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Full text of "The discovery of North America [microform] : a critical, documentary, and historic investigation, with an essay on the early cartography of the New World, including descriptions of two hundred and fifty maps or globes, existing or lost, constructed before the year 1536..."









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^^e ©iecoverg of Qterf^ America. 


Enc;i.isii 'roNi^u I'apkk. 

Copy No. 2^. —(Dutch.) 

rKINIKr' IIV lAMKS CI.Kc;.;, Al.llINK I'RKSs, HCIi II 1 1 \l I;, KNMI.ANI). 



10 coriKS ON Whatman I'apkr 

( I'nr iii-iriih ili.ifi-lliiifi,ii( hy /hi .liil/wr), 
10 „ lAl'ANKSl; I'AI'Kk. 






Difiroienj of ^lorth ^nmla 



An Essav on Till-; Eaki.v Cakt(k;i<apiiv ok tiik Nkw World, including 
Dksckii-tions oi- Two Hr.M.RKi, and Fiktv Maps ok (ii.oHKs 


10 Willi 11 AKi: ADIiMl 

A Chronology ok One HuNORKn Vovagks Westward, Projected, Attem 
Accomplished between 1431 and 1504; 


Biographical Accounts of the Three Hundred Pilots w 


Copious List ok the Original Names ok American Regions, Caciqueships, 
Mountains, Islands, Capes, Gulps, Rivers, Towns, and Harpours. 


Heimhv H arrisse 

!i>atl n. WELTER, 59 RUE BONAPARTE. 



"n^IlH followini^r paircs lay claim to the share of merit that may he 
± due to a spirit of clili^cMit research which took nothing at second 
hand where an original writer or document could b(; consuU.'d, and 
would not !)<• turned aside. I,y any authority, from th(- anxious pursuit 
and rc'solule vindication of the Truth. They are offered, therefore, with 
the confidence inspired hy a consciousness of good faith." We ask our 
r.'.uhTs to accept these words, borrowed from the t;arliest .\meric,ui history 
of maritim.- discoveries,' as an exact expression of the spirit in which we 
have prepared the present work. 

The discovery of th<' continent of Xorth America has Ix-en the theme 
of morr th.ui one al.le historian. I5ut, if we e.xcept the .arly .Scandi- 
navian oceanic voyage.s, which have prompted a separaf class of writings. 
It IS g(-nerally in subordination to compp'hensive historical narratives that 
the subject has been deemed worthy of analysis and discussion. 

I*(M-haps th(' time has not yet come for synthetic labours in the sphere; 
of History. It may be that th(; student of the Past must still content 
hims.'lf with critical .MKiuiries ; that \v must "scorn delights and live 
laborious days" devot-d i., patient inv.-stig;,tions, irksome, but exhaustive, 
leaving to another gen(M-ation of not less loyal .searchers after Truth the 
more difficult task and the higher honour of erecting the definite fabric. 
Our aim has been to smooth the w.iy to this result by simply applying 
to a particular branch of the subji^ct an exegetical proces.s, ample and. 
W(; trust, efficient. 

■ .'1 M-.;i'j:,o/S.I.„,t;,,„ C,,l,„>lhy Ri.lunl], l'hil.„l,l| hia, iSjl, Sv,., ,.. I. 



IXTkdlHi I II I.N. 

■his i-rocrss consist, in .l,....rn,Ininj^ with .i,K-uni..ntarv pn.o^. .n.l I.y 
nute .nvestifrations .i„ly s.. ,;.,-th. th. liuT,.!, pnris,.. :ukI ,„.siiiv.: i„- 
A-T-ncrs tn !.. drawn at th. ,,n s. nt day iVuni .very authnui.- siafmcnt, 
witlmut rr^arcl t„ commnnly-recciv.d notions, to sswrping K'-< ■•alitics. or 
U) possible coiise(]iic!ucs. 

''■" 'lo this ..ItVctnally. ,h,. UrU\ ..f ,.n.,uiry uas nccrssariiv o-ndned 
to contemporaneous data, involving, as a first step, the ol.H^atio,, to ascer- 
tau, the HUrinsic worth and the relative eharactc^r of such data. They 
were th.., examined under the various aspects which they present to a 
^I'-'rnmg eye. and sedulously scrutinise.], with no attempt to ,doss over 
or chsguisc the arcana of the operation, no matt,:r how u.ilsome, dry an<i 
-•en (ruuless these might he. l-'or we hold th.u when all the essential 
<'l<'m-us of a discussion have been duly colK.cted. their ^■alue as evidence 
must 1„. presented in such ,an analytical form as sh.dl <'xhibit not only the 
strong but .also the- we.d< points of the induction, whenc-v..- such points 
<.ccur. The different, nay, contr.ulictory conse,it,,nccs which so often .ip. 
pear when we deal with facts which are .as y,:t but imperfectly known 
must .dso be brought forcibly into view. In short, the critical historian 
■s Lound not only to state the grounds on which he claims t., establish 
absolute conclusions, but it is incumbent on him to lay bare the 
cause of his distrust when he shrinks from c-xpressing a positive opinion. 
In no other w.ay cm sinccTe critics enable their re.aders to grasp .at the 
oiitset whatever c-rrors and fdlaci.^s may underli.. the deductions which 
tiK-y are invited to .adopt. The f.cts thus c:licited ncvd, furthermore, to 
In- freed from pn-conc.-ived notions, and correl.-Ued or completed by means 
of elements borrowc-d from kindred studi<-s in other spheres of scic-ntific 

WV are sufficiently aware that, in the present state of our knowk-dge 
"nmerous and incontestable truths will not n<-cessarily and at once issue 
from th,s mode of attacking historical problems. Even if .all sources of 
.nfbrmat.on had been discovered and exhausted, it would be premature to 

I\'Ils(i|il( Tl<)\. 


.:x,„:ct such h result. \..r .1., w. prrsu-m: t„ ^ivr final .mswrrs to many 
questions |,rr,Ii.:at.d upon inquiries whirl, may still fur a Ion- time r.-main 
i" ^", incipient sla,o;e. \\'e only venture to state with such relative exacti- 
tude as is possible now, hut with entire fiirness. a .seri,:s of futs .K-tually 
ascertain.Hl, and logical inferences drawn from premises clearlv laid <low„. 
Proceeding thus with great prudenc... w,- are nevertheless fully con- 
scious of the uncertain and provisional character of „ur deductions' We 
know too well that a single name or a single .late, une.xpectedly disclosed 
will oftc.i suffK-e to overthrow the most conscientious and systematic ad- 
JustmcMU of thoughtful conclusions to well-investigated data. Hut wc- feel 
that something of perm.uient utility will have been achieved if we succeed 
■n bringing into view the principal elements of knowledg,- which are acces- 
sible at the present time, and in setting forth their literal nu-aning 
tH<Mr purport, and their importance. This has been our sole ain,, and 
this is the limit of our ambition. 

Meanwhile, the lot of the humble and patient investigator, who con- 
centrates his time. me.ans. and efforts on such a task, is not, perhaps so 
ungrateail as it may at first sight seem to be.. The dc.ep search into 
original sources, the laborious gatherings of minor proof, and the tabular 
statements, together with minute analysis of particulars, now exacted in 
every branch of science, prompt the ,,uestion whether historical works 
-^«-^.n or modern, an- to possess for our successors any lastin.^ 
^^ue beyond that of the bare f.cts which they will have been A.und to 
-fiord. If this question must be answered in the negative, the prcent 

(;ssay may commend itself at some future d ,v t,, fl, • i i 

uiiure cl.i) to the indulgence of honest 
critics and mii)artial students of history. 

P.Vkis. yaniinrv, iSor. 


In'tkoihi riux 

yavt 4-ivot. 

IK)()K i<IRST. 


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,p .. CHAPTER XI. 

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tk <S>iscoHV2 of Qtorfp America. 



t^i S^ei (popoge of ^o^n <Ca6«<. 

yX- a dispatch addressed to Ferdinand a„d Isabella, from LondoTt 

I» cava ,„„ ,a fc.h,, c „ve„ a. :*:'",""""" '»' "-" "--e^.-Vo he .,st„ 

Th.MV \t ■ ,• '"" '" "'"■"" assistance.— a fact which 

peiio .. . "'""■' ",■■''•"''*-■'' '" ^~"''™^-- •■'-I the positive ex-' 
e> ■ the then '""■"™'; ""'""'^ ''^' ---'.retation that' Ayala h d 

Lkrc.enroim, Vul,,„lar of Ulla-~ ,.,,„,■ ' 

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No .,0; ^,r,,„ ,, .sv7.,..,;,„ ,.„w, ,it,c. ..iii.. ,; ,;; 

John Labot was an cnt.ssnry „r 0,c Kin;; „f I.>,„,o 

(( narlcs VIII.), f,„, in reply ,„ ,he letter of Dr. Puel,!., 
■sem from London, January 2,, ,496 (lest itnfortnnatoly)' 
.nfornung them of Cahofs efforts ,0 .,l„ain ni.l from 
Ilonry Vir., they wrote: "We believe that thi. 
nmlertaU,„K wa. thr.vvn in the way of the Kin- of 
tnKlanil will, the preme.litatetl intention of ,li,tracli,M, 
un, frotn hi., other Imsine,ss."-IJKR..K.NK,T, „, r™/.,,,/,;:" 
^"l' '•, p. SS, \,.. ,2S. 


2 Tin: DiscovKKY OK North Amkkica. 

\Vc know Iroin the letters p;itent granted by Henry \'1I., March 5, 
1496,- and a dispatch sent from London, December 18, 1497. to the 
Duke of Milan, by his envoy Raimondo di Soncino, that this discoverer 
was John Cabot. 3 Must we also infer that John Cabot visited Spain on 
such an errand before Christojjher Columbus, or at the same time ? 
This inference is in u degree strengthened by the following passage of 
Pedro de Ayala's above-mentioned dis])atch : 

" For the last sevuii years, Bristol people sent out every year, two, three or four 
caravels in search of the inland of Brazil and the Seven Cities, according to the fancy of 
this Genoese : — Los de Bristol ha siete anos que cada ano an armado dos, tres, cuatro 
cara^elas para ir a buscar la isla del Brazil, y las siete ciudades con la fantasia deste Ginoves." 

Those "seven years" give 1491 as the time when John Cabot was 
already settled in England ; and his visit to Spain and Portugal is 
therefore anterior to that year. If Ayala's informations are exact, the 
critic must consider John Cabot as having also entertained, if not 
originated, at a xcxy early date, the notion of crossing the Ocean in 
search of transatlantic lands, and actually endeavoured to carry it into 
effect with the aid of Bristol seamen. -t 

These deductions are not historically or chronologically improbable. 
The idea of reaching Asia by sailing constantly westw ird, was advocated 
in Italy, by Toscanelli, so early as 1474; 5 and John Cabot was yet a 
resident of X'enice in 1476.^ 

A letter just brought to light shows that Toscanelli's notions in 

resjjcct to transatlantic countries circulated in Italy, and that the news of the 

discovery accomplished by Columbus was considered as a confirmation of 

the theories of the Florentine astronomer. It is a dispatch from Hercules 

d'Este, Duke of Eerrara, addressed to his ambassador at Florence, as 

follows : 

" Messer Manfrcdo : Intendendo Nuy, che il (juondam JIastro Paulo dal Pozo a 
Thoscanella medico fece nota (juando il viveva de alcune Insule trovate in Ispagna, che 

' RvMI-H, i'uibm, C'i/«ii/i'io«i;.<, lillfni- . . . inter 

i-i'j(s Aiiijliii ; ll,ig;v Comitis, 1741, folio, N'ol. V., 
P. IV., |.. S.). 

' " .\l(.z/(.r /o.innc C.ibiito.'' Scconii dispatcli fiom 
Kainionclo ile' Kaiiiionili <li Soncino; l)i;siMONi, In- 
Uinio a (liovainii Cabolo, Clfnnva, iSSi, 8vo., p. 5J ; 
,/itui 1:1 SiliiutliLii Citliul, doc. i., [1. 324. 

■• Thai ihe lirislul people did engage in expeditions 
of such a char.-icter is eviilenced by the vf)yagu of 
Thomas l.Ioyd, e(|'.np|ied at the cxpen.-,e of John Jay, 

junior, wliich sot out from Ilrislol in July, 14S0. 
Iliiitraria St/moiiin SiineOHis tt Willtlmi ili Worctsfre, 
lili'lit I. Xa,-<iiiyth : Cantabr., 1778, Svo., p. 267, and 
J I (in 1 1 Si'lia-xlim Cahol, p. 44, note 3. 

' See the original Latin text of the Cojiia misa 
ChrlMufarr} Culomho jier pallium Jisi<it7ii (To>canclli), 
lirst puijli.^hed in the Additions to the liihlidlhfa 
All" liiaiKi Viliiitiniima, pp. .wi-xviii. 

Wneliaii naturalisation paiiers of John Cabot ; 
Jiuii U ■■<, ha-^lii n Cdhol, ilocs. i. and ii., p. 309. 


John Caiiot.~— Fikst Vovack. , 

pare siano quelle medesime che al presente sono state ritrovate per aduisi che se hanno 

de quele hande, siamo venuti in desiderio de vedere dicte note, se lo fe possibile. Et 

per6 vole.,>o, che troviate incontinent! vno Mastro Ludovico, Nepote de esse quondam 

Mastro Paulo, al quale pare rimanesseno li libri suoi in bona parte ed maxime questi et 

che lo prcguat. strectamente per nostra parte chel voglia essere contento de darvi una nota 

a puncmo de tuto quelle chel se trova havere apresso lui de queste Insule, perche ne 

nceveremo p,acere assai et ge ne restaremo obligati, et havuta che la haverite, ce la 

mandaret, mcontenenti. Ma vsati diligentia per havere bene ogni cosa .- compimento di 

quello lo ha sicome desideramo. Rrrarie 26 funis /^p^.-Mr. Manfredo. As we have 

just heard that the late Paul dal Pozzo Toscanelli, a physician, penned in his lifetime a 

note conccrnmg several islands foun. in Spain [.vV.]. which it seems, are the same which 

have just boon rediscovered (according ,0 nevvs received from the.e). I desire, if possible. 

o see sa.d notes. That is the reason why we want you to find immediately one Mr. 

Ludovco who .s the nephew of the late Mr. Paul, and appears to have inherited 

most of h,s books, and particularly those [notes]. We also wish you to request him on 

our part to give you an exact list of all he has with him concerning those islands • for 

we would be happy to obtain it, and will be thankful for the favor. And you, as soon 

as in possession of it, send the same at once. But do not fail to do everything in -our 

power to get from him all he has ; for such is our desire. Ferrari,, June 26, T494." ^ 

A [Kissage in Soncino's despatch may also be quoted in support of 
our interi)retation of the above-mentioned remark of Ayala. It is the 
phrase where John Cabot is made to relate, in connexion with his first 
tran.satlantic voyage, that when he was in Mecca, he inquired from the 
caravans which brought spice from afar, whence the article came ; and, 
behevmg in the sphericity of the earth, he inferred from their reply that 
It was brought originally from the West. Cabot thus gave to understand 
that, like Columbus, his project was prompted by the hope of finding a 
maritime and shorter route to the land of pearls, gold, silks and cinnamon. 
At all events, the desire of John Cabot to propose the undertaking 
to Henry VII., was certainly enhanced, if not suggested, by the success 
which ;ittended the first voyage of Columbus, the news of which he 
doubtless heard while in Bristol or London, His son Sebastian Cabot, 
who arrogated to himself the sole merit of having brought to a successful 
issue the first English westward expedition, confessed that he conceived 
the notion while in Hngland, upon hearing of the discovery accomplished 
by Christopher Columbus; it being the theme of conversation at the 
court of Henry \'II. 

y-/.\v.u.\, I. Ll„..l.,ht,,o (_olflmhn-l„,,;,n-!l,r I Dan'i, Oct.-\ov., 1SS9, p. S66. 


4 Till- DiscovKRv OK North America. 

'' Et se ne |).iilnva grandenientc per tutta la cortc del Re Hemico vij., .... 
dicendosi che era stata cosa i)iu tosto divina che huniana 1' haver irovata (]uclla via mai 
\m sapata, d'andare in Oriente dove nascono le spelie per il che mi nanjue un desiderio 
grande, anzi un ardor nel core di voler far anchcra io cjualche cosa signalata."" 

I'"iirthcr, Raimoiulo di Soncino states that it was upon seeing the 
Kings of Spain and Portugal acquire new islands, that John Cabot 
thought of conferring a similar boon on the King of England : 

" El quale visto che li serenissinii Re prima de Portogallo poi de Spagna hanno 
occupato isole incognite, dclibero fare uno simile acquisto per dicta Maesta."" 

We should also recollect that London in the fifteenth century was the 
residence of numerous Genoese, several of whom occupied high [jositions 
at the Court of the English King.'° They formed with other Italians 
an important colony, who met daily in Lombard Street, and frccjuented 
the legations which Spain, several Italian princes and the Republic of 
Venice kept in London. Those active and intelligent foreigners, nearly 
all of whom were engaged in commercial pursuits, which they carried on 
by sea, direct from the peninsula, must have watched the progress of 
transatlantic discoveries, especially as these threatened to destroy tlie trade 
of the Italian cities with the East. Their means of information were 
great. The Ihbltothcca Americana Vetustissima shows Italy to have been 
the principal receptacle of such Mdings ; whilst the considerable commerce 
carried on between that country and Great Britain, chielly by means of 
Genoese and Venetian galleys," was a ready vehicle of news, still in- 
creased by the landing of those vessels in the principal ports of Spain 
and Portugal. John Cabot may have learnt from those countrymen of 
his, the news of Columbus' achievement, and formed then and there the 
project of following the footsteps of the great Genoese navigator. 

Be that as it may, John Cabot and his three sons, Lewis, .Sebastian, 
and Sanctus, we do not know at what date e.xactly, filed the following 
petition : 

Rami'sio, I'rimo VdhniK. tklk Xtivi'jalioiii ; I'niir,; L'>nili)n, 1S64, Svo, \oI. I., Xcis. 617, 751, 

Vcru:ip, 1503, fcjliii, f. 374. 770, 771. 

■ L'lii mi/ira. This implies a cuntiailiction as re- " Kawclon IIkown, /or. cil., p. Ixi,, and No. 618 ; 

^anls ilic alleged ellorls of John Calxjl in Spain anil Rymkk, Fatltia, Veil. II., 1'. II., i). 941 ; IIkvd, 

I'lirlutjal. IliMoiri ilii Canimirii ili( Leiaid, Leipzig, 1S66, Svo, 

"' Rawdon liKOW.N, Cahmlar of Slatt Papei-n . . . ^'^^- •'•> !'• 7^7; /•" '-'i./mnl'U ih. I'rawt ct U'llaJie, 

nlfifiinj Io Kiiijliih oj'aiix, ixi-'limj tit the a/vA/ivs 0/ V- 45' 

I ) 


I ,i 

John Caisot— Fikst Vovagk. 

Ha.ou:i:;^.^i:;r:r;r- ci;::: :c '7^r " '°- -- -- ^- 

Sancto his sonncys your «.a.:ious letu-r. p: n^, J', '' '^■"^'^' ^--^- ^^^'--V- -d 
be made according to the tenour ^ ^"■'"-' ''^"'^ '" ^'"^' '"^"^e to 

pray to god for the pros or uT cor. /re T'^"'' •'"' "'^^ '''' ^"^'"« '^-^ '>- 
to enduer.-- ' cont.nuarrce of your most noble and royale a.tate long 

add the o.,e. or Z^ .Z IZ T^IV'^I"^^' ^"^^^'^ '^^^^^ 
case, the letters patent first p b hshld by tS'^-'' ^^ '''''' '" '^- 
the Cabots- own words, their 'purpose .t.^I ^ !■'''' ''' ''''' ''" 

ever "^::^::::^::;z::^^ --— ^-- -'..^i-e. and ... ..... 

and in .hat part of the world sLve hey Lll^chtf'^ ,'""'•''' ^'''"'''''' ''^^ '^' 
to nil Christians."" ^ ' "''"^^ ^'^*^°'"e this time have been unknown 

Henry VII. granted the petition on the 5th of 

IMarch. 1496. 

'=■ Dksimoni, nhi .vipra. 

" i-'»r the Latin text, see Rvmkk /c ; , f/^^' l^" """1'"''^""" "^ 'h'^ mon.^rchs ro.Vn boin.' 

for an Kn.lish,i.,„ IUk •>;„/"■; ""' v"' ^,7'"' '''^- ^'^^^^ states it to ,,.' f , ' c 


''f'^O ;isc(!rt.iiii when the piojcct of tlu; Cibots was first carried into 
I clfect, and the precise character of the results attained, it is necessary 
to tlivide into two categories, aiul examine separ.itely, the testi- 
monies which we possess on the subject, vi;:. : the evidence furnished by 
witnesses who obtained or may have obtained their information from John 
Cabot himself; and the evidence sui)plie(.l, directly or indirectly, by his 
son Sebastian. 

The first series of proofs comprisi's threi- documents, which are : 

1. An extract from a lettiT addressed from Lo.idon, August 23, 

1497, by Loren/o P-iscjualigo to his brothers at Venice;' 

2. A dispatch simU from London, August 24, 1497, by Raimondo 

ili Soncino to the Duke of Milan ; - 

3. Another dispatch from and to the same parties, dat(!d in 

London, December 18, 1497; J 

Fn^m those documents we gather the following facts : 

The expeililion consisted orig.aally of a small vessel, manned by 

eighteen men: " /nio piccolo nnvii^/n e xviii persone." ^ 

It sailed from Bristol : " partittsi ila Bn'sto porta occidentale de 

questo regno "'^ a ivw months bef)re August, 1497: " sono mesi passate^ ^^ 
The voyage lasted three months: " e stato mexi tre siil vi'aso."7 
When the ves.sel h,id reached the west coast of Ireland, it sailed 

towards the north, then to the east {sic. pro west), when, after a icw 

days, the Xorth star was to the right: " Passato Ibcrnia piii occidentale. 

' Cojiia ih nil capilolo srrire. in una lillera S, r ' Kawdoii liKiiws, Col' iidar of Stah' I'njirrs n ■ 

L'.i)-i ir.n /'(i.«'yH((/(./(j ff'd (// Srr yi/i/ipo, (III l.t'iiflm laliinj to JCii'jti^i njlliirs (.rislin;/ in Ih'. an-hiixs o/' 
'('// .'■•' J;/'.'>'<', a Sir A/rl.^i , yraii-t'-<''n P(T"pia/(ijii \'> iii<' , \\t\. I., p. 2()0, N't. 217, 

■<nn t'mihl' in Vtnirxia. Kix'posla <uli J.I .Srtunlir 
l.yK. In K.wvdcm liuowv, Uin/'/nctJi inlla rila 1 xn//i 
oyi'cr i/i .l/'ic'ii Snnnli): X'eiiLvi.i, iSj^, Svn, I'arl I., 
p. 99; C(i!' nilar, \'ci|. I., |i. 2<i2, N'o. 752; M.uiii 
Sam'Tu, /liiirii, Wni'i., 1S79, ,Svn, \'nl. I, p. Sob; 
.fnut tf .^'f"l.<fi'U (\thnf, (IdC. viii., p. ]22. 

•• SuMlNcl, SfCOIul llUpalcl). 

' ;/.»/. in. 

'' .Sum IMi, ih-' ,|isp,ilfll. 

' r VSvl AMi.o, 

John Cahot.— Imkst Vovai;i:. 7 

e pot ahdtosi verso el septentrione, comencio ad navii^are t'le parte 
ortentale, lassandnsi (fra ijualche giorni) la tramontaua ad iitaiio drifa."^ 

After !■ liliiit!; for srvi;ii hiimlrcd (or only four himdrcil) Icai^ufs, they 
reached tlu; maml.uul : " due liavcr Irovaio lige yoo lontaiia de qui terra 
ferma,'' says l'asqualigo.9 " Lontane da linsiila de higilterra lege 400 
per lo camiuo de poneute," icports Soiicino. '" 

Trchnically speaking, all that which geograjjhers can infer from those 
det.iils is that Cabot's landfall was north of 51' 15' north latitiuli' ; this 
being the southern extremity of Ireland. Ireland, however, extends to 
55° 15' lat. N. I'rom what point between tluise two latitudes did he 
sail westward? Supposing that it was X'alencia, and that he continued 
due witst, he would have sighteil Helle Isle or its vicinity. Hut Cabot is 
said positively to havt; altered his coursi; and stood to the northward. 
How far, antl where did he again put his \essel on the western tacU ? 
We are unable to answer this important question, and can only allege 
suppositions based u|)on tlu- following data: 

The |)lace where he landed was the mainland: " captioe in terra 
fernia:' " 

He then sailed along the coast 300 leagues: " andato per la costa 
lige joo." '- 

As to the country visited, it is described as being ])erft'ct and 
tem])erat(; : "terra optima et tewperata." It is supposed to yield Brazil- 
wood and silk : " esttmanno cite vi vasca el hrasilio e le sete," whilst the 
sea bathing its shores is fdled with fishes: " qncllo mare c coperto de 
pessi." '3 

The country is inhabited by |)eoi)le who use snares to catch game, 
and needles for making nets: " certi lazi cICera tesi per premier saha- 
dexiiie, c icno ago da par rede e a trovato certi albori tagiati." '-^ 

The waters (tides) are slack, and do not llow as they do in I'ligluul : 
" le aque e stanche e non liaii corse come aqui" '5 

Barring the gratuitous supposition about the existence of dye-wood 
and silk, and taking into consideration that the country was discovered 
i.\ summer, Cabot's description could apply to the entire northern 
of America. 

" SdM'INO, sccnncl disimlcll. 
" rAsi,il"AI.H.(). 

' ' SoNl'INIl, lifM (li>|Wll'll. 

" .SdNClMi, scciind ^.li^lliUcll. 

'- I'.VSi.iIM.K.d. 

'< S(iN( IMi, sciMIlil ilispatcll. 

" rASylALIIll. 

'' Iliiili .11. 


8 Tin: DiscovERv of North Amicufca. 

TIic same may bu saitl i-oiiccriiiii^ thi; remark about slack tidc^s. It 
was natural that John Cabot shoiikl hav(! been surprised in se(Miig tides 
whiih an; only from two and three quarters to four feet, whilst in the 
vicinity of Jiristol they are from thirty-six to forty feet; but this diminu- 
tiveness is peculiar to the enlin; coast from Nova Scotia to Labrador. '^ 

There is ariother delail, however, which is of importance. Cabot on 
his return saw two islands to starboartl : "ale tornar aldrcto a visfo do 
txo/c." '" Those two islands were unknown before, and are very large 
and fertile : "due insnlc nove irrandissi'me et fnictijfere." '** The existence 
of islands in that vicinity is further confirmed by the fact that Cabot gave 
one t(^ a native of Burgundy who was his companion, and another to 
his barber : " uno Bor^of^iwnc compaguo di mess. Zoanne . ... It ha donato 
una /.sola ,■ ct ne ha donato una altra ad suo harbero." 'V 

What can those large islands be? This question we propose to 
examine afterwards. 

"La c terra optima et tewpcrata." 

The headlands clad in the pale green of mosses and shrubbery, may 
have conveyed at a distanc(; to a casual observer the idea of fertility. 
As to the climate, it was in June and July that Cabot visited those 
regions. Now, in Labrador, "Summer is brief but lovely."-" 

lie did not set; any inhabitant, and therefore we have no s|)ecific 
details enabling us to itlentify the race of men who inhabited the country. 
But the needle for making nets, and the snares for catching game, 
indicate the regular occujiation of the Ivskimo, whose proper home is 
from C;ip(; Webeck to Cajie Chudleighi ; whilst the ingenuity which the 
making of such implc;nients su|)poses. agrees perfectly with that race said 
"to have been able in the manufacture; of their tools to develo[) 
mechanical skill far surpassing that of savages more favourably situated." 
Nor should we forget "that judging from the traditions they must have 
maintained th(;ir present characteristic language and mode of life for at 
le.isl 1,000 years." '["he f'.skimos of Cabot's time may therefore be 
judgi;d by those of to-day. 

But there is a circumstance in John Cabot's conv(;rsation with the 
Milanrse ambassador, which is still more convincing. It is evident that 

'■ IKi.:', MiTMii;!.:., Siiivoy nf the H.iy^ nl I'vimly 
mill Mill.!-, fiT t!ie L'nitol S:;Uci Cu.i,t Survey (1S77 '), 
<|.iolc'i \'\ Mr. KliiJiKlc. 

'■ r.\'^>;i w.u-.ii. 

'■" >"■■■' '.■ I', l.rst ilis^i'-iirli. 

I'Si'.iiMi, ^cciiinl ilis|)alcli. 

= .Sec llie cxL'ollcul .irticlc >in Lal)r.Tilur, in llie la^l 
c'llilion of llic Hiniiiliijiiiliii /In'ldiiuiin ; IliMi, 
Ex/i/orcUi'fii.i 11/ Ihi /.(iliriiilnr l'(iiin.<ii/n, iSti^, ;mil 
transhuidii intd Krencli [by Skm.hs] nf Henry Ki.P.i>' 
yoi/cij' fur llic JJi'«vr( ri/ nl' a Xinih-ireM I'w^iwi'., 
I'.iris, 1749, i2nio, \o\. II,, |,. 164, 




!*97 , 




JOH.V Cai.OT.-Imkst VovAfJE. 

the Venetian ;ul venturer m I h' ^ 

the encrmous ,,nantity of fi^h ^ h' h """'r"'","'. ^'^''^ ^"-"^"^ ^'••"'^k with 
-^y'hing of the kin, tl.' h ,. ? '""' '" ^'^'^^ -«'•>"• It surpassed 
vvh.-Te cod then was nv.rv<.ir , """"' ""'" '" '^^^ '--'■"uh-c sea 

d'-no Che portaranno tanti p.ssi che nues o Z " u"'" "' '""•°^' '" '''^"» • ■ • 
'luale venc una grandi.ssinu ...rcantia de pes7 h "" ."" ^'' '^'^"«"° '^ '^'-^a, dc 
'•ovcred w„h ashes, which arc taken Z " •^^'•'""••'""« stochfissi :-That sea 

It IS citar that the uxiston.^,. ,.r .. . 

••ngl...Kl. Yet, howcvl ,,l.„t f„ h , '""'■"'"'"'<■■ ™'-'« no«h of New 

banks „f„„„dia„d. L aZti^l ''""'" °' "* ""X ''" <>" .he 

or H,.tls„n'., .Strait. M„,,„„ l'lr',™:""r -- th'^ e„t„,„e. 

■•fon., m „a„y place., a living *",", ' "'"'=' "^ ""=• -''- 

accum„lates „„ the bank, „r .N„„hJ „ T r'T" "^ '""« '*'"""=• "hi-^h 

;v"ch i, ,„„„, ,., i„ ,.a,na.ia„ : ,,"' '•J''™"-.'- " ™'l Ae sectio,, 

thtuileigh. which the above details L. '' "= "'^'''''^ "^ '^■='1« 

<he place visitetl by John Cabot ;4"""' """"" -»> ■» -dicate !. 


>■", .M'Cdnil tlisiutcli. 

"■ '■'■"f. Ifl.M., o^,. 






THE scries of documents containing evidence supplied directly by 
Sebastian Cabot concerning the voyage of 1497, comprises the 
following : 

1. A description given by Pietro Martire d'Anghiera (usually called 
simply Peter Martyr), in his third decade.' 

2. An account from some Mantuan gentleman (name unknown), 
furnished to Ramusio. - 

3. An engraved map dated 1544. 3 

Peter Martyr, relying (evidently upon Sebastian Cabot's own state- 
ments, says that the latter sailed towards the north; and, in July, being 
impeded by masses of iloating ice, altered his course, and steered west ; 
then southward to about the latitude of Gibraltar, and again west, until 
he reached an ishuid near the latitude and to the left of Cuba. He 
coasted those shores, which he called Baccalaos. 

It is plain that this descrijjtion, whether it ap[)lies to the first 
voyage or subsequent expeditions, does not enable us to a.scertain Cabot's 
landfall in 1497. 

Nor do we ind an\- information on that point in Sebastian's (jwn 
narrative, as reportetl by the IMantua gentleman, viz.: 

"\\'ith two [sic.) caravels .... in 1496 (.(/,■.), in the Ijeginning oi July, I sailed 
towards the North-West .... found that the land ran northwards .... coasted to the 
S6th degree, but seeing the coast tinned towanls the ]';ast, I sailed southward {su:) as fiu 
as Florida {sic.)'' 

I he description in the map above-mentioned is far more e.xijlicit, 
and, for this reason, rc([Liires to be e.xaminetl carefullv. 

' An(;i.kkii-s (IVtr. .M.irlyr.) Ih nliii« Onniiinin >l 
Ofht noun /h<(u/is ti-f.s; llisilua', 153,5, f'^'io. f- 55. "■ 

■' K.\Mrsi(i, J)i.-.,-(,rm mjira riirii I'mf/;//, in J'liiiin 
Volutin: ihlli Xrirvidlioiii ft Viwjiji, Vcnezia, 156J, 
fiilio, f. 574, K. 

' Tlio only f(i].y known is in llic titngiaiiliical 
Dep.irtniem t.f ilic I'aris Xaiional, and has 

licfn u|irn.lucc'l in facsimile l.y jd.M.M'.ii, Moiiumaii^ 
,U hi (lii«i,iii,hi-. Tin- ii.niion rclalinf; to ('aUii's 
alli'i;<a ilisCdVLiii-,--, rcpniiliiccil in facsimile by I'ii.inski, 
is insulted in uur .l<iiii ./ Srhax/Hn Cahof. The 
let;ends were als.i lacsin.iled l.y Mr. HiiIiEU.I (Iiimanl's 
.sun in-law), Inn fur privale eucidaiinn, ami uidy a few 
cupies h.ive lieen lilliugraplied. 

John Caijot.— First Vova(;k. 

1 1 

we ci„ „o. ,„„„ :,^'::z. ^^\;j^ "-' "''^=- -- «"«--" 

"acn„p„,J„ do nro'L'l, ,rcZ rM":'\,"f;M ""T '" '""°' """° *' 
I ho Latin counter,,.,., of the abov. is .somewhat different vi, • 

Domini n„stn Icsu ChrisM ic,, „„; ,„ , ■ , ' ' ""' °'''^ redempto, natiuitate 
ue.Uo,.n„ut. situn, cun, docte tul ^de.i:;:^:: .^ cZt ""'"""^ ^^'"'""'^'--• 

'^onvnco n,e, made for nie a plane figure A r '"''""*^ '° ''"''^''^^■^ '» 

with as nuich science and cxutness ih H '^"^'*' °" '"'''"'' ''^ ''"^^^^ ^"^ me 

direction of the winds." " '""'" "' ''^'''"'^^ '^"^ '""g'tude, and also the 

Whether the gr.imn-.itical construction of ,h-.f I . • ,- 

■■"■ -"-atecl being, „.., ,„ns, consider the geo ra phicj , ' '''"'', •': 
tbereo,, as ,„,,ceedi„g ,ro,„ Sel,as,ia„ Cabo, t„Sf '"""'""' 

It hiLH been demonstrated elsewhere 4 ^Iv,^ .1.; 
Sebastian's real or fanei.. 1 '""'' " ""' '^'^^^^' ^'I^" 

;--'- ■".<^.;^i-r::v-t::::d'::.'';::rr,;''''-'r-'^ 

' J<iiu ,1 Sii„t..f:,„ ('„/,( 

I'P. S0.S5. 



The Discovekv ok North Amekica. 


1 :» 

'-■^ 48 30 north laftude, and about west longitude 63". there is a pro 
".ontory on the north-eastern extremity of 'which t^ read: -^^^ 
^.^.^ the first land seen." This cartographical assertion is rep3 
m the 8th legend, to reference is n,ade in an inscription placed 
across the contnient, west of the words above quoted. 
The legend reads as follows: 

O^ b; ■ ' '" '-"'" '''■"■"^' °" ""-■ -"h-cas, coast „f 

'-ape creton island. 

furth^" "t'' '^ '"""^^" "^ ^"^^^^ ^'^""'"" "^^'^^ "^^^^ '^-" ^-^ ^'^grees 
lurtner north at least. ° 


1 »..h the authent,c avernttnts „f hi. fa,h„, „.,,„ ,„,„, ,h,„ ;„ ,^^ 
he ,,il!T r'"""".""" "'*'"^'' ""<>=""'-" "■«'•-•■• *<^ ISritish lla,, (,.,9;), 

J ed r /;;'■'■ '^ '"""'''■•• '^■■'- "■«' *"« - <■- '>•■- havi„g 

he ! " ? '" " ""k'""' ''""'""■ '■•-■ ''•-■'■' '"■'" - "•"■"'--I. -J 

Joh„ t„,b„t sa.Ied. go,„g „r returning, .„n„h „r the latitude „f X'alentia 

1 , I , •' '''"^ ''^ variance with the very explicit 

^gcnds „.ark on all previous n,aps the regions discoven^l ^^ e 

H ghsh on the east coast of North America; and, as a consecL-K! 

uth certan, cartographical declarations set forth previously by or unde 

he d.rect responsibility of Sebastian Cabot. We allude to the nautical 

charts which were designed by the cosmographers of Charles V., and to 

al maps derived, more or less directly from the same. But before 

describing their North American delineations and legends, it is r.ecessary 

to give an account of what may be termed the Hydrographical Bureau 

at heyille, where, in the sixteenth century, those charts originated 

Filotage and Hydrography were taught in Andalusia at .i very eirlv 
period, especially by Biscayan mariners. An ordinance fVom Ferdinand 
and Isabella, dated March .8, ,500, confirms the regulations which until 
then had been followed in a school of Basque pilots established at Cadi. 
I he document declares the orig^ of the school so ancient that '■the 
memory of man runneth not to the contrary :~-c|ue de tanto tiempo 
que memoria de hombres iion es en contrario." ■ 


■ //'»/ ■,,/,i/a 1/, IS il( niai-jt r/i U-,iin i/intn , „ 
S, ,!/.'„ j,„r /,,. Il,,j,s J Jon h', rdiininilu y Dorai l^„l„l, 
•■cii/,i,i(ii,i/u /nx cn/iiKiirM.^ ,/,/ io/m/Io <le j,i/(,/„l 
'•/:.«/,»..» ,.<t„l,/,.,i,/o (I, Cndh. Cilcl by NAVAitiiKn;, 
J)!.^i,la,ioti .■.ohr la Ilisloiia r/t la Xini/irr, ; M;ulii,l,' 
lS4fi, 4tci, p. j57. Tlic nuisi cviiljrnUil pilut aiul 
c.iru.j;r.i|.lKr of iho limc was a liaK|iic, liiiii .k' la, wht) .icomipaiiietl CliiiMophcr (',,lu,,,|,,,. ,,,1 l,i. 
liiM ami sec.nd v,.y,n(,.es. As he lived al Seville -.n.l 
in llie Puerlo .It- Saiua Maria at least siiiee .4y2 hU ,„ap „f „early llic cnlirc' «nrl>l, tnatle in i5<jo 
i;ives „s ,l„ul„ an exact i.lea .,f ,l,e metlu,,; „se,i 
^^■'cently in Catli. l,y l,is Hiscayan en,;„trv,„en in 
iiialiiiijT sea rliails. 



Till-; l)is(t)\Kuv OK North Amkkica. 

I I 

On the 20th of Jaiuiury, 1503, their Catholic Majesties created in 
Seville the Ct/str de la Contra tacion dc las Indias.- It was a vast State 
concern which embraced everything pertaining to the administration, laws, 
trade and maritime affairs in the New World. The Casa had its own 
pilots and cartographers, as well as professors of cosmography, and a 
technical office whiTe charts were designed, or authenticated. 

Cosmography and chart making were nevertheless freely taught out- 
side: of the institution, and the probability is that in all the |)orts of 
Andalusia there were pilots who made their living by drawing nautical 
m ips, which they sold openly, and without being molested by the S[)anish 
(iovernment. 3 But to avoid the dangerous consequences arising from too 
great a multi])!icity of sailing charts, it was ordered, August 6, 1 50S. 
tluit an official pattern, called Padron Real should be established. 4 I'or 
tiiat purpose a commission was named, and composed of the ablest [)ilots 
ill tin: kingilcjni. Americus Ves|)uccius, for whom the office of Pilot- 
Major had been createtl e.\])re.ssly, 5 bccaine its president. According to 
Ilerrera,''' Juan Diaz de Solis and X'incente Yafuz Fii<zon were appointed 
K'lyal Pilots then ami for the purpose of securing their services in that 
useful undert.iking. 

The model which those able mariners were; directed to create was 
to include "all the land and isles of the Indies theretofore 




ing to the Cro 




1 his general map was to l)e considenid 
all ])ilots were i)rohibited from emjjloying any other, under a 


pcnallN' ot 50 ilouhloons 



were also en|omecl to m 



been used on tneu' x'oyages 


11 tht 

on the copy 

ands, is 

les. 1 




Ihcr new lhiiit>s worthv ot beins^ nottjc 

f b 

and, th(; moment thev 
landed in Spain, to communicatt: the chart so amended or annotated to 
tlie Pilot-Maior." 

,-ed new geog|-aj)hiial dat.i, they were 

Whenev(^r the Pilot-Major recei\ 


to the C 

rown cosmf)gra])h(M-s, with whom he discussec 


expediency of inserting the smu: in the Padron Real. Hut maps or 

■■\'i;vTl\ \.\\\'.\., S'-ii- ■!■ I« •:„h-r,lrt,-;,'n.<v\\W-, < n.fif liiiil.t ,h l';i„t., mmior : N\\\uiu:tk, \'..1. 

(>-;2, foli.), lil.. i., c.ip. i., |). 2, and I'rhih m . HI., .1 >c. i\., p. 301. 

?/A///-,j;, il.K-. \ii., p. J9-. 

' llKi;rKi:A, Drr.i.l. I., lil,. vii., cap. i, p. 17;; 
wliiii- the ;;ri i, (■rTMiu-.iii-ly niiTitinnod nnilo lla- ji;ai 
I 507. 

0,-ll' ll'lll-.llf Jl'tia r/ l.'i'lllth, nil'" lll'l 11 ;/l. /:('.;■«. I •/. A 

I'fKii (/■ In < 'niilrii'min,! il. /ri. /mli'i^ : \avm;i;i ri:. 

(•ol,,;i I ,h hi* ,•;'<;/.<, \ ul. ir.. iln'. CxKiii. p. jSj. 

'Sec iiilin, llii- i»lri"liu:iiiin li' the <.''ii/'„iriiii/iin 
A III' /■'- miff I*' fii^fi •^iiiiif. 

Xa\ AKl;l-.rK, 

lie. i\.. vol. 111., Kjy. 

I I 

Skuastian Caisot. 


copies of that royal pattern were not issued by the Casa de Contratacion 
as they are, for instance, by the U. S. Coast Survey or the English 
Admirahy. The Pilot-Major and certain Crown pilots, by special appoint- 
ment, took or caused to be taken cojjies of the Padron Real, which they 
sold for their own benefit, according to a tariff fixed by the Casa.^ 

As to the elements which served for making the first model, they 
were borrowed from maps then current in Spain, and not from special 
or actual surveys, even for the New World. And we may take for 
granted that the Padron Real presented entire sections which remained 
for a century or more totally unaltered, though sometimes erroneous in 
many res[)ects. But there were also configurations furnished by the Crown 
pilots or cosmograj .lers, and derived from their own stock of information. 
Those of Portuguese or Italian origin, like Americus Vespuccius and the 
Reinels, must have furnished data of that kind. 

Now, Sebastian Cabot filled the office in Spain first of Crown [)ilot, 
from August 15, 1515. and then of PIlc^t-lNIaidr from February 5, 15 18, 
until October 25, 1525, and from 1533 until at least October, 1547.9 
N(.)r should we omit to state that not only by virtue of his office 
Sebastian was supervisor of the Chair of Cosniograi)hy in the Casa de 
Contratacion, and filled the professorship of nautical and cosmographic 
science in the institution,'" but was a member of the c(jmmission of pilots 
and geographers who in 151 5 we're requiretl by King bcrdinand to make 
a general revision of all maps antl charts." 

Under the circumstances, it would pnne highly interesting to compare 
some Sevillan official map made; while Sebastian Caljot hetld the office of 
Pilot-Major, with the Cabotifui ])lanis])here of 1544. Unfortunately, they 
have all disap[)eared. The fi)llowing fact also complicates the question. 

Although the Padron Real was the object of much solicituik' from 
the government, we find in the ordinances cnactcil bv Charles \"., ])roofs 
of negligence on thc' ])art ot the pilots and cosmographers to whom it 
had been intrusted. 'Ihuy were charged with failing to maintain the 
hydrography ot the New World to the rrciiiirnl standard. On llu: other 

' " I'lir privilcj^ios linuadiis ii I2 ilo Julin de I512, 
sc concciliii :i jiian Vispiichf ["iV.] )' a luaii dc Sllli^ 
c|UL' piidicran s.icar Ir.isladds (Id padrnn (jciuTal do las 
Ilidias, y vcndfilii^. li Ins pilDlos al pixrio (|Ue dijCM-ii 
Ins cificialfs df la de Omlratacii'ii." Min'ia; 
MSS., \-(il. XC, ( . 105, V. 

■ l\.r all tl!o^■e daU--, sec J' 11 11 •' S, hd-^li, 11 ( Vi/.c/, 

/i iir oriijiiK 1 1 !• iiri riiyinii." : ilmhs il'hi^loiri rrilliim ; 
l.p. 123, 126, 127, 331-335. 355- 

' ' Navahuktk, Dist rlwioii s,il„- In Hixi'.rin ili la 
X(iiili:-ii. p. IJ4, mentions Seliastiaii CalicH as (irst on ilie 
lisi of iIk' profe-'-^ors of cosnioi^rapliy in tlie f Vimi ih 

" lli;iti:Ki:\, Ueoad. II., lili. i., cap. xii. p. iS. 





Thk Discovmrv oi- NoKTH Amkrica. 


h;incl, thi; sort of monopoly enjoyed first by Solis, then l3y Juan Ves- 
piiccius (Amcricus' nephew), who alone could dis[)ose of copies of the 
Pad/oil Real, induced iniauthorized pilots to make and sell clandestine 
duplicates, which were necessarily inferior to the original, and probably 
introduced additional errors. The head pilots complained, as far back as 
1 5 13, of those repeated infringement.", but no remedy was applied for 
several years, although the counterfeit, not only departed greatly from 
the Paiiron, but even presented different scales of degrees.'- and, con- 
sequently, a variety of latitudes. At 1 ist, Charles \^, not in the 
pecuniary interest of his cosmographers or to increase the State revenue, 
but to render navigation safer, determined to cure the evil. 

On the 6th of October, 1526, Fernando Columbus was commissioned 
to order Diego Ribero and other competent cosmographers '3 to construct a 
sailing chart comprehending all the islands and the continent discovered 
and to be discovereil : " inia Carta de navegar en la qual se situen todas 
las Islas e Tierra tirnie cjuesthobiesen descobiertas e se descobriesen de 
ay adelante." '4 

This royal order reniainetl nevertheless a dead letter for nine years. 
At last, Queen Isabella (jf Portugal, during the absence of her husband 
Charles W in Italy, May 20, 1535, enjoined Fernando Columbus to cause 
that all-important map to be e.xecuted at once : " lo acabeis con toda la, e sinon, entend.iis luego en que se efetue." '5 We do not know 
at what time it was ccjmpK^ted ; but when ready, the Emperor confided 
the chart to the presiilent and judges of the Casa dc Contrataciinu and 
ordered the Pilot-lNIajor and cosmographers belonging to that institution 
to verify it twice a month. Charles \. went further. He authorized all 
|irofessional cartogra])hers residing at Seville, to design and sell maps 
of the New World, with no other restriction than to cause the same to 
be first ai)pro\ed In- the Pilot-Major and the cosmographers of the Cusa. 
He even perniiiK-d the Pilot-Major himself, not only to sell copies of 

/,(., 'ir/d-iiU ImllKMli' Hill. Miii'iv: .\fSS., \'nl. \I,IV., 
nr,<\ aM'iiheii lo I-'cin.iixlu (.'oHMiirs. We aie ii-Mlcptic! 
{•I M. dc, fur c'i|ii'iiis cMnicK frmn llu" iirij;ii);i! 
r! curiciiis ili.iloMiif ; Scu, iiifra, in cnir IlUtdiy 
iif llu' I.u>il;iii')-(;i.Tinaiiic Carto(;ra|iliy. 

'' I'liif Ciihilti II JliHi Hininiiilo C'llii.i, in llic 
(■',,/, ■.iV.,/ </. ilnriniii iiliis iiiiililiii ill' Imlhi^, \'ol. 
XXXII.. p. 512. This (irilliiaiic<', clnii'.l May 20, 
1535. 1.1 llu- on-: iM-.-vio'i-'y issucil liy ilie V.m-, in 1526. jiinl.i not only I'oniiMiscil llic 
liilol-niiijor .inil Ilis Maje-ly's c-osniot;iai)lK-rs, but in( re 
than one hunilrcil ix|K-iienceil pilots, hesiiles other 
inen)lieis vermeil in nautical science: ".Mas de cien 
|)ilo!os, intichos (le ellos antiguos en la navij^acion ile 
hs Imlias, y otras personas perita^ en el arte," says 
the (■„/.„,„;„. .seealso liKi;i;r.i:v. Der.ul. 111., lib. x., 
cap. \i., p. 29.1 

'* Itmt i:,h<l,i a!iove ipiolol. 

'-= Ihiilim. 


Sedastian Caijot. 


the Padron General {ex-Padron Real), but :ilso maps and globes of his 
own making, provided that trade in such articles was not carried on 
within the city of Seville.'^ 

This chart, known thenceforth under the name of Padron General, 
was not a c(jmplete innovation, and could be considered only as the 
Padron Real improved. We possess no copy of that standard map ; but 
it doubtless revives in the description which Oviedo has given '7 of the 
chart made by Alonso de Chaves in 1536.'^ As Ribero died August 16, 
1533-'^ Chaves, who stood so high then as a cartographer, must have 
been entrusted with the task of continuing the work. 

The commission to revise the Padron was appointed in 1526. On 
the other hand, Sebastian Cabot received, March 4, 1525,20 the nomina- 
tion of captain-general to command the fleet intended to visit the 
Moluccas; and actually sailed April 5, 1526, returning to Spain only in 
August, 1530.-' The maps designed in Seville or coj)ied from the 
Padron Real between those two dates, were therefore commenced and 
terminated whilst Sebastian Cabot was on the Rio de la Plata. It is 
necessary nevertheless to examine them with the view of determining 
the character of their north-cNistern configurations, and ascertain whether 
these must not be attributed, at all events, to Sebastian Cabot, or 
considered as containing data furnished by him while he filknl the office 
of Pilot-Major. 

It is only a quarter of a century after Juan de la Cosa made his 
celebrated planisphere (1500), that we find a Sevillan or .Spanish ma[) 
e.vhibiting iiu'. north-eastern American vegions. This is the mappa-mundi 
on an equidistant i)olar projection devised by Juan V^espuccius, engraved 
in Italy, and of which there are two editions known.-- As the second 
edition is dated " 1524," the map was originally constructed before that 
year, and at Seville, while Sebastian Cabot still held and exercised there 
the functions of Pilot-Major; Juan Vespuccius being designated therein 
under the title of " Pilot to the King," an office from which he w;is 

'^ Ilii'opilai ion lie /ti/Ki il' loK r' ijiir,-, </,s /(n IniliiK : 
Ihl I'ilolo .1/fi '/())■ I' Ccw/)iw/m/b<, HI), ix., tit. xxiii., 
Uws iii., \iii., \ii. A;c., M.iilnd, KJSi. 

'" OviKii.i, lli-'niuri lltniiul, lib. .s.\i., cap. \., 
Vi.l. II., p. 14S ,04. 

'".Sec iii/ra nm- Carlo'jraiiliia Aiii^rU'aii'i Vtln^iix- 
sima, undor the year 1536. 

"'Ma,-,;: .l/.vV., V..1. I.WVir, f, 105, vo. 

- llKiatKliA, Decail. III., lili. i\., cap. iii., [i. 259, 
260; Xavauki:tf., Vol. \'., p. 440. 

-' He remvncil " p.xir ami shabby : — nuiy desbaralailo 
c pobre.'" Letter of Dr. Siiiiao .VFKdNso, publishcil 
by Krancisco .Ad. HK V.\UMlAiii;.\, /{inloria geral iln 
iliinll, e<l. of 1S54, Svo, Vol. I., p. 439, note. 

=•' See iiifiri, iii the Cdrloijmjiliia Aiiierii-aiia I'l- 
liisii':<l»iit, "iili nunc 1523. 




Tin; Discovery ok North Amkkka. 

cl(.'|)riv«'(l only March 18, 1525. Now. in that extremely curious map, 
the Tern del Bacliairlia, or the Codfish Ciniiitry, is placed in the ex- 
treme north, bordering the Arctic circle, by 55° N. latitude according to 
its own scale. There are no further designations, but as the northern 
configurations are all beyond 55 . th<!y c:mbrace necessarily the countries 
which .Sebastian Cabot claimed to have discovered in that i)art of the 
New World. 

The next map is the one which was engraved at Venice for the 
readers of the Libri della liistoriu de rindic occidentuli, published in that 
city by Ramusio in 1534"--*; but the map itself or, rather, its prototype, 
is of an earlier tlate. 

The ma|) states that it was made from two nautical charts tlesigned 
in Seville by the pilots of His Majesty (Charles V'.): " cauata da due 
carte da'nauicare fitte in Sibilia da la piloti dell;' Maiesta Cesarea," 
One of those charts is said in the Libri to be the work of Nuno Garcia 
de TorcMio, who ranked among the most re])uted Spanish cartographers 
of his time, =5 aiul to have been the property of Pietro Martire tl'Anghiera, 
who died in 1526. As the Piidroii Gcneiiil was ordered in that year, 
and required considerable time and labtnir before it coukl be ready for 
use, we may fairly consider the map of the Libri as exhibiting data 
anterior to that year, ami derived from the Padron as it existed when 
Sebastian Cabot was yet Pilol-Major. Hut it is not much okler, as the 
name Stcud o-oi/ii's; (Este\am Ciomez), inserted by 45' latitude north, 
carries us to November, 1525, which is the date of the return of that 

It is but an extract, evidently abridged, aiul makes no explicit mention 
of the discoveries accomplishetl by the English in the northern rt:gi(jns of 
the New W'orkl. This omission would be sufficient to thrust it out of 
our in(|uiry, if it did not exhibit the configurations of the north-east coast 
precisely as we tmd them in all suL>sequent Sevillan maps, and, for that 
matter, as they must have been given in the charts copied at the Casa 
dr Coiiiratiicion when Sebastian Cabot filled the offict; of I'ilot-Major, 
and \iscil or olherwise endorsed all such copies. 

We now proceed to examine ch.u'ls which doubtless reprotluce the 

= ' Navakkktk, Colo-noil, Veil. III., p. 306, note. •' IVniro Ruiz UK Viij.Kiias, as ((un'.ccl by Aiidn'-s 

■* liihliiillitru .lull n'riiim V'-lii^lixxiiiia, ^v. 190, an>l (i.ircia m; Cksi'kdks, Ifi'iiin'n itio ili Xaiii/ncioii, 
infra in the CarUiinijihi'i. Mndiii!, 1006, I'nlid, f'. i.jS. 

Si'.liASTIAN CM!0T. 


confipiirations of the Vadron Real, being the .icknowlcdged works of Royal 
Cosmographcrs iHilongiiig to the. Sevilk; Uydrographic liiiroaii. 

Three such maps yet exist, viz.: 

Carta Universal, en ijite se contiene todo lo, (jve del Miindo se a 
descvbi'erto fasta aora hisola tin cosmographo de Sv Majestad Anno 
MD.Wn/. en Sevilla.-'^ 

ller(.'. the; configuration of the north-east coast is identically as in 
the pr(u:eiling ma]) of Garcia de Toreno, except that where we read 
Lauorator only, th(; inscription bears in full : Tierra del lahorador, but 
with no allusion whatever to iMiglish voyages. The legend relating to 
that region is also placed by 60 north latitude, although the laml 
extends south to 56' N. 

The second map is the following : 

Carta [Universal en que se contiene todo lo que del viundo Se lia 
descuhierto fasta agora, Hisola Diego Ribero Cosmoijrapho de su 
niagestdd : Ai'io de. i ^2g.-' 

This likewise exhibits the same configurations of thi;, 
placing the Lal)ratl()r inscription Ijy 60" lat. N., I)ut with tiie most im- 
portant additional remark that it was discovered by the Ivnglish : " Esta 
tierra desrnhrieron los /ngleses." 

l*'inally, we possess a duplicate of that map, maile by Ribero himself 
which marks identical configurations in the same latituiles, but wherein 
the insrr'piion reads as follows: "Tierra del Labrador la qual dcscii- 
bricron los /ngleses dk la vii-i.a hk mkistoi,."-'"' This latter specn'cation 
is certainly a reference to the voyage made by John Cabot in 1.^97, as 
the vessel was manned chi(;tly l)y Bristol men: " sono c[uasi tulti in^lesi et 
da Bristo," ami sailed from that port. — " [)artitosi da Bristo." -'^ 

Now, what is the latitude ascribed by Ribero to those luiglish 
discoveries.-' From 56' to 6o' N. 

The maps maile by X'esconte de Maggiolo in 15.37,^° Hieronymo 
V'erra/zann ii in 1529, and th(; WolfenbiUtel map B,j- are, in those 

-" KmIii., /)/. II. i, till Atlfln, If III III! K'lrl'ii '■•,11 
AiiliyH". Wuiiuai, iSCio, larj^'o folio; ./fan ii Si'liri.^lim 
Cahol, No. 11.. 11;'. 172-175. 

" li,;,i.„i. 

-"■' TlluMAssv, /.'N I'lipis iii'miirijilii s, I'.nis, I.S52, 
8v(i, pp. iiS. 'I'lu- original is prest-rvoil al ih'' I'rop.i- 
ganil.i, .11 Ronii'. ami Ixars tho arms of Julius II., \iliicli 
means only thai it hclongcd to a mcnihor of tlie IK' 
I,a Kov' 1 f.'Miily, as llic I'ope of that name ilied in 1513. 

-' Tasc,!]-, lllll Slljll'll. 

"" Iii/'io, facsimile, anil (Jrifloiimpliia, xiili ainio, 1^27. 

■' J. Carson liliKVooivr, ]'irra:'iiio Ihi- \ar!ij(iliji\ 
New Vork, 1S74, Svo : Henry C. Mrnriiv, 'I'll' Vinj- 
((;/' III' ]'irra:-aiin. New Vovk. 1S75, Svo ; t'ornelio 
Oksimoni, Iiilonin nl /''/■iiv «''?.■<< llioniinii \'frrn:zaiio, 
(lenova, iSSi, Svo, p. loi. 

'- J fix II il Sl'lla■^tlcll Cnlnil. ]>. iSo, ami iii/id. om 
Cnrtiiiji-ajiliia, "iili atnio, 1530. 

/! '! ] 

d .- ; 
f' : 


30 Till l)isiii\r,uv o\- XdUTii Amikica. 

|);irticiil,irs, dcrivativfs troiii Scvillan plaiiisplu'rcs, more or less direct. 
They also plan- the Mn^lish discoveries by 56' — 60", in Labrador; the 
W'olfeiibiittel chart referrinj; likewise explicitly to the " }'ni;/i:si's tic ht 
viid tic hn'stol.'' 

The filiation is almost complete, and shows that in Seville the 
cosmographers of Lh.irles \'. never locateil the; first traiisatl.iiitic discoveries, 
accomplished iiiuli;r the British tlijj;, by 45 north latitude, or at thi; 
entr.mce of the Gulf of St. Lawrence clonic to Cape Hreton Island. On 
the contrary they marked those discoveries ten degrees at least further 
north, along the region which cartographers then called Labrador. 

Reverting to tlu' Sevill.ui iharts, true it is that the direct agency 
of Si;i)astian Cabot in the making of those; maps has not yt;t been shown, 
inasmuch as he w;is ab.sent from Spain when they were made. Hut in 
respect to the; north-east coast, the cartographers of Seville cannot but have 
acted constantly on information ileri\ ed from him ; as we will emleavour 
to demonstrate. 

What those northern configurations were on the Padron Real when 
Americus \'espuccius and Dias de .Solis supervised it, we can only guess; 
but the readi-r may r(;st .issured that if thi;y differi;d from Seljastian 
Cabot's nt)tions, he ilid not hesitate to correct them, as was his duty. 
When he first came to Spain, in 1512, l-'erdinand of Ar.igon (;ngaged 
his services chielly on account of the exclusive knowledge which he 
claimed to pos.sess concerning " I;i navigacion a los Bacallos;"3J that is, 
to the north-east coast of the New Continent. Is it not evident therefore the first which he maik' of his specific experience was to cause 
the northern regions in maps to tally with the charts which he 
or his fulu-r had brought from their tr.msatlantic expeditions.^ It is not 
less certain that iluring all tlu; time he had charge of the r,uitou Real, 
the HaccahK)S regions must h;ive been the object of particular attention 
on his iKirt. Win shouKl his successors in oftice alter those confitrura- 
tions, or place them in a dilferent latitutle .-^ lietween the; .Anglo- Portuguese; 
navigation e)f 1505,34 and John Rut's voyage- of 1527, there; h,i\e been 
no I'^nglish e;xpeelitions from which any .Spanish cosmogra]ilier might have 
elerix'eil elata unknown to .Sebastian Cabot. Lveii If, pe;rchance', John Rut 

"".salici.- 'jUf 1.1 lUirjjns .'s li.iM.iri'ii 'ie nii ii.iili.' e,".;lKii, ScpU'iiilK;! 121I1, 1512. .hnn it S.l.nslUii Cdhnt, 

Concliillii^ i i-l V\i\<. ill- I'aliMici.i Mibri' h navi i^p.riuM Nn. xiv,, |.. j;i; IlKiiiu.itA, Derail. I,, lib. i\., i-ap. 

ii \iK \y.\r:\\\o> (.■ i.rifi'i^U'- ^erv ini,>-," .vioio KIiil; \n\., [i. 25.). 

1-Vi(liimul (if .\rai;,'ii, '.hi.'ii rtL,t.iu III' Ci^lilo, t<i Si.l>.i>ibii "Sec hii'i-a, the f(i:n'hi lin^ eliajiUT. 

Skhastian Caiiot. 


had (lisi-oviTcil any lands, the Icgciiuls in the maps whicli wt- lia\c just 
described could not iiliply to that navigator, as he was from Katriif and 
sailed from I'ortsmouth ; 35 whilst Ribero and his followers state positively 
that thos(! northern regions wi're first seen by marintirs from Bristol. 

As to the inscrii)tion which ascribes th 

discovery sun 




/rti^/fscs," without specifying tht; port ihey came from, we must rciollect 
diat the Sevillan cartograjjhers of 1527 were not the originators of it, 
,uul that the expression only coiucys a matter of uni\crsal belief at the 


'or instance 

in i.a Cos.i's map of 1500, the liiu' of English llags on tln' mast 
line bearing the legeml " /lA//- licscuhicrtii por /ii<r/csi\' b«'gins with a 
CiiKo dv yiii^lntrnu which, when reporteil approximately on our nindern 
iharts, corresponds with a point almost as high north as the entrance 
to Davis Strait. Humboldt 3^' places the ( 


lie vHt:; la terra near the 
Strait of Helle-Isle, which is by 53', whilst Kohl .'7 reduces it to "about 
50 N." in either case it is further north than the point given by 
Sebastian Cabot for his landfall in 1497. 

In th 

k; portolano ol \ csconte de Maggiolo, made m 151 1, tlurc is 
a " Terra de /os Ingres" which that celebrateil cartographer has placet! 

s Terra de Lavorador de 

■ ibout ten ilegrees jo even 



ih th; 

m ni 


rev de /'artiii:;all, which brings the " Lands of the b'nglish 
nearer the North Pole than to Cape Breton Island. 

In 'The forme of a Mappe sent 1^2^ from Si'vil in Spayne l>v niaistcr 
Robert Thome marchaunt to Doctor f.ey Emhassadour for A'l'iii;- //e:irv the S. 
to Charles the fhnperour.i'^ we notice on the same line with Xoaa terra 

laboratorum dicta. 


ahraLlor, a lewnd w 


reads as follows 



c ab Anglis ])riinuin fuit inuenta :- This land was first discovered by 

the I'.nglish." It is inscrib(;d by about 60' north latitutle. 

So far as we know, the RiluM'o map is the first in which th(! 
legend goes beyoiul stating that the discoxcry ^^'i Labrador was accom- 
plished bv the L.nglish, ami specifies that they were Lnglishnieii tVom 
liristol. This detail, which must be taken as a direct allusion d the 

'■ I. S. l!ui:ttKi:, ('(ilinilar. No. ',-'i>;. I.ilu-i 
Alhitlii^ M. i'K iTu. in I'l lie ii.\s, \.'l. III., |i. S09. 

'In !-. W. (.1111. 1. AW, (,'1 «lil' !i'' '/'< .'^.•/(iliii ri 
h'-ltir Mtirliii liihiiiiii : Niinilicii;, 1S5,;, 410, |i. 2. 

■■ I. (1. Kdlll,, Dui-viiK iittinj llisltirii (if Ih' Stnh 
■ / Mniiii ; I'orll.Tml, i,S()9, Svci, 1. 154. 

D'AvKZM'. Alhi^ hiidiuiirdiihitiKi ih h,Il : l'.)ri>, 
1S71, Sv.., ji. ij; .htiii il Srlidsiif II I'nhi.'. |i. 106, 

llAKl.rVT. Iliril-M \'nl/(niis lolhllin:! IIk /)('v 

• iii-iiii III' .'mil III :( mill llii liimh luljni III i.i.iu ill! 
saiiii , iiiiiil 'irsi III' nil I'll I'll Eiiij!i^ftii"tii ; l..>iul"ii. 

1 S.^J 

.Uu : .Itiiii ii Siliii^liiii I'liI'Dl, |i|.. u; .lij.l 1711. 

r i> V 



Tim; Dimov kuv ok Noutii Amkuica. 

< t 

Cabot cxiH'dition of 1407, was douhtlcss derived fmni Sebastian himself. 
Diego Riljero heki dail)- intercourse with him at Stjville since 152;,, as 
one of the Crown cosmographers entrusted particularly with the making 
of nautical instruments.4" He was also his colleague at the famous 
council of JVulajoz in i5::4.-'' where the voyages to our north-(!ast coast 
must ha\i' been constantly mooted, as the intended expedition of I'.stevam 
Goimv to discover the North-West passage depended greatly on the 
ruling of that junta. The cartographical information concerning the 
northern latitudes hail to b'- funn'shed to the members of the council 
b\- RibiTo. Is it not certain that he nev(T communicated a ma|) to the 
Spanish or Portuguese commissioners without first submitting it to .Sebastian 
Cabot who by his side, .md who, in the capacity of Pilot-Major, was 
his superior.'' Hence, naturally, conversations between those two cosmo- 
graphers relative to the history of the voyag(;s made by the Cabots to 
the north-east coast, .and details .about the agency of British mariners. 

.Ml thos(f facts prove that thi; names, legends .and configur.itions of 
the iiorthirn rxtrcmity of the Xew Continent, as inscribed .unl depicted in 
charts eman.iting fmm .S])anish cosmographers in general. ,uid Diego RilnTo 
in ]).uticu].ir. were sujiplietl directly by .Seb.istian Cabot or through his 
professional instrumentality, and that during half-a-century he placed his 
landfill many degrees further north than is the Prima vista of the Paris 
Caljoti.m planispJK're ot 1544. 

< Jf'<i( ■' Sihii,,t„,i I'lihi.i, I, in- oriijiiit it hiti' ^' K.w w.Kr.TK, t'o/i'-i-ioii, Vo\. I., |i. IJ4 ; lli.uiiKliA, 

CO//":/' ■ : ;•!'. ITJ. 174' '^4. noiv.-. Dfcul. III., lib. \i., c.\y. 0, p. iS.). 



■^111'! CabotiiUi pliuiisjihurc of 1544 is llu' t'lrsi \n,v\) of ihr si.Mccntli 
cciUury which lucatts liic I'jigHsh discox erics .iiul L'ahol's landfall 
so far south as Ca[)f Hrulon Islaiul, A slalcinciil so contrary to 
all prfvioiis knowledge of the matter has prompted the in(|uiry whether 
Sebastian Cabot was really the author of that map. 

It must be saiil at the outset that the legeiuls from w 


\\r made 

the above 

extracts are 1 

lot, in our opinion, the work of Sebastian Cabot, 
but of one Dr. (irajales, who wrote them at the I'uerto de Santa Maria, 
shortly after the year 1544;' while the translation into Latin seems to 
have been maile l)y some Dutch or German pedant- of the place where 
the map was (Migravt.'d. The cartographical data, however, which served 
as .1 basis for those tabular explanations, were certainly furnished by 
Sebastian Cabot, or publisheil with his assent, particularly as rt'gards the 
configuration of the north-east coast of the American continent and tht; 
.dleged landfall at Cape Ureton. 

In 1544, Charles V. reigned both in Germany .md the Netherlands; 
and wht;ther we consider the Ca1)otian i)lanis])hen; as having been pub- 
lishi'd in .Sjiain, at Antwerp, or at Augsburg, it is not '.ikely that anyoiu- 
would have vi-ntured to palm off on the luniieror's Piloi-Major a forgery 
of that character, nor adtl to the' plate the Imjierial arms. liesides, 
what proves the genuineness of the puljlicalion is the existrncr ,uk1 
circulation in I'"ngland of the m;\\) while .Sebastian Cabot li\-ed and held 
,ui official position in that country. 'Ihe importanc*' of this f.icl makes 
it incumbtMit on us to ])roduce our authorities for the statement. 

As to tht: t'lrst assertion, we must recall the circumsiaiKc 
Sebastian Cabot was still living in 1557; and that l-!dcn, before 1555, 

' See iiil'ni, in llio appiTnlix "f \)w lir^i |i:>il of tlie ^-.xniM aiiv ;i>iiiiii(iinia<iiic |icrilissinuis .... aslniruni 

Caitoiii-iijiliiu Aiiitniniia I'l'i'-VM-iHiri, tlif nnU' en- |'i.iiii.-i ii.n ij;aiiilu|iu' arte iminiuin iluclisvinuw .... 

titlfd ; AI/i;ikI wnji u/ Cdliiniliiin' variiiallnii'^, lida ll.lL■li>^ilnaqlK• inayistra ; " .all three uf wliiili are in 

^ The ^elMall(lal(lry expre'^siiins which al-o Icail in ilie Latin \crsi. .11 cif ilic I,c(jenil XVII, Oo nnl e\i>l in the 

ihink thai Calni did nut wriU' the Kyim!-, \iz : " navi- Spanir-li test, nlanll^cri^ll nr printed. 



Till-: DiscovKKV oi' North Amkkica. 


which is ihi; dulv of the first edition of his I'Liighsh tninshitioii of the 
Decades of I'eter Martyr, imbHshtxl in tluit work certain "notable 
thyniies as tovchyni;e the Indies," which, h(; said, were, "translated owt 
of the bookes of Francisciis Lopt's [Cjoniaraj . . . and partly also owt 
of the carde made l)y Se'bastian Cabot."-^ 

Vhv. Cabotian i)lanisphere could be si;en at Westminster. Piirchas, 
after rek'rring to the voyage of 149;, sums up the eighth tabular legend, 
ami adds : " These are the wordes of the; great lMa[) in his iVbiiestie's 
priuie (lallerie."4 

There was also a co[)y in the castle of the Earl of Bedford ; 
" Cabot's table which the Harle of Bedford hath at Chcynies," says 
Richard Willes.5 

The map was re-engraved in 1549 by Clement Adams, schoolmaster 
to the King's henchmen at Greenwich. Hakluyt calls the eighth li;gend 
ol that chart "an i-xtract taken out of the ma[)pe of S('bastian Cabot cut 
i)\- Clement Adams concerning his tliscovcTy of the West Indias, which 
is to be seene in her Maiesties privy gallerie at W^estminster." ^ The 
original map of 1544 is a complete mappamundi. 't is therefore a 
{[uestion whether the words in I lakluyt's ca]ition : " concerning hi.-, dis- 
covery of the West Indias," which may rt:fer either to an extract made 
by Hakluvt, or to the map its(4f, do not imply that Clement Adams 
only eiigravi'il the p.irt relating to the New World, or a portion thereof. 
As to the date of 1 540, we derive! it from the marginal note of l*urchas 
(placcil on the? same line with the (|uotaii>., above given), \-iz.: " This 
map, some say, was taken out ot Sir .Si4). Cabot's map In' Clem. Adams 
1549;" which we inte'r])ret to mtan that .Adams' map was said to have 
been extracted in the year 1541) from "the oreaf Afap in his Maiesties 
priuii- Ciallerie." .As Sir lluniitlirey (lilbert speaks of Cabot's majis in 
the jilura! tense : " His Chaiis which aye yet to be seenc; in the Queentts 
Maiesties priuie Ciillerie at Whitehall,"^ it may be that th- re could I)e 
seen both die map of 1544 or diat of 1549, and Clt-ment ..dams' edition 
or supposeil aiistract. Be that as it may, Natl'.an KnchiK.f" riw at 
Oxfoi-d in 1566 onr of those maps, which bore thi- iu.^cripiion : 
" lM,\na figura nn' deliiii-ax'it 1549."''^ 

3 l'hi:N, I'i'-mlts: l,..n,lnii. 1555. ,)!.. f. ^::|. 
Vol. 111., p. S07. 

' wiMi.^' i-iiitii'ii i>f i:iii-.\'> ii;.<i..rii It' Ti-iifiiii'i 

' I'll' Thin! mill l.ii-^t Vuhnin ni' l/i' W'l/ni/is 
I.cinil'in, i(x», fiiliu, |i. d, 

' l>U;-our<o in II.M<l.lvi , a/i. ■//. , \".4. 111., \<. 24. 

"rnsiu.iis (K(u-hli^ilT), I'm-inrnn ii, /-j-in/ri ll! 
II- i-i;-i D'fniii : linl.diii, li'U: ■!'"• r- i"i- 


altered t to ijor w,- m„. • r i , '^^■^" '' afterwards he 

date of .497 is ,, corrertinn , " '"''^'''"'^ ^'^'^^ the 

charts and Dortolaiii on fl,<. 1 ' ^ implication, in all 

<|Llcstioi,,, rmiiin: tile critic i„ ■ ■ ,'"-""""• " ' l'<-Sc gnu-,; 

'■-I cl,:,tac.c' „f ,S..|«s>i™ CaLot. ""' "'" ■""' "'"•■'"■""'>- *" 

iml>l,,l,o,l f,„ ,h, ilr,, ,i„„, i„ \„| „ , ,,, .7''-»' •"'"' 

,;.■';■"" ■""" '''•"'"■'"• ■■-i-Hi, KS70, ,sv„, 

• 20. A./l-u-m A,lnms.lK.,l„nlyi„,5,s7, |,,|,u,,, 
circle, nnd ,lcv,>t,„„ ,„ o,ngt,,i;,| ,„„|j^„ > 

'• "-'-. ■x,..|..vf.uv, p. e,,.„,l ,„1. .^,^,,-3, ,„j,.,^ 1,^,' 

^^•n. ll,al 1,,.,,, „.,!, ,, ,,^, 1,,,^.^, ^,1 
ro|H,l,li,l,e,|,„HM,„,l.s. . ^Uiullj 

■■ IIAKLUVT ;,iso reprinlci a iegen,! tnkcn from the 

M..-,„.s |,r,„,e .^..l|e,.io ,, \Vt..s„„i„s,or - ( Prh.npaJ, 

^n l.s,^.., IVo„, ,„.,,,,,, ,^,, h. n„,v have consultel; 

'«" "f Sc «s„,„, Cal„„e's .nv„ ,„a,,pes n:,.! .h-sf,n„sc. 

-Iraw,,, „„| „,,,„^,„ ,,^. I,. ,^^^.|^^.^ ^^1^,^^^ ^1^^ .^ ^^^^ ^.^^^ ^^^ 

-Vv)aa. ,„ ,ho eus„„lie„r Master Willia,,, \V,.r,l,i„,,to„ 
" ;." .> very w.ll,,,^; ,,. sutler the,,, ,„ l,e „verseen. "-- 



SEBASTIAN Cabot certainly enjoyed a great reputation in Spain and 
in England. Ramusio's anonymous informer says that Sebastian 
had not his equal in Spain as a man versed in navigation and 
cosmography: "e cosi valente et patrico delle cose pertinenti alia navi- 
gatione et alia cosmographia, ch' in Spagna al presente non v' e un sue 
pari." ' Guide Giaweti de Fano writes to Livio Sanuto that Sebastian 
was held in the highest esteem in England : " all' hora honoratissimo si 
ritrovara."2 Ramusio, who corresponded with Sebastian Cabot, says that 
he was " a man of large experience, and uncommonly so in the art of 
navigation and the science of cosmography." 3 He enjoyed the confidence 
of Charles \^ during many years, as notwithstanding his disguised flight 
to England that prince maintained him in the office of Pilot-Major, and 
even increased his pension. 4 In the t;ntry of the donation of /200 
which he received in March, 1551. from Edward VI., he is also called 
"Sebastian Caboto, the great .Seaman." 5 

The elements of control which we possess do not allow us to 
account for the reputation which Sebastian Cabot enjoyed as a scientific 
mariner. Everyone is convinced now that it was his father, not he, who 
discovered the north-east coast of the American coniinent in 1497. The 
expedition to La Plata, which Sebastian commanded in person, proved 
an absolute failure ;(> that of Willoughby and Chancellor, planned l)y him- 
self in 1553, was also disastrous ; 7 and the expectations which Sebastian 
Cabot had caused th(; Company of Mt;rchants Adventurers to entertain 

' RASir^m. I'riiiio Vnliinn , f. 374. 
SAMhi (M. Livio), fientjmlin tti>'ti'iilfi, \iiK'i;ia. 
15^8, loli... rfclo of f, 2. 

■•■Iluunio ili fjmiiile rsi)criciva, it raro ni'H'arlo 
del nauij^ari;, et nella scii-iua di cnsmojrratia. " — K AM r^l'i, 
Tti~o Volinne, X'cnctia, 1565, folio; I'refaci', \ltmi of 

• lli.|ralili of Sir riiilip ll'iliv; Xnl' t mid i^hii.rii s, 
I.oii'lnn, 311I M'lio, \'ol. I., p. 125. 

^SiRVi'i;, Eri/isiu.siiial iii'iiwriiil'' ; ()\for(l, 1.S22, 
Sv.,, \-,.l. II., ],. 402. 

LciliT from I.iiis KwiiKi:/.. /iVn'.-Ya Triiit'ii^tt/, 
Rio lie Janeiro, \'ol. W., |>|i. 14-21 ; l)vii:i»i, lliildiia 
III iiiru/ 'Ir la-'' Jiiiliii", Ma.lrid, 1852, \'ol, 11.. \<. 176. 

' ICvery one knows the lr,a[;ic end of .Sir llii;;!! 
\\ li.i.iifi;iiiiv, whii-li is proliably the origin of the legend 
of the I'hantoni Ship. 

Seuastian Caiiot. 


when he promoted the voyage of Stephen Burrough were not realised.^ 
Notwithstanding his alleged discovery of the variations of the needle,9 
and his boast that he had found a new method of ascertaining the 
longitude at sea,'° no invention of any sort can be justly ascribed to 
him; and as to the planisphere of 1544, it is a very indifferent cosmo- 
graphical performance." The probability is that Sebastian Cabot owed 
his influence and reputation to the simple fact that he claimed to know 
where there existed a passage; to the Pacific Ocean, first by the North- 
West, then by the South-West, and afterwards by the North-East ; and 
was shrewd enough to make Ferdinand of Aragon, Charles V., Henry 
VIII., Edward VI., and other influential people believe that he was 
actually in possession of that secret, — the great desideratum then and 
since of all maritime nations. '- 

Be that as it may, whether Sebastian Cabot was or was not a great 
navigator and cosmogra[)her, it is certain that we must consider- him as 
a dishonest man, capable of disguising the truth, whenever it was his 
interest to do so. 

The account of the discovery of the north-east coast given by Peter 
Martyi" is borrowed e.xclusively from Sebastian Cabot, when the latter 
was his guest : " Familiarem habeo domi Cabottum ipsum, et contuber- 
nalem interdum."'3 Yet, it contains no mention whatever of John Cabot, 
and the merit of the discovery is ascribed solely to Sebastian : " Scrutatus 
est eas Sebastianus Cabotus . . . Duo is sibi navigia propria pecunia in 
Britannia ipsa instruxit, et primo tendens cum hominibus tercentum ad 

septentrionem : — These northe seas haue byn searched by one 

Sebastian Cabot .... He therfore furnisshed two shippes in England 
at his own charges : 'And fyrst with thrt:e hundreth men, directed his 
course . . . ." '+ Had Sebastian ever mentioned his father's name to 
Peter Martyr in connection with vhat discovery, die latter would certainly 
have inserted it in his 1 )ecades. 

' The (.■\|H'ililiim rrimmniidcil liy HrRRnciMl in- 
Iciuli-'il fill' the (lisccivery uf tin; pus'-.ige i.' (\uli;iy. As 
iL'[^arfIs llie i'nmjimiy of M''rrhniif AiI'-'iUhi'i f^, ii is 
said to have heen crcilcil liy virtue of the charter i;raiiteil 
hy Oiieeii Mary, l-'eliniaiy i6th, 1555.-I,l-.\lo\, Cii/' in/nr. 
Vol. I. p. 65. \'et ill Sansiu'UV's Calinidiir (Eii<l- 
Imlirij. \'ol. I., |i. J, \,.. 5, in the caption of Wil- 
lout;h!iy's Jounial, under the (Kite of Seplenilier i.Sth, 
1555, Selias'ian Caliot is already called " ( loveriior of the 
Mystery and '"omiiany of the Merclianis Adventurers of 
the ciiy of [.oudon." 

' I.e^'end i; of the map of 1544; S \M' to, <ui„i,uf'i 
ilixliiitii, (2; anil the authorities (|uoled in t'hr!''fop)ii 

Cnldtiili, \ol. I., p. 251, iiote^ I-j. Co1iiui1pu> in 149.; 
notii-ed (after olher>) the extent of the \ari.ation of the 
needle, and that it was different in various pl.aces ; Lor 
liook or l>n-i-'>l'm, in Navakici.i i-;, Colenioii ih Viniii:.<, 
\"ol. I. pp. S, 0. 

'Jean Taisnii-:k, A ri>-ij iiu-e>:tiirii nml jirnfitrih/' 
fini>l:i I'oitCrniiii'i Hnrit/nfinii .... tr^tii^hih d infn 
Eiiiill<i-hi III/ l/ii'hiivil Kill 11 : London, s. a., 410 ; in tin- 
Kfii^lli I '' ilirittnri''', 

" Koiii., I >iir II mi II In ri/ Ui<lnry 0/ Mnii" , p. 371. 

'-' IIkuukka, Derail. I., lih. i\., ca|). \iii., p. 254. 

" Am-.iiii-'.ka. !>eead. [., liS. vi., f. 55, o. 

" Ihiili'iii, r, and 1'.|i|-.n's translation. 

. t 

\ 1 I 




t' i 

!l • 


The Discovkkv of Xortii Amkkica. 

Also ill Sebastian's own words, as reported by the Mantua gentle- 
man, it was he alone who accomplished the first voyage, his father being 
said by him to have been dead when Henry VII. granted the required 
authorisation to undertake it : 

" Mori il p.idre in quel tempo che venne nou.i che'l signer don Christophoro Colombo 
Genouese havea scoperta la costa dell' Indie, et se nc parlava grandemente per tutta la corte 
del Re Henrico vij, che allhora regnava .... subito feci intender nuesto mio pensiero alia 
Maest;i del Re, il qual . . . mi armo due caravelle . . . . et corninciai a navigar ... in 
capo d'alquanti giorni la discopersi .... itc: — When my father died in that time when 
newes were brought that Don Christopher Colonus Genoese had discovered the coasts of 
India, whereof was great talke in all the court of King Henry the Seventh, who then raigned 
.... I thereupon caused the king to be advertised of my devise, who immediately com- 
manded two caravels to bee furnished with all things .... and I began therefore to saile 
.... After certaine dayes I found .... &c."''^ 

Now, Lorenzo Pasqualigo, who was an eye-witness of the navigator's 
return, and Raimondo di .Soncino, w'ho also interviewed him then, and 
was, moreover, his j^ersonal friend, 'f' both name him " Zoanne Caboto," 
and never mention Sebastian. John Cabot, .so far from being dead when 
the e.xpedition was fitted out, received, personally, from Henry VH. on 
the 13th of December, 1497, a pension, evidently as a reward for the 
discovery which he had just accomplished. '7 Furthermore, there was 
onlv one discoverer, at least on that occasion, and not several, as the 
PInglish King, August loth, 1497, that is, immediately upon the return 
of thj e.xpedition, gave from his privy purse ^ro "to hym that found 
the New Isle." '^ On the other hand, there can be no doubt about the 
identilx of the discoverer whom Henry VH. meant, as in his second 
letters patent, dated February 3, 1498, he .says that "the Londe and 
Isles of late found," were discovered " by the seid John Kabotto, 
Veneciaiu,. "^ 

Nay, it is not certain that Sebastian even accompanied his father- to 
the New World, although he is one oi the grantees mentioned in the 
letters patent of 1496, the others being his father and brothers Lewis 
and -Sanctius. Peter Mart)r, notwithstanding the fact that he was on 
friendly terms with Sebastian Cabot, and not prone to disparagement. 

'5 Ramiski, Vol. I., }ni\ III., and I lAKi.c V I'. 

" " Kl per csM-'ie io fauo amicu cle Larmiraiitc. ' 
"Tlic" i;. tlif ii.inio Juhn Cal»>i ihcii pci|Hi1arly 
wunl by. 

'' Ciilkcliun of I'rivy Seals, Xo. 40. citeil ny Mr. 

Charles Dkank, ,h<h» mill SilniMiiiii Ciiliol. CanilMiil^e, 
kS86, Svo. p. 56. 

"* Kxicr/iln Ifiilorii'n, p. 113. 

'^.1 Mimiiirof Sihd.-'lidii CiilK>t[\>y Kicliard lilhln.K], 
l'hilaclel|ihia, iSjl, Svo, p. 75; aiul IJKsimum, In/anio, 
p. 50. 



Skuastian Cakdt. 


confesses that tlierc were Spaiiijirds who denied his havinj^^ Ix-en the 
discoverer of the Bacallaos region, or that he ever sailed westward : " \'.\ 
Castellanis non desunt, (jui CalOTttimi prinnim fuisse Baccahiorum, reper- 
toreni negent tantumqiie ad occidentem tetendisse minime assentientur."-° 
What is more, in March 1521, the twel\e. great Livery Coni]>anies 
of London 'laving been required by Henry \'IIL to furnish a heavy 
contribution towards fitting out shi[)s of discovery to be placed under the 
command of Sebastian Cabot, the drap-jrs, who had undertaken to settle 
the terms and amount for all the. parties, made rejjresentations to the 
King, the Lord Cardinal (Wolsey) and the Council, against the projected 
expedition. Their principal reason was that the intended commander, 
Sebastian Cabot, could not oe trusted, in th(;se very significant words : 

" And we thynk it were to sore avenl' to joperd V slii[)ps \v' men and goods vnio the 
said Hand [the Newe found Hand] vppon the singuler trust of one man callyd as we vnder- 
stoud Sebasiyan, whiche Sebastyan as we here say was neu' in that land hyni self, all if he 
maks reports of many things as he hath hard his Father and other men speke in tymes 
past . . . trusting to the said Sebastyan, we suppos it were no wysdom to avent' lyves and 
t:oods thider in suche man ..." -' 

Cardinal Wolsey, to whom these severe objections wert; particularly 
addressed, was twenty six years old when the first Knglish transatlantic 
expedition sailed from Bristol ; and by his [losition then in the ?vlar(iuis 
of Dorset's family, must have known the circumstances attending that 
voyage, the results of which created such a great sensation in London. -- 
Moreover, Sebastian Cabot was in England -3 when these representations 
were lodged in the hands of the comjietent authorities. That under 
such circumstances the Livery Companies should have venlun-d to make 
so bold a statement, officially, to the King, to Wolsey, anc' to the 
Coimcil, is a matter worthy of notice. It proves, at all events, that if 
Sebastian ever played any ])art in those expeditions, it must have been 
very insignificant. 

=" Anchikra, Dc. riliii-i Oiiniiiri': (I Orlit vono 
ill I wit" '/•('■< ; iilii "ii/irri. 

■' ]\'aril(iiii Aivninit'! of !hi Dmjurs ( 'onijifdii/, 
Lonilcii : MSS. Vol. \'1[., f"- 87. Tliis impciilaiil ilncvi- 
nu'iU was fir>l niailo known liyiliolnlo Willi.niii 1 Ir.KliKK i', 
ill liis liijjhiy valiialile //ixlnrj/ 11/ tin linln iirmf Lii-'fij 
ComjiiiuitK of Liniilan. i8j7, Svo, \ol. I., p, .)io. ( Hir 
tc.vl is laken from a copy of the orii;iiial loconl.^, kimlly 

semueci ai oiiv recniesl tiy .\lis> .Mary Ton. nun Smhii. 
For Ibo complete ilocuiiient, sec fiifrn, Appcinli\ .\. 

-"-' "\'ioiili [John t'ahotj f.ue j;ianile honor e \a ^^.•^^till) 
<le soda c ^li In^lcxi li v;'.uo dricdo a mo pa/i . . ." 
— [,1-iicr of l.oron/o l'.\sc,ir \i.n;.i. in Maiin Swrio, 
/liiirli, \'>\. I., p. Ho'/. 

■'"Il>i riir ivanilomi ja ire anni. salvo il \ero, in 
InS^jllcrra." - 1 'i-p;ilcli of CoN l.VKIM. 



What is worse, if Dit;go Garciiis, a fleet commander, and " marinero 
insigne." as Harcia calls him, -4 is to be truste-d, Sebastian Cabot was in- 
capable of leading an exi)edition of that character, as he could not make 
even the most elementary calculations : " no supo tomar el ruml)0."-5 
But this we scarce;!)- l^elieve. 

In the conversation with the Mantua gentleman, Sebastian inscribed 
his leaving England and seeking employment in Spain to the "great 
tumults among the [)eople, and preparation for the war to be carried into 
Scotland," and mentioned the Catholic King and Queen Isabella as having 
entertained him at that time : — " Dove giunto trovai grandissimi tumulti 
di popoli sollevati, et della guerra in Scotia . . . ])er ilche me ne venni 
in Spagna a! Re Catholico, et alia Regina Isal)ella, i quali mi raccolsero." 
Hi; goes so far as to add that Ferdinand and Isabella sent him to 
discover the coast of Hrazil : " mi diedero buona provisione faccendoini 
navigar dietro la costa del Hresil, per volerla scoprire."-'' 

Whether the fault must be ascribed to Cabot or to his interlocutor, 
it is difficult to jumble together in a few sentences so many erroneous 
statements and anaclironisms. The great tumults among the people can 
only be the irruption of the Scots and inroads of the Cornish rebels, who 
" neere incamped to the citie."-7 This occurred in the spring of 1497, 
as the battle of iilack-heath was fought on the 22nd of June, 1497.-''' 
At that time, Cabot was on the coast of Labrador. When he returned 
to England in August following, the " preparation to carry war into Scot- 
land " had long been over, as, according to Holinshed, " King James had 
retired without proffer of battle," and Pedro de Ayala -9 was negotiating 
the truce which was iinally concluded in the month of January following.3u 
Cabot, so far from endeavouriny: to remove to Spain, was thi'u solicitin<j 

=' CaKiiKNAS z Cano (vi/. ; Ainlrus (ionz. Hakcia), of I'ortuj^nl, on llie return of Cohin\liu>. iclnlivcly lo llie 
Jiii-<'i!/o i'hroii(i><>(jii'<) jia:ii lit hi-ttoi-ia i/tiiera-l ilt la tiller's lirsl voya(;o, ;iiul conocrniiin whom Harkos voporN 
h'loi-rlti : \\.v\M. 17JJ, folio, loih Icif. a (|ii.unt rcniaik from Jo;iin II.: ".AtuH-lln cnilwixaila 

-'" /.("■. '■'''., .\nt\ llr.KKKKA. Doonil. lU., lili. x., caii. i. , 
n. 27S. Soo, liowovcr, !ill>lil.l/s |)l;HHi!)le a'tL'ni|il nl 

del 1 


D.ival:! < 


la pes Mem cahe(,'a, 


viniliiMtinL; Sel>a^tian 
l>p. I3S-I42- 



sped : 


|iie era manco 

.le hi 

lun pe, e a ilom ( .arcia 

por homem poiiei 

> enleiifulo e! \,io."> Uecail. I. 


ip. \i.. I" 

57 ("'i;' 

Ml of 1752). 



■' R.VMlsio. \'ol. I., iilil til lira. 

-•" Ui'MNSMi.n 
Vol. II.. 1'. 7S1. 



ir,S6, U,\l 

was qiilie familiar with Coliimlnis and his di.-eovories, 
and the aliove <|iioted di.spatch which he sent from London 
concernini; John Cahot actptii 

eater credit still. 


lli'Mi;, llixi'iri III' Kniilaiiil, 1! ■ t. 

1S54. Sv, 

• with ihe KinL' of .Scotland is in cimrsi 


Vol. II. 

eyoiiation" (Sept. gih, 1.(07). 


e amltassaitor 


lite Kinj; of Scotland ha.s arrived to conclude a Ir" 

The l!n<ili-,h liistorir. 

il! hi 

■' lli.aly.i 




-MVairs with the Kini; of Sci ..uid 

nni-t lie the Pedro lie .Ayala whom l-'erd!nand and Isahella are well ni..,'h jiaeilied " (Jan-.i.iry iith, I40t>) Kaudo 

-intwith l.opez de Carl'ajal a^ anil m- ..-.dor ti the Kin;; liKnws, (_'((/• /lAi/-, \dl. !.. \. 

v», 760, 763 

Skijastian Caiiot. 



lo the- 

.,1. I., 


11' I'll 'in 

a new licence from Henry VII., who granted it February 3, 1498; and 
preparations were immediately made for the expedition ; which set out 
from Bristol in April next ensuing. 

On the other hand, Sebastian Cabot told a different story to Peter 
Martyr. According to his statement, it was u[)on the death of Henry 
VII. that he abandoned the service of England, and removed to Spain: 
" Vocatus nanque ex Britannia k rege nostro catholico post Ik:nrici 
maioris Britannia^ regis mortem. "3' 

This new allegation is just as untrue as the. other. Henry VII. died 
April 22, 1509, and Sebastian Cabot was yet in the employ of the English 
government. May 12, 1512,3- with his home and wife: " su mujer i casa," 
still in England on the 20th of October following.33 

As regards his statement that he was sent by Ferdinand and Isabella 
to make discoveries on the coast of Brazil, it is well to mention that 
Isabella died November 26, 1504, and Ferdinand January 23, 1516, while 
the expedition to the Brazilian coast was projected during the summer of 
1524, and sailed under the command of Sebastian Cabot April 25, 1526.34 

When speaking to Italians, Sebastian Cabot claimed to be a X'enctian 
by birth, who had been brought over to England as a child : " Cicnere 
Venetus, sed a parentibus in Britanniam insulam tendentibus .... 
transportatus pene infans,"35 he said to Peter ISIartyr. Ten years later, 
St'bastian likewise declared to Caspar Contarini that he was born in 
Venice, but reared in England : " Per dirve il tutto, io naqui a W-nctia 
ma sum nutrito in Ingellerra." 36 He made besides the same statements 
in writing to the mighty Council of the Ten : " Uno St'bastiaiio Cabotlo 
c/ie dice esser di cjuesta citta nostra ;' 37 which assertion is still corro- 
borated by other evidence, 3« and is uncjwslioiiably true. liul v> lun 

" I'flr. Makiak l>'.\Nc,lin'.u.\, iilii ^ii/ira. 

'' \. S. Hki;\vi.i<, Calijiilar ilonn-'ii,- and jbnifiii, 
\'i'l. II., i';'.rl ii., \\ 1456. 

'^ Ui.spaich from I'L-nliii.iinl of .Ar.ngon lo I.ui-. Caro ; 
Jtaii 1 1 S,'hr(.iti(ii Calmf, doc. .wiii, p. J32. 

>* IliCKKr.K.A, Het-nd. III., lil). i\., cap. iii.. p. 260; 
NaVAKKI IK, \'ol. \"., |i. 440. 

^5 IVlcr M.MMVK, ithi siij,i-a. 

"''^ K.iwdon Hkown, Call Hilar, \'ol. III., No. 607; 
C. lU'M.o, Ln Wnt jialrin ili Xiro/i> i/i'' Coiiti c di 
lliovniini Cnhoto ; Chiogyia, iSSo, Svo, p. 64. 

•M<a\vdon liKOWN, o//. ivV., No. 55S; I'.n.i.o, o/i. 
'•it., p. (>i. 

'^' RAMrsiof/oc. '-il, ), wliowai in correspondence «illi 
Seliastian Caliot calls liiin " Sijjnor ScKasiiano Ca'holto 
cilladino N'enotiano." IJisidcs, 'his liirili 

rosiiUs from i!k' lollowing facis : He imisi iiavc Iclmi of 
age, thai is, at least twenty-one years old, when he was 
made one of the grantees of the Knglish letters patent of 
.March. 1496, together with his two hrotliers. . f 
whom, lieing n.imed alter hiiii. wa- ap|)aremly his 
Seliastian, theiefon', wa, already horn in 1474, at lea^l. 
Now his father resided 'hen at N'enice, a-, the Senate 
granted him ihe naturalisation ili In/iix 1 / ,xfrn. March 
28, 1476, according to law, after a eontimted residence of 
tdteen veais in N'eniee ; " per habitalionem annontin 
.W. iiixta consnetimi." Docs. I. and II., in ./-roi il 
Si'liaMim Cidii,!, pp. 2, 309, and 313. See al>o the 
allusion to information which the Crown should ask of 
"mai.-ters and marineis iialnniUy liani within this Realm 
of I-:nglan<l," in the ahove cited .Memorial of the l.ivery 
Companies protesting against the employment of Seoastiaa 




TiiK Discovi:"- Ml- XoKTii Ami:rra. 

t '' 

twenty-five ye;irs .iftcrwiirds v him settled in Kiigland, receiving 

or expecting nv.w f.uours t"n .v.ird VI., ;iik1 speuUing to EnglishnKtn, 

lie decliires just as positi he is their countryman : " Sebastian 

Cabote tould mi: tliat he w,. Dorne in Bristowe," siiys Richard Eden." 39 

.So far for the veracity of Sabastian Cabot. Let us now see his 
moral worth. 

The Sjjanish sovereigns always treated Sebastian Cabot with great 
consideration and liberality. l'"erdinand of Aragon appointed him sea 
captain, 4° am] tcj some employ at the Court, as Peter Martyr says he 
was his colleague: " concurialis nostcr esset."4> Charles V. made him 
Pilot-i\Iajor,4- which was the highest position which a technical mariner 
could occujiy in .Spain, and granted him various salaries amounting to 
the relatively large sum for the time of 300 ducats per annum. 43 Nor 
should we forget that those ap[)ointments and liberalities were prom})ted 
chiefly by Sebastian Cabot's alleged assurances that he alone could con- 
duct the .Spanish Meets to some mysterious straits leading to the Moluccas. 
Vet, in 1522, he sent in .secrecy to \'enice an agc:nt called Hieronymo 
Marin, for the pur|)ose of selling the pretended secret to the Council of 
the Ten. We must refer to the dispatches 44 which were e.xchanged on 
that occasion between the Council and Caspar Contarini, the Venc;tian 
Ambassador in .Spain, to .see the low intrigues and falsehoods which 
formed the woof and warp of that audacious treachery. 

Sebastian Cabot returned from La Plata in disgrace. He had com- 
mitted nefarious acts,45 for which he was arrested on his ;irri\al in Seville 
in August. 1530. tried and .sentenced to two years e.xile at Onm, in 
Africa.4'' He was also the oljject of other prosecutions of a damaging 
character on that account. 47 Ch.irles V.. however, restored him to the 
position of Pilot-M;ijor, in preference to imminent cosmographers of S])anish 

'■' Klir.N'.^ ti.iiislaii..n i.f IVlc-r M^irlyr's DtrwU^, oil. 
..f 1555, I', 255. 

" Ji-nii It Si'ln^liitii Oalmt, dnr. wii., p. 332. 

■" IVler Makivr I)'.\n(;iiikk \. iihi injira. 

" On llic 5lli ■■f Fl-1iiii;iiv. 151S, ii|Hin iIil' iloalli, ii is 
s;\'[ii, ci!" jion Diaz iPl', Soi.i>. N'et ili,_. huior iliol lluou 
years pivviniis, in 1515. Hi.kkika. Docad. II., lili. i., 
c,\]i. vii., p. 12. 

"' Uispatcli of riiNiAKlM, in I'ri.i.i, op. lil.. p. 64. 

*' Kawilon Hrown, Caliiuln)-, X.i~. 557, 55S, 607. 
632, 666, 670, 750. 1 115; anil Itri.i.ii. pp. 6170. 

■'•'' " Sclia,>tia]i Caboto fuc prcso a pe(limijntii ile alj^iinos 
parii:n!e> d^' alKimas personas, que dicen que es culpailn 
en sus nuierles, y por otrns t|ue ileslcrn') y tambien a podi- 
nienlii del fiscal, por no liaber f;uardail<) las instruclcines 
(pie lie\i'i : y asi fne [)res(), \- dada la corle pnr carrel con 
lian/ai." — N.w.VKRKii;, \',il. \'., doc. xvii., ]i. t,^^. 
" C'oniello con ellos [Ids eapitanes, niaestres y pilolos?] 
niuclias .•\trocidados. " — Xavakkivi K, IJihtioli.'a Mciri- 
tinw \'ol. II., p. 69S. 

•*'' Ihiilriii, p. 699. 

'' Documents mentioned in the Liula ilr la h'x/i'ni- 
lion Ainrrnaiiiita : Mmlrid, iSSl, Svo, », Nos. 54, 55. 

Sfisasti.w Cahot. 






hirili, sucli as Alonso dc Chavos, l\ilro dc Midina, and Aloiiso di' Santa 
Cru/.. A (lociimcnl latnly ))Lihlishcd. strins to iiidicali- tliat tin- I']iii|iiTor 
soon had occasion to rcgrd liiis choice. On liic i3tl'i o{ Marcii, 15345^ 
ht' ordered thai the niaiiner in wliicii Sebasti,m Cabot pcirtonned the. 
duties ot I'ilot- Major, and ])articuhirly iiis modt; ot e.vaminiijg pilots for tlic 
purjiose of f^rranriin^ them the required licence, should bv. inciuired into. 
l"h(; t(jn!- ot the. order authorises us to think th.ti it was |.T()in|iteil !i\ 
some d( lii;([uepcy on the pari of .Sebastian Cal)ot. lie was, however, 
maintained in ofticc. 

jN'otwithstandiiiL; the I'"mpc;ror's kind treatment, .Seliastiaii rt'commenced 
intrigiiinL( with foreign nations; au'l in \S-17- ^"itler the same old pretence 
that he knew of a shorter sea route to China, managed to obtain from 
the Privy Council of h'dward Yl.-i'' that his services should be. secured 
on behalf uf England. I'n t(.'Xting doiibthr-is some private affairs in that 
country, he obtained trom Charles V. leaxa- to absent hiniself ; and. 
ap])ointing nd I'nten'm in his [)lace of Pilot-Major I )iego (iutiere/:, who 
WMS ,1 man of lIk; same ilk as himself repairetl to l.ontlon. ' )nce there, 
although still in the. employ of Spain, and receiving a salary and ,1 pen- 
sion from the Funperor. he accejUeil from h^dw.ird \"1., in 1548, a large 
annuit\ 5" and an imjiortant oHice, it it was not y(-'t the jwst of Grand - 
Pilot of I'^nglaiid. Thus selling again the alh^ged secrc;t for which he 
h,ad already received anil continued to receive pay trom aiioilier, and 
commiiling one more breach ot trust. 

.Sebastian Cabot had bec'n li\ing in h' only a few years, 
enjoying high honours .and considerable emoluments, when he renewid 
his intrigues with the \'i netian amb.issatlor. Mere again, we must refer 
the reader to diplomatic tlispatches5' for details concerning this third attem])t 
from .Sebastian Cabot at betraying a sovereign in whose emplo)' lu; w;is, 
and not\\ idist-uulinij the favours which he continued to receive from him. 

♦^ K'.nl (''•t.iita i> lo« Oft/i'ialt* il'' Sr-.nilld nminlaiiilolm 
pruj'in ytit'iiniiiirinii jtnm iiririj/iinr /o" ilerfho>i qinj 
i'n})itiui S>-lniMutn (Jnhofn thra ^lor •/ fxJmen th loA 
I'ilolii.t ; lonii^ <• ''' '/"«' mniirm /o" a txtiminwlo > 
I rnt)uiat'.-'-\n the ('of'-rrion 'it. fIor}tni''i}fo.-< i:it'tiifu.< tlr 
Jiirllai, \(il. \\.\I1., p. 479. 

•' Jtflii '.! S.'firt.>firn Cahof, ,li)C. x\.\i\. , 1'. j',S. 

5"[I\Kii'Vi. 'I'h' Thiiil ami IahI I'ofniiii- "f iht 
Wti/fttjr^ . . . (IH'I nis'-oifi rit-A nf th''. Kiitjli-'h Xiifi'hi., 
)>. 10. 

5' Kauiliiii IlKow.N, (,'(!.'• Hilar, \'ii. \'., N'ci. 711; 
Jidii it SJhii.ilii'ii. Cabot, iloc. x.xxv.. ji. 361 ; Win. H, 
TlKMU.'i.l., CoJi'iiilar, \i. 171, No. 444; Sir Tlii'inns 
tLvkliY, h'tjnirl 1)11 til' itoi'iimi'iili ill III' ari-liini nj 
I'l iiii-r, lS(.i6, |i, iS. 


■; i» 




r ■. 


'I'hosc (li)cuiiU'iits exhibit likewise ihe iluplicity vvliich was so striking on ()ccasions.52 

Such proofs of constant mk iid.icily and treason show that Sciiastian 
Cabot was cap.ibh' of swerving from the truth whenever it inii^hl profit him. 

What then wen; the interested motives which coultl [)rompl him in 
15.^4 lo locale at the southern entrance of the GuU of St. Lawrence a 
landfall which in reality had been effected t(;n degr(;es further north ? 
The .ibsence of docuni •nls, and difficulty lo scrutinize the iiuier inci ntives 
ot anyone, com|)el us lo ansunr this ([ui.-siion only bv resorting to 

In 1544, a gri:at change had taken place relatively lo the importance 
ol the more norihern cnaht of the new continent. The seas which 
h.itiied those regions wrrr no longer a mere conuiion fishing ground 
frequenletl, by the snuicks of Portugal, Biscay, Brittany, Ntjrmanvl)-, and 
Kngland. The successful explcralioiis accomplished by Jacques Carlier, 
from 1534 until 1543, had been followed by the i)lanting of b'rench 
colonies. The site selected v.'as not Lal>rador, on which, in ail tin- maps 
of the lime, was inscribed the uiiin\iling legend: "No ay e;i lla cosa 
dc |)rovecho : Here there is nothing that can be of any use," but around 
the CJulf of .Si. LawiXMice and tht; isl.uid of (ape I'.reU)!!, v.liicli the 
reports of Carlier .uul Ivoberxal in bVancis 1. re[)resente,d to be a be,ui- 
tifui and l"i'riile coui'itry, with rich copper mines, line ports and the most' 
na\ ig.ible rivers in the world. (}omara, in a work writt(;n before 1551, 
and .addressed to Charles \'., s.iys of region: "The French an; 
S(_'tlling (If will settle the coLinlry, ior it is just as good a land as 
France: 1 )icen que [los I'ranceses] pueblan alii o que poblanin, por 
ser l.m buen.i tierra como bnincia." 53 

The voyagf: of .Master Hore in 1536, favoured by Henr\ \'1II., 
w,is j)roniptid by the news tjf Cartier's first successful resuUs ; 

• ^'.inn (.';iliii{ ib.ilsDch.irjji-i! with li.ivjnjj "tL^i.ti; iin.-niinn s'lu jionsion, ihc Mitici;il.< of thp ('.is,', lic Contra- 

a |\iyi-t k's ic.txx) iiiiir.ivcclis h I.t vcuvi; dc Vesinicci, l.icion, — ajiiiarL'nlly .11 Ihi' suggestion of .Sel);!-.!!.!!! Cabot, 

'ii>qiiVi ct i|iii I'on I'y fill coniiMint." Varmiai^kn, — .\Iati.-\ ("Bk'Kzo appealed to (Charles V., »lio iloclareil 

.■t<;i.. '-V/ii \'<-ipti'-'i, p. no, note. Tlir,' facis, however, that it was a char|,;e on the ollice of pilot -major, and 

aic as follows : When ^isi'iso'ius died, I'Vliruary ::2nd. ordered tlie five years' arrears ti^lie iiipiidaied at once, 

1512. Jii.iii l)i.iz iiK siiccee'led him ill the office of and the annuity to he p.aid iimil her de.iih. regularly, 

piloininjor ; hiii under the express condition that out of She died. Deceinher 26lh, 1524, without her leaving any 

his s.ilary, he should pay lo Maria Ci Rf/o, \KsfUCi'it:s' other heir than a sister, which is a proof that Americus 

during her life-lime, annually. 10.000 nirs., which VksI'I'CCII's left no chihhen. See drpoument \iv. in 


he di'l faithfully. Sebastian CAli'ir was appointed to the NAVAkKi';Tl';, Cnlecfion <le viwjf:^. Vol. III., p. 308. 

st, I'i 

iry iiii, t5i.S(N'AVAi;t:Ki K, liihl,L.thu-n Mait- 

5' CioMAKA, J'riincm 1/ 

\'ol. II., p. JoS). Uul as llie w.iirant omitted lo r(i- Im hutin^, p. 17.S. 

•itftni''rt jntr 

/■ '('■ /'< !/l.'r,r 



Skuastian Cahot. 




and althoui^di it was not lblIowi:cl, so far as we. know, l)y other English 
exix'ditions, Sebastian Cabot's cartonrapiiical statement, as eniboiiifd in 
the planisphere of 1544, may well have been a suggestion for British 
claims, and a bid for the King of Englantl's favour. To place within 
the (iiilf of St. Lawrence the landfall of 1497, was t.uitamount to de- 
claring that region to l)e Hnglish dominion, as tin: discovery had been 
accomplished by vessels sailing under the British liag : " sub banneris 
vexillis et insigniis noslris," and whose commander, by virtue of a royal 
commission, had actually ])lanted that !lag when landing on those shores 
for the first time, 54 Nor was the hint conveyed at an unseasonable 
time; Henry \'lll. being thtMi and remaining at war with Francis 1. 
until 1547. At all (wents, it is certain that "the TitU' which Ftngland 
has to that part of America, which is from I'"lorida to 67 degrees north- 
ward," is or was derived "from the lett(;rs |)atent granted to John Cabote 
and his three sons," to use the language of Hakluyt. 55 

.Such underhand dealings were also in k(;e'ping with Sebastian Cabot's 
natural disposition, as we have shown him constantly engaged in plotting 
and corresponding in secret with foreign rulers to advance his own 
interest. The planispht;re was only designed in 1544: " hizo esta figura 
. . . . anno de MDXLIIII.;" and the engraving at a great distance 
from .S(-ville, where .Sebastian then lived, may have retarded its publica- 
tion until a year or eighteen months after that date. Now, there is in 
the Council Register of Edward VI., a ^100 warrant, dated October 
7th, 1547, "for the transporting of one Shabot {sic), a Pilot, to come 
out of Hispain to serve and inhabit in England." jC' This individual is 
unquestii)nably Sebastian Cabot, inasmuch as in 1549, we see Charles V. 
request stc'rnly the English ambassador to cause the return to Spain of 
" one Sebastian Gabote, his generall pilot, presently in England." 57 The 
order antl warrant were then onlv the results of a series of efforts and 

5' Henry \'II., in his leiters piUiMU .>!' Kohninry Jnl, 
149S, says tli.ii the " I,iimlc ami lies were founilc by the 
seid John [KalmUo] in oiire nanu: and by ouru coniniamlc- 
nicnte." Oriyinal text of ihoso letters patent first piil)- 
lislieil by Ricliard UmDl.K, i[i:imur of Kflia-itiaii Cahot, 

1'. 75- 

55 liAKI.rVT, Dirrrx rnyn\lfj< ; Lnnclon, 15S2, in the 
dedication to Sir I'hilip Sydney. The earliest assinuption 
of that char.icler whieh we have roiin<l, is in the long 
argnnient written in 15S0, by John \M-.r., on the back of 
his map of AmoriiM (liritish Miisemn, MSS., Cnlt. All;/. 

I., I, ".)•/. !), where he b.ascs on the liiscoveries or 
voy.a[;es of Cabot, Robert Thorn and Eliol, " the Ouecnes 
Maieslies Title Royale to these foreyn Regions and 

^'^ Jean i.t Srhaslhii Caltot, doc. XNxiv., p. 35S. 
An imperfect transcription of the name (viz.: .<. Ctila,/ 
niisspelleil Shnhot) easily accoimts for the above erroneous 
spelling, or lapsii.^ pctimi-. 

^' Xolf-i nii'l (Jiierle.i, London. 3d Series, \'ol. F., p. 
125, where the Emperor's demand is caiefidly printed 
from the original text by Mr. CI. Ilooi'i.u. 

intrigues on tlic \>, 

Tin; l)i>covKKV ov Nourii A.mi.uua. 
iri (if .Sebastian Cal)f)t, to ie.ive tlie service of (.'li.irles V 

and (ililain ,i hetter ])()sition in I-'iij^dand. I lie lime r 




leavoiirs ami correspondence brings iis very near die daU 

w IK n 



ll IS dlthciill to see 

a nuTt; 

plaiiis; ;iere imisl Iiavi* r«.'ached London. 

coincitleiice ixlween those facts ; and tiny certainly consliiuie iin|iortant 

elements to ascertain the motives of .Sebastian Labol lor |)hu:ing 

hall ol the I'aiglish in a fertile country 



uhicli was then 


a rnal nation. 

It tollous that the placing of Cabot's l.imlfall at Cape I'lreioii was 
an .Llierilioiiglu. If in connection with this fact we recollect ih.ii during 
forty-lour years prt;vi(.ius. all the: maps locate expressly or b\ implic.ition 
the first discoveries of the Knglish in the New World un ilegrees furlluT 
north ; that witnesses of undoubted veracity ami entirely ilisiiilerested 
testify having heard John Cabot declare that he sailetl westward of Ire- 
land, without .illudiiig to a change southwarti in the course of tlu' ship, 
at an\' time during the vox age, \vi; feel constrained to ])lace his pn'tna 
ticnui vistd, in 1497, beyoml 51 15' latitude north. 

Taking moreover into consideration that, according to the s.ime coii- 
tem])orary and unimpeached evidence, John Cabot not only did not sail 
In his first exiietlition towards the south aft(;r he had proceeded westward 
from a point which was at or above 51' 15' latitude north, but on the 
('oiurar\- thence stood to the northwartl, and afterwards steered in a due 
westi'rly direction, the- critic must place the landfall on .some point of the 
north coast of I.aliratlor, ])robably l)etw(;(;n the headlands of .Sandwich Hay 
and Cajx: Lhudleigh. 

The other dal;i, however spare, and vague, might lead us to sup[)ose John Cabot entered Ihulson's .Strait, followed the southern border 
of the Mt'ta Incognita, retniced his course before going far into thar 
ilirection, and came out at Ca])e Chmlleigh, whence he would ha\ e 
sailed str.iight back tu Bristol. 

.\ serious objection to this latter hypothesis is the hicl that John 
Cabot, when homeward bound, saw two isl:'mls of considerable size to 
starboard. PasfpLdigo does not specily the character ol those islaiuls, as 
lie savs onlv : " al lurnar aldreto a visto do ixole." Sonciiio is mon; 
I'xpllcit. "The two islands were e.\tremely large :— due insule grandis- 
sime." .\ccordi:iL{ to Professor Hind, that coast of Xorth Laluador "is 



frin^n'i'il uiih .1 \,ihi iiiuhiluili- nf Islands 
rk 1 

5'"* l)iil I'harls liiL;in u 

mark lar^c ishs niily .it the iiui-aiu<' n\ lludsdHs Sirail. Ol the luo 
isliuuls ill l'i)wa\a |!a\, oiif, .\k|ialiik, is vry l.ii'i;c, Iml tin- otlur, 
(irc<'ii, is ralluT small. Tlicii, according Id this luiMiiliciic roiilr, Jdliii 
Cabdl, \vlu:n D'acliing ihc In adlaiid al L'.i\h- (luidlcif^di, would li.uc 
laimclu'd iiUo wlial must have looked to him to lie tlir open si'a (as 
Ixtwiun Clnidki^li and Ri solution Island the i^a]) is 45 miles wiilf), 
instead of hunj^ing the shore and douMintj the caiie, which, owing to 
his small cratl and the lack of i)ro\ision, he would h.ive been induced 
lo do in |)ri'fereMce. Is it not mori' |irol)al)le, thin, that aftir lollowinj^j 
up his supposed landlall in l.alirador (somewhere ahout Sandwich W.iy or 
Iin uclokc;), as iar west as Cape, (.'luidleij^h, he turned his prow easterly, 

and when on tlie east shore o 

r .\. 

'W loundland, nustook lor m<'re islands 

tin- two larL^e or other peninsulas which project on siile Iroiii the 
main body of the isle ? 

ic latter hy|)othesis is so much the more plausi 

ble that liu' east 

coast ot Xewloundlaiid is indented with b.i\s runnin;^, in some instances, 
80 or 90 iniK'S inland, .md .it no i^reat disl.mce Irom e.ich other, i"'' I he 
peninsula ol .\\alon, |)ointin^4 soutli-;-ast, is e\< n .ilniosl se\ered Irom the 
principal portion ol the, the lonnectioii beinn .1 n.irrow isthmus, in 
one place hut \.hvrr miles wide. 




5" Lieut. K(l. C'liAi rri.i,, .V; 
Ilii'hixi'.i hny : I,im,|.>ii, 1.S17. 

n-nili-r of II \'"!/it,ji to ^ ' Ki v. M. ll,\i,\i.v, /■.'ifi/r/i./i.tlin llri'itiiiii-(i, \\,]. 

\\ II.. ].. vS-'. 



I ■ 

W ' 

I I 



In fiict, it w;is those deceptive profiles which caused all cartographers 
of the first half of the sixteenth century to represent Newfoundland as 
an archipelago. ''° Even in the Cabotian map of 1544, the isle is yet 
broken u[) into eleven large fragments. We should also recollect that the 
bays there have their shores clad in dark green forests to the water's edge ; 
and, as Cabot says himself that he merely sighted those islands 61 without 
circumnavigating them, the supposed mistake is perfectly accountable. 

If so, the adjoining map would represent the itinerary of John 
Cabot in the expedition of 1497. 

'^ IndcL'il, the number of fragments is almost the test 
lo .tscertain the anticiuity of the conlimir.itions.iscrihefl to 
Newfounillanil in the maps of the first half of the six- 
teenth century. The only exception, perhaps, is the 
Terra Xora of Johannes Rrvscil in the mapiiainumli 
of the I'tolemy puhlisheil al Rome in 150S, which 
makes of thai rejjicm a peninsula of one piece, solilered 
to the .\merican continen;. Thi> partially correc! con- 
ception of '.he islaml reni.xincil, ncvcrilieless, unheeileil 

l.iy all geographers for more than lifty years afterwards. 
The (liscovi'ry of the Strait of Belle-Isle, liy Jacipies 
Cartier, imly confirmed them in that erroneous opinion. 

'' " 1", al tornar aldrelo a visto do ixole ma non ha 
vohito (lesender |)cr non perder tempo che la viluaria 
li manc.ava." Letter of Lorenzo t'AS()i7Ai.t(;o, addrcsseil 
to his hrothers, and dated London, .Vugust 3, 1497, in 
our Jean tl Ki'hn-'litn C\('")/, doc. viii., p. 322. 





it f I 



V. fir 

■ h 



li ( 


I f 


Plate III. 

(1498-- 1499 ?) 


4^e ^econb (^ogage of ^o^n €a6o^« 

149S-1499 (?). 


VERY soon ifler his return, John Cabot petitioned Henry VH. for 
new letters patent, authorising him to visit again the country 
which he had just discovered. The King granted his n.'quest 
on the 3rd of February, 1498.' 

There is no ground whatever for the assertion,^ frequently repeated, 
that John Cabot did not command this second expedition, or that it 
was undertaken after his death. On the contrary, Pasqualigoj and 
Soncino-* mention him by name exclusively as the party to whom 
Henry VH. intended to entrust the lleet. Besides, this time, John 
Cabot is the only grantee, and the new letters patent omit altogether the 
names of Sebastian and of his brothers. Moreover, John explained in 
person to Soncino 5 his plans for the second voyage; and July 2^, 
1498, Puebla and Ayala^' announced officially to the .Spanish S "reigns 
that the vessels had actually sailed out "con otro ginoves coniw ' ilon," 
which description does not apply certainly to Sebastian, but to John 
Cabot, as we know from corroborative evidence already stated. 

The lact is that the name of Sebastian Cabot a[)pears in connection 
with those voyages, for tlie first time, in Pt'ter Martyr's account, printed 

■ liiDDLE, r)/i, lit., p. 75 i Dksimom, Iiiiiinto, p. 56. vole maml.irc XV. in .\X. ivivili." — .Soncino, in np, rii., 

luc. i\. " Chir.niatii Zoanne Caliiito ;" due. >:. 

■^ " Kt ilice . . . Kt fa ([uesto .irgunicnm , . . Kt 

" HlDDi-E, ihiJ-eiii, p. So: (Tiuigf HaNCkokt, in 
A]<]tlrlon's Enfydop-iiUn, ailiclc un Cahol. 

1 " Kl re U' lia promc^so ,i teinpci no\o nnvil .X. c 
nrniati come lui viir.\ . . . Kl cuinl serliiania Zuam 
TallKit." —,H!Al.U".o, in mir J^an tt SiUuliui Cahol, 
doc. viii. 

■• •' I.a .Miicta (le Ro questd piimo bonn tempo gli 

dicello per niodo . . . ." — .SoN<-lNO, doc. \. 

'' " Kl Key de Inglalerra eniliio cinco naos armadas 
con olio i;inovcs como colon .... dizen ipie seran 
venjdds para el setiemlire." — ITKliLA, doc. s'n. " Kl 
ginoves tiro mi caniino . . . l-^l Key de Vn(;latcira uic 
ha falil.ido alyunas vezcs solire ello." — .\VALA, iloc. \iii. 









I I 


Tiir DiscovERV of Xorth America. 

1 1 ., '!« 




f )■ 

I [ 


twcnt)' years .iltcr the evtMit ^ and taken from Seha.sti;ui's own lips ; 
whirli. as wr lirive shown, is not a rfcomniendation. In Kn;j;lan(l, his 
nanu: rev(;als itself as regaixis thi- discovery of the New World at a 
still later period, in John Stows Chronicle, published in 1580.^ And, 
although both that historian and Hakluyt'^ quote as their authority for 
the staKinent a mannscripi eupy of Robert^ Fabian's Chro)iii!e, everything 
tends to show that the name of Seliastian Cabot is a sheer inter[)olation. 
ihe eilation (.jiven by Stow ami Hakluyt is not to be foini;l in any 
of the editions of Fabian's Chronicle,^" nor in any of the MSS. quoted 
by .Sir Henry Fills for his eilition ; " but this, we grant, is not a tle- 
cisi\(' argument, as the first edition does not extend bevoad the reign 
of Richard Mi., vvhilsi the .idditions, which in the second year reach so 
lat(; as 1 509, are only !)rief notes. By comjiaring, however, xiv texts 
of .Stow and of Hakluyt with th(> manuscript Cronicon rcgum Atiglt'ce 
in the British Museum.'- which is in every respect of the beginning of 
the sixieenth century,'' it is easily shown that the said manuscript has 
been the prototy|)e either of I'.ibi.ui or of the chronicle, whatever it may 
in-, from whicli .Stnw and Hakluyt have derived 
cerning Cabot's vova^e. j-'or instance : 

their uitoniiation con- 


" This ycre . . . made hjni 
self e.xpcrt in knowyng of the 
world I aust'd the' Kyiig to 
rnannc .i ship w' vytaii! and 
other necessaries for to scche 
an Hand whereyn the said 
SU'aungcr surmysed to he 
gretc eummodities 


" Thys yeare . , , profes- 
sing hiinselfe to he experte in 
knowledge of the rin^uite of 
the worlde . . caused the 
King to man and virtual a 
shippe ... to search for an whiche he knewe to 
be replenished with rich com- 
modiccs . . . &c., fee.." 


" This yeere . . . made 
himselfe very expert ... in 
knowledge of the worlde . . . 
caused to man and victuall a 
ship[)e ... to scan h fur an 
Ilande. whieh hee saide hee 
knewe well was ric he and 
replenished with rich com- 
modities . . . iSrc, &c." 

BliI there' is .ui important difference, vi/.: where those two last-n.amed 
historians insert "one .S<-I),istian dabatn," or ascribe the discovers' to 

f(.l.. Dim 

.ICRKA, !)■ ()■■'■' 

.. ;. III., lih. \-. 

li,r,„i.x. Aic.ii.i, I Tit;, 

!ho p.. 

.iu eiiiiiiiii 

.f c-; 

'-• .)/.s'. foil. viifMiu.^, J xir., t. 173. 

'' Mr. (lAiKDNKK, who kimllv rcfxamincil thnt valu- 

77, I'hroiiirli I)/ hJiiij/aml, /mm Hni'f iiiilo the 
',/ I/. 'I;. I'f Chii^i 1580. I.uinlin, 4t,i, p. S6i. 
lliKO'il, JJiirrs i:'„ia\]t-< liiiniihi'i f/ii 'liyiiifrl' 

al.'lc .MS. at 

our retiiiesl, wroic tn us 

in iS!)2 ii 

iiiw|ui.stinnal)ly a cik\c\ of the lime, adding : " The rarly 
part of this chronicle i.s derived from a common source 

vilh ! 

L'ral I dur I,iindo 


■I. London, i5f>2, 4I1 
iSiC. i5jj. lyii 

in chronicles, such as Ciregory': 


1;-, K loll. 



lAN in llic readi 


The latter pait has something in coimnon with Fahyan, 
but there is a good deal in it lor Ihe ieic;n of Henry VII. 

lot to 1)1 

i.f till- British Museum contidus a MS. note, as 

id in any printed source' 

See Jiau ft 

follows : 

A ihitd MS. in iliv ll..n,l,ain Lihrai', 


haMj v.iinly sought for it. 

,S(7<fM//i'ii Caliol, pp. 315-317, for a liteial transcript 
lakeii Irom the .MS. 

% V 

J<;iix Cauot--- Skconi) Vovaci-: 


"Sebastian Gabote," the original Crontcon describes the " Conditor of 
the saide Flete," simply as " a straunger venisian," ami omits the name 
of Sebastian Cabot altogether. 

The expedition was composetl of five vessels, '+ fittinl out at the 
expense of J<jhii Cabot or of his friends : " payng for theym and every 
of theym. " We have not the exact date when the Heet sailed. It was 
after April i, 1498, as on that day Henry \'II. loaned ,^30 to 'rh(jmas 
Bradley and Louncelot Thirkill, "going to the Xew Isle." On the 
other hand, Pedro de Ayala already states, July 25, 1498,'^ that news 
had been received of the ex|)edition, which was obliged to leave behind, 
in Ireland, one of the shi|)s, owing to a severe storm. The vessels 
therefore set out (from Bristol .•') in May or June. Puebla states that 
they were ex[)ected back in the month of September following : " Dizen 
que seran venydos para el Setiembre ;"'7 yet, the vessels had taken 
su[)plies for one year : " fueron proueydas por hun ano." We possess 
no direct information concerning this voyage, n(jr do we know when 
Cabot returned to England. It is important to note, however, that the 
expeditions of 1497 and 1498, are the only ones which in the fifteenth 
century sailed to the Xew World under the British flag, and comprise, 
therefore, all the transatlantic discoveries made by Cabot before the 
year 1 500. 

Our only data concerning the north-west coast which the Venetian 
navigator may have visited in the course of his second voyage, are to be 
found in the ma[) drawn In" Juan de la Cosa in the year 1500, but after 
the month of February,'*^ as before time the great Biscayan pilot 
was with Alonso de Hojeda exploring the Gulf of Paria and Venezuela 

'* SoNciv.i ^,iy- th;il llu' inlonlinii of the Kiiii; tci 
seiiil tliis tiiut.' I'lcmi lil'toon to twenty vcsscU : "gli vole 
mamlaie X\". in X\. iiAvili." — Jmii el Si'ha-it. Cahnf, 
doc. ix., p. 32J; Kawdon IJkown", Cnlnnfhr, Vol. lU., 
p. 260, No. 759. The letters patent aiitlioiise Caliot 
only to " lake at his pleasure vj. Knj^lisslie shippes of the 
lioiirdeyn of ci:. tonnes or under;" Imt l'i'i;ni,.\ ami 
AvAi.A wiite that five vessels were sent : " einliio cinco 
nao^ arni:iil.ts." ( >ne of tltose vessels apparently lielongetl 
to Lansloi 'riiirkill of London, to whom Henry VII. 
loaned ^20, March 22nd, 1498, " for liis ship yoini; 
towards the new llande." 

'' E.nnrjild //iVonVa, p. 116 ; Dksimoni, lulnrno 
a Ohmiiiii fV(/"./o (/(lioiv'sii iroprllorc il I Liiliiri'lr,r r 
lU aJli'i- ri'jiiiiii iliJ/' Alfa AiiKrlm, p. 61 : Ji'iii (' 
Si'hn^licn Viiliol, pp. 102, 25G. 

''' lii-.K';t;NKoiii, Cni,i\,Jii.r, \'ol. 1., \.'. 210, p. 176; 
Jinii lit Sdhir"! il II (.'nhot, doc. \iii., p. 329. 

'" Juan nl Srhrt^t. Caliol, doc. xii., p. 328. 

'" Navarrrtf., Co/fi-ioii, \'o!. II., p. 122, states that 
La Cosa, who had acconipanicfl Alonso de Hojeda, 
returned to Spain "a mediados de Junio de 1500." Mr. 
i)i-. Ll-.iiiMNA, Juan ih la Com, Madrid, 1.S77, Svo, 
p. 70, says that, .according to the manuscript records of 
the C'aia tin Conh-ala'-ioii, it was ''en Kehrero de 1500;" 
Imt gives neither the text nor precipe indications to lind 
it. His dale, however, is certainly erroneous, as, ac- 
cording to Las Casas, Hliton'n ili la.i Iiiilia.i, lib. i., 
cap. cKv., Vol. 11. , p. 427, Hojeda and La Cosa did 
noi leave .he island of Hispaniola " sino cuasi en tin de 
I'e'irero. .■iitianle el ano de 500, y aun crco que en 



■^' 1. 

i» 1 







Thk Descovkkv ok NoKTEi Amekica. 


coast. In that celebrated chart, there is, in the proximity and west of 
Cuba, an unbroken coast line, delineated like a continent, and extending 
northward to the extremity of the map. On the northern portion of that 
seaboard La Cosa has placed a continuous line of British flags, com- 
mencing at the south with the inscription ; " Mar descubierta for 
ingleses ;'' and terminating at the north with "Cape of England :—(7</?/o 
de ynglaterray Unfortunately, those cartographical data are not suffi- 
ciently precise to enable us to locate the landfalls with adequate exactness. 
Nor is the kind of projection adoj)ted,'9 without explicit degrees of lati- 
tude, of such a character as to aid us much in determining positions. 
We are compelled, therefore, to resort to inferences. 

The north-western portion of La Cosa's map sets forth twenty in- 
scriptions, seven of which are the names of capes, whilst one refers to a 
river (;'" loiigo), another to an island [isla de la trinidad), and a third to 
a lake {lago fore ?). Although many of those designations convey no 
meaning to us (apparently on account of imperfect transcriptions), and are 
not to be found on any other map, they must be considered as pro"ing 
that the coast had been actually visited before 1500. On the other hand, 
the northernmost names represent certainly the points marked by Cabot 
during his first voyage, whether we place them on the north coast of 
Labrador or on the east shores of Newfoundland. But as the line of 
English flagstaffs covers a space by far too extensive for the voyage of 
1497, which lasted only three months, the legends placed further south 
necessarily apply to the expedition of 1498. 

When {)reparing himself to return to the newly discovered regions, 
John Cabot told Raimondo di Soncino that his intention was to pursue 
the undertaking as follows : — 

" From the place already possessed [discovered] he would proceed by constantly follow- 
ing the shore, until he reached the east, and was opposite an island called Cipango, situate 
in the equinoctial region : — Messer Zoanne ha posto Tanimo ad magior cosa perche pensa, da 
quelle loco occupato andarsene senipre a Riva Riva piii verso el Levante, tanto chel sia al 
opposite de una Isola da lui chianiata Cipango, posta in la regione equinoctiale."'* 

All that is clear in this vague description, and which must be re- 
tained just now, is that John Cabot's ultimate objective, when he set out 
from England in 1498, was an equatorial or southern region: — "la regione 

"' Na\ ARREIK, JUhlioteca ^fa)•ilima. Vol. I., ji. 212, 

' Jtaii et Scba-Ktitii Cahof, doc. x., p. 325. 




(15 00 } 

Hi > 

Hi - 


John Cabot — Second Voyagk. 


equinoctiale," situate south of the point reached by him in 1497. To 
this interpretation must be added the fact that the line of British flags 
in La Cosa's map, corroborates such an intention, as it indicates plainly 
a southward coasting. 

How far south then did John Cabot go in 1498? Taking the dis- 
tance from the equator to the extreme north in La Cosa's map as a 
criterion for measuring distances, and comparing relatively the points 
named therein with points corresponding for the same latitude on modern 
planispheres, the last English flagstaff in the southern direction seems to 
indicate a vicinity south of the Carolinas. 

This hypothetical estimate finds a sort of corollary in Sebastian 
Cabot's account, as reported by Peter Martyr. In describing his alleged 
north-western discoveries, Sebastian said that icebergs having compelled 
him to alter his course, he steered southwardly, and followed the coast 
until he reached about the latitude of Gibraltar : " Quare coactus fuit, 
uti ait, vela vertere et occidentum sequi tetendique- tamen ad meridiem, 
littore sese incurvante, ut Herculei freti latitudinis fere gradus . . . ."=' 
This statement was made at the latest in 1515. -- Several years after- 
wards, Sebastian Cabot again mentioned the matter in his conversation 
with the Mantua gentleman ; but this time he extended the exploration 
of the north-west coast five degrees further south, naming Florida as his 
terminus, and the point whence he sailed homeward : " Venni sino k 
quella parte che chiamano al presente Florida, et mancandomi gi^ la 
vettovaglia, jjresi partito di ritornarmene in Inghilterra." -3 

True it is that assertions from Sebastian Cabot, particularly when 
calculated to enhance his merits in the eyes of others, must always be 
taken with a mental reservation ; but, excepting his unfilial custom of as- 
cribing to himself a credit which belonged to his father, we see no good 
reasons for rejecting his description in this instance. The statement 
confirms John Cabot's project as disclosed to Soncino, and is justified 
by the import of the expedition of 1498, which was on a much greater 
scale than that of 1497. 

It is also corroborated by Ferdinand and Isabella's order to Alonso 
de Hojeda, when on the eve of sailing for the Caribbean Sea, to stop 

' 1 


" IVter Mari YR, nl)i .sH;ir((. says : " Martiu mense anni futuri MDXVI. puto ad cx- 

" In thi; same clccaile, I'elor Martyr, alUuling to a ploraiitUim discessuruni." — Decad. III., lib. vi., f"- 56, A. 
projected expoiliiion in search of the N'ortli-Wesl Passage, '' Rami'sio, Vol. III., f"' 374. 




the pro^frcss of the I'-nghsli in their exploration of tlie ncvviyfoiiiul cor 

tineiit. -■> 


e letters patent which contain this injunction arc c 




501 ; that is, three years after 'I'lieir Catholic Majesties had been 

informed by l'iic:bla and /\yala o\' the results of John Cabot's first voyage, 
and at a time wht n there hail yet been no other expeditions under the 
Ikitish flag across th(; Atlantic, except that of 149S just quoted. 

We must mention, however, a circumstance which at first sight might 
militate against .Seb.istian Cabot's exactn(!ss in this respect. Ivventy years 
after his conversation with l'et(T Martyr, he was sumnK)netl as a witness 
on behalf of Luis Columbus, who had brought suit against the Cro 


in vintlication of certain n 


ac(]uiri'ci Dy nis g 



er ('hristopher. 

Sebastian then declareil. under oath before thi; Council of the Indies, 
December 31, 1535, that he did not know whether the mainland con- 
tinued northward or not from Florida to the Bacallaos region: "que desdt; 
v\ rio de Santi Spiritus [the delta of the Mississip])i] en adelante, la I^'lorida 
e los Hacallaos, no se determina si es todo una tierra firme 6 no." -i 

Strictly speaking, the may be construed as implying that 
.Sebastian Cabot possessetl no information whatever r(,'lative to the coun- 
tries south of his tirsi landfall ; which, however, could not be the if, 
as he averred, he had followetl the coast " littore sese incur\anle," d.own 
to the latitude ol (iibraltar, or to that of Florida. Sebastian might 
nevertheless give a dubitative answer in case the ^\merican coast surveys 
of his time still left a ga]), hmvever insignificant, between the Gulf of 
Mexico and 36 latitude north. His answer, therefore, does not, in the 
main, absolutely contradict tht; statement reported by Wu-r Martyr. 
Withal, it is diflicult to reconcile its general bearing with facts which 
Sebastian Cabot, by virtui: of his official |)osition, was bound to know, to 
record, and to dis.seminate. Thus in 1535, which is the time when his 
deposition was taken, he could not be ignorant of the nature of the coast 
which lini:s the northern i)art of the (julf of Mt'xico, as in tin; .Seville 
map of 1527 that region bears the IcgtMul : "Tierra que aora va a poblar 
paiifilu dc narvaes : '\\\\'^ is the land which I'amphilo de Xarvaez is 
gcjing to settle;" whilst on Ribero's (1529), we also read: "Tierra de 

■■' N.WAKKKll., Vi'l. III., (Inc. \.. p. So. anil infra, nir.> de Co afios," fur Sfliasti.nn CalH.i uns ix'ilainlv 

lib. v., chapter .v. iwenty-nnc jears old, at least, in 141)6 ; el.-e he cmild • it 

'5 Prohair.a, of Oecemlier 31st, 1536. It was on this figure as grantee in such an act as the letters patent issued 

occasion thai they <leclared him to lie " 50 years of aj;e hy the British Crown at that date. -See the document in 

anil upwards; — de mas de 50 anos." It should be " de I)l>i\i(iM, (y<. v'd. 



John Cahot — Sicconu Vovack. 


Gtit-iiv," which locates the; cixplonition accom]ilishc(l by Aloiiso Alvarrz 
Pineda in 15 19. Hfsidcs, lio liad been certainly informed of the saiHng 
of Antonio de Alaminos" when despatched from Vera Cruz liy Corle-s in 
the latter year, and which must have doubled Cape; Sable and hujj;_L;(.'d the 
Florida coast at least as hicfh as Georgia, consiiiering that when in tht; 
Bahama Chamiel, Alaminos '• metiendo se al norte."-^' He must also have 
been familiar with the expedition of Juan Ponce de Leon in 151,1 from 
29" to 30' north latitude, -7 and then south to 25'. Nor could he f.iil to 
be aware of the sailing of Lucas Vascjut^z de Ayllon in 1526, along the 
Carolina and X'irginia coasts.-^ Finally, hv, was cognizant of thi- dis- 
coveries accomplished by Fsltwam Gomez in 1525, which ranged from 
40' to 42" 30' north latitude, -9 and established the connection between 
Ayllon's and John Cabot's own explorations, at all events. This con- 
tinuous coast line was so well known to t;xist that it is specifically marked 
on the very maps entrusted Lo Sebastian Cabot, and which were not |)er- 
mitted to be drawn or copied without having been first approved by him 
as Pilot-Major. How could he then depose and say in 1535 that he illd 
not know whether the region extending from the Gulf of Mexico to Nova 
.Scotia, or to Labrador, formed part of a continent ? Wv suspect in 
Sebastian's dubious answer some interested motives, as usual, but which 
the documents do not {)ermit us yet to fathom. 

iV; that as it may, those contradictions are not of such a ch.u'acter 
as to compel thi; critic to reject the statements made by Sebastian Cabot 
to Peter Martyr, and to the; Mantua gentleman, concerning the coast 
which his father or both visited during a voyage which was necessarily 
accomjilished in 1498-1499. The adjoining ma[) exhibits the route probably 
followed on that occasion. 

) I 



"' I'ciiKil I'iAZ, HislovUi Vr.rdatlcra ; Madrid, 1S62, 
hook liv., ]>. 4S; llKKKKkA, Docad. II., lil). v., caii. xiv,, 

'" ri.s(iir.i,, (_i'(s,-liii-lilc i/'..s' Z' ilallii-fi tltr Kiilda-k- 
tiiiijeu, Simij;ardl, 1S58, 8vo, p. 521. 

'* " Ck-n li' mas al Xutle ile la I'lorida.'' — 

IIkrkkra, Decad. III., lili. \iii., cap. viii.. p. 241. 
" Trciiila y cinco, y trciiila y si.i.>. y lri.-MUa y ^icl.- ^lail'is 
norte-sur." — Xavarkkik, Vol. III., p. 153, 

-■' " Dcsde qiiaranla c iin [^rados liasla (niarunla e dos 
y miidio."-OviF.lio. IH''Uiiia (Inm-iit, \\<\. II., lil'. xxi., 
cap. \., p. 147. 

.» -i 

T. f 

I* I 





TTTK cannot dismiss the |)ri-s(^nt subjt^ct without endeavouring to ascer- 
y 1 tain whether other e.\i)editions were not sent to the New World 
under the British flag, in the twenty years which followed the 
Cabolian voyages and discoveries. 

Thai such e.xpeditions were meditated and prepared does not admit 
of a doubt ; but, if ever accomj)lished, the results are not to be found 
mentioneil in chronicles or histories, nor even in any unpublished docu- 
ment .so far as known at this day. These, likewise, have left no r(;cord. 
We find, now and then, a few succinct indicatif)ns, from which the critic 
infers attempts of that character. !t is those brief notes which we now 
propose to e.xamine. 

On the 19th of March, 1501. Henry Vl\. granted letters patent to 
Richard Warde, Thomas Ashehurst, and John Thomas, Bristol merchants, 
who were associat(\I for the undertaking with joam and Francisco Fer- 
nandez and loam (".on/.ales, gentlemen of the Azores: " Armigeris in 
Insulis de .Surrys sub obediencia Regis Portugalia^ oriundis." ' Certain 
entries in the .iccount of the |)rivy purse e.xpenses of Henry VII., under 
th(; dates of January 7 and -September 30, 1502,2 as well as a reference 
in Stow's Annals undt:r the latter year to "three men taken in the New- 
found llandes, and who were brought unto the King," indicate that the 
voyage was actually carried out. 

On the 9th of December, 1502, letters patent to the same effect 
wvvc gnuited to Thomas Ashehurst, Joam Gonzales, Francisco Fernandez, 
and Hugh Elliott. 3 We possess no other information concerning this 
projected voyage. Hut the entry: "1503. Sej)!. 30. To the merchants 
of ISristoll have 'oem- in the Newefounde Lande, ^20,"-* may refer 
to that e.xpedition, in which seems to have been Nicholas Thorne, the 
father of Robert, as he had for a companion then "a merchant of Bris- 
towe named Hugh I'lliot." 5 

' DlliM.K. M'lllnif, y\: 222, j 1 2-32a 

•■ N. 11. Nil iins, Kx'-i-pfn H!il'ir>-n 
liiiH^ "/ Kii'jU-'k Ifii'iiri/, i>. 126. 

3 Rv.MKR, Fii'di'ra, \''>\. XIII., [i. 37. 
rii\ [lliith't- * KxiPf)itll /fiilorira, pp. 129, I JO. 

' ll.VKl.rvr, I'l-iii'-ijtall Xariiiniinii-', Vol. I., p. 219. 



John Ca.iot. — Ski'ond V()vai;i: 


The gift made April 8, 1504, of £2 "to a |)a;st«; that goi-tli to \\\v. 

new Ilaiule,"^ impHes an English exi)e(Hti()n iinclertakcii in that year. 

We do not 


feel so confident as regards the entry of Sipte 


ber (?) 25, 1505, whtTe mention is made of /"s which were given to 
" Portyngales that brought popyngais and catts of the mountaigne with 
other stuf [from the Newfounil Island] to the Kinges grace,"7 and which 
were taken to RichnKjnd. 'I'here are neither parrots nor catamounts in 
Newfoundland ; and these i)erhaps refer to animals anil oI)ji;cts brought 
from Brazil by some Portuguese seamen, who, on their return to Portugal, 
may have shipped at Lislxjii f(jr some English port, carrying with ihem 
their birds antl wild cats, as is freiiuently tiie case with sailors. 

We find then, about this time, the expedition of Sir Thomas i'ert, 
or Spert.** Whether the projiict dates of the years 1508-1509,9 or 151 7,'" 
it does not seem to have hc:en carried into effect. 

Towards the close of tht; month '.^S. ['"ebruary, 1521, the wardens of 
the Twelve Great Livery Companies (jf London, as we have already 
stated, were informed officially by tvvo members of the King's Council, 
Sir Robert Wynkfeld and Sir Wolston Hrown, that Henry V'lII. required 
of them five \essels for a maritime expedition : 

"To furnysche v. shipjis after this man'- The Kings CJrace to prepare them in lakyll 
ordenauncc and all other necessaries at his charge. And also the King to here the adventour of 
the said ship|)s, And the nierchaunts and companys to be at the charge of the vitaylling and 
tnennys wage of the same shipps for one hole yere and the shipps not to be above vj" ton 
apece. And that this Citie of London shabe as hede Reulers for all the hole realm for as 
many Cites and Townes as be mynded to prepare any shipps forwards for the same purpos and 
viage, as the Town of Bristowe hath sent vp there knowledge that they wyll prepare ij. shipps."" 

The promised reward for the outlay was " that x yere aft there shall 
no nacion haue the trate but [the said companies] and to haue respyte 
for there custom xv monthes and xv monthes." 

The required vessels were intended "for a viage to be made into 
the newefound Hand;" and to be commanded by "one man callyd as 
understoud Sebastyan," who was no one else than Sebastian Cabot, 
although the hitter's family name is not mentioned in the records. 

' Kxi'irjita Jlistoiira, p, 131. 

' Jhidem, p. 133. 

'^ II. K. I-'ox HofRNK, l:^ii'j/i.''h .•^lamni niiiltr Ihf. 
Tudora, London, 186S, AdI. I., p. 43. 

^ Frolii'^liir'.t yoyn'jix, ll.ikUiyt Socifly's ifprinl>, 
1867, 8vo, p. 41. 

"Kl'lN, of tht Xiicf India, London, 1553, 
410, dt'dicicc. 

" This nnd ihc following (piolations arc taken Irom the 
manuscript Wntdtii.i' Aicomiln of tht iJraptiv Cunijiany 
if Lomltiu. See sxi^.m, p. 29, note 21, and infra, 
.Vlipendix A. * 




\ \ 




' 1 




Till. Disci )\i:kv or North AMKiacA. 

f ■ 


A in(jt;tinu; was held March i, 1521, to consider the demand, which 
met with decided opposition on the part of the liveries ; the Drapers' 
Company assuming the leadership, and being intrusted, as it seems, with 
the task of speaking in the name of the " other auncy.'iunt ffeliships." 

On the rith of March, the rept)rt drawn up by the wardens of the 
Dra|)c'rs and of the Mercers, was read at a meeting of " the hole body 
of the tfelishi[), ryche and poure." They objected to the King's demand 
on the plea that as regarded the intended expedition His Majesty, the 
Cardinal (Wolsey), and the Royal Council, " were not duely and sub- 
stancially enformed in suche manner as perfite knowledge myght be had 
by creilihle rejiorte of maisters and mariners naturally born within this 
Realm of England having ex[)erience and excersided in and about the for 
said Hand." This evidently aimed ;it the foreign nationality of Seb.istian 
Cabot, whom they did not consider as being " naturally born within the 
realm of F.ngland." 

The wartlcns then expressetl the greatest reluctance to the appoint- 
ment of Sebastian as commander of the expedition, in most energetic 
terms, which we ha\e already ([uoteil, and u[)on their conviction 
thai he hail never been before to the New World, although arrogating 
to hiiiisijl tliscoveri(;s matU: by his father, in relating facts the knowledge 
of which he hekl from the latter ami other people. 

Finally, th(^y expressed willingness " in furnysshing of ij shippys aiul 
supjios to urnyssh the thryd. " i'his decision having been communicated 
to the auuiorities, " the commissioners bronijht aunswere fro mv lord 

Cardvnall that the Ki 

nL: woici 

haiie the i)remisses to !>o furth and to take 

effect. .And there vppoii my lord the maire was send for to spek(! w' the 
King for the s.ime inatier. so tli;it his grace wold hai;.- no nay there; in, 
liut sp;;k sh.arpv'K to the Maire t ) see it putt in execucion to the b.'st of 

his p.'uver. 
On the 

26th of March, the Max'or ol Lond.on suinmoiUHl before him 

tile entire conip 

uiv at th(,' DniixTS hall, "where was w' Ljrete labo' 

diligence and many diui'rs w.irnvngs grunted hrst .ind last ij C mcs. 
marks^ ])res('ntvtl bv a byll to ilv mairr the ixth d ly of Aprill." 


l and desliiiali.m ol the \-oy,ig(; ? .Must die 

W' Cf)uld 111- ihf ()l)j 
words: " Xewefouude Hand" be interpreted as me uiing the island of Xew- 
foundl.nid or an\' point (jf our .\inericaii east coast.'' We are not |in'pared 
to eive an affirm, itive answer. 


John C.\1!(.)T -SiruND Vovack. 


As has l)^•eIl already stated, Sebastian Cabot, who was constantly 
plotting, intriguino-, ami betniying his employers, had proposed in 1522 to 
go to Venice, for the; |)urpose of selling to the Rei)ublic secret information 
relative; to a North- West Passage, which he claimc;d to have discovenid : 
"come e il vero chc io 1' ho ritrovata." The Council of the Ten sent the 
entire corrt^spondt'nce to (iaspar Contarini, the Venetian ambassador at the 
Court of Spain, with instructions to interview Cabot. In their conversation, 
the latter, to enhance the value of the i)roposed enteri)rise, said that three 
years before, whilst being in England, Cardinal Wolsey had made great 
efforts to induce him to take the command of an important expedition 
to discover new countries, and had actually expended 30,000 ducats in 
equipping the lleet : " Hor ritrovand>)mi ja tre anni, salvo il vero, in In- 
gelterra, cjuel Reverendissimo Cardinal mi volea far grandi partiti che io 
navigasse cum una sua armada per discoprir [)aesi novi la quale era (juasi 
in online, et haveano jireparati per spender in essa ducati 30 m."'- 

The words "paesi novi" do not 'ipply, we think, lo a western jiassage, 
but to new countrii'S which Cardinal Wolsey, hoped to discover, perhaps 
in the tracks of the Spanish na\'igators. Then; m.iy he an inkling of such 
intention in one of the arguments used by the wardens of the; l)ra[iers' 
com[)any against the expediency of the enterprise, when they said . •• Also 
we thynk it is dowbtfull that any English shi[) shalbe sufferd to laid \sic.] 
in Spayn and in other countres by reason of suche acts anil statuts." 

It was in October, 1522, that Sebastian Cabot made those statements 
to Contarini, and ascribed to Wolsey's pnjposals a date corrt^sponding 
with the ye.irs 15 19- 1520. This is sufficiently near the spring of 1521, 
in a general conversation, to authorise the belief that the dcmaiids of 
Henry \T11. were intended for the expedition which he wished lo entrust 
to Sebasti.m Cabot, in the three years next preceding the hitter's interview 
with the Venetian ambassador. 

The Drapers ])aid their share of the exjjenses, for the records con- 
t;iin a list of names and the sums which each gave on that account. 
'• My lord the Maire, .'-'ir John Brugge," heads it with /'S. This first 
list of " Masters and livery " contains seventy-eight names. There is a 
second list of forty-six " Bachillers," who give smaller sums ; one gives 
£^ 6s. 8d., the next 5 marks, then 40 shillings, down to many at 3s. 4d., 
2od., and 12(1. only. But the expedition never set out from England. We 

" C. Uni.o, La I' ra jialri'i <J' Xi.-ol,> li,' (\mll < iSSo, \\. 64, ami ,/<«« ft Si'hnsliin Cahot, doc. xxviii., 
di (rioraniii I'nholo, SlinlJ r Doruiw nli, ('liiiiL;i;i,i, [i. 34S. 



. .' 





• I I 








Tin-; Disco\i:ky ok North Amkrica. 

have related elsewhere '3 how Sebastian Cabot plumed himself on having 
declined the proffered honour, and advised Charles V. to refuse the 
necessary authorisation for his leaving Spain on that account. 

Henry VIII. was, nevertheless, anxious to carry the British ilag 
beyond the known regions. In 1525, he promised Paulo Centurione, a 
noted Genoese navigator and cosmographer, to equip several vessels for 
a voyage of discovery : " Et Paulo poi passo in Ingliterra, et fu ben 
veduto dal Re, il quale li prometteua alquanti naui [)er andare a discoprir 
paesi noui." The project failed on account of the untimely death of 
Centurione : " ma il bono l. laborioso Paulo amfalo in Londra, et ando 
a cercare i paesi dell' altro mondo," adds Agostino Giustiniani,'-* some- 
what jocularly. Centurione seems to have entertained the notion which 
'•^ '553 promoted the expedition of Willoughby and Chancellor: "that 
noble adventure of seeking for a passage into the eastern parts of the 
World, through the unknown and dangerous seas of the North," '5 and 
to the establishment of the Muscovy Com[)any in 1555. The project of 
Centurione is stated in these words : " Coiidur le speciarie e le altre 
mercanzie di Colocut e di Tauris in le parti nostre di Europa per via 
di Moscovia," so that even in this instance the idea cannot be said to 
have originated with Sebastian Cabot. 

'''J' nil tl Si'ha.-'/ it II Caliot, \\ Ii6. 
'■• ( Hi'sTfNiANr, Caxliijatii'iini Annali, Gonova. 1537, 
wA\o, !il). vi., f"- ccKwiii. 

'JSiRYl'i;, Ilistoi-iial Mem<iyiali>, \'ol. II., \>. 402; 
Haki.i'yt, Tht Priiiiifiall Xariiintioiis, Voiaijim, and 
l)i'<ionr'u.-' of tlif Eiiijli'^k Xutivii. I.. 243. 




IVTO nation in the fifteenth century exhibited so great a spirit of mari- 
|\ time enterprise as the Portuguese. Their discoveries on the Arest 
coast of Africa prompted them to probe the Atlantic Ocean in 
every direction. So early as 1431, we see Prince Henry the Navigator 
send Goncalo Velho Cabral • in search of the islands marked on the map 
which Dom Pedro, the son of King Joam I., had brought from Italy in 
142S.- Although imaginary, they led to the discovery of a portion of 
the Azores. So with regard to the geographical notions of Diogo de 
Teive, who, in 1452, sailed one hundred ami fifty leagues south-west of 
Fayal, to find the Antillia island, claimed to have been sighted by a 
Portuguese vessel in the time of that enlightened prince. 3 

Five years later, December 10, 1457, his nephew, Dom F"ernando, 
Duke of Peja, receives from Affonso V. letters [)atent granting him the 
islands which he hopes to discover in the Atlantic Ocean. ^ Still believing 
in thr. reality of the western isles depicted on Majorcan and Italian charts, 
that King gnuus to Joam Vogado, February ig, 1462, two oceanic islands 
which he claims to h.ive discovered, and thinks to be Ov.i and Capraria.5 
On the 29th of October following, Dom Fernam receives the ownership 
of another fantastic island which Goncalo P'ernandez reports to have seen 
to the niirtli-west of the Canaries.6 Portuguese mariners, particularly those 

' AiUoniii ('oiil)KYKii, Historia hi.^ultvin, Lisboa, ^ ]ox l>V.Tov.KT.i, Mcmoria a rin-a daoriijinalidcul'. 

1717, folio, lib. iv., c,i|>, i., p. 97 i CANDino LusiTANO da X'ari;iaf;aO do Oi'eaiio Atlait/i'-o . . . . , in the 

(Jose KKlciRr.l, Viil'i do Iii/niiii IK Hmriqnr, Lisbra, l\i ri'ta don A(;orf.i, roiu.-i Del^nd.i, 1S51, Svo, Vul. I., 

175S, 4tn. p. 2yo. 

-' .\iUonio (.lAi.VAM, Tinffui, (/().< e dftiiay- s H. J. DE Sknna Kur.ITAS, if' moria hinlDn'ra .ivhrt 

radoi rniniiilioi, Li:.lio,i, 1563, ,Svo, .iml 1730, folio, p. 22. in'iiutado dixmlirlnhjito di: umn su/ipo-ila illiri ao iiortc 

' I'.im'sto nil Can 111, Ari'hiro </<« A^^orei, Tonla ild Tirrdra iios aiiiwn !i!.'ifi-1770, '■or.i >iiiii(n>i iiolai ; 

Vt\\2,.v\.\, f>vo, \ul. I., No. 111., p. 250 J Lt>i Cortt- LislKU, 1S45, Svo, pp. 62-73, docs. B ami c. 

}!'('!, p. 311. '' Op. cit., \\ Si, iloc. (i. 

i 1 

t A 







TliK I)lSCU\r.KV OF \oKTll Amkkh'a. 

living in the .Azores, continued to entertain delusions ot" tlial char:icter ; 
and June 21, 1473, Ruy Gon^alves tia Camera obtains letters patent con- 
veying to him lh(! islands which he |)ro[)oses to iliscover in ihr. ocean. 7 
But about that time, tin- belief which suggesteil all those elTorts, exolvcs 
to its full extent, and the conviction gains ground that by sailing due 
west the east coast of Asia can be reached. Affonso \'. directs his 
chaplain, bernam Martins, to consLilt the grtat I'lorentine astronomer, 
Toscanelli, on the subject ; and June 2^. 1474, the hitter sends him a 
map antl {^\planatiorlS already |)resenting all the arguments which (Chris- 
topher Columbus was to ackluce ten years later to enlist I'erdinand and 
Isabella in his projects. ** Meanwhile, certain Portuguese still cling to 
their fu'st notion ; and in the ho[)e of (.liscx)vering islands in the Atlantic, 
solicit privileges to that effect. On the 2Sth of January, 1475, b'ernam 
Telle/; receives letters patent, fu'st limiting his cx[)lorations to the latitude 
of Ciuinea, and tht'ii, November 10, extending the right to the imaginary 
island of the Seven Cities. '^ 

Although a numbt;r of enter[)rising inhabitants of the- Azores, such, 
for instance, as Alvaro and Joam da b'onte, lose their entire fortunes in 
such ventures, '°, the Portuguese islanders are not tliscouraged, and iVntom'o 
Leme, of Madeira, but of Dutch origin, sets sail, and affirms on rt!turning 
that he has discovered three isLuuls west of Terceira." In 1484, another 
Mack'irean petitions Joam 11. to t'Utrust him with a cara\'el for the ])ur- 
pose of taking possession of an islaiul which he pretenck;d to have seen 
west ot the Azores.'- On the: ;,olh of J ime in that year, a countryman 
of his (il it be not the same; aiK'enturer), calletl Fernam l)omingU(.'z de 
Arco, is made governor of the island which he hopes to tiiscover in the 
Atlantic: Ocean.'-' Two years afterw.irds, March 3, I48(), bernam d I Imo 
receives frop-. (oani 11., letters patent covering not only isles, but a 
coniineiil t'S'en, which liimsrlf or his agents propose to lind westward. '4 

.Attempts in that direction continued to be matle during several vears, 
as we ha\e the testimony of two witnesses to the effect that Christopher 

" Di; Ti-ii.uEs, tthi Miipm. 

"' liililiothfi-n Annri'-niia ]'tln.-il.-<sinii, Aildiliinv., 
pp. .w. wiii. 

■ lip. Si.NNA t'i;Krr.A>-, c/i. <■//., i-:., p. 77, a\v\ 
\il.ilf.p I.;; Vakm'.\i;i,n, I.h ]'. r'/tnh ni (•'(ittiKiliaiil 

Saiiilai/'ti c.liinl liy Or. .\. K. ur. .\/k\, I- Hinliul, 
1S7J, Svo.) 

" H.iiKilona' III-; I..\s Casas, llisluriit <!■ /.(s Imli'ii.'', 
Mm.IHiI, 1S75, Kvc, \'nl. I., p. 1)^. 

'-■Jnllinal of ('nlllu.llllS ill \ AVAUKI.l I', I ',)/. .,/(„;, 
Vol." I., p. q. 

"1)1, 'I'di-'iii.s, c/i. lit., p. 290; Cliri'/njilii I'l^'.'uili, 
'" I'kl'c TL'oso, H'lxioriii (ji iiai/titjini i/e S'lii \',,|. I,, p. jio, lU'if j. 
Mnjii,/, \v Ax S.iiiilniUx lid Td-ni, l'(,nl:\ l)rlt;:i(l.i, >4 i),.; \- viNHAiiLN, (7.. -■,''., p. iifi, .l.'Cs, iv., v., and 

Iis76, Svu, p. 7J. (Tlii^ piiblic.ilion is (lilTeiL'Mt from tlij. vi.; C/inxtcnlie ('i'tn,plt \',,\, !..m. ;i2. iiiii- i. 


df. ('(//I'/i, .Sunlbyo, 1864, 8vci, p. n.(. 

Attkmi'TS ok Tiir. I'oKTrci', 


Coluinhiis aiul Martin Alonso I'inzoii went to intcrrojjjatt: one I'fdro 
Vdzquez dc la I'Vontcra, who claimed to have; accvjnipanied an infant of 
Portugal on a voyage of discovery, which, however, failed owing \.o vast 
fields of sea weeds (the .Sargasso Sea). '5 I-'inally, the King of Portugal, 
according to the testinn)ny of Juan Rodriguez de. Mafra, actually sent 
out one or two exped tions in search of those western lands. '^^ 

Under the circumstances, we can readily umlerstand why hut little 
attention was [)aid to the projects which Christopher Columbus prop' sed 
while in lasbon. The theory adxocated by the great Cenoese was not 
new to the Portuguese, and the reasons which he alleged in supp(jrt of 
the proposeil enterprise were only a repetition of what Toscanelli* had 
written to the King's chaplain years previous. Had Affonso \'. or 
Joam II. felt dis[)osed to send>';ls westwanl in search of the (-ast 
coast of China, he would not have stood in need of a foreigner to com- 
manil the expedition.''^ The time was past when Portugal ilept:nded for 
maritime explorations u\)on Italian mariners. Joam de Santarem, Pedro 
de Kscovar, and their pilots IMartin Fernandez and Alvaro Esteves, who 
explorc'd the coast of Guinea in 1470-72 ; Uiogo Cam, who reached the 
Congo in 14S4, and afterwards 22' latitude south; Bartholomew Diaz and 
Joam Infante, who actually rounded the .Stormy Cape in i486; nay, 
Vasco tla Ciama, who then already enjoyed so great a reputation that he 
had received instructions in 14S7 to attt:mpt to reach India by the new 

route, when 

died,'** were competent, it setims, to conduct Lusi- 
tanian ves.sels across the Atlantic. "J 

On the other hand, if the success achieved by Columl)us caused the 
Portuguese to regret their want of faith or tardiiu-ss, they cc:rtainly con- 
sidered, u])on rellection, that the discovery ol the \ew World confirmed 
geographical Iiyi)olhesis, however cruile, which, as we ha\c shown, h.ul 
been current more or less for a number of years ;it the Courts of 
Affonso \'. and of Joam II., as well as aiiioug the inhaliitaiUs of the 

'5 l)r|iiisili.iH.s 111 AImumi W'Ic/. lie -Allid ;mil .Mniisn nuiy alios )• liii-ii rundailos maiiiienis, (|iif i\o lo e^tiiuarun, 

(j,illc(;ci, J'i-oli(iir.ii.^ (il Nov. i, 1532, and Oi'C. 22, 1535- > picsumian en id nuuido no lialior oircis niayores dL'scu- 

.Sco nlso iliu .iccimnt of llu- alunipts of \inccnlo Diaz: luidoros ([iio illos." Anilrcs Hkknaiukz, llixluria dv 

" liLN y iMialio voces ;\ luiscar la ditdia lierra liasta cicnio /(;.•-■ llajia C'dlnliiii", Scvilla, 1S70, Svo, cap. cxviii., 

y lanlas If5;i:as," at l!ie cost of a wcallliy (Icnocse nici- \ ol. I., p. 358. 

cliani ol' Tciccira, calk-d I.ucas dr ( "a/ana ; I.As ("asas, '"(larcia liK KrsiNhi:, l.irri) ila.i ()':r(rs, I.islioa, 

lib. i., cap. siii.. \(il. I., p. 101. 1555, fol., f" MV. 

"' " ri ni di- l'.irlo.;al a\ ia ain':ido una o dr.s \rics." " .XzruAKA, \alcnliin I'KKNANnb/, &c., &c., in i;. ,\. 

Intcno!;aloiy of ilic piloi M,\i i;a, in \" \i;MiAiii\, /.« nr. l!i: I 1 r.M'orK 1 , Ih st'tihriiiiiiilns, i/k, rni^, 1 <-iii,(ini'<ta^ 

Vi ril<iili lit diKiiKihiiiii, p. loi). ili'< J'lii/ihiiii -.' ^ I III liirii.s ilo vHrniiKiriniK sccidox X V. 

'■ " No lu file rredilo, pnnnn- (1 Key de I ,irliii;al li-nia ■ .V 17.; l.i-.!«u, l.'^Sl iS.Sj. l,iii;e 410. 'illioi;r,\plieil. 




! ( 





fM !i 


Till', DiscovKKV OK NouTH Amtkra. 

Azores. It is fair to presume, therefore, that the results of Cohimlnis' 
first voyage gave a new iini)etus to hopes and projects which they had 
thus far vainly attempted to realise. The critic is also justified in sup- 
posing that th(! memorable expedition of 1492, which claimed to have 
embraced "the Islands of Intlia beyond the Ganges; — de Insulis Indian 
supra tiangem nuper inventis," induced them to forge new theories con- 
cerning the distance and configurations of what they imagineil to be the 
Asiatic coast and archipelagos. What those surmises were exactly is a 
question to which hypothetic answers only can be given. Nor is it 
probable that much light will ever be thrown on the subject ; should we 
even discover tht; diplomatic notes which may have been exchanged 
between the Holy See and Cardinal Bernardino de Carvajal-° on the side 
of Spain, and Pedro da Silva^' on behalf of Portugal, when the papal 
bulls of May 3 ami 4, 1494, were issued. We must be permitted to 
expatiate on this point. 

It is well known that by virtue of the donation of the Western 
World, alleged to have been made by Constantine to St. Silvester, 
coupled, however, with the apostolical plenitude of the Pojie's power, no 
newly-discovered lands could belong to any sovereign without his being 
first invested with the sovereignty of the same by the Pontiff.-- Xay, 
whenever a new ]'o]ie was elected, all the Christian Kings had again to 
do homage for their possessions, old and recent. The Kmb.issv of 
Obedience sent on behalf of Spain when Alexander VI. -3 ascended the chair, w,is entrustetl to Diego Lopez d<; Haro, who made his 
einrv in Rome only June 12, 1493;-+ but the ni:ws of the great tlis- 
cov(M-v was kiiowi in Rome so early as April i i, a week at least before 

■ II C' who, nil tilt nci:n^iun uf oiii- 
la.—y, ik-livoieil .\ sermon .11 Koiiu'. Juiii' 10, I49j. wluTi.' 
we finfl the enrtiesl all.isinn (.Mitr-kk' nf accounts of the 
vojjige) 10 the iliso^very which ("oluiiiluis linil just accoiii- 
lli-hed.— /ii'WiVj/. Am. IV/d.-v., No. 11. 

-' Crarci.i UK Kl>KMir., op. ri>.. ca|). clxiij., f"- xcvij., 
seems to indicate that Joani 11. sent his amliassadors to 
Rome very soon after Aujju^l 17, 1492, which is the date 
when he heard of the death of Innocent VIII. l-'ernando 
de Ahueida was .adjoined t.i Pedrn ila Silva, and delivered 
hkcw i^e a sermon, where mention is made of the maritime 
discoveries aceomi'Uslicd !.y ih.- rortiit;ni-,e, Iml. of 
Course, only in .\ftica. />'. .1. I'.. Ail'lltioii.^, p. i, note. 

•I'.iiiKoN, /Ifliitr (iii'l h'ltll 0/ ihi- liomiin I'lnjiin, 
Huston. 1S55. Sv... ^wy. \\\\.. \ol. \'l.. |i. 161 ; Krr- r/iln 

Colonihiiiidiiii. |i. 177. No. 

aitiile on llie I'ook d 

I.oren/o V.M.l.A. .Vdrian I\'., in inveslinj; Henry II. 
with the sovcreij;nty over Ireland, said : " Onincs insid r 
qiiilius Sol juslili.e, f'hristus, ill\i\ii, ad jus .S.uicii Petri 
et .Sacrt> .Sanct;e I\celesi.e pertinent." 

'' The inscription on the tomti of Innocent VI II. .says : 
" Xo\ i oriiis sno o-vo inventi gloria;" but that I'ope dieil 
July J5, 141).:, whilst the New World was iliscovcred 
nearly three months afterwards, Octoher 1 1 12 following;. 

'MifRcn \Ri), Diarlum, Tilf.vsNK's IMition, I'aris, 
1SS4, Svo, Vol. II., p. So. We were in hopes that the 
Journal of the Master of Ceremonies of .Vlexander VI. 
would contain s.pnie information concernini; ("ohnnhils 
and his achievements, bat the di .covcrv is no' mentioned, 
even in the and l»ild discutsc pronounced Iv 
I.opiv de II \Ko in the public con-i tory whic-li was held 
immcdiatclv .tUcr he taken the oath. 

AlTKMrTS OK Till". l^)KTL(il.i:Si:. 


Columbus rciiched BarceI()ii;i,-5 it having liccn sent to the Holy See 
direct from Portugal.-'^' On the other hand. Bernardino de Carvajal. 
who was the Sjjanish envoy since 14S4, must have communicated the 
information t)fficially, towards the end o( April, for the purpose of ob- 
taining from the Po[)e the required investiture. Xo time was lost, as 
the hrst bull came forth from the \'atican, May 3, 1493. 

When reading that document with attention, it ai)pears U) have been 
drafted by the Itoly Set; with no other object than to grant in geiural 
terms to Spain, for the newly discovered lands, rights similar to those 
which luul been already grantt'd or confirmed to Portugal by live or six 
Popes, -^ relatively to the discoveries accomplished on the west coast o( 
Africa. As S(n)n as issued, the bull was finind to be vague in its terms, 
and c.ilcul.ited on that account to create difficulties between Spain and 
Portugal. Whether it was at the suggestion of Bernardino de Carvajal 
or of Pedrcj da Silva, wc' are unable to say, but on the next day, May 4, 
the Po()e published a second bull.-''^ This, after reciting again the tech- 
nicalitii's of the firsi, omits the passage relating to l\jrtugal,-'^ inserts a 
tomiilimenl to Columbus, ■''" and then jjroceeds to slate where the new 
dominion of Spain shall commence, viz.: one hundred leagues west of 
the Azores, ami exti'nd in longituile from i>ole tu pole. 

I'\M-ilina!id ;uul Isabella's prayer to obtain the retjuireil inxestiturc is 
not likely to have been coupled either on their part or on that of 
Columbus, with suggestions concerning the est.iblishmenl of a lim of 
demar.'.aion ; else tlu: text ot the fu^sl bull would liave set forth niaii- 
lime limits. Besides, ii w,is not the interest ol Spain to circumscribe 
its .icliou in this resju'ct. It is not prob.ible, theretore, maps or 
nautical ch.uls were forwarded to Rome then ; or if the ambass.idors 
were consulted, th.u geographical data could be found among their notes 
and disii.itches. .Such nuist have been also tlu' case with the bull of 





-■■ Di'Uicniid Mai ipikkh in \\:> A>:ii<ili \''ti'i' [A><fi{- 
rio Sliii-'i-o Itiilimii', KirLii/c, I.S4j, Vul. Vll.. I'art I., 
jip. 31.5-JI4) alix'ady i;ivi'S .1 fidl ilLSciipliuii ol ('ul\milnis' 
Miya^o ill rill cMiUy JuU'il : " M'lJ. .Vl I d'Avril." 

'^ •• 1493. A di iS .Vpril fo K'ltcro di Koma iiel Kpitu, 
cull aviai ill l'.irlo:;all'i di Ic iii-idf liavcno tiinalo . . ." 
M.iiiii Saniiio, Siuiiinarii ili Slnyia W iiizimia ; .MS., 
ill our Chi-i-!(>]ihi' Cilomli^ Vul. ''., ]>. 117, iiuu-. 

■" M.ulm \". 1.1. f.iiyi'iu: 1\'., ill UJ^^'- .^'i^•'l;l^ V., 
in 1454; ('.ili.MiH 111., ill 1450; ^lu^ II., in 1459; 
Si\!u^ IV., ill \.\S\.-J/istona 1. Mc:::uii.i.'^ il'i A'-afl-iiiin 

A'. i/fl< Sriiiirlds ih l.i'^hiia, Vol. IX.. 1S25. 4;", |i. 

230. Till-' grc.ll IhiUdi-liDii, KcMii.r, 17.(3, l"liu. r, nl.iins 
only ilio liull uf Nicola.s V., \'ol. 111., I'aii 111., p. 70. 

•' (.)ne of llic (>rit; printed copies of that papal I mil 
was sold at anclion by I'utticl; ami Siniiison, May J4lh, 
1S54, and Innmlit liy Kicli, Imt no one l^nows what lias 
lii'come of that all-important Ann rirniiiiiii, 

■■ " l-'.l i|uia eliani nonmilli I'oruiyalli.u Kc,l;i-s in p.irii- 
i'Us .Vfric.v . . . ." N w AUKiai., Vol. II., p. 20. 

•" " Viniiii iitii|iic dii;iuiiii, 1.I pliiriniian coniir.ciid.iliMii, 
ac t.inl.i iicyo'.io apiuni." -Xm akki. I r, \"ol. II., p. 3,^. 











Scptt'inhiT 25, 1493,3' which still more vaguely extends the (l(Miiiiii()ii of 
Spain : " haci.i el Occidente y i;l Mediodia." 

He that as it may, Portugal not satistn-d with one hundred 
k;agiies ; and soon conimenceil negotiating with S|)ain for a further ex- 
tension of till' line westwaril. The read(M- is awari; that by the treaty 
of lordesilLis, June ", 1494, the line w,is removed thri-e hundred and 
seventy k'.igues west of the Cape de Verd isl,inds.3- This treaty was 
signed during the ahsenee of Christopher Columhus. l''erdinaiid and 
isahclla sent it to him l)y the first vessel, .'.5 recjuiring his approbation, as 
the; tre.ity disposed of his share ,is well. Hut it is a curious fact, here- 
tofore unnoticetl, that he ni^'cr assented to tlu' concession made ex parte 
to the King of Portugal, and which, in reality, deprived Columhus of 
"one-tenth of .ill pe.uds, precious stones, gold, silver, spices, and all otlutr 
articles, in whatever manner found or gaineil," in Hrazil, which was dis- 
covered in his life-time, six ye.u's afterwarils. The documents show 
tacitly, this w.uit of cons(Mit. In instituting the sort of entail calletl a 
Maxorncgo, I'\'l)ru,u-y 2j, 149S, the great Genoese s])eaks ol the; line of 
demarcation as a " raya imaginaria sohre lis islas de Cano \'erde, \' 
aquellas de los Azores ciix U'guas." 34 Flight years later, on the eve of 
his death, in the codicil of May 19, 1506, having occasion to mention 
the extent of his rights, he s.iys still : " My sh.ut; of the Indies are 
west, one hundred leagues from the Axores : — mi |),irt(; de las Indias, 
islas e lierr.i lirme, que son al I'oniente de una r.iya que [S, .S. A. A. | 
mand.u-on marcir sohre las Islas tie U)S Azores y aquellas del Cabo 

\'erde, ciKN leLiuas, 

la cual 

iiasa I 

e P 

a Polo." 35 

Wcxv again, notwithstaiuling tlu' details contained in the lengthy 
treaty (jf, and the fact that the negotiators were seconded 
by the most learned cosmogra|)hers ,ind men versetl in navigation that 
could be found in the two kingdoms, 3'' there are in the documents no 
traces of geographical data enabling us to ascertain what were the cosmo- 
grajjhical notions entertainetl then on the subject by the advisers of 
Joam II. Vet, it would be important to know the hypothesis which 
tht;y formed touching the ccjnfigurations of the east coast of Asia, for 

>' N AVAKKKTF., Vol. II., p. 404. .Vppendi \. 

'■■ Ihiil' m, due. Iwv., \'ol. II., pp. I ;o 14;. 

5' Las Casas, lili. i., (Mp. Iwwii., N'ul. 1.. p. i.S. 

" Navarkf>;i r„ dcic. <-s\vi,, V..I. II.. p. Z2U. 

'5 Na\ AKKF.i i;. cloc. chiii., V.L II.. p. 21 ;. 

'' " Miuilia^ perMiiKu .pii.- ^a' ilu c.>j;r.ili.i y 

uslriilo);in, pueslo i|iii; h;iliiii hartn poco.s enloEicii.s vn 
a(Hiellos reinos, y l.vs pLT.s()na.s do l,i mar iiiir «■ pudieron 
halicr ( nil pude s.ibur los noiiilirus dcllas ni <niicn 
lucion)."— Las Casas, lib. i., cap, Ixxxviii., Vol. II., 
p. i6. I'm sec till- wilty remark of IVtfr Martyr cou- 
cc-rnini; llie lunla nt" < $24. Ojnn /'^jii"!., KpisU l><:i:.\ivu., 
p. 471 (i;i/i,'viri'nii LMli:iniii. 



Attkmi'Ts ok Tin: PoKTrdri'.sK 


tin' i)ur|)us(.' of ilcterminiiiti' the route which iIk; innriiUTS of l'ortii;4;il 
adoptctl when they ('ii;j;a!j;i:tl in that new tielil of maritime (Hscoverics. 


On this jjoint we only possess circnmstantial evitU:nce, derived fr 
hat is known of the statt; of ge()gra|)hical science at the time, and the 
maps then in use, sev(>ral of which are still in existence. 



as a in 

itter of course, th(Mi l)Ut for a short tiiiKt 

shared the error and illusions of Christoi)h('r Columlnis concerninif the 
geography of tlie Xe.w World. lake him, thev Itelieved that the newly- 
discovered countries were the i;.ist coast of Asia. 37 It is certain, theri'- 
fore, that as soon as informed of the event, which they kiu-vv before any 
one else in (".Lirope, 3** the cosmographers of Portugal sought on their 
charts the isles and coiuiiuMit which he claimed to have discovered, and 
first directed their attention t(j th(! Ocauuis IiuIkp sn/x'rioris, then, in the 
()[)inion of all, embracing the eastern I'xtremity of the Asiatic regions. 
\Vheth(!r they consulted globes, like the one frametl by Martin Behaiin, 
Majorcan charts, or a iluplicate of I'Va Mauro's map, which was to Portu- 
guese geogra[)hers a sort of prototype ever since the year 1459, when 
Aftonso V. ordereil it from \'enice,39 they must have noticed how, ac- 
cording to those cosmographical documents, the coast south of the Mcju.ator 
recetli's towanls tin; west, whilst north of the Tropicus ('{iiicri, numerous 
isles dott(!d the sea in an easterly din-ction, almost in the latitude of and 
not tar from the west coast of Ireland. ■*° 

W'e can justly presume, then, that in endeavouring to have the line 
ol dem.u-cation removed much further to the west, the Portuguese kept in 
\-iew those fanciful geographical configurations, and hoped to accjuire rights 
over the "Ciulf of the 353 happv and p •osi)erous isles,"4' or similar 

'" " (.'liri^lov.mi Colcinil"' ll,\li;ino, i|no vviilia ilo ilc^- *"^ " lleliaim IraiispDili.' ce tjriiuiio an nord-cst, ce qui a 

roliriinciii.i llha-, ilo ('i|iani;ii, u il'Aivilia." -Riiy IM'. iiifUn.' sur U"* ii|)ini(Mis ik's naviijateiirs a la I'm ilu quinzii'ini.' 

I'lNA, ('/(/•.. /I /'.(( il'i/ ItiijI). Jimm II., in ihe ('alli'i-ai,, siecic" — lluMiinl.iPi', h'xdiin ii Criliiim. 

lit lirrii-i iiii:l!liis t!i Ifiifdriit Porhciuf.ii , I.islma, 1792, *' " Uiscj^na/i I'/ianilio I'lrlamla, uv\\.\ c|\ialr all' iiccaso 

4t'>, Vol. II., \<. 177. Riiy ik' I'iiia. Ii irn in 1440, ami si niaroa un jjran jj'ilfci, c- vi si sciivc : (juHTo de issoUe 

liviiii; in at !Ik' linu' of tlu' nirelin(; cf Oilumlnis ccclviii. hoalo ct forUmaie." -Dosciipliun of one of tlio 

wilh '.111- Kini^ o! roriut;al ai \'al|iaiaiso, was a nicniln'r maps of Marin Sannlo (Toisellns) in /.rKl..\, I>i Mar<o 

of tlio t'onimission wliirh prrparrd tliL' Treaty of Tor- Poln, Vone/ia, iSlS. 410, ^'ol. II., .\ppctiilix, p. J07. Ills acfouiu of tliL' Intll of 'lontarfation {op. Tliis loyotidary archipolai^o rontinnoil iti various forms to 

III., p. iSo), wliicli lias boon copied hy all sulisetinonl fijjtiro in maps fi>r many years afterwards, \i/.: " I. for- 

I'oi-luijnese historians, eontains no ^peeilie details. lunate I. beate jG.S" (Mareiana, MS., (7. /!"., Cm/, ji;,!, 

'■' Cohimhiis e;i.,i .unlior at ('a-,.ai--. in the rai;us, "He forlunate ulii.ssime " [III. Coil, q)." "I. .Sanete 

Mareh 4lh, .ind had an interview uithihe Kiny of roriii- lieate. I. forUmalo isole oeeKviii." (/(/. ('ml. 493). " I'M 

i;.il. on tlio iith, at \'.ilpar.ii>,). nine le.ii;iies from l.islion. sant insul.v (|n;e dit'iintiir iiisiife sane' e. heat.e eeclx\-ii," in 

"' I )oeiniu-nt, (|;iiiicd in I'l.u-ido /fi<i,.\, // Majijni- the chart of 1457, of ( ;ii,r;^io (.'.M 1 Afdji \ (/i/. Coil. I'll), 

l;riii'h, ili nil .Mnirii, Wiie/ia. iSo(i, sni. folio, eap. jj. and in (irario/.i Hinincvsa's of 1461 ( I'lorenee, State 

p. ti.4. Aiehive^l and 1467 1 1'ari^ National l.ilirarvl, .ill c^f whirli 






'1 'I 


58 TiiK L)isc(jvi'.KY oi' NouTii Amkkica. 

occunic regions 42 quite as enticing and imaginary as the Atlantic islands 
wliich they had so often attempted to reach and conquer. In support 
of those cxpi^ctations shoultl be mentioned the general belie*" that the 
northerly portion of the Asiatic continent stranded towards the east, and 
that thr. earth was al)out oiu'-third smaller than it really is, whilst six 
|)arls out of seven were dry land. 

I"'rroneous inferences such as these lead us to assume that when the 
Portuguese, availing themselves of the treaty of T(jrdesillas, sent out 
e.xpeditions in .search of undiscovered countries, they turnetl the prow of 
their -^aravels north-westerly. We have also good reasons to think that 
no time was lost in equipping ships for the great venture, parlicul.irly in 
the Azores. Thus f,ir, however, we have failed to find in th(; clironicles 
of the time and archives f)f the Torre do Tombo pnxjfs of such trans- 
atlantic schemes anterior to the roval grant •^3 from King Manoi-l in favour 
of Joam l-'ernandez, of Terceira, issued October 28, 1499. w Whether 
the privilege was actually followed up by the fitting out of an expedition; 
anil, if so, where the vessels went, or what success attendeil the effort, 
can only be conj(;cturc;d. J nidging from the reasons already gix'cn, and 
the object of the hattTs patent granted by Henry VII., March 19, 1501, 
to certain Bristol merchants -^5 .issociatt'd with three Azoreans, one of 
whf)m is designated as "John I'"ernan(.lus, borne in the Isle of .Surrys 
[Azores] under the obeisaunce of the Kynge of Portingale,"4(j aiul who, 
to all appearances, is the identical " Joham P"ernand(!z morador em Ilha 
Tcrceyra" above nunlioned, it is almost certain that on those occasions 
the P(jrtuguese ships steered in a north-westerly direction. 


:\rc pl;ii-eil lo the west i<( lii'hiivl. TlK-cr f.intnsiicril already lij;urc.-. in SamitnV cliarl, which i> of the year 

ir.lamls imisl have fcmiul (jreal creileiiee with the I'drlii- 1321, wliil>.t IV./.io wrute only hel ween 1355 anil 1367. 

f^iiese, especially when they read in the copy of AfTonso V. ■" The rortumiese (loveniinent sent several expeditions 

of Kra Maiiro's niappamuiidi, Ky the latitude of Norw.ay westward in 1493, but they were prompted solely hy a 

ami aliout 22 lony. W.; " in (|uesto Oceano son niolte desire to lind the countries which Colunilms just dis- 

insule lo ipial non ho notado jier non li.aver luogo." covered."— See inj'ra, in the Chroiuiliiijy. 

"See the leyemls west of Ireland in the Catalan « The text is to be found in Vyfi (Jurtt-Itml, p. 44, 

map of Charles V. lU'ciloN and TAslir, yolifi'-i cl note I. 

/;'x(™iV.s-, of the -lea'/. (/<-.< /H.<rc//<^V)H.s-, \'iil. .\l\'., |i. 43, -"S " Ki, |,^,,1 \\ ;irde, Tho;iias As^lieliur.^t, and John 

.ascribe the origin of the notion to tlie Jlitn miiiuli of Thomas, merchaiu.-. of the Towne of liristowe." — 

Kazio degli UhKRTI (printed at Vicenlia, 1474, folio). BlDDl.i:, Mnanir, p. 306. 

This is not possible, as the " Ciulf of the 35S Isl.ands ' *'' Ihiilem, doc. ii., ])p. 306-314. 



(Po^ajeer of t^t <Cor^e;(Seaf0+ 

1500-1502 AM) liKlORK. 



X the U'lttTs patent graiitetl by King Manoel to Caspar Corte-Rcal, 
May 12, 1500, wc notice the ft)ll()\ving passage: 

" Whereas daspar Cortc-Real, a nobleman of ours, formerly did make great efforts, of 
his own free will and at his own cost, with vessels and men, spending his fortune, and at the 
peril of his life, to discover islands and a continent ; and that, hoping to succeed, he desires 
at present to continue and do everything possible to find the said isles and continent. Now, 
therefwre, iVc., Sec, &c." ' 

This extract shows that Caspar Cortc-Real had niadt^ unsuccessful 
atteniins - to discover transatlantic lands before May, 1500, and that ex- 
peditions were actually 3 undertaken by the Portugtiese about the time 
when the treaty of Tordesillas extended the maritime domain of Portugal 
westward, anil pi:rhaps at an earli(;r date still. It may also be that the 
sentence : " hyr buscar e descobrir algumas Ilhas dv. nossa conquista," in 
the letters patent granted previously to Joam Fernandez:, -^ implies a right 
based, not on that treaty, but on explorations made independently under 
the Portuguese llag. 

(iaspar Corte-Real was the youngest son of Joam Vaz Corte-Real, 
who, fnun April 2, 1474, until May 4, 14S3, held the position of Captain- 

' " I'lir ciu.imto (.la^;nr ("ortcrrcall ficIal(^io (l.i iins^.i 
ci";! i>s (li:K |ias,nili)i so tr.-ilxilhcm ])or sy c a sua custa 
com navyos c liDines ile biiscar e desciibrir e com 
muyto scu Iraballio c dcspcsa <le sua fazcmda e perygiio 
<le sua ]H-siia alijuuias illias e tierra fume c pclo com- 
syyuymlc o qucr aimda comtlienuar e por em liobia e f.izer 
niso quamto pixlcr por achar as ilitas ilhas e toiri ..." 
E. A. dc liETrKNciirur, o/i. <•!'., p|). 137-141 ; Aivhiro 
rfo.^ Afonx, Vol. lU.. No. XVII., p. 405; Ln Corft- 
Jtiri', d.ic. .\ii., p. Ipi). 

' The word " muylo" and the mention in the plural 
of "navyos," co\iplcd with the e.vpression "de>i>csa de 
sua fazouida,'' may be interpreted as alluding noi to one 
only, but to several previous efforts of that kiml on the 
part of liaspar Corte-Keal. 

' The e.xpcditions .ascribed to Joam Vaz Cone-Real 
(liaspar's father), without a sh.adow of proof, are abso- 
lutely unauthentic; .-ee La Coflf - Rtal, chapter ii. , 
p. J3-J4. 

•• Siiprn, pat;e 5S. 





• I 

' » 


'rill-. l)iMii\i;i;v oi' N'liUTii Ami uir.\. 

(i' of tin; soiitlu'rn part o( Trrajira islaiul. 5 \[i- was Ixirii inw.inls 
tin: niiildk: of tin- liftciMUli century, hcfort- 1455/' W'f know very littU; 
coiiccriiinij his t-arly life. Damiain ile doi'S says that (laspar li\(il with 
Kiiij; Manocl wlu 11 yrt only Duke of licja. 7 His father, joain \'a/ 
Lortc-Rciil, was a i^riMt laiul-sttMlcr, who aciiuircil hy imlawful mcms a 
vast property in tlie Azores. The |)robal)ilily is that as his cKlesi sons, 
Vas(|iieanes antl Miguel, filleil important ofl'ices at the Court, '"^ he tauseil 
( to remove to I'erceira for the purpose of managing his l.uuUd 
estate. In June, 14S0,'' we see tlaspar receive from his father ,1 l,u-ge 
tract of land in Terceir.i, taktii from one joam i.eon.u'des, which the 
heirs of the latter succeeded in recovering hack by leg.d process, July 

, I 



The Azor(!s, which jo.un \',is Corte-Real governed in p.u'ts ihiring 
tkventy-two years, first at Angra, and after 1S43 at .St. (ieorge, " were, 
as we havi! shown, the hotd)eil of notions about Oceanic discoNcries. 
(laspar was doubtless familiar from his youth with the jjrojects tormed 
by so many enterprising .Azoreans. Let us add that the sister ot his 
brother-indaw, Jt)bst di' Iliirter, was the wife; of M.irtin Hehaim, who 
lived at I'.iyal, in the .\/ores, from at K'ast KpSo until 1490, aiitl from 
i4g4 to th(! lime of his death.'- Those circumstances permit the sup- 
position that ( \\,is .imoiigsi the earliest .Xzore.iiis who .ivailed 
themselves of iIh' rights now possessetl by the crown of I'ortug.d, to 
I.umch into maritime eiilerprises .icross the oci'an ; but we know nothing 
of the extent or |)recise |)l,ice ot his undertakings westw.ird j)r( \ious to 

' ( In l!if 171I1 iif ti-hrnar\ 1474. 'rcritii.T w.T. iliviilcil ninoU'i'ii ycnrs I'lcKr lli.m liis iii.islir, ms Kiln; M.iiiorl «.i^ 

iiiliMWd (aiitain>.liiiis. .\lvai,p .Maitiii> «.i.s a|i|«iiiilf(l in Ijorii |unc i, ljdq. 

llic lino, anil |nani Vaz CoiU'-Kcal In the ntlier. Sie " A'aM|iiiMnfs {'nrli-Kial III., was Knt^ WmvkV-^ \\\- 

tlu' kltcrs |ialtiit ill I'. F. DkimmuMi, Aiiikk^ iln lllm li'nilaiu ( VvUnr) ami .\liailc .\layut nf Ta\ira. .\Iij;m.-l 

T,i-itlin, I'uli/iruiliiH j,i/(i ('iiiiiirii Miiiioijiul il'Aiiijia Cnrlc-Ki.'al helil in 15JI llie posilinn of Cliirf LMkt 

ill} III riiimitii : .Xiitjra, 1.S54 64, 4 vuls., Svu, \'i>l. I., (I'lutiim iniir) ; Imt as far liaek as Oclulii-r 25, 1405, 

jip. 4i)0-4<)3 ; ami Lik Citili Hull, ilor. ii., p. iSo. he reci'ivfil a ponsidn for services reiiilereil lo Juain II. 

'In June, 14.S0, Caspar Ccirte-keal is naineil as ' I)ioj;ii iias Ciiadas, ilaiis I iRi mmunp, li.n-. 1., duI 

grantee in a deed of (;ift, which woiilil h.ive been Lm Coiii -Hinl, \\. 2i(). 
attacUeil on the plea of lejjal incapacity to hold, in the '• I.m Corli I/ml, doc. wii. 

suit liroui;ht afterwards In rei'o\er the estate ciin\eyed 
( I,' !* (^orti- liriil , i\t}i\ wii. ^ il he had ii-ii lieen of a^e. 
Let us add tliat in 1475. ( i.ispar t'orte-Keal liecanie the 
father of a child; Dioi^ip iiAs('ii \i.As, h'.ijii-llio ('nKfiiiiio : 
MS., in Dki'MMunii, cji. ■ii.. \'ol. I., p. JO. r.m! /.t.< 
fiirlc-Hiiil, pp. 35-37. 

' naniiam DK (loKs, Chroiiiiii ilu l-'ilir. Iti i ilmii 
Emniirel : Lishoa, 15(16, folio, f' (15. If so, 1 i.i-par 
Ci rte-Ueal lu-ld ih.u position at a time when lie was 

" .1/r/i/co iliiD Afiirin, Vol. Ill,, p. 15. and Li-t 
Coiii ■ Hi III , docs. iv. and vi. 

'-■ K. W. <;miii.anv, (lia.hi.lili 1I1.1 S,i/alir,r.i Hillir 
Mitrtiii lliliiiiiii, pp. 3(1 and icid ; MiKK, llinhiiii 
ilijil'iitiiiliiiiir, p. 107. 1/aliel rorte-keal ((iaspar'. 
yoiiii^ siMer) married Jolisl de Iliirter 11., w hose sistei, 
loaniia de Macedo, liecame in I4S6 tlte wife of Martin 
I'.ehaim. Anliirn ili'.i Afuri s, Vol. I., p. 154, and l.t.i 
C't'i-I( Hull, p. 13, note 4. 

S f 

\'(i\A(ii>. di' I Hi; CiiKTi:-kr.\i,s, 


llu: liiiu! vvluMi IclUTs patiiU were tirsi gnuitctl to liiin. lie was lIuMi 
already lil'ty years old, 

Very little could Ik: ascertained relatively to the expedition whiili 
(ias|)ar Corte-Real orgaiiiseil hy virtue of the letters patent of May, 
1500, it was e(|iiipped, not at his sole exixiise, as 1 )e (iocs says, '3 
but in i)artnership with his brother Mij^niel, '•* ami was coniposeil ol' two 
vessels, which set sail from Lisbon or I'roni Ttiveir.i, '5 but more likely 
from tile latter placi', early in the summer of 1500."^' 

liiit in what direction exactly tlid they steer then ; and where was 
the landfall? \\\' scarcely possess any det.iils on that jjoint. rastpialigo, 
in his description of the second voya^^e, recalls that the yi'ar previous 
(15011), daspar Cortc-Real was prttventeil from reaching the maiidand 011 
account of the ice and snow, lie finally succeeded in landing. Where? 
Antonio (ialv.un says it by 50' north latitude: " foy a quella tlima 
que est.i ilebaixo do norte em circoent.i graos d'.iltura." We do not know 
what were ("lalvam's means of information, lie spent nearly all his entire 
life in the I''ast Indies, and when the injustice of the King brought him 
i)ack to Portugal, in 1545, that great and gooil man liv»'d in abject 
poverty, the inmate of a hos|)ital '7 to the end of his lif('. I'luler the 
circumstances, Galvam is not likely to have hail access to the .State 
archives, or, if perchance hi' did, ht^ cannot hav(! consulted documents 
which should havt' escaped I )amiam de does, who was Custoilian-Major 
(Ciu.irda m'or) of the Torre do Tomlio. The probability is that he bor- 
rowed his geographical ;iverment in this respect from some Portuguese 
charts of the beginning of the sixteenth century, which all ])lace the 
7'('r/ii <ic Coiie-Rfdl lutweeii 49 and 55 north latitude.'^ At all events, 
from iht; fact daspar Corte-Real was prcxcntetl from pursuing his 
course northwardly on account ot the ice, we must infer that he turned 
the prow southward, and, for tlu; n'.isons stilted in the next chapter of 

n » 


" I 'I. ( i"!/,, (7,/v);,/,Yi, I'^'OS. '^ " 111 nil hii>.|iit:ill, wturi' In- «;i.', kupi m'\ cmt'cno 

""1''. ilc^pi's.T lie sii;i fa.'enulA MO clilii ilcsiiil.iiuiii'iUi) ytfiis vniill ilio Imwci nf liis ilcnlli." IIakM'Yt's 

;isy nil.-, ililus iiavyds (|iii' Im dim scii iriii.iun \k\:\ fll;\ li;in>hiiiuii nf l''ranciscii nr. Siui,a 'r.wAUi/'^ |iniki(;ue 

arnn'.ii put a piiiiR'ir.-i \c/ ([lU' ;i ■liln ti'ira niliiui." I.iiums In ( Iai vam's Trrilmld, in Tin Di.iion rii>: . . , I.diidiin, 

pak'Ht in lavnur of Minui'l Cnu-Kcal, jaiuiaiy Jiid, (;. Iii>li,ip, i(h)i, .(in. 

1502; KrNSIMANN, Dii Eiililiikiniij Ann ri'ii'-<, p. i)J, " I'l'sriiil.. lli.trl,;,lil, ,/,» /< ila/h is ili r Knldirk-iiit- 

mile 120; /,i:i ('i,rf' ■li'inl (hn-. \\., p. 214. ;/(», p. jji ; Kum. Dniinii' iilanj IlislDnj nf Maine, 

"• " I'ailici di) portii do I.isJKia." 1>K (inKs. " I'arlio plalc viii., for one of ihose eliarls. (Iai.vam's remark : 

ila illia Terceira,'' CiAIAAM, Tmliiila, lir^t edilion 
(I.islioa, 156.5, 8v(i), f"-20 verM). 

''' *'No eonietjd do \era(Mlo ann< ie mil e*niiiihent(is," 
savs l^apii.i''' I *!■ t InKs, 

" lie terra (|iie >e a(;ora rliama de >eu nome," implies as 
miiili. lie may liavt liorrowed Ids lalilmie from llie 
/li-liirid ill I11.1 liiilidti ,,{ C,ns\.\n.\ (llrsl primed in 1552), 
w hit li sa\s ; "en mas de ciiu-iienta i;iados." 

\i I 



t .' 


The DrscovKKv oi' North America. 

the prescMit work, rcicheil the east coast of Newfoundland, in the vicinity 
of thi; landfall named by Galvam. 

The latitude of 50, given by that historian, corresponds with Xotrc;- 
Dame Bay, in Newfoundland ; but those figures are only approximate, 
and mav we!! come within one or two degrees of the real positions, not 
only in the [present instance;, but whenever mention is made of a g -o- 
grajihical point in any chart of that time. The other scanty details 
we owe to De (loes, who sa\ s that the country was a very cold one, 
covered with large trees, and which, on that account, he called the green 
land : " hunia terra que por ser muito fresca, e de grades aruoredos, 
quomo he. sam todas has que jaze per aquella bada, Ihe pos nome terra 
verde." This description, however succinct, applies perfectly to the east 
coast of Newfoundland, particularly as regards the vegetation in August, '9 
as ther(; " the bays frequently present scenes of much beauty, having 
their shore forests clad in dark green to the water's edge."-" This is all 
we know concerning Caspar Corte-Real's hrst authorised voyage, for the 
details tacked on Ijy all writers belong to his second expedition, as we 
shall soon show. 

The adjoining map exhibits the route probably followed, and the 
lands discovered in the first official exi)edition of Caspar Corte-Real, 
during the summer of the year 1500. 

"■" " TIkmc tlic uhitL- \mw grows li. ihe licii;lu of cli.unctei."— Kov. M. IIakxi.V, Kiii-i/,!nji,nlia llrilao- 
70 (ir So fi'i'; in ^i>nK' |ii,-iCL-<, ami is 3 or 4 R-cl ill vi:-a, V"l. X\"II,, p. 3S2. 






■»**«>^ ' 



m^ „ 


rf i 




! •, 

A if 








WE do not know when Caspar Cortc-Real returned from his first 
authorised voyage. The probabiHty is that it was in the autumn 
or beginning of the winter of 1500. 

Early in the spring of 1501 he equipped a new expedition, again in 
l)artnership with his brother Miguel, who was to receive one-half of the 
lands to be discovered : " le prometera de partir com elle la dita terra 
(jue asy descobrisse." ' On the 21st of April we see him embark his 
supplies,- and three weeks thereafter, May 15, set sail from Lisbon. 3 

Cantino, 4 Pasqualigo, 5 Comara, ^ Ramusio, 7 and, by implication, 
Gal\am,8 state that the expedition was composed of two ships only. 
But we have the positive language used by King Manoel in an official 
document to the effect that Cias])ar Corte-Real led then a small squadron 
coni[)osed of three vessels: "com tres nauyos."9 This assertion is 
corroborated Jjy the return of one of the caravels, October 8: "A di 
viii. del presente " (Pasijualico, Letter), or October 9: "A di 9" (Pas- 
(jiAi.ico, Dispatch), and t)f a second caravel, October 11: "Cusi hora alii 
undece del presente" (Cantino), whilst the third vessel, which was under 
the command of Caspar Cortc-Real, never returned. On the other liand, 
hov,' is it that Cantino, who wrot^^ on the iith, does not mention the 
arrival of the first carav(;l two o,- three days previous.'^ Is it that the 
ship which he refers to is the same sj)oken of by Pasqualigo.'' This is 
not ]ik(!ly. Pasqualigo spc^aks of only seven aborigines brought to Lisbon, 
and ackls lliat fifty are ex()ected hourly by the other vessel ; whilst Can- 
tinii asserts that he saw, touched, and ex.uniiKxl fiflv of those s.n'amis : 


A u 

hU W 

' l.i-Ucrs patiMit (if |;imi,iry 3, 1502 ; ;inil Klw-. I MANN, 
p. 9J ; f.m Cnyl'-li'al, doc. \x., ji. 24. 

^ /.(» Corlp-li'itil, Print Siriiiliim, \\ ". 

' Relying U[>i>u n sUiU'inoiU cont.'\iiu'iI in iliu kltcr lul- 
ilri'S>.o(l ( )clcilier 17, 1501, liy .Mlicrlo (Amlinci Ui ilu- Duke 
of, wlieieiii it is said lli.Tl llien (insi>ar Giric-Ueal 
had lioiMi al sea nine inontlis. we tlioutjhl tlie d.ite of liis 
leaving Lisl«m was in lannary, 1501. documents con- 
sulted since, and published in our I'o^t S'tIjiIkiii, allow 
ns to correct the mislake. 

Letter of Ocloher 17, 1501 ; /.(.>■ Cor/t/oa/, p. 204. 

• I'Asyf.M. ten's Dispatch, Dtniii ill Mnriii Stiiinto, 
\dl. 1\'., p. 200. 

' (ii>MAKA, Jlinlarin (i'lIKiu/ ill la.i Imli/i^, p. r77 
of X'edia's edi:i(Ui. 

'iAMisIo, 7'i ri'i i'oliiijf, t"'4i7, A. 

"■ (;a; \ AM, Tmtiiiln qui i'n)M;;as o iiulnc 1 iiiilnini 
iii/iltiii) . . . ed. of 156J, f" 20. verso. 

" Letters paiei t of Januaiy 15, 1502, in Kinsimann, 
p. Oj, note 120, and f.1.1 Cm h- Hull. iloc. \v. 


\ . 

I r 


TiiK I)isco\KKV OK North Amkkica. 

l! ■ 

1 -- 

" ( iii(|u.iina . . . li ([uali io ho visti, tochi ct contcinplati." These wrrr 
cvidciilly the al)origiiics expected l)y the shi]) which (Mitered the port of 
Lishon two or three days after the first. 

Ihe imly rehalile and direct sources of infonnation conc(;rnin_i^ this 

\i)yaL(e consist of descri|)ti()iis given Jjy two (!ye-witiicsses of the return of 

those cara\'els. rhe\- are to he founil in the tollowing documents, viz.: 

I. .A budget of news fcjrwarded from Lisl>on, Octobi'r 17, 1501, 

to the Duke of I''err,u-a, b\- Alijerto Canlino, his envoy to 

the court nf Portugal. "^ 

:;. A ehspatch addresseil by I'ietro Pascjualigo, the Wnietian am- 

l)assatlor in Portugal, to his government, October i8, 1501." 

,v A |)ri\ate letter written by tlu: saitl Pascjualigo on the following 

ila\', to his brothers in \'enice. '- 
4. A planisphere drawn at Cantino's request in Lisbon, ami sent 
by him to the Duke of I'errara, Xovember 19, 150::.'' 
1 he verv meagre accounts i{iven in the earliest historical works, such 
as Lopi'z de (iomara'4 and Ramusio,'5 are borrowed from the letter of 
l'as(|ualigo to his brothers, which was frecpiently publishetl, and translated 
into tour l.mguages. "' They also made use, tloubtless, of the numerous 
charts depicting the 'Icrra Corie-Realis. 

.\s to ilir works of the Portuguese historians, Antonio (ialvam, '" 

)amiani de (iocs, '"^ and Hi(-ronymo Osorio, "^ they cont.iin scarcely a 

single phrase concerning that v(3yage. De Goes iloes not even seem to 
be aware of the return of the two caravels: "mas no (jue nesta viagem 
[)assou S(' n.un sabe, iJorcpie nunca. m:us apparescij. nem ,se soube df^llt: 
niiua,' says ih.u writer,-" speaking of the latter ex|)edilion. 

Ihe acc:iiunt-. gi\en by Pas(jualigo aiul Cantino, antl tlu; documents 
froin the Torre d ) I'oinbo abo\e cjuoted, bear out the loUowing analy- 
tic. i! description di ( iaspar Corte-Real's second \'oyage ; 

' Sil/mi, |p. 63, Ilnlc 4. 

'■ .•<iij,rii, y. 63, Tioic 5. 

'■ l'ii--i Xi)iiuni''iili ivlriiiinii, Vifonli.i, 1507, 4111, 
viT^o 1)1' Aii. nml /.' i Curti-ltinl, iln.-. Nviii. 

'■ Till- |..irt rrl.iliriL; 1.. iIk N'l'W W.nlil li.i-. liooii jnili- 
li-lu-! ill f,>i-siiiiile with /,• ■■ I'nrl' H'lil, ami iiii'm, 

" Siijii-'i. |i. (>3, ii'i'i- f). 

'^ S,i/„it, |,. 63, nut.- ;. 

■' Ill'iCothirii AiD'i-i'U,-! r. 'iM//,<iHi'(, N .-. 4S, 55. 
5S, 70, (K). (J4, 109, ,V.'.. ,V.-. 

'" Siijirit, \\ 63, niii,- ,S. 

'*■ I).itni;ini ni. (i-u -,, ('finuii't dn F'ti i^simo h't U>nii 
Knifim-tl, 1 ' 6^. 

"OsoKlii, l)i /■■'/».< Knminiirf/i.^, lili. ii.. |i. S4, :IM'I 
/finfitirfj (h /'oftinjaJ, f'*- 59, versn. 

-■-' Wc- mil .1 infiT from the silence of l")i: (.iui-.s in llii^ 
re>jiei-l tlini ilii- l^lrt^l^;ut•^e .ircliivt-s ontaiii no 
account of Corlo-Rcal's Sfcond voya^'e, as thai liiitorian 
was ( lencral Casioiil.'n of the Torre ■io Tombn, from 
ivtS (1)\ Sii.vAl or 155S (l)KNrsl until 1571. The 
orolial'iliiy is ihit as ( Iaspar inleiide'l Io 
return lioiiie soon after seii'ling liack the two caravels, 
hi- intention «a- to luinj; the written account himself. 




It was a voyage of discovery towards the North : " ierra verso 
tramotitann . . . alle parte de tramontana." 

They met with enormous icebergs : " masse grandissiiue de concreta 
neve an dare niosse da iondc sopre il mare a galla" and then a frozen 
sea. These obstacles compelled them to alter their course, and steer in 
a north-westerly direction : " ritrovarno el mar gelato . . . cominciarno a 
circondare verso maestro et ponentcy 

After a long and laborious voyage, 2' Caspar Corte-Real sighted 
between the north and west an extensive country : " fra questi dtii 
venti, dun graiidissimo paese." 

The country discovered was distant from Portugal, to the west and 
north-west, two thousand miles, and, until then, wholly unknown: " //. M. 
migliu lonsi da qui \Lishoa^^ tra maestro et 'ponente qiial mai auanti 
fo cognita ad alcun" 

They saw many large rivers which Howed into the sea, and sailed 
up one of these about one mile : " Et correndo molti et grandi jiumi 
dolci per quella regione al marc, per uno de epsi, forsi una legha fra 
terra intranioy 

Lea\'ing the river, they followed up the coast between six and seven 
hundred miles without coming to an end : ''per la costa de la qual scor- 
seno forsi miglia. dc. in. dec. >ie 7nai trouoreno fin." 

They went ashore, and found a great quantity and variety of most 
excellent fruit, as well as pine and other trees extremely high : " copia 
de suavissimi ct diversi fructi. et alhori, et piiii de si smisurata altesa 
et grosseca" (Cantino). " Et plena de pint ct altri legni optimi" 
( Pasqualigo, Dispatch). 

The country was very populous. The inhabitants lived in houses 
constructed with timber of great U-nglh, and covered with fish skins : 
" molto populata et le case de li hahitanti sonno de alcuni legni longis- 
simi coper tc de forauia de pelle de pcssi'' (Pasqualujo, Letter). 

Thi' natives bore a great resemblance to Gypsies. They were all well 
formed, somewhat tallir than our race, with long, tlowing locks, and 
painted their faces like [East-J Indians; ".Sonno de equal colore, figura, 
staturii, et aspecto simililirni ,1 cingani" (pAsi^iALhin, Letter). " Sono 

The o\prcs.^iiiiis in Uic letter of Cantino : " i|U;Uio two of the ve^els which had left Lisl)o;i May 15, were 

me^i cnniimii," followed by " ove Ire me>i," must he luck hnnie in llie second week ol Octoijcr follciwini;, 

l.iken in the sense of .\ lony voy.ige, Init which cuu'.d not after landing in the New World. .See also ihe letter 

have taken 'leven tnonlh.s, as he says, considering that of rAMjUAl.liin, 

'■ 'I 

t ... 








n: ' 



alqtuinto pin grandi del nostra naturalc, li capilli de muse hi j souo long hi, 
et pcndeno con certe inhanctate volvetiire, ct hanno il volto con giuni signi 
segnato, et li segni sono ccmo ijuelli de li litdiani'' (Cantino). 

They lived by fishing and hunting, as there were vast nimibers of 
animals in the country, such as extremely large deer with very long hair, 
wolves, foxes, tigers, and sable : " cervi gnindissi/ni vistiti di longissinio 
pelo, et CHsi lupi, volpc, tigri, et jehcllini'' (Cantin(j). 

Now, a north-western country, on the way to which you meet with 
icebergs in June or July, where there are large trees, particul.u-ly pine, 
wild fruit, deer of great size, foxes, wolves, and marten or sable ; which 
is watered with extensive rivers, and whose inhabitants, in the sixteenth 
century, had a red skin, long black hair, the face painted, and li\-ed by 
fishing and hunting, is a descrijition which would apply equally well to 
the entire northern region of America, from New England to Mudson 
Strait. The accounts given by Pasqualigo and Cantino are not sufficient, 
therefore, of themselves, to enable the critic to ascertain the landfall, or 
even the precise country which in 1501 was visited by Caspar Corte- 
Real, We are constrained, consequently, to resort to further analysis 
and discussion. 

The oldest map known which mentions the Corte-Rcals is the plani- 
s|-)heri: made at Lisbon for the Duke of I'errara, in 1502. It was ordered 
by Alberto Cantino, and accompanied the; description of (iasjiar Corte- 
Real's second voyage, sent by that zealous correspondent to his master. 
Critics must consider it, therefore, as intended to illustrate the discoveries 
accomi)lisht!d by that iKuigator in 1501. 

Emerging from the northernmost portion of the map, and descending 
beyond the Circulus articus, we notice a large peninsula, which, according 
to our motle of calculating distances, -^ based upon the leading positions 
and general contexture of the ma]) itself, is by about 62° north latitude, 
and 37 west longitude. East of this peninsula, and on a line with its 
apex, there is an ishuid denominated Islanda. This \;ist promontory 
bears the name of "A ponta d'|Asial," but is, in realitv, as I )r. Xonlen- 
skidkl has justly said "an inih jiendent ami wonderfully cornjct formation 
of Creenland, though it is l.iicl somewhat too northerly." ~i 


AfC fVi/'^AVa/, chajjicr ii., p.iges 7J-77. frdn Imrjan af ffxUDnU: fil;Ut; Sluckhcilm, iSS.|, Svo, 

A. v.. N'-KiiKKSKlili P, Om in miirUhj ij!i,lkarf<i ]>. 6: ami t!iij,'li-h traiT^Kilinn. NV-w Vnk, 1SS4. 



Vov.u'.Ks OP' TiiK Cortk-Rkals. 


On each side wc sec thr Portugui;se tkig, and Ijetwecn tticni, in- 
scrlbcil on a scroll, the following l(;gt;nd : 

*' Esta term he descober[tn] per maiidado do muy escelentissimo p[ri]ncepe dom Manuel 
Key de portu^^all atjuall se croc scr esla a ponta dasia. E os que a desr,ol)riram nam chegaro 
a terra mais vironla /, nam viram senain surras muyto espessas polla (juall segum a o|)inyom 
dos cosmofircos ^e cree scr a ponta dasia i^This land, which was discovered by order of the 
Most Excellent Prince Dum Manoel, King of Portugal, is that end of Asia. Those who 
made the discovery did not go ashore, but saw the land, and remarked nothing but very 
abrupt mountains. That is the reason why, following the opinion of cosmographers, it is 
believed to Ijc the extremity of .Xsia." '' 

What is that land ? Cartograijhically s[)caking, it can only he the 
country now called (ireenlantl. \\\- are compelled, nevertheless, to carry 
our investigation beyond a geographical as])ect, however convincing it may 
appear to all observers at first sight. 

Whcii (Jantino and Pasqiiaiigo wrote their accoimts, (lasi^ir Corte- 
Real had already accom'plishtxl a voyage in those regions, as we have 
statetl, and in course of which he sighted a land diff(;rent from the one 
when- afterwards a landing was effected. Is that the first transatlantic 
country de[)icte(l on the Cantino chart? If so, the configuration would 
belong to the cosniogra[)hical data obtained during the voyage of 1500. 
Our opinion is that Pasqualigo's remark a|)plies not to that peninsula, 
but to the country where Caspar Corte-Real ultimately landed in 1500, 
thouofh the landfall then was further to the south. On(; of the reasons 
is, .iccortting to the legend in the map, if Caspar did not land then 
and there, it was on account of the iminviting appearance; of the country; 
whilst the letter of the X'enetian ambassador speaks of thv. impossibility 
to efiect a landing on account ot the frozen sea : " .\on posseno ariuar 
fin la, \)vr esser el .\l,ir agliazato." We havt; also the, fact that the land- 
fall in 1 501 w,is the inaccessible land of 1500, which Caspar is said to 
have rangeil for a very long tlistance. This, if e.xact, would place the 
discoverii's accom])lished in 1501 not in Newfoundland, l)ut along the 
eastern shori's of Baffin Hay. Nor should the reader forget that the 
maj) containing those delineations was made expressly to illustrate the 
voy.ige performed by Corte-Real in 1501, a relation of which Cantino 
sent to the Duke of h'crrara at the same time. 

We now notict;, west ot Crcenland, upon the lint; of demarcation, 
and near, but south ot the C'lrCHlus articus, a large isolated coimtry, 

:• I 





{ \ 

-' I,n Coiifl'ml, \\ 93. 

1^ ' 


TiiK Discovery ok Noktii Amkkica. 

■I . ' 



covered with enormous trees, ;uk1 greatly intleiiteil on its eastern coast. 
It is designated as the Land of the King of Portugal : " Terra del Key 
de Portugal/" and bears upon the; northern exireinily lh(; following legend : 

" Esta terra he descoherta per inandado do muy alto excelentissinio Sr priiKipe Rey 
dom Manucll Rey de portuguall aquall descobrio Gaspar de Corte Real rauallciro na lassa do 
dito Rey, oquall qua[n]do a descobrio inandou hu[in| naujo com (^ertos onies / niolheres que 
achou na diia terra i elle ficou com outro naujo z nu[n]ca mais vcu z crese que he jierdido 
z aquj ha iiniitos niastos : — This land was discovered by order of the Most High ami Kx( ellent 
Prince King Dom Manoel of I'ortiigall. It was fouiul by Oaspar de Corte Real, one of his 
noblemen, who, upon discovering it, sent [thence] a vessel with men and wonien of that 
country. He remained with the other vessel, but never returned [honu'|, ,i;ul the Ijelief is 
that he was lost. That country ( onlains much mast-timber." '•'■' 

This, of cours(;, is the country which Cias|)ar Corti-Real discovered 
after leaving Gri;enlaiid ; whert; he actually iandetl, and to which apply 
the descriptions given by Pascjualigo and Cantino. But what region is 
it in reality ? 

The aspect, distance, ,ind ])osition of the; afore.said pcMiinsiila and of 
that new land, when \iewed together on the Cantino map, correspond 
l)erfectlv with Greenland, anil (owing chielly to the latitude) with the east 
coast of Labrador as depictetl on modern plane charts. .Must we infer 
that Labrador is the coimtry which (Caspar Corte- Real discovered and 
\isiti'd before parting with two of his caravels in .Se[)tember, isoi.-" Ls 
it not rather the east coast of \ewf(nnulland .■* Apparently, on tin; map, 
it is Labrador, but certain details given by I'asquiligo and Cantino can- 
not apply to the latt(;r ccnmtry, whilst they answer in a remarkable 
degree i\\v. geography of Xewfoundland. 

When reading the accounts of l'a-i(jualigo and Cantino, we notice 
that the tlisco\'e'rers were ]),iriicularly struck with two geographical charac- 
teristics. One was \.\\v. great number of large rivers which ran out of 
the cotmtr)- into the Atlantic ( )cean : 

"Their oi)inion [that the newly-discovered land is a continent] is confirmed, says I'.is- 
(]ualig(j, l)y the multitvide of l.irge rivers wiiich they found, as no island, certainly, could Cdiit.iin 
so many streams and of such importance : — I^a moltitudine de fiumare griississime chc hui'-no 
trouate la, che ceuo de una Insula nor. liaii.i mai lante et cosi grosse." 

W'e also read in (.antino : 

" 'I'hey saw many large rivers of fresh water, whirh em])iied themselves into the sea: — 
et correndo laolti et grandi fiiinii dole! per ([uella r( gionc al mare." 

' Ihii/iiil, y. 92. 



\''nAGEs OK Till-: CoRTi;- Reals. 



Now, one of tin- distinctive, traits of the Atlantic coast of Labrador 
is its lack of rivers. With (jnt; singU; e.xception, the Lahradorian lluvial 
basins all front to the shores of the Gulf of St. Lawrence and of I liaison 
Bay, where Caspar Corte-Real is not supposed to have l)een, at hiu.t 
before .Sepl( niber, 1501. Tht; only river which he could call lar^^e, when 
ranjjfini; the east coast, was the Ashwampi ; ant! to fnid it, lie would 
have had first to sail throuj^h Hamilton Inlet ami Lak(! Melville, which 
was cert.iinly not the case. Xewfoundland, on the contrary, is noted for 
its threat nunilier of extensivi' streams, particularly th(; east shore, iiesidi's 
the several branches of the (lander, which drain an area of 2,500 scjuare 
miles, and the I'.xploits, 200 miles in lenijfth, there are the Traytown, the 
Terra Xova, the (lambo, &c., &c., which, with their wooded \icinity, 
answer the de.scriptions given by I'asciualigo and C.uitino. 

We infer from these facts that Corte-Real did not steer due west, 
say from Cipe b'arewell, which would have taken him to Huds(jn ..Strait, 
where there is no such country as his cai>tains describetl, but south-west, 
iii.isniui h as his first course northward was impeded by a frozen sea : 
" (1 mar gelato." If so, ht; must have fallen in with the east shore of 
Newfoundland, between 47 and 49 north latitude, a ri'gion which strands 
eastward, and where we find the greatest number of rivers in the island. 
The other characteristic extolled by those two writers is the si/e and 
quality (jf the timl)er, ;is seen from the Cahtino writes : 

" 'I'huy found jiine .ind other trees of such height and diameter that they would be too 
large to make masts, even for the largest ships afloat: — alhori et pini de si sniisurata alteza et 
grosseza, che serebbeno troppo per arboro de la jiiu gran nave che vadi in mare." 


isqualigo says 

"I'hey have a large i[uantity of timber, especially pine trees, well ada[)teil to make 
masts and yards. The King expects to derive great advantage from this timber for shi])s : — 
hanno eiiam giam cofiia de legnami, et fo sopra tutto de Pini dal'are arbori et antenne de 
naue : per el ihe ([ueslo S. Re desegna hauere grandissimo vtile cum dicta terra si per li 
legni de na\e . . . ." 

I'in.dly, the legend on the map, although very succinct, ends with 
spiakiiig also of the- quantity of limber for masts: "a(;!ii ha nuiitos mastos.' 

Liimpare this description with what competent .uithors write about 
Labrador in this res])ect ; 

"ihe .Xtlanlic coast of Labrador is the edge of a vast solitude of rocky hills, split and 
blasted by I'rost and beaten by tlie waves .... Dark and yellow headlands towering above 




> i' 




it ' 



l")is(ovi'uv (IF North Amkuita. 


the waters are ever in sight, — some grim and naked, others clad in the pale green of mosses 
and dwarf shrubbery."'-"' 

On tlic other hand, sec what they say of Xcwfounilland on that point: 

" The bays freijuently present scenes of great beauty, having their shores forest clad in 
dark green to the water's edge .... The white pine grows to the height of 70 or So feet 
in some places, and is 3 or 4 feet in diameter." =' 

Thti other details which l'as(|iialii.jf<) and Cantino derived from eyc- corroliorale in a ^rr.a measure the ahoxe di^ductions, althougli 
they apply to Lal)rador almost as well as to Newfoimdland. Those 
writers s,ty that the country yields a (piantity of fruit, and contains vast 
luimhers of tleer of largt; size, cov('red with long hair, wolves, fo,\es, and 
sahle, and a multitude of falcons. This corresponds with what travellers 
report about Xewfoundland, where the berry-bearing plants cover large 
areas of the islantl. whilst the caribou or nMiuleer, wolves, black, silver- 
gn-y, and red foxes, W(;asels or m.irteii, ami falcons, are by no means 
nii'j even at the present day. -'"^ 

Take also the de.scription. which those two Italian correspondents 
gave of th(' aborigines st'(Mi by Corte-Real and his companions : 

" They have the colour, figure, size, and aspect of (lypsies. The men wear the hair 
long, in flowing locks. They puncture the face, bearing eight or more marks. They are 
clothed with the skins of different animals ; in summer the hairy side is worn outwards, but 
inside in winter. Their disposition is quite gentle, and they have a strong sense of shame. 
The skin of the women is rather whitish, but the men are niore tawny. They live exclusively 
by fishing and hunting : — Questi homeni de aspeto, figura et statura somigliano cingani ; hanno 
signada la faza in diversi logi, chi de pin chi de manclio segni, vestiti di pelle de diversi 
animali, ma preci|)ue di ladrar . . . de instade uoltano el pello i suso, et de inuerno al con 
tiario . . . sonno niolto uergcjgnosi ( P,\.sql'.\ligo's Dispatch and Letter). — Li cai)illi de maschij 
sono longi, et pendeno con certe inhanelate volveture ... La dona tien un viso assai gen- 
tilesco, il colore de le (juale piii presto se pud dire biancho cha altro, ma il maschio e assai 
pill negro" (Cantino). 

.Mthough all the North American Indians possess several of those 
traits in common, yet, as a whole, the descri])tion answers the Ivskimos 
better than the .Micmacs, I-'tchemins, or other members of the north- 
eastern branch of tlu; Algonquins, who, in those days, lived in Nova 
Scotia and the northern borders of Canada. 


Lnf>rnd'ti\ in iIil' Kii''!f' I'tp'nli'i liritniniirft, 

\<K\\ \I. IIVRVKV, Kif :/■■!:■!,. Ilrllau., \..l. .WII. 

"* We hnrruw lhe^e ilclails from Kcv. .M. IIakvkv's 
xiX'llunt aniclc on Xeirlhiniillnnd. 

I \ 

\'n\.\(;i;s OK TiiK Ci)UTi>Ri:.\i,s. 


The l.iicsi I ihiiofrraphical aiithoritit-s, suinmed iiji l>y Dr. Rdlurt 
Hrown. ajrrcc in niircsi'iitiiig the I'-skimos as ha\inj.( rciiiiiiiiccl a Ncry 
honini^i'iK'Oiis race lor, al least, 1,000 years; and lliat, alllidu^li scattirtd 
over ,111 iiiiinciisc nginn, their mode ot life presents very little dixcrsity, 
so nuieh so that the idiom spoken hy them, t'rf)m Ciri'enland to North- 
Mastern .Siheria, is, with a few exceptions, the sam< . W'e may say, 
therefore, til, it the i'.skimos ot to-tlay exhibit the leading characteristics 
of the Mskinios of the sixteenth century. They iiri' descrilu'd as follows : 

"The men coarse lil.nck h.Tir, which they allow to hang loose and iinkemiit behind. 
, . . They are not so small as they have been represented, being (|uite up to the aveiagc of 
the coast Indians, from five feet lour inches to five feet ten inches, and in rare cases even 
six feet . . . They dress entirely in skins, and have two suits of clothes, one with the hair 
inside, the other with it outside. They have a pleasing, good-humoured, and not unfreijuently 
even handsome cast of (ountenance. Any sort of licentiousness or indecency which might 
give rise to public offence is rare among them. The skin is only so slightly brown that red 
shows In the checks of the children and young women. They are solely hunters and fishers.""* 
Another traveller adds; "Their face is also painted with wide strokes, three or four on each side."** 

The reader will doubtless recognise a very great similitude between 
the (U'scription of l'as(|ualigo and thai of modern ethnographers. True 
it is that we h.i\e no prt'cise information concerning the race of Indians 
who lived in Newfoinnlland when Corte-Real visited the country, and 
even for a century afterwards. Neither Jo'.in Rut, who landed on the 
south-east coast (1527), nor Jacques Cartier, who passed through the 
Strait of Belle-Isle (1534), nor Roberval, who was at St. John's (1541), 
nor .Sir Humphrey Gilbert (15H3), nor .Sylvester W'yet (1594), nor Whit- 
bourne (1615), all of whom mention the Newfoimdland Indians more or 
less, give any detail enabling us to ascertain the race 10 which they 
belonged. By implication, howi\'er, we may believe that thev were 
I'.skimos, as the entire north coast of Labrador was ,ilwa\s considered 
,is the " proper home " of a large class of those aborigines. The Strait 
of Belle-IsK', which se|)aratc'S Xewfoundland from the continent is ex- 
tremely narrow ; whilst south of the island, across the entrance of the 
(lulf of .St. Lawrence, lived the Micmacs and sevend other tribes of 
the warlike Algonquin race, who were and are still their most bitter 
enemies. This tloes not show that (iaspar Corte-Real's l.uiiJfali, in 1 50' , 
was XewloLiiullaiul r.Lthcr than Labrador, as Lskimos occujiied both those 



- ■ Sci- i h. l)Uu\\\\ valiialilc arlirlc in ihc F.H'ijilo- 
^nti/ia Itiifnunirtt , \''il. \'III.. p. 544. 

II. \V. Km \>i\\\K,AI- a^h'niin nut, ,- th It Ksl'„h^^, 
plntci nil i>p. "0 iuul So. 





^ .f^ii. 






1 28 1 2.5 

IL25 iu 






(716) 872-4503 







^^\. ^y/'^u WrS 

^>. ^ 



TiiK DiscovKuv OK North Amkrica. 



t i 



I'i I J 


two sections of the country ; but neither docs it contradict our inf<;rcnce 
that th(? Portuguese navig.itor landed further south than the Labradorian 
peninsula, on the east short; of Newfoundland, though \\(\ may afterwards 
have coast(!d Labrador, with his three caravels, to a pretty high latitude, 
as we think he did. 

This deduction is borne out by the King chart, 3' which is the oldest 
map known where Newfoundland bears a name of place, and exhibits 
geographical information on that point, obtained October, 1501, and Sep- 
tember, 1502. In that chart, the region corresponding with the Terra 
del Rey de Portugall of tht; Cantino planisphere is called Terra Cortereal, 
anil absolutely identified with our Newfoundland, notwithstanding its out- 
landish position, by the namir inscribed on the south-eastern extremity, 
viz.: — Capo Raso, or the Flat Cape. This designation has remained 
thenceforth attached to that headland, and it is now universally known 
under its |)'-esent name of Cape Race. 

What course did Caspar Corte-Real then follow .'* The geographical 
notions or illusions prevalent at the time, as exhibited in the Majorquan 
and Italian charts, together with the Atlantic region allotted to Portugal 
by the treaty of Tordesillas were, as we have shown, 3^ data which cer- 
tainly caused the Portuguest; to locate their sphere of operations relatively 
far to the north. Another reason, given by Damiam de Goes, was that 
southward many discoveries had already been accomplished : " proiws de 
ir descobrir terras pera banda do Norte, porque per;\ do Sul tinhao ja 
outros descubertas muitas." ii 

This reasoning is partially corroborated by a passage of the letter of 
Pasqualigo, implying that the six or seven hundrt^d miles which Caspar 
coastetl in the course of his second voyage, were north of the land 

sightetl in 1500 : 

r . 
" Credeno che sia terra ferina : continue in una aitra terra che lanno passato fo 
discoperta sotto la tramontana, le qual caruelle non posseno ariuar fin la, per esser cl mare 
agli.i/.ati) et infinita copia de neuc : — This land is a continuation of the other land which they 
discovered last year, at the North, and could not [then] reach on account of the sea which 
was frozen, and the great (juantily of snow." He also says in his official dispatch: "Conjungersi 
con altra terra, la ([ual I'anno passato soto la tramontana fu discoperta da I'altre caravelle de 
(piesla riiajest^, licet non |)otesseno arivar a quella, per esser el mar li agia/.ato con grandissima 

" Tlii^ 'lUcri'^liiit; iiKip ».\s fiMini! invini; llu' pi;HT-, i)f /ii'i'')n'</i(' for iSHfi, No. 4, )ip. 147-160. Sol" i«/ra, 

Arthur Kim;, iho Kii';li-.h ir.ivL'llor, ,\:i'l lir-.t clf.i".il)eil yA.Wv, An\ xhi; Cnrlniji-aiihia Anvrii-niin r. hutiMnimi. 
liv Dr. v.. T. IIamv, Xnti'i tnr iiiii iniji/ii'iniiiil- jutrhi- " Sit/tm, lincik Ml, y. 57. 

f/'iM' aii'iiii/iii' il' I'l'i.'. ill the liiill''iiu il': C/i ijra/ihi'' " 1)K (JuKs, (Vintii'i-a iln li'i ' iloin Kmaiinl, f'- 65. 


I ( 


\'its.\(,i:s ()i- Till-; C(iKTi;-Ri .M.S. 


(|unntit.i (li nuvc, in niocin < lie iiionti (]u;il terra : That country is connected with the other 
land whii h la-.t year was iHscovered at the north, by His Majesty's other shi|), hut whi( h could 
not lie re.u tieil owin^; to the frozen sea and imnunse (luantilies of snow, t'orniing mountains 
such as .ire on !and. ' 

If Cortc-I'ical w.i-, Hot to u() sfiiitli hcciusc lie fcircil to encroach on 
the rights of .Spain, and was deterred also from sailini; southward on 
account of tlie nimieroiis discovtTies already achievt-tl in that direction, he 
must have ijone towards the north, and beyond the coasts which he had 
visited the year i)revioiis. The fact <,'f his havin^; now asctM-taiiied that 
the land llrst discoven;d and the land lately explored are connected, 
implies as iniith. 

Those t(;rms locate the landfall of 1501 in a more northerly region 
than the landfall of 1500. They also imply a ranging of the north-east uf Laljrador, perha[)S as far as Cape Chiidleigh. If so, the region 
explored hy (iaspar Corte-Real in the summer of 1501 is the very 
country which was di^covi-red l>y John Caoot four years [)r(vious, in 
1497. .\ curious circumsi.uice strengthens this surmise. Pascpialigo says 
that one of the yoimg sa\ages brought by the caravel which returiu'd to 
Lisbon on the 8th or 9th of Octolier, 1501, h.ul in his e.irs two silver 
discs ni.idt! ct;rtainlv in X'eiiice : " haucva all' orechii' ilui tomlini de 
arzento, che sen/a clubio pareiio sia facti a X'eiielia," and that the com- 
mander ijrought thence a ])ortion of ,1 gilt sv/ord, which uiupiestionaljly 
came originall) Injin Italy; " uiio jx/o ile spaihi rotl;i dorata, la ()i'al 
certo p,ir facta in ltali;i. ' Xow, the only voyages known to have been 
made thilher previous to that time by I'airopeans since the .Scandina\-i,ins, 
are those which were icconiplisht il liy |ohn Cabot. 

As to the ])ri'cise locilit) of the laiidf.ill, we ha\ e no means of in- 
formation on thai point ; but we cut guess where Ciiispar Corte-Real 
directed his course after sending Iionie the two caravt'ls. 

Ilis intrniion, as reported by the captain whom Cantino interviewed, 
was to proceed .tlong the coast until he had ascertained whether the 
newly-discovered country w.ts a continent or an island; " I ia delibcrato 
andar t.uUo per (]i rlli cost;i, che vole intender<' se f|ui 11a e insula, o pur 
terra f' rma." I'lider the t irciim^iances, alt>r .admitting the inh fences 
aboM- stateil, (lasjiar doubtless explore il the coast of Labr.ulor still fur- 
ther north, and nnmded probably Cape Cliudlt Igh. If so, lludsoii .Sii-ait 
or, peril. ips 


l.a\- IS llu- 

pi. It.- where he met hi.i unli^^ Iv de.iih. 


!l. ' 

i .1 

Il li 


A' • Ft* 

^ f 


A 1; • i| 

1 1 


I I 







'I'm-; DiscoxKKv ok Noutii Amkkha. 


'I'hc explorations of Hudson Hay hy thr Ah'tt, in 1SS5 and 1SS6, 
show that the ice hlockatlinj,' the cntranci-. at i'nrt LaptrriiTc, iHsappcars 
during the last week in August, and that the bay remains entirely free 
until the niiddlt; f)f OcKiber. The |)rohal)ility is that (iaspar Corte-Real 
ent<Ted the l)ay in September, and found it blockaded .it N'ottingham 
island when he endeavoured to return home. 

To sum up. The data which we have just analysed lead to the 
conclusion that, in his first successful voyage (1500), (iaspar Corte-Real 
went direct from Lisbon or Terceira to a point in the vicinity of the coast of Newfoundland, imt far from Helle-lsle .Strait. Hut 
not being able to approach the l.mtl on account of the frozen sea and 
icebergs, lu; turned his |)row southward, exi)lor(;d the seaboard, landing, 
|)erha|)s, at Bona Vista, whence h(,' sailed homeward. That was in the 
summer of 1500. 

For reasons as yet unknown, Caspar Corte-Real seemed to Ik; bent 
on reaching a more northern |)oint than he had succeeded in attaining ; 
/ having been driven thence by the; ice. In 1501. therefore, the bold navi- 
gator directed his course more to the northward of his last landfall, and 
thus fell in with Greenland, sighting Cape l-"arewell, from which he turned 
away. 34 Ife then steered south-west, as we sup|)ose, effecting the landfall 
on the east coast of Newfoundland. When,- was ex.ictly, we do not 
know ; but, judging from the ilescription of the country given by the 
c.iptains who returned home, It must have been south of Belle Isle. 

The lleet, from that point, ranged the coast northwardly, no <jne can 
tell how far, nor at what latitude ( Corte-Real sent two of his 
caravels back to I' ; whilst he continued alone the ■ ;.)loration 
towards the north-west, from which he never returned. 

The adjoining map represents his [)robabIe itinerary after sending 
iiome two of his ships. r 

'^ I It-ncc ]icih:i|ts tlu- Irj^rtul in Kuii>tni;iim N". Ill; avi-iil." See iit/ra, in ihc < 'artiiijrfi^ihin ^liiu fi'-tnia 
C. ill miraim tl lixiiiiu: — "C.tih.- In I.Hik .il Iml to I'. '«»^'"<i<;if( ; umlir ttif >fnr~ 1502 150V 





.; 11, 

L ' A 


' I Mi ll:l 


1"^ .k i 

"? ,; 


.i , 





!l 1 

» t 


tit I 


I i 

''■ 11 






C"^()Ml{IN'IN("i a li()|)c lo ri'sciif his l)n)lln'r dasiKir wiili th.' desire 
of accomplishiiiif also transatlantic iliscoveries, Mijjjiiel Ldrte-Real 
nbtaineil for himself letters patent from Kinjj; Manoel, and fitted 
out an expedition. The tyrant, dated |anuar\- 15, 1502, conveys lo him 
all the continent and islands which he may discover diirini^ the : 
" toda a terra hrme e ilhas (|ue elle |)er sj nouamentir nestc anno ile 
(juinhemtos e dous descohrir Ihe fa/emos tlella iloacam. ' ' 

riie little we know concerninif this voyage is to be; foiunl in tlu' 
works of Damiam de CJoes- antl .Antonio (ialvam.4 The latter, in llak- 
liiyt's \crsion, writes as follows : 

" Wlicrcforc his brother, Michiiel Ci), went to secke him wiih tlnxx' ships* well 
;i|iin)inlcd at his owne cnst ; aiul when they laiue vtito that (oast, and found so ninny en- 
trances of riuers and JKUiens, eliery ship went into her seuerall riiier, with tliis rule and order, 
that the)' all tiiree should mecte again the 20 day of .\ugust. The two other ships did so, 
and they, seiiij; that .Michael Cortereal was not come at the day appointed, noi yel afterwards 
in a certaine time, relumed hacke into tiie realme of I'ortug.ill, and neiier he.u,d any more 
newes ol him, nor yet any other memoiie. l>ut th.U (Oimtry is called the laid of Cortereal 
vnto this day." ' 

The accoimt of I )i; (Iocs trivis the date when Miiriiel set sail from 
Ivisbon, viz.: Mav 10, 1 S02, but limits lh( e.Kixnlition to two \-essels onlv. 

As to the coimtry visiti:d on that occasion, (i.ilv.ini's ilescription, 
howe\t r brief, shows that it was the land discovered the year previous 
by (|)ar Corte-Real, which, on account of its }.rreen forests, he called 
Tenn voile : but it must not be confounded with our ("ireenlantl.'^' \\ t; 

' l.cii>i> |i.Uiiii Df l.miury 15, 1502, in Ki n^jmann, 
\K ijj, n.n.' 120. 

' Uk I loKS, ('hriiiii'a ito lli i il'iiii Kmiviti'l, cap. 
Iwi., Ih iiKumn rl III i inniiilnii iliiii" iiaaitni IniKra (/<w 
dortn Hi ft*-)*, f/, ^r pi nil mm ittilo ft ifi'Hi-ohrii' pi.rii 
haiiitn lilt \orti . 

' Tmlniln, f" 29 ', . , v). ( i \l \ AM sct'in-. In ii^ to li;iM' 
lK)rri)Wi'il his iiilurni.ili'Mi frum (ioMAk\ (N'ucliaV cililiDii, 

I'- "77). 

♦ Uk (ioKS says ilml ttiL' t'xpocliiion of Mijjml Corli'- 
Kcil com|>oM'il of only two vessels ; " iluiis ii.ios." 

s Pulilio.ition of the IliMuyt Xociely, 1S62, \i. 97. 

'' .Accordint; in llie Sa^as, that nioinon'ory was iiaineil 
(ireeiilaml as far hack as 9.S6 liy l'".ric ihc- Knl. At all 
<vems we already read in the iiiai painundi of 1417, pre- 
served at Klorence, on a norlh "aslern penin.siila far 
strelehinj; into Ihe .\llaniie ( )eean ; ihe name of "(Jrin- 
landi.i." lioKOin's description, i'l Zl'Kl.A, Ki Mavio 
I'ulit, \(i|. II., p, J99. The fact that according to the 
("amino iliarl, (iaspar Corlc-Ueal ^ iw there "nothint; lull 
alinipt dills ; nam virani senam scrr-as nuiyto espessas," 
shows that his Terra rerile is not our Ijreenlanil, luit the 
iPf;ion where he afterwards landed, and which is iles- 
ciilied as lieinj; .a very venlant <:'< iiitry. 



\ I 


7' I 








1 . ^ 


Tin. I)|S(M\||;V (,| XoKTlI AmI,KI(A. 


can llvn consult a ri)rtUL,nicsc niii|) m.ulc hctorc the year 15211," and, 
for till; cast coast of tlic .\i\v WdrKl, uiili data liorrowcil from the pro- 
totype, or from siihsi-iiucnt imitations of tlif Caiitino planisphtTc. Like 
the I.iltir, it inscribes on a sort of peninsula, wliidi is ciTtainly intituled 
for Gre<'nland : " 'I'crr.un istam portugalcnses \ idcrunt atameii non intr.i- 
verunt : This country was sij,ditcd hy tin- l'ortu;4Ui'si\ l)ut they diil not 
enter it.' ( )n ihc continent there is anoth(;r inscription, which recalls 
to us ih.U the land was discovered hy (laspar Corte-Real, and ends with 
th(! sij^nificant sentence : " Oui anno se(iuenti naufragium perpessus nun- 
([uani rediit sic et fratri (jus Micaele anno se(iuenti contij^it : In the year 
followini; he was shipwrecked, .md did not return. I lis l)roiht r .Miguel, 
a year afterwards, met a similar fate." 

In connection with this \d) age, we should recall mention is also 
made Iiy I )e (joes o|' numerous ri\ers : " hoc. is de ricjs." .Such 
a peculiarity, together with the cartogra|)hical outlines and positions of map, show c!e.irl\- that the east of .Xewtoundl.uul is the n-gion 
explored hy Miguel Corte-Real, ,uul where he lost his life. 

I)e (iocs says in ,1 moment ol ro\al pity; " mouido de seu 
real e piedaso moto," the King eciuipjietl two vi'ssels which wre sent 
h^om I.islxin in 150:; to a.scerl.iin the fate of ( i,is[)ar ,iiul Miguel Corte- 
Real, l)Ul Uiat the ships returned without hnding any traces of those 
unlortunale n.uig.itors. ^ We h.ive no det.iils wh.ite\er concerning the 
region which they exjilond on that sad Hut officers and men 
of the cinucls \\hi(li returned to Lisbon in Sei)lember or October, 1502, 
were doubtless enlisted for that voyage, ,ind, as they c.ime b.ick, the 
Portuguese .\dmir.ill\ must l',a\e |)ossessed posili\e inform. ition about the 
localiti'-s which had i)een seen or discovered by both the Corti -Reals. 
L'nfortunately, no signs of such knowledge ha\(; yet been toinul among 
the documents of the Torre do Tombo. 

" iS 


■ KlN.I MANN, />/. A'/l.'l/i I /»/!;/ .!//(( W' It's. .\tl.T-, /..t (.'(./-^ -/.'{«/, Xo. 9, |«gc 167. 

N'l. iv.; K'liir,, Di^'unry >i/ ^laim, Nu. x.; .'.ml " I )L I li 'Ks, o/i. ciV., f"- 65. v.rv 



1 111 



. ! 


I' 1 • 


(Uni^nown (Uat?i^a^ore. 

; ili 


HERCl'LES dT.stf, DiiUt; of P'crrara, was an riilighK-nccl princf, 
who took lli«; grealist interest in niaritimi' discovctrics. In riply 
to the Ic'tttT of Allicrto Cantino, his envoy to the Court t)f Por- 
tugal, dated October i;, 1501, and wherein that zealous correspondent 
Iiad informed him of the successful expedition of Caspar Corle-Real to 
the north-east coast of the New World, he expressetl the wish to obtain 
a nautical chart illustrating the transatlantic voyages which up to that 
time hud been accomplished. Cantino ordered the map at once, from a 
cartographer living in Lisbon. Thai most valuablt; document has come 
down to us, and is now preservi-d in the I'!ste Library at Modena. ' 

It is a planisphere selling forth the latest geographical tlata, as it 
menlions ihe landfall of I'ldro Alvariz Cabnil on the coast ot I>r.i/il, 
anil ihe results ol the secoiul succissful voyage of Caspar Corle-Real, 
according to news brought lo Lisbon in the month of October, 1501. 

Limiting our description lo lln' section which comi)rises ihe West 
hulies and the region corn sp-onding ii priori wilh the north-easl coast of 
ihe new continent, we notice first : " The King of Castile's Antillies : — 
lias antilhas del Rey tie Ca.'.ulla," the ilisco\ery ol which is tluK ascribed 
10 Columbus : " Descoberto por Colonbo almjrante," antl exliibiliiig the 
almost intire archipd.igo, frc.m Marigalante lo llie weslernmosl iNland in 
the grou[>, viz.: Cuba, Ik re: called, erroneous!), but as in nearly all the 
ma[)s (if the lime, " Illia yssabella," propi:rly situaU d north of Jamaica, 
and wisurly (mi a line with the " Ilha Espanhdl.i," or .Sanlo I'on-ilngo. 
'I his Isabel':;, kix Cuba, is delini aU d running from east lo west, long, 
rather nairow, contracted in two places, its wrsi in exlninit) trending 

, I I 


I' It 




' . 1 1 < 



TiiK DiscovKRV 01 North Amk.kica. 

r I 

t, < 


I '■ 

V t 

. I 


soulhwanl, ami forming' a sort of gulf. Tht; ^(Micral appearance of the 
island shows that it was not horrowcd from the La Cosa chart, and, 
bcinj^r more floii<^Mtfd, is truer than the outline in thi; latt('r. - 

we now observe, ( inerjfing from the north-western border of the 
map, a continent, tlie southern (Mid of which projects in the directiijn of 
Cuba. The coast line then runs from that peninsula due north, to a 
point where the cartoj^rapher has waved his lines and shades to indicati; 
no further jijeogr.iphicai knowledg,'.3 

That sea-board whicli, according to the scale inscribeil in thi' map 
of Nicolas tie Canerio, 4 and which will b(; our stanilard for measuring 
distances in the present .Motlena ma|), covers from 37 to 54 north lati- 
tude. 5 It is notched and indenttxl throughout with representations of 
gulfs, estuaries, and capes, whik; on the mainland there are meadows, 
clusters of trees, and several large rivers which em|)ty into the Atlantic 
Ocean, here called Occanus occidentalis. The entire country is stuiKh tl 
with geographical designations, no less than twenty-two names being given 
to watercourses (/vkv), ca[)es (c(il>os), lakes {/(ii^H)s), and headlands [piinfas). 
\\'h( 11 we comp.ire that continental outline, its shape, latitude, and 
relative longitude, with the northern part of tht; Western Heniis[)here as 
depicteil in modern maps, vv(^ notice; the e.xtraordinary resemblance which 
it bears to tlv i;ast coast ot North America, and cannot but deem, at 
first sight, that n;gion to represent the coast line, extending in reality 
from the I'loriila |)eninsul.i to the Delaware or Hudson River. 

A concUision so much at variance with commonly received notions 
in matters of geogra|)hical history, cannot be accepteil without being first 
subjected to st'ven,- tests and analysis. In fact, it subverts the general 
belief that the -Xllantic shores of the .Southern and Midtlle States of the 
present republic of Xorth Amc;rica were not sight<;d or trodden by luiro- 
peans (excepting tht; Northmen) bi-fore Juan I'once de Leon in 151 2 or 
1513, Giovanni d>i \'errazzano in 1523, Lucas X'ascjuez de Ayllon in 1520- 
1524, and I'.stevam Gomiv. in 1525. The care with which critics should 
vtMiture to difli'r from prevailing notions, even on the subject of ancient 
geography and cartography, together with the unex[)ected character of 
the data exhibited in r(^spect in thi; Cantino chart, prom[)ts us to 
examine the question uiulcr all its different aspects. 

- .See iii/ra, the [.Lik' reprcentiiij;, in f.ioiiiille, llii; ' In/m, in the Cailoi/raj)li'a Amrrir. V^eliiHtisiiiiia. 

six earliest ileline.Tlions nf Ciilw. 5 [^ reality il ranges froni . tioiit 25' In about 45' N. 

' See also iul'ra, tlie facsimile of the entire north-west latilinle, taking the n<irtli-wi;st coasi nf C'liha as a starlinj; 

coast in the niaji of .\llierto Cantino. point. 




/! r*T^/''! '*J* •^. 

J/V<? /i^FV 


j^.rwy ^. 







' 1 

» ' 




1 ■ " 


i. . i 

ii i 






•^ 'till 






. ' 


I i 



p:*te v'l 

L- .__ ^_ 


^r ;» 













}\f,'H-VjC,9t , JX^OfVEmy : -f^-^^.^p^ 



il r< 







The first su])position was that the said coast h'm,' might 1)C a continuation 
of the eastern sea-boards of Asia, ■ — as when rollinjj; up a i)huiisi)here 
we bring its right and left sides contiguous. This surmise had to be 
rejected, for the Cantino map already sets forth clearly the Asiatic coasts 
in their proper place, besides exhibiting all over the latter region well- 
known legends and names which belong to Asia exclusively. <^ 

The second hypothesis consisted in viewing that region as identical 
with the Yucatan peninsula, which, by some unaccountable mistake of the 
cartographer, would have l)een inserted upside down,— -this being a sup- 
position already made by certain critics regarding the same configurations 
in the map of Waldseemiiller, which, as we will hereafter show, belongs 
to the same cartographical family as thi; Cantino chart, although derived 
from another ])rololype. To this, the first answer was that it would 
prove still more difficult, at the outset, to account for any direct geo- 
graphical knowledge of Yucatan before 1502, considering that, as far as 
is known, the country was not \isited by Europeans until I'rancisco 
Hernanilez de Cordoba returned to Cuba from his expedition to that 
coast in 1517.'' Even if we assume, with Herrera,^ that Yucatan was 
sighted by Solis and Pinzon, it brings us back only to 1506, that is, 
four years after the ma]) was alrt-atly in the hands of the Duke of Eer- 
rara. This would be simply shifting the question without sohing it. 

On the other hand, the fact that historians and even leading carto- 
graphers may not have been aware of certain maritime discoveries is, 
we grant, no absolute argument against the actual existence of such 
discoveries. Hut, in the jircstMit case, the configurations alleged to be 
those of Yucatan do not at all coincide with the geographical realities of 
that country, and the attribution based upon such a supposed wondrous 
error is for the present merely hypothetical. 

This hypothesis requires besides, on the ])art of critics, concessions 
which they would find it t'xtrtinely difficult to make. The idea that at 
the bt'ginning of the sixleenlh ci'iitury, a continental region, claimed to 
have been actually explored by Lusitanian or .Spanish mariners, shoukl be 
di'picted by a contemporaneous and skilful I'urtiiguese cartographer as 

* St'f iii/ni, ilie l.\if;i" fiicsimilc cif the .\^iatic coa^t in kiiowii of ilic I'Miit until I'uin.ind CiiKii;/. rL'sriicil one of 

the C.tntini) clinrl. tliL-only iurvivors ((Icn'iiiinii l>F .\c;t'il.Ai() in the Mumnct 

'True it is thai when tlie vei^i'Iiir Vai.iuvia was of 1519. Cnrtii ili- In Jwliria 1/ JtKjhiiiiiln (U la ]'i ra 

wreeUeil on the reefs about Jamaica in 15.12, lie i^ciped One. ,) In n iint ihn'in Jiiaiid, July 10, 1519. 

in hoats with his crew 10 'S' ; Inil ii^iliini; was ' lll.lii;KHA, Ueend. I., lili. vi.,|i. 170. 


r '\ 

•I'ri t 


' V '. 


' r,;f ■{ 

1^1 ■> 

( \ \ 

1 1 


\i' •' 


i i 

' i 









J 1 




The Discovkrv ok North Amkrica. 

rmiiiing up from 25 to 45', wIkmi in reality it runs down 22° to 12' or 
10 latitude, anil that such an egregious mistake should continue to be 
imitated and copied all ovi-r Euro[)e by the most celebrated geographers 
for twenty-live years or more, even after Yucat.ui had been actually 
visitetl, conquered, anti faithfully depicted in maps, demands ampU; docu- 
mentary |)roofs, which,, thus far, ha\'e not been produced. 

Admitting, even for the sake of argument, that the thoughtless 
carti)gra])her shoultl have ])laced his Yucatan upside down, the great 
probability is that in such a case, we would not .see in th(; other 
Portuguese charts ,)f the time, like Kunstmaiin Xos. II. and III., and 
the King map, the enormous gap which they e.xhibit west and north 
of M.iracaybo. 

The theory that the tall continental region in the Ptolemies of 1508 
and 15 13 was Yucatan, first became the object of discussion during the 
controversy which was carried on in 1S5S between Mr. d'Avezac and 
Adolfo de Warnhagen concerning the authenticity of the first voyage of 
Americus Vespuccius.9 

Mr. d'A\ezac was too serious a critic not to see at a glance that 
the Cantinean continental n^gion in Ruy.sch's map, which then furnished 
the b.isis of that debate, represented a special and separate country, 
which in no possible way could be confound(;d with any of the islands 



Cul),i.'° He .advanced the su[)position that it re|)i-esented Yucatan. But 
his hypothesis was l)aseil .altogether upon the erroiK'ous belief the 

said continental region ap])( 

ared for the first t 

line 111 


e m,i|)i)amuncn o 


Ruysch. constructed .it Rome in 1508, that is, just in time to embrace 
eed discovery of the Yucat.mic iieninsula by Solis and Pinzon the 



\ear preceum 


' hWvKZAc, Coii-oih'raliou-^ iji'n'jr'i/ihi'jnrt .<«)• /'//i- 
loin ibi Itn'sil; in Itull'tin ih la Swili: ih'o;imjilil' , 
I',iris, Xos. for .\uK«^t and Si-plciiilicr, 1S57. Varn- 
llAia:.N, !'( </)«.'' tt snn premiir nii/'fji: ; in llnl'i'iii ih 
lit Soi-li'lr ill Ui'miniphi'-. Nus. lor I.iruiary ami l-Vliriiar) , 
1S5.S. y.M<MIAi;i N, /'rniiifii lit qiieliiim poiiift ilii 
riliilriiri h'l'oijrnptiiii'ii ilti Hn ~il : same lliilliliii, No-;, 
for M;ircli .iml .\pril, 1S5S. I>'.\VK/AC, /.f \'i>!/a:in 
til Aiih'rif \'i-Mjiihi nil roiii/il' ill rEi)mijiii : same 
lliil'' ■'ill, Nis. iox Si'i>!r:nl.iT .v.\i\ ()'-lol)er, 1S5S. 

" "On ser.-ili liii;n teiilc tlecroirc (jiiu' l.i ili'nomin.\tlon 
1I0 ciji ili: 1;\ fill il'avril i|vii se Irouve inscritc .r I'an^li' ilc 
cetti' tcrre Ic plus voisiii ile I'ilc Kspa^nole. ik'sif^iic tii 
elTet 1l' cap orioiual ilo I'ili; ilc Ciil)a, celui ipi'oii appcUc 
cap Mai^y. II nVn osl rlcii, copcnlani, cl M. ilc Wirn- 
hajjcii fait observer .ivce raison ipie I'iledeCulia a eleou- 
lili ■•• siir la carle de Riiyscli.'' — ii'.\vi:zAc, /-<< Voi/w/i-i 
il'Aiiierh- ]'rsj)ii'-i- nil rom/ili. li ri'^'jiiiiiiir, tt /pi 
iin^iiri.i iiliii'ralreM imploi/'tx pur /' < iii'irlin 1 ipwiiwls 
(( jiiii-liijrti" ; I'aris, 1S5S. 8vo, 4S p. 

V, .>. 



Unknown N.wkiatoks. 


" II nous semble," says Mr. d'Avc/ar, " sauf meilleur avis, que la carte de Ruysch, dont 
il est avere pour nous que la puljlication n'a pas devance I'annde 1508, offre probalilement en 
cette partie les renseignements qui avaiont pu parvenir jusqu'.'i Rome sur la ddcouverte du 
Yucatan par Solis et Pini;on en 1507 :— It seems to us, in the absence of better information, 
that Ruysrh's map, which, we are convinced, was not published before the year 1508, presents 
probably in that part [of the map], the intelligence which may have reached as far as Ruuic 
concerning the discovery of Yucatan by Solis and Pinzon in 1507."" 

And so as to better limit tht: I)asis of his appreciation to a discovery 
of Yucatan accomplisheil in 1507, tlu; erudite and painstaking ciitic quotes 
the passage of Marcus Heneventanus to the effect that Spanish mariners 
had recently discovered iMuler the tropic of Cancer another island of con- 
siderable siz(;: - " Habet item Oceanus insulam quamdain quam hodie Spag- 
nolam vocant . . . Est alia insula novit(;r a Gaditanis inventa, nondum 
tamen tota. Mira:; tamen magnitudinis est v;i |)ortio qiux" innotuit . . . 
sub tropicum Cancri . . . " '- 

Mr. tl'Avezac was far from imagining the that there existed an authen- 
tic ma[), constructed long before 1508, which represented that very region 
in all its details. His entire theory and argumentation naturally crumble; 
down, now that the Cantino chart shows the existence of that continent 
alreaily ascertaineil and dt-[)icted six years at least before the country 
which he se<iks tf) identify with it was iliscovered. We may rest assured 
that wcM'e the worthy g(M)grapher still living, he would adopt a ver-- dif- 
ferent hypothesis, even if he knew of the following data, which tend to 
carry several years still further back some actual knowledge of Yucatan. '3 

In the description of Veragua written by Bartholomew Columbus, '4 
and presiMited by him to a canon of Latran while at Rome betweiMi 
1506 and i5oS,'3 he states that l)eing once in the vicinity of an island 
called lianassa, apparently on the coast of Honduras, the Spaniards seized 
a native vessel loadetl with merchandise and cotton clothing, which claiined 
to come from a country cilleu Maiam or luncatam. 

" In (lucsto loco [Insula Ranassa] pigliorono una nave loro carica di mercantia et mcrce 
la quale dicovono veniva da una cicrta provintia chiamata maiam vel iuncat.'V.m con molte 
v."ste di banibasio de le (ju.ilo nc tiono il forcio di sede di diversi colori." 

Tlie expressions Miiidiii and fuacatain resemble so much Maya and 

" u'.-\\l'./A.-, op. ill., |i. 50. /ivut di I'dii'IiIi: (I Oarliin ill ll( ra'jiia )itl .\foiidi) yom ; 

" Makcis HKNKVKNIAM.IS, Xiirn OrliLi dcsi-rlpllo in llie fi. A. I'., Appendix, p. 473. 

w iiora Oil -iiii iKii'liliitlii i/na l.,isliiiiirt ad Jiidii'. jH ri-i:ii. '5 The text lioijins thus : '• I)i;l 1505 eNSeniU) liarto- 

pilmj., in llio I'liiloniy of 150S. l.tiuio Colonilx) fr.iicllo ili t'olomlio ila poj 

" liihliiithii-ri. Aiiiirirniiii. i'llii.^/., p. 471. I.1 sua nioite anilalo a Kiinia ..." wliich shows that 

'•' Iii/i)niiiifiiiiii ill llaiioloiiiii) Colniiilni ihlin itnri'ia- the date ul' 1505 is ermnenus. 





I f 

U ' 


TiiK DiscovKuv f)i XoKTii Amkkica. 

[l ' 

ij'? t 

■ 1 

II ' 


)'iicat(in, and the. locality where the shi|) was taken is so near tlu; country 
known under the latter names that they may l>e considered as identical. 
This information, however, cannot have Ijeen obtaineil by Bartholomew 
Colunilius before the summer of 1502. as it was only during thi: fourth 
voyage of his brother that he visited the Honduras country, .and even 
the continental regions of the Ki^\w World. The description of the cargo 
also iiulic.iles that the vi'ssel seized was not a luiropean ship, but sonn; 
hulian canoe, and from which couKl not be obtained the carlographic.d 
d.ita used for the Cantino chart, uliich, at all events, hail long lound its 
way into the I'errira collection whrii ii' us receivcxl 'n .Spain ot the 
landing of Columbus on the Honduras coast. 

.\ third inti;r|)relation v,as to consider that line ,is wholly imagi- 
n.iry, antl derived !Vom a v.igue notion, already cnterl.iineil by Cohnnijus, 
that, west of the islands which he had just tliscovered, there ,1 con- 
tiiUMit abounding in gold and spin-. This might be admitted if the map 
e.xhibiletl tU liiu:.uions I'litinly nameless; but it is hardly possible lo share 
such a ])eliel when we remember aK)ng th(-' said there are as 
many .is twenty-two nanvs. .As Dr. Kohl jusil)- says: 

" 'I'liDUgh some of those names look like rorru|)Uons, still the Ljre.iter part do not look 
like inventions. On the contrary, they apiiear t < be such as a navigator might well have dis- 
tributed on an unknown coast discovered by him ... I dn not believe that the .'-Spanish, 
Italian, and (lerman map makers of the ti:ne of Columliu^, and soon after him, w re in tiie 
habit of inventing new names. They gave them as they found them ... It is proI).il)le that 
they weic the work of some .Spanisli navigator, perhap, a private adventurer, wiiose name lias 
not re.irhed us." ''' 

These remarks of Kohl w.'re |)rompted by the sight of llu' north- 
e.islern continental region and nomenclatun; on the globe constructed by 
.Schiiner in 1520; but they apply to the- map of Cantino just as well, 
for .Schiiner onl)- copied in respect a Portuguese ch.irl of the 
s.ime origin as Cantino's, as v.e will here.ifl>r demonstrate. 

Those nanu's and geographical also .iltracled the .itteiuion of 
llumboldt, who not only anlicip.itid Kohl's re.isons, but the pres- 
cience, so to s|ie.ik, to stale that the configuralions and nomench.lure on 
.Schoner's globe were, with res])ect lo .Americ.i, copies of an old chart 
"hidden, |)erhaps, in the archives ot Il.ily or .S|),iin," '~ suggesting, as 
Kolil s.iys, that they must have been borrowed from some original, 
b'elieved to be .uitb.entic ;uul correct. 

''' Kii'.ll , Docinm ntar;/ lli^lrry nf Mnim , p. \fi2. '' I irMi;i)|.|i ! , Kxaumu trill /nc, \'..|, II.. p. _'S. 

U N KN( )\V N N A \I( ;.\T( )|<S 


Anotlu'.r intcrprtitiition has laU;ly advanced. It is to tht? effect 
that th(; conthiental coast hue which emerges from the north-western side: 
of the Cantino planisphere, is Cuba, although that island already figures 
on the map in its own pro|ier |)lace among the Antillies. Thus far, not 
a pa'-ticle of evidence has been adduced in support of the assertion. 
We will, nevertheless, examine': this bare averment with as much care as 
if it reposed on facts, documents, or cogent reasons. 

It will be shown hereafter that, when the Cantino chart was made, 
cartographers, in Spain as well as in Portugal, properly considered Cuba 
as an island. They depicted it as such on their mrps as early as the 
year 1500, with many names and an outline sufficiently e.Kact to warrant 
the belief that the data used by those map-makers were originally olj- 
tained i/c visii. 

Christoi)her Columbus at first also believed in the insularity of Cuba, 
as in his Journal he invariably mentions it as " lii isla de Cuba." Hut 
he soon aflerwartls ciiangeAl his opinion, and, Jime 12, 1494, compelled 
his offuers and crews to declare that Cuba was a continent."' January 
14, 1405, and even at a later period, he continued to profess such an 
erroneous belief. And, as we shall show hereafter, Columbus Ijeing 
alone of that opinion, if the configuration which we are discussing evi'r 
was intcntled to represent the island of Cuba it must have been bor- 
rowed from one of his early ma[)s. 

A priori, such a cartographical operation is not impossible. We are 
able to realise how a planis])here can have been first constructed, in Lis- 
bon or elsewhere, .setting forth the results of Columbus' earliest voyages, 
and ilelineating Cul)a according to geographical misconce[)tions, which he 
still maintained in 1495. To this primary ma|) would have been atlded, 
several years afterwanls, the X'enezuelan and Hra/.ilian coasts, borrowed 
from ch.irts brought by llojeda or La Cosa, Nino or Guerri, Cabral or 
l)e Lcinos, and the pilots of Caspar Corte-Real who returned to Lisbon 
in October, 1501. We should thus have the prototype of the Cantino 
antl of all early Portuguese charts. Hut is the Cantino planisphere such 
a maj) ? That is the ([uestion. We propose to show that it is not, 
nev(;r was, aiul never could be. 

In the first place, a map of that descrii)tion could not have e.x- 
hibited the continental outline assumed to be Cuba and, at the same 

'' N WAKKl; I 1;, Oji. i-il., pp, 144, 149. 



f I 




'I'm. Dis(()\!:i<v ok N'oktii Amkuica. 

time, th(! island of tliat nami;, depicted iiisularily, and ])laccd where it 
lies in reality, lietween ins|)ani()l,i iind tlie American continent. It is 
evident that if Coluiiihns and those who actually shared the opinion, — if 
there wt:re ;in) such in 1502, — did not believe in the existence of the 
is/tint/ of Cuha, they coiilil not have inscriljed it on their charts. 'Vlw.n 
it is difficult to conceive how cartoj^raphers or mariners, including Coluni- 
Inis hims(!lf in 1495 or at any time, could ha/e given to the region 
which they called Cuba, even when assuming it to be a ((Jiitinent, a 
shape so different from the true form of the [joriions of the island 
actually svvn and surveyed by them, however inc<jmplete m.iy have been 
their knowledge of its configuration. N'or couUl they h.i\e represented 
tlu'ir sn|)|)osetl Cul)a as running from so/if/i to north, ovt^r a space cover- 
ing more than twenty degret;s of latitude. 

The reason tor such an impossibility is obvious. In Xoveml)er, 1492, 
the (ienoese had rangeil the northern coast of that island, first on 
the n(jrth side, westward, beyouil Xuevitas del Principe ; then e'astward 
as far as Ca])e Maysi ; and in the siunmer of 1494 on the south side, 
from its eastern e.xtremity to beyontl what h<^ callett the isia ICv.uigelista, 
which. Las Casas says, is tlu; Isla tie Pinos. It follows that when 
Columbus ileijicted Cuba, assui 





It IS on 

St have repres(!iUe>.l that region, so early as 1494 or 1495, not, ;is 

the Cantino chart, vi^ 



sn.ipe o 


a contment extending 

straight from south to north, but, on the: contrary, in the; form of a long 
peninsula, running fioni east to 'vest, .ind for a very great ilistance, as 
he claimed to have coasttHl the region westnuifJ more than three hundred 

1 thirtv-five leaf'ues 

antl tnirty-iive leagues: ••andiivo la costa todo della de Oriente a Occi- 
dente . . . pasab.i de trescii'iitos e treinta e cinco leguas,""-' — a statement 
which is hyperbolical, ;is the entire length of the island from east to west 

es, but which im[)Iii:s nevertheK;ss 

IS on 

,1 consK 

Iv two hundred and thirtv-flve 


lerable ranging of the <"uban coast. 

Nor, when coming to depict the point wh<;re the peninsula 

was sui)- 

posed to l)e solilered to the continent, would Columbus or his followers 

have m.ide the coast lint: trend due north, 



11 y f. 


emliracinuf at least twenlv (^''^rees of latitude. On the contni 


his coast 

could but run son 



/, f 

or suet fiis decided (jpinion, clearly ex- 

pressed in 

June, 1494. .Speaking of the alleged western HM'minus of Cuba, 


\.ii. I. 

\'m1. 11., p. 14.1. 

tl ; 


Un KN(nVN \a\ I( ;AT( tUS. 


CoUimbiis siiiil : "I'roin this point onward, the coast extends southwardly: — 
de a(iui ailelante va la costa tlella al nieiliodia," and he compelled all his 
pil<ns, I'raiicisco Nino, Alonso Medel, Bartolome Perez, and even I.a Cusa 
himself, to declare that "from there the country turiuid south antl south- 
vest :— la ti('rra toriiaba al Sur Suduest."=o Peter Martyr, in his e])istle 
of August 9, 1495, reports having received a letter from Ccjlumbus slating 
that "the shor(!s of Cuba trend so much to the southward that he thought 
himself at times ver- near the e([uator."-' Now, instead of this alleged 
s(juth coast, the Cantino chart at that point marks a right angle antl runs 
tlue west ; which proves that this configuration contradicts i;ven the erro- 
neous cosmographical hypothesis advanced by Columbus. 

We will now subject the cartographic avernuMits in tlu; m.i|) of Can- 
lino to another and still more decisive test. 

in that planis[)h(;re, the north-western ccjast bears, as we have already 
remarked, not less than tiventy-hvo names, given to lakes, rivers, capes, 
gulfs, .ind what seem to have been regular landing places. Now, if that 
region is rc;ally Cuba, we must find in the nomenclature of the latter 
isl.ind, as it existttd at the close of the fifteenth century, a few, at least, 
of the iweutv-two names which are so cons})icuous on the north-western 
continental region in the Cantino map, since both are [)retended to be 
identical. We possess ample material for the comparison. 

Christopher Columbus discovered the island of Cuba on the 2Sih of 
October, 1492, and carefully ranged much of its ntjrthern coast until 
December 5, naming all the rivers, capes, ports, and other [loints worthy 
of notice, which are tluly recorded in the Journal of that memorable 
voyage. -- Bartolomew de las Casas, by means f)f original documents, 
has inserted in his account of the discovery the geographical nam(;s which 
were ilrst given to the various points and localities of Cuba. -3 p'in.illy, 
an authentic list, basetl ui)on original descriptions, is also to Ik; foLuul in 
the Historic of I'^^rnando Columbus. 

The great Genoese again visited Cuba during his second voyage, 
and coasted the entire southern shores of the island, naming a number 
of localities as he sailed along.--^ These additional n.imes have also been 

'"Ihidiin, \'i'l. !I., (I'll-. Iwvi., |iji. 144, I.t5 : ami ' IH^Iuria <!• m nil tl^ /'(.</)»//((,«. lib. i., i-ai-. \\\v.- 

Kpislk's 111' iVt(.T Martyr. Nlii., Vol. I., pp. 261-469. 

" " Ciirvari ail iia-riilioiii i-jiH liuira terra.' |il;iriniiim ■* Cciliiinlius a^ain :>ij;lilo(l a pcrlinii uf tlic ^i .\nh«r^l 

scrip^it, ila iit si.- pro\iimim aliiiuaiidn npcrirol atiiii- I'na.-.t i^f Ciilia in July, 1504, 1 'ill imiid mily llic ijiutn's 

noetic."— l-4iist. clxiv.,p. 95. ( ianlcn : " \' mo llcv,', fasta cl lanlin lU- la K,iiia, ,\.\ 

-■ I'lilili.slicit liy \av.\ui!i:i I., \'.il. I., pp. i-i(i6. \i-r tuna."- NAV.\ui;i-,ri--., X']. I., p. 20". 

^ ill 







I' '^ 



I!' 1 


pi.!' f 


I 'I 
i ij 





■ 1 


Tin; I)is(()\ i;kv ok Noinii / mkrica. 

prcsf.TVfHl liy I. as C'asas, who took thorn from Cohimhus' own Journal, 
now lost ; and also by the author of th(! //is/t n'c, who used precisely 
the same materials. 

Let us now compare the nomenclature of tlit; north-western conti- 
aental region in the Cantino map with the nomenclature of the island 
of Cuha, as we (Ind it in ihe authentic wrilin;^s of Columbus and in 
the works ■>( his contemprraneous historians, taking the names in the 
order in which they occiu' : 

Description of Cuba hy CoU'MHus, Hi;u- 
NAi.i i;/, Las Cas\>, and in the Historic: 

Rio and Puerto Sati Salvador 

Norlh-wi'st coast in tlu; 
map of Cantino : 

Rit) de las palmas 

Rio tlo corno 

C. arlear 

Ci. tlo hircor 

C. do mortinbo 

C. iurcar 

YA golfo ba\o 

C. do fim do abrill 


Rio de <Jo diego 

C. delofalo 

I'unta Roixa 

Rio de las Almadias 

Cabo Santo 

Rio de los largartos 

Las cabras 

Lago lunc(jr 

Costa alta 

Cabo de b , a bentura 

Can in . . . 

Cat)o il. licntu 

Costa del mar vciano 

Rio de la Luna 

Rio de Mares or de Mari 

Pei'ia de los Enamorados 

Cabo de Palnins 

Rio del Sol 

Cabo de Cuba 

Mar de A'uestra Se flora 

Puerto del Principe 

Puerto de Santa Catalina 

Cabo del Pico 

Cabo dc Campana 

Puerto Santo 

Cabo Lin do 

Cabo del Monte 

Alpha y Omega 

Puerto srrande 

Puerto bncfio 

Cabo de Cruz 

Jardin de la Reina 

Isla Sancta Maria 

Isla Evangelista 

Punta del Serafin 

As the reader will readily see, there is not a single name in the 
nomenclature of the north-western continental region in the Cantino map 
which figures at all in any of the lists of names ascribed to the island of 

Unknuwn Navigatous. 


Cuba b) Columbus, as proved by his own writings and official accounts, 
and by thu statements of Hiriialdcz, Las Casas, and of the Iliston'e. 
Such an absolute disparity between lists framed within a few years of 
each other, is difficult to account for if, as it is alk'gcd, the north-western 
continental region in the Caiuino niaj), and the island of Cuiia, as des- 
cribed by Columbus and contemporaneous historians of \.\\v. discovery, arc 
one and the same. 

In a sort of hypothetical description, presented, h(-wever, as an in- 
contestable history of the maniu;r in which those northern outliiu's came 
to figure on early maps, one name in the above nomenclature; of Cantino 
is set forth emphatically as having been devised and positively given by 
Christopher Columbus to the eastern extremity of the islaiul of Cuba. 
In that lucubration it is stated that, in 1494, the great (jenoesi- care- 
fully surveyed the whole extent of the south side of Cuba, " from what 
he named Ca|)e I'undabrill, Inicause he started from there on his survey 
west on the 30th, the end < f April." The utmost stress is laid on 
that avenni'nt. 

It is a pure invention. There is not the least proof, sign, or 
symptom, either in original accounts and documents, maps, charts, or 
histories, contemporary evitleiice and commentaries of any kind, wherever 
and whenever written or printed, that Christopher Columbus, or any one, 
ever gave the name of Cnf>e Fimdabrill or C. do Jim do nhn'l/, to any 
part of Cuba, iKjr of his having conceived such an elNinology. On the 
contrary, we have positive proofs that he nameil very dilfereiuly, for 
other reasons and at an earlier date than the one alleged, the eastern 
extremity of Cuba, or the point on that island from which he started 
on his survey west in April, 1494. 

To comi.ience with, the easternmost ca|)e of Cuba was not nann d on 
the; 3olh of April, 1493, but the year before, during tin- first I'xpedition, 
on the 5th of December, 1492. Here is the testimony of Las Casas; 

" Do alii [ihe I'liorto do Sant Nicolas] vido la punta 6 cabo de Ciib.i, ([ue cl Uamo cl 
primer viaje, cuaiulo la doacubriii : — From here he saw the headland or cape of Cuba, which 
he named in his first vciyaj^o, when he discovered it.''" 

If that cape was discovered and named in December, it is ( \itlent 
that it was not called on that account " The April Capt 

"-' Las Casas, up. r/'., lili. i.. cnp. M.iv., \\A. 11., y. 51. 

> iii 



; u\ 




: ;V' 


i f! 


>' ! 

{ s < 

f i 

88 Tin: I)is( ()vi:uv oi Noutii Amkkica. 

Now, what naiiK! did Columbus give to that cape? Here is the n-ply: 

" l,n jiunta 6 cabo de Cuba, que el llanii) ////>//« <•/ 0»iixa, y agora se llama la I'unta 
de H.iyatiiiuiri en Icnpua do los Indios:— The point or cape of Cuba, which he named Alp/ia 
tt Omixii, and is now (ailed liayaticiuiri Point in the language of the Indians." '•'" 

That statement of Las Casas is corroborated by the //t'siorie : 

"The Admiral, having saileil 107 leagues eastward along the coast of Cuba, reached 
its east end, whi<h he named .'///•//d :--Hauendo adumjue lAmmiraglio nauigato cvii. leghe 
verso l.cuante i)er la costa di Cuba, giunse all' oriental punta di ciuella, alia (jual fu pusto 
nome Alfa." ' 

I'l'ter Martyr conveys the same information : 

"Vocavitipic eins initium Alpha w; — And he named the point thereof, where he first 
arrived. Alpha antl Omega.'"-" 

I'"inaily, hert; is the; evidence of Cohimbus himself, taken directly 
from the relation which he sent to Ferdinand and Isabella : " por lo que 
dice el Almirantc en la relacion que dest(! descubrimienlo de Cuba envio 
A los Reyes." The passage relative to the begiiuiing of the e.xploration 
of the .south coast of Cuba, in 1494, is set forth between quotation 
marks, antl in the very words of the great navig.itor, as follows : 

" Dice : ([ue iltsdu el cabo de Cuba que sj ve con la ICspauola, cpu; llamo i in de 
Oriente, y por otro nombre Alpha et Omega, navego hacia el I'oniente : — He says that from 
the cape of Cuba whi<h is seen from Hispaniola, and which he called T/u' East-enJ, and also 
by the other name of Alf'ha and Omega, he sailed northward."^ 

Those cpiot.itioiis jirove conclusively that the in.scription C. do Jhn 
do Ahrill tliti not originate with Christopher Columbus, it was not 
gi\cn in the month of April, and thai it nothing whatever to do 
with the island of Cuba or any part thereof. 

After e.\amining that nomenclature by the aid of doctunenti: (Miianating 
directly from Clirislo|)her Columijus and from his contemporary histcjrians, 
who were in a position to know all the facts, it may not be deinncd out 
of place to compare all those names with one more list of the time, the 
authiMiticity aiul demonstrative character of which will certainly not be 
calkal into (juestion. \i/.: the nomenclature established by Columbus' own 
l)ilot, Juan de la Cosa. 

-'' I. AS Casas, nhi snjirn. 

'" lli^torih, aliiivu i|iiiiii.'<l. 

"" ANiinir.KA, IkMM'l. I., lil.. iii.. f"- 8, rcclci 

" Las Casas, lli^lnfin llmcml il< liu linlln-i, lili. i., 
cap. xcvi,. Viil. II., p. 59, whiMnicitcs an original arcounl 
sunt In I'L'rdiiianil ami I-iaUclla. 





The e;irlit!st and. for more than half-a-ccrntury, tht- most complctt; 
description of Cuba is the one which that c(;UdjratL'd mariner has inserted 
in his famous planisphere, ilesi^ned tUn-ing the autumn of 1500. La Cosa 
was considered in Spain as the jjfreatest cartoj^rapher of his day, 3° and 
tile pilot best conversant with the West hulia seas. 3' He had been, 
moreover, Christopher Columbus' chief pilot on several transatlantic ex- 
peditions, antl even owneil anil was mate of the tlag-ship 3- during the 
memorable voyage in which the of Cuba was discoveretl by the 
great Cienoese. No s(!am;ui, theriifore, could then make a more reliable 
chart of the Antillies than Ju.ui d(,' la Cosa; ami his maj) of Cuba must 
be considered as embodying all that which was known concerning its 
ports, rivers, capes, ;uul ollu^r sea-bo,irtl localities, from the time of the. 
discovery to the close of the year 1500. 

On his cartographical ri'[)resent.ition of Cuba, the great Has([ue pilot 
has inscribed as many as twenly-seven names of lamlings, estuaries, 
streams, harbours, headlands, towns, or hamlets. In Cantino's map, drawn 
in 1502, the coast line, alleged as aforcsaiil to be a duplic.itc of iIk; 
islanil of Cuba, cont.iins .also, ,is we h.ive just shown, a numi;-(jus nomen- 
clature. Here again, if that region in the Cantino chart is re.iHy Cuba, 
we must fmd .among its legends ami designatio! s the identical names 
which .ux' inscribed on tht; Lub.i oi Di; la Cosa, especially .as both maps 
were delineateil within a year t)f each other. 

Nomenclatures i)lay such an important ])art in the identification of 
cartographical documents; llicy enable us to ascend so surely to the origin 
not only of names, but also of the configurati<jns on whii'i we find them 
inscribed, that no betli.:r nvans can be employed by critics to solve the 
numerous problems which ;u'e involved in every ancient niai), chart, and 
globe, without a single e.xception. And even when the names are scarcely 
legible, or evidently corrupted b) the inattention of cartographers, and 

•'" CiiUinili'.is uvcii s.iiil lluU lie IkhI I'ucn I,;i ('i>--n's Innj^fl l<i dc lu Cii-,a, whn actcil as first mati-, 

Icachei : " licriiado ilc Ilnrrn vio e iiyn al Aliiiinnitc qur wIiIIl' the piluls wore Aluiisn Niiio ami Sanclio Ruiz. : 

|i<iri|iiu In li,i!iiatraiiliicoiisif;i> aestas parli - iinr l;i priiiicia " /''Ki'lm [roi Jiiiiii lU la C'uxn, iviiiio i/" S(i.:ila Maria 

vo/, c pi>i liniiihre luiliil I'l Ic li.'.liia ciiscriail'i il arU' ilo (/■/ I'lierto] /tor iiiifitre cle una nao vuestra li Inn iiiareH 

niaioar." N \\ arkkti:, Vul. III., p. 5S6. il"l orMiio, doiiile <n aquel riaJK fucrnn ihiinhrkrtax 

" ■' Ju.uiiK's Cii.vsa cyrcgiiis, ct cxcrcitiis L'.]riiin lildniiii la» tlirriu <; itln.s (lit la pnrle ilr la-t Imlid.^, <■' ro.i per- 

ii.uiclcriis." - ANr.lllKKA, ilxwii., p. 291. tlisli-s la difha nan." — Uuyal urder of Krliriiary 28, 1494, 

"I nan <lo la Cosa era cl niejor (|iio lialii.\ |)'ir aquellos in Xavakkkik, liihlioliva .Uarillmn, Vol. II., p. 208, 

mates." — 1. \s C'asas, lili. ii., cap. ii., \'iil. III., |i. 10. nnie. That is the caravel which was wrcclied, Decemlier 

' .his fart has liecn nvcrlnokeil. Tlic Mnriijalriiilc, 25, 1492, on the cnast of llispaiiiola, ami for which La 

which H,\s ('I'luiiiliiH' !lai; ship in the lir^t voy.ii;e, be- (.'osa receivcil a sort of iivieiiiiiity. 



H '' 1 ill 






i' 1 

J ' ■, 1 

< 5 1 ! > 

i: 't '" 

I'l'! I 

I f 




'I'm-: Disicn i;uv ok Ndutii Amkuka. 




i I 

'I \ 

their if^noraiu-t-, i)rtcntiiiU!S, of ilic lan};ii;igr i'ini)loy(.'(l in the prototypr, 
th(!y still scrxf to iiulicati; the source from which were horroweii impor- 
tant {^fo^;rapliical averments. In the present instance, the reatitr will 
easily transl.ite a number of names which have a positive meaning. A'io 
dc las J'iilmas, — tht; River of I'alms ; El golj'o bavo or hajo, — tin; Low 
Cape ; C. do fun do tihrill, — the Cape of the enil of April ; /\io dc don 
Diego,— i\\c River of Don Diego; C. dclgato, — the Harrtin Cap<; ; /unta 
Roixa, — tht; Red Point ; Rio do las Almadias, — tin: River of Rafts ; (\ibo 
Santo,' the Holy Cape; Rio dc los largartfS, — Allitjators' River s 

frtinr^,-— the Goats; Costa o/ta,— i\w High Cape; Cabo dc bona vcn 
the Cape of Good Luck; Costa del mar m-iiinoy—t\u: Coast of the Oc 'ii. 
sea, are designations which certainly convey a meaning, appropriate 
to the subject, and such as mariners an- in the habit of giving whe.i 
seeing certain rivers, capes, and localities for the first time. 

Wc; will now take the La Cosa nomenclature from four different 
sources, viz.: 

1. The copy which was made from the original chart by .\Ie.\aii- 

der de Humboldt, shortly after Baron Walckenaer discovered 
and acquired it at I'aris, in 1S32 ; 

2. The transcript taken also from the original directly, by Ramon 

de la Sagra himself, in 1837 ; 

3. The facsimile e.xecuted for Jomard by the Polish cartographer 

Rembielinski, who copied the map itself before it was sent 
to Madrid in 1853 ; 

4. A photograph taken directly from the original at Madrid in 

1890, twice the real size, so as to render the names and 
legends still more legible. 33 

As to the Cantino names, we borrow them directly from the original 
map, which is preserved at Modena, and has been reproduced in fac- 
simile in our work on the Corte-Reals. 

At present, let us compare those nomenclatures, beginning, for Can- 
tino, from south to north, and, for La Cosa, from east to west ; as it 
is the order in which the names would be placed in the hypothesis that 
the two regions are identical, and that they proceed originally from the 
same [)rototy[)e. 

" Sec our iiicsimilc of I,A Cosa's Wcsl India isl.iiuls. 


i li 

I ! 






« ■.i;? 







n \ 




11 'l 

■I 'i 
' ii 

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It! ■ ■' 

Flau- VII 

Eiiliirii-ed twice the or'.r;inal aiae. 





Unknown Navigators. 



La Cosa 

La Cosa 

La Cosa 

La Cosa 




(De la Sagra) 


Rio dc his palmas 

punta de cuba 

Ponta de cuba 

F ^nta de Cuba 

ponta de Cuba 

Rio do iorno 





C. arkar 

r° de la bega 


r°- de la bega 

r"- de lu bega 

G. do lurcor 

p°- %x€ 


p. sto 

C do mortinho 

C. pico 

C. Pico 

O pico 

C. pico 

C. lunar 

p. de s. mj. 


p. de S. my 

p. de S. mi" 

el j^olfo bavo 

p. de maici 

P. de Maiti 

p. de maiti 

p. de main 

C. do fim do abrill 

C. dc cuba 

C. de Cuba 

C. de Cuba 


C. de espto 

C. de es[)itto 

C. de espera 

Rio de do die go 

C. bueno 

C. de au bueno 

C. ddgato 

C. de criiz 

C. de Cruz 

C. de onez 

Punfa Roixa 




Rio dc hu Almaidas 

. . . ana ...(?) 


Cabo Santo 

. . . sea ..,(?) 




Rio df loi lijrgafos 



liu cabi-os 

. . am ...(?) 

C. negro 

magno ma ica 

/(?,:,'(' llllhVr 

costa alia 

r" de las 

piedras (?) 


La Pieta 

P. del Principe 

del pieta 

cabo dc' boa "oentuni 

annon (?) 




sera fin 

' Serafin 

C. serafin 


cabo d. licotii. 

C. nwnguj 

C. Manguin 

C. mangny 

C. uiaugny 

costa del mar ii-'iano 

niensi (?) 

1 junez 



bien b.isa 

bien baja 

bien baso 

ceno (?) 

C. de bien 


; abangelista 

C. Bien Espera 

1 Abangelista 

C. de bien espero 

' Abangelista 



C. de bien espera 



II ^ 




I I >\ 

it :.: iPni 

I lii,. 


\ M 





ini •! 

-^' '. ^i tit **' 



. V. 'il 

■ 1 ' . \'>V 



The Discoveuy of North A.mkkra. 

i!r I 

* fu 

As the reader will see at a glance, there is not in Lu Cosa's Cuba, 
any more than in the nomenclatures and descriptions of Las Casas, 
Bernaldez, the Historic, and Christopher Columbus himself, a single one 
of the twenty-two names which are inserted in the north-western conti- 
nental region of the Cantino chart, which region certain critics pretend 
to be nothing else than the island of Cuba. 

As we have already stated, and feel boui d to repeat, Juan de la 
Cosa was mate of the llagship of Christopher Columbus during the first 
voyage. Here are the words of Ferdinand antl Isabella, i)roving ilu: fact: 

" Vos Juan de la Cosa fuistcs por niacstre de una nao vucsUa a las marcs del oceano, 
dondo en acjuel viaje fueion descubiertas las tierras e islas dc la parte de las Indias, <!■ vos 
perdistes la dicha nao :— Whereas, you, Juan de la Cosa, went as mate on board a vessel 
belonging to you, to the Oceanic seas, in the course of which voyage were discovered the 
countries and islands of the Indies. ..." 

H(.' also returned to the Anlilhes on boartl the A'ii'ui, as chii'f carto- 
graj)her : "Maestro de hacer cartas;" and, as is well known, stood second 
to no (jne as a map-maker. How is it that with such t:leinents of 
accm-ate knowledge, his chart of Cuba does not contain a single name 
of those which are inscribed in what is alleged to be the same region in 
the plain'sphere of Cantino } 

That fact, of itself were it not su])ported by the other proofs which 
we have accumulated, is sufficient evidence that the north-west coast in 
the Cantino chart, and Cuba in the map of La Cosa, were intended to 
reprt;s(;nt two entirely different countries. 


■: It ■ 




: I 



^I^ME absolute disparity just shown to exist between the north-w( stern 
I continental nomenclature in the Canlino map and the list of names 
inscribed on the island of Cuba by La Cosa, coupled with the 
fact that in both maps there is a north-western continental region, besides 
an isiand of Cuba clearly depicted in its true place and insular form, 
repels the idea that the north-western continental land in the m.ip of 
Cantino was intended to represent the island of Cuba. 

The ([uestion n(jw is to ascertain what was the opinion on that point, 
whether graphically expressed or tacit, ot the ablest geogra|)hers of the 
time, and for many years afterwards. Did they consider that north- 
western country as being simj)ly one of the West India islands, or, on 
the contrary, did tliv'y believe it was a portion of the continent of North 
America ? 

' jncerning this incpiiry, we [)ossess ample means of iavcsiigation, 
all derived from a series of maps and globes constructed successi\ely and 
intlependently of each othvv, during the; first quarter of the sixteenth 
century. If we limit (for the present) our incjuiry to the maps and 
globes which were engraved iit that lime, and regardless of the period 
when their American geographical data fn^st originated, the order of pub- 
licatitjn is a[)parently as follows : 

1. The mitppanunuli of Johann Ruysch, insertetl in the Ptolemy 

p; jlishcd at Rome in 1 50S (or second issue nf the edition 
(jf 1507). 

2. The set of engra\(:d gores called: "The Il.uislal gores," now 

[)reser\\:d in the collection ol Prince Liechtenslei . ^ X'icnna. 

3. The nKippaniiuidi ot Johannes tie Suibnic/a, [nibli willi and 

as a p. lit ol his cosmographical work at Cracow, in 1512. 
.|. The 'fahula Tcna iWn-c of \\'aK!seemiiiIer, lirlonging to the 
Ptolemy i)iiblished at Slrasburg in 1513. 




i ill ii 

\ * 11 




' i' 

I i; 

y i 



I f t 

! I 



TiiK Discovery ok Noktii Amkrica. 

5. The mai)[)amLincli of the edition of the Margarita Philosophtca 

printed at Strasburg in 1515. 

6. The set of engraved gores ascribed t(j Louis IJoulengier. and 

found inserted in a copy of the Lyons edition of the Cos- 
Diographiai iniroductio of W'aldseemiiiler. 

7. The set of gores first made known by Dr. Nordenskiiild. 

8. The cordiforni maj) of Aj)i.uius, dated 1520. 

We must add to those cartographical documents the following maps 
and globes, mentioned here aft<;r the former, although occupying in reality 
a pri-.i; iry place, because they are less known and difficult of access : 
9. The mappamundi of Nicolay de Canerio, just discovered. 

10. The -Schiinerean globe of Weimar Xo. 1. 

11. The I'^rankfurt globe. 

1 2. The Schiinerean, or C»reen globe of Paris, 
i;;. The Hauslab globe Xo. 2, 

14. The globe of .Schoner, date I 1320.' 

All the maps and globes abf)ve citeil exhibit, in addition to the 
island of Cuba, west of and wholly independent from the latter, a con- 
tinental region akin to that of Cantino, and bearing names which are 
also found on the west coast of the Cantinean planis[)here. 

In the second part of the present work, we pro[)ose to show that 
this salient characteri'.tic of that class of maps originated with several 
models, differing each in certain important respects from the Cantino 
chart, an<l fnjin each other, thus indicating several inde[)endent and 
different jirototypes. 1 

We' will also demonstrate that thosf- i)rototy])es evince a regular [iro- 
gri'ssion, necessarily ikic to a more (;\.u:t knowledge of the geography of 
the Xew World, gradually obtained. That is, by means of certain maps 
still in existence, here calknl " Portutrue-st' " and " Lusitano-Ciermanic," the 
reader will be enabli^d to the ev(jliilioii ol that north-western con- 
figuration from the time when (so far as we know at present), in 1502, 
it was re])resente(l first as not extending south beyond the latitude of 
Cuba (Cantino); tlu-n as reaching thi; tropic of Cancer (Ru^•s<ll); after- 
wards as ixnns. 
.S( lliiNKK, &c.), 

carried ten degrees 
in eacli cas*- with 


still further southward (Cankrio, 

i<ldilion;d and elaborate [/rohles ; 

The riMilcr will tiiui nil ilvi-i; nnp-i ;i!i 1 ;.;lip|«;, minutely i!f-ciilieil tiifrr \\\ ilu' CnrlO'iriiiih'ii. 

■•►, / ■' 



Unknown Navujator 



and finally (Stodnicza, Waluskkmulllk) as connecting the northern with 
the southern continent. - 

We will then see the globe-makers in Central Europe consider the 
configurations of North America exhibited by the Sevillean Hydrography 
after the voyages of Juan I'once de Leon, Lucas X'ascpiez de Ayllon, 
Giovanni da Verrazzano, and Estevam Gomez, as confirming in important 
respects the gecjgraphical data used by them theretofore, and rectity in 
consecjuence their north-western coast line, but maintaining, nevertheless, 
the Lusitano-Germanic nomenclature of that continental region for more 
than t('n years afterwards. 

But a still more curious evolution will be seen at the beginning of 
the second (juarter of the sixteenth century, in Belgium, France, and 
Germany, when the w(;st coast of the New World, heretofore absolutely 
separated from Asia, will be seen to merge near and north of the Equa- 
tor with the Asiatic continent ; thus reverting to a primary error, which 
had been short-lived but was destined to revive, and mar for many years 
an entire family of maps and globes. This unaccountable misconception, 
however, belongs more to the early history of American cartography in 
general than to the point now under discussion, and will be treated more 
at length in the Cartographia Americana Vctustissima. 

* See in/id, the coinijar.iiive niai) of llic four lypfs, in The Luailaiio-atyiiMiiir Cnyloijitijilii/. 

\ fM 











,' L 


' I 



^ I 




AS stilted ill the preceding chapter, we will demonstrate later on that 
the general belief amo ig geographers of the first (iiiarter of the 
fiftet:nlh century, as evidenced by the cartograjihical documents of 
the time which have reached us, was that to the north-west of Cul)a 
and of the Antillies there existed a continental region, which had already 
been explorctl, named, and d(;lineated by Spanish or Portuguese navi- 
gators befori' tlic year 1502. 

This fact may at lirst sight ap|)(!ar ([uite surprising ; but it is well 
to recollect that the history of geography affords other instances of the 
kind, and. in a cartographical point of view, quite as important. 

Let us take .\ustr.ilia. 

In the Lusitano-I-'rench maps of the world which originated in the 
year 1542 with Dieppe cosmograjjliers, such as Pierre Desceliers and his 
school,' there is a continental configuration which of late has gre.itly 
exercised tln' historians of maritime discoverv.- South of the well-known 
island ()f ja\a. ami separated by a strait, those m.ippamundi exhibit an 
extensive contint'nt, stretching southward, and ihc. north coast of which 
is doited with numennis designations of dangerous coasts, capes, rivers, 
and landing places. 

That region, c;i!led therein " Terre de |av,i la grande," or. as John Rotz 
(Jean Ro/e) nan^.es it so fir back as 1542, "The l.ondr of Java,".' in contra- 
dislinilion to " L\til [ava." stands, historically s])eaking, relative to th(; 
Sund,i archipelago, precisely in the same position as tiie north-western 
continent in the C.anlino chart stands .as regards the West liuli(;s. No 
historian, no documents of the sixteenth century mention the existt'nce ol 

' I'm \\i>: n\A\>^ '»' ihc l,\i.>il.iiin-I)ii-|i|i:iii -.cIuh)!, scu 
Jfiui it S.'ha.^ti, II Culu.\ |i;i. i()7, jio, 210, 211), 220, 
No. 20, 21, 2J, 2.(, 2;. 

■■ A't,-/// V„ii„'I.s I., Tn-rii Aii-'r'i'l^. iJiii.l l.y II. 
M\|oK. l.ini|..ii, ll.ikluyl Snoifiy, iNv;, Sv.i .■l;v7/.i()- 
Id'j!"., N'lil. .XXX'III.. nivl pii;lr,ri;;rly iln- iniuiUM-rlin 
111.-.'. I'f Nicul,!-. Dl.^lli.N.. />'■/'/'(, !■'"'••:, ill lln- 

<K-oi;i. I)t'|iari. niilii.' I\ui-, N\uiiin.U Library, Nn. 15,879. 
' 'I'lu- n.iiiu' •• l.niiili iij ,lni-ii " anil " Ti m; i/r Jniit,'' 
rciuiiuU us I'uriiMy of llio " VV/vvi (Jiiliti " .iiul " Terra il' 
('»'"(," iisol iiiiili'r circuinslaiii-i.-, I>y tlu' niakiT^ 
of ihi' Nordi'ii^kiol.l j;liil>e nuA Uy S.Iichut. lo ilrsijjii.iti.- 
a contiiiun: in i-cnilr.nlislincliipii In uiu- nl' llic islands nf 
llic Wi>i liiili.i ijroiip cif llu' Mnu' nniin.'. 


I I 




Unknown Navic.atcjks. 


such an Austral inainlaiKl. We also see it disappear from subsequent 
maps until long afterwards, when the region looms up again, but this 
time as an alleged discovery accomplished recently by Dutch navigators. 

That continental laiul, nevertheless, so far from being imaginary or 
an inv(!ntion of cartographers, was nothing else than Australia, now justly 
consiilered by comjjetent judges as having been discovereil, visitetl, and 
namctl by unknown Portuguese mariners, — whose maps furnished the 
cartographical data used in the Dieppe charts, sixty or seventy years 
before the Dutch first sighted the shores of that extensixr counlry.'+ 

It behovi^s us now to ascertain whether the; belief in the existence 
of a contiiu-nt lying at the north-west of Cuba, as graphically expressed 
by leailing cosmographers of the; beginning of the sixteenth century, is 
controv(M-ted by authentic facts, by tht; statements of contemporary au- 
thorities and of the early Spanish charts ; or whether on the contrary 
it is not corroborat(.;d l)y other proofs, and, if so, to what extent. 

At the outset, the critic must concede that those disclosures of the 
Lusitanian maps and their Germanic derivatives, contradict entirely the 
notions heretofore entertained as regards the history of transatlantic mari- 
time discoveries ; for the general opinion is that only after Nicolas de 
Ovando had sent Sebastian de Ocampo to circumnavigate Cuba, in 1 50S, 
was it ascertained to be an island. As to the continental n^gion now 
represented by the south-east coast of the United States, it is also be- 
lieved never to have been known to exist, and trodden, or sighted by 
the Spanish or Portuguese until Antonio de Alaminos conducted Juan 
Ponce de Leon to Floriila, in 1512 or in 15 13.5 

Let us examine those two points separately, commencing with the 
belief in the non-insularity of the island of Cuba, .alleged to have been 
current evervwhere until the eighth year of the sixteenth century. 

The only authority*^ cc:)ncerning the ]")eriplus accomplished in 1508, 
and said to be the first exploration ever m;ule of the entire island, is 

* TIk- S.itulwicli i-LiniN nii'l ihf'.l.uiil i-himls A'c/otW^/'id- /,S',7'.', Wasliini;liiM, ]).(r., 4I", |i. III. 

prcsoiU iwluT iiu.lani:isiif llic kiiul. ''Tii.ii lliu .^iMiiianU 5 1'i;si;mf.[., (!(iliii-hUil< sZ'lta//' r.iil' >■ Kiiiiln'kinnifii, 

know llic Sanilwicli islamls a lony time l)C'(oi\.' Couk, p. 521, ,iml iiil'ra, liodU VI., oliap. i. 

tluit llioy hill n n.iiiiL' for ihem, (liat ihcy prolinMy vi^iioil '' reter Martyr l)'.\N(;iilt-:RA alhulos to llie I'sploin- 

them npe;il'j(lly, was p.oveil by n map which .Ailmiral ti"n only in these words : " Ciiliam, tellurem illam i|iiam 

.\ns(in lonii,! (Ill Ixiaid a Spanish vessel, ami on whicli iliu oh eiiis longinnlinem eoniinenliim piit.ivenmi. ir.sulam 

ihoM i>laiiil. were laiil down m their true position. "-- esse reperinnt." - Oeead. [., rap. \,, I". .:.( c ; wilhoiit 

J. (i. K"lii, Siili.-.t(iiif> nf I- /'■■liir: il licifi/ (il tin'. giving any naaie or ilaie ; I'lit in a cli.ip'.er w rillen al';er 

Smitfi^tii'tttu Iiisfifittlon, in Hinirnf Ajtjf niflr It) Ihc the year 1510. 






) I 




Tin: 1Ji>c()\i;kv (ji- North A.mikica. 

'U. I 


I, -.u 

( ■ 


Las Casas ; for Hcrrera, who is constantly ciuoted on tin: suhjcct, ^ has 
simply |)arai)hrasecl relatively to this (and to the first twenty years of his 
Decades) the Historia de Lis Indias of the humane, but prolix bishop 
of Chiapas. 

Accf)rding to Las Casas, the e.\[)edition was composed of two vessels, 
und(;r the command of Sebastian de Ocampo, who accomplished the task 
in eight months. Las Casas speaks only from hearsay, and somewhat 
doubtfully as to details : " Segun creo, fue por la parte del Xorte . . . 
creo que . . . ," &c.^ Yet Las Casas may have been cretlibly informed, 
considering that he says he was among the first Spaniards who \isited 
the port of Havana after its discovery by Ocam|)o. But his statement 
can only refer to an official exploration of the coast of Cuba, which does 
not preclude the possibility of the periplus having been performed before 
by clandestine explorers in search ot gold, dyewood, and slaves. 

One thing is certain : Not only the Portuguese charts of the first 
two or three years of the sixteenth century, but also the earliest Hispano- 
Amcrican maps prove that, long before Ocampo's survey, cosmographers 
were convinced that Cuba was an island, and so depicted it in their 
cartographical descriptions. 

There are in existence, so far as is known, only two maps exclu- 
sively Spanish relating to the New World, constructetl before the year 
1520. 0\\^ is the planisphere of Juan de la Cosa, made at the Puerto 
de Santa ALiria in 1500; the other is the map added to an issue of the 
editio fyrinccps of Peter Martyr's First Decade, |)rinted at Seville in 
151 1.9 'Phe latter is of no importance for the present, as, being three 
years [)osterior to Ocampo's periplus, it is natural that it should represent 
Cuba as an island. Put La Cosa's chart was made before October, 1500, 
yet Cuba is de[)icted therein as it is in reality, elongated, deeply in- 
dented (at Nii)e, Nuevitas, Turiguana, Cardenas, Matanzas, &c.), depressed 
or strangulated in two places (Manzanilla-Jbara, and .Sabanilla-falibonico), 
the western extremity curved, and forming at its S(juth-west end a very 
large bay, which is studded with islands. 

Nor can we say that the configuration given to Cuba by Juan de 
la Cosa is an anomaly. We alscj sec; that island under its true aspect, 
and placed likewise where it must be, on <i line with and west oi Santo 

" Hkkkkka, Dccad. I., lih. vii., r^p. i., [i. 17S. 

" I,AS Casa'^, lili. ii.,rni). >li..\' '. I!!., ;;>. 209-210. 

'' liililiulhfa Amtriniim ]\>uMi.'-iiiia, Nu. (36, ;inil 
Ail(''tiiiii' ii'c. X. I. 41. 


I J 


Unknown Navicatoks. 


Domingo in the Cantino chart, which was constructed, not in Spain but 
at Lisbon, so far baci< at least as October, 1502. 

Kuntsmann Nos. II. and III., as well as the King and Canerio 
charts, which are certainly of the first two or three year-' of the six- 
teenth century, and, consequently, older than the Ocampo e.\ploration of 
1508, clearly and absolutely acknowledge the in.suliirity of ("n'>a. .\nd it 
should be noted that those four authentic maps, designed far away from' 
the Puerto de Santa Maria, .Seville, or Cadiz, exhibit Cuba in a grai)hic 
manner which bears inward evidence of not being mere re[)etitioiis of a 
single type. They differ from each other in some respects, and particu- 
larly from the representation in La Cosa's |)lanisphere, though [jresenting, 
of course, a general resemblance to the real configuration of the island. 

What is more, those cartographical dat.i can be shown to be the 
result of actual surveys, and not mere guesswork. For instance, in the 
Cantino chart, in Kunstmann No. II., and in the King and Canerio 
maps, we notice near the north-west coast of Cuba an extensive and 
well-defined area, dotted with numerous small crosses of the kind used 
by cartogra|)hers to indicate ledges of reefs or sunken rocks. The posi- 
tion of these crosses in the maps above mentioned corresponds with the 
Salt Key Bank, if not with the noted belt of cays in the QUI Bahama 
Channel, which extends from about .San Juan de los Remedios to Car- 
denas. Now, at no time did Columbus reach so far west when exploring 
the northern shore. Salt Key Bank is by ST longitude, and the above 
mentioned ledge of reefs or corals lies "^ between 77' 40' and 81' 5'. 
b'ven Ca[)tain Fox, who assigns to Columbus the most western point, 
does not allow him to have reached, in longitud,; west, further than the 
Boca de Guajaba {"f' T^^i), whilst Washington 'rving marks the Boca de 
Caravela (77' 28') ; Varnhagen, Porto (jibara (76' 46) ; and Navarrete, 
together with Captain Beecher, only the port of Niiie (75' 30'). At all 
events, if Columbus had sailed westward to such a distance he could not 
but ha\e noticed' those dangerous keys, and mentioned them in his Jour- 
nal when ranging the coast (October 31 — November 8, 1492), which is 
not the case. I"lven if those dots were meant for the Great Bahama 
Bank, Columbus saw too little of it to consider that bank as covering 
the t;\icnsive area marked in the maps. Those cartograi)hical 
indications prove, therefore, that both the north-west coast of Cuba and 

" Chan oj'llf Xurlli Allniiti- O'-taii, ]>y V.. and G. Hl.orNi'. New York, 1S51. 

I .1 I 




V ' i 


' i1 


Tin; l)is((nKuv oi- Nuutii Ami:ki(a. 

' • 


I! i 

Hi i 

tht! Oltl Haliaiiiii Chaiiiicl were explored after Cohiinbiis first discovered 
that island, and also lu'Tore the years 150::- 1503. which is the latest date 
of the construction of the Portuguese charts which first depiit those 
shallow and ilangeroiis regions. 

Proofs of the belief in the; insularity of Cuba anti-rior to the explora- 
tion made by Ocampo, can be ilerived likewise from another source. 

Ill the City lil)rary of l'"errara," there is a manuscript collection of 
voyages, relating e.\clusi\ely to the New World, and containing the prin- ih,i|)ters of the J'lii'si Xovdiiieiite litrovati originally |)ublishi'd at 
\'icenx,i in Xovember, 1507.'- Hut the t(;.\ts are oKler than in the latter. 
The vo\ages of Columbus, in M.S. for instance, are exiduitly taken 
from the first Decade of I'l'ter >rartyr, which Angelo Trivigiaiio obtained 
while secretary t)f the Italian legation in Spain in 1501.'' This is also 
the case with the Libretto and Hook i\' of the I'acsi, which ,ire both 
secoiubhand and from a modified transcript, while that portion (-f the 
I'err.ira codex is ct;rtainly older than the [lublications of Albertino \'er- 
cellese ,uk1 of Mailrignano, and nearer Trivigiano's original text, as can 
be seen from the following references. 

S])e,d<.ing of the pearls brought from Curiana by Pedro Alonso Xii^o 
in Ajiril 1500, the compiler of the manuscri[)t says : — 

" Ami An/.ol 'I', the Secn.t.iiv of the [ of the] Illustrious Rc])ulil;c of 
N't'iiicc, while in Spain, a great m.iny of those |)earls ; — Kt ,'\nzol 'I'rivisan, Sei ret.irio de 
la lUustrissuua Sigiioria di N'etiicsia, cssendo in Ispagiia, ne ha visto gran quantil.^ di esse."" 

Pescribing tlv o|K)ssum brought from the north coast of .South 
Americi by X'icente ^'ane.^ Pinzon, September ^^"), 1500, he remarks that 
"the aforesaid Mister Anzolo s.iw it dead ; -Misser Anzolo predito lo 
vidi' morto;"'5 neither of which personal allusions are in th(; Pufsi. nor 
in the Libretto Dc Tut to La yavii^utione de A'e De Spngnay'' which is 
unquestion.ibly the prototype of the; Vicenza book. 

The description of Columbus' voyages in the Ferrara MS. was writen 
in 1501 : -'" tjHcsto a no del 1501, die se compose (juesto trurtato,' Init the 

" MS. io-N\'. I'liMUliol liy I'riif. (J. l-i:uuAK(i, "• Ihiil' m, \\ 122. In the cMins|iiinilin^ |M>>;i(;e in 

J!i/t(:i<Jiii (hill SaijHilt full,, da ('. Ci'/hhiIk), \c. tlie Dicados of IVIlt Marlyi ii'.\m;hikka, in--lr.iil of 
Uologna, 1S75, 8vo.'s n.imc we "the ilead care.iss of 

., ,, , ,. «. ., ,1 If, »■ £ anini.Tl you saw with nie : — Id animal liiet iiiorunini tn 

" /}. .1. I., No. 4S, and .I'W,^, No. 26. > ■>, •'•,!■, 11 11 • ,■ r., ■••■ 

ipse nioeuni vulisU (I'ecatl. 1., Id), ix., ver-.,, o| f" mj.. 
u Chrishrphc Cvlumh, V.,1. !., pp. S.S, yl, 41S ; Vol. ^.,|i, „f ,5, ,, . ,„„ |,^. ;, a(ldres.sinK himself lo Cardinal 
II., pp. 07, 119, 1O3. Ludovic of Akacon, noi to Ani;elo Tkivi.;ia\o. 

n AfVil l-KkKAKo, lor. lit., p. 116. " /;. ,4. I'., No. 32, and Aililit., No. 16. 


Unknown N.w icators. 


compilation itsiMt was made several years altfrwartls, as is shown by lh( 


L'tlcr ol llicronynio \ laiunio writleii 


in Dceeinhcr i so6, which has bee 

(iilcil. \'i't, the pala'ography of the; MS., and the fact that it contai 



(liiciinient of a later date 


thorise us to consiiler the collection as 

having I)een compileil aliout the year 1506-150". ("he I' maiiusiri|)t 
is also iiluininated with fiijures of American ol)jt;cts and animals, as well 

as small maps, among which there is 111 relation 

to til 

le i)assage coiuern- 

ing Cuba, a cartographical di'liiuation of that island.'' Vet, although it 
was depicted certainly before they receised in Italy the news that Ocampo 
had .ucomplished tht; periplus of Cul>a, it is ivpn'seiued in its true; in- 
lar form, willi the large gulf which cur\'es tiie western extremity of lln' 



I'Mnally, let us add that those giogniphic d.ita are in a great degree 
corrobt)raled by Peter Martyr, who, in oiu: of the chapters of the I'irst 
Decatle, written in 1501,'^ says Uiat "there are many who affirm 
they have s.iiled all around Cuba : \tn[ue enim desunt (jui se circuiss(' 
cumljam |.s/f] andeant dicere." "^ 

The insularity of Cul),i duly ascertained iluring the I'lrst few years 
of the sixltenlh centur) , is of paramount importance in tht; presiMit in- 
fjuiry, for it enables the critic to indicate oiu; ol the; various ways in 
which th(; knowletlge may have been actjuired at such an early ilate, of 
the continent west of that island. The distance between the headlands 
about Matanzas and the I'loritla reefs is only tW(.:nty-livc leagues, and wc: 
can understand how a gush of southerly wind couUl carry to the main- 
land ships under .sail in that channel ; and, consecjueiuly, why the south- 
east coast of North America can already figure in a map of the year 
1500, like La C(jsa's. In fact it is the manner in which Ura/il was 
discoMix'd by Cabral just at that lime.-o 

'" I'ij^. \lii. ill tin.' MS. and iii/rri, in i1k' |i!;iU' rcpre- cNoiisistis ... V.\ i' is. K.tK'ivI. M.nii. M.Ci'i re . I.'' 

.•seiitini; lliL- nMcst m.ips (if Ciili.i. (i'nr.uv to ilif jnl ihapliT (if ilio first Dociiilc in tin; 

"Tlie wiiik w;\s inlcnik-il iot A^^■,^ni•l Sl'oK/\ ! Iiui oill'.idii of 151 1.) 'I'lie uililinn of 1533 ilncs not st.ttc the 

only till' lirM Iwci i'lia|ilois of iUc tirsi DiraiU' wltc year, wliilc Haki.i'V r prints crionniiisly ".Ihhd /.Tfli;.'' 
aililri's^c'il 1(1 liinr. 1'. .M. |)'.\N(;iiu;ka Ksvnn(.(l writing '^ I'.nd ii( ine >i\ili Ixiok <>( tlio first Dccailc, in all tli(j 

only in 1501, al the re(iuest of laidovic o( .\K\r,os: oditions. 

"(V'cidit ct iiiihi animus a scribcndo: (lucm In mine, ■" Clirinloiilii r t'd/iiiiilnis (im/ flu Haiti: nj Si, dioriji, 

tiii(pie iiuliti [Kitrni reyis I'rederici lilcne, ad me direela', I leiuja, lS(;o, .(to, p. 1 16. 






' ■ t. 


.' li 

...I'-l ' » % 

/ i 




hi .'ii 

It 1 

CHAl'Tl'R IV. 

''I'^nr-' insularity of Cub i proved to have been ascertained eight or ten 

I years l^etore the official survey carried out by Oeanipo in 1 50S, 

suj^fgests another ([ucistion still more important, viz.: When was the 

mainland of the N(!\v World ivlieved to be a continent distinct from Asia.'' 

Our impression is that it datits at least ' from the; time when navi- 
gators commenced to search after a strait leading from the cist coast of 
America to the Indian sea. 

Taking their conception of the geography of Asia, as shown by the 
Lusitiuio-dermanic maps, which remained current during the first cjuarter 
of the sixteenth ciMitury, we find ourst^lves unable to separate the notion 
of ,1 western passage from the belief that the newly-discovered countries 
were ilistinct from Mangi and Cithay. This is clearly shown by a mere 
glance at the eastern hemisphere in the globe of Behaim. It exhibits 
the Asiatic configur.itions which were accepted as al)soliiteIy true by all 
cosmographers eviM* since the time of Ptolemy, and remained unquestioned 
for many years .after the discovery of America. There, the east coast 
of India and Cathay is elaborately depicted from the north pole to l)eyond 
thi; tropic of Ca|)ricorii, antl bears a number of names, with real king- 
doms, mountains, and riviM's, all ol which continue to figure in every m.i|) 
and glcibe constructed even after the year 1525. Anil, natur.illy enough, 
the east coast of Asia therein faces the western coast of the new regions 
whenever the latter are represented, however crudely or vaguely. 

Those Asiatic delineations must have be(;n constantly before the eyes 
of navigators, and they tlifiered so much in appearance and [)osition from 
the n(;wly iliscovered countries, that Cathay and Cipangu cannot but have 
been believed to lie far beyond, and on the other side. We have only 
to read the descriptions, however vague, which John Cabot and the com- 
panions of Caspar Corte-Real gave of the north-western lands, to see 

' I'.vfii IV'lcr Martyr d'Aniiiiikka, when annimiicinj^ aii'l to the shciro of In<li.> {IhnI ii, lit: l»lii iv.< he has) : — ■ 

to oil'.' nf his corrL'spondeiil^i SI) oarly as Ocloljcr I, 1493, Coloiiiis (|uklani, occidiios ailrtavigavit, ail liltiis iisc|iic 

the (li>;<)\ cry aicoiuplishc'l l>yColimibus, says, rescrvcclly: Iiidleuin (ut ipse credit) anlipodes." — Kpisl. cw.w., 

" Columlius has navij;ated a-i far as the eastern antipodes p. 74, of the Amsterdam edition of 1670. 

) ! 

I iii 


Un K N( )\VN N A\ K IATOKS. 


that they soon siispcctt-il Aim-rica to be a new workl altoj^eihcr. Tlu- 
apparently iiilerininahle continuation of the coast, which was tlien already 
apprehended, together with its little resemblance to the countries de- 
picteil in such glowing terms by Marco I'olo, certainly dis;.elled their 
illusions in this ri:spect. It may be that, it" still faintly be'lieving that 
Asia stretcheil as far as Occiinus occiticiitalis, they conni'cted it in their 
imagination with the new regions, but only by arctic lands. This would 
niake of America an Asiatic peninsula ; yet of such a continental character 
as to authorise and i:xpl.nn its |)resenc(; in maps on which cartographers 
nevertheless sketched out distinctly the east coast of Asia. frt)m the tropic 
of Capricorn to about 90' north latitudi'. 

'Their constant efft)rts to cross from Occanus occidcntalis to Occanus 
oientdlis, must have exasperated rather than diminish a growing belief 
in the continental nature of the country which they were probing at all 
points (jf its east coast. As Humboldt justly says, "the more it became 
gradually recognised that the lunvly discovered lands constituted one con- 
nected tract, extending from i-abrador to the promontory of Paria, and 
as the recently found maj) of Juan de la Cosa testified, beyond the 
equator far into the southern hemisphere, the more intenst; became the 
desire of finding some [)assage either in the south or at the north." - 

And thus coming to consider the two notions as coeval am) closi'jy 
comiecled, we may, in recalling the first intimations to find a western 
passage, ami in giving the reasons u[)on which they were predicated, show 
a sort of development of the idea that America was a separate continent. 

Unfortunately, with the exceptien of the narratives of Christopher 
Columbus, we do not possess any of the (^rigiral accounts which the 
early navigators wrote when they returned from their explorations of th 
New World. We may rest assured that the relations gi\en or written l)y 
liastidas, by De la Cosa, by Diego de Lepe, by Caspar Corte-Real, — - 
not to speak of the lost Quattro gioniatc of Americus \'(:spuccius, con- 
tainetl geographical appreciations which their instincts as mariners, as well 
as professional experience, could not fail to suggt-st, although these may 
have been at variance with commonly rixeived notions. It is, therefore, 
only from the C(jnv(Tsations of those navigators, or from a few j)hrases 
scattered in various writings, that we can now gather a little information 
on the subject. 

^ IlrMMiv.iii, Ci'siiiii!', \i']. II,. p. 6^2. 

I': II, 


i .. 








I ,: ! 



Tiiii Discovery of North America. 





I' I 

Commencing with Christopher Columbus. True it is that, in 1494, 
he declanxl, and compelled his crews to ;iffirm before a royal notary that 
Cuba was a continent, and that it could be reached by land : " Que esta 
tierra fuese la tierra firme al comienzo de las Indias y fm, a quien en 
estas partes quisiere venir de Espana por tierra." 3 As late as 1503, 
he wrote to Ferdinand and Isabella that he had actually reached the 
province of Mango, adjoining Cathay : " Llegue a trece de Mayo en la 
{)rovincia de Mago, que parte con aquella de Catayo."4 Withal, the ap- 
pearance is that within himself he thought otherwise. Unfortunately, to 
acknowledge his doubts in that respect would have been belying the 
motives of his great enterprise, reducing materially the importance of the 
results obtained, and leading the Spanish government to discontinue the 
attempt. We have lately found positive evidence on that point. 

Columbus was accom[)anied on his second voyage by a Savonesian 
gentleman called Michael de Cuneo, who, when he returned home, wrote 
a detailed account of the expedition. In that e.xtremely interesting des- 
cription, it is stated that the Admiral's opinion as regards the continental 
character of the newly-discovered regioiis, and which, as we have just 
related, he compelled his officers and men to acknowl<;dge under oath, 
was far from being shared by them. Cuneo cites the case of one of his 
com[)anions (name not given, but who was a very distinguished abbot of 
Luiserna or Lucena in Andalusia, a learned cosmographer besides), who 
dissented altogether from Columbus regarding the idea that Cuba was a 
|)art of Cathay and a con^.. nt, affirming, on the contrary, that it was 
only an isl.uid. C(3limibus, Cuneo says, prc'vented him from retiu'ning to 
.Spain for fear that the fact, if disclosed to I heir Majesties, would [)rom[)t 
them to abandon tht; undertaking. Here is the passage in full : 

" E il S. .\rmirante dice che tiouara maior fortune et jjegiori il Cathayo, et di questo 
molto staua in argumento cum uno abbale do I.uxerna, lioino sanctissinio et richissimo, loquale 
solum e venuto in quelle parte per suo piacere, per uedeii; cose noue ; il (juale I' bono astro- 
nomo et cosinografo ; et argumentando de una costa dio:. sopra, laqualle haueuemo navicate 
leghe DL., che per questa grande/a con terra lerma, lui ^ ' 'cva (v loe I'abbate) de non ma era 
die era molto grande isolo. A la (jualc sentoncia, consulo ita L fotma del nostr.i nauicamentc, 
le pill parte de nuy altri se accordauamo ; et per questa casone el S. Armirante non lo ha 
voluto lassar venire in Spagna cum nuy a cii) che demandato di parere da la Majest.\ del Re 
non cansasse cum la sua risposta che dicto Re non habandonasse la iiiterpresa: — .-Ynd his Lord- 
shij) the .\dmiral said that Cathay would afford him hcttc and worse luck. On that point there 

Xaxakkkik,, II., i>. 145. 

■• Ihiilim, WA. I., p. 304. 

. I 

Un'known N a\u;ators. 


was much discussion with an abbot of Luxerna, who was a most pious and rich mr.n, who 
had ciMiie lo tiicsc parts soli'iy for his own [ilcasurt; and to see something new. Being a good 
astronomer and cosmographer, in argurneniing relative!) to the coast above mentioned, which 
we had ranged fur five hundred and fifty [l))>.l leagues, and which, on account of such a [great] 
size, was said to l)e a ccntinent, he (the abbot) htKl, on the contrary, that it was an island, 
though veiy large. Considering the character of our navigation, the majority of us weie of that 
oi)inion. This is the reason why '~!s lordship the Admiral would not allow him to return to 
Spain with u-i, fearing that, in case he was summoned before the King, his informations vvuuld 
prompt His Majesty to renounce the eftter|)rise.'' ' 

The notions of Coliinihus concrnini.; the form of the cast coast of 
Asia must havt; been very clear and iiositi\(' in his mind, htii such only 
as we find it depicted in <dl globes and maps, from Plolern\'s to Hehaim's. 
Had he therefore continued to believe that the new hnds formed part of 
the Asiatic continent, his efforts would all have been directed so as to 
follow simply, northward or southward, the coast of regions which, theo- 
retically at least, were known 1)\' every cosmographer. Nor, when 
Columbus expressed the intention oi returning to S]xiin by way of the 
rast,''' could he have thought of any other rout;.- than the roundiiiQf of 
the Malacca peninsula, represented in ma[)s of the time as the southern 
terminus of the well-known kingdom of the Great Khan, the sea boards 
of which he would have believed thi'.n to be ranging. 

Instead of this, he speaks of these coimtries as if they had ilever 
lieen noticed by anyone, which could scarcely be the case with eastern 
Asia. For instance, when Cohmibus discovered the main l-md, back of 
I'ariii, and behelil the mouths of the Orinoco, he expressc:d the conviction 
t!iat the mighty rive.r came, not onl\' fnjm .in immense; region at the 
south : " projede de tierra infinita, pue.s al Austro," but from one there- 
tofore unknown : " ile la ci d fasta ag^r no se ha habido noticia." 7 
Ami he then considered that " unknown iOtnitry " as so distini:t from 
Asia, that his chief pilot, l\:dro de Ledesma, declared on oath before 
the I'isca'i, that .sailing from Jamaica southward, Columbus and himself 
ranged the south coast /// Stun-ch of Asia .• " De ahi a Jamaica, dc ahi 
corrieron ei\ sudeste en busc.i de .\sia." The)- did not believe therefore 
that they w i-e actually exploring then an Asiatic coast. 

Finding that search fruiilt-ss in consequence of the immense barrier 
which at last Columbus sees prevents him from reaching the Asiatic 

5 I), iioiulniililiHK IiiiuUtmin (xatiiii lli<i<n: l)-],i.i-- ' Bkrnai.dkz, Jlistoria de Icui AVycs CiUuliiu.i, Fei- 

Ini: a Don Xjiolhm Cohimhn l.'cniitii^i. MS. ,if ihc )niiiil.,i y Jmhel, cap. cxxiii., Vol. II., p. 45. 
MliLiry of ihe rniveisiiy oi IJolu^'iia ; C c«lcs '^ : NAVAKRKrr., Temr vicKje, Vol. I., p. 250, 2Sy, 2O2. 





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countries, he now probes the American coast to find a strait which from 
the Atlantic can carry his vessels over to the Indian seas, Diego 
Mendez, the reliable friend and com|)anion of Columbus, testifies posi- 
tively 011 that point : 

" Ha iiavc'L'ado y corrido muclia parte de esas ticrras con cl Aliiiirante !)us(:andij 
Estrecho |iaia pasar de la mar del Norte, c que nunca !o hallaron ni se ha liallado hasta 
agora : — He says that lie did navigate over and explore a great part of those regions [viz : 
las costas de Tierra-firme : -the coasts of the continent] with the Admiral, to search lor a 
Strait permitting to pass from the Northern sea [viz.: from the Atlantic to the other side]. 
But they never found such a Strait, which is unknown even to this 'day."" 

Martin d(; Arrierau, who accompanied Cdhinibus in his third and 
fourth expeditions, though it was as a modest cooi>er, is just as [)(jsitive : 

" ParticJ de (.ran Canaiia a Santo ]!)otTiingo, e de alii fueron en Ijusc.i de un estrecho 
donde decia I). Cristobal Colon que hahia cl especeria :— From Santo Domingo we went in 
search tf a Strait, leading, according to what Christoi)her Columbus said, to the place where 
spice was found.'" 

The statement of Columlnis himself uhen describing tin; route which 
he intended to t.ikt; on his return home, implies the same notion: 
"Coming by way of the (liuiges, thence to the Arabic GuH and Ethio- 
pia .... constantly by .sea, Columbus .said he would r.^turn by the 
same ocean after sailing round the whole Africa," re])orts Hernaldez."^' 
Now, when we take int(j consideration that Columbus locaii'd his sup- 
posed sti.iit about the Isthmus of Panama," it is evident th;a the' coast 
of tht> New World not, in his opinion, identical with the of 
Asia., it would iiivoh r the aljsurd supposition that Columbus believed 
Asia had two east coasts, (.-'Ui- facing Jmh'cus, the other facing 
Occai/us Atlantirus. I'\en if he was of opinion that the Ganges ran from 
west to east, >uul would carr) him from some point in Central America 
to the vicini'y oi P>omba\ . this notion likewise imi)lies the belief that the 
regions wiiich he. was then actually e.xploring stood between Europa and 


In th'' relation of til^' s<.'c(Mid voyage c^f Americus \\s])uccius, first 
published by IS.mdini in 1745, the I'doriMitine navigator is ni.ide to .s.iy 
that the ir.msatlantic coiinlries which he had just visited formed a ron- 

" I'robanzti of Au(^ JI, 1535. 
•> N'AVAKKF.rE, \m1. 111., p. 556. 

"■ Bkr.vai.dkz, nhi niprii. 

" "Crcia linlliU fslrcc'.io clc inai cii tl parrxje iltl piitrh 

del Rctrc'te, <jiie aijoia os cl Numljn; ilc I'ios." — I, as 
Casas, ni>. ii., tap. iv., Vol. 111., p. 22. .See .ilsn, 
r<(i.7';« y detcuhriniienloH eiyjflrn/'o.i. In l)ot\ime,nto» in- 
iiilt. ;.. //I'.r. ik Ffjini'in. \i>\. XV. liSyi), \,. iS. 

^ \^. 

U N KNcnvx Navicatoks, 


tinent contic^uoLis to Asia : " Concludemmo che questa era terra ferma . . 
e confini dell' Asia per la parte d'oriente." '- But that letter is a for- 
gery, '3 and neither in the relation of the second voyage inserted in the 
Lettcra, nor in the accounts in the Cosmographice introductio, do we find 
any assertion of the sort. On the contrary, the authentic relation of his third 
voyage implies the belief that America is a continent entirely distinct 
from y\sia, and which he intemled to double at the south ; nineteen years 
before Magellan. Here are our reasons for the statement : 

In .S(;ptember, 1503, Vespuccius first declared em[)hatically that he 
had been to a new world: " quasque nouum mundum appellare licet," 
and which he could call Novus Orhis, as the ancients never had any 
knowledge of it : " Quando apud maiores nostros nulla de ipsis fuerit 
habita cngnitio et audietibus omnibus sit nouissima res." '4 He could not 
have used such positive expressions if the newly-discovered countries had 
been considered by him as a part of Asia only. He then announces the 
intention of returning westwar 1 for the purpose of reaching the east 
through the southern nigions by means of the austral winds : " Vt ad 
perquirendas novas regi(jnes versus meridiem a latere orientis me accin- 
gam per ventum qui Africus diciter." How could Vespuccius, coming 
from Europe, expect to reach thc^ East by navigating from I'razil south- 
ward, unless he believed there was a strait leading from his Novus 
Mundiis to the eastern hemisphere ? 

John Cabot said, in August, 1497, that the continental land which 
he had iliscovered and explortxl was the country of the Great Khan : 
" E dice; havt;r trovato lige 700 lontam de qui Terra ferma el ])aexe del 
Gram Cam." '5 But, in ex|)laining to R.iimondo di Soncino his [)rojects, 
December iS, 1497, when on the point of returning to the New World, 
he (oiucu'd the; impression that Calhay was on the other side of the 
newly-discovered lands : 

"Ma niesser Zoane ha posto raniiiio ad magior cosa perche pensa, de quello loco occu- 
])ato >;ndarsune scmpro c! Lcvaiitc,'" t.iiUo clicl sia all opposito de una Isola da liii chiainata 
Cip.Higo, ,-osta in la regionc c(iuino('tiali.' : — Hut Mr. John is bcMit on a still greater thing, as 
he proi)oses, starting from tiie [mint already attained, to follow the shores more towards the 

'-' li\MiIM, Vilri '11 I'l .ijiiirri^ p. 76. l■'ir^t \y.\'^u nf tlio k'Nt in all the eililions of Ictler 

'I Camus, Minmire aiir les rnllrflii)iii ih rnya'j'^i, pp. nf Vi'spurciiis; 'Ilili. Am. Vttiisl., Ndn. 22-ji, pp. 5()-74. 
IJI, 132 ; \'AkNilAi;KN, Amcrlfio \'i:n/iii'-ii, p. 07. '^ Jtaii rl SelKUtieii C'ahol, iloc. viii., p. 322. 

'< " MuiiiUis iiiiiiiis lU- nalur.i cl morilnis iH colcris id '" " Kl I,f\ante " must he unclcrstnnd to nie.Tii the 

generis tjenlis (pie in noiio niundn opera el inipensis west, as t.'alioL came froin the east, to which he was turn- 

sereni^^inii pcir!iii;allie regis supi'iioriluH annis inuMito."- Ing his luck, on that exploring expedition. 

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east [/. c, west], until he gets opposite the island which he calls Cipango, situate in the 
ctjuinoctial region." " 

Otir interpretation is that John Cabot presumed the existence of a 
passage, and jierhaps considered either the entrance of Hudson Strait or of 
the strait of Belle Isle, as leading to the west coast of the country which 
he had recently found. If sd, h(; may have easily imagined that by 
following that western coast southward, he would find to the starboard 
the Ci[)ango island described in such glowing terms in all the maps and 
globes of the time.'*^ This geographical idea certainly implies that the 
country which he had just discovered intervened between Europe and 
Asia, on the west of the European continent. 

John Cabot doubtless found out his partial mistake during the expe- 
dition of 1498. After vainly trying to find the imaginary passfige, he 
cannot but have retraced his steps, and followed southward the east coast 
of the new continent with a confirmation of the idea, as his unavail- 
ing efforts lead us to believe, that America was not the land of pepper, 
nutmegs, and cinnamon. 

Caspar Corte-Real was also convinced that he had discovered a con- 
tinent, but nowhere is it stated that he thought it was Asia. In the 
hitter which Pietro Pasqualigo. the X'enetian ambassador, wrote to his 
brothers, informing them, October 18, 1501, that one of Caspar Corte- 
Real's vessels had just returned to Lisbon, we read this curious passage : 

" Per la costa de la qual scorseno forsi miglia. dc. in. dec. ne mai trouoreno fin : per 
el che credeno che sia terra ferma : laqual continue in una altra terra che lanno passato fo 
discoperta sotto la tramontana : — They have run along about six or seven hundred miles of 
the coast of that land [Noith America] without finding the end thereof; which leads them 
to 'jelieve that it is a continent. This land is a continuation of the other land which they 
discovered last year at the north."" 

In his despatch to the \'enetian Signory, Pasqualigo added: 

" Etiani credeno conjugersi con le Andilie, che furono discoperte per li reali di Spagna, 
et con la terra dei papagh, novitcr trovata per le nave di (juesto re che andorono in Calicut; — 
They believe, moreover, that it is connected with the .AntiUies, which were discovered for the 


'. , i 

'^ Jenii ft Si'liaxliiii Cahol, lUic. x., \\ 325. tiichst Insul."— Hkiiaim's Cllolji", tS:c. 

'^ " C)ian(;o do tt.nclist vil yulil, Cipango di i-dclft iind ' ' A'l CoiU-fiial, doc. xviii., pp. 21 1-212, 

Unknown Navigators. 


Spanish realm, and with the land of parrots [Brazil] lately found by the ships of this king 
[expedition of Cabral] when on their way to Calicut.'"" 

Consequently, from a very early period, at all events so early as Octo- 
ber, 1 50 1, the notion prevailed in Europe that from Ctrculus articus to 
Pollus antarticus, -' the newly-discovered regions formed a single coast 
line belonging to a regular continent, although broken by some strait 
which navigators had to traverse westwards to attain the Asiatic lands. 
And, as it is materially impossible that the explorers could have imagined 
that Cathay or Mangi had two east coasts, they must have been con- 
vinced then and there of the existence of a sea between the west coast 
of the New World and the eastern borders of the Asiatic continent. 

'"Marin Sanuto, Dian'i ; Venczia, 1881, 410, Vol. '" I'oUua antarticnn is what we read across the conti- 

IV., p. J, anil Lts Cortclitnl iJ leurn roywjen an nent, hy aliout 15° soulh uf the tropic of Capricorn in tho Monih, Appemli.x, iloc. xviiiA, pp. 209-211. chart of .Ulierto Cantino. 



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AFTER h.'iving interrot;;it(;cl historical statements, let us see now 
whether the cartographical dociinuints of the first years of the 
sixteenth century, bi-ar out (besides the prima-facie proof arising 
from their inserting at the west an inde[)endent continental land) the 
conclusions which we have just expressed, concerning the belief generally 
entertained that there was a continent to the west of the Antillies, 
distinct from Asia. 

In the presc'nt investigation, the line of argimients may compel us 
to go partially over groumls which we have already survc'yed ; but this 
is una\nidable from the moment that our documentary proofs have to be 
examined under the various aspects which tht;y present to the historian 
of maritime discovery. 

Though tin: notion of the existence of a vast and unsuspected con- 
tin(?ntal land inteqjosed l)etween Occanus occidcntalis and Occanus oricntalis 
was, in our opinion, almost general at a very early date, we must confess 
that it must have been extremely crude, and in many respects inexact. 
The efforts of the mariners who first explored tht; north-east coast of the 
New World were necessarily disconnt;cted, superficial, and lacking, of 
course, scientific |)recision. TIk; only point which they held in common 
was the necessary belief that tht; continent ran from north to south, in 
a line more or less crooktxl ; and judging, as they always did in those 
days, from a priori similitudes, they doubdess ascribed to the same a 
configuration which resembled in the main the eastern seaboard of Asia. 

On the other hand, it must be borne in mind that the, seafaring 
men who visited the continental regions of the New World, were 
prompted by wo other moti'/es than to gather sj/ice, gold, and precious 
stones. It is evident therefore that when they found themselves in such 
a bleak and barren country as Labrador, or in the pine forests of the 
north-east coast of Newfoundland, nay, on the Atlantic borders of the 
middle or south(;rn States, they experienced great disappointment. Bar- 
rels (jf pitch and turpentine ; perhaps such trees to make masts as they 




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couUl loclg«r on deck, unci a few hulians kidnapped with difficulty to sell 
as slaves in .S|)anisli or I'ortugiicse f)ortH, is most probably all that they 
brought homo. This, certainly, was not calculated to create such an 
impression as to induce governments or important ship-owners to " find 
the secret" of those western re^dons. llail the bold adventurers secured 
cargotts, were it onlv of ilye wood and spun coUon, ;is '.iiil the e.\[)edi- 
tions which ranged the coasts of the West Intlia ishuuls under the .Spanish 
Mag, the probability is thiit w(' should find more positive traces o( their 
efforts in the documents of the time, and in official m:i|)s. This had to 
be said in extenuation of the imperfect delineations of the north-western 
continental lands in the; early charts which we now projjose to examine, 
with the, view of ascertaining to what extent they separate tlie newly 
discovered regions from the Asiatic continent and islands. 

As we have already stated, the earliest map germ.uie to the subject 
is that of Juan di: la Cosa (1500). We do not know positively what 
W'>.re the cosmographical notions which he entertained as regards the east 
coast of Asia, as his planisphere sciircely extends eastward beyond the 
Arabian sea. But if the vast continental land which, in his ma]), lays 
adjacent the West Indies had been intended for the. iMstern coast of Asia 
it would bear names recalling Mangi and Cathay, whilst tb.o sea bathing 
those shores would not have bei^n merely a A/are oceanuSj but an 
Oceanus orientalis Indie. As Kohl justly says : 

" draws tlie entire coast of North .\merici). from the neighbourhood of Cuba to 
the high northern regions, in about 70° N., with a continuous line, uninterrupted by water. 
He appears to have tliouglii that there was a largo cuntinL'ntal part of tliu world, back of tlie 
West India islands discovert-d by Columbus and liis contem[)oraries." ' 

The map next in order is that of Alberto Cuitino (1502). This is 
complete, and exhibits the entire Asiatic coast, with a precisi(jn and com- 
pleteness theretofore imkaown, besides a serit^s of names and legends 
which K:ave no doubt whatever th,it, in the opinion of the cartograph(?r, 
the Asiatic continent did not extend beyond, and that two, viz.: 
Oceanus orientalis and Oceanus orientalis meridionalis, separated the Asia- 
tic world from the niiwly-discovered countries.* 

We have now the recently-discovered manuscrif)t mappamundi of the 
heretofore unknown (Genoese cartographer Nicolay de Canerio, which is 
undated, but seems to be only a couplt; of years later than the Cantino 

' Kdlli., Ihx-mw utarij Ilistonj nf Mnin, , y. 515. ' See "iipra, facsimile c,f tlic .Asiatic ci>a.-,l. 

I. m 

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I 13 

Till I)is(m\i;kn (ik N'iMMii Ami. RICA. 



in.i]> CaiuTio cxliiljits alsD tlic north western continental region, but 
carriis it luriln r soiiili, with additional nanii s, luui licdges the entire coast 
betvve(Mi Spanish tiags. Tlu're, likewise, this continental land is wholly 
separ.Ued from ihr Asiatic world, with .i cle.irly-defnied western coast. 

The Ki'n^j; ch.irt, and Kiinstinann No. III., are Lusitanian work.s exhiliif th'- southern regions of the New World as continental, 
although till' western coast of .South Aineric.i is left bl.uik, whilst the 
northern section .ippears in th;; shape of a V(;ry elongated pe.ninsula, 
nametl, however, not //////, hut Ti'rni lic Cuba. Hert; ag.iin, thi^ eastern 
coast of Asia is clearly ilelineated, curved and inc!enti:d, with represen- 
tations of the city (jf " Guinsai," and of the Great Khan si-ated on his 
throne ; showing, in the opinion of the map-makers, th(! configur.itions 
of tht! newly-discovered countries belonged to regions which were abso- 
lutely distinct fn^in Asi.i. 

Of Ruysch's ma]) (150S) \\e shall speak h;;reaftcr, although chron- 
ologically speaking, it is the v\X in order. 

The Il.iuslab globe No. 1 [circa 1509) also se[)ar.ites its Ami:rican 
configurations, north and south, from Asia, by a broad ocean embracing 
a gore 40 degrees of longitude wicK:. 

The Cr.icow .Sioljiiic/a map[)aniundi (i:;i.?') unites the continental 
norih-weiiern region of Cantino with the South AnuM'ican continent, 
forming a miss which, notwithst.mding its crude character, is not unlike 
the reality. It also delineates the west coast of the New World, on 
which is inscribed Terra inco^^nita, and then marks a si)ace of 50 degrees 
before reaching the borders of Asia. 

The Orhis Tvpvs VniverSiilis cf WaldseemLi'ler (i5r3) exhibits an 
absolutely indepeiKK-nt represi-ntation of the Asi.i.ic coast, whilst the 
American configurations <ippi;ar on the other side of the map. 

Schoner's spheres, the I .(-no.x globe, and the alleged Da Vinci gores, 
all represent Am.'rica as wholly distinct from Cathay. 

Mow can we ini.rpret that extensive series (jf cartographical state- 
ments otln;rwise than as ;i proof th<it from the earliest period of the 
disco\ery, and for more than thirty years afterwards, geographers viewi.'d 
the Xrw World as entirely* ililferent from the Old } Had they thought 
otherwise, we should see their early sketches of the Americm countries 
merge in the borders of Asia. The nomenclature of the Lusitano- 
Germanic m.ips would also be mi.xed, — as we shall notice it twenty years 

Unknown N'.w uiAToKs. 113 

Liter, owiii!:^ t(i lu-vvly-coiiuxl appp ciations. — witli tlic Asiatic names which 
tlot the re<,M()ns of Cathay ami Manj;!. 

If all tlu)se maps and glob(;s hail been copied one from the other, 
or proceeded from th(! saim; model, this lonji; enumeration would have 
no j^reatcr arj^umentative force than if a single specinnMi had been pro- 
duced. But we intend to show that, so far as the separation of America 
from Asia is concerned, which is an important factor in the present dis- 
cussion, La Cosa and Cantino, one Spanish antl the other l'ortujj;ues<.', 
thou|.;h actinjj; separately, evinct; a similar o])inion. As regards the con- 
tinental in Cantino, which is t^xhibited in nearly all the Lusitano- 
Ciennanic majis and globes of the fn-si half of the sixtei-nth ceiUiir)-, we 
i;x[)ect also to ilemonstr.ite that these cartographical monuments have 
borr.iwiil it from not less than five different protolyixs. 

\'et there have been cosmographeTS whose gc;ograpliical productions 
are calculated, at Hrst sight, to convey the impression that they held a 
contrary b<:lief, and thought that the New W'orkl was a mere continua- 
tion of Asia. Thes(; need bt; examined in connection with thi: present 

The mappamundi of Johaim Ruysch inserted in the Ptolemy of 1507- 
150S, and omitted intentionally in the preceding enum(;ration, owing to 
its peculiar and uniipie character, now first claims our attention, 

Ruysch represents tin; northern extremity of the American hemisphere 
as fiirniing a continuous coast line from (Ireenland to Xewfouiulland, where 
it is ni.ide to run tlue west and merge at its western extremity with 
Catha\ . In the sea which washes the Asiatic borders there is an in- 
scription to the effect that the cartographer omits delineating the 
of Marco Polo, because he ])resumes that it is identical with the C(juntry 
which the S|)aniards call 1 lis[)ani(jla : "Qua hispani spagnola vocant 
si[)angu." Those two grogmphical opinions agree with each other, and 
show on tht; part of Ru\sch the belief that a certain portion of the 
New World was only the east coast of Asia, and that the North Atlantic 
and the North Pacific oceans were identical. 

Hut when examining Ruysch's map south of Newfoundland, we notice 
that those cosmographical ideas apply exclusively to the American continent 
north of Cape Breton. South of that point, the German geographer has 
de|)icted a wide ocean bcjrdering two large am', distinct continental lands, 
far away from China and Japan. On the western e.xtremity of the first 


■ ! 

, i 

T 1 







I'M ■ ^ 

ti' ' 






1 1 


•• fij 


Tin-: DisiovKKV ok Noutii Amkkua. 

of those cast away regions, we read : " Hvc vsqve naves I'erdinancli Regis 
Hispanie pervenerunt : — Thus far the vessels of Ferdinand, the King of 
Spain, have gone." Now, this continental land was absolutely borrowed 
from a Lusitanian map, .ikiii to Cantino's, but of a later i)t'rioil, as can be 
ascertained from its more extendeil shape and complemental nomenclature. 

The other continental region is still further south, larger, and likewise 
at a gr(;at distance from the Asi.itic coast. It bears an inscription 
stating that the country discovered by the Spaniards, who called it 
the New World, owing to its considerable e.\t(Mit : " Hvc \si|ve navtc;' \ener\iit et hane terram propter ei\'s magnitvdincm Mxiulvm 
no\vm appelarvnt." 

Those two continental configurations, which have both been borrowed 
entirely by Ruysch from some Portuguese chart akin to two which we still 
possess (Cantino and Canerio), show that they were inserted by him just 
as he fountl tln'm, and without entertaining, as regards their intrinsic 
character, an opinion different from that of the Lusitanian cartogra|)her 
whom he copied. 

Ruvsch, therefore, believed that the countries north of .\ova .Scotia 
were .Asiatic ; but he was also convinced tiiat the two continental regions, 
(K'picted in his map at the south as rei)resenting liie discoveries of 
Columbus and of th(; .Sj)aniards, formed one or two continents entirely 
distinct from Asia. 

We now have the polar ])roiection of the world belonging to the 
alias which \'esconte de- Maggiolo designtxl in 1511. "here the polar 
lands are all connected, beginning with a Terra dc los Inorcs, folli^wed 
by To ra dc ('■ ic real de rev de portiicrnlL and immediately adjoining 
the Itidid occidoitiilis. The delineation is extremely crude, ,uid we are 
un.abli; to say where the (ieno(;sc: cartographer liorrowecl those geogra- 
phical data, and how long he continued to use them. .Alihuugh M.iggiolo 
is the autht)r of a number of .atlases, yet his nia|) of 1511) is the first, 
.ifter the aliove, which we have met containing conrigin-ations Un the .\ew 
World. I'ntortunately, they e\t<'nd only from llonduras to I'ruguav, with 
no western delineations ])ermitting us to ascertain what were then his 
notions regarding the supposed connection Ix'tween .\si,i uul .\merica. 
But his great .Xmbrosian ma]) of 1527 K'avcts no (.loubt on ])oiiu, as 





kly represen 

Is tin 


tire Xew World from 


th, with a western coast extcMidinLr f 


till' Strait of M 


norlli to 
lan to at 



-^^'<Mitr ipaft ;jn<.<wii»«i<j n«j n 

■ ■[■wrraili'ii '"'~- 



lc;ist 50' north latitude, where it is m.-le to treiul eastward, hciiio; bathed 
at the west by the Marc Indicum. 

The next and last map of that class and period is Schoner's earliest 
globe. It cannot be doubted that the Nuremberg geographer never ceasixl 
to believe, tIu;oretically, that America was merely the continuation of the 
coasts of China and India, as In; repeatedly st.ites in his Qpusciilnni, 
published in 1533, and as is shown by the K;gend : "America Indiie 
superioris et Asiie continentis jKirs," inscribed on the southern hemisphere, of 
the Weimar globe No. 2. Yet we are at a loss to reconcile such a notion 
with the contigurations depicted by .Schoner himself on his globe of 1520. 
He clearly draws therein the entire Asiatic coast from Mare coni^clatiivi 
to India nicridionalis, represented also as washed by Oriciitalis Ocrani/s, 
and then, cast far away mi the other side, three large; continental regions, 
se[)arated from .Asia by the said ocean and by Zipaiii^ri ; one of whicli 
regions he calls Terra de Cuba, another America, .md the third Brasilia 
Inferior. I'he fact that Schoner inscribes on the west of those countri(;s 
" \'ltra nondum luslratum," tloes not nnnove th(; contradiction existing 
between the legi-nds and the geographical profiles in his gloix's. 

No one can doubt, iKiverthelcss, that an (.'iitire. school of cartographers 
frannxl their western h(!mis|)here so as to unite America with .Asia, north 
of Mexico, and delibenitely reprcsenttxl the North .American continent as 
a mere [)rol()ngation of the .Asi.itic world. Hut when ? Not before: tin: 
year 1525, and as a new contrivance, imagined by a Helgian monk, ,uid 
tnmsmiltetl by a long series of brench and ( cartographers in 
accordance with cosmogra|)liieal ilicorics. the origin of which we will 
hereafter show aiul describe to the full satisfaction of our readers. 

To sum up : 

The insularity of L ub,i demonslratiul by tlu; earliest .American maps 
known ; thai island co-existing on said maps with a continental lantl 
at the north-west ; this conliuental region separated westerly h^om the 
Asiatic coasts by a wide ocean ; and the belief entertained so shortly 
after the discovery of the New W'orKI by the .Spanish and Portuguese 
navigators that it was nut a part of .Asia, but a separate continent which 
they sought to traxcrse by a strait so ;is to rt^ach Cathay beyond another 
ocean, are reasons which add considerable weight to our statement that 
the north-western continental region in the charts of l.a Cosa, Cantino, 
Canerio, and all the Lusitano-( "lermanic maps, was intended to rei)resenl 
an intermediarv continent existing lietween Iunv)iie and .\sia. 

I |iV|i 

, ; I. 

' : ' ,b' 


' I 





< I 

h i 

:t,. ) 

■ 1 ' 







WE have set forth and discussed the opinion of the S])anish and 
J\)rtiiguese navigators, as well as of the cosniographcrs of the 
first quarter of the sixteenth century, C(jncerning the existence of 
a continental land situate to the west of the Antillies, and deemed by them 
to be different from the Asiatic regions. We will now slate the facts which 
lead us to believ(? that the Spanish government likewise, so far from con- 
sidering the notion as a vagary or mere surmise, was convinced, so early 
as the year 1501, that west of the West Indies there lay a regular 
continent which was not Asia. 

From the time of the hrst voyage of John Cabot to the east coast 
of thi; New World, l-'erdinand and Isabella had been informed that the 
discoveries accomplished by the Anglo- Venetian adventurer were in the 
region belonging to Spain. Pedro de Ayala and Ruy (ionzales d(; Puebla, 
the .Spanish ministers at the Court of Henry \TI., wrote to their govern- 
ment as follows : 

" I.o fine hiiscan es lo que V'uestras Altczas posseen . . . T-o ([ue han hallado o hiiscan 
cs L) quu ^'ucslras Altczas posecn, ijorque es al cabo ((ue a \'ueslras Altezas capo [,f/V pro 
cupo] [)or la convencion con Portugal' . . . Vo dixo [al Rey de Viiglaterra] cieya eraii las 
halladas por \'ueslias .Mte/.as, y aun le dia la una razon, no lo querria : — That which they 
are in search of is that which belongs to your Highnesses . . . That which they have found 
or what they arc in search of is that which your Highnesses already possess, because it is at 
the cape [or at the beginning of the region] which was attributed to your Highnesses by the 
treaty with I'ortugal ... I told the King of I'.ngland that I believed it was what had been 
discovered for your Majesties; but, although I gave him the reason thereof, he did not like it."- 

This unexpected news must have be(Mi a serious subject of imeasiness 
in .Spain, as it threatenetl to jeoiiardize the ]irojects ;ind hopes wluch their 
Catholic Majesties had predicated upon tin; acliievements of Cohnnbus. 
This is shown by the iv.nor of the letters patent, which they granted to 
Alonso de llojeda, jime 8, 1501, for his third ex[iedition to the \ew 

' Tlio Ux.ity (if TiirilL^illasiif 149.1. I" 'li^ traii^l:ilicin 
(if the i>res(.-iit (Idaniicm, liKKCHNKom (iniiitcd ihc 
wiiiils from " poniui: " lo " I'lirtiigal." 

■-' /h'jiirliiM lie li'iii/ (!,,ii:nlrs ill- Piiihin ,t ill I'idio 
ih- Ai/fi/ti, in Jiriii il Siliii'iiiii Cahut, d'lcs. xii. .aiul 
Niii., pp. 32S .ind j2(> 


Unknown Navigators. 


World. In that document he is enjoined to navigate towards a region 
which is expressly stated to be the country ascertained to have Ijeen 
discovered by the English : " Por razon que va hacia la parte donde se 
ha sabido que descubrian los ingleses," and to set up, gradually as he 
advances (necessarily by following up the coast northwardly, with the 
implied belief that it was connected with the north-western lands), the 
escutcheon of Spain : " E \-ais poniendo las marcas con las armas de 

As to the reason for such a course, it is still more significant : 
"This you shall do," say Ferdinand and Isabella, "for the purpose nf 
sto[iping the discoveries of the English in that direction : ^ — para que 
atages el descubrir de los ingleses por aquella via." 4 

To urge and encourage Hojeda in the undertaking, the Spanish 
sovereigns made him a princely gift : 

" \\'c gram unto you for ever in the scuthern part of Hispaniola called La Maguana, 
six leagues of land .... [both] in consideration of the discoveries which you arc to accom- 
plish, and for [jour intended efforts] on the coast of the continent to bar the way to the 
English : — para lo que habees de descubrir e en la costa de la tierra firme para el atajo de 
los ingleses, y las dichas seis leguas de tierra scan vuestras para siempre.'" 

The expression which we have underscored " para el atago de los 
ingleses," certainly implies attempts already made by the English to con- 
tinue their first transatlantic ( nterprises, necessarily in a more southern 
direction, and liy ranging the west coast southwardly. A private craft 
might have sailed from IJristol in the; track of the Spanish ships, sur- 
reptitiously or otherwise, — although we possess no information whatever 
to ground such an hypothesis, — but that "-rdinand and Isaljella should 
have been e.xercised lo so high a degree, [)poses the meeting in their 
transatlantic domain of sonu; important e.xpedition sailing under the Hrilish 
flag. The second voyage of John Cabot, which, as he implicitly informed 
Raimondo di Soncino, was to be westward and then southward, -and 
which Sebastian Cabot told Peter Martyr had extended to the latitude of 
Gibraltar, — must be the very navigation the progress of which, along the 
southern coast of the present United States, alarmed the Catholic Kings. 

^Rdtti.H ci'iliild-i y riiiiiilo hiilin foii llojidit, 
N.WAKKl-. Mi, \'c>l. III., dec. \., |ip. at). S8. 
* lliidtm. 

^Iliiflim. uxpi-'cliucin i<invc(l ,t failuri.'. See 
Navakkkik's .ilislr.icl of Ddciiinenls, Vol. III., pp. 
28-39, .ind iii/ia, our ChroiKilo^'y of Voy.i(;i.>. 





i \\r 



1 I 



■ ^ 

i ■ 'I 


[> ' 

This we infer from the fact that the two voyajj^es of John Cabot 
(149; and 149S-1499) are the only English expeditions'' to the New 
World known to have been undertaken previous to the letters patent 
granted to Hojeda in June, 1501, and which contain the above quoted 
reference to atteni|)ted British extensions. 

Munoz and Xavarrete allege that Hojeda in his first expedition met 
the English in the vicinity of Maraycaibo : " Lo cierto es que Alonso de 
M()ji,'(.la en su primer viage halh') a cicrtos ingleses jior las inmediacones 
de Cocjuibacoa." 7 This statement may prompt two objections, calculated 
at hrst sight to throw doubt upon our nroposed iilentification of John 
Cabot with the I-iiiglish mentioned in the above instructions given to 
Aloi'so lie Mojeda. 

1 he tn-st ol those oliiections is that Cabot on his second voyage 
saileil from Mngland in April. 149S. and was expected back home in 
Septtinher following : " s]jerase sean x'enidos para el Setiembre," *> while 
Hojixla set out from .Spain only in the spring of the following year. 

The reply is that nowhere it is .said in the original documents that 
it was Ilojeda, ov any of his ships and companions, who saw the I'lnglish 
in American waters. Then, we do not know when John Cabot returned 
from his second expedition. We have proofs that it was ecpiipped on 
an inii)ortant scale-, numbering fivr vessels : " Fd Rey de Inglaterra em- 
bio cinco naos,"'' which carried stores for a whole year: " .ivitallatlos [)or 
im ano." "^ Besides, as the accoimt of Sebastian Cabot implies a long 
explor<ition, the vesst^ls may not have returned to I^nghuul until the 
summer of 1409: and thus could ha\c" been si-en by one ot the six 
S]),uiish expeditions which visited those regions in 149S and 1499," and 
relurned to Spain btifon- the date of the hitters jiatent granteil to ilojeila 
where mention is made oi the Engli-.h. 

The second o1)iection is that the latitude of Ciibr.iltar is the most 
extrenu j'oint said to ha\ e been reached by C.ibot, whik^ the " \iciiiity 
of Coquibacoa," where the alleged meeting is stated by Muno/ and Xa- 
v.u-rete to Iia\-e taken ])lace. is not less than 25 ilegrees further south, 

and implies a n.i\i<'.aioii in tin- midst ot the West hulia islands. 


' riu iiL\t tiMn-.iil:\iiiii- Miy;ii;i' un'li.1 iIk' Bri;i~h fl.i:; " I'i^iMlch <<( IViIro IM. .\VAI..\, in our Jmii tl 

is tlic .Viii;ln-l'orUii;ni.'su i.'\|iciliiion imlcrt.iRCii by \irfJc S:'hrntl',i Cnhol, iloc. xiii. 

(if leltci> p;\U-m j;r.>illc>l imly l<). 1501. HllHil.K, ' Disp.itcli iif ('lonzales IF I'l El'.I \, oji. nl., ilnc. xii. 

Ml iiioir I'/ Citliol, [ip. 2Z2, ji2-.;2 J. " lii-.|ulch nf Peilm m. .\v.\i. \. iitil .«h/)to. 

' N'.WAKKi: 1 1;, Vol. III., p. 41. " Sou iii/ia, our C"hronoloi;y (.f X'oyajjes. 




i HI 

would be a very serious objection if there were any proofs that Hojeda, 
or any Spanish ship met the English actually " por las inniediacones 
de Cocjuibacoa. " But our searches in the Spanish archives have failed 
to bring to light any document to that effect; and neither Munoz nor 
Navarrete cjuote any authorities for their assertion. This has all the a])- 
pearance of an arbitrary deduction made by them from the letters patent 
granted to Hojcda, June S, 1501. where Coquibacoa is mentionetl, only, 
however, in conni:ction with his appointment as governor of that place, 
and without any reference whatever to the F-nglish. Nor is it said therein, 
or anywhere else;, that liritish seamen were seen by Hojeda, or by any 
Spanish commander in the vicinity of Coquibacoa. 

There is nothing to prevent Cabot having been met about Cuba by 
one of the transports or trading ships which, for the last three or four 
years, were already plying between Seville and the West Indies to carry 
supi)lies to the colonists. The latitude of Gibraltar mentioned by Cabot 
is, according to the old charts, nearly on a line with the point of the 
Floridian peninsula and the north coast of Cuba. That is likely the 
place where the F.nglish were seen, probably when homeward bountl. 
And, ;is the coast bordering the Caribbean sea was then already believed 
to be " a lande to reach towarde the north on the back syde of Cuba," 
the recommendations of the Catholic Kings are easily understood. 

'["aking into consideration that tlu; onlv h'nnflish navigator who could 
have bf(,n met there in those; tlays was John Cabot, we must ;;ssume 
that when detecti-d about those regions, he had reached the terminus of 
a coasting which commenci'tl south of NewfouiuUand (after vainK trying 
to fmd an outlet leading to the other side),— according to his first pro- 
ject, as rept)rted by Soncino. Otherwise, we should have to beliext- that, 
abandoning all intention of returning to the north-east coast of the Xew 
World, he darted directly from Bristol in a south-westerly ilireetion, to 
lanil fifty degrc'cs below his first landfall in \.\Q~. But the K'tters patent 
which Henrv \'ll. granleil him in 149S show that such a route; would 
have been contrary to the King's intentions, as the voyage is therein 
expressly described as being intended " for the Londe and lies (■' late 
foundt; by the seid John ;" which we know to have been Newfoundknul 
or thereabout. Under those terms, starting from the latter point, he 
could have rangeil the coast southward, .apparently without knt)wing that 
it would take him to th(; .Siianish possessions ; but they certainly itrecliide 
a primary project ['> visit tirst of all the region ol the West Indies. 

1^ ;i. 







Till-; DiscovKKV ok North Amkrica. 

t 11 


5 it 

it i: 

Let us add that if only one of the five ships of John Cabot, swifter 
than the rest, ami carrying the British flag, went ahead of the fleet and 
was met [)robing her way about the Bahamas, that would be sufficient to 
account for the feelings expressed in the instructions given by Ferdinand 
and Isabella to Hojcda. 

Now, what is the exact date when those monarchs speak of the con- 
tinent : "la costa de la tierra firme," and order Hojeda to impede the 
progress of the English t(jwards the south : " para que atages el descu- 
brir de los ingleses por aquella via?" The 8th of June, 1501 : "a ocho 
dias del mes de Junio ano de mil e quinientos e un aiios." And this, 
Ferdinand and Isal)e]la ex[)ress in a manner which implies that their 
knowledge of British incursions dated a year or two previous ; at all 
events in time for Juan de la Cosa, already renowned as the greatest 
.S[)anish pilot li\ing, to have cognizance of the fact when, having returned 
from Hojeda's first expedition, he constructed his famous planisphere "en 
el puerto de Santa Maria en ano de 1500." 

In that respect, the probability is rendered so much the greater that 
La Cosa, as the reader is aware, depicts a .-cady in the s.iid planis[)here, 
which was finished before October, 1500, a continental coast line to the 
west of Cuba, and carried without any break from " the sea discovered 
by the English : — mar descubierta por ingleses," to the Venezuelan regions 
and bi'vond. 

It is difficult not to ^'sce in that array of facts ami necessary dixluc- 
tions, all based u|)on authentic and contemporaneous statements, a proof 
that in the first year of the sixteenth century the belief was entertained 
in Spain, and necessarily in Portugal and England, that a contincMital 
region existed west and norlh-west of the Anlillies. 

We can even trace the continuation of that early belief uninter- 
ruptedly almost down to the expedition of Magellan. 

Gomara states thai many Spanish and Portuguese navigators, at a 
\ery t;arly d;ite, ranged llie coast of Labrador, to ascertain whether they 
could find a sea [)assa;_;e t<J the land of spice : 

" Muchos lian ido a rostar la tierra del I.abrador por ver addnde llegal)a y por saber si 
habia 1 iso do mar por alii, para ir a las ^[alucas y Especeria . . . Castelianos lo busraron 
primero, como Ics pertenecen acjuetlas islas de las Es[)ccerias . • . y Portugueses tambiem : — 
Many have gone to range the coast of Labrador to, see where it led to, and to ascertain 
whether there was in that region a passage loading to the Molucas and [or the land of] 

Unknown N.wicators. 



Spice. . . . Tht" Spaniards were the first to go in search of it, because the Spice islands 
belonged to thcni. . . . The Portuguese also [made the attempt]."'- 

Herrera reports that in 1506, T'crdiiiaiid of Aragon was most anxious 
to send a transatlantic expedition for the express purpose of forestalling 
the King of Portugal in his efforts to discover a strait leading to the 
Molucca islands : 

"Gran cuidado tenia el Rei Catolico en embiar a descubrir . . . causa era de esto 
la dili^oncia ([ue el Rei de Portugal ponia en embiar Descubridores del Estrecho : — The 
Catholic Kini,' was very anxious to send [ex|)editions of] discovery. The reason was the 
diligence exhibited by the King of Portugal in sending discoverers for the Strait." 

Herrera goes so far as to say that the attempt had already been 
made by many navigators who, with such intentions, had explored the 
northern coast : 

" I muchos anduvieron por el Norte costeando, i trabajando en ello : — And many 
[such] sailed to the North, ranging the coast and making efforts thereon." " 

We know also that the expedition of Juan Diaz de Soli^; and Vicente; 
Vanez Pinzon, of 1506, was apparently to lind such a strait; but it is of 
a more recent diite than the attem])ts mentioned by Gomara and Herrera. 
As Na\'arrete justly says, Diaz and Pinzon's efforts then were to find a 
passage between the two oceans: " Al parecer con el objeto de hallar 
algun canal u estrecho de comunicacion con el otro mar." '-^ 

The theory which has heretofore made the continental region west 
of tin; Antillies and south of Xewfoundland a /crra incog}iila until 1513, 
requires, of course, that no part of that region should have been ex- 
plored, either by the .Spanish or the Portuguese before the latter date. 
Nevertheless, in addition to the facts duly set forth in the preceding 
pages, the map of Reinel (Kunstmann No. III.), which is of the year 
1505 (Kohl) or 1504 (Pcschel), shows already a pt)rtion of Nova Scotia. 
Nav, a certain knowledw of the coast south of that country, (which 
knowledge, as we 1 .'e just shown, was possessed by the Spaniards inde- 
pendently of what t'.ey could have gathered from the Lusitanian maps, 
in the first year, at least, of the sixteenth century) so far from being 
forgotten, continued to be acted u[)on by the Spanish government. 

'Vhv. oYv^wv^} airreement entered into between Ferdinand of Aragon 
and Juan de Agramonte authorises the latter to explore a land situate 

' C'lO.MAKA, eilii. Mf W'lli.T, p. 177. 

• I1i:krh:\ 1)lc:u1. I., Vol. I., |i. 100. 

" Navakkkti;, 
\o\. III., [). 47. 

Xolirin hixhirha, 


■1; .i) 

1 ■ 


\ ! 


I 22 

Tin: DiscovKKv ok North A.mkkica. 



l;i''l I 

I i 

towards the Raccallaos island : " Una tierra qiies a la parte del Norte, 
hacia la Isla de los Hacallaos." This can only apply to the region south 
of the Portuguese possessions, as the sphere of explorations is placed 
within " los liinites que a Nos pertenescen : — the limits of the country 
belonging to Spain." This, judging from the early maps, was deemed 
to be south and south-west of Newfoundland. 

It is worthy of notice that the information obtained by Agramonte 
was derived not from charts, but from tw(j Indians, natives, as it seems, 
of that new country, whom he had with him in Spain. We must also 
call th(; attention of our readers to the fact that Agramonte was to re- 
cei\e his sailing directions from Spanish officials : " por la via e derrota 
(jue V()S serri senalado por mi mandado," which implies a previous know- 
letlge of that country on ihi' [)arl of the Cn)wn pilots. '5 Now, this was 
before tlie coming of Seliastian Cab(jt to .S[)ain, and before October, 
151 I, which is the date of the Royal letter of Queen Juana, wherein 
mention is made of a contract to the .same effect, entered into previously 

betweiMi her father and the said grantee. 


In (|uoting this instance, which is not the only one of the kind, we 
wish simply to show, — as far as such vestiges permit us to ascertain, — 
that a sort of tradition was kept up in Spain concerning the existence 
of a continental region to the north-west of Cuba. The following con- 
versation rei)orted by Peter Martyr d'Aiighiera, though written in 15 15, '7 
or 1516, expresses in the clearest manner a belief which, in our o|)inion, 
was shared for a number t)f years jjrevious by cosmographers and pilots 
all oviT b^urope. 

'• .Aiidruas ^[ol■,'lli.s the pyK^t, .ind Oviodus," ho say.'--, " rciiayrcd to me at my house 
in the towne of Matrite. . . . They both agree that these landes and rej;ion.s perteynynge 
to the dominion of Castile, duo with one contiiuiall tract and perpetiiall bonde, embrase as 
one hole firine landc and continent al the mayne iande lyinge on the north syde of Cuba 
and tile iiiiier liandcs, beiiige also north-west both from Cuba and Hispariiola." '" 

' Na\" \nkl-.ri-;, CoUfrion tic i-idiji-: ;/ dciiihrijiilt nlo-i, liears im d.Tlc, Inn nuMUicin-. Uk' ^{^h i>\ ilic i'iuhh id 

\"nl. 111.. N.i.-. XXXI-II., pp. 124-127. acctilc In tht- (k^iru exprc>^.cil liy (he pcopU- ni Darien 

'■ .\ iIiMimiLiil lately imlili.slicil in the (\iki-:-i('n tli. i.i have appoiiUed ns j;nvernur \'.i>ei) .Nnne/. ile liallicia. 

'inrmiitnlita iiiidilciK (l<: Iiit/inn, \'cil. .\.\,\II., p. 393, 
rders to the ai;reement maile with Agramonle. It is a 
riiyal (,'eilula of Kiny l''erilinan<l, adilrcsseil lu the Coku 
tie Coiitrnlafioii, ami coiUaiiiinj; a reply to various 
letters wiitten by that iiisiitutioii. Unfortunately, it 

This eircuiustance seems to correspoii,! with the Knciso 
.".ml troubles in the sjirinj; of 151 1. Las Casas, 
lib. ii., f.ip. Ixvii., \'oi. III.. ]). 340. 

'- .\ni:iiii;ka, Kpist. dxlii., p. 310. 

'■* .•\Nc.ilii.KA, Decad. III., lib. x., f. 67, D. 


i'i . 

AT the close of a discussion like the present, it must be borne in 
mind that the north-western continental configurations set forth in 
the charts of Cantino, Canerio, Ruysch, Waldseemiiller, Schoner, 
and other geographers of the first half of the sixteenth century, have 
their ecjuivalent in the reality of things. That is, there is actually exist- 
ing, as everybody knows, west and north-west of the Antillies such a 
continent as is depicted on those maps. This fact imparts to their geo- 
graphical averments a character of prima facie evidence entitling them 
to prevail, unless they be rebutted by the contradicter with documentary 

Limiting our inquiry to the charts, we have shown, and will here- 
after demonstrate technically, that the said continental region is absolutely 
represented as possessing a se[)arate and special existence. In other 
words, that land cannot be considered as a duplicate of any one of the 
West India islands, nor of any portion of the countries south-west of 
that archipelago, which, by some unaccountable freak of imagination, a- 
cartographer would have detacheil from its true place, enlarged, distorted, 
and located thirty degrees north of its real position, whilst leaving besides 
the original land or island where it truly belongs. 

It has been prov d, besides, that in itself the .said continental region, 
so far from being anomalous, formed i)art of a logical ensemble, as the map 
depicting it also represents the West Indies, together with Cuba clearly 
delineated as an island, and very nearly in her exact form and position. 

We have likewise asserted, and intend in the second part of this 
work to show, that the presence of a western continent on Portuguese 
original charts and Lusitano-Germanic derivatives was not a cartographical 
acciiK'nt. servilely or unconsciously copied, but that it resulted from several 
independent prt)totypes. That is, at an early period, before 1502, there 
have existed maps which, independently of each other, exhibited those 
continental features, whilst presenting differences which showed a distinct 
origin for .several in that class of documents. 


!'(■' ,ii 

I »' 

' ^ il 




Till". I)is(()\ i;uv OK XoKiii Ami;kr:a. 


III thi! proceJliifr ch;i])ters it also b(;c;n shown that in the (jpiiiion 
of leading geographers of the time, the north-western continent region 
inscribed on Lusitano-Gernianic charts was considered as corresi)onding 
with a ct)ntinent actually existing, and placed by them where; modern 
maps exhibit the east coast of the Uniteil States. 

We believe, besides, to have demonstrated that those cartographical 
averments, so far from being contnncrted by authentic facts, or i)y state- 
ments from contemi)orary authorities of an historical ch.iracter, were, on the 
contrary, corroborated by the same, as well as by another class of proofs. 

With the view of endeavouring to .iscenil to thi; earliest tlc-Iineations 
of that continent, all the Portuguese; and I.usitano-Germanic maps will be 
hereafter carefully examined, ami lh(;ir nomenclatures minutely compared. 
And although the results obtained do not pc;rmit thus far of a dcfmite 
reply, yet cogent reasons will be allegeil to prove that the north-western 
continental configuraticjii was not necessarily based u[)on \'espuccian data, 
but that it proceeds from various sources. 

It remains now tt) see whether historical documents afford a clue, 
enabling the critic to ascertain how means of information could have been 
obtainetl for such geographical characteristics. 

The common (and erroneous) belief is that all which was known of 
the geography of the \ew World from the time; of its (Iisco\er\- by 
Columbus, until the first year of the sixteenth century, was and could 
be obtained only from the; voyages of Christopher Columbus (1492-1493, 
1493-1496, 1498-1500), John Cabot (1497, 149SV Pinzon, Diego de I.ei)e, 
V'elez de Mentloza, Hojeda, Xino-Guerra, \'es[)uccius' second expedition 
(these seven accomplished between 1499 and 1500), Gaspar Corte Real 
(1500- 1 501), and Cabral-Lemos (1500-1 501), not to speak of ^^■s[)uccius' 
first voyage. These, however, were only official expeditions, sailing under 
the Sjianish, English, or Portuguese llag, which, as we will soon demon- 
strate, do not preclude a number of other voyages from ha\ing been 
made then to America, and precisely of such a character as to yield 
geographical data other than those brought to .Seville or Lisbon by 
royal pilots and commanders. 


I'^HE agreement or capitulations of April 17. 1492, did not concede to 
Christopher Columhus the monopcjiy of expialitions to the country 
which he hoped to discover. This privilege was shared with tht; 
Crown. All that which Ct)lunilnis could claim absolutely was one-(;ighth 
of tlie tax or royalty imposed on vessels intending to trade in the new 
regions. It follows that on the loth of April, 1495, l''erdinand and 
Isabella tlid not hesitate to publish a general tlecree authorising anyone' 
to equi]) expeditions for the; distinct purpose of discovering isles and 
continents in the Indies and Ocean: "descobrir otras isias e tierra-firme 
a la parte de las Indias en el mar Oceano," subject, of course, t(j certain 
prior rights, taxes, and regulations. A number of sea captains availed 
themselves at once of the; authorisation: " Diversi navium ductores ad 
diversa alterius hctmispherii littora missi sunt,"- wrote Peter Martyr, on 
the I ilh of June, 1495. 

Who those commanders were, where they went, what countries they 
actually discovered or visited, are questions which no one can to-day 
answer with certainty. We only know that Ijeing forbidden to explore 
the regions already tliscovercd, " dcmas de las islas e tierra-firmt; (pie 
por nuestro mandado s(i han descubierto en la dicha parte del mar 
Oceano," they must have landed in parts thert'tofore unknown. The 
date at which, according to Peter Martyr, those ex[)editions set out, 
prevents their being mistaken for the enterprises of Hojeda, Pinzon, 
Lepe, &c., which were four years later. 

Columbus, who always watched with a jealous eye his rights and 
privileges, complained of that decree. Two years afterwards, on the; 2nd 
of June, 1497, the Catholic Kings, without yielding entirely to his requests, 

■ Xa\ AKUKii;, iluc. Ixx.wi., \'nl. II., i>. 165. As could aviiil iliL'in jlvcs uf'tlio iiriviK-j,'!.'. Infra, \^. 131. 

the iltcrci' is in Ihc name I'f I'LTdinniiil andlsrtliclb, one = Amuiikka, Oi>ii.i E/iistol., Kpisl. clx. (lunu II, 

niijjht supinise that llic terms: "ahjimas peiMMias, vicimis 1495), p. 90. See also Doriimmlo" iiicilitn.^ i/r ImUnii, 

O miiradorcs en alyunas Cimlatlcs, \'illa.s i Luyarcs e \'(il. XXX., p. J17, for numerous petitions to he allow cil 

I'uertos (le nuestros Ueinos e Senorios," apply to all to make transatlantic discoveries, and to receive one half 

Spaniards J Imt in reality, only Isaliella's own suiijects of the profits. 

■ ^ \\ 

I M 

I' ' 








;• ill 



f' ^ 


ii J 


Tiiic DiscuvKKV 01' NokTii Ami.kica. 

puhlishcd a new ordinance cancelling all authorisations theretofore granted 
wiiich could be shown to be contrary to the privileges possessed by 
Christo|)her Columbus.' 

He did not, however, long maintain such an exclusive policy, and 
we fmd him advocate the [)rinciple that permission should be granted to 
all who wished to accoiMpHsh discoveries : 

" Para en lo dc descobrir de nuevas tierras, paris(,cnie se dcva dar lii^encia ;i todos 
los que (luisicrun yr, y alargar la mano cl to dul (ininto, inoderandolo en alguna l)uena 
nianera, ;i fin dc que muchus se disi)ongan .\ yr : — Conctrning the discovery of new lands, 
it seems to me that permission ought to be given to all who want to go, and that we 
should ojjcn the hand as regards the King's royalty, moderating it so as to indure many 
to avail themselves of the leave." ' 

Consistently with his altereil views in this respect, Columi)us au- 
thorised many commanders, " muchos capitanes," to e.xplore the newly- 
discovered lands. This we learn from Andres Hernaldez, who was an 
eye-witness : 

" V esiando el en la corte se negocid e conrert(5 6 se di(5 licencia a otros muchos 
capitanes (]Ue la procuraron i)ara ir a descubrir, 6 fuoron e descubiicron diversas islas : — .\nd 
being at the Court, auihorisation was negotiated, agreed, and granted to many other cajjUiins, 
who obtained it for the purpose of going to discover, and, having gone, discovered various 
islands.'' » 

'I'he reader will notice thai, in the course of those expeditions, di.sco- 
vcriis were actually accomplished. Among the captains who then obtained 
the required license, we must doubtless inclutle Cristobal Guerra, Diego 
de Le|K', Hojeda and Rodrigo de Baslidas, although in reality they held 
their privilege from the Crown. But three or four is a number which 
falls short of the e.xpression "muchos;" and we may therefore assume 
tiiat there were others, whose names and deeds have not come down to 
us. These, necessarily, need be placed among the navigators who may 

1 •• Di-rcnik-nioh riniK-nionti.- hir' r\I;;im.n iicrsnnas nn (ij.iihis ilu ii oiplr.i cllas [llic former ' mcrccilcs'], o bi 
L-1 Icii'ir (lull.ii en al^M Ic iiurjiulica la dicha pruvisimi (jik' 
a^i maiiilanuK dar, (|ue <lc siiho va (.•ncurpiirada, ])or la 
presfiUL- la ruVDCamiw."— Navakrktk, Vol. II., p. 202. 
A conaiii phr.asc in the original Ii(Mik of rrivikgcs pre- 
.scrvcil at Paris, sei'ni> to apply to new infringements of 
that ortlinunce. Columbus himself says therein : " h'.ago 
juramento cpie cantitail de liomlire.s han ido a las Indias 
que no mereseian el agua para con Dios y con el numdo, 
y agora vuelven .-vlli," f" Ix.xij. That sentence is not to 
lie found in the Genoa codex. 

■• C(tiia.-<(li: Ill<ll(t.^,lln^^. i.,)!. 5. .Americus Vr.siTCCIUS 
was far from being so liberal, but expressed his o]nnion 
several years later. Having been asked by Cardinal 
XiMi-.NK/., on the 9th of D-'cember, 150S, whellier it was 
not desiralile that " caila uno tenga de yr i llevar 
lo i]ue (piisyere," which was the policy of Portugal con- 
cerning her African colonies: " segun <|ue lo haze el rey 
dc I'ortogal en lo de la inina del Oro ; " Vespuecius 
raiseil consi leral)le objections against such an enlightened 
course of action. Ihii/em, doe. ii., p. 11. 

5 Ueknai.iikz, Croiii'-n ih. lot /{-i/is Cafolifoi, Vol. 
II., cap. x.\xi., p. 79. 

Ci,ani)i;stim; Ivxi'KDrrioNs. 


hiivt; visited the western cinuineiUiil rejfioiis, and brought home geographi- 
cal data of im|)ortance, as their charters forbadt; them expressly, as above 
stated, " to go to parts already discov('red." 

There have; been, cons('(|urMtIy, in the seven years which followt'd 
the discovery of America, a number of transatlantic voyages in the course 
of which the coast lines witc doubtless probi;d on many sitles, and very 
likely with lilth- pecuniary success ; which seems to be the chief cause 
why they were soon foryjotlen. 

As regards the e.\p(;ditions carried out Ijy virtue of regular licenses, 
if any of them actually reached thi: mainland to the north of Cuba, specific 
details then and thus obtained were withheld from the Crown i)iIots, other- 
wise the southern section of thi' northern continent in the map of La 
Cosa would be dotted throut,diout, like thi; charts of Cantino and Caiierio, 
with names, legends, and Spanish Hags, as it is all over its si;ptentrional 
(•xtremity with inscriptions and British emblems. But the great Bascjue 
cartographf.T lutcame, niivertheless, possessed of g(.:neral data concerning 
those continental regions. This is un(]uestionably shown by llie continuous 
coas'; line delin(;ated to th(! west of thi; Antilli(;s in the map wliich he 
constructed in tlie year 1500. 

That, l)i;tween 1493 and 1,500, a number of vessels were, besides, 
unlawfully ecjuipped in the ports of Spain, Portugal, and I'Vance, for the 
purpose of exploiting the New World, and sailed secretly or without i)eing 
provided with any license whatever, does not ailmil of a doubt. 'Hie 
glowing accounts which Columbus gave of the; newly-discovered regions ; 
the hope to fmd goltl in quantity ; the Indians kidnapped and sold as 
slaves in Andalusia ; tin: cargoes of dyewood, spun cotton, and novel 
objects brought from America, were surely of such a character as to in- 
duce the bold mariners of thi; Peninsula to engage in thi; venture. 

.So far as Portugal is concerned we .see, from the start in 1493. a 
caravel sail from Madeira to find the countries which Coliniiljus had just 
discovered, and King Manod immediately send three vessels after the 
alleged truant ship, apparently to arrest her, but, in reality, to join in 
the expedition : " y [)odria ser (|iie esto se tuiese con otros respetos, 6 
que los mismos {[ue fueron en las carabelas, una y otras, querran tlescu- 
brir algo en lo (jue pertenece a Nos."'' The fact is that the A/ores 
were the hot-bed, so to speak, of transatlantic expeditions. And the Portu- 


; \ 

(:. t 




' ^i» 

1 »\i 

' NAVAKKirir., iluc. Isxi., \cil. II., \\ loy. 

.! . 



bl fU 



The Discovkrv ok North America. 





gucsc not;iri;i". archives, as well as those of the Torre do Toinbo, may yet 
yield information of that character, antl of a date prior to the letters 
patent granted in Octol)er, 1499, to Joam Fernandez of Terceira, au- 
thorising a voyage to the New World, before- any such j)rivilege had 
yet hren conceded to Caspar Corte-Real, or before anything was known 
of the hitter's maritime attempts. 

As to such secret and illegal Portuguese expeditions we can know only 
of those which were the object of protests on the part of the Spanish 
government; as, for instance, the incursion of four Lusitanian ships which, 
early in the year 1503, went to the country discovered by Rodrigo de 
Hastidas, and returned to Lisbon loaded with dye wo<jd and Indian 
slaves.7 We are loth to believe that this was a solitary case; ; and if 
Portuguese ship owners sent vessels in the track of Bastidas, we may rest 
assured that they acted in the same manner, on a venture, when informed 
of the quantities of ]iearls brought by Cristobal Cuerra, if not before. 

The French, wlio in the beginning of the sixteenth ccmtury, exhibited 
such a great maritime activity, at least in th(;ir western seaports, showed 
just as little scruple. \\\; have authentic documents on that point. In 
the aftnlavit subscribed at Rouen by Biiiot Paulmier de Conneville, 
June 19, 1505, mention is made of "Dieppe and St. Malo marincu's, as 
well as other Xormands and Britons, who, for years past go to the West 
Indies in search of dye wood, ci ttou, monkeys, parrots, and other articles." 
As this information must Ivi' e been [)ossessed by Cionmiville before 
June 24, 1503 (when he sailed from Ht)nilcur), we have in his depo- 
sition evitleiice that for years prior to 1503: " d'empuis ancunes annees 
en ca les Dieppois et les Alalouins e': autres .\ormands et Bretons vont 
qiierir aux Indes occidentalles du bois a leindre en rouge, colons, guenons, 
I't perrcxjuets, et aulres denrees."^ But who can tell how far those sea- 
fu'ing men (who rank among the boldest that ever existed, ;uul were 
sometimes accomjjanied by Portuguese mariuTs,) went and what countries 
they may h.ive exploreil ? The ])robability is that those voyages were 
more or less connecteel with fishing ex[)edilions to Newfoundland, which 
im[)lies a ranging of its north-east coast southward, and consecjuently a 
knowledge of certain parts of the north-western continental region which 
is so cons[)icuous in early Portuguese and Lusitano-Ciermanic maps. 

Iii/rc, ill llio t'liroiinldiji/ 11/ I'oi/'i'ji i, No. Iwiv. 

' Iiij'ra, ill ill!.' Chroiinlniiy, N'e. lx\ii. 



As rt'g;irds Spain, thi; Crown rendcrtid lawful enterprises to the newly- 
discovered regions extriMiiely difticuit. Licenses were granted only to the 
subjects of Oueen Isalx:lia, that is, inhabitants of Castile, Leon, Asturias, 
Galicia, I'lstramadura, Murcia, and Andalusia ; while not only foreigners, 
but even her husband's own subjects (Aragonese, Catalans, and Valencians) 
were strictly excluded. 9 Nay, Isabella attached so much importance to 
such an exclusive right that if, in her testament, she speaks only once 
of the Indies, it is to affirm her absolute and personal prerogative on 
the subject. "^' 

The royalty to be paid to the Crown, exclusively of Columbus' io7o 
on the tonnage of every vessel, the obligation to have const.uitly on 
board State officials to watch proceedings" and record minutely the re- 
ceipts, together with a strict requirement to equip all ships in the only 
port of Seville, ■- where the law compelled them also to return and un- 
load, were likewise impediments which could but result in the fitting out 
of numerous clandestine expeditions to the New World, I^oth for the 
purpose of barter and marklme tlisc(n't'ry. 

The damage occasioned to the Crown from that cause com[)elled their 
Catholic Majesties several times to issue stringent orders to repress such 
illegal enterprises. The warning issued, September 3, 1501, recalls similar 
defences already published, and enacts very severe penalties against all 
those who should tlare in the future to undertake unauthoriseil voyages 
in the Atlar.lic Ocean. '3 

It must not be su[)posed, nevertheless, that those prohibitions ever 
prevented advcnturttrs from running the gauntKa. As far back as 1497, 

'^ TliL' uiKkrlnkini; of ilio Indies helciiigoil cxcliisivt-ly 
to the ciiiwn of ('a>lilo. <)\lKl)(i s.iys : "As lont; as 
(liiecn Isabcll.T livol, no om- was iicnnitteil lo i;o to tlie 
Indies except lier own siilijefls, for they alone diMovoied 
the New World, \iid iioi the Arai^one^e, Calalaiis, and 
Valeneians." — lli->f"riii II, n, nil '/■ lui Imlin^, lili. iii., 
cap. i., Vol. I., p. 7,|. Ili>\i.\i;\, ///<'. <A lii' /«i//r(.-, 
p. 11)7, leealls the fael, and even linds in il an explanation 
for the famous and apocryphal device : 
Fur Cit'-itjh itnii ftir t.'on 
C(>l!iinhn.'< ftiHiiif (I ..'< I'' I'-iit'/if. 
Sec also, Soi.ciK/. AMI, l',.i;i;,n lii'ltniin, Madrid, 1648, 
fol., lib. iv., cap. xix., p. o;o, and the (^'.diilit of .\oveni- 
lier, 1504, in .\a\, \ol. III., p. 5J5. We lind 
that, even after the death of Ualiella, when I'erdinaad of 
Ar.ayon administered tlie Uini,'doni, DeeeniKer 4, 1507, 
one Hernaldo tlrlmahli (apparenlly a native ol lienoa) 

was ohlij^eil to heconie a nalmaliseil snlijeel of the crown 
of Cf(.v/i7e, hefore he could lie allowed to trade in the 
Indies. -Ml.-. Iiiiilit. (Il /mlin-,. Vol. X.\WI., p. 196. 

" " I'or (|iianlo las islas . . . Iiieron desciiliiertas . . . 
a eosia ile eslos nils Keynos, ,Ve. " -[sahella's will in 
])i)KMi:u, Dixirr^D.i niii',1 ,1, nisli^rin, /arat;o(,a, l6Sj, 
4to, p. ^t4. 

" Licence i^ranted to llAsiiiiAs ; in Xavakri II"., \'ol. 
II., p. 245. 

" .An [ t'.NI.Z, Mi.Dioriai liislurira.i xohn; tit l.i •li^/iirlnu 
11 llnhii mil ill / CiVHi i-i-in ill lit.i ICsjiiiiiii/i .1 I II ,s»v i-ii/oiiiiix, 
Madrid, 1797, Svo, p. 4. 

'■ " .Si-aii osailos de ir ni vayan sin nuestra liceneia a 
de^colirir al mar Oce.ino, ni a l.vs islas e lierradirme cpie 
en el ha'~ia ai,'ora son ile.scuhierlas e se de.sciihrieren.'' — 
NAVAUItKn., \'ol. 11., doe. cxxxix., p. 25.S. 



|- 1 t (i, 






J 1 

1^ f 'i 

• if 




Till-: DiscovKKV ok Noktii Amkkua. 

we see two of Columbus' own officers, one of whom, Alonso Medel, had 
been the master of the A'i/hi during the second voyage of discovery, 
elope with two armed vessels equipped by the Crown, and of which they 
were in command. Disregarding the orders of Columbus, and surrepti- 
tiously, this Medel, with Bartolome Colin, set sail for unknown regions. 
When they returned to Cadiz, Columbus asked Their Majesties to insti- 
tute legal proceedings, on the plea that the bold adventurers had been 
guilty, to use Navarrete's t;xpressions, of " viages arliiirarios."'-!- We do 
not know where those truant mariners went, but ihey certainly avoided 
tl transatlantic ports and coasts visited by licensed Spanish ships and 

Later, February 4, 1 500, we see another instance of the kind, when 
Ferdinantl and Isabella charttT three vessels for the purpose of ovc-rtaking 
in the open sea two ships which had sailed unlawfully from Seville to 
the New World. '5 It is worthy of notice that thev bclonot'tl to a 
Genoese, F"r<uicesco de Rivarolla, the friend and banker of Christopher 

It is plain that under the circumstances, unlicensed adventurers c;s- 
chc:wetl, as much as possible, the localities where they ran the risk of 
ine(_'tiiig with caravels sailing untler the royal llag, or the points of the 
coast already e.\i)loited by duly-authorised traders and seataring men. This 
would lerul them to unknown parts, the secret of which they kept to 
themselves, or marked on maps intended exclusively for the information 
oi' their emploxers. If, according to [irt)babilities, in scouring west of 
the Antilli(;s they sighteil the north-c;ast coast of America, (jr any portion 
of it, we can well n'alis<; how geogra[)hical information gathered iluring 
such secret and tluigerous voyages may have remained unknown to the 
jiilots and cosmogra|)hers of the; .Spanish Crown, and, as a matter of 
course, failed to figure on the ofhcial chats of the Sevillan Hydrography. 

Tlu)se ficts will certainly be viewed by just critics as indicating 
scxeral of the v.irious sources whtMice may have bcHMi derived th<; carto- 
gra])hical tlata which appear on the I.usitano-Ciermanic maps, and constitute 
the subject of the; [)resent ch.ipter. As Iluinboldt justly observes: 

\ I 


'■* i^' fif inorlslna It iiistaihiii ih. t'fistti^ml Cofoit : 

\.\\ AHKKIK, \'ol. III., llllC. \XXV., p. 507. 

'" R'ltJ ciiliita jinra jirtiiji:)' a Friiiififco llirirvl y kkte, Vul. III., cl.ic. .\lii., p. 513. 

Jiinii •- iiii/ii ., ii'ii Iny hiiijiii-i intra iriii hii^nt ,1, i/tis 
■(iritlnlitK ,11,1 ijK, htiliittii .■•iti'ii/ij NiH (ft III ill, Navak- 




" Les documents ofificiels, ceux qui n'ont enregistriS que las expi5ditions faites aux frais 
du gouvernment espagnol, ne nous offrent pas un certitude absolue qn'h. une epoque donnee 
les d^couvertes n'aient et^ poussiJes que jusqu'it telle ou telle limite. II existait II Seville et ll 
Lisbonne dcs notions r^pandues par des voyageurs clandestins : — The official documents, that 
is, those which have recorded solely expeditions undertaken at the cost of the Spanish govern- 
ment, do not afford positive assurance that at certain times discoveries were not carried beyond 
this or that limit. There were current at Seville and Lisbon notions spread by clandestine 
navigators. " '" 

And, as to the voyages themselves, let us recall the statement of 
Lopez de Gomara, who was official chronicler of the Indies : 

" Entcndiendo cuan grandisimas tierras eran las que Cristobal Colon descubria, fueron 
muchos a continuar el descubrimiento de todas, unos a su costa, otros h la del Rey, y todos 
pensando enriquecer, ganar fama y medrar con los reyes. Pero como los mas dellos no hi- 
cieron sino descubrir y gastarse, no quedu memoria de todos, que yo sepa, especialmente de 
los que navcgaron hacia el none, costeando los bacallaos y tie 1 del Labrador; —Many under- 
took to continue and comi)lete the discoveries initiated by CI....)topher Columbus; some at their 

own cost, others at the King's expence, hoping thereby to become rich and famous 

But, as most of these who made discoveries were ruined thereby, there is no recollection left 
of any of them, so far as I know, particularly those who steered northward, coasting the 
Bacallaos region and Labrador."'" 

We do not know what the day may bring forth ; but, in the present 
.state of the (juestion and of our knowledge of facts and documents, the 
critical historian of maritime discovery is justified in considering the north- 
western delineations in the Cantino i)lanisphere as repre.siMiting a conti- 
nental region n^ally e.xisting. \ow, what is that country ? Necessarily 
a j)ortion of the Atlantic shori;s of the present United Sta'-es, shown now 
to have been di.scovered, visited, named, and described so far back as 
the close of tht: riftcimlh century. 

'^ ( loMAi; \. Ilhtnri'i it' /<ii /»'/(>(.-, N'l'.l iIa'^ (.•clili"!!, |i. ifio, li,i~; n |)l)^itivc suueiiioiu In llie siiiin; ctVecl. 
\'<>1. I., 11. 177. IIki;ki;u\, Ui.'c;iiI. I., lili. \i., c;i|i. wi.. '" I lr\ti;(ii m , Kxaiif 11 n-iiiiiiic, VdI. II., p. 35S. 

S Iff II 



1 1 


^7i r 

i h: 


i 'it'! 





^I'^HE conclusions which \vc hiivt: just ex|)rt:ssud arc basud, geographi- 
cally si)caking, upon the c-xistcncc in the Cantino chart of a north- 
western continental region, which, as has already been stated, 
corresponds with the east coast of North America, from Florida to about 
the Delaware or Hudscni river. Vet it must be confessed that the re- 
presentation is only general and approximate, with latitudes and longitudes 
very inexact, — not m(jre so, however, than are the configurations and 
positions of other parts lA' the New World in all the maps and charts 
of the time. 

To discuss the bearing of such geographical data, we must not, there- 
fore, take as a guide the scales which are inscribed in detail on several 
of them. Else we would have to |)lace, for instance, Cuba by 30 --38" 
north latitude, instead of 19 48'- 23 i i', which is its true situation. Ikit 
we may nevertheless take that island for a starting point, as it is a reality 
ascertainetl practically by navigators of the period. In other words, the 
historian of maritime disc<jvcry can find no surer Ijasis than such a point, 
and use it somewhat as we employ initial meritlians for measuring distances. 

I'nder this aspect, the reader will notice that in Cantino the southern 
terminus of the continental land in question is about one degree south 
of the north-westernmost cape of Cuba. The ex[)lorations ot the unknown 
navigators which have been di^.LUSsed in the preceding chapters must be 
taken, llierefore, as not having extended further south than point, 
according to the data used in 1501 1502 by Lisl)on cartographers, which 
is the time when the Cantino chart was constructcul. 

Xow, were those voyages continuetl after that |)eriod, particularly in 
a southern direction, and, if so, do we possess traces ot such eflorts .■' 

-As the reader will see it pro\'ed gra|)hically and otherwise in our 
description of the Lusitano-( iermaiiic maps and globes, not only do we 
possess geographical documents which exhibit a pnjgression of that charac- 
ter, but the latter is so positive: that its elements could ije resorted to 
by us as a criterion for classifying and deierinining the (jrigin of several 
important categories of maps of the sixteenth century. 



For the present, wc will cite two examples. 

In the ma])paniundi of Johann Riiysch, that continental region indi- 
cates, on the contrary, at the point where in Cantino it is made to end, 
a large gulf, the borders of which carry the configuration five degrees 
further south, to the tropic of Cancer. 

In the planisphere of Nicolay de Canerio, the continental land, after 
jxhiiiiting the aforesaid gulf of Ruysch, continues the coast uninterruptedly 
southward fifteen degrees, with peculiar profiles, and an e.xtremely large 
ishuul or peninsula, imparting to these addition;>l configurations the a|)pear- 
ance of the Gulf of Mexico, and of the Yucatanic country. 

Who were the navigators, when they visited that coast, and what 
an; exactK' the shores embraced in those mysterious expeditions, no one 
can tell. True it is that in Canerio the area is bordered at the north 
and at the sou.Mi by Spanish llags, and that in several of the early Lusi- 
tano-Germanic globes the word Parias is inscribed across the new and 
supplementary region. But this is only an interpretation of German cos- 
mographers, who identified, we do not know on what grounds, the country 
discovered by Christopher Columbus in his third voyage, with the land 
which was certainly nameless on their prototype. Were it otherwise, 
Nicolay de Canerio, who sets forth the most numerous nomenclature to 
be found in that class of geographical monuments, could not have failed 
to insert likewise the name of Parias on his additional configuration. 
jNIeanwhile, it is (;nough for us to see, in the prolongation of that coast, 
evidence that th(! exploration of the same .sea-boards was continued in 
the first few years of the sixteenth century to more than 15° south of 
the latitude of Cuba. 

■ It'll 

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(giminu ^ioxiU. arib t^t (Buff ^^on. 

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151 I-I521. 


TE have now reach(icl a new series of explorations to the north 
* coast, and tread on historical grounds; that is, where chronicles 
and histories contemporary of the events can be consulted. It 
does not follow, however, that the chain of documents is unbroken, or of 
such a precise character as to enable critics to trace accurately or in de- 
tail the progress of maritime discovery in the north-western regions. On 
the contrary, a number of geographical data are still hidden from our 
view, particularly for the period which elapsed between the origin of the 
facts deduced from the configurations in the chart of Canerio, and those 
which are tcj be derived from the rudimiMitary map of Peter INIartyr. 

The documents begin only with the first e.Kpedition of Ponce de Leon 
to I'lorida. But pniviously, eflorts, different from those which are implied 
bv the configurations of the 1 Aisitano-Germanic maps, were certainly made 
b\- Ncssels carrying the .Sjianish fiag, to [)r()l)e the .Atlantic Ocean to the 
north-west of Cuba, in search of new countries. 

The riNisons of a geographical character which [)rompted such attemjjts 
can (.easily be ascertained. The Castilian pilots knew of the existence of 
a north-western contincMit, not only by the great ma[)s of Juan dt'. la 
Cosa. but also by Portuguese charts ; for it is impo.ssible that map[)a- 
mundi of thi: type of Canlino am! Canerio, which could be so easily 
obtained in Lisl^on, and circulateil in Italv and Germanv, should have 
remained unknown to the .Spaniartls. Tht; land, however, which haunted 
their imagination was supposed to be t)t a difterent type altogether, as 
the [)robability is that, with the coneciption of the valui.; of things then 
pre\alent, what they knew of our east coast was but littk; alluring to 

V ) 

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adventurers who were only in search of gold, pearls, and spice. They 
seem to have been led by the hope of discovering a number of imaginary 
islands, of which the Lucayan archipelago had given them a foretaste and 
idea, but surmised to be richer. And it was in their repeated endeavours 
to reach those insular regions that several bold mariners before Ponce 
de Leon, and afterwards that navigator himself, landed in IHoriila, which 
they then, and for a number of y(;ars, considered to be a mere islantl, 
though of vast size. 

Hut a distinction must be established at the outset. Diiferent points 
of the Floridean [)eiiinsula were thus explored ; the Spanish pilots 
and cartographers believed to belong to separate islands. 

The " h/a Biiiiini" " Ih'iiu'ne,'" or " Beni'ny" which .seems to cor- 
respond with the most southern part of our Florida, was first seen and 
named, according to current information derived from th(; Lucayan Lulians. 

" Boitica," or " /Igiiaiu'o,^' ap[iears to be some point of the east coast, 
already surmised to belong to a continental region. 

" Cautio" is pmbably the same country as " Boinca." 

Finally, we have " Isla Florida,'' "Terra Florida" and "La Florida" 
visited by I'once de Leon, and embracing the entire ape.K of the i)enin- 
sula, with the lowest porii(Mi of the coast, east and west. 

Those dilferences are shown by the documents, as well as by con- 
tem()orary accounts which will be discussed in the ibllowing pages. 

The distinction between " Bimini " and " Florida " we hnd established 
from the start. The letters patent granted to Ponce de Leon, P'ebruary 
23, 1512,' refer only to th(; projected discovery (_)f the island of Piminy 
or Beiiiny : "el descubrimi'iito de la isla de Peniny." 

When the discovery of what he calls " P'lorida " has been accom- 
plished. Ponce still believes that there is another island besides, called 
'• Benini " or " Pimini," and before returning home sends to search after 
it one of his captains, Juan Pi're/. de Orlubia, who afterwards brings news 
to Porto Rico io the citect that the sc.u'ch has proved successful. 

He then petitions the King oi Aragon for leave to st:ttle the; newly- 
discovered islands, and the new letters [)atent granted to him on that 
occasion e.\[)licitly refer to two separate isles: "ir a poblar a la Isla de 
Beniny e la Isla F"lorida." Xay, the Turin map [circa 1523), and the 
Weimar charts of 1527 and 1529, after naming our b'loridian [)eninsula 

' Cii}>'tfnhi'-ioh '- II Juan /*otirf th Ltf-ii sohn </ (it .•<- /ris tit rt Im iv ilt mil iii'iniit tifos t- tioft (iiin<. In ihc 
fiiltninit itlit lit lit .'.-/(( lit, It'iiiii}!. Iltntioi i( i-t l,ift y Ihn itiin itt'is iiittHli'i tit /,,i//(f.N, \'ol. Wll,, p. ;(i. 

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'I'liK I)isc(j\i;rv ok Noktii Amf.kica. 



i .'/ ♦. 

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" Floi-iiid" inscrilH', by about 2" longitude of its east coast, a small group 
of islets witb the l(;geiKls " liemcne'' and " Tierra dc Bimini,'"' which are 
unciiiestionably inteiuletl for tile island or region claimed to have been 
discovered by Ortubia after parting with Ponce de I>eon. 

It follows that the maps which set forth to the north of Ciil)a a 
configuration, nametl " Bi)niiiiy exhibit cartographical data anterior to the; 
discoNcry of I'once de Leon. 

it is only when we see tlie name " Isla Florida" "La Florida" 
or "Terra Florida,''' that the delineation positively refers to the famous 
expedition of 1512 or 1513. 

Notwithstanding our efforts antl researches in the archives of the 
Indies at Seville, we have failed to fmd any document calculated to throw 
more light upon that period of the history of maritime discovery, and 
elucidate the new series of clandestine as well as of official voyages which 
form the subject of the present chapter. 

We feel constrained, however, to discuss the elements which serve 
to constitute the chronology of that class of expeditions, which all sailed 
under the Si)anish flag, and led to the possession of the country ex- 
tenilini'- from h'loriila to the Baccalaos. 

riiose elements are confuse'd, sometimes contradictory, even when 
borroweil from each other; whilst, in certain cases, separate expeditions 
are eoml)in(,'d into one. and in others a singU; one mixes details belonging 
to sex.ral voyages. We will now proceed to analyse; that category of 
explorations in the order, not of thtnr real date, but of the years ascribed 
to them by historians. 

If, when referring indirectly to that class of voyages, we accept the 
date of 1511, nay, the beginning of that year, given by Las Casas, the 
earliest refen'nce to an expetlition inulertakeii by Sp.miards, ojjenly, to 
the regions north of Cuba, is thi; following ; 

'■ I'or cstu ticiiiiH) |;il priinipii) del ano dc 1511] se junt.ih.m on comp.Tnia y ariiiahaii 
uno (') dos navios 6 mas, para ir ;i rebuscar los inoccnts (luc por las isletas ddiidc inoia- 
han .... Entre otros so juntaiuii siote vecinos de las villas de la Vega y Sanrliago, a K) 
<|Lic rrci', y no faltaban nierLa<lercs ((uc les .ayiidaban los ciiales annaroii dos navios, me- 

ticndo en cada nno 50 d 60 hoinbres S.ilieron de I'uerto de Plata, Megan a las 

islas de los I.ucayo.s, pero no h.illaron nada .\cordaron de se ir hacia el Norte a 

descobrir terra . . . . y vieiun < ierto tierra a la rual se allegaron. I'>sta, cierto, file' la tierra 

y costa de mar, de la que ag'ir.i Uaniamos la l''lorid,i l.legcS a este jnierto de 

Santo Itomingo con sii presa : At that time [in tlie beginning ot' the present year 1511] a 

. . K^ 

HfMiM AN'D Florida. 


partiuiship was foniiL'd, aiul two or more ships were C(|uip|ie(l t(i go and ahduct the innocent 
[Indiums] who inhabited the small islands. Amon^; others, seven inhabitants of the towns of 
La Vef^a and Sanctiago, as I believe, formed such an association, and no merchants were 
wanting; to supply them with gooils. They e(iuip])ed two vessels, with from 50 to 60 men 
on board of each. .S.iiling from I'uerto de Plata, they reached the I.ucayas islands, in which 
nothing was found. 'I'hey then determined to go north, in search of lands . . . and they 
saw a certain country, where they landed. This was uncjuestionably the country and sea- 
board which we call Florida. . . . They returned to Santo Domingo with their booty."" 

Las Casas adds that this rcilativcly siicccssftil voyage u;avc Ponce dt- 
Leon tlu' idea of the ('.\|)i'ditioii which lie undertook soon afterwards. 
Such a -.i.itenient, if e.xact, woiiKl confirni the early tlate oivcn bv tht; 
humani; bishoj) of Chiapas for tliat predatory enttT|)rist!. This can also 
be said of the first phrase, sub niiiio 1512, in Herrera's often ([noted 
account of Ponce tie Leon's discovery of b'lorida : 

" 1 como havia luieva (|ue se hallaban tierras a la vanda del Norte acordo de ir a 
descubrir acia acpiella parte ; — Having received news that lands had been found at the North, 
Juan I'once de Leon decided to go and make discoveries in those [larts." ' 

Las Casas siijjports his narrative by a reference to I'eter Martyr, whom 
he represents as having mentioned the sn»ie facts : " Deste .salto Iiace 
mcncion Pedro ^Llrtir." In the second chapter of the Seventh Decade 
there is actually the following statement : 

" Cupiditate egitur habendi lucaios, more venatorum (jui i)er nemora montana penjue 
pelustria loca feras insectantur, ita quidain Hispani duobus nauigiis seiJtem virorum impensa 
constructis, ex oppido I'ortus plata; dicto, in Hispanioke sito latere, qua septentrionem spectat, 
ad Lucaias homo cui)ii causa, anno ab hinc tertio transfretarunt . . . lerunt ergo illi, vesti- 
garunt universas has insulas, pra^da non reperta, quod eorum ronuicini iandiu ex amussim 
exploratus dcpopulati fuerant. Ne consociis irrisui forent si vacui ad nis[)aniolam reuerterentur 
direxere proras ad Arctoon b'>otein. Aiunt plariciue mentitos, (pii sua sjxinte dixerint elegisse 
illud iter, sed inejuiunt ab exorta et biduo perseuerata repentina tempestate fuisse rajjtatos, ad 
eius terrx, quam describemus, prospectum, viso a longe celso promontorio : —Prompted by the 
lust of possessing [.'] the Lucayas, the Spaniards, after the mode of hunters who pursue wild 
beasts across forests, mountains, and svamps, sailed from the town of Porto Plata, on the 
north side of Hispaniola, facing the Luc:ayas, with two ships constructed at the cost of seven 
individuals, in search of men [/. <•., to enslave]. That occurred three years ago . . . They 
then scoured all those islands without finding any prey, because the neighl)ours |/. e., the 
Spaniards living nearer] had long before explored the said islands, and completely disi)eopled 
them. So as not \.o become the laughing-stock of their partners if they returned to Hispaniola 
with em])ty hands, they turned the prows of their vessels northward. Those who say that they 

Las t'ASA-i, lil>. ii.. tr-w. ^\. 

457 ^.SO- 

' Hkkrkka, Doi^mI. I., lib. i\., c;i|p. \., \ul. I., p. 2.(6. 



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. II 






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lifi St 
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Tin: DiscovKkv <.)K Noktii Amiikica. 

sclerted surh a route of their own accord speak falsely. [On tlie contrary] they were driven 
thither by a storm whi( h hurst sutldenly, and lasted two days. It carried them to the land 
which we describe [above], and of which they had seen from afar the hi^h promontory."* 

But l\;t(jr .Martyr, as we liavi; ji:st .sctMi, states that tht; event oc- 
curred " thr(!e years " before the time when lie was then writiiifjf. The 
account is to be found in the Seventh Decade, which bears no thite. 
We know, however, from his correspondence, that on the 7th ot March, 
1525,5 he had just fmishc-d writing that Decade; whilst bool< i.\. of the 
preceding one is dated July 14, 1524. The event, therefore, is not of 
the year 151 i, as Las Casas says, but must have happi;ned at least ten 
years later, is, three years before 1524-1525, in 1521 1522. And 
what complicates the divergence is the remark of Peter Martyr, that in 
writing the above account, which is addressed to I'Vancesco Maria vSforza, 
he has searched the archives for unpublished documents to send to him ; 
thus giving Sforza to understand that his account is based upon docu- 
mentary proi;fs. ^ 

It may be replitxl that few authors have ever been addicted in a 
higher degree to interpolations than Peter .Martyr,7 and he may have 
inserted in his Sc^venth Decide, notes prepared when writing the Second. 
It can also be said that the account of Las Casas contains one or two 
particulars, such, for instance, as La V^ega and Sanctiago being the 
places where those adventurers lived, which, not being in Peter Martyr, 
might indicate that he had consulted a different source of information. 
Unfortunately the l)ulk of his statement is, beyond a doubt, taken from 
the Decades. The circumstances that when the depredators landed in that 
region the inhabitants tied, but the Spaniards succeeded in seizing a man 
and a woman, whom they took on board ; that these having returned 
ashore, and related how well they had been treated, the King sent to 
the .S[)aniards fifty men loaded with victuals; that many natives were 
abducted, carried to the port of Santo Domingo, and no punishment was 
inllictetl on the ca[)tors by the local authorities ; that the men had a whiter 

•• ANt.llli:i;A, Dtcail. \\\., i;i|i. ii., ji. 469, (if iIil- ''" Licit c.t miiv c'tjii sciiliam, per t'niiiilhiiii (Jilk'Tumi 

eclitiiin of llaliluyt. clllrii;it;Uns, vt o scriniis .irclictyponini ,ili(|iia nunihim 

5" llac latins in particiilarilni.-, ri'lms Inilicis, ilc qui- cniissa, ilc his imiLMilis ad cxccllciitiam main iliiifjuiida 

Ims pic ipt ilium <Uias Decades lialii-l'itis ; ad Mcdidlani pciquircium. " — I'hi xiqiva. There arc no traces at this 

Ducem directani iinaiii, ad I'oiuilu-cm alteram, — viii. ilay, in (he Spanish archives, of such documents. 
Calendas Martii, .M.l).,xxv." — Kjii«l. I>CCCV1., p. 4S0. ^Joannes V.\s.i:i's, ('liroiiii'oii rcriim im niomhiliuiii 

'I'lie Seventh Decade is the only one which is dedicated to Jli.<jiniiiir, rap. W.,(ijiiiil \iissu's, Vt J{,rlri.i Latin., 

.SiokZA. The Kighth is dedicated to rt.KMF.NT \'II., al- lib. iii., p. 671; hut see the more recent work.^ of 

tho,!','h cc.iitaininythedateof 1526 (p. Ooj, Ilakhiyt's ed.). Ill.lnlMll.lMKK, llKKti.K, and lil.KNAVs. 





complexioii than other tribes of Indians, while the women vvcire clothed 
with lions' skins well prepared, and other details, are all given by I'eter 
Martyr, and in the Seventh Decade referred to explicitly by Las Casas. 
It is certain therefore that this incursion on our east coast is of a later 
date than Las Casas asserts, and that the account which he gives and 
the one to be founil in the beginning of the second chapter of I'eter 
Martyr's Seventh Decade, are one and the same. 

The first positive mention of countries to the west of the Lucayas 
islands visited by Spanish mariners about that time, is to be found in 
the maji which accompanies certain issues of the first edition of certain 
works of Peter Martyr, published at Seville in 1511.*^ 

On the verso of that map there is an epistle addressed to Cardinal 
Ximenez on the im[)ortance of illustrating the text of the Decades with 
a cartographical rei)resenlation. It contains the following sentence : 

" Ad scptentrionem vero niiras etiam terras micosciue tractus reperunt ciuorum vestigia 
cerne dextrorsuz sculpta : — At the north there have been discovered marvellous countries and 
lands, of wliich, on the recto [of the present leaf] see the engraved representation," 

The; country alluded to is evidently the region exhibited north of 
Cuba, running parallel with that island, and bt^aring the legend : " Isla 
de beimeni parte." Kastwardly the coast is made to stretch towards the 
north, but without assuming the peninsular profile which is so striking in 
the geographical ap[)earance of Florida. At first sight we should be 
disposi'd to dismiss it from th(; present inquiry, as seeming to be an 
hypothetical delineation, based upon the fables which circulated then and 
before concerning the: Bimini island and its b'ountain of \'outh. But 
the reference to the " northern country actually discovered," makes it 
incumbent on us to ascertain the date when the notice was written, when 
the map was engraved, and what land it purports to i-e[)resent. 

The Mrst Decade, which forms ])art of the volume containing the 
map, must have been entirely written b(;fore January 6, 151 i ; since in 
the i)rivilege bearing the latter date. Queen Juana recites a stat(;ment from 
Peter Martyr to the effect that he had then composed certain writings, 
one of which tr(;ateil ])articularly of th • transatlantic discoveries : 

" Especialmente vn lihro en que se conticncn las cosns ([ue ay en el mar occeano y sus 
islari nueuimente halladas : —Especially a book containing the things which relate to the oceanic 
sea and its islands recently discovered." 

" liihlinlhua Amei-'nanii Vii.u.-<t'i.i.<ii,ia, No. 66; AiUlilaimiita, Nn. 41. 

\ ! 





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Till l)ist(.)\iKs i)|. NoKiii Amikica. 



:y ■■ 



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As to the work its<'ir, it Ix-ars the iiiii)riiU : " liii])r('ssuin llispali . . . 
per Iacol)um i-oriiiiiI)rrjj[cr . . . Aiiiio Millcssinio (Hiiii^fciUcssiiiio XL, inciist; 
Ai)rili : I'riiiti'tl at Si.'\illc, l)y JacH)L) Coriimbcr^LT, in tin; yv.w 1511, 
thf I ilh of April." 

The text, however, iloes Mot contain any retertiuc to ilu- diseuvt-ry 
reported on the hack of the nia|). We nuist intt'r tliat the e\fnt came 
to the knowk'ii^e of tile author alter the book was pul)lislied. 

W'l- know of seven copit's of tin; edition of 151 i containing; map, 
ti\-e (il wliicli are, or were; until lately, in thi'ir orij^iual vellum landing; 
hut it should he s.iitl ih.ii the ilouhle Ic.if which contains both the map 
and a t.ible of ermt.i (^not to be fouiul in the inapless copies) is without 
signatures, 'This typographical pi'culiarity, and th(! absence of the map 
ami table of errata from s(!veral copies of one of the issui:s, with a ilif- 
ierent title page, can be interpri'tt.-tl only as an indication that tlu; doubU: 
leaf was printed to ac':.)mi).my a Liter issue, or that it was simply ackled 
to llie unsold copies. 

In either case, the engraving of the ma|) antl the printing t)f the 
adilitional lea\i's, must ha\<' followed the [)ublication of tin: work itself; 
but scarcely more; than a year or eighteen months afterwanls, as would 
be the case now. Hesides, so early as 1516, Peter Martyr gave at .Mcala 
.1 much enlarged etlition of his work, containing two mori: Decades. Ih; 
was most probal)ly already I'ligaged in |)reparing the edition for the; press 
in 151J. I'niU'r the circumstances, it is difticult to admit that In; or his 
publisher would have assented, .after that date, to .1 new issiu; of the 
editio princeps, impro\- d b\- tht; atldition of the new k;.ives and map, 
and thus forestalled the sale of the forthcoming second editit)n. The 
map, therefore, can sc.irct;ly have been published aftt;r the year 1512. 

Xow, discoveries does the map ri'present ; what is the allusion 
inscrilied on the verso .■' 

rh<; first lime when I'eler M.irtyr, after the publication of that 
supplement, occasion to n;fer ag.iin to .Spanish discoveries north of 
the Antillies, was December 4, 1514, which is the ilate of the last book of 
his Second Decade, published in 1510. Thi; st.ile'inent is in these words: 

"Inter (JIMS .id liiju.vs .ib HisiwiiioKi (luiiiquc m: W siipr.i ti-rcemuiu \\\,\\\\ c-sc in- 
suiani lahulanlur, qui earn cxplorarunt ad intiina, nomine Ju'iuui, alias .■lt;iiaiiu>, foiiic in-rcnni 
adco nohilcni, ut ciiis I'oiilis aqua c|n)t:i suiics iciuuitiL'scint : — Emongc the which [(\itL"yiii; 
lands foundc towardc the Xortlie syde of Hisp.uiiola] there is an Ilande, about throe iiiin- 
dreth and XXV. leagues from Hispaniola, as tiiey say whiehe haue searched the same, named 



A I. 

/MiMi or .■l,i;H(inii>, in wliiclu' is n rontiniial spryntje of riinnyn,i;e water (if siirh mariioIouH 
vcrliii,', that llio water thcrof jjciiign ilionk, iicrhapiK's witli siiiiic dyctc inakcth uwkl men 
yiiunKO aKcync."" 

riic al)st'ncc (if till' lypicil word " lUiniini, " fcplafi'il luTt' by " I'niia.i 
or Ai^naiuo," tniablfs the i ritii" Id sec in llu; ahoxc passage, a ioitdIio- 
ralioii of ihr. statcinriil jirintcd on llit; verso of tlic map. linl the 
rcfiTfiicc lo a (lisc(>V(!ry accoiiipIisIu;il to th(' iiortli of Ilispaiiiola iiulioalcs 
inarilimc tiiforts crownci-l witli success in those rcLjions, ami dforts, coii- 
s;''liicntly, difTcrciit as to the time, ami place. 

1 etcr Martyr, six years later, in his ICncliif-idioii, written in 1520 
aiul |)iil)Iisheil the year followinjj;, jjjavi: an account of a iliscovery accom- 
plishetl to the west of the l.iica\as islands. Hut this time il is a 
description of the lirst voya^i; of i'oiict; de Leon, which is expressly 
stated to have been to " Fioritla," witht)iit mentioning; in any way, either 
" Heimini," " Boiiica," or " Aijfnaneo." 

" I'litant liaiK- esse insuUim [quum ?] loannes qiiiilaiu I'ontiiis, unius i las-sicLiLe piiu- 
fectiis adiuil, et jierturb.itDS reliqutt ; fugaiit alj acrolis ; Floritlaiiuiue appellaiierat, ciiiia 
Resuircctionis die eain insulam repererint ; uoeat Hispanus pasclia nuriduin resurrettionis 
diem; -It is thought that tliat island is the one which one Juan I'once, tlie commander of 
a small scjuadron, visited, and left .ihruptly, being driven out by the inhabitants. He called 
it Florida, because that island was discovered by him on the day of Resurrection, whirh in 
Spain they call Flowery F'.aster." '" 

Peter Martyr, therefore, i^ives three accoimts of disco\eries .accom- 
plished to the west and nortii-west of the West Imlies, .iiul, as il .seems 
in his opinion, in thre(; different localities and at iliffi^rent dates. '\'\\r. 
first, before 1512, in "Heimini;" the second, before 1514, in "Hoiiica" or 
" Agnaneo ;" the third, after the Iatti.:r, in thi: country which I'once de 
Leon calk:(l " b"lorid,i." 

" .VNc:iin:i; \, IVc;i.I. 1 1., en]'. \. . p. 175. 

iiirir!l)ii.-: iiiroluridn 1 iiniiii/i 1:1 , in tliu ll.i^li iililimi nf 
W ./, 1;;;, ,,r the IV'c-.uIls !"■ 71, \. 


I i 

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H I. 



(^()MIXC"i to the actual discovery of Florida by Ponce de Leon, the 
account given by Peter Martyr is so brief, that the historian who 
next to him mentions that memorable expedition, must be first 
interrogated. We allude to Gonzalo Fernandez dc Ov'cdo. 

Oviedo was \v(;ll acquainted personally with Juan Ponce de Leon ; 
and as they doubtless met in S|iain in 15 15, when both returnc^d home 
from the West Indies,' we were led to infer that he obtained from the 
discov(M-(;r himself and very soon after the event, information on the 
subject. Unfortunately, the account which he gives in his Ilistoria 
General de las indias is also very meagre, antl such as could be 
gatheretl at that time from mere hearsay. It is as follows : 

" PotK^o acordo de .irmar o fue con dos caravelas por la vanda del Norte, e 
descuhrio las islas de Himini, que estan en la parte septentrional de la isla Fernandina ; y 
estonces so divulge) aquella f.ihula de la fuente que hai^-ia rejovenesc^er o tornar nianoebos 
Ids honilires vicjos : esto fue el ano de mill e quinientos y dooe. . . . Tuvo noti(;ia de la 
Tierra-l'irme t; vidola c puso nombrc a una parte della que entra en la mar, como una 
manga, por espai;io dc (;ient leguas de longitud, e bien i;i"qn'^'''t-i de latitud, y llamola la 
Floriila. La punta 6 promonterio de la qual esta en veynte e rinco grados de la ciiui- 
no(;ial : — Juan Ponce decided to equi[i [an expedition] and went with two caravels northward 
and discovered the Bii.iini islands, which are to the north of the isle of I'ernandina [Cuba]. 
Then was ascertained the fabulous character of the fountain which rejuvenated or restored 
to youth old men. This liappeiied in the year 1512. . . . He had notice of anu saw the 
continent, to a part of which that advances into the sea like a wedge, he gave the name 
of Florida, which covers a space of 100 leagues in longiitude, and at least 50 in latitude. 
The point or promontory of the same is by 25' north of the eipiator."'- 

lU-rnal Di.iz was in the West India's soon after the discovei'v of 
Morida, and laiuU-tl in that country in 1517. His l)rief reference to the 
event, which must ha\c bi^en d(.Tiv(xl from the pilot of Ponce de Le(jn 
on that occasion, as he was the same who conducted tin: ship on which 
Diaz had taken, contains only one or two iletails not given 
either by Peter Martyr or by Oviedo. 

' OviEiiO Icfl tlie Ni'W WorUI in Oclulw, Ijlj, iml Ovi<.-'lo, NFailiid, 1851-1855, ,^.1., Vol. r., p. ^wi. 
rcacheil Seville in DccchiIilt followinj;. -.\in;i(liir I>1. !.■ s =Ovjt;i>o, lli^tui-in f.'t/ic/'n/, lih. \\i., c.\\\ xi., \\,\. 

Kick's in'.iivluL-tiuii I., lii- uciitioM cf t!iL- l/:^'''rla <•'. I., \i. 4SJ, 


I'oNci: i)i; Lkon. — First X'ovAct:. 




" Llcgndos ((ue fuiinos a tiena, cuica de un estero ciiie entraba en la mar, el pilolo 
[Anton de Alaminos] reoonocio la .^ia., y dijo que habia cstado en aquel paraje, cuando 
vino con Juan Ponce de Leon a Jescubrir atjuellas tierras, y alii le habian dado guerra los 
indios :— When we landed near an estuary opening in the sea, the pilot [Anton de Alaminos] 
recognized the coast, and told us that ten or twelve years previous, he had visited those 
parts when accompanying Ponce de Leon in the discovery of the country, and that the 
Indians had attacked them."' 

The date is erroneous, as it would give for the expedition the year 
1507 or 1505. But the statement confirms the fight with the Indians, 
and ives the name of the i)ilot, viz.: Anton de Alaminos. Another con- 
temporary historian is Bartolome de I-;is Casas. His accoimt is peculiar : 

" Al olor, i)or venlura, desta nueva, en este tiemiio, al principio del afio de [i]5ii, debici 
nioverse Juan IVjnce de Leon . . . Este armo dos navios . . . y viniendo hacia el Norte 
desta isla Espanola, pasando las islas de los Lucayos, quiso tomar mas arriba a mano iAjuierda 
del viaje que los dichos dos navios habian llevado, y a pocos dias vido tierra, y est.\ fue un 
cabo grande que sale a la mar del Norte, hacia el Sur, mas de noventa leguas . . . 
llegose a leconoscella y pusole jior nombre la tierra Florida, porque debiera parecerle fresca y 
florida conio este en 25" . . . Esta misma tierra llamd el mismo Juan Ponce Biininc, no supe 
de ddnde o por qu^ causa tal nombre le puso, o de donde le vino, 6 si la llamaron asi los 
indios, por que no creo que yalto en tierra ni tuvo deste viaje habla con indios . . . Tor- 
nos^ a la isla ue Sant Juan . . . y de alii fuo .'i Castilla . . . 'I'orno de Castilla niuy 
favorecido con tilulo de Adelante de liii line, que <H llamo por otro nombre la Morida . . . 
Llegado li la isla de Sant Juan, toJo lo ([ue habia menester, y vinose a Santo Domingo 
donde se rehizo de gente y navios. '.'artiuse deste puerto en el ano de [i]si2, viise a su 
Bimine ... los de Bimine defendiercn su patria . . . hirieron cxm una flecha al Juan 
Ponce . . . Dcjasen la tierra y lo llevasen .\ la Isla de Cuba . . . al puerto del Principe 
. , . y paso desta vida . . . : — The imlications spririging from that news, at the time, in 
the beginning of the year 151 1, could ncjt but induce Juan Ponce de Leon . . . He 
equipped two ships . . . and sailing north of His|)aniola, passing the Lucayas islands, 
directed his course more to the left than had done the two vessels,' and in a few days saw 
land • and that was a very extensive cape extending from the north southwardly into the 
seas more than 90 leagues. lie w-'-'t lo examine that land, and gave it the name of 
Tierra Juorida, because he must have found it cool and tlowery, being by 25° , . . Juan 
Ponce named that country [also] limine. It is not known whence or for what reason he 
trave that name, where he borrowed it, and whetiier it was used by the . lians ; for I do 
not believe that he went ashore, nor had a parley with the Indians in that vt)yage . . . 
He returned to the island of Sant Juan [Porto Rico] ; thence he went to Castile, from 
which he came back with the title of Ciovernor of Bimine, which he [also] called La 
Florida . . . When in Sant Juan, he took all that was necessary, and weni to Santo Do- 
mingo, where he engaged ships and men. Sailing from that port in the year 15 12, he went 
to his lUmine, the mh.ibitants of which defended their home, and wounded Juan Ponce 
with an arrow . . . Leaving that country, he was brought to Puerto Principe, where he died.'" 

J'. Diaz, Wrdail ,\i Ilislorin, n\\ v., \\ 5. ' C\sa^, /fi^loHa ili- /«< Iiidl'is ; liL. ii., c.ip, 

* Mr rvfois lo thu fxiieililioii cilcil Knjira, p. 136. \.\., Vul. III., p. 460. 



.ft !V <Ai \i ' 

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TiiK l)isti)Vi:RV OK North A.mikica. 

That account is (^vicU'iitly made uj) of general notions, and is erro- 
neous in many respects. The expedition could not liave been undertaken 
in 151 I ; Ponce dc. Leon ditl not give to thr. countrv which he then 
discoA'cred tiie name of Kimine ; he actualK- landed on the coast ; and 
had even a fight with the Iiulians. h'inally, the second part of the 
account did not occur in 1512, but nine years afterwards, in the course 
of the second expedition in 152 1. Las Casus, therefore, adds nothing 
authentic to the account of Oviedo. The only new fact is, that I'once 
de Leon died in Puerto Principe, and Las Casas states it in a some- 
what dubious form : "y creo, si no me he olvidado." The other historians 
sav only : " vino a morir a la isla de Cuba." 

As to Gomara, his short mention is evidently borrowed from the above 
quoted passages of Peter ISLirtyr and Oviedo, including other details found 
in the chronicle of the latter, such, for instance, as the intercession on behalf 
of Ponce de Leon by Pero Nufiez de Guzman, to obtain for him the title 
of Adelantado of Bimini, and Governor of Florida. As to the assertion 
that his second e.xpedition consisted of three ships (^quipjied in Seville in 
1515, it is clearly erroneous. The leading details of the account of 
(iomara art; as follows: 

" .Armii dos carahellas y fue d buscar la isla Bojiua, domle decian los indios estar la 
fuentc (juc tornaba mozos a los viujos. . . . Entr6 en Bimini, y dcscubrio la Florida en 
Pascua Florida del afto [i5]i2, y por csso le puso aquel noinl)re : — Mc equipi)cd two ships, 
and went in search of the Bayuia island, where the Indians said was the fountain which 
rejuvenated old men. . . . He entered I3iniini, and discovered Florida, on Easter-day of the 
year 1512 ; and for reason gave it the name.'"^ 

All, therefore, which the historians of the sixteenth ct-ntiiry knew C(.)n- 
cerning that e\i)edition consisted in these few facts, viz.: In the year 
1512, Juan Ponce tie Leon, with two cara\els, went in search of the 
Bimine islands and of the; l-'ountain of Voutli. That, having lantU;d in 
a certain north-western country on 1 '".aster-day, he named it La Florida^ 
and explored the region during more than six months. Being driven 
out by th(; natives, ht; n;turn(;d home. His pilot was Anton de Alaminos. 

Th<jse historians |)ossessed no original information whatever as regards 
ih'- landfall and |)oiiits visited. Their geographical details and latitudes 
are all borrowed from maps of the .Sevillan 1 1 vdrography current in the 
secontl ([uarler of tin; si\t(\;nth century, and now represented by the 

'Cji'MAKA, llii'Di-ia lii. la.i IniU(f, rap. xlvi., |i. iSi. 




Weimar charts, the okkst of which, although depicted so late as 1527, 
bears neither legends nor design. ition of places on the east coast. This 
may he the reason why Oviedo, who in that respect often takes pains 
to be technical, does not cite a single name in any of the three instances 
in which he makes mention of the event. 7 If in other parts of the His- 
toria General we. find sev(;ral appellations relative to Florida, thc;y are 
all borrowed from Chaves' map, which is of the year 1536. 

lialf-a-century ela[)sed before historians added new details to the 
brief accounts ;iI)ove cited. They were published for the first time by 
Herrera, in his celebrated Ilistoria de los llechos de los Castellanos, ^ 
usually known under the title of Decades, first published in 1601. 

Decade I. contains a detailed narrative of the earliest of the, two 
voyages of Ponce de Leon to Morida. It is so minute, and enriched 
with so many dates and g(;ographical descriptions, that Oscar Peschel as- 
cribed them to the original di.iry or log-book, which he thought Herrera 
must have seen and used. ') Be that as it may, his account has been 
adopted since; by all historians as the basis of their accounts of the dis- 
covery of I'lorida. 

Using Herrera's own words, that memorable voyage can be condensed 
as follows : 

"Sub anno 15 12. 

Conio Juan I'once de Leon havia nucva ([ue so hallaion Tierras a la Vanda del Norte, 
accordo de ir a descubrir acia aquella parte. 

Salio de la Isla [de San Juan] Jueves en la tarde .^ tres de Marc^o [del ano 1512] 
particndo del el Puerto de San Cierinan. 

Salio al Noruestc, quarto del Xorte. El Martes .\ 0('ho del diclio [Marc^o], llegaron a los 
baxos de I'.abuera, a vna Isla, que diren del Viejo, que esta en veinte i dos drados i medio. 

Otre dia surgieron en vna Isleta de los Lucaycs, dicha Caycos. Luego surgieron en 
otra, dicha la Vaguna, en veinte i (juatro drados. 

A los once del niismo, llegaron a otra I.sla, dicha .Aniaguayo, i alii estuvieron al re[)aro: 
pasaron a la Isla, dicha Manegu.'i, (]ue esta en veinte i iiuatros Grados i medio. 

A los catorre llegaron a (Uianahani, ijue est.\ en veinte i cinco C.rados, i quaicnta 

I'aitieron de .1 'ui corriendo por el Norueste, i Domingo a 27 que era dia de I'ascua 
de Resurreccion, ([ue conummente dicen de Florida, vieron una isla, i no la reconocieron 

: t.Vt 

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' ( >xii',ii'i, /.»'. ii>., ;>iicl lili. .wwi., i'a|i. i., \..l. III., /WAX or L'iii vol- siclit geli.ilit halien." — 

p. 621 ; \'ol. I., 1'. 4X6. rF.sriiKl., (IvHi'liii-lile ili ■: Zi iia/'i )•<, \i. $21, nolo 2. Wc 

'* lIl'.KKKK.v, UfiMil. 1., lil'. i\., cap. \i., Veil, I., ji. 247. iiuisi add ihat tlicie are nci liacu.s nf siicli .1 clDCiiiiU'iit, 

' " lli'mia isl ilor i'in/.i;i' Schi HtlK'IK'i, »<.-ii Iki ^;l'- ci'.lu'i ill llu' anliivi's uf ilu' Iiiilii.'-, or in iho Miiiiuz col- 

naiieiL' .ViiijalK'ii lihrr I'oiirc's KiililccKuin; I'fMl/l iiml Ijclioii of cojiiu-. 







\i iy 




' I 


Tin: DisrovKKv (jk Xoktii Amkkica. 

i el l.unes a 2S corrieron ([uince I^jguas por la misnia via, i el Miercoles anduvieron de 
la misma nianera ; i dL'spues, con mal tieiupo, hasta dos de Abril, corriendo a Luesnorueste, 
icndo desininuicndo cl Aijua hasta nueve bra^'as, a vna l.cyua de 'I'ierra, que cstaba en 
treinta Orados, i ocho Minutos, corriendo por luengo de Costa, buscando I'uerto, i la Noche 
surgieron cerca de 'lierra, a ocho braras de Agua. Y pensando que csta Ticrra era Isla, 
la llamaron la Florida. 

Salic a Tierra a tomar lengua, i posesion. 

\Mernes a ocho hicieron Vela, corricrun por la misnia via ; i Sabado navegaron al Sur, 
quarta al Sueste : i navegando por el tnismo runibo hasta los vcinte de Abril, descubrieron 

vnos llohios [?] de Indios, adonde surgieron 

Martes .\ catorcc [de Junio] acordaron de bolver a la Espanola, i a San Juan. 
Surgieron en vnas Isletas que son en los Baxos de los Lucayos a diez i ocho de Julio. 
A veinte i cinco de Julio salieron en demanda de Biinini . . . 

Encontraron Diego Miruelo, piloto, con vn Barco de la Espanols, (jue iba a sus Avcnturas. 
Salieron Sabado a seis de .Agosto, por donde havian ido. 

Partio el Navio de Juan Perez de Ortubia, con Anton de Alaminos por Piloto, a diez 
y siete de Septiembre, i Juan Ponce otro dia para su viaje, i en veinte i vn Dias Uegd a 
roconocer a San Juan :— /« //u- year i;r2. As Juan Ponce de Leon had news that land 
in the region of the north had been discovered, he determined to go and make discoveries 
in those parts. 

Leaving the island of San Juan [Porto Rico], Thursday evening, March 3rd, he sailed 
from the port of Saint Oermain. 

Sailing in the direction of the north-west, a ([uarter-wind north, they reached on Tuesday, 
-March Sth, among the liabucca reefs, an island called Old Man's island, by 22° 30'. 

The day following, they came in sight of a Lucayan islet, called Caycos, and then 
another, called La Vaguna, by 24''. 

On the iith, they arrived at .Vmaguayo island, and stopped for repairs. Thence they 
went to the island called Mancgua, by 24 30'. 

On the 14th, they reached Ouanahani, by 25' 40'. 

I'rum that place they shaped their course to the north-west, and on Sunday, 27th, which 
is the day of the commemoration of Resurrection, commonly called Llowery Ivister, they came 
in sight of an island, but did not go ashore ; and on Monday, 2Sth, they sailed fifteen leagues 
on the same tack. Wednesday [30th] they sailed in like maimer, and also, afterwards with 
bad weather, W.-N.-W., until April 2nd ; the water becoming so shallow as to be only nine 
fathoms deep, one league from the shore, by 30' S'. They continued coasting, looking for a 
harbour, and in the night approached the coast, with eigiit fathoms deef). Thinking that it an island, they named it La I'hrida. 

They went ashore, and took possession [Sunday, .\\)n\ 3rd .']. 

Friday, Sth, they set sail in the same direction [northwardly ?], and Saturday [yth] they 
sailed southwardly, a quarter-wind south-east, continuing by the same rhumb until April 20th, 
when they landed.'' 

The ;icc()unt then represents Ponco tie Leon as doiih.ling the southern 
cape, continuinL; the co;isting among reefs anil islets ; ranning the west 


\A\ ■ 

l-f' ii!^ 1 


Ponce dk Lkox. — First Vovack. 


coast of the peninsula, without stating how far ; and finally, June 14th, 
deciding to return to Porto Rico by the way of Hispaniola, hut not 
before attempting to fiiid Hiniini. 

"July 18th, they found themselves ayain among the Lucayan reefs. 

July 25th, they sailed in search of Hiniini ; and met Diego Miruelo, who, with a bark 
from Hispaniola, was exploring on his own accord. 

Saturday, August 6th, they set sail homeward ; but the ship commanded by Juan Perez 
de Ortubia, with Anton de Alaminos as pilot, sailed [to search after Bimini], September lytli. 
As to Ponce de Leon he came in sight of San Juan in twenty-one days." 

In the accoinit of Herrera, we commence to find names only when 
Ponce de Leon, notwithstanding his north-eastern coasting of at least two 
degrees, had advanced considerably in his southern course ; and there 
are but si.-c in all, viz.: 

Nomhrc de la Cms. 

Cabo de Corriciites, by 2(S' 15'. 

The village of Ahaioa. 

The island of Snn Maria, by 27'. 
Pola, by 26' 30'. 

The islets of Los Martircs, by 26' 15'. 
Only the latter name is to be found in the maps of the si.vcteenth century, 
although the Maggiollo chart of 15.27, which is the first one with names 
on the east coast of Florida, contains not less than nine designations 
facing the Atlantic. These cartographical facts show that the relation 
[Hiblished by llerrera remained unknown until his day. 

It is a question with us whether we must take that account as it 
stands, or whether it does not betray the introduction of foreign elements 
of a later date. P'or instance, the latitudes given for every locality 
visited cannot have been copied from the original diar\-, however technical 
may be the statements. They were; certainly borrowed from a map made 
fifteen years aftt;r the first voyage of Ponce <le Leon to ITorida. This 
we can show by a sim[)le analysis. 

According to llerrera, the landfall (not the disembarkation) must have 
been by, at most, 27" north latitude. Their first landing, he says, was 
by 10 8'. Hut before rtiaching it, and after first seeing land, on .Sunday, 
March 2;tli, Ponce ranged the coast northwardly, a certain ilistance not 
stated. On Monday, jSth, he navigaletl fifteen leagues more: " (|uince por 1,1 iiu\m,i \i,i." Tut'stlu', 29th, we dn not know what ilistance 


I ' \ 

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» i 


Tin; DiscuvKkY (jk North Amkkica. 

he went over; but Wediiesdiiy w;is like Monday: " Miercoles unduvieron 
tie la niisma nianera;" which may be interpreted as yielding again fifteen 
leagues. He continued ranging the north-west coast until April 2nd, that 
is, for three days, when he reached 30 8'. In other words. Ponce 
coasted due south of 30° 8' during seven days. If we ascribe an average 
of only lt:n leagues per day, Florida appeared to his view by about 27' 
north latitude. 

Now, the maps which rejire-sent the liimini regions, and those which 
depict and name Florida for the first time, do not place any part of that 
country by such a low southern latitude. 

As to Bimini, we have only two maps. One of these is Peter Martyr's, 
above described. It gives no scales for latitudes ; but as the southern 
coast of its " Isla de I5eimini " is on a line with " La Bermuda," and 
with an " estrecho " emerging from the eastern border of the map, in- 
tended for Gibraltar, if we take a map of the time, say Waldseemiiller's 
(1513), the .southernmost point of Peter Martyr's Bimini is by t,^°. 

The other map of that kind is Kunstmann No. IV^, which is a work of about the year 15 19- 1520. The apex of its " Tera 
Bimini " is by 35° — 36'. And it should be noted that this latitude is 
preciselv the one which Nicolay de Canerio gives to the peninsula corres- 
ponding cartographically on all ma[)s with P'lorida. 

As regards the charts which depict and name Florida, the two earliest 
are the Turin planisphere and the Havre Catalan atlas. 

The Turin planisphere '° in.scribes the Moridian peninsula, which is 
duly lal)elled " Isl.i I'lorida," between 30' and ;^'/'' of its own scale. 

The Havre atlas" places "La Florida" in a high latitude, which, 
however, the lack of scale prevents us from fi.xing in figures; but, judging 
from the relative position of the West India archipelago, it .seems to be 
b)' about 30'. 

In fict, it is only with the .Sevillan charts, constructed fifteen years 
after the .Spanish e.\])Iorations of P'loritla, that its ape.x is set forth by 
25' (which is about the true l.ititude). This shows that the first geo- 
graphical conception of the countries situate to the north and north-west 
of the .-\ntillies placed them in a relatively high jatitude ; and that, whether 
called " Bimini " or " h'lorida," they wtu'e not brought to the latitude of 
25 before si.\ or seven years after the first voyage of Ponct! de Leon. 

" liij'rit, in tlic C(iiU>'j>((ji/iifi. 

Iii/r(tf in ilic Carfoiji'djiftiu. 

■^' i 



PoNCK iJE Li;oN. — First Vovack 


On the other hand, that cartographical progress alone could permit Her- 
rera to locate his landfalls as he did. Under the circumstances, it is 
impossible to state exactly where the landings of Ponce de Leon we're 
effected, and the subsequent itinerary given by that historian is thereby 
deprived of a sure basis. 

We now come to the date of the e.xpedition. 1 lerrera, like Oviedo, 
states explicitly, several times, that it was in the year 1512: " Descu- 
briola Juan Ponce de Leon, Ano de 151 2."'- If so, it is materially 
impossible that the landfall should have been on the 27th of March, 
which, he tells us, was Easter-day of that year : " Domingo a 27, que 
era Dia de Pascua de Resurreccion." 

In the year 15 12, Easter-day happened .Sunday, April iith. 

Oscar Peschel, who first noticed the contradiction, assumed that the 
landfall was not in 1512, but in 1513, as Easter-day occurred in the latter 
year on the 7th of March ; thus causing the various dates gi\ei\ in 
Ilerrera's account to agree. '3 Perhaps this interpretation is the correct 
one ; but, before accepting its consequences, we must call the attention of 
our readers to a document which, as it now stands, certainly leads to a 
different conclusion. 

After Ponce de Leon had accomplished his discovery, he petitioned 
l'"erdinand of .\ragon for leave to settle the country. This was granted 
to him, and we possess a document to that effect. It begins as follows: 

" El Rey. El asiento que se tomo por Xuestros mand.ado con vos Juan I'oncc de 
l,eon, para ir .\ poblar ^ la Isla do Bcniiiy \sic?\ e la Isla Florida que vos descubristes por 
nuestro niandado : — I, the King. The agreement which was entered into by our command 
with you, Juan Ponce de Leon, to go and settle the island of Jh'iitny, and the island of 
Florida, which you have discovered by our command . . . ." 

It is evident that when that document was written, Ponce de Leon 
had already accomi)lished the discovery of Morida. Xow, what date 
does it bear ? 

" Fecha en \'alladolid .\ veinte y seis de .Setiembre de mil e iiuinientos doce anos ; — 
Done at Valladolid on the twenty-sixth day of September of tlie year one thousand five 
hundred and twelve." " 

The date is not in figures, but spelled out: " docc ;' and the head- 
irig of that document gives it ag.iin, In Arabic numbers : " I§I2." It 

'■' UhKUERA, De.srriifinu, p. 15. 
" Orar I'KSCllKI., iihi Kiijira. 

'* Co/iccioit lie ilociimi itl(x iiiLiltloi (li. Iii<lia>', \\\, 
XXII., p. 33, Ml/) aiiiio 1512. 




1 ■.' «) 



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TiiK DiscovKkv OK North Amkrica. 

follows that, according to those letters patent, — the original of which is 
preserved in the Archives of the Inilies at Seville, and has been pul)- 
lished in the official Coleccion dc docuineiitos ineditos dc Indias,—Y\onf\w 
had alre;idy been discovered by Ponce de Leon, September 26th, 15 12. 

Not only is 1512 the ilatc' which has been given by Oviedo, and 
by Herrera himself, I)iit it is not contradicted by the few facts which 
ha\'C! come to olu' knowledge. For instance, the [)rivilege granted to 
Ponce d(! Leon to go in search of Himini is dated l""ebrLiary 23rd, 15 12: 

" Cai)itulacion con Juan I'once de Leon sobre el descubrimiento de la Isla dc Bininy. 
Burgos, a veinte y tres de Fcbioro de mil quinientos i- doce anos : — Agreement with Juan 
I'once de Leon for the discovery of the island of Bininy. Burgos, on the twenty-third 
day of the month of February, in the year one thousand five hundred |and twelve." " 

Ponce de Leon may have commenced preparing the e.xpedition while 
expecting a favourable reply to his petition, as he had such influential 
friends at the Court, and belonged himself to one of the noblest houses 
of Spain. He may also have received the authorisation in time to sail 
from Porto Rico and accomplish the discovery of Florida on the iith of 
A[)ril, which is the date of Easter Sunday in the year 15 12. 

Nor is then; anv impossiI)ility for the news of the successful issue 
reaching .Spain in season to grant, on the 23rd of September of that 
year, the above-citetl privilege solicited by Ponce de Leon, to .settle the 
newly-discovered country. This would Ic-ave more than four montlis for 
the exploration of Florida. 

We advance those hypothetical deductions sim[)ly to show that the; 
I'vent may well have taken place in the year 151 2, as re[)()rted by all 
historians. \\w\. as we have not before us the original ot those documents; 
and more especially as our proposed interpretation necessarily involves tht.; 
consecjuence that Herrera's account is a sheer fabrication, — a grave chargt; 
which, notwithstanding what precedes, we do not yet consider ourselves 
auth(jrised to make, — the reader will have to examine our analysis and 
reasons only in the light of elements for further discussion. 

Upon the whole, the only im|)ortant poriU in the jiresent inquiry is 
that the expedition of I'onci; de Leon w,is not a solitary or extem- 
ponuieous effort, but an enlor[)rise' of which there had been similar ones 
beA)ri', anil wliich wert: trecjuently re[)eatt:d afterwards. In fact, whether 
the idea sprimg from the ho[)e of discovering marvellous regions, or 

■' 0;.. ./'., \\\. X\I1., \\ 26. 



PoN'C'K DK Ll'.iiN. I'lKST Vl)^■A(■,I■ 



(irigiiiiitctl cliictly, as we think, with the purpose i)f slave-hunting, the 
historian of maritime discovery is constrained to beheve that from a very 
early date the Spaniards visited the east coast of I'lorida. The rapid 
de[)0[)ulation of the West India islands, and the necessity for obtaining 
slaves to work in the mines, must have |)rom[ned many such nefarious 

(ii\ing to Ilerrera the benefit of the doubt, and accepting for the 
linK- being the itinerary which he has ascribed to the first voyage of 
Ponce de Leon, the discovery then embraced only the southern portion 
of the east and a part of the west coast of the I'Moridian peninsula. Hut 
how far did he keep on tht; northern tack ; can he even be said, if we 
follow Herrera, to have ranged at all the north-west coast ? 

'Jhe navigation on the west coast of I'lorida, as reported by that 
historian, is contained in these few lines : 

"El Domingo, Dia de Pascua do Espiritu Santo, (luince de Maio, coriieron por la 
Costa . . . hasta dos islcos blancos . . . i)Usieron por Nombrc, los Maitires : estan en vcinte 
i seis Cirados, i cjuince Minutos. Fueron navegando, vnas veces al Norte, i otras al Nordeste, 
hasta los veinte i tres de Maio, hasta I'l los vuinte i quatro corrieron por la costa al Sur : — 
On Sunday, Whitsuntide, May 15, they ranged the coast ... as far as two wh.ite islets, 
which they called The Martyrs, by 26° 15'. Tliey sailed, sometimes on the northern, some- 
times on the north-eastern tack, until May 23 ; [and] until the 24th, they coasted towards 
the south." 

I'Vom that time th(;y constantly sailed southwards until the ex[iedition 
left the coast of h'lorida altogether. It follows that their north-western 
navigation absorbed only eight days. And as, from certain c!.\pressions, 
the sailing was impeded and irregular, they cannot have gone far towards 
the north. Now, we possess an official Spanish maj), of the year 15 19, 
which implies on the part of Ponct^ de Leon, on that occasion, a sailing 
of five degrees north of the Martyrs' islands, and of two degrees of the 
west coast in longitude. 

That map, the original of which is preserved in the Archives of the 
Indies at Seville,'^ represents the entire Ciulf of Mexico, beginning with 
a peninsula exhibiting the following k'gend : 

" La Florida, iiue decian Biniini ijue descubrid Juan Tonce ; — Florida, said to be 
]iiinini, which was discovered by Juan Ponce." 

"^ I'niroiirilo, A'-^l<iiil: 1, Cajoii I, L'linjv'^. 

, I I 



V 1 


■ I 



Till-: DiscovKKV ok Noktif Amkkica. 



;. ki 



if ; 

Thin till' coast, at tin: most iiorth-vvcstfrii |K)iiU of the peninsula, 
assunics a curvi; running westwards. On that coast, which is the northern 
sca-l)o.inl of the ("lulf of Mexico, and after the I'loritHan peninsula has 
been entirely sketched out, we reatl : 

"Hasta atjui descubrio Juan Ponce:-As far as this, extends the discovery of Juan Ponce." 

I'lic locality where we read that legend apparently corre.sponds on 
modern maps with t)ur Apalachee Hay, anil with the [)oint where, in the 
Weimar maps, is inscribed tht; cU'signation : " b. tie Juhan ponce: — the 
bay of Juan Ponce," called by Oviedo'^ " Hahia de Johan Ponce de 
Leon," and saiil by that historian to be by 2y' north latitud<^ 

I'ufortunately the maj) is not dated, ami, a priori, we can only say 
of it that the hanilicraft betrays the work of somi; .Siianish cartographer 
o( the first (luartcr of the sixteenth century. .Such an opinion is not 
sufficiently precise. To provi' of avail in the present inquiry, the map 
must be shown to have been constructed before 1521,'*' as Ponce de 
Leon returned to I'"lorida in that year, ami the attribution of a discovery 
by 2- north latitude could bi: said by hypercritics to have originated with 
data ijrought from his second ex[)edition. 

But it can be proved that the map was made in 15 19. 

In the collection of copies made by Munoz, there is a facsimile of 
the present map; '9 to which he has added, as belonging to it, a tran- 
script of the letters patent granted to Francisco de Garay in 1521 ; taken, 
howe\er, from a codex other than that which is reproduced in Navarrete's 
Collection, being less complete, and exhibiting verbal differences. In both 
texts of that d(5cument, we notice the following [)assage : 

" Los dichos navios hallaron cuarenta pueblos de una parte y de otra, y de todo lo que 
costearon e descubrieron los dichos pilotos, mirando muy bien la tierra, puerto d rios como for 
una fi\'u.'-ij (jue do nestra parte ante Nos fue traida par los pilotos que iban en la dicha 
armada p.irecia:— The said ships [of Garay, in the expedition of 1519] found, in various places, 
forty villages; and the entire coast discovered and ranged by the said pilots [the " buenos 
pilotos " (in board the four ships of Garay], who surveyed carefully the land, ports, and rivers, 
appcan on a map brought to us, on your part, by the pilots of the said expedition." 

'" 0\ 11:110, JJisforia fitn''raf '/'; /(m Imlia-^, lib. \\i., 
ci|i. viii., V,j|. II., ]i. 144. 

'^ See ill/ray cliap. i\., .in cx.uninatioii of tiic dalL'S 
given liy i ivieiki anil IlKKkKK A. 

" Miino.: MSS., Vul. LXXVI., f"- 246. There is a 
recliiciiun uf that map, facing p. 148 in llic tliiril voUiiiie 

cif the Colercion de Viwje.i of Xavakkktf. ; thai is, in 
connection wilh his pulilicalion of the letters patent of 
1 52 1, and as if the original had l)een found, hy him in- 
serted in his codex, which Has, when he copied it, in the 
Archives of the Iiidias, in the fir^t lile of J).ii-ubrimiiHlos 
I'll tierra jinne., de loOO a 1-i'J'i. 


PoNCK Di: LkoN. FlKST X'oVACi:. 





Xow, Miinoz, on tlic vorso of liis f.icsiinilL- of tht; ina|), inscrilx's tlie 
following niemonuuliini, which seems to h;ivr i-xislcd in the; model : 

"Garay, 1519- 'l"ra<,a tie ta costa de ticrra firmc, i de las tierras nuovas : -Claray, 
1519. 'I'lacing ot' the continental coast, and of the now louiitries.'' 

Moreover, Miinoz' transcript of tlie K;tters patent of 1521, attached 
to the map, is entitled as follows : 

"Original Descripcion i pohlacioiies, 7 [sii:?] juntamente con la figura o mapa ([ue 
accompana : —Original de.scri[)tion and p(j[)uhuion.s [tribes ?], together with the delineation and 
map which accompanies the same." 

Nor should we forget to say that the map sets forth the entire 
I'^loridian peninsula, nearly as it appears in all subsequent charts of the 
Sevillan Hydrography ; and, so far as is known, for the first time. 

Those details force upon us the conviction that the map mentioned 
in the letters patent, and which was made by the pilots of Garay in the 
course; of the expedition of 1 5 1 9, is the above-cited original map of the 
Archives of the Indies at Seville, and the one which Munoz found at- 
tached to the said letters patent, and co|iied.-o 

The immediate consequence to be drawn from the above analysis is 
that Ponct; de Leon went further north-westward and westwardly in his 
first voyage to Florida, *.haii the account of that i:xpedition, as given by 
Herrera, would lead us v believe. The point reached then must have 
been by 30" north latitude and 70' west longitude, according to the above- 
described ma|)s. 

" TIu'^c I>--Hcr^ |i;>li.'nt arc iluly 1.iI)i.11l-i1 " !!■ n!r"li(/fi," aflKcil tn lliAt il.icument, Iivil to .1 sort of j;eot;ra|iliical 
whii'li K'.\'l- ii> to siiinin,L' lliat tlio mnii \v.i> not orii^inally ami clliiioloyical memoir. 



•• t-: 


r ^. 

I' I 








ItiKt |23 


U 11.6 







(716) 872-4503 












; i 









■ V 


THI"!RM are now several minor expeditions which were not intended 
originally to explore I'lorida, hut as tht^y have ranged certain por- 
tions of its shores, landing even in several places during the years 
151 7 and 15 iS,' that is before the second voyage of Ponce de Leon, we 
must describe them, however insignificant may be the details which have 
reached us. 

The earliest allusions seem to refer to some point of the south-cast 
coast of Florida. The readiT has already seen, according to Herrera's 
account, Diego Miruelo engaged in a venture similar to that of Ponce 
de Leon, at the same time, but wholly independent. The latter had 
scarcely returnc'd from his first voyage to Morida, when other Spaniards 
followed in his path, and abducted Indians from the main land. Ponce 
appealed to the Crown for redress, his rights being thereby infringed, and, 
in 1517, orders were sent to protect in his behalf " los indios de liimini."^ 

It was in 1517 that P'rancisco Hernandez de Cordova landed in 
Florida, when on Iiis voyage home, after ha\ing been repulsed by the 
Indians in Campeachy. 

The earliest historians who refer to that memorable expedition which 
initiated the series of efforts that culminated in the discovery and con- 
quest of Yucatan and .Mexico.J are Peter Martyr,-^ Oviedo,' Ciomara,^ 

' .■Veconlini; tn ( l.ircilassu I'F. i \ Vf.i;a f f.a h'lor'iln 
(hi Iiira, lil). i., rha|). ii., ]>. j) anil liARiIA ( Eiimyo 
Cltranoloijii-o, ji. 2) I)ii(;n MiKlKl.o in 1516 fnyaj^iil in 
a Iriulinj; cxiicclilicm tu Mcniila, from Hliicli !k- lirMiijjlil 
j;ii1(1, iS:c. We liave cun>tanlly lU'i^li'cled those Iwo 
writers, particularly Harcia, as, in mir n|iinion, they 
are nnrelial>le, ami have nut hail acces.s to orit;inal iloru- 
jnents for thai period. The statement seems to lie de- 
rived from the mention of a liiihia ile Mirmlo made liy 
OviEDO, Vol. I., p. 143, and whieh we are inclined to 
ascrilje to Miruelo, the pilot of I'amphilo de Narvaez in 
1527, nephew of Diejjo Miruelo. 

■ " \o enibargante le suso dieho [I'once de I.eonJ aliia 

venido ,i su noticia <|iic aliian sacailo los rapilanes e navlos 
e t;enle, <|ue and.ivan por las islas de luciyos, los indios 
de la ilicha isla de Hiinini, la mayor parte dellos, los 
aliiiin llevad.o ,t la Isla l^spanola." C'nliila itiiiyiiiu d 
li:i> /Ktilrts (I'l roiiiiiKiK, Kdhrr In n ihimnfion ili J. P. lie 
/.Kill, in Dfir, iiifilil. ilr liiilin-i, \'ol. XI., p. 295. 

' " 1'! .i(|ueste fue el prini,ipio de se descolirir la Nueva 
llspana."— (JviiiDo, lib. xvii., cap. iv., Vol. I., p. 498. 

■• .\M',iili'.kA, Kiiihiriilioii,!" 6(), a, Decad. I\'., caps, 
i., ii., pp. 2S7-292. 

5 ( )vii;i>i), iihi >iiij)ra. 

' (liiMAKA, Ilixloriu ih h(i Iiiiliw, cap. liii., chapter 
ywaluii, page 1S5. 



HiMiNi AND Florida. 


Las Casas,7 and Juan Cristobal Calvct de Estrella, or the anonymous 
author of De Rebus gestis Ferdinandi Cortcsii,^ whoever he may be. 

They have all copied Peter Martyr almost literally, although the 
anonymous biographer of Cortez was a critical historian who seems to 
have been in a position to consult certain original sources, and Oviedo 
appears to have obtained information direct from Anton de Alaminos, 
who was the chief pilot of Hernandez de Cordova on that occasion, 
while Las Casas9 was a personal friend of the latter, who even wrote 
to him on the subject. Now these five historians agree in representing 
the expedition as sailing straight back from the Me.xican coast to Cuba, 
without mentioning Florida in any way : " Se tornaron estos primeros 
descubridores de aquella tierra A la isla Fernandina, de donde avian salido." 

It is with Hernal Diaz that we find the first reference to l'"lorida 
as having been visited by Hernandez de Cordova at that time ; but as 
he was an eye witness, his testimony is decisive. It may be condensed 
in his own words as follows : 

" Y luego alznmus anclas y diinus vela, siguiendo nuestro viaje para nos volver li la 
isla de Cuba. Parece scr el piloto Alaminos se concertcj y aconsejo con los otros dos 
pilotos que dosde aquel paraje donde estahamos atravesasemos li la Florida, poRjue hallaban 
por sus cartas y grados y alturas que estaria do alli ohra de setenta leguas, y <iue des- 
pues, puestos en la Florida, dijeron ([ue era mejor viaje t'- mas cercana navegacion para 
ir d la Habana que no la derrota por donde habianios primero venido a descubrir ; y asi 
fue como el piloto dijo .... atravesando atiucl golfo, en cuato dias ijue navegamos 
vinios la tierra de la misma Florida :— \Vc then weighed anchor, and sailed to return to 
Cuba. But it seems that our pilot, .Maminos, decided with the other two pilots to sail 
straight from where we were to Florida, because, according to their maps, degrees, and 
altitudes, we found ourselves at a distance from Florida of only seventy leagues. They 
said that this would be a shorter r.nd better route to go to Havana than the one which 
we had taken when first setting out on our voyage of discovery. We followed the advice 
of the pilot, and crossing the gulf, in four days of navigation we saw the land of Florida."'" 

Diaz then relates in detail the landing and fight with the natives, 
who compelled \\\(\ .Spaniards to re-embark and leave hastily that inhos- 
pitable coast. It is in the description of the voyage homeward, that we 

7 '* I*''iso() llcrn.itnliv <Io d'trdov.i, li.irto anii^o 
mil)." — Lah C'asas llUlorm ih /fii liidiin, lil'. iii., cip. 
xcvi. Viil. IV., p. 349. 

' 111 ICAZIIAK'K' Colirriiiii ih ■IncililH llfin pnra III 
lliilnria ilr Mn'ii". .\ie\icii .Tiid I'ari*, I1S5S,;o Sm>, 
Vol. I., 1>. 341. 

' "Cri'ii i|iii'l A C.ipilan c|vn.'(lci am trcinla y l:inl;i> lari- 
(Ins, muy laslimacUi, sc(;im I'l iiii.' In L'viibi'i .i mi, iriilrL' COS1S." — Las Casas, op. n't., pp. 3O1, 362. 

'" Diaz, Vn-daihrn HiiUirin, caps. v. and vi.. 
pp. 5 Ci. It is that narrative wliich IIi:kki:ka (I)ccail. 
II,, lil>. ii., caps, xvii-wlii., pp. 47-51) lias cc.pieil almost 
literally, and, as usual, without cpiotint; liis autliorlties. 
Hut the account of the Indians of Catoche, — with their 
religious ceremonies, includinu the adoration of Christian 
crosses, which Oviedo dislielieved, although the assertion 
wa. made to hiin l.y .Al. aminos himself, -is taken from 
I'etcr Martyr, »''(' Kiiprii. 

:h H 


■ ^ Y- 


', i 


^ , I 

fM'i I 



P l! 


! 1 



TiiK DiscovKuv oi" XoKTii Amkuica. 

find one or two particulars enabling us to ascertain the part of Florida 
where the landing was effected : 

" Dimos vela para la Habana, y pasamos aciuel dia y la nochc, ([uc hizo buen tiempo, 
junto de unas isletas ijue Uaman los Martires, que son unos bajos que asi los Uaman, /os 
liajos de los Martira . . . mareabamos las velas y dabanios a la boniba, hasta que N. S. J. C. 
nos llevo ^ Puerto de Carenas, donde ahora esta poblada la villa de la Habana, que en 
otro tiempo Puerto de Carenas se solia llamar, y no Habana : — We set sail for Havana. 
On that day and following night we sailed with fair weather, coasting the islets called The 
Martyrs islands, on shoals called also The Martyrs' shoals . . . manceuvring the sails and 
pumps, until, by the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, we reached Puerto de Carenas, where 
now is the city of Havana, formerly called Puerto de Carenas, and not //avana."" 

It is evident from the above description that the landfall was on the 
west coast of the Floridian peninsula, scarcely higher than Cape Roman, 
by about 26° north latitude. 

In the order of dates, we should now mention the first voyage of 
I'rancisco de Garay, which ranged a part of the south coast of I'Morida ; 
but, as that expedition relates much more to the discovery of the north- 
west borders of the Gulf of Mexico, we leave it for awhile, so as to 
discuss the second and last voyage of Poncu de Leon. This investigation 
will prove useful, were it only to show how little is known relating to 
that unfortunate enterprise. Besides, our lack of information involves the 
important con.sequence that the early cartographical data which connect 
Ponce's name with the Floridian peninsula all refer, perhaps with a single 
exception, to his first voyage. 

The earliest historian who mentions those new elTorts of Ponce de 
Leon is 0\iedo. The beginning of his narrative is written ) as to 
convey the impression that he possessed authentic details on the subject : 

" Volvi<) .-i arniar con m.-is acuerdo y expensas, e proveyo e puso en orden riertos 
ii.ivios para eiurar per la Tierra-Firme en la banda del Norte, en aciuella costa e punta que 
entra en la mar (,icnt lugLas de longitud e (^iniiuenta de latitud, poco mas 6 menos . . . 
craii diis (;ientos hombres t* (.incjuenta caballos en los navios . . . e ])ass6 d aquella tierra 
por el mes de . . . del afio de mill e (juinientos (• veynte anos : — He recommended equip- 
ping with niort' care and at greater cost, and secured and fitted out several ships for the 
purpose of entering the continent northwards, by the toast and peninsula which projects into 
the sea 100 degrees of longitude and 50 degrees of latitude, more or less . . . There were 
aboard the said ships 200 men and 50 horses. I'he exjiedition went to that country in the 
month of . . . of the year 1520.'"' 

" \)l.\/.) Oji. III., cai>. \i., i>. 6. 

OviLiio, lili. ,\\\vi., ia|i. i.. Vol. 111., |i. 622. 



HlMlN'I AND Fl.ORinA. 


,■1' v 

1 ■ 

Oviedo then states that Ponce's intention was to plant a colony, 
and he enters into details concerning the cattle and implements brought 
for the i)urposc. Hut he says : 

" Kl teinijle de la region era muy difcrentc c desconvoniente h. lo ijudl Uevaba iniani- 
nado, e los naturalcs de la ticrra 'gente niuy salvage v bcllicosa ^ feroz . . . ni en elci;ion 
de aciuellos frayles l- clerigos de que yba acoiiipafiado para el exeri,i(,io del culto divino L- 
servi^io de la iglesia, aunijue predicassen qiianto quisiesscn: -The temperature of the country 
was very unfavourable, and different from what he had imagined ; while the natives were 
extremely warlike and ferocious, and but little disposed to hearken to the monks and priests 
who had accompanied him to i^erform divine worship, as well as to advance the interest of 
the Church, although they preached much to them." 

Oviedo continues and concludes as follows : 

" Esta armada llego d aciuella tierra et ano que esta dicho ; e luego el adelantado 
Juhan Pon(;e, como se dcsembarco, dio '^omo hombre proveydo, orden en que la gente de 
su armada dcscansasse ; e quanto le pares(;io, tnoviii con su gente y entro por la tierra y 
tn una gua^abara <> batalla que ovo con los indios ... V en fin le desbarataron c mataron 
parte do los chripstianos . . . y tM salio herido de un flecha<;o nialamente, e acordo de se 
yr a la isla de Cuba para se curar . . . e llego al puerto de la Habana donde vivici poco:-- 
That exi^edition reached the country in the year aforesaid ; and when the ndelantado Ponce 
de l.eoii landed, he ordered, like a prudent man, that the men should rest awhile. He 
then advanced with them, and there was a fray or battle with the Indians. Finally the 
C!hrist;ans were routed, and a number killed. I'oncc came out of the fight badly wounded 
with an arrow . . . He decided to return to C'''-a to be cured, and arrived in the [)ort of 
Havana, wher.? he did not live long." 

The date of 1520 is erroneous. 

We possess two letters written by Ponce de Leon, a week before he 
intended leaving I\)rto Rico for that e.xpedition ; both are dated Pebruary 
10, 1521. The first of these is addressed to Charles \'. After stating 
that he had discovered " la \'sla P'lorida," at his own cost, Ponce says 
that his intention is to plant there a colony and accomplish discoveries: 

" 'I'ambien cniiendo de descubrir mas, la costa de dicha Vsla e saber si confina con 
la tierra donde esta Diego Velazquez o con otra alguna . . . partire de acjui a cinc(j o seis 
dias : — I also intend to discover further of the coast of the said island, and ascertain wlicther 
it confines on the land where Diego \'elazque/. now is, or on any other [country]. I shall 
start from this in five or six days.'' " 

" Cnc/(( ihl (iiUlri'(l(ti/o Junii I'vint th Livii n Su n jivlifnrlnii, I ijiie iliiitro ili rlum illai Iha a onlriu 
M(iij* !*t(ui ihti-itttilvU (Our ihsi-uhiirto a Hit *'oi*ta I }uyii- ih.sriihfy}iilnifon: jtor lo t/iif ptitifi tn* ri'ftt*>* : in Iho 
sioa In I'ln hlarrln i o'tmi fii «i( coiiimiii, ijin mlrin /hiniiii' iilos iiinlilitu ih Iinllni, \''A. \I„, p|i. 5052. 




% i 

' i.: \ 

i. ♦ . • ' 

1 I! 



;i ,-' 



II |.; j 


m ii 



1 1 

j, f -ii' 

* y 


Till', Disojv i:uv ok North America. 

The other letter is directed to th(; Cardinal of Tortosa (Adrian) and 
in the same terms, with the addition, however, that the expedition was 
to be composed of two ships : " con dos navios." '-^ 

Those two documents are dated: " Vsia dt: San Juan y 
Puerto Kico, a diez dias de Ilebrero de mil quynientos veinte y un 
anos : Island of San Juan and city of Porto Rico, February lo, 1521." 
There was a third letter, aildressed to Juan de .Samano, the secretary of 
Charles \'., which Merrera has seen, as well as the other two ; '5 but it 
is not to be found at this day. 

Finally, we have an official communication sent to His Majesty by 
the licentiate 1 )e la (iama, dated Porto Rico, I-'ebruary 15, 1521, and an- 
nouncing that Ponce de Leon would sail on the 20th following : 

" F,l .Xdclantado I'onre de Leon parte desta Vsla a veinte deste nies, con otra 
Armada, a polilar a Vsla Florida a descubrir en sus comarranas :^The Adelantado Juan 
Tonce de Leon starts from this island [Porto Rico] on the 20th of this month, with another 
expedition, to settle Florida and make discoveries in the adjoining country."" 

rh(' n^ference to Diego Velazquez in Ponce's letter to Charle's Y. is 
curious, as N'olazfjucz was the governor of Cuba, and never went to those 
continental countries. Ponce had doubtless in view the e.xpedition of Pam- 
filo de Narva(,'z, which was .sent to the co;ist of Mexico by Velaztjuez in 
March, 1520; but the imfortunate results of which can scarcely have been 
known in Porto Rico when Ponce wrote the above letters. Another fact 
to be noted is that he iloes not seem to be aware of the first expedition 
of I'Vaiicisco de (iaray and of its discoveries, which, as shown by the 
map of 1519, connected the north-west coast of Morida with the entiri; 
sea-boards of th<^ Gulf of Mexico. Yet he may have .seen a chart which, 
like that nt Turin, dejjicts the Isla Florida, and leaves a break of ten 
degrees of longitude before tracing the shores of the Gulf, which in the 
latter map begin only witii the vicinity of the Rio del Hspiritu .Santo, 
or our Mississip|)i river. 

The next account is that of Gomara, who, with his usual inaccuracy, 
relates that the expedition was composed of three ships, equiii|)ed in 
Seville, whence Ponce de Leon sailing, about the year 1515, went to 
Guadalupe, then to Boriquen, and finally to I'lorida, where he was killed 
bv the Indians. '7 

" '''irlri ilil (ulilaiiliuln Ji"ni I'mir, ,1, I.I lilt nl C'lr- 
il'itfif ilr Ttn-finn^ jii/ifirnfln inin-^ilrn nt af*- ni'ion ii -^ns 
Idnjin «' /•(■i/i'iiw .- ill ilic Cukri-inii ili iloruiHtiitox inHililnn, 
mill s.TtiR* vuliimc, p:i^t' 47. 

"■ Ilr.KKKHA, IVcad. in., lili. i., cap. xiv., p. 24. 

'■' Culif'-iitii ill: ihrumi'iilni iiinlilot </» Iiiilia-i, Vol. 

XI.., p. 54- 

'' (ioMAK.v, //I'.-V. (/(' /fi.s liiilin<, cip. Nivi,, p. 181. 



BlMlM AM) I-'l-OUIIiA. 


Las Casas, as wc have shown, '^ is not better informed, considering 
that he places the second expedition of Ponce de Leon under the year 
1 51 2, '9 and as having been fitted out in Santo Domingo: " vinose A 
esta isla y puerto de Sancto Domingo, donde se rehizo de gente y navios." 

The account of Oviedo involves contradictions when compared with 
the other narratives. The latter limits the action of I'once de Leon to 
a mere landing, and re-embarkment soon afterwards. If so, the monks 
and priests who accomi)anied him cannot have had time to endeavour to 
evangelise the Indians, as Oviedo says. His mistake as to the date, and 
the filling-up of his narrative with generalities, lead us to think that he 
knew little concerning the second e.xpedition of Ponce de '-eon ; and it 
is not worth while for the critic to attempt to find in his narrative any 
elements to ascertain where the lantlfall was on that occasion. 

As to Herrera, he evidently follows Oviedo for his meagre details, 
adding, however, that Ponce de Leon was wounded in the thigh: " herido 
en vn inuslo."-° 

We hdvr. endeavoured to find in other authors some data which could 
enable us to learn at least thi- duration of that unfortunate e.Kpcdition. 
They are very scanty. 

Tonjuemada, who was in a position to obtain certain details through 
the accounts which the monks who accompanied the "concjuistadors " sent 
to the ])rincipals of their order, contains the following [)hrasc : 

" a esta sazon vn nauio (i la Villa Rica, que di(,en era de Juan I\>nce, que 
con dos auia ydo d la Florida, y venia !)ien bastecido con poluora .... : — .Xt that lime there 
arrived at' Villa Rica [Vera Cruz] a ship, which was said to be one of the two that had 
gone to I'lorida with Juan I'once. It was well supplied with gun powder. . . .''" 

Torquemada does not give a date, but his "esta sazon," refers to 
about the close of the sii-ge of Me.xico by Cortt:z. 

We find a similar statement in Hernal Diaz, but he says that the 
ship belonged to an e.\pedition of X'azquez de Ayllon : 

" 'I'anibien se nos habia acabado'ya la ]iolvora en todos trcs reales, y en a(|ucl iiistante 
habia venido li la N'illaRica un navio quo era de una armada de un licenciado Lucas 
Vazquez de Ayllun, (|U(; se i)erdi6 y desharato en las islas de la Florida, y el navio aport6 
A acjuel puerto, y vt ,1 en <'l ticrtos soldados y polvora. . . . We had exhausted our gun- 

.s'li/ua, cliaptiT i., |jii. i j6, 137. 

Las ("asas, /li"!., lil'. ii.,iap. xx., Vi.l. 111., p. 461. 

IIkkUKKa, III ■iniiirwil, p. 15. 

" ToKf.U'EMAiPA, .l/oiKii'/Hm iiitli'iiKi, lid. iv., cip. 
Mviii., Viil. 1., p. 614, 111 ilic I'llitiun of 1615, wild 
pnili.itply tndU llic s;ati.'M\t'iU fruin lllKUlRA. 






s' 1 






;p ^ 


TiiK Discovery ok North America. 

powder in the three camps, but a ship had just arrived at Villa-Rica, a ship which belongiiJ 
to an expedition of a licentiate [called] Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon, which had bien def.'ated 
and lost in the Florida islands. The ship brought to that part a number of soldierj, and 
gunpowder." " 

Diaz also places that event during the siege of Mexico, about two 
weeks before the taking of Guatemuz and of his Heutenants as prisoners, 
which occurred October 13, 1521. On the other hand, we will show 
that at the latter date, Ayllon had sent to Florida only one expedition. 
It was composed of two .ships; but if, as some believe, only one reached 
that port, as the other, according to the same authorities, foundered at 
sea with a cargo of Indian slaves, it certainly cannot be the ves.sel which 
landed at V^era Cruz. Diaz, therefore, has mistaken the two names. This 
inter[)r(. tation is so much the more likely when we see how vague were 
his notions about Ponce de Leon, whom he sent to Florida so far back 
as 1505. 

The date, however approximate, given for the arrival of the ship at 
Vera Cruz compels the critic to place the defeat of the second expedition 
of Ponce de Leon somewhere in the middle of July, 152 1. ;\nd, as he 
sailed from Porto Rico certainly on the 20th of I<'ebruai\ preceding, we 
feel authorised to consiiler the enter[)rise as having occupied about five 
months. This shows that the bokl adventurer did more than .sail out, 
land, fight, and immediately return to the West Indies. Else, it would 
make him spend from P'ebruary 20th to about July 15th simply to go 
from Porto Rico to his landing place in I*"Iorida, whatever it may be. 
These deductions will perhaps aiil us to surmise ])lausibly where he dis- 
embarked, and was routed on that occasion. 

To sum up ; the accounts and documents which have reached us 
concerning the second exi)edition of Ponce de Leon to Florida afford 
only this modicum of facts or positive inferences : 

Ponce de Leon fitted out in Porto Rico an expedition composed of 
two ships, carrying men and horses. The object was to plant a colony 
in I'"lorida, and, at the .same time, a.scertain wheth'_r that country was 
an island, or a continental land connected with the Mexican regions just 
conquered by Cortes. 

It sailed from Porto Ric(i direct from I'lorida, February 20, 1521, 
and effected a landing at some point on the coast of the peninsula ; but 

" Iii.'rnal Diaz, diaiilor rlv., p. lyj. 


I 'HI 

V hi 

HiMIM AN 1 1 Im.okiha. 


th(! S|),ini;ircls were assailcil by the; Indians, who killeil many of them 
and wounded I'oncc; dt: L(;on in the thigh with an arrow. The survivors 
were ol>ligcd to rtscMubark ; one of the ships going to Vera Cruz, while 
the other, with Ponce de I ,eon on board, saileil for Cuba, where he died 
from iiis wound, cither in Havana or in I'uerto Principe, soon afterwanls. 
The expechtion occupied, from the time; it sailed out of Porto Rico to 
that of its return to the West Indies, at k'ast five months. 

Xow, where, ditl Ponce de Leon in that voyage effect his llrst land- 
ing ; on the east or on the west, antl if it be on the latter, at 
what point.' I lave we. any means of answering those iin])ortant cjuestions? 
Do the scanty details which we have; just summed up afford any clue, 
or permit deductions of a positivt: charactc-r ? 

Let us interrogate thi; few facts within our reach. 

Ponce de. Let)n says himself that he intended to ascertain w^hether 
Florida was joined with the. lands which were then being e.xplored or 
occupied by the onU-r of \'elaz(jue/. That means the coast bordering 
on tht'. Gulf of Me.vico. Consequently, it was towards the western bor- 
der of the l""loridian |)eninsula that I'once de Leon directed his course, 
and where he must have first landed. 

The ex[)edition had a two-foKl obj(;ct. One was, as we have just 
seen, exclusively geographical. TIk; other consisted in colonising P'lorida. 
It is evident that the latter oI)ject must have bei:n initiated before at- 
tempting the former ; as it would not b«; practical to undertake! a voyage 
of tlisiMvery with the cumbersome imi)lements, cattle, men. «Jvc., intended 
for planting a colony. We must therefore assume that Ponce- de Leon's 
lu'st preoccupation, when hv found himself ranging the western coast of 
l""l()rid,i, was to imd an eligibU: s])ot, where Ik; landed as soon as |)ossible. 
Colonists, as well as live stock, couUl not be kept long on board in those 
days ; and the work was rendered still more difficult by there being fifty 
horses on deck, according to Oviedo. 

.\n im|)ortant l\;ature in the present discussion is the fact that the 
expeilition lasted, at ItMst, five months. .Allowing three weeks for the 
voyage from P(>rto Rico to the apex of th(; I'loridian peninsula, that is, 
from I'Cljruary 20th to M.irch 15th, and assuming that .after his repulse 
he .sailed immetliately homeward, -at the sanu; time as the caravel which, 
landing at \'era Crux at the eiul of July, must have left I'^lorida about 


L, i 



\i .1, 

til ) 




I" m 


'rilK DlSt'OV i:UV OK NoKTll Amkkk A. 

th(! 15th nf the latter nioiuh,-' — we have a space of four inoiitlis spent 
on the western coast of I'loriila. 1 lisloriaiis. thinfore, are niisiaken when 
they represent that enterprise as having consisteil simply in a tr.iject, a 
disembarkment, a fight, and a prompt return home. 

That being the case, we may aclv.ince a plausible hypothesis to ex- 
plain how those four months wt're employed. It is to this i-ffect : 

Police tie I.eon landeil, first in oiu; place, in Chatham Hay or 
in Charlotte Harbour, for insi.mce, — then in another place, Tampa or 
Wakasasse perhaps, thinking on both occ.isions to have fouiul the proper 
locality for a .settlement. Being each time disappointeil, he re-embarked 
and continued to range the coast northwards. It was probably thiring 
these temporary sojourns that the priests and monks, whom lie hail with 
him, endeavoured to evangelise the Iiulians. as Oviedo reports. 

We may then suppose that this coasting led the Spaniarils to the 
mainland on the north-west of the b'loridian peninsula, which Tonce de 
Leon had already visited, — as is shown by the m,i[) of Garay, — perhaps 
as far as the Bavd ife Juan Ponce, when- it is not improbable that 
the great i)attle which resulteil in his defeat was fought. This would 
explain in a measure the early presence of that designation, which is 
almost th(? only one to be found in the first cartographical tlelineations 
of b'lorida. 

•• The Ml \\'i;i CVii.r of one of I'oiu'o ilc I.icnV i!i.\l vessel f,ir s.\iliiit; from I'loiiil.i t' Wt.t C'lii/, nil. I 

two sliips. shows his ( on llie coast of 1 loiiiln less, if she r.nnie across the (ii;lf,--as I lerii.indez ile Cor- 

caii se.ireely have occurred more than two weeks previous; >lova (H.l in 1517— iiisiead of rangiiiy ihe coast. .Sec the 

ihal is, al'oiit July Isih. We lluis allow lifieen days lo pucedinj; chapter. 

li \i 



CHAl'Tl'R IV. 

COFA'AL with the iixpcditidiis which we h.ivc jiisi ilisciisscJ then; is 
oiu- t;in!)r;icing only ;i lamlfiill in l''li)rida. hiii which provcil not 
less consiilcrablc by its consequences, since it resiiUed in the dis- 
covery ami exploration of thi- northern shores of the (iulf of Mexico. 

In this iiujuiry we imist first examine the narrative of a contem- 
poraneous historian, Hartolomc de las Casas ; not so much on account 
of its intrinsic merit as hec.uise it has hei-n copieil by Ilerrera, whose 
intluence can be traced in all the writings which have since been intended 
to relate that important event of the history of maritime discovt^ry. 

According to those two histt>rians. the coasts of our States of .Ala- 
bama. Louisiana, and Ttixas, were rangi-d for the first time, and the 
Mississippi River was discovered by a Spanish expedition led by Diego 
de Camargo, acting for b'rancisco de Garay, in the year 151S. 
llert! is the narrative of Las Casas: 

" Kr.Tiicisco de'iy . . . dcterniino de ;i iin hid.ilgo, II.tiii.kIo Diego de Ci- 
margo, A. descubrir e el descubriiniento que (irij.ilwi h.ibia hecho, con uno 6 con 
dos navios ; cl cual dcscubrio la jirovincia de ramico, o, por niejor decir, coinenzo de alii 
donde ("irijalva se habia tornado, (jue I'uc desde I'anuco, y anduvo navegando por la costa 
cien legiias hacia la Florida, y finalmonte atribuyo a su desciibriniiento desdo la provincia 
y rio de Panuco : — Krancisco de (laray determined to send a gentleman, callcil Diego de 
Camargo, with one or two shi|)s, to make discoveries and continue tln)se ot' (Irijalva . . . 
This gentleman discovered the province of Tanuco, or, to speak more accurately, commenced 
where drijalva had left off, which was from I'anuco onward, and ranged the coast one 
hundred leagues, as far as Florida. Finally, he made his discovery start from tiie I'anuco 
river." ■ 

Las Casas does not state a date for that expedition, but gives us to 
imderstantl that it occurreil in 151S. which year is set forth explicitly by 
Ciomara. It also appears from his statements that the sailing was from 
south to north, commencing at I'anuco, ending in I'lorid.i. and imder the 
command of Camargo. 



V \ 





l,\i C'A^AS, lil'. ill. 

viii,, \\'\. \\ ., |i. 460. 

I mi ii 





I f 




h' 1 

if' ii* 

I t 



'riir. |)i-M()Vi;uv OK N'uKTii Amikita, 

I'hosi; ihrii" nsscrtiuiis arc: i.'rroiicoiis. 

Ill the AVi// i^eiiiilii iuithnrisiiig I-'raiicisco tic Cjaray lo colonise the 
|)n)\iiirL- of Ainiclu'l, Chark's \^ (or the Kcgi-ius actiiij^ in liis al)s<'nct;), 
state that Ciaray ('(iiiiiiixd in the year 1519, at his own cost, four vessels,- 
which he sent to (!isco\ei a western passage; that thi-y sij^'hted I'lorida, 
ami, not heinj,' ahli: to aiK inci- in that ilirection, tiirneil the prows west- 
wards, antl coasteil more than three hiuulreil leagues, until they fell in 
with l-'eniaiul Corti's : i 

" Kl aiV) dc (luiiiicntos dicz y tuiLVc vos arinastcs iiiatri) navios . . . )' l')s cmbiastes 
para tjuc fucscn ;i descubrir algund golfo o t-stri'du) en la tierra firnie . . . ti)|)aroii la ticrra 
Florida, y rcciiiiDrida y vista qui-iicmnla costcar para i)asar adclante, b no pudicron . . . 
fiiolcs for/ado volvcr rostcando la tierra h.Via cl poniontc . . . ct tanto andovioron hasta 
<iue tiipaion con Hernando Cortes." 

To that statement is aiUled that, in the course of the same voyage, 
they entered a river, very l.irge and very full, where they remained forty 
days for repairs : 

" Kntraron por un rio que hallaron muy grande y muy caudaloso . 
en el mas de riiarcnta dias los navios dando carena." 

y estovieron 

The I'mptror, and his representatives also say that, having well ex- 
l)loreil the country, a map of the same was made and brought to him 
by the pilots of the e.Npctlilion : 

" Mirando muy bien la tierra, puertos l- rios como por una figura (]uc ante Nos fuc 
traida por los pilotos (jue iban en la dicha armada.'' 

I'inally, the Regents remark that tlu- ctjast and country which were 
then discovered by Ciaray are called the Province of Amichel : 

" E la rosta e tierra ([ue vos Iiabeis asi desruliierlo se llama la provincia de Amic hel." 

This language certainly excludes the notion of a previous e.vpetlition 
to, or discovery of that coimtry 1)V or for daray ; jiarticularly in 1518. 

As to the leader on that occasion, it was not Diego tie Camargo ; 
aiitl Las La^.as mixes sexfral \oyages untlertaken to ihost; regions at the 

- llirn,\l Diaz >;iy^llial llurc «i.n> i.iily "lies iin\iiis: 
tlircc siii].-.:" I'ilt adds llii' i.\|-iditi.'ii nuiidit-rrd 
tMohiiiidrtd and M.vcnly men, with ImrM^. Vi iiUiihm 
Jli't'.iia, caji. l.\. \>. 52. ( ioMAk.v, lli'lniiti i!< lim liiilins, 
p. 1S2, and Cvxijiii-'lii il: M, Jinj, j,. jaj, a\-'< rcl.itr.-. llie 
I'lt^l atlvonliircsdf (JaiMv, I iii viry iif:H..,)^ly. Sic al.M] 

cdiiiiiii, Svii, \']\ ij, 29, 47, and 51. 

' Zi'id/ luliilii ilriiiiio I'wii/lnil li Fi-<iiirt.'<i-n ili> Onray 
para puUlur la jirui-iifiu ili Ami' In I, m la I'liilajirmc 
qiif ffiit H'ti'iim arnifi'liis jiftr sii rtuiita /lara Im-frar ml 
i.^lix'lio lailiia nniHU'iilo. Ji 11 n/os ti .... ilini de 

.... ijilildi ilto.l 1' ninl' i' nil Hi'iii". — Na\ AKKMr, 

Hernando CoKlI.s, Ciuia S'ljiimln, in Wdia's Madrid \'ul. III., N". 45, p. 147. 

(Iakav's l'"iusr \'(iVA(ii:. 

I 6! 



cost of I'raiicisco tie (iaray. As the; Hishop of Chiapas is not tin: only 
historian wiio has crreil in that respect, \vc will estaMish the rhronoIdLjy 
of Garay's similar enterprises, t.ikinff as a basis th(! narratives of Hernal 
Diaz, who was an eye-witness. lie says: 

"Toiianios en el (amino :i ruatru Lspafujles ([iic vciiian a luinar poscsiun en aiiuella 
ticrra por i''r,incisco do (laray, los ruales cnviaba un capitan que estaba jioblandt) do poios 
dias hahia en el rio <le I'amiro, ([ue se llainaba Alonso Alvarez, de Pineda 6 Pinedo . . . 
Pregiintiiles Cortes por (pie titulo . . , Resixindierun los euatros honibres (|uc en el afio de 
15 18, conio habia faina en lodas las islas dc las tierras (|uc descnbrimos cuando lo de I'ran- 
cisco Hernandez de Cordoba y Juan de (Irijalva, y llevamos .i Cuba los 20,000 pesos de ori.) 
;l Diego Velas(iuez, (\uc enton(es tuvo relacion el Caray del i)iloto Alonso [sic pro Anion] 
dc Alaminos y de otro piloto (pie habiamos traido con nosotros, (pie |)odia pedir a su ma- 
jcstad desde el rio de San I'edro y San Pablo, y todo lo que desrubriese ; y por a(piellas 
l)rovisioncs envi6 luego tres navies con hasta 270 soldados con basiimentos y caballos, con 
el capitan por mi nombrado, que se decia Alonso Alvarez Pineda o Pinedo :- -We came 
across four Spaniards wlio had come to take possession of this country for rranci?,( o de 
Garay, and were sent by a captain who, for the last few days, was engaged making a settle- 
ment on the P.inuco river, and whose name was Alonso Alvarez de Pineda or Pinedo . . . 
Cortes asked them by what right . . . The four men replied that in 1518 the news circu- 
lated among all the [West India] islands, concerning the countries which we had dis( ()vere(.l 
with the expeditions of I'"rancisco Hernandez de Cordoba, and of Juan de (Jrijalva, and the 
20,000 piastres in gold* brought to Diego Velas(iiiez. ("i.iiay was then informed by the 
pilot Alonso [/'. <•., Antonio] de Alaminos, and by another pilot whom we had brought with 
us, that he could solicit from His Majesty [the concession of] all that which he might 
discover from the San Pedro and San Pablo river northwards. And it was by viitue of 
such authorisation that he had sent three ships, with 270 soldiers, provisions, and Imrses, 
under [the command of] the caiJtain I have mentioned, who was called .Monso Alvarcv de 
Pineda or I'inedo."' 

According to that account, the ex[)e(lition was coinpose(.l of thrt:e 

vessels, instead of four, as stated in the letters patent ; and Gara\ acted 

under leave previously olHained from Charles \'. Heriial Diaz is positive 
on that point : 

" V como el (jaray teni.i en la corie (piicn lo favoreciese con el favor (jue espcralia, 
envio un mayordomo suyo (jue se decia Torralva," .-i Vi nci^, y tnijo provi-^iitu's y.\\.\ 
(jue fue^ic a'.k'lantndo y gobernador desde el rio de Pedro y S.m P.iblo y todo lo ([ue 

* It is llic t;i.lil, uf wliich rcilrciilc .\i.\ ar.\1).i 1mi.u-IiI ' ()\IF.I)0, in j;'\'"tJ i-i'iii'-i'' (Il-i.uIs .iiKls tin.' ii.-.r,n; in 

If 16,000, .Tml Jii:\n UK (iKlj.\l.v.\ §21,000, in llio autumn lull of tli;'.t ;>j;cnt, vi/. : Jolun Lojie/. m-; ToKUAlVA; 

(if 151S. Ucrnal DiAZ, c.-ips. xiv., xv. anil xvi., \\. 14. lili. .xviii., cap. i., \'i>l, I., p. 5S2. lie also remarks iliat 

^ licrnal Diaz, caps. lix. and l\. Il is lliis accumn Krancisco dc (laiay was married li> a relative of Diego 

which lias been copied or abridged liy I ItKKl.KA, Decad. Ci'luinbus,~of liis wife Dona M.uia m; Toi.i;"i, we 

11., lib. vi., cap. i., ]i. 135. bhoidd say. 


1 <■ I' 


,, i 

\ - 1 



■■ V'.ii 

B ',■' 



i: i^ 









i. -I 






i; ; 



Tin; HiscoVKKv ok Noktii Amkuica. 

ilesiiihrii-si': -And as Ciaray had at Court friciuls who toiiUl obtain for him what lie wislicd,. 
he si'iu his niajordoino, called Torralva, to negotiate and obtain the oHicc of Adelantado 
and Ciovernor of [tlie country extending] from the San I'edro and San I'ablo river to all 
which he might discover beyond."' 

l)i,i/ licic is misl.ikcii. The aullidrisatioii by virtiic of which (lar.iy 
iiiulirtook liis ("list cxiK'tlilion was ^iaiU<-(l lo him i)y the I'riots of the 
Diilir yA the niofoiiyiiiitcs, who govcnicil th<! Iiuhcs : "con Hcc-iicia dc 
los KK. I'l'. I'riofcs dc I.i otdcii ilt> S. Ciefoiiiino, iiuestros gol^criiailores 
qui- huTOM lie las liuhas.""'^ 

lor the tl.itc y^'i the ahovi'-ilcsciilHnl <"VciU, Di.iz' iiarr.itivc allows lis 
onlv to say that il occtiricil lu-lwccii July Olh ami the ciul of Aiigi;st, 
151Q.'' Cortes, who relat<"s the saiiK- facts (without giviiij; the ii.itr.e of 
the captaiiiV enables lis, however, to (ix ,1 more precise date, vi/..: eijrht 
or ten d.iys after the 1 ch of August, 1519,'" that is, the List week in 
th.U niontli. 

We now ha\ e the second e\|)edition yi^ Ciaray, which is related by 
ni.iz, ,is follows : 

" \'inieron cartas ;i Cortes como Iiabia aportado un n.ivio de los que el Fr.incisco dc 
Ciarav, habia cnviado .i jHihlar .1 Paniico, e ((iic venia jior canitan uno ([ue se decia Ftilano 
Camargo, y que habian dicho que otro ca|>itan que el Caray habia enviado ;i jioiilar a 
ranuco, que so decia I'uiano Alv.ue/ Pinedo, (jue los indios del I'anuco lo habian nuierto 
. . . y que este Camargo, vieiulo el mas suceso, se emi),irci') . . . y se vino a soi-orrer ;i 
aqucl inierto . . . y mas dijeron, que el capilan Camargo h,ibia sido fraile dominico : — 
l.etleis were received by Cortes informing him that one 'if the vessels sent by Oaray to 
colonise rantici) had arrived in port |of Segura dc la Krontera], and that it was commanded 
by one t'.imarg.i ; that the other captain sent by Caray to colonise I'anuco, called Alvarez 
Pinedo, had been killed by the Indians ; and that Cama';^'o, '.clug the ill success [of the 
expeduioii|, had re emliarked, to seek relief in this port'. It was also said that Camargo 
had been a Miiminican friar."" 

bnither on, Pia/ adils : 

" Va he dicho otias veces que los indios ile Pamno . . . mataron el capitan Pineda 
y a toilos los soldados y caballos ijue tenia, cxcepto obra de sesenta soldados <iue vinieron 

Hi' 111 \''. nhi siiprti. 
' N W \KKI rr. .il'OViMnmu'il. 'riic Iliri.inviiiiio j;cni| - 
n,'i~ .11 ili.i; limr woic« I.r.i^ pk 1 h;ri,KO\. .M.'ii^ii 
IT. S\M.> IliniiNi.ii, .Hid lU'in.ii.lino hi. M AN.' VNihO, 
Hul >ti,\ii^o .IS 11 may -srcni, ihcy (li«i nnt U'siilc in tlu' 
WlsI Iiiilios : " riioir .ii' roiilomc was tlio numaslcry 
iif I..I Mcjunila, siliiati'il Iho lo.ii;in.> I'lom Muliii.i lU'l 
I'.unpo [ill .Spain] ;-- I.ns ciiales iclij;iti>os Miliaii i-i.ii y 
roiilir en cl monasiorio ilo l.i Mi'jnr.vila, nui' os il.i- K(;ii,is 
ill" .Meiliiu liol I'aiiiii.i."- I)l.\.'., iM|>. Iv., \\ 4S. 

1 1 l.' (lai.iy liail In «-ii.l In Spain f.n llic .uillmiisa- 
linn iiuiilinnfil in tlu' palrnt. UlA.', Ill'liiiiii Vnihiil: III, cip... Ki ami l\i. 
.\\i.iiii:u \, IV'i ,ul. \'. iMp. i.. p. ,iJ7, sa\s niily " Mh.xix," 
«itliniit nu'nlinning llic innnlli. 

"t'oKris, Siiiiiiiiiii iniiii Ji iiiiirioii, IM. jn, ii;jo: 
liAV.VMios i-clii. p. 54. \\i' liiiil till- '-.inu- a.inuni in 
(^viKUo, lib. xwiii., lap. iii., \\i|. III., p. zttl, Iml 
laUcn liU'ially limn Cnrlis. 

" Dornal 1)1 A/, rliaptii t^wiii., pa[;i 144, 


CiAKAv's l'*iNsr Vi)\Ai;i:. 


III luicito (Ic la \ ilia Kica (on mi navio, y por <ii|)itan dcllos un Cainargo ;- I have already 
said that the Indians of Taniuo killed CajUain I'inuda and all his men and horses, except 
seventy soldiers, who ranie to the port of Villa Rica [dc la Vera Criu] in a shij) under 
the command of one ( 'ani.ii);o." " 

Di.iz (Iocs not ^ivc l!ic dale of this octiirifiicc! ; |»i;iciMj^ only tin: 
;".'iU .liter tlic (h'iilli of Moiilcziinia, whicli hapix-iutl June ,^0, 1520. '3 
On the other hand, as il is 'videnlly the incident related hy Corli's in 
his letter to Charles V. of Octoher 30, 1520, '■< the arrival of Cam.irj^'o 
must he placed hetween those two dates. liiil ronsiderinjj; thai this and 
the other expeditions of I'rancisco de daray sailecl straight from Jamaica 
to r.miico, '5 we need not expatiate on them, for they lielon^^ to the his- 
tory ot Mexico, and not to of North Ami'ric.i. What must I"' noted, 
however, is the fact that I'inedo coniliicted the first and second expedi- 
tions, while Camar^o (igtiii'tl only in the latter ; consequently, . > Alonso 
Alvanv, i'inedo alone belongs the merit of having discovered and ranged, 
betore any other Spanish captain, the shores of the (iiilf of Mexico which 
now form part of the United States. 

Hilt there is another (piestion (piitt; as interesting. Ilow was the 
exploration accomplished, from north to soLith, or from south to north ; 
and did l*in<'do in 1519 range, the Gulf shore once or twice? 

There is a divergenci; on that |)oiiU between the wording of the 
|>atenl of 1521, and Ci.iray's sworn declarations in 1523. 

The ilescription of the voyage of 1519, in the letters patent, is as 
follows : 

" Andiivieron ocho 11 luicve nieses . . . entre otra ticrra haja estcril ipiL' desciilirieron 
to])nron la tierra Klorida . . . y reconocida y vista ([iiisieron la costear para ])asar adclante, 
e no pudieron, porcine le salia la tierra por la i)roas en derec ho ilcjnde nacc el sol, y por 
csto y por el viento que les lue sitniprc contrario, y por la niudia corriente que ansi misiiio 
hallaron, fueles forzado volvcr rosteando la tierra hat ia el ponienle, jior la cual cosla fucron 
iniiy liicii mirando la tierra, puertos, e rios i^ gente della, c todo lo deiiias (]uc se dehia 
miror, e tanlo andovieron liasta ipic toparon con Hernando f!ort('s e los espanolcs i|iic con 

" Hcrnal Diaz, cli.iiilcT cKii., !>. 21.!. pnsud, nut u! iliirti-i-n, Ijul ol i irvtn >lii|p^; "II'iiko 

" ('i.AVI(;i:iiii, iSVm-i'n ./r J/<.i»/.(i, \ III. lll.,|>. Ijl. n.-wins suisciciitcis liimilitcs" (/M: Hwe»^.■l i/i.r///i,,«, \i.l. 

" " Supi' (■■■Mill .tI |iiu'itci (Ic \'crn Cm/ Imliin llci;[i(|(i WWIlI., |i. |i'xi), wiili cmr Iliii;M Mnri'iln (./.■ /mi 

unn r:\i.i\<l.i |nc|iii i"ki mn liasia Ircinl.i liuiiilni"; lU' mar Dii^jn Mitiulo .-"i as |pilolriia)cir, il ili'l iml .-.ul ffmi 

y li( n.i, <|iic (li/ i|iir vi-ni.i ill liiisca ilc la ncnk' i|'.ic I' l.iniaica iirilil jiiiu' 24, I 52J, nml I lie iiuhI iii.rllirrn |ic.iiil 

risiii lie ( ciiviailu a ."-la tierra . . . ."- Curia of tin- coiiliiiclii rtai luil mi lliat oitasinii was ihc Kin dc- 

kijiiikIii, p. 51 "I \((lia's cililioii. I'aliiia'i, frciiii wliirli he wenl iniim-iliatily In (lie river ami 

' TiiKi.iUI.MAliA, Moiianiiiia Imliuuii, lili. iv.. v.\\\. lityi.f I'amicii, just fimnileilhy Cirtes. lie iliril in llej 

K\i\., \'iil. I., p. 570. .\>. Ill the la.^t e.speililii'ii, «liii li, i ily uf Mevirn, appariiilly frnni pnemncnia, ijiirint; 

lhi>. liiiie, (iaray C'iiiiinaiiileil in pi.i-011, ami was roiu- < 'hi i -I mas week (•plli.wini;. Div/, np. rlf., r:'p. il\ii. 

}'■ ■' 

I * •'': 



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f: f 




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4 1 


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\\'y 'It! 

u If, \r- 

1 68 

Tin: DiscovKKv ok North Amkkica. 

cl estahan en la misma costa, 6 Ucgados alli amojonaron el tdrmino hasta donde habian 
descubierto, ^ en todo lo que descubrieron e costcaron, que fueron mas de tres cientas leguas, 
se tomo posesion en nuestro nombre, 6 fecho todo csto, se tornaron con los dichos navios 
h;irias otras, y entraron por un rio que hallaron may grande y muy caudaloso, a la entrada 
del cual diz que hallaron un grande pueblo, y estovieron en cl mas de cuarenta dias los 
navios dando carena, y la gente de la tierra muy pacifica con los espanoles que en la dicha 
armad.i iban, tratando con ellos y dandoles de lo cjue tenian en tcrmino dc seis leguas que 
entraron ()or el dicho rio arriba. Los dichos navios hallaron cuarenta pueblos de una parte 
y de otra : — They sailed eight or nine months .... Among other lands low and barren 
which they discovered, they came across the country of Florida found by Ponce de Leon ; 
and having sighted and noticed the same, endeavoured to range it, so as to advance further. 
15ut they were unable to do so, on account of the land which barred the way in e.xtending 
uastwarilly. I"or that reason, and owing to constant head winds and strong currents, they 
were roni[)elled to alter the course of the shi|)S, and followed the coast towards the west, 
examining carefully the country, harbours, rivers, inhabitants, and all that which deserved to 
be noted on the said coast. They thus continued sailing until they met with Fernand Cortes 
and the Spaniards who were in the same locality. When there, they marked the limit of 
the country which they had discovered ; and wherever they made discoveries and coasted, 
which extended over more than three hundred leagues, they took possession in our name. 
They then turned hack with the said ships, and entered a river which was found to be very 
large and very deep, at the mouth of which they say they found an extensive town, where 
they remain-'d forty days and careened their vessels. The natives treated our men in a 
friendly manner, trading with them, and giving what they possessed. The Spaniards ascended 
a distance of six leagues up the river, and saw on its banks, right and left, forty villages."'"' 

Siriclly siieaking, the .sense of that description is that Garay's Hen- 
tenant struck the coast of Florid. i. In endu'avoiiring to proceed he was 
imjiedeii by .i coast Hue which trended eastwardly, and driven away by 
head wimls and currents. Consequently, he changed the course of his 
four ships, ami crossed the Gulf of Me.xico due west. He then coasted 
westward and south-westward, until he fell in with Cortes in the Mexican 
region. Returning home, he followed the coasts of Texas and Louisiana 
as fir as one of the passes of the Mississippi river, which he ascended 
for s;;v;ral leagues. Thence; \u: sailed back to Jain.iica. 

.\ docununi of thr Archi\es of the Indies contradicts in a measure 
tint statement. It is the; sworn testimony of i'Vancisco de Garay con- 
cerning the discoveries accom[)lished by his onlers at that time, for his 
own bcm fit and ;il his own cost. It is as follows : 

" I'ansrio Francisco de Garay . . . con liccncia de S. M. e a su propria costa, imbici 
C( Ti ipi.aio navio.i a descolnir tierras imcvas en su Real Servicio, las quales fueron falladas 

■' Navai;ki;ii',, iihi -ii/mi. 

Garav's First Vf)YA(;K. 


e descobiertas por grar.a de Dios Nuestro Senor, que lo encamind, non tocando a Tierra 
ni en parte alguna que otra persona obiese fallado nin descobiorto en ningund tiempo, que 
fue dendel Rio del Espiritu Santo, e aun mucha parte de tierra mas abaxo hacia el Norte, 
hacia el rio que discen de San Pedro e San Pablo, donde Uegaron los navios :— Francisco 
de Ciaray ai)i)eared and said that with the authorisatinn of His Majesty, and at his own 
cost, he sent lour ships to discover new countries for the service of the Crown ; which were 
found and discovered by the grace of God our Lord, who showed the way. Nor was a 
landing effected in any land or part already found or disclosed by any one else at any time. 
This was from the Kio del Espirilu Santo over a great extent of cour.'.ry, further below in 
the direction of the north [sic pro south] towards the river called San Pedro e San Pablo, 
where the ships arrived . . . ." '" 

The Rio del Espiritu Santo is our Mississippi. As to the Rio San 
Pedro e San Pablo, it is the Sant Pedro of the Cortes map, 'S the S. />"■ 
y S. pa"- of Ribero, '9 and the Rio de Sand Pedro y Sanct Pablo of 
Oviedo, -^ which they all locate south even of Tampico. That is, ac- 
cording to Garay, his men discovered and coasted, in 15 19, from the 
Mississipi)i southward to within fifty miles of the city of V^era Cruz. 

There is, therefore, an important difierence between Garay's statement 
and our understanding of the description set f(jrth in the letters patent. 
If we ft)ll()\v G.i.ray, his lieutenant's discoveries were accomplished in navi- 
gating from north to south ; whilst th(^ tt;nor of the jiatent is that the 
Gulf shore, at least from Texas to the Mississippi, was discovered and 
r.uiged only on the homeward voyage. Let us add, in support of the 
.alter interpretation, that the primary intention, as prom[)ted by the advice 
of Alaniinos, was precisely such a course : " desde el rio de San Pedro 
V .San Pablo : - from the river of San Pedro and San Pablo," necessarily 
northwards, as no disct)veries ct)uld be or were attempted south of that 
]>i)int. It is lik(;wise the opinion ol Las Casas, who may have known 
the lettt rs [jatent, but cannot have read the Historia j'crdadera of Rernal 
Diaz, which was written only in 1568, and published seventy years after- 
wards for the first time;. 

Now, we still possess the; map ("liguni ") referred to by the RegeMits, 
and which Ganiy sent to them soon after his discovery, in 1519-1520, 
when he petitioned the Cnnvn for the privilege of settling the countries, 

■' Tlic ili'iiat.ilion was maMc in ihi.- cniirst uf a jiulicial 
iiiiHiir\. .•\\i(;u>l 22 (152J?). -('"/"■■•i"" <lf <l'>i-. iimlil. 
ih lhiUa.1, Vol. XXVIII., p. 500. 

'" Tli;U succinct Imt highly impuilanl nwy is lo lie 
l<riin(l (III till' bamc le.if willi ihi; plan of Mexico in tlic 
l.alin ('llrlc^. of 1524: liihlinth'-'-n Ami lii-aiiii I'tlwi., 

No. 125, ami iii/m, I'.iil .Sccoml, in tlic < 'aitin/rnphia, 
iiniKr the year 1524. 

" Weimar tiia)i of 1529, liy .iliont 20" nnrlli latitiido. 
"(JvirjKi, llintorin (Innral, lili. xxi., cap. viii., \'ol. 
II., |i. 142, .seems to follosv liere the map of CiiAVi.s, 
anil places ilia' river 50 leagues norlli of Vera Cnw. 



i ! 


) '«' 





)> ■ 


Till; DiscovKKv ov Xortm Amkkica. 



It' : 




which had hctn discovered by his lieutenants. It is the map, or "trufa," 
which we have already mentioned when tlisciissing the itinerary of Ponce 
de I.eon 0.1 his first voyage to I'Morida. -' That document shows clearly 
the (\\tent of (iaray's discoveries in 1519. 

The i)oint where, on that map, we read the legend: " Desde acjui 
cotncnzo a ilescubrir I'"rancisco Garay : — l'"rom here, Fiancisco Garay com- 
JHcnced discovering," is east of the Rio del Espiritu santo, or Mississippi. 
The locality corresponds, graphically, with the vicinity of our .\ppalachi- 
cola. "- The line <t\ tliscoveries is thence made to follow the sea-board 
along the north and north-west coasts of the Gulf of ^It^xico, crossing 
the Deiia, and desci:nding southwards as far, at least, as the Tampico 
region. The word "comenzo " certainly contradicts the descri[)tion in the 
patent; else, we should read there " hasta acpii." 

There nMiiains to be ascertained the time within which the expedition 
of 1 5 1 9 was carried out. 

On behalf of Diego Velasquez, Juan Carrillo, the Fiscal, appeared at 
Santo Domingo before Rodrigo de Figueroa, the Chief Justice of Hispa- 
niola, and preferred charges against Fernand Cortes ; one of wliich was 
as follows : 

" E el dicho C;ipitan Hernando Cortes xur ado consigo la dicha xente por fuerza por 
se facer mas fuerte . . . como otra niuncha xente de otra armada que abia fecho Francisco 
de Ciaray, 'I'eniente e .Mcakle i)or V. A. de la Vsla de Xamaica, ymbio los navios de la dicha 
armada que abia hecho el dicho Franciscg de Garay, sin xente : — And the said Captain Fer- 
nand Cortes, so as to increase his troop, enlisted the said men by force ; and has acted in 
the same manner with a great number of men belonging to an expedition sent by Francisco 
de Caray, the lieutenant of Vour Majesty in, and Alcalde of the island of Jamaica. And he 
sent back the shijjs of the cxi)edition of the said Fiancisco de Garay without the men."^ 

Now, what is the date of that document .■" 

" Sabado veinte e quatro del mes de IKcicnibre de mill e (juynientos e diez e nueve 
anos : — Saturday, IJeceinber 24th, 1519.' 

It follows that at the latter date the ships o<" Garay had returned 
home. And, as the letters patent state that the expedition lasted " eight 

■' SniJia, |i. 151; ami iii/rn, in llio (.'nrl<:iivrij'l,iii, J2" lnii(;iliiiIo, which when tronifcrr^il lo iiKulcrn charts 

imilur llic yiai 1519. ;;i\x' the Movlh-wc-itcn. roas' iif I'luriila. 

'-•'As Garay 's map set.-, fo'.ili niiihcr laiiliuhTial nnr ''"'/'< si i/moiiio tie una ynniniiin i,/ii firliii ni SiifUlo 

lon^iliuiinal lines or scales, we cainK)! tix llie (K*^ii.'e. n"-nin'jo ti ifsfnnriitf* fhl Finraf ili nqihihi Ahi/'h ifia^ 

Hm the Weimar chart (if 1527, which eviilently liorrDWeil snlm al'ir/uinmilouiKiiiiiiiwIn Dii'jn IV/iivi/k. i . . . 

its tlelineatinn (if the tii'lfnf .Me\ic<i from (larny's. in- In the t'(>^''cci*(/j f/'- tio'Vut' tttos iuftiiio^ iti Jii(/i(i.-, \n], 

scril.Ls: "(Itsile a(|iii de^culiii.'p fr. de .yaray," liy ahoiit WW. (liSKo), p. 7. 

Gauav's Fiust V'ovac.e. 171 

or nim: months : - anduvieron ocho o niieve mcscs," the little fleet must 
have sailed out from Jamaica in April or March ])receding. On the other 
hand. th(.' first part of the voyage terminated when Garay's ships fell in 
with Cortes at Segiira de la Frontera, which we know from the hitter's 
Carta was during the last week in August. Allowing one month to go 
from Jamaica to the Floridian peninsula, the exi)edition ranged the con- 
tinental coast during about three-and-a-half months before reaching the 
Panuco river. 

Supposing now that they remained two weeks on the Mexican coast 
before sailing back home, they would have had from Sei>tember 15th 
until the middle of December for the homeward voyage. This leaves 
ample time for the ranging and exploration of the coast north of Panuco. 
Unfortunately, Carrillo does not tell us how much earlier than the 24th 
of December Garay's ships returned to Porto Rico. If it was a couple 
of months, — which is not impossible, as we can readily understand how, 
after the ill success of the enterprise and the action of Cortes, Garay's 
lieutenants should have thought more of returning home than of making 
discoveries, — then there is not sut^cient time let"t for such a laborious ex- 
ploration, which, as we have seen, includes a stay for repairs of forty 
days in the Mississippi river. On the other hand, Pinedo may have sent 
one of his ships direct from the Mexican coast to Porto Rico, in Sep- 
tember, to inform Garay of thosi; untoward events, and, with the other 
vessels, set out ranging the coast northwards, thus accomplishing in detail 
the discovery as far as the west coast of P'lorida. 

Hut there is still another element of discussion. 

Peter Martyr, writing from Barcelona, December i, 1519, to "The 
Manpieses," that is, Lopez llurtado de Mi^ndijza and Petlro P'agiardo, 
says that : 

" G;iiay contemplates seeking .ifter nuighhouriiig islands ; .and with such intent he 
has eciuii'iieil ships at his own cost: — cogitat Ci.iraius alias ijiirerore vicinas insulas, aJ id naves 
instriixit sua iinpcnsa. — CaUndiU JJiCt-mbris, mdxix."-' 

We are unable to say whether Peter Martyr, in giving that piece of 
news alludes to (iaray's first expedition, in which case he wotild be nearly 
a year behind time, or whether he refers to the second ex[)edition, which 
sailed from l\)rto Rico early in i5:!0. If it be the latter suppe)sition wiiich 
is correct, tor Peter Martyr to know anything on the subject so early as 

" .\Nliini-.K,\, /y/»'.<'r/'( IlLXIIX., 1>. jj7. 

'{ H 


■ ill 



?' 1. 



r i 

.1 i' 

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1 1 n 


Tm; Dis<.()vi;uv ok Noutii Amimuca. 

the 1st of December the news must have been sent from I'orto Rico about 
October 15th, and, consequently, Pinedo would have already reached home 
at the latter date.-5 Counting back "eight or nine months," we have 
February or January 15th for the time of his departure from I'orto Rico 
for the Ciulf, in 1519; leaving, at most, five or six weeks only for the 
homeward voyage in September. These figures preclude the possibility 
of an exploration of the northern borders of the Gu'f of Mexico during 
the latter period, as it required a stay of six weeks in the Mississippi 
river. If so, we have here positive proofs that the discovery was accom- 
plished by Pinedo when going, and not when returning. Unfortunately, 
Peter Martyr's dates are not always to be trusted. 

The reader will see at a glance what complicated hypothesis must be 
resorted to before the critic can hope to elucidate those data, and jiresent 
a plausible account of the discovery which was actually accomplished 
by the lieutenant of Francisco de Garay in 1519. In our turn, we 
cannot escape the necessity of attempting to harmonize the facts and 
inferences, much as conjectures and suppositions are averse to our method 
of study. 

We will first consider that the descriptions set forth in the letters 
patent, in the judicial declarations of Garay, and in the narratives of Las 
Casas and Bernal Diaz, are devoid of technical pretensions. They must 
only be viewed as incidental and colloquial, with no other purport than 
to convey a general notion. 

On the other hand, we propose to attach paramount importance to 
the map of Garay 's pilots ; and, in that map, to a single legend, viz. : 
" Dcstfe aqui comcnso it descubrir Francisco Garay : — From here, did 
Garay commence discovering." 

Our theory, then, is as follows : 

Garay sent his caravels to accomplish discoveries north of the country 
occupied by Cortes. They sailed from Jamaica in I''ebruary or March, 
1 5 19, and directed their course, not north by the Windward Passage, but 
west, passing between Yucatan and the western coast of Cuba. Bearing 

-3 Str.inyv.- to say, in llic il:iys nf Ovicdu it rcii'.iitiii no li.ilicinus cIl' jii/yar lo que raras vi'i .e haco, :.ino Id 

mure time to return fruni tli.Mi to j;,) to tlio Nc« WorUI : ()iic es mas onlinario: — The return vo). ^v r<'i|iiirL-s more 

" I,a vuella iIcmIc a(|uellas |iarti-. a e^tas suelcs sir ilc liuie, lilly<la)s luoie or less. Net in llie |iresfiit vcar, 

•algo mas tiempo, ,asi conio liasta cinc\ienta<lias, poco mas 1525, four ships came from Santo Domingo to Sanl I. near 

(' menos. Xo olist.inte lo cual, en esle presente ano tie in twenty live ilavs ; Imt, .as we say, we must not juilge 

1525 hati veri'lo rualro naos desde SaiUo I)omin,i;(i a liy rare, hut liy conimon occurrences." — 0\lh:\ti.i, Suiiia- 

Sant I.ucar en vtin'.e y cinco dias ; pero como ilicho es, rio, cap. i., [', 473. 

(JAKAV's I'iKST \'()VAC.K. 



towards the north-cast, they sighted the apex of the I'loridian peninsula, 
which they ai^proachetl from the south-west. It was then that, in en- 
ileavouring to proceed further, the land was seen to stn'tch due east : 
" Saiia la tierra jior las proas derecho donde nace el sol." Now, why 
they steered north-east, instead of north-west or due north when [)assing 
out of the Caribbean sea, is more than we can tell. 

Impeded by this une.xpected obstacle, — which shows their ignorance 
of the geography of Florida, notwithstanding the e.\i)loration of Ponce de 
Leon, — and driven away by headwinds and currents, they sailed across the 
Gulf of Mexico, not due west, but almost due north, landing on the 
northern shore, near Appalachee bay, in March or early in April, 1519. 
And as the critic must account for the long time which elapsed between 
that landfall and the meeting with Cortes on the Mexican coast at the 
end of August,— a lapse of four or five months, — we supjjose that the 
navigation west of Florida was extremely arduous, requiring finally the 
ships to be careened in the first favourable place, which in this instance 
was the Mississippi river. It is likewise probable that the coasting from 
Appalachee to Panuco was attended with great difficulty, perha[)s in the 
attempt to find the famous western passage : " fuesen a descubrir algund 
golfo 6 estrecho en la tierra firme," according to their instructions. 

We also iurmise that^ soon after the troubles with Cortes, early in 
September, the ships, carrying just men enough to man them, returned 
home. Did they then resume the coasting, but, this time, northwards, 
rounding the entire north-western shores of the Gulf, passing between the 
Florida Reef and Cuba ? Or did they, on the contrary, sail direct across 
the Gulf to the north coast of Cuba, touching first at Havana to report 
to Diego Velascjuei:, and finally reaching Porto Rico by way of the Wind- 
ward passage, early in October or November .'* In the j)resent state of 
the questi(jn, it is impossible to tell. We incline, however, to the latter 
interpretation, which involves the consequence that Alonzo de Pinedo dis- 
covered the coasts of Alabama and the Mississippi river in March or 
April, and the shores of Louisiana and Texas in June and July, 1519. 

Chronological requirements compel us now to leave, in this series of 
maritime efforts, a break of more than fifteen degrees of hititude, to relate 
certain Portuguese explorations, heretofore almost unnoticed. 

p ■ ■ 




^^e (por^ujueae in Qtopa ^co^ia. 

1521 AMI liKl'OKl-:. 




,f = 

1 .,! 


I i V t Jf': 

i 'ft! 


^1 : t^ 



I^MI'! s;ul fiilf of Gasi)ar anil Niigucl Cortc-Real did not deter the 
Portuguese from returning to the northern regions of the New 
World. On the contrary, thenceforth, Newfoundland was consi- 
dered as forming part of the trans-oceanic dominions of Portugal, and 
freijuented by numerous Lusitanian vessels, which, in all probability, paid 
a royalty to the Corte-Real f.unily. The privileges granted, in 1500 to 
Caspar C(jrte-Real, and in 1502 to Miguel, were re-confirmed on behalf 
of the descendants of their eldest brother Vasijueanes in 1506, 1522, 1538, 
1574, 1579.' and, in fact, until Philip 11. achieved the conquest of that 
kingdom. There would have been no necessity for renewing so frequently 
th<ise letters patent if they had not been a source of profit. On the 
other hand, we jjossess a royal ordinance .showing that the Crown, so 
early as October 14, 1506, already levied a ta.\ on cod-fish brought from 
Newf(3undland. - 

It does not follow, however, that, as a rule, I^ortuguese colonies were 
planted in North America, although at a later period attempts to colonise, 
first Nova .Scotia, then Newfoundland, were actually made, in 1521 by 
Joam .Mvarez Fagundes, and in 1567 by Manoel Corte-Real, a lineal 
descendant of Caspar's eldest brother. The appearance is that, generally, 
Portugal did not e.\ercise her sovereignty otherwise than by establishing 
fisheries antl temporary stations for salting cod and salinon. At all events, 

/.'< ( ''irl'.lt'jil ■ ' /( lift foijniii'-* uu Ximri aiiMomli , 
i. wiii., .\.\i\., \\\i., w.wii., xxxix. 
.l/>-'//'i i/iri'iiilii n IhO'i'j /Irmi'l}!!, citoi! fri)iii lliu 

( m.^mlscri|lt hy C. HuTKl.llo iJl Lalkuda Loiio, 
ill tlic .l/t7«o//f(< Ij'OiiomliciM da Acaileinia iln^i Sikniias 
,t<: Lishua, \ol. VIII., ]. 33S. 

Tin: l'()UTU(.UKsr, in Nova SroriA. 


no aulIiLiitic traces of such settlements have yet been foiiiul ihiii;, and 
no historian mentions Portuguese colonies in that region. 

'1 he I^nglish in 1501,3 1502,4 1503,5 1504,^' and 1505:7 the Bretons 
at an early period, *"> and the Xormands frequently, although we can only 
fix the dafs of 1509,9 1524,'° and 1527," sent fishing expeditions to 
Newfoundland. This implies numerous landing places and stations, which 
must have heen n.imed ;uvd figured on n-uipM. \\\, the ciUue nomen- 
claturi' for the east coast of the island in charts made during the first 
half of the sixteenth ct-ntury, whethi.T in Portugal, Spain, 1*" ranee, or Italy, 
is exclusively ; a fact which shows the paramount action of 
the followers of Gaspar Corte-Rcal in Newfoundland. 

With the exception of the letters i)atent already menlioneil, tw(j or 
three documents only, concerning Terra Nova, h.ive been found thus far in 
the Torre do Tombo. As they belong to a later date, we will examine 
them at the end of the present chapter. Meanwhile, it is incumbent on 
us to see whether there are iiot some other data enabling tiie historians 
of geography to establish a chronology of the discoveries made by the 
Portuguese in Newfoundland and the North American continent. 

The earliest maps may be examined to that effect, but without ho[)ing 
to obtain positive results. The reader should bear in mind that we have 
scarcely any original charts of the fifteenth or sixteenth century. What 
our collections can show are maps made then uiuiuestionably, but from 
other maps, which themselves may have been mere copies. This un- 
toward fact is demonstrated by the number of meaningless designations 
which mar every cartographical document of that time. Whether they 
are the work of Portuguese, Spanish, Italian, or I'rench cartogra])hers, 
or even ])ilots. the new regions exhibit names that are plainly corruptions 
of words which belonged originally to one of the Latin languages, and 
must have been intelligible on the prototy[)es. The ignorance or care- 
lessness of copyists to whom the work was entrusted, it does not matter 
where or by whom, is the principal cause of geographical errors ;uul 
enigmas, which the critic cannot ever hope to solve entirely. 

' l-eltiTs patiiit t;rantiil Maul) 121I1, 1501, to W.inlc, 
Ashdmrst nnil iillitrs, ExiLipta lli.-<liii-iru, \\. 126, ami 
I!lt>lM.K, Mniioir itj' Cnliot, pp. 222, 312-320. 

* I.tltirs patc-nl grantcil In A>liehnr>t, Coiizale^ ft al-.., 
Kymi-.k. t'liiliiii, \(.l. W.paif. iv., p, iSo: Hakmn i', 
i'riiiiijKtJI Xariiidi'vii", \<'\. 1.. ji. 219: .Tiiil f:'.i''( rj'ld 
//^^^^<■(■■■r(, p. \2i). 

^Kx"i-^ilii Ui-tiiiiit, pp. 126, 130, Irj- imjilkalion. 

' 1 hill' III, )■. iji, alsci liy iiniilicalioii. 

" Jliiiliiii, p. 133, as a aiiisofniL'ticc. 

" Sec iii/iti, cliaplL-r ii. <if tiic prt"-L-nt liunk \'II. 

■' i:i'si-,Hlfi, ('liriiiiiroii, P.^li^, 1512, 4tn, I- 172; 
/;. .1. r., A.hVl., p. 5;. 

' ;. .S. llKEWl.K, Of/. »</(.T, Ihio-lj 17//., V.i!. III., 
11.11 1 i., p. 33, Xo. 86. 

" Il'i'/'iii, Xi'. 3731 ; Jifii! t' Sihfi^fiiii Cn'"'f. -1. 292. 













!. i V> . 

01 h 

: • 


Tni: DisuQVKuv ol North Amkueca. 



n • 

li ■ 

Another (Irawhiick is cliic- to tin; iii\avoul;iI)l(: circumstance, that a great 
cIcmI ilfijciuletl on tlic model, wliich may havt; lieeii more succinct than 
another. 'I'hen tlie absence of certain nannis can also he ascrilied to 
vohmtary omissions, rather than to discoveries not yet accompHshcil at 
thi' lime when the map was being ilesignetl. We will, nevertheless, in- 
terrog.ite that class of document which, ho\vt;ver approximate, is a resource 
not to be neglecleil. As Dr. Asher justly remarks, " Tht; Portuguese, 
after the time of the Corte-Rnils, continued their surveys of the northern 
coast, most likely for no other purpose than to discover advantageous 
fisheries. They seem to have advancetl slowly, step by step . . . with 
the ancient ma|)s, we can trace their progress." '- It is this |)rogress 
which wc. will attempt to show by me.ins of the configurations and no- 
menclatures ascribeil to NewfouiuUand, chiell)- by the earliest IVjrtuguese 

The t'lrst map known on which is named a i)oint of the coast of 
Newfoundland is the King chart, '-' drawn about the years 1502-1503. 
l'nfortunat(;ly, although the coast line in that chart is represented as run- 
ning north-easterly to its 65° latitude (which, of course, is a great deal 
too far north), only one name is givcMi ; but it is the typical C(7/>o raso, 
placed, relatively, whiTe it should be, and where modern ma[)s still main- 
tain it, viz.: at the south-eastern extremity of the island. 

We then find another .anonymous chart, which is preserved in the 
archives of th(' Bavarian army at Munich. Kunstmann, wh(j first made 
it known,* fixes its date in the year 1504 or 1505. Peschel '5 ascribes 
to it that of 1502 or 1503. Without attempting to explain the meaning, 
or to correct the orthography of those names, wc: give them as they 
occur in chart, beginning at the north : 

Bn.xos Jo nieih,^^ l)y S5-^'^ 

///ill cmcofporadti, ''"^ by 53° 50'. 

/Iha dc frey liiis,^'-) by 52° 50. 

'■•(1. M. AsilK.R ; Iltiiry lliuhnii, tht Sarijatnr, 
Lcnilin, 1S60; Svn, Inlriid., ji. xcvi. 

'i >i;t." ■'iljirn, nnr f.icsimilc of the Kin;; chart. 

" J)ie ICiil(l'i-k)(ii'j Ainirifan, p. 129. KtNSTMASN 
is of opinion that it was clesigncil by the same rarlo. 
graphor who sij;iic<l thus another map: " Salvat ile 
l'iU--liina en Mallorrpies en lay MUXT." 

'S Uetlv'-lilf. il''i Xrilaltiti:*, p. J31. 

' ' lliij-'ii I >r hnirns iln mulin, viz. : the central or midillc 
rcif-. The wort! Unxnn or Ual.mi, so often inseriheil on 
ror'.'.'juese ami Spanish maps, does not mean precisely 

"reefs." It is an term applidl to small 
sand hanks, i>r 10 reefs covered l>y water. 

'" Those latitudes are taken from the scale which runs 
throuj^h the map, and occupies a positior nearly corrc-.- 
pimdinj; with the line of deniarcation as fixed liy the 
Treaty of Tordesillas. 

'' /Iha immrtmrniln. — Crooked island? 

"' The Island of Kather I.uis. Koiii is of opinion that 
C'npi' f'rifh is an Knylish corruption aud contraction of 
the l'oriu};ncse wor<ls : Jllm (lo/ni/ hii^. If so, it nuist 
lie located liy ahout 49' 15'. 


Till: I'ouTrcai'M: in Nona Scdtia. 

'/ / 

/\io tie rosn,-° by 52*. 

('nho lie san anfonio,-^ by 51'. 

/iaya de sunfc cyn'n,-- by 50 50'. 

Ciiho do co(i'pi^ion,-^ l)y 50". 
Between the coast bcHrin^ the above designations and Iceland, there 
is a peninsula certainly intended for (ireenland, and on which we read : 

Cii. de s<} patth.-^ 

('. de spi'i spin' to -5 

C. de minimc et lexainc.-'^ 
Those names appear here for the first time ; but our impression is 
thai they wertr jfiveii by Gaspar Corte-Real, althouijh the Cantino maj) 
omits them all. This omission was c<!rtainly premeditated on the part of 
Cantino's cartographer, as he e\hil)its an elaborate coast line, semi-lunar 
liki', which is reproiluced in tin; King chart, but, in the latter, as w(,' 
have aln^ady said, with the all-important addition of a name inscribed on 
the south-eastern extremity of the island, vi/.; Capo fit so. This shows 
that Cantino's prototype for those northern regions contained a nonuMi- 
claluri' ; the graphic similarity iietw(;en the two is too great for it to have 
been otb.crwise. And, as to tht- surviving name being Coi te-Re-alean, it 
is shown l)y the fact that the King chart is not more recent than the 
close of 1502, while the results of the exploratio 1 made of that coast to 
ascertain the fate of Gaspar and Miguel Corte-Real (which is the first 
expedition sent to the north-east after the voyage of those iinfortunatt- 
navigators) can scarcely have been known in Iuirf)p(; before tht: mitldle 
of 150,1, and was limited to such a search. We feel confident that those 
configurations and names embody the cartogra])hical data ' rought by (iaspar 
Corte-Real in thi; autumn of 1500, and by his captains in October, 1501. 
As to the southernmost locality, viz.: Cnho de cocepicion,-'! the I'eilro 
Reinel map will show that it is not Cajx; Race, but a point 2" further 
north. Nor do we think that the northernmost name, viz.: Boxos do medo, 
is near the apex of Newfoundland, considering that the cartographer has 

■ /I'i'o »/' A'lMHi/- -Tlic Kivcr uf Kdsc's? 
-' Ct|K' i)f Si. .\iuhony. 
•■' Hay (if Si. ('yii;i. 

■' C'linicptiiin t'.npe. There is still a liaii' ili: la Con- 
cfplioK, the outlet cif which is liy aliiiut 47" 45' — 4S' 20. 
■* I'ajie of SI. l';\ul. 
> (.'ape of the Holy Cl.ost. 
'^ " Cipe looU ,it 1110 anil avoid luc," 

■' l'n,i,i irnonm, or Cape of t'oiueplion, that is, of tlu- 
Conceptii^i of the \ir(;in (Oecemlier Klh). If that naiiu' 
is Corle-Ke.' must have ln'i-n j^iveil liy (iaspar Corle- 
Keal ilurin^; his first evpeililiou, aliliou^;h «e ilo not know 
the exael ilate of his return. Only the ilate of his ile- 
|iartuie foi llic sei'ond voyai;e is now known (after .\pril 
21, 1501; /.'s Corli /,\(il, I' Stri/ilinii, pp. 91 II, 
liut from tliis he never came liaek, whilst his eai'laiii^ 
reitiaineil away from April or May until Octolier. 



■ f 






, 1'. ■*' 




Till; DisfovKKV oi- XouTii Amtkica. 





|)Iacttl it 1))' his laliliuU' of 55°, which dm Ruind's map cf)rrrs|K)inls with 
a locality south of Ctiho t/e bona vfiiiurn. It seems r.illuT to In: in tin; 
vicinity of one of thr |U!iiinsulas which proji-ct castwan! from the main 
body of thr islaiul, perhaps half-a-de^ree south of IUlI«;-lsI«' Strait. 

In the order of approximate dates, the next cartojjjraphical ilocument 
is the chart signed by Pedro Keinel. This is |)reserved in the Munich 
Royal and State Library, and was likewise publishetl by Kunstmami. -'^ 
Kohl assigns to it -'J th»' date of 1505. I'eschel consiilers tin; map as 
being of the year preceding. .5° 

The new names in that map, which we find inscribed on Xev • .,, '- 
lane!, are the following. 

North of //hi7 do frei hiisji^ beginning with the name northern. ■. . 
Y. da fort HUH, y- by bo 50'. Y. dos seines 37 (sic), by 56° 50'. 

>'. dd ioi-nientn,ii by 59 60'. C. das ^anias,i>^ \)y ^6\ 

C. do iHarco,^-^ \)\ 59. C. de boaventiira.y) by 55° 55'. 

Sam .lo/iini.ii by 5S' 50'. Y. dc boaventura,'^" by 55' 50'. 

Sam /'edro,i*' by 58. C. do inarco,-^' by 54 50. 

We now notice, .south of the /iayn de Santc Ciria, by 

}'. dos bocalhas,^- by 52 50'. 
Then, south of Cabo dc cofepicion,'^i by 52, we read: 


C. da cspcra,-^^ by 50 50. 
A', da patas,^'^ by 51 25'. 

■ .I'/'o ■.III- Kiililifkiiii'J'ii I,!' iiliiilHf Ann liiii, ]il.nlc i. 
-' IhMiiiiiiiittiiij llixlnry III' Mniin , |ilali ix., p. 17I*. 

■ Hisrh'nhli ill Xi iliilfi I-. \K jJ2. Ccirn'iriiint; tlic 
KkINKI.S, si'L' JkIII iI Srliri'liill Ciilinl, p. 162. 

■' AV( I i> thu lillf j.;ivLii li>», .Tinl means " hroilicr ; ' 
1ml whi'M iIk' is in (inlcrs nr a i)ti<;M,/iti is trarislali'il 
liy " fatluT." 

• I. ink i^ln^ll. 

'' Sliirniy islaivl 

" We think llial here a ce'lilla ha^ lieen iiniitled, which 
involves the translatiim mil iif Cape iif Mark, Init of " The 
Cape of Mari'h." In the Rilieiro map, we rend in llie 
same '. icinily, (-'. ili- Mniro, which corresponils to the 
f'lilni ill Mairii {!nv Marzo) of Ovil-.lMi, lib. sxi., cap. .\., 

A', de Sam /raiicist/iio,-^'' ijy 51'. 
C. /vV/i-0,47 by 50." 

y a telle i|ii.intile iroyseniiN, cpie Ions les nairresile hrance 
s'en poiirroieiil charter sans (pi'on sen a()erce»l, ce (lit le 
Capilaine lacipies (Jiiarlier, el je le croy liien, poiir en 
avoir veil pre(|iie de seniMaMes. " — I.kscarhoI , /fiil. iliK 
hi XiirnlliJ'iiiiiii , Paris, 1012, Svo, p. 225. Dm 
S(tiitM is clearly a niistake for flit-i ffcr/*. 

■*" iJeer or .Siaj; Capo. 

^' Cape of (iood laick. 

* The Island of (iood Luck. 

'' This is a repetition, unless here we shoulil read llie r. 
without a ceililla, in which case ii wouM iiiciii " The 
Cape of Mark." 

•'■' Codfish Islanil. Aceordinj,' to \uiior, uhi 
Miijini, "I'ile de liacaillos " was not Ni «!■ Hindi, uid, Iml 

\ nl. II., p. 149, inakinj; of that point a " Ca|H' of Cape Hrelon island. 

March," as we have already in the Cantino chart on 
the northeast coast, the "Cape of the Knd of April." 
(iiiMARA, //ill. ill- lw< lidliiis, p. 162, placed the Cithn 
ill. Marzit liy 60 north latitude, which is nearly the 
latitude ascrilied here. 

15 St. John. 

* St. I'eler. 

■" l;iids Island. " He aiix Oysea*i.\. I'.n cette ile il 

■" This cape is called by I\K1NI;1. a bay ('') and spelled by 
him Uit I'diiii-iiii'i, which is a modern l'orluj;uese form. 

" (.'ape of Hope. Koiii. is of opinion that Cd//. Sjmr 
i>r .s'y.iac is a Corruption and contraclion of I'lilio di: JCs- 
jiini. If so, it nnisi be located by about 47' Ju' lal. 

*' Duck's River. 

''' The .San I'rancisco River. 

'- The Low or l',> Cape. 

ll - -t 

'I'll!'. l'i)i<TL(;i'i;si- IN Nova S(()TIa. 



Ht.Tc lh(! coast turns to tin; w«!st. iiiid forms, with thf southern sklc, a 
strait iMt<Muk,'il evidently for the entrance of the (iulf of St. Lawrence ; 
but no nanus are inscribed on either shore. Yet, as south of that en- 
trance, near the c^'.ist, thiTe is an island Ix-arinjj; the inscri|)tion Sam 
Jolitin, llie promontory at that place is Cap(; IJreton. It has been shown 
elsewhere*'* that this island is one of the chief cartographical characteris- 
tics of the; coast of Nova Scotia throuj^hout the si.xleenth century. .\t 
tht; north, facinjj; the }'. da fortuna, there is an inlet, meant uncpiestion- 
ably for the openinjr which leads to Hudson and Davis straits. 

Those data shf)W that wh(;n Pedro Rein(;l made this map, the entire; 
coast of N(;wfoundland, the entrance; of the (iulf of St. Lawrence, Cape; 
Breton, ami a part of the; coast e)f Labraele)r, hael been alre'aely ex|)lored 
by the I'ortu^ue-se. 

The map which follows is the mappamuneli of the (ierman Johaiui 
kuysch,W inspirt;*.] certainly, as we have alreaely had occasion to ele-mon- 
strate;, by a Portuguese chart akin to Cantino's e)r Canerio's, but of an 
interme;diary pe'riexl. It sets forth e)n its Terra nova five; name;s, four of 
which are new, whilst thre;e are ne)t to be; found on any subseeiuenl 
maps. The)se four names are : 

C. Glaciato. S" J^. Grado. 5- 

Baia de Rockas. S' C. de Poriogcsi. 53 

These elesijjjnations we;re j4ive;n by Ruysch after his own vo\ ajjje to 
the nortli-e.isi coast, which elid not exte'iid south of th«; (iulf of .St. Law- 
rence, ami we:re; |)rol)abIy borrowed from some early Hntflish ma]) now lost. 


W t 




•• Jlilll '/ S.ljil.slif II (Mlitjl, \l. IQj. 

*'>Sii/ir(i, chaplLT v., p. IIJ, ami plale. 
'' Till' I'll '/on (';\|>i;. 

5' KnrhuH, -tin Kncky ll.iy. 

5- The},'!' Uivcr ? 

51 ('api' dl'itic roitii,^in.'>c'. 

'I i^i 


I i;,';i 

'♦ / 

^ ^m r- 



fv t 


' .1) 


I ','";l' 



ciiArri'-R II. 



ri^lll'' iV'w maps )f the intermediary period which we still pesse'ss 

disconnected as regaitls each otlu^r, very succinct, ami l)ear no in- 
scription worth mentioning in connection with the present iiuiiiiry. 
The portolano of W-sconte dc Maggiolo. dateti I-"ebriiary ii, i5ri, ;ilonc 
should be noticed here, on account of the, legend inscribed across a region 
intended, ajiparently, fur Xewiountlland : Tcrru dc carte rcalc dc portui^al, 
and Terra dc pescarid. This designation we sh.ill thencetortii read on 
almost every map, sometimes modified, liowever, under the term ol Bucca- 
/iiiis or Coil fish, which indicates the object then of nearly all maritime 
t'uterprises in that direction ; as for many years the discovery of north- 
western trans.itlantic countries resulted from mere fishing e.\i)editions. 

The fact is that to tind food for e\eryone, in thosi; tla\s in a 
hi"-iier degu'e now, the great economical jiroblein ; inasmuch as the 
injunctions of the Roman Catholic Church reiulered it necessary to abstain 
from eating tlesh several days in the week. The news that lishing banks 
could l)t; reached after "a voyage of not mort; than fifteen ilays," where; 
•• ih. sea is covered with cod-fish, which are caught in \ast lUimbtM-s 
simnlv l>v divim"- a basket into the water,"' must haxc soon circulated 
extensively in thi' seajjorts of WesK'rn I'.urope, and would induce many 
mariners to visit at once such a fortunate s|)ot. 

'I"ln; only indications which we have been abk' to gathiM" conctM'ning 





uiz '■ 

ose early fishing or exjMoring expeditions, 

A \-ovage made I)y |ehan i )enys and a pilot, calleil (iamart, about 
thirty-three years before \^yh is, c/rc,/ 1506.- C.amart is said to 
h.ive been of Rouen, while th(> \cssi;l belonged to llonlleur; ami, as 
Ramusio, in relating a voyagi' accomplishetl to Ih-.izil about 1511), speaks 

' Disiniiclios of I' I'K Av\l.\. July 25. i.ioS. an. I 
K.iimunao hi Si-«Nc in". \iit;ii-t -;•(■ i-l"": •'"'" '' 

Si'htlsfiill Cllh'il. |il>. ,!J,5. _\2l). 

- " Smiio tiiiM j.i .r.iii I 111- Ml iiiiuili.i liilnlUui, ilcl 
ilu.iU- cni C.ii'il.uio (liiui.uini 1 )i.iiii-,ii), ,V ii I'lluii.. 
C.iiii.ittn Ii K'Un.. i.,.m;mirn!c v'.'.inli'.." nl" a r.ui-, iSS;. Su.. p. wiii 

L;rc;i', Kn iiih ca|ilaiii fmiii l)iii)|)i-. in R.^\^•^|ll, \',,|. 
111., f'- 4^,5, 1, anil !■• 4J('>, P. llio t;ie.U i-:i|.;.nn is 
ji an 1' M<\il'.N 1 IIU. liiil iIh' nlaliiin was wiillrn liy ricrre 
(KiiiNiiN. Sec Ml. I'll. Siiii-i k.k's intr.icliuli.'n i" I.e. 
Dixniiir!' lit III Xitffiiihi'ii ill Jmii't 1,'iiinil I'nnin iilii <', 


Tin: PoKircri'SK in Nova S(1)Ti.\. 


of a iiavi;^ator of the naim; of l)(Miys, who was from Hoiilliair : " vno 
lie //oiiflciir cilia nnitfl Pioiisio di Uon/lciii-," it has Ix^cii iiifiTrcd that 
those two I>cnys wen; one aid the same. Nothiiij^ whatever is known 
roiiceriiintf the said e.xpechtion, and tht! res<,-arc.ies -> institiitetl in the ar- 
cliives of Honlleur have: proved fruitless. W'v fnid recoriled, May 17, 
1502, one lehan I )('nis,-- profession not named, — and before 151S, Jehan 
Denys, senior, Jc^haii Denys, junior, and Jehan Deiiys, son of Jeiian, all 
three topjetheT. 'I'his only shows Jehan Denys to have l)een llonlieur 
nanvs ; hut it is only in 1597 we hnd a "Jehan Denys, mestier 
de la mer. " 

Kaniusio then mentions 4 the expedition sent by Jehan An^o (the 
father of the great ship-owner), in 150S, under the command of Thomas 
Aubcrt. The v(!ssel was named Lc J'cnsic, and s.iiled from 1 )ieppe, 
carrying, it seems, the In'st colony sent by I'rancc to the east coast of 
Xortii America. 

The year following (1509), a Xorman vessel brought from tiie nc-wly- 
tlisco\(red r;gions "ex ea insula, ipue terra noua decit, ' se\cn Indians, 
who were landed at i\ouen.5 

The lirittons were doubtless among the first se'afarers who, I'ng.iging 
in the venturi', '' followeil the <-x.unple ot the I'aiglish and Portuguese. 
Thus f.u', however, no contempor.n-y ilocuments hav(' been ])roduced to 
corroborate absolutely, in that respect, the statements of Ramusio, or the 
traililions reported by modern I'Vench authors. 7 .Still, the; jjrobability is 
that In the; main tlu'se rt'pose on facts ; but, as our in(|uiry is limited 
to iKicumentary proofs, we can only ciuote, in sup])ort of the brench 
claims, two documents. One is a partlon granted to a sailor, wherein 
mention i /. made ot the shi]) Ln JiKjiii'tlc, Irom 1 )ahouet (now I'lcui uf, 




■' H'[iisti-< .V tit !tt i-'iiit'it'fti tit hi i 'httritf ; M i:nitt s tht ' " i ),'U.t inra c st.Ua sc. ijn-rM il.i J 5 anni in ([U.! cine 

'til-tl/itiiititit il'A titjt . ,(■,.. ,i-.'. We an- imlcliii-d fur lliusi.' 1 nulla (miIl' chc currc loiianlc rl imncnlf pur li Hrcimiii 

iiivoli^aliiins 1.1 \|. (liaikH Ukiakii. who lias kiiully el Noniiamli, per la (pial i\in>a c rliiiui'ira l|lu■^la lirrra 

i-xaiuiiiuil al our mnu^l the anliivc^ al lluiiluair. ilcapo delli llri-lloni." K\\ir,iii, \'nl. 111., (■■ .) ;_•. 

* " Neil' aniin 1508 VII iiaiiiliu tli I)ii)ip:i ikiln la ' 1 )KsM.\Kytlhr/., Ksi .\N( KM N, N'lll.l, \i'., ,\i-. It 

I'liisL-e, il ipialr era j;ia ili (iioaaii Ain;ii paiire ilel Moii- i> iiileiition.illy thai we omit the lirief aceuimt-, i;ivi'ii liy 

si^iKir 1') ("apilrinii ,V X'i'^eniite ili I iieppa \ '.unli't, ^eiitlit father I^l^^.■ (ir\III.I.\ ( Kl Ot't itttrit ilhisl rtnlit, in '!k; 

maeslio niier patron lii lieiia iiaiie inae-ioi Tlioinasi) Krenel. lraii-.l,-ni'in, Avij;nim- Paris, 175S, 12". Vol. II., 

Aiihert, it 111 11 priniii die cnmhis.e (pii le (;enli .lei .let to p. Jl I jaml hy \ inceiit II. Hi AM" ( /.' < I'tii/iitit .< I'tinit n.r, 

pause." Kami'SIO, iilii sii/nn. It is w.irlhy of mention I'aris, 1(140, .po, Part III., p. I13). 'I he veraeity ..f those 

that l.ii I't litre is the naiiio of of the two .^hips of auih.irs is of a .loiihtlnl eharacter, ami they .|uote n.> 

raniuiilier's to Siiinatni, iin.lertaken at the autlii>rities for their statements. .\s t.i tin- |ilirase of 

c.i4 of Jean .\ngt> in 1529. \V^ 1 1 1 ii.i : " liritones el Normani anno a Chrislo nalo 

■• l'.tsi:iiifs .i|- ("rsAKi;A, <'hi-ttii:,i,it, I'.uis, 1512, 41. 
f' 172. li'thl'ttti. Aiii.i-i--. \'tiii~i.. N... 71. 

M.I .1. r. int.. has terms invenere." f /'' i''''/''. /'/(tltiii. 
A tt'/nit III, ,l,,n, in. , iyj^,("' lS5)it i* l.ikeii Iroiii K,uim-~i 1. 


! 1 

! i 

\ 'h 


' 1 




; " 




'i i 




The Discoverv ok North America. 

in Cotes dii Nord), which, in September, 1510, had gone to Rouen to 
" vendre dii poisson [ff/o/ues or cod-fish] qu'ils avaient ete querir et pecher 
es partie de la Terre Neiive."** 

The other document is the (jedula from Queen Juana, already quoted, 
whereby, in October, 151 i, one Juan de Agramonte obtained leave to go 
with two vessels to ascertain all about Newfoundland : " para ir a saber 
el secreto de la tierra nueva," on condition that two of his pilots should 
be Brittons brought direct from Hrittany : " Ecebto que dos pilotos que 
llevaredes sean bretones . . . vos habeis de ir por los pilotos que con 
vos han de ir al dicho viaje a Bretana."9 

The earliest map known bearing a legend which confirms the action 
of the Brittons on the north-east coast is not older than the year 1520.'° 
In it, south of the regions ascribed to the Corte- Reals, on the northern 
extremity of No\a Scotia, we read that this land was discovered by the 
Brittons : " tera que foij descuberta por bertomes." Hence the legend 
on all subsequent maps : " Tierra dc los Bretones" and the name, still 
in use, of Cape Breton. 

Although this shows that fishermen from Brittany frequented Cape 
Breton island at an early [)eriod, it must not be inferred that any portion 
of the i)eninsula was colonised by them, or that the ermined banner, either 
t)f Anne or of her daughter, the Good Oueei (Claude de France), floated 
on its shores, otherwise than to mark fishing stations. P2ven then. Nova 
Scotia, with an area of 21,000 square miles, [presents an e.xtent of coasts 
numerous points of which rival seamen could occupy and call their own, 
without being aware of a previous possession, and without considering 
themselves as infringing on the rights of others. This can be e.vempli- 
iied by the action ot the Portuguese who followed in the track of Gasjtar 
Corte- Real. 

During the tirst (|uarter of the sixteenth century, a gentleman from 
X'ianna in Portugal, called Joam .\lvares Fagundes, t)btaineil from King 
Maiioel letters patent conceding to him the seignory over the isles and 
lands which he should disccn'cr Ijevond the .\tlantic. P'ao'undes carried 
the project into execution, aiul on his return claimed to have found, on 
the north-east coast of the .New World, a mainland and islands theretofore 

' .\. UK i.A lioruKKlK, Mi'fdiiii' .I if /li-'hiir' •' tlic ships uf \'a/iniLV lie .XNllim, were cilleil, tlie one 

irArrh,'oli>;ii' Uf luiiiii:.<, Rciinc^, iJS.sS, IJ, \'ol. II.. I:'/ Union, llio otlior, AV ISnIun [iratiilt ; 0\IP.i)0, lili. 

jiajjo 154. i., c.T|i. xxii., \'(il. I\ .. p. 537. 

'' Siijini, c\\.\\\ vi., |i. IJI. U i> luilicLaMc tlial Ivm. of '■ Kc.Nsl.M.VNN Nu. 1\"., ;\nil tile II uie .Vtl.i.-. 





Tin: PoRTrdi'KSK in Nova Scotia. 


unknown. The King thereupon conveyed those countries to Fagundes, 
by letters patent dated March 13, 1521. 

The description of the country conveyed by that grant is very iin- 
jjortant at this juncture, and requires to be carefully analysed. 

King Manoel, after recalling the limits assigned for the explorations 
which Fagundes intended to undertake when he first applied for letters 
patent, viz.: regions north of the boundaries of Brazil, " recites that Fa- 
gundes has now returned to Portugal, after having discovered certain lands 
and islands, namely : 

" A terra que se dix ser fifirnie que he des a demarcaf^am de Castella que parte da 
banda do suU com a nossa demarca^.im atee viir partir com a terra que os Corte Reaes dcs- 
cobriron que hee da banda do norte aas tres ilhas na baya d'.-\uguada na costa de nordeste 
e sudueste e as ilhas a que ellc poz nome Fagundas sam estas, a saber — Sam Joam e Sam 
Pedro e Samta Ana e Santo Antonio, e as ilhas do arcepellcguo de Sam Panteliom com a 
ilha de pitiguoem e a ilhas do arcepellcguo das onze mill virgeens. E a ilha de Santa Cruz 
que esta no pee do banco. E outra ilha que se chama tanbem de Santa Ana que foy vista 
et non apadroada."" 

The defective; punctuation of that document, and the ambiguity of 
se\'eral words, render the meaning rather obscure. Our interpretation is 
as follows : 

" .\nd whereas Fagundes has shown, by the testimony of credible witnesses, that he has 
discovered the following lands and islands, viz.: The land, said to be continental, commencing 
at the boundary of Castile, — which boundary is south of our own, — and extending as far as 
the land discovered by the C(3rte- Reals, which latter land lies at the north. 

Also, the three islands in the Bay of Auguada, which bay is on the north-eastern and 
south-western coast ; 

.Mso, the isles which he has named Fagundas, viz.; Saint John, Saint Peter, Saint .Vnn, 
.S.iint .\nthony, and the islands of the archipelago of the Eleven Thousand Virgins ; 

Also, the island of the Holy Cross, which is near the bank ; 

-Mso, another island, likewise called Saint -•Vnn, which was sighted, but where no balize 
has been placed. 

Now, all these lands and islands We hereby grant unto him." 

This continental land we take to be Cape Breton island togetlier 
with Xova Scotia, then sujiposed to be connected, as the Gulf " Caiiso 




" " \'. (|UL' Horn |ic"lc>>o ir nfiii sc culcndessL' cst.i scyiuiV.L's . . ." Loiters patL'nl piililislHu ,y i:. A. nii 

niLiTiT' il.i piiiniira tern iln Ifrasill (Id liancb i!ci iKirle HKlTENCOfK't', />(«''o'in/;i().7(iv, ,/«, ;-m.< i iiiiniiii^ia lo:< 

ili'S ciintra o still sonant pera ii iinrle ^oytiiido vinios per I'ortmjiir.Heit mi Itrnu ih- L'/tmni'ir iios <.ii// k X I'. ,• 

o ilito alvar.i elle ffoy a descobrir e <)ia iios fie/ cerlo pi)r .V 1'/. Lisl>i;a (iSSi), 410, Vol. I., p. ijji 55. 
teslenitinltas ilitios ile ffee i|!k.' ello aeliara as terras e \\h:\< " Ihii',m, 

'5 1 

1 ■ -mr 




IS r! 

h ■ I 



I .it 






TlIK DiSCOVKRV OK NouTit Amkru'a. 

had not, at this time, been yet noticed. '3 Our hypothesis is borne out, 
as we beHeve, by the following facts and details : 

In an old genealogical manuscript we read that " Joam Alvarez l'"a- 
gundes discovered Terra Nova, or the country now called Cabo Bretdo, 
which the King [Manoel] granted to him, and where he established cod- 
tishtries, which became a large; source f)f profit to Portugal." '4 Now, 
I'agundes was, as we have saiil, a native of V'ianna ; and in the Tratado 
(lits lilhis A'ovas of Francisco de Sousa, written in 1570, we fnul that 
bctwfn 1520 and 1525, "certain gentlemen : //yw^«5 Jiiinli^os, U|)on in- 
forir„ition received concerning Terra A^ova dc Bacalhao, det(;rmined to go 
and colonise a part of that country. Accordingly, they equipped a shi[) 
and a caravel. But, the country where they went being very cold, the 
prows of their \-essels were turned southward. After they had landed, 
e\ery ship was lost, and news of their doings and whereabouts could hv. 
brought home only by l^asque mariner::; who fref[uent those regions. And 
that country is in Cajje Breton, on a coast which leads northward to a 
handsome bay much peophHl." '5 

The Tratado confirms the genealogical document ; aiul when the abo\-(; 
cjuoted statements in those two works are com[)ared with the tlescription 
in ihc letters patent granted to Fagundes, but little doubt remains that 
the: continental region therein mentioned lies south of Newfoundlaml, and is 
consequendy, both Cajie Breton island and Nova Scotia. 'I'his interpre- 
tation is further confirmed by the ma[) of Lazaro Luiz, designetl in 1563,, on a very large peninsular region south of Newfounillaiid, and 
bordering at the north an extensive bay and river, which correspond pre- 
cisely with the Gulf and River of St. Lawrence, we read : " La terra 
l)(io laurador cjue (.lescobrio Joam Aluerez." 'f' 

.\t present we must determine what is that Aiti^uada Bay, containing 
three islands not nami'tl, which the King of Portugal also conceilcs to 

tL'ir.i \n\n (I'l li.n';\Iliao ^0 ili-Icniiinixrain a ir p'lMiar 
almiiMc jiarU; dclla, coiim dc foiln turain t'ln miia nan c 
Iclroii [I';i.' mi Dclriiit (lu la liayc di: (.'uinpsi-nu, i|ui iiina caravi-lla, c, |Kir acliarcin .i terra imiiin I'ria, ildiido 

'■ JALii iii iIk- time cif 1,! -.lAKIint llie Cm nf CaiiM 
wn^ yet ^eairely known: " l)e]uiis laiil d'annees ce 

separe I'ilo ile liacaillns — Cape lirelun iiland, fur I.e> 
carliot, — do la terre feriiie] n'e^l point a peine reenneii." 
//)'-'. i!i In S'diivrlli l-'iniii-r, p. 22S. 

'* Cnmninnicaled liy Mr. I'.rneslu no Camd. of San 
Mii,'nel. I'lir eilalinn-. of the >.anie char.acter taken fp>in 
MSS. in the .\grella lilirary, see SmsA's Tntlnilo, y. ja 

'' " 1 lavera 45 anno- im 50 que ile \ ianiia se ajinilaran 
Cello- honien- I'ldalgos, e pela inrorniai;.io (pie liverani t\.\ 

iao deterininailo^, enrrerani para a I'o^la de I.este Oeste 
te darein na de Nordeste-Sudoe-te . . . e islo e' no eaho 
<io Hrilao io^o na enlrada da eo:,ia <pie eorre ao N(»rte 
em lima foriiioza Itahia donde teni yrande provoai,ao . ." 
f'raneiseo HI-: SoisA, Traliu/n ilrit IlliiiJt Xo'tt^, 2nd 
edition, I'onia l)el^;ada, 18S4, sin. 410, p. 14. 

"" \ fae>iinilo of llie map of I.a/aro I.fis lia-, beeiv 
adiled to .Mr. hK lil.l ri'.M OIM 's al")\e ipaoled «ork. 

1 '• i 



I '^5 

Tlie expression " ii;i cost;i de nordeste e sudueste " is to the efiect 
that tho bay runs from the north-east to the south-west, and the name 
Baya ti' A u^rum^a. matins the Watering Bay, or bay where vessels take in 
fresh water. These definitions, when i:)rought in connection with the 
genealogical manuscript above quoted, where mention is made of a "hand- 
some bay much peo[)led," and lying north of the country discovered by 
Fagundes, forces upon us the conviction that what is meant by Auguada 
Bay is the Ckilf of St. Lawrence, whilst the place where the Portuguese 
vessels went in to fill their casks with fresh water is the entrance of the 
St. Lawrence River. 

As to the three islands in that bay, they may belcjng to the Mag- 
dalen group, or to Anticosti and Prince lulward's islands, or only two 
or three of the projecting peninsuhis in the latter, all of which Fagundes 
could .scarcely fail to see when sailing in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, on 
his way to the Watering Bay. '7 

We have now to ascert;iin the position of the other islands enu- 
merated in the letters patent granted to I'^agundes. Here again we are 
disposed to locate them in or at the entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, 
but subject to a certain interpretation of the term /7/uj as generally con- 
ceived by the early n;ivigators, and of which we have already occasion 
to speak several times when endeavouring to identify the islands mentioned 
by John Cabot. 

The reader cannot fail to notice, in tht; Gulf of St. Lawrence, several 
islands, and also numberless cai)es and headlands projecting into the sea 
on the south coast of N(;wfoundIand and on the north-east coast of Xova 
Scotia, which, in maps tlrawn after 1521, bear designation.;; recalling the 
names set forth in the letter,-, ])atent granted to b'agundes. 

At that time, erroneous gtiographical conceptions, arising from surveys 
necessarily superficial and incorrect, vitiated all charts and nautical des- 
criptions. To those impatient seamen, whose small craft could not carr\- 
provisions ior a long voyage and leave nxMii fiir the e.\])ectrd cargo, 
almost every im|M)rtant cape or promontory was immediattily eallerl an 
island. Not having sufficient time to e\|)lore the lu 

'le existence ot isles where, in realit)-, 

.^ .,......,.._.,,. ,.,,,,^ ,.,, K ,^|,n/n, w.^. iieailland, or bemg 

by rocks or shallow waters from approaching the shore, the\- 
contnuicil their course convinced of the existence of isles wht 

'■ \\u uniiic iK.u iiiviil;u- icf;icms in iIil- Cull' nl' Si. ami I'linoi; IMwciril's islaiul-., are colmneil wlli^u, liki- 
L.uvrLiict', CMiic>.poi\(ling Willi ihc ()ilc.\ii>, .\iuic.i>ii. lliu esc-iitclicon iif I'lirtuyal placftl uvur I..iljnul..r. 

' w 

'> ( 





1' -'}»■ 








, i. 





1 86 

TiiK DiscovKKv ov XouTn Ami-uica. 

it was a tlecply-iiulented coast of the mainlaiul, or some elonj^ated pro- 
montory. We have only to examine, on maps of the sixteenth century, 
the numberless fragments made to represent Newfoundland, or the many 
imaginary islands which line the north-eastern shores of the Atlantic, to 
fmil proofs of such cosmographical errors, which it required years to dispel 
and thrust out of charts a h1 sailing directions. 

Reverting to Fagundes, "e shall only say that several maps, derived 
more or less directly from For uguese models, inscribe localities cited in 
the letters patent granted to lim in 1521 ; and it is worthy of notice 
that none of those names figjre on earlier charts. This circumstance 
tends to confirm the statement ascribing the discovery of those islands 
to the \'ianna navigator. 

The first map mentioning I""agundes' designations is the })ortolano 
designed by the Genoese cosmographer, V'esconte de Maggiolo, at Genoa, 
December 20, 1527.'^ West of Cdpo /uisso, and on the same coast line, 
there is a p. de crux, which may be a modification of the lllta de Santa 
Cniz, described as being near the bank, and we notice also a cluster of 
islands named Vnze mil Virgencs, which is certainly the Illins do aire- 
pdlcguo das once mill virgeens. 

In the map of Hieronymo da Verrazano, drawn about the year 1529, 
there is within a gulf, near the south-west end of Newfoundland, an Isla 
dc Saiicto Ioa)uii. '9 

The chart of the Portuguese Gaspar \'iegas, dated 1534, gives XI. 
viergens (the 11,000 virgins) and $"■ />"• {Santo Pedro St. Peter.) The 
first of these lies west of Capo Rasso, close to its coast. The second 
is on the mainland, corresponding with some point of Cape Breton island. 

We have shown elsewhere -° that the Dieppe maps, such as the Har- 
leyan and the two Descelliers, [)roceed for their north-eastern configurations 
from Portuguese prototypes. For this reason, it is necessary for us to 
see whether they reproduce any of the Fagundes names. The Harleyan, 
which we consider the oldest of those ciiarts {circa 1542), inserts one, 
viz.: St. Ann, which is applied to an island on the south-west coast of 

" C .■ini:\m\'>v.s\\\as\. Alto Htomlo inlnrnoaOiovaiini York, 1S74, Svo. We ncitice also twd names «c~t of 

Vtrra:-^niin. Appeniliv III., ((Jenoa, fine ninio), for Cape Race, Imt they are iininlelliijil'le. 

a copy of ilie cast coast, and facsimile iit/rn. "" Jtan tl Seficwtkii Cahoi, Nos. 20, 2J, 24, pp. 197, 

"J. C. liKKVODRT, Vtrra-.iino the. Xariijatiir, New 211-220. 




VI-. ' 



(1521 ; 

'/ 1^£ I 


'd ! 

\ ^ 

i ' 

1 ii 


N rll 

I Ijii 





Tin; P(iKTL-(;rKSK in Nova Scotia. 


In the pliinisphere of Sebastian Cabot (1544), who borrowed his Xorth- 
American region from a Franco-Lusitanian ma]), which itself contained data 
for XewfoLindland older than those used by V'iegas,-' one of the b'agundes 
names is insertt;d, viz.: onsemilyogines, placeil on a clustei of islands where 
the \I. virgenes of Maggiolo and V'iegas occur. 

The i'ortuguese portolano of Joao Freire, bearing the d ite of 1546,-- 
but which must be more ancient, if we jii<lge from, the apj)earance of 
Newfoundland, also places west of Cape Race, and on the same coast 
line, C. lion^i' myl vgeis, with an archipelago denominated onse iiiyl vgeis. 

The Di;scelliers map of 1550 inserts iwo names derived apparently 
from a I'ortuguese chart, viz.: />. de x. {Pointe de la Croix, for (Uibo or 
llha de Santa Crux), and ys. S. Pierre (for /Uta de Sam Pedro). 

These data, added to the' information furnished by the declarations 
of l^'rancisco de Sousa and Lazaro Luis above mentioned, authorise the 
critic to locate the discoveries or explorations of I'agundes in the Gulf 
of St. Lawrence, the peri[)lus of which he certainly accomplished, and 
also along the coast of Xova Scotia, north and south. But what is still 
more worthy oi notice is the fact that this is the identical region known 
under the name of Noranbega (Ramusio), which Jehan Alfonce declared-j 
(1544) to be a late discovery of the Portuguese: " nouuellement descou- 
uerte par les Portugalois," and hence the verses of Jehan Mallart (1547): 

" O quel meschof et quelle ingratitude 
Ont commis ceulx qui scavent longitude, 
Qui nont voulu descrire onques leur stille, 
Car I'"rance feust inaintenant h ses ysles, 
Ou portugays ont place i)rimer; ine." '' 

Applying now the liturgical data, which we have already employed 
to ascertain the time when certain localities of the Brazilian coast were 
first sighted, we find that Sam Joao may have been discovered June 21, 
Samta Ana, June 26; Sanio Antonio, July 13; Sam Panleliom, July 27; 
Sam Pedro, August i ; Santa Cm:;, September 14, and the archipelago 
of the I'-leven Thousand Virgins (" Passio S. Ursuke et Sanctanim un- 
decim millium virginum martyrum ") only October 21, all of which before 
the year 1521. 

" Tliis is shown liy ilii; i>h\iul uf NL'ttloiuullaiul lieiiii; •' Voijmjt* niianliirriix ilii Cajiilaiiie Ian .•l//<"./i(>, 

reproscnteil, imi of une piece, but in a jjrcat many fias;- I'diiiLis, 1559, p. 53 ; Not'-.-i «Hr la Xoitnlli rmmi^ 

incnts, as in early charts. Xn. 2, |i. 6. 

-'-' Jian it Si'haitkn Cahot, \o. 25, p. 220. •* lioitli'-r riim', in J'dii >( >i':l>a->l. C'ahol, pp. 22", 229. 



I. ' 
1 1 




' 1 » 


i ' 




• I 








'"I ^ 



Tin: PisroVKKV i<v Xdurii Amkkica. 



Iinloinn; (Voiii a sfiitiMicc in llir will of i)()na X'iolaiue, -5 tiif tlauniucr 
of Joain Alvari'Z I-'ai^uiuk's. the attempt .it (.■dlonisiiisf Xdva Scotia liy tlu; 
PiirtiiLCiic'sc iliil not |)n>vr profitalilc, ami ahaiuloiud, pmliahly at an 
early ilate. We tliiiiU that one of the reasons of the failure may have. 
])een the fierce tribes of Indians who then occiiiiicd the coiintr\. jehan 
Alfoiice, speakine;, in 1544, as an eye-witness of the a!)origiiu:s, says: "Ia'S 
gens lie cesti; coste ct lU; Cip a Hreton sont maulvaise t;v'ns, puissuis, 
grand/ lleschiers : The inhabitants of that coast and of Cape Hreton arc 
b.ul peoi)le, powerful, and great archers."-^' 

Ri'vi-rting to ihc motive of the present digression, vi/.: the fact that 
countries already iliscovered were afterwards visited hy other na\ igators, 
who claimed, nevertheless, to be thi: first discoverers, the litters jjatent 
granted to Fagiiniles may be citc-d as an exami)le of such I'rroneous at- 
tributions. docunnMit. as we ha\e seen, positively ascribes to him 
the discovery of Xova Scotia anil Cape Breton island, notwithst:uuling 
jirexious \oyages accomplished thither by the Hrittons,- -as is pro\ed by 
the configurations in Kunstmann Xo. 1\', -and even by the Portuguese 
long Ixfore I'aguiules visited that country. Our affirmation results from 
the continuation of the east coast .south of Cape Race, dotted besides with 
Lusitanian ll.igs, and the delineation of the Ciulf of St. Lawrence, .i to 
be found in Kunstmann Xo. I., which is a map certainly anterior to 1521. 




The adioining geographical outline exhibits the probable extent of 

l*"agundes' explorations in thi' New World. 

=5 " !•: ilupois lie (1 (liti) U'si.iiiKiUo [llie Hill .if Dim.i \icil.\iuc at llie linn' iiicmi.Micil ilv.' «ifo of .Mvari's Kapuiiik>] fell.) foi ilcscolirir a Term N.iva, Jiifin <le Soiis;i, aii'l lived .a! N'i.Tiin.i. 

vn\ i\\H- fe/. iniiila lie^lH■/n e bim.ui ilinheiro enipre.^ta.l'*, ■* Vii^inoiji-aplii* nrf .vyx/v ff tijiiiit tin X. /■ </, MS., 

ilii (|iie liearain imiitas diviilas." In llie H<i/itiiii ila I'ati^ National I.ihrary. l''on.K lia!ii/e, 71J5. a ; and 

iSOiiiildili il: (f'niiirdfia ih l.i>ho(i, No. of June, l.^^^.S, Xutt 1 fUr la XuiinlU rmini , \'. 7. 



C^icora anb t^t (Baef Coc^&t, 


1519-1521— 15J6. 


T II 1; (i r I. 1' S T K 1: A M . 


TTTI'' caiiiKH tK;scr!bc the cxploralioiis of our cast coasl, ' luirih of 
I'l' I'kirida, withoul first iiUMitioniiu^' the voyajjjr Iroin XCra Cm/ to 
Spain which Anton dc Alaininos accomplisht'il in 1519, liy tin; 
onlcr t)!' I'crnaiul Cortes. It is t^cncrally hrlicvfd to havr initiated or 
fncourao;rcl the early official Spanish expixlitions to tiiosc parts, hy niakini; 
known tht; cxislcnci.' of a clear sea-way between the West hulia islands 
and the continent ; and, particularly, the momentous current which carries, 
r.ither than iin[)edes, vessi-ls on their way from the south-west to the 
north-east, in other words, the Ciulf .Stream. Certain writers evin think 
that this great iliscovery, which has exerted such a i)aramount inlluenci- 
on the commercial as well as the geo<.jraphIcal history of \orth America, 
was meditated hy .\laminos, if not hy Cortes himself. 

On thos(' im|) points we sc.uxely pos.sess any information. Tht; 
little we know, however, needs to he critically e.xamineil. 

Let us tak(!, tirst, the chroniclers anil 

Both Peti'r Martvr and Ovietlo rt;fer to that voy,iL;e, but \ agilely. 
'I'he former simply says : 

"Nuncios ad legeiii luiUfiiclus cligunt cotluni .Mamino iiaiiilciu chi< c : TIkv chose also 
certeync niessengicrs to sciule to the Kvng hy tlio coiuUiLlion of Alainimis the iiylot.'"-' 

Although Oviedo had jiersonal inlercourst' then with Alamiims, he 

' W lun living till' Unu '* .M^^t (■■•ii-.l," wi- .ilw.i)^ ii.r in 
ilit c ^^t 0'.>-i 1 I Ni I'.h .\!iitrif.i. 

-AN'.iiukx, l\,irliiriiHoii, V 73, a: I'l.-.!.!. I\'. 

) it 

i ■ 

W% . 










1 1 


I t. 



Tin; DiscoN Kuv or Nouni Amikk a. 


. ■ 



! I 




; 1, 

n'fcrs to that voy.if^c only on account of tlu' ^oKl and silver ornaments 
brouj^lu l)y llie commissioners sent to Spain l)y Cortes. ' 

It is in till- Co/ii/i/is/ii </<• Mexico of (lomara we linil the I'lrst 
tlescriptioii ; I>nl it is extremely succinct, ami as follows : 

" I'arlieron pucs Alonso UtTnandcz I'ortocarrcro y Franriscd do Montojo y Anton do 
Alaminos, ile Aiiiiiahui/tlan y Villarica, en una ra/onable nave, ;i 26 dias del inos de Julio 
del ai'io de 1519 . . . Tocaron de raniino en el Marien de (ailia ; y diiiendo (|ue ihan ,\ la 
llabana, pasaron sin detenerse por la canal de liahama ; y navegaron con hartc pKJspero 
ticnipv) liasta llegar .\ Ksjiana ; — Alonso Hernande/ I'ortocarrero, I'rancisro de Montojo, and 
Anion de Alaminos, then sailed from Aquiahui/.tlan and Villa Rica [de la Vera ('ru/|, in a good 
ship, on the 26th day oi the month of July, 1519 . . . On the way they tourhed at Marien 
of Cuba. It is said that they went to Havana, anil crossed, without stopping, through the 
I'ahama channel. .After a prosperous passage, they arrived in Spain." ' 

As (iomai'a was thi; cliai)lain and secretary of Cortes, who fiirtiished 
him with information to write the history of his concinests, the ahove e\- 
tiMct shows that the " coiKiuistador " himself had no knowledi^n: of the 
discovery made hy Alaminos. ICIse, his historian would not have; failetl 
to metition a fact which reiloiinded to the credit of Cortes : having been 
accom|)lisln'd in the course of an expedition st'iit hy his orders. 

.\s to Las, after relating the famous destruction of the licet, 
he merely says : 

"No dejando iikIs de uno [navio] en ijue fucsen los procuradores ([ue .^ (."astilia envicj 
. . . I'roveyi) luego enviar .\ Castilla i)rocuradores, (juc fueron, a los diehos Alonso Puerto 
C.iriero, de Medellin, tierra de Cortes, y a Francisco de Montejo, natural tic Salamanca . . . 
r.irticronse en atpiella nat) que de los barrenos se escapi), del jiuerto del I'eiion, (pie ll.nnaron 
l;i N'illa Rica, por el mes de Julio, el ano de 1519; llegaron ;\ Sevilla, creo, i)or Octubre . . . 
l<ib dichos procuradores y el piloto Alaminos . . . vinie'ronse con la corte hasta llegar .'i la 
Curufia, y en este camino los cognosci yo ; — He saved only one ship, in which went the com- 
missioners whom he sent to Castile, who were Alonso Puerto Carrero, of Medellin, the (ouiilry 
of Cortes, and Francisco de Montejo, a native of Salamanca . . . They sailed in the shi|> 
which escaped the scuttling [of the rest of the fleet], from tlie Port of the CJIifT, which was 
called I.a \'illa Rica, in the month (jf July, of the year 1519, and arrived at .Seville, I think, 
in October . . . I'he said commissioners and the pilot .Alaminos went with the Court as 
as La Coriifia ; and it is in that trip that I, mjself, formed their personal ai (|uaiiu.ui<:e." ' 

Hert', again. Las Casas knows nothing of ihi; discover)-, although hi: 
deri\ed his intorm.ition concerning that important voyagt' from the \()y.ig(;rs 
ihrmselvis, including Alamino.s, the Pilot-Major. 

' OVll |)l\ 111,. Xwiii., CI)!, i.. |M). 259-2(')0. 

'I.\-. Ca^.V--. Ili'liiliil lU hi, /h.//i(.,, lib. 
Cwiii., \ nl. 1\ ., ].. .(i|S. 




'rill, (In, I Stki \M. 


W'c (•oinincni'c to lind a f<\v details rt-Iativi" ti) the voyaj^c only in 

ihi- I'l'ti/iu/ffti Histotiti of Mcrnal I )iaz, wl>(» was an cyc-witiicss of tin; 

th'parturc of the shi|) from \'«Ta Cruz. 

I lit')' arc as follows : 

"So manili') aiiiTccljii cl nujur iiavio du loila l,i llnla, y cun (Ids pilotos, ijiu' fui; imo 
AntDii (Ic Alaininiis, que saliia ronio liahian (If (Icscmljarcar por la ranal de lialiaina, |ior(iiie 
L'l fill' cl piiinirt) (|tiu ii.ivi'ni^ jmr ai|Uilla canal: Orders were given t(i equip the liest ship in 
the entire licet, with two pilots, one of whom was Anton dc Alaniinos, who knew how to sail 
out of the canal at llahania ; for he is the first who ever sailed in that canal."* 

'Ihis shows lliat lh«: Bahama canal was not (explored for tho first 
time on that occasion, and that the knovvl(;dg«: which Alaminos ])ossessed 
of those passaj^es had been ac(|iiired on a previous (.'.xpedition ; for in- 
stance, when lie led I'once de Leon to I'lorida. 

Nor can there he any confusion ])Ossil)U; hetwc^cn tlu; I'"lorida (lulf 
Stream, which would have; been the course followed by Alaminos if, at 
the outset, he had att('mpted to I'lnd a new route from Vera Cruz by the 
north-east, and the IJah.ima Channel, which was the name thtMi iL,d\in 
chielly to the sea region parallel with tin; north coast of Cuba. 7 jt is 
clearly the latter route which was sketched out for Alaminos, when he 
sailed from San de I'llo.-i, thouj^^h with urj^tMU rc!Commeiidations to 
steer as far north from Cuba as lie could, to avoid being cauj^dil by Diego 

The commissioners who were sent to Spain were not instructed, con- 
sequently, to navigate by a route heretofore unknown ; but simply to 
avoid going to Havana, so that Diego \'elas(iu(.'z might not be informed 
of their voyage ,ind mission : 

" l,es enconicndamos niucho (jue por via ninguna enirascn en la Hahana . . injuc 

no alcan/ase a saber el Diego X'eia/ijuez lo (jue jiasaba : - 'I'hey were earnestly •.•.arneu not to 
enter Havana in any way whatever, in order to prevent Diego Velaziiue/. from being ai)prised 
of what was being done.'" 

The next time Diaz speaks of that voyage, it is in thes(; words: 

" Ya he dicho (pie partieron nuestros procuradcres del puerto de San Juan de Ulua en 
6 [sic\ del mes del Julio de 1519 ahos, y con bucn viaje llegaron a la Habana y luego desein- 
bocaron la canal, l' dice (jue a(]uella futj la primera vez (jue por alii navcgaron, y en jxn 1 

' licrnal DlA/. dkl ('.\-~iimo, \'i nliuli m llhlm-ui, *■ llcrnal I)i\/. cip. liv.. p. .(S, 'Mk-.c i\i.n-i'.ns 

cap. liii., p. 47. .t1s(i sliiiw that what tlu-y callnl the Hali.ima iliarmtl in 

■ Sl'C the foll.iwlnj; ii>te. tlio^c davs was |.araI1rl witli Ciilia. 

1! .1 




» •, 


1 1 



Till-; DiscovEKv or North Ami;ru:a. 



i I f ' f 




tienipo Hegaron a las islas de la 'I'erceira : — I have remarked that our commissioners left the 
port of San Juan de Ulloa on the 6tli of July, in the year 15 19. After a good passage they 
arrived in Havana, and then came out of the channel. This navigation is the first which was 
made by that route. In a short time they reached the Terceira islands." " 

It follows from the above extracts that all which coiiteinpc raneous 
historians knew of the voyage of Alaniinos from Mexico to Spain, in 
1519, is comprised in these few details, viz.: 

He sailed from Vera Cruz, July 26, 15 19, touched at Marien in 
Cuba ; from thence either cros.sed what those writers call " the Bahama 
Channel " throughout, w'ithout stopping {Goniara) ; or came out of that 
channi'l by a route said never to have been attempted before [Dias) ; 
and, after a quick run, arrived at Terceira (D/iu), and, in October, at 
Seville (Las (^nsus). 

It is well to note that Gomara wrote in 1551, Las Casas in 1559, 
and Hernal Diaz in 1568; that is, at a time when the sea-way between 
the Lucayas and the continent had been entirely explored, and was per- 
fectly depicted on maps, but not under the name of the Bahama Channel, 
which we have failed to discover on any chart of the sixteenth century. 
Nor do we find in their writings the reasons for such a statement ; and 
we take the latter to be nothinsr else than an inference on their part, 
based upon the important fact, however, that Alaminos sailed over a new- 
route. Xay, we are not even pre[)ared to affirm that what then went by 
the name of " Bahama Channel " was at all the [)assage between Florida 
and the Lucayan islands. i . re are reasons to think that the term 
ap[)lied to the sea njute, extending from west to east, betweim the north 
coast of Cuba and the Bahama bank. Hence the name of "Old Bahama 
Channel." given to the latter region in our sailing charts. 

It is with llerrera that we begin to see the notion assume a sort 
of technical character, with postulates, motives, aiul inductions ; whicli, 
however, h.ive no other basis than the al)ovi: 'Iav facts, likewise derived 
from thi^ authorities we have quoteil. Here is his narrative : 

" l)ii;lcs Ik-mando C\>nes el nujnr navio, i por ;:iil 'to :. Alton do .Maminos, jiorfjue 
hacian cucnta, por aiiartarse de Cuba, dc pasar !a Canal de r.aluana : i cste piloto era el mas 
experimentado dc aciuella Mar, i por acompanado fue otro i)!loto. rarticronse ;i 26 de Julio 
de este ano, con (juinre marineros, i tocando en el Marien dc Cuba, pasaron ,a la Habann, i 
descmbocaron la Canal de Dahama, i Hegaron con prospero ticinpo ,'i I',s!i;ifKi, sicndo Uv; 
prinicros ipie hicieron aquella navegaciun, por no dar en manos de I)icgo X'elazciuez ; i a 

■> II,:J, II, c.y,: Ivl 


TiiK Gui.K Stkkam. 



esto se determin6 Anton de Alaminos, juzgando con la niucha platica que tenia de los Lu- 
cayos, i de la Costa de la Florida, que aquellas corrientes havian de acabar en alguna parte, 
i fue metendiose k el Norte : i sucediole bien, porque salido de la Canal con bien, hall6 el 
espacioso mar, i dichosamente entrd en San I tirar por Octubre : — Cortds gave them the best 
ship, and, for pilot, Anton de Alaminos, tor they were warned to eschew Cuba in passing 
through the Bahama channel. He was the pilot best versed in navigating that sea ; and he 
was adjoined another pilot. They left July 26th of that year, with fifteen sailors, touched at 
Marien of Cuba, passed by Havana, :.nd came out of the Bahama Channel. After a pros- 
perous passage they arrived in Spain ; being the first who had accomplished such a navigation, 
so as not to fall into the hands of Diego Velazque/.. Anton de Alaminos adopted that course, 
judging from his great experience of the Lucayas and the coasts of Florida, that those currents 
must end somewhere. [Therefore] he sailed northwards, which proved favorable; for he came 
out of the channel successfully, found the broad sea, and, after a prosperous voyage, entered 
San Lucar in October.'"" 

We feel no hesitation in considering the above narrative as a mere 
interpretation based upon the statements of Gomara, of Las Casas (for 
the date of arrival in Spain), and of Bernal Diaz, whose work, although 
printed only in 1632, was known to Herrcra even when preparing the 
first edition of his Decades, published in 1601." But he, certainly, had 
not access to original maps or technical accounts. The inferences of 
that historian may be correct, and, upon the whole, are .such as all of 
us would draw a priori ; but the critic is bound to notice that they were 
not derived from positive geographical data. This is .so much the more 
important as in none of the authentic details which have reached us is 
there any mention of the "Costa de la Florida," nor of the "corrientes," 
which must have been the necessary factors in Alaminos' project of dis- 
covery, as set forth by Herrera. 

We now proceed to e.xamine the original documents themselves. 

The Carta tie Kelacion o. Cortes, dated Villa-Rica de la Vera Cruz, 
July 10, 1 519, which may have contained some allusion to the then in- 
tended voyage, has not yet been discovered, either in print or in MSS. 
The Carta de la Justicia, under the same date, which sui)plies it in a 
measure, merely mentions the imminent departure of the me.S!=engi;rs : 
" elegimos por nuestros procuradores k Alonso Fernandez Portocarrero y 
;\ Francisco de Montejo, los cuales enviamos h. V. M." '- 

"■ IIkkukka, Ifiititrla O'lienil ih' hi hrrhon di lo< .1 rufL'rencc, Uecad. II., lib. iii., cip. \., Vol. I., p. 96, 
C'cuHlillaiios, Dcciil. II., HI), v., c\\). xiv., p. Ijz. of the eililinn of 1601, whiih is \.hc priueep". 

" Set- the list of " Aulores improsos, y ile mano," and " Cartni fie Cortiii, CLiyangos' eilition, p. 21. 

3 A 




ui, t 

1 A • 




■1. • 



The Discovkkv ov North Amkkra. 

( -,' 



Corti's' Carta of October 30, 1520, fixes the thite of the saihng out 
of the ship from Veni Cruz, which was neither the 6th nor the 26th, as 
Gomara, Diaz, and Herrera stale, but the i6th of July, 1519: 

" Kn vn.i nao, que de Esta Nuev.i-Espana de Vuestra Sacra Magestad despache h diez 
i seiz^de Julio del ano de quinientes i dicz i nueve, einbiii .\ Vuestra Alte<;a mui larga, i par- 
ticular Relacion .... la qual llcvaron Alonso Hernandez I'uertocarrero, i Francisco de 
Montejo:— In a ship which I sent forth from this New Spain of Your S.icred Majesty, on the 
sixteenth of July of the year 1519, I have addressed to Vour Highness a very extensive and 
detailed account, which was entrusted to Alonso Hernandez Portocarrero and I'rancisco de 
Montejo." '» 

Notwithstanding positive orders, the pilot Alaminos, at the urgent 
request of Montejo, w(Mit to Cuba, touching at a point of the north-west 
coast, called Mari(Mi, where Montejo owned a plantation; but the arrival 
there, after the departure from Vera Cruz, was not so soon as the 
expression of Diaz: "con burn viage," would lead us to believe. it 
required more than five weeks, from July 16th to August 23rd, to cross 
the Gulf of Mexico. This we ktarn from the judicial petition addressed 
by Diego Velazquez to the King, November 19, 13 19: 

"En veinte e tres dias de Agosto pas.ido abia lleg.ido a un puerto escondido de la dicha 
Habana una caravela que venia de las dichas Thierras . . . e que venia dentro en ella un 
Anton de Alaminos, Piloto Mayor ques del prencyjiio que fice descobrir nquellas Thierras . . . 
venian un l''rancisco de Montexo e otio Alonso Hernandez de I'uerto-Carreno [.v;V]. — On the 
23rd day of .Xugust last, there arrived frcni a secluded i)ort of the said H.ivana [Cuba?], 
a ship which came from those lands ; having on board Anton de Alaminos, rilot-Mnjor, who 
from the beginning, had accomplished discoveries in that region; Francisco dc Montejo, and 
Alonso Hernandez de I'uerto-Carreno."" 

.Such a voyage usually re([uiri'd from five to seven days only, s.ivs 
Oviedo. '5 Must we infer that it was duri.ig those five long weeks that 
the exploration northwards was effected ? This is scarcely admissible, as 
it would imoly their turning back, and sailing south one hundred leagues 
or more, f r no other purpose than to allow Montejo to visit his farm, 
and at a time when a s[)eed\' voyage to .S|)ain was absolutely re(iuired. 

The first indication rel.itive to the rout(; which they then ado[)ted is 
to be found in a letter adtiressed by Diego Velazcjuez to Lucas \',iz([uez 
de Ayllon, on the 37th of Noveml)er, 1519. Referring to their <le|)arture 
from Marien, after having eml^arkrd fresh provisions, within a \'c\\ davs, 
he savs ; 


' ' Ciirlit ill III Iriiiiiii, ItAKiI \, Ili-iUiiiailiiii s jiriiiii'i 
ill fii.< Iwliit.-' Oi-r!il,iifiil<-, \..|. I., \'. 1. 

'* Ti •ffiifiiinio^ ill the CoUt'i'mu ih itiniinii iifo-< itim',' 
<h Iii,lia.K, V(,l. .WW., i>. 21. 

'■■ " \ ilcsilo clla [Sanlci Ddiiiingo] a 'I'icrral-'irmi 
.Ttr.ivk'san las nans oil cincn, y scis, y sii'lf dias, y mas 
si't;uii ,i la paiU' cl.uijc \an tjuiai'.as ;" ( l\ ii.m., Sdiniii-^n, 
c.iii. i., p, .|7J, ..( \cc!ia's (.■ililinii. 



'I'll!', (iri.K Stkkam. 


" Thonia la derrota c syguieron su viaxe facia las Vslas de los Vucayos por parte innave- 
gante, non sabida nin usada por ninguno : — They set out and pursued their voyage in the 
direction of the Lucayas islands, through parts heretofore unknown or sailed over by anyone."" 

The letter which Miguel de Pasamonte wrote to the King, fnjin Santo 
Domingo, January 15, 1520, is somewhat more explicit: 

" El adelantado Diego Velazfiuez me a escripto que por el mes de Agosto pasado, aporto 
a la Isla Fernandina unas de las caravelas que fueron en el armada (jue ymbio it las Thierras 
nuevas que abia descobierto, des que ymbio por Capitan Hernando Corles e que la dicha 
caravela tonio agua c mantenymientos en la punta de la dicha ysla, en una estancia de uno 
que venio en ella cjue se disce Montexo. Disce ([ue se fycieron a la vela e tomaron su der- 
rota por la iiaite del Norte la via Despafia o do Ingalaterra; — The Adelantado Diego Velazquez 
has written to me that, in the month of August last, there arrived in the island of Fernandina 
[Cuba] one of the ships of the expedition which he had sent to the new regions discovered 
by [sic' pro for] him, and under the command of Captain Fernand Cortes ; and that the said 
ship took in fresh water and provisions at the extremity of the island, at a farm belonging to 
one of those who were on board, called Montexo. He says that they set sail, and directed 
their course towards the north in the direction of Spain or of England." " 

Diego \''elazquez, in his letter to Ayllon, gives the slight grounds 
upon which he bases his opinion in n-spect to the route then ado[)ted 
by Alaminos : 

" A lo ([ue se pudo colexir segund los yndios e la manera e calidad de las ])ersonas 
quen el dicho navio van, (jue se van a Reynosos e otras partes estraiias : — As far as can be 
ascertained from the Indians, and the action and character of the persons on board, they are 
bound for foreign parts."'* 

Thi! conclusion to be drawn from our tedious analysis is that we 
.scarcely know anything at all about the voyage: of Alaminos. It amounts 
simply to this : 

Alaminos .sailed from the western ixtriMnity of Cuba, tluring the last 
week of August, 1519. He sailed, not luirth, this being an impossibility, 
as it would have carrical him straight to .vpalachee Bay, in West Morida, 
but in the direction of Spain or h-nglaml ; that is, north-east, and liy 
adopting a new route. 

Tht: ri\ference to his having started towards the Lucayos islanils : 
"facia la;; Vslas de los Yucayos," would imply a route across one of the 
Providence channels; for it is to the north-east of Cul)a, ami even of liis- 
paniola, that the maps of the time, from Peter Martyr's to Kunstmaiui 

''•Dii'iiiiii iilii: iiiidifiii (/• /h'^'(i-<, Vnl, WW., |i. j ;. '^ ('.</<■■. '/oil lit: iloriiiiiiii'i'i tl'' Imliii'i, vnUiiin.' aiv.l 

'' lliiih III, \\<]. XXW., p. .145. 1 .1^ ■ .ili.ive i|ii(iloil. 



i :^ 


'i ! 



■ *.i 

♦ * > 




1 1 




I, I 




The Discovkkv ok North Amkkica. 

No. IV., inscribe " los lucaios;" and that part of the archipelago may 
not have been explored before the year 15 19. 

We know, however, that Alaminos was prompted, above all, by the 
necessity of avoiding falling into the hands of Diego Velazquez, who, 
immediately upon hearing of his arrival on the coast, despatched two light, 
fast sailing vessels to seize his ship : 

" De ]5resto mandd dos navios de poco porte, grandes veleros, con toda la artil- 
leria y soldados que pudo haber y con dos capitancs que fucron en ellos, que se decian (Jabriel 
de Rojas, y el otro capitan se decia fulano de Guzman, y le mand6 tjue fuesen hasta la 
Habana . . . llegaron en cierlos dias a la canal de Bahama, y preguntaba los de los navios d. 
barcos que andaban por la mar de acarreto que si abian visto ir una nao de mucho porte, y 
todos dabian noticia della y que ya seria desembocada por la canal de Bahama, porcjue 
siempre tuvieron buen tiempo ; y despiies de andar harloventeado con aquellos dos navios 
entre la canal y la Habana . . . . se volvieron k Santiago de Cuba : — He ordered at once 
to arm two ships of small tonnage, but fast sailers, with all the artillery and soldiers which 
could be lodged on board, under the command of two captains, one named Gabriel de Rojas, 
the other [Gonzalo] de Guzman, and ordered them to go as far as Havana . . . After a few 
days they reached the Bahama channel, and enquired from every coasting ship and bark if 
they had seen a large vessel. They all replied having met such a ship, which doubtless cleared 
the Bahama channel, as she had fair weather. After cruising in the channel and [between] 
Havana, the two small vessels returned to Santiago de Cuba." " 

Alaminos therefore ran the risk of falling in with any ship which 
Velazquez might send after him, if he ventured to sail east or north-east 
of Havana ; as it must have been by the Windward Passage that such 
a vessel, coming from Santiago de Cuba, would enter what is now called 
the " Bahama Old Channel." It is natunil, therefore, that the skilful 
pilot, who, when ranging the south coast of P'lorida, first with Ponce de 
Leon, and then with Hernandez de Cordova, had certainly noticed the 
G';lf Stream and its direction, should have attempted to lloat it down, 
with the hope of reaching the Atlantic Ocean, north of the Antillies. 
But how far he sailed along the Gulf of P'lorida, or at what latitude he 
took his course due east, and whether he e.\plored any part of the coast 
of Florida, Georgia, or the Carolinas, are questions which we are wholly 
unable to solve. 

All we can say is that, although the conimissioners hail no time to 
lose, they may have tarried on the way and etfected a landing, inasmuch 
as Porto Carrero was very ill. Las Casas names the month t)f October 
for the return of Alaminos, but dubiously: " creo por Octubre." Oviedo, 

'■• Ktrnnl Diaz, ra]>. Iv., i^. 4S. 


V ^ 

TllK Gur.K STKKA.Nf. ,07 

who WHS u witiKjss of the arrival .,f the commissioners, and went to ad- 
mire the gold ornaments they had brought with them, says that it was 
near the close of the year 15,9: ''quassi en fin del ano mill e quini-ntos 
e d.ez y nueve." - And. in support of a late landing in Spain, it must 
also be noted that the gold and valuables sent by Cortes were not ordered 
to be forwarded to the Casa de Contratacion of Seville before Decem- 
ber 5. 1519.2. Finally, Peter Martyr does not announce the coming of 
the messengers until the 9th of that month. ^^ This implies a lapse 
of at least t(;n wer!;s between the sailing from Marien de Cuba (August 
27th) and arrival in the Spanish port. 

"■ OviKi,o. Uhi Hvjjra. by <;avangos, after MuSoz, (,},. cit., ,,. 34, note. 

" Manual dd Tcmnro, M.S. of the archives, quoted " A.nghiera, Kpistola DCL., j.. 35S. 

> riff 




'• } 



■\\ ■,♦ 


? ■ 




■ ii I' 

I! lit 


Avi.i.on's Imrst \'()VAt;H. 


''I'^HI'lRI'l iin: documents in existence concerning the first voyage of 
I Lucas X'ascjuez de Ayllon to the east coast of the New Continent,' 
but we have been unable to discover or to obtain copies of them, 
and must therefore hmit our investigations to the few ficts which may 
be gathereil from contemporaneous historians. 

In the Historia de las huh'as of Lopez de Gomara, we notice ;i 
chapter, entitled " Rio Jordan en tierra tie Chicora : —The River of Jordan 
in th<; countrv of Chicora," which beqfins as follows : 

"Siete vecinos de Santo Pomingo, entr.- los "Seven inhabitants of Santo Domingo, among 

cuales fuc uno cl licenciado l.ucas \'azquer whom was the licentiate Lucas Vazquez de 

de .Ayllon, oidor de aquella isla, armaron dos Ayllon, judge of that island, eijuipped two ships 

navies en puerto de Plata, el ano de 20, para in Puerto de Plata, to go in search of Indians 

ir por indios a las islas I.ucayos . . . Fueron, from the Lucayas islands. They went, but 

y no hallaron en ellas hombres que rescatar 6 failed to find men to seize for the purpose of 

saltear para atraer d sus niinas, hatos y gran- working in their mines and farms, and decided 

jerias. Y asi, acordaron de ir mas al norte therefore to go further north in quest of a 

;i buscar tierra donde los hallasen, y no tornase country where such [Indians] could be found, 

vacios. Fueron pues .i una tierra que llama- so as not to return with empty hands. They 

ban Chicora y Ciualda[)c, la cual estd en treinta reached a land named Chicora and (lualdape, 

y dos grados, y es lo cjue llaman agora cabo which is by 32°, and is that which is now called 

de Santa Klena y rio Jordan ; algunos con Cape of Santa Elena and the River of Jordan. 

todo esto, dicen como el tiempo, y no la Withal some say it was by stress of weather, and 

voluntatl, los echo all.i." not intentionally, that they arrived there." - 

Gomara then relates how they enticed on board a number of Indians, after 
having returned two natives, a man and a woman, as decoys; that the King 
sent 10 the shii)s fifty of iiis men, all carrying victuals ; that thereupon 

' Tin; Hon. liciiry t'. MiKi'iiv h.i-i refc-rrol t" -iu!i 
iittoiinicnt> a?, far hack .i.-^ l!>7.S" ".^^ wt^ learn fiom tht.- 
Icstinionyof IVvlru '!■■ IJ U'j", ihc iiilm "i M;Uicn/'i," >.ii>l 
lie hIrmi cli-cii»>ip.j; tlie l.\ii.lf'l! of .Vyll.Mi, aii^l '|U.i\cil: 
'• I'roceeiliiij;^ heh're 'lie .Xinli'.ors iif S:. Doniingii, \i\ 

virliieof a ilecree i)f Nuv. 1525. in relalioii tn the 
(li^l)Utc lietween .Vyllun ami Malien/i> ciiieernini; tl'eir 
(liM'overy, |lre^erve^l ill MS. al Seville." —'/Vc' I'di/it'/f ()/" 
y^'i-ra-.-niin^ p. ijj. 

■■ (iiiMAKA, IV'. ' /'., ei|i. \liii,, |i. 179. 


AvI.I.dn's l-"lkST X'dVAC.i:. 





1 « 

• 'I 

the Spanianls suddenly stn sail, and hnnit^ht to Santo Ooniingo a luunhc.r 
of ChiconMns (as slaves) ; hut that one: of the vessels foundered at sea, 
with all on hoard. 

That narrative has served as a hasis for every account written since 
of the first ex])edition of \^isquez de Ayllon. It has heen literally copied 
hy Herrera ; and modern historians have followed that chronicler. 

Gomara, as usual, has not consulted any original authority. His ac- 
count is a mere paraphrase of the second chapter of the Seventh Pecade 
of I'l'ter Martyr. This chapter, as we have shown, 3 has also furnished 
Las Casas with all the elements oi a de.scription, hased upon the same 
materials as used hy Gomara in the present instance, hut to which 
Las Casas ascrihes a date anterior to the first expedition of .Ayllon, and 
without coimecting him with it, directly or indirectly. The critic therefore 
must revert to Peter Martyr as the sole origin of all those narratives. 

Now, Pi:ter .Martyr does not present that expedition to the north- 
west of the island of Cuha as having heen accomplished in 1520, nor by 
Vazquez de Ayllon, nor does he place hy 32° north latitude the region 
then discovered or visited. particulars have heen first advanced by Gomara, who mixed 
the details of the predatory cruise related at the beginning of the Seventh 
Decade, with the account of an expedition of Ayllon given also by Peter 
Martyr, hut which is rc:lated as if entirely distinct and independent. In 
fact, we have failed to find any phrase where Peter Martyr ascribes that 
first slave hunt, expressly or implicitly, to the Santo Domingo judge ; 
although he was well accpiainted with him personally, and they even con- 
versed together about his voyage to Cicora.. 

Under the circumstances, it is necessary to reproduce literally Peter 
Martyr's own accoimt, to show the origin of those statements. The text 
tt'iids rather to deprive Lucas X'aztjuez de Ayllon of the merit c:^ having 
sent the expedition which first landed on the shores of the Carolinas. 
This comi)els us to repeat the commencement of Anghiera's narrative, 
which we have already cited, but only to dis])rove certain allegations of 
the Bishop Bartholomew de Las Casas. -^ 

" Cujiiditate igitur hahendi lucaios, more " I'romptcii by the lust of possessing [?] the 

venatorum qui per nemora montana perque l.ucayas, the Spaniards, after the mode of 

palustria loca feras insectantur, ita ([uidani hunters who pursue wild beasts across forests, 

Hispani duobus nauigiis sei)tcm virorum im- mountains, and swamps, sailed from the town 

pensa constructis, ex oppido Tortus plat;e of Puerto de Plata, on the north side of 

' Siijira, ch.ii.icr ii., \\ 1.(3. < Si(j,i(i, clmpM !. p. 137, 


I I 


I-' -i' I'J 

! f 



1 U% 


'^M" DiscovKRY OK North Amfrica. 


dido, in Ilispaniolac tre, qua scptcn- 

trioncm spcctat, a ^ aomo cupii causa, 

anno ah hinc t sfictarunt . . . lerunt 

ergo illi, vesti^ univcrsas has insulas, 

pr.xJa non reperta, quod eorum conuicini, 
iandiu ex amussim cxploratas depopulati fue- 
rant. Nc consociis irrisui forcnt si vacui ad 
Hispaniolam reuerterentur dircxere proras ad 
Arctoon bot)teni. Aiunt plaricjuc nicntitos, qui 
sua spunte dixerint elegisse illud iter, sed in- 
(piiunt ab exorta ct biduo porseuerata rciientina 
tenipestate fuisse raptatos, ad eius tcrroe, quani 
describeiiius, jirospcctuni, viso a longe coiso 
proniontorio. Quum so ad littus nostri appli- 
carent, miraculo stupidi monstruni aliquod ad 
se venire putarunt inciilae, (jubd usu naviuni 
ipsi careant : visendi studio primum ad littus 
ccrtatim concurrunt, mox a descendentibus 
cum scaphis aura velocius aufugerunt omnes, 
littusque reliquerc desertum : sequuntur ab- 
cuntes nostri. Pr;ceunt .aguien agiliores quidam 
juvencs, citatiore cursu properant, duos igna- 
vius currentes virum et fisuiinam [irxhendunt, 
ad naves perductos veslibus ornant, solvunt. 
Moti ea libcralitate littora complent iterum 
incolne. Rex eorum intcUecta nostrorum bcne- 
ficentio . . . Sod cjuid? Hospitii fideni violarunt 
Hispani tandem. Astu nantiue artibusque 
variis, post cuncta diligenler vestigata, opcram 
dederunt ut una dierum ad naves visendi causa 
multi concurrerent, implentur naves inspectan- 
ttbus ; ubi refertas viris ac fceminis habuere, 
anchoris evulsis velis protentis, lugentes ab- 
duxerunt in scrvitutem. Ita regiones eas uni- 
versas ex amicis reliqucrunt inimicas, et ex 
pacatis iierturbatas, filiis a parentibua ablatis, 
ab uxoriljus maritis. Sed e duabus navibus una 
tantum evasit, altera nusquain ultcrius visa est : 
submersam fuisse cum sontibus et insontibus, 
(jubd esset vetusta conjectantur. Id spolium 
fuit HispaniolsE senatui moiestissimum : im- 
punitos tamen rclicjuerunt Cum de prxda 
remittenda consuUasscnt, nil c.xecutioni man- 
datum est, rei difficultate animadvcrsa, deper- 
dita jirnecipue umi. Particularia ({uredam ex 

Hispaniola, facing the Lucayas, with two ships 
constructed at the cost of seven individuals, 
in search of men [i. '., to enslave]. That 
occurred three years ago . . . They then 
scoured all the said islands without finding 
any prey, because those living nrar had long 
before explored and completely dispeopled 
them. So as not to become the laughing- 
stock of their partners if they returned to 
Hispaniola with empty hands, they turned 
the prows of their vessels northward. Those 
who say they selected such a route of their 
own accord speak falsely. [On the contrary] 
they were driven thither by a storm which 
burst suddenly, and lasted two days. It 
carried them to the land which wc describe, 
and of which they had seen from afar the 
high promontory. As our men landed, the 
astonishment of the natives was very great, 
thinking that they were witnessing a pro- 
digious phenomenon, as they had never seen 
ships before. Impelled by curiosity, they first 
ran to the shore ; but, as soon as the Spaniards 
alighted from their boats, they fled like the 
wind. Some of our young men, among the 
swiftest, caught two of the natives, a man 
and a woman, whom they brought on board. 
Dresses were given to them, and they were 
set free. Moved by such generosity on our 
part, the natives again flocked to the shore ; 
and their King having been informed of our 
kindness . . . sent us fifty of his followers 
loaded with products of the country .... 
Finally, the Spaniards violated the laws of hos- 
pitality . . . They enticed the n.-itivcs on board, 
and, when the ships were filled with men and 
women, they weighed anchor . . . and carried 
them into slavery . . . Hut only one of the 
two vessels escaped ; and, as the other never 
was seen again, it is supposed that, being old, 
she foundered at sea, carrying to the bottom 
both the guilty and innocent. That abduction 
was resented in a iiigh degree by the Tribunal 
of Hispaniola, which, however, failed to intlict 
any [)unishment. The judges deliberated as to 


Avi.i.dn's Imkst V'ovAci:. 

20 1 

his h sapientc viro jurisperito sacerdote, qui the means of rcturnint^ [the Indians] who had 

dicitur IJaccalarius Alvarus i Castro, ea didici. l)ccn taken ; l)ut this was found to he impos- 

Is oh Utteras et nioruni honestatcm decanus est sihle, especially on account of the loss of one of 

efiectus antistcx' conceptionis in Hisjianiola, et the vessels. Those details were given to me hy 

idem Vicarius ac una hereseos incjuisitor, cui the bachelor Alvaro de Castro, who was bolii a 

prcBstanda est his super fides liherior . , . very able jurist and a priest . . . On this point, 

Ad corum patriam, unde sumus digressi ; rever- the greatest reliance should be placed in him. 

tamur : vel Hacchalaos anno abhinc vigesinio ... He says that several complaints were 

sexto ex Anglia per Cabotum repertos, aut lodged against the ravishers . . . that the 

liacchalais, de ([uibus late alias, contiguas, women were dressed in lions' skins, and that 

arhitror ess" terras illas. De illarum ctelesti the race has a white complexion . . . As to 

situ ritibusciuc ac provcntibus et moribus nunc the country, I think it is the land of liaccallaos, 

dicendum est. Sub altitudine graduum eorun- which was discovered by Cabot twenty-six years 

dem et sub iisdem jacere parallclis affirmant, ago or one adjoining the same. It is said to be 

sub quibus Hispana jacet Vandalia, vulgo in the latitude of Andalusia . . . The Spaniards 

Andaluzia. Regiones perlusirarunt paucorum coasted the country during a few days, landed 

dierum intercapedine, plxrasciue sL.iul longe in several places, and went inland after casting 

protento in ternim adha;rentes, ubi anchoras anchor. T'-^ two principal parts are Chicora 

jacere, Chicorani et Duhare primarias. and Duharhe." 

After (lc'scril)inti; further the ;ippear;ince of the Chicoreuns, Peter 
Martyr invokt!s another testiiiioin-, but only as regards the looks, habits, 
and customs of those Indians, as follows : 

" Chicoranos aiunt semifuscos esse, uti nostri " It is said that the Chicoreans are semi- 

sunt agricol.TC sole adusti ivstivo. C'aiiillos nigros brown, like our sun-burned husbandmen. The 

cingulo tenus viri nutriunt, Aemina; longiores in men let their hair, which is black, grow until 

giros: uterque sexus nectit comam. Sunt im- it falls to the waist. The women carry their 

berbes : sit ne id a natura, vel ah arte, medica- hair, which is curled, longer .... They 

menti aliquo gencre adhibito, vel pilos evellant have no beard. Whether it be natural, or 

more Tenustitan;B gentis, est in anibiguo : caused by their pulling off the hair, like 

utcumiue sit ostendere .se leuigatos delectantur the people of Tenustitan [.Mexico], I cannot 

Testem aliiim rito non minoiis inter laicos tell. I shall quote another testimony, appre- 

autoritatis, (juam decanus ille sit inter initiatos : ciated by laymen in as high a degree as 

Is Lucas Va/(]uez .Mglionus licenliatus dicitur, that of Alvaro de Castro is valued by the 

civis Toletanus, et ex Hispaniolx senatoribus initiated. It is the attestation of Lucas 

unus, eius [w'j impensie duormn navigiorum Va/cpiez de Ayllon 

particeps : ad nostrum rerum Indicarum sena- who came [ to Spain ] 

tum ab Hispaniola missus procurator, venit et on a mission from the Tribunal of Hispaniola 

diu eftl.ngitavil dari sibi veniam re|)etendi terras to our Council of the Indies. Having been 

illas, condendx in eis colonia; causa. Kx a partner in the equipment, at his own cost, 

Chicoranis adveclis unum adduxit secum, qui ei of two ships, he long solicited the authorisa- 

fanuiletur, bapti/atum appellat I-'ranciscum, ab tion of returning there to plant a colony, 
suo natali Chicot a cognomen induit. Dum He had brought with him, as a servant, one 

negociis intendens moraretur, habui alitiuando of the Chicoreans taken over [to Hispaniola], 

5 Thi^ ^iiitciux' i". :ilmo>l uninlfllitjilik'. IVrlKips wu is llie same in the etlifio inim-rps mv\ m llic eclitimi 

slumUl read: " oiiu Matieiu" particeiis," alllioiigli it jjiveli li)' IIaki.iyI, I)r Orh, Xoni, I'aris, 15SS, Svn. 
wmilil nnl under it iiuicli mure correct. The alu've text '' Those or any such accinnils arc lost. 

2 II 

n 'I 





1 1 

I I 



convivas et Aiglionum hcrum cl Franciscuni whom he caused to be Ijaptizcd and called 

Chicoranum famulantcm. Non est hebes ingcnio Kratnis, with the surname of C/iicora, from 

is Chicornnus, nee inepte sapit, idioniaiiue sat his native land, I entertained both at my 

commode didicit Hispanum. (^ua; igitur Aig- house on several occasions. I shall now 

lionus ipse licentiatus ex sociorum relatu Uteris proceed Xo repeat the contents of the ac- 

mandata niihi oslendit, et ([ux Chicoranus viva counts composed by Ayllon with the relations 

voce fassus est miranda (luidem, ea reccnsebo. written by his companions/ and what I'ran- 

Demat addatcjue fidei reruni, ([uas recitabo, ex ciaco Chicorano told me 

ingenio (]uis(iue suo .... Chicora ergo relicta, Having left Chicora, they went to another 

latus aliud sinus ejus adierunt et rcgionem region called Duharhe, whose inhabitants are 

captarunt dictam Duharhe : hos incolas esse said by Ayllon to have a white comiiiexion, 

candidos ait Aiglionus, aftirmante Francisco but Chicorano asserts that it is brown. . . 

Chicorano sufTusco, sed (lavis demissisciue ad Their hair is fallow, and comes to the heels. 

talum usque crinibus. Regem habent hi Their King is of gigantic size 

giganteie proceritatis .... Regio est alia . . There is another country near, called 

huic jjropinciua nomine Xapida." Xa[)ida."' 

It must be confessed that the entt^rprise first described by Peter 
Martyr in his Seventh Decade, resembles in important particulars what 
we know from other and authentic sources, of the e.xpedition which Ayllon 
sent to our east coast in 1521. I-'or instance: 

The date of both is nearly the same. The letters patent of 1523, which 
we will soon discuss, say that it was a short time before the latter year : 
"nuevamente;" while Peter Martyr states that this c:vent took place "three 
years before writin<j; his Seventh Decade," which was completed in I525.*> 

Ayllon's e.xpedition, as well as thi; other one, was composed of two 
ships : " dos carabelas," and " duobiis navigiis," eciuipped in and sailing 
from Puerto de Plata: " e.\ oppido Portus Platre."^ 

The object (jf both was to kidnap Indians from the Lucayas islands: 
"ad Lucaias homo cupii causa," and " por yndios lucayos."'° 

The two e.\[)editions directed their course northward: "a la parte del 
norte," and " direxere proras ad Arctoon bootem." 

The |)art of the continent where they both landed contained provinces 
severally namcxl "Chicora" and "Duharhe" (P('ter Martyr); "Chicora" 
and " 1 )uache " (L(.;ttcrs p.itent," antl Oxiedo). 

Put there is a most important circumstance which, thus far, belongs 
only to the anonymous e.\[)edilit)n. We refer to the loss at sea of one of 

" Ani;iiii'.ha, 1>i Oil". Xoim, ('iin|iluli, 1530, lnl., |ilaii- wli'jif .■\ylli>ii Ciiuippeil his cxpfilitiims. It is 

l>,iiix Si'/iliiiiii, mil. ii., f" Mil., nnil jip. 4(iS-.(72 of (li-.,iriliLil liy I!m I^n, Siimn t/i (•'ruijiiitia, v^•l^cl of ii, 

ll.ikkiyl's f.lilion. a^ .1 |ionr port, hul little freiiin'iui'il : "I'M luj;;>r I's 

* On till! 71I1 of M.iicli, 1525, accorilinj; to his own |>ki|iiL'iVi y I'l puciti) no os liiieno, y n I'sta c;uis.\ is poco 

st.Ttcmrnl. Slt' xii/iia, p. 13S, cl tralo." 

'•'The (locmncnis pulilisln^l in ihij < 'u/k-' ion di ili<fii- 'M.'oinphiini of Mai lENZo in tlio DiKiuiimlns iimliloH 

mciiloK ineililiiK il( Imlitii, \ ol. XX.\1\'., |ip. 563-7, an',1 (/• Iiiilias, \n\, XXXI\'., p. 563. 
X.XXV., pp. 547-C(2, show tlial I'lierto dc l'lal:i was ihc " Tist of llic Jhi: imil. (It: Iii'liit.<, 

\- , 


Avi.i,on's First V^)\■.\(;l•. 


the two ships, vvitli all on board ; and that event hcin^ ^ivcn, besides, as 
the reason why the capturtHl Indians were not returned to their nativi; land. 

It is also an extraordinary fact that I'eter Martyr, who relates the 
two voyages from trustworthy sources, such as Alvarez de Castro for 
the one, and Ayllon himself for the other, should have repres(!nted them 
as wholly distinct ; if in reality, they were found to lie oner anil the same. 
It was impossible that he should be so misinformed on the subject. If 
he knew that there was no difference bt;tvveen the two expeditions, W(! 
must infcT that, beinj; a perfect courtier, he avoidiid connecting the name; 
of Ayllon, who was an intluential judge, with a piratical enteri)rise which 
he had just branded as an injustice and a disgrace. 

Now, there is a consequence to be drawn from this analysis. If 
the anonymous expedition and that of Ayllon are entirely distinct, then 
he did not discover the Carolinas, and we must ascribe the discovery to 
the unknown and predatory adventurers whose disgraceful exploits are 
related by Peter Martyr at the commencement of his Seventh Decade. 

He that as it may, Ayllon cannot be deprived of the merit of having 
caused those shores to be explored, and, afterwards, of having attempted 
to plant a colony there. Unfortunately, the only document which has 
come to our knowledge concerning his first expedition is the patent which 
was granted to him by Charles V. on the 12th f)f June, 1523, to which 
we have already referred. 

According to those letters patent, '- the enterprise reijuired two 
ships,'3 which were equipped by Ayllon in partnership with a brother judge 
of tile Court of Santo Domingo, calleil Juan Ortiz de Mati«.'nzo, '4 and a 
n(jtary of the same place, named Diego CaballiM-o. 

That expedition discovered a land theretofore unknf)wn, not a long 
time before the month of June in the year 1523. 

" llfitl Ci'diiln qui! cniiliriir. el nuliiili) injtiliilnilo rnii 
hiiraH I'ftzqiifz ilr Aitlott 2)nra protit/nir tt ili-.-<ruhn'- 
inieiito pvinriftiadn fon Iniijne-^ siii/ns if il". utrns fior /ox 
.*(,)" (f .V," A'-.V. //(' /(I, ii/a K-i/i'ii'idln, !/ /mm liiiKcnr iiii 
cx^rcrAo. - -Navarui'.'IK, Vol. III., |i. 153, mill l)iir, 
iiieilil. ill Iiiiliiii, Viil. X.\ll. 

'' Kdlll. >,iysf Ihiiiimtiiliiiy Iliilurii nf Miilm , |i. 246) 
weilomH kniiw (in wlial milli'irily, lh;U " llic iliii'T iiiint 
of the (.Npuililidn was Dicyo Mirtkio." Our lale Iri^'ml 
J. Carson Hrkvoort slatcil in his \'in-a:-.aiio, pulilishuil 
in 1874, the other |iilot of Ayllori's ship was I'cdro 
1>E t,)ri JO, anil that the vessel of ^^atienzo hail for pilot 
I'crnanilo Soiii.. The names of (Juejo, or (Jiioxo, ami 

of Solil, totjether with the remark that the two ships in 
.Vyllon's lir^t e\pe'liiion lielonjjeil to separate owners, 
inilicate also on the pan of liKKVOOR't a l<Mo»leilt;e of 
the iliirumeiils ipmii'.l, .•.^ at)ove slaleil, liy the lion. 
II. {'. .Mi'Kl'llv in 1875. We are ilisposeil lo tliinl, that 
those " rriueeiliii^;-" were loiniil anionj; the papers of the 
late l!nekini;ham SMI I 11. 

'^ This .M.Mir.NZo afterwards removed to Mexico, 
where in 1550 he was excomniiinicated, not, however, 
for liaviin; ent;af;ed in the slave trade: "' piidiendo la 
ahsoliieiou de la excomunieaeion por aher sac.ido del 
rorral de ,San Krancesco al reo de Christolial de .\ni;ulo." 
In the Duiiimi iilo.-i iiieilitos ili: liuliat, Vol. .\I,I. 




i' Ji 

^4 ill 



i, II 


i i; H 




lit I,'* !r<^ 

M ;• ■ .1 


Tm: DiscuvKKV ok Nuktii Amkuka. 

'I'hiit laiul was at the north, and t;xt<Mulcd from 35' to ;,;' latitude 
(accoriling to the scale then in use by Spanish navigators). 

It was fertile, appropriate for colonisation, containing many trees and 
plants like those in Spain, '5 and peopled with inhabitants better fitted for 
civilisation than those of Hisjjaniola. 

The coimtry was under the sway of a king of gigantic size, and 
was divided into provinces severally named : 

Lkttkks Patent : 

Xapira and Tatancal. 
H uaq. 


OviKDO : 
G -acaya. 
Orixa and Inisiguanin. 

We possess no means of controlling those statements, except with 
regard to the names which are set forth in the letters patent as repre- 
senting parts of the country just discovered. Ovicdo, who was in a 
position to be well informed on the subject, having .'cnown personally, at 
the time, the parties engaged in the enterprise,'^' affirms that those names 
were wholly imaginary, and invented by the Indian called Francisco 
Chicora, whom Ayllon had brought with him to Spain : 

'iRmp.KO inscrihes (in lii-; map: " Ticra ilc Ayllop : rcliinuMi ihcii: ici make a sollk-iiu'iil, IiIml: a l.iiiil well ml- 

cl cjiial (lusciilirio y iMihiicndo la a pohlar iicinim! es lierra dilated to yield bread and wine, ami all things nf Spain." 

HUiy (lispiiesta jiara dar pan y vino y t.idas las cosas dc "" OviKHo, Ui«tona (Itnend li. kit Indian, lib. 

K>paiia : — The country of A\ linn, who di^C()vered il,and x^xvii., cap. i., \'ol. 111., ji. 62H. 


Avu.un's Imu^t \'i)VA(,i:. 


" Y en toda la costa, ni en lo ijue fkntro de 
la ticrra vicron los cspanules, ni se pi.'' > ver ni 
aver noti(,ia dc provint^ia ni puorto, ni rio ni 
poblarii)n ([uc tal nonil)rc tuviusse : ni vicron 
tierra ni provincia iiue sc Uamasse dc los nom- 
bres que se cuntenian en la Lapitula^ion (|uel 
licen^iado tuvo con S. M., iiuo yo he visto, que 
son los qutl (licho indio le dcbicra avisar." 

" And, neither on the coast nor inland, did 
the Spaniards see or have notice of i>iwvinces, 
harbors, rivers, or population so naiiud [/'. r., 
Chicora]. Nor did they see any lands or 
provinces bearing the names inserted in the 
letters patent granted by His Majesty, which 
I have seen, and were doubtless furnished by 
that Indian."" 

The preceding i)ages were already in tyi)e when our attention was 
called to a succinct, but new and clear, account of Ayllon's first voyage 
to the east coast, written by Mr. John Gilmary Shea, '^^ and based upon 
documents which, so far as we know, have not yet been published. 
They belong to the files '9 in the suits which Matienzo brought against 
Ayllon, at Santo Domingo, in 1525 and 1526. 

Being unable at this late hour to institute researches in the Archives 
of the Indies, or to obtain copies of those documents, we depart from 
our custom of taking all historic data from original authorities, and jjorrow 
the narrative of l\Ir. Shea, who, moreover, is one of our few trustworthy 

"In 1520, Lucas Vazquez de .\yllon having secured the necessary license, despatched a 
caravel under the command of Francisco Gordillo, with directions to sail northward through 
the Uahamas, and thence strike the shore of the continent. Gordillo set out on his explora- 
tion, and near the island of Lucayoneque, one of the l.ucayuelos, descried another caravel. 
His pilot, Alonso Fernandez Sotil, proceeded towards it in a boat, and soon recognised it as 
a caravel commanded by a kinsman of his, Pedro de Quexos, and fitted out, in part, by Juan 
Ortiz de Matienzo. This caravel was returning from an unsuccessful cruise among the Bahamas 
for Carihs, — the object of the expedition being to capture Indians in order to sell them as 
slaves. On ascertaining the object of Gordillo's voyage, ([^uexos proposed that they should 
continue the exploration together. After a sail of eight or ten days, in which tiiey ran little 

'"()■. li,no, uhi .vH;)ra. As Ui llic n.iiiics of Chirorn 
am\ (iiiuldapi , ihc follciwiiij; icniarU of 1 Ikkrkka (Dccail. 
III., lil). viii.iCap. viii. , p. 241) nuisl he nulcd : ".\il(in(lt' 
c'st.iba vn I'ucliln, que jinr llam.Trle Orilut, le ilixtTon 
Chirora, iKirc|ue los Cistcll.ino.s niiiicn repararon en cor- 
roniper poco los vocaMos, i olro Ivigar, que .se dcci.i 
Ouair, llaniaron OiKtlild/ir : — Tlieie is in that locality a 
vill.ij^c calliil Orilui, wliich tlie i^paniaiils, with llK-ir 
hal'il of coriup'.iny names, rail Chiinra : and anotlicr 
ilononiin.atcd iliinh, lliey name </i(nlilnjiC." 

'' Xitrriilivf nnil Crilirn/ lli^lurij of Aiiirriin, edited 
liy Mr. Justin WiNsuR; 1' n, .1. o.. Vol. H., pp. 

'' Tliose dipcumcnls are prohahly preserved at .'>eville 
in what is called the I'alriuiiilo ( ICkIiiiUi 2, Cdji'ii I ?) 
from which were taken the complaint nf Maiiks/h, and 
certain depositions collected i>n liehalf nf .Vvi.roN in- 
serted in the J)oi:itiiitiili).i Innlilos ih liiilia!'. WA. 
XXXIW, pp. 56J-67, and .WW., p. 547-62. The^e 
two docmnenls arc far less interesting than lho>c which 
.Mr. SlIKA had the yood fortune lo secure. 'Ihey contain 
only two facts of iniporlance. Tlie lir^l is, that the olject 
of the expedition was to kidiiaji Indians from the I.ucayos, 
as well as to accompli:.ii <liscoverii.s ; tlf other fact is 
that Ayllon's second expedition returned to Santo Do- 
i;iiii..;o in .\ii^i;-t, 1525. 

> } 



t I ^ 

V ,. 1. 

U.\ 'A\l 

' 5. 


Wk i 

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f ' ' ■^tf if 


f t 





'r I 


I I !<< 











more than a hundred leagues, they reached the coast of the continent, at the mouth of a con- 
siderahlc river, to which they gave the name of St. John the Baptist, from the fact that they 
touched the coast on the day set apart to honor the Precursor of Christ. The year was 1521, 
and the point reached wa.s, according to the estimate of the explorers, in latitude 33° 30' 
{Testimony of Pciho df Quexos, and Act of taking possession by Que.xos). 

Itoats [Hit o(T from the caravels, and landed some twenty men on the shore ; and, while 
the ships endeavoured to enter the river, these men were surrounded by Indians, whose good- 
will they gained by presents. 

Some days later, Ciordillo formally took |)ossession of the country in the name of Ayllon, 
and of his associate Diego Caballero, and of the King, as (^)ucxos did also in the name of 
his employers, on Sunday, June 30, 15*1. Crosses were cut on the trunks of trees to mark 
the Spanish occui>ancy (Testimony of Altiaua). 

Although .\yll()n had charged (lordillo to cultivate friendly relations with the Indians of 
any now land he miglit discover {Answer of Ayllon to Matienw), dordillo joined with Quexos 
in sci/ing some seventy of the natives, with whom tliey sailed away, without any attemjit to 
make an exploration of the coast. 

On the return of the vessel to Santo Domingu, .Ayllon condemned his caiitain's act, 
and the matter was brought before a commission presided over by Diego Columbus, for the 
consideration of important affairs. The Indians were declared free, and it was ordered that 
they should be restored to their native land at the earliest [wssible moment. Meanwhile they 
were to remain in the hands of Ayllon and Malien/.o." ''" 

III his critical essay on llir sources oi iiiforniatioii, Mr. Shea adds 
the tollowinj."; iin])ortant detail : 

" .Vs regards the joint exploration of the vessels of Ciordillo and Quexos, the testimony 
of the latter helps us, as well as his act of taking i)ossession, which puts the proceeding in 
152 1 ; though some of the witnesses give 1520 as the date; both parties unite in calling the 
river which they reached, the San Juan nautista. Herrera is wrong in calli' g the river the 
Jordan,- named, as he says, after the captain or pilot of one of the vessels, — since no such 
person was on either \ icl, and no such name appears in the testimony."'^' 

TIic al)ove-(iiioted tesliiiionies contradict, in an im|)ortaiit particular, 
the l(Nulin!^' statement of the letters patent of Jinie \2, 1523, viz.: 

"Dos carabelas dcscuhrieron lierra . . . :i la parte del norte, lacual dicha tierra diz que 
esin en treinta y cinco, y tri.'inta y seis, y treinta y siete grados : -The two caravels discovered 
land .... at tlie north, which land, they say, is by thirty-five, cinJ thirty-six, and thirty- 
seven degrees." " 

This technical de.scription inijilies that the two ship.s of Ayllon and 
Matienzo did actually range the coast extentling from ,35" to 2)7' north 
latitude ; that is, ,1 sjiace corres]>ondin;j[ with us to the distance between 

' XiirriiHr, ,. nl ('rili<-nl /li^lnri/, cililcM l>y Jii^liii 
Wjnmir, \iil. II., ii|i. 23S .2J1). 

Xfifrfifln tmil (^I'ltirril //i^hiri/y p. 2S5. 
Navakkktk, Viil. III., p. 15J. 








I'iiinlico Sound, in North Carolina, and Cape; Henry, in Virginia. It 
means tliat they did n!;t limit their ;' vion to a mere disembarknHMU in 
one place only, but that, on the contrary, the expedition followed the coast 
for a distance of at least two degrees of latitude, with st;veral landings. ^3 

Now, according to the deposition of Pedro de Oue.xos, their landfall 
was in latitude 33" 30', at the mcjulh of a large river, which they as- 
cended a. certain distance. This happened on the 24th of June, 1521. 
l'"rom place, .so far from coasting at all, shortly afterwards " they 
sailed away, without any attem|)t to make an exploration of the coast." -t 

As to the Jordan river, llerrera is douhllcss mistaken when he slates 
that it was s(j named after the captain or pilot of one of the shi[)"s, since 
IMr. .Shea has nut found such a name in the testimony. Hut th(; ex- 
plorers must have calhnl "Rio Jordan" a river of the newly-discovered 
region, as we already see a " R. Jordan" in the Ribero map, by 31 30' 
north latitude, carried, however, by Oviedo to 33' 40.25 Ihis name is 
not uncommon in thi; early charts. Kunstmann No. 2 inscribes a Rio 
Jordan on the Brazilian coast; the IMaggiolo f)f 1527, on the shores of 
Newfouiulland ; whilst the Turin map has a Kio Giordan by 36', and a 
Rio de Jordan by 23' .south latiluiles. lUit, as the present designation 
appears in cartographical documttnls only in 1529, and that, between 1520 
and 1527, Ayllon sent three expeditions to our east coast, it is im|)ossible 
to say in the; course of which this Carolina stream was so named. If, how- 
ever, the first expedition sighted no other part of the coast than the mouth 
of a river which was then called the .St. John, it is evident that we 
must make the name of "Rio Jordan" tlale either from 1525 or 1526. 
We incline to consiiler the name of Jordan as having been given at the 
latter date, licing probably the landfall in the third \oyage ; else il would 
t'lgnre in the W'eunar chart of 1527. 

There remains to l)e seen whether the above tlata jxrmit ll.e critic 
to ascertain where the l.imlfall was in [521. 

Notwithstanding the discrepancy existing betwe<'n those accounts, and 
(lur inabilit)- to demonstrate absolutely which of the two statements is the 
correct one, we will l)as(; our hypoth(;sis u|)on the declaralions of I'cdro 
(U; ( )uexos, as summed up by Mr. .Sh(;a. Our reason fnr the prrh rcnce 





1 1 


■ 1 


1 s 




\.^ ■ 


•' I'l l( 1 M \i< I VK stall", alsci llie fxpc.cliliim iliil in 'I inli icaiKMlini', |ilcras'|Ui' ■•iiiiiil loii^;i.' i.tuU-iiiiM in 

rmiaiii in mu', lull speaks only of "tlic Spanianls aillniciiUs." ,V»/»'(i, \>. if'\. 
liavinj; sailed <liiriii(; a few (la)>, laiuliiij; in siveral '» Sm-.A, uhi fii/iid. 

Incaliiiis ; -— Krijiuiu's pcrliistrarunt |iaikipnini iliiiuin M H ii.imi, lili. xxx\ ii., irp. i., \'nl. I II. , ji, fijS. 

,1 r i 





TiiK Discovery of North Amf.rica. 

is that Aylloii was interested in magnifying the efforts of his lieutenant, 
being, in 1523, an appHcant for new privileges from the Crown. Under 
the circumstances, it was a much better argument to claim an extensive 
search than to limit his action to a mere landing and prompt departure 
after having secured a cargo of Indian slaves. Quexos, on the other 
hand, could have no interest in diminishing his own efforts, and besides, 
as the declaration was made in the course of a judicial enquiry, he would 
have been promptly contradicted, had his assertion proved to be untrue. 

Now, Quexos says that he visited only one point of the coast, which 
was in latitude t,^ 30'. 

What did that latitude represent exactly in the eyes of a Spanish 
pilot in 1526, when those sworn testimonies were taken? 

W'e possess a precious document on that question. It is the Weimar 
chart of 1527. It records the discovery of Ayllon ; at the latter date, how- 
ever, he had already accomplished, personally or by his lieutenants, three 
voyages to the east coast ; and we must therefore endeavour to determine 
which of these furnished the geographical data inscribed on that chart. 

The second expedition of Ayllon was carried out in the spring of 
1525, and Mr. Shea informs us that not less than two hundred and fifty 
leagues of the coast were then explored. But, as the chief object of the 
voyage was to prevent Ayllon's j)rivileges from becoming void for non- 
performance of the conditions, we are inclined to think that the report 
remained in the hands of the local authorities at Santo Domingo, in the 
form of a legal notice. 

Tht- third expedition set out in the middle of July, 1526. Ayllon, 
who had led it in person (his first visit to that country), died on the 
1 8th (if October following. It was the commencement of a series of 
misfortunes and unsuccessful attempts at colonising in two places, which 
ended with internal feuils. judging from Oviedo's account, those sad 
events absorbed much time, and were not possibly known elsewb.ere until 
the survivors of the cxpediti<jn returned to Santo Domingo. The geo- 
gra[)hical data which they Iirought with them cannot therefore have reached 
S[)ain seasonably enough to be used by the maker of the chart of 1527. 

.\t all events, if the data in that map were derived from either of 
the two last expeditions, the cartographer woulil nut have inscribed only 
" rieiiM (\r.\ licenciado Avllon," but, as in the case ot Narvae/ : " Tierra 



f VI 

Avllon's First Vovagk. 


que aora va a poblar Lucas de Ayllon ;" it being well known that the 
letters patent of 1523 were predicated upon a colonisation of the newly- 
discovered land. 

The Weimar chart of 1527 gives us therefore the point of the coast 
where the first expedition of Ayllon effected its only landing and only 
survey of the country. 

W'ith what part of modern maps does the legend in the chart of 
1527, " Tierra del licenc^iado Ayllon," correspond.'* 

The distance in that chart between Cape Sable, at the extremity of 
Florida, and Cape Race, at the southern apex of Newfoundland, covers 
twenty-two and one-third degrees of latitude. in our Admiralty maps, 
that interval of s[);<ce embraces twenty-two degrees. There is, therefore, 
a difference of only twenty miles between the two measurements. 

Both in the chart of 1527 and ia the Admiralty maps, the south end 
of Florida is bv 2S° north latitude. It follows that both on the chart of 
1527 and on Admiralty mai)s, ^t,' 30' (which is the latitude given by Pedro 
de Quexos for his first landfall on the east coast) must be accepted as 
the exact point of the discovery in 1521. 

That point, in our opinion, is Georgetown Entrance in .South Carolina, 
which, besides, is only half-a-degree further .south than the locality where 
is inscribed, on the chart of 1527, "Tierra de Ayllon." We must also 
remark that, with the exception of the Santee, there is no river or mouth 
of river, within fifty or seventy-five miles, north or south of ^^° 30', 
which is sufficiently imjKjrtant to answer the description, however succinct 
it may be. .\nd, if we do not name the banks of the Santee as the 
landfall on that occasion, it is because its latitude is still further south ; 
while the indications lead rather more t 'te north. 

The first intimation of an intervening -oyage to Chicora undertaken 

by the orders of Ayllon, is to be found in Herrera, sub anno 1525. .And 

although his references to the legal proceedings instituted by Matien/.o 

against .Ayllon show that he has had access to the documents since; i)ul)- 

iished, anil to which we shall call the attention of our readers, thi; d(;tails 

to be gathiM-eil from the Dexades are extremely brief. They convc;y no 

other information, though valual)le so far as it goes, than th(> fact that 

the expt;ilition was composed of two ships, which returned promptly to 

Santo Domingo : 

3 c 



i" • ' 







■ ;-ll 

* , 

'^ 1 






r ■ r 

I k 



■Ifi f 

( ^ 


Tim: Discuvkry ok Noktii Amkkra. 

" Armd dos Navios en la Ciudad de Santo Domingo, i las embio, con |)ensainicnto dc 
a])ercibir niaiores fuert^as, si el Viage sucedia bien . . . liolvicron presto, con rclacion de 
(]ue havian descubierto Tierras de huenas muestras . . . por lo (pial sc dcclaro, ([ue i)ara 
cumplir mejor con lo capitulado, (jueria armar otro Kavio, denies de los dos, i hacer, en 
I'ersona, la Jornada : — He ecjuijiped two ships in the city of Santo Domingo, and sent them, 
with the intention of preparing a larger expedition if the voyage proved successful . . . They 
returned to port promptly, with the news of a discovery of lands of good appearance. Upon 
which Ayllon announced his intention, so as to fulfil better the conditions of his patent, to 
equip a ship, in addition to the other two, and lead the enterjirise in person." '•'' 

That inii)ortant statement escaped the attention of Navarret(^ who, 
like (K)mara and others, thought that Ayllon had undertaken but two 
exjieditions, one in 1521 and the other in 1526. 

It was only when the new volimie of the Coleccion dc documentos 
incditos de Indias appeared, in 1888, that documents commenced to be 
published. consisted of the judicial allegations mentioned by Her- 
rera as regards the action brought by Matienzo against his former partner, 
and. particularly, of the petition which Ayllon addressed to the Audiencia 
or Tribunal of Santo Domingo, as he was preparing his third and last 
e.xpetlition. It confirmed the statement of Herrera, by giving the exact 
date of the return, in August, 1525, of ships which Ayllon !iad sent on 
a voyage of discovery : 

" Desde que vynieron las carabeias del descobrymiento de la dicha Thierra cjue fue por 
el mcs de Agosto del ano passado : — Since the arrival of the caravels from the discovery of 
the said country, which was in the month of August of last year." '^ 

The document is dated March 5, 1526. Consecjuently, the voyage 
alluded to, or the return of the ships, "el ano passado," occurred in 1525. 
And, as to the fact itself, it is corroborated by four eye-witnesses. 

Notwithstanding our efforts, we could find no further information con- 
cerning that second voyage. Here, again, light is thrown upon the subject 
by the documents of Mr. .Shea, who mentions the expedition as follows : 

"To secure his rights under the Asunfo, Lucas Va/ijuez de .\yllon despatched two cara- 
vels under Pedro de Quexos to the newly-discovered land, early in 1525. They re^'ained the 
goodwill of the natives, and explored the coast for two hundred and fifty leagues, setting up 
stone crosses with the name of Charles \'. and the date of talcing possession. Tlicy returned 
to Santo Domingo in July [August? see ahove], 1525, bringing one or two from each 
province, who might bo trained as interpreters {Inierrogatorus of Ayl/on : Tesliinoiiy <>/ Qfifxi>s)."^ 

"' IIkkkt.ra, llis/uriit <Il Iw I/<'Iih.i iIi /oi h'^jKii'mlis : nalin uiiii ispi.ilijciint ijiii ulio ih' fari'r rii In, riorii)a, 

Dcciil. III., lili. \iii., c,i|i. viii.. p. 241. Mnrcli 5, 1526. Cnli'iion tU iloc. intilitni </., Iniliax, 

■■" Yiifiii-imviiiii feihn in la Aluli/nifin ili Snnto XDl. .WW'., p. 549. 
Vcmiiiijn (( jKti/riuii ilil Oi/tkr Lut'di I'auijiir-,. lii: Ayllon ■'' .Sui:.\, ii'/i .^ii/n-a. 

1^ A, 


Avi.lon's First Vovaof. 

21 I 

VVe su[)i)osc that those two hundred and fifty leagues were coasted 
northward, and, as we also presume, north of the landfall in 1521, which 
was by ^^'' 30'. One reason is that the voyage was made in furtherance 
of the conditions imposed by the patent of 1523, which required a coasting 
of eight hundred leagues, or until the commander had reached lands al- 
ready discovered : " navegareis ochocientas leguas 6 hasta dar en tierra 
descubierta." Now, Ayllon's lieutenant could not turn the prow of his 
ships southward, and expect to run along the east coast, without feeling 
convinced that he would soon reach the l''lorida regions, which he certainly 
knew had been discovered by and conceded to Ponce de Leon. On the 
other hand, he could go towards the north as far as he wished, without 
running any other risk than to come across countries claimed by the 
English or the Portuguese. 

Another argument is that the regions attributed by the Ribero map 
of 1529 to Ayllon, and which e.xtend to 39" north latitude, can have been 
discovered only in the course of his second voyage. 

This fact compels us to break our chronology, in order to discuss 
the expedition which Ayllon led in person in 1526. 

All we know concerning that voyage is borrowed exclusively from 
the account given by Oviedo. It amounts to this : 

Being threatened by the Royal Council of the Indies to have his 
letters patent revoked, and another ca[)tain entrusted with the undertaking, 
Ayllon sailed from Puerto de Plata in the middle of July, 1526.-9 The 
expedition was composed of a large vessel, La Brelona, which served as 
flagship ; another, La Sancta Cathalina ; a third, La Chorruca ; a brig, 
and a lighter or barge, carrying together five hundred men and eighty or 
ninety horses. Ayllon, who this time, and for the first time, was on 
board, sailed direct from Hispaniola to the east coast, landing near a river 
called (since when ?) Rio Jordan. The entrance of that river is set at 
33° 40': "en treynta e tres grados e dos ter^ios," which is within ten miles 
only of the first landfiill of 1521, as set forth by Que.xos. In entering 
the river, the flag-ship went aground and was entirely lost ; but the other 
ships sailed u{) successfully, we do not know to what distance. 



I : 

( ■ 


if r 
i ■ 

\ I 

"^OviKlio, li!i., xwvii., rap. i.. Vol. III., p. 628. .Vnlimio ile Cervantes, O. S. I), in 1561." The l.iUor, 

Mr. Shka s;iy.i "the ilate is cle.irly tixeil after .May 26 it >>eenis, was a cnmpaniim of .\ylUin in the voy,ij;e ol 

anil before June 9, as .Vyllnn te^titieil <.m the furnier ilay, 1526, icijjether with -Vnlimii) DK Moniksinos and I'eilro 

ami on the latter his procurator appeared for him." Oik hk KsrKAliA. There is a reference to some writing's 

ri(.t p. 240, note 3. That historian also ((notes " Tesii- of Mom ksinos on the siiliject, lull we have failed to find 

niony of .Muii/o Despinisa 'v\'rvanles, and of Kather them in llu- Archives of the Iinlies. 


r '^ 

iT^ '// 







TiiK Discovery ok North Amkkica. 

Finding the land inappropriate for a colony, they determined, after a 
few days, to leave, and make a settlement elsewhere. What follows, in 
Oviedo, comprises all that can be ascertained relative to the future move- 
ments of Ayllon, or of his men after he died. It is in these words : 

" Acordaron de yrse a poblar la costa adelante ha^ia la costa ocijidental, c fueron ;i un 
grand rio (qu.irenta o quarenta e ^-inco Icguas de alli, pocas mas 6 menos) que se dic^-e Gualdape 
c alli assentaron su canipo 6 real en la costa del : — They decided to go and settle on the 
coast beyond, in the direction of the west coast ; and tliey went to a large river (forty or 
forty-five leagues from that place, more or less) called Gualdape ; and there they established 
their camp or settlement on the coast." 

We arc constrained to take Oviedo's text and figures as they stand, 
and endeavour to ascertain whether logical deductions can be drawn from 
the same. 

Being at the east, on a continental coast, Ayllon, strictly speaking, 
could direct his ships towards a western coast, " ha^ia la costa occidental," 
only through a water-way which was inland, and running westward. 

That water-way, according to Oviedo's description, pre.sented two pe- 
culiarities, viz.: a large river, " un grand rio," poured into it; and the 
entrance to that large river was distant from the point whence Ayllon 
set out after breaking up his first encampment : " de alli," one hundred 
and twenty or one hundred and thirty-five miles: "quarenta o cjuarenta 
e (jinco leguas." 

The point from which Ayllon started on this subsequent coasting 
exploration, we infer from Oviedo's statement to have been in the vicinity 
of the landfall, that is, the estuary of the Rio Jordan, which he locates 

^ly 3f 40 ■ 

Now, taking a wide range, there are on the east coast, between 32" 
and 34° 30' north latitude, only three inland water-ways answering at all 
to the above descri[)tion, viz : 

The Saiitee River, by 2,?>° 7- 'I'k^I which extends over 130 miles. 

Georgetown Entrance, \\'\\.\\ Winyah Hay and the Great Pedce, by 
2,j° 10'; extending together o\er 150 navigable miles. 

Cap Fear River, by 2>o SO- 'i"'^^ 250 miles Kjng. 

Which of these was navigated by Ayllon after leaving the Rio Jordan, 
and whc 1 e he made his last attempt to plant a colony .'' 

The first datum to notice in Oviedo's narrative is the word "costa," 
which he api)lies io the region explored by Ayllon. In Spanish it has 
no other meaninuf than a sea-coast. 

Avli.on's First Vovack. 


I, HI 

If Ovicdo had used the term "orilla," instead of "custa," we should 
assume af once that Ayllon simply ascended a river, which the critic 
would have to select from the three streams above mentioi d. But the 
word "costa" compels us to introduce some sea const as a necessary factor 
in the investigation. We are also bound to place the locality beyond 
^^'' 40' north latitude, that having been the starting i)oint. 

To understand Oviedo's meaning, we must suppose him writing with 
a map before his eyes, Ribero's for instance, and notice that, north of its 
Rio Jordan, the sea coast is made to trend considerably eastward ; which 
is also the case in the reality of things, if we consider the north-eastern 
shores of Long Hay in modern maps. This reasonable hypothesis permits 
us to imagine how Oviedo may call " west " the recess e.xhibited by the 
coast in the longitude of his Rio Jordan, relatively to the eastward trend 
which is seen north of the sup|)osed locality of that river. 

Now, the e.\tent of sea coast, from either of the two estuaries above 
mentioned to the entrance of Cape Vtinr River, cannot be less than one 
hundred miles ; taking into account the curves and windings which the 
ships followed closely, being in search of an eligible spot to land. We 
then find the mouth of the river, which, almost as high up as Wilmington, 
is sufficiently wide to permit the term "costa" to be applied to its shores 
as a continuatit)n of the sea coast below. This appro.ximate traject gives 
about twenty miles more, and indicates a point of Cape I'ear River, be- 
tween Smithville and Wilmington, as the locality where Ayllon probably 
made his second settlement in the summer of 1526, and where he died a 
couple of months afterwards. 

It also follows from what precedes that, in 1521 and 1526, Ayllon's 
expeditions did not range the sea coast beyond 33° 50' north latitude ; and 
that, until new documents show that there was another Spanish voyage 
to the east coast, at those dates, or before 1529, the names: C. lic S. 
Roman, Rio del Principe, C. Traffalgar, Rio del Espiritu Santo (at the 
north), /?. de 5" Maria, and C. dc St. J uan, inscribed for the fn-st time 
by Ribero, mu be attributed to the second expedition sent by Lucas 
Vazquez ile AylKdi, in 1525. 

\ \ ' 

J' I 

\ -q 

' }' ;, ;, ! 





i) I 

I i 


II i 

I i- 









' h. 



1523— 1524. 

IT is almost universally adinitteil that a navigator, or corsair, called 
(iiovanni da \'errazano, of I'Morentine birth, sailing under the French 
llag by comm.uid of Francis the First, discovered, or ex[)lored. the 
Atlantic coast of North America, from Florida to Nova Scotia, between 
the years 1505 and 1524. 

That belief, which has been shared by all historians for three cen- 
turies, was based at first solely upon an account published by Ramusio 
in 1556, in the third volume of his celebrated Raccolia, under the following 
title : 

" Relatione di Giou.inni da Verrazzano Fiorentino della terra per lui scoperta in noma di 
sua Maest.\, scritta in Dieppa, adi 8. Luglio, m.d.xxiiu.;— Relation by Giovanni da Verrazano, 
a Florentine, of the country which he has- discovered in the name of His Majesty, written at 
Dieppe, on the 8th day of July, 1524." 

Such an o[)inion could only be strengthened when Hakluyt, in the 
dedication to Philip Sidney of his Divers voyages touching the discoveries 
of America, [)rinted in 1582, referring to the north-west passage, made 
the following statement : 

"Master John Verarzanus which had been thrise on that coast [/. e., the north-east coast 
of America] in an olde excellent mappe, which he gave to Henry the eight, and is yet 
in custody of Master Locke, doth so lay it out as it is to bee seene in the mappe annexed 
to the end of this boke, being made according to Verarzanus plat." 

I'inally, an older text than the one published by Ramusio, but printed 
only in 1841,' together with another document since so frecjuently (juoted 
as " the Carli letter." - also added weight to the belief then entertained 
by every one that the publication of Ramusio was genuine, the statement 

'Florence N'Atioiial I.ilir.iry; i'>ci'clihm.\ ; 
MS., Class XIII., Cdil. S9 : Virrnzano; — CollfHan : i>j 
the X^cii' I'oc.',' Iflslitrl'-ii/ iVo'wV/y, Vol. I., new series. 

184". P- 55- 

' /. l/'.rn (II F-niriiiilo C'ir/i a mho l'ti'l)X ; I,yi-ii~. 

Aiifjii..! 4. 1524. first priiucil in tlu' Kinnan "( 
history, // .SV«;/;//n/i>n', I., 257. s;iys Mr. MlUHIlv. Hut 
sec for a more exact text, Airhirn Sfnn'i'n Ifa/imio, ol 
Vieiisseiix, Vol. IX., .Appeinlix, 185J. .See also llie 
liililiuyraphy in J'lau it S.'Inutii.ii Oahiit, p. 279. 




Giovanni I'A Vkkua/ano. 


of Hakliiyt entirely reliable, and the voyage ascribed to Ciiovanui il.i 
Verrazano absolutely authentic. 

The first doubts were raised by Buckingham Smith, in 1864,3 and 
supported with .idditional arguments, in 1H75, by the Mon. Henry (.". 
iMur]ihy.4 The question has since been ably discussed />ro and con In a 
number of elaborate dissertations. 

Not being yet in possession of the new facts which we h()[)e may 
result from researches initiated, at our special request, by the I'Vench 
Government among the papers of Admiral Honnivet, and in the Parlia- 
mentary archives at Rouen (Hontleur and Dieppe have been exhausted), 
as well as in the Torre do Tombo at Lisbon, by a friend whom we have 
commissioned to sift through the diplomatic correspondence of Joao da 
Silveyra, Pedro Gomez Tei.\eira, and Diego de Gouveya, we shall abstain 
for the present from discussing the documents above mentioned. 

We propose to limit our task, just now, to an analysis and arguments 
based exclusively upon what might be termed extrinsic or parallel evidence. 
That is, we will ignore entirely the account of Ramusio and the Carli 
letter, although both are given as representing either the very words or 
the substance of the official rejjort addressed by Giovanni da Verrazano 
to the King of France. We will even leave aside the statements antl 
map of Hakluyt, which could be made important factors in a discussion 
almost entirely cartographical. The case would be otherwise, perhai)s, if 
we had before us the original of the Ramusio and Carli transcripts, and 
of the "olde excellent mappe " which Hakluyt ascribes to Giovanni da 
Verrazano ; neither of which, however, we mean to question. There is 
so much to be said in regard to those documents, particularly the account 
said to have been addressed to PVancis I. (no PVench text of which has 
yet been found), that we thought it interesting to see whether the problem 
could not be solved otherwise. Withal, the reader should know that the 
absence of original P'reiich documents relative to that voyage of \'erra- 
zano, thus far, can be easily explained ; as the documentary history of 
the X'alois is in course of formation. When we .see that the [lateiits of 
I'Vancis 1. increase from 3.500 to 18,000, hopes may yet be entertained. 

■^ Iiiukini;ii:.iu SMini..-l;i hi'iiiini iiilo ihf iitilli' iili- 'Ilcmy (". MiKi'iiv. I'lit Vni/iuj' nf \',ri-:t'.:aiio : 

iity I'/ iltiriiiiuiils i-oiiiiriiiii'j a ili-^ronry in Xuiih a i-htijilir in llu Kni/i/ lli.tft.ry of Miii-ilinir DIx.ortry 

Ann fii'ii, 'liiiiiiiil to hni'c htm niiuli hy ]'ui-:cMii<' : in Aim rim : New \'i'iU, 1S75, Svn. Aii a|iin'iuii\ w;'s 

Nc-w York, 1S64, 4;o. piilOishcil liy tlie .lutlior in 1S76 it 1S77. 


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Tlic Bibliotheca Ambrosiann at Milan possesses a inappamiindi on two 
sheets of vellum, one of which is devoted exclusively to the New World. 
That valuable map bears the following inscription : 

"\'Ksri)NTF. l)V. .MAIOI.I.n CdNI'OsrV HANC CARIAN. In JaNI'A anno nSV 15.7. UIK XX. DKC'KNHRIS! — 
V'ciicontc lie M.iinlln ciunixisrcl thi- niap at Cicnna, in the year 15 . 7, on the 20th day of December. " 

It is intentionally that we have placed a dot where the inscription 
inserts a numeral. The reason is that the entire dafe must be explained. 

At first sight, the figures, which are Arabic, read 158'/ ; and, for a 
long time, the map was believed to have been constructed in that year. 

The paIa;ograi)hy, however, was a cause of and misgivings, 
as it seemed to be older than 1587. The fact that the Pacific coast of 
South America, instead of the nomenclature which dots with numerous 
names the same region in the maps of the second half of the sixteenth 
century, exhibits only the legend "Terra Incognita," ignoring even Peru 
and the first discoveries of Pizarro, also appeared strange in an imi)ortant 
cartographical document, alleged ttj be of a much later period than the 
atlases of Agnese, Martines, and Oliva ; not to speak of the engraved 
maps of Giistaldi. which circulated everywhere in Italy. Another motive 
for doubting prima facte the exact character of tlie date of 1587 sprung 
from the fact that the signature was the only trace of a Maggiollo, pre- 
named Ve.sconte,5 existing after the one who died between 1547 and 1551. 
That family of cartographers had produced a Giovanni-Antonio, and a 
Jacopo, both sons of the Vesconte of 151 1-1547, '^"*-' '^ Baldassare, who 
lived in 1 588 ; but in none of the copious Abecedaries and lists of names 
of the Genoese archives ^ was there any mention of a Vesconte de Mag- 
giolo after the year 1551. The characteristic language and orthography 
used in the legends, viz: "cowposuy," and "carta«," instead of "cow- 
posuy," and "cartaw," deserve also to be noted; the latter forms having 
been adopted by X'esconte de Maggiolo only towards the end of his 
career, as shown by his portolano of 1547. b'inally, the handvwiting and 
palceographical peculiarities of the legend were precisely those, not only 
of the Paris Maggiolo maj) of 1547, but also of the other Ambrosiana 
Maggiolo maj) of 1524. Was it likely that, after sixty-three years, there 
could exist a Vesconte de Maggiolo whose penmanshi[) and spelling re- 
sembled perfectly that of his sup])osed nomonymous ancestor ? 

° The Vesciintc iif 15SS «a-. ]>re-nnnie(l " lialilas-.arc. " SDjim AlJn■^lillll X'ifi • Vi.ironln Md'j'jiulo rartoijvnf, 
''Ah! iltll". Sifii'.l'i. Li'jiiri: ili Stiiiria I'llrln: in the liinriinli fjijinlini : tlenda, Nn. for li(lh lliu 
('■cnoa, V.,1. III. (1S66), |i. ccNiii.; M.irrellM S i .\c;i.n,NO, munlh-, of I'eliriiary ami .M:\rch, 1S75, p. 71. 








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Giovanni da Vkrrazano. 


i i 

It was reserved for the distinguished Genoese archivist and scholar, 
Signer Cornelio Desimoni, to solve the question simply by comparing 
the two legends, viz.: 

Vefcontc oc MZioiio conpof iji* bnuc cirbin. 
♦"3113^1111^ iinno x>iy* ly V* ^^ >^^* ^cccnbn^* 

Then, by bringing the figures closely together, Signor Desimoni dis- 
covered that the numeral S, in the date of the first legend, was only a 2, 
which had been altered by an oblique line being drawn across. 7 

The present map, therefore, was constructed not in 1587, but in /J^/. 

It behoves us now to describe the configurations of the New World 
in that niap.^ They are ent'iely novel ; and, thus far, we have failed 
to find any cartographical document, whether Spanish, Portuguese, Ma- 
jorcan, or Italian, from which Maggiolo can have borrowed data for a 
single one of his delineations and nomenclature. 

The east coast of America is drawn at the north from what seems 
to be Greenland, there called " Lavoratore," as far south as the " Strcito 
donde pacio magaianes." The Atlantic profiles and latitudes differ from 
contemporaneous Sevillan charts, as, for instance, those which are pre- 
served at Weimar, although the general aspect and trending of the coast, 
north of I'Morida, indicate a complete exploration, different, however, from 
that of Gomez ; as graphic details and names tend to prove. The [)osi- 
tion assigned, in 1527, to such well-known parts as the West India islands 
and the neighbouring continental coast are also peculiar. Cuba appears 
as extending far south of the tropic of Cancer, and yet with its se[)ten- 
trional coast [)rojecting to about i' 30' north of the apex of Morida. 

The most curious part is the western seaboard of the continent* 
The coast is made to continue ; but, above the equator, it forms an 
elbow projecting far into tlie Pacific Ocean, and there turns abruptly. 

' C'uviU'lio DksiMiini, ^■IZ/o .ifiiih'n Xi'^'iiiitlo iiiliiniii a iili(iliii;i:i|)liii: (;ic>imil(.', Iiltl' rcproiUicol, iif llio legcmls 

Giovniuii \'cryfr.znuo ; Aiijiniflir': 111.: m llic Alii in tlio tuo M:iiullii or MaygioKi nnji-. pn-.M-rvud in llio 

ihlla Siiri,'t<i Liijiirc ili S. /'., iSSr, pp. 335-37S. Wo Aiiihritilann. 
arc umlor ulilig.iiidns lo tlio Ic.Tnicc! alil.c Ci.klAM U<\ a ■ So<.- a'ljoining facsimile uf Mayyiulo map nf 1527. 

,1 ( 




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The Discovkry of North America. 

i I 

The trend eastward is so considerable, that it approaches the east coast 
sufficiently near to depict, where we place in modern maps the Carolinas, 
a very narrow isthmus, a mere thread, which alone separates, in that lati- 
tude, Afare Oceanus (Atlantic) from Mare Indicum (Pacific). Such a peculiar 
form, together with a regular strait cut from north to south, back of 
Yucatan, indicate, on the part of the maker of the prototype used by 
Maggiolo, the necessity of explaining cartographically the hypothesis of 
a western passage. This intention, and the dubious character of the 
drawing, are shown by the legend : " Stretto dubitoso : — Doubtful Strait," 
placed at the southern entrance of the aperture. The fact must be noted, 
for it is an important factor in the present discussion. 

Withal, the point of leading importance, just now, lies in the nomen- 
clature of the east coast from Florida to about 42° north latitude. 

We notice first, in the middle of that extensive space, inland, the 
royal standard of France, with three lilies in the centre, and a border 
containing a number of those emblematic flowers. Then there is, across 
the region, in large letters: Francesca, and, along the coast, a nomenclature 
which, so far as is known, appears here for the first time. It consists 
of fifty names, among which must be noted the following : 

On the Floridian coast : Diepa and Anajlor. These are evidently 
translations into Italian of "Dieppe" and " Hontleur." 

On the coast of our Middle States : S. Ludouico, Moniccllt, Norman- 
villa, Angailemc, G. dc Geymano, Longavilla. Here, again, we have 
French names Italianised, viz.: " Saint Louis, Monceaux, de [St.] Ger- 
main, Normanville, Angouleme," and " Longueville." 

An island close to the shore is named Luisa, for " Louise," and a 
group of islets are called Le figolc dc nauarin, w-hich may be interpreted 
as " Lcs fils de la Navarre : — The sons of Navarra." 

It is imi)ossible not to see in that flag, in the general designation 
I'^KANCKscA, and in those names, proofs that, in the opinion of Maggiolo, 
the entire coast had been ranged by French ships, and the country taken 
possession of in the name of France, or of her King Francis. Further, 
both the exploration and the claim are of a date prior to December, 1527; 
Maggiolo's i)resent map having been compl ly executed on the 20th day 
of that year and month. The critic is ,1! -o bound to note that, no name 
of discoverer being given in the map, the tacit attribution cannot be con- 
sidered as intended to redound to the glory of any navigator in particular. 


Giovanni da Vkrrazano. 


Finally, in 1527, Francis I. was an unfortunate king, who, after having 
suffered a crushing defeat at Pavia, remained, only the year before, a 
prisoner in the hands of Charles V., then the leading spirit in Italy. 
Under the circumstances, it is difficult to imagine an Italian endeavouring 
to flatter France or her vanquished monarch, by attributing to him a merit 
which he should not have possessed. The tendency would have been 
rather the reverse. 

What is that French expedition which ranged the east coast from 
Florida to Nova Scotia, before the year 1527? Maggiolo's map yields, 
on that point, only the following data : 

The flag with the lilies shows that it was not a private enterprise. 
The hypothetical configurations about a strait indicate that its object was 
to discover a passage leading from the Atlantic to the Indian seas. The 
names Dieppe, Longueville,9 Normanville, '° Monceaux, " Hontleur, tScc, 
prove that it was an expedition equipped in N jrmandy, or manned by 
Normand mariners. 

Facts still more specific, even than these, can be gathered from other 
cartographical sources. 

There is, in the library of the Propaganda P'ide at Rome, a large 
manuscript planisphere, undated, but the chirography of which is of the 
first half of the sixteenth century, and the work of an Italian cartographer. 
The latter fact is shown, besides, by the inscription : " Hieronemvs de 
V^errazano faciebat :— Made by Jerome de Verrazano." '- 

Its configuration of the east coast differs materially from that in the 
Maggiolo ma[), and shows on that account, and for other geographical 
reasons, a different origin. That outline was certainly borrowed from a 
Sevillan chart resembling, in a high degree, It.e Weimar planisphere of 
1527; as can easily be ascertained by comparing the north-eastern profiles 
in both. But it is an eclectic construction, for its west coast, in the parts 
which the Weimar charts omit to delineate, is traced here entirely, and 
after the model presented by the Maggiolo map. That is, the Pacific 
seaboard is distincdy laid out from the Strait of Magellan to latitude 62° 
north, forming, in 45°, an extensive elbow west of the Mexican regions, but 
turning abruptly to the east, and carried so far in the latter direction as 




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■' Lnu'iiin-iHr, in lliL' DoiartmciU of Sfine-Inforicurc, " Mininniix m M(mllril/i. There are two tciwiis so 

in Niirni;>n(ly. cnlleil in N.irmandy, one in ("alvailos, the other in Kure. 

'" X<i)-m'iiiril/i . Tliere are two towns ofihat name in '' See Ihe enj^r.iveil reiluction of that map in the worU 

Normanily. one in I'.ure, tlie oilier in Seine-Inferienre. of Mr. Mriu'iiv, aliove c|noteil. 





The Discovkkv ok North Amkkica. 



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liM III ' 

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to form, by its 42° north latitude, that most narrow isthmus which is the 
distinctive trait in that scries of maps ; of which the Maggiolo i)Ianisphere 
of 1527 is the oldest specimen known. 

The great importance of this document in the present enquiry does 
not consist, however, cither of those or of its Atlantic configurations. 
Nay, the latter can hit traced back to Spanish data, based upon the 
voyages of Ponce de Leon, Ayllon, and even Kstevam Gomez ; as shown 
by the legends of the Ribero map, inscribed in the midst of geographical 
delineations and along minute [)rofiles, all borrowed servilely from the 
Weimar map of 1527. The importance lies chiefly in a series of in- 
scriptions of an affirmative character, which appear in the present map 
for the first time ; and in the nomenclature, which connects the latter 
with the Maggiolo map of 1527. 

Taking only the French typical names, we again find : Dicppa = 
Dieppe; Daraflor (iox Anajlor)--=WovAc\xx \ Lungavilla=\MX\<gwQ\\\\^\ San 
Gcrmano ■■= Saint Germain ; Angolemme — Angouleme ; Luisa = Louise ; G. 
de S. Luis = C. de Saint Louis; Le figle dc navarra = Las fils de Na- 
varre. But to those should be added: 7o/c>«7'///rt=Tourlaville;'3 Ve}idomo= 
Vendome ; Navarro == La Navarre; Boniveiio — Bonn'ivet,^^ and Or/ean = 

As to the claim, it is laid in the following general title and legend : 

" Nova Gallia sive Ivcatania. — The New Gaul or lucatania." 

"Vcrr.i7.ana seu Gallia Nova quale discopri 5 anni fa Giovanni di Verrazano fiorentino 
per ordine et comandamente del Chrystianissimo Re di Francia : — Verrazana, or New Gaul, 
which was discovered five years ago by Giovanni di Verrazano, a Florentine, by order and 
command of the Most Christian King of P'rance." 

Nothing can be clearer thus far. The critic now must show that 
there have been two men named, the one Hieronymo da Verrazano, who 
made the map ; the other, Giovanni da Verrazano, who is alleged to have 
accom])lished tlie discovery. He should also prove that both of those 
\'erra/anos were in the conilitions of time, place, and avocations war- 
ranting the acts ascribed to them, implicitly by the Maggiolo nia[), and 
positively by the cartographical document which we have just analysed. 

And. first of all. the |).irties above mentioned must l)e C()nn(;ctetl with 
1'" ranee, parlicularly with Normandy, and before the year 1527. 

'" Tourhiri//f, .1 tuwn of Norin.imly, in llie, ami favumilL' nf I'lanci:, 1. 

'■' ClinilL'slIiiri riKK nr. UnNNn Ei, ccitliinicil Kniuli tlu- ImltlL- of I':ivi;i in 1525. 

lie W.1S killfil ;il 

>' '-^ 


GiuvANM HA \'i;kka/.ano. 


The Judicial archives of Rouen contain a power of attorney given to 
one "Jcrosme de V'arasenne," in that city, "le vcnclredi onze mai 1526: — 
Friday, May 12th, 1526." '5 So much for the maker of the map. '^' 

That document is signed "Janus Verrazanus," otherwise called in the 
body of the forensic act " Noble homme Jehan de V^irasenne, ca[)itaine 
des navires : — John [or (iiovannij de Varasenne [or da Verrazano], captain 
of the shi[)s." '7 

There are two other documents corroborating the above, in regard 
to that Giovanni da Verrazano. 

One is a petition for a stay of proceedings (" clameur de haro "), 
addressed to the Tribunal at Rouen, on behalf of " Messire Jehan de 
Verrasane," by a merchant of that place, called Zanobis de Rousselay, '8 
" Vendredi penultieme jour de Septembre, 1525: — Friday, the last but 
one day of September, 1525." 

Finally, we possess another and more special ])ower of attorney given 
by " Messire Jehan de Varasenne," to a citizen of Rouen : " bourgeois 
de Rouen," on the 12th of May, 1526. '9 

In the latter, as in the first document, Verrazano is called a captain 
of ships, and the acts refer to an intended voyage to the Indies: " Capi- 
taine des navires equippez pour aller au voiaige des hides." 

Consequently, it cannot be doubted that, in 1525 and 1526, there 
resided in Normandy a sea-captain, called, in Italian, Giovanni da Verra- 
zano, who, in the latter year, was in command of a small fleet, " des 
navires." It is also shown that there and then resided, likewise, an 
individual, named, in Italian, Ilieronymo da X'errazano, who, moreover, 
was the brother and heir of Ciiovanni : " Son frere et heritier." These 
circumstances tend to show that the latter was in a position to obtain 
geogra])hical data for a map setting forth maritime discoveries accomplished 
bv the said (iiovanni. 

■' Heme Criliijiir (/'//iV/«// 1 't itr l.ilt.-mliin , ^;lli^, 
No. iif Jami.iry i, 1S76. 

"' Tlic other .ittcirncy in fact apiiiiiiilt'd by (liovaimi cl.i 
Verrazano on that occasion, is "/.anol>is DK Koi'ssKI.AY." 
Now in the Magfjiolo map \vc notice on the coast of the 
re(;ion callcil Fiaitcixd, a phicccalleil, fjoiiii ile rurilay, 
that is " Rucelay's (lanlcn." The /■, with or without a 
coihlla, would convey here to an Italian the souml of tlie 
Trench ilonMc ».< ; whicli leails us to see in that ilcnomi- 
iiation a reference to Verra/ano's legal re|iresentalive in 
Nnrniaiiilv. lust as we see in H"iiir'tti\ inscrilicd on the 

\erra7an0 map, a reference to lldSNivKT. the a.hniral 
who necessarily supervised the eipii|ipin(^ at that lime of 
all maritime expeditions in a Normaiuly port, such as 
Dieppe, lloiitleur or Havre. C/. the intervention of 
CiiAlioT (who was lionnivet's successor as " .\niiral dc 
France "), in the contract made with Verraiano in 1526. 

'' Hcrue OiV(V/»c, above quoted. 

" Dk fosTA, \'cn-(nniin, the K.v)ilorev, New York, 
iSSi, 410, with facsimile of the j^lolie of L'l.l'ius. 

'" Our article in the Itcvuc rriliijue, on the Wirtcriiio 
of the I hm. 1 Iciny ('. Mii;i'iiv. 

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TiiK Discovery of North America. 

/ '' 

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V "4''' 

The above " Voiaige des Indies " has the appearance of a private 
enterprise only, since Giovanni da Verrazano binds himself formally to pay 
back, on his return, the money which is to be expended in equipping 
one of the ships, viz.: " La Barque de Fescamp, dont est maistre, apres 
Dieu, Pierre Cauvay." But, as the map of Hieronymo claims that the 
discovery of the east coast was accomplished by the command and order 
of the King of France, we must show that Giovanni was in a position 
to be employed by Francis I. for such an enterprise. 

In the Manuscript Department of the Paris National Library there is 
a very old and authentic copy of an agreement for a maritime expedition.-" 
That enterprise was to consist of three ships equipped at the joint cost 
of the French government, implicitly represented by Philippe de Chabot, 
called in the act "Amira/ de France," and Guillaume Preudhomme, therein 
designated as " General \_des Finances] de Normandie," the famous Jehan 
Ango, of Dieppe, two other individuals, and " Jehan de Varesam prin- 
cipalle pillote." And, although it was ostensibly " pour faire le voiaige 
des espiceryes aux Indies," the real object consisted simply in cruising 
the ocean to seize and plunder merchantmen or galleons returning from 
Asia or from America. This is shown by the character of the contracting 
parties, and the expressions: "pour le bien prouffict et utillite de la chose 
publicque du royaulme de France," which would scarcely be employed if 
the question at stake was only to barter, and secure a cargo of pepper 
or of nutmegs. Further, the agreement specifies that it will be executory 
only after letters patent shall have been obtained from the King : " Et 
fera mondit .Sr. Lamyral expedier lettres du Roy en patent pour avoir 
licence et conge de faire le dit voiaige." Penally, it was considered as 
Verrazano's own expedition, since the document bears the heading : " Pour 
le voiaige de Messire Joan." 

As to the date of those stipulations, it was in April, 1526 ; since 
Chabot received the title of "Amiral de France," March 23, 1526 (1525 
old style). 21 while Guillaume Preudhomme had ceased to be "General des 
F"inances," to become what we now call the Secretary of the Treasury 
("Tresorier de I'Epargne") on the i8th of April following.22 


■" It has been correctly printed liy Mr. Murphy, o;). ■' CnlaJoiiiie ile-i arles di; Frani;ni.i !■■'■■ riiljli,lieil l.y 

rii., nnder the I'aW n! Aiji-mmiit 0/ I'liillj./u Vhiihat n-iih M. I'u iv|-, I'aris, iSSS, in Svo, \'o|. F., Xci. 2305. 
m-lniii A'h; itliinis. Wo have the niii^jnal (lui-innent "MS. Deirart. of ihe I'aris Xational I.iluarv, /■'o;/i/.< 

lefi'te 11-. It i^ now in the Fuii'l-' Murmn, 770, I'- 60. Fmiirni.^, 25720, <loc. 255. 




Giovanni j)a Vkkrazano. 


A mariner who, in 1526, was Pilot-Major of an expedition sailing 
under the royal flag of France, can well have been entrusted with ships 
sent, a couple of years before, to accomplish maritime discoveries, " by 
order of the Most Christian King Francis I." 

Withal, the possibility is not sufficient. The critic must show, out- 
side the assertions of Hieronymo da Verrazano, that his brother was 
actually put in command, not only of an expedition, but of one intended 
to discover a western passage to Cathay, in 1523. 

This proof also exists. We find it in a diplomatic dispatch addressed 
by Joao da Silveyra, the Portuguese Ambassador in France, to King 
Joam III. The document is dated from Poissy, near Paris, on the 25th 
day of April, 1523, and contains this decisive piece of information: 

" By what I hear, Maestro JoSo Veraiano, who is going on the discovtry of Cathay, has 
not left up to this date, for want of opportunity and because of differences, I understand, 
between himself and men ; and on this topic, though knowing nothing positively, I have written 
my doubts in accompanying letters. I shall continue to doubt unless he take his departure."" 

We have failed to find thus far, in the diplomatic correspondence of 
Silveyra any further mention of Verrazano. But, in the History of Joam 
III., written by Francisco d'Andrada, historian of Philip III., who ordered 
him to write the work, there is a detailed account of Silveyra's embassy 
to F"rance ; which was sent expressly to regulate certain maritime affairs 
between the two kingdoms. It contains the following pas.sage : 

" Neste mesmo tempo foy el Rey auisado por alguns Portugueses que negoceauSo em 
Franca que hum loJo varezano Florentino de na<,ao se offerecera a el Rey Francisco para 
descubrir no Oriente outros reynos que os Portugueses n5o tinhSo descubertos : — .\t that time 
[shortly after the discovery accomplished by Magellan ; the news of which was known in Por- 
tugal only in the autumn of 1522] the King was informed by certain Portuguese who traded 
in France, that one John Varezano, of Florentine nationality, had proffered his services to 
King Francis to discover, in the East, kingdoms different from those which the Portuguese had 
yet discovered."" 

The ambassador states positively that the expedition was a voyage 
of discovery contemplated towards " Cathay," giving to understand that 
the ships were already equipped ; since what prevented V'errazano from 
sailing out was only a favourable opportunity, and differences with his 

•' Lcltor iif Jurii) cU> Silvuira, ihc rortU(;iicsc .\nibrvss;\- -■" Krancisoi 1i'AM)K.uia, Cruiiica ilo miiylo (Ulo c 

ilor; MS. Airhiro ih. la Turn, tin 'I'oinliu, in l,i^lJlln, iniii/lo jiodt iviu Itiy iltxltx Ihyiion ilr I'oiiinjal J). JoCio 

Cofpo Chioiivloijiio, I'aii /., maru ."J, dui-iiiiitnlo 6^, o III. iltxit. nomt ; I.islioa, 1C13, larye Svd, I'.in I., 

<Hiutcil liy Mr. Muuriiv, in liis \'tn-a:zano, p. 162. caps. xiii. .inil \iv., f""- 13, 14. 


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224 Till-: Discovi;ky ok North Amkkica. 

men. The chronicler says that the object of the enterprise was to finil 
eastern regions as yet undiscovered by the Portuguese ; which is nearly 
the same thing. The one therefore confirms the other, thus far. 

But then, Andrada, summing up the results of Silveyra's embassy to 
France, adds that, dyeing the following nine consecutive years which the 
ambassador spent in I'Vance, of all the matters entrusted to him he only 
succeeded in the one which consisted in ()reventing the voyage of the 
I'lorentine : 

"Joilo da Silvcyra que forSo noue annos continuos, nos quais em fim nam acabou mais 
em todos OS negocios que leuaua a cargo que embargar a viagem do Florentino de que atras 
fiz meiicilo." 

That sentence would dispose at once of the question if it stood by 
itself, or was to be construed literally. It allows, however, of a different 
inference when connected with the entire te.xt. And first, Verrazano was 
not |)reventcd from sailing again " in the nine consecutive years," since 
we have positive proofs, unfortunately for him, that three years afterwards, 
in Seinember or October, 1527, he was captured by a Spanish tleet while 
in command of a large privateer carrying the French Hag, brought to 
Cadiz, and hung as a pirate in November following. -5 Then we do not 
see by virtue of what right Portugal could require France to abandon a 
project of sending an e.xpedition to Cathay, and discovering a western 
passage. Xor is it likely that a .solemn embassy would have been sent 
to France for such a purpose. There was something else ! 

After the above-quoted passage, Andrada says : 

" Foy el Roy auisado . . . que nos portos de Normandia se faziiTo prestes armadas para 
com faiior dos almirantes da costa de Fra^a, et dissimulacilo del Rey Francisco, irem pouar 
a terra de Santa Cruz Ihamada Brasil ... Et a juntandosse a isto as ([ueixas que aula no 
reyno dos danos ([ue recebia dos cossayros Franceses pareceolhe a el Rey necessario acudir 
a isto con toda aprestez a possiuel, et para isto mandou por embaixador a Franca lo.lo da 
silueyra : — l^ing joao was also informed that a fleet was being e(iuipped in the ports of 

■3 l.itfir friuii i}ir Jinhji nj Cnili: [(u.nn UK CiLBS] fo 
ClinrUi r., n'riiiij tin' \anini of the I'niirijiiU Prrnoin 
Caplurtd ii'ilh Jikhi Flnriii [Giov.Tiini da Vcrraz.ino], 
anil i\f Ilia ilinth : and l.fHtfr from tlir ^iamf ill aiiiu'er 
to a Itoynl Jfiiilre, fluliinj hy n-hom Jiiaii Florin icaji 
Cajitnrnl, anil III" Kxn'iilion. Those two (Icicumenls 
frnm the Simancas arcliivos ( KMinln: hii/njo I3,fiil. 346) 
contain tliL' dates exiemlini^ from Octnlier IJ, 1$?.^, to 
the middle of Novendier follnwint;, and have been inili- 
lished (in Knjjlish) liy Mr. MfRl'llv, nhi .iii/irn. Tho^e 
dates show that the r.ixiended " letter of X'erra/.ano dated 

I'aris, Xovemlier 14, 1527, stating; that he is preparing to 
visit America with five ships," which Mr. I'ierre Marcry 
claims to possess fajmil Kev. DE Costa, op. rii.) is a 
forgery. Nearly all historians relate that Vcrraz.ano 
killed and eaten tip by savages in a s»l)scr|uenl voy.age to 
.America. The legend i)roI)al)Iy sprimg frfitn Oviedtt's 
account of the death of " Johan Kl.oRiN, gascon o frances," 
the companion of Inigo ipk Vasii-na, who was sent to 
Coro in Vene/iiela, by Anibrosi'i UK .Vl.FIMiKR, about 
the year 152.S, and killed by the Indians. OviKun, ///1/. 
O-ne.ral, lib. xxv., cap. vi.. Vol. II., |ip. 287, 28S, 291. 

GlONANNI DA \''i;KRA/\\(). 



Normondy under the auspices of the admirals of the coast,*" and concealed by [King] Francis, 
to colonise the land of Santa Cru/,, called lira/.il. This, together with the complaints made on 
all sides relative to the harm done by French corsairs, re<iuired that steps should be taken 
at once by the King [of Portugal]. Accordingly, he sent as ambassador to France Joio 
da Silveyra." 

We then learn that the mission jjnn-ed successful, as I'"rancis 1. "gave 
orders that the ships which were being prepared in his ports should be 
stopped : — mandou sobrestar os nauios que nos seus portos sc armauiio 
para a India." 

In other words, Andrada connects in his mind Verrazano's intended 
voyage to Cathay with the expedition which the King of France was 
preparing to send (Hit to Brazil, and to the East Indies ; in which the 
chronicler is doubtless right, as the first was probably a mere cloak to 
scour the seas. His conclusion is also correct when he says that I'Vancis I. 
abandoned the project, and embargoed the voyage of Verrazano ; but, as 
we think, only in so far as it related to its connection with those enter- 
[)rises, or even with predatory excursions against the Portuguese. Nor do 
these concessions on the part of the I'rench King nec(;ssarily involve 
the abandoning of any contemplated voy.ige of discovery towards Cathay. 
On the contrary, it was one more reason why the expedition shoukl then, 
that is in 1523, be promjjtly undertaken; so as not to lose entirely the 
benefit of the preparations which had been made with great exjjense in 
the ports of Normandy. 

At this stage of the discussion we must endeavour to find a new 
link, and prove that, about that time, a new c(juntry was discovered, and 
was named so as to recall the agency ot b ranee. 

There is, in the Cieogra|)hical Department of the National Library 
at Paris, a brass globe of perfect workmanship, gilt over, -hence its name 
" Le Globt! Dor ,," -and constructed, ap[)arently, in Germany. It is not 
dated, but the legends and configurations exhiliit geographical data which 
do not extend beyond the year 152S. bOr that, and other reasons, -7 
we h.ive assigned to this fine metallic s[)here the latter date. 

The (l(jlinealions indicate; a family of mai)s entirely different from 
that to which belonged the prototypes of Maggiolo and of Hieronymo 
da Yernizano, The east coast runs almost due north from I'liM-ida to 

' 1 




^'' Till.' mliiiiiiK niontiiiiK-il, can Ikiv.j lieoii niily, Wo are nnw invos'.it^atiii^; llicir impcrs anil IcUcrs, 
for l!iiU;inv, I.'i'.ii-, II., .*<'i'''- l>r. I. A 'ruLM'ilM.K, ami wliich, Imwevor, aiL' oxtroniuly iiic<im|ilLtL'. 
for I'r.'uioo jiropi-r, Clulrl^.■^ (lornii: I! in; I!i>NMVr.|-. -' Slc /»/'//', in lliu ('((<Y<i;/rn///i/i(, umlcr lliu year 152S. 

2 E 

i ' 





i I ': 


■. Ill 5 i 


rr I 


I fir 

I ^ ',1 ; 

hi : 


Tiir, DisojvKuv (ik Xortii Amkiuca. 

the latitude of Xewfouiullaiul. Then only do we notice the excessive 
easterly trend which is one of the jxicuharities of all the early maps. 
Hut what is more typical still, is the west coast, about the ecjuator, 
represented as continuinj^ uninterruptedly westward, and absolutely j(jining 
America with Asia. This is a notion which originated so late as 1525, 
and in Belgium, as we will afterwards demonstrate. 

The nomenclature also presents ca[)ital differences. The; east coast, 
for instance, does not set forth a singk- name to be found in the Mag- 
giolo, \'erra/ano, or Weimar maps, while several of its designations date 
so far back as the early Lusitano-Oermanic cartography. 

These peculiarities prove beyond a doubt, that the prototype of th*; 
Gilt (ilobc was wholly different from the one which had b(;en used by the 
two Italian cartographers above mentioned. The only complete point of 
reseml)lance, and it is of the utmost importance, lies in a legend st.imped 
across the north-eastern region, viz.: tfrka krancisca, which in the (iilt 
Globe contains besides, the significant words : nvpkr i.vstrata. That is, 
" The I'rench country, recently discovered." And this legend we find 
repeated thenceforth, in a series of globes and maps, such as the Sloane 
map, the Wooden and the Nancy globes, &c., &c., which are not copies 
of the present, although based upon historical data of similar origin. 
Nay, l)y analogy, it can be shown that such is likewise the case with 
the double; cordift)rm ma[)pamundi of Orontius Fineus of 1531, as the 
inscription Terra Franccsca )iiiper Instrnta is also inscribed on the single 
cordiform engraved map (jf the World of that celebrated cosmographer. 

\\\; have expatiated upcMi the above legt:nd because it was necessary 
to trace its genesis, so to sp(!ak, from 1527 (when we see it for the 
first time, thus far), to some ten (jr fifteen years afterwards. Otherwise, 
misinformed critics might have been tempted to consider the designation, 
together with the attribute "nuper luslrata," as referring to the discoveries 
made in Canada I)y Jacques CartitT in 1534, 1536, and even 1541, under 
the I'Vench Hag and for I'Vancis the iMrst. 

The name " Terra Fraiicesca " n iVrs therefore to a transatlantic dis- 
covery accomplished under the aus]iiies of I'" ranee or of her King, and 
shows, by implication, that the discovery was recent when Maggiolo 
designed his map, or when its prototype, —as yet unknown, was con- 
structed. The words " ntiper luslrata,' pnjve, but, this time, explicitly, 
that such was likewise the case at the date of the making of the Gilt 
Globe or of its model. 




It remains to find the year when that voyage was accomplished. 

The despatch addressed by Jo3o da Silveyra to the^ '^''^K <^f 
Portugal, April 25, 1523, above quoted, shows that at the latter date, 
Verrazano was in command of a maritime expedition ; and the extracts 
which we have publisheil from the chronicle of Andrada, prove a delay 
of not less than five or six months before I'Vancis I. chang(;d its des- 
tination, — according to our reasoning. 

In the narrative of a voyage published by Ramusio,^^ but entirely 
different from V^errazano's, and entith^d : " Discofso tfvii gran capilano di 
mare Frimvcse del liioco di Dieppa : — Discourse of a great French sea 
captain, from Dieppe," we find the following ])assage, in relation to the 
east coast extending from Cape Hreton to I'Morida : 

" I.a filial costa fu scoperta 15 anni fa pur messer Oiouanni da Verrazzano in nome del 
Re Francesco et di madamma la Reggente,-^ et (luesta terra da niolti c delta la Francese, 
et similmente per li I'ortoghesi medesimi ; — This coast was discovered 15 years ago by Giovanni 
da Verrazzano, who took possession of the same in the name of King Francis and of My Lady 
the Regent. That country is called ' The French Land ' by many, even by the Portuguese 

The Discourse is not dated ; but Ramusio in his introduction says 3° 
that it was written in the year 1539: " discorso fatto del 1539." Is it 
an inference drawn by him from the above mentioned and from the date 
of V'errazano's account published in his Raccolta, or is it derived from 
the l-'rench original manuscript, now lost.'' .At all events, the critic cannot 
reject Ramusio's assertion in that respect, until rebutting evidence has 
been produced; inasmuch as the date coincides with the time inferred 
from the contemporary documents which w(; have analysed. 3' Deducting 
15 from 1539, yields 1524, as the year when \'errazano accomplished 
that disco\ery. 

Now, as there are traces before 1534 of only one French expedition 
of that character ; and as " the great French ca[)tain," -whoever he may 
have been, — ascril)es to the present the date (jf 1524, while his attril)uting 
the discovery to Cliovanni da Verrazano is confirmed by the Pro[)aganda 

''- Rami'sio, Veil. IlI.,f""423-42(') ; wiili ;i iii.iji licariiii; '' .\liliinii;h Ki.okin, the I''rench corsair, hns bcLMi 

ttic inscri|ilic)n : I.a Nnx-a I'l-amin. fully iilrTilillcil willi ('.imanni ila Verraz.ino, and wo 

-'The Rimnl was LcmisL' liK .Savoik, llic Miiilhcrnf possess a number of dates for his exploits and where- 

l-'rancis I. This seems to .account for the inscription \> •\\t ahouts, no document has yet been adduced showing thai 

on the Magi;iolo anil Verrazano maps : l.iiim.. Verrazano cannot have been ranging the east coast of 

10 Ramiski, Tir-n i-oli-iiii ih It, iinn'iiatioiii tt rh;rj' ; .\inerica in I 524. See our article in the AVciic Critlijiii:, 

X'cnetia, 1565, f'''4l7, verso, v. for January, 1S7*. p. 20. note 3. 








1 I 



Tin: Dnc()\i:uv OK XoiMii Amikha. 

^ I 

i| '^ 



U H 


I i 

' , 

I, .i • 

map. ami stands corroboratfd, - lliouj^h it be only iiiipliiilly,- nitlicr ihaii 
coiitradicU'cl by tlu; other cartoi^raphical documents kiiovvii, wi- do not set; 
Iiow, in th(! present state of the (juestion, the authenticity of the voyage 
and discovery credited to the I'lorei-tine mariner by sucii an array of 
authorities, can Ik- (luestioneil. 

Thi! only serious objection is tiie fact that the I'rench Uings and 
government nexcr based tiieir claim to the possession of Canada on the 
voyage of Verrazano ; which is not t;ven mentioned in the diplomatic 
correspondences. 'Ihey always made the rights of ]•" ranee date no further 
back than the e.\|)editions of Jactpies Cartier. Tlu; reason ol such a 
neglect may be the ill-success o( the enterprise, as X'errazano ri'turned 
to I'rance without having discovered the famous Strait (which hai! been 
thi' sole object of the expedition), ant! without bringing any articles of 
value, such as gold, cotton, or suice. The fact that tin; country was 
reported to be fertile, could b(; no inducement, as in those days braiice 
was not desirous to colonise anywhere. Besides, when \'(!rrazano returned 
from his e.xpedition in 1525, the battle of Pavia had just been fought 
and lost ; I'Vancis I. was a i)risoner in .S|)ain, aiul he ilid not recovctr his 
liberty until 1526. We may well i)resunie that in tht; midst of such 
distress, but litth; attention was p.iid to the unsuccessful voyage of the bokl 
corsair, and still less to whatever written account he may have addressed 
to the King, who, then confmed in his Madrid jail, was certainly not in 
a position to receive such a re|)ort. 

Basing our data u])on the iDmenclature and positions in the Maggiolo 
map, which, thus far, is certaii ly the cartogra|)hical documt;nt nearest to 
the date given for the expedition of Verrazano, we fmd that it embraced 
a ranging of tile east coast ii north latitudes from about 27" i^Dieppa, 
its most southern new name) to about 43 (A', de In biielfa, its most 
northern new designation) ; that is, from some point in Morida, to a 
locality in Maine, at all events. 




! 'A 

chai'ti:k IV. 

I •' s r !•: \' AM do M i: / . 



N the 27th of March, 1523, while at Vallailolid, Charles V. cntcrtHl 
into an agrceinciU for a voyajrc of iii;iritinii' discovery with the 
I*ortiigiu;se pilot Ivstevaiii ("i(jinez, who had lK;eii in his service since 
tht; loth of l'"ei)rnary, 151S, antl had saiKal with Maj^cilan. 

The expeditif)!! was to be composed of one ship only, of 50 Ions 
burthen, ecjuipped at the (expense of the Crown, victualled for one year, 
and at a niaximmn cost of 1,500 ducats (that is less than 2,000 d<jll.irs 
of the time), or, according to the tenor of the letters [)atent : 

" una raravoUa de i)orte dc liasta cinciucnta tonelcs, armada y tornccida do 
iiianteiiiniictitos \>ur un afio liasta mil y (luiiiientos ducados. . . . Vos mandarc armar a 
Nuestra rosta la dicha c.iravcla. " ' 

It is therefore inexact to say, viith Antonio Galvam,- the ct)st 
of the enterprise was borne by three private citizens, one of them being 
called Dr. Beltram. The only agency (jf the l.itler consisted in counter- 
signing th(; agreement, simply by virtue: ol his otticial position, jusi as 
three months later he affixed his signature to the letters patent granted 
to Lucas \'a/,(jue/, de Ayllon. 

One year elapsed before the project was carried into effect. It 
seems for a while even to have been abaiuloned, as its inteneled le.ider 
was appointed in b'ebruary 1524, one of the consulting mariners of the 
Badajo/ conference for settling the (lueslion of the Moluccas. A month 
• ifterwards hcnvever, March 21st, Charles Y. appointed in his place the 
Dominic.ui friar and mathematician Tonias Dunui, "the ser\ ices of (ionuz 
111 ing wanted elsewhere." Vet again nine months passed away before the 
expedition set out from S])ain. 

The object of that voyage is not clearly expressi'd in the agreement : 

' drtiiittilwinii tint- ^'■■t /uint'tcoit K-*lf hiiti (lOiiiiZ^jitlitfii^ i/iiitfi' uft> // rtiiit' >j ti''s nfiits ; in the Ihnnnuiitu.s 
/mm (I iliKiiihriinii iihi ihl Valnyo Orii iil'i/. Fnhu in iiifilihmdi Imliiix, \n\. \\., iip. 74-78. 
ViiHiiili>ri'l it riintt If /<it ti: ifit mis ilt Miirz'i ili inil c - Sec iii/rit, y. 2^2. 


t I 









TiiF. DiscovKKV OK North America. 

t I 


'■ ' ; 





( i' 









... ( 

1 1. 





" Vos OS ofreceis de ir a descubrir el Catayo orienial, de que teneis noticia y relaci^r., 
por donde hazeis fundamento de descubrir hasta las Nuestras Islas de Maluco : — You jiropose 
to go in search of Eastern Cathay, concerning which you possess notions and reports alTording 
ground for making discoveries as far as Our Molucca Islands." 

I'ettT Martyr is more e.\[)licit, as ht; states clearly that Gomez was 
commissionetl to reach Cathay by a strait siippo.sed to e.\ist between 
l-'lorida and Xewfountlland : 

" Misimus artis maritini;\: peritum viruni quendam nomine Stephanus Gomez, cum una 
tantum navi, Carai'ella vulgo, ex Clunio discessit, fretum ([u.'esiturus inter floridam tellurem et 
Ei'.ccalaos. Cataiuni inde se repertum inquit, eat bonis avibus : — We have just sent a man 
versed in the art of navigation, called Ste|)hen Comez. With one ship only, [of the kind] 
commonly called Caravels, he sailed from Coruna in search of a passage between the land 
of Florida and the liaccalaos. He says that, starting thence, he will find Cathay. Good 
luck to hini."^ 

We possess but little information concerning that important voyage, 
as the account which Gomez wrote on his return to .Spain, and handed 
to Charles \^ in Toledo,-* is lost, notwithstanding the repeated assertion 
of Buckingham Smith 5 that it exists in the still unpublished fslnn'o 
General of Andres Ciarcia de Cespedes.^ 

That work is still preserved in the National Library at Madrid. 7 
The manuscript has been examined, aiul we are positively informed 
that it does not, nor ever did, contain the narrative which Gomez ad- 
dressed to the Spanish Government, or any original description of his 
voyage. With the exception of a few details and a map, which wc 
will soon mention, the historian therefore can only consult brief allusions 
scattered in th( writings of Peter I\I;trtyr,8 Oviedo,') Gomara, '° Galvam," 
Herrera, '- and the legends inscribed on the planispheres of Nuiio Garcia 
de Toreno and Diego Ribero. 

' Am;iiif.r.\, KjiiMula ncix'., p. .174; wnA Dccml. j,ni- Amln'-i darriri iff O'^/i'ilrs xii i-oimoiji-a/iho iiinyor. 
\'I., cnii. X., !'• xc, ver^o. MS. nf the Mnilriil liiblinloca NAi.-ionnl, folin, willi 

* •• 1", tnixM i(.l>i;ic)ii (le lo (juc viilo en esl.i costa ilel coloureil inaps, J. -92. 
N.irt..' lI niesin.i .Thii ii!c iiiiU e (luinientosy veinley cinco ' .Vmiiiikra, J>e Orlu: Xoiio, T>cc:v\. \I., ca\i. x., 

.ifi'X) a Tdledii, 111 (| ^e (lir.i .iilehnle, en olr.i p.irtc ami DecaU. V'lII., cap. x. 

mas iipDrlima."— OviElio, lih. xxi., cap. ix., \'o\. U., "OviKDO, Sinnarin ih, la Xataral hiilorin tl In-^ 

Iiiiiia-t, cn\>. X., |). 4S0 ; ami II!<loria (Ifmral, lib. xxi., 
caps. ix. and x,, Vol. 11., [lage 147. 

''' (iOM.\H.\, ni'</oria ff', Ifi-i Indids, p. 17S. It is only 
an amali;aniaiinn nf IVter Makjvr with Ovikdo. 

"CiAl.v'M, Tialruln dot iliiti'rxot e (lesiiayfailo-' 
iriiiiiiihni . . . I'c--' tin Inili'i; pp. 67, 68. 

" I Ir.i.KI K.\, 1) ..111. II., lili. iii., r.'p. vii,; Dccacl. 
111., lis. i., cap. xiv,; lib. iv., cap^. iv. ami xx.; lili. 
vi., c.\p. i.: lib. viii., c.ip, viii. 

p. 147. This |iriiiniseil ilescriptinn nf that liislorian is 
nni t ip lie fouml in any nf his wnrks, printeil nr manuscript. 

■i liU'-'kin^ham Smiiii, /frriiniido M'lijc/lrinr.i niiil^'-ffiii ftomi::; n j.tijf r r'-nd l**j'ort'. th< \, )'. //»"<- 
lorintl Siinii;/, JniX' ■', ISml. 

'' I'lUl'Klil'.s, li'ijiiiii'iilo lit Xniif/iii'inii ni'iiido ha-.' r 
il i\i : Ma.lii.l, 1606, fill., f'- 152. 

• J^l'ii-ii .h-ii'i-.d d- /.i,At>Ai< (V'l.w/i / ,,1 i,if/.) dir':/ido 
,i 1,1 S. I'. /,'. .U. ././ H.i/d'"' I'ltdij,' [111. J /(i/.w,'/v, .s'-r. 


KsTKVAM G(jMi:z. 231 

Gomez sailed from Coruna with one ship only, as it had been sti]iu- 
lated in the agreement : " Cum una missum caravella dixi ad fretum aliud 
floridam tcllurem et Bachai los satis tritos quaTendum." '3 In what year? 

Navarrete cites a (jedula of February 10, 1525, appointing I'lstevani 
Gomez Pilot to the King, from which it has been inferred '■* that he 
undertook his voyage soon after. We hesitate to accept this inference, 
for it is necessary to ascertain first whether Navarrete does not mis- 
take his cedula of February 10, 1525, with that of b'ebruary 10, 1518, '5 
in both of which Gomez receives the appointment of Pilot to the King ; 
as, according to the documents which we have examined, those pilots 
were not ajjpointed for more than one year at a time. Our hesitation 
is also prompted by the official report of the voyage of Gome;/, adtlressed 
to Charles V., as we find it mentioned in Oviedo, and where the date 
of 1524 is given, as follows: 

" Despues que V. Mag. esth en esta Cibdad de Toledo, Uego aqui en el Mcs de Novienibre, 
el I'iloto Estevan Gomez, el qual en el aiio pasado de 1524. por mandado dc V. MaR. fue 
a la parte del Norte : — Since Your Majesty has gone to the city of Toledo, Stephen Gomez, 
the pilot who, hy the order of Your M..jcsty, went north last year, 1524, returned here in 
the month of November." '* 

The above passage is to be found in Oviedo's Sumario, which was 
completely printed February '.5, 1526. '7 If we consider the time required 
to print a volume in folio, with plates, and the fact that our (juotation 
occurs in the beginning of the book, we are authorised to infer that it 
was written in 1525, and that the sentence "en el ano passado," actually 
refers, as therein expressly stated, to the year 1524. Vet, we niust say 
that Oviedo, in his Ilistoria General, written fourteen years after the 
Suniai'io, says that the discovery was accomplished in 1525: " Descubri(') 
el piloto P^steban Gomez, el ano de mille e quinientos y veinte v cinco 
anos."'*^ Finally, Diego Ribero, in his map of 1529, also says: " lacjual 

descubrio por mandado de su magestad el ano de 1525." 

" .\Nr.:ilKUA, Dfi-nil. \'III., rap. ^., f"- c.wii. '", Hisli.ria (I'lanil, li!). wi., taji. x., V.l. 

'< Navarhfi I., \'iil. III., p. 179; Koiii., /)f.,-ii,ii(ii- II., p. 147. IVtcr Marivr i.i lii. ij isllo of .\iii;ust S, 

lary llUUiiy of Mniiii , \i. 273. 1524 (mcc, p. 474) says: " We h.ivc iiist scnl ufl' a very 

'5 /yi7in((i« 7'i>i(/o.s i J/f /■(•«/(-.<, in the Munu/ CI illucli' 111 expert, K:>tevam (Icmitz ; — .Mi.sinui!, i\rli> m.iri- 

iif copies, Vol. \, 103, f"' 84. tiiiM- perituiiL viuin ipiriidam miniine Siephanus (lumu?,'' 

" OVIHIX1, Sumann, cap. v. , p. 16. which is one of the mistake-, in il.ites «e find >o freipiently 

'■ " Se aciljo en 1.1 rilnl.iil de Tolcilo a XV. ilia> ilcl 'IKS in his works. ,s-ee i frii, p. 2^^, a correspiMnliiii; ac- 

do llelirer<ide A. II. Nxvj. ai^o^." It. A. I'., No. 139, c.Hinl, taken from the Decades. 




■' I ! 

> -I 





I I 

[i Ih 

^ "V 

I, 1 



.» ! /I 

232 Tin; Discovery ok North America. 

These dates may be conciliated by admitting that (iomez sailed from 
Coruna at the close of the year 1524, made his landfall in the New- 
World in h'ebruary 1525, and was back in Spain during the month of 
Decemh(;r following. What may be objected to in dates are the 
statements of Peter IMartyr and Santa Cruz, that the voyage of Gomez 
lasted ten months : "is nee freto neque a se promisso Cataio repertis 
regressus est intra mensem decimum a dicessu." Now, as Gomez is said 
to have returned in November, 1525, the date of his departure, to agree 
with Peter M.irtyr, would require to he placed in January of that year, 
which, at all events, is one month earlier than the cedula from which 
Navarrete claims to derive the date of the .sailing out of Gomez from S[)ain. 

What was the extent of his discovery ? 

The most ancitnit data concerning his voyage of 1 524-1 525 are to be 
found also in the Sunnwiu of Oviedo. They are in these words : 

" Fuc a la p.irtc del Norte, i h.nllo mucha 
Tierr.i, continuad.i ron I.1 que se llama de los 
Bacallaos, discurriendo al Occidente, i puesta 
en quarenta Grados, i quarenta i vno, i asi algo 
mas, i algo nienos, de donde truxo algunos 
Indios, i los ai de cllos al presento en csta 
Cibdad, los ([uales son de maior estatura que 
los de la 'I'ierra finne, segun lo que de cllos 
jiaresre CLii^n, i ponjue el dicho I'iloto dice, 
(jue vido muchos de cllos, i (|ue son asi todos : 
la color es asi como los de 'rierra-firiiic, i son 
grandes Frechcros, i andan cubiertos de Cucros 
de Venados, i otros Animales, i ai en aquclla 
Tierra excelentes Martas Cebellinas, i otros 
riros enforros, i de cstas picles tru.xo algunas 
el dicho I'iloto : ticnen piata, i cobre, segun 
cstos Indios dicen, i los d.\n a entcndcr por 
scn.'is, i adoran cl Si)l, i hi Luna, i asi tcrnan 
otras idolatrias, i errorcs, como los de Tierra 

" Gomez went to the northern parts, where 
he disc ivered an extensive country, which is 
a continuation of the one called the Baccalaos 
[/. c, the cod-fish region], and continued west- 
ward, reaching 40' and 41°, more or less. He 
brought from that country several Indians, who 
arc at present in this city [ Seville ? ]. They 
are generally taller than those of the continent 
according to the statement of the said pilot 
[Gomez], who has seen many of them. Their 
complexion is like that of those of the main- 
land. They are great archers, and wear skins 
of wild beasts and others. The country con- 
tains excellent martens of the sable kind, and 
other fine fur-bearing animals. The said jiilot 
brought some of those skins. They have silver 
and co[)]ier, as they gave to understand by 
signs. They worship the Sun and Moon, and 
share the other idol.itries and errors of the 
natives on the continent . . . ." '■' 

hi ),i: 

Ovieilo speaks exidently as an ey(;-witness, and repeats what he must 
have heard (iomez himself say. Yi;t, in his ffistorin General, the limit 
reached by ("lomez is extended to 42' 30': " desde cpiarenta e uii grados 
hasta (juareiita e dos y medio,"--' instead of 40' -41', without alleging 

- 0\ ll.lui, //^^^.)■|■.I. (,'.». -nl, hi,-. ,-it. 

, In.-, rif. 

V. ,\ 



any fact for the addition. Nor can he be said to have Ijeen prompted 
by the sight of Ribero's map, as the latter locates the discoveries accom- 
plished by Gomez at least five degrees further north. As to Garcia de 
Toreno, he inscribes the name of the Portuguese navigator near a large 
estuary, by his 45°, and which appears to be Penobscot Bay. If so, the 
S[)anish cosmographers of the time seemed to place the country discovered 
by Gomez in Nova Scotia ; for the charts of the Sevillan Hydrography 
inscribe, by 45" north latitude, the " Tierra de los Bretones." 

As to the return of Gomez to .S[)ain, Peter IMartyr su[)plies us with 
additional details, but no date : 

i i 

" Nunc ad Stephanum Gomez, queni cum 
vna missum carauclla dixi ad fretum aliud 
inter floridam tellurem et Bachalaos satis tritos 
quKrendum. Is nee freto neque .^ se proniisso 
Cataio repertis regressus est intra mensem de- 
cimum h. discessu. Inanes huius boni hominis 
fore cogitatum exisitimaui ego semper et pra;' 

posui Stephanus hie Gomez 

nil iiorum assocutus (]uas se reperturum arbitra- 
batur, lie vacuus rediret contra leges >\ nobis 
dictatas, ne ([uis vUi gentium vim afferat, ab 
innocenlibus quibusdam seminudis populis, ma- 
galibus pro domibus contentis, utriusque sexus 
hominibus nauiiii tarciuit. Vbi accessit in por- 
tum Clunium, vnde vela fecerat " 

" I now com? to Stephen Gomez, whom, as 
I have said, was sent with a caravel in search 
of another strait between Florida and the 
Baccalaos, [a region] sufficiently known and 
frequented. Finding neither the passage nor 
Cathay, as he had promised, he has returned, 
within ten months after his departure . . . 
That same Stephen Gomez having obtained 
nothing of what he ex[)ected to discover, so 
as not to return with empty hands; and con- 
trary to the instructions which we had given 
him not to molest anyone whatever, filled his 
ship with innocent people of both sexes, half 
naked, who were satisfied with living in huts 
in lieu of houses. When he ar:ived in Corufia, 
whence he had set out . . . ."-'' 



Antonio Galvam gives a different account. According to that his- 
torian,-' the Count Fernando d'Andrade, Dr. Beltram, and a merchant 
whom he calls Christoval de Sarro (Christoval de Haro, a rich shipowner 
of Antwerp, who, after having had an establishment at Lisbon, removed 
to Sev''ie in 15 19--), su[)plied Gomez with a galliass equii)ped at their 
joint expense, thus making of the e.\pedition a private enterprise altogether. 
This assertion we have already shown to be entirely erroneous. 

Gomez then, sailir.g from La Coriu'ia, went to Cuba, thence to Florida, 
and, navigating only in the day-time to avoid shoals and reefs, steered 
northw.u'd a; far as the 44° latitude. l'"rom this point he returned to 
Spain with a cargo of kidnapped Indians, to be sold as slaves. 

-''''.\Ni;mi'.u\. I>oim1. Mil,, cip. x., f' cxvi., recto. 

•' llAl.VAM, /'"•. rii. 

-"■ Navakkkik, Culi:rriuii il'. riiv/,.< ilr lo\ L'sim'/o't 
V„I. IV,, 1., hsiv. 

2 F 


In' I- 

< l! (t 






! i 

I Ml'! 






Galvam's statement may be based upon Portuguese data ; yet we find 
in it details which he certainly borrowed from Peter Martyr, particularly 
the poor pun : " Esclavos enim Hispanium idioma servos apptllat, ct 
gariophyllos noncupat clavos."-3 

Such a paucity of facts concerning this important exfiedition, compels 
the critic to interrogate all sources of information, although wiili little 
hope of obtaining salient details. The Islario of Alonso de Santa Cruz, 
which has not yet been j)rinted, is one of those sources. 

The great .Spanish cosmographer must have known Kstevam Gomez 
personally in Spain, from 1521 until 1524, and during the winter of 1526. 
Besitles, by his official i)osition, he had access to all documents relating 
to the maritime expeditions sent by the Spanish government. Under the 
circumstances, we could not fail to consult his Islario General del Mundo, 
written by order of Philip II., though it was at such a late date as 1560. 
Thanks to Dr. A. Goldlin de Tiefenau, custodian of the Vienna Imperial 
Library, and Mr. Castan, director of the Besan^on Library, ^4 who, at our 
request, have kindly re-examined the manuscri[)ts of that work preserved 
in those two institutions, we are enabled to publish the passage which 
refers to (iomez and his voyage to the east coast. 

" Esteuan (lomez Piloto de ciuien arriba " Stephen Gomez, the pilot whom we liave 

diximos en aquella Jornada y espt;di(jioii que alre.idy mentioned" in connection with the voy- 

hi(,o con mandado y li(,-en(;ia de V. m'- en age and expedition which he made by the order 

denianda y descubiimiento del Catayo ciudad and leave of Your Majesty, in search of and to 

oriental de la Vndia y de acjucl jjasso, o discover Cathay, which is a city of East India, 

estrecho tan desseado que saliese al mar as well as the passage or strait so much desired, 

comuniiiente llamado del sur enel ()ual cstuuo and leading to the sea commonly called the 

diez mcses dentro de los quales descubrio .South .Sea. It took iiim ten months, and he 

jjor esta costa gran numero de y.s!as, juntas* discovered on that coast a great many islands 

al continente, y principalmente vn Rio muy near the continent ; and [wrticularly a very 

ancho y caudaloso que el lo puso noMil)re de large and deep river, which he called Deer 

los gamos, por los muchos ([ue alii havia sem- River, on account of the great number of those 

brado, todo de yslas en las ([uales en el verano animals which he found there. It is full of 

venian los yndios de la tierra firme a habitar en islands in which the Indians of the continent 

ellas |)or razon de las muchas pesquerias que come to live in summer, owing to large fisheries 

''Tile wciril "c-claviis, iir slave*," Iicinc; iinilcrslcind of Sania CrI'Z, sec infra, in tiir CnrlO'inijihin, umler 
" cl.ivds, nr -.iiii't'," — the ImtLT li.aving hum Miii| to ilio Mai 1536. 
hi.' Ilii; nauirc of tlh,' cargo broiij^lu l>y (ioMi:/. ; "|iro 
c-icLaiiis cla\!os esse ailucctos iir.icoii.iniln." 

■•■' for an accoiiiu of the inaiuiscript . "s of the />/'/. /'j 

* d'liilo ; Hcsiiiion MS. 

•' The only oilier reference lo ( ;omi,/. in the /-''in'n, is 
tile CNtracl wliich we i;i\ e iiu'ni, y. 2J7. 




EsTEVAM GdMi:/,. 

junto a ellas havia de salmones y savalos y 
bogas y otros rauchos generos de pescados 
que en estas partes ay. El qual Rio cl navego 
por mucho espa^io creiendo fuesse el estrecho 
que el dcseaua hallar pero alo fin hallo esto 
ser vn fanioso Rio de gran concurso de aguas 
de donde se arguyo el gran tracto y espacio 
del continente que alii ay y puesto que el 
creiese la muy firme oppinion que ay de la 
Canal y passo que arriba diximos contra el 
continente de los bacalaos y la tierra Uamada 
del labrador el tuuo por cierto que no havia 
necessidad de esperiencjia por no ser possible 
poderse pasar por ella segun el impedimiento 
que avria de frialdad t en las partes ve/.inas 
laqual oppinion y desculpa de no haver in- 
trado a pasar por el quedo tan asentada por 
buena escusa que nunca se ha mas ynien- 
tado a i)ro(,-eder en este caso siendo cosa que 
tanto iniportaua al bien e seruii,:io de V. m' 
por (jue se pretendia por alii el gobierno y 
trato de las yslas de los malucos con otras 
niuchas (jue por alii ay del dominio y derecho 
de su corona real aunque este estrecho o 
canal y aijui se pudiese passar pues por com- 
paraijion de lo ciue oy se sabe que se nauega 
a la rredonda de escondia era possible que da 
un grande scrupulo que seria estreniadamente 
ditlcukuso para los habitadores a teniperamiento 
tan contrario, o distante de tan gran estremo 
como Iv-pana de la parte tan setentrional como 
esta [?j por loqual si los grandes cuidados que a 
V. m'- fatigan diesen lugar que su magnanimo 
coraCjOn ron(;ebiesen vna cosa tan vtil y neces- 
saria cos.i como era juntar el mar del Sur y el 
0<;eano (")ridental por J aquel estrecho de tierra 
de Panama al Nombre de Dios pues ayuda a 
ello la dispusiijion del lugar de di/esiete leguas 
que son las doze y mas de vn Rio llano y fac^il 
cjue i)ucdcn subir por cl vergantines y varcos por 

of salmon, shads,'' and boops" [?], as well as 
other species of fish which are found in that 
part of the stream. He sailed up the river for 
a considerable distance, thinking that it was the 
strait which he desired to discover, but ascer- 
tained instead that it was a grand river with a 
very great flow of water, from which he inferred 
that it belonged to the continent of immense size 
which is there. And although firmly believing 
in the existence of the aforesaid canal or pas- 
sage close to the Cod-fish continent and the 
country called Labrador, he was also convinced 
of the inutility of proving it experimentally, as 
the obstacles arising from the cold temperature 
of the neighbouring regions would prevent the 
passage from being used. This opinion and 
plea was deemed sufficient to prevent in the 
future any further attempt to effect the object, 
although it was of great moment to Vour 
Majesty, being calculated to insure the govern- 
ment of the Molucca islands, and of many 
others belonging to the dominion of the Crown. 
Still, that strait or passage could be crossed, 
judging from the navigations which, we know, 
are being secretly carried out in its vicinity ; 
though it would perhaps prove extremely diffi- 
cult for people [who live under] a climate so 
much adverse and distant as is that of S[)ain 
from such a high northern region. If notwith- 
standing the great cares of Your Majesty, his 
magnanimous heart should conceive an enter- 
l)rise so useful and necessary as that of joining 
the South Sea with the Western Ocean by such 
a strait, from Panama to Nombre de Dios," the 
undoi taking would be facilit.iied by the space 
which is [only! 17 leagues, more than 12 of 
which are over a river navigable for brigantines 
and barks. 'l"he undertaking is not 72 miles'-' 
across land, like that of Sesostris, the King of 
EgyiU, then of Darius, the King of the Persians, 






. i 

f Jlijiritilidl ; Ucsaiiijun M.S. 
'i /'nrn ; lii'sancjon -MS. 

'' I'rolulily Alona, mi'iihrtilfii, wliicli .iscciul llio rivers 
I'f tlio Miildlt; Stales in svicli v;i>l mimljcr-.. 
■'■ < h -.line s|';iiuii! li>!i. 

-" Tliis i.s iKit tlie e.irliesl suggestion rck\tivc tn cutting 
a canal fii>ni the Atlantic to the I'acilic. The iilea dates 
so far liark as Kcrnanil Courks. 

■"' Tliat canal was 200 kilometers lony. It is atliilnitei! 
Iiy IlKUODurcS, not to "Se.sostris," l)Ut to NKI-iof II. 


; 'I 


> \ 

r ,1 

If ii 


■ 'J 


• i: 



I 'Mr''' 


I :i' 



I < ' ( 


Tin: PiscovKKV of North Amkrica. 

manera que [no] § sesenta y dos milas de cspa(,io 
de tierra como intento Sosotis Rey de Egito y 
despues D.irio Key de los I'ersas y despiies casi 
la acabo 'I'olomeo iiitentando de juntar la mar 
bcrmeja con cl Rio Nilo de Egito loqual despues 
de hecha se dcxo de juntar por ciertas causas 
sinij iiasta (|uin/.e serian las que rrestarian de 
rrasgar Iioluicndo las yslas del Rio de las gamas 
y de las adiarentes al rontiniente vezinos son 
las mas como dicho tengo pobladas y princi- 
palmente de verano de yndias (.omo las de 
sant domingo dequien luego diremos y de me- 
jores cuerpos ellas y ellos tienen sus arcos y 
fletlias y l,;n(,as tostadas con que jiclean en 
la tierra muy templada y de mucha arbolcda 
que en estas partes ay como enzinas y roblcs, 
oUiuas hallaron so niuchas partes siluestras con 
huiias y muclias plantas e yeruas como las de 
Espana y nmcha inargarita que pensaron ser 
oro. truxicroii en el galeon inuchos yndius de 
la tierra a l-",spaha los quales pusieron en su 
libertad pasado este Rio e yslas al Poniente. 
Junto a la costa hazia la Florida se hallan 
muchas yslas y todas desiertas y de pocho 
prouecho las quales vido y descubrio el li(;en- 
<;iado Ayllon que era oidor de la chancilleria 
de Sancto Domingo yendo a poblar al con- 
tinente do murio el y mucha gente de la que 
llevo consigo y se pcrdio toda su armada como 
largo habraremos en nuestra general geografia. Jj 
estan pues todas cstas yslas en altura de quarenta 
y tres y quarenta y tjuatro grados y en el clima 
setima y su maior dia es de quinze horas y 
un quarto." *.] 

In addition to that intcrrstincr 
passage of tlie hUirio of Andres G 

S TliL" lii;saiii,i>n text inserts liere tlie word \iii, whicli 
«i' li.ivv a<l'i],ti'(i, as renilerinj; the sense clearer. 
Tmd'irminK : Hesan(,'on MS. 

*', \'icniia Imperial Lilirary, .\ISS. (.'or/. /'((/. VuiiUih. 
5542 ; f" 40, sfijiiilnr. 

' The le(;en<l iiiscrilied by Kllii:KO cm the nia]! of 1521; 
is niiieh in the same woni^ : "Ay en ella nuirlins nrlxilcs 
y fnu'tas lie his (lees|>ana y nuichus RiKlaiiallns, y salmcines 
y solliis : no han allado om ; — There are many trees ami 
fruits like those of Spaiti, and (luantilies of voihiriillo.i f?], 
.salmons and pikes [sturgeons ?] ; but no gold.' 

" Mineralogists rail now MarinieritL- a niira, which is 
somctinies yellowisli, ami found in M.issichussets. Ill 

which was almost accomplished by I'tolemy, 
and purported to unite the Red Sea with the 
Nile of I'^gypt, but was afterwards abandoned 
for certain reasons, leaving only fifteen miles 
unfinished. Reverting to the islands in Deer 
River, and the islands near the continent, they 
are mostly inhabited, as we have said, particu- 
larly in summer, by Indians like those of Santo 
])()iningo, of whom we will sjieak afterwards. 
These are of larger frame, and likewise possess 
bows, arrows, and sharp lances, which they use 
in fighting. The country is (juite temperate, 
containing many [sjjecies of] trees, such as oak, 
birch, olive, wild vines with gra|)es in great 
quantity, and many plants and herbs like those 
of Siiain."' There is also much inargarita, '' which 
was [then] sup[)osed to be gold. They brought 
over to Spain in the galleon, many Indians,*' 
who were set at liberty." Passing beyond those 
islands and that river, westward, near the coast, 
there are many islands, all deserted and jioor, 
whicli were discovered by the licentiate Ayllon, 
of the Court in Santo Domingo, when he went 
to settle the continent, where he lost his life, 
with many of his followers and his entire expe- 
dition, as we will relate at length in our General 
Geography." All those islands are by 43° and 
44° north latitude, in the seventh climate,'' and 
their longest day is 15J4 hours." 

extract \vc must mention a certain 
arcia de Cespedes, which has always 

lOumpe it is fiec|uemly taken for j;nld. liul (ioMrz' 
.!/(( /■;;'( nVri was apparently iron or copper pyriti-. 

'■ Regardinf; lliose Indians, see "tijuu, p. 232. 

" We are not convinced that the Indians brouj^ht by 
(ioMi-.z were set at iil)erty ; but see Am.iiikk A, iJecad. 
\lll., cap. X., p. 602. 

" It is probably the (V/coj/rnyiVi ilf ./«;v.s ili lain 

tl iiiiiiuld, whicli \'.\.N'KiiAS ascribe; Ir' liiiu ( I li/irmr'ui^ 
fl' /(fx liliro-i ((Hi lull/ m il I'niii r^n : Toledo, 1540, 
chapter xvi.), but which ij loM. 

'5 About thai seventh din. ate see i.iha our ficimilc "f 
the Woollen (ilobe, and (ll.AUl.ANfS, />< (.'■■njiniiliiri,.,- luni^, Ireyburt;, 1533, 410. p. ij. 



been attributed to that cosmographcr.3^ Wc have since ascertained that 
it was boldly plajfiarised from the Islario of Santa Cruz. Tiiis discovery 
adds weight to the statement itself, which is now found to have originated 
not so late as the beginning of the seventeenth century, but so early as 
the time when the first news was received in Spain ; since it is reported 
by an (;ye-witness of the ri;turn of Gomez, who was also his colleague 
in the naval service. Besides, Santa Cruz himself ascribes explicitly the 
information to that navigator. 

The unexpected character of the facts slated, and our remarks con- 
cerning the plagiarism committed by Ces[)edes, prompt us to give the 
version and its duplicate : 

SANT.\ CKCZ : ci'si' : 
" En la baya que diximos llamarse dclos " P-n la baya que diximos llamarse de los 
bretones y en muchas cartas de navegar a los bretones y en muchas cartas de navegar ;'i los 
principio a (juando esta tierra se comen<;o principios, quandi) esta tierra se coincii/o :i 
a descubrir se puso assi asta que estevan descubrir se ponia assi, hasta que ei^tevan 
gomez [truxo] esta relacion algo discrepante gomez piloto truxo esta relacion algo discre- 
de la qual se tenia estar esta ysla no en panic de la que se tenia, (]ue es estar esta 
la liaya do dezian (juc estava sino junto ysla n6 en la baya do de^ian que estaua, sino 
a esta tierra do agora esta de la qual no junto a esta tierra do agora est;i de la ([ual 
hay uso que contarse a salvo que el dicho ysla no ay cosa que de contar sea, salua ql. 
estevan gomez piloto dize que a la pasada dicho esteuan gomez piloto dize que .i la 
por ella vido muchos humos en ella y senales passada por ella vido muchos humos en ella 
de ser habitada hay a un canal entrc ella y senales de ser habitada ha/.esse una canal 
y tierra firine Uaniado canal de sanct Julian entre ella y tierra firme llaniada canal de San 
de cinco o seis leguas de ancho." Julian di; cinco <) seys leguas de anclio." 

We now proceed to give the entire passage as it reads in the 
Islario General del Mundo of Alonso de .Santa Cruz : 

" Passadas las yslas de las onze mil virgines 
hazia la mar una gran ensena llamada baya de 
bretones cjue por la venida que hazen cada ano 
pescar a esse Haya y tierra los dichos Iketones 
en esta ensefiad dizen haver muchas yslas y to- 
das despobladas princi[)almente ay una dicha de 
sancta elmo a la qual le pusieron el tal nombre 

" Passing beyond the islands of the I'.leven 
Thousand Virgins,*' towards the sea, there is a 
large bay, called " Uay of the Brittons," because 
every year the Ikittons come to fish in that bay 
and country. The said bay is represented to 
contain mr.ny islands, all without inhabitants, 
particularly one called "Sanct Elmo,'"" so named 

'' Jrun it SrhdxlH ii ( 'iiliat, p. 2S5. C'RIV. m.ikus his (lL•^cril>linll fiDTU norlli tn scmili, 1 ir tli:U 

■' 'llif I".U-\fii ■I'limisanit Vir^jins cunsliiiitr a mu.-'I sucli the Irajcct of t Iumi /. u1ili> lie cxpliircl Ui.\1 pari 

archii)L'la(;o situate, in the Mai^^inlu map of 1527, close tjf the ntu'th-easl coast. 

to the siitith-west of Ncwfoiindlaml, and to which (JviKiii) '''The 111. ip of Cii.wKb iiieiilinncd Uie "I la Ar Sanct 

(\'ol. II., p. 149) ascribes the latitude of 4</. The 'relmo," which, < JVIKH^ 1 says (\ol. II.. p. 14.M, l.clonj;s 

reference to those islands indicates either that Sania to the yroup ot inlands so named. 










/ ~ 







\ -i ' 



■M ?r 





. 1 


,1 r (. 


TiiK I)is(;()\i:rv ok North Ami.kica. 

ciertos Pescadores bretones ((ut; por una noche 
toniandoles sobrc ellos una tormenta diczen 
(juu Ijiuron en la ysla muchas candulas ardiendes 
atiucllos lanian sanct elmo ([ue dizen que vicne 
en tal figura, passada la dicha baya mas al occi- 
dentc y junto a una punta llaniada cabo brcton 
comien(,a ^ prolongarse a una ysla levante 
ponicnte dicho de sanct Joan que tiene de largo 
rinqiicnta y seis leguas y por lo mas ancho 
veinte tsta ysla dixieron algunos pilotos que no 
estava en esta parte de mar sino metldo en la 
baya que diximos Uamarse delos bretones y 
en muchas cartas de navegar a los principios a 
quando esta tierra se comenro a descubrir se 
puso assi asta que estavan gomez [truxo] esta 
relacion algo discrei)ante de la qual se tenia 
estar esta ysla no en la baya do dezian que 
estava sino junto a esta tierra do agora esta de 
la qual no hay uso I'ue contarsc a saivo quc cl 
dicho estevan gome/ piloto dize (lue a la pasada 
por ella vido muchos humos en ella y sefiales 
de sor hatiitada hay a un canal entre ella y 
tierra firmc Uamado canal de sanct Julian de 
cinco o seis leguas de ancho dizen tener muy 
huena vista y de mucho arboleda y rios quc 
salen a la mar tienen a la redonda des .... 
muchos ysleos todas deshabitadas esta deste 
quarenta y seys hasta quarenta ocho grades y 

en el "\?] ocho tiene 

su mayor dia de buinze horas y dos tercios 
junto al cabo Breton se hallan algunas ysletas 
deshabitadas do ay muchos avez y al viede- 
dor dcllas ay grandes pesiiuerias." 

by some fishermen from Jirittany, who say that 
during a very stormy night they saw many of 
those burning lights known as St. Hclmo flames 
[will o' the wisp], which are said to assume such 
appearance. Passing the bay, more towards the 
west, and close to a point of land named "Cape 
lireton,'' the [':oast] begins to extend towards an 
island [which is] east and west, called " Sanct 
Joan,'' 56 leagues long by 20 leagues wide. 
Certain pilots state that the latter island is not 
in that part of the sea, but within the bay which 
we call " 15ay of the Hrittons; " and in many 
early sailing charts, when that country first 
discovered, it was so depicted, until Ste[)hen 
Gomez brought that information, which differed 
in some respect from the opinion entertained 
concerning the position assigned to the island 
within the bay. //c: said [on the contrary] that 
ii was joined to the land where it is now. The 
statement should not be contradicted, except 
where Estevam Gomez says that in passing before 
[the island] /it' sarc many [columns of] smoke, 
and signs that it was inhabited. There is between 
the island and the continent, a passage, called 
"Canal de Sanct Julian,'"" from five to six leagues 
wide. [The island] is said to be of good appear- 
ance, with many trees, and rivers which empty 
into the sea. 'I'here are around it many islets, 
all without inhabitants. The island extends from 
46" to 48 . . [?]. The longest day is fifteen hours 
and two-thirds. Close to Cape Breton there are 
deserted islets, with birds in great numljers, and, 
ajjparently, extensive fishing grounds.'' 

It is to be regn;tted that Santa Cruz and Cespcdes should rcft^r to 
" muchas cartas dc navegar," instead of limiting their description to the 
rilleged narrative of Gomez. The reason of our regret is that the above 
extracts betray endeavours to establish a concordance, which increases still 
more the confusion of the subject ; particularly as reganls the mysterious 
island of St. John, which is one of the ol)scure problems of the early 
cartography of the north-east coast. 

' lUrc there ."^tc two or tliixx' wonls illogiljle or in- *' \Vc po^^ess neither map nor .inciont ncccmiU nicntinn- 

coniiMehLii-iMc. ing a " Canal ile Sanct Julian," in that northern latitiule. 

' iij 

. ., * ■ 



And, in the first pliicc, what is that " H.iya dc los Hnloiics ? " \\'c 
knew already a " Tierra de los iirctoius, " a "Laho de los Hrctoiies," an 
" Entree des Bretons," and an " I sola ile Brctoni, " Init it is the first time 
that mention is made of a hay of that name. As in all tht' maps and 
accounts of the sixteenth century, what is ascribed to the Hrittons is the 
northern region of Nova Scotia, or Cape Hreton Island, the " Baya dt: 
los Bretones " can only be the (iulf of St. Lawrence. 

To comprehend the statement of .Santa Cruz, we must try to ascertain 
the exact character of the cartographical elements which he had I)efnre 
him when describing the voyage of (iomez. 

The great .S|)anish cosmographer first states that the island of St. 
John, before the exploration commenced by (iomez, was placed within the 
bay: "en la baya do ilezian (jue cstava." We have no knowledge of 
any nia[) of the first cjuarter of the sixteenth century which represents the 
interior of the (julf of St. Lawrence. The two earliest delineations of 
that north-eastern region, viz.: the map of Pedro Reinel or Kunstmann 
No. 1., and the Havre Catalan atlas, set forth only the entrance of that 
gulf. It, in 1525, which is the year of Ciomez' voyage, there existed 
maps depicting the shores of the (iulf of .St. Lawrence, we have no 
reason to think that they were more complete in that respect than the 
portolano of (iaspar X'iegas, which is of the year 1534. This exhibits 
only reefs or islets within the gulf; but, at its .Atlantic opening, it de- 
lineates a nameless island of vast size, longitudinal in form and position. 
Our opinion is that we have here the earliest imagery of Ca|)e Breton 
Island, transmitted through Portuguese maps now lost ; and which, on 
account of its fictitious canal running from south to north, is the origin 
of the island of St. John in many of the old charts, — Spanish, Lusitanian, 
and P'rench. •*' 

Both Santa Cruz and Cespedes state tliat the alleged situation ot that 
island was first shown to be erroneous by P'stevam Gomez. The (.-rror, 
they say, was ascertained by the Portuguese navigator, dc visu, when he 
passed before the island, and brought back to S[)ain a description i)f the 
country : " A la pasado por ella vido . . . truxo esta relacion." He re- 
ported then that the island was adjacent to the continent, and not in the 
bay ; " es esta ysla no en la baya do dezian que estaua, sino junto a 
esta tierra;" and that, between the two, there is a channel, (wi^ or six 
leagues wide, called the "Canal de Sanct Juli.ui." 

>' J, ((11 ■/ .V<'«(vr/'» ('((I,,,/, y. 2^^. 






I ' 

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I. > 



Tin; DiscovKuv ok North Amkkka. 

llow could OoiiK'z ascertain thai fact imlfss he liad ranged the coast 
beyoiul 44° north hititiule ? 

The consecjiience of those; avtTinents of (iomez, as set forth l)y Santa 
Cruz, is lliat the Portuguese pilot continued coasting Nova Scotia and 
Cape Hreton Island, as far as the entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, 
and thi're ascertained that the imaginary island n{ .St. John tliil not exist. 
Or, if there was such a region, that it had been misplaced ; its proper 
place being north, very near the mainland. The "Canal de Sanct Julian," 
in sucii a case, can only be the Gut of Canseau ; unexpected as the sup- 
position will iloubtless appear at first sight. Or we may suppose that 
Santa Cruz made his description simply from one of those numerous maps 
whicii depict their island of St. John parallel with the coast of the country, 
where modern geographers locate Nova Scotia. 

W', the historian must accept the account ascribed to Gomez as 
it stands in the words of .Santa Cruz. Anil we are constrained to .say 
that it does not allow of any other interpretation than a voyage carried 
as far. at least, as the southern e.xtremity of Newfoundland, and an ex- 
ploration of the cast coast south of that i.sland. 

Hut we [)ossess. besides those written accounts, Spanish majis of the 
time. Do they [)ermit the critic to carry the discoveries of Gomez to 
such high latitudes .'' 

.•\ survey of that character would have resulted in geographical in- 
formation which the Sevillan Hydrogra[)hy could not ignore. Now, we 
have only to glance at the W^eimar maps to see that, as regards those 
north-eastern regions, S|)anish cartographers know nothing beyond the 
fn-st data which had been transmitted by Pedro Reinel, so far back as 
1 504 (ir 1 505. This would scarcely be the case if they had ever been 
in ])ossession, — as they were entitled to be, — of specific details brought 
by b'stevain Gomez from his voyage to Cape Breton island. It is true 
that the famous " Ilha de Sam Joam" is not to be found in the Weimar 
mappamundi of I5:!; and 1529, which omission may be interpn^ted as a 
result of the data brought by Gomez, according to the averments of Santa 
Cru/. Yet, let it be said, we fuid still that imaginary island cast into 
the Atlantic, pandlel with the "Country of the Brittons,' or Nova Scotia, 
in the manuscript map ol oiu! of the Royal cosmographers, Diego Gu- 
tierrez; who designed it at .St;\illc, so lati; as 1550.-+- 

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There is another map, unpublished until now, which accompanies, 
in the Islario of Santa Cruz, his account of the voyage of Gomez, and 
of which we subjoin a facsimile, reduced only a couple of inches. 

The reader will notice, on the right side of that map. eight dots, 
the second of which, at the extremity of the north-east coast, is numbered 
^5, and the seventh 40. There is also a Scala de leguas, or scale of 
distances, which, when apj)lied to the configurations of the map, yields 
about 1 20 leagues, from north to south, for the area of the country re- 
presented to have been discovered by Gomez. This, Alonso de Santa 
Cruz locates between 38° — 45° north latitude ; that is, from about the 
Chesapeake to some point in Nova Scotia, if we accept his latitudes as 
laid down. 

The nomenclature along the coast requires to be repeated here, to 
show its resemblance with that of the Weimar charts, although more 
complete in certain respects than in the Ribero map. 

Beginning at the south, in the latitude of the Bermuda islands, by 
about 38' 30', which Santa Cruz asserts expressly to be erroneous : " no 
es este el uerdadero sitio desta isia," but without giving a better position, 
the names are as follows : 

C. de san Ju [an] 

C. de las arenas 

C. de Santiago 

Baia de S. xpSual 

Rio de sant antonio 


Rio de i)uena madre 

C. de sant Ju [an] baptista 

Rio seco 

C. de arracifes 


C. de Santa Maria 

C. de muchas islas 

Rio de las gamas 

Costa de medanas 


Rio de montaiias 

It should also be noted that not only the map e.xhibits no profiles 
recalling Cape Breton island, and (as such should be the case according 
to the account of Santa Cruz), the entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, 
but it fails to extend the Gomez region as far as we see it depicted in thc' 
chart of Ribero. The last name given by Santa Cruz is to the " Rio de 
Montanas," while the Weimar charts inscribe beyond, before reaching the 
" Tierra de Bretones," two more names which no Spanish exploration 
prior to 1525 permits to attribute to any other navigator, viz.: "Sar9ales" 
[Zarzalcs, or m>. "s ?), and " Rio de la Vuelta." 

a o 




TuE Discovery ok North A.mkkica. 

Must we now consider that map as based upon Gomez' t)wn. or as 
one constructed entirely by Santa Cruz, upon data borrowed from written 
accounts only? It is on a larger scale than Ribero's, but, so far as the 
configurations extend, we notice precisely the same profiles. Santa Cruz, 
however, inscribes two names, which do not figure in that region on any 
map of the second quarter of the sixteenth century, viz.: " Rio Seco," 
and " Cabo de Santa Maria, " and a third name, which appeared for the 
first time in the Cabot mappamundi of 1544, viz.: " Rio de las Gamas." 
But, as those three names are duly set forth in the description which 
Oviedo has given of the lost map, or padron reul, of Chaves, 43 we feel 
confident that the latter is the source from which Santa Cruz has bor- 
rowed the cartographical elements for his " Tierra qve descvbrio el piloto 
Estevan Gomez." 

If we possessed only the series of maps extending from the Weimar 
chart of 1527 to the present, we should not hesitate to assert that the 
highest northern limit reached by Gomez in his voyage of 1525, was one 
degree or two beyond the Penobscot ; and it is that bay which we should 
recognise in the vast estuary full of islands. The latter attribution is 
probably correct. But how can we disregard statements based upon the 
declarations of Gomez himself, and their unavoidable consequences relative 
to what the critic must interpret as an exploration of the northern shores 
of Cape Breton Island .'' On the other hand, Oviedo was in Toledo 
when tiomcz brought to the Court the account of his voyage. 44 And 
if the Portuguese pilot had attained the relatively high latitude of 47°, 
;uul solved the geographical problem of the island of .St. John, would 
Oviedo, who was then engaged in writing his Surunn'o, have limited the 
ex])edition of Gomez to 40° — 41 ? 

In the present state of the question, and with no other docunvnts 
than those which we have quoted, the critic is unable to affirm '.at 
Gomez went as far north as Newfoundland. Nor, on the contrary, caii ne 
assert the exploration did not extend beyond the coast of Maine. 

Withal, the fact that the expedition did not sail, as usual, from a 
southern port, but was equipped in and sailed from Coruna, in the most 
north-western part of Spain, together with other reasons,45 leads us to 
think that Gomez located his prospective landfall in a relativelv high 
latitude. Our surmise antl impression, therefore, are that he first steered 

*• SiK'li is ;il-ii till' caM.' witli llii.' " \-\.\ ilu Si. IMiiin 
•" Sir .iniini, p. JJO, Mi^l p. ;JI, nn'c lf>. 

'■ ]. (!. Koiii, Doiitinintmy /lisliiii/ n/ Ih- S/-it,: of' 
MiiiiH, pji. J77-27S. 


' Ji' 

EsTK.VAM GoMi:/. 


in the direction of Newfoundhuid. Once there, we infer that he turned 
the prow of his ship southward, and, when noticing the abrupt trend of 
the coast westerly, he must have folIow(Hl it, with the hoi)e of finding 
within the Gulf of St. Lawrence an entrance to the hypothetical strait. 

The representations then current of the aperture, as exhibited in such 
maps as Reinel's portolano, the Havre Catalan atlas, and even the map- 
pamundi of Ruysch (which had been producetl before the members of the 
Badajoz Conference), must have confirmed Gomez in such an erroneous 
notion. It was apparently in that internal exploration, and when issuing 
out of the Gulf into the Atlantic, that he ascertained the real geogra- 
phical character of Cape Breton, as reported by Santa Cruz. And if Cape 
Breton Island with the Gulf of St. Lawrence do not figure in the map 
of Santa Cruz, nor as countries ascribed to Gomez, while his actual dis- 
covery is limited by his earliest historian to 42' 30', it is doubtless because 
the region north of that point was well known of the numerous English, 
F"rench, Portuguese, and even Basque fishing ships, which frequented those 
regions. We infer consequently tha^ the latitude given by Oviedo anil 
others must be taken as the limit of the regions believed by Spanish 
historians antl cartographers to have been discovered by Gomez, but not 
as the extri'me northern pt)int reached in the course of his transatlantic 

■ '1 
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1 ' 

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■| ', 



TTfH have now conclucU'd the first part of our task, and reviewed a 
YY number of doubtful jioints in the history of the discoverv of 
\orth America. 

Several im]H)rtant problems yet remain unsolved ; and we confess that 
the structure of our work presents, in various jilaces, wide chasms and 
broken lines. The fault, however, does not rest with the author, and 
.should be ascribed to a lack of tlocuments. The historian of transatlantic 
discoveries stands in the ]H)sition of medallists who strive to re-construct 
the annals of ancient kingdoms. .Although coins were struck, and in- 
scriptions engraved, in vast numbers originally, yet many reigns, families, 
and [)rovinces are now represented in collections only by a few effaced 
medals, disconnected from the series, and, on that acct)unt, impossible to 
cl.issify, or even dt'scribe with accuracy. 

It must also be stated on our behalf that we did not propose to 
write a didactic history of maritime enterprises beyond the ocean, nar- 
rating every event and discussing all facts, with their causes, effects, and 
documentary proofs. Our sole object has been to investigate anew the 
exactness of the current allegations which, by being constantlv repeated, 
are now receivetl as historical truths ; ami to establish on a solid basis 
the principal elements of discussion. 

.Some of the results obtained, so fir from seeming new, may be con- 
sidered simply as confirming opinions shared at present by the generality 
of critics. Others will tloubtless create doubt and surprise, although they 
,ire here presented with an array of tests and deductions deserving, we 
think, of the attention of analytical historians. 

The main points attained in this elaborate survey of all the facts 
and documents known can be re-capitulated as follows, — perhaps with less 
assurance than a desire to be succinct may undesignedly impart to our 
e.xpressions : 

I. — The discovery of the continent of North America, and the first 









landing on its east coast were accomplished not by Sebastian Cabot, but 
by his father John, in 1497, under the auspices of King Henry \'1I. 

Book /., chapter vi., pages 2^-28. 

2. — ^The first landfall was not Cape Hreton Island, as is stated in 
the planisphere made by Sebastian Cabot in 1544. but eight or ten 
degrees further north, on the coast of Laljrador ; which was then ranged 
by John Cabot, probably as far as Cape Chudley. 

Book /., chapter ii., pages 6-g, 36-3"/ . 

"X,. — This fact was tacitly acknowledged by all pilots and cosmo- 
graphers throughout the first half of the sixteenth century ; and the 
knowledge of it originated with Sebastian Cabot himself, whatever may 
have been afterwards his contrary statements in that respect. 

Book /., chapter iv., pages ig-22. 

4. — The voyage of 149S, also accomplished under the Hritish Hag, was 
likewise carried out by John Cabot personally. The landfall on that 
occasion must be placed south of the first ; anil the e.\ploration embraced 
the coast of the present L'nited States, as far as I'lorida. 

Book II. y chapter {., pages 34-43. 

5. — In the vicinity of the Floridian east coast, John Cabot, or one 
of his lieutenants, was dt^tected by some Spanish vessel, in 1498 or 1499. 
Book /'., chapter vi., pages 7/6-/23. 

6. — The I-'nglish continued in 1501, 1502, 1504, <ini! afierwartls, to 
send ships to Newfoundland, chielly for the purpose of fisheries. Hut 
the expedition prepared by Cardinal Wolsey in the spring of 1521, ami 
which was to be under the command of Sebastian Cabot, notwithstanding 
strong opposition from the Livery Companies of London (which considered 
him a mendacious adventurer of foreign birth, who hatl never discovered 
anything), did not set out, and was soon abandoned. 

Book II., chapter {., pages 46-30 ,■ Book /., chapter vi., pages 2Q-3o. 

7. — The Portuguese mariners who lived in the Azores were the first 
who probed the Atlantic in search of oceanic islands and continents. 
Their objective, after the discovery achieved by Christopher Columbus, 
was the north-east co i . of the New World. 

Book III., chapter i., pages 3/ -38. 

k « . 


1 V 









' «l 

i '■ 


: -i 








Till. DisiovKRV OK North Amkuua. 

S. — Tht; earliest autheiuic records of Lusitaniaii transatlantic expcHli- 
lioiis begin only with Ciaspar Corte-Real. who made three, and not two 
voyages only ; all to the; s.ime regions, as follows : 

'l"he first voyage of that navigator was iiiulertaken previous to May, 
1 500, in the direction of Greenland aiul Newfoundland, and proveil an 
.ihsoliiie failure. 

I'hc sei'oiul \t)yage lasted from the early part of the summer of 
1500 until the autumn of that year, and embraced the east coast of 
Newfoundland, from its northernmost point down to Cape Race. 

The third expedition .set out from Lisbon early in the spring of 1501. 
It was composed of three vessels. One of these returned to port on 
the; Sth or 9th of October, the second on the iith following. As to 
the thinl, which was under the immediate command of (ias[)ar Corte-Real, 
it was ice-bound or shipwrecked, we do not know when nor where, but 
probably in Hudson May, during the winter of 1501-1502. The country 
visited during the first part of the e.xpedition sei-ms to have been the 
northern (^\tremity of Newfoundland and the coast of Labrador. 
Bool: /v., diopters i. oitJ it., pages 59-^4. 

9. — The e.xpedition of Miguel Corte-Real, in search of his brother, 
sailed May 10. 1502, and was also lost. Cicographical data, however, 
must have been brought by another re.scuing expedition, which set out 
from Lisbon in 1503, and returned apparently in the .same year. 
Book //'., diopter Hi., pages /S-/^- 

10. — Portugal continued to .send ships to the fishing banks ; and the 
region south of Newfoundland was ex[)lored, particularly by Joiio Alvares 
l^'agundes before; 1521. This adventurer sailed rounti the Ciulf of St. 
Lawrence, and ranged the east coast of Nova Sct)tia, where he even 
planted a colony, which ilid not thrive, ami of which no vestiges remain. 
Book 17/., diopters i. and ii., pages 174-188. 

11. -The assertion alreatly in the time of Christopher Columbus 
navigators and geographers believed in the existence cf a continent inter- 
posed between the West Indii's and Asi.i, and which was not Cathay, 
stands uncoiUrovertcd either by contemporary authorities, or by th<: early 
Si),mish charts. Nay, it is corrol)orated b\' that class of proots. 
Book ]'.. chapter Hi., pages oy-uo. 



CoN'i IA■^-I(•^•. 





12. — The iibsolutc insularity of Ciiha was .111 .icknowKilgid fad \tars 
lH;fori; the |>tjrii)Kis made by Sebastian ile Ocanipo. in 1 50S. 
Hook v., chapter Hi., pages gy-ioi. 

13. — The mainlantl of the New World was believed to be a eonlinent 
distinct from Cathay and from India the moment iia\ ij^ators commenced to 
search after a strait leadinjj; from the Atlantic Ocean to the Asiatic seas. 
Book v., chapter iv., pages 102-103. 

14.- The idea that America a mere prolongation of Asia, ceased 

therefore to be entertained almost immediately after the discovery of its 

<;ast coast. 

liy John Cabot, in 1497. 

Hy Americus Vespucci us, befort? i.SOi. 

Hy Ciaspar Corle-Real, before 1502. 

Book v., chapter iv., pages 106, loy. log. 

15. — Christopher Columbus himself soon ceased to think that he had 
iliscovered Cathay, or the Asiatic coast. 

Book v., chapter iv., pages 104-106. 

16. — So early as October, 1501, the notion prevailed in I'urope that 
from Circiilus articus to Polliis Antarticiis, tlu; n(;wly discovered land 
formed a single coast line belonging to a separate continent. 

Book v., chapter iv., page loc). 

17. — The SjKUiish monarchs, at a very early date, also shart^il iIk- 
opinion that west of the Antillies there lay an independent coiuinent.d 
region, extending from north to si)uth ; and acted in consc(|ueiice. 
Book v., chapter vi., pages 116-iJj. 

iS. — Two of the earliest charts, .S|)anish anil Portuguese (1500-1502), 
ilepicling the discoveries of Columbus, \'es|)uccius, and Corte-Riial, si;t 
forth graphically the same geographical conclusions. 

Uook v., chapter vii., page /2j. 

19.— Those maps, togethiT with a nmnber of derivatives calleil by us 
Lusitano-Ciermanic (which txhibil likewise a north-wc;stern continent), pro- 
ceed from several ditK;renl pn)loty[)es. 

l^ook v., chapter vii., page fjj. 

I > 

i ♦ 




1 I 


, I, 

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I ! 




Tin: PlsroVKUV nh NoKTII AMKKIt'A. 

20. — Those contiiH'iUal coiifigiiratioiis an; ^(lographically logical, cor- 
rcspoiuling in form ami position with a conlintMit actually fxisting ; and 
prcilicatiil upon .1 trut; and conipU'ti- reprcstMit.uion of the Antillics. 
liooi- r., chdplcr i., pages iSg-gj ,• chapter Hi., pages gj-ioi . 

J I. — -The n-ality of the north-\vest(;rn region, anil its existence apart 
from Cathay, or from any of the isles of the West India group, was a 
tenet of all the cosmographers and cartographers of ICurope, with a single 
exception, for thirtv vears after the discovery <)f America. 

Book v., chapter ii., page pj,- chapter /';'/., page gy. 

22. — Those geographical and cartographical averments correspond en- 
tirely with and confirm the belief entertained by contem[)oraneous writers 
concerning the existence of a continent lying west and north-west of Cuba, 
ever since the year 1497 ; but they do not spring from such a source. 

Book v., chapter iv., page 124. 

23.-— This cosmographical conception may have been, with mariners, 
at first a mere theory, or deduction from certain physical characteristics, 
but it soon became an empirical credence. 

Book v., chapter v., pages iio-ni. 

2\. — The twenty-two names, or legends, inscribed on the said con- 
tinental coast in a map made before 1502, show that the region was 
visited several times prior to that date. 

Book v., chapter i., pages S6, go-ga. 

25. — Those north-western configurations proceed from various original 
ma]is now lost, and represent, in the aggregate;, fractional surveys, as well 
as difl'erent landings effected independently of each other. 

They evince a regular and empiric progression. 
Book v., chapter ti., pages g-f-gS- 

26. — That northern continental land and its nomenclature existed in maps 
until they were madt; to merge in delineations brought by Spanish naviga- 
tors, so late as 1525; but remained recognisable for ten years afterwards. 
Only in 1526 dii.1 the New World suffer a cartograjjhical eclipse by 
being deprivi-d of its geographical entity, and brought to combine alto- 
gether with Asia, near the e(|uator. 

Book v., chapter ii., page gj.' 

' >i'< ill I'.irl ^^•c•l■llll, llif ch.ipiei : h'iiinl • I'uhit'niii i<i' th' l.iisilninii,'' rwti'i- t'nrhi'ii'nyhji. 




.'7. -I!vrr since the first news ol the discovery iiccDiiiplished l)y 
CoUmiliiis, a luiinlier of private ami uiiliceiisetl expi'ditions to the New 
World were titled out ill Spain and Portugal, and sailed westward in 
search ot new countries. 

Ihi' seri(^s of those claiulestiiie voyages cxtiuuls, without interruption, 
iViini 1493 until after the year 1 30J. 

Hooi- v., clhtpter viii.. puircs /~\^-/ji>. 

2S. — The regions thus visited hy unknown adventurers embrace our 
east coast ; now found to have hi'.v.n explort-d hy Kuropeans (other than 
the Northmen), fourteen years, at least, befort; the Spanish official e\- 
))editions which .u'e represented to have resulteil in the discovery of the 
continent south of Nt-wfoumlland. 

Hook ['., chnpter viii., f'tii^^c /j/. 

2(.). — Such unknown mariners continued to range th(! coast, and iles- 

cended jirobablv .is far as lloniluras at the beginning of the sixtei'nth 


liooi- v.. chapter /.v.. panics /Jj-/;j. 

;,o. Ih'niini, Boiucii, or Ai^ndiieo, and Ciiu/io, ,iri- different points of 

the i-'loridi.ui pnunsula. I'hese were visited by Si)aniar(.ls in the first 
decaile of the sixteenth century. 

Book VI., chapter /., parses / ,y-/ ,Y), / ^ij-/^/. 

;, i.-Tlie first authorised (;xpedition to l'"loriil.i is that which Ponce 
tic L,:on led in iierson, in 1512, r.ither than in 1313. 
Book 17., chapter ii.. /'a^cs i.pj-i=^i. 

_;j. - The I. Hidings of Ponce de \ .von cannot be ascertaineil. Mis 
disco\iTv. howevir. einbraceil the extreme south-east of P'loriila, and, 
weslw,u"illy, peril, ips to 30 north l.itituile ami 'jo wc;st longitude. 
Book 17., chapter ii., pai^^cs z^^././*;, /5/, a/ni /^j. 

;, V —Tin: point ol l'"k)rida visitt'd by brancisco Ilernande/ ile Cor- 
dova, in 1517. was on the west coast, by about 2ii north latituile. 

Book 17., chapter Hi., pat^r,- /jf>. 

34. — The M cond i:xpedition of Ponct' de l.eon to b'lorida lasted 
longer than hisl>Mi.uis report. Its duration was from I'ebruary :;o. 1521, 

2 II 

I I 


t . . 


U U. 

2 so 


* \ 

I. \ 


hi : 


until July-August following, with four months spent on scvirai ]K)ints of 
th«r west coast of the Moridian peninsula. 

Booi- /'/., chapter Hi., pa^es 160-162. 

33. — Pincdo's discovery of the north-west shores of the (iulf of 
Mexico, and of the Mississippi river, was accomplished when goin^ to 
1'anuco, between Apiil and August, 15 19. 

The landfall was the western apex of Florida ; but the coasting com- 
menced only with Appalachee Hay, including discovery and stay in a 
branch of the Mississip])i river, between April anil May ; thence west- 
ward and southward. 

Book VI., chapter iv., pages //o-z/j. 

36. — The accounts of the iliscovery of the (iulf Stream by .\nton 
de Alaminos are not based U])on specific data. 

The first ])art of his voyage (from \'era Cruz to Cuba, in 15 19) re- 
quired so much as five weeks ; but he did not then lloat down the great 

The exploration of the (iulf .Stream was not premeditated ; nor is it 
certain that Alaminos, on tht; occasion, sailed along the Gulf of I'Morida. 
Me may have taken f)ne of th(! Providence channels. 

Hook I'f/l., chapter i., pages igj-ig^. 

^-f-j. There are no proofs that liie first predatory expedition to the 

country of Chicora, relateil by Lopez ile Gomara and llerrera, was sent 
by Lucas X'azquez tie .\yllon. 

Book VIII., chapter ii., page igg. 

38. — It is not unquestionable that the di.scovery of Chicora was mad(! 
by Ayllon, or by his lieutenant. 

Book VIII., chapter it'., page 20 j. 

39. — " Chicora " and the .seventeen other names ascribed to parts of 
the country discovered by the order of Ayllon, are all imaginary. 
Book VIII., chapter ii., page 204. 

40. — .Ayllon did not send two expeditions only, but three, to the 
east coast of the .\ew World. 

The first ex[)edition (June 24, 1521) was limited to its landfall, by 
33' 30 north latitude. 






I m 

V i M 



The second expedition (spring of 1525) alone ranged the coast. It 
has fiirnish(>d all the geographical data inscribed in maps as representing 
Ayllon's discovery. 

The third e.\|)edition (July, 1525) is the only one which he U;d in 
person. It was confined to a very limited portion of the coast. Ihis 
we presume to have extended from some point north of Georgetown 
Kntrance to Cape Fear River. 

It is within the said river, probably between Smithville and Wilmington, 
tlial .\yllon made his last attempt at colonising the country, and died. 
Pook Fin., chapter it., pugcs 2oy'2o8, 312-213. 

41. — The Atlantic seaboards, from Florida to Nova Scotia, have been 

explored by an expedition under the Royal tlag of France, before 1527. 

That expedition the critic discovers to be that of Giovanni da 

Verrazano, without even resorting to the account published by Ramusio. 

Authentic maps of the period afford the necessary evidence. 

Book VIII., chapter Hi., pas[i' 213. 

42. — The expedition of I''stevam Gomez to the east coast was not 
a private, but an official enter|)rise. 

Book VIII. , chapter iv., pages 22g. 

43. — It was com|)osed of one; shi[) only, which sailed from Coruna 
at the close of 1524, made its landfall early in 1525, and returned to 
.S|)ain in llie beginning of November following. 

(iomcz commenced his exploration at the north ; and ranged the coast 
from Newfoundland to within the (julf of St. Lawrence, and continued 
coasting soutiiward, along the Atlantic shores of the Ca[)e Hreton peninsula. 

'i'hc region claimed to have been discovered on that occasion seems 
to be the <'cist coast, from Nova Scotia to Cape May. 
Book VIII., chapter iv., page 243. 



[End ov Part First.] 





ii. I 


) , 


(Uew TJJorfb. 


( » 

' , I 


1 4'i 




I t L 




i ., 




II' J 






t^t <Bar% tavtoc^tap^^ of t^t Qten? T2?orfb. 


ri^HE (Hscovery of the New World was a private undertaking of Queen 
Isabella,' over which she always claimed an absolute and personal 
right. In her testament she speaks of the Indies only once, and 
it is to declare that her own subjects alone were permitted to trade in 
the newly discovered regions, as it was by them, and at her own cost, 
that those countries had been found and conquered.- And as Andalusia 
belonged to the crown of Castile, that province became from the start, 
and remained, the centre of all maritime affairs concerninj^ " Las Indias," 
that being the name by which America was designated in Spain officially, 
and is to this day. 

It was, consequently, at Seville, at Cadiz, and at I*alos, that the 
transatlantir e.xpeditions which were ordered by the Spanish government 
were generally equipped. It was, likewise, from those cities that the ships 
belonging to Castilians who had obtained the necessary authorisations were 
compelkJ to sail. But a number of vessels, fitted out by private citizens 
who possessed no licence whatever, also started from Spanish ports clan- 
destinely for the New World. 3 

Hydrography and navigation were taught at Cadiz from remote time's, 
chiefly by pilots of Biscay origin. As we have already remarked, there 
is a ^-edula of Ferdinand and Isabella, dated March i8, 1500, confirming 
the ordinances which theretofore hud regulated the administration of a 

' (,\ilnla uf Novenilier 17, 1504 ; Xavarkktk, Vol. 
III., p. 525 ; OviEDO, Ili'loria Oi mrni, book iii., cap. 
vii., Vol. I., p. 74; CiOMARA, Ilisl. ih Int /ii'/iiti, p. 167 ; 
ChrinU^yhii Coloinh, Vo'.. I., p. 397. 

' " Por quaiitn las /.i/a.<, t Tiiria Jrrme dtl Mar 
Ocnaiio, c Islas de Caiiwia, j'vfroii tlKiriilnertat, 1: ron- 
quislfulait II i-OKia r/c (v(<i,< mi's Keyiio-i, t ron ton tialiiralei 
ill lloK, y j,or fsto (.1 ra'.OH que d traio, i provurho il' lla-i 

sc aya, c Iratt, t hftjoiit ili-iloi wii'i Heyiio.^ ili t'a.-'/i/ld. 
y lie Leon, y en elloK, y a ellos reinjn loilo lo que ililln-^ 
fi tmxcre: jmr ende onli.iio, c vtaudo que assi ne cnmpl' ell Ian que fa-tta aqiii kt. dtxfuliiciiit', como m la- 
que ȣ di:srubriraii dt aqiti adilaul' en oira parte at- 
ijuna." — DORMKR, Dinrvrsos rarl'o^, p. 344. 

■> Sec supra, pp. 129-131, .inil /-(« Curt'. Heal, § viii., 
pp. 102-104. 

m ' 



'1 '> 

i i 

•', :i\ I 

t 1 


Tiir. Disfox r.Kv ok North A.mkkica. 

school of H;isque [)iIols, I'stablishtHl ;it Cadiz " from a time whuii the 
ihc'inory of man runneth not to the contrary : — que de tanto tiempo aca 
que memoria de hombres non es en contrario." A fact worthy of notice, 
in that decree, is the prominence; given already to the laws concerning 
voyages westwartl : " Itiyes para navegar al poniente."-^ 

We believe that, notwithstanding the creation in 1503,5 of the Cusn 
(/e Contnitacion, which was a State institution intended to concentnite all 
transactions relative to the iXevv World, with its own pMots and school 
of cosmography, the Hasiiue nautical college continued to exist for several 
years, aad that a number of sailing charts were constructed by its pro- 
fessors, particularly after the discoveries accomplished by Columbus, the 
Pinzons. Hojeda, 1 )e Lepe, and Bastidas. Only one of those early 
Spanish cartogra|)hical documents is now known to exist. It is the map 
of the world made by De la Cosa. 

]uM\ lie la Cosa, the most famous pilot and cartogra[)her S|)ain could 
boast of in those days, was, as his surname "El Vijcatno" indicates, a 
native of Biscay. He lived at Seville and at the Puerto de Santa Maria 
at least sinci'. 1492 ; and he must have been influenced by the professional 
action and methods of his countrymen, if he was not himself, — which it 
is difficult to believe, — one of the promoters of cartography and nautical 
science at Cadiz. His famous [)lanisphere, constructed in one of the 
Andalusian sea i)orts during the year 1500, certainly conveys to us an 
adequate notion of the process and projection adopted then, and of the 
first ste[)s of the Sevillan Hydrography, which was destined to play such 
an im[)ortant part in the scientific development of the discoveries achievetl 
by Columbus. 

Before the establishment of the Casa de Contnitacion, Bishop Juan 
Rodriguez de b'onseca who, aided by Francisco Binelo and Juan de Soria, 
had the u])per hand in all matters pertaining to maritime and colonial 
affairs under Cliarles \'., as well as under Ferdinand and Isabella from 
the lime when the second expedition of Columbus was being equip[)ed, 
and who held his sway for more than half-a-century,^' must have exercised 
an imperious control over all pilots and cosmographers everywhere in 
Spain. It is even certain that when, by the ordinance- of January 20, 

! r: ' 

■ /;■ 11' ■■.■hiln it, I.'! ih iiinr-.n ,1, /.lilii i/i„ti , n Sr, ■!//', 
/fcr />;- /.' '/ V /).!» I'iruniitin 1/ Ilniia I^nltil, nuitir- 
inau'l'i ln< fnh }iiiii'ni ihl col' ijin ilr /(iVo^w ri-.c'jiiiits 
i ^i,,U. . i,l I , It Oil/,':. Siin.imMs ^ir.'liivLS, in Xavauri. 1 1:. 

Di"' rliu-ii)ii mlirt: la lliilnri'i ih la Xdu/i'-a, p. 357. 

^ N WAKKIUK, Cohfi-iit}! il, I'm;;' « (/i I0.1 i,',i/)arto/i s 
Vol. II., line, cxlviii., ji. J85. 

'' Hishop KoNSKCA (lieil only Novonilicr 4, 1554. 

^' 4 


Kari.v Caktockai'iiv. 



1503, this CDiUroI was transferred to the administrators of the Citsa (/c 
Contratncioii, the dictatorial and overbearing bisho[i continued to exert a 
paramount influence ovjr mariners of all classes. 

Withal, it must not be believed that the tendency then, or at any 
time in Spain, was to concentrate in the hands of the government every 
cartographical work, and enjoy in that respect an absolute monopoly. On 
the contrary, we are satisfied that map-making and the science of trans- 
atlantic navigation were freely taught at Seville, and that cartography was 
always an art openly inculcated in that city as well as in Cadiz or Palos. 
without any interferenci; on the part of the authorities. 

Making and selling charts was deemed so simple an occu[)ati()n that 
we see, in 1501, Christopher Columbus himself who was interested more 
than anyone in i>reventlng transgressions of his privileges, order, without 
any hesitation, for the. use even of foreigners, a map of the newlv dis- 
covered lands, detailed and complete : " copiosa et p.n-ticular di quanto 
paese e stato scoperto." When, for instance, Angelo Trivigiano, the 
Secretary of the X'enetian Legation in Spain, wished to convey to the 
celebrated admiral Domenico Malipiero a correct idea of the discoveries 
accomplished by Christopher Columbus, he asked the latter to furnish him 
with a ma|i. The great Genoese at once se-nt his own co[)V to Palos 
to Ik; copied entirely by a pilot of that place. 7 

In fact, we are loth to believe that the Spanish government ever 
made a mystery of the maritime tliscoveries carried out under the 
tilian tlag, and that no one in Spain coukt disclose any part of them 
without being liable to severe penalties. It would hav(,' been ini])ossibl(' 
to kec;p such information secret. Diil not the numerous ships e([uipped 
in Se\ ille, in Cadiz, and in Palos, for the West Indies, carry charts, and 
was it not indispensable that such maps should be as ex.ict and -as com- 
plete as possible .•" When once in the hands of the one hundred and 
eightv pilots, and more than two hundreil masters, ^'^ who at one time were 

1 " \\x ■.nil iiH'/ii li'i nnnilntii n f.dv n r.ilo- i-lu' i- ^.lilin^; iliri'dicm^ .Siuin i.. S.iiiln Dcmini;'!, wl'.lcli i- 

uii lnco il"vo lion li.Thit.T, s.ilvii clic in.iriii.iri, ot hmuini >ii; hy nuiro iluiii one pilot-. ChIu'iikh ih 

pratiolii lU' iim-l vi;i/o ilel Coliimlio, una carl.i ail Ulaiua ilmiiiii: iiIdi iimlilni ih liiiliii-<, \ol. XI.II., p. 544. In 

lie la Mni;nilicii.'iila \'o-tra ; la i|iial sarA lion^siiiiii fata ot llio I'inli'cfii ymis wtiirh foUowoil Vasi-o ii.v (iAM.v'-. 

ciipio>a. Lt particular ill c|iianlo pnoc t' -itatu scopcrlo." — iiKnior.ilik' voyaj;i.- of 141)7, tl'.i.' I'ortnuueso almiL' -ent 

I.cltLT from .\iii;i.'lo Tkiv Ii;iAM>, itatril (Iranaila, .Vupi-I nuiml llic Capo of C.ioil llopr anJ arro-s tin.' .Xtlanilc. 

21,1501; Clu'UU'jihi ('"/iim/i. Vol. II., pp. 116124. iilVu'ialh, not Ir-- llian \\\" Iniiulri'il ami ninety four 

' N.v\ AkKKIK >ay> lliat in Ihr niiiMIc of the -ixtoi'nlli ve-i-cl- : " noilc ano 1507 [«<V )im 1407] en i|\ie ol key 

century, for the na\ii;aliiiii of the Imlies alone, they 1). Manuel cinliio a \'aM-o ile Ciama al ■le-cuhriinieiilo iK- 

couiiteil oiii' hunilreil anil eighty (lilols, anil iiioro than la Imlia, nsta el ano ile 1521 . . . sc ilcp.icharon 214 

two luinilreil in.i-ters. f)iyt rfitrlini sohn la f/i-^forin th liaxele- ile ipie -e perilieron 26. o pocn mas." |-'.\K1\ \' 

In yitiit:in, p. ^fiS. We know of a -iiiijle ali-lract of Si'l- \. A-i'i I'nihiiiiit -ti : I.i-ho.i. 167^, \'ol. III., p. 550. 

2 I 

*. i 



\ .i.iK 



'! ! 

■ I'- 


TiiK DiscovKUY (jK North Amkkica. 

together in the employ of the Spanish government exclusively for the 
American trade, how could they escape the curiosity of the numerous 
merchants ami adventurers who (locked into the southern ports, waiting 
for a favourable opportunity to cross the Ocean and explore new countri(;s ? 
\'ct, a moment may have come when the Spanish government endea- 
voured to restrict the publicity of certain charts ; but it was when men 
like Sebastian Cabot, for instance, tried to sell, or sold, to X'^enice and to 
l-'ngland, the pretended " Secret of the Strait," and that certain cosmo- 
graphers of Charles V. tlattered themselves that they knew of a shorter 
route to the Molucca islands. 

Veitia Linage relates 9 that the official charts issued bv the Casa tfe 
Contratacion were k(,;pt in a coffer, with two locks and keys, one of which 
was entrusted to the Pilot-Major, ai:d the other to the cosmographer last 
a])iK)inted to the office. This precaution is of the sixteenth ceniury, but 
we are of opinion that it was only a continuation of an old custom. So 
as regards the ordinances of Charles W and Philip II. cited in the margin 
of the J\ccopilncion dc las leycs de hidias.^° Nevertheless, we must not 
und('rstand those precautions to mean that the Spanish government was 
averse to communicating the geogra|)hical information contained in the 
State ma])s. They imjily no other meaning than a positive intention not 
to give, l(.) tin; trade, charts which had not been approved bv the com- 
petent authorities : " para (|ue no se pudiessen vender ni usar si ser 
.ipro\adas." It is in the same manner that we must also interpret the 
tlefence directi'd to the Pilot-Major, to construct maps " hacer cartas;" for 
the text aikls immediately afterwards : " [)ara vender." 

I^ven that rttslriction soon tlisappeared. There is an ordinance, dated 
July 12, I. SI J," whereby Juan Diaz de .Solis and Juan Vespuccius, lately 
a])pointed, the formiT Pilot-Major and tlu; second simply Pilot to the 
King, vv(;re .uithorised Ijy virtue of a special privilege to take copies of 
tlie (jilicial model, or /\idroii A'eti/, and to sell them to all aiul any pilot, 
but at a price previously tixctl i)y the Cdsir dc Contrdtiicion. What the 
government thiMi, in the interest of mariners, did not tolenite was only a 
competition which might have been created by incompetent cartograjihers. 

The first maps, owing to their vari(jus origins, were often contratlic- 
lory in important i)articulars. To [)r(;venl the dangiTS to navigation which 

/.( Jnilill-^ orri,/, ii/lll"<, Sc\ il'.T, lilas, l67l,Mll.lll fclio; 

lili. li., cnji. \i., |>. 1.(6. 

' /)'/ I'ilnlo Miii/ur y Cvmi'ji-iifos 
>;iiii., !• II'' viii., \ii. ■^nll c. 

" .Ml •;■./. MSS., \'nl. XC, ('- 105. 

HI). , tl'rl, 






might rise from sucIt a diversity, thi; Spanish government, as far back 
as August 6, 150S, ordered the creation of an orficial pattern, called the 
Padron Real.^- To carry out the project, a commission of pilots, chosen 
from among the most competent men in the kingdom, was appointed. 
Americus Vespuccius, by virtue of his office of Pilot-Major, which had 
been expressly and lately created for him. '3 was called to preside over 
that junta. According to Herrera, '4 Juan Diaz de Solis and \'ict:nte 
Yanez Pi zon also received then the appointment of Pilots to His Ma- 
jesty, for the express of assisting in that most useful work. 

The model map which those scientific and practical mariners were to 
establish was "to embrace aP the lands and isles of the Indies until then 
discovered and belonging to the Crown." It was clothed with an official 
character, as thenceforth no one could use any other under a penalty of 
50 (/ob/as.^S Finally, all pilots wi;re enjoined to mark on that map "every 
land, island, bay, harbour, and other things, new, and worthy of being 
noted ;" and, as soon as they landed in Spain, to communicate their said 
chart, .so annotated, to the Pilot-Major.'^' 

W'e can now imagine the method employed to maintain the Patiroii 
Real in keei)ing with geographical discoveries, officially communicated to 
the Casn. The Pilot-Major kept, in the hydrographic department of that 
institution, a mappamundi of large dimensions, on which could easily be 
inscribed names, legends, and configurations. It was evidently a plane 
chart, traversed by tie line of demarcation, such as it had been settled 
between Spain and Portugal in 1494, drawn at a distance equal to five 
degrees of longitude west of the westernmost of the Cape dt: \'erd(; 
is. uids ; but at first with no indication of the degrees of latitude, except 
such as could be derived from its ('([uator and tropic of Cancer, as in La 
Cosa's great map. Afterwards it was crossed with latitudinal and, later 
still, also with longitudinal lines. 

'-' " .Sc orilciic c ha^.i un j).iilrun do lod.i-i tiorras c 

isl.l1 lie Lis Iiidias (|iie liasla licy ic hcin dLSc«liit.'rt 

el ciml so U.ime ol r.idron Koal, pm el oiial Indus Ins 
piloUis so hayan ile rcyir i gnvornar .... (|vio liallaiido 
nucvas liorras I'l islas u Inhiaso miovns piiortos I'l ca!i|viior 

" llKKKI.KA, Do-vd. I., lil.. vii., cap. i., \..l. I.,pa^t- 
177. wlicro ho orroiioously .isciihos {•• llio cod'.da llio dato 

"f 1507- 

" .M.Miil .'SjJI of ilir linu'. T\w il'ilJa .,, dnl,!,,,.,, , f 
C'harlos \'., as doicriliod in iho cirdiii,\iu-o nl' Philip II., 

cosa quo soa diiia do ponolla on ncita on ol ilicho p.idrim Novomlut ij, I5()r), woii^hod 6 i;raini ami 77() iiulliL;i. 

real, tpio on viniondu a t'astilla va)aii a dar su rolacii)ii The ijrain in i;iild - 22 ipiilats = iieaily 60 .\niorican cont^ ; 

,^l pill. Ill mayiir." — N.WAkKl'.lK, IliiU Tiliilo, in o/: niaUiiii; Iho ilnli/a «.iiih nearly S4.O3. See Ilr.l.s>, 

ril., lUic. ix., Vol. III., p. joo. Moimln-i, pp. 325, 413. 

"The ordinaneo is dated March 22, 150S; X.wak- ''' I.'i'iI /ifiiloih l'i/ni:i iiiai/uf,roii ixI' iiiiis I'nnil'cih - ; 

l;Kir,, \'ol. III., doc. vii., p. 207. Na\ AUiii: IK, cji. rii. 




11 ■ 


\ > 




: ! .1 


■ Mi 

1 , U:^: ' 


I' I 



Tin: DiscovLKv ui- Xoktii Ami:kica. 

After iht; du.itli of Amcricus X'espucciiis (February 12, 151 J, .it tlic 
age of 61), his nephew, Juan \'esi)uccius, aiul Ju.m Diaz de Sohs were 
entrusted with the Padron Real. The ordinance is ot July 24, 1512. '7 

There were two classes of special cosmogr.ipl.ers, viz.: the cosmo- 
graphers of the Casn dc Contratacioiu^'^ and he cosmogr.iphers of the 
Council t)f the indies."^ We are inclined to believe that l)oth look the 
title of " Cosmographer to His .Majesty :--Cosmografo di; Su Majestad ;" 
unless this denomination indicates a thinl class, or an honorary title 
given by the Iviug. Just as ihere was a Pilot-Major, they had also a 
Cosinograjjher- Major. 

The creation of those technical offices, of which we regret to be 
unable to fix the date -° when they were first instituted, betrays a great 
cartographical activity, which must have received a new im|)etus with the 
discoveries which were constantly made during the thirty years which 
followed the discovery '/ America. On the other hand, it is evident 
that a science which produced, so early as 1500, a work like the remark- 
able map of the world of Juan de la Cosa, had already l^rought forth, 
in the fifteenth century, cartographical monuments of importance, and that 
maps showing improvements both in the projection and configurations con- 
tinued to be constructed. Unfortunately, they have nearly all disappeared ; 
and there is a chasm of at least twenty years between the cliart of the 
great Basque [)ilot and the earliest productions which we possess of the 
.Sevillan Hydrography. The critic is unable, therefore, to trace the progress 
accomplished in that space of time, and particularly the modifications which 
•Spanish cartographers gradually introduced into their geographical repre- 
sentations of the New World. 

The cosmographers employed in Spain were almost of every nation. 
In 1515, Ferdinand of Aragon gave oniers to secure the services of the 
best pilots and cosmographers to be found anywhere. This, however, 
was not an innovation, as, in 1512, he had already given one office of 
that kind to Sebastian Cabot, whom he considered as an F'-.glishman.-' 
That king caused to come from Rome one .Antonio Maurio, -- who 

'■ N Wakkkm-., Hi-i ria-'iiiH lolm la lli^toiin '/r /a 
Xanft''a : p. 13S. 

'" Ittriyii/ifi'iii, 111'. i\., tiiulii wiii. 

'■ IlH'hm, III), il., lilulii IJ, /lyf I ami 4, ^^l^ II., 
!""■ 1^5-6, of llic oililion of l(>Sl. Il in.\y Ik' ih.ii ihc 
cosmoj;r.ipher> of the Council d.Ue only lioni I'liilip II. 

• Xot\\illi>l.Tnilini; our clioris, \vc liavo Ix'cn uii.\I)lo to 
con.-ul' the 0''''"""".'"~ !!■ 'i'' ■■> intra hi Cuiii ih hi I'uii- 

traUfioii ih Si I ilia y pam (Mtra.i ci.sim i/< ln-i lii'/ln.t, 1/ 
'I' In iinii'ijarioii y CDiilrntwiuii ililhi.", ijuotol liy \'i:niA 
l.iNAi;!- in his advLTliscnK'nt to the leailei, and whieli 
luohaMy contains inforntalion on the suliject. 

■' ".V Selustiaii t'.iliolo Int;les he heeho uieree<l ile 
nue--lio caiiiian Jo mar . . .''- -Jain rl Si'lmslii 11 I'nlin/, 

I'p- J.)', a-- 

- llKiiKi K.\, Deeail. 11., p. 1,S. 

S ^ 


I^AKl.V CAkTiii.UAri'V. 


•Mijoyctl a groat n-piitalicr. as a CDSinngrapm.T, hut wlio lias left no traces 
in Spain that \vc can tiiul, Ixyond Ijcing proljably the Antonio Romano, 
"who was rL'i)rL'S(Mnc(.l to l)f a \ ury learned cosmographer ami mariner: - 
f;i.'j decian que era mui 1 )octo, Cosmografo, i Marinero," and endeavoured 
to be appoii'ted cosmographer of the expedition of I'edrarias Davila. in 
15,14.--' In 1519. and ])rol)a!)ly before, there were at Se\ille Portuguese 
cosmogr,t])hers engaged in constructing maps aiul globes, especially the 
Reinels. We still lind, in 1522, pilots of that name, who, with anotluT 
l'ortugues(.', Simon de Alca/.al)a, entered the service of Charles \'. The 
two I'aleiros, Ruy and I'rancisco (1519), as well as Diego Ribero, also 
came from Portugal. 

Yet, we are not authorised to presume those foreigners were 
enlisted altogether on account of superior skill in making charts. Our 
impression is that the special knowledge of certain countries which they 
claimed, or wt;re supposed to pos.sess, was tlu; chief c.iuse why their 
services were engaged by the Crown. Sebastian C.ibot was retaineil on 
account of his presimied particuhu" information concerin'ng the 15accalaos 
regions, ,u\i\ tlie I'akiros Ijecause of their knowledge of a new route 10 
the Molucca islands. Hut the labours of the Portuguese cosmogr.iphers 
were ne)t contmed to the Asiatic countries, as we can see from the 
XewfounJland noinenclature in all Spanish maps of the sixteenth century, 
which is entirely Lusitanian. 

For reasons as yet unexplained, but which may be .Sp.iin no 
longer stood in nvxid ot toreign mariners, Charles \'. on the Jiul of 
August, 1327, issued an order excluding all strangers from the offices of 
pilot and mate. .\s Cabot and Ribero continued to be em[)loyed, we 
must infer this order only [)recluded the em[)loyment of loreign born 
in the future. -•+ 

The scientific mariners who in S[)ain untler the reigns of Ferdinand 
of Aragon (acting as regent for his daughter Joanna). Charles W, ,uul 
Phili[) 11., either .is Cosmographer- Majors or as Pilot - Majors, were 
employed in correcting maps or in elaborating the J'adron Real, were 
numerous ; but we have been able to ascertain t)nly the names of the 
following : -5 

PlT.OT-MA.h"»Ks :— .\mericus \'espuccius, Juan Di.iz de Solis, I'nuicisco 
lie Soto (brother of the latter), Sebastian Cabot, aiul Alonst) de Chaves. 

-* IlK.KKKUA, noo.\<l. I., p. 2S4. •'-■ All Ili'i^e n.inuNaio tliesul>jeci uf 't'luvatp :iiliclL'^ in 

•' /i'.-.ii/>i7.(. /()/( ,ii Ayt< ill lot !■• yiiii.', .1, /((^ Iii'liii.'^, lt>o Iliii'iJ-'i/i/iii'iil yol' ■< '■iKi'ifiiiihi ihi '^niiiiiKnnkri, 
Vol. IH., i- 2iS of ilio M,\'!iiil tliir.l C'liiioii nf i;74, C'ljilnin-t, \o,, \i-., I',\rt I'ourlli ul'ii-c pn-siiit work. 


/ < 



>.i f.< 









TiiK Discovi'Uv c)i' NciKTii Amikila. 

Pii,i)T> To Hi> Majiistv : — Alulrcs dc S;in Martin, Juan Rt)c!rigu<.v 
dc Mafra. Juan V't-'spiicciiis, Aiuln's Ciarcia NiAo, l-'rancisco de Torres, 
V'asco Ciallego, Andres de Morales, Simon dc AIcaz;d)a de Soto- Mayor, 
F.stevam Goinez, and I'ranciscH) Albo. 

CosMotiUAi'iiKK-MAjous : — Alonso Estancjuez, I'edro Ruiz de V'illegas, 
and Alonso de Santa Cruz. 

CosMcKJKAriiKRs To His Ma.ikstv: — Diego Ribero, Diego Gutierrez 
(senior). I'edro Mexia. and, es])ecially, Nuno Garcia dc; 'I'oreno : " inuy 
grande oficial de hazer cartas, y trabaji) dt; auer los majores padrones 
que pudo : — A very great ade|)t in making maps, and who matle great 
efforts to s(;cure the l)est models possible," says Andres (iarcia de Ces- 
pedes, on the authority of Ruiz de \'illegas. Nor should we forgi't de la Cosa, who, in the second voyage of Columbus had the titli- 
of Professor of Cartography: "Maestro tie hacer cartas." 

What we designate under thi' generic name of the " Sevillan Hydro- 
graphy " are the cartographical works, known and unknown, e.xisting and 
lost, of those noted get>graphers. 


( :u' 


f ! 








I 'I' follows from thi-' preceding i);igL's that thert: in Spain, at Icist 
since tin; year 1 50S, an official niap of the N(,'\v World, copies of 

which could be easily obtained at St^ville, at i price fixed by the 
Cnsit lie Contrtitacion, and which were madt; by certain cosmographers in 
the employ of the Castilian Crown. 

That official m.v\i went by tht; name of Padron Real. it was, ap- 
|)arently, the object of great solicitude on the p.irt of the governnunt, 
particularly when it was found to have bearing on |)olitical (piestions of 
great importance. In 1515, l*ortiigu(;se vessels visited places which .Spain 
claimed to be within the Line of Demarcation, ami st;ixed them. Por- 
tugal pretended that In.'r ships hail gone to regions which they had a 
right to visit, and retali,it<'d by taking seven .Spanish .ships, on the i)lea 
that these had crosstnl the lint;, in the vicinity of Cai)e St. Aug,istine. ' 
'l"he (piestion, thi;refore, between the two kingdoms was one of fact, Vvhich 
could be selllL'il only by ascertaining from maps, \vher(! the Line of De- 
marcation actually passed. It was then that the charts were' found to be 
at variance ; ami the Cusa tie Coiitrntiicion pe'tition(;d lh(; King of .Spain 
to be authorised to call a junt.i of pilots to correct, in such an important 
respect, .ill cartograi)hical tlocuments. I' of Ar.igon assiMited. 
suggesting, howev<'r, that it would be desirable tu'st to stmd comj)ct<'nt 
piTsons to iN.unine de visit the points alleg(;d to have been t.:icro,uhed 
upon by the Portuguese, and, as a matter of course, to ascertain their 
true longitude. 

It s('ems, in those days, -Spain was not guided, as we might 
hav(^ believed from the ordinance of August 6, 1 50S, by ,1 Piuhoii Rcil, 
but by a ma|) of Andres de Morales, which, h.iving lie.en approved by 
Solis and other able mariners, was considered th^! best : " Pues juan 
Diaz de .Solis, i otros Hombre-s muy peritos en el Arte, havian aprobailo 
la Carta, ([ue hi(,-o el Pilotij Andres de Morales, a(iuella sc d(;bia de cre<r, 
que era la mejor." - 

*■ , M 

' Ukuukka, Dccvl. I., li'>. i., c.ip. \ii., V .1. II., ; . iS. 

■ IIkkri.ka, /'/(■'/• //I. 

;}; y 


: I 


Tim: Discovkkv oi- Noirrii Ammuca. 




f ■ 





1 .;.' 

I. I' 




' I , ' 






The Jiini.i ;iiith()ris(!cl, ami the Kiiii; onlcrctl the Ciisii U> coin- 
|>usc' that coiiiinission with the most coinpctciit pilots ami cosmoj^raphfrs 
In he fmiml. It was then that the Roman Antonio Maiirio, whom wc 
liavi: alrcaily mentioned, was appointed a mcmlicr, together with Sehaslian 
Cahot. Juan W'spuccius. ami the eldest Pin/ons. According to I'"ernai»do 
Cdlunihus, in addition to these celehrated mariners, then' were more than 
one hundred pilots, m.uiy of whom were acciuaiiUeil for many years with 
the navigation to the Indies: "y mas di' cien jjilotos, nuichos de ellos 
antiguos en la navegacion dc las Indias."3 What the ri'sults of ihat 
gri:at commission were, ,ind what is the map which was then constructeil,4 
art ([uestions which we cannot answer; the documents known being " t 
on the suhjecl. 

We tind in several ortlinanc(;s allusions which show that the act cr u 1 
the /'iiiiioii Real fre(|uently infringeil, and that no respect was paiil 
to the monopoly granted to Solis ami Juan X'espuccius relative to copyin.!; 
and stilling copies of the official map. Pilots in all the ports of Andalusia 
constructetl charts which were more or less exact, and even counterfeited 
the Piidroii Rail, without regarti to the rights possessi'd by Solis and 
Juan \'espuccius ; to such an extent that in 1513, ihey felt compelled to 
apply to the Court for redress. 5 

This st.ite of things continued nevertheless, and, ;is it seems, for a 
number of years, notwithstanding the construction of a new /'aiiroii A'liu'. 
Maps, in fact, became altt.'reil to such a degree that the gradu.ition was 
of two kinds. 

In a \ery curious dialogue written by l'\;rnantlo Columbus, umler the 
title of Colihjuio sohrc las dos graduasiones diferentcs ijiic Ins cnrlns dc 
Iiid/'iis tiencii, we find that this untoward circumstance was due chiellv to 
vexati(Mis at the hands of the I'ilot-Major, who, by refiising arbitrarily to 
jipprove maps made (as the law permitted) out of the Cdsii, left no other 
alternative to pilots than to dispense with securing the reipiired certificates. 
'J'his, necessarily, led to the making of cartographical works different in 
kiml, .uul v.irying according to the notions of those independent [)ilots 

' I'Vniaiiiln Coi.rMr.i'>, Cnlnrjiiii', MS. Tlii^ ^iii.ill Culniiiiiu : " IVTiMlccicliiK', Scnur, ; ul |i.iilron i|in.' la Cas.i 

wurU wa^. wriltcii alH>»t tlir yi-ar 1527; as speaking; uf (ii-iie fs imiy antijjiin? — Xn us imiy aiiliL;iiii, inie ilc>piii.> 

till.- lliun la^t I'mlroii litnl, nmi Kurnamld s,iys ; " pncn t|iic so hizo im sc lia nilaniilo nisa luuva." Wt, since 

iiKis clu (licz anos a<|iii es fci'lio ; — cniislriiclfil lilllc iimrL' lliat lime, llie entire (nilf of .\Ie\icu had been explored 

than len years a^Jn," slmwini; that he refer- tc. the Junta l>y tlie urder of ( '. \k.\Y ; and .Vvi ion, as well as (IdMi-.z, 

of 1515. hail visited the coa.-ts of llie pre-ent Souihcrn State-- of 

* The map wa- doiililless made "ithin lwi> or three North .\inerii*a. afterward.-, jndtjint; fmni the e\iiression used in the ^ Mfsoz .MSS., \ ol, XC, !'"• 12;. 




EaUI.V C.\KTi)i;u.\l'llV. 








(.•. ..f 

ami map makers. The passage in tlu: Coloijuio of I-'eriiaiulo Coliimlnis, 
wIuTf mention is made of those annoyances, is worth reproducing, as it 
initiates us into the workings of that nefarious practice : 

" Havcis do saver que todas las cartas e in- " \'ou should know (s.iys Teodosio to Kul- 

struniuntos dc la Navcgacion los esamina cl gencio) that all majjs and nautical instruments 

I'iloto maior, en esta manera : have to be examined tiy the I'iiotMajor in the 

Cada vez (lue cl Tiloto o maestre a de hir a following manner : 

tjualquier viajc de Indias cs ohligado a hacer 
muestra de sus aparejos al dicho I'iloto maior, 
para ([ue voa si estan huenos, ((ue se cnticnde 

Whenever the pilot or maste( is ai)out to 
undertake a voyage to the Indies, he must 
show his imi)lements to the I'ihn-Major, that 

carta y Agujas, Astrolabio, y Regimiento : y the latter may see whether they are in working 

como el dit:ho I'iloto maior demas de set com- order ; by which [implements] are meant the 

padre dal que hace las Cartas es su mui grande map, compass, astrolabe, and sailing directions. 

Amigo ; Si alguna persona hace Carta o otro .\nd as the Pilot-Major, besides being the col- 

istrumento algunn, al tiempo que el Piloto o league of the cartographer, is his great friend, 

Mae.stre, hace muestra dello el I'iloto maior, lo if any other person has constructed the map 

conoce (lue no es de su compadre y luego dice or instrument, the Pilot. Major, seeing that it 

que esta falsa y que no lo a de firmar hasta ipie 
lo vea vien y tienselo en su casa mucho tiempo, 
<|ue por ninguna via no lo quiere dar, y enfin no 
lo firma ni ((uisiere que i)ase, por mui bueno 
((ue sea ; y al (jue lo compro porque no quiere 
(jue lo hizo y al i]ue lo compro ponjue no ((uiere 

is not the work of his companion, declares 
the same at once unfit fur use, and refuses his 
certificate, on the plea that those implements 
must be examined again thoroughly. He then 
keeps the map and instruments at his house 
for a long time, and finally gives neither his 

que liaya otro (jue haga cosa de Navegacion sino approbation nor leave to use them, however 
su Coni])adre, y como esto se save, no hay ([uien good they may be. The reason is that he does 
se ponga a hacer cosa alguna porque aunque not want any other than his companion to con- 
sea mui perfecto no habrea quien lo compre y struct naval objects. And as that is known, no 
si algun ])ili)to o maestre locompra por el mismo one cares to make such things, however perfect 
caso que da enemigo del piloto maior y de su they might be, as no one would buy them, for 
compadre, y esto digo como hombre (jue asi lo fear of the enmity of the I'llot-.M.ijor and of 
a visto." his < impanion. I speak as an eye-witness."" 

At last Charles V. determined again to remedy the evils arising from 
that multiplicity of maps, and, on the 6th of October, 1526, directed 
Fernando Columbus 7 to order from Diego Ribero, and other cosmo- 
graphers, a sailing chart emljracing all the islands and continent which 
had been discovered up to that time, and which would be fouml thence- 
forth. Here are the words of Queen Isabella of Portugal, Charles \'.'s 
wife, who governed Spain during his ab.sence : 

" Coliiijiiio, MiN.)/. MSS., \'ul. .\MV., f" 2, •'.7. 

' TI1I1-.C j»iU.\s seem to have lieeii (jener.illy presiik'l 
ovei liy some ili-.tin^iiishe(l ami intluemial pcrsun, ainl 
not liy a profe.sional man. Tluis it was ihe Maniuis in. 
ilOMiKIAK «li'i presided iiver ihe junta wliidi liail heen 
appi'inteil liy I'liilip II. to examine the work^ and in^trii- 
men's nf .\fiAMS. See Nav.vrrktf., O/mi-'ii/oi, Vol. 
II., p. 65. I'ernando Coi.CMlii's dmilitless owed his 

ap|nint)iients as nuich to the liiijh position whieli he held 
personally al .'■Seville and to the political nienioir> which 
he wrote alioiit the rij^hts of the Spanish Crown to the 
Molucca islands, as to his scientilic attainments. The^e 
were respectalile, t»it there is not a particle of evider.ce 
showini; that he was a professional cosmo^jrapher or 
carloj;rapher, and that the Weimar maji of 1527, or any 
other maji, wa- made hy him. 

3 K 

1 ,- 
■1 1 n 
I'l ,'l ' 



The DiscovicKY ok Noktu Amkkica. 

it : 1 









ri ' 

/'i I 


"Don Hernando Colon: bien sabeis como 
el Emperador Mi Senor, per una su ijcdula, 
fecha en Cranada a seis dias del mes de 
Otubre de mill e quynientos e veinte e seis 
alios, OS encarg6 thomasedes a Diego Rivero, 
Xuestro Piloto e otras personas, e fycicredes 
una Carta de navegar, en la qual se situen to- 
das las Isias e Tierra-Kirine questhobiesen des- 
cobiertas e se'descobriesen de ay adelante . ." 

" Don Fernando Columbus : You are well 
aware that my lord the Emperor, by one of 
his <;edula dated from Granada, on the sixth 
day of the month of October, in the year one 
thousand five hundred and twenty-six, charged 
you with ordering from Diego Ribero, our pilot, 
and other individuals, a sailing chart which 
should embrace all the islands and continent 
now discovered, or to be found hereafter . ."■* 

According to Herrera, Fernando Columbus used great diligence, and 
corrected geographical errors, which proved of importance : " I haviendo 
vsado Don Hernando Colon (por la comision que tuvo de Su Majestad) 
de mucha diligencia, se enmendaron i corrigieron algunos yerros que fueron 
de niucho provecho."9 Veitia Linage goes further, for he says that it 
was Don Fernando who made the man : " Hernando Colon . . . junt6 
los Cosmographos y Pilotos de su Mag. y hizo vn mai)a, y padron, por 
el qual se haviessen de regir de alii adelante las navegaciones." '° 

Those statements are errop.eous. If the map was ever made, it must 
have been at least ten years afterwards, and under different circumstances. 
In the ^edula of Queen Isabella of Portugal, already quoted, which bears 
date May 20, 1535, after the passage above cited, we read the following 
lines, which are quite conclusive : 

" E porque fallamos que abreis enccndido 
en ello con el cuidado e delyxencia que con- 
viene, Yo vos Encargo e Mando, que si quan- 
do esta rresccbioredes, obieredes comenzado a 

" And whereas you have [heretofore] at- 
tended to this matter with proper care and 
diligence. We order and direct you that if, 
when you receive the present letter, what was 

facer lo que por la dicha Ccdula se vos ymbi6 ordered by the said ^edula [of 1526] has been 

a niandar, lo a "beis con toda la brevcdad, e commenced, then that you see that it be ter- 

sinon, entendais luego en (jue se efetue . . . minated with all possible dispatch. If, on the 

contrary, such is not the case, I order you to 

" cause it to be done at once." 

It was evidently in anticipation of the completion of this map, that 
Charles V. ordered, August 2, 1527, that the Padron Real, thenceforth 
called Padron General, should be con.mitted to the care of the president 
and judg(;s of the Casa de Contratacion, and verified by th(; Pilot-Major 

" Ktal Ceiliila it Don I/Kriiaittlo Colon, mamlauiloU: 
'/iti. Ian liieijo como louchiya dt/actr la Carta (U Xaii- 
ijar i]nv /lor fi'ditla ili' ij itu Olubn l.'iM xe. la i:n'-ariii). 
.y/ayo Jii lie I.j,ii', in the Coltn'ioti ih lUifiim'iiliin imil. 
■I: holins, Vol. XXXII. (1S79), p. 512. 

" IlKRUKRA, Dei-.Ml. HI., |i. 294 ; I\'., p. JO. 

' \'Km.\ I,iN.\i;i;, Xorli: ilt la Contratacion ih Ini 
liiiHa-1 oviiili nlaJiK, Siville, 1672, fol., lil). ii., c.ii). xii., 
|i. 146. is |iri)1w1)ly the origin of the legend which 
.iMiiilns the making of the .inonymous Weimar chart of 
1527 to Kernaiido Culumhiis, ulio, as wo have just -.tatetl, 
ncvi r maile ,>ny Mich ina|i. 


I > I 

""V iiuaiiiU) nlgun cosmiigrafo ilo Scvilla hicicic ix., tit. xxiii., /ey iii. The i)l>jcct of this restriction swin-i 

nlgunas cartas, im los puetla vernier si no fueren primem to have lieen to prevent the I'ilnt-Major fnmi beiiiy in- 

npr()l)acli>s [Mir el I'iloto mayor, y CosnioRrafos." In tl-.e tUienced on account of his having sold such implement- 

Jlrfitjiilarioii lb. loK ri-yno* (/>• In" liiill(ij<. Vol. III., to the canilidales for the functions of pilot. The orilinance 

f" 286, of the edition of 1774. of Charles \'., requiring an investij^alion into the manner 

"" I'ueila hazer M.ipas y Cilolios, para si o para venilei in which .'seliaslian C.Mioi (granted licences to pilot, 

fuera de \i\ ciudnd de Sevilla," in the li'i-njiilnlioii, Ul>. (i»/i)-fi p. 33) may refer to soine abuse of the kind. 


f fs 



and cosmogniphers of that institution twice a year. In that cedula there 
is an article which well shows the liberal spirit that animated the govern- 
ment in regard to map-making. It states that every professional cosmo- 
grapher residing in Seville could thereafter construct and sell maps of the 
New World, provided these were first submitted to and approved by the 
Pilot-Major and cosmographers of the Gasa de Coiitratacion.^^ We have 
already shown how far those functionaries succeeded in nullifying the 
privilege, and the strong language used by Fernando Columbus to con- 
demn the nefarious practice, in this respect, of the Pilot-Major. 

Hut what shows the limited importance given to the official map is, 
besides the liberty enjoyed by any cosmographer living in Seville to make 
charts of his own invention, though subject to being approved by the 
competent authorities, the fact that another ordinance of Charles V. per- 
mitted even the Pilot-Major himself to construct and sell maps and globes 
of his own manufacture, provided it was outside the city. Those ordi- 
nances were confirmed by Philip II.'= 

We still possess several original manuscript ma])s made at Seville in 
that space of time, particularly the one bearing date 1527, preserved at 
Weimar, stated to be the work of one of His Majesty's cosmograi)hers ; 
and another of the year 1529, which was made and signed by ^)ieg(^ 
Ribero, also preserved in that city. The fact that neither bears the ap- 
probation of the Pilot-Major (who then was, apparently, Alonso de Chaves, 
named to the office in the absence of Sebastian Cabot), implies that the 
cosmographers to His Majesty dispensed with such a certificate, although 
we see no such privilege mentioned in the ordinances, or the i)erfect 
freedom with .vhich maps were at that time being constructed and copied 
in Seville. It may also be that those maps are not regular sailing charts, 
within the meaning of the regulations of tne Cnsa, but simply maps for 
ordinary use. At all events, they repre.sent the state of official ge()gra[)hi- 
cal knowledge at the time in Spain, particularly as regards the New 
World, and, on that account, are to us extremely interesting. 


' ' ■ 1 






TiiK Discovery ok Noktii America. 



■ i W 







.1 , 

if I II:: 

i I 


When Fernando Columbus was enjoined by Queen Isabella to proceed 
with the map, Diego Ribero had been dead two years ; Fernando's time 
was also absorbed by the great litigation which involved the rights of 
Don L-uis, the lineal descendant and heir of Christo[)her Columbus, to 
the principal privileges granted to his grandfather. '3 Appearances are, 
therefore, that he then ceased to occupy himself with the PaJron Real 
ordered in 1526. 

At all events, Juan Suarez de Carvajal, afterwards bishop of Lugo, 
who, by a cedula dated August 17, 1535, had been entrusted with the 
mission of inspecting the functionaries of the Cnsa de Coitratacioti, called 
together in 1536, a junta of pilots and cosmographers. This is evidently 
the one mentioned by Navarrete, ' ' and in which Alonso de Santa Cruz, 
who was a member of the commission, '5 presented his newly-invented 
instrument for ascertaining longitudes at sea. Oviedo, writing in 1536, 
speaks already of "the map lately corrected by order of Charles \ .: — 
la carta corregida nuevamente por mandado de Cessar."''^ This can only 
be the Padroti Real issued by the new junta. It is said to have been 
the work of Alonso de Chaves : 

" La carta moderna, fecha i)or el cosmografo Alonso ile Chaves, el an.) de mill e iiui- 
nientos y trcinta y seys aiios despucs que [jor el P2mperador fiieron mandados ver y exaniinar : — 
The recent map, made by the cosmographer .-Monso de Chaves, in the year 1536, after the 
Emperor had ordered them [/. <'. the members of the junta], to see and examine it."" 

We do ndt know whether those words of Oviedo must be interpreted 
as meaning that the map had been entirely con.itructed by Chaves, — 
which he woukl not have had sufficient time to tlo, — or that Chaves, 
after the death of Ribero in 1533, took his place, and continued the 
work initiated by the latter. 

That chart is lost. Fortunately, we [)o;;sess a detailed description of 
it, matle by <^)viedo himself''"^ from a copy in the own hand of Chi;ves : — 
" Del qual padron tengo una de la mano de Alonso de Chaves." The 
reader will fmd it described and analysed infra, in the Cartographia 
Amen'cann Vctustissima, of which it constitutes the last item. 


'■ Kxi'ijita t'lildiiihiiiidiin, p. iS. 

'' Navakkkik, Opiiv'iiloi, Vol. II., p. 63. 

'5 " I''iu' HIV I iIl' Ids ili|)utn<liis 1.1 ci)rrec,'ion 'lu l,i^ 
(■:\r'.ns do navof;«r." Oviiuio, //(Vocm Irmiml, lih. 
\\i,, c.i|i. ii., Vol. II., p. ii6. 

'' Jliiilim. Th.1t I'ailron does not scfiii lo \\.\\x- hfcii 
yet i-oinplt'tcil al tlio close of ilie year; lor In ihc 
/'I'lhriir.nn of Dcceml'iT Ji, 1536, Sxnta Criv. .uid 

(111 ir.KKK./. spe.Tk of " ol p.ulron iiuo aliora m' liace." 

'" OviK.lH), o/t. I il., \'ol. II., p. 150. 

'' IliiiUm, pat;cs 112152. Il is in rcalily a critical 
cNainiiiatioii liotli of the Chaves anil Kiljero maps, with 
corrections olitaineil verbally from .Vlonso DK San I A 
Cki'z : " .M^;uiios nonibres ilcsios cpiel [A. ile S. C.] mo 
dift e iiifoniio, no I'V. ludlo en la carta moderna ([ue ili^o," 
/.'"■. . //., pp. 1 14 1 16. 

ii.- ^ ' ■ 


TT w.n,ld prove highly interesting to fc^llow on Spanish maps the pro- 
1 gress accomphshed, not only as regards maritime discoveries, but in 
cartography proper. Unfortunately, between the chart made by Juan 
ce la Cosa n. the year ,500, and the map of the Kings Library at 
lunn, w .ch was constructed towards .-,^-3,' we possess tnly the rough 
and sn.aii woodcut delineation of the West Indies inserted in a ater 
.ssue of the hrst edition of Peter Martyrs First Decade. The latter 
scarcely exh.b.ts more of the mainland than the seaboards of the Ca b 
bean Sea. and the southern coast of Florida; but the Turin nl is 
much n,ore con.plete, particularly for the southern configurations, a it 
delmeates a large portion of the coasts of the New World, e st an s.nicli ,,f [he tropic of Ciiiiccr. 

With .s„ fo,v .,l.,„K.n.s. ,h:,. is, a „.,,, „f ,l,e y„„ ,500, wi.ich 

.^nure coast; a ma,, l,m„cd to the A.tillics ; the Tt,ri„ „la„ispl,ete i s,o,„..l; antl the \ Veintar chan. all ,„aje fro,„ f„,g„,'„try '.roui,^^ 

which r'""' ■"'; ?""'■'■" "'" ""■«"'■'' '■""" "•■ ■^•^ -'"ographical 'lata 
>vh,cl have reached t,s alter t„ulergoi„g very great n.odificatioas 

Ih,,.,. ,s a c„„cl„si„„, however, which appear., certai,,, wh,:„ we 

ontpare the- lead,„g tra.ts of those ,„aps. It is that the T„ri„ ,„appa-' 

n u,Kl, ,s based upon ele,„e„ts which were t,nb,ow„ to the ,-oa„ ,h 

.^fical cosmographers, a„d to the hoartl of the Casa tie Comrat., io,, 

i.lse, as no /„,/„„ a, was constrnctetl in the four years wl ich 

V .p c< between the ntak.n, of the T„ri„ „,ap and of the wintar cha.-s 

;;"::."■"; 'T ' """^ — O^ure as the fornter. We ha;.: 

thtis tace,, ot e..|,lorafons, apparently of a clandestine ch.tracter which 
were tlonUfes a conthtnation of sintilar voyages t.ndertaken ever 
th. New World was hrst discoveretl by Christopher Colu.nbtts. 

..:n;i;;:;:;;.;;!::;,/!,:;,;;;':; ~r:^ ;: - :;:;';-:-;:;:" '- "" ■""""■'■'"■ - ■ 

I , 

! ^: 

I ! 

; -' f\ 


■I ■ i 


1 '* 


t ' 

■)[ il 




t \' 


I i 

M 1 






« .1 

i ,1 ' ^ 



The Discovkrv ok North Amkrica. 

This inference leads us also to believe that the Weimar maps only 
exhibit such technical information as, by virtue of the ordinances which 
we have quoted, pilots and masters were bound to communicate to the 
Pilot-Major on their return to Seville. But it is evident that these con- 
stituted merely a small portion of the geogra[)hical knowledge which had 
then been already obtained. Besides the unlawful expeditions, which, of 
course, made a secret of their discoveries, there were numerous shi])s, 
equipped on a venture by private citizens, whose captains, although pro- 
vided with a regular license, did not communicate to the Casa the points 
of the coast first visited by them, and where they had found abundance 
of dye-wood, or roaming Indians who could be easily kidnapped and en- 
slaved for the European markets. Their maps could not fail to exhibit 
peculiar nomenclatures and configurations, different altogether from those 
which were inscribed on the Padron Real. It is in that class of private 
charts that we should look for the origin of several important delineations, 
insular as well as continental, which of late years have attracted the at- 
tention of the historians of maritime adventure. 

We find no traces of the influence of the Spanish maps north of 
Spain and Portugal during the first quarter of the sixteenth century. And 
although Italy was the country where the news of the discoveries accom- 
plished by Columbus, \'espuccius, Magellan, and other navigators sailing 
under the tlag of Castile, circulated most extensively, their accounts being 
translated and [jrinted at Rome, V^enice, and l^'lorence. - it was only at a 
comparatively late period that Italian maps commenced to take notice of 
the New World. The atlases, portolani, or charts of Giorgio Giovanni 
of Venice (1494), 3 of Conte Freducci of Ancona (1497),+ even those of 
Andrea Benincasa (1508), 5 of Battista Genovese (1514),^ of Jacopo Russo 
(1520), 7 and of many other cartographers of the time, ignore the New 
World altogether ; and, in their delineation of the Adantic, do not go 
beyond the fantastic islands which mar all majjs of the fifteenth century. 

It is true that the Ptolemy published at Rome, in 150S, contains a 
mappamundi representing the newly-found regions, but it is the work of 
a German, Johannes Ruysch, who has chiefly copied Lusitanian maps, and 
even seems to have never seen a chart made in Spain. In fact, the 

-' miiliolfiii Aniericniin i'iliiilix.tliiin., anil Aililltioiin. In tlic WnlfiMiliiillcl I.ilir.\ry. 
' "CicciiijiiH Jo.-inis lie \"fnii'ii.^ locit Veiieciaruin, ' In llio I.ilirnr) nf the l'ii'|ini;.>iiila, .it Rumu. 

M.cca'.l.xxxxillj." In tlic Library at I'lirnia. '' In the WoUliibvillol Ducal I-ihrary. 

* "Ointes I lectomanni ile Kri.'iliitiisile.\ncuna, 1497." •" In llie Slate Archives at Kliirence. 

Kaklv Cartockai'iiv 

" -7' 

hrst truly Italian map which clei)lrf>. \m, • • , 

'■■■ .5... by Ve,co,L .ifMaSo ph :'""'" "^ " ^•''•'•-■^' 

^1 S,,anish man, wcr,. mad,. ,f.,.r 7 „ " ■"="'« '"'"■'" f™'" 

type as those of Kuns ',. ; J " >; ""7"';- *»"■ °f <>- »->.. 

hy n circuitous route, l,owever made its .7 Hydrograpliy, 

- inllueuce a certain family of ^ p y"' r'T' '" ''"'^V •■'-' l-K- 
vious, several fine planispheres conSuctll in V T" '" '■^'" ""^- 
fouud their way into Italian collectio n" 1. v""" 'T"""'" '"'' 

->n.iral, even possessed an authen.ic^py ^V^'':Lta'^''"T 
Columbus h,d made himself fn ;il . i • ' "^" Chn.stopher 

i-nportant cartogra l-T:!;! ': ^ y f bTrZu;:;''; "^"''■'- ^T 

rubbish of some palace in Venice- h..^ ^>^'^"'"ed from among the 

found, it will be seen to .V '' '"'^ '"'' "''''''"'^ '^''^'' ■'" -'^'■■ 

those whicha-ebnu ^ ItT''^'^"'""^ ''^^''"^^ "^^^^^"^^"^ ^-- 
^>^at reason any .Iri:;;:.:^^!^"^^^*^^' ^'^^^^ ^^'"^ ^^^ 

i; M 

1 1' 



!il!li ( 

!i. ' 






m i 

( II.M'II'.K W. 

11" \v,is nscr\c(l lor tin l.iisi'aiiiaii carldj^raiiliiis to coiuc)' to ("nrin.ui 
s.ivaiils tlifir lirsi iidtions '(iiiccniiiiL,^ thr .i,'<'i'^nM|)li) of llic Ni u 

World, and lo itis|Mr< for iic irly li.ill-a cciilnr)- all tin- ina|f, ami 
i^Iolics cxcciilcd ill Nortliirii l'!iiro] c 

I lakluyt .uid iiiodcni writers 'talc that no ma|>s (diild hi' ohlaiiicd 
iVom rorliinal, and llic i'ortuniicsf |iilols or cosniouraplnTs wlm 
i^a\c or sold cli.irls lo stranj^ers rorlcitrd ilicir liti-. I'licrc is sonu 
triilli ill the slalcmciit, liiil il a|i|»lifs only to an cxci'ptional ( asr. 
AiiLjcIo I ri\ ii^iano, who had so easily olitaincd Irom ( liri';to|)lier ( olninlni'. 
a detailed i liarl oi the New WOrld, writes, ,\iimnsl j i , 1501, that he 
lieeii uiiaMe to t;it in l.ishon a nia|i " ol .1 i:eii,iin re((iit \<)y,iL;c to 
( .ilii lit, .IS tlu' l^ini^ ol I'ortiis^.il had edicti-d the |iiii,ilt\- of dcith 
a!,;ainst .uuoiu' wlio should \cntiire to coininimieale ,1 niap ot that e\|(e- 
ditioii : de 1,1 cart. I del (jiLiI \i.i/o iioii e possihile hiveiiic, i hil \\i ha 
iiiesso pen. I la \it.i a chi la da lor,i. "' 

I hat voy.i^e was e\ idenll)- ('s. who had reinrned Ironi the l'" 
Indies in the month ol )iil\' preceding, .md conliniied the |)roiniM's held 
li\ X'.isco d.i ( lania relati\'e to .m ahuiid.iiice ot s|)iee .uid priTions stones, 
which theneetorth were hroui^ht to I'ortiiisil hy .1 parti. illy new route Iroin 
those iceions. This restriction is only one which in. my j^oxcrii^ 
iiients would li.u'e imposed when in possession ot ji.u'tii i^eoj^ 
dit.i concernin!^ ci'rl.iin newly-louiid countries, where there hope to 
exercise ,1 tr.ldin;^ mono|iol\. I he prohihition, theleto|-e, .ipplied onl\- to 

the ; and it must he s.iid the .mxiety ol the rortuL;iiesi 
( row n oil the sulijecl was tell diiriii;^ years. ( )n th<- 31st ot Sep- 
lemher. is_;i,-' we see the aj,(eiil ol lo.lo III. enter into .1 coiilracl ,it 
Savon. I with Leone r.uu.ildo, wherel>\ the l.itler, for a compeiisalioii ot 
j,exxi ducats, hinds himsell not to teach aiivone the route to the Moluccas, 
and iioi to make .iii\ ch.irt tr.iciiis^ the w.iy to th.i',e producti\c isl.mds. 

' /CKl.V, .l/'ir.ii I'nl.,, W-lKvi.l, I.Sl.S, \'..|. II., |i. ;l>.'. //. . i/ifillrn ./... Illll'llli ,r.,,,/;iir il /,i/ritll .itlrnld -.' 

( '. .rl.tli" I 'l;.IM. 'M. I ' I'll iiii.iii !■! ri'l iiiilil' ill lliiilii' /...r;i. I'm: iilili. S.l\ .111. |S.|i, S\... 


I'"..\K1.N t'AI<T(M.KAI'IIV. 

'/ ,> 







I?ul llif (oloiiial polity kI I'orlii^Ml was generally a lilnral one. ( )ii 
llie 9th of 1 )(((inlier, i.SoS, Aincrimis V'cspuccius, in answir to a ([iHslioii 
addressfil lo him Ky ("ardinal Xiniene/ de (isiicros, wlio wished to allow 
aiuoni- to \ i'.it .md iinjiorl all olijeits of (onnncitr into thr \i\v \\ Hrld : 
" <|uc cada \ no tenj^a lylieitad d<' yr i lli\ar lo i|iu- (|iiis\ ere," a(kno\\- 
lidi^r that this was the policy of l'ortn}.;al as ri;^Mrded Imp most important 
African (olons : " Sej^ini ijue lo ha/e el re\ de I' )rtu^al en lo de la Mina 
(111 ()ro."i This implies the rij^ht to trade .md na\i,i(ate in those conn- 
tries, and, conseijuentl) , to own and use sailing charts. 

W'e have proofs, howescr, that the rortngnese ^o\irnmenl, ,1. a rule, 
did not in.d<e a secret o|' its maps. .Andre, i ( orsali, .iller desciiMng to 
(imliano de .Medici the iisii.d navigation to the I'.ast indies, aiKise, him 
lo consult the chart which Michael d.i SiUa. the amhassadoi- of Portugal, hroujjjht to i\ome : " ( ome per la i arta del na> i^are, die I )on Michiele 
Selua, ( )ralor del Re, rec I'l a Roma, piitr;\ \'..S. comprendere.' ' He-, ides, 
our readers lia\'e seen that when .Mherlo ( antino, in iy>.', wi-.hed to 
ha\'e a map m.ide for the 1 )uke ol I'lrr.ira, depicting tin- maiilime dis- 
t;o\'eries recitnlly aci;omi)lislied hy the I'ortu^uese, he found no dithcull) 
whatever in h.ixing it e.xeiiiled in I.ishon. W'e slill po ,se;,s thil map, 
and can easily se(! depicled thereon, with appropriate lej.^ends, Xewiound 
l.and and Hra/il dul)' represented .is the rej^ions which (i.isjiar ' ort'- 
and I'edro ;\l\are/. ('ahral just di .c;o\crecl lor the Kin;4 ol l'orlu;.;il. 
N.iS', it sets lorlh in det.iil ( ,ilic iii and the entire Indi.ui ')ce,ui and it. 
coasts with a [lerfttclion theretolore imknown ; markinj.^ even on inijiort.nil 
localities their clejrree of latitude, and callin;^ the attcMition of lli' re. icier 
lo the valu.iMe products to he ohl.iined in those (dloui.c! marl,. 
Such likewise' t!ie case- with the elahor.ite m.i|)p.imundi copied .ihoui 
the- same lime, in I'ortuL^il, we lulievc-, i)y the (ienoiM' c .irtoLjr.ipher, 
Ni(ola\ di' ( anei'io. 

If m.ips so 1-1. chorale as those of ('antino ;md < .cnerio were s'lil to 
ItaU, we h.ive positive jirools, in the lirsl lew yi-.u":, ol iln- .ixteenth 
century, cartoLjraphicil momnnenls ol tJie same ter aUo found iheir 
w.i\' into (ierm.uiN'; and h.i\e inspired Cierman L;eoi_;raiihers durin;^ man\ 
yeai's. Their works conslitiilc wh.ii we call ihe l.usil.nii 1 ( iirm.mii cirlo- 
gr.iphy, .md lorm the suhjecl ol the loJlo\vinL( c h.ipleis. 

('■1.7.1. ./. /.../.■/iv, pn^r • (. 

' K.VMIMO, \m|. I., !■■• |S<. (s/././o 2S13). 

2 I. 


r ! 



■ \ ■ 


■ f. 



RHXH II., Puke of Lorraine,' took the greatest interest in geography. 
The \'osgian Gymnasium at St. Diey, with its nucleus of scholars, 
was under his |)rntection, and he particularly secondetl the efforts 
of those who devoted themselves to scientific pursuits. Three of these, 
Matthews Ringmann {Philesi'us), Gaultier Lud, and Martin Waldseemiiller 
{llylijcomilus), resolved, before the year 1508, to publish a new edition 
of Ptolemy. 

That determination has been the starting point of a most important 
evolution in the cartographical histfjry of the Xew World. 

WaldseemiilUT, who held the Chair of Cosmography in the Gymnasium, 
was an able cartographer; and his associates entrusted him with the task 
of preparing the maps which were to accompany that important publication. 

Tht; Ptolemy was published at .Strasburg, after March 15, 1513,- and 
it containeil a number of newly-constructed ma|)s, siiveral of which have 
exerted considerable induence on the conceptions of the Xew World, par- 
ticularly among German cosmographers. Hut, previous to the issue of that 
valualjle work, Waldseemiiller had maile a mappamundi more important 
still ; as it greatly promoted, if it did not initiate, the geogra[)hical de- 
velopment which we have now to describe. 

If that first planisphere of Waldseemiiller's, which was executed to 
accompany the first edition of the Cosinogniphiie littrodiictio, print(;d at 
St. Diey,J could be discovered, the genesis, so to S[)eak, (jf the purely 
Lusitanian maps which reached Germany at the beginning of the sixteenth 
century, might be (established with a certain degree (,>f [)recision. 

Meanwhile, (uir belief is that the primary conhgurati(Mis and nomtm- 
clature atlopled iheui by Waldseemiiller, can be asccn't.iined by means of 
the Tiihula Tore A'ove wdiich he ilesignetl for the Ptolemy t)f 1513; as 

' '• I,c line ilo L'lir.iiiiLS iiK-ccne natuiL'l iIor.i-iiKMation, rulldhornf' iir<. I'd//":/' il'i .rjiloriilioii if ili •(I'l-oiir i(-.i; 

I'l'iuiilmait l"mr ■ia pan ;i la ruiminn iIl's ilmincfs lc> plus I'aii^, lS67| Sv.i. pp. 13J5. 

curiooses ct Ics plus ililficilos a nhtcnir." — d'.\vkzac, -' liihlintli',;, Am' rii-(tii(i \'' /ii^li-^-:iiiiii. No. zg. 

M'Vini Ihjl'i-iiiilijl'ix W'li'/:, iii.'ilh r, -• > uiirmj' < ■! -■ i • /li'l'iil, Nos. 44-47, •.ii'l .[■ili'ioii^, No. :;4. 


I'".\IU.V CARToCKArilV. 

-/ .■^ 

il is ni)l likely that he uiivxl. within a very few years, to construct the 
latter map, data different from those which weri; employed in makinu; the 
planis])here annexed to the St. Diey treatise. 4 lUit, first of all, we must 
demonstrate the Lusitanian orin;in of W'aldseemiiller's elfMiients, so far, at 
least, as his American confiujurations are concerned ; it beins: necessarv to 
estahlish tlie coimection between the Portuguese charts describee, in the 
preceding p.iges, and the important category of maps which we have 
called " Lusitano-Germanic." 

The Header is aware that when Americus X'espuccius visitetl the 
Brazilian country, in the track of another Portuguese expedition, he 
entered, September 24, 1503, a port, which in the course of a previous 
voyage, probably on the ist of November, 1501, had been discovered 
and named " The Hay of All-Saints." That name is always correctly 
rendered in the purely Lusitanian maps, as " A baia de todos los santos." 
When the Spanish geographers mentioned the transatlantic dominions of 
the Crown of Portugal, they also named that point of the l^razilian ctjast 
under its proper name. The earliest of these, Martin F<Tnandez de 
Enciso, in his Sunui dc Geogrnfia, printed at Seville in 1519,' writes 
" La bava de todos sanctos ;" Ribero and his colleagues mark in their 
planispheres : " h. de todos sanctos." Put in all the cartographical monu- 
ments executed in the north of P^urope, whether they be majjs, charts, 
or globes, we invariably find the inexact rendering of " Abafia omnium 
sanctorum," or " All-Saints Abbey" instead of " Bay." 

This mistake, which is the touchstone for a large family of German 
maps, originated with a mere slip of the pen, which, although absent 
from all Lusitanian ma[)s and documents, is nevertheless of Portuguese 
origin, and may be traced to Americus Vespuccius, or the Italian scribe 
who wrote in his name. 

On the 4th of September, 1504. \'es[)uccius addressed to some one, 
not named, <^' but living at P'lorence, an account in the Italian language, 
of his transatlantic voyages." In the descrijition of the fourth expedition. 

' W c nlii'uM mil led mi Cdmiilcnt if the 'fiiiiild lie- 
tr.iycil L'lcmcnls hurnnveil from a .S|iani>.li cli.irl ; luit a^ 
il sets forth only Lusiuini.-rii lumos, configurations ami 
latitmlcs, which \vc rccoj^nisc ai;ain in other niai» liasc.l 
also iiiHin I'urtiiyucse nioilcls, thoiii;li of ditferent orii;in^, 
— such as KfYscil ami SclliiSKR, — the presiimiitiun 
neeils to he accepteil. 

? li'ihViolh'rii. Anii.rifaiiii I' (M«'i'«<iHifi, No. 97. 

'The iirolialiility is that it was " I'iero ,\{ Me.vser 
Toniniaso Soilerini," ihe t;onfalonier of Florence; IIan- 
imn;, I'lVfi ' Li' ill Amni'jo i'niiiirri, Firen/e, 
1745, 4to, p. x\v., ami r..\KI;iI.O/Zl, liiriivli' iiloriru- 
rrilirhi .... Kiren/e, 1789, Svo, p. 67. 

^ J^'ftti'adi Aiifriijo Vtspitt'i'l lUth /■-r./i Uituvam'.nti 
tiniiali in qiiallm "iiol ri'iijii'i. No. !S7of the ISH'liuthifa 
Aiii'ri'-. Vtjnsfi.-i., :\n{\ Aihllfloits, pp. wiii. -\\\ ii. 








1. 1 

. ;if( 


' I-.} 




1'. '. 

J '"r; 


TiiK DiscovEKV (jF Xdktii Amkuha. 

we rtMcl, rcliitively to that locality of the Hraziliaii coast : " Fussi a teiierc 
nella terra che el viaggio passato discoprimo in iin porto che li pone' mo 
/(I haiiia di tucte e sancti : — We made for the land which we had ilis- 
covered the year before [and] a harbor which we [had then] named the 
Abbey [sic\ of All-Saints." 

That is the immediate origin of the mistake, which affords the clue 
enabling lis to connect all the maps containing Abatia instead of a baia 
with the geographical productions emanating from the Vosgian Gymnasium. 

In the above mentioned Cosmographia' Introductio of Waldseemiiller, 
issued for the first time from the St. Diey [)ress, on the 25th of April, 
1507, there is an account of Vespuccius' four voyages, in Latin, said to 
be a translation from the l^'rench, and which was itself translated from 
the Italian language. In fact, it is only a clumsy version of the Lettcra 
di Amerigo Vespucci, sent to Florence from Lisbon on the 4th of Sep- 
ttMiiber. 1504, cited in one of our preceding notes. The name of the 
party to whom X'espuccius addressed this Italian te.\t is not given, but, 
as we have .said, everything tends to show that it was Pier Soderini. 
The Latin version in the St. Diey book is more e.xplicit, but names 
som(! one else, as it bears the following heading : 

" Illustrissimo Renato, Iherusaleni et Sicili.-e regi, duci Lotharingia; ac Har[ensi], .-Vineri- 
cus Vespucius humileni reverentiam, et debitam recommendationem : — To the Most Illustriou'. 
Rene, King of Jerusalem and Sicily, Duke of Lorraine and Bar, .\mericus Vesi)uccius, &c." 

In the main, both the Latin and Italian texts are alike; but although 
tlie latter was printed before the Cosmographiic Introductio, it is not likely 
that the St. Diey scholarly association would have presmned to palm off 
on the Duke of Lorraine a mere translation from a book which was on 
sale, and invent such a dedication. Nor can we admit that Gaultier Lud 
would have dared to say to Rene himself, though it be in another work,** 
when alluding to the said account of Vespuccius : 

" Quorum etiam regionum descriptionem ^v rortugallia ad te lUustrissime rex Renate, 
gallico sermone niissam : — which was sent from Portui:^al to thcc Most Illustrious King Rene, 
in the French language." 

When Waldseemiiller's treatise appeared in print, Rene was living ; 
and to accept an epistle dedicatory of that explicit character, would also 
imply on his part either an ignorance which is not in keeping with what 

' Sjio-iili oibi'> ikclaraliu, Str.islmri;, 1507, folio, f. 2 ; /I. .1. I'., No. 4y. 

'' uni 


ICaki.v Caktoc.kai'HV, 277 

we know of his accomplishments, or a weakness unworthy of his high 
character. Our imi)ression is that Vespuccius caused his Italian account 
to be translated into French in Lisbon (that being R«;ne's own language), 
by some one who overlooked the sentences intended for Soderini. It 
was sent to Nancy before l""ebruary 5, 1505, which is the date of the 
letter of introduction Christopher Columbus gave him in Seville.'^ In 
that letter, the great Genoese alludes to V^espuccius' ill luck and dis- 
appointments. May we not infer that when the I'lorentine navigator 
thought of quitting the service of P(jrtugal, he sent the narrative of his 
four voyages to the Duke of Lorraine, i)robably as he did to the gon- 
falonier of Florence, and perhaps to other princes, according to the custom 
of the time, as a bid for some favour .'' 

He that as it may, the Latin version in Waldseemliller's Cosviografihitv 
Intiodtictio, which version is the fountain-head <jf the account of V^es- 
puccius' four voyages i)rinted and n 'printed, copied and commented all 
over the north of Europe in the sixteenth century, calls the " Bay," the 
" Abbey of All Saints : — Omnium sanctorum abbatiam." It is fair to 
conclude, therefore, that when the geographical jjroductions, planispheres, 
maps, and globes, emanating from the St. Diey savants, particularly Wald- 
seemiiller, gave that erroneous name to the same point of the Hrazilian 
coast, they borrowed it from the Qiiaiuor Ainerici Vesputii navigationcs,^'^ 
which they had translated and published. 

To complete the connection, it is im|)ortant to ascertain the existence 
of some maj) of the world, or of the newly-discovered countries, coeval 
with that publication, and which should be the undoubted work of the 
cartographer of the \^)sgian Gymnasium. Traces of such a map exist. 

The Cosntograpliiic Iiitfoduciio accompanied a planisphere constructed 
by Martin Waldseemtiller. This is stated on the verso of the double 
leaf containing the Figuram uiiiversalem, in these words : 

" Propositum est hoc libello tiuandam Cosniographiai introductionem scribere : (luam 
nos tarn in solido (juam piano dopinxinius. In solido quidem spacio oxclusi strictissime. Sed 
latius in piano :^We have proposed in this little book to write a sort of introduction for the 
Cosmography which we have depicted both on a globe and on a plane chart, very succinctly, 
of course, on the globe, where was wanting, but more extensively on the mappamundi." 

As to that map, from the very few details scattered in Waldsee- 
miiller's book we learn that it was a planisphere, dedicated to the I'mperor 

' .\a\ai;ki;ii-', \''i1. I., j'. ',51. 

' Iiiscrteil in llic Coxnt'ii/rdjilil'i: liilrtiili(<iio. 



It ! 

N ' 

1 1 




V \ 





Kt ; 


; I I 


Maximilian, each country beariiijj; the arms of the reigiiinfj; prince, whilst 
tlie newly-discovenxl rejjions displayed tlie escutcheons both of Spain and 
I'ortugal : " Denique in (luartam terr:e partem per inclytos Caslilia' et 
I-iisitania' reges ri'pertam eorundem ipsorum insignis posuimus." Small 
crosses marketl tiu; shoals or danj^erous rocks. it was ()rinted, Ijelore 
the year 1507, through the instrumentality or at the cost of the Duke of 
Lorraine: "ministerio Renati dum vixit . . . liberius prielographationi tra- 
dita est." Being evidently on a large scale, that map of the world cannot 
wtll h,ive b(;(Mi printtid at St. Diey, where printing had just jjeeii intro- 
tliict:d, as the CosmoirnipJi/ie fntrotiiictio of May, 1507, is th(? iirst book 
which came out of the press in th.'it small town. The probability is that 
the map was printed at Strasburg by Schott, who, a few years afterwards, 
in that city, executed the St. Diey PtoU-my. This opinion is borne out, 
we think, by the assertion of Ortelius that the Marint; Chart of Waldsee- 
muller was edited in Germany : " Marlinus W'aldseemuller Universalem 
n ivigatoriam in Germania editam."" St. Diey in 1507 was not German, 
whilst then and for nearly two centuries afterwards Strasburg remained a 
Germanic city. It follows that the planisphere which Joannes Trilhemius 
bought at Worms, in August, 1507, that is, a couple of months after the 
publication of the Cosnwgraphicu introductio, which map, he says, had been 
lately published at Strasburg : " nuper Argentiiue impressam," '- is most 
. probably Waldseemi'iller's. If so, we may add to the above description 
that it was really a ma|)paniundi on a large scale : " in magna dispositione 
globum terras in piano cxpansum," and extending towards thi; south as far 
as the tenth parallel, that is, to the 50' of Austral latitude : " ac versus 
meridiem ad paralk:lum ferme decimum," which, let it be said, is the point 
where emls the South American configuration in Waldseemiiller's Orbis 

No copy of that engraved planisphere of W'aldseemuller has yet been 
foLinil, but we can doubtless realise what its general a[)pearance was, by 
nitans of the reconstruction which Lelewell has attempted, in uniting four 
m,i[)s of the Ptolemy of 15 13. '3 Yet, as it is necessary to ascertain 

" "M.iilinns WaliKccimillfr, L'nivL-r!>.ilcm navij;ali)- " " Ncjus .ivon.^ pmlilu dc cctlc ic'iiniMii ilu ciiitcv^ ile 

ri:ii'.i (<|iian) m;irinain vult;n ■ in (leriiiania mt-nie oriHinc ct nims avoiis I'lalxiri; la carte t,'i-nijralc 

i>li:.iiii." Ok I Kiifs, TlualniiH orhii Tennnim, Am- hydroyraphicjiic, cNlr.ayanl ilc.><|ualre cartes spcciales tmit 

werp, 1570, folii), in tlie CtU'i/nijin niii-lor. tahiil. ijiiHim- ce tpii a pil >e placer Mir niitre eclielle . . ." — l.KI.KW T.l.l., 

•phifiirum. ai'dtjrdphii: ilit Moij'ii Aiji , ljriixelle>, I.S52, S\ii, Viil. 

" loaiiiii.i Triihiiiiii alilxifis Sjiniilifuiieinii Ejii^liila- II., p. 143, note 299, anil I iStli map in the .Vilas. Cer- 

ri'Di li'liri iliin, Ilajjano.e, 1536,410; liiUiulhti a Aiiitiiv- tain critics iinai;ino llii.s map to l>e an nut ami mit original 

aiiit \\iii.if!.<.^iiii'i, p. 347, Nil. 213. chart of the time. 




.5' n 

( TMn 



l(. i 



I ^ 









if I. 


i^lalc .■> 


F.AKi.v C.\rto(;kai'iiv. 


what wore the American configurations of the great planisphere, we will 
go beyond Lelewell's hypothetic delineation (which, however, he only 
apj)lied to his understanding of Waldseemiiller's idea of the two hemi- 
spheres in 1513), and endeavour to proceed from the Tabula of the latter 
date upwards to its orlj^inal ince|)tion in 1507, and jjerhaps further still. 

As we will show in the next chapter, the map which Waldseemiiller 
made for the Ptolemy of 151 3, reproduces in the main the features of 
the Cantino planis[)here. liut it also exhibits a cartographical difference, — 
already noted, — curious and important, viz.: In that planisphere the north- 
'-■astern coast line is disconnected from the Gulf of Venezuela. Waldsee- 
miiller, on the contrary, connects it in his map, absolutely with the South 
American regions. 

At first sight this seems to be an innovation of Waldseemiiller, and 
to date from the time when he prepared the maps for the Ptolemy (jf 
1513. It is, however, more ancient than the latter publication, as identical 
configurations occur in the map added to the Introductio in .Ptholoiini 
Cosmoi^iuipliia of Johannes de Stobnicza, which was printed the year 
l)revious, at Cracow in I5[2.'-+ The relationship between that Polish 
majipcunundi and Waldseemuller's map, or its prototype, is further shown 
by the inscrijjticjns : " Cabo de bona ventura," on the north coast, and 
on the southern, "Arca\, Caput deseado, Ciorffo hermoso, Monte fragoso," 
and " Ca|)ut St. Crucis." 

The distance between Strasburg and Cracow is considerable, and it 
must have required a certain time before Stobnicza heard of the existence 
<jf Waldseemuller's (jriginal maj), or procured it with the purjiose of 
borrowing the geographical information reijuired for the work which the 
I'olish geograi)her intended to write. On the other hand, the passages 
where .Stobnicza gives instructions to make the new editions oi Ptolemy 
serve for the late transatlantic discoveries, prove that the map originally 
belonged to the tirst edition of his Intro hictw, printed as we have said 
in 1512, that is, one year before Waldseemuller's Ptolemy. 

'■• /)'. .1. i'., No. 6g, AildiliiiiiK, Xii. 42, ;iiul llic f:ic- lint Sluhiikva I'onnwt'l liis i;fi)grniiliic;il ilitn iliri^'ly 

-iiiiilo ^f ilic map itiiriMliicccI liy /incot;i.>|iliy, after the frmii thoM' cif '.lie St. l)U'y cosmin^miiher ; :\lthi;j;li 

cupy in tlic Imp^-rial l.ilirary at N'ieiiiia, fur Mfl.l.KR of tlicir protutypes certainly licloiigecl to the same caru;- 

.Vinsterdain ; aiul --iiy/i a, our own facsimile. It is the i; family. It is also worthy of notice that .he 

existence of the c >ii;in'.ioiis coast line in the map of .\siaiic coast in the mappanninili of Stolmic/a i- only li.u 

SiODNlczA which leil tis to imatjine that this conlij;i;ralion of iho well-known i^lohe of Martin 1!i:iiaim ; wliii^V 

may ilale further lacU than the const rMcti.ui of Isce- Allierlo Can i ino anil Martin WAi.Usi.KMfi m.k -ci f I'h 




1507. I'or it i^ no* ^iiown a iimch tv.d c» 

e\er\ pari of .\- 



i\i '' 



, if 

I -fi El 

i ii 


U= ". ji 



11 - 

,i. ', 



•■ f 


Till-: DiscovKRV ok Noktii A.mkrica. 

Those inferences enable the critic to trace the pecuHar configurations 
set forth in the Tabula of 15 13 beyond the latter date, and force upon 
us the conclusion that the great i)lanisphere which Waldseemiiller con- 
structed and the Duke of Lorraine caused to be engraved at his own 
expense to accom[iany the Cosmographiic IntrodiiCtio, exhibited the geo- 
graphical features afterwards reproduced by Stobiiicza and by Waldsee- 
miiller himself. In other words, the great planisphere, like the later 
geographic productions of these two cosmographers, already connected 
North America with South America, eastward, by a continuous coast 
line. Whether further discoveries of cartogra{)hical documents will carr)- 
the origin of that configuration to a still earlier date, we are unable to 
say. Meanwhile the critic must see in that first planisphere of Waldsee- 
miiller, now lost, and dating so far back as 1507, an important stage of 
the geographical evolution which gave rise to what we have termed 
the " Lusitano-Germanic cartography." 

That mappamundi having been engraved, it soon became an article 
of sale, and i)romptly circulated in Northern Europe. This is shown by 
the well-known letter of the Benedictine Trithemius, of August 12, 1507, 
above cited, relating that he had purchased, at Worms, a ma[)pamundi 
lately printed at Strasburg, and representing the newly-discovered regions. 

A material question remains to be solved. That is, whether the 
connection between the two American continents, which we have just 
described, originated with a Portuguese prototy[)e, or whether it is an 
innovation introduced by German co[)yists of Lusitanian charts, and more 
particularly by Waldseemuller, at an early date. This is a cjuestion we 
are not in a position to discuss, as no Portuguese map of the first quartiT 
of the sixteenth century has yet been found with that coast line unbroken. 
Meanwhile, the problem has advanced a certain step ; and we have at- 
tained the chief object of this long and tedious disq lisition in establishing 
a direct connection between the purely Portuguese charts, like those of 
Cantino, Canerio, ;uul the Kunstmann copies, and the earliest engraved 
specimen known of the cartograjjhy initiateil at St. Diey, under the aus- 
pices f)f thi' Duke iif Lorraine. 

i : 






IN the year 1521, Adam Petri' published, at Basle, a small work by 
Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, which created a deeper impression in Cen- 
tral Europe than even his celebrated Decades. It was a description 
of the recent discoveries of Juan de Grijalva and of the first conquests 
of Hernando Cortes, which he had written for Pope Leo X. This book, 
usually quoted as Peter Martyr's Enchiridion, was immediately followed 
by a number of similar historic accounts, printed at Augsburg, Antwerp 
and Nuremberg, 2 while the translation into Latin, and publication in that 
city in 1524, of the Letters of Cortes, increased still more the curiosity 
of the public, and attracted the attention of geographers. 

All the maps and globes constructed beyond the Rhine continued to 
be Lusitano-Germanic ; that is, they e.xhibited for the New World the 
north-western continental regions yet separated (with two or three excep- 
tions) from South America by a wide gap. The glowing accounts which 
Peter Martyr gave of " Cozumella, lucatana, Colluacana or Olloa, being 
al landes lately founde, and so rich, fruteful, and pleasant, that they may 
in maner be compared to the earthly Paradyse," together with his remark 
that the discoverers "adiudged the land of Colluacana to be parte of the 
supposed continent," and that " the lande whiche they sawe a farre of 
before their fase, they supposed eyther to be annexed to owre continent, 
or to bee ioyned to the large North regions cauled liaccalaos : — Terram 
uero procul uisam a fronte, uel con'.inenti nostro annexam, uel septentrio- 
nalibus coniungi plagis ad Haccalaos,"3 induced one, or several cartographers 
to blend the newlv-discovered countries with Asia. 

' Ih iir/ier »'•'< /). Caroto ripifth /hoi/i'-i, "imidqitr 
iiirolanim mon'ii/.i. A'. I'ttri ^fnl^fy)•i■', Kiirhiriilhii, 
Dominif Maniaritif, Dini Mux. C"-". Jiiliir iliin4iit)i. 
Hasilea', 1521, 4(0. Ilihliot. Anieriraiia VihtnliMKinin, 
No. no. The dedication shows the tiook wa* 
printe<l \>y Adam rKTKi, and not by Ueinrich I'ktri 
his son, who commenced priming only in 152S or 1529. 
Mr. Louis SiKliKK kindly informs us that the I.ihrary of 
the r.isle University possesses the copy of I'eter M artvkV 

Kiirhin'iliiiii, given by .\dam I'elri himself to the Car- 
thusian Convent of (hat city. See also Sioi'kmevkk 
and KkiiKR, p. 144, No. 66. 

' liiliHolhna Awn'raiin 1' /Hi'Mo'ijiri, Nos. 113, 
115 ; Aildilioim, Nos. 70, 72, 73. 

''.N, Thi Di'-aili^ of Ihi Xnr Wnyhlr, or ll'tvf 
Iiidin . . . Irannlnli^il into Eiiijlymiht, London, 1555, 4'o., 
II. 156, 161 J and De Iii^nilin iiiiper iiirinlis (in l>' r(/>»< 
0'''ii»iVm, Basil, 1533, IV. 69 |i, 70 .\, 71 11, 72 11.). 

2 M 

I !! 

I : 



El ' ' 

I ' 






1 i 1-^ Mm 

Im , 



The Discovkkv of Xdrth Ami:uic.\. 

We find an early proof of this conception in what may be considered 
.IS the first known specimen of the maps of that school, viz.: the small 
mappamiindi printed in the treatise Dc Orhis Situ, written by the b'ran- 
ciscan friar, branciscus Monachus, or Frani^ois le Moyne, at Antwerp-* in 
1526. That small and crude ma[)pamundi is of such importance in the 
history of American maps ; it is based upon retrograde notions which are 
so unexpected ; and it was promjned by motives much more hypothetical 
than scientific, that we feel bound to reproduce it in facsimile. 










« ATf mA 

, ' A 

3*^. J\ S \ 1 '• \ 







jr-.^# r^^^m 

— "^ T^. 


fe -i 3 ^Sl S| "^ ~ 1 





^^ ^'^ r^l 



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-'-F ^- A "4/ 







■ — 


■^^^-fe^ 1 


ptf^^r^^ ' T^^ 

^ -=7:^- -^^ -Sf 


^^^"^^"^V^x^'-^^ ^ 

It must be said at the outset that Franciscus Monachus sets up his 
opinion, as regards the absolute connection alleged by him to e.xist between 
the New World and the Old, north of the ecpiator, in opposition to the 
geographical configurations which are exhibited in the Lusitano-Cjermanic 
map of Johannes Ruysch for the countries between Greenland ami Central 
.\merica. 3 The cartography of the German geographer (as commented 
upon liy Marcus Heneventanus) he pronounces to be, in that respect, or 
in so far as it disconnects Xorth America from South America about the 
trnpic of 'Ja[)ricorn, entirely erroneous. 

' IM i , (IM si/i- w ili.tiiijiiioiii , (vl Itntti'iidi'". I). .site Mv\ ilosoriptiuii uf the I llobe. Wherein the ilehisinns 

'ti-'hiijil'"'Oj)iiiii Ptiiioniiilniinm, Fmiirixri, MoiKuhi ol' I'tolemy an>l other j;ei>j;niiihers are ilis|ielleil. Also, 

'jrjiiii^ Fraii'lKinitl, 1 jn'stoln mm ijiinni lic'iiltiitn. In concernini; the newly-discuvereil lamls, seas, ami islamls.'") 

■]i(a I'toltiHiri, ntftiontiniiiK .^upenonim iieof/iaiihuitiiii Antwerp, «iiie niiiip (luit 1526). See liihiiot. Anino: 

hnHttrliinlio n/'rllihir aliwim pmlm'a ih refCH'< iiiiiin- |V/H«/i'»s(wf7, Nn. i;i ; ami iii/ra, in tlie Caitoijrajihia, 

fix tLfH", mnri, liKii/i'i ("A very evqtiisile under the year 1526, where we ilescrilie three "r ('•nir eili- 

letter I'roin iranei.s, .t nmnk o( the Kranci«ean onler, 10 t inns , if thai work, and Ajipemlix. 

trie most reverend Archbishop ol' Palermo, lovichinR the ' liii'ni, pa^;e 304. 




" Secutus est Marcus Beneuentanus, hie vcro " Then we have Marcus of Benevent. Al- 

quaniuis recentiorum navigationum inuentis et though he pretends to have taken into account 

indicijs, ac nonnullorum itinerarijs geographine the new discoveries and data, and to have 

turn absoluendne, turn eniendandce sedulam endeavoured to complete and correct diverse 

operam nauarit, nihilo tamen secius ^ niea accounts of voyages, I do not share his opinion; 

longe diuersus abit opinione. Nam orientis for he exhibits the sea as separating the lands 

terras ultra zonam Capricorni porrectas inter- situated beyond the zone of the Capricorn from 

fluo mari ab occidentalibus nuper repertis the regions lately discovered. The majority of 

regionibus disiunxit. In sunima huius multo people entertain the same belief [as Marcus 

maxima pars sententine sunt, vt ad occasum Beneventanus], relatively to the western coun- 

dudum inuentas plagas ab orientalibus finibns tries recently found, which they think are sepa- 

diremptas nequoris interuentu, ac disclusas rated from the eastern regions by a sea. I hold 

existiment. Ego contra sentio ei prwsenti a contrary opinion, and in the present descrip- 

descriptione demonstro nauigationes ab occasu tion, I demonstrate that all navigations which 

cunctas in orientis demum fines spectasse. start from the west, lead to the eastern countries, 

Tum generatim Asiam, Aphricam, Europam, and that, in general, Asia, Africa, Europa, and 

et particulatim Indiam Culuacanam, ac ad particularly the Culvacanian India," as well as 

Septentrionem Suedi-Ti, Russiam, Tartariam, at the north, Sweden, Russia, Tartaria, the Bac- 

Baccalaream, terrai-i floridam, omnes hasce calaos and Terra Florida, all of which [although] 

regiones spaciosissimas, et longissimo dissitas vast regions separated by very great distances, 

interuallo continenti tractu, et perpetuo limite are connected with each other by a continuous 

cohoirere, atque ipsam prseterea American! tract of country, and an uninterrupted route ; 

Orientalibus et Culuacanne connexam esse, and that America itself is joined to the eastern 

quanquam hoc postremum nondum certo nobis regions and to Calvacania ; though the latter 

constat, fieri tamen potest vt nunc hispanis fact is not yet proved absolutely. Perhaps this 

non sit ignotum." is not to-day unknown to the Spaniards.'' " 

In other words, Franciscus Monachiis rejects the configurations set 
forth by Ruy.sch in his mappamiindi ; and reproves him for separating 
North America from South America in the latitude of the tropic of 
Capricorn ; and for placing an ocean between the west coast and the 
Asiatic regions. He further says that this disconnection between the two 
American continents, and the e.xistence of a sea between the Xew World 
and the Old, are notions shared by the maiority of people : "In sunima 
huius multo maxima pars sententia- sunt." This ackiiowledgem<Mit is 
precious, as confirming the only reasonable inter[)retation which could be 
given for the presence of a north-western continental country in the early 
Portuguese and Lusitano-Germanic maps. It also shows once more that 
the geographers of the time considered that region as representing the 
American continent, and nothing else. 

' Tint is, tliL' ciamiry i!Uoivlii.i1 by 1 k-in.TivKi C'uk i i;^. 

Ih Oi'lii'< situ, reclu nf ,\ 4. 





M i 

V i w' 



V s 

: ■ li 


', : 1 






t ) 



Tin: Di.scuvERv ov Nuktii Amkura. 

The erroneous idea that America was only a prolongation of Asia, 
sprung hierefore from Peter Martyr's descriptions, which, as we have 
said, Franciscus Monachus at once interpreted as proving that the coun- 
tries lately conquered by Cortes were not only connected westward with 
the Old World, but also at the north with the Baccalaos. As to the 
identity exisiting between those new regions and the east coast of Asia, 
in the opinion of the Belgian monk, it is an absolute fact : 

" Apud Ferdinandus Calua, siue Culuacana " The Culva or Culvacani of Hernando 

provincia est in ciua iacet regia Imperatoris [Cortes] is the province in which is situated the 

orientalis, in itinerariis alias Cataya, vel Catay residence of the Emperor of the East. In 

nuncupatur. Themistetam neotericis est, seu other accounts of voyages, it is also called 

Tenostica ante Quinsam, ab Oderico Themisan Cataya or Catay. Its modern name is Themis- 

vocata, isque propius veritatem attigit, concordi tetam, or Tenostica, formerly Quinsay, which 

et consentiente traditione autorum, de regionis Odoric calls Themisan." This author is nearer 

eiusdem opibus et positura Ad septen- the truth North of Culvacania 

triones a Culuacana terra Thamachum [ the spreads Thamacho, formerly called Tangut. 

above Tama^o\ protenditur, olim Tangut dicta, In former times, Tevis was known as Tebet 

Teuis superiora s;ecula nuncuparunt Tebet, vel or Cibet. The name of the province of 

Cibet, Messigo prouincia temporibus auorum Messigo, was celebrated when the ancestors 

Mansi vocabulo innotuit." of Mansus were living." 

We now understand why Me.xico, in the family of maps initiated by 
Franciscus Monachus, forms part of the Asiatic World, and is placed 
between Cathay and Mansi, adjoining Tamacho and Tangut. 

There is im sucli wnnl a^ "' Tlioniisaii " in any nf m'.iV. •/■. Oilori'- dt I'orilt iiom, I'aris, 1S91, Svi>). Nor 

the seventy-three M.'-^S. of the Voyages of Oimiric i>a is the word to l)e foumi in Marco 1'oi.o, any more than 

I'OKDKNONK, or in any of the printeil editions in any in the pseudonyniiHis compiler MamiKVIi.i.e, whose real 

laiijju.-iye (Henri COKDIKR, Lc< \'oya^|e^ m A^ii (in V/l'' nameisnowascertained lohavel>eenJean UK Iioi:R(;o<".NK. 

Mi > 








WE will close this summary with an account of the cartograj^hical 
revolution, or re-action, due to the efforts of the great Mercator, 
and which brought back the Xorth Pacific coast to configurations 
resembling those of the early maps, but, of course, greatly improved. 

We assume that for his ma^)pamundi of 153S and for his globe of 
1 54 1,' Mercator borrowed geographical data from one and the same model. 
Owing to the distortions imposed by the cordiform projection and small 
size of the mappamundi of 1538, the great geographer has inscribed on 
the north-east American coast, in the latter, merely a few names. One 
of these, however, is typical, viz.: Terra florida. In the globe, he in- 
serted only " Florida" omitting, probably from want of space, the noun 
Terra, which is one of the touchstones of that peculiar noment'-'fure ; ^ 
but we find in the same region: " Caninor, Bonaventura, Costa alta, La- 
cobras, R. de los garlatos," and '• Comelo," which belong exclusively to 
that variety of the Lusitano-Germanic cartography, as is shown by the 
Gilt, Wooden, and Xancy Cilobes. Besides, the configurations, when re- 
duced to Mercator's projection of 1569, are precisely those which were 
adopted by the cartographers of that school, at a time when the works of 
the Sevillan Hydrography first made known in Central Europe the dis- 
coveries of Ponce de Leon, Ayllon, and Gomez. 

Xow, although Mercator did not yet know r ; the exploration of the 
Californian coast, which, by the order of Cortes, had already been carried 
to such an extent as to prompt the experimental belief that it continued 
sufficientlv far at north to make of America a continent absolutelv distinct 

' A set of orii;inaI i^nrcs fur tli.At globe has been (Hib- 
lisheil in f;icsimilc in /.ti Sphin.i tt.rni'lri^x d >v7t,«^(.< ih 
Muri-alor, '/t i.<J/ t( /JJi ; Bruxellcs, 1S75, folio. 
Kiiher in yores or mounied, there are not less live 
iliililicates known at this date. Uk. \'an Kakmdonlk, 
y.i'" Sphvixs (It yittrator tit I'j^L i.t ISiil ; liruxelles, 
1 175, .\tlas in folio. We borrow our d.ita from the one 
in liie I'aris Observatory. The others are in X'ienna, 
Weimar, St. Nicolas ilc Vaas (ill IJelt;ium), am! lirussels. 

-' I.ila F'oriila, and Florida are the usual forms. 
Terra jfoi-i'la is found nearly alw.ays in the present family 
of maps. The only e.\ception (to our kuowledjje) is the 
Spanish map of TllOKNE, and this we ascribe to the fact 
that it a pl.misphere akin to the prototype of ihe 
latter, which intrixluced the tirst modifications in the 
profiles of the north-western continent in the Lusiiano- 
(iermanic maps, after the iliscoveries :<( I'once dk I.i;cin 
and Cor IKS. See iiij'ra, p. 287. 




,, i 

! ' 


* * 

M, • 

* ; 


4; I'll 


, I 


TiiK DiscovKkv OK North Amkrica. 

from Asia, he boldly s( •'•^d one from the other by an ocean, and re- 
jected, on the coast I the Asiatic names, which, from I'ranciscus 
Monachus down, hacl i in the very heart of the New World. 

Mercator main in siibsecjuent works, his " Oceanus orientalis," 

as almost every d;i Aight him a confirmation of that geographical idea 

and truth, which had suffered a sort of eclipse within the last ten years ; 
but he modified it in all his later globes or maps, narrowing the ocean 
each time. For instance, in 1538 it extends from 265° to 240° longitude, 
presenting, north of the equator, a width of 25°. In 1541, it extends 
from 250° to 241°, with a breadth of 9'. Finally, in 1569, Mercator 
ascribes a width of 3° only to the North Pacific, and, again changing its 
jjosition, locates it between 183° — 180°. 3 

After Mercator, but ajiparently without having seen his mappamundi 
of 1538, although it circulated so largely, and so late that in 1567, he yet 
sold not less than fifty-nine copies to Plantin alone,-^ other cosmographers 
came to the same conclusion, and commenced running a series of maps 
parallel and adverse, so to s[)eak, to the globes and mappamundi above 
mentioned, which until the end of the sixteenth century 5 continued to 
represent America as a continuation of Asia. 

The mappamundi, maps, and globes of Demongenet (1552), Zalteri 
(1565), Jean Cossin (1570), and Porcacchi (1572), all exhibit an "Oceanus 
Occidentalis," which, differing in each, either as regards the configurations 
of its shores, or in its longtitudes, indicate personal notions and individual 
efforts on the part of all those cartographers. 

The initiative in that respect continued for a number of years. 

The curious brass globe which once belonged to the Abbe I'Ecuy, 
and was constructed at Rouen, ^ is a remarkable instance of the preoccu- 
pation of a certain category of cosmographers at that time, concerning 
the absolute separation of America from Asia, in opposition to the other 
school of map-makers then very flourishing. 

' In 1 5 j8 mill 1541 Mkrcaiou ailu|)le(l tht mcriilian 
(if the Canary Islanils. In 1569, that of the Cape Venic, 
wliich, in the relative iliniensiims of those niajis, presents 
no ijreat difference. 

■* " Petite mappeniniide (153S). A la foire ile sep- 
tenilre 1567 : 59 exeniplaires mm enluniines a 8 palanl-. 
[rij^ht cents]." J. Van RAKNtnoNCK, Hilalinic •oin- 
nil irl((ltii (iih'e Oi'rnrd Mi irnfor 1 1 Chrhtnph': l^iiitiliii : 
Anvcrs, iSSo, Svo, p. 29. 

'"On ne sail pa^ encore— ilil Oktki.h.s en 1572— 
si lAniericiue est circniscrite tout aiitoiir par la nier, 011 

Men si, a sun extreniiie septeiilriunale, elle fait continent 
avec I'.Vsie. Ilondiiis noui apprend, a son tour, (|ue, 
jiiscni'en 1G12, on etait encore inccrtain si r.\nieri<|Me du 
Nord se liniilail, oiii on non, par la nier." — Van Kakm- 
IiONCK, //''s Sph'ret trnvilri' 'I r,'/, .sti iln O'l'mnl 
Men-alnr, 1875, Svo, p. 295. 

^ Xorri (t iiittijv'i inilrif'ii orhi-t ihxrviplio, iihntn- 
mniii : (ieojjraphical Department of the Paris National 
Library, No. 3S7. It Lakes its name from Canon i.'Kit'v, 
who was ahlxit ^'eneral of the Premontrc's, ami at whcjse 
sale, at IloiirLjes (?1, it wa^ purclia-eil .1- old copper. 



I'.AKI.V C.\kTO(;K.\l'IIV. 


the nomenctuure when „ew, of h, i "" "'"■''''' '"" """"''•^'' 

legends: ..Tern, f.nccsca.' „,k, ■. T.r 'n„Hcla ' ^ "'" '" ="^" '^'^ '"^ 

A question much controverted is the date when th,. In 1 , 

constructs. I, ranges from before .,,, I Z v , *' ^"'^ """ 

..ea.r_the truth, hut for other reasons than tSose '.i^.^Xt),: 

As the west of America is nameless north nf .h . , • 

tude, whilst it inscribes along the shore- ■ Hec 2 ^ '° " ''^'■ 

we infer that the geographic' data ^or that ^onTrT^r 7""^" 
s^Tve^ of the Cali..rnian coast h, Domingo rc:::i,;: •;';;. ^r" ^^^ 

ti^at t:^^;:3':: th ^'^ 'h'^^"^ ^''^'^ '^ '--''y ^^ -^-'" '^ ^^ 

latitude, vl ..:;:. m-^t- ■" "'' '^'"^^^^' ^'""'^'"^ ^>' ^^ --h 

Portuguese have endeavouretl to r^ e "tw.'rd" " ' ""'^' ^'^ 

Indies and Moluccas.' ^''' ^"^ ^'^^'vvard «] the 

What can that Portuguese expedition be ? We know ,.nlv f 
attempt, since that of Caspar Corte Re>-.1 m l /''''/"^^ ""'>' of one 
to find a north-west oassu^e , '!" , ''' ^^'^^^^ ^^^ l^us.tanian mariners 
follows: "^ ^^ '' ■' '^'' ^^^'"^ ^^'^'■^h Hakluyt relates as 

degrees of Latitude. f„u„de a Vr , „ " nJ . " ""'' '''"^"'"' '" fi^ie-evghte 

-nt of ice, into which the> .'red r V"" 7 '"" ''"' '^°^'^'-' ^'"^""^ ^» ""l-^i- 
towarde the south . . . And th 7 ers ^ h 7""^ '"''""' '^"' ^"""^'^ '' »'-'" ^ ^-^e 
the South Sea [/..., the Pacific]" ""'"^ ^""'>' '''' "^"--^ ^^ "^ -V -l-n into 

-uc!li':t!i'::L^thi;t^:hr ;'r^ ^^'^^^"'r-- "-- ^^ -^ - -- 

tHis alleged vo;;^, n.^Mt t^r:^-:? ^r^^' ''^''^-' - 

first appeared in print. 9 1 ■ tn alter ,,8,. when the statement 

' Sec -^iiprri, i>,i|,o 2S5, nci'.e 2. 

' The passage to ,he Molucc. o...«nr,Is .u it is udl '''iV'' '" '"' "" '"""«"'' '" 'W- 

;•'.-,'- "I i.nnilon ri'|uiii!. 



Till-: DiscovKuv ok North Amkuua. 

W\ I 

t I 



I !■ 


•1! '; 

^•l i 

, .1 . I 

There is another legend which seems to bear out such a conclusion. 
Immediately under the " Arcticus circulus," between 280° and 320° longi- 
tude, we read "Terra per Britannos inventa." In such a latitude, and 
taking the handicraft of the globe generally, this can only refer to the 
expeditions of Frobisher (1576-1578), as the delineations of the supposed 
strait in the I'Ecuy Globe; are precisely those of the mapi)amundi in iJeste's 
description of the voyages of that navigator, '° with this difference, that 
where one inscribes : Frobtsshers Strat'irlites, the other gives the above in- 
scription, which refers to the British in general terms. 

There are other reasons. It is true that the English sent expeditions 
to the north-west before 1578. These were John Rut's (1527), Hore's 
(1536), John Hawkins' (1565), and, at the same time, that of Gilbert and 
Raleigh (1578); but none of them went beyond the north coast of Labra- 
dor, or higher than 53° or 55° north latitude. 

Now, notwithstanding the com|)aratively recent time when the I'Elcuy 
Globe was constructed, which seems to be within the last twenty years of 
tht! sixteenth century, and the number of mappamundi and globes already 
in existence which depicted the "Oceanus occidentalis," we see its maker 
come to the conclusion that the New World was separated from the Old. 
not from seeing those cartographical documents, but from geographical 
treatises or accounts of voyages. Further, it is from such data that he 
fixes the position and breadth of the Pacific Ocean. This is shown by 
the following legend, which is inscribed on that oceanic sea, in the lati- 
tude of Upper California : 

" Hoc loco secvti svmvs recentiores banc partem verivsa continent! separantes : — At this 
place, we have followed the modern authors, who, with greater truth, separate this part from 
the continent." 

The borders and longitudes marked for the Pacific show that the 
data employed by the Rouen cartographer were different from those used 
by INIercator and others. The I'Fcuy Globe assigns to the New Workl 
a width of one hundred degree.s, places its west coast by 240°, and the 
east coast of Asia by 231°, thus giving 11" for the breadth of the Pacific. 

'Mk'drye liKsiK, .1 Trill' Ditioiirit uf llu: lati ruijaiji^ Ih' Xnrlh-Wtn.ti, nmhr tht loitdml oj' M. Ffolii.thir, 
01' iliiiunri'/or tli'\>niiUii'i nf a jiasswif to Cafliiii/ hi/ (imn-ull. iVilli a jinrtiiiilar laril ; Lniuloii, 1578,410. 




Tin: FivK T VI' lis. 

TN the preceding pages we have frequently alluded to a class of carto- 
X gniphical documents called " Lusitano-Germanic." and expressed the 
.ntent.on of showing their influence both on the geography of the 
New World and map-makers in Central Europe for more than twenty- 
nve years. •' 

As the name indicates, that series of charts and globes was based 
upon data sent from Portugal. That is. the configurations and nomen- 
clatures were derived from maps constructed by Lusitanian cosmographers 
with information furnished at the close of the fifteenth cent.rv by Spanish 
or Portuguese navigators, and which soon afterwards found their way 
into Lorraine and Germany. ^ 

The prototypes have long since disappeared. We possess only what 
may be called •• derivatives." - more or less direct, some in man scrip 
others engraved, the complete filiation of which cannot be established as 
we do not know how many productions of that character have intervened 
or w^en tl^y were devised, nor precisely in what form originally. y'; 
the data which those derivatives set forth are so characteristic that we can 
almost re-construct the mother-charts and divide them into cartographical 
families, as follows : b"4""L<ii 

..-The first type omitted altogether the north-western continental 
regions, which were probably yet unknown when that type was crea d 
but It exhibited the entire group of the West Indies, ."th c2j:^:'^ 

■ Weiiscthonoun 'Meriv.itive"inthesonscofa„Kip dement ,1,^1... l r 

I , 








\ i 


: ' i:.M 





Tin: DiscovKKY ok Noutii Amkuka. 

called " Terra de Cuba," although the island was depicted in an insular 
form and in its proper place. A striking peculiarity consisted of a wide 
break on the north coast of the southern continent, between Hrazil and 

Cast far away into the sea, to the north-east of the north-west coast, 
there was Newfoundland, designated as " Terra de Corte-Real ;" whilst 
Greenland, under the name of "Terra laboratoris," assumed the shape of 
a long and narrow island, stretching from cast to west. 

Kunstmann No. 2 is the oldest specimen of that type which we i)ossess. 

2. — The second typi- set forth the same South American configurations 
as the first, but with the Venezuelan coast unbroken. The West Indian 
archipelago was also complete, including Cuba, which is there named " Ilha 
yssabella." A new and important feature was, west and north of that 
island, an extensive continental region running from south to north, bearing 
no general title, but dotted with many names of capes, ••ivers, and landing 
places ; the east coast bathed by the " Oceanus occideutalis." To the 
north-east of that land, and at a great distance, lay an insular country 
ascribed to the Corte-Reals; and, still more easterly, Greenland, but this 
time in the form of an extensive peninsula, trending west from Northern 

The Cantino map is the most ancient specimen known of this second 
type which has, thus far, reached us. 

3. — The third type differed from the Cantino chart in respect to the 
north-western continental region by its extension southward about five 
degrees, and additional names inscribed on the northern coast. 

We possess no original specimen of this tl' -d type. But, notwith- 
standing cartographical distortions, due chiedy to the kind of projection 
adopted by the maker of the map, the original profiles of that continental 
land can be easily recognised in the corresponding region depicted by 
Johann Ruysch in his mappamundi. 

4. — The fourth type differed from the preceding by a more complete 
or elaborate delineation of the north-eastern continental region, which here 
extended, southwardly, about eleven degrees, with insular additions. 

This fourth type is represented by the curious planisphere of Nicolay 
de Canerio, and, with modifications, in the Schonerean globes. 


p 'I 
I -v. 



5 « * J: '■ . 






fl')?' ' ^' 

I < 






: 1 











I^usitano-Gkumanic Cartockai'iiv, 


5. - I lir fifth ty|)(! prcsciilc'I the shiik; noincnclattin' and configurations 
as the |)rccciling, but prohahly with different l«;yi[(;n(ls or general titl»!S for 
the north and south continental nigions. Its material diff(;rcnce from the 
three last ty|)(;s above- <l(;scribe(l consist«:d in a Mitinuous coast line con- 
necting th(- north-western mainland with the southern contin(;nl. Neither 
do we possess a direct specimen of this fourth ty|)<,- ; but it certainly 
n^vives in the ma|)pamun(li of Stobnic/.a, and in the Tabula Tcrre Nave of 

Those fivi; iy|)es may be said to indicate a geographical evolution, 
the phases of which were apparently as follows : 

I. -A map with Cuba exhibited in an insular form, according to tlie 
first statements of Columbus himself, and without any continental region 
situate west of that island. 

2.— A map with Cuba (called "Isabella") represented together with 
a western continent closi; to it, but the latter extending southward only 
to about our 20' 30' north latitude. 

3. -A map n;sembling th(; preceding, but with its north-eastern coast 
|)rolonge(l through a gulf, about fivi; degre(;s southwardly. 

4. A ma|) prolonging that coast still further towards the south by 
about (eleven degr(;es. 

5. —A ma|) with a continuous coast line, coinuxting definitely both 
.sections of the American continent. 

This evolution found its last term when the Lusitanian nomeiu laturc, 
which is inscril)ed on that continental r(;gif)n, was blended with configura- 
tions borrowed from the .Sevillan Hydrography, upon the latter ajipearing 
directly for the first time in Central Iuiroi)e. 


I ; . 

>\ • 


\ f 

\i * 




' i; 




-' /I 

n f 

( , 'i 


TiiK First Tyi'i:, 


IT is evident that the tlrst maps which were constructed after the return 
of Cokmibus represented the New World (jnly in the form of an 
archi|)eIago, with Cuba at its westernmost point, and in the shape of 
an island. This insular configuration was based upon the acct)unt of the 
discovery written by the great Genoese, which begins with the sentence : 
" Vo falle niuy muchas islas : — I have found a great many islands."' 
Those maps, although maintaining the insular shape, called Cuba " Tierra," 
or a "land," owing to the expression then also used by Columbus: " con- 
tinuamente esta tierra era isla,"- when n.-ferring to the Island of that name, 
but whicli was first calleil "juana.'' 

' Xul'S r ll ('iihdiiliiii-, [1. S9. ik-iiictcii ,ns a iKiK'Cl i^laI^I in all llic Liisiiann(;crnianic 

- Jfiiili'iii. The iL-riii " Tiurra " is iioi always iim'1 I7 maps, is iiivarialily calloil " Term Curtcrcalis ;" nn ihe 

tin; early S|ianiHli and l'<irliii;iic-c naviyat.irs in ilie stn.-.e I'tlier hand, cuniinonlal regions are frequently called 

of "continental laml." Thus, New fc'n. Hand, wlilc'' is "islas." 

tJ,- , 

Tin: Fiknt Tvi'K. 


The maps of that kind which were made in the fifteenth century 
have all disappeared. Those which we possess are posterior^ to SejJtiMiiber 
8, 1502, as they invariably exhibit and name the "Haya de todos Sanctos," 
which was made known only when Vespuccius returned to Lisbon from 
his third voyage. But here we must call the attention of our readers to 
a certain fact. 

Several of the ancient maps i)resent, for certain parts, geographical 
delineations which are lx;hind the knowledge generally supposed to have 
been possessed at the time when maps were made. For instance, 
Lisbon cartographers sometimes inserted in their charts of the New World, 
which were constructed, let us suppose, in 1502, the discoveries accom- 
plished under the Portuguese Hag in 1500 (Cabral), in 1501 (Corte-Real), 
and in 1502 (Vespuccius), without caring to set forth the configurations of 
countries belonging to rival nations. This is not a mere theory on our 
part. Kunstmann No. 3, which is a Lusitanian map of the first three 
or four years of the sixteenth century, de])icts, in detail, Brazil and Xew- 
foundland, which were then Portuguese possessions; and yet it omits not 
only the long north-western continental region, — which must not be con- 
founded with the " Terra Corterealis,"— -but also e.xcludes the Venezuelan 
coast, Cuba, and the entire group of the Antillies ; although these were 
discovered, drawn, and described a number of years before Cabral ,uid 
Corte-Real ever crossed the Atlantic. 

'l"he other early Lusitanian charts, which limit the transatlantic world 
in the north-west to the westernmost cai)es of Cuba (which is therein 
depicted absolutely as an island, though called "Terra de Cuba") may 
be considered as of that character. But they may also be viewed as 
showing, (/ priori, the geographical notions entertained by the Portuguese 
inajj-makers regarding the New World before they introduced, to the north- 
west i)f the island of Cuba, the peculiar western continental region which 
we are now discussing. 

Those maps constitute the first type, and ,w represented by two 
specimens, viz.: Kunstmann .No. 2, and the King chart. ■* It is from a 
map of the same family that .Sylvanus of P!boli borrovv(xl the transatlantic 
elements for his cordiform mappamundi of 1511. 


' The map nf Juan lil'. I.A Ciisa, wlilcli wa-. in.idc Iwo * So iiiimcd frnni liiivin^; been lli^c^verell ainoni; ilie 

yt.irs lierore, dues mil liehinj; to thai catetjnry, as it papers of Dr. kichanl Kixc, the Kntjii.'.h traveller ; ln-.l 
exliiliits a conlineiital Kind to the «e>t of Cuha. inaile known and described by Dr. K. T. Il.\>iv. 

r : 

11) ! 



% ' 




? I 


i • 

■ , r 

1 * 






I Ji.'ip; 


; J 






1 ' 

Tmk Skconi) TviE, 


''pHE maps of the first type have fxt-rciscd no iiiHiicnce on the carto- 
I grai)hers of Central Euro[)t;. What \V(; call the Lusitano-Gernianic 
cartography begins only with the introduction of mappamundi which 
belonged to the second type. 


Tin: Skconi) Type. 


We possess but one specimen of this type. It is the planisphere 
made at Lisbon, in 1 502, ' for the Duke of Ferrara, by order of his 
envoy, Alberto Cantino. Hence the name given to it of the " Cantino 
Chart," and " Cantino Planisphere." For a description of that most im- 
portant document, we must refer the reader to what has been already 
written on the subject in the preceding pages. 

We will only again remark that it is the earliest map known where 
the north-western continental land is made to appear ; and, as it constitutes 
the starting-point of our comments on the Lusitano-Germanic cartography, 
it is necessary at the outset to recall its geographical bearing and 

Taking, as a model, the outline placed at the head of the present 
chapter, that characteristic configuration, in its earliest known form, is as 
follows : 

A A is the continental land which emerges from the north-western 
extremity of the map, and trends eastwards. 

B represents its peninsula, with one of the names which serve to 
identify the relative positions in Lusitano-Germanic maps and globes. 

C is the west end of the island of Cuba, here called, as in all that 
class of maps, " Isabella." 

The Cantino planisphere exhibits no scale of latitudes. .'\11 the other 
maps have such a scale; unfor'. anately, it can be of no service in this 
analysis. F"or instance, in reality the north-western coast of Cuba is by 
23° ir north latitude. In Cantino it is by 38° 30'; in King, by 37°; in 
Schoner, by 31°; and in Wuldseeniiiller, by T,f 30'. But, as there can be 
no doubt as to the intention of the makers of all those maps to represent 
Cuba (under the name of Isabella), and as we know the exact latitude 
of that island, we will adopt its most northern cape, as fixed in modern 
charts (23' n), for a sort of meridian and touchstone to establish the 
relative position of all lands and islands in that part of the Lusitano- 
Germanic maps and globes. 

' XDvoiiibcr 19, 1502, Cam'Imi writes to the Uiike of when they hail waited in vain for his return to I.i^lion. 

Kerrara in passinj^ throuj;h (lenoa, he left the map The name "a haia ile todos, sanctos" would carry the 

in that city to be forwarded to him. ( Ln Cvili -li'ifil, date as far down as September, 1502, if it were not 

p. 70.) On the other hand, one of the lej^ends in the inscribed in a different calligraphy, showing that it is an 

handwriting of the body of the maji states that (Jaspar interpolation, thongh made, in our opinion, at Lisbon, 

Oirik-Kkai. "is siipjioserl to have lost his life.'' Such before Cantino left Portugal on his way to Italy, in th' 

an opinion can have been formed only several months autumn of 1502. We give, in the following chapters, 

after the return of liis iirst caravels, (Icto'er 19, 1501, nrgiinients for such a deduction. 


t ;; 




I i 


By comparing together the configurations of that north-western con- 
tinental land in the maps which represent what we call Types 11., III., 
IV., and v., 2 the reader will notice and bear in mind that in Cantiiio 
(Type II.), the said region ends at the south with a sort of peninsula 
trending eastward. In Ruysch (Type III.), the peninsula constitutes the 
northern shore of a semi-circular gulf followed by about three degrees 
of southern coast. In Caverio (Type IV.), that southern coast, after 
e.xhibiting likewise the semi-circular gulf continues still further, and shows 
lower down, close to the shore, two large islands, one lozenge-like, the 
other somewhat triangular, both of which are also to be seen at that 
place in Waldseemiiller and Schciner. In Stobnicza (Type V^), the 
southern coast continues unbroken until it meets the northern borders 
of South America. 

As to the nomenclature, in its relatively first stage, it contains the 
following names, beginning with the most southerly designation inscribed 
on that continental land : 

I. — Rio de las palmas. 

2. — Rio do corno. 

3. — C:. arlear. 

4. — G:. do lurcor. 

5. — C:. do niortinbo. 

6. — C:. lurcar. 

7. — El golfo bavo. 

8.— C:. do fim do abrill. 

9.— Cornejo. 
10 — Rio de do diego. 
II. — C:. delgato. 

12. — Punta Roixa. 

13. — Rio de las almadias. 

14.- — Cat o Santo. 

15. — Rio de los largartos. 

16. — Las cabras. 

17. — Lago luncor. 

18. — Costa alta. 

19. — Cabo de bona bentura. 

20. — Canju . . . 

21. — Cabo d. licOtu. 

22.— Costa del mar v^iano. 

We must, however, call the attention of our readers to a peculiarity 
of the Cantino chart, as it e.xists at present. 

The map presents no border or margin of any kind. It is xmA likely 
that such an elaborate planisphere, executed for a prince, should have 
been left without some ornamented frame. There is, besides, a loiis^ 
easel stroke near the northern extremity of the line of. demarcation, 
which has the a[)[)earance of the lower end of an ornate capita! letter, 
which may have belonged to a running title. This, together with the 
fact that the map, when rescued from the butcher's shoj), was pasted on 

' Si'i- -iipra, the plate rc-|ii\-.-i-ntin[; lliou fuui t)pi..^ loi^ctlur. 

\ • 

.\ \ 

Tin: SiKoNi) Tvi'i:. 29- 

a screen after it had been stolen from the palace of the Dukes of Vvr- 
rara, indicate that the map may have suffered, on the part of its last 
owner, an excision all around the border. If so, there was probably a 
scale of latitude. Nor is it impo.ssible that it should have also exlrhitcd 
in the supposed cut-off part, a prolongation of the coast southward, such 
as we see in the map of Nicolay de Canerio. 

The consequence of these deductions would be to make, of our second 
and third types, one type only, and cause the cartographical progrt-ssion 
above described to start from Ruysch, and not from Cantino. 

This, however, is only an hypothesis which other facts tend to repel. 
For instance, there are. both in Ruysch and Canerio, geographical repre- 
sentations and names showing that their prototypes differed in important 
respects from Cantino.3 The north-western continental land in Ruysch is far less complete than we find it depicted in Canerio; and it is cer- 
tain, from its shape and position, that if Ruysch's prototype had presented 
a coast line extending, for instance, .so far south as our 10 north latitude, 
he would not hnvc. cut it off ten degrees. 

From the moment that we admit the existence of a map which ex- 
hibited the north-western continental region as reaching only t<. the tropic 
of Cancer, we are authorised to presume that there may also have, been 
a map which represented that land ten degrees shorter still ; inasmuch as 
such is, />r/ma facie at least, its latitudinal area in the map .,f Cantino. 
In the i^rcsent state of the enquiry, the critic is bound. therc;fore, to 
accept, as ix'ing within the meaning of the original cartographer, the con- 
figur.ition and extent of that continental land as we find them me'asured 
and depicted in the said ma[). 

' The .\shuic cast, arc clilTeron. ; li.e n,„„.ncl..lurc," which , havo h.on ,laivol fn,n, Uk- arc,,,,. 
prc-scus als„ a nu.nhcr „ na.nos are i„ „„e a„.l „r „'Ac,:^a, ,na,le U„o« n af,er his re.urn in ,506. 

p , , f' '.'f'': "■'■ " rr '"''"• ^'"'^^'■^^'■■^'■' ■" T''^^' '■-"K-se ,„«,,, however, n.av have l,ee„ li,„i,e,! 

Ki,>>ch ,, ev„leinly l,„rrc,we.l fron, a recently n,a,le I'urlu- („ ihe .\,ialie an.l .Vfriran re -i,,,,, ; ,„ if i, „ i. 1 „I„m 

p.e>en,a,>, as ,s evi.lence.l I,y the nan,e " Sa,la " therein sphere, n,ay have exhihi.e.l n, an.ienl,'.»r:,,H,ns 

uiscnlied, .and which 1, an ahlnevialiipii i.f "Comoro for the New WorM. 

2 O 


ti ! 



• . . ir 

< I 


The T II IK I) Tyi'k . 


''J^HE only specimen of the third type which we possess is the l/ni- 

I versa /tor cogniti orb is tabula of Johannes Ruysch, published with 

the second issue of the Ptolemy of 1 507. ' 

The configuration of the continental land which corresponds with the 

north-western region of Cantino is distorted in that map, but i)erfectly 

recognisable. Withal, Ruysch e.xhibits a g<:ograi)hical peculiarity which 

must be noted and e.xplained. He depicts no island, whether named 

"Isabella" or otherwise, between that northern continent and Hi-spaniola. 

Such an omission, if interpreted strictly, would make of that land nothing 

hut Cuba, and reject the document among the; maps of the first type. 

In reality, the absence of an island between the north-western coast and 

Hispaniola must be ascribed either to an oversight, or to a late inno- 

v.ition introduced by that geographer ufjon his own responsibility, 

' /lililint/.ci'a Aiiuri''aiin Wlu'li'^imn, No. jC>. 

i '• i 






Tiii-: Tfirki. Tvpe. ,^^ 

Ruysch-s knowledge of the New World, south of Newfoundland, was 
cenved exclus.vely from a Lusitano-Germanic map. as we shall shortly 
demonstrate. to the satisfaction of our readers ^ 

Meanwhile, it behoves us to show the Portuguese origin of his geo- 
graphical data, south of what he names "Terra Nova." which, with hin 
does not mean the New World, or the country newly discovered, but ou; 
Newfoundland exclusively; in imitation of the English mariners with whom 
he v.s,ted that island. "Qui peninsula. Terra Nova vocata.." says his 
commentator. Marcus Beneventanus. 

To that effect, we have simply to compare first the nomenclature of 
the region placed in Ruysch's mappamundi. south of his Terra Nova with 
the names inscribed on the north-western continental land in Cantino and 
Canerio.= both of which are Lusitanian maps, with no admixture of foreifrn 
geographical elements whatever. We shall then establish a similar com- 
parison between Ruysch's South America and the latter continent in all 
the charts, now known, which circulated in Europe when he constructed 
nis mappamundi. 

We know of seven such maps. One Is Spanish, and the work of 
Juan de la Cosa, who designed it in Andalusia before October. 1^00 
Ihe other six originated in P<,rtuga], and were delineated during the first 
few years of the sixt(;enth century. They are : 

I.— Cantino. 4-— Kmistmann No. 3. 

2.-Kun.stmann No. 2. 5-— Kunstmann No. i. 

3--I<'"g- 6.-Canerio. 

In those maps, the American coast lines of the mainland bear names 
I^or the north and south together, De la Cosa gives twenty-nine; Kunst- 
mann No. 2. forty-four; Kunstmann No. 3. twenty-three; and Canerio 
eighty-one. As to the few names inscribed on King and on Kunstmann 
i\o. I, they are of no importance just at present. 

Ruysch inscribes thirty-six names, 3 but not one of them is to be 
found either in the De la Cosa or in any other Spanish map whatever; 

Men h „,fi„,o qu'avni, .lossinco Ruysch imn,e.liaten.e,u Tl^ nt li v ^^77 " "'""""'• 

h l\u,ost ,lo rile Ks|wm,Ie.'--i,'Avi.vvc Af* rn„n.,. ■ l^"^"'"'"!") ' ihc P^rtu^uesc mn|. cm.-iinc.l 

' We .„,.. r,.,,,,, U.. „esi,n.i.,ns .,,0 L^, i„ ., , ^ ^ ^^r^^" "" ' '"^'^ ^-'^ ^'^ 


A ■ 

Ih, ' ' 

■ ,1 

n . 


1 m 



Till-: Disrox r.uv uy Noktii Amkuica. 

while thirty-one out of its whole miinber are lUily set forth either in 
Cantino, or in Kiinstmann \o. 2, or in Canerio (not to speak of Wakl- 
seeniiiller and Schiiner, which are tierivatives of Portuguese maps), as is 
shown by the following table:-* 



C. d. licotu 


C. do fim do abrill 

C. lurcar 

G. do lurcor (?) 


terra seccha 
G. de Uenetia 
monte retondo 
G. de inferno 
aide venada' 
cavo frenoso 
rio de arena 
c. de pario" 

de alegroza (?) 
rio de le aues ' 


C. Elicontii 


C. de fvndabril 



Lago de loro 

C. S. Marci^ 



lix leo 
terra seca 
golfo de vericida 
mens rotvndvs 
golfo delinferno 

capo formoso 
rio de lareno 
golfo de pareas 
canibalos in [sula] 
terr de pareas 
r. formoso 
r. de flagrSza 
r. de foco cecho 
r. de les aves 
rio grando 


C. dellicontir 


Cauo do fim de abrill 

Cauo lurcar 

GorfTo do lineor 

I.ago del lodro 


Gorffo do linferno 

y. de los canbales 
Gorffo fremoso 

Rio grande 

■' In this as ill ilic fnllowinj; i.iblcs, wc iiiserl th.ise 
ii.iiue.> prLxiscly a- t!ioy njipcar on the maps, and rcyanl- 
less (if ihfir ihslortinns ami incnniprchcnsihilitj. 

5 If, as Hu havL' seen it lately ulleyeil, wilhoul a par- 
ticle <if evidence, these names in Cantino and in the 
l.iiMt.inu-dernianic ina])s, "are mere llij^hts of j;coj;ra- 
j'hical fancy," Mnu does it happen that such pretended 
l'i>vtiit;iicse falirications I'lgure at all in an ahsohitcly 
authentic '' map of the Spanish school,"- -as the inappa- 
imindi of Ki'vsi'ii isatiirnied to he, — ami in the proportion 
I'f live at least out of »even names ? 

i"or .m inlerprelalioii ol' a certain numlier of the 
names inserted here, see iii/ru, chapter vii. 

• Ahh a rt iiridd : — the corupiereil villaj^e ; name ^ivu'ii 
l>y llojed.i, accurdin)^ to Navakkici K, \'ol. III., p. 6, 
on the authority of instructions and deposition.s existing 
amoug the files of the j;reat suit, which it would lie well 
to pulili^h in full. 

M;. de Paria. 
Here, in K'M.smann No. 2, there is a voluntary 
Kreak, implying ,irolial)ly that the carto^jrajilier iiossessed 
no inform. ilion coiueinini; that part of the coast. 



San rocche 

Sancta niaria lie agoodia'" 

monte de S. iiincenzo" 

C. maria dc rajjida 

Capo de Sancta ►J* 

San michacl 

rio de S. francisco 

bafra barill 

rio di perera 

Serra de S. madlena di 

rio de cava (or caxa ?) 

punta real 

rio de saO hieronyino 

rio do odio 

rio de nielo 

monte fregoso 

a baia de tutti santi 

rio de S jaconio 

rio do s. augustino 

rio de S. Helena 

rio de Cosines 

rio de uirgcne 

rio de -San lohan 
punte seguro 
barefres uemiege 
rio de brazil 

monte de jiasqual 
rio de Sta lucia 
serra de santhome 
rio de arefeces 
bova de reis 
pinotulo derentio (?) 
rio Jordan 
rio de s;\o antonio 
punta de san uincentio 
rio de cananor 

Tm: TiiiKi) l^i'i:. 


mos. s, vmcenti 

caput s. crvcis 

r. de s. ieronimo 

abatia 6niv. sflctorv. 

r. de brasil 

mote pasqvale 
r. de s. Ivcia 
serra de s. antonio 
rio de oreferis 
baia de reis 

r. iordan 
r. de s. antonio 
r. de s. vicent 
r. de cananor 


San Rocho 

Sta. Maria de gracia 

Monte de Sam Visenso 

Sta. Maria de Rabida 

Cabo do Sta. croxe 

Sam Michel 

rio de Sam Francisco 

razia baril 

rio de pereza 

Serra de Sta. Maria de 

rio de caixa 

porto real 

rio de Sam Jeronimo 

rio de oido 

rio de niexo 

monte Fregoso 

bale de tutti li .santi 

rio de Sam Jacomo 
rio de Santo Agustino 
rio de Sta. Lena 
rio de Scoemoo 
rio de vergine 
rio de Sam Joani 
porto seguro 
barera- vermeias 
rio de brazil 

mont passqual 
Rio de Sta. Lucia 
Sierra de Sam Tome 
rio da resens 
baie de reis 
pinachulto de tencio 
rio Jordam 
rio de Sto. Antonio 
porto de Sam Visenso 
rio de cananor 

' IVrhaps we imisi k'.kI " S.iiict.i Maria do la An- 
tii;iia," which «.as the n.-iiMo nf l|,,jc,la-s Ibj; ship ,Uirin- 
his sc'Cdud cNpccliliiin. 

Dohlassiiii.i iin can.,, al,|ualc pcncmu nomc ol cau.. 
<ii soo- Aiit'.,stin„.''-\-Ks,.ui;cius' Ldlu-a, third vov.iko, 
m Anyust, 1501, ].. 27. IKtc :ho Cus„:o.i,„ /„/,•„. 

'/'(■7/oof .St. Dicy inserts ".Sancti \ iociuii." The naniLS 
"f "Sam Koiiuu, Sam Myguul, Sam I'rancisoi,' as «ill as 
" Ki" do S. leronyinn, Kin du S. Iloli-Jia. Kio do Uir^ino, 
Uaia do Kois, Kio do San Antonio " and " I'miia do San 
>{ Ku.NSTMAN.N X(i. 2., Wore also yivon hy 




("I ' 







< i 



'I ,1 




Till- DiscovEKv OK North Amkkica. 

Is it not a strikinti; proof of tin: Portiiguesi- origin, direct or iiulirect, 
of Ruysch's nomenclature that not one of those names is to Ik: read on 
the planisphere of Juan de la Cosa, whilst out of thirty-fivi; inscriijed by 
Ruysch, thirty-one, at least, figurt; on Lusitanian charts? Moreover, if his 
mappamundi was based upon Spanish maps, the names which he inscribes 
on the sea-board of Brazil, for instance, would recall the nomendaturi; of 
\'icente Yanez Pinzon, or of Diego de Lejje, and not that of the Portu- 
guese Pedro Alvarez Cabral. The famous Cape of the Holy Cross, on 
which De la Cosa puts the legend: " Este cauo descubrio en ai\o de mil 
y m [sic pro cccc.l .\cjx por Castilla syende descobridor viceiitiaiis : — This 
cape was discovered in the year 1499 [old style] for Castile, X'icente Yanez 
being the discoverer thereof" would not be cilled, on Ruysch's map : 
" C.iiHit S. Crvcis," but " Cabo de Santa Maria de la Consolacion," which 
is the name' given to that cape by Pinzon, January 26, 1500, or " Rostro 
llermoso," as he also, if not De Le|)e, named it. 

Ruysch's delineations of the South American continent embrace, like- 
wise, the coasts of X'^enezuela and Honduras, which were discovered by 
Si)anish navigators, who, of course, made maps t)f their iliscoveries. Yet 
it was not from these that he took his names and legeiuls for that region. 
This is shown by the fact that none of his designations for the Honduras, 
\'enezuela, and Guyana coasts are to be found among the fifty names in- 
serted along those sea-boards by Juan de la Cosa, who was one of the 
discoverers ; nor even in the nomenclature of Ribero and other official 
cosmographcrs, who must have followed, in that respect, though it was 
twenty-fne years later, the traditions of the .Spanish school. 

Then, where did Ruysch pick up the egregious mistake which trans- 
formed "A baia de todos Sanctos," or "All-Saints' Bay," into " Abatia 
omniimi Sanctorum," or "All-Saints' Abbey}" Not in Spanish charts, 
certainly, but in a Lusitano-Gei manic map, manipulated by a northern 
cartographer who had r<'ad the 1. v. v rsion of the four voyages of \'es- 
puccius, |)rinted at St. Diey in L i/raiiK-, in May, 1507, and where we see 
"Omnium sanctorum abbatinni," wliilst all the Spanish maps properly in- 
scribe, " Biiyii de todos sanctos" (Turin and Weimar charts). 

Another decisive proof of the Portuguese origin of Ruysch's carto- 
gra[)hical data is the legend which he has inscribetl across the country 
bearing his twenty - eight South American names, viz.: "Terra Sancte 
Crucis." No such designation as the "Land of the Holy Cross" was 
ever adopted in Spain for Brazil, or written on any map by the S[)anish 


Tin: TiiiKi) 'Pm'i:. 



pilots or g(.'()ji[ra|)h('rs of that tiiiv. It was originally jj^ivt-n to those regions 
jjy IVilro Alvarez Cabral, '- when, on the 23rcl of April, 1500, a l.mtliiig 
was effecteil under the Portuguese (lag on tht; coast of IJrazil : " Hn las 
octavas de la pasciia siguiente IK.-gi') a una tierra (jue nuevainente descu- 
brio, a la cual puso nomhre de Santa Cruz." '3 (jr, rather, if we follow a 
Portuguese original text just iliscf)Vered in the State Archivt^s at Venice : 
"e nas outavas ih; I'ascoa seguyente cheguou A una terra (jue novamente 
descobrio, a que jjos nome Santa *^," '4 as King Manoel wrote to I'er- 
dinand and Isabella, July 29, 1501. But the Spaniards always, and justly, 
claimed to have discovered that country, as I'inzon had sighted and actually 
taken possession of the land situatt; by 8° 19' south latitude, three months 
before. They consequently never accepted its Lusitanian name, and in- 
variably called that region " Tierra del Mrasil." The Portuguese, on the 
other hand, at once named it " Tkuka Sancta CkV(Is,"'5 as is evidenced 
by the original documents above (juoted, as well as by the King chart, 
and particularly Kunstmann No. 2, where we read on a s».roIl : " Terra 
sancta crucis," whilst, on the mainland, there is a legend which begins 
thus: " Ista terra q. inuenta sunt positum est nomen terra sac *^ eo quod 
in die sancte crucis inuenta est." Popularly it was also called " La terra 
dagli Papaga,"""' or "Parrots' Land," on account of those large and beau- 
tiful birds, 17 which Gasjiar de Lemos first brought to Portugal. It was 
only at a later date ''^ that it was named " Brazil," by reason of the large 
(juantity of dye-wood found in that country. 

" Caiirai,, Tiu'silay, A|iril 2i, 1500, imlici's certain 
■-d weeds inilicniinf; tlie iirci\imily of lainl ; \\ Lilnesday, 
April 22, he sees fnnii the se.i the summit of a mountain 
which, on account of Ksister week, lie names " Monte 
I'ascoal," ami drops anchor six leagues from the coast. 
Thursday, .April 23, he enters the mouth of a river, from 
which N'icoKas CoKl.llo is sent ashore. I'rid.iy, April 
24, on .account of the storm, he weighs anchor and goes 
north, where he finds a safe harliour and makes a stay. 
See I'edro Vaz 1)K Camimia's account of Cahral's 
voyage, ilated I'orto Seguro, May i, 15CXD, in Do Ca/.ai., 
Coroijrdlia ///du/i'i'fi, Vol. I., pp. 12J4, note. 

" llililivlhtin Aiiiti-iiuiia I'llnstisiima, Aililit., No. 
iS, p. 24, and N'AVARKKrii, Culfi-lini th ridij": y '/t<ii(- 
hrimii-iilm, \'ol. III., p. 95. 

'■• TraimUuio ilc Carta lyiit d Jliy iiuxxij Sii'ior t.^rnno 
(I 1/ /{'!/ lie C'a^ltlla wii pailre ila iiora ila Imoya. 
I'ai-a liar an niiiliaixailor ih Vinix.ia. EnrrijUa 1.111 
tjxlioa a xxriij. il'mtijuoiloiti l^nl. Published liy Prof. 
lil'.ir.KANO, in the liothllino i/i'/it Sm: (,'io'jr. ilaliaiia, 
-March, 1S90, p. 274. 

'5 I'eiiro Vaz hk Camimia says "ha Terra dc Vera 

Cruz;" liul Samln instead of I'm was the adjective 
adopted immedialely afterwards. 

'' " Scoperlo una terra nova chiamao deli I'apaga \ier 
esser gene [^ir] di longeza <le br.-izo. i. et mezo ili varii 
colori; li (piali ne havemo visto." (iiovanni (SANlMOaml 
Hevd), not .\Iatleo (Ftu.lN), nor Lorenzo (KosiAKIM), 
CkkiIlo; writing from Li.slion in July, 1501, as an eye- 
witness of Cahkai.'s return. /'(ImI Xniiam'iit' niniiinU, 
lil). vi., cap. cxxv. Die llOKs is therefore mis- 
taken when he ascribes the imiiorlation of those birds to 
(ionzalo They ligure for the lirst lime in the 
Cantiiio map. Perhaps l)i% ( ioKs means Nicolas Coki.iio, 
one of Cabral's capt.tins, who is the first Portuguese who 
landed on those shores. 

'" Ti:lln-i I'silaioriim, or Ara Marao. 

'" Hakkos, Ueead. I., lib. iv., cap. ii., f"- Sij, vo. The 
name Urasil, however, alreaily in use before April 6, 
1503, for Giovanni da Kmpoi.i, in the relation of a 
voy.age which commenced at that date, but was acoom 
plished and apparently written out, September 16, 1504, 
says: "la terra Delia vera croce, enter del liresil co,i 
nominala."— RAMfsio, \'ol. I., f"' 145, recto. 



rh? '' 



r • 

'' ;( 




1^1 1 

I ' 


1 * , i- 


I, i 

l)f. > 



Tin; DiscovKkv ok North Amtkica. 

i\o\v, as all the maps which Riiysch can have cunsiiked ami taken 
as a basis for his cartographical rendering, invariably insert, between thi; 
tall continental region anc' Hispaniola, the island of Cuba (therein called 
" Isabella "), the omission of that island must be viiiwed altogether as a 
lapsus on his part. "^ 

Withal, Ruysch did not follow his moilel in a servile mannttr. On 
the contrary, he introduced a most important alteration in removing New- 
foundland from the broad Atlantic, where Caspar Cortc-Real had placed 
it, so that the region should belong to Portugal by giving it a longitude 
within the Portuguese line of demarcation. This Ruysch did in accor- 
dance with the maps of the British mariners in whose ship he visited 
that country. For he him.self told Marcus Beneventanus, one of the con- 
tributors to the Ptolemy in which the map is inserted, that he had nvide 
a voyage to the new regions : 

"Dixit, se navigasse ab Albionis australi parte, ct tamdiu quo ad subparalleluni ab sub- 
a;quatore ad boieam subgradum, 53 |)ervenit, et in co parallelo navi isse ad ortus littora per 
angulum noctis atque i)lure.s insulas lustrasse, quaruin inferius descriptioneni assignabimus : — 
He said that he had sailed from the south of England, penetrated to 50' north latitude, navi- 
gated on that parallel west in the direction of the east, somewhat northwardly, and observed 
many islands." '•'" 

But it must not be forgotten that Ruysch never sailed south of New- 
foundland, which he considered as the easter imost border of Asia ; whilst, 
in his opinion, all the countries south of Newfoundland, which southi.-rn 
countries he knew from Lusitanian charts, were parts of a different world 
altogether, concerning which Ruy.sch's notions afterwards becanK- the theme 
of very elaborate criticisms on the part of b'ranci.scus Monachus. Taking 
Ruysch's own ma[), the Belgian monk, as we have shown,-' soldered its 
Cantinean continental region first to its "Terra Nova" (or Newfoundland), 
and then, at the south, with Central America. 'I'hus did PVanciscus |)rov(; 
once more, that, in thi' opinion of geographers, the said continental lantl 
was not thi; islantl of Cuba, Init formed part of the north-western continent. 

" " M. ill' \'.unli.ii;i-ii fail uli-frvi-i nvic r.Ti-nn (|Uu fmin Triiiily, ('cnri'iilii'ii, 1'l.icc'nti.i ;\nii I'drtunc li;iv^. 

I'ile lie Ciilu a I'li.' mililico sur l.i cnrli' do Kuyscli." - See the niitlinc of NeHrniiinllaiid, xii/,r<i, \k 37. 
IiWvKZAc, /.'■' I'Dimtli" ''' Anii'rir Vinjnui , p. 4S. •" .See 11111, m, l!k. I., eliap. vi., |i|i. 21S1-2S4, ami inl'ni, 

~' Orhl.-: iiniin iliii-i-ijili". Ill llie I'tiileiny of 150S. in the ('(iiirujmjihiii Aim ri'itim ]'iliixfi'<siiiin mir ili^ 

What Kl'vsrii cnlls "many lsl.Tnil>," can unly Ik- the criiuiun of the nini'|iaiMMni1i of Ki'Ysrii and of the i;l.i! e 

<]eeitl\ iiiileiiteil and natT"«' j>enin>tda^ which emerge cf l-'ianci^cii> MuNAi lir^. 


4: ,1 





''pHE oldest specimen which we know of i\n, fourth type is an ex 

I tremdy important mappamuncii recently discovered ' in the archive. 

ol th.- Hy<irographical department of the Navy at l^ari. 

It was made by a Genoese carto,q:rapher, whose subscription is: - 0/>us 

Nuolay dc LaneHo Janucnnsr but it bears no date whatever. "Pl.e 

cahgraphy, however, is of the begi,ming of the sixteenth century; and the 

prototype ot the nunle! copied by Canerio was certainly I,usitanian. as is 

'liy.Nfr, L. liAl.l.ois, I'niversity I'mf.ssor ,.f C-,. 
Rrnphyal It was nut yet known I,, cxi.l «|).n 

■><-^M(,-,l thus,! an hives f.,r the Carl.igrapliy in- 
■crlc 1 in ,„ir Xo/m mr In Xoiirellt France in 1872. 

2 P 


V ^ i ■ 




H ' 

\l 1 

* I t 




i 'J.' 

tin r 


I 1.1! I'll 



The Discovery ok North America. 

shown by the identical resemblance of the configurations and nomenclature 
in his map with those in the chart of Cantino, which was made at Lisbon 
in 1502; by the leading legends, which are in the Portuguese language; 
and by the fact that we read on the Brazilian coast : " The Bay of All 
Saints," instead of " The Abbey of All Saints." 

This maj) also exhibits the north-western continental land, which is 
the distinctive trait of the cartographical series now under consideration. 
Its outline and details are precisely such as we see them in Cantino and 
in Ruysch, and bear the same nomenclature ; with this difference, however, 
that the southern, coast of that land, which, in Cantino, ends about three- 
and-a-half degrees beyond the northernmost point of Cuba, and six degrees 
still lower ' ^ Ruysch, is here made to extend twelve degrees further 
south. According to the scale inscribed by Canerio, thirty-five degrees - 
of that continental region were then known ; and, what is more remark- 
able, he places at both extremities the standard of Castile and Leon. 

Do those Hags indicate Spanish discoveries, or only Spanish posses- 
sions } They may mttan both, as we know from the despatch sent by 
Pedro de Ayala to I'erdinand and Isabella, giving ah account of Cabot's 
discoveries in 1497, that the Spanish Ambassador to the Court of Henry 
\TI., actually stated that the lands found by Cabot formed |)art of the 
transatlantic dominions of the Crown of Castile. The envoy of the Re- 
public of Venice, when relating the discoveries just accomplished I)y Caspar 
Corte-Real (1501), .ilso ex[)ressed the opinion that the country tlisc'.)vered 
by the latter was connected with the Spanish possessions in the New 
World..' If to those surmises, which must have been current then, we 
add the clauses of the Treaty of TordesillaS, which Portugal was the first 
to invoke, so as to maintain her rights to Newfoundkjmd and Brazil, the 
appearance of S[)anish ilags on a western continent api)ears ijuite natural, 
even in a Portuguusi' map. 

Of all the tyi)es of the Lusitano-(.jennanic cartography, that which 
lias exercist;d the greatest inliuence in Central Europe, is the one which 
was derived from the prototyjje copied i)y C.uierio. A ma|) resembling 
the latter in most respects, found its way into Cjermany at an early 
date ; for we find its chief configurations in globes which were constructed 
during the first ten years of the sixteenth century. The oldest of these, 

' From 20 10 |;5'' north l.-titinio, .icconling t.) the ■> Lis Cortc-littU ef if.i royniji'a rin Xounaii 

icale mscril)eil ur, ihc nu-ip of CvNtKio. Mrniif., docs, xviii* r.- \.i]i. 

. V, V 

late XIV 



■f \'t 


M ^ 

N0K.?'-!-:aS'1 coast in TF<h' CHART OF CANERIO 

( L,r.„ 15 3 ) 

-^-, ■ • , ."■^■. ■■ _ ",Tuf}' 

i ;,'i 'I 

1 -^-'M r| 

I '4 id 


•I 1*1. 

I'm ; 

TiiK Fourth Tvik. 


so far, if we may judge from its crude workmanship, is represented by 
a set of twelve gores, engraved on wood, probably at Strasburg, and 
now known by the name of the " Hauslab Gores." 4 


Therein the north - western continental region covers about forty 
degrees of north latitude, exhibiting the great gulf and prolongation of 
the coast southward, but no inscription or name whatever. The southern 
continent is entirely separated from that region, which sets forth clearly 
the umbel-like peninsula of Paraguana ; and inscribing only one name, 
viz.: Amkrica. It is in these gores that the southern continent is so 
called, and assumes, for the first time, the pyramidal form. We scarcely 
need say that this shape is not due to a periplus having been then or 
before accomplished, but, in a degree, to a cartogra[)hical necessity in 
globe making, coupled with a general belief, based u[)on the mammiform 
configuration of Africa, India, and the Malacca peninsula in the oldest 
maps, that all continental regions were pyramidal south of the equator. 
Besides, as Humboldt justly says : 

* Tliu Hilly copy known is in Iho collection of I'rinco collodion now disjier-^oil. The entire set has liecn re- 
1,11X11 1 KNSTKIN at \icnnii, anil COMICS from the I l.iuslal) prodiiceil in fac-siniile hy Dr. Nordknskioi.d. 

* If 



Tm: DiscovEKY of North America. 

'i m ' 


Ik? • 

I 1 


. !■ 



I 1 

( , * 





i. ! ' I 

"Depuis I'exptJdition de Diego de Lepe (1500) et I'observation que fit cc navigateur 
<iu'en doublant Ic cap St. Augustin, la cote commence Si se diriger au sud-ouest, on pou- 
vait conjecturer en Kurope la forme pyrainidale de rAmericjue du sud : — Since the expedition 
of Diego de Lepe (1500), and his having then noticed that in rounding Cape St. Augustine, 
the coast begins there to trend south-west, the jiyramidal form of South America could be 
inferred in Europe."'^ 

An anonymous island, cast far "nto the Atlantic, by 60° north latitude, 
is intended evidently for the " Terra Corte-Realis." 

We now come to the .series of globes constructed by or ascribed to 
Schoner, and those called by us " Schonerean," from their great resem- 
blance to the latter. They are relatively numerous, and seem to com- 
mence with the year 15 15, when the celebrated but overrated Nuremberg 
cosmographer first made one, for which he wrote the tract entitled : 
Luculentissinit! (jiucJam terrep totius ilescriptio. 

The Schonerean globes exhibit, but in a much more elaborate form, 
the configurations of the Hauslab gores, and proceed evidently from the 
prototype of the latter, which prototype was similar to that of Canerio. 
This similarity is shown by the nomenclature, particularly in the most com- 
plete specimen of that class of globes, which bears the name of Joannes 
Schoner, and the date of 1520.^ But it was not the planisphere of Canerio 
itself that Schoner copied, as he gives names which the Genoese carto- 
grapher omits, viz.: on the Venezuelan coast, " Lixleo, Terra seca, Terra 
de parias, Rio i\i\ liagranza," &c. Nor did he borrow the nomenclature 
of Cantino, as he; inserts designations which are not in the Modena chart, 
viz.: "Terra seca, Monte rotondo, Ci. de Pari[a], P. de Arena," &c. 

A peculiarity of the Schonerean globes is the insertion of the name 
I'.VKiAS on the prolongation of the north-western continental land. This 
must be considered as an attem[)t to identify that region with the countries 
ciiscovered by Columbus during his third voyage, 7 or as a continuation of 
those discoveries. 

The oldest derivatives of the fourth type are the following : 
I. — Canerio. 4. — Ucjulengier Gores. 

2. — Mauslai! Gores. 5. — Nordenskiolu CiouEs. 

3. — Sciio.ner's First. 8. — Schoner oe 1520. 

4. — Hauseah Mounted Gi.oin;. 9. — Frankeort Gi.ohe. 
10. — Mar of Atianus. 

5 I [iMr.oi.TH , ExaiiHii '-ri/iiiin, \u\. I., p. 32.S. ' CuKimlms iliscovcrcil I'ari.T in .■\iiL,'iist, 1498, 1ml the 

' ThiTc is r\ fine culdurcil f.icsiiiiilc cjf .t imrticui 1 f ihnt lU'ws comim.'nceil circiilatinj; in Central Eurupe only in 

filiilio in Ollll.l.ANV, ilisthiihli. ilii Sti/tilm im Hitler January, 1499. (Letter of Sinionu Iii;i. \'kki>E ; C/iiii- 

Martin Ihluiiiii : Nurnlmi;, 1S53, larye 411). tujiht Coloinl', Vol. II., p. 95.) 

Tin: Fourth Tvpi:. 


Our impression is that, of all these, the (irototype of the Nordeiiskiulil 
Gores has exerted the greatest influence on the second series of geographers 
in Middle I-Lurope, who, beginning with Schoner, have propagated the con- 
figuration of the north-western continental land, which extends to about 
10" north latitude. In fact, it is this cosmographical interpretation, — owing 
chiefly to the popularity of the works of Apianus, — and not the more exact 
one de[)icted by Waldseemiiller and his school, which has continued the 
Lusitano-Germanic tradition ; at least until the broken coast line was made 
to merge in the complete Atlantic sea-boards, which were delineated after 
the then recent Spanish discoveries. 

The Nordenskiold gores, in admitting that they are the earliest of 
that category, do not date so far back as is generally believed. This is 
shown by the legend inscribed on the island of Hispaniola, viz.: " Insula 
in qua reperitur lignum Guaiacum : — Island in which is found the Guaia- 
cum wood." 

Such a notion camiot have originated in Central luirope before 
1517-15 18, when the wood and bark of that tree began to be known in 
Germany, and were held forth as a panacea for lues venerea. Ulrich de 
Hutten says^ that the medicament was introduced in that country in 
1517. This assertion is implicitly corroborated by Leonard Schmaus, 
who, writing in 1518, states'? that the substance then was scarcely known 
in Germany. At all events, Augsburg is the place from which the 
notion spread in Central Europe, apparendy through the instrumentality 
of Paulus Riccius,'° the i)hysician of Charles V., then exercising in that 
city. It was first made known in print by an anonymous pam])hlet"' 
published at Augsburg on the ist of December, 15 18; then by Schmaus' 
Lucuhratincula, issued apparently from the same press, a week or two 
afterwards. Ulrich de Hutten's celebrated dissertation, printed tht: year 
following, and so often reprinted, rendered th(; belief universal, and made 
of Guaiacum wood almost a ln)useb')ld word evervwhere. 

' III ITKN, l)f C'uniii, eililicin clntcil " iiienso Ajirili, ' Si.'c Kkci's luttcrs in III' riKs's Ih' dnai' i, cliiiun 

l)Xlx,"i|iioiccI liy GOLKlNii, in hisf; wink (in llutlcn, of I'clr. Viilouc, mi') sih/o /iasil., ('■ 37. Ih iikn, 

Viil. I., ji. 40. Soe infra, in iiiir Carlo\ir(i]ihia, the liiiwevci, says thai he acted nmlcr tlic mlvicc of a ccr'uiin 

map desiritieil trnh anno, 1518. Dr. SinMrR. 

'' l.iirnhrdliiKiila lie morho Gnlliro, in " Ain nnpt nm iiinnn hnlt'^ ziihrnit'lu 11 fur dii. 

Amcrirana \'i.tii.'<li.-i)iia, AilMions. Nn. 55. Kriuil.hdil ih r frniilzasm. i'aii- Nat. Lib. , 7' i".;, <_ 5. 





' i " 


,.; M^ 

« < .' I 


ll 1 

V'i ' 


1 1 

! i 


T II .•: ?"■ 1 1 T H TyI'K, 


THE ;ill - important peculiarity of the Fifth Type is the connection 
therein exhibited between the northern and southern continents of 
America. Instead of ending above the equator, as in Canerio ; or 
so high as the tropic of Cancer, as in Ruysch ; or higher still, as i 



W. ,^ V I. 

■■ Xv. 

. LH 

The Fifth Tvpf. 


Cintino, the iK^rth-western continental region is here made to continue 
until it merges absolutely in the Venezuelan country, and to extend its 
unbroken coast line to 40" south latitude. 

Not the oldest, as we have shown, but the most complete specimen 
which we possess of a map based upon the data of the Fifth Type, is 
the well-known Tabula Terre Nove designed by Waldseemiiller, and added 
to the edition of the Ptolemy published at Strasburg in 1513. The above 
is a reduced facsimile of that portion of the map which interests us just 
now. As to a description of its origin, historical bearing, and scientific 
importance, we beg to refer the reader to the |)ages which we have 
already written on the subject. ' 

We must, however, revert to its most important characteristic, viz.; 
the continuous coast line ; and again endeavour to ascertain whether it 
is a devise of WaldsecMnuller, or if he; borrowed the notion from a pre.- 
existing Lusitanian chart. 

That unbroken sea-board is proved to have existed in Stobnicza's 
mappamundi, which is anterior to Waklseemtiller's Tabula of 1513; and 
the fact that the Polish geographer does not secmi to have been the ori- 
ginator of such a configuration, implies the existence of a map setting 
forth that coast line before 1512. This brings us near the date when 
Waldseemiiller made his first great map[iamundi, which we have already 
discussed. But, as the latter was ins)>ired by the Lusitanian map which 
Rene II. comn-.unioated to him, he may be supposed to have borrowed 
the idea of the connection between the two continents from that important 
document. Unfortunately, this can oidy be an hypothesis, as above stated, 
so long as we have not discovered a purely Portuguese nia[) (jf the time 
exhibiting such a configuration. 

On the other hand, it is not impossible that the junction of the two 
continents should have been simply devised, and added Ijy the St. Diey 
cosmographer to the copy which he doubtless made of the Lusitanian 
chart that had been .sent to the I'Juke of Lorraine. 

There were then elements for the belief that the Souih-American 
continent was only a direct continuation of the Northern. In our 
Chronology of Maritime Voyages IVestivard, we intend to show that at 
least sixty-six expeditions were sent to the New World between its 
discovery in 1492 and 1504. The number for the two or three years 


' Supra, Chapter V. of the Knrhj CnrtrKjitiiihy cf ifif »Vi»^ World, 

li r 








'["111: DiscoN KKv ui NouTii Amkkica. 

following may ht- iiicroast-d to one hiiiidred. Many of these did not 
range the coast beyond Maracayljo, whilst others went only Uy Hra/il. 
But several of the licensed \esst'ls, as we have shown, which sailed for 
the West Indies, must have endeavoured to probe the regions south and 
south-west of that archipelago, and obtaiii"d information concerning the 
continental character of thi- coast. The clandestine expeditions must have 
also endeavoured to Kuid in parts where they did not run the risk of 
meeting ships bearing the royal flag ; and in their efforts to find dye- 
wood, and Indians to kidnap, may have gone beyond the West Indies. 
The attempts ni.ule by iitany navigators to find a strait, mentioned by 
Herrera,- and which pronipt<'d I'erdinand of Aragon in 1508, to send 
Diaz de Solis and V'icentt; Yancz Pinzon on a transatlantic voyage of 
discosery requiring so many [)oints of the coast to be explored, could 
not but have resulted in acquiring geographical notions, which, however 
crude, incom[)Iete, and e\en hypothetical in many respects, were dis- 
seminated everywhere i)y the jiilots, officers, and men on their return to 
F.iirope. A mere echo of those reports was certainly suflicienl to prompt 
cosmographers to delineatt^ a continuous coast line between the con- 
tinental regions exhibited in maps akin to those of Cantino or of Caneri'), 
which ihey always accepted as exact, and the seaboards of Venezuela, 
which were already de|)icted in the planisphere of La Cosa, and in all 
the Lusit,ini.ui charts. 

If we <;xcept the second edition of Waldseemiiller's Tabu/a Terrc 
Nove prepared by L.uirent h'ries for the Ptolemy of 1522, the r<>prints 
made in 1520, 15-5, '535. and 1541, together with the reproduction, 
slightly niodilied, apparently by the .same PVies, and inserted in the various 
editions of the Yslegivig dcr mercarthcn odcr Cartha Mmina (1527-1530). 
we find traces of the inlluence directly exercised by the cartographical 
productions of the ,St. l)iey ge(jgraj)her only in the Typiis i'nivcrsalis 
terra juxta modernornm dti-.tinctiourm ct cxtensionem per rcgna et pro- 
vine/as,^ inscrteil in the Margarita philnsopln'ra of Gregory Reisch, in the 
edition published at Strasburg in 1515.*^ 

This map ;dso exhibits the north-western region precisely 
as we see it depicted in Waldseemuller's Tabula. Its names and legends 

'Supra, Hook 1 ifili, cliajiKi \i., Unhnoiin Xari- hijiisulf, who, oesidi'::, h:is markuil llunon .i minilior of 

tial'trf, \ingn 121. corrertioiis. 

■ See the adjoining; ph.ic, which i^ a »c-clion of :i fai> * Hililioihri-a AiU'riiaiid \^Uii-ilimiiiui,, No. 22, .iiul 

iiniile of Kkisch'S (iriyinal ma\r, l.ul m.iile byScHoNKR Adililaihi, No. 45. 

,Ue- XV 



l...-r of 




■'.' \ f '» 

t I 



,1 i '^. 

r VI' 


r < 






11 ' 


■ i 

■.^-r^JU^ii^:'^ -. .i^K^-i 

TiiK Imi III Tvi'i:. 


are very few, hiil peculiar. TFie smithfTn cniuincnt bears tlio inscription : 
" I'ari.'i scv Prisilia, " which iniisi Ii.ivo hwn borrowed from a map as yet 
unknown, considcrinjj; that ii is ihr lirst lim< wc sr.v. it on that roj^ion;' 
whilst the northern continent is called iht^re, and on im other map ov 
j^liilie known, /fotj/i'j Mela. 

Zoana is the Venetian form for Juana, which was (Jiie of tht: names 
given originally to Cub.i. 'I'aken by itself, and in connection with the 
locality when- it is placed, critics might be templed to interpret the c(in- 
figuration as designing the island of ("iiba, and infer that it was borrowetl 
from some original chart, notwithstanding the presence thereon of two 
"Isabellas" in the engravi;d copies. The meaningless a[)p(.ndage " Mel.i," 
ho\ve\er, betravs the fabrication. 

The reader is aware thai Angeli) 'j'rivigiano, the secretary of the 
Venetian legation in S[)aiii, oblaiiuil a copy of the original Latin te.xt 
which afterwards constituteti the firsl of Peter Martyr's Decades. This 
he translated into " xolgare," is, in Italian strongly impregnated with 
Venetian di.ilect, ami sent the manuscript to Venice, where it was pub- 
lishi.'d in 1504, under the title of Libretto de tutta la navigation dc Re 
de Spagna.'-' In tlu; I'irst ilook, when relating Columbus' voyage of 
discovttry, I'elei- Martyr had wril.leii to Ascanio .Sforza : 

" Patefecit navigationo h;u: priiiKi, so\ tantinii insulas, at(|iic ex iis chias inaudit.x- niai; 
nitudinis : iiuarum allcrani Hispanii)'iain : loannam alierain vocitavit : scd loannam esse insulam 
non [)rt) ccrto hal)uit ; In thi.> fyrst n.avigntiori, he discouered vi. Uandcs, whereof twon 
were ux( echng great ; Of whiche, the one he railed //isj>anwla, and the other lohaittui. 
Hilt at that tyiiu- he Icnewe not peiferliy that lohanna was an Ilande."" 

Trivigiano also faithfully translated : 

" Kt in iiucsta |)riiiia navigaticjne sropersono sei insule, solo do delU' 'juali, de gran- 
decia inaudita, una chiambla .Si)agnola, I'alira It /oana, -1/c/ /a Zoana non ebbe ben certo 
che la fnssi isola."" 

Unfortunately, when .1 certiin text of Trivigiano's version was en- 
trusted to Albertino \'erc(;llese da Lisona, that jirinter committed a 
strange mistake. Me cut uj) the book into chapters, and S(T clumsih'. 

5 Tlio iiaiiu; I'anan .ilromly occurs in the curliest In the J'/f/'Vi'ojM, No. 16. , jvigcs 21-22. 

of the Sdii' j^lnlics, Iml it is loc.itcil nc;ir llu: tnipic ' AN(.iiikk.\, Uccid, I., lib. I., f'- i., f. 

of t'ancir, whilst hiMc it is by its jo'-^o" south " I'rof. (iiust'piK' Kerkaro, Kflmiane ihlh. m-ojitrle 

latinulc. f«Jle ila V. Colomho, p. 24 ; lull wo take our <|milalions 

'' ItihlUilhi-ni Aiii'ri'-niiii r<.'(</i's<i'«iri, S,,. .jS, and from the I'crrara MS. direct. 

L" m 

I I 


TiiK DiscovKRV f)F North A.mkkk a. 

that tht" abovf! passage;, in cha[H'r ii., reads as follows : " discoprino. vi. 
isole. do dc Icqual'j dt: gradcza inaudita : una chiaina Spagnola : laltra la 
zoana mela." Then, instead ot continuing the sentence, he commenced 
chajiter iii. thus : '• Zoana wo hebero ben certo ch' la fusie isola." 

I'Vacan/o da Montalboddo, in 1507, iiisi.'rted bodily the Libretto in his 
Pticsi Novanicntc. retrotuxii without noticing or correcting the mistake, 
which servileily repeated in all subse(|utnl editions and translations. 
The probability is that Griiniger's cartographer took it from the Cierman, 
or from the Low-Saxon 9 version of the /\icsi |)ublished at Nuremberg 
in 150S, where we read: " \ ntl ist eine genant Spagu'ila, die andere 
Zoanna Mela." and transferred the fabricated n.ime to the north-western 
conlini'iital region,'" which was ])rob<ibI\- in his model. 

> liihlUilhv.m Amt.i-i'\ Vrhi.^l.. Addition^, Nn. 2Q. d'l "rhirhlr dtr Krdkiiiid' hi li'ii 

' Dr. V'r.inz Wikskk, Zuanu Mda. Kin /jil'i-nj -ur XVI. Jnhihniidi'rtH. 

■•fl-h J)t:'':llUinl '/lN 


1 ^M^ 

. ( . T 



1 ■ ' .- , 


■ 'i 

ft ! 


Til!-: LusiTAxo-GrkMANic Nomknilatukk. 

II-", ;is wf have endeavoured to demonstrate, the five ty|)es exhibit a 
progressive genesis, it may hi; considered illogical, taking the date 

when the specimens in existence are supposed to have been designed 
or engraved, to place them in the order above given. For instance, 
Ruysch's mappannindi, which is dated 1 508, should be placed after that 
of Canerio, which is of no later year than 1504; the map of Stobnicza, 
printed in 1 5 1 2, should take i)recedence over the earliest of Schoner's 
globes, constructt'd only in 1515, &c. 

The contradiction is only apparent, and springs from the fact that we 
possess no complete series of maps. Our collections contain merely a few 
broken links of the great chain of cartographical documents which origi- 
nated during the first few years of the sixteenth century, and these are 
nearly all disconnected. To use a familiar illustration, the five types are 
not the offspring of the same parent while the genealogical tree of each 
ascends to periods which are not the earliest they should show. What- 
ever conclusions may be taken from this aspect of the case, a fact certainly 
results from the data above set forth : it is the belief in the existence of 
a continental land situate to the west and north-west of Cuba, which, as 
we hope to have demonstrated, was shared by all the leading geographers, 
long before the time when that continent first a|)peared on Spanish maps 
illustrating the explorations accomi)lished by Ponce de Leon, Vasquez de 
Ayllon, and F.stevam Gomez. 

The lack of intervening cartogr.iphical links does not prevent us, 
nevertheless, from finding, in the nomenclature of the ma[)s still existing, 
a proof of their progressive character. This is shown by the -adjoining 
comparative tables of the names inscribed in the two oldest Portuguese 
charts known, and three of the leading Lusitano-Germanic maps. Those 
names, besicles, afford data of im[)ortance in an investigation of the kind 
which constitutes the basis of the inrsent work. 








,' I 

H 1 





1 1 , Hi 





Costa del mar 
u^iano ' 

cabo d. licotu ' 

canju ...[?] 

cabo de boa Ven- 
tura ' 

rosta aha ' 

lago luncor'' [?] 

las cabras " 

Rio '1? los largar- 

cabo Santo' 

Rio de las Alina- 

puta Roixa '" 

C. delgato " 

cornejo [?] "^ 

Rio de do diego" 

C. do fim do 


el golfo baxo " 
C. Iurcar[?]"' 
G. do lurcor [?] 
C. do mortinbo" 
C. arlear [?] 
rio do corno '" 
Rio de las palnias" 

Tin; DiscovKKv ok North Amkkica. 

i Cam; RIO. 

j Costa del mar 
I vsiano 

Cabo dellicontir 

j caninor 

, cabo de bona 

I costa alta 

lago luncor 


Rio de . . argartos 

cabo santo 

rio de las alma- 

ponta roixa 

c. delgato 


rio de do diego 

cauo doffini de 

el gofo bazo 

cauo luicar 

Gorffo de lineor 

cauo de mortinco 

cabo arlear 

rio de corno 

Rio de la parmas 

lago del lodro 


C. Elicontii 
Corveo [?] 

C. de Fvndabril 

Cvlcar [?] 
Anterlinoi [?] 

Lago de I.oro*' 


Costa d'mar 

Cabo dellicontir 


Cabo d' Hona 

Costa alta 



Rio de los 

Cabo sancto 

Rio delas al 

Ponta roixa 

Cabo del gato 


Rio de dodiego 

Cauo doftim de 

Cauo linear 

1 Cauo de mortinco 


1 Rio de corno 

Rio de la parmas 

Lago dello dro 



C. del mar usiano 

C. delicontir 

Cam nor [?] 

C. de bonauen- 

Costa alta 

lago luncor 


rio de los garlartos 

C. Santo 

rio de las Alma- 

ponta roya 

C. delago 

Comello [?] 

C. doffim de abril 

C. lurcar [?] 
G. doliuor [?] 

C. arlear [?] 
rio de corno 
rio de la parma 
lacco dellodro 

' Coast uf llio Oceanic sea. 

'■ Cabo ih 1 1 nronli-u [?] ; " The Cape of the r<'nconter," 
or "of the nieetiiit;." Tlus inierpretatioii implie;^ either 
a I'l^lit with natives, or tlie falling; in with another ^hip. 

3 The Cape of Luck. 

•The High Coast. 

5 The Lake of ... . 

' The (joats. 

' .Mliyators River. 

"The Holy Cape. Cohinibus called a )ieaillancl 
Pitiita &inla, but it was in the island of llis|ianio!a. 
Xavarrkte, Vol. L, p. 129. 

^ The River of the Rafts or of the Canoes. 
'"The Red Headland. I'niita roja is a name j;iven 
liy Coi.iMiifs, but to a point at the extremity of Mis- 
]ianiola. Navakkktf., Vol. L, p. 129. This desiynr.tion 
was fre(|iiently used liy navigators everywhere. 

" The Cape "f tlie Cat, or perliaps we should read : 
Ctiho di.hjado—'Vht: Barren Headland. 

'•There is no such word as Coiiivjo, meaninf; "the 
elhcnv," either in rortufjueso or Spanish. In the latter 
lanjjuai^e we find only Coritijaf, tueaning " Cornice," 
wliich, liowever, by extension may have been taken in 
liie sense of "corner,'' as C<iniiJ()ii is sometimes used to 
mean a street corner. 

" The River of Don Diego. fJd mij;ht stand for ilom, 
but Diejjo instead of Dioijn, implies a .Spanish name. 

'■' Cape of the Knd of .\|)ril. 

'5 Kl ijnlfu liaxo, for liiLra, The Low or The Rocky 

"• The I'lolemy of 1520 si'olls that name C. lurlor. 

'? C. do ilurtiiihn [?], Cape of .Martin. 

" Rio do Corvo, The River of the Raven. The I'tolemy 
of 1522, prints Uio di i-rmio [}]. 

'■ I'alnis River. 

•' The Lake of liold, but it is apparently the LitijO dtl 
Indro of Cankkio, wliich was oii[;iiially wiiilcn with a 
contraction over the Ci, and means tlierefore : " The Lake 
•if the Thief." 

I I 





ilha Rigua 


Ylha do gigante ''" 

Ylha do brasill " 

golfo del iin- 

Costa de gente 
braua "' 

Rio de fonseca '^ 

niontanbis albis- 



arcay bacoia 
insula de gigantes 
y do brasil 
Ciorffo de linferno 

Costa de gente 

Rio de Fonsoa 

montayna altis- 


C. S. Marcii -' 

Lixleo ■'■' 
Terra seca " 
("lolfo deVericida'* 
Mons rotvndus '" 

Golfo delinferno 

Capo Formoso'" 
Rio de lareno " 
Golfo de Pareas ™ 



Terra sura 

Monte rotonda 


insula d'gigantibus 

De brasill 

Gorfo de Linferno 

Costa d'gente 

Rio de fonsoa 

Altissima niotana 




Arcaybacoia '' 
insula gigantu 
y. do brassil 
Gorfl"o del inferno 

Costa de gente 

rio de fonseca 

montana altissima 




ilh :i 

■' Cn|ieof St. .Mp.ik. Tlii- name is ivii lo Ijo found on 
any otlior niaii. If it were in^erlecl on tlie coa>t of Xew- 
f<iiin(llnnil, we niii^ln ascribe it lo Jolin Cahot, on account 
of his Venetian nationality. 

'-'The word seems to have ali'niity with M(irwni}io, 
and with the river Tamnio, whicli empties itself in the 
great New (Jranada Lake. 

-■' Caho ilfl Inlio. See the instructions j;iven liy Alonso 
UK IIo.II';i)A til I'edro, his lirolher, .March 12, 1502; 
Navakkki K, \'ol. III., p. 105. It means an island or 
lieadland surrounded with shoals, and was afterwards the 
eastern terminus of llojeda's {;overninenl. Cf. the Heal 
ciilula jinra qiiv Alhoiixo J)uxula [Ilojeda] xia iinnnia- 
<tor lie la rnxia ili Ciii]ir:liaiT,a c llnmhn, ihiidtl Caho 
qUH Dt ilim'i: ill Sixlio [sic], I'n^la do iliri it ilt Ion loxon, 
qiii:i ill- niinil mho ihl (lolfo tic Iltiraha al I'oiiiiiilc 
iifliiniii, .Sept. 21, 1504; Cii'i'-rioii till tlociimeiilO" in- 
uliloi lie liiilian ; Vol. .VX.\'. , p. 250. 

'* The Dry Land. 

"5 (Iflfoih. Vtiiitia, KUNST.MANN No. 2. llercjuan I. A 
CosA inscribes only Vi'iiefutln, which does not indicate 
the liulf of that name, hut an Indian villaj;e so called: 
" Un lugar de casas de indios que se llama Ueneciula 
esta en. x. jjrados entre este j^olfo de Vencciula y el caho 
de Coipiihacoa." L.MISO, .S'»«H( ilc (i(«;/mn'(i, f'- hiij. 
\'ksimi cits discovered or ihst dc 'bed that village 
(.\ugust 6, 1497!'); " Lumo a terra in un porto, done 
Irouamo una populatiune fondala .sopra Iac(|ua come 
Venelia;'' ( lAlliia, page 10. > / to the (lulj'u ilc 

Vciitfia, it was so named by llojKl'A afterwards, in tlie 
spiing of 15CX). 

-'■ The Round Mount. 

'' " Las islas de .-Vrqiiibacoa . . . las cuales deseubrii'i 
Alonso de Ilojeda." Capitulations of July 20, 1500; 
Navakrici K, \'ol. II., p. 252. " I,a terra de ('aipiivacoa 
cjue Ilojeda ilcscubrii'i." Oji. til., \'ol. III., p. Ill, 

-"The Island of the (liant : " Chiamo (pusla isola, 
lisol.i di giganti." \'i;spi'('cn;s, L^llirn, p. 22; second 
voyage, August, 1499. IIOJKDA claimed lo have 
discovered the entire region. Na\ AKKi-.n., \'ol. V., 
p. 709, and Ovii;iio, Iliiloi-ia Xatiirnl, p. 4S0. 

"' Dye-wood Island. 

3" The names in Cani:kio,\Vai.i>ski;muI.i.kk, >■ iiom;k 
and Rl'Vscu certainly mean "The Internal (.iulf;' hut 
we are not ipiite so certain that i'lt/ifimio, though a 
corruption in Cantino, h,nl originally the same meaning. 

"The Beautiful Cape. Caho fn 11010, Kcnstmann 
No. 2, Cahoftnnoio, Knciso. 

''' Jiio lit: ariua, Kt.'NSTMANN, No. 2. 

" C. (/(' J'aria, KfNsi mann, No. 2. 

'* The Ccjasl of Courageous Men. 

'5 The River of I'(mseca. 

i' The extremely High or exti-emely White Mountain^. 
The latter is the correct meaning. I-'.Nilso writes; " Las 
sierras nevadas comieni,'an e'. Sancta Maria . . . ([ue 
))arece encima bianco como nieve." I'hesc are apparently 
the white mountains of Citarma, first noticed by I!\si 1- 
liAS in his voyage of 1500-1502. 




* H 



'1 ; 
' I' 



<, )■/ 



'i =^. 






TiiK Discov;::<v ok North Amkkica. 




cabo cle las perlas" cabo de las perlas 

Vlha della y. de la rapossa 

Rapossa ^ 

I" tres tostigos '" 

golfo de las perlas'" 

terra de pane" [?] " 

boca del drago '• 

ilha de los canj- y. de los canbales 
bales " 

las gayas [?] las gaias 

la ]>unta de la ia ponta de la 
g.ilera ' ' galera 

Terr de pareas 
R. Fornioso 

R. de flagraza " 
Canibales in[sula] 

cabo deseado " 

Rio graiu'e " 

todo este mar he 
de auua dore '' 

cabo deseado 

Rio grande 

todo esto mar lie 
de agua dolce 

R. de foco cecho 
R. de les aves " 

Rio grando 

'■ The Cipe i>f I'cmls. Sci named Ijy Colimilms in 
August, 1498. N.WAKi;];]!'., Vol. I., ji. 25S. 

iVsIk-I'ux M.iml. 

'• "A .'Ir.\s tres islcta-. juntas [Colon] llanii'i Ins Tes- 
tijjo,." \,\s Casas, lil.. i, cap. cxxxxviii., Vol. II., 
paije 262. 

' Tile Cull" of I'o.irU. .So nanieil by IIoiicuA : " Kn- 
Iraron en el L;olfo, ((Ue llani''" llojeila »le las I'crlas." 
[jAr- ("\sAs, lil>. i., cap. clxxi., \'ol. 11., p. 4j6. 

" Tii-ra ill: J'aria, — The country of I'aria. " !•' nie 
clejoron couio llaniaron a esta tierra I'aria." Coi.UMlii's, 
Auyiisl 3, 149S ; NA\AKRi;ri:, Vol. I., p. 250. " I'ariani 
ipse iracluui huncappellari .il> iiicolisilicil." Ani;m[i:ka, 
Kpisl. ei,x\ III., Oclolier S, 1496, p. 96. 

*-' The I)r,iL;on's Month. .So nanicil by Ciii.fMia's, 
August 13, 1498. Navakheik, Vol. I., p. 258, ami 
Las Casam, lib. i., cap. cxxxviii.. Vol. II,, p. 259. 

<' The l-'ragrant River. Here KfN-,1 \ian.n, .\o. 2, 
give-, til' (ilfii/rosa for (Uvi/n-vi, joy } 

** Cannibals' Islaml. " Determine de andar ,i las i^las 
de lo, Caribales [.i/c]," Coi.fMlll'S wrote, August, 149S. 
Na\ AKUKii;, Vol. I., p. 247. 

*' Tlio lie.rdland of the Oalley. This name rta^ given 
by CiM.t'Min's, July _;r, 149S. Xavakuf.ii;, Vol. I., 
page 247. 

■" Sandy C;ipe. It i, probably thj I'lin'n ■h:l Anna!, 


Cabo de las perlas 

De larapossa 
R. d' la reno 

(1. de paxi 

C. d' frado 

Terra de parias 


Rio de flagraza 

Las gaias 

La ponta dela 

P. de Arena '"' 

Rio d'foroseco " 

Rio de les Euas 

rio grade 


C. de las perlas 
y. de la rapossa 

I y. de los canibales 


las gaias 

la ponta de las 

C. deseado 
Rio grande 

di.seovered and nameil by Cdl.l'MlifS, I, 149S. 

■"' Ilia ill. foiiilu iti'O (?) — The Dry lied River. 

*" l!in ilf le aiici, Ri'Nst.mann, No. 2, — Hirds' River. 

•" The Desireil Ca|ie. I'erhaps Vaho ileavrwla, the 
Arid Cttpe. 

*' The name of A'/o Onimlf was given to several of the 
.South .\inerican rivers. OviElio says that it given 
to the St. John's River, but after the explorations of 
Hastidas : " I'ero no vido el lio ile .Sanct Juan, (pie tam- 
bien le Hainan Rio Grande." (Ilintoria diin'ral, lib. iii., 
cap. viii.. Vol. I., p. 76.) Diego iii'. l.Kl'ic diicovered a 
"Rio Grande de Santa Catalina " (Deposition of Juan 
(iONZAi KS ; in XAVAKitKri'., Vol. HI., page 55J). The 
jiresent, however, is doubtless the .\ma/ons Ri\er : '* Rio 
grande (|ue se llama .Maranon" (Deposition of Luis Iiki. 
\'ai.i.k ; in NAVAKiiinK, Im-. ril., p. 554). 

5' ".VII that sea is fresh water." That sea of fresh 
water is to be seen only at the mouth of the .Ama/on 
River. (llfMHoiiir, Kxnmen Oriliiiin-, \ol. \'., p. 62, 
note.) ( Jil.l'Mlifs noticed it in his third voyage; "V 
halle ipiel agua ilulce sienipre vencia " (Na\ arki;i i:, 
\ol. I., p. 25J). Ki NsiMANN No. 2giveshere: "l^hiesto 
lago e aipia dolce," which, together with its " a baia de 
tuiti santi," indicates the hand of an Italian cartogra|)her 
copying a I'ortuguese map, but for I'ortuguese readers, ,as 
the I'llu.T legends are all purely I.usitanian. 


Li-M •\No-Gi:iarAM.; Xomkn, 

;i)Ifo fri-mosso ''» 



<-"abo de Sam 

nnarcsma '* 

san miguel 

Rio de sa franc" ■ 

(lorffb fivmoso 
! sta. maria de 
I gracia 

I Alontc do sam 
I viceriso 
Cabo sta. 

Sam niiclicl 
rio de sam 





Mos. S. Vicenti 
Caput S. Crvcis 

porto seguro'" 1 

' rio de jjcrera 

j rio (ie oaixa 

Kiodc brasil'^' ! vazia liaril 
j Sam Rocho 


j porto real 

rio de sam 
icroniino,l reacl,„a.vo«, (r..„^,|,) ot.,e,-,«OMj (heamiful) 
?«Mo IS often wriucn for Ha; S. loronimo'" 

Gorfi) fremoso 
Sera d' S. Maria '^ 

S. Rochij 
I S. Vicenty 



; C. scte crucc 

S. Afaria d' rabida 

S. Michael ■■■ 

Rio d' S. francisco 

' S- Maria rabida 
j R. de perera ""^ 
I Rio d' casa 
Vnzian baril 

■S. maria 

Porto Real "' 
Rio S. Hieronomi 


(iorfifb fremoso 

Mon^,. s. viccntj 
C Scte criicis''' 

s. mil hael 
Rio de san 


porto seguro 

rio de l)rasil 

S- Roxho''' 

S. maria dc 
gracia '•• 

I'orto real 


Oct. 19, 1492). 

rmo^o (Coi.i'MBUs' Journal, 

29- '501- to n n,iif;c .,rr,.,.fs. I,,,,,,., |,j. ^,,,.,, ... , 

i^:r • ■-.v..;:;,"',^":;; 


5« ' 

■50.. The Weimar „,.„« ,„nrl ,« -'"'^'"'-^^ 

"Cipcof .Si. Coorfji-. \„, 


,K.„ . '^'''' '^'"^•■'I'ei'f thai nan)c ncciiis 

there on any other ma;, know, 

, . . , ■ ■• '" ('amino i( is wriir,"i 

wee ,„ ,He sanu- place, ahhn.,,,. ,-„ , e„r>iv,. han„ .iirtj , 

^^ The Cape of the Iloly.,,Vo.s. .So name.! I,y (•„„, ,, 
<^Z':'- '-'■' ►•' l^ostro llermoM. " (Deposition o, I.uis 

" '■'^■'-''■-^ "1 :tiat name, 
" is evi,lently the .ne to wh,.-h 

"liW 1,'iaos e 

1 1 ' lal. \. 
I-l- OK So,-,., (/>/„,,„ ,,. 7) .„^^^,^_^ 
iiiL-o ; anil another hy 5- \a\. s. 

"The .Safe [(arli.uir. 

' edrahinrezposo non 

■: , „ " ■ — « poso non.e f|„e o,a tent, ,u,e he Por-.- 

S..'«nro. '-Hakkos, Ueca.l. I., m, K..,cap. ii.', I V^ 

-IVar.R,ver. Perhaps ^'t. ,/,^„,„ ^ River. 

Dye-wood Kiver. 
'■'f. h'orho, Ptolemy 

I'KL Xma.V. (NavAI 

I hese 
I't' certain. 

" I.a cosla 
! nuir."_KNc,^Q 

nnir apparently given l.y \-Ksi'e(X- 

, • •, \I>;KTK, /,„■. ,-,V., p. cr.) 

^ar.ous,de„t,(,ea,io„s are far from bei 

•■« We mas. prohahly ,eacl A rr, e,Vc,, K,ef, 
arracifes e lja.\os ipn enir.. en I 

:i'L'ccii:,s, .Sepiemher 

.venprohahly,,^.,.,,.,:;.,:.:- -;"-<-; ^-..' 

'•'Perhaps it is the Sauria Marh ,14 r 
^V...,,a ? The Uaterin, Place) of K;:;. .;'^::': 

ll.'JM.A , fkK-,l„p ,n his sero,,.! exiK-iition l,ut 1, „ 
v>s.te<l the coast of li-anl. ''"' 

'* ^'""'' '"''''"I'lyi."-.:.! l.y Vk., u-cu-s, Sep, 

The Kiver of .St. fen 

!''■ 30, 1501. 

1 t 


The Dis(u\i:ky ok Ndktii Amkkk a. 






M i 

' I 

I < 


I' ! 


' i'l' 


■ 'I' 

' • i •' ii- J 

A bai:i de todos 

Cab J do sc la 
Marta '" 


Santa Maria de 

rid do oido 

rio de niezo 

serra de sta. luaria ' 

de gracia j 

nionte fregosso i 

bale detuti Ii Abatia univ s:Xc 

santi j torv i 

rio de sain iacorao ' . Rio de S. Jacobi 

Rio dodio [?] 

Rio tlomezo"" 

S. d' S. Maria 
d' gr,\ 

Monti; lrei,'oso 

Alxitia omni sctor 

; rio de sto. 
j agustino 

I rio de sta. lena 

I rio de Sexinos'' 

I rio de vergine 

j rio de sam ioam 

I porto segiiro 

bareras vonneias 

! barossa 

I rio de brazil 

i niont passqual 

rio do Sta. liicia 

! sierra de saii\ 
; toinc 

R. de lirasil 

M.'ite Pasqvale '"' 

R. de S. Lvcia "' 

Serra de S. An- 

Rio S Augustini 

Rio d' virgine" 
Rio d. S. 
I'orto sogiir i 

Bareras verniega" | 

! [?] "' 
j R. de hra/il ■- 
Mons. pasqual 
I R. de S. Lucia 
' S. de S. Tliome 


S. niaria de 
rabida '" 

Serra de S. maria 
de gracia" 

inonte fregoso *' 
Abbatia omim|rum] 

rio de S. 

Augustin " 

Rio de S. lena "' 

Mont pasqual 
Rio de S. lucia 
Seir.i de S. thoni ' 


,/ I 

"' " .Vljnu', half-i !'.'ni;uc friiiii llit- liule so.i|»rt town of 
I'nKis lie M. ■filler in Ainl.ilu.M (hero si')i)il, and continues 
I I .-Mnii .11 the |)icsenl d.ny, .m sncienl convent of Fran- 
risc.iii^, ile<hcaieil to Santix Maria le Ral ii.l.i." — 
\S:i,hing;on Irvinc. fAi "alii.ln is the name of ihe hill 
where ihe convent is sitii.itt.-.l. The name in.iy been 
(^iven to the place in honour of ^oine I'alo-. vessel out 'njiing 
to one of llnii'.DA's e.\peilition>. 

'" llio ih, Mtdo? The .Middle River. 

"■ The Mountain of .St. Mary. 

'" Mrinlc/ririso, froin/'i-i',7".<.' The Fri(,'iil Mount or Cliff. 

'' .-Ml-^aints Ahiiey, pro .Vll-.Sainis li.ay. Canlino, 
(anerio, Kunstinann N'o. 2, and the Weimar maps (the 
latter with the simple abbreviaiiiin of b), write pro|)erly 
A lift ill. 

'' Name given [irobably by Vi;sl rccii's, Oct. 21, 1501. 

?-■ /^■r)./l .SV. Ililfiia, KtiNSTMAXN No. J. N'ame(;iven 
prob.ibly by \'!.;spi'ccn,!,, August I!, 1501. 

"-' A'fVi lit feixiiihru ,' Fagot-' River. 

"' The River of the .Maiden, or railiei, of the 
^'ir-in^. X.iiiie (;i\; n probably by Vrsit, ,;it''>, October 
-M, 1501. 

•'> liu.<-riim Wrnl'lha: Th-' reddi.^h bar.'' Curoii ]'' r 

mc.llta : — The red sand bar, is the name of the reef where, 
it is said, the first mass celebrated, April 26, 1500. 

"" We must probably read CaJio de. Siiiirfa Maria (not 
SaiKia Muita). It seems to correspond with the Cahn 
lie Sania Mnrin of Kt'NsrMANN No. 4, and Lopes UK 
Soi'/.\'s (I)iariii, p. 3..'), who places it "em aliura de 
irinta e quatro graos e tres (juartos (30" .|5')." 

"' Wan'oio (preceded by sonie noun.'), The Mu'ldy . . . 

'" Dye wood River (duplicate?). 

•'' >bianl K:isler. Diicovered and named by Cahkai. 
before landing, Wednesd.iy, April 22, 1500 ; " .\ho qaal 
monlc alto ho capitaim pos name ho Moiito I'ascoal." — 
V',<s in; f vMtsriA, in the Coraijmlia lirazil., p. 13, note. 

"• The River of St. I.ucy. Named probably by Vks- 
I'l-' ci s, December 13, 1501. 

"' .s'«(T» <le .*i(t/i fhoiiiH : — The ClitT of .St. Thoma.s, 
Kt'NsiMAN.v No. 2. Name yivon probably by Vksi'UC- 
riis, Decmber 21, 1501. 

■*' We nn;sl probably here N(rrn 1/" Snifi thomn, as 
in KiN.-iM \NN No. 2, Cankkio, Wai.i.skkmui i.KR, and 
Si'llciNKK ; that i.>, the ClitVof St. Thomas, in.steud of the 
Clilf of St. .Anthony. Net, Lopes HE SouZA (Diario, p. 
1^1) cite-, by 1 y 40' lat.: " Sfrrao ilc I'iaiito Aiilonio." 




..» , 


LrsiTA\n-Gi:KM.\Mc .\<.\i|.:Nri,ATn<i . 


Alapego de sani 

rio de refens 
baie de reis 

pinachullo de 

rio de Sto. 

rio iordam 
porto de sani 

porto de sani 

rio de cananor 

•• 'i l..\ 1 1 Kl . 





Pagus S. jiauli 


pagus S. pauli -' 

Rio de oreferis "' 

R. da refens [?] 

Baia de rees 

Pinachullo de 
tentio *' 

Baia de Reis « 

Rio da resens [?] 

p. marhullo de 
telro rsi 

R- de S. Antonio 
R. Jordan 

R. de S. Vi'cent. 
R- de Cananor 

Rio de S. Anthoni Rio de S. 


Rio Jordan 

Porto d' S. sebas- 

Porto de S. Vin- 

Rio dc cananor"' 

Rio iordan 
porto de S. 

Sebastiano * 
por. de S. 

vincento •" 
Rio de cananor*' 

' The. Villa,, of St. Paul. Il i, „ne „f ,l,u only Uo 
Ura., .an w,ser,e,l in WaMsecmullcr's '/>/„,, 0,-/,m,- 

;' J{io ,le arcf,;-,., K,..vs, ^■AN^• X,, 2 , /..,-. ,/. , 
■■',/'. KiNsrMANN \„. s , The Kiver of Reefs. 


,,. 1 f » '^' ^"' ^ ''*' '"-■'■'■' ''"'""■ ('"-■•laian.l), in. 

.ea,l of ror>o (|,„n) of St. Mncent.,c ^J:Jy 

tjUL'n l,y \ Ksi'i-ccir.'!, January 22, 1502. 

"■ The /.'/(, ,1, Cananor, n.arke.l in ih. \Vci„,ar, 

\ra<.i.„- V ^ ""■■ ^'^'"8^ "■■ "f 'I'-' ■* • ^"'"•■'^ '"'• •'^O"-'^'^ {W'ino, n, 2S) inserts so„th 

'-_ '.»-o, K,^•sr.^,..v^s■ No. 5; /..•„„,.„/« ,,, ,„„,^,.,. 


■ Nan,c.,.vcn pn.lahly by, [an. 7, .502. 
Name g,va, probably by \-ks,.,-..x„-,s, Jan. 20, .502. 

globe itself 

The reader will notice that ma 
were omiiieil or imperfectly rendered 
otherwise highly useful facsimile. 

ny names 
in (diii.i. vw's 

I 1 - ■■, '' 


i'. ' 


i \ 




( < 

CHArTHR \111. 
Evolution oi' tiik XoMKNci.ATrKi:. 

JV. cannot ilismiss the question of separate titles and names without 

' reverting once more to the nomenchiture which imparts such a 
pecuhar character to the north-western continental region in the 
Lusitano-Germanic maps, and serves also as a touchstone to identify the 
charts and globes which belong to that important family of cartographical 

Thus far, the continental land possessed, in the five types, an exis- 
tence sui generis, so to speak. It is now material to ascertain what became 
of that configuration and its special names, when the progress of geo- 
graphy and map-making commenced to alter the a|)pearance of charts as 
regards the New World ; particularly those which were designed and 
published in Central Europe, during the second quarter of the sixteenth 

The first question on the subject is. What was thought of those 
ancient profiles and designations which are so conspicuous in the mappa- 
mundi of Cantino, Canerio, Waldseemiiller, and SchTtner, when Spanish 
data, derived from accounts of the discoveries accomplished by Ponce de 
Leon, Grijalva, Cortes, Vasquez de Ayllon, and Estevam Gomez, first 
found their way into Germany and the Netherlands. Were they rejected 
as imaginary and spurious, as certain critics would be tem[)ted to believe 
a priori f The question was important, and thus far difficult to solve, 
considering that we had so few means of ascertaining how the old geo- 
graphical data and the new ones comported themselves when pitted against 
each other. Judging from appearances, the old names seemed to have dis- 
appeared at once. This first impression was erroneous. 

The German geographers, even the Belgian, like Gerard Mercator, 
never ceased to believe in the reality of the north-western continent as 
depicted on all the Lusitano-Germanic maps, and which, from Cantino 
to Schiiner, exhibited constant progress by a continuation of the coast 


l-.ynUTU,S .„. Tl.,.; NuMKXa.Airui. 

•2 -> -♦ 

'-» -"■- "««i<^ k....w„. ,„„ ,.,^ ,; ■ ■;""-■"'" "■'"' ""-■ 

c.immctal in ,,,, I,,. ,•,.,„?, ""'' " "'^ W^*'" /<-'-n/.. 

-" ..a„K.s. ,,„., ;Lt 1 , ;;, ;."":ir"''V"""";-", ">■ "'^- *™- 

Hn>.ilia„ regions. „|,„c. i, I," , , """"" '^^'"""' ''>' ">- """h-n 

•"•J. '"> tho |M:„i„sul.-, which ,..nm„,u..s i, r , -f ■" ""^ """'' ' 

C. l,itar {pro I.urcar) 
C. liaxo 

C. Arltar 

f^- lie la I'arina 

C. d. I.ngi 
On the next globe in point of date, called tlu 


Costa alta 

R. bon[a Ventura] 

C. Santo 

Lago de iodro 
On the third, or Nancy Cdobe : 

(-'osta alta 

Wooden Globe" : 

I'onta ro[.\a] 
C. lutar 
C. baxo 
C- arlear 

K-- Santo 
I'onta [mi\a] 


., :i 

li i A 


' I 

i > 

;l' » * 

' !.«( 


The Discovkky ok Noktii Amkuica. 

Finally, in the Globe of Mercator, dated 1541. of which there are still 
extant, either in gores or mounted, not less than five duplicates, we read : 

h( nauentura 
Costa alta 

K. (Ic los garlatos 
Conielo ' 

All those names belong exclusively to the Lusitano-dermanic nomen- 
clature, and it is evident that the lack of space alone prevented, in this 
instance, the globe-makers from inserting every name inscribed on the 
north-western continental region in Cantino, Canerio, Ruysch, or Schiiner. 
It must also be noted that those four globes are not direct copies from 
the same original, or derived from each other. The difference of origin 
is shown by the presence of some of those designations in one globe and 
not in the other, and vice versa, as well as by technical dissimilarities 
and details which are duly exposed and discussed in our Cartogtaphia 
Americana Vctustissima. 

Those globes, however, exhibit an extraordinary change in their 
American configurations. They blend absolutely the New World with 
the Old, and suppress, north of the equator, the ocean which, in all 
Lusitano-Germanic maps, separates America from Asia ; yet maintaining, 
as we have just shown, the north-east coast of the new regions, with its 
peculiar nomenclature. This unexpected geograjihical combination, and 
return to the first erroneous ideas concerning the cosmographic character 
of the New World, \\\: have already described and explained. 

' In the Ijc.Tiuifiil I'rcnch |, signcil (i. H., pl.inisphcrc, close to the rah ile Fletiride, two of those 
daleil 1543, .inil licarinj; the arms df .\rthiir HK CossK, iiaiiies, viz.: Cnimnn mid Itirinv. ile pnma. (Priv.itc 
a I'rench Marshal («hu dieil in 15S2), we slill in the Ci.llection of 11. V. TiiomI'son, Ksq., London.) 

:;*t I 

'^ ■' '-li 




5 ! 


T 1 1 1: S c) u T 1 1 1-, K N R i: ( i I () \ s . 

STRICTLY .speaking, wc should limit all thes(i investigations to the 
east coast (jf North America, and critics may, at first sigln, tleem 
it irrelevant to extend our analysis so far as the Central and South 
American regions. Unfortunately, we possess but few conti:mporaneous 
data, and they are so much scattered that it is necessary to e.xamine with 
the utmost patience every indication which they present, however discon- 
nected and isolated such vestiges may seem to be. 

Names, in particular, when methodically interrogated, yield very useful 
results, which reach even distant questions. On that account, we Iieg 
leave, at this juncture, to expatiate on the designations and legends in- 
serted along the southern coasts of the New Continent in the ma])s and 
globes above classified. We pro|)ose, likewise, to study, both in them- 
selves and historically, the meridional configurations in those majis a. id 
globes, with the view of eliciting facts whicii may enable the critic to 
ascertain the origin and d;.te of the entire d(jcument, and its direct or 
indirect bearing on the particular question we are striving to elucidate. 

The Cantino chart, adf)pted here as a starting point owing to its 
l)ositive and early date, its relative completeness and its abundant nomen- 
clature, exhibits for the south-east seaboards a continuous coast line which 
corresponds relatively, in modern map.s, to an area i.xtending from about 
1 3° north to 20' south latitudes, and from 20' to 36' west longitudes. To 
facilitate the present investigation, it is necessary to divide that s|>ace into 
two sections. 

The first section will include the northern coast of the South American 
continent, from its north-eastern angle to the westernmost point indicated 
in the early Lusitanian maps. The second division will cover the southern, from its most northern cape to the end of the line at the south. 





t US 112.0 


U 11,6 





WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 

(716) 872-4503 














< t 

•:i i' 

■f 1 

i'JJ i 

i ' 


•i - 






1 ■ 

' I 




I ( 

I 1 


326 TiiK Discoxr.Kv ov Nouxii Amkkica. 

It is impossible to determine the iandfall of the Spanish and Portu- 
guese navigators who were the first to sight the north-east coast of Hrazil.' 
Nor can it be saitl positively that Cabo lic Santa Maria de la Consolacion, 
Cabo Rostro Hermoso, and Cabo lie S'o. Ai^osfin/to are names which apply 
exactly to the same locality, notwithstanding affirmative testimonies taken 
before the rogatory commissions in 1 5 1 5. The critic, therefore, meets at 
the outset with difficulties, considering that the northern coast of South 
America was first rangetl from east to west. I*"or the sake of convenience 
we will adopt as the dividing line the present Cape of St. Augustine 
(lat. S' ^S' .S.). 

The westernmost point, on the contrary, is depicted so clearly on the 
ancient l*ortugues(; maps that it is impossible not to recognise at once the 
umbel-like peninsula of Peragoana, and, in the great aperture adjoining, 
the entrance to the Ch'lf of IMaracaybo. As to the large island {//ha 
/\iqna or Tamarique) close to the gulf in those maps, it can only be the 
extremity of the peninsula, the eastern side of which forms the western 
shore of that vast bay. 

.\s we have already stated, the Cantino chart exhibits a continuous 
line along the north coast of the southern continent. But, as the carto- 
grapher who made that chart had a.chieved his work before October, 1502, 
the critic who seeks to ascertain the origin of the names, profiles, and 
positions inscribed thereon must circumscribe his investigations within the 
accounts of voyages the results of which were known in Spain or Por- 
tugal before that date. 

The first of these is the third expedition of Columbus (149S-1500). 
liut ht; remain(;d on that coast only from July 31 until August 15, 1498; 
and his exploration was confined to the mouths of the Orinoco, the Gulf 
of I'aria and Cumana coast, with the Margarita island as the extreme 
western limit then. - 

Ihe second and third are the expeditions of Alonso de Hojeda, which, 
for tht; sake of argiMiieiU, we will describe hereafter. 

' A'I'ilf.i |iK \aknm.m;k.n iinmc. tliiriy Inc IhmiILukU 
ipr i-npes in llic >ii|)|hiscm1 vicinil) of their |iriiii\iy lanJiii;^. 
Krniiiiii ill ijiiflqiiii iiiiliilt ill /'liinliili-' iimiirniiliiiiH' 
ilii Iliiiiil ; l'.iri>, 1S5S, Svo, |i. JJ, ^ui'l liiilliliii ih hi 
Siti-ii'ii' ill- <i'rniini/ihii fcir Mnrch .ini! April, 1S5S. 

-Kil.ui'm in .N wakkk, 1 1., \'nl. I., pp. 24^204; 

I,\> Casas, lili. i., cap. twxii., Vul. II., pp. 226, 2ii), 
2J4. 257, 241. 243, 245, 254, 265: IVlir Makmk, 
Deoil. I., lili. VI.; <)\ IKDO, /lliliiria (I'liiiral, lili. iii., 
c.ip. iii.; K<n;ali>ry Oiinnii>si(in5 in .Vwakkkik, \ipI. 
III., iloc. Ui\.; l.clliT cif Sinuini-' Di.l \'kkii|;, in uur 
Chrii'i'plii Vvliinili, \\,\. II., pp. 95-101. 



... ^vi. 

TnK SouTiiKKN Rk(;i()Ns. 


The fourth was the very profitable voyage of Per Alonso Nino and 
Cristobal Guerra ( 1 499- 1 500), 3 embracing almost the same route which 
Columbus had followed, except that it extended about two degrees further 
to the west {Chuspa, Cnnchieto?) 

The fifth is that of Vicente Yaflez Pinzon (1499-1500), after he had 
doubled northward his "Cabo de Sta. Maria de la Consolacion." This was 
limited to the Boca del Drago, whence he sailed straight for Hispaniola, 
which he reached June 23, 1500; returning to Palos on September 30 
following. 4 

The sixth is Diego de Lepe's first expedition westward after he had 
rounded his " Rostro Hermoso. " It did not reach further west than the 
coast of Paria. 5 

The seventh is the first voyage of Rodrigo de Hastidas (October, 
1500 — September, 1502). We do not know where on that occasion his 
landfall was. Hernaldez simply says : " Por la via que miraba al Xorte 
por la mano derecha de la Juana : — On. the route facing the north, to the 
right of Juana island^ [Cuba]." Oviedo is more explicit: "La primera 
tierra que tomaron fue una isla ... la llamaron Isla Verde, lacjual isla 
esta a la banda que hay desde la isla de (iuadalupe haqia la tierra firme: — 
The first land sighted was an island, which they called Green Island, and 
which lies on the side extending from the island of Guaileloupe to the 
mairiland."7 If so, Bastidas may have inscribed on his maps nanu^s over 
the space which, westward in the Lusitanian charts, corresponds with about 
ten of our degrees of latitude. But, as his discoveries then exlentled, 
according to Hojeda's own statement: "Desde Ouinquibacoa fasta el golfo 
de Uraba,"*^ the Cantino chart would certainly exhibit that por ion of the 
coast, as far as Darien,- which it fails to do, — if its cartographer had 
borrowed any data from the maps of Bastidas. 9 


1 VK, 



' " (lui'rrn y i'eri) Alimso Niiin ilescubrienin 
1.1 tierra tirnic iltnilc l.i Uica ilcl r)raj;(i dc I'aria tixla la 
C'lsla lie titrra firme fasia cl jjolfo ile Lis I'erlas." Uc- 
l'n<.iliiin iif llojKiiA, in Navarrkie, NOl. III., p. 541 ; 
I'cicr Martyr, Dtcail. I., cap. viii.; Paf.M iinmiiimti 
ritioiati, cap. cxi. ; and Honk VI. of ihc .\nli|)iKles in 
the Kcrrara MS.; aUn I,as Canas, lib. i., cap. chxi., 
Vol. H., p. 440, who gives the il.ile nf ihi'ir return, nr 
laniling in Gallic'ia, at Kaynna (I)c|Mi^itiiin or I'okkaI), 
Ifljriiary 6, 1500. 

* I'lifni nommtiite ritrorati, cap. cxii. ; anil Hook 
VII., of the -VnlijHKles in the lerrara .MS. 

5 Itijrii, chapter x., [i. 337. 

" Hkrnai III./., lUiloria il> h.i Htyix (Vi/oZ/.v,.., cip. 
cxcvl . Vol. II., p. 253. 

'OviKlio, Jlinloria >liwml ih /nx linlia-i, lili. iii., 
cap. viii., \dl. I., p. 76. 

" Xavarkkik, Vol. III., p. 545. 

'' Accordinj^ to a Rogatory CoiuniiNsion cxeciucd in 
Spain and addressed to Jmlye I.kiiron of IIi>paniola, 
.l"ly 7> 'S'S (Xavarkkik, \'iniji.i «;wi.<-t'/b<i, p. 20), the 
discoveries on the northern coa^l of South America were 
considereil liy 1 Spanish t;ovininient to have lieen as 
follow; (iiKKRA and NlSi) (1499-1500) discovereil the 
mainland of I'aria and Margarita island; IIoikiia and 
I. A ("OSA (14991500) the mainlanil beyond, westerly; 


\ '' y 

H n' H 1 


h' ;; ■';' 

e'r.iP' I 


: '! 

I ' «,l 



if. > 



(f.| V 

^i ; 

i ■ 


TiiK Discovery ok North America 

There have, doubtless, been other expeditions before 1 502 to the 
north coast of South America. F"or instance, Alberto Cantino, in one 
of his letters to the Duke of Ferrara, dated October 27, 1501, mentions 
the arrival in Catliz, on the 5th of that month, of a caravella bringing 
pearls and slaves. '° This indicates a voyage to the Cumana coast ; but 
we must confess that, in the present state of the question, it is impossible 
to connect that e.x|)edition with any names known ; and, until positive in- 
formation concerning such alleged enterprises are brought to light, we must, 
of course, limit our enquiry to the explorations above mentioned. 

The voyages which we have enumerated were calculated to yield car- 
tographical data embracing parts of the coast which extends from Brazil 
to Paria, but none could disclose any configurations beyond the latter 
region except the voyage of Bastidas, and even this related solely to the 
section extending from 70° to yf longitude west. 

The only voyage embracing the entire seaboard of the north coast 
of South America, as depicted in the Cantino chart, is the first expedition 
commanded by Hojeda. 

Tlurc are no official documents concerning that enterprise, nor is its 
precise date known. The year, month, and day given by modern his- 
torians are exclusively borrowed from Las Casas, who in turn took them 
from the Four Navigations of Vespuccius, assuming that the latter's first 
voyage and Hojeda's were one and the same. It follows that when Hum- 
boldt ' ' and others compare these two voyages to prove their identity, they 
set forth elements of comparison borrowed from one source only, and so 
merely repeat the printed statements of the Quatuor Amend Vesputii 
Nauigationes. Hence, and naturally enough, the great resemblance noted 
between the dates and details given in the Historia de las Indias and 
those of the Cosmographiw introductio. 

The chief authorities of Las Casas, for his description of Hojeda's 
first voyage, we still possess. They consist particularly of the St. Diey 

liAsi [l>.\> anil La ('i>s\ (1500-1502) tin- niainl.nnil boyoiul 
Ural 1.1 ; Vicente Vafluz I'ix/(1N (1499-1500) llie Miutli- 
oast 0)a>t, from Ca|)c Si. Aiiniisline tn tlic nimitli nf ilie 
Ania/.ona ; Diej;" UK (1499-1500) fmm Capu St. 
Aut;u>tine Miiitliwanl a^. Tar as the point l^nown in I5I5(?); 
Coi.iMiHS, a portion of the coast of X'era^iia ; ajul all 
the le-t liy I'lX/.ON ami Sol. is (1506). 

" " .\lli cinipie lie! prcsente, giunse nel porlo ile Calice, 
inia iMra^cll.i ile la Maiesl.T del Ke di Spagna, la cpiale 

havea mandate piu mesi fanno alle sue insule .\ntile, et ha 
portato sexanta schiavi, trecento cantara de hraxilio, et 
trecento de ver/ino, et cinijuanta niarchi de perle, dele 
ipiale ne son sta (lorlale alcune in (|Uesta terra, et io le 
ho veilute et toche, nun son niolto grosse, et non hanno 
chiare?.a in se, nia piii presto traniio al cohnnhino." — 
Ms. iJii/HV't tial/n Siiiuiiia. Camilli ria Diicnte ; St. He 
.Archives in Modena. 

" Kxainea Critinn. , \\\. IV., ii|i. 195-200. 




ici, et 
, (k-lc 


l(>. — 

publication just mentioned, '- which, as he believed, described that expedi- 
tion, but under the cover of X'^espuccius ; and the depositions taken by 
the Fiscal, first printed by Navarrete in 1829. '3 The only original docu- 
ments which the bishop of Chiai)as has consulted, outside those depositions, 
are a letter written by Francisco Roldan to Columbus, and one from the 
latter, prompted by that of Roldan. Considering that for the present 
discussion we propose to derive our facts, however succinct they may be, 
from sources other than Vespuccius' own recitals, those two letters must 
be looked upon as of great importance, particularly as eliciting an api)roxi- 
mate date for Ilojeda's first voyage. The gist of that short C(jrrespondence 
is as follows : 

In September, 1499, Columbus was informed that on the 5th of that 
month, four vessels had anchored in a harbour of Hispaniola, called Yd- 
quimo [Jacmel], and that they were under the command of Alonso de 
Hojeda. lie at once sent Francisco Roldan to watch their movements. 
In the account which the latter sent to Columbus, he stated having seen 
the authorisation granted to Hojiala by Bishop Fonseca; and, in the letter 
addressed to the Catholic Kings on the subject, mention is made of a 
statement from some of Hojeda's crew, to the effect that tlicy had not 
been away from Spain long enough to discover new countries. '4 This 
shows the expedition to have been a lawful one ; whilst the time when 
it landed at Yaquimo, im[)lies that the vessels set out from a Spanisi-. 
port early in the summer of 1499. Las Casas says that it was in May: 
" por Mayo," but we are unable to ascertain whether this date was bor- 
rowed from the letter of Columl)us or from Vespuccius' printi;d account. 

Hojeda remained on the coast of His|)aniola until February or March, 
'.500, '5 when he returned to Spain, where we see him in July following. "> 
His first expedition, therefore, absorbed from the bt^giiming of the Summer 
of 1499 until the Spring of 1500, only three or four months of which 
were employed in exploring the shores of the Caribbean sea. 

But a second expedition, unnoticed by historians, was initiated and 
carried out soon afterwards, as shown by the following documentary proofs. 

" Las Casas, lih. i., inp. cxI., Vol. II., pp. 268, 271- 
273, 393, 395, 414; .iiiil fiT the Kogatdry Conlnli^^i^n. 
ihidt.iii, pp. 272, 416. 

'J, \'nl. III., pp. 538-591. 

'* " Dicen cslDs nmrinerns quo, sc(;im \:\ hri'veilA'! <lcl 
licmpo (pie p.irtii'i ili; C,\slill,\, quo no pueilo lialicr clu..i:u- 
liiirto licrr.i."— Las Casas, lih. i., cap. cxliv., Vul. II., 
pai;o 392. 

'5 "Nd p.Trliercm siiri cii.isi en liii df I'V'lircro, ■.•ntmnlc 
fl .•\fio (Ic 500, y ^iin crt'fi que fi) M;ir/"'. ^•<u\)^^ parccc por 
Lis carhis (pie yn viile y tuve en mi pi)iUr."— Las Casas, 
Hislvrin ilr IcihIikUos, liti. i., cip. clxix.. Vol. II., p. 427. 
Tlie /AmAii'/' , Clip. Ixxxii... f"- 1S6, only s,^y^ : " nel me^e 
■ li IVImiio ileir anno M.P." 

'' Conlracl of July 2S, 151X), reciicd In .\avakkki 1:, 
iloc. X., Vol. III., p. S5. 

> S 




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TiiK Discovi-.KY oi- NoKTii Amtkica. 

On the 8th of June, 1501, Alonso cic Hojctla was authorised to (rqm'i) 
ten vessels for another voyage to the New World. The letters patent 
recite a similar agreement entered into between Hishop Fonseca, on behalf 
of the Crown, and Hojeda, the year previous, July 28, 1500. And, as 
the said document of 1501 states that the new privilege is given to the 
bold adventurer because his previous ex[)edition had involved heavy ex- 
penditure, and yielded but little profit to him: " habia consideracion a lo 
que gastastes ^ servirstes en este viage que fuistes a descubrir, el poco 
provecho que dello ovistes," '7 referring to a voyage undertaken by virtue 
of the above-mentioned letters jiatent of July 28, 1500, it is evident that 
a second expedition was actually carried out by Hojeda between the latter 
date and June, 1501. 

The information concerning these two voyages of 1499-1500 and 1500- 
1501 is very meagre, and by inference only can we ascertain what belongs 
to the one or to the other. It consists of the testimonies elicited in the 
execution of the rogatory commissions ordered by the Fiscal (which de- 
positions fail to nan.:; dates), and a short pa.ssage from Roldan's above- 
mt^ntioned letter to Columbus, written in October, 1499, which, on that 
account, is valuable as relating unquestionably to Hojeda's first voyage. 
Roldan's brief statement is in these terms : 

" Hago saber a vucstM senoria, como yo "I beg to inform Vour I-oriLship that on 

lleguO adonde cstaba Hojeda, el domingo 29 Sunday, Seiitember 29 [1499], I reached the 

de Setienibre yo hobe de ir 11 jilace where Hojeda was ... In (-onse<iuence, 

las carabelas y fallc en ellas a Juan Vclasque/ I repaired to the vessels, where I met Juan 

y a Juan Vizcaino, el cual me mostru una Velazijuez and Juan Vizcaino [l)e la Cosa], 

cipituhicion que traian jiara descubrir, firmada who showed me letters patent signed by the 

del .Sefior Obispo, en ijue le daba licencia liishop [Fonseca], granting leave to make dis- 

para descubrir en estas jiartes, tanto (jue no coveries in these parts, provided no landing 

tocase en ticrra del Sefior rey de I'ortugal, ni was effected in the country belonging to the 

en la tierra que \'. S. habia descubierio fasta King of Portugal [Brazil], nor in the region 

cl ano de 95. Descubrieron en la tierra que found by Vour Lordship before 1495. They 

agora nuevaniente V. S. descubrid ; dice (jue have accomplished discoveries in the land now 

pasaron por luengo de costa Ooo Icguas, en discovered by you, and say that they coasted 

que hallaron gente ([ue peleaba, tantos con 600 leagues, and found fighting natives, who 

tantos, con ellos, y hirieron 20 hombres y wounded twenty and killed one of their com- 

mataron uno ; en algunas partes saltaron en panions. In certain places they landed, and 

tierra y les h.ician mucha honra, y en otras were very well received, in others they were 

no les consentian saitar en tierra." " not allowed to go ashore." 

'" Navakkkek, ''"/"•■ii'cii </>/(/.« nVi(/(«i/(/c<ri(;„-i'mf)i/('i r<[;iilli<l lli.n tlic Hivliop of Chiaims i1i<l imi ^iM■ [he 
ili: liiM A't^iniidlis, \ol. III., iKic. N., p. 86. iinire li'licr, fur it is, thus f.\r, nliii(»l mir nnly ^ourri; of 

'" I,Ai Casas, nil. ill., p. J93. It is very much U> l>e ilinit infurm.iliun coiiccriiiin; IIojiUia's lirsl voj^jje. 

ii. " 

Tin; SorriiKUN Ri;(;i()Ns. 










The rcfercnci' to the land lately discovered by Coliiinhus shows that 
the country then visited by Hojeda bordered on the Caribbean sea, where 
the great Genoese navigator, on the 31st of July, 149S, had first sighted 
the American continent. The account in the Histon'e, which seems to 
have been borrowed from an original document, adds that Kojeda's ex- 
pedition was composed of four ships : " Alonso di Ogieda, che venia con 
iiii nauigli da scoprire," and also that he had discovered, in the direction 
of the west, on the coast of I'aria, six hundred leagues of country: "ch' 
ei venia da scoprire per la costa di I'aria all' Occidente ih' leghe. " "^ 

The other iletails are furnished by depositions taken befort; the Fiscal 
in 1512 a-id 1515. Hojeda himself then declared that "he was the first 
man who, after Columbus, accomplished transatlantic discoveries, and fouml 
the southern continent : a I meiiodia In tierra fir me, which he coastetl for 
two hundred leagues before he reacheil I'aria, sailing out by the Boca del 
Drago. Thence he continued to range the coast as far as th(; Gulf of 
Pearls, landed in the Margarita islanil. sailed along the shore of the 
continent, discovering the entire coast from Los Frailes to the Island of 
Giants, the Gulf of Venice [Maracaybf)], and the province; of Qninqiiibacoa ; 
thus having ranged two hundred leagues east of Paria, and two hundred 
leagues west of that country."-" Three of Hojeda's com])anions, Diego 
Fernandez Colmenero. Nicolas Perez, and .Anton (iarcia, confirmetl his de- 
clarations, but without entering into details. 

In that deposition of Hojeda no date is given, and we are imable to 
say positively, from his statement, whether it was during the first voyage 
that he reached the province of Quinquihacoa, which is described as tht: 
western terminus of his discoveries. Happily, Hojeda addetl that he had 
with him, when he discovered those countries, La Cosa and X'espuccius : 
" Trujo consigo a Juan de la Cosa, piloto, e Morigo V'espuche." Now, 
La Cosa's famous planisphere is dated : " V.n el puerto de Santa Maria 
en ano de 1500." We have also proved that Hojeda antl his companions, 
S(( far as is known, alone hail then coasted west of Cumana, while the 
second voyage ot Hojeda cannot have been accomplished before 1501. 
Consftiuently, La Cosa's planis[)here must exhibit t'^- ;ntire region which 
was surveyed or discovered during the voyage of ,499-1500. Such is 

I'C of 

" U'mloilr, c.\\>. Kwiiii., f" 1S5, vcivi, 

N.WAkRKIK, \.il. III., |.. 544. 






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I ! * 

i H 

1 . I 




i I 

ii^i .! 

1 \ 

1;.. 1.1, • U- 

i 'A 

332 TiiK DiscovKuv OF NouTii Amkkica. 

really the case, and we fiiul that the said inaj) confirms the deposition of 
Hojeda, as its westernmost headland is the " Cabo de la Vela."-' 

What must he noticed in this short digression is that, in the course 
i)f Hojeda's first voyage, two hundred leagui-s were coasted east of Paria ; 
that, westward, the Cape de la Vela was niached ; and that l)oth Juan ile 
l.i Cosa and Americus Ves])uccius were on board on that occasion. 

To carry our investigation further it is necessary to examine .mother 
point. La Cosa and Vespuccius were renowned cartographers. They 
doubtless made maps of the countries which, under tht: leadership of 
Hojeda, had just been discovered by their joint agency. The planisphere 
of La Cosa, of course, reproduces his own data there and then obtained. 
Unfortunatt:ly, we have no information relative to the map designed on 
that occasion by Vespuccius. Hut a comparison between the planis|)here 
of La Cosa and the Cantino chart may, by (.'.xhibiting important differ- 
ences, allow us to presume that the latter was based upon data borrowed 
from the Florentine navigator. 

We will limit this comp.irative investigation, for the present, to the 
two hundred leagues which Mojeda claimed to have coasted west of Piiria, 
as, in 1500, his e.\i)edition was the only one which ranged that coast, 
as we have shown. Columbus, Pinzon, Le])e, and Nino having, on the 
other hand, visited the main points cust of Paria, it would be running 
the risk of intnxlucing cartogr.iiihical elements borrowed from their maps 
wer(; we just now to include the latter coast : 

Cantino Chart. La Cosa NL\r. 

m. de S. eufemia 

soto de uerbos 

Tam.irique c. de la V'cla 

ilhu Rigua aguada 


golfo del unficisno lago venecuela 


montanbis albissima m. alto 

c. de espcra 

YIha do brasill y. de brasil 

■' There .iri' t»(i names inscrilicil nn La Cosa's cli.nrt, fenst-d.iy uf that saint. .\s to tin.' cillier name it must 

west of the Cape cle la Vela, vii. : " in. s. eiifemia," anil likely means "sato (the oUl fiuniuf .sVw'i/vkAi) de yerlas," 

" sato <lc uerlies." The first refers prolialily to the that is, " strewed with herlis," from one of llie vast fielils 

s^iimmil of the Sierra Nev.aila de Cilarma, which can he of seaweeds (Sarijimium miliiiix) which are met with in 

seen at a distance from the sea, and was nameil, the tropical, an<l that we timl so often nientione<t in 

.^s we 5n|)pose, after St. Euphemia by IIojEli.v, on the early .accounts of trans,atlantic discoveries. 


% ' 





Cantino Chart : I , rv . at 

Ua Losa IMai' : 
Vlha do gi'Kante , 

. , , >■• tJe gigantcs 

costa dc gente braua ^ ^ 7 

" c. de la mota 

p. fiechado 

Riodcfcinseca aldea de turme [?] 

costa parcja 

Cabo de las perlas u r■>^ 

,,,,"'',.- Canpina 

Ylha de la Rapossa , ii, i o 

,, , , ' ylnas de Sana 

golfo de las perlas ^ i , 

terra dc paria ,, , ,' 

10, . ■ Margalada 

r trcs tcstigos . ^ ,. 

boca dd drago '"' I'^"'"'''""''] 

uoca del drago 

Y«''''r,;.!"hr"l" ^"'"""y Sreat ,h„sc .w„ „„„,c„cW„... 
,1, u , " >■ '■'^'"«*<^'l' "h*^^" 'h>= C.„ui„„ chart was ,„..l,. 

.lu-rc hatl bcc, „,. .,„.,,liti<„, tu the coast which lies hc.wcc C, i 

and Maracay „,== c.,ccpt the one „,a<,c by „„jc,,a i„ connc ,i.' 
L.I Csa ,,„il Vcspuccus. above described. Now ,,s ,he C .,„l„ 

claturc of the La Losa chart for the same coast, whilst givin,. beside, 
d.ffere„t des,g„at,„n for the san.e localities, we n.ust „resu,„e ' , C 

map-maker of Cantmo „sed materials other, in ,he „ ,in ,h , 

cn,,,l„yed by La Cosa. Whence then were jeriv d e , '""; 

elements for the Cuttino chart.' •■ 

The Cantino chart was made in Lisbon, and befor.- October , ■„, 
Amertcus Vespuccus resided in that city fron, A„,ust .408 til Z 
.499. from .September ,500 until May ,,0,, and also in S *" 

.50. He was a renowne.l cartographer, 'and. w ha ^^^ 

accompanted Alonso de Hojeda during the c.v,«,ition i^ ^ZJ^ X','; 
the reg,o„ west of Paria was firs, sL,rveyed l-i„.,lb. " 
direct .esti„,ony of Teter Martyr d'Anghierl who st 'hhr.,:::^. ^ 

:.r::i*Lt ^^^ -''-■ '- -^^=" --- ves,rci:r:;:^ 

" The numi„ati.m i,{ IJoj,,„a as governor of C.K|ui- ,„her than hi. 

-CO. j„„e .0. .30.. ,ecu,t,ef .,„..„ ,,.,,!,„, <::z:t'':^-::;;;: ;;i--i:'- - ;- -■ 






pcritus : -Mapjics which are commonly cauled the shipman lardcs, or cardes of the sea. Of 
the which, one was drawen by the I'ortugalcs. whereunto Americus Vcsputiiis is said to 
have put his hande, heinge a man moste cvperte in this faculties, and a Fiorentyne l)i)rne." '' 

This was written It-ss than thrt-t! years after the ileath of V^'S|)llccillS. 
Nor should we forget that I'cter Martyr had known him personally and 
offic-illy for a niiniher of years. 

Do not all these facts authorise the belief the famous Florentine 
fiirnisheil the materials, directly or indirectly, for that section of the Can- 
tino maj), which, therefore, may l)e said to be based upon and exhibit, 
thus far at all events. Vespuccian data .■* 

" .\N..llll.l; \, |)ic:>il. II., lili. X., ("■ 41, c. 

i ! ♦ I 


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I' 1 1 i: V i: s 1' V c (• 1 A N I ) a t a . 

WH must now procf^fd to fxamine, in tht; C.uuint» map, tin; oast coast 
of South Aim-rica, from its most north-eastern point to its 
south(Tn terminus. 
A curious antl vahiahle means of information in ascertaining dates of 
certain maritime discoveries, and to infer thereby the relative positions of 
points inscrilied on maps, is the well-known custom ' of the old S|),inish 
and Portuguese mariners to give to almost every newly-found locality the 
name of the s.iint on whose ft;ast day it was discoveretl. - Availing our- 
selves, in our turn, of that i)eculiarity, we TukI that a large mimlur of 
designations in the charts which we havi; just described yielil the following 
dates, taken from the calendar of the Roman Catholic Church : 

S. A'o.xAo, or St. Roch (Canerio, WaldseemiiUer) August lO. 

/ito de S. Una, or St. Helena (Canerio, VValdseemiiller) August i8. 

Rio dc S. Au^ustin (Canerio, WaldseemiiUer, Schoner) .August 2S. 

Rio dc S. Jacinto, or lacinctus the martyr (Schoner) September 11. 

San J//jf7/(-/ (Cantino, Canerio, WaldseemiiUer, .Schiiner) September 19. 

A*, de S. lerpnymo (Canerio, Schoner) September 30. 

R. de S. Francisco (C.tnlino, WaldseemiiUer, Schiiner) October 4. 

A', rf' Virginc, or 11,000 Virgins (Canerio, Schoner) October ii. 

A', dc S. Lucia (Canerio, Ruysch, WaldseemiiUer, Schoner) December i,v 

Serra de S. Tfioma (Canerio, Waldseemuller, Schoner) December i\. 

Baia de Rets, or Epiphany (Canerio, Ruysch, Schoner) January 6. 

A', de S. Antonio (Canerio, Ruysch, WaldseemiiUer, Schoner) January 7 

P. dc S. Sebastian (Canerio, WaldseemiiUer, Schoner) January 20. 

P. de S. Vicenlio (Canerio, Ruysch, WaldseemiiUer, Schoner) January 22. 

■ More are one or two .ipplicatiiins ; M.irch 14, 1502; iiiir<|iii' lal ilLi cntr.iron til tll.i" (IIkkkkka, Hccail. II., 

" Al c.iIh) qvie alii sc puso por noinhie ilo L;i/.ar<i, poniiii.' lib. iv., cap. 10). 

pasamiis por alii dia de S. Liiiaro" (Actiinrunttx jmr ■' .Nilolfo UK, Diaiin th Xiif"jii'ilo ih 

onlni <lc de Jtajula ; in NavarKKIK, Vol. III., J\io I.ojtix ilc .S'oir.a ,• I.islHia, lSj9, S\o, p. ,SS. .Mmi 

p. 104) i "\ lo!. Cistellaiios la pimicron ile .Sanla Lucia, KscirlLiI lo liy I'Khi IIKI., 1i'.\\k/ai , KoMi., \c. 



i' i 






t ) 

. I'i 

J , 

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hi . 




<■/ priori, ;iiul taking into consiiienition the great pnibahiiity that all 
tlvisc naint's belung to nru; (rx[)C'diti()ii only, being so near each other in 
point of ilate, and inserilu;il nearly in the order above set forth, we must 
find, .iinongst the earliest ex|)lor.itions of the coast, ( ne exteiulin;^ 
from Aui^Hst to JaiiUiirv. That is the problem. 

To apply those liturgicil data for that pur[iose, it is necessary to 
commence by establishing a chronology of the voyages which were under- 
taken to Hr.uil, from the time when it was first discovered to a date 
which covers the epoch when the charts of Cantino, Canerio, King. Kunst- 
niami Nos. 2 .ind 3, and the prototypes of Waldseemiiller, Ruysch, and 
Schii: - had alreaiiy l)een constructed. Then we will see whether the 
jjeriod of time in which those voy.igcts were accomplished embraces one 
or ;ill lA the feast-days corresponding with the names of saints given to 
capes, headl.'inds and promontories, rivers, estuaries, and harbours in those 
maps. But w(r must likewise ascertain the e.\treme limits which were 
rc.icliid iiy each of those expeilitions, both at the north and at the south. 

N'icente Vanez I'lN/oN (November iS, 1499 ^ — September 30, 1500), 
was un(iU(!Stionably the discoverer of Brazil (January 20, 1500). 4 But 
after laiuling at a point named by him the Cape of Santa Maria ile la 
Coii.sol.icion, which is at or about our present Cape St. Augustine, 
lie continued his exploration, not southwardly, but towards the north ami 
north-west. The nanu-s south of cape, and which are embraced in 
the nonuMicl.iiure at |)reseiit under ex.imination were not therefore given 
bv rill/on. anil, In^sides. they ;ire of a later date than Janu.iry 20, 1500. 

Diego i)K Lki'i:, wlio sailed very shortly afterwards, in December, 
i4()g,5 took the same course; but not, however, in the track of I'inzon. 

The iinly .iLxnunts of I'inzon's viiynj;c i;ivin(j an c\- 
plicil cl.Uc for hU (lf|inrliirc from ^\\\'m .ire, fir>t, Ihe 
l.iliiiliii, wl)icl\ st.itcs lli.M he s.iileil froiii I'.iIom, Novem- 
liir l.S, 1490 : "Alii. xvm. Noveiiibrio " (cap. x\i\., 
recto of Mi.). Then the Kerr.ira MS. (|>. 117) also .-.ays : 
"acli lJ» 'li Noveinhre," which the I'm ^i like\vi^e copied. 
I'oler Maki YK, who furiii>heil lo Tkivii;iANO the proto- 
type of lliu-.e three te\l^. only writer : " circiter kaleiula* 
ilecciiiljri.> " (Dec.acl. I., cap. ix., edit, of 15H, f"- III). 
The ijCliila of Ucccinhcr 5, 1500 (Navarrkte, Vol. III., 
p. Sj.) which states : "there may l>e a year since, more 
Ml le.' : — piictlc h.ieer un aiio poco nia^ i< nienor," is loo 
valine to contradict the <late of No\einl>er iS. When 
I'eter Makiyk communicated it to TrivigiaN'\ lii^ 

memory wiii cpiitc fresh, as only one year had elapsed 
since the return of Tinzon, whilst it was eleven year~ 
allerwards that lie wrote indecisively : " circiter kalend i^ 
decembris," at a time when the fx.ict date, a|iparemly, 
was obliteralcil from his recollect ion^. 

* .Anciiikka (l)ecad. I., Iil>. ix., f. iii, edition 1511) 
prints: "Stpiimo kalendas feljrnarij," which i-. January 
26. In till' I'errara M.S. we find "ali 20 di j;ener," and 
in the Lihretlii, " .adi xx. zcnaro." Here, as elsewhere, 
we tjivo the preference to Ihe Fcrrar,i MS. ami to the 
Libnilo, lioth having hecn written nine and seven years 
respectively before the first Decade was printed. 

' " I'or el misino mes tic Diciembie y aHo de i4riy 
aiio>." — I,AS Casas, lib. i., cap. clxxiv., Vol. II., p. 45J. 



•\l t 


. *■ , -V, 1\^ ■-» 

'i'lii; \'i sill (IAN Data. 





Lii year> 


n-ii'.K , 

i>ii 1511) 
ri," and 
10 i1k- 
en year* 

lie 1499 



His lanilfall was a heaiUaiul. apparently tin; lattcr's Cape of St. Auj^us- 
tint". or one not far from it. to which he gave the name of " Kostro 
Hrrmoso."'^' Where did he th(Mice direct his coursi; ? The I'iscal in 
1515, took it for granted thi't it was southward, and that Lepe went as 
far as the Hmits which had been attained at the time of the execution 
of the Rogatory Commission. 

The question asked was tht- following : 

"Si sabcn (jue Diego de I.epc, los quo ron el fueron otro viago, descubrieron desdo 
la diclia punta [the Cajie of St. .^ugiistiiu'], l.i costa (iiie vuelve facia el niediodfa o el sur 
fasta el terniino (jue agora est.-i desculiierto ? : — Whether Diego de Lepe and those who 
went with him in the other vo; ^. did discover beyond that cape the coast towards the 
south, as far as the terminus now known ? " ' 

Nearly all the witnesses replied in the aftirmative ; which, if exact, 
would carry Lepe beyond the Rio ile la Plata. Rodriguez de la Calva 
and Cristobal Garcia, however, named as the point then 
reached, a Bay of Santa Julia, or a River of St. Julian.** 

When; is that bay or river.'' In the Mappe sent 152"/ from Siuil in 
Sptiviie bv inaisicr Robert Thome marchaiuit to Doctor Lev Embassadour 
for Kiui^ Henry the S. to Charles the EmperourP there is, at the end of 
the South American peninsula, a " P. S. lulian ;" but, besides the fact 
that /'. cannot stand for "Bay" or for "River," it is known that " I\)rl 
de Sainct lulian" belongs to the Magellanic nomenclature, which,, 
those witnesses cannot have known in 1515. Must we infer that mariners 
had befort' the latter date coasted so far south .■* That is not improbable. 
In a map of 1619 there is a " Rio de S. Giano," by 14° .south latitude, 
said therein to be " I'anciennc Riviere de St. Julien." '" 

.Such a coasting would cover the Braxilian e.xplorations as marked in 
the Cantino chart. There remains, however, to be ascertained the date 
when Lei)e undertook his first voyage ; as, to correspond with the above 
liturgical dat.i, that navigator must also have been exploring the south- 
east coast of Brazil from August until February. Now, Las Casas sa)s 

""K corrienm en el auilueste fasta <|iie fallamn la ; /"'•. ''iV., p. 553. 
ticrra, e <|iie ilieron en Ki'slrnhcrnicivi." — I)epii-.itii)n of 'llAKirvr, Dims rnynijfH tniirhiinj the iiiirnm r'f 

Luis DKi. Vai I r. : Navakrkik, \ii1. III., ji. 554. of Amerifa : London, 15S2, 410, and Jtnu el Sebimti' n 

' Navakktik, Vol. IIL, p. 553. Calml, No. 12, p. 176. 

" " Todo lo i|ue desculirio .... dende el rio de ,S. ■" LlNsi'iioiKv, Xariijalioii aux Inile.t Orimlnl'i : 

Julian;" Deposition of Cristolul ("lARriA; /<"•. <iV. Amsterdam, 1619, fol., cap. x., p. ^l; in 1>'.\vezac, 

" S.intn Julian ;" Deposition of .Monso l<odrij;uez DK I. A Con^iiieraltom, p. i66, note. 

2 T 


The Discovery ok North America. 

I H'P 

■ t 


I • III-:' 1) : 

i' ( 

that Dit'go de Lope sailed in December, 1499." He cannot, therefore, 
have sighted Cape St. Augustine or its immediate vicinity in August, as, 
that being his first landfall, he would have taken eight months to cross 
the Atlantic. We know, besides, that from the Rio de San Julian he re- 
traced his stejis, and coasted northward so high as the Orinoco, Ama/.ona, 
and Paria,'- which implies a long voyage : yet we find him already en- 
gaged in lawsuits at Palos on the 9th of November, 1500. These facts 
militate against the possibility of Lepe having named those points of the 
Brazilian coast. Moreover if he was the author of that nomenclature, 
his exploration being an 01. one, and accomplished under the Castilian 
(lag, the names inscribed on the Brazilian coasts and regions in all the 
charts issued by the Sevillan Hydrographic Bureau (such as the Weimar 
maps) would be entirely Spanish, and omit altogether the names given 
by the Portuguese ; inasmuch as -Spain justly claimed that the region had 
been first discovered by Pinzon, although they were bound './ the Treaty 
of Tcjrdesillas to consider it as belonging to the Crown of I'ortugal. We, 
nevertheless, read in the planis[)here (jf Ribeiro, " C. de S. Agostin," 
where there should be " Cabo de Santa Maria de la Consolacion," which 
name was given by Pinzon ; " B. de todos Sanctos," which originated 
with V'espuccius when he was in the service of Portugal ; and " Monte 
Pascual," which we have shown to come from Cabral. 

It is true that Diego de Lepe led another expedition to Brazil, but 
it was only after January, 1502, '3 and too late, therefore, to have furnished 
names which could be inscribed on the Cantino map, on or before th(; 
summer of that year. 

.Several expeditions were sent in 1500-1 501 to the Brazilian coast. 
Besides those already mentioned of Vicente Yanez Pinzon, of Pedro Al- 
varez Cabral, and of Diego de Lepe, here is another which also sailed 
from .Spain during the last year of the fifteenth century. 

In the opinion delivered November 13, 15 15, by several pilots whom 
the Spanish Crown consulted concerning the e.xact position of Cape St. 

" Siiiim, p. 3j6, rnHc 5. Lam Casas is ihc lirst .lutlmr who alw.iys is Las Casas' chief Kuide, s;i_ s ihal I'in/.on 

who yivcs a il.ile for iho 'IcjurUire of Dii'yo Di; Lei'E on s.iilcd " iilM)ul the k.ilemls of I)cccinl)i.'r " ("iijira, p. 336, vo);igc. Our impression is lh,it hi; has no olher note 4), the good hisho|) naturally came to the conclusion 

.authority for the statement than an inference ileiluced that Lki'E set out from I'alos in Occemlier, which, how 

from the deposition of Hernando Estkiian, who declared ever must be correct. 

that I'lNzoN and Lki'E sailed alxHit the same time: '■■ Depositions of La Cava, Gakci A, and Dei. Vai.i.e; 

" aquel vi.ige, que fue asi todo uno en pos de otro " 0//. iiV., p.iye 553. 

<N\VARREIK, Vol. III., p. 552). .\s I'etcr Marivr, '< See I'/i/m, in the CAco/io/oi/y f/ rnyaycv. 

^■%'^%% - 

TiiK Vksi'Iixiax Data. 


Augustine, one of them, Juan Rodriguez Serrano, who afterwards became 
Magellan's chief pilot, speaking of a voyage to the coast of Brazil, said : 
" About sixteen years ago, I left the city of Seville with two caravels, 
which were under the command of Alonso Velez de Mendoza, and steered 
from the Canaries to Cape Verde, thence to Cape St. Augustine, which 
we doubled." '4 Sixteen years back, "more or less: — poco mas 6 menos," 
from November 13, 1 5 1 5, brings us to within the last three months of 
1499. This approximate date makes it incumbent on us to enquire into 
that alleged exploration of \'i;i,i;z dk Mkndoza. 

On the 20th of July, 1500, the Commander Alonso Velez de Men- 
doza, '5 of Moguer, obtained leave to proceed with four vessels to the 
Indies, but away from the countries which had been discovered by Colum- 
bus, by Guerra and by Hojeda. '^ The voyage of Velez de Mendoza 
mentioned by Serrano was thus accomplished between October, November, 
or December, 1499, and July, 1500. 

On the other hand. Arias Perez Pinzon, who commanded one of the 
ships of his uncle's expedition, in course of which Cape St. Augustine 
was discovered by \'^icente Yafiez Pinzon, said that on his return to 
Seville, he communicated to " Francisco Velez, comendador, vecino de 
Moguer," information which enabled the latter to reach and double Cape 
St. Augustine: "e que por la informacion que del hubieron, fueron 
adelante e doblaron la punta de St. Augustine." '7 That voyage of the 
Pinzons lasted from November 19, 1499, until the last day of September, 
1500: " Pridie cal. Octobris revertentur." ''"^ If so, the expedition in 
which \'elez de Mendoza doubled the Cape St. Augustine is not the 
first, but another, carried out after September, 1 500 ; — in admitting with 
Munoz.'9 that this X'^elez is no one else than Alonso Velez, erroneously 
pre-named Francisco, by Arias. Let us add that his title of " Comen- 

" " Kn Km pareccics ibili>s en 13 ilc Novicmlirc ilo 
1515 [?] sobre la sitiiacion iltl cabo ilc S. Ai;»stin, Jiiaii 
Koilrij^ucz Serranii halila del viaijo ([iio hizo, dicionilo : — 
Ha 16 afliis, ]ii)ci> mas u iiunos, iiue parti ilesta cimlacl 
[Sevilla] en clos carabollas, (]uc fiio por capilan .\loiiso 
Vclcz lie Menilciia." In the Hnjintio ih- <^o|lin■^ ih. 
cAluliui, pronKiouiit, cf'C, ili'. la i'nxa de fn Coiitralrwiou 
ilesiU o lie J'ehnio tic I'll,') lin^ln H i/e viarzo ilf 1.119 ; 
exlracleil by Mi'Siiz, but never luiblishcd. Navarkivik, 
Oolecfiou </(' riwji'x, Vol. III., p. 594, ami Opmritlos, 
Vol. I., pp. 65-68. 

'5 The term here is not to lio taken in the sense of 
■in oftker in comr.iaiul of .a ship, but in that of head 

(Comnidnilor) of a comniandery, either of St. James of 
Composlella, or -Mcantara, or some other Spanish order 
of knijjhts. 

"■ Navarrkik, \'o1., II., doe. cwiv., p. 247. 

'" .\rias I'lNZON .adds that he was informed of the 
result of the expedition by Velez himself, who even soon 
showed him the map which was made on that occasion : 
" tamliien le niostro la tierra que traia ilelmj.ada.", Ko(;atory Commissiim before the Fiscal, 
doc. I\i.\., Vol. III., page 555. 

" Siijirn, pa|;e 327, note 4. 

" //iVori'a (/<■/ Xiii'i-o-Mnmlo, lib. vii., § 38 (unpub- 
lished), quoted by Navarrki'K. 

i ij.' i SI 


1 'i' r 




The Discovkry of North America. 

dador," his situation of sea captain, his residenc: in Moguer. and the 
approximate coincidence of dates, leave but little doubt that the Velez 
mentioned by Arias Pinzon, and the Alonso Velez de Mendoza of the 
agreement of July, 1500, are one and the same. 

Hut how can we reconcile this inference with the declaration of 
Serrano, that in company with Velez he doubled Cape St. Augustine 
at a date which is certainly nine or ten months anterior to the time 
when Arias claims to have conveyed to him the information required to 
attain that point of the Brazilian coast .'' 

Our opinion is that the assertion of Arias is one of those vain 
boasts so common on the part of the Pinzons. It may also be that 
X'^elez in his first voyage was not the commander in chief, but the cap- 
tain of one of Lepe's two vessels; and that the hitter's voyage of 1499- 
1 500, and Velez's of the same period, are identical. The fact that it is 
in answer to a question about Diego de Lepe's e.xpedition to Cape St. 
iUigustine that Arias made the statement, as well as the circumstance 
that two ships were engaged in both instances, and sailed in or about 
December, 1499, for the same region, and doubled that cape, strengthens 
our surmise; in this res[)ect. At all events, as the expedition of \'elez de 
Mendoza embraced from December until July, names which were given 
in .-\ugust, Se})tember, October, and December, south of the landfall, 
cannot ha\-e originated with the first alleged separate voyage of X'elez, 
any more than with Diego de Lepe's. 

As to the second voyage of Vi:i.r./. dk Mendoza, authorised by the 
letters patent of July 20, 1500,-° if it was actually accomplished, we must 
place its date after August 10 of the latter year, as on that day we see 
him yet in Seville.-' It follows that he could not be on the Brazilian 
coast in time to name the points extending on the map from Cape St. 
Roque to the Rio de San I'rancisco. 

Concerning the expedition of Pedro Alvarez Carral, it must be said 
that the name of Porto .Seguro was doubdess taken from his maps, now 
lost ; but the other designations have a different origin, as Cabral re- 
mained in Brazil only during a very few days. True it is that a certain 

■'Siiiim, p. 339, note 16. states that " thf Omienilailnr .Mimso \'Ki.i:z HI'. Mi:n- 

■' The iidl.nrial certificate is ilatdl from that city ami doza " appcarcil then in person at Seville. 



TiiK Vksi'U( c IAN Data. 






statement contained in the letter which Domenico Pisani, the Venetian 
ambassador, sent to the Signoria July 27, 1501, implies the reverse, as 
it is to the effect that the companions of Cabral believed Brazil to be 
a continent, having ranged its coast during 2000 miles and more, without 
reaching the end thereof: " Indicano questa terra esser terra ferma, perche 
corseno per costa 2000 mia e piu ne mai trovorono fin.-- Pietro Pas- 
qualigo repeats the statement, but the figures dwindle to 600 : " corsa la 
costa de ditta terra per spazio de 600 et piu milia non hannci trovato 
fin alguno." -3 

If either of those assertions was exact, Cabral could have furnished 
the cartographical data south of Porto Seguro ; but such is not the case, 
and the two Venetian di[)lomatists were certainly led into error by their 
Portuguese informers. This can be easily shown : 

On the 2nd (»r 3rd of May, 1500, Cabral set sail for the Cape of 
Good Hope : " Dua di Maggio . . . I'armata fece vela pel cainino 
per andare alia volta del Capt) di Huona speranza."^-^ Being bound for 
the Kast Indies, he may have hugged the shores southward ; but the 
moment his pilots noticed the Brazilian coast trend abrupdy towards the 
west, as it does by 22° latitude, the course was cjrtainly altered. On the 
other hand, the detailed account of that navigation, [)ublished by Ramusio, 
shows that Cabral sailed from Porto Seguro straight to the south-cast. 

On the 12th of May, they saw a comet "verso la parte di Ethiopia," -5 
which indicates that the fleet was rhen already nearing the African coast ; 
and, on the 20th, they were assailed in the vicinity of the African con- 
tinent by a terrible storm, in which, three days afterwards, the famous 
Bartolomeu Dias was wrecked: " vinte tres de Maio dejjois do meio tlia 
... no cabo de Boa Ksperanca." -'^ It was impossible, therefore', that 
Cabral could have ranged the coast of Brazil to such an e.vtent as Pisani 
and Pasqualigo said, or even coasted it at all then. 

The fact is that Cabral remained on the coast of Brazil only ten days, 
from April 22, 1500, until May 2 following, -7 when he set sail direct for 



'" Marin Sanito, J)iniii, Vul. I\'., cul. 200. -■ ("ahhai. coiistcil from his Kmdfall, which w.i> n hcnil- 

=' Ihidiin, fasc. 25, i>. 4S5. land namcil hy him the I'apu <if ihc Holy ( luss, 1.1 a 

■■' Xafiiinliim ilel C.i/iitaiw Pidro A/rnnz, xn'i/tn poim mirlhwanl which he called I'cirlo Sej^iiro. What 

]ior nil I'ilnlu Poiioijhiit. KamI'sio, \'iiI. I., f" 122 r. lh<)>e l.^o l(ic-litie-i exactly were nixmecan tell. Harko-. 

-'' Ihiiliiii, and li.\RR(is, Decad. I., lib. v., f" S8 v. says that the lanilfall was liy 10' smith latitude: "cm 

■'' Hakki>s, /or. ciV. , aii<l !•'. I.opez i)K CAsrAMll'.liA, altura iln (xilo .Vntarticn da parte lUt siil de/. ijraos '" 

IIo livin priiiiiiro ila hii/oiia do ilfsniliriinciito ila (Decail. I., lib. v., cap. ii.,f"S7v.); but we do 

Iiiilla ; I.isbna, 1552, in fob, f" 65. know on what authority. See, Kxdnn.n 

• '.! 

I ! 

342 The Discovery of Noktii America. 

Calicut, considering that it was his original destination, and that when he 
landed in the New World, it was unknowingly and by a mere accident. 

Finally, the Portuguese commander returned to Portugal, not on the 
24th of June, 1501, as Giovanni Cretico and Joam de Harros a.ssert, but 
so far as Lisbon was concerned, during the last week in July, though he 
landed at Cadiz a few days before the 19th of that month. This fact, 
which may enable the critic to again explain certain circumstances not 
to be overlooked in the present enquiry, requires, on our part, a slight 
digression. The reader will e.\cuse it, moreover, as we base the search 
upon an account of the return of Cabral, now published fjr the first time. 

On the 19th of July, 1501, Alberto Cantino wrote to the Duke of 
Ferrara as follows : 

« ."' 

I'.i ,. 

'■ ': t 

\l , )!; 


" In Lisbona sta il Re de Portogallo, et 
hami narrato un suo che giuncto era pur hora 
in Calice che de dodece charavelle che gia 
([uindeci messi fanno erano andate a Colochuti, 
insula lontano da Lisbona 15,600. miglia. hora 
no-amente cinque ne sono retornate cariche 
de grandi*^ le spiciarie et perle niolte et altre 
cose assai dignissime : le sette a compiniento 
de dodece con 500. persone per una grandis- 

"The King of Portugal is at Lisbon, and 
he has told me that one of his men had just 
arrived in Cadiz, and that out of the twelve 
caravels which were sent fifteen months ago to 
Calicut, an island distant 15,600 miles from 
Lisbon, five had lately returned with large 
cargoes of spice, a quantity of jKarls, and 
other precious articles. The ether seven cira- 
vels with five hundred persons have been 
wrecked and lost during a very great storm. 

sima fortuna se son perse et anegate, et cusi el In consequence, the King is .irminr^ twelve 

soi)radieto Re al presente altre dorlece ne arma, other ships with great rapidity, which are in- 

et con gran celerita a quella parte le manda, tended for those countries, it being publicly 

perche narrase publicamente haver retrovate reported that precious and marvellous things 

cose riche et maravigliose, le ciuale piacendo a ^^^ve been found there. God willing, I hope 

dio spero alia giornata dame a V. S. de vedula ^oon to send to Your Excellency, news [ob- 

nove i)iu et piu verissime.— Adi. xix. Luglio. twined] de visu, and more and more reliable.— 

del MDi." July 19th, i5oi."«^ 

This letter, in disclosing a fact heretofore unknown to historians, 
viz.: the landing of Cabral at Cadiz before coming to Lisbon, enables 
us to fi.x the controverted date -9 of his return to Portugal, and particu- 
larly to understand the precise meaning of the first j)hrase of the letter 
whereby Manoel informed b'erdinand and Isabella of the successful issue 
of that enterprise. The letter of the King of Portugal begins as follows : 

Critique, \'ol. I., ]). 315; Vul. I\'., p. 177, .Tml parlicu- l)y .-iIkjiU 17° (EsriNOSA, La Cruz ami RoissiN, in 

larly Vol. \'., pp. 54-61. .\s ihc first l.iml ^u^.•n was a IllJMnoi.Dr, /or. ril.). 

high and nnnul incivintaiii, calluil liy Cahkai. " .Monte "" .MS. .State archives in Modcna. 

I'asCDal," — which has heen iilentified, it seems, with one '' Mt'MHOl.Di, Hxanifn C'rilitjiie, \\<l, V., pp. 77-79, 

of the peaks of the Serra dos .\yniores, — the landfall note. 

Till-: Vksi'uchan Data. 



"Estees djas jxisados, despois que a primera "These days par.t, after the first news from 

nova da Indya cheguou, nom escripvuy loguo India arrived, I failed to write to Your High- 

a Vossas Senoryas as coussas della, porque nesscs on the subject, because Pedro Alvarez 

nom era aimda vinido I'edro Alvarez Cabrall Cabral, the commander in chief of the fleet, 

meu capitaao moor da frota . . . E despois had not yet come [to Lisbon]; .... and, 

de sua cheguada sobre syuy niso, porque tam- from tho time of his arrival, I ha/e postponed 

bem non eram da Imda vinidas duas naaos writing, as two of his other vessels had not 

de sua companhia . . . E despois de chegua- yet come These 

das as ditas . . ."*' said ships having since arrived " 

This \v;i.s written from Santarem 3' on the 29th of July, 1501, and 
shows that not very lonj^ before, at a time when Cabral had not yet ar- 
rived in Lisbon, news had already been received of his return to Europe. 
The letter of the King of Portugal also shows that the Portuguese com- 
mander finally landed in Lisbon a very short time before July 29th. 

The fact of the return of the fleet to Lisbon at the end of July is 
corroborated by the statement of Cabral's own pilot, who says: " giuii- 
gemmo in questa citta di Lisbona nella line di Luglio," i- and by the 
Chronicle of Damiao de Goes, where we read : " chegou a Lisboa ao 
derradeiro dia de lulho de mil, et quinhentos, et hum." 33 

On the other hand,- Giovanni Cretico, 34 in a letter dated from Lisbon, 
June 27, 1501 : "Data adi xxvii. Zugno ISLccccci.," gives the news of 
Cabral's success, as brought by a vessel which entered the port of Lisbon, 
in the afternoon of the day of St. John: "questa intro la sera di San 
Joane," that is, on the 24th of June. This date is also given by Barros : 
" vespora de S. loao Haptista," 35 who borrowed it, doubtless, from on(; 
of the numerous editions and translations of the Pacsi, which were current 
everywhere in Europe during the sixteenth century, 3^ and all of which 
contain Cretico's letter. 


*" I'ortupuese text, Intily ilisonored in ihe 
State archives .it Venice; HolUlino ililln Soc. ilto'jr. 
Ilaliaiia, M.-iicli, 1890, pai^e 274. 

1' is tho (late (if the letter itself. See Navarkktk, 
Vol. III., pp. 94-101 ; Iiut the .ibnve I'drtuguese text is 
dated "escripla em IJxbua a xxviij. daugiiosto de 1501," 
referring doubtless to the day when the transcript was 

^ Xariiialioii del Cnpilnno I'niro Alrare:, sn-illa 
per ni I'iloln Porloijhtm : KamisIO, Vol. I., f" 127, v. 

" Damiani up. (Iohs, I'rimtira I'nrteili: la Chroniai 
do Hey Emanrtl, cap. Ix., Wil. I., p. 159. This histo- 
rian, however, is mistaken when he s.iys : " IJo Calxi 
verile sent timiar oiitro jiorto, chegou a LisUia." 

*• Putiii uoramtiidi rilrocali, edition of 1507, lib. vi,, 

cap. cxxv., and Marin Saxiio, Diitrli, Vol. I\'., col. 
99, in ihe letter sent from Spain to the Siynoria of N'enice 
by Domenico 1'isam, July 27, 1501. This (iiuvanni 
(erroneously called Domenico) Cri'.i Ico had been a pro- 
fessor of Greek .it the university of I'adua, and was 
appointed secretary lo Domenico I'isam Sepiendier 6, 
1500: " I'roposi fusse manda uno sccretario, onsieme 
con Donienego I'ixani, va orator in .Spania, (pial poi 
del)e andar in rortot;.illo [which accounts for the presence 
of Crki'KO in Lisbon] . . fo aricordato uno Zuam 
Creticho, deze a I'adoa in grecho, ipial orator mena con 
lui." Sani'TO, Dinrii, Vol. III., col. 7j6. 

'5 .\m;iiikka, Decad. I., cap. ix., f" 104, wrso. 

'' liihliolheia Aimriiaua \'tliistii"iima, Nos. 48, 55, 
58, 70, Sj, 84, 86, 90, 94, 109, III, \c. 


t iif i 


's ; 

^ .1! 

,1 '■■I'- i 

r^ tN 

' 1 

il J ! 





^ ''I. 

il\ I 

1 . i! 






The dat(! gi\cii by Juan Crelico is corroborated by the dispatch sent 
by Domenico Pisani to the Signoria of V^enice, from Lisbf)n, July 27, 
and which also states ' intorno la sera di San Zuane."37 The language 
used Ijy Cretico is, besides, too positive to admit of any doubt : " That 
vessel, says he, entered the port the- evening of St. John's day, and when 
she arrived I was with the King, who called me and tokl me to rejoice, 
as his vessels had come from India with cargoes of spice :— mi atrouaua 
dal Seren. Re, el qualle me chiamo et disieme congratulasse che le sue 
nave de India erano zonte cargo de specie." 

Now Cantino's letter is clearly dated "die 19 July, 1501," and this 
date cannot be erroneous, as he relates then having met at Almeria, on 
the 9th of that month, a Portuguese fleet of seventy sails, which was 
the expedition commanded by Joao de Menezes, and sent at the request 
of Pope Alexander V^I. against Hajazet II. to protect the Greek posses- 
sions of the Republic of \'^enice.38 Nor could we admit that Cantino 
would relate to his master, as an event which on July 29 had just taken 
place: "era \nir hora," and as having been informed of it by the King 
himself, " et hami narrato," a fact alleged to have happened twenty-six 
days before. 

The apparent contradiction between the two statements disappears 
when we read entirely Cretico's letter, but more particularly the letter of 
Juan I'Vancesco de la Faitada, dated Lisbon, the 26th of June, 1501, 
forwarded to the Signoria of V^enice by Domenico Pisani, and inserted 
in the Diarii of Marin Sanuto.39 

In that interesting document we notice that when at the Ca|)e of 
Good Ho]ie, Cabral decided to send ahead to Lisbon the swiftest vessel 
in the fleet, to bring news of his success. The ship selected was the 
smallest of all, and the private property of four residents of Portugal ; 
named, Don Alvaro (.''), Hartolo fiorentino, Hieronymo (.^), and a 
wh(is(! name is not given. Only one of these is known to us, viz., 
" Hart(^lo," that is, IJartolomeo Marchionni, the head of a noted Florentine 
firm in Lisbon. The ship arrived in that port on the 25th of June, as 

'• Sam'Ti), Diaiii, \'ip1. IV., cols. 99 ;in(l loi. 

'" (i'ii.i/mr (.'orh- lltnJ : la ilalr. e.xivli. iln "'t ■'eriiirri. 
tXjic'ililioii (III yoiirtaii Moiiilc, or Foul Srrijit.iiii, |). 15. 

" I, (I'm ili Ziiaii FmifCfo ile la Failaila, ■irrifa In 
Lithoiin, a ill ,''■' -.ii'jiio IMU, ilrhala in Spivjiia a sli r 
Domeneijo I'ixanI, laqiinJ, per Hur. di x Inio, la maniln 
in qiidla terra [Venice], Sanuto, Diarii, Vol. IV., 
col. 00 ; .iml contirmed oil ccjI. S7. Thi> Uk i,a I-'ai i aha 

is llio iileiuic.ll " Krniicesclio ile \.\ Siiila Cremonensc " ol 
the I'ai ii, bill the .nlxive Idler is ilitTereiU from the oiv.- 
|Hililishccl ill the Viceiu.i colleelion, lili. vi., cap. cxxvii. 
La I'ah'ada nnd I'kei u o wrote on the same (l;iy, the 
former .tnnouncinjj the latter's (lescription .• "Hen die per 
missier Crelico sarii scrito a compimeiUo . . ." This 
imlicites that IhuH itseil the same authorities, but I, A 
Kaii Ada's letter is the most s.-»tisfactory of the two. 

\l^ '1 


TiiK Vi:si't( ( IAN Data. 


ip'.il ; 


ill his icltcr dated "26 zugiu» 1501," De la I'^aitada writes, " t-ri, al tardi, 
vcMie lino (If li navilij." As to the above statement, it is in these words : 
" Gionti al Capo dc IJona Speranza, el ca[)itanio comm ind(') (iiie questo, 
ch' e venuta [the above niejitioneil vessel], per esser nvglior de le vele, 
se partisse de I'altre, e venisse dar nova de essi; . . . e lo piii picolo de 
tiitto." We must add that both the si ip and carijo beUinged to the 
parties above named. 

We are now enabled to describe with tolerable accuracy the return 
to Lisbon of Cabral's ileet, as follows : 

The swiftest of his v(!ssels, shootini; ahead of the ri-st from the 
Cape of Cood Hope by order of Cabral, arrived at the port of Lisbon 
in the afternoon of June 25 (or 24), 1501. 

The l\in<^ felt uneasy conciTninsj; the remainder of the licet, now 
composed of only four .ships,4o seven having been lost during the voy- 
age, — when on the 19th of July, he rec(!ived news that four of Cabral's 
vessels, including the flagship, had l.uided in Cadiz, either by of 
weather, 41 or to olitain supplies. 

Two of these then arrived in Lisbon about a week afterwards with 
Cabral on board, followed a couple of ilays later l)y the two ships, when 
Manoel wrote the above mentioned leltcT to his father and mother-in-law. 

The pertinence of this analysis will appear whe 1 descril)ing further 
on the ihiril voyage of Americus X'espuccius. 

On the 5th of September, 1501,4- Vicente Vanez 1'in/on was em- 
powered to lead an ex[iedition tor the purpose of colonisi.ig a portion of 
the country hv. had discovered in 1499-1500, viz.: from the Maranon to 
Cajie St, Augustin. The qedula of October 15, 1501, shows that serious 
preparations were made for the e.\[)edition, to which reference is e.\()Iicitly 
made therein: "para ayuda al viage ([ue agora habeis tie tornar a hacer 
en nuestro servicio."43 Hvit we hav(; no information whatever concerning 

ml the fi>ur wliicli were M lime safe 
)f CmVw. 
" The \vor<l< of the Kiii}; : " ile ilns n.^os (iiie |iar.i elh 

'' Kiiii^ Mamu'.i, s.iys Cahrai.'s cxpeililiun «as 25lh of June, r\iiil 

coiii|Mi>eil of thirteen sliips: "Con trece naos |i.irti>'i ile in the liai hour of Cadi/. 

l.iihon " (\AVAitKi:i 1;, Vol. III., p. 95) ; but when about *' The wor<l< of the Km^ -. uu ii.i> ii.iw> hul- pai.i mo 

t iloulile the Cape of ( looil Hope on the way to Calieul, ilun una de ellas se perdiii en la mar, e otra se aparli'i de 

^KAl. sent one of these haek to Lisbon: " nie envi.i la tloia eon lienipo fortunoso," may refer lo storms en- 

11 alii un navii'i a me notiticar . . ." ( rinilem. ) Seven eoimlered then. 

were lost al sea: " ma dl 13 che furono son perse le 7 " *' Navarkktk, Vol. III., p. 40, in tlie note, quolei 

(SANfici, V<pl. IV., col. 101.) When Caniinc men- those letters patent, but without yivinj; tiie text, which 

lions live vessels as havinj; Ihen arrived with car(;oes of has never been published, 

spice, he include-- the one which landeil al Lisbon on the ■" Hn'ilim, doc. xvi., p. lOJ. 

2 U 



■ ■ I 





I -I 

li I 






' i 


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"I '^^ il 

I 4r 

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; X 

V-.. ,ivv j;^.V 



that voyage, which, at all events, coiikl yield no cartographical names and 
configurations south of Cape St. Augustine. 

A document from the State archives in Modena. now first pul)lished,44 
may be interpreted as indicating that Portugal .sent to Brazil one or more 
several ve.ssel.s, immediately upon receiving news of the di.scovery of that 
country by Cabral. 

In the letter addressed by Alberto Cantino to the Duke of Ferrara, 
on the 17th of October, 1501, we read the following passage: 

"Mettcro un termine il quale hora ha posto 
in uso questo Re ; tutti coloro quali nel suo 
re Tio cose digne de gran pena 
overo di inorte, tutti cjuelli fa pigliare ne al" 
cun ne amaza, et servandoli col tempo gli 
manda in questi lochi et insule ritrovate, et 
imponeli questo, che se mai per alcun tempo 
ritornarano de dende gli harano lassati per 
terra a Lisbona, perdonali el delicto, et fali 
niercede de cinque cento ducati, ma cedo io 
che rari ve ne ne tornarano, benche in un 
locho che se chiania Sancta Croce, per essere 
dilectevole di bona aria et de dolcissimi fructi 
abondante, fugirno cinque marinari dele nave 
del Re, et non volseno piu tornare in nave, 
et li restarno." '" 

" The King of Tortugal has published a 
decree to the effect that all criminals liable to 
severe punishments, even the penalty of death, 
are not to be executed, but uiii)risoned for a 
time, and then sent to the places and islands 
[lately] discovered. The condition is that, 
later, they will be allowed to return to Lisbon, 
receive a pardon for the offences committed, 
and 500 ducats. But I doubt whether any 
will ever be disposed to come back ; for five 
sailors, who had deserted the vessels of the 
King, and fled to a place called Santa Croce 
[Santa Cruz or Brazil *■'], on account of its 
wholesome air and abundance of delicious 
fruit, would not retu on board, and re- 
mained in that country." 

When Cantino wrote that letter, there had been in Portugal, so fir 
as we know at present, only two arrivals from Brazil, viz.: that of Gas|)ar 
de Lemos,-t7 the bearer of the news of the di.scovery of that country, 
who, sailing Porto Seguro the first week in May, 1500, reached Lisbon 
apparently a couple of months afterwards, and that of Pedro Alvarez 
Cabral during the last week of July, 1501. .Must we suppose that some 
unknown e.xpedition was sent from Lisbon to Brazil immediately after the 
return of Lemos to Portugal, which could have been back home before 
the simimer of 1501.'' The assertion of Humboldt that the letter of Vaz 

•'■' A portiiin of letter was publislieil in dur Dotu- 
III) III ini'ilil lOiicfriimit I'n.ico dn (lama. /Itlalinn 
ndrtsM'f. il fferritle. d'lCitf, dm' dc Ftrrare^ par aou 
amhns/'aileur d la cour dc Portuijal ; I'aris (priv.itoly 
prinlcil), 1889, sni. 8v(>. 

■■5 Sec "iipra, chapter x., p. 341, fur complete ilct.iils 
oincernini; the cxpedilioii of Caliral .iiid nninin); of lirnril. 

*'' DIsjiafii dniln Sjiaijiia, sidi anno L'ltit. Cninilli ria 
JJiiinJe. Slate .irchives in Moilen.!. 

" " O.ili espeilio hum n.iuio, cipitAo Cispar ile Lemos." 
Hakros, Deciiil. I., lib. v., c.ip. ii., f" 88. The n.imo 
of that comm.inder is omitteil in the letter of Vaz dk 
t'AMlxiiA, although the hitter's epistle to the Kin" was 
entrusted to I.K.MOs. 

Till. \'i S1I-. I IAN Data. 



de Caminha urged King Miiiioel to coiuimiti the discovery by sending 
other vessels to the land of Vera Cruz,-*'' would authorise such a pre- 
sumption, if it were exact. Unfortunately, we have failed to discover any 
passage to that eft'ect in \'az de Caniinha's letter, ■♦'> and as to the state- 
ment concerning the five sailors who (led from the I'ortugucs(> vessels, it 
may be e.xplained without resorting to the hypothesis of an intermediary 

In the lett«T of \'az ile Caminha we notice the following phrase: 

" Creo nue com estes dous desgr.idos, (]iie miuy ficam, ficam mais dous grumetcs, cjuo 
esta noutc so saynm desta naao no esquife fugidos, hos quaaes noni vijcram mais : — I believe 
that the two criminals who are to remain in the country, will not be alone. Two cabin boys 
ran away last night, and they have not been seen since."" 

This information was known in Portugal so far back as the autumn 
of 1500. It may have been also repeated by Cabral, who had been in 
Lisbon nearly three months when Cantino mailed his letter. True it is 
that " five sailors : — cinque marinari," is a description which does n(,t 
exactly coincide with " two criminals and two cabin boys : — dous desgra- 
dos et dous grumetes ; " but the chief circumstance in the account is the 
fact that a certain number of Portuguese seamen remained in Brazil in 
May, 1500. At all events, there is no impossibility in the flight of five 
sailors, and in the information h;iving been conveyed by Cabral in person. 
As to the decree of the King, we must consider it as having been 
prompted by Cabral's own description of the country which he had so 
fortunately and unexpectedly discovered. 

I l/i lin 

Inins. ' 

I name 

l\z UK 


'\nother question is whether Caspar de Lemos may not have I)rought 
the cartographical data used in the Cantino chart ? 

In Vaz de Caniinha's letter, it is stated that a council was held al 
Porto Segiiro to take the following resolution : 

"Com hos quaaes asy a todos se nos parecia seer beem mandar ha nova do acha- 
mento desta terra a V. A. polo navio dos mantimentos, para milhor mandar doscobrir, c 
saber de la mais do que agora nos podianios saber, per hirnos de nosa viajem :— Whether 
it would not be desirable to send to the King, by the supply ship, news of the discovery 

** "I'edro V.ii: (le C.iminlia ajinitcciir<>n oxpeilie LemiM di'oijinphit du Xoiinaii Coiiliiniit, Vol. V. p.igf 49. 
a;in que .S. A. piiisse Ic plus tut possilile coiuinuer cetto ■" Letter cf V.v/. 1>K Caminha, pulilislieil liy .Manuel 

(lecouverle en envojant d'autres vaisseaux a la tcrre ile la .\yres i>K Cazai. in his Coroiiriilia hraixlicn, p. ^^. 
Vera Cruz." IH; lIiMitoi.Dr, Exnmr.n Critique de In ^■' Ibiiliin. 


U' ( 

•1 ' 





ii I 


f i - ' 



Tin: DiscoviKv oi Noktii Amkkica. 

just accomplished, while the captain of that vessel would endeavour to make greater dis- 
coveries, and ascertain more [about the country] than we could then, being obliged to con- 
tinue our voyage." 

The riply is in Vaz dc Caininha's letUir, which contains an 
account of the voyage homeward, there is no mention of further dis- 
coveries. It follows, that the maps brought by Lemos could only 
describe thi' portion of the Hrazilian coast about Porto Segiiro. 

We have now the expedition which Cabral met when on his way 
back to Lisbon, at Cape Verde, and mentioned by one of his pilots in 
these words, as reported by Ramusio : 

" Doue trouammo tre nauili che'l nostro Re di I'ortogallo mandaua a discoprire li 
terra nuoua, che noi haucuamo trouata quandu andauamo a Calicut ; — \Vc landed at the 
first land near Cape Verde, which is called lleseneghe, and where we met three vessels, 
which the King of Portugal had sent to discover the new land which we had found when 
on our way to Calicut." '' 

What is that e.xpedition to Brazil ? Several authors have ascribed 
it to Gonqalo Cokmio, but Humlioldt has shown the fallacy of such an 
opinion. 5- 

The little we know concerning that or any voyage of Gon^alo Coelho 
is contained in the following lines, written by Damiao de Goes in 1568: 

"No niesmo anno [M.D.iij.] mandou (Jonc^alo Coelho com seis naos .^ terra de Santa 
Cruz, com qre partio do porto de Lisboa aos diez dias do mes de ^unho, das ijuaes por ainda 
terem pouca noticia da terra, perdeo cjuatro, et as outras duas trouxe as regno, com merca- 
dorias da terra, que entam nam eraO outras, (jue pio vermelho, a que chamam liiasil, bogios, 
et papagaios: — In that same year [1503"], the King sent (ion(,alo Coelho with six ships to the 
country of Santa Cruz, which sailed from the port of Lisbon the tenth day of the month of 
June, liut owing to his poor knowledge of that land, he lost four of his vessels. He returned 
to this kingdom with goods from the country, consisting of red wood, called Brazil, monkeys, 
and parrots."'^ 

Pedro de Mariz, wh(j wrote in 1594, has only copied De Goes, adding 
an absurd statement, taken probably from Gabriel Soarez, 55 to the effect 
that when Coelho returned to Portugal it was Joao III. who was on the 

5' X(viii»tiiii, (III ■njiilnno I'trlro Alrnrez KcnUa j„ r '* D.imiani liK CoF.s, I'liiiin'rn /'arh ilii Clmiiira ,l„ 

I'll Pilolo I'lirlniihi"!, in Kami'sio, Vol. I., f" 127. U< y Kmaiint, cay. Ixv., p. 170. 

5" HrMBoi.iir AaoHKH CnVi^Hc di: la Gi'oijmphit ihi ss ^Vo/iVi'n ilo lira-JI, in the Ke.ii^la trimmsal, Vol. 

XnurfnuCo,iti„ait,\a\.\.,y. 143. MV., yy. 13-365. (ialiricl .So.tKK/ UK SorsA (crro- 

51 The whdie of ch.iptcr in Dk Goks is ilcvolcil to ncously callcil I'rancisco Ipa Cl'NllA) wrote so early as 

events which occurred " No anno M.D.iii." the year 1587. 


[/••ft lid 
\, Vol. 

kriy as 

Tin; \'r.Ma( riAN Data. 349 

thri)iH; : "so aproscntou a I'-l Rey Dom JdAo III. i\uv ja lU'Stc tcinpo 
rcgnava." S'j This would have made Codho abstint from I'ortiij^al on that 
(!.\j)edition at least eighteen years, 57 as Manuel died on the 13th of 
December, 1521. 

Finally, Father Simao de Vasconcellos has simply taken his account 
of Coelho from Pedro de Maris, word for word, but gave him as his 
authority. He adds, however, the phrase that Joao III. was then on the 
throne, "owing to the death of Manoel." 58 

The simple date, " M.D.iij.." shows conclusively that th(; vessels met 
by Cabral at Reseneghe, in the summer of 1501, did not belong to 
Gon(,alo Coelho's expedition. 

In 1842, Varnhagen made known 59 a diplomatic dispatch from A'varo 
Mendcz de Vasconcellos, the Portuguese envoy to the Spanish Court, 
dated Medina del Campo, December 4, 1531, and concerning a claim 
urged by Portugal for the possession of the Rio de la Plata. The pre- 
tention was predicated upon an alleged discovery of that river by one 
Nuno Manokl. 

Varnhagen being of opinion that the Rio de la Plata had been dis- 
covered liy Americus Vespuccius during his third voyage, assumed at 
once that the said Xuf\o Manoel was the commander of Ves[)uccius' 
third expedition. If so, we would have here a voyag': to Brazil and 
south of it, carried out between May, 1501, and vSeptember, 1502. 

There is a great deal to be said against that theory. In the first 
place, let us state that all we know concerning the said expedition is 
contained in the following three lines : 

" Hum.T arni.ida de dom nuno manoel que por mandado del Rey voso pnj i\uc cstaa 
cm gloria foy descubrir ao dito Rio [da prata] : — A fleet of Dom Nuno Manoel which, i)y 
the order of your late father, was sent to discover that River de la Plata.'"" 

No date is assigned to the event, and our only means of ascer- 
taining when it took place leaves a margin of tiventy-six years, as nothing 

-' v. I>E Makiz, Dialdijo rfe raria hiiloria, Lisbon, Iranslations) he imly paraphrases Dr. C'lOEs. 

1749, 410, Dialog, v., cap. ii., V<il. II., p. 40. '^ I'rimeiras vnjoriai;mK iliplomntiinx resjiirtfuaii no 

5" V)v. (ioES, (I/). III., I'arl IV., cap. Ixxxiii., p. 634. Ilraxi/, in the Mimoriati iln Iimlilulo hisUn-iio t ;/(«■ 

5* .SimSi) IiR Va.scon< Kl.l.os, Chronira da Companhia ijrnphii-o, Kio de Janeiro, 1842; ami UK Varnhackn, 

(le Jt»r (In Enlnilo ilo liranil ; Lislioa, 1663, fol., p. 16. Xnurflle.i .•hurlies snr Im ili riurr/i mi/inii n ihi ..Vaii- 

As to OsoRifS (in the oripinal Latin edition of De Retivn ijateur flore.ntin, (Vienna, 1870) folio, page 9. 

Emanudia, for the passage is omitted in the French '" Ihidtm. 


'I'm- l)is((i\i:uv oi North Ami uk a. 




. lu 

is sniil on th«' siil)j»'ct except that thi- disrovcry was nvM\o whilr tin- 
fatlvr «if (nao III., to whom thf ilispatch is aildrcssi-d, was liviiij^'. Now 
th(; f.ithcr of Joao III. was Maiuu-i, who rci^ncil from 1405 until is:?!. 

I!y n iVrriiig to tin' Proviis dn Historic Geneiiloi^ica, that is, the 
comi)kMm'iit of Antonio Cactano dc Smisa's j^rcat work,''' X'arnhatjcn sct'ks 
to idciuifv the discovort'r witli N'mlo Manocl, thi' King's " Guanla mor." 
" mor," ami lord (<f .*■ alvaterni dc Magos, an old courtier who 
Sffins to havf si)cnt his entire life at thi- Court of I', whose 
services and offices are fre(|uently enumerated,''- and who is never 
mentioned ,is h.iving accom|)lished maritime discoveries of any kind. 
IVuiii.uii de (ioes names '^'i him among the high functionaries who accnm- 
|)anied King M.uioel to the shrine of St. James of Compostella, when monarch made the pilgrimage for tht! better success of his expe- 
ditions to the l*'iist liulii's. That was in October, 150J, As Vespuccius 
returned to Lisbon on the ;ih of .September of that year, there is no 
impossibility in his commander having accompanied the King. Wt, 
taking into consideration the object of tlu' pilgrimage, and how De (ioi's 
is wont to give details about those voyages of the I', it is worthy 
of notice that he lets pass such an o|)portunity of recalling the important 
discovery which Nuno Manot:! is said to have then just accomplished. 

We must add that neither the name of " Ryo da prata," nor a men- 
lion f)f any river carrying an abundance of silver, occur in the accounts 
which wi: possess of the third voyage of Vespuccius, Withal, it is [)ossible 
that the I'Morentine navigator should have omitteil to relate the circum- 
sl.uict', but he would not have stated explicitly that there were no minerals 
in that country : " Uisto che in questa terra noil trouauamo cos.i di minero 
alcuno,"*^'-* or, if he had mentioned one of the |)recious metals, it would 
h.ive lieen silver, not gold ; whilst, on the contrary, he says that the latter 
is the only metal existing in those regions: "Nulla ibi metallorum genera 
habent preter auri."'^'5 

We .are unable, therefore, to place; that expedition within the limits 
assigned to it by X'.irnhagen, and still less " aceitar sem nenhuns escru- 
pulos como verdadeiro chefe dessa expedicao [of Vespuccius] a 1), Nuno 

'' Of. SiirsA, lliiini-ui 'ji H'lt/iujicn da'n-*n I'fnl jiorlii- 
r]ii<-.n : l.islinn. 1735-49. 14 v.iU, mil f.ilio. The I'mrns 
woro a'.>n init)lislK'il .it I,i>lHiii, in fulio, 1730-48, 6 vols. 

'•■' IH''iii-i'i iiniKttr.iiicn, \'n\. XI., p. 422. 

'' "(J aL-companhou ilim Xuno Em.inucl sen gu.irch 

niiT. r.irliii I'l Ki'i do I,Ul)i)a .Tllorradc no nios Doctulno 
ilc'.tc .innn do mil, et (luinhenlos ut dou.-i." — I)F. (lOK-, 
Chi-oui'n <ln l},y />. Kmnnofi, I'art l.,cnp. Ixiv., p. 167. 

*• Il;ili;in edition of the l.rttira. 

'' Separate Latin edition of the Third Voy.ige. 

'I'm. \'k>I'i'((1 \\ l).\i\. 


In lacl, t)f .ill the traiisallaiuic enterprises known the only one which 
corresponds n ftfion' with ih*' data borrowed from the statement of Cahral's 
pilot, from the liturgical names inscribed on the Cantino chart, and from 
the period of time within which it must have been accomplisheil, is the 
third voyage of Amkkii is X'ksi'L'i t lus under the IVjrtuguese llag. 

iM'rst, as to the meeting with Cabral's lleet at Ca|)e Verde, we have 
shown tliat the latter reached Lisbon only at the end of July, Imt that 
he hail been obliged to land at Cadi/, on or about the 15th of the s.une 
month. "" is l.mding implies that he met with difticulties on the voyage, 
after ! > „ ape \'erde. 

\(. ".puccius, having saileil from Lisbon on the loth'^'^' or on 

the i4th'J7 (if May, 1501, reachtal the very place of lieseneghe (Bcsc- 
rhiccc*'^) in time, to all appearances, to meet Cabral there. The lattir 
would then have encountered the storms or other obstacles which ret.irded 
his in Lisbon, and compelled him to land in .Spain, as shown by 
Cantino's letter, between that date; and about July 15, which is the time 
of his landing at Cadiz. 

At pre.sent, concerning the voyage of V'espuccius across the .Xtl.uilic, 
if we calculate the time required by that navigator to go from Lisbon to 
the Canaries (ten d.iys .■*), three ilays' sojourn there ; the time to reach 
about Cape \'erde [ficsecliicce, fifteen days ?), eleven tlays' stay at 
point ; thence sixty-seven days to the ikazilian landfall, — all of which dat.i 
we borrow from the Lettera^) itself, -V'espuccius is shown to be ex.ici 
when stating that he anchored off the coast of Brazil on the 7th of 
.\ugust. According to his account, he continued the e\])loration .iloiig 
that, southwardly, until after I'ebruary 15, 1502, when he steered 
south-east. Those dates cover e.xactly the liturgical nomenclature, which 




l)F. GOK?, 
].,p. 167. 

'■■ " r.\rtimi) ili i\r.\o porlo ili LIsIkiili .iili. 10. <li 
M.iggid 1501," .Tint " Lc'tiera ilio M.iii ilcciina Mitvu. ii 
1 rimo," in tho St. Dicy, nr WaiHsKKMim I i:k's Co-miv- 
'jnijthiit- InfrtMlitififi. 

" " I'ro^pcrii ciirs\i qu.irl.i ikviiiia iiKi'.>i> mail i|uin- 
^;iiu<.>iimi i)riii\o" (Letter in Soi'KKlM) ; "A. Mill di 
ili'l mtse lie M.izd ilel'i'il.." ( I'd'"!, cnp, c\v.) 

'* " rumo Delia cosia iletliiopi.T .iil tin purto ehe si dice 
Ile<ei'liicce " ( I.fttnii ) : ".\li ethicipici> liescyliice " 
pep.iintc eiliticin uf the 'I'liinl Voyage). We lea\e a>iile, 
as it woiilil invdlve a loii^; tli>sertatii'n al»mt ii> autln'rity, 
t'le letter nf VKsfiiiir^ liist puMisheil liy li.ii i>Kl.ii 
Mom (II Milioiit (II .\fttiio I'olo, Vol. I., p. liii.U where 

ncciirs the followinjj explicit statement; " irovaninM 
Mirlci line naxi <lel Re ili l'>>rloj;allii, ritoriM 
il'alle p.tile il'In.lia orienlale, elie sonn <li ipu'lli mole-inii 
che anilanino a (.'alichnt, "ra i|uali,irtliei nic-i l.i." This 
letter is ilaieil "ilall' Isnla ilel CaiHi Verde, soim di 4. 
di (iiujjn.i 1501." It is well, however. In reonllect thai 
the l.inilini; of Cihkai. at I'ape Verde appeared in print 
for the first time only in 1550, at Venice, in ihi- tillfin 
jiriiiii |,.^ ,<( K.vMtsto's h'n<i('lln (recto of f" t ;Si. printed 
" lanno Mlil nel mese di Majjyio." 

^' l.tlliin <l> Ani' riijo Vfjnuii ihllt isnU ii'h-^unmeiili 
IfOiirti ill qimltni siinl viiii/fli ; liilitiolhna Aiiv rii-niin 
I'l-iiitlifsiiiKi, \o. S;. 



TiiK DisrovKRV OF North Amkkica. 


'! I 

\\< ( 

\vi; made the basis of the present analysis and description, that is, from 
our Cape St. Roque to the Port or to the River of St. Vincent. 

There is another name, quite ty[)ical, at this juncture, which, as has 
already Ijeen shown, can also be traced to Americus Vespuccius. 

It is the " Bay of All-Saints." We find it in print for the first time 
in the Italian edition of his famous Lettera, as follows : 

" l)ii)artimo . . . teneuamo un rcggimento del Re, chc si mandaua, che qualunche delle 
naui che siiierdesse della flocta, o del suo capitano, fussi a tenere nella terra, che el uiaggio 
passato \sic\ Discoprimo in un porto che li pone'mo nome la badia di tucte e sancti." 

1 his textual punctuation renders the passage unintelligible, and we 
pgree with Varnhagen who proposed to read :".'... che el viaggio 
[)assato discoprimo," by making a single sentence of the two. The phrase 
thus corrected may be translated as follows : 

" We. departed [from Lisbon] . . . with instructions from the King, which ordered that 

if any of our ships became separated from the fleet or happened to lose her captain she 

should make for the land which we discovered in the preceding voyage, and [for] a port 
to which we gave [or had given] the tiame of tiie Abbey \sic\ of All-Saints." 

This sentence is in the account of Vespuccius' fourth voyage, which 
could not have been known in Portugal before June, 1504. But as it is 
thertMii stat(;d that the name was given to that bay in the preceding 
voyage, they certainly knew it in Lisbon so far back as the 7th of 
September, r502, when Vespuccius returned from his third e.xpedition, and 
in time therefore to be inserted in the Cantino chart. 

We have shown, in the above c ipter i.\., that the first section of 
the Cantino chart e.xhibits configurations and a nomenclature based upon 
or deri\cd from Vespuccian data. We now claim to have deirionstrated 
that such is likewise the case with the second section of the said chart, 
so far, at least, as its names and legends are concerned. 


■*•' ■) ! . 1 " 

H >L 4' ■ 


Tin: \(,kTii-EAsT Coast Acain. 

WE h.u. .H,w .scrtained the geographical origin of the two sections 
"t the Cant.n<, and other early Portuguese charts, which, together 
emhrace the regions extending fron. the Gulf of Maracaybo to 
he.r southern tennnuKS on the Brazilian coast. At present it is ne essa y 
o elucdate n. the san.e n.anner. if possible, the third section, whic 
m aces he n.>rth-east coast of a continent depicted, according to one 
of .t. scales (Caner.o s), as commencing at .o north latitude, -md con- 
unnng northward to 57 or 58"; but which, when placed on moden 
maps. begn.s by about 80 west longitude, and con,>rises the space 
between 25 and 45' north latitudes.' ' 

The cartographical and relative characteristics of that continental 
r^..n have been fully discussed in the first part of the prese,u l::;^ 
where we have also unestigated a number of historical data, which all 
apply to a continent then already believed to lie west and north-west of 
the Ant.lhes. lo that category belongs the relation of the first voyage 
o AnK.ncus Vespuccu.s, alleged to ha.- been accomplished betwe;;, 
May, 1497. and October, ,49s, and which our line of argument requires 
us til e.xainine ag.un. ' 

We are fully aware of the difficulties which the historian of maritime 
discovery encounters when e.xamining critically the account which we 
possess of that e.xpedition, and the impossibility to accept several of its 
leading statements and descriptions. Nor do we pretend to explain them 
away. It is not our province just at present. 

Hut we find ourselves in presence of a narrative which was publiclv 

printed and translated in the life time of all the personages mentioned 

H-rein by name such as King Ferdinand, King Manoel, the Gonfalonier 

iK.r Sodermi, Rene H.. Duke of Lorraine, and Americus Vespuccius 

■AccoRlmg ... the scil. in,crilv,l in Caiuri.., tlut C.wtinn f,.,,,, j-„ c- , . , 

conunen.,,, .,„.„ cv.s. .„■ Uu- ,„„..,.„ .„„,,.„,., |,. , , I; !;;;: ^^ Ji' I^U ^r'' '"''''' '' '""""^- 

2 V 

1 > 


The Discovkkv of North America. 

It I 





himself ; and when were also living those who, like the sons of Colum- 
bus, Alonso de Hojeda, Juan de la Cosa, and others, were entitled to 
enter a protest. And yet, every allegation in that account is accepted, 
repeated, and made the basis of numberless scientific works all over 
Euro[)e for several centuries, without scarcely a dissenting voice. 

Although the life of Vespuccius is known documentarily from the 
time of his birth to that of his death almost, and with an abundance of 
details which are not to be found in the biogi'iphies of Columbus, of 
John Cabot, and other great navigators of that period, no alibi can be 
proved or shown for the period said to have been spent in his first 
transatlantic voyage. 

Finally, there e.vists in reality a continental region west of his alleged 
landfall, which can be coasted northwardly for eight hundred and seventy 
leagues or more, as the relation ascribed to him claims to have been 
effected then and there. 

Those circumstances clothe the narrative in question with a character 
of prima facie evidence that no impartial critic can disregard, es[)ecially 
when his inquiry is limited to a comparison of geographical data. 

Concerning the first point, we need only recall the fact that in the 
opinion of bibliogra[)hers, the Lettera dcllc hole novavienle trovale, which 
contains the oldest narrative now known of the first voyage of Ves- 
puccius, was { '"r .ed at Florence by Gian Stefano di Carlo di Pavia, 
within a year o. .a'o after September 4, 1504, which is the tlate of its 
fourth and last [)art. 

.As to the second point, no document has yet been produced to prove 
that, between -May, 1497, and October, 1498, Americus \'espuccius cannot 
have been engaged in a maritime e.xpedition. The affirmations set forth 
thus far- are based altogether upon the circumstance that after the death 
of Juanoto Berardi, which occurred in Seville during the month of De- 
cember, 1495,3 Ves[)uccius received, for the HcrardI estate, from Pinelo, 

■ " I'lK'^ hiiliid I'niitJTunilo on laics aiiroslns, |>ur lo 
nicnos liasla mayii cle 149S." Navakkki 1;, liililiolua 
Mnritimii, \'ol. I., ji. 57. " 1a-s (lociimeiil;. aiuhcniii|uo 
tniiives mon .iiicien ft ilhislrc .Tiui, iloii Juan HaiHi^ta 
Munoz, pai'ini les I.ihros de g.istos ile armadas, et clablis- 
sent ([lie W'spucc, place cii dcccinlirc 1495 a la Ictc ilc la 
maisiin de CDmmerce de Hcrardi, elait char(;e de larnie- 
incnt de iiavires pciiir la Iroisieme evpedilinn de Culondi.", l-'xnmiii C'rllirjui, Vol. IV., p. 267. The 
cihly dno\!iiienl ever ])rodiiced in thai re^pecl is llie receipt 

(if lanunry 12, 1496, wliicli is no proof wliatever. 

In a document lately p'.iMislied, Juanoto lii.HAUlU, 
Decomlier 15, 1495, IicIiil; al Seville, nnd on his deatli- 
lied, executes a notarial act concernini^ claims against 
t'liristopher Cmi'Miiis, and in which he calls X'k.s- 
I'l'ciii's his factor, friend, and executor tesianieiitary : 
" Amerigo Vespuchi, mi fator, . . mi alhacea, e 
amii^o." Dorumt'iitOfi i^^irof/i'ios thl Af^'hiro fh. la i'fiHft 
ill Alhii. Kos piihlira In Diiqnisa ili' llmrirk 1/ ih 
Alliii, Cniiilmn lie Sirmfn ; Mailrid, 1S91, Svo, p. 202. 

Thk Nokth-East Coast. 




lis iKalli- 

U Vk.s- 
liuiilary : 

I la ( V(«n 

,-K- !/ '/- 
||i. 202. 

the Crown Treasurer of Castile, 10,000 maravedis on account of wages 
due to sailors or masters of vessels fitted out for Hispaniola. The sum 
was paid on the 12th of January, i496,'* and the document quoted by 
Mufioz and Navarrete in that respect only proves that Vespuccius was in 
Seville at the latter date. 

His presence in Spain is next derived from the assertion of Hojeda 
that Vespuccius accompanied him in an expedition to the New World, 
which set out from Cadiz in the s[)ring of 1499. Hut between January, 
1496, and May, 1499, there is a space of more than three years, during 
which no trace whatever of Americus Vespuccius is to be found in the 
Spanish documents. The statement that he continued in the house of 
Berardi is a mere supposition, based upon another hypothesis, viz., that 
Vespuccius su[(ervised the equipment of the caravels for the third voyage 
of Christopher Columbus, which sailed from San Lucar in May, 1498. 
The surmise is certainly erroneous. The twelve ships fitted out by the 
house of Berardi in consequence of the agreement of April 9, 1495, and 
concerning which Vespuccius gave a receipt to Pinelo, January 12, 1496, 
were contracted to sail four in April, four in June, and four in Septem- 
ber, 1.95,5 while Columbus was in Hispaniola. They were not. therefore, 
intended for his third expedition, which, besides, was not initiated until 
two years afterwards; and no one has yet shown that either Juanoto 
Berardi or Vespuccius was ever connected with that voyage. Nay, the; 
proi)abiIity is that the house went into liquidation immediately after the 
death of this Berardi, as, on his death-bed, we see him speak like a man 
who had lost all his worldly goods. In notarial instructions given to 
Americus Vespuccius and his other executors, to collect from Christopher 
Columbus 180,000 maravedis for monies advanced and services rendered 
to him in 1492,'' he says : 

" He dex.ido, por le seruir, mi trato e biuicnda, y perdido y gast.- .0 mi hacienda y do 
mis amigos : — 'i'o serve him [Christopher Columbus], I have abandoned my business and 
home, and lost and spent my property and that of my friends."' 

Berardi then proceeds to say that he requires that sum to [)ay debts 
and obligations contracted on behalf of his daughter, " and thus free his 

< NWARKKTK, Ciil'.'rioii (h riwjtf, Viil. HI., p. J17. ^ CraUlu ili Janolo llo-ardi loiifra Chii.itoralC'uluii, 

' Op. I'it., Vol. II., Joe. Ixxxiv., p. 159. in the iinport.iiu ami already quoted Donimtiilon titfoifi- 

" " Trcsafios ha," and thedociiment isdateil " Sevilla, don del Archifo de la Cana de Athn, published by the 

marte? ipiinze dias del nics de dizicndire, ai'io de mill e Duchess of Herwick and Alba, Countess of .Siruela, at 

qualrocientos e nouenla e cinco aHos." M.adiid, 1S91, Svo, p. 203. 

K' ' 


1 I 

t 1 





Till; DiscmKKY ov Xdktii Ami.kka. 

soul and conscience : — asy cumple al descargo de mi aniina ('■ (;oiiscicncia." 
In fact, the tenour of the entire document indicates a ruined man, leaving 
behind him nothing l)ut debts, and certainly no commercial house of any 
kind whatever. 

The only names of shipown