mr. Murley's manuscript contains concrete examples of super- 
natural visitations. In July, 1909. on the night before the death of 
Maealiuaki, a great chief, at the time governor of Haapai, a man and 
his wife who were fishing on the island adjoining that on which the 
sick chief lay at the point of death were much alarmed at the sight of 
a sailing-boat, brightly illuminated with various colored lights, rapidly 
approaching from the southeast. This was of course a mana of 
Maealiuaki's death. That year of 1909 was fertile in portents and 
fortunate in chroniclers, for another of Mr. Murley's informants told 
him that in that same month of July, 1909, a small boy in the island of 
Niua Foou received a visit from a stranger who asked him if he knew 
the reason of the frequent earthquakes. The child confessed his 
ignorance, pleading his extreme youth. With the sinister words, 
" Then thou wilt know, for in the month of September you people 
will not be able to eat for something dreadful will occur." the stranger 
departed as abruptly as he had come. As he turned to go the boy 

438 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 192: 

was startled to see that he had wings. This last touch is probably 
due to the influence of the Bible. Like a wise soothsayer this visitant, 
though so precise with regard to months, allowed himself latitude in 
years. In September, 1912, there was a volcanic outburst in Niua 
Foou, though not very serious and unattended by loss of life. This 
doubtless is a suitable event to carry the responsibility of the doleful 
vaticination regarding the month of September. 


The fact that supernatural forces and beings manifest themselves 
through material agencies would invest with importance the office of 
those who were skilled in reading the signs. One Tongan stated that 
those who had no god to apply to had recourse to a diviner {tongafiji), 
adding the interesting detail that there was aruspication by examina- 
tion of the blood of animals. Another said that he thought that each 
god had his own diviner, but the most trustworthy statements show 
no evidence of a class of diviners attached to the gods apart from the 
priests. A certain cowrie shell god used to give indications of his 
will by movements, as by standing up on end. War clubs, presum- 
ably those kept in the temples, were consulted on the expediency of 
going to war. If the club shook that was the god giving his vote for 
war, but if it remained still that was a declaration against the opening 
of hostilities. Whilst, however, the interpretation of the will of the 
gods was the function of the priests, there were diviners (tonga fiji) 
who, without being priests or being attached in any special way to a 
particular god. were able to see what was distant in time and space. 
The word kikifc which is used of divination and foretelling seems to 
contain the same root as the word kite which is used of the appear- 
ance of anything at a distance, particularly of land showing up when 
one is out at sea. I have not been able to discover that these diviners 
were reputed to be inspired by any god, but they seem merely to have 
seen and declared things by some inward light of their own. A 
rather circumstantial account is preserved of a famous soothsayer 
named Hema who knew from the island of Eua the progress of a sin- 
gle-sticks match in Tongatabu in which a local champion was opposed 
by a mighty fighter from Eua. Hema kept the Eua people posted 

collocott] the supernatural IN TONGA 439 

on the progress of the contest with the promptness and certainty of a 
wireless installation and had the melancholy duty of informing them 
of the defeat of their own champion. His best remembered exploit 
was that of telling a chief the time at which a pet bird, which had 
flown away and was many days overdue, would return. Not content 
with the bald statement as to the day and time at which the chief 
would again see his bird he gave a detailed itinerary of the home- 
ward flight. 

A rather peculiar idea belonging to the same range of conceptions 
is seen in the power asserted to have been possessed by the chief Loau 
of Haamea in Tongatabu of knowing everything that was going on 
everywhere. Loau occupies a unique place in Tongan history, for 
though he is undoubtedly a historical personage and is asserted to 
have left a deep and enduring mark on Tongan polity, no place is 
assigned him in any of the known chiefly families. He came none 
knows whence and departed none knows whither. His name is con- 
nected with the small district called Haamea near Nukualofa, but the 
spot within Haamea on which he lived is named Maananga, and it is 
said that quietly at home at Maananga he knew all that was g:oing on 
elsewhere, whence the word foka-i-maananga (known in Maananga) 
is' used of omniscience, and is so used today in Christian worship. 

In passing it may be noted that the Tongans assert that there have 
been navigators so skilful that they could tell their whereabouts when 
out of sight of land by dipping their hands into the sea and scooping 
up a little of the water. Looking at the sample of ocean the gifted 
mariner would say '' This is the sea of Vavau," "of Tongatabu," and 
so forth, and thus get his bearings. The last man who possessed 
this power has not been dead many years. 

The old story of Muni of the Torn Eye relates that Bunga (Coral) , 
a chief in the east of Tongatabu, had a white flying- fox which he 
used for divination. When Muni, whose legendary exploits are 
strongly reminiscent of those of the god Maui, visited with hostile 
intent the home of Bunga the latter was out at sea fishing. His 
flying- fox at once flew out to him, and Bunga, suspecting that matters 
of grave import were afoot, set himself a sign whereby he should 
know by the part of the boat on which the creature settled whether 

440 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

the omen were good or evil. The portent was of bad tidings, and 
Bunga returned to shore with all possible speed to find that his harem 
had been ravished (success in the feats of love, as in those of war, 
being here as elsewhere a mark of the legendary hero), and two 
great kava plants which had stood near his house torn up and carried 
away. Bunga pursued IMuni, but in the contest which followed he 
was defeated though not slain. 

Old travelers mention a wooden bowl used for divination. The 
Introduction of the Voyage of the Duff in referring to Tasman's 
visit says, " An elderly chief who seems at that time to have had 
sovereign authority . . . was highly gratified by the presents made 
him. Among them was a wooden bowl, probably the same that long 
afterwards was used by the sovereigns of Tongataboo as a divining 
cup to convict persons accused of crimes ; and the same homage which 
is rendered to the sovereign when present was paid during his absence 
to the bowl, as his representative." Later on in the same Introduction 
it is stated that the king, dining with Captain Cook on l)oard the lat- 
ter's vessel, was presented by him with a pewter plate, which he said 
he would substitute for the bowl " which had before sustained the 
offices of chief justice and viceroy." This pewter plate was still in 
use at the time of Mariner's residence in Tonga, and Mariner speaks 
of it as used to remove the tabu from those who had come in contact 
with the Tui Tonga. "If anyone is tabooed by touching the person 
or garments of Tooitonga, there is no other chief can relieve him 
from his taboo, because no chief is equal to him in rank ; and, to avoid 
the inconvenience arising from his absence, a consecrated bowl for 
some such thing), belonging to Tooitonga, is applied to and touched, 
instead of his feet. In Mr. Mariner's time. Tooitonga always left 
a pewter dish for this purpose, which dish was given to his father by 
Captain Cook." Probably the account of the bowl or dish repre- 
senting the Tui Tonga in other affairs besides the removal of tabu 
is correct. It should in any case be fairly easy to avoid incurring 
tabu by contact with the Tui Tonga's person during his absence. 

Augury of an informal sort was often resorted to much as it is 
by some Europeans. The first native Christian teachers on their way 
from Tongatabu to Haapai, which was still heathen, set themselves 

collocott] the supernatural IN TONGA 44I 

as a sign that if they met a certain man wearing a ragged loin-cloth 
they would know that they had to expect opposition. During the 
time when Taufaahau (King George I) was hesitating between Chris- 
tianity and heathenism a shark came alongside the boat in which he 
was one day sailing. He seized his spear and made his throw an 
augury. If he missed, the shark was the god Taufa-tahi (Taufa of 
the Sea), but if his aim went true then it was just a shark. He 
missed, and thereupon threw into the sea two native Christians who 
were with him. The ancient Tui Tonga, Kauulufonua, in the midst 
of his victorious career, declared on the eve of battle that in the com- 
ing fight his followers should know whether his prowess were the 
effect of his own might or of the protection of a god. H he were 
wounded in front he owed his victories to the god, but, if behind, to 
himself. The event showed that he owed his successes to his own 
courage and skill. 

Mariner relates that the spinning of a coconut and observing its 
position when again at rest was a common method of interrogating 
the unknown, particularly as to the fate of sick persons. An instance 
of this has already been mentioned. 


Something has been said of magic when speaking of tabu, but a 
few further notes may be added. A non-malevolent but extremely 
disgusting example of sympathetic magic was related to me by a 
friend. On one occasion whilst he was at sea and exceedingly sea- 
sick an old native, unable any longer to endure the sight of his dis- 
tress, begged to be allowed to drink his vomit as a sure way of check- 
ing his sufferings. In my friend's case the mere suggestion threat- 
ened to be effective by depriving him once and for all of all the 
organs by virtue of which a man can be sea-sick. 

But given magic there naturally follows man's effort to gain magi- 
cal control over his fellows. The usual terms applied to the black art 
in Tonga are hangatamaki and fakalouakau. An excellent note on 
the former term is contained in Mr. Murley's manuscript. He points 
out that the word hangatamaki, which is very freely used in descrip- 
tions of illness, covers a large range of disorders, principally of the 

442 AMERICAN AXTHROPOLOGIST [x.s., 23, 1921 

boil and ulcer sort ; that further there are different individuals who 
specialize in the cure of different diseases. Should a man desire, for 
example, to put a tabu on his plantation, he will go to a person who 
has the reputation of being able to cure some sort of hangatamaki 
with the request that this medicine man (or woman) assist him with 
his art. The practitioner then makes up little bundles of medicine 
and hangs them about the premises it is desired to protect. Should 
anyone, even the owner, dare to break the tabu and touch anything on 
the property he will be afflicted with the special hangatamaki in which 
the medicine man consulted specializes, who again is alone able to 
cure these punitive visitations, which he will be quite ready to do — 
for a consideration. When it is desired to remove the tabu the owner 
and the medical practitioner together go and take down the packages. 
The practice of putting a plantation under the protection of a shark 
god has already been mentioned. 

In 1917 a man died in Tonga as the result of the black art as 
practised on him by a man of Fiji. In this case the witchcraft was 
described by the term fakalouakau, that is "by a leaf," or "making 
a leaf." It seems that a year or two previously the unfortunate vic- 
tim had been on a visit to Fiji, and had been put under the spell of 
fakalouakau by a native of that country. Report hath it that con- 
temporaneously with the death of the Tongan the maleficent Fijian 
also met his own end. One method of practising fakalouakau is to 
get something which has been in close Contact with the person on 
whom it is desired to operate, e.g.. nail-parings, and wrap it up and 
bury it. As the buried object rots a sympathetic disease will appear 
in the victim. One man in discussing these matters drew his ex- 
amples entirely from Fiji. He said that in Fiji a man would take 
a piece of young leaf shoot and chew it. muttering the while the name 
of the person he wished to injure. It is dangerous for anyone to 
come in contact with such a fragment of leaf after it has been spat 
out ; and the basket in which the Tongan medicine to cause the hanga- 
tamaki is kept is likewise a source of peril. This man added the 
further information regarding the black art amongst his neighbors 
of the Fiji group that there one may cause foot trouble in an enemy 
by stabbing his foot-prints. A Fijian after drinking a coconut should 

collocott] the supernatural IN TONGA 443 

Split it Open before throwing it away. An unsplit nut which had 
been drunk would be a great find for the medicine man who could use 
it to work spells on the drinker ; but by opening it up one allows the 
emanation from himself which entered at drinking to escape. One 
is inclined to suppose that amongst the Tongans the Fijians enjoyed 
a sinister reputation for preeminence in the black art. 


An interesting comparison with Tongan belief is furnished by a 
letter from the Rev. S. W. Brooks to the Methodist Magazine (1867, 
Pt. I, p. 462) written from Bue, Fiji, in August, 1865: 

Among the company there was one Abraham, a strange-looking man, 
perhaps fifty years old. He was covered with remarkable excrescences, vary- 
ing in size from a pea to a fowl's egg. On questioning the simple-minded 
chief as to the cause of this, and the age of the man, I made out these two 
remarkable things: i. That the devil was the cause, and it was because his 
father had given his mother a hatchet before the child's birth; 2. That he 
was a thousand years old. 
The devil gets rather more than his due among primitive men. 

The belief in demonic possession still obtains more or less amongst 
the Tongans. A form of hysteria is in particular associated with a 
diabolic visit. There is a credit, however, to be entered against all 
that is charged against the mischievous pranks of these other-worldly 
visitors. A man, partly of Tongan and partly of Fijian blood, re- 
lates that in Fiji there are those who are possessed by various gods, 
and whose supernatiiral power thus acquired is used for benevolent 
ends. They form a detective corps d'elite, of infallible efficacy in 
the tracing of stolen goods. Nor is their medical practice less avail- 
ing. The fact that they sometimes console the patient with the assur- 
ance that he will die should be reckoned an indication of honesty 
rather than a confession of impotency. Their practice is clairvoyant 
diagnosis rather than magical healing, as they give practical assistance 
to the sick, sometimes by prescriptions of their own and sometimes 
by recommendations as to where they may obtain treatment. The 
narrator added that these possessed men and women were amongst 
the most zealous Christians, and noted for the exemplary goodness of 
their lives. 

444 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 


However great a wanderer a man may have been during his life- 
time it is amongst his own kin that he wishes to sleep his last sleep. 
The gods of a country not his own would resent his being laid in 
their soil and would attempt to drive him away. The unlucky exile, 
therefore, would appear to his relatives in dreams and upbraid them 
for their unkind behavior in leaving him to the fury of such persecu- 
tions, and would probably soon worry them into making the desired 
transference of his ashes. It can be very rarely, however, that the 
deceased is driven to these desperate measures, as the Tongan ob- 
serves the most scrupulous care in the disposal of his dead. There 
is a curious story of one who left his body and visited Bulotu (Para- 
dise, Hades, Abode of Hikuleo). He was absent some time, and on 
returning to the spot where he had left his body found that his 
friends, despairing of his ever again animating it, had buried it. 
Since then he has wandered a discarnate spirit, known as a god in 
Tonga, Fiji, and Samoa under the respective names of Fehuluni, 
Tuihaatala, and Moso; and with this disembodied vagrant we shall 
for the present leave the subject. 

Some acknowledgments of indebtedness have been already made 
in the text. ])ut in closing these notes I desire to acknowledge my 
special obligations to my friend and colleague the Rev. John Havea, 
Head Master of the Tubou College in Nukualofa, whose intelligent 
interest in all that concerns his race, and courteous patience in trying 
to make it intelligible to the foreigner, have equally made me his 

Tubou College, 

Nukualofa, Tonga. 



POR the past half century American archaeologists have been 
^ amazed at the beauty and puzzled over the use of certain prob- 
lematical form.s left by primitive men about their camp sites 
and buried with their dead in eastern' North America. From Ontario 
to Florida, from Maine to the Mississippi Valley, have been found 
hundreds of beautifully wrought and highly polished pierced objects 
of -stone somewhat resembling the drilled stone axes of the Old 
World. Here, however, these artifacts are usually of too soft a 
material and of too delicate workmanship to be weapons, tools, or 
implements of practical use. The carefully selected material, the 
elegant and symmetrical shape, and the high polish of these relics 
have led many to believe that their use was of a ceremonial nature. 

Many fanciful names such as bannerstones, ceremonial axes, 
maces, butterfly stones, thunder-bird emblems, totems, whale-tail 
emblems, baton or sceptre heads, equipoise stones, and mesh gauges, 
have been applied to these mysterious relics. The name bannerstone, 
applied by Dr. C. C. Abbott, is the one most generally accepted be- 
cause of its priority and because of the fact that most of the stones 
seem to have been shaped and drilled for mounting upon handles so 
as to be carried during ceremonies as standards or banners. 

In support of this name, is the discovery of a cache of three 
bannerstones all mounted upon engraved stone handles about a foot 
in length. They were plowed up in a field near Knap of Reeds, 
Granville Co., N. C, in the year 1908. One of them (fig. 74. a) 
has been on exhibition in the North Carolina historical collection at 
Raleigh, N. C., for a number of years and was discovered by Mr. 
W. E. Myer who kindly brought the knowledge to the writer's atten- 
tion. He described this interesting find as follows : 

29 445 



Fig. 74.— Bannerstones (one-half natural size) from: a, North Carolina; b, 
Pennsylvania ; c, Florida. 

baer] " BANNERSTONES " 447 

There is one banner stone mounted on a stone staff ... in the above 
collection. The material of both the banner stone and staff is a micaceous 
shale. The material is coarser in the banner stone than in staff. Staff 
about ]/& inch in diameter at largest point, a to b about 4H inches, e to d 
about 12 inches. The record attached to this banner stone is : " Three ban- 
ner stones, all handles complete, plowed up in one spot, in a field on the 
farm of Mrs. Mary P. Waller, near Knap of Reeds, Granville Co., N. C. 
Not' far away in [is ?] Indian burial mound. Lent by Mrs. Waller." The 
staff fits the hole in banner stone exactly. It extends to x in the hole. In 
fact, the staff and hole appear to have been made to fit perfectly by means 
of turning the staff in the hole and thus grinding to a more perfect fit. 
This grinding has some slightly modern appearance, as if people handling it' 
had turned it somewhat in the hole. But the modern grinding is not suffi- 
cient to hide evidences of the old aboriginal grinding. 

The above record has been stibstantiated in letters from Mrs. 
Mary P. Waller and Col. Fred A. Olds. Mrs. Waller states : " These 
banners were plowed up together. The handles were in two, but one 
handle was broken and apart from the head. One of the perfect 
stones and the broken one have been lost." Col. Olds adds to the 
above information, " the handle is well made and slightly ornamented 
with rings." The writer is indebted to him for a photograph of the 
specimen from which the illustration was drawn. This find strikes 
the writer as one of the most important bearing upon the use of the 

While the material used for making bannerstones was usually slate, 
ribbon or colored slate preferred, many other materials were used 
such as shell, steatite, shale, serpentine, diabase, granite, quartzite, 
jasper, crystallized quartz, rose quartz, or any other stone which wa? 
capable of taking on a high polish and reflecting brilliant or pleasing 
colors. Mr. Clarence B. Moore has in his remarkable collection at 
the Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia, a beautiful bipennate 
specimen made of shell {Stromhus gigas) which was found in 
Volusia Co., Florida. In the same collection is a butterfly-shaped 
piece made of crystallized c[uartz, found near Red River. One wing 
has been broken off near the perforation and the fractured surface? 
carefully polished, showing the esteem with which even broken ban- 
nerstones were regarded. A similar unfinished specimen of crystal- 
lized quartz from Louisiana is in the collection of the U. S. National 

448 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

Museum. One wing of it was broken in the making and the hole 
therefore, was never drilled. 

The aboriginal artisan showed great skill in selecting the stone 
best suited for his particular purpose. As stated above, a large per- 
centage of bannerstones was made of slate, green or banded being 
preferred to the common gray variety. In choosing ribbon slate, the 
bannerstone maker showed excellent taste in securing, when possible, 
blocks in which the bands ran parallel with the cleavage. When these 
blocks were pecked into shape and polished, the ribbons crossing the 
gracefully curved wings at different angles made beautifully matched 
patterns. In addition to its pleasing effect, the ease with which it 
could be worked was undoubtedly a factor in the choice of slate. 
While water-worn pebbles were made use of when available, slate, 
serpentine, and diabase were to the writer's knowledge quarried par- 
ticularly for the manufacture of bannerstones. Blocks of slate were 
split into the required shape for transportation to the camp site where 
they were fashioned with flint hammer stones, scrapers, drills, and 
polishing stones into beautiful works of art. 

Bannerstones are usually of the most artistic form and finish, 
showing much labor and skill in their manufacture. No other arti- 
facts of the aborigines of eastern North America are more elaborate 
or more beautiful. The most common form of these perforated, 
winged objects is that having long, thin, tapering, symmetrical wings, 
diverging from a mid-rib, through which a cylindrical hole has been 
drilled longitudinally. The measurements in centimeters of an aver- 
age bipennate bannerstone are as follows: spread of wings, 14.5; 
thickness of wings, 1.2; width of wings, 5.15; length of centrum, 
5.15; width of centrum. 2.2; diameter of bore, 1.55. V^ariations of 
this type are those in which the centrum is longer than the width of 
the wings, those in which the centrum is shorter than the width of 
the wings, those in which the wings are longer and narrower and 
curved, those in which the extremities of the long, curved wings are 
knobbed, those in which the wings are shorter and broader, those in 
which the wings are thicker and heavier, those in which the wings are 
oval, and those in which the outer extremities of the wings are 

baer] " BANNERSTONES " 449 

Certain names have been applied to these various forms such as 
bipennate forms, butterfly forms, lunate forms, knobbed forms, 
crescent forms, double crescentic forms, reel forms, oval forms, 
battle-axe forms, geniculate forms. 

Lack of space and the expense of illustration forbid the use of 
many drawings to illustrate the various forms of bannerstones. One 
remarkable specimen from Florida recently acquired by the U. S. 
National Museum is especially deserving of notice and is illustrated 
in figure 74, c. It is nearly circular in shape and displays a higher 
degree of workmanship than any other specimen in the Museum col- 
lection. The length of the centrum is only about one-half the width 
of the wings and has a spine running the length of it on one side. 
The measurements of the stone in centimeters are as follows : spread 
of wings, 14.2; width of wings, 13; thickness of wings, .7 to .3; 
length of centrum, 6.8; thickness of centrum, 1.9;' thickness of rear 
wall of centrum, .2; thickness of front wall of centrum, .4; thickness 
of spine of centrum, .2; diameter of bore, i.i. This beautiful and 
fragile bannerstone could have survived no other than ornamental or 
ceremonial use. 

Bannerstones are rare as compared with the hundreds of thou- 
sands of arrowheads, thousands of knives, axes, celts, and hundreds 
of pipes, yet they are much more abundant than our early archaeolo- 
gists supposed. Specimens illustrated by the numerous writers upon 
the subject, some of which are herein figured, give an idea of the 
general distribution of the various forms unearthed in the eastern 
part of North America. Mr. Moorehead, in his Stone Ornaments 
of the American Indian, has collected a store of information in regard 
to the distribution of problematical forms. Many small collections 
have escaped notice, however, and we may expect many beautiful 
specimens yet to come to light. The writer recently visited a small 
town where he saw a number of fine bannerstones which have never 
been described or listed. 

Many perfect bannerstones have been found in graves, but for 
every perfect one picked up about abandoned camp sites, a dozen 
broken ones have been found. Many of those broken in prehistoric 
times have been drilled at right angles to the original perforation as 

450 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x.s., 23, 1921 

if intended to be worn as pendants. Bannerstones were so cherished 
and considered of such importance that scarcely ever was a broken 
piece discarded by the fortunate possessor. Possibly they were car- 
ried in the medicine bag as "good medicine." 

Judging from the bannerstones illustrated l)y the numerous writers 
upon the subject and from specimens exhibited in a number of 
museums and private collections, we observe that the bipennate form 
prevails throughout the northeast section of the bannerstone area; 
oval forms and reel forms throughout the southeast ; reel forms, but- 
terfly forms, crescent forms, double crescentic forms, and geniculate 
forms throughout the mound area; butterfly forms, knobbed cres- 
centic forms, battle-axe forms, double crescentic forms, and geniculate 
forms in the northwest. Of course there is much overlapping of 
areas and unusual forms are occasionally found in almost every 
locality. Whether this is due to a system of trade among the Indians, 
or whether shapes were copied from those seen when on the trail or 
the warpath, is an interesting question. 

The finding of characteristic forms in widely separated areas is 
also interesting and may assist in tracing prehistoric movements of 
the Indians. A remarkable instance of this kind is the finding in 
Florida of certain battle axe forms typical of Wisconsin. 

Archaeologists have spent much time trying to figure out the 
method and sequence in the manufacture of bannerstones. Mr. C. 
C. Jones, Mr. David Boyle, Mr. Joseph D. McGuire, Mr. Charles E. 
Brown, and Mr. Warren K. Moorehead have all pointed out inter- 
esting stages in the manufacture of these mysterious artifacts. In 
speaking of an unfinished specimen, Mr. Boyle said, " Instructive as 
are all unfinished specimens, they are particularly so when they pos- 
sess traces of the various steps taken to bring them into form." 
Even more instructive is a series of unfinished specimens from the 
same workshop, made of the same material, and possibly wrought by 
the same artisan. Such it has been the writer's good fortune to 

On Mt. Johnson Island in the Susquehanna River al)out a mile 
above Peach Bottom, Lancaster Co., Pa., over three hundred unfin- 
ished and broken bannerstones of slate have been found. These 

baer] " BANNERSTONES " 45 1 

rejects, in series, show all stages of development from the split blocks 
brought from the nearby quarry to the finished artifact. A number 
of such series have been made from the large quantity of pieces. 
The specimens herein illustrated have been accepted by the U. S. 
National Museum for display in the Pennsylvania collection. An 
interesting feature of the situation is that the ledge of slate whence 
the blocks must have come crosses the river only a few feet below 
the island. The fact that the exposed ledges on either side of the 
river are below the island convinces us that any blocks of slate found 
on the island must have been taken there for a purpose, and could 
not have been deposited by natural agencies. 

Diligent search has been made about the outcroppings of slate in 
both Lancaster and York Counties for indications of primitive quar- 
ries. The lack of proof of work having been done at these more 
distant outcroppings leads one to assume that the bannerstone-maker 
secured his material from the nearby outcroppings in the hills on 
either side of the river, although all evidences have been obliterated 
by the white man in producing the famous Peach Bottom roofing 

One of Mr. Moorehead's party on the Susquehanna survey gath- 
ered information concerning this Indian workshop on Mt. Johnson 
Island from the writer, who also furnished him with a number of 
unfinished specimens. This account as published in Oniaincnfs of the 
American Indian has been badly garbled. It reads thus: "Fishing 
Creek, Columbia Co., Pennsylvania, — On Mountain Island there 
seems to have been a long-settled Indian village in which quantities 
of relics have been obtained. The spot is most interesting because 
Indians seem to have gone to the mainland to the east of the island 
and there obtained slate which they brought back to the island and 
manufactured into ceremonial objects such as bannerstones and 
gorgets. The party found a large number of fragments ranging 
from plain slabs of slate to bannerstones in all stages of completion. 
Some examples of the unfinished objects, although broken, were 
found. It is a matter of common knowledge to the farmers in this 
neighborhood that these objects are abundant on Mountain Island." 
The island has from earlv historic times been known as Mt. Johnson 

_|.52 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x.s., 23, 1921 

Island. Fishing Creek is about four miles up the river from Mt. 
Johnson Island, and, like the island, is in Lancaster Co., Pennsyl- 
vania, instead of Columbia Co., which is more than a hundred miles 
up the Susquehanna. 

The following observations on the manufacture of bannerstones 
have been based upon specimens of slate from the workshop on Mt. 
Johnson Island. Similar specimens of serpentine and diabase from 
other sources are being reserved for further study to illustrate a 
future report upon the subject. 

A large number of split slabs of slate an inch or more in thickness 
and similar to figure 75, a, have been found on the island. Some 
show slight evidences of the use of stone hammers in smoothing up 
the ends, but most of them are rough, parallelogram-shaped blocks of 
slate just as they were taken from the quarry. These slabs carried 
to the island by the Indians must not be confused with larger blocks 
of slate carried there to protect the shad fishing battery against the 
wearing away of the lower end of the island. 

Figure 75, b, shows the plan and edge views of a roughly-shaped 
block from which about one-third has been broken. The block shows 
the use of the stone hammer in shaping the edges, but no work has 
been done on the sides. 

Figure 75, c, shows the side and edge views of a roughly-shaped 
block from which about one-fourth has been broken. The edges have 
been shaped as in b with the stone hammer. The wings are a little 
better defined than in the preceding specimen. The section to be left 
the original thickness for the centrum is marked off with a stone 
knife or other sharp stone. Only a very small amount of pecking 
had been done before the end was broken oft' and the blank spoiled 
for making a symmetrical bannerstone. This specimen is very inter- 
esting in that it illustrates the three stages of manufacture on the one 
specimen. It also suggests a division of labor. May not the artisan 
have marked out the design for an assistant, who, by careless pecking, 
broke the specimen? 

Figure 75, d, presents the side and edge views of a partly pecked 
bannerstone with one wing broken off. This specimen shows the 
result of pecking with an angular flint pecking-hammer such as those 




Fig. 75. — Evolution of the Bannerstone. Plan and side views of the 
specimens of slate collected on Mt. Johnson Island, Pa., by Mr. John L. Baer, 
showing stages of manufacture from the rough blank to the finished artifact : 
a, the rough blank ; b, roughly-shaped block ; c, block marked for pecking ; d, 
block partly pecked ; e, block showing advanced pecking ; f, block showing pecking 
nearly completed ; g, block showing pecking completed ; h, block showing effect of 
scraping; i, block showing scraping completed and hole started. Scale about one- 
fourth natural size. 

454 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23. 1921 

illustrated in figure 76, e, e'. Quantities of these flint pecking-ham- 
mers are found on that part of the island where the unfinished ban- 
nerstones are most abundant. Occasionally a jasper or agate peck- 
ing-hammer is found. 

Figure 75, e, presents the side and edge views of half of a banner- 
stone showing more advanced pecking. The edge view shows that 
the wings had l)een reduced nearly to their required thinness, while 
the centrum maintained its original thickness. The great number 
found broken at this stage show with what great care the artisan 
must have had to perform the pecking. Small indentations were 
made over the surface of the wings with the sharp projections on the 
pecking-hammer. Repetitions of this process gradually reduced the 
wings to the desired thinness. Had the l)lows been struck upon any 
surface except that parallel with the cleavage, the slate would have 

Figure 75, f. presents the side and edge views of a much larger 
bannerstone, with long expanding wings and a very short centrum. 
Here the pecking was al)OUt completed when an accident broke oflf 
nearly half of one wing. This represents an unusually large size for 
this section of the country. In the U. S. National Museum collection 
are some very large unfinished specimens from South Carolina and 
Georgia. These, however, are not made of slate. 

Figure 75, g, and figure 75. h, present another very interesting 
specimen since it shows the result of both pecking and scraping. 
Figure 75, g, shows the pecking marks on one side, and figure 75, h, 
shows the scratches on the reverse, evidently made by a flint scraper. 
While numerous flint scrapers have been found on the island, none 
were considered sufficiently close to the bannerstone rejects to be 
identified with the workshop. 

Figure 75, i, presents side and edge views of the centrum and 
parts of gracefully sloping wings showing coarse and finer scrapings 
and the perforation just started. The finer scraping on one end may 
possibly be the beginning of the polishing. In a number of speci- 
mens the hole has been started before the scraping was finished as 
if to shape the centrum about the proposed perforation. No holes, 
however, have been drilled farther than just sufficient to locate them 
in any of the numerous specimens of slate examined. 



Figure 76, a, presents side and edge views of a bannerstone with 
a part of one wing broken oil showing gracefully sloping wings and 
a well-developed centrum in which the hole has been started with a 
hollow drill. In harder stone the core is frequently much longer. 
The same method of drilling was practiced by the aboriginal Euro- 
peans in making the perforations in their stone axes. 

Figure 76, b, presents the side and edge views of the centrum and 
parts of the wings of a bannerstone about two-thirds drilled. A por- 
tion of one side of the centrum having been slabbed off reveals the 
core left by the hollow drill. Markings in the cylinder perforations 
in rnany specimens indicate the use of sand, and possibly water, in 
connection with the hollow drill. In all the specimens examined the 
holes have been drilled parallel with the split of the slate. This 
seems to be contrary to Mr. Warren K. Moorehead's findings. In 
his Stone Ornaments of the American Indian, on pages iio-iii, he 
states : 

Fifth, he made his perforations at right angles to the grain or bands of 
the stone, which should be noted. The exceptions are rare. If he drilled 
with the grain, the stone would chip and before he finished the object it 
might break. Sixth, he drilled the specimen before it was completed, know- 
ing that the drilling was a dangerous process at best, and if he did not prize 
the specimen very highly, he would not have cared when he drilled it. 

It is true that drilling at right angles to the grain or bands of 
slate would have been easier, but that would have necessitated pecking 
against the cleavage of the slate. Anyone familiar with the methods 
used in working slate knows that it takes very little hammering 
against the cleavage to split the slate. The many bannerstones with 
beautifiilly matched patterns are a further proof that the holes were 
drilled with and ftot perpendicular to the split of the slate. Bands 
or ribbons do not always run parallel with the cleavage of slate. In 
this case there are beautiful markings but no matched designs. 

Mr. Moorehead pictures a number of specimens showing the 
method of boring with a hollow drill. Mr. C. C. Jones, the earliest 
American writer upon the subject of " Perforated Axes," in his 
Antiquities of the Southern Indians, comments upon the drilling 
process as follows : 



1=^ «.-^^-^<$2^ 

e i 

Fig. 76. — Evolution of the Baxnerstoxe (continued), a, plan and side 
views of specimen showing hollow drill core ; b, plan and side views showing half- 
completed hole ; c, plan and side views showing wing of polished bannerstone ; 
d, plan and side views of finished bannerstone; e, e', fiint pecking hammers; f, 
sandstone polishing implement. Scale about one-quarter natural size. 

baer] " BANNERSTONES " 457 

Of several specimens now on the desk, one is entirely finished and 
polished, but lacks the handle hole. A second, pecked into the desired 
shape, but not yet ground, indicates on the nether side the commencement 
of the drilling process. Upon careful examination of a third, it will be per- 
ceived that the drill-hole has been completed only one-half the required dis- 
tance. A core or nipple, nearly a quarter of an inch in length, appears at 
the bottom, clearly showing that a hollow reed, aided by sharp sand and 
water, was the instrument by means of which the perforation was compassed. 

Mr. Charles Rau says 

It is very likely that the hollow drills of the aborigines of North America 
were pieces of that hard and tough cane (Anmdinaria macrospcrma, Mi- 
chaux) which grows abundantly in the southern part of the United States, 
mostly along the banks of large rivers, and forms at present an article of 
trade, being used for pipe-stems and fishing rods. A piece of this cane, 
from which the knotty joints have been cut, forms a regular hollow cylinder 
suflficiently strong to serve as a drill. I learned from Dr. Davis that many 
years ago a stone pipe with an unfinished hollow, partly filled with vege- 
table matter, was sent to the late Samuel P. Morton of Philadelphia. When 
subjected to a microscopical examination the vegetable substance exhibited 
the fibrous structure of cane, and thus appeared to be a remnant of a drill 
broken ofif in the bore. 

Figure 76, c, presents plan and edge views of half a polished 
bannerstone. This specimen is a fair sample of the many wings 
found about the workshop and elsewhere on the island. Many of 
them have doubtless been broken by the agency of frost after being 
plowed up and exposed near the surface, while some may have been 
broken even during the polishing process. In most cases the polish- 
ing seems to have been finished at least after the hole had been com- 
pleted. A number of abrading stones have been found about the 
workshop. The one represented in figure 76, f, shows numerous 
grooves and angles and is of excellent grit. 

Figure 76, d, shows a well made and beautifully polished speci- 
men. While of the same general shape as most of the reject pieces 
found about the workshop, it is much smaller than the average. The 
smallest unfinished piece found here is exactly three inches in length 
and three-fourths of an inch in width. 

In the study of these slate rejects, certain conclusions have been 



reached. First, the slate was spHt into hlocks of suitable dimension 
and not made into "turtle backs" for transportation. Second, the 
blocks were carefully marked out with the design of the pattern be- 
fore the pecking process began. Third, the holes may have been 
drilled in some rare cases even before the pecking was finished, but 
the usual procedure was to indicate the hole so as to shape the centrum 
symmetrically about it and finish the scraping and grinding before 
drilling the hole to any considerable depth. Fourth, just as the early 
archaeologists were deceived about the rarity of bannerstones, so did 
they overestimate the time and patience necessary to fashion these 
beautiful artifacts. In support of this conclusion, ]\Ir. Joseph D. 
McGuire has on exhibition in the National Museum a catlinite ban- 
nerstone made by himself, using the same primitive tools with which 
the prehistoric artifacts were made. The time required for making 
the specimen is itemized as follows: pecking, 3 hours; scraping, i 
hour; rubbing and polishing, 3 hours; drilling, 3>4 hours. What 
were ten and a half hours to primitive man? 

The mystery surrounding the origin, significance, and use of these 
so-called bannerstones makes their study all the more interesting. 
No record has appeared of early explorers having seen such objects 
among the Indians of post-Columbian times. No reference to pre- 
historic artifacts which can be identified as bannerstones has been 
discovered in Indian cosmology, mythology, or folklore. Thus a 
number of theories have arisen as to the possible use of these prob- 
lematical forms. While a few still claim that they were specialized 
implements, most archaeologists agree that they must have been for 
ceremonial purposes. Many of the forms, and especially those made 
of fragile material such as steatite, slate, shell, etc., would not have 
served for any rough or even mechanical use. Neither would mere 
implements have been so symmetrically wrought or so highly polished. 
The specimen with a stone handle described at the beginning of this 
article shows no evidences of having been used as a weapon. Nor 
have the wings of this or any other bannerstone within the writer's 
knowledge been reduced to cutting edges. The polished handle with 
incised rings surely places this specimen in the ceremonial class. 
The fact that a bannerstone as crude as this one should have been 


used for ceremonial purposes should bespeak a high and important 
place in religious festivals for the more beautiful and more delicately 
wrought specimens. Space does not permit entering into the numer- 
ous theories as to the origin and significance of the bannerstone. 
Until more material is available, more argument would l)e mere specu- 
lation, but whatever the various types of bannerstones may have 
symbolized, it is quite evident that they were to be mounted upon 
handles for ceremonial use. 
Delta, Pa. 



THERE is no people whose doings and whose thoughts are 
more fascinating to investigators of today than the ancient 
Egyptians, and modern writers, in their boundless enthu- 
siasm, have ascribed to them thoughts and interpretations, even 
scientific practices, far beyond their deserts. The human race is 
not singularly inventive or piercingly discriminative by nature and 
the Egyptians in spite of their wonderful civilization were no ex- 
ception to this rule. Before we accept the advanced views on 
hygiene and contagion, the skill in surgery and great development 
of medicine with which this people is credited, it is incumbent on 
us to examine the evidence with the greatest care. 

In ancient times medicine was bound up with religion and 
magic. In one individual were frequently combined the functions 
of the priest, the physician, the magician, the interpreter of dreams, 
and even the kingship. Man's attitude toward disease only slowly 
changed from that which he adopted towards the other mysteries 
which surrounded him (2). For long ages disease and its cure were 
ascribed either to influences of a supernatural character calling for 
propitiation or to beings of a human or non-human kind who could 
be compelled or exorcised. 

Only very gradually did materialistic conceptions supervene 
upon this early interpretation. With this subject Rivers has 
recently dealt very clearly (2) and has shown that when such 
materialistic views did make their appearance they were usually 
related either to animals or to an altered character of the blood. 
From the former arose the idea of the causation of disease and 
death by such creatures as worms and snakes (take for example 

' Address delivered before the American Historical Association at a symposium 
upon the History of Science, Cleveland, December, 1919. 



the setting up of the serpent standard by Moses) and from the other 
the now obsolete humoral pathology. 

Egyptian history covers the period of transition from the earlier 
animistic to the later materialistic interpretation. It is therefore 
evident that this period in human thought was not conducive to 
any real progress in medicine such as many have claimed for this 
ancient people. 

It is not proposed to review the entire period of Egyptian 
medicine or to deal exhaustively with the subject. Many excellent 
reviews such as Finlayson's (3) have already been published. The 
purpose of this paper is simply to call attention to certain facts 
which have recently come to light and to certain methods of attack- 
ing the subject recently called into action. 

In the first place it is well to differentiate clearly between real 
Egyptian medicine and Egyptian medicine after it had become more 
or less permeated by Greek influence. 

In Graeco-Roman times Egyptian physicians and Egyptian 
health resorts enjoyed great vogue. Early in the sixth century B.C. 
a party of Greek mercenaries with Psammetichus II carved their 
names on a statue in front of the rock temple at Abu-Simbel. 
Shortly after this there was founded at Naucratis a Greek factory. 
But Herodotus's description of his journey to Egypt about the 
middle of the fifth century B.C. when the country was under Persian 
rule, gives the first real account of Egypt by an outsider (i). From 
this time on Egypt was visited more or less regularly by the Greeks 
especially after Alexander's conquest and the establishment of the 
Ptolemaic dynasty. From the third century onward, Greek graffiti 
became plentiful. The first record of a Roman visitor occurs in a 
papyrus of 112 B.C. From then till the end of the second century 
A.D. Greek and Roman tourists abounded and the last recorded 
visit is that of Nikagoras in the Reign of Constantine (i). 

During the Graeco-Roman period were produced such works 
as those of Herodotus, Diodorus Siculus, and Pliny and from these 
writings it has been customary to cull much of the history of Egyp- 
tian medicine, but uncritical writings must not be permitted to 
obscure the evidence yielded by Egyptian monuments and by the 
actual bodies of the Egyptians themselves, 


^62 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

To cover in chronological order the 4,000 years of the rise, 
zenith, and decadence of Egyptian civilization in their relation to 
Medicine seems a less suitable method of presentation than the 
discussion of historical evidence regarding modern subdivisions of 
the subject, and I propose therefore to adopt the latter method as 
briefer and more concise. 

Specialization in Medicine 

In Herodotus we find the following passage: "Each physician 
applies himself to one disease only, and no more. All places abound 
in physicians; some physicians are for the eyes, others for the head, 
others for the teeth, others for the parts about the belly, and others 
for internal disorders" (4). 

Spiegelberg has recently brought this statement forward with 
two other references as evidence of the high level of specialization 
to which medicine was brought in Egyptian times (5). The other 
references are to Sethe and Wilcken. Spiegelberg points out that 
the title physician for the eyes not infrequently occurs in demotic 
documents of the Ptolemaic period. It is significant also that 
Wilcken's reference to a physician for the intestine occurs in a 
Greek document (Chrestom No. 136). It must be emphasized that 
during the later period of Egyptian history the Egyptians were 
probably much influenced by the Greeks and Romans and that true 
specialization in medicine was of Greek origin. 

Diseases of the eye and intestinal disorders are, and apparently 
have always been, very common in the Orient. Hydrotherapy 
was a fetish to the Egyptians as is indicated by the frequent allusion 
to the cleansing powers of water in Egyptian and Hebrew literature 
and to the number of enemata and douches which we know from 
the papyri to have been in use in Egypt. A physician whose func- 
tion it was to cure by enemata was an exponent of a cult rather than 
a specialist as we understand the term today. 

According to Sethe the most ancient reference to a physician 
for the eyes dates from the time of the Old Empire (ca. 2500 B.C.) 
but it does not appear convincing to me that this reference is actually 
to a specialist. There are constant references in Egyptian literature 


to Amon as healer of the eyes. Gunn writing upon certain texts 
of the XlXth Dynasty (1350-1200 B.C.) points out that poetic 
figures are common in odes and inscriptions to the gods and that 
two expressions were used for bHndness by the workmen of the 
XlXth Dynasty, namely "to see darkness by day" and "to see a 
darkness of thy making." "If this means physical^ blindness," 
says Gunn, "it is very strange that this affliction should occur pro- 
portionately so often and at the same time be the only one specified 
by the victims of divine retribution " (6). It is inadvisable to read 
too much into this one solitary reference of Sethe's and one should 
not infer from it specialization in eye diseases any more than one 
should build up theories of specialization in diseases of the nose from 
the recorded fact that Sekhet-enankh healed the nostrils of Pharaoh 
Sahura of the Vth Dynasty. Nor can the claim for specialization 
be substantiated by collections of prescriptions such as occur in the 
Ebers and Hearst papyri: this arrangement would be a natural 
grouping. The occasional reference to special physicians or temples 
in the Ebers papyrus can not be held to indicate specialization. 
Hence the enthusiastic statement of Von Klein (7) that "the sub- 
division of the medical profession . . . must have had a tendency, 
in some respects, to advance medical knowledge by specializing it" 
can not be accepted. 

Greek Medicine in Egypt 
A study of the Oxyrhynchus papyri shows that the formality 
of Egyptian medicine lost nothing from the introduction of Greek 
and later of Roman law. Papyri LI and LI I, for example, show 
rigid compliance with formality combined with an entire lack of 
attention to medical questions (8). This is not the place, however, 
to discuss the inter-relations of Greek and Egyptian medicine. 


The elaborate therapeusis of the Egyptians dwindles upon 
critical examination to collections of incantations and weird random 
mixtures of refuse with roots and other substances some of which 
latter were indeed utilized with increasing discrimination by the 

^ The italics are mine. — T. W. T. 

464 AMERICAN AXTHROPOLOGIST [x. s.. 23, 1921 

Greeks and are still to be found in modern pharmacopoeias. Such 
collections are found in the Ebers and Hearst papyri (9, 10). Both 
these papyri were compiled from scattered local data between 
the Xllth and XVIIIth Dynasties (2000-1500 B.C.) by itinerant 
priest-physicians, and all other extant medical papyri date from 
this heyday of Egyptian medicine. In interpreting these prescrip- 
tions it must be recalled that this was still the age when men be- 
lieved disease to be sent by the gods, who might be propitiated, or 
brought by demons, who could be exorcised. The materialistic 
viewpoint has scarcely as yet attained any foothold. Hence it 
was the prayer or the incantation which was the important feature 
of the cure; the prescription was only accessory. The sources 
common to both these records were collections, largely traditional, 
gathered by physicians in different towns or attached to different 
temples. There is nothing to indicate a canonical or sacred char- 
acter in either although as Reisner points out (10) it was upon some 
such collection that Clement of Alexandria about 200 A.D. based 
his unwarranted statement regarding the hermetic books of Ihoth. 

Obstetrics was not one of the duties of the physician; it was 
relegated to midwives. Apparently the obstetric stool of the 
last century has survived with very little modification from early 
days (9, Plate XXXVH, fig. i). It is of peculiar interest to note 
the crystallization and survival of ancient Egyptian birth practices 
among modern African tribes. The researches of Blackman (11, 
12) and Seligmann and Murray (13) upon this subject have not 
only shown the antiquity and probable origin of these practices 
among Negroes of today but also have thrown much light upon the 
interpretation of Egyptian inscriptions and graphic representations, 
a method of attack which is of particular significance in the in- 
terpretation of figures hitherto identified with surgery. 

Regarding surgical practices we know that previous to the 
XVIIIth Dynasty (ca. 1500 B.C.) it was common to incise abscesses 


and remove fatty tumors, for specific reference is made to these 
operations in the Ebers papyrus. 

Rude splints were certainly employed at the time of the Vth 
Dynasty (ca. 2600 B.C.)- From mummies of this period Elliot 
Smith has described cases of compound fracture of the femur and 
forearm treated in this manner and points out that splints were 
employed to support the injured limb but without any idea of con- 
trolling the fragments (14). 

The alleged amputation of limbs depends upon a statement of 
Larrey, which, as Finlayson points out, is probably a misunderstand- 
ing (3). Sacrificial amputation of the foreleg of a living bull calf 
(15) is the only amputation for which there is evidence in Egypt. 

Ritualistic Practices 

It is altogether an error to classify such rites as circumcision 
under the heading of surgery. One fallacy of modern writers is to 
take it for granted, seemingly, that the ancients thought in our 
terms. Probably nothing was further from the mind of the artist 
who depicted circumcision upon the wall of the tomb of the Vlth 
Dynasty official at Sakkara (ca. 2500 B.C.) than the idea that he 
was figuring a surgical operation. Yet, thinking in modern terms, 
the association of surgery of the extremities with circumcision has 
been inferred by Muller (16) and it is therefore necessary to review 
the evidence offered by the drawings themselves. 

In the left picture the operator is using a flint of primitive type 
and the tall youth who is undergoing the rite has his upwardly 
directed arms held by a man who stands behind. In the right 
picture a more elaborate instrument is being used and the youth 
has no supporter. It is altogether inconceivable that the artist 
has given us two representations of alternate methods. Nor is 
there any intrinsic evidence in favor of Walsh's supposition that 
the operator to the left is engaged in breaking a chordee (17).. As 
in the case of birth rituals, modern Negro practices are of great 
assistance in interpreting these scenes. 

Among the native tribes of East Africa the circumcision cere- 
mony varies considerably in detail and also in the age of the initiates. 

466 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x. s., 23, 1921 

Whereas in some tribes boys undergo the rite at 10 or 11, in others 
the age is as high as 18. Among the most instructive records are 
those dealing with the ritual among the tribes of Kenya Province, 
British East Africa (18, 19). 

In Chuka the circumcision consists of two operations. At the 
first the lad squats but holds his arms in the position represented 
on the tomb at Sakkara and as in that picture also he is supported 
by a "godfather." The operator cuts ofT only the extremity of the 
foreskin. After ten minutes or so the operator again appears and 
trims off all the remaining foreskin. At this second operation the 
"godfather" is not present but a warrior sits on each side of the 
boy, to assist him, support his penis, and check the bleeding. It 
is impossible to fail to associate these two stages of the Chuka 
circumcision with the two pictures redrawn by Miiller (13, plate 
106) in the first of which the "godfather" supports the lad while 
the operator uses a flint knife and in the second of which the lad 
is unaccompanied by a godfather and the operator is using a less 
primitive instrument. The inscriptions relating to these pictures 
seem to be portions of the ritual and ought not to be interpreted as 
evidencing either pain or jocularity. 

Among the Amwimbe on the other hand the entire ritual is per- 
formed at one operation but the technique dilTers from that in 
vogue among the Chuka. After the operator has cut off the ex- 
treme end of the foreskin he makes a transverse slit across the 
dorsum and pushes the glans through it so that a ragged pucker of 
skin is left below. The second detail resembles the operation 
among the more northerly Meru and at once recalls the end result 
obtained as far back as late predynastic Egyptian times and repre- 
sented on the great slate palette of King Narmer. Circumcision 
is certainly an initiation rite of great antiquity (20). 

If the explanation here put forward be the correct interpretation 
of the two pictures of circumcision may we not go further and 
eliminate any idea of surgery from the remaining representations, 
considering them to be parts of the ritualistic ceremonial of circum- 
cision. With this interpretation the inscriptions will perfectly 
well agree. The attitude of the lad on the extrerne right of the 


lower figure in plate 105 is not necessarily indicative of pain but is 
at least comparable with that of the lad awaiting the second circum- 
cision operation in Chuka (18, fig. -3). The figures said to repre- 
sent surgery of the hand and foot and the opening of boils on the 
neck and knee appear to me undoubtedly ceremonial. Apart from 
the improbability of the artist delineating surgery in connection 
with circumcision and apart from the technical difficulties in inter- 
preting the pictures from a surgical standpoint, there is other evi- 
dence against the current view. If the artist had intended to 
represent a cutting operation in any of these he could clearly have 
done it as is shown in the circumcision pictures, all the drawings 
being obviously by the same hand. Again in the Mosaic law part 
of the ritual of the cleansing ceremony was the anointing of the 
right ear, the thumb, and great toe (21). That the Mosaic law 
was an adaptation of Egyptian custom of about 1230 B.C. there 
is no question and I submit that in spite of the fact that in the 
Sakkara drawings it is the left thumb and great toe which are pic- 
tured the ritual is probably the same. 

Dental Surgery 
. It has frequently been asserted that the Egyptians were skilled 
in dental surgery. This statement seems to be based in the first 
place upon the writings of Herodotus (4) and confirmed by the 
slender evidence of the use of mouth washes (e.g. 9). Again the 
finding in the mouth of pieces of gilt from facial adornments of 
the dead has encouraged belief in this theory (22). But Wood 
Jones has clearly stated that at no period of Egyptian history do 
the teeth of any body show evidence of the dentist's handiwork {22) 
and his assertion is amply borne out by most investigators who have 
experience of Egyptian skeletons. This does not mean that no 
dentistry was needed among this ancient people, for Egyptian 
skeletons of all periods and of every social rank show caries, ab- 
scesses, and evidence of pyorrhea (24). 

Hooton has recently claimed "the existence of a rudimentary 
knowledge of oral surgery in the Old Empire" (ca. 2500 B.C.) (23), 
basing his claim upon a single mandible which presents two foramina 

468 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [x.s.. 23, 1921 

above and behind the mental foramen on the right side. One of 
these foramina lies between the roots of the second premolar and 
the first molar and the other between the roots of the first molar. 
Circumstantial evidence is against the drilling of holes in the jaw to 
evacuate pus from a root abscess among a people who so far as we 
know did not even extract teeth, let alone perform operations call- 
ing for considerable knowledge and skill which such a procedure 
would imply. And far more convincing than circumstantial evi- 
dence is the evidence provided by the mandible itself. For the an- 
terior of the two holes is plainly an accessory mental foramen — 
much larger than usual it is true and accidentally associated with 
the extreme anterior limit of the abscess cavity — such as is by no 
means infrequent in human and especially African mandibles. 
Further, the posterior foramen bears all the ear marks of a patho- 
logical opening through which the abscess has evacuated itself, the 
pus having caused erosion of the surface of the mandible around its 
outlet. In the face of these facts, therefore, it is apparent that the 
evidence in no way justifies us in doubting the truth of Wood 
Jones's assertion. 

The only evidence for artificial teeth is a single case in which a 
number of teeth bound together with gold wire were found in a 
Roman tomb in Egypt (24). Rufifer asserts that this apparatus 
was merely for show and not for use since it could not possibly have 
been employed for mastication. 

As i%gards anatomy the evidence of the papyri shows that the 
Egyptians knew of the locations of certain organs but had no under- 
standing of their function. Their ritual obsessed them even in 
this. The bodily proportions were confined within the rigid canons 
of their pictorial art (25). We are no more justified in believing 
that on account of their elaborate scheme of mummification the 
ancient Egyptians knew any anatomy than we are justified in 
taking for granted, from their devotion to cleanliness and all forms 
of "hydrotherapy" — washings, enemata, douches, and the like — 
that they had any conception of contagion or of the real cause of 
disease. Alan Gardiner states the Egyptian attitude excellently 


when he says "the Egyptians were the greatest formalists the 

world has ever known; their literature, their art, nay even their 

history seems to crystallize in given types from which individual 

variations were few." And this intense formalism was just as true 

of their medicine as of the other phases of their life. 

Hamann Museum of Comparative 
Anthropology and Anatomy, 

Western Reserve University, 
Cleveland, O. 


1. Milne, J. G. 1916. Greek and Roman tourists in Egypt. Journ. Egypt. 
Archeol., vol. 3, pp. 78-80. 

2. Rivers, W. H. R. 1919. Mind and Medicine. Bull. John Rylands Li- 
brary, Manchester, vol. 5, pp. 235-253. 

3. Finlayson, J. 1893. Ancient Egyptian Medicine. Brit. Med. Journ., 
vol. I., pp. 748-752, 1014-1016, 1160-1164. 

4. Herodotus, II, Cap. 84. Gary's translation. 1891. London, p. 107. 

5. Spiegelberg, W. II. Zu dem Spezialistentum in der agyptischen medizin. 
Zeitschr. f. aegyptische Sprache, bd. 53, p. iii. 

6. Gunn, B. 1916. The Religion of the Poor in Ancient Egypt. Journ. 
Egypt. Archeol., vol. 3, pp. 81-94. 

7. Von Klein, C. H. 1905. The medical features of the Papyrus Ebers. 
Journ. Amer. Med. Assoc, vol. 45, pp. 1928-1935. 

8. Grenfell, B. P. and Hunt, A. S. 1898. Oxyrhynchus Papyri. London, 
part I. 

9. Joachim, H. 1890. Ebers Papyrus (translation). Berlin. 

10. Reisner, G. A. The Hearst Medical Papyrus, University of Calif ornia 
Publications, Egyptian Archeology, vol. i. 

11. Blackman, A. W. 1916. Some remarks on an emblem upon the head 
of an ancient Egyptian birth Goddess. Journ. Egypt. Archeol., vol. 3, pp. 199- 

12. Blackman, A. W. 1916. The Pharaoh's placenta and the Moon-God 
Khons. Journ. Egypt. Archeol., vol. 3, pp. 235-249. 

13. Seligmann, C. G. and Murray, M. A. 191 1. Note upon an Egyptian 
Standard. Man, 97. 

14. Elliot Smith, G. 1908. The most ancient splints. Brit. Med. Journ., 

vol. I, pp. 732-734- 

15. Weigall, A. E. P. B. 1915. An ancient Egyptian funeral ceremony. 
Journ. Egypt. Archeol., vol. 2, pp. 10-12. 

16. Muller, M. 1906. The earliest representations of surgical operations, 
Egyptological Researches. Carnegie Institution Publication No. S3, PP- 60-62. 

17. Walsh, J. J. 1907. First pictures of surgical operations extant. Journ. 
Amer. Med. Assoc, vol. XLix, pp. I593-I595- 

470 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [\. s., 23. 1921 

18. Browne, G. St. J. Orde. 1915. The circumcision ceremony in Chuka. 
Man, 39. 

19. Browne, G. St. J. Orde. 1913. Circumcision ceremonies among the 
Amwimbe. Man, 79. 

20. Elliot Smith, G. 1913-14. The rite of circumcision. Journ. Egyptian 
and Oriental Soc. Manchester, p. 75. 

21. Leviticus, xiv, 14, 28. 

22. Wood Jones, F. 1907-1908. Report on the human remains. Arch. 
Survey of Nubia, vol. 2, p. 283. 

23. Hooton, E. A. 1917. Oral surgery in Egypt during the Old Empire. 
Harvard African Studies, vol. i, Cambridge, pp. 29-32. 

24. Ruffer, M. A. and Rietti, A. 1912. On osseous lesions in ancien t 
Egyptians. Journ. Path and Bact., vol. 16, p. 439. 

25. Alackay, E. 1917. Proportion squares on tomb walls in the Theban 
necropolis. Journ. Egypt. ArcheoL, vol. 4, pp. 74-85. 



THE earliest references to the Nambicuara or Nimbiquara 
Indians known to me are contained in Father Joao Phelippe 
Bettendorf's Chronica da Missao dos Padres da Companhia 
de Jesus no Estado do Maranhao,^ a long account of the settlements 
of the Portuguese Jesuits among the native Indians of the great 
Amazonas basin, written about 1698 in the city of Para by the 
Jesuit father whom I have just mentioned. 

"Nambicuara" are referred to as inhabiting the "Sertao" of 
the Upper Tapajos, a southern tributary of the Amazonas. 

The term " Sertao, "^ as employed by Father Bettendorf, evi- 
dently refers to the region situated between the Tapajos and the 
river Xingii, a territory unknown at that time to the Jesuit mis- 
sionaries. Nevertheless, the geographical position of the habitat 
of these Nambicuaras is in perfect accord with that of other Nambi- 
cuara Indians mentioned two hundred years later by several 

In nearly all maps drawn by Jesuit missionaries in Paraguay 
during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries approximately 
the same region is given as occupied by Nambicuara Indians.* 

1 Revista Trimensal do Institulo Hisiorica e Geographico Brazileiro, tomo Lxxii, 
parte i^, Rio de Janeiro, 1910. 

The former state of Maranhao embraced the present states of Maranhao, Para, 
and Amazonas. Therefore, in earlier chronicles and maps, we read: "Brazil e o 
Estado do Maranhao"; cf., for instance, all maps drawn bj' the brothers Joao e Pedro 
Teixeira. The latter is not to be confounded with the traveler of the same name, who 
visited Persia. 

2 Undoubtedly from "deserto," desert. 

s W. Chandless, Notes on the Rivers Arinos, Juruena, and Tapajos, in the Geo- 
graphical Journal, vol. xxxii, London, 1862, p. 268 scq. Karl v. d. Ste'men. Dure h 
Zentral-Brasilien, Leipzig, 1886. 

^"Nambiquas" on the "Second map of Paraguay constructed by the Jesuits of 
that Province in 1722, presented to the R. P. Michelangelo Tamburini," etc., published 


472 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 23, 1921 

"Nambicua[ra]," as living in the neighborhood of the Xaraye- 
Aruak Indians, are quoted in the Relacion Historial de las missiones 
de los Indios que llaman Chiquitos^ by Father Juan Patricio.- 

Nambicuara, Indians occupying the same region, were dis- 
covered a few years ago by Colonel Rondon^ of the Brazilian army, 
who, owing to the support of his Paresi-Indian friends, had the 
good fortune to establish friendly relations with these warlike and 
wild Indians. 

According to Rondon's personal narrative these Nambicuara 
were entirely unknown to the white settlers of Matto-Grosso.^ 
The first scientific news of Rondon's discovery were communicated 
by Dr. E. Roquette Pinto, Assistant Curator of Anthropology of 
the Museu Nacional at Rio de Janeiro, in a pamphlet,^ written in 
Portuguese and in German, presented to the Eighteenth Interna- 
tional Congress of Americanists held in 1912 in London. 

Roquette Pinto gives a somewhat detailed description of the 
physical habitus of the Nambicudra, of their manners and customs, 
weapons, home industry, etc., and two short vocabularies of their 
native language, taken by different persons at two different places 
in northeastern Matto-Grosso. 

by the late Baron de Rio Branco in Exposi(3o que os Estados Unidos do Brazil apresentam 
ao Presidente dos Estados Unidos da America como arbitro, vol. vi, appendice, mappas; 
New York, 1894. no. 2A. C£. Martin de Moussy. Atlas, and Schuller's edition of 
Azara's Geografia Fisica y Esperica de las Provincias del Paraguay, etc., Montevideo, 

Further, see: the German edition of the same map, of about 1730; Third map of 
Paraguay constructed by the Jesuits, etc., 1732; Bellin's map in vol. 11 of the History of 
Paraguay, etc., by Rev. Father Pierre Francois de Charlevoix, S. J., 1749; and the map 
of Dr. Juan de la Cruz Cano y Olmedilla, 1775. 

1 The Chiquitos, Jamuco and Chamacoco (of Boggiani and Fric) form a linguistic 
family distinct from that of the Chaco-Guaycuru, which is composed of the Toba. 
Mocovi, Abipon, Payagua, Mbaya, and others. 

- Madrid, 1726. 

'A Bororo descendant. The linguistic position of the Bororo Indians of Matto- 
Grosso is still an open question. Their physical characteristics, manners and customs, 
etc., however, are akin to the Guaycurii type. 

^ A series of articles on the same subject published in leading newspapers of Rio 

^"Die Indianer Nhambiquara aus Zentral-Brasilien," etc., in Brasilianische 
Rundschau, Rio de Janeiro, s. d. (1912), illustr. (It would perhaps be more correct to 
say "of Western Brazil.") 

schuller] the NAMBICUARA INDIANS 473 

The name Nambicuara or Nhambiquara, the origin and meaning 
of which is not explained by either Rondon or Roquette Pinto/ 
has nothing to do, of course, with the Hnguistic position of these 

Nambicuara is a Guarani word and means "long-eared," from 
namhi "ear," and qudra or cudra "hole." Father Antonio Ruiz de 
Montoya^ gives: "amo-nambiqud, ndmhiqua-mond, ' perforating- 
the lobe of the ear'; namhi-yood, 'who has hanging down the ears' 
(owing to the weight of the wooden or metal ornaments intro- 
duced in the perforations of the lobes) ; nambiqudra, ' the perfora- 
tion of the lobe.'" 

Thus Nambicuara is a synonym of the nickname "Orejones," 
"Orelhudos" (long-eared), applied by the Spanish and Portuguese 
settlers indiscriminately to all Indians who had the custom of 
wearing large ornaments in the lobes of the ears. "Orejones" 
or "Long-eared" were even the Inca of Cuzco in Peru. The 
Orejones near San Francisco de Bejar in northern Mexico are well 
known to all students acquainted with Mexican ethnography.^ 
One of the several tribes called Orejones is thought by Professor E. 
Poeppig^ to belong to the Ticuna of the upper Amazon. A short 
vocabulary of an "Orejones" language was collected by Count 
Francis de Castelnau^ on the upper Amazon. It is undoubtedly 
closely related to the Huitoto'^ idiom spoken by several tribes of the 
Putumayo River. 

1 Roquette Pinto's note, "it is a name of Tupi-guarani origin," in his last article. 
"Indianer des Nordgebirges," in Brasilianische Rundschau, Rio de Janeiro, s. d. 
(1914). p. 349, is evidently based on my own researches; cf. "Die Bedeutung der 
Bezeichnung Njambiquara fiir sudamerikanische Indianer," in Petermann's Mitleilun- 
gen, 58 Jahrg., Gotha, 1912, 11, halbband, p. 207. 

In the interior of the state of Maranhao in Brazil one who has but one ear is called 
even now nambi; cf. Theodoro Sampaio, Tupi na Geographia Nacional, 2d edit. 
1914; Sao Paulo, p. 22. 

2 Tesoro de la Lengva Gvarani, etc.. Madrid. 1639, P- 232. 

3 Cf. the Orejon language of the River San Antonio, in Texas; Manual of Father 
Bartolome Garcia. Mexico. 1760. 

4 Reise in Chile und Peru, bd. 11, p. 41 5- 

5 Histoire du Voyage, tome v, Paris. 1854. P- 294; Martius. Glossaria, pp. 297-298; 
cf. also Dr. Theodor Koch-Grunberg. "Les Indiens Ouitotos." in Journal de la Societe 
des Americanistes de Paris, nouv. serie. tome in, Paris, 1906. 

6 The account of the late French traveler Rabouchon has been published by order 
of the Peruvian Government. See also: " A British-owned Congo." in Truth, no. 1.708; 

474 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

One branch of the Huitoto Indians is named Kaimo by Koch- 
Griinberg. "Kayme" Indians, in the neighborhood of the Nambi- 
cuara, appear also in the map of Paraguay constructed by the 
Jesuits in 1722, which was mentioned before. 

Nambicuara is evidently a collective name, and, therefore, 
without any value for the linguistic and ethnologic position of the 
Indians so termed. From the vocabularies which have been 
published by Roquette Pinto, and from unpublished linguistic 
material which I have had an opportunity to examine in the National 
Museum at Rio de Janeiro, I can state that these Indians belong 
to the great linguistic family called Caribe-aruac. 

Dr. Seler,^ however, asserts that they are a branch of the "Ta- 

London, Sept. 22, 1909. and cf. n. 1,709, 1,710, and 1,711; Truth, Oct. 13 and 27, 1909; 
Nov. 3 and 10, Jan. 5 and 12, 1910; Feb. 2, April 27, June i, 15 and 22, July 20, June 7, 
191 1 ; July 6 and 20, Oct. 4, April 3 and 17, 1912. Further: "The Indians of the 
Putumayo, upper Amazon," in Man, London, Sept., 1910; Hardenburg's account of 
his voyage through the wilderness of southern Colombia, London, Fisher & Unwin ; 
El libra rojo del Putumayo, etc., Bogota, 1913, (also translated into English); Report 
and Special Report from the committee on Putumayo, etc. (Blue-Book), London, 1913; 
Misiones Catolicas del Putumayo, Documentos, Edicion Oficial, Bogota, 1913. 

Count de la X'iiiaza, Bibliografia Espanola de Lenguas Indigenas de America, 
Madrid, 1892, no. 1,016, p. 281-11, quotes a "Vocabulario de la lengua de los Indios 
que pueblan (the original has "poblan" — sic!) los rios de Potumayo y Caqueta, hecho 
a solicitud del colegio de misiones de San Diego de Quito," a Ms. in small 4to, xii, 
ffnc, in the library of the Royal Academy of History at Madrid. This vocabulary, 
of about 2000 words, was collected by one of the Franciscan missionaries 'Wnno 
domini 1751." the date being omitted by La Viiiaza, and has been published already 
(badly) by Mr. Marcos Jimenez de la Espada, in the Revisla de Archivos, Bibliotecas y 
Museos, (Tercera epoca), tomo 11, Madrid, 1898, pp. 200-216; 258-263; 427-432; 
527-529; 575-577; and tomo in, 1899, pp. 187-191; 358-362; and 518-524. Cf. also 
Manuel Serrano y Sanz, "Nota al Vocabulario de los Indios del Putumayo y Caqueta," 
ibid., tomo iii, 1899, pp. 601-603. 

To the same linguistic family belong also the languages the grammatical structure 
of which is discussed by an anonymous author in a manuscript, yet unpublished, with 
the date "Mayo 4 de 1793," preserved in the Lenox Library at New York. The title 
of the codex is as follows: "Arte de lengua de las Missiones del Rio Xapo de'la Nacion 
Quenquehoyos, y idioma general de los mas de ese Rio, Payahuates, Genzehuates, 
Ancuteres, Encabellados. Juntamente tiene la doctrina Christiana en dicha lengua 
y en la del Ynga [Quechua]. Al remate." In i2vo., lxxv leaves, clearly written. 
An extract from this Ms. was published by Dr. Daniel Garrison Brinton, in "Further 
Notes on the Betoya Dialects; from Unpublished Sources," in Proceedings of the 
American Philosophical Society, vol. xxx, December, 1892, no. 139, pp. 271-278. 

1 Reference concerning in the Proceedings of the Eighteenth Internat. Cong, of 
Americanists; in Zeitschrift filr Ethnologic, Berlin, 19 12. 

schuller] the NAMBICUARA INDIANS 475 

puya-Stamme," because they have no hammocks, and "when 
night came simply lay down in the sand."^ 

The proof of my conjecture may be given in several ways. In 
the first place, the Paresi, Indians of genuine Caribe-aruac origin, 
call the Nambicuara Uaikokore and Ouihaniere, names probably 
referring to the congenial relations existing between both tribes. 
The correctness of this assumption seems to be assured by the follow- 
ing comparison : 


kori, elder sister. Paresi. 
wari-kore (female) 

, son, child. Karaya. 
•uan-ore (male) 

kxoru, elder sister. Bakairi. 

irt-sori, brother-cousin. Yaulapiti. 

tso-n6r{i), grandmother (father's mother). Amuesa.^ 

The Pana-jori and Igi-iiori were sub-tribes of the Gaye "whose 
language is very similar to that spoken by Iquito."-* There is no 
doubt that the Gaye and Iquito were of Caribe-aruac origin. 


apor-hany, boy. Catoquina. 
atiere,' son. Palmella. 
p-anere, husband. Piro. 
i-neri, man. Piro. 
y-nerre,^ grandfather. Mayna. 

Tribes of the same linguistic family often call one another 
"elder sisters," "younger brothers," "younger boys," "grand- 
fathers," "old women," "aunts," etc., etc., Sipobo, for instance, 
meaning "elder sisters" of the Pano-aruac branch in eastern Peru; 
Tamoyo "grandfathers" of the coast Tupi in eastern Brazil, etc. 

1 Th. Roosevelt, "A Hunter-Naturalist in the Brazilian Wilderness," in Scribner's 
Magazine, the sixth article. New York, Sept., 1914, p. 300. 

- The Karaya, lavase, Trumai, Curuahe, and Chipaya are Caribe-aruac, although 
some authors think otherwise. 

'See my article, "Ynerre," etc., in Annacs da Bibliolhcca Nacional do Rio de 
Janeiro, vol. xxx, Rio de Janeiro, 1912 (Extr. p. 38). 

^ Father Jose Chantre y Herrera, Historia de las Misioncs de la Compafi'ia de Jesus 
en el Maranon Espafiol (1637-1767), Madrid, 1901, p. 405. 

^ The Tuyu-neri of eastern Bolivia are Pano-aruac; cf. Erland Nordenskiokl, 
" Beitrage zur Kenntnis einiger Stamme des Rio Madre de Dios-Gebietes," in Ymcr, 
heft 3, Stockholm, 1905. 

476 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 23, 1921 

"Brother" and "cousin" are synonyms in all Caribe-aruac lan- 
guages, but are only used when affinity exists. Therefore, it seems 
to me that those two names applied by the Paresi to their Nambi- 
cuara neighbors must have some analogous meaning. 

On the other hand, the cultural conditions of the Nambicudra 
speak undoubtedly against their ethnological relation wnth the 
Cren-Cran of central and eastern Brazil. Roquette Pinto and 
Dr. Seler seem to have forgotten that to the Cren-Crin family 
belong only tribes of the lowest cultural conditions, such as the 
Botocudos, Cayapo, Camecran, people still representing conditions 
of early prehistoric South America. They are generally tall and 
large bodied men, without well-developed industries, without agri- 
culture, pottery, and boats; they are not swimmers, and in order 
to pass a river they have to seek its headwaters. The art of weav- 
ing is unknown to them. Their huts are very primitive. Some 
have no permanent dwellings at all and are nomads, sleeping 
wherever night overtakes them. They have no hammocks and 
sleep on the ground covered with leaves.^ 

Finally, and this is undoubtedly the most important point, the 
phonology of their language is characterized by accumulation of 
sounds entirely heterogeneous, such as are unknown in the Nambi- 
cudra language, as well as in all other Caribe-arudc dialects. 

The Nambicuara ethnographica preserved in the National 
Museum at Rio de Janeiro, which I have seen in the Rondon- 
Roquette Pinto collection, are, unquestionably, the products of a 
higher civilization that that of the Cren-Cran tribes. 

Here I must call attention to the "malaca" or beehive huts of 

1 Following (i) Guido Marliere's account in the Abelha de Ilacolumi, a weekly 
paper published in Ouro Preto. Minas Geraes (Brazil). 1824-1825; (2) Dr. W. Kissen- 
berth's personal communications. The example of the Kaingangue alleged by 
Mr. V. A. Fric can not be accepted because these Indians were influenced by their 
Guarani neighbors, while their "brothers" in the state of Rio Grande do Sul (near 
Nonohay) and in Parana have no boats and do not swim. The same may be asserted 
of the so-called Bugres in the state of Santa Catharina, who are still living in the 
virgin forests between Lages and the German colony of Blumenau, and are termed 
Xocren and Docrin. Mr. Frederick Mayutzhusen thinks the Guayaki of eastern 
Paraguay were remains of the Old Guarani; but this statement is not yet verified. 
The artistic development of some weapons of the Cayapo Indians, Araguaya River 
in Goyaz, Brazil, is surely due to the influence of the higher culture of their Caribe- 
aruac neighbors. 

schuller] the NAMBICUARA INDIANS 477 

circular form of the Nambicuara.^ They are identical with those 
of the Curuahe and Chipaya, visited a few months ago by Dr. E. 
Suethlage.2 And huts of a similar form are also in use among the 
Arecuna of the Rio Branco in Brazilian Guiana.' 

After all, we may say that the physical habitus of the Nambi- 
cuara, their manners and customs,'* their material "Kulturbesitz," 
and especially their language, place them near the Caribe-aruac 

Mexico City, 

1 Roosevelt, loc. cit., p. 300. 

^ Personal communications. 

' See Dr. E. Uhle's communication on his voyage up the Rio Branco; in Zeitschrifl 
fur Ethnologic, Berlin, 1913. 

* I was told by one of Rondon's officers that the Nambicuara were clever swimmers, 
and that presumably they have " canoas " (boats). Those Nambicuara which Roquette 
Pinto saw "simply lying down in the soil," v/ere paying a visit to Colonel Rondon and, 
of course, did not carry with them their hamacas. 




Znsammcnhangc niid Konvcrgcnz. Felix von Luschan. (Reprint 
from Mittcilungcn dcr Authropologischcn Gcscllschaft in IVicii, vol. 
48.) Vienna: 1918, 117 pp. 

The contrasting principles of diffusion and convergence have rarely 
been so critically balanced and concretely illustrated as in this essay. 
Von Luschan makes propaganda for neither. He adduces parallels in 
order to dissect and estimate them. Time and again he comes to the 
conclusion that in such a feature diffusion is suggested, but remains to 
be proved, in another convergence is possible. His interest is almost 
limitless, his knowledge that of the many-sided scholar, his point of view 
thoroughly historical, his touch sure, swift, and spontaneous. He does 
not philosophize, but discusses facts. Civilized and primitive cuUures 
are handled on a par. The first twenty pages introduce the problem. 
The remainder of the paper consists of a consideration of a list of cul- 
ture elements, alphabetically ordered. Among these are cat's cradles, 
alphabets, bronze, thunderstoncs, double eagles, iron work, fans, flood 
myths, swastika, suspension bridges, initiation ceremonies, pottery, 
Kwan-yin. solder, mankala, masks, tooth brushes, nephrite, pile dwell- 
ings, plow, bark cloth, skull cult