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Full text of "The letters and speeches of Oliver Cromwell Volume 3"


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LETTER CCXV. To the Mayor of Newcastle: Whitehall, 18th De- 
cember 1656 .. I 
Presbyterians and Independents. 

CCXVI. To Card. Mazarin: Whitehall, 26th December 16 5 6 4 
Quarrel between Charles Stuart and his Brother. 
SPEECH VI. To the Second Protectorate Parliament, 23d January 
16 5 6 -7. . . .. . .. 8 
Thanks for their Congratulation on the failure of Sindercomb's 
LETTER CCXVII. To the same Parliament: Whitehall, 25th De- 
cember 1656 . . 20 
Case of James Nayler. 
SPEECH VII. To the Second Protectorate Parliament, 31st March 16 57 25 
Reception of their Petition and Advice with their Offer of 
the Title of King. Returns pious thanks; craves time to 
consider; will then answer. 

VIII. To a Committee of the same Parliament, 3d April 16 57 29 
Answers with praise as to the Petition and Advice generally, but 
as to the Title of King, with distinct though not emphatic 

IX. To the same Parliament, 8th April 16 57 . . 34 
Would state his Doubts, if there !were Opportunity given, 
-if there were some Conference, or the like, appointed. 

x. Conference with the Committee of Ninety-nine in regard 
to the Title of King, nth April 1657.. . 41 
Difficulty as to how they shall proceed in this matter of 




SPEECH XI. Second Conference with the Committee of Ninety-nine, 
13 th April 16 57 . . 53 
Endeavours to rebut their arguments. used in the former 
Conference, in favour of the Title. Not of necessity; 
at best only of expediency or advantage. John Hampden 
and the Ironsides. Leaves the matter undecided: Con- 
ference to be renewed. 

XII. Third Conference with the same, 20th April 16 57 75 
Replies to their argument drawn from Law; contends that 
whatever Title they, the Parliament, establish, be it that 
of Protector or another. will be Law. For the rest, the 
matter not an essential; unimportant in comparison with 
others in this New Instrument of Government,-to which 
others let us rather address ourselves. Conference to be 
renewed on the morrow. 

XIII. Fourth Conference with the same, 21st April 16 57 . . 85 
Animadverts on various Articles of the Petition and Advice, 
or New Instrument, which seem to require reconsider- 
ation: leaves that of the Kingship unmeddled with. 

XIV. To the Second Protectorate Parliament in a body, 8th 
May 1657 125 
Briefly refuses the Title of King. 

XV. To the same Parliament, 9th June 1657, on the Pre- 
sentation of some Bills for assent. " 130 
Thanks for their Supplies of Money, as the custom is. 

LETTER CCXVIII. To Gen. Blake: Whitehall, loth June 1657 . 13 2 
Jewel for the Victory at Santa Cruz. 


CCXIX. To Gen. Montague: Whitehall, nth August 1657 
Order to sail. 


CCXX. To J. Dunch, Esq.: Hampton Court, 27th August 
16 57 . . . . 13 6 
To call at Hampton CourL 

CCXXI. To Gen. Montague: Hampton Court, 30th August 
16 57 . 13 6 
In sanction of his treatment of the Dutch ships. 

CCXXII. To Sir W. Lockhart: 'Whitehall, 31st August 1657. 137 
Mardike and Dunkirk. Peremptory: To bring Mazarin to the 

CCXXIII. To the same: same date. 14 2 
Same subject. 

CCXXIV. To Gen. Montague: Whitehall, 2d October 1657. 143 
Christian Denokson to strengthen Mardike. 

SPEECH XVI. To the Two Houses of Parliament; Opening of the 
Second Session of the Second Protectorate Parliament, 
20th January 16 57- 8 . ..... 15 0 
Reasons for thankfulness in such a Meeting: Religious 
Liberty. the great object of our struggles, gained, and in 
the way of being made secure; Peace hitherto; a Godly 
Ministry. Understand the works of God, what God has 
done for you;- and persevere and prosper. 




SPEECH XVII. To the Two Houses of Parliament; the Commons 
having raised debates as to the Title of the other 
House, 25th January 1657. . 160 
Perils of the Nation; perils of the Protestant Interest in 
Europe at large; pressing need there is of unanimity. 
Exhortation and Remonstrance: Do not sacrifice great 
vital interests for titles and niceties. 

XVIII. Dissolution of the Second Protectorate Parliament, 
4th February 1657-8 . . . . . . . 186 
What he might have expected in this Meeting of Parliament; 
what he has found in it: Angry debating; and the Nation 
on the verge of conflagration thereby. Dissolves the 

LETTER CCXXV. To Sir W. Lockhart: Whitehall, 26th May 1658 199 
Protestants of the Valleys. 



2. AT ELY 222 
AMBLE" 224 

LAND, 1648 257 
THERE . 266 




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I. Letter to Mr. John Newdigate, 1st April 1631 3 1 3 
2. Letter to Captain Vernon, 17th December 16 4 2 . 3 1 4 
3. Order to the Constables of Holt, 20th March 16 42-3 314 
4. (1) Letter to the Deputy-Lieutenants of Essex, 1st August 16 43 . 3 1 5 
(2) To the same, 4th August 1643. 3 1 5 
(3) To the same, 6th August 1643. 3 16 
5. Letter to Sir Thomas Barrington, 6th October 16 43 3 1 7 
6. (1) Letter to the Committee of the Isle of Ely, 10th January 16 43-4 3 18 
(2) To Mr. Robert Browne, lIth April 1644 . . 3 18 
(3) To Dr. Richard Stane, 13th April 1644 . 3 18 
(4) To Dr. William Stane, 6th January 1644-5 . 3 1 9 
(5) To the Committee at Cambridge? 21st January 16 44-5 . 3 20 
7. Without address, 5th October 1644 3 20 
8. (1) Letter to Sir Sam. Luke, 6th October 1644 3 21 
(2) To the same, 8th October 1644 . 3 21 


9. Letter to the Sequestrators of the Isle of Ely, 17 th January 
16 44-5 . 
10. Letter to Major-General Skippon, 3d May 1645 
II. Letter to Col. Edward \Vhalley, 9th April 1645 
12. Letter to Lieut.-Col. Burgess, 30th April 1645 
13. Letter to the Hon. William Lenthall, 9th May 1645 
14. Letter to Sir Samuel Luke, 15th June 16 45 . 
.I5. Circular Letter to the Members at 'Vestminster, 10th July 1645 
16. Letter to the Earl of Clar
, 16th June 1646 . 
17. Letter to Mr. Robftrt Jenner, 29th October 1646 . 
18. (1) Letter to Lord Howard, 23d March 1646
(2) To Henry Darley and John Gurdon, Esquires, 31st March 
16 47 
19. Joint Letter to the Colonels of Regiments, 3d May 16 47 
20. The like, to the Commanders of the Eight Horse Regiments, 9th 
May 1647 
21. Speech in Saffron Walden Church, 16th May 1647 
22. Joint Letter to Mr. Speaker, 20th May 1647. 
23. The like, to Col. Whalley, 25th June 1647 . 
24. Speeches in the Council of War, 16th July 1647 
25. (1) Speeches in the Council of Officers, 28th October 1647 . 
(2) Speeches at the Meeting of Officers, 29th October 1647 
(3) Speeches at the Council of the Army, 1st November 1647 
(4) Speeches at the Council of Officers, 8th November 1647 . 
26. Letter to Col. Hammond, December 1647? . 
27. Letter to Lord-General Fairfax, 9th May 1648 
28. Letter to Capt. Thomas Roberts, 9th May 1648 . 
29. Letter to Vice-Admiral Crowther, 16th May 1648. 
30. (1) Letter to Col. WilJiam Herbert, 26th June 1648 
(2) To Col. Poyer, 10th July 1648 
31. Order for restoration of horses, 14th August 1648. 
32. Letter (unaddressed) written at Durham, 7th September 1648 
33. Letter to Col. Thomas Barwis, 25th October 1648 
34. Letter to Col. Charles Fairfax, 2d November 1648 
35. Letter to Col. Hammond, 6th November 1648 
36. (1) Letter to Col. Charles Fairfax, 6th November 1648 . 
(2) To the same, 7th November 1648 
(3) To the same, 10th November 1648 
(4) To the same, IIth November 1648 
(5) To the same, same date . 
37. Letter to Lord-General Fairfax, 
O\'ember 1648 



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38. Letter to Col. Harrison, 22d December 1648. 
39. Letter to Col. \Vhichcott, same date 
40. Letter of Protection for Sir H. Jerningham, 4th January 1648-9 
41. Letter to the Committee for Compounding, 6th February 1648-9 
42. Speech on Going for Ireland, 23d March 1648-9 
43. Letter to R. Mayor, Esquire, 28th April 1649 
44-. Letter to Mr. Rushworth, same date 
45. Letter to Major Butler, 31st May 1649 . 
46. Letter to the Hon. W. Lenthall, July 1649 
47. Letter to the Justices of Pembrokeshire, 21st July 1649 
48. Declaration to Dublin, 23d August 1649 
49. Letter to Lord-General Fairfax, 15th October 1649 
50. (1) Propositions from the City of Cork, November 1649 
(2) Answer to the City of Cork, November 1649 . 
51. (1) Address from Youghal, 7th November 1649 
(2) The Lord-General's reply, 14th November 1649 
(3) Letter from the English Officers in Youghal, [7th?] November 
16 49 
(4) Reply to the English Officers, [14th ?] November 1649 . 
52. Letter to the Commander at Dungarvan, 22nd r-;- ovember 1649 
53. Letter to the Hon. W. LenthaIl, 16th January 1649-50 
54. (1) Letter to the Governor of Clonmel, 16th January 1649-50 
(2) To the same, 10th February 1649-50 
55. Articles for Fethard, 3d Febuary 1649-50 
56. Articles for Cahir Castle, 24th February 1649-50 
57. Letter to Major-General Ireton, 18th March 1649-50 
58. (1) Declaration concerning the English Officers, 26th April 1650 
(2) Letter to Capt. William Penn, 26th April 1650 
(3) Answer to Queries, 5th May 1650 
59. (1) Pass for Co!. Richard Butler, 29th April 1650 . 
(2) The like for Lady Inchiquin, 13th May 1650 
60. Letter to Co!. Hewson, 22nd 
fay 1650 
61. Letter to Sir Henry Vane, jun., 26th July 1650 
62. Letter to the Committee for Compounding, 27th September 1650. 
63. Letter to the Hon. W. Lenthall, 2nd October 1650 
64. Order to the Treasurers at War, 3d February 1650[-51] 
65' Letter to Co!. Hammond, 13th May 1651 
66. Letter to Lord President Bradshaw, 17th June 1651 
67' Letter to the Hon. W. LenthaIl, 22d July 1651 
68. Letter to the Governor of Perth, 1st August 1651 . 


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69. Letter to Col. Thomas Birch, 30th September 16 5 1 
70. Letter to the Committee for Compounding, 24th November 16 5 1 . 
71. (1) Letter to the Trinity House, 25th May 16 5 2 
(2) Letter to Chester Commissioners, 10th June 1652 
72. Letter to the Committee for Compounding, 27th August 16 52 
73. Letter to the same, 18th November 1652 
74. Letter to the same, 9th December 1652. 
75. Letter to Vice-Chancellor Owen, 28th December 1652 
7 6 . Letter to Vice-Admiral Penn, 25th February 1652-3 
77. Letter to the Commissioners for the Propagation of the Gospel in 
Wales, 26th April 1653 . 
7 8 . Speech to the London Aldermen, 20th May 1653 . 
79. (1) Letter to Gloucester Commissioners, 10th June 1653 
(2) Letter to the Mayor of Chester, 11th June 1653 
79 a Letter to Cardinal Mazarin, July 1653 . 
80. Letter to Vice-Admiral Penn, 9th July 1653 . 
81. Letter to Richard Salway, Esquire, 1 nh August 1653 
82. Letter to Mr. Richard Lawrence, 4th October 1653 
83. Letter to Lieut.-General Fleetwood, 12th December 1653 
84. Letter to the Spanish Ambassador, 3d January 1653-4 . 
85. Speech to the Ministers of the French Church, 5th January 1653-4 
86. Letter to Col. Robert Lilburne, 7th March 1653-4. 
87. Letter to Commissioners in Ireland, 22nd March 1653-4 
88. Speech to Corporation of Guildford, 18th April 1654 
89. Letter to General Fleetwood, 20th July 1654 
90. Letter to the Levant Company, 14th August 1654 
91. Circular Letter to the Army, 20th November 1654 
92. Speech to Committee for retrenching the Forces, 23d November 
16 54 
93. Speech to the French Ambassador, 28th November 1654 
94. Letter to General "Villiam Penn, 27th November 1654 
95. To the same, 1st December 1654 . 
96. To the same, 20th December 1654 
97. To the same, 15th January 1654-5. 
98. Letter to Lieut.-Col. Wilkes, January 1654-5 
99. Letter to Lord Deputy Fleetwood, 24th January 1654-5 
100. (I) Letter to Col. Crowne, 5th March 1654-5. 
(2) Letter to Major General Disbrowe, 11th March 1654-5 
(3) Letter to Col. Philip Jones, 11th March 1654-5 
(4) Letter to Col. Berry, 12th March 1654-5 . 

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101. Letter to Attorney-General Prideaux, 19th March 1654-5 
102. Letter to Col. Humphrey Mackworth, 10th April 1655 
103. Letter to Lord Deputy Fleetwood, 26th April 1655 
104. To the same, loth May 1655 . 
105. Letter to the Lord Deputy and Council, 23d May 1655. 
106. Letter to the Duana of Algier, 1st June 1655. 
107. Letter to the Mayor, etc., of Colchester, 28th June 1655 
108. Letter to the Lord Deputy and Council, 16th July 1655 
109. Letter to General :\Ionck, 26th July 1655 
110. Letter to the Senate of Berne, 28th July 1655 
III. Orders to the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex, 22d August 1655. 
112. Orders to the Mayor, etc., of Colchester, 31st August 1655 
113. Letter to the Sultan, 6th November 1655 
114. Letter to Col. Norton, 19th November 1655 . 
115. (1) Instructions for Major Haynes, 4th December 1655 . 
(2) Orders to the Admiralty Committee, 19th December 1655 
(3) Letter to the Major-Generals, 29th January 1655-6 
116. Letter to General Disbrowe, 29th January 1655-6 . 
n7. Speech to the Lord 
Iayor, etc., 11th March 1655-6 
118. (1) Letter to Lieut.-Col. Brayne, 1656 . 
(2) Letter to General Monck, 1656 
119. Letter to the Commanders in Jamaica, 17th June 1656 . 
120. Order to a Judge, 1st August 1656 
121. Letter to the" Triers," 6th October 1656 
122. Letter to Captain Rose, 16th October 1656 
123. Speech to the Parliament, 27th November 1656 
124. Letter to Henry Cromwell, 10th February 1656-7. 
125. Letter to the Militia Officers, 19th February 1656-7 
126. Order to the Commissioners for Ely House, 23d February 1656-7 
127. Speech to the Army Officers, 27th February 1656-7 
128. Letter to the Commissioners in Ireland, 27th March 1657 
129. Letter to the Lord Deputy and Council, 30th March 1657 
130. (1) Paper on the Petition and Advice, 21st April 1657 
(2) Paper on the Revenue, same date 
131. Letter to :\Iajor-General Lambert, 13th July 1657. 
132. Letter to the Lord Deputy and Council, 7th August 1657 
133. (1) Letter to the Sultan of Turkey, 11th August 1657 
(2) To the Grand Vizier, same date 
134. Letter to Henry Cromwell, 13th October 1657 
135. Letter to Cardinal Mazarin, 4th December 1657 

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136. Letter to Hamet Basha, 1657 501 
137. (1) Letter to the Speaker, 25th January 1657-8 5 02 
(2) Speech to a Committee of the Commons, 28th January 1657-8 502 
138. Speech XVIII. (another version), 4th February 16 57- 8 . 503 
139. Speech to the Army Officers, 6th February 16 57- 8 509 
140. Speech to the Lord Mayor, etc., 12th March 1657-8 . 510 
141. Letter to the Council in Scotland, 15th April 1658 512 
142. Order to the Corporations of the Cinque Ports, 17th April 16 5 8 . 513 
143. Letter of Recall to l\Ir. Pell, 6th May 16 5 8 . 514 
144. Letter to Captain Stokes, 21st May 16 5 8 514 
145. Letter to Henry Cromwell, 1st June 16 5 8 . 514 
146. Order to the Stationers' Company, 22d June 16 5 8 515 
147. Grant to the Corporation of Chester, 23d June 16 5 8 515 
148. Letter to Henry Cromwell, 16th July 1658 . . 516 
149. Letter to Edmund Dunch, Esquire, 19th :\Iarch, 1652-3 . 517 


. 5 1 9 


1 J ART X 




T\\ 0 Letters near each other in date, and now by accident brought 
contiguous in place; 1 which offer a rather singular contrast; the 
one pointing as towards the Eternal Heights, the other as towards 
the Tartarean Deeps! Between which two Extremes the Life of 
men and Lord Protectors has to pass itself in this world, as wisely 
as it can. Let us read them, and hasten over to the new Year 
Fifty-Seven, and last Department of our subject. 


N E\\ CASTLE- UPON- TH';E, or the Municipal Authorities there, as 
we may perceive, are rather of the Independent judgment; and 
have a little dread of some encouragement his Highness has been 
giving to certain of the Presbyterian sect in those parts. This 
Letter ought to be sufficient reassurance. 

I [Between these two would come, if it existed, a letter which on December 22, 
1656, was read in Parliament from the Protector, .. concerning the arrears due to 
the Cheshire Brigade who bore a great share in the heat of Worcester fight, and 
ever since have been unpaid." The petition which accompanied it was referred to 
a committee.] 
VOL. III.-1 



[18 Dec. 

Tu lite },!a!Jur cif ;.Yelvcastle: To be CU1ll1ll1lltÏcated tu the Aldermell 
alld other.s' 1l'lw'I1l it doth COllce1'll 

Whitehall, 18th December 1656. 

:My Lord Strickland, who is one of our Council, 
did impart to us a letter written from yourselves to him, according 
to your desire therein expressed; which occasions this return from 
us to you. 
As nothing that may reflect to the prejudice of your outward 
good, either personal or as you are a civil Government, shall 
easily pass with us; so, much less what shall tend to your dis- 
couragement, as you are saints, to your congregations, gathered 
in that way of fellowship commonly known by the name of 
Independents, whether of one judgment or other :-' this J will 
be so far from being actually discountenanced, or passively' left 
to J suffer damage, by any applying themselves to me; I do, 
once for all, give you to understand, that I should thereby 
destroy and disappoint one of the main ends for which God 
hath planted me in the station I am in. 
Wherefore I desire you in that matter to rest secure. True 
it is that two Ministers, one Mr. Cole and Mr. Pye, did 
present to me a letter in the name of divers Ministers in New- 
castle, the Bishoprick of Durham and Northumberland, of an 
honest and Christian purpose: the sum whereof I extracted, 
and returned an answer thereunto (a true copy whereof I send 
you here enclosed), by which I think it will easily appear, that 
the consideration of my kindness is well deserved by them; 
provided they observe the condition 'there' expressed, which 
in charity I am bound to believe they will; and without which 
their own consciences and the world will know how to judge of 
Having said this, I, or rather the Lord, r
quire of you, that 
you walk in all peaceableness and gentleness, inoffensiveness, 
truth and love towards them, as becomes the servants and 

1656. ] 



chm'ches of Christ; knowin
 well that Jesus Christ, of whose 
diocese both they and you are, expects it, who, when He 
comes to gather His people, and to make Himself a name and 
a praise amongst all the people of the earth,-He will save him 
that halteth, and gather her that was driven out, and wiU get 
them praise and fame in every land, where they have been put 
to shame. l And such lame ones and driven-out ones were not 
only the Independents and Presbyterians, a few years since, 
by the Popish and Prelatical Party in these Nations, hut such 
are and have been the Pmtestants in all lands, persecuted, and 
faring alike with you, in all the Reformed Churches. And 
therefore, knowing your charity to be as large as all the flock 
of Christ, who are of the same Hope and Faith of the Gospel 
with you, I have thought fit to commend these few words to you; 
being well assured it is written in your heart, so to do with this 
that I sha
l stand by you in the maintaining of all your just 
privileges to the uttermost. 
And committing you to the blessing of the Lord, I re
Your loving friend, 

I Zephaniah iii. 19, 20. 
* Thurloe, v. 714: in Secretary Thurloe's hand. [In response to this letter, the 
" Churches at Newcastle" presented an address to the Protector, gratefully thanking 
him for his" singular affection and most Christian tenderness" to them as shown 
in his letter to the Mayor: assuring him that they have received with all gladness 
his" many inculcated exhortations to love the whole flock of Christ, though not 
walking in the same order of the Gospel," and ending as follO\\s: "When we 
consider how many of the precious sons of Sion have fled into a roaring wilderness 
to enjoy the tabernacle of God, and were glad of it; and that we should under our 
vines and fig-trees not only enjoy the privileges of the Gospel but have the protection 
and encouragement of the supreme powers of the nation, our hearts are drawn out 
to bless the Lord, and pray with the church for David (Psalm xx.), . The Lord hear 
thee in the day of trouble, the name of the God of Jacob defend thee, send thee 
help from the sanctuary, and strengthen thee out of Sion.'.. Printed in Nickol/'s 
Original Letters and Papers 0/ State, p. 138.] 



[26 Dec. 


CARDINAL MAZARIN, the governing Minister of France in those 
days, is full of compliance for the Lord Protector; whom, both for 
the sake of France and for the Cardinal's sake, it is very requisite 
to keep in good humour. On France's score, there is Treaty with 
France, and War with its enemy Spain; on the Cardinal's are ob- 
scure Court-intrigues, Queen-mothers, and one knows not what: 
in brief, the subtle Cardinal has found, after trial of the opposite 
course too, that friendship, or even at times obedient-servant- 
ship to Cromwell, wilJ be essentially advantageous to him. 
Some obscure quarrel has fallen-out between Charles Stuart 
and the Duke of York his Brother. Quarrel complicated with 
open politics, with Spanish War and Royalist Revolt, on Oliver's 
side; with secret Queen-mothers, and back-stairs diplomacies, on 
the Cardinal's :-of which there flit, in the dreariest manner, this 
and the other enigmatic vestige in the night-realm of Tlmrloe,. 2 
and which is partly the subject of this present Letter. A letter 
unique in two respects. It is the only one we have of Oliver 
Cromwell, the English Puritan King, to Giulio Mazarini, the 
Sicilian-French Cardinal, and King of Shreds and Patches; 3 who 
are a very singular pair of Correspondents brought together by 
the Destinies! It is also the one glimpse we have from Oliver 
himself of the subterranean Spy-world, in which by a hard 
necessity so many of his thoughts had to dwell. Oliver, we 
find, cannot quite grant Toleration to the Catholics; but he is well 
satisfied with this' our weightiest affair,' -not without weight to 
me at least, who sit expecting Royalist Insurrections backed by 
Spanish Invasions, and have Assassins plotting for my life at present 
'on the word of a Chl'istian King! '- 
Concerning the 'affair' itself, and the personages engaged in 
it, let us be content that they should continue spectral for us, and 
dwell in the subterranean Night-realm which belongs to them. 
The' Person' employed from England, if anybody should be curious 
about him, is one Colonel Barnfield, once a flaming Presbyterian 
. Royalist, who smuggled the Duke of York out of this Country in 
woman's clothes; and now lives as an Oliverian Spy, very busy 
making mischieffor the Duke of York. 'Berkley' is the Sir John 

1 [Letter CCXVII. is dated a day earlier than this one.] 
2 iv. 506; v. 753; &c. &c. 
3 Three insignificant official Notes to him: in Appendix, Nos. 27, 28. [See also 
Supplement, No. 125.] 




Berkley who rode with Charles First to the Isle of \Vight long 
since; I the Duke of York's Tutor at present. Of' Lockhart; 
Oliver's Ambassador in France, we shall perhaps hear again. The 
others,-let them continue spectral to us. Let us conceive, never 
so faintly, that their' affair' is to maintain in the Duke of York 
some Anti-Spanish notion; notion of his having a separate English 
interest, independent of his Brother's, perhaps superior to it; 
wild notion, of one or the other sort, which will keep the quan-el 
wide :-as accordingly we find it did for many months,2 whatever 
notion it was. \" e can then read with intelligence sufficient for us. 
, 1'0 hi,ç Emiliellc,lJ Cardinal Jlazarill' 
'\Vhitehall,' 26th December 1656. 
The obligations, and many instances of affection, 
which I have received from your Eminency, do engage' me' to 
make returns suitable and commensurate to your merits. But al- 
though I have thi
 set home upon my spirit, I may not (shall I 
tell you, I cannot ?), at this juncture of time, and as the face of 
my affairs now stand, answer to your call fOI'Toleration. 3 

I An/ea, i. 28 5. 
2 Thurloe, iv. v. "i. : see also Bi(lg. Rrit. (2d edition), ii. 154. [See note 2, on 
next page.l 
3To the Catholics here. [A month before this, on Nov. 24, old style, Bordeaux 
v. rote to Brienne that he had spoken to the Secretary concerning certain imprisoned 
priests, "tesmoignant que Ie roy [de France] se sentiroit obligé si, en sa considera- 
tion, tant eux que les Catholiqucs d'Angleterre estoient traittés avec moins de 
rigueur que par Ie passé." On Dec. I-II, he wrote to Mazarin, saying that if he 
thought well to take up the cause of the English Catholics, the memoires of certain 
priests should be sent to him. But he entirely corroborates the statement in Oliver's 
letter concerning the leniency shown in England. His church is more frequented, 
he says, than that of any ambassador has ever been before. Every festival, three 
or four thousand attend, and are in no way molested as they go out, not even the 
priests who serve; a thing which the Queen was never able to pre\ent, nor the 
Spanish ambassador in the time of the Parliament. He fears, howe\"er, that the 
Protector will not grant anything further, his policy being to testify to the public an 
extraordinary zeal for the Protestants; and Parliament seems inclined to revive 
some of the old penal laws. On Dec. 8-18, he announced to the Cardinal that 
some of the chief Catholics had been that day v.ith him, praying for tbe intervention 
of tbe King, his master. He has promised to see the Protector on the subject and 
even if refused, the request will show that Spain is not alone in zeal for religion, 
and after such refusal, the English government would not be able to meddle in 
favour of the Huguenots of France. It would, he thinks, be well for the King 
first to write to the Protector, but without its appearing that he had been instigated 
to it. It was no doubt in consequence of this suggestion that Mazarin sent the 
letter to which the above is the answer, but it is evident that Oliver was also 
negotiating matters with Mazarin of which the French ambassador knew nothing; 
for no trace appears in Bordeaux' letters to the Cardinal in relation to the business 
of the Duke of York.] 



[26 Dec. 

I say, I cannot, as to a public Declaration of my sense in that 
point; although I believe that under my Government your Emi- 
nency, in the behalf of Catholics, has less reason for complaint as 
to rigour upon men's consciences than under the Parliament. For 
I have of some, and those very many, had compassion; making 
a difference. Truly I have (and I may speak it with cheerfulness 
in the presence of God, who i<; a witness within me to the truth 
of what I affirm) made a difference; and, as Jude speaks, plucked 
many out of the fire,l-the raging fire of persecution, which did 
tyrannise over their consciences, and encroached by an arbitrari- 
ness of power upon their estates. And herein it is my purpose, 
as soon as I can remove impediments, and some weights that 
press me down, to make a farther progress, and discharge my 
promise to your Eminency in relation to that. 
And now I shall come to return your Eminency thanks for 
}our judicious choice of that per
on to whom you have entrusted 
our weightest affair: an affair wherein your Eminency is con- 
cenled, though not in equal degree and measure with myself. 
I must confess that I had some doubts of its success, till Pro- 
vidence cleared them to me by the effects. J was, truly, and 
to speak ingenuously, not without doubtings; and shall not be 
ashamed to give your Eminency the grounds I had for much 
doubting. J did fear that Berkley would not have been able to 
go through and cal"l'y on that work; that either the Duke had 
cooled in his suit, 2 or condescended to his Brother. I doubted 

1 Verses 22, 23: a most remarkable Epistle, to which his Highness often 
enough solemnly refers, as ,...e have seen. 
2 His suit, I understand, was for leave to continue in France; an Anti-Spanish 
notion. [At the time Cromwell wrote, the question of James leaving France had 
long been settled. In obedience to his brother's commands he reluctantly quitted 
Paris on Sept. 10 and travelled to Bruges, having a curious little rencontre with 
Cromwell's ambassador by the way. Soon afterwards, at Charles's bidding, he 
entered the Spanish service, saying in response to the remonstrances of his friends 
in Paris that Mazarin only wanted to prevent him from doing so in order to retain 
the Irish troops in his service, and that his duty obliged him to obey his brother. 
But meanwhile a fresh difficulty arose, owmg to the intrigues of a certain party of 
the King's followers and of the Duke's own people (headed by Sir Henry Bennet) 
to obtain the dismissal of Sir John Berkeley, the Duke's" governor," and to replace 
him by Sir George Ratcliffe. On Christmas Eve, new style (Dec. 14, old style) the 
King sent his positive commands that Berkeley should depart. The Duke agreed, 

1656. ] 



also that those In
tructions which I sent over with 290 1 were 
not clear enough as to expre
sions ; some afià.irs here denying me 
leisure at that time to be so particular as, 'in regard' to some 
circumstances, I would.-IfI am not mistaken in his' the Duke's' 
character, as I received it from your Eminency, that fire which 
is kindled between them will not ask bellows to blow it, and 
keep it burning. But what I think farther necessary in this 
matter I will send your Eminency by Lockhart. 
And now I shall boast to your Eminency my security upon 
a well-builded confidence in the Lord: for I distrust not but if 
this breach 'be' widened a little more, and this difference 
fomented, with some caution in respect of the persons to be 
added to it,-I distrust not but that Party, which is already for- 
saken of God as to an outward dispensation of mercies, and noi- 
some to their countrymen, will grow lower in the opinion of all 
the world. 
If I have troubled your Eminency too long in this, you may 
impute it to the resentment of joy which I have for the issue of 
this Affair; and' I' will conclude with giving you assurance that 
I will never be backward in demonstrating, as becomes your 
brother and confederate, that I am, 

Your servant, 

but two or three days later withdrew himself from the Court and followed his 
friend into Holland. It was at this juncture that the Protector's letter was written. 
What Berkeley's" work" was, is not very apparent. There were rum ours that he 
was in communication with Cromwell, but if so, his young master had no suspicion 
of it, for he speaks of him always ",ith the utmost affection. Cromwell's hopes 
were not justified, for the King yielded, sent for the Duke, allowed Berkeley to be 
reinstated and soon afterwards made him a peer. (See Life of James II., taken 
from his own memoirs; vol. i. pp. 270-293.) Thurloe's correspondents were 
suspicious that the quarrel between the two brothers was imaginary, and that the 
Duke's going into Flanders was part of a plot for his passing into England, but 
the Duke's own memoirs make no mention of any such project.] 
I Cipher for some :\lan's Name, now undecipherable; to all appearance Barn- 
field. [But in Thurloe, 883 is Barnfield. (Vol. v. p. 754').] 
* Thurloe, v. 735. In the possession of a 'Mr. Theophilus Rowe of Hamp- 
stead in Middlesex,' says Birch. Where did Rowe get it? Is it in the original 
hand, or only a copy? Birch is silent even as to the latter point. fhe style 
sufficiently declares it to be a genuine letter. [It will also be found in a collection 
of tracts, etc., relating to Cromwell, B. .If. Press ."Iark 66<), f. 20 (42). for 
answer to Carlyle's question, see Editor's Note, I. liv.] 



[8 Jan. 



THE Spanish Invasion and Royalist Insurrection once more came 
to no effect: on matm'e judgment of the case, it seemed neces- 
sary to have Oliver Protector assassinated first; and that, as 
usual, could not be got done. Colonel Sexby, the frantic Ana- 
baptist, he and others have been very busy; 'riding among his 
Highness's escort' in Hyde Park and elsewhere, with fleet 
horses, formidable weapons, with 'gate-hinges ready filed through; 
if the deed could have been done ;-but it never could. Sexby 
went over to Flanders again, for fresh consultations; left the 
assassination-affair in other hands, with 1,6001. of ready money, 
'on the faith of a Christian King: Quartermaster Sindercomb 
takes Sexby's place in this great enterprise; finds, he too, that 
there is nothing but failure in it. 
Miles Sindercomb, now a cashiered Quartermaster living about 
Town, was once a zealous Deptford lad, who enlisted to fight for 
Liberty, at the beginning of these Wars. He fought strongly 
on the side of Liberty, being an earnest fierce young fellow;- 
then gradually got astray into Levelling courses, and wandered 
ever deeper there, till daylight forsook him, and it became quite 
dark. He was one of the desperate misguided Corporals, or 
Quartermasters, doomed to be shot at Burford, seven years ago: 
but he escaped overnight, and was not shot there; took service 
in Scotland; got again to be Quartermaster; was in the Overton 
Plot, for seizing Monk and marching into England, lately: 
whereupon _Monk cashiered him: and he came to Town; lodged 
himself here, in a sulky threadbal'e manner,-in Alsatia or else- 
where. A gloomy man and Ex-Ql1artel'master; has become one 
of Sexby's people, 'on the faith of a Chl'istian King;' nothing 
now left of him but the fierceness, groping some path for itself 
in the utter dark. Henry Toope, one of his Highness's Life- 
guard, gives us, or will give us, an inkling of Sindercomb; and 
we know something of his courses and inventions, which are 
many. He rode in Hyde Park, among his Highness's escort, 
with Sexby; but the deed could not then be done. Leave me 
the 1,6001., said he; and I will find a way to do it. Sexby left 
it him, and went abroad. 
J nventive Sindercomb then took a House in Hammersmith; 




Garden-House, I think, 'which had a banqueting-room looking 
into the road;' road vel'y narrow at that part ;-road from 
\Vhitehall to Hampton Court on Saturday afternoons. Inventive 
Sindercomb here set about providing blunderbusses of the due 
explosive force,-ancient 'infernal-machines,' in fact,-with these 
he will blow his Highness's Coach and Highness's self into small 
pieces, if it please Heaven. It did not please Heaven,-probably 
not Henry Toope of his Highness's Lifeguard. This first scheme 
proved a failure. 
Inventive Sindercomb, to justify his J ,600/., had to try some- 
thing. He dedded to fire "'hitehall by night, and have a stroke 
at his Highness in the tumult. He has' a hundred swift horses, 
two in a stable, up and down: '-set a hundred stout ruffians on 
the back of these, in the nocturnal fire; and try. Thursday, 8th 
January 16:j6-7; that is to be the Night. On the dusk of 
Thursday, January 8th, he with old-trooper Cecil, his second in 
the business, attends Public \\Torship in \Vhitehall Chapel; is 
seen loitering there afterwards, 'near the Lord Lambert's seat: 
Nothing more is seen of him: but about half-past eleven at 
night, the sentinel on guard catches a smell of fil'e ;-finds holed 
cots, picked locks; a basket of the most virulent wildfire, 
, fit almost to burn through stones,' -with lit match slowly creep- 
ing towards it, computed to reach it in some half-hour hence, 
about the stroke of midnight !-His Highness is summoned, the 
Council is summoned ;-alas, Toope of the Lifeguard is examined, 
and Sindercomb's lodging is known. Just when the wildfire 
should have blazed, two Guardsmen wait upon Sindercomb; seize 
him, not without hard defence on his part, 'wherein his nose 
was nearly cut off;' bring him to his Highness. Toope testifies; 
Cecil peaches :-inventive Sindercomb has failed for the hl.
time. To the Tower with him, to a jury of his country with 
him !- The emotion in the Parliament and in the Public, next 
morning, was great. It had been proposed to ring an alarm at 
the moment of discovery, and summon the Trainbands; but his 
Highness would not hear of it. I 
This Parliament, really intent on settling the Nation, could 
not want for emotions in regard to such a matter! Parliament 
adjourns for a week, till the roots of the Plot are investigated 
somewhat. Parliament, on reassembling, appoints a day of 

1 Burton, i. 322, 3, 355; Official narrative (in Crom'ù,e1liana, pp. 160, r61); 
State-Trials, v. 



[23 Jan. 

Thanksgiving for the Nation; Friday come four weeks, which is 
February 20th, that shall be the general Thanksgiving Day: and 
in the mean time we decide to go over in a body, and congratulate 
his Highness. A mark of great respect tohim. 1 
Parliament accordingly goes over in a body, with mellifluous 
Widdrington, whom they have chosen for Speaker, at their head, 
to congratulate his Highness. It is Friday, 2sd January] 656-7 
about Eleven in the morning; scene, Banqueting-house, White- 
hall. Mellifluous Widdrington's congratulation, not very prolix, 
exists in abstract; 2 but we suppress it. Here is his Highness's 
Reply;-rather satisfactory to the reader. We have only to 
regret that in passing from the Court up to the Banqueting-house, 
'part of an ancient wooden staircase,' or balustrade of a staircase, 
'long exposed to the weather, gave way in the crowding;' 3 and 
some honourable Gentlemen had falls, though happily nobody 
was seriously hurt. 
Iellifluous Widdrington having ended, his 
Highness answers : 


I confess with much respect, that you have 
put this trouble on yourselves upon this occasion :-but I perceive 
there be two things that fill me full of sense. One is, The mercy 
on a poor unworthy creature; the second is, This great and, as J 
said, unexpected kindness of Parliament, in manifesting such a 
sense thereof as this is which you have now expressed. I speak 
not this with compliment! That that detracts from the thing, 

1 Commons Journals, vii. 481,484,493; Burton's Diary, i. 369,377. 
2 Burton, ii. 488. [Also in J/ercurius Politicus (E. 500, 20). .. He was but 
short, because of his infirmity of body by sickness. "] 
3 Cromwelliana, p. 162. See Thurloe (vi. 49), and correct poor Noble (i. 161), 
who, with a double or even triple blunder, says my Lord Richard Cromwell had 
his leg broken on this occasion, and dates it August 1657. [There is nothing 
about this in Thurloc, vi. p. 49, or indeed anywhere. But on pp. 493, 496 are 
allusions to the Lord Richard's" dangerous fall .. in the following August. While 
out hunting in the New Forest his horse fell with him, and he broke his thigh and 
put his knee out of joint. (See Cal. S. P. Dom. 1657, 1658, pp. 84,87.) Richard 
did not however entirely escape when this accident occurred in January. A news- 
letter in the Clarke JfSS. says" down fell many of the members, viz. : the Lord 
Richard Cromwell, whose shoulder was much bruised; Mr. Solicitor General Ems, 
one of whose legs was broken; Lieut.-Col. White, whose arm is said to be broken, 
with many other members prejudiced." (Clarke Papers, iii. 87.). Bordeaux, after 
briefly mentioning the Speaker's harangue and the Protector's acknowledgments, 
observes: .. La joye de ceste action fust un peu interrompu par l'accident qui arriva à 
son fils aisné. II ne luy en est néantmoins resté que quelques meurtrissures."J 




in some sense, is the inconsiderableness and unworthiness of the 
person that hath been the object and subject of this deliverance, 
to wit, myself. I confess ingenuously to you, I do lie under the 
daily sense of my unworthiness and unprofitableness, as I have 
expressed to you: and if there be, as I must readily acknowledge 
there is, a mercy in it to me, I wish I may never reckon it on 
any other account than this, That the life that is lengthened, 
may be spent and improved to His honour that hath vouchsafed 
the mercy, and to the service of you, and those you're 'present. 
I do not know, nor I did not think it would be very seasonable 
for me, to say much to you upon this occasion; being a thing 
that ariseth from yourselves. Yet, methinks, the kindness you 
bear forth 1 should kindle a little desire in me, even at this 
present, to make a short return. And, as you have been disposed 
hither by the Providence of God to congratulate my mercy, so 
give me leave, in a very word or two, to congratulate with you. 
[Ru.\.tg, hut sincere.] 
Congratulations are ever conversant about good, bestowed upon 
men, or possessed by them. Truly, I shall in a word or two 
congratulate you with good !Jou are in possession of, and in some 
respect, I also with you. God hath bestowed upon you, and you 
are in possession of it,-Three Nations, and all that appertains to 
them, which in either a geographical, or topical consideration, are 
Nations. [Indisputablg!] In which also there are places of 
honour and consideration, not inferior to any in the known world, 
-without vanity it may be spoken. Truly God hath not made 
so much soil, furnished with so many blessings, in vain! [Here 
is an idea of one's onm.] But 'tis a goodly sight, if a man behold 
it uno intuitu. And therefore this is a possession of yours, worthy 
This is fumished,-give me leave to say, for I believe it is 
true,-with the best People in the world, possessing so much 
soil. A People in civil rights,-in respect of their right,> and 

] [This word omitted by Carlyle. Probably it should be .. for me."] 



[23 Jan. 

privileges,-very ancient and honourable. And ill this People, 
in the midst of this People,' you have, what is still more preci- 
ous/ a Peuple (I know everyone will hear' and acknowledge' it) 
that are to God "as the apple of His eye," -and He says so of 
them, be they many, or be they few! But they are many. A 
People of the blessing of God; a People under His safety and 
protection. A People calling upon the Name of the Lord; which 
the Heathen do not. A People knowing God; and a People 
(according to the ordinary expressions) fearing God. [ IV e hope 
.<;u I] And you have of this no parallel; no, not in all the world! 
You have in the midst of you glorious things. 
Glorious things: for you have Laws and statutes, and ordi- 
nances, which, though not so (all of them) conformable as were 
to be wished to the Law of Goù, yet, on all hands, pretend not to 
be long rested-in, further than as they are conformable to the just 
and righteous Laws of God. Therefore, I am persuaded, there 
is a heart and spirit in every good man to wish they did all of 
them answer the Pattern. [Yea 11 I cannot douht but that 
which is in the heart will in due time break forth. [And we 
l>"hall actually have just Law.ll, your Higlute.'is thiJlks ?] That endea- 
vours will be 'made' that way, is another of your gooù things, 
with which in my heart 'I think' you are worthily to be con- 
gratulated. And you have a Magistracy that, in outward 
profession, in pretence, in endeavour, doth desire to put life into 
these Laws. And I am confident that among .1/01l will rest 
nothing but a desire to promote every desire in others, and every 
endeavour that hath tended or shall tend to the putting of these 
Laws in execution. I do ' also' for this congratulate you. 
You have a Gospel Ministry among you. That have you! 
Such an one as,-without vanity I 'shall' spea.k it, or without 
caring at all for any favour or respect from tltem, save what I have 
upon an account above flattery, or good words,-such an one as 
hath excelled itself; and, I am persuaded,-to speak with con- 
fidence before the Lord,-is the most growing blessing (one of 
the most growing blessings) on the face of this Nation. 

1657. ] 



You have a good Eye 'to watch over you,' -and in that r will 
share with your good favours. A good God; 1 a God that hath 
watched over you and us. A God that hath visited these Nations 
with a stretched-out arm; and bore His witness a
t the un- 
righteousness and ungodliness of men, against those that' would' 
have abused such Nations,-such mercies throughout, as r have 
reckoned up to you! A God that hath not only withstood such 
to the face, but a God that hath abundantly blessed you with 
the evidences of His goodness and presence. And He "hath 
done things wonderful amongst us," "by terrible things in right- 
eousness." 2 He hath visited us by wonderful things! [A Time' 
qf Jliracle.. as indeed all " Times" are, YOllr Highuess, n,llen tlwre 
are MEN alive in them!] In mercy and compassion hath He given 
us this day of freedom, and liberty to speak this, one to another; 
and to speak of His mercies, as He hath been pleased to put into 
our hearts. [IVhere /LOllI are the Star-Clwmbers, High-Commissions, 
Council-Chambers; pitiless uppressors qf God's Gospel in this land? 
The Hangmen /Vith their mlzip'" and red-hot branding-iron,,', Ivilh their 
Three blood-sprinkled Pillorie.v Ùt Old Palacegard, and FOllr clea/
Surplices al Allhallomtide,-lJvhere are the;1J? Vani,,'hed. Pr[uch ha.\' 
vani.vhed; fled from us lilt'e the Phantasms qf a Nightmare Dream !] 
Truly, this word of conclusion. If these things be so, give 
me leave to remember you but one word; which I offered to you 
with great love and affection the first day of meeting with you, 
this Parliament. It pleased God to put into my heart then to 
mention a Scripture to you,S which would be a good conclusion of 
my speech now at this time to you. It was, That we being met 
to seek the good of so great an Interest, as I have mentioned, 
and the glory of that God who is both yours and mine, how 
could we better do it than by thinking of such words as these, 
"His salvation is nigh them that fear Him," "that glory may 
dwell in our land! " I would not comment upon it. I hope I 

1 [Perhaps the true reading here is: .. you have a good-aye, and in tbat I will 
share with your favours-a good God. "] 
2 Isaiah, xxv. I; Psalm lxv. S. 3(Psalm lxxxv.] 



[23 Jan. 

fear Him ;-and let us more fear Him! If this' present' mercy 
at all doth concern you, as I see it doth,-let me, and r hope you 
will with me, labour more to fear Him [Amen I] than we have 
done,! seeing such a blessing as His salvation" is nigh them that 
fear Him," -seeing we are all of us representatives of all the 
good of all these lands, 'to endeavour with our whole strength' 
"that glory may dwell in our land." 
, Yes,' if this be so, "Mercy and Truth shall meet together, 
Righteousness and Peace shall kiss each other." We shall know, 
you, and I as the father of this family, how to dispose our mercies 
to God's glory, how to dispose our severity. How to distinguish 
betwixt obedient and rebellious children ;-and not to do as Eli 
did, who told his sons he did not hear well of them, when perhaps 
he saw ill 
1J them. And we know the severity of that. And 
therefore let me say that though I will not descant upon the 
words,-Mercy must be joined with Truth: Truth, in that re- 
spect, that we think it our duty to exercise a just severity, as 
well as to apply kindness and mercy. And, truly, Righteousness 
and Peace 2 must kiss each other. If we will have Peace without 
a worm in it, lay we foundations of Justice and Righteousness. 
[Hear this Lord Protector I] And if it shall please God so to 
move you, as that you marry this double 3 Couple together, Mercy 
and Truth, Righteousness and Peace,-you will, if I may he free 
to say so, be blessed whether you will or no ! And that you and 
I may, for the time the Lord shall continue us together, set our 
hearts upon this, shall be my daily prayer. And I heartily and 
humbly acknowledge my thankfulness to you.. 
On Monday 9th February, Sindercomb was tried by a jury in 
the Upper Bench; and doomed to suffer as a traitor and assassin, 

1 [Carlyle printed-" Then we have done, I that includes all,' "-but II then" is 
merely the old spelling of II than. "] 
2 f carlyle, apparently by accident, printed II mercy. "] 
3 Printed" redoubtable" by Carlyle. following the mis-reading in Burton.] 
* Burton's Diary (from Lansdowne MS. 755, f. 40), ii. 490-3. [Printed now from 
the JIS., i.e.. the report sent to John Pell, the English agent at Zurich; sent by 
Hartlib, as appears from the handwriting of the address, and the seal.] 




on the Saturday following. The night before Saturday his poor 
Sister, though narrowly watched, smuggled him some poison: he 
went to bed, saying, "Well, this is the last time I shall go to bed;" 
the attendants heard him snore heavily, and then cease; they 
looked, and he lay dead. f He was of that wretched sect called 
Soul-Sleepers, who believe that the soul fans asleep at death:' 1 a 
gloomy, far-misguided man. They buried him on Tower-hill with 
due ignominy, and there he rests; with none but Frantic-Anabap- 
tist Sex by, or Deceptive-Presbyterian Titus, to sing his praise. 2 
Next Friday, Friday the 20th, which was Thanksgiving Day, 
f the Honourable House, after hearing two Sermons at Margaret's 
f Westminster, partook of a most princely Entertainment,' by invi- 
tation from his Highness, at Whitehall. f After dinner his High- 
f ness withdrew to the Cockpit; and there entertained them with 
f rare music, both of voices and instruments, till the evening ;' 3 his 
Highness being very fond of music. In this manner end, once 
more, the grand Assassination projects, Spanish-Invasion projects; 
unachievable even the Preface of them ;-and now we will speak 
of something else. 



THIS Second Protectorate Parliament, at least while the ferment- 
ing elements or f hundred Excluded :Members' are held aloof 
from it, unfolds itself to us as altogether reconciled to the rule 
of Oliver, or even right thankful for it; and really striving 

1 Cromwelliana, p. 162. 
2 . Equal to a Roman in virtue: says the noisy Pamphlet KillÙzg no 1/Iurder, 
which seems to have been written by Sexby; though Titus, as adroit King's-Flunkey 
at an after-period. saw good to claim it. A Pamphlet much noised-of in those 
months and afterwards; recommendation of persons to assassinate Cromwell ;- 
has this merit. considerable or not, and no other worth speaking of. [In the 
Narrative touching Col. Edward Sexby (Newspapers, E. 748. 617) Sexby is 
said to have" owned" the book called Killing no ll-furder. Possibly, however, he 
only meant that he owned its principles, for he goes on to criticise certain state- 
ments in it, as .. foolishly and knavishly done." The author of the answer appears 
to have believed it was Titus, as he says that the pseudonym .. Allen" no doubt 
stands for alien. Mr. Firth has come to the conclusion that it was their joint pro. 
duction. See his article in the English Historical Review for April, 1902.] 
3 Newspapers (in Burton, i. 377); Commons Journals, vii. 493. 




towards Settlement of the Nation on that basis" Since the First 
constitutioning Parliament went its ways, here is a great change 
among us: three years of successful experiment have thrown 
some light on Oliver, and his mode of ruling, to all Englishmen. 
What can a wise Puritan Englishman do but decide on complying 
with Oliver, on strengthening the hands of Oliver? Is he not 
verily doing the thing- we all wanted to see done? The old 
Parchments of the case may have been a little hustled, as indeed 
in a Ten-years Civil War, ending in the Execution of a King, 
they could hardly fail to be ;-but the divine Fact of the case, 
meseems, is well cared for! H ere is a Governing Man, undeni- 
ably the most English of Englishmen, the most Puritan of 
Puritans,-the Patten1 Man, I must say, according to the model 
of that Seventeenth Century in England; and a Great Man, 
denizen of all the Centuries, or he could never have been the 
Pattern one in that. Truly, my friends, I think, you may go 
farther and fare worse !- To the darkest head in England, even to 
the assassinative truculent.flunkey head in steeple-hat worn brown, 
some light has shone out of these three years of Government by 
Oliver. An uncommon Oliver, even to the truculent-flunkey. 
If not the noblest and worshipfullest of all Englishmen, at least 
the strongest and terriblest; with whom really it might be as 
well to comply; with whom, in fact, there is small hope in not 
complying !- 
For its wise temper and good practical tendency, let us praise 
this Second Parliament ;-admit nevertheless that its History, 
like that of most Parliaments, amounts to little. This Parliament 
did what they could: forbore to pester his Highness with quib- 
blings and cavillings and constitution-pedantries; accomplished 
respectably the Parliamentary routine; voted, what perhaps was 
all that could be expected of them, some needful modicum of 
supplies; 'debated whether it should be debated: 'put the 
'question whether this question should be put; '-and in a mild 

1 [Thurloe often speaks of this with satisfaction in his letters to Pell. .. The 
Protector and the Parliament do agree very well" (October 9)-" The Parliament 
do mostly intend the reformation of the law and the raising of money for prosecut- 
ing the Spanish war. . . . This and the agreement which is between his Highness 
and them is a great cause of the quiet we have in all the parts of this nation" (Nov. 
13)-" There has lately fallen out some question Letween his Highness and the 
Parliament as to the jurisdiction of the Parliament, as to their judicature without 
the Protector [see letter ccxvii.], but that business is like to end in love. Yesterday 
the House was called, and upon the call several members did appear who had 
formerly withdrawn themselves. . . but now rest satisfied to act with us" (Jan. 1, 
1656-7). Lansdowne MSS. 753, f. 4 00 ; 754. ff. 14, 79,] 




way neutralised one another, and as it were handsomely did 
nothing, and left Oliver to do. A Record of their proceedings 
has been jotted down by one of their Members there present, 
who is guessed rather vaguely by Editorial sagacity to have been 
'one Mr. Burton: It was saved from the fire in late years, that 
Record; has been printed under the title of Burton'
. Dill1"!J" and 
this Editor has faithfully read it,-not without wonder, once 
more, at the inadequacy of the human pen to convey almost any 
glimmering of insight to the distant human mind! Alas, the 
human pen, oppressed by incubu
 of Parliamentary or other 
Pedantry, is a most poor matter. At bottom, if we will consider 
it, this poor Burton,-let us continue to call him 'Burton; 
though that was not his name,-cared nothing about these 
matters himself; merely jotted them down pedanticallg, by 
impulse from without,-that he might seem, in his own eyes 
and those of others, a knowing person, enviable for insight into 
facts 'of an high nature.' And now, by what possibility of 
chance, can he interest thee or me about them; now when they 
have turned out to be facts of no nature at all,-mere wearisome 
ephemera, and cast-clothes of facts, gone all to dust and ashes 
now; which the healthy human mind resolutely, not without 
impatience, tramples under its feet! A Book filled, as so many 
are, with mere dim inanity, and moaning wind. Will nobody 
condense it into sixteen pages; instead of four thick octavo 
volumes? For there are, if you look long, some streaks of dull 
light shining even through it; perhaps, in judicious hands, one 
readable sheet of sixteen pages might be made of it ;-and even 
the rubbish of the rest, with a proper Index, might be useful; 
might at least be left to rot quietly, once it was known to be 
rubbish. But enough now of poor Mr. Burton and his Diarg,- 
who, as we say, is not 'Mr. Burton' at all, if anybody cared to 
know who or what he was! 1 Undoubtedly some very dull man. 

lCompare the Diary, vol. ii. p. 404, line 2, and vol. ii. p. 347. line 7, with 
Commons Journals. vii. 588; and again Dtary, vol. ii. p. 346. line 13, with 
Commons Jo-urnals, vii. 450, 580: Two Parliament-Committees, on both of 
which" I" the writer of the Diary sat; in neither of which is there such a name as 
Burton. Guess rather, ifit were worth while to guess, one of the two Suffolk Bacons,' 
most probably Nathaniel Bacon, Master of the I Court of Requests,'-a dim olrl 
Law-Court fallen obsolete now. 
[The editor of Burton's Diary, Mr. Rutt, bas much more than .. vague 
guessing" as a foundation for his theory as to the authorship, and there can 
be little doubt that it was written, as he supposes, by Thomas Burton, M.P. for 
Westmorland. Carlyle's argument as to the committees turns against himself, for 
in three otber committees upon which the writer of the Diary sat, Burton's name 
VOl.. III .-




Under chimerical circumstances he gives us, being fated to do it, 
an inane History of a l)arliament now itself grown ver}' inane 
and chimerical !- 
This Parliament, as we transiently saw, suppressed the Major- 
Generals; refused to authorise their continued' Decimation' or 
Ten per-cclltillg of the Royalists; 1 whereupon they were suppressed. 
Its next grand feat was that of James Nayler and his Proces- 
sion which we saw at Bristol lately. Interminable Debates about 
James Nayler,-excelling in stupor all the Human Speech, even 
in English Parliaments, this Editor has ever been exposed to. 
N ayler, in fact, is almost all that survives with one, from Bw,ton, 
as the sum of what this Parliament did. If they did aught else, 
the human mind, eager enough to carry off news of them, has 
mostly dropped it on the way hither. 2 To Posterity they sit 
there as the James-Nayler Parliament. Four-hundred Gentle- 

occurs and Bacon's does not. There are other points which put Bacon entirely 
out of the question, and many things which prove that the author was a North 
country man. See the note on the Authorship of Burton's Diary in the Athenæum 
for October 20. 1900.] 
1 Commons Journals, 7th to 29th Jan. 16 5 6 -7. 
2 [But another and very serious matter was also engaging the attention of Parlia- 
ment, although, as no resolutions were taken upon it, it has left no traces in the 
Journals, i.e., the question of the settlement of the Protectorate as a hereditary 
office, which was by no means sprung upon the Assembly as a new proposal by 
Packe in the following February. Only ten days after Parliament met, in Septem- 
ber, Giavarina, the Venetian ambassador, wrote that Cromwell's elevation to the 
position of King was being seriously discussed in political circles. and on October 
28 an Irish member, whom we can identify from Ludlow and Burton as Colonel 
William Jephson, moved to take into consideration .. the thirty-first article of the 
government" (Thurloe v., 525) or as Ludlow bluntly puts it .. that Cromwell 
might be made King" (JIemoirs, ed. Firth ii., 20). Ludlow adds a tale that the 
Protector reproved Jephson for it, who answered that he must follow his conscience, 
.. whereupon Cromwell. clapping him on the shoulder, said, . Get thee gone for a 
mad fellow '-and shortly after\\ards gave him a troop of horse and sent him as 
agent to Sweden." The inference here is absurd. Jephson had been a well-known 
man for many years, was one of the most active members of the great Irish 
Committee of Lords and Commons during the Civil Wars, and colonel of a 
regiment of horse sent over to help Inchiquin in Munster in 1646. He was a man 
of position and ability. an old adherent of Cromwell, and just the sort of person 
likely to be chosen for employment. 
All through November, the despatches of Bordeaux and Giavarina are full of 
references to the scheme of making the Protectorate hereditary. In December the 
matter dropped for awhile, but evidently with the intention of its speedy revival. 
for on Dec. 25 (old style) Bordeaux wrote that the Protector had sent his eldest son 
into the country that hf' might not be in London when the subject of the succession 
was proposed in Parliament. For a full discussion of these early proceedings 
concerning the Protectorate and Kingship see Mr. Firth's article in the English 
Historical Review for July, 19 02 . 
The Parliament also gave a considerable amount of time to the questions of the 
treatment of the Roman Catholics and the reformation of manners.] 




men of England, and I think a sprinkling of Lords among them, 
assembled from all Counties and Boroughs of the Three Nations, 
to sit in solemn debate on this terrific Phenomenon; a Mad 
Quaker fancying or seeming to fancy himself, what is not un- 
common since, a new Incarnation of Christ. Shall we hang him, 
shall we whip him, bore the tongue of him with hot iron; shall 
we imprison him, set him to oakum; shall we roast, or boil, or 
stew him ;-shall we put the question whether this question shall 
be put; debate whether this shall be debated ;-in Heaven's 
name, what shall we do with him, the terrific Phenomenon of 
Nayler? This is the history of Oliver's Second Parliament for 
three long months and odd. Nowhere does the unfathomable 
Deep of Dulness which our English character has in it, more 
stupendously disclose itself. Something almost grand in it; 
nay, something really grand, though in our impatience we call 
it "dull." They hold by Use and \V ont, these honourable 
Gentlemen, almost as by Laws of Nature,-by Second Nature 
almost as by First X ature. Pious too; and would fain know 
rightly the way to new objects by the old roads, without trespass. 
Not insignificant this English character, which can placidly debate 
such matters, and even feel a certain smack of delight in them! 
A massiveness of eupeptic vigour speaks itself there, which per- 
haps the liveliest wit might envy. Who is there that has the 
strength of ten oxen, that is able to support these things? 
Couldst thou debate on Nayler, day after day, for a whole \-Vinter? 
Thou, if the sky were threatening to fall on account of it, wouldst 
sink under such labour, appointed only for the oxen of the gods !- 
The honourable Gentlemen set Nayler to ride with his face to 
the tail, through various streets and cities; to be whipt (poor 
Nayler), to be branded, to be bored through the tongue, aud 
then to do oakum ad libitum upon bread-and-water; after which 
he repented, confessed himself mad, and this world-great Pheno- 
menon, visible to Posterity and the West of England, was got 
winded up.! 

lSentence pronounced, Commons Journals, vii. 486,7 (r6th Dec. 16 5 6 ); 
executed in part, Thursday 18th Dec. (ib. 470) ;-petitions, negotiations on it do 
not end till May 26th, 1657. James Nayler's Rec'mtation is in Somers Tracts, vi. 





CONCERNING which, however, and by what power of jurisdiction 
the honourable Gentlemen did it, his Highness has still some in- 
quiry to make ;-for the limits of jurisdiction between Parliament 
and Law-Courts, Parliament and Single Person, are never yet 
very clear; and Parliaments uncontrolled by a Single Person 
have been known to be very tyrannous before now! On Friday 
26th December, Speaker Widdrington intimates that he is 
honoured with a Letter from his Highness; and reads the same 
in these words: 

To ollr Riglli T1'll.v
lJ a1/d Right rVell-bclolJcd Sir Th01lla,v lrid- 
drillgtoll, kniglzi, Speaker of the Parliament: 'To be communi- 
cated to the Parliament ' 

O. P. 

Right Trustv and Well-beloved, We greet you well. Having 
taken notice of a judgment lately given by yourselves against 
one James Nayler: although We detest and abhor the giving 
or occasioning the le:1,St countenance to persons of such opinions 
and practices, or who are under the guilt of such crimes as are 
commonly imputed to the said person: yet We, being entrusted 
in the present government, on behalf of the people of these 
nations; and not knowing how far such proceedings (wholly 
without Us) may extend in the consequence of it, do desire that 
the House will let Us know the grounds and reasons whereupon 
they have proceeded. 
Given at Whitehall, the 25th of December 1656.* 

* Burton, 1. 370. [Add. .WSS. 6125, p. 284]; see Commons Journals, vii. 475. 
[Thurloe writes of this to H. Cromwell: .. The letter his Highness writ was not 
on the behalf of Nayler, and those who so represent it, do it not ingenuously. It's 
true it was upon that occasion, but it was so far from being in favour of him, that 
his Highness in his very letter professed he detested both his opinions and practices, 
but yet was unsatisfied with their proceedings, as having been wholly without him; 
and what the consequences of such proceedings might be to all the people of these 
nations, on whose behalf he was entrusted, he knew not; and therefore desired 
that he might be acquainted with the grounds of their procf'('dings." (Thurloe, 
vi. 8.)] 




A pertinent inquiry; which will lead us into new wildenlesses 
of Debate, into ever deeper wildernesses ;-and in fact into our 
far nota blest achievement, what may be called our little oasis, or 
island of refuge: That of reconstructing the Instrument of 
Govenlment upon a more liberal footing, explaining better the 
boundaries of Parliament's and Single Person's jurisdiction; and 
offering his Highness the Title of King.- 1 
Readers know what choking dust-whirlwind in certain portion
of I the Page of History' this last business has given rise to ! Dust- 
History, true to its nature, has treated this as one of the most im- 
portant businesses in Oliver's Protectorate; though intrinsically 
it was to Oliver, and is to us, a mere I feather in a man's cap,' 
throwing no new light on Oliver; and ought to be treated with 
great brevity indeed, had it not to many thrown much new dark- 
ness on him. It is now our painful duty to deal with this matter 
also; to extricate Oliver's real words and procedure on it from the 
detestable confusions and lumber-mountains of Human Stupidity, 
old and recent, under which, as usual, they lie buried. Some 
Seven, or even Eight, Speeches of Oliver, and innumerable Speeches 
of other persons on this subject have unluckily come down to us; 
and cannot yet be consumed by fire ;-not yet, till one has pain- 
fully extricated the real speakings and proceedings of Oliver, 
instead of the supposititious jargonings and imaginary dark petti- 
foggings of Oliver; and asked candid mankind, \Vhether there is 
anything particular in them? Mankind answering So, fire can be 
applied; and mountains of rubbish, yielding or not some fractions 
of Corinthian brass, may once more be burnt out of men's way. 
The SpeeclJes and Colloquies, reported by one knows not whom, 
upon this matter of the Kingship, which extend from March to 
May of the year 1657, and were very private at the time, came out 
two years afterwards as a printed Pamphlet, when Kingship was 
once more the question, Charles Stuart's Kingship, and men needed 
incitements thereto. Of course it is with the learned Law-argu- 
ments in favour of Kingship that the Pamphleteer is chiefly con- 

1 [This question. as has been shown above. had been in the air for many weeks, 
and in fact appears to have been somewhat retarded by the Protector's action. The 
members were angry, and Bordeaux wrote that .. Ceste mauvoise disposition a 
empesché qu'il ne s'en soit parlé davantage; et il semble que I'on ne songe plus qu'a 
tirer de l'argent du Parlement pour la congedier." But, early in February the 
matter was again to the fore, and it is at this date that Bordeaux told the story of 
Lambert saying that the question was not whether Richard or John (himself) should 

ucceed, but whether they should retrace their steps or go forward. Bordeallx to 
/azarin, Feb. 5-15.] 



[23 Feb. 

cerned; 1 the words of Oliver, which again are our sole concern, 
have been left by him in a very accidental condition! Most ac- 
cidental, often enough quite meaningless, distracted, condition ;- 
growing ever more distracted, as each new Imaginary-Editor and 
unchecked Printer, in succession, did his part to them. Till now 
in Somers Tract.\', 2 which is our latest form of the business, they 
strike description silent! Chaos itself is Cosmos in comparison 
with that Pamphlet in S011le1
\'. In or out of Bedlam, we can know 
well, gods or men never spake to one another in that manner! 
Oliver Cromwell's meanin
 is there; and that is llot it. 0 Slug- 
gardship, Imaginary-Editorship, Flunkeyism, Falsehood, Human 
Platitude in 
eneral-!-But we will complain of nothing. Know 
well, by experience of him, that Oliver Cromwell always had a 
meaning, and an honest manful meaning; search well for that, 
after ten or twenty reperusals you will find it even there. Those 
frightful jungles, trampled down for two centuries now by mere 
bisons and hoofed cattle, you will begin to see, mere once a kind 
of regularly planted wood !-Let the Editor with all brevity strug- 
gle to indicate so much, candid readers doing their part along 
with him; and so leave it. A happier next generation will then 
be permitted to seek the aid of fire: and this immense husiness 
of the Kingship, throwing little new light, but also no new dark- 
ness, upon Oliver Protector, will then reduce itself to very small 
compass for his Biographers. 3 
../."\;Iollda,1j, 23d Februar!J 16..')6-7. Amid the Miscellaneous business 
of this day, Alderman Sir Christopher Pack, one of the Members 
for London, a zealous man, craves leave to introduce I Somewhat 
tending to the Settlement of the Nation:-leave, namely, to read 
this Paper I which has come to his hand,' which is written in the 
form of a I Remonstrance from the Parliament' to his Highness; 
which if the Parliament please to adopt, they can modify it as they 
see good, and present the same to his Highness. 'Vill not the 
Honourable House consent at least to hear it read? The Honour- 
able House has great doubts on that subject; debates at much 
length, earnestly puts the question whether the question shall be 
put; at length however, after two divisions, and towards nightfall, 

1 [Anthony à Wood says that Whitlocke was the author of klonarchy Asserted. 
The two centuries of "trampling" has not produced much difference between the 
old tract and Somers' reprint of it.] 
2vi. 349-403. 
3 [For this later business of the Kingship, see Mr. Firth's article in the English 
Historical Review for January, 1903.] 




decides that it will; and even resolves by overwhelming majority 
'that a candle be brought in.'. Pack reads his Paper: A new 
Instrument of Government, or improved Constitution for these 
Nations; increased powers to the Sing-Ie Person, intimation of 
a Second House of Parliament, the Protector something like a 
King; very great changes indeed! 1 Debate this matter further 
Debate it, manipulate it, day after day,-let us have a Day of 
Fasting and Prayer on Friday next; for the matter is really im- 
portant.:.! On further manipulation, this' Remonstrance' of Pack's 
takes improved form, increased development; and, under the 
name 'Petition and Advice presented to his Highness,' became 
famous to the world in those spring months. \\T e can see, the 
Honourable House has 'a very good resentment of it: The 
Lawyer-party is all zealous for it; certain of the Soldier-party have 
their jealousies. Already, notwithstanding the official reticence, 
it is plain to every clear-sighted man they mean to make his High- 
ness King! 
Frida!}, 27th Februar!J. 'The Parliament keep a Fast within 
'their own House; Mr. Caryl, Mr. 
ye, Mr. Manton, carrying on 
'the work of the day; it being preparatory to the great work now 
'on hand of Settling the Nation: 3 In the course of which same 
day, with an eye also to the same great work, though to the op- 
posite side of it, there wait') upon his Highness, Deputation of a 
Hundred Officers, Ex-Major-Generals and considerable persons 
some of them: To signify that they have heard with real dismay 
of some project now on foot to make his Highness King; the evil 
effects of which, as 'a scandal to the People of God,' hazardous to 
'his Highness's person, and making way for the return of Charles 
'Stuart; are terribly apparent to them !- 
\Vhereto his Highness presently makes answer, with dignity, 
not without sharpness: "That he now specifically hears of this 
"project for the first time,-he" (with emphasis on the word, and 
a look at some individuals there) "has not been caballing about 
"it, for it or against it. That the Title' King' need not startle 

1 [Bordeaux, writing on the same day, says: .. La forme en laquelle ceste proposi- 
tion est conceue fait veoir que M. Ie Protecteur ne veut pas que Ie Parlement luy 
defère par un Acte la couronne, mais qu'il la prie de la prendre, afin que, ne la 
tenant point de Parlement, iI n'ayt pas droit de [la] luyoster, ou aux siens." He 
goes on to say that the chief of those who oppose (save Lambert) are attached to 
him by interest or kinship, so that it is hard to believe their repugnance is not 
affected, although they have spoken with much warmth.] 
:I Commons Journals, vii. 496, 7. 3 Newspapers (in Burton, i. 380). 




"them so dreadfully; inasmuch as some of them well know JI (what 
the Historical Public never knew before) "it was already offered 
"to him, and pressed upon him, by themselves when this Govem- 
"ment was undertaken. That the Title King, a feather in a hat, 
"is as little valuable to him as to them. But that the fact is, they 
"and he have not succeeded in settling the Nation hitherto, by 
"the schemes tlte.lJ clamoured for. Their Little Parliament, their 
"First Protectorate Parliament, and now their Major-Generalcies, 
"have all proved failures ;-nay this Parliament itself, which they 
"clamoured for, had almost proved a failure. That the Nation 
"is tired of Major-Generalcies, of uncertain arbitrary ways; and 
"really wishes to come to a Settlement. That actually the original 
" Instrument of Government does need mending in some points. 
"That a House of Lords, or other check upon the arbitrary ten- 
"dencies of a single House of Parliament, may be of real use: 
"see what they, by their own mere vote and will, I having no 
"power to check them, have done with James Nayler: may it not 
"be anyone's case, some other day? JI That, in short, the Depu- 
tation of a Hundred Officers had better go its ways, and consider 
itself again.-So answered his Highness, with dignity, with co- 
gency, not without sharpness. The Deputation did as bidden. l 
I Three Major-Generals: we find next week, I have already come 
I round. The House hath gone on with much unity: 2 
The House in fact is busy, day and night, modelling, manipu- 
lating its Petition and Advice. Amid the rumour of England, all 
through this month of March] 657. I Chief Magistrate for the 
time being is to name his successor;' so much we hear they have 
voted. What Title he shall have is still secret; that is to be the 
last thing. All men may speculate and guess !-Before March 
ends, the Petition and Advice is got ready; in Eighteen well-de- 
bated Articles; 3 fairly engrossed on vellum: the Title as we 

I [On March 5, however, another deputation of nine or ten officers waited upon 
his Highness, "chosen by the rest to represent their thoughts and desires in some 
better composure than could be done by so many together, which [address] was 
presented both modestly and freely, and as acceptably received, wherein my Lord 
was pleased to use such tender and plain discovery of his constant regard to his army 
and the ancient cause of the honest people under his government, and gave such 
Christian assurance thereof, that amounted to a large satisfaction both to them and 
to the Council." Clarke Paþers, iii. 95.] 
2 Passages between the Protector and the Hundred qlficers (in A dditional 
JISS. No. 6125, p. 285; printed in Burton, i. 382-4), a Fragment ofa Letter, bearing 
date 7th March 1656-7 ;-to the effect abridged as above. [This abridgment of an 
abridgment hardly conveys a correct idea of the tone of that from which it is taken, 
and which will be found in the Supplement, No 127.] 
3 Copy of it in Whitlocke, p. 648 et seqq. 

1657. ] 



guessed, is to be King. His Highness shall adopt the whole Docu- 
ment, or no part of it is to be binding. 


On Tuesday 
] st March] 65 Î, I the House rose at eleven o'clock, 
I and Spf'aker Widdrington, attended by the whole House, re- 
I paired to his Hi
lmess at \Vhitehall,' 2 to present this same 
Petition and Advice, I engrossed on vellum,' and with the Title 
of "King" recommended to him in it. Banqueting House, 
\\Yhitehall; that is the scene. Widdrington's long flowery Speech 3 
is omissible. As the interview began about eleven o'clock, it 
may now be past twelve; Oliver loquitur: 4 

This Frame of Government that it hath pleased 
the Parliament by your hand to offer to me,-truly I should have 
a very brazen forehead ifit should not beget in me a great deal of 
consternation of spirit; it being of so high and great importance 
as, by your opening of it,5 and by the I mere' reading of it, it is 

1 [Before this come five letters written in this February and March. See Supple- 
ment, Nos. 124-6, 128, 129.] 
2 Commons Journals, vii. 516. 
a Burton, i. 397-413. [And Add. Jf/SS. 6125. It is summarised by Gilbert 
Mabbott as follows: ., The Speaker acquainted him that the Great Council of the 
three nations assembled in Parliament had by advice from heaven been endeavour- 
ing to settle a right basis of government in these dominions, to reduce the law to 
its right current, and to ascertain propriety by settling a kingly government, which 
(by reason of the many distractions and interests amongst us) will and ever hath 
been most pleasing therein. The word Protector was never known unless in a 
Prince's minority; the word King the scriptures and laws of the nation do own. 
At last he presented the petition and humbly desired his Highness' acceptance 
thereof and assent thereunto. Which being read by Mr. Scobell, his Highness 
answered:" [here follows a short summary of the Protector's Speech]. Clarke 
Papers, iii. 99.] 

[The report of this speech in Burton, used by Carlyle, was taken from Add. 
J"tfSS.6125, .. corrected in a few places," Mr. Rutt. the editor of Burton, says, from 
the Lansdowne JV/S. version. The variants are here noted, but the two texts are 
very much alike. There are also versions of this and the two following speeches in 
the Clarke .
lSS. at \Vorcester College. Oxford, which are useful. as they appear to 
have been taken from an independent report; and there is a summary of the speech 
in .v/ercurius Politicus, 
o. 355, and the Public /ntelligmcer, 
o. 77, these two 
being word for word the same. See references at end of Speech.] 
;! In this long florid speech. 


SECO ND P ARLIAl\IENT [31 lVlarch. 

manifest to all men to be; the welfare, the peace, the settlement 
of Three Nations, and all that rich treasure 1 of the best people 
in the world 2 being involved therein! I say, this consideration 
alone ought to beget in me the greatest reverence and fear of God 
that ever possessed a man in this world. 
I rather truly study 3 to say no more at this time than is 
necessary for giving a brief and short answer, suitable to the na- 
ture of the thing. The thing is of weight; the greatest weight 
of anything that ever was laid upon a man. 4 And therefore, it 
being of that weight, and consisting of so many parts as it doth, 
-in each of which much more than my life is concerned,-truly 
I think I have no more to desire of you at this time, but that you 
will give me time to deliberate and consider mhat particular 
answer I may return to so great a business as this is.- 
I have lived the latter part of my age,5 in- if I may say so,- 
the fire; in the midst of trouble. 6 But all the things 7 that have 
befallen me since I was first engaged in the affairs of this 
Commonwealth, truly if they could be supposed to be I all J 
brought into I such J a narrow compass that I could take a view 8 
of them at once, I do not think they would I so move,' nor do I 
think they ought I so J to move, my heart and spirit with that 
fear and reverence of God that becomes a Christian, as this thing 
that hath been now offered by you to me !-And truly my 
comfort in all my life hath been that the burdens 9 that have lain 
heavy upon me, they have been laid upon me by the hand of God. 
And I have not known, and I I have J been many times at a loss, 
which way to stand under the weight of what hath laid upon 
me :_10 but by looking at the conduct and pleasure of God 11 in 

1 [CO right treasure," Clarke .1--1S.] 
2 Us and all the Gospel Protestants in the world. 
3 [" and rather to study, " Clarke A/S.] 
4[" before a man," all three texts.] 1\ [CO my life," Add. /VIS. 6125.] 
6[" troubles," Clarke 1'vIS.] 7[" And all things," all three texts.] 
8 [" if it could be supposed they should be brought into a narrow compass, if I 
should take a view," Clarke .II-IS.] 
"[" business," ibid.] 
10[" which made me stand under the weight he laid on me," ibid.] 
11 [" candour and pleasure God," ibid.] 




Which hitherto I have found to be a good pleasure towards I 

And should I give any resolution in this 'matter'] suddenly, 
without seeking to have an answer put into my heart, and so 
into my mouth, by Him that hath been my God and my Guide 
hitherto,-it would give you very little cause of comfort in such 
a choice as you have made [Qf me tu be King] in such a business 
as this is, because it would savour more to be of the flesh, to pro- 
ceed from lust, to arise from arguments of self.2 And if,-what- 
soever the issue of this business be,-' my decision in ' it should 
have slich motives in me, and Slich a rise in me, it may prove 3 even 
a curse to you and to these Three Nations. \Vho, I verily believe, 
have intended well in this business; and have had those honest 
and sincere aims 4 to' wards' the glory of God, the good of His 
People, the rights of the Nation. I verily believe these have been 
your aims: and God forbid that so good aims should suffer by 
any dishonesty and indirectness on my part. For although, in 
the affairs that are in the world, things may be intended well,- 
as they are always, or for the most part, by such as love God, 
and fear God and make Him their aim (and such honest ends 
and purposes, I do believe, yours now are); 5_ ye t if these 
considerations 6 fall upon a person or persons that God takes no 
pleasure in; that perhaps may be at the end of his work; 7 
[Growing uld and weak? Sa!J not that, !Jollr Higll1les.f !-A kind q! 
pathos, and milch dignity and delicac:'J in the
'e tones]-that, to please 
any of those humours or considerations that are of this world, 

1 [" any resolution in anything," Clarke MS.] 2[" self-love," ibid.] 
3 [" this business shall be, if it should have such motives rising in me, it might 
prove," ibid.] 
4 Subaudi, but do not insert, I which you profess.' 
1; [' I And make their aims, and so honest ends and purposes as these are. I 
believe yours now are." Add. .
lS. 6125. "God forbid such aims should suffer 
any dishonest or indirectness on my part . . . such honest ends as these are that 
you have proposed," Clarke MS.,' but as above in Lansdowne 1'WS.] 
6 Means ' your choice in regard to such purpose;' speaks delicately, in an 
oblique way. 
7[As here in Lansdowne ,-"IS.; "their" Clarke .lIS.; .. this," Add. /vIS. 
612 5. ] 




shall run upon such a rock as this is, I-without due consideration, 
without integrity, without sincerity, without approving the heart 
to God, and seeking an answer from Him; and putting things 
as for life and death 2 to Him, that such an answer may be 
received I from Him' as may be a blessing to the person [/tIe] 
I who is' to be used to answer these noble and worthy and 
honest intentions of those [You] that have prepared and per- 
fected:l this work :-' why then: it would be like a match where 
a I];ood and worthy and virtuous man mi:da
'e.f in the person 
that he makes love to; and (as it often proves), prove a curse 4 
to the man and to the family, through mistake! And if this 
should be so to you, and to these Nations, whose good I cannot 
but be persuaded you have in your thoughts aimed at,-why 
then, it had been better, I am sure of it, that 1 5 had never been 
born !- 
I have therefore but this one word to say to you: That 
seeing 6 you have made this progress in this Business, and 
completed the work on your part, I Ion my side' may have 
some short time ï to ask counsel of God and of my own heart. And 
I hope that neither the humour of any weak or unwise people, nor 
yet the desires of any that may have lusting after things that are 
not good, shall steer me to give S other than such an answer as 
may be ingenuous and thankful,-thankfully acknowledging 
your care and integrity; 9-and such an answer as shall be fm" 
the good of those that I presume you and I serve, and are 
made 10 to serve. 
And truly I may say this also: That as the thing will deserve 

l'is,'-or may be: this of the Kingship. [" such a "ork as this is," Clarke 
2[" without approve the heart of God and seeking an answer from Him. and 
putting for life and death to Him," ibid.] 
3 [" prepared and pr
ferred," ibid.] 
4[" mistaken in the person. . . as it after prove a very great curse," ibid.] 
5[" he," ibid.) 6[" being," ibid.] 
7 [" small time," ibid.] 
8[" nor yet tbe desire of any [tbat] may have lust in them after things that are 
not good, shall alter me from giving," ibid.] 
9 f Last two words omitted in Lansdowne }IIS.] 
10 II ready," Add. :tIS. 6125, and Clarke .lIS.) 




deliberation, the utmost deliberation and consideration on my 
part, so I shall think myself bound to give as speedy an answer 
to these things as I Jean. * 


Frida!l, 3d April 1657. Three days after the foregoing Speech, 
there comes a Letter from his Highness to Mr. Speaker, the pur- 
port of which we gather to have been, that now if a Committee will 
attend his Highness, they shall have answer to the Petition and 
Advice. Committee is nominated, extensive Committee of persons 
already engaged in this affair, among whom are Lord Broghil, 
General Montague, Earl of Tweedale, Whalley, Desborow, Whit- 
locke, and others known to us; they attend his Highness at three 
0' clock that afternoon; and receive what answer there is,-a nega- 
tive, but none of the most decided. 2 


I am heartily sorry:l that I did not make this 
desire of mine known to the Parliament sooner; I the desire' 
which I acquainted them with,4 by Letter, this day. The reason 
was, Because some infirmity of body hath seized upon me these 
two last days,5 Yesterday and Wednesday. [It is yet but t!tree 
da!l''ì, !lollr Highness.] 

1 [" yet I shall think myself bound to give you a speedy answer to those things 
which I can," Clarke ,}IS.] 
2 Commons Journals, vii. 519.20; Burton i. 417. [Besides Add. iV/So 6125, from 
which (as printed in Burton), Carlyle took this speech, there are copies in the Clarke 
and Carte lIISS. This last varies more from the other two than they do from each 
other. It begins, "This paper in my hand is a copy of the Petition and Advice 
which it pleased Parliament to present unto me in the Banqueting House on Tues- 
day last," and omits the corresponding phrase where it is placed by the other two 
MSS. The speech is mentioned in Jfercurius Politicus, No. 356, but no abstract 
3[" very heartily sorry," Clarke and Carte lWSS.] 
4 [" known to the Parliament before thii time, which was that I acquainted them 
with," Add. lI.1S.6125. "Known before this time, whichJwas ,it [? that] I ac- 
quainted them with," Carte .WS.] 
Ii [" before these last two days." ibid.] 
* Burton's Diary, i. 413-16. [Add. MS. 6125. p. 310; Lansdowne .WS. 754. f. 153 ; 
Clarke ,WS. 29, f. 29 b. ]
1erC1lrÙiS Politims and Public /ntel/igmcer (E. 502, 
Nos. 17, 18.).J 



[3 April. 

I have, as weB as I could, taken consideration of the things 
contained in the Paper which was presented to me by the Par- 
liament, in the Banqueting-House, on Tuesday last; and sought 
of God that I might return such an answer as might become me, 
and be worthy of the Parliament. I must needs bear this testi- 
mony to them, That they have been zealous 1 of the two greatest 
Concernments that God hath in the world. The one is that of 
Religion, and of the' just' preservation of the professors of2 it; 
to give them all due and just Liberty; and to assert the Truth 3 of 
God ;-which you have done, in part, in this Paper; and do refer 
it to be done more fully by yourselves and me. 4 And as to the 
Liberty 5 of men professing Godliness [under a variety of forms 
amongst usl,6 you have done that which never was done before! 
And I pray [God] 6 it may not fall upon the People of God as a fault 
in them, or any sort of them if they do not put such a value upon 
this that is' now' done 7 as never was put on anything since Christ's 
time,S for such a Catholic interest of the People of God! 
[Liberty in non-essentials; Freedom to all peaceable Believer.\' in 
Christ to rvorship ill such outlVardform as they will; a very" Catholic 
inte1'est" indeed.] The other thing cared for is, the Civil Liberty 
and Interest 9 of the Nation. Which though it is, and indeed I 
think ought to be, subordinate to a more peculiar Interest of 
God,-yet it is 'the' next best God hath given men in this world; 
and if well' cared-for: it is better than any rock to fence men in 

1" I must needs bear this testimony to you that you have been zealous," Clarke 
]vIS.,' "bear testimony for you," Carte ,
2[" of the preservators, of the professors of it," Add. !vIS. 6125.] 
3[" truths," Carte _MS.] 
4[" yourselves and me hereafter," Clarke }WS.] 
5 [" liberties," ibid.; "liberties of professors though under various forms," 
Carte ,J,-IS.] 
6[The words in square brackets were omitted by Carlyle.] 
7 [Carte i
IS. only.] 
8[" Value upon it as being such a thing as was never since Christ's time," ibid.] 
9 [In the plural in Clarke iI-IS. The text in Carte MS. here runs: "The other thing 
[is] the civil liberties of the nations, which (though it be and indeed ought to be 
subordinate to that of the people of God), yet it is the next best God hath given 
men in the world, and better than any words, (if well) to fence the people of God in 
their interest. And if any think that the interest of God's people and the civil interest 
are inconsistent I wish my soul may not enter into his or their secret."] 




their own interests. Then if anyone whatsoever think the 
Interest of Christians and the Interest of the Nation incoll- 
sistent, 'or two different things,' I wish my soul may never enter 
into their secrets! 1 [IVe mill take anolher cour.'ie than their.'i, !Jour 
Highness !] 
These are things I must acknowledge 2 Christian and honour- 
able; and 'they' are provided for by you like Christians, even 
men of honour,-and 'like yourselves,' English men. And to 
this I must and shall bear my testimony, while I live, against all 
gainsayers whatsoever. And upon these Two Interests, if God 
shall account me worthy, I shall live and die. And I must say, 
If I were to give an account before a greater Tribunal than any 
earthly one; and if I were asked, Why I have engaged all along in 
the late War,3 I could give no answer 4 but it would be a wicked 
one if it did not comprehend these Two ends !-' Meanwhile,' only 
give me leave to say, and to say it seriously (the issue will prove 
it so), that you have one or two considerations that do stick with 
me. The one is, You have named me by another Title than that 
I now bear. [IYhat SHALL I ansmer to that!] 
You do necessitate my answer to be categorical; and you have 
left me 5 without a liberty of choice save as to all. [Must accept 
the whole Petition and Advice, or reject the whole of it.] I question 
not your wisdom in doing of it; but think myself obliged to ac- 
quiescein your determination, knowing you are men of wisdom, and 
considering the trust you are under. It is a duty not to question 
the reason of anything you have done. [Not even if the Kingship: 
sa!} Yes, then I] 
I should be very brutish should I not acknowledge the exceed 
ing high honour and respect you have had for me in this Paper. 
Truly, according to what the world calls good, it hath all good 

1 [" his or their secrets," Clarke MS.] 
2 [Last three words not in Carte illS.] 
3[Plural in Clarke and Carte MSS.] 
4 [" account. .. Carte iW S. The words "and if I were asked "and " all along .. 
are omitted in the ibid.] 
I; ["you have made me." Add. .vIS. 6r25; "you leave me," Carte MS.] 



[3 April. 

in it,-according to worldly apprehension 1 of sovereign power. 
You have testified your value and affection as to my person, as 
high as you could; for more you could not do! I hope I shall 
always keep a grateful memory of this in my heart ;-and by 
you I return 2 the Parliament this my grateful acknowledgment. 
Whatever other men's thoughts may be, I sbaH not own 3 in- 
gratitude.-But I must needs say, That that may be fit for you to 
offer,4 which may not be fit tor me to undertake. [Profound 
silence.] 'And' as I should reckon it a very great presumption, 
should I ask of you the reason of your doing anyone thing in 
this Paper,-( except' in ' some very few things, the' new' Instru- 
ment, 'this Paper,' bears testimony to itself),5- so you will not 
take it unkindly if I ask of you this addition of the Parliament's 
favour, love and indulgence unto me, That it be taken 6 in tender 
part if I give such an answer as I find in my heart to give in this 
business,7 mit/lOut urging many reasons for it, save such as are most 
obvious, and most for my advantage in answering, To wit,S That 
I am not able for such a trust and charge. [Wo,,'t have it, then 1] 
And if the answer of the tongue, as well as the preparation of 
the heart, be from God, I must say my heart and thoughts ever 
since I heard the Parliament were upon this business-[Sentellce 
breal.:s d01VII ]-' For' though [ could not take notice of your pro- 
ceedings therein without breach of your privileges, yet as a 
common person I confess I heard of it, as in common with others. 
- -I must say I have been able to attain no farther than this, 
That, seeing the way is hedged up so as it is to me, 'and' I 
cannot accept the things offered unless I accept all, I have not 
been able to find it my duty to God and you to undertake this 
charge under that Title. [Rçfllses, !Jet 1I0t $U ver!J peremptori

1 [Carlyle printed" approbation" (which he noted as meaning value) following 
a misreading in Burton; the Clarke and Carte kISS. have" comprehension. "] 
2[" give," ibid.] 3[" know," Carte MS.] 
4l"do," in MSS.] 5["ofitself," ClarkekIS.] 
6 [" towards me," ibid.; "if it be taken," Carte MS.] 
7 [Last three words omitted in ibid.] 
8 [Clarke 111'S. omits" in answering;" Carte MS. has" advantage" and" pur- 
pose" written one over the other with a query as to which is correct.] 




The most I said in commendation of the 'new' Instrument 
may be retorted 1 on me ;-' as' thus: "Are there such good 
"things so well provided for 'in this Instrument;' will you 
" refuse to 2 accept them because of such an ingredient?" 
Nothing must make a man's conscience a servant. And really 
and sincerely it is my conscience that guides me to this answer. 
And if the Parliament be so resolved, 'for the whole Paper or 
none of it,' it will not be fit for me to use any inducement to 
you 3 to alter their resolution. 
This is all I have to say. [desire it may, and do not doubt 
but it will, be with candour and ingenuity represented unto them 
by you. * 

His Highness would not in all circumstances be inexorable, 
one would think !-No; he is groping his way through a very in- 
tricate business, which grows as he gropes; the final shape of 
which is not yet disclosed to any soul. The actual shape of it on 
this Friday afternoon, 3d April 1657, I suppose he has, in his own 
manner, pretty faithfully, and not without sufficient skill and dig- 
nity, contrived to express. Many considerations weigh upon his 
Highness; and in itself it is a most unexampled matter, this of 
negotiating about being made a King! Need of wise speech; of 
wise reticence no less. Nay it is of the nature of Courtship 
withal: the young lady cannot answer on the first blush of the 
business; if you insist on her answering, why then she must even 
answer, No!- 

1 [" returned," Carte and Clarke }I/SS.] 
2[" why cannot you" in J1SS. which probably means as above. The Carle 
.lIS. has" without such an ingredient," but that does not seem to make sense.] 
3 [" inducements by you," Clarke and Carte }lISS.] 
* Additional AYSCOllgll .1.1SS. no. 6125, p. 314; printed in Burton, i. 417 i and 
Parliamentary History, xxiii. r6r. [Also Clarke JUS. 29, f. 33 b, and Carte Papers, 
I xxx. f. 755. This speech, says a newsletter, .. made many joyful and others sad," 
"There are various comments put upon it," says another letter, "some declaring 
it positive, others infer room for a farther address." (Clarke Papers, iii. ror, r02.).] 

VOL. 111.-3 



[8 April. 


1Vedncsdfl.1J, Stll _lpril1657. The Parliament, justly interpret- 
ing this No of his Highness, has decided that it will adhere to 
its Petition and Advice, and that it will 'present reasons to his 
Highness;' has got, thanks to our learned Bulstrode and others, 
its reasons ready;-and, this day, 'at three in the aftenloon,' 
walks over in a body to the Banqueting-House, Speaker Wid- 
drington carrying in his hand the Engrossed Vellum, and a 
Written Paper of 'Reasons,' to present the same.I What 
Speaker \\Tiddrington spoke on the occasion is happily lost; but 
his 'Reasons,' which are very brief, remain on the Record; 2 and 
will require to be transcribed. They are in the form of a Vote 
or Resolution, of date yesterday, 7th April Hi.n. 
'Reso/t'ed, That the Parliament having lately presented their 
'Humble Petition and Advice to your Highness, whereunto they 
, have not as yet received satisfaction; and the matters contained 
'in that Petition and Advice being agreed-upon by the Great 
'Council and Representative of the Three Nations; which mat- 
'ters, in their judgment, are most conducing to the good of the 
'People thereof both in Spiritual and Civil concernment,>: They 
'have therefore thought fit 
'To adhere to this Advice; and to put your Highness in mind 
'of the great obligation which rests upon you in respect of this 
, Advice; and again to desire you to give your Assent thereunto.' 
Which brief Paper of Reasons, Speaker \Viddrington having 
read and then delivered to his Highness, with some brief touches 
of mellifluous eloquence now happily lost,-his Highness, with a 
look I think of more than usual seriousness, thus answers the 
A ,>sembled Parliament and him: 3 


No man can put a greater value than I hope 
I do, and shall do, upon the desires and ad vices of Parlia- 

] Commons Joumals, ii. 520-1 (6th, 8th April) ; Burton, i. 42r. 2 Ibid. 
3 [For this speech, Carlyle used the report (printed from an old pamphlet) in the 
old Parliamentary History. There are other versions in Add. JIS. 6125. and the 
Clarke and Sloane MSS., and a good abstract in the third person, in IJ,fercurius 
Politicus, No. 356 (and the Public Intelligencer, No. 78). These last introduce the 
speech by saying, .. the Speaker having communicated the sense of the House, 
his Highness was pleased to make a return by a speech with his wonted piety, 
\\ isdom and moderation, whereof these following are heads. "] 




ment. [could in my own heart aggravate, both concerning the 
Persons advising and concerning the Advice ;-readily acknow- 
ledging that it is the Advice of the Parliament of these Three 
Nations, And if a man could suppose it were not a Parliament 
to some; ["ffIaligllallt... there are 11,110 hm!c sitch notion...]-yet doubt- 
less it should be so to me, and to us all that are engaged in this 
common Cause wherein we have been engaged. I say, surely it 
ought to be a Parliament to us! Because it arises as a result of 
those issues, and determinations of Settlement, that we have 
laboured to arrive at! And therefore I do most readilvacknow- 
ledge the l weight of' authority C you have in' advising these 
I can also aggravate to myself the general notions of the 
Things Advised-to; as being thing
 tending to the settlement of 
the chiefest Interests 1 that can possibly fall into the hearts of 
men to desire 2 or endeavour-after. And at such la' time, l too; , 
when truly, I may think, the Nation is big with expectation of 
something 3 that may add to their better Being.-I therefore 
must needs put a very high esteem lupon,' and have a very 
reverent opinion of anything that comes from you. 
And so I have had of this Instrument :-and, I hope, so 4 I 
have expressed. And what I have expressed [, hath been, ifI flatter 
not myself, from a very honest heart towards the Parliament and 
the Public. [say not these things to compliment you. For we 
are past all those things, all considel'ations of tbat kiml ! [Serioll,f 
elloltgh hi... Riglwe...... i..., alld all are; tlle Kation... and the Age..., and 
iudeed the M \KER of the Nation... alld Ihe Ages, looking on It... here!] 
\Ve must all be very real now, if ever we will be so- 
l Now,' howbeit your title and name you give to this Paper 
[Looking on lhe Vellum] makes me to think you intended Ad- 

l' things' again, in orig. 
2[Carlyle printed" devise," but all the texts have" desire."] 
3[" anything," Clarke MS. and Add. MS. 6125.] 
4[" as," Clarke J1S.; .. so I have alreadY expressed myself," .1lerOirius 
:S["And what hath been expressed," Add. JIS. 6125.] 



[8 April. 

vice; and I should trans
ress against all reason, should I make 
any other construction than' that' you did intend Advice: 'yet' 
-!-[Stillhe.fÍtates, thell ?]-I would not lay a burden upon my 1 
beast but I would consider his strength to bear it! And if you 
will lay a burden upon a man that is conscious of his own infirmities 
and disabilities, and doth make some measure of counsel that 
may seem to come from Heaven, counsel in the Word of God 
(who leaves a room for charity, and for men to consider their own 
strength),-I hope it will be no evil in me 2 to measure your 
Advice and my own Infirmities together. And truly these will 
have some influence upon conscience! Conscience in him that 
receives talents 3 to know how he may answer the trust of them. 
And such a conscience have I had' in this matter;' and still have; 
and therefore when I thought [ had an opportunity to make an 
Answer, I made that Answer [The unemphatic ...Yegatiz'e; truest 
"An,vwer" .1Jollr lIiglllle,v,.. t!telllwe! : CWI it not grow all.L
-and am a person, and have been, before and then and since, 
lifting up my heart to God, To know mlwt might be my duty at 
such a time as this, and upon such an occasion 4 and trial as this 
was to me! [Deep silence: Old Parliament casts dOll'll it.v 
Truly, Mr. Speaker, it hath been heretofore a matter of I think 
but philosophical discourse, That a great place, great authority,5 
it is a great burden. I know it is so. And I know a man that 
is convinced in his conscience, that 
 othing less wiJ] enable him 
to the discharge of it than Assistance 6 from Above. 'And' that 
it may very well require in such a subject, so convinced and so 
persuaded, to be right with the Lord in such an undertaking! 'j 
-And therefore, to speak very clearly and plainly to you: I had, 
and I have, my hesitations 8 'a<;' to that individual thing. [Stiff 
!{eglltit,e, .'Iollr Highness?] I f I undertake 9 anything not in Faith, 

1 [" any," Add. MS. 6125.] 2[ II in me" is only in MS. 6125.] 
3Meaning I charges,' . offices.' [No doubt an allusion to the parable of the 
Talents. Clarke vIS. has" received:'] 
<I [" occasions," ibid.] 
1\[" great places, great place, that great authority," Sloane MS.] 
6[" than to have assistance," Clarke IV/S.] 7[" such undertakings," ibid.] 
8 [" have hesitation I" ibid.] 9 [" if undertaken," ibid. ] 




I shall serve you in my own Unbelief;-and I shall then be the 
most unprofitablest Servant that ever People or Nation had! 
Give me leave, therefore, to as!..- coum:el. I am ready to 
render a reason of my apprehensions; 1 which haply may be 
over-swayed by better apprehensions. [think, so far I have 
deserved no blame; nor do I take it that you will lay any 
upon me. Only you lUind me of the duty that is incumbent 
upon me. ' And' truly tht> same answer that I have as to the 
point of duty one way, the same consideration have I as to duty 
another way.2-1 would not urge to you the point of Liberty. 
Surely you have provided for Liberty,3-1 have borne my witness 
to it,-Civil and Spiritual! The greatest provision that ever was 
made have you made, 'for Liberty to all,' and I know that you 
do not intend to exclude me. The Liberty I ask is, To vent my 
own doubts, and mine own fears, and mine own scruples. ' And' 
though haply, in such cases as these are, the world hath judged 4 
that a man's conscience ought to know no scruples; 'yet' surely 
mine doth, and [ dare not dissemble. And therefore -!- 
They that are knowing in the ground of their own Actions 
wiJ) be best able to measure advice to others. [lVill hrwe Wi 
ren.w/l, ill Free rU/!/èrellce, ll'ith "im?] There are many things 
in this 'Instrument of' Government besides that one of the 
Name and Title, that deserve very much to be elucidated 5 as 
to my judgment. It is you and none but you that can capacitate 
me to receive satisfaction in them! Otherwise, I say truly, I 
must say that I am not persuaded to the performance of 'this 
as' my trust and duty, nor' sufficiently' informed. '
ot per- 
suaded or informed;' and so not actuated 6 'by a call of dll
lj,' as 
I know you intend I should be, and' as' every man in the 
should be.. You have provided for' everyone of' them as a 

1[' , appreht>nsion," Clm-ke frIS.] 
2 Bound to regard your II Advice;" and Yf't in doing so, not to di'iregard a 
Higher. [" Another way" omitted in ibid.] 
;5 [Last six words omitted, ibid.] 
4[" the Word hath provided," ibid.] 
5 . deserve very much information,' in or

6 [". acted .. in the .
IS.] ï [" be" is found only in the newspapers.] 



[8 April. 

Free Man, as a man that is to act possibly,. rationally and 
conscientiously !-And therefore I cannot tell what other return 
to make to you than this: 
I am ready to give a reason, if you will, I say, capacitate me 
to give it you; and' capacitate' yourselves to receive it ;-and to 
do 'what' other things 2 may inform me a little more particularly 
than this Vote that you have expressed Yesterday, and 'which' 
hath now been read by you to me. 
And truly I hope when 'once' I understand the grounù of 
these things,-the whole being 'meant' neither for your 
good nor mine, but for the good of the Satioll,3-there will be 
no doubt but we may, even in these particulars, find out those 
things that may answer our duty. Mine, and all our duties, to 
those 4 whom we serve. And this is that that I do, with a great 
ùeal of affection and honour and respect, offer now unto you. * 

Thu!) has the Honourable House gone a second time in a body, 
and not yet prevailed. We gather that his Highness has doubts, 
has scruples; on which, however, he is willing to be dealt with, 
'to receive satisfaction,' -has intimated, in fact, that though the 
answer is still No, the Courtship may continue. 

Committee to give satisfaction is straightway nominated: 

1 Means' in a way possible for him;' . does possibly' is the phrase in orig. 
2 [" And to do in the other things that that may," .lIS. 6r25; .. and to do that 
in the other things that may," Jfercurius Politicus.. "and as in the other things 
that may," Clarke .lIS.] 
3l" the nations." Clarke .lIS.] -I [" those nations," ibid.] 
* Old Pamphlet (in Parliamentary History. xxiii. Appendix, pp. 16 4- 6 ). 
[Also Add. .lIS. 6r25, p. 319; Clarke MS. 29, f. 39; Sloane .lIS. 4157, f. r80; 
Jlen-urius Politic us and Public Intelligencer (E. 502, Nos. 19, 20.) 
Morland wrote to Pell on April 9, ,. Not many days ago, his Highness denied the 
Crown; after, the Parliament made a vote of adherence to their former resolution, 
and thereupon sent a Committee yesterday to his Highness, to whom, in the Ban- 
queting House, his Highness made a speech so dark that none knows whether he will 
accept it or no; but some think he will accept it." (Ltl1lSdowlle .lIS., 754, f. 166.) 
A newsletter in the Clarke Papers (iii. 104) says: "Wednesday [April 8], the 
Parliament attended his Highness at Whitehall, who told [them] that he had waited 
upon the Lord for His direction in the last answer he gave them, to which he saw 
no cause as yet to recede from, his conscience and judgment being satisfied therein, 
and he ready to give a reason for both, but if he may be informed more particular 
of their reasons than their vote held forth, there will be no doubt but he may an<;\\"er 
that [whIch] lies incumbent upon him for the good ofthf' three nation"."] 

1657. ] 



Whitlocke, Lord Chief-Justice Glynn, Lord Broghil, Fiennes, 
Old-Speaker Lenthall, 
inety-nine of them in all; 1 and is 
ready to confer with his Highness. At this point, however, 
there occurs an extraneous Phenomenon which unexpectedly 
delays us for a day or two: a rising of the Fifth-Monarchy, 
namely. The Fifth-:\fonarchy, while men are meditating earthly 
Kingship, and Official Persons are about appointing an earthly 
tyrannous and traitorous King, thinks it ought to bestir itself, 
now or never ;-explodes accordingly, though in a small way; 
testifying to us how electric this element of England now is. 
Tllllr.wla,lf, gilt April. The Fifth-Monarchy, headed mainly by 
one Venner a \Vine-Cooper, and other civic individuals of the 
old Feak-and-Powel species whom we have transiently seen 
emitting soot and fire before now, has for a long while been 
concocting underground; and Thurloe and his Highness have 
had eye on it. 2 The Fifth-Monarchy has decided that it will 
rise this Thursday, expel carnal sovereignties; and call on the 
Christian population to introduce a Reign of Christ,-whïch it is 
thought, if a beginning were once made, they will be very for- 
ward to do. Let us rendezvous on Mile-End Green this day, 
with sword and musket, and assured heart: perhaps General 
Harrison, Colonel Okey, one knows not who, will join us,- 
perhaps a miracle will be wrought, such as Heaven might work 
in such a case, and the Reign of Christ actually take effect. 
Alas, Heaven wrought no miracle: Heaven and his Highness 
sent a Troop of Horse into the Mile-End region, early in the 
morning; seized Venner, and some Twenty Ringleaders, just 
coming for the rendezvous; seized chests of arms, many copies 
of a flaming Pamphlet 01' \Var-mallifesto with title I Standard 
set liP; seized also a \Var-fIag with Lion Couchant painted on it, 
Lion of the Tribe of Judah, and this motto, II Who shall rouse 
him up?" 0 Reader, these are not fictions, these were once 
altogether solid f
lcts in this brick London of ours; ancient 
resolute individuals, busy with wille-coopemgoe aud otherwise, 
had entertained them as very practicable things !-But in two 
days time, these ancient individuals and they are lodged in the 
Tower; Harrison, hardly connected with the thing, except as a 
well wisher, he and others are likewise made secure: and the 

J List in Commons Journals, vii. S2r; in Somers rracts, vi. 3Sr. 
2[Venner and Okey had been summoned before the Council as long ago as July 
of the previous year. See Cal. S. P. Dom. r6s6-7. p. s8r (where Verney is ami.,. 
reading of the cypher for Venner).] 



[8 April. 

Fifth-Monarchy is put under lock and key.l Nobody was tried 
for it: Cooper Venner died on the scaffold, for a similar attempt 
under Charles Second, some two years hence. The Committee 
of Ninety-nine can now proceed with its 'satisfaction to his 
Highness;' his Highness is now at leisure for them again. 

This Committee did proceed with its satisfactions; had various 
Conferences with his Highness,-which unfortunately are not 
lost; which survive for us, in Somers Tract... and the old Pam- 
phlets, under the Title of PrlollarcklJ Asserted,. in a condition, 
especially his Highness's part of them, enough to drive any 
Editor to despair! The old Pamphleteer, as we remarked, 
waS intent only on the learned law-arguments in favour of 
Kingship; and as to what his Hig-hness said, seems to have taken 
it very easy; printing what vocables he found on his Note-paper, 
with or without meaning, as it might chance. \Vhom new un- 
checked Printers and Imaginary-Editors following, and making 
the matter ever worse, have produced at last in our late time 
such a Coagulum of Jargon as was never seen before in the 
world! 2 Let us not speak of it; let us endeavour to get through 
it,-through this also, now since we have arrived at it, and are 
not yet permitted to burn it! Out of this sad monument of 
Human Stupor too the imprisoned Soul of a Hero must be 
extricated. Souls of Heroes,-they have been imprisoned, 
enchanted into growing Trees, into glass Phials, into leaden 
Caskets sealed with Solomon's signet, and sunk in the deep 
sea ;-but to this of Somers Tract.\' there wants yet a parallel! 
Have not we English a talent of musical utterance? Here are 
men consummating the most epic of acts, Choosing their King; 
and it is with such melodious elegancies that they do it; it is in 
such soft-flowing hexameters as the following that the 
luse gives 
record of it !- 

I Narrative in Thurloe, vi. 184-8. [A letter amongst the Duke of Sutherland's 
MSS. dated April H. says of this" Here is discovered a new plot amongst tht> 
faction of Sindercome, as it is reponed. It is discovered but two days ago. They 
have apprehended at least thirty persons and some of them in arms ready to perfect 
the plot. . . . The Protector has been himself there two nights till 1\\0 or three 
o'clock in the morning in examination of them; and some he has sent to the Tower 
and some to Lambeth house, and some he keeps in \Vhitehall; but they say they 
are all very obstinate and resolute fellows, and will not put off their hats to the 
Protector, and t/ZVlt him at every word that they speak to him." Fifth Report of 
the Hist. J1SS. Commissioners, Appendix, p. r63'] 
2 [Carlyle might have avoidt>d these last evils by going to the Pamphlet itsdf, 
hut it is not a good text, so far as we can judge when we have no otht'r.] 




My reader must be patient; thankful for mere Dulness, 
thankful that it is not Madness over and above. Let us all 
be patient; walk gently, swiftly, lest we awaken the sleeping 
Nightmares! We suppress, we abridge, we elucidate; struggle 
to make legible his Highness's words,-dull but not insane. 
Notes where not indispensable are not given. The curious 
reader can, in an questionable places, refer to the Printed 
Coagulum of Jargon itself, and see whether we have read aright. 


PROPERLY an aggregate of many short Speeches, and pas
of talk: his Highness's part in this first Conference with the 
Committee of Ninety-nine. His Highness's part in it; the rest, 
covering many pages, is, so far as possible, strictly suppressed. 
One of the dullest Conferences ever held, on an epic subject, in 
this world. Occupied, great part of it, on mere preliminaries, 
and beatings about the bush; throws light, even in its most 
elucidated state, upon almost nothing. Oliver is here-simply 
what we have known him elsewhere. Which so soon as I\I
once understand to he the fact, but unhappily not tilJ then,-the 
aid ofjire can be called in, as we suggested. 
Fancy, however, that the large Committee of Ninety-nine has 
got itself introduced into some Council-room, or other fit locality 
in Whitehall, on Saturday, lIth April 16.37, 'about nine in the 
morning;' has made its salutations to his Highness, and we hope 
been invited to take seats ;-and all men are very uncertain how 
to act. Who shall begin? His Highness wishes much thc,1J 
would begin; and in a delicate way urges and again urges them 
to do so; and, not till after great labour and repeated failures, 
succeeds. Fancy that old scene; the ancient honourable Gentle- 
men waiting there to do their epic feat: the ponderous respectable 
Talent for Silence, obliged to break up and become a kind of 
Utterance in this thickskinned manner :-realJy rather 
to witness, as dull as it is !- 

The Dialogue has gone on for a passage or two, but the Re- 
porter considers it mere preliminary flourishing, and has not 
taken it down. Here is his first Note,-in the abridged lucidified 
state: 1 

I Somers Tracts, vi. 352. 



[11 April. 

LORD \VHlTLOCKE. "Understands that the Committee is here 
"only to receive what his Highness has to o.ffèr,. such the letter 
"and purport of our Instructions; which I now reacl. [Reads it.] 
" Your Highness mentions' the Government that now is ;' seems 
"to hint thereby: The Government being well now, why change 
"it? If that be your Highness's general objection, the Committee 
" will give you satisfaction:' 

THE LORD PROTECTOR. Sir, I think that neither you nor I hut 
meet' here' with a very good heart to come to some issue of this 
great business; and truly that is, that [I can 1 assure you] 2 I have 
all the reason [and argument] 2 in the world to move me to it. 
And' I . am exceeding ready to be ordered by you in the manner 3 
of proceeding. Only I confess, according to those thoughts I 
have, in preparing my thoughts for so great a work, I formed 
this notion to myself: That the Parliament having already done 
me the honour of Two Conferences; 4 and now sent you again, 
their kind intention to me evidently is no other than this, That I 
should receive satisfaction. They might have been positive in the 
thing; 'might have' declared their Address itself to be enough, 
and insisted upon Yes or 
o to that. But I perceive that it is 
really and sincerely the satisfaction of my doubts that they aim 
at;:; ami [truly I think] there is one clause in the Paper' itself, 
quoted by my Lord Whitlocke,' that doth a little warrant that: 
"To offer such reasons for his satisfaction and for the mainten- 
ance of the Resolutions of the House."6-Now, Sir, it's certain 7 the 

I [" cannot" in i
lonarcllY Asserted.] 
2 [The words in square brackets were omitted by Carlyle.] 

[" way," .
fonarchy Asserted.] 
4 Two Conferences with the whole Parliament; and one Conference with a Com- 
mittee; Speeches VII. (31st March), IX. (8th April), and VIII. (3d April). 
:; [" As I bave answered my own thoughts in preparing for such a work as this 
is, I bave made tbis motion of it to myself, that having met you twice, at the Com- 
mittee first, and returned you that answer that I gave you then, and the House a 
second time, I do perceive that tbe favour and the indulgence that the House shows 
me in this is that I might receive satisfaction. I know they might have been positive 
in the thing, and said they might have done enough if they had only made snch an 
address to me. They might have insisted upon it only to offer it ; yet I could plainly 
see it was my satisfaction they aimed at; I think really and sincerely it is my 
satisfaction that they intend." J{onarchy As_,crted.] 
I; [Last ten words omitted by Carlyle.] 
7[" true," l1fonarrhy Asserted.] 




occasion of all this' Conference' is the Answer that I 'already' 
made; that's the occasion of your having to come hither again.l 
And truly, Sir, I doubt' whether by your plan'- -If you will 
dram out thm;e 1'ea,mm; from me, I will offer them to you: but I 
ùoubt on my part, if you should proceed that 'other' way, it 
woultl put me a little out of the method of my own thoughts. 
And it being mutual satisfaction that is endeavoured, if you will 
do me the favour, it will the more agree with my method. 2 -(H To 
" gu b.lJ m,l} methud," his Higlllle.v.v means; to H í!.tfer me YOUR Reasons 
"ami DR \ W lite out, ratherllwII ublige me to COME uut".] [shall take it 
as a favour if it please you, 'and' I will leave you to consider 
together your own thoughts of it. (JfulÙming to go.] 

LORD \VHITLOCKE. "This Committee, being sent to wait upon 
H your Highness, I do suppose cannot undertake to give the Pnr- 
" lia1/lent"s reasons for what the Parliament hath done. But any 
"gentleman here may give for your Highness's satisfaction his 
"own particular apprehension of them. And if you will be pleased 
"to go in the way you have propounded, and on any point require 
H a c;atisfaction from the Committee, I suppose we shall he ready 
H to do the best Wt:: can to give you satisfaction." (Bar pl'flctire ! 
h Iwl,llet Il'lwt lâ.v HigllllelJ',\' 11}{lIlt,V.] 

THE LORD PROTECTOR. I think if this be so, then I suppose 
nothing can be said by you but what the Parliament hath dictated 
to you ?-and I think that' it' is clearly expressed that the Par- 
liament intends satisfaction. Then is it as clear that there must 
be reasons and arguments that have light and conviction in 
them, in order to satisfaction! I speak tor myself in this; I 
hope you will not take it otherwise. 3 I say it doth appear so to 
me; that you have the liberty of ' giving' your own reasons. I 
think if 1 should write' down' any of them, I cannot calJ this the 
reason of the Parliament. (lVhitlocke, in n heCllI)} manner, .v1Itile.v 

1 [" that occasions a Committee to com\:: hither in order to my <;ati<;faction," 
lIona1'chy A rSl'rled.] 
:!fLast eight words omitted by Carlyle.] 
;) As if [ meant to dictate to yon, or tutor yon in your rlntif'S. [" Think it not 
otherwise," .Wonarchy Assn"led.] 



[11 April. 

1'eJpec{/ìtl as/.ent. ] 'But' in ' Parliamentary and other such' [deter- 
minations and] conclusions the efficient" reason" is diffused over 
the general body, and every man hath his particular share of it ; 
yet 1 when they have determined 'such and' such a thing, cer- 
tainly it was reason that led them up into it. And if you shall be 
pleased to make me partaker of some of that reason-!-I do 
very respectfully represent to you that I have a general dissatis- 
faction at the thing [GlfUu'ing at the Engro....\.ed rel/mn; but mean- 
ing lite Kingsltip]; and I do desire that I may be informed in the 
grounds that lead you, whom I presume to be all satisfied with it 2 
and' with' every part of it. And if you will be pleased, to think 
so fit,- I will not farther urge it upon you,-to proceed in that 
way, it will be a favour to me. Otherwise, I shall deal plainly 
with you, it doth put me out of the method of my own cone ep- 
tions: and then' in that case' I shall beg that we 3 may have an 
hour's deliberation, 'and' [that we might] meet again in the 

LORD CHlEI<'-JuSTJCE 'GJ.VNN,'-!-one of the old expelled 
Eleven, whom we saw in great straits in ] 64<7; a busy man ii'om 
the beginning, and now again husy; begs to say in brief: "The 
" Parliament has sent us to give all the satisfaction which it is in 
"our understandings to give. Certainly we will try to proceed 
"according to what method your Highness finds best for that 
U end. The Paper or Vellum Instrument, however, is general, 
"consisting of many heads; and we can give but general sat is- 
" faction." 

I [" In determinations and conclusions, by votes of the several particulars of the 
government, that reason is dilated and diffused, and every man hath a share of it, 
and therefore," Jl10narchy Asserted.] 
2[" are all satisfied persons to the thing," ibid.] 3[" I," ibid.] 
4 [The pamphlet says simply" Lord Chief-Justice," but this term usually denotes 
the Chief-Justice of the King's or Upper Bench, and at this meeting, Glynne seems 
to have been a sort of spokesman throughout. Also. in the list of the" ninety- 
nine" both in Commons Journals and l}fonarchy Asserted, the name of the Chif'f 
Justice of Common Pleas (St. John) does not appear. On the title page of iI/onarchy 
Asserted, St. John is given as one of the speakers, and the old ParliammtaJ:V 
History give
 this speech and the one on the following page to him. But it 
seems impo<;sihle to aceept St. John's presence in the face of the list in rommol1s 
Jour/wIs. See also his own statement in TIle Cafe oj Oliver St. Jolm (B. M. 1104. 
b. 4 8 , p. 3).] 

1657. ] 



THE LORD PROTECTOR. If you will please to give me leave 
[Clearing Ms throat to get under 1IJ
V.] J do agree, truly, the 
thing is a general; for it either fall
 1 under the motion of 
Settlement, that is a general consisting of many particulars; or if 
you call it by the name it bears in the Paper, "Petition and 
Advice,"-that again is a general; it is advice, desires and 
advice. \\That in it 1 have objected to is as yet, to say truth, 
but one thing. 2 Only the last time 1 had the honour to meet 
the Parliament, 3 1 did offer to them that they would put me in 
to a condition to receive satisfaction 'as' to the particulars, 'any 
or aU particulars.' '
ow,' no question I might easily offer some- 
thing particular for debate, if 1 thought that that would answer 
the end. [Tr7wt curious pic!."eering,jlourisl1Ïng, andfeJlcíng barkll'al'ds 
allll forwards, bf(fore the parties l1'ill come to close action! As in 
otller alrail's q!' courtship.] For truly I know my end and yours 
is the same: that is, to bring things to an issue one way or other, 
that we may know where we are,-that we may attain that 
general end, that is Settlement. [Sqfc ground here, !jollr High- 
ne.\'S 1] The end is in us both! And 1 durst contend with any 
one person in the world that it is no more in his heart than in 
mine !- -I could go 'in 'to some particulars [Especially one 
particular, the King.'ìllip], to ask a question, or 'to' ask a reason 
of the alteration 'made;' which would well enough let you 
into the business,-that it might. 4 Yet, 1 say, it doth not 
answer me. [I had cOlillted 011 beillg drawn out, not on CO
nNG oul : 
I understood I 1l'a.'ì the .'Ioung lad.lj, and \'OU the '1vooer 1] I confess 
I did not so sbictly examine 'the terms of' that Order of 
Reference 'from the Parliament, which my Lord \Vhitlocke 
cites;' or whether 1 'even' read it or no 1 cannot tell you.- 
[Pause. ]-If you will have it that way, 1 shall, as well as 1 can, 

1 [" as it is either falling," Jlonarchy Asserted.] 
2 [" And truly if you call it by that that it is tituled, there it is general, it is 
advice. desires and advice; and that (the truth is) that I have made my objection 
in, is but to one thing as yet," ibid.] 
3\Vednesday last, 8th April; Speech IX. 
'" A favourite reduplication with his Highness; that it is! [Perhaps it should be 
,. that I might. "] 



[11 April. 

make such an objection as may occasion some answer to it, 'and 
so let us into the business;' -though perhaps I shall object 
weak'ly' enough, 1 shall very freely submit to you. 
LORD CHIEF-JusTICE' GLYNN' (with official solemnity). H The 
H Parliament hath sent us for that end, to give your Highness 
H satisfaction:' 
LORD COMMISSIONER FIENNES,-Nathaniel Fiennes, alias Fines 
alias Fenys, as he was once called when condemned to be shot 
for surrendering Bristol; second son of 'Old Subtlety' Say and 
Sele; and now again a busy man, and Lord Keeper,-opens his 
broad jaw, and short snub face full of hard sagacity,I to say: 
H Looking upon the Order, I find that we may offer your Highness 
"OUI' reasons, if your Highness's dissatisfaction be to the altera- 
"tion of the Government whether in general or in particular:'- 
So that his Highness may have it his own way, after all? Let 
us hope the preliminary flourishing is now near complete! His 
Highness would like well to have it his own way. 
THE LORD PROTECTOR. I am 'very' ready to say, [ have 110 
dissatisfaction that it hath pleased the Parliament to find out a 
way, though it be of alteration, to bring these Nations into a 
good Settlement. And perhaps you may have judged the 
Settlement we hitherto had was not so favourable to 2 the great 
end of Government, the Liberty and Good of the Nations, and 
the preservation of all those honest Interests that have been 
engaged in this Cause. [say 1 have no objection to the general 3 
'fact,' That the Parliament hath thought fit to take consideration 
of a new Settlement or Govenlment. But you having done it 
'in such way' as you have, and made me so far' an ' interested 
, party' in 'it' as to make such an Overture to me [A.\' thi.'ì qf the 
King.'ì/lip, llIhich modc'\'
1J forbids me to mention J,-I shall be very 
glad 'to learn,' if you so please to let me know it, besides the 
plea.'ìll1'e of the Parliament, somewhat of the rea.\'01l they had for 
interesting me in this thing, by such an Overture. 4 

1 Good Portrait of him in Lord Nugent's ZvJemorials 0/ HamPden. 
2 [If the settlement we were in was not so much for," .'I,fonarchy Asserted.] 
3 [" no exception in the general;' ibid.] 
4 [., That besides the pleasure of the Parliament, may be somewhat of the reason 
of the Parliament, for interesting me in this thing and for making the alteration 
such as it is," ibid.] 

1657. ] 



Truly I think I shall, as to the other particulars, have less to 
object} I shall be very ready to specify objections, 'in order' to 
clear for you whatsoever it may be better to clear; 'in order' at 
least to help myself towards a clearer understanding of thec;e 
things ;-for better advantage 'to us all;' 2 for that, I know, is 
in your hearts as well as mine, though I cannot presume that 
I have anything to offer to you that may convince you; but, if 
you will take 'it' in good part, I shall offer somewhat to every 
'And now,' if you please,- As to the Jirsl thing [King- 
ship], I am clear as to the ground of the thing, being so put 
to me as it hath been put. ' And' I think that some of the 
reasons which moved the Parliament to do it, woulù, 'if they 
were nO\\ stated to me,' lead us 3 into such objections or doubts 
as I may' have to' offer; and will be a very great help to me in 
it. And if you will have me 'offer' this or that or the other 
doubt which may arise methodically, I shall do it. 

Whereupon LORD WHiTLOCKE, summoning into his glassy coal- 
black eyes and ponderous countenance what animation is possible, 
lifts up his learned voice, and speaks several pages; 4-which we 
abridge almost to nothing. In fact the learned pleadings of these 
illustrious Official Persons, which once were of boundless import- 
ance, are now literally shrunk to zero for us; it is only his High- 
ness's reply to them that is stilI something, and that not very 
much. \Yhitlocke intimates, 
"That perhaps the former Instrument of Government having 
" originated in the way it did, the Parliament considered it would 
"be no worse for sanctioning by the Supreme Authority; such 
"was their reason for taking it up. 'Their intentions I suppose 
"were' this :uu} that, at some length. As for the new Title, that 
"of Protector was not known to the Law; that of King is, and has 

1 . shall, as to the other particulars, swal10w this,' in orig. [Probably should be 
.. follow" or perhaps" allow."] 
2 [" ready to assign particular objections to clear that to you that may be either 
the better to clear. or to help me at least to a clearer understanding of the things 
for better good," Monarchy Asserted.] 
3 [" I think that some of the grounds upon which it is done \\-ilI very well lead 
into," ibid.] 
-I Somers, vi. 355. 



[11 April. 

"been for many hundreds of years. If we keep the title of Pro- 
"tector, as I hear some argue, our Instrument has only its own 
"footing to rest upon; but with that of King, 'it will ground 
"itself in all the ancient foundations of the Laws of England,' .. 
&c. &c. 
MASTEn OF THE ROLLs,-old Sly-face Lenthall, once Speaker of 
the Long Parliament; the same whom Harrison helped out of his 
Chair,-him also the reader shall conceive speaking for the space 
of half an hour: 
" 'May it please your Highness,' Hum-m-m! Drum-m-m! 
'" Upon due consideration you shall find that the whole body of 
"the Law is carried upon this wheel' of the Chief _Magistrate 
"being called King. Hum-m-m! [..vlollotonoIlS humming for tell 
" minutes.] 'The title of Protector is not limited by any rule of 
"Law that I understand;' the title of King is. Hum-m-m! King 
"James wanted to change his Title, and that only from King of 
" England to Killg of Great Britaill" and the Parliament could 
"not consent, so jealous were they of new titles bringing new 
"unknown powers. Much depends upon a title! The Long 
" Parliament once thought of changing its title to Represelltatil'e 
"of the People; but durst not. Hum-m-m! 'Xolllmu.'ì Lege.'ì 
" Angliæ mulari: Drum-m-m! 'Vox populi: it is the voice of 
"the Three Nations that offers your Highness this Title: 
" Drum-m-m ! .. - -Such, in abbreviated shape, is the substance 
of Lenthall's Speech for us.l At the ending of it, a pause. 
THE LORD PnoTEcToR. I cannot deny but the things that 
have been spoken have been spoken with a great deal of weight. 
And it is not fit 'for me' to ask of any of you if you have a mind to 
speak further of this. But ifit had been so your 2 pleasure, truly 
then I think it would have put me in-according to the method 
and way I have conceived to myself,-to a way of more 3 prepared- 
ness, to have returned some answer. And if it had not been to 
you a trouble-I am sure the business requires it, from any man 
in the world in any case, 4 and much more from me, to make 
serious and true answers! I mean such 'answers' as are not 
feigned in my own thoughts; but such wherein I express the 

1 Somers, vi. 356-7. 
2[" their," Monarchy Asserted.] 
4 [" if he were in any case," ibid. 

3 [" to the more," ibid.] 
Perhaps it should read" in my case. "] 

1657. ] 



truth and honesty of my heart. [Seems a tautology, and almost {(}l 
impertinencc, ami gmwlll qf 
'Ilspicioll, gOllr Higlmes... ;-but Itas per- 
Imps a kind of 'Jlwaning struggling Iw{f-del'eloJ>ed in it. Alang anS'JlIel'S 
which call and el'en THINK t/'emseh'es "true" are but "jeigned ill 
oue'... onl1l tlwuglds," qt
e1' all ,. fml/l tltat to " lI,e trutlt amllwnesty of 
!teart" i.\' still {l greaI1l'{
lJ ,.-ll'itlless man.lJ men in mo...t time...; n,itness 
a Imost all men in 
'llch time... a.\' ollrs.] I mean that by true answers. 
I did hope that when I had heard you, so far as it is your 
pleasure to speak to this head, J should have then, taking some 
short note 1 of it as I did [Glancillg at liÍs Kote-}Jape1'], have been 
in a condition, this afternoon, [Trould still fain be oj!,!]-if it had 
not been a trouble to you,-to have returned my answer, upon a 
little advisement with myself. But seeing you have not thought 
it convenient to proceed this way,-truly I think I may very wen 
say, that I shaH need to have a little thought about the thing 
before returning answer to it: lest our Debates 2 should end on my 
part with a very vain discourse, and with lightness; which it is 
very like to do. [A Drama COMPOSING itself ll
' it get... \(,TED, lIâ... ,. 
,'ery different from tlte b1allk-I'el"J'c Dramas. J 
I say therefore, if you had found good 3 to proceed farther to 
speak to these things, I should have made my own short animaù- 
versions on the whole, this afternoon, and 'have' maùe some 
short reply. And this would have ushered me in not only to 
have given the best answer I could, but to have made my own 
objection'too.' [An interrogatire loo
'; el'ident(y ...ome qf 1l.
...peak! G{lJll1l step,..fonranl.] 

LORD CHlEF-J USTICE Gn NN steps forward, speaks largely; then 
steps forward; and LORD BROGHIL (Earl of Orrery that is to hf') 
steps forward; and all speak largely: whom, not to treat with the 
indignity poor Lenthall got from us, we shall abridge ùown to ab- 
.WJI/fte nothing. Good speaking too; but without interest for us. 

1 [" notice," JIonarchy Asserte,l.] 
2 [" I had need have a little thought of the thing to return an answer to it, lec;t 
your debates," ibid.] 
;) [" if you think to proceed," ibid.] 
VOL. 111.-4 



[11 April. 

In fact it is but repetition, under new forms, of the old consider- 
ations offered by heavy Bulstrode and the Master of the Rolls. 
The only idea of the slightest novelty is this brought forward by 
Lord Broghil in the rear of all : 1 
LORD BROGHIL. "By an Act already existing (the II th of Henry 
" VII.), all persons that obey a 'King de facio> are to be held guilt- 
" less; not so if they serve a Protector de Jåcto. Think of this.- 
" And then 'in the 7th and last place: I observe: The Imperial 
"Crown of this country and the Pretended King are iudeed 
"divorced; nevertheless persons divorced may come together 
"again; but if the person divorced be married to another, there 
"is no chance left of that! .. - - 
Having listened attentively to perhaps some three hours of this, 
his Highness, giving up the present afternoon as now hopeless, 
makes brief answer. 

THE LORD PROTECTOR. I have very little to say to you at this 
time. I confess I shall never be willing to deny or defer those 
things 2 that come from the Parliament to the Supreme Magis- 
trate, [ He accept..., tllell?] if they come in the bare and naked 
authority of such an Assembly as is known by that name, and 
is the Representative 3 of so many people as a Parliament of 
England, Scotland and Ireland is. I say, it ought to have its 
weight; and it hath so, and ever will have with me. 
In all things a man is free to answer 4 desires as coming from 
Parliament. I may say that; but inasmuch as the Parliament 
hath been pleased to condescend to me so far 'as> to do me this 
honour (a very great one added to the rest) of giving me the 
privilege of counsel from 5 so many members of theirs, so able, so 
understanding 6 'of' the grounds of things-[ Sentence breaks dOlVIl] 
-it is, I say, a very singular honour and favour to me; and I 
confess I wish I may' do; and I hope I shall do, that [which] 
becomes an honest man to do in giving an answer to these things 

1 Somers, p. 363. 
2 Means 'anything,-the Kingship for one thing.' 
3["are really the representation," lvlonarchy Asserted.] 
4 [Carlyle altered to .. grant. "] 
II [" to give me the advantage of," Monarchy Asserted. J 
6 [Carlyle wrote" intelligent. "] 

1657. ] 



-according to such insight 1 either as I have, or 'as,' God shall 
give me, or 'as' I may be helped into by reasoning with you. 
Aml I did not indeed in vain allege conscience in the first answer 
I gave 'you: ['Fell!] But I must say, I must be a very unworthy 
person to receive such t
1Vour if I should prevaricate in saying 2 
things did stick upon my conscience. \Vhich I must still say they 
do! Only, I must 'also' say, I am in the uest way that I can ue 
'in' for information; 'and' I shall gladly receive it. 
Here hath been divers things spoken by you today, with a 
great deal of judgment and ability and knowledge. And I think 
the thing's, or the arguments or reasonings tbat have been used 
have been upon these tbree heads: 3 , First; To Speak to the thing 
simply, or in the abstract notion of the Title, and' to' the positive 
reasons upon which it stands, and then '.<;ecolldly, Speaking' 
comparatively of it, and of the foundatiou of it; in order 4 to 
show the goodness of it comparatively, 'in comparison with our 
present title and foundation: It is alleged to be so much better 
than what we now have; and that it will do the work which this 
other fails in. 5 And t11i,.d
lJ, Some things have been said by way 
of precaution; which are not arguments from the thing itself); 
but are considerations 'drawn' from the temper of the People of 
the nation, what wiB gratify them, 'and so on; '-which is surely 
considerable. As also' some things were said' by way of anticipa- 
tion of me in my answer; by speaking' to some objections that 
others have made against this thing. These are things, in them- 
selves, each of them considerable. [The It objeclion
' ?.. or tile 
It Three heads" ill general? Uncerlain; lU
lf it i,\' perhaps uncertain 
to Oliver himself ! He mainly mean
' the objection,,;, but the other abw 
is hovering ill his head,-as is sometimes tile /Vay 1vith him.] 

1 , desire' in ori/{. : but there is no sense in that. [" The desire that either I 
have or God shall give me." Cromwell uses" desire" in the sense of " inclination." 
Cf. his speech on going for Ireland.] 
2[" when I said," ,1LlJnarchy Asserted.] 3' accounts' in orig. 
4[" and then comparatively, both in the thing and in the foundation of it. which 
what it is," Monarchy Asserted.] 
11[" than what is, and that is so much short of doing the work that this will do," 
6 [" upon arguments that are little from the thing in the nature of it," ibid.] 



[11 April. 

To answer to objections, I know it is a very weighty thing; 
and to make objections is very easy; and that will fall to my 
part. And I am sure [shall make them to men that know so 
well how 1 to answer them,-' to whom they are not strange: 
because they have' already' in part been suggested to them by 2 
the Debates already had. 
But upon the whole matter, I having as well as I could taken 
these things [Lool'illg at Itis l'{oles] that have been spoken,- 
which truly are to be acknowledged by me to be very leanlt:dly 
spoken,-I hope therefore you will give me a little time to 
consider of them. 'As to' when it may be your best time for 
me to return to you, to meet you again, I shall leave that to 
your consideration. 

LORD \V HITLOCKE. " Your Highness will be pleased to appoint 
your own time." 

THE LORD PROTECTOR. On Monday at nine of the clock I wiU 
he ready to wait upon you. * 
AmI so, with many bows, e.tflllll.-Thus they, doing their epic 
feat, not in the hexmneter 111easure, on that old Saturday fore- 
noon, I Hh April 1657; old London, old England, sounding 

alJifoldly round them ;-the Fifth-Monarchy just locked in the 
Our learned friend Bulstrode says: 'The Protector often 
, advised about this' of the Kingship' and other great businesses 
'with the Lord Broghil, Pierpoint' (Earl of Kingston's Brother, 
an old Long-Parliament man, of whom we have heard before), 
with' 'Yhitlocke, Sir Charles \V olseley, and Thurloe; and would 
'be shut up three or four hours together in private discourse, and 
'none were admitted to come in to him. He would sometimes 
'be Vel) cheerful with them; and laying aside his greatness, he 
'would be eXl"eedingly familiar; and by wa)' of diversion would 
'make verses with them: play at cl'alllho with tht-'llI, 'and every 
'one must try his fancy. He commonly called for tobacco, 

1 [" I shall, if I makf' them to men that know so well how," lIltmnrdlY A uerted.] 
2 [" received them from others upon," ibid.] 
* Somers Tracts, vi. 351-365. 




, pipes and a candle, and would now and then take tobacco him- 
'self;' which was a very high attempt. 'Then he would fall 
'again to his serious and great business' of the Kingship; 
'and advise with them in those affairs. And this he did often 
'with them; and their counsel was accepted, and' in part 
'followed by him in most of his greatest affairs,' -as well as it 
deserved to be. l 


lomlay, April 1 :jth, at \Vhitehall, at nine in the mOl'ning,3 
according to agreement on Saturday last, the Committee of Ninety- 
nine attend his Highness, and his Highness there speaks:- 
addressing Whitlo('ke as reporter of the said Committee: 

)lly LORD, 

I think I have a very hard task upon my 
hand. 4 Though it be but to give an account of 1J
lj.'lCU; yet I see 
I am beset on all hands here. [say, but to give an account of 
myself, but it is in a business very com pre hen 'Jive of others ;- 
'comprehending" U'J all in some sense,5 and, as the Parliament 
have been pleased to make it 'comprehensive' of all the 
interests of these Three Nations! 
I confess I consider two things. Fir.\'I, To return some 
answer 6 to the things that were so ably and well said the other 
day on behalf of the Parliament's putting that Title in the 

1 Whit locke, p. 647. 
2[Besides the text in J/ollarchy 
lsserled, there is a version of this speech in 
.-1shmole illS. 7-1-9. 
There is also a curtailed report of it in Harley I1/S. 6846, f. 236, which pleased 
Ranke so much that he printed it in his History of England. v. 517, as a proof 
that although the speech appears confused and hesitating to us, Cromwell's 
meaning was cle.lrly grasped by those who heard him. The report certainly gives 
one the impression that it is not an abstract of a longer text, but a snmmary by 
some one 'who had heard the speech himself.] 
3 at 'eight,' say the .Journals, vii. 522. 
4 [" head," lWonarchy Asseded; but as in text, 4 shmole 11"5.] 
5[" in some sense to us," both texts.) 
6 [" some very," .ffonarchy Asserted. Somers leaves out the qualifying 
word; the editor of Burton turns it into" \\ary." Probably the ./{/wlOle AlS. 
has the true reading" very weak answer. "] 



[13 April. 

Instrument of Settlement. [Thi.\' is the Finit thing; what the 
Second is, doe.\' /lot .yet for a long II,/tile appear.] I hope it will 
not be expected that I should answer to everything that was 
then said: because I suppose the main things that were spoken 
were arguments from ancient Constitutions and Settlements by 
the Laws; of which I am sure I could never be well skilled, l_ 
and therefore must the more ask pardon in what I have' already' 
transgressed in my practice' in speaking of such matters,' or 
shall now transgress, through my ignorance of them, in my 
, present' answer to you. 
Your arguments, which I say were chiefly upon 2 the Law, 
seem to carry with them a great deal of necessary conclusive- 
ness,3 to enforce that one thing of Kingship. And if your 
arguments come upon me to enforce upon me 4 the ground of 
Necessity,-why, then, I have no room to answer: for what must 
be must be! And therefore I did reckon it much of my business 
to consider whether there mere such a necessity, or would arise 
such a necessity, from those arguments.-It was said "that 
"Kingship is not a Title, but an Office, so interwoven with the 
"fundamental Laws of this 
ation, that they cannot, or cannot 
"well/) be executed and exercised without 'it,'-partly, if I may 
"say so, upon a supposed ignorance which the Law hath 6 of any 
"other Title. It knows no other; neither doth any other know 
" it, the reciprocation i is such. This Title, or Name, or Office, 
H as you 'were farther' pleased to say, is understood in the 
"dimensions of it, in the powers and prerogatives of it; which 
"are by the Law made certain; and the Law can tell when it 
"[Kingship] keeps within compass, and when it exceeds its 
"limits. And the Law knowing this, the People can know it 
" also. And the People do love what they know. And it will 

1 [" cou1d never well skill," Aslzmole illS.] 
2[" chiefly founded upon," ibid.) :1[" conclusion," both texts.] 
4 [this word omitted in Ash11lo/c ,JlS. "to enforce it, upon the ground, etc. ," is 
perhaps the true reading.] 
!j [" they could not or 'well could not be exercised," ibid.] 
6[" of the law that it hath," ibid.) 
7 L Carlyle altered to ., neither doth any know another. And by reciprocation 
this said title. "] 




H be neither pro salille populi, nor for our safety, to obtrude upon 
H them names that they do not nor cannot understand." 
It is said also, H That the People have been always, by their 
H representatives in Parliament, unwilling to vary Names, for as 
H much, as hath been said before, as " they love settlement 'and 
'known names.' And there were two good instances given of 
that: the one, in King James his time, about his desire to alter 
somewhat of the Title: 1 and another in the Long Parliament, 
wherein they being otherwise rationally moved to admit of the 
word H Representative" instead of H Parliament," they refused 
it for the same reason. [Lcntlzall t,.ie
' to blll.flt.] -It hath been I 
said also, "That the holding to this word doth strengthen the 
'" new' Settlement; because it doth not anything de novo, but 
H'merely' resolves things into their old current:' It is said, 
H , That' it is the security of the Chief Magistrate, and that it 
H secures all that act under him:'-Truly these are the principal 
of those grounds that were offered the last day, so far as I do 
I cannot take upon me to repel those grounds; for they are so 
strong and rational. But if I shaH be able to make m
lJ answer 
to them, I must not grant that they are necessarily conclusive; 2 
but 'I must' take them only as arguments that have perhaps' in 
them' much of conveniency, and, 'much' probability towards con- 
clusiveness. 2 For if a remedy or expedient may be found, then 
they are not neces.far!l, they are not inevitable grounds: and if not 
necessary and concluding' grounds,' why then they will hang upon 

I [Lenthall in his speech on the 11th had alluded to the fact that in 1604, James 
I. was proclaimed as King- of "Great Britain, France and Ireland," instead of by 
the old title of " King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland." But so much 
opposition was made to the new title that it was shortly abandoned. "It is easy 
to perceive a jealousy that the prerogative by some means or other would be the 
gainer," Hallam writes. "One said: we cannot legislate for Great Britain. An- 
other, with more astonishing sagacity, feared that the King might proceed, by 
what the lawyers call remitter. to the prerogatives of the British Kings before 
Julius Cæsar, which would supersede Magna Charta," Constitutional Hirtory 0/ 
England, i. 423. LenthaU's other allusion was to the negativing of the proposal in 
the Long Parliament to alter the title of " Parliament." to " Representatives of the 
People." (See p. 48 above.).) 
2[" concluding," both texts.) 



[13 April. 

the reason of expediency or conveniency. And if so, I shall have 
a little liberty' to speak;' otherwise I am concluded before I 
speak.-And therefore it will behove me to say what I can. l 
\Vhy they are not nece.'lJUIJ:1J 2 conclusions; why they are not- 
why it 3 is not (I ...Iwuld say) so interwoven in the Laws but that 
the La" s may still 4 be executed to equal justice, and equal 
satisfaction of the people, and equally to amwer all objections a
well, without it as with it. And then, when I have done that, I 
shall only take the liberty to say a word or two for my own 
grounds. 5 And when I have said what I can say as to that 
'latter point,' -I hope you will think a great deal more than I 
say. [Not cOIlI'enient to SPE\h. e,'elything in 
'O ticklish a predicament; 
with Deputations qf' a Hundred qfficCl'.\', {[nd .'10 nlall"l H ...crupuluw; 
tèl/on's, considerable ill their olVn conceit," glaring illto tile buÛlIcs... 
with c,1Jes milch Ûuu1'eJ' than the,1J are deep 1] 
Truly though Kingship he 110t a 'mere' Title, but a Name of 
Office that runs through the' whole of the' Law; yet it is not 
so ratione nonÚni.\', from the reason of the name, but 6 from what is 
signified. It is a Name of Office plainly implying the Supreme 
Authority: it is no more; nor can it be stretched to more? I 
say, it is a Name of Office, plainly implying the Supreme 
Authority: and if it be so, why then I would suppose,-I am 
not peremptory in anything that is 'a ' matter of deduction or 
inference of my own,-why I then should suppose that what- 
soever name hath been or shall be the Name in which the 
Supreme Authority shall act-[ Seutence abl'llpt
1J ...tops; the con- 
clusion being visible 1l,ithout .\peech!] \Vhy, I say, if it had been 
these Four or Five Letters, or whatsoever else it had been-! 

1 [" have." both te t"ts.] 
:.![" absolute and necessary," Ashmole .lIS.] 
3 The Kingship: his Highness finds that the grammar will require to be attended 
or that they are-nor that it is I should say-so interwoven in the laws 
but that the laws may not possibly," both texts.] 
5 . Grounds' originating with myself independently of yours. Is this the 
'second' thing, which his Highness had in view, but did not specify after the' first,' 
when he started? The issue proves it to be so. 
6[" or," rlshmole .lIS.] 




That signification goes to the lhing,l certainly it does; and not 
'to' the name. [Cerlain
'I!] Why, then, there can no more be 
said but this: As such a Title hath been fixed, so it may be 
unfixed. 2 AmI certainly in the right of the Authority, 1 mean 
as a Legislative Power,-in the right of the Legislative Power, 1 
think the Authority that could christen it with such a name 
could have called it by another name, and therefore it was hut 
derived from that' Authority.' And certainly they, ' the primary 
Legislative Authority,' had the disposal of it, and might have 
had it 3 and might have detracted' from it,' or changed 'it:'- 
and 1 hope it will be no offence to you, to say as the case now 
stands, "So may you." And if it be so that you may, why then 
1 say, there is notbing of nece.f,\'i(1J in your argument; but 'all 
turns on' consideration of the expedience of it. [Is the King...llÏp 
e:rpedienl ?] 
'Truly' I had rather, if I were to choose, if it were the ori- 
ginal -1 question,-which I hope is altogether out of tbe question 
[Hi... I-liglllless means, afar '--!!f; in a polile manner, "You dOll't 
preteml lIwt I stiLL need to úe made Protector 
1J .'IOll or f
1J lt1
creature! "],-1 had rather 5 have any Name from this Parliament 
than any 'other' Name without it: so much do I think of the 
authority of the Parliament. And 1 believe all men are of my 
mind in that; I believe the Nation is very much of my mind,- 
though that be an uncertain way of arguing-, whal mind tlle,9 are 
of. û I think we may say that without offence; for I would give 
none! [Xo l!ifi'nce 10 !lOll, HOllourable Genilemell,. W/IO are here, '
!imcfioll, to illlclJu'et and Ûgllif!i lhe 
lilld of tile J.:'\"atioll. It is 1' el '!J 

1 [The Ashmo/e .lIS. here inserts, .. and not to the name." Quite possibly this is 
right, as Cromwell was fond of repeating his \\ords, when he wished to be 
emphatic. ] 
2 [" Why this hath been fixed, so it may have been unfixed," .
Asserted; "Why this has been said. This has been the name fixed, under which 
the Supreme Authority has been kno\\-n. Happily [i.e., haply] as it hath been fixed. 
so it may be unfixed," Asilmole .lIS.] 
3 [Last five words omitted by Carlyle, but in both texts.] 
4l"natural," both texts.] 5[" but I had rather," ibid.] 
aturally a delicate subject; some assert th
 Nation has never recognised his 
Highness,-himself being of a velY different opinion indeed! 



[13 April. 

difficult to do I]-Though the Parliament be the truest way to 
know what the mind of the Nation is, yet if the ParHament will 
be pleased to give me a liberty to reason for myself; and if 
that be one of your arguments-[U That:" ll'Ilat, .1IOllr Higll1les.
Tltat the mind qf the l.Yatioll, '!lIell inte17Jreted 
lJ this Parliament, is 
really for a King? That Ollr Lams cannot go on 'Il'ithout a King ?- 
His Higll1le.
s mea11.
 the former main I!}, but means tlte latter too; 
means .\'el'eral things together, at; hi:; manner 
' is, in ab.
 /]-1 hope 1 may urge against it, that the reason of my 
own mind is not quite to that effect.! But 1 'do' say un- 
doubtingly (let us think 'about other things, about the mind 
of the Nation and such like: what we will),2 What the Parliament 
settles is that which will run, 'and have currency: through the 
Law; and will lead the thread of Government through the 
Land 3 as well as what hath been, considering that what hath 
been, hath been but upon the same account, 'by the same 
authority: save that there hath been some long continuance 
of the thing [Tlti.\' tlli11g qf Ki11gsllip], it is but upon the same 
account! It had its original somewhere! And it was with consent 4 
of the whole,-there was the original of it. And consent of the 
whole will 'still: 1 say, be the needle that will lead the thread 
through all; [Tlte .\'{l'l1le tailor-metaphor a .
econd lime ]-aml 1 think 
no man will pretend right against it, or wrong! 
And if so, then, under favour to me, I think all those argu- 
ments from the Law are (as 1 said before) /lot necessll1:lj, but are 
to be understood upon the account of COlll1e'!1Ìe'l1('!J' It is in your 
power to dispose and settle; and before' hand J we can have 
confidence that what you do settle will be as authentic as those 
things that were before-especially as to this individual thing, 
the Name or Title,-according to the ParHament's appointment. 5 

] [ .. Anù that that be made one argument, I hope I may urge against that, else I 
cannot freely give a reason for my own mind," both texts.] 
2 [parenthesis omitted in Ashmole .MS.] 3 ["law," ibid.] 
4 [" in consent, in consent of the whole," ibid.] 
!j [" upon Parliamentary account," both texts. It must be noticed that the 
whole of the next semence is inserted by Carlyle.] 




, Is not this so ? It is question not of necessity; we have power 
to settle it as conveniency directs: 
'Why then, I say, there will be way made (with leave) for me 
to offer a reason or two to all that hath else been said 1 other- 
wise, I say my mouth is stopped! [His Higlme.
in deep brakes and imbroglios,. hopes, homelIer, t Itat he non' sees 
da!Jligltl athll'art them.] 
There are very many inforcements to carryon this thing. 
[Thing qf tlte Kingship.] , But' I suppose it will 'have to' stand 
on its 2 expediency and fitness-Truly I should have urged one 
consideration more that I had forgotten [Look
' Ol'er his shoulder 
in the jill/gle, and bet/linl....; him !],-namely, the argument not of 
reason only, but of e;rperien('e. 3 Perhaps it is a short one, but it 
is a true one (under favour), and is known to you aU in the fact 
of it (under favour) although there has been no Parliamentary 
declaration. [.I damllaMp iteration; bllt too clwraderistic to be 
omitted]: That the Supreme Authority going in another Name 
and under another Title than' that of' King, why it hath been 
'already' complied-with twice without it [Long Parliament, called 
 q( the Liberties l.!f England," fOllnd compliance; and 
nom tIle" Protectorate ".filld
',] 'Twice': that is under the CIl.\,todes 
Liberfatis A l/gliæ, 4 'and also' it hath, since I exercised the place, 
, been complied-with.' And truly I may say that almost universal 
obedience hath been given by all ranks and sorts of men to both. 
And to begin with the highest degree of ðlagistracy.5 At 

I [Carlyle altered to " the other considerations you adduced. "] 
2[" stand upon a way of," both texts.] 
3 [" and that is not only to urge the things for reason but for experience:' 
Jlonarchy Asserted; "and that is not only to urge from reason but from experi- 
ence," Ashmole .
4[Cromwell's allusion is to the fact that upon the death of the King, the 
Commons altered the old style in the Courts of Justice to Custodes Libertatis A ngliæ, 
Auctoritate Parlialllenti. It was also ordered that henceforth the writs should 
run in the name of the Keepers of the Liberty of England. The tract has libertates 
and 4shmole liES. libertatum, but the true form is as above.] 
r'[Carlyle seems here to havf'missed thf' point,-i.e.. that the highest magis- 
tracy (the Judges) had accepted the name Custodes Libertatis Angliæ at once upon 
the alteration-and is so confused that the old text is given instf'ad. The following 
was Carlyle's amendment, " Now this' on the part of both these Authorities' 
was a beginning with the highest degree of magistracy at the first alteration 
and at a time when tbat I Kingship' was the name I established' and I the new 



[13 April. 

the first alteration, and when that was the Name, and though 
it was the name of an invisible thing, yet the very Name, 'I 
say; was obeyed' and' did pass for current, and \Va!', received and 
did carryon the Justice of the Nation. I remember very well 
that my Lords the Judges were somewhat startled, and yet 
upon consideration,-if I mistake not,-I believe so,-' they,' 
there being among 1 them (without reflection) as able and as 
learned as have sat there,-though they did, I confess, at first, 
demur a little,-yet Ihe,1J did receive satisfaction, and did act, as 
I said before. [Unlll'i,\'1 IhÜ e.l.'lraordinal'!J WITHE qf a senlencc; 
//011 lI'ill find il /lot ine,rtrimble, and l'er,1J clwracferistic ft.f Olil'cr 1] 
, And' I profess it for my own part [l\..t:1J on'n Proleclorate], 
I think I may say it: Since the heginning of thai change,- 
, though' I would he loath to speak anything vainly,-but since 
the beginning of that change unto this day, I do not think there 
hath been a freer procedure of the Laws, not ev
n in those 
years called, and not unworthily,2 the U Ha]cyon Days of Peace," 
-in Queen Elizabeth's 3 and King James's and King Charles's 
time; I do not think but that the Laws proceed with as much 
freedom and justice, 'aud' with less private solicitation,4 as 
they did in those years so named,-' Halcyon,' since I came to 
the Government. I do not think, nnder favour,-[ His Highllc.
gelJ.' more emp/wlie ]-that the Laws have had a more free exercise, 
more uninterrupted by any haud of Power, 'in those years than 
now; or that' the Judges' have been' less solicited by letters or 
private interpositions either of my own or other men's, in dOllblp 
so mauy years, in all those times 'named' of Peace! [Sentence 
Ï/n-o!z,illg all incllmble Irish bull.. Ihe head qt il eating the tail qt 
it, like II SC'1Jcnt-qf-Eterni{lJ; but the mealling ...hining l'r,:,! clear 
through it.
 cmd0 rtiOJ/JJ' llCL'CI'theless I] And if more of my Lords 

name' though it was the name," &c. The Aslzmole .
fS. has" highest degree of 
majesty," probably copied from" magistracy" written with a contraction mark.) 
1 [" of them," botlz texts.] 
2 [" I do not think that in so many years [of) those that were called, and \\ orthily 
so accounted," ibid.] 
3 [ 
lonanlzy .1 sserted misprinted this" 20 Eliz. U) 
4[" either from that that was called then so, or since I came," ibid.] 




the Judges were here than now are, they coulcl tell us perhaps 
somewhat farther. 1_ -And therefore I say, under favour: These 
two Experiences do manifestly show that it is not a Title, though 
'never' so interwoven with the Laws, that makes the Law to 
have its free passage, and' to' do its office without interruption 
(as we 'venture to' think 'it is now doing '): 'not a Title, no ; , 
but that if a Parliament shall determine that another 
shall run through the Laws, I believe it may run with as free 
a passage as this' of King ever did: Which is all that [ have 
to say upon that head. 
And if this be so, then truly other things may fall under a 
more different consideration: 2 and then I shall arrive 'at the 
Second thing I had in view,' at some issue to answer for myself 
in this great matteI". And all this while, nothing that I shall 
say doth any way determine against my 'final' resolution, or 
'intimate any' thoughts against the Parliament's wisdom in this 
matter 3 but 'endeavoureth' really and honestly and plainly 
toward., such an answer a" ma.y be fit for me to give.'" The 
Parliament desires to have this Title. It hath stuck with me, 
auel yet doth stick. As truly, and I hinted the other day/' it 
seemt>d as if your arguments ô to me did partly give positive 
grounds for what was to be done, and 'partly' comparative 
groumls; stating the matter as 7 you were 'then' pleased to do, 
-amI 'which' I 
ave no cause for that I know of, that is, to 
compare the effects of Kingship with 'those of' such a Name 
as I for the present bear, with' those of the' Protectorship' to 
wit.' I say, [ hope it will not be understood that I do contend 

) Reform of Chancery; improvements made in Law. [" They could tell what 
to say to what hath been done since," botk texts.) 
2. Other things,' your other arguments, may lose a great deal of their formidable 
air of cogency, as if Necessity herself were backing them. 
3[" determine anything against any resolution or thought<; of the Parliament," 
AslwlOlc ,
-1[" considering what is fit for me to answer." bollt tc_\-ts.) 
5 Saturday last. day before Yesterday. 
6 [" And truly, although I hinted the othf'r day that I thought that your argnmf'l1ts 
to me," botk texts.] 
7 [" saying that which," ibid.] 



[13 April. 

for the Name; 'or for' any name, or any thing 'of a merely 
extraneous nature;' but truly and plainly 'for the substance of 
business,'-if I speak as in the Lord's presence; ay, in all right 
things, as a person under the disposal of the Providences of God,- 
neither' naming' one thing nor other; but only endeavouring to 
give fit answer as to this' proposed' Name or Title. l For I 
hope I do not desire to give a rule to anybody-' much less to 
the Parliament,' because I have professed 2 I have not been 
able,-and I have said truly I have not 'yet' been able,-to 
give one to myself' in regard to your Proposal.' But I would 
be understood in this. [Yes, !Jour Highness. "That it is not 
"doubt of the Parliament's 'wisdom; that it is not vain ]J1'lgèrence O'i' 
"postponencc qf one 'name' to another; but doubt a.v to the slib- 
"stantial expedienc!I if the thing proposed, unccrtaint!l as to God's 
" mill and monition in regard to it,-that has made and :dill makes 
"me speak in this uncomfortable, haggling, struggling and wriggling 
" manner. It is no ea."!} thing fO'i'cing one'.v ma!l through a jungle 
" slich depth! An ajJàir l.!.f Courtship mOreOl'CI", 7l'hich gron'S and has 
" to grow b!l the vel:lJ handling of it ! I would not be misunderstood 
"in thi.v."] 
I am a man standing in the Place I am in [Clearl!l .your High- 
ness]; which Place I undertook not so much out of the hope of 
doing any good, as out of a desire to prevent mischief and evil 
. [Note tlâs],-which I did see was imminent in 3 the Nation. I 
say,4 we were running headlong into confusion and disorder, and 
would necessarily' have' run into blood; and I was passive to 
those that desired me to undertake the Place that now I have. 
[IVith tones, n,ith a look of SO'iT01V, solemnity and nobleness,. the 
bralJe Olit'er I] , A Place,' I say, not so much of doing good,5- 
1 The original (Somers, vi. 398) unintelligible, illegible except with the power- 
fullest lenses, yields at last,-with some slight changes of the points and so forth,- 
this sense as struggling at the bottom of it. [" But truly and plainly-if I speak 
as in the Lord's presence-I in all things wait as a person under the disposition of 
the providence of God, neither naming one thing nor another, but only answering 
to this name or title," in both Askmole jM'S. and jJ,fonarcky Asserted.] 
2l" because I have not professed," Askmole lI1"S.] 
:I [" upon," ibid.] 4[" I saw," ibid.] 

 [" I say, not so much out of the hope of doing good," ibid.] 




which a man ma,1J lawfully, if he deal deliberately with God and 
his own conscience,-a man ma,lJ (I say) lawfully, if he deal 
deliberately with God and his own conscience; a man may 
lawfully, as the case may be (though the case is very tickle),! desire 
a great Place to do good in ! [TVindolV once more into his Higll1le.,;.v f 
" l'ic/de" is tlte old form of TICKLISH: "a tickle case indeed," hi.,; 
's candid
lJ alloms,o .lJet a ca.,;e whiclt doe.,; occllr,-slwme and 
woe to him, the ]Juur coward
lj Pedant, tied up ill colJII'ebs alld tape- 
lltrums, t!'at neglecl.v illl'ltell it doe.v f] But I profess I had not that 
apprehension, when I undertook the Place, that I could do much 
good; but I did think I might prevent imminent evil.-And 
therefore I am not contending for one name compared with an- 
other ;-and therefore have nothing to answer to any arguments 
that were used in giving preference to 'the name' Kingship or 
Protectorship. For I should almost think that any name were 
better than my Name; and I should altogether think any person 
fitter than I am for any such business: [Your Higlllle.,;s?- 
But .'-J't. Paul tuo profes.,;ed ltim,r;e{j' '' the chief of .\'ÙlIlcrs," -(I lid Iw.,; 
lIol been allogetlter thouglit to " callt" ill doillg so f]-and I compli- 
ment not, God knows it! But this I would say, That I do 
think from my very heart, you, in settling 2 of the peace and 
liberties of this Nation, which cries as loud upon you as ever 
Nation did for somewhat that may beget a consistence, 'ought 
to attend to that;' otherwise the Nation will fall to pieces! And 
in that, as far as I can, I am ready to serve not as a King, but . 
as a Constable' if you like!' For truly I have, as before God, 
thought it often that I could not tell what my business was, nor 
what I was in the place I stood' in: save comparing myself to 3 
a good Constable' set' to keep the peace of the Parish. [Hear 
hi.v -Higlllle.v,v f] And truly this hath been my content and satis- 
faction in the troubles that I have undergone, That yet you have 

1[" fickle," Ashmole ..'VIS.] 
2["that in your settling," both texis.] 
:I [" comparing it with," ibid.] 



[13 April. 

\Vhy now, truly,-if I may advist',-I wish to God you may 
but be so happy as to keep 'the' peace still! 1 If you cannot 
attain to such perfection as to accomplish this:! 'that we are now 
upon,' I wish to God we may' still' have peace,-that do I ! 3 But 
the fruits of righteousness are shown 4 in meekness; a better 
thing than we are aware of!- -I say therefore, [ do judge for 
myself there is no such necessity of this Name of King; 5 for 
other Names may do as well. 1 judge for myself. I must say 
a little (I think 1 have somewhat of conscience to answer as to 
this matter), why I cannot undertake this Name. [TVe are 110m 
fairlJ entered llpUIl th(' Second head çf 'method.] Why, truly 6 I must 
needs go a little out of the way, to come to my reasons. And 
you will be able to judge of them when [ have told you them. 
And I shall deal seriously, as before God.7 
I f you do not all of you, [ am sure some of you do, and it 
behoves me to say' that; I 'do,' know my calling from the first to 
this day. I was a person that, from my first employment, was 
suddenly preferred and lifted up from lesser trusts to greater; 
from my first being a Captain of a Troop of Horse; and [ did 
labour as well as I could to discharge my trust; and God blessed 
me 'therein' as it pleased Him. And 1 did truly and plainly,- 
and then in a way of foolish simplicity, as it was judged by very 
great and wise men, and good men too,-desire to make my 
instruments help me in that work. s And I will deal plainly with 
you: I had a very worthy Friend then; and he was a very noble 
person, and 1 know his memory is very grateful to you aJl,-Mr. 
Jolm Hampden. [Hear, hear ;-a 1lotable piece uf HistUJ:lJ?] 
At my first going out into this engagemellt,9 I saw our 10 men 

llf I may advise, I should say the purport and sOLd of our whole enquiry at 
present ought to be that of keeping the peace. 
2 [ "if you cannot attain to these perfections as to do this," botll texts.] 
 " though I do," Ashmole J/S.] 4[" sown," ibid.] 
:; "necessity of the thing," both texts.] 6[" truly, truly," AslzJ//ole .lIS.] 
7 The last three words omItted in ibid.] 
8[" desir{'d to make of my instruments to help me in that work," MOllarrlzy 
Asserted; "desire to make use of my instluments to help in this "ork," Ashmole 
IS. Perhaps it should be " desired to make myself instrumpnts to hf'lp. "] 
\I entprprise. 10 [" thf'ir," /lotlz textJ.] 

1657. ] 



were beaten at every hand. I did indeed; and I desired him that 
he would make some additions to my Lord Essex's Army, ofl 
some new regiments; ami I told him I would be serviceable to 
him in bringing such men in 1 as I thought had a spirit that 
would do something in the work. Thi8 is very true that I tell 
you; God knows I lie not. 2 "Your troopers," 3 said I, "are most 
"of them old decayed serving-men, and tapsters, and such kind 
"of fellows; and," said I, "their troopers 3 are gentlemen's sons, 
"younger son
 and persons of quality: do you think that the 
"spirits of such base and mean fellows will be ever able to 
"encounter gentlemen, that have honour and coura
e and reso- 
"lution in them? ') Truly I presented' to ' him 4 in this manner 
conscientiously; and truly I did tell him; " You must get men 
" of a spirit: and take it not ill what I say,-l know you will 
"not,-of a spirit that is likely to go on as far as gentlemen will 
"go ;-or else I am sure you will be beaten still." I told him 
so; I did tI'uly. He was a wise and worthy person; and he did 
think that I talked a good notion, but an impracticable one. 5 
[Very lIatural in 
tlr. Hampden, 
f 1 recollect lIim 111('11, :your Highness! 
lVith hi.v thin lips, and 'ver"lJ l.igilant e,lje.\'; 1IIitll his clear official 
ll1ulerstallding; lire(lj sensibilities to "Ilnspotted character," ".vafe 
'c. _ll.el"!J brave man; but for11lidab<lJ thick-quilted, 
and witlt pillcer-lip.v, and l:lJe.<; l'Cl:'1 vigilant.-A la,v, there i.v 1/0 pos.<;ì- 

I [word omitted in Ashmole iIS.] 
2 A notable clause of a sentence, this latter too; physiognomic enough j- 
and perhaps very liable to be misunderstood by a modern reader. The old phrase, 
still current in remote quarters. "It's no lie," which signifies an emphatic and 
even courteous assent and affirmation, must be borne in mind. 
:I [" troopers." is an emendation from the Ashmole kIS. Carlyle printed "troops," 
following lv/anarchy Asserted, but the Ashmole ,tIS. is almost certainly right, and 
confirms Dr. Gardiner's statement that Cromwell was speaking of cavalry only. 
See note 5 below.] 
4[" I pressed him." Ashmole 111S.] 
:; [Dr. Gardiner says that it is useless to attempt to fix the date of this conver- 
sation exactly, but that the reference to the raising of new regiments seems to 
connect it with the raising offoræs under Warwick. "After Edgehill, there would 
probably have been something said of the troops which were not beaten there. At 
all events, Cromwell was talking of cavalry only, as his description would not suit 
the royalist infantry," Great Ci'l'il 
Var, i. 40, note. It might be added that the 
description would not suit the Parliament infantry either, for some of the foot 
regiments were very good.] 
VOL. 111.-5 



[13 April. 

bilil!} for puur Cul1l1nlJll.f al an,'! of the Public Offices, lill once he 
becume an _1 cl lIa lit!!, and sa:IJ, "Here IS the America 11l'as telling 
!!Oll oj 1"] Truly 1 told him I could do somewhat in it. 1 did 
do so,-' did this somewhat:' and truly I must needs say this to 
you, 'The result was; -impute it to what you please,-I raised 
such men as had the fear of God before them, and made some 
conscience of what they did; [The lronsides; ,llea 1] and from 
that day forward, I must say to you, they were never _beaten, 
and wherever they were engaged against the enemy,l they beat 
continually. [Yea 1] 2 And truly this is matter of praise to 
God :-and it hath some instruction in it, To own men that are 
religious and godly, and so many of them as are peaceably and 
honestly and quietly disposed to live within' rules of' Govern- 
ment; as 3 will be subject to those Gospel rules of obeying 
Magistrates and living under Authority-[ Sentence catches .fire 
abrupl(1j, aud explodes here ]-1 reckon no Godliness without this 
circle, but without this spirit 4 let it pretend what it will, it is dia- 
bolical, it is devilish, it is from diabolical spirits, from the height 
of Satan's wickedness 5-[Checks him.fe{t]-\\Thy truly I need not 
say more than to apply all this 6 'to the business we have in 
hand. ' 
I will be bold to apply this ï to this purpose, because it is my 
all ! 1 could say as all the world says, and run headily upon 

1 [" they engaged the enemy," Asll11lOle iV/S.] 
2 [The version in the Hmoley JfS. has" when I was captain of a troop of horse, 
I did certainly perceive that those that were under the King were gentlemen, 
younger sons, men of courage and spirit, . . . and I had a thought in my heart 
which I communicated to Col. Hampden, a man of honour, and that was, that 
that spirit that must contend and prevail against these men must be a spirit above 
them-which is Godliness,. and I ha\'e urged my endeavour therein, and from that 
time to the end of the war I was never beaten." It is not likely that Cromwell 
put it in this personal fashion, but it shows how those around him identified him 
with his troops.] 
3[" and," Askmole iv/S.] 4[" but of this spirit," ibid.] 
5 Not' height of Jotham's wickedness,' as the lazy Reporter has it. Jotham 
was not' wicked' at all (Judges, c. 9). Nay the lazy Reporter corrects himself 
elsewhere.-if he had not been asleep! Compare p. 369, line 16 of Somers with 
p. 3 8 5. line 2. [It is not Jotham, but Jathan. in mistake for Sathan, in 1V/o 1 zal'clzy 
Asserted,. though it is printed Jotham in Somers. Askmoie MS. has Satan.] 
6 . This' of myoId proposal to Mr. Hampden; and how good it is to . own men 
who are religious and godly.' [" apply it thus," ibid.] 
7 [" apply it thus."] 




anything; 'but' I must tender this 'my present answer' to 
you as a thing that sways with my conscience; or else I were 
a knave and a deceiver. 'Well;' I tell you there are such men 
in this Nation; that are godly men of the same spirit, men 
that will not be beaten down with a worldly or carnal spirit while 
they keep their integrity. ' And' I deal plainly and faithfully 
with you, 'when I say:' that I cannot think that God would 
bless me in the 1 undertaking of anything, 'Kingship or whatever 
else; that would justly and with cause, grieve thcm. 'True; 
they may 2 be troubled mit/lOul cause;- I must be a slave if I 
should comply with any such humour 'as that: [Leaves tile 
maller open still 1] 'But' I say that there are honest men and 
faithful men, and true to the great things of the Government, 
to wit the Liberty of the People, giving them that is due to them, 
and protecting this Interest (' and' I think verily God will bless 
you for what you have done in that) 3_[Selltence bro/wll" tr!} it 
another 1l'
y]-But if that I know, as indeed I do, that very l 
generally good men do not swallow this Title,-though really 
it is no part of their goodness to be unwilling to submit to what 
a Parliament shall settle over them-yet I must say, that it is my \ 
duty and my conscience to beg of you that there may be no hard 
things put upon me; 4 things, I mean, hard to them, that they 
cannot swallow. [ The Young Lad.ll will and she will llOt I] If 
the Nation may as well be provided-for without these things 
we have been speaking of5 [Killgship
', "}"c.], as, according to my 
apprehension,6 it may,-' then' I think truly it will be no sin in 
you, it will be to you as it was to David in another case, 7 "no 

1[" bless in undertaking," Jlollarchy Asserted.] 
2 [" they that will," Ashmole lIIS. ; II that they will" lUonarclry Asserted. Perhaps 
it should be II if they will. "] 
3 ["I and what you have a desire to do in that, and they that are truly hone
t will 
bless you for it," added in Askmole .MS.] 
4 [" them," ibid.] 
:1[" without these things that I have printed (altered in Burton to I pointed ') to 
you," 1'Vlo1/arcky Asserted; II without these things by some of those things that [ 
have hinted unto you," Ashmole IllS. II Hinted" is probably right, though it may 
have been" pointed out. "] 
6 [ II poor apprehension," ibid.] 
7 Nabal's and Abigail's case (I Samuel xxv. 31). 



[13 April. 

grief of heart in time coming," 1 that you have a tenderness even 
possibly (if it be their weakness) to the weakness of those that 
have integrity and honesty 2 and uprightness, and' who' are not 
carried away with the hurries that I see some are' taken with; 
-[" A Standard l
fted up," tlte other da,1J !-W'e hm'e fwd to turn the 
A'e,lJ upon them, in C/wpstom, in the TOIl'er a1ll1 el.\'emhere J-who think 
that their virtue lies in despising Authority, 'in' opposing it! 
I think you will be the better able to root out of this Nation 
that 'disobedient' ')pirit and principle,-and to do so 3 is as 
desirable as anything in this world,-by complying, indulging, 
and being patient to the weakness and infirmities 4 of men that 
have been faithful, and have bled all along in this Cause ;-and 
'who' are faithful, and will oppose all oppositions (I am confident 
of it) to the things that are the Fundamentals in your Govern- 
ment, in your Settlement for Civil and Gospel Liberties. [Not 
ill .vaid, .lJour Rig/me.v.v; and real
lJ could not /lIell be better thougld ! 
-The moral i.v: "As 'l/
lJ old lrollsides, mell fearing God, 
"proved the succes.iful .\'Oldier.v; so ill all things it is men fearin/{ 
"God thatll'e 'lllllst get to enlist mitll u.v. 1Vit/wut me are lost: 
" miLlz, 
l the,lJ Irill be .voldiers millz 11.'; (not noi.\'!J mutineers like 
" Wildman, Harrison allll C01l1pan.'lJ, but tml' soldier.v, mtiollal person.v 
" that mill l('(tnl di:;cipline),-me .vlwll, a.v /wretofore, hope to prevail 
"against the whole n'orld and the Del,il to boot, and' nel'er be beatell 
"at all,' no more than fhe IroJl.';Íde.v mere. See, therefore, that .'lJOlt 
"do not di.vaffect THEM. Jlrlml1lt no fooli.vh codade or Killg.vhip 
" which can convert THEM, 1'lItiollal obedient men, tme in all es.f:ential 
"points, into 1l1lltilleer.\'."] 
I confess, for it behoves me to deal plainly with YOU-[YOllllg 
Lad.lJ now flings a lilile Il'eig/zt ill to the other scale,-wld the sentellce 
trips{lollce or twice before it can get startecl]-I must confess J 
would say-I hope 1 may be understood in this, for indeed I 
must be tender in what 1 say to such an audience as this is:- 

1 [" no grief of heart to yours," 1I101zarc1zy Asserted; "it will be no sin to you 
as it was to David in another case, no grief of heart to you," Ashmole JIS.] 
2 [last two words omitted in ibid.] 3 [" and it is," both texis.] 
4 [" and infirmities" omitted in Ashmole .JI1S.] 




I say I would be understood, That in this argument I do not 
make a parallel between men of a different mind, , mere 
dissentient individuals,' and a I Parliament, 'as to' which shall 
have their desires. I know there is no comparison. Nor can it 
be urged upon me that my words have the least colour 2 that way, 
because the Parliament seems to give liberty to me to say what- 
ever is on my mind 3 to you; as that 'indeed' that is a tender of 
my humble reasons and judgment 4 and opinion 4 to tltem: and 
'now' if I think these objectors to the Kingship á are such' as I 
describe,' anù 'that they' will be such to them; and 'if I think 
that they' are faithful servants and will be so to the Supreme 
Authority anù the Legislative, wheresoever it is,-if, I say, I 
should not tell you, knowing their minds to be so, 'then' I 
should not be faithful, if I should not tell you so, to the end you 
may report it to the Parliament. [Parliament very jealous lest tlte 
Arm,.'1 be thougltt of g1'eafer Il'eigld titan it. U"e try to carry fILe 
scales even.] 
I will 'now' say 6 something for lll!Jself. ' As' for my own 
mind, I do profess it, I am not a man scrupulous about words, or 
names, or such things. I have not' hitherto clear direction' Î_ 
but as I have the 'YoI'd of God, and I hope I shall ever have, for 
the rule of my conscience, for my information 'and direction'; 
so, truly, if men have been led into dark paths 8 [A.
 matter of 
tl1e Kingsltip i,\' fo me Cl'en 110m; Ver!I" dark" anc! undecidable 1] 
through the providence 9 and dispensations of God-why surely it 
is not to be objected to a man! For who can love to walk in the 
dark? But Providence doth often so dispose. And though a 
man may impute his own folly and blindness to Providence 9 sin- 

1 [" the," Ashmole jv/S.] 2[" colour that may be," ibid.] 
3[" to say anything," both texts.] 
[Plural in Ashmole .l/S.] 
:;. they' in orig. 6 [" And truly I would say," Ashmole .l/S.] 
7 Coagulated Jargon (Somers, p. 370) is almost \\orth looking at here-never 
was such a Reporter since the Tower of Babel fell. [But Ash11lole .IlS. has" I am 
not a man scrupulous about words or names or such things. I am not. But as 
I have the word," etc. It is also so printed in Burton.] 
8 [" men that have been led in dark paths," lv/onarchy A.ueJ ted; .. men that have 
been in the dark paths," Aslzm{)le .lfS.] 
9 [" providences," ibid.] 



[13 April. 

jitl(lJ,-yet that must be at a man's OIl'll periJ.l The case may be 
that it is the Providence of God that doth lead men in dark- 
ness! I must needs say, I have had a great deal of experience 
of Providence; 2 and though it, , sitch experience' is no rule without 
or against the \Vord, yet it is a very good expositor of the 'Vord 
in many cases. [ Yes, 'fl.lJ braz.e one I] 
( Truly the Providence 2 of God hath laid aside this Title 'of 
King' providentially de facto: 3 and this not by sudden humour 
or passion; but it hath been by issue of as great 4 deliberation as 
ever was in a Nation. It hath been the issue of Ten or Twelve 
Years Civil "Tar, wherein much blood hath been shed. I will 
not dispute the justice of it when it was done; nor need I now 
tell you what my opinion is in the case were it de novo to be 
done. [Somell,hat grim expres
ioll qf face .lJour Highness!] But if 
it be at all disputable; and that a man comes and finds that God 
in His severity hath not only eradicated a whole Family, and 
thrust them out of the land, for reasons best known to Himself, 
but á 'also' hath made j:he issue and close of it to be the very 
eradication of a Name or Title-which de facto is 'the case: it 
was not done by me, nor by them that tendered me the Govern- 
ment that now I act in: it was done by the Long Parliament,- 
that was it. 6 And God hath seemed Providentially, 'seemed to 
appear as a Providence; not only to strike at the Family but at 
the Name. And, as I said before, de jàcto it is blotted out: it 
is a thing cast out by an Act of Parliament; 'tis a thing that hath 
been kept out to this day. And as Jude saith, in another case, 
speaking of abominable sins that should be in the Latter Times, 7 
-he doth likewise 'say: when he comes to exhort the Saints, he 
tells them,-they should hate even the garments spotted with 
the flesh. s 

I t OO at my peril," bolh leÀts.] 2[" providences," Ashmole .11S.] 
3 "de facto, it is laid aside," ibid.] 4 [" the issue ot a great," ibid.] 
1\ .. and," bol/l Ie:>. Is.] 60liverian reduplication of the phrase: accent on U'<1S. 
'; Very familiar with this passage of Jude; see Speech II. 

 Grammar a little imperfect. Really one begins to find Oliver would, as it 
were, have needed a new Grammar. Had all men been Olivers, what a ditferent 
set of rules would Lindley Murray and the Governesses now have gone upon! [" He 
doth likewise, when he comes to exhort the saints, tell them," Ashmole IvIS.] 




I bes

ch you think not that I bring this 1 as an argument to 
prove anything. A! God hath seemed so to deal with the Persons ( 
and with the Family that He blasted the' very' Title. 3 And you 
know when a man comes, a parte post, to reflect, and see this is 
dOlle, and' this Title' laid in the dust,-' I confess' I can make no 
'other' conclusion but this. [" But t!tat God see11l
' to Itrwe bla
the vel"!} Title;" -this, IWlvever, i.
 felt to need some qualifying.] 
The like of this may make a strong impression -l upon such weak 
men as I am ;-and perhaps (if there be any such) upon weak
men it will be stronger. I will not seek to set up that, that Pro- 
vidence hath destroyed, and laid in the dust; and I would not 
build Jericho again! And this is somewhat to me, and to my 
judgment and' my' conscience. That it is true,5 it is that that 
hath an awe upon my spirit. [Hear!] And I must confess, as 
the times are,-they are very fickle, very uncertain, nay God 
knows you had need have a great deal of faith to strengthen you 
in your work, and all assistance; you had need to look at Settle- 
ment !-I would rather I were in my grave than hinder you in 
anything that may be for 
ettlement for the Nation. 6 For the 
Nation needs it, and never needed it more! And therefore, 
out of the love and honour I bear you, I am forever bound to do, 
whatever becomes of me,7 'what is best for that;' -' and' I am 
forever bound to acknowledge you have dealt most honourably 
and worthily with me, and lovingly, and have had respect for 
one that deserves nothing. 
Indeed, out of the love ami faithfulness I bear you, and out 
of the sense I have of the difficulty of your work, I would not 
have you lose ll1i.'J help [Help qf the .J.\'a'11le " King,." help of tlte 
scrtlp"loil.\. Anti-King people :-it i.
 a dark case I] that may 8 serve 
you, that may 8 stand in stead to you, but would' willingly' be 

1 [" bring it," Ashmole j
2(" or to make any comparisons. I have no such thoughts," added in ibid.] 
:s [" seemed to deal so; He hath not only dealt so with the persons and that family, 
but He hath blasted the title," ibid.] 

 f "they may have strong impressions," both texts.] 
1\ "That it is. truly." AslzJ/lole JfS.] 6 rLac;t three words omitted in i/lid.J 
7 [Last ten words omitted in il>id.] B[" might," ibid,] 



[13 April. 

a sacrifice [King, Protector, Constable, or what you like], that there 
might be, so long as God shall please to let this Parliament sit, a 
harmony, l and a better and good understanding between all of 
you. And,-whatever any man thinks,-it equally concerns one 
man' of us' as another to go on to Settlement: and where I 
meet with any that is of another mind, indeed I could almost 
curse him in my heart. And therefore, to the end I might deal 
heartily 2 and freely, I would have you lose nothing [..Yol el'ell tlte 
Scrupulous] that may stand you in stead in this way. I would 
advise you that if there be 'found' any of a froward and un- 
mannerly or womanish spirit,-I would not have you lose them! 
1 would not that you should lose any servant or fi-iend who may 
help in this \V ork; that they should be offended by that that 
signifies no more to me than as I 'have' told you' it does'. 3 
That is 'to say' I do not think the thing necessary; I do not. 
I would not that you should lose a friend for it. If I could help 
you to many 'friends,' and multiply myself into many, that 4 
would be to serve you in 'regard to' Settlement! And therefore 
, I' would not that any, especially any of these that indeed 
perhaps are men that do think themselves engaged to continue to 
you, and to serve you, should be anyways disobliged from you. 
'I have now no more to say.' The truth is, I did make that 
my conclusion to you at the first, when I told you what method 
I would speak to you in. 5 I may say that I cannot, with con- 
veniency to myself, nor good to this service that I wish so well 
to, speak out all my arguments to' the' safety' of your Proposal,' 
and as to ti its tendency to an effectual carrying-on of this Work. 
[There are mall!J angJ'!} suspicioll.f persons listening to me, and eveJ'!} 

I [Last two words omitted, Ashmole _
IS.] 2[" faithfully," ibid.] 
:I [The order of this last sentence is changed in Ashmole .IIS" and some 
words are omitted.] 
4 [" I," Aslz11lole AIS.] 
II" This was my second head of method; all this about myself and my o\\<n 
.. feelings in regard to the Kingship,-after I had proved to you in my first head 
.. that it was not necessa1)', that it was only expedient or not expedimt. I am now 
.. therefore got to the end of my second head, to my conclusion." 
6[" in order to," both texts.] 




1vord is liable to diUèrent misllnderstallding:
 in every different narrom 
head I] I say, I do not think it fit to use all the thoughts I 
have in my mind as to that point of safety. Hut I shall pray to 
God Almighty that He would direct you to do 'what is' 
according to His will. And this is that poor account I am 
able to give you of myself in this thing.* 

And so enough for Monday, which is now far spent: 'till to- 
morrow at three o'clock' 1 let us adjourn; and diligently consider 
in the interim. 
His Highness is evidently very far yet from having made up 
his mind as to this thing; the undeveloped Yes still halancing 
itself against the undeveloped So, in a huge dark intricate 
manner, with him. Unable to 'declare' himself; there being 
in fact nothing to declare hitherto, nothing hut what he does 
here declare,-namely, darkness visible. An abstruse time his 
Highness has had of it, since the end of February, six or seven 
weeks now; all England sounding round him, waiting for his 
Answer. And he is yet a good way off the Answer. For it is a 
considerable question this of the Kingship: important to the 
Nation and the Cause he presides over; to himself not un- 
important,-and yet to himself of very minor importance, my 
erudite friend! A Soul of a man in right earnest about its own 
awful Life and Work in this world; much superior to 'feathers 
in the hat: of one sort or the other, my erudite friend !-Of aU 
which he gives here a candid and honest account; and indeed 
his attitude towards this matter is throughout, what towards 
other matters it has been, very manful and natural. 
However, on the morrow, which is Tuesday, at three o'clock, 
the Committee cannot see his Highness; attending at \Vhitehall, 
as stipulated, they find his Highness indisposed in health ;-are to 
come again tomorrow, \Vednesday, at the same hour. Wednesday 
they come again; 'wait for above an hour in the Council- 
Chamber;' -Highness still indisposed, "has got a cold:" Come 
again tomorrow, Thursday! 'Which: says the writer of the 
thing called Burtou's Diary, who was there, 'did strongly build 
up the faith of the Contrariants; -He will not dare to accept, 

* Somers Tracts, vi. 36S-37r. [That is lIIonarch}' Asserted " also Ashmole 1I--1S. 
749; and abridg-ed report, Harley MS. 6846 f. 236.J 
1 Burton, ii. 2. 



[13 April. 

think the COlltrariants. The Honourable House in the mean 
while has little to do but denounce that Shoreditch Fifth- 
Monarchy Pamphlet, the 
lalldard .<;el liP, which seems to be a most 
incendiary piece ;-and painfully adjourn and re-adjourn, till its 
Committee do get answer. A most slow business; and the hopes 
of the Contrariants are rising. 1 
Thursday, 16th April] 6'>7, Committee attending tor the third 
time, the interview does take effect; Six of the Grandees, Glynn, 
Lenthall, Colonel Jones, Sir Richard Onslow, Fiennes, Broghil, 
Whitlocke, take up in their orùer the various objections of his 
Highness's former Speech, of Monday last, and learnedly rebut 
the same, in a learned and to us insupportably wearisome 
manner; fit only to be entirely omitted. \\Thitlocke urges on 
his Highness That, in refusing this Kingship, he will do what 
never any that were actual Kings of England did, reject the 
advice of his Parliament. 2 Another says, It is his duty; let him 
by no means shrink from his ùuty!- Their discoursings, if any 
creature is curious on the subject, can be read at a great length 
in the distressing pages of Somers, 3 and shall be matter of 
imagination here. 4 His Highness said, These were weighty 

1 [A letter of April 16th says: .. Our Protector cannot be drawn to accept of 
Kingship, notwithstanding their frequent addresses to him; he takes further time 
to satisfy his conscience. The Parliament have done nothing but this sin.-:e Easter, 
nor will, till this is finished. We think he is the more shy because the Major- 
Generals and much of the army are against it. Last week our Fifth Monarchy 
men were arming to dethrone him as an Antichrist, and Gideon-like, doubted not 
to do it with such a number that one should chase a thousand. Twenty or thirty 
are taken into custody. 1\lajor Harrison and some others of that judgment may 
be in the plot. Now we hear he has lately got a cold and is much indisposed. 
'Tis said, because they have sworn against Kingship, the name of Emperor will well 
content them." Hum. Robinson to Jos. Williamson. Abstract. Cat. S. P. Dom., 
16 5 6 , r6S7, p. 344,] 
2Somers, p. 386. :llbid. vi. 371-387. 
4 [There are several letters amongst the Duke of Sutherland's MSS., in relation 
to the conferences concerning kingship. On April 21, the 'Writer says that he has met 
a kinsman, a parliament man, who told him more exactly " what had passed on 
Thursday twixt the Protector and the House, as thus :-the House having been 
two days before to speak with him, but could not, ber.ause of his indisposition of 
health, but on Thursday he came out of his chamber half unready in his gown, and 
a black scarf about his neck, and made his apology for the loss of their former 
labour; and when he had done his speech, Serjt. Glynne spake to him in answer to 
all the objections he gave them in writing . . . and when Glynne had ended, the 
Master of the Rolls, Lenthall, spake very boldly, . . . and then spake the Lord 
Broghill excellently well to the same purpose, and after him spake Whitlocke, 
showing inyincible reasons and arguments of necessity that the Protector should 
take upon him the kingly government. When he had ended his speech, the Protector 
applied himself to the Lord Whitlocke and told them all that he must confess they 
had all convinced him in all his objections, insomuch that for the present he knew 
not what to say to them, but desired them to come to him next day; the meantime 




arguments; give him till tomorrow to think of them} 'To- 
morrow at thret:: spero!' says the writer of the thing caned 
' Diar!J, who is not one of the Contrariants. 


ALAS, tomorrow at three his Highness proves again indisposed; 
which doth a little damp our hopes, I fancy! Let us appoint 
Monday morning: Monday ten 0' clock, 'at the old place,' Cham- 
ber of the Council-of-State in Whitehall. Accordingly, on Mon- 
day 20th April 1657, at the set place and hour, the Committee of 
Ninety-nine is once more in attendance, and his Highness speaks, 
-answering our arguments of Thursday last, and indicating still 
much darkness. 2 

, My LORDS,':3 

I have, as well as I could, considered the 
arguments used by you, the other day, to enforce your conclu- 
sion as to that Name and Title, which has been the subject of 
various Debates and Conferences between us. 4 I shall not now 

he would take a further consideration of it and then he would give them satisfaction. 
So the House went to him on Friday, but they lost their labour, for he was not well 
and could not be spoken with." Fifth Report of the Hist. lIISS. Commissioners, 
Appendix, p. 163,] 
1 Burton, ii. 5. 
2 [This speech is in the small volume-Add. MoSS. 6r25-but being put before 
some of the earlier ones, has not been noticed by the editor of Burton's Diary, 
whose only text was .
fonarchy Asserted, the worst text of the Protector's speeches 
that we have. Its inaccuracy comes out particularly in the reports of the speeches 
of the Committee, on the 16th, alluded to above. For instance" to set down all 
authorities and boundaries" (MS. 6125) becomes" authorities and abundances" 
in .
fonarchy Asserted,. .. if in the notion only it seems impracticable, in the acting it 
will be," etc., is misprinted II if in the nation." etc., and II especially when the thing 
llot differed in is the settling of a foundation, and the thing differed upon is only a 
name" is turned into .. especially when the thing differed in, as the settling our 
foundation," etc.. where the omission of one word and the alteration of another, 
turns sense into nonsense. Allowing for the mistakes and misprints in il-[onarchy 
Asserted, and for small omissions here and there in both texts. it may be surmised 
that the two were copied from a common source. If not they must follow very 
closely the Protector's own words.] 
:I [Probably should be in the singular. See Carlyle's own remark, p, 53 above. 
4 [" To enforce the conclusion that refers to the name and title. that was the sub- 
ject matter of the debates and conferences that have been between us," bútll texts.] 



[20 April. 

spend your time nor my own much, in repeating those arguments, 
and giving answers to them. Indeed I think they are' mainly' 
but the same we formerly had, only with some additional inforce- 
ments by new instances: 'and' truly, at this rate of Debate, I 
might spend your time, 1 which I know is very precious; and un- 
less I were 'to end in being' a satisfied person, the time would 
spin out, and be very unprofitably 2 spent,-so it would. I only 
must say a word or two to that that I think was new. 
t You were pleased to say some things as to the power of 
, Parliament, as to the force of a Parliamentary sanction in this 
t matter: 3 \\That comes from the Parliament in the exercise of 
their Legislative power, as this Proposal does,4-1 understand it 
to be an exercising of the Legislalh,e power, and the Laws were 
always formerly passed' in' this way' of Proposal or Conference,' 
and that t way' of Bills was of a newer date,-I understand that, 
I say; but--[ III shorl, the Sentence falls prO,';lrate, and me mllst 
slart again.] You said, "that what was done by the Parlia- 
"ment now, and simply made to hang upon this Legislative 
"power, 'as any Title but that of KinA' will do,' might seem 
" partly as if it were a thing ex dono, not de jure; a thing that 
" had not the same weight, nor the same strength, as if it bore a 
"reference to t the general Body of' the Law 5 that is already in 
" being:' I confess there is some argument in tl1at,-that there 
is ! But if the 'degree of' strength will be as good without 
Parliamentary sanction 6 , then' -[Sentence pauses, nel'cr gel:; 
slm'led again. ]- -Though il 'too, this Title of Kingship,' comes 
as a gift from you, I mean as a thing that you' either' provide 

1 [U although indeed I think they are but the same that they were formerly, only 
there were some additional enforcements of those arguments by new instances. I 
think truly, after the rate of debate, I may spend your time," both texts.] 
2[ U unpracticable spent," _JIonarchy Asserted.] 
:\Glynn, Lenthall, Broghil, \Vhitlocke lSomers, pp. 371, 2,384-6). 
4 [U their legislative power, which this is," both texts.J 
:; [U But it is said, that what is done by the Parliament now, and simply hangs 
upon their legislative, seems to be a thing that is ex dono and not de jure, not a 
thing that is of so good weight and so strong as what refers from them to the law." 
ibid. ] 
6[" without it," ibid. .. It" here a f Pears to mean not the Parliament sanction, 
but the title of King, as it does below. 




for the people 1 or else it will never come to them; so in a sense 
it comes from .'lJOll, it is that that they cannot otherwise come by, 
and therefore in a sense it is ex d01l0; for he that helps a man 
to what he Cannot otherwise come by, he doth do an act that is 
very near a gift; and you helping them to this Title 2 it is a kind 
of gift to them, 'since' otherwise they could not have it 'though 
theirs' -[ Tlti... Sentence also .find
' that it mill come to nothing, alld ,r;o 
call.\' !tall.] But if you do it simply by your Legislative power 
-[ Halt again.-In ll,Jwt bottomless imbroglios of Com'lillllional 
pllilo,mph!! and crabbed Law-logic, willI the FijM-lJlonarcklJ and 
'\lJlenetic Contrariant.f 100h'i1lg on, is his poor Highness phlllging! A 
ra.1J of natural sagacit!J 1101V rise... OIl Mm 1l,itll guidance.] The 
question, "What makes such a thing as this more firm?" is not 
the manner of the settling of it, or the manner of your 'or 
another's' doing of it; there remains always the grand question 
after that; the grand question lies, In the acceplance of it by 
those who are concerned to yield obedience to it amI accept it! 3 
[Cerfain(y, ,l/OUl' Higlwes.\'; that is 1V0rth all the Lall'-logic in the 
ll'orld !] And therefore if a thing [Like thi.f Protectorate, according 
to IJOW' argulilent,-llol altogether to mille] that hath for its root 
and foundation but YOUl' Legislative 'sanction' in an act of 
yours-If I may put a But to it, 'to that most valid sanction!' 
I do not intentionally 4 do so: for I say, [t is as good a foundation 
as that other is,5 'which you ascribe to the Kingship, howsoever 
"grounded in the body of Law:' , And if it, 'that Protectorate,' 
be as well accepted, and that the other be less 'weU'-? 'Why,' 
I then truly it is, I should think, the better ;-and then all that, I 
say, is founded upon the Law; I say, all those arguments that 
\ are founded in the Law are for the Kingship.6 Because, it hath 

If" for them," both texts.] 2["to it," ibid.] 
:I [" The question is not what makes this more firm, whether the manner of your 
[the, Afonarchy Asserted), settling of it or the manner of your doing it [it is always 
as a great labour, 
fonarchy Asserted], but the question lies in the acceptation of 
them who are cO:1cerned to yield obedience and accept this," both texts.] 
4 [This word omitted in Monarchv Asserted.] 11[" other title," ibid.] 
6 [" for it," both texts. The wording of the sentence in Monarchy Asserted is 
somewhat different: .. if it be as well accepted, and that the other is less than truly 
it is .. It is often not easy to tell whether" then" or .. than" is meant, as the latter 
was usually at that time, spelt like the former.] 



[20 April. 

been said, it doth agree with the Law; the Law knows the 
office,-the People know it, and the people are likelier to 
receive satisfaction that way. Those have been arguments that 
have [" !lad" is tnter, but less polite] been 'used' already; and 
truly I know nothing that I have to add to them. And there- 
fore, I say, all 1 those arguments may stand as we found them 
and left them already;-except, truly, this 'one point: It 
hath been said 2 to me, [
""ailiti/lg 1ll!J Lord Whit/ode sligltt
lVitlt tlte e!Jc, whose helll:Y jàce endcavour.\' to smile ill response] 'that' 
I am a person who meditate to do what 3 never any that Was 
actually King of England [did]: 4 Refused the Advice of [this] 4 
Parliament. I confess, that runs 'deep enough, that runs' to 
all; and that may be accounted a very great fault in me; and 
may rise up in judgment against me another time,-if my case 
be not different from any man's that was in the Chief Com- 
mand and Govel'mnent of these Nations, that ever was before. 
, But' truly I think, all they that have been in this Office before, 
and owned in right of Law, were inheritors coming to it by 
birthright,-or if owned by the authority of Parliament, they 
yet had some previous pretence of title or claim to it. And so, 
under favour, I think I deserve less blame than any of them 
would have done, if I cannot so well comply with this Title, and 
'with' the desire of Parliament in regard to it, as these others 
might do. For they when they were in, would have taken it for 
an injury not to be in. Truly such an argument, to them, might 
be very strong,fi why they should not refuse that which is 
tendered them by the Parliament! But' as for me: I have 

1 [" also," .Uonarchy Asserted.] 
2[" only this I think truly, as it hath been said," both tet"ts.] 
 .. that hath done that, that, etc.,.. ibid.] 
4 these words omitted in 
Iollarchy Asserted.] 
II II And truly I think it is. They that have been in and owned to have been in, 
in the right of the law, as inheritors coming to it by birthright, or otherwise by the 
authority of Parliament, by the confirmation of Parliament, who yet have had 
some previous [" specious," Alonarchy A.rserted] pretence of title, or claim to it; 
I think (under favour) I deserve less blame than another doth if I cannot so well 
comply with this title, with the desires of the Parliament in it, as others do, for they 
that are in would take it for an injury to be outed. Truly these arguments are very 
strong to them," JIS. and Jfonarch)' Asserted, with slight variations.] 




dealt plainly with you: and I have not complimented with you 
'in saying' [I have not desired] I 1 have no title to, the Govern- 
ment of these Nations, 'No title,' but what was taken up in a 
case of necessity, and' as a' temporary' means' to supply the 
present emergency; without which we must needs-[ Halle gone !Iou 
/.'110/1' /I.llithel' !]-I say we had been all 'topsyturvying- now' after 
the rate of the Printed Book' you have just got hold of' [Shnrc'- 
ditch ST.\ND \RD SET UP, a1ld Pai1lted Lion there], and after the rate 
of those men that have been taken going into arms,-if that 
expedient 2 had not been taken! That was visible to me as the 
day, unless I undertook it. 3 And so, it being put upon me, I 
being then General, as 1 was General by Act of Parliament,-[it 
being 'put' upon me] -1 to take the power into my hand after 
the Assembly of Men that was called together had been dis- 
solved 5_ _[n I took it, as .tJ01t all ImoJl):" but his Higlmes,f 
blazing C!.U' here, as his ll'ont is 'whe'll that SJlldect rises, the Sentence 
explode:,']- ! - 
Really the thing would have issued itself in this Book :-for 
as 1 am informed the Book knows an Author 6 [Har1'ison, thc,lJ sa!}, 
is Author] ; that was a Leading principal Person in that Assembly! 
, And' when 7 now 1 say (I speak in the plainness and simplicity of 
my heart, and as before Almighty God), 1 did out of necessity 
undertake that 'Business,' that no man, I think, would have 
undertaken but myself,-it hath pleased God that I have been 
instrumental to keep the Peace of the Nation to this day. And t0 8 
keep it under a Title [Protector] that, some say, signifies but a 
keeping' of' it to another's use,-to a better use; 'a Title' that 
may improve it to a better use! And this I may say: 1 have not 
desired the continuance of my power or place either under one 
Title or another,-that have I not! and 1 say it: If the wisdom 

1 [These words not in AIS.] 2[" if it;' 
fS. and :JIonarchy Asserted.] 
 " It was as visible to me as the day, if I had not undertaken it;' iNd.] 
oj The words in brackets are not in lV/S.] 
:; "had resigned their powers to me," 
6 [ "the book hath an author," added in ibid.] 
7[" why;' ibid.] 8[" I keep it," ibid.] 



[20 April. 

of the Parliament could find where to place things so as they 
might save this Nation and the Interests of it,-the Interest of 
the People of God in the first place; of those Godly honest men, 
-for such a character I reckon them by, that live in the fear 
of God, and desire to hold forth the excellency and virtue of 
a Christian calling 1 in their life and conversation-[Selltence may 
be said to burst asunder here for the presellt, but will gather ilse{t 
together again perhap.ç!] for I reckon that proceeds from Faith [and 
love ],2 , and from' looking to 'our' duties towards Christians [as 
Christians], 2 and to 'our' humanity to men as men; and to such 
Liberties and Interests as the People of this Nation are of:- 
and I 'do' look upon that as a standing truth of the Gospel; 
and he who lives up to that, according to that, is a Godly Man 
in my apprehension! [Looks SU11lem/lllt animated.]- -And there- 
fore I say, If the wisdom of this Parliament,-l speak not this 
vainly nor as 3 a fool, but as to God and in the presence of God, 4 
-if the wisdom of this Parliament should have found a way to 
settle the Interests of this Nation, upon the foundations of justice 
and truth and liberty to the people of God, and concernments 
of men as Englishmen [JToice ri.çen into a kind çf l-ecitatÙ'e ],-1 
would have lain at their feet, or at anybody else's feet, that this 
might have run in such a current! [Your Highness can't get out; 
no p{accfor .'IOIl nolV but here or ill tlle grat'C I-His Highness fetches 
a deep bl'Cltfh. ]-And therefore, [ say, I have no pretentions to 
things for myself; or to ask this or that, or to avoid this or that. 
I know the censures of the world may quickly pass upon me, 
'and are already passing:' but I thank God I know 5 where to 
lay the weight that is laid upon me,-l mean the weight of 
reproach and contempt and scorn that hath been cast upon me! 
[End.\., I thin!.', in a kind qf .'Olorl,-and the {oo!.. par/
lj as (!f (111 
injured dove, P(l'r/{lj as rif a couchant {ion.]- 
I have not offered you any Name in competition with Kingship. 

1 [" The excellency of a Christian course," Jlonarchy Asserted.] 
2[These words omitted in ibid.] 3[" like," both texts.] 
... [Last six words omitted in fl,fonarchy Asserted.] 
:; [" I know not," both texts. Perhaps should be "know now. "] 




I know the 
vil spirits of men may easily obstrude upon a man, 
That he would have a Name that the Law knows not, and that 
is boundless, and 'is one' under which a man may exercise more 
arbitrariness; 1 but I know there is nothing in that argument; 
and if it were in your thoughts to offer any Name 2 of that kind, 
I think, what'ioever it was,3 you would bound it and Jimit it 
sufficiently. And I wish it were come to that, That no favour 
should be shown to me; but that the good of these Nations 
might be consulted ;-as 'indeed' I am confident they will be 
by you in whatsoever you do.-But I may say a word to another 
thing 4 that doth a little pinch upon me: That it is my duty' to 
accept this Title.' 5 I think it can be no man's duty nor obliga- 
tion but between God and himself, if he be conscious of his own 
infirmities, disabilities and weakn
sses; and 'conscious' that he 
is not able perhaps to encount
r with 'it,' -although he may 
have a little faith too, for a little exercise. I say I do not know 
which way it can be imputed to me for a fault, or laid upon me 
as a duty, except I meant to gripe at the Govenlment of these 
Nations without a legal consent,-which I say I have done in 
time past upon principles of Necessity, 'but have no call now 
to do again: And I promise you, I shall think whatsoever is 
done without authority of Parliament in order to Settlement, 
will neither be very honest, nor to me very comprehensible 6 
'at this stage of the business. > I think we have fought for the 
Liberties of the Nation as well as for other Interests !-[Check\' 
1tÍ11l.\'elf ]- 
You will pardon me that I speak these things in such a 
'desultory> way as this is. I may be borne withal, because I 
have not truly well borne the exercise that hath been upon me 
now these three or four days,7-1 have not, I say. [Besides yom 

I [i.e., that the powers of a King are limited and defined by Law, while thoc;e 
of a Protector are not.] 
2["to do anything," botk texts.] 
3 [Last three words not in JIS.; "it would bound it," Al,marchy Asserted.] 
4 [" But I may say this in answer to that," both texts.] 
:\[" and the more when I am told that it is my duty," ibid.] 
6[" nor yet that, that I understand," bot/t texts.] 7 [" years," :
"01.. m.-6 



[20 April. 

Highness zs sldfel'Íng from the dregs f!f a cold, and 1 doubt still 
somell'/wt fel'el'Ísh 1]-1 have told you my thoughts, and have 
laid them before you. You have been pleased to give me your 
grounds, and I have told you mine. And truly I do purposely 
refuse to mention those arguments' that' were used when you 
were last here; but rather tell you what since, I tell you, lies 
upon 1 my heart,-' speaking to you' out of the abundance of 
difficulty and trouble that lies upon me. [His Highlless, sick 
of bod,y, feverish, ulleqllal to ljUch a jungle of a .'mbject alld it.f ad- 
juncts, is l'eally 'll'eltering and sl1'uggling like a wearied mall, ill the 
thickets and ]Juddles.] And therefore you having urged me, I mean 
offered reasons to me, and urged them with such grounds as did 
occur to you; and I having told you, the last time I met you, 
that the satisfaction of them did not reach to me so as wholly 
to convince my judgment of what was of my duty,-I have 
thought rather to answer you with telling you my 
rief, and the 
trouble I am under. [POOl' Sovereign 
Ian 1]- 
And truly my intentions and purposes, they are honest to the 
Nation,-and shall be, by the Grace of God. And I have it 
not in view 2 upon collateral pretences, 'either by asking this 
Kingship or by refusing it' -to act towards things that will be 
destructive to the liberties of this 
ation! [" I am lVom alld 
meary}; let 1nl' be as cla!} ill the hands of the pottel' 1 "]- -Any 
man may give me leave to die j and everybody may give me 
leave to be as a dead man,-wllen God takes away the spirit and 
life and activity that is necessary for the carrying-on' of' such a 
work! [Poor Highness, still somewhat feverish, Sl!tfering from ti,e 
dregs of a cold 1] 
And therefore I do leave the former Debates as they were, 
and as we had them; letting you know that J have looked a 
little upon the Paper [Petition and Adl!ice], the Instrument, I 
would say, in the other parts of it, 'unconnected with this of the 
Kingship.' And considering that there are very many particulars 

1 [" what sense lies upon," il1S.] 
2["and I cannot tell how," both texts.] 




in the Instrument [Holding it ill hi.
' hand], some of general re- 
ference 1 f and' others specified, and all of weight (let f this 
business of' the Title be what it will), of weight to the concern- 
ments of these Nations,-I think I may desire f that' those 
f particulars' ma.y be f really' such as will serve their object,- 
let the Title we Jix upon be one or the other. 2 They might be 
such as the People should have no cause-[Selltence clleclâllg 
it,çeljj_f But' 3 I am confident your care and faithfulness needs 
neither a spur nor any admonition to that! 4_1 say, reading in 
your Order, by Order of f the' Parliament for the Committee, 
I find mention there of U divers particulars," concerning which 5 
if I do make any scruple of them, I should have the freedom 
with this Committee to cast 6 my doubts. 
The truth of it is, I have a Paper here in my haud 1 that doth 
contain divers things with relation to the Instrument; that, I 
hope, have a Public a<;pect with them; and therefore I cannot but 
presume they will be very welcome to you, and therefore I shall 
desire that you will read 8 them. [Hands IVhitloc/..'e tlte Paper.] 
I should desire, if it please you, that liberty,-which I submit to 
your judgment whether you think fit I should have it or 1l0,9- 
that I might tender [to you] 10 If these few things; and some others 
that I have in preparation [tomorrow in the afternoon] 10." And 
truly I shall reduce them to as much brevity as I can :-they 
are too large here, f these in the Paper are diffuse.' 11 And if it 
please you, [that] 10 tomorrow in the afternoon at three of the 
clock I may meet you again, I hope we shall come to know one 

1 [" some of the general, of reference," .1fonarcllY AsserÜd.] 
2 [" may be such as what they be applied either to one thing or another," both 
::1[" As," ibid.] 4 [" any intimation to that," added in MS.J 
5[" that there are divers particulars that are that," both te.
IJ canvass, shake out. 
7 A Paper of Objections by his Highness; repeatedly alluded to in the Journals; 
'unhappily altogether lost now; say the Parliamentmy History, and the Editor 
of Burton,-not very unhappily, say my readers and I. [The original paper is still 
extant, at Welbeck, see note p. 102 below, and Supplement, No. 130 (1).] 
1\[" receive," .
IS.] 9[" think I have it," .lIonarcky Asserted.] 
10[Words in brackets omitted in J,fonarchy Asserted.] 
11 He gave them the complete Paper on the morro'W (Burton, ii. 7.) 



[20 April. 

another's minds: and shall agree to that that shall be to the 
glory of God, amI ' for' the good of these Nations. * 
So much for Monday the Qoth ;-noontide and the hour of 
dinner being now nigh. Herewith e.J:eIlIl/ till tomorrow at 
We returned 'much unsatisfied with the Lord Protector's 
Speech,' sa)'S the \'Yriter of Burtoll" it is 'as dark and pro- 
miscuous as before;' nobody can know whether he will have 
the Kingship or not. Sometimes the' Contrariants' are up in 
hope, and sometimes again we, I-and the bets, if betting were 
permitted under Gospel Ordinances, would fluctuate not a little. 

Courage, my Lord Protector! Blake even now, though as yet 
you know it not, is giving the Spaniards a terrible scorching for 
you, in the Port of Santa Cruz !- \\' orth noting: In those very 
minutes while the Lord Protector is speaking as above, there 
goes on far off, on the Atlantic brine, under shadow of the Peak 
of Teueriffe, one of the fieriest actions ever fought by land or 
water; this action of the Sea-king Blake, at the Port of Santa 
Cruz. The case was this. Blake cruising on the coast of Spain, 
watching as usual for Plate Fleets, heard for certain that there 
was a Fleet actually coming, actually come as far as the Canary 
Isles, and now lying in the Bay of Santa Cruz in Teneriffe there. 
Blake makes instant sail thither; arrives there still in time this 
Monday morning early; finds the Fleet fast moored in Santa 
Cruz Bay; rich silver-ships, strong war-ships, Sixteen as we 
count them; stronger almost than himself,-and moored here 
under defences unassailable apparently by any mortal. Santa 
Cruz Bay is shaped as a horse-shoe: at the entrance are Castles, 
in the inner circuit are other Castles, Eight of them in all, 
bristling with great guns; war-ships moored at the entrance, 
war-frigates moored all round the beach, and men and gunners 
at command: one great magazine of sleeping thunder and 
destruction: to appearance, if you wish for sure suicide to run 
mto, this must be it. Blake, taking measure of the business, 
rUllS into it, defying its loud thunder; much out-thunders it,- 
mere whirlwinds of fire and iron hail, the old Peak never heard 
the like ;-silences the Castles, sinks or burns every sail in the 

* Somers, vi. 387-389, [i.e., .l
ionarchy Asserted. Also Add. .viS. 6125, f. II.] 
I See Burton, ii. 7 et seqq. 

1657. ] 



Harbour; annihilates the Spanish Fleet; and then, the wind 
veering round in his favour, sails out again, leaving Santa Cruz 
Bay much astonished at him. l It is the last action of the brave 
Blake; who, worn out with toil and sickness and a cruize of 
three years, makes homewards shortly after; dies within sight 
of Plymouth. 2 
On the whole, the Spanish Antichrist finds his Highness a 
rough enemy. In these same April days, Six-thousand men are 
getting mustered here, 'furnished with new red coats' and other 
equipments, to join French Turenne in the Low Countries, and 
fight the Spaniard by land too. For ollr French Treaty has 
become a French League Offensive and Defensive,3 to last for 
one year; and Reynolds is to be Land-General, and Montague 
to help him as Sea-General: of whom by and by there may be 
tidings.-But meanwhile this matter of the Kingship must be 
settled. All men wish it settled; and the present Editor as 
much as any! They have to meet tomorrow again, Tuesday 
2 I st, at three o'clock: they for their uncertain airy talking, 
while so much hard fighting and solid work has to be managed 


HIS Highness this Tuesday, we find, has deserted the question 
of the Kingship; occupies himself with the other points of the 
New Instrument, what he calls the 'essentials' of it; leaving 
that comparatively empty unessential one to hang undecided, for 
the present. The Writer of Burton'.f Diary, Nathaniel Bacon or 
another, o1 is much disappointed. The question of the Kingship 
not advanced a whit by this long Discourse, one of the most 
tedious we have yet listened to from his Highness. 'Nothing 
but a dark speech,' says he,5' more promiscuous than before! '-A 

1 Heath's Chronicle, pp. 720, I. [A narrative of the action by Capt. Richard 
Stayner, was read in Parliament on May 28 and ordered to be publisbed. See 
Commons .Journals, vii. 541 (where, however, Stayner is printed Story by mistake); 
Cal. S. P. Dom. 1656-7, p. 387, and Burton. ii. 142-6. There is a copy of the 
Narrative at tbe Public Record Office, and two or three copies at the British 
Museum. (See E. 1954, no. 4, p. 25.).] 
27tb August 1657, in his Fifty-ninth year (Biog. Brit.. in voce). 
3Signed 23d March 1656-7 (Godwin. iv. 540). 
4[See note on p. 17 above.] II Burton, ii. 7. 



[21 April. 

sensible Speech too, in some respects, :\-11'. Bacon. His Highness 
once more elucidates as he best can his past conduct, and the 
course of Providence in bringing us all hither to the very 
respectable pass we now stand in ;-explains next what are the 
e.fselltial elements of keeping us safe here, and carrying us farther, 
as checking of Public Immoralitv, attention wiser and wiser to 
the Preaching Clergy, and for on
 indispensable thing, additional 
Provision of Cash ;-and terminates by intimating with soft 
diffuseness, That when he has heard their answer as to these 
essential things (not that he makes them "conditions," that 
were terribly ill-judged !), he will then be prepared, in regard 
to unessential things, to King's Cloaks, Titles, and such-like 
frippery and feathers in the cap, which are not without use say 
the Lawyers, but which irritate weak brethren,-to give such 
answer as may reasonably be expected from him, as God may 
set him free to do.-Let us listen, us and Whitlocke who also 
has to report, the best we can. l 

My LORD,2 

I think you may 3 well remember what 'the' 
issue was of the last Conference I had with you 'yesterday,' and 
what the stick 4 was then. I confess I took occasion 'at that 
time,' from the Order of the Parliament; in which they gave 
you power to speak with me about those things that were in the 
body of that Instrument and Desire which you have been pleased 
to speak with me about; that I might confer with you about 
those particulars, and might receive satisfaction from you as to 
them. \Vhether a good issue will be to all these affairs or no, is 
only in the hands of God. That is a great secret ;-and secrets 
belong to God, and things revealed to us ;-aml such things 
are the subject-matter of this Instrument of yours: and 'the 
course is,' as far as they may have relation to me, That you and 
I may consider what may be for 'the' public good 'therein,' 

1 [Carlyle printed from the only version he knew of, the old tract Wonarcky 
Asserted (as given in Somers) but there is another te"t, and in many respects a better 
one in Add. !lIS. 6125. See note p. 75 above.] 
2[Carlyle altered this to the plural, but Oliver no doubt addressed himself to 
Whitelocke. See p. 53 above,] 
3[" very," .
fS.] · stop. 

1657. ] 



that so they may receive such an impression I as can humanly be 
gi ven to them. 
I would be well understood' in ' that J say, The former Debates 
and Conferences have been upon the Title; and that rests as it 
did. And now seeing that (as I said before), your order of 
Commitment, 'your Order to Committee,' doth as well reach to 
the particulars contained in the Instrument ' generally' as to that 
of the Title,-I did offer to you that I should desire to speak 
with you about litem also. That so we may come to an under- 
standing one with another, not What the thing is in parts, but 
\Vhat it is in the whole, conduceable to that end that we all 
ought to aim at,-which is a general Settlement upon good 
foundations. And Truly, as I have said even 2 to the Parliament 
itself (when it gave me the honour to meet me in the Banqueting- 
House), so I must say to you that are a Committee (a very con- 
siderable representation of them), that I am hugely taken with 
the word Seltiemelll; with the thing, and with the notion 3 of it. 
, And indeed' I think he is not worthy to live in England that is 
not! And I will do my part (so far as I am able), to expel that 
man out of the Nation who desireth not that in the general we 
come to a Settlement. 4 Because indeed it is the great misery 
and unhappiness of a Nation to be without it, and it is like a 
house (and much worse than a "house") divided against itself; 
it cannot stand without Settlement !-And therefore I hope we 
are all (so far) at a good point; and the spirit of the Nation, I 
hope, in the generality ofit, is (so far) at a good point: we are all 
contending for a Settlement. That is sure. But the question is, 
De modo, and of those things 'and conditions' that will make 
it a good one, if it be possible. That is no fault, to aim at 
perfection in Settlement! ' And' truly I have said (and I say 
it again): That I think this 'present proposed Form of Settle- 
ment' doth tend to the making of the Nation enjoy the things 

1 impulse and decision. 
3[" motion," ..1--IS.] 
4 [" out of the nation, that doth not affect of that in the general to come to a 
settlement," Add. i
fS. 6125; .. doth not approve," A/onarcky Asserted.] 

2 [CC often," iWonarcky Asserted.] 



[21 April. 

we have' all along' declared for; 1 and I would come upon that 
issue with all men, or 'with' any man. 2 The things we have 
declared' for,' that have been the grounds of our quarrelling and 
fighting all along,-' the securing of these' is that that wilJ 
accomplish our general work. Settlement is the general work. 
Now that which will give the Nation to enjoy their civil and 
relip:ious liberties; that will conserve the liherty of every man, 
ilnd not rob any man of what is justly his ;-1 think, I hope those 
two things make up a Settlement. I am sure they acquit us 
he fore God and man; having endeavoured,3 as we have done, 
through some strivings 4 of blood, to attain that end. 
If I may tell you my 'own' experiences in this business, and 
offend no good man that loves the Public before that which is 
personal, truly I shall a little shortly recapitulate to you what 
my observations and endeavour and interest hath been to this 
end. And I hope no man that hath been interested in trans- 
actions all along 5 will blame me if I speak a little plainly. And 
he shall have no cause to blame me, because I will take myself 
into the number of Culpable Persons (if there be any such),- 
though perhaps apt enough, out of the self-love I have, to be 
willing to be 'reckoned · innocent where I am so ; 6 and yet to be 
as wiUing 'withal' to take my reproach, if anybody will lay it 
upon me, where I am culpable! And truly I have, through 
the Providence of God, endeavoured to discharge a poor duty; 
having had (as I conceive), a clear call to the station I have 
acted in, in 1 all these affairs ;-and I believe very many are 
sufficiently satisfied in that. I shall not go about to say any- 
thing to make that out clear to you; 8 [No, !J01l/" Highnes.r, let it 
stanf[ 011 its own ./èet)-but must exercise myself in a little short 

1 [" that I think that [is it] that tends to the making of the nation to enjoy the 
things we have declared for," both terts, but words in brackets omitted in J/onarchy 
Asserted. ] 
2[" men," J/S.] 3[" who have endeavoured," both texts.] 
-1[" streamings," 

/onarchy Asserted.] 
:; Not polite to add, .. as I have been." 
6[" apt enough out of self-love to be innocent where I am so and yet to be 

7[" through," .1/onarchy Asserted.] B[" to clear it to you," ibid.] 




Chronology. To come to that f issue,' [Kot Ihe U Clirollologlj," 
but lvhat the Chrollologlj mill help to teaclt liS !] that I say, is really 
all our business at this time; and the business of this Nation: 
To come upon clear grounds; and To consider the Providellces 
of God, how they hath led us hitherto. 

After it pleased God to put an end to the \-Val' of this Nation; 
a final cnd; which was done at W Ol'cestel', in the determination 
amI decision that was there by the hand of God,-for other \-Var 
we have had none that, perhaps, deserves the name of War, since 
that time, which is now six years f gone September last;'-I 
came (in September) up to the Parliament that then was, and 
truly 1 found the Parliament, as 1 thought, very well disposed to 
put a good issue to all the Transactions that had been in the 
Nation; and 1 rejoiced at it. And though I had not been well 
skilled in Parliamentary affàirs (having been near ten years in 
the Field); yet, in my poor measure, my desires did tend to some 
issue; believing verily that all the blood that had been shed, 
and all the distemper that God had suffered to be amongst us, 
and (in some sense) God had raised among US,_f believing, 1 say,' 
that surely Fighting was not the end, but the means, that had an 
end, and was in order to somewhat! Truly the end, then, was, . 
I thought, Settlement; that is, that men might come to some 
consistence. And to that end I did endeavour to add my mite, 
-which was no more than the interest anyone member there 
might have,-after I was returned again to that capacity. And 
I did,-I shall tell you no fable, but things' of" which divers 
persons here can tell whether they be true or no, [Threatening 
to blaze up again ?]-I did endeavour it. l I would make the best 
interpretation of fall' this: but yet this is truth, and nothing of 

I (" It was then I thought upon settlement; that is that men might come to 
some consistency; and to that end I did endeavour to add my mite, which was no 
mOre than the interest of anyone member, I am sure (not of right) than anyone 
member that was there (after I was returned again to that capacity) and I did (I 
shall tell you no fable but the things that divers persons here can tell whether I say 
true or no) I did endeavour it," .lIS., and with small variations, .Jlanarchy 



[21 April. 

discovery on my part, but that which everybody knows to be 
true, That the Parliament, having done those memorable things 
-[Sentence explodes; allli even launclles f!ff into a palleg,IJ1-ic of tile 
Long Parliament, - preparat01:lJ to EXECUTION] - that they had 
done; things of honour, and things of necessity; [things] 1 that, 
if at this day you have any judgment that there lies a possibility 
upon you to do any good, { and' to bring this Nation to any sort 2 
of Settlement, I may say you are all along beholdinp; to them in 
a good measure { for.' But yet truly as men that contend for 
{ the' Public Interest are not like to have the applause of all men, 
nor justification from all hands, so it was with them; and truly, 
when they had made preparation that might lead to the issuing 
in some good for the Settlement of the Nations, in point of 
liberty, and { in point of' freedom from tyranny and oppression 
, and' from the hazard of our religion,- To throw it all away upon 
men who designed by innovations 3 to introduce Popery, and by 
complying with some notions introduce Arbitrariness upon a 
Civil account-[H Royalist JIaligllants, in 1647, 1648, and Cr,1Jpto- 
H Royalists,. lVith their { notions' that of all thillg.\' indispensable, a 
H Stuart King mas in(lispensablest? That 1Voulcl nel'el' have done 1 
H The Long Parliament did need a Pride's Purge; could not" -But 
the Sentence here, Ùl its has
1J impatience, as is usual, burst.\']-Why 
they had more enemies than friends, { that Long Parliament had; , 
they had so all along! And this made them careful, [In 1648, 
tr,lJing to ba1'gain with Charle.\', thc,1J were Hjìtll of Ca1-e ,. " and even 
(!f?(,1"Wards thc,1J could not decide all at once on gmnting a new Free 
Padiament and Geneml Election,. 1101] out of principles of Nature 
(that do sometimes suggest best), and upon the utmost undeniable 
grounds, they did think that it was not fit for them presently to 
go and throw themselves, and all this Cause, into hands that 
perhaps had no heart nor principle { in common' with them to 
accomplish the end that they aimed at. [In short, the.lJ, 1 1 er,lJ 
Ij, decided Oil sitting still for a while.] 

] [Omitted in .US.] 2[" foot," iJ,-fonarchy Asserted.] 
;; [" hazard of our religion by one that designed by innovations," iltS.] 




I say (perhaps through infirmity) they did desire to have con- 
tinued themselves, and to have perpetuated themselves upon that 
Act,l which was perhaps justly enough obtained, and necessarily 
enough obtained, when they did get it from the King-. ' But' 
though, truly, it was good in the first obtaining of it; yet it was, 
by most men who had ventured their lives in this Cause, judged 
not fit to be perpetuated, but rather a thing that was to have an 
end when it had finished its course! Which was certainly the 
true way of ' doing' it,-in subserviency to the bringing-in that 
which might be a good and honest Settlement to the Nation.- 
I must say to you that I found them very willing to perpetuate 
themselves! And truly this is not a thing of reflection upon all, 
for perhaps some were not so ;-1 can say so of some of them. 
The sober men that I had converse with then, were not for con- 
tinuing ; 2 but the major part, I think, overruled, in-that they 
would have continued. This is true that I say to you: I was 
entreated 'to comply with the plan,' and advised to it; and it 
was to have been accomplished by this medium, 'They were' 
to have sent 3 into the country to have reinforced their number, 
and by new elections to have filled them up. And this excuse it 
had, 'That' it would not be against the Liberty of the People, 
nor against a sllcce.v.vion of men coming into 4 rule and government; 
because as men died out of the House, so they should be supplied 
'again: [Like Sir John CockLe's 
'iLk Iw
'e ,. which aI1lJa.1J
', aj}er Ù!!ìnile 
darnillgs, couLd remain the same ho
'e, though not a thread vf the 
original ,\'ill,: 1va.V 1lOIV lej
 in them: a perennial pair of stoding.\'. 
Such /Vas the plan of the Rump.] And thi') was the best answer 
that could be given to that objection that was then made; That 
the best way to govern is to have men succes:''Ïve, and in such 
great bodies as Parliaments, to have men to learn 5 how to obey 

I Act, loth May 1641, That we are not to be dissolved without our own consent. 
Necessary in all ways; the City would not lend money otherwise,-not even money 
could be had otherwise (Antca, vol. i. p. 106). 
2 [" would not have had it perpetual," 
/S. ,. II perpetuated," iv/onarchy Asserted.] 
3[" was by this medium to have accomplished it, that is to have sent," .MS.] 
4 [" the succession of men to come into," ibid.] 
) [" to have men learn to know," .JWonarchy Asserted.] 



[21 April. 

as well as 'how to' goven1.l And truly the expedient they then 
offered was what I tell you. 2 
The truth of it is, this did not satisfy a company of poor men, 
[Certain insignificant individuals,-mentioncd el.\'ell'hne 1
1f the samc 
namc!] that had ventured 3 their lives, and had some thoughts 
that they had a little interest to inquire after these things! 
And the rather, because really they were invited ont, 'first of 
an, into this War; upon -1 principles of honesty, conscience and 
religion; for Spiritual Liberties; as many as would come. 
, Yes;' when the Cause was a little doubtful, there was 'issued 
forth' a Declaration 'of that purport; that was very inviting; 
and men did come in 'and enlist' upon that invitation ;-and 
did thereby think themselves not to be mercenary men, but 
men that had wives and children in the Nation, and 'who' 
therefore might a little look after satisfaction in what would 
be the issue of the Business! [The.lf told us abl'fl.lJs, TV e wel'e 
Soldiers, ,<;11'0"" a.\' ou,. ./Ù'st duty to obey; but lI'e mM'1vered (and it 
ma,<; intrimiÏcallg a fact), JVe lI'ere the most peculia,. Soldiers that 
had ever handled .\'teel in England; mhere
1J our first, and also our 

'econd and third, duties had become modified a good deal I] 
And when this thing was thus pressed, and it may be, over- 
pressed 'by us; That a period might be put, and some ascertain- 
ment made,5 and a time fixed,-why truly then the extremity 
ran another way. ' Parliament mould not go at all, that had been 
, the one extreme; Parliament shall go slraightIVCt.lf, that was now 
,the other: This is very true that I tell you; though it shame 
me. 'Extremes give rise to their opposite extremes; and are 
honourable to nobody! ' I do not say it shames all that were of 
the House, for I know all were not of that mind; but truly 

1 The · Rota Club' (see Wood, iv. 1119, 1120, 
 Harrington) had not started in 
1653; but this doctrine, it would seem, was already afloat ;-not much patronised 
by his Highness at any time. 
2 [" And truly the best expedient that we had then ",as this that I tell you," both 
 " that had thought they had returned their lives," .
/ollarchy Asserted.] 

 "invited only by," .V/S.] 
:; "and that that might be ascertained," lv/onarchy Asserted.. "might ascer- 
tain," .tiS.] 




when this was urged, they on their side ran into another ex- 
tremity.! ' And' what was that? Why truly then it was: 
Seeing a Parliament might not be perpetual, 'yet' that Parlia- 
ments might always be sitting. And to that end was there a Bill 
framed, That Parliaments might always be sitting; that as soon. 
as one Parliament went out of their place, another might leap 
in. 2 And when we saw this, truly we thought we did but make 
a change in pretence; aud did not remedy the thing !-How- 
ever, it was pursued with such heat 3 'ill the House,' I dare say 
there was more progress made in it in a month than 'ever' was 
with the like business in four; 'so eager were they' to hasten 
it to an issue, that such a bi1l 4 might be brought in as would 
bring the state of this Nation into' this,' A continual silting 0..1 
Parliaments. We did think, who are plain men, and I do think 
it still, That it had been, according to the' old' foolish proverb, 
"out of the frying-pan into the fire!" For, looking at the 
Govenmlent [they would then have 'had,' it was 'still a' 
Commonwealth's GovermnentJ.5 [lYot elllirel!} the Ideal of a 
Government, !jollr Highlless lltinh'?] Why, we should have had 
fine work then! \Ve should have had a Council of State, and 
a Parliament of Four-hundred men, executing arbitrary govern- 
ment [As lite Long Parliament did] without intermission, except 
some change of a part of them; ti one Parliament leaping j into 
the seat of another, just left warm for them; 8 the same day that 

1 [" then another extrem ity arose," .lIS.] 
2This arrangement, of a Parliament constantly sitting, his Highness and the 
::ompany of poor men did by no means consider a good . issue of the Business.' 
It leads almost infallibly to . arbitrariness: argues his Highness (Speech III., 
vol. ii., p. 370), leads to &c. &c.-in fact, as in these days of ours is everywhere 
becoming too apparent, leads to I Nothing: to Self-cancelment (like that of the 
Kilkenny Cats) and peaceable Zero. Which in very few epochs of the world's 
history is the desirable thing! His Highness's logic-arguments, here and in his 
other Speech, are none of the best; but instincts and inarticulate insights much 
deeper than logic taught him well that I a Parliament always sitting' was not the 
Balm of Gilead we had all been fighting for. 
3[" and then, when that was pursued with that great heat," AIS.; II and 
thereupon that was pursued," i
Ionarchy Asserted.] 
-1[" Parliament," 

/S.] 5 [The words in brackets omitted in .MS.] 
6 ["' saving of one company," both texts.] 
7 [ , , stepping, ' , J
I anarchy Asserted.] 
I! [" while they left them warm," both texts.] 



[21 April. 

the one left, the other was to leap in !-Truly I did think, and 
I do think, however much some are 1 enamoured with that kind 
of Government-[Sl,yle gelling hns
1j, hot; tlte Sentence breal's] - 
- Why it was no more but this, That Committees of Parliament 
should take 'all' upon them, and be instead of the Courts of 
Westminster! Perhaps some will think there had been no hurt 
in that arbitrariness of Committees,2 where a man can neither 
come tu prove nor defend, nor know his judges; because there 
are one set 3 of men that judge him today, and another set 3 
of men tomorrow! Thus was to have been 4 the Law of Eng- 
land; 'and' thus was to have been 4 the way of judging this 
Nation. And truly 1 thought that that was an ill way of judging. 
For I may say to you with truth, 'in regard' to that, After it 
pleased God, your poor Army, those poor contemptible men, 
came up hither,-it did prove so.5 An outcry here in this place,6 
'then an outcry there in that: to see a cause heard, determined 
and judged.7 [The 'IlJa!} cif Parliaments, .1jOltr Highness, 'IlJith their 
caballillgs and cU'l1l1llitteeings, and .tillite jargunings, and Babel oul- 
babbled!] And Committees erected to fetch men from the 
extremest parts of the Nation to London, to attend Committees 
'set' to determine all things. And without any manner of 
satisfaction. Whether a man's cause be never so right or wrong,8 
he must come,-and he must go back again, as wise as he came. 
This truly was the case 9 [Fall
1j an old /1'01lside 1lJhu had stood 
DUllbm' and lV01'ce
.ter, and ]}Iarston and Nase
1j, dancing attendance 
here I], and our condition. And truly I must needs say, [take 
all in that was in the practices 'there:] 10_[ Better not, !low' High- 
lle.\w!]-1 am sorry to tell the story of it !-Though there was 
indeed some necessity of the business. A necessity of some Com- 
mittees to look to indemnity, 'and such like;' but no necessity of 

1 [" however some are very much," both texis.] 
2[" and arbitrariness would have been in Committees," 
:: [" sort," ibid.] 4 [" this should have been," both Ie.' t.f.] 
5[" it was so," ibid.] 6[i.e. in London.] 
7 L" to see a caU5e here, determined and judged," .vlollarchy Asserted.] 
1:1[" whether a man travel never so right or wrong," ibid.] 
9[" cause," ,,1--15.] 10 [The words in brackets omitted in ibid.] 




Committees instead of Courts of Justice! But it was so; and this 
was the case of the People of England at that time; the Parlia- 
ment assuming to itself the authority of the Three Estates that 
were before. It was so. 'It had so assumed that authority:' and if 
any man would have come and said, "What are the rules YOll 
"j udge by?" _u Why, we have none I But we are supreme, 
" 'we, in Legislature 1 and in Judicature!"- 
This was the state of the case. And I thought, and we 
thought, and I think so still, That this was a pitiful remedy, 
'this that they proposed: [This of a Perpetual Parliamellt, NE\\-- 
D\RNED, like sù. JOhll'S Perpetual Pair of Stockings :-a bad article 
ill itse{f, whether new or llew-damed, 
f'!Jou make it the exclusive une I] 
And it will 'always' be so when and whilst the Legislative is 
perpetually exercised; when the Legislative and the Executive 
Power are always the same.-And truly I think the Legislature 
would be almost as well in the Four Courts of Westminster Hall ! 
And if they could make Laws and judge 2 too, you would have 
excellent Laws; and the Lawyers would be able to give you 
excellent counsel! And so it was then. This was our condition, 
without scruple and doubt; and I shan say no more to it. But 
the offer was made by us with a true and honest spirit; the 
desire, the entreaty that we might have a Settlement. And 
there is our" Settlement;" that is what they propose for a 
Settlement !_3 
It was desired then, it was offered and desired, that the 
Parliament would be pleased, either of their own number or 
'of' any else, to choose a certain number of men [Tlte Puritan 
Notables; ah .yes I] to settle the Nation. This' said we,' "is 
unsettlement, this is confusion!" For give me leave, if any 
body now have the face to say,-and I would die upon this- 
[Sentence catchingJire ]-if any man in England. have the impudence 

) ["legislative" throughout in l
2[" judges," Monan;hy Asserted.] 
3[" But truly it was offered then, truly and honestly, and desired and begged 
that we might have a settlement, that that now is here, that is there proposed a 
settlement," !vIS.. and with slight variations, .1-1onarchy Asserted.] 



[21 April. 

[:lit !] or the face to say, That the reluctance 1 of the Parliament 
'to dissolve themselves' was the fear of their hasty throwing of 
the Liberties of the People of God, and' of' the Nation, into 
'the hands of' a bare Representative of the People,-which was 
then the business me opposed: if any man have that face to say 
it 1Ium, that did then 'judge it, that last measure of theirs,' or 
I will sa.y more, ought then to judge it, it had been a confounding 
of the whole Cause we had fought for,-which 'it' was,-I would 
look upon that man's face! I would be glad to see such a man! 2 
I do not say there is any such here: but if any such should come 
to me, see if I would not look upon him, and tell him he is an 
hypocrite! I dare say it, and I dare to die for it, 'he is an 
hypocrite; '-knowing the spirit that hath been in some men 
to me. They come and tell me, They do not like my being 
Protector. Why do you not ?_U Why, because you will exercise 
arbitrary government."-Why, what would you have me to do? 
_u Pray turn General again; 3 and we will like you exceeding 
well!" -[ Inarticulate inteljection,. ,\'llOrt or U Humph! "]-1 was 
a child in its swaddling clothes! 4 I cannot transgress. By the 
, Instrument of' Government, I can do nothing but in ' co ' ördina- 
tion with the Council. They feared, 'these o
iectors: arbitrary 

1 [" exceptions," both texts.] 
2 A dangerous spectator, your Highness, with that thundery countenance of 
yours !-His Highness's anger is exceedingly clear; but the cause of it, in this 
intricate sentence, much more in the distracted coagulum of jargon which the 
Original here offers, is by no means so clear. On intense inspection, he discoyers 
himself to be (as above) reproaching certain parties who now affect to regret the 
Long Parliament, which while it existed they had been sufficiently loud in con- 
demning. You say: "They were afraid to fling the whole Cause into the lottery 
of a general Parliament: "-They? while we opposed that; and while that was 
the very thing they at last were recklessly doing! I should like to see the face of 
a man brazen enough for a story like this! 
3 [Sa in .'liS. Carlyle printed" Pray turn those gentlemen' of the Long Parlia- 
ment' all in again." Jfonarchy Asserted has "pray turn gentlemen all again," 
where it is easy to see how the misreading occurred. No doubt "generall" was 
written with a contraction mark for the "er," and this was mistaken for a "t .. 
and read II gent. all." Having lost the true meaning, Carlyle had to alter very 
much to make sense at all. The lv/So and J/onarchy Asserted otherwise agree. 
except that instead of "if I turned to be general," the latter has II returned to the 
general. "] 
4 So tied up with restrictions in that first Instrument; had not the smallest 
power to do . arbitrary government.' [" Swaddling clouts," in Jl01wrchy 
Asserted. ] 




government by me upon that account; but if I turned to be 
General, then they were not afraid of arbitmry government! 1 
Such 'things' as these are, such hypocrisies as these are, should 
they enter into the heart of any man that hath any truth or 
honesty in him ?- - 
And truly that is our case :-and finding our case to he thus, 
we did press the Parliament, as I told you, That they would be 
pleased to select some Worthy Persons that had loved this Cause, 
and the liberties of England, and the interests of it: and we told 
them we would acquiesce, and lie at their' the Worthy Persons' , 
feet; hut 'that' to he thrown into Parliaments that should sit 
perpetually, though but for three years' each,' we had experience 
of that! 2 The experience of which may remain to this day, to 
give satisfaction to honest and sober men!- Why, truly we 
thought it might satisfy, 'this proposal of ours;' but it did not. 
And therefore we did think that it was the greatest of dangers, 
, thus' to be overwhelmed, and brought under a slavery by our 
own consent, for Iniquity to become a Law. 3 And there was 
our ground we acted upon at that time. And truly they had 
perfected the Bill for the perpetuating of Parliaments to the 
last Clause; [Hem'!] and were resolved to pass it as a Bill in 
Paper, 'not even engrossed on Parchment as the wont was,' 
rather than comply with any expedient. [We then entered upon 
them; bade them 1l,ith emphasis, Go about their business! That's 
1tO lie f]-If your own experience add anything to you, 'if you 
'ever individually had to do with a Long-Parliament Committee, 

I [Carlyle altered to .. if arbitrary government were restored to be general' by the 
reinstatement of the Long Parliament' then they are not afraid of it."] 
2[" they had had too much experience of it," MS.] 
3 'The Throne of Iniquity, which frameth mischief by a Law' (Psalm xciv. 20). 
A fearful state of matters; shadowed forth by old Prophets as the fearfullest of all ; 
but entirely got rid of in these modern days,-if Dryasdust and the general course 
of new Prophecy may be credited, to whom Law is Equity, and the mere want of 
. Law; with its three readings, and tanned pieces of sheepskin written-over in bad 
English, is Iniquity.-O Dryasdust, thy works in this world are wonderful. Thy 
notions of this world. thy ideas, what thou namest ideas, perhaps defy all ages. 
even ages when Witchcraft was believed in,-or when human creatures worshipped 
Leeks, and considered that the Founder of this Universe was one Apis, a sacred 
Prize-Ox I I begin to be weary of thee. 
VOL. IlI.-7 



[21 April. 

'and know its ways: -in this point, "Whether or no, in cases 
"civil and criminal, if a Parliament should assume an absolute 
"power, without any control, to determine the interests of men 
"in property and liberty; whether or no thi,v be desirable in a 
" Nation?" -if you have any sense, [" General o}Jelme.vs 0.1 percep- 
tion ,." not exact(lJ our modern word; hut a questionable e.'rpre,v,vion, 
a,l( hi.\' Highness inmwdillte(1j .vee.l(: "all.1j .ven.')c "]-as I believe you 
have,-yea more than I have,-' then' I believe you will take it 
for a mercy that that did not befall England at that time! And 
that is all I will say of it. 
Truly I will now come and tell you a story of my own weak- 
ness and folly. [The Little Parliament.] And yet it was done in 
my simplicity, I dare avow it was: and though [I and] 1 some of 
my companions-[" l1fa,1J (1i,\,like 11l.1J mentioning the .\.t01:lJ?" -The 
Sentence, in it.\' lla.vte, has 110 time to END. ]-(and truly this is a 
story that would not be recorded, a story that would not be told, 
but when good use may be made of it). I say, It was thought 
that men of our own judgment, that had fought in the Wars, and 
were all of a piece upon that account ;-' it was thought,' "'''hy 
"surely these men will hit it, and 'these men' will do 'it' to 
"the purpose, whatsoever can be desired!" , And' truly we 
did think, and I did think so,-the more blame to me. 2 And 
such a Company of Men were chosen; [Tile Little Parliament;- 
COlI'l.'entioll of tlte Puritall .Votable.f] and did proceed into action. 
And truly this was the naked truth, That the issue wa'} not 
answerable to the simplicity and honesty of the design. [Poor 
Puritan Kotahl e,f !] 
What the issue of that Meeting would have been 'seemed 
questionable,' and was feared: upon which the sober men of that 
Meeting did withdraw; and came and returned their power 3 as 
far as they could,-they did actually the greater part of them,- 

l[These two words omitted in A/onarchy Asserted. Perhaps the true reading 
is .. and-thought I and some of my companions-. "] 
2 [" the more to blame," JfS.; "the more to blame of," .t/ollnrchy Asserted.) 
3[" my power," ibid.) 




into mine own hands; professing and believing that the issue of 
that Meeting would have been The subversion of the Laws and 
of all the Liberties of this Nation, the destruction of the Ministry 
of this Nation; in a word, the confusion of all things. 'Con- 
fusion of all things!' and [instead of Order] 1 to set up the Judicial 
Law of' Moses, in abrogation of all our administrations to have 
been administered; the Judicial Law of Moses pm hic et nunc, 
according to the wisdom of any man that would have interpreted 
the Text this way or that way!-And if you do not believe that 
they, 'thereupon sent home,' were sent home by the major part 
'of themselves,' who were judicious and sober (and feared the 
worst upon this account),2 and with my consent also a parte 
post, - you will believe nothing! [Somemllflt tart.] For the 
persons that led in the Meeting were Mr. Feak and his Meeting 3 
in BJackfriars. [H' e kn01l1 " Feak," alld other .fuul chimneys on fire, 
fmm of old !-A.y for " 
Ir. Squib," lte .\"its now 11,itl, Venner and the 
Fiftll--Ltlollarchy, .mjè [uel."eel ill tlte TonIer.] 'Mr. Feak,' Major- 
General Harrison, and those that associated with him at one 
Mr. Squibb's house. And there were all the resolutions taken 
that were acted in the House' of Parliament' day by day. And 
that this was so de facto,. I know it to be true. And that this 
must 'naturally' be the product of it, I do but appeal to that 
Book I told you of the other day [H Standard .yet up,"] That all 
Magistracy and Ministry is Antichristian, and therefore all these 
things ought to be abolished. Which we are certain must have 
been th(' issue of that Meeting. [A failure, that poor rOIl1'Pllt;OJl 
í!f thr Puritan Sotables!] 
So that you have been delivered, if [ think aright, two 
evils. The one, a secular evil, that would have swallowed up all 
[religious and] 1 civil interest, and brought us under the horridest 
arbitrariness that ever was exercised in the world: That we 

1 [The words in brackets omitted in MS.] 
2 [.'ltJonarcky Asserted has" learned" instead of "feared," and Carlyle altered to 
"sober and learned, the minority being the worser part upon this account. "] 
3l Carlyle altered to "assemblage. "J 



[21 April. 

might have had Five or Six hundred U Friends," 1 with their 
friends 'the Feaks, &c.,' to have had the judgment of all causes, 
and to have judged 'them' without a rule; thinking that the 
Power that swallowed up all other 'Lawful' Powers in the 
Nation hath all the power that ever the!} had, both a Legislative 
a.nd Judiciary! This (I say) would have swallowed up the Civil 
[and Religious] 2 Interest. And the other' evil'-[ His Rig/me...... 
Ita.<; nlread,1J inextricab
ll calldled the two together, alld herc merel!} 
gÍl'e... them another ...tir] 2-merely under a Spiritual Interest, had 
swallowed up again [in another extreme,-' no stated Ministry 
being allowed,'] 2 all our [Civil and] 2 Religious Interest ; [and 
had made] 2 all our Ministry, and all the things we were behold- 
ing to God for [, of no account!'] 2 Truly we think we ought to 
value this Interest above all the interest in the world: but if this 
latter had not been as surely destroyed as the former, I under- 
stand nothing. 

And having told you these two things, 'two Failures in getting 
Settlement '-truly I must needs say it makes me in love with 
this Paper; and with aU 'the' things in it; and with these 
additions that I have' now' to tender to you' thereto' ; and with 
Settlement above all things in the world !-Except 'only' that, 
where I left you the last time; [U The Killgship!" Committee of 
Ninety-nine look alert]-and for that, I think, we have debated. 
' dumpish again.] I have heard your mind, and you have 
heard mine 'as to that;' I have told you my heart and my 
judgment; and the Lord bring forth His own issue. [His High- 
nes." produces the Engrossed Vellum.] 
I think we are not now to consider, what we are in regard to 
our Footing and that of the Govenlment which called this Parlia- 
ment. [J..Yo: Ollr Fir
.t foolish Parliament spent all their time 011 

1 The name of Quakers already budding in 1653,-now, in 1657, budded and 
2 [It appears to be only the report in iv/onarchy Asserted that has "caudled 
them up." The words in square brackets are not found in the .lIS. text, and are 
pretty evidently an interpolation. Without them, the sense is clear.] 




that; not ,lJuu, 11l,lJ wiser Friends.] Our Footing and Government 
is, till there be all end put to it,-that that hath existence! 
[What other d
finition of it can be gille1l, ur need?] And so 1 shall 
say nothing to it.] If that accomplisheth the end of our Fighting, 
and all those blessed and good ends that we should aim at; if it 
do, [I would we might keep it, and remain where we are. If 
it do not,] 2 I would we might have that which is better !-Which 
truly 3 I come now out of myself to tell you, That as to the 
substance and body of your Instrument, I do look upon it as 
having things in it,-if I may speak freely and plainly; I may, 
and we all may!-I say, the things that are provided for in this 
Instrument [Handling the Vellu'ln] do secure 4 the Liberties of the 
People of God so as they have never before had them! And he 
must be a pitiful man that thinks the People of God ever had 
that Liberty either de jàclo or de Jure ;-that is to say de Jure 
from God, I think they have had it from the beginning of the 
world to this day, and have it still,-but asserted by a jus 
h1l'lnall11'ln, I say, they never had it so as they have it now. And 
I think you have provided for the Liberty of the People of God, 
and' for the Liberty' of the Nation. And I say he sings sweetly 
that sings a song of reconciliation betwixt these two Interests! 
And it is a pitiful fancy, and wild and ignorant ó to think they 
are inconsistent. 'Certainly' they may consist! And-l speak 
my conscience-I think in this' Act of' Government, you have 
made them to consist. 
And therefore, I must say, in that, and in other things, you 
have provided weIl,-that you have. And because I see the 

1 [The ,VIS. and, with slight variations, NI011archy Asserted, has" what we are on 
the foot of [the] Government which called this Parliament, which, till there be 
an end put to it, is that that hath existence; and I shall say nothing to that." 
Carlyle has confused the sense by changing the phrase. "On the foot of" means 
" in regard to."] 
\![The words in brackets are omitted in the MS. but probably by accident.] 
::I Ungrammatical, but unalterable. Means' On which hint.' [Ungrammatical. 
but not unalterable. The iWS. has" Why truly," and this no doubt is correct.] 
4[" have the liberties," NIS.] 
. o [Carlyle, mi..led by ivlonarcllY Asserted, printed" pitiful fancy, like wisdom and 
Ignorance. "] 



[21 April. 

vote 1 of the Parliament gives you leave to speak with me about 
, the' particulars (I think the Parliament doth think that any 
Member they have is not to be neglected in offering of anything 
that may be of' additional good),-therefore,2 1 having a little 
surveyed the Instrument, I have a Paper here to offer you upon 
that account. [Handles a Paper oj his O'llm.] 3 And truly 1 must 
needs say and think that, in such a case as this is, in so new a 
work and so strange a work as this is that is before you, it will 
not be thought ill of [..Yol al all, ,1/our Higll1les...,-oll
1J gel on 1] if 
I do with a little earnestness press you for some explanations' in 
some things. A few explanations' that may help to complete -1 
'the business,' and leave me satisfied-(for it is only handled 
with me 'and for 11
lj behoof' this transaction is only handled with 
me at this time, not 5 with you and the Parliament whom you 
represent) :-1 say, 1 would be glad that you might leave me, 
and all opposers, without excuse; as well as glad 6 that you 
should settle this Nation to the uttermost good of it ;-in all 
the things I have to offer you. They are not 5 very weighty; 
they may tend to the completion of the business; and therefore 
I shall take the freedom to read them to you. 

[First, however, this Editor, with your Highness's leave, will 
read to the 
loderns a certain excerpt or abstract from the 
Engrossed Vellum itself, which he has obtained sight of,7 that 
they also may understand what your Highness will animadvert 
upon. Let the 
loderns pay what attention they can. 
'Article FaurOt of the Petition and Advice is taken up with 
'describing who are to be Electors to Parliament, and Eligibles, 
'-or rather who not; for it is understood that, except the 

1 [Carlyle printed "rule," adding . your written order here.' In -,
Asserted it is root, probably a misprint for "vote. "] 
2 [" and upon that account," both texts.] 
3lThis paper. with marginal notes in the Protector's own hand, is amongst the 
Portland ii/55., and is printed in the Supplement, No. 130 (2).] 
4 [" contemplate," iJ.-/onarchy Asserted.] 
:;[The negative is omitted in .115.] 
6[" as well as I could wish," J/S.; "as well as that I could wish," J.-follarch)' 
Asserted. ] 
7 \:Vhitlocke, p. 648 et seqq.; ParliaJ/le1ltnry History, xxi. 129 et seqq. 




'cJasses of persons here specified, all who had such a privilege 
'by the old Laws are still entitled to vote and to be voted for. 
'The Classes excluded from electing or being elected are the 
, following: 
'1. All who have been concerned in the rebellion of Ireland; 
'or who, with or without concern in said Rebellion, are or shall 
'become Papists.-All who have advised, abetted or assisted in 
'any War against the Parliament since the First of January 
, 16..U-
,-unless they have since given signal proofs of repent- 
'ance, by bearing arms JÒI' the Parliament,-or in some other 
, " sig-nal" manner, difficult to define. The defining of which 
, has occasioned great debates in Parliament. 1 This excludes all 
'the English and other 
lalignants.-All who have ever been 
'engaged in any Plot against the Person of his Highness; or, 
'apart from that, have been engaged in any Insurrection in 
'England or \\T ales "since 16th December 165:
," beginning of 
'the Protectorate. 
'2. In Scotland all who have been in arms against the Parlia- 
'ment of England or the Parliament of Scotland before the First 
'of April 1648. This excludes the :\Iontrose Party and Royalists 
, Proper of Scotland,-except such as have given "signal" &c. 
, But then follows this clause in favour of the Hamilton Engagers, 
'and the Dunbar and \V Ol'cester people, which attracts his High- 
'ness's animadversion in the present Discourse: "Nor any" 
'(shall elect or be elected) "who since the First of April 1648 
'have been in arms, or otherwise aided, abetted" &c. (which 
'excludes all the Preston, and all the Dunbar and \\-T orcester 
'people; with, howevel', a most important exception)-" except 
'such as since the First day of March 1651-
 have lilled peace- 
'aúl!l,"-as they might ((II very well do, having been all smashed 
'to powder, six months before, at W Ol"Cester Fight, and their 
'" Chief 
lalignant," whom they had set up as King-, being now 
· sent on his travels, somewhat in the style of a King of the 
'Gipsies!' His Highness cannot but animadvert on this with 
some tartness. 
\Vith these exceptions, and one 'proviso for Ireland' to be 
speedily noticed, all Freeholders of Counties, according to the 
old definition, shall vote; and all Burgesses and Citizens of 
Towns,-nay, I think, there is in this latter department a 
tendency towards the Potwallope,. System; but modified of 

I Burton's Diary. 



[21 April. 

course by the established custom of each several locality in that 
And now let us hear his Highness in regard to Paragraph 
Second of Article Fourth:] 

In the Fourth Article and Second Paragraph, you have some- 
thing under that head that respects the calling of Members to 
Parliament 'for Scotland.' You would not exclude those that 
were under Duke Hamilton, and made that Invasion. l Because 
it hath been said to you, perhaps, that if you should exclude all 
those, you shall have no Members from Scotland? I hope there 
be persons of that Nation that will be ready to give a better 
testimony of their country than to admit of that argument! 
And I hope it is none: but if it be one, then truly, to meet with 
the least upon that certainty of the qualifications,2 you should 
indeed exclude men of your own country perhaps upon lesser 
crimes; 3 and hold them off upon stricter characters 'than those 
given! ' It is thought, tbe qualification there which saith, of 
their" good testimony," That they are' to be' men 4 that have 
given good testimony in their peaceable and quiet living-Why, 
truly, for divers years, they have not been willing to do other; 
they have not had an easy possibility to do otherwise; to live 
unquietly! [Kot since the taming they gut at lVorce:
ter, !Jow' High- 
ness 1] Though perhaps 'at bottom' many of them have been 
the same men :-though 'certainly too' I know many of them 
are good men, worthy men.-And therefore whether it be not 
fit, in that place, to explain somewhat farther,5 and put some 

1 Which met its due at Preston. [" in that invasion," MS.] 
2[" then truly upon that uncertainty of the qualifications," ibid.] 
3 [i
fonarchy Asserted has "better crim
," which Carlyle altered to "better 
, defined' crimes," to make sense of it.] 
\I [" It is thought that that qualification that saith that the testimony that they 
shall have that they are men," iVlS. ; which is even more confused than the version 
in J40narcllY Asserted followed (with alterations) by Carlyle. But the meaning of 
the passage evidently is: "As to the qualification which says they are to be men 
who have given good testimony by their quiet living, it is thought (considering that 
for many years they have had no chance of living unquiet/y) that something further 
should be demand
d to show their present conformity to the Government. "] 
II [" else," both texts.] 




other character 1 upon it, that may' reaJIy' he accounted" a good 
testimony" of their being otherwise minded, and of their being 
'now' of another judgment? I confess I have not anything here 
to supply this defect 2 with: but certainly if the description so 
stand 3 as it 'now' is in the Article,-' those men,' though they 
be never so indisposed and enemies and remain so, yet if they 
have" lived peaceably," where they could neither will nor choose 
'to live otherwise,' they are to be admitted. I only tell you 
this, being without any amendment for it; and when I have 
done, I shall leave it all with yourselves. 4 This is 'for' the 
Second Paragraph. 

[For the Second Paragraph his Highness is "without any 
amendment" of his own; offers us nothing to "supply the 
defect:" indeed i.t is difficult to supply well, as that Nation 
stands and has stood. Besides they send but Fifty Members 
in all, poor creatures; it is no such vital matter! Paragraph 
Second remains ullaitered.-And now let the 
loderns attend 
for an instant to Paragraph Third: 
, A rticle Fourth, Paragraph Third: A proviso as to Ireland, 
, "that no English or Scotch Protestant in Ireland who before 
'the Fh'st of March 1649-50" (just about the time his now 
'Highness, then Lord General, was quitting Ireland, having 
'entirely demolished all chance of opposition there) "have 
'borne arms for the Parliament or your Highness, or otherwise 
'given signal testimony" &c. "shall be excluded:" This also 
to his Highness seems worthy of animadversion.l 

In the Third Paragraph of the same Article, whereas it is said, 
"That all persons in Ireland be made capable 5 to elect or to 
"be elected who, before the First of March 1649, have borne 
"arms for the Parliament, or otherwise given testimony of their 
"good affections and continued faithful to tlte "Parliament:" 

1 description. 2[" to supply it with" (i.e., to take its place), both texts.] 
3[" if it should be so," ibid.] 4[" I shall offer the whole to you," ibid.] 
ð["uncapable," in JVfonarchy Asserted; otherwise as above. But the lifS. has 
" that the persons in Ireland be made uncapable to elect or be elected that before 
the 1st of March, 1649, have borne arms against the Parliament, having not oth('r- 
wise given testimony." Gf. Supplement, No. 130 (I).] 



[21 April. 

-and 'yet perhaps many of them' are since revolted 'against 
us ! '- "'hether it be not necessary that this be more clearly ex- 
pressed? it seeming to capacitate all those who have revolted 
from the Parliament; 1 if they have bon1e arms for the State 
before the First of _March 1649, it seems to restore them, but 
if .\.illce then they have revolted, as many of our English-Irish 
I doubt have done, why then the question is, Whether those 
men who have very lately 2 been angry and fled to arms; 
""'hether you will think their having borne arms formerly on 
the Parliament's side should be an exemption to them? This 
is but tendered to you, for some worthy person here to give an 
answer unto? 

l Very rational and irrefragable. It is accordingly altered: 
'Signal testimony of their good affection to the C011l71wlllvealth 
'or !Jollr Highness, alld continued' 
--c.-And now let us look at 
Paragraph Fifth; concerning the last item 01' which his Highness 
has a word to say: 
'Article FOllrth, Paragraph Fifth. All who are atheistical, 
'blasphemous, "married to Popish wives," who train or shall 
'train any child to be Popish, or consent that a son or daughter 
, of theirs shall marry a Papist ;-who are scoffers of religion, or 
'can be proved to have scoffed anyone for being religious; who 
'deny the Scriptures to be God's \Vord; who deny Sacraments, 
'Ministry or 
fagistracy to be ordinances of God (Harrison's 
'set); who are Sabbath-breakers, swearers, haunters of taverns 
'or alehouses ;-in short demonstrably unchristian men. All 
'who are Public Preachers too.' Concerning this latter clause 
his Highness has a remark to make. 
'Following in the rear of which, in the same Fifth Paragraph, 
'is a new Item which still more deserves consideration. For 
'securing the" Freedom of Parliament JJ as well as its Purity, 
'there are to be Forty-one Commissioners appointed" by Act of 
'Parliament with your Highness's consent," who are to examine 
'and certify whether the Persons returned by these rules are, 
, after all, qualified to sit.' -So that it is not to be by the Council 
of State hencef,3rth, and by "'sathaniel Tayler, Clerk of the 

1 The Ormond Royalists almost all ;-Malignant enough many of them. 
2 in late years. 

1657. ] 



Commonwealth in Chancery," with his Certificate in the Lobby, 
that Honourable Gentlemen are to be turned back at the door 
of the House, amI sent to redact Protests, as in the case of this 
present Parliament! Forty-one Commissioners are now to do it. 
His Highness on this also will have a word to say.] 
In the Fifth Paragraph of the same Article, you have inca- 
pacitated Public Preachers from sitting in Parliament. And 
truly I think your intention is ' of' such' only' as have Pastoral 
Function; such as are actually and really Ministers. For I 
must say to you, in the behalf of our Army,-in the next place 
to their fighting, thc,'! have been very good Preachers: and J 
should he sorry they should be excluded from serving the 
Commonwealth because they have been accustomed to preach 
to their troops, companies and regiments :-which I think hath 
been one of the best blessings upon them to the carrying--on of 
the great Work. I think you do not mean so 'that they should 
be excluded:' but I tender it to you that, if you think fit, there 
may be a consideration had of it. There may be some of us, 
it may be, that have been a little guilty of that, who would be 
loath to be excluded from sitting in Parliament 'on account 
of it ! ' [U I n
1Jself hfll'e been knOIl'Il, 011 occasion, to exhort my troop... 
H with Bible texts and cOll.fÍderations; to ' preach,' if .1JOU like to call 
"it .w! JVlwt has In.'! IVhole Li{e been but a 'Sennon' (if some 
" emplwsi.<i; preached lI'itlt tongue and slVurd, lVith head and Ilearl 
" llild right halld, ((Ild suul and hod!) and breeche,"-puclæt,-uot without 
"re.\"1llts, oue ll'Ould vellture tu hope! "-This C(llll.<ie flIP Commillee, 
expresJ;'/g or tacit
1J, u'illmudijJJ {l,<i deÛred. J 
In the same Paragraph, there is care taken for the nominating 
'of' Commissioners to h:1J the Members which are chosen to sit 
in Parliament. And truly those Commissioners are uncertain 
Persons; and it is hard to say what may happen. J hope they 
will be always good men ;-but if they should be bad, then 
perhaps they will keep out good men! Besides we think, truly, 
-if you will give us leave to help--as to the freedom of Parlia- 
ment, it 'of the Commissioners' will be something that will go 



(21 April. 

harshly down rather than otherwise! Very many reasons might 
be given; but 1 do but I tender it to you. 1 think, if there be 
no Commissioners, it would be never a whit the worse :-but if 
you make qualifications 'for Membership, and' if any man will 
presume to sit without those qualifications, you may deal with 
them. A man without qualifications, sitting there, is as if he 
had not been chosen; and if he sit without being chosen, [and so 
without a qualification ],:1-1 am sure the old custom was to send 
him to the Tower J [That mill set/Ie him 1] to imprison such a one! 
If any man sit there that hath not right to sit there,-if any 
stranger come in upon a pretended title of election, then perhaps 
it is 8 a different case,-' but' if any sit there upon pretence of 
a qualification upon him, you may send him to prison without any 
more ado. \Vhether you think fit to do so or no, it is a parlia- 
mental)' business :-1 do but hint it to you. I believe, If any 
man had sat in former Parliaments that had not, 'for instance,' 
taken the oaths 'that were' prescribed, it would have been 
fault enough 'in him: 1 believe something of that kind, 
'instead of your Forty-one Commissioners,' would be equivalent 
to any other way, if not better. 

[The Honourable House does not want any more concern with 
Nathaniel Tayler and his Certijicates. This Paragraph remains 
unaltered. Forty-one Commissioners, Fifteen a quorum; future 
Parliaments to name a future set when they like: the Examina- 
tions as to Members are to be by oath of informer in writing, 
with copies left &c., and rigorous enough tormalities.-Let us 
now glance at Article Fifth: 
, Article Fij
h relates to the" Other House; U a new House of 
'Lords we are getting up. Not more than Seventy of them, 
'not fewer than Forty: they are to be nominated by your 
'Highness and approved by this House: all cbsses excluded 
'by the preceding Article from our body are of course excluded 
'from theirs.' His Highness has a remark to make on this 
also. ] 

I [" not," MS.] 
J[" was," both texts. 

2 [The words in brackets omitted in 'ib'id.] 
Perhaps .. were" is tht' trut' reading.l 




In that Article, which I think is the Fifth Article [Yes], 
which concerns the Nomination of the Other House,-it is in 
the beghilling of that Article, That the House is to be nominated 
as you' there J design it,l and the approbation is to be from This 
House,-I would say, from the Parliament. Is it not so? 2 But 
then now, if any shall be subsequently named, after the Other 
House 3 is .mi, upon any accidental remove or death,-you do not 
say 'How.' Though it seems to refer to the same 'rule J that 
the first 'original J election 4 cloth; yet it cloth not so clearly 
intimate this,5 That the nomination shall be, where it was, ill 
the Chief Officer,6 and the approbation in the other House.-If 
I do not express it clearly I hope you will pardon me: 7 but I 
think that is the aim of it; 'and J it is not clearly expressed 
there-(as I think); you will be able to judge whether it be 
or not. 

[Article Fifth ruled as his Highness wishes. And now take 
Article Seventh: 
'A1'iicle Sel'enfh promises, but does not say how, that there 
'shall be a yearly Revenue of 1,300,0001. ; one million for Navy 
'and Army, 300,0001. for the support of the Government. No 
'part of it by a Land-tax. Other temporary supplies to be 
'granted by the Commons in Parliament,-alld neither this 
'Revenue or any other charge whatever to be laid upon the 
'subject except according to the Parliament's direction and 
'sanction. J Such yearly Revenue the Parliament promises in 
this Petition and Advice, but does not specify in what way 
it shall be raised: which omission also his Highness fails not to 
comment on.] 

In the Seventh Article, that which concerns the Revenue, that 
is, the Revenue which you have appointed to the Government; 

1 , as you there design it ;' polite for 'by me.' 
2 [" It is so," Monarchy Asserted. Carlyle printed" it stands so."] 
3[" after this House," hoth texts, but meaning as above.] 
4 [Carlyle printed" selection," but both texts have as above.] 
5 [" yet it doth not refer clearly to this," illS.] 6 Cannot say' me.' 
7 [So in MS. Carlyle printed "and the approbation of the' Other House' - If I 
do express clearly what you-Pardon me"; tryin
 to make sense of the confused 
text oLJ,-fonarchy Asserted. The" other House' here is the Commons,] 



[21 April. 

you have distributed Three-hundred-thousand pounds of it to the 
Maintenance of the Civil Authority, 'and' One-million of it 1 to 
be distributed to the maintenance of your Forces by Sea and Land: 
-you have indeed said it in your Instrument, 'that there shall 
be such a Revenue,' and we cannot doubt of it: but yet you ha\'e 
not made it certain; nor yet those temporary supplies which are 
intended for the peace and safety of the Nations. It is desired, 
That you will take it into your thoughts, and make both these 
celtaill, both as to the sum and 'to the' time that those supplies 
shall be continued. [Let us kJloll' mhat groulld ?l'e stalld 011.] And 
truly I hope I do not curry favour with you: but it is desired, 
and I may very reasonably desire 'it,' That these moneys, what- 
ever they are ;-that they may not, if God shall bring me to any 
interest in this business,2 which lieth in His own power ;-that 
these moneys, 'I say,' may 1101 be issued out by the authority of 
the Chief Magistrate, but by the advice of his Council, seeing 
you have in your Instrument made a coÜrdination in general 
terms 'of Council and Chief Magistrate, but I could wish' 
that this might be a reserved 3 thing, That the moneys might 
not be distributed 'except by authority of both: It will be a 
safety to whomsoever is your Supreme Magistrate, as well as 'a' 
security to the Public, That the moneys might be issued out by 
the advice of the Council, and that the Treasurers that receive 
the money may be accountable every Parliament, within a certain 
time limited by yourselves; -' that' every new Parliament, the 
Treasurer may be accountable to the Parliament for the disposing 
of the Treasure. 

[, Article Ninth: Judges, Principal Officers of 
tate, Com- 
'manders-in-chief by Sea or Land, all chief Officers civil and 
'military, "are to be approved-of by both Houses of Parlia- 
, t H ' ] 

And there is mention made of the Judges in the Ninth Article. 

1 [written 100,000 by mistake in MS.] 
::! If I live, and continue to govern. 
;1 [Altered by Carlyle to "specified. "] 




It is mentioned that the Officers of State and the Judges are to 
be chosen by the approbation of the Parliament. 'But now' if 
there be no Parliament sitting, if there be never so great a loss 
of Judges, it cannot be supplied. And whether you do not 
intend that, in the intervals of Parliament, it should be by the 
choice-[Omit "of tlte Chief' .J.Uagi.\.trate," or polite
lJ mumh/r it into 
illlli.\'tindne.\'.\'],-with the consent of the Council; 1 to be afterward.,' 
approved by Parliament? 

[Certainly, your Highness; reason so requires it. Be it tacitly 
so ruled.-And now for Article Twelfth: 
, Article TIl'e{f
h (Let us still can it Article l'1VeljU" though in 
'the ultimate Redaction it has come to be marked Thirteenth ):- 
'Classes of persons incapable of holding any office. Same, I 
'think, as those excluded from elections,-only there is no 
'penalty annexed. His Hig-hness makes some remarks upon 
'this, under the Title of "Article Twelfth; "-a new article 
'introduced for securing Purchasers of Church Lands, which is 
'now Article Twelfth,2 has probably pushed this into the Thir- 
'teenth place.] 3 

The Thirteenth 4 Article relates to several qualifications that 
persons must be qualified with, that are put into places of Public 
Office and Trust. [Treat". all qf Disqualifications, your Highness; 
which, ho/veller, comes to the .Wlllle thing.] N ow if men shall step 
into Public Places and Trust who are not so qualified, 'I do not 
see but hereby still' they may execute them. Ii And an Office 6 of 
Trust is a very large word; it goeth almost to a Constable, if not 
altogether ;-it goeth far. Now if any shall come-' in' that are 
not so qualified, they certainly do commit a breach upon your 

1 [" intend that it should be with the consent of the Council in the intervals of 
Parliament," 1II5.] 
2Whitlocke, p. 659. 
3 [It is 13 in the 1'.15., in Jlonarcky Asserted and in the Protector's own notes. 
The 12 is a mistake of Carlyle's.] 
4 [Printed, of course, .. Twelfth" by Carlyle.] 
1\ [The _
l5. has" they may not execute it," which (apart from Carlyle's interpola- 
tion) seems better sense; but perhaps the Protector's argument is, that they might 
execute the office before they were found out, and that the penalty is to be not 
only for taking but for executing the office unlawfully. ] 
6 [Carlyle altered to .. Officer. "] 



[21 April. 

rules :-and whether you will not think in this case that if any 
shall take upon them an Office of Trust, there shall not some 
lJ be put upon him,l where he is excepted by the general 
rule? \Vhether you will not think it fit in that respect to deter 
men from accepting of Offices and Places of Trust, contrary to 
that Article? 

[Nothing done in this. The U Peualty," vag-ue in outline, but 
all the more terrible on that account, can he sued-for by any 
complainant in \\Testminster Hall. 
, A rticlc Tltirlrcllih [I Hh] suddenly provides that your Highnes
'will be pleased to consent that U Nothing in this Petition and 
, Advice, or the assent thereto, shall be construed to extend to 
'-the dissolving of this present Parliament!" >_u Oh, no!" 
answers his Highness in a kind of bantering way; U not in the 
least! >0] 

The next ' Article> is fetched in, I may say, in some respects, 
by head and shoulders in' to > your Instrument! Yet in. some 
respects it hath 'an> affinity 'with the rest, too; > 2 and I may 
say, I think 'it' is within your 'general' scope 3 upon this 
account ;-' yes, > I am sure of it: There is a mention 'made> in 
the last part of your Instrument [Looking in Ihe Paper; Article 
Eighteenth] of your purpose to do many good things :-1 am 
confident, not like the gentleman that made his last will, and 
set down a great number of the names of men that should 
receive benefit by him, and there was no sum at the latter end! 
[" Y Oil cannot do the,fe 'manl} good things> if I di
'solL'e .you / That 
U mill be a lViii, '1I'ilh mm
lJ bençficiar,y legatees, and 110 Sllm mentioned 
"al the end!" His High'lle.r,r meal'S a pleasant /Jflnleri'llg look ;-10 
which the countenances qf lhe others, el'en Bld.rtrode> s leaden COllntcn- 
ance, respond 
ll a kiud of smile. ] 
I am confident you are resolved to deal effectually in these 
things 4 at the latter end; and I should wrong my own conscience 

1 (" that a penalty shall be put upon them," both texts.) 
2 [" it hath affinity with it." ibid.) 
3' order' in orig. (meaning in Somers; "order" also in .lIS.) 
-1[" in the thing," both texts.) 




if I should think otherwise. 1 hope you 1l,ill think sincerely, as 
before God, "That the Laws must be regulated!" 1 I hope you 
will. We have been often talking of them :-and I remember 
well, in the old Parliament [H7litlocke and Glynn look intelligence]" 
that we were three months, and could not get over the word 
H Incumbrances ., [Hum-m-m !]: and then we thought there was 
little hope of regulating the Laws when there was such a 
difficulty as 'to' that. But surely the Laws need 'to' be 
regulated! And I must needs say, I think it is a sacrifice 
acceptable to God, upon many accounts. And 1 am persuaded 
it is one thing that God looks for, and would have. [Alas, .your 
Highness !]-I confess, if any man should ask me, H Why, how 
would you have it done?" I confess I do not know How. But 
I think verily, at the least, the Delays in Suits, and the Exces- 
siveness of Fees, and the Costliness of Suits, and those various 
things that I do not know what names they bear-I have heard 
talk of "Demurrers II and such-like things, which I scarce know 
-[Sentence is '/lJrech'ed !]-But I say certainly that The people are 
greatly suffering in this resrect; they are so. And truly if this 
whole business of settlement (whatever the issue of it shall be), 
'if it' comes, as I am persuaded it cloth, as a thing that would 
please God ;-' then,' by a sacrifice 'to God' in 'it,' or rather 
as an expression of our thankfulness to God, 2 I am persuaded 
that this will be one thing that will be upon your hearts, to do 
something that is honourable and effectual in it. [U Rç/ormiJlg 
qf the lalV ! .. Alas, .your Highlle.'is !]- 
'Another thing' that-truly 1 say that is not in your Instru- 
ment-[Xothillg /oJaid of it there, ll'hich pa,.t
1j embarra.".\'es his High- 
lIes.'i; 11'ho i.\' 110m gelliug into a ,\'mall Digres.'>Ïo1l] !-is somewhat 
that relates to the Reformation of Manners,-you will pardon 
me !-My Fellow Soldiers' the Major-Generals,' that were raised- 
up on that just occasion of the Insurrection, not only to secure 

lOne of their concluding promises (Article Eighteenth). 
2 [The sense appears to be rather clearer without the interpolations: .. by a 
sacrifice in. or rather as an expression of. our thankfulness. ") 
VOl.. nI.-8 



[21 April. 

the Peace of the Nation, but to see that persons that were least 
likely to help-on peace or 'to' continue it, but rather to break 
it- [ft These j[ajor-Geneml.ç, 1 say, did look after the restraining 
"of such perso/M'; suppressed their horse-racings, cock-jightings, sin- 
"ful roysterillgs; took 
'ome charge of' REFORMATION OF MANNERS,' 
they: "-but his Highness is off else11Jhither, excited by tllis 'tickle 

.ltltJ'ect,' and the Sentence Iws el'Gporated] -dissolute and 100st" 
persons that can go up and down from house to house,-and they 
are Gentlemen's sons that have nothing to live upon, and cannot 
be supposed to live 1 to the profit of the Commonwealth: these I 
think had a good course taken with them. [01'dered to .fi.y-aroay 
their game-cocks, unmuzzle their bear-baitings ; fall to some l'egular 
livelihood, some fixed habitat, if the!) could,-and, on tile 1l.hole, to 
duck loro, keep remarkably quiet, and give no mtiollal mall all!) l1'ouble 
1vith them 1vhich could be avoided !] And I think that which was 
done to them was honourably and honestly and profitably done. 
And, for my own part, I must needs say, It 2 showed the dis- 
soluteness that was then in the Nation ;-as indeed it springs 
most from that Party of the Cavaliers! Should that Party run 
on, and no care be taken to reform the Nation; to prevent abuses 
that will not perhaps fall under this head alone! 3 [Not llnder 
Reformation of MANNERS alone: 1Vhat 'mill the consequence be?] 
We send 4 our children into France before they know God or 
Good Manners; [) and 'they' return with all the licentiousness 
of that Nation. Neither care taken to educate them before 
they go, nor to keep them in good order when they come home! 
Indeed this makes the Nation not only to commit those abomin- 
able things among us, most inhuman things, but hardens men to 
justify those things ;-and as the Apostle saith, 'Not only to do 
wickedness themselves, but' to' take pleasure in them that do so. J 

1 [Monarchy Asserted has II cannot be supplied to live." which Carlyle expanded 
into II cannot be supplied with means of living. "] 
2 The course taken with them, the quantity of coercion they needed, and of 
complaint made thereupon, are all loosely included in this "It." 
3l" under this consideration." both texts.) 
4 [" We can send." ibid.] ð Morals. 




And truly, if something be not done in this kind, 'in the way of 
reforming public morals,' without sparing any condition of men, 
without sparing men's sons, though they be Noblemen's sons-! 
[Sentence breaks down] -Let them be who they will, ifdebauched,l 
it is for the glory of God that nothing of outward consideration 
should save them in their debauchery from a just punishment 
and reformation! And truly I must needs say it, I would as 
much bless God to see something done, as to that, heartily, upon 
this account, not only' as' to those persons mentioned, but to 
all the Nation; that some course might be taken for Reforma- 
tion; that there might be some stop put to such a current of 
wickedness and evil as that is ! And truly, to do it heartily, and 
nobly and worthily! The Nobility of this Nation, 'they' especially, 
and the Gentry, will have cause to bless you. And likewise that 
some care might be taken that those good Laws already made 
for the punishment of vice may be effectually put in execution. 
This I must needs say for our Major-Generals who did that 
service; 2 1 think it was excellent good service; 3_1 profess 1 
do ! [Ye.\'; though there 11'ere great outcries about it.] And I hope 
you will not think it unworthy of you 'to consider,' 4 that though 
we may have good Laws against the common Country disorders 
that are everywhere, yet Who is to execute them 'now, the 
Major-Generals being off?' Really a Justice of the Peace,-he 
shall by the most be wondered at as an owl,4 if he go but one 
step out of the ordinary course of his fellow Justices in the 
reformation of these things! [Cannot do it; not he.] And there- 
fore I hope I may represent that to you as a thing worthy of your 
consideration, that something be found out to repress such things. 
I am persuaded you would glorify God in it as much as by anyone 
thing you can do. And so I think you will pardon me. 

 " deboist," Monarchy Asserted.] 
2 II that do you service," both texts.] 
:I Carlyle altered to .. was an excellent good thing. "] 
4-4 [" That when you have seen that-though you have good laws against the 
common country disorders that are everywhere-who is there to execute them; 
really a Justice of the Peace shall from (i.e.. by) the most be wondered at as an 
owl," bO/l1 texts.] 



[21 April. 

[His Highness looks to the Paper again, after this Digression. 
Article F
fteellth 1 in his Highness's copy of the Paper as we 
understand, must have provided, 'That no part of the Public 
Revenue be alienated except by consent of Parliament' : but his 
Highness having thus remonstrated against it, the Article is 
suppressed, expunged; and we only gather by thi" passage that 
such a thing had ever been.] 

I cannot tell, in this Article that I am now to speak unto, 
whether I speak to anything or nothing! There is a desire that 
H the Public Revenue be not alienated but by the consent of 
Parliament." I doubt H Public Revenue" is like H Cu,
Liberiatis Angliæ;" that is, a notion only; and not to be found 
that I know of! [It is all alienated; Croll'Jl Lands 
'c. are all 
gOlle, long ago. A beautiJitl dream of Ollr .yoltlh, as i11e "Keeper.\' 
of the LIBERTY of England" mere-a thing !JOll cOllld nowhere la!J 
 011, that I 
'no1V of I] But if there be any, and 'if' God 
bless us in our Settlement, there will be Public Revenue accruing, 
and 2 whether you will subject this to any alienation without 
the consent of Parliament [is that which is offered to you] 

[We withdraw the question altogether, your Highness: when 
once the chickens are hatched, we will speak of selling them !- 
Let us now read Article Sixteenth: 
, Article Si.1:teenth 3 in his Highness's copy of the Paper, 'pro- 
'vides that no Act or Ordinance already extant, which is not 
, contrary to this Petition and Advice, shall be in the least made 
'void hereby:-His Highness, as we shall see, considers this as 
too indefinite, too indistinct; a somewhat vague foundation for 
Church-Land Estates (for example), which menpurchased with 
money, but hold only in virtue of Writs and Ordinances issued 
by the Long Parliament.-A new Article is accordingly added, 
in our Perfect-copy; specifying, at due breadth, with some 
hundreds of Law-vocables, that all is and shall be safe, according 
to the common sense of mankind, in that particular.] 

1 [Sixteenth.] 
\I [Carlyle here inserted" the point is," and left out the words in square brackets.] 
:I [Cromwell is still speaking of the same article, which is the 16th.] 




Truly this thing that I have 'now J further to offer you,-it is 
the last in this Paper; it is the thing mentioned in the Sixteenth 
Article: That you would have those Acts and Ordinances that 
have been made since the late Troubles, 'and' during the time 
of them, 'kept unabrogated;' that they should, if they be not 
contrary to this Advice,l-remaill in such force and manner as if 
this Advice had not been given. Why, that that is doubted is, 
Whether or no this wilJ be sufficient to keep things in a settled 
condition? 2 Because it is but an implication 'that you here 
make;' it is not detennined, but you do pass-by the thing, 
without such a foundation S as will keep those people, which 
are now in possession of Estates upon this account, that their 
titles may be 'not' questioned and shaken,-if that 'matter' 
be not explained. And truly I do believe you intend very fully 
in 'regard to' this business 'of keeping men safe who have 
purchased on that footing: If the words already 'used' do 
not suffice-That I submit to your own advisement. 
But there is in this a' nother' very great consideration_ There 
have been, since the 'present' Government 'began,' several 
Acts and Ordinances, that have been made by the exercise of 
that Legislative Power that was exercised since we undertook 
this Government: [Ver!! cumbrous pllra.\-colof5.lj, !Jour Rig/we!'',\'; 
fòr ill deed till' subject i.f .mmell,llaf cumbrou.\'. Que.ftiollable, fo S011le, 
lI'ltetlter one CAN make AcI.\' alld OrdÙwllce.f b!J (t mere COllllcil (lnd 
Protector 1] And I think your Instrument speaks a little more 
fàillLl!J 'as' to these, and dubiously, than to the other! And 
truly, I will not make an apology for anything: hut surely two 
persons, two sorts of men, 'very extensive sorts,' will be nearly 4 
concerned upon this account: that is They who exercised that 
authority, and they who were objects of it
 exercise! 5 It 
dissettIes them wholly, if you be not clear in your expressions 

I Petition and Advice; but we politely suppress the former part of the nam{". 
2 It was long debated; see Burton. 3[" determination," .
-1[" two sorts of them will be merely," .vionarclzy Asserted.] 

[" They who are exercised and the persons that are the object of that exercise," 
both te.r:ts. It should probably read" they who are exercisers" or "exercising. "] 



[21 April. 

in this business. It will dissettle us very much to think that 
the Parliament .loth not approve well of what hath been done 
'by us' upon a true ground of necessity, in so far as the same hath 
saved this Nation from running into total arbitrariness. 'Nay, 
if not,' why subject the Nation to a sort of men who perhaps 
would do so ? 1 We think we have in that thing deserved well 
of the State. [Do /lot u dissettle" his Rig/lIles.v! He has, u iu, 
fhal thing," of aSlJ'llmi71g the GOl'ennne/lt and passing l1,hal Ordillallce.v 

'c. mere illcli.v}Je1l.wble, "cle.vcn'ed well:' -Co'l1l11lillee of XÙle
agree to ll,hat i.v reasonable.] 
If any man will ask me, U But ah, Sir, what have you done 
since? "-Why, ah,-as I will confess 2 my fault where I am 
guilty, so I think, taking the things as they 'then' were, I 
think we did the Commonwealth service! and we have in that 
made great settlements,-that we have. We have settled almost 
the whole affairs of Ireland; the rights and interests of the 
Soldiers there, and of the Planters and Adventurers. And truly 
we have settled very much of the business of the Ministry; 
[u T1'Íers" diligent he1'e, U Expurgators" diligent el'erY1Vhere; much 
good l1'ork complclcd]-and I could wish that that be not to some 
the gravamen,3 I wish it be not! But I must needs say it, If I 
have anything to rejoice 'in' before the Lord in this world, as 
having done any good or service-I can say it from my heart, 
and I know I say the truth, that it hath been [this]. Let any 
man say what he will to the contrary, be will give me leave to 
enjoy my own opinion in it, and 'my own' conscience and 
heart; and I dare bear my testimony to it :-There hath not 

I Why subject the Nation to us, who perhaps would drive it into arbitrariness, 
as your non-approval of us seems to insinuate? [" As far as it hath saved the 
nation from running into total arbitrariness or subjected it (' or subjection' 
Cromwell perhaps said) to any sort of men that would perhaps have lorded it too 
much over their brethren," i\lS. Carlyle's view, that Cromwell is speaking of his 
own government, can hardly be correct.) 
2[" Why, I will confess," lv1S.) 
3 [Carlyle printed" be not an aggravation of our fault," appending the following 
note: "be not to !;ecure the grave men" (Scott's Somers, p. 399) is unadulterated 
nonsense: for grave men read gravamen, and we have dubiously a sense as above; 
"an aggravation of our fault with such objectors." The i\lS. version, as given 
above, is clear enough.] 




been such a service to England since the Christian Religion was 
professed 1 in England! I dare be bold to say it; however, here 
and there, there may have been passion and mistakes. And the 
Ministers themselves, take the generality of them-[u are UIl- 
e.J:ccptiollable, nag exemplarg as Triers alld as Expurgators: U but 
hi.., Highness, blazing up at touch of this tender topic, mauts to utter 
three or four thillgs at Ollce, and hi.., U elements of rhetoric U .f{y illto 
the ELE:\IENTAL ...tate! 1Ve perceive he has got much blame for his 
Two ('hurch COnl11li.'tSiOIl,",. and .fèel.\' that he has de.\'erL'ed far the 
rc,'cr...e.J-They will tell' you,' it is beside their instructions, 'if 
'they have fallen into passion and mistakes, if they have meddled 
'with civil matters, in their operations as Triers! ' And we did 
adopt the thing upon that account; we did not trust upon doing 
what we did virtute Im'iÏtuti, as 'if these Triers were' jure diL'ino, 
but as a civil good. But-[Checks hÙm'clf]-So we end in this. 2 
'Ye 'knew not and' know not better how to keep the Ministry 
good, and to augment it to goodness, than by putting such men to 
be Triers. Men of known integrity and piety; orthodox men 
and faithful. We know not how better to answer our duty to 
God and the 
ation and the People of God, in that respect, than 
in doing what we did. 
And, I dare say, if the grounds upon which we went will not 
justify us, the issue and event of it doth abundantly justify us; 
God having had exceeding glory by it,-in the generality of it, 
I am confident, forty-fold! For as heretofore the men that have 
been admitted into the Ministry-in times of Episcopacy-alas 
what pitiful Certificates served to make a man a Minister! 
[Fort!J-fold better nou'.] If any man could understand Latin and 
Greek, he was sure to be admitted ;-it was as if he spake Welsh; 
which I think in those days went for Hebrew with a great many! 

1 [" perfect," JJo/larchy Asserted.) 
2[" They will tell you it is the Institution, and we did take it up upon that account, 
and we did not think to do that which we did virtute instztuti, as jure divino. but 
as a civil good; so we did in this thing," lWS. Monarchy Asserted has" besides 
the instructions" instead of .. the institution," and" trust upon doing" instead of 
.. think to do"; and Carlyle has had to go far afield to make sense of what are 
pretty evidently mistakes.) 



[21 April. 

[Satirical. "They studied Pan, Bacchll.f, and the Long
' and Slzort
H rather thall their Hebrew Bible, alul the Truth,<; 
f the Living Jeho- 
" vah 1 H] But certainly the poorest thing in the world would 
serve the turn; and a man was admitted upon such an account 
[As this of mere LatÙl and Greek, with a sll.vpicion of lYehh-Hebrew] ; 
-ay, and upon a less.-I am sure the admission granted 1 to 
such places since hath been under this character as the rule: 
That they must not admit a man unless they be able to discern 
some' thing' of the Grace of God in him. [Real (lj it is the gralld 
pri:mm:lJ essential, your Highne.vs. lVi/houl which, Pall, Bacchus, 
TVelsh-Hebre'lv, na.lJ Hebrem itself, 11IU.vt go for 1l01lÛng,-nay for les.f, 
!f we con.<;icler mell. III .fome poin/.v of ,'ie1ll, it is horrible I] , Grace 
of God;' which was to be so inquired for 2 as it was not foolishly 
nor senselessly, but so far as men could judge according to the 
rules of Charity. Such and such a man, 3 of whose good life and 
conversation they could have very good testimony from four or 
five of the neighbour Ministers who knew him,-nor would they 
admit him unless he could give a very good testimony of the 
Grace of God in him. And to this I say, I must speak my 
conscience in it,4-though a great lllany are angry at it [, nay if' 
all are angry at it], 5-for how shall you please evel-ybody? 
Then say some, None must be admitted except, perhaps, he 
will be baptised 'again.' This is their opinion [Allabap/is/s.] 
They will not admit a man into a Congregation except he be so, 
much less to be a Minister. 6 The Presbyterian' again,' he will 
not admit him except he will be ordained. Generally the.'1 will 
not go to the Independents :-truly I think, if I ma)' not be 
thought partial, I think if there be a freedom of judgment, it is 
there. [IVitlz the Independents: that is !Jour Highness's opinion.] 
Here are Three sorts of Godly Men that you are to take care 

1 [Of admission that hath been to those places," botk texts.] 
2[" which was so put too," ibid.] 3[" But such a man," ibid.] 
4 .. I do approve it" is modestly left out. 
5 [The words in brackets are not in the .lIS.] 
6 [Carlyle changed this into" They will not admit a man into a congregation to 
be a minister, except he commence by being so much less," but this is not sense, and 
both texts have as above. 




for; and that you have provided for in your Settlement. And 
how could you put the selection upon the Presbyterians without, 
by possibility, excluding all those Anabaptists, all those Indepen- 
dents! 1 And' so' now you 2 have put it into that way, That 
if a man be of any of those 'three' judgments, if he have the 
root of the matter in him, he may be admitted. [f7el:lJ good, 
.'Iour Highlles
'!] This hath been our care and work; by some 
Ordinances of ours, both laying the foundations of it, and many 
hundreds of Ministers being' admitted' in upon it. And if this 
be a time of Settlement, then I hope it is not a time of shaking; 
-and therefOl'e I hope you will be pleased to settle this business 
'too: and' that you will neither shake the Persons [Us] that have 
been poorly instrumental to call you to this opportunity of sett- 
ling this Nation, and' of' doing good to it; nor shake those 
honest men's interests that have been thus settled [considering 
so much good hath been wrought by them]. 3 And so I have 
done with the offers to you,-' with these my suggestions to 

[His Highness looks now on the Paper again; looks at Article 
Seventh there, 'That the Revenue shall be 1,300,0001.;' and 
also at a Note 4 by himself of the Current Expenses ;-much 
wondering at the contrast of the two; not having Arithmetic 
enough to reconcile them !] 

But here is somewhat that is indeed exceedingly past my 
understanding; for I have as little skill in Arithmetic as I have 
in the Law! There are great sums; it is well if I can count 
them to you. [Looking Oil hi:,. Sole.] The present charge of 

1 [" And how could you now put it to the Presbyterian, but you must have done 
it \\ ith a possibility of exclusion of all those of Anabaptism and of the Independents," 
.lIS.. and with slight variations, iJIonarchy A sser/ed.] 
2[" we," .11S.] 
3 [Carlyle left out the words in brackets, but they are in both texts.] 
4 [The original of this note, which was handed in by the Protector together \'<Ïth 
the paper mentioned on p. 102 above, is also at Well)eck. It is printed by Gray in 
his Examination of .Veal's History of the Puritans, but is given in the Supplement 
here (No. 130 (2)) for convenience of reference. The point of Oliver's argument is 
that with a present revenue of 1,900,0001., they" engage to settle but 1,300,0001."] 



[21 April. 

the Forces both by Sea and Land (incJuding the government) 
will be 
,426,9891. The whole present Revenue in England, 
Scotland and Ireland, is about 1,900,000/.; I think this was 
reckoned at the most, as now the Revenue stands. Why, now, 
towards this you settle, by this your Instrument, 1,300,0001. 1 for 
the Government; and out of that 2 to maintain the Forces by Sea 
and Land, and this without Land-tax, I think: and this is short 
of the Revenue which now may be raised by the present t Act of' 
Government 600,0001.! [A grave discrepallc.lJ!] Because, you 
see, the present Government has 3 1,900,0001.; and the whole 
sum which now may be raised comes short of the present 
charge t by' 542,6891.,-[80 hi
' Highlle
'a.lJs; but, l
lJ the abUl'e 
data, must be mi
'ell or 'tllisreported: 526,9891. i
' what tt Arith- 
metic" give
..4] And although an end should be put to the 
Spanish War, yet there will be a necessity, for the preservation 
of the peace of the Three Nations, to keep up the present 
established Army in England, Scotland and Ireland; and also 
a considerable Fleet for some good time, until it shall please 
God to quiet and compose men's minds, and bring the Nation 
to some better consistency. So that, considering the Pay of the 
Army, coming to upwards of 1,100,000/. per allluUll,5 and the 
t Support of the' Government,-300,0001., it will be necessary 
that for some convenient time-seeing you find things as you 
do, and it is not good to think a wound healed before it be,- 
that there should be raised, over and above the 1,300,000/., the 
sum of 600,0001., per amlWll J' which makes up the sum of 
1,900,000/. And that likewise the Parliament decJare, How 
far they will carryon the Spanish War, and for what time; and 
what farther sum they will raise for the carrying on the same, 
and for what time. [Explicit, and 1l11delliable!] And if these 
things be not ascertained,-as one says tt Money is the Cause," 
I [" but 1,300,000/. .. in Oliver's note.] 
2[" upon that account:' both texts.] 3[" is," ibid.] 
4 [Perhaps Thurloe was the sinner. The amount is the same in the Note.] 
1\ [The Note here has "allowing for the Fleet 500,000/." This item (which 
has evidently been missed in the Report of the speech), with the other two, brings 
the total to the required" sum of 1,900,000/."] 




t and' certainly whatever the Cause is, if the Money be wanting, 
the business will fall to the ground, and all our labour will be 
lost. And therefore I hope you will have an especial care of 
this particular! 1_[ J.lIost practical paragraph.] 
And having received expressions from you which we may 
believe, we need not offer these things to you; t we need not 
doubt' but these things will be cared for. 2 And these things 
have all of them t already in Parliament' been made overture of 
to you; and are before you :-and so hath likewise the consider- 
ation of the Debts, which truly I think are apparent. 
And so I have done with what I have to offer you,-I think 
truly, I have, on my part; [it },;othing of the Killgship, your High- 
ness ? H Committee of J.Vinety-nine looks expectallt]-until I shall 
understand wherein it is in me to do further; and when I shall 
understand your pleasure in these things a little further ;-we have 
answered the Order of Parliament in considering and debating 
of those things that were the subject-matter of debate and con- 
sideration ;-and when you will be pleased to let me hear farther 
of your thoughts in these things, then I suppose I shall be in a 
condition to discharge myself, [Throws no additional light Oil the 
Kingship at all!] as God shall put in my mind. s And I speak not 
this to evade; but I speak it in the fear and reverence of God. 
I And' I say, plainly and clearly,4-when you shall have been 
pleased among yourselves to take consideration of these things, 
that I may hear what your thoughts are of them,-I do not say 
that as a condition to any thing-I shall be very ready freely and 
honestly and plainly to discharge myself of what, in the whole 
I and' UpOIl the whole, may reasonably be expected from me, as 
God shall set me free to answer you in. * 

I [" a care of our undertakings," Alonarclzy Asserted.] 
2 [" And indeed (having received such large expressions from you), we may be- 
lieve we need but offer these things to you; that these things will be cared for," 
3[" as God shall enable me," ibid.] 
4[" And I shall, plainly and clearly, I say," Jfonarclzy Asserted.] 
* Somers Tracts, vi. 389-400. From }!-[onarchy Asserted. [And Add. ,US. 
6135. pp. 193- 326 .] 



[21 April. 

Exeunt the Ninety-nine, much disappointed; the Moderns too 
look very weary. Courage, my friends, I now see land!- 
This Speech forms by far the ugliest job of buckll'{M'hing (as 
Voltaire calls it) that his Highness has yet given us. As printed 
in the last edition of Somers, it is perhaps the most unadulterated 
piece of coagulated nonsense that was ever put into types by 
human kind. Yet, in order to educe some sense out of it as 
above, singularly few alterations, except in the punctuation, have 
been required; no change that we could detect has been made 
in the style of dialect, which is physiognomic and ought to be 
preserved; in the meaning, as before, an change was rigorously 
forbidden. In only one or two places, duly indicated, did his 
Highness's sense, on earnest repeated reading, continue dubious. 
And now the horrid huck-basket is reduced in some measure to 
clean linen or huckabuck: thanks be to Heaven!- 

For the next ten days there is nothing heard from his High- 
ness; much as must have been tllOught by him in that space. The 
Parliament is occupied incessantly considering how it may as far 
as possible fulfil the suggestions offered in this Speech of his 
Highness; assiduously perfecting and new-polishing the Petition 
and Advice according to the same. Getting Bills ready for 
'Refonnation of .Mamlers:-with an eye on the' idle fellows 
about Piccadilly,' who go bowling and gambling, with much 
tippling too, about 'Piccadilly House' and its green spaces.l 
Scheming out how the Revenue can be raised :-' Land-tax: alas, 
in spite of former protest on that subject; 'tax on new buildings' 
(Lincoln's Inn Fields for one place), which gives the public some 
trouble afterwards. Doing somewhat also in regard to 'Triers for 
the Ministry;' to 'Penalties' for taking Office when disqualified 
by Law; and very much debating and scrupling as to what Acts 
and Ordinances (of his Highness and Council) are to be con- 
Finally, however, on Friday, ] st of May, the Petition and 
Advice is again all ready; and the Committee of Ninety-nine 
wait upon his Highness with it,2- w ho answers briefly, 'speaking 
very low,' That the things are weighty, and will require medita- 
tion; that he cannot just at present say On what day he will 

1 Dryasdust knows a little piece of Archæology: How' piccadilIie.:;' (quasi 
Spanish peccadillos or lillie-sins, a kind of notched linen-tippet) used to be sold in 
a certain shop there; whence &c. &c. 
2 Burton, ii. 101. 




meet them to give his final answer, but will so soon as possible 
appoint a day. 
So that the Kingship remains yet a great mystery! t By the 
generality' it is understood that he will accept it. 1 But to the 
generality, and to us, the interior consultations and slow-formed 
resolutions of his Highness remain and must remain entirely 
obscure. We can well believe with Ludlow, sulkily breathing 
the air in Essex, who is incorrect as to various details, That in 
general a portion of the Army were found averse to the Title; a 
more considerable portion than the Title was worth. \Vhere- 
upon, t for the present; as Bulstrode indicates, t his Highness did 
decide to '-in fact speak as follows :- 


QUETING-HoUSE, Whitehall, Friday forenoon, 8th May 1657, 
the Parliament in a body once more attends his Highness; 
receives at length a final Answer as to this immense matter of 
the Kingship. Which the reader shall now hear, and so have 
done with it. 
The Whitlocke Committee of Ninety-nine had, by appointment, 
waited on his Highness yesterday, Thursday May 7th; gave him 
t a Paper; -some farther last-touches added to their ultimate 
painfully revised edition of the Petition and Advice, wherein all 
his Highness's suggestions are now, as much as possible, fulfilled; 
-and were in hopes to get some intimation of his Highness's 
final Answer then. Highness, it sorry to have kept them so 
long:' requested they would come back next morning. Next 
morning, Friday morning: it We have been there; his Highness 

1 [The Protector's intimate friends seem to have thought that he would take the 
title, for Sir Francis Russell, writing to his son-in-law, Henry Cromwell, on April 
27, says, .. My Lord. I do in this (I think) desire to take leave of your Lordship, 
for my next is likely to be to the Duke of York. Your father begins to come out of 
the clouds and it appears to us that he will take the kingly power upon him. That 
great noise which was made about this business not long since, is almost over, and 
I cannot think there will be the least combustion about it. This day I have had 
some discourse with your father about this great business. He is very cheerful and 
his troubled thoughts seem to be over. . . . I was told the other day, by Colonel Pride, 
that I was for a king, because I hoped that the next would be Henry's turn," 
Lansdowne J15. 822, f. 57. It is in this letter that Russell says the Protector was 
more troubled about some difficulty in Lady Frances' business than about anything 
else. See note, p. J 46 below.] 



[8 May. 

will see you all in the Banqueting-House even now." 1 Let us 
shoulder our Mace, then, and go.-' Petition of certain Officers,' 
that Petition which Ludlow 2 in a vague erroneous manner 
represents to have been the turning-point of the business, is just 
'at the door:' we receive it, leave it on the table, and go. And 
now hear his Highness. 3 


I come hither to answer That that was in 
your last Paper to your Committee you sent to me 'yesterday;' 
which was in relation to the Desires that were offered to me by 
the House in That they called their Petition. 4 
J confess, that Business hath put the House, the Parliament, 
to a great deal of trouble, and spent much time. 5 I am very 
sorry for that. It hath cost me some' too,' and some thoughts: 
and because I have been the unhappy occasion of the expense of 
so much time, I shall spend little of it now. 
I have, the best I can, revolved 6 the whole Business in my 
thoughts: and I have said so much already in testimony to the 
w hole, that I think I shall not need to repeat anything that I 
have said. I think it is an 'Act of' Government that, in the 
aims of it, seeks the Settling' of' the Nation on a good foot, 7 
in relation to Civil Rights and Liberties, which are the Rights 
of the Nation. And I hope I shall never be found to be one of 
them that go about to rob the Nation of those Rights ;-but 
'always' to serve them what I can to the attaining of them. 
It is also exceeding well provided there for the safety and security 

1 Report by Whitlocke and Committee: in Commons Journals (8th May 1657), 
vii. 531. 
2 ii. 588, &c., the vague pa-sage always cited on this occasion. 
3 [There are many reports of this speech extant. Carlyle took it from the 
Com mOllS Journals, which is probably the best text; but the versions in Add. lI-fS. 
6125, the Harley /vfSS. the Clarke .11SS., and Thurloe differ very little from it. It 
is also in .1lonarchy Asserted, from which it was copied into Somers and Burton.] 
4 [CO and advice," Thurloe.] 
b 23 Feb.-Bth May: ten weeks and more. [Add. MS. 6125 goes on "I am 
very [sure?] that it hath cost me some."] 
iI[Commons Journals and Harley .W'S. have as above. The other texts have 
, , resolved,"] 
7 [" I believe it is that which in the aim of it is for the settling of the nation upon 
a good foot," Clarke .J1S.] 




of honest men in that great natural and religious liberty, which 
is Liberty of Conscience.-These are the great Fundamentals; 
and I must bear my testimony to them (as I have t done,' and 
shall do still, so long as God lets me live in this world): That 
the intentions and the things 1 are very honourable and honest, 
and the product worthy of a Parliament. 
I have only had the unhappiness, both in my Conference with 
your Committees,2 and in the best thoughts I could take to 
myself, not to be convinced of the necessity of that thing that 
hath been so often insisted on by you,-to wit, the Title of 
King,-as in itself so necessary as it seems to be apprehended 
by yourselves. s And t yet' I do, with all honour and respect, [to 
the judgment of a Parliament] 4 testify that, cæteris paribus, no 
private judgment is to lie in the balance with the judgment of 
Parliament, but in things that respect particular persons,- 
every man that is to give an account to God of his actions, he 
must in some measure be able to prove his own work, and to 
have an approbation in his own conscience of that that he is to 
do or to forbear. And whilst you are granting others Liberties,5 
surely you will not deny me this; it being not only 6 a Liberty 
but a Duty, and such a Duty as I cannot without sinning forbear, 
-to examine my own heart and thoughts and judgment, in every 
work which I am to set my hand to, or to appear in or for. 
I must confess therefore, that though I do acknowledge all 
the other [particulars],7 yet I must be a little confident in this, 
That what with the circumstances 8 that accompany human actions, 
-whether they be circumstances of time or persons [Straightlaced 
Republican Soldier
' that hm'e jwd been presenting !Iou their Petition], 
whether circumstances that relate to the whole, or private or 

1 [IC the intentions ofthe things," Add. MS. 6125'; .. your intentions in the things," 
Thurloe; .. your intentions the things," Clarke MS.] 
\I [Singular in Clarke and Add. MS. 6125) 
3[" yourself," Commons Journals; "that the title of King was in itself so necessary 
as it seemed to be apprehended by yourselves," Clarke A1S.] 
4 [Carlyle omitted these last six words, but they are in every text of the speech.] 
O[Uliberty," Add. .MS.6125.] 6[" which is not only," Clarke ivIS.] 
7 [This word given only in Clarke ."v.fS. and Thurloe.] 
8 [" That whatever the circumstances be," Thurloe.] 



[8 May. 

particular circumstances that compass any person 1 that is to 
render an account of his own action..,-I have truly thought, and 
, I ' do still think, that, if I should, at the best, do anything on' 
this account to answer your expectation, at the best I should do 
it doubtingly.2 And certainly what'soever,' is so is not of 
faith. And whatsoever is not so, whatsoever is not of faith, is 
sin to him that doth it,-whether it be with relation to the 
substance of the action about which that consideration is con- 
versant, or whether to circumstances about it [Thin.vki1l1led lle- 
, 01' the like" circumstances "], which make all indifferent 
actions good or evil. s I say" Circumstances" [Yes 1]; and truly 
I mean good or evil to him that cloth it. [Not to .you Honourable 
Gentlemen, '/Vho have mere
,! ad"ised it in general.] 
I, lying under this consideration, think it my duty 4-0nly I 
could have wished I had done it sooner, for the sake of the 
House, who hath laid so infinite obligations on me [1Vit" a !.:ind 
glance O1'er thD.'
e honourable faces; all .<;ilellt as 
f dead, mall.,! 0.1 
Illem mitll their mouths open]; I wish I had done it sooner for your 
sake, 5 and for saving time and trouble; and indeed for the 
Committee's sake, to whom I must acknowledge publicly I have 
been unreasonably 6 troublesome! [I say I could have wished 
I had given it sooner.] 7 But 8 truly this is my Answer, That 
although I think the' Act of' Government cloth consist of very 
excellent parts, in all but in that one thing, 'of' the Title 9 (as 
to me) I should not be an honest man, if I should not tell you 
that I cannot accept of the Government, nor undertake the 
trouble and charge of it-' as to' which I have a little more 
experimented than everybody 10 what troubles and difficulties do 
befall men under such trusts and in such undertakings [Sell/Pllce 

1 [" accompany," Add. .}IS. 6125.] 
2 [" it would be at the best, doubtingly," ibid.] 
3 [" to him that doth them," ibid (and next sentence omitted).] 
4[" to let you know," Clarke Jl;IS.] 
f>[" their sake," ibid.] 6 [" unseasonably," Thurloe.] 
7 [These words were omitted by Carlyle.] B[" that," Clarke lV/S.] 
11[" the government propounded doth consist of excellent things all but in that 
very thing of the title," ibid.] 
10[" every man," Add. lVlS. 6125.] 




in'eCOl'emble ]-1 say I am persuaded 1 to return this Answer to 
you, That I cannot undertake this Government 2 with that Title 
of King. And that is mine Answer to this great and weighty 
Business. * 

And so e,rculll \Viddrington and Parliament: "Buzz, buzz! 
Distinct at last! "-and the huge buzzing of the public mind falls 
silent, that of the Kingship being now ended ;-and this Editor 
and his readers are delivered from a very considerable weariness 
of the flesh. 
t The Protector,' says Bulstrode, 'was satisfied in his private 
'judgment that it was fit for him to accept this Title of King, and 
t matters were prepared in order thereunto. But afterwards, by 
t solicitation of the Commonwealth's-men,' by solicitation, repre- 
sentation and even denunciation from t the Commonwealth's-men ' 
and t many Officers of the Army; he decided t to attend some better 
t season and opportunity in the business, and refused at this time.' 3 
With which summary account let us rest satisfied. The secret 
details of the matter are dark, and are not momentous. The 
Lawyer-party, as we saw, were all in favour of the measure. Of 
the Soldier-party, Ex-Major-Generals Whalley, Goffe, Berry are 
in a dim way understood to have been for it; Oesborow and Fleet- 
wood strong against it; to whom Lambert, much intriguing in 
the interim, had at last openly joined himself. 4 Which line of 
conduct, so soon as it became manifest, procured him from his 
Highness a handsome dismissal. Dismissal from all employment; 
but with a retiring pension of 2,0001.: which mode of treatment 
passed into a kind of Proverb, that season; and men of wooden wit 
were wont to say to one another, tt I wiH Lamberfise you:' 5 The 
t great Lord Lambert,' hitherto a very important man, now 
t cultivated flowers at Wimbledon;' attempted higher things, 
on his own footing, in a year or two, with the worst conceivable 
success; and in fact had at this point, to all reasonable intents, 
finished his public work in this world. 

1 [C' persuaded therefore," Clarke M"S.] 2[" affair," ibid.] 
3 Whitlocke, p. 64 6 . 
4Godwin, iv. 352,367; [Harley 6846, f. 237.] 5 Heath's Chronicle. 
* Common_f JOll1'llals, vii. 533; as reported by Speaker Widdrington, on Tm'sday 
the 12th. Rpported too in 
omers (pp. 400-1), but in the form of coagulated non- 
sense there. The Commons Journals give it as here, with no variation worth notic- 
ing, in the shape of sense. [Also Add. lVIS. 6125, p. 227; Clarke AIS. xxix. 
58 j Thurloe, vi. 367; Mona1-chy Asserted (and Burton, from this last).] 
VOL. 111.-9 



[9 June. 

The rest of the Petition and Advice, so long discussed and con- 
ferenced upon, is of course accepted; 1 a much improved frame of 
Government; with a Second House of Parliament; with a Chief 
Magistrate who is to 'nominate his successor; and be King in all 
points except the name. News of Blake's victory at Santa Cruz 
reach us in these same days,2 whereupon is Public Thanksgiving, 
and voting of a Jewel to General Blake: and so, in 8 general tide 
of triumphant accordance, and outward and inward prosperity, this 
Second Protectorate Parliament advances to the end of its First 


THE Session of Parliament is prosperously reaching its close; and 
during the recess there will be business enough to do. Selection 
of our new House of Lords; carrying-on of the French League 
Offensive against Spain; and other weighty interests. Of which 
the following small documents, one short official Speech, and 
seven short, mostly official Letters, are all that remain to us. 


PARLIAMENT has passed some Bills; among the rest, some 
needful Money-Bills, assessment of 340,0001. a-month on England, 
6,0001. on Scotland, 9,0001. on Ireland; 3 to all which his High- 
ness, with some word of thanks for the money, will now signify 
his assent. Unexceptionable word of thanks, accidentally pre- 
served to US,4 which, with the circumstances attendant thereon, 
we have to make conscience of reporting. 5 

1 Commons Journals, vii. 358 (25th May 1657); Whitlocke, p. 648.-See, in Ap- 
pendix, No. 30, another Speech of Oliver's on the occasion; forgotten hitherto. 
Note 0/1857.) 
228th May (Commons Journals, vii. 54; Burton, ii. 14 2 ). 
3 Parliamentary History, xxi. 151; Commons Journals, vii. 554-7. 
4/bid., 551-2. 
5 [ "' 34 0 ,000" is a mistake for 34,0001... '" hich \\ as the sum at first imposed upon 
England; Scotland and Ireland having 6,cool. and IO,cool. respectively; but upon 
petition of the Irish members, the proportion for Ir
land was reduced to 9,0001., and 
that for England, in consequence, raised to 35,0001. But this was not one of the 
hills to which the Protector gave his assent on Tuesday morning, June 9, for it \\as 




Tuesday morning, 9th June ]657, Ylessage comes to the 
Honourable House, That his Highness, in the Painted Chamber, 
requires their presence. They gather up their Bills; certain 
Money-Bills' for an assessment towards the Spanish \Var;' and 
'divers other Bills, some of public, some of more private con- 
cernment,' among which latter we notice one for settling Lands 
in the County of Dublin on Widow Bastwick and her four children, 
Dr. Bastwick's widow, poor Susannah, who has long- been a 
solicitress in this matter: these Bills the Clerk of the Commons 
gathers up, the Serjeant shoulders his Mace; and so, Clerk and 
Serjeant leading off, and Speaker \Viddrington and all his Hon- 
Iembers following, the whole House in this due order, 
with its Bills and apparatus, proceeds to the Painted Chamber. 
There, on his platform, in chair of state sits his Highness, 
attended by his Council and others. Speaker \Viddrington at a 
table on the common level of the floor' finds a chair set for him, 
and a form for his clerk.' Speaker Widdrington, hardly ventur- 
ing to sit, makes a 'short and pithy Speech' on the general 
proceedings of Parliament; presents his Bills, with probably 
some short and pithy words, such as suggest themselves, prefatory 
to each: "A few slight Bills; they are but as the grapes that 
precede the full vintage, may it please your Highness." His 
Highness in due fonn signifies assent; and then says: 


I perceive that, among these many Acts 
of Parliament, there hath been a very great care had by the 
Parliament to provide for the just and necessary support of 
the Commonwealth by those Bills for the levying of 
Ioney, now 
brought to me, which I have given my consent unto. Under- 
standing it hath been the practice of those who have been Chief 
Governors to acknowledge with thanks to the Commons their 
care and regard of the Public, I do very heartily and thankfully 
acknowledge their kindness herein.* 

not even brought in until that afternoon; there had been an earlier .. three months' 
assessment" passed just before. The later one was for three years, which is perhaps 
what the Speaker al1uded to when he spoke of the vintage to follow the" few grapes. "] 
* Conwwns foumals. vii. 552: Reported by \Viddrington in the afternoon. 
[See also Jlfercurzus Politicus. June 4-Ir (E. 503 (14)) and other newspapers.] 



[10 June. 

The Parliament has still some needful polishing-up of its 
Petition and Advice, other perfecting of details to accomplish: 
after which it is understood there will be a new and much more 
solemn Inauguration of his Highness; and then the First Session 
will, as in a general peal of joy-bens, harmoniously close. 


OFFICIAL Letter of Thanks to Blake, for his Victory at Santa 
Cruz on the 20th April last. The' small Jewel' sent herewith 
is one of 5001. value, gratefully voted him by the Parliament; 
among whom, as over England generally, there is great rejoicing 
on account of him. Where Blake received this Letter and Jewel 
we know not; but guess it may have been in the Bay of Cadiz. 
Along with it, , Instructions' went out to him to leave a Squadron 
of Fourteen Ships there, and come home with the rest of the 
Fleet. He died, as we said above, within sight of Plymouth, on 
the 7th of August following. 

, To General Blake, at Sea' 

Whitehall, 10th June 1657. 


I have received yours of' the 20th of April last ;' 1 
and thereby the account of the good success it hath pleased God 
to give you at the Canaries, in your attempt upon the King of 
Spain's Ships in the Bay of San eta Cruz. 
The mercy therein, to us and this Commonwealth, is very 
signal; both in the loss the enemy hath received, as also in the 
preservation of our' own · ships and men; 2-which indeed was 
very wonderful, and according to the wonted goodness and loving- 
kindness of the Lord, wherewith His people have been followed 
in all these late revolutions; and' doth' call for on our part, that 
we should fear before Him, and still hope in His mercy. 

I Blank in IllS. : see anlea, p. 84. [Blakp's own letter rloes not seem to be 
preserved. ] 
2' 50 slain outright, ISO wounded, of ours' (Burton, ii. 14 2 ). 


\Ve cannot but take notice also how eminently it hath pleased 
God to make use of you in this service; a!Ssisting you with 
wisdom in the conduct, and courage in the execution, and have 
sent you a small jewel, as a testimony of our own and the 
Parliament's good acceptance of your carriage in this action. 
\Ve are also informed that the officers of the fleet, and the sea- 
men, carried themselves with much honesty and courage; and 
we are considering of a way to show our acceptance thereof. In 
the mean time, we desire you to return our hearty thanks and 
acknowledgments to them. 
Thus, beseeching the Lord to continue His presence with you, 
I remain, 

Your very affectionate friend, 

Land-General Reynolds has gone to the French Netherlands' 
with Six-thousand men, to join Turenne in fighting the Spaniards 
there; and Sea-General :\lontague is about hoisting his flag to co- 
operate with him from the other element. By sea and land are 
many things passing ;-and here in London is the loudest thing 
of all: not yet to be entirely omitted by us, though now it has 
fallen very silent in comparison. Inauguration of the Lord 
Protector; second and more solemn Installation of him, now that 
he is fully recognised by Parliament itself. He cannot yet, as 
it proves, be crowned King; but he shall be installed in his 
Protectorship with all solemnity befitting such an occasion. 
Friday, 26th June 1657. The Parliament and all the world are 
busy with this grand affair; the labours of the Session being 
now complete, the last finish being now given to our new Instru- 
ment of Government, to our elaborate Petition and Advice, we 
will add this topstone to the work, and so, amid the shoutings 
of mankind, disperse for the recess. Friday at two o'clock, 'in 
a place prepared,' duly prepared with all manner of 'platforms,' 
'cloths of state,' and 'seats raised one above the other,' 'at the 
upper end of Westminster Hall.' Palaceyard, and London 
generally, is all a-tiptoe, out of doors. \\-"ithin doors, Speaker 
Widdrington and the Master of the Ceremonies have done their 

* Thurloe, vi. 342. . lnstl uctions to General Blake: of the same date, ibid. [In 
Thurloe's writing.] 



[26 June. 

best: the Judges, the Aldermen, the Parliament, the Council, 
the foreign Ambassadors, and domestic Dignitaries without end; 
chairs of state, cloths of state, trumpet-peals, and acclamations 
of the people-Let the reader conceive it; or read in old Pam- 
phlets the 'exact relation' of it with all the speeches and 
phenomena, worthier than such things usually are of being 
read. l 
, His Highness standing under the Cloth of State,' says Bul- 
strode, whose fine feelings are evidently touched by it, 'the 
, Speaker in the name of the Parliament presented to him: First, 
'a Rube of purple velvet; which the Speaker, assisted by Whit- 
'locke and others, put upon his Highness. Then he,' the 
Speaker, , delivered to him the Bible richly gilt and bossed,' an 
affecting symbolic Gift: 'After that, the Speaker girt the Sword 
'about his Highness: and delivered into his hand the Sceptre of 
, massy gold. And then, this done, he made a Speech to him on 
'these several things presented;' eloquent mellifluous Speech, 
setting forth the high and tme significance of these several 
Symbols, Speech still worth reading; to which his Highness 
answered in silence by dignified gesture only. 'Then xlr. 
Speaker gave him the Oath;' and so ended, really in a solemn 
manner. 'And 1\11'. Manton, by prayer, recommended his High- 
'ness, the Parliament, the Council, the Forces by land and sea, 
'and the whole Government and People of the Three Nations, to 
'the blessing and protection of God.' - -And then 'the people 
'gave several great shouts; , and 'the trumpets sounded; and the 
, Protector sat in his chair of state, holding the Sceptre in his 
'hand:' a remarkable sight to see. ' On his right sat the Am- 
, bassador of France,' on his left some other Ambassador; and all 
round, standing or sitting, were Dignitaries of the highest 
quality; 'and near the Earl of Warwick, stood the Lord Viscount 
'Lisle, stood General Montague and \Vhitlocke, each of them 
'having a drawn sword in his hand,'-sublime sight to some of 
And so this Solemnity transacts itself ;-which at the moment 
was solemn enough; and is not yet, at this or any hollowest mo- 
ment of Human History, intrinsically altogether other. A really 
dignified and veritable piece of Symbolism: pedmps the last we 

1 An exact Relation of the Manner of the solemn Investiture, &c. (Reprinted in 
Parliamentary History, xxi. 152-160.) [Printed in the newspapers of that wt>ek. 
See E. 503 (20) and 505 (I). And for Widdrington's Speech, E. 505 (2).] 
2 Whitlocke, p. 66r. 

1657. ] 



hitherto, in these quack-ridden histrionic ages, have been privi- 
leged to see on such an occasion.- The Parliament is prorogued 
till the 
Oth of January next; the new House of Lords, and much 
else, shall be got ready in the interim. 


ER-\L :\IoNT_\GUE, whom we saw standing with drawn 
sword beside the chair of state, is now about proceeding to co- 
operate with Land-General Reynolds, on the despatch of real 

For Gelleral ltI(}lIlaglle, Oil board lIle Kaseb!J, ill tlte DOIl'IIS 
Whitehall, 11th August 1657. 


You having desired by several letters to know 
our mind concerning your weighing anchor and sailing with the 
fleet out of the Downs, we have thought fit to let you know, 
that we do very well approve thereof, and that you do cruise up 
and down in the Channel, in such places as you shall judge most 
convenient, taking care of the safety, interest and honour of the 

I remain, 
Your very loving friend, 

'OLIVER P. '* 

Under the wax of the Commonwealth Seal, Montague has 
written, His Highlle.o;s'.o; letter Allgst. 11, 16.:;7, to c011lulld 11lee to 


I [Before this, see letters in Supplement, Nos. 131, r32, dated July 13 and August 
7. Also one of the same date (August II) to the Grand Seigneur, No. r33.] 
* Crvl1l'welliana, p. 168: . Original Letter, in the possession of Thomas Lister 
Parker, Esq. ,'-is now (1846) in the British Museum (Additional.lfSS. No. 12.098). 
Only the Signature is Oliver's,-tragically physiognomic :-in letters long, thin, 
singularly straight in direction, but all notched and tremulous. [There is a copy 
of this amongst the M::;S. of the Earl of Lonsdale, printed in the r31h Rcpùrt of the 
Hisl. JI,fSS. Commissioners, Appendix vii. p. 89, where, however, General or 
Admiral Edward Montagu is called Lord Montagu in error. He was created 
Baron Montagn and Earl of Sandwich by Charles II. in r66o.] 



[27 Aug. 


Fo,. 'lIl!/ ImJillg P,,.iellli Jollll DUllch, Esqmre 
· Hampton Court,' 27th August 1657. 


I desire to speak with you; and hearing a 
report from Hursley that you was going to your Father's in 
Berkshire, I send this express to you, desiring you to come to 
me to Hampton Court. 
With my respects to your Father,I-I rest. 
Your loving friend, 

Endorsed" From Oliver Protector, by his own hand." 

This is the John Dunch of Pusey; married, as we saw, to 
Mayor's younger Daughter, the Sister-in-law to Richard Crom- 
well: the Collector for us of those Seventeen Pusey letters; of 
which we have here read the last. He is of the present Parlia- 
ment, was of the former; seems to be enjoying his recess, 
travelling about in the Autumn Sun of those old days,-and 
vanishes from History at this point, in the private apartments 
of Hampton Court. 


GENERAL MONTAGUE, after a fortnight's cruising, has touched 
at the Downs again, , 28th August, wind at S.S. W.,' being in want 
of some instruction on a matter that has risen. 2 , A Flushinger,' 
namely, 'has come into St. Maloes; said to have twenty-five ton 
of silver in her;' a Flushinger there, and six' other Dutch Ships' 
hovering in the distance; which are thought to be carrying sil ver 

1 Father-in-law. Mayor. [More probably Dunch's own father. Oliver would 
have sent a warmer greeting to his" brother" Mayor]. 
2 His Letter to Secretary Thurloe (Thurloe, vi. 489). 
* Harris, p. 515. [Pusey letters. No. 21. Holograph, very tremulous writing. 
In the Morrison Collection.] 



and stores for the Spaniards. Montague has sent frigates to 
search them, to seize the very bullion if it be Spanish; but wishes 
fresh authority, in case of accident. 

'For General MOlltague, on board the J.Vaseby, in the D01VIl.
Hampton Court, 30th August 1657. 


The Secretary hath communicated to us your 
letter of the 28th instant; by which you acquaint him with the 
directions you have given for the searching of a Flushinger and 
other Dutch Ships which (as you are informed) have bullion and 
other goods aboard them belonging to the Spaniard, the declared 
enemy of this State. 
There is no question to be made but what you have directed 
therein is agreeable both to the laws of nations and 'to' the 
particular treaties which are between this Commonwealth and 
the United Provinces. And therefore we desire you to continue 
the said direction, and to require the captains to be careful in 
doing their duty therein. 

Your very loving friend, 


By the new and closer Treaty signed with France in March 
last,l for assaulting the Spanish Power in the Netherlands, it was 
stipulated that the French King should contribute Twenty- 
thousand men, and the Lord Protector Six-thousand, with a 
sufficient Fleet; which combined forces were straightway to set 
about reducing the three Coast Towns, Gravelines, Mardike and 
Dunkirk; the former when reduced to belong to France, the 
two latter to England; if the former should chance to be the 
first reduced, it was then to be given up to England, and held 

* Thurloe, vi. 489- 
123d March 1656-7: Authorities in Godwin (iv. 540-3). 



[31 Aug. 

as cautionary till the other two wel'e got. Manlike and Dun- 
kirk, these were what Oliver expected to gain by this adventure. 
One or both of which strong Haven-towns would naturally be 
very useful to him, connected with the Continent as he was,- 
continually menaced with Royalist Invasion from that quarter; 
and struggling, as the aim of his whole Foreign Policy was, to 
unite Protestant Europe with England in one great effectual 
league. 1 Such was the French Treaty of the 23d of March last. 
Oliver's part of the bargain was promptly and faithfully ful- 
filled. Six-thousand well-appointed men, under Commissary- 
General Reynolds, were landed, , in new red coats,' 'near 
Boulogne, on the 13th and 14th days of MaJ" , last; and a Fleet 
under Montague, as we observe, sufficient to command those 
seas, and prevent all relief by ships in any Siege, is actually 
cruising there. Young Louis Fourteenth came down to the 
Coast to see the English Troops reviewed; expressed his joy 
and admiration over them ;-and has set them, the Cardinal 
and he have set them, to assault the Spanish Power in the 
Netherlands by a plan of their own! To reduce not' Grave- 
lines, Manlike and Dunkirk,' on the Coast, as the Treaty has it, 
but Montmédi, Cambray, and I know not what in the Interior; 
-the Cardinal doubling and shuffling, and by all means putting 
off the attack of any place whatever on the Coast! With which 
arrangement Oliver Protector's dissatisfaction has at length 
reached a crisis; and he now writes, twice on the same day, 
to his Ambassador, To signify peremptorily that the same must 

Of' Sir William Lockhart, our Ambassador in France' in these 
years, there were much more to be said than we have room for 
here. A man of distinguished qualities, of manifold adventures 
and employments; whose Biography, if he could find any Biogra- 
pher with real industry instead of sham industry, and above all 
things with human e.lJes instead of pedant spectacle.v, might still 
be worth writing in brief compass. 2 He is Scotch; of the 

1 Foreign Affairs in the Protector's Time (in Somers Tracts, vi. 329-39). by some 
ancient anonymous man of sense, is worth reading. 
2 Noble (ii. 233-73) has reproduced, probably with new errors, certain MS. 
. Family Memoirs' of this Lockhart, which are every\\here very vague, and in 
passages (that of Dunkirk, ior example) quite mythological. Lockhart's own 
Letters are his best Memorial ;-for the present, drowned, with so much else, in 
the deep slumber-lakes of Thurloe; with or without ch1.nce or recovery. [See his 
Life in the Dictionary of National BiograPhy. Also \Vaylen's Home of C1w/lwell 
and Story of Dunkirk.] 


, Lockharts of Lee' ill Lallarkshire; has been in many wars and 
businesses abroad and at home ;-was ill llltlllillu/l's Engagement, 
for one thing; and accompanied Dugald Dalgetty or Sir James 
Turner in those disastrous days and nights at Preston,! though 
only as a common Colonel then, and not noticed by anybody.2 
In the next Scotch \Var he received affronts from the Covenanted 
King; remained angrily at home, did not go to Worcester or 
elsewhither. The Covenanted King having vanished, and Lock- 
hart's connexions being Presbyterian-Royalist, there was little 
outlook for him now in Scotland, or Britain; and he had resolved 
011 trying France again. He came accordingly to London, seek- 
ing leave from the Authorities; had an interview with Oliver, 
now newly made Protector,-who read the worth of him, saw 
the uses of him, advised him to continue where he was. 
He did continue; married 3' Miss Robina Sewster,' a Hunting- 
dons hire lady, the Protector's Niece, to whom, in her girlhood, 
we once promised 'a distinguished husband;' 4 has been our 
Ambassador in France near two years now/'-does diplomatic, 
warlike, and whatever work comes before him, in an effectual 
and manful manner. It is thought by judges, that, in Lockhart, 
the Lord Protector had the best Ambassador of that age. Nay, 
in spite of all considerations, his merits procured him af'terwards 
a similar employment in Charles Second's time. We must here 
cease speaking of him; recommend him to some diligent succinct 
Biographer of insight, should such a one, by unexpected favour 
of the Destinies, turn up. 


, 1'u Sir TVilliam Luck/tart, ollr Ambassador in Fra/lce' 6 
Whitehall, 31st August 1657. 

I have seen your last Letter to Mr. Secretary,7 
as also divers others: and although I have no doubt either of 
1 Alttea, vol. i. p. 334. 
2 [He was at any rate sufficiently noticeable to have to pay 1.000/. for his liberty 
after his surrender to Lambert and imprisonment at Newcastle.] 
:1 [As his second wife.] 
4Antea, vol. i. p. 253.-" Married, 22 Feb. r654. William Lockhart Esq., and 
Robina Sewster, both of this parish" (Register of St. ivIartin's in the Fields, London). 
:; Since 30th Dec. r655 (' Family MemOirs' in Noble, ii. 244). 
6 Now with the Court at Peronne (Thurloe, vi. 482, 487); soon after at Paris 
(ib. 496). 
7 [Lockhart's last letters to Thurloe were those of August 26 and 28, old styìe 
(Thurloe vi. pp. 482, 486) but perhaps these had not yet come to hand. The 
Protector seems rather to be answering that of August 4-14 (ibid. P.437).] 



[31 Aug. 

your diligence or ability to serve us in so great a Business, yet I 
am deeply sensible that the French are very much short with us 
in ingenuousness 1 and performance. And that which increaseth 
our sense 'of this' is, The resolution we 'for our part' had, 
rather to overdo than to be behindhand in anything of our 
Treaty. And although we never were so foolish' as' to appre- 
hend that the French and their interests were the same with 
ours in all things; yet as to the Spaniard, who hath been known 
in all ages to be the most implacable enemy that France hath, we 
never could doubt, before we made our treaty, that, going upon 
such grounds, we should have been failed' towards' as we are! 
To talk of giving us garrisons which are inland, as caution for 
future action; to talk of what will be done next campania, are 
hut parcels of words for children. If they will give us garrisons, 
\ let them give us Calais, Dieppe and Boulogne; which I think 
they will do as soon as be honest to their words in giving us any 
one Spanish garrison upon the coast into our hands! I positively 
think, which I say to you, they are afraid we should have any 
footing on that side' of the water,' though Spanish. 
I pray you tell the Cardinal from me, that I think, if France 
desires to maintain his ground, much more to get ground upon 
the Spaniard, the performance of his Treaty with us will better 
do it than anything appears yet to me of any design he hath! 2 
Though we cannot so well pretenll to soldiery as those who 
are with him, yet we think that, we being able by sea to 
strengthen and secure his siege, and 'to' reinforce it as we 
please by sea, and the enemy' being' in a capacity to do nothing 
to relieve it, the best time to besiege that place will be now, 
especially if you consider that the French horse will be able so to 
ruin Flanders as that no succour can be brought to relieve the 
place; and that the French Army and our own will have con- 

l' ingenuity: as usual, in orig. 
2[In a letter to Mazarin, written this same day, Bordeaux says that he bas had 
an interview with Thurloe, in which the Secretary's whole discourse was touching the 
execution of the last Treaty; and that he appeared convinced that the French troops 
might quite well have marched.] 


stant relief, as far as England and France can g-ive it, without 
any manner of impediment,-especially considering the Dutch 
are now engaged so much to the southward 1 as they are. 
I desire you to let him know that Englishmen have had so good 
experience of winter expeditions, that they are confident, that 
if the Spaniard shaIl keep the field, as he cannot impede this 
work, so neither will he be able to attack anything towards 
France with a possibility of retreat. 2 And what doth all delays 
signify hut the g-iving the Spaniard opportunity so much the 
more to reinforce himself; and to the keeping our men another 
summer to serve the French, without any colour of a reciprocal, 
or any advantag-e to ourselves !- 
And therefore if this will not be listened unto, I desire that 
things may be considered-of to give us satisfaction for the great 
expense we have been at with our naval forces and otherwise; 
which out of an honourable and honest aim on our part hath 
been done that we might answer our Engagements. And,' in 
fine; that consideration may be had how our men may be put 
into a posture to be returned to us; which we hope we shall 
employ to a better purpose than to have them to continue 
where they are. 
I desire we may know what France saith, and will do, upon 
this point. We shall be ready still, as the Lord shall assist us, 
to perform what can be reasonably expected on our part. And 
you may also let the Cardinal know further, that our intentions, 
as they have been, so they will be, to do all the good offices we 
can to promote the interest common to us. 3 
Apprehending it is of moment that this Business should come 
to you with speed and surety, we have sent it by an Express. 
Your very loving friend, 

1 Spain-ward: so much inclined to help the Spaniard, if Montague would let 
them; a thing worth Mazarin's consideration too, though it comes in irregularly 
:! You may cut off his retreat, if he venture that way. II' thereof' in or'-g. 
* Thurloe. vi. 490. [In Thurloe's handwriting.] 



[31 Aug. 


S \l\IE date, same parties; an afterthought, by the same Ex- 

, To Sir r-Villimn Lock/mrl, 0111' A71llm:amdor ill France' 

Whitehall, 31St August, 1657. 


We desire, having written to you as we have, 
that the design be Dunkirk rather than Gravelines; and much 
more that it be so; but one of them rather than fail. 
We shall not be wanting, at the French charge, to send over 
two of our old regiments of foot, and two-thousand foot more, 
if need be, if Dunkirk be the design; 1 believing that if the 
Army be well entrenched, and La Ferte's Foot added to it, 
we shall be able to give liberty to the greatest part of the French 
Cavalry to have an eye to the Spaniard, leaving but convenient 
numbers to stand by the Foot. 
And because this action will probably divert the Spaniard 
from assisting Charles Stuart in any attempt upon us, you may 
be assured that, if reality may with any reason be expected from 
the French, we shall do all reason on our parts. But if indeed 
the French be so false to us as that they would not have us have 
any footing on that side the water,-then I desire, as in our 
other letter to you, that all things may be prepared in order to 
the giving us satisfaction 'for our expense incurred,' and the 
drawing-off of our men. 
And truly, Sir, [ desire you to take boldness and freedom to 
yourself in your dealing with the French on these accounts. 
Your loving friend, 


1 Gravelines is to belong to them; Dunkirk to us; Dunkirk \\ ill be much prefer- 

* ThurIoe, vi. 489- [In Thurloe's handwriting.] 


This Letter naturally had its effect: indeed there goes a witty 
sneer in France, "The Cardinal is more afraid of Oliver than of 
the Devil;" -he ought indeed to fear the Devil much more, 
but Oliver is the palpabler Entity of the two! Mardike was 
besieged straightway; girt by sea and land, and the great guns 
opened 'on the 21st day of September' next: Manlike was 
taken before September ended; and due delivery to ollr General 
was had of :\Jardike. The place was in a weak state; but by 
sea and land all hands were now busy fortifying and securing it. 


HERE has an old dim Letter lately turned up,-communicated, 
for new editions, by the distinguished General Montague's 
Descendant,-which evidently relates to this operation. Re- 
suscitated from its dim Archives, it falls with ready fitness into 
rank here; kindling the old dead Books into pleasant moment- 
ary light and wakefulness at this point, and sufficiently illumin- 
ating itself also thereby. A curious meeting, one of those 
curious meetings, of old Letterpress now forgotten with old 
Manuscript never known till now, such as occasionally cheer 
the learned mind !-Of' Denokson: clearly some Dutch Vauban, 
or war ti71lmermall on the great scale; of him, or of 'Colonel 
Clerke: whom I take to be a Sea-Colonel mainly, the reader 
needs no commentary;-and is to understand withal that their 
hasty work was got accomplished, and Manlike put in some 
kind of fencible condition. 

For General llIontaglle, on board the London, before Dunkirk: 


\Vhitehall, 2d October 1657. 

This bearer, Christian Denokson, I have sent 
to you, being a very good artist, especially in wooden works,- 
to view the Great Fort and the Wooden Fort, in order to the 
further strengthening of them. 
I hope he is very able to make the \Vooden Fort as strong as 
it is capable to be made; which I judge very desirable to be 



[2 Oct. 

done with all speed. I desire you will direct him in this view, 
and afterwards speak with him about it, that upon his return I 
may have a very particular account about what is fit to be done, 
and what timber will be necessary to be provided. I have 
written also to Colonel Clerke, the Governor of the Fort, about 
it. I pray, when he has finished his view, that you will hasten 
him back. 

I rest, 
Your very affectionate friend, 

An attempt to retake l\Iardike, by scalado or surprisal from 
the Dunkirk side, was made, some three weeks hence, by Don 
John with a great Spanish Force, among which his Ex-Royal 
Highness the Duke of York, with Four English-Irish emigrant 
Regiments he has now got raised for him on Spanish pay, was 
duly conspicuous; but it did not succeed; it amounted only to a 
night of unspeakable tumult; to much expenditure of shot on 
all sides, and of life on his Royal Highness's and Don John's 
side,-Montague pouring death-fire on them from his ships too, 
and' four great flaming links at the comers of Mardike Tower' 
warning Montague not to aim thitherward ;-and 'the dead were 
carried-off in carts before sunrise.' 1 
Let us add here, that Dunkirk, after gallant service shown 
by the Six-thousand, and brilliant fighting and victory on the 
sand-hills, was also got, next summer; 2 Lockhart himself now 
commanding there, poor Reynolds having perished at sea. Dun- 
kirk too remained an English Garrison, much prized by England; 
till, in very altered times, his now Restored :\Iajesty saw good 
to sell it, and the loyallest men had to make their comparisons. 
-On the whole we may say, this Expedition to the Netherlands 
was a successful one; the Six-thousand, 'immortal Six-thousand · 
as some call them,S gained what they were sent for, and much 
glory over and above. 

* Original in the possession of the Earl of Sandwich, at Hinchinbrook (February 
1849). Only the Signature is Oliver's; hand, as before, . very shaky: 
1 22 d October (Heath's Chronicle, p. 727; Carte's Ormond, ii. 175). 
2 13 th June 1658, the fight; 15th June, the surrender; 24th, the rlelivery to 
Lockhart (ThurJoe, vii. 155, 173, &c.). Clarendon, iii. 853-58. [See also the Stnte 
Papers for this year, Domestic and Flanders.] 

 Sir William Temple, .Jifemoirs, Part iii. 154 (cited by, iv. 547). 


These Mardike-and-Dunkirk Letters are among the last 
Letters left to us of Oliver Cromwell's :-Oliver's great heroic 
Dayswork, and the small unheroic pious one of Oliver's Editor, 
is drawing to a close! But in the same hours, 31st August 1657, 
while Oliver wrote so to Lockhart,-Jet us still spare a corner for 
recording it,-John Lilburn, Freeborn John, or alas only the 
empty Case of John, was getting buried; still in a noisy manner! 
Noisy John, set free from many prisons, had been living about 
Eltham lately, in a state of Quakerism, or Quasi-Quakerism. 
Here is the clipping from the old Newspaper: 
[ollda!l, 31s/ August 1657. Mr. John Lilburn, commonly 
I known by the name of Lieutenant-Colonel Lil b urn, dying on 
I Saturday at Eltham, was this morning removed thence to Lon- 
I don; and his corpse conveyed to the House caned the Jo,Ioll/h,' 
old, still extant Bllll-alld-JIollth Inn, I at Aldersgate,-which is 
I the usual meeting-place of the people called Quakers, to whom, 
I it seems, he had lately joined in opinion. At this place, in the 
I afternoon, there assembled a medley of people; among whom 
I the Quakers were most eminent for number: and within the 
I house a controversy was, Whether the ceremony of a hearse- 
I cloth' (pall) I should be cast over his coffin? But the major 
I part, being Quakers, would not assent; so the coffin was, about 
I five o' clock in the evening, brought forth into the street. At 
I its coming out, there stood a man on purpose to cast a velvet 
I hearse-cloth over the coffin; and he endeavoured to do it: but 
I the crowd of Quakers would not permit him; and having gotten 
I the body upon their shoulders, they carried it away without 
I farther ceremony; and the whole company conducted it into 
I Moorfields, and thence to the new Churchyard adjoining to 
I Bedlam, where it lieth interred: 1 
One noisy element, then, is out of this world :-another is fast 
going. Frantic-Anabaptist Sexby, over here once more on 
Insurrectionary business, scheming out a new Invasion of the 
Charles-Stewart Spaniards and English-Irish Regiments, and just 
lifting anchor for Flanders again, was seized I in the Ship Hope, 
I in a mean habit, disguised like a countryman, and his face much 
I altered by an overgrown beard; '-before the Ship Hope could 
get under weigh, about a month ago. 2 Bushy-bearded Sexby, 

1 Newspapers (in Cromwelliana, p. 168). [Closely following this in the news- 
papers and forming a curious contrast to it, is the account of Blake's stately funeral 
in Westminster Abbey. See llIerc. Pol. (E. 505 (18, 20)).] 
2 24 th July, Ne\\spapers (in Cromwellial1a, p. 16 7). 
VOL. 111.-10 



[2 Oct. 

after due examination by his Highness.1 has been lodged in the 
Tower; where his mind falls into a very unsettled state. In 
October next he volunteers a confession; goes mad; and in the 
January following dies.1 1 and to his own relief and ours disappears.1 
-poor Sex by. 
Sexby.1 like the Stormy Petrel.1 indicates that new Royalist- 
Anabaptist Tumult is a-brewing. 'They are as the waves of the 
Sea.1 they cannot rest; they must stir up mire and dirt/-it is 
the lot appointed them! In fact, the grand Spanish Charles- 
Stuart Invasion is again on the anvil; and they will try it.1 this 
year.1 even without the Preface of Assassination. New troubles 
are hoped from this new Session of Parliament.1 which begins in 
January. The' Excluded Members' are to be readmitted then; 
there is to be a 'Second House:' who knows what possibilities 
of trouble! A new Parliament is always the signal for new 
Royalist attempts; even as the Moon to waves of the sea: but 
we hope his Highness will be prepared for them! 2_ 
Wednesday, UthNo'l'ember 1657. 'This day/ say the old News- 
papers.1 'the most Illustrious Lady.1 the Lady Frances Cromwell.1 
'youngest Daughter of his Highness the Lord Protector, was 
'married to the most noble gentleman Mr. Robert Ric11.1 Son 
'of the Lord Rich, Grandchild of the Earl of \\Tarwick and of the 
'Countess-Dowager of Devonshire; in the presence of their 
, Highnesses.1 and of his Grandfather.1 and Father.1 and the said 
'Countess.1 with many other persons of high honour and quality.' 
At WhitehaIl.1 this blessed \\Tednesday; all difficulties now over- 
come; 3-which we are glad to hear of, 'though our friends truly 
were very few! '-And on the Thursday of next week follows.1 at 
Hampton Court.1 the Lady Mary's own Wedding. 4 Wedding 

1 Cromwelliana, pp. 169-7 0 . 
2 [Scotland, too, was in a restless state, by reason of .. rents and divisions" 
amongst the different religious parties. See S. P. Interregnum I. 78, p. 130.] 
3 [Some fresh difficulties appear to have arisen so lately as the April of this year. 
Sir Fras. Russell (whose son was afterwards Lady Frances' second husband), writing 
to Henry Cromwell on April 27, in the midst of the discussions over Kingship, says, 
.. Here hath been some troubles about the business of Mr. Rich and my Lady 
Frances; they seem to me yet to continue, and to trouble the minds both of your 
father and mother more than anything else:' Lansdcnvne illS.. 822, f. 57.] 
4 Newspapers (in Cromwelliana, p. 169). [Dugdale, writing to a friend on Nov. 
14, says, .. On Wednesday last was my Lord Protector's daughter married to the 
Earl of Warwick's grandson; Mr. Scobell, as a justice of the peace, tied the knot 
after a godly prayer made by one of his Highness' divines; and on Thursday was 
the wedding feast kept at Whitehall, where they had forty-eight violins and fifty 
trumpets and much mirth with frolics, besides mixt dancing (a thing hitherto 
counted profane) till five of the clock yesterday morning. Amongst the dancers 




'to the most noble lord, the Lord Fauconberg: lately returned 
from his Travels in foreign parts: a Bellasis, of the Yorkshire 
kindred so named,-which was once very high in Royalism, but 
is now making other connexions. For the rest, a brilliant, in- 
genuous and hopeful young man, 'in my opinion a person of 
extraordinary parts;' 1 of whom his Highness has made due 
investigation, and finds that it may answer. 2 
And now for the new Session of Parliament which assembles 
in January next: the Second Session of Parliament, and indeed 
the last of this and of them all ! 3 


THE First Session of this Parliament closed, last June, under 
such auspicious circumstances as we saw; leaving the People and 
the Lord Protector in the comfortable understanding that there 
was now a Settlement arrived at, a Government possible by Law; 
that irregular exercises of Authority, Major-Generals and such 
like, would not be needed henceforth for saving of the Common- 
wealth. Our Public Affairs, in the Netherlands and elsewhere, 
have prospered in the interim; nothing has misgone. "'hy 
should not this Second Session be as succe
sful as the First was? 
-Alas, success, especially on such a basis as the humours and 

there \\as the Earl of Newport, who danced with her Highness. There was at 
this great solemnity the Countess of Devonshire (grandmother to the bridegroom), 
who presented the bride with 2,000/. \\orth of plate. And ere long the other 
daughter is to be married to my Lord Fauconbridge, as 'tis said." (Duke of 
Sutherland's MSS. calendared in Fifth Reþort 0/ the Hist. ,1/SS. Commissioners, 
Appendix, p. 177.) Dugdale is of course not a very trust\\orthy authority as re- 
gards the Protector's doings, but there seems certainly to have been the ., mixed 
dancing," which \\mIld be rather a shock to the Puritan mind. \\'e may perhaps 
take leave to doubt the fifty trumpets. Another letter in the same collection says, 
.. The discourse of the to\\11 has been much filled up with the great marriage at 
\VhitehaIl, which was solemnised there three or four days last week with music, 
dancing and great feasting, and it now bt>gins for two or three days at the Earl of 
Warwick's" (ibid, p. 183)]. 
1 Lockhart's report of him to Thurloe, after an interview at Paris, as ordered on 
Fauconberg's return homeward, 21st March 1657 (Thurloe, vi. 134; 125). 
2 [Bordeaux wrote a week or two later, that Lord Fauconberg was believed by 
everyone to be the Protector's favourite son-in-law; that he treated him differently 
from the others and had him with him at all audiences to foreign ministers.] 
3[But before this, there comes in a letter to his son Harry, and another letter 
to Mazarin (of which the holograph original is now back in England). See Supple- 
ment, Nos. 134, 135.] 



[20 Jan. 

parliamentary talkings and self-developments of Four-hundred 
men, is very uncertain! And indeed this Second Session meets 
now under conditions somewhat altered. 
For one thing, there is to be a new House of Lords: we know 
not how that may answer! For another thing, it is not now per- 
missible to stop our Haselrigs, Scotts and Ashley Coopers at the 
threshold of the Parliament, and say, Ye shall not enter: if they 
choose to take the Oath prescribed by this new Instrument, they 
have power to enter, and only the Parliament itself can reject 
them. These, in this Second Session, are new elements; on 
which, as we have seen, the generation of Plotters are already 
speculating; on which natm'ally his Highness too has his anxieties.l 
His Highness, we find, as heretofore, struggles to do his best and 
wisest, not yielding much to anxieties: but the result is, this 
Session proved entirely unsuccessful; perhaps the unsuccessful- 
lest of all S
ssions or Parliaments on record hitherto !- 
The new House of Lords was certainly a rather questionable 
adventure. You do not improvise a Peerage :-no, his Highness 
is well aware of that! Nevertheless' somewhat to stand between 
me and the House of Commons' has seemed a thing desirable, a 
thing to be decided on: and this new House of Lords, this will 
be a 'somewhat:-the best that can be had in present circum- 
stances. Very weak and small as yet, like a tree new planted; 
but very certain to grow stronger, if it have real life in it, if there 
be in the nature of things a real necessity for it. Plant it, try it, 
this new Puritan Oliverian Peerage-of-Fact, such as it has been 
given us. The old Peerage-of-Descent, with its thousand years 
of strength,-what of the old Peerage has Puritan sincerity, and 
manhood and marrow in its bones, will, in the course of years, 
rally round an Oliver and his new Peerage-of-Fact,-as it is 
already, by many symptoms, showing a tendency to do. If the 
Heavens ordain that Oliver continue and succeed as hitherto, 
undoubtedly his new Peerage may succeed along with him, and 
gather to it whatever of the Old is worth gathering. In the mean 
while it has been enacted by the Parliament and him; his part 
is now, To put it in effect the best he can. 

1 ["' \Ve conceive by some late actions," wrote Stephen Charlton to Sir R. Leve- 
son on December 29, "that our great one at \Vhitehall hath a world of fears and 
jealousies in his breast, for on Christmas Day and the day following he hath caused 
at least five or six persons to be apprehended and sent to several places of security; 
and some of the persons of quality whilst they were at sermons and receiving the 
Communion in private houses . . . were seized by a troop of horse and carried 
to St. James'." Fifth Report of the Hist. .}ISS. Commissioners (Duke of Suther- 
land's MSS.), Appendix, p. 165'] 

1658. ] 



The List of Oliver's Lords can be read in many hooks; 1 but 
issuing as that matter did, it need not detain us here. Puritan 
Men of Eminence, such as the Time had yielded: Skippon, Des- 
borow, \Vhalley, Pride, Hewson, these are what we may call the 
Kapoleoll-.lllarshais of the business: \Vhitlocke, Haselrig, Lent. 
hall, Maynard, old Frances Rouse, Scotch \Varriston, Lockhart; 
Notabilities of Parliament, of Religious Politics, or Law. Mon- 
tague, Howard are there; the Earls of Manchester, Warwick, 
Mulgrave,-some six Peers; of whom only one, the Lord Eure 
from Yorkshire, would, for the present, take his seat. The rest 
of the Six as yet stood aloof; even Warwick, as near as he was 
to the Lord Protector, could not think 2 of sitting with such a 
Napoleon-l\farshal as Major-General Hewson, who, men say, 
started as a Shoemaker in early life. 3 Yes; in that low figure 
did Hewson start; and has had to fight every inch of his way up 
hitherward, doing manifold victorious battle with the Devil and 
the World as he went along,-proving himself a bit of right good 
stuff, thinks the Lord Protector! You, Warwicks and others, 
according to what sense of manhood you may have, you can look 
into this Hewson, and see if you find any manhood or worth in 
him ;-1 have found some! The Protector's List, compiled under 
great difficulties,4 seems, so far as we can now read it, very un- 
exceptionable; practical, substantial, with an eye for the New 
and for the Old; doing between these two, with good insight, 
the best it can. There were some Sixty-three summoned in all; 
of whom some Forty and upwards sat, mostly taken from the 
House of Commons :-the worst effect of which was, that his 
Highness thereby lost some forty favourable votes in that other 
House; which, as matters went, proved highly detrimental there. 
However, \Vednesday 20th January 1657-8 has arrived. The 
Excluded Members are to have readmission,-so many of them 
as can take the Oath according to this New Instrument. His 
Highness hopes if they volunteer to swear this Oath, they will 
endeavour to keep it; and seems to have no misgivings about 
I Complete, in Parliamentary Hi5tory, xxi. 167""9: incomplete, with angry con- 
temporary glosses to each Name, which are sometimes curious, in Harleian ,IIis- 
cella 1 1Y, vi. 460-71. An old copy of the official Summons to these Lords is in 
Additional Ayscougk 11155., No. 3246. 
2 Ludlow, ii. 59 6 . 
:I [While the names were still under discussion, Bordeaux wrote that their views 
would be as various as their condition; and later, he observed that there ,,,auld be 
 difficulty about their prerogatives because a great part of the House was little 
quahfied to support them.] 
4 Thurloe, vi. 64 8 . 



[20 Jan. 

them. He to govern and administer, and they to debate and 
legislate, in conformity with this Petition and Advice, not other- 
wise; this is, in word and in essence, the thing they and he have 
mutually with all solemnity bargained to do. It may be ration- 
ally hoped that in all misunderstandings, should such arise, some 
good basis of agreement will and must unfold itself between 
parties so related to each other. The common dangers, as his 
Highness knows and will in due time make known, are again 
imminent; Royalist Plottings once more rife, Spanish Charles- 
Stuart Invasion once more preparing itself. 
But now the Parliament reassembling, on this 'Vednesday the 
20th, there begins, in the 'Outer Court,' since called the Lobby, 
an immense 'administering of the Oath,' the whole Parliament 
taking it; Six Commissioners appearing 'early in the morning,' 
with due apparatus and solemnity, minutely described in the 
Journals and Old Books; 1 and then labouring till all are sworn. 
That is the first great step. Which done, the Commons House 
constitutes itself; appoints 'Mr. Smythe' Clerk, instead of 
Scobell, who has gone to the Lords, and with whom there is 
continual controversy thenceforth about' surrendering of Records' 
and the like. In a little while (hour not named) comes Black 
Rod; reports that his Highness is in the Lords House, waiting 
for this House. Whereupon, Shoulder Mace,-yes, let us take 
the Mace,-and march. His Highness, somewhat indisposed in 
health, leaving the main burden of the exposition to Nathaniel 
Fiennes of the Great Seal, who is to follow him, speaks to this 
effect: as the authentic Commons Journals yield it for us. 2 


I meet you here in this capacity by the Advice 
and Petition of this present Parliament; after so much expense 

1 CommOJls Journals, vii. 578; Whitlocke. p. 666; Burton, ii. 322. 
2 [For this speech, we have the official report in the Commons Journals, made to 
the House next day by the Speaker. .. as Mr. Scobell (now Clerk of the Upper 
House) had taken it," we are told by Burton, who copied it, and another version 
(differing in several points), in the Harley.JI5S. There is also a very good report, 
but in the third person and a good deal condensed, especially as regards the Bible 
quotations etc.-printed in JIerclirilis Politicus (E. 748 (7)) the Public bltelligmcer, 
and A Further .Varrative, etc.,-amongst the King's Pamphlets.] 

1658. ] 



of blood and treasure, 'we are now' to search and try what bless- 
ings God hath in store for these Nations. I cannot but with 
gladness of heart remember and acknowledge the labour and 
industry that is past, 'your past labour; which hath been spent 
upon a business worthy of the best men and the best Christians. 
lJ it prol'e frui!f"1Û !] 
It is very well known unto you all what difficulties we have 
passed through, and what 'issue' we are now arrived to. We 
hope we may say we have arrived at what we aimed at, if not 
at that which is much beyond our expectations.! The nature 2 of 
this Cause, and the Quarrel, what that was at the first, you all 
very well know; I am persuaded most of you have been actors 
in it: It was the maintaining of the Liberty of these Nations; 
our Civil Liberties as Men, our Spiritual Liberties as Christians. 
[H aL'e we arril'ed at tltat?] I shall not much look back; but 
rather say one word concerning the state and condition we are 
all now in. 
You know very well, the first Declaration,S after the begin- 
ning of this War, that spake to the life, was a sense held forth by 
the Parliament, That for some succession of time 4, designs were 
laid to innovate upon the Civil Rights of the Nations, 'and' to 
innovate in matters of Religion. Anù those very persons that, 
a man would have thought, should have had the least hand in 
meddling with Civil things, did justify them all. [Zealous sy- 
cophant Priests, Siblhorp, J.1Iall'1lJaring, JIOJltagll, of the Laud frater- 
nil!J: jòrced-loans, monopolies, ship-mone!Js, all Civil T!Jrall11!J was 
right according /0 them!] All' the Civil '5 transactions that 

1 [Carlyle altered to .. We hope we may say we have arrived, if not I altogether' 
.. at what we aimed at, yet at that which is much beyond our expectations," but all 
the texts have as above, and Oliver probably means: we have got what we hoped 
for, though there are other and better things which we did not dare to hope for.] 
2 [" state" in ail the texts.] 
3 Declaration, 2d August 1642. went through the Lords House that day; it is in 
[Cobbet's] Parliamentary History, vi. 350. A thing of audacity reckoned almost 
impious at the time (see D'Ewes's MS. Journal, 23d July) ; corresponds in purport 
to what is said of it here. 
4 [" for some time before," -,-Veu'spapers and Further iVarrative.] 
:1[" irregular," iVewspapers and Furtfur Narrative.] 



[20 Jan: 

were,-' they justified them J in 'their' pulpits, in presses, and 
otherwise! Which was verily thought, 'had they succeeded in 
it,' would have been a very good shelter to them, to innovate 
upon us in matters of Religion also. And so to innovate as to 
eat out the core and power and heart and life of all Religion, by 
bringing on us a company of poisonous Popish Ceremonies 
[Su'1Ilewlwt animated, .1Juur Higll1le!is 1], and imposing them upon 
those that were accounted 1 the Puritans of the Nation, and 
professors of religion amongst us,-driving them to seek their 
bread in au howling wilderness, as was instanced to our friends 
who were forced to fly for Holland, New England, almost any- 
whither, to find Liberty for their Consciences. 
[You see that the Petition and Advice that brought me hither 
hath, not through a little difficulty, restored us both in point of 
civil liberty as we are men, and liberty for all those that are of 
the Protestant profession amongst us, who enjoy a freedom to 
worship God according to their consciences.] 2 
N ow if this thing hath been the state and sum of our Quarrel, 
and of those Ten Y ears Wars wherein we have been exercised; 
and that the good hand of God, for we are to attribute it to no 
other, hath brought this business thus home unto us as it is 
')tated 3 in the Petition and Advice,-I think we have all cause 
to bless God, and the Nations have cause to bless Him. [If me 
were of thallkfulju.'it heart,-.1Jea 1] 
I well remember I did a 1ittle touch upon the Eighty-fifth 
Psalm when I spake unto you in the beginning of this Parlia- 
ment. 4 \Vhich expresseth well that that me may say, as truly 
[and as well] 5 as it was said of old by the Penman of that Psalm! 
The first verse is an acknowledgment to God that He had been 
favourable unto His land, and had brought back the captivity 
of His people; and' then how J that He had pardoned all their 

1 [" called and accounted," Newspapers.] 2[ln Harley.liS. only.] 
:! [Carlyle altered this to .. settled;" "stated" is a reference to the disquisition on 
politics in the preamble to the Petition and Advice] 
4 Afltea, Speech VI. p. 13- 

 [These three words omitted by Carlyle.] 

1658. ] 



iniquities and covered all their sin, and taken away all His 
wrath ;-and indeed of [the sense of] 1 these unspeakable mercies, 
blessings, and deliverances out of captivity, pardoning 'of' 
national sins and national iniquities. Pardoning, as God pardoneth 
the man whom He justifieth! He breaks through, and overlooks 
iniquity; and pardoneth because He will pardon. And some- 
times God pardoneth 
 ations also! 2-And if the enjoyment of 
our present Peace and other mercies may be witnesses for God 
'to lI.\','-we feel and we see them every day. 
The greatest demonstration of His favour and love appears to 
us in this: That He hath given us Peace ;-and the blessings of 
Peace, to wit, the enjoyment of our Liberties, civil and spiritual! 
[JVere not our pra!lers, and struggles, and dead
lJ /Vrestli/lg.'i, all evcn 
for tllis ;-a/ld we ill sume meaSllre have it 1] And I remember 
well, the Church' in that same Eighty-fifth Psalm' falls into 
prayer and into praises, great expectations of future mercies, and 
much thankfulness for the enjoyment of present mercies; and 
breaks into this expression: "Surely salvation is nigh unto them 
that fear Him; that glory may dwell in our land." In the 
beginning he S calls it His land; "Thou hast been favourable to 
Thy land." Truly I hope this is His land, and in some sense it 
may be 
iven out that it is God's land. And he that hath the 
weakest knowledge, and the worst memory, can easily tell' that J 
we were a Redeemed People,4-' from the time' when first God 
was pleased to look favourably upon us, 'to redeem us' out of 
the hands of Popery, in that never to be forgotten Reformation, 
that most significant and greatest' mercy' the Nation hath felt 
or tasted! I would but touch upon that,-and but a touch: 
How hath God redeemed us, as we stand this day! 5 1'0t from 
trouble and sorrow and anger' only,' but unto a blessed and 
happy estate and condition, comprehensive of all the Interest 

I[In Harley MS. only.] 2["SO," ibid.] 
:1 [" he" is here the Psalmist. The report has "favourable to our land," but 
this of course is a mistake,] 
-& [" that we are a redeemed people. We were a redeemed people," Harley MS.] 
5["as it is this day," all the terts.] 



[20 Jan. 

of every member, of every individual ;-' an imparting to ll.'i' of 
those mercies 1 'there spoken of,' as you very well see! 
And then in what sense it is our Land ;-through this grace 
and favour of God, That He hath vouchsafed unto us and be- 
stowed upon us, with the Gospel, with Peace, and rest out of 
Ten Years \Var; and given us what we would desire! Nay, 
who could have forethought, when we were plunged into the 
midst of our troubles, That ever the people of God should have 
had liberty to worship God without fear of enemies? [Strtmge: 
Ihi.'i " liber{1J " Ù; to Oliver Cromn'ella blessing almust too great fur 
f; to us it has become a.'i CUl1WlUn as the liberf;1j tu breathe atmus- 
pheric air,-a libert!) not once morth thinking of It is the 11'a,1J with 
all alfainmellts and conguest.'i ill thi.'i n'orld. Do I thin
' of Cadmus, 
or the old llllkllon'l1 Orielltals, wltile I n'rite 1/Iith LETTERS? The 
ll'Urld is built UpOIl the mere tiu.'it of Heroe.'i: once earne.'it-1l're.\Ûillg, 
f.Ìjillg, prodigal uf their bloud; 11'110 lIull'sleep Jl'ell, forgotten 
by all their heirs.- -" IVitlwllt fear uf ell em ie.'i, " he .m.ljs] \Yhich is 
the very acknowledgment of the Promise of Christ that He would 
deliver His from 'the' fear of enemies, that they might worship 
Him in holiness and in righteousness all the days of their life. 
This is the portion that God hath given us; and I trust we 
shall forever heartily acknowledge it !-The Church goes on 
there, 'in that Psalm,' and makes her boast yet farther; "His 
salvation is nigh them that fear Him, that glory may dwell in 
our land." Hi.'i glory; not carnal, nor anything related thereto: 
this glory of a Free Possession of the Gospel; 2 this is that that 
we may glory in! [Bealltifill, tholt nuble soul !-And very strange 
'llcl, things in the Journals of the Engli.\'h HOll.'ie of Cummuns. 
o Hem'ells, info Il'hat ublÍl;ion qf the Highest hm'e stupid, canting, 
cuffo/l-spin/ling, partridge-shuoting mudals fallen, sillce that JWlllar!J 
1658 !] And it is said 3 farther, "Mercy and Truth are met 

1 [The meaning he:e appears to be: "Comprehensive of all the interest of every 
member, of every individual, in those mercies. "] 
2[" not carnal nor anything else that accompanies this glory," all the texts.] 
3 [" he says," ibid. The Protector seems to have got a little confused between 
the vOice of the Church and the voice of the psalmist.] 




"together; Righteousness &nd Peace have kissed each other." 
And' note,' it shall be such righteousness as comes down from 
Heaven: "Truth shall grow out of the Earth, and RighteoU'mess 
shall come down from Heaven." Here is the Truth of all 
, truths;' here is the righteousness of God, under the notion 
of righteousness confirming our abilities, I-answerable to the 
truth that He hath in the Gospel revealed towards us! [Accord- 
illg to Calt,ill and Paul.] And the Psalm 2 closeth with this: 
"Righteousness shall go before Him, and shall set ns in the 
way of His steps; "-that righteousness, that mercy, that love 
and that kindness which we have seen, and been made partakers 
of from the Lord, it shall be our Guide, to teach us to know the 
right and the good way; which is, To tread in the steps of 
mercy, righteousness and goodness that our God hath walked 
before us in.- 
\Ve 'too' have a Peace this day! I believe in my very heart, 
you all think the things that I speak to you this day. r am 
sure you have cause. 
And yet we are not without the murmurings of many people, 
who turn all this grace and goodness into wormwood; who 
indeed are disappointed by the works of God. And those men 
are of several ranks and conditions; great ones, lesser ones,3- 
of all sorts. Men that are of the Episcopal spirit, with all the 
branches, the root and the branches ;-who gave themselves a 
fatal blow in this Place, 4 when they would needs make a Pro- 
testation that no Laws were good, which were made by this 
House and the House of Commons in their absence; and so with- 
out injury to others cut themselves off! 5 'Men of an Episcopal 

] ["liberties," Harley .
IS.. which is probably the true reading.] 
2 [" And he closeth," all the texts.] 3 [" men of all sorts," .Vewspapers. J 
-I In this same Honse of Lords, on the 10th of December 1641. Busy \Villiams, 
the Lincoln Decoy-duck, with his Eleven too-hasty Bishops, leading the way in 
that suicide. (Antea, vol. i. p. lOB.) [" The place," in Commons Journals, but 
"this," in Harley .'lIS.] 
fj [" and so without injury to themselves, cut off themselves," Commons Journals. 
Perhaps Oliver said: without injury, but to themselves (" but" in shorthand being, 
as already said, only a single stroke, easily overlooked). Harley .lIS. has" with- 
out injury to them," which might mean" to the Houses" and is not unlikely to 
be the true reading.] 



[20 Jan 

spirit;' indeed men that know not God; that know not how 
to account upon 1 the works of God, how to measure them out; 
but will trouble Nations for an Interest which is but mixed, at 
the best,-made up of iron and clay, like the feet of N ebuchad- 
nezzar's Image: whether they were more Civil or Spiritual was 
hard to say. But their continuance was like to be known 
beforehand; [Yes, ,1jOIl1' Highness 1] iron and clay make no good 
mixtures, they are not durable at all !- 
You have now a godly Ministry; you have a knowing Min- 
istry; such a one as, without vanity be it spoken, the world has 
not. 2 Men knowing the things of God, and able to search into 
the things of God,-by that only that can fathom those things 
in some measure. 3 The spirit of a beast knows not the spirit" of 
a man; nor doth the spirit of man know the things of God! 
"The things of God are known 
lf the Spirit," 5_ Truly I will 
remember but this one thing of those, 'the misguided persons 
now cast out from us:' Their greatest persecution hath been of the 
People of God ;-men 'really' of the spirit of God, as I think 
very experience hath now sufficiently demonstrated! 6_ 
Besides, what's the reason, think you, that men slip in this 
age wherein we live? As I told you before,7 They understand 
not the works of God. They consider not the operation of His 
Laws. They consider not that God resisted and broke in pieces 
the Powers that were, that men might fear Him ;-might have 
liberty to do and to enjoy an that that we have been speaking of! 
Which certainly God has manifested to have been the end; and 
so hath He brought the things to pass! 8 Tlwrefore it is that 
men yet slip, and engage themselves against God. [They en- 
gage themselves, I say, against God.] 9 And for that very cause, 

1 [" account of," Harley .
/S.] 2[" the like," Newspapers.] 
3[" to wit, the spirit of God," Harley 1IIS.] 
4 [" things," Carlyle.] 5 I Corinthians ii. II. 
6 [" very experiences will sufficiently demonstrate," all the te:tls.] 
7 [" because they understand not," Newspapers.] 
8 [" God has manifested that this was the end, and that He hath brought the 
things to pass," all the texts.] 
9 [Harley .US.] 

1658. ] 



said David (Psalm TIl'C/l
ll-eig1dh), "He shall break them down, 
and not build them up ! " 1 
If, therefore, you would know upon what foundation you 
stand, own your foundation 'to be' from God. He hath set 
you where you are: He hath set you in the enjoyment of your 
Civil and of your Spiritual Liberties. 
I deal clearly with you,2 ] have been under some infirmity; 
[Ris Rig/mes.o; stilllouko; 1lI11l'ell] therefore dare not speak farther 
to you; but to let you know thus much, That I have with truth 
and simplicity declared the state of our Cause, and 'our' attain- 
ments in it to you, by the industry and labour of this Parliament 
since they last met 3 upon this foundation- You shall find I mean 
the Foundation of a Cause and Quarrel thus attained-to,- 
wherein we are thus estated. 4 I should be very glad to lay my 
bones with yours; ['Vhal a tone I] and would have done it, with 
all heartiness and cheerfulness, in the meanest capacity I was ever 
yet in, to serve the Parliament. 
If God give you, as I trust He will,-[" His blessing" or 
"strength:" but the Selltence is gune.]-He hath given it you, for 
what have I been speaking of but what you have done? He 
hath given you strength to do what hath been done! And if 
God should bless you in this work, and make this 
happy upon this account, you shall all be called the Blessed of 
the Lord. [Pour 01Ù'er 1]- The generations to come will bless 
us. You shall be " the repairers of breaches, and the restorers of 
paths to dwell in ! " 5 And if there be any 'higher' work that 

1 [" bind them up," Commons Journals and Harley ;lIS., but right in the News- 
papers, and corrected in Parliamentary History. In this instance, Cromwell 
quotes the Prayer-book version of the Psalms, \\hich is very unusual with him. 
The Authorised Version has "shall destroy them." See note, vol. ii. p. 295.] 
2 Means" Give me leave to say." 
:1 [" when they last met upon," Commons Journals.. "when they last met, and 
upon," Harley 1115.] 
4 This Parliament's . foundation: the ground this Parliament took its stand 
upon, \\as a recognition that our Cause had been so and so, that our' attainment' 
and' estate' in it were so and so; hence their Petition and Advice, and other 
very salutary labours. 
5 Isaiah Iviii. 12. 



[20 Jan. 

mortals can attain to in the world, beyond this, I acknowledge 
my ignorance' of it: 
As I told you, I have some infirmities upon me. ] have not 
liberty to speak more unto you; but I have desired an Honour- 
able Person here by me-[ Glancing tomards 1\ T athaniel Fielllle,v, 
him with the Purl>'e aud Seal] to discourse, a little more particularly, 
what may be more proper for this occasion and this meeting.* 

Nathaniel Fiennes follows in a long highflown, ingenious 
Discourse,l characterised by Dryasdust, in his Parliamentary 
History and other \V orks, as false, canting, and little less than 
insane; for which the Anti-dryasdust reader has by this time 
learned to forgive that fatal Doctor of Darkness. Fiennes's 
Speech is easily recognisable, across its Calvinistic dialect, as 
full of sense and strength; broad manful thought and clear 
insight, couched in a gorgeous figurative style, which a friendly 
judge might almost call poetic. It is the first time we thoroughly 
forgive the Honourable Nathaniel for surrendering Bristol to 
Prince Rupert long ago; and rejoice that Prynne and Independ- 
ency \Valker did not get him shot, by Court-Martial, on that 
Nathaniel compares the present state of England to the rising 
of Cosmos out of Chaos as recorded ill Genesis: Two' firmaments ' 
are made, two separate Houses of Parliament; much is made, 
but much yet remains to be made. He is full of figurative 
ingenuity; full of resolution, of tolerance, of discretion, and 

* CommoilS Journals, vii. 579: that is the Original,-reported by Widdrington 
next day. Burton (ii. 322), Parliamentary History (xxi. 170) are copies. [Also 
Harle..v l1fS., 6801 f. 282; A Further Narrative oj the Passages, etc., E. 1954 (4); 
_"'Iercurius politicus and Public IntelligenceI', E. 748 (7 and 8) A newsletter in the 
Clarke Papers (vol. iii. p. 132) gives the following short sketch of the speech, by 
R. Hatler, who says he .. took" it: .. The substance of it was that he met them in 
that capacity by their Advice and Petition, acknowledging their great pains and 
industry to proceed so far to a settlement of our liberties both civil and religious, 
and took occasion to speak of the former part of the 85th Psalm, comparing God's 
mercies to us as to them of old. And also made mention of the former bad ministry 
and the good ministry which is now, and hoped the Lord would still go along 
with them, that by His assistance they might still be accounted the blessed of the 
Lord, to be made the repairer of breaches and the restorer of paths to dwell in. 
Concluding that he had some infirmities upon him whereby he could not continue to 
speak long, but had desired an honourable person (the Lord Fiennes) to discourse 
a little more particularly what might be more proper for that occasion and 
1 Reported, L011lmOIlS JOUYlzals, vii. 582-7, Monday 25th Jan. 1657-8. 

1658. ] 



various other good qualities not very rife in the world. cc What 
shall be done to our Sister that hath no breasts?" he asks, in the 
language of Solomon's Song. \Vhat shall we do with those good 
men, friends to our Cause, who yet reject us, and sit at home on 
their estates? \Ve will soothe them, we will submit to them, 
we will in all ways invite them to us. Our little Sister,-" if 
cc she be a wall, we will build a palace of silver upon her; if she 
cc be a door, we will enclose her with boards of cedar:" -our 
little Sister shall not be estranged from us, if it please God! 

There is, in truth, need enough of unanimity at present. One 
of these days, there mme a man riding jogtrot through Strat- 
ford-at-the-Bow, with 'a green glazed cover over his hat,' a 
'nightcap under it,' and' his valise behind him;' a rustic-looking 
man; recognisable to liS, amid the vanished populations who take 
no notice of him as he jogs along there,-for the Duke of Ormond, 
Charles Stuart's head man! He sat up, at Colchester, the night 
before, 'playing shuffleboard with some farmers, and drinking 
hot ale: He is fresh from Flanders, and the Ex-King; has 
arrived here to organise the Spanish Charles-Stuart Invasion, 
anù see what Royalist Insurrection, or other domestic mischief 
there may be hopes of. Lodges now, 'with dyed hair,' in a 
much disguised manner, 'at the house of a Papist Chil"Urgeon 
in Drury Lane;' communicating with the ringleaders here. l 
The Spanish Charles-Stuart Invasion is again on foot, and no 
fable. He has Four English-Irish Regiments; the low-minded 
Dutch, we understand, have hired him Two-and-twenty ships, 
which hope to escape our frigates some dark night; and Don 
John has promised a Spanish Army of Six-thousand or Ten- 
thousand, if the domestic Royalists will bestir themselves. Like 
the waves of the sea, that cannot rest; that have to go on, 
throwing up mire and dirt! Frantic-Anabaptists too are awaken- 
ing; the general English Hydra is rallying itself again, as if to 
try it one other last time. 
Foreign Affairs also look altogether questionable to a Protes- 
tant man. Swede and Dane in open war; inextricable quarrels 
bewildering the King of Sweden, King of Denmark, Elector of 
Brandenburg, all manner of Foreign Protestants, whom Oliver 
never yet could reconcile; and the Dutch playing false; and the 
Spaniards, the Austrians, the Pope and Papists, too well united! 
-Need enough that this Parliament be unanimous. 

1 Carte's Ormond, ii. 17 6 - 8 . 



[25 Jan. 

The hopes of Oliver and Fiennes and all practicable Puritans 
may have naturally stood high at this meeting :-but if so, it was 
not many hours till they began fatally to sink. There exists also 
an impracticable set of Puritan men,-the old Excluded .:\lembers, 
introduced now, or now first admitted into this Parliament,- 
whom no beautifullest c two firmaments ' seen overspanning Chaos, 
no Spanish Invasion threatening to bring Chaos back, no hope- 
fullest and no fearfulJest phenomenon of Nature or Constitutional 
Art, will ever divorce from their one Republican Idea. Intolera- 
bility of the Single Person: this, and this only, will Nature in her 
dumb changes, and Art in her spoken Interpretations thereof, re- 
veal to these men. It is their one Idea; which, in fact, they 
will carry with them to-the gallows at Charing Cross, when no 
Oliver any more is there to restrain it and them! Poor windy 
angry Haselrig, poor little peppery Thomas Scott-And yet these 
were not the poorest. Scott was only hanged: but what shall 
we say of a Luke Robinson, also very loud in this Parliament, who 
had to turn his coat that he might escape hanging? The history 
of this Parliament is not edifying to Constitutional men. l 


\V E said, the Two Houses, at least the First House, very ill 
fulfilled his Highness's expectations. Hardly had they got into 
their respective localities after his Highness's Opening Speech, 
when the New House, sending the Old a simple message about 
requesting his Highness to have a day of Fasting, there arose a 

] [The Old Parliamentary History remarks that at this time, by the readmission of 
the excluded members, the door was opened to about a hundred of Cromwell's most 
inveterate enemies; and also that when the Protector selected his ablest managers 
tD form his new House of Lords, he had not taken care to supply their places with 
men equally attached to his interest. " These two circumstances quite changed 
the complexion of the House of Commons, and account for their endeavouring to 
overturn all that had been done for Cromwell's service, in the former Session. 
Historians charge Cromwell with the want of his usual sagacity in this particular; 
not considering that by the seventeenth Article of the Humble Petition of Advice, 
he was obliged to give his assent to that instrument without reserve. And con- 
sequently his submitting to such articles therein as were restrictions of his power, 
was the price of a legislative confirmation of his Protectorship. Besides, there was 
no way of recruiting the vacancies of the House of Commons but by the Speaker's 
issuing new writs for that purpose, which could not be done without the order of 
that House." ParI. Hist. xxi. p. 195.] 




Debate as to What answer should be given; as to What 'name; 
first of all, this said New House was to have,-otherwise what 
answer could you give? Debate carried on with great vigour; 
resumed, re-resumed day after day ;-and never yet terminated; 
not destined to be terminated in this world! How eloquent were 
peppery Thomas Scott and others, lest we should call them a 
House of Lord.f,-not, alas, lest he the peppery Constitutional 
Debater, and others such, should lose their own heads, and en- 
trust their Cause with all its Gospels to a new very curious De- 
fender of the Faith! It is somewhat sad to see. 
On the morning of Monday January 25th, the \Vriter of the 
Diary called Bllrton>.
-Nathaniel Bacon if that were he I-finds, 
on entering the House, Sir Arthur Haselrig on his feet there, 
saying, "Give me my Oath! U Sir Arthur, as we transiently saw, 
was summoned to the Peers House; but he has decided to sit. 
hpre. It is an ominous symptom. After' Mr. Peters> has con- 
cluded his morning exercise,2 the intempemte Sir Arthur again 
demands, "Give me my Oath! "-" I dare not," answers Francis 
Bacon, the official person; Brother of the Diarist. But at length 
they do give it him; and he sits: Sir Arthur is henceforth here. 
And, on the whole, ought we not to call this pretended Peers 
House the' Other House> merely? Sir Arthur, peppery Scott, 
Luke Robinson and Company, are clearly of that mind. 3 
However, the Speaker has a Letter from his Highness, 
summoning- us all to the Banqueting-House at Whitehall, this 
afternoon at three; both Houses shall meet him there. There ac- 
cordingly does his Highness, do both Houses and all the Official 
world make appearance. Gloomy Rushworth, Bacon,4 and one 
'Smythe,' with Notebooks in their hands, are there. His High- 
ness, in the following- large manful manner, looking before and 

1 [But see note on p. 17 above]. 2 Burton, ii. 347. 
3[A newsletter of this week says, "The great debate about the title of the other 
House hangs stilI in limine. . . . I dread the issue; here are very strange spirits come 
amongst us, and there are daily more flocking in; there are 206 sworn and likely 
to be a full House. but how long lived I cannot say. The great Sir Arthur (not- 
withstanding his higher call) vouchsafed On Monday last to take his seat amongst 
the Commons. Lord Lambert, Sir Anthony Ashley Cowper, Col. Rossiter and 
Baron Thorpe came in at the same time. His Highness sent a letter to us on 
Monday morning desiring a meeting with both Houses that afternoon in the Ban- 
quetting House, where he made a very long and serious speech relating to the state 
of our affairs both at home and abroad, our dangers and necessities, inviting us to 
unite for preservation of the whole:' Carte lV[S. ccxxxix. f. 461.] 
4 [i.e. , Burton. Smythe was clerk of the Commons, Scobell having gone 9 to the 
"other House. "] .- 
VOL. 111.-11 



[25 Jan. 

after, looking abroad and at home, with true nobleness if we 
consider all things,-speaks: 1_ 


(For so I must own you), in whom together 
with myself is vested the Legislative Power of these Nations 1- 
The impression of the weight of those affairs and interests for 
which we are met together is such that I could not satisfy my- 
self with a good conscience if I should not remonstrate to you 
somewhat of my apprehensions of the State of the Affairs of 
these Nations; together with the proposal of such remedies as 
may occur, to those dangers that are imminent upon us. 
I conceive the Well-being, yea the Being of these Nations is 
now at stake; and if God bless this Meeting, our tranquillity and 
peace may he lengthened out to us; if ollie1"1l'i,r;e, I shall offer it 
to your judgment and considerations, by the time I have done, 
whether there be, as to men,2 'so much as' a possibility of dis- 
charging that Trust that is incumbent upon us for the safety and 

1 [The texts of this speech are more interesting than those of any other, and we 
knov. more about the reporting of it-Smythe took notes of it, and by the Speaker's 
request, Mr. Burton did so likewise, as, probably, Rushworth did also. As soon 
as the speech was over, these three met in Rushworth's lodging to " confer notes" 
and the result of a consultation of such experienced reporters ought to be a very 
good text indeed; at any rate for the earlier part. Unfortunately, towards the 
latter part, dusk coming on bad prevented their being able to see to write, and tbe 
Protector himself was applied to, but professed his inability to help them. The 
speech was reported by the Speaker on the following Thursday morning, but was 
not printed so far as is known, nor is it in Commons Journals. But tbat is of little 
consequence, as the Copy reported by the Speaker, is amongst the Portland lv/SS. 
at Welbeck; and a still more interesting text is in the Sloane Collection at the 
British Museum. This would appear to be the draft from which the Portland text 
was copied, the former (as corrected) exactly agreeing with tbe latter. The draft 
is written on very large sheets of paper, and only on one side. There is one passage 
which shows the danger of mistakes arising from the use of shorthand; for the 
writers have evidently been perplexed whether they ought to write" sucb," or 
.. those," and have crossed out and inserted each word twice. Now the sign in 
Shelton's shorthand for these two words is the same, only one is upright, and tbe 
other slants back a little. Besides these two texts we have one in the Lansdowne 
I11SS. sent by Hartlib to Pell, and one in Add. I1ISS. 6125, these two resembling 
each other very closely. Both these were used by Burton (from whom Carlyle 
took his text) but he did not know of the others.) 
2 bumanly speaking. 




preservation of these Nations! When I have told you what 
occurs to my thoughts, I shall leave it to such an operation on 
your hearts as it shall please God Almighty to work upon you. 
[His Higlllles.ç, I think, looks earnest enough tod{
lJ' Oppres.r;ed Jl'ith 
11lan,lJ tliÏng.ç, and /lot ill good liealtll eitller. III tho.\'e deep mournful 
ege.r;, which are al1Va,'l/'" filII of /loble sileJlt sorroll', of a.ffèclioll and pi
allli t.alour, Jl'Ilat a depth todag of t1wlIgllt.r; tlwt calil/ot be s}Julæn! 
80rr01l1 enollgh, depth enollgh,-and thi.r; deepe.r;t attainable depth, to 
rest upon 11,hat "it .r;/lllll plea.\'e God AlmigM:If" to do !] 
I reckon 1 this to be the great duty of my Place; as being 
set on a watch-tower to see what may be for the good of these 
Kations, and what may be for the preventing of evil; that so, by 
the advice of so grave 2 and wise a Council as this is that hath in 
it the life and spirit of these Nations,-the 3 gooù may be attained, 
and the evil, whatsoever it is, may be obviated. [Tru(lJ!] We 
shall hardly set our shoulders to this work, unless it shall please 
God to work some conviction on om' hearts that there is need of 
our most serious and best counsels at such a time as this !-I 
have not prepared any such matter and rule of speech to deliver 
myself unto you, as perhaps might have beeu more fitter for me 
to have done, and more serviceable for you to have understood 
me in ;-but shall only speak plainly and honestly to you out of 
such conceptions as it hath pleased God to set upon me. 

\Ve have not been now four years and upwards in this 
Govenlment, to be totally ignorant of the things that may be of the 
greatest concernment to us. [ No mortal think,,' so, !jollr High
ness !] Your dangers,-for that is the head of my speech,-are 
either with respect to Affairs Abroad and their difficulties, or to 
Affairs at Home and their difficulties. You are come as I may 
say, now, into the end 4 [1Vhich mll.lJ but prm'e the ne1l' beginning!] 
of as great difficulties and straits as, I think, ever Nation was 

1[" look upon," Lallsdowne JIS. and Add. J,IS. 6125.] 
2[" great," ibid.] 3(" that," ibid.] 
.&[" to understand," ibid.] 



[25 Jan. 

engaged in. I had in my thoughts to have made this the 
method of my Speech: To wit To have let you see the things 
that hazard your Being, and 'those which hazard' your Well- 
being. But when I came seriously to consider better of it, I 
thought, as your affairs stand, that all things would resolve them- 
selves into very Being! 1 You are not a Nation, you will not be 
a Nation, if God strengthen you not to meet with these evils 
that are upon us ! 
First, from Abroad: '''hat are the Affairs, I beseech you, 
abroad? I thought th
 Profession of the Protestant Religion 
was a thing of Well-being; and truly, in a good sense, it is so, 
and it's no more: though it be a very high thing, it's but a 
thing of 'Well-being: [A Nation can .vlill BE, ClJen 1l'ithollt Pro- 
lestanti.<;m.] But take it with all the complications of it, with 
all the concomitants 2 of it, with respect had to the Nations 
abroad, and I do believe that he that looks well about him, and 
considereth the state:! of the Protestant Affairs all Christendom 
over; he must needs say and acknowledge that the greatest 
Design now on foot, in comparison of which all other Designs 
are but little 4 things, is, Whether the Christian world shall 5 be 
all Popery, or whether God hath a love to, and we ought to have 
C a love to, and · a brotherly fellow-feeling of the interest of all 
the Protestant Christians in the world? [ Yn, .your Higlme.\w; tile 
raging "'ea .vlmt oul 
1J .lfour labuur andvaluur and death-peril,-11.ith 
1l,Iwt indifference do we flum, safe at two-celltUrle.v di.vtance, louk back 
upon it, lzard(lf audible so far 0..0: ltflgmtefltl as 'we are!] And he 
that strikes at but one species of a general 6 to make it nothing, 
strikes at all. 
Is it not so now, that the Protestant Cause and Interest 
abroad is struck-at; and is, in opinion and apprehension, quite 
under foot trodden down? and judge with me a little, I beseech 

1 [This phrase is omitted in the Lansdowne MS.] 
2 [" circumstances," Add. II1S. 6125.] 
S["estate," Lansdowne ,MS. and Add. .MS. 6125.] 
4[" low," ibid.] fi["should," ibid.] 
6 Means' one limb of a body;' metaphysical metaphor. 




you, \Vhether it be so or no. And then, I. pray you, will you 
consider how far we are concenl
d in that danger, as to 'our 
very' Being! 
We have known very well, we have known very well, 1 that 
that which is accounted the hon
st and religious Interest of this 
Nation, it was not 2 trodden under foot all at once, but by degrees, 
-that that Interest might be consumed as with a canker in- 
sensibly, as Jonah's gourd was, till it was quite withered in a 
night. It is at another rate now! For certainly this, in the 
general, 'is the fact:' The Papacy, and those that are the up- 
holders of it, they have openly 'and' avowedly trodden God's 
people under foot, on that very notion and account, that they 
were Protestants. The money you parted-with in that noble 
Charity that was exercised with in this Nation, and the just sense 
that you had of those poor Piedmontese,:3 was satisfaction enough 
to yourselves of that. 4 'That' as a precursory thing fi if all the 
Protestants in Europe had had but that h
ad, that head had 6 
been cut off, and so an end of all. ' But' is that 'of Piedmont' 
all? No. Look but how the House of Austria, on both sides 
of Christendom, 'both in Austria and Spain,' are armed and pre- 
pared to make themselves able to destroy the whole Protestant 
Is not,-to begin there,-the King of Hungary, who ex- 
pecteth with his partisans to make himself Emperor of Germany, 
and is in the judgment of all men not only in possibility but 
[in] a certainty of the acquisition of it, -is not he, since he hath 
mastered the Duke of Bmndenburg, one of the Electors, 'as good 
as sure of the Emperorship?'7 And no doubt but he will have three 

1 [These Ytords are repeated in all the texts except the Lansdowne ,'I1S.] 
2[" It was that that was not," Purtland and Sloane iJ.1SS.] 
3 [" Piedmonts," Lansdowne MS. and Add. ,'I1S. 6r2 5.] 
01 proof enough that you believed. 
1\ [These last four words were omitted by Carlyle, but they are in all tbe texts.] 
6 [" It had," Portland and Sloane iJ.1SS.] 
7 Emperor Ferdinand III., under whom the Peace of Westphalia was made, 
had died this [last] ye
r ; his second son, Leopold, on the death of the first son, had 
bef'n madf' King of Hungary in 1655; he was, shortly after this, elected Emperor. 



[25 Jan. 

of the Episcopal Electors' on his side,' and the Duke of Bavaria. l 
[There are but Eight Electors in all; H allOver /lot !Jet made.] \\Tho 
will he 'then' have to contest with him abroad, for taking of 
the Empire of Germany out of his hands? And is not he the 
son of a Father whose principles, interest 2 and personal con- 
science guided him to exile all the Protestants out of his own 
patrimonial country,-out of Bohemia, got with the sword; out 
of Moravia and Silesia? [Ferdinand the Second, ltis Grandfather; 
!Jea, .lJOlir Higlllles,v;-and b1'Ollgllt tlle great Gllsta",t.'
 upon him in 
consequence. Not a good kim/red, that f] 'And' it is that which 
is the daily complaints that come over to US,3_' new reiterations' 
some of which we have but received within this two or three 
days,4 being conveyed by some godly Ministers in the City, That 
they 'the Protestants' are tossed out of Poland into the Empire; fi 
[and] 6 out thence whither they can [fly to] 6 get their bread; and 
[are] 6 ready to perish for want of food. 
, And' what think you ,of that other side of Europe, to wit, 
I taly, if I may caB it the other side 7 of Europe, as 1 think I may, 

Leopold I., and reigned till r705. · Brandenburg' was Fredel ick William; a dis- 
tinguished Prince; father of the First King of Prussia; Frederick the Great's great- 
grandfather; properly the Founder of the Prussian Monarchy. 
I [Barnfield had written from Paris the previous April, immediately upon hear- 
ing of the Emperor's death, that the arch-duke Leopoldus would certainly have for 
him the Electors of Cologne and Bavaria, while the Duke of Saxony (if, as the re- 
port goes, he has turned Catholic) would as certainly have the Electors of Triers 
and Mentz "and his own voiæ will be three." The two doubtful ones, he con- 
sidered, were the Electors of Brandenburg and the Palatine. In the following 
October, another letter of intelligence announced that the Duke of Brandenburg 
had" for certain" promised his voice to the King of Hungary, and on Jan. 2, 
I658, Lockhart wrote that the Elector of Mentz had declared for him, and that 
his election was supposed to be certain. Oliver evidently believed that he had 
also gained the Elector of Triers. This was not so certain; but at any rate the 
Bishop had just at this time coolly pocketed a large sum of money sent to him 
from France for the use of the opposite party. (Thurloe, vi. r96, 547, 7 26 , 754.) 
" Three of the" should be " the three" episcopal Electors, as there were no more. 
The arch-duke of Austria was himself the eighth Elector, as King of Bohemia.] 
2 C" principal interest," Lansdowne .11S.] . . . . 

 [On this subject, see the Pell Papers, of which an excellent selectIOn IS printed 
in Vaughan's Protectorate. See also letters In Thurloe. etc.] 
01 [" these two days," Portland and Sloane .WSS.] 
!i [" In consequence of the retreat of Charles X. from Poland.] 
6 [The words in brackets omitted in Portland and Sloane iI1SS.] 
7 [" a side," ibid.] 




-' Italy; Spain, and all those adjacent parts, with the Grisons, 
'the' Piedmonts afore mentioned, the Switzers? They all,- 
what are they but a prey of 1 the Spanish power and interest? 
[ And look] 2 to that that calls itself [!\?euter gender] the head of all 
this! A Pope, fitted,-I hope indeed born not in but out of 
due time, to accomplish this bloody work; that so he may fill 
up his cup to the brim, and make him'self' ripe for judgment! 
[Somell1lwt grim of look, ,ljollr Highness!] He doth as always he 
hath done. He hath influenced all the Powers, and all tht" 
Princes in Europe to this very thing [Rooting-olll of IlLe 1'1'0- 
te.r;tallts.-Tlte l;ea ll'lliclt i,r; 1I01l1 ,r;carcel!J alldible to ll"', lwo S(!!'e 
Celltllne,r; C!U: holl' it l'Oar.\' and del'Oll1"Ìngl!J rage'" /I,llile thi,r; Faliallt 
One i.r; lleroicall!J bent to bank it ill !-He pro,r;pers, he doe,<; it, fling.f 
hi,r; life into the gap,-that WE for all coming centllries 7/W!J be safe 
and llngratejìtl !] ;-and no man like this present man. 3 So that, 
I beseech you, what is there in all that part, what is there in 
the other part 4 of Europe but a consent' a' coöperating, at this 
very time and season,fi 'of all Popish Powers' to suppress every- 
thing that stands in their way? [A grave epoch indeed.] 

But it may be said, "This is a great way off, in the eÀtremest 
parts of it ; 6 what is that to us?" -If it be nothing to ,you, let 
it be nothing to you! I have told you it is somewhat to you, 
and it concerns all your religion, and all the good interest of 
Europe. -: 
I have, I thank God, considered, 'and' I would beg of you to 
consider a little more with me: ""hat that resistance is that is 
likely to be made to this mighty torrent 8 that is like to be 

1 [" to," Portland and Sloane }IISS.] 
2 [These words omitted in ibid.] 
.iAlexander VII.; 'an able Pope,' Dryasdust informs me. [Cj: vol. ii. 524.] 
4 [Portland I.'I1S. ; "in aU the other parts," Sloane MS.; "in all the parts," 
Lansdo'UJ1le .lIS. ; "in aU that part," Add. .lIS. 6125.] 
c; 1 " with them," ibid. ; "to them," Lansdowne .vIS.] 
6 Carlyle altered to" parts of the world," but" it" here means Europe.] 
7 Carlyle altered to " England," but all the texts have Europe] 
8 "current," La ISdowne ivIS. and Add. ,lIS. 6125.] 



[25 Jan. 

coming from all parts upon aliI Protestants? \\'ho is there that 
holdeth up his head to oppose this grt
at design? 2 A poor Prince 
[Charles X. King of Sweden,. at present attacked b
'l/ the King of 
Denmark; the Dutch also aiming at him] ;-indeed poor; but a 
man in his person as gallant, and truly 1 think 1 may say as 
good, as any these late ages have brought forth; 3 a man that hath 
adventured his all against the Popish Interest in Poland, and 
made his acquisition still good 'there' for the Protestant Re- 
ligion. He is now reduced into a corner: and that [ which] 4 
addeth to the grief of all, and more i grievous' than all that hath 
been spoken [of] 4 before (I wish it may not be too truly said!) 
-' is,' That men of our Religion forget that, and seek his ruin. 
[Dutch and Dane,r;: but do not somp of liS too forget? "I 1l'ilJ.h it 
may not be too truly said I "] 
And 1 beseech you consider a little; consider fi the conse- 
quences of ' all' that! For what doth all this signify? Is it only 
a noise? Or hath it 'not withal' 6 an articulate sound with it? 
Men that are not true to that Religion we profess,-' profess,' 
1 am persuaded, with greater truth, upri
htness and sincerity 
than it is 'professed' by any collected body, so nearly gathered 
together as these Nations are, in all the world,-God will find 
them out! [The lVlv-minded Dutch; pettUogging for "Sound 
Dues," for" POlJ'seslJ'iun of the Sound," and mere lJ'hopkeeper lucre IJ 
I beseech you consider how things do coöperate. ' Consider,' 
If this may seem but to be a design against your Well-being? 
It is 'a design' against your very Being though; this artifice, and 
this complex design, against the Protestant Interest,-wherein so 
many Protestants are not so right as were to be wished! If they 
can shut us out of the Baltic Sea, and make themselves masters of 
that, where is your Trade? "There are your materials to preserve 

1 [" upon all the poor," Portland and Sloane iVISS.] 
2 LAltered by Carlyle to" this danger," but as above in all the texts.] 
3 [For the Protector's relations with Charles X. see Gardiner's Commonwealth 
alld Protecto,-ate, iii. 430 et seq.] 
4 [These words omitted in Portland and Sloane ,}ISS.] 
r; lThe last three words omitted in Lansdowne A1S.] 
6 [" hath it only," Lansdowne iVIS. and Add. .}/S. 6125.] 




your Shipping? or wh
re will you be able to challenge any right 
by sea, or justify yourselves against a foreign invasion in your 
own soil? Think upon it; this is in design! I do believe, if you 
will go to ask the poor mariner in his red cap and coat [" Coat," 
1 hope, is not "red:" -but me are in haste], as he passeth from 
ship to ship, you will hardly find in any ship but they will tell 
you this is designed against you. So obvious is it, by this and 
other things, that you are the object. And in my conscience, 
r know not for what else 'you are so' but because of the purity 
of the profession amongst you; who have not yet made it your 
trade to prefer your profit before your 1 godliness [TJ7zatever 
certain Dutch and Danes 'mag do l], but reckon godliness the 
greater gain! 
But should it so happen that, as contrivances stand, you should 
not be able to vindicate yourselves against all whatso
ver,-I name 
no one state upon this head, [Do not name the Dutch, n'ith their petti- 
fogging,r; for the Sound; no 1] but I think all acknowledge States are 
engaged in this combination,-judge you where you are! You 
have accounted yourselves happy in being environed with a great 
Ditch from all the world beside. Truly you will not be able to 
keep your Ditch, nor your Shipping,-unless you turn your Ships 
and Shipping into Troops of Horse and Companies of Foot; and 
fight to defend yourselves in terrafirm(l l- 
And these things stated, 2 liberavi an imam memn; I have told 
you of it, and if there be no danger in 'all' this, I have satisfied 
myself. I have told you. If you will judge it no danger; S if 
you will think, We may discourse of all things at pleasure,-[ De- 
bate for da.y,r; !lnd weeks, Whether it ,r;hall be "House of Lord,,'" or 
" Other House;" put the que,r;tion, Jflhether thÙ' question Ûwll be 
put; and ,r;ay Ay, say No; and thrash the air with idle jargon/]- 
'and' that it is a time of sleep and ease and rest, without' any' 
due sense of these things,-I have this comfort to God-ward: 

1 [This word omitted in Lansdowne il-'fS.] 
2 [" if these things saved," in all the texts except the Sloane MS. which has II if 
these things succeed."] 
3 [" judge if no danger," Lansdowne MS. and Add. MS. 6r25.] 



[25 Jan. 

1 have told you of it [Ye.\', .yo1lr High n elj.\' !-O intemperate I'ain Sir 
A rthur, pepper!} 1'110711m; ,""colt, and .lIe other c01l.'ditlltional Patriots, 
is there 110 SENSE of tmth in .1f01l, then.. no di.fcerll1nent of mlwt real1!J 
i.\' /I'lwt? Instead of belief and insight, IWI'e .YOll nothi1lg but n.hi,.l- 
pool.\' of old paper-clipping.f, and a gre.1J /Vaste of Parlimnentm:lJ con- 
stitutionallogic? Such HEADS too common in the morld, mill 1'lln a 
chance ilt these timelJ' to get ther/lJjebJes-stuck lip Oil Temple Bar!] 
And really were it not that France (give me leave to say it) is 
a balance to this Party at this time- ! -Shoulù there be a Peace 
maùe (that hath been, and is still laboured and aimed-at, a 
Genernl Peace), then will England be the general object of all 
the fury and wrath of all the Enemies of God and our Religion 
in the world! 1 have nobody to accuse ;-but do but look on 
the other side of the water! You have neighbour:; there; some 
that you are in amity with; some that have professed malice 
enough against you. I think you are fully satisfied in that. 1 
had rather you would trust your enemy than some friends,-that 
is, believe your enemy, amI trust him that he means your ruin, 
'rather' than have confidence in some that perhaps may be in 
some alliance with you! [Ire hrwe Jl.atched the Dlllell, and their 
deali1lg.f ill the Bailie late(lf!] -I perhaps could enforce 1 all this 
with some particulars, nay I 'certainly' could. For you know 
that your enemies be the same that have been accounted your 
enemies ever since Queen Elizabeth came to the crown. An 
avowed designed enemy' all along;' wanting nothing of counsel, 
wisdom, and prudence, to root 2 you out of the face of the Earth: 
and when public attempts [Spallish Armadas and slieh li
'l'] would 
not do, how have they, by the Jesuits and other their Emissaries, 
Jaid foundations to perplex and trouble our Government by 
taking away the lives of them that they judged to be of any 
use to preserve youl" peace! [GI
lJ Fau:l' and Jl'.fliit Garnet mere 
a pair of pre/
lJ men.. to go 110 farther. Ral'flillae ill tile Rill' de La 

1 [" infer," Lansdowne MS.] 
2 [Only the Portland and Sloa1le J4SS. spell it so. The other texts have" ront," 
ùnt probably meaning as above.] 




Ferrollerie, and Stadlholder William's Jesuit; and ti,e Night C!f St. 
Bartholomew: here and ebie1Vhere they have not IVan led " cou/lsel," uf 
a surt !] And at this time I ask you, Whether you do not think 
they are designing as busily as ever any people were, to prosecute 
the same counsels and things to the uttermost? 
The business was thell: The Dutch needed Queen Elizabeth 
of famous memory for their protection. They had it, 'had pro- 
tection from her: I hope they will never ill requite it! For if 
they should forget either the kindness that was then showed 
them (which was their real safety), or the desires this Nation 
hath had to be at peace with them,-truly I believe whoever 
exercised any ingratitude in this sort will hardly prosper in 
it. [He cannot, !Jour HighnelNi: unless GOD and His TRUTH be a 
mere Hearsa!J of lhe market, he never can I] But this may awaken 
you; howsoever, I hope you will be awakened, upon all these 
considerations! It is true, it is true,l they [These Dutch] have 
professed a principle that, thanks be to God, we never knew. 
They will sell arms to their enemies, and lend their ships to 
their enemies. They will do so. [And truly that principle is 
not a matter in dispute at this time, 'we are not here to argue 
with them about it:' only let everything weigh with your spirits 
as it ought ;-let it do so.] 2 And we must tell you, that we do 
know that this, 'of their having such a principle,' is true. I 
dare assure you of it; and 3 I think if your Exchange here' in 
London' were but resorted-to, it would let you know, as much 
as you can desire to know, That they have hired sloops-I think 
they call them, or some other name,-they have hired sloops, 
'let sloops on hire,' to transport upon you Four-thousand Foot 
and one Thousand Horse, upon the pretended interest of that 
young man that was the late King's Son. [What a desig/latiun 
for "Cllflrle
' b!J the grace uf Gud !" The" /I'as" 11111!J ]J{}ssibl!J Ilfwe 
bee/l "i.\'" mhell fi]Juken; bill /lie call11Ot ajJùnl to cha/lge it.] And 

1 [Altered to .. It is certain" by Carlyle. but as above in all the texts.] 
2 [This passage omitted in Lansdowne ,liS.] 
:\ [" and that. that I think," all tile texts.] 



[25 Jan. 

this is, I think, a thing far from being reckollable as a suggestion 
to any ill end or purpose :-a thing to no other end 1 than to 
awaken you to a just consideration of your danger, and to unite 
[you] to a just and natural defence. 
Indeed I never did, I hope I never shall, use any artifice with 
you to pray you to help us with money to defend ourselves: 
but if money be needful, I will tell you, " Pray 2 help us with 
money, that the Interest of the 3 Nation may be defended both 
abroad and at home." I will use no arguments; and thereby 
will disappoint the artifice of false 4 men abroad that say, It is for 
money; whosoever shall think to put things out of frame upon 
such a suggestion.-[ His fate 'may be glle
'ed,. but the Sentence is 
cýf] For you will find I will be very plain with you before I have 
done; and that with all love and affection and faithfulness to 
you and these Nations. 
J f this be the condition of 'your' affairs abroad, I pray a little 
consider what is the estate 5 of your affairs at home. And if both 
these considerations, 'of home affairs and foreign,' have but this 
effect, to get 6 a consideration among you, a due and just con- 
sideration,-let God move your hearts for the answering 7 of 
anything that shall be due to the Nation, as He shall please! 
And I hope I shall not be solicitous [The" artifice" and" mlme..1J" 
of the former paragraph still 
'oundil1g some'JVhat in his Highllesl!i 
ears]; I shall look up to Him that hath been my God and my 
Guide hitherto. 
I say, I beseech you look to your own affairs at home, how 
they stand! I am persuaded you are all, I apprehend you 'are' 
all, very honest and worthy good men; and that there is not a 
man of you but would desire to be found a good patriot. I know 
you would! Weare apt to boast sometimes that we are English- 

1 [" a thing so far from being reckoned a suggestion to any ill end or purpose, 
or to any other end," all the texts.] 
2[" I pray you help us," Add. .'VIS. 6125.] 
:I [" this." Portland and Sloane MSS.] 
4 [Carlyle altered to " bad. "] 
(;[" state," Portland and S/(Ia11e JISS.] 
6[" beget," Sloane ,'I1S.] 7 performing on such demand. 




men: and truly it is no shame to us that we are so; I-but it is a 
motive to us to do like Englishmen, and seek the real good of 
ation, and the interest of it. [Tru(
 f]-But, I beseech 
you, what is our case at home ?- -I profess 1 do not know well 
where to begin, at this head, or where to end,-I do not. But 
1 must needs say, Let a man begin where he will, he shall hardly 
be out of that drift 1 am speaking to you 'upon.' Weare as 
full of calamities and divisions among us in respect of the spirits 
of men, 'as we could well be,' -though, through a wonderful, 
admirable, and never to be sufficiently admired providence of 
God, 'still' in peace! And the fighting that we have had, and 
the success 2 we have had-yea, we that are here, we are an 
astonishment to the world! And take us in that temper we 
are in, or rather' in that' distemper, it is the greatest miracle 
that ever befell the sons of men, 'that we are got again to 
peace' - 
[' Beautiful great Soul,' exclaims a modern Commentator 
here, , Beautiful great Soul; to whom the Temporal is all irradi- 
'ated with the Eternal, and God is everywhere divinely visible 
, in the affairs of men, and man himself has as it were become 
'divine! 0 ye eternal Heavens, have those days and those souls 
'passed away without return ?-Patience: intrinsically they can 
'never pass away: intrinsically they remain with us; and will 
, yet, in nobler unexpected form, reappear among us,-if it please 
, Heaven! There hal'e been Divine Souls in England; England 
'too, poor moiling toiling heavy laden thickeyed England has 
'been illuminated, though it were but once, by the Heavenly 
, ones ;-and once, in a sense, is always!'] 

-' that we are got again to peace.' And whoever shall seek to 
break it, God Almighty root 3 that man out of this Nation! 
And He will do it, let the pretences be what they will ! He 
will. 4 [Privilege of Parliament, or whatever else, m!J peppery; 
friends f] 

1 [Carlyle altered to .. that we are Englishmen,"] 
2[" successes:' Portland and Sloane .MSS.] 
:I [So in ibid. The other texts have" rout. "] 
· [The last two words in ibid. only.] 



[25 Jan. 

'Peace-breakers, do they consider what it is they are driving 
towards? They should do "it! ' He that considereth not the 
woman with child,-the sucking children of this Nation that 
know not the right hand from the left, of whom, for aught I 
know, it may be said this City is as full as it is said of Nineveh 
of old; I-he that considereth not these, and the fruit that is 
like to come out of the bodies of those now living added to 
these; he that considereth not these, must have a Cain's 
heart, who was marked, and made to be an enemy to all men, 
and all men enemies to him! For the wrath and justice of God 
will prosecute such a man to his grave, if not to Hell! (1Vhere 
is Sam Cooper, or some ' prince of lil1l1lers,' to lake ll.
 that look of his 
Highness? I mould give m.1J fell best Hi.
forical Paintings for it, gilt 
 and t1Vaddle-criticis'l1l.
 into the bargain !]-I say, look on this 
Nation; look on it! Consider what are the variety 2 of Interests 
in this Nation,-if they be worthy the name of Interests. 3 If 
God did not hinder, all would but make up a confusion. We 
shall find there will be more than one Cain in England,4 if God 
did not restrain, and we should have another more bloody Civil 
War than ever we had in England. For, I beseech you, what 
is the general spirit of this Nation? Is it not that each sect 5 of 
people,-if I may call them sects, whether sects upon a Religious 
account or upon a Civil account-[Senlence gone; meaning left 
clear enollgh]-Is not this Nation miserable in that respect? 
What is that which possesseth 6 every sect? \Vhat is it? That 
every sect may be uppermost! That every sort of men may get 
the power into their hands, and they would use it well ;-[that 
every sect may get the power into their hands!] 7 [A riflectio/l 
10 make one 1Vonder.-Let them thank God the!J have got a man able 

1 [Last two words omitted in Lansdowne lVIS. and Add. IIJS. 612 5.] 
2[" varieties of interest," Lansdowne AIS.] 
3 [These eight words omitted in ibid.] 
4 [Carlyle altered to "we should find there would be but one Cain," which is 
nonsense. Cromwell is evidently thinking of the chance of brother fighting against 
brother, in civil war.] 
II f All the texts have" sort," but the context would seem to demand" sect."] 
6 "professeth," Lansdowne MS.] 7[omitted in ibid.] 

1658. ] 



10 bit and bridle Ihem a little,. the 7l1!f01"tlinate, peppery/, loud-babbling 
indÙ-,idllals,-n'ith so much good in them too, n,/lile ( bitted I'] 
It were a happy thing if the Nation would be content with 
rule. (Content with rule,' if it were but in Civil things, 'and' 
with those that would rule n'01'St .I.-because misrule is better 
than no rule; and an ill Government, a bad one, is better than 
none !-It is not that only: but we have an appetite to variety; 
to be not only making wounds, but 'widening those already 
made,' as if we should see one making wounds in a man's 
side, and would desire nothing more than to be groping and 
grovelling with his fingers in those wounds! This is what' such' 
men would be at; this is the spirit of those that would trample 
on men's liberties in Spiritual respects. They would be making 
wounds, and rending and tearing, and making them wider than 
they are. Is not this the case? Doth there want any thing- 
I speak not of sects in an ill sense; but the Nation is hugely 
made up of them,-and what is the want that prevents these 
things from being done 1 to the uttennost, but that men have 
more anger than strength? They have not power to attain their 
ends. 'There wants nothing else: And, I beseech you, judge 
what such a company of men, of these sorts, are doing, while 
they are contesting one with another! They are contesting in 
the midst of a generation of men (a malignant Episcopal Party, 
I mean); contesting in the midst of these all united. What must 
be the issue of such a thing as this? (So stands it;' it is so.- 
And do but judge what proofs have been made of the spirits of 
these men. [Republican 
: me took a "Standard JJ latelg, {l 
Painted one, and a Printed, n'ith n'ondmus apparatus behind it.'] 
Summoning men together to take up arms; and exhorting men, 
each sort of them, to fight 2 for their notions; every sort thinking 
they are to try it out by the sword; and every sort thinking 

1 [U the want, that these things are not done," all the texts.] 
2[" and to exhort each sort to fight," Portland and Sloane .'I1"SS.; "and to ex- 
hort each other to fight," Add. il1S. 6r25; "and to exhort each sort to fight for 
their nations," Lansdowne A-fS.] 



[25 Jan. 

t that' thc,lJ are truly under the banner of Christ, if they but come 
in, and bind themselves in such a project! 1 
Now do but judge what a hard condition this poor Nation is 
in. ThÙi is the state and condition we are in. Judge, I say, 
what a hard condition this poor Nation is in, and the Cause of 
God t is in,' -in the midst of such a party of men as the Cavaliers 
are, and their participants! Not onìy with respect to what 
these-Eft CalJalieni and their Participants," both equal(1Iatjinil, Iml 
it bl'cume:i tlte laller chiefl.lJ, filld al lenglh e.rclll,r;lI'el!J, hefure thl' 
Selltelll'C elld.r;J-are like to do among themselves: hut some of 
these, yea some of these, they care not who carry the goal: 
[Fmlltic-A II a baptist Se,rh.lJ, dead lhe ollieI' da,1l, he /l'{t.'i 1I0t ,'eryl care- 
lit! .'J-nay, some of these have invited 2 the Spaniard himself to 
assist and carryon the Cavalier Cause. 
And this is Irue. 3 t This' and many other things that are not 
fit [now] 4 to be suggested to you; because t so' we should betray 
the interest of our intelligence. [Sp'y-Ru,ljalist Silo Richard If/illi:; 
and the like ambiguolls persons, 
f "'e ,r;/101I1 them ill da,lJlight, thc,'I 
valli.'ih fmoever,-a.'i Nlallnillg, ,vhell thc,1J shot him ill Nembllrg, did.] 
I say, this is your condition! What is [in] 4 your defence? 
What hindereth the irruption of all this upon you irresistibly, 
to your utter destruction? Truly,' that' you have an Army in 
these parts,-in England, in Scotland and Ireland. Take them 
away tomorrow, would not all these Interests run into one ano- 
ther ?-I know you are rational [and)4 prudent men. Have you 
any Frame or Model of things that would satisfy the minds of 
meil, if this be not the Frame, 'this' that you are now called to- 
gether upon, and engaged in,-I mean, the Two Houses of 
Parliament and myself? \Vhat hinders this Nation from being 
made an Aceldama, 'a field of blood,' if this doth not? It is, 
without doubt, 'this': give the glory, give the glory to God; for 

1 . and oblige upon this account,' in orig. 

[" united," Portland lWS.; perhaps should be" united with," but probably a 
copyist's error, as Sloane iI-IS. has If invited."] 
3 [" and that this is true," all the texts.] 4 [Portland .i-fS.] 

1658. ] 



without this, it would prove 1 as great a plague as all that hath 
been spoken of. It is this, without doubt, that keeps this 
Nation in peace and quietness.-But what is the case of this 
Army 'withal? ' A poor unpaid Army; the soldiers going bare- 
foot at this time, in this city, this weather! 2 [Tl1.ellt!J-fiftlt OJ 
January.] And yet a peaceable people, [an honest people] 3 'these 
soldiers;' seeking to serve you with their lives; judging their 
pains and hazards and all well bestowed, in obeying their officers 
and serving you, to keep the Peace of these Nations! Yea, he 
must be a man that hath a heart as hard as the weather that 
hath not a due sense of this! [A severe fro/it, though the Almallac.\ 
do not mention ít.]- - 
So that, I say, it is most plain and evident, this is your out- 
ward and present defence. [Thísframe of Govern'l1lent ; the Army 
is a part of ilwt.] And yet, at this day,-do but you judge! The 
Cavalier Party, 'and' the several humours of unreasonable men 
'of other sorts: in these 4 several ways, having 'continually' 
made batteries at this defence ever since you enjoyed your peace 
-[Sentence]- -What have they made their business 
but this, 'To' spread libellous Books; [Their "Standard:' 
" Killing ltO Murder," and other little fiddling things belonging to that 
sort of Periodical Literature] yea and pretend the Liberty of the 
people-[Se/llence gOlle again ]-?-which really wiser men' than 
they' may pretend! For let me say this to you at once; I never 
look to see the People of England come into a just Liberty, if . 
any other' Civil' \Var should overtake us. I think, , r at least, 
that that is likely [) to bring us into our Liberty is a consist- 
ency and agreement at this Meeting !-Therefore all that I can 
say to you is this: It will be your wisdom, I do think truly, and 
your justice, to keep this Interest 6 close to you; to uphold this 

1 'it would prove' is an impersonal verb; such as . it will rain,' and the like. 
2 [The Protector himself came to the rescue of his poor soldiers. In the schedule 
given in by Richard Cromwell to Parliament in 1659 one item is 3,7001. for buying 
coats for the soldiers in wintry weather. See Commons Journals, May 25, 1659.] 
3 [Portland -,
fS.] 4 [" their," Portland and Sloalle ,vfSS.] 
5 [So in ibid., "that that that is" in the other texts.] 
6 [Altered to "that concernment" by Carlyle.] 



[25 Jan. 

Settlement 'now fallen-upon,' which I have no cause to think 
but you are agreeù to; anù that you like it. For I assure you 
I am very greatly mistaken else, 'for my own part; J having 
taken this which is now the Settlement among us as my chief 
inducement to bear 1 the burden I bear, and to serve the 
Commonwealth in the place I am in ! 
And therefore if you judge that 'all J this be not argument 
enough to persuade you to be sensible of your danger-?-' A 
danger J which ' all manner of considerations,' besides good- 
nature and ingenuity' themselves,' would move a stone 2 to be 
sensible of !-therefore give us 3 leave to consider a little, \Vhat 
will become of us, if our spirits should go olhenvi/ie, 'and break 
this Settlement? J If our spirits be dissatisfied, what will become 
of things? Here is an Army five or six months behind in pay; 
yea, an Army in Scotland near as much 'behind; J an Army in 
Ireland much more. ' And J if these things be not considered,4- 
I cannot doubt but they will be considered ;-1 say, judge what 
the case of Ireland is, should free-quarter come upon the Irish 
People! [Free-qllarlel" musl come, if lhere be 110 pa!} provided, and 
tltal soon!] You have a company of Scots in the North of 
Ireland, 'Forty or Fifty thousand of them settled there; J 
that, I hope, are honest men. In the Province of Galway al- 
most all the Irish transported to the West. 5 You have the 
Interest of England newly begun to be planted. The people 
there, 'in these English settlements,' are full of necessities and 
complaints. They bear to the uttermost. And should the 
soldiers 6 run upon free-quarters there,-upon your English 
Planters, as they must,-the English Planters must quit the 

1 [Ie mistaken else to think that that which is now the settlement among us is that 
which hath been my inducement to bear," all the texts.] 
2 [" which, besides, good nature and ingenuity would move a stone." Carlyle 
believes Cromwell to use" besides" in the sense of .. as well as," but he probably 
means" moreover," i.e., "your danger, which (moreover) good nature, etc."] 
3 [Ie me," Portland .'I1"S.] 
4 [These words omitted in Lansdowne MS. 
5 " All the Irish;" all the Malignant Irish, the ringleaders of the Popish Rebel- 
lion: Galway is here called · Galloway.' 
6["soldiery:' Portland and Sloane lV/SS.; "soldier," Lansdowne MS.] 

1658. ] 



country through mere beggary: and that which hath been the 
success of so much blood and treasure, to get that Country into 
your hands, what will be the consequence, but that the EngJish 
must needs run away for pure beggary, and the Irish must 
possess the country' again' for a receptacle to a [popish and] 1 
Spanish Interest?- 
And hath Scotland been long settled? [Ptliddleton' s HigMmll[ 
I nsll rrection, with ils lJIosstroopel;lJ and 1l1lSerg, is not dead ill ree year,\' 
yel.] 2 Have not they a like sense of poverty? I speak plainly. 
In good earnest, I do think the Scots Kation have been under 
as great a suffering, in point of livelihood and subsistence out- 
wardly, as any People ] have yet named to you. 1 do think 
truly they are a very ruined Nation. [1'01'1/ to pieces l/'il" llOll' 
near 1'1Ven
lj Year.\' of conlÙmal Irar, and foreign and inlestine worry- 
ing wilh tlw1/lseh'es and Il'ilh all the Il"orld. ]-' And' yet in a way 
(I have spoken with some Gentlemen come from thence) hope- 
ful enough yet ;-it hath pleased God to give that plentiful 
encouragement to the meaner sort-I must say the meaner sort 3 
-in Scotland. I must say, if it please God to encourage the 
meaner sort-[The cOll.\'eqllenccs ma,lJ be foreseen, but U1"e 1101 
here. ]- -The meaner sort (in Scotland' live as well, and are 4 
likely to come into as thriving a condition under your Govern- 
ment, as when they were under their 'own' great Lords, who 
made them work for their living no better than the Peasants of 
France. I am loath to speak anything that may reflect upon 
that Nation: but the middle sort of this people grow up 'there' 
into such a substance 5 as makes their lives comfortable, if not 
better than they were before. [Scotland is prospering; lws fair- 
pla.lJ and readY-7/tOlley; pro
peling t!tough sulky.] 
If now, after all this, we shall not be sensible of all those 
designs that are in tbe midst of us: of the united Cavaliers; of 

1 [Carlyle omitted these two words, but they are in all the texts.] 
2 Feb. 1654-5 (Whitlocke, p. 599). 
3 [Add. .lIS. 6125, which was the text followed by Burton, omitted this phrase, 
as does therefore Carlyle.] 
4 [" as likely," Portland and Sloane MSS.] :1[" subsistence," ibid.] 



[25 Jan. 

the designs which are animated every day from Flanders and 
Spain; if we have to look upon ourselves 1 as a divided people- 
[Sentence qlf]-A man cannot certainly tell where to find con- 
sistency anywhere in England! Certainly there is no consistency 
in anything, that may be worthy of the name of the body of 
consistency, but in this Company that are met here! How can 
any man 2 lay his hand on his heart, and' permit himself to' 
talk of th ings,-[ Roots of Con.ttitutionfll GOI'eI'Jlment, " Other H," 
" of Lord.v" aJlll .vu('h like] neither to be made out by the 
light of Scripture nor' of' Reason; and draw one another off 
from considering 'of' these things,-' which are very palpable 
things! . I dare leave them with you, and commit them to your 
bosom. They have a weight,-a greater weight than any I have 
yet suggested to you, from abroad or at home! 3 If this be our 
case abroad and at home, That our Being and Well-being,-our 
Well-being is not worth the naming comparatively,-I say, if 
that be the case, of our Being abroad and at home, That through 
want to bear up our Honour at Sea, and through want to maintain 
that that is our Defence at Home, 'we stand exposed to such 
dangers;' and if4 through our mistake we shall be led off 
, from · the 5 consideration of these things; and talk of circum- 
stantial things, and quarrel about circumstances; and shall not 
with heart and soul intend and carry-on these things- !-I 
confess I can look for nothing' other," I can say no more than 
what a foolish Book 6 expresseth in print of one that having 
consulted everything, he could hold to nothing, like nothing; 

I [So in Portland and Sloane A/SS.: II shall look," LallSdowne ItlS. and Add. 
.vIS. 6125,] 
2[" how should that man lay his hand on his heart and not talk of things;' all 
the texts.] 
3 [Here the small volume, Add. J.
/S. 6125 ends, with a note that II there being 
not room enough to write what remains of this speech, you shall find the remainder 
of it in the third book, at the beginning." Unfortunately the third beok, like the 
first, is wanting; but as regards this speech, this is the least important of any of 
the texts. Moreover we are probably now reaching the point when it was too dark 
to write, so that no text is verr trustworthy.] 
4 [" but that," all the texts,J 5 [" our," Lansdowne J/S.] . . 
6 Now rotting probably, or rotten, among the other Pamphletary rubbish, In the 
crypts of Public Dryasdust Collections,-all but this one phrase of it, here kept alive. 

1658. ] 



neither Fifth-Monarchy, nor Presbytery, nor Independency 1 
nothing; but at length concluded, he was for nothing but an 
orderly confusion! And for men that have wonderfulJy lost 
their consciences and their wits,-I speak of men going about 2 
that cannot tell 1l,hat they would have, yet are willing to kindle 
coals to disturb others-! [All" orderl!J cOl!fll.'ìioll," and general 
fire-consummation: 1l'hat else is possible ?] 

And now having said this, I have discharged my duty to God 
and to you, in making this demonstration,-and I profess to you, 
not as a rhetorician! My business to you is 3 to prove the verity 
of the Designs from Abroad; and t the' still unsatisfied spirits 
of t the' Cavaliers at Home,-who from the first of our Peace to 
this day have not been wanting to do what they could to kindle 
a fire at home in the midst of us. t And · I say, if this be so, 
the truth,-I pray God affect your hearts with a due sense of it! 
[Yea I] And give you one heart and mind to carryon this work 
for which we are met together! If these things be so,-should 
you meet tomorrow, and accord in all things tending to your 
[preservation of your] 4 rights and liberties, really it will be feared 
there is too much time elapsed t already' to deliver yourselves 
from those dangers that hang upon you !- 
\Ve have had now Six Years of Peace,-we have had four 
score years peace 5-and have had an interruption of ten years 
War. \Ve have seen and heard and felt the evils of it, and now 
God hath given us a new taste of the comfort and benefit of 
Peace. Have you not had such a Peace in England, Ireland 
and Scotland, that there is not a man to lift up his finger to put 
you into distemper? Is not this a mighty blessing from the 
Lord of Heaven? [Halt I] Shall we now be prodigal of time? 

 " Independent..' Lansdowne .'l-IS. J 
2 "men abroad," all the texts.] 
3 The last three words omitted in Lansdowne lv/S.l 
4 [The words in brackets omitted in Portland .lIS.] 
5 [This last phrase is in Portland and Sloalle J'ISS. only, but it explains the 
use of the word "interruption" afterwards. Oliver is not correct in his figures, 
however, as he cannot be counting from earlier than 1588.] 



[25 Jan. 

Should any man, shall we, listen to delusions, Lo break and 
interrupt this Peace? There is not any man that hath been 
true to this cause, as I believe you have been all, that can look 
for anything but the greatest rending and persecution that ever 
was in the world! [Peppcr,11 Scoll's /tot head mill go up on Temple 
Bar, and Hlt.';elrig lI'ill do /I'ell to die 
'OO/I.] 1_1 wonder then how 
it can enter into the heart of any 2 man to undervalue these 
things; to slight Peace and the Gospel, the grefitest mercies of 
God. \Ve have Peace and the (;ospel! [W/tat a /onc! J Let lIS 
have one heart, one sonl, one mind to maintain the honest and 
just rights of this 
ation ;-llot to pre/elld 'to' them, to the 
destruction of our Peace, to the destruction of the Nation! 
[As .ve//here is une Hero-hear/ among !JOlI,!ie bllM'/ering C(}lltelltioll.
rabble; olle Soul blazi/lg as a light-beacoll ill /he 111 ids/ of Chaus, 
forbidding Chaos .'fet to be supreme. /n a lillie mhile that tuo will 
be e.-rtillcl,o alld thell!] Really, pretend what you will, if you 
run into {{no/her flood of blood and \Var, the sinews of this 
Nation being wasted by the last, it must sink and perish 
utterly. I beseech you, and charge you in the name and 
presence of God, and as before Him, be sensible of these things 
and lay them to heart! You have a Day of Fasting coming 
on. I beseech God touch your hearts and open your ears to 
this truth; and that you may be as deaf adders to stop your 
ears to all Dissension! And' may' look upon them 'who 
would sow dissension: whosoever they' may' be, as Paul saith 
to the Church of Corinth,3 as 1 remember: "..."1m'/" such men 
as cause divisions and offences," and would disturb you from 
that foundation of Peace you are upon, upon any pretence 
whatsoever !- 
I shall conclude with this. I was free, the last time of our 
meeting, to tell you I would discourse upon a Psalm; and I did. 4 

1 He died in the Annlls J.firabilis of 1660 itself, S.lY the Barone/ages. Worn to 
death, it is like, by the frightful vicissitudes and distracting excitement of those sad 
'l[This word omitted in Lansdowne J1S.] 
a Not' Corinth' properly, but Rome (Romans xvi. 17). 

 The Eighty-fifth; an/ea, pp. 152 et seqq. 

1658. ] 



I am not ashamed of it at any time, [TJ'h.'1ll'hOIiId !JUll, !JOlir High- 
ne.\',f? A mord that does llpeak tu us from the eternal heart oj thing.f, 
It wurd of Gud" all' .1jOli well call it, ill' high
'l1l7or/h discoursing upun !] 
-especially when I meet with men of such a consideration as 
you are. There you have one verse that I then forgot. It I will 
H hear what the Lord will speak: He will speak peace to His 
"people, and to His saints; that they turn not again to Joll!}." 1 
Dissen'5ion, division, destruction, in a poor Nation under a Civil 
'Var,-having all the effects of a Civil War upon it! Indeed if 
we return again to folly, let every man consider, If it be nut like 
to be 2 our destruction? If God shall unite your hearts and 
bless you, and give you the blessing of union and love one to 
another; and tread down everything that riseth up in your 
hearts or tendeth to deceive your own souls with pretences of 
this and that thing, that we may speak of,3-[The Sentence began 
as a pusitive, "!f God ll'hall;" bllt gradllal('l tllrning Oil its axis, it 
has now got quite round into the negative side ]-and not prefer the 
keeping of Peace, that we may see the fruit of righteousness 
in them that love peace and embrace peace,-it will be said 
of this poor Nation, Actum est de Anglia, ,It is all over with 
England! . -1 
But I trust God will never leave it to such a spirit. And 
while I live, and I am able, I shall be ready- 

[Courage, my brave one! Thou hast but some Seven Months 
more of it, and then the ugly coil is all over; and thy part in 
it manfully done; manfully and fruitfully, to all Eternity! 
Peppery Scott's hot head can mount to Temple Bar, whither 
it is bound; and England, with immense expenditure of liquor 
and tarbarrels, can call in its Nell-Gwyn Defender of the Faith, 
-and make out a very notable Two-hundred Years under his 
guidance; and, finding itself now nearly got to the Devil, may 

] [Carlyle altered to the exact wording of the Authorised Version.] 
2 L Carlyle altered to .. like turning to." J 
:. [Carlyle altered to .. as we have been saying. "] 

 [The translation, it will be noted, is added by Carlyle. Oliver's hearers certainly 
would not need it.] 



[25 Jan. 

perhaps pause, and recoil, and remember: who knows? Nay 
who cares? may Oliver say. He is honomably quit of it, he 
for one; and the Supreme Powers will guide farther according 
to their pleasure.] 

-I shaH be ready to stand and full with you, in this seeming 
dissipate or promising Union 1 t which God hath wrought among 
you, which I hope neither the pride nor envy of men shall be 
able to make void. I have taken my Oath [III lYestminsler 
Hall, Tu:en{lj-sixtlt of' JUlle last] to govern according to the Laws 
that are now made and to be made; 2 and I trust I shall fully 
answer it. And know, I sought not this place. [U'hu 'would 
have It 
'uughl" it, that could haz'e a.
' nubly al'Oided it? rery .,;cun'!J 
creatures unly. The It place" is no great things, I Ihill!.' ;-ll'ith 
eilher He{ll'ell or ehe Hell,riO cluse UpOIl Ihe l'Ulr l!.f' it, a mall migld 
du /Vil/wul the It place!" Kllu1l) all mell, OIÙ'er Crumll'ell did not 
seek thi.<i place, but lI'as suught lu ii, alld led and dril'ell tu it, b.1J Ihe 
J.Yecessities, Ihe Dil'ille PrOl.idencfw, Ihe Elemal La1lw.] I speak it 
before God, Angels, and men: I DID NOT. You sought me for 
it, and you brought me to it; and I took my Oath to be faithful 
to the Interest of these Nations, to be faithful to this Govern- 
ment. An those things were implied,3 in my eye,4 in that Oath 
It to be faithful to this Government" upon which we are now met. 
And I trust, by the grace of God, as I have taken my Oath to 
serve this Commonwealth on such an account, I shall,-I must! 
-see it done, according to the Articles of the Govenlment, 
[that thereby liberty of conscience may he secured for honest 
people, that they may serve God without fear] 5; that every just 
Interest may be preserved; that a Godly Ministry may be up- 
held, and not affronted by seducing and seduced spirits; that 
all men may be preserved in their just rights, whether civil or 
spiritual. Upon this account did I take my oath, and swear to 

1 The new Frame of Government. 
2 [Last four words omitted in Lansdowlle .'I.-./S.] 3[" implicit," in texts.] 
-I [At this point the Sloane ,US. comes to an end, as the last sheet is wanting.] 
"[The words in brackets were omitted by Carlyle.] 

1658. ] 



this Government !-[ Ami mean to continue admilli.\-tering it ll'ithal.] 
-And so having declared my heart and mind to you in this, I 
have nothing more to say, but to pray, God Almighty bless you. * 

His Highness, a few days after, on occasion of some Reply to 
a Message of his t concerning the state of the Public Moneys,' 1_ 
was formally requested by the Commons to furnish them with a 
Copy of this Speech: 2 he answered that he did not remember 
four lines of it in a piece, and that he could not furnish a Copy.3 
Some Copy would nevertheless have been got up, had the Parlia- 
ment continued sitting. Rushworth, Smythe, and t I' (the 
Writer of Bur/on's Diar.y), we, so soon as the Speech was done, 
went to York House; Fairfax's Town-house, where Historical 
John, brooding over endless Paper-masses, and doing occasional 
Secretary work, still lodges: here at York House we sat together 
till late, t comparing Notes of his Highness's Speech; , could not 
finish the business that night, our Notes being a little cramp. 
It was grown quite dark before his Highness had done; so that 
we could hardly see our pencils go, at the time. 4 
The Copy given here is from the Pell Papers, and in part from 
an earlier Original; 5 first printed by Burton's Editor; and now 
reproduced, with slight alterations of the pointing &c., such as 
were necessary here and there to bring out the sense, but not 
such as could change anything that had the least title to remain 

* Burton. ii. 351-71. [(From Add. JJfS. 6125, f. 82 and Lansdowne AIS., 754, f. 
33 0 ). Also Portland .lIS. xvi. 143, and Sloane l
fS. 2905. Add. .
fS. 6125 comes 
to an abrupt end in the middle of the speech, and the last sheet of the Sloane .lIS. 
is missing, but the other two carry us to the end.] 
1 [See letter to the Speaker; Supplement. No. 137 (I).] 
2 Thursday, 28th Jan. 1657-8 (Parliamentary fllS/Dry, xxi. IC)6; Burton, ii. 
:I [See Supplement, No. 137 (2), for the short report of this speech, which was 
chiefly a protest against the Commons acting apart from the" other House. "] 
4 Burton, ii. 351. [The speech was reported on the following Thursday (Commons 
JOllYflals, vii. 589). .. It was so long that we could not get it ready to report it next 
morning," Burton says.] 
1\ [It is difficult to say why Carlyle calls the report in Add. 1IIS. 6125 If an 
earlier original," as the copy sent to Pell was despatched forthwith, while the 
other is one of a collection, probably written out some little time afterward...] 



[4 Feb. 


HIS Highness's last noble appeal, the words as of a strong 
great Captain addressed in the hour of imminent shipwreck, 
produced no adequate effect. The dreary Debate, supported 
chiefly hy intemperate Haselrig, peppery Scott, and future- 
rt:'negade Robinson, went on, trailing its slow length day after 
day; daily widening itself, too, into new dreariness, new question- 
ahility: a kind of pain to read even at this distance, and with 
view of the intemperate hot heads actually stuck on Temple Bar! 
For the man in 'green oilskin hat with nightcap under it,' the 
Duke of Ormond namely, who lodges at the Papist Chirurgeon's 
in Drury Lane, is very busy all this while. 1 And Fifth-Monarchy 
and other Petitions are getting concocted in the City, to a 
length indeed ;-and there are stirrings in the Army itself;- 
and, in brief, the English Hydra, cherished by the Spanish 
Charles-Stuart Invasion, will shortly hiss sky-high again, if this 
As yet, however, there stands one strong Man between us and 
that issue. The strong man gone, that issue, we may guess, 
wiJl be inevitable; but he is not yet gone. For ten days more 
the dreary Debate has lasted. Various good Bills and Notices 
of Bills have been introduced; attempts on the part of well- 
affected Members to do some useful legislation here; 2 attempts 
which could not be accomplished. What could be accomplished 
was, to open the fountains of constitutional logic, and debate 
this question day after day. One or two intemperate persons, 
not excluded at the threshold, are of great moment in a Popular 
Assembly. The mind of which, if it have any mind, is one of the 
vaguest entities; capable, in a very singular degree, of being 
made to ferment, to freeze, to take fire, to develop itself in this 

J [Morland, writing to Pell on Jan. 27, says, "The Parliament have done nothing 
as yet, save only they have somewhat disagreed about having and owning the 
House of Lords: but it's hoped that will be blown over. . . . The Royalists are 
high, and threaten sudden action, but I hope an e\"il foreseen may be an evil pre- 
vent{'d." (Lansdol1Jne .lIS. 754, 334). About the end of January, according to a 
letter amongst the Sutherland ,
ISS., the Protector had sent for the Lord Mayor 
.. to demand a certain sum of the city, who 
aid they were so poor that they ",ere 
forced to go from door to door to beg contributions for the relief of their poor. . . . 
The Protector told him, for all that, if he would not undertake to procure him 
money, he knew how to do it himself, and so parted." S. Charlton to Sir H.. 
Leveson; Fifth Report uj lke Hist. ,lISS. C()lIlmissiollers, Appendix, p. 166.] 
2 Parliamentary HiJtory. xxi. 203-4- 

1658. ] 



shape or in that! The history of our Second Session, and indeed 
of these Oliverian Parliaments generally, is not exhilarating to 
the constitutional mind !- 
But now on the tenth day of the Debate, with its noise grow- 
ing ever noisier, on the 4th of February 1657-8, 'about eleven 
in the mon1ing,' -whilë peppery Scott is just about to attempt 
yelping out some new second speech, and there are cries of 
tc Spoken! spoken!" which Sir Arthur struggles to argue down, 
-arrives the Black Rod.- tc The Black Rod stays!" cry some, 
while Sir Arthur is arguin
 for Scott.-H'Vhat care I for the 
Black Rod?" snarls he: H The Gentleman" (peppery Scott) 
ought to he heard." - Black Rod, however, is heard first; 
signifies that "His Highness is in the Lords House, and 
desires to speak with you." Under way therefore! tc Shall we 
take our Mace?" By all means, if you consider it likely to be 
useful to you! 1 
They take their Mace; range themselves in due mass, in the 
"Other House," Lords House, or whatever they call it; and his 
Highness, with a countenance of unusual earnestness, sorrow, 
resolution and severity says: 2 

I had very comfortable expectations that God 
would make the meeting of this Parliament a blessing; and, the 
Lord be my witness, I desired the carrying-on the Affiûrs of the 
Nation to these ends! The blessing which I mean, and which 
we ever climbed at, was mercy, truth, righteousness 3 and peace, 
-which I desire may be improved. 

1 Burton, ii. 462 et seqq. ;-see also Tanner .
jS. Ii. I, for a more detailed 
account. [Also letters printed by Mr. Firth in the Eng. Hist. Review, Jan. 18 9 2 .] 
2 [There are MS. copies of this speech amongst the Pell Papers in Lansdoume 
A/S. 754, and in the Clarke Papers. The former differs so very much from that in 
the Old Parliamentary History used by Carlyle, that it is given in the Supplement, 
No. 138. This speech was the central theme of the brilliant attack made upon 
Carly!e, as "the pious editor of Cromwell's speeches" in the National Review 
viii., 587. But Sir R. Palgrave weakened his case by placing somewhat too much 
reliance upon the text sent to Pell. whereas Hartlib says to Pell of this very report, 
that there was "much nonsense" in it. The Clarke .t/S. version agrees much 
more nearly with the text used by Carlyle (i.e., that printed in Parliamentary His- 
tory, from the Phillips .l/SS.) than with the Pell version, and the variants (if of 
the least importance) are given here in the notes.] 
3[" aimed at was mercy, that righteousness. &c. ," Clarke .11S.; "aimed at" is 
most likely correct. The Lansdowne AIS. is very ditferent here, but seems to render 
the word as ., attained. "] 



[4 Feb. 

That which brought me into the capacity I now stand in was 
the Petition and Advice given me by you [meaning the House of 
Commons] ; 1 who, in reference to the ancient Constitution 
[It TV/tich /wd Two Houses and a King," -thollgh /Ve do /lot in words 
menlion that I], did draw me to accept the place of Protector. 
[It I /Vas a kind of Protector alread..'f, I abva,ljs understood; but let 
Ihat pass. Certain(lj !JOll invited me to become the Protector I now am, 
with Two HOllses alld other appendages, and there lies the gi.\,t of Ihe 
mailer at present.'>] There is not a man living can say I sought 
it; no, not a man nor woman treading upon English ground. 
But [IF contemplating the sad condition of these Nations, relieved 
from an intestine War into a six or seven years Peace, I did think 
the Nation 2 happy therein! [It I did think even 11l!Jjirst Protectm'- 
ate ll'as a sllccessjlLl I..ind of thing I U] But to be petitioned there- 
unto, and advised by you to undertake such a Government, a 
burden too heavy for any creature; and this to be done by the 
House that [then] 3 had the Legislative capacity :_1 certainly' I 
did look that the same men that made the Frame should make 
it good unto me ! I can say 4 in the presence of God, in com- 
parison of whom we are but like poor creeping ants upon the 
earth,-I would have been glad to have lived under my woodside, 
to have kept a flock of sheep-[ Yes, !Jour Hig/mess; it had been 
ilifillite(1J quieter, healthie?", freer. But it is gone forever: no 1Vood- 
Ûdes 1t011', and peaciful nibbling ..d,epp, alld great .\Ûll tlwllgllls, and 
glimp.\'e.\' of God 1 in the cool of the evening ll'al/"ing among the trees: > 
nothing but toil and trouble, double, double, till one's discharge arrÍl'e, 
and the Eternal Portals open I Ka!J evell there 
lj .'Io"r woodside, 
ljOIl had not been happg; not !lou,-with thouglds going don'll 10 tlte 
Deatlt-kingdoms, and Heaven so near !Jou on tllis hand, alld Hell so 
near !JOIl on that. Na!l wlto would grudge a little temporal"!} Trouble, 
/l'hen he can do a large spell of elerual TVork ? TrTork that is true, 
and 1l,illla.\'1 Ihrough all Eterllilg I C011lplaiullot, .1Jow' High/le.vs 1- 
Hi.,; Hig/l/le.'is does nol complain. It To h{we /"ept a flock of .\'heep,U 

1 [Clarke MS.] 2 [" nations," ibid.] a [Omitted in ibid.] 
4 [" cannot 5ay," Lallsdowne .1IS.; but see note on p. 504 below.] 

1658. ] 



he sags ]-rather than undertook such a [place of] 1 Government as 
this is. But undertaking it by the Advice and Petition of you, \ 
1 did look that you that had offered it unto me should make it I 
good. 2 
I did tell you, at a Conference 3 concerning it, that 1 would 
not undertake it, unless there might be some other Persons [that 
might interpose] -I between me and the House of Commons, who 
then had the power, [, to prevent tumultuary and popular spirits: 
and it was granted 1 should name another House. 1 named it 
of men that shall meet you wheresoever you go, and shake hands 
with you; and tell you it is not Titles, nor Lords, nor Party that 
they value, but a Christian and an English Interest! Men of 
your own 6 rank and quality, who will not only be a balance 
unto you, but a new force added to you,7 while you love England 
and Religion. 
Having proceeded upon these terms ;-and finding such a 
spirit as is too much pred ominant, everything being too high or 
too low; when virtue, honesty, piety and justice are omitted: 8 
-I thought I had been doing that which was my duty, and 
thought it would have satisfied you! But if everything must 
be too high or too low, you are not to be satisfied. 9 [There is 
all i1l1lOcenC!} and childlike goodness in these poor sentences, 1l'IlÍch 
.\peaks to us ill ,'ipite of rhetoric. ] 
Again,1o 1 would not have accepted of the Government, unless 
I knew there would be a just accord 11 between the Governor and 

1 [Clarke MS.] 
2 [" that you that did offer it unto me should have made it good," ibid.] 
3 One of the Kingship Conferences of which there is no Report. 
4[Omitted in Clarke illS.] :; ["legislative power," ibid.] 
6 [" their own," ibid.] 
7 . but to themselves,' however helplessly. must mean this; and a good reporter 
would have substituted this. [Both the Clarke and Lansdoume A/SS., however, 
give the same words. Oliver apparently meant that they were men of such judg- 
ment that they would not only be a balance to the Commons House, but would 
keep themselves in a well-balanced attitude also.] 
8 [The Lansdoume .1IS. here has" aimed at"; i.e.. by Oliver himself.] 
9 [A passage follows in ibid. see p. 505 below) not given in the Pari. History 
or Clarke ,WS. ; but this latter indicates an omission.] 
10 [Omitted in Clarke _vIS.] 11 [" reciprocation," both ,VfS. lextf.] 



[4 Feb. 

the Governed; unless they would take an Oath to make good 
what the Parliament's Petition and Advice advised me unto! 
Upon that [reciprocation] 1 I took an Oath [On the TlI'enf!J-.\Ùfh uj 
June Im'f], and they [On fhe Tn'enfielh of January, at theil' long 
Table ill fhe Allfe1"Ou1ll] took another Oath upon their part answer- 
able to mine :-and did not everyone know upon what condition 
they swore? God knows, I took it upon the conditions expressed 
in the 1 Act of' Government! And I did think we had been 
upon a 2 foundation, and upon a 2 bottom; and thereupon I 
thought myself bound to take it, and to be advised by the 3 Two 
Houses of Parliament. And we standing unsettled WI we were 
arrived at that, the consequences 4 would necessarily have been 
confusion, if that had not been settled. Yet there are not con- 
stituted 5 Hereditary Lords, nor Hereditary Kings; 'no; the 
Power consisting in the Two Houses and myself.-I do not say, 
that 6 was the meaning of your Oath to you. That were to go 
against my own principles, to enter upon another man's con- 
science. God wiII judge between you and me! If there had 
been in you any intention of Settlement, you would have settled 
upon this basis,7 and have offered your judgment and opinion 8 
'as to minor improvements.' 
God is my witness; I speak it; it is evident to all the world 
and people living, That a new business hath been seeking in the 
Army against this actual Settlement [made] {} by your consent. 
I do not speak to these Gentlemen [I Puinting to his l'igM hand; 10 
sa!Js the Report], or Lords, lor' whatsoever you will call them; I 
speak not this to them, but to gOll.- You advised me to come 11 
into this place, to be in a capacity 12 by your Advice. Yet instead 

1 [ClarkeJvIS.] 2 [" one," ibid.] 3 [" these," ibid.] 
4 f " the consequence [of] which," ibid.] 
r; .. it is not made," ibid.] 6[" what," ibid.] 
7 [" if there were any intention. . . these bases." ibid.] 
8 [" where you pleased therewith," added in Clarke MS., and II when you had 
pleased," in Lansdowne MS.] 
9 [Omitted in Clarke ]VlS.] 
10 [" to his right hand and left hand," ibid.] 
11 [" run," Pari. History and Clarke MS. .. Lansdowne MS. has" to be."] 
12 , of authority' is delicately understood, but not expressed. 

1658. ] 



of owning a thing, taken for granted 1 some must have I know 
not what ;-and you have not only disjointed yourselves but the 
whole Nation, which is in likelihood of running 2 into more con- 
fusion in these fifteen or sixteen days that you have sat, than it 
hath been 3 from the rising of the last Session to this day. 
Through the intention of revising a Commonwealth again! 
That some of the people might be the men that might rule 
all ! [Intemperate Ilaselrig, pepper:; Scott, alld sitch like: I'erg 
inadequate theg to II 1'llle;" inadequate to l..-eep their O1l'n heads Oil 
their sholtlder
', !f theg mere not RULED, tlle,ll!] And they are en- 
deavouring to engage the Army to carry 4 that thing.-And hath 
that man been true to this Nation, whosoever he be, especially 5 
that hath taken an Oath, thus to prevaricate? These designs 
have been I made' among 6 the Army, to break amI divide us. 
I speak this in the presence of some of the Army: that these 
things have not been according to God, nor according to truth, 
pretend what you will! [!\
o,yollr Highness; they have not.] These 
things tend to nothing else but the playing the King of Scots' 
game (if I may so call him); and I think myself bound before 
God to do what I can to prevent it. [II I, for my share: JJ 
Yea l]. 
That which I told you in the Banqueting-House I ten days 
ago' was true, That there were preparations of force to invade us. 
God is my witness, it hath been confirmed to me since, within 
a day, that the King of Scots hath an Army at the water side, 
ready to be shipped for England. I have it from those who have 
been 7 eyewitnesses of it. And while it is doing, there are en- 
deavours from some who are not far from this place, to stir up 
the people of this Town into a tumulting,-(City Petitions are 
mOlmting 'æry high,-as pel'hap
' Sir A rtlLUr alld others kno'1V !]- 

1 [" instead of owning your oath, taken for a grant," Clarke MS.; "instead of 
taken for agreed," Lansdowne MS. Cromwell probably means, "instead of 
acknowledging that the matter was settled."] 
2 [" which is in all likelihood running," Clarke MS.] 
3[" than they have done," ibid.] 4 [" and carryon," ibid.l 
5[" he especially," ibid.] 6 ["upon," il>id.] 7[" are," ibid.] 



[4 Feb. 

what if I said, Into a rebellion! And I hope 1 shall make it 
appear to be no better, if God assist me. [lYoble scorll and in- 
dignation is gradllal
lf getting the better 
r ez!er!J other feeling ill his 
Highness and 1Is.] 
It hath been not only your endeavour to pervert the Army 1 
while you have been sitting, and to draw them to state the ques- 
tion about a Commonwealth; but some of you have been listing 2 
of persons, by commission of Charles Stuart, to join with any 
Insurrection that may be made. [1fT/wt a cold qualm in .fome 
COJI/iciolili hearl tlUlI liliteJls to this 1 Let him tremble, ellel'!J joint of 
him ;-01' not l'i.fibl!J tremble; but comer home to hÙi place, and repent; 
alld remember in ll'ho
'e hand his beggar
lf e:rÏstencc in this '1vorld lies I] 
And what is like to corne upon this, the Enemy being ready to 
invade us, but even present blood and confusion? 3_[ The next and 
final Sentence is partly onfire ]-And if this be SO, 4 I do assign it to 
this cause : Your not assenting to what you did invite me to by 
the Petition and Advice, as that which might be the Settlement 
of the Nation. And if this be the end of your sitting, and this 
be your carriage,-[Sentence llOW all beautifully blazing], I think 
it high time that an end be put to your sitting. And I DO 
DISSOLVE THIS PARLIAMENT! [) And let God be judge between you 
and me ! * 

Figure the looks of Haselrig, Scott and Company! I The Mace 
I was clapt under a cloak; the Speaker withdrew, and exit Parlia- 
Imentum,' the Talking-Apparatus vanishes. 6 II God be judge be- 

1 [" That it is not only by endeavours to prevent the army," Clarke .MS.] 
2 [" are also listing:' ibid.] 
3[" present ruin, blood and confusion," ibid.; but the Lansdowne AIS. has 
II can it be expected that we must not presently run into blood and confusion. "] 
4 [" and that I do assign it to this cause, even to the not assenting to that you 
did invite me to," Clarke ,IES.] 
:; [According to the (very doubtful) testimony of Hobbes, the words were II by 
the living God, I must and do dissolve you:' Behemoth, Masere's Select Tracts, pt. 2, 
p. 639. But this sounds rather like an echo of what Oliver is reponed to have said 
to Fleetwood before entering the House.] 
6 Clarke .lIS. ii. 464. 

* Burton, ii. 465-70. 

1658. ] 



tween you and me! "_It Amen!" answered they,l thought they, 
indignantly; and sank into eternal silence. 
It was high time; for in truth the Hydra, on every side, is 
stirring its thousand heads. It Believe it," says Samuel Hartlib, 
MiJton's friend, writing- to an Official acquaintance next week, 
It believe it, it was of that necessity, that if their Session had 
II continued but two or three days longer, all had been in blood 
II both in City and Country, upon Charles Stuart's account:' 2 
His Highness, before this Monday's sun sets, has begun to 
lodge the Anarchic Ringleaders, Royalist, Fifth-Monarchist, in 
the Tower; his Highness is bent once more with all his faculty, 
the Talking-Apparatus being gone, to front this Hydra, and 
trample it down once again. S On Saturday he summons his 
Officers, his Acting-Apparatus, to Whitehall round him; ex- 
plains to them' in a Speech two hours long-' what kind of Hydra 
it is; asks, Shall it conquer us, involve us in blood and con- 
fusion? They answer from their hearts, No, it shall not! II We 
will stand and fall with your Highness, we will live and die with 
you!" 4_It is the last duel this Oliver has with any Hydra 
fomented into life by a Talking-Apparatus; and he again 

1 Tradition in various modern Books (Parliam.mtary History, xxi. 203; Note to 
Burton, ii. 470); not supported, that I can find, by any contemporary witness. 
[But the PhilliPs J-1S. (in ParI. Hist.) is contemporary. Also the report in the 
Clarke J/SS. ends, .. To which end many of the Commons cried Amen. And 
so the Parliament was dissolved." For accounts of the dissolution, see Bordeaux's 
letters to Brienne and Mazarin, and Payne's to Nieupoort (Thurloe. vi. 778,779, 
781), also th,' letters printed by Mr. Firth in the English Historical Review, 1892, 
p. r02.] 

 Hartlib in London (nth Feb. 1657-8) to Moreland at Geneva; printed in 
ParliameJ1tary Histor)', xxi, 205. (Hartlib was writing to Pell, not to Morland. 
" An army of twenty thousand," he continued, "might have appeared with an ugly 
petition (for the re-establishing of Charles Stuart) presuming they should find a 
party amongst them; whilst another army of ten thousand men was landing in 
England by the jealousy (to say no worse) of our good neighbours. Besides, there 
was another petition set on foot in the City for a Commonwealth, which would have 
gathered like a snowball; but by the resolute sudden dissolving of the Parliament, 
both these dangerous designs were mercifully prevented. Whether we shall have 
another Parliament shortly, or a grand council of only optimates in the meantime, 
we cannot tell. All the officers of the army attended his Highness on Saturday 
last in the banqueting-hall, where they were entertained with a speech of two hours 
long which made them afresh to resolve to stand and fall, live and die, with my 
Lord Protector. Here you have his Highness's two last speeches to both Houses, 
as they were taken at his elbow; there is much n01uense &c. in the last, but there 
are very few men yet that have a copy at all of them." Lansdowne ,1/S. 754. f. 342. 
On the same day, Morland wrote, "His Highness broke up the Parliament, because 
ey, instead of settling the nation, were endeavouring, a great part of them, to un- 
hmge all things, and to bring us into blood and confusion." Ibid" f. 343.] 
3 Appendix, No. 31. 4 Hartlib's Letter, ubi sulra, [See Supplement. No. 139'] 
VOL. 111.-13 



[4 Feb. 

conquers it, invincibly compresses it, as he has heretofore 
done. 1 
One day, in the early days of March next, his Highness said 
to Lord Broghil: An old friend of yours is in Town, the Duke 
of Ormond, now lodged in Drury Lane, Rt the Papist Surgeon's 
there: 2 you had better tell him to be gone! 3-Whereat his Lord- 
ship stared; found it a fact, however; and his Grace of Ormond 
did go with exemplary speed, and got again to Bruges and the 
Sacred Majesty, with report That Cromwell had many enemies, 
but that the rise of the Royalists was moonshine. And on the 
12th of the month his Highness had the Mayor and Common 
Council with him in a body at Whitehall; and I in a Speech at 
large' explained to them that his Grace of Ormond was gone 
only Ion Tuesday last;' that there were Spanish Invasions, 
Royalist Insurrections Rnd Frantic-Anabaptist Insurrections 
rapidly ripening ;-that it would well beseem the City of London 
to have its Militia in good order. To which the Mayor and 
Common Council, I being very sensible thereof,' made zealous 
response 4 by Speech and by act. In a word, the Talking- 
Apparatus being gone, and an Oliver Protector now at the head 
of the Acting-Apparatus, no Insurrection, in the eyes of rea- 
sonable persons, hRd any chance. The leading Royalists shrank 
close into their privacies again,-considerable numbers of them 
had to shrink into durance in the Tower. Among which latter 
class, his Highness, justly incensed, and I considering,' as Thurloe 
says, I that it was not fit there should be a Plot of this kind every 
winter,' had determined that a High Court of Justice should 
take cognisance of some. High Court of Justice is accordingly 
nominated ó as the Act of Parliament prescribes: among the 

1 [At the end of February, the Protector appears to have been very ill. A letter 
in the Sutherland AISS. after narrating one of the Lord Richard's many narrow 
escapes (this time he .. had like to have been shot by one of his own soldiers, who 
gave fire at him with a musket, but it did not go off") continues: "His father con- 
tinues still sick and keeps his bed. The last news I heard of him was that he had 
a very dangerous imposthume in his back, and yesterday sent for Boone, one of his 
our [sic] city chirurgeons." Duke of Sutherland's /J1SS., Fifth Report of the Hist. 
.'IISS. Commissioners, Appendix, p. 166.] 
2 [Ormond lodged there at first, but afterwards removed to a French tailor's in 
Black Friars, and again to a lodging in Old Fish Street (Lift, ii., 178,9). According 
to a news-letter in the Clarke Papers (iii. 147) he also stayed at Dr. Hewit's.] 
:lGodwin, iv. 508; Budgel's Lives oftlze Boyles, P.49; &c. 
4 Ne",spapers (in Cromwelliana. p. 17r.) [See Supplement, No. r40.J 
:; 27th April 1658. Act of Parliament, with List of the Names, is in 
kobelI, ii. 
372-S: see also Commonr Journals, vii. 427 (Sept. r656). [Just before this, Oliver 
had been busy arranging for the" planting of the gospel" in the Highlands. See 

1658. ] 



parties marked for trial by it are Sir Henry Slingsby, long since 
prisoner for Penruddock's business, and the Reverend Dr. Hewit, 
a man of much forwardness in Royalism. Sir Henry, prisoner in 
Hull and acquainted with the Chief Officers there, has been 
treating with them for betrayal of the place to his Majesty; 
has even, to that end, given one of them a 
lajesty's Com
mission; for whose Spanish Invasion such a Haven and Fortress 
would have been extremely convenient. Reverend Dr. Hewit, 
preaching by sufferance, according to the old ritual, 'in St. 
Gregory's Church near Paul's; 1 to a select disaffected audience, 
has further seen good to distinguish himself very much by secular 
zeal in this business of the Royalist Insurrection and Spanish 
Charles-Stuart Invasion ;-which has now come to nothing, and 
left poor Dr. Hewit in a most questionable position. Of these 
two, and of others, a High Court of Justice shall take cognis- 
The In<;urrection having no chance in the eyes of reasonable 
Royalists, and they in consequence refusing to lead it, the large 
body of unreasonable Royalists now in London City or gathering 
thither decide, with indignation, That they will try it on their 
own score, and lead it themselves. Hands to work, then, ye un- 
reasonable Royalists; pipe, All hands! Saturday the 15th of 
May, that is the night appointed: To rise that Saturday Night; 
beat drums for 'Royalist Apprentices; 'fire houses at the Tower; 
slay this man, slay that, and bring matters to a good issue. Alas, 
on the very edge of the appointed hour, as usual, we are a11 
seized; 2 the ringleaders of us are aJl seized, 'at the Mermaid ill 
Cheapside; -for Thurloe and his Highness have long known 
what we were upon! Barkstead Governor of the Tower' marches 
into the City with five drakes: at the rattle of which every 
Royalist Apprentice, and party implicated, shakes in his shoes: 
-and this also has gone to vapour, leaving only for result certain 
new individuals of the Civic class to give account of it to the 
High Court of Justice. 
Tue.r;da!J, 25th -,,-Ua,1J 1658, the High Court of Justice sat; a for- 

letter in Supplement (No. I4r). There are some other short letters of about this 
date or a little later.] 
1 [Of which he was vicar. There are several notices of him in Evelyn's Diary, 
(where his name is printed Hewer) and of his" martyrdom:' .. without law, jury or 
justice." for holding intelligence with the King through the Marquis of Ormond.] 
2[Hewit, at any rate, was in custody before April 20. See an account of the plot 
in Clarke Papers, iii. 147.] 



[4 Feb. 

midable Sanhedrim of above a Hundred-and thirty heads, consist- 
ing of' all the Judges,' 1 chief Law Officials, and others named in 
the Writ according to Act of Parliament ;-sat 'in \Vestminster 
, Hall, at Nine in the morning, for the Trial of Sir Henry Slingsby 
'Knight, John Hewit Doctor of Divinity,' and three others whom 
we may forget. 2 Sat day after day till all were judged. Poor 
Sir Henry, on the first day, was condemned; he pleaded what 
he could, poor gentleman, a very constant Royalist all along; 
but the Hull business was too palpable; he was condemned to 
die. Reverend Dr. Hewit, whose proceedings had also become 
very palpable, refused to plead at all; refused even' to take off 
his hat,' says Carrion Heath, 'till the officer was coming to do it 
for him;' 'had a Paper of Demurrers prepared by the learned 
Mr. Prynne,' who is now again doing business this way ;-' con- 
ducted himself not very wisely,' says Bulstrode. He likewise 
received sentence of death. The others, by narrow mlssmg, 
escaped; by good luck, or the Protector's mercy, suffered 
As to Slingsby and Hewit, the Protector was inexorable. 
Hewit has already taken a very high line: let him persevere 
in it! 3 Slingsby was the Lord Fauconberg's Uncle, married to 
his Aunt Bellasis; but that could not stead him,-perhaps that 
was but a new monition to be strict with him. The Common- 
wealth of England and its Peace are not nothing! These 
Royalist Plots every winter, deliveries of Garrisons to Charles 

1 [But a newsletter amongst the Clarke Papers (iii. rsr) signed J. R. (probably 
Rushworth) distinctly states that the judges of the Courts at Westminster who had 
been nominated members of the court refused to sit, they being of opinion that the 
prisoners ought to be tried by a jury, "but those thirty who sat there to-day are of 
another opinion."] 
2 Newspapers (in Cmnlwl'llialla, p. 172). 
3[There are various tales respecting Hewit and the Protector's daughters. 
Ludlow says that" Mrs. Clay pole laboured earnestly with her father to save the life 
of Dr. Hewit, but without success, which denial so afflicted her that it was reported 
to have been one cause of her death" (J1"e11loirs, ed. Firth, ii. 41). Another story 
ran that he had privately married Mary Crom\\ell to Lord Fauconberg according 
to the Anglican rite and that she also pleaded for him. This is stated by Claren- 
don, Rebellion, book xv. Certainly, in later days, not only Lord Fauconberg but 
his wife were very orthodox members of the Church of England. There is still 
extant, amongst Sir George Wombwell's papers, the licence, duly signed and 
sealed by the Bishop of London, for them to eat flesh in Lent when necessary 
for their health's sake. \Vhether she pleaded for Hewit or not, there is no doubt 
that she tried to save Slingsby. Bordeaux told Mazarin that she had been herself 
to him to beg him to get the Cardinal and the French King to use their influence 
with her Father on behalf of her husband's uncle, but that he believed Slingsby 
would be executed, it being likely that they did not wish the minister to-die alone, 
" pour ne pas donner sujet de plaintes aux dévots." Rel-ord OJlice Transcripts.] 




Stuart, and reckless 'usherings of us into blood,' shall end! 
Hewit and Slingsby suffered on Tower Hill, on Monday 8th 
June; amid the manifold rumour and emotion of men. Of the 
City Insurrectionists six were condemned; three of whom were 
executed, three pardoned. And so the High Court of Justice 
dissolved itself; and at this and not at more expense of blood, 
the huge Insurrectionary movement ended, and lay silent within 
Its caves again. 
Whether in any future year it would have tried another rising 
against such a Lord Protector, one does not know,-one guesses 
rather in the negative. The Royalist Cause, after so many failures, 
after such a sort of enterprises' on the word of a Christian King,' 
had naturally sunk very low. Some twelvemonth hence, with a 
Commonwealth not now under Cromwell, but only under the im- 
pulse of Cromwell, a Christian King hastening down to the Treaty 
of the Pyrenees, where France and Spain were making Peace, 
found one of the coldest receptions. Cardinal .Mazarin 'sent 
'his coaches and gunrd<; a day's journey to meet Lockhart the 
, Commonwealth Ambassador;' but refused to meet the Christian 
King at all; would not even meet Ormond except as if by ac- 
cident, 'on the public road,' to say that there was no hope. The 
Iinister, Don Luis de Haro, was civiller in manner; 
but as to Spanish Charles-Stuart Invasions or the like, he also 
decisively shook his head. l The Royalist Cause was as good as 
desperate in England; a melancholy Reminiscence, fast fading 
away into the realm of shadows. 
ot till Puritanism sank of 
its own accord, could Royalism rise again. But Puritanism, the 
King of it once away, fell loose very naturally in every fibre,- 
fell into /ÚllglesslzcliS, what we call Anarchy; crumbled down, 
eyer faster, for Sixteen Months, in mad suicide, and universal 
clashing and collision; proved, by trial after trial, that there lay 
not in it either Government or so much as Self-government any 
more; that a Government of England by it was henceforth an 
impossibility. Amid the general wreck of things, all Govern- 
ment threatening now to be impossible, the Reminiscence of 
Royalty rose again, "Let us take refuge in the Past, the Future 
is not possible ! "-and }!ajor-General Monk crossed the Tweed 
at Coldstream, with results which are well known. 
Results which we will not quarrel with, very mournful as they 
have been! If it please Heaven, these Two-hundred Years of 

1 Kennet, iii. 214. Clarendon, iii. 9 1 4. 



[4 Feb. 

universal Cant ill Speech, with so much of Cotton-spilmin
Coal-boring, Commt'rcing, and other valuable Sincerity of Work 
going-on the while, shall not be quite lost to us! Our Cant 
will vanish, our whole baleful cunningly-compacted Universe of 
Cant, as does a heavy Nightmare Dream. \Ve shall awaken, 
and find ourselves in a world greatlY'li.idelled.-Why Puritanism 
could not continue? My friend, Puritanism was not the Com- 
plete Theory of this immense Universe; no, only a part thereof! 
To me it seems, in my hours of hope, as if the Destinies meant 
something grander with England than even Oliver Protector 
did! We will not quarrel with the Destinies; we will work as 
we can towards fulfilment of them. 
But in these same June days of the year 165H, while Hewit 
and Slingsby lay down their heads on Tower Hill, and the 
English Hydra finds that its Master is still here, there arrive 
the news of Dunkirk alluded-to above: Dunkirk gloriously 
taken, Spaniards gloriously beaten: victories and successes 
abroad; which are a new illumination to the Lord Protector 
in the eyes of England. Splendid Nephews of the Cardinal, 
Manzinis, Ducs de Crequi, come across the Channel to con- 
gratulate I the most invincible of Sovereigns;' young Louis 
Fourteenth himself would have come, had not the attack of 
small-pox prevente(l.l With whom the elegant Lord Faucon- 
berg and others busy themselves: their pageantry and gilt 
coaches, much gazed-at by the idler multitudes, need not 
detain us here. 
The Lord Protector, his Parliament having been dismissed 
with such brevity, is somewhat embarrassed in his finances. 
But otherwise his affairs stand well; visibly in an improved 
condition. Once more he has saved Puritan England; once 
more approved himself invincible abroad and at home. He 
looks with confidence towards summoning a new Parliament, of 
juster disposition towards Puritan England and him. 2 With a 
Parliament, or if extremity of need arrive, without a Parliament 

I Newspapers (in Crol/twelliana, pp. 172-3; 15th-2rst June 1658). 
2 Thurloe, vii. 84. 99. 128. &c. (April, May 1658). [And Clarke Papers, iii. 145. 
All through the spring, as we see from Bordeaux's despatches, there had been 
talk of a new parliament j fresh talk also of Kingship, concerning which, as early as 
March, the ambassador "Tote that everyone except the lower officers of the army 
wished it. In April, he stated that the calling of Parliament was supposed to be 
certain, and that Kingship was spoken of no less positively. It was believed that 
this would come first, that the old nobility might have less scruple in sitting. 
BordealtlC to lWazarin. April r2-22. After this he says no more of the project.] 


and in spite of Parliaments, the Puritan Gospel Cause, sanctioned 
by a Higher than Parliaments, shall not sink while life remains 
in this Man. Not till Oliver Cromwell's head lie low, shall 
English Puritanism bend its head to any created thing. Erect, 
with its foot on the neck of Hydra Babylon, with its open Bible 
and drawn Sword, shall Puritanism stand, and with pious all- 
defiance victoriollsly front the world. That was Oliver Crom- 
well's appointed function in this piece of Sublunary Space, in 
this section of swift-flowing Time; that noble, perilous, painful 
function: and he has manfully done it,-and is now near ending 
it, and getting honourably relieved from it. 


THE poor Protestants of Piedmont, it appears, are again in a 
state of grievance, in a state of peril. The Lord Protector, in 
the thickest press of domestic anarchies, finds time to think of 
these poor people and their case. Here is a Letter to Ambassador 
Lockhart, who is now at Dunkirk Siege, in the French King 
and Cardinal's neighbourhood: a generous pious Letter; dictated 
to Thurloe, partly perhaps ofThurloe's composition, but altogether 
of Oliver's mind and sense ;-fit enough, since it so chances, to 
conclude our Series here. 
Among the Lockhart Letters in Thllrloe, which are full of 
Dunkirk in these weeks, I can find no trace of this new Pied- 
mont business: 1 but in Milton's Latin State-Letters, among the 
Lileræ OIÙJerii Proleclori.\", there are Three, to the French King, 
to the Swiss Cantons, to the Cardinal, which all treat of it. 2 
The first of which, were it only as a sample of the Milton-Oliver 
Diplomacies, we will here copy, and translate that all may read 
it. An emphatic State-Letter; which Oliver Cromwell meant, 
and John Milton thought and wrote into words; not unworthy 
to be read. I t goes by the same Express as the Letter to 
Lockhart himself; 3 and is very specially referred to there: 

II N or is it mentioned in Bordeaux's letters to l\Iazarin.l 
2[Also to the Duke of Savoy, King of Sweden, States-General. King of U",n- 
mark and Prince of Transylvania.] 
3 [Carried, no doubt, Ly Lord Fanconberg, who start"'cl the I1P'\t day 011 a 
mission of compliment to the French King.] 



[26 May. 

Ie SereniSl:imo po/enti.f.':Ùnoque Principi, LudOl'ico Galliarum Rel{i 

"jleminissc potest _
:Iajestas Vestra, quo tcmpore 
u inter nos de renovando Fædere ageba/ur (quod optimis auspicii.f 
"initum -multa lltriusque Populi cormnoda, multa HOStÙlTJl communium 
Ie exinde mala testwztllr), accidisse miseram illam Cont'allells-ium 
u Occisiolle11l ; quorum caltsam lllzdiquc deser/am atque afflictam 
H Vestræ misericordiæ atque tutelæ, summo cum ardore allimi ac 
u miseratiolle, c01nmcndavimu.f. Nee dejitisse per se arbitralllur 
H lWajestatem Vest ram officio tam pio, i1ll1llo l'erò tmn lZll1l1111W, pro 
Ie eá quâ apud DIlCe1ll Sabaudiæ valere debl/it IJel a-ucloritate L'el 
Ie gratiâ: Sos cer/è aliique multi Principes ac Ci"ilale.f, legalionibll.\', 
u literis, preciblls i/lterpol:iti.f, nOll dejuÙnu.f. 
u Post C1'ltentissimam utriusqlle sexÛ,i)' mmli." reta/is 'l'rucidatiunem, 
U Pax tandem dala e."I; l'el poliÙs inductæ Paci.f nomine hmûililas 
"guædam teelior. Condi/iunes Pacis l'estro ill oppido I'inarolii SUllt 
" latæ: duræ quidem illre, sed qllib,M' -mi.'ieri a/que inope,f, dim omnia 
Ie atgue immania pC'1Jcssi, facile acguiescerent, modò iis, duræ pi iniquæ 
u ut sint, ,',.tare/lfr. NÓn sta/ur; ,','ed enim earum quoque sillgularu'lll 
lefalsâ Ùzteq)]"etatione l'nriisqlle dÙ'erticuli,',',Jide,',' elliditur ac violatur. 
U Antiqllis sedihu." mulli dlfjÏcÙl1ltur, Religio Pat ria 11lultÙ' Ùzierdicitur ; 
" 1'ributa nova e:riglllztur; A rx nuva cervicibus impollitur, Ilnde 'Illilites 
"crebrò e/'llmpenles Obl,ios gllosque I'el diripiwzt l'c! Irlwidant. Ad 
" hæc nuper novæ cupiæ clanculum contra eos pamnlllr.. quique Ùzler 
H eos Romanalll Religionem colunt, migrare ad lemp".f juben/Ilr: ul 
"onwia nunc rltrsÙ,<; l,ideanlllr ad illoruffl intenzeeionpm miseror1l11l 
" ,',]Jecfare, quo.\' ilia prior laniena religuosfecil. 
H Quod ergò per deJ'/mm IlIam, Rex CltristÙl1Ii.<;,,,ime, qllæ }"(pdus 
"llobiseu1ll et amiciliam percllssit, obsecru a/que obte.\'tor, per illud 
" Chrisliani.".fÙni tiluli dccus .'iflnctissimIl11l,jieri nc si,'eris: ncc tantam 
Ie sæ1JÌelldi liccll/iam, non dieu Prillcipi cuiqllam (nequc ellim ill llllu11l 
" Principe11l, multò minus in ætatem illÙI
' Principis tellerll1ll, aut ill 
If mllliebre711 Matris allimllm, tanta ,','ævitia cadere potest), sed ,','acer- 
" rimis illis Sicariis, ne penniseris. Qui cum Christi Servatoris IlOstri 
" servos atque imitatores sese pro-fiteantur, qui venit in hunc mundmn 
"lIt peccatores servaret, Ej-us mitissimi Nomille atque Instillitis ad 
"imlOcentium crudelis.'iÍ'Illa.f cædes abutuntur. Eripe qui potes, quique 
" in tanto fastigio dignus es po,',',','e, tot s-upplices tliOS homicidarllm ex 
If mallibus, qui C1"llOre nllper eb,.ii sanguillem rur.nls sitÙl1lt, sllæque 
If Ùwidiam crudelitatis in Principes derivare consultissimllm s-ibi dueunt. 


" Tit verò nec TiiII lu.\' iuo.'; aui Hegnifine.,; islá illl'idiÛ, nce El'flllgclÙl1ll 
"Chrisii pacalissimllm isiil crudelilate fædari, Ie regnante patiaris. 
" ltlemineris IIOS ipsos Avi tui Hellrici Protestantibus amicissirni Dedi- 
" litios }itÏsse; cÙm Diguierius per ea LuCfl, quà etiam c01mnodis
"Ùl Ilaliam transitus est, Sabaudzl'lTz trans Alpes cedenturn z,iclor est 
" in.veculu.v. Deditionis iI/ius bzstrumelltU'lTl in Actis Regni l'estri Pub- 
" lieis etiamnll1n extat: in quo exceptu1ll atqzte calltmn inter alia e:Jt, 
" Ize cui pu.vteà COIwallenses traderentur, nisi iisdern cOllditionibus qui- 
" bus eos Al'ltS tuus illl,ictis.\Ùnus infidem recepit. Hanc fidem 1wnc 
"imp/oTant, m,itam ab
' te Xepote supplices requirunt. Tui esse quàm 
" CIUUS nunc 
'Ullt, ,'el perlllutatiune aliquâ si fieri po
'sit, 'IIIalillt atque 
" uptdrinl: id 
'i nOli licet, patru(:inio .wltem, miseratione alque per- 
u li,giu. 
"Sunt et raliones regni quæ horiari pussint ut COIll'allenses ad te 
H cOl
tugientes ne rljieias: sed nulim te, Rex tantu.v cum sis, aliis'rati- 
H onibus ad dejèllsÙmem calamitusorwn quàm fide à JIajoribus datâ, 
"pietate, regiâque allimi benignitale ac magnitltdine pe,.,nol'eri. Ila 
" pulcherrimi jàcti Imls ([tque gluria illibala atque integra tua erit, et 
"ipse Patrem lUisericordiæ tjllsque FilÙl1n Christulll Regelll, cujltS 
H Xomen atque Docirinam ab immanitatc nefari(î "indiCflz.eris, eò 
H magis jà,'elltem tibi et prupitiulll per O7nllem vitam experieris. 
" Deus Opt. l\-la.r. ad gloriam suam, tot innocenti.vsilllUrllln huminulll 
H Chrislianorlllll tlltandam sallitem, Ve.vtrumque verll1n decus, 11'Iajestati 
" Vevtræ italic mentem injiciat. 
H , .\-lajestaiis V estræ Stztdiosissimll
GLIÆ: &c. 

.. WestmOtlasterio, M aii. ' 26 0 die,' anno 16 5 8 ." 1 

Of which here is a Version the most literal we can make: 

" To the mo.\'1 serene and potelli Prince, LOllis, King of France 

" ALLY, 

" Your .Majesty may recollect that during the 
" negotiation between us for the renewing of our League 2 (which 
"many advantages to both Nations, and much damage to their 
"common Enemies, resulting there&om, now testify to have 
H been very wisely done),-there fell out that miserable Slaughter 

 The Prose Work!! ?f John Milton (London, 1833), p. 815. 
June 1655: anlea, n., p. 443. 



[26 May. 

It of the People of the Valleys; whose cause, on all sides deserted 
It and trodden down, we, with the utmost earnestness and pity, 
ft recommended to your mercy and protection. N or do we 
It think Your Majesty, for your own part, has been wanting in 
" an office so pious and indeed so human, in so far as either by 
"authority or favour you might have influence with the Duke of 
ft Savoy: we certainly, and many other Princes and States, by 
ft embassies, by letters, by entreaties directed thither, have not 
It been wanting. 
tt After that most sanguinary Massacre, which spared no age 
It n01" either sex, there was at last a Peace given; or rather, 
It under the specious name of Peace, a certain more disguised 
It hostility. The terms of the Peace were settled in your Town of 
It Pignerol: hard terms; but such as those poor People, indigent 
It and wretched, after suffering all manner of cruelties and 
tt atrocities, might gladly acquiesce in; if only, hard and unjust 
It as the bargain is, it were adhered to. I t is not adhered to: 
ft those terms are broken; the purport of everyone of them is, 
It by false interpretation and various sulJterfu
es, eluded and 
It violated. Many of these People are ejected from their Old 
ft Habitations; their Native Religion is prohibited to many: new 
ft Taxes are exacted; a new Fortress has been built over them, 
It out of which soldiers frequently sallying plunder or kill whom- 
ft soever they meet. )loreover, new Forces have of late been 
ft privily got ready against them; and such as follow the Romish 
" Religion are directed to withdraw from among them within a 
"limited time: so that everything' seems now again to point 
ft towards the extermination of aU among those unhappy People, 
It whom the former :\lassacre had left. 
ft \Vhich now, 0 Most Christian King, 1 beseech ami obtest 
ft thee, by thy right-hand which pledged a League and Friendship 
It with us, by the sacred honour of that Title of Most Christian, 
It -permit not to be done: nor let such license of savagery, 
ft I do not say to any Prince (for indeed no cruelty like this 
ft could come into the mind of any Prince, much less into the 
"tender years of that young Prince, or into the woman's heart 
It of his Mother), but to those most accursed Assassins, be given. 
"Who while they profess themselves the servants and imitators 
U of Christ our Saviour, who came into this world that He might 
It save sinners, abuse His most merciful Name and Commandments 
u to the cruellest slaughterings. Snatch, thou who art able, ami 
H who in such an elevation art worthy to he able, those poor 



If Suppliants of thine from the hands of Murderers, who, lately 
a drunk with blood, are again athirst for it, and think con- 
a venient to turn the discredit of their own cruelty upon their 
"Prince's score. Suffer not either thy Titles and the Environs 
tc of thy Kingdom to be soiled with that discredit, or the 
a peaceable Gospel of Christ by that cruelty, in thy Reign. 
a Remember that these very People became Subj ects of thy 
It Ancestor, Henry, most friendly to Protestants; when Lesdi- 
a guières victoriously pursued him of Savoy across the Alps, 
a through those same Valleys, I where indeed the most com modi- 
If ous pass to Italy is. The Instrument of that their Paction and 
It Surrender is yet extant in the Public Acts of your Kingdom: 
It in which this among other things is specified and provided 
It against, That these People of the Valleys should not thereafter 
a be delivered over to anyone except on the same conditions 
It under which thy invincible Ancestor had received them into 
a fealty. This promised protection they now implore; promise 
It of thy Ancestor they now, from thee the Grandson, suppli- 
a antly demand. To be thine rather than his whose they now 
a are, if by any means of exchange it could be done, they would 
a wish and prefer: if that may not be, thine at least hy succour, 
Ie by commiseration and deliverance. 
a There are likewise reasons of state which might give induce- 
If ment not to reject these People of the Valleys flying for shelter 
It to thee: but I would not have thee, so great a King as thou 
a art, be moved to the defence of the unfortunate by other 
tc reasons than the promise of thy Ancestors, and thy own piety 
tc and royal benignity and greatness of mind. So shall the 
a praise and fame of this most worthy action be unmixed and 
It clear; and thyself shalt find the Father of Mercy, and His Son 
If Christ the King, whose Name and Doctrine thou shalt have 
If vindicated, the more favourable to thee, and propitious through 
Ie the course of life. 
Iay the Almighty, for His own glory, for the satety of so 
It many most innocent Christian men, and for your true honour, 
a dispose Your Majesty to this determination. 
a Your Majesty's most friendly 

.. Westminster, 26th May 1658." 

I In 1592: IVnanlt, Al>rlgl ChJvl/ologiq/tc (Paris, 1774), ii. 597. 



[26 May. 

, To Sir IJlillialll Luck/wrl, uur A mbas.mdur al the F rcuch Cuur! : 


· Whitehall,' 26th May 1658. 

The continual troubles and vexations of the 
poor people of Piedmont professing the Reformed Religion,- 
and that after so many serious instances of yours in the Court 
of France on their behalf, and after such hearty recommendations 
of their most deplorable condition to his 
lajesty in our name, 
who also has been pleased upon all such occasions to profess very 
deep resentments of their miseries, and to give us no small 
hopes of interposing his power and interest with the Duke of 
Savoy for the accommodating of those affairs, and for the restoring 
those poor distressed creatures to their ancient privileges and 
habitations,-are matter of so much grief to us, and lie so near 
our heart, that, notwithstanding we are abundantly satisfied with 
those many signal marks you have always hitherto given of YOUl' 
truly Christian zeal and tenderness on their regard, yet the pre- 
sent conjuncture of their affairs, and the misery that is daily 
added to their affliction begetting in us fresh arguments of pity 
towards them, not only as men, but as the poor distressed mem- 
bers of Christ, do really move us at present to recommend their 
sad condition to your special care; desiring you to redouble your 
instances with the King, in :::ouch pathetic and affectionate ex- 
pressions as may be in some measure suitable to the greatness 
of their present sutferings and grievances, which, the truth is, 
are almost inexpressible. For so restless and implacable is the 
malice and fury of their Popish adversaries, that,-as though 
they esteemed it but a light matter to have formerly shed the 
innocent blood of so many hundreds of souls, to have burned 
their houses, to have rased their churches, to have plundered 
their goods, and to have driven out the inhabitants beyond the 
river Pelice, out of those their ancient possessions which they 
had quietly enjoyed for so many ages and generations together, 
-they are now resolved to fill their cup of affliction up to the 


brim, and to heat the furnace yet seven times hotter than before. 
Amongst other things: 
Firs/,-They forcibly prohibit all manner of public exercises 1 
at San Giovanni, which, notwithstanding, the inhabitants have 
enjoyed time out of mind: and in case they yield not ready 
obedience to such most unrighteous ordel's, they are immediately 
summoned before their Courts of Justice, and there proceeded 
against in a most severe and rigorous manner, and some threat- 
ened to be wholly destroyed and exterminated. 
2. And forasmuch as, in the said Valleys, there are not found 
among the natives men fitly qualified and of abilities for minis- 
terial functions to supply so much as one half of their chmches, 
amI upon this account they are necessitated to entertain some out 
of France and Geneva, which are the Duke of Savoy's friends 
and allies,-their Popish enemies take hold of this advantage; 
and make use of this stratagem, namely, to banish and drive out 
the shepherds of the flocks, that so the wolves may the better 
come in and devour the sheep. 
S. To this we add, their strict prohibition of all Physicians 
and Chirurgeons of the Reformed Religion to inhabit in the val- . 
leys. And thus they attempt not only to starve their souls for 
want of spiritual food and nourishment, but to destroy their 
bodies likewise for want of those outward conveniences and helps 
which God hath allowed to all mankind. 
4. And as a supplement to the former grievances, those of 
the Reformed Religion are prohibited all manner of commerce 
and trade with their Popish neighbours; that so they may not 
be able to subsist and maintain their families: and if they offend 
herein in the least, they are immediately apprehended as rebels. 
Ioreover, to give the world a clear testimony what their 
main design in all these oppressions is, they have issued out 
orders whereby to force the poor Protestants to sell their lands 
and hou
es to their Popish neighhoUl's: whereas the Papists are 

I Means . Public \\1' orship.' 



[26 May. 

prohibited upon pain of excommunication to sell any immovable 
to the Protestants. 
6. Besides, the Court of Savoy have rebuilt the Fort of La 
Torre; contrary to the formal and express promise made by them 
to the Ambassador of the Evangelical Cantons; where they 
have also placed commanders, who commit the Lord knows how 
many excesses and outrages in all the neighbouring parts, with- 
out being ever called to question, or compelled to make restitu- 
tion for the same. If by chance any murder be committed in 
the Val1eys (as is too-too often practised) whereof the authors 
are not discovered, the poor Protestants are immediately accused 
as guilty thereof, to render them odious to their neighbours. 
7. There are sent lately into the said Valleys several troops 
of Horse and companies of Foot; which hath caused the poor 
people, out of fear of a massacre, with great expense and diffi- 
culty to send their wives and little ones, with all that were feeble 
and sick amongst them, into the Valley of Perosa, under the 
King of France his dominions. 
These are, in short, the grievances, and this is the present 
'itate and condition of those poor people even at this very day, 
whereof you are to use your utmost endeavours to make his 
Majesty thoroughly sensible; and to persuade him to give 
speedy and effectual orders to his Ambassador who resides in 
the Duke's Court, to act vigorously in their behalf. Our letter,1 
which you shall present his Majesty for this end and purpose, 
contains several reasons in it which we hope will move his heart 
to the performance of this charitable and merciful work, and we 
desire you to second and animate the same with your most earnest 
solicitations; representing unto him how much his own interest 
and honour is concerned in the making good that Accord of 
Henry the Fourth, his royal predecessor, with the ancestors 2 of 
those very people, in the year 1592, by the Constable of Le'i- 
diguières; which Accord is registered in the Parliament of 

1 Milton's, given above. 
2 [Carlyle or his transcriber misread this II :1.mbassadors."] 


Dauphiné; and whereof you have an authentic copy in your own 
hands, whereby the Kings of France oblige themselves and their 
Successors to maintain and preserve their ancient privileges and 
concessions. Besides that the gaining to himself the hearts 
of that people, by so gracious and remarkable a protection and 
deliverance, might be of no little use another day, in relation to 
Pig-nerol and the other adjacent place
 under his dominions. 
One of the most effectual remedies, which we conceive the 
fittest to be applied at present is, that the King of France would 
be pleased to make an exchange with the Duke of Savoy for 
those Valleys, resigning over to him some other part of his do- 
minions in lieu thereof,-as, in the reign of Henry the Fourth, 
the Marquisate of Saluces was exchanged with the Duke for La 
Bresse. 1 Which certainly could not but be of great advantage 
to his Majesty, as well for the safety of Pignerol, as for the 
opening of a passage for his forces into I taly,-which t passage,' 
if under the dominion, and in the hands of so powerful a Prince, 
joined with the natural strength of these places by reason of 
their situation, must needs be rendered impregnable. 
By what we have already said, you see our intentions; and 
therefore we leave all other particulars to your special care and 
conduct, and rest, 

t Your friend,' 


Lockhart, both General and Ambassador in these months, is, 
as we hinted, infinitely busy with his share in the Siege of 
Dunkirk, now just in its agony; and before this Letter can 
well arrive, has done his famous feat of Fighting, which brings 
Turenne and him their victory, among the sandhills there. 2 
Much to the joy of Cardinal and King; who will not readily 
refuse him in any reasonable point at present. There came no 

1 In 1601 (Hénault, ii. 612). 
2 Thursday 3d June 1658 (Thurloe, vii. 155-6). [See also letters to Monck. 
Clarke Papers, iii. r53, 156.] 
* Ayscvugll .
/SS., No. 41<>7, f. 89. [Now f. 2. A contemporaneous copy.] 



[3 Sept. 

new Massacre upon the poor People of the Valleys; their griev- 
ances were again f settled,' scared away for a season, by negotia- 


THERE remain no more Letters and Speeches qf Oliver Cromlvel/ 
for us; the above is the last of them of either kind. As a 
Speaker to men, he takes his leave of the world, in these final 
words addressed to his Second Parliament, on the 4th of February 
16.-57-8: "God be judge between you and me! "-So was it 
appointed by the Destinies and the Oblivions; these were his 
last public words. 
Other Speeches, in that crisis of Oliver's affairs, we have 
already heard of; f Speech of two hours' to his Officers in \Vhite- 
hall; Speech to the Lord :Mayor and Common Council, in the 
same place, on the same subject: but they have not been re- 
ported, or the report of them has not come down to us.. There 
were domestic Letters also, as we still find, written in those same 
tumultuous weeks; Letters to the Earl of \\Tarwick, on occasion 
of the death of his Grandson, the Protector's Son-in-law. For 
poor young Mr. Rich, whom we saw wedded in November last, 
is dead. 2 He died on the twelfth day after that Dissolution of 
the Parliament; while Oliver and the Commonwealth are 
wrestling against boundless Anarchies, Oliver's own Household 
has its visitations and dark days. Poor little Frances Cromwell, 
in the fourth month of her m
rriage, still only about seventeen, 
she finds herself suddenly a widow; and Hampton Court has 
become a house of mourning. Young Rich was much lamented. 
Oliver condoled with the Grandfather f in seasonable and sympa- 
thising Letters;' for which the brave old Earl rallies himself 
to make some gratefullest Reply; 3_" Cannot enough confess 

1 [i. e., not a full Report; but see Supplement, Nos. 139, qo. Also pp. r93, 194- 
above. and for letters, Nos. 141-148.] 
2 16th Feb, r657-8, Newspapers (in Cromwelliana, p. 170). [" His Highness 
mourned three days in purple," New;;letter in the Clarke Papers, iii. 14-2. But 
Bordeaux wrote that Mr. Rich's death seemed to cause so little concern at court 
that he dId not like to make a regular visit of condolence and so was waiting until 
he next went on business. Probably the state of the young man's health was too 
bad for his death to be a great sorrow.] 
;{ Earl of \Varwick to the Lord Protector. date lIth March 1657-8; printed in 
Godwin, iv. 528. 

1658. ] 



"my obligation and much less discharge it, for your seasonable 
"and sympathising Letters; which, besides the value they de- 
"rive from so worthy a hand, express such faithful affections, 
U and administer such Christian advice as renders them beyond 
"measure welcome and dear to me." Blessings, and noble 
eulogies, the outpouring of a brave old heart, conclude this Letter 
of Warwick's. He himself died shortly after; I a new grief to 
the Protector.-The Protector was delivering the Commonwealth 
from Hydras and fighting a world-wide battle, while he wrote 
those Letters on the death of young Rich. If by chance they 
still lie hidden in the archives of some kinsman of the Warwicks, 
they may yet be disimprisoned and made audible. 1\1ost 
probably they too are lost. And so we have now nothing more; 
-and Oliver has nothing more. His Speakings, and also his 
Actings, all his manifold Strugglings, more or less victorious, to 
utter the great God's-Message that was in him,-have here what 
we call ended. This Summer of 1658, likewise victorious after 
struggle, is his last in our World of Time. Thenceforth he enters 
the Eternities; and rests upon his arm'} there. 

Oliver's look was yet strong; and young for his years,2 which 
were Fifty-nine last ApriL The t Three-score and ten years; the 
Psalmist's limit, which probably was often in Oliver's thoughts 
and in those of others there, might have been anticipated for 
him: Ten Years more of Life ;-which, we may compute, would 
have given another History to all the Centuries of England. 3 
But it was not to be so, it was to be otherwise. Oliver's health, 
as we might observe, was but uncertain in late times; often 
t indisposed' the sprin
 before last. 4 His course of life had not 
been favourable to health! It A burden too heavy for man!" as 
he himself, with a sigh, would sometimes say. Incessant toil; in- 
conceivable labour, of head and heart and hand; toil, peril, and 

1 19 th April r658 (Thurloe, vii. 85). 2 Heath. 
:J [His own son seems clearly to have recogmsed how entirely matters hung upon 
the Protector's own life. .. Have you," he wrote. "any settlement? Does not your 
peace depend upon his Highness's life, and upon his peculiar skill and facility and 
personal interest in the army?" Henry Cromwell to Thur/oe (Thurloe, vii. 218).] 
-I [He had another carriage accident. too, at this time, which may have shaken him 
more than was supposed. Hartlib, writing to Pell on June 3, says: .. There had 
like fallen out a very sad accident last week, when the ship was launched which was 
called the Richard, for by reason of the wildness of the horses, they ran away and 
tore my Lord Richard's coach all in pieces, my Lord Protector, Major Beak and 
Mr. Pierrepoint being in it, but, God be thanked, no hurt was done but only my 
Lord Richard received some wounds." Vaughan's Protectorate, ii. 468.] 
YOLo 1[1.-14 



[3 Sept. 

sorrow manifold, continued for near Twenty years now, had done 
their part: those robust life-energies, it afterwards appeared, 1 
had been gradually eaten out. Like a Tower strong to the eye, 
but with its foundations undermined; which has not long to 
stand; the fall of which, on any shock, may be sudden.- 
The Manzinis and Ducs de Crequi, with their splendours, and 
congratulations about Dunkirk, interesting to the street-popula- 
tions and general public, had not yet withdrawn, when at Hamp- 
ton Court there had begun a private scene, of much deeper and 
quite opposite interest there. The Lady Claypole, Oliver's 
favourite Daughter, a favourite of all the world, had fallen sick 
we know not when; lay sick now,-to death, as it proved. Her 
disease was of internal female nature; the painfullest and most 
harassing to mind and sense, it is understood, that falls to the lot 
of a human creature. Hampton Court we can fancy once more, 
in those J ul y days, a house of sorrow: pale Death knocking 
there, as at the door of the meanest hut. t She had great 
sufferings, great exercises of spirit: Yes :-and in the depths 
of the old Centuries, we see a pale anxious Mother, anxious 
Husband, anxious weeping Sisters, a poor young Frances weeping 
anew in her weeds. t For the last fourteen days' his Highness 
has been by her bedside at Hampton Court, unable to attend to 
any public business whatever. 2 Be still, my Child; trust thou 
yet in God: in the waves of the Dark River, there too is He a 
God of help !-On the 6th day of August she lay dead; at rest 
forever. My young, my beautiful, my brave! She is taken from 
me: I am left bereaved of her. The Lord giveth, and the Lord 
taketh away; blessed be the name of the Lord !- 
t His Highness,' says Harvey,3 t being at Hampton Court, sick- 
t ened a little before the Lady Elizabeth died. Whose decease 
t was on Friday 6th August 1658; she having lain long under 
t great extremity of bodily pain, which, with frequent and violent 
t convulsion-fits, brought her to her end. But as to his High- 
t ness, it was observed that the sense of her outward misery, in 
t the pains she endured, took deep impression upon him; who 
t indeed ever was a most indulgent and tender Father ;-his affec- 

1 Doctor Bates, on examination post mortem. 
2 Thurloe, vii. 295 (27th July r6S8). 
3 A Collection of several Passagej concerning llis late Highness Oliver Cromwell, 
in the Time of his Sickness.. wherein is related many of his Expressions upon his 
Death-bed, together with his Prayer within two or three Days before his Death. 
Written by one that was then Groom of his Bedchamber. (KÌ1zg's PamPhlets, sm. 
4to, no. 792, art. 22: London, 9th June 1659. [E. 985.]) 

1658. ] 



I tions being regulated and bounded with such Christian wisdom 
I and prudence, which did eminently shine forth in filling-up not 
I only that II relation" of a Father, but also all other relations; 
I wherein he was a most rare and singular example. And no 
I doubt but the sympathy of his spirit with his sorely afflicted 
I and dying Daughter' did break him do'\\-n at this time; I con- 
I sidering also,' -innumerable other considerations of sufferings 
and toils, which made me often wonder 'he was able to hold-out 
I so long; but' indeed I that he was borne by a Supernatural 
I Power at a more than ordinary rate: whereby doubtless he had 
I held out longer, 1 as a mercy to the truly Christian World, 
, and to us in these Nations, had we been worthy of him! '- 
The same authority, who unhappily is not chronological, adds 
elsewhere this little picture, which we must take with us: I A 
I few days after the death of the Lady Elizabeth his daughter at 
I Hampton Court, which touched him nearly,-being then him- 
I self under bodily distempers, forerunners to his Sickness which 
I was to death, and in his bedchamber,-he called for his Bible, 
I and desired a person honourable and godly, then (with others) 
I present, To read unto him that passage in Philippians Fourth, ] I, 
I 12, 13: II Þ;ut that I speak in respect of mant: but 1 have leamed ill 
I mhatsoever state 1 am, therewith to be cOlltent. 1 kllOlv bot!t hom to be 
I abased, alld I I Imom' 11011' to abound. EI'el"!, ([lid l
y a/lthil1gs, 
I I am ill.fiJtmcted; both to be jidl llnd to be !tullgr!!, both to abound 
I alll/ to ..mffèr need. v. 13: I crill do all thillg.v, lltrough Cluist that 
I stre71gtheneth me." Which read,-said he, to use his own words 
'as near as I can remember them: II This Scripture did once save 
I my life; when my eldest Son'" poor Robert 2 III died; which 
I went as a dagger to my heart, indeed it did." And then 
I repeating the words of the text himself, declared his then 
'thoughts to this purpose: reading the tenth and eleventh 
'verses of Paul's contentation, and submission to the will of God 
I in all conditions,-said he: II It's true, Paul, '!lOll have learned 
, this, and attained to this measure of grace: but what shall! 
, do ? Ah poor creature, it is a hard lesson for me to take out! 
, I find it so!" But reading on to the thirteenth verse, where 
I Paul saith, II 1 call do all thillgs tlu'Dugh Cllri
.t tlwt ,\otre7lgthelletlt 
'me," -then faith began to work, and his heart to find support 

I [Carlyle omitted these last eight words, and throughout, did not quote 
exactly. ] 
2 A blank in the Pamphlet here: not' Oliver' as hitherto supposer! (see vol. i. p. 
176), but' Robert' (ibid. p. 42). 



[3 Sept. 

'and comfort, saying thus to himself, H He that was Paul's Christ 
'is my Christ too!" And so drew waters out of the well of 
, Salvation'. 
In the same dark days, occurred George Fox's third and last 
interview with Oliver. Their first interview we have seen. The 
second, which had fallen out some two years ago, did not prosper 
quite so well. George, riding into Town' one evening,' with 
some 'Edward Pyot' or other broadbrimmed man, espied the 
Protector' at Hyde Park Corner among his Guards,' and made 
up to his carriage-window, in spite of opposition; and was alto- 
gether cordially welcomed there. But on the following day, at 
\Vhitehall, the Protector' spake Jigbtly;' he sat down loose)y 
'on a table,' and 'spake light things to me,' -in fact, rather 
quizzed me; finding my enormous sacred Self-confidence none 
of the least of my attainments! 1 Such had been our second 
interview; here now is the third and last.-George dates no- 
thing; and his facts everywhere lie round him like the leather- 
parings of his old shop: but we judge it may have been about 
the time when the Manzinis and Dues de Crequi were parading 
in their gilt coacbes, That George and two Friends ' going out 
of Town,' on a summer day, 'two of Hacker's men' had met 
them,-taken them, brought them to the :\lews. 'Prisoners 
there a while: '-but tbe Lord's power was over Hacker's men; 
tbey bad to let us go. \Vhereupon : 
'Tbe same day, taking boat I went down' (up) 'to Kingston, 
, and from thence to Hampton Court, to speak with the Protector 
'about the Sufferings of Friends. I met him riding into 
'Hampton-Court Park; and before [ came to him, as he rode 
, at the head of his Lifeguard, I saw and felt a waft' (1l'h?/J) 'of 
'death go forth against him.' I-Or in -L1.vour of him, George? 
His life, if thou knew it, has not been a merry thing for this 
man, now or heretofore! I fancy he bas been looking, this long 
while, to give it up, whenever the Commander-in-chief required. 
To quit his laborious sentry-post; honourably lay-up his arms, 
and be gone to his rest :-all Eternity to rest in, 0 George! 
Was thy own life merry, for example, in the hollow of the tree; 
clad permanently in leather? And does kingly purple, and 
governing refractory worlds instead of stitching coarse shoes, 
make it merrier? The waft of death is not against him, I think, 
-perhaps against thee, and me, and others, 0 George, when 

1 Fox's Jourlla/, i. 381,2. 




the Nell-Gwyn Defender and Two Centuries of all-victorious 
Cant have come in upon us! My unfortunate George- -' a 
'waft of death go forth against him; and when I came to him, 
'he looked like a dead man. After I had laid the Sufferings 
, of Friends before him, and had warned him according as I was 
'moved to speak to him, he bade me come to his house. So I 
'returned to Kingston; and, the next day, went up to Hampton 
'Court to speak farther with him. But when I came, Harvey, 
, who was one that waited on him, told me the Doctors were not 
'willing that 1 should speak with him. So I passed away, and 
'never saw him more: 1 
Friday, the 
Oth of August 1658, this was probably the day on 
which George Fox saw Oliver riding into Hampton Park with 
his Guards, for the last time. That Friday, as we find, his 
Highness seemed much better: hut on the morrow a sad change 
had taken place; feverish symptoms, for which the Doctors 
rigorously prescribed quiet. Saturday to Tuesday the symptoms 
continued ever worsening: a kind of tertian ague, , bastard 
tertian' as the old Doctors name it; for which it was ordered 
that his Highness should rt'tunl to \Yhitehall, as to a more 
favourable air in that complaint. On Tuesday accordingly he 
quitted Hampton Court ;-never to see it more. 2 
, His time was come,' says Harvey; 'and neither prayers nor 
'tears could prevail with God to lengthen out his life and lend 
'him longer to us, although abundantly and incessantly poured 
'out on his hehalf, both publicly and privately, as was observed, 
, in a more than ordinary way. Besides many a secret sigh, like 
'Moses' cry, more loud, amI strongly laying hold on God, though 
'neither perceived nor heard by men, than many spoken suppli- 
'cations. All which,-the heart.. of God's People being thus 
'mightily stirred up,-did seem to beget confidence in some, 
'and hopes in all; yea some thoughts in himself, that God 
'would restore him: 
'Prayers public and private:' they are worth imagining to 
ourselves. Meetings of Preachers, Chaplains, and Godly Persons; 
'Owen, Goodwin, Sterry, with a company of others, in an adjoin- 
ing room;' in Whitehall, and elsewhere over religious London 
and England, fervent outpourings of many a loyal heart. For 

I Fox's Journal, pp. 4 8 5,6. 
2[He went to Whitehall intending to stay only until St. James' \\as made ready, 
but never left it. For account of the .. ebb and flow" of his illness throughout 
August, see Clarke Papus, iii. 161.] 



[3 Sept. 

there were hearts to whom the nobleness of this man was known; 
and his worth to the Puritan Cause was evident. Prayers,- 
strange enough to us; in a dialect fallen obsolete, forgotten 
now. Authentic wrestling:s of anC'ient Human Souls,-who 
were alive then, with their affections, awe-struck pieties; with 
their Human Wishes, risen to be tr{lJl.';cendent, hoping to prevail 
with the Inexorable. All s\"allowed now in the depths of dark 
Time; which is full of such, since the beginning !-Truly it is 
a great scene of World-History, this in old \Vhitehall: Oliver 
Cromwell drawing nigh to his end. The exit of Oliver Cromwell 
and of English Puritanism; a great Light, one of our few au- 
thentic Solar Luminaries, going down now amid the clouds of 
Death. Like the setting of a great victorious Summer Sun; its 
course now finished. 'So stirbt ein Held,' says Schiller, 'So dies 
a Hero! Sight worthy to be worshipped! '-He died, this Hero 
Oliver, in Resignation to God; as the Brave have all done. 
, We could not be more desirous he should abide,' says the pious 
Harvey, 'than he was content and willing to be gone: The 
struggle lasted, amid hope and fear, for ten days.-Some small 
miscellaneous traits, and confused gleanings of last-words; and 
then our poor History ends. 

Oliver, we find, spoke much of 'the Covenants;' which 
indeed are the grand axis of aU, in that Puritan Universe of his. 
Two Covenants; one of \\T orks, with fearful J udp:ment for our 
shortcomings therein; one of Grace and unspeakable mercy ;- 
gracious Engagements, 'Covenants,' which the Eternal God has 
vouchsafed to make with His feeble C'reature Man. Two; and 
by Christ's Death they have become One: there for Oliver is 
the divine solution of this our Mystery of Life. l "They were 
"Two," he was heard ejaculating: "Two, but put into One before 
"the Foundation of the World! " _\nd again: "It is holy and 
"true, it is holy and true, it is holy and true !-Who made it 
"holy and true? The Mediator of the Covenant!" And again: 
H The Covenant is but One. Faith in the Covenant is my only 
H support. And if I believe not, He abides faithful!" When 
his Children and Wife stood weeping round him, he said : "Love 
U not this world. I say unto you, it is not good that you should 
U love this world!" No. "Children, live like Christians :-1 leave 

1 Much intricate intense reasoning to this effect, on this subject, in Owen's 
Works, among others. 




" you the Covenant to feed upon! " Yea, my brave one; even so ! 
The Covenant, and eten1al Soul of Covenants, remains sure to all 
the faithful deeper than the Foundations of this World; earlier 
than they, and more lasting than they 1- 
Look also at the foUowing; dark hues and bright; immortal 
light-beams struggling amid the black vapours of Death. Look; 
and conceive a great sacred scene, the sacred est this world sees; 
-and think of it, do not speak of it, in these mean days which 
have no sacred word. "Is there none that says, Who will 
deliver me from the peril?" moaned he once. 
lany hearts are 
praying, 0 \\ earied one! "Man can do nothing," rejoins he; 
"God can do what He will." -Another time, again thinking of 
the Covenant, "Is there none that will come and praise God," 
whose mercies endure for ever !- - 
Here also are ejaculations caught up at intervals, undated, 
in those final days: "Lord, thou knowest, if I do desire to live, 
it is to show forth Thy praise and declare Thy works! "-Once 
he was heard saying, "It is a fearful thing to faU into the hands 
of the Living God!" 1 'This was spoken three times,' says 
, Harvey; 'his repetitions usually being very weighty, and with 
, great vehemency of spirit: Thrice over he said this; looking 
into the Eternal Kingdoms: "A fearful thing to fall into the 
hands of the Living God! "- -But again: "All the Promises 
"of God are in Him, yes, and in Him Amen; to the glory of 
"God by us,-by us in Jesus Christ."- -" The Lord hath filled 
"me with as much assurance of His pardon, and His love, as 
"my soul can hold." "I think I am the poorest wretch that 
"lives: but I love God; or rather, am beloved of God."-" I 
"am a conqueror, and more than a conqueror, through Christ 
H that strengtheneth me ! ,. 2 
So pass, in the sickroom, in the sickbed, these last heavy 
uncertain days. 'The Godly Persons had great assurances of a 
return to their Prayers:' transcendent Human Wishes find in 
their own echo a kind of answer! They gave his Highness also 
some assurance that his life would be lengthened. 3 Hope was 
strong in many to the very end. 
On Monday, August 30th, there roared and howled all day a 
mighty storm of wind. Ludlow, coming up to Town from 

1 Hebrews x. 3 1 . 
2 From Harvey; scattered over his Pamphlet. 
II [It was said in London that he had had a revelation from God that he should 
recover. ] 



[3 Sept. 

Essex, could not start in the mon1Ïng for wind; tried it in the 
afternoon; still could not get along, in his coach, for headwind; 
had to stop at Epping.l On the morrow, Fleetwood came to 
him in the Protector's name, to ask, What he wanted here?- 
Nothing of public concernment, only to see my 
answered the solid man. For indeed he did not knO\\' that 
Oliver was dying; that the glorious hour of Disenthralmen t, 
and immortal 'Liberty' to plunge over precipices with one's 
self and one's Cause was so nigh !-It came; and he took the 
precipices, like a strongboned resolute blind gin-horse rejoicing 
in the breakage of its halter, in a very gallant constitutional 
manner. Adieu, my solid friend; if I go to Vevay, J will read 
thy Monument there, perhaps not without emotion, after 
all !- - 
It was on this stormy Monday, while rocking winds, heard in 
the sickroom and everywhere, were piping aloud, that Thurloe 
and an Official person entered to inquire, Who, in case of the 
worst, was to be his Highness's Successor? The Successor is 
named in a sealed Paper already dra\\ n-up, above a year ago, at 
Hampton Court; now lying in such and such a place. The Paper 
was sent for, searched fOl'; it could never be found. Richard's 
is the name understood to have been written in that Paper: not 
a good name; but in fact one does not know. In ten years' 
time, had ten years more been granted, Richal'(l might have 
become a fitter man; might have been cancelled, if palpably 
unfit. Or perhaps it was Fleetwood's name,-and the Paper, 
by certain parties, was stolen? N one knows. On the Thursday 
night following, 'and not tilJ then,' his Highness is understood 
to have formally named H Richard; "-01' perhaps it might only 
be some heavy-laden " Yes, yes!" spoken, out of the thick death- 
slumbers, in answer to Thurloe's quesfion H Richard?" The thing 
is a little uncertain. 2 It was, once more, a matter of much mo- 

1 Ludlow, ii. 610, 12. 
2 Authorities in Godwin, iv. 572-3, But see also Thurloe, vii. 375; Faucon- 
berg's second Letter there. [There is indeed a curious discrepancy between the ac- 
counts of Thurloeand Fauconberg, both of whom might be supposed to know what 
had happened. Thurloe says" he did it upon Monday" (vii. 372) ; Fauconberg" the 
preceding night [to his death] and not before." This last tallies with what Bor- 
deaux wrote to Mazarin. On August 3r (Tuesday) he said that the Protector's 
death was expected every hour, and that his family had done nothing in regard to 
the future; no one daring to mention the succession. Next day (Wednesday) he 
wrote again saying that he was informed by Lord Fauconberg that an extraordinary 
rally had taken place and that they meant to take advantage of it to get Lord Richard 
established. On the 3rd, in announcing the Protector's death, Lord Fauconberg 




ment ;-giving colour probably to all the subsequent Centuries 
of England, this answer!- 
On or near the night of the same stormy Monday, , two or 
three days before he died,' we are to place that Prayer his High- 
ness was heard uttering; which, as taken down by his attendants, 
exists in many old Notebooks. III the tumult of the winds, the 
dying Oliver was heard uttering this 


Lord, though I am a miserable and wretched creature, I am 
in Covenant with Thee through grace. And I may, I will, come 
to Thee, for Thy Peo})le. Thou hast made me, though very 
unworthy, a mean instrument to do them some good, and Thee 
service; and many of them have set too high a value upon me, 
though others wish and would be glad of my death; Lord, how- 
ever Thou do dispose of me, continue and go on to do good for 
them. Give them consistency of judgment, one heart, and 
mutual love; and go on to deliver them, and with the work of 
reformation; and make the Name of Christ glorious in the 
world. Teach those who look too much on Thy instruments, to 
depend more upon Thyself. Pardon such as desire to trample 
upon the dust of a poor worm, for they are Thy People too. 
And pardon the folly of this short Prayer :-Even for Jesus 
Christ's sake. And give us a good night, if it be Thy pleasure. 

, Some variation there is,' says Harvey, 'of this Prayer, as to 
, the account divers give of it; and something is here omitted. 
'But so much is certain, that these were his requests. Wherein 
'his heart was so carried out for God and His People,-yea in- 
'deed for some who had added no little sorrow to him,' the 
Anabaptist Republicans, fi1ul others,-' that at this time he seems 

wrote to Bordeaux that His Highness" had had time" to name Lord Richard as 
his successor, and that it had been announced to the Council that "last evening 
the Protector, by a nuncupative testament" had named his eldest son] 



[3 Sept. 

'to forget his own Family and nearest relations.' Which indeed 
is to be remarked. 
Thursday night the Writer of our old Pamphlet was himself 
in attendance on his Highness; and has preserved a trait or 
two; with which let us hasten to conclude. Tomorrow is 
September Third, always kept as a Thanksgiving day, since the 
Victories of Dunbar and Worcester. The wearied one, 'that 
very night before the Lord took him to his everlasting rest,' 
was heard thus, with oppressed voice, speaking: 
"'Truly God is good; indeed He is; He will not "-Then 
, his speech failed him, but as I apprehended, it was, "He will 
'not leave me." This saying, "God is good," he frequently used 
'all along; and would speak it with much cheerfulness, and fer- 
, vour of spirit, in the midst of his pains.-Again he said: "I 
, would be willing to live to be farther serviceable to God and 
'His People: but my work is done. Yet God will be with His 
, People." 
'He was very restless most part of the night, speaking often 
'to himself. And there being something to drink offe}"ed him, 
'was desired To take the same, and endeavour to sleep-Unto 
'which he answered: "It it not my design to drink or sleep; 
'but my design is, to make what haste I can to be gone."- 
, Afterwards, towards morning, he used divers holy expressions, 
'implying- much inward consolation and peace; among the rest 
'he spake some exceeding self-debasing words, a1mihilatilll( and 
'judging himself. And truly it was observed, that a public spirit 
'to God's Cause did breathe in him,-as in his lifetime, so now 
'to his very last: 
When the morrow's sun rose, Oliver was speechless; between 
three and four in the afternoon, he lay dead. Friday, 3rd Septem- 
ber 1658. "The consternation and astonishment of all people," 
writes Fauconberg,1 "are inexpressible; their hearts seem as if 
It sunk within them. My poor Wife,-I know not what on earth 
"to do with her. When seemingly quieted, she bursts out again 
"into a passion that tears her very heart in pieces."-Husht, poor 
weeping Mary! Here is a Life-battle right nobly done. Seest 
thou not, 

I The storm is changed into a calm, 
At His command and will; 
So that the waves which raged before 
Now quiet are and still ! 

1 To Henry Cromwell, 7th September 1658 (Thurloe, vii. 275). 




Then are they glad,-because at rest 
And quiet now they be : 
So to the haven He them brings 
\Vhich they desired to see. ' 1 

"Blessed are the dead that die in the Lord;' blessed are the 
valiant that have lived in the Lord. "Amen, saith the Spirit,'- 
Amen. " They do rest from their labours, and their works follow 

"Their works follow them: As, 1 think, this Oliver Crom- 
well's works have done and are still doing! We have had our 
"Revolutions of Eighty-eight,' officially called "glorious;' and 
other Revolutions not yet called glorious; and somewhat has 
been gained for poor Mankind. Men's ears are not now slit-off 
by rash Officiality; Officiality will, for long henceforth, be more 
cautious about men's ears. The tyrannous Star-chambers, brand- 
ing-irons, chimerical Kings and Surplices at AU-hallowtide, they 
are gone, or with immense velocity going. Oliver's works do 
follow him !-The works of a man, bury them under what guano- 
mountains and obscene owl-droppings you will, do not perish, 
cannot perish. What of Heroism, what of Eternal Light was in 
a Man and his Life, is with very great exactness added to the 
Eternities; remains forever a new divine portion of the Sum of 
Things; and no owl's voice, this way or that, in the least avails 
in the matter.-But we have to end here. 
Oliver is gone; and with him England's Puritanism, laboriously 
built together by this man, and made a thing far-shining, miracu- 
lous to its own Century, and memorable to all the Centuries, soon 
goes. Puritanism, without its King, is l.."inglelJ'.'i, anarchic; falls 
into dislocation, self-collision; staggers, plunges into ever deeper 
anarchy; King, Defender of the Puritan Faith there can now 
none be found ;-and nothing is left but to recall the old dis- 
owned Defender with the remnants of His Four Surplices, and 
Two Centuries of H.YjJocrisis (or Play-acting /lot so-called), and 
put-up with all that, the best we may. The Genius of England 
no longer soars Sunward, world-defiant, like an Eagle through 
the storms, 'mewing her mighty youth,' as John Milton saw her 
do: the Genius of England, much liker a greedy Ostrich intent 
on provender and a whole skin mainly, stands with its othel" 
extremity Sunward; with its Ostrich-head stuck into the readiest 

1 [Psalm cvii. Rouse's version.] 



[3 Sept. 

bush, of old Church-tippets, King-cloaks, or what other' sheltering 
Fallacy J there may be, and so awaits the issue. The issue has been 
slow; but it is now seen to have been inevitabJe. No Ostrich, 
intent on gross terrene provender, and sticking its head into Fal- 
lacies, but will be awakened one day,-in a terrible à-po.\.teriori 
manner, if not otherwise! - - A wake before it come to that; 
gods apd men bid us awake! The Voices of our Fathers, with 
thousandfold stern monition to one and all, bid us awake. 


No. I 


[Vol. i. p. 48] 

THE stolen Letter of the Ashmole Museum has been found printed, and 
even reprinted. It is of the last degree of insignificance: a mere Note 
of Invitation to Downhall to stand' Godfather unto my child.' l\!an- 
child now ten days old,! who, as we may see, is christened' on Thursday 
next' by the name of RICHARJ),-and had strange ups and downs as a 
Man when it came to that! 

To hiß approvf'd good Friend 111r. Henry DO'll'n!la[f', at hi.
in St. .Tohn's College: These 

Huntingdon, 14th October 1626. 


Make me so much your servant as to be 2 Godfather 
unto my child. I would myself have come over unto you to have made 
a more formal invitation, but my occasions would not permit: and 
therefore hold me ill that excused. The day of your trouble is Thursday 
next. Let me entreat your company on 'Vednesday. 
By this time it appears, I am more apt to encroach upon you for new 
favours than to show my thankfulness for the love I have already found. 
But I know your patience and your goodness cannot be exhaustf"d by 
Y our friend and servant, 

1 Vol. i. p. 62. 

2 I by being' in orig. 

* Hearne's Lih(}- .vz:::rr Smcmrii (London, 1771), i. 261 n. 




[13 Sept. 

Of this Downhall, sometimes written Downhault, and even Downett 
and Downtell,. who grounds his claim, such as it is, to human remem- 
brance on the above small Note from Oliver,-a helpful hand has, with 
unsubduable research, discovered various particulars, which might amount 
almost to an outline of a history of Downhall, were such needed. He 
was of Northamptom
hire, come of gentlefolks in that County. Ad- 
mitted Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, 12th AprillG}.t;- 
had known Oliver, and apparently been helpful and instructive to him, 
two years after that. More interesting still, he this same Downhall 
was Vicar of St. hes when Oliver came thither in 163õ; still Vicar 
when Oliver left it, though with far other tendencies than Oliver's now; 
and had, alas, to be ' ejected with his Curate, in 1642; as an Anti-Puri- 
tan Malignant: I-Oliver's course and his having altogether parted now! 
Nay farther, the same Downhall, surviving the Restoration, became 
, Archdeacon of Huntingdon' in 16G7: fifty-one years ago he had lodged 
there as Oliver Cromwell's Guest and Gossip; and now he comes as 
Archdeacon,-with a very strange set of Annals written in his old head, 
poor Downhall! He died' at Cottingham in Northamptonshire, hiB 
nati ve region, in the winter-time of 1669 ; '-and so, with his Ashmole 
Letter, ends. 2 



[Vol. i. p. 84] 

THERE is at Ely a Charitable .Foundation now above four centuries old; 
which in Oliver's time was named the Ely Feoffees' Fund, and is now 
known as Parsons' Charity,. the old Records of which, though some- 
w hat mutilated during those years, offer one or two faint but indubitable 
vestiges of Oliver, not to be neglected on the present occasion. 
This Charity of ancient worthy Thomas Parsons, it appears, had, 
shortly before Oliver's arrival in Ely, been somewhat remodelled by a 
new Royal Charter: To be henceforth more especially devoted to the 
Poor of Ely; to be governed by Twelve Feoffees; namely, by Three 

I Vol. i. p. 78. [For refusing to admit a factious lecturer, Walker says. He was 
turned out of his living of Toft in 1643 or 1644 by the Earl of Manchester, .. for 
keeping ignorant curates . . . who also observed the ceremonies" and for being an 
enemy to Parliament.] 
2Cooper's Annals of Cambridge, iii. 187; and MS. communicated by Mr. 
Cooper, resting on the following formidable mass of documentary Authorities: 
Cole fl,ISS. (which is a Transcript of Baker's History of St. John's College), 166, 
358. Rymer's Fædera, xix. 261. Le Neve's Fasti Ecclesitz A nglicantz , p. 160. 
Kennet's Register and Chronicle, pp. 207. 251. Walker's Sufferings, ii. 129, 130. 
\\food's At/zentz (2d edition, passage wanting in both the 1st and 3d), ii. 1179. 




Dignitaries of the Cathedral, and by Nine Townsmen of the better sort, 
who are permanent, and fill up their own vacancies/-of which latter 
class, Oliver Cromwell Esquire, most likely elected in his Uncle's stead, 
was straightway made one. The old Books, as we say, are specially 
defective in those years; 'have lost forty or fifty leaves at the end of 
Book I., and 12 leaves at the beginning of Book II.,' ;-leaves cut out 
for the sake of Oliver's autograph, or as probably for other reasons. 
Detached papers, however, still indicate that Oliver was one of the 
Feoffees, and a moderately diligent one, almost from his first residence 
there. Here, under date some six or seven months after his arrival, is 
a small entry in certain loose papers, labelled 'The Accornpts of l\1r. 
John Hand and l
Ir. JVrn. Crauford, Collectors of the Revene'll'es be- 
longing to the TO'lvne of Ely' (that is, to Parsons' Charity in Ely) ; and 
under this special head, ' The Disbursements of AI,t. John H(md, from 
the - of August 1636 unto the - of-1641 : 

'Given to divers Poore People at ye \V ork-house, in the } 
'presence of 1\11'. Archdeacon of Ely,2 :\Ir. Oliver EI6 14 0 ' 
'Cromwell, Mr. John Goodricke and others, 10th . 
, February 1636, as appeareth . . . . 

And under this other head, 'The Disbursements of !tIre Crauford, 
which unluckily are not dated, and run vaguely from 1636 to 1641 : 

, Item to Jones, by 
lr. Cromwell's consent 

EI 0 0: 

Twice or thrice elsewhere the name of Cromwell is mentioned, but 
not as indicating activity on his part, indicating merely Feoffeeship and 
passivity; 3-except in the following instance, where there is still extant 
a small Letter of his. '
lr. Hand; as we have seen, is one of the 
'Collectors; himself likewise a Feoffee Or Governor, the Governors 
(it would appear) taking that office in turn. 

, To Mr. Hand, at Ely: These' 

, Ely,' 13th September 1638. 


I doubt not but ] shall be as good as my word for 
your money. I desire you to deliver forty shillings of the Town money 
to this hearer, to pay for the physic for Benson's cure. If the gentle- 

1 Report of the Commissioners concerning Charities (London, 1837): distinct 
account of it there, 
 Cambridgeshire, pp. 218-20. 
2 One 'Wigmore;' the Dean was 'William Fuller;' the Bishop 'Matthew 
Wren,' very famous for his Popish Candles and other fripperies, who lay long in 
the Tower afterwards. These were the three Clerical Feoffees in Oliver's time. 
3 Excerpts of Documents obligingly communicated'by the Dean of Ely,-now 
penes Mr. Cooper of Cambridge. 



[4 May. 

men will not allow it at the time of account, keep this note, and I will 
pay it out of my own purse. So I rest, 

Vour loving friend, 

Poor' Benson' is an old invalid. Among Mr. Hand's Disbursements 
for the year 1636 is this, 
, For phisicke and surgery for old Benson f:2 7 4.' 
And among Crauford's, of we know not what year, 
,'To Benson at dh'ers times .:EO 15 0.' 

Let him have forty shillings more, poor old man; and if the Gentle- 
men won't allow it, Oliver Cromwell will pay it out of his own purse. 



[Vol. i. I'p. 106 ;-1l8, 128.] 

Two vestiges of Oliver at Cambridge, in his parliamentary and in his 
military capacity, there still are. 
1. The first, which relates to a once very public Affair, is his Letter 
(his and Lowry's) to the Cambridge Authorities, in May 1641 ; Letter 
accompanying the celebrated 'Protestation and Preamble' just sent 
forth by the House of Commons, with earne
t invitation to all con- 
stituencies to adopt the same. 

, A P'team,ble, with the Protestation made by the whole Hou.'$e of Com- 
, mons, the 3d of l'tlay 1641, and assented lmto by the Lords of the 
, Uppe?' House, the 4th of Jlay. 
, \Ve, the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses of the Commons House, 
'in Parliament, finding, to the grief of our hearts, That the designs 
'of the Priests and Jesuits, and other Adherents to the See of Ro
'have been of late more boldly and frequently put in practice than 
, formerly, to the undermining, and danger of ruin, of the True Re- 
, formed Religion in his ;\Iajesty's Dominions established: And finding 

* Ivlemoirs 0/ the Protector, by Oliver Cromwell, a Descendant &c. (London, 
1822), i. 351; where also (p. 350) is found, in a very indistinct state, the above- 
given Entry from Hand's Accompts, misdated' 1641,' instead of 10th February 
1636-7. The Letter to Hand 'has not been among the Feoffees' Papers for several 
years;' and is now (1846) none knows where. 

1641. ] 



, also that there hath been, and having cause to suspect there still are 
'even during the sitting in Parliament, endeavours to subvert the 
'Fundamental Laws of England and Ireland, and to introduce the 
'exercise of an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government, by most per- 
, nicious and wicked counsels, plots and conspiracies: And that the long 
'intermission, and unhappier breach, of Parliaments hath occasioned 
'many illegal Taxations, whereupon the Subjects have been prosecuted 
, and grieved: .\nd that divers Innovations and Superstitions have been 
'brought into the Church; multitudes driven out of his Majesty's 
, dominions; jealousies raised and fomented between the King and 
, People; a Popish Army levied in Ireland,I and Two Armies brought 
'into the bowels of this Ring-dom, to the hazard of his Majesty's royal 
, Person, the commmption of the revenue of the Crown, and the treasure 
'of thiR Realm: And lastly, finding great causes of jealousy that en- 
, deavours 2 have been and are used to bring the English Army into 
, misunderstanding of this Parliament, thereby to incline that Army by 
, force to bring to pass those wicked counsels,- 
'Have therefore thought good to join ourselves in a declaration of 
, our united affections and resolutions; and to make this ensuing 


, I, A. B., do in the Presence of Almighty God promise, vow and 
'protest, To maintain and defend as far as lawfully I may, with my 
'life. power and estate, the True Reformed Protestant Religion, ex- 
'pressed in the Doctrine of the Church of England, against all Popery 
'and Popish Innovations, and according to the duty of my allegiance 
'to his Majesty's royal Person, Honour and Estate: as also the Power 
'and Privileges of Parliament, the Lawful Rights and Liberties of the 
'Subject; and every Person that maketh this Protestation in whatsoever 
'he shall do in the lawful pursuance of the same. And to my power, 
, as far as lawfully I may, I will oppose, and by g-ood ways and means 
, endeavour to bring to condign punishment, all such as shall, by force, 
'practice, counsel, plots, conspiracies or otherwise, do anything to the 
, contrary in this present Protestation contained. 
, And further I shall, in all just and honourable ways, endeavour to 
, preserve the union and peace betwixt the Three Kingdoms of England, 
, Scotland and Ireland: and neither for hope, fear nor other respect, 
'shall relinquish this Promise, Vow and Protestation.'3 

1 By Strafford lately, against the Scots and their enterprises. 
2 This is the important point, nearly shaded out of sight: . finding the great 
causes of jealousy, endeavours have' &c. is the tremulous, indistinct and even un- 
grammatical phrase in the Original. 
3 Commons Journals. ii. 132 (3d May 16 4 1 ). 
VOL. I1I.-15 



[8 May. 

This is OIl }Ionday, 3d May 1641, while the Apprentices are bellow- 
ing in Palaceyard: Cromwell is one of those that take the Protestation 
this same :\Ionday, present in the House while the redacting of it g'oes 
on. Long lists of :\Iembers take it,-not John Lowry, who I conclude 
must have been absent. On Wednesday, 5th :\fay, there is this Order: 
'Ordered, That the Protestation made by the Members ofthis House, 
'with the Preamble, shall be together printed;' Clerk to attest the 
copies; all :\fembers to send them down to the re!':pective Sheriff
Juo;;tices, to the respective Cities, Boroughs, and' intimate with what 
'willingness the :\Iembers made this Protestation; and that as they 
'justify the taking' of it in themselves, so they cannot but approve it 
, in them that shall likewise take it.' 
Strict Order, at the same time, That all Members' now in Town aud 
not sick shall appear here Tomorrow at Eight of Clock,' and take this 
Protestation: non-appearance to be 'accounted a contempt of this 
House,' and expose one to be expelled, or worse ;-in spite of which 
John Lowry still does not sign, not till Friday morning', after even 
'Philip \Varwick' and 'Endymion Porter' have signed; whence I 
infer he was out of Town or unwelI.I-This Letter, which seems to be 
of Cromwell's writing', still stands on the Corporation Books of 
Cambridge; read in Common Council there on the 11th of May; at 
which time, said Letter being read, the Town Authorities did one and 
all zealously accept the same, and sig'ned the Protestation on the spot. 
The Letter is not dated; but as Lowry signed on Friday, and the 
Corporation meeting is on Tuesday the 11th, we may safely g'uess the 
Letter to have arrived on Monday, and to have been written on Saturday. 

To the Right Worshipful the Mayor and Aldermen of Oambridge, 
'with tlu> rest of that Body: Present these 
. London, 8th' May 1641. 


\Ve heartily salute you; and herewith (according to 
the directions of the House of Commons in this present Parliament 
assembled), send unto you a Protestation by them lately made, the 
contents whereof will best appear in the thing itself. The preamble 
therewith printed doth declare the weig'hty reasons inducing them, in 
their own persons, to begin 'making it.' 
\Ve shall only let you know that, with alacrity and willingness, 
the members of that body entered thereinto. It was in them a right 
honourable and necessary act; not unworthy your imitation. V ou 
shall hereby as the body represented avow the practice of the represen- 
tative. The conformity is in itself praiseworthy; and will be by them 
approved. The result may (through the Almighty's ble
sing) becomt'l 

I Commons Journals, ii. 133. 5, 6. 7. Rushworth, iv. 2.p"et seqq. 




stability and .,;ecurity to the whole kingdom. Combination carries 
strength with it. It's dreadful to adversaries; especially when it's in 
order to the duty we owe to God, to the loyalty we owe to our King 
and Sovereign, and to the affection due to our country and liberties, 
the main ends of this Protestation now herewith sent you. 
'Ve say no more, but commit you to the protection of Him, who is 
able to save you; desiring your prayers for the good success of our 
present affairR amI endeavours, whirh indeed are not ours but the 
Lord's and yours, whom we desire to serve in integrity: and bidding 
you heartily farewell, rest, 
Y ollr loving friends to be commanded, 

2. The second is a small antiquarian relic (date, Spring, 1643); dim 
and of little worth in its detached form, but capable of lighting itself 
up, and the reader's fancy along with it, when set in the right combina- 
'Mr. Abraham \Vhelocke,' whose name and works are still well 
enough known, was, later in that century, 'the celebrated Professor 
of Arabic at Oxford;' and is now, we perceive, in this Spring 1643, a 
Student at Cambridge; of meditative peripatetic habits; often walking 
into the country with a little Arabic Volume in his pocket ;-apt to be 
fluttered at the Town Gates by these new military arrangements. [n 
this difficulty he calls on Colonel Cromwell; and-But his little 
Volume itself is still extant, and tells its own story aud hk A thin 
duodecimo, in white hogskin binding now grown very brown; size 
handy for the smallest coat-pocket :-and on the fly-leaf, in Oliver's 
hand, stands written (signed successively by three other Committee-meu 
whom \Vhelocke would soon search out for the feat) : 

4th April 1643' 
Suffer the Bearer hereof, 1\1r. Abraham \Vhelocke, to pass your 
guards 80 often as he shall have occasion, into and out of Cambridge, 
towards Little Shelford or any other place; and this shall be your 



* Cambridge Corporation Day-Book: in Cooper's A nnals of Cambrid<Y'e, iii. 31 I. 
Printed also. with errors, in O. Cromwell's Memoirs of the Protector, i. 406. 
::: Whe1ocke's Arabic Volume (a version into Arabic of one of Bellarmin's Books 
by some Armenian Patriarch, for benefit of the Heathen, Rome, 1627,-with slight 
marks of Whelocke on the other fly-leaves): Volume now in the possession of Dr. 
Lee, Hartwell, Buckinghamshire, who has kindly given me sight of it.-Next year, 
under this Pass of Oliver's, lower half of the same fly-leaf, there is a Renewal of it, 



[26 Jan. 



[Vol. i. p. 116] 
Two Committee-Letters, both of Oliver's writing; illustrations of his 
diligent procedure in the birth-time of the Eastern Association. 
To our noble Friends, Sir John Hobert, Si?' Thomas Riehm'dlSon, Si,t 
John Potts, Sir John Palgrave, 'Si,t' John Spelman, Knights and 
Baronets, and the 'test of the Deputy-Lieutenants for the County of 
Norfolk: Present thesp 

'Cambridge, 26th January 1642.' 


The Parliament and the Lord General have taken 
into their care the peace and protection of these Eastern parts of the 
kingdom; and to that end have sent down hither some part of their 
forces,-as likewise a 1 Commission, with certain Instructions to us and 
others directed; all which do highly concern the peace and safety of 
your county. Therefore we intreat that some of you would give us a 
meeting at Mildenhall 2 in Suffolk, on Tuesday the 31st of this instant 
January. And in the mean time that you would make all possible 
speed to have in a readiness, against any 3 notice shall be given, a con- 
siderable force of Horse and Foot to join with us, to keep any enemy's 
force from breaking-in upon your yet peaceable country. For we have 
certain intelligence that some of Prince Rupert's forces are come as far 
as \Vellingborough in Northamptonshire, and that the Papists in Nor- 
folk are solicited to rise presently upon you. 
Thus presenting all our neighbourly and loving respects, we rest, 
Your respective friends to serve you, 


or Copy in almost precisely the same terms, written and signed by the Earl of 
Manchester (in ink now grown very pale, while Oliver's has changed to strong red- 
brown), of date' 27th February 1643'-4. when his Lordship again for a time (see 
antea. vol. i. p. 170) bad become chief Authority in Cambridge. (Note of 18 57.) 
1 [' the' erased.] 2' Millnall . he writes. 
:I [' any' inserted with a caret: both corrections apparently in Cromwell's hand.] 
* Original in Tanner LJ1SS. lxiv. u6. 

1643. ] 



To our 'worthy Friends, Si?' John Hobert, SÙ' Thomas Richardson, Sir 
John Potts, Sir John Palgral'e, Sir John Spelman, Knights and 
Baronets: Present these 

Cambridge, 27th January 1642. 


The grounds of your jealousies are real. They concur 
with our intelligences from 'Vindsor; the sum whereof we give unto 
}<'rom a prisoner taken by Sir Samuel Luke (one Mr. Gaudy,l a 
Captain of dragooners) this confession was drawn, That the Papists by 
direction from Oxford should rise in Norfolk. "rhereupon it was de- 
sired from thence That Sir Henry Benningfield and Mr. Gaudy their 
persons should be seized, and that we 2 should do ours endeavour to make 
stay of the person and letter which contained this encouragement to 
them,-he being described by his horse and clothes. But we believe 
, he' was past us before we had notice, for our Scouts could not light on 
As for the other consideration of his Majesty's forces being invited 
into these parts, we have confirmation thereof from all hands ;-and 
there is this reason to doubt it will be so, because his Majesty is weary 
of Oxford ; there being little in those parts left to sustain his Army,- 
and surely the fulness of these parts and fitness of them for Horse are 
too-too good arguments to invite him 4 hither. Thus we agree in the 
grounds of our doubt and fear. 
The next thought is of remedy. And in this we account it our hap- 
piness to consult with you of common safety, to be had either by the 
Association you speak of, Or by II any other consideration by communi- 
cation of assistance, according to necessity. \Vherein I hope you shall 
find all readiness and cheerfulness in us, to assist you to break any 
strength that shall 6 be gathered; or to prevent it, if desired,-having 
timely notice given from you thereof. The way will be best settled, if 
you g-ive us a meeting, according to our desire by a letter particularly 

1 [Sir Samuel Luke (said to be the original of Hudibras) was M. P. for Bedford, 
governor of Newport Pagnell garrison, and {'olonel of a regiment of horse. Also, 
at this time, Scout-Master General. Carlyle printed .. Gandy," but II Gaudy" is 

 [' I' erased.] 3 [, my' erased.] 
40[' them' erased. All the corrections in Cromwell's hand.] 
(; Comes to the end of the sheet, and turns to the margin. 
1\ [' may' erased, and 'shall' substituted.] 



[29 July. 

prepared I hefore we received yours, anrl now seut unto you for that 
purpm:e together with the!:e. 
ThiR is all we can say for the present; but that we are, 
Your friends and servants, 



, P.
.' n' e sent to Sir n'illiam Spring to offer him our assistance 
for the apprehension of Sir H. Benningfield, &c. 2 '\Ve have not yet 
received any answer.-We knew not how to address ourselves to you. 
It's our rleRire to assist you in that or any other public service.. 



[V 01. i. p. 144.] 

HERE are other details concerning Gainsborough Fight; Two Letters 
upon it that ha,"e successively turned up. 
1. The first is a Letter two days earlier in date; evidently not 
written by Cromwell, though signed by him and two chief Lincolnshire 
Committee-men, as he passes through their City on his way to Hunting- 
don. Sir Edward Ayscough, or' Ayscoghe' as he here signs himself, 
--probably a kinsman of Sir George the Sailor's, possibly the father of 
the' Captain Ayscoghe' mentioned here,-he and John Broxholme, 
Esq., both of the LincolnRhire Committee'=; are clearly the writer!< of 
the present Letter. 
"PO?' thp Honou,table William Lenthall, Esqui1'e, Speake'J' of the 
Commons House of Parliament: Thes(' 
" Lincoln, 29th July 1643 (Six o'clock at night). 
"NOBLE SIR,- '\V e, having solicited a conjunction of Forces towards 
"the raising of the Siege of Gainsborough, did appoint a general 

] [' and di' (meaning 'directed ') erased. Preceding letter, seemingly, or 
rather copy of it.] 

 [' and' erased; '&c: substituted.] 3 Husband, ii. 171. 
· Original, in Cromwell's own hand throughout, in Tanner JISS. lxiv. 129. [This 
NO.4. was an insertion in the 1857 edition. In the 1850 edition" Gainsborough 
Fight" was NO.4,] 

1643. ] 



"rendezvous at 
orth Scarle to be upon Thursday the 27th of July. 
"To the which place, Sir John Meldrum with about three-hundred 
" Horse and Dragoons, and Colonel Cromwell with about six or seven 
"Troops of Horse and about one-hundred Dragoons, came. \Vith these 
" they marched towards Gainsborough; and meeting with a good party 
" of the Enemy about a mile from the Town, beat them back,-but not 
"with any commendations to our Dragooners. ",read vanced still to- 
" wards the Enemy, all along under the Cony- \V an'en, which is upon 
" a high Hill above Gainsborough. The Lincoln Troops had the van, 
"two Northampton, and three small Troops of :Xottingham the battle, 
"and Colonel Cromwell the rear; the Enemy in the mean time with 
" his body keeping the top of the Hill. 
"Some of the Lincoln Troops began to advance up the Hill; which 
" were opposed by a force of the Enemy: but our men repelled them, 
"until all our whole body was got up the Hill. The Enemy kept his 
"ground; which he chose for his best advantage, with a body of Horse 
" of about three Regiments of Horse, and a reserve behind them con- 
"!'listing of General Cavendish his Regiment, which was a very full 
" regiment. n r e presently put our Horse in order; which we could 
"hardly do by reason of the cony-holes and the difficult ascent up the 
"Hill; the Enemy being within musket-shot of us, and advancing 
"towards us before we could get ourselves into any good order. But 
"with those Troops we could get up, we charged the greater body of 
" the Enemy; came-up to the sword's point; and disputed it so a little 
" with them, that our men pressing heavily upon them, they could not 
" bear it, but all their body ran away, some ou the one side of their 
" Reserve, others on the other. Divers of our Troops pursuing had 
" the chase about six miles. 
"General Cavendish with his Regiment standinglfirm all the while, 
"aud facing some of our Troops that did not follow the chase, Colonel 
"Cromwell, with his Major nPhalley and one or two Troops more, 
"were following the chase, and were in the rear of that Regiment. 
"\Vhen they saw the body stand unbroken, 'they' eudeavoured, with 
"much ado, to get into a body those three or four Troops which were 
"divided, which when they had done,-perceiving the Enemy to 
"charge two or three of the Lincoln scattered Troops, and making 
"them retire by reason of their being many more than they in number; 
"and the rest being elsewhere engaged and following the chase,- 
"Colonel Cromwell with his three Troops followed them in the rear; 
" brake this Regiment; and forced their General, with divers of their 
"men, into a quagmire in the bottom of the Hill, where one of 
"Colonel Cromwell's men cut General Cavendish on the head; by 
"reason whereof he fell off his horse; and the Colonel's 1 Captain- 
"Lieutenant thrust him into the j,jide, whereof within two hours he 
"died ;-the rest chasing the Regiment quite out of the field, having 
"execution of them, so that the field was left wholly unto us, not a 

1 Original has' his,' anti for' General Cavendish' in the foregoing line, . him.' 



[29 July. 

"man appearing. Upon this, divers of our men went into the Town; 
"carrying-in to my Lord Willoughby some of the ammunition we 
"brought for him ;-believing our work was all at an end; saving to 
" take care how to bring further provisions into the Town, to enable 
"it to stand a siege in case my Lord Newcastle should draw-up with 
"his Army to attempt it. 
"Whilst we were considering of these things, word was brought us 
"That there was a small remainder of the Enemy's force not yet 
" meddled with, , about a mile' beyond Gainsborough, with some Foot, 
"and two pieces of Ordnance. "re having no Foot, desired to have 
"some out of the Town, which my Lord \\Tilloughby granted, and 
" sent us about six-hundred Foot: with these we advanced towards the 
"Enemy. \Vhen we came thither to the top of the hill, we beat divers 
" Troops of the Enemy's Horse back, but at the bottom we saw a Regi- 
"ment of !<'oot; after that another (my Lord Newcastle's own Regiment, 
"consisting of nineteen colours) appearing also, and many Horse;- 
"which indeed was his Army. Seeing these there so unexpectedly, we 
"advised what to do. 
" Colonel Cromwell was sent to command the _Foot to retire, and to 
" draw-off the Horse. By the time he came to them, the Enemy was 
"marching up the hill. The Foot did retire disorderly into the Town, 
"which was not much abo\le a quarter of a mile from them; upon 
"whom the Enemy's Horse did some small execution. The Horse also 
"did retire in some disorder, about half a mile, until they came to 
"the end of a field where a passage was; where, by the endeavour of 
"Colonel Cromwell, 'of' 
lajor \Vhalley and Captain Ayscoghe, a 
"body was drawn up. \Yith these we faced 1 the Enemy; stayed their 
" pursuit; and opposed them with about four Troops of Colonel Crom- 
"well's and four Lincoln Troops; the Enemy's body in the mean time 
"increasing very much from the Army. But such was the goodness 
"of God, giving courage and valour to our men and officers, that whilst 
"Major \Yhalley and Captain Ayscoghe, sometimes the one with four 
"Troops faced the Enemy, sometimes the other, to the exceeding glory 
" of God be it spoken, and the great honour of those two Gentlemen, 
" they with this handful forced the Enemy so, and dared them to their 
"teeth in at least eight or nine several removes,-the Enemy following 
"at their heels; and they, though their horses were exceedingly tired 
"retreated in this order, near carbine-shot of the Enemy, who thus 
"followed them, firing upon them; Colonel Cromwell gathering-up 
"the main body and facing them behind those two lesser bodies,-that, 
"in despite of the Enemy, we brought-off our Horse in this order, 
" without the loss of two men. 
"Thus have you a true relation of this notable service: wherein God 
" is to have all the glory. And care must be taken speedily to relieve 
"thisnoble Lord from his and the State's Enemies, by a speedy force sent 
"unto us,-and that without delay; or else he will be lost, and that 

J [" forced ., in ,1-'15.] 

1643. ] 



"important TOWI', and all those parts; aud way made for this Army 
"instantly to advance into the South. Thus restin
 upon your care 
"in speeding present succours hither, we humbly ta.,;:e our leaves, and 
" remain, 

"Your humble servants, 
" J O. BROXOLME." 1 

2. The Second Letter, the Original of which still exists, is of much 
greater interest; being from Cromwell's own hand, and evidently thrown- 
off in a quite familiar and even hasty fashion. 'Vritten, as would ap- 
pear, on the march from Lincoln to Huntingdon; no mention precisely 
where; but probably at the Army's quarters on the evening of their 
first day's march homewards. In the Original the surname of the' Sir 
John' to whom the Letter addresses itself has been, probably by some 
royalist descendant (of mixed emotions), so industriously crossed out 
with many strokes of the pen, that not only is it entirely illegible, but 
the polite possessor of the Autograph cannot undertake to guess for 
me how many letters may have been in the word. On other grounds 
I pretty confidently undertake, nevertheless, to read TVray: Sir John 
'Vrayof Glentworth, member for Lincolnshire, and on the Committee 
of that County; at present, I suppose, attending his duty in London. 
Glentworth House is almost within sight and sound of these transac- 
tions; the well-affected Knight of the Shire, for many reasons, may 
fitly hear a word of them, while we rest from our march. Sir John's 
Mother, I find by the Dryasdust records 2 was a Montague of Boughton; 
so that' your noble Kinsman' near the end of this Letter will mean my 
Lord of Manchester, 'Serjeant-Major of the Association; a man well 
qualified to give information. 

To 'liLY noble F'l'iend Sir John' TVraye; Knight and Baronet: 
Present these 

. Eastern Association: 30th July 1643. 


The particular respects I have received at your hands 
do much oblige me, but the great affection you bear to the public much 
more: for that cause I am bold to acquaint you with some late passages 
wherein it hath pleased God to favour us; which, I am assured, will be 
welcome to you. 
After Burlye House was taken, we went towards Gainsbrowe to a 
general rendezvous, where met us Lincolnshire troops; so that we were 

1 Tanner J1S. lxii. 194; and, with little or no variation, Baker MS. xxviii. 434. 
2 Burke's Extinct Baroneta,l{t, fi Wray. 



[30 July. 

nineteen or twenty Troops, when we were together, of Horse I and 
about three or four Troops of Dragooners. \
r e marched with this 
force to Gainsbrowe. Upon Friday morning, being the 28th day of 
July, we met with a forlorn-hope of the Enemy, and with our men 
brake it in. \Ve marched on to 2 the Town's end; the Enemy being 
upon the top of a very steep Hill over our heads, some of our men at- 
tempted to march up that Hill; the Enemy opposed; our men drove 
them up, and forced their passage. By that time we came up, we saw 
the Enemy well set in two bodies: the foremost a large fair body, the 
other a reserve consisting of six or seven brave Troops. Before we 
could get our force into order, the great body of the Enemy advanced; 
they were within musket-shot of us when we came to the pitch of the 
Hill: we advanced likewise towards them; and both charged, each 
upon other: thus advancing, we came to pistol and sword's point, both 
in that close order that it was disputed very strongly who should break 
the other; but our men pressing a little heavily upon them, they began 
to give back, which our men perceiving, instantly forced them; brake 
that whole body; some of them flying on this side, some on the other 
side, of the reserve; our men, pursuing them in great disorder, had 
the execution about four, or some say six miles. \Vith much ado, this 
done, and all their force being gone, not one man standing, but all 
beaten out of the field, we drew up our body together, and kept the 
field, the half of our men being well worn in the chase of the Enemy. 
Upon this we endeavoured the business we came for; which was the 
relief of the Town with Ammunition. no e sent-in some powder, which 
was the great want of that Town; which done, word was brought us 
that the Enemy had about six Troops of Horse, and three-hundred Foot, 
a little on the other side of the Town. Cpon this we drew some mus- 
keteers out of the Town, and with our body of horse marched towards 
them. \Ve saw two Troops towards the Mill, which my men dro,.e down 
into a little village at the bottom of the Hill: when we [ we emphatic] 
came with our horse to the top of that Hill, we saw in the bottom a 
whole regiment of Foot, after that another and another, and, as some 
counted, about fifty colours of Foot, [with a great body of horse] ; 3 which 
indeed was my Lord Newcastle's Army; with which he now besieges 
My Lord "rilloughby commanded me to bring off the Foot and Horse, 

I [Carlyle printed" of Horse and Foot" but it is not so in the Archæological 
Society's paper; and Cromwell would not speak of a troop of foot.] 
:! Means' towards.' 3 [The words in brackets were omitted by Carlyle.] 




which I endeavoured; but the Foot (the Enemy pressing on with the 
Army) retreated in some disorder into the Town, being of that Garrison. 
Our Horse also, being wearied, and ùnexpectedly pressed by this new 
force, so great, gave off, not being able to brave the charge; but, with 
some difficulty, we got our Horse into a body, and with them faced the 
Enemy; and retreated in such order that though the Enemy followed 
hard, yet they were not able to disorder us, but we got them off safe 
to Lincoln from this fresh force, and lost not one man. The honour 
of this retreat, equal to any of late times, is due to 
fajor \Vhalley and 
Captain Ascough, next under God. 
This relation I offer you for the honour of Uod, to whom be all the 
praise; as also to let you know you have some servants faithful to you, 
to incite to action. 1 beseech you let this good success quicken your 
continuing to this Engagement; it's great evidence of God's favour; 
let not your business be starved. I know, if all be of your mind, we 
shall have an honourable return; it's your own business: a reasonable 
strength now raised speedily, may do that which much more will not 
do after some time. Undoubtedly, if they succeed here, you will see 
them in the bowels of your Association. For the time, you will have it 
from your noble Kinsman and Colonel Palgra\'e: if we be not able in 
ten days to relieve Gainsbrowe, a noble Lord 1 will be lost, many good 
Foot, and a considerable pass over Trent into these parts.-The Lord 
prosper your endeavours and ours. I beseech you present my humble 
service to the high Honourable Lady. Sir, I am 
Your faithful servant, 

P.S.-I stayed two of my own Troops, and my l\Iajor stayed his; in 
all three. There were in front of the Enemy's reserve, three or four 
ofthe Lincoln Troops yet unbroken: the Enemy charged those Troops; 
utterly broke and chased them; so that none of the Troops on our part 
stood, but my three. \Vhilst the Enemy was following our flying Troops, 
I charged him on the rear with my three Troops; drove him down the 
Hill, brake him all to pieces; forced Lieutenant-General Cavendish into 
a bog, who fought in this reserve: one officer cut him on the head; 
and, as he lay, my Captain-Lieutenant Berry thrust him into the short 
ribs, of which he died, about two hours after, in Gaillsbrowe.* 
1 [i.e., Lord Willoughby.] 
. * Original in the possession of Dawson Turner, Esq., Great Yarmouth; printed 
In PaP,rs of Norfolk Arclu
ological Society (Norwich, Jan. 1848), pp. 45-5 0 . 



[24 April. 

By this Postscript is at last settled the question, Who killed Charles 
Cavendish? It was' my Captain-Lieutenant Berry; . he and no other, 
if any still wish to know. Richard Baxter's friend once; and otherwise 
a known man. 



[Vol. i. p. 170] 

C To Sir Samuel Luke' (Member for Bedford, leading Oommittee ?nan 
&c.) : C These' 1 
[No date of place] 8 March 1643[-4.] 


I beseech you cause three hundred Foot, under a Captain, 
to march to Buckingham upon Monday morning, there to quarter with 
four hundred Foot of Northampton, which Mr. Crew sends thither 
upon Monday next. There will be the :\1lajor-General 'Crawford' to 
command them. I am going for a thousand Foot more at least to be 
sent from Cambridg-e and out of the Association. If any man be come 
to you from Cambridge, I beseech you send him to me to Bedford with 
all speed; let him stay for me at the Swan. 
Hir, I am your humble servant, 

Present my humble service to Colonel Ayliffe and tell him he 
promised me his coat of mail. * 



[Yol. i. pp. 192, 194] 

", RITTE'" the night before that in the Text, on the same lìubject. 

1 [Sef' note on p. 229 above.] 
* Ellis, Original Letters. 3rd Series, iv. 225. 




'For the Right HonoU'rable Sir Thomas Fai1fa.r, Gen('ral of the Army: 

'Bletchington,' 24th April 1645- 

I met at my rendezvous at 'Vatlington, on Wednesday 
last; where 1 stayed somewhat long- for the coming-up of the body of 
Horse, which YOUl. l Honour was pleased to give me the command of. 
After the coming whereof, 1 marched with all expedition to \Vheatley- 
Bridge; ha\'ing sent before to Major-General Browne, for what intelli- 
gence he could afford me of the state of affair;;; in Oxford (I being not so 
well acquainted in those parts), and the condition, and number, of 
the Enemy in Oxford. As himself informed me by letters, that Prince 
:\faurice his forces were not in Oxford, as I supposed; and that, as he 
was informed by four \'ery honest and faithful Gentlemen that came out 
of Oxford to him a little before the receipt of his letter, that there were 
twelve pieces of Ordnance with their carriages and waggons ready for 
their march; and in another place five more pieces with their carriages, 
ready to advance with their Convoy; after I received this satisfaction 
from :\Iajor-General Browne, I advanced this morning, being Thursday, 
the twenty-fourth of _-\.pril, near Oxford. There I lay before the Enemy; 
'who' perceiving it at Oxford, and they being in readine
s to advance, 
sent out a party of Horse against me: part of the Queen's Regiment, 
part of the Earl of 
orthampton's Regiment, and part of the Lord 
nrilmot's Regiment; who made an infall upon me. 
\Vhereupon your Honour's Reg-iment (lately mine own) I drew 
forth against the Enemy (who had drawn themselves into se\'eral 
Squadrons, to be ready for action); and your Honour's own Troop 
therein 1 commanded to charge a Squadron of the Enemy; who per- 
formed it so gallantly that, after a short firing, they entered the \\ hole 
Squadron, and put them to a confusion; and the rest of my Horse 
presently entering after them, they made a total rout of the Enemy, 
and had the chase of them three or four miles, and killed two-hundred; 
took as many prisoners, and about four-hundred horses, and the Queen's 
colours, richly embroidered, with the Crown in the midst, and eighteen 
flower-de-Iuces wrought about all in gold, with a golden cross on the 
top. :\lany escaped to Oxford, and divers were drowned. Part of 
them likewise betook themselves to a strong House in Bletchington 

. 1 [The old pamphlet has" God's honour" but this appears to be a mis-read- 



[28 April. 

where Colonel "'indebank kept a Garrison, with near two-hundred 
horse and foot therein; which, after surrounded, I summoned: but they 
seemed very dilatory in their answer. At last, they sent out Articles 
to me of surrender, which I have sent your Honour enclosed,l and after 
a large treaty thereupon, the surrender was agreed upon between us. 
They left behind them between two and three hundred muskets, l'ievellty 
horses; besides other arms and ammunition. I humbly rest, 
Your honour's humble servant, 

2. A few months since, ill 1868, there has accidentaJIy turned up, 
among' the .llfanU8cripts of the House of Lords, and been reawakened 
into daylight and publicity, from it.
 dark sleep of 223 years, the 
"Contemporaneous Copy" of a letter by Oliver himself; which 
curiously adjusts itself to its old combination here, completely eluci- 
dating for us those small Bletchington-Bampton transactions; and is in 
elf otherwise worth reading. It is of date the day before that Farring- 
don affair. 

To the Right Honourabl
 Oommittee of Both Kingdoms, at 
Derby H OU8e. 

Farringdon, April 28, 1645. 

Since my last it has pleased God to bless me with 
more success in your service. In pursuance of your commands, I 
marched from Bletchillgton to Middleton Stonnie, and from thence 
towards Whitny as privately as I could, believing that to be a good 
place for interposing between the King and the \Vest, whether he 
intended Goring and Greenevill, or the two princes. In my march, I 
was informed of a body of foot which were marching towards Faringdon 
(which indeed were a commanded party of 300 which came a day before 
from Faringdon, under Co!. Richard Vaughan, to strengthen \V oodstock 
against me, and were now returning). I understood they were not 
above three hours march before me. I sent after them, my forlorn 
overtook them as they had gotten into enclosures not far from Bampton 
Bush, skirmished with them, they killed some of my horses, mine 
killed and got some of them, but they recovered the town before my 
body came up, and my forlorn not being strong enough was not able to 

1 Given in Rushworth, vi. 24. 
*King's Pampltlets, sma114to, no. 203, 
 7. [E. 279.] 




do more than they did. The enemy presently barricadoed up the town; 
got a pretty strong house. :\Iy body coming up about eleven in the 
night, I sent them a summons. They slighted it; I put myself in a 
posture that they should not escape me, hoping- to deal with them in 
the mornin
. :\Iy men charged them up to their barricadoes in the 
night, but truly they were of so good resolution that we could not 
force them from it, and indeed they killed some of my horses, and r 
was forced to wait until the morning'. Besides, they had got a pass 
over a brook; in the nig-ht they strengthened them
elves as well as they 
could in the Store House. In the morning- I sent a drum to them, but 
their answer was, they would not quit except they might march out 
upon honourable terms. The terms I offered were to submit all to 
mercy; they refused with ang-er. (insisted upon them and prepared 
to storm. I sent them word to desire them to deli vel' out the gentleman 
and his family-which they did-for they must expect extremity, if 
they put me to a storm. After some time spent, all was yielded to 
mercy. Arms I took: muskets, near 200, besides other arms; about 
two barrels of powder; soldiers and officers near 200, nine score besides 
officers, the rest bein
 scattered and killed before. The chief prisoners 
were Colonel Sir Richard Vaughan, Lieut.-Colonel \1iddleton and 
:\fajor Lee; two or three captains and other officers. 
As I was upon my march, I heard of some horse of the enemy which 
crossed me towards Evesham. I sent Colonel Fiennes after them, whom 
God so blessed that he took about thirty prisoners, one hundred horse 
and three horse colours. Truly his dilig-ence was great, and this I 
must testify, that I find no man more ready to all services than himself. 
I would ( not] say so if I did not find it. If his men were at all con- 
sidered, I should hope you mig-ht e,<pect ,'ery real service from them. 
I speak tltis the rather, because r find him a g-entleman of that fidelity 
to you and so conscientious, that he would all his troops were as religiom! 
and civil as any, and make(s] it a great par[t] of his care to get them 
so. In this march, my men also got one of the Queen's troopers and 
of them and others, about one hundred horses. 
This morning, CoI. John Fiennes sent me in the gentleman that 
waits upon the Lord Dighie in his chambers, W}lO was g-oing to General 
Goring- ahout exchang-e of a prisoner. He tells me the King-'s forces 
were drawn out the last night to come to relieve Sir Richard Vaughan, 
and Leg commanded them. They were about 700 horse and 500 foot, 
but I helieve they are gone back. He saith many of the horse were 



[28 April. 

volunteer gentlemen, for I believe I have left him few others here. I 
looked upon his letters and found them directed to Marl[b ]orough. He 
tell!;: me Goring is about the Devizes. I asked him what further orders 
he had to him; he tells me he was only to bid him follow former orders. 
I pressed him to know what they were, and all that I could get was 
that it was to hasten with all he had, up to the King to Oxford. He 
saith he has about 3000 horse and 1000 foot; that he is discontented 
that Prince Rupert commanded away his foot. I am now quartered up 
to Faringdon. I shall have an eye towards him. I have that which was 
my regiment and a part of Col. Sydney's five troops [that] were recruited 
-and a part of Col. Yermuyden's and five troops of Col. Fiennes, three 
whereof, and Sir Jolm Norwich's 1 and Captain Hammond's, I sent with 
the first prisoners to Aylesbury. It's g-reat pity we want dragoons. 
I believe most of their petty garrisons might have been taken in and 
other services done; for the enemy is in high fear. God does terrify 
them. It's good to take the season; and surely God delights that you 
have endeavoured to refonn your armies; and I beg it may be done 
more and more. Bad men and discontented say it's faction. I wish to 
be of the faction that desires to avoid the oppression of the poor people 
of this miserable nation, upon whom who can look without a bleeding 
heart. Truly it grie\'es my soul our men should still be upon free 
Iluarters as they are. I beseech you help it what and as soon as you 
can. l\Iy Lords, pardon me this boldness; it is because I find in these 
thing's wherein J serve you that He does all. I profess his very hand 
has led me. I preconsulted none of these things. 
l\Iy Lords and gentlemen I wait your further pleasure, subscribing 


1 Orig. illegible. [Carlyle filled in II Browne" but it must certainly be II Norwich. "] 
* l\,Totes and Queries, 8 August, 1868-printed there, as I learn on enquiry, . from 
a contemporaneous copy' found among the House of Lords MSS. in the course 
of some official examinations going on there; corrected and investigated into dear- 
ness for me by the kindness of John Forster, Esq., most obliging of Friends, whose 
final remark on it is: II As to Farringdon " (Letter XX\ ii. of text) .. though Cromwell 
had now crossed the river, and was quartered up to the place, he was not in adequate 
force for reducing it." .. It's great pity we want dragoons," is his remark in this 
letter; .. and according to Rushworth's statement, he had already sent to A bingdon 
for four or five companies of infantry. Burgess knew very well, there is little doubt. 
the real state of affairs." (Note 0/1869)' [Now calendared in the Report on the 
MSS. of the House of Lords in the Sixtlt Report 0/ the Hist. JfSS. Commi.uionf'rs, 
Appendix, p. 56, b.] 






[Vol. i. pp. 200, 223.] 
(a.) THE following very rough Notes ofa studious Tourist will per- 
haps be acceptable to some readers. Notes dashed down evidently in 
the most rough-and-ready manner, but with a vigilant eye both on the 
Old Books and on the actual Ground of Naseby; taken, as appears, in 
the year 1842. 
, Battle of Naseby, 14th June 1645: Front Hprigge (London, 1647); 
, Rushworth, vi. (London, 1701); Old Pamphlets,. and the G1"ound. 
'Fairfax's Stages towa'ì'ds Naseby (Sprigge, p. 30 et seqq.). \Ved- 
'nesday, lIth June, a rainy day: 
tarched "from Stony Stratford to 
, n r ootton," -three miles south of Northampton. Bad quarters there: 
'" but tIle Mayor came;' &c.-Thursday, 12th June: From nroott.Oll 
'to (not" Guilsborough four miles "est of Northamptou," as Sprigge 
, writes, but evidently) Kislingburyand the Farmsteads round. The 
, King" lies encamped on Burrough Hill" (five miles off); has beeu 
, "hunting;' this day: "his horses all at grass." TIle night again 
, wet; Fairfax, riding about, all night, ou the spy is stopped by one of 
'his own sentries, &c. : "at Flower" (near \Veedon), sees the King's 
, Forces all astir on the Burrough Hill, about four ill the morning; 
, " firing their huts;" rapidly making off,-Northward, as it proved. 
, At six, a Council of \Var. Cromwell, greatly to our joy, has just 
'come-in from the Absociated Counties,-" received with shouts." 
':\Iajor Harrison, with horse, is sent towards Daventry to explore; 
, Ireton, also with horse, to the Northward, after the King's main-body. 
, " \Ve," Fairfax's main-hody, now set forward" towards Harborough;' 
'flanking the King; and that night,-Friday, 13th June,-arrive (not 
'at" Gilling," as Sprigge has it,-is there any such place ?-but) at 
, Guilsborough. 1 \Vhich is the last of the Stages. 
'The King's van is now, this Friday night, at Harborough ; his rear 
'is quartered iu Naseby,-where Ireton beats them up (probably about 
, half-past nine), "taking prisoners," &c. : and so the fugitives rouse 
'the King out of his bed" at Lubenham ;" '-who thereupon drives-off 
'to Prince Rupert at Harborough; arrives about midnight; calls a 
'Council (" resting himself in a chair in a low room;' till Rupert and 
'the rest get on their clothes); and there, after debate,3 determines 
'on turning back to beat the Roundheads for this affront.-Ireton lies 
'at Naseby, therefore; "we" (Fairfax and the army), at Guilsborough, 
, all this night. 

1 Rushworth, vi. 46 (Despatch from the Parliament Commissioners). 
2 See Iter Carolinum, too. :I See Clarendon, &c. 
VOL. III.-16 



[14 June. 

, Battle of Naseby. Saturday, 14th June 1645. Starting at three in 
'the morning, we arrive about five at Naseby. King" reported to be 
'at Harborough," uncertain whitberward next: behold, "great bodies 
'of his troops are seen coming over the Hill from Harborough towards 
, us ; "-he has turned, and is for fighting us, then! \Ve put our 
, Army in order,-" large fallow field northwest of Naseby," "the 
, brow ofthe Hill running east and west" " for something like a mile: " 
, King has sunk out of sight in a hollow; but comes up again nearer 
, us,! and now evidently drawn-out for battle. \Ve fall back, "about 
'a hundred paces, from the brow of the Hill," to hide ourselves and 
, our plans: he rushes on the faster, thinking we run (" much of his 
'ordnance left behind "): the Battle joins on the very brow of the 
'Hill. Their word, Queen Afary,2 ours, God is Our Strength. 
, About Three-hundred Musketeers of ours on the Left \rIng, are 
, advanced a little, as a forlorn, down the steep of the Hill ; they retire fir- 
, iug as Rupert charges up: Ireton and Ski ppon command in this quarter; 
, " Lantford Hedges," a kind of thicket which runs right down the Hill, 
, is lined with Colonel Okey and his dragoons,-all OIl foot at preseIlt, 
, aud firiug lustily on Rupert as he gallops past.-Cromwell is on the 
'extreme Right (easternmost part of the Hill): he, especially "rhalley 
'under him, dashes down before the Enemy's charge upwards (which 
, is led by Langdale) can take effect; scatters said charge to the winds ; 
'not without hard cutting: a good deal impeded "by furze-bushes" 
'and "a cony-warren." These Royalist Horse, Langdale's, fled all 
'behind their own Foot, "a quarter of a mile from the Battle-ground," 
'-i.e. near to the present Farm of Dust Hill, or between that and 
'Clipstow; and never fought again. So that Cromwell had only to 
'keep them in check; and aid his own Main-battle to the left of 
'him: which he diligently did. 
'Our Right \nng, then, has beaten Langdale. But Rupert, on the 
, other side of the field, beats back our Left :-over "Rutput Hill," 
, "Fenny Hill" (Fanny Hill, as the Old Books call it) ; towards Naseby 
, Hamlet; on to our Baggage train (which stands 011 the northwest side of 
, the Hamlet, eastward of said" Rutput" and" Fenny," but northward 
, of" Leane Leafe Hill," very sober" Hills," I perceive!). Our extreme 
, Left was" hindered by pits and ditches" in charging; at any rate, it 
'lost the charge; fled: and Rupert now took to attacking the Bag- 
, gage and its Guard,-in vain, and with very wasteful delay. For our 
, Main-battle too was in a critical state; and might have been overset, 
, at this moment. Our Main-battle,-our Horse on the Left of it giving 
, way; and the King's Foot" coming up into sight," over the brow of 
'the Hill, "with one terrible volley," and then with swords and 
, musket-butts,-" mostly all fled." Mostly all: except the Officers, 
'who" snatched the colours," "fell into the Reserves with them," &c. 
'And then, said Reserves now rushing on, and the others rallying to 
'them; and Cromwell being victorious and diligent on the Right, and 

1 . At Sibbertoft ' (Rushworth). 
2 [i.e., Queen Henrietta Maria-always called Queen Mary by the Court.] 

1645. ] 



, Rupert idle among the Bag'gage on the Left,-the whole bmjiness was 
 retrieved; and the King's Foot and other Force were all 
, driven- pell-mell down the Hill: towards Dust Hill (or eCt8tward of 
'the present _Farm-house, I think). There the King still stood,- 
'joined at last by Rupert, and struggling to rally his Horse for 
, another brush; but the Foot would not halt, the Foot were all off: 
, and the Horse too, seeing Cromwell with all ou/. Horse and victoriou!o\ 
, Foot now again ready for a second charge, would not stand it; but 
, broke; and disRipated, towards Harborough, Leicester, and Infinite 
, Space. 
, The Fight began at ten o'clock; 1 lasted three hours: 2 there were 
, some Five-thousand Prisoners; how many Slain I cannot tell.' 

(b.) Colonel Pickering, a distinguished Officer, whose last notable 
exploit was at the storm of Basing House, has caught the epidemic, 
'new disease' as they call it, some ancient influenza very prevalent 
and fatal during those wet winter-operations; and after a few days' 
illness, , at Autree' (St. Mary Ottery) where the headquarter was, is 
dead. Sir Gilbert, his brother, is a leading man in Parliament, with 
much service yet before him ;-Cousin Dryrlen, one day to be Poet 
Dryden, is in N"orthamptonshire, a lad of fourteen at present. Sprigge 
(p. 156) has a pious copy of 'sorrowful verse over dear Colonel 
Pickering's hearse; , and here is a Note concerning his funeral. 

To Colonel Cicely 8 at Pendennis Castle: These 


Tiverton, loth December 1645. 

It's the desire of Sir Gilbert Pickering that his deceased 
Brother, Colonel Pickering, should be interred in your Garrison; and 
to the end his funeral may be solemnised with as much honour as his 
memory calls for, you are desired to give all possible assistance therein. 
The particulars will be offered to you by his Major, :\Iajor J ubbs, 4 with 
whom I desire you to concur herein, and believe it, Sir, you will not 
only lay a huge obligation upon myself and all the officers of this Army, 
but I dare assure you the General himself will take it for an especial 
favour, and will not let it go without a full acknowledg-ment. But 
what need I prompt him to so honourable an action whose own ingenuity 
will be argument sufficient herein; whereof rests assured 
Your humble servant, 

] Clarendon. 2 Cromwell's Letter. 
3[i.e.. Colonel Ceely.] 4' Gubbs: he writes. 
to Polwhele's Traditions and Recollections (London, 1826), i. 22 : with a Note 
on Cicely, and reference to . the Original among the Family Papers of the Rev. G. 
Moore, of Grampound: [Now at the Bodleian, Select Clarendol't Papers, vol. ix. I.] 



[6 June. 

(c.) A couple of very small Letters, which have now (May, March, 
1846) accidentally turned up, too late for insertion in the Text, may find 
their corner here. 
I. The First, which is fully dated Gust eight days before the Battle 
of Naseby), but has lost its specific Address, may without much doubt 
be referred to Ely and the' Fortifications' going on there. 1 

, 1'0 Captain Underzt'Ood, at E1H: These' 

Huntington, June 61645. 

I desire the guards may be very wen strengthened and 
looked unto. Let a new breastwork be made about the gravel,2 and a 
new work half-musket-sllOt behind the old work at stony ground 2 
staff. Desire Colonel Fothergill to take care of keeping strong guards. 

ot having more, I rest, 

y our

2. 'Sir Dudley North,' Baronet, of Catlidge Hall near Newmarket, is 

Iember for Cambridgeshire; sits too, there is small doubt, in the Ely 
Committee at London 3 ;-is wanted now for a small County business. 
The '30th of March; as we know, is but the fiftb day of tbe then 
New Year: Oliver,-I find after some staggering, for his date will not 
suit with other things,-takes the cipher of the Old Year, as one is apt 
to do, and for 1647 still writes' 1646.' As this Entry, abridged from 
the Commons Journals, 
 will irrefragably prove, to readers of lIÌs 
Letter: 'John Hobart Esq. dismissed from being Sheriff of Cambridge 
, and Huntingdon Shires, and T1'istra-m Dymond Esq. appointed in 
'his place, 1st January 1646; which, for us, and for Cromwell too 011 
the 30th of March following, means 1647. 

1 Commons Journals, iv. 161, s; Cromwelliana, p. 16. 
2 Word uncertain to the Copyist. 
3[dele "at London."] 4 v . 36 (1St Jan. 1646-7). 
* Original now (May 1846) in the Baptist College, Bristol. [The Principal
College has very kindly furnished the true reading of this letter, and sent up a 
tracing which shows his reading to be right. There is no doubt at all about 
"gravel" or II ground"; the only doubtful word is that rendered" stony." It 
appears to be II stonie," but might be ., stoun. " Carlyle printed" All storm ground 
stuff," but this is certainly wrong. A little to the south-west of Ely lies a sloping 
field formerly a gravel-pit, and at its upper end is an artificial mound known as 
Bug Hill or Smock Hill. which may well have borne a flag-staff, and which entirely 
commands the point where the roads from Cambridge and 
t. Ives converge, and 
turn to enter Ely. It is dangerous to dogmatize concerning gravel-pits. but behind 
the mound there certainly appear to be two encircling II works," one outside the 
other. ] 

1645. ] 



For the H01UYlt'rabk Sir Dudl
y North: Theøf' 
· London,' 30th March 1646 [error for 1647]. 


It being desired to have the Commission of the Peace 
renewed in the Isle of Ely,-with some addition, as you may perceive; 
none left out; only Mr. Diamond, now High Sheriff of the County, 
and my Brother Desborow, added, there being great want of one in that 
part of the Isle where I live,-I desire you to join with me in a Certifi- 
cate; and rest, 

Your humble servant, 



[Vol. i. p. 219.] 
HERE is Oliv8r's own account of the Battle of Laugport, mentioned in 
our Text: 


· Langport,- July 1645.' 


I have now a double advantage upon you, through the 
goodness of God, who still appears with us. And as for us, we have 
seen great things in this last mercy: it is not inferior to any we have 
had; as followeth. 
\Ve were advanced to Long--:Sutton, near a very strong place of the 
Enemy's, called Lamport; far our 0\\ 1l Garrisons, without much 
ammunition, in a place extremely wanting in p,'ovi!"ions, the malignant 
Club-men interposing, who are ready to take all advantages against 
our parties, and would undoubtedly take them against our Army, if 
they had opportunity. Goring stood upon the advantage of strong 
passes, staying until the rest of his recruits came up to his Army, with 
a resolution not to eng-ag-e until Greenvill and Prince Charles his men 

* Original in the possession of the Rev. W. S. Spring Casuorne, of Pakenham, 
Suffolk; a descendant of the North Family. 




were come up to him.' U r e could not well have necessitated him to an 
Engagement, nor have stayed one day longer without retreating to our 
ammunition and to conveniency of victual. 
In the morning, word was brought us, that the Enemy drew out. 
He did so, with a resolution to send most of his cannon and baggage to 
Bridgewater, which he effected: but with a resolution not to fight, 
but, trusting to his ground, thinking he could march 2 away at pleasure. 
The pass was strait between him and us; he brought two cannons to 
secure his, and laid his musketeers strongly in the hedges. We beat- 
off his cannon, fell down upon his musketeers, beat them off from their 
strength, and, where our Horse could scarcely pass two abreast, I com- 
manded Major Bethel to charge them with two Troops of about 120 
Horse, which he performed with the greatest gallantry imaginable; 
beat back two bodies of the Enemy's Horse, being Goring's own 
Brigade; brake them at sword's-point. The Enemy charged him with 
near 400 fresh Horse. He set them all going, until, oppressed with 
multitudes, he brake through them, with the loss not of above three or 
four men. Major Desborow seconded him, with some other of those 
Troops, which were about three. Bethel faced about, and they both 
routed, at sword's-point, a great body of the Enemy's Horse, which 
gave such an unexpected terror to the Enemy's Army, that' it ' set 
them all a-running. Our Foot in the mean time coming on bravely, 
and beating the Enemy from their strength, we presently had the chase 
to Lamport and Bridgewater. "retook and killed about 2000, brake 
all his Foot. \Ve have taken very many Horses, and considerable 
Prisoners. What were slain we know not. "r e have the Lieutenant 
General of the Ordnance; Colonel Preston, Colonel Heveningham, 
Colonel Slingsby, we know of, besides very many other Officers of 
quality. All Major-General Massie's party was with him, seven or 
eight miles from us, and about twelve-hundred of our Foot, and three 
Regiments of onr Horse. So that we had but Seven Regiments with us. 
Thus you see what the Lord hath wrought for us. Can any creature 
ascribe anything to itself? 
ow can we give all the glory to God, and 
desire all may do so, for it is all due unto Him !- Thus you have Long- 

'[Sir Thomas Fairfax, reporting to his father the victory at Langport, wrote, 
.. the King had given Goring strict commands not to engage before himself. with 
the Welsh forces, were joined with him, and Greenvill with those out of the West, 
which a1to
ether would have made a ver, great army, besides many thousands of 
club-men.' ] 
2 [Carlyle printed" make. "] 

1645. ] 



Sutton mercy added to Naseby mercy. And to see this, is it not to see 
the face of God! You have heard of Naseby: it was a happy victory. 
As in this, so in that, God was pleased to use His servants; and if men 
will be malicious, and swell with envy, we know \Vho hath said, If 
they will not Ree, yet they shall see, and be ashamed for their envy at 
His people. J can say this of Naseby, That when I saw the Enemy 
draw up and march in gallant order towards us, and we a company of 
poor ignorant men, to seek how to order our battle: the General having 
commanded me to order all the Horse, [ could not (riding alone about 
my business), but smile out to God in praises, in assurance of victory, 
because God would, by things that are not, bring to naught things that 
are. Of which [had g-reat assurance; and God did it. 0 that men 
would therefore praise the Lord, and declare the wonders that He doth 
for the children of men ! 
I cannot write more particulars now. I am going to the rendezvous 
of an our Horse, three miles from Bridgewater; we march that way. 
It is a seasonable mercy. [cannot better tell you than write, That 
God will go on. \Ve have taken two guns, three carriages of ammuni- 
tion. In the chase, the Enemy quitted Lamport; when they ran out 
at one end of the Town, we entered the other. They fired that at 
which we should chase; which hindered our pursuit: but we overtook 
many of them. I believe we got near Fifteen-hundred Horse. 
Sir, I beg your prayers. Believe, and you shall be established. 

Your servant, 


A couple of months after this battle, Oliver is before \Vinchester, 
and makes this Summons: 

* Pamphlet in Lincoln College, Oxford, No. 10: "Battles and Sieges." Letter 
entitled" The Copy of Lieutenant-General Cromwell's Letter to a worthy Member 
of the House of Commons, published by Authority, London, 1645." 
[The title page runs" Good newes out of the We<;t, declared in a letter sent from 
Lieutenant-Generall CROMWELL To a worthy member of the House of Commons. 
Showing what great things God hath done by small means. Two thousand slain 
and taken prisoners. Also fifteen hundred Horse taken beside Bag and Baggage. 
Published by Authority. London, printed by Matthew Simmons, 1645. (E. 293 
(18).) Thomason has added" July 23." Sanford printed this letter (from the 
Lincoln College pamphlet), in his Studies and Illustrations of the Great Rebellion. 
This Appendix 9 was inserted in the edition of 1857.] - 



[3 May 

To the Mayor of the City of TVinchester 

I Before Winchester,' 28th September 16 45, 
5 o'clock at night. 


I come not to this City but with a full resolution to 
save it, and the inhabitants thereof, from ruin. 
I have commanded the soldiers, upon pain of death, that no wrong 
be done: which I shall strictly observe; only I expect you give me 
entrance into the City, without necessitating me to force my way; 
which if I do, then it will not be in my power to save you or it. I 
expect your answer within half an hour; and rest, 
Your humble servant, 

No. 10. 


[Vol. i. p. 262] 

THE Vote' that Field-Marshal Skippoll, Lieutenaut-G-eneral Cromwell, 
Commissary-General Ireton and Colonel Fleetwood; all Members of 
this House, 'shall proceed to their charges in the Army,' and en- 
deavour to lluiet all distempers there,-was passed on the 30th of 
April: day of the Three Troopers and Army-Letter, and directly on 
the back of that occurrence.} They went accordingly, perhaps on the 
morrow, and proceeded to business; but as nothing specific came of 
them, or could come, till the 8th of May, that day is taken as the date 
of the Deputatioll.-Here are three letters from them; one prior and 
oue posterior; which, copied from the Tanner MRS., have g-ot into 
print, but cannot throw much light on the affair. 

* History mId A ntiquities of Wi1'u-kester (London, 1773), ii. 127. [To this the 
Mayor-William Longland-replied, that the delivery of the city was not in his 
power, it being under the command of the Lord Ogle, but that he would use his 
best endeavours with his Lordship. Ogle however refused to be entreated, and 
declared his resolution of holding out to the last. (Ibid. p. 128.) It was not 
until a week lat('r that he surrendered the Castle, after a breach had been made by 
Cromwell's cannon, and it was on the point of being stormed. See vol. i. p. 220.] 

} Commons Journals, \'. 158: see antea, vol. i. p. 260. 




1. '" To the Honourable WUZiarn Lenthall, EsquÙ'e, Speaker of the 
Commons House: These' 

.. · Saffron Walden,' 3d May 1647. 
" SIR,- ",r e have sent out orders to summon the officers of the 
"several Regiments to appear before us on Thursday ne-xt; to the end 
"we may understand from them the true condition and temper of the 
"soldiers in relation to the discontents lately represented; and the 
"better to prepare and enable them,-by speaking with them, and 
"acquainting them with your votes, I_to allay any discontents that 
"may be among the soldiers. 
" \Ve judged this way most likely to be effectual to your service; 
"though it ask some time, by reason of the distance of the quarters. 
""Vhen we shall have anything worthy of your knowledge, we shall 
" represent it; and in the mean time study to approve ourselves, 
" Your most humble servants, 
"H. IRETON." 2 

2. '" To the H(J'noumbk William, Lenthall, Esqui1'e, Speakn of the 
Commons House: Thesp' 

" Saffron Walden, 8th May 1647. 
"SIR,-According to our orders sent out to the officers of the Army, 
"many of them appeared at the time appointed. TIle greatest failing 
" was of Horse officers; who, by reason of the great distance of their 
"quarters from this place (being some of them above three-score miles 
"oft), could not be here: yet there were, accidentally, some of every 
"Regiment except Colonel \Vhalley's present at our meeting ;-which 
" was upon :Friday morning, 3 about ten of the clock. 
" After some discourse offered unto them, about tbe occasion of the 
"meeting, together with the deep sense the Parliament had of some 
"discontents which were in the Army, and of our great trouble also 
" that it should be 80, we told them, we were sent down to communi- 
"cate the House of Commons' votes unto them; whereby their, 'the 
"Parliament's,' care of giving the Army satisfaction might appear: 
"desiring them' furthermore' To use their utmost diligence with all 
" good conscience and effect, by improving their interests in the soldiers, 
"f01' their satisfaction; and that they would communicate to their 
"soldiers the votes, together with such informations as they received 

1 Votes passed that same 30th of April: That the Soldiers shall have Indemnity; 
that they shall have Pay I-and in short, Justice {Commons Journals, v. 158). . Thurs- 
day next' is the 6th of May. 
2 · A Letter from Major-General' (elsewhere called Field-Marshal) 'Skippon. 
Lieutenant-General Cromwell and Commissary-General Ireton, was this day read' 
(Commons Journals, 4th May 1647). 
3 Friday. yesterday j not' Thursday,' a.s at first proposed. 



[17 :May. 

"then from us, to the end their distemper might be allayed. After 
"this had been said, and a copy of the votes delivered to the chief 
" officer of every respecth-e Regiment, to be communicated as aforesaid, 
"we desired them to give us a speedy account of the success of their 
" endeavours; and if in anything they needed our advice or assistance 
" for furthering the work, we should be ready here at Saffron \Valden 
"to Kive it them, upon notice from them. 
"\Ve cannot give you a full and punctual account of the particular 
H di!':tempers, with the Krounds of them: because the officers were 
" desirous to be spared therein by us, until they might make a further 
" inq uiry amongst the soldiers, and see what effect your votes and their 
"endeavours might have with them. \Ve desire as speedy an account 
" of this business as might well be; but, upon the desire ofthe officers, 
" thought it necessary for the service to give them until Saturday next! 
"to bring us an account of their business, by reason the Regiments 
" were so far distant. 
" As anything falls out worthy of your knowledge, we shall represent 
"it; and in the mean time study to approve ourselves, 
" Your most humble servants, 

" 'To the Honourable William Lenthall, Esquire, Speake?' of the 
Commons House: These' 
II Walden, 17th May 1647. 
" SIR,- \Ve having made some progress in the business you com- 
"manded us upon, we are bold to give you this account, which, although 
"it come not with that expedition you may expect and your other 
"affairs require, yet we hope you will be pleased to excuse us with the 
"weight of the affair: in comparison whereof nothing that ever yet 
" we undertook was, at least to our apprehension, equal; and wherein, 
"whatever the issue prove, our greatest comfort is, that our consciences 
" bear us witness we have, according to our abilities, endeavoured faith- 
" fully to serve you and the Kingdom. 
" The officers repaired to us at Saffron \Valden upon Saturday last, 
"according to appointment, to give us a return of3 what they had in 
" charge from us at our last meeting; which was, to read your votes to 
" the soldiers under their respective commands for their satisfaction, 
"and to improve their interest faithfully and honestly with them to 

1 This day week; the 15th. 
2' Letter from the General Officers,' · from Walden, of 8th Alaii 1647, was this 
day read' (Commons JournalJ, Tuesdav, nth May 1647)' The Letter seems to be 
of Cromwell's writing. 
3 Means . response to.' 




" that emi ; and' then> to give m; a perfect account of the effect of their 
" endeavours, and a true representation of the temper of the Army. 
" At this meeting, we received what they had to offer to us, which 
" they delivered to us in writing, by the hands of some chosen by the 
" rest of the officers then present, and in the name of the rest of the 
" officers and of the soldiers under their commands, which was not done 
"till Sunday in the evening. At which time, and likewise before upon 
aturday, we acquainted them all with a letter from the Earl of 
"Manchester, expressing that an Act of Indemnity, large and full, had 
" passed the House of Commons; 1 and t hat two weeks> pay more was 
" voted to those that were disbanded, as also to them that undertook 
"the service of Ireland. And, thinking fit to dismiss the officers to 
" their several commands,-all but some that were to stay here about 
" further business,-we gave them in charge to communicate these last 
"votes to their soldiers, and to improve their utmost diligence and 
" interest for their best satisfaction. 
" We must acknowledge, we found the Army under a deep sense of 
"some sufferings, and the common soldiers much unsettled; whereof, 
"that which we have to represent to you will give you a more perfect 
"view. Which, because it consists of many papers, and needs some 
" more method in the representation of them to yuu than can be done 
"by letter, and forasmuch as we were sent down by you to our several 
" charges to do oU'þ' best to keep the Soldiers in order,-we are not well 
" satisfied, any of us, to leave the place nor duty you sent us to, until 
"we have the signification of your pleasure to us. To which we shall 
" most readily conform; and rest, 
"Your most humble servants, 

No. 11 


[Vol. i. p. 3I7.J 
I. SOME charge of Welsh misbehaviour, perhaps treachery, in the late 
May revolt; charge which, if founded, ought to be made good against 
'Edwards!' Colonel Hughes has been Governor of Chepstow, from 
the time when it was first taken in autumn 1645; S and, we may infer, 

1 Commons Journals, v. 174 (14th May 1647). 
2 T mmer MSS. (in Cary, i. 205-16). 
3 Commons Journals, iv. 321 and v. uS. 



6 June. 

hM returned to his post since Ewers (25th May H548) retook the Castle. l 
Of Edwards, and his misdeeds, aud his accusers, no other clear trace 
has occurred to me. But in Moyne's Court, Monmouthshire, the seat 
of this Colonel ThomBS Hughes, the following old Note has turned up, 
and was printed in 1791. 

, To Colonel Hughes, Chepstow Castle' 
. Before Pembroke,' 26th June 1648. 

It's of absolute necessity that Collingtou and Ashe do 
attend the Council of 'Val', to make good what they say of Edwards. 
Let it be your special care to get them into Monmouthshire thereunto. 
\Vhat Mr. Herbert and Mrs. Cradock hath (sic) promised to them in 
point of indemnity, I will endeavour to have it performed; and I 
desire you to certify as much to them for their encouragement. I pray 
do this speedily after receipt hereof, and I shall remain 
Your servant, 

2. A short Letter to the Committee of Carmarthen. The ancient 
, Iron-furnaces' at Carmarthen, the 'Committee' sitting there, the 
, Paper' or Proclamation from the Lea
uer: these, and the other points 
of this Letter, will be intelligible to the reader. 

To my noble Friends the Oommittee of Carmarthèu,: These 

The Leaguer before Pembroke, 9th June 1648. 


I have sent this bearer to you to desire we may have 
your furtherance and assi!òtance in procuring some necessaries to be cast 
in the iron-furnaces in your county of Carmarthen, which will the 
better enahle us to reduce the Town and Castle of Pembroke. 
The principal things are: shells for our [mo ]rtarpiece 2; the depth 
of them we desire may be fourteen inches and three-quarter" of an inch. 
That which I desire at your hands is, to cause the service to be per- 

1 [Capt. John Nicholas is called Governor of Chepstow Castle in :\Jarch 
1648-9, and calls himself so in January 1650-51. See Calendar qfCommittee for 
Compounding, p. 2311, and Cat. S. P. Dom. 1649-50, p. 54. Also antea, i. 316. 
There is nothing in the Composition papers which throws any light on the affair 
alluded to above,] 
2 [Paper tom.] 
* The Topographer, edited by Sir E. Brydges (London, March 1791), iv. 125-9. 




formed, and that with all possible expedition; that so (if it be the will 
of God), the service being done, these poor wasted countries may be 
freed from the burden of the Army. 
In the next place, we desire some demi cannon-shot, and some cul- 
verin-shot, may with all possible speed be cast for us, and hasted to us 
n r e give you thanks for your care in helping us with bread and water 
&c. You do herein a very special service to the State; and I do most 
earnestly desire you to continue herein, according to our desires in the 
late letters. I desire that copies of this paper 1 may be published 
throughout your country, and the effects thereof observed for the ease 
of the county, and to avoid the wronging of the country men. 
Not doubting of your care to give assistance to the public in the 
services we have in hand, I rest, 
Your affectionate servant, 

3. Letter found some years ago, among the lumber of" St. Jillian's" 
(Julian's) "Old Castle of the Lords Herbert in :\Ionmouthshire." Ad- 
dress gone, and not conjecturable with any certainty. Letter evidently 
genuine-and still hanging curiously as postscript to Letter LX. (\'01. 
i. p. 315) of date the day before. 

" For the Honowrable Richard Herbert, at St. JUlian's; These" 

Leaguer before Pembroke, 18th June 1648. 


I would have you to be informed that I have good re- 
port of your secret practices against the public advantage; by means 
whereof that arch-traitor, Sir Nicholas Kemys, with his horse, did 
surprise the Castle of Chepstow: but we have notable discovery from 
the papers taken by Col. Hewer on recovering the CastIe, that Sir 
Trevor \Villiams of Llangibby was the malignant who set on foot the 
Now I give you this plain warning by Capt. Nicholas and Capt. 
Burgess, that if you harbour or conceal either of the parties, or abet 

1 Some Proclamation seemingly,-of the conceivable sort. 
* Brayley's Graphic and Historicallllustrator(London, 1834), p. 355, I Original 
in the hands of Richard Williams, Esq., Stapleton Hall, Homsey.' LNow in the 
Morrison Collection.] 



[12 July. 

their mis-doings, I will cause your treasonable nest to be burnt about 
your ears. 


4. In the Town Archives of Haverfordwest, Pembrokeshire, are the 
foIlowing three Papers; footmarks, still visible, of Oliver's transit 
through those parts. Twelfth July, date of the first Paper, is the 
morrow after Pembroke surrendered. 

(a.) "To the :Mayor and Aldermen of Haverford'West 
H We being authorised by Parliament to view and consider what 
"Garrisons and places of strength are fit to be demolished; and we 
"finding that the Castle of Haverford is not tenable for the services of 
"the State, and yet that it may be possessed by ill-affected persons, to 
" the prejudice of the peace of these parts: These are to authorise and 
" require you to summon-in the Hundred of Roose and the inhabitants 
" of the Town and County of Haverfordwest; and that they forthwith 
"demolish the several waIls and towers of the said Castle; so as that 
" the said Castle may not be possessed by the Enemy, to the endanger- 
" ing of the peace of these parts. 
"Given under our hands, this 12th of July lô48. 
" \Ve expect an account of your proceedings, with effect, in this bus i- 
"ness, by Saturday being the 15th of July instant." 
To which Oliver appends: 
If a speedy course be not taken to fulfil the commands of this \Varrant, 
I shaIl be necessitated to consider of settling a Garrison. 

(b.) "For the Honourable Lieutenant-General Oromwell at Pembroke 
.. Haverfordwest, 13th July 1648. 
"HONOURED SIR,-We received an Order from your Honour and the 
" Committee, for the demolishing of the Castle of Haverfordwest, ac- 
"cording to which we have this day set some workmen about it: but 
"we find the work so difficult to be brought about without powder to 

* J-fonmouthshire J,ferlin, (Welsh Newspaper) for Sept. 1845. Inserted there, 
it would appear, along with other antiquarian fractions, in very ignorant condition. 
by one Mr. Wm. Townshend, an attorney in Newport, who is now (1858) dead some 
years since. St. Jillian's, now a farmhouse near Cærleon, Monmouthshire, was 
the mansion ofthe Lords Herbert, of the celebrated Lord Edward of Cherbury for 
one,-to whom (or to his successor as the Attorney thinks) this note was addressed. 
Note picked up in converting the old Manor-House into a farm-house (which it still 
is) and published, along with other antiquarian tag-raggeries, in a very dim and 
helpless manner, by the attorney, who had been in charge of that operation. 

1648. ] 



H blow it by, that it will exhaust an 'huge' sum of money, and will 
"not in a long time be effected. 
H \Vherefore we become suitors of your Honour that there may a 
" competent quantity of powder be spared out of the ships, for the speedy 
H effecting the work, and the County paying for the same. And we like- 
" wise desire that your Honour and the Committee be pleased that the 
"whole County may join with us in the work; and that an Order be 
" considered for the levying of a competent sum of money on the several 
H Hundreds of the County, for the paying for the powder, and defraying 
H the rest of the charge. 
"Thus being over-bold to be troublesome to your Honour; desiring 
"to know your Honour's resolves,-we rest, 
" Your Honour's humble servants, 
"JOHN PRYNNE, Mayo'r. 
Gunpowder cannot be spared on light occasion; and 'levying of 
competent sums' have had their difficulties before now: here is the 
handier method: 

(c.) To the :Mayor and Aldermen of Haverfordwe8t 
"Vhereas upon view and considemtion with Mr. Roger Lort, Mr. 
Samson Lort, and the Mayor and Aldermen of Haverfordwest, it is 
thought fit, for the preserving of the peace of this County, that the 
Castle of Haverfordwest should be speedily demolished: 
These are to authorise you to call unto your assistance, in the per- 
formance of this exercise (?), the Inhabitants of the Hundreds of 
Dungleddy, Dewisland, Kemis, Roose and Kilgerran; who are hereby 
required to give you assistance. 
Given under Our hands this 14th of July 1648. 
[' and the two Lorts in a corner of the paper ']. * 

No. 12 


[Vol. i. p. 347.] 
SAME day with that Letter in the Text urging the York Committee to 
help in pursuit of Duke Hamilton, Oliver writes home for fresh Supplies. 

* Printed in Welshman Newspaper (Carmarthen, 29th Dec. 1848). 



[23 Aug. 

For the Right HonoU1'able the (Jomm,ittee of Lords and Commons at 
Derby House: These. Haste, haste 
Wigan, 23d August 1648. 

I did not (being straitened with time) send you an 
account of tIle great blessing of God upon your Army: I trust it is 
satisfactory to your Lordships that the House had it so fully presented 
to them. 1 
:\Iy Lords, it cannot be imagined that so great a business as this could 
Le without some loss; although I confess very little compared with the 
weightiness of the Engagement; there being on our part not one HUIl- 
dred slain, yet many wounded. And to our little it is a real weakening, 
for indeed we are but a handful, and I submit to your Lordships, 
whether you will think fit or no to recruit our loss; we having but five 
poor Regiments of foot, and our horse so exceedingly battered as I never 
saw them in all my life. It is not to be doubterl but your Enemy's 
designs are deep: this blow will make them very angry: the principles 
they went on were 2 such as should a little awaken Englishmen; for I 
have it from very good hands of their own party, that the Duke made 
this the argument to his Army, That the lands of the country and- 
[illegible the next line or two, from ruin of the paper; the words lost 
mean clearly, "That the Scots were to share our lands among them, 
and come to inhabit the conquered country:" a 
'er.'l high figure of 
rumour indeed I]-which accordingly is rlone in part, there being a 
transplantation of many women and children and of whole families in 
\Vestmoreland and Cumberland, as I am credibly informed [for the 
rnompnf!] l\1 uch more might be said, but I forbear. I offer it to your 
Lordships that money may be 'sent' to pay the foot and horse to some 
equality. Some of those that are here since fourteen 3 days before I 
marched from \Vindsor into \Vales have not had any pay; and amongst 
the horse, my own Regiment and some others are much behind. [As 
long as this cost of war must continue] 4 I wish your Lordships may 
manage it for the best advantage, and not be wanting to yourselves in 
what is necessary: which is the end of my offering these things to you. 
:\ly Lords, money is not for contingencies so as were to be wished; we 
have very many things to do which might be better done if we had where- 
I [In Letter LXIV.] 
:! [In Cromwell's hand, over" where" erased.] 
3 [Carlyle printed" seventy. "] 
"" [The words in brackets were omitted by Carlyle.] 

1648. ] 



withal. Uur Foot want clothes, shoes and stockings; these ways and 
weather have shattered them all to pieces: that which was the great 
blow to our Horse was (besides the weather and incessant marches) our 
march ten miles to fight with the Enemy, and a fight continuing four 
hours in as dirty a place as ever I saw horses stand in; and, upon the 
matter, the continuance of this fight two days more together in our fol- 
lowing of the Enemy, and lying close by him in the mire-[ moths again 
and milde 1 (1. . . . . . until at length we broke him at a near. . . . . . 
a great party of our horse having. . . . . miles towards Lancaster; who 
came up. . . . . . to us, and were with us in all the action]. These 
things I thought fit to intimate, not knowing what is fit to ask, because 
I know not how your affairs stand, nor what you can supply. 
I have sent Major-General Lambert, upon the day I received this 
Enclosed, with above two-thousand horse and dragoons and about 
fourteen-hundred I foot in prof'ecution of the Duke and the nobility of 
Scotland with him; who will, I doubt not, have the blessing of God 
with him in the business. But indeed his horse are exceedingly weak 
and weary. I have sent to Yorkshire and to my Lord Gray to alarm all 
parts to a prosecution, and if they be not wanting to the work, I see 
not how many can escape. I am marched myself back toward
and so on towards :\Ionro or otherwise, as God shall direct. 
As things fall out, I shall represent them to you; and remain, 
:\1 y Lords and Gentlemen, 
Your most humble' servant; 

No. 13 


[Vol. i. p. 36

RECAPITULATING what is already known in the Text; finds its place 

1 [Carlyle printed II thousand."] 
* Tanner AISS. lvii. (I) 229. Original signed inside and out by Cromwell: much 
injured by mildew and moths. [Sealed with the Cromwell arms. Inserted first in 
the 1857 edition.] 
VOL. 111.-17 



[20 Sept. 

To the Riyht Honou1'able the Committee of L01"ds and COin/mons at 
Derby House 

Norham, 20th Sept. 1648. 

I did, from Alnwick, write to Sir "
illiam Armyn l an 
accOllnt of our condition; and recommended to him divers particular 
considerations about your affairs here in the North, with desire of 
particular things to be done by your Lordships' appointments in order 
to the carrying-on of your affairs. I send you here enclosed a COI)y 
of the summons that was sent to Barwick 2 when I was come as far as 
Alnwick; a.<; also of a letter written to the Committee of Estates of 
Scotland: 3 I mean those who we did presume were convened as :Estates, 
and were the men that managed the business of the war. But there 
being, as I hear F:illCe, none such; the Earl of Roxburgh and some 
others having deserted, F:O that they are not able to make a Committee; 
I believe the said letter is suppressed,4 and retained in the hands of 
Colonel Bright and 1\Ir. '
Tilliam Rowe, for whom we obtained a safe 
convoy to go to the Estates of that Kingdom with our said letter; the 
Governor of Barwick's answer to our summons leading us thereunto. 
By advantage whereof, we did instruct them to give all assurance to 
the Marquis of Argyle and the honest party in Scotland (who we heard 
were gathered together in a considerable Body about Edinburgh, to make 
opposition to the Earl of Lanerick, Monroe, and their Armies), of our 
good affection to them. \Vherewith they went the 16th of this month. 
Upon the 17th of this month Sir Andrew Car and Major Straughan, 
with dh"ers other Scottish Gentlemen, brought me this enclosed letter, 
signed by the Lord Chancellor of Scotland, as your Lordships will see. 
They likewise showed me their Instructions, and a paper containing 
the matter of their Treaty with Lanerick and :\1 on roe ; as also an Ex- 
postulation upon Lanerick's breach with them, in falling upon Argyle 
and his men, contrary to agreement, wherein the Marquis of Argyle 
hardly escaped, they having hold of him, but seven-hundred of his men 
were killed and taken.1j These papers also I send here enclosed to your 

1 Original Member for Grantham; one of the Committee, and from of old busy 
in those International concerns. [One of the Commissioners for the North.] 
2 Letter LXX. S Letter LXXII, 
4 Not I suppressed, \ though it cannot be received except unofficially (vol. i. p. 
3 62 ). 
5 Bishop Guthry's J.j,femoirs. 

1648. ] 



So soon as those Gentlemen came to me, I called a Council of \Var ; 
the result whereof was the letter directed to the Lord Chancellor; 1 a 
copy wllereof your Lordships have also here enclosed, which [ delivered 
to Sir Andrew Car and Major Straughan; with which they returned 
upon tht' 18th, being the next day. 
Upon private discourse with the Gentlt'men, I do find the condition 
of their affair
 and their Anny to he thu
: The Earl of l.anerick, the 
Earl of Crawford-Lindfò:ay, Monroe, and their Army, hearin
 of our 
advance, and understandin
 the condition and endeavours of their 
, marched with all speed to goet the posse
sion of Sterling- 
Bridge; that !':o they might have three parts of fonr of Scotland at 
their backs, to raise men, and to enable themselves to carryon their 
designs, and are about .5,000 Foot and 2,500 Horse. The Earl of Leven, 
who is chosen General; the :\Iarquis of Argyle, with the honest lord
and gentlemen, David Lesley bein
 the Lieutenant-General: having 
about 7,000 Foot, but very weak in Horsl", lie about six miles on this 
Ride the Enemy. I do hear that their Infantry consists of men who come 
to them out of conscience, and goenerally are of the godly people of that 
nation, which they express by their pit'ty and devotion in their quarters; 
and indeed I hear they are a very godly and hone
t body of men. 
I think it is not unknown to your Lordships what directions I have 
received from you for the prosecution of our late victory, whereof I shall 
be bold to remember a clause of your letter; which was, "That I should 
"prosecute the remainin
 party in the North, and not leave any of 
"them (wherever they shall go) to be a beginning of a new Army; 
"nor cease to pursue the victory till I finish and fully complete it, with 
"their rendition of those Towns of Barwick and Carlisle, which most 
" unjustly, and against all obligations, and the treaties (then) in force, 
" they surprised and garrisoned against us." 
In order whereunto, I marched to the Borders of Scotland, where I 
found the country so exceedingly harassed and impoverished by 
and the Forces with him, that the country was in no sort able to bear us 
on the English side, but we must have necessarily ruined both your Army 
and the subjects of this Kin
dom, who had not 2 bread for a day, if we had 
continued among them. In prosecution of your orders, and in answer 
to the necessity of your friends in Scotland, and their desires, and 
considering the ne('es!õ:ity of marrhina' into Scotland, to prevl"nt tht' 
1 Letter LX X II I. 
2[" have not" in the Pamphlet.] 



[28 Oct. 

Governor of Barwick from putting lH'ovisions into his Garrison on Scot- 
land side (whereof he is at present in some want, as we are informed), 
I marched a good part of the Army over Tweed yesterday about noon, 
the residue being to come after as conveniently as we may. 
Thus have I given to your Lordships an account of our present con- 
dition and engagement, and having done so, I must discharge my duty 
in remembering to your Lordships the desires formerly expressed in my 
letters to Sir ""TiUiam Armyn and Sir John Evelyn, for supplies; and 
in particular for that of shipping to lie upon these coasts, who may 
furnish us with ammunition or other necessaries wheresoever God shall 
lead us; there being extreme difficulty to supply us by land, without 
great and strong convoys, which will weary-out and destroy our Horses 
and cannot well come to us if the Tweed be up, without going very far 
Having laid these things before you, I rest, my Lords, 
Your most humble servant, 

P.S. \Vhilst we are here, I wish there be no neglect of the busine
in Cumberland and \Vestmorland. I have sent orders both into Lanca- 
!':hire and the Horse before Pontefract. I shouM be glad your Lordships 
would second them, and those other considerations expressed in my 
desires to Sir William Armyn thereabouts. * 

No. 14 


[Vol. i. p. 381.] 
\V RITTEN on the march from Carlisle to Pontefract. 
For the Honourable JVilliam Lenthall, Esqu-ire, Spenker to the 
House of C01nmons: These 
Burroughbriggs, 28th October 1648. 


I do not often trouble you in particular businesses; but 
I shall be bold now, upon the desire ofa worthy Gentleman, Lieutenant- 
Colonel Cholmley, to entreat your favour on his behalf. 

* Old Pamphlet: in ParlÍ<111lentary History, xvi
. 481. [" The transactions of 
several matters" (E. 465, 18.) The letter was pubhshed by order of the House of 
Commons of September 28.] 




The case stands thus. His SOIl Major ('holm ley, who was killed in 
the Fight against the Scots at "Tinnick,I was Custom-master at Carlile; 
the Gentleman merited well from you. Since his death, his aged Father, 
having lost this his eldest SOIl in your service, did resolve to use his ell- 
deavour to procure the place for a youllger ::;on, who had likewise been 
in your s
rvice; and resolving to obtaill my letter to some friends about 
it, did acquaint an undertenant ofthe place to his Son with this his pur- 
pose to come to me to the borders of Scotland to obtain the said letter; 
-which the said tenant 2 did say, was very well. 
And when the said Lieutenant-Colonel was come for my letter, this 
tenant immediately hastens away to London; where he, in a very cir- 
cumventing and deceitful way, prefers a petitioll to the House of 
(:ommons; gets a reference to the Committee of the Navy; who ap- 
prove of the said man, by the mediation of some gentlemen :-but 1 
hear there is a stop of it ill the House. 
My humble suit to you is, that if Colonel Morgan do wait upon you 
about this business (I having given you this true information of the 
state of it, as 1 have received it), you would be pleased to further his 
desire concerning Lieutenant-Colonel ('holmley's younger Son, that 
he may have the place conferred upon him; and that you would ac- 
quaint some of my friends herewith. 
By which you will very much oblige, 
Your most humble servant, 

No. 15 


[Vol. i. p. õIO.] 
PRESERVED in the anonymous Fragment of a 
arrative, more than once 
referred to, are these Letters and R
plies : 

. 1 Against Monro, I suppose, when he ended his maraudings in that quarter (vol. 
I. p. 354). [Carlyle, following Cary, printed "was bold in the fight against the 
Scots at Berwick." Winwick was one of the contests on the \\ay from Chester to 
2[Cary printed" servant," and Carlyle, naturally puzzled, added .. or und,.r- 
tenant. " J 
* Tanmr J1SS. (in Cary, ii. 46.) [vol. lvii. 393.] 



[21 Nov. 

LETTER I. 'l'u the .Mayor and Aldernwn of the Vityof TVatelford 

IKilbarry, near Waterford, 21St November, 1649. 


I have received informatiou that you hitherto refused 
a Garrison of the Enemy to be imposed' upou' you; as also that some 
factions in the Town are very active still, uotwithstanding your refusal, 
to persuade you to the contrary. 
Beiug come iuto these parts, uot to destroy people aud places, but to 
save them, that men may Ih'e comfortably and happil} by their trade, 
(if the fault be not in themseh'es); and purposing also, by God's assist- 
ance, to I'educe this City of 'Vaterford to its due obedience, as He shall 
dispose the matter, by force, or by agreement with you upon terms 
wherein your own good and happiness, and 'that' of your wives, 
children and families may consist, notwithstanding some busy-headed 
persons may pretend to the contrary; knowing that if after all this you 
shall receÌ\'e a Garrison, it will probahly put you out ofl a capacity to 
make any such accord for yourselves, which was the cause of the ruin 
of the Town and people of 'Vexford; I thought tit to lay these things 
before you; leaviug you to use your own jud#Z'ment thereiu. 
And if any shall have sO much power upou you as to persuade you 
that these are the counsels of an enemy, I doubt it will hardly prove, 
in the end, that they gave you better. You did once Ii ve flourishingly 
under the power [of] and in commerce with England. It shall be your 
own faults if you do not so ag-ain. I send these intimations timeously 
to you: weigh them well; it so behoves you. I rest, 
Your loving friend, 

REPJ,y 1. For General UrO'inwell, Gene'ral of the Parliament Forces 
in Ireland 

"Waterford, 23d November 2 1649. 
"My LORD,-Your Letter of the 21st, directed to me and my Alder- 
"men, we have, by your trumpet, received. Y our Lordship's advice, 
" as we do all others, we weigh with the condition of our safety: and 
"so far shall make use thereof as it contributes to the same. 
" For your intentions of reducing this City, by force or agreement :- 
"as y, e will by all possible means endeavour our natural defence against 

1 [" put you in," MS. copy.] 
2 [2.t th in MS. copy, but this is a mi!'itake.] 

1649. ] 



"the first, so haply 1 will we not be averse to the latter, if we shall find 
"it not dishonourable nor destructive, and for that purpu
e do desire 
"your Lordship will grant us a cessation, for fifteen days, from all acts 
" of hostility; and send us safe-conduct!':, with blanks for the men we 
"shall employ, to treat with your Lordship; and in the interim bring 
" your Army no nearer this City than now it is. 
"\Ve have learuednot to slight addce, if we find it wholesome, even 
" from an enemy's hands; nor to deny him such thanks as it merits. 
" And if your Lordship should deny us the time we look for, we doubt 
"not,-with the men we have already in Town (though we should 
"receive no more), to make good this place, till the power of the King- 
" dom relieves us. 
"To signify which to your Lordship, the Council and Commons 
"have laid their commands on me, 
"My Lord, 
" Your very loving friend, 
".JOHN LY\'ETT, Mayor of \Vaterford." 

LETTER 2. For the fllayor, Aldermen, or othe)' Governor or Gm'f"rnor.
of the City of 1fT aterfO'l'd 
From my Camp before Waterford, 
24th November 1649- 


I expected to have heard from you before this, by my 
trumpet; but he not coming to me, I thought fit to send, that I mig-ht 
have an account given me, how you have disposed of him. And to save 
farther trouble, I have thought fit hereby to summon you to surrender 
the City and Fort into my hands, to the use of the State of England. 
I expect to receive your answer to these things, and rest, 
Your servant, 

REPLY 2. "For the Lieute'l1ant-(-J-eneral Crom?I'ell 
"Waterford, 24th November 1649- 
"My LoRD,-Your Letter of the 24th I have received even now; ill 
"which you desire an account of your Lordship's trumpeter, sent with 
"a former letter to us; and summons us to deliver your Lordship this 
" City and Fort. 
" Your Lordship's former Letter by your trumpeter we have answered 
"yesterday morning; and do doubt, by the trumpeter's not coming to 
" you, he might have suffered some mischance by going the County-of- 
" Kilkenny way. \Ve therefore now send you a copy of that Answer;2 
"to which we desire your Lordship's resolution, before we receive 
"which, we cannot make further answer to the rest of your letter. 

1 [Carlyl!' printed" happily:'] 

2 Reply I ; alrearly given. 



[4 Jan. 

" \Ve therefore desire you will despatch the safe-conduct desired, 
"and forbear acts of hostility during- the Treaty ;-alld you shall be 
" very soon attended by Commissioners from, 
" 1\1 y Lord, 
" Your Lordship's servant, 
"JOHN LVVETT, Mayor of "Vaterford." 
LETTER 3. To the Mayor and Aldermen of the City of TVaterford 
. Before Waterford,' 24th November r649. 


My first trumpet not being yet come to me, makes 
me suspect (as you say) that he has suffered some mischance going- by the 
way of the County of Kilkenny. 
If I had received your letter sooner, I should nevertheless (by the 
help of God) have marched up to this place, as I have done. And as 
for your desire of a Treaty, I am more willing for that way, for the pre- 
vention of blood and ruin, than to 'the J other of force ;-although if 
necessitated thereunto, you and we are under the overruling power of 
God, who will dispose of you and us as He pleaseth. 
As to a cessation for fifteen days, I shall not agree thereunto; because 
a far shorter time may bring this business to a conclusion as well. But 
for four or five days I am content that there be a cessation of all acts of 
hostility betwixt your City and this Army:-provided you give me 
assurance That, in the mean time, no soldiers not now in your City be 
received into it, during the cessation, nor for twenty-four hours after. 
1 expect to have your present answer hereto: because, if this he 
agreed-to, I shall forbear any nearer approach during the said cessation. 
Your servant, 

I have hy this bearer returned a safe-convoy, as you de
ire, for what 
Commissioners you think tit to send out to me. * 

No. 16 


[Vol. i. p. õI9.] 
THE Narrative Fragment above cited has these words, in reference to 
the affair at Passage and its consequences: 'At that time, there being 
.. Fragment of Narrative: in Aysco1tgh [Add.] JISS. No. 4769. p. 95 et seqq. 

1650. ] 



, one Captain Caufield a prisoner at Clonmel, a 8tranger to the General, 
'but being a prisoner on au English account, the Army concerned them- 
'selves for him, and at a Council of \Var certain Votes were passed; 
which we shall SOon read: 

'For Lieutenant-General Farrell, Governor of Clonmel' 

. Cork, 4th January 1649.' 
" At the Council of \\r ar held at the City of Cork, the fourth day of 
" January, Anno Domini 1649, whereat the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, 
"the Lord President of 1\1 unster,I Sir Hardress n r aIleI' knight, and 
"divers other chief Officers of the Army were present, it was resolved 
" as follows: viz. 
"1. That a letter be sent, by Lieutenant-General Farrell's trumpet, 
"to let him know, that for every private Foot-soldier of our party, 
"prisoner with him, whom he shall release, he shall have so many of 
" his pri vate soldiers, prisoners with us, released for them; and for every 
"trooper of ours which he shall release, he shall have two private Foot- 
" soldiers released for him. 
"2. That the Lord-Lieutenant is ready to release officersoflike quality 
" for such officers of ours as are in their power; and that he will deliver 
"a l\Iajor of Foot for a Captain of Horse, and Two Captains of Foot 
" for a Captain of Horse; and so proportionably. 
"3. Or that he will deliver 
Iajor-General Butler, the Earl of 
"Ormond's Brother, for those Officers of ours now in their custody." 

, SIR; 

But having lately recei\'ed an advertisement, that 
some of the principal officers of the Irish Army did send menacing 
order8 to the Governor of Clonmel, to be communicated to the Lord 
Broughill, that if we did put to death Colonel \V oogan, that they were 
ready to put Captain Caufeild to death,-l thought tit to offer to you 
the equal exchanges before. mentioned; leaving you to your election, 
which when you perform, there shall be just and honest performance 
on my part. And withal to let you know, that if any shall think to 
put such conditions on me that I may not execute a person so obnoxious 
as \V oogan,-who did not only betray his trust in England, but counter- 
feited the General's hand, thereby to carry his men (whom he had 
seduced) into a foreign nation,2 to invade England, under whom he had 
taken pay, and from whose service he was not discharged; and with 
the said nation did invade England; and hath since, contrary to the said 

I Ireton. 
2 Scotland : to join Hamilton and his Engagmzenf. [Set> Letter ex VI I. , and for 
\Vogan, C1arh Papers, vol. i. Appendix A.] 



[31 Dec. 

trust, taken up arm!': here :-That 'then, I say; as I am willing to the 
exchanges aforesaid; so, 'if' that equality be denied me, I would that 
all concerned should understand, that I am resoh'ed to deal with Colonel 
\V oogan as I shall see cause, and be satisfied in my conscience and 
judgment to do. And if anything thereupon shall be done to Captain 
Caufeild as is menaced, I think fit to let you know, that I shall, as God 
shall enable me, put all those that are with me at mercy for life, into 
the same condition. 

Your servant, 

No. 17 


[V 01. i. p. 520.] 
For my vny 
vorthy Friend John Sadler, Esq., one of the M
aster8 of 
the Chancery in England: These 
Cork, 3rst Dec. 1649. 


To put a business of weight suddenly to your consi- 
deration may perhaps beget so much prejudice as may cause you either 
not to think of it at all, or to incline to the worser part when you re- 
solve. The thing I have to offer hath been thought upon by us, as you 
will perceive by the reasons wherewith we enforce it; and we do 
willingly tender it to you; desiring God, not you, may give us the 
That a Dh.ine Presence hath gone along with us in the late great 
transactions in this nation, I believe most good men are sensible of, and 
thankful to God for; and are persuaded that He hath a further end; 
and that as by this dispensation He hath manifested His se\'erity and 
justice, so there will be a time wherein He will manifest grace and mercy, 
in which He so much delights. To us who are employed as instruments 
in this work the contentment that appears is, that we are doing our 
Master's work; that we have His presence and blessing with us ;-and 
that we live in hope to see Him cause wars to cease, and bringing in that 

* Fragment oi Narrative: in Ayscough i
lSS. No. 4769, u/1i supra. lSeeanother 
letter to O'Farrel on this subject. written a fortnight later. Supplement, No. 54.J 


Kingdom of glory and peace which He hath promised. This heiug :'0:0, 
as the hope thereof occasions our comfort, so the seeing'some way made 
already cannot but 'raise' hope that goodness and mercy intends to 
visit this poor Island. Therefore in what we may (as poor instruments), 
, we' cannot but be endeavouring to answer the mind of God as any 
opportunity offers itself. 
First let me tell you, in divers places wbel'e we are come, we find the 
people very greedy after the \\' ord, and flocking to Christian meetings; 
much of that prejudice that lies upon poor people in England being a 
stranger to their mind
. And truly we have hoped much of it is done 
in simplicity; and I mind you the rather of this because it is a sweet 
symptom, if not an earnest, of the good we expect. 
In the next place, our condition was such at our first arrival here, by 
reason of the n
ar, and prevalency of the Euemy,-that there was a 
dissolution of the whole ti'ame of Government; there being no visible 
authority residing' in persons entru:-;ted to act according to the forms of 
law, except in two corporations [Dublin and DI"iTY at our (f,'1Tival] under 
the Parliament's power,] in this whole Land. And although it hath 
pleased God to give us much territory, yet how to fall suddenly into 
that way again, I see not; nor is it for the present practicable. \Vhere- 
fore I am constrained, of my own authority, to issue out Commissions 
to persons to hear and determine the present controversies that do arise, 
as they may. 
Sir, it seems to me we have a great opportunity to set up, until the 
Parliament shall otherwise determine, a way of doing justice amongst 
these poor people, which, for the uprightness and cheapness of it, may 
exceedingly gain upon them, who have been accustomed to as much 
injustice, tyranny and oppression from their landlords, the great men, 
and those that should have done them right, as, I believe, any people 
in that which we call Christendom. And indeed' tiley' are accounted 
the bribing'st [80 to speak 1] people that are; they having' beeu inured 
ir, if justice were freely and impartially administered here, 
the foregoing darkness and corruption would make it look so much the 
more glorious and beautiful; and draw more hearts after it. I am 
loath to write what the consequences might be, or what may be said 
upon this subject; and therefore I shall let you know my de
ire in a 

] [The last four words omitterl by Carlyle.] 



[31 Dec. 

There uses to he a Chief-Justice in the Province of l\lunster, who 
having some others with him in assistance, uses to hear and determine 
causes depending there: you are desired by me to accept of that employ- 
ment. I do believe that nothing will suit your mind better than having 
a standing salary for the same; that so you may not be troubled with 
common allowances, which have been to others, I doubt, but a colour 
to their covetous practices. J dare assure you .EI,OOO a-year, half- 
yearly, to be paid by even parts, as your allowance; and although this 
be more than hath usually been allowed, yet shall we have wherewith 
readily to make performance, if you accept. 
I know not how far this desire of mine will be intepreted by you as 
a call: hut sure I am I have not done anything' with a clearer breast, 
nor wherein I do more approve my heart to the Lord and His people in 
sincerity aud uprightness; the Lord dh'ect you what to do. I desire a 
few things of you: let my letter be as little seen as you may; you know 
what constructions are usually put upon some men's actings; and, were 
it fit to be committed to paper, would 'be' if I should say that this 
business, by the blessing of God, might be so managed as might abate 
much superfluity. I desire you not to discourse of the allowance but to 
some choice friends. Next I could desire, if you have any acquaintance 
Ir. Üraves the lawyer, you would move him to the acceptance of 
a place here, which should be honourable, and not to his outward dis- 
advantage; and any other godly and able man you know of. Let me 
have your mind so soon as conveniently you may; and whether you 
have tried any as is desired, and whom, and what return they make. 
Desiring your prayers, I rest, 
Your affectionate friend and servant, 

* General Dictionary (by Birch, Bernard &c., London, 1739), vol. ix. 19-20. 
SADLER (materials furnished by . Thos. Sadler. Deputy Clerk of the Pells,' a 
descendant of this Sadler's). 
Sadler did not go; John Cooke, Advocate famed in tbe King's trial, went. Of 
Graves I know nothing. Sadler has left some Books; indicating a strange corner 
of dreamy imaginativeness, in his otherwise solid, lucid and pious mind. A man 
much esteemed by Hartlib, Milton's friend, and by the world legal and otber. He 
continued one of the Masters in Oliver's new Chancery, when the number was 
reduced to six. [He became Master of Magdalen College, Cambridge. in the 
following August, but had to make way for the former master (Dr. Rainbow) at the 
Restoration. He helped to procure permission for the Jews to build a synafogue 
in London. Thiii letter was first inserted by Carlyle in the 1857 edition.J 




No. 18 


[Vol. ii. p. 27.] 

EJ, PHAYR is in Cork, 'with near Five-hundred foot,' since 
November last; Broghil, Fenton, and their relation to him, were also 
illilicated in the Text. 1 

FfJr Colonel Phayr, GO'lJPTnor of Cork: These. Hctste, hastt' 

Fethard, 9th of February 1649. 


It hath pleased God to be ,-ery gracious to us hitherto, 
in the possessing of Cashel, Fethard and Rog-hill Castle, without any 
blood. Callan cost us at least four or five men; but we are possessed 
of it also, and of divers other places of good importance. \Ve are in 
the very bowels of Tipperary; and hope, will lie ad,-antageously (by 
the blessing of God) for fm.ther attempts. 
:\Iany places take up our men: wherefore I must needs be earnest 
with you to spare us what you can. If you can send two companies 
more of your Regiment to Mallow, 2 do it. If not, one at the least; 
that so my Lord Brog-hil may spare us two or three of Colonel Ewers's, 
to meet him with the rest of his 3 Regiment at Fermoy. 
Give Colonel Ewers what assistance you can in the business I have 
sent to him about. Salute all my friends with you. My service to Sir 
\Villiam Fenton. Pray for us. I rest, 
Your very loving friend, 

'P.S.' Sir, if you think that we draw YOll too low in men; whilst we 
are in action,4 I pre"llme you are in no danger; however, I desire yon 

I Letters CXIV., CXV. 
2' Mayano' in orig. [Moyallo appears to have been the usual form of the name 
at that time. The Castle belonged to the ]ephsons and had been held as a garrison 
against the Irish by them, under charge of Capt. Bette<;worth. It was taken by 
the rebels in 1645, but afterwards recovered. See letters amongst the Egmont 
M SS., Seventh Report of the Hist. LI-1SS. Commissioners, Appendix, p. 236.] 
3 i.e.. Colonel Ewers's. 
4 [Carlyle printed" whilst we are inactive," but probably through a transcriber's 
error, as the alteration spoils the sense.] 



[5 Sept. 

would make this use of it, To rid the Town of Cork of suspicious and 
ill-affected persons as fast as you can. And herein deal with effect.. 

No. 19 


[V 01. ii. p. 93.] 

HERE, by the kindne!':s of R. Orm!':toll, Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyue, are 
now (for onr Thi'rd and all other Editions) the Letters thpmseh'e
This Gentleman, Grandson ofthe' Steward of the Haselrigs' mentioned 
at p. 93, vol. ii., possesses all the Four Cromwell Letters alluded to by 
Brand; and has now (May 1847) beneficently furnished an exact copy 
of them, privately printed. 1 Letter CXXXIX. alone is autograph; the 
other Three are in a Clerk's hand [but signed by Cromwell.] Letter 
(,XXXIX., Letter CXLI., these and the Two which follow here, it 
appears, 1\11'. O.'s Grandfather' begged from the fire, on a day when 
'much destruction of old Letters and waste Papers was going on at 
'Nosely Hall; -Letter CXXXIX. and all England are somew hat obliged 
to him! Here are the other Two: 

1. For the Honourable Sir Arthur Haselrig, Governor of Newca,stle: 

Dunbar, stb September 1650. 


After much deliberation, we can find no way how to 
dispose of these prisoners that will be consisting with these two ends (to 
wit, the not losing them and the not starving them, neither of which 
would we willingly incur) but by sending them into England; where 
the Council of State may exercise their wisdom and better judgment in 
so dispersing and disposing of them, as that they may not suddenly 
return to your prejudice. 
'Ve have despatched away near 5,000 poor wretches of them; \I very 
many of which, it's probable, will die of their wounds, or be rendered 

· Gentleman's Magazine for March 1843, p. 266. Endorsed, by Phayr, 'The 
Lo. Leu t Letter to mee the ninth of Feb i r649; About sending men.' By an- 
other hand there is also written on the outside, . Mallo pasest,' -meaning, probably 
for Phayr's information, MallO'lv possessed (got, laid hold of). [First inserted by 
Carlyle in the 1857 edition.] 
1 [This little book is not in the British Museum, but a copy of it is in the posses- 
sion of R. Welford, Esq.. of Newcastle. See note, vol. ii., p. 93. The originals 
of the letters were handed back to the Hazelrig family by Mr. Ormston.] 
2 See vo1. ii. pp. 113, '117, notes. 




unserviceable for time to come by reason thereof. I have written to 
the Council of State, desiring them to direct how they shall be disposed 
of: and I make no question but you will hasten the prisoners up south- 
wards, and second my desires with your own to the Council. I know 
you are a man of busines
. This, not being every-day's work, will 
willingly be performed by you; especially considering you have the 
commands of your superior. 
Sir, I jurlge it exceeding necessary you senrl us up what Horse anrl Foot 
you can, with all possible expedition; especially considering that indeed 
our men fall very sick; and if the Lord shall please to enable 1IS 
effectually to prosecute this business, to the which He hath opened so 
gracious a way, no man knows but that it may produce a Peace to 
England, and much security and comfort to God's people. \Vherefore, 
I pray you, continue to give what furtherance you can to this work, 
by speeding such supplies to us as you can possibly spare.-Not having 
more at present, I rest, 
Your affectionate friend and servant, 

2. For the Honourable Sir Arthur Raselrig, Governor of Neu'castle: 
These : Haste, haste 
Edinburgh, 9th September 1650. 


I cannot but hasten you in sending-up what forces 
possibly you can. This enclosed was intended to you on Saturday, but 
could not come. 
\Ve are not able to carryon our business as we would, until we have 
wherewith to keep Edinburgh and Leith, until we attempt, and are 
acting, forwards. \,\-T e have not, in these parts, 'at such a season of 
the year; above two months to keep the field, therefore expedite what 
you can. And I desire you to send us free masons; you know not the 
importance of Leith. 
I hope your northern guests are come to you, by this time. I pray 
you let humanity be exercised towards them; I am persuaded it will 
be comely. Let the officers be kept at Newcastle, some sent to Lynu, 
some to Chester. I have no more; but rest, 
Your affectionate servant, 

* Original in the possession of R. Ormston, Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne. [But see 
note above]. 



[28 Dec. 

I desire, as forces come up, I may hear from time to time what they 
are, how their marches are laid, and when I may expect them. 
My service to the dear Lady.* 

No. 20 


[Vol. ii. pp. 164, 196, 200, 202.] 
Letter 1st, ill Beha{f of Col. Maleverer" s Fami
1J' [V 01. ii. p. 164-.] 
For thp Honourable TVilliam Lenthall, Esquire, Speaker of the 
Parliament of England: These 

Edinburgh, 28th December 1650. 

It having pleased God to take away by death Colonel 
.John Mauliverer, a very useful member of this Army, I thought it 
req uisite to move you on the behalf of his sad widow and seven small 
I need not say much. His faithfulnes
 in your service, and his 
cheerfulnesl' to be spent in the same, is very well known. And truly, 
he had a spirit very much beyond his natural strength of body, having 
undergone many fits of 
ickness during his hard service in the field, 
where he was constant and diligent in his charge; and, notwithstandin
the weakness of his body, thought himself bound in conscience to con- 
tinue to the utmost, preferring the public service before his private 
relations. And (as I have been credibly informed) his losses by the 
royal and malignant party have been very great; being occasioned by 
hi!'; appearing with the first in his country for the Parliament. 
I have therefore made bold to represent these thin
s before you, that 
you may timely consider of those that he hath left behind him, allrl 

* Original in the possession of R. Ormston, Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne. [But see 
above.] Besides the Signature, .. 1\1 Y service to the dear Lady" is also autograph. 
1 [These four letters, first inserted in the 1857 edition, were there numbered 
parately, but afterwards brought together under one head.] 




bestow some mark of favour and respect npon them towards their com- 
fortable subsistence. I rest, Sir, 
Your most humble servant, 

Letter 21ld, ill Behalf qf John Arundel of Tre1'Ícc. [Vol. ii. p. ) 96.] 
OLIVER is now in :o,cotland, busy enough with great matters; must not 
neglect the small either. 
lilitary gentlemen, ex-royalist even, 
applying to the Lord-General in their distress, seem to be a frequent 
item just 110W. To whom how can he be deaf, if it is undeserved 
distress ?-'This Enclosed'] is from an Ex-Royalist Gentleman, 
:\;1r. John Arundel of Trerice in Cornwall; and relates to what is 
now an old story, the Surrender of Pendennis Castle to Fairfax's 
people (August 1646); in which 1\11'. John, by the arbitrary conduct of 
a certain Parliamentary Official, suffers huge damage at this time,-a 
fine of no less than .f:IO,OOO, '(Iuite ruinous to my poor estate; and 
clear against bargain at the rendition of Pelldennis, being now laid upon 
him by the arbitrary Parliamentary Official in those parts. 2 As not 
only human justice, but the honour of the Army is concerned, Mr. 
John has written to the Lord General,-the Trerice Arundels, he alleges 
furthermore, having once' had the honour to stand in some friendship, 
'or even kinship, with your noble family.' Oliver, during that 
hurried first 3 visit to Glasgow, writes in consequence: 
For the Right Honourablp Willia'rn Lenthall, Esquire, Speaker to thp 
Parliament oj the Commonwealth of England: Thesp 
Glasgow, 25th April 1651. 


Receiving this enclosed, and finding the contents of 
it to expostulate for justice and faith-keeping, anrl the direction of it 
* Tanner .tISS. (in Cary, ii. 2-l31. [vol. lvi. 241. Signed only by Cromwell. 
No address. Probably written almost directly after the Colonel's death; for on 
December 24, the Committee at York believed him to be still alive, giving" Col. 
John Mauleverer, now ""ith the army in Scotland," in a list of late county com- 
missioners now living. See. Cat. of Committee for Compozending, p. 380.] 
] Ibid. ii. 258. 
2 [The fine of 10,000/. set upon Col. John Arundel, formerly governor of Pendennis. 
and Richard his son, was set, not by an .. arbitrary official," but by an order of 
Parliament (March 21 of this year) which order moreover stated that they were not 
to be admitted to composition, even at this high rate, if found guilty of treason since 
1 February 1649 or henceforth. But as they were included in Pendennis Articles, 
the Court of War at Whitehall appears to have written offin hot haste to Cromwell. 
knowing well how keenly sensitive he was to the dishonour of any breach of the 
Army's plighted word. The delinquents declared that the sequec;tration of their 
estates for seven years had already more than paid the fine: however, they were 
ordered to pay 2000/. to make up the amount, and were then discharged. See 
Calendar of Committee for Compollnd;ng, p. 2237.] 
3 Second visit. 
VOL. 111.-18 



[10 May. 

not improper to myself from the party interested, forasmuch as it is the 
word and the faith of the Army engaged unto a performance; and 
understanding by which steps it hath proceeded, which this enclosed 
letter of the gentleman's will make manifest unto you: I make bold 
humbly to present the business to the Parliament. 
If he desires that which is not just and honourable for you to grant, 
I shall willingly bear blame for this trouble, and be glad to be denied: 
but if it be just and honourable, and tend:,; to make good the faith of 
your servants, I take the boldness then to pray he may stand or fall 
according to that. And this desire, I hope, is in faithfulne
s to you; 
and will be so judged. I take leave; and rest, Sir, 
Your most humble servant, 

Leller 3rd, in Beha{f of Colonel Cla.yton. [VoL ii. p. 
For the Right Honourable JVilliam Lenthall, E.'Jguire, Speaker of the 
Parliament of the Commonwealth of England: These 
Edinburgh, loth May 16sr. 


I am very desirous to make an humble motion unto 
you on the behalf of Colonel Randall Clayton ;-who, being taken pri- 
soner 1 when I was in Ireland, was with some other officers adjudged to 
die, as those that had formerly served the IJarliament, but were then 
partakers with the Lord Inchiquin in his revolt: and although the rest 
suffered, according to the sentence passed upon them, yet, with the 
advice of the chief officers, I thought meet to give him, the said Colonel 
Randall Clayton, his life, as one that is furnished with large abilities 
for the service of his country: and indeed there was the appearance of 
such remorse, and of a work of grace upon his spirit, that I am apt to 
believe he will hereafter prove an useful member unto the State, upon 
the best account. 

* Tanner MSS. (in Cary, ii. 270). [Tanner live No. 48. Signed by Cromwell 
both inside and out. Endorsed," Ld. General's letter touching Mr. Arundel's 
Articles, April 25. Not read. To be offered when the debates on the delinquents' 
bill. "] 
1 See Letter CXXX., and Wbltlocke, p. 432. [This young Colonel Clayton 
married Judith, eldest daughter of Sir Philip Percivale, much against her mother's and 
brother's wishes, as his estate was-as Cromwell here says-small and threatened 
with sequestration. But sbe was a spirited young lady, and got her own way. 
Her brother John appears to have been a favourite with Henry Cromwell.] 

1651. ] 



Having thus given him hi!'! l'elease, and observing his Christian can- 
dour, I then promised him to negotiate with the Parliament for the 
taking-off the sequestration that is upon his estate, which indeed is but 
very small. I do therefore humbly entreat you to pass such a special 
act of favour towards him, whereby he will be engaged and enabled to 
prove his interest the more vig'orously, in his place, for the advantage 
of the public. 
I would not address such an overture to you, did I not suppose that 
the placing of this favour upon this person will be of very good use, and 
an act of much charity and tenderness. I rest, 

Your most humble servant, 

Letter 4tlt, in Beha?lof Colonel Borlace. [V oJ. ii. p. 202.] 
Fm' the Right Hono'untble William Lenthall, Esquire, Speaker to thf 
Pm-limnent of the Conwwnwealth of England: These 
Edinburgh, 13th June 1651. 


Having received the enclosed petition and letter from 
the Officers of a Court of 'Val' at \\Thitehall, representing unto me that 
the faith of the Army concerning the Articles of Truro, l in the particular 
case of <':olonel 
icholas Borlace, is violated; and the petitioner himself 
having come hither to Scotlaud, desiring me to be instrumental that 
the said Articles may be performed, and that the faith of the Army 
thereupon given might be made good: I do therefore humbly desire 
That the Parliament will plea
e to take his case into consideration, and 
that his business may receive a speedy hearing (he being already almost 
quite exhausted in the prosecution thereof); that so justice may be done 
unto him, and that the faith of the Army may be preserved. I crave 
pardon for this trouble; and rest, 

Your most humble servant, 

1 Hopton's Surrender, 14th March 1645-6 (antea, i. 220); a hurried Treaty. 
which gave rise to much doubting and pleading, in other instances than this. 
* Tanner .vISS. (in Cary, ii. 272). [vol. liv. p. Ó2. Signed and sea:ed.] 
t Tanner .vfSS. (in Cary, ii, 276). [Amongst the Portland .tISS. is a letter 
from Thomas Margetts to Cromwell, written on March 17. by desire of the 
Council of War, informing him that" Colonel Nicholas Borlace, though within the 


i\.PPENDIX NO. 20* 

[3 May 

No. 20. 

[Vol. ii. p. 199.] 

 with some force, is on the Border, keeping open 
our communications. Along with that letter to 1\11'8. Cromwell 
another, dated the same day. 

Fur flu) HonoU1'aMe Major-Genp1'al Harrison: Thf'se 
Edinburgh, 3d May 1651. 

I received thine of the 23d of April. Thy letters are 
always very welcome to me. 

Articles of Truro, had had goods and cattle above the value of 5001. taken by the 
Sequestrators' agent; that notwithstanding several letters from the late Lord 
General Fairfax and from Cromwell himself, he could get no relief; that the power 
of the Commissioners for relief upon Articles is determined, and the faith of the 
Army (in the breach of the Articles) is violated, and that the Council therefore 
desire that he will give him relief either by asking the Parliament to discharge 
his sequestrations and fine-amounting to 3201.-or otherwise." This appears 
to be the letter to which Cromwell refers, although the interval of time is long. 
But his illness may have delayed matters, or perhaps he waited for Borlace to 
come himself. Borlace's case (which will be found reported at great length in the 
Calmdar of Committee for Compounding, pp. 2001-6) is interesting as a specimen 
of the struggle which often went on between the different authorities over the 
bodies of the prostrate royalists. Briefly given, it was thus. In 1649, he petitioned to 
compound on Truro Articles, and his fine was set accordingly. But the following 
year, the County Committee for Cornwall reported that being" a papist delinquent 
in arms," and his wife and children p<lpists, he was incapable of composition." The 
Committee for Compounding agreed, and ordered his whole estate to be sequestered. 
At this point the Committee for Relief on Articles of War interfered and insisted on 
the sequestered goods being restored until inquiry had been made. But meanwhile 
I ago, one of the County Commissioners, had got possession of part or the estate and 
was by no means willing to let go his hold. It was at this stage that Cromwell was 
appe<lled to, and wrote as requested to Parliament on his behalf, but in spite of 
the efforts of the Committee for Relief, the letters of Lord General Cromwell, the 
personal appeal of Lord Fairfax and the decision of the Council of War, in February 
16 5 2 Borbce haa to complain that Iago had heeded none of these things, that his 
lands were all under sequestration, and that he and his children were enforced to live 
" on the mere charity of their neighbours." The Committee for Compounding upheld 
their officer, declaring that Borlace, as a convicted papist, could not be released and 
that Iago had only done his duty. The Committee on Articles of War defended 
the petitioner, again declared that he was comprised in the Articles and forbid his 
estate to be meddled with. The struggle went on until August 1653, when the 
Committee for Articles wrote so angry a letter to the Committee for Compounding 
(followed in January, by an order from the Protector himself) that they gave way, 
"held themselves bound to obey" the Committee for Articles, and ordered restora- 
tion of the estate. Borlace then proceeded to try to obtain some of his arrears, 
but at this the Committee for Compounding flamed up again, told him that they 
very ill resented his vexatious proceedings, and threatened that if he persisted in 
his refractoriness, they should make void their order and proceed against him 
as before.] 




Although your new militia forces are so bad as you mention, yet I 
am glad that you are in the head of them; because I believe God will 
give you a heart to reform them; a principal means whereof will be, 
by placing good officers over them, and putting out the bad; where- 
unto you will not want my best furtherance and concurrence. I have 
had much such stuff to deal withal in those sent to me into Scotland; 
but, hlessed be the Lord, we have' been' and are reforming them 
daily, finding much encouragement from the Lord therein; only we 
do yet want some honest men to come to us to make officers. And 
this is the grief, that this being the caURe of God and of His people, so 
many saints should be in their security and ease, and not come out to 
the work of the Lord in this great day of the Lord. 
I hear nothing of the men you promised me. Truly I think you 
should do well to write to friendR in London and elsewhere, to quicken 
their sense in this great busine
s. I have written this week to Sir 
Henry Vane, and given him a full account of your affairs. I hope it 
will not be in vain. 
I think it will be much better for you tu dra" nigher to Carlisle, 
where' are' twelve troops of horse, whereof six are old troops, and five 
or six of dragoons. Besides, the troops you mention upon the borders 
will be ready upon a day's notice to fall into conjunction with you, so 
that if any parties should think to break into En
land (which, through 
the mercy of God, we hope to have an eye to), yon will be, upon that 
conjunction, in a good posture to obviate' them '. 
Truly I think tl1at if you could be at Penrith and tllOse parts, it 
would do very well. .\lld I do therefore desire you, as soon as you can, 
to march thither. \nlereby also you and we shall have the more 
frequent and constant correspomlency one with another. 
And it will be better, if a party of the enemy should happen to make 
such an attempt, to fight him before he have an opportunity to get far 
into our country. 
r have offered a consideratiou also to our friend at London, that you 
might have two regiments of foot sent too, 'of' which I am not with- 
out hope. 
The Lord bless you and keep you, aud increase the number of His 
faithful uneR. Pray for us, and for him who assnres you he is your 
affectionate faithful friend, 

R ('RO;\IWELL. * 
* Letter in possession of B. S. Elcock. Esq,. of Prior-Park Buildings, Bath. 
(Note vI 1869). [This letter was not in any of the earlier editions of Carlyle.] 



[8 Sept. 



[Vol.ii. p. 216.] 

OLIVER, in his swift 
1arch from Scotland towards \V orcester, takes 
Ripon and Doncaster as stages: Provision for us must be 'in readinesR 
against our coming.' 

, To the Mayor and Corporation of Doncaster: These' 

Ripon, 18th August 1651. 


I intend, God willing, to be at Doncaster with the 
Army on Wednesday I night or Thursday morning: and forasmuch as 
the soldiers will need a supply of victual, I desire you to give notice to 
the country, and to use your best endeavours to cause bread, butter, 
cheese and flesh to be brought in, and to be in readiness there against 
our coming; for which the country shall receive ready money. Not 
doubting of your care herein, I rest, 
Your very loving friend, 

No. 22 


[Vol ii. p. 226.] 

For the Right Hono-urable William Lenthall, Esqui,.e, Speaker of the 
Parli(unent of the Commonwealth of England: These 

Evesham, 8th September 1651. 

The late most rpmarkable, seasonable and signal vic- 
tory, which our good God (to whom alone be ascribed all the glory) was 


I Wednesday is 20th, 
* Original in the possession of Pudsey Dawson, Esq" Hornby Castle, Lancashire 
(communicated. 19th October 18 5 0 ). 




pleased to vouchsafe your servants against the Scottish Army at "70r- 
cester, doth, as J conceive, justly engage me humbly to present in 
reference thereunto this consideration: that as the Lord appeared so 
wonderfully in His mercies towards you, so it will be very just to 
extend mercy to His people, our frienrls that suffered in these parts 
upon this occasion; and that some reparation may be made them out 
of the sequestration or estates of such as abetted this engagement 
against you. The town being entered by storm, some honest men, 
promiscuously and without distinction, suffered by your soldiers; which 
could not at that time possihly be prevented, in the fury and heat of 
t.he battle. 
r also humbly present to your charity the poor distressed wife and 
children of one 'Villiam Guise, of the city of Worcester, who was bar- 
barously put to death by the Enemy for his faithfulness to the Parlia- 
ment. The man (as I am credibly informed) feared the Lord; and upon 
that account likewise deserveth more consideration. Really, Sir, 1 am 
abundantly satisfied, that divers honest men, both in city and country, 
suffered exceedingly (even to the ruin of their families), by these parts 
being the seat of the war: and it will be an encouragement to honest 
men, when they are not given over to be swallowed-up in the same 
destruction with enemies. 
J hope the Commissioners of the )filitia will be very careful and dis- 
cerning in the distribution of your charity. I cannot but double my 
desires, that some speedy course may be taken herein. 
I have sent the Mayor and Sheriff of Worcester to Warwick Castle, 
here to attend the pleasure of Parliament concerning their Trial and 
remain; I having not opportunity to try them by Court Martial. I have 
also taken security of the other Aldermen who remained in the city, to 
be forthcoming when I shall require them. 
It may be well worthy your consideration, That some severity be 
shown to some of those of this Country, as well of quality as meaner 
ones, who, having been engaged in the former ,"Tar, did now again 
appear in arms against you. I rest, 
Your most humble servant, 

* Ta1mer MSS. (in Cary, ii. 378). [vo1. Iv. 46. Only closing words, sig- 
nature and date, in Cromwell' 5 own hand.] 



[15 Dee 

Fur the Right HOltOurable TVilliam Le/
thall, Esquire, Speaker of the 
Parliament of the Commonwealth of England: These 
Chipping Norton. 8th September 1651. 


J have sent this Bearer, Captain Orpyn, with the colours 
taken in the late fight; at least as many of them as came to my hands, 
for I think very many of them have miscarried. I believe the number 
of those sent will be about an hundred; the remain also being forty 
or fifty, which were taken at the engagement in Fife. l I ask pardon 
for troubling you herewith; and rest, 

Your most humble servant, 

No 23 


[Vol. i. p. 17, note; ii. p. 245] 
Bv accident, another CUl'iou!'> glimpse into the Cromwell family. 'Sister 
Elizabeth,' of whom, except the date of her birth and that she died un- 
married,2 almost nothing is known, comes visibly to light here; 'living 
at Ely,' in very truth (as Noble had guessed she did); quietly boarded 
at li'ome friendly Doctor's there, in the scene and among the people 
always familiar to her. She is six years older than Oliver; now and 
then hears from him, we are glad to li'ee, and receives' small tokens 
of his love' of a substantial kind. For the rest, sad news in this 
Letter! Son Ireton is dead of fe\'er in I relanrl; the tiding-s reached 
London just a week ag-o. 

For my demo S;..
ter Jfr.
. Elizabeth CrotnlVell, at Doctol' Hic!tæl'd Stand 3 
 house at Ely: These 
, Cockpit,' 15th December 1651. 

I have received divers letters from you; I must desire 
yon to exculi'e my not writing so often as you expect: my burden is not 

lInverkeithing Fight in July: see Letter CLXXV. 2Antea, i. 17. 
:JQuery, not Hand'! [Probably Slane. See Supplement, No.6 (3)'] 
* Ta1UhY fI/SS. (in Cary, ii. 380). [vol. Iv. 54. Signed by Cromv.ell, and 
sedled. ] 

1651. ] 



ordinary, nor are my weaknesses a few to go thorough therewith; but 
I have hope in a better strength.-I have herewith sent you twenty 
pounds as a small token of my love. I hope I shall be mindful of you. 
I wish you and J may have our rest and satisfaction where all saints 
have theirs. What is of this world will be found transitory; a clear 
evidence whereof is my son Ireton's death. I rest, 
Dear Sister, 
Your affectionate Brother, 

'P.S: 1 My Mother, \Vife, and your friends here remembertheir love8. 

No 24 


[Vol. ii. p. 249] 
THOMAS }'INCHAM, Esquire, of Oatwell, Isle of Ely, is on the li
t of De- 
linquents: 2 Oliver, as an old friend or at least neighbour, will do what 
he can for him. 

To the Corl1'missioners 1m' Sequestration, at Goldsmith!3' Hall: These 
Cockpit,-December 16.51. 


I formerly recommended unto you the petition of one 
Mr. Fincham and his wife, desiring that if it were in your power to give 
remedy in their case, you would be pleased to hear them, according to 
the equity of their case. And forasmuch as they have waited long in 
Town for a hearing, to their great charge and expenses, which their 

* Original shown me, and copied for me (26th October 1853), by Mr. Puttick, 
Auctioneer, 191 Piccadilly,-who sold it, with another (Letter to Dick, 2d April 
1650, Carrick, our Letter CLXXXII.), next day, I for 9 guineas, to Mr. Holloway, 
Bedford Street:' the Dick, a long letter, in very good keeping, went . for 26 
guineas, to Mr. John Voung, 6 Size Lane, Bucklersbury.' 
) On the margin. 
2[Fincham and his wife were not delinquents. On the contrary, they plead that 
they have been .. constantly faithful to Parliament." Their petition is that the 
wife-whose maintenance is charged upon Plumstead Manor, now sequestered for 
the delinquency of her brother, Sir Miles Hobart-may not lose her portion for the 
oftence of another. See Cat. of Committee/or Compoullding, p. 2324.] 



[12 April. 

present condition will not well bear, I again earnestly desire that you 
will grant them your favour of a speedy hearing of their business, and 
to relieve them according to the merits and justice of their case: where- 
by you will very much oblige, 
Your very loving friend, 

No 25 


[Vol. ii. p. 251.] 
FROM those nine months of 1652 remain certain other small vestige!!! 
or way-marks; relating, as it happens, to the Universities, of one of 
which Oliver was Chancellor. The first is a Letter to Oxford. 
'Greenwood · we have already seen: 'Goodwin' is the famed Inde- 
pendent, at this time President of Magdalen College. Of' Zachary 
:\Iaine,' and his wishes and destinies, the reader can find an adeq uate 
account in 'V ood, with express allusion to the Letter which follows} 
Zachary's desire was complied-with. A godly young man, from Exeter 
City; not undeserving such a favour; who lived seven years in profit- 
able communion with Goodwin, Owen and the others; then, at the 
Restoration, fen into troubles, into waverings; but ended peaceably as 
Master of the Free school of Exeter, the Mayor and Chamber favour- 
ing him there. 

1. To the Reverend my very loving Friend D/'. Grei''lI/wood, Vice-Chan- 
cellor of the University of Oxford 
· Cockpit,' 12th April 1652. 


Mr. Thomas Goodwin hath recommended unto me one 
Zachary Maine, demyof Magdalen College, to have the favour to be 
dispensed-with for the want of two or three terms in the taking of his 
degree of bachelor. I am assured that he is eminently godly, of able 
parts, and willing to perform all his exercises. Upon which account 
(if it will not draw along with it too great an inconvenience) I desire that 

* Composition Papers, in State-Paper Office. [So P. Interregnum, G. 85. No. 
923-At the Public Record Office.] 
1 A/henæ. iv. 4 11 . 




he may have the particular favour to be admitted to the said deg-ree. 
Which I intend not to draw into a precedent, but shall be very sparing 

I remain, Sir, 
Your very loving friend, 

The Second an official Protection to Cambridge: 
2. To all Officers, Soldiers under my command, and others 1ohorn it 
'nUty concern 
These are to charge and require you, upon sight hereof: not to 
quarter any Officers or Soldier8 in any the Colleges, Halls or other 
Houses belonging to the University of Cambridge; 1101' to offer any 
injury or violence to any of the students or members of any of the 
Colleges or Houses of the said University. Alii you shall answer the 
contrary at your peril. 
Given under my hand and seal, the First of July 1652. 

Note. In the Archives of Trinity College Cambridge is a Patent duly 
signeted, and superscribed H Oliver P.," of date H'Vhitehall, 21st 
October 1654 ;" appointing Richard Pratt, H who, as we are informed, 
is very poor and necessitous," a Bedes-rnan (small pensioner for life) of 
that College. Which merely official Piece, as Richard Pratt too, 
except this of being poor, is without physiognomy for us, we do not 
insert here. 1 

The Third and Fourth are for Oxford again: 
3. By his Excellency the Lo'rd Gene'i'al Oromwell, Ohancellor of the 
University of Oxford 
Whereas divers applications have been made unto me, from several 
of the Members of the University of Oxford, concerning differences 
which have arisen between the Members of the said University about 
divers matters which fall under my cognisance as Chancellor: And 

*From the Archives of Oxford University. Communicated by the Rev. Dr. 
Bliss. [This and the following letters to Oxford are not the original letters, but 
entries in one of the Statute books of the University. There are several other" re- 
commendations" by Cromwell, but the above serves as a specimen of the rest.] 
t Cooper's Annals of Cambridge, iii. 452. [Baker .'VISS. xxxvi. r54.] 
I Copy penes me. 



[16 Oct. 

forasmuch as differences and complaints of the like nature may , again' 
happen and arise between them: And considering that it would be 
very troublesome and chargeable to the parties concerned to attend me 
at this distance about the same: And the pre:'1ent burden of public 
affairs not permitting me so fully to hear and understand the same as 
to be able to give my judgment and determination therein: 
I do hereby desire and authorise Mr. John Owen, now Vicechancellor 
of the University, and the Heads of the several Colleges and Halls 
there, or any five or more of them (whereof the said Vicechancellor to 
be one), to heal' and examine all such differences and complaints which 
have' arisen; or shall arise, between any of the said :\iembers; giving 
them as full power and authority as in me lies to order and determine 
therein as, in their judgments, they shall think meet and agreeable to 
justice and equity. And this power and commission to continue during 
the space of six months now next ensuing. 
Given under my hand and seal, the 16th day of October W.52. 

4. By his E
tCi'lli'ncy tlti' Lord Gene'tal 01'oJn'1l'ell, Ohancellor of the 
University oj O.-rjord 
"Thereae;; within the University of Oxford there frequently happen 
several things to be disposed, granted and confirmed, wherewith the 
Vicechancellor, Doctors-Regent, :\lasters and others of the said Uni- 
versity, in their Delegacies and Convocations, cannot by their statutes 
dispense, grant or confirm, without the assent of their Chancellor: 
And forasmuch as the present weighty affairs of the Commonwealth do 
call for and engage me to reside, and give my personal attendance, in 
or near London; so that the 
cholars of the said University and others 
are put to much charge and trouble by coming to London to obtain my 
assent in the cases before mentioned: Therefore, taking the premises 
into consideration, For the more ease and benefit of the said scholars 
and University, and that I may with less avocation and diversion attend 
the councils and service of the Commonwealth: 
I do by these presents ordain, authorise, appoint and delegate Mr. 
John Owen, Dean of Christchurch and Vicechancellor of the said 
University; Dr. \Vilkins, \Varden of \Vadham College; Dr. Jonathan 
Goddard, \Varden of Merton College; :\fr. Thomas Goodwin, President 
of Magdalen College; and \11'. Peter French, Prebend of Chri!';tchurch, 
ur any Three ur more of them, To take into consideration all and e\'ery 




matter of dispensation, grant or comfirmation whatsoever which req uires 
my assent as Chancellor to the said University, and thereupon to 
dispense, grant, confirm, or otherwise dispose thereof, as to them shall 
seem meet; and to certify the same to the Convocation. And all and 
every such rlispensation, grant, confirmation or disposition made by the 
aforesaid Mr. John Owen, Dr. \Vilkins, Dr. Jonathan Goddard, .Mr. 
Thomas Goodwin, and 
1r. Peter Flench, or any three or more of them, 
shall be to all intents and purposes firm and valid, in as full, large and 
ample manner as if to every such particular act they had my assent 
in writing under my hand anrl seal, or [ had been personally present 
and had given my voice and suffrage thereunto. 
In witness whereof [ have hereunto set my hand and seal, the 16th 
day of October 1652. 


No. 26 


[Vol. ii. p. 218.] 
'POOR foolish Mall; whom we guessed in the Text to be on a visit at 
\Vinchington, was then busy there, it would seem, and is IIOW again 
busy, on a very important matter: scheme of marriage between her 
Brother Henry, now in Ireland, and her fair Friend here, Lord 
\Vharton's Daughter,-the Lady Elizabeth, his eldest, as may be 
clearly inferred from the genealogies. l The Lord General approves; 
match most honourable; shall not fail for want of money on his part. 
Unless, indeed, 'the just scruples of the Lady' prove unsurmountable? 
\Vhich, apparently, they did. Both parties afterwards married: the 
Lady Elizabeth to' the third Earl Lindsay 2;' Henry Cromwell a' Russel 
of Chippenham; , on which latter event, the' Dalby and Broughton; 
here mentioned, were actually settlerl upon Henry. ßurleig-h and 
Oak ham went to his brother Richarrl. 

'F01" thp Right Honourable the Lord TVharton: Thp8P' 

Indeed [ durst not suddenly make up any judgment 
what wouIrl be fit for me to rlo or rlesire, in the bU!'liness you know of, 

'Cockpit,' 30th June 1652. 

* From the Archives of Oxford University. Communicated by the Rev. Dr. 
1 Lipscomb's History and Antiquities of Buckinghamshire (London, 1847), i. 544. 
2 [i. e. Robert Bertie, Earl of Lindsey.] 



[16 May. 

hut being engaged to give you an account upon our last conference, I 
shall be bold to do that, aud add a word or two therewith. 
For the estate I mentioned, I cannot now (by reason my Steward is 
not here) be so exact as I would: but the lands I design for this occasion 
are Burleigh, Oakham, and two other little things not far distant; in 
all about 1900l. per annum. .Moreover Dalby' and' Broughton, 16001. 
per annum. Burleigh hath some charge upon it, which will in COll- 
venient time be removed. This is near twice as much as I intended my 
Hon: yet all is unworthy of the honourable person. 
My Lord, give me leave to doubt that the lady hath so many just 
scruples, which if not very freely reconciled may be too great a tenta- 
tion to her spirit, and also have after-inconveniences. And although I 
know your Lordship so realIy,I yet 1 believe you may have your share 
of difficulties to conflict with; which may make the business uneasy: 
wherefore, good my Lord, I beg- it, If there be not freedom and cheer- 
fulne!ò;s in the noble person, let this affair slide easily off, and not a word 
more be spoken about it, as your Lordship's 'own' thoughts are. So 
hush all, and save the labour of little Mall's fooling, lest she incur the 
loss of a good friend indeed. My Lord, I write my heart plainly to you, 
as becomes, my Lord, 

Your most affectionate servant, 

No. 27 

[V 01. ii. p 308.] 
1. In a volume of the Annual Register are given certain Letters or 
Petitions concerning the printing of Dr. \Valton's Polyglott Bible. At 
the end of the Petitions is the following: 
'Whitehall,' 16th May 1653. 
I THINK fit that this work of printing the Bible in the Original and 
other Languages go on without any let or interruption. 

1 , reallilye' in orig. 
* Original in Bodleian Library; endorsed by Lord Wharton, "My Lord 
Generall to mee about his Sonne." Printed in Illustrated London News, 7th 
November 1856. [Printed also in Prendergast and Russell's report on the Carte 
JISS. in the Bodleian Library, p. 25. The reference to the original is Carte lWS. 
ciii. 77. First inserted by Carlyle in his 1857 edition. Cj. vol. ii., 251,256.] 
t Annual Register, xxxvi. 373-4. 




'By favour of whose Government,' as \Valton in his Preface further- 
more records, 'we had our paper free of duty, quorum favore chartam 
a vectigalibu8 Ùnmunem habuimul:I,' -with perhaps other furtherances. 
See Irwell's Life of Pocock (reprint. London, 1816), pp. 209-211. 
2. Here, lest anyone should be again sent hunting through' Pegge's 
Manuscripts,' take the following highly insignificant Official Note- 
Date, foul' weeks after the Dismissal of the Rump; when the 'Com' 
mittee of the Army,' and Oliver' Commander of all the Forces raised 
and to be raised,' are naturally desirous to know the state of the Army- 
Accounts. "'here Mitchell commands at present, I do not know,I nor 
whether he might be the' Captain Mitchell J who was known some year!!! 
ago in a disagreeable transaction with the Lord-General's Secretary,2 
and whose Accounts may be rather specially a matter of interest. 
For Lieutenant-Colonel j,\Iitchell 
Whitehall, 18th May 1653. 


You are desired with all expedition to prepare and send 
to the Committee for the Army an account of all moneys by you re- 
ceived upon their warrants between the fifteenth of January I64i and 
the twentieth of October 1651, for the use of the Forces within the time 
aforesaid under your command, or for the use of any other Regiment, 
Troop or Company, by or for whom you were entrusted or appointed to 
receive any money. 
And in case you cannot perfect your account, and send the same, as 
you are hereby directed, before the seventh of June next, you are de- 
sired by that time at the farthest to send in writing under your hand to 
the said Committee, what moneys by you received as aforesaid do 
remain in your hands. 
Hereof you are not to fail. 


3. Among the State-Papers in Paris there have lately been found Three 
small Notes to :vIazarin, not of much, if indeed of almost any moment, 
but worth preserving since they are here. Two of them belong to this 
Section. The first, which exists only in French, apparently as translated 
for Mazarin's reading, would not be wholly without significance if we 
had it in the original. It is dated just three days after that Summons 

1 [Lieut. -Col. William Mitchell was then serving in Scotland. Mr. Firth believes 
that he was lieutenant-colonel of the regiment of foot lately commanded by Major- 
General Richard Deane. He succeeded to the command of Overton's regiment in 
16 55. ] 
2 Newspapers (in Cromwellia1Za, p. 6r), 22d-29th June 16 49. 
* Pegge's J/55. (in the College of Arms, London), vii. 425. 



[9 June. 

to the Puritan Notables; I-and the Lord General, we see, struggles to 
look upon himself as a man that ha
 done with Political AffairR. 

'A Son Eminence, .1
fonsieU1' le Ow'dinal JJfazarin ' 

De Westminster, ce 9-19 JuÍ1z 1653. 


J'ai été sU1pris de voh' que votre Eminence ait voulu 
ppnser à une personne si peu considé1'able q'IM '11wi, vivant en quelqul' 
façon rUiré du 1'este du 'J)wnde. Oet honneur a fait avec ju.<ste mÙso"" 
une si forte irnp1"ession SU1' moi, que je 'me sens obligé de servÍl' vot/'
Ermiwnce en toutes occasions; et comU'!,e je flt'estimerai hpu'i'p'UX de 
If'S pouvoir 'i'(,'iwontre'i", j' espère que M. de Bourdeau.r en jncilitf'Ta leiS 
lJW11pn8 à celui qui e8t, -,-yIon8ieur, 
De votre Eminence 
Le t1'ès-humble serviteur, 

Of which take this Version: 

" Westminster, 9th June 1653. 
H SIR,-I have been surprised that your Eminency was pleased to 
H remember a person so inconsiderable as my!>elf, living as it were 
H withdrawn from the rest of the world. This honour has justly such 
H a resentment with me that I feel myself bound, by all opportunities, 
" to be serviceable to your Eminency; and as I shall be happy to meet 
H with such, so I hope M. de Bourdeaux," the Ambassador, H will help 
H to procure them to, Sir, 
H Your Eminency's most humble ser\Tant, 

Nay here now (Edition 1857) is the Original itself; politely for- 
warded to me, three years 
o, by the Translator of 
1. Guizot's English 
Com mO'il,wealth, where doubtless it has since appeared in print: 2 

I A lltea, vol. ii. p. 269. 
2 [See Scobie's Translation, Appendix NO.4. But one would judge this English 
version to be a re-translation from the French, rather than the original. There is 
no English version, either original or copy, in the Archives.) 
* From the Archives du Ministère des Affaires Etrangères, at Paris. Com- 
municated by Thomas Wright, Esq. F.S.A. &c. [Against the word" Monsieur," 
the contemporary translator has written: "II a mis en Anglois Sire, qui se donne 
aux roys et aux princes". Carlyle has modernised the spelling.] 

1653. ] 

l 1653 


Westminster, the 9th of June r653. 
IT's surprise to me that your Eminency should take notice of a person 
so inconsiderable as myself, living, as it were, separate from the world. 
This honour has, 8S it ought, 'made' a ,'ery deep impression upon me, 
and does oblige' me' to serve your Eminency upon all occa.c;ions: and 
as I shall be happy to fiud out ' such,' so I tmst tbat very honourable 
on, 1\lonsieur BUl'doe, will therein be helpful to, 
Your Eminency's thrice-humble servant, 

4. The negotiations with \Vhitlocke for going on that perilous Em- 
bassy to Sweden have left us the following offhand specimen of an 
ote from Oliver. Oliver and Pickering bad already been 
earnestly dealing with the learned man that he would go: at their 
subsequent interview, Oliver observed to \Vhitlocke, H Sir Gilbert" 
Pickering H would needs write a very fine Letter; and when he had 
done, did not like it himself. I then took pen and ink, and straight- 
way wrote that to you: " 
, To Sir Buist-rode Whitlocke, Lord CmnmÙssione'i' of the Great Seal' 
Whitehall, 2d September 1653. 


The Council of State having thoughts of putting your 
Lordship to the trouble of being Extraordinary Ambassador to the 
Queen of Swedeland, did think fit not to impose that service upon you 
without first knowing your own freedom thereunto. \Vherefore they 
were pleased to command our service to make this address to your 
Lordship; and hereby we can assure you of a very large confidence in 
your honour and abilities for this employment. To which we begging 
your answer, do rest, 

My Lord, 
Your humble servants, 

1 [" O. Cromwell P." the translator has, but Carlyle naturally omitted the" P ". 
For another letter which must have been written about this time, see Supplement, 
No. 79a.] 
* From Whitlocke's Account of his Embassy (quoted in Forster, iv. 319). [There 
is a contemporaneous copy of this amongst the MSS. of the Marquis of Bath (See 
Third Report 0/ the Hist. .MSS. Commissioners, Appendix. p. 192) where also are the 
instructions to Whitelocke, signed and sealed by Cromwell. These are put amongst 
the papers of January-May, 1654. but if they are his original instructions, they 
were finally settled and ordered to be " fair written" on October 27, r653. White- 
VOL. 111.-19 



[26 Jan. 

.5. The Little Parliament ha..q now rli!'misserl itself, and Oliver has 
henceforth a new Signature. 
, To his Eminency Oardinall1fazarin' 
, Whitehall,' 26th January 1653. 

:\1 V LoRD, 

Monsieur de Baas 1 hath delivered me the Letter 
which your Eminency hath been pleased to write to me; aud a)!'o 
communicated by word of mouth your particular affections and good 
disposition towards me, and the affairs of these Nations as now COll- 
stituted. \Vhich I esteem a very great honour; and hold myself obliged, 
upon the return of this Gentleman to you, to send my thanks to your 
Eminency for so singular a favour; my just resentment whereof I shall 
upon all occasiolls really demonstrate; and be ready to express the great 
value I have of your person and merits, as your affairs and interest shall 
require from, 

Your very affectionate friend to serve you, 
OLI\'ER P. * 

6. 'The Corporation of Lynn Regis,' it appears, considered that the 
navigation of their Port would be injured by the works now going on 
for Draining the great Bedford Level of the Fens. They addressed the 
Protector on the subject; and this is his Letter in answer thereto. 
Nothing came of it further. 
To the Mayor and Aldermen of Lynn RegÙJ 
Whitehall, 30th January 1653. 


I received yours; and cannot but let you know the 
good resentments I have of your respects; assuring you that I shall be 
always ready to manifest a tender love and care of you and your welfare, 
and in particular of that concernment of yours relating to navigation. 
Commending you to the grace of God, I remain, 
Your loving friend, 

locke sailed from Tilbury Hope in tbe Phænix on November 6, and arrived at 
Gottenburg on November 15 (see Cat. S. P. Dom. 1653-4, pp. 218,346). The 
letter, as calendared in the Report on the Longleat papers, is said to be from 
Cromwell and Sir If George" Pickering. but this is of course an error.] 
1 The new Envoy, or agent; of whom in the next No. 
* From the Archives du Ministère des Affaires Etrangères, at Paris. Communi- 
cated by Thomas Wright, Esq. F.S.A. &c. [The last few words in Oliver's own 
t History of the A Izdent and Present State of the Navigation of the Port of Kin
Lynn and of Cambridge, (London, foI. 1766), p. 55. [" But I suppose nothing was 
done" says the author; "fot' Aug. 29, 1654, it was ordered at a congregation then 

1654. ] 



No. 28 

ENGLAND [Vol. ii. pp. 332, 437, 447.] 
1. Another wholly insignificant Official Note to i\Iazarin, in regard 
to Vowel's Plot, and the dismissal of :\1. De Baas for his complicity in 
it. De Baas, whom some call Le Baas, or rightly Le ßas, was a kind 
of subsidiary .\gent despatched by Mazarin early in the Spring of 
16.53-4 'to congratulate the new Protector,' -that is, to assi"t Bour- 
deaux, who soon after got the regular title of Ambassador, in ascertaining 
how a Treaty could be made with the new Protector, or, on the whole, 
what was to be done with England and him. Hitherto, during the 
Dutch 'Val' and other vicissitudes, there had been a mixed undefinable 
relation between the two Countries, rather hostile than neutral. The 
'Treaty and firm Amity,' as we know, had its difficulties, its delays; 
in the course of which it occurred to 1\1. Le Bas that perhaps the 
Restoration of Charles Stuart, by Vowel and Company, might be a 
shorter cut to the I'esult. Examination of \Vitnesses, in consequence: 
examination of Le Bas himself by the Protector and Council, in COII- 
Requence; mild hint to Le Bas that he must immediately go home 
again. 1 

'Eminentissimo Cw'dinali Mazarino' 
In Litteris N ost1'is ad Regem datfs, causas et 'rationes 
1ecensuiwus quare Dominum De Baas ex húc Republicâ excedere 
jussimus, et Majestatem Suwm ce'i'tam. fccimus, Nos, non obstante hâc 
dicti de Baas machinatione, cujus culpam ei solum modo imputarnus, 
in eâdem adhuc sententiâ perstare, firmÆtm a1'ctamque Pacem et 
A micitiam cum Gltlliâ colendi et paciscn
di. Atque hðc occasione 
gratU1n nobis est priora ilia propensæ nostræ erga vos et res vestras 
voluntatis indicia et testimonia renovare; quam et-iam, datâ subinde 
occasione, palam facere et luculenter demonstrare parati erimus. 
Interea Eminentiarn vestram Divinæ ben-ignitatis præsidio corn- 
Dab. ex Albtì Autn, vicesimo nono Junii an. 1654. 
held in the Guildhall, Lynn Regis, that Mr. Recorder be desired to draw up a 
petition to the next Parliament for redress of the prejudices done to their navigation 
by the fen-drainers.' '] 
1 Depositions concerning him (April. May, 165
), Thurloe, ii. 309, 351-3: notice 
of his first arrival (February 1653-4), ibid. 113. See also ibid. 379, 437. 
* From the Archives du Ministère des Affaires Etrangères, at Paris. Communi- 
cated by Thomas Wright, Esq. F.S.A. &c, [The signature has been torn off.] 



[29 Sept. 

Of which, if it be worth translating, this is the English: 
" MOST Eì\IINENT CARDINAL,-In our letter to the King we have set 
"forth the grounds and occasions moving us to order :\1. De Baas to 
"depart from this Commonwealth; and have assured his Majesty, that 
"notwithstanding this deceit of the said De Baas, the blame of which 
" is imputed to him alone, we per
ist as heretofore in the same purpose 
" of endeavouring and obtaining a firm and intimate Peace and Amity 
"with France. And it gives us pleasure, on this occasion, to renew 
"those former testimonies of our good inclination towards you and 
"your interests; which also, as opportunity offers, we shall in future 
"be ready to manifest and clearly demonstrate. In the mean while, 
"we commend your Eminency to the keeping of the Almighty. 

"Whitehall, 29th June 1654." 

'Communicated to me' (Thomas Baker, the Cambridge Antiquary) 
, by my worthy friend Brown Willis Esq. of TVhaddon Hall in Com. 
, Bucks, from the original PresentaHon in thl' hand8 of a friend of 
, his.' 


OLIVER, Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland 
and Ireland, and the dominions thereunto belonging, to the Com- 
missioners authorised by a late Ordinance for Approbation of Public 
Preachers, or 'to' any five of them, greeting. 'Ve present John 
Pointer to the Rectory of Houghton Conquest in the county of 
Bedford, void by the death of the late Incumbent, and to our pre- 
sentation belonging; to the end he may be approved-of by them, and 
admitted thereunto, with all its rights, members and appurtenances 
whatsoever, according to the tenor of the aforesaid Ordinance. 
Given at \Vhitehall, the 29th of September 1654. * 


[Vol. ii. pp. 396, 444.] 
Ot:R great Design against the Spaniards in the \\T est Indies is still called 
only' a Design by Sea,' and kept very secret. Proper, howe,'er, as the 
rumours probably are loud, to give the Parliament, now sitting, some 
hint of it. Hence this Letter; of no moment otherwise. Unluckily 
'the right-hand border of the Paper is now much worn away; . so that 

everal word:-: are wanting,-conjecturally supplied here, 1,1 italics. 
* Hart. J1SS. No. 7053, f. 153. 




To Our right trusty and well-beloved William Lenthall, Esquire, 
Speake'l' of the Pætlimnent 
Whitehall, 22d September 165+ 

I haye, by ad\'ice of the Council, undertaken a design 
by sea, very much (as we hope and judge) for the honour and adyantage 
of the Commonwealth, and have already made the preparations requisite 
for such an undertaking. But before J proceed to the execution there- 
of, the Parliament being now convened, I thought it agreeable to my 
trust to communicate to them the aforesaid resolution, and not to defer 
the do[ ing] thereof! any longer (although I suppose you may be engaged, 
at the present, in matters of great weight); because many miscarriagf'S 
will fall out in this business through too long delay, as well in pmvid- 
ing of the charge as otherwise; the well-timing of such a design being 
as considerable as anything about it. And therefore I desire you to 
take your first opportunity to acquaint the House with the contents of 
this letter, wherein I have forborne to be more particular, because there 
are several persons in Parliament who know this whole business, and 
ca.n inf01'm the House of all particulars, if the House do judge it to be 
consistent with the nature of the design to have it offered to them 
particularly: which I refer to their consideration; and rest, 
'\ our assured friend, 



To Our r'ight t'rusty and 'right 1l'ell-belo'L'ed JVilliam Lenthall, 
EsquÙ'e, Speakl'r of the Parliament 

'Ve greet you well. It being expressed in the Thirty- 
fourth Article of lheGo\'ernment, That the Chancellor, Keeper or Com- 
missioners of the Great Seal, the Treasurer, Admiral, Chief Governors 
of Ireland and Scotland, and the Chief Justices of both the Benche!'l, 

I [Carlyle printed" to desire the delay."] 
* . Autograph Letter throughout.' Copy penes me,. reference ( Tanner lW'SS. no 
doubt) is unfortunately lost.-See Commons Journals, vii. 369 (22dSeptember 16 54) 
for the Return made. [The reference is Tamzer iWS. Iii. 130, but the letter is not 
autograph. The signature only is Oliver's, in a very tremulous hand.] 



[5 Oot. 

shall be chosen by the approhation of Parliament, and in the intervals 
of Parliament by the approbation of the major part of the Council,- 
to be afterwards approved by the Parliament; and several Persons of 
integrity and ability ha\'Ïng been appointed by me (with the Council's 
approbation) for some of those services before the meeting of the Parlia- 
ment ;-1 have thought it necessary to transmit unto you, in the enclosed 
Schedule, the names of those persons, to the end that the resolution of 
the Parliament may be known concerning them: which I desire may 
be with such speed as the other public occasions of the Commonwealth 
will admit. And so I bid you heartily farewell. 
Given at nrhitehall, this Fifth day of October 1654.* 
Enclosure is endorsed: "The Schedule inclosed in his Highnes 
Letter of ye 5th of October 1654."-" Read October 5th, 1654; and 
again, 6th Oct." ] 
q uire . Deputy of Ireland. 
. Commissioners ofthe Ureat Seal 
J L E . . of England. 
OHN ISLE, sqUire. . 
The Three Commissioners of the Great ) 
Seal above-named . . . . . . 
THE LORD CHIEF JUSTICE ROLLE . f commissioners of the Treasury. 
I, Esquire . 
{ Chief Justice of the Court of 
HENRY ROLLE . . Upper Bench. 
{ Chief Justice of the Court of 
. Common Pleas. 
5 and 6. The following Two Letters, one of which is clearly of 
Thurloe's composition, have an evident reference to Penruddock's 
affair; they find their place here. 
Sergeant 'Vilde, now more properly Lord Chief Baron 'Vilde 2 is a 
'V orcester man; sat in the Long Parliament for that City, very promi- 

* Original. with the Great Seal attached, in Tanner MSS.lii. 135.-See Commoní 
Journals, vii. 378 (24th October 1654). 
1 [Endorsed also "read 24th," which, as is shown by Commons Journals, is 
correct. ] 
2 [Lord Chief Baron Wilde would not be addressed as Serjf'ant-at-Law. The 
letter is to Sir John Walsh.] 




nent all along in Law difficulties and officialities,-in particular, directly 
on the heel of the Second Civil "Tar, Autumn 1648, he rode circuit, 
and did justice on offenders, without asking his Majesty's opinion on 
the subject; which wa.,,> thought a great feat on his part. l Shortly 
after which he was made Chief Baron, and so continues,-holding even 
now the Spring Assizes at \Vorcester, I think. Thurloe, as we said, 
appears to have shaped this Letter into words; only the signature and 
meaning can be taken as Oliver's. Uuluckily too, either Mrs. Warner 
the Editress must have misread the date' 25th' for 24th, or else Thurloe 
himself in his ha.,,>te have miswritten, forgetting that it was New Year's 
Day overnight, that it is not now 1654 but 1655. 'Ve will take the 
former hypothesis; and correct 
1rs. Warner's' 25th,' which in this 
case makes a whole year of difference. 

For Si1' John JValsh,2 Serjeant-at-Law, and the rest of the Justices of 
Peace 101' the County of TVorce8ter, m' any of them, to be communi- 
cated to the rest; or, in his absence, to Nicholas Lechmere, Esq., 

Whitehall, 24th March 1654. 


\-Ve doubt not but you have heard before this time of 
the hand of God going along with us, in defeating the late rebellious in- 
surrection. And we hope that, through His blessing upon our labours, 
an effectual course will be taken for the total disappointment of the 
whole design. Yet knowing the restlessness 3 ofthe common Enemy to 
involve this Nation in new calamities, we conceive ourselves, and all 
others who are entrusted with preserving the peace of the Nation, 
obliged to endeavour in their places to prevent and defeat the Enemy's 
intentions. And therefore, as a means especially conducing to that 
end, we do earnestly recommend [to you] to take orders that diligent 
\Vatches (such as the Law hath appointed) be duely kept, for taking a 
strict account of all strangers in your Country, which will not only 
be a means to suppress all loose and idle persons, but may probably 
cause some of those who come from abroad to kindle fires here, to be 
apprehended and seized-upon, especially if care be taken to secure all 
those who cannot give a good account of their busine'ls; and may also 
break all dangerous meetings and assemblings together. Herein we do 
require, aud shall expect, your effectual endeavours; knowing that, if 

lThanked by the Parliament (Commons Journals, vi. 49. loth October 1648). 
2[" Wilde" in 1\1rs. Warner's copy, followed by Carlyle.] 
:1[" resolution," ibid.] 



[24 March. 

what by Law ought to be done were done with diligence in this respect, 
the contrivance of such dangerous designs as these would be frustrated 
in the birth 1 or kept from growing to maturity. I rest, 
Your very affectionate friend, 

This second Letter, to the Gloucester Authorities, on the 
subject, we judge by the style of it to be mostly or altogether the Pro- 
tector's own. 

For Major Wade, Major Creed, and the .L'}!ayor arul Aldermen of the 
City of Glouce8ter 
Whitehall, 24th 
1arch 1654- 


\Ve doubt not but you have heard before this time of 
the good hand of God going along with us in defeating the late re- 
bellious Insurrection; 80 that, as we have certain intelligence from all 
parts, the risings are everywhere suppre'3sed and dissolved, and some 
hundreds of prisoners in custody, and daily more are discovered and 
secured. And we hope that, through tbe blessing of God upon our 
labours, an effectual course will be taken for the total diç;appointment 
of the w hole design. 
The readiness of the honest people to appear hath been a g-reat en- 
couragement to us, and of no leAs discouragement to the Enemy; who, 
had he prevailed, would, without doubt, have made us the most miser- 
able and hara<'Red nation in the world; and therefore we hold ourselves 
obliged to return you our hearty thanks for your zeal and forwardneFls 
in so readily appearing and contributing your assistance; wherein, al- 
though your country and your own particular aR to outward and inward 
happiness were concerned, yet we are fully persuaded that a more 
general principle respecting the glory of God, and the good of all these 
nations, hath been the moth'e to incite you: and therefore your action 2 
goes upon the higher and more noble account. 
You have desired that we would consider of ways how to find money 

1 [" their bud," in Mrs. Warner's copy. followed by Carlyle.] 
2 [" account," in Bibliotheca Gloucestrensis.] 
· Rebecca Warner's Epistolary Cunosities: First Series (Bath, 1818), pp. 51-3. 
[But now printed as in the original amongst the úchmere .t1SS. (see Fifth Report 
of the Hist. MSS..Commisswners, Appendix, p. 300). ThedateisMarch24- There 
is a similar letter to Northumberland. also dated March 24, in Peifect Proceedings, 
19-26 April, 1655 (E. 833.15). and to Bedfordshire in State Papet"s, same date.] 




to carry-on this work. If the business had not been allayed, we must 
have found out a way and means to supply 1 that want; but otherwise 
indeed we make it, as we hope we ever shall, our design to ease this 
Nation, and not to burden it; and are tender, as we conceive yourselves 
have been, of putting the good people thereof to any unnecessary 
charge. And therefore, as you shall have fitting opportunity, you 
may recommend our thankfulness to your honest willing countrymen, as 
we hereby do to yourselves, for this their forwardness; and to let them 
know that when any danger shall approach, as we shall be watchful to 
observe the Enemy's stirrings, we will give you timely notice thereof: 
and we trust those good hearts will be ready, being called out by you, 
to appear upon all such occasions. In the mean time they may continue 
at their home, blessing God for His mercy, and enjoying the fruit and 
comfort of this happy deliverance, and the other benefits of Peace. 
And I do hereby let you know that letters are directed to the Justices 
of Peace of the several counties, 2 that diligent 3 watches be kept, such as 
the Law hath appointed, for taking a strict account of all strangers, 
especially near the coast, which will not only be a means to suppress 
alllo08e and idle persons, but may probably cause some of those that 
come from abroad 'in order' to kindle fires here, to be apprehended 
and seized, especially if care be taken to secure all them that cannot 
give a g'ood account; and may also break all dangerous meetings and 
assemblings together. And indeed if what by Law ought to be done 
were done with diligence in this respect, the contrivance 4 of such danger- 
ous Designs as these would be frustrated in the birth, or kept from 
growing to maturity. 
Having said this, with remembrance of my hearty love unto you, 1 

Your very affectionate friend, 


Of the same date, the same Letter (with insignificant variations), 
bearing the address, Fm' Colonel HU7nphrey Brewster and the rest of 
thi' Commissionf'rs fm' the !lilitia for the County oj f:)uilolk, and dated 

1 [" allay," in Bibliotheca Gloucestrensis, followed by Carlyle.] 
2 Foregoing Letter, To Wilde. for one. 
3 [This word omitted in Bib. GlollC.] 4 [" continuance." ibid.] 
* Bibliotheca Gloucestrensis (Gloucester, 1825 ;-see antea, vol. i. p. 15 2 ), p. 
4 12 :-from tbe City Records of Gloucester. [Printed in Appendix 9 of the Fwelflh 
Report of the Hist. /I:/SS. Commissioners, p. 509.] 



[24 March. 

as well as signed in Oliver's hand, is now in the possession of Charles 
Meadows, Esq., Great Bealings, \Voodbridge, a kinsman or represen- 
tative of this Humphrey Brewster.} 
The one considerable variation is as follows. Paragraph second, of 
the Copy given here, and the first two sentences of paragraph third, are 
suppressed in Brewster's Copy, and there stands instead,-after 
'Design:' 'And now forasmuch as it hath pleased God thus to allay 
'this Business; and making it, as we hope we soon (sic) shall, our 
'design to ease this Nation:' &c.-after and before which the two 
Copies almost exactly correspond. (MS. pe'nes me.) 
By the City Records just cited from, it appears that, on the eve of 
the Battle of \V orcester, in 1651, 'Eighteen Gloucester Bakers had 
'sent to Tewkesbury for the Lord General Cromwell's Army, Thirteen- 
, hundred and odd Dozens of Bread at a Shilling the dozen, amounting 
'to .f;66 5s. ; and that the Mayor and others, on the 1st September 
'1651, sent Forty barrels of strong Beer to the Lord General, "praying 
, your favourable acceptance thereof, as an argument of the good affection 
'of this Corporation, who doth congratulate YOUl" seasonable coming 
'into these parts, for the relief thereof against the violence of the 
'common Enemy, and wish prosperous success to you and your Army ":2 
Furthermore, that ou the 11th October 1651, directly after the said 
Battle, Gloucester did itself the honour of appointing the Lord General 
Oliver Cromwell, 'in consideration of the singular favour and benevol- 
ence which hi8 Excellency hath manifested to us and to this City,' 
High Steward of the same, , with an annual rent of 100 shillings, issuing 
out of our Manors; '-for at least one payment of which there exist
the Lord General's receipt, in this form: 
;l3 Novemb 1652. 
Recd of the :\Iaior and Burg of Glouc r by the hands of Mr. } 
Dorney Townclerke of the said City, the day and year {. s. d. 
aboves d the some of ffive pounds as being a fee due to me 05 00 00 
as Lord High Steward of the said Citty, I say Recd . . . 

7. The following brief note to the Poet Waller, which has latterly 
turned up, has a certain peculiar interest, on two grounds; first to all 
readers, as offering some momentary glimpse, momentary but unique 
and indisputable, of Oliver's feeling on reading the Poet's noble Pa?u'gy'ric 
to my Lord Protector and secondly to antiquarian people, as fixing what 

1 [There is a similar letter amongst the State Papers, addressed to Sir Thos. 
Honeywood, Col. Cooke, Dudley Templar, Major Haynes, and the rest of the 
Militia Commissioners of Essex (S. P. Dom. Interregnum I., 7 6 A. pp. 34, 35).] 
'}. Bibliotlleca Gloucestrensis, p. 406. [And in the Report above mentioned, p. 

* Ibid. p. 411. 

1655. ] 



was hitherto left vague, the approximate date of that celebrated piece. l 
To an audacious guesser, it might almost !'eem, these verses had reached 
Oliver by messenger, a day or two before; and the' unhappy mistake' 
were Oliver's in sending, on the morrow, to have an interview with 
,V aller, and finding him to be at Northampton instead !- 

FOI' my ve'ì'Y loving Friend Edmund:.!. Waller, Esq., Northampton,: 
Haste, haste 

'Whitehall,' 13th June 1655. 


Let it not trouble you that, by so unhappy a mistake, 
you are, as I hear, at Northampton. Indeed I am passionately affected 
with it. 
I ha\'e no guilt upon me unless it be to be avenged for you so willingly 
mistaking me in your verses. 3 This action 'of mine' will pnt you to 
redeem me from yourself, as you have already from the world. Ashamed, 
I am, your friend and servant, 


8. and 9. Two poor American scraps, which our 
ew-England friends 
ought to make more lucent for us; worth their paper and ink in this 

To Ow' tru.'Jty and well-beloved the President, Assistants and Inhabit- 
ants of Rhode Island, together with the rest of the Providence 
Plantat-ions, in the Narragansett Bay in Nf'w England 

, Whitehall,' 29th March 1655. 


Your Agent here hath presented unto us some par- 
ticulars concerning your Government, which you judge necessary to be 
settled by us here. But by reason of the other great and weighty 
affairs of this Commonwealth, we have been necessitated to defer the 
consideration of them to a further opportunity. 

1 Fenton. Works of Edmund Waller (London, 1730) gives the Panegyric (pp. 
113- 121 ); and (ibid. p. civ.) his note upon it, in which all he can say as to date is, 
, about the year 1654'. 
2 Copy has .. Edward," as yet. 
a Fenton's Waller, pp. 113 and cix. 
* In the Waller archives, Beaconsfield; copied by a · Rev. L. B. Larking,' cousin 
of the now Waller ;-printed in Notes and QuerÙs newspaper, 2nd January 18 5 8 . 
(Note of 186g). 



[29 March. 

In the mean time we were willing to let you know, that you are to 
proceed in your Government according to the tenor of your Charter 
formerly granted on that behalf; taking care of the peace and safety 
of these Plantations, that neither through any intestine commotions, or 
foreign invasions, there do arise any detriment or dishonour to this 
Commonwealth or yourselves, as far as you by your care and diligence 
can prevent. And as for the things which are before us, they shall, as 
soon as the other occasions will permit, receive a just and fitting 
And so we bid you tarewell; and rest, 
Your very loving friend, 

Towards the end of the Dutch \V aI', during that undefinable relation 
with France, 'hostile rather than neutral,' which did not end in Treaty 
till October 1655/ Oliver's Major Sedgwick, whom we have since known 
in Jamaica, had laid hold of certain I French Forts; and indeed of a 
whole French region, the region now called Nova Scotia, then called 
Acadie; of which Forts and of the region they command, it is Oliver's 
purpose, for the behoof of his New-Englanders, to retain possession; 2 
-as the following small document will testify: 

To Captain John Le1!erett, Commander of the Forts latl'ly takpnfrom 
the French in America 

nrE have received an account from Major Sedgwick of his taking 
several Forts from the .French in America, and that he hath left you to 
command and secure them for Us and this Commonwealth: And although 
\Ve make no doubt of your fidelity and diligence in performance of 
your trust, yet \Ve have thought it necessary to let you know of how 
great consequence it is, that you use your utmost care and circumspec- 
tion, as well to defend and keep the Forts abovesaid, as also to improve 
the regaining of them into Our hands to the advantage of Us and thi!'. 
State, by such ways and means as you shall judge conducible thereunto. 
And as n r e shall understand from you the state and condition of those 

* Original in the Rhode-Island Archives: Printed in Hutchinson's Collection, 
and elsewhere. [Massachusetts Historical Society, 2nd series, vol. vii. p. 80.] 
1 Thurloe, iv. 75. 
2 In Bancroft's History of the United States (Boston, 1837), i. 445, is some faint 
and not very exact notice of the affair. 

1655. ] 



places, 'Ve shall from time to time give such directions as shall be 
Given at 'Vhitehall, this 3d of April 1655. 


To which there are now, from this side of the 'Vater, the following 
excerpts to be added: 
Orant of Privy Seal: '6th June 1655, To Major Robert 
1:1,793. 7 s. 8d., in full of his Account for service done against the 
, French.' And 
Ditto, '28th .Tuly 1656, to Captain .John Leverett, !:4,482. 3.
. ll!d. 
'in full satisfaction of all sums of money due to him upon Account of 
, his receipts and disbursements about the forts taken from the French 
'in America, and of his Salary for 760 days, at 1.'>8. per diem.' 1 
Oliver kept his Forts and his Acadie, through all French Treaties, 
for behoof of his New-Englanders: not till after the Restoration did 
the country become French again, and continue such for a century 
or so. 

10. Is a small domestic matter: 
For Colonel Alban Cox, in Hm.tfordshÙ'e 
Whitehall, 24th April 1655. 


Having occasion to speak with you upon some affairs 
relating to the public, I would have you, as soon as this comes to your 
hands, to repair up hither; and upon your coming, you shall be 
acquainted with the particular reasons of my sending for you. 
I rest, your loving friend, 


At Blackdown House in Sussex, now and for long past the residence 
of a family named Yaldwin, are preserved two Letters Patent signed 
'Oliver P.; of date 3d December 1656, appointing' 'Villiam Yaldwin 
Esq.' High Sheriff of Sussex. Printed in DalJaway's Rape of A 1'undel 
63); need not be reprinted here. 2 

* Original in the possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society: Printed in 
their Third Series, vii. 121.--ln Vol. ii. of the same Work (Boston, 1820), pp. 
3 2 3-3 6 4, is an elaborate Notice of certain fragmentary A/S. Records of the Lon.
Parliament still extant at New York,-which Notice ought to be cancelled in sub-- 
sequent editions! The amazingly curious' Records' at New York turn out to be 
nothing but some odd volumes of the Commons Journals of that period; the entire 
Set of which, often enough copied in manuscriPt, was printed here about fifty years 
ago, and is very common indeed, in the Rutter-shops and elsewhere! 
t Gentleman's l11agazÙze (London, 1788),lviii. 379. 
1 Fourth Report of Deputy Keeper of the Public Records (London, r843), 
endix ii. p. 192; Fifth Report (London, r844), Appendix ii. p. 260. 
[This group hdd originally only seven letters in it. Those to Lenthall (now Nos. 
3 and 4) were added in 1857, and that to Waller (No.7) in 1869.] 



[26 Oot. 

No. 29 
[V 01. ii. p. 464.] 


THE Suffolk Commission for a select mounted County-Militia, still 
remains; one remaining out of many that have perished. Addressed 
to the Humphrey Brewster whom we have occasionally met with 
before. 2 

Inst'ì"uctions unto Colonel Hnmphrey Bre'l.llster, commiss-ionltied by his 
Highness the Lord Protector to be C(tptuin of a Troop of Horse to 
be 1'uised 'Within the County of SI
ffolk, fOT the seT'vice of his H-igh- 
ness and the Common 'Wealth 
1. You shall forthwith raise, enlist, and have in readiness under 
your command as Captain, and such Lieutenant, Cornet and Quarter- 
:\Iaster as his Highness shall commissionate for that purpose, one- 
hundred able Soldiers, the three Corporals included, well mounted for 
service, and armed with one good sword and case of pistols, holsters, 
saddle, bridle, and other furniture fit for war, to serve as a Troop of 
Horse in the service of the Commonwealth, as is hereafter required. 
2. You shall use your utmost endeavour that the said troops 3 shall 
be men of good life and conversation; and before their being listed 
shall promise that they will be true and faithful to his Highness tIle 
Lord Protector and the Commonwealth, against aU who shall design 
or attempt any thing against his Highness's Person, or endeavour to 
disturb the public Peace. And the like engagement shall be taken by 
the Lieutenant, Cornet and Quarter-Master of the said Troop. 
3. You shall be ready to draw forth and muster the said Troop, armed 
and fitted as aforesaid, upon the 25th day of December next ensuing, 
from which time the said Troop, Officers and Soldiers, shall be deemed 
to be in the actual service of his Highness and the Commonwealth, and 
be paid accordingly. And you shall also draw forth the said Troops 3 
four times in every year within the county of Suffolk, completely 
furnished as before mentioned, to be raised and mustered by such 
persons as shall from time to time be appointed by the Protector. 
4. You shall also at all other times have the said Troops 3 in all readi- 
ness as aforesaid at forty-eight hours' warning, or sooner if it may be, 

1 [" Suffolk Yeomanry," Carlyle called it.] 
:I [Probably.should be "troop".] 

2 A nlea, p. 297. 




whensoever his Highnes
, or such as he shan appoint for that purpose, 
shall require the same for the suppressing of any invasion, rebellion, 
insurrection, or tumult, or performing of any other service within 
England and Wales. And in case that any of the said service shall 
continue above the space of twenty-eight days in one year, the said 
Officers and Soldiers shall, after the expiration of the 
aid twenty-eight 
days, be paid according to the establishment of the Army then in force, 
over and besides what is agreed to be paid unto them by these presents, 
for so long as they shall continue in the said service. 
!J. That in case any shan make default in appearance, without just 
and sufficient cause, or shan not be mounted, armed and provided as 
aforesaid, or shall offend against good manners or the laws of war; 
that every person so offending shan be liable to such punishment as the 
Captain or chief Officer present with the Troops, with advice of the 
persons appointed to take the said musters, shall think fit: provided 
the said punishment extends no further than loss of place or one year's 
6. That in consideration ofthe service to be performed as aforesaid, you 
shall receive for the use of the said Troop the sum of one-thousand 
pounds per annum, to be paid out of the public revenue by quarterly 
payments, to be distributed according to the proportions following: 
To yourself, as Captain, one-hundred pounds per annum; to the Lieu- 
tenant fifty pounds per annum; to the Cornet twenty-five pound!'! per 
annum; to the Quarter-Master thirteen pounds six shillings and eight- 
pence per annum; to each of the three Corporals, two pounds' addi- 
tional' per annum; one Trumpet, five pounds six shillings and four-pence 
per annum; and to each Soldier eight pounds per annum. 

Whitehall, 26th October 1655. 

No. 30 


[Vol. Hi. p. 130.] 
FINAL Speech on that matter of the Kingship (concerning which it is 
gracefully altogether silent); that is to 
ay, Speech on accepting the 
Humble Petition and Advice, with the Title of King withdrawn, and 
* In the possession of Charles Meadows, Esq., Great Bealings. Woodbridge' a 
descendant of Brewster's, ' 



[25 May. 

that of Protector substituted as he had required: Painted Chamber, 
Monday, 25th May 16.57. 1 
:VIR. SPEAKER,-I desire to offer a word or two unto you; which shall 
be but a word. I did well bethink myself, before J came hither this 
day, that J came not as to a triumph, but with the most serious thoughts 
that ever I had in all my life, to undertake one of the greatest tasks 
that ever was laid upon the hack of 2 human creature. And I make no 
question but you will, and so will all men, readily agree with me that 
without the support of the Almighty I shall necessarily sink under the 
burden of it; not only with shame and reproach to myself, but with 
that that is more a thousand times, and in comparison of which J and 
my family are not worthy to be mentioned,-with the loss and pre- 
judice of these three Nations. And, that being so, I must ask your 
help, and the help of all those that fear God, that by their prayers I 
may receive assistance from the hand of God. His presence, going 
alone, will enable 3 to the dischar,g-e of so great a duty and trust as this 
is; and nothing else ' will.' 4 
Howbeit, I have some other things to desire of you, I mean of the 
Parliament :- That seeing this is but, as it were, an introduction to the 
carrying-on of the government of these 
ations, and forasmuch as there 
are many thing
 which cannot be supplied, for the enabling 
 to the 
carrying-on of this work, without your help and assistance, I think it 
is my duty to ask your help in them. 
ot that I doubted 6 for I believe 
the same spirit that hath led you to this will easily suggest the rest to 
you. The trutll is, and I can say' it' in the presence of God, that 
nothing would have induced me to have undertaken this insupportable 
burden to flesh and blood, had it not been that I have seen in this 
Parliament all along a care of doing all those things that might truly 
and really answer the ends that we have been engaged 7 for: you have 
satisfied 8 your forwardness and readiness therein very fully already. 
I thought it my duty, when your Committee, which you were pleased 
to send to me [lately came] 9 to give the grounds and reasons of your 

1 Commons Journals, vii. 539, 537 (last entry there). 
2 r"any," Add. :11S. 6125.] 3[" enable me," Pari. History.] 
4 f Ibid., only, has the" wilL"] :I f" enabling me," ibid.] 
6 [" notthat I doubt," Portland .\IS., Add. JfS. 6125, and Thurloe.] 
7 [" that have been engaged," Commons Journals, but as here in all the other 
texts. ] 
8Query, testified? [The Clarke and Portland ;WSS. have "testified," Par!. 
Historv and Thurloe have" satisfied me of."] 
9 r Public I ntelligencer.] 




proceedings, to help I my conscience aud judgment,-I was then bold to 
offer to them several considerations: which were received by them, and 
have been presented to you. In answer to which, the Committee did 
bring me several resolves of yours, which I have by me. I think those 
are not yet made so authentic and authoritative as was desired; and 
therefore, though I cannot doubt it, yet I thought it my duty to ask it 
of you, that there may be a perfecting of those things. Indeed, as I 
said before, I have my witness in the sight of God, that nothing would 
have been an argument to me, how desirable soever great places may 
seem to be to other men; I say nothing would have been an argument 
to me to have undertaken this; but, as I said before, I saw such things 
determined by you as makes clearly for the liberty of the Nations, and 
for the liberty and interest and preservation of all such as fear God,- 
of all that fear God under various forms. 2 And if God make not those 
Nations thankful 3 to you for your care therein, it will fall as fire 4 on 
their heads. And therefore I say, that hath been one main encourage- 
I confess there are other things that tend to reformation, to the dis- 
countenancing of vice, to the encouragement of good men and virtue, 
and the completing of those things also,-concerning some of which 
you have not yet resolved anything; save to let me know by your Com- 
mittee that you would not be wanting in anything for the good ð of these 
Nations. Nor do I speak it as in the least doubting it; but I do 
earnestly and heartily desire, to the end God may crown your work 
and bless you and this Government, that in your own time, aud with 
w hat speed you judge fit, these things may be provided for. * 

I [As here, Commons Journals and Portlmld JlIS. .. "to help to inform," Pari. 
History and Thurloe; .. to satisfy," Clarke MS.,' "according to my," Add. MS. 
2 f " under their various forms," Clarke AIS. and Thurloe.] 
3 "as thankful," ibid.] 
4 "as a sin," Commons Journals.. but Portland .tlS., Thurloe and Pari. 
History all have" fire. "] 
ð[" that might make for the good," Public /ntelligencer.] 
* Commo1lS JOU1 nals, vii. 539-40. [Also Portland MSS. (Nalson, xvi. 142 b.) Add. 
MS. 6125; Clarke MSS. (xxix. 75b.); Thurloe, vi. 3<>9; Old Pari. History, xxi. pp. 
14 2 , 144. ; and the substance given in llIercurius Politicus and Public /ntelligencer 
(E. 503, 8, n). T
e writer of 
tter says, "The Speaker let his Highness 
know that the ParlIament by hIm agam presented those papers relating to the 
Government, with the alteration of that paragraph concerning the title, together 
with their reports circumstantiating the same, wherein the Parliament humbly 
expected and desired his Highness' consent, and the same being read, his Highness 
expressed himself in this manner. . I consent, I consent,' which the Clerk of Parlia- 
VOL. I1I.-



[3 July. 

No. SI 


[Vol. iii. p. 186.] 
1. To OUT tTusty and well-beloved the VicechancelloT and Convocation 
of OUT UniveT8ity of OxfoTd 

TRUSTY and well-beloved,-\Ye greet you well. Amongst the many 
parts of that Government which is entrusted to us, we do look upon 
the Universities as meriting very much of our care and thoughts: 
And finding that the place of Chancellor of our University of Oxford is 
at present in Ourself; and withal judging that the continuance thereof 
in our hands may not be so consistent with the present constitution of 
'Ye have therefore thought fit to resign the said Office, as we hereby 
do; and to leave you at freedom to elect some such other person there- 
unto, as you shall conceive meet for the execution thereof. 
Our will and pleasure therefore is, that you do proceed to the elec- 
tion of a Chancellor with your first conveniency; not doubting but you 
will, in your choice, have a just regard to the advancement and en- 
couragement of piety and learning, and to the continuing and further 
settling of good order and government amongst you; which you may 
easily find yourseh'es obliged to ha,'e principally in your consideration 
and design, whether you respect the University itself, or the good of 
the Commonwealth upon which it hath so great an influence. And 
although our relation to you may by this means in some sort be changed, 
yet you may be confident we shall still retain a real affection to you, 
and be ready upon all occasions to seek and promote your good. 
Given at ".hitehall, this 3d day of July 1657.* 

ment writ upon the Bill in these words, . the Protector consenteth: and read it. 
And after a little pause, his Highness made a short speech, showing that he came 
not thither in triumph when he considered how great and insupportable weight he 
set his shoulder to in this work, and such as he must inevitably sink under if the 
Lord should not by an extraordinary power support him. He also implored their 
help (who represented the people) further to advise and consult upon such things as 
might tend to consummate and firmly establish that great work, not doubting of 
the same, with many emphatical expressions." Clarke Papers, iii. 112.] 
* Archives of Oxford University. Communicated by the Rev. Dr. Bliss. [Entry 
in the Statute-book.] 




2. To O'llr trusty and 'well-beloved the Bmï
tfs and Free Bu,rges.<Jes of 
our T01t J n of OS1vestry: These 
TRUSTY and well-beloved, - \Ve, being informed that the Free School 
of our Town of Oswestry is now void of a head school master settled 
there, by reason of the delinquency and ejection of Edward Paine late 
school master thereof, have thought fit to recommend unto you Mr. 
John Evans, the son of 
fatthew Evans late of Penegoes in the county 
of Montgomery, as a fit person, both for piety and learning, to be head 
school master of the said school; and That, so far as in you lies, 1 the 
said Mr. Evans may be forthwith settled and invested there accordingly; 
which Act of yours we shall be I'eady to confirm, if it be adjudged re- 
quisite and proper for us. ..And not doubting of the pet'formance of 
this our pleasure, we commit you to God, and rest. 
Given at Whitehall, this 13th day of ,July 16.57.* 
3. To Our trusty and well-beloved the ]}Iayor, Aldermen, and 
Common Council of our Cit?} of Glo'ucester: These 
TRUSTY and well-belo\'ed,- \V e greet you well. I do hear on all 
hands that the Cavalier party al'e designing- to put us to blood. We 
are, I hope, taking the best care we can, by the blessing of God, to 
obviate this danger; but our intelligence on all hands being, that they 
have a design upon yonr City, we could not but warn you thereof, and 
give you authority, as we do hereby, to put yourselves into the best 
posture you can for your own defelice, by raising your Militia by virtue 
of the Commissions 2 formerly sent you, and putting them in a readiness 
for the purpose aforesaid; letting you also know that, for your better 
encouragement herein, you shall have a troop of }lOrse sent you to 
quarter in or near your Town. 
\Ve desire you to let us hear from you from time to time what 
occurs to you touching the Malignant party: and so we bid you farewell. 
Whitehall, this 2d of December 1657. t 

1 [Carlyle misread this e, as in yourselves," and had to add" is" to make sense.] 
2 [Carlyle printed" your commissioners. "] 
* Endowed Grammar Schools, by N. Carlisle (London, 1818), ii. 369, Art. Salop. 
[Endorsed" This letter was received the 9th of September, 1657.] 
t Citr Records of Gloucester (in Bz"bliotheca Gloucestrensis. p. 419). [And 
Appendix 9, Twelfth Reþort of the Hist. MSS. Commissioners, p. 515. where also 
is the answer to the letter.] 



[4 Feb. 

A Paper of the same date, of precisely the same purport, directed to 
the Authorities at Bristol, has come to us; another out of many then 
sent: but of course only one, if even one, requires to be inserted here. 
4. Letter written directly on dissolving the Parliament; probably 
one of many, to the like effect, despatched that day: 
For Colonel Cox, Cctpta-in of the 
Iilitia Troop in our Cuunty of 
Hertford: These. Fo?' OU?' special service 
To be left w-ith the Postmaster of St. AlbmUJ: to be speedily spnt 
Whitehall, 4th February 1657. 


By our last letters to you, we acq uainted you what 
danger the Commonwealth was then in from the old Cavalier party, 
who were designing new insurrections within us, whilst their Head and 
:\Iaster was contriving to invade us from abroad; and thereupon desired 
your care and vigilancy for preserving the peace, and apprehending all 
dangerous persons. 
Our intelligence of that kind ",till continues; and we are more assured 
of their resolutions to put in execution their designs aforesaid within 
a very short time; 'they' being much encouraged from some late 
actings of some turbulent and unq uiet spirits, as well in this Town as 
elsewhere, and who, to frustrate and render vain and fruitless all those 
good hopes of settlement which we had conceived from the proceedings 
of Parliament before their adjournment in June last, framed a treason- 
able petition to the House of Commons, by the name of the" Parliament 
of the Commonwealth of England;" designing thereby not only the 
overthrow of the late Petition and Advice of the Parliament, but of all 
that hath been done these seven years; hoping thereby to bring all 
things into confusion; and were in a very tumultuous manner procuring 
subscription8 thereunto, giving out that they were encouraged to it by 
some !vIembers of the House of Commons. 
And the truth is, the debates that have been in that House since their 
last meeting have had their tendency to the stirring-up and cherishing 
of such humours ;-having done nothing in fourteen days but debated 
whether they should own the Government of these Nations, as it is 
contained in the Petition and Advice, which the Parliament at their 
former sitting had invited us to accept of, and had sworn us unto; and 
they themselves also having taken an Oath upon it before they went 
into the House. And we, judging these things to have in them very 
dangerous consequences to the Peace of this Nation, and to the loosening 




all the bonds of Government; and being hopeless of obtaining supplies 
of money, for answering the exigencies of the Nation, from such men as 
are not satisfied with the foundation we stand upon; we thought it of 
absolute necessity to dissolve this present Parliament; which I have 
done this day: And to give you notice thereof; that you, with your 
Troop, may be most viligant for the suppressing of any disturbance 
which may arise from any party whatsoever. And if you can hear of 
any persons who have been active to promote the aforesaid treasonable 
petition, that you apprehend them, and give an account thereof to us 
forthwith. And we do further let you know, That we are sensible 
of your want of pay for yourself and Troop; and to assure you that 
effectual care shall be taken therein, and ithat without delay. And 
I rest, 

Your loving friend, 

5. Fo
' the Commanders of the J.l,{ilitia of the City of Gloucester: 

Whitehall, nth March 1657. 


W' e are informed that the Enemy from Flanders 
intend to invade us very suddenly, and to that purpose ha\'e twenty-two 
ships of war ready in the Harbour of Ostend, and are preparing other!ò' 
also which they have bought ill Holland, and some men are ready to be 
put on board them. And at the same time an InsurrectioIl is intended 
in this nation, and the time for the executing' these desig-Ils is intended 
by them to be very sudden. 
n r e have therefore fit to give you notice hereof; and to 
signify to you our pleasure, that you put yourseh'es into the best 
posture you can for the securing the City of Gloucestel', and to put the 
arms into such hands as are true and faithful to us and this Common- 
wealth. \Ve desire you to be very careful, anit to let us hear from you 
of the receipt ofthis, and what you shall do in punmance of this letter. 
I rest, 

Your very assured friend, 

* Gentleman's _1I-fagazine (London, 1788), lviii. 313. [Communicated by" T. C.," 
perhaps a descendant of Col. Alban Cox. He notes that the Colonel then lived at 
Beaumonts, a farm little more than a mile from St. Albans. On Cot Cox, see 
Kingston's Hert.fordshire during the Ci<Jil fVar, pp. 141-3 (1894). The latpr 
editions of Carlyle gave the name as" Fox," by mistake.] 
t City Records of Gloucester (in Bibliotlteca Gloucestre l:.i:., p. 421). [Reþart 
as mentioned above, p. 516. The answer is there also.] 



[22 June. 

No. 82 

[Vol. iii. p. 204.] 


1. TIlat John Castle be made Master of Arts: 

To Our trusty ctnd well-beloved the Vice chancellor and Henate of 
Our Uni-L'e1'sity of Carnbridge 


TRUSTY and well-beloved,- \Vhereas by our appointment several stu- 
dents in our University of Cambridge have been invited abroad to preach 
the Gospel in our Fleet, and for their encouragement have been by us 
assured that they should not suffer any prejudice in the University by 
reason of their absence in the said service: And whereas a petition hath 
been exhibited on the behalf of Mr. John Castle of Trinity College, 
showing that whilst he was abroad as minister in the Newcastle Frigate, 
he was disappointed of taking his degree of Master of Arts (as by course 
he ought), and that he cannot now, since his return, commence without 
the loss of one year's seniority, by reason of a statute of the University 
denying degrees to any non-resident: 
In performance of our said promise, and for the future encouragement 
of others in the like service, We do hereby signify unto you, that it is 
our will and pleasure that the said John Castle be by you created Master 
of Arts, and allowed the same seniority which, according to the custom 
of your University, he had enjoyed had he been resident at the usual 
time of taking degrees. 
Given at \Vhitehall, the 22d day of June 1658.* 

Castle, the Books indicate, had entered Trinity at the same time, 
and been under the same Tutor, with a very famous person, '.Toh1
Driden Northampt. ctdmissus Pens.'-both, namely, were admitted 
'Pensioners; in Sept. 1649. 

2. That Benjamin Rogers be made Badlelor of l\Iusic,-' a Form of 
Oliver Cromwell's :\lalldats; says Baker, who has excerpted this one. 

* Cambridge Archives, 'Grace-Book H. p. 181.' Communic
tect by Rev. J. 
Edleston, Fel10w of Trinity Col1ege. 




To Ou';- trusty and well-beloved the Vicechancellor and Senate oj 
Our University oj Cambridge 


TRUSTY and well-beloved,- 'Ve greet you well. Whereas we are in- 
formed that you cannot, by the statutes and according to the customs 
of your University, admit any to the degree of Bachelor of Music unless 
he had been some years before admitted in a college: And whereas 
we are also certified that Benjamin Rogers hath attained to eminency 
of skill in that faculty :- We, willing to give all encouragement to 
the studies and abilities of men in that or any other ingenuous faculty, 
have thought fit to declare our will and pleasure, by these our letters, 
that, notwithstanding your statutes and customs, you cause Benjamiu 
Rogers to be admitted and created Bachelor in Music, in some one or 
more of your congregations assembled in that our University; he pay- 
ing such dues as are belonging to that degree, and giving some proof of 
his accomplishments and skill in mU8ic. And for so doing, these our 
letters shall be your warrant. 
Given at Whitehall, the 28th day of May 1658. * 

* Copy in Hart. MSS. No. 7053, f. 152 (Baker MSS. x. 373) ;-and as before, in 
I Grace-Book H. p. 180.' - -The Originals will never turn up. In the same Regis- 
ter of ' Graces,' or Decrees of Senate, is one (of date 166r) for burning whatsoever 
Mandates or Missives there are from Cromwell: whereby doubtless the Originals 
(with small damage to them, and some satisfaction to the Heads of Houses) were 




AMONGST the Newdigate flISS. at Arbury, co. Warwick, is a letter of 
Cromwell's, written in 1631, just before he left Huntingdon, and there- 
fore earlier than any we have except that to Downing, Appendix, No.1. 
The letter is interesting as showing Cromwell's sympathy for sport. 
To .Tohn Np'wdigat(' 

Huntingdon, April r, 163r.2 


I must with all thankfulnesse acknowledge the 
curtesye you have intended me in keeping this hawk soe long, to 
your noe small trouble, and although I have Iloe interest in hir, yet if 
ever it fall in my way, I shalbe ready to doe you service in the like or 
any other kinde. I doe confesse I have neglected you in t11at I have 
received two letters from you without sending you any answer, but I 
trust you will pass by it, and accept of my true and reasonable excuse. 
This poore man, the owner of the hawke, who, living in the same towne 
with me, made use of my varvells, I did daly expect to have sooner 
returned from his journey then he did, which was the cause whie J 
protracted time, and deferred to send unto you, until I might make 
him the messinger, whoe was best able to give an account, as also fittest 
to fetch hir, I myself being utterly destitute of a falconer att the present, 

1 The spelling of these letters is modernised, in conformity with the plan adopted 
by Carlyle, but the first is left in its original form as a specimen of Cromwell's 
spelling, which, it will be seen, was very good. 
2 Cromwell always dated his letters at the end, in accordance with the almost 
universal custom of the day (except in the case of certain official documents); but 
the dates are here put at the top for the sake of uniformity with the rest of the 
letters. Carlyle no doubt adopted the plan because it is more convenient for 




[20 March. 

and not having any man whom I durst venture to carrie a hawke of that 
kinde soe farre. This is all I can apologise. I beseech you, command 
me, and I shall rest, your servant, 

Postscript. "My cousin Cromwell of Gray's Inn was the first that 
told me of hiI'. " * 
Endorsed by Richard Newdigate: "Oliver Cromwell, that wicked 
successfull rebel, his letter to my uncle, J. N. No business but aboute 
hawkes, but I keep it to shew his hand and stile." 
" Varvells" were small rings attached to the jesses of a hawk, and 
usually bearing the owner's name. If the varvels had Cromwell's 
name on them, tbe hawk would naturally be supposed to belong to him. 

To Captain Vernon 
1642, December 17.-Desiring him to pay the money due to him and 
his troop-according to his Excellency's warrant-to the bearer, George 
Barlon, his servant. Witb Barlon's receipt for 2041. I3s. t 

WRITTEN on the same date as the postscript of John Cory's letter 
(vol. i. p. 124). Cory mentions Capt. Rich as being with Cromwell's 
troops at the taking of Lowestoft. 
To the Chief Constables of the Hundred of Holt (co. Norfolk) 
March 20, 1642[-3]' 
Desiring them to give wal"lling to all such in their Hundred as found 
(sic) cuirassiers under the command of Sir William Paston, Bart., to 
appear at Thetford on Monday the 27th inst., completed, to march 
away under command of Capt. Robert Rich, for the defence of their 
country. Signed. t 

* Printed by Lady Newdigate-Newdegate in Cavalier and Puritan (p. 5). 
t Webster .WSS. See Third Report of the Hist. kISS. Commissioners, Appendix, 
p. 420, Also Notes and Queries, series 2, part xii. p. 285. 
:::Original amongst the MSS. of the Earl of Leicester; calendared in the Ni"t" 
Report of/he Hist. ,USS. Commissioners, Appendix 2, p. 367. 

1643. ] 



THE three following letters were written just after the skirmish near 
Gainsborough, when Cromwell was anxiously struggling to strengthen 
the position of the Eastern Counties, threatened by the advancing 

(I) For my Loving Friends the Deputy Lieutenants of th(' County of 

Huntington, August rst, r643. 


The time I was absent from Nottingham, this 
bearer was forced to borrow of the Mayor of Nottingham lOOl. for the 
payment of the three companies belonging to your counties, besides 
shoes, stockings, shirts and billet-money, which I promised should be 
repaid. I receiving no money out of your counties wherewithal to 
do it, I can but refer it to your considerations, for I think it is not 
expected that I should pay your soldiers out of my own purse. This 
is the sum of his desire who rests 
Your truly loving friend, 

I desire you would recruit your two companies and send them up 
with as much haste as may be, that they may help on in the public 
service. * 

(2) To my Honoured Friends the Deputy Lieutenants of the County 
of Essex: Present these 


August 4th, r643. 

I being at Cambridge, and meeting there with 
some moneys which came from you, some doubt was made whether that 
money was intended to be your proportion of the 3,OOOl. assigned me 
by the House of Commons towards the payment of my troops. If it 
be in pursuance of their order, I beseech you send word. Your letters 
make it clear to me, but yet because doubt is made thereof, none heing 

* Barrington PafJers, Egerton MS. 2643, p. u. Calendared in the Appendix to 
the Seventh Report of the Hist. iIfSS. Commissioners (p. 557), when the Barrington 
J1SS. were in the possession of G. A. Lowndes, E
q. Signed only by Cromwell. 



[6 Aug. 

able to resolve it better than you, I should be very glad to have it 
from yourselves; and rest 

Your humble servant, 

Underw,)'.itten, letters from William Harlackenden and Miles Corbett 
to the same, the former urging them to send moneys, and the latter 
desiring them to recruit the companies and send back runaways. 
It would appear from this letter that some attempt had been made 
to take the money which Cromwell believed to be meant for his regi- 
ment, and divert it to some other purpose; perhaps to pay for the 
clothes, etc., of the foot companies mentioned in the previous 

(3) To the Deputy Lieutenants of EBBex: TheBe, haste, haste, po.'lthaste 
August 6th, eleven of the clock, 1643. 


You see by this enclosed, the necessity of going 
out of our old pace. You sent indeed your part of the 2,000 foot, but 
when they came, they as soon I'etumed. Is this the way to save a 
kingdom? Where is the doctrine of some of your county conceming 
the trained bands and other forces not going out the Association? 
I wish your forces may be ready to meet with the enemy when he is 
in the Association. Haste what you can; not your part only of 2,000 
foot, but I hope 2,000 foot at least. Lord 
ewcastle will advance into 
your bowels.] Better join when others will join and can join with 
you, than stay till all be lost; hasten to our 11elp. The enemy in 
all probability will be in our bowels else in ten days; his army is 
powerful. See your men come, and some of your gentlemen and 
ministers come along with them, that so they may he delivered over 
to those shall command them; otherwise they will return at pleasure. 
If we have them at our army we can keep them. 
From your faithful servant, 

* Barrington Paþers, Egerton MS. 2643. p. rs. Calendared ut sUþra. 
t Ibid. p. r7. Printed ut supra, p. 558. This was one of the letters sent 
by Cromwell to Cambridge to be forwarded, as mentioned in Letter XIV. 
There are many letters among the Barrington MSS. on this subject. 
] Compare Letter XII., to the Committee of the county of Suffolk. 

1643. ] 




Written a few days before \Vinceby fight. 
To Sir Thomas Bærrington * 
Boston, October 6th, 1643. 


It is against my will to be too troublesome to my 
friends. I had rather liUffer under some extremities, were it my parti- 
cular; but that which I have to offer concerns those honest men under 
my command, who have been, who are in straits; if want of clothes, 
boots, money to fix their arms, to shoe their horses be considerable, 
such are theirs not in an easy degree, truly above what is fit for the 
state to suffer. Sir, many may complain they are many weeks behind 
of pay, many who can plunder and pillage, they suffer no want. But 
truly mine (though some have stigmatised them with the name of 
Anabaptists), are honest men, such as fear God, I am confident the 
freest from unjust practices of any in England, seek the soldiers where 
you can. Such imputations are poor requitals to those who have ven- 
tured their blood for you. I hear there are such mists cast to darken 
their services. Take no care for me, I ask your good acceptance, let 
me have your prayers, I will thank you; truly I count not myself 
wOlthy to be employed by God; but for my poor men, help them what 
you can, for they are faithful. The last ordinance hath provided for 
me, but paper pays not, if not executed. I beg your furtherance 
herein. Sir, know you have none will more readily be commanded 
by you, than your cousin and humble servant, 

IN the collection of papers at the Public Record Office, known as the 
007n1nol/,wealth Exchequer Papers, there are several short letters of 
Cromwell's, addressed to officials of the Eastern Counties Association, 
either at Cambridge or Ely, during- the twelvemonth Jan. 1644-Jan. 

* Deputy Lieutenant for co. Essex. 
t Holograph. In the Morrison Co\lection. Rndontd.. No. I." See note, 
vol. i. p. 4H, above. 




(I) To my very noblefriends the Oommittees of the Isle of Ely: Prpsent 

[Ely], Jan. 10, 16 43 [-4]. 


There is a boat framing for the defence of these 
parts; I believe its of consequence; I therefore desire you to let the 
officer that directs the framing of it to have twenty marks for the 
perfecting of it, and I shall rest, 

Your true servant, 

With note that Lieut. Thomas Selby was accordingly paid 131. 
Mr. Firth suggests that this may be the Capt. Selby afterwards of 
Fleetwood's regiment, who was killed at Naseby. This letter was 
written on the same day as that to Mr. Hitch (Letter XIX). 

(2) To _Jlr. Robert Bro'wne, Deputy Treasurer for the Isle of Ely 

[Cambridge], April II, 1644. 

1\1R. BROWNE, 

\Vhat monies you have in hands of the last three 
months' tax I desire you to pay to Lieut. Bolton, to Captain \Vest's 
uses for the payment of his company, which I now order him to receive 
upon account. If you have not so much, yet let him ha"e what is in 
your hands. And for so doing this shall be your warrant. Given under 
my hand the day aud year abo,'e written. 

Signed also by \Villiam Marche and :\liles Sandys. 
Capt. Nicholas West aud Lieut. Roger Bolton were officers of a 
company stationed at the Hermitage, in the Isle of Ely. 

(3) [To Dr. Richærd Stane, at Ely] 

[ Cambridge], April 13, 1644. 


I do hereby require you to pay my wife 51. a week 
to bear the extraordinary charges. This shall be your warrant. Take 
her hand in your notes. 


Signed also by Marcha and Sandys. 

1644. ] 



This order is mentioned in a statement made by an antagonist of 
Cromwell's, printed at the end of "The quarrel of the Earl of Man- 
chester and Cromwell" (Camden Society). "I saw at Ely, upon the 
file of letters to that Committee, a letter from Co!. Cromwell to them 
that they should pay his wife õl. per week towards her extraordinaries, 
which hath been duly paid her a great while. J am sure there is no 
ordinance of Parliament for that." 
The order is evidently au authorisation by Cromwell for payments 
out of moneys due to himself, and from the statement above, and from 
the fact (shown by Marche's and Sandy's signatures) that it was written 
at Cambridge, it is plain that it was directed to Richard Stane, treasurer 
for the island of Ely, not to the better known "'illiam Stane mentioned 
below. He would appear to be the "Doctor Richard Stand" with 
whom Elizabeth Cromwell afterwards lived. See Appendix 
o. 23. 
(4) For Ð1'. William Staines at Cambridge: These 
Jan. 6 [r644-S]. 


I desire you to do me the favour to let this bearer 
have five pounds of my money for his captain, Capt. Coleman. His 
want is great, and I should be loath he should be sent away to him 
empty. You must not fail me herein. 
I rest, your very loving father, 
Underwritten. Request from "V. Stane to Commissary-General 
Harlackenden for payment of the above, and order for payment, signed 
by the Earl of Manchester, Nath. Bacon aud Bra. Gurdon, aud dated 
Jan. 1644(-5]. 

Dr. \Villiam Staines (or Stane, as he always signs), afterwards one 
of the Commissaries-General of the army, was at this time acting as 
clerk to the Eastern Association Committee at Cambridge, but evidently 
with somewhat more authority than sometimes fell to such a position. 
Thus an appeal on behalf of a poor soldier who had been ill with small- 
pox is endorsed by him, "I have entered this poor fellow's bill. I 
conceive his necessities are great. I know not what is his due, yet you 
may be pleased to compassionate him." In one document he is called 
"auditor." He came into some prominence during the army proceed- 
ings of 1647, was appointed one of Fairfax's committee of officers in 
August of that year, and also a member of the committee to settle what 
was to be offered to the army at the rendezvous in the November 
following. John Lilburne abuses him hotly in a letter to Cromwell 
in this same year; "As for Dr. Stanes," he wrote, "whatever you may 
think of him, I aver he is a juggling knave" (Jonah's cry out of the 
whale's belly). Mrs. Hutchinson also disliked him (lJlemoirs 7 ii. 163). 
* Holograph. 




Captain Coleman's name occurs in a list of payments to officers of 
the Eastern Association army in 1644, but without Christian name or 
regiment. There was a Capt. Henry Coleman in Holborne's foot 
regiment, and a Capt. \nlliam Coleman appears in the New Model, 
in Fleetwood's regiment of horse. 
The curious point in this note is that Cromwell signs himself" Your 
loving father." The most likely explanation would appear to be that 
he was Stane's godfather, but it may only mean that he had influenced 
him in religious matters, and so considered himself his ghostly father. 

(õ) [To the Committee at Cambridge 1] 

London, Jan. 21, 164[4-St 


This soldier of mine (Mr. Frayne) is a man who 
on my knowledge hath very faithfully served you, his arrears are great, 
his sickness much and long, by occasion whereof he is brought to great 
lowness, and is much indebted. If now upon my recommendation of 
his person and condition unto you, you will please to help him with 
some competent sum of money to discharge his debt and relieve him- 
self, I shall take it for a great favour, and be ready to repay such 
a respect with a thankful [acknow ]ledgment, and ever [be] 
Your real and faithful [servant], 
Under/written. Warrant dated Jan. 24, for the payment of the 
money to "George Frane, trooper in Lieut.-General Cromwell's own 
troop," the 5l. to be charged upon the Lieut.-General's account. Noted 
as paid 25 January. * 

Without Addres8 
1644, October õ. Requesting quarter for sick soldiers. Signed. t 


THE two following letters were written when the troops of the 
Eastern Association, under Manchester, had been ordered to advance 

* These letters bave been printed by Mr. Firth in his Raising of the Ironsides. 
tS. P. Dom., Cllas. I., vol. dxxxix., No. 227. 




westward to the support of \Valler, and to keep the King away from 
the fortres!'Jes near Oxford-orders which Manchester obeyed so 810wly 
that the King managed to reach Newbury and relieve Banbury. 

(1) To Sir Samuel Luke 1 

October 6, [16441. 


I thank you for your letters. I have sent them 
both to the Earl of :\Ianchester. I met here with a command to send 
me back again to intend this business at Banbury. I march that way 
this evening. 'Ve must still desire the continuance of your assistance 
in this husiness. I hope Sir, if you hear of the King's advancing near 
to these parts or to Oxford, 2 we shall have timely notice from you. It 
will behove us to be vigilant, because the King- horseth his foot. Sir, 
no man is more yours than, 

Your humble servant, 
Sir, I expect two of my troops, Capt. Horsman's and Capt. Porter's,3 
to come up to me. If you hear of them, I pray you send them up to- 
wards Banbury, I fear lest they should march towards Aylesbury.* 

(2) To Sir Samuel Luke 
4 Siseham, October 8, 1644. 


I believe you are assured 1 take no pleasure in 
keeping- your troop here. Its only for that end to which it was com- 
manded hither at the first by the Committee of Both Kingdoms. I 
was very loath to detain it, and leave it wholly to yourself either to 
continue or dismiss it; only CoI. Fiennes sent me word early this 
morning that about a thousand of the enemy's horse were gathering 
together ahout E,"esham, and endeavouring to mount as many mus- 

1 Sir Samuel Luke was at this time Governor of Newport Pagnell. 
2 The King was at Sherburne. He left it on October 8, and advanced to Salis- 
3 Capt. Robert Horsman, formerly Governor of Rockingham Castle, was made 
captain of troop NO.7 in Cromwell's regiment in the spring of 1644, vice Capt. 
Robert Patterson. 
Samuel Porter, of Essex, was captain of the ninth troop. They both left the 
regiment when it was taken into the New Model. See Raising oftke /ronsides. 
4 Syresham, in N orthamptonshire. 
* Copy in Sir Samuel Luke's letter book. Stowe kISS., vol. 11}O, f. 42 b. 
VOL. I1I.-



[17 Jan. 

keteen: as they could; upon which, and to draw nearer to the rest of 
our horse, I have a rendezvou!'J this morning at Sougrave. 1 Sir, not 
having more to trouble you, I rest, 
Your humble servant, 
I rloubt the drawing away of your troop may occa.<:ion the Ayleshury 
troops to long to be going- also. * 


To the Sequestmt01'8 oj the Isle oj Ely 
London, January 17, 1644[-5]. 


If I have found any respect or favour from you, 
or may any ways seem to deserve any, I entreat you mo
t earnestly 
and as for myself that you will pay to Dr. 'Yells 2 and to :\Ir. 'Villiam 
Sedgwick the money which the Earl of Manchester hath given them a 
warrant to receive. I am informed that moneys are not very plentiful 
with you; howbeit I entreat you to do this for my sake and for their 
sakes that should have it; for let me speak freely, whatsoever the 
world may judg-e, they do fully deserve what I desire for them. I have 
not been often troublesome to you. I have 
tudied to deserve the 
g'ood opinion of honest men, among
t which number as I ha\'e cause 
to account you, so I hope I ha\'e the like esteem with you, which I 
desire you to testify by fulfilling thi!; my request; g-ivillg you the 
assurance of his unfeigned friendship who is, 
Your very loving friend, 

Dr. Sam. Welles was in the first instance attached to Co!. Charles 
Essex's regiment; then to Col. Bulstrode's; and, some time before July 
1644, was appointed to Lord Essex's regiment of horse. 
at the beginning of the war, was chaplain to Constable's reg-iment. 

Ir. Firth thinks that later he was chaplain to the governor of Ely (see 
Rnising of tht> I-ron.'$ide8, p. 40). He became a note-worthy man in 
Iodel Army, and was intimately connected with \\Tilliam 
Dell, who was Cromwell's chaplain in, at any rate some part of 1644. 

lSulgrave, in 
orthamptonshire. 2 See Letter I. 
* Luke's letter book. Stowe 1I1SS., vol. 190, f. 57. 
tSigned only. S. P. Dom.. Chas. I., vol. dxxxix., No. 256. 




In the spring of 164,), the officers were busy with the reducing of 
Essex's and :\Ianchester's forces, prior to their incorporation in the 

ew :\Iodelled army. Captain Griffin's troop wa
 in the Earl of 1\Ial1- 
ter's own regiment of horse. 

For his noble friend, Jlajot' Gene'i'ltl Skippoll, 
1645, May 3. Abington. 


These are to certify YOIl tbat Captain Griffin's 
troop was reduced this 2nd of )fay. Sir, r desire you be pleased to 
show this bearer, his lieutenant, such fa\'our and accommorlation as 
other officers receÏ\'e who are at this time reduced. Sir, I shall e\'er 
remain your a8!1ured friend and 
Your most humble "'ervant, 
Underwritten, is Skippou's order to the Treasurers for a fortnight's 
pay to be given to the above-mentioned lieutenant, Andrew (;aldwell, 
and to two other officers of the troop; and overleaf, Caldwell's receipt 
for the money. 

Os )[al'ch 3, Cromwell received directions from Parliament to join 
his re
iment, then under orders to march to the west under 'V aller, 
and much disinclined to obey them. Cromwell's presence restored 
order, and they started on the expedition. 
Ou .April 9, wllÏch is the evident date of the next letter, they were 
still in the 'Vest, but "railer's army was on the eve of being dis- 
banded, and ten days later Cromwell returned to London to lay down 
his commission, in accordance witli the plan for the New Modelled army. 

To Col. Edward TVhalley 
Sarum, Wednesday nig-ht [April 9, 1645], at 12 o'clock. 
Desiring' him to be at a rendezvous at \Vilton, with all his [Crom- 
well's] and Co1. Fiennes' troop., at break of day next morning, as it is 
sai(] that the enemy ha!'J a design upon their (luarters. t 

* Commonwealth Excluquer Papers. This letter has got accidentally misplaced. 
It should be No. 12. 
t Original said to be at Melbury, Dorset. Printed in Nears Seats, etc., 2nd series, 
vol. iv., and in Sanford's Studies and Illustrations, p. 623. Compare Letter XXIV. 
to Fairfax. 



[9 May. 

WRITTEN just after the unsuccessful attempt to storm Farringdon, aud 
when Cromwell was about to retire, "leaving Burgess," as Carlyle says, 
"to crow over him." The gentleness of its tone compared with Letters 
XXVI. and XXVII. is very noticeable, but he evidently thought that 
the Governor exaggerated the importance of his prisoners. 
To Lieut.-Col. Burgess 

April 30, [1645]. 


There shall be no interruption of your viewing 
and gathering together the dead bodies, and I do acknowledge it as 
a favour, your willingness to let me dispose of them. Captain Cannon 
is but a captain; his major is Smith, so far as I know, but he is a 
stranger to me. I am confident he is but a captain; Master Elmes but 
an Ancient L Ensign]. [thank you for your civility to them; you may 
credit me in this. 

I rest, your servant, 
If you accept of equal exchange, I shall perform my part.* 

To the Honou'mble TVilliam Lenthall 

May 9th, 1645' 
States that upon information that his Majesty has marched out of 
Oxford, he and :\Iajor-General Browne have drawn towards Hinton, 
and are resolved to follow the enemy, who, it is thought, will advance 
to \Vorcester, and 80 for the relief of Chestel'. Desires some money for 
the better encouragement of the soldiers, and a proportionable measure 
of ammunition for the pursuing of the enemy. t 
The King left Oxford on :\Iay 7, with Rupert and Goring. Cromwell 
soon gave up the pursuit, whether in consequence of a positive prohi- 
bition or for want of the "proportionable measure" of money and 
ammunition, we do not know. On May 28, he was sent back to the 
Eastern counties, then threatened by the King, who, having heard on 

* ,Wcrcurius Aulicw, April 30, 16.f5 (E. 285 (14)). Printed in the E11,
Historical Review, January, 1887. 
t The Weekl1' ACCOUlzt, :\1ay 7-14, 16.fS. Reprinted bv Sanford, p, 623, 




his way north that the siege of Chester was raised, had turned aside 
and taken Leicester. At the beginning of June, Cromwell was made 

\Vritten the day after the battle of Naseby. 
To Si1' Samuel Luke, Gove1'nor of Ne1vport Pagnell 
June 15, 1645. 


I doubt not but you hear before this time of the 
great goodness of God to this poor nation, for which we have all cause 
to rejoice. The General commanded me to desire you to convoy the 
treasure to :Northampton, where Col. Cox will receive it and discharge 
yours. Thi
 is desired may speedily be done. Sir I am your humble 


THIS letter is dated on the very day that the battle of Langport was 

Ch'cula'ì' Lette?' to t/w ,Members at JVestm:inster 
LLangpJrt], July 10, 1645. 


Being at this distallce from Lun[ don], I am forced 
to trouble you in a business which I would have done myselt
 had I 
been there. It is for Lieut. Col. Lilburue,I who hath dOlle both you 
and the Kingdom good service, otherwise I should not have made use 
of such friends a
 you are. He hath a 101lg time attended the House 
of Com[ mons] with a petition that he might have reparation, according" 
to their votes, for his former sufferings and losses and some satisfaction 
for his arrears for his service of the State, which hath been a long time 
due unto him. 
To this day he cannot get his petition read: his attendance hath 

* Luke's letter book, Egerton JIISS., vol. 786, f. 54. Printed by Ellis, Original 
Letters, series iii., vol. iv. p. 257. 
1 This is John Lil burne. 



[16 June. 

prO\'ed veryexpeusi,'e, and hath kept him from other employment; 
and I belie\'e that his former lusses and late serdces (which have been 
very chargeable) considered, he doth fiud it a hard thing, in these 
times, for himself and his family to subsist. Truly, it is a g'rief to see 
men ruin themselves through their affection and faithfulness to the 
public, and so fen lay it to heart. It would be an honour to the 
Parl[iament] and an encouragement to those that faithfully sene 
them, if provisions were made for the cumfurtable subsistence of those 
who have lost all for them. And, 1 can assure you, that this neglect 
of those that sincerely serve you hath made some already quit their 
commands in this army, who have observed oftentimes their wives and 
children have begged, who have lost their lives and limb
 in the 
kingdom's sel'vice. J wish it were looked to betimes. 
That which J ha'"e to request of you is, that you give him your best 
assistance to get his petition read in the House, and that you will do 
him all lawful favour and justice in it. I know he will not be un- 
thankful, but adveuture himself as f1'eely in the service of the kingdom 
as hitherto he hath done. 
Hereby you shall lay a special obligation upon your servant, 

LETTER written the day after Bridget Cromwell's wedding, antI a few 
days before the surrender of Oxford, to John HolIes, the second Earl of 
Clare, of whom Hyde wrote: ,
 He was a man of honour and of courage, 
and would have been an excellent person, if his heart had not been too 
much set upon keeping and impro\'ing his estate ". He had left the 
Parliament in 1643 and gone to the Kin
 at Oxford, with Bedfortl and 
Holland, but was very coldly received, and had now rejoined his formel' 

To thp Higltt Honourab[p flip Earl of ('let lOp : Thpsp 
(Oxford], June 16, 1646. 

\h LORD, 

No command from your Lordship will find me 
disobedient to ohserve you. In that which I last received, I had a 
double oblig-ation. I do admirt" your Lordship's character of 

* Lilburne's Leite! Iv a FJiend, Killg'.) P<Z11lplllels (E. 
96, no. 5). Printed by 
Sanford, p. 629. Partly also in Godwin's Commonwealth. 

1646. ] 



\Vhite ; J its to the life. I can with !Sume confidence speak it, being no 
strangel' to him. He is of a right stamp in this, that he would ha"e 
the honeste
t men di..handed first, the other being more suitable to his 
and the common de
ig-n. The General will instantly order the Notting-- 
ham hor
e to W" Ol'cester, wherein I shall be your Lordship's remem- 
brancer to him, and in that and in all things, my Lord, your most 
humble sen'ant, 


Endot'sed .. Lieutenant General Cromwell's from Oxton1, Hi Juue 
1641.. "rhite's regiment for \\'Ol'cester,"* 

To fn,lj tlery LOlling Fi'iP1ul, .lIt.. Joinne)' [Jnu
e1'] at Goldsrnilhx' 
Hall: These 

[London], October 29, 1646. 
Reyuesting permission for Lord Cromwell to correct certain unin- 
tentional errors in his particular of estate. Concludes" "'hat tavour 
you shall show my Lord Cromn ell herein, you shall oblige your "ery 
10\"Íng friend, 

Thomas C1'omwell, 4th Baron, and Earl of Ardgla
s in Ireland, was 
great-great grandson of Henry the \'IlL's Cromwell, and theretore 
only a distant relation of Olivel.'s-who was descended, as will be 
remembered, from the first Lord Cromwell's nephew. In November 
1645, the House of Lords ordered him to be committed to the Usher 
for "deserting the House." He compounded at Goldsmiths' Hall 
shortly afterwards, stating that his delinquency was only that he had 
accepted a ('ommand under the King, in hopes ., to have served his 
country, and righted himself against the Irish rebeIH," who had seized 
his estate and burnt his house, but that he would never accept of any 
command against Parliament; that he had come in upon the" pro- 
pOijitions" of 
ovember 1645, and had taken the Xational Covenant. 
His tine was set at 800/., part of which was afterwards abated, but 

1 Major Charles White, of Nottingham. There are many notices of him, mostly 
rather unfavourable, in Mrs. Hutchinson's .'Il.:moirs. 
* The holograph original is amongst the Port/and Paper" and is calendared 
In the Thirtemth Report of the His!. il,ISS. C011lmissioners, Appendix, pan ii. p. 137. 
tOriginal in S. /J. ÐJ!rl., IlIlerrexnulIl G., lxxviil. 479. Signed only by 



[23 March. 

his estate was not finally discharged until June 1652. See Calendar of 
Comntittee Jor Compounding, p. 950. 
Robert Jenner, )I.P. for Cricklade, was put on to the Committee 
for Compounding shortly after its formation and was one of its most 
zealous members. 
ee vol. i., p. 386 above. 

THE following letters are written (I) to the chairman and (2) to two 
of the members of the Committee for Advance of .Money, during their 
in vestigation of the cases of certain delinquent clerks of the Pre- 
rogative office. It was ordered that Cromwell's letters were to be 
considered when the places were tilled up, but whether Eùwards 
obtained a clerkship does not appear. See Ualendar oj Committee Jor 
Advance oj JIoney, pp. 68õ, 686. 
1. For the Right Honourable Ed
vard, Lord Howard: these 
March 23, 1646[-7]' 

l\1y LORD, 

Your favours give me the boldness to present the 
humble suit of this poor man to your Lordship, whose power (as he tells 
me) may confer upon him that which he seeks, which is a dividend 
clerk's place in the Prerogative office. I have had many promises from 
Mr. Hill of doing the man a favour, but I hear he is now out of town. 
Sir Nathaniel Brent knows him. And truly that which commends him to 
the place is partly his merit, he having sen"ed there as an under clerk 
about sixteen or se\"enteen years, and in all that time hif; behaviour 
has been such as I believe the strictest man could not detect him. My 
Lord, believe me I would not put you to this trouble did I not know the 
man to be a most religious honest man. I have known him SO near 
this twenty years, I we havillg had much of our education together. I 
dare profess to your Lordship that I believe his modesty and integrity 
have kept him from being preferred hitherunto. He having so good 
a pretence, I hope your LOl'dship will befriend his just desire, and 
pardon this trouble and boldness to, my Lord, 
Your most humble and most faithful servant, 

! This is apparently an error for thirty (see the next letter) Cromwell being now 
nearly forty-eight years of age. 
* Holograph. Seal with an anchor. S. P. Dom., Interregnum A., cvi. 19. 
Printed in the En/[Jisk Historical Review, 18 99, p. 737. 

1647. ] 



2. For my Noble Friends, Henry Darlye and John GurdonEsquire8: 

Martii ult. 1647. 


I wrote a letter to my Lord Howard on the behalf 
of this bearer, Mr. Edwards, to desire he may be placed iu that office 
to which he has been related near seventeen years. He is (I am per- 
suaded) a godly man. I have known him above thirty years. I believe 
the reason he has not been preferred is more because of his modesly 
and honesty than for any other cause. Now you will have opportunity 
to right him. He is a very able clerk. The place he desires is a divi- 
dend clerk's place in the Prerogative, for which he hath so long served, 
and from which he hath been so long and unduly kept. He hath a 
family in town to maintain. I would not write thus confidently for 
him but upon known grounds. 
I rest your humble servant, 


THIS and the following numbers have relation to the negotiations 
betweell tbe Parliament and the army, and betweell the Gelleral (and 
his chief officers) and the deputies from the discontented l'egiments. 
For further documellts on this subject, the reader is referred to the 
Clarke Papers, from which these are taken. See also Appendix 10, 
The order to Skippon, Cromwell, Ireton and Fleetwood to go down 
to tbe army was issued on April 30, and they reached Saffron n' aId en 
on :\Iay 2. 
The Officers sent to the Army, to the Colonels or Chief OffiCM'S of 
the Respective Regiments 
Walden, May 3rd, 1647. 
Desiring them to repair to Saffron n' alden, to gi ve the best account 
they can of the temper of their regiments, and to receive an account of 
such things as are appointed by the House of Commons to be imparted 
to the army. Signed by Skippon, Crom?,oell and Ireton. t 

.. Holograph. Seal with chequers. S. P. Dom., Interregnum A" CvÏ. 20. 
Printed in the English Historical Review, 1899, p. 73 8 . 
t Printed in the Clarke Papers, i. 20. . 



[16 May. 

8kippO'L and ('1'om/well tu the Commanden; of the Eight Ho'tse 
RpgimPllt.<I: 1 

Walden, May 9, [ 16 47. 
De!'Jiring them to use their best endeavours to enf.juire where the 
three letters seut in the name of their regiments (one to the General, 
the others to themseh-es) had their rise, and to bring with them, next 
:Saturday, the best account they can of the matter.* 


Speech -in Sa,O'fOn Walden Chzn'ch 
Ox May 16, a meeting, attended by about two hundred officers and 
a certain number of private soldiers (probably as delegates from their 
regiments) was held in Saffron \ralden Church, at which, after mrious 
officers had declared the temper of their reg-iments, Cromwell made the 
following speech. 
"Gentlemen, by the command uf the :\lajor-General,2 1 will offer a 
\\ urd or twu to you. 1 sl1allnot Heed to remind you what the occasion 
of this meeting was, and what the business we are sent duwn about: 
you see by what has passed that it was for us to leal'll what temper the 
army was in, and truly to that end were the "otes of the Parliament 
communicated by us to you, that you should communicate them to the 
army, that so we might ha\'e an accompt from you. That accompt is 
receh'ed, but it being in writing and consisting in many particulars, 
we do not yet know what the contents of those papers are. But this I 
am to let you know: that we shall deal very faithfully throug'h the 
grace of God with those that have employed us hither and with you 
also. The further consideration of these busiuesses ",ill be a work of 
time. The 
lajor-General and the rest of the gentlemen think it not 
tit to necessitate your stay here from your several charges; but because 
there may be many particulars that may require further consideration 
in thetie papel's that are here represented, it is desired that yOU" ould 

1 The eight regiments were those of Fairfax, Cromwell, Ireton, Fleetwood, 
Okey, Butler, Sheffield and Rich. 
:! Skippoll evidently presided at the meeting. He opened the proceedings and 
called the speakers to order when they would not" hear one another Wilh sobriety." 
In tact be was first commissioner, always signing above the others. 
i' Pnnted In the Clarke Papers, i. 32. 


 \\t ALDEl\ 


stay here a fieIrl officer at the lea
t of e\ery regimeut, and t" 0 captains. 
For the I"est, it is desired of rOll that you would repair to yunr several 
charges, and that when you are there, you would renew your care aud 
diligence in pressiug' [on] the several soldiers under your commauds 
the effect of those \'otes that you ha\'e already read. That likewise 
you would acquaint them as particularly with those two things that 
the :\Iajor-General did impart to you, which he had iu a letter from 
the Speaker of the House of Peers, to wit the addition of a fortnight's 
pay, a fortnight to thuse that are to go for Ireland, and a fortnight to 
those that do not go, and likewise there is an Act of [ndemnity \'ery 
full already passed the House of Commons. Truly, gentlemen, it will 
be very fit for you to ha\"e a very great care in the making the best use 
and imprO\'ement that you can both of the votes and of this that hath 
heen last told rou, and of the iuteretò;t which all of you or any of you 
may ha\'e in your several respectÏ\'e regiments, uamely to work in 
them a good opinion of that authority that is over both us aud them. 
If that authol"ity falls to uothiug', nothing can follow but confusiou. 
You have hitherto fought to maintain that duty, and truly as you have 
\'ouchsafed your hands in defending that, so [vouchsafe] now to expreM
your industry and interest to presene it, and therefore I have nothing 
more to say to you. I shall desire that you will be pleased to lay this 
to heart that J have said." * 


TIM' Foul' O,{fiCI'ì'8 to lW,.. Speakn 
Walden, May 20, 1647. 
Stating that upon the order of the 18th inst. they are sending up 
two of themseh'es (Lieut.-Gen. Cromwell and Col. Fleetwood) to gÏ\'e 
au account of their husiness to the house. Sigll,pd by (lU fOUl' ()ffi(,I"ì'R" t 


The Houses of Parliament having determined to reopen negotiations 
with the King, voted on June Iõ that he should be removed to Rich- 
mond, where he was to be guarded, not by men of Fairfax's army, but 
by a regiment raised in Lincolnshire. The King agreed, and the Lord 
General gave his consent, appointin
 "Thalley to escort his .\Iaje

* Clarke Papers, i. 7':l. On this meeting, see the letter of the Commissioners 
p1Ïnted by Cary, i. 214; also Rushworth, pI. iv. vol. i. pp. 485. 4 8 7, 
t Clarke Papers, i. 94. 



[25 June. 

and straightly enjoining him not to let his charge go to London. 1 
This the King had been desirous to do ever since his going to Holmby, 
as is shown by the pamphlet The King's .Lvlajesty's Propositions (E. 
377, 16). 

Cromwell and Hewson to Col. lVhalley 
[Berkhampstead] June 25, r647. 


Having received yesterday's vote 2 from the House, 
which puts the Commissioners into the same capacity that they were 
at Holdenby, we hold you free of all further charge, save to look to 
your guards that his :Majesty make no escape, and therein YOll must be 
careful and more now than ever. 
Dr. Hammond and the other of his :\lajesty's Chaplains:l (so much 
desired) went through t11Ï
 town this morning, coming towards you; 
perhaps the Commissioners will put you upon it to keep them from the 
King so [see?] you are exact only in faithfulness to your trust and that 
during that only, for now you can he as civil as some others that pre- 
tend to be more. 4 Let such distrustful carriag-es be provided for by 
those gentlemen who perhaps will incur some difficulty in the way 
wherein you have been faulted. 
"recommend ourselves kindly unto you and rest, 
Your affectionate friends and servants, 

Prithee be very careful of the King"t; securing, and although you 
have had some opportunity of putting all upon others that's unaccept- 
able, yet be neVel' a whit more remi
s in your diligence. * 

1 See Fairfax's lettcr; Clarke Papers, i. 138. 
2 Lords Journals, ix. 290. 292. Commons Journals, v. 222. 
3 Dr. Henry Hammond (uncle of Colonel Robert), one of the King's favQurite 
chaplains, was a canon of Christ Church, Oxford. The other chaplain was Dr. 
Gilbert Sheldon, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury. They were both ejected by 
the Visitors in 1648 and imprisoned. Co!. Evelyn, Governor of Wallingford, was 
ordered to take charge of them, but although a puritan, he declared that he could 
not receive them as prisoners, but only as friends. 
4 Cromwell's language is not very clear, but his meaning plainly is. that whatever 
the Commissioners may say, the chaplains are to be allowed access to the King. 
* Clarkt Paptrs, i. 140. 

1647. ] 




The Debate in the (( Council of JVar" I at Reading, July 16 
THE Agitators having demanded an immediate march on London, a 
debate took place on July 16, in which Cromwell took a leading part. 
There is a long report of it amon
 the Cla'rke 1J'[88., from which the 
following is taken. Cromwell's speeches are here given just as in the 
Clarke report, with only so much of the substance of the others as is 
needed to link them together. 
LIEUT.-GEN. CROMWELL moved for a Committee, many things then 
not being fit for debate; and the Council of \Var to be arljourned till 
the afternoon. 
nnSSARy-GENERAL IRETON demurred to any delay, and urged the 
consideration at once of the point whether the army should march to 
London or no; on which MAJOR TULIDAH declared that all the proposals 
would be of no effect without a march to London. 
LIEUT.-GEN. CROMWELL: (( l\Iarchin,go up to London is a single pro- 
posal, yet it does not drop from Jupiter, as that it should be presently 
received and debated without considering' our reasons. For I hope this 
[temper] will ever be in the Agitators-I would be very sorry to flatter 
them-I hope they will be willing that nothing should be done but 
with the best reason and with the best and most unanimous concurrence. 
Though we have this desire backed with such reasons, certainly it was 
not intended [to say] we had no reason to weigh those Reasons; for I 
think we shall be left to weigh these Reasons. All this paper is filled 
with Reasons; the dissatisfaction in particulars; the disad vantages of 
removal from London; the ad vantages of marching towards London. 
You are ripe for a conclusion and get a conclusion; but let this be 
offered to the General amI Council of \Var. .. 
COL. RAINBOROWE prayed for a little time, in order to come prepared 
with other reasons. IRETON urged that the ,goreat point was not to get 
power into one mall's hands more than another, but to settle the liber- 
ties of the kingdom, and to show what the army would do with the 
power when they got it. 
LIEUT.-GEN. CROMWELL: "I desire we may withdraw and consider. 
Discourses of this nature will, I see, put power into the hands of any 2 
that cannot tell how to use it, of those that are like to use it ill. I wish 

I So called, but it was rather a Council of the Army. 
2 For "any" we should probably read "many."' The allusion, Mr. Firth be- 
lieves, is to the London Militia Commissioners. 



[16 July. 

it with nIl my heart in better hand!':, and I shall be glad to contribute to 
jret it into better hands. If any man or company of men will say that 
we rlo seek oUI'selves in doing this, much good may it do him with hi" 
thoughts It shall not put me out of my way. The meeting at six 
0' clock. It is not to put an end to this business of meeting, 1 but I 
lUllSt consult with myself before I consent to such a thing,2 but really 
to do such a thinjr [I must consult] before I do it. Aud whereas the 
Commissary;; does offer that these things were rlesired before satisfaction 
be given to the public settlement,
 there may be a conveniency of 
bringing in that to the Council of \Var next sitting, if it be rearly and 
thought fit to be brought in. If these other things be in preparation 
we may bring them in that we may not be to seek for a Council of 
\Var if we had our business ready." 
CAPTAIN CLARKE belie,'ed that they all sought the good of the king- 
rlom and had no intention of beginning a fresh war. MR. ALLEN urged 
that they should uot stand idle while they discussed matters, but ought 
at once to take the power out of the hands of those who might destroy 
the kingdom. IRETON reiterated his argument that not (IUarrelling with 
others but the satisfaction of the killg-dom was the main point, and after 
two or three other speeches, the Council adjourned. 

LIEUT.-GEN. CRO}IWET,L: "If you l'emember, there are in your paper 
five particulars that you insist upon. Two of them are thingR new, 
that is to say, things that yet ha\'e uot been at all offered to the Par- 
liament or their commi
sioners, that is the I'econd and the fourth. 5 The 
second, which concerns the :\Iilitia of the city, and the fourth which 
concerns the release of those prisoners that you have named in your 
paper, and those that are imprisoned in the several parts of the king- 
dom, of whom likewise you desire a consideration might be had now 
the judges are riding their circuits. 
To the first r we gi ve you] this account: that upon your former paper 
delivererl 6 and upon the weight and necessity of the thing, there has 

I Query marching? :! i.e., marching on London. a Irelon. 

 i.e.. that new things are bcing brought up before the main point (satisfaction 
to the kingdom) is decided. 
:I :md. That the Militia of the City of London be returned into the hands .. of 
those in whom it lately was," etc. 
4th. That all prisoners illegally committed be set at liberty and reparation given 
them-Lilburn, Musgrave and others named. The RepresentatiolZ is printed in 
the Clarke Papers, i. 170. 
6 The paper on the London Militia presented on July 6. 

1647. ] 



been a ,'ery serious cal'e taken by the General, he ha,'ing, a!'; I told 
you to-day, referred the preparing of somewhat for the Parliament con- 
cerning that to Co!. Lambert and myself; and an account of that has 
been given to the General at our meeting in the inner room; and if it 
please you, that which has been in preparation may be read together 
with the Reasons of it. That paper that now it is desired may be read 
to you is part of it an answer to a former papel' that was sent to the 
Commissioners concerning the excluding of the Reformadoes out of the 
lines of communication, and the pUl'g'Ïn
 of the House of Commons, 
and the discharging or sending- away into Ireland the men that had 
deserted the army. The General did order a paper to that purpose to 
be sent to the Commissioners; and that paper that now is to be read 
to you of a reply to the Commissioners; and there is an addition of thi!'; 
business concerning the :\Iilitia, with the Reasons to enforce the desire 
of it." 

The Papers Read 1 

LIEl"T.-(;EN. CROMWELL: "Care taken of all them only two, which 
are concerning the suspending of the eleven members 2 and the dis- 
charging of prisoners. 
I am commanded by the General to let you know in what state affairs 
stand between us and the Parliament and into what way all things are 
put. Tis very true that you urge in your papers, concerning that 
effect that an advancing towards London may ha,'e, and of some sup- 
posed inconveniences that our drawing back thus far may bring upon 
us; but I shall speak to that presently. Our businesse
 they are put 
into this way, and the state of our business is this: 'Ve are nowen- 
deavouring- as the main of our work to make a preparation of somewhat 
that may tend to a general settlement of the peace of the kiugdom and 
of the rights of the subject, that Justice and Righteousness may peace- 
ably flow out upon us. That's the main of our business. These things 
are but preparatory things to that that is the main; aud yOli remem- 
ber very well that this, that is the mail) work of all, was broug-ht to 
some ri pen e!';s. The way that our business is in is this: for the rc- 
dressing of all these things it [is] a treaty, a treaty with Commissiouer'O: 

1 Book of A rmy Declarations, p. 77. paper entitled A Jl A nswer to the Com- 
missioners of the Army, etc. 
2This is the first particular, that the eleven members impeached by the army 
.. be forthwith sequestered and disenabled from sitting in the House: 



[16 July. 


sent from the Par1iament down hither, to the end that an happy issue 
may be put to all these matter
 that so much concern the g-ood of the 
king-dom, and therein our good is so that they must be finished in the 
way of a treaty. The truth of it is, you are all very reasonably sensible, 
that if those things were not removed that we think may lose us the 
fmit of a treaty, and the fruit of all our labours, it's in vain to go on 
with a treaty, and it's dangerous to be deluded by a treaty. And there- 
fore I am confident of it, that lest this inconveniency should come to 
us, lest there should come a second war, lest we should be deluded by 
a long- treaty, your zeal hath been stirred up to express in your paper 
that there is a necessity of a speedy marching towards London to ac- 
complish all these things. Truly I think that possibly that may be that 
that we shall be necessitated to do. Possibly it may be 
o; but yet I 
think it will be for our honour and our honesty to do what we can to 
accomplish this work in the way of a treaty. And if I were able to 
give you all those reasons that lie in the case I think it would satisfy 
any rational man here. For certainly that is the most desirable way, 
and the other a way of necessity, and not to be done but in way of 
neces!';ity. And truly, instead of all reasons, let this serve; that what- 
soever we get by a treaty, what<mever comes to be settled upon us in 
that way, it will be firm and durable, it will be conveyed over to pos- 
terity, as that that will be the g-reatest honour to us that ever poor 
creatures had, that we may obtain such thing's as these are which we 
are now about. And it will have this in it too, that whatsoever is 
granted in that way, it will have firmness in it. 'Ve shall avoid that 
great objection that will lie ag'ainst us, that we have got thing's of the 
Parliament by force, and we know what it is to have that stain lie 
upon us. Things, though never so 
ood, obtained in that way, it will 
exceedingly weaken the thing-s, both to ourselves and to all posterity; 
and therefore I say, upon that consideration, I wish we may be well 
advised what to do. I speak not this that I sllOuld persuade you to 
go about to cozen one another; it was not in the General's, nor any 
of our hearts. 
[You demand] that we that are Commissioners should be very positive 
and peremptory to have these things immediately granted, I believe, 
within the compas!'; of that time which your papers mention, within so 
many days. And for the other two thing-s that they take no care of, 
that is the members impeached [and the prisoners] these are two addi- 
tional[ s] which will be likewi<::E' take1l carE' of to n{' considererl anrl 

1647. ] 



answered, not with words and votes, but with content and action. For 
tl1ere need
 nO more of our representing' of them than these papers 
that have been read. In effect there hath been consideration had of 
the matters in your papers. And if these be not granted in a con- 
venient time and answer given by the way proposed 1 you are yet put 
in such a way, in taking- such a course of doing' things as you have 
proposed sooner than that \\ e could not ha,'e put ourselves into a 
posture of doing. 2 
I hope ill God that if we obtain these things in this way we propose 
to you, and [in] this convenient time, that we 8hall think ourselves 
,'ery happy that we have not gone any other \\-ay for the ohtaining 
them. That which we seek [is] to avoid the having of a second war 
and the defeating of tho:o:e [things] that are so dear to us, whose interest 
ought to be abO\'e our lh'es to us. If \\ e find anything tending that 
way to delay us or disappoint us of those honest things we are to insist 
upon, I hope it cannot nor shall not he douhted that the Genel'alno1' any 
of us will be backward for the accomplishment of those things \\ e have 
proposed. It remains t1lat you have some short account, a::. the time 
will bear, of that that has been so long in preparation, which is that 
that tends to the Ueneral Settlement, and the General hath commanded 
the Commissary to let you ha'"e a brief state of that." 
('APTAIN CI.ARKF: here ohjected that the "way of treaty" would be 
too dilatory; that the gTeat thing' was to remove corrupt persons from 
power and place men of known integrity in their room, and that they 
L the army] were very desirous that the f aper presented to his Excellency 
might be represented [to Parliament as immediately from them, and 
from this honourable C'ouncil and by the Agitators, which they con- 
ceived would put vigour and streng-th into the husines!': aud effeet 
what was !"o earne!"tly desired. 

. CROJIWEI.L: ., I may very easily mistake that which the 
other officer offered to your Excellency. Two particulars which might 
receh'e retardment or obstruction by carrying them on ill a way of 
treaty, I mentioned indeed, particulars which were that of the ele,'en 
membel's and that of the prisoners, and meant that thos e :l should go as 

I The two clauses here are inverted. 
2 Cromwell's meaning appears to be that if the Parliament refuse, they will, by 
their refusal, give the army a better reason for laking another course than any that 
the army could have found for itself. This seems to be referred to by Allen when 
he says" The Lieut-Gen l hath exprest that if things be not ended in such a way, 
then there is a ground to go on in some other way." 
3 The MS. has .. means by those that ". 
VOl.. nl.-



[16 July. 

the sense of the whole army. He conceives it will add more vigour 
and strength to the desire and make our desires more easily granted 
[to] present not only those but all the rest [as the sense of the whole 
army]. If it be so all the rest will be obstructed if they go by way of 
treaty. There may be perhaps some mistake or forgetfulness in that 
which I offered to you. I think truly there is no objection lies 
in that which is said. For, so far as ] know and discern of these 
things and the way of management of them, if we convey [this paper] 
to the Commissioners and by them to the Parliament as the sense of 
the whole [army] representerl by the Agitators to the General and 
assented to by the Council of 'Val', and it so becomes the sense not 
only of the army that is the offended part but also [of] the commanding- 
part of it; and [if] we represent it to them with that po
itiveness that 
hath been spoken of, to be sent up to London, to which we desire 
an answer, and expect an answer within some few days, that is to say, 
within so short a time as they can have it consulted, we may call this 
a treaty, but I think it signifies nothing else but what that gentleman 
speaks of.. Therefore for my part I think they 2 differ in nothing but 
in words and not in substance. 
"I suppose there are resolutions not to enter upon a further treaty 
till we have all answer to these things, and if you have patience to 
hear that which is offered you to be acquainted with from the Com- 
missary General, I suppose that business may be 80 disposed of.:I 
Therefore I shall desire that if it please the General that you may 4 
have an account of that other business by the Commissary Genera!." 
.MR. ALLEN assured the General that they were satisfied that he and 
his Council had endeavoured to manage affairs with care and fidelity, 
but this made it the sadder that the Parliament g-ave so little care 
to them. Truly a treaty would ha\'e been an honourable way, but 
they had waited so long that their patience was expended. "The 
Lieut.-General hath expressed, that if things be not ended in such 
a way, then there is a ground to go on in some other way." It was in 
most of their thoughts that those they had been treating with did not 
intend to conclude things in such a way, and that perhaps God had 

1 Mr. Firth's emendation of this passage is adopted as it makes the sense much 
2 Our proposals. 
3 Here follows in the MS., "As that it may be seen to all the world that it is 
an effectual means to procure these things to be granted as marching to London 
would do," but Mr. Firth believes that this sentence belongs to the end of the 
preceding paragraph. 
t MS., co that the Commissioners General may by you." 




allowed them to act thus, in order to show to the army the need of 
using another way to attain them. They believed that the presentation 
of their proposals and the advance of the army would be the most 
likely way to obtain the answer to those thing's which they desired, 
while delay brought dang-er every day of running into confusion. 
LIEUT.-GEN. CRO:UWELL: "If that that I say of the Treaty he 
applied to one thing, which I mean of another, then there may haply 
be a very great misunderstanding of me; if} that which I speak of 
[the] Treaty, that relates to those things that are prepared for a 
general settlement of the kingdom, be applied to the obtaining of 
these things which are to precede a tl'eaty, then 2 that that I have said 
to you hath been mistaken throughout, instead 3 of giving- me satis- 
faction of that point which sticks so with everyone, of danger and 
{lelay. But that which I say of the Treaty, in answer to that [which] 
is offered iu your paper [is] that we should obtain these by positive 
demand within a circumscribed time, and going- [up] of the Com- 
 Yet using the name will not offend if we do not the 
things, that is [if] we do not treat of those things.1i 
"Give me leave to offer one thing to your consideration which I see 
you make to be your ground of marching towards London; because it 
came in my mind, I am sorry I did it, but this came in my mind, and 
I would not offer it to you but because I really know it is a truth. 
\Ve are, as our friends are Ii elsewhere, very swift in our affections and 
desires; and truly I am very often judged for one that goes too fast 
that way, and it is the property of men that are as I am, to be full 
of apprehensions that dangers are not so real a!'; imaginary; to be 
always making haste, and more sometimes perhap
 than g-ood speed; 
we are apt to misapprehensions that we shall be deluded through 
delay, and that there are no good intentions in the parliament towards 
us, and that we gather from the manifold bearing 7 of those words that 
we have represented to them. Give me leave to say this to you; tor 

} "but" in MS. The symbols for .. the," .. that," "but," "if:' and "was". 
are so similar in the system of shorthand used by Clarke that they are very likely 
to have been mistaken for each other. 
2 " is .. in MS. 3 "and im;tead .. in MS. 
4 Cf. what he says on p. 338 above. 
1\ Mr. Firth paraphrases this. "There is no harm in nominally using the Com- 
missioners for this purpose if we do not treat with them, but merely turn them into 
messengers." This sense however seems a little doubtful. An alternative reading 
might be, " Using the name of a treaty generally will do no harm if we take care 
that certain things are settled before we begin to treat." 
8 Perhaps this should be I. say." 7 Possibly should be "hearing." 



[16 July. 

my own part, perhaps I have as few extravagant thoug-hts, overweaning 
[thoughts] of obtaining great thing
 from the Parliament, as any man; 
yet it hath been in most of our thoug'hts that this Parliament might 
be a reformed and purged parliament, that we might see [there] men 
looking at public and common interests only. This was the great 
principle we had gone upon, and certainly this is the principle we did 
march upon when we were at Uxhridge and when we were at St. 
Albans, and surely the thing was wise and honourable and just, and we 
see that prm.idence hath led us into that way. It's thought that the 
Parliament does not mend-what's the meaning of that? That is to 
say, that company of men that sits there does not mean well to us. 
There is a party there that have been faithful from the sitting of the 
parliament to this very day; and we know their intel'ests, and [they] 
ha\'e ventured their li\'e
 tlu'ough so many hazards, they came not 
to the House but under the apprehensions of having their throats cut 
C\'ery clay. If we well consider what difficulties they ha\'e passed, 
then 1 we may not run into that extreme of thinking too hardly of 
the Parliament; if we shall consider that theÌl' business of holding 
their heads above wat!'r is the common work anc1 every other day['s 
work] and to-day that which we de
ire is that which they ha\'e struggled 
for as for life, and sometimes they ha"e been able to carry it, others 
not, anc1 yet daily they get a-rounc1. If we [wish to] see a purged 
Parliament, I pray let me persuac1e every man that he would be a 
little apt to hope the best; anc1 I s;peak this to you as out of a clear 
conscience before the Lord, r c10 think that [that part of] the Parlia- 
ment is upon the gaining hand, and that this work that we are now 
upon tend!'; to make tIl('m gain more; and I would wii:h that we mig'ht 
remember this always, that [what] we auc\ tl1ey g-aiu in a free way, 
it is better than twice so much in a forced, ant! will be more truly our!'; 
and our posteritie:,-;; and therefore r desire not to per
uade any man 
to be of my mind, but r wi
h that every man would s!'riously weigh 
these things." 
MR. ALLEN said that his Honour (8peakin
 his own hopes) told them 
that the prevailing part of the Parliament was a g-ainiug' pal.t; but 
aIthoug-h they would gladly think so, they {'oult! not. Rather it 
seemed to them that their friends there were the losing' party, and 
alwavs would be so unless a march to London might conduce to quell 
thosë who were actin
 in such manner as to make them loseri:. 

1 " that ,. in text. 




To this IRETOl'õ l'eplied that seeing how many of the other pal"ty had 
left the House, it must be that their friend
 ,vere on the gaining hand. 
As to the march upon London and the way of sending up the desires 
of the army, he could not but believe that the latter would be more 
effectual if it went as a paper agreed upon by the General, the Council 
of \\
 ar and the .\gitatorf', rather than merely given in by the Com- 
missioners" He expeeted nO g-reat m8tter from the Treaty, and mUl'h 
desirerl to shorten the work, but saw no reason to blame the Commis- 
sioners of Parliament, \\ ho had patiently waited. If there had been 
y the fault lay with themselves, He and another [probably 
Lambert] had the proposalf.1 for the first of these in hand, and would be 
glad of suggestions from others. 
As to the march upon London, he did 110t think that should be 
unless their proposals were offered and rejected, nor that they should 
seek to gain their object by force if it could be got in any other way. 
As to the earlier march (in June) the army was then, as it were, pro- 
scribed, and the open enemies of the army bad the power in Parliament 
and were in danger of bringing about another \\ar. But these men 
were now withdrawn from the House and nothing was needed hut their 
actual sequestration, which mig-ht justly be demanded; thus the former 
reasons for a march had now disappeared. 
ALI.ES replied that heton's justification for the fOrmel" mareh was 
that the army were then unowned, and the House was then unpurged. 
TI"uly, he confessed they were now owned in name, but he doubted 
not in nature, to be the Parliament's army, for if they were, Parlia- 
ment would not suffer them to be traduced and reviled as they had 
been in pulpit and in press" And as to the purging of the House, the 
[eleven] members were at present debarred from sitting. but the ordin- 
ance for se<Juesterin
 them (which was almost everything) \\as 
wanting. His fear was that while they were stilllayillg the foundation 
of their plan for a settlement, sOme would 'itep in and take the matter 
out of their haud

LIEl'T.-Gto;". CRo\IWELL: "This 1 wish in the Heneral, that we may 
all of us :'0 demean ourseh"es in this busiuess that we 
peak those things 
that teud tll the uniting of us, and that we do noue of us exercise our 
pal"Ìs to strain thing"s, and to let in things tu a long- dispute, or to un- 
necessary contradictions, Or to the stirring up of any such seed of 
dissatisfactioll in one another's minds as may in the least reuder us 
unsatisfied one ill another. I do not speak this that anybody does do 
it, but I say this oug-ht to become both you and me, that we so speak 
and act as that the end may be union and a right understanding one 
with another. Truly if I thought that \\ hich was last spoken by Mr. 
Allen had beeu 
<ltisfactory to that end for which he 8pake it, J 
not have !"aid anythin
 to you. Rut for that [ans\\er] which he made 



[16 July. 

to the Commissary [General's argument] of the Parliament's owning of 
us, and what a thing that was to us, and how much tending to the 
settlement of the peace of the kingdom to say or to think' it is but a 
titular thing that, and but in name only that they do own [us]; I think 
is a very great mistake. For really it did at that time lay the best 
foundation could be expected for the preventing an absolute confusion 
in this kingdom, and I think if we had not been satisfied in that, we 
should not have been satisfied in anything. And [it is a very great 
mistake] to think that this is any weighty argument, 'it is but titular, 
because they suffer scandalous books [to] flock up and down' -I would 
not look they should love us better than they love themselves, and 
how many scandalous books I{O out of[i.e., concerning] them. 
'Ve have given them, the Parliament,! more to do than to sttend 
[to] scandalous books. 1 hope that will not weigh with any man, and 
1 desire we may put this debate to a conclusion, or else let us answer 
those things that are really and weightily objected, as truly that was 
[not]. They have given us S02 real a testimony that they cannot give 
more. They cannot disown us without the losing of all rational and 
honest people in the kingdom, and therefore let us take it as a very 
great and high owning of us; let not us disown that owning. If any 
man would [say] by that which was objected we would have peace, a 
perfect settlement of all we seek and we would march to London to say 
we forced them. 3 Really, really, have what you will have, that [which] 
you have by force I look upon it as nothinl{. I do not know that force 
is to be used except we cannot get what is for the good of the kingdom 
without force. All the arguments must tend to thi
, that it is necessary 
to use force, to march up with the army, and not to tarry four days. 
['Vas not the argument thus] 4 we shall be baffled, denied, and shall 
never march up, but still be patient and suffer, even to have the ruin 
of the kingdom as hath been imagined [if we do not march within four 
days]. ['Vel expect a speedy answel' [to that] which hath been offered, 
aud to make that critical I) to us whether they own us or intend to 
perfect the settlement as we expect. The kingdom would be saved, 

1 "and the Parliament" in MS. 2 " as .. in MS. 
3 Mr. Firth thinks this may be paraphrased thus, "If any man urges, we would 
have a perfect settlement of all we seek, and would therefore march to London. 
Say we did force them to grant what we ask." 
4 MS., ., if the argument was not thus." This clause is triinsferrerl from tht" 
line below. 
5 i.e. crucial or decisive. 




though 1 we do not march within four days, if we had these things 
granted to us. If these things be granted to us, we may march to 
York. I wish we may respite our determination till that four or five 
days be over, till we see how things will be, except you will urge 
reasons to show it to be of absolute necessity to all those ends to 
determine just now that we willl1larch up to London tomorrow or next 
day. I am sorry that we be not satisfied with that which has been 
proposed as to this very thing, and [hope] that 2 having had assurance 
these things were put into sueh a way as hath been offered to you, that 
you will rest contented with this as at this time, except you will show 
us some absolute reasons." 

:\IAJOR TULIDAH said that the Lieut.-General had put the matter to a 
good issue, for the weight of the business lay there. They all agreed 
that the thing-s in their proposals were necessary, but differed as to 
the way of accomplishing them. He desired a "sweet and honourable 
way of tJ'eating" as much as anyone; but did not see that they were 
any further than when they were at TJxbridge, if as far. If advancing 
to Uxbridge put their friends in Parliament into such a way that they 
had liberty to speak, if it put them on their legs, nothing would 
expedite them to speak boldly for the kingdom like an advance to the 
city. As to forcing things, it was only desired to force them this once 
that there might be no more forcing-that by the sword, they might 
take the sword" out of those hands that are enemies to justice." He 
did not believe that they would gain anything except by marching to 

Ln:UT.-GEN. CRO.\fWELL: "Truly the words spoken by .:\>lajor 
Tulirlah were [spoken] with affection, but we are rational [men]. I 
would fain know with what reason or colour of reason he did urge any 
reason, but only with affirmation of earnest words. .For that declaration 
of the Parliament, the Parliament hath owned us, and taken off that 
that any man can loyally or rationally charge us with. If that upon 
his apprehensions or any man's else we shall quarrel with every dog in 
the street that barks at us, and suffer the kingdom to be lost, with 
such a fantastical thing? I desire that nothing of heat or earnestness 
may carry us here, nor nothing of affirmation, nor nothing of that 
kind may lead us, but that which is truly reason, and that which hath 
life and argument in it. 
"To that which was alleged that by our marching S to Uxbrid
e, we 

1 " if" in text. These two signs seem often to be confused. 
2" if'- in MS. 3 MS., " alleged of our marching." 



[16 July. 

opened tho8e honest men's mouths to speak for us, this is not to be 
answered with reason, but this is matter of fact, and better known to 
some of us than it is to .Major Tulidah or any of you. 'Tis true there 
was a fear and an awe upon the Parliament by our marching to Ux- 
bridge, there was something of that, for those eleven members were 
afraid to be in the House. If you will believe that which is not a 
fancy, they have voted very essential things to their own purging, and 
I believe this, if we will believe that which is the truth ill fact 1 UJ)OIl 
that very one vote that \Va!' passed concerning the putting a fine or 
penalty [on those] that knew themselves to be guilty, and that if they 
did not go out should accuse themselves to be liable to sequestration 2 
I believe there will go twenty or thirty men out of the House of 
Commons. And if this be [ not] an effect and demonstrance of their 8 
hal)py progress and that by use of that liberty that they have had by 
our [not] drawing near, I appeal to any man? And if they shall, as I 
said before, disown us, and we give them no cause to do it, but pressing 
only just and honourable and honest things from them, judge ye, 
what ean the world think of them and of us? But [what can the 
world think if] we shall do that, whilst we are upon the gaining hand 
that shall really stop their mouths, to open their mouths in a little for 
us; that whiles they are, as fast as they can, gaining the things we 
desire, if we shall be so impatient that whiles they are struggling for 
life, that they are unable to help us, and g-ained more within these 
three days than in ten days, for ou
ht I know we may by advancing 
stop their mouths. 4 

IOn July 5 a vote was passed that no person who had been in actual war against 
the Parliament or accepted pardons from the King, or taken any part in bring- 
ing about tÌ1e cessation or otherwise assisting the Rebellion in Ireland, or were 
sequestered by Parliament for delinquency, should presume to sit in the House of 
Commons. (Commons .Journals, v. 233.) Those who infringed this order were by 
a second vote of July 9, to he liable to the penalties imposed in the 
ewcastle pro- 
positions on those who had sat in the Oxford Parliament; i.e., to he guilty of high 
treason and their estates to be sequestered (ibid. p. 238.) Gardiner, Constitutional 
Documents, p. 217. (.Vote by .lIr. Firth.) 
2 The report here is very confused. What Cromwell said was probably this: 
"If we will believe that which is the truth in fact, not that which is a fancy, they 
have voted very essential things to their own purging." (Note by .1Ir. Firth.) 
:I "the" in MS. 
4 Mr. Firth suggests that Cromwell's argument is. c. Shall we do that whilst they 
are upon the gaining hand in order to open their mouths for us, that shall really 
stop their mouths. If we shall be so impatient-and that whilst they are as fast 
as they can gaining us the things we desire, and have gained us more in the last 
three days than in ten days whilst they Wf:re struggling for life and could not help 
us-for aught I know, we may by advancing stop their mouths." 




"They will not have wherewithal to answer that middle party in the 
House, who i
 answered with this reason, 'you see the army is contented 
to go backward, you see the army is willing to make fair representa- 
tions 1 ofthat they have from us.' I profe!":s, I speak it in my conscience, 
that if we should move until we had made thel'>e proposals to them, 
and !":ee what answer they will give them, \\e shall uot only disable 
them, but didde amoug ourselves, and I as much fear that as auything ; 
and if we should speak to your satisfactions you must speak to our 

atistactiolls, though there be great fear
 of others I shall ,'ery much 
(J uestion the integrity of any man that 2 would uot ha,'e it spoken." 
CORNET JOYCE asked whether the Parliament, iu owning them to Le 
their army, owned their act in fighting of the Kiug. 
:\Ir. SEXBY conceived that what the Parliament had done "as from 
fear, not love; first, because those who had deserted them (the army) 
were better looked upon and much better paid than they were; and 
second, because they were treated with, "for truly Parliament!": or armies 
never treat with friends, but enemies." 
MAJOR ÐISBROWE urged them to keep tll the business in hand. The 
report of his speedl is rather confused, but he seems to have said that 
as in any case it would take a tew days to prepare to march to London, 
they might, if they were expeditious in discussing the matter, send otf 
their proposal!": and get au answer by the time they were ready to start. 
COTTON f:aid that if they could obtain their desires, they 
would be wiHing' to naive the march to London; but the great point 
was that Lieut.-Col. Lilburn should be freed. 
CORNET SPENCER said that he had just come from the city, where 
the militia officers were taking the names of all the apprentices and 
ordering them to be ready at an hour's warning; and that the King 
having come to 
Iaidenhead, their friends in London wished the army 
had come with the King and would march up to London [this last 
too confusedly expressed for the meaning to be certain]. 
LIEl'T.-G-EX. CIW.lIWELI,: "Truly 
ir, J think neither of the
e two 
things that gentleman 
poke last are any great ne"!":. For the One 
of them, the li
ting of apprentices. I rloubt they ha"e listerl them 
twice over; I am sure we have heard [it] more than t"ice over. For 
the other [that our friends in London] would rejoice to 
ee us come up, 
what if we [be] better able to cousult what is for their good than them- 

elve!":. It is the general good of them and all the people of the 
kingdom that's the 4.uestion ;-what's for their g-ood, not what plea"e
them. I do not know that all these cousideration!": are argument!": to 

1 MS., "fancy repre

:I ., I .. in MS. 



[16 July. 

have satisfaction in these things that we have in proposition. Though 1 
you be in the rig-ht and I in the wrong, if we be divided I doubt 
we shall all be in the wrong. . . . 'Vhether of them will do our 
work, let them speak without declaring. Let us not think that this 
is a greater argument, that they love those that deserted, that they 
have paid them and not us, which was 1\1r. Sexby's arg-ument, which 
if it had weight in it, I should have submitted to it. The question is 
singly this: whether or no we shall not in a positive way desire the 
answer to these things before we march towards London, when perhaps 
we may have the same things in the time that we can march. Here iR 
the strictness of the question." 
COL. RICH said that the debate resolved itself into two points; first, 
concerning the paper and the five particulars, whether they should go 
up as they were or whether the paper should first be insisted upon, 
and whether this should be presented to the Commissioners of Parlia- 
ment as from the Council or from the Commissioners of the army; 
the former being, he thought, the better way. Second, to answer the 
Lieut.-Genera!'s question; whether they should march forthwith to 
London or wait four days. 
LIEUT. CHILLENDEN thought that the paper might go "concluding 
all things in it." 
Cmu. IRETON said he would have the five particulars to go but not 
the paper itself, as it proposed the march to London, which he believed 
would lose them every friend they had either in Parliament or in the 
city. As to the expression" that they should not only be sequestered 
but disabled," he saw no justice in it, and prayed the army to avoid 
it. Here the Report 
A newsletter written next day says that over a hundred officers 
were at this great Council of ,rar besides the agitators, who for 
prudence were admitted, in view of their influence on the soldiers, and 
that it "held" until twelve o' clock at night. The chief points demanded 
were that no foreign forces should come in, that reformadoes should 
be put out of the line, that the eleven members should be suspended, 
and especially that the militia of London should be put back "into 
the same hands it was before." The agitators were for an immediate 
march to London, but the arguments of the General and officers so far 
8atisfied them that they" submitted it to the General and officers, no 
man gain!'aying- it, and so it is resolved to send to the Parliament to 
desire these particulars, especially the militia, and receive a positive 
answer within four days. These things being granted, the treaty will 
proceed." t 

1 .. If .. in MS. 
* Clarkt! Papt!rs, I. 176 et st!q. 

t Ibid. i. 214. 




(1) General Council of Officers at Putney 
28 October, 1647. 
LIEl"T.-GEN. CROMWEU. presided, (Fairfax "being not well and at 
Turnham Green;" Rushworth, viii. 857) and opened the meeting by 
declaring that it was for public business; and that those that had 
anything to say concerning the public bUE:iness might have liberty to 
SEXBY, on behalf of the agitators, declared that there were two 
causes of their misery. They sought to satisfy all men, but in going 
about to do it had dissatisfied all men. They had laboured to please 
the King-, but unless they all cut their throats, they would not please 
him; and they had all supported a House which would prove Totten 
studs; 1 i.e., the Parliament. "Therefore he prayed the Lieut.-General 
and Commissary-General-whose credit and reputation had been much 
blasted upon these two matters-to consider of those things which 
should be offered them. 

LIEUT.-GEN. CROMWELL: "I think it is good for us to proceed to 
our business in some order, and that will be if we consider some things 
that are lately past. There hath been a book printed called The Case 
of the Army Stated, and that hath been taken into consideration, and 
there hath been somewhat drawn up by way of exception to things 
contained in that book, and I suppose there was an answer brought to 
that which was taken by way of exception, and yesterday the gentle- 
man that brought the answer he was dealt honestly and plainly withal, 
and he was told that there were new designs a driving- and nothing 
would be a clearer discovery of the sincerity of [their] intentions, than 
their willingness that were active to bring' what they had to say to 
be judged of by the General Officers aud by this General Council, that 
we might discern what the intentions were. Now it seems there be 
divers that are come hither to manifest those intentions according to 
what was offered yesterday, and truly I think, that the best way of 
our proceeding will be to receive what they have to offer. Only this, 
Mr. Sexby, you were speaking to us two. [I know not why], except 
you think that VIe have done somewhat or acted somewhat different 
from the sense and resolution of the General Council. Truly, that 
that you speak to, was the things that related to the King and things 

1 i.t., the uprights in a lathe and plaster wall. 

2 .. as" in MS. 


IENT NO. 25 

[28 Oct. 

that related to the Parliament; and if there be a fault, I may say it 
and I dare say, it hath been the fault of the General Council, and that 
which you do 
peak, both in relation to the one and the other, you 
!'peak to the Genel'al Council I hope, though you named us boo Thel'e- 
fore truly I think it j:;ufficient for us to say, and 'tis that \\e say-J can 
speak for myself, let others speak for themseh'e
-J dare maintain it, 
and I dal'e a'"ow I ha'"e acted uothiug but what I have aoue '-\ ith the 
public ('on
eut, and approbatiou aud allo\\ance of the r.eneral ('ouncil. 
That J dare say for myself, both in relation to the oue and to the 
other. \Vhat I ha,"e acted iu Parliament in the name of the Council 
or of the army I have had my warrant for from henc
. \\'hat I have 
spoken in another capacity, as a member of the House, that was free 
for me to do; and I am confident that I have not used the name of 
the army, or interest of the army, to anything- but what J have had 
allowance from the General Council for, and [ what they] thought fit 
to move the House in. I do the rather give you this account, becausE' 
I hear there are some slanderous reports going up and do\\ 11 upon 
somewhat that hath heen oft"ere(l to the House of Commons [by me] as 
being the 8euse and opinion of this army and in the name of this 
army, which, I dare be confident to f:peak it, hath heen as false and 
slanderous a report a
 could he rai!'ed of a man. And that was this: 
That J should say to the Parliament and delh'er it as the desire of thi!': 
army, and the sense of this army, that there should be a second addre
to the King- by way of propositions. I dare be confident to speak it, 
what I delivered there I delivered as my uwn !'cnse, and what I delivered 
as my own sense I am not ashamed of. "That I delivered as your sense, 
I never delivered hut what I had as your sense.) 

) :\Ir. Firth here notes: "This must refer to "the debate of Sept. 23, 1647, on 
\\hich day the House of Commons resolved' that the House will once again make 
application to the King for those things which the Houses shaH judge necessary 
for the welfare and safety of the kingdom.' (Commons .Journals, v. 314,) Crom- 
we1l and Rainborough were both present on Sept, 22, when the question of 'the 
whole matter concerning the King' \\as discussed in a Committee of the whole 
House, and they told against each other on the proposal to resolve the House 
into a Committee for that purpose. (Ibid. v. 3r2.) Sept. 23 was a Thursday, on 
which day the General Council of the army usually met, which explains the absence 
of Cromwell and Rainborough. Of Cromwe1l's speeches in this debate. news- 
letters give the only record. One of Sept. 27 (Clm'mdon J11S. 2tS02) says 
'The last \\eek his Majesty's answers to the propositions being considered of in 
the House was voted to be a denial, and that the King's drift therein was to put 
a difference between the Parliament and the army and between the Eng1ish and 
Scottish nation; whereupon a sharp debate grew whether the King should be sent 
unto any more, or whether they should forthwith proceed to the settlement of the 




.\fter a few words from COL. RAINBOROWE, CO:U:\IISSARV htETON denied 
all desire ()l" purpose to set up the King, or to set up the Parliament or 
anv other men whatsoever, to be their law-makers, but neither would 
he' concur with any who \\ ere not willing to attempt all ways to preserve 
both Parliament and Iiing. It was thought fit to let the agitators 
know what the General Council had done, which was now drawn up 
in writing as follows ('i'('(td), and he thoug-ht it fit that the Council should 
have an answer. 
MR. ALLE",,: \\ e read the paper amongst them and this is the 
answer (rend). 
 complained that the agitators set themselves up as a 
"divided party or distinct Council," and set down their resolutions 
as things in which they rlemanded the compliance of others, rather 
than as seeming willing to show compliance themseh-es. But upon 
some things that the Lieut.-General and some others of the Committee 
ottered them, they had rlescended a little from their height and had 
now sent some" to hear what we have to say to them or to offer some- 
thing to us.'- ,nlerefore he prayed that they might proceed. 
Some remarks from HeFF COAT (supposed to be EVERARD) followed, 
and then the second answer of the ag-itators-i.e., "the Agreement of 
the People," was read. This demanded 1. Equal electoral districts. 
2. The rli
solntion of the Long" Parliament on Sept. :30, 164-8. :3. 
Biennial Parliaments, to Le elected e\'erv l\1arch and sit for five months. 
4. The limitation of the powers of futurë Parliaments so as to guarantee 
complete toleration; a full indemnity for acts rlone durin
: the late 
public differences, and good and e(luallaws. It attacked the privileges 
of the peerag-e and protesterl ag-ainst the proposed treaty with the Kin

kingdom; to the latter most of the orators inclined, and in likelihood would have 
led the House that way, but that it was opposed by Cromwell and Ireton, who 
said it was no fit time to proceed with such vigour, the King having gotten so 
great a reputation in the army, and therefore advised them to proceed in a way 
towards the satisfaction of the kingdom and army; and so they went to review 
the propositions. having first voted that they should be carried to the King as 
ordinances, not as propositions. There have been in the prosecution of this 
business some desperate motions; as, that the King, in regard that many who 
give him ill counsel and are professed enemies to the Parliament resort unto him, 
should be restrained; that they should think no more of the King, hut proceed as 
if there were no such thing in the worJd, for that he is always an impediment to all 
good resolutions; some calling him Ahab, others, Coloquintida. But all those 
speeches have been stopped by Cromwell and Ireton, whose civilities are visible, 
but the reality of their intentions not clearly discerned.' Sir Edward Ford writes 
on September 28: · It was moved earnestly in the House that the malignants 
might be removed from court, and also that the King might be removed further 
off from the headquarters because of the confluence of people to bim . . . might 
beget an ill influence and danger in the army, but it was opposed by Cromwell 
and Ireton: of late they have spoken much in tbe King's behalf, seconded by 
young Harry Van p , Mr. Solicitor and Mr. Fiennes. Cromwell, applying himself 
to the Speaker, told him that it was worth his consideration how that there was 
a party in the army labouring for the King and a great one: how the city was 
endeavouring underhand to get another party in the army; and that there was 
a third party, who was little dreamt of, that were endeavouring to have no other 
power to rule but the sword: (Clarendol1 J1S. 260 4')" 



[28 Oct. 

LIEl'T.-GEN. f'ROllIWELL: "These things that you have now offered, 
they are new to us; they are things that we have not at all (at lea
in this method and thus circumstantially) had any opportunity to con- 
sider of them, because they come to us but thus, as you see; this is 
the first time we had a view of them. 
Truly this paper does contain in it very great alterations of the very 
government of the kingdom, alterations from that government that it 
hath been under, I believe I may almost say, since it hath been a 
nation; I say I think I may almost say so, and what the consequences 
of such an alteration as this would be, if there were nothing else to be 
considered, wise men and godly men ought to consider, I say, if there 
were nothing else [to be considered] but the very weight and nature 
of the things contained in this paper. Therefore, although the pre- 
tensions in it and the expressions in it are very plausible, and if we 
could leap out of one condition into another, that had so specious things 
in it as this haUl, I suppose there would not be much dispute, though 
perhaps some of these things may be very well disputed. Ho\\ do we 
know if, whilst we are disputing these things, another company of men 
shall gather to
ether, and they shall put out a paper as plausible per- 
haps as this? I do not know why it might not be done, by that time 
you have agreed upon this, or got hands to it, if that be the way. 
And not only another and another, but many of this kind. And if so, 
what do you think the conseq uence of that would be? ,V ould it not 
be confusion? ,r ould it not be utter confusion? n T ould it not make 
England like the Switzerland country, one canton of the Swiss against 
another, and one county against another? I ask you whether it be not 
fit for every honest man seriously to lay that upon his heart? And if 
so, what would that produce but an absolute desolation-an absolute 
desolation to the nation-and we in the meantime tell the nation: " It 
is for your liberty, 'tis for your privilege, 'tis for your good." Pray God 
it prove so, whatever course we run.} But truly I think we are not only 
to consider what the consequences are (ifthere were nothing else but this 
paper) but we are to consider the probability of the ways and means to 
accomplish: that is to say [to consider] if
 according to reason and judg- 

} Cromwell has here gone off into one of his long parentheses. The line of thought 
is: If there were nothing but the consequences to be considered, we ought to reflect 
on them (for although the proposals are very plausible, they would probably lead us 
into confusion) but also we have to consider the probability that we may not be 
able to accomplish tbe thing at all. 
2 MS.. "that." 




ment, the spirits and temper of the people of this nation are prepared to 
receive and to go on along with it, and [if] those great difficulties [that] 
lie in our way [are] in a likelihood to be either overcome or removed. 
Truly, to anything that's good, there's no doubt on it, objections may 
be made and framed; but let every honest man consider whether or 
no there be not very real objections [to this] in point of difficulty. I 
know a man may answer all difficulties with faith, and faith will answer 
all difficulties really where it is, but 1 we are very apt all of us to call 
that faith that perhaps may be but carnal imagination and carnal rea- 
sonings. Give me leave to say this, there will be very great mountains 
in the way of this, if this were the thing in present consideration; and 
therefore we ought to consider the consequences, and God hath given 
us our reason that we may do this. And it is not enough to propose 
things that are g'ood in the end, but it is our duty as Christians and 
men to consider consequences and to consider the way, even supposing 2 
this model were an excellent model, and fit for England and the king- 
dom to receive. 
But really I shall speak to nothing but that that, as before the Lord, 
I am persuaded in my heart tends to uniting of us in one to that that 
God will manifest to us to be the thing that He would have us prosecute; 
and he that meets not here with that heart and dares not say he will 
stand to that, I think he is a deceiver. I say it to you again, and I 
profess unto you, I shall offer nothing to you but that I think in my 
heart and conscience tends to the uniting of us and to the begetting 
a right understanding among us; and therefore this is that I would 
insist upon, and have it cleared among us. 
It is not enough for us to insist upon good things; that everyone 
would do-there is not forty of us but we could prescribe many things 
exceeding plausible, and hardly anything worse than our present con- 
dition, take it with all the troubles that are upon us. It is not enough 
for us to propose good things, but it behoves honest men and Christians 
that really will approve themselves so before God and men, to see 
whether or no they be in a condition [to attempt], whether, taking all 
things into consideration they may honestly endeavour and attempt 
that that is fairly and plausibly proposed. For my own part I know 
nothing that we are to consider first but that, before we would come 
to debate the evil or good of this [paper] or to add to it or subtract 

1 MS., II and." 

2 II but suppose" in MS. 



[28 Oct. 

from it,! which I am confident, if your hearts be upright as ours are 
-and God will be judge between you and us-if we should come to 
anything, you do not bring this paper with peremptoriness of mind, 
but to receive amendment
, to have anything taken from it that may 
be made apparent by clear reason to be inconvenient or unhonest. 
This ought to be uur cunsideration and yuurs, saving [that] in this you 
have the advantage of us-you that are the soldiers, you ha"e not-- 
but you that are not [soldiers] you reckon yourseh'es at a loose and 
at a liberty, as men that ha,'e no obligation upun you. Perhaps we 
conceive we ha,'e; and therefore this is that I may say-both to those 
that come with you and to my fellow-officers and all others that hear 
me-that it concerns us, as we would approve ourselves hefore God, 
and before men that are able to judge of us, if we do not make good 
[our] engagement<:;, if we do not make good that that the world expects 
we should make good. I do not "peak to determine what that is, but 
if I be not much mistaken, we ha,'e in the time of our danger issued 
out Declaratiolls; we have been required by the Parliamellt, because 
our Declarations were general, tu declare particularly what we meant; 
alld having done that, how far that obliges or not obliges [u
], that is 
by \l
 tu be considered, if we mean honestly and sincerely and to ap- 
prO\"e ourselves to God as honest men. And thert>fore, having heard 
this paper read, this remains to us; that we again re,'iew what we havt> 
engaged in, and what we have that lies upon us. He that departs from 
that that is a real engagement and a real tie upon him, I think he 
transgresses without faith, for faith will bear up men in every hOllest 
obligation, and God does expect from men the performance of every 
honest obligation. Therefore I have no more to say but this: "'e 
having received your paper shall among'st ourseh'es consider what to 
do; and hefore we take this into consideration, it is fit for us to con- 
sider how far we are obligeò, and huw far we are free; and I hope we 
shall prO\"e ourselves honest men where we are free to tender anything 
to the good of the public. And this is that I thought good to offer to 
you upon this paper." 
:\1R. \\T ILDl\IAN said that ha,'ing been appuinted as a mouth-piece 
at the meeting of gentlemen, soldiers and agents the day before, he 

1 May be paraphrased, "\Vhich paper I am confident, if your hearts be upright as 
ours, you do not bring with peremptoriness of mind," etc. The words" if we 
should come to anything," seem to belong to the previous clause. (.Yote by J?'J. 




would say something in reply to his Honour, the chief weight of 
whose speech seemed to be that he and his brother officers would 
consider their obligations and how far they were engaged, before 
considering' the paper, adding that God would protect men in keeping 
honest promises. But, so far as he comprehended the meaning of 
those from whom he came, every past obligation must be considered 
again, whether it were just or no, for if by a clearer right it appeared 
not so, they judged (and so does he) that a man might honestly re- 
cede from it. Therefore the first thing was to consider the honesty of 
what was offered. 
C03DUSSARY IRETON, after objecting to the theory that a man can 
withdraw from all engagements to another if he alters his mind about 
their justice, as subversive oflaw and the Commonwealth, and observing 
that it comes strangely from one who agrees with this book [i.e., the 
Case of the Army] in which every punctilio of Engagement is insisted 
on, declared that there were many things in the paper which he should 
rejoice to see obtained, and if they were free from all engagements, 
he should concur further than at present he can. But they were 
under en
agements; the army itself was under eng-agements, and 
however much this gentleman might hold himself absolved, he believed 
those of the arm V who came with him would hold themselves bound 
by them. Therefore they must consider how far they were obliged by 
their former declarations, and unle!':s the Council would meet from 
day to day and consider the matter themsehoes, he proposed that a 
Committee be appointed for the purpose. 
INBOROWE said that he had not expected to be there and 
it would probably be the last time. He came thither not about the 
paper, but because he had learnt that his regiment W3'l to be taken 
from him, but rather than lose it, Parliament should exclude him 
from the House or imprison him, fur whilst he was employed abroad 
he would not be undone at home. As to the paper, whoever had done 
it had done it with much respect to the good of his country. It had 
been said that a man, being engaged, must perform his engagements, 
but he was wholly confident that e,oery honest man was bound to God 
and his conscience, let him be eng'aged in what he will, to decline it 
if convinced that it is his duty. There were two objections made to 
this thing-. 1. Division; hut he believed that honest thin
s would 
keep them tog-ether. 2. Difficulties; but if they had thought of diffi- 
culties they would never have looked an enemy in the face, and 
whatever the difficulties might be, even if they had death before them 
and the sea on either side and behind, yet if they were convinced that 
the thing' was just, they were bound to carry it on. It was said: "it's 
a huge alteration, it's a bringing in of new laws" ; this kingdom has been 
under this government ever since it was a kingdom. "If writings 
be true, there hath been many scuffling's between the honest men of 
England and thof,e that have tyrannised over them," and the just laws 
which English men are born to were intrenchments once. But even 
if they are what the people have always been under, "if the people 
VOL. III.-23 



[28 Oct. 

find that they are [not] suitable to freemen as they are," there is no 
reason why anything should not be gained" that might be more advan- 
tageous to them than the government under which they live:' He 
prayed that the justness of the thing might be considered, and, that 
established-that nothing might deter them from doing that which 
was just to the people. 
LIEUT.-GEN. CROllIWELL: "Truly I am very glad that this gentle
man that spoke last is here, and not sorry for the occasion that brought 
him hither; because it argues that we shall enjoy hiI' company longer 
than I thought we should have done." 
COL. RAINBOROWE: "If I should not be kicked out." 
LIEUT.-GEN. CROllIWELL: "And truly then I think it shall HOt be 
long enough. But truly I do not know what the meaning of that 
expression is, nor what the meaning of any hateful word is here. -For 
we are all here with the same integrity to the public; and perhaps we 
have all of us done our parts not frighted with difficulties, one as well 
as another; and I hope have all purposes henceforward, through the 
grace of God, to do so still. And therefore truly I think all the 
consideration is, that amongst us we are almost all soldiers; all con- 
siderations [of not fearing difficulties] or words of that kind do wonder- 
fully please us, all words of courage animate us to carryon our business, 
to do God's business [and] that which is the will of God. I say it 
again, I do not think that any man here wants courage to do that 
which becomes an honest man and an Eng-lishman to do. But we 
speak as men that desire to ha,'e the fear of God before our eyes, and 
men that may not resolve to do that which we do ill the power of 
a fleshly strength, but to lay this as the foundation of all our actions, 
to do that which is the will of God. And if any man have a false 
deceit-on the one hand, deceitfulness, that which he doth not intend, 
or a persuasion on the other hand, I think he will not prosper. 
"But to that which was moved by Co!. Rainborow, of the objections 
of difficulty and danger of the consequences, they are not proposed to 
any other end, but [as] things fitting consideration, not forged to deter 
from the consideration of the business. In the consideration of the 
thing that is new to us, and of everything that shall be new that is of 
such importance as this is, I think that he that wishes the most serious 
advice to be taken of such a change as this is-so evident and clear 
[a change ]-whoever offers that there may be most serious consideration, 
I think he does not speak impertinently. Aud truly it was offered to 
no other end than what I speak. I shall say no more to that, 




" But to the other, concerning Engagements and breaking of them. 
I do not think that it was at all offered by anybody that though an 
Engagement were never so unrighteous, it ought to be kept. No man 
offered a syllable or tittle [to that purpose]. For certainly it's an act of 
duty to break an unrighteous Engagement; he that keeps it does a 
double sin, in that he made an unrighteous Engagement, and [in] that 
he goes about to keep it. But this was only offered,! and I know not 
what can be more fit ; 1 that before we can consider of this [paper] we 
labour to know where we are and where we stand. Perhaps we are 
upon Engagements that we cannot with honesty break, but let me tell 
you this, that he that speaks to you of Engagements here, is as free 
from Engagements to the King as any man in all the world; and I 
know that 2 if it were otherwise, I believe my future actions would 
provoke some to declare it. But I thank God I stand upon the bottom 
of my own innocence in this particular; through the grace of God 
I fear not the face of any man; I do not. I say we are to consider 
what Engagements we have made, and if our Engagements have been 
unrighteous, why should we not make it our endeavours to break 
them. Yet if unrighteous Engagements, 3 it is not [good to make] a 
present breach of them unless there be a consideration of circumstances. 
Circumstances may be such as I may not now break an unrighteous 
Engagement, or else I may do that which I d0 4 scandalously, though II 
the thing be good. 6 If that be true concerning the breaking of an 
unrighteous Engagement, it is much more verified concerning Engage- 
ments disputable whether they be righteous or unrighteous. If so, 
I am sure it is fit we should dispute [them], and if, when we have 
disputed them, we see the goodness of God enlightening us to see our 
liberties, I think we are to do what we can to give satisfaction to men. 
But if it were so, as we made an Engagement in judgment and know- 
ledge, so we go off from it in judgment and knowledge. But there 
may be just engagements upon us, such as perhaps it will be our duty 
to keep; and if so, it is fit we should consider; and all that I said 
[was] that we should consider our Engagements, and there is nothing 
else offered, and therefore what need anybody be angry or offended. 
Perhaps we have made such Engagements as may in the matter of 
them not bind us, [yet] in some circumstances they may. Our Engage- 

1 Transpo5ed from the line below, after II this paper." 
\I MS.. ., it." II i.e., if our engagements are unrighteous. 
4 " did" in MS. II " if " in MS. 
6 Though the thing in itself is right to do. 



[28 Oct. 

ments are public Engagements. They are to the kingdom, aud to every 
one in the kingdom that could look upon what we did publicly declare; 
could read or hear it read. They are to the Parliament, and it is 
a very fitting thing that we do seriously consider of the things. And 
shortly, this is that 1 shall offer: that because the kingdom is in the 
danger it is in, because the kingdom is in that condition it is in, and 
time may be ill spent in debates, and it is necessary for things to 
be put to an issue-if ever it was necessary in the world it is now 
-1 should desire this may be done:- 
fC That this General Council may be appointed [to meet] against 
a very short time, two days, Thursday if you would, against Saturday, 
or at furthest against Monday: that there might be a Committee out 
of this Council appointed to debate and consider with those two gentle- 
men and with any others that are not of the army that they shall 
bring, and with the agitators of those five Regiments; that so there 
may be a liberal and free debate had amongst us; that we may under- 
stand really as before God the bottom of our desires, and that we may 
seek God together, and see if God will give us an uniting spirit. Give 
me leave to tell it you again, I am confident there sits not a man in 
this place that cannot so freely act with you but if he sees that God 
hath shut up his way that he cannot do any service in that way as may 
be good for the kingdom, he will be glad to withdraw himself, and 
wish you all prosperity. And if this heart be in us as is known to 
God, that searcheth our hearts and trieth the reins, God will discover 
whether our hearts be not clear in this business. Therefore I shall 
move that we may have a Committee amongst ourselves [to consider] 
of the Engagements, and this Committee to dispute things with others, 
and a short day [to be appointed] for the General Council. 1 doubt 
not but if in sincerity we are willing to submit to that lig-ht that God 
shall cast in among us, God will unite us and make us of one heart and 
one mind. Do the plausiblest things you can do, do that which hath 
the most appearance of reason in it that tends to change, at this con- 
juncture of times, you will find difficulties. But if God satisfy our 
spirits, this will be a ground of confidence to every good man, and 
he that goes upon other grounds, he shall fall like a beast. I shall 
desire this, that you or any other of the agitators or gentlemen that 
can be here will be here, that we may ha,pe free discourses amongst 
ourselves of things, and you will be able to satisfy each other. And 
really, rather than I would have this kingdom break in pieces before 




some company of men be united together for a settlement, I will 
withdraw myself from the army to-morrow and lay down my com- 
mission. I will perish before I hinder it." 1 
BEDFORDSHIRE MAN: Hoped that the engagements of the army had 
given nothing away that was the people's rights. As to the change 
of Government, there migbt be dangers in it, but there might be more 
dangers without it. Moved that there might be free liberty to act for 
the people's good and that all who conceived themselves bound up 
would desist, and not hinder the people in a more perfect way. 
CAPT. A WDELEY urged the immediate appointing of a Committee. 
LIEUT. -COL. GOFFE begged to put his honour in mind of what he 
moved even now, (viz. that there might be a seeking of God in the 
things that now lie before them), mourned the withdrawal of God's 
presence and urged that they should seriously set themselves to seek 
the Lord; and proposed the morrow as the best day. 
LIEUT.-GEN. CRü:\IWELL: "I know not what [time] Lieut.-Co!. Goffe 
means for tomorrow for the time of seeking God. I think it will be 
requisite that we do it speedily, and do it the first thing, and that we 
do it as unitedly as we can, as many of us as well may meet together. 
For my part I shall lay aside all business for this business, either to 
convince or be convinced as God shall please. I think it would be 
good that tomorrow morning be spent in prayer, and the afternoon 
might be the time of our business. I do not know if2 these gentlemen 
do assent to it that tomorrow in the afternoon might be the time." 
LIEl'T.-COL. GOFFE agreed to this. 
Cü:\DIISSARY IRETON acknowledged himself as much moved by what 
LIEUT.-COL. GOFl<'E had said; feared they none of them walked as closely 
with God as they should, urged that the main thing was for each of 
them individually to wait upon God, and proposed that the next fore- 
noon should be set apart for all to spend in prayer, but either in private 
or public as each thought best. 
Agreed for the meeting for prayer to be at 1\11'. Chamberlain's. 
LIEUT.-GEN. CRU:\IWELL urged that they should not meet as two 
contrary parties but as some desirous to satisfy or convince each other. 
MR. PETTY had only done what was desired by the agents that sent 
him, but not knowing their sense as to the meeting, he could only gh'e 
his own consent to it. 

1 Cromwell's dread of division is commented on in Berkeley's Memoirs. " After 
Cromwell quitted the Parliament, his chief depc>ndence was on the army, which 
he endeavoured by all means to keep in unity, and if he could not bring it to his 
sense, he, rather than suffer any division in it, went over himself and carried his 
friends with him into that way which the army did choose." lWasen's Tracts, i. 364. 
2" that" in MS. 



[28 Oct. 

BUFF COAT spoke to the same effect. 
LIEUT.-GEN. CR03IWELL: "I hope we know God better than to make 
appearances of religious meetings covers for designs as for insinuations 
amongst you. I de
ire that God that hath given us some sincerity 
will own us according to His own goodness and that sincerity that He 
hath given us. I dare be confident to speak it, that [design] that hath 
been among-st us hitherto is to seek the guidances of God, and to re- 
cover that presence of God that seems to withdraw from us ; 1 and our 
end is to accomplish that work which may be for the good of the king- 
dom. It seems to us in this as much as anything we are not of a mind, 1 
and for our parts we do not desire or offer you to be with us in our 
seeking of God further than your own satisfactions lead you but onlr 
[that] against tomorrow in the aflernoon (which will be designed for the 
consideration of these businesses with you) you will do what you may 
to have so many as you 
hall think fit, to see what God will direct you 
to say to us. That-while
 we are going one way and you another- 
we be not both destroyed. This req uires spirit. It may be too soon 
to say, it is my present apprehension; I had rather we should devolve 
our strength to you than that the kingdom for our division should 
suffer loss.2 For that's in all our hearts, to profess above anything 
that's worldly the public good of the people; and if that be in our 
hearts truly and nakedly, I am confident it is a principle that will 
stand. Perhaps God may unite us and carry us both one way. And 
therefore I do desire you, that again
t tomorrow in the afternoon, if 
you judge it meet, you will come to us to the Quartermaster-General's 
quarters, where you will find us [at prayer] if you will come timely to 
join with us, [or] at your liberty, if afterwards, to speak with us, there a 
you will find us." 
.MR. \VILDMAN wished to return to the earlier business ofthe meeting. 
It was said that as the agents insisted on Engagements in the" Case 
of the Army" it was therefore contrary to their principles that an 
Engagement which was unjust should lawfully be broken. 4 The prin- 
ciple that a man once engaged, though the engagement appeared to 
be unjust, must sit down and suffer under it-and that therefore, if 
they were engaged to submit to the laws made by Parliament, they 
must swear obedience even to unrighteous laws-seemed to him very 

1 " And it seems as much to us in this as anything we are not all of a mind. And 
lO accomplish that work which may be for the good of the kingdom is our end." MS. 
2 See quotation from Berkeley, p. 357 llùte, above. 
3" and there" in MS. oJ See Irelon's speech, p. 353 above. 




dangerous and contrary to the first declaration of the army. 1 The 
agents desired nothing but the union of the army, but the necessities 
of the kingdom were such that it might be lo
t by two or three days' 
delay, as there might be an agreement by propositions between the 
King and Parliament. They [the agents] were satisfied that their way 
was ju
t and meant to go on with it. T})e main thing was to secure 
the right., of the people in their Parliaments, as insisted on by the 
Declaration of .June 14. If the thing was just or the people's due, no 
Engagemeut could bind them from it, therefore it was only the justice 
of the thing that needed to be considered. 
(;0:\1. IRETON declared that he was far from holding that if a man 
had engaged him:self to what it were sin to perform, he was still bound 
to do it; but what they were talking of was not so much of what was 
sinful before God as of what was just bet"een man aud man; and he 
conceived that the great foundation of right and justice betwixt man 
and man wa
 that they <:hollld keep covenant one with another. If the 
principle of covenant, of contract were taken away, what right had a 
man to his estate or his goods. \\rhen he heard that the keeping of 
engagements was to depend only on the" wild or vast notion of what 
in e,'ery man's conception is just or unjust" he trembled at the endless 
consequences of it. It was argued that if this engagement were just, 
then all the engagements made before, if they were against it, were 
unjust; but there was a great deal of equivocation as to what is just 
au d unj ust. 
\V ILD:\IAN aud IRETON carried on their contention for some time, 
interrupted only by a suggestion from CAPT. AWDELEY that if they 
tarried long, the King would come and say who would be hanged 
LIEUT.-GEN. CRü:\IWELL: "Let me speak a word to this business. 'Ve 
are now upon that business which we spake of consulting with God 
about, and therefore for us to dispute the merit of those things, I judge 
it altogether unreasonable 2 unless you will make it the subject of de- 
bate before you consider it among yourselves. The business of the 
Engagement[ s] lies upon us. They:l are free in a double respect; they 
made none, and if they did, then the way out is now, and [it is a \\ ay] 
which all the members of the army, except they be sensible of it [may 
take] and at one jump jump out of all [engagements] and it is a very 
great jump, I will assure you. 4 As we profess we intend to seek the 

1 i.e., the II Declaration of the Army" of June 14, 1647. 
2.. about it" in MS. 
3.. they," i.e., the representatives of the five regiments and the agents of the 
Londoners. (Note by .
lr. Firth.) 
4 This seems to be sarcastic: they made no engagements, or if they did, they now 
say they are free to break them all; and all the army may take the like big jump. 
unless they happen to be sensible of their obligations. 



[28 Oct. 

Lord in the thing, the less we speak in it [now] the better, and the 
more we cast ourselves upon God the better. 
I shall only speak two things to 
Ir. UTildman in order to our 
meeting. l\Iethought he said: if there be delay he fears this business 
will be determined, the propositions will be sent from the Parliament, 
and the Parliament and King agree, and so those gentlemen that were 
in that mind to go on in their way will be cut off in point of time to 
their own disad,'antage. And the other thing he said was, that these 
gentlemen who have chosen 
Ir. \\'ildman and that other gentleman 1 
to be their mouth at this meeting to deliver their minds, they are 
upon the matter engaged in what they have resolved upon, and they 
come as engaged men upon their own resolution. If that he so, I 
think there neither needs consideration of the former, for you will not 
be anticipated. If that be so, you [can] work accordingly. And 
though you do meet us, yet having that resolution, you cannot be 
prevented in your way 2 by any proposition or any such thing; though 
we should have come hither and we should meet tomorrow as a com- 
pany of men that really would be guided by God. If any come to us 
tomorrow only to instruct us and teach us, how far that will consist 
with the liberty of a free 3 [ debate] or all end of satisfaction, I refer to 
every sober-spirited man to think of and determine. .a I think it is 
such a pre-engagement that there is no need of talk of the thing. 
And I see then, if that be so, things are in such an irrevocable way-I 
will not call it desperate-as there is no hope of accommodation or 
union, except we receive the counsels-I will not call it the commands 
-of them that come to us. I desire that we may rightly understand 
this thing. If this be so, I do not understand what the end of the 
meeting will be. If this be not 80, we 1\ will [not] draw any man from 
their engagments further than the light of God shall draw them from 
their engagements; and J think, according to your own principle, if 
you be upon any Engagement you are liable to be convinced unless 
you be infallible. If we may come to an honest and single debate, 
how we may all agree in one common way for public good; if we meet 
so, we shall meet with a great deal the more comfort and hopes of a 
good and happy iRsue and understanding of the business. But if 

1 Petty. 2 MS., II in your way you cannot be prevented." 
:I MS., II the liberty of a free liberty." 
· Tbe last two words transferred from three lines before. 
1\ MS., .. that they," i.e., Cromwell and the Council. The reporter changes into 
orafio obli'lua for a moment. (A'ote by.lir. Firth.) 




otherwise, I despair of the meeting, or at least I would have the meet- 
ing to be of another notion, a meeting that did reprefolent the agitators 
of five Regiments to give rules to the Council of 'Val'. If it signify 
this, for my own part I shall be glad to submit to it under this notion. 
If it be a free debate what may be fit for us all to do, with clearness 
and openneHs before the Lord, let us understand, that we may come 
and meet so and in that sincerity. I Otherwise I do verily believe we 
shall meet with prejudice, and we shall meet to prejudice-really to 
the prejudice of the kingdom and of the whole army. Thus, if we be 
absolutely resolved upon our way and engaged beforehand, the king- 
dom will see it is such a real actual division as admits of no recon- 
ciliation, and all those that are enemies to us and friends to our 
enemies, will have the clearer advantage upon us, to put us into in- 
conveniency. And I desire if there be any fear of God among us, I 
desire that we may declare ourselves freely, that we do meet upon 
these terms." 
COL. RAINBOROWE supported Urildman's argument, but believed 
there was" no such distance betwixt thefole gentlemen as is imagined," 
but that they would hear reason and be advised by the Council, and 
hoped for a happy meeting on the morrow. 
BUFF COAT said that he would break an hundred obligations a day 
" if afterwards God should reveal Himself." 
MR. \\rILDMAN: Provided that which is done tends to either self- 
destruction or destruction of one's neighbour. 
LIEUT.-GEN. CRü:\JWELL: "I think clearly you were understood to 
put it upon an issue where there is clearly a case of destruction, public 
destruction and ruin; and I think this will bring- it into consideration 
whether or no our Engagements have really in them that that hath 
public destruction and ruin necessarily following. Or whether or no 
we may not give way too much to our own doubts or fears? 
whether it be lawful to break a covenant upon our own doubts and 
fears will be the issue. I think [best] if we agree to defer the debate, to 
nominate a Committee." 

After some remarks from RAINBOROWE, IRETON and "''''ILDlIIAN, MR. 
LOCKYER observed that he gathered that destruction was something 
near, and that the cause thereof was supposed to be "the going of the 
proposals to the King." Thought that they should be brought hither, 
that it might be seen what they were. 

I Four words transferred from the previous lint>. 



[28 Oct. 

LIEUT.-GEN. CRmfwELL: "The question is whether the propositions 
will save us, or [whether they will] not destroy us. This discourse 
concludes nothing.'> 
CAPT. MERRDIAN thoug-ht that fundamentally both parties of them 
desired the same thing, and hoped that their meeting would be for good, 
not evil. 
BUFF COAT: Although the gentleman who has come along' with 
them [\Vìldmau] has declared their resolutions, yet if God gives them 
further light, they will not deny it. They have not come resolved 
nolens volens and desire there may be better thoughts of them than 
LIEUT. CHILLENDEN hoped that the hearts of the gentlemen of the 
five regiments tended to peace and that they would willingly come on 
the mor
?w and join "with sweet compliance in communicating 
LIEUT.-GENERAL CRü:\fWEI,L: "That which this gentleman 1 hath 
moved I like exceeding well; he hath fully declared himself con- 
cerning' the freedom of their spirit as to principles. In g-eneral they 
aim at peace and safety, and really I am persuaded in my conscience 
it is their aim [to act] as may be most for the good of the people, for 
really if that be not the supreme good to us under God (the good of 
the people) our principles fall. N ow if that be in your spirit';:j and our 
spirits it remains only that God show us the way, and lead us [in] the 
way, which I hope He will. And give me leave [to add] that there 
may be some prejudices upon some of your spirits, and [upon] such 
men that do affect your way, that they may have some jealousies and 
apprehensions that we are wedded and glued to forms of government; 
so that whatsoever we may pretend, it is in vain for [you] to speak to 
us, or to hope for any agreement from us to you; and I believe [also] 
some such apprehensions as [to] some part of the legislative power of 
the kingdom, where it may rest besides in the Commons of the king- 
dom. You will find that we are far from being so particularly engaged 
to anything to the prejudice of this-further than the notorious en- 
gagements that the world takes notice of-that we should not concur 
with you that the foundation and supremacy is in the people, radically 
in them, and to be set down by them in their representations. 2 And 

1 i.e.. Buff Coat. 
2 "Some people believe we are engaged to maintain the authority of the House 
of Lords. Waller asserts that Cromwell and Ireton privately t:ntered into an 
engagement to maintain the rights of the House of Lords in August I6-f7> when 
the nine Lords joined the army!' Vindication, p. 192. (Note by .illr. Firth.) 




if we do so [concur, we may also concur] how we may run to that end 
that we all aim at for 1 that that does remain and therefore let us only 
name the Committee." 
LIEl'T.-COL. GOFFE was fully persuaded that if God carried them to 
meet sincerely, and freely open themselves before the Lord, they might 
be found going on according to His will. 
:\IR. ALI.EN questioned whether" these gentlemen" had power to 
debate, and if not, thought they should have recourse to those that 
sent them to see what powers might be given them. Unless they 
could have a full debate, the meeting would be "useless and endless." 
LIEUT.-GEN. CROMWELL: "That gentleman says he will do what he 
can to draw all or the most of them hither to be heard tomorrow; and 
J desire Mr. nrildman, that if they have auy friends that are of a 
loving spirit, that would contribute to this business of a right under- 

tallding [they would come with him]. And I say no more but this, ] 
pray God judge between you aud us when we do meet, whether we 
come with engaged spirits to uphold our own resolutions and opinions 
or whether we shall lay down ourselves to be rulerl by 2 that which he 
shall communicate." 

After a few words from RAINBOROWE, hoping that the gentlemen 
would come with power not only to debate but to act, a Committee of 
eighteen was chosen to confer with the agitators of the five regiments 
and such gentlemen as should come with them about the Agreement 
now brought in, and their own declarations and engagements. 

(2) At the Jleeting of the officers for calling upon God according to 
the appointment of the General Council 

Putney, October 29. 
After discourses from CmUUSSARY COWLING, MAJOR \VHITE, CAPT. 
Mr. Firth points out, is the BUFF COAT of the previous meeting) and 
others, the LIEl'T.-GENERAL said: 
"I think it would not be amiss that those gentlemen that are come 
would draw nigher. 
"I must offer this to your consideration, whether or no we, having 
set apart this morning to seek God, and to get such a preparedness of 
heart and spirit as might receive that, that God was minded to have 
imparted to us, and this having taken up all our time, all this day, 

1 MS., ,. or." 

2 " and .. in MS. 



[29 Oct. 

and it having been so late this last night as indeed it was when we 
brake up, and we having appointed a committee to meet together to 
consider of that paper, and this committee having had no time or op- 
portunity that I know of
 not so much as a meeting, I make some 
scruple or doubt whether or no it is not better,-[I know] that danger 
is imagined [near at hand] and indeed I think it is,-but be the danger 
what it will, our agreement in the business is much more [pressing] 
than the pressing of any danger, so by that we do not delay.too. That 
which I have to offer [is] whether or no we are [as] fit to take up such 
a consideration of these papers now as we might be to-morrow. Per- 
haps if the
e gentlemen, which are but few, and that committee should 
meet together, and spend their time together an hour or two, the 
remainder of the afternoon, and all this company might meet about 
nine or ten o'clock at furthest, they 1 [might] understand one another 
so well as we might be prepared for the general meeting to have a more 
exact and particular consideration of things than [we can have] by a 
general loose debate of things, which our committee, or at least many 2 
of us have [not] had any, or at least not many thoughts about." 
BOROWE urged that as they were all met there together 
they might go on, and thought that the more public the debate was, 
the better. The Committee might still meet for an hour or two after- 
ired that the Council might at once consider upon 
some way of easing them. He did not desire to ruinate any wholesome 
laws, but only such as would not stand with the peace of the kingdom. 
CAPT. AWDELEY desired to second this gentleman's motion. \Vhile 
they debated, they did nothing. 
LIEUT.-GEN CROMWELL: "I think it is true. Let us be doing, but 
let us be united in our doing. If there remain nothing else but present 
action 3 I think we need not be in Council here. But if we do not 
rightly and clearly understand one another before we come to act, if 
we do not lay a foundation of action before we do act, I doubt whether 
we shall act unanimously or no. And seriously, as before the Lord, I 
knew no such end of our speech the last night, and appointing another 
meeting, but in order to a more perfect understanding of one another 
what we should do, and that we might be agreed upon some principles 
of action. And truly, if I remember rightly, upon 4 the delivery of 
1 :\IS., "and they." 2MS., "any." 
3The MS. inserts after" action," "I mean doing in that kind, doing in that 
sort," and after" here," .. such kind of action, action of that nature." 
"MS.. "that upon." 




the paper that was yesterday, this was offered, that the things [that] 
are now upon us are things of difficulty, the things are therefore things 
that do deserve consideration, because there might be great weight in 
the consequences; and it was then offered, and I hope is still so in all 
our hearts, that we are not troubled with the comdderation of the diffi- 
culty, nor with the consideration of anything' but this; that if we do 
difficult things we may see that the things we do have the will of God 
in them, that they are not only plausible and good things but season- 
able and honest things, fit for us to do. And therefore it was desired 
that we might consider before we could come to these papers, in what 
condition we stood in respect of former engagements; however 1 some 
may be satisfied that there lie none upon us, or none but such as it's 
duty to break, it's sin to keep. Therefore that was yesterday promised 
[that] there may be a consideration had of them-and I may speak it as in 
the presence of God that I know nothing of any Engagements, but I 
would see liberty in any man, as I would be free from bondage to any- 
thing that should hinder me from doing my duty-and therefore that 
was first in consideration. If our obligation be nothing, or if it be 
weak, J hope it will receive satisfaction why it should be laid a8ide, that 
the things that we speak of are not obliged. And therefore if it please 
you I think it will be good for us to frame our discourse to what we 
were, where we are, what we are bound to, what we are free to ; and 
then I make no question but that this may conclude what is between 
these gentlemen in one afternoon. I do not speak this to make obli- 
gations more than what they were before, but as before the Lord. 
You will see what they are 2 and when we look upon them we shall see 
if3 we have been in a wrong way, and I hope it will call upon us for 
the more double diligence." 
COI,. RAINBOROWE had hoped that the Committee was to decide 
whether the paper "did hold forth justice and righteousness," but if 
they were to spenrl ten days in dh:cussing what engagement.q they had 
broken, or whether they had broken any or no, or what they had kept, 
he believed evil would overtake them before they had set upon the 
work at all; he therefore prayed that the agreement might be read and 
debated on, and that they would either accept it or think of some other 

1 MS.. ,. which however." 
2 Cromwell at this point seems to have produced the book of Army Declarations, 
printed by Matthew Simmons in September 1647. (Note by Mr. Firth.) 
3 MS., .. that." 



[29 Oct. 

LIEUT.-GEN CROMWELL: "I shall but offer this to you. Truly I 
hope that we may speak our hearts freely here; and I hope there is 
not such an evil amongst us as that we could or would exercise our 
wits or our cunning to veil over any doubleness of heart that may 
pm:sibly be in us. I hope, having been in such a presence as we have 
been this day, we do not admit of such a thought as thi!'; into our hearts. 
And therefore if the speaking of that we did I"peak before, and to which 
I shall speak again, with !';ubmission to all that hear me-if the declin- 
ing to consider this paper may have with any man a working 1 upon 
his spirit through any jealousy that it aims at delay; truly I can speak 
it as before the Lord, it is not at all in my heart, but sincerely this is 
the ground of it. I know this paper doth contain many good things 
in it, but this is the only thing that doth stick with me, the desiring to 
know my freedom to this thing. Though thifol doth suggest that that 
may be the bottom of all our evils-and I will not say ag-ainst it because 
I do not think against it-though this doth suggest the bottom of all 
our evils, yet for all of us to see ourselves free to this [so] as we may 
unanimously join upon this, either to agree to this or to add more to 
it, [or] to alter as we shall agree, this impediment lies in our way [even] 
if every man be satisfied with it but myself: That this is the first thing 
that is to be considered, that we should consider in what condition we 
stand to our former obligations, that if we be clear we may go off clear, 
if not, we may not go on. If I be not come off [clear] with what ob- 
ligations are made, if I be not free to act to whatsoever you shall agree 
upon, I think this is my duty; that I should not in the least study 
either to retard your work or hinder it, or to act against it, but 
you as much success as if I were free to act with you. J desire we 
may view over our obligations and engagements, that so we may be 
free, upon honest and clear grounds, if this be [possible]." 
COL RAINBOROWE: "My desire-" 
LIEUT.-GEN. CROMWELL: "I have but one word to prevent you in, 
and that is for imminent danger. It may be posfolibl y so [imminent] 
that [it] may not admit of an hour's debate, nor nothing of delay. If 
that be so, I think that's above all law and rule to us." 
COL. RAINBOROWE urged that they should read the paper and not at 
this time consider the engagements. 
Cmf. COWLING declared the necessity of expedition, especialìy con- 
sidering' the state of the army, now upon free quarters. 
1 MS., " work." 

1647. ] 



MAJOR \\r RITE I thought that any particular engagements should yield 
to the public good. 
LIEUT.-GEN. CRmIWELL: "I desire to know what the gentleman 
means concerning particular engagements; if he means those that are 
in this book? If those that are in this book [they are the engagements 
of the army]. But if he means engagements personal from particular 
perS01l8, let every man speak for himself: I speak for myself, I dis- 
avow all, anrl I am free to act, free from any such-" 
MAJOR n r HITE: If they be such as are passed by the Representative 
[i.e., the General Council] of the army, the army is bound to go on 
with them. 
COL. HEWSON: All the engag-ements declared for have been by the 
Representative of the army, and are the cause of the cloud now hanging 
over their heads. 
MR. PETTUS proposed that the agreement might be read, and that 
" when any of the matter shall come to touch upon any engagement" 
so as to break it, then the engagement might be shown and debated. 
COM.-GEN. IRETON declared that he himself was not personally or 
privately engaged in any way, and if he WM he would not let his 
engagements stand in any man's way. Nor did he care for the en- 
gagements of the army so much for their own sake as for the army's, 
which had hitherto carried on the interests of God and His people, and 
must not now incur the scandal of neglecting engagements and of 
deceiving the world, giving occasion to think that they are the dis- 
turbers of the peace of mankind. He agreed to the plan of reading 
the paper first, taking into consideration its relation to their engage- 
ments amongst other things afterwards. 
After a few words from COL. RAINBOROWE, the Agreement was read, 
and a long debate followed upon the first Article, the supporters of 
which demanded manhood suffrage. 
This was opposed by IRETON', whose view was that" no person hath a 
l'ight to an interest or share in the disposing' or determining the affairs 
of the kingdom, and in choosing those that shall determine what laws 
we shall be ruled by here . . . that hath not a permanent fixed in- 
terest in this kingdom . . . that is the persons in whom all land lies, 
and those in corporations in whom all trading" lies." He desired equal 
electoral districts and agreed to an extension of the franchise, but 
believed that manhood suffrage would be subversive of all rights of 
property and a taking away of the" fundamental Civil Constitution" 
of the kingdom. 
COL. RAINBonowE argued hotly in favour of the Article, and at lell
declared that Ireton and his party not only believed that they [the 
proposers of the agreement] were for anarchy, but wished to make all 
the world believe it too. 

1 Mr. Firth points out that this can hardly be Major Francis White, as he had 
been expelled from the Council. 



[29 Oct. 

LIEUT.-GEN. CROMWELL: "I know nothing but this, that they that 
are the most yielding have the greatest wisdom; but really, Sir, this 
is not right as it should be. No man says that you have a mind to 
anarchy, but the consequence of this rule tends to anarchy, must end 
in anarchy; for where is there any bound or limit set if you take away 
this [limit] that men that have no interest but the interest of breathing 
[shall have no voice in elections]. Therefore I am confident on't we 
should not be so hot one with another." 
The debate continued, being chiefly a duel between IRETON and 
RAINBOROWE, the former being supported by COL. RICH, the latter by 
declared that they-the soldiers-had risked their lives to recover their 
birthrights, and now they were told that "except a man hath a fixed 
e!3tate in this kingdom, he hath no right in this kingdom." He 
wondered they were so much deceived. If they had no rights in the 
kingdom, they were mere mercenary soldiers. But they have as much 
a birthright as those two [Cromwell and Ireton] who are their law- 
g-ivers, and he is resoh'ed to give up his birthrig-ht to no man. The 
poor and the mean of the kingdom have been the means of its preser- 
vation; they are as free from anarchy as their opposers, ami they will 
not lose that which they have contended for. 
HUGH PETERS apparently desired a compromise, being" clear the 
point of elections should be amended." 
LIEl'T.-GEN. CROMWELL: "I confess I was most dissatisfied with that 
I heard Mr. Sexby speak of any man here, because it did savour so 
much of will. But I desire tbat all of us may decline that, and if we 
meet here really to agree to that which was for the safety of the king- 
dom, let us not spend so much time in such debates as these are, but 
let us apply ourselves to such thing-s as are conclush-e, and that shall 
be this: Everybody here would be willing that the Representative 
might be mended, that is, it might be better than it is. Perhaps it 
may be offered in that paper 1 too lamely. If the thing be insisted 
upon [as] too limited, why perhaps there are a very considerable part 
of copyholder8 by inheritance that ought to have a voice, and there 
may be somewhat too, reflects upon the generality of the people. J 
know our debates are endless. If we think to bring it to an issue this 
way, and I think if you do [desire to] bring this to a result,2 it were 
well if we may resolve upon a committee. 3 If I cannot be satisfied to 
1 II That paper" is the Heads of the Proposals, II this paper," the Agreement 
now presented. 
2 Clause transposed from end of the speech. 
3 II Cromwell in difficulties generally moved for a Committee. "-Mr. Firth. 
Preface to 3rd vol. of Clarke Papers. 

1647. ] 



go so far as these gentlemen that bring this paper (I say it again), 1 
profess 1 shall freely and willingly withdraw myself, and 1 hope to do 
it in such a manner that the army shall see that 1 shall, by my with- 
drawing, satisfy the interest of the army, the public interest of the 
kingdom and those ends these men aim at." 
COL. RAINBOROWE had heard nothing yet to satisfy him. He was not 
against a committee, and would be as ready as anyone to draw back if 
he saw that what he wished \\ould destroy the kingdom; but until he 
did see that he should refuse to sell his birthright. 
MR. SEXBY thought it a miserable thing that they had fought all 
this time for nothing. If he [Cromwell] had advertised them of it, he 
would have had fewer men under his command. And as to putting 
off this question and going to another, the army would settle upon no 
other until this was done. \\-'as loath to make divisions, but unless 
this was put to a question, he despaired of an issue. 
CAPT. CLARKE urged moderation, not making reflections upon each 
other, but with" droppings of love" upon one another's hearts. 
CAPT. AWDELEY complained that apparently the dispute was going to 
last until the 10th [i.e., the Ides] of March. They [the two disputing 
parties] had brought things into a fair pass, and if their reasons were 
not satisfied and everyone did not fetch water from their wells, they 
threatened to withdraw. 'Vished they might all rise and go to their 
LIEUT.-GEN. CRO}!WELL: "Really for my own part I must needs 
say, whiles we say we would not make reflections we do make re- 
flections; and if 1 had not come hither with a free heart to do that 
that 1 was persuaded in my conscience is my duty 1 should a thousand 
times rather have kept myself away. For I do think 1 had brought 
upon myself the greatest sin that 1 was [ever] guilty of if 1 should 
have come to have stood before God in that former duty without 
saying that 1 which 1 did say and shall persevere to say, that 1 cannot 
against my conscience do anything. 
"They that have stood so much for liberty of conscience, if they 
will not grant that liberty to every man, but say it is a deserting 1 
know not what-if that be denied me, 1 think there is not that 
equality that [is] professed to be amongst us. 2 1 said this and 1 say 

1 MS., "and if that my saying." 
2Compare with these remarks about freedom of conscience a similar passage 
in Speech III. (vol. ii. p. 383). "The remainder of this speech is simply a chaos 
of detached phrases from different sentences. The argument seems to be, 'If you 
claim liberty to follow your consciences, but will not grant me liberty to follow 
mine, there is no equality between us. Though we conscientiously believe that 
under certain circumstances we ought to resign our commands, you taunt us as if 



[29 Oct. 

110 more, but 1 make your businesses as well as you can, we might 
bring things to an understanding, it was to be hrought to a fair com- 
posure, and when you have said, if you "hould put this paper to the 
question without any qualifications I doubt whether it would pa!õ;s so 
freely, if we would have no difference we ought to put it; and let me 
speak clearly and freely, I have heard other gentlemen do the like, 
I have not heard the Commissary General answered, not in a part to my 
knowledge, not in a tittle, if therefore when I see there is an extremity 
of difference between you, to the end it may be brought nearer to a 
general satisfaction, and if this be thought a deserting of that interest, 
if there can be anything more sharply said, I will not give it an ill 
word. Though we should be satisfied in our conscience!'; in what we 
do, we are told we purpose to leave the army or to leave our commands 
as if we took upon us to do it in matter of will. I did hear some gentle- 
men speak more of will than anything that was spoken this way, for 
more was spoken by way of will than of satisfaction, and if there be not 
a more equality in our minds, I can but grieve for it, I must do no 
more. .. 

After further arguments from IRETON, RAINBOROWE and PETTUS. 
LIEUT.-GEN. CROlUWELL: "Here's the mistake; [the whole question 
is] whether that's the better Constitution in that paper or that which is 
[now]. But if you will go upon such a ground as that although a better 
Constitution was offered for the removing of the worse, yet some 
gentlemen are resolved to stick to the worse, there might be a great 
deal of prejudice upon such an apprehension. I think you are by this 
time satisfied that it is a clear mistake; but it is a dispute 2 whether or 
no this be better; nay, whether it be not destructive to the kingdom." 
During the further discussion which followed, LIEUT. CHILLENDEN 
moved that according to the Lieut.-General's motion, a committee 
might be chosen; CAPT. A WDELEY explained that his complaints against 
delay were not only against Lieut.-Gen. Cromwell and the Commissary 
General but against all "that would dispute till we have our throats 
cut." He would die in asserting that it is the right of every free-born 
man to elect. 
IRETON again protested against altering the Constitution, and de- 

we were following our wills instead of our consciences and accuse us of deserting 
the cause. Can anything be more harshly said: In answer to Sexby's demand 
for an immediate vote Cromwell again proposes that the question should be referred 
to a committee to try to make a fair compromise." (Note by Mr. Fwtlz.) 
1" that" in MS. 2 i,e., it is disputable. 




clared that if there were any thing that was a foundation of liberty at 
all, it was" that those who shall chose the law-makers shall be men freed 
from dependance upon others." 
LIEUT.-GEN. CRü:\IWELL: "If we !';hould go about to alter these things, 
I do not think that we are bound to fight for every particular proposi- 
tion. Servants while servants are not included. Then you agree that 
he that receh'es alms is to be excluded." 
:\IR. E'"ERARD said he came from the agents of the five regiments in 
consequence of the Lieut.-General's desire for an understanding, who 
had prayed them to show their wish for unity by coming. He was 
marvellously taken up with the plainness of the Lieut.-General's 
e, aud aithough he was warned by some that they would be 
kept in debate and dispute until all would go to ruin, he said" I will 
bring them to you. You shall see if their hearts be so; for my part I 
see nothing but plainness and uprightness of heart made manifest to 
you." The one thing in which they differed was that the other party 
conceived that this debating and disputations would do the work, while 
they believed they must put themselves into the privileges which 
they wanted. 
SIR HARDRESS \V ALLER agreed with the last speaker that disputings 
would not do the thing, and thought they should let all the powers, 
"Parliament or King or whoever they are," know "that these are 
our rights and if we have them not we must get them the best way 
we can." 

LIEUT.-GEN. CROMWELL: "I think you say very well, and my 
friend at my back [Everard], he tells me that [there] are great fears 
abroad, and they talk of some things such as are not only specious 
to take a great many people with, but real and substantial, and such 
as are comprehensive of that that hath the good of the kingdom in it. 
Truly if there be never so much desire of carrying on these things 
[together] never so much desire of conjunction, yet if there be not 
liberty of speech to come to a right understanding of things, I think 
it shall be all one as if there were no desire at all to meet. I may say 
it with truth that I verily believe there is as much reality and hearti- 
ness amongst us [as amongst you] to come to a right understanding, 
and to accord with that that hath the settlement of the kingdom in it. 
Though when it comes to particulars we may differ in the way, yet 
] know nothing but that every honest man will go as far as his con- 
science will let him, and he that will go further I think he will fall 
back. And I think when that principle is written in the hearts of us, 
and when there is not hypocrisy in our dealings, we must all of us 
resolve upon this, that 'tis God that persuades the heart; if there 



[1 Nov. 

be a doubt of sincerity, it's the devil that created that effect; and 'tis 
God that gives uprightness, and I hope with such an heart that we 
have all met withal; if we have not, God find him out that came with- 
out it, for my part I do it:' 
This was Cromwell's last contribution to the debate, which ended 
with a warm defence by Ireton of the conduct of the officers and of the 
views contained in the" Heads of the Proposals of the Army." 
Next day the Committee of Officers and Agitators resolved on certain 
articles concerning the duration, succession and constitution of future 
Parliaments, one of which provided for equal electoral districts and 
gave the franchise to all freeborn English or free denizens of England 
who had served or assisted Parliament during the war. 

(3) At the Meeting of the General Council of the Arrny on Novernber 1 
LIEUT.-GEN. CROMWELL first moved that everyone might speak 
their experiences as the issue of what God had given in answer to their 
CAPT. ALLEN 1 made a speech expressing the experiences of himself 
and other godly people: that the work that was before them was to 
take away the negative voice of the King and Lords. 
LU.BURNE gave their experiences. 
LIEUT.-GEN. CROMWELL: "To that which hath been moved concerning' 
the negative vote, or things which have been delivered in papers and 
otherwise may present a real pleasing :-1 do not say that they have all 
pleased, for I think that the King is King by contract, and I shall say 
as Christ said, 'Let him that is without sin cast the first stone'; and 
mind that word of bearing one with another; it was taught us to-day. 
If we had carried it on in the Parliament and by our power without 
any things laid on [us of] that kind, so that we could say that we were 
without transgression, I should then say it were just to cut off trans- 
gressors, but considering that we are in our own actions failing in 
many particulars, I think there is much necessity of pardoning of 
"For the actions that are to be done and those that must do them: 
I think it is their proper place to conform to the Parliament that first 
gave them their being; and I think it is considerable 2 whether they 

1 Francis Allen, of Ingoldsby's regiment; Major Allen of Berkshire. Thurloe, 
iv. 285. (Note by Mr. Fir/It.) 
2 II Considerable," i.e., II to be considered of."' The sense seems to be: II J 
think they ought to consider whether they intend to suppress the royalists (?) by the 




do contrive to suppress the power of that power or no. If they do 
continue [? contrive] to suppress them, how they can take the deter- 
mination of commanding men, conducting men, quartering men, 
keeping guards, without an authority otherwise than from themselves, 
I am ignorant of. And therefore I think there is much need in the 
army to conform to those things that are within their sphere. For 
those things that have been done in the army,-as this of the Case of 
the Army truly Stated-there is much in it useful and to be con- 
descended to, but 1 am not satisfied how far we shall press [it]. Either 
they are a Parliament or no Parliament. If they be no Parliament, 
they are nothing and we are nothing likewise. 1 If they be a Parlia- 
ment, we are to offer it to it. If I could see a visible presence of the 
people, either by subscriptions or number, [I should be satisfied with 
it]; for in the government of nations that which is to be looked after 
is the affections of the people, and that I find which satisfies my con- 
science in the present thing. 
[Consider the case of the Jews.] They were first [divided into] 
families where they lived, and had heads of families [to govern them], 
and they were [next] under judges, and [then] they were under kings. 
"'hen they came to desire a king, they had a king; first elective, and 
secondly by succession. In all these kind
 of government tIley were 
happy and contented. If you make the best of it, if you should change 
the government to the best of it, it is but a moral 2 thing. It is but as 
Paul says 'dros
 and dung in comparison of Christ' ; 3 and when 4 we 
shall so tar contest for temporal things that &I if we cannot have this 
freedom we will venture life and livelihood for it; when every man 
shall come to this condition, I think the State shall come to desolation. 
Therefore the considering of what is fit for the kingdom does belong' 
to the Parliament-well composed in their creation and election-how 
far, I shall leave it to the Parliament to offer it. There may be care,- 
That the elections or forms of Parliament are very illegal, as I could 
name but one, for a corporation to choose two. I shall desire that there 

power of tbe Parliament." (Note by Mr. Firtn.) But it would seem that it was 
the suppression of the power of Parliament against which Cromwell was arguing 
rather than that of the royalists, in whicb case the sense probably is : II whether 
they are contriving to suppress the exercise of power by that (Parliamentarv) power 
or no." 

I Because the Parliament gave us our being. See p. 372 abO\t:. 
2 Possibly should be II small." 3 Pbilippians iii. 8. 
-I MS., II wby." Ii MS., II yet." 



[1 N ov 

may be a form for the electing of Parliaments. And another thing is 1 
the perpetuity of the Parliament, that there is no assurance to the 
people but that it is perpetual, which does satisfy the kingdom 2 and 
for other things that are to the King's negative vote, as may cast you 
off wholly, it hath been the resolution of the Parliament and of the 
army. If there be a possibility of the Parliament's offering those 
things to the King that may secure us, I think there is much may be 

id for the doing of it. 
"As for the present condition of the army, I shall speak somewhat 
of it. For the conduct of the army, I perceive there are several 
declarations from the army, aud disobligatious to the General's order, 
by calling rendezvous and otherwise. I must confess I have a com- 
mission from the General and I understand that [i.e. what] J am to do 
by it. I shall conform to him according to the rules and discipline of 
war, and according to those rules I ought to be conformable; 3 and 
therefore I conceive it is not in the power of any particular men or any 
particular man in the army to call a rendezvous of a troop or regiment 
or [in the] least 4 to disoblige the army from those commands of the 
general. This way is destructive to the army and to every particular 
man in the army. I have been informed by some of the King's party 
that if they give us rope enough we will hang ourselves. [\Ve shall 
hang ourselves] if we do not conform to the rules of war, and therefore 
I shall move what we shall centre upon. If it have but the face of 
authority, if it be but a hare swimming over the Thames, he will take 
hold of it, rather than let it go." Ii 
1 MS., II as." 
2 Sentence transposed. Cromwell's argument may be thus summed up: 
.. Leave the settlement of go\'ernment to Parliament, but provide that Parliament 
be rightly constituted. There may be care taken that future Parliaments be well 
composed, as to their creation and election. Elections to Parliament are some- 
times illegal, as for instance for COI porations to choose two. I shall desire that 
there may be a form for the electing of Parliament. Another thing to be provided 
against is the perpetuity of the same Parliament; there is nO security, at present, 
that it shall not be perpetual." The policy advocated is that set forth in the Army 
Declaration of June 14. Compare Cromwell's remarks on pp. 368, 370 above. 
(Note by .
fr. Firth.) 
3 Sir William Waller said of Cromwell: II Although he was blunt, be did not 
bear himself with pride or disdain. As an officer he was obedient, and did never 
dispute my orders or argue upon them." Recollections by Sir William Waller 
(p. 12 5). 
4 MS., II at least." 
Ii Cromwell's general meaning is plain enough, though the illustration be uses 
is difficult to understand. The army. be urges, must have some civil authority to 
support it , therefore it ought to own the authority of the Parliament. He would 
lay hold of any commission from Parliament, any simulacrum of authority, any- 




.\fter speeches from CHILLENDE..V, ALLEN and LIEUT.-COL. JUBBES, 
R.AINBOROWE moved that the papers of the Committee might be read. 
LIEl"T.-('OL. GOFFE: "I think that motion that was made by the 
Lieut.-General should not die, but that it 
hould have some issue. I 
think it is a vain thing to seek God if we do not hearken after His 
answer, and something that was spoken by the Lieut.-General moves 
me to speak at this time, and that wa!'; upon this ground. It was con- 
cluded by the Lieut.-General upon what was spoken by one here that 
that was not the mind of God that was spoken by him. I could wish 
we might be wary of !';uch expre
sions." God hath "poken in several 
ages in sundry ways. A prophet would come and say upon his bare 
word that he had received such a messag-e from the Lord. 
ow He 
"peaks not by one man but in all our hearts, and it is a dangerous 
thing to refuse what comes from God. 
It seems to me clear that a voice from heaven has told us that we 
have sinned against the Lord by tampering- with His enemies; I desire 
that we may wait upon God and see if He hath not spoken to us, and 
if the Lord hath spoken to us, I pray God keep us from that sin, that 
we do not hearken to the voice of the Lord. 

LIEUT.-GEN. CRO'IWELL: "I shall not be unwilling to hear God speak- 
ing in any; but I think that God may [as well] be heard speaking in 
that which is to be read as otherwise. 1 But I shall speak a word to 2 
that which Lieut.-Col. Goffe said, becau!';e it seems to come as a reproof 
to me, and I shall be willing to receive a reproof when it shall be in 
love and shall be [so] given. That which he speaks was, that at such a 
meeting as this we should wait upon God and [hearken to] the voice of 
God speaking in any of us. I confess it is an high duty, but when 
anything is spoken [as from God] I think the rule is, Let the rest judge. 3 
It is left to me to judge for my own satisfaction, and the satisfaction 
of others, whether it be of the Lord or not, and I do no more. I do 
not judge conclusively, negatively, that it was not of the Lord, but I do 
desire to submit it to all your judgments whether it was of the Lord or 
no. I did offer some reasons which did satisfy me, I know not whether 
I did others. If in those things we do speak and pretend to speak from 

thing that came from Westminster, from the other side of the Thames. Possibly 
the illustration was suggested by the story of the multitude of rats swimming over 
the Tweed which is told in a newsletter of Sept. 1647. (Clarendon State Papers, 
ii. App. 39.) (Note by Mr. Firtlt.) 
1 The papers of the Committee, which Rainborowe had just moved to have 
2 MS., .. in." 
3 Cromwell is perhaps referring to St. Paul's directions concerning those speak- 
ing in unknown tongues and prophesying. See I Cor. xiv. 29. 



[1 Nov. 

God, there be mistakes of fact-if there be a mistake in the thing, in 
the reason of the thing-truly I think it is free for me to show both 
the one and the other, if I can. Nay, I think it is my duty to do it; 
for no man receives anything in the name of the Lord further than 
[to] the light of his conscience appears. I can say in the next place- 
and I can say it heartily and freely-as to the matter he speaks, I must 
confess I have no prejudice, not the least thought of prejudice upon 
that ground-I speak it truly as before the Lord-but this I think; 
that it is no ill advertisement to wish us in our speeches of righteous- 
ness and justice to refer us to any engagements that are upon us, and 
that which I have learnt in all [ our] debates I have still desired, [that] 
we should consider where we are, and what engagements are upon us, 
and how we ought to go off as becomes Christians. This is all that I 
aimed at and I do aim at. I must confess I had a marvellous reverence 
and awe upon my spirit when we came to speak. [We said] let us 
speak one to another what God hath spoken to us; 1 and as I said 
before, I cannot say that I have received anything that I can speak as 
in the name of the Lord-not that I can say that anybody did speak 
that which was untrue in the name of the Lord-but upon this ground, 
that when we say we speak in 'the name of the Lord; it is of an high 
nature. .. 

LIEUT.-COL. GOFFE made an apology for what he had said before. 
MR. ALLEN thought the great difference between them was in the 
interest of King and Lords, some declaring against the name and title 
of King and Lords. As for the King, if the setting of him up be not 
consistent with, and is prejudicial to the liberties of the kingdom, then 
down with him; but if he might be so set up (as the speaker thoug-ht 
he might) then set him up; this being not only their judgment, but 
that of those who set forth the case of the army. 
COL. RAINBOROWE objected that what Mr. Allen spoke reflected upon 
himself and some others, as if they were against the name of King 
and Lords. 
MR. SEXBY: Truly the Lord has put you, or suffered you to run 
into such a state that you know not where you are. 'Ve find in the 
word of God" I would heal Babylon, but she would not be healed." 
I think we have g-one about to heal Babylon when she would not. 'Ve 
have g-one about to wash a Blackamore, to wa!':h him white, which he 
will not. " I think we are g-oing- about to set up the power which God 
will destroy. \Ve are g-oing- about to set up the power of King
, some 
part of it, which God will destroy; and which will be but as a burden- 
some stone, that whosoever shall fall upon it, it will destroy him." 

1 See p. 37 2 above. 

1647. ] 



LIEUT-GEN. CROMWELL: 1 I think we should not let go that motion 
which Lieut.-Co!. Goffe made, and so I cannot but renew that caution 
that we should take heed what we speak in the name of the Lord. As 
for what that gentleman spoke last (but it was with too much con- 
fidence) I cannot conceive that he altogether meant it. I would we 
should all take heed of mentioning our own thoughts and conceptions 
with that which is of God. \\That this gentleman told us [was] that 
which [he conceived] was our great fault. He alludes to such a place 
of Scripture, ",,,r e would have healed Baby Ion but she would not." 
The gentleman applied it to us, as that we had been men that would 
have healed Babylon and God would not have had her healed. Truly 
though that be not the intent of that Scripture, yet I think it is true, 
that whosoever would have gone about to heal Babylon when God 
had determined [to destroy her] he does fight against God, because God 
will not have her healed. Indeed when we are convinced that it is 
Babylon we are going about to heal, I think it's fit we should then give 
over our healing; and yet certainly in general it is not evil to desire 
an healing. But since I hear no man offering nothing to speak to us 
as a particular dictate from God, I shall desire to speak a word or two. 2 
I should desire to draw to some conclusion of that expectation of ours. 
Truly, as Lieut.-Co!. Goffe said, God hath in several ages used several 
dispensations, and yet some dispensations more eminently in one age 
than another. I am one of those whose heart God hath drawn out to 
wait for some extraordinary dispensations, according to those promises 
that he hath held forth of things to be accomplished in the later time, 
and I cannot but think that God is beginning of them. Yet certainly 
[we do well to take heed] upon the same ground that we find in the 
epistle of Peter, where he speaks of the Scriptures as "a more sure 
word of prophecy" than their testimonies was, to which, says he, you 
do well to take heed, as a light shining in a dark place. II If, when we 

1 When Wildman criticises this speech, Ireton is said to reply to him, as if he 
had been the speaker. But the whole speech is so extremely like Cromwell and 
so utterly unlike Ireton; the involved strain of religious argument-of which 
Cromwell was so fond-is so different from Ireton's clear. sharp, business-like 
way of speaking, that it is impossible not to believe that Cromwell was the Sf 
Besides. his opening words. .. I cannot but renew the caution that we should take 
heed what we speak in the name of the Lord" clearly refer to the beginning of 
Cromwell's last spee
h, .. I shall not be unwilling to hear God speaking in any." 
Ireton had never saId a word about anything of the sort. As to the two short 
subsequent answers, it is probable that they are attributed to the Commissary- 
General by mistake and were really made by Cromwell. 
2 Several words transposed. 3 2 nd Peter i. 19. 



[1 N ov. 

want particular and extraordinary impressions, we shall either altogether 
sit still because we have them not, and 110t follow that light that we 
have; or shall go against or short of that light that we have, upon 
the imaginary apprehension of such divine impressions and divine 
difoicoveries in particular things--which are not so divine as to carry 
their evidence with them, to the conviction of those that have the 
spirit of God within them-I think we shall be justly under a con- 
demnation. Truly we have heard many speaking to us; and I cannot 
but think that in many of those things, God hath spoke to us. I can- 
not but think that in most that have spoke there have been some things 
of God made forth to us; and yet there hath been several contradictions 
ill what hath been spoken. But certainly God is not the author of 
contradictions. The contradictions are not so much in the end as in 
the way. I cannot see but that we all speak to the same end, and the 
mistakes are only in the way. The end is to deliver this nation from 
oppression and slavery, to accomplish that work that God hath carried us 
on in, to establish our hopes of an end of justice and righteousness in 
it. "r e agree thus far. I think we may go thus far further, that we 
all apprehend danger from the power of the King and from the Lords. 
All that have spoke have agreed in this too, though the gentleman in 
the window 1 when he spoke [of] set[ting] up, if he should declare it, 
did not mean all that that word might import. I think that seems to be 
general among us all, that if it were free before us, \\ hether we should 
set up one or other, there is not any intention of any in the army, of 
any of us, to set up the one [or the other]. I do to my best observa- 
tion find an unanimity amongst us all that we would set up neither. 2 
Thus far I find us to be agreed, and thus far as we are agreed, I think 
it is of God. But there are circumstances in which we differ as in 
relation to this. I must further tell you, that as we do not make it 
our business or intention to set up the one or the other, so neither is 
it [our intention] to preserve the one or the other with a visible danger 
and destruction to the people and the public interest. So that that 
part of difference that seems to be among us is whether there can be a 
preservation [of them with safety to the kingdom]. First of all, on 
the one part, there is this apprehension: that we cannot with justice 
and righteousness at the present destroy, or go about to destroy, or 
take away or [ altogether] lay aside both, or all the interest they have 

I Allen. 

2 i.e., neither King nor Lords. 

1647. ] 



in the public affairs of the kingdom; and those that do so apprehend 
would strain something in point of security, would rather leave some 
hazard-or at least if they see that they may consist without any con- 
siderable hazard to the interest of the kingdom, do so far [wish] to 
preserve them. On the other hand those that differ from this, I do 
take it in the most candid apprehension that they seem to run 1 thus: 
that there is not any safety or security to the liberty of the kingdom 
and to [the] public interest, if you do retain these at all; and therefore 
they think this a consideration to them paramount [to] the considera- 
tion of particular obligations of justice, or matter of right or due 
towards King or Lords. Truly I think it hath pleased God to lead 
me to a true and clear stating our agreement and our difference; and 
if this be so we are the better prepared to go [on]. If this be not so, 
I shall desire that anyone that hath heard me [will] declare [it] if he 
do think that the thing is mis-stated as to our agreement or difference; 
and I shall go on, only in a word or two, to conclude that we have 
been about. As to the dispensations of God, it was more particular in 
the time of the law [of :\Ioses than in the time of the law] written in 
our hearts, that word within us, the mind of Christ; 2 and truly when 
we have no other more particular impression of the power of God going 
forth with it, I think that this law and this [word] speaking within us 
-which truly is in every man who hath the spirit of God-we are to 
have a regard to; and this to me seems to be very clear what we are 
to judge of the apprehensions of men to particular cases, whether it 
be of God or no. When it doth not carry its evidence of the power 
of God with it, to convince us clearly, our best way is to judge the 
conformity or disformity of [it with] the law written within us, which 
is the law of the spirit of God, the mind of God, the miud of Christ. 
As was well said by Lieut.-Colonel Jubbs, for my part I do not know 
any ouh ard evidence of what proceeds from the spirit of God more 
clear than this, the appearance of meekness and gentleness and mercy 
and patience and forbearance and love, and a desire to do good to all 
and to destroy none that can be saved, 3 and a!'; he said of the spirit of 
malice and envy and things of that nature, I cannot but take that to 

1 i.e., argue. 
2 Hebrews viii. ro; r Corinthians ii. r6. So Cromwell elsewhere observes of 
certain things that they are' written in better books than those of paper; written, 
I am persuaded, in the heart of every good man.' See Speech II. (vol. ii. p. 341). 
(Note by Mr. Firtlt.) 
3 Cf. Speech I. (vol. ii. pp. 292, 297). 



[1 N ov. 

be contrary to this law. For my part 1 say, where I do see this, where 
[? there] I do see men speaking according to that law, which I am sure 
is the law of the spirit of life, and I think there is this radically in 
that heart where there is such a law, or leads us against all opposition. 
On the other hand 1 think that he that would decline the doing of 
iustice--where there is no place for mercy,-and the exercise of the 
ways of force for the safety of the kingdom where there is no other 
way to save it; and would decline these out of the apprehensions 
of danger and difficulties in it, he that leads that way on the other 
hand doth truly lead us from that which is the law of the spirit of life, 
the law written in our hearts. And truly having thus declared what 
we may apprehend of all that hath been said, I shall wish that we may 
go on to our business; and I shall only add several cautions on the 
one hand and the other. 
Ie 1 could wish that none of those whose apprehensions run on the 
other hand,-that there can be no safety in a consistency with the 
person of the King or the Lords, or their having the least interest in the 
public affairs of the kingdom,-I do wish them that they will take heed 
of that which some men are apt to be carried away by, [that is], appre- 
hensions that God will destroy these persons or that power; for that 
they may mistake in. And though [I] myself do concur with them, 
and perhaps concur with them upon some ground that God will do 
so, yet let us [not] make those things to be our rule which we cannot so 
clearly know to be the mind of God. I mean in particular things let 
us not make those our rules that this is to be done, [this] is the mind 
of God, we must work to it. l At least let those to whom this is not 
made clear, though they do think it probable that God will destroy 
them, yet let them make this rule to themselves, though God have a 
purpose to destroy them, and though I should find a desire to destroy 
them -though a Christian spirit can hardly find it for itself-yet God 
can do it without necessitating us to do a thing which is scandalous, 
or sin, or which would bring a dishonour to His name; and therefore 
let those that are of that mind wait upon God for such a way when the 
thing may be done without sin, and without scandal too. Surely what 
God would have us do, He does not desire we should step out of the 
way for it. This is the caution, on the one hand that we do no wrong 
to one or other, and that we abstain from all appearance of wrong, and 

1 Cf. Cromwell's speech on p. 336 above. 




for that purpose avoid the bringing of a scandal to the name of God 
and to His people upon whom His name is called. On the other hand, 
I have but this to say: That those who do apprehend obligations lying 
upon them-either by a general duty or pal.ticularly in relation to the 
things that we have declared, a duty of justice, or a duty in regard of 
that engagement-that they would clearly come to this resolution, 
that if they found in their judgments and consciences that those 
engagements lead to anything which really cannot consist with the 
liberty and safety and public interest of this nation, they would account 
the general [duty] paramount [to] the other, so far as not to oppose any 
other that would do better for the nation than they will do. If we do 
act according to that mind and that spirit and that law which I have 
before spoken of, and in these particular cases do take these two 
cautions, God will lead us to what shall be His way, as many of us as 
He shall incline their minds to, and the rest in their way in a due 
time. " 
CAPT. BISHOP declared that the endeavour to preserve the King- 
"that man of blood" -was the cause that the kingdom was in a dying 
:\1r. 'VILDlUAN followed, in answer to the speech of" that gentleman 
that spoke last but one" (i.e. the speech of Cromwell above) and, in 
answer to his criticisms, there are two short explanations, attributed in 
the :\18. to the" Com.-Gen.," but which must have been made by the 
Lieut.-General if the speech above is his, viz. ;- 
1. That he did not speak of destroying the King and the Lords-he 
had not heard any man charge all the Lords as deserving punishment 
-but of reserving any interest to them in the public affairs of the king- 
dom: and 
2. That he had said that some men did apprehend that an interest 
might be given to the King and Lords with safety, while others thought 
that it could not be done without destruction to the kingdom. 
It is evident that either the attribution of the long speech to Crom- 
well or of these two short observations to Ireton is a mistake, and the 
style shows the latter to be far the more likely of the two. 
The debate went on for a long time after this, the chief subject of 
it being the restrictions to be imposed on the House of Lords, but 
Cromwell did not speak again. 
Other debates followed, of which we have only very scanty notices, 
and on the 5th (when Cromwell appears to have been absent) the party 
of the agitators carried a vote for a general rendezvous of the army. 




(4) At fl, Council of Office?'s, P'läney, lI-ovember R 
THE LnmT.-GENERAL spoke much to express the danger of their 
principles who had sought to divide the army; that the first particular 
of that which they called the Agreement of the People did tend very 
much to anarchy, [i.e.] that all those who are in the kingdom should 
have a voice in electing representatives. 
CAPT. 'VILLIAM BRAY made a long speech to take off what the 
Lieut.-General said, but Cromwell moved and carried a resolution pray- 
ing the Lord General to send the representative officers and agitators 
back to their regiments until the rendezvous should be over. 
A few days later, on the 11th, at the committee of officers, Harrison 
having declared that the King was" a man of blood" and ought to be 
prosecuted ;- 
THE LIEUT.-ÜENERAI, answered him by putting several cases in which 
murder was not to be punished. As in the case if a man that had 
killed his son should get into a garrison, whether he might wage war, 
or not give conditions to that place. Stated the case of David upon 
Joab's killing of Abner, that he spared him upon two prudential 
grounds: one that he would not hazard the spilling of more blood, in 
regard the sons of Zeruiah were too hard for him. 
IRETON" answered in the same case," and further urged that they 
were not to go in any unlawful way in order to bring a delinquent to 
justice; and 
THE LIEUT.-GENERAL said that we [must not?] do the work where it 
is disputable and the work of others to do it, [but only] if it be an ab- 
solute and indisputable duty for us to do it.* 
After a few words from FAIRFAX and COWLING, the debate closed, 
and on November 15 the first of the three rendezvous (which had 
been decided on instead of one general one) took place at 'V are. 
On the 8th of the following January, the great Council of the Army 
ceased to exist. 

This letter was probably written at the time of the King's first plan 
of escape, fixed for December 28, 1647, when a ship was sent for him 
into Southampton water. The expression" am I forgotten" looks as 
if it were the opening letter of the series, and Hammond must have 

* Clarke Paptrs, i. 226 e/ seq. 




had, at this time, some authorisation concerning the King's attendants, 
as, on this date, he dismissed Ashburnham, Berkeley and Legge. It 
will be remembered that on this very day, the King had given his re- 
fusal to the four propositions sent him by Parliament, and that Berkeley 
had objected that the Governor might thereby be made more suspicious 
and vigilant, and so hinder their project. To this, the I{ing replied 
that he would give in his ammer sealed, and thus Hammond would not 
know its purport in time to hinder him. But the commi!"sioners in- 
sisted on receiving it open; Hammond, to the King's great indignation, 
read it, and the consequences which Berkeley had feared followed; the 
guards were increased and the King's three most trusty, and therefore 
dangerous, companions were compelled to leave the castle. 

For Ool. Robin Ham1ìwnd, Governor of the Isle of Wight, these, at 
Oarisbrook Castle, haste, post haste 
(? December 1647.] 

DEAR ROBIN, am I forgotten? 
Thou art not, I wish thee much comfort in thy 
great business, and the blessing of the Almighty upon thee. 
This intelligence was delivered this day, viz., that Sir George Cart- 
wright} hath sent three boats from Jersey and a barque from Sharbrowe 2 
under the name of Frenchmen, but are absolutely sent to bring the 
King (if their plot can take effect) from the Isle of'Vight to Jersey, 
one of which boats is returned back to Jersey with news, but it is kept 
very private. 
I wish great care be taken. Truly I would have the castle well 
manned; you know how much lieth upon it. If you would have any 
thing more done let your friends know your mind; they are ready to 
assist and secure you. 
You have warrant now to turn out such servants as you suspect; do 
it suddenly for fear of danger. You see how God hath honoured and 
blessed every resolute action of these [?] for Him; doubt not but He 
will do so still. 
Let the Parliament ships have notice of Cartwright's design that so 
they may look out for him. 
I have no more but rest, 

Your true servant.. 
O. CaOl\IWELL. to 

} Carteret. 2 Cherbourg. 
* Holograph. Amongst the MSS. of the Marquis of Lothian at Newbattle. 
Printed in the Clarke Papers, ii. Jl:XV. 



[9 ?\fay 


AT the beginning of May, 1648, Cromwell marched into '''Tales, to 
suppress the Royalist insurrection there. He was at Gloucester on the 
8th, and marched by way of .Monmouth to Chepstow, which he reached 
on the 11th. This and the following letter were therefore written 
from one of the first two of these places, probably Gloucester. 

For his Excellency the Lord Fairfax, General: These 
[Gloucester, ?] May 9. 1648. 

l\I Y LORD, 

You hear in what a flame these western parts 
are. I cannot but mind your Excellency that the enemy are designing 
to surprise many places and we shall still play the after-game. I think 
it of absolute necessity that some men be put into Bristol, especially 
since Chepstow is taken, with which (as I heard) they hold correspond- 
ency. Sir, Bristol must have a fixed garrison of foot. I beseech you 
recommend it to the Parliament, that it may be done, there cannot be 
less than 600 men for it. Lieut.-Co!. Rolphe would be a fit man; he 
is able to give help in the business by his father Skippon his interest, 
and it would be well taken if your Lordship would recommend him; 
there is necessity of speed in my opinion, the city desire it. I take 
leave and rest, 

Your Excellency's most humble servant, 

Postscript. My Lord, Lieut.-Co!. Blackmore is with me; he is a 
godly man and a good soldier. I beg a commission to make him an 
adjutant-general to the army. He is very able, as most ever were in 
this army. * 
Endorsed by William Clarke. 

* Holograph. Egerton Jl,fSS., 2620, f. I. Printed in the English Historical 
Review, 1887. Cromwell's request concerning Blackmore was complied with, but 
it does not appear that Rolph was made governor of Bristol. He was at this time 
in the Isle of Wight, and was accused, two or three weeks afterwards (though pro- 
bably without foundation) of a design to assassinate the King under pretext of 
helping him to escape. He was senior officer in charge (after Hammond's de- 
parture) at the time that Fairfax sent Cobbet and Merryman to remove the King 
to Hurst Castle, and is said to have tried to force his way into the royal coach. 
.. It has not come to that yet; get you out,"' said the King, as he called his own 
attendants to him. See Herbert's J1'emoirs, p. 199. 

1648. ] 



To .J.1[". (Capt. Thomas) Roberts 1 
[Gloucester ?], May 9, 1648. 


Being informed that divers Papists and delinquents 
do gather themselves together upon pretence of hunting meetings, 
giving out dangerous speeches, riding up and down armed to the 
hazard of the peace of this kingdom, I do desire and authorise you to 
gather to you such of your friends and persons well affected to the 
Parliament's cause, and attach them, causing them to be brought to 
Gloucester, that there they may be secured until the pleasure of the 
Parliament be further known. I rest your friend and servant, 

Underneath-Writ oj Assistance 
I desire you from time to time to give such assistance to Captain 
Thomas Roberts in suppressing insurrections and tumults, and appre- 
hending suspected persons, as he shall desire from you. 
Given under my hand this ninth day of May, 1648. 

fo all officers, horse and foot, under the General the Lord Fairfax. * 
Enclosed in petition to the Protector by Roberts, .May 25, 1655. 


To Captain Crowther II 

Cardiff, May 16, 1648. 


I received both yours this morning, and cannot 
but acknowledge your great forwardness to serve the public. I have 
here enclosed sent you an order for the taking up of vessels for the 
transporting of soldiers and the oats of the horses. My men shall be 
at the water-side tomorrow. If they can provide victuals, they shall. 

1 Of the Gloucestershire Militia. 
2 Vice-Admiral John Crowther. 
* Holograph. S. P. Dam. Interregnum, c. II 7. i. 



[10 July. 

If not I shall give you notice that we may bring it out of your 

I remain, 
Your very humble servant, 


From the Leaguer before Pembroke 
(1) To Col. William Herbert 
1648, June 26.-Desiring him to quarter his troop in any part of 
l\Ionmouthshire that he judges most advantageous for the public service. 

(2) To Col. Poyer 

Pembroke, July 10, 1648. 


I have (together with my Council of 'Var) renewed 
my propositions, [and] I thought fit to send them to you with these 
alterations, which if submitted unto I shall make good. I have con- 
sidered your condition, and my own duty; and (without threatening) 
must tell you that if (for the sake of some) this offer be refused, and 
thereby misery and ruin befall the poor soldiers and people with you, 
I know where to charge the blood you spill. In case this offer be 
refused, send no more to me about this subject. 
I rest your servant, 

THIS was the last summons to Pembroke Castle, which surrendered 
the following day; Co1. Poyer and certain of his officers at mercy; 
the rest of the garrison upon terms. 

* Printed in A Dz"sco1trse of tlte -VVarr in Lancashire (p. 98), edited for the 
Chetham Society by W. Beaumont, who states that the original letter is pre- 
served at Wincham in Cheshire. 
t Perfect Occurrences, No. 81 (E. 525). Printed in J. Roland Phillips' Civil War 
in Wales I i. 414. 

1648. ] 





AFTER settling South 'Vales, Cromwell turned northward with his 
forces to aid Lambert in repelling the Scottish invasion under the Duke 
of Hamilton. 'Vhile crossing the hills between Yorkshire and Lanca- 
shire, a complaint was brought to him which produced the following 
order, written either at Skipton or somewhere on the road between 
Knaresborough and that place. 
1648, August 14.-0rder-upon information that Lieutenant Swayne 
of Captain Cooke>s troop, has taken two horses of great value from 
Captain William Harrison-that the horses be instantly delivered to 
the bearer, and that Captain Cooke" see this order duly observed:' 
Certified as a true copy of the original" which Captain Cooke read 
over;' by Abraham Burton, Tho. Staveley, and Timothy Hurst, Leeds, 
Aug. 15, 1648.* 


ON Cromwell>s march to Scotland after Preston fight he stopped for 
a day or two at Durham (see Declaration after Letter LXVIII) and 
there wrote the following letter, which may perhaps have relation to 
the case of Mrs. Cowell and her children, mentioned in Letter LXIX. 

[No address] 

Duresme, September 7, 1648. 


The enclosed petition coming to my hands, I could not 
but recommend it to you, as being the fittest instrument to do them 
right, being near to information which will lead you to what will be 
most fit to be done. I desire therefore you would please to give them 
their desires in the petition, as being in my opinion very just. 
I remain, 
Your very humble servant, 

* From the Collection of Sir Richard Tangye. 
t Signed by Cromwell. From the Collection of Sir Richard Tangye. 



[2 N ov. 

CROMWELL'S expedition to Scotland having successfully resulted in 
the restoration of the garrisons of Berwick and Carlisle (see Letter 
LXXVII) he was now on his way to the siege of Pontefract. He visited 
Carlisle on October 14 to take formal possession of the Castle. 
To Colonel Thomas Barwis 
1648, October 25, Bernard Castle.-Ordering him to repair to 
Carlisle and take command of the regiment of horse lately raised ill 
Westmorland, employing the said regiment for the service of the gar- 
rison of Carlisle, and the security of tbose parts, and for the quelling 
of all insurrections in Westmorland and Cumberland; and acting 
under the orders of Sir Arthur Hesilrige. * 

[To Col. Charles Fairfax J 
Byron, Nov. 2. at 8 at night. 


Being informed by Sir Edward Rodes this evening 
that there is a party of the enemy's horse gone out of Pontefract Castle, 
and having some apprehension that they will attempt somewhat upon 
the horse-guard in the park by coming upon their rear, I desire you 
that you would send to their assistance five files of musketeers, who 
will give them time to mount their borses if the enemy shall attempt 
upon them with horse and foot. I desire you to send the commander 
of the guard there this enclosed note. Not having more, I rest 
Your affectionate servant, 


THE following letter was first printed by 1\Ir. Firth in the Clarke 
Papers. His note upon it is as follows:- 
" A copy of this letter is contained in vol. xvi. of the Clarke Papers 
at ,V orcester College, where it is signed 'Heron brother; and no ill- 

* Signed. Seal of arms. From the original in the possession of Captain Charles 
Lindsay. Mentioned in Waylen's House of Cromwell, 1st edition, p. 274. 
t From the original, signed, in the Collection of Sir Richard Tangye. 

1648. ] 



dication is given of the person to whom it was sent. I concluded it 
from internal evidence to be written by Cromwell to Robert Hammond. 
Some letters from Cromwell to Hammond were mentioned in the First 
Report of the Historical _MSS. Commis8ion, p. 116, as being in the 
possession of the :\lart}uis of Lothian. Mr. Gardiner, at my request, 
examined these letters last summer, and has kindly supplied me with 
copies. . . . 'Dear Robin' is the term by which Cromwell, Ireton and 
other intimate friends usually address Hammond. In this letter, 
Cromwell also makes use of the names which he sometimes employed 
in his correspondence with Vane and one or two others. ' Brother 
Heron' is the younger Vane. ' Brother _Fountayne' is Cromwell him- 
self (see Nickoll's Original LettPrs and PapPrs addressed to Oli
Cromwell, 1743, pp. 78, 84). ' Sir Roger' seems to have been one of 
Cromwell's companions in Scotland, possibly Lambert or Hesilrige. 
Hesilrige and Cromwell had just been entertained at Edinburgh by 
the Argyle party (see nrhitelocke, l
f(>morials, ed. 1853, II. 422, 432). 
Cromwell defends himself 
ainst the charge of granting too favourable 
terms to the Scots, or as he puts it, 'turning Presbyterian.' The 
'wise friend' is probably Pierrepoint, as Mr. Gardiner suggests. 
Pierrepoint and Vane were both now at Newport, as two of the Com- 
missioners sent by Parliament to neg-otiate with the King. Both were 
probably in daily intercourse with Hammond. 'It appears from this 
letter: writes 1\11'. Gardiner, 'that Cromwell had heard that a party 
amongst the Independents, including Vane, Pierrepoint and Hammond, 
in their alarm at the thoroughgoing reforms demanded by the 
Levellers, were anxious to come to an understanding with the King on 
the basis of moderate Episcopacy and toleration. It was to this state of 
opinion that he now addressed himself.' (Great Civil TVar, iv. 248.)" 

To Col. Hammond 

Knottingley, Nov. 6th, 1648. 


1 trust the same spirit that guided thee hereto- 
fore is still with thee; look to thy heart, thou art where temptations 
multiply. I fear lest our friends should burn their fingers, as some 
others did not long since,I whose hearts have ached since for it. How 
easy is it to find arguments for what we would have; how easy to take 
offence at things called Levellers, and run into an extremity on the 
other hand, meddling with an accursed thing. 2 Peace is only good 
when we receive it out of our Father's hand, it's dangerous to snatch it, 
most dangerous to go against the will of God to attain it. 'Val' is 
good when led to by our Father, most evil when it comes from the 

1" Probably alluding to his own and Ireton's efforts to win the King in 1647." 
(Note by Dr. Gardi1ler.) 
2 Cf. Letter of November 25 (LXXXV). 



[6 Nov. 

lusts that are in our members. \Ve wait upon the Lord, who will 
teach us and lead us wbether to doing or suffering. 1 
Tell my brother Herue I smiled at his expression concerning my 
wise friend's opinion, who thinks that tbe enthroning the King with 
presbytery brings spiritual slavery, but with a moderate Episcopacy 
works a good peace. Both are a hard choice. I trust there's no 
necessity of either, except our base unbelief and fleshly wisdom make 
it so; but if I have any logic it will be easier to tyrannise ha\'ing that 
he 2 likes and serves his turn, than what you know and all believe he 
so much dislikes. 
But as to my brother himself, tell him indeed I think some of my 
friends have advanced too far, and need make an honourable retreat, 
Scots treaties having wrought some perplexities; and hindering 
matters from going so glib as otherwise was hoped, especially taking 
in some doubts that Sir Roger and brother }1'ountayne are also turned 
Presbyterians. Dear Robin, tell brother Herne that we have the 
witness of our consciences that we have walked in this thing (whatso- 
ever sunmses are to the contrary) in plainness and godly simplicity, 
according to our weak measure, and we trust our daily business is to 
approve our consciences to Godward, and not to shift and shark,s which 
were exceeding baseness in us to do, having had such favour from the 
Lord, and such manifestations of His presence, and I hope the same 
experience will keep their hearts and hands from him, against whom 
God hath so witnessed,4 though reason should suggest things never so 
I pray thee tell my brother Herne thus much from me; and if a 
mistake concerning our compliance with presbytery perplex an evil 
business (for so I account it), and make the wheels of such a chariot 
go heavy, I can be passive and let it go, knowing that innocency and 
integrity loses nothing by a patient waiting upon the Lord. Our 
papers are public; let us be judged by them. Answers do not involve 
us. G I profess to thee I desire from my heart, I have prayed for it, I 

1 Cf. Letter I I. 2 i.e., the King. 
3 Mr. Firth suggests" shirk" as an emendation. The spelling of the seventeenth 
century points to the conclusion that" e " (and the" i" here is equivalent to .. e ") 
before" r " was almost universally pronounced like" a," as it still is in .. Derby," &c. 
4 The King. Cf. Letter LXXXV. .. This man against whom the Lord hath 
witnessed.' , 
:I i.e., We are bound by our own words, not by the answers made by the Scots. 
Dr. Gardiner suggests that Cromwell perhaps refers to the answer made by the 
Committee of Estates on October 6, in which they speak of .. these covenanted 
kingdoms" (E. 468, 19). 




have waited for the day to see union and right understanding between 
the godly people (Scots, .English, Jews, Gentiles, Presbyterians, In- 
dependents, Anabaptists, and all). Our brothers of Scotland (really 
Presbyterians) were our greatest enemies. God hath justified us in 
their sight, caused us to requite good for evil, caused them to acknow- 
ledge it publicly by acts of state, and privately, and the thing is true 
in the sight of the sun. It is an high conviction upon them. '\Vas it 
not fit to be civil, to profess love, to deal with clearness with them for 
removing of prejudice, to ask them what they had against us, and to 
give them an honest answer? This we have done, and not more. 
And herein is a more glorious work in our eyes than if we had gotten 
the sacking and plunder of Edinburgh, the strong castles into our 
hands, and made conquest from Tweed to the Orcades; and we can 
say, through God we have left by the grace of God such a witness 
amongst them, as if it work not yet 1 there is that conviction upon 
them that will undoubtedly bear its fruit in due time. 
Tell my brother Herne, I believe my wise friend would have had a 
conquest, or if not, things put in a balance; 2 the first was not very 
unfeasible, but I think not Christian, and I was commanded the con- 
trary by the two Houses; as for the latter, by the providence of God it 
is perfectly come to pass, not by our wisdom, for I durst not design it, 
I durst not admit of so mixed, so Iowa consideration; we were led out 
(to the praise of our God be it spoken) to more sincere, more spiritual 
considerations; but I said before the Lord hath brought it to a balance; 
if there be any dangerous disproportion it is that the honest party (if I 
may without offence so call them) in my apprehension are the weaker, 
and have manifold difficulties to conflict withal. I wish our un worthi- 
ness here cast not the scale both there and here the wrong way. I 
have but one word more to say. Thy friends, dear Robin, are in heart 
and in profession what they were, have not dissembled their principles 
at all. Are they not a little justified in this, that a lesser party of a 
Parliament hath made it lawful to declare the greater part a faction, 
and made the Parliament null, and call a new one, and to do this by 
force, and this by the same mouths that condemned it in others. 
Think of the example and of the consequence, and let others think 

1 II By reason the poor souls are so wedded to their government:' In the copy 
amongst the Clarke l
2" i.e.. A mixed government established in which the Argyle and Hamilton 
parties would counterbalance each other." (.Vote by Jlr. Firth.) 



[6 Nov. 

of it too, if they be not drenched too deep in their one [own] reason 
and opinions. Robin, be honest still. God keep thee in the midst of 
snares. Thou hast naturally a valiant spirit. Listen to God, and He 
shall increase it upon thee, and make thee valiant for the truth. I 
am a poor creature that write to thee, the poorest in the work, l but I 
have hope in God, and desire from my heart to love His people, and if 
thou hast opportunity and a free heart, let me hear from thee how it 
is with thee. This bearer is faithful, you may be very free to com- 
municate with him; my service to all my friends, and to my dear 
brother Herne whom I love in the Lord, I rest, 
Thy true and faithful friend 

This letter, Mr. :Firth says, makes two points clear. "The first is 
Cromwell's deep distrust of the King and of any attempt to treat with 
him; the second is his desire to see 'union and right understanding' 
between Puritans of every sort. . . . The justification of the alliance 
with the Argyle party in Scotland expresses the views not merely of 
Cromwell himself" but probably of the majority of the superior officers 
of his army." Exactly the same sentiments are expressed in a letter 
from the headquarters in Scotland, signed J. L. and probably written 
by Lambert. Clarke Papers, ii., preface, p. xxiv. 


(1) For the Honourable Col. Fairfax in Pontefract: Thesl' 

Nottingley (sic), Nov. 6, 1648. 


I did order a company of my Lord General's regi- 
ment to be with the guard of horse ill the park this night, but finding 
it fit to dispose of that company to another place, I thought fit to desire 
of you that you would send six files of musketeers to the guard in the 
park this night in the room of the other. I shall ha\'e occasion also to 
remove one of the troops from the guard in the park to another place, 
wherefore I desire you that you would only retain twenty horse of the 
troop that is to do duty in the town, and send the rest to strengthen 

1 II world," Clarke MS. 
* From the MSS. of the Marquis of Lothian at Newbattle. Copy, Printed in 
the Clarke Papers, ii. 49. 

1648. ] 



the guard of horse in the park. 
tools are come, we shall not put 

I hope within a night or two, now 
you to so much trouble. I rest, Sir, 
Your afl"ectionate servant, 

(2) For the Honourable Col. Fairfar, at Pontefmct: These 
Knottingley, Nov. 7th, 1648. 


I understand that one Richard G-agge and two 
boys of John \\Tard's (whose father is now in the Castle) were, upon 
their coming to Knottingley, apprehended and carried prisoners to 
Pontefract, upon suspicion that they were going into the Ca
tle. The 
business being cleared up to me to the contrary, I desire you would set 
them at liberty, and to cause such things as were taken from them to 
be restored; which will very much oblig-e, 
Your very humble servant, 

(3) For thi' Honourable Col. Cha'J"les Fairfax at Pontefraet: These 
Knottingley, Nov. 10th, 1648. 


I have perused your letter. I am very sorry that 
your condition should be so strait. I pray you, strive with difficulties 
as far as you can, and for my part I will do what lies in me to get you 
supplied. I shall upon this occasion send expressly to the Committee 
for a fortnight's pay for you, and if I be denied I shall think I am not 
fairly dealt withal. I shall let them know that I think present money 
and nothing else will keep the men together. And truly, if that my 
lending of you a hundred pounds for the present will do you any service 
you shall have it in the morning if you please to send for it. I have 
written to Lincoln and Leicester to keep in Captain Jackson's and the 
other company of foot for a fortnight; their officers promised me they 
should perform duty as before until they had an answer. I desire you 
to send them this enclosed order. I take it not ill at all that you give 
only word, nor can I take anything ill at your hands, I pray you still 
account me 

Your true and faithful friend and servant, 
Sir, I shall desire you to speed this letter by an express to York. * 

* From the original, signed, in the Collection of Sir Richard Tangye. 




(4) For the Honourable Col. Charles Fairfax, at Pontefract. These 
Knottingley, November 11th, 1648. 


The bearer has been with me, complains exceed- 
ingly of her poverty, as not able to get victuals for her family, and 
yet is forced to maintain sold[iers] much beyond her ability. I desire 
that what favour can be afforded her, you would do it, at the desire of 
Your humble servant, 

(5) For the Honourable Colonel Fairfax, in Pontefract: These 
Knottingley, November 11th, 1648. 


The bearer, Mrs. Gray, is desirous to go into the 
Castle to see a brother of her who lies sick in the Castle. I desire you 
would let her have a drum and give her your pass to return within a 
limited time. I rest, Sir, 

your very humble servant, 
O. CR01IWELL. * 

THE Remonst'rance of the Army, framed by Ireton and accepted by 
the Council of Officers on November 18, 1648, was presented to Parlia- 
ment on the 20th. It demanded that all negotiations with the King 
should be broken off, and that he should be brought to trial; that his 
" instruments" should be punished, and that the soldiers should be 
paid their arrears. On November 28 Fairfax wrote to Cromwell, urging 
him to come up at once to town. (See his letter, Clarke Papers, ii. 
62.) The Remonstrance had been received by the Northern Army 
before the 25th, as is shown by Cromwell's letter to Hammond (Letter 

For his Excellency the Lord-General Fairfax 
November [after the 28th]. 1648. 


"r e }lave read your declaration here, and see in 
it nothing but what is honest and becoming Christians and honest men 
to say and offer. It's good to look up to God, who alone is able to sway 

* In William Clarke's handwriting. signed by CromwelL Original in the pos- 
session of Sir Richard Tangye, and a photograph of it given in his Two Protectors. 

1648. ] 



hearts to agrE'e to the good and just things contained therein. I verily 
believe the honest party in Scotland \\ ill be f:atisfied in the justness 
thereof; however, it will be good that 'Vill Rowe be hastened with 
instructions thither. 
I beseech you command him (if it seems good to your Excellency's 
judgment) to go away with all speed; what is timely done herein may 
prevent misunderstandings in them. I hope to wait speedily upon 
you, at least to begin my journey upon Tue
day.l Your own regiment 
will be coming up. 
o will Okey's, mine, Harrison's and some others. 
The two garrisons 2 have men enow (if provided for) to do that work. 
Lambert will look to them. 
I rest, my Lord, 
Your Excellency's most humble and faithful servant, 

COL. HARRISON had been sent by the Council of Officers to bring the 
King to \\Tindsor. H Gallantly mounted and armed" and gaily attired 
-as Herbert tells us-he met his royal prisoner near Farnham on 
Dec. 20 and reached \Vindsor with him on Dec. 23. 

To Col. Harrison at TVindsor or by the way to Farnhærn thitherward 


Westminster, Dec. 22nd, 1648. 

CoI. Thomlinson is to be speeded away to \Vindsor 
with instructions to himself, Lt.-CoI. Cobbett, and Captain :\Ierriman,s 
for securing of the King, answerable to the several heads you desire 
resolution in. So soon as he comes you may come away, and your 
presence here is both desired and needed. But before you come away, 
we desire you to appoint three or four troops out of your convoy (of 
the surest men and best officered) to remain about \Vindsor, to wllOm 

1 This must mean Tuesday, December 5, as Cromwell reached London on the 
evening of Wednesday the 6th, and it is not likely that when so urgently sum- 
moned, he would take more than a week to make the journey. On the other 
hand. two days would indeed mean travelling .. post haste." Perhaps he got 
away a little sooner. 
2 York and Hull. 
S Cobbett and Merriman were the two officers who had been sent by Fairfax to 
the Isle of Wight to demand the removal of the King. 
.. Egerton MSS. 2620, f. 3. Endorsed by Wm. Clarke. Printed in the English 
Historical Re1!iro', 188 7, p. [49. 



[22 Dec. 

you may assign quarters in the next parts of Middlesex and Surrey, 
advising with the Governor therein, and to keep guard by a troop at 
a time within the Castle, and for that purpose to receive orders from 
Co1. Thomlinson; and we desire you also out of the chief of the 
King's servants last allowed (upon advice with Lt.-CoI. Cobbett and 
Captain l\lerriman) to appoint about the number of six (such as are most 
to be confided in, and who may best supply all offices) to stay with 
and attend the King for such necessary uses, and the rest we desire 
you to send away, not as discharged from the benefit of their places, 
but only as spared from extraordinary attendance. This is thought 
fit to avoid any numerous concourse which many servants, with their 
followers and their relations or acquaintance, would draw into the 
Castle; and for the said reason it is wished that such of the servants 
retained as are least sure, and not of necessity to be constantly in the 
King's lodgings, may be lodged in the town, or the lower part of the 
Castle, wherein the Governor is to be advised with. 
Capt. :\Iildmay 1 (we presume) will be one of those you'll find to 
retain. The dragoons of your convoy send away to the quarters 
formerly intended, which (as we remember) were in Bedfordshire. 
"r e bless God by whose providence you are come on so well with your 

'Ve remain, 
Your true friends to serve you, 

For Colonel TVhitchcott, Governm' of JVindsor Oastle, haste: These 2 
Westminster, Dec. 22nd, 1648. 

Captain Brayfeild of Co1. Hewson's regiment with 
his own and two other companies of Foot are ordered to come to you, 


1 Anthony Mildmay (brother of Sir Henry), in the Parliament's service, attendant 
on the King. 
2 (Note by .lfr. Firth.) .. In October, 1642, Co!. John Venn occupied \Ymdsor 
Castle for the Parliament. In April, 164S, the House of Commons recommended 
Co!. Christopher Which cote (to llse his own spelling of his name) as Venn's suc- 
cessor. Whichcote. who had commanded a brigade under Essex in Cornwall, 
and had signed the capitulation of Sept. I, 1644, seems to have been removed 
from his governorship in 16sr. He died about r6ss." Clark
rs, ii. 144. 
* Printed in the Clarke Pap
rs, ii. 140. 

1648. ] 



and to receive orders from you for the better securing of the Castle 
and the person of the King therein. You may quarter them in the 
town and in Eyton 1 (if not in the Castle). Co!. Harrison is also writ 
unto to appoint three or four troops of Horse out of his convoy to 
remain near "rindsor, and to quarter in the next parts of Middlesex 
and Surrey, as you shall advise, and keep g'uard by a troop at a time 
within the Castle. It is thought fittest, that the Horse guard or part 
of it, be kept within the Upper Castle, and that at least one company 
of Foot at a time be upon guard there, and that the brid
e betwixt 
the Castles (if you think fit) be drawn up in the night, and kept drawn 
ordinarily in the day. Also, t1lat no other prisoners be lodged in that 
part of the Castle besides the King, unless Duke Hamilton iu some 
close rooms where he may not have intercourse with the King, and 
he rather to be in 'Vinchester Castle 2 (where Sir Thomas Payton was), 
if you can safely dispose of the other prisoners elsewhere; but the 
King (by all means) must be lodged in the Upper Castle, in some of 
the safest rooms, and Co!. Thomlinson, Lt.-Co!. Cobbett and Capt. 
Merriman to have lodgings there, and those Gentlemen of the Army 
(being about six or seven) who are appointed to attend and assist them 
in the immediate watching about the King to be also lodged (if it may 
be) in the Upper Castle, or at least within the Tower; some of his 
allowed servants also (that were of immediate attendance about his 
person) must necessarily be lodged in the Upper Castle, about which 
Co!. Harrison and Lt.-Co!. Cobbett will advise with you. Co!. Thomlin- 
son and with him Lt.-Co!. Cobbett and Capt. :\lerriman are appointed 
to the charge of the immediate securing of the King's person (as you 
will see by their instructions, which they will show you), and for their 
assistance and furtherance therein you are desired to appoint such 
guards of Foot for the immediate securing of him, and to guard the 
rooms where he and they shall lodge, as they shall desire, and that 
you order those guards from time to time to observe the orders of Co!. 
Thomlinson, Lt.-Co!. Cobbett, and Capt. Merriman therein. 
The Horse also (as to the immediate guarding of the King) are 
appointed to receive orders"from Co1. Thomlinson, but as to the safe- 
guarding of the garrison, all (both Horse and Foot) are to be at your 
command. 'Ve thought this distribution better for your ease, and for 
the leaving you more free to look to the security of the whole garrison 

1 Eton. 

2 Winchester Tower? 



[4 Jan. 

than to burden you both with it, and with the immediate charge of 
the King's person, where you have also so many prisoners to look to. 
It is thought