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Full text of "The older nonconformity in Kendal : a history of the Unitarian Chapel in the Market Place with transcripts fo the registers and notices of the nonconformist academies of Richard Frankland, M.A., and Caleb Rotheram, D.D."



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O Reader ! had you in your mind 
Such stores as silent thought can brin^ 
O gentle Reader ! you will find 
A tale in everything. 


Cornell University 

The original of tiiis book is in 
tine Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 



The Older Nonconformity 
in Kendal 

A history of the 

Unitarian Chapel in the Market Place 

with transcripts of the registers and 

Notices of the Nonconformist Academies 

of Richard Frankland, M.A., 

and Caleb Rotheram, D.D. 










TN this book is given the history of the older noncon- 
^ formity in Kendal so far as it relates to the 
Congregation of Protestant Dissenters, the Nonconformist 
Academies and the Unitarian Baptists. Except incident- 
ally it does not deal with the Friends, the oldest noncon- 
formists in the town, nor with the Trinitarian Noncon- 
formist Churches established after the middle of the i8th 

The Congregation of Protestant Dissenters was appar- 
ently of lay origin as the Presbyterian Vicar conformed 
in 1662 and so deprived the local Nonconformists of 
clerical leadership. The lay Presbyterians and Inde- 
pendents held meetings for worship as opportunity 
offered during the Persecution period. Shortly before 
the Act of Toleration the Nonconformists of both sections 
seem to have united and got a settled minister. 

Shortly after Toleration there is evidence of the 
existence of a meeting house, which in 1720 was super- 
seded by the present Chapel. 

Doubtless Calvinistic in the 17th century the Congre- 
gation had, by the time the present chapel was built, 
so far departed from old theological standards that they 
enforced no theological tests on either ministers or 
members. The doctrinal development of the Congre- 
gation has been that of many other old congregations. 
Trinitarian Calvinistic Presbyterianism was followed by 
Arianism, and Arianism by Unitarianism, the changes 


being made without any violent disruptions. 

Early in the 19th century a new and vigorous strain 
of Unitarianism was brought into the older Congregation 
by the incorporation of the Unitarian Baptists. 

As the seat of two famous Nonconformist Academies 
Kendal had, for Nonconformists of the late 17th century 
and the second quarter of the i8th century, the status 
of a university town. At the Academies conducted by 
Frankland and Rotheram Nonconformist ministers and 
laymen received an education little if at all inferior 
to that given contemporaneously in the English univers- 
ities from which at that time they were excluded. 

Ten years ago I read before the Cumberland and 
Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society a 
short paper on " Kendal Chapel and its Registers," from 
which the present book has developed. In 1908 the bulk 
of the work was written, but pressure of business and, 
it must be added, the fascination of research, have pre- 
vented its earlier publication. To the draft of 1908 much 
has been added and from it much has been deducted, for 
it included some documents which have since been 
printed by others, and a chapter on the Kaber Rigg Plot, 
1663, which I contributed to the Transactions of the 
Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeol- 
ogical Society, was originally intended to be a chapter 
of this work. 

My thanks are due to my colleague and also to the 
many friends for assistance acknowledged in the text and 


The Knoll, 




Preface v. 

List of Illustrations ix. 

I. — The Commonwealth and Earlier . . . . i 

II. — Kendal Clergy during the Commonwealth 36 
III. — William Brownsword, M.A., Vicar of 

Kendal . . . . . . . . . 65 

IV. — The Act of Uniformity, 1662 . . . . 80 

V. — Persecution and Indulgence, 1662-1672 . . 86 
VI. — ^Thomas Whitehead, M.A., and George 

Benson, Licensed Teachers, 1672 . . loi 
VII. — Richard Frankland, M.A., Early Life and 

Ejection . . . . . . . . 113 

VIII. — Frankland's Academy : Rathmell and 

Natland . . . . . . . . . . 122 

IX. — Frankland's Academy : Student-life and 

Course of Study . . . . . 128 

X. — Richard Frankland, M.A. : Ordinations 

and Persecution . . . . . . 142 

XL — Frankland's Academy : Difficulties and 

Migrations . . . . . . . . 153 

XII. — Frankland's Academy : Toleration and 

Persecution . . . , . 159 
XIII. — Richard Frankland and the " Surey 

Demoniack " . . . . . . . . 175 

XIV. — Frankland as Author . . . . . . 180 

XV.— Frankland's Death, Will and Family . . 188 

XVI. — Frankland's Character and Portrait . . 196 

XVII. — John Issot . . . . . . . . 199 

XVIII. — Persecution Renewed . . . . . 201 

XIX. — James Hulme, died 1688 . . . . . . 223 

XX. — Legal Toleration, 1689 . . . . . . 227 

XXI. — Mr. Dearneley to Mr. Thorneley, 1690-1700 231 

XXII. — ^William Pendlebury, 1701-1706 . . . . 238 

XXIIL— Samuel Audland, 1709-1714 .. .. 249 

XXIV. — Was Kendal Chapel " originally ortho- 
dox " ? , . . . . . . . . . 262 















■Caleb Rotheram, D.D., 1716-1752 

Dr. Rotheram's Academy, 1733-1752 

•Supplies, 1 752- 1 754 

■Caleb Rotheram, the Younger, 1754- 1796 

■John Harrison, 1 796-1833 

■James Kay and the Unitarian Baptists . 

-Edward Hawkes, M.A., 1833-1866 

-Recent History 

-Crook and Stainton Chapels 

-The Registers of Baptisms and Burials of 

the Market Place Chapel and of Births 

of the Unitarian Baptist Congregation 
-Monumental Inscriptions . . 
-Lists of Subscribers and Seat-holders, 

1720; Chapel Wardens, 1789-1815 ; 

and Clerks 
Trustees of the Chapel and Market Place 

Property, i 719-1868 
List of Frankland's Pupils 
Dr. Rotheram's Pupils 
Errata and Corrigenda 











Market Place Chapel 

The Humble Petition of 1642 . . 

Facsimile of the title page from the original in the 
possession of F. Nicholson 
Richard Frankland, M.A. 

From the original portrait, perhaps by Thomas 
Sanderson {see p. 198), now in Dr. Williams's 
Robert Whitaker's Autograph and " Tables ' 

From the original MS. in the possession of W 
Ridley Richardson, Esq., M.A. 
Oxenholme, Staircase 
Dawson Fold in Crosthwaite 


Rathmell : Dated stone . . 

Richard Frankland's Autograph 

From the original letter in the possession of Thomas 
Brayshaw, Esq., of Settle 
Frankland Memorial in Giggleswick Church . . 
Pew ends from the first Chapel, and old Communion 

Now in the vestry of the Market Place Chapel 
Moss Side in Crosthwaite 
Market Place Chapel, Rear view 

Dr. Rotheram's Autograph 
Edward Blackstock's Autograph 

Market Place Chapel, Entrance and Old Parsonage . . 
Rev. John Harrison 

From the silhouette in the Chapel 



face 4 












The Rev. Edward Hawkes, M.A. 

From a lithographed portrait in the possession of 
] . E. Hawkes, Esq. 
Market Place Chapel, Interior . . 
Stainton Chapel, Rear view 
„ Interior 

,, Old Pew Ends 

The Gravestone of " The Wanderer ' 
Myles Harrison, Recorder of Kendal 

From the portrait, by Romney, in the Kendal Town 
James Ainslie, M.D. 

Reproduced by permission of the Bradford Art 
Gallery Committee from the painting by Romney 
in the Cartwright Memorial Hall 
John Thomson, M.D. 

From the original portrait, by R. Leslie, R.A., 
in the Kendal Town Hall 
Robert Gawthrop 

From the original silhouette in the possession of 
F. Nicholson 
Roger Anderton's Autograph . . 


face 402 

face 434 






The Commonwealth and Earlier. 

NONCONFORMITY was no mere creation of the Act 
of Uniformity of 1662, although that Act was its 
technical beginning. Nonconformity was in truth, the 
outcome of a century's conflict, within the Church of 
England, between two schemes of church government 
(Episcopalian and Presbyterian), and in its modern 
developments represents the victory of a third scheme 
of church government (the Independent). 

When King Henry VIII. reformed the Church of 
England he dealt tenderly with doctrines and practices 
inherited from the Roman Church and severely with 
endowments left by Romanists for pious purposes. 
Amongst the things left unchanged was the system of 
church government, and so episcopacv remained the 
rule in England. The English reformers were at no 
loss to prove from the Scriptures and elsewhere that 
a hierarchy was in strict accordance with the practice 
of the primitive church. Contemporary with Henry 
VIII. was an obscure Frenchman, John Calvin by name, 
who by the time he was 27 years of age had developed 
an entirely different system of church government which 
was also in strict accordance with the practice of the primi- 
tive church. This system was Presbyterianism, and it was 
adopted in many continental countries and in Scotland. 

In England Presbyterianism met with little acceptance 
until the return to England of the clergymen and others 
who had fled to the Continent to avoid persecution under 
Queen Mary. Many of the refugees returned convinced 
Presbyterians, and in the Church of England their in- 
fluence was directed against episcopacy. But they were 
not the dominant party in the Church. 



Neither Episcopalians nor Presbyterians seem to have 
thought of the possibiUty of a church existing apart 
from the State. Both aimed at a national church, and 
each approved of parochial organization and parochial 

A third sect, the Independents, insignificant at first, 
did not beheve in a church of which the basis of member- 
ship was birth on this or that side of a boundary line. 
They also went back to the primitive church and found 
their ideal — a church in which the only bond of union 
was a common faith. In the nature of things the early 
Christian church could not have been organized on a 
parochial basis, and there can be no doubt that the Inde- 
pendents came nearest in their system of church govern- 
ment to that of the church as it existed before it became 
important enough to be captured by the State. 

There was, however, one great difficulty about Inde- 
pendency. Its ministers had either to support themselves 
or to depend on the contributions of the faithful, and 
voluntary contributions were apt to be a poor substitute 
for a fat living.* 

During the Commonwealth some Independent ministers 
compounded with their convictions by receiving the wages 
and performing the duty of parochial clergy, and at the 
same time acting as ministers of an Independent " gath- 
ered " church of the elect. | 

Independency, which implied separation from the 
State Church, was but in its infancy until the Civil War. 

* Occasionally, of course, the Independent minister had a rich congregation 
and was supported generously. Edwards, in his Gangraena, makes envious 
mention of some of these successful preachers. 

t The first ministers of the Cockermouth Independent Church were all 
parochial clergymen. It needed the experience of the years between 1662 
and 1689 to demonstrate the possibility of a ministry supported entirely bv 
voluntary contributions and to wean the dissenting ministry from belief in 
an endowed and established church. After the Act of Toleration all the 
older dissenting churches, whether nominally Presbyterian, Baptist or Inde- 
pendent, adopted, in practice, the Independent principle of church support. 
Later experience has shown that neither the Episcopalian system nor the 
Presbyterian system is necessarily dependent on tithes and other national 
and compulsory sources of revenue. 


The bulk of the members of the Puritan party were 
Presbyterians, and even they were a comparatively small 
section of the Church, which remained overwhelmingly 
episcopalian. For a couple of generations prior to the 
Civil War the Puritans had continued to grow within 
the Church, though they were often persecuted. When 
William Laud became a power in the Church the 
persecution of the Puritans increased. Laud, by his 
persecution of the Puritans roused the dormant " Protes- 
tant " spirit of the nation and alienated the " moderate " 
churchmen. The King and Strafford were performing 
a similar work in the secular affairs of the kingdom, 
and these three men brought about the Civil War, and 
as the result of the Civil War came the Commonwealth, 
the most glorious failure in English history. For the 
Commonwealth was a failure. Nothing it did had 
stability — and yet who shall say that after all the 
Commonwealth was not the most glorious success in 
English history. Its only fault was that it was before 
its time. Like the French Revolution, it has exercised 
a dominating influence in history. 

The Long Parliament which met in November, 1640, 
had a Puritan majority. In 1641 it spent much time in 
discussing the abortive " Root and Branch " Bill, by 
which the archbishops and bishops and other high dig- 
nitaries of the church were to be abolished, and the 
revenues of the various deans and chapters devoted to 
the propagation of religion, in other words to increasing 
the maintenance of the parochial clergy, who, under 
the episcopal system, had suffered in order that scholars 
and courtiers might have well paid offices with little 
work attached. By the Root and Branch Bill lay com- 
missioners were to be appointed to govern the church 
and administer ecclesiastical justice, and five ministers 
in each county were to be set aside for the purpose of 
ordaining ministers. Nothing came of the scheme. 


In the summer of 1642 war between King and Parlia- 
ment was inevitable, and on August 22nd the King raised 
his standard. 

A petition from Kendal to Parliament immediately 
before the commencement of hostilities illustrates the 
share religious grievances had in strengthening the 
Parliamentary side. The petition was presented to the 
House of Commons on 6th August, 1642. The petitioners 
placed religion in the fore-front, civil grievances and 
Parliamentary privileges taking a very subsidiary position, 
though, curiously enough, religion was not mentioned on 
the title-page of the petition as published by order of 
Parliament. Here is the petition : — * 

To the Honorable, the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of the 
House of Commons now assembled in Parliament ; The humble 
Petition of the Gentry, Ministers, and Commonalty of the Barony 
of Kendall in the County- of Westmerland, who have subscribed 
hereunto. In all humility sheweth. That we are very sensible 
of our too great remisnesse, in rendring thanks for your unwearied 
labours, and constant endeavours (to the hazard of your lives 
and fortunes) for the generall good and safety of the whole King- 
dom, And especially for your endeavours to preserve the true 
reformed Protestant Religion without mixture or composition, 
against those subtle Innovators that have long laboured to 
hinder and caluminate [sic] the power and practise thereof, 
evidenced by their wicked designes, in molesting, and suppressing 
of many worthy, and powerfull Preachers, by Innovations in 
Religion, and by casting unjust scandals and aspersions upon 
the Zealous Professors thereof ; together with many other things 
of maine importance, intended by you (as by Declarations and 
Votes do appear unto us), for the glory of God, the advantage 
of His Majestic, the honour of his Government, and the con- 
tentment of all His Majesties well affected Subjects. And now 
perceiving that by the subtle and cunning practises of some 
evill affected Persons, (Enemies not onely to a thorough Reforma- 
tion and the power of Religion but also to the honour of His 

* It is referred to in Commons' Journals, ii., 706. The full text, which we 
quote, is given in a small quarto tract of the title page of which we give a 
facsimile. F. Nicholson possesses a copy of the tract. 

11 v^ie Humble § 


H O F T H E 13 

^Gentry, MinifterssandCommo-f; 

§"" naltyof the Barony of ^'^^'^■5/^^ in the County ^~ 
O r ^iis 



, VVeftmerland , 

^ Who have fubfcribcd hereunto. W^ 


,%Tbey fet forth their readineffeto 

^^ maintain and defend His Majcfties Royall Per- 

^ fon, Honour, and Eftate, and according to M 

^ their Proccflation, the power and priviledge ^ 

3»t of ParliamentSjthelawfuil Rights and m 

^ Liberties of the Subject. tM 

'^ _ _--— . ^ i^ 

^ ^. ey/figulfi, 1642. . j^^l^: 

jti Ordered bythe Commons in Parliament, That Mafter Bay>ji jA\ 

i^ who delivered this Petition into the Houfe, return the <jl> 

_;r C'iiiuryhearty thanks for their duty to His Majeftiej nd '^}. 

^ good jiKclion to the Parliament. And it isforther Or- ^t- 

- i-; dci - .■', That this Petition be forthwith Prinrcd. ':^.' 

-?|e, H. Elfyi^e , CU r. P nrl. D . Com. ^4 

ys Z'^'/'.''>^/,, i-rioted by /,.iV. and LFAor Ech'VardHnd'Mulszw^ 7j 

;'^ • /oA»i-V^«c;^. Aaguft 8. 1642. %i 

FACE P. 4. 


Majesties Government, the peace and welfare of the whole King- 
dom, and to the poor distressed Protestants our Brethren in 
Ireland) so happy a Reformation both in Church and in Common 
wealth is much hindred ; discountenanced and opposed, to our 
no lesse grief then amazement. 

Your Petitioners therefore humbly pray this Honourable 
Assembly, to continue and go on in your Godly and Christian 
Resolutions, for a happy and thorough Reformation, such as 
may chiefly tend to the honour of God, the greatnesse and pros- 
perity of His Majestic, and the publique good of the Church and 
Common-wealth ; And that the Authors and Fomentors of our 
evills, may be brought to condigne punishment, the power and 
priviledges of Parliaments, and the lawfuU Rights and Liberties 
of the Subjects, vindicated and confirm'd And we according 
to the duty of our Allegiance, shall be ready to maintain and 
defend His Majesties Royall person, honour and estate and 
according to our protestation, the power and priviledges of 
Parliaments, the lawfull Rights and Liberties of the Subjects, 
and every of your Persons, in what ever you shall do in the 
lawfull pursuance of the same. 

And shall ever pray, &c. 

We the Subscribers of this Petition, do hereby authorize the 
Transcriber hereof, to transcribe our names in a faire manner.* 

The House of Commons appreciated the tone of this 
petition and acknowledged it very graciously, as appears 
by this extract from its Journals as given in the tract : — 

Die Sabbathi : 6 Augusti. 1642. 
THE humble Petition of the Gentry, Ministers, and Free-holders, 
of the Barony of Kendall in the Countie of Westmerland was 
this day read, and Master Bayns who had authority from that 
Countrey to deliver it, was called in, and Master Speaker by the 
Command of the House, told him that they had read this petition, 
and found it full of duty to His Majestic and affection to the 
Common-wealth, and especially at this time, and therefore he 
is commanded to return the County hearty thanks, and that 
this House will have speciall care of them : They have further 
Ordered, that this Petition be forthwith printed 
H. Elsynge : Cler. Pari. D. Com. 

* The names are not given in tlie tract. 


A few months later, when the Civil War had begun, 
Parliament again considered a matter relating to West- 
morland, and on i8th November, 1642,* declared that 
" they hold it a thing most fit, necessary and healthful 
for the present state of this kingdom, and do accordingly 
order " that the inhabitants of the northern counties 
should " associate themselves, and mutually aid, succour, 
and assist one another, by raising forces of horse and foot 
. . . and by all other good ways and means whatso- 
ever, to suppress and subdue the Popish and malignant 
party in the said several counties." This was ostensibly 
only a measure of self defence, Parliament " being cer- 
tainly informed that the Papists and other malignant 
and ill-affected Persons, Inhabitants in the Counties of 
Yorke, Northumberland, Westmerland, Cumberland, Lan- 
cashire, Cheshire, County Palatine of Duresme, and Town 
and County of Newcastle, have entered into an Associa- 
tion, and have raised, and daily do raise, great forces 
both of horse and foot, to oppress and distress the well 
affected subjects, and to aid and succour the Popish 
and malignant Party in those Northern Parts, and in 
particular those now in the City of Yorke." 

We may look on this declaration as a broad hint to the 
followers of the Parliament in the northern counties 
that they would be expected to take their own defence 
in their own hands. It suggests moreover that " Papists 
and other malignant and ill-affected persons " (in more 
polite English, the Royalists) were very strong in the 

The Royalist successes early in the war made it 
necessary for the Parliament to obtain the assistance 
of the Scots, which was only to be obtained at a price. 
Part of the price was the adoption in England of Presby- 
terianism, the Scots desiring the union of England and 
Scotland in one form of kirk government, one confession 

* Lords' Journals, v., 451. 


of faith, one catechism, and one directory for worship. 
In 1643 the Assembly of Divines,* known, from its place 
of meeting, as the Westminster Assembly, was called 
into existence "to be consulted with by Parliament for 
the settlement of the government and liturgy of the 
Church of England." The Westminster Assembly, which 
included a few laymen, was almost entirely Puritan and 
overwhelmingly Presbyterian. Its first work of im- 
portance was the preparation of the " Directory for 
Worship." After some consideration by both Houses 
of Parliament, the " Directory " was ordered to be 
printed and circulated, and by an Act passed in March, 
1644-5, it was " ordained by the Lords and Commons 
assembled in Parliament . . . that the said Book of 
Common Prayer, shall not remain, or be from henceforth 
used in any Church, Chappel, or place of pubhque Wor- 
ship, within the Kingdome of England, or Dominion of 
Wales ; And that the Directory for publique Worship 
herein set forth, shall be henceforth used, pursued and 
observed, according to the true intent and meaning of 
this Ordinance, in all Exercises of the Publique Worship 
of God, in every Congregation, Church, Chappel, and 
place of publique Worship within this kingdome of 
England and Dominion of Wales. "| 

It is very unlikely that this law was carried out to the 

In July, 1645, the Assembly of Divines completed its 
scheme of church government, which became law in the 
following month. 

The " Directory " and Presbyterian government have 
disappeared, but other work of the Assembly lives to 
this day for its " Confession of Faith," and its " Cate- 
chism " and "Shorter Catechism" remain, in essentials, 

* It may be mentioned that F. Nicholson is directly descended from the 
Rev. Charles Herle, M.A., Prolocutor, that is Chairman, of the Assembly of 

t Scobell's Acts and Ordinances, 1658. 


the standards of faith of all the Calvinistic churches in 
England, Scotland and the United States. There is no 
doubt that the Assembly's " Catechism " represents the 
faith of the bulk of the first generation of Nonconformists, 
though even in their time Baxter's great influence was 
on the side of a less rigidly Calvinistic interpretation of 
the Christian faith. While Parliament and the West- 
minster Assembly were together adopting measures for 
placing the government of the church on a Presbyterian 
basis, the Episcopalian clergy were gradually being 
ejected from their benefices. Some were ejected as 
" malignants," i.e., members of the Royalist party, and 
others for their scandalous lives or for neglecting their 
duties.* Having turned out malignant and scandalous 
priests the Parliament replaced them by ministers who 
were regarded as " godly " men. This process of ejection 
and substitution seems scarcely to have touched West- 
morland, at all events, in the early years of the Common- 
wealth, f 

The religious condition of the northern counties was 
so serious that special and urgent measures were needed, 
and Parliament found it necessary to make provision for 
the supply of preaching ministers to those dark places 
of the earth. 

On 26th October, 1644, the House of Commons ordered 
Sir Thomas Widdrington to bring in an " Ordinance 
concerning religious and well-affected ministers to be 
sent into the counties of Cumberland and Westmorland,"]: 
and on 23rd April, 1645, an ordinance § was made by 
Parliament " for the maintenance of some preaching 
ministers, . . . out of the respective possessions of 

* White's Century of Scandalous Priests and Walker's Sufferings of the 
Clergy give two sides of the history of the suffering clergymen. 

t The facts carefully collected by Mr. Nightingale (The Ejected of 1662) show 
only eight sequestrations in the county, and several of these were of ministers 
who had other livings. 

% Commons' Journals, iii., 678. 

§ Lords' Journals, vii., 332, 333. 


the Deans and Chapters of Yorke, Durham and Carhsle." 
The ordinance, which does not directly concern Kendal 
but has its bearing on the religious history of the county, 
reads, " and it is further ordained . . . That one 
godly, able and learned Divine, to be also approved of 
by the Reverend Assembly of Divines, shah be sent 
into the county of Westmerland, where he shall reside 
and preach in the Town of Appleby, in the said County 
of Westmerland ; and shall also have the Yearly Main- 
tenance of One Hundred and Fifty Pounds, to be paid 
yearly unto him, out of the possessions of the Dean and 
Chapter of Carlisle, the same to be paid at two days 
or times in the year . . . the first payment thereof 
to begin from the 29th Day of September, 1644." 

This Ordinance was amended on 19th December, 
1645.* The original ordinance had made arrangements 
for the payment of the preachers by the Commissioners 
of Parliament residing at York ; or with the Army. 
These officers no longer resided at York, or with the 
Army " in which respects some doubts have been made 
what persons shall pay the said monies." The Lords 
and Commons therefore " for the clearing of that or any 
other doubts that may arise to retard or hinder the said 
payments, and for the further advancement and estab- 
lishment of so good, pious and necessary a work in those 
northern and remote counties, where there is so great 
a want of able, learned and painful Preachers," ordered 
that the payments should be made by the Standing 
Committees of each county where the Deans' lands lay. 

As we have mentioned, it was in July, 1645, that the 
Assembly of Divines presented to Parliament its scheme 
of church government. In August of the same year 
was passed the first of several ordinances by which the 
Church of England was organized on a Presbyterian 

* Lords' Journals, viii., 50. 


basis.* The intention was that each parish or church 
should be governed by its minister and lay elders, equiva- 
lent to the Kirk session in Scotland, a group of churches 
geographically contiguous should form a Class or Classis 
(equivalent to the Presbytery), each church sending 
ministers and lay elders as representatives to the meeting 
of the Classis, and that the several Classes in a county 
should form a Synod and send representatives to the 
Synod meeting. But though the Presbyterian system 
was the law of the land from 1645 to 1660, it was put 
completely into practice in very few counties, and West- 
morland was not one of these counties. 

A committee for each county was appointed to divide 
the county into suitable classes. Subsequent proceedings, 
so far as concerns Westmorland, are shown in the following 
letter of loth March, 1645-6 : — f 

Honorable Sir, 

Wee received your Honours letter (dated the 22^ of September 
last) the 3d of February last, Wherein is required of us, with 
advise of Godly Ministers, to returne to your Honour such 
Ministers and Elders as are thought fitt for the Presbiteriall way 
of Government, (which wee much desire to be established) and 
the severall Classes. After wee received your Honours letter to 
that purpose, (though long after the date) wee speedily had a 
meeting, and upon due consideration, nominated the Ministers and 
Elders which wee thought fittest (as your Honour may conceive 
by this inclosed) for the Presbiteriall imployment as is desired, 
and have devided the County of Westmerland into two Classes. 
Since the expediting of this your Honours direction ; Wee have 
heard of an Ordinance of Parliament directing to the election 
of such persons ; But as yet neither Order, nor Ordinance hath 
come unto us ; Only your Honours letter, is our Warrant and 
Instruction ; And accordingly wee make bould to send, (here 

* The most valuable and detailed work on the ecclesiastical history of this 
period is Dr. W. A. Shaw's History of the English Church, 1640-1663 (Longmans, 
1900). Of it we have made much use. 

t Tanner MSS., Ix., 532. The letter accompanied the list of the Classes, 
but was overlooked by Dr. Shaw, who antedated the list by a few months 
(English Church, ii., 8). 


inclosed) the names both of Ministers and Elders, And if wee faile 
in the ParHaments method in this prticular ; Wee shall wiUingly 
(upon your Honours next direction) rectify any mistake for the 
present and shalbe willing to submitt to your Honours and 
ParUamentary directions Which we shall diuly expect that in 
whatsoever wee have missed wee may amend it. Thus with our 
Service recommended we remaine 

Your Honours 
Kendal, io° Marcij, 1645 Servants. 

Ric. Prissoe, ]\Iaior. 
Rich. Branthwaite. Tho: Sleddall. 

Allan Gilpin. Ger: Benson. 

Thorn: Sandes. Rowland Dawson. 

John Archer. Edmond Guy. 

Addressed : — • 

For the Honourable 

William Lenthall, Esquire, 

Speaker of the Commons 

House of Parliament 
Endorsed : — 

10 Martij 1645. 

From the Maior and 

Committee at Kendall 

with their Classes. 

The lists of the suggested Classes are printed by Dr. 
Shaw* and need not be reprinted here. The Committee 
advised the division of the county into two Classes, one 
for the Barony of Kendal, and the other for the " Bottome 
of Westmerland," and suggested certain persons as 
members of each Classis. The list they give shows how 
impossible the establishment of Presbyterianism in the 
county was at that time. Essential parts of a Classis 
were the parish ministers and a large number of these 
were men who were not Presb3/terians, and several were 
aggressive Royalists. | In the Barony Classis, Mr. 

* English Church, ii., 369. 

t Four clergymen in the Barony are included in a list of sequestrated 
Royalists dated 27th February, 1649-50, i.e., Henry Hutton, Thomas Bigg 
of Heversham, George Buchanan of Kirkby Lonsdale, and Henry Wilson of 
Grasmere. Cal. Com. Comp., i., 176. 


Johnson of Burton is described as " one who hath for- 
merlie complyed with the enimie, but hath since taken 
the Covenant, and the oath of the 5th of Aprill," Mr. 
Moone of Beetham, was " a verie weake and unable 
minister," Mr. Richard Archer of Windermere " lately- 
come from the University of Oxford " was " a non- 
covenanter and disaffected," and Mr. Henry Wilson of 
Grasmere was " a notorious malignant and articled 
against the Parliament." Only Mr. Henry Masy of 
Kendal, Mr. Samuel Cole of Heversham, Mr. William 
Cole of Kirkby Lonsdale, and Mr. Samuel Harrison of 
Killington, have no disparaging remarks added to their 
names, and were presumably men who could be depended 
upon to support Presbyterianism. In the Classis for the 
Bottom of Westmorland things were pretty much the 
same. The Vicar of Brough, the parson of Musgrave, the 
parson of Long Warton, and the parson of Cliburn are 
each described as " a non-covenanter and disaffected," 
the parson of Asby was a pluralist, Mr. Robert Simpson 
of Ormside and Bongate was a " non-covenanter and 
a pluralist," the parson of Kirkby Thore was " a malignant 
and pluralist lately come from the King's quarters," the 
minister of Newbiggin was a " non-covenanter," the 
ministers of Clifton, Morland and Askham " formerly 
complyed with the enemy, but [had] since taken the 
Covenant," and the minister of Appleby was a non- 
covenanter. Eleven clergymen are not adversely com- 
mented upon and were presumably Presbyterians, while 
twelve were known opponents of Presbyterianism or 
very doubtful supporters of that system. 

Clearly there would have to be a very drastic clearing 
out of " malignants " before there was a possibility of 
the Presbyterian system having a chance. 

In the suggestion of lay members of the Classes the 
Committee had a freer hand, and it is probable that 
practically all those nominated were men whose sym- 


pathies were with Presbyterianism and the Parhament. 
The " elders " for the parish of Kendal were Mr. Nicholas 
Fisher, Capt. Roger Bateman, Mr. Gervase Benson, Mr. 
Allan Gilpin, Mr. John Archer, Mr. Thomas Sandes, 
Wilham Bateman, Wilham Sheepherd, John Rowlandson, 
and Myles Bateman, junior. 

Nicholas Fisher of Stainbank Green was a barrister, 
and after the Restoration a county magistrate. His 
family had had a long connection with the Corporation 
of Kendal.* Captain Roger Bateman was probably the 
" Mr. Roger Bateman of Bleas in Old Hutton," who was 
buried at the Parish Church early in December, 1681. 
Gervase Benson, who is mentioned in a later chapter, 
was a Colonel in the Parhamentary Army, Mayor of 
Kendal in 1644-5, and afterwards a Friend, f Allan 
Gilpin was Mayor of Kendal in 1646-7. John Archer 
was Mayor in 1648-9, a candidate for Parhament in 1656, 
and in his later years a friend to the local Nonconformists, 
his name occurring several times in our narrative.;]: He 
died in 1682. Thomas Sandes, Mayor in 1647-8, was the 
founder of the Blue Coat School and Hospital, the deed 
of foundation of which does not appear to be of a sectarian 

Miles Bateman was the name of an early Friend, § but 
whether the Friend was identical with Miles Bateman, 
junior, of the Classis list, we cannot say. 

William Sheepherd was probably one of that family 
of Shepherd which remained connected with local dissent 
for several generations. 

John Rowlandson was probably the person of that 

* Foster's Visitation Pedigrees of Cumberland and Westmorland, p. 48. 

t At one time he was a magistrate, but was " put out for conscience' sake " 
before 1659 (Cal. S.P. Dom., 1658-9, p. 360). 

t During the Protectorate he was a magistrate, and as such committed 
one Quaker to prison for disturbing Divine Service at Old Hutton Chapel 
(Cal. "S.P. Dom., 1658-9, p. 164). 

§ Perfect Pharisee, p. 30. 


name who died 6th October, 1653, and was ancestor of 
a family long connected with Bradleyfield.* 

Edward Briggs, who is named as one of the Heversham 
elders, was one of the early converts to Quakerism, but 
did not long remain a Friend. In the Perfect Pharisee 
(p. 7) he is mentioned as "an holy, humble Saint in 
Westmerland, whom God was pleased to deliver out of 
their [the Quakers'] snares, with which, for some time, 
he was entangled." By Oliver Heywoodf Briggs is 
described as "an old Kendal carrier, a good man, great 
friend to ministers." He died 4th December, 1678, aged 


Evidence that the Elders, at any rate, were for the 
most part favourable to Parliament is shewn by a com- 
parison with other contemporary lists of local men who 
served on bodies which acted as the local representatives 
of Parliament in secular matters, i.e., the list of Com- 
missioners appointed i6th February, 1647-8, under an 
ordinance of the Lords and Commons for raising £20,000 
a month for the relief of Ireland, J the list of the local 
members of the committee to settle the Militia in the 
northern counties, § appointed 8th July, 1648, and the 
list of persons " made Judges to hear and determine the 
causes " of persons under the Ordinance of 1653 for the 
" Relief of Creditors and Poor Prisoners." || Nearly all 
the names in these lists occur also in the Classes lists, 
and from the three and the list of the Committee for 

* Kendal Free Press, May, 1907, p. 2. 

•j- None. Reg., p. 59. 

J Lords' Journals, x., 58. The Westmorland commissioners were James 
Bellingliam of Levens, Henry Laurence, Ricliard Salway, Henry Ireton, 
Edward Wilson, Nicholas Fisher, Rowland Dawson, Allan Bellingham, 
esquires, Roger Bateman, Richard Branthwait, Gervas Benson, James 
Bellingham of Gathorn, Thomas Brathwait, John Cowel, William Knipe, 
Joseph Booth, and Robert Stevenson, gentlemen. 

§ Lords' Journals, x., 279. The Westmorland men were Edward Wilson, 
Richard Branthwaite, Gervas Benson, Thomas Sandes, Captain Bateman, 
and Captain Gardner. 

y Scobell's Acts and Ordinances, 1658. The Westmorland judges were 
John Archer, Jervas Benson, Roger Bateman, and William Garnet. 


Sequestrations might be constructed a fairly complete 
list of the leading local supporters of the Parliament. 

Dr. Shaw has found no evidence that a Classis ever 
existed in Westmorland,* nor have we. There is some 
evidence to the contrary. For instance, in May and 
July, 1647, Cumberland and Westmorland ministers 
was referred to the " next Classis in Lancashire " for 
examination, f which would not have been necessary had 
there been a Classis in Westmorland. Doubtless here, 
as almost everywhere in the country, Presbyterianism 
was not the form of church government favoured by a 
majority of the people. It must also be remembered 
that the Army, under Cromwell's leadership, was not 
favourable to Presbyterianism, and indeed desired a 
toleration of all varieties of religion, excepting, of course, 
Roman Catholicism and Socinianism. Very soon after 
the Parliament had decided in favour of Presbyterianism, 
the Army and Cromwell became supreme in the State, 
and Presbyterianism lost what chance it had had of 
really becoming the established system in England. 
Presbyterianism was intended to be a national system 
and to include every person in the nation. In the nature 
of things it was intolerant. On the other hand, the 
Independents were tolerant. Nevertheless, the strength 
of Presbyterianism prevented the establishment of Inde- 
pendency as the national religion. Probably in that 
event Independency would have forgotten its tolerance, 
just as did the Independents in the American colonies. 

While the dilatory committee at Kendal was evolving 
its suggested Classes the Committee of the North was 
pointing out the inconvenience caused by there being no 
means for the ordination of ministers. In a report read 
to the Westminster Assembly on 20th January, 1645, 
the Committee reported " They want ministers in Cumber- 

* English Church, ii., 33. 

t Nightingale's Ejected, p. 503, 1132. 


land and Westmorland. Two ministers appeared before 
the committee yesterday, only they are not in orders. 
They do not scruple orders, but would accept it if any 
to ordain them. The Committee would not send them 
down without orders, but desire to take this hint to send 
a message to the House of Commons that they would set 
up a way of ordination."* But the House of Commons 
did not set up a way of ordination. 

The certificate prepared in March, 1645-6, in response 
to the Ordinance of 7th July, 1645, shows that a con- 
siderable number of the clergy were " malignant " in 
the eyes of the ruling powers. The fact seems to have 
become known to Parliament before the certificate 
arrived, as on i8th July, 1645, the House of Commonsf 
ordered " that the Committee, which was appointed for 
providing able and godly Ministers in the counties of 
Yorke, Northumberland, Newcastle upon Tyne and 
Bishoprick of Durham shall have like power to provide 
and place able and godly ministers in the counties of 
Cumberland and Westmerland." This Committee would 
not be likely to look with favour on many of the parsons 
in the Classes lists. 

There can be no doubt that the type of religion favoured 
by the Parliament was not very acceptable in the North, 
else why should there be these special efforts for the 
introduction of " godly " ministers? In secular matters 
also Parliament seems to have been scarcely able to hold 
its own in Westmorland, for in August, 1647, the local 
Committee for Sequestrations was captured bodily and 
imprisoned by a riotous mob. The unfortunate Committee 
may be left to tell its own story : — J 

To the Right Honourable the House of Peers in ParUament 

* Minutes of the Westminster Assembly. Ed. by Mitchell and Struthers, 
p. 180. 

t Commons' Journals, iv., 211. 
X Lords' Journals, x., 42. 


The Information and Certificate of the Committee for Seques- 
trations, within the Barony of Kendall, and County of Westmer- 
land May it please the Right Honourable House to be certified. 

That, upon Tuesday, being the tenth day of August last, 
Anthony Knipe, Miles Halhead, Alan Wilson, Christopher Gilpin, 
George Mackereth, Thomas Lickbarrow, Stephen Jopson, Mr. 
Henry Feild, and John Briggs, with many others to the number 
of four hundred or thereabouts, all Inhabitants within the Barony 
of Kendall aforesaid, did in a rebellious and riotous manner, 
assemble themselves together within the said Barony, armed 
with Muskets, Swords, Pikes, Hand guns, and other Instruments 
of War, to the great terror and affrightment of all peaceable and 
well-affected persons thereabouts ; and, being so assembled and 
armed, did, in a most violent and furious manner, march together 
to the town of Kendall, within the said County of Westmerland, 
being the place where the said Committee of Parhament did 
usually sit ; and, upon the Day following, being Wednesday, 
the said Committee, or the most of them, being met and sitting 
together, at the House of one Peter Huggon, in Kendall aforesaid, 
and consulting how to discharge the Trust reposed in them by 
the Right Honourable Houses of Parliament, and to do what 
good Office they could for the Country, the aforesaid Persons, 
with a great Number more, all armed, and many of them with 
their Swords drawn. Matches lighted, and other Instruments 
of War in their hands, did violently enter into the Chamber where 
the said Committee were so sitting, and discharging their Duties ; 
and apprehended Mr. Allan Gilpin, Mayor of Kendall aforesaid, 
with the rest of the Committee there present, and, in most shame- 
ful and disgraceful Manner, hawled and pulled them down, and 
by Force carried them to the House of one Peter Sheppard in 
the said town, a known Malignant, where they imprisoned the 
said Committee, and set Guards upon them, till Thursday After- 
noon then next following ; during which Time and after (they 
continuing in Arms until the Sunday Morning next following) 
they uttered many Menaces and Threats against the said Com- 
mittee, declaring themselves both by their Words and Actions 
to be opposite to any Parliamentary power ; as, by calling upon 
all to their Assistance that (as they termed it) stood for God 
and the King, appointing Captain Huddleston Phihpson, Leonard 
Ayrey, Reginald Harrison, with others, who had all been formerly 
in actual Arms against the Parliament, to be their Leaders and 
Commanders ; And, to testify their further Malignity, they 
seized upon the Magazine and Arms provided for the Parliaments 



Service and Defence of the said Barony, and disposed thereof at 
their Pleasures ; and caused the Drums which they forced from 
the Officers within the said Town, to beat up and down the 
Town ; apprehended and imprisoned Mr. Henry Massey, Minister 
of the said Town, a Man ever well-affected to the Parhament ; 
opposed the Troop formerly raised within the said Barony by 
Order of the Parliament, and imprisoned some of them ; with 
divers other such like Words and Actions ; And it being demanded 
of them, by the said Committee, " By what Authority they did 
do such Things ? " They answered, " Their Swords were their 
Commissions." Thus much we conceive ourselves bound in duty 
to certify your Lordships ; leaving the Consideration of the 
Premises to your most wise and grave Considerations ; not 
doubting but, according to the Ordinance of Parliament, we 
shall be protected from such desperate Attempts, by the Power 
of Parliament, and the principal Authors and Actors of the 
Premises shall receive such condign Punishment as others may 
be deterred from attempting the like hereafter ; and the rather, 
because we find our Proceedings ever since much obstructed, 
the Delinquents (by their Encouragements) refusing to make 
Payment of their Rents for the Lands and Grounds they farmed 
of the said Committee, in manifest Contempt of the Orders and 
Ordinances of Parliament in that Behalf. We remain 

Your Honours and the Kingdom's Servants, 

Tho. Sandes. Ric. Prissoe. 

Edward Wilson. Miles Mann. 

Tho. Sleddall. Allan Gilpin. 

Rowland Dawson. Jo. Archer. 
Ger. Benson. 

Nothing seems to have happened to Knipe and his 
fellow rowdies, the local authorities evidently being 
afraid to take action. Six months later (nth February, 
1647-8) the Committee laid its case before the House 
of Lords in the petition just quoted. The Lords felt 
unequal to dealing with it, and deferred its consideration 
" until some of the Judges should be present."* On 
February 29th, having presumably got the necessary 
legal assistance, the Lords 

♦ Lords' Journals, x., 40. 


Upon reading again the Information and Certificate of the Com- 
mittee for Sequestrations, within the Barony of Kendall and 
County of Westmerland ; complaining of a great Riot there, 
ordered, " That any one or more of the Justices of the Peace 
of the County shall, according to Law, attach the bodies of 
Anthony Knipe, Miles Halhead, Alan Wilson, Captain Huddleston 
PhiUipson, Leonard Ayrey, and Reginald Harrison, and commit 
them to the Gaol ; and in case any Resistance be, then the Sheriff 
do assist, with the Power of the County, as also Major General 
Lambert : And it is further ordered. That they shall be pro- 
ceeded against at the next Assizes to be held for that County, 
to be punished according to their offences, and according to Justice, 
whereof this House expects a strict account, and that the Magazine 
and Arms, which were taken away by the Parties aforesaid, or 
any others, from the Committee in August last, shall be re- 

A Government whose local officers were liable to 
insults of this kind, and dare not prosecute rioters without 
waiting six months for the advice of head-quarters, was 
scarcely likely to be able to enforce an unpopular Presby- 
terian system in a county where Catholics, Churchmen 
and Independents certainly combined, possibly separately, 
far outnumbered the Presbyterians.* 

In 1649 i^ was again found necessary to devise special 
means for dealing with the four northern counties, the 
committee appointed in July, 1645, having failed to do 
the work for which it was appointed. On 20th December, 
1649, the House of Commons appointed a Committee, 
and on the 15th February, 1649-50, Sir Arthur Heselrige 
was ordered to bring in a Bill for settling ministers in 
the northern counties. The Bill " for the better propa- 
gating and preaching of the Gospel of Jesus Christ in 
the four Northern Counties and for the maintenance of 

* After this episode the Parliament evidently thought the Westmorland 
Committee for Sequestrations required strengthening, and accordingly added 
to it six esquires and gentlemen, all of Lancashire. At the same time Parlia- 
ment ordered that the first £4000 raised by the Committee out of the seques- 
tered estates of Papists and delinquents should be paid to Col. Ralph Ashton 
[Assheton], senior (another Lancashire man), for the payment of his troops 
(Lords' Journals, x., 371). 


godly and able ministers " * was accordingly introduced 
on 22nd February, read the first and second time, and 
committed to the same committee who brought in the 
Act for Wales. On ist March the Committee's amend- 
ments were read and assented to, and the Act passed 
with a proviso that it was to be in force for three years 
from that day. There is no copy of the Act in existence,! 
but its substance was printed in one of the newspapers 
of the dayj and is here quoted : — 

I That Philip Lord Wharton, Edward Lord Howard, Sir Hen. 
Vane senior, Sir Arthur Haslerigge, Sir Hen. Vane junior. Sir 
Thomas Widrington, Sir John Fenwick, Sir Wilham Selby, Sir 
George Vane, Wil. Armyne, George Fenwick, Tho. Heylerigge, 
Wilham Vane, Francis Wren, James Clavering, Francis Hacker, 
Francis Allen, Jervas Benson, Robert Lilburne, Rob. Hutton, 
Tho. Fitch, Tho. Chulmley, Tho. Craister, Cuthburt Studholme, 
Tho. Lampbugh, [Lamplugh] Tho. Langhorne, Edward Winter, 
Wilham Mawson, Rob. Hutter [Hutton ?], John Staddard ; John 
Crosthwayte, Paul Hobson, John Archer, Roger Bateman, Will. 
Fenwick, Ralph Delavall, Tho. Middleton, Mich. Weldon, Will. 
Shafto, Hen. Ogle, Luke Killingworth, Henry Housley, John 
Ogle of Kirkley, Wil. Sedgwicke, John Middleton, Edward 
Brigges, Richard Branthwaile [Branthwaite], Esquires, Tho. 
Bonner, Hen. Warmouth, Hen. Dawson, Tho. Ledgard, Will. 
Dawson of Newcastle Alderman, Rich. Crakenthorpe, Tho. 
Delavals, bee constituted, and appointed Commissioners in the 
Counties of Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmerland, and 
Duresme, to put the following powers and authorities in execution. 

2 They or any five of them to receive all Articles or Charge 
against any scandalous Ecclesiasticall person, having any place 
in the said Counties, and to send for them by Warrant, to answer 
the same. 

3 That they appear within ten dayes after summons. 

4 That after due Answers made by such as shall appear, the 

* Commons' Journals, vi., 365, 370, 374. 

t Shaw's English Church, ii., 226. 

X Severall proceedings in Parliament from Thursday the 28 of February to 
Thursday the 7 of March 1649. Licensed by the Clerke of the Parliament 6 
Mar. 1649. Numb. 23 p. 311. This summary was apparently unknown to 
Dr. Shaw, who assumed the substantial identity of the provisions of the Act 
for the northern counties with that for Wales. 


Commissioners to proceed by examination of witnesses upon 
Oath, the Examinations to be taken in writing : And after due 
examination of witnesses, and what can be said by both parties 
and all for them, and upon proofe made good against scandalous 
Ministers to eject them. 

5 If the said ejected person shall not acquiesse in the judge- 
ment or determination of the said Commissioners or any five of 
them. Then it shall be lawful to and for the said person, or party 
so ejected, to appeale unto the Committee of Parliament for 
plundered Ministers. 

6 The aforesaid Commissioners to have power to allow the 
wife and children of such Ministers so ejected, an annuity, not 
exceeding one fift part of the profits of the Living, or place, all 
charges being first deducted out of the whole. 

7 If any Minister hold plurality of Livings, a Warrant to 
be sent to him, to make his choyce which he will have, and 
if he do not give in his choyce within forty dayes (except just 
cause to the contrary) all his Right to such Benefices, &c. to be 
utterly voyd. 

8 That the said Commissioners, or any seven or more of them, 
be inabled to grant Certificates by way of Approbation to such 
person, or persons, as upon the Examination of his or their gifts, 
shall be found fit to preach the Gospel of Jesus Christ in the said 
Counties, they calling to their assistance, three or more godly 
able Ministers, of any of the said Counties, for the tryall of the 
gifts of such persons as shall be approved, as well in setled con- 
gregations and Parochiall Churches, as in an Itenerate Course, 
as the said Commissioners shall adjudge to bee most for the 
advancement of the Gospel, or for the keeping of Schooles, for 
the education of children. 

9 In order to the maintainence for Ministers in those Counties, 
and Regulating thereof ; The said Commissioners to receive 
and dispose of all the Rents, Issues, and Profits of all the Rectories, 
Vicarages, Donatives etc. which now are, or hereafter shall be 
under Sequestration. 

10 Out of all the said Profits, the Commissioners, or any 12 
or more of them, to order and appoint a constant yearly main- 
tenance, for such as shall be recommended and approved, pro- 
vided, that the yearly maintenance of a Minister doe not exceed 
120I. And the yearly maintenance of a Schoole-master exceed 
not 40 li. 

11 If any Tenants of Lands, Duties &c. belonging to any 
Parsonage, &c. shall refuse payment then the Commissioners, 


or any two of them, to put in execution against them, the powers 
setled by this Parliament in tlie Justices of Peace, for the reUef 
of Ministers, from whom such Tenths &c. are detained. 

12 The Commissioners to allow a moderate Sallary to persons 
employed about receiving and disposall thereof. 

13 Every person so setled by the Commissioners, or any 12 
or more of them, to be seized of the same, as fully as if he had 
been instituted and inducted according to any former Law of 
the Land, any thing to the contrary notwithstanding. 

14 The said Commissioners or any five of them to be a Com- 
mittee of Indempnity, to hear and determine all Causes according 
to the powers granted to the Committee of Parliament for In- 
dempnity sitting at Westminster ; provided, that all persons 
have liberty to make their appeales to the Committee of In- 
dempnity sitting at Westminster. 

15 All former powers in any Committee for placing Ministers 
&c, in the said Counties to be nul. 

16 That this Act be in force untill the first day of March, 
which shall be in the year 1652, and no longer. 

This Act is sufftcient to prove that there was no Classis 
in any of the four counties, for otherwise there would 
have been no need for many of its provisions. Some 
records remain of the work of the Commissioners, which 
probably do not represent fully the work they did.* The 
Act was not renewed, and the functions of the Com- 
missioners were undertaken by the Trustees for Main- 
tenance of Ministers.! 

In 1650 Parliament approved of the choice of Anthony 
Preston to be Mayor of the burgh of Kirkby Kendall, 
and resolved " that all such Aldermen and Burgesses of 
the Borough of Kirkby Kendall, who have not subscribed 
the Engagement, according to the Act of Parliament, 
are discharged and disabled from executing the Place or 
Ofhce of Alderman, Justice of Peace, or Burgess of the 
said Town ; And that such of the Aldermen and Bur- 
gesses as have subscribed the Engagement do proceed 

* Shaw's English Church, ii., 473. 
t Shaw's English Church, ii., 229. 


to the Election of new Burgesses for the said Town of 
Kendall ... in the place of Persons so certified to 
be Delinquents or non-subscribers."* The effect of this 
resolution, though its motive was political, would be to 
throw the government of the town entirely into the hands 
of the Independents, for the " Engagement " was a 
promise which Presbyterians and Episcopalians, who 
were on the whole not republicans, could not make.j 

In 1650 Parliamentary Commissioners made exhaustive 
enquiries into the religious condition of each parish in 
England. They reported on finances, advised the divi- 
sion of large parishes and the union of small parishes, 
and recorded their opinion of the character and capa- 
bilities of the parson in charge. Whether by some 
oversight the commissioners missed Kendal, we cannot 
say, but it is unfortunately true that we have been 
unable to find the record of their visit. J There never 
having been either in Westmorland or in Cumberland any 
Classes it was natural that these counties should be the 
earliest to feel the disadvantages arising from a national 
church having no system of government. Dr. Shaw§ 
says the " failure of State Presbytery had left two gaps 
in the Church system of the time : — - 

1. A want of means of ordination, for the Commissioners for 
Approbation did not ordain, and tlie classes were in a state of 

2. A want of such a modified discipline as would satisfy the 
clerical conscience and enable them (the clergy) to administer 
the Sacrament, whilst not harsh enough to alienate or repulse 
the laity." 

The same wants led to the same remedies being tried, 

* Commons' Journals, vi., 481. 

t Calamy's Abridgement, p. 62. 

X The report should be in the Survey of Church Livings, Commonwealth 
(P.R.O.), but though part of the county is there Kendal is not. The returns 
on which the foregoing is based are in the Lambeth Library, but those relating 
to Kendal are not to be found. 

§ English Church, ii., 152. 


and, independently of each other, voluntary associations 
of ministers were formed in counties as far apart as 
Worcestershire and Cumberland. In the former county 
Richard Baxter, and in the latter Richard Gilpin were 
the leaders. After Baxter had printed an account of 
the Worcestershire Association the Cumberland Associa- 
tion communicated with him in a long letter dated at 
Penrith, September ist, 1653, signed by " Ri. Gilpin, 
Pastor at Graystock, John Mackmihane, Pastor at Oden- 
hall [Edenhall], Roger Baldwin, Minister of Penrith, John 
Billingsley, Minister of Addingham, Elisha Bourne, Minis- 
ter at Skelton, John Jackson, Pastor of Hutton, Thomas 
Turner, Preacher of the Gospel."* From this letter we 
made a few extracts ;— 

I. We, before we had heard of your Book, had undertaken a 
Work of the hke nature Several of us meeting together to consult 
about managing the Lord's Work in our Hands, were convinced 
that for Reformation of our People, more ought to be done by 
us than bare Preaching, a brotherly Association of Ministers 
appeared to be the likeliest course for the attainment of our 
Desires, and acccwrdingly was resolved on : And because we 
know that many of our Brethren in the Ministry differed from us, 
we resolved to draw up several Proposals wherein we and they 
by a mutual Condescention might agree as Brethren in Love and 
Peace to carry on the same Work, and therefore required nothing 
of them but what we proved by the Confessions of the Con- 
gregational Brethren (their own Party) to be of less Moment, 
and not of absolute Necessity, Wherein (we urged) they might 
and ought to yield for the Churches Peace : But our Endeavours 
to gain them were frustrated, they were so resolved that they 
would not so much as read our Proposals and Reasons. We 
therefore set about the Work our selves, and made some Progress 
in it ; by this time we began to feel what we expected at the 
first setting out, viz. the Rage and Mahce of wicked Men vented 
in Railings and Slanders on the one hand, and bitter Censures 
and Suspicions of the Brethren on the other. In the midst of 
all this we received your Book as a seasonable Refreshment : 

* Reliquiae Baxterianae, 1696, i., 162-164. 


Our Hands were much strengthened by it ; it was a great En- 
couragement to us, to see that other godly and learned Men had 
walked much what in the same steps, and had pleaded our Cause 
almost by the same Arguments wherewith we endeavoured to 
strengthen it. But 2. we are hereby quickened up to carry our 
Design higher. Our Propositions for the Substance of them are 
near the same with yours : we agree in a great part of your 
Disciphne, our Rules of Admission are competent Knowledge, 
Unblameableness of Conversation, and Assent to the Covenant 
of Grace, the means to carry it on are, the People's Consent and 
Association of Ministers ; and where we differ from you, 'tis not 
because we differ in Opinion, but because our People (whose 
Condition and Temper we were forced to set before us in framing 
our Agreement) differ from yours. Hence our Examination of 
the Peoples Knowledge is more general than yours, if we under- 
stand you right in Prop. 19. Reg. 9. hence instead of your 
Parish Assistants we are forced to make use of one anothers help 
in private Examinations, and Determination of Fitness, as well 
as in more publick Debates and Consultations : yet in two things 
we come short of your Agreement : i. In that we have not as 
yet propounded to our People your height of Discipline : though 
we never thought secret and private Admonitions and Suspension 
from the Sacrament such a Measure of Discipline wherein we 
might comfortably satisfie our selves without farther Progress; 
yet (our Hands being much weakened by our Brethrens refusal 
to join with us, our People stubborn, and Suspension from the 
Supper being a piece of Discipline that hath not been here prac- 
tised till of late, and therefore a matter of greater Shame till 
Custom shall make it more common) we resolved to propound 
and Practise this first as an Essay to try what Success and Enter- 
tainment a farther Discipline might find. For though the Fear 
of Peoples flying off and separating is not by us looked upon 
as a sufficient Discharge for the neglect and laying aside all 
endeavours to reform : Yet we look upon it as a sufficient ground 
of proceeding warily. 2. Though we always required Peoples 
Consent to the Terms of the Covenant of Grace and Discipline, 
yet have we not been so full in this as you. That which kept us 
off was a fear of offending some of our Brethren, who being more 
likely to hear of our Practice than of the Grounds and Reasons 
of it, might easily mistake our meaning. But now the way of 
Discipline being made more smooth both by what we have put 
in Practice already and by what you have declared, we are en- 
couraged in both these Respects to make a farther Addition to 
our former Proposals. 


Some things there are wherein a farther ExpHcation of your 
meaning would have been very grateful to us. 

1 Whether the Infants of such as are suspended from the 
Lord's Supper and of such as delay or refuse Consent to your 
Discipline only from Dissatisfaction about the matter of its 
Management are to be excluded from Baptism ? 

2 Why you resolve to exercise your Discipline upon those 
only which testifie their Consent, seeing you acknowledge your 
present Parishes (before the exercise of this Discipline) true 
particular Organized Churches of Christ ; if some of those whom 
you accounted Members should fly off, why may they not be 
Sharers in your Discipline, and upon their Refusal cast out, 
rather than silently left out ? 

3 Why. (if you limit your Publick Censures and Admonition 
to those only that give express Consent Prop. i8.) you resolve 
to censure the scandalous Sinner upon such an Offer of Consent 
as carrieth in the Front of it a plain Refusal of your Discipline ? 
Prop 19. Reg. 10. and how will this stand with the fourth and 
fifth Reasons of that Proposition in pag. 12 of the Explanation ? 

We know that you have of purpose left many things undeter- 
rained, and that which you have propounded is fitted to the 
Temper of Parishes in general, rather than to some of yours in 
particular and therefore we do not mention these as an Accusation 
against your Proposals ; but for our own Advantage and Satis- 
faction in case we should receive any Letters from you. 

Brethren, pray for us : we dwell in the midst of Opposition, 
and as it will be our great joy to hear that the Work doth prosper 
in your hands : so shall we be earnest with the Lord for a Blessing 
upon your Endeavours. 

Thus rest your unworthy Fellow Labourers in the Work of 
the Gospel. 

From this letter and from " The Agreement of the 
Associated Ministers "* we gather that the idea of an 
Association originated with the Presbyterian ministers 
in Cumberland, that they approached the Independent 

* The Agreement of the Associated Ministers and Churches of the Counties 
of Cumberland and Westmerland. With something for explication and ex- 
hortation annexed. London, Printed by T. L. for Simon Waterson, and are 
sold at the sign of the Globe in Paul's Church-yard, and by Richard Scot, Book- 
seller in Carlisle. 1656 4°, pp. [it\. 59. There are copies in the British 
Museum and in Dr. Williams's Library. Dr. Shaw gives some extracts from 
which, supplemented by the original pamphlet, we quote. 


ministers in the same county and found them unwilling 
to join, so were driven to form an Association consisting 
only of Presbyterians. After the appearance of Baxter's 
explanation of the Worcestershire Association (July, 
1653) the Cumberland Association had fresh hopes of 
" some reconcihation at least of different judgments 
in matters of Church Government than formerly," and 
took up their former design again and propounded it 
to the whole ministry of the County. After several 
meetings an Agreement was come to which was " cheer- 
fully subscribed by several, both of the Presbyterian and 
Congregational Judgement." Then Quakerism arrived, 
and the whole ministerial talent of the County became 
engrossed in theological controversy. " The Agreement " 
is very vivid in its description of the appearance of the 
Quakers in the theological arena : — 

Yet all was not done when we had proceeded thus far ; Action 
(the life of all) was yet behinde ; Satan is enraged, (and surely 
that must needs be good which he so furiously opposeth) and 
endeavours to stiffie it in its birth ; to effect which, he disgorgeth 
from his hateful stomach, a swarm of Quakers ; these, at that 
very time, when all things were ready for practice, come upon 
us like a furious Torrent ; all is on fire on the sudden, many are 
unsetled, the foundations shaken, and some apostatize ; here we 
were beaten off, and are forced to lay other things aside to quench 
those flames. After a while this storm abates, and we begin 
to think of our former work. 

But the last Parliament* was then sitting, and because some- 
thing of that nature was expected from them, it was advised 
we should yet a little forbear till we might see the issue. The 
Parliament being ended, we encountered with another demurrer 
which was this : The Providence of God so ordered things that 
many ministers in the County were unfixed supposing they should 
be necessitated to remove, and several did remove to other 
counties, so that we were again forced to let all alone expecting 
what way things would be cast. And now all these things being 

* This was the Protector's first Parliament, which met on 3rd September, 
1654, and was dissolved 22nd January, 1654-5. 


over, we have once more reassumed our ancient resolutions. . . . 
When these were now ready, it pleased the Lord to give us this 
encouragement ; Our Brethren, the Ministers of our neighbor- 
County of Westmerland, desired of us a copy of our Proposition 
and Confession ; and after they had among themselves con- 
sidered and debated them, they signified to us their free consent 
to all, except what concerned the County of Cumberland in 

As has been mentioned, the Westmorland ministers did 
not join the Association at its first inception, and we do 
not know which of the ministers were members. In 
fact the only members we know of were the ministers of 
Greystoke, Edenhah, Penrith, Addingham, Skelton, 
Hutton, Lamplugh, Bridekirk, and Cockermouth,* all 
in Cumberland. The two counties had, however, joined 
hands before 13th August, 1656, when the " Agreement " 
was published. 

The object of the Association thus begun is described 
by Dr. Shaw : — 

In the matter of discipline, the agreement allowed the particular 
churches to carry on as much of their work with joint and mutual 
assistance as they could with conveniency and edification,;" and 
as little as may be to stand in their actings by themselves." 
Things merely for order, ad melius esse, were to be counted non- 
essential, so as not to hinder peace. Where difference of principle 
resulted in the same practice, they were to join together in that 
practice ; and, where not, then to exercise a mutual toleration. 
The work of catechising, and of private instruction from house 
to house, was to be pursued, and a true confession and unblame- 
ableness of life were to be required from those desiring admission 
to the Supper — -the Assembly's rules being followed for direction 
as to the points of scandal and ignorance. The work of ordination 
was to be pursued ; and, finally, for the purpose of organisation, 
these counties were divided into three associations — the first 
meeting at Carlisle, the second at Penrith, the third at Cocker- 
raouth. They were to meet separately every month, and occasion- 
ally all together in one Assembly. f 

* Shaw's English Church, ii., 445. 
t Shaw's English Church, ii., 156. 


Although Westmorland had joined the Association 
there seems to have been no stated meeting place in the 
county, and when next we hear of the Association (May, 
1658) it is described merely as the " Associated Ministers 
of the County of Cumberland," Westmorland being 
mentioned neither in the title nor in the body of The 
Temple re-built* 

We do not know what proportion of the ministers 
joined this Association, but it is evident that any scheme 
of this kind could have appealed only to the moderate 
men of each denomination. The Association probably 
continued to the Restoration. James Cave, minister of 
Crosthwaite, was ordained by the Associated Ministers, 
i6th October, 1656, as appears from a certificate quoted 
by Calamy.f 

After the Restoration and the re-establishment of 
episcopacy the Association could not possibly have con- 
tinued, and it therefore had no organic connection with 
the similar society of ministers called the Provincial 
Meeting, which we shall mention later. 

The Associations were intended to undertake portion 
of the work that would have fallen to the Classes, had there 
been any. There were however some people who did 
not recognize that the Presbyterian system was dead, 
or had never been alive, and proposed remedies, but no 
improvement was possible. In 1652 Dr. John Owen 
had suggested a scheme which on 20th March, 1653-4, 
was adopted by Oliver Cromwell and his Council. J Under 
this scheme the Presbyterian system was virtually 

* The Temple re-built. A discourse on Zachary 6, 13. Preached at a Generall 
Meeting of the Associated Ministers of the County of Cumberland at Keswick, 
May 19. By Richard Gilpin, Pastor of the Church at Graistock in Cumberland. 
London, Printed by E. T. for Luke Fawne, at the Parratt in Pauls-Church-yard, 
and are to be sold by Richard Scott, Bookseller in Carlisle. 1658 4° pp. [viii'\. 
40. There is a copy in Dr. Williams's Library. At the back of the title page 
the date when the sermon was preached is given as May 20, 1658, a day later 
than the date on the title page. 

t Calamy's Cont., p. 229. 

X Scobell's Acts and Ordinances, 1658. 


abandoned in favour of one by which the ministers of 
any denomination (except the Roman Cathohcs and the 
Episcopahans both excluded as being unfavourable to 
Commonwealth) were recognized as fit holders of prefer- 
ment in the national church. The Commissioners for 
Approbation of Public Preachers were to satisfy them- 
selves of the godliness and fitness of the preacher before 
he was approved, and these they admitted " of what 
opinion soever they were that was tolerable."* The 
right of patrons to present was preserved, and it depended 
on him whether a Presbyterian or an Independent was 
presented, just as, to-day, a patron of a living may 
present a clergyman belonging to any of the numerous 
parties into which the Church of England is divided. 
Churches preferring to maintain their own ministers 
were to be at liberty to do so. This indeed was tolera- 
tion with limitations. The exclusion of both the reformed 
and the unreformed episcopal churches was, of course, a 
political measure. On theological grounds the Quakers 
and Socinians would also be excluded from toleration. 

A few months after the appointment of the Com- 
missioners for Approbation of Public Preachers, an 
ordinance was passed for the ejection of " Scandalous, 
ignorant and insufficient ministers and schoolmasters." 
The date of the ordinance was 28th August, 1654, and it 
was confirmed by Act of Parliament in 1656. Westmor- 
land was grouped with other northern counties for the 
purposes of this ordinance, the following commissioners 
being appointed for Cumberland, Durham, Northumber- 
land, and Westmorland : — Philip, Lord Wharton, Sir 
Arthur Hesilrige baronet, George Fenwick, Charles 
Howard esqs. Henry Ogle, Robert Fenwick, Ralph 
Salkield esqs. William Webb, Andrew Crisp, Edward 
Nelson, Thomas Craister of Carlisle, John Wood of 

* Calamy's Abridgement, p. 69. 


Cockermouth, Cuthbert Studholm, Thomas Langhorn, 
William Thompson, Wilham Briscoe esq. John Middleton, 
Anthony Smith of Durham, Thomas Lacy of Sunderland, 
Thomas Huntley, Robert Sharp, Robert Lilburn, esq. 
Alderman Legard of Newcastle, Mr. Johnson of Newcastle, 
William Garnet of Casterton, William Applegarth, James 
Cock of Kendal, John Archer of Kendal and Christopher 
Lister esq." It was the duty of these commissioners to 
decide which ministers and schoolmasters should " be 
accounted ignorant and insufficient," and in this dehcate 
duty they were to be assisted by five or more of the 
ministers nominated by the same ordinance. The 
ministers thus nominated as assistants to the Com- 
missioners for the four northern counties were : — 

Mr. Wells* of Newcastle, Mr. Hamondt of Newcastle, Mr. 
PrideuxJ of Newcastle, Mr. Theophilus Polwheele,§ Mr. Richard 
Gilpin,|| Mr. Mathias Simpson, Mr. Comfort Star,^ Mr. Roger 
Baldwin,** Mr. Thos. Thoyt, Mr. Geo. Larkham.ft Mr. William 
Hopkins,! + Mr. Herris, Mr. Halsey,§§ Mr. Lane,|||| Mr. Lepthorn, 
Mr. Trurin.Tm Mr. Smith *t of Kirkby-Langsdale, Mr. Walker * + 
of Kendall. 

* Thomas Weld of Gateshead (Calamy's Ace, p. 288, Cont. p. 454). 

t Samuel Hammond, B.D. (Calamy's Ace, p. 498). 

J Richard Prideaux, one of the Newcastle ministers who published the 
Perfect Pharisee. 

§ Theophilus Polwheil, preacher in Carlisle, ejected 1662 from Tiverton. 
He was an Independent (Calamy's Cont., p. 260; Nightingale's £;>cterf, p. 145). 

II Richard Gilpin, M.D., of Greystoke, a sequestrated living from which he 
was ejected 1660 (Calamy's Ace, p. 154, Cont., p. 226; Nightingale's Ejected, 
P 459)- 

Tf Comfort Starr, M.A., ejected from Carlisle (Calamy, Ace, p. 150). 

** Roger Baldwin, M.A., of Penrith, one of the ejected Ministers (Calamy, 
Ace, p. 153). There is an account of him by the present writers in Pefirith 
Observer, 3rd August, 1909, and some additional information in Nightingale's 

tt George Larkham, M.A., of Cockermouth, ejected 1660 (Calamy, Ace, p. 
158 ; Lewis's Cockermouth Church; Nightingale's Ejected, p. 684). 

tt William Hopkins of Melmerby (Calamy, Ace, p. 159; Nightingale's 
Ejected, p. 384). 

§§ Probably Halsall, of Egremont (Calamy, Ace, p. 159). Nightingale found 
no evidence for placing him at Egremont {Ejected p. 828). 

nil Samuel Lane of Long Howton (Calamy, Ace, p. 511). 

HH Thomas Trurant of Ovingham (Calamy, Ace, p. 505). 

*t John Smith of Kirkby Lonsdale (C. and W. A. and A. S., n.s., v., 227-228). 

*J Thomas Walker, of whom there is a notice in our next chapter, p. 47. 


While the Assembly of Divines and the Parliament 
were devising and endeavouring to enforce the Presby- 
terian system, and Trinity College was sending Presby- 
terian vicars to Kendal, many people were thinking 
things out for themselves with the result that we hear 
of quite a variety of theological opinions gaining adherents 
in Kendal and its neighbourhood. 

In 1650 Thomas Taylor, an anabaptist and minister of 
a separatist congregation at Preston Patrick, had a public 
disputation on infant baptism in Kendal Church with 
three priests, whose names are not given.* The " priests " 
would no doubt be Presbyterian ministers. According to 
Quaker testimony, " he came over them all, and some of 
the hearers run up Kendall-street crying ' Mr. Taylor 
hath won the day.' " Taylor joined the Society of 
Friends in 1652.1 The Independents were also strong 
in South Westmorland, and several of the early 
Friends were preachers in that denomination before 
they came under the influence of George Fox. Inde- 
pendency was strong in the large Yorkshire towns 
as early as 1646, and there were Anabaptists and other 
Sectaries there, as we learn from Gangraena. After 
mentioning the Yorkshire sectaries, Edwards quotes a 
letter " from a countrey further North," therefore one 
of the four northern counties and possibly Westmorland : — 

I received the books sent me, and shall make the best use I can 
of them ; the one the [sic for I) keep for mine owne use, the other 
I pleasure friends with (and truly never more need in our Countrey; 

* Gough's History of the Quakers, ii., 554-557- T. Taylor's Works, 1697 
(quoted in Kendal Mercury, N. and Q., No. 894). 

t Taylor, of whom there is a notice in the D.N.B., was on 20th August, 
1657, found guilty of disturbing service at Appleby Church, and, being 
fined five marks, remained in prison for a year before the fine was paid (Cal. 
S.P. Dom., 1658-9, p. 164). Taylor's congregation at I^reston Patrick 
seem to have been even more extreme than he was, and disapproved of his 
share in an " Endeavour used by ye Presbeterians, Independants, and others 
for an uniteing into one body or church comunion." Accordingly he removed 
to Swaledale, apparently about 1651, and soon afterwards joined the 
Quakers (Journal Friends' Historical Soc, v. 3 ; First Publishers of Truth, 

V- 253). 


for Whereas formerly wee wanted the Ministerie, now wee have 
such varietie and strife amongst them, that truly I know not 
what will become of us.* 

The most remarkable episode in the religious history 
of Westmorland was the introduction of Quakerism. 
George Fox began his ministry in 1647, but it was not 
until 1652 that the great Quaker preached at Kendal. 
The effect was electrical, and Westmorland became a 
stronghold of the new sect. No wonder the Associated 
Ministers suspected Satan of disgorging " a swarm of 
Quakers." " These " say the worthy ministers,! with 
metaphors quaintly mixed, " came upon us like a furious 
torrent . . . Here we were beaten off, and are forced 
to lay other things aside to quench those flames. After 
a while this storm abates." Of his two first visits Fox 
may tell his own story. 1: 

1652. From this place I went to Kendal, where a meeting was 
appointed in the town-hall ; in which I declared the word of life 
amongst the people, shewing them " how they might come to 
the saving knowledge of Christ, and have a right understanding 
of the Holy Scriptures, opening to them what it was that would 
lead them into the way of reconciliation with God, and what 
would be their condemnation." After the meeting I stayed a 
while in the town, several were convinced there, and many 
appeared loving. One, whose name was Cock, met me in the 
street, and would have given me a roll of tobacco, for people 
then were much given to smoking : I accepted his love, but 
did not receive the tobacco. 

1652. After this I returned into Westmorland, and spoke 
through Kendal, on a market-day. So dreadful was the power of 
God upon me, that people flew like chaff before me into their 
houses. I warned them of the mighty day of the Lord, and 
exhorted them to hearken to the voice of God in their own hearts, 
who was now come to teach his people Himself. When some 
opposed, many others took my part, insomuch that at least 

* Edwards's Gangraena, 1646, pt. 2, p. 123. 
t The Agreement of the Associated Ministers, 1656. 
Journal of George Fox (1891, ed.) i., 1 15-125. 



some of the people fell to fighting about me ; but I went and spoke 
to them, and they parted again. Several were convinced. 

In the same year, on an occasion famous in the annals 
of the Friends, George Fox " went to Firbank Chapel in 
Westmoreland, where Francis Howgill, and John Audland, 
had been preaching in the morning." Preaching outside 
the chapel " he was largely opened in his ministry at 
this time, and was attended with a convincing power 
and authority, greatly affecting the hearts of the auditory, 
whereby many of them, and in particular the teachers 
of that congregation, became proselytes to his doctrine ; 
of these were John Audland and Francis Howgill, both 
of whom having been zealous preachers amongst the 
Independents, became in some time noted publishers of 
these doctrines, which, through the ministry of George 
Fox, they had embraced as truth ; and as these doctrines 
condemned as anti-christian the teachers for hire, they 
gave back the money they had received from the parish 
of Colton in Lancashire for preaching there."* 

The Quakers, though probably in the early days the 
most numerous sect of Nonconformists in the county, 
do not come within the scope of our history. We may, 
however, mention one local incident which shows that 
the Quakers included an early, probably the earliest, 
preacher in Kendal of the simple humanity of Christ, 
a doctrine which was not developed amongst the Pro- 
testant Dissenters until more than a century afterwards. 

John Gilpin, in his Quaker Shaken, 1655, f states that 
" Amongst other blasphemies, one Robert Collison affirmed, 
that Christ was a man, had his failings, for he distrusted 
God, Why hast thou forsaken me ? To whom I answered, 
That then he suffered as an Evil-doer, and so could not 
purchase redemption for us." 

* Gough's History of the Quakers, i., 113. 

■}■ Quoted from Zachary Grey's Impartial examination of the fourth volume 
of Neal's History of the Puritans, 1739, p. 102-105. 


Gilpin's account, which mentions that Robert Colhson's- 
house was in Kendal, is attested by, amongst others, 
" Edward Turner, Mayor of Kendall." As Turner was 
Mayor in 1652-3 Collison would presumably be one of 
Fox's first converts. 

The doctrines of the Friends were not laid down strictly, 
and many diverse opinions were held. The early Friends 
were by no means " sound " on the doctrine of the Trinity, 
a fact which is often forgotten, even by the Quakers 
themselves. The subject is touched upon in a later 



Kendal Clergy during the Commonwealth. 

IN the preceding chapter we have tried to show the 
general history of the church and of religion in the 
county during the Commonwealth. In this chapter we 
notice some of the clergymen and ministers who officiated 
in Kendal during the same period, and who may be 
presumed to have had an influence on their contem- 

The living of Kendal was apparently not an attractive 
one, and the early seventeenth-century vicars were men 
of so little distinction that beyond their names we know 
little of them and practically nothing of their theological 

The patron of the living was Trinity College, Cambridge, 
and Trinity was, if we may judge by its Masters, rather 
High Church up to 1644. From that date to 1659 the 
Masters were Calvinists, and were not always popular 
with the other resident members of the College.]- We 
may presume that the College, on the whole, was not 
a Puritan one prior to the Civil Wars, and in that case 
the clergymen presented to college livings would, prob- 
ably, also not be Puritan. 

* TJntil recently the printed lists of vicars of Kendal have been very imper- 
fect. Nico'son and Burn give one, and there is a more complete one in 
Cornelius Nicholson s Annals (p. 6oV Mnch better is the list by Mr. J. F. 
Curwen {Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archceological Society, 
xvi., 215). Our list contains additional names and dates from the Register 
■of Trinity College, supplied to us bv the courtesy of the Master of Trinity 
(Dr. H. Montague Butler) and the Vice-Master (Dr. W. Aldis \\'right). It 
is evident, howe^'er, that the College Register does not contain ail the appoint- 
ments to the living. The Kendal parish registers are imperfect, and so one 
of the usual sources of information failed us. Alter this chapter was written 
the Rev. B. Nightingale published his great worlv, The Ejected of 1662, and 
from that we have supplemented our account considerably, as will be seen 
by the numerous references to it. 

t W. R. W. Ball's Notes on the History of Trinity College, Cambridge, pp. 85-100. 


In the fifty years before the Civil War there were four 
vicars. Samuel Heron, B.D., was presented nth Septem- 
ber, 1591, on the death of Ambrose Hetherington, 
D.D.* Heron soon resigned, and on 14th October, 1592, 
Ralph Tyrer, B.D., was presented. f Tyrer's curious 
rhyming autobiographical monumental inscription is 
better known than understood — 

Herevnder lyeth ye body of Mr. Raulph 
Tirer late Vicar of Kendall Batchler 
of Divinity, who dyed the 4th day 
of Ivne, An° : Dni : 1627. 
London bredd me, Westminster fedd me 
Cambridge sped me, my Sister wed me. 
Study taught me. Lining sought me, 
Learning brought me, Kendall caught me. 
Labour pressed me, sicknes distressed me. 
Death oppressed me, & graue possessed me, 
God first gave me, Christ did saue me 
Earth did crave me, & heauen would haue me. 

" My Sister wed me," is supposed to mean that his 
sister found a wife for him. " Kendall caught me," 
suggests a certain amount of unwillingness in Tyrer's 
stay at Kendal. The epitaph throws no light on the 
shade of his theological opinions. ;[: The next vicar,, 
presented 9th October, 1627, § was Francis Gardner, one 
of the Senior Fellows of Trinity College. On i6th Decem- 
ber, 1640, II Henry Hall, B.D., was presented on the death 
of Francis Gardner. 

There is so little trace of Hall locally that we had 
surmised that he refused the living or resigned soon after 

* College Register. Dr. Hetherington was buried 13 July, 1591, and had 
been vicar from 1562. 

t College Register. 

X Tyrer refers in his will to " that epitaph that I have made of myselfe ia 
Englishe verse." He made provision, in the event of his only son dying 
under 21, for the establishment of a Scholarship at Trinity College, Cambridge, 
(Earwaker's Lancashire and, Cheshire Wills, p. 197; Chatham Soc, n.s., 28). 

§ College Register. 

II College Register. 


liis appointment. Mr. Nightingale's researches have 
shown that he actuahy accepted, compounding for 
First Fruits in December, 1640, and the Masy letters 
which Mr. Nightingale* prints suggest that Masy under- 
took to pay some portion of the First Fruits due from 

It is doubtful whether Hall was ever more than nomin- 
ally Vicar of Kendal. Prior to his appointment to Kendal 
he had been curate or parish chaplain of St. Andrew the 
Apostle, Norwich, a position he appears to have held 
until he went to London as a member of the Assembly, f 
He was a man of some distinction, and in 1643, described 
.as " Mr. Henry Hall of Norwich, B.D.," was one of the 
original members of the Assembly of Divines, and was one 
of seven members appointed to revise Rouse's Psalms. He 
was a Presbyterian, and in 1644 preached a fast-day ser- 
mon before the House of Commons. Of the circumstances 
connected with his holding of the Vicarage of Kendal we 
know nothing excepting that he seems to have surrendered 
all his interest in it to Henry Masy some time before 
Masy was appointed to succeed him, perhaps about the 
middle of 1642, as the third payment of First Fruits, due 
two years after Hall's appointment, had not been made. 

Hall died before 9th February, 1646-7, when the Assem- 
"bly made a grant to his widow, and probably before 9th 
October, 1645, when a Mrs. " Hale " had a grant. | 

Henry Masy, § who thus succeeded Hall by what was 
apparently a private arrangement with his predecessor, 
eventually became vicar of Kendal by election of the 
Fellows of Trinity College. 

* Ejected, p. 877, 901. 

t Blomfield's Norfolk, iv., 301. 

1 Minutes of Westminster Assembly, Ed. by Mitchell & Struthers, pp. 147, 327. 

§ Until the publication of the Rev. Benjamin Nightingale's Eiected of 
3662, Masy was little more than a name. Mr. Nightingale discovered, in 
the Rawlinson MSS. (Bodleian Library), an interesting series of letters from 
Masy to Lord Wharton. These letters, which throw much light on Masy's 
life and character as well as on the civil war history of Kendal, are printed in 
full in Mr. Nightingale's great work (pp. 880-925). 


Masy, whose name occurs also as Massey, Masye, 
Macey, Macy and Mary, was, we gather from a casual 
reference in one of his letters, an Oxford man, and the 
fact that he retired to Chester on one of the occasions 
when he was driven from Kendal, suggests that he belonged 
to one of the numerous Massey families in Cheshire. It 
is however probable that he was a Devonshire man, as 
Foster* records an Oxford graduate, Henry Macy of 
Devon pleb. of Broadgates Hall, who matriculated nth 
July, 1606, aged 17. He graduated M.A. from Wadham 
College, 5th July, 1614, being then in holy orders, and 
was in 1612 rector of Shaston Saint Rumbold, alias 
Cann, Dorset, and from 1614 to 1636 rector of Temple 
or Abbas Combe, Somerset. This Somersetshire rector 
was, like the Kendal vicar, father of a clergyman of his 
own name. 

Whether identical or not with the rector of Temple 
Combe, it is certain that Masy was an elderly man when 
he first appears on the scene in Westmorland. In all 
probability he had been episcopally ordained. He had 
probably been a tutor or chaplain in the family of Mrs. 
Goodwin, whose daughter was the wife of Lord Wharton, 
as in 1640 he " made bold " to send to her house his 
trunk containing ;^i6o in money and other valuables, 
and it was to her that he sent the first letterf preserved 
in the Rawlinson MSS. Though addressed to Mrs. 
Goodwin the letter was obviously intended for Lord 
Wharton, by whom it was endorsed " Mr. Masy to my 
mother Goodwin to putt in money given and his proposi- 
tions." This letter shows Masy to have been an enthusi- 
astic promoter of the Parliamentary cause. Parliament 
was in need of money, and Masy had been endeavouring 
to move his neighbours to contribute but " all in vayne, 
the gentry of our Westmorland and our Clergy generally 

• A lumni Oxonienses. 

t Nightingale's Ejected, p. 880. , 


have base thoughts and words of the worthies in parha- 
ment," so to set them an example Masy contributed 
£60 which he asked Mrs. Goodwin to take from his trunk.* 
"I desire you thinke it not strange that I a poore 
minister should desire to add a drop of water to the ocean. 
We should be exemplary of good to all others." Masy 
found the Westmorland gentry " most papists and 
popishly affected " and the clergy little better. At the 
date of this letter, ist August, 1642, Masy was in Kendal, 
and on the 6th of the same month, he was one of two 
orthodox divines, appointed to be Lecturers in the Parish 
Church of Kirkby Lonsdale, f 

This lecture, being on market day, would not necessarily 
interfere with whatever functions Masy was performing 
at Kendal, where his status during Hall's lifetime seems 
to have been a curious one. So far as we can gather 
from the letters Masy and Hall had made some arrange- 
ment by which Hall gave Masy his life interest in the 
vicarage of Kendal, and Masy was to take the profits 
and to pay the first fruits (two parts out of four) then 
unpaid on Hall's composition.]: Why Hall did not resign 
in a straightforward manner is not clear. Unforeseen 
difficulties prevented Masy paying the first fruits as 
arranged, and gave him some concern a few years later. 
About November of the year in which the arrangement 
had been made (1642) the Royalist Commissioners of 
Array were apparently in undisputed possession of 
Kendal and neighbourhood, and as Masy was known to 
be a sympathizer with the Parliament, he was arrested 
and imprisoned, but eventually released on getting 
sureties to bring him before Sir Philip Musgrave when 
required. He was under sureties until February, 1642-3, 

* There are other references to this money, and it appears that Masy was 
willing to cast the whole of it into the Treasury, and to sell the other contents 
of the trunk for the same purpose (Nightingale's Ejected, p. 882). 

f Nightingale's Ejected, p. 877. 

% Nightingale's Ejected, p. 900. 


and after a month was offered an oath, but refused to 
subscribe it and was consequently kept prisoner for 
some hours. He perceived that Kendal was no place 
for him, and as soon as he could get his sureties loosed, he 
fled to Scotland. " The Lord cast me on Edinburge," 
he says, "where I was i6 monthes and lost allmymeanes 
at Kendall chooseing rather to be undone at liberty than 
undone in prison for the last was the ayme of the enemie."* 
Masy returned to Kendal in October, 1644,! and as his 
exile had lasted sixteen months he was absent from 
Kendal from about May, 1643, to October, 1644. During 
Masy's absence the living was occupied by Mr. Leake, 
the Earl of Newcastle's chaplain, who took all the profits. :|: 

Of Mr. Leake, who thus became de facto Vicar of Kendal, 
we know nothing with certainty. There was a Richard 
Leake, M.A., who was instituted Prebendary of Grindall 
in York Cathedral, 6th December, 1616, and was one of 
the suffering clergy ejected by the Parliament, § but we 
have found nothing to connect him with the Kendal 
vicar. Another clergyman of the name was John Leake 
who was Vicar of Tunstall from 1632 to his death in 1664, 
He was evidently a clergyman who complied with all the 
requirements of the changing times, and it is just possible 
that he was, in 1643 and 1644, acting as Vicar of Kendal. 
From May, 1643, to June, 1646, Leake appears to have 
been absent from Tunstall, the parish register then 
showing the only hiatus during Leake's thirty-two years' 
service. || 

Leake's intrusion prevented Masy carrying out his con- 
tract with Hall. Masy had been back in Kendal only six 
days when Col. Grey took the town, and Masy would have 
been taken prisoner in his bed had not the Mayor, Gervase 

* Nightingale's Ejected, pp. 914-917. 

t Nightingale's Ejected, p. 883. 

X Nightingale's Ejected, pp. 901, 921. 

§ Le Neve's Fasti, iii., 191 ; Walker's Sufferings, ii., 85. 

II Tunstall Registers (Lancashire Parish Register Society). 


Benson, roused him and got him out of danger. Benson 
was himself taken.* On 14th November Masy was at 
Newcastle but proposed to begin his return to Kendal 
on the day following, f 

Lord Wharton busied himself to have Masy duly pre- 
sented to the Kendal living. Shortly before 17th Febru- 
ary, 1644-5, Masy was elected vicar of Kendal by the 
Fellows of Trinity College, but there were not the sixteen 
Fellows required by the Statutes to make a presentation 
to the living.! Lord Wharton's influence was again called 
for, and apparently Masy was presented, though the 
College records contain no evidence of the fact. In June, 
1645, Masy and Benson the Mayor, were at York asking for 
Parliamentary soldiers to keep the Barony free from 
Skiptoners and other Royalists. § Masy was, in January, 
1645-6, troubled by the number of Westmorland ministers 
who refused the Covenant, and yet " fynd as much (if 
not more) favour then ther honestly affected neigh- 
bours." || 

Masy heads the list of ministers recommended on loth 
March, 1645-6, to form the Westmorland Classis,|[ and is 
described as " minister of Kendal " in a letter of the 
same date addressed to Speaker Lenthall, by Richard 
Prissoe, Mayor of Kendal.** In April, 1646, the Com- 
mittee for Plundered Ministers granted to Masy £$0 
yearly out of the revenues of the Dean and Chapter of 
Durham, " his present maintenance being but 5oli. per 
annum." This augmentation he owed to his " thrice 
noble friend " Lord Wharton, jf but nearly two years 

* Nightingale's Ejected, p. 883. 
t Nightingale's Ejected, p. 884. 
% Nightingale's Ejected, p. 882. 
§ Nightingale's Ejected, p. 888. 
II Nightingale's Ejected, p. 887. 
•[[Tanner MSB., Ix., 527. 

** Information of Mr. J. F. Curwen, who has also kindly furnished us with 
some extracts from the Minutes of the Committee for Plundered Ministers, 
tt Nightingale's Ejected, p. 897. 


later he was waiting for some pecuniary advantage from 
the grant — " as yet never a peny payd."* 

Masy seems to have visited London about once a year, 
and in May, 1646, he informed Lord Wharton that he 
purposed shortly to wait upon him.j The visit was 
■deferred because a woman had died of plague in Kendal 
and there was fear of spreading the infection, J but 
between June 29th and September 28th Masy had been 
to London. 

In a letter of the latter date Masy tells Lord Wharton 
•of the insulting behaviour of the local Royalists, only 
kept in bounds by the presence of the Scots. § 

On 27th October, 1646, another alarm came to Masy, 
He had been shown a letter from London which stated 
that there were some people that got parsonages froni 
such as had presentations and no institutions or in- 
ductions, pretending them to be in lapse. This was 
Masy's own position with regard to Kendal, and he 
wrote at once to Lord Wharton to enquire what was 
to be done to " perfect my presentation with institution 
and induction." jl Lord Wharton can have lost no time, 
for on 14th November, 1646, Parliament ^ ordered that 
" Doctor Heath shall give institution and induction to 
Henry Masey, to the vicarage of Kendall ... he 
being presented thereunto by Trinity Colledge, in Cam- 
bridge, and this to be with a salvo jure cujus cunque." 

A month before his institution Masy began to experience 
trouble about the non-payment of the first fruits payable 
by Hall for which Masy had become liable but had not 
paid because in the year the money was due he was in 
exile in Scotland and Leake was enjoying his living of 

* Nightingale's Ejected, p. 919 
t Niglitingale's Ejected, p. 899 
% Nightingale's Ejected, p. 894 
§ Nightingale's Ejected, p. 899 
II Nightingale's Ejected, p. 903 
^ Lords' Journals, viii., 565. 


Kendal.* Eventually Lord Wharton seems to have 
arranged the matter for him, but the Vicar of Kendal 
had months of worry before it was settled. 

Trouble of another kind came to him in August, 1647,- 
for he was one of the gentlemen " well affected to the 
Parliament," whom Anthony Knipe and other riotous 
inhabitants of the Barony apprehended and imprisoned 
for a few hours. f In March, 1647-8, Masy had been 
afflicted " with extremity of sickness " and had to defer 
a visit to London, J and a few months later he had again 
to fly from Kendal where the Royalists had regained 
power. This change of fortune was due to the arrival 
of the Royalist Scotch army which passed through Kendal 
on its way to Lancashire to be defeated on 17th August 
by Cromwell. It was in June that Masy fled before the 
Scots, and he draws a pitiful picture of the ruin the 
invaders had wrought to his house and the things in it. 
His books had been carried away. " My losse is greate 
and my selfe utterly undone. I can account it already 
towards 5ooli with losses and cost since my banishment 
from Kendall." Masy went to Chester " being indeed 
invited thither by unexpected providence, I will not say 
I had not a ragge to my backe for I had nothing els but 
ragges."§ In Chester Masy found many worthy friends 
and some of another opinion from whom he received 
coarse dealing, but he was slow to return to Kendal, 
and his absence from the post of duty was construed as 
disaffection to the Parliament. This he repudiated in 
the last of the letters discovered by Mr. Nightingale,. 
which is dated Chester, 4th November, 1648, and bears 
Lord Wharton's endorsement " Mr. Masy to mee in vindi- 
cation of himselfe."|| 

* Nightingale's Ejected, p. 902. 
t Ante, p. 18. 

} Nightingale's Ejected, p. 919. 
§ Nightingale's Ejected, p. 922. 
II Nightingale's Ejected, p. 923. 


In these letters Masy reveals himself as a stalwart 
in politics and religion alike. His respect for Lord Whar- 
ton is, to modern ideas, somewhat over-expressed, and 
if it had not been quite a seventeenth-century custom to 
beslaver lords and patrons with praise, one might have 
suspected Masy of flattering the powerful Lord Wharton. 
But when he thought there was need, Masy did not spare 
his patron, whose tendency to Independency he deplored. 
" If you countenance such errors," he writes, " the truly 
Godly will resolve rather ... to loose your Lordship's 
favour then favour of God."* Masy's letters show that 
while quite willing to sacrifice his own fortune for the 
Parliament's needs, he was very keen on money matters, 
and his persistence in begging for an augmentation 
suggests self-seeking. Here again we must do Masy the 
bare justice of acknowledging that he used his influence 
with Lord Wharton to beg for others quite as persistently 
as he begged for himself. In politics it is evident that 
Masy was a convinced supporter of the Parliament, and 
it grieved him when any malignant parson received pro- 
motion or malignant soldiers were allowed to buy food.f 
In Church or religious matters Masy was a strong Presby- 
terian. He would seem to have introduced the Directory 
for Worship in accordance with an Act of Parliament 
passed in March, 1644-5, and his parishioners showed 
their objection to it by refraining from paying the Easter 
and other dues to the minister. " People desire their old 
mumpsimus of the service book which is I hope happily 
exploded, and thereupon people will not pay — it is with 
them no pater noster no penny. "| He had no belief in 
an unordained ministry. When there was a vacancy at 
Appleby he wrote, " I beseech your Lordship take care 
of it, the man must be an experienced labourer in God's 

* Nightingale's Ejected, p. go6. 
t Nightingale's Ejected, p. 885. 
X Nightingale's Ejected, p. 893. 


vineyard/'* and on several occasions he warned Lord 
Wharton against men who set up the trade of preaching. 
Independency in all its developments was anathema to 
him, and "liberty of conscience," then advocated only by 
Independents, comes in for special condemnation. Liberty 
of conscience he regarded as " destructive both to piety 
and politie,"f and he could find no " ground of it in 
Scripture nor any authentic author. "| In this he was, 
of course, a logical Presbyterian, and, like others of his 
persuasion, he thought that " errors, sects and schism " 
could be suppressed by Parliament. He desired the 
settling of Church government, no doubt on the lines 
developed by the Westminster Assembly, but he did not 
live to see it accomplished. 

In 1650 the Committee ordered arrears, after the rate 
of £50 a year, amounting to £38 i8s., from the 25th March, 
1649, to 6th January, 1649 [-50], to be paid to " Massey " 
or to Mr. Richard Massey for his use. § We may therefore 
conclude that Masy ceased to be vicar of Kendal in 
January, 1649-50. He died in office or soon afterwards, 
and a funeral sermon was preached by William Cole. 
It was printed under the title of " David's distress in the 
loss of Jonathan, or an explication of David's mourning 
at the death of Jonathan, in a sermon upon 2 Sam. i. 16 
at the funeral of Mr. Henry Massey, Minister of the Gospel 
of Jesus Christ at Kirby Kendall in Westmoreland." || 

* Nightingale's Ejected, p. 897. 

t Nightingale's Ejected, p. 909. 

X Nightingale's Ejected, p. gi2. 

§ Information of Mr. J. F. Curwen. Dr. Shaw (English Church, ii., 546), 
quoting P.R.O. Audit Office, Declared Accounts, Bundle 367, roll 3, gives 
what is apparently another record of the same payment, " Richard Marshall 
for the use of Mr. Massey, minister of Kendal, co Westmorland, 9 months 
and II days to 1649-50 January 5 £38 i8s." 

II This publication is only known to us from its occurrence in the catalogue 
issued by William London, an enterprising Newcastle bookseller, our atten- 
tion being called to it by Barnes's Memoirs, p. 373 (Surtees Soc, 50). There 
is no copy in the British Museum, the Jackson Collection at Carlisle, the 
Library of the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, or the Public 
Library there. 


The next vicar appears to have been Thomas Walker. 
He was elected Fellow of Trinity, 1647, and on i8th 
April, 165 1, the College agreed to present him to the 
Vicarage of Kendal.* We have no record of his actual 
presentation, but there is ample evidence that he was 
minister of Kendal. Besides being vicar, Walker was 
lecturer at the Parish Church, at least from May, 1651, 
for in 1652 the Mayor and Aldermen paid him £15 for 
" supplying the Lecture at Kendal for one whole yeare 
ended the last of May last." That the Vicar should 
hold the Lectureship was an offence to " severall well 
affected inhabitants "of the burgh who petitioned the 
Mayor and Aldermen to settle the Lectureship on Mr. 
William Cole " for his incouragement to continue amongst 
us being of soe greate concernment to many poore saules 
(the paucity and small number of godly and painfull 
ministers settled in this country consydrd)." The peti- 
tioners pointed out that not only had Walker a sufficient 
" competency of lively hood by receaving the profitts of 
Kendall (as much as formerly mantained a whole family) 
but an addition of mentainance augmentation of 5oli 
per annum from Newcastle but being a single man liveth 
of a very little charge. "f It does not appear that the 
Lectureship was taken from Walker, but in the next 
vicar's time the two offices were kept distinct. 

On 31st March, 1653, the Commissioners for the pro- 
pagation of the Gospel in the Northern Counties approved 
Walker for the work of the ministry, and appointed him 
minister of Kendal, certifying that he was found fit to 
preach the Gospel of Jesus Christ and to be qualified and 
gifted for that holy employment, and had given them 
satisfaction of his holy life and conversation and con- 
formity to the Government, and they ordered for his 

* College Register. 

t Kindly supplied by Mr. J. F. Curwen from the original amongst the 
Corporation papers. 


maintenance the payment of certain tithes lately belonging 
to the Dean and Chapter of Carlisle.* Other orders on 
his behalf were made on 21st March, i653[-4] (renewed 
i8th October, iBssf), and the 6th August, 1655. | 

The approval of Walker in 1653 was prior to the appoint- 
ment of the " Triers," otherwise the Commissioners for 
approbation of Public Preachers. This body, on i8th 
September, 1654, § expressed their satisfaction with 
Walker, as being " a person, for the Grace of God in 
him, his holy and unblamable conversation, as also for 
his knowledge and utterance, able and fit to preach the 

It may be mentioned that the augmentation of his 
living, granted in 1655, followed an application from 
Walker for the continuance of the augmentation. || 
Evidently he did not feel as well off as, according to the 
" well affected inhabitants " of 1652, he ought to have 

He appears to have been considered one of the leading 
ministers in the county, being in 1654 nominated to 
assist the Commissioners for ejecting scandalous, ignorant 
and insufficient ministers and schoolmasters.^ 

Walker, like all his contemporaries, had trouble with 
the Quakers, and in or about 1653 was cursed by Miles 
Halhead in the presence of Master Archer and Mr. Cocke.** 

Walker was still minister on 18th October, 1655, but 
he had ceased to occupy that position before 27th May, 
1656. The precise date and cause of his resignation 
and his subsequent career are not known to us. He was 
living 19th March, 1657-8, but he was not the clergyman 

* Lambeth MSS., vol. 1006, p. 394. 
t Lambeth MSS., vol. 971, p. 147. 
% Lambeth MSS., vol. 972, p. 231. 
§ Lambeth MSS., vol. 968, p. 10. 
II Lambeth MSS., vol. 1008, p. 187. 
1[ Scobell's Acts and Ordinances. 
** Perfect Pharisee, p. 48. 


of the name who was amongst the ejected ministers in 

In March, 1657 [-8], Walker was " late Minister of Ken- 
dall," and on the 19th of that month it was ordered that 
his petition for arrears be referred to John Archer, esqr., 
Justice of Peace, and to Mr. Edmund Branthwaite to 
" examine matter of fact " and Branthwaite was to pay 
such arrears as appeared to be due.* 

On 27th May, 1656, Trinity Cohege agreed to present 
John Strickland, " now minister of Sarum," to the 
living, t and on i6th July Strickland was admitted to 
the vicarage of Kirkby Kendal. J Nevertheless, there is 
no reason to believe that Strickland was ever anything 
more than vicar technicahy. The probabihty is that he 
was nominated in order to avoid the lapse of the right 
of presentation. Though his official connection with 
Kendal was slight, he was a local man and a Noncon- 
formist, and some notice of him may not be out of place. 
He was born in Westmorland, and according to Calamy, § 
who gives a long account of him, was of "an antient 
genteel family." || But when he matriculated at Oxford 
in 1618 at the age of 17, it was as the son of a plebeian.^ 
He graduated B.A. 1622, M.A. 1625, and B.D. 1632. His 
first clerical employment was as chaplain to the Earl of 
Hertford,** and in 1632 he was presented to the Rectory 
of Puddimore Milton in Somerset, which he had vacated 
by 1641 when his successor was appointed, ff He was a 
member of the Westminster Assembly of Divines, and 
preached often before the Long Parliament. Anthony 
Wood says " He pray'd several times blasphemously," 

* Lambeth MSS., vol. 995, p. 115. 

t College Register. 

X Nightingale's Ejected, p. 1405. 

§ Ace, p. 755, Cont., p. 865. 

II He had an estate at Strickland Kettle (Nightingale's Ejected, p. 942). 

^ Foster's Alumni Oxonienscs. 

** Afterwards Duke of Somerset and an active Ro3'alist. 

ft Weaver's Somerset Incumbents, p. 170. 



which Calamy indignantly denies : " He might as well 
have said he us'd to come into his Pulpit naked, and 
without a Rag of Cloaths on. For one is not more ridicu- 
lous to those that knew the man, than the other. He 
was really a great Divine, and generally esteem'd. He 
was eminent for Expounding the Scripture, and an 
excellent Casuist." 

He was, on 27th October, 1643, appointed to the 
sequestrated living of St. Peter the Poor in London,* 
and, according to Foster, | was Master of the Hospital 
of St. Nicholas in East Harnham, near New Sarum, in 
1646, and was then described as Dean of Bristol. i 

He evidently kept up relations with the North, and 
on 15th January, 1645-6, we find him conveying to the 
Westminster Assembly the desires of the Committee for 
Cumberland. § 

On 12th November, 1647, John Strickland was nomin- 
ated Vicar of Lancaster, and again on 24th December, 
1647 II ; but no vicar of the name is known to the local 
historian. ^ Evidently John Strickland had no strong 
desire to return to the neighbourhood of his birth. 

Strickland was minister of St. Edmund's, New Sarum 
(Salisbury) as early as 29th September, 1649, when half-a- 
year's stipend was ordered to be paid to him,** and it 
was from the same living that he was ejected by the Act 
of Uniformity in 1662. Calamy says that afterwards 
" he continued among his people, and preach'd to them 
as he had opportunity, and suffered many ways for his 
nonconformity." He was " well and dead in an hour's 

* Shaw's English Church, ii., 317. Hennessey's Novum Repertorium, p. 
469, includes him in the list of Commonwealth intruders, and states that he 
was appointed in 1643, but does not give the date when he vacated the living. 

f Alumni Oxoniciises. 

X He does not appear in the list of Deans in Le Neve's Fasti, and Mathew 
Nicolas, who was installed in 1639, was at that date (1646) the Dean de jure. 

§ Minutes of the Westminster Assembly, ed. by Mitchell and Struthers, p. 17S. 

\\ Shaw's English Church, ii., 347, 349. 

T[ Roper's Church of Lancaster, p. 774, Chet. Soc, n.s., 59. 

** Shaw's English Church, ii., 546. 


time," having " died on a Lord's day evening after he 
had preach'd twice ; from 2 Pet. i. 11. and administer'd 
the Lord's Supper. Finding himself out of order, he 
spoke of it to those about him, and sate down in a chair 
and died."* He was buried in St. Edmund's Church- 
yard 25th October, 1670. f 

We have no information as to the history of the hving of 
Kendal between Strickland's appointment in 1656 and 
that of Brownsword early in 1659 ; though it is scarcely 
credible that an important town should so long have 
been without a vicar. 

Brownsword is the subject of the next chapter. 

Besides vicars Kendal had other clergymen who must 
have had some influence on the minds of their con- 
temporaries, and who are therefore within the scope of 
our history. To take the Lecturers at the Parish Church 

The petition of 1652, already mentioned, states that 
" several sums of money have been bequeathed and 
given by sundry well affected persons towards the main- 
tenance of a godly and orthodox minister for the preaching 
of a weekly lecture in Kendal Church." J 

The Lectureship was in the gift of the Mayor and 
Aldermen whose appointments are probably better indi- 
cations of the trend of local theological opinion than are 
those of the remote patrons of the living, who may have 
acted without considering local desires. 

Walker was both Vicar and Lecturer, and we have 
seen that in 1652 some of the inhabitants desired William 

* Calamy's Ace, p. 755, Cont., p. 865. 

t Foster's Alumni Oxonienses. 

J One of these " well affected persons " was Edward Archer of Newcastle- 
upon-Tyne, merchant, who by will dated 21st April, 1647, left a sum of money 
" to the Mayor, Aldermen and Commons of Kendal to be employed by them 
towards the maintenance of a Lecturer in the aforesaid town." IJdward 
Archer was a brother of John Archer of Kendal, one of the leading Noncon- 
formists in the town (Information of Mr. G. H. Rowbotham). The date of 
the bequest shows that Archer's legacy was intended for the support of a 
non-episcopalian minister, but we have no reason to suppose that, after 1660, 
the endowment was applied as it was intended to be. 


Cole, who was then apparently resident in the parish, 
to be Lecturer. 

William Cole, a Northampton man, was admitted to 
Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, in 1637, and graduated 
B.A. in 1640.* As he was towards the end of his life 
described as Dr. Cole, he presumably proceeded to the 
doctorate. I In 1645 he became minister at Kirkby 
Lonsdale, taking the place of George Buchanan, a seques- 
tered and imprisoned Royalist J or Malignant, § and as 
minister there was one of those nominated in 1646 to be a 
member of the Classis. || He was still at Kirkby Lonsdale 
in 1650, when his daughter was baptized there, but in 
February, 1652-3, John Smith was minister.^ Between 
these two dates would probably be the period when Cole 
was resident in Kendal and his friends were endeavouring 
to secure the lectureship for him. He had preached 
Masy's funeral sermon and may have had temporary 
charge of the parish. It is certain that Cole lived in 
Kendal or near enough to it to know much of its affairs, 
and he took a part in the discussions with the earliest 
Friends. This appears from many references in the 
Perfect Pharisee** which, though signed by Thomas 
Weld, Win. Cole, Rich. Prideaux, Will. Durant, and 

* Shaw's Manchester Classis, p. 423 (Chet. Soc, n.s., 24). 

t The Registrary of the University informs us that Cole received no higher 
degree at Cambridge than B.A., though on the title page of Noah's Dove he is 
styled B.D. 

J Walker's Sufferings, ii,, 210. 

§ Hist. MSS. Comm., 7th Rep., p. 686. 

11 Shaw's English Church, ii., 370. 

TI Conder on Kirkby Lonsdale registers {Cumberland and Westmorland 
Antiquarian and Archcsological Society, N.s., v., 227-228). 

** The Perfect Pharisee under monkish holinesse, opposing the Fundamental! 
Principles of of [sic] the Doctrine of the Gospel, and Scripture- Practises of 
Gospel-Worship manifesting himselfe in the Generation of men called Quakers. 
Or, a Preservative against the Grosse Blasphemies and horrid delusions of 
those, who under pretence of perfection and an immediate Call from God 
make it their businesse to Revile and Disturbe the Ministers of the Gospel'. 
Published, for the establishing of the People of God in the Faith once delivered 
to the Saints. And in a speciall manner directed to Beleevers in Newcastle 
and Gateside. [Two texts, Isay. 8.20 2 Epist. of John, ver. 8] Gateside 
Printed by S.B. and are to be sould by Will: London Book-seller in Newcastle' 
1653 4'" [Another edition, dated 1654, bears a London imprint only 
Barnes's Memoirs, p. 363, Surtees Soc, 50)]. 


Sam. Hammond, Newcastle ministers, bears internal 
evidence of Cole's authorship. He took part in dis- 
cussions, apparently public, with James Nayler, Colonel 
Gervase Benson, and Captain Ward.* In the Perfect 
Pharisee (p. 29) he records his discussion with a Quaker 
of the question " That there is no mediate Call to the 
Ministry," which " was asserted by Thomas Willan of 
Kendale in the Publique Congregation there, on a Lecture 
day, in the hearing of one of us, W. C. the said T. W. 
(accordinge to the custome of that Generation to Prophe- 
sie lyes in the name of the Lord) pretending to the man 
that Preached, he was sent of God to speak to him : 
then the said Minister demanded Whether he was sent 
by a mediate or immediate Call : upon which proposall, 
being baffled in the proofe of his owne immediate Call 
which he pretended to ; with a lowde voyce cryed downe 
all mediate cals to the Ministry, as not of God, and tis 
one of their common exceptions against the Ministers 
of the Gospel as being sent forth by the Ordination of 
men, not considering the Institution of Christ for such 

The Perfect Pharisee explains to some extent the now 
almost incomprehensible dislike of the Quakers, which 
was shared by all the other sects, whether Episcopalian, 
Presbyterian or Independent. The clerics were shocked 
by the Quaker attacks on their divine commission, on 
their tithes and stipends and on some of their doctrines, 
while the laymen were equally shocked by some of the 
vagaries of the early Friends. The following are a few 
extracts : — 

That there is no need of any outward teaching by Reading or 
Hearing the Scriptures opened or applyed &c. . . . What 
need we the teachings of men : saith another, in a paper of his, 
in the hands of one of us. Wilham Strickland walking up the 

* Perfect Pharisee, p. 7, 11, 17. 


streets in Kendale naked, except that he had a shirt on, pubhshed 
the said Principle ; one of us [W.C.] both heard it, and saw him in 
that immodest garbe. Miles Bateman affirmed the same before the 
whole Congregation at Kendale. And George Fox pretended, 
he had all from within, though his jugling was presently dis- 
covered, a Concordance being sent to him from Yorke to help 
his Memory. Miles Hawd in the same Congregation affirmed, 
That whosoever did referre anyman to any light but that which is 
within him, is a Deceiver. And being by one of us admonished 
to take heed of such Blasphemy, and urged with Christs referring 
to the Scriptures, and Pauls referring to the Doctrine he had 
Preached before. Gal. i. 8 he Blasphemously, and in much heat 
of spirit, repeated the same againe. John Audland affirmed. 
No need of ovitward teaching, in discourse with us at Newcastle. 
Will. Strickland told Mr. Archer, // he had never Read the Bible, 
it had been better for him (pp. 21-23). 

One of their Papers in the hands of one of us [W.C], wickedly 
rayles thus, Away with all your conjuring studying, away 7mth all 
your stage play Preaching. And tis their knowne and constant 
Principle Though their grand master Fox, was not able enough in 
this point but discovered his Imposture by his Concordance to the 
Bible, sent him from Yorke to Kendale (p. 27). 

Reader, they that live in the Countries where these people 
come, or doe reside, doe know, we might discover much more 
of their Principles and Practises, then what we have done : We 
might pleade against them the fruits of their casting off the 
Word and way of God ; and the more, because they justify them 
instead of mourning for them. Such as George Fox, his cursing 
of Mr. Fetherstone ; Miles Ralhead,* his cursing of master 
Walker Minister of Kendale very lately in the presence of master 
Archer, and Mr. Cocke. Christopher Atkinson, (a grand leader 
of this people, and a Propheticall Imposter) for a good while 
together, his very immodest familiarity with (to say no more) 
a woman in his way, in the sight of a godly minister at Kendale, 
M. Wallace. The wife of Edmund Adhngton of Kendale going 
naked (November 21 1653) through Kendale streets, &c but 
these we have named are the very badge of their profession ; 
and we are satisfied that this will suffice to enforce that rule of 
the Apostle upon every watchfull heart (from such turne away) " 
(p. 48). 

* Ralhead is probably a misprint for Halhead. 


Though not apparently successful in his modest am- 
bitions at Kendal, Cole had not long to wait for prefer- 
ment. By the influence of Alderman Ambrose Barnes, 
Cole, who is described as " a polite man and an eloquent 
preacher," became minister of St. John's, Newcastle- 
upon-Tyne, on 25th March, 1652-3.* 

At Newcastle-upon-Tyne Cole was an Independent, 
and in 1656 he was one of two ministers who, on behalf 
of their colleagues, reproached Cromwell for his supposed 
encouragement of the Presbyterians. -f He was nomin- 
ated as a visitor of Cromweh's Durham College in 1657,1 
and in the same year was suggested for the lectureship 
at Gateshead. § 

From Newcastle, where he continued his controversy 
with the Kendal Quakers and issued the Perfect Pharisee, 
he was promoted to Preston, Lancashire, being admitted 
vicar there on loth February, 1657-8. || In spite of the 
Independent tendency he had shown at Newcastle, he 
attended the Provincial Assembly held at Preston October 
6th, 1658, and, together with Brownsword and other 
Presbyterians, subscribed a statement that they intended 
to put into practice in their parishes a resolution of the 
Assembly on " personall teachinge."TJ 

Like many of the Presbyterian clergymen. Cole was 
a Royalist, and, like Brownsword, he welcomed the 
Restoration by a sermon. This found its way into print 
under the title of : — 

* Barnes's Memoirs, pp. 129, 358 (Surtees Soc, 50). 
t Barnes's Memoirs, p. 371. 
X Hutchinson's Durham, i., 524. 
§ Barnes's Memoirs, p. 376. 

II Shaw's Plundered Ministers' Accounts, ii., 216 (Rec. Soc, 34). Henry 
Newcome (Autobiography, p. 94) records a " discouraging providence " with 
which " the Lord met Mr. Cole, in his removal to Preston from Newcastle- 
upon-Tyne, his wife's mother going to meet them, was in the coach when it 
overturned in a very dirty place, and was hurt, and died within two or three 

][ Shaw's Manchester Classis, p. 305 (Chet. Soc, n.s., 24). 


Noah's Dove with her Olive Branch : or, The happy tidings 
of the abatement of tlie flood of England's civil discords. As 
it was delivered in a sermon preached at Preston in the County- 
Palatine of Lancaster, on the 24th of May, 1660. Being the 
Publick Day of Thanksgiving for the Restoration of His Sacred 
and most excellent Majesty, Charles the Second. By William 
Cole, Batchelor of Divinity, and Minister of the Gospel there. 
Lond., 1 661, 4to, 4 leaves, and pp. 36.* 

The sermon was dedicated to Sir George Booth, and 
Cole speaks of having undergone in former years " no 
small amount of adversity from those present powers." 
He resents the " black inputations of disaffection, 
disloyalty and dissatisfaction with His Majesties suprema- 
cie according to the law," and claims that the Clergy of 
the County of Lancaster were famous for their Fidelity 
to their Allegiance in the worst of times, and notoriously 
disavowing the Titles and Triumphs of Usurpation." 
He mentions his " considerable acquaintance with those 
many Orthodox, Godly and Learned men whom God 
hath set up as glorious Lights and Stars in this Northern 
Hemisphere," and names Herle, HoUin worth, and Gee 
as stars of the greatest magnitude which had finished 
their course. The dedication to Sir George Booth and 
the sentence in which Cole says " They are not few, nor 
small afflictions and losses which myself, and some others, 
have undergone now very lately, upon the account of 
our objected Non-conformity," suggest that Cole was 
implicated in the abortive Presbyterian rising of 1659. 
After the Restoration Cole attended a meeting of ministers 
at Bolton to consider what course to take with reference 
to conformity. He and Mr. Ambrose " declar'd before 
them all, that they could read the Common-Prayer, and 
should do it, the state of their places requiring it, in which 

* There is a copy in the Bodleian Library. Our extracts are from an 
article by J, P. Earwaker in Preston Guardian Sketches in local history, No. 


otherwise their service was necessarily at present at an 
end. The Ministers considering the circumstances of 
their Case approv'd their Proceeding. Mr. Cole (after- 
wards Dr. Cole) was so forward as to Express himself 
at the same time, in Words to this Purpose. Gentlemen, 
I am got to my Hercules Pillars, my ne plus ultra. I shall 
go no further. And indeed he was turn'd out of Preston ; 
but found some stronger Motives in other Parts : For 
he afterwards Conform'd, and was Lecturer at Dedham 
in Essex."* 

Cole was ejected from Preston in 1662, but as 
he conformed later Calamy gives no separate notice 
of him. 

Despite Cole's brave words at the meeting of ministers, 
and his sacrifice of the Preston living, his nonconformity 
did not last long. Under date 17th April, 1663, John 
Angier (a native of Dedham) records in his diaryj that 
he had " received a letter from Dedham signifying that 
there is hope Mr. Cole may be brought in to be Vicar 
and Lecturer," which Angier looked " upon as a great 
mercie if he can concur with a safe conscience." Cole 
was appointed to the two offices, Vicar (vacant by death) 
and Lecturer (vacant by nonconformity) at Dedham 
6th June, 1663. His successor as vicar was appointed 
22nd May, 1665, but it is uncertain whether Cole retained 
the lectureship until later, though it is clear that he had 
ceased to hold it before "he died. The next known 
lecturer occurs in 1671. Cole died 29th September, 1674, 
and was buried at Dedham ist October, his name appear- 
ing in the register without any indication that he was a 
clergyman. J His widow returned to Preston and was 
buried there in February, 1676-7. § 

* Calamy's Ace, pp. 409, 410. 

t Raines MSS., xxiii., 433 (Chetham Library). 

J The Rev. J. G. Given Wilson, Vicar, has kindly supphed the Dedham data. 

§ Fish wick's Preston, p. 185. 


Jeremiah Marsden is the next of the Kendal Lecturers 
known to us. According to his autobiography, quoted 
by Calamy, Marsden had " an invitation to Kendal in 
the year 1658."* He accepted the invitation " and 
continued there about nine months, though not without 
some opposition. From thence he took a journey of 
two hundred miles, to try for an augmentation, and 
obtained an allowance of 60I. for the first year, as Lecturer. 
But was at last forced from this place, where he met 
with a great many temptations to a hundred miles dis- 
tance to the town of Hull." The autobiography can be 
confirmed from other sources, though the formal beginning 
of Marsden's lectureship was not 1658 but 1659. ^^ Sth 
April, 1659, he was admitted to be " Lecturer in the 
Parish Church of Kendall " | on the nomination of James 
Cocke, alderman, a member of the Corporation of Kendal 
in behalf of himself and others of the said Corporation, 
" to whom the power of nominating a Lecturer there 
doth belong."! The Lecturer's stipend, which in 1652 
was only £15, was augmented by £60. The resolution 
of the Committee of Augmentations, 4th April, 1659, § 
reads : — 

Upon consideracon had of the greatnesse of the parish of Kendall 
in the County of Westmorland haveing within it eleaven Chappells 
appendant to the parish Church of Kendall aforesaid to which 

* An entry in the Altham Church Book (Jolly's Note Book, p. 129) suggests 
that Marsden was at Kendal in 1656, it being stated under that date that the 
pastor had a letter " from Mr. Marsden at Kendal, to comfort him after the 
death of his wife, and shows the state of religion in that town." It is 
probable however that the transcriber of the Church Book has wrongly dated 
several entries on this page. Thomas Jolly's second wife died in nth October, 
1654, and he did not marry his third until 8th July, 1656. She died at the birth 
of Timothy Jolly of Sheffield who, according to his monumental inscription 
(Manning's History of Upper Chapel, p. 44) was 56 at his death in 1714, and 
was therefore born about 1658. Marsden was working in the parish of Whalley 
in 1656. 

t Lambeth MSS., vol. 999, p. 241. 

X Lambeth MSS., vol. 968, p. 154. 

§ Lambeth MSS., vol. 1004, p. 124. 


Chappells there belongs little or noe maintennce by reason whereof 
they are destitute of able Ministers and the people inhabiting 
within the said Chappelrie can not in regard of their distance 
resort to the parish Church of Kendall aforesaid, It is ordered 
that the sume of Three score pounds bee graunted to Mr. Jeremiah 
Marsden preacher of the Gospell within ye said parish and 
Chappells to hold for the space of one yeare next ensueing. 
Which wee humbly Certify to his highnesse the Lord Protector 
and the Counsell. 

Edw. Cressett Ra: HaU Ri: Sydenha Jo: Pocock. Ri: Yong. 

Though Jeremiah Marsden's connection with Kendal 
was short, a httle space may be devoted to him. He 
was an Independent, and, although many facts in his 
history point to him having been an extremist, he seems 
when in Kendal to have been at least willing to work 
with the Presbyterians. On 15th July, 1659, he was 
one of a number of Independent ministers who made 
an agreement with some prominent Presbyterian ministers 
for an accommodation between the two sects in Lan- 

Marsden was probably born at Ashton-under-Lyne.f 
where he was baptized 31st December, 1626. His father, 
Ralph Marsden, who was then preacher at Ashton and 
afterwards became minister of West Kirby, Cheshire, 
had four sons in the ministry. Of Jeremiah Marsden's 
life the fuUest account is that given by Calamy,^ based 
on an autobiography entitled " Contemplatio vita misera- 
bilis." This account is so interesting that we make no 
apology for quoting it almost at length, adding a few 
footnotes : — 

It appears that his whole life was a scene of sorrows and afflictions. 
He was born An. 1626 ; and while a child, he by eating unripe 

* Martindale's Life, p. 128. 

t Peile's Bios Reg. of Christ's College, i., 499. says he was born at Newton, 
Cheshire, and Mr. Bryan Dale {Yorkshire Puritanism) gives his birthplace as 
Godley, Halifax. 

J Cont., p. 94^- 


fruit was brought into a Tympany, which had Hke to have been 
mortaL Wlien lie was in a good measure restor'd, he was sent to 
Manchester School,* in order to get learning : but there he had a 
master that was too rigid. Boisterous times came soon after ; 
and he improv'd but little. Then he was assisted in his learning 
by his father who was a minister, &c. And at length, about 
1647, his Father bestow'd the small portion that he had for him, 
upon his maintenance in the University ; and he became a 
pensioner in Christ's College in Cambridge, under Mr. Harrison, f 
(whose pains with him and other pupils, he complains was as 
slender, as his reputation otherwise) and continu'd there about 
two years ; in which time he was often sick. His father died 
at Neeston,! June 30 1648 where his [Jeremiah's] brother Samuel 
was minister : And there he himself was for a time forc'd to 
ingage in the painful employment of a paedagogue in order to 
his subsistence. But at length he became an occasional preacher, 
and help'd other ministers as he had invitation and opportunity. 
On May 24 1654 (when he was within a year and some months 
of being thirty years of age) he took a journey to London together 
with his fellow-soldier in Christ Mr. Jolly. § His intention in 
this journey, was to make application to the Triers, that he might 
be approv'd of for the service of the Gospel, by those that were 
competent judges of mens abilities. And besides a certificate 
he carried with him, he had drawn up what he thought might be 
sufficient for their satisfaction. But when he came to appear 
before them face to face, he complains, that utterance and 
courage :nuch fail'd him. They were however so indulgent to 
him, as to appoint Mr. Tombes || to confer with him in private, 
and he gave him such satisfaction, that upon his making a report 
of what pass'd to the rest, he had their common approbation. 
Both before and after this, he preach'd in divers places, and 
sojourn'd for some time, in Wyrral ^ in the county of Chester, 

* At Manchester Grammar School he would be contemporary with Browns- 
word, Vicar of Kendal. The schoolmaster was Ralph Bridecake, who eventu- 
ally became a bishop. 

f Marsden was admitted pensioner 8th September, 1645, aged 19, and 
matriculated 17th December, 1645 (Peile's Biog. Reg. of Christ's College, i., 


% Neston, in the Wirral, Cheshire. 

§ Thomas Jolly of Altham. The Church Book says " The Pastor going to 
London at the end of May, he found favour in the e5'es of the Commissioners 
for the approbation of ministers" (Jolly's Note Book, p. 126). 

II John Tombes, B.D., an Anabaptist, who was one of the ejected ministers 
in 1662. 

^ Probably at Neston, his brother's place. 


at Blackbourn, Heapey,* North AUerton, Thornton, Hahfax, and 
Whaley,t and every where found that God prosper'd his labours, 
to the conviction of some, and the conversion of others. He was 
for Infant Baptism but was of narrow principles in admitting 
to Baptism and the Lord's Supper, and blames others for their 
latitude. He went afterwards into Ireland, and was for some 
time a preacher there, and then return'd back to England where 
he had not been long, before he had a second invitation to Ireland, 
to a place call'd Carloe. But having another invitation to Kendal 
in the year 1658 he accepted that. J . . . But was at last 
forc'd from this place ... to the town of Hull, where he 
and his family were planted in a garrison of safety, an harbour 
of plenty, and amongst a number of serious Christians, both 
in the Church and without, with whom he was well accepted. 
After fifteen or sixteen months stay here, where he was chaplain, 
he was driven by the violence of the times (after some personal 
restraints) to Hague-Hall,§ with H. J. and W. and Mr. M. and 
there had a good help of the society of Christians : But there 
there arose a difference about the oath of allegiance, which bred 
loss, trouble and prejudice. Feb. 13, 1661 he was committed 
to York-Castle, 1 1 which God (he says) made become no loss to 
him, but gain, each way. While at Hague, he had a call to 
preach at Ardsley, for three quarters of a year or more till Bartholo- 
mew Day 1662, and as he represents it as great mercy that God 
was pleas'd to put it into the hearts of any to be valiant for the 
truth, in such a day as that. 

And his whole life afterwards, was a perfect peregrination. 
About 1674 or 1675, he mentions his two and twentieth remove, 
and cries out, " O my Soul, what a sojourning state hath thy 

* In Leyland Parish. 

t i.e., Whalley, Lancashire. He was stationed at Darwen in that extensive 
parish (Nightingale's Ejected, p. 958). As early as 17th December, 1651, a 
grant of £100 a year was made to " Mr. Jeremy Marsden, preacher in the 
severall churches within the parish of Whaley " (Shaw's Plundered Ministers' 
Accounts, ii., 22, 33). In 1654, he is described as minister of Whalley (Ibid., 
p. 40). In 1655 as "minister of the word of God within the parish of Whalley" 
(ihid., p. 62), and in February, 1656-7 as " minister of Whalley . . . approved 
according to the Ordinance for Approbacon of Publique Preachers " [Ibid., 
p. 171). On 29th May, 1657, he is described as " late minister of Whalley . . . 
now in Ireland " {Ibid-, p. 182). To the places mentioned in the autobiography 
Mr. Nightingale [Ejected of 1662, p. 444) adds Edenhall, Cumberland, where 
Marsden was vicar for a short time in 1659, apparently contemporaneously 
with the Kendal lectureship. 

X The paragraph relating to his Kendal ministry is here omitted, having 
already been quoted. [Ante, p. 58). 

§ There is a Hague Hall a few miles from Wakefield. 

II Raine's Depositions from York (Surtees Soc.) contains no mention of this. 


life been ? now here, then there ; and in no abiding posture ! 
If ever Soul had any, thou hast cause to seek and look after a 
better inheritance, in the Mansions and City that hath foundations 
of God's laying ! " Afterwards, reckoning up the mercies of his 
life, he mentions this as one, never to be silenc'd for Christ, by 
a man, or bare law, till personal actual force did compel ; and 
till that personal persecution for life call'd off, &c. He blesses 
God, that tho' he was oft pursu'd and hunted for from place to 
place, from the year 1662 and 1663 to 1670, and his pursuers 
sometimes came so near the scent of him, as to the very next 
village where he was, they yet miscarried. In his flight out of 
the country, he was stopp'd at Coventry by a Constable, and 
brought before the Mayor, who found no cause of detaining either 
him or his. When he came to London he met with friends ; 
and a good widow, with whom he and his liv'd for some time, 
was very kind to him. Provision was made for him, by strangers 
without seeking for it ; and once he had 5I. sent him from the 
Exchange, by an unknown friend. After some time he went 
to Henley, where for about a year, he preach'd in a barn. July 
13, 1675, tho' he was only found reading the Scriptures, he was 
taken up and sent prisoner to Oxford. He was invited to Bristol, 
there to succeed Mr. Hardcastle.* And at length, after many 
removes, and fourteen years continuance in or near London, he 
was call'd to succeed Mr. Alexander Carmichael in Lothbury ; 
and sometimes he held his meeting at Founders-Hall, and after 
that, by Mr. Lye's permission at Dyers-Hall. In eighty-two he 
appears troubled to hear of the restraint of Mr. Laurence Wise, 
Mr. Francis Bampfield, Mr. Griffyth, and other good men in 
Newgate, but would not himself desist from taking all opportuni- 
ties of preaching that offer'd, till at length he himself was seiz'd, 
and committed to the same prison, from whence he and Mr. 
Bampfield, were much about a time, translated into a better 
world, in the 58th (not the 55th) year of his age ; as appears, 
from his representing himself in this manuscript as being in his 
28th year. An. 1654. . . . 

He was known in and about London by the name of Ralphson, 
and under that name, was written against by Mr. Richard Baxter 
in 1684, on the account of his rigorous separating principles, 
which went so far as to run down Parish Worship as idolatrical. 

* Thomas Hardcastle, one of the ejected ministers, was " pastor to a 
Society of sober Anabaptists" and died 1679 (Calamy's Ace, p. 811). 


To this account may be added that he was suspected 
to have had a share in the Farnley Wood plot, and on 
loth November, 1663, the Government issued a pro- 
clamation for the arrest of, amongst others, " Jeremy 
Marshden of Hughall." He was not one of the ministers 
who took out licences in 1672. 

Marsden was inclined to the notions of the Fifth Monar- 
chists, and being known as an extremist may have been 
presumed to have been connected with the Rye-house 
plot. He was imprisoned in Newgate, and died there 
in 1684. 

In addition to the Vicars and Lecturers, there were 
others who might have had some influence in moulding 
the opinion of the Kendal people. The Masters of the 
Grammar School would no doubt be clergymen. 

On 31st March, 1653, there was " exceeding great need 
of a schoolemaster att Kendall," so it was ordered that 
tithes amounting to about a dozen pounds should be 
granted to the Mayor and Alderman for the use of a 
schoolmaster " for the encrease of his maintenance."* 

John Myriell was probably the first master to benefit 
by this order. He ceased to be schoolmaster at Kendal 
in 1655, when he was appointed vicar or minister of 
Torpenhow.j In July, 1656, an order was given that 
he should receive arrears of his due as former school- 
master. :|: A little later he was minister at Lamplugh, 
and was one of the Associated Ministers of Cumberland 
who signed the testimonial of the ordination of James 
Cave§ on i6th October, 1656. 

In his first edition Calamy included Myriell as having 
been ejected from Lamplugh in 1662, but excluded him 
from the second edition, as he conformed soon after- 

* Lambeth MSS., vol. 1006, p. 394. 
t Nightingale's Ejected, p. 580. 
% Lambeth MSS., vol. 972, p. 569. 
§ Calamy's Ace, p. 229. 


wards.* Mr. Nightingale corrects Calamy by showing 
that Myriell was buried 6th August, 1660. f 

The next schoolmaster was Richard Jackson, for 
whose maintenance grants from the tithes of Thirnbye, 
Sleagill, Great Salkeld and Little Salkeld were made on 
22nd November, 1655.:!: A letter written by him 15th 
October, 1659, shows how the troubles of the times were 
affecting men's minds — " I write among the prattle of 
boys, some of whom I wish were in Queen's College, § 
but their friends are uncertain in their thoughts. Some- 
times, by the frowns of the times, they are persuaded to 
make them mechanics ; sometimes they are for this 
mart of learning, sometimes for that."|| 

Jackson remained in ofhce throughout the period under 
notice, and in 1667 was in correspondence with Daniel 
Fleming.^ He was a conformist. 

In the chapelries of Kendal there must have been other 
clergymen than those noticed here, but our examples, 
though not exhaustive, may be taken as representative 
of the ministers who in Commonwealth days officiated 
in Kendal. In a later chapter, two other ministers are 
named as having been ejected in 1662. 

* Account, p. 161. 
■f Ejected, p. 774. 

X Lambeth MSS., vol., 972, p. 352. 

§ The College in Oxford to which exhibitioners from the Free Grammar 
School were sent. 

11 Cal. S.P. Dom., 1659-60, p. 253. 

iy Magrath's Flemings in Oxford, i., 168, 172, 173. 



William Brownsword, M.A., Vicar of Kendal. 

WILLIAM BROWNSWORD, Vicar of Kendal at the 
tV time of the passing of the Act of Uniformity,, 
1662, was a noteworthy man. He was baptized at the 
Collegiate Church (now Cathedral) of Manchester, 5th 
March, 1625-6. His father, John Brownsword,* is almost 
certainly to be identified with the John Brownsword 
who married Cicely, daughter of Charles Worsley of 
Manchester.! The Vicar of Kendal would thus be a 
first cousin of Charles Worsley, first M.P. for Manchester, 
one of Cromwell's Major-Generals and the ofiicer who- 
actually took " away the bauble " when Cromwell dis- 
solved the Rump. 

John Brownsword was a linenweaver, I and was one of 
the Elders for Manchester under the Presbyterian regime, 
and frequently attended the meetings of the Classis.§ 
William Brownsword, whose home and family associa- 
tions were with the Puritanical and Parliamentary party, 
was educated at the Manchester Grammar School, of 
which the High Master in his time was Ralph Bridecake, 
afterwards a Bishop. Brownsword took part in the 
speech-day of 1640. |1 He matriculated at Oxford, ist 
April, 1642, as of Brasenose College and aged 16. ][ He 

* William Brownsword's parentage has not hitherto been known. The 
unindexed reference in Munimenta Alme Universitatis Glasguensis (iii., x.) is^ 
our authority. 

t Piccope's Lancashire and Cheshire Wills, ii., 135, and Dugdale's Visitation 
of Lancashire, p. 338. 

} Manchester Sessions MS., p. 165. 

§ Shaw's Manchester Classis, p. 21 (Chat. Soc, n.s., 20). 

Ii A contemporary record of this speech day is in the possession of the School 
and a transcript is in the Reference Librsiry, Manchester. 

T[ Foster's Alumni Oxonienses. 



did not stay long at Oxford, for on 13th December, 1643, 
he entered Glasgow University, and subscribed the oath 
as a student in the third class. In April, 1645, he sub- 
scribed as one of the second class.* He next gave 
Cambridge a turn, and on 24th November (or 14th 
December), 1645, was admitted pensioner of Emmanuel 
College, a distinctively Puritan foundation.! Dr. 
Worthington adds to the note of his admission " went 
from Oxford to Scotland." He graduated B.A. in 1645-6 
and became M.A. in 1649. 1 It is possible also that 
Brownsword had some connection with Trinity College, 
as that body subsequently presented him to Kendal. 
When and where he was ordained we do not know. § 
The records of only two of the Lancashire Classes are 
extant, and presumably Brownsword would be ordained 
by one of the other Classes of the county. Probably 
his first appointment was that of minister of Douglas 
Chapel in Parbold, in the parish of Eccleston, Lancashire. 

In 1648, while at Douglas, he signed the " Harmonious 
Consent," and in 1649 the " Paper called the Agreement 
of the People taken into consideration and the lawfulness 
of subscription to it examined and resolved in the nega- 
tive." || As both these documents were Presbyterian, it 
is evident that Brownsword's sympathies were then with 
that party. 

In June, 1650, the Parliamentary Commissioners des- 
cribed him as " a godlie painfull minister (but did not 
observe the thirteenth day of this instant month, appointed 

* Munimenta Alme Vniversitaiis Glasguensis iii., x., 99, 533. 

t Worthington's Diary, i., 23 (Chet. Soc, 13) ; Palatine Note Book, iv., 80. 

X C. H. and T. Cooper, Notes and Queries, 3rd s., iii., 68. 

§ In Isaac Ambrose's diary, printed in liis Media (p. 77) under date 1647, 
October i2tii, it is stated " This day I was told by a godly minister Mr. C. 
that Mr. B. residing in Glasco, and lighting by Providence on my Book of the 
First and Last things, it was a means (as he acknowledged) of his conversion, 
at this time he was ordained minister by the L. Classis, and reported to be a 
holy and able man." It is possible that this refers to Brownsword, and more 
certainly he may be identified with the "Mr. W. B." who contributed to the 
same author's Media (p. 405) some doggerel versions of the Psalms. 

II Lancashire and Cheshire Church Surveys, p. xxii. (Rec. Soc, i). 


by Act of Parliament to be kept as a day of humiliation, 
and had notice of it by the Constable) ."* That he did not 
keep the day of humiliation shows that he was not in 
entire agreement with the Government, and it is probable 
enough that he was, like many of the Presbyterians, a 

While still at Douglas (May, 1654) Browns word pub- 
lished " Rome's Conviction, or a discoverie of the un- 
soundness of the main grounds of Rome's religion, in 
answer to a book called ' The Right Religion,' evinced 
by L. B. shewing (i) that the Romish Church is not the 
true and onely Catholick Church, infallible ground and 
rule of Faith. (2) That the main Doctrines of the 
Romish Church are damnable errors, and therefore to 
be deserted by such as would be saved." 

Brownsword's connection with Douglas Chapel seems 
to have ended soon after the publication of Rome's 
conviction. Afterwards he was at Preston, as Lecturer, j 
He was resident in that town as early as 12th June, 1654, 
the date of a certificate in which he is stated to be a 
" person qualified to preach the Gospel, and therefore 
fit to receive such augmentation as had been formerly 
settled upon him or the place where he preached. "J On 
the same date he obtained an order from the Com- 
missioners for approbation of public preachers for the 
payment of an augmentation. § 

Brownsword, described as "of Preston," signed the 
certificate of the presentation of Isaac Ambrose to the 
vicarage of Garstang, || ist September, 1654. 

When we next hear of him (October, 1656) Brownsword 
stood so high in the opinion of the Provincial Assembly 
that he was appointed, with Mr. Ambrose, to direct the 

* Lancashire and Cheshire Church Surveys, p. ii6 (Record Soc, i). 
t Nightingale's Ejected, p. 943. 

X Stanning's Royalist Composition Papers, i., 257 (Rec. Soc, 24). 
§ Sliaw's Plundered Ministers'' Accounts, i., 139 (Rec. Soc, 28). 
!| Shaw's Plundered Ministers' Accounts, ii., 54 (Rec. Soc, 34). 


ministers then resolved to be sent by each Classis to 
preach in the Fylde country.* He was minister of 
Hoole from about 1654 to 1658,7 but was non-resident 
and still lived at Preston, seven miles away. Newcome, 
under date 17th October, 1658, states that Brownsword, 
riding to Hoole, from Preston " his wife behind him, 
the waters being out, they were both in, and his wife 
torn from him and drowned, and never found (as I could 
hear of) to be buried. "J 

On 29th January, 1658-9, § Trinity College agreed to 
present him to Kendal. The Register does not give the 
exact date of the actual presentation, but it must have 
been very soon afterwards. The Lambeth MSS. || give 
the following notice of his appointment : — 

Kendall, Feb. 28, 1658. Know all men by these presents that 
the 16 [sic] day of February, in the yeare 1658 there was exhibited 
to the Commissioners for Approbation of Public Preachers a 
presentation of William Brownesword clerke Master of Arts to 
the Vicarage of Kendall in the County of Westmrland made to 
him by the Masters Fellowes and Schollers of Trinity Colledge 
in Cambridge the patrons thereof. Together &c Dated at White- 
hall the i6th day of February 1658 Jo. Nye Regr." 

He was admitted the same day. ^ 

On 7th March, i659[-6o], an order was made for the 
continuance of an augmentation of £29 14s. 6d. yearly 
to the church of Kendal, the maintenance being within 
threescore pounds, and " the said place is a market-town, 
large and populous." ** 

Brownsword signalized his promotion to Kendal by 

* Shaw's Bury Classis, p. 146 (Chet. Soc, n.s., 41). He and Mr. Gee preached 
at an exercise at Kirkham 12th May, 1657. Fishwick's Kirkham, p. 104 
(Chet. Soc, 92). 

t V.C.H. Lanes., vi., 153. 

X Autobiography, i., 98. 

§ College Register. 

II Vol. 968, p. 147. 

If Nightingale's Ejected, p. 945. 

** Lambeth MSS., vol. 987, p. 263 


preaching against the Quakers, following the sermon by a 
pamphlet dated 26th November, 1659, and published the 
following January, entitled " The Quaker- Jesuite or, 
Popery in Quakerisme : Being a Clear Discovery i. 
That their Doctrines, with their Proofs and Arguments, 
are fetcht out of the Council of Trent, Bellarmine, and 
others. 2 That their Practises are fetcht out of the 
Rules and Practises of Popish Monks. With a serious 
Admonition to the Quakers, to consider their ways, and 
return from whence they are fallen." 

The Quaker Jesuite provoked retorts from the Friends, 
who were adepts at controversy. 

The Restoration found Brownsword comfortably fixed 
in a position from which he did not intend to be moved. 
He preached and printed a sermon or rather a paean on 
the King's return. Its title was : — 

Englands Grounds of Joy in liis Majesties return to his Throne 
and People. A sermon on 2 Chron. 23, 20, 21. Preached at 
Kyrkby Kendal, in the County of Westmerland, June 5, being 
a day of publike Thanksgiving for his Majesties Union to his 
Parliament, and assurance of kindness to the Nation, and his 
safe arrival at London. 
By William Brownsword, M.A., and Minister of the gospel there. 

England's Grounds of Joy is not a common tract, and a 
few extracts may not be without interest. We give the 
preface in full : — 


Thou mayest wonder why the day of our Thanksgiving should 
be rather the fifth of June, then the twenty fourth of May ; if 
the remoteness of these parts, and the miscarriage of the Parlia- 
ments Order, with his Majesty's Declaration and Letters, which 
we never received, will not excuse our delay ; know that there 
was a providence in it, that we should stay expecting Orders, 
till the Causes of our joy were encreased by His Majesty's safe 
and joyful arrival in England ; So that I may say without Vanity, 
That though we were as men born out of time in the Day of our 
Thanksgiving, yet we were not behind others in the reallity and 


degree of our Joy, having the advantage of fuller motives to the 
duty. The publishing of this Sermon was not in the least in- 
tended when preached ; but the earnest and reiterated desires 
of the Mayor, [in margin William Potter Mayor of Kendal for the 
time being, and several other persons of quality] with some 
other persons of quality both in Town and Country, urging me 
with the publike usefulness of it, hath obtained it from me. And 
now since 'tis publike, I desire that the weaknesses of it may be 
pardoned, and what is useful may be improved to thy Soul's 
advantage, which that it may be through the blessing of God, 
is the Prayer of 

Thy servant for Jesus sake 

W. B. 

The preface may fitly be followed by extracts from the 
Sermon itself : — 

3. Ministers may rejoice ; we have been men of Contempt 
and Opposition ; the Butt of all Sectarian malice, against whom 
Quakers, Anabaptists, Ranters, &c have shot their arrows, even 
bitter words : many have been imprisoned, some indited, some 
murdered, some deprived of our maintenance for adherence to 
our Oaths and Covenants against Usurpation. How low were 
we when 'twas put to the Question, Whether the Ministry of 
England should continue, or be laid aside ? When the of&ce 
was invaded by every one who would, in order to the taking 
away our respect we had from the people. But now God is 
blasting our Phanatick enemies ; and we are in a way to Religious, 
as well as Civil settlement. Do you therefore rejoice. 

4. Let every godly true-hearted Protestant rejoice. The 
greatest Plot that ever Rome had against us, is by the restoring 
of his Majesty and Parliament, defeated. What probable way 
was the Pope in to conquer us, when he had murdered our Prince, 
dissolved our Parliament, set up his Jesuits in places of trust 
in the Nation, and made them our common Teachers in every 
part of the Nation, under the forms of Anabaptists, Quakers, 
&c into the latter of whom he had instilled most of his abominable 
principles ; together with his enmity against the Reformed 
Magistracy and Ministry, and taught them to rail at the Laws 
made against Jesuits by our Kings and Parliaments, as most 
unjust, and unreasonable, [in margin Fox answer to Holland 
papist p. ult] and to plead for a liberty for them, that they may 
come amongst us and publish their Errors. But the day is 


coming, and These Night-owls are already creeping into darkness, 
and our Protestant Religion is by his Majesty asserted : Let us 
therefoae [sic] rejoice. 

These extracts do not show Brownsword in a pleasant 
light. We cannot think much of the candour of a man 
who, having been ordained under the " Usurpation " 
and apparently continuously employed as a minister, 
calmly associated himself with and appropriated the 
credit of those clergymen who had really suffered for 
their devotion to Church and King, and we should doubt 
either the honesty or the intelligence of a man who 
pretended to see the work of the Pope in the Common- 
wealth and the saviour of the Protestant religion in 
Charles II. 

When the Act of Uniformity was passed, if not before, 
Brownsword reconsidered his views on Presbyterianism 
and Episcopalianism, and " did most seasonably con- 
forme." His Presbyterian ordination no longer qualifying 
him to hold his living, Brownsword got himself episco- 
pally ordained. 

Brownsword is recorded as an inn-burgess of Preston 
at the Guild of 1662, three of his sons being entered 
with him,* and on 6th November, 1662, he received the 
freedom of the borough of Kendal at the hands of the 
Mayor and Aldermen. | In the same year he earned an 
honest penny, or rather five shillings, by making a trans- 
script of a year of the parish register to be sent into the 
Consistory Court of Richmond. J 

In spite of Brownsword's ready compliance with the 
requirements of the restored form of Church Government, 
he did not find everything straight forward. In order 
to make his position quite secure he had accepted a new 
presentation to his living, and was mightily disgusted 

* Abram's Preston Guild Rolls, p. 125. 

t Boke of Recorde, p. 21. 

t Churchwardens' Accounts, Local Chronology, p. in. 


when a claim for " first fruits " followed. He wrote to 
Sir Philip Musgrave a letter which Sir Philip forwarded 
to Joseph Williamson. Brownsword's letter and Mus- 
grave's covering letter are quoted below from the original 
in the Pubhc Record Office.* 

[Sir Philip Musgrave to Joseph Wilhamson.] 

Though the busines of the inclosed may seem not to be in the 
roade of Mr. Secretary Bennits ordinary imployment, yet as it 
may in a spetial manner concerne His Majisties Service, I presume 
the Knowledge of it wil not be ill recented by Him. I desire 
You therfore that in my name You wil request His perusal of the 
letter ; Mr. Brownsword was in His iudgement differing in some 
perticulers from vs in the Church Gouerment but did most season- 
ably conforme and hath giuen extraordinary testimony of the 
senserity of it, as I did informe You at my being at London 
particulerly of his writeing in defence of the Act for vniformety 
and the vnlawfulnes of the Couenant. His preaching and Con- 
versation is of excellent vse to the confutation of the Separatists 
of which sort there are very many about Kendall, it was Docter 
Burrels perswasion and his willingnes to compile in any thing 
that was thought fit hath brought this needles charge vpon him. 
If Mr. Secretary wil please by word or message to Baron Hales 
in Mr. Secretaries or His Majesties name to intimate that He is 
wourthy of a perticuler fauour, I will ingage He wil fully recom- 
pense it in His Service to the King and Church, We shal haue 
an exceeding loss if He go from that place, discouragements 
ought not to be giuen to deserueing men of his profession, my 
dewty to the King and Church wil I hope excuse Me, that I 
giue Mr. Secretary this troble and You wil both perdon, and 
promote the desire off 

Yr humble Seruant 

Philip Musgraue. 
[Endorsed] Octob. 12. 63. 

Sr Philip Musgraue. 

Mr. Brounsword. 
[Addressed] For Joseph Williamson Esqr Keeper of his Majesties 
Papers of State at Whitehall 


* State Papers Domestic, Chas. II., vol. 81, Nos. 72 and 72 i. The con- 
tractions of the original are extended. 


[William Brownsword to Sir Philip Musgrave.] 


I doubt not of your pardon, whilst by the encouragement 
I haue from your many expressions of respect, I take the boldnes 
to beg your assistance in deUuering mee out of some troubles 
into which my owne credulity (to say no more) hath brought 
mee. I acquainted you at Appleby how by the persuasion of 
Dr. Burrell, and his assurance that it should bee no prejudice 
to my former title to my viccaridge which I had in the yeare 
1658, but a ratification of it, nor at all subject mee to the paiment 
of first fruits (my feare whereof I then objected to him) I was 
induced to take institution de novo from him. Nevertheles 
after his departure hee certifyed into the First fruit office that I 
was instituted to a vacant lining, wherevpon there haue come 
downe two attachments against mee out of the Exchequer. I 
haue endeavoured by a solicitor to free my selfe in the First 
fruit office, but am hopeles of freedom vnles by the Barons of 
the Exchequer before whom it will bee heard this next tearme. 
Sir the burden is so great my first fruits being 92li and my 4 
subsidies 661i, and my viccaridge at its utmost valuation but 
yoli per annum* that if I cannot bee exempted from these first 
fruits, I must bee forced for maintaining my selfe and family 
to relinquish my lining, which I am very vnwilling to doe vpon 
the account of that love I have to my people, and the preventing 
that odium which is cast vpon men of our coat vpon theire 
remouing. Sir I humbly entreat you (if your interest in My Lord 
Chiefe Baron Hales bee such as may induce you to solicite him 
for mee) that you would please to giue mee your letter to him, 
to desyre what reasonable and lawfull favour hee Can do for mee. 
My friend Mr. Becke with the rest of our Aldermen can assure 
you (if I did not know that you were fully satisfyed of it) that 
I haue beene in peaceable possession of my viccaridge since 1658, 
being then presented to it by Trinity CoUedge in Cambridge, 
and it seemes hard that after fiue yeares posession, and his 
Majesties gratious act of Obliuion, wherein all first fruits com- 
pounded or not compounded for, are freely and gratiously par- 
doned, I should compound for my lining as if I were newly and 
since that acte possessed of it. Sir I beg your pardon for this 

* The excellent Commonwealth system of augmenting the incomes of poor 
livings was discontinued at the Restoration. 


tediousnes, assuring you that it shall be my constant endeavour 
according to my poore ability to approue my selfe. 

Your Worships 
Very humble and thankfull servant 

Wm. Brownsword. 
Kendall Octob. 5°. 1663. 

[Addressed] For the right Worshipfull and my truely honored 
Friend Sir Philip Musgraue Baronet at his house 
Edenhall in Cumberland 

these with my seruice." 

It is probable that the influence of Sir Philip Musgrave 
and Joseph Williamson obtained for Brownsword the 
relief he sought. He was certainly not forced to retire 
from the living he loved so well, but spent the remaining 
years of his life as Vicar of Kendal, harassed only by 
those parishioners, who, being Quakers, would not pay 
him his dues. 

His conflicts with the Quakers were long and bitter. 
About the year 1661 

William Brownsword, priest of Kendall, demanded of Peter 
Moser of Grayrigge, an Easter reckoning, which was but a very 
small matter. Peter answered he could give him none, — life 
and land and all first. Soon after, the said Peter was arrested 
by a bayliffe (vizt.) Richard Ridley of Kendall, and carried to 
priest Brownsword's house, who said : " Peter, thou said ' Life 
and land and all first,' what wilt thou do now ? " Peter told 
him he was of the same mind then as he was before. The priest 
said again " If thou wilt pay the charges I will loose my dues." 
Peter told him he never owed him anything, neither had he 
(vizt. the priest) ever done anything for him, what then could 
he claim as his due ? The priest said it was his own fault, then, 
that would not come to hear him. Peter told him he was no 
minister of Christ. The priest said, " Thou judgest not justly, 
thou never earnest to hear me." Peter asked him whether ever 
any Minister of Christ did imprison any as he had done, and 
bid him take his Bible, and looke from the beginning to the end 
thereof, and see if he could find and shew him that ever true 
Minister of Christ had done as he had done. Then the Priest 
laid his Bible away and said he would have it by law ; And 
then by the Priest's order the bayliffe took him away to Prison 


to James Sutton's house in Kendall. And after a while, his 
Mother (shee being none of the people called Quakers), without 
his knowledge agreed with the said Priest and gave him 40 
shilHngs, which when Peter was told did so exceedingly trouble 
him that he was past his Ordinary food.* 

Brownsword does not appear badly in this case. He 
was merely collecting what was undoubtedly his by legal 
right, and he was willing to relinquish his claim if Moser 
would pay the costs he had already incurred. But 
Brownsword evidently lost his temper at last with the 
disputatious Friend and insisted on his full pound of 
flesh. It will be noticed that Brownsword " thou'd " 
the Friend. Was Brownsword mocking the Quaker, or 
was it his usual manner of speech, or has the Quaker 
scribe merely translated into Quaker phraseology the 
words of the Vicar ? 

In a later case, dated 1668 by Bessef and, probably 
more accurately, 1671 by the Book of Sufferings quoted 
by Mr. Heatherington, Brownsword appears in a less 
agreeable light. Miles Bat em an the elder, Robert Barrow, 
and John Fell were prosecuted in the Ecclesiastical Court 
of Richmond for not paying small tithes and Easter offer- 
ings, and were committed to prison. When the bailiff 
went to arrest Barrow he was ill and desired the bailiff to 
spare him to the next day. The bailiff went to Browns- 
word to obtain permission for the arrest to be delayed, 
" but the Priest being Angry said he should go forthwith 
to gaol, except he would pay or some for him," though the 
bailiff said it would endanger Barrow's life. The Friends 
were sent to prison, Bateman for three or five weeks 
(according to the different accounts), and the others for 

* For this extract from the archives of the Kendal Meeting, and some other 
information in this chapter, we are indebted to an interesting article on Browns- 
word's Quaker Jesuite, contributed by the Rev. Lewis Heatherington to the 
Transactions of the Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and ArchcBological 
Society (n.s., v., 106). In a briefer form it appears in Besse's Sufferings, 
ii., 10. 

t Sufferings, ii., 18, 19. 


nine. Being told of an informality in the proceedings 
against them, inasmuch as Brownsword had not given 
them a personal summons, the three Friends appealed to 
the Ecclesiastical Court at York, and removed their cause 
there and became plaintiffs, and were set at liberty during 
the appeal and were " likely to recover charges of the 
priest."* Dr. Burwell, of whom we have already heard, 
advised Brownsword to swear that his proceedings were 
just and legal. Brownsword according to the Quakers 
" being willing to pollute his conscience, rather than im- 
poverish his purse " acted on Dr. Burwell's advice and 
then brought Citations against the Friends to summon 
them to take the like oath or " else they must be in con- 
tempt again." According to their principles the Friends 
could not take the oath, and in the ordinary course of 
events would have lost their case. " But it came to pass 
that in a month's time after he [Brownsword] began to be 
sick, and after two weeks sickness died, and Doctor 
Burwell that gave him this Counsell died about the same 
time ; thus was the priest taken away in the height of 
his Strength and the rest of his Cruelty was restrained, 
but it had cost Robert Barrow and John Fell 7 pounds 
besides 9 weeks of false imprisonment." 

The same record gives a brief account of Brownsword, 
which is worth quoting : — 

William Brownsword, priest of Kendall, who formerly had 
served at Preston in Lancashire, and there was a leading man 
amongst the Presbyterians in Oliver's days, and set forth a large 
book called Room's Convictions, wherein he railed much against 
the Cavalliers as he called them, saying they were the parliament's 
greatest enemies, yet when the King came to his Chrown this 
priest fac'd about, and tooke the Bishop's Orders, and became 
an Episcopalian, though he had formerly taken the Solemn 
League and Covenants. 

* It is probably to this trial that the letter of Brownsword to Fleming and 
Fleming's reply, dated respectively 13th and i6th February, 1671-2, refer 
(Fleming Papers, p. 88). 


There is little else to say about Brownsword, excepting 
that perhaps to give him more time for harrying the 
Quakers the magistrates granted him an order in 1667 
excusing him from serving the office of petty constable 
of Skelsmergh when it was his turn to serve.* 

Owing to the Kendal parish register being incomplete 
we cannot give the exact date of Brownsword's death 
or burial, but the year was either 1672 or 1673. Browns- 
word was living 13th February, 1671-2, but was probably 
dead or too ill to attend to his duties on 12th May, 1672, 
when one Thomas Bell was the clergyman who certified 
the performance of a penance on that day in Kendal 
Church, t 

Brownsword had at least two wives, one, as we have 
seen, having been drowned in 1658. The burial of the 

* Kendal Indictment Book, 1656-1668 (19th April, 1667). It is just possible 
that the Mr. Willm. Brownsword named in the order was not the Vicar but 
his son of the same name, though that is unlikely as the son must have been 
very young. 

t Though it has no particular bearing on Brownsword or on Kendal Non- 
conformity, the document from which this fact is derived is perhaps worth 
printing here. The original is amongst the papers of the Archdeaconry of 
Richmond, now in the office of Mr. W. H. Satterthwaite, of Lancaster. " May 
9th Anno 1672. A schedule of pennance enjoynd to be performed by Thomas 
Mitchell of the parish of Kendall in the Archdeaconry of Richmond and Diocess 
of Chester. The said Thomas Mitchell shall be present in the parish church of 
Kendall aforesaid on Sunday next after the date hereof being barehead bare 
foot and bare legd having a white sheet laped about him with a white wand 
in his hand where after the readeing of the gospell standing upon some forme 
or seat before the pulpit or reading pew shall say after the Minister in the 
fullness of the Congregacon as followeth viz 

Whereas I good people forgetting my duty towards Almighty God have 
comitted the detestable sin of Fornication with one Jennet Becke to the great 
danger of my owne soule and the evill example of others I am therefore sorey, 
And do earnestly repent for the same desireing God for Christs sake to forgive 
me both this and all other offences, And everthereafter soe to assist me for that 
end I deske you all here present to pray with me saying Our Father &c The 
said Thomas is to certifie the performance hereof under the hands of the 
Minister and Churchwardens thereupon unto us at or before the last of May 
instant after the date hereof 

The sayd Thomas is to perform the like Pennance in the parish church of 
Grasmere the 19th of May inst Rich. Potter, Regraus 

This is endorsed with a note of the performance of the penance in the parish 
church of Kendal on 12 May 1672 Signed by Thom. Bell 

William Kilner 

William Cookson ch: wardens 
and a like certificate from Grasmere 

It may be mentioned that both parties, who were already man and wife, 
had to perform the penance on the same days but in different churches. 


other is recorded in the Kendal registers, 25th June, 
1689, " Jane, wife of Mr. Wm. Brownsword, late vicar 
of Kendall." 

We learn from the Preston Guild Rolls the names of 
four of Brownsword's sons : — John, Nathaniel, Roger, 
and Wilham. The eldest son, John, M.A., born about 
1654, was, from 1679 to his death in 1700, Rector of 
Aughton in Lancashire. He married Elizabeth, daughter 
of William Bell, M.A., ejected Vicar of Huyton in the 
same county. Roger was buried at Kendal 14th June, 
1687. William Brownsword, son of the vicar, was Mayor 
of Kendal in 1694.* He married 9th December, 1686, 
Mrs. Isabel Curwen, of Stricklandgate, and had several 
children. Mr. Jennings says he was a mercer. He 
lived in Stricklandgate, probably in Brownsword House, 
afterwards known as the Pack Horse Inn. This house, 
in which James I. is said to have passed a night, was 
demolished in 1907 to make way for the Carnegie Public 
Library.! William Brownsword the younger was buried 
at the Parish Church 17th August, 1698. The family 
remained in Kendal at least until the third quarter of the 
eighteenth century. In 1730 administration of the goods 
of Joseph Brownsword, shearman, was granted to a 
creditor, in March, 1738-9, Charles Brownsword ad- 
ministered the estate of his unmarried sister Jane, and 
in March, 1741-2, Jane Brownsword administered the 
estate of her husband, Charles Brownsword, gentleman, 
(buried i6th February, 1741-2, as of Highgate), all the 
parties being described as of Kirkby Kendal. " Mr. 
Nathaniel Brownsword of Stricklandgate aged 66," who 
was buried at Kendal 9th September, 1763, was a son 
of the Mayor. 

Trinity College had difficulty in finding a successor to 
Brownsword. On 9th September, 1673, Richard Tatham, 

* Boke of Record, p. 36. 

t Kendal Free Press, June, 1907. C. Nicholson's Annals, p. 129. 


of Christ's College, was presented, but seems not to have 
accepted. On 22nd November, 1673, George Loup, 
Loupe or Loope, was presented, but he also declined 
the living. On loth March, 1673-4, Michael Stanford 
was appointed vicar, although he held the living of 
Aldingham. The date of Stanford's appointment is 
usually given as 1672. He was buried at Kendal 4th 
March, 1682-3. On 21st March, 1682-3, Thomas Murga- 
troyd. Fellow of Trinity, was presented on the death of 
Michael Stanford.* 

* College Register. 



The Act of Uniformity, 1662. 

OUR survey of the ministers of Kendal during the 
Commonwealth shows that for almost a generation 
before the passing of the Act of Uniformity in 1662, the 
pulpits were filled by men who were, or were supposed 
to be, favourable to Presbyterianism or Independency, 
or at anyrate were not sufficient strong in their Episco- 
palianism to be obnoxious to the then ruling powers. 
Brownsword was indeed an active Presbyterian, and 
though he conformed he did so in opposition to the 
whole tenor of his earlier life. Cole and Marsden were 
Independents. The whole trend of the influence of these 
men should have been to make Nonconformists when 
the occasion arose. Yet we do not find that the Non- 
conformists, apart from the Quakers, were at first parti- 
cularly strong in Kendal. One reason for this would be 
Brownsword' s own conformity, and another, and perhaps 
more potent one, was the existence of the Quakers who 
had, before 1662, drawn into their Society the bulk of 
those who would otherwise have made the stanchest 
Nonconformists. The Friends were, of course. Noncon- 
formists, but theirs is not the nonconformity of which 
we are writing. The Act of Uniformity of 1662 (13 and 
14 Charles II., chap. 4) contained three sections of great 
importance. Section 4 required every clergyman of the 
Church of England to declare his unfeigned assent and 
consent to everything in the Prayer Book. Section 9 
required subscription to a declaration against the law- 
fulness of taking up arms against the king, and 
Section 21 provided that no person then incumbent or 
in possession of any parsonage, vicarage, or benefice. 


and who was not already in holy orders by episcopal 
ordination, or should not before the Feast Day of St. 
Bartholomew be ordained priest or deacon, according 
to the form of episcopal ordination, should have, hold 
or enjoy the said parsonage, vicarage, benefice with cure, 
or other ecclesiastical promotion within the kingdom of 
England or the dominion of Wales or town of Berwick 
upon Tweed, but should be utterly disabled, and (ipso 
facto) deprived of the same and all his ecclesiastical 
promotions should be void, as if he was naturally dead. 
The fourth section troubled some of the clergymen who 
were loth to subscribe their belief in a book they had only 
been allowed a few days to digest, and the ninth section 
was one many were unable to subscribe as it was a con- 
demnation of their own actions during the Civil War, 
but the twenty-first section seems to have been the one 
which caused most of the Nonconformists to renounce 
their livings. It indeed implied that their whole ministry 
had been carried on under a pretended ordination, and 
that ordination they held to be valid and would not do 
anything to imply the contrary. 

The clergy of Westmorland did not, as a rule, find that 
their convictions prevented them retaining their benefices 
when the Act of Uniformity came into force. Browns- 
word, as we have seen, conformed and remained Vicar 
of Kendal, but Calamy mentions two clergymen as having 
been ejected within the parish. One of these was John 
Wallace or Wallis, M.A., of whom Calamy says he 
" preached for some time in Kendal Church but is reported 
to have been of so scandalous a life in several respects, 
that his memory is not worth preserving : And yet I 
was not willing wholly to omit him, least it should be 
charg'd upon me as Partiality."* 

Mr. Nightingale's researches have shown that Calamy 
was mistaken in stating that Wallace was ejected in 

* Calamy's Ace, p. 753. 


Kendal parish. Probably, however, Calamy is correct in 
his statement that Wallace was at Kendal, and it is ex- 
tremely probable that he was Lecturer for some time. 
Certainly the Perfect Pharisee mentions " a godly minister 
at Kendale, M. Wallace,"* and John Wallace was one of 
the witnesses to W. Baldwinson's testimony dated 14th 
January, i653[-4],"j' the two other witnesses being the 
Vicar and the Schoolmaster of Kendal, and the same 
John Wallace signs a document dated " Kendale Jan. 14 
1653."+ It would appear that Wallace was at this time 
already Rector of Grasmere, being presented 28th July, 
1653, and admitted 21st April, 1654. In the following 
year he was tried for a rape on Clara Barwis, and was 
acquitted, but the subsequent conviction of the same 
woman for fornication with John " Wallas," i probably 
justified Calamy's strictures on Wallace's character. 
Wallace ceased to be Rector of Grasmere in 1656, and 
shortly afterwards became minister of the sequestered 
living of Heversham. In 1661 the sequestered Vicar 
again enjoyed his own, and Wallace was ejected. 

Wallace remained in the neighbourhood, and showed 
the thoroughness of his nonconformity by continuing his 
ministrations. In April, 1663, he was presented at the 
General Sessions " for not readinge the order of Comon 
prayer," and was bound over to appear at the next 
Sessions. Naturally he was suspect by the magistrates, 
and when the Kaber Rigg " plot " was afoot Wallace 
was arrested for his supposed complicity in it. In 
January, 1664, he was committed to prison under the 
Act of Uniformity, § the magistrates evidently being 
unable to discover that he had any connection with the 
rebellion. The section of the Act of Uniformity under 

* We quote from the 1653 edition. Mr. Nightingale quoting from tlie 1654 
edition has the name Wall;er instead of Wallace [Ejected, p. 934). 
t Nightingale's Ejected, pp. 936-937. 
% Nightingale's Ejected, p. 1063. 
§ Cal. S.P. Dom., 1663-4, P- 340- 


which he received his sentence of three months would be 
the 2ist, which provided for that term of imprisonment 
in the common gaol for any person disabled by the Act, 
who preached any lecture or sermon. 

It is just possible that Wallace is identical with the 
" Brother Wallis " who, on nth August, 1670, " helped 
in prayer " at a meeting at George Larkham's house at 
Tallantire,* but the identification is doubtful as there 
appear to have been several Wallaces and Wallises in 
the neighbourhood of Cockermouth. 

The other Kendal minister mentioned by Calamy as 
having been ejected was Mr. Greenwood, of Hutton. He 
says " He was much valu'd as a Preacher. But accused 
of some things that were scandalous, by which his 
memory is blackeu'd.""}" 

Again we are indebted to Mr. Nightingale for some 
particulars of this ejected minister. James Greenwood 
was appointed minister at Old Hutton in 1654, 3-i^d in 
1655 he was instrumental in punishing a disorderly ale- 
housekeeper. In 1658 a Quaker was committed for 
disturbing his congregation. J There is nothing in this 
record to blacken his memory, and all further knowledge 
of him is lost. There was a person of the same name 
who took out a licence in 1672, but his locality was so 
remote from Westmorland as to make identification very 
improbable. This James Greenwood took out licences 
to be a Presbyterian teacher at Barton Farme, near 
Bath, and at Weaver's Hall, Cirencester. § The petitioners 
at Bath had asked that Greenwood might be licensed to 
St. James's or St. Michael's Church in Bath, both vacant 
and not endowed. || Possibly Greenwood is the Mr. 
Greenwood who in 1682 accompanied Oliver Heywood 

* Christian Reformer, 1824, p. 94. 

t Calamy's Ace, p. 752. 

X Nightingale's Ejected, p. 999. 

§ Lyon Turner's Original Records, pp. 240, 245. 

i| Ibid., p. 244. 


on his visit to Kellet,* and the "Mr. James Greenwood" 
whose wife was buried at Bolton-le-Sands i8th March, 
1686-7. t 

Not in Kendal alone but throughout the county of 
Westmorland, Nonconformity, as measured by the 
number of ejected ministers, was weak. Calamy mentions 
only Timothy Roberts of Barton, Mr. Greenwood of 
Hutton, Christopher Jackson of Crosby on the Hill, 
Christopher Langhorne of Askham, and John Wallis 
of Kendal, all of whom remained Nonconformists, Thomas 
Dodgson of Ravenstonedale, Francis Higginson of Kirkby 
Stephen, John Dalton of Shap, and George Fothergill of 
Orton, who conformed after their ejection, and John 
Smith of Kirkby Lonsdale, of whose later career Calamy 
knew nothing.! 

A contemporary explanation of the fewness of Non- 
conformists among the Westmorland clergy is given in 
a document written in 1669 : — § 

We have in Westmoreland perhaps fewer clergy who have been 
deprived of their livings than most of the other counties in 
England : not because they favoured Episcopacy ; for they did 
not ; but on different motives they have mostly conformed. 
The gentry have exerted themselves to the utmost, in their 
respective neighbourhoods, to prevent Nonconformity. The 
most active in this matter are as follows. — In the East Ward, 
the Countess of Dorset, Pembroke and Montgomery, who con- 
stantl}^ resides here, being three months at each of her castles : 
viz. the spring at Brough ; the summer at Pendragon ; the 
autumn at Brougham ; and the winter at Appleby. She diffuses 
her charity where it is wanted, and has great influence amongst 
the Clergy. — Also the Musgraves of Hartley Castle ; the Dents 
of Hilbeck Hall ; the Dalstons of Smardall Hall ; the Sandfords 

* Yorkshire Genealogist, ii., 52. 

t Parish Register. 

% Calamy's Ace, 752-753- John Smith and Kirkby Lonsdale are included 
by Calamy in tlie list for Lancashire instead of Westmorland. 

§ The original manuscript was " in the hands of a gentleman in the county 
of Westmoreland " in 1775, when a copy of it was communicated to the Rev. 
Samuel Palmer, who printed it in 1803 in the second edition of his Noncon- 
formist's Memorial (vol. iii., preface p. iv.). 


of Ormside and Hougill castles ; have all endeavoured to pre- 
vent Nonconformity. — In the West Ward, the following nobility 
and gentry are exerting themselves in favour of Episcopacy : 
viz. Lord Clifford at Ashby ; the Nevisons at Newby ; the 
Thwaites at Naddle ; the Tathams at Asham ; and the Flemmings 
at Crosby. In Kendal Ward, the Flemmings at Rydall ; the 
Phillipsons of Ambleside ; the Stricklands of Syzergh (who are 
papists) ; the Belinghams of Levons ; the Willsons of Dalham 
Tower, &c. In Lonsdale Ward, the Wilsons of Casterton ; the 
Mydeltons, Middleton Hall ; the Otways and the Braithwaites, 
are all exerting themselves. After such united force, we cannot 
expect the Dissenters to be much encouraged. Conformity is 
not by choice, but by constraint. — Mr. Francis Higginson, of 
Kirkby Steven ; Mr. John Dalton of Shap ; Mr. Thomas Dodgson 
of Ravenstonedale, are all conformed ; and the generality of my 
acquaintances think much against their inclination. 

It is obvious that the writer of this letter was not 
without bias, and he omits to mention the noblemen and 
gentry who were not unfavourable to nonconformity. 
Lord Wharton, for instance, must have been a tower of 
strength for dissent, and we cannot imagine that the 
Catholic landowners would be particularly anxious to 
prevent dissensions amongst Protestants. The letter, in 
fact, misses what to us appears the essential factor in 
the early history of Westmorland Nonconformity, that 
is the influence of the Quakers. 


Persecution and Indulgence, 1662-1672. 

BUT for the interest taken in the dissenters by the 
magistrates, the period from 1662 to 1672 would be 
almost a blank in the history of Kendal nonconformity.* 

That there were nonconformists in the district we 
know, and when the Kaber Rigg " rebellion " was being 
arranged and suppressed, the authorities had their sus- 
picions of the two Archers, and directed that they should 
be secured or at least confined to their houses, and Captain 
French, Wallace the ejected minister, and others, about 
twenty in all, were arrested or imprisoned. In the 
actual rebellion the Kendal nonconformists took no part. 
The story of the rising from its origins to its coUapse on 
12th October, 1663, and of the subsequent proceedings 
by which the ringleaders lost their lives, is told in a paper 
read before the Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian 
and Archaeological Society, j 

The most strenuous local dissenters were, undoubtedly, 
the Quakers, who were constantly in trouble for various 
offences resulting from their peculiar views. They 
certainly fought the good fight of religious equality 
like men, and never flinched though the prison was 
their inevitable doom. From a Quaker source^ we 
learn of persecutions which, one would think, were not 
confined to the Friends. In 1664 the Mayor of Kendal 

* The principal authorities for the period are the letters of Daniel Fleming, 
Esq., of Rydal (afterwards Sir Daniel), as abstracted and published in the 
Fleming Papers (Hist. MSS. Comm.) and the Calendars of State Papers. 
They were addressed to Sir Joseph Williamson. 

t The Kaber Rigg Plot, 1663. By Francis Nicholson, F.Z.S. {Cumb. and 
West. Aniiq. and Arch. Society, n.s., xi.). 

% Besse's Sufferings, ii., 17. 


caused the goods of many inhabitants of the town to 
be distrained, for their absence from pubhc worship. 
So unpopular was this action that the neighbours would 
not buy the goods at auction, " nor could the Justices 
get them sold at any rate, till by bidding for them them- 
selves, they animated some mean people to buy them 
at a very low price." 

In May, 1664, Sir Wihiam Blakeston informed Wilham- 
son that the dissaffected in Westmorland intended a 
rising soon. " They ride up and down, and are super- 
cihous and obstinate," he says.* The " rising " so con- 
fidently predicted by Sir Wilham never occurred. The 
" supercilious and obstinate " ones were in that month 
having directed against them the very severe Act of 16 
Charles II. "to prevent and suppress seditious con- 
venticles," which was passed in May, 1664, and came 
into force in July ist. This Act, which was to remain 
operative for three years, declared that an Act of 35 
Elizabeth was still in force, and provided 

further and more speedy remedies against the growing and 
dangerous practises of seditious sectaries, and otlier disloyal 
persons, who under pretence of tender consciences, do at their 
meetings contrive insurrections, as late experience hath showed. 

The remedies were that if any person of sixteen years 
and upwards should 

be present in any Assembly, Conventicle, or Meeting, under 
colour or pretence of any Exercise of Religion, in other manner 
than is allowed by the Liturgy or practise of the Church of 
England ... at which Conventicle, Meeting or Assembly 
there shall be five persons or more assembled together over and 
above those of the same household, 

they should be liable to three months' imprisonment in 
the gaol or House of Correction, or to be fined £5, to be 
paid to the churchwardens for the relief of the poor. For 

* Cal. S.P. Dom., 1663-4, P- 59°. 


a second offence the penalty was six months' imprison- 
ment or £io. For the third, they were to be committed 
to Quarter Sessions, and if there found guilty were to be 
transported beyond the seas to any of his Majesty's 
Foreign Plantations, except Virginia and New England. 
Their goods and lands might be sequestered to pay the 
expenses or they might be indentured as servants, but 
a payment of ;(^ioo would free them from other penalties. 
The persons in whose houses or barns conventicles were 
held were liable to the same penalties. Married women 
were not to be transported, but in lieu were to be im- 
prisoned for 12 months or fined £40. Suspected houses 
might be searched for conventicles, but the houses of 
peers were only to be searched by warrant from the King 
under sign manual. An interesting class distinction is 
that no person worth £5 yearly of freehold or copyhold 
land or worth ;;^5o personalty was to be committed to the 
House of Correction. 

Daniel Fleming had expressed his pleasure at seeing 
so " smart an Act against conventicles,"* but, so far as 
we know, did not immediately begin the pious work of 
fining men into conformity. Indeed, he seemed to need 
that gentle pressure from above, which did not come 
until the Conventicle Act had been in force for some 

On 25th March, 1665, the Government, by the hand of 
the Earl of Clarendon, sent a letter to the Justices of the 
Peace in Westmorland exhorting them "to do their 
duty to the King, and especially to free the country from 
seditious persons and unlawful conventicles. "| 

Perhaps as the result of this letter we find the Mayor 
of Kendal (John Beck), in 1665, sending " his officers to 
summon all the Quakers, and other non-conformists in 

* Cal. S.P. Dom., 1663-4, P- 
■f Fleming Papers, p. 35. 


the Town, before him, but none appeared, except twenty 
Quakers," who were all either fined or imprisoned.* 

The Conventicle Act, directed against the laity, was 
followed in 1665 by the Oxford or Five Mile Act, directed 
against the ministers, and enlarging the penalties already 
in force against them under the Act of Uniformity. The 
Five Mile Act is entitled " x\n Act for restraining Non- 
conformists from inhabiting Corporations." It stated 

divers parsons, vicars, curates, lecturers and other persons in lioly 
orders liave not declared their unfeigned assent and consent 
to the use of all things contained and prescribed in the Book 
of Common Prayer, 

and that 

they or some of them, and divers other person or persons, not 
ordained according to the form of the Church of England, and as 
have, since the Act of Oblivion, taken upon them to preach in 
unlawful assemblies, conventicles or meetings, under colour or 
pretence of exercise of religion contrary to the laws and statutes 
of this Kingdom, have settled themselves in diverse corporations 
in England, sometimes three or more of them in a place, thereby 
taking an opportunity to distil the poisonous principles of schism 
and rebellion into the hearts of his majesty's subjects, to the great 
danger of the church and kingdom. 

It was therefore enacted that each of these persons should 
swear that it was not lawful upon any pretence whatso- 
ever to take arms against the king, and that he would 
not at any time endeavour any alteration of government 
either in church or state. 

Section III. enacted that such persons as shall take 
upon them to preach in any unlawful assembl^^, shall not 

unless only in passing upon the road, come or be within five miles 
of any city or town corporate, or borough that sends burgesses 
to the Parliament ... or within five miles of any parish, 

* Besse's Sufferings, ii., 17. 


town or place, wherein he or they have since the act of obhvion 
been parson, vicar, curate, stipendiary or lecturer or taken upon 
them to preach in any unlawful assembly 

before they had subscribed the oath, already mentioned, 
before the Justices of the Peace, upon forfeiture for every 
such offence, the sum of forty pounds of lawful English 

Section IV. was intended, under the same penalty, to 
prevent the ministers and others who did not frequent 
divine service established by the laws, teaching any 
public or private school or taking any boarders or tablets 
that are taught or instructed by him or herself. Section 
V. provided for the imprisonment for six months of those 
who refused to take the oath. To encourage informers 
they were to receive a third of the money penalties 
inflicted under the Act.* 

The machinery devised for crushing dissent was now 
complete, and was at first so ineffective that in January, 
1665-6, Sir Philip Musgrave informed Lord Arlington, 
that the " Nonconformists hold their meetings in spite 
of authority, and are better horsed than the rest."t 

In August, 1666, Fleming, acting on an order from 
Lord Delamere, arrested George Walker of Kendal, 
surgeon, and caused his house to be searched for " fanatick 
letters and papers," but without making any discoveries.^ 
Walker had two years before been committed on a charge 
of high treason. Fleming describes him as a " kind of 
Quaker, yet much imployed by most sorts of recusants. 
Hee is a person as likely for an intelligence as most we 
have in this countrey." The Quakers were, in August, 
1666, suspected by Sir Philip Musgrave to be " agitating 
some rebellious design." § 

* This encouragement of the informer was a usual feature in old Acts of 
Parliament. At a time when there were no police it was regarded as necessary 
to secure the operation of the Act. 

t Cal. S.P. Dom., 1665-6, p. 205. 

J Fleming Papers, pp. 39, 40. 

§ Cal. S.P. Dom., 1666-7, P- 54- 


In the following month, on September 2nd, 1666, 
began the Great Fire of London. The connection of this 
event with Westmorland affairs does not, at first glance, 
seem very close, but the nerves of the magistrates were 
evidently unstrung. " Not knowing what influence the 
fire in London might have amongst the discontented," 
Mr. Daniel Fleming* called together his foot company in 
Kendal, and communicated with the Colonel, who in- 
formed the Deputy Lieutenants and the Earl of 
Carlisle. The various companies of foot were called out 
and stationed in the principal towns and villages of the 
two counties, and all suspected persons were secured, 
but were soon ordered to be released and the troops were 
disbanded — all before the 15th of the month, when 
Fleming informed Williamson of what had been done, 
and took the opportunity of telling him that the release 
of George Fox " will much discourage the justices from 
acting against Quakers." Two months later the trained 
bands were again drawn up to defend the northern 
counties against the " Galloway rebels," as Fleming 
called the Covenanters. These said Galloway rebels 
" declare for liberty of conscience and freedom from 
taxes, pretences," which, in the opinion of the worthy 
magistrate, " may work ill in England. "| The trained 
bands were soon dismissed, but were to be ready on 
summons at an hour's warning. On the same occasion 
the King issued an order| (dated 27th November, 1666) 
to the Lord Lieutenants of all the northern counties 
to take into custody " all disaffected and dangerous 
persons within their lieutenancies and cause others who, 
though less active, are still suspected, to give sufficient 
security for their peaceable demeanour ; also to keep 
a vigilant eye on the carriage of all whose actions are 

* Cal. S.P. Dom., 1666-7, p. 127. 
t Cal. S.P. Dom., 1666-7, p. 289. 
j Cal. S.P. Dom., 1666-7, P- 293. 


doubtful, and give a particular account of whatever may 
happen." The Lord Lieutenants evidently regarded 
this order as directed against the Papists and not against 
the Nonconformists, as one might have expected con- 
sidering that the occasion of the order being given was 
a rebellion of Presbyterians. Fleming informed William- 
son on December 7th that " these two counties are issuing 
warrants on the proclamation against Papists." In 
January,* 1666-7, Fleming reports that the churchwardens 
and constables had presented the names of all Popish 
recusants in Cumberland and Westmorland at the 
Quarter Sessions, and that most of the magistrates 
were very hot against them, the late letter from Paris 
communicated to the King by the Lord Mayor and 
spread abroad by Presbyterian means, having inflamed 
the zeal of all against the Papists. He then expresses a 
hope that the " rabble of nonconformists will not escape ; 
they have added to the flame by their declamations and 
other acts of insinuation." Sir Philip Musgrave thought 
it worth his while to have spies amongst the malcontents 
of various kinds. Writing in June, 1667, j he says he 
has for three years kept " one or more persons in fee, to 
give intelligence of what passes among factious people, 
and has spent £20 therein." Apparently he was not 
very well served by his spies, but in August, 1667, J he 
was able to inform Williamson that the " fanatics," whom 
he had previously described as the " bad people " were 
talking about the King being a Papist, and " that it is 
publicly discoursed among them that they will rise in 
arms for defence of religion, and oppose the King and 
the Popish party." In May, 1668, § the trained bands 
went into training at Penrith. " It is not amiss," writes 

* Cal. S.P. Dom., 1666-7, P- 461. 

t Cal. S.P. Dom., 1667, p. 145. 

J Cal. S.P. Dom., 1667, p. 409. 

§ Cal. S.P. Dom., 1667-8, p. 406. 


D. Fleming, " for us to be awake at such a time as this, 
when all sorts of nonconformists are so active, they are 
not to be feared, yet they should not be despised, for too 
much security has often done harm." In August of the 
same year Fleming wrote to Williamson complaining 
about the release of a leading Quaker, Mrs. Fell, widow 
of the Judge, and afterwards wife of George Fox.* " Mrs. 
Fell," he says, 

haveing her discharge from her easy imprisonment, doth not a 
little encourage that rabble fanaticks, and discourage all magis- 
trates for acting against them. I observe it is now become a 
generall policy to comply with the nonconformists. I am sure 
it much encreases their number and I fear that it will much 
encrease their confidence in desireing. I wish that less then 
all may fully please them, which if it do, then I wiU say they 
are not of the brood of the old presbiterian verbum sat. 

Fleming, who had thought a fire in London a good 
reason for calling out the trained bands in Westmorland, 
was in May, 1669,7 fuh of suspicions " that the pre- 
biterians &c have been and are now designing some 
mischief," and he proceeds to give the reasons for his 
suspicions, the first being " the late boldness of the 
highway men in divers places," and the second being 
" the many false rumors and reports — one of their ancient 
policies — which wee have had of late in these parts." 
In June, 1669, Gilbert Sheldon, Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, i endeavoured to stir up the djdng flames of perse- 
cution. He mentions that 

the King of late speaking in public against conventicles, after 
laying some blame upon the bishops for their want of care, 
declared that henceforward they should not want the assistance 
of the civil magistrate to suppress them. He desires that enquiry 
be made in every diocese what conventicles are held in every 

* Fleming Papers, p. 58. Cal. S.P. Dom., 1667-8, p. 546. 
t Fleming Papers, p. 63. 
t Fleming Papers, p. 64. 


parish, what are the numbers that usually meet at them and upon 
what hope the people thereat look for impunity.* When any 
such conventicles cannot be hindered by the bishops, complaint 
is to be made to the nearest justice of the peace, and any negligence 
on their part is to be certified to the King. 

The Archbishop's letter is addressed to his brother of 
York, but as a copy exists among the Fleming papers, 
there is little doubt that it was intended to be and was 
actually distributed to the magistrates. The Judges 
also were doing their best to enforce the laws against 
the Nonconformists. We learn from a letter, dated 30th 
August, 1669, written by Christopher Musgrave, then at 
Carlisle, to Williamson that " Baron Turner gave in 
[his] charge the law against conventicles, and the justices 
have issued out their warrants for presenting those who 
are absent from church and will proceed upon the statute 
for 12 pence a Sunday, which they conceive the best 
way to reclaim the rabble. "| 

Musgrave's letter presumably refers to Cumberland, 
as does a letter;]: dated 6th January, 1669-70, written 
by his father. Sir Philip Musgrave, and stating that " the 
Nonconformists are more numerous and met more openly, 
during the sitting of Parliament than at any other time, 
and it is supposed the hope of indulgence had this effect." 

In Westmorland Daniel Fleming was endeavouring to 
carry out the laws, and on February 9th, 1669-70, he gave 
this report § of his success to Williamson : — 

Wee have had lately in this countrey a great conventicle of 
Indipendents &c to the number — as I am informed — of 200 in 
the night-time and at the house of George Archer, one very active 
in the late rebellion and still a stif non-conformist. So soon as 
I heard thereof, I drew a warrant against so many of them as we 

* The returns asked for have been printed in Prof. Lyon Turner's 
Records, p. 173. They are very imperfect, those referring to Kendal Deanery 
mentioning Qualvers only. 

t Cal. S.P. Dom., 1668-9, P- 466. 

% Cal. S.P. Dom., 1670, p. 7. 

§ Fleming Papers, pp. 68, 69. 


could discover and got the mayor of Kendall, and some other 
of this countrey justices to joyne with me therein, though some 
of our fellow-justices refused, which gives some encouragement 
here unto the fanatickes. Wee have ordered them to be brought 
before us next Saturday at Kendall, where wee intend to examine 
the fact, and to bind over the offenders unto the next quarter 
sessions where they shall be all indicted, if wee receive not in the 
interim, orders to the contrary. I know very well the boldness 
and numerousness of those people in this countrey, and their 
great disaffection to the present governement, both in church 
and state ; therefore — so long as I am in authority — I intend 
to watch their actings and to helpe to punish them when they 
shall offend, and herein I hope to receive encouragement from 

It is observed here by divers that these fanaticks are growne 
of late much bolder than they were formerly, and that severall 
non-conforming ministers do ride to and againe and make a 
bustle, as if they were designeing some more mischeif, which 
I believe to be the more probable, since of late wee have many 
odd reports and rumors spread amongst us. I am confident 
the late clashings between the Lords and Commons, and the 
Generall's death, have much encouraged them, and I am assured, 
if the King ever trust them, they will deceive him. 

The Kendal Indictment Book for 1669-1691* enables 
us to give names of many of the people who were present 
at this " great conventicle of Indipendents &c," which 
was held on 23rd January, 1669-70, at George Archer's 
house in Kirkland. The persons indicted for assembling 
to worship contrary to the form of the English Church 
were Abraham Garner, mercer ; William Sill, linen- 
draper, and Sarah his wife ; Agnes, wife of John Pearson, 
yeoman ; John Sutton, woolman, and Dorothy his wife ; 
Dorothy, wife of James Sutton, yeoman ; Alice Hadwen, 
spinster ; Mary [or Maria] Cock, spinster ; Agnes Wood- 
burne, widow ; Hannah, wife of James Halehead, currier ; 
John Phillipson, cordwainer ; Emma Brathwait, widow ; 
Thomas Mitchel, yeoman, and Margaret his wife ; Isaac 

* Now in the custody of John Bolton, Esq., Clerk of the Peace, to whom 
we are indebted for access to the original. 


Gruell, hardwareman ; Eleanor, wife of William Warriner, 
yeoman ; John Thwaits, cordwainer ; John Garnett, 
mercer ; Mary [or Maria] , wife of John Foster, mercer ; 
William Leece, yeoman ; all of whom are described as 
of Kirkby Kendall ; James Cock, senior, of Birkhagg in 
Kendall parke, mercer, and George Archer of Kirkland, 
cordwainer. The Sessions were held on 15th April, and 
many of the defendants were duly fined, five shillings 
being the usual fine, but Garner and Garnett were each 
fined ten shilhngs, and George Archer was mulcted in 
the sum of twenty shillings. 

Daniel Fleming apologetically chronicles* this very 
tame result : — 

A true bill having been found against 20 of the conventiclers who 
were indicted at the quarter sessions for a riotous and unlawful 
assembly, and it being demanded whether they would submit 
or traverse, after a little discourse they adopted the former and 
were fined from 20s to 5s each. We should not have run so low 
had we not heard that the Conventicle Act is very moderate, 
and I hope this general submission will do good in this country, 
where there are so many fanatics. 

The new Act against conventicles which Fleming 
heard was " very moderate," was passed on May nth, 
1670. Its provisions included a fine of 5s. for the first 
offence and los. for the second on all persons over 16 
years of age who attended a conventicle at which there 
were assembled more than five persons besides the 
members of the family, a fine of £20 on the preacher and 
the same on the tenant or owner of the house where the 
assembly took place. For the encouragement of the 
Justices, they were to be fined £100 if they neglected 
their duty. 

The intention of the new Act would please Sir Philip 
Musgrave, for earlier in the year he had been confiding 

* Cal. S.P. Dom., 1670, p. 164. 


to Daniel Fleming his hopes that Parhament would make 
some effectual law for preventing the increase of Non- 
conformity.* After the Act was passed he appears soon 
to have discovered that it was not so very effective, though 
he regarded it as " evident that the Dissenters are very 
angry at the new Act against conventicles, and speak 
big words." The Quakers did more than this for in 
Westmorland they openly flouted the Act by meeting 
numerously each Sunday after it came into force, f They 
were to reap their reward at the Assizes, as Fleming^ 
informed Williamson on August 19th, 

Wee have gott our assizes over at Carlisle and Appleby without 
anything extraordinary in them, and all newes that I can intimate 
unto you is verj^ good ; viz : little or nothing. Your smart 
actings at London against conventiclers have given us so good an 
example, as wee are following it in this countrey as well as wee 
can. Wee have convicted many Quakers and are levying of their 
fines which makes some of them come to church and in time 
will — I hope — make many more conform. Our Independents 
keep close and are cunning, they not exceeding the number 
mentioned in the Act. And after wee have rooted all con- 
venticles, the levying of I2d for every Sunday will I hope bring 
them to church. It is as clear as the day that nothing will 
convince them of their errors so soon as the drawing of money 
from them ; for a great part of their religion — notwithstanding 
their great zeal and fair pretences — is tyed to their purs-strings. 
If you can make good your ground in London — and in the great 
townes — -against these fanaticks, and not be quite tyred out 
with them, I am confident wee shall do well anough with them 
here in the countrey ; since wee have made them give back 
already and doubt not in a short time to rout them. 

At the two next Sessions, held in Kendal [October, 
1670, and January, 1670-1], the Independents and 
Presbyterians seem to have escaped the attentions of 
the magistrates, who, however, had to deal with large 

* Fleming Papers, p. 69. 

t Cal. S.P. Dom., 1670, p. 256. 

J Fleming Papers, p. 71. 


parties of Quakers which had met at the house of 
Christopher Birkett of Underbarrow, the house of John 
Thompson in Crook, and the house of Miles Bateman 
in Crook. The Quakers were smartly fined, the principal 
offenders as much as £20.* 

In November, 1671, Fleming wrote to Williamson : — | 

Our conventiclers are at present pretty quiet, since wee are now 
and then fineing of them as well to let them know that wee are 
awake and observe their actings as to remember them that the 
Act against conventiclers is still in force against them. 

The Nonconformists were now to have a brief respite 
from persecution. On 15th March, 1671-2, King Charles 
II. issued his famous Declaration of Indulgence. In the 
exercise of " that supreme power in ecclesiastical matters," 
which he claimed was inherent in him, he suspended the 
operation of all manner of penal laws, in matters ecclesi- 
astical, against whatsoever sort of Nonconformists or 
Recusants, and promised to allow a sufficient number 
of places for the use of such as do not conform to the 
Church of England, to meet and assemble in order to 
their public worship and devotion. This, the essential 
part of the Indulgence, was prefaced with protestations 
as to his zeal for the Church and admissions that the 
coercive measures of the previous years had failed in 
their purpose. The Indulgence was undoubtedly a 
straining of the royal prerogative, but it offered so favour- 
able an opportunity for the renewal of public worship 
and public preaching that all but the most extreme 
Dissenters availed themselves of it. The issue of the 
Indulgence was somewhat of a shock to those magistrates 
who had been active in putting the law into force against 
the Dissenters. Fleming wrote, on April 12th, to 
Williamson : — J 

* Westmorland County Records, Kendal Order Book, 1669-1696. 
\ Fleming Papers, p. 86. Cal. S.P. Dom., 1671, p. 582. 
Cal. S.P. Dom., 1671-2, p. 311. 


The late Declaration of Indulgence was great news to us. I 
heartily wish that all Nonconformists may be content with it, 
and that the King's giving them an inch may not encourage 
them hereafter to demand an ell. 

Under the Indulgence there were hcences for both the 
teacher, as the minister was styled, and the meeting place. 

The fewness of the licences taken out in Westmorland 
suggests that the local Dissenters were not over-pleased 
at the manner of their deliverance from the hands of the 
persecutors. Of course many of the local Dissenters 
were Quakers, and they unanimously, and over all the 
kingdom, refused to avail themselves of the Indulgence. 
The following is a complete list of the licences* taken out 
for the county of Westmorland. All but one were in 
Kendal parish, and that one was in the adjoining parish 
of Heversham. 

1672 Teacher Place Denomination 

May 13 Thomas Whitehead, House of John Presbyterian 

Garnett, Kendal 

July 16 George Benson, his own house, Presbyterian 


July 22 House of William Presbyterian 


July 22 House of WilUam Presbyterian 

Syll, Kendal 

Sep 5 House of John Presbyterian 

Gemet, Kendal 

Oct 28 Houses of John Presbyterian 

Hinde and Edward 
Bridges, Hever- 

Dec 9 Houses of James Not stated 

Cock, Kendal Park 
and James Atkin- 
son, Kendal 

* Cal. S.P. Dom., 1671-2, pp. 503. 55o ; 1672, pp. 352, 380, 379, 579 ; 
1672-3, pp. 95, 260. Lyon Turner's Original records, p. 641. 


Only two teachers took out licences, and they will be 
noticed fully in the next chapter. The persons in whose 
houses the congregations were to meet were probably 
all enthusiastic Nonconformists. John Garnett, who has 
already been mentioned as having been fined in 1670, 
was a mercer, and William Warriner was a yeoman 
whose wife was fined in 1670. William Sill, linendraper, 
had also suffered in 1670. 

James Cock was probably identical with James Cock 
who was Mayor of Kendal in 1654, and presented to the 
mayors succeeding him a clock which at a later date 
found its way into Todhunter's Museum. It bore the 
motto " Time runeth — your warke is before you."* 

* Westmorland Note Book, p. 330. 



Thomas Whitehead, M.A., and George Benson, 
Licensed Teachers, 1672. 

OF the two ministers who, in 1672, took out Hcences 
to teach in Kendal, the first was Thomas Whitehead, 
who, though he does not appear to have been a resident, 
preceded Benson by two months. A native of Lancashire, 
Whitehead was educated at Sedbergh* and at St. John's 
College, Cambridge. He graduated B.A. 1631-2 and 
M.A. 1635.7 

Of his early clerical career we know nothing, excepting 
that he was for a time Vicar of Brace well, " the poorest 
benefice in Craven. ":|: When he was appointed and when 
he resigned are alike unknown, the date of presentation, 
1637, given in the Sedbergh School Register, being that of 
a predecessor in the living. 

In 1644 or thereabouts he became Rector of Halton, 
near Lancaster. § Being " a godly minister " and favour- 
able to the Parliament he was, before 30th April, 1646, 
allowed to " farm " Halton Hall and the lands belonging 
to it, being part of the sequestered estate of Thomas 
Carus, Esq., of Halton, a Royalist and a Papist. Carus 
compounded for his estate and received an order for 
its restoration to him, but in 1650 complained that the 
order had not been complied with. The County Com- 
missioners were, he said in his petition, " adversaries of 
his and had put one Thomas Whitehead into petitioner's 
estate as ' farmer,' and he kept petitioner out of possession, 

* Sedbergh School Register, p. 79. 

t Information of the Registrary of the University and of the late Professor 
J. E. B. Mayor. 

t Whitaker's Craven, p. 103. 

§ Roper's Churches of North Lancashire, pp. 40, 44. 


pretending title to part of the demesnes in Halton, so 
that petitioner was no better off after his composition."* 
When Whitehead had been rector for about a couple 
of years and shortly after his nomination as a member 
of the Eighth Lancashire Classis| the House of LordsJ 
ordered, 23rd November, 1646, " that Mr. Doctor Heath 
shall give institution and induction unto Thomas White- 
head, clerk, to the Parsonage of Halton ... he 
taking the Covenant, and producing his presentation 
thereunto under the hand and seal of the Lord Dacres 
the patron ; and this to be with a salvo jure cujuscunque." 
The date of his institution is given § as June 23rd, 1648. 
In 1648 he signed the " Harmonious Consent." In August 
of that year Whitehead temporarily deserted his living 
and was residing in Lancaster, where a number of other 
fugitive ministers were seeking safety from the Duke of 
Hamilton and his army of Scotchmen, who had invaded 
England with the intention of rescuing the King. The 
Duke was distressed that the ministers should have so 
little confidence in him and his army, and addressed a 
charming letter to them. The ministers returned a 
politic answer. The correspondence is given below: — -H 

For such ministers of this sliire as are now at Lancaster and have 
lately forsaken their own dwellings. 

Reverend Gentlemen, 

Being informed that divers of the Ministry of Lancashire, 
upon the causless apprehension of receiving injury from this 
Army, have lately forsaken their Charge and Benefices, and are 
now at Lancaster, to the inconveniences of themselves and 
Parishioners, for which I am grieved ; and that they should 
so far mistake our intentions in coming hither, it being for settling 

* Stanning's Lancashire Royalist Composition Papers, ii., 6-13. 
t Shaw's English Church, ii., 397. 
J Lords' Journals, viii., 575. 

§ Baines's Lancashire. Ed. by Croston, v., 528. 

|] The copy of a letter from Duke Hamilton to the Ministers at Lancaster. With 
their answer to the same. London, August 25th, 1648. 


Presbyterian Government according to the Covenant, liberating 
and reestablishing His Majesty, and for other ends conducing 
to the good and Peace of the Kingdom, according to the Declara- 
tion herewith sent, and not to harm any (much less) the Ministers 
of this Countrey ; I therefore thought good to certifie, that such 
as have so absented themselves, may freely and without fear 
return to their several dwellings, to exercise those duties belonging 
to their Callings, without any prejudice to their Persons, Families 
or Goods from any in this Army ; and if any of them be pleased 
to repair unto me, I doubt not but to give them that satisfaction, 
that they may clearly see, none shall study more the happiness 
and preservation of this Church according to the Covenant, then 
Your assured Friend to serve you, 

Hornby, 10 August 

May it please your Excellency, 

We acknowledge our selves but weak men, and therefore 
subject to mistakes, but are not satisfied of any in having our 
present abode at Lancaster, it being incredible to us how we 
should have safety and freedom with your Army, knowing our 
old Enemies of Rehgion and the Kingdoms peace are with your 
Excellency : We have all taken the Covenant, and are zealous 
for reestablishing His Majesty, and doubt not the reality of the 
intentions of the two Houses of Parliament, whereof we have 
lately had good assurance in this country, and how much we 
shall own it (unto the death) is known to all the world in our 
late Testimony to the Truth of Jesus Christ, subscribed by us, 
together with the rest of our Brethren of this Province, unto 
which Truth we pray nothing may be acted prejudicial by your 
Excellency, and rest 

Lancaster, 10 August 

1648 Your humble Servants 

Halton Tho: Whitehead Edw. Aston Claughton 

James Schoulcroft Tho: Denny 

Jo. Jacques Jo. Smith Melling 

Ellel Pet: Atkinson Sam. Elwood 

Gressingham Jo. Syll Tho: Fancet 


In 1649 Whitehead attached his name to the Lancashire 
ministers' reply to the " Agreement of the People." In 


1650 Halton was worth ^TSo a year, and the minister was 
" Mr. Thomas Whitehead Mr. of Arts,"* but the Parha- 
mentary Commissioners made no comment of a personal 

In 1652 he came into contact with the founder of the 
Quakers. George Fox writes in his journal : — j 

Another First-day I went to a steeple-house by the water side, 
where one Whitehead was priest, to whom, and to the people, 
I declared the truth in the dreadful power of God. 

Whitehead occurs as minister of Halton in June, 1654, 
and on 23rd March, 1658-9,1: though his appointment to 
Dalton has been assigned to 1655. 

Afterwards he was appointed Vicar of Dalton in Fur- 
. ness.§ He was ejected in 1662, and so is amongst the 
worthies chronicled by Calamy, || who describes him as 
" a pious, painful and faithful minister, who study 'd to 
do good in his place, and preach'd as often as he could 
to his people, after his being ejected." 

In April, 1665, he was officiating pro tempore at 
Gorton Chapel near Manchester,^ the slackness of the 
ecclesiastical authorities evidently allowing Noncon- 
formists to occupy obscure pulpits at times. Besides 
his licence for Kendal, Whitehead took out a teacher's 
licence for James Dickenson's house in Lower Kellet 
(22nd May, 1672), and it is possible that the licence for 
Robert Hall's house at Bolton by the Sands** was also 
for his congregation. In the Bolton-le-Sands .register 
there is a reference to a collection made by Mr. White- 
head in July, 1672, on a brief. The collection in the 

* L. and C. Church Surveys (Rec. Soc, i.), p. 130-131. 

^Journal of George Fox, i., 124 (1891 ed.). 

X Shaw's Plundered Ministers' Accounts, ii., 297. 

§ Baines's Lancashire. Ed. by Croston, v., 589, says " probably in 1655," 
but in that year he obtained a " partial verdict and judgment " in a suit 
concerning the tithes of Halton, and was then apparently still at Halton 
(D.K., 2nd Rep. App. 2, p. 260). 

II Ace, p. 413, Cont., p. 567. 

T[ Higson's Gorton Historical Recorder, p. 72. 

** Cal. S.P. Dom., 1672, pp. 10, 41, 42, 43. 


parish church amounted to 3s., while Mr. Whitehead's 
collection amounted to 7s. id. 

There is a pathetic and inexplicable reference to him, 
or another clergyman of the name,* in the accounts of 
the " Sworn men " who governed the parish of Kirkham, 
" 1676 Paid to Mr. Thomas Whitehead, a poor old 
minister, 4s. "f He died in February, 1678-9, and the 
Bolton-le-Sands register records his burial " Thomas 
Whitehead clercke who dyed att Kellet bur. Feb. 10 day." 

Oliver Hey wood, J who says he was " a godly ancient 
minister near Lancaster," gives his age as 70, and Calamy 
gives it as 73. His will has not been found. 

Although everything in Whitehead's history indicates 
his Presbyterian leanings, he was " succeeded in his 
congregation," § at Kellet, by George Benson, the other 
licensed teacher in Kendal, whose sympathies were cer- 
tainly with the Independent party. 

This George Benson was an ejected minister. In 1672 
he took out a licence to preach at his own house in Kendal, 
and thus became, so far as we know, the first resident 
Nonconformist minister in Kendal. Benson 1| was a native 

* A " Thomas Whitehead de Archolme clericus " was buried at Melling 
24th January, 1691. 

t Fishwick's Kirkham (Chet. Soc., 92), p. 106. 

X O. Hej'wood's Diaries, ii., 259, cf. None. Register. 

§ Calamy's Ace, 413. 

II The pedigree of the Bensons given by Amory (Memoir of Dr. George Benson 
prefixed to Benson's Life of Christ, and quoted in Wilson's Dissenting Churches, 
i., 113) is interesting but probably inaccurate. It traces the family from John 
Benson who left London towards the end of Queen Elizabeth's reign and 
" settled in Great Salkeld, where the family made a considerable figure. He 
had thirteen sons, from the eldest of whom the late Lord Bingley descended," 
while the third son was the Vicar of Bridekirk. As mentioned in the text 
the father of George Benson of Bridekirk was not John Benson of Great 
Salkeld but George Benson of Kendal, and persons of " considerable figure " 
were not entered in the university registers as plebeians. There were Bensons 
in Kendal who were of importance, and may have been related to George 
Benson. Gervase Benson of Highgate, who was mayor in 1644-5, was after- 
wards one of the early Friends. He was buried 6th May, 1679, in the Sepulchre 
on the Fellside, but no stone is now to be found in that neglected burial ground, 
though the early Friends were not so much opposed to gravestones as their 
successors became. Gervase was apparently a lawyer, and had " a right 
for life to the probation of wills . . . and other ecclesiastical jurisdiction " 
within the deaneries of Kendal, Lonsdale and Furness. He had always 
adhered to Parliament, and had suffered imprisonment for so doing. Like 
many of the early Friends, he had been a soldier, and was a colonel in the 
Parliamentary Army {Hist. MSS. Comm., 7th Rep. App., p. 687). 


of Kendal, being the son of George Benson, described as 
" of Kendal, plebeian," when on 3rd June, 1636, his son, 
then 18, matriculated at Oxford as a member of Queen's 
College.* He does not appear to have graduated. 

According to Amory : — f 

In the civil wars, occasioned by the mal-administration of King 
Charles the First, George Benson, engaged on the side of liberty 
and the Parliament, and suffered considerably in his fortune, 
particularly from the Scots, previous to the battle of Worcester. 
He was a Puritan Divine, and had the living of Bridekirk, in his 
native county, from whence he was ejected at the Restoration. 

The battle of Worcester was fought 3rd September, 
1 65 1, so that his losses, whatever they might have been, 
were after he had been appointed to Bridekirk. It was 
apparently in 1649 that he became Vicar of Bridekirk, 
as in the register is a passage in Latin which states that 
1649 was the first year of Benson's institution and the 
thirty-first of his age. J His first entry in the parish 
register is dated ist April, 1649. § In 1652 the Com- 
missioners for propagating the Gospel in the four northern 
counties, approved Benson and augmented his living. || 

In 165 1 he was one of the founders of the Independent 
Church at Cockermouth. This church was a gathered 
church of the saints of Cockermouth and the adjoining 
parts, supplementary to and not a rival of the parish 
churches. Its leading men were parish ministers, and 
the church meetings were held in the different churches 
on other days and times to those for ordinary public 
worship. It was, however, an Independent church 
acknowledging no outside human authority. George 
Benson was one of the " seven poor unworthy ones " who 
became the " foundation stones " of the Cockermouth 

* Foster's Alumni Oxonienses. 

•f Dr. Geo. Benson's Life of Christ. 

X Nightingale's Ejected, p. 709. 

§ Information of the Rev. Canon Sutton, Vicar of Bridekirk. 

II Niglitingale's Ejected, pp. 710, 711. 


church.* The church was formed 2nd October, 1651,! 
and a week later George Larkham, Vicar of Cockermouth, 
and George Benson, Vicar of Bridekirk, were chosen 
" Elder Ofiicers " until there might be a solemn ordination 
of them by the laying on of hands. + The ordination took 
place in Cockermouth Parish Church on 28th January, 
1651-2, " and in this manner and order," to quote the 
Church book,§ 

I. They did set apart and ordaine by the imposition of the 
hands of three ordained Presbyters] | then present, (called by the 
church to that worke for feare of offending the godly brethren 
of the Presbyterian way), George Larkham, to be pastor over 
them in the Lord, he having first accepted of their unanimous 
and solemne call in the face of a very great assembly in the 
publike meeting-place at Cockermouth. 

IL This being done, they did by praier and all other the like 
solemnities (except imposition of hands) receive and admitt 
George Benson, to the office of a teaching elder among them. 
The reason why the said George Benson was not ordained, was 
because he had been before ordained by the bishops, and the 
church was fearfull of iterating his ordination, least they should 
have offended, though they, in their judgement were satisfied 
they might. 

The Church, on 23rd September, 1652, at a meeting 
held at Benson's own church of Bridekirk, adopted a 
Confession of Faith, " nearly the same with the Assembly's 

Benson was one of the Associated Ministers of Cumber- 
land who, on i6th October, 1656, signed the Testimonial 

* For the details about the Cockermouth church and Benson's connection 
with it, we are indebted to W. Lewis's History of the Congregational Church, 
Cockermouth, 1870, which is based on the Church booliS and otlier records 
kept by George Larkham, some of which had previously been printed in the 
Christian Reformer, 1824. 

t Lewis, p. 5. 

% Lewis, p. 10. 

§ Christian Reformer, 1824, p. 4. Lewis, p. 12. 

II Thomas Larl-cham, M.A., of Tavistoclv, Devon, father of the Pastor, 
Gawin Eaglesfield, M.A., of Plumbland, and George Benson. 

If Lewis, pp. 7, 16. 


of the ordination of James Cave as a preaching Presbyter.* 
During the Commonwealth the Cockermouth Church 
frequently met at Bridekirk, and in March, 1658, Benson 
was one of two messengers appointed to go to the " Church 
about Kirkoswald," which was about to ordain a Teaching 
Elder.! After the Restoration Benson suffered disturb- 
ance. Larkham records in the Cockermouth Church Book, 
under date 31st October, 1660, :j: 

This day. Brother George Benson, teacher, was by an order 
under the hands of five commissioners sitting at Keswicke, 
ejected unjustly, from lais pubhke place at Cockermouth, for 
denying (as was alleged) the baptisme of children — a known 
falsehood. § 

Benson's last entry in the parish register was on loth 
November, 1660. 

According to Nicolson and Burn, [| Samuel Grasty, 
Benson's successor as Vicar of Bridekirk, was instituted 
in 1660. 1\ Nevertheless, Larkham, in his Journal, under 
date 15th April, 1661, writes, " My Brother Benson lost 
the vicarage of Bridekirk. And by this means, the 
poor congregation is much straitened as to liberty."** 
It may be that Benson continued to live in the vicarage 
after his successor was appointed, and that this last date 
is that of his removal. It does not appear that Benson 
obtained another living, as several ministers ejected' in 
in 1660 were able to do in time to be ejected again in 1662. 
Nevertheless, he has a brief notice in Calamy. He left 

* Calamy's Cont., 229. 
f Lewis, p. 22. 

I The Christian Reformer, 1824, p. 52, leaves it uncertain wliether tlie date 
is 1660 or 1661. Tlie entry occurs after loth Marcli, 1660, which, according 
to the new style, was really 1661. Lewis gives the date as 1660. 

§ We have followed the version given by the Christian Reformer. Lewis 
(p. 84) interjects "violently and" before "unjustly" and omits the words 
" at Cockermouth," an error presumably for Bridekirk. 

II History, ii., 100. 

^ Canon Sutton informs us that the register gives the date as February, 
1661, while Nightingale (Ejected, p. 715) shows that Gresty, for that seems to 
be the correct name, was instituted 6th March, 1660-1. 

** Lewis, p. 146. 


Cumberland for his native county, and probably for his 
native town of Kendal. 

In the year 1662, " the 13th of the third month [i.e., 
May]," writes Larkham,* " Brother Benson went from 
this part to his owne country of Westmoreland, to hve 
for a season, in regard of the difficulty of the times, that 
so he might provide for his family ; the church not 
being in a capacity to make provision for him, as they 
gladly would." 

For several years after his ejection we have no details 
of Benson's hfe, the next reference to him in the Cocker- 
mouth Church Book being in 1670, when he and others 
conducted the services of the church during the pastor's 
absence in Devonshire. From 1671 to 167SI he went 
about once a year to preach to Larkham's congregation, 
which met usuaUy at its pastor's house at Tahantire.J 

In October, 1672, he was present at the ordination of 
a ruling elder and a deacon, " and helped on the work 
of the day by pra^^er, and speaking to the officers ordained, 
by way of charge as to their duties." § 

In 1674 he was " over with his wife,"j[ and in 1676 
Larkham records the admission to membership of one 
James Sutton of Kendal, " a good testimony of his life 
being given by Brother Benson residing there. "^ 

It is evident that Benson remained in as full communion 
with the Cockermouth Independent Church as distant 
residence would permit, and yet when he obtained a 
licence to teach in his own house in Kendal, on i6th 
July, 1672, he was described as a Presbyterian. The 
explanation is probably that the description was a mistake 

* Christian Reformer, 1824, p. 53. Lewis (p. 84) quotes the same passage 
with shght verbal diiJerences. Nightingale (Ejected, p. 713) has still another 
version of the passage. 

t Lewis, pp. 48-65. 

J Notes of one of these sermons are printed by Lewis, pp. 85-88. 

§ Lewis, p. 55. 

]| Lewis, p. 60. 

^ Lewis, pp. 64, 108. 


of the agent in London, who obtained the hcence, or 
the mistake of a clerk in making a note of the hcence. 

Benson is stated by Calamy to have succeeded Thomas 
Whitehead as minister of a congregation at Kehet near 
Lancaster, and to have preached in his own house 

Whitehead died in 1679, so that is probably the date of 
Benson's removal from Kendal to Netherkellet. He was 
certainly resident in the latter place in 1682, for on 
Tuesday, 23rd May, in that year, Oliver Heywood, who 
the night before was at Lancaster on his return from 
Kendal, says " Mr. Greenwood, his wife, son, came with 
us to Kellett 3 miles off where I preached to a considerable 
company at Mr. Benson's house a N.C. [i.e., Noncon- 
formist] minister. Dined with Mr. Richard Wilson at 
another town called Kellet, who had invited me at 

In June, 1682, Benson took part in an ordination at 
Thomas Jolly's house at Wymondhouses. Oliver Hey- 
wood, who was present, says " Mr. Benson prayed honestly, 
but I must confesse my great fault that I was much over- 
come with sleepines, drowsiness. "J 

Benson and his people at Kellet are referred to by 
Thomas Jolly, who visited Kellet in August, 1684, § and 
" had more encouragement " there than in Kendal. 

Under the Act of Toleration, Benson was licensed 
(1689) as a Presbyterian teacher. The list does not state 
his meeting place, but in the list of " meeting places for 
Presbiterians certified and recorded, but appropriated to 
no particular persons " occurs " Mr. George Benson's 
house in Netherkehett " certified by Richard Wilson, 
John Wilson and William Brathwait.|| 

* Calamy's Ace, p. 154. 

•|- Yorkshire Genealogist, ii., 52. 

% Heywood's Diaries, ii., 209, cf. also Yorkshire Genealogist, ii., 53. 

§ Jolly's Note Book, p. 62. 

ij Hist. MSS. Comni., 14th Rep. App., 4, p. 232. Kenyon Papers. 


In June, 169 1, Benson's case was brought before the 
Presbyterian Fund then recently estabhshed, and an 
allowance of £8 a year was made to him beginning in 
January, i6go-i. A year later (27th June, 1692) the 
Managers of the Fund were informed of Benson's death, 
and it was ordered " that the six month's allowance due 
the 24th inst. be paid, and that it be left to a further 
consideration whether the allowance formerly granted 
to the said Benson shall be continued to his successor." 
A week later £10 was granted to " Mr. Waddington who 
succeeds Mr. George Benson at Kellet."* 

In May, 1692, Jolly mentions " riding that morning to 
preach in the stead of Brother Benson, who was taken 
away by death, to the great loss of Kehett people and the 
weakning of our poor association."! Benson's burial is 
recorded in the Bolton-le-Sands parish register under 
date 20th May, 1692, " Georgius Benson de Kellett 
inferior." Calamy, who, in error, gives the year as 1691, 
states that he was in his 76th year.:j: Larkham entered 
his name in the list of deaths in the Cockermouth Church 
Book as " Mr. George Benson, Tallantire 1692." § We 
have been unable to find Benson's will. If he made one 
it would probably be proved in the Manor Court of 
Netherkellet, a " peculiar," the records of which are 

Benson was a married man. His wife was probably 
the Ann Benson who appears in the list of Cockermouth 
Church members, jl and he had several children. *[| 

* Minutes of the Presbyterian Fund, i., 40, 41, 52, 79, 84. It is curious 
that at all these references Kellet is described as being in Cumberland. It 
should be mentioned that tlie Fund at this period was supported and ad- 
ministered by Independents as well as Presbyterians. 

t Jolly's Note Book, p. 11 r. 

J Account, p. 154. The age differs by two years from that obtained from 
the record of Benson's matriculation and institution (Ante p. 106]. 

§ Lewis, p. 89. 

II Lewis, p. no. 

^Lewis, p. 116. Nightingale's Ejected, p. 711. 


According to the received accounts, George Benson, 
D.D., a distinguished Nonconformist author of unorthodox 
views, was grandson of the Vicar of Bridekirk. Loftie's 
Great ^Salkeld, p. g6, states that Dr. Benson was a son of 
Joseph Benson of Great Salkeld, but we have found no 
evidence that the Vicar of Bridekirk had a son Joseph. 


FACE P. 113. 



Richard Frankland, M.A. 
Early Life and Ejection. 

THE most distinguished Nonconformist connected with 
Kendal was Richard Frankland, M.A., Tutor of the 
famous Academy at Natland. 

Frankland was a Yorkshireman and claimed to belong 
to the family of Frankland of Thirkleby in the North 
Riding. This family, having about the middle of the 
sixteenth century acquired a fortune in the cloth trade, 
settled at Thirkleby, and after two or three generations 
had attained a baronetcy in 1660. The connection was 
implied by Richard Frankland's use of the arms of 
Frankland of Thirkleby, and is specifically stated on his 
memorial tablet at Giggleswick. Nevertheless, the con- 
nection, if any, of the tutor with the baronets, must have 
been very remote.* 

* In the Genealogist, n.s., xix., 195, Frankland is, in error, identified with 
Richard, son of William Frankland of Thirkleby, M.P., but that Richard 
had died unmarried before 1664-5. Mr. Thomas Brayshaw, of Settle, possesses 
a letter of Frankland's sealed with a heraldic seal, the arms on which are 
clearly the same as those of the Thirkleby Franklands, namely az. a 
dolphin naiant embowed or on a chief of the second two saltires gu, though 
we cannot be certain as to the colours. The crest is certainly not that 
of the Thirkleby family, which is given in the peerages as A dolphin ar. 
hauriant and entwined round an anchor, erect ppr, but is perhaps a dolphin's 
head. Several Franklands, contemporary with Richard Frankland, were 
Dissenters. A Mr. Frankland {probably John Frankland of the Thirkleby 
family') had a daughter Frances who married Radcliffe Scholefield and was 
mother of the minister of that name who was one of Frankland's pupils. 
In Hunter's Familice minorum gentium (p. 114) and Raines's Derby Honsehold 
Books, p. Ill (Chet. Soc), Mrs. Scholefield is inaccurately stated to have been 
the daughter of Richard Frankland the tutor. Penelope Frankland of 
Manchester became in 1702 the second wife of John Pemberton of Liverpool. 
John Pemberton, by a previous marriage, was ancestor of the Heywoods of 
Liverpool, Manchester and Wakefield, and of the Milnes family now repre- 
sented by the Marquis of Crewe. A Mrs. Frankland of Manchester (probably 
Frances Frankland, mother of Mrs. Scholefield and Mrs. Pemberton, and 
certainly not the wife of the Kendal tutor) had a boarding school for girls 
much patronised by the Dissenters. Thoresby placed his sister with her in 


John Frankland, Richard's father, was of Rathmell, 
then in the parish of Giggleswick, but now a separate 
parish. He was dead before 24th April, 1650, when 
" the heirs of John Franckland, of Rathmell" were fined 
^d. for not making suit of Court in the Court Leet and 
View of Frank Pledge of Staincliffe Wapentake.* As it 
was the custom to fine gentlemen I2d. and yeomen 6d., 
John Frankland would appear to have been a yeoman. 
We presume that John Frankland's estate descended to 
Richard Frankland, the Tutor. | 

1684, and in 1698, when he visited Manchester again, he says, " There was not a 
iace that I 1-Lnew, but good old Mrs. Frankland, who continues useful in her 
station " (Thoresby's Diaries, i., 425 ; ii., 176, 322). A Mr. Frankland was 
living at or near Bramham in 1695 when Oliver Haywood gave him £10 he 
had received from Lady Hewley {Yorkshire County Mag., iii., 11). This might 
be the John Frankland who entered the Academy in 1688. A Mrs. Frankland 
of Bramah died at York in March 1742-3 {None, reg., p. 333). The name 
occurs in the Giggleswick registers infrequently, and contemporary with our 
Richard Frankland there appear to have been in that extensive parish, as 
fathers of families, only Richard Frankland of Close House, Stephen Frankland 
(son John, baptized 19th February, 1667-8), and Thomas Frankland of Knight's 
Stainforth (daughter Genet, baptized 7th February, 1669-70). The first of 
these is apparently the Richard Frankland who was married 4th December, 
1660, to Elizabeth Foster, had children baptized in 1661, 1663, and 1668, and 
was buried 22nd April, 1670, as " Richardus Frankland de Rawth : " On 
5th January, 1690-1 " lilizabetha uxor Ricardi Frankland de Rathmill " was 
bUried, and it is probable, though the register does not mention her widowhood, 
that she was the widow of Richard Frankland of Close House. Other entries 
relating to the family are William Harrison and Janet Frankland, married 
23rd April, 1676 ; Ambrose Waddelove and Dorothy Frankland, married 
nth May, 1682 ; Stephen Frankland and Margaret Uron, married 3rd March, 
1692 ; Jane Frankland of Giggleswick buried 5th December, 1664 ; Thomas 
Frankland of Stainforth buried 13th April, 1674 ; and Margaret, wife of 
Stephen Frankland, of Stainforth, buried 28th April, 1695. Roger Frankland 
of Gisburn parish was married at Preston (Lancashire) to Bridget Cowell of 
Plumpton, 27th February, 1613-4 (Smith's Records of Preston Church, p. 99). 
The court rolls of Staincliffe Wapentake, 1650-1653, mention, as owing suit, 
several Franklands besides John. Miles and George occur in 1650, 1651, 1652, 
William in 1651 and 1652, John of Alderhouse in 1652, William of Cressington, 
1652, and George of Cressington, 1652 (P.R.O. Court Rolls, Gen. Ser., lalVai) 
In these rolls the name is always given Franckland. 

* Public Record Office, Court Rolls, Gen. Ser., ^99- 

+ Unlike many of his contemporaries, Frankland left no diary, and no 
coiitemporary wrote his life in any detail. We are therefore unable to compile 
an intimate account of his life. Short lives of Frankland have been printed. 
The first is the notice, probably written by Oliver Heywood, or based on the 
life he wrote (cf. his Diary, Yorks. County Magazine, 1893, p. 20), given by 
Calamy in the Account and Continuation. A fuller notice (afterwards reprinted 
separately) was contributed to the Christian Reformer (1862) by the Rev. 
R. Brook Aspland, and many additional facts are given by the Rev. Alexander 
Gordon in the Dictionary of National Biography. 

These three lives have been fully utilized, and every statement therein has, 
if possible, been verified by reference to the authorities. 


Richard Frankland was born at Rathmell towards the 
end of 1630.* After spending six years at Giggles wick 
School he was admitted, i8th May, 1648, as pen- 
sionary at Christ's Cohege, Cambridge,! then under the 
mastership of Samuel Bolton, a distinguished and cul- 
tured Puritan. " He made good proficiency both in 
Divine and Humane Learning, and had no small credit 
in the University. While he was there it pleased God 
to make him deeply in Love with serious Religion, by 
blessing to him the profitable ministry of Mr. Samuel 
Hammond, at St. Giles', Cambridge. "J 

Frankland graduated B.A. in January, 1651-2, and 
became M.A. 1655. He began his ministry at Hexham 
in Northumberland, where his stay was short. He after- 
wards preached for a time, first at Houghton-le-Spring 
and afterwards at Lanchester§ in Durham. On 14th 

For additional information one of the most important sources is the edition 
of Oliver Hey wood's Diaries, which we owe to the untiring zeal of Mr. J. 
Horsfall Turner. These volumes, with the companion volume of the Non- 
conformist Register, also edited by Mr. Turner, have been invaluable to us, 
as they must be to everyone studying the early history of dissent in the 
northern counties. Other valuable sources, as yet unprinted, are the Minutes 
of the Presbyterian Fund, for access to which we are much indebted to the 
Trustees and'their courteous Clerk, Mr. G. Harold Clennell, the Lambeth MSS., 
the records of the Consistory Court of York, the Westmorland County Records, 
and other authorities which are indicated in the footnotes. 

Whenever we have asked for assistance we have had such a courteous 
response that it is almost invidious to give here the names of some and not 
all the gentlemen to whom we are indebted for isolated items of information. 
In every case, we think, the gentlemen are thanked in a footnote, but we cannot 
refrain from thanking the Rev. Alexander Gordon, RLA., for reading an early 
draft of the memoir and making a number of suggestions and corrections. 
We must also thank Mr. Thomas Bravshaw of Settle, not only for some useful 
suggestions and the loan of a copy of Frankland's Reflections, but for permission 
to reproduce in facsimile one of Frankland's letters, of which the original 
autograph is in his possession. 

* The Giggleswick registers are defective at this period. Mr. Gordon 
calculates, from the age given on Frankland's memorial tablet, that the birth- 
day was ist November. 

t Dr. John Peile, late Master of Christ's College, kindly supplied, from the 
College Register, Frankland's parentage and the dates of his university career. 
The facts had previously been given in the D.N.B. 

% Calamy's Ace., p. 284. 

§ The Commissioners for Propagating the Gospel in the Northern Counties 
granted " Mr. Richard Franklyn 7oli per ann. out of the impropriated Rectorie 
of Lanchester, and loli out of'the revenue of the Commonwealth " apparently 
in 1652 or 1653 (Lambeth MSS., vol. 1006, p. 427). The date of the beginning 
of Frankland's ministry at Lanchester is given by Mr. J. W. Fawcett (Preface 
to Lanchester parish register, vol. i) as 1651, but this seems too early, as 
Frankland would presumably be at the university in that year. 


September, 1653 " he was solemnly set apart to the work 
and office of the ministry, by several ministers, by fasting- 
and prayer and imposition of hands."* 

About 1655! Frankland removed from Lanchester to 
Ellenthorp Hall, near Boroughbridge, Yorkshire, to 
become chaplain in the family of John Brook, a Presby- 
terian, who was twice lord mayor of York. Next he became 
curate at Sedgefield, Durham, and before August, 1659,; 
was presented by Sir Arthur Hesilrige to the cure of St. 
Andrew's Auckland (or North Auckland), otherwise 
called Auckland St. Andrew or the South Church, § near 
Bishop Auckland, Durham, which living " was of good 
value." [| Calamy, who is our only authority for this 
period, says : — 

while he was in his Living, he laid himself out to his utmost in 
his Master's Work. He always expounded the Scripture on the 
Lord's Day Morning before Sermon ; and besides his Preaching 
in the Afternoon, catechiz'd the Youth, and explain'd to them 
the Principles of Religion in a familiar Way. His Conversation 
was exemplary and inoffensive ; and his Labours successful to 
many Souls. *\\ 

In 1657 a scheme for a college at Durham was formu- 
lated, and it is stated by Calamy that Frankland " was 
pitch'd upon as a very fit Man to be a Tutour there." 
According to some authorities the office was that of vice- 
chancellor. Nevertheless, his name does not appear in 

* The ordination probably tool-; place at St. Nicholas', Durham. In the 
notice of Robert Leaver of Bolam in Calamy (Cont., p. 676), it is stated that he, 
Mr. Franklin, Mr. Dixon, and Mr. Thompson were ordained there together ; 
Franklin is almost certainly an error for Frankland. 

f In this year William Cornforth was minister at Lanchester (Fawcett's 
Lanchester parish register). 

J The date is unknown. The list of incumbents now in the church gives 
only the date of ejection, and describes him as an " intruder," and his name 
does not occur in the parish register during the years i56i and 1662 {Informa- 
tion of Rev. H. Gouldsmith, Vicar). Mr. Reginald Peacock kindly informs us 
that the register of St. Helen's, Auckland, contains no reference to Frankland. 

§ There is a detailed account of this beautiful church in Archceologia JEliana, 
N.S., XX., 27-206. 

|] Calamy's Ace, p. 285. 

T[ Calamy's Ace, p. 285. 


the list of officers nominated by letters patent 15th May, 
1657.* The scheme of 1659 for making this college 
into a university was still-born, but it is probable enough 
that Frankland was to have had office in the university, 
if the scheme had been carried into effect. It is inter- 
esting to notice that the " Visitors," as appointed by 
Oliver Cromwell, 15th May, 1657, of the proposed northern 
university included Frankland's friends, Major-General 
John Lambert, Sir Arthur Hesilrige, bart., and Sir 
Thomas Liddell, bart., as well as John Archer of Oxen- 
holme,! afterwards one of his Kendal intimates. 

Frankland was married on nth October, 1658, to 
Elizabeth Sanderson. | His marriage brought him into 
relationship with some good Durham and Cumberland 
families. This relationship may not have been without 
its influence on his later career, as it probably led to 
the beginning of his Academy, the first pupil of which 
was a Liddell of Ravensworth, a relation of Mrs. Frank- 

Frankland was one of the ministers who signed the 
certificate of Josias Dockwray prior to his admission to 
the cure of Lanchester on 13th February, 1658. § 

At the Restoration, Frankland, though technically an 
" intruder," remained in possession of his living. But, 
says Calamy, 

after the King's Restauration, he was among the first that met 
with disturbance. Sometime before the Bartholomew Act, one 

* Fowler's Durham University, p. 17. 

t Hutchinson's Durham, i., 523, 524. 

X Elizabeth, daughter of Samuel Sanderson, Esq., of Hedley Hope, co. 
Durham, Keeper of Brancepeth Castle for King James I., by Barbara, daughter 
of Thomas Liddell, Esq., of Ravensworth, was baptized 20th January, 1627. 
Two of her brothers were officers in the Parliamentary Army, one a captain 
and the other a colonel. Of her sisters, Barbara was the wife of Robert Jenison, 
D.D., Vicar of Newcastle-upon-Tyne ; Mary was the wife of Josias Dockwray, 
minister of Lanchester, who conformed after being ejected in 1662 ; and 
Helena was the wife of Thomas Curwen of Sella Park, Cumberland (Surtees' 
Durham, ii., 343). 

§ Lambeth MSS., vol. 999, p. 204. 


Mr. Bowster* an Attorney, who had formerly appear'd to be 
his Friend, was so forward as to ask him pubHckly before the 
Congregation, wliether or no he would conform ? He told him 
that he hop'd it was soon enough to answer that Question, when 
the King and Parliament had determin'd what conformity they 
would require. Mr. B. told him again that if he did not answer 
then, he should be turn'd out of his Place. Mr. F. told him, he 
hop'd the King's Proclamation for quiet Possessions would secure 
him from such Violence. Mr. B. reply'd. Look you to that. 
Soon after which this Mr. B. and one Parson Marthwait, (one 
of no extraordinary Character) got the Keys of the Church, and 
kept Mr. Fr. both out of the Church and Pulpit. He complain'd 
to some of the neighbouring justices, who own'd it was hard 
measure, but they were afraid to stand by him. He indicted 
Marthwait and his Adherents for a Force and Riot, at the Quarter 
Sessions, and the Indictment was found, but the Defendants 
by a Certiorari remov'd the Matter to the next Assizes, and 
there his Cause was heard, and the Clerk had mistaken praesenta- 
tum est for praesentatuni fuit, in the Indictment, and his Council 
were cow'd and he could not have Justice done to liim.j 

Throughout the kingdom the bishops were anxious to 
retain some, at anyrate, of their Presbyterian clergy, 
and those who wished to conform had no obstacles placed 
in their way. Bishop Cosin of Durham seems to have 
been particularly anxious to induce Frankland to conform. 

solicited him to conform, promising him not onlj^ his Living, 
but greater Preferment upon his Compliance. Mr. F. told him 
that his Unwillingness to renounce his Ordination by Presbyters 
made him incapable of enjoying the Benefit of his Favour. This 
en-jag'd him in a Debate with the Bishop, that was manag'd with 
great Calmness ; and this was the Result of it : His Lordship 
condescended to ask him, whether he would be content to receive 
a new Ordination, so privately, that the People might not know 
of it, and have it conditionally with such words as these ; If 
thou hast not been ordained, I ordain thee, &c. He thank'd him, 
but told him he durst not yield to the Proposal : At the same 

* We are informed by Mr. H. B. Leighton, F.R.Hist.S., that the nanie 
should be Bowser. 

t Calamy's Ace, p. 285. 


time assuring his Lordship, that it was not Obstinacy but Con- 
science which hindered his CompUance. A Httle after, the 
Bishop one day preached on i. Cor. 14 ult. Let all things be done 
decently and in Order. Mr. F. within the compass of a few Weeks 
being invited by a Neighbouring Minister to Preach in his Pulpit, 
insisted on v. 26 of the same chapter ; Let all things be done to 
Edification* The Bishop was offended at it, tlainking it done 
in a Way of Contempt, and Contradiction, and threaten'd to 
call him to account for it : But it was prevented by a sober 
neighbouring Gentleman, a Justice of Peace, who was that Day 
Mr. Frankland's Auditor ; and told the Bishop that he did 
indeed in that Sermon speak against Pluralities, Nonresidence, 
&c. But that he spake nothing but what became a sound and 
orthodox Divine, and what was agreeable to the Doctrine of the 
Church of England. | 

Frankland was thus ejected from his hving because he 
would not acknowledge, either publicly or privately, 
that the ordination under which he had hitherto exercised 
his ministry was of no effect. He seems to have returned 
immediately to his home at Rathmell, and was apparently 
living there some weeks before Bartholomew's Day (24th 
August) 1662, or had sent his family there before him, 
for on the 5th of the same month his daughter Barbary 
was buried at Giggleswick. In 1664, 1666 and 1668 he 
is mentioned as Mr. Richard Franckland of Rawthmell 
in the Giggleswick registers in connection with the bap- 
tisms of three of his children, J but . otherwise we know 
nothing of him for several years. § He took no part in 
the preaching which some of the ejected ministers carried 
on. Probably he spent his time in study and in looking 

* The Authorized Version has it " Let all things be done unto edifying." 

t Calamy's Ace, p. 286. 

J It is curious that two of these entries are clearly later, though almost 
contemporary, insertions in the register. 

§ The statement made in the Monthly Messenger of the Presbyterian Church 
of England (April, 1907, p. 96), that he was in London in the Plague year, is 
apparently based on a misreading of Calamy, who mentions Franklyn as a 
minister who distinguished himself during the Plague. This was Robert 
Franklyn or Franklin, ejected minister of Westhall, Suffolk (cf. Calamy's 
Abridgement, p. 310-311 ; Ace, p. 6;8 ; Cant, p. 805). Some interesting 
memorials of this worthy and his wife are printed in Co7ig. Hist. Soc. Trans., 
i., 345 ; ii., 387. 


after his estate, and there can be httle doubt that he 
attended the services of that church of which he was 
deemed unworthy to remain a minister. At a later 
period, in an apportionment of sittings in Giggleswick 
Church, made by the churchwardens on 5th May, 1677, 
three or more seats were assigned to " Mr. Richard 
Frankland of Rathmell, Clerk."* 

If the hero of the story has not been misidentified, it 
would be during this period of retirement that occurred 
Frankland's extraordinary visit to the King, the account 
of which we quote from Aspland : — | 

Mr. Frankland' s the N.C. minister his going to King Charles II. 
Himself told me that he had a violent impulse upon his mind 
to go to the King ; that he could neither study nor do anything 
else for several days ; that he took up a resolution that he would 
go to him. He acquainted some with it, who spent some time 
in prayer, as himself also did at other times. He wrote down 
what he intended to say to him, thinking it too adventurous to 
speak to a King extempore, or what presence of mind he might 
then have ; so he goes to the old Earl of Manchester, Lord Cham- 
berleyne, who used him very friendly, and desired him that he 
would bring him to speak to the King. The Earl would fain 
have known what he would say to him, but he would not tell 
him. The Earl appoints him a place to stand at, which the King 
was to passe by to the Councell. When the King came out, 'That's 
the man,' said the Earle, ' would speak to your Majesty.' The 
King asked him, 'Would you speak with me ? ' 'Yes,' saith he, 
' but in private.' So the King stept aside from the nobility that 
followed. Then said Mr. Frankland, ' The Eternall God, whose 
I am and whom I serve, commands you to reform your life, your 
family, your kingdom, and the Church ; if you do not, there 
are such judgments of God impending (at which words he grew 

* We are indebted for this item to tlie Rev. Alex. Gordon. 

t We are by no means certain that the King's frank visitor was not Robert 
Franklyn already mentioned, who " is said to have addressed a letter to 
Charles II. congratulating him on the Restoration, and urging him to improve 
it by promoting religious reform" (Cong. Hist. Soc. Trans., i., 346). The 
authority for the anecdote seems good, as it was copied by Ralph Thoresby 
from a day-book kept by Dr. Henry Sampson, both being Frankland's personal 
friends. The date is certainly before 5th May, 1671, for Lord Manchester 
died on that day. 


pale and chang'd countenance) that wil destroy both you and 
the kingdome.' ' I wil,' saith the King, ' do what I can.' Mr. 
Fr. repeated this later part and added, ' I know the wrath of a 
King is as the roaring of a lyon ; but for the sake of your soul 
I have taken up this speech, and leave it with you.' The King 
hasted away, saying, ' I thank you, Sir ; ' and twice looking back 
before he went into the counsel-chamber, said ' I thank you, 
Sir, — I thank you.' But he said and did not. 

In 1665-6 a hearth tax was levied, and Richard Franck- 
land of Rawthmell was assessed for two hearths. In 
1672-3 he was assessed for three hearths.* 

The reason for the increased estabhshment indicated 
by these tax rolls is to be found in the commencement of 
Frankland's Academy between the two dates. 

* P.R.O. Subsidy Rolls, fjg, |J^. 



Frankland's Academy : Rathmell and Natland. 

ON the 8th March, 1669-70, when George Liddell entered 
as the first student in the Academy at Rathmell, 
Frankland began the real work of his life. 

Frankland's Academy was one of the first of a long 
series of academies which filled for the Dissenters the 
place of the universities of Oxford and Cambridge, then, 
and until the nineteenth century closed to the Dissenter 
who was conscientious • enough to dissent. Without 
taking oaths, which were, and were intended to be, 
impossible to the Dissenter, no degrees were conferred. 
Although many Dissenters still looked on their exclusion 
from a national church as only temporary, there was 
a growing feeling that the Dissenters must make their 
own provision for the continuance of a learned ministry. 
Yet there were then, legally, no pulpits for the ministers 
to occupy and no congregations for them to preach to. 
That there should be any candidates for the ministry 
under such conditions would be surprising did we not 
know the undaunted courage of the ejected ministers 
whos'e sons formed the bulk of Frankland's early divinity 

Under the Indulgence of 1672 Frankland took out, 
on 22nd July, 1672, a licence to teach, i.e., preach as a 
Presbyterian in his own house at Rathmell, or as it is 
wrongly copied in the entry book Rushmilne* (for Rath- 
milne) . 

According to Calamy, Frankland, " upon a call from a 

* Cal. S.P. Dom., 1672, p. 372. 

frankland's academy : rathmell and natland. 123 

Christian Society there,"* became minister at Natland, 
and thither he and his Academy removed between 20th 
February, 1673-4, and 26th May, 1674,! these being 
the dates when the last pupil at Rathmell and the 
first at Natland were admitted. Aspland hints at 
harassing law proceedings as amongst the causes of 
the removal from Rathmeh. The legal proceedings may 
have been the " some things amisse," mentioned by 
Oliver HeywoodJ under date 30th January, 1673-4. 

At a private day in my house God wonderfully melted, inlarged 
my heart in prayer, particularly about sending for my sons home, § 
I had been at great unceartaintys all the week, my thoughts 
much perplext, arguments swayed strangely both ways, some- 
times I was for it, sometimes against it, after that day my heart 
was much quieted, in hopes of God clearing up his will to me — 
behold on Saturday night, the very night after God abundantly 
satisfyed my heart, by one letter from my father || Angier — whose 
freedom I questioned in this affair, had another from Mr. Frank- 
land, who is willing to entertain them, who (I am satisfyed) is 
both able and faithfuU ; their grandfather also is willing, especially 
upon further enquiry of my cozen John Angier, who hath given 
him satisfaction of some things amisse there. 

* Natland was one of the old chapelries of the great parish of Kendal. A 
generation before Frankland's time Natland had been visited by " Drunken 
Barnaby " (Richard Brathwait), but he had no eyes for anything there 
excepting a pretty woman : — 

Now to Natland, where choice beauty 
And a Shepheard doe salute me. 
Lips I relish richly roseack 
Purely Nectar and Ambroseack ; 
But I'm chaste, as doth become me, 
For the Countreys eyes are on me. 

Later we shall hear of other Shepherds of Natland, but whether descended 
from Barnaby's luscious beauty we cannot say. 

f A week before 23rd April, 1674, Mr. Richardson visited " Mr. Franklands 
house in the north " (Heywood's Diaries, i., 334), which suggests that Frank- 
land was at Natland at least a month before his first new pupil arrived. 

X Diaries, iii., 161. 

§ Oliver Heywood's sons were then studying with Henry Hickman, an 
ejected Oxford fellow, near Stourbridge, Worcestershire (O. Heywood's Diaries, 
iii., 155, D.N.B. art. H. Hickman). The sons were the first pupils admitted 
to Frankland's Academy after its removal to Natland. 

II i.e., father-in-law, the Rev. John Angier, of Denton. 


If it was to escape the attentions of the magistrates 
that Frankland removed into Westmorland, he was 
early disappointed. The Westmorland authorities were 
soon aware of the law-breaker who had set up an Academ}^ 
within their jurisdiction. On the 29th July, 1674, Oliver 
Hey wood and other ministers " spent part of a day in 
prayer at Mr. Cotton's at Denbigh,* on behalf of our 
five sons with Mr. Frankland who is much threatened 
and opposed in his work both of teaching and preaching." 
" Oh how sweetly," continues Hey wood, " did God help 
our hearts. Wednesday following Aug. 5 I had a letter 
from my son Eliezer, which brings a return to prayer 
for the justices condescended that he [Mr. Frankland] 
should stay quietly till the next quarter sessions, viz. 
at Michaelmas, then he might take an house 5 miles 
from Kendal, but doe not prosecute at present."! 

Michaelmas after Michaelmas came and went but still 
Frankland stayed at Natland, well within the five-mile 
limit from a corporate town. The magistrates, no doubt 
illegally,:!: but perhaps to their credit, connived at Frank- 
land breaking the law. Indeed Tong, one of Frankland' s 
pupils, says it was " by the lenity of the Government " 
that Frankland continued his academy. § 

In its early days at Natland Frankland's Academy 
contained very few pupils, probably fewer than a dozen, 
a small though troublesome charge. As the result of 
a suggestion, or a complaint, by Oliver Heywood, im- 
provements were made in method. Writing to his father 
on 17th December, 1674, Eliezer Heywood says, i. " Our 
tutour according to your desire in your letter puts us 
upon meeting togather to pray, every sabboth day night 

* i.e., Denby in Kirkheaton parish. 

t O. Heywood's Diaries, iii., i6i. 

{ In 1676 Sir Philip Musgrave complained of the fewness of the Barony 
magistrates " whose zeal for the Church has made them proceed to put in 
execution the laws against the enemies of it." M. N. G. Gray's Presbyterianiatn 
in Kendal, p. 8. 

§ Tong's M. Henry, p. 201. 

frankland's academy : rathmell and natland. 125 

after he hath done preaching, we meet in our chamber, 
and the young men are very wiUing. 2. Every Saturday 
we chuse 12 or 13 divinity questions out of Amesius* 
and dispute them pro and con before him on Munday 

Only a few weeks later Oliver Heywood and other 
parents were concerned to hear from one of the pupils 
that Mr. Frankland " was grown remisse and careles of 
them." On 14th January, 1674-5, Heywood received 
a letter from Frankland 

who seems to complain of discouragements in his work from 
friends as wel as opposition from enemys, saying if I may but 
approve myself to God, and doe service that may be acceptable 
to his servants, I desire no more — appealing to God in his en- 
deavours that he hath not willingly [wittingly ?] omitted any 
thing within the sphear of his power which he judged might have 
a proper tendency to the advantage of those committed to his 
charge. J 

It is evident that at this early period the Academy was 
in very serious danger. Tutor and pupils alike were 
dissatisfied or discouraged, and Timothy Jolly, one of 
the best of the latter, was very unwilling to continue his 
studies. In 12 month, 1674 [February, 1674-5], his 
father, Thomas Jolly, wrote " Some exercise also I had 
as to the discouragement upon my younger son in his 
place, but the lord heard solemn prayers in bowing his 
heart to obey mee and to return unto Natland." § 

A visit which Heywood made to Natland in April, 
1675, seems to have settled any lingering doubts he may 
have had concerning Frankland's performance of his 
duties, and the young Heywoods' progress under him. 
Heywood writes ; — 

* William Ames, a Puritan theologian, 
t Heywood's Diaries, ill., 164. 
% Heywood's Diaries, iii., 164. 
§ Jolly's Note Book, p. 19. 


Spent Lords day with them Apr. i8, was exceedingly melted and 
carryed out in prayer and praise, had a considerable auditory it 
was a good day,* Munday I heard their logick disputes, saw their 
proficiency to my great satisfaction, as to humane learning. 
Lords day night I went to my sons chamber-doore, heard them 
at prayer together, Mr. Frankland and his wife gave them a 
good character.! 

A little later one of Heywood's sons ran into debt 
buying books. Heywood had heard something not very 
definite of this and " had formidable imaginations con- 
cerning such miscarriages as I thought would cost them 
their lives by the hands of justice, as a publick scandall 
for some capital offence. "J This was early in January, 
1675-6, and on the 27th of the same month Frankland 
sent the unhappy father a " sad account of them, that 
John had run 81i into debt." 

In April, 1676, Heywood journeyed into Westmorland 
to see his sons, 

and though I had no good news of them, they having wasted me 
a great deal of money I knew not how — but suspected the worst, 
yet when I came thither I was comforted in all my bitter agonys 
of affliction I had had for them, i, in that things were not so bad 
as I imagined, they not having made such outrage as I feared, 
theyr expences having been occasioned by Johns intangling 
himself in borrowing 6 li. for Tho: Cotton, to pay for bookes 
he had bought, and so shifting from one to another, which drew 
him to needles expences and unsuitable company. § 

Heywood, on this visit, tells us that he " was able to 
discharge my sons quarterage to Mr. Frankland which 
was 6 li. to pay my sons debts which they had contracted 
which was near 8 li. — to leave 20 sh. in Mr. Franklands 

* One of Heywood's sermons at Natland was " concerning spiritualizing 
of all parts of human learning as Grammar, Rhetorick, Logick, Philosophy " 
{Diaries, iv., 164). 

t Heywood's Diaries, iii., 165. 

} Heywood's Diaries, iii., 171. 

§ Heywood's Diaries, iii., 172. 

frankland's academy : rathmell and natland. 127 

hands on their behalf."* As Heywood had two sons 
at Natland a payment of £6 as " quarterage " suggests 
that Frankland's fee for boarding and tuition was only 
£12 a year for each pupil. 

Thomas Jolly visited Kendal in 1676 : " My business 
then at Kendale was to speak to the young schollars 
with Mr. Frankland, where and at Bolton [le Sands] and 
Lancaster I felt my whole man wonderfully renewed. "f 

* Heywood's Diaries, iii., 144. 
t Note Book, p. 30. 



Frankland's Academy : 
Student-Life and Course of Study. 

THE Natland Academy had overcome its early difficul- 
ties. Mr. Frankland had a houseful of young men, 
of whom, in 1676, no fewer than six proceeded to Scotland 
to take degrees. The students doubtless behaved like 
other young men of their age, and pursued their studies 
with varying degrees of assiduity.* But even a frank and 
anxious parent like Heywood records no dissipation or 
immorality either of his sons or their companions. | The 
boys studied and played and ran into debt. To physical 
exercise we know that they were not indifferent, for in 
1679 when John Frankland died, Nathaniel Heywood 
wrote to his uncle Oliver " He was the strongest man of 
his age in or about Natland, and excell'd all of us in any 
exercise of body — his distemper came by a strain got with 
leaping." + The scholars went to " the river to bath 
them," and probably the bathing included swimming. 
On one of these occasions Eliezer Heywood had a narrow 
escape from drowning. He was pulled out of the water 
by Timothy Jolly, who told Oliver Heywood of the 
adventure a quarter of a century later. § 

One of Frankland's pupils was drowned while learning 
swimming, |1 and at least one other died while at the 

* Dr. Clegg informs us that " while Mr. Ashe was with Mr. Frankland, he 
followed his studies closely, and lost little time ; for he never minded Diversions 
of any sort, either then or afterwards." 

t In Zachary Taylor's Popery, superstition, ignorance and knavery, 1698, 
p. 27 (quoted later), there is more than a hint of immorality amongst the 
students who were at the Academy in Frankland's last years. 

% Heywood's Diaries, iv., 263. 

§ Heywood's Diaries, iv., 164. Oliver Heywood knew of this circumstance 
soon after its occurrence (cf. Diaries, i., 204), but had forgotten it by 1700. 

II Heywood's Diaries, ii., 364. 

frankland's academy : student life. 129 

Academy. Joseph Lister of Kipping, the father of David 
Lister, has left an account of his son's death : — 

Mr. Frankland sent a messenger to inform me my son was fallen 
sick of a fever, and was dangerously ill. I went to see him, and 
found him very weak. I staid about a week with him, and all 
that time he seemed better, and there was a great probability 
of his recovery. It being the beginning of winter, I thought it 
best for him to come home, and having ordered for his journey 
as soon as he should be able to travel, I left him, expecting him 
to follow me ; but in fourteen days all our hopes were over- 
turned, for Mr. Frankland sent another messenger to tell me he 
was worse after I went away, and desired me to go again ; which 
I did, and got thither on Thursday in the afternoon. My son 
was glad to see me, yet feared I should get my death by those 
long journies, being verj?- cold, frosty and snowy weather. He 
was now grown very weak, yet very sensible of his case, and on 
Saturday, in the evening, he died very comfortably, having only 
preached three times to great satisfaction, in the one and twentieth 
5^ear of his age. So I had the happiness to be with him at his 
death ; and wrote a letter to my dear wife that night — sent it 
to her on the Monday, and on the Tuesday I laid him in his grave 
at Kendall, and on the Thursday I got home again. I feared 
this sad stroke would break my wife's heart, but blessed be God ! 
she bore it with uncommon fortitude.* 

Apart from the brief letter by Eliezer Heywood, already 
quoted, we have no account by a student of life at the 
Natland Academy. At a somewhat later date we have 
two accounts by Dr. Clegg which, though written of the 
Attercliffe and Rathmell periods, give us what is probably, 
in essentials, also an account of the Natland period of the 
Academy. Dr. Clegg's first account is in his life of John 
Ashe.j Ashe left Wirksworth School and was 

plac'd under that well-known Tutor, the Rev. Mr. Frankland, 
M.A., who had then under his Conduct, the most numerous and 

* Life of Joseph Lister, p. 27. 

t Assistance in preparing for death and judgment. A discourse occasioned 
by the sudden death of the Reverend Mr. John Ashe, pp. 53-56. For the loan of 
this scarce volume we are indebted to W. H. G. Bagshawe, Esq., of Ford, 
and to the good offices of Mr. C .T. Tallent Bateman, of Manchester. 



flourishing private Academy in England, and who was indeed, 
by great Learning, Wisdom, and an admirable Temper, excel- 
lently qualified for the Post and Service. In the space of a few 
years he had to the number of three hundred and upwards under 
his tuition ; some of them intended for the Law, some for Physick, 
but most of them for the Ministry of the Gospel ; and I never 
knew a Tutor so entirely belov'd by them all, nor one that so well 
deserv'd it. His unaffected Gravity, sweetned with Candour, 
Meekness and Humility, procur'd him that Esteem and Veneration 
even from the most licentious, that made them ever afraid of 
grieving or offending him. 

Very few, indeed, of any Persuasion, convers'd with him, but 
they respected and valued him ; for he was a Man of great 
Moderation, of a truly charitable Disposition, and studious to 
do good in all relations. 

Yet his great Worth could not secure him from a great deal 
of Disturbance and Vexation, which was given him by the Spiritual 
Courts. He was frequently cited and prosecuted, and, at last, 
excommunicated, to the great prejudice of both the Tutor and 
his Pupils, as constraining him to remove frequently from place 
to place, to keep out of their merciless hands ; and his Troubles 
were renewed, and continued from year to year till his death .... 

The candid Reader will forgive me this Digression ; I could 
not forbear the Payment of this small Tribute of Gratitude to 
one of the best of Men, my Reverend Tutor. 

The Method observ'd in the Academy was this, — 

The whole Family was called to Prayer exactly at seven in 
the morning, Summer and Winter : About an hour after Break- 
fast, the several Classes, according to their Seniority, were called 
into the Lecture-Room, and the Tutor, and his Assistant, con- 
tinued reading Lectures to them till Noon. 

After Dinner, the Students that minded their business retir'd 
to their Closets till six at night, and were then called to Prayers. 
After Supper, the most diligent and studious met, eight or ten 
in a Chamber, to confer about their reading, and any Difficulties 
they had met with in it, and one of them prayed before they 
parted. — On Thursdays the Students exhibited Theses, on such 
Subjects as were given them, and disputed in publick on such 
Questions as the Tutor appointed. On that night, after Supper, 
they had often Disputations in their Chambers, on such Questions 
as they agreed to debate. On Saturdays, before the Evening- 
Prayers, one read in publick what was called an Analysis, or 
methodical and critical Dissertation on some Verses of a Psalm 



- g 

2 -^i-t^-i.- 

frankland's academy : student life. 131 

or some Chapter of the New Testament ; but this was not ex- 
pected from any in their first years. After Supper, on that 
night, they met in their Chambers to confer on some practical 
Subject, arid concluded with Prayer ; which each perform'd in 
his turn, but only one of a night. 

Ashe continued at the iVcademy, 

till he had gone thro' the usual Course of Logick, Metaphysicks, 
Somatology, Pneumatology, natural Philosophy, Divinity, and 
Chronology ; during which he writ over the accurate Tables his 
Tutor had drawn up for instructing his Pupils in those Sciences, 
which cost him no little Time and Pains. 

One of the " tables " here mentioned is now in the 
possession of Mr. W. Ridley Richardson, M.A., of Bromley, 
Kent, a descendant of Christopher Richardson, one of 
Frankland's pupils. It is a little book of nearly 200 
pages. The inscription, "E libris Roberti Whitaker pret : 
o6d. 1674," shows that it had at one time belonged to a 
still earlier pupil, Robert Whitaker. The early part is 
in Whitaker's handwriting, and we may presume that 
on his removal from the Academy the book passed into- 
the possession of Christopher Richardson, who may have 
completed the volume — the latter part of which is in a 
different handwriting to the earlier. This memento of 
Frankland's Academy contains the " tables " in the 
course of Logic. It begins " Quaestiones qugedam 
LOGICS perspicue discussae et determinatae." A few 
examples of the questions will indicate their nature : — 

Qu. I. An disciplina ilia quae Rationem instituit rectius dicatur 

Logica, an Dialectica ? 
Qu. 2. An Tractatio Prsedicamentorum proprie pertinent ad 

Logicam ? 
Qu. An Causa sit tons omnis Scientiae. Aft. 

Quest. An finis proprie possit Distribuis. Neg: 

Dr. Clegg has also left us a description of his own student 
life at Rathmell.* 

* Clegg's Diary. Ed. by Kirke, pp. 20-23. 


1695 I '^^^s s^'^t ^o ^^^® Reverend Mr Franklands, at Rathmel, 
a noted Academy in the North. He had at that time about 
80 young men boarded with him and in the Town near him, to 
whom he read lectures with the help of an assistant. About a 
dozen more came near that time, and were formed into a class. 
Amongst others Mr Harvey of Chester, Mr Bassnet, and Murray 
of that Town, Mr Horrabin and others. We entered with Logick ; 
I followed my studies very close and made as considerable a 
progress as most there. One tutor was a Ramist, but we read 
the Logick both of Aristotle and of Ramus,* and within the 
compass of the first year I was thought an acute disputant in that 
way. But about that time I fell into perplexing doubts about 
the existence of God, and a future state, which put me on reading 
all the books I could compass on these subjects much more 
early than I otherwise should have done ; but I went on with 
my studies thro' metaphysicks and pneumatology which took 
up the three years I spent there. My bedfellow was Mr Edw. 
Jolly a bulky young man, and not of the strictest morals, he was 
the biggest man in the house and I the least. But there were 
some serious youths, some of our class and some seniors that 
met at our chamber for conference on some practical subject 
and prayer on the Saturday afternoon, which was of great use 
to me. On Thursday afternoon we sometimes met for disputation, 
and often each night we had a conference on what we had been 
reading that day. About a dozen of us agreed that one should 
sit up all night and call the rest up next morning about four 
o'clock, and we went to bed at ten or eleven. This we took by 
turns and spent about fourteen hours each day in hard study, 
during which time I eat very little and drunk less, and found 
myself so very light and easy that I was ready to imagine that 
with a very little help I could fly. But my weak constitution 
could not long bear this course. The greatest inconvenience I 
found was the coldness of the weather in that climate in the 
Winter, which affected my feet more than any other part . 
[An illness followed.] After this illness I grew more remiss in 
my studies being advized not to hazard my health, and to prevent 
the return of a like disorder I was persuaded to smoke Tobacco 
which drew me into inconveniences, and caused the loss of much 
precious time. Too much of it was also spent in conversing 
with the Ladies, Mr Frankland's daughters, which first led me 

* Petrus Ramus was a French philosopher who opposed the philosophy of 


to read Poetry and Novels and such like trash, which I found 
reason to wish I had never meddled with. In the midst of these 
dangers I had the happiness of a good wise affectionate real 
friend Mr James Openshaw, a man of deep thought, of a clear 
head, strict morals, great piety, and of a free communicative 
temper to me. To his example advice and instructions it was 
chiefly owing under God that I was not quite ruined at that 

In the 3rd year that I spent at Rathmel, Mr John Evans of 
Wrexham in Wales (afterwards Dr Evans of Hand Alley, London) 
became my bed-fellow. He was a man of very good natural 
parts and gentile behaviour, and a close student. ]\Ir Jenkin 
Evans afterwards Minister at Oswestry was another of my 
familiar friends, a man of great seriousness. But there were 
others I conversed with sometimes of a different stamp by whom 
I was sometimes led into wild foolish frolicks, but blessed be 
God I was preserved in some good measure free from scandalous 

Dr. Clegg's account of the curriculum at Frankland's 
Academy may be compared with the much more detailed 
one of that of another Academy, of which the Tutor 
was the Rev. John Kerr, M.D. The observations to the 
honour of the Tutor, might, we are sure, refer as much 
to Richard Frankland as to Dr. Kerr. The account is 
quoted from one of the replies to the Rev. Samuel Wesley's 
criticisms of the dissenting academies : — * 

'Twas our Custom to have Lectures appointed to certain Times, 
and we began the Morning with Logick : the System we read was 
Hereboord, which is the same that is generally read at Cambridge. 
But our Tutor always gave us Memoriter the Harmony or Oppo- 
sition made to him by other Logicians. Of this the most Diligent 
took Notes, and all were advis'd to read Smiglecius, Derodon, 
Colbert, Ars Cogitandi, and Le Clerk, or whatever Books of that 
nature we occasionally met with. Being initiated in Philosophical 
Studies by this Art, we made another step by reading Goveani 
Elenctica : which being done. 

* A Defence of the Dissenters education in their private academies : in answer 
to Mr. W — y's Disingenuous and Unchristian Reflections upon Vw. In a. 
letter to a Noble Lord. 1703. Anonymous, but written by Samuel Palmer. 


The next superior Class read Metaphy sicks, of which Fromenius's 
Synopsis was our Manual : and by Direction of our Tutor, we 
were assisted in our Chambers by Baronius, Suarez, and Colbert. 
Ethicks was our next Study, and our System Hereboord : in reading 
whicli, our Tutor recommended to our Meditation Dr. Hen. 
More, Tull. de Q-ff. Marc. Antonin. Epictet. with tire Comments 
of Arrian and Simplicius, and tlie Proverbs of Solomon : and 
under this Head the Moral Works of the great Puffendorf. 

The highest Class were ingag'd in Natural Philosophy, of which 
Le Clerk was our System, whom we compar'd with the Antients 
and other Moderns, as Aristotle, Cartes, Colbert, Staire, &'C. We 
disputed every other Day in Latin upon the several Philosophical 
Controversies ; and as these Lectures were read off, some time 
was set apart to introduce Rhetorick, in which the short Piece 
of J oh. Ger. Vossius was used in the School ; but in our Chambers 
we were assisted by his larger Volume, Aristotle, and Tull. de 
Oral. These Exercises were all perform'd every Morning, except 
that on Mondays we added as a Divine Lecture some of Buchanan's 
Psalms, the finest of the kind, both for Purity of Language and 
exact Sense of the Original ; and on Saturdays all the superior 
Classes declaim'd by Turns, Four and Four, on some noble and 
"useful Subject, such as 
De Pace, 

Logican: magis inserviat ccBteris Disciplinis an Rhetorica ? 
De Connubio Virtutis cum Doctrina, &c. 
And I can say that these Orations were for the most part of 
uncommon Elegance, Puritj^ of Stile, and Manly and Judicious 

After Dinner our Work began in order, by reading some one 
of the Greek or Latin Historians, Orators or Poets : Of the first, 
I remember Sallust, Curtius, Justin, and Paterculus : of the 
second, Demosthenes, Tully and Isocrates Select Orations : and of 
the last. Homer, Virgil, Juvenal, Persius and Horace. This 
Reading was the finest and most delightful to young Gentlemen 
of all others ; because it was not in the pedantick Method of 
common Schools : But the Delicacy of our Tutor's Criticisms, his 
exact Description of Persons, Times, and Places, illustrated by 
referring to Rosin, and other Antiquaries, and his just Application 
of the Morals, made such a lasting Impression as render'd all our 
other Studies more facile. In Geography we read Dionysii Peri- 
£Bgesis compar'd with Cluverius Ed. Bunonis, which at this 
Lecture always lay upon the Table. 

Mondays and Fridays we read Divinity, of which the first 

frankland's academy : student life. 135 

Lecture was always in the Greek Testament : and it being our 
Custom to go tlirougla it once a Year ; we seldom read less than 
SIX or seven Chapters, and this was done with the greatest 
Accuracy. We were obhg'd to give the most curious Etimons, 
and were assisted with the Synopsis Criticorum, Martinius, 
Favorinus and Hesychius Lexicons : and 'twas expected that the 
Sacred Geography and Chronology should be pecuharly observ'd 
and answer'd too at Demand, of which I never knew my Tutor 
spanng. The other Divinity Lecture was the Synopsis Purioris 
Theologies, as very accurate and short ; and we were advis'd 
to read by our selves the more large Pieces, as Turretine, Theses 
Salmur, Baxteri Methodus, and Archbishop Usher. — And on 
particular Controversies, many Excellent Authors ; as on Original 
Sin, Plocceus, and Barlow de Natura niali : on Grace and Free- 
will, Rutherford, Strangius, and Amyraldus : on the Popish 
Controversie, Amesii Belarminus enervatus, and The Modern 
Disputes during the Reign of King James : on Episcopacy, Altar e 
Damascenum, Bishop Hall, and Mr. Baxter : on Church-Govern- 
ment, Bishop Stillingfleet's Irenicum, Dr. Owen, and Rutherford : 
and for Practical Divinity, Baxter, Tillotson, Charnock, &c. In 
a word, the best Books both of the Episcopal, Presbyterian, and 
Independent Divines, were in their order recommended, and 
constantly us'd by those of us who were able to procure 'em ; 
and all or most of these I can affirm were the Study of all the 
Pupils with whom I was intimate. 

I must not pass this over without an Observation or two to 
the Honour of my Tutor. 

1. That I never heard him make one unhandsome Reflection 
on the Church of England, tho' I know he abhorr'd the profane 
Faction that confidently assume that Honourable Name : but 
have heard him speak with that high Character of the Piety, 
Vertue, and Learning of my Lord of London,* as exceeds all 
that the Episcopal Clergy themselves usually speak of that 

2. That in all Controverted Points he never offered to impose 
upon the Judgment of his Pupil. The Doctrine of the 17th 
Article of the Church of England, which affirms the strictest 
Predestination, has been a Question much agitated, and with 
unaccountable Heat, and is therefore necessary for Divines to 
understand : Hereupon he always took care to give us just 
Ideas of it, by a View of all that has been said on everjT^ side, 

* This would be Henry Compton, Bishop of London. 


and forming perhaps invincible Arguments for his own Notions, 
but yet witli great Generosity wou'd entreat us to consider tlie 
Importance of the Point, and Danger of Error ; and left it to 
our more ripe Judgments to determine our Assent. He was 
the same Encourager of free and large Thoughts in every part 
of our Studies. Thus he fill'd up the Character of a Curious 
Critick, Penetrating Philosopher, a Deep and Rational Divine, 
and an Accurate Historian. In a word, I must believe that no 
Man living can perform Academical Readings better ; and that 
his Pupils, in proportion to their Number, are equal in Learning 
and Vertue to those of any University in Europe. 

I have not said any thing of the Order of our House, and our 
Moral Conversation, which in the most was unexceptionable. 
My Tutor began the Morning with Publick Prayer in the School, 
which he perform'd with great Devotion, but not with equal 
Elegance and Beauty in English ; but in Latin, in which he often 
pray'd, no Man cou'd exceed him both for exact Thought, curious 
Stile, and devout Pathos. 

At Divinity Lectures the Eldest Pupils pray'd, with whom 
I have often join'd with peculiar Delight, and gone away with a 
raised Mind. Men of lesser Genius were allow'd Forms of their 
own Composure, or others, as they thought proper. Prayer in 
the Family was so esteem'd, that I do not know that it was once 
omitted ; and to prevent any Disorder, Nine a Clock was the 
latest Hour for any Person to be Abroad. Obscene or Profane 
Discourse, if known, wou'd have procur'd Expulsion, and the 
smallest Vanities Reproof, which my Tutor knew how to give 
with a just and austere Resentment. I do not say, my Lord, 
but that some Pupils broke through these Rules ; For who can 
restrain the Folly of Youth, or prevent the Ebullitions of vain 
Wit which young Men are always fond of shewing : But I can 
affirm that the Strictness of our Conversation either reform'd 
these, or else Drove them from us, who immediately took 
Sanctuary in the Church of England, which is fit to be reflected 
on by Mr. W — y himself. 

I can't be so particular with respect to other private Academies, 
but I have heard by the most Creditable Evidence that Vertue, 
Piety, and Learning, shine very bright among 'em. Those in 
the West have shew'd their own Character by the numerous 
Pupils they have bred, who are most of 'em of superior Learning 
and distinguished Vertue : And for those Tutors, with whom I 
have the Honour of any Acquaintance, I believe they are inferior 
to none in any University, either for their Learning of every 

frankland's academy : student life. 137 

sort, or their Temper, and Generous, Pious Conversation. But 
I must not enter on a particular Character, having given so full 
an Account of our Method of Education already. 

Frankland's theology and that of his Academy was 
Calvinistic. Of this we are left in no doubt, for there 
is contemporary evidence that Mr. Frankland's " little 
Striphngs " were notorious Calvinists. Shortly before 
Frankland's death a controversy took place between 
Thomas Gipps, Rector of Bury, Lancashire, and James 
Owen, minister of Oswestry. Many interesting books 
and pamphlets were issued by the doughty combatants, 
and one of Owen's tracts* contains the foHowing 
passages : — 

He [Gipps] wonders with what Confidence the little Striplings which 
Mr. Frankl. Instructs, so soon as they have Commenced, he knows 
not what Degree, are ready to determine the Cavtse between Arminius 
and Calvin, as if they were Doctors of the Chair. 

I am afraid our Rector is no great Philosopher ; for a Philoso- 
pher, who inquires into the Reasons of things, wonders at nothing ; 

1. Why should he wonder that Mr. Fr.'s Pupils should with the 
same freedom determine for Calvin, that many raw Youths that 
come from the Universities do for liis beloved Arminius ? Can 
that be a Crime in ours, which passes for a Vertue in theirs ? 

2. To cure his wonder, I will tell him the Reason why they 
determine against Arminius, because Judicious and Learned 
Mr. Fr. who as little needs my Comtnendation, as he fears the 
Rector's Censure, directs his Pupils to the Study of the Scriptures, 
and their own Hearts, which will enable them betimes to exalt 
the Free Grace of God, and to depress the proud and enslaved 
Will of Man. 

3. One that is a Genuine Son of the Church, will not wonder 
that Mr. Fr. should acquaint his Scholars with the Orthodox 
Ancient Doctrine of the Church of England, whose Learned 
Divines subscribed the Decrees of the Calvinstic Synod of Dort, 
in Conformity to the Doctrine of the English Church, which 

* Tutamen Evangelicum, 1697, pp. 4-6. See also Charles Owen's Validity 
of the Dissenting ministry, 1716 (p. 94), an abridgement of James Owen's 


preferred them after their return, and never Censured that Act 
of theirs. 

The Sense of the Church of England may be seen in her Articles, 
whereof the Tenth is against Free-Will, the Thirteenth against 
Works preparatory to Grace, and the Seventeenth for Predestination 
and Election. 

Why may not Mr. Fr. Scholars as well Determine for the 
Doctrine contain'd in the Articles of the Church of England, 
which they Sincerely and Honestly Subscribe, as Mr. G. and his 
Friends do determine against the Doctrine of the Church, under 
the odious Name of Calvinism ? Who yet make shift to Subscribe 
her Articles, by the help of a sorry distinction, that they Subscribe 
them not as Articles of Faith, but as Articles of Peace ; a Dis- 
tinction that may help a Man to swallow the Mass or the Alcoran, 
when his Peace and Temporal Advantages require it. Mr. Fr's. 
little Striplings, (as he calls them) Thanks be to God, are better 

4. As to Scholastical Degrees, they are Ornamental Titles of 
no great Antiquity in the Christian World, invented in the 
Lateran Council, Ann. Dom. 1215. A wise Man values Persons 
by their real Worth, and not by empty Titles, which are most 
coveted by such as are least worthy of them ; and since the new 
Conformity, clog'd with such conditions, as the Dissenters cannot 
comply with. 

The course of study at Frankland's Academy was 
similar to that at the universities, and included all the 
comparatively limited range of subjects which were then 
regarded as essential to a learned man. All teaching 
at both the Academy and the universities was done 
in Latin. The scholars who had passed through Frank- 
land's Academy and its successors were men of at least 
as much culture as those who had been at the universities. 
After naming a few ministers, including several of Frank- 
land's scholars, Dr. Calamy, writing in 1713, says " tho' 
they had mostly a private Education they were yet men 
of that worth, that neither Oxford nor Cambridge would 
have needed to have been asham'd to have produc'd 
them."* In reply to attacks made by Samuel Wesley 

* Ace, p. xxxii. 

frankland's academy, student life. 139 

(son of a Nonconformist clergyman and himself a 'vert 
to the Establishment) on Nonconformists in general and 
their academies in particular, Samuel Palmer* lays his 
finger on the weakest spot of the Nonconformist academies, 
the lack of libraries, for which the tutor's private col- 
lection, however large, was a poor substitute: — j 

Let it be observ'd, that we ever acknowledg'd, that the 
Universities liave advantages superior, in many respects to our 
private schools : and as I made this concession before, when I 
positively declar'd, that we had ever cultivated a just esteem 
of those honourable societies, and that it was our grief we cou'd 
not have our education among 'em, (See my Def. p. 9) so upon 
review we say that we have been always ready to pay every just 
respect to 'em. But then we afhrm, that the superiority does 
not consist in the wondrous learning of the publick tutors, or 
that our private ones must needs be ignorant, and our pupils 
proportionably blockheads, or that our candidates can't merit 
the character of scholars under their conduct, and degrees too, 
if we had power to confer 'em : But on account of the advantages 
of the publick libraries, to which graduates are admitted, which 
is a benefit we must needs want, and which can be obtain'd by 
none but men of condition and fortune among us, who are able 
to supply this defect by collections of their own, and therefore 
besides the happy advantage of being able to write M.A. upon 
a title page, if the riches and honours of the universities, if their 
laboratories, gardens, and noble libraries, are to be brought 
into the balance, I know no Dissenter that is fool enough to deny 
their superiority to our schools, and tho' by our industry we 
make some amends for these defects, we can't but regret that 
we are unjustly barr'd from a converse with that part of the 
learned world, whose works are not only chain'd to their classes, 
but to a party that has got the possession of 'em. 

A later authority. Principal Gordon, says of the 
academies : — 

They desired to keep alive in their land the solid substance of 
the best university learning. They did not profess to grant 

* Vindication of the Dissenters, 1705, p. 25. 

t The students at the Manchester Academy of Chorlton and Coningham had 
access to the line free library founded by Humfrey Chetham. 


degrees ; though, had they done so, I suspect that a degree at 
Rathmell in the seventeenth century, or one at Daventry in the 
eighteenth, would have meant a good deal more than a contem- 
porary degree either at Oxford or at Cambridge, if measured, 
not by its value for merely social purposes, but by its worth as 
an index of the intellectual stimulus promoted by careful and 
enlightened study.* 

Even the enemies of the academies gave testimony 
to their status as educational institutions. Robert 
Marsden, in his funeral sermon for one of Frankland's 
conformist pupils, f says : — 

He was bred up in his mother's way, (but this the best among 
the Dissenters) the way of the Presbyterians ; which gives a 
better education, and is less enthusiastick than that of the other 
Dissenters, and approached nearest to the Church of England. 

In this way he was designed for the Ministry, and in order 
to it, sent (not to one of our Universities, but) to a private School 
or Academy, of good account, in which way of education, would 
naturally be instilled into him such notions as would tend to 
disaffect him to the way of the Church. 

But undoubtedly the highest testimony to the quality 
of the teaching at the Academies is that the tutors, who 
were usually Cambridge or Oxford men, were reproached 
with breaking an oath which all graduates had to swear, 
not to lecture in any other place than the other university. 
The object of the oath was to prevent the establishment 
of rival universities. If the " academies " were not 
recognized as places where university learning was taught, 
the reproach was without point. J 

So well recognized was the completeness of the academy 
course that the University of Edinburgh admitted 
Frankland's students to degrees after only one session 
at the University. 

* Early nonconformity and education, p. 6. 
■f Funeral sermon for Joseph Crompton, 1729, p. 18. 

% Calamy's Cont., p. 177, contains a long argument on the question of 
university oaths by Charles Morton, tutor of one of the academies. 

frankland's academy : student life. 141 

Aspland quotes a letter addressed by Frankland to 
Thomas Elston, one of his earhest pupils, which refers 
incidentally to several young men who were then about 
to travel north to take the degrees denied to them in 

My dear Friend, — I could not well be longer silent without telling 
you how we are and enquiring how you doe. We all here (through 
mercy) are in health, and, which is more, we are yet, through the 
wonderful! care and protection of our Heavenly Father, in peace. 
It seems strange to all that consider of it how it should be soe, 
but I desire wholly to look beyond second causes as to this. 
There be six of our family just now goeing for Scotland, in order 
to their becoming graduates in the spring, viz : Sam Yates, John 
Haywood, and his brother, Thom. Cotton, Chr. Richardson and 
Gift Kirby. Their godly parents were very doubtfull what to 
resolve about their goeing, in respect of the times, and that dark 
cloud which still hangs over us. Yet at least [i.e., last] they have 
concluded to let them goe, but have engaged me to goe along 
with them. John Issot stays with me. Severall (through mercy) 
of our late Dissenting Professors are now come in, and our 
number is considerably increased. Thers great hopes of the 
Gospells successe if our peace and liberty be continued. Dear 
Friend, let us hear how it is with you, and with that worthy 
family wherein God hath cast you. That relation you gave in your 
letter of soe worthy a son of the late eminent Dr. Ames was noe 
small comfort to me. I would willingly goe some miles to see 
him (should Providence cast me into your parts) for his father's 
sake, but whether ever that may be is very doubtfull. t 

Pray, dear Friend, let me hear fully how it is with you in all 
respects, and impart what news you have. Time will not suffer 
me to enlarge : soe with mine and all our dear respects to you, 
leaveing [you] in the armes of our gracious Father, I rest your 
ever affectionately endeared friend. 

Ri. Franckland. 
Natl. Sept. 25, 1676. 

* Aspland's Brief Memoirs of Frankland and Sampson, p. 16. 

t The son of Dr. Ames here referred to would be WilUam Ames, M.A., one 
of the early graduates of Harvard. He was ejected from Wrentham, Suffolk, 
and was afterwards a Nonconformist there. Elston, to whom the letter was 
addressed, was chaplain to a gentleman at Wattisrield in the neighbourhood 
of Wrentham. 



Richard Frankland, M.A. : 
Ordinations and Persecution. 

WE have seen that Frankland had a thorough behef 
in the vaHdity of his own Presbyterian ordination. 
From 1662 to 1672 the Presbyterian Dissenters in the 
North had managed without fresh ministers or else the 
ministers were not ordained. In 1672 three young men 
were ordained at Manchester,* but the example then 
set was not followed until 1678. In the meantime the 
ranks of the ejected ministers had been thinned by 
death and conformity, and the young men who had 
taken their places were not ordained and, according to 
the view of the times, could not fulfil all the functions of 
a minister, especially the administration of the sacraments. 
Frankland had shown in his own case the importance 
he attached to a definite ceremony of ordination or 
setting apart for the ministry. No doubt, to set a good 
example in this direction, he caused his assistant Issot 
to be ordained. His reasons were probably those he 
gave in a letter written at a much later date (9th August, 
1694), but evidently embodying his life-long opinion. 

I am troubled to hear that the persons you mention do upon 
such weak grounds (so far as I understand them) put off their 
ordination, especially when grave ministers would not only argue 
them into their duty, but would likewise contribute their help 
to them. If they should persist in their present course of preach- 
ing without being ordained, it would give great offence, and also 
open the mouths of those enemies of the truth, whom we have 

* O. Heywood's Diaries, iii., 115. In Somersetshire George Trosse was 
ordained in 1666 at a time when persecution was at its height (Isaac Gilling's 
Life of Trosse, 1715, p. 21). 


sometimes more sharply reproved for their acting as ministers 
without a due ministerial call ; besides, (as you hint) they might 
first, in general, be ordained ministers, and then they might, 
with better right, order and direct their people ; they cannot 
expect to have the divisions that are amongst the people removed, 
till Christ's disciphne takes place amongst them. 

The ordination in 1678 of John Issot was the first 
Nonconformist ordination in the North, apart from the 
sporadic ordination in Manchester during the Indulgence 
of 1672, and the ordination having been conducted under 
Frankland's own supervision and at his suggestion, we 
may be excused if we quote from Oliver Heywood* a 
detailed account of it : — 

Upon July 8, 1678, we had a solemne and weighty undertaking 
upon our hands, and our God ordered the matter very graciously. 
It was this, Mr. Frankland having been at my house, f but a little 
before had spoken to me about a way for setting apart young 
schoUars to the ministry, that some provision might be made 
for a succession of fit persons in Gods way to doe Gods work, in 
after-times (since so many were dying,) that might be regularly 
set apart by examination and imposition of hands. We consented 
to it in general, and in speciall the person to be ordained was Mr. 
John Issot, who is Mr. Frankland's assistant in preaching and 
teaching, living in his family, one of his schollars, my sons con- 
temporary, an able serious young man. I was to bring Mr. 
Dawson with me, Mr. Frankland was to bring one Mr. SleeJ with 
him to carry on the work, the appointment was in May, the time 
appointed was July 8 : in the interim one Mr. Darlington, or 
Darn ton, § living near Rippon made his addresse to me with 
requests to be set apart to his work, and Mr. Thorp of Hopton 
Hall did also move on his own behalf. I acquainted Mr. Frank- 
land therewith by letter, and had his consent and concurrence. 
In the meantime I also writ to my good friend, Mr. Tho. Jolly 
desiring his assistance therein, knowing his principles to be for 

* Diaries, ii., 194-197; cf. also ii., 25. 

t 17th May, 1678, " At night Mr. Frankland and his wife, son came to 
us." {Diaries, ii., 63.) 

} This was Anthony Sleigh, minister of Penruddock, Cumberland. • 

§ John Darnton, who, though not ordained, was one of the ejected ministers. 
There is a notice of him in Calamy, Ace, p. 831. 


it, tlio' inclining to the Congregational way. At the time 
appointed we met, which was at Richard Mitchels in Craven on 
Munday, July 8, '78. When Mr. Frankland came, though he 
brought some of his schoUars, yet he brought no minister, Mr. 
Slee having been sick durst not travel so far. Mr. Jolly also 
failed because he had no acquaintance with the persons to be 
ordained, otherwise he would have come (for as himself saith in 
a letter to me there by his son) ' I am heartily troubled that I 
misse of such an opportunity of seeing such friends, of serving 
the interest of the gospel, and giving a proof what my principles 
are in these matters. ' Well upon these two thus failing and we 
being but 3 to carry on the work, Mr. Thorp began to stagger 
about staying, resolving to goe home, I discoursed him plainly 
and fully, Mr. Frankland produced that text in Acts 13. i, 2, 3, 
to prove there was but three to ordain and 2 ordained, for they 
were but 5 in all : he was at last satisfied, stayed, he and I 
preached to a full assembly of people on Tuesday at John Heys. 
God did graciously assist, and afterwards I administered the 
Lord's supper to about 20, wherein our dear Lord did graciously 
manifest himself to our soules, and when we had got a little 
refreshment we fell to our work of examining the young men 
to lessen our work the day following. Mr. Frankland was our 
mouth, examined them about Heb., in the Greek Testament, in 
philosophy, in divinity authours. Mr. Thorp adhered to Mr. 
Baxter in some points of faith justification, which Mr. Frankland 
dis[puted ?],* which occasioned a short amicable dispute. So 
we ended that days work and appointed to begin at 7 a clock the 
morning after, began at 8 a clock on Wednesda}^ July 10, Mr. 
Frankland begun the work with prayer, and after examination 
of certificates proceeded. Mr. Thorp position'd on this thesis — 
Datur Divina Providentia : had a learned discourse in Latin, 
I and Mr. Dawson opposed him in a short dispute syllogistically : 
then Mr. Issot positioned Quod Ordinatio per manuum imposi- 
tionem per seniores (vulgo vocatos laicos) non est valida, it was 
an excellent discourse, very large and cogent, yet we made our 
objections. Then Mr. Darnton whose thesis was Non datur 
omnibus Gratia sufficiens ad conversionem, he begged leave to 
deliver himself in English which was permitted for the benefit 
of such as were present, and did pretty well, though some of us 
were not so fully satisfyed in his abilitys, yet having testimonial 
of his pious conversation^ Mr. Frankland having known him 

* Hunter (O. Heywood, p. 285) extends this " disowned." 


formerly in Northumberland, (he had preacht above 20 years 
without ordination though he produced testimonials or appro- 
bation by the commissioners for tryal of ministers in those parts, 
he solemnly confessed his fault and defect, and had always 
sought ordination, had never baptized, &c,) upon incouraging 
grounds we entertained him, then we required them to make 
a confession of their faith, which they did largely and distinctly. 
Mr. Issot was exceedingly ample and exact, blessed be God 
they all did well. Then Mr. Frankland inquired of them all 
singly of their persuasion of the truth of the reformed religion, 
their ends in entring into that calhng, diligence in praying, 
reading, &c zeal and faithfulnes in maintaining the truth, care 
of their flocks, familys, willingnes to submit to the admonitions 
of their brethren and resolution to continue in their dutys against 
all trouble and persecution &c. Mr. Dawson having been at 
prayer before they made their confessions, then we proceeded 
to imposition of hands, the question was whether we should do 
that singly or conjointly. I apprehend it was most proper that 
everyone should pray over them in particular ; so Mr. Frankland 
began with Mr. Issot, who kneeled down before us, and when 
Mr. Frankland came to those words (whom we set apart or 
appoint) he having laid on hands, we did the like and kept them 
on till the close ; then I prayed over Mr. Darnton, Mr. Dawson 
over Mr. Thorp in like manner, then we gave them the right hand 
of fellowship ov/ning them as our brethren in Christ's work, and 
then we all sate down. I took a text and preacht upon it which 
was Mat. 9. 38, insisting most upon the word — labourers, God 
helping me graciously to open the laboriousnes of the ministerial! 
calling, and presse it home upon them in particular, then I went 
to prayer wherin God did wonderfully draw out my heart with 
exceeding meltings for those brethren, for Mr. Frankland and 
his scho liars, for the church, God helped them all to joyn, and 
gave some remarkable evidences of his presence. Then we sung 
part of the 132 psalm and so I dismist the assembly with pro- 
nouncing the valedictory benediction. There was present in 
this solemnity (besides us 6 that were imployed) divers others, 
Mr. Frankland brought John Beck, a Christian friend out of 
Westmorland, and some of his schollars, as my cozen Nath. 
Heywood, Tim. Haliday, and from our side came my son John, 
Mr. Gods-gift Kerby, Mr. Tho. Cotton, Mr. Christoph. Richardson, 
my sons' companions, also Mr. Issot's father met his son there, 
likewise some Christian friends in Craven were present, as Rich. 
Mitchel, John Hey, their wives, Tho. Hey, John Wilkinson, 



Mtris Lambert &c, Thus God carryed us through the dutys of 
the day with much satisfaction on all hands, some of the company 
went part of the way homewards that night, the rest of us stayed 
all night at those two houses who made us kindly welcome, (R. 
Mitchel, John Hey), and lodged 14 of us, or 15, and were glad 
of the opportunity, in the morning we all met again and took 
our solemne and loving farewels of one another and so returned 
to our homes. Blessed be God for this fruitful blossoming of 
Aaron's rod, and the strong branches and sweet flowers issuing 
thence, that are likely to prove pillars and ornaments in the 
house of God. What a lovely sight was it to see so many hopefull 
plants, and some willingly offering themselves in his despised 
way in such an opposing day as this is ! Oh that the blessing 
of Elijah might be upon Elisha ! there is hopes the vacant roomes 
of God's deceased servants may be iilled up : Lord take thou 
the glory and let the church have profit of these successours 

On the first of August, 1679, Oliver Heywood, who 
had lodged in Craven the previous night, " went forward 
towards Westmorland attended with John Beck of 
Kendal, [and] came to Mr. Franklands that night." 
The next day, Saturday, he spent the morning discoursing 
with Mr. Frankland and his scholars, and in the afternoon 
went to Kendal, where he visited friends and was at the 
Mayor's house. The Mayor at the time was Thomas 
Jackson. Certainly the Mayor was not very strict in 
enforcing the laws against conventicles, and we cannot but 
suspect that he was a sympathizer with the Noncon- 
formists. On the Sunday Heywood " preacht to Mr. 
Frankland's people in a very full assembly in a great 
hall belonging to Mr. Bellingham, farmed by Henry 
Strickland, a very numerous assembly."* Probably 
Henry Strickland's farm was at Stainton, as at a later 
date Strickland is described as " of Stainton." 

About the same time Heywood lent to Frankland a 
copy of James Durham on Revelations. 

In 1680 Frankland was in trouble with the ecclesiastical 

* Heywood's Diaries, ii., 100, loi. 


authorities, probably for teaching without a hcence. As 
Frankland was in York shortly before 24th August, 
1680,* we may conclude that his business there was in 
connection with this trouble. Evidently on this occasion 
Frankland escaped the penalties or, having paid them, 
received absolution. This we learn from Oliver Heywood, 
who writes under date 29th May, 168 1 : — 

Mr. Stanford! of Kendal was to publish an absolution of Mr, 
Frankland, which was procured by Mtris JacksonJ off Mr. Cradock. 
and instead of reading that, he said thus — I am to give you 
notice that Mr. Rich. Frankland the ringleader of the Sectarys, 
hath voluntarily submitted himself to the orders of the church, 
and is reconciled to it, what his design is therin, I cannot divine 
except it be to sue for his schollars pay to him, but methinks I 
see him come with bended knees, tears in his eyes, confession in 
his mouth, that he hath wronged the church of England, begging 
pardon, promising reformation, and to be an obedient son of the 
church, and resolving to come to the beginning of the service ; 
and when he comes, good people let him come freely, and doe 
not hinder him, but you'l say. How know you all this ? I 
answer, I know no more of it than you doe. But the report 
spread abroad of Mr. Frankland's conformity and people said 
he had surely got a good living. § 

Another ordination in which Frankland assisted took 
place in Craven in August, 1680. On this occasion 
Oliver Heywood, Joseph Dawson, and Thomas Jolly 
met on the 24th, and spent the day in prayer and listening 
to Timothy Hodgson, the candidate, praying and preach- 
ing. Mr. Frankland did not arrive until evening, and 
the examination of the candidate was deferred until his 
arrival. When the ministers were consulting together 
as to the work of the morrow, " Mr. Jolly moved to have 
the ordination put off, but we had some reasons to the 

* Heywood's Diaries, ii., 198. 

•f Rev. Michael Stanford, Vicar of Kendal. 

} Probably the wife of the Mayor of Kendal, whom Heywood saw in 1678. 

§ Heywood's Diaries, ii., 21. 


contrary which to us seemed weightier, and after some 
debate we parted, Mr. Jolly returning home that night 
and coming no more with us."* Jolly was evidently 
much annoyed,! ^^'^ it may be that the annoyance was 
shared by Frankland, who was absent from the ordination 
at Sheffield on 25th April, 1681, of his pupil, Timothy 
Jolly, son of Thomas Jolly. :j: Thomas Jolly's withdrawal 
made no difference, and the ordination took place on the 
following day. Heywood writes : — 

I lodged at Rich. Mitchels again tliat night, Mr. Frankland at 
John Heys, the next morning we met at John Heys about 9 
a clock, half an hour after we begun with solemne prayer, Mr. 
Dawson began, Mr. Issot followed, they were much helped, then 
we fell to examining Mr. Hodgson who brought a testimonial 
under the hands of Sr. John Hewly and Mr. Ward for his piety, 
studiousness and conversation, then we examined him in the 
languages, philosophy. Divinity. Mr. Frankland carryed on 
that work, then he read his thesis upon this Qu. An ordinatio 
ministri sine titulo i.e sine Ecclesia in qua or dinar etur sit csque 
ridicula ac si quis mariius fingeretur esse sine uxore ? He main- 
tained the negative, we all objected. After a considerable [time] 
in this, he proceeded to his confession of faith and his answering 
the several interrogatorys, accoi^ding to the Directory, and then 
Mr. Frankland went to prayer, and at last I was appointed to 
pray over him, and first lay hands on him, the persons that laid 
hands on him with myself were Mr. Frankland, Mr. Dawson, Mr. 
Wright, Mr. Issott, there was several schollars and others present, 
some came off our side as my son John, Mr. Cotton, Mr. Kerby ; 
with Mr. Frankland, Mr. Haliday, Mr. John Lister, Mr. Peter 
Finch, besides John Beck, John Wilkinson, John Hey, Richard 
Mitchel, Mtris Lambert and several more, — in the upshot of all 
I preacht upon i Tim. 4. 15 and then shut up all with prayer, 
singing, and pronouncing a blessing, we had done about half an 
hour after 5, so that we spent 8 houres in the more solemne 
ordinances of that day, which was indeed a sweet and blessed 
day wherin God did graciously manifest his presence, blessed 
be the name of our dear Lord.§ 

* Heywood's Diaries, ii., igS. 

t Note Book, p. 43. 

% Heywood's Diaries, ii., 199. 

§ Heywood's Diaries, ii., 198, 199. 


Apropos of Timothy Jolly's ordination, Oliver Heywood 
wrote : — 

It is a wonderful transcendent mercy that in such a day as this 
is, God raiseth up out of private schools so many young men 
so well furnished with learning, gifts, graces for his work as a 
seminary for the church to build up waste places of Zion.* 

The next ordination in which Frankland took part 
was that of John Heywood, one of his early pupils and 
son of his old friend Oliver Heywood. Thomas Cotton 
and Eliezer Heywood were intended to have been ordained 
at the same time, but illness had prevented their presence. 
The ordination took place in Craven on 23rd August, 
1681, and Frankland prayed for half an hour or more 
with much seriousness and gave the new presbyter the 
right hand of fellowship.! 

Mr. Jolly had been invited to assist in the ordination, 
but he raised personal objections to the young candidate, 
and also declared his judgment that he " ought to be 
set apart in the church to which he was related. "J The 
latter is, of course, the standpoint of the convinced Congre- 
gationahst, and it is not surprising that Jolly was not 
present. The place was selected as being a convenient 
centre for the gathering, which was attended by many 
of Frankland' s pupils. 

Mr. Frankland took an interest in John Heywood, 
recommended him as preacher in " two places toward 
Westmorland in private houses," § where John Heywood 
preached from September, 1681, to May, 1682. 

" My son went to Mr. Franklands who made him 
welcom, told him it should be his home while he stayd 
in these parts." He " continued most of the winter at 

* Diaries, ii., 201. 

t Heywood's Diaries, ii., 204. 

X Hunter's 0. Heywood, p. 303. 

§ Heywood's Diaries, ii., 205. One of these houses was John Thornton's 
at Melling, 9 miles from Lancaster. The other house was John Thornbeck's at 
Middleton Head, near Sedbergh. 


Mr. Frankland's," the distance of whose house from the 
scene of John Heywood's labours necessitated a horse, 
the keep of which at an alehouse " run up to incredible 

In 16S2 Oliver Heywood was again at Natland, and has 
left an interesting account of the visit. f He left Coley 
on May 15th with his friend Jonathan Priestley, baited 
at Red Lion near Kildwick, and stayed the night at 
Settle. On May i6th they baited at Thornton near 
Ingleton, and were there joined by John Heywood. 
Then they rode to Kirkby Lonsdale and " came to Mr. 
Frankland at Rathmel " [sic] that night. J The events of 
the following days are told in Heywood's own words : — 

— 17 Wednesday morning God helped me in my parlour in 
secret prayer lying alone. After prayers in the family breakfast, 
We called all the family and schollars of the house together, 
with all above 20, and I spent more than two houres with them. 
praying, preaching purposely to the schollars from 2 Chron. 29. 
II, " My sons be not now negligent." I had purposely studied 
it. God helped me. After dinner Mr. Frankland, Jo. Priestley, 
his son, Mr. Halliday, my son and I went to Kendal, went to 
W. Sill, Mr. Mayor's, § Dr. Whitakers, returned. 

18 — Attended the young men's disputations. After dinner 
Jo. Beck came to see me. Mr. Frankland and I discoursed. I 
read in Calderwood's History of Reformation. 

19 — Friday. After breakfast and prayers, Mr. Frankland, 
his wife, schollars, usual people came together at Mr. Cock's 
above a mile ofi where I preached. We called to visit Mr. Archer 
at Oxenholme. 

20 — Saturday (Mr. Frankland taking physick and Mrs. 
Frankland being at the market) I got several of the scholars 
together and we spent some hours in the forenoon in prayer in 
my room. Abr. Dawson, Jonathan Wright, Rawlinson, Mr. 

* Heywood's Diaries, ii., 205, 208, 209. 

t Diaries in Yorkshire Genealogist and Bibliographer, ii., 51. 

} Rathmel should be Natland ; it is clearly an error either of Oliver Heywood, 
the transcriber, or the printer, for the route shows that they had passed near 
to Rathmell on the previous day. 

§ James Cock, junr., Mayor of Kendal 1681-2. Like the Mayor previously 
mentioned, Cock was apparently a sympathizer with the Nonconformists. 


FACE P. 151. 


Halliday, my John were exercised. God graciously helped. 
We went to dinner at one o'clock. Afterwards I discoursed with 
them, endeavoured to prepare for the Sabbath. 

21 — Sunday, we had appointed the meeting at Mr. Frankland's 
house, a very great assembly came. God helped me to spend 
nearly 5 hours in praying and preaching on Mic. 5. 5. It was a 
good day. After dinner about 5 o'clock Mr. Frankland and I 
rode to Oxenholm, about a mile, to visit Mrs. Archer the sad 
widow, her husband lying dead in the house,* I prayed with her, 
so returned. 

22 — Monday. I took my leave in prayer of Mr. Frankland's 
numerous family. He and some schollars brought me on the 
way. Mr. Buckley rode with me to Barton,! but Mr. HaHday 
went with me to Lancaster. 

We find Frankland and Jolly joining in an ordination 
in June, 1682, so we may presume that their differences 
were smoothed over. Robert Waddington, the person 
ordained, was not a pupil of Frankland's, and was one 
of Mr. Jolly's congregation. Jolly, though a Congre- 
gationalist, was willing to meet the Presbyterians in the 
matter of ordination, but the Presbyterians were less 
accommodating. " Mr. Jolly moved that the people 
with whom he had joyned as a member, yea as an officer, 
or ruling elder, (viz. Mr. Jollys society) might expresse 
their dedicating of him to God. Mr. Frankland was not 
satisfyed with that, having no warrant, and as importing 
some power, so it was waved. "| 

The Presbyterians left the direction of the ordination 
to Mr. Jolly, and he, Mr. Frankland, Mr. Benson, and 
Mr. Heywood prayed. The service had lasted over five 
hours, and Mr. Jolly was about to proceed to the laying 
on of hands when Mr. Frankland and Mr. Heywood 
" stopt a little " by asking the candidate some questions 

* John Archer of Oxenholme was buried at the Parish Church 22nd May, 
1682 (O. Heywood's Diaries, ii., 145). He had been Mayor of Kendal in 

t i.e., Burton. 

J He3rwood's Diaries, ii., 210 ; cf. also Jolly's Note Book, p. 48. 


about his " design in taking on him that calling, his 
faithfulness therein, his continuance in the work to his 
dying day, &c." The six ministers present joined in 
laying on hands and each gave the right hand of fellowship 
and signed the certificate of the ordination. 



Frankland's Academy : 
Difficulties and Migrations. 

THE time had now arrived when Frankland was to 
feel the effect of the renewal of persecution which 
marked the period from 1681 to 1687. 

Early in 1683 Frankland was driven from Natland* 
and had to seek a home for himself and his Academy 
elsewhere. The Oxford Act, or the Five Mile Act of 
1665, had prohibited residence by Nonconformist ministers 
within five miles of their old livings or of any corporation, 
unless they took an oath, as some did, to endeavour no 
alterations in Church or State. The enforcement of this 
act had varied in stringency at different periods and in 
different places, but in 1683 stringency was the rule. 
Unless Frankland had taken the oath, and the evidence 
points the other way, he was clearly infringing the pro- 
visions of the Five Mile Act all the time he was at Natland, 
for that place is within five miles of the old corporation 
of Kendal. The local authorities had evidently winked 
at his offence, but the Government was urging them to 
do their duty, and so Frankland had to go. His first 
move was to Calton Hall, Kirkby Malham, seven miles 
north-west of Skipton, the seat of Major-General Lambert, 
then living in exile, and the residence of that Mrs. Lambert 
who has already been mentioned as attending Issot's 
ordination, f At Calton, Oliver Heywood visited Frank- 

* He is described as of Natland in the Kendal parish register under date 
2ist March, 1682-3, and he was at Calton 20th June, 1683, so that he left 
Natland between these dates. 

t Calton Hall passed to the Middletons by the marriage of Frances, daughter 
and heiress of John Lambert of Calton, with Sir John Middleton, 2nd baronet 
of Belsay Castle, Northumberland, who, like the Lamberts, was of Noncon- 
formist sympathies. Frankland was evidently on friendly terms with the 


land, as he had done at Natland, and preached on 20th 
June, 1683. In August Hey wood was in the neighbour- 
hood of Calton and intended to visit Frankland, but did 
not as he heard that he was from home.* Perhaps 
Frankland was looking for a house, for very soon after- 
wards he and his Academy had removed again. 

In November, 1683, Mrs. Stanley of Dalegarth wrote 
to Sir Daniel Fleming, the local arch-persecutor of the 
Nonconformists, apparently asking whether it would not 
be possible for the magistrates to let Mr. Frankland 
alone. The reply of Sir Daniel, dated gth November, 1683, 
was " If your uncle would give up conventicling, teaching 
scholars and taking of fablers, attend the church service, 
and take the oath, he could live quietly in the country. 
If not, the magistrates must be inquiring after him."f 

The conditions suggested by Sir Daniel Fleming were 
impossible. Nevertheless, we find that late in 1683 
Frankland was again in Westmorland, and in Sir Daniel's 
neighbourhood. His new home was Dawson Fold, in 
Crosthwaite, a place, like Natland, well within the five 
mile radius from Kendal, but his Academy was appar- 
ently almost, if not quite, extinct. From 24th October, 
1682, when the last scholar was admitted at Natland, 
to 8th November, 1686, when he first went to Attercliffe, 
only thirteen scholars were admitted, and there were 
no admissions whatever after 6th February, 1684-5, until 
November, 1686. Oliver Heywood expressly states that 

Lamberts, and in the hope of finding fresh material about him we asked Sir 
Arthur Middleton, the present (7th) baronet, if the Lambert family papers 
contained any letters or other documents by or concerning Frankland. In 
a courteous reply, Sir Arthur, who was in Egypt at the time, said " though 
writing from memory I am certain that his name is not mentioned in any 
paper that I have of the Lambert family. As Calton Hall was burnt down 
it is not unlikely that many papers were burnt with it." 

* Heywood's Diaries, Yorkshire Genealogist, ii., 253, 256. 

■\ Fleming Papers, Hist. MSS. Comm., 12th Rep. App., 7, p. 193. Frank- 
land's name does not appear in the letter, but as it is addressed to " Madam 
Stanley at Dalegarth " there can be no doubt he was the person referred 
to. Mrs. Stanley was Isabel, daughter of Thomas Curwen, Esq., of Sella 
Park, whose wife was the elder sister of Mrs. Frankland, so that Mr. Frankland 
would be uncle by marriage of Mrs. Stanley. 

frankland's academy : difficulties. 155 

Frankland was " taken off work," apparently soon after 
June, 1683,* and therefore at this time. 

Of the Dawson Fold period we obtain an interesting 
glimpse from the records of the Consistory Court of 
York. In 1684 sundry inhabitants of the parish of 
Heversham were cited before the Court for not coming 
to church, their names being Richard Franckland, gent., 
John Hinde and Agnes his wife, Joseph Hinde and Alice 
his wife, Peter Ogden and Sarah his wife, Roger Dickenson 
and Elizabeth his wife, and they were described as 
" seperatists." 

Inserted in the Court Book| is a certificate signed 
by the Chapel- Wardens of Crosthwaite certifying to 
Frankland's good behaviour while a resident in the 
chapelry. As the certificate appears to be in Frankland's 
autograph, it may be taken as first-hand evidence. 
Excepting that we have extended the contractions, the 
certificate reads : — 

We whose names are hereunder subscribed, having been Chappel- 
Wardens for the Chapelry of Crostwait in the parish of Heversham 
in the County of Westmoreland for the 2 years last past that is 
to say for the year of our Lord 1683 and 1684. And Mr. George 
Birkett our late Minister dying in March last past 1684/5 think 
meet to certify whome it may concerne that Richard Franckland 
gentleman liveing at a place called Dawson-Fold in Lyth within 
our Chappelry for almost a year that is to say from about Martin- 
mas, in the year of our Lord 1683 till September in the year 1684 
did both himselfe and Family keep due and constant communion 
with us in the severall parts of gods publick Worship and gave 
no just occasion to us, or to the said Mr. Birkitt [sic] our late 
Minister or to any other person for to present him in the Arch- 
bishops or Bishops Courts for any default as to the said Communion 
dureing that time. And that Mr. MilneJ though Vicar of Hever- 
sham the parish Church could not truely and justly make any 
such presentment of the said Mr. Franckland, not being personally 

* Heywood's Diaries, iv., 120. 
t Diocesan Registry, York. 

{ According to Nightingale's Ejected (p. 980), Thomas Milner was the 
vicai's name. 


acquainted with the manner of his walking with us. This we 
certify this twenty ninth day of August in the first year of the 
Reign of our Soveraigne Lord King James the 2d over England 
&c and in the year of our Lord 1685. [Signed] William Strickland, 
Thomas Doukers [?], Willm. Ormondy, his mark, Thomas 

This certificate shows the exact dates of the Dawson 
Fold residence of Frankland, for there can be no doubt 
of his identity with " Richard Franckland, gentleman." 
His orders being Presbyterian left him, in the eyes of 
the law, a layman, which explains the description of 
him as " gentleman " instead of " clerk." 

From this citation Frankland was eventually absolved 
in July, 1686, he having claimed the benefit of the King's 

Probably Frankland was in York on business con- 
nected with the Ecclesiastical Court on 24th March, 
1684-5,* on which date he visited Oliver Heywood in 
York Castle. Heywood was a prisoner convicted of a 
riotous assembly, otherwise, in non-legal phraseology, 
convicted of preaching to a congregation of Noncon- 

According to the certificate, Frankland left Dawson 
Fold in September, 1684. So far as is known, his next 
place of refuge was Hartbarrow, sometimes called 
Hartborough, near Cartmell Fell, Lancashire. When the 
Academy arrived at Hartbarrow is not certain, but there 
is a letterj from Richard Frankland, junior, dated 
" Heartbarrow, November 24, 16S5," in which he states 
that he " could not possibly write sooner, for we were 
longer in our journey than we expected." This sentence 
suggests that the removal had only just taken place, 
and if this was so a whole year of Frankland's life is 
unaccounted for. Certainly the Academy was in no 

* Hunter's O. Heywood, p. 332. 
i" Thoresby's Correspondence, i., 76. 

frankland's academy : difficulties. 157 

flourishing condition at the time, and we are inchned 
to include Frankland's residence at Hartbarrow as well 
as the Dawson Fold period as coming within the time 
when he was " taken off work." 

It is usually darkest just before the dawn, and the 
darkness of Dawson Fold and Hartbarrow was fohowed 
by the most briUiant period of the Academy's history. 

Frankland removed to Attercliffe near Sheffield before 
8th November, 1686, and a time of great prosperity 
followed. The hands of the persecutors were stayed 
by the genuine desire of James II. for a toleration of 
Roman Catholics, which was only to be obtained by 
tolerating Nonconformists as well. Frankland, on re- 
moving to Attercliffe took out a fifty-shilling dispensation, 
under the provisions of King James's Declaration for 
liberty of conscience.* 

The outlook was so promising and Frankland's repu- 
tation so high that pupils flocked to the Academy, no 
fewer than twenty entering during the first year at 

Soon after the removal to Attercliffe the Academy 
was again visited by Oliver Heywood, he being there on 
2ist April, 1687, and advantage was taken of the visit 
to arrange for the ordination on ist June following of 
Oliver's son Eliezer and other candidates. As arranged, 
the four candidates, Eliezer Heywood, Edward Byrom, 
Samuel Angler, and Nathaniel Heywood, together with 
Mr. Frankland, Mr. Dawson, Mr. James Bradshaw, Mr. 
John Heywood, Mr. Issot, and Oliver Heywood, met 
together at Mr. Heywood's house at Northowram. Mr. 
Frankland, as was usual, took a prominent part in the 
service, and after hearing what the candidates had to 
say " expressed his satisfaction that God had raised up 
young men to be so well armed against Arminians, 

* Information of Rev. Alex. Gordon. 


Socinians, and others."* Another candidate was intended 
to have been ordained at the same time, Mr. Matthew 
Smith, but one of his congregations (he had two) insisted 
on the ordination being in the midst of his own congre- 

On nth September, 1688, Frankland, together with 
Mr. Prime, Mr. Dawson, Mr. Timothy Jolly, and other 
ministers, set apart, with four others, Mr. Abraham Daw- 
son, Mr. Timothy Manlove, and Mr. Aldred.f 

Whilst at Attercliffe Frankland's assistant at the 
Academy, his only surviving son Richard, died in May, 
1689, and this is the reason given for Frankland's last 
removal. Within three months afterwards, in July or 
August, 1689, Frankland and his Academy returned to 

* Hunter's 0. Heywood, pp. 353-4. 
t Hunter's O. Heywood, p. 356. 

''V \,'"''** 



Frankland's Academy : 
Toleration and Persecution. 

FRANKLAND'S return to his native place coincided 
with the coming into force of the Act of Toleration, 
by which, under conditions not then considered onerous, 
Nonconformists were allowed to worship in public. He 
had thus every reason to hope that at last he would be 
able to carry on his Academy without interference. 
This hope was not fulfilled, for he soon found that 
although worship was tolerated teaching was not. 

The house at Rathmell had apparently been rebuilt 
or enlarged in 1686, a stone bearing that date,* and 
the initials R.^E. being still extant. 

The first new pupil arrived at Rathmell on 23rd 
August, i68g. 

In September, 1689, Mr. Frankland was one of the 
ministers who assisted in the exorcising of the demon 
who troubled the " Surey Demoniack." This affair is 
dealt with later. 

Availing himself of the Act of Toleration, Frankland 
had his house at Rathmell registered as a meeting house 
on 8th October, 1689. f He had, says Calamy, " a 
thriving Congregation, whom he kept in Peace, by his 
Candour and Humility, Gravity and Piety, notwith- 

♦ The dated stone is now over a window, but according to John Cockin 
it was, some years before 1821, over the principal door {Congregational Histori- 
cal Society Trans., iii., 23). It is evident from the description given by Cockin 
that the present building at Rathmell is not part of the buildings of Frankland's 
Academy, though it is probably on the same site. Even in Cockin's time 
most of the original buildings had been removed. One of Cockin's informants 
told him that the kitchen was very large, and that as a girl she had, when 
playing at hide-and-seek, often hidden in the oven. 

t None, reg., p. 145. 


standing the different Principles they were of ; and he 
was generally belov'd and exceeding useful." 

In the following year (November, i6go) Jolly and 
Frankland were asked to advise about the case of Mr. 
Whalley and his people. Says Jolly, " wee mett about 
it, alass ! weakness appearing and temptation approaching 
on both hands, yet the lord gave us to agree in our advice 
as to what could bee done in their case."* It does not 
appear what the trouble was, but Whalley, one of Frank- 
land's pupils, was the minister of Hindley nominated 
by the Nonconformists when the possession of that 
chapel was in dispute between the Establishment and 
the Nonconformists. 

Soon after the return to Rathmell the Fund, afterwards 
known as the Presbyterian Fund, was established.! 
Many of Frankland' s pupils were the recipients of grants 
from that Fund. Before then private persons had 
assisted pupils with Frankland. For example, there 
were in December, 1690, two pupils at the Academy 
maintained by Mr. Richard Stretton and Mr. Samuel 
Slater, who, on the establishment of the Fund, were 
transferred to its charge. :!: The managers of the Fund 
were very careful of two things, one that the students 
were really in need of aid and the other that they were 
worthy of it. Of their method, the first two occurrences 
of Frankland's Academy in the Fund's minutes are 
quoted : — 

8 Dec. 1690 Ordered that Mr. Richard Stretton to write to Mr. 
Frankland to give his character to the managers of those two 
young men now under his Tuition maintained at the charge of 
Mr. Samuel Slater and his own. 

5 Jan. 1690-1 Ordered that Mr. Richard Stretton to write 
to Mr. Richard Frankland to know how farr those young men 

* Jolly's Note Book, p. 102. 

t Originally supported by Presbyterians and Independents. In 1693 the 
Independents seceded. 

X Presbyterian Fund Minutes, i., 16, 30 ; Cong. Hist. Soc. Trans., i., 405. 


under his tuition (for whom a share in this supply is desired) 
will need help to make up what they have allowed from their 
parents or friends, and competence for their continuance in ther 
studies with him.* 

Under these conditions it is natural that the allowances 
varied, the maximum being £j and the minimum ;£5. 

Between 1690 and 1696 thirty-six students at Frank- 
land's Academy were the recipients of aid from the 
Fund.j The number of pupils so aided was greater at 
Rathmell than at any other academy of the period, a 
proof of the high estimation in which Frankland's tuition 
was held by those best qualified to judge. Besides the 
Fund there were other means adopted of financing poor 
scholars. Heywood mentions^ that on 12th May, 1695, 
there were collected over thirty shillings for James 
Whittel, a scholar of Mr. Frankland. Curiously enough, 
a " brief " or begging letter, issued on behalf of the same 
student, is still in existence. § It runs as follows, the 
errors being reproduced : — 

To all good christian friends and people to 
whom these presents may Come Greeting. 

Shew that wee the subscribers hereunto Inhabitants of the 
Parish of Leigh wth others in the Countey of Lanekaster at 
the speciall instance and request of the Bearer hereof John 
Whittle of Pennington within ye said Parish but especially 
in behalf e of James Whittle his son (now a youth about eighteen 
years of age) who from his Childhood hath been educated and 
brought upp in Schole learning att the pubhck schoole in Leigh 
ever since by the help and Charitable Gift and yearly allowance 
of James Wright of Pennington Aforesaid who by his last will 
and testament left a small yearly pention towards bringing upp 
of poor Schollrs And the father John Whittle (being A poor man) 
of himselfe not able to continue him with \_sic] with Learning 
bokes and Mantainance and forasmuch as ye youth hath given 

* Presbyterian Fund Minutes, i., i6, 19. 

t Jeremy's Presbyterian Fund, p. 12. 

J Diaries in Yorkshire County Magazine, iii., 10. 

§ A contemporary copy is in the Reference Library, Manchester. 



good testimoney and made proofe of his good proficience in 
Learning Not oneley unto us but unto others who are more 
Competent judges thereof And allso finding the Genius and 
good Quahfications and disposition of the youth being solhcitious 
to make a furtlier progress in Learning in hopes by God's Assist- 
ance to become A more pubUck Instrument in the Church of God 
and for and towards the furtherance of the Gospell of Christ 
haveing Allready acquaintance with two students of Mr. Frank- 
land's desireing to become A fellow student with them under 
the same Tutor. 

Wee therefore whose names are hereunto Subscribed upon 
these Apparent grounds are more bold and encouradged thus to 
recoinend his Case and Condition to the pious and Charitable 
consideration of all good Christian friends and people to whom 
thes presents may Come to be seen or read humbly entreating 
hereby their Charitable benevolence towards his Reliefe hopeing 
their Bowells of Compassion and Bountifull hands will bee 
enlarged to promote so good A worke (as by Gods blessing and 
Assistance may become effectuall) And for their healths happi- 
ness and prosperity in so doeing (As in duty bound) will ever 
pray. They Assuredly knoweing and verily believeing the con- 
tents hereof to bee A Reall truth wee hereunto subscribe ye 
22d of February Ann Dni. 1693 

Robert Wright | Nathan Mort 

John Wright -Trustees Jno. Hartley 

James Starkey ) James Wood 

Jno. Leech 
William Harte 
James Nayler 
Matliew Astly 
Henry Parr 
William Balldwin 
John Green 
John Parr 

Wee whose names Are here subscribed do upon sufficient 
testimoney believe the within written Petition and do Recoinend 
the Young man as A greate object of 3a- Christian Charity and 
desire that hee may be encouraged. 

H. Newcom 
Robert Seddon 
Jer. Alldred 
Roger Balldwin 
John Walker 
rien. Pendleburey 
Jo. Crompton 

frankland's academy : toleration. 163 

For reasons which do not appear obvious the Church 
party were very anxious to annoy or suppress Frankland, 
and when the ink of the Toleration Act was scarcely 
dry he was in trouble. Mr. Gordon suggests that " per- 
haps, like Philip Henry, when legal toleration was 
secured, he began to hold his services in church hours, 
and ceased to frequent the parish church." 

On the 2nd February, i690-[i], he was excommunicated 
for not appearing before the Chancellor in the Arch- 
bishop's Court at York in answer to a citation issued 
30th May, 1690. The influence, it is said, of Lord Wharton 
and Sir Thomas Rokeby obtained for him the protection 
of the Government, and on 22nd April, 1691, Viscount 
Sydney* sent the following letter to the Archbishop of 
York :— 

Ld Arch: j Whitehall 22 Aprill 1691 

Bishop of Yorke 
My Lord 

Being informed that Mr. Richard Frankland of the parish of 
Giglewick in the County of York, stands excommunicated before 
the Chancellor in your Grace's Court, on the second of February 
last for non appearance tho' he had not any notice thereof till 
about ten dales after the time he was cited to appear, the pro- 
ceedings thereof being ex mero officio and without any presentment 
or prosecutor, and the said Mr. Frankland being a person very 
well affected to the Governmt, and haveing taken the oaths 
appointed by Law, I desire your Grace will give Order, that 
he may be permitted to appear in the said Court at a day to be 
Appointed to make his defence to what shall be objected against 
him, and may in the meantime be absolved from his excommuni- 
cation, and if this will not stand with the Course of the Court 
that your Grace will ex Officio suspend the giveing out of a 
significavit in this case. I am My Lord Your Graces most humble 


The desire of the Government was carried out, and 

* Secretary of State (December, 1690 — -March, 1692). 

t State Papers Dom. H.O. Letter Book (Secretary's), 3, p. 53. 


the absolution was read in Giggleswick Church. The 
death of one Archbishop (Lamplugh) and the consecration 
of another (Sharp) occurred in 1691, and probably caused 
some delay in the proceedings against Frankland. 

To a man like Richard Frankland, the trusted friend 
of the older ministers and the respected tutor of the 
younger ministers of both denominations, the movement 
for a working union of Presbyterians and Independents 
must have been one to commend itself. After some 
discussion the London ministers drew up the " Heads of 
Agreement assented to by the United Ministers in and 
about London, formerly called Presbyterian and Congre- 
gational." Dr. R. W. Dale* points out that it was a 
union of ministers alone, and that the laymen were not 
consulted. Nevertheless, there is no reason to suppose 
that they disapproved of it. A similar scheme was on 
foot in the northern counties, and Frankland was con- 
cerned in it from the beginning. In 1689 there was a 
meeting of ministers at Thomas Jolly's house, " but 
because Mr. Pendlbury and Mr. Frankland were detained 
from us wee did not what wee designed," and in 1690 
Jolly visited Frankland, the former noting in his diary 
" a speciall providence of god in ordering every cir- 
cumstance of that visitt." Though not so stated it is 
probable that these were preliminary conferences towards 
union. In 1690 there was a " meeting for union at 
Rathmell."t On 2nd September, 1691, there was a 
meeting of twenty-four ministers at Wakefield to consider 
the heads of agreement, Frankland being the senior 
minister present. Oliver Hey wood requested Frankland 
" to recommend the work on which they were met to 
the blessing of God in prayer. Then Mr. Heywood took 
the Heads of the Agreement and read them over 
deliberately, pausing at the close of each paragraph to 

* History of English Congregationalism, p. 475. 
t Jolly's Note Book, pp. 96, 98, 139. 

frankland's academy : toleration. 165 . 

give any of the ministers present liberty and opportunity 
to object. No objection was made by any person present, 
except Mr. Frankland to a few of the articles, and his 
objections were overruled. In fine they accorded in the 
terms of the agreement, with little apparent reserve of 
any dissentient opinion."* 

In 1691, and again in 1693, there was an agreement 
between Frankland and Jolly, presumably as representing 
the Presbyterians and Congregationalists respectively,! 
probably on similar lines to the London agreement. 
This agreement was read at a general meeting of ministers 
at Bolton on the 3rd April, 1693, and at the next meeting, 
also at Bolton, on the 7th May, 1694, a letter was read from 
Frankland. J 

It is not unlikely that Frankland intended early in 1692 
to settle again in Westmorland, as at the Quarter Sessions 
held at Kendal on 15th January, i69i-[2] " The house 
of James Garnett called Moss Side in Crosthwaite " was 
licensed "for Mr. Richard Franklin to preach." § 

On 9th February, 1690- 1, the Presbyterian Fund 
ordered " that £20 per annum be allowed towards the 
propagation the Gospell at Winterburne, Tosside, Star- 
bottom and Burham in Craven in Yorkshire and that it 
be left to the care of Mr. Richard Frankland to provide 
able ministers to carry on the work of the Gospell in 
those places." II We may assume that the suggestion 

* Hunter's 0. Heywood, p. 375. 

t Jolly's Note Book p. 139. 

t Add. MSS., 24485, p. 349. 

§ Westmorland County Records : Kendal Order Book, 1669-1696. Mr. 
Gordon says " Unless there is evidence of the spelling of Frankland as Franklin, 
I should hesitate about this identification, especially at Kendal, where Frank- 
land must have been well known. The name of Richard Franklin is familiar 
to me as that of a theological writer in 1675 ; but I have not traced his career. 
If the licence were in Frankland's favour, I should construe it as his intention 
to return to the Kendal vicinity ; for no one would take out a licence restricted 
to a single preacher, if that preacher were a mere bird of passage." There 
is evidence that Frankland's name was spelled Franklin {e.g., by Matthew 
Henry), and we have adopted Mr. Gordon's suggestion in lieu of our own, that 
Frankland was intending a visit to Westmorland. 

II Presbyterian Fund Minutes, i., 23. 


of this grant came from Frankland himself and that 
he carried it into effect. It was probably as one result 
of this vigorous attack from the Presbyterians that in 
1692 the clergy of Craven formally petitioned Archbishop 
Sharp to suppress the Academy. Under the Toleration 
Act the clergy had no remedy for the intrusion of Mr. 
Frankland's " able ministers " in their parishes, but a 
side attack might serve the same purpose, and they selected 
the Academy. 

Archbishop Sharp was evidently at a loss what to do, 
and consulted his brother of Canterbury, who, having 
been a Presbyterian, might be expected to know how to 
deal with such men. Archbishop Tillotson's letter in 
reply has been preserved : — 

Lambeth House, June 14, 1692. 
My Lord 

Yesterday I receiv'd your Grace's letter concerning Mr. Frank- 
land, with the copy of an address to your Grace against him. 
Yourself are best judge what is fit to be done in the case, because 
you have the advantage of inquiring into all the circumstances 
of it. If my advice can signify any thing, it can only be to tell 
your Grace what I would do in it, as the case appears to me at 
this distance. I would send for him, and tell him, that I would 
never do any thing to infringe the Act of Toleration ; but I did 
not think his case came within it ; That there were two things 
in his case, which would hinder me from granting him a licence, 
though he were in all things conformable to the Church of England. 
First, his setting up a school where a free-school* is already 
established, and then, his instructing of young men in so public 
a manner in university learning, which is contrary to his oath 
to do, if he have taken a degree in either of our universities, 
and I doubt, contrary to the Bishop's oath to grant a licence 
for the doing of it ; so that your Grace does not in this matter 
consider him at all as a Dissenter. This I only offer to your 
Grace as what seems to me the fairest and softest way of ridding 
your hands of this business. 

With my humble service to Mrs. Sharp, and my hearty prayers 

* Giggleswick GramiiiEir School in the same parish but two or three miles 
away from Rathmell. 

frankland's academy : toleration. 167 

for your health and a long life to do God and his church much 
service, I remain, My Lord, 

Your Grace's very affectionate 

brother and servant 

Jo. Cant.* 

As advised by Tillotson, Archbishop Sharp had an inter- 
view with Frankland, who himself a couple of years later, 
related the circumstances in a letterf to Ralph Thoresby, 
dated Rathmell, November 6th, 1694. 

Honoured Sir 

Yours of October 1 7th I received ; and though I have delayed 
writing thus long, yet it is but a little wherein I can well satisfy 
your request at present, and that especially, as to the altitude 
of some of our Craven Hills. According to the observations 
which formerly have been made, and which I find set down, 
the hill called Pennigent is five hundred and eighty yards per- 
pendicular height above the plains of our Rathmell Ings ; and 
the hill called f ngle-borrow is about the same height ; and these 
two are the highest hills in our country. The hill called Fountains- 
fell is about five hundred and sixty yards high ; the hills called 
Pendle-hill, and Hinkelshaw, are not much above five hundred 
yards high ; and though Pendle-hill seem as great an hill as any 
of them, yet I conceive the reason of its falling so much short 
in altitude, is from its standing on a falling ground. I might 
have mentioned some other hills, but these are the most remarkable 
in our parts. 

As to the conference I had with the present Archbishop, it 
was at two times : the former was at Skipton, where many of 
his clergy being present, would gladly have been hearers, but 
he would not suffer one of them to be in the room with us. I 
remember he began at first to be somewhat hot, but I was resolved 

* Thos. Birch's Life of Tillotson, p. 290. Also printed in Newcome's Life 
of Sharp. 

fThoresby's Correspondence, i., 171. The letter was probably in fulfilment 
of the promise made to Thoresby in September, 1694, when that gentleman, 
on his way to Cumberland to enquire into the value of the estate of a Mr. 
Salkeld, who had been proposed as a husband for Mrs. Thoresby's sister, 
called at Rathmell and was " most obligingly entertained by the learned and 
reverend Mr. Frankland." Thoresby procured from Frankland introductions 
to, amongst others, Mr. Stanley of Dalegarth and Mr. Curwen of Sella Park, 
kinsmen of Mrs. Frankland, and had with the tutor " much pleasing discourse 
with reference to his son's memoirs and other memorable transactions, he 
promised me an account of." (Thoresby's Diary, i., 265-270). 


to abate him nothing ; he told me he would not suffer such work 
to be done, as I was doing. I told him there was other work 
much more proper for him, and of far greater importance, to be 
done by him ; he asked me what it was. I told him, that as to 
the exercise of severity, he should begin at horae, with those 
of his own clergy, many of whom were scandalous, a great reproach 
to religion, and stood need to be reformed. And for other work, 
I told him, I judged it much more suitable for him to endeavour 
union and agreement amongst good men, though differing some- 
what in their notions, than to cause rents in the Church about 
such poor and trivial things as ceremonies. He granted both ; 
and after, became very moderate, and invited me to come and 
see him, and we parted friendly. There were other things we 
did freely discourse upon, but it is so long since, and the particu- 
lars so far slipped out of my memory, that I fear I cannot give 
you a just account of them, and therefore would rather refer you 
to that letter I writ to Mr. Heywood about them ; only this I 
well remember, that in general, the Archbishop did much yield 
to, and comply with what I said. 

The second conference I had with him, was at his own house 
at Bishop-thorp ; where, to answer his invitation and my promise 
I waited on him ; but he would not at all suffer, that we should 
enter upon a debate about such things as were in controversy 
betwixt us, though I did attempt it once or twice ; yet he was 
very courteous ; he earnestly pressed me for to dine with him, 
and would have sent for my daughter, who was at an inn-house ; 
but I, being much straitened in time, did at last prevail for to 
be excused. But I must view his library, take a pipe of tobacco 
with him, and drink some of his wine bottles. And when I 
took leave with him, he desired me to remember him in prayer. 
I had at that time some free discourse with him : I told I had 
observed the manner of his confirming baptized persons, at 
Skipton. He asked me what I thought of it ; I said, I supposed 
it was at first intended for admitting baptized persons to the 
Supper Ordinance, who could give a good account of their know- 
ledge and conversation ; he said it was, and that he had given 
a strict charge to the ministers to bring none before him to be 
confirmed, but such. I told him that then he was grossly abused 
by them, because the persons brought before him were generally 
ignorant, loose, and profane, and little or no means used for 
their instruction and reformation : he asked me how I thought 
this abuse might be remedied ; I gave him the best advice I 
could. He read me that petition against myself, which several 

frankland's academy : toleration. 169 

ministers had presented to him ; but seemed to give so httle 
regard to it, that he desired to be informed by me concerning 
them and their walkings, promising to keep secret what I told 
him. He said I had great friends at London, and that he knew 
them. There were other things passed betwixt us, which I cannot 
now relate, nor do I know at present where to find the Secretary's 
letter ; but it was directed to the former Archbishop.* 

That other work relating to my dear son, I should, above all 
other things, most willingly have complied with your most kind 
request in ; but when I may have ability or opportunity for it, 
I know not. Your nephew is very well ; so with dearest respects 
to yourself and Madam Thoresby, to your mother Sykes, to 
brother, and sister Wilson, I take leave, who am. Sir, 

Your very affectionate friend and servant 

Richard Frankland. 

In a postscript he added " Some things I have men- 
tioned to you, which I should not have been free to 
mention, but that I know to whom I write." 

The letter to Heywood referred to in that to Thoresby 
is dated Rathmell, August 9th, 1694.! The part relating 
to the conference with the Archbishop is as follows : — 

As to my conference with the Archbishop at Skipton, I shall 
give you this brief account : he was somewhat warm at first ; 
told me what complaints came against me ; that the course I 
took tended to perpetuate a schism in the church, and that 
therefore it was not sufferable. I told him they were fallible 
in their judgments, as well as we ; and therefore desired that I 
might fairly argue the case with him about schism, before he 
determined any thing about it : withal, I told him there was 
other work to be done, better and more proper for him, than to 
fall on us. He asked what ? I told him it was better work to 
endeavour reconciliation amongst sober Protestants, for strength- 
ening the Protestant interest, at a time when it was so much 
in danger ; and if he thought there was need of some severity, 
to begin with the correction of his own clergy : he freely confessed 
there was great need of both, and promised his utmost endeavour 
in both ; adding, that he hoped we should find him an honest 
man. I said, that candour and moderation went to make up 

* Thomas Lamplugh. 

t Thoresby's Correspondence, i., 175. 


honesty, which he readily granting, I adde^, that should he not 
exercise moderation, in respect of those good characters that 
were given of him, he would frustrate the hopes of many sober 
people. Upon this, he treated me very kindly, and desired me 
to come and see him, which I did, in part, promise ; and since 
that I waited on him at Bishopthorp, which he took very kindly, 
and acquainted me with the malignant petition drawn up against 
me, and with the number of the names subscribed and was very 
inquisitive after our Craven clergy. I told him they abused him 
as well as me, in presenting ignorant, unqualified persons to be 
confirmed by him, he seemed much troubled at it : he was very 
familiar in conference with me upon several things, but would 
enter upon no debate. I had much ado to get excused from 
dining with him ; but he going first to his chapel, though he left 
me to my liberty as to that, yet I thought it better to content 
myself with a pipe of his tobacco, and a cup of sherry : he told 
me I had many great friends at London, and at parting desired 
an interest in my prayers. 

The friendly relations, established over a pipe of 
tobacco, between the Archbishop and the Nonconformist 
tutor appear to have had little influence in saving Frank- 
land from efforts made by his enemies to strike at him 
by means of the Ecclesiastical Courts. An indictment 
against Frankland was quashed in London, 9th February, 
i6g4(-5),* and in October, 1697, a case against him was 
postponed by the Chancellor, apparently by order of the 
Archbishop of York. Frankland in these cases appears 
to have hoped something to his advantage by the pro- 
duction of the Secretary's letter, doubtless similar in 
effect to that which Lord Sydney wrote to the then 
Archbishop of York on 22nd April, 1691. This letter 
was lost or mislaid before 6th November, 1694, as has 
been mentioned in Frankland's letter to Thoresby. 
Again, writing on 14th June, 1697, to the same corres- 
pondent,! Frankland says, "As to the Secretaries letter, 

* Thoresby's Correspondence, i., 153. 

t This letter is in the possession of Mr. Thomas Brayshaw of Settle, and 
is printed in his Local repository, 1903. It had previously appeared in 
Thoresby's Correspondence, i., 286. 

frankland's academy : toleration. 171 

I despaire almost of finding it, and if I could find it, I 
think it would scarse put a stop to the malice of the 
Court at York." Calamy's statement that Frankland's 
legal troubles continued to his death is confirmed by 
Frankland's letter, dated 25th October, 1697, quoted 
on page 188. 

The petty persecution he received at the hands of the 
clergymen of the established church probably troubled 
Frankland much less than the differences between the 
two principal sections of N onconf ormists . Although alike in 
doctrine, the Presbyterians and Independents were 
diametrically opposed in their views as to ceremonies 
and church government. Each side was stubborn, 
thinking its own method not merely the most convenient 
but the one ordained by God. In April, 1691, there 
was an ordination which brough the two sects into antag- 
onism. Nicholas Kershaw, one of Frankland's pupils 
and minister in Craven, was the candidate for ordination, 
and for the convenience of Frankland's thirty-eight 
scholars who wished to be present, the ordination was 
arranged to take place not in Kershaw's own meeting- 
place but at Rathmell. This gave offence to Thomas 
Jolly, who was one of the ministers invited to take part 
in the ordination. He, as an Independent, thought that 
the minister should be ordained in the congregation in 
which he was to serve. Jolly objected also " to huddle 
up the probation, approbation, ordination and election 
in one dayes work," and to the manner in which Kershaw 
passed his examination, and was not satisfied as to the 
candidate's qualification, though Frankland testified to 
the abilities of his pupil. The Presbyterian ministers 
present, who were in a majority, answered or overruled 
Jolly's objections. Jolly and Charles Sager, who seem to 
have been the only Independents present, were tempted 
to leave the congregation in their annoyance, but having 
regard to the proposals then pending for a working union 


of Nonconformists, " let it pass and sate down peaceably, 
nor departed from the meeting neither lest wee should 
make too much nois in the countrey." But they would 
take no part in the ordination, and would neither pray 
over the candidate nor join in the laying on of hands.* 

This unpleasant affair did not permanently affect 
Jolly's interest in Rathmell, for in December, 1691, he 
was there again, and records that the Lord " much 
helped mee in mine exercise and convers at Rawthmell, 
though I was under such discouragments there formerly."! 

In November, 1692, there was a meeting at Rathmell 
to consider the ordination of David Crossley, but he, 
being a Baptist, was not thought worthy of ordination 
by either Presbyterians or Independents. 

Jolly's account of the meeting is as follows : — 

As to that business of Mr. David Crosby [sic] wee mett at Rawth- 
mell, hee had desired our advice and assistance about his being sett 
apart to the ministry, the work whereof hee had taken upon 
him too rawly and rashly, for his acquired accomplishments 
were very inconsiderable, yet had hee presumed to preach and to 
baptize also without ordination ; upon his acknowledgment of 
his irregular proceeding herein wee were ready to sett him right, 
but it then appeared that hee had fallen into further irregularity 
in being rebaptized and in joyning himself to a people of that 
perswation after hee had begun to treat with us about that matter ; 
wee were thereby taken off from being helpfull to him as wee 

The Altham and Wymondhouses Church Book mentions 
that " Mr. Crossley dealt unfairly with Pastor, Mr. 
Frankland, &c.,"§ the unfairness, perhaps, being allowing 
them to discuss his ordination when-he had placed himself 
outside the Christian tolerance of the period by being 
rebaptized. Frankland seems to have been reproached 

* Jolly's Note Book, p. 104 ; Hunter's 0. Heywood, pp. 369-372. 
t Jolly's Note Book, p. 108. 
{Jolly's Note Book, p. 115. 
§ Jolly's Note Book, p. 139. 

frankland's academy : toleration. 173 

for his share in this business, and gives his reasons for 
what he had done in the matter in a letter to Heywood, 
dated 9th August, 1694 : — * 

As to David Crossley, though I did, at his request, mention him 
in my letter to you, and also desired that the ministers would 
appoint him a time for his waiting on them ; in order to their 
having some conference with him ; yet I did not think it probable, 
that they would judge him meet or qualified for ordination ; but 
what I desired was, chiefly with respect to those poor people 
amongst whom he preacheth, whom he imposeth on, by telling 
them that he is wilhng to have a conference with the ministers, 
and to submit the trial of his gifts to them with respect to ordina- 
tion ; and, it is said, he gets much advantage in this way ; so 
that I judged that, for the ministers to deal with him, and, upon 
that dealing with him, not only to advise him, but also to signify 
to those people by letters, under their hands, what their judgment 
is concerning him, and his invading the ministerial office, might 
be a special means, divinely warranted, for keeping those people 
from being ensnared. 

On 7th June, 1693, five ministers (Roger Anderton, 
John Holland, Edward Rothwell, James Mitchel, and 
Joseph Dawson), all of them pupils of Frankland's, were 
ordained at Rathmell. The ordaining ministers were Mr. 
Frankland, Mr. Heywood, Mr. Dawson, Mr. Carrington, 
and Mr. Punshon, the two last being former pupils of 
Mr. Frankland. A year later, on 6th June, 1694, Frank- 
land took part in an ordination at Horton, near Bradford, 
when two of his pupils (Jonathan Wright and Nathaniel 
Priestley) and Accepted Lister were ordained."! 

There are hints of differences between Frankland and 
the ministers of north Lancashire, perhaps some friction 
having arisen in the working of the Agreement for Union. 
These came before the General Meeting of the Ministers 
of Lancashire on April 9th, 1695, which agreed " to 
declare that it is our desire they would, as it is our judg- 

* Thoresby's Correspondence, i., 176. 
t J. Hunter's 0. Heywood, p. 379' 


ment they ought to, compose their differences amongst 
themselves and we shall rejoyce to hear of their agree- 

At the meeting held on August 6th of the same year a 
" paper sent in from the Rev. Mr. Frankland " was 
referred to the consideration of the northern district, 
and Mr. Frankland was " earnestly desired to attend the 
general meetings if there be occasion." Perhaps in 
response to this invitation " Mr. Frankland from York- 
shire " was present at the general meeting held at Bolton 
April 14th, 1696.* 

It would appear that Thomas Jolly was the spokesman 
of the ministers of the northern district. f 

Frankland may possibly have made a prolonged stay 
in Lancashire, for on June 2nd, 1696, Oliver Heywood 
visited him in Manchester. J 

In 1696 one of Frankland's earliest pupils, Thomas 
Cotton, desired ordination, and Mr. Frankland consented 
to assist, but when the day came Mr. Frankland was 
unable to be present at the ordination, which took place 
at Northowram, 25th November, 1696. § 

Heywood says that Mr. Cotton seemed to have for- 
gotten his Greek and Hebrew by learning other languages : 
French, Italian, German, Dutch, but he prepared an 
excellent Latin thesis. Cotton had been a tutor for 
nearly twenty years, and had travelled extensively. 

* Shaw's Manchester Classis, pp. 354-356 (Chet. Soc, N.S., 24). 

t Jolly's Note Book, p. 140. 

X Heywood's Diaries, Yorkshire County Magazine, p. 14. It is possible, 
however, that there is a transcriber's error, and that it was Mrs. Frankland, 
the schoolmistress, whom Heywood visited. 

§ Hunter's 0. Heywood, p. 390. 



Richard Frankland and the " Surey Demoniack." 

IN 1689 Frankland had been one of the ministers who 
assisted in the meetings held to exorcize the demon 
supposed to have possessed one Richard Dugdale of 
Surey, near Whalley. Frankland appears to have 
attended only one of the meetings, that on 26th Septem- 
ber, 1689, and he was not one of the ministers who 
certified their belief in the demoniacal possession of 
Dugdale. Eight years afterwards, in 1697, the two 
ministers principally concerned (John Carrington and 
Thomas Jolly) foolishly issued a pamphlet, which led 
to a controversy in which Frankland's name was often 

With the controversy as a whole we have here no 
concern, but the references to Frankland are interesting 
as showing how he was regarded in his own day. 

The pamphlet which Carrington and Jolly put forward 
was entitled : — 

The Surey Demoniack, or, an account of Satans strange and 
dreadful Actings, in and about the body of Richard Dugdale 
of Surey, near Whalley in Lancashire ; And how he was dis- 
possest by Gods Blessing on the Fastings and Prayers of divers 
Ministers and People." 

Carrington was the principal worker at the prayer 
meetings which, as he thought, drove Satan out of 
Dugdale. He tells the tale of his success with an evident 
sincerity. There were many witnesses and signed affi- 
davits. Richard Frankland, Henry Pendlebury, and 
Oliver Heywood attended some of the meetings, and a 
declaration that " we whose names are subscribed, being 


ministers of the Gospel ... do verily believe the 
Truth of the same (affidavits) and that the strange fits 
of the said Dugdale were by a diabolical Power," was 
signed by Thomas Crompton, Peter Aspinwall, John 
Crompton, John Parr, Samuel Angier, Nathaniel Hey- 
wood (whose name is misprinted " Nicholas Haywood "), 
Samuel Eaton, and Nathaniel Scoles. Several of these 
ministers had been at Frankland's Academy, and all 
were well-known Dissenters. The " Surey Demoniack " 
is interesting as showing how recently educated men 
believed in the doctrine of satanic possession. 

This pamphlet was followed by " The Surey Impostor: 
being an answer to a late fanatical pamphlet, entitled 
' The Surey Demoniack.' By Zach. Taylor, A.M.," 1697. 
Zachary Taylor, though the son of an ejected minister, 
had conformed and was Curate of Wigan and Chaplain to 
the Bishop of Chester. He had evidently no belief in the 
satanic possession of Richard Dugdale, whom he thought 
to be, as was probably the case, an epileptic, if not an 
impostor. He dedicates his work to the various ministers 
concerned with the remark " the discovery of this cheat 
is dedicated to you, gentlemen, not that it seeks your 
patronage, but your Reformation." Dugdale had spoken 
Greek and Latin. Taylor, after showing his inaccuracy, 
remarks : — 

But I wonder that the learned Academick Mr. Frankland, and 
Mr. Sagar,* the so much commended Pasdagogue (out of Ignorance 
am I to say, or Neghgence) suffer such a palpable piece of Knavery, 
and Nonsense to appear in the World under the Approbation and 
License, of their Names. 

Taylor's indictment was followed by a " Vindication 
of the Surey Demoniack," published in 1698, in which 
Thomas Jolly explained that some of the errors mentioned 
by Taylor were those of the press, and disclaimed re- 
sponsibility for himself and the other ministers : — 

* Charles Sager, of Blackburn. 


I am not, neither are my Reverend Brethren accountable, 
neither for the Typographical Errors, nor for those Mistakes 
that were in the uncorrected Copy ; which, through I know 
not whose weakness, is printed : The same I must say for my 
Reverend Brother Mr. C. S. [Charles Sager] who many years 
ago was deservedly commended, chief Master of the free-school 
in Blackburn, as Mr. T[aylor]s Father was at Ratchdale. 

As to my Reverend Brother, the truly Orthodox and Eminently 
Learned Academick, Mr. R. F. he was but once at the Surey, 
nor so much as once did see the Narrative (that I know of) that 
is printed, as it's printed, before it was printed. 

In 169S appeared " The Lancashire Levite rebuk'd : 
or, a vindication of the dissenters from Popery, Super- 
stition, Ignorance, and Knavery, unjustly charged on 
them by Mr. Zachary Taylor in his book entituled, ' The 
Surey Impostor.' In a letter to Himself. By an Im- 
partial Hand." The author, who has not been identified, 
joins Taylor in condemning Mr. Carrington's " Phansies, 
and I doubt, unwarrantable Colloquies : " and is " griev'd 
that he hath expos'd himself in so many insignificant 
Fopperies, foisted into his narrative," but he takes 
Taylor severely to task for his treatment of Mr. Frankland 
and Mr. Sager. 

And as for the other Gentlemen you call Assisters at the Im- 
posture, you with such impudent scorn treat some of 'em in 
your Book, as if they were such diminitive Underlings as were 
fit for nothing, but to be trodden under foot. What an Astonish- 
ment will this be, when it is known who these are ? And what 
it is for, that these Men are expos'd ? One is the Learned 
Academick, Mr. R. Fr. as you call him in Scorn, as if he were 
some freshman to be hissed at by your Seniority : but he is 
better known in the Nation than to be ridicul'd by any, but 
such as Envy his Learning and Usefulness. 

A second pamphlet with the same title has two other 
casual references to Frankland : — ■ 

Obj. Again, you are about it, and about it ; and say. Hark 
my Friend, are not your Divisions Unchristian ? Do not your 
Conventicles make a Division ? and so are Schismatical : for 
these are both one. 



Sol. Here's Learning, to puzzle Dissenters ; but I dare 
venture it with some of the Lower Classes in Mr. Frank. Academy 
to Answer ; will he not presently say, Syllogizari non est ex 

2 I have been told, (but not learned it from Mr. Frankl.) 
that the Popish Worship is Idolatrous. j 

Zachary Taylor's next contribution to the controversy, 
" Popery, superstition, ignorance and knavery," 169S, 
contains the following paragraphs, in which Frankland 
is mentioned : — 

But the Man still goes on, and would gladly know, What they 
[the Surey ministers] are to be blam'd for ? I have told him 
oft enough, but yet he enquires further, Is it for Fasting 
and Prayer ? p. 9. His own Conscience told him that was not 
the thing ; yet for all that, he will go on : They did believe 
He {viz. Rich.) was possess'd. p. 9. And upon ihis Supposition, 
what could be done otherwise ? Why, abler Divines ought to 
have been consulted, and more Discretion used. But what 
means my Friend, when he makes their Supposition to be the 
Ground of their Devotion ? This is but odd Divinity, and 
surely Mr. Fra . never taught it him ; for the Consequence of it 
is, that if the Supposition be false, the Worship is Superstition : 
The Quakers, with all the other Spawn of Fanaticks, the Papists 
themselves not excepted, may justifie themselves on this Principle, 
that Credulity and Supposition is a sufficient Ground of Worship, 
[p. 6.] 

The next Charge that I am made unjustly to lay against Dis- 
senters, is that of Ignorance ; . . . I charged them either 
with Ignorance or Neghgence ... in not discerning the 
Numerical Quota 600, in the Devils pretended Greek Commission, 
that was figured in Arabick Cyphers, to argue a Cheat. And 
I cannot yet abate one Syllable in my Charge, let my Friend 
value his Academick and Arch-pedagogue as he pleaseth. As 
for the rest, my own Learning, I am like to be content with 
it, nor need I envy the Academick whilst I have such a Stock 
as will enable me to discover his Slips. 

But, my Friend, I heartily pity your Learned Academick 
and Arch-pedagogue, that have chosen such a Person as you 
to be their Advocate ; for had they never betray'd their Ignorance 

* Lancashire Levite rebuk'd, Second letter, 1698, p. 10. 
t Lancashire Levite rebuk'd, Second letter, 1698, p. 23. 


before, they have now made it manifest to all the World ; for 
I have an Indictment against you my Friend, for the same Crime. 
I call it in you a Crime, which I did not in them, because yours 
must be an affected Ignorance ; and go ask your Academick 
if he reads but Ethicks to his Pupils, whether even there he 
doth not find such Ignorance as this, condemn'd for Guilty . . . 
But Goodman Friend, pray tell me what you call them that 
make God to be Content, with whatever comes next to their 
Tongues end ; that will not be at the Pains to Compose a sober 
Form of Worship for him, but too often Foam out their 
own Shame, and yet are not ashamed to Entitle it to, but will 
needs have God admit it, for the Groans of his Spirit ? To close 
this Head, if these be the lofty Notions your Academick infuseth 
into his Disciples, I thank God I have no Reason to envy his 
Learning, [pp. 12-15]. 

I read thus. Brethren, if a Man be overtaken in a Fault, ye which 
are spiritual restore such an one in the Spirit of Meekness, con- 
sidering thy self, lest thou also be tempted, Gal. 6. i. I will not 
reflect upon my Friend, tho' if he be a Man named to me, 'tis 
supposed he is as much as the Scotchman interested in the Lenity 
of this Canon : But I will give him some Lines of a Letter, 
which was also sent to me since my Answer went for the Press. 
/ hear (saith my Correspondent) from pretty good Hands, that the 
Academy in the North have the first Blessing of God upon Man 
among them. Gen. i. 28. Neither he nor I can yet say, this is 
true, tho' in a short time we possibly may give my Friend a better 
Account of it : But if it be found true, pray tell me, will you 
admit the Criminal to Ordination, or will you not ? If, let him 
repent never so sincerely, your [sic'] resolve that you will not, I 
must ask you from St. Paul, in the Case aforesaid, Whether you be 
not Ignorant of Satan's Devices, v. 11. If you do, pray what hath 
the Bishop of Chester done, that your selves, in the same Cir- 
cumstances, will not do ? But I remember what my Friend 
saith, / see One may better steal a Horse, than Others look over 
the Hedge, p. 5. [p. 27.] 

Frankland's reputation as a scholar is not imperilled 
by errors in a book he never saw, but his share in the case 
of the " Surey Demoniack " might easily be taken as 
evidence that he believed in demoniacal possession. To 
the divine of that period there was nothing even im- 
probable in demoniacal possession. Zachary Taylor was 
far in advance of his time. 


Frankland as Author. 

IT is as a teacher that Frankland deserves to be remem- 
bered, for he pubhshed httle, perhaps for the reasons 
indicated by Samuel Palmer : — * 

I presume 'twill be allow'd, that in less then ten years after that 
Revolution [The Blessed Restoration], our condition wou'd not 
permit us to breed any scholars to a capacity of publishing much 
to the world, and by the time our Youth cou'd be suppos'd 
capable, the Church took care to find somewhat else for 'em to 
do ; The fire was continual and without intermission upon us, 
by oppressing our schools, imprisoning our tutors, and dispersing 
our pupils ; the fury of our enemies omitted nothing that cruel 
laws stretch'd by the perfidy and malice of the executors cou'd 
inflict upon us ; our own houses were not secure against spies, 
informers, and persecutors, our papers .were, to be sure, a sacrifice, 
and let the subject they contain'd, be what it wou'd, it was in 
danger to be sworn heresy, phanaticism, or treason : And Mr. 
Wesley himself owns, that his tutor was forc'd from his country, 
and his pupils left to teach one another ! These were comfortable 
circumstances indeed for a man to philosophise upon to hinrself ; 
but very indifferent incouragement to spend the necessary 
support of our life in libraries and printing to oblige the world ! 

In 1696 and 1697 Frankland was engaged in writing 
his only book, and two letters connected with it have 
been preserved. The first, which bears no address, was 
evidently intended for Oliver Heywood, and is preserved 
in the British Museum : — | 

Rathmell March ist 169 If. 
Revnd. dear Brother 

I now send you my manuscript ; not a new copy of it 
as I intended, but rather the former, yet Renewed in such parts 

* Vindication of Dissenters, 1705, p. 27. 
t Add. MSS. 4275, No. 95 (fo, 225). 



as Stood most in need of it ; w^'' I thought would be better then 
to have got it wholly writ over anew, unlesse I had more time 
for overseeing and correcting it. As it is, I wholly commit it 
to you, and to the honest Stationer your Neighbour, yet humbly 
requesting of you (w^ y" freely promise) that you will adde a 
p>^face to it. That a blesseing may attend your endeavours 
about it, and all your worthy endeavours in the Church of God, 
And that this Work of mine how mean soever in respect of its 
Author ; Yet as designed in defence of the Glory of our Great 
God, Father Son and Spirit, against a scoffeing Adversary ; May 
find Acceptance ; Shall be the earnest prayer of 

Your ever endeared Brother and 

Servant in our Lord 

Rich: Frankland. 
We all give o'' dear respects 
to y self and all yours. 

The next letter was addressed to Ralph Thoresby : — * 

Rathmell Jun: 14 97. 
Most dear Sir 

It doth much rejoyce me whenever I receive a few lines 
from you, though I can scarcly get time to return one to you. 
I hope my manuscript about the Trinity with dear brother Hey- 
wood's preface to it, is got printed by Frank: Bentley of Halifax 
stationer but it is not yet come to hand, for if I had it I would 
have sent it to you. I am much troubled at what you write, 
as to Mr. Hey wood's decay in health. Oh, how desireable were it, 
if God saw it meet, that such a burning light were spared yet. 
As to the Secretaries letter, I despaire almost of finding it, and 
if I could find it, I think it would scarse put a stop to the malice 
of the court at York : in other things you mention, I should be 
be glad to answer your desires, if ever God give me opportunity, 
who am, dear Sir, 

Your truly affectionate friend and servant. 

Rich: Frankland. 

The book was published in 1697, and is a reply to a 
plea for moderation towards disbelievers in the Trinity 
which had been published in 1694 by a clergyman of the 
Church of England, or, as Frankland hints, by one 

* Thoresby's Correspondence, i., 286, We give a facsimile of this letter by 
kind permission of Mr. Thomas Brayshaw, who possesses the original. 


professing to be a clergyman. It is a small quarto of 
sixty-two pages, entitled : — 

Reflections | on at Letter | Writ by a | nameless Author | to 

the I Reverend Clergy of both Universities, | And on his | bold 

reflections | on the | Trinity, &c. | 

By Richard Frankland. | 

London : 1 Printed for A. & J. Churchill, and sold by F. Bently | 

Bookseller in Halifax, 1697. I 

The book is exceedingly scarce, only four copies being 
known to Mr. Gordon. One of these is in the posses- 
sion of Mr. Thomas Brayshaw, of Settle, to whose courtesy 
we are indebted for an opportunity of a leisurely ex- 
amination. Mr. Aspland described it as " from first to 
last harsh and intolerant," but a perusal does not suggest 
to us that it is any worse in this respect than the 
average theological controversial work of that period. 
The best friend of theology cannot claim that its con- 
troverted points have always been discussed in the most 
polite and tasteful manner. So it is not surprising to 
find Frankland flinging at his opponent such elegant 
phrases as " blasphemous invectives," (p. i) " Idle vain 
discourse," " a gross and abominable untruth " (p. 2), and 
" does it not argue then the Author to be guilty of the 
vilest Sophism and Deceit ; yea, such as is more suitable 
for the Devil, the Father of Lyes, than for any fair 
Disputant " (p. 10). Frankland's " proofs " are for the 
most part drawn from the Bible, of the verbal inspiration 
of which he was as, might be expected, a believer : — 
" Are they the Words of any other Trinitarian, save of 
Moses, Gen. i. 26 the infallibly inspired Penman of that 
Book, or rather of the blessed Spirit himself, as speaking 
by Moses? " (p. 36), and " the divinely inspired Evan- 
gelist " (p. 40). Frankland's own position in the con- 
troversy may be gathered from the following passages : — 

I shall freely confess here, we could not at all have gone thus far 
by the Dim Light of our own Reason, nor could so much as 


have thought on, much less, have asserted a Trinity of Persons 
in the Unity of Divine Essence ; but when we have the great 
and ever-blessed God going before us in the infallible Revelation 
of sacred Scripture, and assuring us, that there be Three that 
bear Witness in Heaven, and that these Three are One ; that 
himself as Father, did, before the World was, and from Eternity, 
beget the Son, in the Form of God, and equal to himself ; that 
the Holy Ghost, in like manner, is God, proceeding and sent 
from the Father and Son ; we can now safely follow God, and 
improve sanctified Reason to the getting of true and right notions 
about this sublime Mystery, and for Defence and Vindication 
of it, and dispelling the Mists of those vile Aspersions and feigned 
Contradictions, black-mouth' d Hereticks would fasten on it ; 
and we can as truly tell the Author, that however this Mystery 
be a very high Mystery, yet it is not (as he would perswade) 
wholly unintelligible, but that we may have true Ideas of the 
Father begetting, and of the Son's being begotten, and of the 
Holy Ghost's proceeding from Eternity, (p. 13.) 

And here I would demand of the Author, either to shew us the 
way wherein infinite essence doth this, seeing it's undenyable 
that it must be different from this of finite Beings ; or else give 
us some pregnant Reasons, why it may not do it by terminating it 
self upon it self, with the aforesaid reflex acts, or else ingenuously 
confess, that a Trinity of Persons, or which is the same, Father, 
Son, and Spirit in one and the same singular divine Essence, is 
not only clearly reveal'd in the written Word, but is likewise 
very fully consistent with true Reason and the Light of Nature, 
as elevated and improved by divine Revelation ; and that he 
hath greatest Cause to be humbled, for his bold blasphemous 
Oppositions to, so great and clear a Truth. . . . But I must 
tell the Author, that the whole of this his Discourse and Reasoning, 
is full of Confusion, Deceit and Error, and might, at least, in 
Part, have been rectified by himself, had he been well vers'd in 
sound Philosophy, and if he had but assented to some common 
Maxims granted by learned Men. (pp. 18, 19.) 

The Three Divine Persons according to the Doctrine of all 
orthodox Trinitarians, are not divided Beings, Minds, Natures, 
Essences, but one and the same most pure and simple divine 
Being, Mind, Nature, Essence, with three distinct relative 
Properties, which do not so much as make any real Composition 
in that one glorious Being, and yet are true Relations arising 
from their proper Foundations in that one most simple immense 
Being, as he may easily understand, from what hath been said, 


if he have a Mind to be informed ; and so he might have satisfied 
himself, that it contradicts no Idea of ours at all, that one divine 
Person does the very same numerical Action another does. 

(P- 38.) 

Only thus much I must mind the Reader of, that in the whole 
of this Discourse, I have not medled at all with Dr. Sherlock, 
or those of his Party who assert that the Persons in the Trinity 
are Three distinct infinite Minds or Spirits, and Three individual 
Substances ; And whom this Author stiles real Trinitarians : 
These I confess have given too just Occasion of Offence and 
Scandal to all Sober Christians, who do not stand in need of 
such Weapons for Defence of the Trinity against the Extreams, 
either of Arius on the one hand, or of Sabellius or the Unitarians 
on the other ; for seeing, I find, these justly censured by those 
learned and worthy Persons — The Vice-Chancellor, and Heads 
of the Colleges and Halls in Oxford in their Decree of Novemb. 
25, A.D. 1695. I do fully acquiesce therein, (p. 51.) 

The Dr. Sherlock to whom Frankland refers was 
Wilham Sherlock, Dean of St. Paul's, who m 1691 pub- 
lished a " Vindication of the Doctrine of the Trinity." 
In vindicating the doctrine of the Trinity Sherlock had 
laid himself open to the charge of Tritheism, as rank 
a heresy as Socinianism, but he remained to his death 
a dignitary of the Anglican Church. Frankland had, of 
course, no sympathy with Arianism and Socinianism, 
and it is one of the ironies of fate that the congregations 
served by his pupils should, within the life-time of one 
of them, have become the nursing places of the " heresies " 
Frankland deplored. 

A preface was contributed to Frankland's " Reflec- 
tions " by his friend Oliver Hey wood. 

On Thursday morning, March nth, 1696-7, Oliver 
Hey wood records in his Diary " having sought God I 
writ a preface to Mr. Frankland's treatise against a 

It is significant of the scarceness of Frankland's book 
that its preface by Heywood was quite unknown to the 

* Yorks. County Mag., 1893, p. 17. 


editor of Hey wood's " Works," to his biographer, Joseph 
Hunter, and to Mr. T. S. James, who, in his " Presbyterian 
chapels and charities " (p. 202), states that Hey wood 
" shows no apprehension of Arianism or Socinianism, 
which he certainly would have done had he perceived 
any danger of it, since he expressed so much concern 
when a point of Calvinism was called in question." 
The preface written by Heywood occupies five pages, in 
which is summarized the history of unorthodox views 
of the divinity of Christ from the first century to the 
seventeenth. Of the expounders of these views, he says : 
" Some of them came to astonishing Ends, by the just 
Judgment of God, and some by the sentence of Men, as 
Servetus at Geneva, A.D. 1652." Heywood was pained 
by there being a Unitarian controversy in England. 
" Surely 'tis a thousand Fifties that in England, a Goshen, 
a Land of Light, where the Gospel-Sun hath shined in 
its Meridian Splendor, such black Fogs should rise out 
of the bottomless Pit as to darken our Horizon." Of 
the author and the book he was introducing Heywood 
informed the reader that 

This is the Attempt and Design of the ensuing Treatise, which 
was put into my Hands by a very reverend and dear Brother, 
whose Praise is in the Gospel, who is better known to the World 
by the successful Fruits of his indefatigable Labours, sounding 
viva voce, than by legible Characters in Scripture, having spent 
much Time and Strength in his peculiar Province, with much 
Advantage to the Church of God : His Learning and Capacity 
elevates him above his Fellows, so that he needs no Epistle of 
Commendation from me or any other Person ; his own Works 
praise him in the Gate, and in the Consciences of many thousands ; 
nor doth any (pruritus scripturiendi) Itch of appearing in Print, 
prompt him to this Undertaking, but purely a Zeal for God, his 
Cause, Truth, and Glory, and the preventing of young Students 
being poisoned with Soul-destructive Errours, that have edged 
his upright Soul, and moved his Able Hand to this uncouth 
Undertaking : It's true, the Manner of handling this Subject 
is something abstruse and intricate ; for the Subject is high and 


profound, and above the Reach of ordinary Capacities ; but I 
hope it may give some Satisfaction to the learned and ingenuous 
Reader, and that tliis and all other Helps Polemical and Practical, 
may be of Use to the Church, is the Prayer of 

Thy Soul-Friend 
March ii ■ OH. 


A little of Frankland's leisure in the last few months 
of his life was occupied in copying recipes into a book 
which his daughter Margaret acquired on 4th June, 1697. 
In this book the first twenty-nine recipes are in one hand- 
writing, and were evidently completed before 4th Novem- 
ber, 1697. Afterwards the hand-writing varies with 
almost every entry, but Richard Frankland's neat 
hand-writing is easily recognizable in the recipes entitled 
" Mrs. Tonstall's Lip-salve," " The true receipt of ye 
Countess of Kent's Powder," and " How to make ye 
best Gaskin Powder." The last recipe may be quoted, 
as it is possibly enough the last thing he wrote apart 
from the signature to his will. Down to " The Jelly 
must be made thus " is in the venerable tutor's hand- 
writing, the remainder in that of another person. 

How to make y^ best Gaskin Powder 

Take ye black tips of Crabs Clawes being taken in y^ month 
of June, beat y'» and searse y™ in a fine Tems to soe fine a 
Powder y' it will melt in your mouth, y" take 4 ounces of this 
Powder one ounce of Pearle and half an ounce of Curril beat 
and searse y" in y" same mann"^ and half an ounce of Leaf Gold 
ground with a little loaf Sugar mix all well togather and make 
this Powder into a pretty stif Paste w"> y^ Jelly, then take ye 
4th Part of this Paste and work it on a trencher soe fine that 
when it is out there is not one eye to be seen, then make it into 
bals of what bignes you please, lay them on pye plates and set 
in the stove to drye turning them every day. 

The Jelly must be made thus 

Take 14 viper Skins cutt them into peecis about an inch long, 
boyl them in a quart of Carduas water over a Charcoal fire till 
it come to a gyll or less of licquor, you must be carefull you boy[l] 
itt not too dry, then strain it from the skins into a clean new 


pipkin, then give itt another boyl with a htle musk and amber- 
grease tyed in a bitt of mushn and 10 or 12 spoonfull of red rose 
water, with a Htle of the best saffron steeped in itt all night ; 
when you have strained your jelly putt itt in. 

Of Frankland's continued interest in Nonconformist 
affairs we have a glimpse in a letter, dated 9th April, 
1698, from Oliver Heywood, who writes " I have redoubled 
solicitations from Mr. Frankland to put us on, in York- 
shire, in addressing the King."* This was probably in 
connection with the prosecution of Joshua Oldfield for 
teaching without a licence. After much trouble the 
proceedings against Oldfield were dropped " not without 
intimation from his Majesty, (upon his having the state 
of the case laid before him,) that he was not pleased with 
such prosecutions."! Calamy remarks that " Mr. Frank- 
land's case was parallel to this, only went much farther, 
for he was excommunicated." 

* Heywood's Works, i., 437. 
t Calamy's Abridgement, p. 553. 



Frankland's Death, Will, and Family. 

FRANKLAND'S life was now drawing to a close. 
In the following letter* he mentions his indif- 
ferent health : — 

Octob'^ 25, 97. 
Rev'i and dear Brother 

Your comfortable letter together with your litle 
Book (w;'' treating on a subject so suiteable for me, renders it 
very p'cious to me) I have received ; and do heartily thank you 
for them both : And now in Answer to the Queries you propose, 
I say, In reference to the state of my Body, I have been afflicted 
with Gravel and Wind, caused chiefly as I suppose through 
bad digestion, for most part of a year, and which do yet Continue, 
and are (esp : at some times) very painful and troublesome : 
What the lord designs to do by Theise, as whether by means 
of them more speedily to cut off ye Thread of a poor Toilsome 
afflicted life, or whether onely to try me for a season, and ith 
mean time to inable poor nature not onely to wrastle with them 
but to get fro under them at length, for my part I cannot yet 
see ; But This I am sure of, The providence is an Awakening 
providence, And question not but is designed by a gratious wise 
father for blessed ends, — -even to bring my great chang more 
nearly within view and to p'pare me for it. And its not ye least 
Comfort to me, that I am sure to be helped in this with your 
prayers. As to your 2"^ w' I have done about y'' sp: [iritual] Court 
I can now inform. That on Tuesday last I had a letter fro Mr. 
Squire my proctor, w^^ Certifies That at y<? last Mich. Court, 
My Case was put off by y'' Chancellor himself, till y'^ Thursday 
after Andrew day, y^ last day of y*^ Tearm, so thinks They intend 
no further proceeding. And he Conceives This was by Order 
fro y= Archbishop. I have in this new experience of Gods Kind- 
nesse to me and desire that as this and ye like mercies have 
been bestowed through ye prayers of many, so thanks may be 
given by many on my behalf As to y'' 3d W;' your litle Kinsman 

* Add. MSS. 4275, No. 96, fo. 226. 


doth, I must say, He studies hard, and makes good improvement. 
As to y"^ last I have received nothing for him as yet fro my Lords 
executors, but have procured for him aft . . . three pounds 
ith half year, or (about) 61 a year, wc" I hope will be continued 
for his time : but I suppose it may be Xmas at soonest before 
we receive y= first half year, and then we shall endeavour to let 
y'' know more exactly w' it comes to ; I will use my best en- 
deavour to procure more for him. As to yr school I fear I can 
do yo litle servise, Heres an honest mans son one Shaw, who 
would be glad of such imployment, But I fear he will be too soft 
and Bashful, and if y" have schollars forward in learning, I 
doubt he may be short in point of sufdciency : Yet if for want 
of one more able y« be minded to make tryal of him, upon y'' 
least hint fro y^ we shaU send him. So with our dear resp^^s 
and servise to y"' self, wife, and sons : I take leave who am 
Your very dear Brother and servant 

Ri: Frankland. 
[Addressed :] For the Rev'd M'' Ohver 

Heywood at Northouram nigh Halifax. 

Frankland was able to take part in an ordination at 
Rathmell on 26th May, 169S, when nine of his pupils 
were set apart for the ministry,* The Academy then 
had no fewer than fifty scholars. On the first of October, 
1698, Frankland died at Rathmell. 

Dr. Clegg, one of Frankland's pupils, j thus describes 
his last days : — 

1698. In October following the great and good old man Mr. 
Frankland died of the strangury, | or a universal decay. He 
read Lectures to us till the day before his death in his bed. I 
saw him depart ; he committed us all affectionately to God, and 
died in great peace. § This was a wide breach ; now we are left 

* Dukinfield Register, L. and C. Hist. Soc, xxxiii., 182 ; Hunter's O. Heywood, 
P- 395- 

t Diary, p. 22. 

X Calamy says " in the latter part of his life, he was afflicted with the stone 
and strangur}', and various other infirmities, which he bore with an exemplary 
patience." Ace, p. 287. 

§ In his life of Ashe (p. 54) Dr. Clegg gives additional particulars : — I can 
never forget the Manner and Frame in which he left the World, being one 
of the numerous, and sorrowful Flock, that then stood about his Bed. His 
last Breath was spent in taking leave of us, and most solemnly and affec- 
tionately recommending us to the Favour of God, and to the Conduct of the 
great Shepherd. 


as sheep without a Shepherd. I was sent to desire Mr. Chorlton 
of Manchester to preach his funeral sermon which he did from 
Mat. 28. 20. In that journey I was in great danger by the Rivers 
which were raised by the heavy rains. Mr. Chorlton was desired 
to take the charge of the Academy, but declined it. Afterwards 
others were proposed, as Mr. Lorimer, Mr. Tong etc. but none 
was fully agreed on, and the young men began to drop away, 
some to one place and some to another, and so that Academy 
fell. Mr. John Owen had been assistant to Mr. Frankland 
sometime before his death and was I think with him then* ; a 
man of great piety, a serious fervent preacher who was of great 
use to many, but his time was short, he did not long survive 
Mr. Frankland, but died [27 June 1700] in Wales. I think Mr. 
Chorlton after repented that he did not accept the call to Rathmel 
when he met with so much uneasiness in Manchester. 

Frankland was buried on 5th October at Giggleswick, 
the burial register reading " Richardus Frankland de 
Rathmell Cler: quinto die Octobris. A mural tablet to 
his memory is still on the wall of the south aisle. The 
monument is of black marble with plaster ornaments, 
very similar to one in Kirkby Malham Church to the 
memory of the son of General Lambert of Calton, in whose 
house Frankland's Academy found refuge for a short 

The inscription is : — 

H. M. 

Richardo Frankland, A.M. 

Ex celebri Franklandorum de Thurtlebe 

In agro Eboracensi gente, 

Connubio vero stabili 

Juncto uni ex filiabus 

D. Sanderson de Hedley hope in Agro Dunel : 

viro Optimo, et ab optimis Dilecto. 

Theologo Venerando Pio, 
Philosopho ad excogitandum Acuto 

* O. Heywood, writing to Thoresby 7th November, 1698 (Correspondence, 
i., 335), says, " Mr. Owen stays till Christmas." On the igth of the same 
month Heywood visited Owen at Rathmell (Diaries, Yorkshire County 
Magazine, 1893, p. 20). • 

t Brayshaw's Notes on Giggleswick Church, pt. i, 18S5, p. 14. 

Hunt Bros.'] 



FACE P. 190. 

frankland's death, will, and family. 191 

Ad explicandum Felici 


Bene merente Posuere 


(Fratribus eheu, ante Parentes defunctis 

vixit An : 67. Mens. 11. ob. An .^rae Xtian. 


John Chorlton, who preached Frankland's funeral 
sermon, was one. of his old pupils. He was minister of 
Cross Street Chapel, Manchester, and for a few years 
conducted an Academy in that town. Considering the 
fondness of our ancestors for funeral sermons it is curious 
that Chorlton's sermon on Frankland was never printed,* 
though Mrs. Frankland wished it to be.f It was evidently 
circulated in manuscript, and was read by Oliver Hey wood, 
6th January, 1701-2.:!: 

Frankland had made his will a few days before his 
death. The following abstract is from the registered 
copy at York (Ixii., 127). 

Richard Frankland of Rathmell parish of Giggleswick co. Yorke. 
Master of Arts. 27 September 1698. — first committing my 
whole selfe spirit soule and body to the gracious acceptance of 
the great and blessed God thro' the [word omitted] of my 
Redeemer — 

I discharge my brother in Law Mr. Robert Banlvs and Margaret 
his wife from all Claims for tabling the said Margaret my sister 
for about seaven or eight years. § 

* Hunter's 0. Heywood, p. 396. 

t In 1699 Oliver Heywood, writing to Thoresby {Correspondence, i., 365 ; 
Works, i., 439), said " Some draughts of Mr. Frankland's life are designed 
to be printed with his funeral sermon, preached by Mr. Chorlton. I have 
helped what I can, yet doubt nothing worthy of him, he having left us no 
memoirs under his hand." In January, 1701-2, Heywood was evidently 
collecting material for a life of Frankland, perhaps that which appeared in 
Calamy (Diaries, iv., 293). 

J Diaries, iv., 290. 

§ The sister named in Frankland's will was the wife of the Rev, Robert 
Banks of Beck Hall. She was buried at Giggleswick 5th April, 1700, as 
" Margareta Banks de Rathmell." Her son, the Rev. Robert Banks, who 
is also named in the will, was Vicar of Trinity, Hull, and a Prebendary of 
York. Another son, who was also remembered by Frankland, was Joseph 
Banks of Sheffield, who eventually settled at Revesby Abbey, Lincolnshire, 
was a member of Parliament, and founder of a family which attained a 
baronetcy in the person of Sir Joseph Banks, President of the Royal Society. 
(Burke's Extinct Baronetcies). 


I discharge my nephew Mr. Joseph Banks of Sheffield in refer- 
ence to my said Sisters tabUng provided he release to me all such 
goods as lately belonged to my said brother Banks which were 
granted by my said Brother to the said Joseph towards the 
maintenance of my said sister : after such release to my exors, 

1 give 

20/- to said Brother Robt. Banks and 

;^4 to sister Mrs. Margaret Banks his wife and 

5/- each to said nephew Joseph Banks, his wife and two 

To Nephew Mr. Robert Banks of Hull and his children 10/- each. 

To Anne Jacks wife of Richard Jacks of Longcliffe and daughter 
of William Browne of Rathmell deceased 20/- and to each of her 
sons viz' — Richard and Matthew 6/8. 

To Mary Browne of Rathmell daughter of the said William 
Browne £2i ^-nd to Jane her daughter 6/8 

;^20 which I owe Richard Shaw of Blackhouse at Martinmass, to 
be paid. 

To Servants. — -John Swinglehurst 20/-, Richard Anderson 30/-, 
John Waddilove £2,, William Swinglehurst ;^3, Jane Currer 30/-, 
Francis Beckett 40/-, Easter Eadon 10/-, William Simpson, 
Jane Ogden and Ellin Richardson 2/6 each. To the Overseers 
of poor at Rathmell and Giggleswick ;^io. 

Upon the first Lords [sic) in May yearly two wise sermons 
of wise sober and vertuous learned men, one at Stainton Kendall 
or Crooke and the other at Attercliffe or Rathmell or if that 
meeting fail the same then to be preached at Pasture house or 
to that Congregation now under Mr. Kershaw or where my 
executors think most convenient, and for every sermon the 
preacher to have 6/8. 

To Wife Elizabeth my watch, gold ring, one good bedstead 
&c. and £^0 per annum for her life to be paid by my 3 daughters 
Elizabeth, Mary and Margaret. 

To Eldest daughter Elizabeth £\o over what I give to my other 

2 daughters. 

Residue — including my messuages &c. in Rathmell and 
Giggleswick — equally unto my 3 daughters but only to marry 
with consent of my supervisors viz* — John Hay of Pasture house, 
CO. York yeoman, Henry Strickland of Stainton co. Westmoreland 
yeoman, Wm. Thornton of Birks co. Lane. yeom. and Richard 
Walmsley of Rathmell co. York yeoman : 

If said daughters marry without such consent, 40 marks to be 
deducted from her portion at pleasure of such supervisors. 

frankland's death, will, and family. 193 

3 said daughters Elizabeth, Mary and Margaret to be executors 
(sic) 10/- each to said supervisors. 
Witnesses : — John Owen, Peter Peters, Christopher Weatherend 
(No Probate in Vol. 1698-9.) 

Mrs. Frankland survived her husband and died " at 
York a httle before Christmas," 1706.* 

Frankland's children were : — 

(i) John, born 13th August, 1659, f entered the 
Academy 3rd May, 1678, died 19th June, 1679, J ^.nd 
was buried at Kendal Parish Church 20th June, 1679. § 

(2) Barbary, II born i6th April, i66i,|| at Bishop 
Auckland, buried 5th August, 1662, at Giggleswick. 

(3) Elizabeth, baptized 25th August, 1664, at Giggles- 
wick. She married . . . Hill of York and died at 
York 20th June, 1739.** 

(4) Richard, baptized 30th September, 1666, at 
Giggleswick, entered the Academy 13th April, 1682, 
died of small-pox and was buried at Sheffield 4th May, 
1689. He was a young man of great promise, and of 
so edifying a life that in 1694 his father contemplated 
writing his biography, ff One of his letters is printed 
in Thoresby's Correspondence, i., 76. 

(5) Samuel, baptized 8th June, 1668, at Giggleswick, 
buried at Kendal 21st March, 1682-3. ^ In the Church- 

* None. Reg., p. 240. The D.N .B. says that she was buried 5th January, 
1691, but though " Elizabetha uxor Ricardi Frankland de Rathmill " was 
buried 5th January, 1690-1, at Giggleswick, we take this lady to have been 
the wife of the other Richard Frankland of Rathmell. It is just possible 
that the Rev. Richard Frankland was married twice, and each time to a 
lady named Elizabeth, but we have found no evidence for it. Oliver Hey wood 
corresponded with " Mtris Frankland, Craven" in 1700. (Diaries, vi., 
225, 227). 

t D.N.B., following the Bishop Auckland register. 

% Heywood's Diaries, ii., 264. 

§ Parish Register. 

!l It has been suggested [Cong. Hist. Soc. Trans., iii., 21) that she was named 
after Mrs. Lambert of Calton Hall, but it is more likely that she was the 
namesake of Mrs. Barbara Sanderson, Mrs. Frankland's mother. 

H D.N.B. 

** None. Reg., p. 326. 
• tt Thoresby's Diary, i., 265. 

%X Parish Register. 


warden's Accounts is the entry " Re& for Cloth for 
Mr. Frankland son of Natland £o is. 6d." 

(6) Mary, married 19th June, 1699, to " Mr. ... a 
souldicr,"* a marriage which was regarded as a " sad 
providence " by Rothwell. Dr. Clegg, who does not 
mention her marriage, says she died of small-pox, appar- 
ently soon after her father, f 

(7) Margaret, baptized 13th September, 1672, at 
Giggleswick, was married there, 19th June, 1701, to 
" Samuel Smith of York, gent.," and was buried 22nd 
September, 1718.J Her husband, to whom she was 
second wife, was a grocer and a leading Nonconformist 
in York, being one of the gentlemen nominated by Lady 
Hewley in 1709, to manage her hospital at York.§ He 
died I2th January, 1732. 

A grandson and a great-grandson of Samuel Smith 
and Margaret Frankland, were each twice Lord Mayor 
of York. Mary Anne Smith, daughter of one and sister 
of the other Lord Mayor was the wife of Richard Price 
of Highfields Park, Sussex, and her daughter and heiress 
was the wife of David Haig of Lochrin and mother of 
James Richard Haig, F.S.A., J.P., of Blairhill, Co. Perth, 
whose descendants are recorded in Burke's Landed 
Gentry. Amongst them is Mrs. Alexander Stuart of 
Lochrin House, Edinburgh, who has obligingly com- 
municated some facts relating to her ancestors. 

Of the characteristics of Frankland's children we know 
little. One of the sons (John) was the strongest man 
of his age about Natland and excelled all the scholars 

* Rothwell's Note book. Inquirer, 1904, p. 628 ; Nonconformist register, 
p. 51. 

t On 28th August, 1701, "Maria uxor Charoli Harries de Ratlimell " was 
buried at Giggleswick. Maria being the Latin form of lier name and tlie 
date agreeing with that suggested by Dr. Clegg, it may be that this was Frank- 
land's daughter. A son of Charles Haries had been baptized on 5th July, 

X None. Reg., p. 261. 

§ T. S. James's Presbyterian Chapels and Charities, p. 232. 


in physical exercises. Dr. Clegg's reminiscences of the 
daughters suggest that they were bright and attractive 
girls, if somewhat frivolous. Did they not tempt the 
young scholar from his serious studies by conversing 
with him and leading him to " read Poetry and Novels 
and such like trash " ? But Margaret, at any rate, 
developed proper house-wifely interests, as is evidenced 
by the book in which she wrote down or caused to be 
written down some cookery recipes.* The dishes are 
for the most part of an elaborate kind, and afford us no 
clue as to the diet of the students in the Academy. It 
may be that now and then, for a treat, the young meri 
were allowed to taste the dishes prepared by Mistress 
Margaret, for after the recipe of Mrs. Liddell's orange 
pudding is written " But ye proof of ye pudding is in 
eating D.H. Nov'^'^ 4"^ 97," and the initials and the date 
correspond with Daniel Hawkins, who had entered the 
Academy a few months earlier. 

After Frankland's death, Clegg was minister of the 
small congregation at Rathmell and also Chaplain in the 
family of his old tutor, but having " no persons of 
learning or ingenuity to converse with," he got, so he 
says, into bad company. f 

* Now in the possession of lier descendant, D. P. Haig, Esq., of Flemington 
House, Invernessshire, who kindly lent it to us. It is referred to in a previous 
chapter (p. 186). 

t Clegg's Diary, pp. 23, 24. 



Frankland's Character and Portrait. 

MR. CLEGG'S charming estimate of Frankland has 
already been quoted. Other references to Frank- 
land show the high esteem in which he was held by his 
contemporaries and the ministers of the following genera- 

Calamy says of Frankland : — 

He was an eminent Divine and acute Metaphysician. A solid 
interpreter of Scripture ; very Sagacious in discovering Errors, 
and able in defending Truth : Witness his valuable Piece in 
print against Socinianism. He was one of great Humility and 
Affability. No very taking, but a substantial Preacher. Few 
convers'd with him, but they respected and valu'd him. He 
was a Man of great Moderation, very liberal to the Poor, studious 
to promote the Gospel in all Places, and good in all Relations. 

His contemporaries regarded his death as "a very 
great loss to the Church of God," to use Samuel Angler's 
expression.* Oliver Heywoodf says " another of our 
worthies lately departed, Mr. Richard Frankland, that 
famous tutor in Academic studies that has had three 
hundred pupils under his tuition." William Tong refers 
to him as the " reverend and learned Mr. Richard 
Frankland J" and Dr. John Evans, one of his pupils, 
wrote a poem on his death. § 

In 1722 Benjamin Bennet, referring to Frankland as 
" Mr. Franklin," says " a worthy and pious Person, that 

* Dukinfield register, L. and C. Hist. Soc, xxxiii., 182. 

t Thoresby's Correspondence, i., 338. A fuller testimony by Heywood to 
Frankland's worth appeared in the preface to Frankland's Reflections, and has 
already been quoted {Ante, p. 185). 

X Tong's M. Henry, p. 201. 

§ Jolly's Note Book, p. 140. 


never published on any other Subject, that I have heard 
of, thought fit to exercise his Metaphysical Genius on 
this Head," the subject of the generation and procession 
of Jesus.* 

In his sermon on the death of John Gledhill, preached 
in 1728, John Barker referred to " the excellent Mr. 
Franklin, who was so happy as to train up many very 
worthy Persons for the work of the ministry, "f 

Mr. Gordon has stated^ that " Jollie's Academy drew 
a much finer and more varied set of men than Frank- 
land's," but in any comparison of this kind we should 
take into account the fact that Frankland's Academy 
was for much of its time under persecution, while Jollie's 
was during the time of Toleration. 

His great courage is proved not only by his frankness 
with King, Bishop, and Archbishop, but by the fact 
that for nearly thirty years he conducted an illegal 
Academy in defiance, all the time, of the ecclesiastical 
courts and for most of the time of the laws of the land. 
That he was either quite devoid of worldly ambition, 
or kept it in strict subordination to his conscience, is 
shown by his calm refusal of Bishop Cosin's offers. His 
tolerant spirit is evidenced by the variety of the religious 
connections of those who were educated by him. 

Presbyterians, Independents, and Churchmen were all 
amongst his scholars. That he was not tolerant of the 
Socinian " heresy " is probably due to the spirit of the 
time and to his own age when the subject became pro- 
minent. Heresies of all kinds are usually most readily 
accepted by younger men. But a man working, as 
Frankland did, with a motto like Libera terra, liberque 
animus (A free land and a free mind) , § taught his scholars 

* Irenicum, p. 84. 

t Barker's Sermon on John Gledhill, p. 33. 

X Manning's History of Upper Chapel, Sheffield, p. 38. 

§ The motto of the Franklands of Thirkleby. 


to think and enquire, and the result in another generation 
or two was that the Socinian and even more heretical 
views pervaded the churches. What was said of Dr. 
John Evans* — " He enlarged his views of several things 
beyond those of his education, as sincere and inquisitive 
minds often see reason to do," might be said of others 
of Frankland's scholars. A pupil of Frankland's, who 
removed to Mr. Chorlton's Academy at Manchester and 
who read anti-Trinitarian literature while there, con- 
fessed that " he could never after be entirely reconciled 
to the common doctrine of the Trinity, "f 

Isaac Worthington, who entered the Academy 1691, 
became an Anti-TrinitarianJ ; and doubtless others were 

So little being known of Frankland's personality, it is 
fortunate that a portrait of him has been preserved. It 
is in Dr. Williams's Library, and our reproduction is 
from a photograph of the original oil-painting. The 
artist is unknown, but we may hazard a guess that it 
was painted by Mrs. Frankland's brother, Thomas 
Sanderson of Hedley Hope, Esq. (died 1695). He was an 
artist as we learn from his will, by which he bequeathed 
" to Mr. Joseph Forster all my painted pictures, and all 
my materials and instruments relating to the arts, except 
all pictures painted by myself." § There is a modern, 
and not very good, copy of the portrait in Mansfield 
College, Oxford. It was painted by G. E. Sintzenich 
and is reproduced in Bryan Dale's Yorkshire Puritanism. 

* Dr. Wm. Harris's Funeral Sermon for Rev. John Evans, LL.D., 1730. 

t Clegg's Diary, p. 23. 

X Wallace's Antitrinitarian Biography, iii., 602. 

§ Surtees' Durham, ii., 343. 



John Issot. 

JOHN ISSOT, who was Frankland's assistant at 
Natland, was a son of Edward Issot of Horbury, 
near Wakefield, who was buried 26th February, 1 680-1, 
aged 62.* The Issots were at this time staunch Non- 
conformists. Several of them are mentioned by Oliver 
Heywood, and the name occurs frequently in the Horbury 
registers, but John's baptism does not appear therein. 
Mr. Bryan Dale, in his posthumous Yorkshire Puritanism 
(p. 85), assumes the identity of Frankland's assistant 
with the Mr. Izott who, in 1662, was ejected from Nun 
Monkton, but this seems very improbable. Frankland's 
assistant was not ordained until 1678, and was then a 
" young " man, and the contemporary of Heywood's 
sons, whereas the ejected minister must in that year 
have been at least 40, even if he were only 24 when he 
was ejected. 

A number of Issots were, in 1669, indicted for not 
attending the parish church, | and in 1672 Mr. John 
Issett, junior, took out a licence as a teacher at the 
house of his father, Mr. John Issett, in Horbury, J being 
described as a Congregationalist. Frankland's assistant 
must have been much younger than the licensed minister 
of 1672, who is very likely to have been the ejected 
minister of 1662. § 

Issot entered Frankland's Academy on 20th February, 
1673-4, and eventually became " Frankland's assistant 

* Heywood's Diaries, ii., 143 ; iii., 164. 
t Bryan Dale's Yorkshire Puritanism, p. 85. 
% Lyon Turner's Original Records, p. 332. 

§ The Christian name of the ejected minister of Nun Monkton is not known 
to the present incumbent. 


in preaching and teaching."* In July, 1678, he was 
ordained by Frankland, O. Hey wood and others. OHver 
Heywood gives a long account of the ordination, which 
we have quoted in our notice of Frankland. f He was an 
" able serious young man," and it is evident that Heywood 
had a high opinion of his abilities. Very soon after his 
ordination he became minister of the society meeting 
at John Hey's in Gisburn parish, and in February, 1680-1, 
was before the justices, apparently merely as a witness 
in connection with the death of a young woman who 
had been seduced by a servant at the house where Issot 
lodged. This " grievous scandall " troubled Oliver 
Heywood much more than the details he records seem 
to justify. " A sad rebuke," he says, " it is god knowes, 
and it humbles them, and hope I will doe them good, 
tho a sad rebuke under their circumstances."! 

In August, 1681, he took part in the ordination of John 
Heywood, Oliver's son.§ 

On I2th January, 1687-8, he died. Thomas JoUy, 
who describes him as an " able faithfuU young minister 
of Christ," says his death was " a sad blow and loud 
sermon to Craven." || He was buried at Marton, January 
17th, 1687-8.^1 It does not appear that he was married. 
The family remained connected with Horbury for several 
generations, and one of its descendants is the well-known 
Yorkshire antiquary, Mr. John Lister, M.A., J. P., of 
Shibden, whose ancestor, John Lister, of Shibden, married, 
in 1699, Mary, daughter of William Issot of Horbury. 

* Heywood's Diaries, ii., 195. 
t Ante, p. 143. 
t Heywood's Diaries, ii., 278. 
§ Heywood's Diaries, ii., 21. 
II Jolly's Note Book, p. 88. 
T[ Heywood's Diaries, ii., 150. 



Persecution Renewed. 

ALTHOUGH it was soon withdrawn, King Charles's 
Declaration of Indulgence had a considerable in- 
fluence on Nonconformist history. It encouraged the 
Nonconformists in the hope that toleration would come 
soon, and it showed the magistrates which way the King 
was inclined. 

For its effect on the Nonconformists we have the 
evidence of Sir John Reresby, a Yorkshire magistrate : — * 

1672 Mar. 15. The King did issue out his proclamation for the 
indulgence of tender consciences. This made a great noise not 
only in the succeeding Parliaments (where at last it was reversed), 
but throughout the kingdom, and was the greatest blow that 
ever was given, since the King's restoration, to the Church of 
England ; all sectaries by this means repairing publicly to their 
meetings and conventicles, insomuch that all the laws, and care 
of their execution, against these separatists afterwards, could 
never bring them back to due conformity. 

Although so generally accepted by the Nonconformists, 
the Declaration of Indulgence was not approved either 
by them or the members of the Church of England, 
being regarded as an unlawful stretching of the royal 
prerogative. When Parliament met it made short work 
of the Declaration, forcing the King to cancel it on 8th 
March, 1672-3. Henceforward no fresh licences were 
issued, but those who had obtained licences continued 
for a time to preach. 

The magistrates were in a quandary, knowing not 
how to act for the best, anxious to carry out the laws 

* Memoirs, p. 86. 


against Nonconformists, but still more anxious not to 
offend the King by prosecuting those whom he had 

On ' 13th September, 1673, Mr. James Bellingham of 
Levens wrote to Fleming asking for advice. " They 
are here about us conventicalling, and Mr. Wilson and 
selfe is at a stand what to doe. You have heard it 
often, a word to the wise, but now a word to the foolish 
would be acceptable."* 

On 2oth November, 1673, the King made an Order 
in Council for the suppression of popery, and for a brief 
space the magistrates directed their attention to that 
form of dissent, and the laws against Protestant Dis- 
senters were in abeyance, and the magistrates were in 
doubt what to do, as appears from Daniel Fleming's 
letter to Sir John Lowther, dated 24th April, 1674 : — j 

Yours I have lately received, and I shall here give you as full 
an answer as I am able ; since I cannot waite of you at your 
next sessions at Appleby, and I want the advise and assistance 
of the Justices here in the barony of Kendall. We in this part 
of the county, haveing noe publicke directions how to act against 
Dissenters, save his Majestie's proclamation for suppression of 
Popery, dated the 20th Nov last past, in pursuance of the same 
wee issued out our warrants here in the Barony, requiring the 
constables and churchwardens to returne us at our next Quarter 
Sessions a perfect schedule of the names of all Papists and Popish 
Recusants, and of all persons suspected to be soe. 

As concerning our other sects of Recusants I thinke we shall 
not further meddle with them at our next Quarter Sessions, 
then to give the lawes against them in charge ; since I believe 
the Constables and Churchwardens will not returne us their 
names, and the Statute 3 Jac. 4 will not reach them for not 
receiving the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper. As for I2d. a 
Sunday if you shall think fit to put that law in execution against 
them I should thinke it may be better done by every single 
Justice within his division, according to the Statute 3 Jac. 4 
then by all the Justices at a Quarter Sessions ; however in this 

* Fleming Papers, p. 103. 
t Fleming Papers, p. 109. 


and all other things of pubhck concerne, I thinke the Justices 
on this side will endeavour to follow your examples as near as 
we can. I thinke it unreasonable to expect that any Grand 
Jury should find any indictment without oath, unlesse it be 
upon their own knowledges. As for the Statute 35 Eliz. it is 
a very smart law, and will reach I thinke, all Non-conformists ; 
but whether you'le put it in execution against them, I submit 
to your better judgment. I have not heard what the Justices 
have done in Lancashire, being not at the last Assizes, nor doe 
I believe that they have done much yet against the recusants. 

Sir John Lowther replied on April 28tli, 1674 : — 

I have received your letter, and submitted it to the Justices. 
They approve, and have resolved to proceed against those who 
absent themselves for one month, under the Statute of 23 Eliz., 
which is in general terms, and not confined to popish Recusants. 
The fine is 20s. for the month. 

In the same year the Nonconformist congregation at 
Natland felt themselves in a sufficiently secure position 
to ask Richard Frankland to become their minister and 
to settle there with his Academy.* The security was 
short lived. On 3rd February, 1674-5, an Order was 
made in Council, and was enforced by a Declaration 
dated 12th February, 1674-5, aimed entirely against the 
Roman Catholics, excepting for one section, " And lastly, 
We appoint, That care be taken for the Suppression of 
Conventicles, hereby Declaring, That all Our Licences 
were long since recalled : and that no Conventicle hath 
any Authority, Allowance, or Encouragement from Us." 

An immediate local result of this Declaration was that 
on March 27th, 1675, a warrant against recusants and 
conventicles was issued to the High Constables of Kendal 
and Lonsdale wards. The names of offenders were to 
be returned to the Sessions on April i6th.f At the 
sessions named a long list was presented of persons who 
had not repaired to church on March ist. The list does 

* Ante, p. 122 

\ Fleming Papers, p. ii8. 


not include residents in Kendal itself or in Kirkland, 
and cannot be taken as a complete record of the Non- 
conformists of Kendal parish. Even for the chapelries 
it covers it is probably more complete as a list of Quakers 
and Roman Catholics than of Presbyterians and Inde- 
pendents. The list, such as it is, is perhaps worth 
printing. We have slightly re-arranged it from the county 
records.* The names from Beetham and some other 
neighbouring parishes are omitted here : — 


Alan Phillipson, gent. 

Peter Bateman, husbandman. 

Miles Bateman, waler. 

Dorothy Bateman, spinster. 

John Thompson, yeoman, Agnes, his wife. 

Rebecca Thompson, spinster. 

Sarah Thompson, spinster. 

Richard Birkett, yeoman. 

Richard Croudson, husbandman. 

Miles Birkett, yeoman, Jane, his wife. 

Mary Harrison, spinster. 

Margaret, wife of Nicholas Wilson. 

John Faucett, husbandman, and Jane, his wife. 

Anthony Simson, yeoman. 

Robert Simson and Mary, his wife. 
Firbank [Kirkby Lonsdale parish]. 

Helen, wife of Royland Atkinson. 

Dorothy Nicholson, spinster. 

George Wharton, yeoman, and Agnes, his wife. 

Jane Newby, spinster. 

Robert Nicholson, yeoman. 

William Toogood, yeoman, and Agnes, his wife. 

Agnes Eskrigg, widow. 

George Walker, yeoman, and Ellen, his wife. 

John Mitchel and Marian, his wife. 

Robert Shaw, yeoman, and Elizabeth, his wife. 

Anthony Shaw, batchelour. 

* Kendal Indictment and Order Book. 


Mary Shaw, spinster. 

Tabitha Williamson, widow. 

Marian Birkett, wife of Stephen. 

Anthony Duckett, esquire. 

Anthony Borwick, yeoman. 

James Washington, yeoman. 

Elizabeth Browne, spinster. 

Bartholomew Gilpin, yeoman. 

Peter Meser [Moser], cordwainer. 

William Fairer, yeoman. 

Martin Simson, yeoman. 

John Dickinson, yeoman. 

James Rowlandson, yeoman. 

John Beck, yeoman, and Sarah, his wife. 

Elizabeth Simson, spinster. 

Thomas Grave, yeoman, and Jane, his wife. 

Isabel Salkeld, spinster. 

Margaret Grave, spinster. 

Miles Grave, yeoman. 

Bridget Hale, spinster. ' 


Thomas Couperthwait and Marian, his wife. 

Barbara Bateman, spinster. 

Dorothy Bateman, spinster. 

Anne Bateman,* spinster. 

Anne Wilson, widow. 

Agnes Story, spinster. 

Isabel Gardner, widow. 

Elizabeth Ward, widow. 

Henry Postlethwait, yeoman. 

Margaret Story, spinster. 

Richard Blacklin, yeoman. 

Sarah Wilson. 

John Warriner, yeoman. 

Thomas Gardner, yeoman. 

Marian Rowlandson, widow. 

John Atkinson, yeoman, and Rebecca, his wife. 
Long Sleddale. 

Reginald Harrison and Jane, his wife. 

♦ The surname is crossed out. 


Nether Staveley. 

Nicholas Seward, yeoman, and Agnes, his wife. 

Rowland Seward. 

William Elleray, yeoman. 

John Briggs, yeoman. 

Jane Mackreth, spinster. 

Isabel Mackreth, spinster. 
Old Hutton. 

John Thompson, yeoman. 

John Atkinson, yeoman. 

Mary Ambros, spinster. 

Edmund Whittwell, yeoman, and Agnes, his wife. 

Margaret Dawson, wife of Gabriel. 

Alice Waugh, spinster.* 

William Louinde, yeoman, and Margaret, his daughter. 
Over Staveley. 

John Nealson [sic], yeoman. 

Sarah Nelson, spinster. 

Thomas Hodgson, yeoman. 

Christopher Hodgson, yeoman. 

Agnes Hodgson, spinster. 

William Muckeltt, yeoman. , 

Alice Harrison, spinster. 

Richard Stephenson and Agnes, his wife. 

Rowland Stephenson, yeoman, and Elizabeth, his wife. 

Anthony Stephenson, yeoman, and Jane, his wife. 

Laurence Bateman, yeoman, and Elizabeth, his wife. 

Margaret Wilson, spinster. 

George Thompson, yeoman. 

Roger Borwick, yeoman. 

Anne Leyburne, wife of George. , 

Frances Leyburne, spinster. 

Peter Mewson, gentleman, and Jane, his wife. 

John Pickering, yeoman, and Anne, his wife. 

Robert Stephenson, yeoman, and Ahce, his wife. 

Anthony Garnett and Marian, his wife. 

Elizabeth Piatt, widow. 

Marian Piatt, Catherine Piatt, spinster. ' , 

Francis Baines, yeoman. 

* In 1658 Jane Waugh, spinster, was committed to Kendal prison for dis- 
turbing divine service at Old Hutton Chapel {Cal. S.P. Dom., 1658-9, p. 164).. 
The family was evidently Quaker. 


Agnes Harrison, widow. 

Margaret Haleheard, wife of Henry, yeoman. 

Anne Stephenson, wife of Anthony. 

Isabel Nicholson, widow. 

Margaret Beck, spinster. 

Anne Layfeild, spinster. 
Stainton [Heversham parish] . 

George Crosfeild, yeoman, and Mabel, his wife. 

John Wilkinson and Margaret, his wife. 

Miles Bateman, yeoman, and Mary, his wife. 

John Pepper, yeoman, and Mary, his wife. 

James* Mastew, yeoman, and Dorothy, his wife. 

Miles Halehead, yeoman. 

Miles Hubbersty, Yeoman. 

Thomas Cowper, husbandman, John Cowper, his son, 
Dorothy, his daughter. 

Isabel Hurler [?], widow. 

Margaret, wife of Matthew Hodgson. 

Walter Nicholson, yeoman, and Ehzabeth, his wife. 

James Dennison, yeoman. 

Agnes Hellme, spinster. 

Catharine Hellme, spinster. 

Robert Wilson, yeoman. 

John Pewley, yeoman, and Elizabeth, his wife. 

Edmund Pauley, yeoman. 

Elizabeth Hellme [Holme], widow. 

Thomas Ward, yeoman. 
Whitwell and Selside. 

William Thorn eburrow, gentleman. 

James Thorneburrow, gentleman, and Mary, his wife. 

Frances Thorneburrow, widow. 

Robert Atkinson, yeoman, and Margaret, his wife. 

Thomas Garnett, yeoman, and Dorothy, his wife. 

Margaret Atkinson, spinster. 

Jane Atkinson, spinster. 

Thomas Ayray, yeoman, and Phillis, his wife. 

William Simson, yeoman, and Elizabeth, his wife. 

James Cornes, yeoman, and Jane, his wife. 

* Written in Latin " Jacobus." Possibly his name was Jacob. 


In the following year the justices were again sending 
out their warrants for the " return of recusants and 
non-conformists to be legally proceeded against," and 
Mr. Fleming wrote, on March 31st, 1676, to Mr. Nelson 
asking him to let them have " an honest and understanding 
jury," by which we suppose he meant one that would 
convict. One of the advantages of the jury system is that 
it has, on occasion, shielded those who wilfully broke 
unjust laws and probably Fleming was in fear of such 
a jury acquitting the recusants and Nonconformists, 
even if, as would probably be easy enough, their crime 
of not attending church was proved to the hilt. The 
Churchwardens' Presentment Books* for 1677 contain 
a list of Quakers presented for this crime, but no other 
Nonconformists appear to be mentioned. 

Kendal had by this time become a centre of con- 
siderable interest to the Nonconformists. Several of the 
older generation of the Nonconformist ministers had sons 
under Mr. Frankland's care, and all were interested in 
the Academy, where their successors were being educated. 

In 1678 the condition of the local Nonconformists was 
perhaps improved by the death of Sir Philip Musgrave, at 
the age of 80. As a magistrate, he had pervaded Cumber- 
land and the north of Westmorland. Despite his great 
age, his activity continued almost if not quite to the 
end of his life. At "jj he was, we are told, able to ride 
93 miles in two days and a half, and then to be so little 
weary as to go riding for pleasure the next day.f 
Musgrave was an ally and, to some extent, a rival of 
Sir Daniel Fleming, whose sphere of influence was the 
Barony and North Lancashire. 

Fleming, who probably appeared as a persecutor in 
the eyes of the Nonconformists, was apparently looked 
upon as being lukewarm in that duty by the more 

* In the Chester Diocesan Registry, 
t Cal. S.P. Dom., 1675-6, p. 196. 


strenuous Musgrave, who, in February, 1675-6, writes : 
" If a strict account be given of Justices whose zeal 
for the Church has made them proceed to put in execution 
the laws against the enemies of it, the number in this 
county would be small, and fewer in the Barony of 
Kendal."* When Fleming was in the persecuting frame 
of rnind he had the moral support of Sir Philip, whom 
Oliver Hey wood describes as "a great persecutor,"! 
which is also the judgment of John Banks, the Quaker, 
who mentions " one Phillip Musgrove . . . called 
a Justice, an old Persecutor. "j On the other hand, 
James Raine§ says " he was as good a Christian as he was 
a brave soldier." 

It was certainly Musgrave's duty, as a magistrate, to 
see that the Nonconformists complied with the law, and 
he cannot justly be described as a persecutor merely 
on that account. But he carried his opposition to the 
Nonconformists much further than his office compelled 
him to do. He employed men to get up evidence against 
them, agents provocateurs in fact, and the Quaker records 
accuse him of unnecessary harshness to the " culprits " 
who came before him by reason of their religious con- 
victions. On the whole, we are more inclined to accept 
Heywood's opinion of him than Raine's. 

Musgrave's own sufferings and losses during the Civil 
War and the Commonwealth had been considerable, 
and he seems to have been not unwilling to pay off old 
scores. As a member of Parliament he seems to have 
conceived that his first duty was to the King, rather than 
to his constituents. 

In justice to the local " persecutors " it should be 
stated that they were often urged on by the Government, 

* Cal. S.P. Dom., 1675-6, p. 573. 

t None. Reg., p. 56. 

} Banks's Journal, p. 13. 

§ Depositions from York Castle, p. 105. 


and it is not unlikely that without that urging they would 
have been quite willing to leave their neighbours in 

On January 24th, 1679-80, the Lords of the Privy 
Council wrote to the Clerk of the Peace in Westmorland 
urging the justices to enforce the laws against Recusants. f 
The Fleming papers do not show any immediate result 
of this pressure, but Daniel Fleming received a reward 
for his zealous performance of his magisterial duties, 
being knighted by King Charles IL at Windsor Castle 
on 15th May, i68i.:|: 

In 1680 Parliament had considered, without en- 
thusiasm, a measure in favour of comprehension, but 
the Bill was dropped. More successful was a Bill for 
releasing Protestant Dissenters from the penalties of 
the Act of 35 Elizabeth, which actually passed both 
Houses of Parliament, but disappeared in some mysterious 
manner before it could be presented to the King for the 
royal assent. § 

These attempts to ameliorate the condition of the 
Dissenters were due to no growth of tolerance, but to 
an increased fear of Rome. The Church and Parliament 
realized that with Protestants divided the Roman 
Catholics might, indeed had, become a danger to English 
liberties. Early in 1681 the fifth and last Parliament 
of Charles IL was dissolved, and for the remainder of 
his reign the King was an autocrat. Nevertheless, he 
held put hopes of frequent parliaments, and in the summer 

* An incident showing tlie unwillingness of some of the authorities to 
put in force the laws against Nonconformists occurred in 1684. The parson 
of Kirklinton in Cumberland having notice of a conventicle required the 
constables and churchwardens to suppress it. They refused, and he com- 
plained to Mr. Warwick, a magistrate, and desired a warrant against them 
tor their neglect, but could not oljtain it. So the parson swore an information 
against the magistrate for his neglect of duty. Mr. Warwick's explanation, 
that the matter was not mentioned to him, scarcely carries conviction with 
it. (Fleming Papers, p. 195). 

t Fleming Papers, p. 165. 

J Shaw's Knights of England, ii., 255. 

§ Dale's English Congregationalism, p. 441. 


of 1681 the London Gazette was filled to overflowing by 
the loyal addresses of grateful subjects giving the King 
thanks — for nothing. 

In the " humble address of Your Majesties most Loyal 
and most Obedient Subjects, the Mayor, Recorder, 
Aldermen, Common Council and Commonalty, of Your 
antient Burrough of Appleby,"* give thanks to the 
King for his promise of frequent parliaments and his 
promise to use his " utmost Endeavour to extirpate 
Popery," and sundry other promises. So grateful are 
they that they believe themselves obliged, " by all 
the Ties of Duty and Gratitude," and " do humbly 
tender at your Majesties Feet, our Lives and Fortunes, 
in defence of your Majesties Sacred Person, Crown and 
Government, against all those Your Enemies who shall 
endeavour to subvert that Government, and Religion 
of the Church of England (the best in the Christian 
World) as it is now established by Law, and which Your 
Majesty hath hitherto piously Preserved, and most 
graciously declar'd constantly to Defend." 

Good Churchmen and loyal were the Mayor 'and 
Corporation of Appleby, nor were their brethren of Kendal 
far behind. A mere extract wiU not suffice for the Kendal 
address. We must quote it at length : — 7 

May it please your most Sacred Majesty, 

We your Majesties truly Loyal and Obedient Subjects, the 
Mayor, Recorder, Aldermen and Burgesses of your Majesties 
Borough of Kirkby- Kendall in the County of Westmoreland, 
do in all humilety (as in duty bound) desire to present our most 
grateful, but most just Sence of Your Majesties late most Gracious 
Declaration ; in which, as we cannot but admire your Majesties 
extraordinary Condescention in communicating to all, even the 
meanest of Your Subjects, the great reason of Your Actions ; 
so are we infinitely obliged by those renewed Assurances of 
Your Majesties constant Adherence to the wise and wholesome 

* London Gazette, July 25-28th, 1681. 

■\ London Gazette, August 29th — September ist, 1681. 


Laws already established for our common welfare both in Church 
and State ; and are heartily glad to see the same so kindly 
received, and so thankfully resented in so many Loyal and 
Dutiful Addresses, with which we do most sincerely and chear- 
fully joyn ; Heartily Declaring, that we who have experienced 
Your Majesties great Clemency and Benignity towards the most 
fro ward of Your Subjects (those mistaken Men, who will not 
understand how perfectly their particular Good is involv'd in 
the publick ; Who by your Majesties Fatherly Tenderness and 
Pity, are made happy even against their Wills) We that have 
felt the blessed Fruits of Your Majesties most profound Wisdom, 
Care and Conduct in a secure Peace ; while our Neighbors abroad 
do yet groan under the dismal mischiefs of War and Devastations. 
We that daily find the great benefit of our established Laws 
in the true Liberty of our Consciences, to worship our God accord- 
ing to the Offices of the best Church in the world ; and in the 
comfortable enjoyment of all the effects of our Civil imployments 
and personal Industry should account our selves unworthy of 
those Lives and Fortunes which by these means we enjoy, should 
we not faithfully imploy them in the Service of Your Majesty, 
Your lawful Heirs and Successors ; should we not with our 
utmost Powers endeavour that Your Person be as truly Honoured 
as it is Great ; and Your Government as easie to Your Self, as 
it is beneficial to us. 

This Declaration of our hearty Sense, as we humbly intreat 
Your Majesty to accept, so we faithfully promise that all our 
future actions shall make good, and by manifesting the sincerity, 
shall somewhat recompence the slowness of it. In which Resolu- 
tions we subscribe our selves, having caused our Common Seal 
to be hereunto affixed, this 6th day of August, in the thirty third 
year of Your Majesties Reign, which God long continue ; Thus Pray 
Your Majesties Loyal and Obedient Subjects. 

Kendal was slow,' a month after Appleby, in its address, 
but what it lacked in promptness it made up in humour. 
The sentences referring to the Dissenters " those mis- 
taken men " and " the true Liberty of our Consciences " 
are delightful. 

In 1681 the King, much against his will, charged the 
Justices of Middlesex to put the laws against Popish 
Recusants into execution, and in December* supple- 

* London Gazette, December i2-i5th, 1681. 


mented this charge by commanding the Lord Mayor 
and Aldermen and the Justices of Middlesex, and else- 
where, " to use their utmost endeavours to suppress all 
conventicles and unlawful meetings upon pretence of 
religious worship," His Majesty declaring, "it is His 
Express pleasure, that the Laws be effectually put in 
execution against them, both in City and Country." 
What local effects of this there may have been, we do 
not know. 

In the following year came an opportunity to the 
local governing bodies to show their attachment to 
King and Church. An " Association " for preventing 
the accession to the throne of the Duke of York, a Roman 
Catholic, was discovered and was made the occasion of 
many loyal addresses to the King. 

The number of these addresses is so great, and their 
loyalty so pronounced, that we may be quite safe in 
assuming them to have been sent in response to a request 
from the Government. The " loyalty " may be taken 
with a grain of salt, but the addresses are of interest as 
indicating the official view of Nonconformity at the time. 

Two addresses found their way from Westmorland : — 

To the Kings most Excellent Majesty. 

The Most humble Address of His Majesties Justices of the 
Peace, and of the Gentlemen of the Grand Inquest for the County 
of Westmorland, at the General Quarter-Sessions of the Peace 
holden (by Adjournment) for the said County, at Kendal, the 
28th day of April, Anno Domini 1682. 

Great Sir 

We Your Sacred Majesties most Loyal and most Obedient 
Subjects, being very sensible of the great happiness which we 
and all Your Subjects have enjoyed ever since Your Majesties 
most joyful and most wonderful Restauration, by which our 
Religion, Laws, Liberties, and Properties were miraculously 
rescu'd from the great Prophaneness, Violence and Oppression 
of such Persons who pretending indeed Zeal and Tenderness of 
Conscience, pull'd down some Churches, turn'd others into 
Prisons and Stables, Fought against. Imprisoned, and at last 


most barbarously Murthered their Sovereign Lord, Your Majesties 
Father of Blessed Memory, Plundered, Sequestered, Decimated, 
and killed many of their Fellow-Subjects, contrary to the known 
Laws of God and this Kingdom ; and we having too much reason 
to suspect that divers restless wicked men are still endeavouring 
to Ruine the Established Government in Church and State by 
instilling into the minds of many, Principles of Rebellion, and 
leading them into Plots and Treacherous Conspiracies, as appears 
by the subtil insinuations of the late most Seditious Association, 
are overjoyed that your Majesty is so well informed of their 
Designs and Actions ; which we hope will render ineffectual all 
their Rebellious and Fanatical Contrivances. 

Then follow protestations of loyalty, and this apology 
for not having sent the address earlier : — 

And we the Inhabitants of this County do earnestly desire and 
chearfuUy hope. That our being thus slow in Declaring according 
to our Duty, shall be excused ; we being so remote, and having 
no Lent-Assizes, and likewise conscious of our having been 
ever truly Loyal to the King and Church of England, since very 
few or no Gentlemen among us were engaged for the Rebels in 
the late War.* 

The address from the Corporation of Kendal is inter- 
esting. The Corporation who suspected a revival of 
the Commonwealth as the ultimate aim of the Association, 
gave a smart rap at the plea for liberty of conscience, 
" a liberty which themselves would never allow to others," 
and hinted to the King that the borough ought to return 
members to Parliament. Curious is the fact that in 
this formal document the borough is given its colloquial 
name of Kendal instead of its proper name of Kirkby 

To the Kings Most Excellent Majesty. 

The Humble Address of the Mayor, Recorder, Aldermen, and 
Burgesses of the Corporation of Kendall in the County of West- 

* London Gazette, May 25-29th, it 


Dread Sovereign, 

When we reflect upon the late intended Association, (which 
by Your Majesties great Wisdom was so timely discovered and 
prevented) we can never sufhciently detest and abhor the per- 
nicious Designs of those Catilines who were the Authors or 
Abetters of that Conspiracy, wherein it is apparent, that the 
Dethroning of Your Majesties Sacred Person, and Posterity, and 
the Subversion of the present Government, was the only Object 
of that Fanatick fury, which heretofore could not be appeased, 
but by the Bloody Sacrifice of Your Royal Father of blessed 
Memory, and by turning the best of Monarchies into Confusion 
and Anarchy : And though an Ignoramus Jury would make 
us believe, that this Monster had its Birth and Being from some 
Votes in Parliament, we are so far from having so Dishonourable 
a thought of that Wise and Great Council of the Nation, that 
we hope (when Your Majesty in Your great Judgment shall think 
fit to call a Parliament) that it will be the great Concern and 
Care of that most Honourable Assembly to find out and punish 
the Contrivers and Promoters of so Rebellious and Treasonable 
Designs and Practices : And were we capable of sending Repre- 
sentatives to Parliament, it should be the first good Service we 
should desire of them : We cannot but admire and dread those 
restless Men, who when they had imbrued their hands in the 
Blood of their Sovereign, and thousands of his Loyal Subjects ; 
had robbed and defaced the Church ; had enriched themselves 
with the Spoils of their fellow Subjects, and after all these Villanies 
committed, did peaceably and quietly Enjoy their Forfeited 
Lives, and ill-gotten Estates under Your Majesties most gracious 
Act of Oblivion ; yet are still attempting to act the same Tragedy 
over again, under the same painted Scenes of Petitions and 
Associations, Leagues and Convenants, behind which is nothing 
but Blackest Treason and Rebellion ; for however Liberty of 
Conscience (a Liberty which themselves would never allow to 
others) and Reformation of Religion may be pretended, there 
is nothing more certain than that the Royal Martyr observed, 
and by sad experience found, " That the Devil of Rebellion 
doth commonly turn himself into an Angel of Reformation : " 
And as we do here declare our perfect hatred and abhorrence 
not only of this but of all other Associations and Confederacies 
whatsoever made without Your Majesties Consent, so we will 
be ready with our Lives and Fortunes to defend and maintain 
Your Majesties Sacred Person and Prerogative and the Estab- 
lished Government in Church and State, and the Succession and 


Descent of the Crown in its Right and due Course against all 
Associating Factious Persons whatsoever. In Witness whereof 
we have caused the Common Seal of this Your Majesties Corpora- 
tion to be set hereunto the sixth day of May, in the Four and 
thirtieth Year of Your Majesties most happy Reign.* 

The Rye House " plot," discovered in 1683, was the 
occasion for more loyal and humble addresses from 
various parts of the country, in many of which it was 
assumed that the Nonconformists were at the bottom 
of the plot. The Society of Gray's Inn, for instance, 
mentioned " the treasonable and horrid conspiracies 
. . . designed and contrived by Fanatical Dissenters, 
and other wicked and desperate Persons," and the Com- 
missioners of the Lieutenancy within the City of London 
referred to the conspiracy " amongst divers Persons of 
Factious, Tumultous and Rebellious Spirits, known 
Dissenters from the Religion established within these 
your Majesties Kingdoms, and Common Enemies of 
Monarchy itself. "| 

The addresses from Westmorland did not so directly 
accuse the Dissenters of complicity. There were three 
addresses, one from the Justices and Grand Jury at the 
Quarter Sessions, J another from Sir Christopher Philipson 
and the rest of the Gentlemen of the Grand Jury at the 
Assizes held at Appleby, and a third from Kendal. The 
last is a fine example of an " address," exhibiting, not 
loyalty merely, but a classical scholarship which suggests 
that the new Vicar, the Rev. Thomas Murgatroyd, may 
have had a hand in its composition : — 

To the King's Most Excellent Majesty. 

The humble Address of the Mayor, Recorder, Aldermen, 
Burgesses, and Grand Jury, at the General Sessions of the Peace 
holden for the Borough of Kirkby- Kendal in the County of 
Westmorland, the Thirteenth day of July, in the Thii-fy fifth 
Year of His Majesty's Reign. 

* London Gazette, June 5-8th, 1682. 
■f London Gazette, July g-iath, 1683. 
X London Gazette, 2o-23rd August, 1683. 


May it please Your Majesty, 

When the Votes of the Senate could not prevail against Cjesar 
to Dethrone or Exclude him, Brutus and his Bloody Associates 
Conspired his Death. Thus fell the then greatest Monarch on 
Earth by the hands of his Ambitious ungrateful Favorites. This 
we mention (Dread Sovereign) with Horror and Astonishment, 
when we hear (by Your Majesties Proclamations) of the late 
Horrid Conspiracy against the Lives of Your Sacred Majesty 
and Your Dearest Brother the Duke of York ; for since Your 
Majesty, by Your great Wisdom and Conduct has happily 
avoided those Rocks Your Royal Father of Blessed Memory, 
Split upon and that You could not be drawn in by the Sirens 
Songs of Tollerations, Exclusions, Comprehensions, and such 
like Enchantments, to part with Your Crown and Scepter in a 
formal way, the Malice of Your Enemies is turn'd into Despair 
and Madness, and what was formerly intended by the Accursed 
Association they would now Execute by this Execrable Con- 
spiracy, as thinking themselves safe only (for the great Affronts 
and Insolencies offer'd to Your Majesty and his Royal Highness) 
by committing greater Evils, even the greatest imaginable, 
The Barbarous Murder of God's Anointed, which must necessarily 
have been attended with a general Massacre of all Your Majesties 
good Subjects, the Desolation of Your Kingdom, and the utter 
subversion of the Government. We have heard indeed of late 
Damnable Hellish Plots against Your Majesties Person and 
the Government, but do certainly conclude that Hell itself 
never hatch'd a more Devilish Design than this which Your 
Majesty hath so happily discovered, and which nothing but 
Divine Providence (which has so eminently appear'd in the 
Preservation of You, both by Sea and Land) could possibly 
have prevented. 

Now as we humbly offer our unfeign'd Thanks to the Divine 
Majesty for so great a Deliverance, so we do assure your Majesty 
of our utmost Detestation of this Horrid Villany, and that we 
shall be ready to Sacrifice our Lives and Estates in the defence 
of Your Majesty, Your Royal Successors and the Establish'd 
Government ; and that we will look upon all Persons as Favourers 
and Abetters of this Wicked Conspiracy, who shall not use their 
utmost endeavours to bring the Conspirators to condign Punish- 

* London Gazette, August 23-27111, if 


For a time persecution of ordinary Nonconformists had 
ceased, or if there was any going on it has left no traces. 
The Quakers, however, continued to suffer. There were, 
indeed, reasons why the Friends were persecuted more 
than members of other denominations. They were most 
active in their propaganda, utterly disrespectful of 
magistrates, or at least persisted in conduct which magis- 
trates thought to be disrespectful, they would not take 
an oath even in a court of justice, a peculiarity to which 
many of their early troubles were due, and they would 
not pay tithes. On the tithe question they gave offence 
to every clergyman, and to all laymen who were interested 
pecuniarily in tithes. No wonder they suffered perse- 
cution, and one cannot but admire the sturdiness with 
which they suffered. The Quakers roused antagonism 
for other than religious reasons. On the other hand, the 
Presbyterians and Independents were much as other 
men, even in their religious beliefs, and they were perse- 
cuted solely because of their preference for one form of 
worship to another, though perhaps in the background 
of the persecutors' minds there was the belief that Non- 
conformity was identical with republicanism. In i636 
persecution of the Quakers was practically stopped, the 
Earl of Rochester having informed Sir Daniel Fleming 
that it was the King's pleasure " not to have those poore 
people so troubled upon the account of their being 
Quakers only."* 

Two prominent Nonconformists died during this period 
of persecution. Edward Briggs, an old Kendal carrier, 
died 4th December, 1678, aged 64. Oliver Heywood, 
recording his death, | says " this good old man " was 
" a good man, great friend to ministers." Twenty-live 
years earlier he had been described as "an holy, humble 
Saint in Westmerland," who had been one of the Ouakers, 

Papers, p. 201. 
t None. Reg., p. 59. 


but " whom God was pleased to deliver out of their 
snares, with which, for some time, he was entangled."* 

In 1682! died John Archer of Oxenholme, aged 71. 
He had been a busy and useful public man during the 
Commonwealth.:!: Afterwards, being a Dissenter, he was 
disqualified. His family did not remain Nonconformists. 
His daughter was the wife of Bishop Nicolson, and his 
grandson Dr. John Archer was Mayor of Kendal and a J. P. 

We have no information as to ministers in the district 
excepting that we know that visitors to Mr. Frankland's 
Academy preached both to the scholars and to the 
townspeople. § 

Thomas Jolly is our only authority for any account 
of the state of the Nonconformist body here at this period, 
and his information is not quite as definite as we would 
wish. He hints at troubles and quarrels, and appears 
to have endeavoured to make up the differences which 
undoubtedly existed. What these difficulties were we 
do not know, but we may perhaps hazard a suggestion 
that they were the differences between the Presbyterians 
and the Independents, who would appear to have formed 
one body, though not a united one. 

In August, 1683, Jolly was at Kendal on a " day 
appointed for thanksgiving upon account of the late 
untoward unhappy business at London, |1 concerning 
which wee were willing to goe along with authority soe 
far as wee could (besides the occasion and observation 
of it, as it was the lord's day) and I took occasion also 
to admonish professors as to some things in that case."T| 
In the following year Jolly writes : "I did therefore 
take this occasion to goe my Kendall circuit where my 
labours in preaching were more than ordinary, and I 

* Perfect Pharisee, p. 7. 

t Buried at Kendal Church, 22 May, 1682. 

X Ante, p. 13. 

§ Ante, p. 150. 

!| The Rye House plot. 

T[ Jolly's Note Book, p. 55. 


would have been of use for the binding up of that broken 
Society."* The reference to the " broken society " is 

In the following year (1685) the congregation were 
evidently more harmonious. Jolly had " much liberty " 
at Kendal, " both in the week and on the Sabbath 
following, God going along and meeting mee everywhere, 
strengthening and supplying mee every way."t 

In 1687 James II. issued his now almost forgotten 
Declaration for liberty of conscience. | The King began 
by acknowledging that " after all the frequent and 
pressing endeavours that were used ... to reduce 
this Kingdom to an exact conformity in Religion, it is 
visible the success had not answered the design, and 
that the difficulty is invincible " and then, making no 
doubt of the concurrence of the Houses of Parliament 
" when we shall think it convenient for them to meet," 
proceeded to suspend the penal laws and to give his 
subjects leave to " meet and serve God after their own 
way and manner ; be it in private houses or places pur- 
posely hired or built for that use," but nothing was to be 
preached against God, the meetings were to be public 
and open, and the meeting places were to be made known 
to the magistrates. The Church of England was duly 
protected, but the oaths of supremacy and allegiance 
and the several tests and declarations mentioned in 
Acts of 25 and 30 Charles II. were not required to be taken. 
This Declaration was the most tolerant that had been 
issued, but it had, for that period, the great defect of 
giving toleration to the Catholics as well as to Protestant 
Dissenters, and it was not received favourably by the bulk 
of the nation. Sir John Reresby§ probably expresses 
the opinion of his contemporaries. 

* Jolly's Note Book, p. 62. 

t Jolly's Note Book, p. 76. 

X London Gazette, April 4-7th, 1687. 

§ Memoirs, p. 372. 


1687 Apr 7. There came down the declaration for hberty of 
conscience, gilded over with tenderness to his Majesty's subjects, 
in general invitation to strangers of different opinions, improve- 
ment of trade, and promising all this time to protect the bishops 
and ministers of the Church of England in their functions, rights, 
and properties and free exercise of their religion in the churches. 
But the design was well understood, viz., to divide the Protestant 
churches, that the Papists might find less opposition. The 
Presbyterians or Calvinists, who most of them had begun to 
conform, continued to come to our churches.* The Anabaptists, 
Quakers and Independents made addresses to the King for this 
Indulgence. ; 

The addresses, to which Reresby's refers, were ardently 
sought for on the King's behalf, and very many of them 
are printed in the London Gazette, but we find no address 
from the Kendal Dissenters amongst them. 

James II. was known to be such an honest Catholic 
that it was difficult for his contemporaries to believe 
that he was really in favour of the toleration of Dissenters. 
Some months after his first Declaration of Indulgence the 
King made a progress. Says Sir John Reresby : — f 

1687 Sep 12. It was generally observed in this progress, that the 
King courted the Dissenters and discouraged those of the Church 
of England ; for the Papists not being numerous enough by 
much to contest with the Church of England, he thought to make 
that party the stronger by gaining to it the Dissenters whom 
he baited with liberty of conscience, and with telling them that 
the desire he had that the test and penal laws should be taken 
away was for their ease and securitj^ as well as the Papists. 

The Dissenters were not taken in, and were generally 
agreed that liberty of conscience must not be allowed 
to Roman Catholics. 

In June, 1687, when King James's Declaration was in 
force, Jolly laboured " publiquly and privatly,"; and in 

* Reresby was a South Yorkshireman, and no doubt refers to his own 
locality. There is no evidence, that we are aware of, in support of the state- 
ment that most of the Presbyterians had begun to conform. 

t Memoirs, p. 381. 

X Jolly's Note Book, p. 84. 


that year he had a " call to Kendal."* He mentions that 
his answer is in the Church Book, but, as the Altham and 
Wymondhouses Church Book is only known from an 
imperfect abridgement, we are unable to quote it, but 
we know that the answer was in the negative. There is 
nothing to show whether this " call " was from the bulk 
of the Dissenters or merely from a section, but in either 
case it suggests that the Independents were still strong 
in the town. If it was a call from the whole body of 
Nonconformists, it is evident that the pulpit was vacant, 
and it may be that James Hulme was selected as minister 
when Jolly declined the invitation. | 

In the next year the King again published his Declara- 
tion and ordered it to be read in the churches. The 
Archbishop of Canterbury and six bishops petitioned 
the King to be excused so doing, and were in consequence 
committed to the Tower. They were tried for a libel and 
acquitted on June 30th, 1688, amidst the rejoicings of the 
whole nation. Remote as Kendal was from the capital, 
the good news travelled quickly, and on July 4th the 
church bells were set joyously ringing by ringers, whose 
joy did not diminish their thirst for the free drinks pro- 
vided, at the public expense, by the churchwardens. :!; 

* Jolly's Note Book, p. 138. 

t Thomas Jolly was an Independent, but he thought the duty of Non- 
conformists was to work together in harmony. Calamy (Continuation, p. 
559) says " He was very successful in making up Breaches in Churchtes ; and 
was a son of Peace, speaking the Truth in Love. He drew up a large Essay 
for further Concord amongst Evangelical Reforming Churches, and was very 
active in promoting the Design, being of a Catholick healing Spirit." 

% Local Chronology, p. 115. 



James Hulme, Died 1688. 

rilHE call to Thomas Jolly to be minister in 1687 
-L marks the beginning of a new epoch. The period 
of persecution was ending, and although Jolly did not 
accept the call the Kendal Nonconformists, in that year 
or the next, secured James Hulme as their settled 

It is probable that Hulme's congregation were scattered 
over Kendal and Heversham parishes, and that they met 
in small numbers in convenient farm-houses and barns, 
just as they had been obliged to do during the perse- 

Probably from these little groups developed, after 
toleration, the more definite congregations meeting at 
Crook, Stainton and Kendal, the latter from its central 
situation being, no doubt, the most important. 

Little is known of James Hulme, whose name is also 
spelled Holm, Holme, and Holmes, who, in or about 
1687, became minister of the Kendal congregation. 

Oliver Heywood* says he was born in Rochdale parish, 
and his age at death shows that he was born about 1630, 
but the Rochdale parish registers of that period do not 
contain the baptism of any one of the name. In 1660 
Hulme was at Denton assisting John Angier and living 
in his house. He preached before the Manchester Classis 
on 14th August, 1660, the date of its last meeting. | It 
is doubtful if at this time he was more than a candidate 
for the ministry, but he is included as " Mr. James Holme 
of Denton Assistant," in a list of ejected ministers, 

* None. Reg., p. 73. 

t Shaw's Manchester Classis, p. 346 (Chet. Soc, n.s., 24). 


prepared in 169 1.* In this list candidates and preachers 
are given apart from the ministers. Calamy also includes 
Hulme, but as he was not beneficed, he must be regarded 
as a silenced rather than an ejected minister. John 
Angier, minister of Denton, writes in his diary that 
" Mr. Holme took his leave," 2gth November, 1662.! 

Calamy says " he often changed his habitation," but 
gives no details except that he was in Holland part of 
the time.^ A Mr. Hulme was preaching at Little Lever,, 
near Bolton, Lancashire, in July, 1666, and October, 
1667, § and in 1669 " Mr. Hulmes " was one of several 
Nonconformist ministers " presented " by the church- 
wardens of Blackburn " for preaching at Conventicles 
at diverse chappels in this parish especially at Darwin 
Chappell."!] The other ministers presented were Mr. 
Thomas Jolly, Mr. Samuel Newton, Mr. Astley and Mr. 
Parr, and from the presentments it appears that Hulme 
and others used to preach at Darwen chapel by turns 
every Sunday. 

It is thus evident that James Hulme, for no doubt 
these references are all to the Kendal minister, continued 
his preaching throughout the persecution period. But 
it is probable that Hulme conformed, as he, or another 
person of the same name,^ held a position which only 
a conformist ought to have held. In 1671 James Holme 
is described as " Minister of Milnrow," and on 4th March, 
1678-9 as " Curate of Milnrow in Butterworth." ** In 
1677 he was " presented " by the churchwardens for 

* Bodleian Library. Tanner MSS., 152, fo. 49. 

t Raines MSS., xxiii., 433. 

t Ace, p. 396. 

(j Haywood's Diaries, i., 229, 246. 

i[ Cliester Churchwardens' Books, 1669. He is named also in the Church- 
wardens' Presentment Books, York, 1669, for a similar offence, his name 
there being spelled Holmes. 

U There was another minister of the same name, namely " Old Mr. James 
Hulme, minister of Chelmorton," who was buried at Oldham, loth February, 

** Raines MSS., xxxvii., 318. 


not being duly admitted to the curacy he was serving, 
and on 4th March, 1677-8, he appeared before the Consis- 
tory Court and was ordered to obtain hcence or admission 
and so to be certified at the next sitting of the Court.* 

Milnrow was one of the numerous poor chapelries in 
Lancashire for which it was difficult to find incumbents. 
The stipend, being but £10 per year, was too small to be 
attractive, and it is probable that strict enquiry was not 
made into the full and complete conformity of anyone 
who would take so profitless a duty. 

Canon Raines, who had no doubt as to the identity 
of the Milnrow curate with the Kendal minister, says 
that Hulme " was like a vessel tossed on the sea and it 
is well if he did not suffer shipwreck at last." 

Hulme appears to have obtained this small curacy of 
Milnrow just before the Indulgence. Consequently he 
does not appear amongst the licensed ministers of 1672. 

" At last had a call to Kendal in Westmoreland,"! says 
Calamy, and from Hulme's association with Jolly and 
Jolly's known interest in the Kendal congregation, we 
may assume that it was on Jolly's recommendation that 
Hulme settled at Kendal. If that was the case it is 
probable that Hulme's sympathies were Independent, 
while his upbringing with good John Angier of Denton 
would give him that knowledge of the Presbyterian 
position which would make him a suitable minister for 
a congregation obviously composite. 

Unless his stay in Kendal was very short indeed, 
Hulme must already have been minister in 5th month 
[July], 1688, when Jolly was " much alfiicted at the sad 
condition of the congregation at Kendall." He says " I 
could bring them a healing word, but, alass ! .1 could 
doe htle healing work among them.":|: 

* Chester Churchwardens' Presentment Book. 

t Ace, p. 396. 

J Jolly's Note Book, p. 90. 


According to the Nonconformist Register Hulme died 
at Kendal in November, 1688, aged 58, but the month 
is an error. His burial is recorded in the parish register 
under date October 17th, " Mr. James Holmes, Non: 
Con: minister, Underbarrow." His will does not appear 
to be extant. Calamy mentions that he had a son 
" with whom he went into Holland breeding him up for 
the ministry." The son was pastor of a congregation 
at Uxbridge and died young.* 

Jolly again visited Kendal on his favourite mission of 
reconciling irreconcilables. He dates his visit 1688, 
" soon after " the loth of 12th month. As the year 
began 25th March, 12th month of 1688 would be February 
of 1689. Coming so soon after Hulme's death, it is 
almost certain that the visit was connected with the 
choice of his successor. Respecting this visit, Jolly 
says : — 

The condition of the people of Kendall in the present conjuncture 
and the engagement upon mee to goe thither did necessitate mee 
to travel through much wett and foul way.t 

* There is no reference to this son in the account of the Old Meeting, Ux- 
bridge, in W. H. Summers's History of the Berks, S. Bucks and S. Oxon. Con- 
gregational Churches. 

t Note Book, p. 93. 



Legal Toleration, 1689. 

rriOLERATION had been anathema to the Presby- 
J- terians in their hour of triumph, but after twenty- 
seven years of wandering in the wilderness they were 
willing to be themselves tolerated. 

Of the feeling of the Commonwealth Presbyterians on 
toleration, we cannot do better than quote the always 
vigorous Thomas Edwards : — * 

Pt. I. A Toleration is the grand designe of the Devil, his Master- 
peece and cheif Engine he works by at this time, to uphold his 
tottering Kingdom ; it is the most compendious, ready, sure 
way to destroy all Religion, lay all waste, and bring in all evil ; 
it is a most transcendent, Catholike, and Fundamental evil, for 
this Kingdom of any that can be imagined : As original sin is the 
most Fundamental sin, all sin ; having the Seed and Spawn of 
all in it : So a Toleration hath all Errors in it, and all Evils, 
it is against the whole stream and current of Scripture both in 
the Old and New Testament, both in matters of Faith and 
manners, both general and particular commands ; it overthrows 
all relations, both Political, Ecclesiastical, and Oeconomical ; 
and whereas other evils, whether Errors of judgement or practise, 
be but against some one or few places of Scripture or Relation, 
this is against all, this is the Abaddon, Apollyon, the destroyer 
of all Religion, the Abomination of Desolation and Astonishment, 
the Liberty of Perdition (as Austine calls it) and therefore the 
Devil follows it night and day, working mightily in many by 
writing Books for it, and other wayes, all the Devils in Hell, 
and their Instruments, being at work to promote a Toleration. 

Edwards but expressed in his own vigorous language 
the opinion not only of the Presbyterians but of the 
Anglicans and Romanists of his time. The Independents 

Gangrcena, 1646, Part i., p. 58. 


were in favour of toleration, and towards the end of the 
Protectorate had actually achieved a toleration which, 
in most respects, was more tolerant than the settlement 
of 1689. 

When the Act of Uniformity drove out of the Church 
all but the Episcopalian clergymen, it threw the Presby- 
terians on their own resources, and it is significant of the 
small hold the Presbyterian system had on either people 
or ministers that no attempt was made anywhere in 
England to continue the holding of classes, presbyteries 
or synods after the Restoration. The whole apparatus 
of Presbyterian church government was dropped, and 
but for some differences in the method of ordaining 
ministers, the Presbyterians became almost identical 
with the Independents. As a system of Church govern- 
ment in England, Presbyterianism lasted less than a 
score of years ; it was never universal, and it ended 
suddenly in 1660. From 1662, throughout the persecu- 
tion period, there is no sign of the survival of the Presby- 
terian polity, and such congregations as continued to 
exist were gathered churches independent of each other 
and free from any interference from classis or synod. 
When, in 1689, dissenting churches had legal recognition 
of their right to exist no attempt was made to revive 
the Presbyterian system. There were regular meetings* 
of the ministers of both denominations, but these bore 
no resemblance to the classes, presbyteries and synods, 
all of which included lay representatives as well as 
ministers. Thus the years of persecution had converted 
Presbyterians into practical Independents, and had 
made them willing to accept a toleration they were 
unwilling to grant when the}^ had the power. 

Not only were they willing to accept toleration, but 

* These Association meetings were iield in Yorl>;shire during the liberty 
allowed by the first Declaration of Indulgence, and were renewed under the 
Toleration of James II. 


they were willing to accept it in a form which to us 
nowadays appears distinctly and intentionally degrading. 
The Act of Toleration of 1689 did not repeal any of the 
numerous acts levelled against Protestant Dissenters 
nor remove from the statute book the insulting preamble 
of the Act of Uniformity of 1662 : " a great number of 
people in divers parts of the realm, following their own 
sensuality and living without knowledge and due fear 
of God, do wilfully and schismatically abstain and refuse 
to come to their parish churches." 

The Act of Toleration did not alter the law; but it 
relieved from the penalties of the law all those who broke 
it after taking certain oaths, which very few Protestants 
would have any scruples about taking. 

The oaths which had to be taken were such as Roman 
Catholics could not take, and so they received no tolera- 
tion, and Anti-trinitarians were expressly excluded from 
receiving any benefit therefrom. 

Though it was far from being a perfect measure of 
religious equality, the Act of Toleration is the foundation 
of such religious liberty as we now enjoy, and from it 
dates the legal existence of our oldest Nonconformist 

It is probable that shortly before the Act of Toleration 
the dissenting ministers of Cumberland and Westmorland 
began to meet together at regular intervals for counsel 
and ordinations, as in 1688 James Noble, minister of 
Brampton, was ordained.* In 1709 another Brampton 
minister was ordained " by the Presbyterian ministers 
in Cumberland,"! ^"^^l there were many later ordinations. 
This meeting of ministers resembled the Association of 
Commonwealth time, and, except by consent, had, so 
far as we know, no disciplinary power, such as a Classis 
or Presbytery would have. In the Minutes of the Presby- 

* Scott's Fasti, i., 477. 
+ Scott's Fasti, ii., 528. 


terian Fund there are references which imply that 
neighbouring ministers were consulted before the Fund 
made grants to a new minister. 

This meeting of ministers, Presbyterian and Inde- 
pendent, continued until towards the end of the eighteenth 
century, and is often mentioned in our later chapters. 

One of the important results of Toleration was the 
establishment by wealthy London congregations and 
merchants of a Fund to assist students for the ministry 
and country congregations and ministers. Established 
in 16C9 the Fund was at first supported by Presbyterians 
and Independents. In 1693 the latter withdrew and 
formed their own Fund, and the original Fund became 
known as the Presbyterian Fund. 

One of the earliest local benefactions of the Fund 
was for a monthly lecture at Milnthorpe. On 31st August, 
1691, the managers agreed that £8 per annum be allowed 
" towards the propagation of the Gospel at Milthrop in 
Westmorland from the time of the setting up of a lecture 
in that place." On 21st March, 1692 [i.e., 1691-2], Mr. 
Richard Stretton reported that the lecture at Milthrop 
commenced from the 29th of September last past, and 
grants were made to Milthrop up to June, 1693.* 

The first preacher was Thomas Jolly, who writes : — 

A monthly exercise being sett up in Millthropp in Westmoreland 
I was desired to begin it ; accordingly (with the consent of my 
brethren) I went thither, though the way and weather was too 
hard for mee, soe that I was much indisposed in my return and 
necessitated to stay by the way. 

The Milnthorpe lecture seems to have been discontinued 
when the Fund grant ceased. In 1693 Jolly was invited 
to Milnthorpe to lecture. His journey thither was " in a 
cloud of doubts as to the opportunity there, yet I durst 
not decline it, it proved a disappointment by the sus- 
pending of that meeting."! 

* Presbyterian Fund Minutes, i., 46, 65, 69, 98, 114. 
t Jolly's Note Book, p. no, in, 118. 

s ^ 

H u 

" o 


-- E 

:; o 



Mr. Dearneley to Mr. Thorneley, 1690-1700. 

TN 1690, when the Presbyterian Fund obtained returns 
-i- of dissenting congregations, the Kendal dissenters 
were a " considerable company," and had a minister, 
" Mr. Darnley," who had £2^^ per annum, but there was 
no meeting house.* This want was supplied very soon, 
as the dated pew-ends now in the Chapel vestry suggest 
that 1691 was the date when the congregation found a 
permanent home, whether a new chapel built for the 
purpose, or an older building adapted. Where this 
meeting-house was situated we do not know, but Mr. 
Jennings told us of a tradition that the original building 
was on the Fell Side and that Presbyterians and Friends 
used it jointly. The FeU Side is probable enough, but 
we cannot imagine two such antagonistic congregations 
using the same building at the same time. Of the meeting- 
house itself we know nothing beyond the fact that the 
walls were rough-cast and the roof of slate. 

The " Mr. Darnley " of the Presbyterian Fund MS. and 
the " — Darneily," mentioned by Joseph Huntert as 
being minister in Kendal in 1691, would probably be 
identical with William Dearneley, Dearniley, Dearnelly 
or Dearmerley, who entered Frankland's Academy at 
Attercliffe 27th June, 1687. He was, perhaps, a son or 
near relation of Nicholas Dernely of Manchester. J 

Mr. Dearneley was ordained at Knutsford in September, 
1692, and was then minister at Ringway, Cheshire. § He 

* Presbyterian Fund MS. now being edited by the Rev. A. Gordon. 

fAdd. MSS., 24484, fo. 232. 

% Newcome's Autobiography, pp. 224, 304, 305. 

§ Tong's M. Henry, p. 189. 


had, before 24th May, 1692, been selected to succeed 
Mr. Robert Moseley at Ringway, and the appointment 
was discussed by the Cheshire associated ministers, but 
there is in their resolutions no suggestion that Dearneley 
was then at Kendal, although it is apparent that a prior 
engagement with " the Manchester class " prevented 
him going to Ringway as soon as Moseley desired to 
leave.* Dearneley continued with the Ringway congre- 
gation imtil his death, 28th May, 1701. 

Dearneley's ministry at Kendal was a very short one. 
He may have been elected in 1689, though 1690 is the 
more likely date, and he seems to have severed his con- 
nection with Kendal before beginning his negotiations 
with the Ringway congregation early in 1692. 

On 15th January, 1691-2, the house of James Garnett, 
called Moss Side in Crosthwaite, was licensed for Frank- 
land to preach in.f This would suggest that Frankland 
was intending to return to Westmorland but he never 
did so permanently. 

In July, 1692, Jolly visited Milnthorpe and Kendal. 
He says 

In my journey to Milthrop I had some good experience of 
divine assistance there and also at Kendall, where the wound 
seemed to bee healed, but alas it . . . again, neither the 
way of god being taken by that people nor the work being deep 
enough, some further endeavours were used, oh that they may bee 
blessed ! J 

Later in the same year, in November, he was again 
in the county. 

My retireing in the gth m. [1692] was upon the occasion of my 
housekeepers extreme illness. ... I had more than ordinary 
excercise in this journey to Milthrop, not only that I was soe 
harrased with the storminess of the season, but as to the very 
dangerous case I left my housekeeper in, and the divided discord 

* Christian Reformer, 1852, p. 298. 

t Westmorland County Records. Kendal Order Book, 1669-1696. 

% Note Book, p. 113. 


and condition I found the people of Kendall in, but the Lord 
helpt through all, leaving them and finding her somewhat better 
at my return.* 

Jolly now fails us, and as he did not die until some 
years later, we may assume that even he tired at last 
of the discord of the Kendal people. 

For a few years darkness envelopes the history of 
Kendal Nonconformity. 

The Kendal Society for the promotion of morality was 
started in 1692. This was one of a large number of 
societies founded about that time, and both Churchmen 
and Dissenters gave them their hearty assistance. The 
members of the Kendal Society bound themselves to 
abstain from drunkenness, lewdness, profane swearing, 
and neglect of the Lord's day, and to strive to practise 
and promote the contrary virtues. f 

In September, 1694, the town was visited by an eminent 
Presbyterian, Ralph Thoresby, F.R.S., but in this, as 
in a previous visit in September, 1681, he names neither 
chapel nor congregation. J On his way to Kendal he 
had visited Richard Frankland at Rathmell, and later 
on in the same journey mentions the minister at White- 
haven and other Dissenters with whom he came into 

Philip, Lord Wharton, who had long been a pillar of 
strength to the northern Nonconformists, died on 4th 
February, 1695-6. During his lifetime Lord Wharton 
had begun the distribution of Bibles and other books 
to poor children, in 1692 he assigned to trustees a 
property of about 470 acres at Synethwaite, or Sinning- 
thwaite, the rents and profits of which were to be ex- 
pended for the purposes of this charity, and in 1693 he 
signed some very elaborate " Instructions " to the 

* Note Book, p. 114. 

■f- Fleming Papers, p. 328. 

J Diary, i., 107, 266. 


trustees. The objects of the charity so founded were 
primarily the distribution of copies of the Bible, Shorter 
Catechism, Alleine's " Sure Guide to Heaven," and 
Lye's " Principles of the Christian Religion," and at the 
distribution of Bibles there were to be ten sermons 
preached at specified places, some annually and others 
in turns. Carlisle, Cockermouth and Kendal were to take 
turns every third year and the preacher received ten shil- 
lings, and twenty Bibles were to be distributed annually 
at Kendal. It was a distinctly Nonconformist charity, 
and in its early days the Bibles were distributed to the 
children by Nonconformist ministers, but within a 
hundred years of its foundation the charity had been 
diverted from its original purpose and had become 
an appanage of the Church of England, and so continued 
for another hundred years. In 1898 a new scheme 
was approved by which the charity was in part applied 
to its original object.* 

On 13th January, 1698-9, two dissenting meeting houses 
were licensed at the Sessions held at Kendal, f One 
was the house of Thomas Ellerey in Applethwaite and 
the other the house of John Hind in Stainton. 

This may perhaps be the beginning of the Stainton 
congregation, but the fact that there were several licensed 
places in Kendal and its neighbourhood does not neces- 
sarily imply that they were intended for as many separate 
congregations. In his " Vindication of the Surey 
Demoniack " (p. 38), Thomas Jolly explains the motive 
for licensing several places in the district where his work 
lay, and the same reasons would apply to Kendal and 
district : — 

It's true, we have several Places besides my Chappel certified, 
yet some of them are only for our more private Days of Prayer ; 

* The Good Lord Wharton, by Bryan Dale, M.A., 1901. Mr. Dale had been 
largely instrumental in preventing the further misappropriation of the charity, 
and was one of the Nonconformist trustees appointed under the new scheme. 

t Kendal Indictment Book, 1692-1724. 


but they all belong to the same People, disposed as aforesaid, 
and the most of what I have from them all, is but about 12I 
per An. out of which I maintain an Assistant also, to supply on 
the one hand, when I am at a more remote distance on the 
other : Yet do we ordinarily all meet at our Chappel. Now 
let Mr. T [Zachary Taylor] himself judg, where are the Pluralities, 
and Worldly Interests. 

That Kendal, Crook and Stainton were closely associated 
is, we think, shown by the passage in Richard Frankland's 
will (dated 27th September, 1698), which makes pro- 
vision for " upon the first Lords [day] in May yearly two 
wise sermons of wise sober and vertuous learned men, 
one at Stainton Kendall or Crooke and the other at 
Attercliffe or Rathmell . . . and for every -sermon 
the preacher to have 6s. 8d." 

In 1699 the Kendal congregation seems first to have 
been assisted by the Presbyterian Fund. In that year 
£4 los., being the grant for nine months, was paid,, but 
no minister is named.* This item appears in the list 
of grants, but there being no minutes of meetings about 
this time we do not know the circumstances under which 
the grant originated. The next list of allowances,! 
25th December, 1699, to 25th December, 1700, gives us 
the name of a minister, and is the only evidence we have 
of this minister : — 

" To Mr. Thorneley of Kendall 06 00 00." 

Mr. Thorneley does not occur again as of Kendal, 
but in the list of allowances for the next year is a six 
months' grant to Mr. Thornley, minister at Chipping 
Norton. Despite the variation in the spelling of the name, 
which indeed in later grants is often spelled Thorley, 
there can be little doubt that Mr. Thorneley of Kendal 
removed to Chipping Norton where, as Mr. John Thorley 

* Presbyterian Fund Minutes, ii., 35. 
t Presbyterian Fund Minutes, ii., 41. 


or Thornley, he appears to have remained for nearly 
sixty years. The last grant to him by the Presbyterian 
Fund was on 5th March, 1759, when he was allowed an 
extraordinary supply oi £^* 

Of Thorneley's earlier career nothing is known. He 
may be the person referred to in a minute of the Congre- 
gational Fund Board, 19th October, 1696, " Ordered 
that Mr. Mather be desired to write to Mr. Jollie to know 
wither Mr. Thorlie be Congregationall." Presumably 
the occasion of the minute was a request for a grant 
from the Fund.j The ordination in 1697 of a " Mr. 
Thornley " is recorded in the Altham and Wymondhouses 
Church Book, J and if these two items refer to our minister 
it is probable that he was, in his early days, inclined to 
Congregationalism. In later life he was presumably a 

Two addresses, presented by the Corporation in 1701 
and 1702, show that that body was still very loyal, but 
the scholarly and learned touch of earlier addresses is 
lacking. In the first address presented to William III. 
the Corporation " do with all humility crave leave 
gratefully to acknowledge the Preservation of our 
Established Religion, Laws and Liberties, to be (next 
under the Providence of Almighty God) entirely owing 
to Your Majesty's sacred Person," and offer their services 
in defence of the King against all opposers.§ The second 
address was one of condolence on the death of King 
William and congratulation to Queen Anne on her 
accession. || Again the Establishment was in the thoughts 
of the Mayor and Corporation. " We are so well assured 
of Your Majesties great concern for, and tender care of, 
our established Church and Government, that we can't 

* Presbyterian Fund Minutes, ii., 96, v. 155. 

t Cong. Hist. Soc. Trans., v. 146. 

% Jolly's Note Book, p. 140. 

§ London Gazette, October 2o-23rd, 1701. 

II London Gazette, April 9- 13th, 1702. 


but think ourselves extremely happy, in the fair Prospect 
we have of the welfare of both." The address has a 
tame conclusion, for the Kendal Corporation merely 
offered " our constant Loyalty and Obedience." Appleby 
was more expansive, for the address from that borough* 
contained a promise that " We will sacrifice our lives 
and fortunes ... in supporting the Crown in the 
Protestant Line, and the pure and unspotted Church of 
England as by Law Established." 

* London Gazette, May ii-i4th, 1702. 



William Pendlebury, 1701-1706. 

THE next Kendal minister of whom there is any record 
was William Pendlebury, who is described as of 
Kendal at the date of his ordination in 1702. 

Pendlebury was the son of James Pendlebury,* yeoman, 
of Turton, Lancashire. Judging by his will, which was 
proved at Chester in 1695, James Pendlebury was not 
wealthy. To two sons he left one shilling each, they 
having no doubt received their portions, to one married 
daughter he left 20s., to two others 30s. each, and to the 
only unmarried daughter £5. The legacy to William is 

* William Pendlebury is usually stated to have been the son of Henry 
Pendlebury, M.A., one of the ejected ministers of 1662, a man of distinguished 
piety and learning and author of a number of theological works. This is 
the parentage ascribed to him by C. Wicksteed {Lectures on the memory of the 
just, 1847) and other authorities, and the Dictionary of National Biography, 
in its notice of Henry Pendlebur}-, states that he was father of William. Our 
doubts on the point were raised by Thoresby's passing remark (Ducatus 
Leodiensis, App. p. 33) that Henry Pendlebury was " kinsman " of William. 
Thoresby was a personal friend of William Pendlebury, and must have known 
something of his friend's parentage. He was also a careful genealogist, and 
it is scarcely likely that a genealogist would refer to a father by so vague a 
term as " kinsman." Calamy also, who had a fondness for recording the 
ministerial sons of the confessors of 1662, does not mention any son of Henry. 
To settle the point we tried to see the will of Henr}' Pendlebury which was 
proved at Chester in 1695. The will was not to be found, though a paper 
which formerly covered it is in the Probate Registry. There is, however, 
as we discovered subsequently in the Raines MSS. (xvi., 390), an abstract 
of the missing will, which names no children and appoints Sarah, wife of the 
testator, executrix. The widow, Sarah Pendlebury, made her will i8th 
November, 1713. It shows that she resided at Walmersley in the parish of 
Btiry. It is evidently the will of a childless widow, for, after providing for 
the payment of her debts, the testatrix leaves all her property to Henry 
Holt, a boy who was then living with her, with a provision that it was to go 
to the boy's uncles if her executors were not satisfied with the boy's conduct. 
This provision resulted in a lawsuit some years later. Mrs. Sarah Pendlebury 
died 6th February, 171 3-4, and her gravestone is in Bury churchyard. At 
Chester we found the will of James Pendlebury who lived at Turton, and had 
a wife Ann and a son William. We know from the Nonconformist Register 
(p. 62) that the mother of Mr. Pendlebury of Leeds, the " Widw. Pendlebury 
near Turton in Lancr," died 18th November, 171 3, and from the Bolton 
parish register we learn that on the 20th of the same month " .-^nn Pendlebury 
of Turton, widdow " was buried. The identification seems complete. It is 
a curious circumstance that on the very day that the widow, .\nn Pendlebury, 
of Turton, died the widow, Sarah Pendlebury, of Walmersley, made her will. 


as follows : " Item I give to my son William Pendlebury 
the benefit of the field called the little hie field during 
the terme of his mother's life and all the remainder of 
my goods whether quick or dead after those legacies be 
discharged." Nothing was left to the widow, so pre- 
sumably she was otherwise provided for, and she was 
sole executrix. James Pendlebury signed his will by 
mark, so that he was either illiterate or too ill to write. 
The valuation of his personal property was £59 17s. 9d. 
The date of Pendlebury' s birth* and the place of his 
early education are unknown. There is no hint in his 
father's will that he was intended for a learned profession, 
but on 17th January, i697[-8], he became a pupil of 
Mr. Frankland at the Rathmell Academy. He had not 
been there a year when the great tutor died, and on 6th 
April, 1699, Pendlebury entered the academy in Man- 
chester, conducted by John Chorlton, one of the ministers 
of Cross Street Chapel. It is suggested! that he com- 
pleted his education in Scotland and had the degree of 
M.A., but this is very doubtful. J 

Pendlebury settled at Kendal in 1701, and on 5th 
January, 1701-2, the managers of the Presbyterian 
Fund " agreed that Mr. Pemblebery of Kendall's allow- 
ance be augmented from £6 to ;^io per annum." They 
had at the same meeting agreed that " Ustenton and 
Crooke nere Kendall 3 miles distance each, in Westmore- 
land have two ministers and so lessen the allowance of 
Kendall from £24 per annum to £17." § Ustenton appears 

* His baptism is not in the registers of Bury, Bolton or Roclidale. 

t By Niglitingale (Lancashire Nonconformity, i., 281) and others. 

I The title page of Pendlebury's only book does not mention a degree, nor 
does his name occur in any of the printed lists of graduates of the universities 
of Scotland. Mr. J. Maitland Anderson has kindly examined for us the 
manuscript graduation rolls of St. Andrews and has not found the name. 
As ail the Scotch lists are very incomplete the absence of Pendlebury's name 
does not prove that he was not a graduate. The probability is, however, 
that he has been confused with his son of the same name who was iNLA. of 

§ Presbyterian Fund Minutes, ii., loi. 


to be Stainton, but no grant seems to have been made to 
that congregation. 

On i6th June, 1702, Pendlebury was ordained, the 
ceremony not being, as in several contemporary instances, 
deferred until several years after the actual beginning of 
the ministry. Matthew Henry describes the ordination :^* 

The 1 6th day was a day of fasting and prayer, and imposition 
of hands in a very great congregation at Warrington, where, I 
trust, God was with us of a truth. The ordained were Mr. Rice 
Pruthero, of Braggington in Montgomeryshire, Mr. James 
Whittel, of Lee, in Lancashire, Mr. John Heywood of Blackley, 
in Lancashire, Mr. Reynald Tetlaw, of Tinsel [Tintwistle] in 
Cheshire, Mr. Jonathan Harvey, of Chester ; Mr. James Lawton 
of Liverpool ; Mr. Nicholas Waterhouse of Ringhay and Mr. 
William Pendlebury, of Kendal, in Westmoreland. The ordainers 
were Mr. Risley, Mr. John Crompton, Mr. Eaton, Mr. Ainsworth, 
Mr. Jones, Mr. Aldred and myself [Matthew Henry]. I prayed, 
Mr. Jones preached from 2 Cor. xii. 15 . . . I took the 
confession and vows, and Mr. Risley concluded with a serious 

Pendlebury left one enduring memorial of his ministry 
at Kendal, for it was he who began the register of bap- 
tisms, but of his other work here there is no record. 
His name continues in the list of grants from the Presby- 
terian Fund until 1707. In the list for 1708, under 
Kendal, his name again appears, but against it is written 
" removed to Leeds. "f Although he is named in the 
Westmorland list for 1707, it is certain that Pendlebury 
had, on 4th April, 1706, become minister of Mill Hill 
Chapel, Leeds.:]: 

* Tong's M. Henry, p. 191 ; Williams's Memoirs of M. Henry, p. 143. 

■j- Presbyterian Fund Minutes, ii., 109, 131, 147, 160, 174, 190. 

% Wicksteed gives the year as 1708, but Mr. E. Basil Lupton, who is writing 
a history of Mill Hill Chapel, informs us that the Rev. George Eyre Evans of 
Aberystwyth, has ascertained the correct date from the chapel register now 
at Somerset House. The year 1706 is confirmed by a reference to Pendlebury 
in the preface to T. Whitaker's Sermons, where he is stated to have " liv'd 
in the same town with him [Whitaker] the last four years." As Whitaker 
died in November, 1710, it would be 1706 when Pendlebury went to Leeds, 
and he was certainly there before 24th June in that year, when one of his 
children was buried at St. John's Church {Leeds Parish Register, Thoresby 


Pendlebury is mentioned occasionally in the Noncon- 
formist Register and in Thoresby's Diary. One of 
Thoresby's references is interesting as showing Pendle- 
bury to be favourable to an attempt to enforce attendance 
at a place of worship on Sunday : — * 

1708 Nov. 7. This day was published in the church, an order 
(dated the last sessions, wherein our pious Recorder was chiefly- 
concerned,) for the more effectual restraining prophaneness 
upon the Lord's-Day and whereas many pretend liberty of 
conscience to exempt them from attendance upon the public, 
and yet attend the worship of God in no place, but consume 
their time either in idleness or debauchery ; the laws provided 
in those cases shall be fully put in execution against them. It 
was likewise, as my dear wife informs me, published at the 
chapel, and Mr. Pendlebury blessed God publicly for putting 
it into the hearts of the magistrates, and enforced it with a 
very strict charge upon his hearers, as to their servants, &c.t 

In 1709 Pendlebury's name occurs amongst those of 
the ministers of the gospel " in the county of Lancaster " 
who signed the ordination certificate of James Milne, :j: 
minister of Walmsley Chapel. 

Thoresby, though no longer a Dissenter, continued 
for many years on friendly terms with the minister at 
Mill Hill Chapel, of which he was one of the owners. 
In 1713 he records a visit to Pendlebury, who then 
lived at Little Woodhouse, about a mile from Leeds. 
In 1720 Thoresby borrowed Dr. Niewentyt's Religious 
Philosopher from Mr. Pendlebury, and in the following 
year finished reading the book and returned it to its 
owner. Early in 1722 Thoresby decided to sell his share 
in the Leeds Chapel, and on January loth 

* Wicksteed regarded this as some evidence that Pendlebury had had a 
Scotch education, but rigid Sabbatarianism and compulsory church atfendance 
were not confined to the Scotch. The law of England was at that time, and 
probably still is, that every person must attend his parish church every Sunday. 
The Toleration Act only gave liberty to choose a place of worship, but it did 
not authorize complete abstention from public worship. 

t Thoresby's Diary, ii., 11. 

{ Nightingale's Lancashire Nonconformity, iii., 50. 



Walked to Mr. Pendlebury's about disposing of my part of the 
chapel, which he highly resented, called it persecution, and re- 
flected unworthily upon the founders, which I could not bear, 
that they should be at so great a charge for an ungrateful genera- 
tion, many of whom are vastly rich, yet affirm, (as Mr. Ibbetson 
did to Mr. Hall, who has brought Mrs. H's part) that he will 
rather spend 500I. in law than give lol. or 20I. to purchase a 
part. Mr. P's passion moved my mind, but I restrained myself, 
and the worst I said was that his expressions were very indiscreet 
and ungrateful. 

Mr. Pendlebury's wrath continued for some con- 
siderable time, and the last glimpse we get of him from 
Thoresby is on 4th June, 1722, when the diarist records 
that he " wrote till eleven, after fretting at a letter from 
Mr. Pendlebury, full of acrimony."* 

Pendlebury collected or presented £5 towards the 
fund raised for the erection of the chapel, which his 
old congregation at Kendal built in 1720. 

In 1726 Pendlebury published his only book, 7 of 
which the title follows : — 

practical influences 

of the 

speculative doctrine 




In a Discourse upon i Tim. vi. 3 

Last Clause. 

By W. Pendlebury 

Theologia est Scientia affectiva practica. 

London : 

Printed for Eman. Matthews, at the 

Bible in Pater-noster Row ; and 

John Swale, Bookseller in Leeds. 


(12° pp. 24. 191) 

* Thoresby's Diary, ii., 191, 304, 311, 335, 341. 

t The book is now very scarce. There is a copy in Dr. Williams's Library 
irom which our extracts are taken. 


The preface contains little of biographical interest, but 
as showing his standpoint is perhaps worth quoting : — 

That Revelation of the Mind and Will of God which is contain'd 
in the four Gospels; and the other Books of the New Testament, 
ought to be esteem'd a more valuable Treasure than any thing 
in this World, and to be dearer to us than our Lives : Inasmuch 
as it gives us the fullest and most satisficing Account of the 
Nature of true Happiness, and contains in it the most certain 
and infallible Directions to obtain it. 

The Source of all the natural and moral Evil, which we find 
by Experience in the World, is evidently discours'd in the sacred 
Books, beyond any thing that was taught Mankind in other 
Writings. And the only Way for guilty Sinners to approach 
the Throne of the Heavenly Majesty, who is justly displeased 
with them, and to regain his Favour (which they forfeited and 
lost by their Apostacy) is therein fully disclos'd. 

This, we are told, is thro' a Mediator, who is therein describ'd 
as to his Nature, Offices, Performances and glorious Acquisitions. 
Therein we are acquainted what he has done and suffer'd and 
what he has obtain'd for us, which is as much as we want or 
can desire ; the Forgiveness of our Sins, and a never ending 
Happiness, consisting in the full Enjoyment of God in Heaven ; 
And likewise the Terms of our Acceptance, and Conditions of 
our Title, thro' the Mediator, to the purchased Benefits, are 
clearly unfolded to us. Since then the Gospel makes these great 
and useful Discoveries to us, it cannot but be very shocking to 
every sincere Believer, to see it so openly attack'd from so many 
different Quarters, and that by men, who, as far as we know, 
have been train'd up in some Reverence for it. To see Men 
conquering the Prejudices of Education in Favour of Christianity, 
looks as if they had met with some convincing Demonstrations, 
sufficient to overthrow all the Proofs which have yet been alledg'd 
for the Support of it. 

But when they have spoke out all that they have to say in 
Defence of their Infidelity, it amounts to no more but the Pretence 
of some seeming Contradictions, Repugnancies to Reason, as 
they think, in the Mysteries of Religion, and some imaginary 
Absurdities in the Scriptures : All which is owing to their over- 
magnifying of humane Reason, as if it were the Standard of all 
Truth ; or to their ignorance of the Language, Phraseology, and 
Customs of those Times and People, which are referr'd to in the 
sacred Writings ; or to the Rashness and Precipitancy of the 


Men themselves, who will not be at the necessary Pains to find 
out Truth, or free themselves from some Difficulties which attend 
it, which might be done by close and serious Enquiries. 

That this is the Case of the late Abettors of the Cause of 
Infidelity, will appear from the unhappy Author of the Oracles 
of Reason, and of divers others, who have expos'd their crude 
and ill-digested Sentiments to the World : From a serious 
Perusal of whose Writings we may easily observe, that 'tis not 
close Thinking and impartial Reasoning, join'd with true 
Learning, but a Narrowness of Mind, which disposeth Men to 
consider a few Things, join'd with a certain Hardiness and 
Obstinacy of Temper, which has made them Infidels. 

Pendlebury commends the works of several apologists 
of his day, refers to the " culpable Neglect of Jewish 
Learning," and to the Boyle Lectures. 

So that the Argument (one would think) by this time should be 
almost exhausted, and the Dispute at an end. Yet we find 
Infidelity still prevails amongst us, as much as ever. And tho' 
it be a baffled Cause, it resumes new Life, and is as bold and daring, 
as if it had the strongest Reasons, and the best Arguments in 
the World to support it. 

This naturally puts us upon Enquiry into the Cause and 
Reasons of the Growth of Infidelity : And the only one which 
I shall mention at this Time, is the too general Decay of serious, 
practical Christianity amongst us. This disposeth Men to 
Infidelity. While the Principles of reveal'd Religion have little 
Practical Influence upon ^lens Hearts and Lives, they are prone 
to suspect the Truth of the Revelation it self : The Prevalence 
of Corruption within renders them disaffected to it, and indisposeth 
them for receiving the Evidences of it. 

The Natural Tendency of the Speculative Doctrines of 
Christianity, to promote true Holiness and Piety in the World 
is, what I have endeavour'd to make out in the following Sheets. 

The substance of what I here offer to the World, was deliver' d 
towards the Close of the last Year, in several Sermons to the 
Congregation, to which I statedly minister : And I now expose 
what I before preach' d to more publick View, not out of an 
Opinion which I have of any extraordinary Management of my 
Design, but because the Design itself is good : And I'm per- 
s waded many will think so, who perhaps may see little Reason 
to value the Performances. 


I have been as little troublesome to the World as most Men, 
during the Time of the late Paperwar, in which I perceiv'd all 
Hands were at work. I was there content to be silent, and 
let others speak their Sense. I hope then the World will 
be so good-natur'd, as to suffer this small Practical Essay 
to pass quietly along, which pretends to justle no one, but 
the Unbeliever, nor give them the least Disturbance. I 
have no Inclination to spend the rest of my Days in Contro- 
versy ; I would rather be an instrument to proselite one Soul 
to the Faith and Obedience of our Lord Jesus Christ, than be 
famous for wrangling. 'Tis the Explaining (as far as may be) 
the Defending, and Applying the main Principles of Christianity, 
in which all serious and knowing Christians are agreed, which 
is that delightful, pleasant Work, I desire to spend the Remains 
of my Life in. 

Finally, let us [my Brethren in the Ministry and all my Fellow- 
Christians, both of the Established Church, and out of it] receive 
the Truths of Religion, as they are plainly taught in the Holy 
Scriptures, and be less fond on one Hand or other of Hypotheses, 
or Ways of explaining them. As for my own Part, I have 
endeavour'd to keep as close as I could to the Scriptures in 
the following Account of the Doctrines. And tho' we must make 
Use of our own Reason, and Judgment in all these Cases, yet I 
urge nothing upon the Faith of Christians, but what shall appear 
to them, upon an impartial weighing of Matters, to be the true 
Sense and Interpretation of them. 

Leeds, Sept. the W. Pendlebury. 

29th, 1725. 

The heads of the chapters show, sufficiently, the scope 
of the work : — 

I. The Text mention'd explain'd and divided, and the Method 
of Treating upon it laid down. II. Of the Doctrine of the 
Trinity in Unity. III. Of the Word's being made Flesh, or the 
Incarnation of the Son of God. IV. Of Christ's Sufferings for 
our Sin. V. Of Christ's Resurrection from the Dead. VI. Of 
Christ's Ascension into Heaven. VII. Of Christ's Intercession 
for us, at the Right-hand of God. VIII. Of the Future Judgment. 
VIIL* Of the Office and Work of the Holy Spirit. IX. Of the 
Mystical Union between Christ and Believers, &c. X. Of the 
Communion of Saints. XL Of Justification. XII. Of the 


Resurrection of the Body. XIII. Of Eternal Life. The Con- 
clusion. A short Discourse upon 2 Epis. of John v. 9. by Way 
of Appendix. 

The text of the discourses is i Timothy, vi., 3, " The 
Doctrine according to Godliness," and in a footnote the 
author says " Any Man that will carefully consider the 
original Text, will, I think, concur with me in the Trans- 
lation which I have given of it, tho' something different 
from the present English Version now in Use." Pendle- 
bury's emendation of the Authorized Version's rendering 
" the doctrine which is according to godliness," has not 
been adopted by the Revisers. Pendlebury believed in 
" the necessity of Faith in Christ or of a firm Belief of 
the Principles of reveal' d Religion, to make Men truly 
good." He says : — 

My purpose is only to represent to you the Doctrine of our Salva- 
tion, in the several. Branches of it, as it was undertaken and 
accomplish' d by Jesus Christ ; and this only so far as it is clearly 
revealed to us in the Writings of the New Testament, studying 
to avoid being Wise above what is written. And in the Account 
which I shall give of these Principles, I shall keep as close as 
possibly I can to the Language of the Holy Scriptures, endeavour- 
ing to give you the plain and obvious Sense of them, without 
having recourse to Scholastick Terms, or Hypotheses of Mens 

Pendlebury's view of the Trinity was strictly orthodox 
and Calvinistic. 

Pendlebury appears to have continued minister of 
Mill Hill until his death,* which occurred at Bath on 
23rd September, 1729. He was buried at St. Michael's 
in that city on the 25th. f 

Dickenson thus estimates the character of his friend, 

* He has, however, been thought to have retured shortly before his death, 
but in the None. Reg. (p. 304) he is described as minister, not late minister of 
Mill Hill. 

t Genealogist, n.s., x., 107. 


" A worthy useful man, a great loss to his family, con- 
gregation and the church of God."* 

Pendlebury's wih has not been found either at York 
or at Somerset House, and no portrait of him is known 
to be in existence.! 

Pendlebury was twice married. His first wife was 
Mary, second daughter of Ralph Worsley, of Piatt, 
gentleman. J She was a grand-daughter of Major-General 
Charles Worsley of Piatt, first M.P. for Manchester. 
Wihiam Brownsword, vicar of Kendal, was also a con- 
nection of this family. Mrs. Pendlebury died 12th Novem- 
ber, 1710, aged 38, and was buried in the cemetery of 
St. John's Church, Leeds. A copy of the inscription 
there is given by Thoresby. The burial, 15th November, 
is recorded in the Leeds parish register. His second wife 
was Anne, daughter of Thomas Fenton, of Leeds, a 
pronounced Nonconformist at whose house at Hunslet 
dissenting meetings were held during the time of the 
persecution. The marriage took place 8th April, 1713, 
and by it Pendlebury became connected with the 
Ibbetsons and other leading Nonconformist families in 
Leeds. She died 2nd July, 1755, aged 59, and was buried 
at Coley Chapel, Northowram.§ He had issue by his 
first wife : — 

1. Mary, died 22nd June, 1706, aged 11 days. Buried 
at St. John's, Leeds. 

2. Henry, born 29th August, 1708, died i6th July, 
1712. Buried 17th July, " beginning in small pox."|| In 
the Leeds parish register the name is given as Thomas. 

* None. Reg., p. 304. 

t Mr. T. W. Hand, City Librarian of Leeds, informs us that the fine extra 
illustrated copy of Thoresby now in the Leeds Public Library contains no 
portrait of Pendlebury. There is, we are informed by the Rev. John McDowell, 
no memorial of him at Bath. 

X Thoresby's Ducatus Leodiensis. Ed. by Whitaker, 1816, p. 33. The 
marriage does not appear in the Manchester or the Didsbury registers. 

§ None. Reg. gives in the editor's introduction (p. xii.) the inscription on 
her gravestone which was then (1881) near an adjoining cottage. 

II None. Reg., p. 258. His age is given as 54 (an obvious error) in Thoresby. 


3. Deborah, died ist January, i7[o9-]io, aged 12 weeks. 
Buried at St. John's. Burial 2nd January, recorded in 
Leeds parish register. 

By the second wife : — 

4. Wilham, born nth August, 1714. M.A. Glasgow, 
1735. Librarian of Dr. Williams's Library and after- 
wards minister at Rotherham. He subsequently conformed 
and became Rector of Burythorpe-cum-Acklam, and 
died 22nd February, 1776. He was author of several 

5. Mary, born 26th June, 1717, married 24th June, 
1755, to the Rev. John Houghton, whose name occurs 
in a later chapter, and died 29th March, 1790, at Norwich, 
aged 72.* 

6. Anne, born i6th June, 1719, married at Leeds 
26th February, 1744-5, Benjamin Dickenson, f of Ellen 
Royd, near Halifax (son of the Rev. Thomas Dickenson, 
minister of Northowram and successor in his congregation 
and his Nonconformist Register of Oliver Heywood), 
and died 2nd May, 1778, in her 6oth year. Buried at 
Northowram. j Her husband died i6th February, 1798. 

After Pendlebury there is another break in the recorded 
ministers at Kendal. There are no entries in the register 
of baptisms in 1707 and 1708. From this we may perhaps 
conclude that there was no settled minister. Li 1709 the 
number baptized was rather more than usual, so that we 
shall probably not be wrong in giving that year as the 
beginning of Audland's ministry. Li the interval between 
1706 and 1709 we have no record of the congregation, and 
its chapel was too insignificant to be noticed by Beeverell 
in his account of Kendal published in 1707. § 

* None. Reg., p. 337. 

t None. Reg., pp. 232, 336. 

J None. Reg., p. 337. 

§ J. Beeverell's Delices de la Grande Brctagne, ii., 279. 



Samuel Audland, 1709-1714. 

AUDLAND was the son of David Audland of Preston.* 
His ancestors had been burgesses of that town for 
several generations, his grandfather, Wihiam Audland, 
shoemaker, having been admitted a burgess in 1642. 
William's son David was enrolled an in-burgess in 1662, 
and was sworn 17th March, 1673.1 At the Guild of 
1702 David was dead, and his son Samuel, described as 
of Manchester, was enrolled an in-burgess. The Guild 
Rolls and Samuel Audland's will both prove that Joseph 
Smith, I the Quaker bibliographer, was wrong in supposing 
Samuel to be the " rebellious son " of Anne Audland, 
the Quakeress. It appears from Thomas Camm's Lying 
tongue reproved, that the writer was uncle to Samuel 
Audland. It is possible that Audland's mother was a 
Camm, but more probable that the relationship arose 
from Camm having married the widow of John Audland, 
who was presumably brother to Samuel Audland's father. 
In September, 1698, he seems to have been living in the 
neighbourhood of Rivington or Chorley, for on the 15th 
of that month he transcribed a sermon preached at 
Rivington, only a week earlier, on the occasion of the 
death of Samuel Crane of Chorley. § It is not unlikely 
that he was studying with John Walker, of Rivington, 
the preacher of the sermon. A few months later, on 

* Preston Guild Roll, 1702 (MS. in Town Hall, Preston). 

t Abram's Preston Guild Rolls (Record Soc). 

t Catalogue of Friends' Books, i., 146. The assumed relationship with 
Anne Audland is probably Smith's reason for classing Samuel Audland amongst 
the Friends who " issued works which were generally considered unsound' or 
adverse to the Principles of the Society." Bibliotheca Anti-Quakeristica, 
P- 457- 

§ Abram's Memorials of an old Preston family, pp. 5, 6. Audland's copy 
of the sermon was still in existence in 1877. 


i6th March, 1698-9,* he entered the Academy at Man- 
chester conducted by John Chorlton. Wihiam Pendlebury, 
his predecessor at Kendal, was a fehow-student at Man- . 
Chester. From 1700 he would also be under James 
Coningham, who joined Chorlton in that year. 

As we have seen, he was still at Manchester in 1702 
when the Preston Guild occurred. 

There are several things which point to Audland having 
been an Independent. He had no bursary from the 
Presbyterian Fund, he was related to John Audland, 
who was an Independent minister before he joined the 
Friends, and he succeeded Anthony Sleigh, M.A., at 
Penruddock. On the other hand, his absence from the 
Fund list may have been due to him not needing its 
help, and the Penruddock congregation, whatever it may 
have been originally, was, by 1706, Presbyterian. 7 

It would be shortly after Anthony Sleigh's death, in 
June, 1702, that Audland became minister at Pen- 
ruddock, :|: where he took part in a somewhat bitter 
controversy arising out of Henry Winder's case. 

During the Commonwealth Henry Winder had been a 
member of the congregation at Greystoke, then under 
Dr. Gilpin. Afterwards he was a Friend and was a 
prominent man amongst them. About 1665 he left the 
Quakers and rejoined Dr. Gilpin's congregation. The 
Quakers are said to have resented Winder's withdrawal 
from their Society. 

In 1673 it was " revealed " to a female Friend that 
Winder had, many years before, murdered one of his 
own children. Two other Quakers also had similar 
revelations. They brought the matter before a magis- 
trate who undertook that Winder should appear at the 

* Heywood's Diaries, ii., i6. 

t Camm's Truth Prevailing, p. 31. 

X Some of the facts about Audland have been kindly supplied by the Rev. 
Alexander Gordon, M.A., and others have been obtained from the Rev. J. 
H. Colligan's paper on Penruddock [Cunib. and West. Antiq. and ArchcBol. 
Society, n.s., v.). 

SAMUEL AUDLAND, I709-I714. 25 1 

Assizes. The Friends could not prosecute, and though 
they foretold some supernatural confirmation of their 
story when Winder came before the judge, nothmg 
happened, and there being no case Winder went away 
without trial. He proceeded against the Friends for 
slander, and his subsequent proceedings show little of 
the Christian spirit of forgiveness. 

In a very leisurely way these accusations gave rise to 
a most interesting pamphlet warfare which began twenty- 
two years after the " trial."* 

The controversy, so far as it is in print, appears to ha\'e 
been commenced by Winder in this pamphlet : — 

The Spirit of Quakerism, and the danger of their divine revelation 
laid open : in a faithful narrative of their malicious prosecution 
of Henry Winder, and his wife, as murtherers, at the Publick 
assize at Carlisle. By Henry Winder. With suitable reflections 
on the said narrative : containing several other instances of their 
pretended revelations, &c. 1696. 

To Winder, Camm replied with :— - 

An old Apostate justly exposed, his treachery to the Holy God, 
his Truth and People manifested, his great wickedness and 
uncleanness (which, by false covers, he has endeavoured to hide), 
laid open, to the shame of him, and all his abettors. In a short 
answer, or some brief remarks upon a very scandalous book 
lately published, stiled. The Spirit of Quakerism, and the Danger 
of their Divine Revelation laid open : subscribed, Henry Winder. 
Also the nameless publisher thereof, as justly reprehended for 
his enmity and great malice, in abusing an innocent people, 
by heaps of most gross lies, slanders, base insinuations aud [sic] 
inferences, frothy and scurrilous scoffs and taunts ; so void of 
Christianity, that probably no man, with a name, would undertake. 
By Thomas Camm, 1698. 

Camm gives in this pamphlet some details of a scandal 
in Winder's past life, for which the Friends had disowned 

* The full story, which reflects little credit on any of the parties concerned, 
should be read in the pamphlets themselves, which are all in the excellent 
Friends' Library, Devonshire House, Bishopsgate, London. A somewhat 
one-sided account is given by Dr. Benson. 


him. The scandal had no bearing on the charge of 

Winder's rejoinder was appropriately entitled : — 

A Penitent old Disciple vindicated from the impudent clamours 
of Thomas Camm, in a book by him entituled, An old apostate 
expos'd. Wherein, for their necessary conviction, the virulent 
lying, forgery, deep hypocrisie, and self-contradiction of some 
Quakers, is further laid open by Henry Winder. With the 
Publisher's self-defence. 1699. 

In this he acknowledges the truth of Camm's strictures 
on his private life. For that sin he and his wife had 
repented, and he reminds Camm that though they were 
Quakers when the sin was committed, the Friends had 
not cast them out " but we left you." 

Seven years later Camm replied with : — 

Truth prevailing with reason, against clamour and railing ; and 
the hypocrisie and confusion of Henry Winder, Ann, his wife, 
and their abettors, further discovered and laid open, in a brief 
examination and detection of their confused, but malicious 
book, stiled, A Penitent old Disciple vindicated, &c. subscribed 
to by Henry Winder. With a further reprehension of his abusive 
Publisher. By Tho. Camm. 1706. 

Audland now entered the field with : — 

The Spirit of Quakerism cloven-footed ; or, immutable matter 
of fact. Containing, i. A summary account of Henry Winder's 
Case, and of the measures concerted by some Quakers to take 
away his Life, by Lying Visions, Revelations, Prophecies, &c. 
II. A full Discovery of their forging Confessions, dating them many 
years before they could be significant ; putting a Witness his 
name to a Certificate without his knowledge, &c. In which 
their Refuges are expos'd, with a variety of Remarks and Im- 
provements never before Publish' d. In answer to Thomas 
Camm's late Pamphlet, entitled Truth Prevailing. By Samuel 
Audland. With a preface by Mr. [Thomas] Dixon. 

** [Mottoes] 
London : Printed for R. Burrough, and J. Baker, at the Sun 
and Moon, near the Royal Exchange in Cornhill 1707 4to 
8 sheets. 

SAMUEL AUDLAND, I709-I714. 253 

" A vile piece " is the Quaker bibliographer's comment, 
and it is really a flippant and clever pamphlet. It is 
dedicated to Andrew Huddlestone, Esq., and contains 
a preface in which Dr. Dixon mentions " my Friend, 
Mr. Audland." As an account of the Winder case, it is 
good. As might be expected, it has a strong anti-Quaker 
bias, but Audland treats the Friends more as objects 
for ridicule than as serious disputants. Yet he evidently 
leaned to the extraordinary theory of the identity of 
Romanism and Quakerism which Brownsword and many 
other early writers against the Friends had had. This is 
suggested by his comparison : — 

St. Francis was a kind of Wollen Draper at first. St. Fox was a 
Cobler, as its commonly reported. Botli rose from Mechanical 
Employments, to invade the Ministerial Office without Ordina- 

He tells several stories disparaging the Friends, in- 
cluding the " Peed Dalton of Shap " anecdote, he says 
of the Friends that " they are rude and uncivil out of 
a principle of conscience," and " Now every one knows, 
that Quakers have a special talent at foul language 
whenever they have a mind to exercise." He is particu- 
larly scornful of Camm, his logic and his style : — 

I won't stand playing at low game witli Thomas Cam, nor make 
remarks on every foolish word that he says. (p. 24). 

Is not this a most perpendicular consequence ? Henry Winder 
owns himself a sinner, therefore says Tom Cam, he's a murtherer. 
Hard measure. I am able upon thorough information to assure 
Tom Cam, that all his Friends don't meet with such severe 
treatment, (p. 28). 

The first thing that discovers itself in this book [Truth pre- 
vailing], is a most lamentable and dismal fear, lest Henry Winder 
should have some design upon the government, in publishing 
these books ; lest he should have a mind to get the Act of Tolera- 
tion revok'd, and the months of the Penal Laws open'd once 
more. And you must know, that this touches the whole Party 
again, at a very sore place, because their Liberty of Conscience 
lies at stake. 


Oh this great man, Henry Winder ! Little does this Dreaming 
Generation think, what a stroak he has in the Government. I 
hope, that when all our Books, relating to this weighty affair, 
come to be translated into Foreign Languages for the universal 
benefit of mankind, this man will be taken for no less, then one 
of Her Majesties most Honourable Privy Counsellors. 

But is this concern in Tom Cam, real or dissembled ? If 
it be real, if he doth indeed fear the loss of our Liberty of Con- 
science, why has not Tom Cam been more kind to his Party, to 
support their sinking Liberties, (pp. 37, 38). 

Thomas Cam, has been pretending to Logick Maxims and to 
instruct this ignorant age about revelation. Sure this great 
man was sent to adorn this century. But there's one thing 
falls out somewhat unhappily, and its a rub in his way to the 
highest pitch of honour ; the man han't yet learnt to write true 
English ; every part of his book abounds with such false language, 
as mechanicks and the careless common people usually speak. 
I suppose the reason of this may be, that writing true EngUsh 
is one of the vain customs of this world, to which the People 
of Truth ought not to be conform'd. (p. 52). 

To the suggestion that the accusing Friends were mad, 
Audland says : — 

I really think, that the Women were not mad. Indeed, I have 
little to say about the matter, only they bought and sold, writ, 
and talk'd, and look'd, and manag'd their houses, just as if they 
had been in their senses ; nay, for ought I can hear, they did all 
things just as if they had been in their wits ; excepting this one 
particular, in the matter of Henry Winder. I would rather in 
Charity, impute this one irregularity to the Wildness of the 
Quaker-Principle, than to the absolute madness of the women, 
(p. 41). 

The old Dissenters had a way of looking for " judge- 
ments " upon all with whom they were not in sympathy, 
and Audland was not exempt from a weakness which is 
observable in most of the older Nonconformist divines 
and which their enemies put down to hypocrisy rather 
than to a profound conviction that God was on their 
side. He tells what happened to the accusers of the 
still living, venerable Henry Winder : — 

SAMUEL AUDLAND, I709-I714. 255 

Upon the whole here I would observe, how it hath pleased Almighty 
God in his most Holy Providence, to deal with the Three Women 
who used to come a pouring out their dreadful Prophecies against 
Henry Winder. The Three Women were all well to pass at that 
time ; but one of 'em liv'd to see her self very Poor, and Died 
in great Poverty and Misery. The Survivor is already Miserable, 
and likely enough to be thrown upon the Charity of the Parish 
before she dies. Nay, and these miseries are propagated to 
some of their posterity. ... 

But alas, half of mankind han't sense enough to be mad, when 
they see themselves baffled ! (p. 54). 

It was answered by Thomas Camm in the following : — 

A Lying-Tongue Reproved : in some remarks upon a scandalous 
Pamphlet lately published, stiled, Tlie Spirit of Quakerism Cloven- 
footed, &-C. Subscribed by Samuel Audland, and a Preface by 
Thomas Dixon. The False and Foul Charges of Forgery, &c, 
detected, and the Quakers cleared thereof. By Thomas Camm. 
London : Printed and sold by J. Sowle, in White-Hart-Court, in 
Gracious-Street 1708 8vo. 2 sheets. 

In spite of its title Camm's Lying tongue reproved is a 
dignified and at times pathetic contribution to the con- 
troversy. Camm was related to Audland and his nephew's 
flippant manner and rudeness had evidently hurt the 
older man much more than if they had come from a 

Who besides a confident young man, that regards neither repu- 
tation nor religion would ever venture to draw such a sordid 
conclusion in my name. (p. 12). 

I must tell him, such bantering and wild rhetorick is very 
scandalous in one pretending his coat, and bespeaks no Christianity 
but bad morals, (p. 12). 

It would be more to his repute to learn to forget the same, 
and study for a more modest and religious way of writing without 
banter, (p. 17). 

I am now come to the Conclusion of S. A's book, and I think 
he will be mistaken in what therein he says he expects, as well 
as in his Chapters before, neither he, H. W. nor any of their 
friends is sent to the bottomless Pit, nor treated with the names 
he suggests ; no, I rather pray for your true and unfeigned 


Repentance, and that God might forgive you all your hard 
speeches against the Innocent, as I bless God I can heartily do ; 
all the hard names, undervaluing scoffing taunts and jears, I 
rejoyce in as my crown, as being worthy to bear and suffer them 
patiently for the sake of Holy Jesus my Saviour ; only shall 
desire Samuel Audland, when he is most sober and serious, to 
consider what Spirit it is that has so far transported him beyond 
the bounds of common Civility to me-ward ; let him reflect 
upon himself for the many Taunts, Scoffs and idle frothy romances 
in his book ; con-der [sic for consider] what has incited him to 
such an undertaking : Is it prejudice, or preferment, or to get 
gain ? I am very sure it's not to promote Godliness amongst 
men, (if it be his work) and if he has been imposed upon by 
another for any base end, upon ingenuous confession, I pray 
God again forgive him, I can freely. And further ; I pray 
what is the reason that I am not now worthy of my common 
name with him, much less unckle, which heretofore was common 
with him ? And tell me wherein I have merited such Treatment, 
or been either unkind or uncivil to him in any respect ? I have 
entertained him kindly at my house. Is it any thing of 
Christianity or good nature to grow rude and uncivil ? or will 
such treatment have any good effect ? I say let him soberly 
consider of these things for his reputes sake, being a young man ; 
for I am as much his unckle as ever and a well-wisher to him, and 
all men. (pp. 24, 25). 

On March 14th, 1707-8, Audland preached, at Pen- 
ruddock, a funeral sermon on John Noble, a venerable 
deacon of that congregation. This was printed with the 
following title : — 

A sermon preach'd at the funeral of Mr. John Noble, of Pen- 
ruddock, near Penrith in Cumberland, March the 14th, 170I. 
By Samuel Audland. To which is added, a postscript concerning 
the Deceased, by another Hand. London : Printed for John 
Clark, at the Bible and Crown in the Old-Change. 1708. 8vo 
pp. [ii]. 46. 

It is a carefully arranged discourse on the certainty of 
death and on the need of preparing for it. One sentence 
may be quoted : — 

You are not made for your selves alone ; your Business here 

SAMUEL AUDLAND, 1709-I714. 257 

is to help in making this World better ; and if the Age you live 
in he not better for you, it will be worse. 

Audland's sermon occupies 29 pages of the pamphlet, 
the remaining pages being by " an other hand." 

Audland seems to have settled in Kendal early in 1709, 
for an April 14th of that year the baptisms begin again 
after an interval of more than two years. Of his ministry 
here we have no particulars, and the churchwardens in 
their replies to the Archdeacon in 1710 do not help us. 
They evidently knew that there was a Dissenting meeting 
house in their parish, but " we do not know whether 
such be licensed."* 

The Chapel register shows that the sacrament was 
administered regularly during Audland's time. The 
meeting-house was in need of frequent repairs. In 
October, 1709, the windows in the south end of the chapel 
were repaired at a cost of 4s. lod., and later in the same 
month 15s. lojd. was collected for repairs of the chapel. 
In 171 1 James Warriner's man repaired the glass windows, 
in 1712 the holes in the slate of the meeting-house were 
mended, and in 1713 the meeting-house was rough-cast. 
The cost of the last work is given thus : — 

4 July 1 713 For a quarter and a half of sand and leading 

it for rough casting the meeting House . . ..30 

For lime for Rough-casting the Chappel, for water and 

blending . . . . . . . . . . . . ••37 

To Richard Robinson at the Rough casting of the Meeting 

House 7 Aug. . . . . . . . . • . ..34 

In January, 1714, seven new panes were put in the 
chapel windows at a cost of 9d., and in October, 1714, 
James Penington was paid is. for mending the pulpit. 

Audland published nothing while at Kendal. The 
minutes of the Presbyterian Fund show that the ahowance 
of ;£io per annum granted to Pendlebury was continued 

* Visitation Papers, Archdeaconry of Richmond. 


to Audland, the first year in which his name occurs being 
1709.* In June, 1713, he and two Cumberland ministers 
had a grant of £5 each as an extraordinary supply, j 

During or immediately before Audland's ministry one 
of the great leaders of the Nonconformists, Dr. Edmund 
Calamy, visited Kendal. This was in 1709, on Calamy's 
return from a visit to Scotland. Unfortunately he 
mentions neither Nonconformist minister nor congregation 
in Kendal. His route was via Kendal, Lancaster, Preston 
and Wigan to Manchester, where he preached in the 
"spacious and fine chapel "J {i.e., Cross Street Chapel). 

In Kendal Chapel there was formerly a folio Baxter 
in several volumes with an inscription stamped on leather 
stating that it was presented by Mr. Samuel Audland 
"to be enjoyed by his successors in the ministry." § 
This book is not now to be found, but it existed some 
30 or 40 years ago. It is probably the book referred to 
in the following item in the register " 1709/10 Paid for 
carrying Mr. Baxter's Works from London 7s." 

Audland died 24th October, 1714, and was buried 
at the Parish Church. His win|| throws a httle light on 
his personal history, and is abstracted below : — 

15th October, 1714. 

I Samuel Audland of Kirkby Kendale in co. Westmorland, 

My body to be decently buried at the discretion of my executrix. 

I give to my Kinsman Henry Audland of the parish of Preston 
in the County Palatine of Lane. 2s. 6d. 

I give my fullest manuscript about interpreting the Scripture, 
to my Revd. Brother Mr. Thomas Dixon of Whitehaven, as 
also my MS. entitled a short view. 

None of these legacies to become due until one whole year 
after my decease. 

* Presbyterian Fund Minutes, ii., 219, 225, 231. 

t Presbyterian Fund Minutes, ii., 243. 

} Calamy's Historical Account of my own life, 2nd ed., 1830, ii., 220-1. 

§ Information of tlie Rev. J. E. Odgers. 

II Riclimond Wills : Kendal Deanery. 

SAMUEL AUDLAND, 1709-1714. 259 

The rest of my goods I give to my mother Sarah Audland in 
Kirkby Kendale in co. Westmorland, widow, whom I make 
sole executrix. 
Witnesses : Josias Shew. Samuel Audland. 

Agnes Baxter. 

Ri: Chambers. 

An inventory was taken 2nd November, 1714, by 
Christopher Barrow, Thomas Strickland, Jonathan Bir- 
kett and Richard Chambers, and showed an estate value 
£228 5s. lod. 

The executrix, Sarah iVudland of Kirkby Kendale 
and Richard Chambers her surety, entered into a bond 
in ;^5oo, dated 12th November, 1714, for the performance 
of the will. 

The will suggests that Audland was either unmarried 
or a childless widower. His mother, Sarah Audland, 
was at a later date a benefactor of the chapel, as was 
his kinsman William Audland.* 

In 1704 Lady Hewley of York had settled her estate 
on trustees to apply the income for the benefit of Dis- 
senting ministers in the northern counties, and she died 
in 1710, when the trust became operative. The object 
of her charity was practically the same as that of the 
Presbyterian Fund, and one of her trustees was the Rev. 
Richard Stretton, one of the leading managers of the 
Presbyterian Fund.| In 1712 it was thought that Lady 
Hewley's Trustees would be able, at once, to take over 
the assistance of the congregations in the northern coun- 
ties. The Minutes of the Presbyterian Fund, 2nd June, 
1712,1 record that 

Mr. Stretton moving that he will take off, the 5 Northern Counties, 
Yorkshire, Northumberland, Cumb^, Westmorland and Durham 

* The name remained in the Kendal district, tliough wliether its bearers 
were of the same family as the minister is not Ivnown. The grandmother of 
Mr. Titus Wilson was an Audland, being the aunt of Dr. Audland. 

t James's Presbyterian Chapels and Charities, p. 228. 

X Minutes, ii., 213. 


from the allowance formerly given them from the Fund amounting 
in all to above ;^220 on Condition that some Further Allowances be 
made in Leiw of them amounting to £\o-] and that the first half 
year be pd at Midsom"^ next. Agreed that his proposal be thank- 
fully-accepted of and ye first half yr of his additionall list be 
paide as soone as ye Trustees of ye Charity Mr. Stretton refers 
to, begin to pay the Ministers of those Northern Countes. 

There was however some litigation with the next of 
kin before the Hewley Trustees got to business, and this 
may be the reason that in 1713 each of the Cumberland 
and Westmorland grants from the Presbyterian Fund 
was an " extraordinary " supply, the recipients being 
informed that the grant was " not to be expected any 

One of these grants was to " Mr. Wyght of Brampton 
if his allowance from the Congregational Fund be dropt." 
On 8th November, 1714, the ^lanagers of the Fund 
appointed a committee, consisting of Dr. Edmund Calamy, 

Mr. Gunstan, Mr. Martin and Mr. James Coning- 

ham, to consider the state of the necessitous congregations 
in Westmorland and Cumberland and to report to the 
Board. t In the following month, 6th December, 1714, 
the committee was enlarged by the addition of Rev. 
Thomas Reynolds and the Rev. Samuel Wright. j The 
committee presented its report on 7th March, 1714-5, 
and it was agreed 

That Ten pounds be allowd Mr. Dickenson of Carlisle, ten pounds 
to Mr. Seddon of Penrith, ten pounds to Dr. Rigby of Cauthwaite 
or Salkeld, eight pounds to Mr. Dodson of Penruddock, five pounds 
to Mr. Michael Hope of Hudlescough, eight pounds to Mr. Wyght 
of Brampton, eight pounds to Mr. Stewart of Bleynerhasset 
and six pounds to Mr. Bourne of Crooke ... all 
these payments to commence from ]\Iids'' last. That besides 
these Allowances there be a farther allowance of six pounds 

* Presbyterian Fund Minutes, ii., 243. 
t Presbyterian Fund Minutes, ii., 265. 
X Presbyterian Fund Jhnutes, ii., 266. 

SAMUEL AUDLAND, I709-I714. 261 

to Alston jVIoor and Wiredale in Cumberland united when pro- 
vided of a minister to the satisfaction of this Board And ten pounds 
to Kendal ... on the same condition. And that the case 
of Rosendale ... be considered when they have a proper 

In this resolution there is no hint of the grants being 
" extraordinary " and merely casual. Henceforward the 
Fund made itself responsible for these congregations, 
and left Lady Hewley's charity to its own devices. 

After Audland's death the congregation were for nearly 
two years without a minister. The grant from the 
Presbyterian Fund, being a personal one to the minister, 
ceased. The Managers, however, decided on 7th March, 
1714-5, to make a grant of £10 to Kendal " when pro- 
vided of a minister to the satisfaction of this Board." 
In the following month (4th April, 1715) " Upon Mr. 
Dickenson's| representation of the state of the people 
of Kendal, that they not having a stated minister since 
Mr. Audlands death but being at a great expence for 
occasional assistance, need the allowance formerly 
granted," it was " agreed that, that allowance of ten 
pounds be continued to that Congregation to commence 
from Midsummer last." J 

We may assume that the congregation were looking for 
a minister during the two years, and an item in the 
Chapel register, 3rd October, 1714, " 2 post letters to 
Warrington about Mr. Lawton 6d.," suggests that they 
were then endeavouring to secure as their minister the 
Rev. Joseph Lawton, who had probably then begun his 
long ministry at Gateacre. 

The next minister was Caleb Rotheram. 

* Presbyterian Fund Minutes, ii., 266, 270. 

t Probably a slip of the pen for Dickson, i.e., Dr. Thos. Dixon of Whitehaven. 

% Presbyterian Fund Minutes, ii., 270, 271. 



Was Kendal Chapel 
" Originally Orthodox " ? 

THE erection of the Chapel in the Market Place was 
one of the first fruits of Dr. Rotheram's ministry. 
The congregation meeting there is now Unitarian. The 
question to be considered is whether it was or was not 
" originally orthodox," as stated by the writer of the 
Manchester Socinian Controversy. That writer did not 
condescend to proof of the statement, nor was it to 
be expected that he should, the book itself being merely 
part of the attempt made in the first half of the 
last century by Independents to obtain for the use of 
their denomination the Unitarian chapels of Presby- 
terian foundation. 

The writer of the Manchester Socinian Controversy 
assumed, as he was justified in doing, that all the old 
chapels were " orthodox," but he had overlooked the 
fact that Kendal Chapel is not strictly one of the earliest 
Dissenting chapels, though it happens to be one of the 
oldest now in use. 

Kendal Chapel was erected in 1720, and it were rash 
indeed to assume that a chapel built at that time of 
theological unrest was necessarily " orthodox." 

At that moment various tests of orthodoxy were being 
insisted upon, with great vehemence, by the ultra- 
orthodox, and yet the founders of Kendal Chapel imposed 
no religious test on either minister or congregation. So 
far as the earliest available documents prove, the original 
" trustees " were legally not trustees but owners, and 
it was not until many years after its erection that a trust 
deed was made, and that contained no doctrinal test 


for either minister or people. Besides the three or four 
men in whose name the building was held there were 
numerous others who had property in the pews and whose 
money had enabled the chapel to be erected. Even if 
there was no trust deed there must have been some 
morally binding implied trust which would prevent 
the owners of the building from over-riding the rights 
of the others who had invested money in the building. 

The documents describe the congregation as a Protes- 
tant Dissenting Congregation of Presbyterians, and at 
that time " Presbyterian " was the label affected by the 
less orthodox section of the Dissenters, the Presbyterians 
having taken the place of the Independents as the most 
liberal of the dissenting sects. The Presbyterians had 
not, as a body, formally departed from orthodoxy as 
regards the Trinity, but they had abjured some of the 
doctrines of the Westminster Assembly's Catechism, the 
standard of faith for the orthodox Nonconformists. 

That a chapel founded in 1720 had, as Kendal Chapel 
had, an open trust is some evidence that its founders 
did not belong to the ultra-orthodox. They belonged to 
the non-subscribing school of Dissenters and were willing 
to risk the consequences of freedom. 

The argument from the " open trust " may be pushed 
too far. In 1714 a portion of the congregation of Upper 
Chapel, ShefQeld, withdrew and founded Nether Chapel 
(now Congregational). The disruption appears to have 
been due to divergent views on church government, 
particularly as to whether the minister should be appointed 
by the trustees or the congregation, but the real foundation 
of the trouble was that the trustees and the majority of 
the congregation wished to appoint a minister who was 
not sufficiently Calvinistic for the minority. Yet when 
this minority withdrew and founded its own chapel, 
and when its earliest trust deed was drawn up in 1737, 
the trust was an " open " one. The trust of 1S27 was 


strongly Calvinistic, but it does not appear when the 
trust ceased to be open.* 

It does not follow that all the congregation were 
" non-subscribers," and indeed it is almost certain that 
it contained some who were not, but the believers in 
tests must have been in a minority, else why were there 
no tests ? We may also be certain that Rotheram, the 
minister for whom the chapel was built, would be on the 
side of freedom from tests. He was from an Academy 
at which were educated several of the most unorthodox 
ministers of their generation, men, too, who were 
Rotheram's intimate friends through life. 

It may be suggested that an open trust merely meant 
that unorthodoxy was so rare that no special provisions 
were needed to guard against it. Whatever validity 
this argument may have in reference to the oldest Non- 
conformist chapels, it has not any in the case of a com- 
paratively late foundation like Kendal. When that 
chapel was built the doctrine of the Trinity was being 
discussed on all sides. 

The orthodox doctrine of the Trinity was, it is now 
generally recognized, not a doctrine of the earliest 
Christian church, but was evolved by theologians of the 
first few centuries. In its early years the doctrine had 
a hard fight for recognition. After adopting the Trinity 
the Church prevented, as far as it could, all expression 
of anti-trinitarianism. Nevertheless, there arose from 
time to time heretics who, in preference to the Trinity, 
worshipped the same one God that Jesus did. When 
this happened the heretic was dealt with in so summary 
a manner as to make heresy distinctly unpopular. 

With the Reformation a fresh interest was taken in 
theology, and discussion was prevalent. But the doctrine 
of the Trinity was still one not to be discussed freely. 
Those who took the heterodox side had to meet irrefutable 

* Manning's Upper Chapel, Sheffield, pp. 54-57. 


arguments in the shape of miprisonment or burning to 
death. On the Continent Servetus and the elder and 
younger Socinus were perhaps the most powerful leaders 
of the heterodox party, and in Poland and Transylvania 
Unitarianism gained ground. Servetus was burned for 
his heresy by John Calvin. In England there were in 
the sixteenth century no great exponents of Unitarianism 
but a few humble seekers after truth were burned at the 
stake, and a few others were forced to recant their 
heresies. And then the heresy appeared to be extirpated. 
It was only appearance, for during the Civil War Socinian- 
ism was rampant. In 1643 Francis Cheynell published a 
pamphlet on 

The rise, growth and danger of Socinianisme. Together with a 
plaine discovery of a desperate designe of corrupting the Protestant 
Religion, whereby it appears that the Rehgion which hatli been 
so violently contended for (by the Archbishop of Canterbury 
and his adherents) is not the true pure Protestant Religion, 
but an Hotchpotch of Arminianisme, Socinianisme and Popery. 
It is likewise made evident, that the Atheists, Anabaptists, and 
Sectaries so much complained of, have been raised or encouraged 
by the doctrines and practises of the Arminian, Socinian and 
Popish Party. 

Cheynell was a Calvinist and regarded Calvinism as 
the " true pure Protestant Religion." His pamphlet is 
interesting evidence that Socinianism had made progress 
in England, and he refers to some earlier publications in 
which Socinianism had been advocated. 

In 1644 John Biddle, who is regarded as the father 
of English Unitarianism, began the work which was to 
lead him to prison, and in spite of persecution anti- 
trinitarianism spread. 

One need only look in Thomas Edwards's Gangrcsna, 
published in 1646, to see that anti-trinitarianism was 
rife at that time. Making ah allowance for Edwards's 
very hearty dislike of the Independents and of the 
dangerous claim they made for liberty of conscience, 


it is evident that the anti-trinitarian heresy was by 
no means unknown in the Independent and Baptist 
churches at that time. 

We have those who overthrow the Doctrine of the Trinity, 
oppose the Divinity of Christ, speak evill of the Virgin Mary, 
sleight the Apostles.* 

Should any man seven yeers ago have said that of many in 
England, (which now all men see) that many of the Professors 
and people in England shall be Arrians, Anti-Trinitarians, Anti- 
Scripturists, nay, blaspheme, deride the Scriptures, give over 
all prayer, hearing Sermons, and other holy duties, be for Tolera- 
tion of all Religions, Popery, Blasphemy, Atheism, it would have 
been said. It cannot be : And the persons who now are fain, 
would have said as Hazael, Are we dogs that we should do such 
things ? and yet we see it is so ; And what may we thank for 
this, but liberty, impunity, and want of Government ? f 

Those two damnable Errors of denying the Doctrine of the 
Trinity, and Divinity of Christ (if there had been no more) which 
have been openly and publikely maintained by some, and are 
held by many, were as just a cause for fasting and liumiliation, 
as the Israelites golden Calf 4 

To Edwards, of course, the Socinian heresy was con- 
fined to the Independents and Anabaptists, but the 
study of Socinian writers was not hmited to those sects. 
In 1648 we find Ralph Josselin, a Presbyterian, reading 
" Smalcius the Socinian, against the incarnation of 
Christ," and being impressed by the " subtle witt " of 
the author. § 

In the same year (1648) an Ordinance for punishment 
of blasphemy and heresy was passed by Parliament. || 
By this Ordinance recantation or death was the penalty of 

such Persons as shall, from and after the date of this present 
ordinance, willingly, by preaching, teaching, printing or writing. 

* Gangrcsna, part i. Epistle dedicatory. 

t Gangrcsna, 1646, pt. i., p. 58. 

t Gangrcena, pt. i., p. 95. 

§ R. Josselin's Diary, p. 62 (Camden, 3rd ser.] 

II Lords' Journals, x., 239. 


maintain or publish that' there is no God ... or that the 
Father is not God, tlie Son is not God, or that the Holy Ghost 
is not God, or that they three are not one Eternal God ; or that 
shall in like manner maintain and pubhsh, that Christ is not 
God equal with the Father, or shall deny the Manhood of Christ, 
or that the Godhead and Manhood of Christ are several natures, 
or that the Humanity of Christ is pure and unspotted of all 
sin ; or that shall maintain and publish, as aforesaid, that Christ 
did not die, nor rise from the Dead, nor is ascended into Heaven 
bodily, or that shall deny His Death is meritorious in the Behalf 
of Believers ; or that shall maintain and pubhsh as aforesaid, 
that Jesus Christ is not the Son of God ; or that the Holy Scripture 
. . . is not the word of God ; or that the Bodies of men shall 
not rise again after they are dead ; or that there is no Day of 
Judgement after Death. 

By the same Ordinance imprisonment was the penahy 
of quite a number of other offences against orthodox 
rehgion. The intention of the whole was to strengthen 
Presbyterian Calvinism. 

It would have been quite unnecessary for such an 
Ordinance to have been made had the heresies against 
which it was directed not been so common as to be a 
serious danger to orthodox religion. 

No one suffered the death penalty under this Ordinance, 
but it was only through the intervention of Cromwell 
that Biddle did not become a martyr. The Ordinance 
ceased to have any validity at the Restoration. 

In the early days of the Friends their orthodoxy was 
very justly suspected, and we have already mentioned 
that a Friend horrified his neighbours in Kendal by 
preaching the simple humanity of Christ.* 

In 1662 Biddle was indicted at common law and 
imprisoned pending the payment of a fine. He died in 
prison. In 1668 William Penn published his Sandy 
foundation shaken, a Socinian book. He was imprisoned 
for it, and in later editions the heretical portion was 

* Ante^ p. 34. 


In Spite of persecution there were, in 1676, three 
meetings of Socinians in London, one being held in the 
house of Mrs. Stutsky, a Polander, another at a hnen- 
draper's in Coleman Street, and a third in Bell Alley in 
the same street.* 

One of John Biddle's converts, Thomas Firmin, caused 
the issue of a number of Unitarian tracts. Their publi- 
cation began in 1690 and continued for several years. 
A great controversy resulted, some of the most dis- 
tinguished of English theologians taking part in it. 
Richard Frankland's little treatise was a contribution 
to this controversy. 

In 1695 the King issued " Directions for preserving 
of unity in the Church," with the object of putting an 
end to the discussion of the doctrine of the Trinity, a 
doctrine which had been more damaged by its friends 
than its enemies. 

In the same year a Dissenter, anonymous, but known 
to be John Chorlton, one of Frankland's scholars, pub- 
lished Notes upon the Lord Bishop of Salishtuy's Four 
last discourses to the Clergy of his Diocess, in which he 
attributes the growth of Socinianism to the " Church- 
mens over- valuing the Rational way of Preaching," by 
which " they have conjured up the Evil Spirit of 
Socinianism, which," he prophetically adds, " will 
exercise all their skill to get down again." 

In 1697 a young man named Aikenhead was hanged 
in Scotland for Unitarianism. If the ministers had 
interceded for him he would probably have been spared, 
but, as a lawyer of the time says, " the ministers out of 
a pious, though I think ignorant zeal, spoke and preached 
for cutting him off." In England a law was passed in 
the following year making it an offence to deny any one 
of the persons of the Holy Trinity to be God. Various 
civil disabilities followed conviction, and on a second 

* Hist. MSS. Comm., nth Rep. App. 7, pp. 17, 18. 


offence imprisonment for three years was added. This 
Act, after being practically a dead letter for over a century, 
was repealed in 1813. 

Despite discussion of the Trinity, there can be no 
doubt that up to the end of the seventeenth century 
the Presbyterian Dissenters were practically untouched 
by Unitarian arguments, but they recognized how much 
the Church of England was impregnated with Socinianism, 
as we may see in the controversy between Thomas Gipps, 
Rector of Bury, and James Owen, Minister of Oswestry. 
While denying some of the imputations of the minister, 
Gipps sneers at the evidently notorious Calvinism of 
Frankland's pupils, while Owen* says " I do not know 
any one Congregation of Dissenters that wou'd tolerate 
a Socinian in their Communion." There is no reason 
to doubt the truth of this remark of Owen's, but the 
leaven was working, and after the next great controversy, 
that in which Whiston and Clarke took the heterodox 
side, the Presbyterians were in pretty much the same 
position as the Church of England had been a few years 
earlier. Their ablest ministers and best congregations 
were squaring, as best they could, opinions they actually 
held with opinions embodied in the creeds, the standards 
of faith. 

About the end of the seventeenth century Thomas 
Emlyn of Dublin was converted to a form of Unitarianism 
by the perusal of the works of strenuous defenders of 
the doctrine of the Trinity. He published a book giving 
his views of the person of Christ, and in 1702, having 
been found guilty of denying the Trinity, was fined 
;^iooo and sentenced to remain in gaol until the fine 
was paid. He was in prison for two years. On his 
release, being still unconvinced of his error, Emlyn 
assisted Whiston and Clarke in the Trinitarian con- 
troversy. Whiston was a Churchman, who, being driven 

* A further vindication, 1699, p. 5. 


out of the Church for heresy, became a General Baptist. 
Samuel Clarke managed to explain his heresy without 
retracting it and remained in the Church. Their works 
gave rise to a famous controversy. 

How extensively " heresies " had permeated the 
Dissenting Chapels may be gathered from this extract 
from a sermon on the general corruptions and defection 
of the present times, published in 1714 by John Cum- 
mings, M.A., Minister of the Gospel at Cambridge. 

But some seem resolv'd to cast off all Reveal'd Religion, rather 
than honour God with their Understandings, by submitting 
their beloved Ideas* (for that's the charming Word) to his Revela- 
tion. Hence, the Age swarms with False Teachers and Seducers, 
who openly (for they are grown so impudent) bring in Damnable 
Heresies — and inany follow their pernicious Ways, by reason of 
whom the Truth is evil spoken of. 

Socinianism and Arianis^n threaten to lay the Ax to the 
Root of Christianity : Not only the Arminian Errors, but even 
the vile Texts of Pelagius are the only Notions now in Vogue. 
The Doctrines of Election and Predestination, of Original Sin, 
the Depravation of Man's Nature, the Satisfaction of Christ, 
Justification by Imputed Righteousness, the Work and Office 
of the Spirit, in Regeneration and Sanctification ; the necessity 
of Predestinating Grace, Man's Disability to Convert himself, 
the Perseverance of the Saints, and other great Truths of the 
Gospel, that are founded upon, or flow from These, are not only 
generally exploded as Irrational ; and that by those who sub- 
scribe ex animo to the XXXIX Articles, as Articles of Faith, in 
which all these Points are either expressly asserted, or plainly 
included, and the opposite Principles condemned. These Men 
deal with their Subscriptions, as some Men are said to do with 
their Oaths to the Government, they swear against Principle, 
and to make amends for their Perjury, act in direct Contradiction 
to their Oaths. 

We wonder how many people there are to-day who 
could take Mr. Cummings' catalogue of doctrines as 
essentials of Christianity ! 

'■'■ The italics are in the original. 


About the same time there was complaint of a general 
neglect of creeds amongst the Dissenters. The Rev. 
Joseph Crompton, one of Frankland's pupils, had about 
1718 joined the Church of England after having been 
a Presbyterian minister for some years. In the account 
of his conversion he gives an interesting description of 
the method of public worship amongst the Dissenters, 
and, assuming that his statements are accurate, it is 
not surprising that strict Calvinism was no longer the 
rule in the Dissenting churches, which had ceased to 
use the Assembly's Catechism and had no other creed 
to replace it. Crompton's account* includes the following 
passages : — 

The use of Book-Prayers and Responses were indeed new things 
to me ; there being no visible forms, nor so much as an Amen to 
be heard in our Congregations, as utter'd by the people . . . (p. 37) 
In the time of the Civil Wars ... a Directory for publick 
Worship was establish'd, directing to the matter and order. 
But not so much as that is now received amongst the Dissenters. 
The Presbyterian Ministers at the Savoy-Conference say, " We 
wou'd avoid both the extreme, that wou'd have no Forms ; 
and the contrary extreme, that wou'd have nothing but Forms." 
And yet the Dissenters have been in the former of these extremes 
ever since, almost threescore years, and seem to be fixed to it. 
The said Ministers proposed, a new Liturgy of their own 
But neither that, nor any other was, or is used amongst the 
Dissenters ... (p. 43). 

The reading of the holy Scriptures is neglected more or less 
in their congregations almost universally. That Prayer which 
our blessed Lord himself made, cannot be admitted at all among 
some, and but inconstantly amongst others. No Creed or Pro- 
fession of Faith is used, except at the administration of Baptism ; 
and why it should not be a part of ordinary publick worship, 
I know not ; nor why the Ten Commandments are not also 
made a part. These things are part of the reformed Liturgy, 
(as it is call'd;) and whether the Dissenters, by the omission 
of them, have carried the Reformation to a greater perfection 
still, is, I think, not hard to be determined. 

* Robert Marsden's Funeral sermon for Joseph Crompton, 1729. 


One thing indeed they have much reformed viz the irreverent 
carriage that was too common formerly in the congregations 
of Dissenters ; as, sitting at prayer ; and men putting their 
hats on at Sermon. But I wonder why kneehng at pubUck 
prayers is so generally disused yet. 

Mr. Boyse many years ago publickly recommended the more con- 
stant reading of the Scriptures in our assemblies, but I understand 
it hath been, and is generally neglected in London, and in some 
other parts. And it is so, more or less, generally every where, 
as far as I am acquainted : tho' I have heard several dissenting 
ministers express their dislike of this, and wish this occasion 
of objection against us were taken away : which might be done 
without encroaching much upon the time desired for our own 
Composures : and if these way a little to the holy Scriptures, I 
think it would both do and be as well. 

Tho' the way of praying used in our publick assemblies does 
not admit the people to join at all in uttering their own desires, 
(which I take to be a very great imperfection in our way ;) yet ; 
methinks, they shou'd utter their Amen at the end. This the 
Dissenters do not object against, but plead for ; yet in what 
congregation of ours shall we hear it ? 

But what I find the most fault with is, that the congregation's 
prayers should wholly and always depend upon the direction, 
ability, and temper of the Minister ; and that he should have 
so much upon him, as the making of these, at the same time 
that he is to use them, without any known prescribed matter 
or form : and that there are no known rules for worship received 
amongst them ; no certain terms, (but the general rules and 
terms of Scripture, interpreted according to the discretion of 
the Minister) upon which Christian people and their children 
are admitted to the Sacraments (p. 46, 47). 

Crompton must not be taken too literally. Whatever 
may have been the practice in public worship, there can 
be no doubt that the " Shorter Catechism " was well 
known in Westmorland, where it was distributed broad- 
cast by the Trustees of Philip, Lord W^harton.* 

In 1717 another Unitarian controversy arose. Three 
out of four Presbyterian ministers in Exeter were sus- 

* In the Manchester Reference Library there is a copy of the " Sliorter 
Catecliism " with " The gift of Philip late Lord Wharton deceased Distributed 
by his Lordships Trustees 1720 " stamped upon it. 


pected of heresy. The committee of the churches there 
appealed to the ministers to preach on the divinity of 
Christ so that they could judge of the truth of the 
suspicions. Peirce preached on the subject, but not 
so explicitly as to satisfy the committee that he was 
orthodox, and at a subsequent interview the managers 
became convinced that he was unorthodox. In 1718 
the Assembly of Devon and Cornwall resolved that each 
minister present should declare his belief in the Doctrine 
of the Trinity either in the words of the XXXIX Articles 
or in those of the Westminster Catechism, or, if they 
preferred, in words of their own. According to the 
" orthodox " party it was the general sense of the 
Assembly that there is but one living and true God, 
and that Father, Son and Holy Ghost are one God. In 
their declarations Peirce and Hallet, two of the suspected 
ministers, gave their colleagues no reasons to suppose 
them orthodox, and later were ejected from their places 
for heresy. Meanwhile the trouble had spread to London, 
the committee of the Three Denominations having been 
asked to offer advice to the Exeter congregations. 
Meetings were accordingly held in Salters' Hall on 
February 19th and 24th, 1718-9. At the latter it was 
moved that the advice should be accompanied by a 
Declaration of the faith of the Assembly in the doctrine 
of the Trinity, and the motion, after an excited debate, 
was lost by four votes, 57 to 53, or, according to another 
record, 73 to 69. This alarmed the orthodox, who very 
naturahy saw in it proof that the ministers were not 
sound in the faith, and on March 3rd a third meeting 
was held, and a resolution was moved calling upon ah the 
ministers to declare their faith in the doctrine of the 
Trinity, and especially in the divinity of Christ. Dr. 
Joshua Oldfield, the moderator, ruled that the motion 
was irrelevant to the business under discussion, and 
refused to put it to the vote. Whereupon sixty ministers 



withdrew and formed a second assembly. The "sub- 
scribers " or persons wilhng to subscribe their behef in 
the Trinity were nearly all Congregationalists, and in- 
cluded William Tong, one of Frankland's pupils. The 

non-subscribers " were mostly Presbyterians, and 
included Dr. John Evans, also one of Frankland's 

It is noteworthy that the non-subscribers disclaimed 
sympathy with Arianism, and said that their orthodoxy 
was not suspected. They gave as reasons for the course 
they took that to have subscribed would have been to 
take sides with one of the parties at Exeter ; that no 
declaration in other words than those of Scripture could 
serve the cause of peace and truth ; that the subscription 
proposed was beyond that which was required by the 
Toleration Act, and that it attributed undue importance 
to the Assembly's Catechism ; that to have submitted 
to the proposal would have been contrary to the principles 
of Protestantism, and a surrender of Christian liberty ; 
and, finally, that if such demands were complied with, 
no one could tell where they would stop. 

The occasion which gave rise to the Salters' Hall 
meetings and the behaviour of the non-subscribers, con- 
sidered together, are very suggestive of more unorthodoxy 
than the non-subscribers would admit. It may be 
mentioned that a reluctance to express a belief in the 
nature of the Godhead in other than Scriptural terms 
was a characteristic of all varieties of Unitarians through- 
out the persecution period. The reason is obvious to 
those who have searched the Scriptures for any definition 
of the Trinity. 

It may be suggested that this discussion, being in 
the South of England, is no guide to the feeling amongst 
Dissenters in remote Westmorland. There is however 
sufficient evidence to show that even in the early years 
of the eighteenth century there was communication 


between different parts of the country, and that remote 
Westmorland was not entirely cut off from London. 

It happens, however, that we have evidence of theo- 
logical strife in this county, and the facts are very per- 
tinent to our enquiry. Controversy with the Quakers, 
who denied some of the most cherished doctrines of the 
Calvinists, was always going on in Westmorland, where 
the Friends were very numerous. 

These controversies must have familiarized everyone 
who took any interest in theology with the strength and 
weakness of orthodox doctrines. It is scarcely possible 
for the doctrines in question to have been discussed 
without changing some opinions. Without becoming 
Quakers many people must have become aware, by the 
arguments of the Friends, of the slight foundation on 
which some of the orthodox doctrines had been built. 

In. 1708 the Rev. John Atkinson, of Cockermouth, 
previously of Crook, thought it necessary to reply to a 
Quaker pamphlet, Absolute Predestination not Scriptural. 
Atkinson's book, it is too large to be called a pamphlet, 
as it occupies 158 pages, is entitled A discourse of election, 
shewing the nature, the proof, the properties, the improve- 
ment of election, to which is added, A vindication of this 
doctrine of election. 

In or shortly after 171 1 an incident occurred which 
shows that some of the local ministers were narrowly 
Calvinistic. Samuel Bourn was elected minister of 
Crook and settled there in 171 1. " Here he first felt 
the effects of an illguided and intolerant zeal for estab- 
lished and prevailing systems ; For having declined, 
from a regard to the principles of christian liberty, and 
a consistent adherence to them, to subscribe the assem- 
bly's catechism, then the received standard of orthodoxy 
among the Dissenters, many of the ministers in the 
neighbourhood refused to concur in his ordination. 
This unfriendly and illiberal conduct, obviously tended 


to fix a stigma on his character, and to raise prejudices 
against him."* He was at this time a Trinitarian and 
remained one until 1719 when, having read the books 
pubhshed during the Trinitarian controversy, he became 
an Arian. In the following year Bourn removed from 

In 1714 the Presbyterian congregation at Ravenstone- 
dale elected a minister whose appointment was followed 
by the secession of a portion of the congregation, " who," 
say Messrs. Dale and Crippen,f " were perhaps inclined 
to Arianism which was about this time gaining favour 
in many Presbyterian churches." The seceding party 
had the help of Dr. Thomas Dixon, and in 1715 were 
sufficiently strong to engage a minister of their own, 
in the person of Caleb Rotheram, one of Dr. Dixon's 

The most interesting evidence of the spread of lati- 
tudinarianism in these parts is afforded by the con- 
troversy arising from a sermon preached in 1719 by 
Joseph Dodson of Penruddock. The sermon was printed 
under the title of Moderation and Charity. X 

Dodson gives this account of its genesis : — 

But here I think my self particularly obliged to give some Account 
of the most prevailing Reasons which determin'd me to Preach, 
and now to Publish the following Discourse ; which comes Abroad 
so contrary to my first Intention. 

When I was admitted to preach, as a Candidate for the Ministry, 
I was, God knows, a rash, censorious, and ignorant Zealot ; had 
high Conceits of my own Orthodoxy : and did not stick at con- 
demning both Persons and Opinions, I had little, or no other 
Acquaintance with, but what I had from the unkind and partial 
Representations of Men ; for whom I entertain'd a very undue 

* Toulmin's Memoirs of Samuel Bourn. 

t Cong. Hist. Soc. Trans., iii., 3. 

X " Moderation and Charity, recommended in a sermon preach'd at Keswick, 
to the Associated Protestant Dissenting Ministers of Cumberland and West- 
moreland. By Joseph Dodson, A.M. London : Printed for Eman. Matthews, 
at the Bible in Pater-Noster-Row, 1720 (Price Six-pence)." 8vo. pp., viii., 36. 


But, I bless God, I was not long contented with an Implicit 
Faith. I soon prevail'd with my self, to make some serious 
Searches into the Nature of the Christian Religion : and to 
study, with some Degree of Exactness, the principal Controversies 
in Divinity, particularly those, which were manag'd with the 
greatest Heat and Uncharitableness, and in which I, my self, 
could not allow of any Sentiments different from my own, without 
very hard Thoughts of the Persons who maintain'd them. 

I soon very plainly discover' d that the genuine Spirit of true 
Christianity, is a Spirit of Meekness and Love, a charitable and for- 
bearing Spirit : and that this Spirit, attended with a Conduct suitable 
to it, is every where recommended and enforc'd by the Gospel of Christ. 

And, as to a great many of the most celebrated Controversies 
in Divinity, I found, that even on that Side, which I apprehended 
to be erroneous, a great many Things were urg'd, with such a 
Degree of Plausibility, as might prevail in determining honest 
and sincere Men to fall in with it. 

When I had seriously considered these Things, and had also 
made some proper Reflections, on the Frailty of Human Nature, 
and the Prejudices of Education : I did not, in the least, doubt, 
but that many, who differ'd from me, in the most controverted 
Points, might be as sincere and honest in their Enquiries as my 
self, and consequently be equally approv'd of, by an Omniscient 
and Impartial God : And therefore, instead of pronouncing 
Damnation against such, or so much as reviling or censuring 
of them, I resolv'd, that I wou'd love them as Brethren, and 
entertain as favourable Thoughts of them, as of those, whose 
Notions happen'd to be agreeable to my own. 

I was appointed, at a General Meeting of the Protestant 
Dissenting Ministers of Cumberland and Westmoreland, in 171 8, 
to be the Preacher at our next Meeting, April 1719 ; and, upon 
this Occasion, I presently determin'd to prepare a Discourse in 
Favour of Moderation and Charity, which had been my darling 
Principles for some Years : As I had been mercifully deliver' d 
from an Evil Spirit of Persecution, I gladly laid hold of the 
Opportunity of discovering my Repentance, and of employing 
my best Services, towards the strengthening of my Brethren. 

Now as to the Reasons, which have occasion'd this Discourse 
to be made publick, the Reader may take it thus. 

A certain Reverend Brother, who, I hope, is a sincere and 
honest Man, was greatly offended with the Sermon, and had the 
Goodness to tell some of his Friends, that he had scarce Patience 
to stay in the Place of Worship, till I had deliver'd it. 


This presently took Air ; and some zealous, unknown Friend, 
drew up a general, confus'd Charge against me, and transmitted 
it to London, with a Design, as I have found Reason to apprehend, 
to sink my Reputation with my Friends there. After some Time, 
two* of the London Ministers wrote to the Gentleman who was 
first offended with the Sermon, to desire of him a more full and 
particular Account of this Matter. 

Twas thenf he gave a free Vent to his Zeal against me, telling 
them, that, as to the Business of Arianism, he believed all the 
Ministers had the same Sentiments they always entertain'd, 
unless the Preacher was gone into the New Scheme. 

I now suffer under this Reproach, in common with a great 
many of my worthy Brethren, in London, and elsewhere ; because 
I, as well as they, declare against making any Human Forms 
the Tests of Orthodoxy . 

I hop'd that I had satisfy'd my Jealous Brother, as to my 
Orthodoxy, with Respect to the true Divinity of our Blessed 
Lord ; For when a Declaration of our Faith, as to this Particular, 
was requir'd, I deliver'd my self in these Words ; / believe, 
according to the Scriptures, that Christ made the World, and that 
he who made the World is Eternal God. He publickly own'd 
himself satisfy'd with this Declaration : But, alas ! Zealous 
Orthodox Brethren find it to be no very easy Matter, to get rid 
of their Suspicions of Heresy, when once thay have been possessed 
by them. 

Matters being thus represented at London, it was resolved 
by some of my warm Brethren there that I shou'd not go un- 
punish'd ; accordingly I am made to feel the Weight of the 
malignant Influence of Protestant Popery : they are agreed, to 
persecute me, to the utmost extent of their Power. 

Blessed be God, the Secular Arm is not, and I hope never will, 
be at their Service : But if they cannot Kill, they can beat 
their Fellow Servant. Oh ! with what Zeal, have they labour'd 
to wound my Reputation, in order to rob me of my Bread, where- 
ever they had Hopes that their charitable Representations of 
me might be of any Service this Way ! And it must be own'd, 
that they have the Satisfaction, to see their kind Endeavours, 
every where prove successful. 

* Mr. Nesbit and Mr. Bradbury. 

t This Reverend Brother has lately done me Justice, as to this Particular, 
having giv'n it under his Hand, that he believes I have no other Faith con- 
cerning the Holy Trinity, than what he has himself : This he had done, without 
having receiv'd any New Proofs of my Orthodoxy. 


My Congregational Brethren, think me unworthy to receive 
any further Supphes from their Fund ; And a valuable Gentleman, 
from whom I have formerly received several Favours, has, of late, 
neglected me, as I have too much Ground to suspect. Nay, 
such has been their Zeal, in misrepresenting me, and so prevailing 
has it prov'd, that even the Good-, the Charitable Mr. H—rl—y, 
has thought fit to pass me by, in his last Distribution of, &c. 
notwithstanding that he has had it under the Hands of my neigh- 
bouring Brethren, that they believe me to be orthodox : and that 
the only Reason why I refuse to submit to an humane Test, in 
Matters of Faith, is the Fear of giving up my Liberty as a Christian, 
as a Protestant, and as a Protestant Dissenter. 

Endeavours have been us'd by some at London, to prejudice 
my People against me, and cut off my Usefulness. At one 
Time, it was mov'd to some of them, that they should made a 
Declaration against the Antitrinitarian Doctrines : at another 
Time, that they should manifest some Dislike of my Principles, 
otherwise they could not expect any Thing from Pinners Hall Fund, 
if ever I should leave 'em. And a certain Gentleman, to whom 
I had wrote very freely, in my own Vindication, was so civil 
to me, as to expose my Letter to a busy Zealot, and allow him 
to transcribe it ; which, after it had undergone some material 
Alterations, very much to my Disadvantage, was transmitted 
to one of my Hearers, to be, by him, if judged proper, com- 
municated to my People. 

I cannot but observe from hence, that Nine or Ten Pounds 
a Year, is not below my Adversaries Envy. 

I am heartily sorry, that Men, who profess the greatest Zeal 
against the Impositions of the Established Church, should appear 
most forward in the Defence of Impositions upon their Dissenting 
Brethren : and that they who have made the loudest Outcries 
against Persecution, should take so much Pleasure in persecuting 
those who differ from them ; and that they should be so obstin- 
ately bent, in carrying on the fatal Design. 

For my own Part, I cannot but think it incumbent upon me, 
to appear in the Defence of my injured Reputation. And here, 
I submit to the impartial Examination of every candid and 
judicious Reader, what I delivered in the Hearing of my Brethren ; 
and for which, I have suffered the Loss of every Thing, that my 
mistaken Persecutors could deprive me of. 

I have great Satisfaction in the Review of what I have done ; 
and, with all my Soul, in this Publick Manner, contribute my 
poor Assistance, toward the Support of the glorious Cause of 


Christian Charity, and Christian Liberty : in the Defence of 
which, there is, at this Day, so brave an Appearance, both in 
the Established Church, and among the Dissenters. 

Before I conclude this Preface, I cannot but observe, that 
I had composed the following Discourse, some Time, before I 
had any Notice of the unhappy Differences among the Ministers 
at London. 

The foregoing extracts are from the preface to Dodson's 
work, but some extracts may also be given from the 
sermon itself. Dodson points out that " those Truths, 
both speculative and practical, wherein they universally 
agree, are greatly superior in number, to those wherein 
they differ," and his sermon throughout well illustrates 
the standpoint of the latitudinarian ministers of his 
and the succeeding generation. For this reason our 
extracts are rather long : — 

Fierce Contentions about Matters of Religion, eat out the very 
Vitals of true Godliness ; and break in upon Christian Charity, 
the most essential character, and distinguishing Badge of our 
Holy Profession (p. i). 

We may, we ought to, be Zealous in the Defence of Christian- 
ity, and not suffer the Foundations thereof to be shaken, thro' 
any Lukewarmness of ours; but still. Love, and Meekness, 
and common Justice, which are due to all Mankind, should be 
predominant ; and appear conspicuous in our whole Conduct, 
towards erroneous Contenders ; their Errors, tho' great, will 
by no Means justify factious Wrath, and unrighteous Calumny 

(P- 3). 

I desire that my Discourse may be chiefly apply'd to Dif- 
ferences about the more difficult, abstruse, and doubtful Points 
of Religion ; and to such as are of little Moment to the Church 
of Christ, however determin'd (p. 4). 

We must discover a moderate and gentle Disposition, by 
studying more to find out Means and Terms of Peace, than 
Matters of Quarrel, and Weapons of Contention (p. 6). 

Tho' Mens Opinions ought to be charg'd with all the absurd 
and evil Consequences which naturally flow from them, yet 
Charity forbids us to charge those of our Brethren with them, 
who may maintain the Principles from which they flow, if they 
perceive not those Consequences, nor own and acknowledge. 


but disclaim and detest them. It is certainly the Height of 
Uncharitableness, in such a Case as this, to tell them that they 
prevaricate in such a Declaration ; and that they both see and 
maintain the Consequences, tho' when they are charg'd Home 
with the Absurdities thereof, for Decency's Sake, they disclaim 
them (p 7). 

Let Ministers, for Shame, give over censuring and reproaching 
one another, on the Account of their different Apprehensions 
of Things doubtful and unnecessary. 

Let not any of us, who admire the Learning and Judgment 
of Mr. Calvin, join with him in reproaching those who are of 
a different Perswasion from him, in Matters of Religion ; let 
us rather be concerned to find such an Allay to his great learning 
and Piety, in the Reproaches* which he casts with so much 
Bitterness, on those who durst oppose his celebrated Scheme 
of Doctrines. How did this Great Man make too free with the 
most Divine Laws of Charity ; and Moderation, when, in the 
Face of the World, he called his Adversaries, Men void of Godli- 
ness, impudent Impostors, filthy Doers, Confederates with wicked 
Knaves, and devoted to the Interest of Satan ? (p. 9.) 

I do not pretend to know what Truth there is in Grotius's 
Remark, that for the most part, Men imitate the Manners of 
those they have made Choice of for their Masters and Oracles, in 
Matters of Opinion in Religion, but, I shou'd be sorry for the 
Truth of what he is pleased to affirm, that whereas Melancthon's 
Disciples are generally very mild and gentle : those of Calvin, on 
the contrary, are Men of a rough and unfriendly Behaviour towards 
those who differ from them in Matters of Religion. 

We must discover a moderate and gentle Disposition, by 
forbearing to rack the Consciences of one another with Sub- 
scriptions to human Creeds. A Tyrannical inforcing our own 
deify'd Phrases and Interpretations of God's sacred Word on the 
Consciences of others, is no less than a setting up for Rabbies, 
Fathers and Masters in Religion, and has been one of the chief 
Fountains of the Schisms and Desolations of the Christian Church 
(p. 12). 

When Men set up their own fallible Interpretations for 
Standards of Faith, by which they pretend we may and ought 

* In a footnote Dodson states that he had " been charg'd with pouring 
Contempt upon Calvin, and treating his Memory with Indecency and 
Reproach." He defends himself from the charge, and expresses his high 
opinion of Calvin's work and character, excepting his impatience with his 


to judge of Truth and Heresy, and oblige us to subscribe them 
as the Word of God ; or which amounts to the same thing, as 
containing the real and undoubted sense of his Word ; they 
visibly detract from the Authority and Sufficiency of the holy 
Scriptures, and lay unjust Restraints upon our Consciences. 

But such is the Nature of a Zeal for Orthodoxy, that is not 
according to Knowledge ; and such are the Effects of an usurp'd 
Dominion over Mens Reason and Consciences, that if any stand 
up for the Honour of the holy Scriptures, and plead that they 
contain fully, and in clear and express Terms, whatever is of 
Necessity to Salvation, to be known, believed, and practised ; 
and insist upon their Liberty of subscribing these, and these 
only, they are presently branded with Heresy, and set as a Mark 
for the blind and ungovern'd Populace to vent their Fury upon 

(P- 13)- 

Would but Men consider, that Confessions of Faith, are 
really no more than Declarations of the Faith of those that publish' d 
them : that they are not so much Declarations what Men ought 
to believe, as what they themselves, fallible both in their Opinions 
and Interpretations, at present believe to be true ; they would 
no more make use of them as spiritual Bonds, to tie up Mens 
Consciences, Tongues and Pens, from varying from their Phrase- 
ology or manner of treating of the deep Things of God. 

And would they but also consider Ezekiel's Commination 
against those that falsly say. Thus saith the Lord : they would 
perhaps think it to be the safest Method to speak of the more 
dark and doubtful Points of Religion, in the Language of the 
Scriptures, rather than in that of fallible and partial Men ; and 
to leave their Brethren at full Liberty to take the same Course 
(pp. 13, 14). 

What a Stir have some Men made, about Grace and Free- 
will, and how liberal have they been of their Anathemas : and 
yet, whoever will give themselves Leave to consider the Matter 
carefully and impartially, will find there's an Unfathomable 
Bddos in these Things, and be convinced that Men ought to be 
very modest and moderate in every Thing respecting such high 
and abstruse Points as these, . . 

They, who will not own that there are great Difficulties in 
Divinity, do but betray their own Ignorance and Unacquainted- 
ness with the Writings of Divines, as well as with Holy Scriptures 
(pp. 17, 18). 

Most of the Points in Controversy, which are agitated with 
so much Heat, and so little Charity, by the contending Parties, 


are, if not dark in themselves, yet very much obscured by their 
Logical Fallacies, and crabbed Metaphysical Distinctions : 
whereby they have, in a great Measure, turned Men from the 
Simplicity which is in Christ, and made it much more easy to 
mistake the Truth, than find it (p. 19). 

It is damnable, indeed, to deny Truths testify'd by God, 
if we know that they are thus testify'd by him ; because this 
is plainly to give him the Lie. But, if we deny a Divine Truth, 
not believing that it is testify'd by God, such a Denial is by no 
Means damnable, unless our not seeing it to be a Divine Truth, 
is owing to a voluntary and avoidable Negligence (p. 25). 

These Systems, Catechisms, and Creeds, are the Touch-Stones, 
whereby they try the Truth and Falshood of Mens Opinions ; 
and we may add, that they are the Standards, whereby the 
several Parties interpret such Texts of Scripture, as are most 
in Dispute, and on the Sense of which their Cause principally 
depends ; thus making a Sort of Idols, of those Human Com- 
posures, which might otherwise serve the Purposes of true Religion, 
Men strive in Defence of them, at the Expence of Charity, and 
even of common Justice. Would but Men, instead of borrowing 
their Notions in Religion, from Systems, Catechisms, or Creeds, 
which is the great Cause of such ungoverned Zeal in Defence 
of them, study the Scriptures more, and from them learn their 
Faith, there would, perhaps, be both less Difference in Opinion, 
and less Heat and Uncharitableness on the Score of unavoidable 

Let us not be fond of a Party as such. 'Tis being zealous 
Arminians, earnest Calvinists, rigid Lutherans, instead of con- 
tenting our selves, with being plain and honest Christians, which 
is one principal Cause of those Contentions and Animosities, 
which are found among the celebrated Parties (pp. 28, 29). 

Would Men be content with being call'd Christians, and would 
they not divide uncharitably from their Brethren, who, in any 
Point of Opinion or Practice, differ from them ; there would 
of Necessity be more of Union, and more of mutual Forbearance 
amongst them ; we should then hear less of Fines and Imprison- 
ments, of Racks and Gibbets, of Cursing and Damning, on the 
Account of Differences in Religion. Let us prefer Holiness in 
our Brethren to Orthodoxy ; I mean, to what we our selves 
esteem to be Orthodox, for no doubt every Sect is perfectly 
Orthodox in its own Judgment (p. 30). 

Though Dodson nowhere mentions the name it appears 


that one of the objectors to Dodson's doctrine was the 
Rev. John Atkinson of Stainton, who must not be con- 
fused with his name-sake and contemporary, successively 
of Crook and Cockermouth, who has already been men- 
tioned in this chapter. 

John Atkinson of Stainton replied to Dodson in a 
pamphlet entitled Jesus Christ the Son, essentially the 
same with God the Father* 

Of the orthodoxy of John Atkinson there can be no 
doubt, and it is possible that he could scent heresy where 
none existed. But it is evident that he did not believe 
that Dodson was " sound " in his Trinitarianism. Dodson 
had declared his belief " according to the Scriptures, 
that Christ made the World ; and that he who made 
the World is Eternal God," on which Atkinson remarks : 

This is a very uncertain Description of the Divinity of Christ, 
and is no more than what the rankest Arian in the World may 
say, upon their base and absurd Principles. One would think 
that the Reverend Assembly of Ministers expected such a Declara- 
tion from him, as would distinguish him from an Arian, or from 
one, who denies Christ to be the one only true and most high 
God ; but it is most evident this does not so : For who knows 
in what Sense he takes those Scriptures that say Christ made the 
World ? Whether in the Orthodox, or Arian sense ? Whether 
Christ made the World as an Instrument only in the Hand of 
God ; or as He who is the one only Creator of Heaven and 
Earth ? Whether He is the same Independent Almighty 
Creator, essentially considered, with God the Father, and God 

* ' Jesus Christ the Son, Essentially the same with God the Father : And 
Believers are sure that he is so. Prov'd and apply'd in two Sermons on 
John vi., 69. Witli a preface, containing some brief remarks upon a sermon 
and preface, published by the Reverend Mr. Joseph Dodson, A.M. By John 
Atliinson, Minister of the Gospel at Stainton. Lond. 1722 " {12° pp., viii., 
42). Atkinson was author of two other contributions to the Trinitarian 
controversy, viz., " An Answer to Mr. Benjamin Bennet's Irenicum : wlierein 
the Doctrine of the Trinity is defended and the duty of believing it enforc'd 
[&c., &c.]. By John Atlvinson, of Stainton, in Westmorland, tond. 1724 " 
(12° pp., 48), and " The Father, the Word, or (Son) and the Holy Ghost, the 
One True God : Together witli the Necessity of Believing it ; Prov'd and 
apply'd, in two sermons, on i John, v. 7. With a dedication, plainly shewing 
the unreasonableness, impiety, and dreadful effects, of Denying Christ to 
be the Most High God. By John Atkinson, Minister of the Gospel at Stainton 
in Westmorland. Lond. 1726 " (12° pp. xxvi. 36). There are copies of each 
in the Jackson Library, Tullie House, Carlisle. 


the Holy Ghost ? The Arians, or New-scheme Men, explain 
those Texts that attribute the Creation to Christ, of an Instru- 
mental Cause ; and, they say, that Christ is such an Agent with 
the Father in the Creation of the Universe, as is subordinate 
both in Nature and Powers to him ; And so may this Author 
mean, for any thing he has here said. 

Atkinson was not satisfied with the first part of Dodson's 
declaration, and as to the second part — " He who made 
the World is Eternal God," he says : — 

Now I cannot but wonder that this Piece of meer Equivocation, 
of perfect Arian Cant, should satisfy any one of the Assembly 
of Ministers, as he hints it did. But I am persuaded even that 
one will declare the contrary. 

Considering Atkinson's suspicions of Dodson's ortho- 
doxy, it is to be expected that he would defend the 
action of the Congregational Fund in withdrawing its 
contribution to Dodson's congregation : — 

Certainly he cannot imagine, if he be an Arian, or one who denies 
Christ to be the most High God, that those who believe he is, 
should allow him any thing towards his Maintenance as a 

We have given long extracts from Dodson's sermon, 
not to prove that he was a Unitarian, for they do not 
do that. What the sermon does prove is that in West- 
morland, at almost the precise time of the foundation 
of Kendal Chapel, doctrines were being preached which 
were not " orthodox." At a time when the test of 
orthodoxy was the Westminster Catechism with its 
precise definitions of correct belief is a .minister preaching 
against " creeds." At a time when the orthodox party 
were insisting on a whole range of beliefs is a preacher 
who puts beliefs on one side and inculcates " a spirit of 
meekness and love . . . attended with a Conduct 
suitable to it " as the essential part of Christianity. 

We take Dodson to be typical of that section of Pro- 
testant Dissenters which refused to submit to a human 


test in matters of faith and declined to give up its Christian 

If we may follow the keen-sighted orthodox Atkinson 
and believe that the non-subscribers were Arians, we have 
as a corollary that the founders of Kendal Chapel were 
Arians. This may have been so, but we do not know. 

It is scarcely likely, however, that the founders of the 
Kendal Chapel, though non-subscribing, and therefore to 
some extent unorthodox, from the beginning, were entirely 
Arian. The probability is that the congregation, believing 
in freedom, laid more stress on points of agreement than 
on points of disagreement, and in the hands of a tactful 
minister such a congregation might well last forty years 
without the inevitable fissure becoming too wide to be 
bridged over. Orthodoxy was at a discount in the early 
part of the eighteenth century, and it was not until 
about the middle of the century that the Evangelical 
Revival, originated in the Church of England by Wesley 
and Whitefield, spread to the Dissenters and made it 
no longer possible for controversial points to be ignored 
by the ministers. 

We have not, unfortunately, any definite information 
as to the religious standpoint of Dr. Rotheram when he 
was appointed minister of the congregation which, soon 
afterwards, built Kendal Chapel. It is clear that he was 
not in favour of subscriptions to creeds and tests. One 
can scarcely conceive of a new chapel having an open 
trust if that was not in accordance with the wishes of 
the minister who would, there can be no doubt, be the 
principal mover in the erection of the chapel. It is 
probable that at Kendal there was repeated what 
happened in Liverpool when Dr. Rotheram 's friend. Dr. 
Winder, became minister at Castle Hey Chapel in 1718. 
It is related that his 

people were then (generally speaking) of very narrow sentiments ; 
and seemed pretty much attached to certain human forms, and 


systems of divinity ; which they were apt to look upon, as 
standards of christian faith, and tests of orthodoxy. 

Dr. Winder 

took a great deal of pains to inlarge their minds, and to diffuse 
among them the Christian spirit of candor, moderation, and 
extensive charity. He shewed them the injustice of all imposi- 
tions on the consciences of men : and that human authority, 
in matters of religion, is ridiculous and absurd. Our Lord Jesus 
Christ is sole lawgiver and king in His church. In the new 
testament, are contained the doctrines, which he has reveled ; 
and the laws, which he has injoined. And no one man, nor any 
body of men, have any right to add thereto, or diminish there- 
from : neither have they a right, authoritatively, to explane 
the doctrines, or precepts of Christ ; and say, that ministers, 
or people, are obliged to interpret, or understand, them, in this 
or that sense, and in no other sense whatever. Upon these 
principles. Dr. Winder earnestly exhorted his people to stand 
fast in the liberty, wherewith Christ had made them free ; and 
no more to be intangled with any yoke of bondage whatever. 
He did not desire to be lord of their faith : but the helper of their 
joy. And, therefore, he recommended it to them, to see with 
their own eyes ; like the noble Beroeans, to search the scriptures 
daily : that they might see whether things were just so, as they 
had been taught ; or had received, by tradition, from their 
fallible forefathers.* 

We shall not, perhaps, be doing an injustice to the 
Presbyterian ministers of the eighteenth century if we 
say that the bulk of them were more or less unorthodox 
and that most of them had departed very far from the 
dogmatic standpoint represented by the Westminster 
Catechism, and that amongst other " heresies " to which 
they were tending was Unitarianism, in one or other of 
its forms. Many of them, however, either shrank from 
giving prominence to their advanced ideas or thought 
the controverted points of theology not really essential 
parts of true Christianity. In their preaching they 

* Dr Benson's Memoirs of Dr. Winder prefixed to Winder's History of 
Knowledge. Dr. Benson would appear by liis orthography to have been a 
spelling reformer. 


avoided these controverted points preferring to dwell 
rather on the truths of the religion taught by Christ than 
on those points which only the ingenuity of a Calvin or 
a Westminster Assembly could extract from the Bible. 

Whether it was good policy to ignore rather than to 
combat the doctrines of so called " evangelical " 
Christianity is a question which we need not discuss, 
but one unfortunate result of the practice actually 
followed is that the historian is unable to give specific 
dates for the steps taken by ministers and congregations 
on the way from Calvinism to Unitarianism. But there 
are remarkable instances of how possible it was in those 
days to ignore controversy. John Brekell, who was 
minister of Kaye Street Chapel, Liverpool, from 1728 
to 1769, "passed with his people as an orthodox man; 
and from an idea, then very prevalent among free- 
thinking ministers, he conceived it his duty not to en- 
danger his usefulness among them by shocking their 
prejudices." His " congregation never distinctly under- 
stood what his real sentiments were on doctrinal points," 
but his assistant " judged from his private conversation 
that he was an Arian," while Dr. Enfield who had ex- 
amined Brekell's papers was satisfied that he was a 
Socinian.* A similar, though much later, instance is 
that of the Rev. Timothy Nelson of Great Salkeld who 
has been claimed as an upholder of evangelical principles, 
though when Mr. Wright, the Unitarian missionary, 
visited him, he found that Nelson was an anti-trinitarian.f 

A dozen years or so after the building of Kendal Chapel, 
Ravenstonedale had for its minister a Scotsman, James 
Ritchie, who, before January, 1734, was ejected from 
his meeting-house by the Trustees. Legal proceedings 

* Monthly Repository, xvii., 24. 

t We may say that the Rev. J. Hay Colligan, M.A., to whom we mentioned 
Mr. Wright's remarks, has had the opportunity of examining many papers 
by and relating to Mr. Nelson, and is of opinion that " there would be no 
difficulty in proving Nelson's orthodoxy." 


followed, and eventually, some years later, Ritchie won 
his suit. The excuse of the Trustees was that Ritchie 
had not " duly quahfied himself to officiate in the con- 
gregation by subscribing the Confession of Faith made 
in 1647, and agreeing to the doctrine of Calvin, so that 
they could not in conscience take the Lord's Supper at 
his hands." After a year of Ritchie's ministry they called 
another minister, and in January, 1734, when Ritchie 
" applied to the Presbytery at Kendal for ordination, 
seven of the trustees wrote to the members of the Presby- 
tery refusing to have him ordained." The law suit 
continued until 1747, when the defendants were ordered 
to pay Ritchie's costs.* 

We cannot say if Ritchie's original heresies included 
anti-trinitarianism, but in 1753 he was an Arian.f 

In 1736 Thomas Ashburner of Kendal printed John 
Sedgfield's Jehovah Tsidkenu : or, a discourse on that 
glorious title of Jesus Christ, the Lord our Righteousness. 
Orthodox itself, this pamphlet shows that orthodoxy was 
not then the vogue. Sedgfield writes : — 

I do not expect that in a time when revealed Religion is become 
Matter of Contempt and Ridicule among many of the learned 
Part of the World, that this Doctrine should be relished by them, 
who will receive nothing for Truth but what is commensurate 
to the Rules of Philosophy and Logick ; but tho' this Doctrine 
of the Imputation of Christ's Righteousness to us, as well as 
many other Doctrines in the Scripture, have nothing in them 
contrary to, yet many things above the reach of, human Reason ; 
and whether I have the applause of some, or reproach of others, 
for publishing this Discourse, I hope none of these things shall 
move me. 

To bring this record down to the time when the local 

* One of the defendants was the " Rev. Mr. Milner," but he does not come 
on the scene in the earlier years of the suit. It is almost certain that this 
was the Rev. Ralph Millner or Milner, of Yarmouth, who was a native of Raven- 
stonedale, and a pupil of Dr. Di.xon. In 1730 he was appointed minister at 
Yarmouth, and shortly afterwards the orthodox members of that congregation 
seceded and selected a minister more to their taste. 

t Cong. Hist. Soc. Trans., iii., 95. 



ministers were practically all unorthodox, we find that 
in 1767 the Associated Ministers of Cumberland and 
Westmorland (The Cumberland Provincial) " though 
professedly orthodox, were much more in sympathy 
with latitudinarianism — if not downright heresy — than 
with evangelical truth," with the result that when, in 
April, 1767, the Congregational Church at Cockermouth, 
which had an unordained minister, wished the sacraments 
to be administered they " could only obtain the offer of 
service from ministers who were known to be heterodox, 
which they felt bound in conscience to refuse."* 

A few months later the Cockermouth minister was 
ordained, but no local minister took part in the ordina- 
tion, the three ministers present being from Wiltshire 
and Lancashiix.l 

We find then that at the time of the building of Kendal 
Chapel " heresy " of one form or another was common 
in England, that a Trinitarian controversy was going 
on in this county, and that the orthodox party were 
convinced of the necessity of declarations of belief as 
a means of stopping the progress of the heresy. We also 
find that, knowing all this, the founders of the chapel 
imposed no tests of any kind. Can there be any doubt 
that they did this with their eyes open ? That they 
were unorthodox enough to believe in freedom of thought 
in religious matters and were unwilling to limit the free- 
dom of themselves and their successors. The founders 
may not have been anti-trinitarians, of this we have 
no knowledge, but they belonged to the non-subscribing 
party, suspected by the orthodox party to be unorthodox, 
and we claim that they willingly and knowingly left it 
open to their successors to exercise the right of private 
judgment which they claimed and exercised for them- 

♦ Cong. Hist. Soc. Trans., iii., 97. 
t Lewis's Cockermouth Church, p. 128. 


On the whole, we think there is more evidence for us 
to claim Kendal Chapel as having always been unorthodox 
than there was for the writer of the Manchester Socinian 
Controversy to claim it as " originally orthodox." 




Caleb Rotheram, D.D. 1716-1752. 

R. CALEB ROTHERAM, the most eminent of the 
ministers actually connected with the present 
chapel, was born 7th March, 1694, at Great Salkeld, 
near Penrith.* As is shown in a note, several members 
of the Rotheram family were at that time copyholders 
in Great Salkeld. One of their holdings, a picturesque 
farm-house, is still known as Rotheram Green. This 
farm remained in the possession of the Rotherams until 
a few years ago, and is now the property of R. Hey wood 
Thompson, Esq., J. P., of Nunwick Hall. The house at 
Rotheram Green was rebuilt in 1760. Whether its pre- 
decessor was Dr. Rotheram 's birth-place or not we 
cannot say, and we have been unable to ascertain the 
name of Caleb's father, though wills at Carlisle, the 
Great Salkeld parish register, and the episcopal tran- 
cripts at Carlisle have been searched. The parish register 
is defective at the period when Caleb would have been 
baptized. That he was a near relation of Richard 
Rotheram of Appleby is certain, and it is most probable 
that he was a son of Edward Rotheram who was named 
as supervisor of Richard's will in 1690.7 

* Dr. George Benson's Memoirs of Dr. Winder in Winder's History of 
Knowledge, i., 13. 

t The Rotheram family had been in Great Salkeld for some time before 
Dr. Rotheram's birth, and remained there until quite two hundred ^-ears 
afterwards. In the list of subscribers to the building of a school-house there 
in 1686 the names of Richard, William and Edward Rotheram occur as 
contributing one shilling, one shilling and sixpence and sixpence respectivelv 
(Lof tie's Great Salkeld, p. 87). Of these Richard was probably the Richard 
Rotheram of the borough of Appleby, yeoman, whose will, dated 1690, 
was proved in 1693, and is now in the Carlisle Registry. Richard Rotheram 
left his free burgage in Appleby to his " dear wife Barbara," and his copyhold 
estate in Great Salkeld to his son John, who was then under 21. In his will 
he also names his daughter Jane, his three nieces, Hannah, Elizabeth and 

CALEB ROTHERAM, D.D., I716-I752. 293 

Sarah Rotheram, and his nephew and godson Wilham Rotheram. The 
supervisors of liis will included Edward Rotheram of Great Salkeld. The 
son John Rotheram was probably the person of the same name who occurs 
in the 1715, 1716 and 1717 lists of Great Salkeld tenants as a tenant in his 
own right, and also in that of his wife. In 1724 he surrendered property by 
virtue of a power of attorney from Thomas Pitts of London, who described 
him as " my trusty and well beloved friend John Rotheram of Great Salkeld 
yeoman." In 1732 he and his wife surrendered property rented at 2s. to the 
use of Sara Rotheram, no doubt the daughter who, on 29th June, 1732, was 
married to Thomas Nelson, and in 1735 they surrendered other property 
to their own use during their joint lives and then to the use of Thomas Gibson, 
who, on 30th June, 1726, had married their daughter Hannah.' John 
Rotheram made his will 25th June, 1743, and died before nth October, 1743, 
when the will was proved. He was evidently a Nonconformist, as he left 
£5 to " the stock belonging to the Desenting meeting house," and orthodox, 
as the preamble to his will reads " I give and bequeatli my soul to the Lord 
my maker and Redeemer hoping only for Salvation in and through the merits 
of my Dear Redeemer." He names his son Joseph, his daughters Hannah 
Gibson, Mary Moorhouse and Sarah Nelson, and mentions, without naming, 
his grandchildren, one of whom was the Rev. Timothy Nelson, M.A., of Great 
Salkeld. John's only surviving son, Joseph Rotheram (another son John 
had died before his father, being buried 4th April, 1727), who inherited his 
father's copyhold property rented at gs. 4d., and had also his " household 
stuff and husbandry gear," was in possession of the estate but a short time, 
as he died in 1747. His estate was administered by his widow, Ann Rotheram, 
8th March, 1747-8, and an inventory shows that his goods were valued at only 
£30 15s., from which debts and funeral expenses amounting to £10 were to 
be deducted. The paternal copyhold property at Great Salkeld, apparently 
undiminished in extent, for the rent was still gs. 4d., passed to Joseph's son 
and heir, Samuel Rotheram. He seems to have been prosperous. In 1760 
he married Sarah Varty, and in the same year built or rebuilt Rotheram 
Green, which bears that date with the initials S^S (= Samuel and Sarah 
Rotheram). In the same year he and his wife surrendered the property to 
themselves jointly and were admitted tenants 8th December, 1 760. Apparently 
Samuel Rotheram began the collection of curios which long adorned Rotheram 
Green and included a grandfather clock with his name and date 1760. Samuel 
died before 18 14 and was succeeded by his eldest son John, who was admitted 
to the tenancy 4th April, 1814, subject to the life interest of his mother, who 
had remarried Robert Lowthian, and subject also to a mortgage of £120 
and interest. Apparently John was succeeded by his son John, who seems 
to have died without being formally admitted tenant, and in 1824 Isaac 
Rotheram, eldest surviving son and copyhold heir of Samuel Rotheram 
and also uncle and copyhold heir of John Rotheram, deceased, was admitted 
tenant, the rent still being gs. 4d. In the following year Isaac Rotheram 
in consideration of his natural love and affection for Charles Rotheram, his 
brother, surrendered to him the house and part of the estate at the yearly 
copyhold rent of 4s. 6d., part of the ancient rent of gs. 4d. Charles Rotheram 
had lived at Lowther New Town for some years, his fifth child, born 1816 
being the first to be born at Great Salkeld. He died 26th June, 1855. aged 81, 
and was succeeded by his son Charles Rotheram, who died 6th February, 
igo4, aged 89, and was the last of the family to live at Rotheram Green. 
His name occurs in the list of subscribers to the cost of rebuilding Great Salkeld 
school, as that of his ancestor had in a similar list 170 years earlier. Reverting 
to the early years of the eighteenth century, we find Thomas Rotheram holding 
a copyhold estate in Great Salkeld, the yearly rent of which was 2S. 4d. He 
occurs in the lists of tenants 1715-1717, and was buried 12th May, 1725, his 
wife Elizabeth being buried 3rd February, 1721-2. His son and heir, admitted 
to his father's holding in 1716, was William Rotheram, whom we take to be 
the nephew and godson named by Richard Rotheram of Appleby in 1690. 
This William appears to be identical with the Rev. William Rotheram, some- 
time master of Hexham and Haydon Bridge Grammar Schools (buried at 
Haydon 6th April, 1734), and if so was father of the Rev. John Rotheram who 
surrendered a property, rent 2S. 4d., in 1787. If we have not misidentified 
him, this John Rotheram is noticed in the Dictionary of National Biography. 


Dr. Rothcram retained some connection with his native 
place until about the time he settled in Kendal. He occurs 
in a list of tenants of the manor of Great Salkeld, dated 
17th October, 1715, as holder of two estates there, one 
of which was called Hoggs. In a list dated i8th April, 
1716, he again occurs for the same properties, but his 
name is given as Caleb Richardson. In the list of 6th 
October, 1716, the correct name is restored, and on 3rd 
May, 1717, the list gives in the place where Caleb 
Rotheram's name had appeared " Jacobus Ireland, 
Idem pro Rotherams, Idem pro Hoggs." The explana- 
tion of the change is given in the manor court roll 21st 
February, i7i6[-7]. On that date Caleb Rotheram and 
John Nelson came to the court and surrendered a 
messuage and tenement lying in Great Salkeld of the 
annual rent of 6d. to the use of James Ireland and his 
assigns for ever. 

Caleb Rotheram was instructed in classical learning 
by Mr. Anthony Ireland, at that time master of the Great 
Blencow Free Grammar School, and studied for the 

His relationship to the Rev. Joseph Rotheraiu, his successor in this 
estate, is not given in the manor rolls, nor is any light thrown on it 
by the memoir of John Rotheram in Surtees' Durham, Sunderland section, 
1908, p. 182. The Haydon Chapel registers contain, we are courteously 
informed by Mr. J. W. Robinson, the following references to William 
Rotheram's' children : — Margaret (baptized gth November, 1720, died 21st 
September, 1779) ; Elizabeth (baptized 3rd January, 1722-3, married 12th 
August, 1752, to the Rev. Richard Wallis) ; John (baptized 18th July, 1725) ; 
WiUiam (baptized 25th April, 1728, buried' 7th August, 1746). The Rev. 
William was buried 6th .\pril, 1734, and his widow, Agnes, 5tli February, 1771. 
Apparently this branch of the Rotheram family was not resident. William 
appeared in person at the Court in 1726, but in 1731 appeared by his attorney, 
as did the Rev. John Rotheram in 1787, Another of the family, Edward 
Rotheram, possibly a brother of Richard and Thomas, was living in Great 
Salkeld in 1690 when Richard Rotheram named him as a supervisor of his 
will. As he does not occur in the 1715 list of tenants we may perhaps assume 
that he was then dead. It is not unlikely that he was the previous owner 
of the estate which Caleb Rotheram sold in 1716-7, and probably he was 
Caleb's father. The information here is not offered as a complete genealogy 
of the Rotheram family. It was collected to settle the parentage of Dr. 
Rotheram and in an attempt to ascertain the names of the originals of some 
fine portraits, formerly at Rotheram Green, now possessed by F. Nicholson. 
The wills in the Probate Registry at CarUsle, and the manor court rolls of 
Great Salkeld, part of the Honor of Penrith, are the main sources of informa- 
tion. The dates from the Great Salkeld parish register were kindly supplied 
by the Rev. C. J. Gordon, Rector of Great Salkeld. 

CALEB ROTHERAM, D.D., I716-I752. 295 

ministry at the Academy of Thomas Dixon, M.D.,* at 
Whitehaven. Mr. Barclay, f a Scots gentleman then living 
in Whitehaven, taught him mathematics, in which subject 
and natural philosophy, Dr. Rotheram excelled. | 

Rotheram's first settlement was at Ravenstonedale, § 
but he does not occur in the printed lists of ministers. || 
That he was there is however certain, as is shown by 
this resolution of the managers of the Presbyterian 
Fund, 3rd October, 1715 : — ]| 

An allowance being granted Mar. 7 171 4-5 to the congregation 
of Russendale in Cumberland [sic] when a minister approved shall 
be settled there notice being now given from Mr. Dickson of 
Whitehaven that Mr. Caleb Rotheram is sent thither by the 
neighbouring ministers and well approved by them this Society 
thereupon approves the said Mr. Rotheram and that five pounds 
be allowed him next Christmas and five pounds more next Mid- 
summer if he continue a year out to satisfaction. 

Very soon Rotheram left Ravenstonedale for Kendal, 
and on 2nd July, 1716, it was 

agreed upon the motion of Mr. Coningham that ten pounds be 
allowed to Mr. Caleb Rotheram at Kendal in Westmorland 
and that ten pounds be also allowed to Mr. James 
jMallison now of Rosendale where he succeeds Mr. Caleb 

Presumably this allowance was to date from the pre- 
vious Christmas, as Rotheram is called minister at Kendal 

* Dr. Dixon was a pupil of John Chorlton's at Manchester, and graduated 
M.A. at Edinburgh 1709 and M.D. at Aberdeen 1718. 

t This was perhaps John Barclay, M.A., Edinburgh, 1705, minister of North 
Berwick from 1713. He was " a good sensible man, with not many words 
or topics of conversation, but a great mathematician " (Scott's Fasti, i., 340). 

t Benson's Memoirs of Winder in Winder's History of Knowledge, p. 13. 

§ Joseph Hunter, Add. MSS., 2.^484, fol. 232. 

II Rev. W. Nicholls' Ravenstonedale, Rev. Bryan Dale and Rev. T. G. 
Crippen, Cong. Hist. Soc. Trans., iii., 91 : Rev. J. H. Colligan (Ibid., iii., 217). 
We called attention to this and other omissions from the list in our note in 
Ibid., iv., 59. 

Tf Minutes, ii., 273. 

** Minutes of the Presbyterian Fund, ii., 289. 


in the 1715 list of allowances.* The earUest date for 
Rotheram in the chapel register is 23rd May, 1716. 

Rotheram was only 22 when he became minister of 
Kendal. He was ordained in 1717, probably in August, 
as in that month 19s. was spent out of the public con- 
tributions " at Mr. Edwd. Blackstock's at Mr. Rotheram's 
ordination."! As Mr. Blackstock's numerous businesses 
included that of innkeeping it would seem that the 
occasion was celebrated by a modest repast. 

In all probability the congregation had fallen off in 
numbers in the interval between Audland's death and 
his successor's appointment. The register contains very 
few baptisms between 1716 and 1719, and as Rotheram 
seems to have been a careful man we may account for 
it rather by the fewness of the congregation than the 
negligence of the minister. But if the congregation 
was small when Rotheram began his ministry here in 
1716 he must have been a very successful minister, as 
the body soon reached the respectable number of 205. 
This is the figure given in the returns 1 made to Dr. 
John Evans originally in 1717 and corrected in some 
instances to 1729. Of the 205, fifteen had votes for 
Members of Parliament, in other words were owners of 
land worth at least forty shillings yearly. In rank ten were 
gentlemen, the remainder being yeomen and tradesmen. § 

It is interesting to compare the Kendal returns with 
those from the other Dissenting congregations in the 
county. " Croch alias Croke " (now Crook) had 130 of 
a congregation, and only one voter. 

* Minutes, ii., 293. 

t Chapel Register (Somerset House). 

J fames's Presbyterian Chapels and Charities, p. 681. 

§ At tlie same period Bishop Gastrell of Cliester was obtaining returns 
from the church clergymen, and he embodied their answers in his Notitia 
Cestriensis, of which the manuscript, unpublished so far as concerns West- 
morland, is in the Chester Diocesan Registry. He says " There are 4 or 5 
papist familyes, some presb: and abundance of Quakers in this parish." Of 
Natland he says " the chapel being now ruinous no divine service is per- 
formed. 1717." 

CALEB ROTHERAM, D.D., 1716-1752. 297 

Ravenstonedale had at the time two Nonconformist 
congregations. The Presbyterian congregation had a 
minister, but the number of hearers is not stated, the 
Independent one had 300 hearers and three voters, the 
congregation being mostly tenants of Lord Wharton. 

Stainton, classed as Independent, had 130 hearers, 
mostly yeomen, tradesmen and labourers. The number 
of voters is given as 86, an incredible figure when com- 
pared with that of the other chapels. Josiah Thompson's 
MSS. give the number of hearers as 86. 

Of the same period we get another glimpse in the 
replies made by the Churchwardens at the Archdeacon's 
Visitation in May, 1717.* The Kendal churchwardens 
replied to one question, " We do not know that any Person 
wholy neglects all publick worship or Prophanes the 
Lords Day," which speaks well for Kendal or badly for 
the candour of the churchwardens. To a question relating 
to Dissenters they answered " Thers but two meetings 
of Dessenters in our Town the one of Presbeterians, the 
other of Quakers. We do not know whether their meeting 
houses are licensed or no, the Presbeterian Ministers 
name is Mr. Rodderham." At the same Visitation the 
chapel wardens of Crook reported " There are two meetings 
of Dissenters in our Chappelry, That is there is the Meeting 
of the Phanatticks and Mr. Burn their Teacher and there 
is the meeting of the Quakers and John Thompson their 
Teacher. Their places are licensed." We could not find 
the return for 1721 for the town of Kendal, but the returns 
from the chapelries are of interest. From Crook, " there 
are Quakers and Phenaticks in our Chapelry " ; Gray- 
rigg, " We have some Quakers " ; Hugill, " We have no 
dissenters but Quakers vizt. John Harrison and his 
family and Nicholas Suert and his family," and " We 
have no quaker meeting house in our chapplry " ; Kent- 
mere and Long Sleddale wardens knew of no Dissenters ; 

* The original records are in the care of Mr. W. H. Satterthwaite of Lancaster. 


Selside, " We have but onely one presbeterian and about 
16 or 17 professed papists in our Chapellary. We have 
no dissenting meeting house or teacher amongst us " ; 
Staveley, " We have no Dissenters but Quakers " ; 
Underbarrow, " nothing to present " ; and Old Hutton, 
" One Quaker. No meetings." These visitation papers 
do not give the idea of a large dissenting population. 

The chapel began to attract gifts and legacies in 
Rotheram's early years. In August, 1716, £^ was 
received from Mrs. Sarah Audland for the use of the 
congregation, and on 2nd February, 1716-7, this sum was 
paid " towards the purchase of Jn°. Butlar house," which 
seems to have been in Finkle Street, and was doubtless 
the house in Finkle Street towards the purchase of which 
sundry other small gifts and legacies were applied. It 
was settled upon trustees for the use of the congregation. 
Though the price of the house is given in the minute 
book as £'/y, and the amount of the gifts as ;^i04 5s. 7d., 
the minute book says that the gifts were applied to the 
purchase and " what they came short was made up, 
by a sale of goods in the shops* and a subscription among 
the people." Either there is a figure short, and the house 
really cost, say, ;^i77, or else some portions of the gifts 
and legacies had been spent before the Finkle Street 
property was purchased. 

One of the first fruits of Rotheram's ministry was the 
erection of the present chapel in 1720. | 

It appears by an Indenture of ist September, 1719, 
that Thomas Wilson of Patton in the parish of Kirkby 
Kendall yeoman in consideration of the sum of ;£i30 

* This looks as if the congregation knew of the utility of a bazaar even at 
this early date. 

t In a paragraph in the Unitarian Herald for 17th March, 1882, on the 
restoration of the Chapel in that year it is said that " some old Meeting house 
must have stood upon its site, as foundations of old walls, pavement, and 
a well were opened in course of the restoration." The reasoning is faulty. 
There certainly was a building on the site, but it was not a meeting house. 
This is shown by Collinson's will (1723), which refers to the " Messuage . . 
lately rebuilt and converted into the Meeting House." Clearly the present 
Chapel dates only from 1720. 

CALEB ROTHERAM, D.D., I716-I752. 299 

granted the Market Place property to Stephen Williamson 
of Natland, yeoman, John Harrison, yeoman, Edward 
Blackstock, yeoman, John Moore, mercer, Thomas 
Strickland, cordwainer, and William Collinson, mercer, 
all within Kirkby Kendah. The deed does not mention 
the object of the transfer, nor does it state that it was a 
trust. The declaration of trust would probably be in 
another deed, unless, as is possible, the trust was only 
an implied one and was not at that time expressed by 
deed. Some probability is given to this theory by the 
fact that William Collinson considered it necessary to 
bequeath to his fellow trustees his share in the Meeting 
House. No trust could be more open than one that 
depended entirely on the wishes of the trustees and the 
terms of the trust created by the will of William Collinson 
(1723) show that that also was open. " The Protestant 
Dissenting Congregation of Presbyterians," and " Protes- 
tant Dissenters from the Church of England " are phrases 
which do not bear any doctrinal significance. 

The money for purchasing the ground and erecting 
the meeting house was obtained by subscription and the 
sale of seats. The full lists are given in an appendix. 
Seven of the subscribers were dignified with a " Mr." 
before their name, the minister paid for the pulpit and 
sounding board, and there was a subscription amongst 
the ladies of the congregation for the purchase of a cushion 
for the pulpit. One interesting list records the assistance 
received from " our brethren abroad." The " brethren " 
included such well-known men as Thomas Rejaiolds, 
Samuel Wright, D.D., Benjamin Grosvenor, D.D., William 
Harris, D.D., Jabez Earle, and Benjamin Avery, D.C.L. 

Probably collections were made in the chapels at the 
places named in the list,* and it is interesting to see how 

* There is evidence that this was so at Brampton where the register shows 
that 17s. 4id. was collected (Trans., Cumb. and West. Antiq. and Arch. Soc, 
N.S., iii., 108). As the Kendal accounts show only 17s. 2d. received from that 
source, z^d. remains unaccounted for, unless it was the cost of transmission. 


far afield some interest was taken in the doings of the 
Kendal congregation. It is not unlikely that the pulpits 
of many of these chapels were filled by fellow students 
of Rotheram's, and in one case — Leeds — the minister had 
himself served the Kendal congregation. In the grant 
from Dumfries, the largest sum received from " abroad," 
we may perhaps see the influence of Mr. Edward Black- 
stock, who came from Caerlaverock parish in the presby- 
tery of Dumfries. Doubtless also the fact that Kendal 
was a great place of resort for Scotch merchants and pack- 
men had enlisted the sympathy of the Dumfries people. 
The amount raised " abroad " was £132 14s. 4d., £166 
17s. 6d. was collected at Kendal, and the sale of seats 
produced £g^ los., a total of £394 is. lod. 

It is probable that the chapel, when built, was free 
from debt. 

In March, 1722-3, a hymn book, costing is. 6d., was 
purchased for Matthew Birkett, the first clerk of the 

An important endowment was left to the chapel in 
1723 by William Collinson of Kirkby in Kendal, mercer, 
who has already been mentioned as one of the first 
trustees. By will he left to trustees the bulk of his 
property for the use of the congregation. The portion 
of his will relating to this is as follows : — 

Imprimis I do give and devise unto my trusty and well beloved 
friends John Harrison of Kirkby in Kendal aforesaid gentleman, 
John Moor of the same mercer, Edward Blaickstock of the same 
innholder, Stephen Williamson of Natland . . . yeoman 
and Daniel Scales of Skelsmergh . . . yeoman and unto 
their heirs and assigns for ever All that close or parcell of ground 
called Bayley Close with the appurtenances scituate lying and 
being on the West side of a street or gate in Kirkby in Kendal 
aforesaid called Strickland-Gate in the customary tenancy of 
Mabel Whitehead widow her assignee or assignes and held of me 
being the lord or owner of the seigniory thereof ; according to 
the custom of tennant right by the payment of a reasonable 
fine arbitrary on change of lord by death and of tennant by 


death or alienation, and by payment of the yearly customary 
rent of one pound eight shillings and of certain other duties 
and services therefore due and of right accustomed And also 
all those burgages, messuages, and tenements lyeing in Kirkby 
in Kendal aforesaid and held of me as lord or owner of the 
seigniory thereof by the custom there called burgage tenure 
by (inter alia) the payment of severall and respective yearly 
rents and now or late being in the respective and severall tenures 
of Thomas German, Roger Wakefield, Gabriel Shaw, Thomas 
Wilson tanner Mr. Edward Whitehead, Myles Atkinson, Richard 
Fell, James Sinkinson, Matthew Birkett, James Fisher, Henry 
Shaw, Jonathan Dodgson, Richard Leese, Jonathan Wilson, 
John Garnett, Robert Barrow, William Foster and Myles Garnet 
or some of them TO HAVE AND TO HOLD the said messuages, 
burgages, lands and premises with the appurtenances unto them 
the said John Harrison, John Moor, Edward Blaikstock, Stephen 
Williamson and Daniel Scales their heirs and assignes TO the 
use and behoof of them the said John Harrison, John Moor, 
Edward Blaikstock, Stephen Williamson and Daniel Scales their 
heirs and assignes for ever NEVERTHELESS upon and subject 
to the severall trusts and to the intents and purposes hereafter 
mentioned declared and expressed for and concerning the same 
That is to say upon trust and confidence and to the very intent 
and purpose That they my said trustees or some of them, their 
heires and assignes shall and may yearly and every year receive 
and collect the yearly or other rents issues and profitts of the 
said premisses and of every part thereof and after a retainer of 
the costs charges and expences of my said trustees or any of 
them necessarily and reasonably to be made by them or any 
of them, their heires and assignes as often as the same expences 
costs and charges shaU be so made to pay over the same rents 
issues and profits of the premisses or residue thereof unto such 
Minister or Teacher of the Protestant Dissenting Congregation 
of Presbyterians as shall from time to time officiate in the Meeting 
House now erected in Kirkby in Kendal aforesaid behind the 
Eastern End of the Market Place there or in any other place 
in Kirkby in Kendal aforesaid to be hereafter used by such 
Protestant Dissenters from the Church of England by Law 
established after that and whensoever the aforesaid Meeting 
House shall not be used for the assemblies of such Dissenters : and 
also upon the further trust and confidence that whensoever the 
number of my said five trustees shall by death or by removall 
of their residence to the distance of above twenty miles from' 


Kirkby in Kendal aforesaid be reduced to the number of two, 
that then and in such case tlie two remaining or surviving trustees 
and such of tliem as shall be so removed if any such shall be 
so removed shall and may by good and sufficient conveyance 
and assurance convey and assure all and every the said Premisses 
with the appurtenances unto five discreet persons living within 
Kirkby in Kendal aforesaid or within the space and distance of 
twenty miles thereunto TO HAVE AND TO HOLD unto them 
their heirs and assignes for ever to and upon the severall trusts 
intents and purposes before mentioned for and concerning the 
same and every part thereof and that the like further conveyances 
and assurances shall and may from time to time be made to 
five persons inhabiting as aforesaid as often as the number of 
the trustees shall be reduced to that of two as aforenamed for 
ever to the intent that the said trusts may be perpetuated. AND 
I do give devise and bequeath unto the said John Harrison, John 
Moor Edward Blackstock, Stephen Williamson and unto Thomas 
Strickland of Kirkby in Kendal aforesaid their heires and assignes 
all that messuage with the appurtenances lately rebuilt and 
converted into the Meeting House aforesaid and heretofore 
conveyed to them and me by Thomas Wilson of Patton TO 
HAVE AND TO HOLD unto them the said John Harrison (&c) 
their heirs and assignes for ever. 

Signed sealed and published to be the last Will and Testament 
of the said William CoUinson on the twenty third day of December 
Anno Dni 1723 in the presence of Thomas Shepherd Jacob Morland 
Alan Chambre. 

As this was a bequest of real property the question 
arose, Was it forbidden by the Statutes of Mortmain ? 
The opinions of two lawyers were taken. W. Gilpin 
was of opinion that " the devise being made to the 
trustees for the benefit of a Protestant Dissenting Minis- 
ter, is not within any of the Statutes of Mortmain, for 
he is no such ecclesiastical or religious person as is 
intended thereby nor can it be brought under the law 
against superstitious uses, that being only meant of 
Popish superstitions." Mr. Alan Chambre's more lengthy 
opinion was in agreement with that of Lawyer Gilpin. 

Another difficulty about Mr. Collinson's bequest was 
that his personalty was not sufficient to pay his debts. 

CALEB ROTHERAM, D.D., I716-I752. 303 

The trustees therefore found it necessary to raise £100 
towards paying Mr. ColHnson's debts before they could 
obtain his legacy. The amount was raised by mortgage 
on the Finkle Street house and six guineas afterwards 
returned by Mr. Colhnson's executors to the trustees 
was apphed to " some extraordinary repairs of the said 

The growing wealth of the Kendal congregation is 
indicated by the reduction, in 1723, of the allowance 
from the Presbyterian Fund from ^^lo to £j ,\ but extra- 
ordinary grants were, in 1729, 1730 and 1731, made to 
Mr. Rotheram.t 

The legacies, received in 1732, of Rowland Scales of 
Skelsmergh and Daniel Scales § of Skelsmergh, each of 
£10, went to reduce the mortgage on the Finkle Street 
house. Evidently at this period revenue balanced ex- 
penditure, and all extraordinary gifts and legacies were 
put to capital account. 

In the following year, 1733, Rotheram began his 
Academy, jl 

Whether this implied that after seventeen years the 

* It was Dr. Rotheram himself who advanced the money on mortgage. 
Eight years later a couple of legacies enabled the trustees to pay off £20. In 
1737 a new mortgage deed was prepared for £100, Dr. Rotheram having 
advanced £20 for necessary repairs. In 1747 and 1751 legacies reduced the 
amount to £75, at which the mortgage stood when Caleb Rotheram, junior, 
took over the mortgage. He transferred it to his sister, Sarah Whitehead, 
and in 1759 it was reduced £5 by a legacy from Mrs. Hannah Gowthrop. 

t Minutes, iii., 18. 

% Minutes, iii., loi, 120, 143. 

§ Daniel Scales of Skelsmergh, chapman, died 22nd November, 1724, aged 
36, and was buried in the chapel yard, the inscription on his brass being given 
in the notice of his grandson, John Thomson, trustee. He married (by licence, 
dated gth November, 171 7) Elizabeth, daughter of Richard Leece of Strick- 
landgate, chapman. Possibly he had a second wife, as on ist November, 
1 731, the will of Isabel Scales of Kirkby Kendal, formerly of Skelsmergh, 
widow, was proved by the two executors, Robert Harrison and Edward 
Blackstock, and the date of the receipt of the legacy suggests that it accrued 
to the chapel on the death of this widow. Daniel Scales's daughters married 
John Thomson and Benjamin Atkinson, of whom there are further particulars 
in the list of trustees. Rowland Scales was probably a brother of Daniel. 
The Scales family appear to have been numerous and prosperous in Kendal 
and neighbouring parishes. 

II See the next chapter (p. 319). 


minister's salary began to shrink or his growing family 
made it necessary for him to seek additional sources of 
income, we do not know. But it is possible that both 
causes operated, for Kendal was passing, or had just 
passed through, a crisis in its commercial history. The 
doleful story is told in a petition, dated 13th March, 
1728-9, of several gentlemen of Kendal to the Lords of 
the Treasury.* 

The petitioners state " that Kendal has been a place 
of great trade by the manufacture of several sorts of 
woollen stuffs and tanning of leather ; that the turf, 
hitherto their usual fuel, being exhausted, the expense 
of firing has caused almost the entire loss of their trade." 
The}/ evidently wished the duty on coals imported via 
Milnthorpe to be abolished for their benefit, but the 
Commissioners of Customs reported to the Lords of the 
Treasury that " there has been shipped at Whitehaven, 
and entered at the port of Lancaster, and discharged 
at Milnthorpe, within that port, in five years past, up- 
wards of 368 chaldrons of coal, for which duty has been 
paid and the quantity has increased of late years, besides 
upwards of 1000 chaldrons discharged at Grange, Penny 
Bridge, and Rampside places in Lancaster waters," and 
they add the significant warning that " if coals landed 
at Milnthorpe be exempted from the duty, the other 
places may demand the same." 

Whether the petitioners got their desire or not it is 
certain that trade did not entirely leave the town, though, 
as we have suggested, its diminished quantity may have 
been the indirect cause of the establishment in Kendal 
of Rotheram's Academy. 

At the ordination of John Herries, minister of Bramp- 
ton, by the Provincial meeting of ministers at Brampton 
on loth April, 1734, Rotheram took the confession and 

* Shaw's Calendar of Treasury Books and Papers, 1729, p. 66. 

CALEB ROTHERAM, D.D., I716-I752. 305 

proposed the questions, and also signed the certificate of 

In ^7Z7 the three survivors of the original trustees or 
owners, Edward Blackstock, John Moore and Stephen 
Williamson transferred the trust to Edward Holme, 
woollen draper ; Myles Harrison of Lincoln's Inn, gentle- 
man ; Robert Wilson, shearman ; Jonathan WiUiamson 
of Natland Mihbcck, yeoman ; Benjamin Wilson, weaver ; 
John Harrison, innholder ; John Strickland, cordwainer ; 
and Jonathan Dodgson, grocer, and the trust was further 
explained by deed of 3rd October, 1738. The trustees 
were to hold the property and to 

permitt and suffer such Minister or Teacher of the Protestant 
Dissenting congregation of Presbyterians who now is or hereafter 
shall for the performance of divine worship therein be called 
and appointed by a majority of such persons of the said Congre- 
gation who have for the space of one year before such call or 
appointment been contributors unto the publick expences of the 
said congregation. 

Thus from the first the whole of the subscribers to the 
funds of the Kendal Chapel have had the power to elect 
their own ministers, a power which in many Presbyterian 
churches was retained by the trustees, and in most 
Independent churches was confined to the church 

We have interesting references to Rotheram in a 
diary kept by Richard Kay, of Baldingstone, a surgeon, 
who died in 1751, aged 35. | In 1742 Kay and a kinsman 
visited Whitehaven, and on their return journey stayed 
over night in Kendal. The diary under date June nth, 
says, " This day in the morning we left Carlisle, came 

* Cunib. and West. Antiq. and Arch. Soc, n.s., iii., 115, 116. 

t The diary has not been published, and its present whereabouts is not 
known to us. Our extracts have been suppUed, with his usual courtesy, 
by Mr. William Hewitson of Bury, who saw the original document more than 
a dozen years ago. The MS. was known to Joseph Hunter (what Noncon- 
formist document did he not know ?), and he refers to the extract of 12th 
June, 1742, in Add. MS. 24484, fo. 232. 



through Perith [Penrith], Shap, to Kendal and lodge 
there," and on the following day 

12. This day in the morning the Revd. Mr. Rotlieram of Kendal 
and Mr. CarHsle* (Doctor in Physick) in town came to our inn 
to breakfast with us. After some conversation Mr. Rotheram 
(a great and useful philosopher) invited us to his house to see 
his Orrery, show'd us some of his apparatus and some philosophi- 
cal experiments. Before dinner we took our leave of him and 
the Doctor, and when we had dined we set out from Kendal 
through Burton, Bolton [le Sands], Lancaster to Garthstang 
[Garstang] and lodge there. 

On May 27th, 1743, Mr. Rotheram was admitted a 
Master of Arts of Edinburgh University, and then im- 
mediately gained the degree of Doctor of Divinity by 
public disputation, his inaugural dissertation being on 
the Evidences of the Christian Religion. | Dr. Rotheram 
made his only appearance as an author! with this dis- 
sertation. It was printed at Edinburgh in the same year 
with the title of " Dissertatio . . . de religionis 
Christianae evidentia." In it 

he clearly refuted the notion, admitted by Locke {Hum. Und. 
iv. c. 16 § 10,) strongly insisted on by Tindal, [Christianity as Old 
as the Creation, p. 163) and more lately revived by Evanson, 
(Letters to Hurd, p. 9) " that the probability of facts depending 
on human testimony, must gradually lessen in proportion to the 
distance of the time when they happened, and at last become 
entirely evanescent. "§ 

It is probable that when Dr. Rotheram took his degree 
at Edinburgh he was in that city to deliver a course of 
lectures. Within a month he was lecturing in Manchester 
and amongst his auditors was the young surgeon, Robert 
Kay, whose diary affords us the following information : — 

* This was Dr. George Carlyle, a Trustee of the ChapeL 

t Catalogue of graduates of Edinburgh, 1858, p. 241. 

% It is not improbable, however, tliat he was the R. C. wlio corrected a 
matliematical correspondent in Ashburner's Agreeable miscellany, 1749, p. 

§ Monthly Repository, 1810, p. 219. 

CALEB ROTHERAM, D.D., I716-I752. 307 

1743- June 17. I went in the afternoon to Manchester to 
attend the Philosophical Lectures of the Revd. Mr. Rotheram, 
D.D. from Kendal in Westmoreland. He shew'd us something 
of the different nature of matter. 

June 20. Went in the afternoon to Manchester ; heard a 
lecture concerning the Attraction and Repulsion of Matter by 
Mr. Rotheram, D.D. We subscribed our guineas apiece each. 

June 21. Took a ride to Manchester. They begin exactly 
at 5 o'th'clock ; we have had a lecture concerning Electric ' 

We are inclined to think that Dr. Rotheram's lecturing 
engagements took him away from Kendal for a few 
months of each year. The register of baptisms shows 
long intervals followed by a number of baptisms, which 
might thus be explained. As examples, we may mention 
that the seven baptisms recorded in 1743 all took place 
after June, in 1744 the five baptisms were from April to 
October, in 1745 the first baptism was in June. 

In 1745 Kendal was visited by a notorious and unwel- 
come person, the Young Pretender. The vanguard of 
the rebel army arrived on November 22nd, on the following 
day the Lords Murray, Kilmarnock, Ogilvy and Nairne 
came in and were mostly quartered in Strickland-gate. 
On the evening of the 24th " came in the Highland 
Clans with their pretended Prince in their front ; he had 
walked from Penrith that day which is 20 miles, and 
was quartered on Thomas Shepherd Esq."f The gentle- 
man who thus had forced upon him the honour of receiving 
royalty was probably of Dissenting origin, though, as 
he was a magistrate, must have been a Churchman at 

* These lectures by Dr. Caleb Rotheram are probably those attributed to 
his son. Dr. John Rotheram, in the following newspaper paragraph preserved 
in a scrap-book in the Kendal Public Library : " Two or three years ago I 
had sent to me for inspection — by a gentleman who knew I was interested 
in anything relating to Kendal — A MS volume of lectures delivered at Man- 
chester, by Mr. John Rotheram of Kendal, about (as near as I can remember) 
1745. They were on Natural Philosophy, one or more being on Water. 
From this it would appear that John Rotheram was known as a lecturer of 
repute throughout the north . . . W.W." 

t Ray's History of the Rebellion, p. 138 


least nominally. He would no doubt be a Whig in 
politics, and he was a friend of Dr. Rotheram's.* 

Mr. Shepherd lived at the best house in the town, one 
in Stricklandgate, occupied at a later date by the Misses 
Thomson. I 

The rebels seem to have quartered themselves, whenever 
possible, on the Whigs, and we may be sure that the 
'members of the congregation had billeted on them more 
than their fair share of the invaders. On the retreat 
the Young Pretender again took up his quarters with 
Justice Shepherd, and on the succeeding night the same 
bed he had slept in was occupied by the Duke of 

No legacy appears to have been received by the chapel 
trustees from 1732 until 1747, when William Audland'sl 
legacy of ;^5 was received, being applied to the reduction 
of the mortgage, as was £20 which was received in 1751 
(six years after his death) as a bequest from Edward 
Blackstock, an original trustee of the chapel. 

We have seen by his loans to the chapel that Dr. 
Rotheram, if not a man of wealth, was not without 
means. In 1747 he undertook to buy from Thomas 
Sedgwick the estate of Collinfield. This consisted of 
about 24 acres, and included a residence which is con- 
sidered one of the most perfect manor houses in the 

The price was to be £660, and the purchase was 
dependent on Thomas Sedgwick being able to give a 
good title. It appeared, however, on some legal pro- 

* See Dr. S. Nicholson's letter quoted on p. 322. The name of Shepherd occurs 
in the Chapel register, which does not, however, contain the baptism of the 
J. P. of 1745, who was the son of Thomas Shepherd of Kirkby Kendal, gent., 
whose will was proved in 1732. There was also a well-to-do family of the 
name in Natland at this period. 

t Local Chronology, p. xxvi. 

% Wil'i'am Audland of Kirkby Kendal, tailor, was a kinsman of the Rev. 
Samuel Audland. His will was proved by his widow 30th May, 1739, and it 
was probablv on her death that the legacy accrued to the Chapel. 

CALEB ROTHERAM, D.D., I716-I752. 309 

ceedings,* that other people had an interest in the 
property. However, on 3rd August, 1751, Dr. Rotheram 
paid his money, and Sedgwick and the others executed 
an indenture of bargain and sale. Then the other parties 
would not carry out their full share of the bargain, and 
so three weeks later (24th August, 1751) Dr. Rotheram 
sold the property to Sedgwick, receiving back the purchase 
money. The next year Sedgwick found a purchaser for 
his property in John Yeates of Kirkland, tanner, j 

Though Dr. Rotheram did not acquire possession of 
Colhnfield he was a landowner, as the foUowing adver- 
tisement (from the Newcastle Journal, ist August, 1752) 
bears witness : — 

To be publickly sold to the highest bidder, at Mr. John Greenhow's, 
the sign of the White Lyon in Kendal, in the county of Westmor- 
land, on Friday the 15th of September N.S. 1752. 

A freehold estate, pleasantly situated in the township of 
Helsington, one mile from Kendal, known by the name of Prize- 
head-end, late belonging to the Rev. Dr. Rotheram, deceased, 
consisting of a good dwelling-house, with garden and orchard, 
and suitable outhouses, all new and in good repair, above 43 
acres of arable, meadow and pasture ground well fenced and 
watered, with plenty of peat-moss and common-right, and pays 
a small modus in lieu of tythe. The present farmer, Thomas 
Robinson, will show the premisses. For further particulars, 
apply to Mr. Anthony Strickland, or Mr. Thomas Harrison of 
Kendal. Time for entry and payment will be fixed at the day 
and place of sale. 

Dr. Rotheram's health, " which had received a severe 
shock from some very heavy family afflictions, began 
rapidly to decline "% dl the latter end of 175 1. In the 
spring following he went to Hexham to be attended by 
his eldest son, John Rotheram, M.D., who was in practice 
there. He died at Hexham, Sth June, 1752, and was 

* The case is reported in Vesey's Cases in Chancery, Hardwick, ii., 57. 
t From an abstract of title copied by Mr. Jennings. 
X Monthly Repository, 1810, p. 219. 


buried in the Abbey Church, where a tablet* to his 
memory was placed on the wah. It was inscribed : — 

To the Memory of 

Caleb Rotheram, late of Kendal, D.D. 

who successfully united 

The Force of Genius and Industry 

In the Cause of 

Religion, Truth, and Liberty. 

The Holy Scriptures 

were his Favourite study. 

The Doctrine which he taught, 

And the Rule of his Life. 

With ardent Piety, 

Extensive Knowledge, 

Unlimited Benevolence, 

and Rational Affection, 

He adorned the Characters 

Of Minister, Tutor, Parent, and Friend. 

He died June VIII. MDCCLII. 

Aged LVIII.t 

Dr. Rotheram is also commemorated by an inscription 
on a headstone against the wall of his own chapel yard : — 

In Memory 


The Rev. Caleb Rotheram, D.D. 

who died June 8th 1752, Aged 59. 

He was the esteemed Minister of the 

Congregation worshipping at this Chapel 

for 36 yeai"s. 

His remains are deposited at Hexham 

Where he died. 

*In August, 1905, Mr. J. P. Gibson, of Hexham, made a search for this 
tablet, and was able to find only a small and broken piece of the upper 
part of the frame. He suggested that it had been destroyed in 1871, 
when Hexham Abbey suffered a drastic restoration. Nevertheless, the 
recent History of Northumberland (iii. 198) contains a copy of the inscription 
without any suggestion that the stone was not still to be seen on the 
west wall of the north transept. A. B. Wright (Hexham, p. 98) describes 
it as "a black slab inserted in a handsome stone edged with white." 

t In another version of the inscription the 9th line reads " The Doctrines 
he taught," the 12th " With extensive knowledge," and the 17th and i8th 
" He died June 8th, 1752 aged 58," and the nth line is omitted. 

CALEB ROTHERAM, D.D., I716-1752. 3II 

" As a protestant Dissenter he was 

a credit to his profession ; 

for he was a friend, a faithful friend, 

to Liberty, 

the distinguishing principle 

of that profession." 

In April, 1752, probably on the eve of his departure 
for Hexham, Dr. Rotheram made his will. From the 
original now filed at the Probate Registry, Lancaster, 
the following abstract is made : — 

Last will and testament of me Caleb Rotheram of Kirkby Kendall 
in the county of Westmorland Doctor of Divinity of which will 
I have caused two parts to be written both of the same tenor 
words and form. 

First I desire that my body may be interred in a decent and 
plain manner and I order that no mourning shall be given at 
my funeral. 

My messuage and tenement &c called Pryzetend lying in 
Helsington, Westmorland to my son John Rotheram and tp 
Mr. Anthony Strickland Pewterer and Mr. Thomas Harrison 
Tanner both of Kirkby Kendall to sell and out of the moneys 
from thence to be raised, I order that said son John shall receive 
and retain to himself ^400 for the payment of which sum I have 
given to him my bond and which said money is all that I intend 
to give him out of my effects (save upon such contingencys 
happening as hereinafter mentioned). All debts to be discharged 
out of the residue. 

Messuages and dwelling houses and two shops in Kirkby 
Kendall to my son and daughter John Ecroyde and Mary his 
wife for their lives and then to the child or children of the said 
John Ecroyde begotten on the body of the said Mary his wife, 
if no such issue then to son John Rotheram he to pay £^0 each to 
my other children, and the said messuages &c are charged with 
the payment of ;^3 los. yearly " to my dear wife Ann " during 
life provided she shall so long continue my widow and if she 
marry again to have an annuity of 30s. only. To said wife 
all such goods as are now in my possession that were devised 
to her in and by the last will and testament of Mr. Edward 
Blackstock her late husband and also £^0. 

Daughter Sarah Rotheram and sons Caleb and William 
Rotheram to be joint executors and to ehare equally all personal 


estate not before disposed of, they securing tliereout one annuity 
oi £io I OS. to my wife during Iter widowhood, the annuity to be 
reduced to one half if slae remarry. The legacies to my wife 
to be in lieu of, and to be annulled if she claims, her thirds. 

If either or both Caleb or William die, daughter Sarah to have 
their shares. 

The guardianship and tuition of son William " and the care 
of his education" to son John. Dated 5 April 1752 [signed] 
Caleb Rotheram. 

Witnesses Edward Holme, John Thomson, Jas. Dowker. 

Sarah and Caleb Rotheram were sworn executors 
i8th June, 1752, power being reserved to the other 
executor, Wilham. Filed with the will is a bond for 
£500, dated i8th June, 1752, the parties being Sarah 
Rotheram of Kendal, spinster, Caleb Rotheram- of Kendal, 
gentleman, and John Rotheram of Hexham, Doctor of 

Dr. Rotheram's will has a seal bearing a stag passant, 
while each party to the bond sealed it with a shield 
bearing a coat of arms which is not quite legible, but 
appears to be party per fess a pale counterchanged, 
three trefoils. 

It is noteworthy that Dr. Rotheram's will does not 
contain any religious preamble such as, though the 
practice was dying out, were still not uncommon 
among Dissenters. Was this because he was unwilling 
to use the common form of such preambles as expressing 
more than he could believe ? 

Dr. Rotheram's funeral sermon was preached at 
Kendal on June 14th by his old friend and pupil the Rev. 
James Daye of Lancaster. The sermon was published,* 
so that we may learn how Dr. Rotheram was appreciated 
by those best qualified to know, albeit we may deduct 
something from an estimate which occurs in the course 

* The Christian's service, compleated with honour. A sermon occasioned 
by the death of the Reverend Caleb Rotlieram, D.D., wlio died June 8, 
1752, a3tat. 59. Preached at Kendal, June 14, 1752. By James Daye 
. London : Printed for J. Noon [&c,] 8vo. pp. iv. 24. 

CALEB ROTHERAM, D.D., 1716-I752. 313 

of a funeral sermon preached before and dedicated " To 
the Society of Protestant Dissenters, in Kendal " in 
the following terms, the italics being left as in the original. 


It is not a common character, to possess the shining quahties, 
which compose, what we justly call, a great man, — Such are 
but rarely born into the world : And, when they are, they are 
not always placed in a sphere, equally large, with their merit. 
In higher ranks of dignity, and influence over mankind, we often 
find the worthless person, while superior abilities are confined 
to a more contracted station. — Yet, in this the wise providence 
of God has consulted the general good of men, by disposing, in 
• proper intervals of time and place, those worthies, whom he 
designs for any great service. This, or that, place enjoys the 
blessing, as he sees fit ; And wherever the great mind is stationed, 
it makes room for itself ; and, like the sun, is the center of hght 
and heat to all within it's own horizon. 

You have been the happy people, thus favoured by indulgent 
heaven, for a long time. For six and thirty years, the best things 
have been well proposed to you, and I hope, as well entertained 
by you. The great esteem you always bore for this eminent 
person is one proof of it ; and your sentiments, so much the same 
with his, another. A third must be, your continued steadiness, 
now he is removed from you, to practise, what he, from his great 
master, so acceptably proposed to you. — It would, indeed, be 
strange, if the most perfect harmony had not subsisted between 
you and your worthy pastor, while learning was so well applied, 
and religion rationally set forth, to the pious and judicious. 

It is, to comply with the respect you bore for him, that I 
publish this discourse. — If I have not done justice to his character, 
you will excuse it, in one who could not be wanting in a due 
regard to his merit. 

That his memor^^ may flourish, not only in your esteem, but 
in your christian character, most expressive of the doctrine, 
delivered by him ; and, that the blessing of God may carry on 
all the good, begun by him, 'till it be finished in you, is the hearty 
prayer of, 


Your respectful friend, 
and humble servant, 
Lancaster, James Daye. 

July 3, 1752. 


Besides the eulogy of the preface Mr. Daye's testimony 
includes the following passages : — 

I am sure, not only you, his most intimate friends ; but all, 
that have known, or heard of the late reverend Dr. Caleb 
Rotheram, must revere the name, and honour the worthy 
character, adorned with so many qualities, amiable in themselves, 
and extensively profitable to mankind. It is with pleasure you 
will always survey the blessing you have injoyed in him for a 
great number of years. 

As a minister, his abilities were great ; his delivery graceful, 
his performances instructive, lively and entertaining ; his senti- 
ments nervous ; his arguments strong ; and his expression just. 
With these talents, together with great moderation, impartiality, 
and a calm judgment, he became not only a popular preacher, 
but was equally applauded by the most judicious. From his 
early youth he exerted himself to serve this society. Studying 
with unwearied application, and labouring his compositions ;• — - 
at the same time, preacher to himself, — he gained that experience 
in the practice, as well as the theory, of Christianity, by which 
he always had a thorough acquaintance with his subject, and 
treated it in a most masterly way. What he delivered was first 
trisd upon his own mind. — When you felt the force of truth ; the 
weight of all had been first poised in his heart. He spoke to the 
edification of all : So, that every particular among you might 
think the address was only to himself. In sacraments he excelled. 
He is the fittest to declare the love of God to others, who has felt 
it, shed abroad in his own heart. 

His friendship with his brethren in the ministry was truly 
cordial. And I do not know, whether I may not properly call 
him the cement of love and harmony in the friendly association 
of the two counties.* His learning, piety, sincerity, experience, 
and good sense, gave him authority among his brethren, whom 
he always treated with affection, freedom, and respect, and mostly 
found the same returns of respect and esteem from them. 

As the head of a religious society, he was a great ornament to 
this place. 

As a protestant dissenter, he was a credit to his profession ; 
For he was a friend, a faithful friend to liberty, the distinguishing 
principle of that profession. 

* Westmorland and Cumberland. 

CALEB ROTHERAM, D.D., I716-1752. 315 

Mr. Daye also made reference to Dr. Rotheram's 
character as a good townsman and head of a numerous 
family, and informed his hearers that " perhaps some 
memoirs of Dr. Rotheram's hfe and character may, here- 
after, be communicated to the pubhc by another hand." 

Dr. Rotheram left no works from which his precise 
theological standpoint can be ascertained, but the manu- 
script drawn up by Mr. Hawkes in 1839 says " the senti- 
ments of Dr. Rotheram were certainly not orthodox, 
though not avowedly Unitarian. His views on the 
Trinity seem to have been far removed from those of the 
Church of England, and were probably the most moderate 
form of Sabellianism." 

James says " At Kendal there was Dr. Caleb Rotheram, 
who Mr. Hadfield allows to have been an Arian, which 
Drs. Bogue and Bennett leave doubtful."* But James, 
on further consideration, came to the conclusion that 
" the Arianism of Dr. Rotheram was too easily admitted 
by Mr. Hadfield."! The Rev. Alexander Gordon says 
" his theology, and that of most of his divinity pupils, 
was Arian. ":j: Whether SabeUian or Arian, all authorities 
allow that Rotheram loved and taught liberty of thought. 
We have quoted Daye, now we will quote another old 
pupil, Samuel Lowthion : — § 

He was solicitously and affectionately concerned for the improve- 
ment and usefulness of those under his care, especially that they 
might be inspired with the love of liberty and clearly understand 
the genuine principles of Christianity, and in order to this per- 
mitted, encouraged, and assisted them to think freely upon every 
subject of natural and revealed religion. 

Dr. Rotheram's friend, George Benson, D.D., had 
abandoned, before his ordination in 1721, his Calvinistic 

* Presbyterian Chapels and Charities, p. 129. 

t Presbyterian Chapels and Charities, p. 842. 

% D. N. B. 

§ Sermon on ordination of Rev. Caleb Rotheram, Junr., of Kendal^ 1756. 


views,* and Henry Winder, D.D., another intimate 
friend, was an early advocate of religious liberty. 

It is not unreasonable, remembering Daye's statement, 
that Rotheram " was a friend, a faithful friend to liberty," 
that Dr. Rotheram's influence at Kendal was similar to 
that already mentioned as having been exercised at 
Liverpool by Dr. Winder, f On his appointment the con- 
gregation may have been orthodox, but of this we have 
no knowledge, but by the time the chapel was erected 
it was sufficiently free to impose no tests on its ministers 
or members. Certainly the results were the same in 
Kendal as in Liverpool, for Dr. Benson says of Dr. Winder 
that " by his private visits and public labors he had great 
successes in diffuseing among them the generous spirit 
of liberty and extensive charity," characteristics of the 
Kendal congregation in its palmy days, as well as of all 
the congregations which came under the influence of 
men educated at Kendal and at Warrington. 

Dr. Rotheram was twice married. His first wife, and 
the mother of all his children, was Mary Strickland of 
Kendal, a daughter of Thomas Strickland of Strickland- 
gate, one of the first trustees of the chapel. The marriage 
licence bond, which is dated 23rd March, 171S, is now 
at Lancaster, Thomas Strickland was the bondsman, 
and the marriage was to take place at Thornton, Kirkby 
Lonsdale or Kendale. 

She died 17th April, 1746, aged 52, and is commemorated 
by the large stone against the waH in the front yard of 
the chapel.^ Mrs. Rotheram was related to many of the 

* Hutchinson's Cumberland, i., 285. 

t Ante, pp. 286, 287. 

% William Christie states (Monthly Repository, vi., 129) that Caleb Rotheram, 
junior, was a nephew of George Benson, D.D., and if this was correct Dr. 
Rotheram must either have married a sister of Dr. Benson's or vice versa, 
or the two Doctors must have married two sisters. But no such connection 
is traceable. Dr. George Benson was, like Dr. Rotheram, a native of Great 
Salkeld. He married (i) 1726, Mrs. Elizabeth Hills, widow, and (2) Mary, 
daughter of William Kettle of Birmingham (Hutchinson's Cumberland, i., 
285). It is probable, however, that Mr. Christie had confused two college 

CALEB ROTHERAM, D.D., I716-I752. 317 

families connected with the chapel in its early days, and 
was a cousin of Ephraim Chambers, author of the 

The second wife of Dr. Rotheram was Edward Black- 
stock's widow, Ann, to whom he was married 12th 
February, 1746-7. 

Dr. Rotheram's children were : — 

1. John Rotheram, M.D., born 26th January, 1719-20, 
baptized at Kendal Chapel. A fuller notice of him and 
his children appears in the list of Dr. Rotheram's pupils. 

2. Hannah, born 8th March, baptized at the Chapel 
8th April, 1722, died 15th and was buried i6th May, 1722, 
being the first to be interred in the chapel ground. 

3. Thomas, born 21st October, baptized at the chapel 
24th November, 1723. Died young. 

4. Mary, born 8th November, baptized at the chapel 
loth December, 1725. Married at the Parish Church 
17th September, 1746, to John Ecroyde of Kendal, 
apothecary, later described as surgeon. 

Mr. Ecroyde died in 1775, and his obituary in the 
Newcastle Chronicle (August 12th, 1775) says he was 
" an eminent surgeon ... a person most eminent 
in his profession, whose death is universally lamented 
by all who had the pleasure of his acquaintance." 

Mr. Ecroyde's daughter was married in 1769 to John 
Claxton of Kendal, surgeon and apothecary, who died 
in 1812 and was buried June 3rd in the chapel yard. 
Mrs. Claxton had predeceased him, having died at Liver- 
pool in 1810. Mr. John Claxton's family were baptized 
at the chapel. Ecroyde, the eldest son, was a surgeon, 
and died on the Gaboon River, Africa. Caleb, another 
son, was a captain, and was lost at sea off Mauritius. 
The descendants of the eldest son include Mr. Ecroyde 

friends of Dr. Priestley, botfi mentioned in the early pages of the Doctor's 
autobiography, namely, Mr. Rotheram and Mr. Alexander, the latter of whom 
is stated by t'riestley to have been a nephew of Dr. Benson. 


Claxton, of Oxton, Birkenhead, a well-known rose grower, 
and Mrs. Albert Nicholson of Dubhn. Several of the 
later Claxtons are descended, maternally, from James 
Nicholson, one of Rotheram's scholars.* 

5. Sarah, born 22nd February, baptized at the chapel 
24th March, 1728. She was one of the executors of her 
father's will i8th June, 1752, and was then unmarried. 
She married Thomas Whitehead, one of her father's pupils, 
of whom there is a notice in another chapter. 

6. Edward, born i8th April, baptized at the chapel 
6th May, 1730. Died young. 

7. Caleb, born 21st November, baptized at the chapel 
6th December, 1732, Minister of Kendal. 

8. William, born ist November, baptized at the 
chapel 17th November, 1734. Was in the Marines, 
becoming a captain in 1759, major 1777, lieutenant- 
colonel 1791, and colonel 1794, and commander of the 
troops at Portsmouth dockyard. He died a major-general. 

9. Hannah, born 22nd April, baptized at the chapel 
22nd May, 1737. Died young. 

* The Claxton material, by Ecroyde Claxton, 1905. 




Dr. Rotheram's Academy, 1733-1752. 

TN the eighteenth century it was almost the rule that 
J- the Dissenting minister kept a private boarding 
school for boys. It may be that ministerial duties were 
lighter then than now, but under the conditions pre- 
vaihng in that century and the first half of the nineteenth 
century the combination of duties worked well and con- 
gregations seem not to have suffered by the minister 
devoting part of each day to teaching. 

Instead of a school for boys, Dr. Rotheram conducted 
an academy for young men. His academy was not so 
distinctively a theological school as some of the academies 
had been, about two-thirds of his pupils being men not 
intending to become ministers. 

According to the Dictionary of National Biography 
Rotheram educated about 120 laymen and 56 divinity 
students. His academy began its work in 1733, and was 
carried on until a few months after Rotheram's death. 

The Presbyterian Fund recognized Rotheram's Academy 
from the beginning. On 6th May, 1734, a letter was read 
from " Mr. Rotheram of Kendall relating to the state of 
the Dissenting Interest in the North," and the managers 
agreed that Mr. Rotheram " be encourag'd by an allow- 
ance of Thirty two pounds per annum for four years 
. for four students to be instructed by him in 
academical learning at Kendall."* It appears that the 
four students were to undertake " to settle with any con- 
gregation in the North that shall call them."| Evidently 
then the Kendal Academy was intended as a training 

* Minutes, iii., 191. 
t Minutes, iii., 200. 


place for ministers who were to work in an unprofitable 
field, and many of them did so — for a time. 

So well satisfied with the Academy were the managers 
of the Fund that in 1737 they agreed to continue the 
four bursaries for another four years, and, — a further 
proof of their confidence, — left the selection of the " four 
students out of the North " to Mr. Rotheram. They 
also " agreed that an extraordinary supply of twenty 
pound be granted to Mr. Caleb Rotheram for finishing 
his apparatus for Experimental Philosophy."* Rotheram 
was to give every half year an account of the conduct 
of the students under his care. From 5th March, 173S-9, 
to the end of his life Dr. Rotheram received an extra- 
ordinary allowance of £10 annually, doubtless an acknow- 
ledgment of the value of his Academy. | In 1740 it was 
agreed " That notwithstanding Rule the 3rd any of the 
students to which we grant allowances may be sent to 

Kendall." t 

It would appear that the Academy suffered during 
the invasion in the '45, as on 6th January, 1745-6, the 
managers of the Presbyterian Fund " agreed that the 
Sum of £10 be granted to Dr. Rotheram and Dr. Latham 
[of Findern Academy] each in consideration of their late 
sufferings to be paid immediately." § 

In 1747 some of the students had been giving trouble 
to the Tutor, and on 7th December a letter from Dr. 
Rotfieram was read to the managers of the Fund, and it 
was resolved " that Dr. Avery be desired to acquaint 
Dr. Rotheram that the conduct of the students who 
have lately left him and whom he mentions in his letter 
is very displeasing to the board." || Whatever the trouble 
may have been, it caused no loss of confidence in Dr. 

* Minutes, iii., 243, 244. 
t Minutes, iii., 275, etc. 
J Miiiutes, iii., 300. 
§ Minutes, iii., 391. 
II Minutes, iii., 428. 

DR. ROTHERAM'S academy, I733-I752. 32I 

Rotheram, who, a month or two later, was granted his 
usual extraordinary allowance of £10.* 

A year later (December, 1748) the continuance of the 
Academy at Kendal was hanging in the balance. The 
Presbyterian Fund, however, decided to continue for 
another four years the bursaries to four students, and 
passed a resolution desiring Dr. Rotheram " by all means 
to continue the Academy."! 

In 1750 the Kendal Academy attained its full meed 
of recognition by the Presbyterian Fund. On April 2nd 
the second rule relating to students was taken into con- 
sideration, and it was " agreed to Mr. Barkers alteration 
and that the rule for the future stand thus That the 
Students encouraged by this fund be placed at Findern 
or Kendall or such other Academy in England as the 
managers of it shall approve and at Carmarthen in 
Wales and at the Universities in Scotland." On the same 
day a fifth student was sent to Dr. Rotheram. j The 
Doctor continued to report on the work of his pupils until 
the spring of 1752, his last letter being read 6th April, 
1752. § In October in the same year the Board agreed 
that " Messrs. Tho. Whitehead, Isaac Smithson and 
Caleb Rotheram lately under the care of Dr. Rotheram 
deceased be desired to remove to Mr. Caleb Ashworth at 
Daventry, and be there allowed £10 a year."l| The 
increase in the bursary is noteworthy. None of the Fund's 
pupils under Rotheram had received more than £8 per 

Besides the Presbyterian Fund, Lady Hewley's Fund 
made grants to students at Rotheram's Academy^ as also 
did the Baptist Fund. 

* Minutes, iii., 431. 

t Minutes, iii., 445- 

{ Minutes, iii., 468, 469, 470. 

§ Minutes, v., 10. 

§ Minutes, v., 21. 

^ T. S. James's Presbyterian Chapels and Charities, p. 83. 


One of Rotheram's early pupils was Samuel Nicholson, 
M.D., and from family papers we are enabled to give 
some details of the fees, subjects of study and student 
life at the Academy. Samuel Nicholson after having 
spent some time at Glasgow University wished to study 
for the ministry. His father, Matthew Nicholson of 
Liverpool, wrote to his cousin, Edward Blackstock of 
Kendal, one of the original trustees of the Chapel, asking 
for Mr. Rotheram's terms. Mr. Rotheram's reply, dated 
September, 1735, was 

You may please to acquaint Mr. Nicholson that I have good 
convenience for lodging his son in my House, that the terms 
on which I take young men are eight guineas a year for lodging 
and boarding, and four guineas a year for Learning, they find 
their own Fire and Candle in their Rooms, and wash their own 
wearing Linnen, That if they go through a whole course of 
Mathematicks, as that obliges me to a particular attendance 
when' their other Lectures are over, I have a distinct considera- 
tion for that Branch of Instruction. 

In forwarding Mr. Rotheram's letter, Mr. Blackstock 
writes, " I doubt not but Cosen Samuel will like Kendall 
well itt being a very wholesome Air," offers him a room 
in his own house " and fare as I doe " if he does not like 
being at Mr. Rotheram's, and in a postscript says, " if 
either you or any of your friends wants any Kendall 
stockines, cottons, ruggs, &c., none shall serve them 
better than E. B." 

At this period of his life Samuel Nicholson was not a 
good correspondent. In one of his letters he says he is 
at a loss what to write, 

being diffident of my power to give you the least entertainment 
and having no news at all. I shall then acquaint you with the 
happiness I enjoyed j^esterday, in the company of the most 
ingenious men in Westmoreland. I mean Mr. Rotheram and 
one Justice Shepard the most accomplished gentleman, lawyer 
and scholar in these parts. We were shooting all day for wood- 
cocks and din'd with the Justice and were handsomelv enter- 




j 2 


I 1 ^' L* ^ ^ ^ '^ ^ 


s ^ •« ^ i v"^ 


X ^ '^S ^ 

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§^^ C^.^ ^ -i; ^ < 

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DR. ROTHERAM'S academy, I733-I752. 323 

tained, and had the conversation that was to be expected from 
men of parts, learning and knowledge of the world. 

In a postscript he says, " I forgot to tell you that Mr. 
Day* was with us a shooting." 

Samuel was joined by a younger brother James, but 
their stay at Kendal was interrupted by the deaths, 
in February, 1735-6, of their father and mother. On 
March 8th, 1735-6, Mr. Rotheram rendered his account 
to Samuel Nicholson, preceding it by condolences, " I 
have subjoyned," he says, " the acct. you desired, and 
in the article relating to Mathematicks have charged you 
as low, as I do any of those who continue with me four 
years, which I desire you to accept as an instance of my 
respect for you." The account is as follows : — 

i s. d. 
Your own Boarding and Education from Jan. 8th to 

Feb. 15 I 5 10 

For Mathematicks i i 00 

For Bro. James whilst he was witli me o 15 0° 








Samuel Nicholson appHed to his old Tutor for advice 
on the choice of a profession, and received the following 
reply, which is equally pleasing from its frankness and 
its kindness : — 

Kendal May loth 1736. 
Dear S'', 

As the case in which you desire my sentiments is of great 
Importance to you, I do not think proper to make you wait any 

* Probably the Rev. James Daye, minister at Lancaster. 


Upon the observations I have made concerning your Genius 
and Dispositions I should be exceeding glad to see you employed 
in the Ministry ; and hope you would do good service and find 
great Comfort in being so employ'd, but I freely own your voyce 
was somewhat discouraging to me from the first Time I heard 
it. If you have any Hope that you could surmount that dif- 
ficulty, and attain a good Pronunciation, I would earnestly 
recommend it to you, to pursue your design for the ministry ; 
and I believe both Demosthenes and Tully laboured under greater 
natural Imperfections in this Respect than you do : their success 
in the attempt to remove this Impediment to publick speaking 
(as related by Plutarch) may encourage you to attempt it : 
But if upon Trial you have no hope to succeed in it, it would 
I think be advisable that you should apply yourself to such 
studies as are directly subservient to the practice of Physick, 
for how well so ever a person may be quahfyed in other Respects, 
if he be to speak much in publick, a good Pronunciation is 
necessary to render him acceptable. I assure you of my hearty 
Prayer for direction to make such a choice as may place you 
in the most Comfortable and useful station in Life . . . My 
dearest unites with me in the heartiest Respects to your self and 
Mr. James. 

Your Assured Friend and Servant 
C. Rotheram.* 

James Nicholson instead of returning to the Academy, 
entered the eldest brother's warehouse and eventually 
became a merchant. Samuel Nicholson returned to 
Kendal, and was there in July, 1736. From one of the 
family letters (31st July, 1736) it appears that at that 
time Mr. Rotheram had had some intention of leaving 
Kendal. The writer, John Nicholson, says " We hear Mr. 
Rotheram stays at Kendall. Should be glad to know if 
it be so or no." 

The Nicholson letters do not give us at all a bad im- 
pression of Rotheram in the capacity of a tutor. 

George Benson, D.D., a distinguished divine, says : 

Dr. Rotheram was a considerable scholar in many branches of 

* Addressed " To Mr. Samuel Nicholson in Dale-Street in Leverpoole. 
Free E.B." 

DR. ROTHERAM's academy, 1733-I752. 325 

literature. But he chiefly excelled in mathematics and natural 
philosophy which he taught in Kendale for many years with 
great reputation. He also kept an Academy in which he taught 
the other branches of philosophy and divinity with great success.* 

In the funeral sermon Daye says : 

As a tutor, his capacity was equal to his depavtment. His public 
spirit, desirous to propagate useful knowledge, and his tender 
concern for the interests of young persons, inclined him to take 
upon himself the direction of youthful studies, for which he was 
excellently well qualified, and, therefore, incouraged by great 
and good men, and chose, as the mean of carrying on their worthy 
designs of inlarging useful knowledge, and propagating rational 
and religious light among men. He was of a most communicative 
temper, and his lectures were rather the open informations of 
a friend, than the dictates of a master. As he was an impartial 
lover of truth, he incouraged the most free and unbounded inquiry 
after it, in every branch of science. To this may be chiefly 
ascribed his great success in this undertaking ; which appears 
from the number of those, who have been raised to a degree of 
eminence among the dissenters, from the experience they derived 
principally from him. Some of the greatest pleasures of my 
life were those,' which my worthy tutor made me sensible of, 
from the friendly assistance and incouragement he afforded me. 
It is mostly to Dr. Rotheram, as the instrument of the blessing 
of God, that I thus publickly own myself obliged, for any degree 
of usefulness, as a minister of Christ. 

It is difficult to reconcile the general consensus of 
opinion as to the merits of Dr. Rotheram as a teacher 
and the undoubted success of his Academy with the 
comments made in a letter to a friend by George Walker 
(afterwards F.R.S.) about the time he left Kendal, where 
he studied from 1749 to 1751. Walker writes : — | 

I will tell you of a piece of practical knowledge I have lately 
gained. Our good academical tutor thought it not his duty 
to instruct me in this or in any other kind of practice, but, as 
some recompense for the sums he got from us, filled our brains 

* Memoirs of Winder, p. 13. 

t Essays on various subjects. By George Walker, F.R.S. 1809. i., xvii. 


with a deal of line speculative knowledge, without once showing 
the several useful and entertaining purposes, to which these 
particular branches of learning were adapted. We have learnt 
plane trigonometry, and to measure towers and castles upon 
white paper, without knowing that a quadrant existed but by 
name. We have learnt spherical trigonometry, without the 
convenience of a globe, and with but a faint idea of the situation 
of the several circles in the various positions of it. We have 
read philosophy, without being assured that there was a planet 
in the heavens, unless our faith were much greater than our 
experience ; and lastly we have studied astronomy, without 
the knowledge of one star in the firmament. 

If the letter refers at all to Kendal, we can only assume 
that the writer was in a jocular vein. But as it is not 
dated and bears no address, it is possible that it refers 
to one of the other places where Walker studied. It 
appears that Walker returned home in 1751, and in the 
interval between his return and the beginning of the 
session at Edinburgh in November was under the care 
of Hugh Moises, M.A.* Walker was only at Edinburgh 
for one session and then removed to Glasgow. The letter 
is more likely to refer to Edinburgh than to Kendal, 
for it certainly implies that the writer, a boy of 17, was 
well acquainted with what ought to be taught and where, 
before he went to Kendal at 15, was he likely to have 
been taught the sciences ? 

Assuming that it does refer to Rotheram's Academy, 
" May we not be permitted," says V. F.,| 

to make some allowances for the flippancy of a youthful writer, 
under the influence, perhaps, of some temporary pique, rather 
than suffer it to have any effect in detracting from the well 
earned reputation of so approved a teacher, both of theoretical 
and practical mathematics, as Dr. Rotheram was universally 
acknowledged to be ? His eminence in this particular depart- 
ment of science caused the Academy at Kendal to be eagerly 

* Monthly Repository, 1810, p. 475. 

t Monthly Repository, 1810, p. 218. V. F. was the Rev. William Turner 
of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. 

DR. ROTHERAM'S academy, I733-I752. 327 

resorted to, not only by students for the ministry, but by many 
who were afterwards to fill various departments of civil and active 
life. And the writer of this could easily show from a perusal of 
papers in the Doctor's own handwriting, in his possession, that 
he not only instructed his pupils in the theory of the mathematics 
and natural philosophy, but also possessed the happy talent of 
illustrating them with great success, by means of experiments 
performed with an extensive, and, for that time, well constructed 

Walker's remarks cannot outweigh the known facts 
about the equipment of Dr. Rotheram's Academy for 
the teaching of natural philosophy. We know from an 
advertisement that Dr. Rotheram had an orrery and 
an air pump, and it is scarcely conceivable that, having 
such instruments, he should not also have had such 
commonplace aids to study as a globe or a quadrant. As 
a matter of fact, Dr. Rotheram possessed a " considerable 
apparatus in mechanics and hydrostatics " which had 
belonged to John Horsley, F.R.S. 

On Horsley's death in 1731 his instruments were 
purchased by Dr. Rotheram. They and others were 
included in the instruments offered for sale in the 
following advertisement and were purchased by a clergy- 
man near Liverpool, by whom they were sold to the 
Trustees of the Warrington Academy. When that 
Academy was discontinued the instruments were trans- 
ferred to the New College, Hackney, and in 1821 were 
in Dr. Williams's Library, Red Cross Street.* We 
have not been able to trace their later history, but we 
are informed that they are no longer in Dr. Williams's 

An advertisement in the Newcastle Journal of Novem- 
ber nth, 1752, gives one a slight idea of the calibre of 
the books in Dr. Rotheram's library, and mentions a 
few scientific mstruments : — 

* Hodgson's Northumberland, pt. 2, vol. 2, p. 444. 


This day is published, A catalogue of the Library of the late 
Rev. Dr. Rotheram of Kendal. Amongst which are, 

Poli Synopsis, 5 torn. Harrington's Works 

Clerici Comment. 6 torn. Bayle's Dictionary, 5 vols. 

Bibliotheca Fratror. Polonor. Rapin's History, 2 vol. 

8 torn. 

Wallisii Opera, 3 tom. Locke's Works, 3 vol. 

Buxtorfii Lexicon Chalda? Philosophical Trans, abridged, 

7 vols. 

Clarke's Works, 4 vols. Forster's Discourses, 2 vols. 

Tillotson's Works Universal History, 20 vols. 

Which will begin to be sold at Kendal (for ready money only, the 
lowest prices fixed in the Catalogue) on Monday the nth of 
December, 1752. 

Catalogues may be had of Mr. Anthony Strickland, or Mr. 
Ashburner, in Kendal, Dr. Rotheram in Hexham ; and of the 
Booksellers in Newcastle, Durham, Darlington, Sunderland, 
Alnwick, Berwick, Carlisle, Wigton, Cockermouth, ^^^litehaven, 
Penrith, Lancaster, Preston, Wigan, Ormskirk, IManchester and 

Gentlemen by applying to Mr. Anthony Strickland, in Kendal, 
may depend upon having their orders faithfully executed. 

*^* The entire apparatus, belonging to the late Rev. Dr. 
Rotheram, (amongst which are a neatly contrived and new 
Orrery, a compleat Air-Pump, with Receivers, &c.) will be sold 
upon very reasonable terms : The particulars may be viewed 
at the House of Dr. Rotheram in Hexham, who will treat about 
the same, and by whom Letters (post paid) will be duly answered. 

It would have been interesting to have seen the 
catalogue of Dr. Rotheram's library, but we have not 
succeeded in discovering that a copy exists. 

During Dr. Rotheram's illness his Academy was con- 
ducted by his assistant, Richard Simpson, who is also 
said to have continued it after Rotheram's death until 
1753. The Presbyterian Fimd's students were removed 
before the end of 1752, and it is probable that Mr. 
Simpson merely continued the Academy until the 
managers of the Fund and the parents of the students 
had had time to make other arrangements. 

DR. ROTHERAM'S academy, I733-I752. 329 

The motto of Dr. Rotheram's Academy might well 
have been " Civil and religious liberty," so frequently 
is that phrase used in connection with its alumni. " Civil 
liberty " imphed a general support of the Whig pohcy, 
and the abolition of such statutes as still affected the 
civil rights of Dissenters. 

" Religious liberty " was the liberty of private judg- 
ment unfettered by creeds imposed either by Church or 
State. Arians as most of Rotheram's pupils were and 
perhaps remained, some few of them were pioneers of 
Unitarianism, and boldly advocated it at a time when 
it was illegal to do so. Some, though they had not the 
temerity to preach Unitarianism, carried their congre- 
gations safely through the evangelical reaction, and left 
them prepared to accept the ministrations of a Unitarian 
successor. Others of Rotheram's pupils entered the Church 
of England and formed part of the group of divines who 
managed to combine the thirty-nine articles with 

We know the names of very few of Dr. Rotheram's 
lay pupils. They included John Wilkinson, who was 
the greatest ironmaster of his century ; and James and 
Robert Nicholson, Liverpool merchants, who were the 
originators of the first alum and copperas works estab- 
lished in Scotland. 

In a later chapter we give a list of Rotheram's pupils 
based on that published in the Monthly Repository for 
1810 which is a list of divinity students only, though the 
names of a few of the 120 laymen whom he educated are 
mentioned on p. 477 of that volume. From various 
sources we have been able to add a few others, and the 
identifications have been revised throughout. 



Supplies, 1752-1754. 

TT7HEN Dr. Rotheram's illness caused him to visit 
VV Hexham he left his Academy in the care of the 
assistant tutor, the Rev. Richard Simpson, and it was 
conducted by him for a short time after the Doctor's 
death. It does not appear that Simpson had any con- 
nection with the Chapel other than occasionally occupying 
its pulpit. He had studied under Dr. Philip Doddridge 
whose Academy at Northampton he entered in 1745. 

He was for several years assistant to Dr. Rotheram 
in his Academy, and in this case, as in several of the 
other academies, the tutor and his assistant were appar- 
ently of different schools of religious thought. Simpson's 
posthumous work. Seven practical and expeyimental 
discourses on the most important subjects, we are in- 
formed, shows that he was " intensely evangelical,"* 
which is confirmed by another writer, who says the 
sermons are of " thoroughly evangelical doctrine." | The 
list of Dr. Doddridge's pupils says that Simpson was in 
Westmorland and afterwards at Warley.J Nightingale 
suggests that the place was most likely to be Raven- 
stonedale ; Dale and Crippen§ suggest that he " may 
have gone thence to Stainton, near Kendal, from which 
place he removed about 1763 to Warley";|| while Mr. 
Colligan states definitely that a person of this name 
was at Stainton from 1749 (?) — 1763. We have no 

* Cong. Hist. Soc. Trans., iii., 97. 

t Turner's Halifax Books and Authors, p. loi. 

% Monthly Repository, x., 687. 

§ Cong. Hist. Soc. Trans., iii., 97. 

II Cong. Hist. Soc. Trans., iii., 219. 

SUPPLIES, I752-I754. 331 

direct evidence that Simpson was ever settled at either 
Ravenstonedale or Stainton, and the remark in the hst 
of pupils may be merely a reference to his work at 
Kendal. One baptism by the " Revd. Mr. Simpson " 
is entered in the Chapel register 6th November, 1755, 
and three on 25th April, 1756, these being our only notes 
of his existence from the closing of the Academy until 
his appointment to Warley. In August, 1764, he succeeded 
William Graham, a Unitarian, as minister of the Presby- 
terian (now Congregational) Chapel at Warley, near 
Halifax, and remained there until his death in 1795 or 
1796.* He was buried at Warley. 

Mr. Turnerf says that Simpson " walked annually to 
Westmoreland and enjoyed perfect health until very 
advanced age." 

Besides Mr. Simpson several other ministers are named 
in the Chapel register as having baptized one or more 
children. From 5th April, 1752, to 25th April, 1756, 
there were only sixteen baptisms, and the number of 
ministers who baptized the children suggests that ser- 
vices at the Chapel were conducted by the neighbouring 
ministers, some of whom may have been candidates for 
the vacant pulpit. Mr. Daye of Lancaster, who baptized 
two children in July, 1752, was educated by Dr. Rotheram, 
and a notice of him appears in the list of Rotheram' s 
pupils ; Mr. Dickenson, minister of Penruddock, baptized 
a child in 1753 ; the Rev. Mr. Richie, who also baptized 
a child in 1753, was James Ritchie sometime of Raven- 
stonedale, with whose Calvinistic people he had a long 
and successful lawsuit. 

* The date of Mr. Simpson's death and his age are given differently by 
the authorities. According to Turner's Halifax Books and Authors (p. loi) 
he died in February, 1796, aged 78. Miall gives the date of deatli as 1795 
and the age as 85, while the Rev. Jas. Moncrieff, the present pastor of Warley, 
informs us that " he died in 1795 on Dec. 23rd in the 72nd year of his age." 
The gravestone which would probably have settled both points is, Mr. 
Moncrieff informs us, not now accessible, as the organ is built over it. 

■\ Halifax Books and Authors, p. loi. 


John Houghton appears to have served the Kendal 
congregation in the capacity of a temporary minister, 
" a warming pan," if such a being is possible in Dissenting 
churches. Joseph Hunter* says that " in the interval 
between the two Rotherams, about 2| years, — Houghton 
was much at Kendal as I find by a letter of the younger 
Caleb written in Aug. 1753 from Daventry." Con- 
temporary evidence is found in the Minutes of the 
Presbyterian Fund, 8th April, 1754 (v. 57), when " a 
letter from Mr. Leechman, Professor of Divinity at 
Glasgow, to Dr. Benson was read giving a satisfactory 
account of Mr. James Wood, Mr. Newcomb Cappe, Mr. 
James Garner and Mr. John Houghton, the last of whom 
is removed to Kendal." 

John Houghton was born at Liverpool about 1730, and 
went to Dr. Doddridge's Academy in 1747.! On the 
Doctor's death he removed to Glasgow University, 
which he appears to have left in 1753 or 1754 to try his 
prentice hand as a minister at Kendal. So slight was his 
connection with the place that his ministry there has 
escaped the notice of his biographers, and is not men- 
tioned in the life prefixed to his son's Sermons. From 
Kendal he went to Piatt and was apparently minister 
there in 1755 when he married Mary, daughter of 
William Pendlebury,^ of Leeds, previously minister of 
Kendal. ' In 1756 he removed to Hyde Chapel, Gee 
Cross, in 1761 to Nantwich, in 1771 to EUand, and in 
1782 to Wem. In 1788 he retired from the ministry 
and joined his son, the Rev. Pendlebury Houghton, 
minister at Norwich, in conducting a classical school at 
Norwich. He was " esteemed a sound scholar, as he 
certainly was a severe disciplinarian." § 

* Add. MSS., 24484, fo. 232. 
t Monthly Repository, x., 687. 

t John Houghton of Fallowfield, Dissenting minister, and Mary Pendlebury 
of Manchester, married 24th June, 1755 (Manchester Registers). 
§ Taylor's Octagon Chapel, Norwich, p. 54. 

SUPPLIES, 1752-1754. 333 

While at Hyde Houghton had conducted a schooL* It 
is probable that he was more successful as a schoolmaster 
than as a minister. It is recorded that few communicants 
were added during his ministry at Hyde. The Rev. 
James Brooks, a successor at Hyde Chapel, has recordedj 
" that previous to leaving he had for a time much mental 
anxiety owing to his unwillingness to distress the feelings 
of the good people by mentioning his intention to leave. 
At last he mustered courage, and said to one of his 
hearers — ' Jonathan, I am very sorry to inform you 
that I am leaving you.' The answer was — ' Well, sir, 
then I reckon we must get another.' Mr. Houghton, 
calling on another of his hearers, said, ' If I thought that 
all the congregation were as indifferent to me as Jonathan 
Rowbuck I would not stop at Hyde another day.' 

Mrs. Houghton died at Norwich 29th March, 1790, 
and a few months later the " Revd. John Houghton of 
Norwich married Augt. 3 1790 to Mrs. Eliz. Reddy at 
Yarmouth. He 60, she abt 40 yrs. old.":}: 

John Houghton died i6th May, 1800, aged 69, and 
was buried at the Octagon Chapel, Norwich. 

* Whitworth's Manchester Advertizer, October 3-ioth, 1758, p. 3. 

t Middleton's Hyde Chapel, p. 14. 

% Nonconformist Register, pp. 337, 232. 



Caleb Rotheram, the younger. 1754-1796. 

AFTER an interval of over two years the Chapel again 
had a settled minister in the person of Caleb 
Rotheram, son of Dr. Rotheram, who became minister 
probably towards the end of 1754. He was a native of 
Kendal, having been born there on November 21st, 
1732,* and his baptism is recorded in the Chapel registers 
as having taken place December 6th in the same year. 

He is said, in the list of Dr. Rotheram's pupils,! to 
have entered his father's Academy in 1748. But it was 
some years later that he received a student's grant from 
the Presbyterian Fund, the " case of Mr. Caleb Rotheram's 
being admitted to an allowance as a student with his 
father," being first considered by the Board on 2nd 
December, 1751,+ and on 6th January, 1751-2, it was 
" agreed that Mr. Caleb Rotheram be allowed 81. a year 
as a student with his father at Kendal, to commence 
from Midsummer last, as one of the four extraordinary 
students." § 

On 2nd October, 1752, he was one of the students 
" lately under the care of Dr. Rotheram deceased " 
whom the Board " desired to remove to Mr. Caleb 
Ash worth at Daventry," and to whom was granted ;;^io 
a year. || On 4th December, 1752, Dr. Benson reported 
that Rotheram and the others were " now ready to go 
to Mr. Ash worth," and he was directed to " write to 

* The date of his birth has erroneously been given as ist November, 1736. 

t Monthly Repository, 1810. 

t Presbyterian Fund Minutes, iv., 81. 

§ Presbyterian Fund Minutes, v., i. 

II Presbyterian Fund Minutes, v., 21. 


them to go as soon as may be to Daventry." At Daventry 
Rotheram was a fellow student with Joseph Priestley, 
who mentions him as one of the " particular friends " at 
the Academy, with whom in after years he kept up more 
or less of a correspondence and friendship with whom was 
terminated only by death of those who were dead, " and 
I hope it will subsist to the same period with those who 
now survive," the latter number including Rotheram. 

As Caleb Rotheram, junior, was the first of the Kendal 
ministers who became a Unitarian in the modern accepta- 
tion of the word, it is interesting to read what Priestley 
says of the Academy where he and Rotheram were 
educated. In his Memoirs,^ written about 1795, Dr. 
Priestley says : — 

In my time, the academy was in a state peculiarly favourable 
to the serious pursuit of truth, as the students were about equally 
divided upon every question of much importance, such as 
Liberty and Necessity, the sleep of the soul, and all the articles 
of theological orthodoxy and heresy ; in consequence of which, 
all these topics were the subject of continual discussion. Our 
tutors also were of different opinions ; Dr. Ashworth taking 
the orthodox side of every question, and Mr. Clark, | the sub- 
tutor, that of heresy, though always with the greatest modesty. 
We were permitted to ask whatever questions, and to 
make whatever remarks, we pleased ; and we did it with the 
greatest, but without any offensive, freedom. The general plan 
of our studies, which may be seen in Dr. Doddridge's published 
lectures, was exceedingly favourable to free inquiry, as we were 
referred to authors on both sides of every question, and were 
even required to give an account of them . . . Notwith- 
standing the great freedom of our speculations and debates, the 
extreme of heresy among us was Arianism ; and all of us, I 
believe, left the academy with a belief, more or less qualified, of 
the doctrine of atonement. 

Rotheram completed his course at Daventry at Mid- 
summer, 1754. In a letter read before the Presbyterian 

* 1809 edition, p. 15. 

t This was Samuel Clark, afterwards minister of Birmingham Old Meeting. 


Fund Board on 2nd December, 1754, Dr. Ashworth 
mentions that at Midsummer five students left him, of 
whom " Mr. Rotheram remov'd to Dr. Benson."* Dr. 
Benson was undoubtedly an unorthodox man, and we 
may presume that young Rotheram studied with him 
for a short time. 

It would probably be at Christmas, 1754, that Caleb 
Rotheram, junior, succeeded his father as minister at 
Kendal, and when the Kendal congregation obtained the 
minister for the completion of whose education they seem 
to have kept the pulpit vacant. Rotheram was certainly 
minister before 3rd March, 1755, at which date the 
Presbyterian Fund granted him ^5 as an extraordinary 
supply, t 

In August, 1755, a new trust deed was made. By it 
the Chapel property was transferred by the surviving 
trustees under the 1737 trust, namely, Edward Holme, 
Myles Harrison, Benjamin Wilson, and John Strickland 
to new trustees, George Carlyle, M.D., Thomas Dodgson, 
mercer, Richard Harrison, tanner, Thomas Gibson, the 
elder, tanner, Benjamin Atkinson, shearman, George 
Birkett, shearman, and William Strickland, pewterer, all 
of Kendal. 

In the same year, on 24th September, Rotheram 
married Dorothy, daughter of John Markett, of Meopham, 
Kent, gentleman.^ The marriage, no doubt, took place 
in the South of England, but the husband did not waste 
much time on his honeymoon. On the 29th of September 
he despatched a trunk containing his and his wife's 
luggage to Liverpool by sea, the happy couple doubtless 
travelling by a more expeditious route. On the 8th of 
October the trunk arrived at Liverpool and was there 
shipped in the " Fair Chance," Benjamin Clark master. 

* Minutes, v., 71. 
t Minutes, v., 76. 
t Kendal Chapel Register, 1770. 


for Milnthorp, directed to Mr. Anthony Strickland in 
Kendal. The merchant or shipper to whom it had been 
sent in Liverpool was Robert Nicholson, a former pupil 
of Dr. Rotheram's, and therefore no doubt an old friend 
of the son's, and sufficiently well acquainted with the 
family to call the daughter " Sah." The weight of the 
trunk was 2 cwt. 3 qrs. 141b., and at the rate of id. per 
lb. the charge was £1 6s. lod., with an additional fourpence 
for " cartage on board the ship." Which particulars, 
unimportant as they are, have come down to us in a 
letter book in which Mr. Nicholson copied his corres- 

It is to be hoped that in reviewing his financial 
position prior to marriage Rotheram had not depended 
to any great extent on the continuance of the annual 
grant which the Presbyterian Fund had, for half a 
century, made to the Kendal ministers. On 6th October, 
1755, on the motion of Dr. Benson, the Board had " agreed 
that the allowance to Kendall be continued to Mr. Caleb 
Rotheram to commence from Christmas next," but at 
the next meeting, loth November, 1755, on the minutes 
being read, " there being some objection with regard 
to Kendal, it was ordered that the further consideration 
of that place be postponed till some account be given 
of the circumstances of that congregation." The further 
consideration took place on 4th June, 1759, when it 
was agreed " that the allowance of seven pounds a year 
formerly granted to Kendal in Westmorland, be with- 
drawn, as raising more than £30 a year."* The grant 
had been paid regularly to Midsummer, 1752. One 
would think that the grant might well have been with- 
drawn much earlier, and it was probably to encourage 
Dr. Rotheram as a tutor that the step was not taken 
sooner. The loss of the grant of £y does not seem a 

* Minutes, v., 84, 85, 139, 160. 


very serious one, and its discontinuance gave Kendal the 
honourable status of a self-supporting congregation. 

Rotheram, whose ministry was the longest in the 
history of the chapel, was ordained on 26th August, 
1756. The " Record of Transactions in the Provincial 
Meeting of the Ministers of the Protestant Dissenting 
Congregations in Cumberland " contains a full account 
of the ceremony.* 

At Keswick April 21st 1756. 

Members as above (referring to the record of the transactions 
of the preceding day, April 20th, in the same place, where the 
following persons are mentioned as present, Messrs. Jolly, Buncle, 
Dean, Saunders, Biggar, Robison, Corrie, Johnstone, — with Mr. 
Caleb Rotheram from Kendal, and Mr. James McMillen from 
Great Salkeld and Plumpton) with Mr. Thomson. 

Mr. Simon Corrie preached this day, according to appointment, 
on 2 Timothy 2 and 15 v. ; Study to shew thyself appro\-ed unto 
God &c. 

Mr. Buncle represented that he had good authority to say 
that it was the desire of the congregation at Kendal (who have 
made an unanimous choice of Mr. Caleb Rotheram, son to the 
deceased Doctor Rotheram Minister there, to be Minister there) 
to be ordained Minister among them, and the said Mr. Rotheram 
now present, having produced Testimonial, which was read, and 
with which the Provincial declare their satisfaction, both as to 
his learning and good moral character, for the Ministry, declared 
his willingness to accept of the said charge, and is willing to refer 
his Ordination to the judgment of the Provincial, onlv beg'd 
leave humbly to offer, if agreeable to the Provincial, that the 
Revd. Mr. Samuel Lowthian, at Newcastle, may be allowed to 
preach the sermon on that occasion. He being reinoved, and 
the same taken under consideration — the said proposal and 
request was in every part of it, agreed to by this Meeting, and that 
the said Ordination shall be at Kendal on the twentieth and sixth 
day of August next, of which Mr. Rotheram is to acquaint the 
said Mr. Lowthian and appoint the said Mr. Rotheram the 
following pieces of Tryall — the following subject for Thesis — An 
Status future Retributionis, sine ope Divina> Revelationis, 
stabilivi possit ? And for Sermon, John 5. 44. How can ye 

* From a copy in the possession of the Trustees. 


believe which receive honour one of another, and seek not the 
honour that cometh from God. Ordered also that he exhibit 
a confession of his faith, and answer such questions as are usually- 
proposed on such occasions. 

Mr Dean is appointed to give the Charge 

Mr. Jolly to propose the Questions. 

Mr. Robison to pray over the Candidate. 

Mr. Buncle, the Prayer immediately before Sermon. 

Mr. Saunders to support Mr. Dean. 

Mr. Biggar to support Mr. Jolly. 

Mr. Buncle to support Mr. Robison and 

Mr. Johnstone to support Mr. Buncle for the long Prayer, 
or prayer immediately before Sermon. 
Mr. Rotheram being called in the whole premises were intimated 
to him. 

Kendal August 25, 1756. 
Members of the Provincial now present are, Messrs. Jolly, 
Buncle, Dean, Saunders, Biggar, Smith, Rotheram, with Mr. Day 
of Lancaster, and Mr. Lowthian of Newcastle — Absent Mr. 
Robison, Corrie, Johnstone, Thomson and McMillan. Penruddock 
still vacant. Mr. Rotheram being enquired if he was now ready 
to deliver the Exercises appointed to him, viz, His Thesis, An 
Status futurjc Retributionis, sine ope Divinae Revelationis, 
stabilivi possit, And for sermon Jo. 5. 44. How can ye believe, 
who receive honour one of another, and seek not the honour 
which cometh from God ? Declar'd he was now ready, and he 
delivered them accordingly and also exhibited a Confession of 
his faith. And he being removed, and the opinion of all present 
asked with respect to the said discourses and Confession, all 
unanimously declared their satisfaction with the said discourses 
and Confession. 

He was called in, and the same intimated to him accordingly 
And then the said Mr. Rotheram gave in a petition from the 
members of his Congregation, Humbly desiring the Provincial 
to proceed to Ordain the said Mr. Rotheram to the Ministry 
among them, and the Provincial agreed to proceed according!)- ; 
the said Mr. Rotheram having declared his readiness to submit 
to them. 

Mr. Smith is appointed to open the service, and to read some 
portions of Scripture suited to the occasion And in regard Mr. 
Robison, who was appointed to pray over the Candidate, is not 
come up, therefore, at the desire of Mr. Buncle his supporter, 
and of the Ministers present, Mr. Day agreed to take that part. 


Mr. Buncle is to pray the Long prayer. 
Mr. Lowthian to preach. 

Mr. Jolly to put the questions to Mr. Rotheram. 
And the said Mr. Rotheram to read publicly his Confession. 
And Mr. Dean to give the charge and conclude the service 
with prayer. 

Kendal August 26 1756. 

Members present as yesternight, and the Congregation being 
met ; the persons above mentioned performed their several 
parts, according to appointment. And the said Mr. Caleb 
Rotheram was set apart to the sacred office of the Ministry by 
prayer, and the lajdng on of the hands of the Ministers present — 

After public worship there was given the said Mr. Rotheram a 
Testimonial of his said Ordination, signed by the Ministers 
present, Members of the Provincial, and by the above Messieurs 
Day and Lowthian. 

A comparison of the names of the ministers present 
at the meeting at which Rotheram's ordination was 
decided upon, and those present at the ordination, 
suggests that some of his fellow ministers did not approve 
of the ordination. If this were so, it could only have 
been because Rotheram was known or suspected to be 
" unsound " from the orthodox point of view. 

So far as we can find the theological sentiments of the 
ministers who took part in the ordination, three (Thomas 
Jollie of Cockermouth, James Daye of Lancaster, and 
Samuel Lowthion of Newcastle) were unorthodox, three 
(Adam Dean of Huddlesceugh, Edward Buncle of Penrith, 
and Thomas Smith of Alston Moor) were orthodox, and 
of one (James Saunders of Blennerhasset) we know 
nothing. All the ministers who were present at the first 
meeting, but did not take part in the ordination, were, 
with one exception, probably orthodox. The exception 
was Isaac Robinson of Carlisle. He was a pupil of Dr. 
Rotheram's and a personal friend of the family, and his 
absence was probably unavoidable. Mr. Thomson, who 
was present at the first meeting, has not been identified. 


It may be that he was a layman present to represent the 
Kendal congregation. If so he would be the first John 
Thomson, whose daughter became Rotheram's second 

The evidence available does not make it at all clear 
that the abstentions were due to theological differences. 

One result of Rotheram's ordination was the resump- 
tion, on 2ist November, 1756, of the quarterly adminis- 
tration of the sacrament, which had apparently been 
discontinued for twelve years.* 

In 1758 Psalm books for the chapel and five dozen 
copies of Mr. Milner's Catechism were purchased. 

In 1759 5s. lod. was paid to Mr. Strickland for " com- 
munion plates, &c." 

In 1759 Mrs. Hannah Gawthrop's legacy of ;^5 was 
received. Mrs. Gawthrop (the " Mrs." was an honorary 
title then bestowed on all ladies of good position, and 
did not necessarily imply marriage) was the sister of a 
trustee and a member of a family long connected with 
the Chapel. She was born 30th October, 1696. Her 
will is interesting, for it contains one of the old-fashioned 
preambles from which it is possible to get an idea of the 
religious belief of the testator. She says, 

I being at this time of sound and perfect mind and memory 
praised be Almighty God therefore yet considering the certainty 
of death and the uncertainty of the time and the manner thereof, 
do for the settUng my temporal concerns make . . . this my 
last will and testament as ensueth first committing my soul into 
the mercyful hand of Almighty God my Creator, and my body 
to the Earth to be decently interr'd at the discretion of my 

This is a preamble which might be made, as we believe 
this one was, by a disbeliever in the Trinity, and it may 
be compared with a contemporary orthodox preamble 
from the almost contemporary will, dated 1743, of a 

* Chapel Register (Somerset House). 


kinsman of Dr. Rotheram, namely John Rotheram of 
Great Salkeld, yeoman, which begins " I give and bequeath 
my soul to the Lord my maker and Redeemer hoping 
only for Salvation in and through the merits of my Dear 
Redeemer." Mrs. Gawthrop's legacy to the Chapel is 
as follows : — 

Also I hereby give and bequeath to Thomas Dodgson mercer 
Richard Harrison tanner, Thomas Gibson weaver WiUiam 
Gawthrop tanner George Birket shearman and WiUiam Strick- 
land pewterer all of Kirkby Kendal aforesaid Trustees of the 
Meeting of Protestant Dissenters (called Presbyterians) within 
Kirkby in Kendal aforesaid and their successors, Trustees thereof 
for the time being the sum of five pounds upon Trust neverthe- 
less, that they the said Trustees and their successors shall and 
do from time to time place at interest the same, and pay apply 
and dispose of the interest arising therefrom to and for the use 
of the Minister of the said People or Meeting for the time being. 

Mrs. Gawthrop died 14th December, 1758, aged 62. 

In 1761 the congregation collected £1 5s. on a petition 
from Halt whistle in Northumberland, and in 1772 £1 lis. 
io|d. was coUected for " the society of protestant dis- 
senters at Haltwhistle to assist them in the purchase of 
a field."* 

In 1763 there occurred what has been supposed to be 
a secession of orthodox Presbyterians from the Market 
Place Chapel. 

The earliest account of this secession is that of Joseph 
Hunter, I who says, on the authority of " Thompson's 
note in 1773," that " about 1766 a congregation of 
Scotch Seceders and a few English Calvinists formed 
themselves into a society, and invited a Mr. Macquay 
from Scotland who was ordained among them. In the 
course of a few years Mr. Macquay was suspected of not 
being perfectly orthodox and quarrelled with them. He 

' Chapel Register. 

■Add. MSS., 24484, fo. 232. 


removed to Tockholes in Lancashire or near it and they 
had no other minister." 

Considerably later, but with more precision as to the 
date, is the account by the Rev. John Inghs,* who, after 
referring to the doctrinal changes at the Market Place 
Chapel, says : — 

While these changes were in progress, thirty-one persons in 
and about Kendal, who styled themselves " Seceders and others, 
well-wishers to the cause of Truth and Reformation," presented 
a petition to the Associate (Anti- Burger) Presbytery of Edinburgh, 
dated April, 1763, praying that ministers might be sent from 
Scotland to preach the Gospel. 

Nightingale I follows this account, and adds " The 
petitioners, . . . had formerly attended the old 
chapel in the Market Place, but on the appearance of 
Unitarianism they seceded, and took the course just 

The Rev. Marshall X. G. GrayJ says : — 

During this period the character of the teaching in the Meeting 
House was undergoing a change, and [the younger] Rotheram, 
by his Arian views, was preparing the way for the frank Uni- 
tarianism which invaded the pulpit in the Market Place in later 
years. ... In April, 1763, thirty-one of the more orthodox 
members seceded, and presented a petition to the Edinburgh 
Presbytery of the General Associate Synod — one of the branches 
of the Secession Church — praying that preachers might be sent 
to Kendal. 

Of these different accounts the earliest appears to be 
nearest the truth. The petitioners of 1763 were Seceders, 
but not many of them could have been members of the 
Market Place Chapel. All the word " Seceders " meant 
was that its bearers were members of one of the Scotch 
Secession churches. There have always been many 

* Reminiscences of the United Presbyterian Church of Kendal, 1865, p. 6. 
t Lancashire Nonconformity, i., 284. 
X Presbyterianism in Kendal, p. 14. 


Scotch people in Kendal, perhaps these " Seceders " had 
tried Rotheram's preaching and found it wanting in the 
doctrines which, to the Scotch Seceders, were essentials 
of Christianity ; but it is almost certain that few, if any, 
of the petitioners of 1763 were or had been members of 
the Market Place Chapel. 

Unfortunately there is no Chapel minute book for 
this period, but there is another document which would 
undoubtedly have shown immediately the loss of so 
large a portion of the congregation as thirty-one members. 
This is the register of baptisms, which shows that in 
the three years before 1763 twenty-three children were 
baptized, while in the same number of years after 1763 
twenty-five children were baptized. There is in these 
figures nothing to suggest that the founders of Scotch 
Presbyterianism in Kendal had seceded from Rotheram's 

Had we the names of the petitioners we should probably 
be able to say which, if any, had been connected with 
the Market Place Chapel. Failing the names we can 
only say that we have no evidence that the petitioners 
of 1763 were members of Mr. Rotheram's congregation.* 

As the result of the petition of 1763 a minister was 
appointed, and in 1764 was succeeded by the Rev. James 
McQuhae, who, about 1772, was censured by the Synod 
for taking part in the ordination of a minister belonging 
to another Church. Whereupon the minister rebelled, 
turned Independent, and with the bulk of his congre- 
gation was compelled to leave the chapel. McOuhae 
and his followers founded the Congregational Church in 
Kendal. The Scotch Presbyterian minority remained in 
possession of the chapel, but with insufficient members 

* The Rev. Robert Gray, Clerk of the Edinburgh Presbytery of the United 
Free Cliurch of Scotland, the successor of the Presbytery to which the Kendal 
" Seceders " petitioned in 1763, kindly made a search for the records of the 
Presbytery for that year, but without result. These should have given the 
petitioners' names. 


to pay a minister's stipend, and from 1780 to 1823 t'he 
Seceders' church was in a state of suspended animation. 
In 1823 the cause was revived and flourished until 1843, 
when the Synod deposed the minister for holding " New 
Views " on the Atonement. As in 1772, the Synod's 
interference was followed by the secession of the bulk 
of the members, who formed another Congregational 
Church. The Church is now prosperous, having nearly 
as many members as it had before the split of 1843,* 
and is now part of the Presbyterian Church of England. 
If the Scotch Presbyterian Church was truly a split 
from the Market Place congregation, the latter seems to 
have been strengthened by the secession. A time of 
considerable activity followed, and as a minute book of 
the period has been preserved, we are able to give parti- 
culars. In January, 1764, a subscription was raised to 
pay off the mortgage on the Parsonage House in Finkle 
Street, then occupied by Mr. Isaac Steele. The mortgage, 
with interest, was but ;^74 9s. 3s., and was held by Mrs. 
Sarah Whitehead, sister of the minister. Sufficient was 
raised not only to discharge the mortgage but to leave 
a balance for the repair of the Chapel. The subscription 
list is of interest as showing the principal people interested 
in the Chapel at that time : — 

A copy of subscriptions for discharging the mortgage on the 
Parsonage House and for repairing tlie Presbyterian Cliapel, 

i s. d. 
Josiah Sliaw of Cheapside, London . . . . . . 20 o o 

C. Rotheram . . . . . . . . . . ..1000 

Thomas Gibson .. .. .. .. .. ..1000 

Samuel Gowthrop .. .. .. .. ..1000 

John Thomson . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 o o 

* Reminiscences of the United Presbyterian Church of Kendal for one hundred 
years, edited by John Inglis, 1866 ; and Presbyterianism in Kendal : a historical 
sketch, by Rev. Marshall N. G. Gray, M.A., 1908. Both tell the story of 
orthodox Presbyterianism in Kendal. 



Anthony. Strickland 
Thomas Dodgson . . 
WiUiam Gowthorp 
George Birkett 
James Wilson 
Sharnall Sturman 
James Patrick 
Thomas Harrison 
Matthew Whitaker 
Richard Wilson . . 
William Strickland 
Thomas Holme junr. 
Catherine Hardy 
Eliz. Atkinson 
Ellen Thirnbeck . . 

• £^o 



































loo 17 6 

The mortgage was paid off on 8th February, 1765. On 
nth November, 1765, Mr. Josiah Shaw,* of Cheapside, 
London, whose name occurs as the largest subscriber in 
the Hst just given, gave another £20 to be placed at 
interest to pay the produce thereof to the minister of the 
Presbyterian Chapel in or near the Market Place in 
Kendal until a Parsonage House shall or may be built or 
purchased for the use of the said minister, and then the 
said sum to be applied to that purpose. This gift was lent 
to Mr. Rotheram. In 1778 it was repaid by him and 
devoted to the purchase of the Lord's rent on Ralphford 

It is curious that in February a subscription should 
have been made for discharging the mortgage on the 
Parsonage House, and that in November Mr. Shaw should 
have given money the interest of which was to be paid 
to the minister until a Parsonage House was built. We 

* Josiah Shaw, who was a hosier, died 2nd December, 1765, and was buried 
in tlie Chapel yard. It is evident tliat he must liave died at or near Kendal, 
wliere he was perhaps on a visit. He was a native of Kendal, liaving been 
born there 26th April, 1714, and was baptized the same day at the Chapel. 
His brother, James Shaw, lived in Kirkland. 


can only conclude that the Parsonage in Finkle Street 
was no longer considered suitable for the purpose of a 
minister's house. 

In 1767 the waste lands of Kendal were inclosed by 
Act of Parliament, but instead of becoming the property 
of adjoining landowners the inclosure was for the " benefit 
of the poor, and for enlightening and cleansing the 
streets." If the inclosure had been administered by the 
Corporation the Dissenters could have had no share in 
its management ; but a separate trust, the Kendal Fell 
Trust, was established. Several Dissenters were elected 
to the trust, and at the first meeting of the Trustees, 
held 15th July, 1767, a Dissenter, Thomas Holme, junior, 
was elected Clerk, which office he held until his death 
in 1801. 

At the Parliamentary election of 1768 Mr. Rotheram's 
name occurs in the list of freeholders as voting for John 
Robinson, Esq., and Thomas Fenwick, Esq. In 1770 
Mrs. Rotheram died. The Newcastle Journal of October 
6th gave a notice of her which is too characteristic of the 
newspaper obituary of the period to be omitted : — 

From a Correspondent. On Friday the 28th ult. died at Kendal, 
greatly and deservedly lamented, the Lady of the Rev. Mr. 
Rotheram, dissenting minister of that place ; whose christian, 
social and conjugal virtues rendered her life a blessing to herself 
and all around her. Her fidelity to private connections, the 
sincerity of her friendship, and the simplicity and strict integrity 
of her manners, were accompanied with a true and unaffected 
politeness which precluded all austerity of behaviour. Her con- 
versation was adorned by good sense, and enlivened by a most 
agreeable chearfulness. And whilst the propriety of her conduct 
commanded the good opinion of the judicious ; her amiable 
deportment engaged the affections of all. 

In the year in which his wife died Rotheram was 
corresponding with the Ven. Francis Blackburne, who, 
though an Archdeacon in the Established Church, had 


adopted and was advocating Unitarian opinions. 
Rotheram suggested that it was the Archdeacon's duty 
to leave the Church, and two letters have been printed* 
in which the Archdeacon gives his reasons for not doing so. 

The state of the congregation in 1773 is given in 
Hunter's MS. if " The number of Dissenters at Kendal 
is nearly the same as it hath been for half a century 
past, viz. about 200, respectable for their fortune, character, 
and regard for the interests of religious liberty." That 
this was not merely flattery is shown by two collections 
in this year for other societies of Protestant Dissenters, 
£S 2s. 3d. being raised for Weardale and £^ 17s. 6d. for 
Hindley and Wigan.J 

In 1774 Mr. Rotheram preached at the opening of a 
newly-built Dissenting Chapel at Wigton.§ The other 
ministers who took part in the ceremony were Mr. 
Robinson 1 1 of Kirkland, near Wigton, and Mr. Miln of 

In 1777 Nicolson and Burn published their great 
history, and referred to the Chapel thus, " There is also 
in this town a presbyterian dissenting meeting-house, 
with other meeting-houses of different denominations."^ 

An important addition to the endowment of the Chapel 
was made in 1777 when Mr. Thomas Gibson conveyed 
to Mr. Rotheram his house in Stramongate, called Ralph- 
ford Hall, in consideration of the sum of los. and an 
annuity of ;{i6 to Mr. Gibson and his wife. On 6th June, 

* Blackburne's Works, i., xlix. 

tAdd. MSS., 24484, fo. 232. 

$ Chapel Register. 

§ Cumberland Pacquct, October, 1774. 

II The Rev. Anthony Robinson of Kirkland was a Baptist minister and 
author of " A short history of the persecutions of Christianity," Carlisle, 
1792. Mr. Miln of Carlisle was minister of the now defunct Protestant Dis- 
senters' congregation, and was probably not orthodox. Of the history of 
the chapel at Wigton we know nothing. We have no reason to suppose that 
it was Unitarian, the only Wigton chapel we can hear of being one which, 
we are informed by the Rev. J. H. Colligan, was founded by the Secession 
Church of Scotland. 

*\ History, i., 80. 


1777, Rotheram conveyed the property to trustees to 
pay the annuity already mentioned, and a guinea a year 
to Sandes's Hospital, and after deducting the taxes, 
assessments, and expenses of repairs to pay the remainder 
of the moneys arising out of the property to the minister 
of the Chapel. The trustees had power to add any part 
of the gardens or crofts to the chapel yard. Doubts 
having arisen as to the legality of the benefaction, coun- 
sel's opinion was taken. The counsel advised that the 
gift was invalid because the sum of los. was not a sufficient 
consideration bona-fide, and because the Mortmain Act 
required gifts of this kind to take place immediately 
without any reserve to the giver. The difficulty was 
overcome by Mr. Gibson generously transferring the 
property to the trustees without reserving any annuity 
to himself or his wife, and his deed to this effect was 
immediately enrolled in the Court of Chancery as the 
Mortmain Act required. At the same time, to prevent 
any claim from the Lord or the heir-at-law in case Mr. 
Gibson should die within a year after conveying the 
premises, the Lord's rent of 19s. due to Christopher 
Wilson was purchased for £28, by which means the tenure 
was altered from burgage to freehold, and the possession 
secured. The trustees of Ralphford Hall obtained part 
of the purchase money of the Lord's rent by borrowing 
Josiah Shaw's gift of £20, the loan to be repaid whenever 
it should be demanded for the use of the minister or for 
the purpose of building or purchasing a parsonage house 
according to Josiah Shaw's intention. In 1780 the 
parsonage house, so long foreseen by Josiah Shaw, was 
ordered to be erected. At a meeting of the minister 
and members of the congregation of Protestant Dissenters, 
held on May 14th, 1780, it was ordered that the Trustees 
of the Chapel estates should as soon as conveniently 
may be, " cause the old shops and warehouses at the 
East end of the Market Place in Kendal, being now 


ruinous, to be taken down, and a dwelling house with 
proper offices and conveniences for the residence of the 
present and succeeding ministers to be built on the ground 
where the said shops and warehouses now stand," and they 
were authorized to borrow on mortgage not more than 
£300 to defray the expenses. The resolution was signed 
by twenty-six persons. 

In 1777 a collection, amounting to £4 i6s. 6|d., was 
made for the building of a Protestant Dissenting Meeting 
House at Maryport.* 

An interesting episode in 1781 connects Mr. Rotheram 
and Kendal Chapel with the beginnings of Unitarianism 
in Scotland. William Christie, of Montrose, had become 
a Unitarian, and had to undergo the social persecution 
which was the lot of all the very few persons who at 
that time in Scotland openly renounced Trinitarianism. 
So unpopular did Christie find himself that he did not 
suppose that any Scottish clergyman would baptize his 
children. Dr. Priestley, to whom Christie had written 
on the subject, arranged that his friend, Mr. Rotheram, 
should baptize the children, and the Kendal minister 
made a journey to Montrose, at Mr. Christie's expense, 
and performed the rite, j There is a record of the baptisms 
in the Chapel register. Mr. Christie afterwards founded 
at Montrose the first Unitarian congregation in Scotland 
and became its minister. It is probable that Mr. 
Rotheram was the first Unitarian minister to officiate 
in Scotland. Some years afterwards, in 1783, Mr. 
Christie repaid the visit by calling on Mr. Rotheram, 
whom he described as "an amiable and deserving 
person " in Kendal. J 

The parsonage was probably completed in I78i,§ and 
in 1782 new trustees were appointed not only for the 

* Chapel Register. 

t Dictionary of National Biography, Article, Christie, Wm. 

% Monthly Repository, vi., 129. 

§ Nightingale gives the date 1777. 


FACE P. 350. 


chapel but for the other trusts. The surviving trustees 
of the meeting house under the trust deed of 1755 were 
Dr. George Carlyle, who was disquahfied by having 
removed to Carhsle ; Wilham Gowthrop of Kendal, 
tanner ; and William Strickland of Kendal, pewterer. 
Their successors in the trust were James Ainslie, doctor 
of physic ; James Wilson, shearman ; Thomas Holme, 
mercer ; John Thomson, the younger, merchant ; Isaac 
Steele, dyer ; Samuel Gowthrop, the younger, hosier ; 
Edward Holme, grocer ; and Matthew Whitaker, tobac- 
conist, all of Kendal. The trustees of the houses in 
Finkle Street and Market Place were Dr. Ainslie, William 
Strickland, Matthew Rodick, John Thomson, John 
W^ilson, James Cookson, John Irving, and Thomas Relph ; 
and the trustees of quit rents were William Strickland, 
William Mawson, Robert Gawthrop, George Birkett, and 
Thomas Rodick, who took the place of William Gowthrop, 
Thomas Nelson, William Fothergill, Richard Mattison, 
and Richard Wilson. 

Kendal Dissenters took a leading part in establishing 
the Dispensary in 1782. The first annual report gives 
the names of many of the congregation in the list of 
subscribers ; the Committee of twelve subscribers in- 
cluded Messrs. Rotheram, Samuel Gawthrop, and John 
Thomson, junior ; the first Physician was James Ainslie, 
M.D., and one of the Surgeons was John Claxton. 

Sunday schools were begun in Kendal early in 1785, 
and it is probable that Mr. Rotheram was an active 
promoter of them, if not the most active. We have not 
seen a list of the first officers, but in 1787 Mr. Rotheram 
was honorary secretary, Isaac Steele and Thomas Holme 
were members of the committee, and a number of 
members of the congregation were amongst the sub- 

In 1785 a subscription was entered into for establishing 
Sunday schools, and the subscribers had a meeting in 


March at which a committee was elected and masters 
were appointed to instruct eighty boys and girls.* In 
the following month f the same newspaper gave this 
account of the newly-established schools : — 

We hear from Kendal that they have now two Sunday schools 
there. The subscriptions are los. 6d. each for which two tickets 
are delivered, admitting two scholars. The children meet in the 
morning, and attend the masters to church, after dinner they 
meet again, and are kept at their books till four, the masters 
then walk with them an hour, when they return to school, and 
continue till six at which time they are dismissed. The' most 
happy effects on the morals of the rising generation are promised 
from these laudable institutions, which are equally suggested by 
religion and sound policy. 

The Sunday schools rapidly increased in number, and 
in 1787 J there were six schools in Cordwainer's Hall 
(New Biggin) ; Redman's Yard, No. i ; Redman's Yard, 
No. 2 ; The Hospital ; Fox Yard ; and Royal Oak. 
It will be observed that none was in connection with a 
place of worship. There were in the six schools 270 
scholars, the subscriptions amounted to £68 4s. o|d., and 
the expenses included a payment of £^1 12s. for salaries 
of the masters. We cannot say how long the Sunday 
schools were conducted by a committee representing all 
denominations, but it was not until thirty years later 
that the Chapel Sunday school was begun. 

Kendal was, in 1786, the scene of " tumultous meet- 
ings " of journeymen weavers who were endeavouring 
to improve their position. " Daring outrages " were 
also attributed to the workmen, and the middle- class 
people became alarmed. The magistrates therefore 
appointed special constables, and by a proclamation 
dated 19th October, 1786, informed the workmen that 
they were 

* Newcastle Chronicle, 29th March, 1785. 

t gth April, 1785. 

X State of Sunday Schools in Kendal, 1787. 


determined to prosecute with the utmost severity of the Law, 
all persons concerned in any illegal combinations for regulating 
their trade, or who shall by any means disturb the peace of the 
" town, and they are also determined effectually to protect all 
those Journeymen who continue at or will peaceably return to 
their work. 

The numerous special constables who were appointed 
included the following and, perhaps, other members of 
the Chapel congregation : — 

John Thomson, jun. 
Isaac Steele. 
George Mason. 
William Strickland. 
Thomas Relph. 
Sam. Gawthrop, jun. 
William Badenoch. 
James Patrick, jun. 
Robert Gawthrop. 
Matthew Rodick. 
Thomas Rodick. 
Andrew Henderson. 

We may perhaps take it that it was at the suggestion 
of Mr. Rotheram that a number of Kendal youths became 
students at the Manchester Academy, an institution 
established in 1786 to carry on the traditions of the older 
academies of Frankland and Rotheram, and the War- 
rington Academy, at each of which a university education 
had been given to Dissenters, whether intended for 
the ministry, some other profession, or for commerce. 
At the Manchester Academy, which still exists, though 
limited in scope, as the Manchester College, Oxford, three 
young men from Kendal were admitted in 1787, namely, 
Edward Holme (afterwards M.D.), Edward Wakefield, 
and Frederic Maude ; in 1788 William Maude was ad- 
mitted, in 1790 Charles Morland, in 1792 Warren Maude, 
and in 1795 Edwin Maude. Excepting Dr. Holme, all 
of these were students intending to follow commerce.* 

* Roll of Students. 

2 A 


In 1786 the ladies of the congregation subscribed ;^8 12s. 
for the purchase of a crimson velvet cushion and cloth 
for the pulpit, and green cloth for the desk. The sub- 
scribers were Mrs. Hardy, Mrs. Cockrill, Mrs. Lowman, 
Miss Greenhow, Miss Thomson, the Misses Gawthorp, 
Miss Holme, Mrs. Nutter, the Misses Thomson, the 
Misses Steele, Miss Mawson, Miss D. Rotheram, Miss 
Cookson, Mrs. Mary Harrison, Miss Whitaker, and Miss 

Stephen Brunskill, a Methodist preacher, made, in 
1787, an attempt to establish Wesleyan Methodist 
preaching in Kendal. While in the town on this errand 
he attended the " Arian chapel " in the forenoon and 
heard one of the Countess of Huntingdon's preachers in 
the afternoon.* 

To commemorate the " glorious Revolution " of 1688, 
which gave Dissenters from the Established Church free- 
dom to worship after their own fashion, the Kendal 
people, principally, no doubt, those connected with the 
Market Place Chapel, erected in 1788 the well-known 
Obelisk standing on Castlehow Hill. It was inscribed : — 

" Sacred to Liberty. 
This Obelisk was erected in the year 1788, 
In memory of the Revolution in 1688. "f 

An early critic of the Obelisk, writing in 1792, said 
" I think it is too small an object for the noble mound 
it stands upon. When I saw it yesterday, at a distance, 
it looked like a tall chimney." 

After celebrating the centenary of the British con- 
stitution the congregation looked nearer home and 
improved their own constitution by making fresh rules 
for conducting the business of the religious society meeting 
in the Market Place. 

* Life of Stephen Brunskill of Orton, 1837, p. 36. 
tC. Nicholson's Annals, p. 21. 


The powers of the trustees being strictly Hmited by 
the trust deeds, the chapel had never been under the 
control of an oligarchy. The minister was elected by the 
subscribers, but could not, apparently, be removed by 
them. Church affairs were discussed and settled at an 
annual meeting of subscribers. In the intervals between 
the annual meetings the minister seems to have been 
the only person responsible, a state of things which in 
the hands of an autocratic minister would leave very 
little real control to the subscribers. By the new 
regulations the subscribers elected each year two chapel 
wardens, who acted as a permanent committee of the 

The preamble to the regulations discusses the ad- 
vantages of various methods of chapel government, and 
decides in favour of government by all persons who had 
contributed for one year to the support of public worship. 
If they had decided otherwise the trust deeds would 
have had to be set at defiance. It is noteworthy that 
there is nothing to suggest that subscribers had to be 
" elected " before they could become subscribers, as is 
the case in the rules now in force, and there was no 
religious test of any kind. 

The following is a full copy of the resolutions with their 
■ preamble taken from the Minute Book : — 

Kendal Deer 25 1788. 
It is necessary to the continuance and good order of religious 
societies, that certain regulations be agreed upon, for the direction 
of their procedings in cases where their common interest is con- 
cerned. In the election of a minister, such previous regulations 
are particularly necessary ; as for want thereof, improper persons 
have been introduced, divisions have prevailed, and other unhappy 
consequences have insued. 

In some places, the minister is chosen by the owners of pews ; 
a very wrong method ; because several members of the society 
have no property of that kind ; and some of the pews belong to 
others who live at a distance, or attend other places of worship. 

This right of election is sometimes vested in the communicants 


But, in most societies, their number is so small, that it is not 
fit, this power should be in them exclusively of others. 

The last mode of election is by the body of subscribers at large. 
Those who contribute to the support of public worship, have a 
just right to the appointment of their minister. 

For these reasons and considerations, 

We who are members of the society of Protestant Dissenters 
assembling in the chapel near the Market Place in Kendal 

1. That two of the subscribers to the public expenses of the said 
chapel, shall be annually elected on Christmas day, under the 
name of chapel wardens, to direct the necessary repairs and 
also to inake the usual collections for the minister, clerk, and 

2. That it be recommended to the chapel wardens, to meet on 
the first Tuesday in every month, to attend to the affairs of 
the society, and consult with the minister and any subscribers 
that chuse to attend. 

3. That in case of a vacancy by the death or resignation of the 
minister, the chapel wardens procure supplies, and by personal 
or written notice call a meeting of the subscribers, to be held 
in the chapel, for the purpose of electing a minister. 

4. That at this meeting, every person who has been a subscriber 
one year before, shall be entitled to vote. 

5. That any subscriber residing at a distance, or prevented from 
attending, may send his or her vote in writing to one of the 
chapel wardens, after due notice given of the intended meeting. 

6. That at this meeting the elder chapel warden shall preside 
and assisted by his colleague, shall take the votes in writing. 

7. That the minister so elected by a majority of subscribers, 
shall be intitled to all the benefits and endowments of the 

8. That new trustees of the chapel estate, when wanted, be 
appointed on Christmas day, or sooner, if judged necessary 
by the chapel wardens. 

g. That the same method be observed in the election of a clerk. 
10. That Mr. Samuel Gawthrop and Mr. John Thomson be chapel 
wardens for the insuing year. 

In testimony of our agreement to these resolutions, we respec- 
tively sign our names 

Henry Ainslie • Matthew Whitaker 

Jas. Ainslie Jas. Wilson 

James Watson Robt. Anderson 


John Armstrong John Claxton 

Wm. Wade James Wilson 

Wm. Patton Wm. Pearson 

Mary Harrison Isaac Steele 

Thomas Irvine Matt". Rodick 

A. Henderson Thomas Relph 

Wm. Stott Tlromas Rodick 

Will: Fothergill James Patrick 

Thomas Holme Elizabeth Cockrill 

Eleanor Thirnbeck Dorothy Lowman 

John Thomson James Potter 

Ann Gawthrop James Cookson 

Saml. Gawthrop Robert Gawthrop 

James Wilde J as. Ormiston 

Margt. Gibson Ann Greenhow 
Agnes Mawson 

In spite of the " glorious Revolution " Dissenters still 
laboured under many disabilities. Of these the Test and 
Corporation Acts were particularly obnoxious, as by 
them the conscientious Dissenter was excluded from 
most public offices. The loss to the public was great, 
as the Acts kept out of public work a class of men who, 
as shown by experience both before and since these Acts 
were in force, were eminently qualified to serve the 
public interests. 

A committee had been formed for conducting an 
application to Parliament for the repeal of these Acts, 
and of this committee Mr. Edward Jeffries was chair- 
man. At the annual meeting of the Chapel on December 
25th, 1788, it was resolved that the congregation approved 
of the application, and Mr. Rotheram, Mr. Thomson, 
and Mr. Gawthrop were desired to signify their appro- 
bation and concurrence to Mr. Jeffries. This application, 
if made, failed, and at the annual meeting, 25th December, 


a letter from the Rev. Wilham Turner of Newcastle upon Tyne, 
was read, proposing a meeting of Ministers and Deputies in the 
Northern Counties, for the purpose of forming a well connected 


union among the Dissenters through the Kingdom, by means of 
Deputies sent from large districts to a general meeting in London, 
to conduct an application to Parliament for the repeal of the 
Corporation and Test Acts, 

and it was 

Resolved — that this Congregation approve of the measure pro- 
posed and that the Revd. C. Rotheram, Doctor Henry Ainslie, 
Mr. John Thomson and Mr. Isaac Steele be desired to attend 
the said meeting of Ministers and Deputies for the Northern 

The chapel yard was, in 1791, becoming inadequate 
to the needs of the congregation, and on May 3rd, 179 1, 
the minister and chapel wardens resolved : — 

That the ground adjoining to the Chapel being not more than 
sufficient for the burial of the dead who have been members of 
the said Society, for the future no persons be interred there, who 
have not usually attended religious worship in the said chapel — 
and their fa;milies. 

1791 saw what we may regard as the beginning of 
organized and aggressive Unitarianism in England, for 
in that year the Unitarian Society was founded. The 
first list of members of " The Unitarian Society for 
promoting christian knowledge, and the practice of 
virtue, by distributing books " included the names of 
Mr. Rotheram and of Dr. Henry Ainslie, of Kendal. 
The chairman of the first meeting of the Society, held 
9th February, 1791, was Michael Dodson, son of the 
Rev. Joseph Dodson, whose mildly heretical views had, 
nearly seventy years earlier, caused so great a com- 
motion amongst local Dissenters. The Society was 
frankly Unitarian, as the following extracts from the 
" Rules &c."* will show : — 

While therefore many well-meaning persons are propagating with 
zeal, opinions which the members of this society judge to be 

* There is a copy of this scarce tract in the Reference Library, Manchester. 


nnscriptural and idolatrous, they think it their duty to oppose 
the farther progress of such pernicious errors, and pubhcly to 
avow their firm attachment to the doctrines of the Unity of 
God, of his unrivalled and undivided authority and dominion, 
and that Jesus Christ, the most distinguished of the prophets, 
is the CREATURE and messenger of God, and not his equal, nor 
his vicegerent, nor co-partner with him in divine honours, as 
some have strangely supposed. And they are desirous to try 
the experiment, whether the cause of true religion and virtue 
may not be most effectually promoted upon proper unitarian 
principles, and whether the plain unadulterated truths of 
Christianity, when fairly taught and inculcated, be not of them- 
selves sufficient to form the minds of those who sincerely embrace 
them to the true dignity and excellence of character to which 
the gospel was intended to elevate them. 

Rational christians have hitherto been too cautious of publicly 
acknowledging their principles, and this disgraceful timidity 
hath been prejudicial to the progress of truth and virtue. It 
is now high-time that the friends of genuine Christianity should 
stand forth and avow themselves. The number of such, it is 
hoped, will be found to be much greater than many apprehend. 
And their exaraple, if accompanied with, and recommended by 
a correspondent purity of life and morals, will naturally attract 
the attention of others, and produce that freedom of enquiry, 
that liberal discussion, and that fearless profession of principles 
embraced after due examination, which can be formidable to 
nothing but to error and vice, and which must eventually be 
subservient to the cause of truth and virtue, and to the best 
interests of mankind. 

This public acknowledgment of Unitarianism does not 
seem to have injured Rotheram in the eyes of his town's 
people, and early in the following year we find him 
taking a prominent part in the town's meeting held to 
protest against the African slave trade. Indeed, it is 
probable that he inspired the " public meeting of the 
Gentlemen, Clergymen, Manufacturers and Inhabitants 
of Kendal," which was held under the chairmanship of 
Mr. Richard Brathwaite, Mayor of the borough, on 23rd 
January, 1792. The meeting " On taking into Considera- 
tion the many grievous and oppressive circumstances, 


which necessarily attend the continuance of the African 
Slave Trade, wherein no Regulation can possibly be 
made to render just and equal that, which in its com- 
mencement and progress, is founded in a violation of the 
rights of mankind, and destructive to every tender and 
social tie ; Resolved, That it is our duty to petition 
Parliament to put a stop to, and abolish so iniquitous 
and oppressive a traffic."* 

No doubt Rotheram drafted the resolution. He, the 
Mayor, and the Rev. Mr. Tatham, of St. George's Chapel, 
were appointed a committee to draw up the petition ; 
steps were taken to interest Appleby in the same good 
cause, and Sir Michael le Fleming, the county member, 
was requested to present the petition to the House of 

All parties in Kendal seem to have been agreed in 
their condemnation of the slave trade, but they were 
not so in regard to the object of another public meeting 
held later in the year. At a " very numerous and respect- 
able meeting of the Mayor, Recorder, Aldermen, Bur- 
gesses and Inhabitants of this Burgh " held in the Moot 
Hall on December 14th, 1792, under the chairmanship 
of the Mayor, William Petty, Esq., it was resolved 
unanimously : — 

That in the present crisis, it appears to be the duty of all good 
subjects, to declare their attachment to the constitution of this 
Kingdom and to oppose every measure which may tend in any 
degree to subvert it. That we being duly sensible of the blessings 
we enjoy under our happy Government of King, Lords and 
Commons, hold it indispensably necessary to give our utmost 
assistance in support of the same ; and at all times to exert our 
best endeavours to suppress sedition and licentiousness. That 
we are determined to assist the civil magistrates in preventing 
all illegal associations, and all conspiracies against the public 
peace, and in discouraging the circulation of any books, papers, 
or writings, which may tend to inflame the minds of the people 

* Cumberland Pacquet, 7th February, 1792. 


against our present happy constitution. That the Magistrates 
of this Burgh be requested not to grant Licences to any Inn- 
keeper who shall suffer any seditious assemblies, or meetings, to 
be held in their houses.* 

The reference to books, papers or writings was probably 
occasioned by Paine's Rights of man, then being exten- 
sively circulated, and which had recently been " publicly 
burnt at the Market Cross at Burton in Kendal," and 
perhaps elsewhere in the locality. 

A fortnight later than the town's meeting the con- 
gregation had their annual meeting, and the occasion was 
taken to pass a resolution of which the tenor was the 
opposite to that passed at the Moot Hah, it being unani- 
mously agreed : — 

That from a grateful sense of the blessings we enjoy under the 
present Government, we think it our duty at this time to express 
our sincere attachment to our sovereign, George the Third, and 
to the Principles of the Constitution as established at the glorious 
Revolution in 1688. We also embrace this opportunity of 
declaring our disapprobation of all seditious and unconstitutional 
publications, which tend to disturb the peace of society. Rejoicing 
in the Constitution of this country, consisting of King, Lords and 
Commons, we confide in the wisdom of the Legislature to remedy 
any defects which may be in the best form of government ; and 
trust that every measure will be adopted to protect all his Majesty's 
faithful subjects in the enjoyment of civil and religious liberty 
and promote the welfare and happiness of the community. 
Signed on behalf of the meeting by 
C. Rotheram, Minister. 
Matthew Whitaker, 
John Thomson, Chapel Wardens. f 

The resolution passed by the Kendal Dissenters is so 
very moderate in tone that it is difficult for us to realize 
the amount of courage that was needed to sign and 
publish the document. The occasion was a crisis in the 
history, not only of England, but of Europe. The French 

* Cumberland Pacquet. 
t Cumberland Pacquet. 


Republic had been declared, and the fate of the deposed 
King was foreseen. Revolutionary ideas had penetrated 
every country, and what was called " sedition " was rife 
in England. The " sedition " for the most part took the 
form of a demand for Parliamentary reform, but the 
Government was alarmed and was anxious for a show 
of public opinion in favour of repressive measures at 
home and of war with the Republic. On the initiative 
of a man who is always called John Reeves, Esq., very 
many meetings were held in support of the Government, 
and of these meetings the town's meeting at Kendal 
was one. Protestant Dissenters were naturally the back- 
bone of the Reforming Party. Our own Revolution of 
1688 had secured them a limited measure of religious 
liberty, but they still laboured under many disabilities 
as compared with the Churchmen. 

The Dissenters knew from personal experience that the 
Constitution was far from perfect, and they hoped for 
its amendment. The Birmingham riots of the year 
before, when Dr. Priestley's house was wrecked by a 
Church and King mob, had shown that they could not 
depend on the Government for protection from its riotous 
supporters. The Dissenters also knew how easily the 
putting down of sedition might result in the loss of 
freedom of speech and of freedom of the press. They 
could not therefore join in the resolutions of the town's 
meeting, and they did what they could to show that 
public opinion was not all on the side of the reactionaries. 

It is a matter of history that the reactionaries carried 
the day. War with France began very soon and Parlia- 
mentary reform was delayed for more than a generation. 
During the long war and the consequent loss of freedom 
of speech, Protestant Dissenters had the honour of pro- 
viding many of the sufferers in the cause of reform and 

Mr. Rotheram died 30th January, 1796, and was 


buried in the chapel yard, where there are gravestones 
bearing the following inscriptions : — 

The Rev. Caleb Rotheram 

40 years Minister of this Chapel 

died Jan. 30 1796 aged 63. 

Near this place 

are deposited the remains of 


the third son of the 

Rev. Caleb Rotheram and Hannah his wife 

who died Aug. i 1801 aged 7. 

Caleb Charles, their fourth and youngest son, 

died at Liverpool 

May II 1 81 3 aged 17 

and was buried at Gateacre. 


Relict of the Rev. Caleb Rotheram, 

died at Liverpool May 14 1820 aged 62 

and was buried at Gateacre. 

John their oldest son, 

died at Douglas, Isle of Man, 

Aug. 20 1831 aged 40. 


their second son, 

died at Liverpool, October 14, 1859, aged 67 

and was buried 

at Smithdown Road Cemetery. 

Here is buried 


the Wife of Caleb Rotheram 

Minister of this Chapel 

who died Sep. 28 1770 aged 37. 

Her piety and benevolence 

adorned by an amiable deportment 

engaged the affection and esteem 

of her husband and friends 

who lament her departure 

in the christian hope 

of a resurrection of the just 

to a blessed immortality. 

Edward Rotheram, 1801. 


Administration of Mr. Rotheram's estate (under £3,500) 
was granted i8th February, 1796, to his widow Hannah. 

He is the subject of a eulogistic poem written by Ehza 
Daye, of Lancaster : — * 

To the memory of the late Rev. C — R — 
Where heavenly precept bright example taught. 
And truths divine, a clear conviction wrought ; 
Aided by that persuasive eloquence, 
The charm of language, and the force of sense. 
Wlien death has silenc'd that instructive speech, 
Nor more that tongue important truths shall teach ; 
While memory's darling records she can trace. 
In characters no time or change erase. 
The muse her mournful tribute humbly pays. 
For ever true to friends of former days ; 
Returning health seem'd lighting up his eye. 
And rais'd his drooping friends to transient joy ; 
When, in behalf of Afric's claim. 
To fair humanity he gave his name. 

If this, the latest act from me requir'd, 
" The last is good," he said, and — he expir'd. 
So set the Christian, so his glories rise. 
As summer's suns descend in azure skies. 

Mr. Rotheram was twice married, first, as already 
mentioned, to Dorothy Markett, who died in 1770, and 
by whom he had no issue. His second wife was Hannah 
daughter of John Thomson, of Kendal, merchant. She 
was baptized at the Chapel 2nd March, 1758, and married 
at Selside Chapel 27th May, 1789. When a widow Mrs. 
Rotheram continued to reside in Kendal and to attend 
the Chapel, but died at Liverpool 14th May, 1820, | and 
was buried at Gateacre Chapel. By his second wife he 
had issue : — 

I. John, born 14th January, 1791, baptized at the 

* Poems on various subjects, 1798, p. 53. Elizabeth Daye was the daughter 
of the Rev. James Daye of Lancaster, who preached Dr. Caleb Rotheram's 
funeral sermon. She died 23rd January, 1829, in the 96th year of her age, 
and is buried in the yard of St. Nicholas Street Chapel, Lancaster. 

■\ Monthly Repository, xv., 365. 


Chapel 25th February, 1791, died at Douglas, Isle of Man, 
20th August, 1831. 

2. William, born 21st May, 1792, baptized at the 
Chapel 4th July, 1792, died at Liverpool 14th October, 
1859, aged 67. Buried at Smithdown Road Cemetery, 

3. Edward, born 9th August, 1794, baptized at the 
Chapel 14th September, 1794, died ist August, 1801, 
aged 7. Buried in the Chapel yard, Kendal. 

4. Caleb Charles (posthumous), born 15th April, 1796, 
baptized at the Chapel 8th May, 1796, died at Liverpool 
nth May, 1813, aged 17. Buried at Gateacre. 



John Harrison, 1796-1833. 

MR. ROTHERAM was succeeded by the Rev. John 
Harrison of Lancaster. 

Friendly relations had existed for a long time between 
the congregations of Kendal and Lancaster, Mr. Harrison 
had been not infrequently a visitor to Kendal, and indeed 
had there baptized several of Mr. Rotheram's children. 
He was thus no stranger to the congregation which, on 
April 15th, 1796, " unanimously agreed that an invitation 
should be given to the Rev. John Harrison of Lancaster 
to succeed the late Mr. Rotheram in the ministry of this 

John Harrison was born at Gateacre, near Liverpool, 
6th February, 1761. His father, Edward Harrison, a 
watchmaker, removed to Warrington when his son was 
very young. Edward Harrison had attended Gateacre 
Chapel and after his removal to Warrington joined the 
Cairo Street congregation. He died February 3rd, 1802, 
aged 70, and was buried at Cairo Street, his gravestone 
being near the chapel door. The mother of the minister 
appears to have lived with her son during her widowhood, 
and on 29th July, 1811, was buried in Kendal Chapel 
yard. John Harrison was educated at the Warrington 
Grammar School, the headmaster at that time being the 
Rev. Edward Owen, M.A., a classical scholar of some 
distinction. From the Grammar School he proceeded, in 
1777,* to the Warrington Academy. Here he was under 
John Aikin, D.D., of whom he used to speak in the 
warmest terms of respect and to whose " judicious 

* Monthly Repository, ix., 529. 


FACE p. 36C. 

JOHN HARRISON, I796-1833. 367 

development and careful management he would attribute 
whatever qualities he possessed, to which he attached 
most value." The writer of the memoir in the Unitarian 
Chronicle (1833, P- 221) says : — 

He made his first essay as a preacher at the early age of 19, at 
Risley, a few miles distant from the place where he lived ; and 
he was accustomed to describe, in a most entertaining manner, 
the consternation that came over him just as he was ascending 
the pulpit, on descrying a large troop of his friends and relations, 
who had arrived from Warrington to witness his maiden exhibition, 
and from whom he had effectually concealed, as he flattered 
himself, the knowledge of the ordeal he was going to pass through. 

In 1781* he became minister of St. Nicholas Street 
Chapel, Lancaster, and remained there until his removal 
to Kendal. While at Lancaster he married Alice Housman 
and thus became brother-in-law of the Rev. Robert 
Housman, M.A., incumbent of St. Anne's Chapel in the 
same town, an eloquent and popular preacher of intensely 
" evangelical " views. Whatever Harrison may have 
thought of his orthodox brother-in-law, it is certain that 
his near connection with the unorthodox Harrison was 
a subject of annoyance to Robert Housman, whose 
memoirs do not once mention Harrison by name. 

Housman suspected Harrison, and probably with 
reason, of being part author of "an angry and rather 
absurd pamphlet " in which Housman's theology was 
attacked. The occasion of the pamphlet was a sermon 
preached by Housman in 17S6, 

in which the principal doctrines of the Gospel were enumerated, 
and the necessity of believing them with a true heart was proved 
and enforced . . . The total depravity of man by nature ; 
the absolute inefhcacy of good works to procure acceptance with 
God ; justification, only through the voluntary sacrifice of Jesus 
Christ ; the influences of the Holy Ghost, first to enlighten the 
understanding, to purify the affections, to renew the will, and 

* 1782 is the date given in the Monthly Repository, ix., 529. 


then to superintend and controul them in the way of hoHness 
and peace ; were set forth with a warmth, an energy, and an 
impressiveness, which startled and dismayed.* 

Harrison was by no means averse from theological 
controversy, and his brother-in-law's theology, though so 
very narrow, offered a very broad target. It is to be 
regretted that " to this petulant production Mr. Housman 
vouchsafed no answer." 

In 1793 Harrison published 

Specimens of the manner in which pubhc worship is conducted 
in Dissenting Congregations : with a service for baptism ; the 
celebration of the Lord's Supper, and, the Burial of the dead. 
By J. H. . . . Preston : Printed and sold by Thomas 
Walker 1793. 8° pp. x. 114.7 

The preface is signed and dated " H. Lancaster, Jan: 
ist 1793." We gather from it that Harrison favoured 
a liturgy, but he did not wish to force one on his con- 
gregation, though they " have had the liberality to 
indulge him in the frequent use of a written form." 
The motive of the Specimens is shown by the following 
extracts from the preface : — 

That a general odium has been raised against Dissenters, in every 
part of the Kingdom, can be matter of information to none ; 
for the effects of it have been manifested in a way, disgraceful 
to a Country that has any pretensions to civilization, or any 
right to boast of her freedom. The most absurd calumnies, 
when levelled against them, have met with ready credit ; and 
men of truly constitutional principles, whose attachment to their 
country is as firm, and (to say the least of it) equally enlightened 
with that of their calumniators, have been reproached as inveterate 
Republicans and enemies to the Constitution both in Church and 

In many cases it may be the wisdom and duty of the injured, 
to support the misrepresentations of their enemies with that 
calm temper, which bespeaks true dignity — but must they, when 

* R. F. Housman's Life of the Rev. Robert Housman, p. xxxi. 
t There is a copy in the Warrington Museum. 

JOHN HARRISON, I796-1833. 369 

conscious of the purity of their intentions, hear themselves 
stigmatized as vipers* who carry a sting ready to be plunged into 
the bosom of the country which nourishes them, and remain 
silent under the odious imputation ? Must they be continually 
marked out as objects of distrust and suspicion, and rest satisfied 
without attempting their own justification ? Is it not on the 
contrary, an act of justice to themselves, and of charity to those, 
who misrepresent their principles through ignorance, to shew 
from incontrovertible evidence, that there is nothing in their 
tenets which can lead them to become enemies to the civil con- 
stitution of this Kingdom ? Religion and Politics are indeed so 
distinct from one another, that it seems difficult to conceive 
how any particular system of religious faith, can be naturally 
and peculiarly allied to any particular political system. It would 
be impossible, for instance, to prove that the doctrines of the 
Established Church are more suitable to the nature of our Govern- 
ment, than those of any other Church whatever. The only 
inference meant to be drawn from this observation, is, that it 
is the greatest injustice to charge, indiscriminately, all with 
disaffection to the civil, who from pure motives of Conscience, 
dissent from the ecclesiastical establishment of their country. 

To prove the injustice of this charge is the Author's principal 
object. He would long since have attempted it, had not the 
most effectual mode of attaining it required some deliberation. 
Appeals have been made to History, by many writers, to prove 
the invariable attachment of Dissenters to the constitution which 
was established in the last century; but the prejudices against 
them have proved too inveterate to give way to these attacks — 
their fancied disaffection is supposed to arise from their religion ; 
and till the absurdity of this supposition be unmasked, they 
must still hear reproaches of all others the most grievous to 
ingenuous minds. 

Under these mortifying circumstances, the following plan was 
at length suggested and immediately adopted ; to lay before 
the public a set of Prayers agreeing in sentiment, as nearly as 
possible, with those in general use amongst the rational Dissenters, 
in their public worship, together with offices for Baptism, adminis- 
tration of the Lord's Supper, &c. These, as they would exhibit 
a general and accurate view of their religious principles, it was 

* Harrison's note on this metaphor is as follows : " The author is not answer- 
able for the incorrectness of this metaphor ; — it graced a speech, replete with 
language of similar liberality and decency, delivered upon a public occasion 
in this town." 



thought, might convince the candid, however they may vary 
from tlie creed of others, that they contain nothing that can 
biass the pohtical opinions of those who use them. Not a single 
trace will be found of disaffection to that form of Government, 
under which this nation has so long flourished. On the contrary, 
upon proper occasions, Dissenters have always been in the habit 
of petitioning for the continuance of this blessing, in language as 
earnest and sincere as that of the Established Church. 

In 1/95 Harrison issued a sermon The true method of 
preaching Christ. The text was i Thess. v. 21, " Prove all 
things, hold fast that which is good." In this discourse he 
professed " only to furnish a few plain arguments against 
those who stigmatize moral preaching as not preaching 
Christ." This made it necessary for him to " touch 
briefly upon some doctrines, which may be thought 
worthy of a more laboured refutation." 

In 1796 Harrison settled in Kendal. He is said to 
have, at first, lived at a pretty cottage named the Ghyll, 
on the road to Scout Scar ; he then removed to Castle 
Dairy in Wildman Street, the Parsonage House at that 
time being occupied by Mr. John Barrow, Deputy Recor- 
der, who resided there until his death in 1822. Apparently, 
Mr. Harrison then removed to the Parsonage in front of 
the Chapel, and he died there.* 

Harrison was a tall man, and, in his later years was of 
venerable appearance, being styled the " High Priest " 
of Kendal by his neighbours. 

There were no matters of great moment occurring in 
the first few years of his ministry. In 1796 the annual 
meeting agreed that the resolution of 1791, concerning 
the burial of strangers in the chapel yard, should be 
" for the future most strictly adhered to." 

It is probable that many, if not most, of the Kendal 
Dissenters were opposed to the war with France. Never- 
theless, when in November, 1797, at a public meeting 

* Origin of Nonconformity in Kendal. Cutting from the Kendal Mercury. 

JOHN HARRISON, I796-1833. 371 

held in the Moot Hall, it was resolved to make a sub- 
scription " for the relief of the children and widows of 
the sailors and marines who fell in the late action of the 
British Fleet commanded by Admiral Lord Duncan, with 
the Dutch Fleet, and of the sailors and marines wounded 
in that action," several of the congregation subscribed, 
Messrs. R. Gawthrop, W. Gawthrop, and J. Cookson 
being of the number. 

In 1797 it was resolved to take the most effectual 
methods to guard against the water which flowed from 
Mr. Willan's property into the burial ground and to 
defray the expense by contributions amongst the Society. 

In 1799 the annual meeting decided that six times in 
every year a collection should be made to establish a 
fund for necessary repairs. In 1800 it was resolved that 
a congregational subscription be made in aid of the 
" Manchester College for the Education of Young Men 
for the Ministry." This was the college now known as 
Manchester College, Oxford, but in spite of the title 
given to it in the congregational minutes it was not 
a theological college merely, though probably the chapel 
subscription would be expended for the benefit of divinity 
students only. 

At the annual meeting of 1801 the resolutions adopted 
in 1788 for the regulation of the business of the congre- 
gation were re-adopted with merely verbal alterations. 

The annual meeting of 1802 was held in October 
instead of the usual month, December. The probable 
reason for the change was the urgent nature of the 
business which was to consider a plan for rebuilding the 
whole of the Chapel property extending from the Market 
Place to Finkle Street. The " present ruinous state of 
the buildings " is referred to in the resolution which em- 
powered a committee (Mr. Harrison, Mr. Thomson, Mr. 
Cookson, and Mr. Relph) to carry the plan into execution 
and to borrow money on mortgage. The premises were 


to be rebuilt and the improved rent was to be divided 
between the minister and the trustees. The trustees 
with their portion were to pay off the mortgages on the 
Parsonage House and the newly-erected buildings. When 
this was accomplished the rent was to be paid to the 
minister except an annual sum of ;;^io, which the trustees 
were to reserve for keeping in repair or for the improve- 
ment of the whole property of the Chapel — " thereby 
providing a fund to prevent any casual diminution of 
the minister's stated salary." It was further recom- 
mended that when the rebuilding was completed trustees 
should be appointed for these and all the other properties 
of the Chapel. 

Notwithstanding the ruinous state of the buildings 
nothing seems to have been done, and in December, 
1803, the annual meeting merely assented to the previous 
resolutions and recommended the Chapel Wardens to 
call a general meeting of the subscribers early in the 
ensuing spring to carry into effect the whole of the 

It was apparently during 1804 that the property was 
rebuilt, and in that year the concluding part of the 
resolutions of 1802 was acted on to the extent of passing 
a resolution that trustees should be appointed for the 
Meeting House and the whole of the property belonging 
to it conjointly, and the following persons were nominated 
for that purpose : — Samuel Gawthrop, Robert Gawthrop, 
William Mawson, Isaac Steele, James Wait, James 
Cookson, Thomas Cookson, William Cookson, Matthew 
Whitaker, Thomas Relph, James Wightman, and Anthony 
Fothergill. The property of the Chapel and congregation, 
it may be mentioned, was vested in several sets of trustees, 
and the effect of this resolution would be to incorporate all 
the properties into one trust — on the face of it a sensible 
proceeding. But at the meeting of 1805 the minute book 
records that 

JOHN HARRISON, I796-1833. 373 

It was proposed by Mr. Robt. Gawthrop that he would pay the 
expence of a new deed for the Quit Rents — that there should 
be separate deeds for each trust and that the same persons should 
be nominated Trustees of the said separate trusts, as those that 
were chosen at the last meeting (excepting Mr. James Wightman 
who had died in the interim) lest all the trusts should get into 
one hand. 

This motion was carried. 


ist. Because the above motion flies in the face of the unani- 
mous resolution of the preceding meeting, which resolution was 
made to prevent expence and which would have been acted upon 
except for the death of Mr. Wightman and which was expressly 
entered into, to unite more intimately the Society by consolidating 
their interests and their funds. 

2nd. Because the same reasons exist against all the trusts 
being in the name of all the same persons, while the division of 
trusts must inevitably encrease the expence of deeds three or 
four fold, besides incurring the inconveniences, which the 
unanimous resolution of the annual Christmas meeting 1804 
was entered into to prevent. 

Other cogent reasons might be adduced but the subscriber 
contents himself with the above. Signed John Thomson 
Inserted at the request of Mr. Thomson 

by John Harrison Min"^. 

The permanent sinking fund was, as decided in 1802, 
established, and by its means the Parsonage House 
mortgage which Mr. Harrison had taken up from Mrs. 
Rotheram in 1812 was extinguished in 1817. 

The minute book from which have been taken most 
of the details concerning the internal affairs of the Chapel 
contains no entries after 1805, and the next minute 
book is not to be found. 

On February 28th, 1806, the Rev. Henry Robinson, 
M.A., Vicar of Kendal from 1789, died. He is reputed 
to have been a Unitarian, as indeed were many church 
clergymen of his generation. Whatever his precise shade 
of belief may have been, he was on friendly terms with 
the Market Place Dissenters, and the Monthly Repository * 

* Vol. 5 (1810), p. 454. 


the organ of the Unitarian body, recorded his virtues in 
the following verses, signed J. T. : — 

On the Death 
of the Rev. Henry Robinson, 
Formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and late Vicar 
of Kendal 1806. 
With pious grief we seek thy honoured urn, 
A Christian pastor, father, friend, we mourn, 
A generous mind, with various learning fraught. 
With cheerful wit and manliness of thought. 
Thy love paternal speak thy children's tears. 
Shed for the guardian of their infant years ; 
Thy liberal spirit, cultured and refined. 
Imposed no shackles on a brother's mind ; 
Thy sacred office, free from bigot zeal. 
Was spent to gain thy flock's eternal weal. 
Lowly thou liest ! — thy virtues will survive,' 
And registered in Heaven for ever live ! 
Faith and religion look beyond the tomb. 
And dwell with rapture on the world to come ! 
Yet friendship mournfully bends o'er thy bier. 
Mingling its sorrows witli thine orphans' tear. 

Mr. Robinson was in 1799 secretary of the Kendal 
Sunday Schools, the committee of which included at 
least one member of the Market Place Chapel. 

During Mr. Harrison's ministry Kendal Chapel wa§ 
visited or attended by some well-known men. William 
Wordsworth, when staying in Kendal with his friend 
Thomas Cookson, a trustee of the Chapel from 1S15 to 
his death in 1S33, was an occasional worshipper at this 
Chapel.* There or at Mr. Cookson 's Wordsworth made 
the acquaintance of John Gough, the blind mathematician 
and botanist, whom he depicted in " The Excursion," 
and no doubt learned the story of James Patrick who 
was the prototype of the Wanderer in the same poem.j 

* W. Pearson's Papers, &c., p. 13. Wordsworth, however, was opposed 
to the Dissenters' Chapels Bill, which alone prevented the Kendal chapel ftom 
falling into the hands of people wlio had no connection with the place. Knight's 
Letters of the Wordsworth Family, iii., 302. 

t W. Pearson's Papers, &c., p. 13. 

JOHN HARRISON, I796-1833. 375 

De Ouincey is said to have attended the Chapel occa- 
sionahy, and Coleridge also, or if not they met the more 
prominent members of the congregation elsewhere, and 
both received a very favourable impression. De Quincey 
makes several references to the circle, of which John 
Gough may be regarded as the centre. An Anglican 
Bishop, Richard Watson,* preferring the Lake District 
to the duties of a Welsh see, had settled at Calgarth. 
A Quarterly reviewer (Dr. T. D. Whitaker) had written 
an article in which " some sneers are dropped with 
regard to the intellectual character of the neighbourhood 
in which he [the Bishop] has settled." After mentioning 
Southey, Wordsworth, Coleridge, Charles Lloyd, and 
Professor Wilson, De Ouinceyf says : — 

The meanest of these persons was able to have " taken the con- 
ceit " out of Dr. Whitaker and all his tribe. But even in the town 
of Kendal, about nine miles from Calgarth, there were many 
men of information, at least as extensive as Dr. Watson's, and 
amply qualified to have met him upon equal terms in conversation. 
Gough, the blind mathematician and botanist of Kendal, 
is known to this day ; but many others in that town had accom- 
plishments equal to his. 

A more general reference but equally complimentary 
to Kendal is also in Lake Reminiscences : — 

I can add my attestation to that of Mr. Coleridge himself, when 
describing an evening spent amongst the enlightened tradesmen 
in Birmingham, that nowhere is more unaffected good sense 
exhibited, and particularly nowhere more elasticity and freshness 

* Bishop Watson, like some other bishops of his day, was perhaps not 
unjustly suspected to be heterodox. De Quincey, who heartily disliked him 
says (Lake Reminiscences " Coleridge ") : — " Now, if the reader happens to 
recollect I:iow soon the death of Dr. Markham followed the sudden dissolution 
of that short-lived administration in 1807, he will see how narrowly Dr. 
Watson missed this elevation ; and one must allow for a little occasional spleen 
under such circumstances. How grand a thing, how princely, to be an English 
archbishop ! Yet, what an archbishop ! He talked openly, at his own 
table, as a Socinian ; ridiculed the miracles of the New Testament, which 
he professed to explain as so many chemical tricks, or cases of legerdemain ; 
and certainly had as little of devotional feeling as any man that ever lived." 

t Lake Reminiscences. 


of mind, than in the conversation of the reading men in manu- 
facturing towns. In Kendal, especially, in Bridgewater, and in 
Manchester, I have witnessed more interesting conversations, as 
much information, and more natural eloquence in conveying it, 
than usually in literary cities, or in places professedly learned. 

In 1810 the Auxiliary Bible Society of Kendal and its 
vicinity was formed. The committee, of which five mem- 
bers were Churchmen and five Dissenters, included the 
Rev. John Harrison and Mr. John Greenhow. Thus in 
its origin the Kendal Bible Society had the co-operation 
of some of those persons whose opinions at a later date 
were to be stigmatized at its annual meeting by the Rev. 
Mr. Latrobe and defended by Mr. Hawkes. 

Westmorland was visited in 18 13 b}^ that energetic 
Unitarian missionary, Richard Wright, who gives this 
account of his visit : — * 

I preached in two places in Kendal. 

1. The Presbyterian meeting-house three times ; the congre- 
gations respectable and very attentive ; and 

2. In the Unitarian Baptist place of worship twice, which was 
well filled both times. I was much gratified \^dth the christian 
intercourse I had with friends of both parties. 

3. Kirkby Lonsdale. There is one Unitarian here ; but there 
had been no Unitarian preaching. I preached in a room, which 
was very well filled, and the people were attentive. Having 
begun the business for them, I expect our Unitarian Baptist 
friends at Kendal will keep up an occasional lecture here. 

In 1814 the distressed state of the inhabitants of 
Germany was arousing commiseration, and on February 
25th a public meeting, at which the Mayor (Thomas 
Holme Maude I) presided, was held for the purpose of 
taking the matter into consideration. A committee was 
appointed, Robert Gawthrop being one of the members, 
and a subscription was started. 

* Monthly Repository, viii., 6i. 

t Four of Mr. Maude's sons had studied at the Manchester Academy, the. 
forerunner of Manchester College, a fact which seems to indicate a certain 
amount of sympathy, on his part, with dissent, though at that time, filling 
the office he did, he could not have been a Dissenter. 

JOHN HARRISON, 1796-1833. 377 

Richard Wright was again in the northern counties 
in 1814, but we find no reference to a visit to Kendal. 
He went, however, to Great Salkeld, and his account 
of the visit is interesting if only from his references to 
the Rev. Timothy Nelson, M.A., a minister who is usually 
spoken of as being orthodox : — * 

On my return from Scotland, in the year 1814, I spent a few days 
in Cumberland. At Great Salkeld, I found an excellent old 
gentleman, Mr. Nelson, who had for many years been the Presby- 
terian minister in that place, and at Plumpton Street a village 
a few miles from it. He was an Antitrinitarian, and had the 
most cheering views of the character and government of God. 
I had a great deal of interesting conversation with him. I 
preached twice at Great Salkeld, and once at Plumpton Street, 
and had pretty good congregations. The good old man was 
about eighty years of age ; yet he seemed in good health, his 
powers quite sound, and was still active. He lived on a small 
paternal inheritance, which had been possessed by his family, 
for a number of generations. On a part of this estate stood the 
little meeting-house, which had been erected by one of his ances- 
tors. This is one of the few places in that northern district which 
had not passed from the Presbyterians into less liberal hands. 
Here, amidst the surrounding shades of reputed orthodoxy, 
liberal and rational views of Christianity, and the mild and 
benevolent spirit of the Gospel, still had an abode. Few if any 
of the neighboring ministers cared to associate much with a 
man who could not acquiesce in their narrow views, illiberal 
spirit, and ostentatious and obtrusive plans ; still he was cheerful 
and happy. 

For ought I know Mr. Nelson is still living ; but it will be well 
for our brethren whose situation in the north may enable them 
to do it, to do what they can to prevent the little chapels occupied 
by him, either on his death or the termination of his labors, from 
passing into the hands of the Calvinists ; who certainly have 
no right to them. An active young minister, placed at Great 
Salkeld, might act as a missionary in Cumberland and Westmor- 
land, besides officiating as Mr. Nelson's successor. 

In 1815 the surviving trustees of the Chapel under the 

* Wright's Missionary life and labours, 1824, pp. 308-310. As to Nelson's 
orthodoxy, see the footnote on p. 288. 


deed of 1782 resigned their trust to Thomas Cookson, 
merchant, Joseph Whitaker, tobacconist ; Thomas Relph, 
saddler ; Edward Harrison, mercer, all of Kendal ; John 
Gough of Scalthwaiterigg, gentleman ; Anthony Fother- 
gill, cardmaker, and William Patten, both of Kendal. 

As indicating the generosity of the Kendal congregation 
at the time, it may be mentioned that the collection in 
1817 for Manchester College, York, amounted to £9 
17s. 6d.* 

Though the congregation was helping the College 
financially it does not appear to have produced any 
candidates for the ministry, the only divinity student 
admitted from Kendal being Samuel Wild Cockcroft in 
1824. As his baptism is not recorded in the Chapel 
register he was presumably not connected by birth with 
the congregation. 

Kendal again had a successful visit from a Unitarian 
missionary sometime between i8th July and 21st October, 
1818. Mr. Wright gives this account : — | 

I knew both the congregations in Kendal would have been glad 
of a visit from me, but ... it not being in my power to 
reach them, Mr. Horsfield visited them in my stead. 

I. Presbyterian Chapel. 
Here he preached twice, and had very good audiences con- 
sidering the unfavourable state of the weather. 

2. The Unitarian Baptist place. 
Here also Mr. H. preached twice. The meeting-house was 
completely filled, especially the last time ; notice of the subject, 
the popular Doctrine of the Atonement, having been previously 
given. A number of Calvinists attended. Mr. H. reported to 
me that he was received by the friends belonging to both societies 
with much respect and affection, and spent his time among them 
with much pleasure : that the two societies are in perfect harmony 
with each other : -that a library is established at the Presbyterian 
place, to which the members of both societies subscribe, and 

* Monthly Repository, xii., 635. 
t Christian Reformer, 1819, p. 250. 

JOHN HARRISON, I796-1833. 379 

which is said to have aheady done good, not only by promoting 
information in the two congregations, but by helping to awaken 
a spirit of enquiry, and promote religious information in the 

Fellowship funds had been suggested by Dr. Thomson 
as a means by which the stronger congregations could 
help the weaker ones, and as Dr. Thomson was a native 
of Kendal and was connected with the Market Place 
Chapel, it was only proper that the Chapel should have 
its Fellowship Fund. In 1822 Mr. Harrison wrote to 
the Monthly Repository (xvii. 93) a letter announcing the 
establishment of such a fund : — 

Kendal Feb. 14 1822. 

I have the satisfaction to announce to the Unitarian public, 
the establishment of a Fellowship Fund in the religious society 
with which I am connected. Upon the regulations for managing 
the institution, and the objects to which it is to be devoted, it 
is unnecessary to enlarge, as they are conformable to the well- 
known plan originally suggested by the late Doctor Thomson, 
and coincide with those which have been so frequently detailed 
in your pages. The great end we have in view, is to join with 
our brethren in aiding the progress of the truth as it is in Jesus, 
and we hope, that we shall strengthen our own hands by con- 
tributing to strengthen theirs, in this great and good cause. 

It gives me additional pleasure to state further, that at the 
time when this establishment took place, it was unanimously 
resolved to have an annual collection, the amount of which 
should be alternately given to the College at York and to the 
London Unitarian Fund. The collection for this year will be 
appropriated to the use of the latter. In following up both 
these plans, I have no doubt we shall soon be joined by the whole 
of our society, when they see that the pecuniary exertions are 
individually below the notice of those whose means are the most 
limited, but collectively efficient and available to such valuable 

I am induced to mention another subject of importance to a 
few neighbouring congregations, in the hope that the information 
we want may be supplied by some of your correspondents. The 
last Lord Wharton left, by will, a number of Bibles to certain 


Dissenting societies, (of whicli ours was one,) to be distributed, 
at the discretion of the ministers, among the young. For a 
considerable time this was done in conformity to the conditions 
stated in the bequest, but about thirty years ago the distribution 
was transferred to the clergy of the Establishment, without any 
reason assigned, or any known authority for such a deviation 
from the will of his Lordship. This statement was made to the 
commissioners sent by Parliament to inquire into the abuses of 
Charities, but they knew nothing of the subject, and did not 
seem to consider it as within the scope of their powers. If 
inserted in your miscellany, it may possibly meet the eye of 
one better informed ; and should this be [the] case, any explana- 
tion of the business, through the mediura of the Repository, will 
be acceptable to many of its readers in this part of the kingdom.* 

John Harrison. 

In April, 1822, the " Unitarian Dissenters attending 
the Chapel in the Market-place of the town of Kendal " 
petitioned Parliament for an alteration of the marriage 
law ; the petition being presented in the Commons by 
Mr. Brougham and in the Lords by Lord Thanet.f The 
petition, which many other congregations also sent up, 
set forth " that the marriage service required by law, is 
inconsistent in several points with the religious belief 
which the petitioners conscientiously entertain," and 
prayed " that a law may be passed to legalize the solemni- 
zation of matrimony by the dissenting ministers of their 
persuasion in their respective places of worship in England 
and Wales, as it is already permitted to various other 
classes of dissenters. "J Both Houses ordered the petition 
to lie on the table, and the relief prayed for was not granted 
in the form suggested. When the same question was 
under consideration a few years later the Westmorland 
Advertiser and Kendal Chronicle of 13th August, 1825, 
printed a long article in favour of the Unitarian Marriage 

* Lord Wharton's bequest and its misappropriation liave been noticed on 
P- 234. 

■\ Local Chronology, p. 50. 

% Commons' J ournals (lyth April, 1822), Ixxvii., 178; Lords' Journals (2nd 
May, 1822), Iv., 146. 

JOHN HARRISON, I796-1833. 381 

Bill. The Unitarians, unlike the Quakers, were never 
allowed to marry according to their own forms until the 
same relief was granted to all Dissenters by the Act of 


From the beginning of the anti-slavery agitation the 
Presbyterian (Unitarian) Dissenters had been second 
only to the Society of Friends in their assistance of the 
movement. It is therefore not surprising to find several 
gentlemen of the congregation amongst the small number 
of signatories to a requisition to the Mayor of Kendal 
to appoint a public meeting " to take into consideration 
the propriety of addressing a petition to the House of 
Commons, on the present state of slavery in the British 
Colonies." Amongst the signers of the requisition were 
Mr. Harrison, Robert Gawthrop and John Thomson. The 
Mayor, William Pennington, appointed a meeting to be 
held in the Town Hall on April 30th, 1823. 

The Burial Ground was extended, and in March, 1824, 
the first corpse was interred in the extension. 

After many years Mr. Harrison again ventured into 
print with a pamphlet* entitled " The testimony of 
Jesus to the supremacy and free grace of God. A sermon, 
preached at the Unitarian Chapel, Kendal." It occupie'd 
16 pages, and was printed by Richard Lough of Kendal. 

Its dedication reads, " To the Society of Unitarian 
Christians, Kendal, this discourse, recently delivered 
before them, and now published at their request, is 
respectfully inscribed, by their affectionate pastor, John 
Harrison, Kendal, October, 1824." 

In the same year a four-page leaflet with the title 
" Westmoreland Advertiser and Kendal Chronicle " 
appeared from Mr. Harrison's pen. It was a comparison 
of the Advertiser and the Chronicle (from which it was 

* Another work has also been attributed to John Harrison of Kendal, viz., 
the Etymological enchiridion, but as its title page states it to be by the 
Rev. J. Harrison, Incumbent Curate of Grimsargh, there can be no doubt 
that the attribution is an error. 


reprinted) to the disadvantage of the former, in the 
matter of allowing religious discussion in their pages, 
and is, incidentally, a defence of Unitarianism. The 
following passage gives Mr. Harrison's view of Uni- 
tarianism : — 

Our great leading tenet, from which our distinguishing title is 
derived, is the unity of God, and that he alone is the sole object 
of worship ; and we believe that the doctrine and worship of 
one God is incompatible with the doctrine and worship of a 
Trinity because three persons, subsistencies or intelligent agents, 
each of which is God and Lord, cannot be one individual God 
and Lord. — So far it may be said, that we are only Deists. True : 
but in the next article of our creed no Deist will go along with 
us. We believe not only in God but in Christ ; we admit that 
the Scriptures contain the revelations which God has made to 
mankind at sundry times and in divers manners, and that the 
whole series of these revelations were finally completed by the 
mission of Jesus, the Christ or anointed of God. We believe 
that God set his seal to his mission by enabling him to work many 
miracles — that his precepts have the same authority as if they 
proceeded immediately from God ; and we admit the great facts 
of his death, resurrection and ascension — that he is made head 
over all things to his church, and appointed to raise the dead, 
and judge the world. We look upon one great object of his 
mission to have been, to reconcile men to God, to declare the divine 
placabilit}', and to be the Saviour of sinners, not by being hoty 
and righteous in their stead, but bj^ leading them to true re- 
pentance and the practice of all righteousness. 

Probably about the same time a letter contributed to 
the Kendal Chronicle and signed " Amicus," Mr. Harrison 
no doubt,, was reprinted as a broadside. It refers to a 
document issued by the Society of Friends. The writer 
says : — 

it may be considered as a kind of postscript to the Yearly Epistle, 
and its declared object is to " disclaim all connection with certain 
professed members of their denomination, who do not allow the 
divinity and atonement of the Lord Jesus Christ." This docu- 
ment, it seems, is to be understood as referring chiefly to the 
schism which has taken place in America, for the writers of it 

JOHN HARRISON, I796-1833. 383 

" lament the trials which their brethren upon that Continent 
have been subjected by the dissemination of Anti-Christian 
doctrines." Then follows a summary of their Creed or a state- 
ment of their religious principles, at the conclusion of which I 
find this passage — " Our Society from its earliest establishment 
has received these most important doctrines of holy Scripture 
in their plain and obvious sense, and we do not acknowledge as 
in fellowship with us, as a Christian community, any body of 
religious professors, which does not thus accept them and accredits 
as ministers those who attempt to invalidate any of these doctrines, 
which we deem to be essential parts of the Christian religion." 

The writer takes exception to this statement, and 
shows that Wilham Penn, in his Sandy Foundation 
shaken (1668) and in his Apology, expressed ideas which 
" seem to coincide in a great measure with the Sabelhan 
or Indwelhng and even with the Unitarian scheme," and, 
adds " Amicus," 

To the testimony given by Penn, might be added that of Fox, 
Whitehead and Pennington — The atonement, preached by them, 
was not an outward atonement, but an inward and spiritual one, 
to be accomplished in the soul of every candidate for salvation. 

" Amicus " was certainly right in his contention that 
the Friends had not always and invariably been Trini- 
tarians. It has been shown in an earlier chapter that 
in the very earliest days of Quakerism a Friend was 
preaching in Kendal the doctrine of the humanity of 
Christ, a doctrine quite incompatible with that of the 

We have mentioned that the earliest Sunday schools 
in Kendal were undenominational, but here, as elsewhere, 
religious differences crept in, and early in the nineteenth 
century the Sunday schools were attached to the different 
churches and chapels. 

In 1825 an anonymous author issued A seymon, written 
for the use of the children assembling for instruction, at the 

* Ante, p. 34. 


Unitarian Meeting House in Kendal (i2mo, pp. 12). 
The author says : — 

I wish, with all christian sincerity to assure those into whose 
hands this Article may fall, that I submit it to the perusal of my 
friends with much apprehension of its receiving their appro- 
bation. I should have wished to have secured for it the revision 
and sanction of my venerable friend, the Rev John Harrison ; 
but I have not solicited such a favour from any one, as it is not 
my desire to be known. 

We should judge from the sermon that the instruction 
in the Sunday school at this period was mainly such 
as in the present day is given in the elementary schools, 
and not purely religious, and that the Sunday school was 
held in the Chapel itself. 

In 1827 Mr. Harrison published The duty of confessing 
Christ before men. A sermon delivered before the Society 
of Unitarian Christians in Kendal, which was printed by 
Richard Lough at the Chronicle Ofhce. In this sermon 
he warns his hearers against the dangers they have to 
face : — 

From direct persecutions we have perhaps little to apprehend ; 
but our integrity may insensibly give way before indirect dis- 
couragements. Against the former the mind summons all its 
powers of resistance, and the struggle, though tiercel}^ maintained 
for a time, generally ends in establishing the rights of conscience, 
and fixing a deeper attachment to them in the heart ; — but the 
latter work silently and more surely — they lull our fears and 
gradually undermine our principles by persuading us there is no 
need to call them into exercise. The history of religion in all 
countries sufficiently proves the truth of this observation and in 
our own particularly, who knows not that the zeal which shone 
so bright amidst intolerance and edicts against imputed heresy, 
in these times of comparative liberality and ease, had lost much 
of its fervour, and is in some breasts become totally extinct. 
Such is the moral mechanism of our nature — " the mind takes 
arms against a sea of troubles and by opposing hopes to end 
them " ; but gentle attacks create no alarm, and it quietly sur- 
renders the post which would have been obstinately maintained 
against a more rude assault. 

JOHN HARRISON, I796-1833. 385 

He defends " rational Christianity " though " the use 
of reason in rehgion has been supposed by some to lead to 
infidelity," and contends that 

The great principle laid down by our Saviour, for tlie direction of 
his disciples, was, that they should " call no master on earth." 
his gospel is to be considered as a charter of freedom from the 
impositions of human authority in matters of religion. Every 
christian is to judge for himself between truth and error, and to 
be fully persuaded in his own mind as to the soundness of the 
opinions he finally adopts. To a departure from this principle 
are to be traced up all those corruptions which have so long 
obscured the beauty and simplicity of divine truth. Hence it 
is that the religion of Christ has been looked upon as a kind of 
state instrument, whose chief use is the preservation of social 
order, and to secure this end it has been decked out with a pomp 
and pageantry ill-suited to the spirituality of its nature, whilst 
no attention was paid to keep it pure and undefiled in point of 
doctrine. The christian priesthood, in their eagerness for power, 
overlooked these significant words of their master, " my kingdom 
is not of this world," as in their zeal to decree rites and ceremonies 
for the celebration of public worship, they set at nought the equal 
rights of their fellow christians. 

The evils resulting from such an unjust assumption of power 
have indeed in part been obviated in this country by the tolerant 
spirit of the times ; but still they are not entirely removed : 
instead of positive enactments against the rights of conscience 
certain disabilities are attached to the exercise of those rights — 
we may worship God according to the dictates of our consciences, 
but some privileges must be given up for this indulgence — and 
thus the principle of interference with religious profession is still 
maintained, somewhat softened indeed but rendered more seduc- 
tive in its operation. 

His hearers are to protest against these disabilities, 
they are to profess and support the truths which Christ 
was sent by God to preach. 

He came to correct the prevailing errors respecting the divine 
character and the nature of true religion, and to dispel the darkness 
which then obscured the future destinies of man. For satisfaction 
upon these interesting subjects, we have deemed it our duty to 
search the scriptures, and resting our faith upon the testimony 

2 C 


of Jesus and his Apostles alone, we believe in one God, the creator 
of heaven and earth, the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ 
— the sole glorious object of worship to all his intelligent offspring. 
But to this beloved son of God we are further indebted for the 
animating expectation of future life and immortality, confirmed 
by his own death and resurrection. That the dead shall be raised 
and judgment pass upon all moral agents according to the nature 
•of their conduct, is clearly taught in the gospel, and in this all- 
•concerning truth is contained the most powerful motive to right- 
eousness of life. 

In his exhortation to maintain public worship Mr. 
Harrison tells us something of the state of his own con- 
gregation : — 

I would exhort you to confess Christ before men by maintaining 
a proper sense of the importance of religious institutions, and by 
a regular and serious attendance upon them. Far is it from mj' 
intention to insinuate that such an exhortation is peculiarly 
needful in your case — on the contrary, it affords me sincere 
pleasure thus publicly to state, that generally speaking, your 
■conduct in this respect has been such as bespeaks sincerity and 
zeal in your religious profession. I have even the gratification 
•of observing, that besides a regular attendance upon the stated 
means of christian edification, a laudable desire of improvement 
has induced some among you to meet together on the evening 
of the Lord's day, and that of this number the young form a 
considerable proportion. 

What a delightful prospect does this hold out to yourselves, your 
iriends, and the religious society with which you are connected. 
By persevering in this course, your minds will gradually expand, 
and your views take a higher aim — you will in the most satis- 
factory manner repay the cares of those who feel a deep interest 
in your welfare, and become enlightened and iiseful members of 
the church of Christ. Under these circumstances there is, I 
trust, little ground to fear that you will become indifferent to 
religion itself, or negligent of its instrumental duties ; but on the 
contrary every reason to hope that you will always consider a 
regular attendance upon the public worship of God, and upon all 
the ministrations of the gospel as one of your most sacred duties. 

In concluding the sermon the preacher refers to himself. 
He had lately had pressed upon him a serious review 

JOHN HARRISON, I796-1833. ^8y 

of the duties attached to his office and the manner in 
which he had discharged them, and how far his ministry 
had contributed to their edification and the general 
progress of rehgious truth. He pleaded his best endeav- 
ours and good intentions, but was afraid the imperfections 
of his services must often have required their utmost 
indulgence. In fulfilling his duties he had in many 
instances been guided by circumstances as they arose and 
these had frequently led him into the discussion of 
controversial questions. " Still," he says, " you will bear 
me witness, that the general strain of my preaching has 
been practical rather than controversial." 

The sermon was preached on December 9th, 1827, when 
Mr. Harrison had occupied his position for 32 years, and 
was looking forward to the end of his ministry, " an 
event which in the natural course of things cannot be long 
delayed, and which circumstances may possibly accel- 

The Test and Corporation Acts under which Dissenters 
had suffered for more than a century were repealed in 
1828. During the linal agitation for their repeal the 
" Unitarian Dissenters residing in the Town of Kendal " 
petitioned Parliament on the subject, praying that 
" those acts, or such parts of them as require the Sacra- 
ment to be taken according to the usage of the Church 
of England, and conformity to that Established Church, 
as a qualification to the enjoyment of civil office, may 
be repealed."* 

Though the Test and Corporation Acts were duly 
abolished, it was some little time before Dissenters were 
really able to take their proper part in municipal work. 
Indeed, it may be said that the corporations generally 
remained closed to Dissenters until the Municipal Cor- 
porations Act of 1835 was put into force. Under the old 

* Commons' Journals (nth June, 1827), Ixxxii., 540 ; Lords' Journals (31st 
May, 1827), lix., 372. 


system the corporations were self-elected. Under the 
new the majority of the council were elected by the 

Mr. Harrison died at the Minister's House on 6th May, 
1833, and was buried in the Chapel yard, the funeral 
being conducted by the Rev. George Lee. The Kendal 
Chronicle eulogized him in these words : — 

Mr. Harrison's talents and acquirements were of no ordinary 
kind — he was an excellent scholar — his understanding was acute 
and vigorous — his temper generous and cheerful — his manners 
kind and unaffected — and his spirit so truly catholic and christian, 
that it was evident he had been much with Jesus, and had im- 
bibed the spirit of his gospel, pure and unadulterated. His 
pulpit services were clear, rational and scriptural, his appearance 
dignified and venerable, his voice remarkably fine, and his whole 
manner simple, impressive, and devout. His character was 
modest and retiring, so that the world knew him not, but in 
losing him, the sacred cause of civil and religious liberty has 
lost one of its firmest and most enlightened friends. 

Fuller appreciations of him appeared in the Christian 
Reformer of 1833 (p. 227) over the signature of " W.L., 
Liverpool," evidently an intimate friend,* and in the 
Unitarian Chronicle of the same year (p. 221). From 
the former we make some extracts : — 

The remote situation in which he was there called to labour — 
the small number of Unitarian ministers of the present day by 
whom he was personally known — the importance of the station 
as a conspicuous depositary of Christian truth in the North- 
western district of England, and the success which attended his 
ministerial services, amidst opposition and obloquy — all these 
circumstances justify a more lengthened notice of his talents 
and character than would otherwise be required in the obituary 
of a periodical publication. 

An intimacy of more than a quarter of a century between 
himself and the writer of this sketch of his life, was more than 
sufi&cient for a full estimate of his open and generous character ; 

* Probably the Rev. William Lamport, minister of St. Nicholas Street 
Chapel, Lancaster, 1804-1829. 

JOHN HARRISON, I796-1833. 389 

in which piety, benevolence, cheerfulness and intelligence, were 
the most prominent features. If he was not a great man, he was 
a clever and good man ; if he did not discover new truths, he 
had a rapid perception of them, and a perspicuous manner of 
expressing them. . . . 

Mr. Harrison was familiar with one of the strong-holds of 
Unitarianism ; for he knew the strength of that line of argument 
which disproves the doctrine of the Trinity, by the absence of 
all reference to it (in the New Testament) where there would be 
a moral certainty of its being taught — and explicitly taught — 
had it constituted an essential tenet of the Christian faith. . . . 

To the testimony of his hearers, may be added the highly- 
respectable and valuable opinion of Mr. Ottiwell Wood, in favour 
of his talents in the interpretation of controverted passages of 
scripture. When the opportunity presented itself, the energies 
of his clear understanding were made to bear with resistless effect 
on unscriptural glosses ; and in a very few sentences would the 
error be detected, and the true sense triumphantly established. 

It was the great happiness of his life to feel himself connected 
with a religious society who could estimate his merits, and who 
would neither retard his progress in the pursuit of truth, nor 
censure its explicit avowal. He felt himself circumstanced as 
a minister of his elevated and fearless spirit, and uncompromising 
integrity, would wish to be. He was the beloved friend, as well 
as the respected pastor, of his flock. He was not treated as the 
humble companion of the rich. He was not trampled upon 
because he was paid. He was not degraded to the level of a 
mechanical labourer, because he deemed himself worthy of his 
hire. Full of animation in social intercourse, his pure mind still 
sustained the dignity of his profession. Never can the writer 
of this tribute to his memory forget the vivid smile of welcome 
with which he greeted his arrival, come when he would, and 
circumstanced however his venerable host might be, through 
domestic grievances and professional duties. 

This good man suffered much bodily pain in the latter part 
of his life, but he endured what was inflicted with singular 
fortitude. That fortitude was partly the result of high-minded- 
ness, but chiefly the effect of those cheerful views of the moral 
administration of Providence, which he derived from his Unitarian 
principles. Alas, for the sorrows of the homestead and the 
hearth ! those trials which must not be told beyond the spot 
where they were felt and mourned and surmounted ! Our friend 
knew them well and bore them well, for he had that unfading 


and unfailing hope which is a light from heaven and a guide 
towards heaven.* 

The Unitarian Chronicle estimate is equally eulogistic : — ■ 

The remark that the life of a scholar seldom abounds with adven- 
ture, is true, for the most part, in a still higher degree of the 
devoted and conscientious preacher of the gospel. 

With talents, and a habit of mind that would have justified 
him in seeking for a wide and public sphere of action, he chose 
to devote himself humbly and unostentatiously to the duties of 
the ministry, regardless of all beside, so long as his conscience 
approved itself to God, and he was useful to his brethren of 

The prevailing feature in Mr. Harrison's intellectual character 
was clearness and strength, and, at the same time, extent of 
perception ; the main points and bearings of any subject upon 
which he had to be employed, he could in a moment seize upon ; 
and presenting them to his hearers in lucid and perspicuous 
language, he was often enabled to produce conviction, when 
more elaborate efforts would have failed. His sermons, without 
perhaps ever rising to eloquence, in the ordinary acceptation of 
the term, or containing passages of great power or splendour, 
were distinguished by a simplicity and precision of style, and by 
a weight of matter, which rivetted the attention, and to his 
stated hearers brought far more delight and improvement, than 
the most striking displays of oratory would have done. 

The effect of his pulpit services, was, in no small degree, en- 
hanced by his venerable and patriarchal appearance. Gifted, too, 
by nature with a voice of uncommon power and sweetness, and 
enforcing the solemn and awakening truths of the gospel with 
the modesty of an inquirer rather than the authority of a master, 
he acquired a personal influence over the minds of his hearers 
that no talent, however exalted, could command. Never was 
there a man with equal pretension to guide the belief of others 
less disposed to exercise dominion over faith ; and, as was 
natural, that deference which he disclaimed was in a more ample 
portion awarded to him. Few ministers who were equally 
acceptable in their public services have so seldom quitted their 
pulpit ; absence of personal vanity and a retiring disposition 
were striking peculiarities in the character of the excellent indi- 
vidual to whose memory this imperfect tribute is addressed. 

* The " trials " referred to are no doubt the deaths of his wife and children. 

JOHN HARRISON, 1796-1833. 391 

Applause for his outward gifts was what he least courted ; he 
was content to do his duty at home quietly and unostentatiously, 
regarding the final end of his ministry, the salvation of souls, 
rather than gratifying an unholy taste for novelty in others, 
and pandering to his own self-complacency. 

A man of such a cast of mind as this could not entertain any 
sectarian or confined views of the of&ce of a Christian minister ; 
and, accordingly, the efforts of Mr. Harrison in advancing the 
cause of human improvement were not restricted to the pulpit. 
His co-operation was eagerly sought, and, so long as he was 
blessed with health and strength, as willingly yielded, whenever 
any measure of public utility was brought forward in the town 
in which Providence had fixed his station. That religious faith 
which he advocated he considered to have its end in the mental 
and spiritual elevation of his species, and every thing which 
conduced to the same result he thought to be within his province ; 
he no more fancied that his sabbath duties comprised the whole 
of what was required from him, than he conceived that the sum 
and substance of religion consisted in attending upon religious 

Mr. Harrison committed to the press several publications ; 
but the modesty and unassuming disposition which have been 
mentioned as so characteristic of him, would not allow him to 
seek for them more than the local circulation which the circum- 
stances that gave rise to them demanded, although they were 
possessed of a general and a permanent interest. . . . He 
published also an excellent though little known work, in 
a series of monthly numbers, called the " Christian Instructor. 
or Occasional Expositor." This was called forth by a rude and 
ignorant attack upon the Unitarians, it is believed, in one of the 
Kendal newspapers, and consists of twelve short essays upon 
the principal points of the Unitarian faith ; they are clear, con- 
vincing, temperate ; every way honourable to the advocate, and 
calculated to serve the cause he espouses. 

Mr. Harrison had, for some time before his death, laboured 
under an infirm state of health, and was occasionally absent 
from his pulpit the last few months of his life. The Sunday 
but one before his decease he was observed to preach with greater 
animation than he had displayed for a long period, (and his 
delivery was for the most part of a very animated character,) 
as if he sought to pour out upon his beloved hearers his whole 
soul ere he left them, in the same way as the lamp gathers its 
expiring light into one blaze before it expires in the socket. On 


the succeeding Sabbath he was up and dressed early in the 
morning as for his usual services ; and though it was obviously 
impossible that he could undertake them, his thoughts were all 
directed to his charge ; in the evening, as if anxious to bid fare- 
well to the sanctuary in which he had so long and so faithfully 
ministered, he left his house with much difficulty, and sat a while 
in the Chapel-yard ; on the ensuing morning, his spirit was 
summoned away by Him who gave it, Providence granting a 
wish he had often and earnestly expressed, that he might be 
spared a lingering death. 

His remains were interred in the burying ground adjoining 
the chapel, and the melancholy dispensation improved on the 
subsequent Sunday to a very numerous and deeply sorrowing 
congregation, by Mr. Lee, from Lancaster. Not, however, to a 
congregation sorrowing as those without hope, but mingling with 
a sense of bereavement gratitude to God, who had lent them so 
long the blessing of such a minister, and knowing that the best 
tribute of respect they could pay to his memory, was a faithful 
obedience to the lessons he taught. 

Harrison married Alice, daughter of Robert Housman* 
of Lune Bank, Skerton, Lancaster, maltster, by his wife 
Agnes Gunson of Ulpha, Westmorland. 

Mrs. Harrison died 4th August, 1832, and was buried 
in the Chapel yard. The children of Mr. Harrison, all 
born before he came to Kendal, t were : (i) Agnes, born 
4th May, 1785, buried at Kendal Chapel 25th May, 1831. 
(2) Edward, born 23rd August, 1786, who became a 
trustee of the Chapel and is noticed separately. (3) 
Robert, born 2nd January, 1788, buried at Kendal 
Chapel 7th April, 1809. (4) Ellen, born 31st March, 

* The Housmans had been connected with Lancaster for many generations. 
Several times persons of the name were churchwardens. Mrs. Harrison's 
uncle John was Mayor of Lancaster in 1787, and one of Iier brotliers, Lieut. - 
CoL William Housman, was a member of the Corporation, while another 
was the erstwhile famous Rev. Robert Housman, founder and first incumbent 
of St. Anne's, Lancaster, a well-known Evangelical clergyman. Mrs. Harrison's 
sister, Mary, married John Higgin, Keeper of Lancaster Castle, and was 
mother of William Higgin, Bishop of Derry, and of John Higgin, Town Clerk 
of Lancaster, and grandmother of W. H. Higgin, Q.C. (Information of Mr. 
W. Hewitson). 

t An eld Bible in the vestry of the Kendal Chapel contains a memorandum 
recording the dates of the cliildren's births, taken from the Register of St. 
Nicholas Street Chapel, Lancaster. 

JOHN HARRISON, 1796-1833. 393 

1789. (5) Thomas, born 28th May, 1790, and (6) Alicia, 
born 8th July, 1791, died 17th April, • 1868, aged yj , 
buried in the Castle Street Cemetery. 

The following is the memorial to John Harrison and 
his wife in the yard behind the Chapel : — 

Beneath this Stone 

he the remains of the 

Rev. John Harrison, 

who died May 6th 1833, Aged 72 Years. • 

During 37 years he was 

the eloquent and admired preacher 

of the Gospel at this Chapel : 

and like his Predecessors, he was a strenuous 

and consistent advocate of 

Christian Liberty. 

Alice, the wife of the Rev. John Harrison, 

was interred near this place 

August 4th 1832. Aged 77 years. 

The Rev. George Lee who conducted the service at 
Mr. Harrison's funeral was long associated with Kendal, 
being for many years editor of the Kendal Mercury. He 
was the son of the Rev. George Lee of Hull, and 
grandson of John Lee who was buried at Elland 
1790.* Born in Hull loth September, 1805, he studied 
at Manchester College, York, 1821-1826, and then 
became minister at Boston. In 1829 he removed to 
Lancaster, and there remained until 1835 when he became 
editor of the Mercury, a position he retained until his 
death. During his journalistic career he did not entirely 
abandon ministerial work, but preached occasionally at 
Kendal and elsewhere. His voice was " dreepy," to use 
a Westmorland word expressive of drawling, a fact which 
probably explains his change of profession. 

According to a journalist who had worked under him, 
Mr. Lee was " one of the kindest of men, who wrote one 

* G. E. Evans's Antiquarian Notes, i., 73. 


of the worst hands for ' copy ' in the world."* Mr. Lee 
died at Kendal 5th June, 1862, and was buried in the 
Castle Street Cemetery, where there is a gravestone 
inscribed to his memory. 

On 2rd May, 1842, he was married at the Chapel to 
Jane Agnes, daughter of Joseph Whitaker (trustee, 1815). 
She was born 24th February, 1812, and died 30th August, 
1866. Mr. Lee's son was the well-known Rawdon B. 
Lee (trustee, 1868), of whom there is a notice in another 
chapter. Other children were George Whitaker Lee 
(born loth June, 1843, died 26th November, 1862) and 
Ann Elizabeth (born 13th October, 1847, died 5th 
August, 1865), both of whom were buried with their 
parents in the Castle Street Cemetery. 

* Yorkshire Bibliographer, i., igi. 



James Kay and the Unitarian Baptists. 

DURING Harrison's ministry at the Market Place 
Chapel a separate congregation, the Unitarian 
Baptists, had its beginning and ending, the bulk of the 
members joining the older Unitarian congregation. 

The founder of the congregation was the Rev. James 
Kay,* who was the son of James Kay of Heap, near Bury, 
by his wife Betty, daughter of Charles Hill. Born 21st 
June, 1777, he was baptized at Bury Parish Church loth 
July, 1777. His father died in 1779. Kay, having 
studied at Rotherham College, accepted the call of the 
New Street Congregational Church, Kendal, and was 
solemnly set apart to the pastoral ofiice 29th July, i8oi.t 

In 1810, " after a severe struggle with his old faith," 
Kay, having adopted Unitarian and Baptist J opinions, 
withdrew from the Congregational ministry, and with 
some of his congregation established a church of Unitarian 
Baptists of which he became minister. Mr. John Greenhow 
was perhaps the principal member of the congregation, 
and James Braithwaite, Robert Atkin, Richard Smith 
and others were active workers. 

William Jennings was another who came to Unitarianism 
apparently through Mr. Kay. He had been a member of 
the Inghamite Chapel, but seceded or was excluded on 
the question of adult baptism. He then joined the con- 
gregation in the New Street Chapel, and followed Mr. 

* We are indebted to Mr. William Hewitson, of Bury, for many of the 
biographical facts, practically all hitherto unpublished, relating to Mr. Kay. 

t Evangelical Magazine, 1801, p. 374. 

I It is possible that Kay had Baptist opinions from the beginning of his 
ministry, as amongst the records transferred to the Market Place Chapel is 
a register of births (not baptisms) beginning in February, 1801, certified by 
James Kay, Protestant Dissenting minister. 


Kay when he formed his separate congregation. He 
does not appear to have become a Unitarian as soon 
as Mr. Kay did, for in 1813* we find him controverting 
as not being " scriptural " the sentiment of Richard 
Wright " that if any members of a Christian church do 
verily deny the divine mission, miracles and resurrection 
of the Lord Jesus Christ, the other members of that 
church have no right whatever to exclude them on that 
account from Christian communion." At a date not 
much later he was certainly a Unitarian, and went with 
Kay's followers to the Market Place Chapel, of which 
he became a useful member. Fond of controversy, he 
attended the Rev. Robert Wilson's lectures on doctrinal 
points in connection with the attempt of the Calvinists 
to gain possession of the Chapel ; and replied to the 
orthodox arguments in several pamphlets. j It is not 
by his polemical efforts, that Jennings is to be remem- 
bered, but by his enormous size, he being " the stoutest 
and heaviest man, that, perhaps the town of Kendal 
has ever contained." At his death, we are told by D. 
K. K., his coffin had to be double the breadth and depth 
of an ordinary stout man, and the window of the second 
story bedroom had to be taken out, and his remains 
allowed to slide down a gangway of planks into the ad- 
joining yard as the stairs and doorways within the house 
were too narrow to allow the passage of the cofhn. In 
business Jennings was a corn-merchant, cheese-monger 
and wholesale grocer, and in these capacities was charged 
with having raised the price of the people's food. J He 

* Monthly Repository, viii., 591. 

t D. K. K., i.e., Mr. H. W. Duncan, published in 1890 an interesting little 
volume of Reminiscences of persons and places in Kendal from which here 
and elsewhere we have quoted. 

J In the good old days when corn was dear and the working people were 
on the verge ot starvation the charge of raising the price of food was often 
brought against the corn-merchants. Though these men may have increased 
their prices when stocks were low, the real causes of the scarcity were the 
Corn Laws, which prevented the operation of the economic law of supply 
and demand. 


was a promoter of the New Union Building Society, 
which combined with the ordinary objects of a building 
society, the political object of increasing the voting 
strength of the True Blue or Liberal party in the county.* 
Of this society Jennings was secretary, and being some- 
what of an architect, designed the plans for many of the 
houses it built. Jennings was buried in the chapel yard 
on 3rd January, 1833, aged 51. 

Mr. Kay's congregation could not have been a large 
one, I and as Kay had an earthenware shop in Strickland- 
gate, | we may surmise that his salary was small and had 
to be supplemented from other sources. 

The Unitarian Baptists, or " dippers " as thev were 
called, met for worship in the Caledonian Room on the 
south side of the Market Place. Their baptisms were 
performed early on, Sunday mornings in the River Kent 
and the Anchorite's Well. The last birth registered by 
Kay was on 9th September, 1816, and in 1817 his health 
giving way, he resigned the pastoral charge and left 
Kendal. § His congregation continued for a short time, 
but do not appear to have chosen another minister, and 
eventually joined the Market Place congregation. As 
they or some of them still retained their opinions against 
infant baptism, the separate register of births was con- 
tinued, the first entry signed by John Harrison being 
that of a child born 3rd May, 1818. Probably that was 
the year in which the two societies were united, though 
between July and October the Baptists were still in 
existence as a congregation. ]| 

* Its political character is shown by the toast, " Equal rights, equal laws 
and liberty of conscience," proposed at its first anniversary, November, 1826 
{Local Chronology, p. 68). 

tit was a generous one nevertheless, as witness the collection of £3 iis. 
for "Distressed Germans" in 1814 (Kendal Chronicle, 13th March, r8i4). 

% It appears from the Register of births that Kay lived in New Street, 1803- 
1804 ; Kirkland, 1806-1810, and Stricklandgate, 1812-1815. 

§ Nightingale gives the date of Kay's departure as 1820, but he had not 
correct information. 

II Christian Reformer, 1819, p. 250. 


Kay's subsequent career is of interest. When he left 
Kendal his intention was to leave the ministry and to 
live on and cultivate an inherited estate at Heap Fold, 
Heap, his native place. However, in 1819, he was invited 
to take charge of the Unitarian congregation at Hindley, 
near Wigan, where he remained two years. Though he 
was comfortably situated there he had a large family, 
and in order to give them more scope he decided to 
emigrate to the United States. In company with seven 
other families, he and his wife and children arrived there 
in June, 1821. His early experiences as an emigrant are 
told in a letter to his friend, Robert Greenhow, of Kendal.* 

Northumberland, Pennsylvania 

LTnited States of America 

July 6, 1822. 

Emigration to a foreign country with a large family is much 
more pleasing in theory than in practice. It is impossible for 
any one to conceive, when seated on his own comfortable hearth, 
laying plans for his future execution in a foreign country, the 
many disappointments, perplexities, anxieties and distresses 
that will assail and surround him before he obtains a comfortable 
settlement in a land of strangers. 

For some months after my arrival in the countrj^ I felt strong 
doubts of the propriety of the step I had taken. I well nigh 
lost my wife and Samuel by that insidious and dangerous disease 
of hot climates, the dysentery. But though this sickness of my 
family was a most painful trial, yet I met with so much sympathy 
and kindness as tended most powerfully to support my mind, 
and gave me a high idea of the beneficence of the friends to 
whom I had been introduced. 

The physician that attended my family with unwearied dili- 
gence, though an entire stranger to me before, refused to receive 
a single dollar for his attention, whereas had he charged as he 
usually did, I could not have had less than 200 dollars to have 
paid. Thus I began to feel, that though in a land of strangers, 
I was in a land where the best feelings of the heart were cherished, 
and where every grace of Christianity was in full exercise. 

* Christian Reformer, 1823, p. 100. 


Having now been in this country more than twelve months, 
I am enabled to form a more correct and dispassionate judgment 
of the step I have taken. And now I am not only satisfied \vith 
my removal from the land of my fathers, but feel every day 
increasing cause for gratitude that I was induced to take this 
step. My circle of friends and acquaintances is as large as ever 
it was in the old country, and I never met with more kindness 
and attentions than I have received and continue to receive in 
this country. My sphere of usefulness as a minister was never 
so extensive as it is now, and my prospects of success never so 
flattering as at present. As soon as my wife and family were 
sufficiently recovered, I removed to this town, which is distant 
from Philadelphia 134 miles, and delightfully situated on one 
of the most beautiful and picturesque rivers I ever saw. You 
will recollect that this is the town where the great and good 
Dr. Priestley spent the latter years of his useful life, and where 
he published some of his most useful works. Here, then, I sat 
down as a minister, having a very small number of Unitarian 
friends, who were desirous I should settle here and be their 

Among this number is Joseph Priestley, the grandson of the 
Doctor. I had scarcely commenced my duties as a minister 
before I found I was in a nest of hornets. Every pulpit in the 
neighbourhood sounded the tocsin of alarm, and warned their 
respective hearers to have nothing to do with the new minister, 
and studiously to keep from hearing him. I was called upon 
to give a confession of Unitarian views of truth, through the 
medium of the newspapers, and shortly after a small piece was 
published in defence of the doctrine of the Trinity, by a respect- 
able Lutheran minister, and most industriously circulated. I 
attended both these calls. And now, after a residence of nine 
months, I have the pleasure to say that the face of things has 
completely changed. The Lutheran minister who wrote against 
me is become a decided Unitarian, and a spirit of inquiry is afloat 
to the distance of thirty or forty miles, and a very considerable 
number have become openly and avowedly Unitarians. I 
regularly preach at stated intervals in Northumberland, Sunbury 
(the county-town) and Milton, and occasionally at Chiles-quaque, 
New Berlin, Lewisburg, and Pennsborough, in all which places 
a spirit of inquiry is excited. In the month of February last, 
I was elected Principal of the College in this town, which I have 
conducted by the assistance of my son Samuel, who takes the 
classical and mathematical departments. In consequence of 


this election, I am in possession of a large house and five acres of 
land, most delightfully situated on the Susquehanna, and besides 
make a regular charge for every pupil. Our prospect of success 
in the College is not very flattering, as the whole Calvinistic 
interest is against us. But perhaps we may ultimately succeed. 
If not, I am in possession of a comfortable house, which will 
give me time to determine what other course to take. 

I promised to write to my highly-esteemed friend James 
Braithwaite ; I hope you will shew him this letter which will 
supersede the necessity of my writing directly to him. Tell 
him that I am now well satisfied with the country and its climate ; 
but I think that many persons come here who had better remain 
in the old country. 

It is not the country for any mere professional man without 
money ; the professions are filled up. The mere labourer has 
no business here. The weaver with a little money would be 
sure to better his circumstances. Weavers in Philadelphia can 
earn six dollars per week, and can be very well supported for 
two. The farmer with a little money and a competent share of 
perseverance could not fail to succeed. These are the only 
persons who appear to me to be likely to improve their circum- 
stances by the change, unless, perhaps, I mention the annuitant, 
who may certainly live cheaper here than in England. 

Our friend Campbell is going on pretty well, though his health 
of late has been very bad. 

The Unitarian cause is spreading in every direction with a 
rapidity with alarms the Orthodox most sadly. They rage and 
oppose us in the most violent manner ; still the cause proceeds 
and is making converts every day, from the Halls of Congress 
to the extremity of the Union. Our mutual friend. Little, is 
become the pastor of a Unitarian congregation just established 
in the Capital, with the most pleasing prospects of success and 
usefulness. I have had the pleasure of an interview with him, 
and a few days ago had a very pleasing letter from him, giving 
me an account of the opening of their new church (for every place 
of woi;ship here is called a church). 

When I came to this country, I brought with me a number 
of Unitarian tracts, which have been very useful in aiding our 
cause. If any friend should be coming from your neighbourhood 
to this country, we should be glad if you would make up a packet 
of tracts and books for us. You will excuse this liberty : I am 
begging in a good cause. 


Kay was heard from again in 1827, when he was- 
engaged in " a controversy on the great Unitarian ques- 
tions with an able and acute disputant of the orthodox 
schooL" He asked for a grant of tracts from the Tract 
Society, and says " If they knew the smah remuneration 
I receive for my services as a minister, they would conclude 
that I have it not in my power to expend much on the 
purchase of books. I suspect that I have not received, 
clear of all expenses, £30 per annum for all my labours 
since I came to this country."* 

At Northumberland he remained until his death. A 
tablet in the church there is inscribed " Rev. James 
Kay, the faithful pastor of this Church for twenty-five 
years, and a true disciple of Christ, he went about doing 
good. A grateful people here record his worth. Bom 
June 21, 1777. Died September 22, 1847." His wife, 
Hannah (probably nee Ibbetson), was born at Halifax 
2ist March, 1776, and died 2nd October, 1850. Of the 
numerous children of the Rev. James Kay, all but one 
of whom were born at Kendal, Charles H. Kay died i8th 
August, 1851, and Elizabeth, wife of Isaac Pugh, died 
24th April, 1896. Mr. James I. Kay of Pittsburgh, Pa., is 
a grandson of the Kendal minister, and has supplied to 
Mr. Hewitson some of the information embodied above. 

* Christian Reformer, 1827, p. 243. 

2 D 




Edward Hawkes, M.A., 1833-1866. 

'R. HARRISON'S successor was the Rev. Edward 
Hawkes, M.A. He was the son of the Rev. James 
Hawkes* (1771-1846) successively minister of Congleton, 
Dukinfield, Lincoln and Nantwich. 

Edward Hawkes was born on July 27th, 1803, in 
Manchester, and was educated at a private school there 
and at Glasgow University, | where he graduated M.A. 
n 1824. 

From 1827 to 1833 he was Secretary of the Widows' 
Fund, having previously been a teacher. When he 
accepted the invitation to Kendal he was described as 
of Pendlebury,:]: but the family record § has it that it 
was not Pendlebury but Pendleton, near Manchester, 
and that he had, at the instance of his friend Mr, 
Duckworth, filled the pulpit there for nearly three 

Mr. Hawkes was elected minister on 20th June, 1833, 
and new trustees were appointed in the same year. The 
new trust deed was dated 14th December, 1833. The 
retiring trustees, of whom there were only three sur- 
viving, under the trust of 1815, were Joseph Whitaker 
of Kendal, gentleman ; Thomas Relph, late of Kendal, 

* A memoir of James Hawkes appears in the Rev. Alexander Gordon's 
Dukinfield Chapel, p. 64. James Hawlves, wiio was not related to the better 
known Rev. William Hawkes, of Mosley Street Chapel, Manchester, had 
married Ann, daughter of Joel Marshall, a prominent member of the Lough- 
borough congregation. Mrs. Hawkes was sister of the Rev. William Marshall 
and of the wife of the Rev. Edward Higginson (Rev. W. H. Burgess's History 
of the Loughborough Unitarian Congregation, p. 15). 

t When he went to college his father presented to him a tortoise-shell snuff 
box, with the condition that he should never take snuff. 

% Unitarian Chronicle, 1833, p. 224. 

§ In Memoriam, Rev. Edward Hawkes. 


FACE P. 402. 

EDWARD HAWKES, M.A., 1833-1866. 403 

but then of Cartmel, co. Lancaster, saddler ; and William 
Patten of Kendal, tea dealer, formerly a weaver. The 
new trustees were James Braithwaite, flour dealer ; 
George Hinde, gentleman ; George Relph Greenhow, 
ivory comb manufacturer ; Cuthbert Relph Greenhow, 
gentleman ; Thomas Webster, druggist ; William Jolly, 
shopkeeper ; and John Pearson, canvas manufacturer, 
all of Kendal, and Thomas Ainsworth of Summer Hill, in 
Ulverston, gentleman. 

On 24th June, 1835, Mr. Hawkes married Miss Jane 
Greenhow, and so became connected with perhaps the 
most influential family in his congregation. 

Mr. Hawkes was a militant Unitarian, and his con- 
troversies were by no means few. One of the earliest 
arose from the indiscreet introduction of Trinitarian 
theology at a temperance meeting. There had been two 
temperance societies in Kendal, one advocating " modera- 
tion " in the use of intoxicating liquors, and the other 
total abstinence. The moderation party suggested a 
union of the societies on a basis including two pledges, 
a recommendation to those who signed either of them 
to offer " sincere prayer to God for the assistance of his 
Holy Spirit, in order to its conscientious and persevering 
observance," and a rule that " no sentiments upon 
party politics or controversial theology be allowed." The 
Total Abstinence committee were willing to co-operate 
on the principle of each society retaining its own laws 
and modes of operation but uniting at monthly meetings. 
A general meeting of the Total Abstinence Society was 
held, at which Mr. Hawkes proposed the plan of union 
suggested by its committee. The plan of the Temperance 
Society was proposed as an amendment, and it having 
been stated that the rules had been altered to make it 
more acceptable, the amendment was carried and the 
union of the two societies effected. It was not, however, 
mentioned that the alterations in the rules included the 


erasure of the rule prohibiting controversial theology. 
Shortly afterwards a Trinitarian (the Rev. Henry Calder- 
wood) occupied the greater part of the time at a meeting 
of the Youths' Society, in lecturing on the Deity of 

At a subsequent meeting (8th Feb., 1836) Mr. Hawkes 
made some observations on the importance of adhering 
to the rule prohibiting controversial theology. He had, 
he said, thought the recommendation of the Society 
" to offer prayer to God for the assistance of his Holy 
Spirit " in some measure an infringement of the rule, 
but that he had never objected to it as an individual. 
To the astonishment of most of those present the Secretary 
announced that there was no such rule. Mr. Hawkes 
then withdrew his observations. The discovery of the 
adoption of the rule giving a sectarian character to the 
Kendal District Society for the Suppression of Intem- 
perance was promptly followed by the formation of 
another society, the " Liberal Temperance Society," 
at a public meeting held at the Oddfellows' Hall, Kendal, 
on February 14th, when Mr. G. R. Greenhow occupied 
the chair. The speakers were Messrs. John Gill, Brock- 
bank, Swinglehurst,* Pearson, Jolly, and T. Poole and 
the Rev. Edward Hawkes. A committee was appointed 
to meet at the Temperance Coffee-House, but the land- 
lady informed the members that " she was not authorized 
to allow the Committee to hold its meetings there." Thus 
boycotted the Liberal Temperance Society made arrange- 
ments for a house of its own, and was able to announce 
that " The Liberal Temperance Hotel and News-Room " 
would be opened early in March at the house of Mrs. 
Dixon, Finkle Street. A Full report of the proceedings 
in this matter was issued from the Mercury office, and was 
followed by a reply on behalf of the Temperance Society 

* Probably E. Swinglehurst who contributed a report on teetotal progress 
in Kendal to the Preston Temperance Advocate, 1835, p. 70. 

EDWARD HAWKES, M.A., 1833-1866. 405 

signed by E. W. Wakefield, Robert Hunt, Henry Calder- 
wood, George Benson, Robert Cragg and J. J. Wilson, 
to which Mr. Hawkes made a rejoinder. 

In these, his early useful years at Kendal, Mr. Hawkes 
was a leader amongst the teetotallers, and the local 
societies were strong. On Whit-Tuesday, 1837, the 
Kendal Auxihary Temperance Society held its second 
annual festival, " amidst the romantic beauties of Pine 
Crags." Tea was served to 140 persons and addresses 
were given by Messrs. J. Gill and Thomas Poole, and by 
two Unitarian ministers, the Rev. Franklin Howorth and 
Dr. J. R. Beard.* 

An Act of Parliament, passed in 1837 (6 and 7 Wihiam 
IV., chapter 85), enabled marriages to be solemnized in 
Nonconformist places of worship, and the " separate 
building, commonly caHed and known by the name of 
the Unitarian Chapel, situated at the east side of the 
Market-place in Kendal " was, on 4th July, 1837, duly 
registered for this purpose. 7 In the foHowing June 
notice was given that the chapel was, on 4th July, 1837, 
registered for the solemnization of marriages, but on this 
occasion the chapel is described as " a separate building 
named the Dissenting Chapel situated on the east side 
of the Market-place. "I The change in the description 
of the chapel was probably made in connection with the 
claim of the Scotch Presbyterians, mentioned later, it 
being regarded as important at the time that the 
Unitarianism of the congregation should not be made 
too prominent. 

In 1837 3- Unitarian was elected to represent Kendal in 
Parliament. This was George William Wood, who later 
was to render useful service to Nonconformity by his work 
for the Dissenters' Chapels Act. Mr. Wood was the son 

* Preston Temperance Advocate, 1837, p. 54. 
■\ London Gazette, 25th July, 1837, p. 1926. 
X London Gazette, 19th June, 1838, p. 1388. 


of a Unitarian minister, the Rev. William Wood, of Leeds. 
He became a prosperous merchant in Manchester, and 
like most of the Unitarians of his generation took an 
active part in public work. In 1832 he was elected M.P. 
for South Lancashire, but was defeated in 1835. Mr. 
Wood stood as " a friend to Civil and Religious Liberty " 
and he seems to have had no previous connection with 
Kendal. When on i8th March, 1837, he made his first 
speech, he stated that "he was probably a stranger to all who 
then heard him, but he did not feel himself altogether a 
stranger to Kendal. He had known for many years and 
highly respected their excellent townsman the late Mr. 
Thomson — a gentleman whom he believed had often 
acted as one of their leaders in their political struggles in 
former days. He had enjoyed the friendship of Mr. 
Thomson's son, the late lamented and distinguished 
Dr. Thomson of Halifax, who was a native of this town 
and whom he had often heard speak of the independent 
spirit of its inhabitants, and of the exertions of the free- 
holders of the town and neighbourhood in their struggles 
for the freedom of Westmorland." He also knew Dr. 
Dalton and Dr. Holme. It is probable enough that his 
introduction to Kendal was due to Dr. Holme. At this 
meeting Mr. Hawkes was one of the speakers, and he and 
two or three other members of the congregation signed 
the requisition to Mr. Wood. Mr. Wood was elected 
without a contest, the Tory who had been nominated 
having withdrawn. Mr. Wood's address of thanks is 
dated 25th July 1832, a curious misprint for 1837. 

Although Mr. Wood was one of Mr. Hawkes's own 
denomination, Mr. Hawkes did not shrink from taking 
him to task when he thought it necessary. In 1839 ^^• 
Wood had seconded the Address, and in doing so had 
referred to the " satisfactory state " of the manufactures 
of the kingdom. The Anti-Corn-Law League was then 
active and Mr. Hawkes was one of its local leaders, and 

EDWARD HAWKES, M.A., 1833-1866. 407 

at an indignation meeting of electors and working men, 
over which Mr. Hawkes presided, the Member of ParHa- 
ment was severely reprimanded for having taken so 
cheerful a view of the state of manufactures, which,, 
instead of being in the condition described by Mr. Wood, 
were believed by the meeting to be in " a most alarming 
and precarious state." The meeting expressed its behef 
that Mr. Wood had inflicted irreparable injury on the 
repeal of the Corn Laws and voted its " total want of 
confidence in Mr. Wood's ability and sincerity." The 
meeting took its tone from its Chairman. A similar 
protest was made by the Kendal Anti-Corn-Law Associa- 
tion, but on reconsideration at a later meeting the 
Association blamed Mr. Hawkes for taking part in the 
workmen's meeting and accepted as satisfactory an 
explanation made by Mr. Wood. No permanent ill- 
feeling seems to have resulted from this affair.* 

Mr. Hawkes was the recipient in 1838 of a silver cream 
jug subscribed for and, to quote the inscription, " Pre- 
sented by a number of the working classes of Kendal as 
a mark of respect to the Rev. Edward Hawkes, M.A., 
for his constant endeavours to promote their mental, 
and moral welfare. Aug. 8th, 1838."! The cream jug, 
a beautiful piece of workmanship, is in the possession 
of Mr. Hawkes's son, Mr. J. E. Hawkes of Birkenhead. 

In 1838 the Unitarian congregation were threatened 
with the loss of their chapel and its endowments. The 
circumstances were these : An orthodox Calvinistic con- 
gregation had, some sixty years before, begun as Presby- 
terian, but had soon become Congregationalist. Though 
efforts were made to continue a Presbyterian congregation 
they eventually failed, and for a considerable period 

* We are indebted to George William Rayner Wood, Esq., J. P., of 
Singleton, for access to his grandfather's papers relating to the period when 
Mr. G. W. Wood was M.P. for Kendal. 

t In Memoriam, p. 13. 


there was in Kendal no congregation of Presbyterians 
other than the Unitarian congregation. 

In 1823 the United Associate Presbytery of Annan 
and Carhsle made a successful attempt to re-introduce 
Calvinistic Presbyterianism into Kendal, and in 1838 
there was a congregation meeting in a chapel in the 
Woolpack Yard. 

Encouraged by proceedings elsewhere this congregation 
of Scotch Seceders, as they were commonly called, decided 
to claim the chapel and endowments held by the 
Unitarians. It is not necessary to assume that the 
only or even the principal motive of the Seceders was 
a mercenary one. No doubt the possession of the chapel 
and endowments had some weight on both sides of the 
controversy, but we shall probably be doing less than 
justice to the Seceders if we do not recognize that their 
chief anxiety was to prevent the continued misappro- 
priation, as they considered it, by the Unitarians, of 
property left, as they argued, for Presbyterian use. 
Their opinion was that the founders of the chapel were 
orthodox Calvinistic Presbyterians, just as the Seceders 
were, and that the endowments left to the Chapel would 
be administered more in accordance with the wishes of 
the founders by Seceders than by Unitarians. 

The Unitarians looked at the matter from a different 
standpoint. In their trust deeds they found no doctrinal 
tests, and they thought that tests were omitted because 
their ancestors believed in religious liberty and had no 
desire to fetter the beliefs of their successors. The Uni- 
tarians therefore held that they were morally and legally 
entitled to the benefits of a foundation deliberately left 
unfettered by tests. In addition, there were sentimental 
reasons. The Unitarians had historic continuity with 
the founders of the chapel. The pews they sat in had 
in many instances belonged to their ancestors and them- 
selves ever since the building of the chapel, they them- 

EDWARD HAWKES, M.A., 1833-1866. 


selves had been baptized in the chapel, and their fathers 
and grandfathers were buried in the chapel yard. 

The Seceders' claim was made formally in a letter to 
the trustees of the chapel sent by Mr. Somervell, a 
trustee of the Scotch Seceders' Meeting House, Woolpack 
Yard, threatening to take legal measures to obtain 
possession of the Presbyterian Chapel and endowments, 
Market Place. The letter was read at the " General 
Meeting of the Protestant Dissenting Congregation 
assembling for religious worship at the Dissenting Chapel, 
Market Place, Kendal," 31st December, 1838, the Rev. 
Edward Hawkes being in the chair, and this resolution 
was passed : — 

1st That a letter having been sent to the Trustees of this Congre- 
gation by Mr, Somervel, a Trustee of the Scotch Seceders' Meeting 
House, Woolpack Yard, Kendal, threatening on the part of the 
Scotch Seceders to take legal measures to obtain possession of the 
Presbyterian Chapel and Endowments, Market Place, Kendal, 

We the undersigned hereby pledge ourselves to guarantee the 
Acting Trustee against loss or injury in defending our property, 
to the amount stated opposite to our several names. 

The list of members of the congregation with the 
amount of the sums guaranteed is interesting : — 







Rev. Edwd. Hawkes 50 

Mr. R. Smith 


Rev. Geo. Lee 


,, A. Hudson . . 


Mr. W. Jolly 


,, E. Swinglehurst 


Mr. J. Pearson . 


,, J. Rexstrow . . 


Misses Thomson . 

• 15 

,, R. Dornan 


Misses Steele 

. 100 

„ J. Gill 



Misses Rodick 

. 100 

,, E. Tyson 


Mr. S. Todd 


Margaret Taylor . . 


Mr. W. Pearson . 


Mr. W. Willan . . 


Mr. J. Spedding . 


,, C. Docker 


Mr. J. Poole 


,, J. Thompson 


,, A. Roper 


Mr. Henry Martin 


,, R. Bateman. 


,, J. Garside 


„ W. Hunt 


Miss Harrison 



Mr. R. Cookson . . ;^i o o Misses Braithwaite ;^2 o o 

,, A. Taylor . . i o o J. Robinson . . 200 

,, W. Garside . . 200 Mr. Rptheram . . 50 o o 

,, J. Whitehead 100 

With a congregational guarantee fund of considerably 
over ;{400 the congregation had no hesitation in appealing 
for assistance to those whose interest in the matter was 
almost as great as that of the congregation. If Kendal 
Chapel had had to be surrendered to the Scotch Seceders, 
there would have been no safety for any of the Unitarian 
churches of early foundation. The congregation accord- 
ingly resolved " That Mr. Hawkes, as Minister of the 
congregation, be authorized to receive, on behalf of the 
Trustees, any additional pecuniary assistance from 
friends unconnected with the Congregation." 

The claim of the Scotch Seceders does not appear to 
have received a legal decision. Doubtless they were 
waiting the result of the final decisions in the two well- 
known cases of the Wolverhampton Chapel and Lady 
Hewley's Trust. The first of these had been in progress 
from 1817, the second from 1830, and in 1842 the House 
of Lords decided in both cases that Unitarians were not 
entitled to endowments left by their Presbyterian fore- 
fathers, even when there was no definite restriction as 
to doctrine. Mr. Hawkes was one of the few ministers 
to whom a proof of the Historical Illustrations was sub- 
mitted by the appellants in Lady Hewley's case. 

The decision of the House of Lords had the contrary 
effect to what had been anticipated by the victors. 
Instead of the Unitarian chapels falling into the hands 
of various sects of Trinitarian Dissenters, a vigorous 
agitation sprang up for the alteration of the law, and 
eventually the Dissenters' Chapels Act was passed. 

Kendal may be said to have had a considerable share 
in this agitation, for it was largely due to George William 
Wood, M.P., for the borough, that the measure was 

EDWARD HAWKES, M.A., 1833-1866. 4II 

passed, though he did not hve to see his work accom- 

In August, 1842, immediately after the decision in the 
Hewley case, a committee, of which Mr. Wood was 
chairman, was formed to secure an alteration of the law. 
The committee explained to the Government the situa- 
tion in which Unitarian congregations were placed by 
the Hewley decision, and asked for a statute of limitation, 
their claim to relief being based simply on long and 
unquestioned possession of the properties, though the 
committee believed that open trusts were left open by 
their founders in order to allow of freedom of opinion. 
The committee was reconstituted a few months later 
and continued its work on behalf of the anti-trinitarian 
congregations. Negotiations were going on throughout 
1843, the member for Kendal taking a leading part in 
them, until his sudden death in October, 1843. He was 
succeeded as chairman by Mr. Mark Philips, M.P., and 
in 1844 the committee's efforts were crowned with success, 
the Bill passing both Houses by large majorities. Amongst 
those who voted for the 2nd and 3rd readings and against 
all amendments were the Premier (Sir Robert Peel), 
Mr. W. E. Gladstone, Lord John Russell, and Mr. Henry 
Warburton, Mr. Wood's successor as M.P. for Kendal. 
The county member, Alderman Thompson, voted against 

The Dissenters' Chapels Act received the royal assent 
on 19th July, 1844, and as, by it, twenty-five years' usage 
was admitted to protect any religious opinions not 
expressly excluded by a trust deed, the Unitarians 
remained in possession of the Market Place Chapel. 

It is noteworthy that, though the Chapel had often 
previously been called the Unitarian Chapel, there was, 
during and shortly after the years of uncertainty from 
1838 onwards, an attempt made to restore to it the older 
designation of Protestant Dissenters' Chapel or Dissenting 


Chapel. We have seen how, in 1838, the title of the 
Chapel as registered for marriages was changed, and an 
advertisement issued in connection with a sermon by 
the Rev. William Gaskell, husband of the novelist, shows 
the same tendency. 

On Sunday next, 

July 2ist, 


Rev. W. Gaskell, M.A. 

of Manchester, 

will preach at the 

Dissenting Chapel, 


for the benefit of the 

Sunday Schools. 

Morning service to commence at 11 o'clock ; Evening Service at 

6 o'clock. 

A Collection will be made each Service. 

Kendal, 20th July, 1844. 

Hewetson, Printer, Finkle Street, Kendal. 

As soon as they were secure in the possession of 
their chapel the congregation set about the long neglected 
work of putting their property in good repair. A sub- 
scription was started to which members of the congrega- 
tion subscribed nearly £500, and an appeal was made 
to other congregations and individuals for help, which 
was generously accorded. The circumstances are related, 
■ — probably by Mr. Hawkes — in a printed paper issued 
in 1845 :— 

Appeal of the English Presbyterian Congregation, in Kendal, 
to their Presbyterian and Unitarian Brethren, for subscriptions 
towards the repair of their chapel and the property attached to 
it, and towards the liquidation of an old debt. 

This Chapel was founded in the early part of last centiiry 
(1720), for the use of the congregation of Protestant Dissenters 
commonly called Presbyterian, without any imposition of doctrinal 
tests ; and the endowments now attached to it, consisting chiefly 
of houses and shops in the town, were given by bfenevolent mem- 
bers of the congregation, long since deceased, for the support of the 

EDWARD HAWKES, M.A., 1833-1866. 413 

Minister for the time being. About forty years ago it became 
necessary to pull down and rebuild a large portion of the houses 
and shops which time had reduced to a state of comparative 
ruin. To make the new buildings as commodious as possible, 
and thereby to secure an increased rental, the Trustees (who 
are all now dead) were obliged to borrow £1,^26, and to purchase 
some adjoining property to secure a right of way. 

For a considerable period the rental was maintained at an 
amount which fully justified the Trustees and Congregation in 
the step they had taken ; and by means of the surplus rental 
an old debt of ;^300 on the minister's house was gradually paid off. 

For a number of years past, however, the trade of the town has 
been declining ; rents have necessarily been reduced ; houses 
and shops have been frequently untenanted ; and the annual 
demand for repairs increased ; and, instead of a surplus, the 
rental has of late years barely met the charges of interest, repairs 
and expenses of management. At the last Annual Meeting, 
held December 31st, 1844 after providing for the above expenses, 
with the aid of the congregational subscriptions towards the 
minister's salary, there remained for the Minister only £g towards 
his salary for the half year ; the deficiency having to be supplied 
by a very few members of the congregation. 

It has been suggested that a portion of the property might 
be sold to reduce the debt : but as the trust deeds contain no 
power of sale, the congregation are advised that, even were it 
likely to be advantageous, it is not practicable. 

There is one circumstance which renders the liquidation of 
the debt very urgent. The mortgagee of ;^2,ooo is an aged person 
who holds the title deeds of the whole property ; and in the 
course of nature the Trustees must very soon be called upon 
to provide for the payment of that sum. 

The uncertainty in which the congregation have been kept 
as to the security of their enjoyment of their chapel and en- 
dowmejits, until the passing of the Dissenters' Chapels Act, 
prevented their making those exertions to liquidate the debt 
which they would otherwise have made. They now, however, 
though deprived of the assistance of most of their wealthier 
members by death or change of residence, have commenced the 
liquidation of the debt thus transmitted to them by their ancestors, 
by subscribing nearly ;/^500, and they earnestly and hopefully 
appeal to their christian friends for their generous assistance. 

The congregation have the satisfaction to state that the Com- 
mittee of the British and Foreign Unitarian Association have 



resolved to make the very liberal grant of £^o in aid of the object 
in view. 

The Rev. Edward Hawkes, M.A. Minister of the Congregation, 
is authorized to receive Subscriptions. 

Subscriptions may be forwarded also to the following gentle- 
men : — 

Mr. James Braithwaite, Acting Trustee, Kendal. 


Wakefield & Co. Kendal. 
Masterman & Co. London. 

Local treasurers. 

Thomas Ainsworth Esq. Trustee, The Flosh, Ravenglass. 

G. R. Greenhow Relph Esq. Trustee, Kevan Ila, Uske. 

John Watson Esq. 56 Holborn Hill, London. 

William Rotheram Esq. Liverpool. 

Thomas Rodick, Esq. J. P. Gateacre, Liverpool. 

William Rayner Wood, Esq. J. P. Manchester. 

Ministers of Congregations. 


G. R. Greenhow Relph, 

Esq., Trustee . .;^ioo o o 
Mrs. Greenhow . . 20 o o 
Misses Thomson . . 100 o o 
Miss Relph . . 30 o o 

Misses Rodick . . 100 o o 
Rev. Edward 

Hawkes, M.A. . . 10 o o 
Misses Steele . . 100 o o 

Rev. George Lee . . 300 
Thomas Ainsworth, 

Esq , Trustee (loan 

at 3 per cent.) . . 100 o o 
William Pearson, 

Esq., High Cragg 500 
Mr. James Braith- 
waite, Acting 

Trustee . . . . 100 

Mr. John Robinson 100 


Mr. Edgar Robinson 
Mr. William Garside 
Mr. William Willan 
Mr. Edward Tyson 
Mr. Ashton Roper 
Mr. Septimus Rawes 
Mr. John Garside . . 
Mr. Henry Rudd . . 
Miss Isabella Jenkinson o 
Mr Adam Taylor . . 
Mr John Pearson, 

Trustee . . 
Mr. John Poole 
Miss Elizabeth Smith 
Miss Margaret Taylor 
Miss Agnes Willan 
Mr. Robert Bateman 
Mr. Richard Smith 
Mrs. Line . . 

















EDWARD HAWKES, M.A., 183V1866. 


■ General Subscriptions 
British and Foreign Unitarian Association . . 
William Rotheram, Esq., Liverpool 
John Watson Esq. 56 Holborn Hill, London 
W. Strickland Cookson Esq. Bedford Square, London 
William Rayner Wood, Esq. Manchester . . 
Mrs. Wood, Manchester 
James Heywood, Esq. Manchester .. 
Samuel Alcock, Esq. Manchester 
James Aspinall Turner, Esq. Manchester . . 
S. Dukinfield Darbishire, Esq. Manchester . . 

The printed list ends here, but in a MS. book and other 
papers the following additional subscriptions are recorded : 












Mr. John Richardson ;^o 5 o A Friend, Kendal . 
B. Worthington, Esq. 200 

£^ o 


F. Lupton Esq. 

• ^5 

I. D. Lucceck 

• £2 

Thos. W. Tottie Esq. 5 

J. Lupton . . 

W. Brown . . 


J. Atkinson 

Hamer Stansfield Esq. 5 

David Metcalf 

E. G. 


H. H. Stansfeld 

Darnton Lupton . 


T. Holmes . . 

James Buckton . 



R. E. Harvey 


Timothy Jevons 

■ £5 

J. P. Heywood 


Ottiwell Wood Esc 

1- 5 

B. H. Jones 


C. Tayleur . . 


Misses Mather 


J. Cropper . . 


Dr. Winstanley 


Jas. Rawdon 


S. J. Clegg Esq. . . 


— Gair Esq. 


Edw. Cox Esq. 


R. P. Rodick 


Misses Yates 


Th. Rodick Junr . 


Tho. Bolton 


Messrs. Allen 



John D. Thornely 


0. P.* 


A Liverpool friend 


Thomas Thornely 

Tho. Jevons 


Esq. M.P. 


Another list gives O.P. (Mrs. Dawson). 




Thos. Grundy Esq. ;^io o o Mr. T. S. Grundy and 

Mrs. T. Grundy . . lo o o brothers . . . . ;^io o o 


;/^5 o o Mark Philips Esq. 


2500 Edw. Enfield Esq. . . 

Presbyterian Fund 
Henry Warburton 

Esq. M.P. 

J. A. Yates Esq. . . 10 o o A Friend 
James Coppock Esq. 10 o o B. L. Jones Esq 
Dr. Bowring, M.P. 500 

[No address] 






Miss Travies 




from loose papers 

Rev. John Robberds 


Isaac Dawson Esq. 


Mr. Willmer 


Mr. Tate . . 


Rev. J. H. Thorn . . 


Lindsey Aspland Esq. 



Henry Booth Esq. 


Mrs. Edwards 

A Friend (Mrs. 



Banks) . . 


Mr. W. Gaitor 


Sam. Thornely Esq. 


Mr. J. Robinson . . 


Mrs. Roger Gaskell 


Mr. John^Richardson 

Mrs. Broadbent . . 




Miss Gaskell 


Misses K. and M. 

Dawson . . 


Mr. Hawkes spent many weeks in collecting subscrip- 

The list of subscriptions, probably not quite exhaustive, 
shows how generally and generously the English Uni- 
tarians assisted the Kendal congregation, encouraged, 
no doubt, by the manner in which the congregation had 
itself subscribed. 

The names on this old list of subscribers are interesting. 
vSome notice of those who were or became trustees are 
given elsewhere. William Rotheram was son of Caleb 
Rotheram the younger ; Thomas Rodick, J. P., was a 
merchant in Liverpool, and had a country seat near 

EDWARD HAWKES, M.A., 1833-1866. 417 

Arnside, where he died 7th June, 1855, aged 67 ; Wilham 
Rayner Wood, J. P., of Manchester, was the son of G. 
W. Wood, M.P. ; Wihiam Pearson of Borderside, was 
one of Mrs. Hawkes's brothers-in-law and author of an 
interesting volume of essays. 

William Willan, who died 30th May, 1875, aged 71, 
was a foreman house carpenter, and married a daughter 
of Richard Smith, and thus became brother-in-law of 
Alderman John Robinson, a trustee. Mr. Willan's 
daughters, Agnes and Margaret, had a school in Strick- 
landgate ; Richard Smith was a weaver, a gifted contro- 
versialist, a decided Unitarian and esteemed for the 
courage with which he expressed his opinions. 

The list of general subscriptions included some well- 
known Unitarian names, amongst which may be men- 
tioned James Heywood, M.P., James Aspinall Turner, 
M.P., and Samuel Alcock,* of Manchester. 

The Leeds list includes Judge Stansfeld and several 
members of the Lupton family ; the Liverpool list 
contains the names of John Pemberton Heywood, the 
Misses Yates, several Thornelys,| John Cropper, and the 
Rev. J. Hamilton Thom. 

It would probably be on this occasion that " the chapel 
was re-roofed, the walls stone finished, and an organ pur- 
chased which had been in use in the old Roman Catholic 

* Samuel Alcock died at Burrow Hall, Kirkby Lonsdale, on 28th September, 
1858, aged 68, being buried at Tunstall. Though credit is not given to him 
in the histories of the Owens College (now the University of Manchester) there 
can be little doubt that it was he who suggested to John Owens the foundation 
of a college on an entirely unsectarian basis. Owens had been an Independent 
and a nominal Churchman. In his later years he was very intimate with his 
neighbours, Mr. Alcock, the Rev. J. G. Robberds, the Rev. J. J. Tayler, the Rev. 
William Turner and Mr. Robert Nicholson, my father, all of whom were mem- 
bers of the only denomination in which freedom from tests was not only a 
principle but a practice on which its own colleges were conducted. The Man- 
chester New College was then in Manchester and they were all connected with 
it. My mother was present on many occasions when these friends discussed 
unsectarian education, for which Alcock was an enthusiast. If he did not 
suggest the foundation Alcock was certainly the one, of all the founder's friends, 
most likely to understand and appreciate the importance of the essential idea of 
the foundation — education unfettered by theological tests — and that is perhaps 
whv he was named as executor with George Faulkner, the founder's partner 
and life-long friend, who was a Churchman. — F.N. 

t Including Samuel Thornely, my grandfather.— F.N. 

2 E 


Church."* According to Mr. Jennings, the first organist 
was Wihiam G. Garside, engraver on stone, a signed 
specimen of whose work as a monumental mason is now 
on the chapel wall. Garside was also a painter and an 
engraver. Mr. Jennings possessed a view of Kendal 
Church engraved by Garside. 

Garside supplied Mr. Hawkes with a panel on which 
he had painted the " arms " of Hawkes impaling those 
of Greenhow, and he also engraved for Mr. Hawkes an 
armorial bookplate, with the motto " Honeste et audax." 
Mr. Hawkes used to say jocularly that the motto was 
intended to be read " Honesty and owd Hawkes." 

Possibly to mark the beginning of a new era in the 
history of the renovated chapel, the Rev. George Harris 
of Newcastle, a famous Unitarian minister of that time, 
preached two sermons in the chapel on August 2nd, 
1S46. The bill announcing the sermons was printed by 
the Rev. George Lee at the Mercury Office, and the 
chapel is styled the " Protestant Dissenting Chapel," 
there being no reference to Unitarianism. The same 
peculiarity is observable in an undated handbill, probably 
of the same year, announcing a course of lectures by Mr. 
Hawkes on " the principal features of Christianity," to 
be delivered on ten successive Sunday evenings beginning 
October 4th. 

During Mr. Hawkes's time the congregation was the 
recipient of a bequest of £1,000 from Dr. Holmej of 
Manchester, who died in 1847 

* Nightingale's Lancashire Nonconformity, 1., 283. 

t Edward Holme was a native of Kendal, and his baptism is recorded in 
the chapel register nth March, 1770, " Edward son of Thomas Holme, mercer, 
Stricklandgate." This Thomas Holme, mercer, was a Trustee of the Chapel 
from 1782 to his death, in September, 1801, and the Doctor's grandfather, 
Edward Holme, mercer, was a Trustee from 1737-1755. The Doctor was 
educated at Sedbergh and afterwards at the Manchester Academy. In 
Manchester he had the further advantage of being for two years an inmate 
of the house of Thomas Percival, M.D., F.R.S., for whom he acted as amanuen- 
sis and reader. He pursued his studies at Gottingen, Edinburgh and Leyden, 
where he took his degree of M.D. in 1793. In the previous year he had begun 
practice in Manchester, and had been elected Honorary Physician to the 
Infirmary. In spite of this good beginning it was 20 years or more before 

EDWAKD HAWKES, M.A., 1833-1866. 419 

Dr. Holme's fortune was about £50,000. University 
College, London, received the largest share of this, but 
£2,000 was left to Cross Street Chapel, Manchester, 
numerous friends and relatives, including the Misses 
Sarah and Elizabeth Thomson and Miss Hannah Steele 
had legacies, and £1,000 was left to the Market Place 
Chapel, where he had himself worshipped when a boy 
and with which his family had been connected for more 
than a century. 

In 1S47 Mr. Hawkes, who was ever on the alert to 
defend Unitarianism, printed a reply* to the Rev. J. 
A. Latrobe, who, in the course of a speech delivered at 
the annual meeting of the Kendal Auxiliary Bible Society 
in June, 1847, had said : — 

But while the Society might be looked upon as a Peace Society, 
as binding all Christians in union, it must also be regarded as 
an aggressive institution. It attacks all the bulwarks of sin 
and Satan ; it makes no truce with essential error, but pours a 
flood of divine light on darkness ; on the darkness of Socinian 
and Social Infidelity, on Mahometan Imposture, on Heathen 
Superstition, on Popish Corruption, &c. 

^Ir. Hawkes indignantly denied the propriety of des- 
cribing Unitarians as Socinians. "To be called a 
Socinian," he says, " is regarded by the Unitarian 
Christian as a libel, little short of being called a ' Trini- 
tarian ' or an ' Idolator.' " He concluded his letter to 

he became really successful in practice. He was a member of the Literary 
and Philosophical Society, its secretary for four years, vice-president for 
forty-six years, and president from 1844 to his death. He was one of the 
founders of the Portico Library and its president for twenty-eight years, 
first president of the Manchester Natural History Society and of the Chetham 
Society, and filled other positions of the kind. He died November 28th, 
1847, aged 78, and was buried in Ardwick Cemetery near his old friend and 
fellow northcountryman, John Dalton. He was never married. A memoir, 
with a portrait, of Dr. Holme appears in Dr. E. M. Brockbank's Honorary 
Medical Staff of the Manchester Infirmary, p. 191. 

* " A discourse published for the benefit of the Rev. J. A. Latrobe, minister 
of St. Thomas's Church, Kendal. By the Rev. Edward Hawkes, M.A., 
Minister of the Protestant Dissenting Chapel, Market Place, Kendal. The 
Profits to be devoted to the promotion of Christian knowledge, truth and 
charity amongst the Evangelical Clergy. London : J. Chapman." [1847] 
12° pp. 12. 

There is a copy in the Jackson Library, Tullie House, Carlisle. 


Mr. Latrobe " In hope of your improved Christian 
knowledge and temper." 

A Httle later in the same year Mr. Hawkes addressed 
a public letter* to Alderman Thompson, the newly 
re-elected M.P. for Westmorland, in which exception 
was taken to Mr. Thompson's words, " The Socinian 
Chapels Bill — a bill for securing to Socinians and their 
chapels a portion of the funds left for religious purposes 
by benevolent members of the Protestant Church. This 
was also inconsistent with Protestant principles." Mr. 
Hawkes protested against the application to the Uni- 
tarians of the name Socinian, which, though " given to 
them by their ignorant and uncharitable opponents, they 
uniformly disavow and reject," and he made a further 
protest against the Dissenters' Chapels Act being des- 
cribed as the Socinian Chapels Bill. Mr. Hawkes signed 
the letter as " Your unrepresented constituent, Edward 
Hawkes, Lane Foot, near Kendal." 

From 1850 to 1852 the Parish Church was being 
restored, and amongst the discarded material of the 
old church were some carved stones which found their 
way to the burial ground of the Chapel, and were there 
preserved for 50 years. They were then returned to 
the Parish Church, as appears by an inscription on the 
outside of the east end of the church : — 

Stones removed from the Church at the Restoration in 1850. 
They were preserved in the LTnitarian Burial Ground and lianded 
over by the Trustees of tliat Body in igoi. 

In accordance with a growing feeling as to the un- 
hcalthiness of there being crowded bm-ial grounds in 
towns, there was an Order in Council, dated 29th March, 
1854, that not more than one more body should be 
buried in each grave in the Unitarian Burial Ground, 
and that burials there should be discontinued from and 

* Probalily in the hlercufy, but it was also printed as a broadside. 

EDWARD HAWKES, M.A., 1833-1866. 42I 

after ist January, 1855. By Orders in Council Sth 
February, 21st May, and 21st July, 1855, the date was 
successively extended to ist June, 1855, ist August, 
1855, and loth September, 1855, on which date pre- 
sumably, as there was no later Order in Council, burials 
in the chapel yard entirely ceased.* 

The death of the Emperor Nicholas, in 1855, was the 
occasion of a letter from Mr. Hawkes to the Kendal 
Mercury. It was reprinted as a broadside, f and Mr. 
Hawkes told Mr. Jennings that he considered it one of the 
best letters he had ever written. It dealt with the 
horrors of war and with the difficulties of the Crimean 
War then at its most discouraging period. In this letter 
Mr. Hawkes propounded the theory, since elaborated 
by M. Bloch, that war would ultimately become im- 

The weapons, and other means of destruction employed in the 
present contest, have been wonderfully increased in the rapidity 
and range of their operation, and the deadliness of their character. 
Ingenuity is still actively engaged in inventing still more huge 
and destructive weapons, so that it is certainly within the range 
of possibility that the art of warfare may be brought to so tre- 
mendous a pitch of desolation as to destroy itself — to render 
the resort to arms so terrible and desperate that no nation will 
possess the hardihood, nay the madness, to risk its fatal and 
ruinous effects. 

Another suggestion of Mr. Hawkes 's is that in order 
to end the war it might be desirable or necessary to 
appoint a dictator : — 

An absolute monarch can secure the most perfect secrecy in 
carrying out all his military plans, and has only to command 
and be immediately and implicitly obeyed. While, in our free 
representative government, no mighty armaments can be raised, 

* London Gazette, 31st March, 1854, p. 1016 ; gtli February, 1855, p. 481 ; 
25th May, 1855, p. 2011 ; 24th July, 1855, p. 2833. 

t "The death of Nicholas. To the Editor of the Kendal Mercury. 'How 
are the mighty fallen.' " 


no provision for their effectiveness secured, no action of any 
material nature adopted or commenced without the consent of 
many parties, or without much pubhc discussion and comment. 
To place ourselves, therefore, on some kind of level with our 
formidable enemy it seems to be almost an unavoidable necessity 
to entrust some leader with a dictatorial, and all but absolute 
authority, to conduct the war according to his uncontrolled 
judgment, and to supply him with the amplest means for carrying 
into effect every design he deems to be essential. 

In 1858 the Corporation took over the Whitehall 
Buildings and transformed them into the Town Hall. 
Amongst other alterations of the building it was proposed 
that there should be added a clock tower at a cost of 
from ;£300 to £400. Mr. Hawkes entered the arena as 
an aggrieved and overburdened ratepayer who objected 
to the expenditure of this money " for the desecration 
of a neat classical Town Hall." In a letter to the West- 
morland Gazette he affirmed " that the town clock, in 
its present situation amply satisfies the wants of the 
town as an index to the correct time," and " that the 
erection of a clock tower on the new Town Hall would 
injure the appearance of the building and would incur 
a large and useless expense." The Mayor, Mr. John 
Wakefield, offered to present a clock, and, despite the 
opposition of Mr. Hawkes, a tower was built for it. 

In i860 and 1861 Mr. Hawkes preached a series of 
popular addresses on religious subjects. These were 

* " Come unto me all ye that labour." A popular address, No. i. By 
Edward Hawkes, M.A., Kendal. Manchester : A. Ireland & Co., i860. 
12° pp. 14- 

Consolations of the Gospel. A popular address. No. 2. By Edward 
Hawkes, M.A., Kendal. Manchester : Johnson and Rawson . . . Kendal : 
T. Atkinson. 12° pp. 16. 

The Father unchangeable : The God of Moses and the Prophets the God 
of Jesus and the Apostles. A popular address. No. 3. With prayers. By 
Edward Hawkes, M.A., Kendal. Manchester : A. Ireland and Co. 1861. 
12° pp. 16. 

The two first were also issued together under the title of " Two popular 
addresses, on the persuasive character of the Gospel, and the consolations 
of the Gospel." 

EDWARD HAWKES, M.A., 1833-1866. 423 

On July 30th, 1861, Mr. Hawkes performed the cere- 
mony at the marriage of the well-known Rev. Goodwyn 
Barmby at Troutbeck Bridge Chapel, Windermere. 

In 1862 Mr. Hawkes was interesting himself in a dis- 
cussion, in the Westmorland Gazette, on the Parish Church 

He was, for many years, a frequent writer for the 
Mercury, of which his friend, Mr. Lee, was editor. One 
long series of letters was written in the Westmorland 
dialect under the nom de plume of " Tauld Toon Clock " 
(The old Town Clock). 

The early years of Mr. Hawkes's ministry were years 
of progress, and he made an important position in the 
town for himself. That his work was not signalized by 
a great increase in the congregation was due to some 
extent to the interest he took in the material progress 
of his young men. For many of these he found openings 
away from Kendal to their personal advantage, no doubt, 
but not to that of the congregation. 

Mr. Hawkes died January 15th, 1866, and was buried, 
not in the chapel yard, which was closed, but in the Castle 
Street Cemetery, where there is a gravestone with the 
following inscription : — 

The resting place of the Rev. Edward Hawkes, M.A. for 32 
years Minister of the Unitarian Chapel in this town, died 15th 
January 1866 in his 63rd year. 

By the courtesy of the Rev. H. W. Hawkes and Mr. 
J. E. Hawkes we are able to quote a notice of Mr. Hawkes 
which was read by the former at a family gathering in 
commemoration of the centenary of the birth of Edward 
Hawkes. It gives some interesting information as to 
Mr. Hawkes's private life, and a fair estimate of his 
public work : — 

Edward Hawkes was an M.A. of Glasgow University and was 
a scholarly man. He was passionately fond of reading, and 


had accumulated a large library, which entirely filled one side 
of a fair-sized room and overflowed on to tables, chairs, floor 
and wherever else there was room. I do not think that the bulk 
of these books were of much value, as he could not afford costly 
works, and chiefly bought off second hand book dealers. A 
good ninnber were on old-fashioned divinity subjects ; many 
were biographies and collections of anecdotes, and some were 
classics. They were not methodically arranged yet their owner 
could put his hand on almost any of them in the dark, as indeed 
he often did on sleepless nights, when he sought a book to beguile 

Mr. Hawkes was very artistic in his tastes, as some of his 
descendants are. He collected volumes of engravings as far as 
his nreans would allow, and the walls of the library, (as we called 
the upstairs room we almost entirely lived in, and which was 
really tvTO rooms thrown together) were adorned with brackets 
upholding good copies of well-known sculptures, busts and 
statuettes. Pictures also abounded, though none of much merit 
or value. 

In addition to this taste for painting and sculpture he had 
in his earlier days had a turn for sketching and catching portraits. 
His touch was light and clean. When a boy of twelve he made 
a pencil copy of a well-known picture of the crucifixion, which 
showed very real ability. 

Music was also part of his artistic temperament. 

The I\endal Museum owed a good deal to Mr Hawkes, who, I 
believe, was one of the prime movers in its formation, and who 
lectured sometimes at the literary meetings held in connection 
with it. He presented to it, amongst other objects, the barometer 
which his friend John Dalton always carried with him when 
mountaineering to measure the height of the respective hills in 
the Lake District. It was a plain wooden-cased mercury baronreter 
that looked home made. 

He was a great lover of nature. Scenery, skies, the beauties 
of the changing seasons were an unfailing source of delight to him. 

In his younger days he was a great pedestrian, walking, I have 
heard, fifty or more miles a day in the Lake District. He was 
also a good swimmer, a skater and in other ways athletic. I 
remember his playing cricket with some boys, when his foot 
slipped and in falling he broke his leg. Indeed he had at one 
time or another broken or dislocated many limbs, and had nar- 
rowly escaped death in other ways. 

Another of his strong interests was Politics. He was a sturdy 

EDWARD HAWKES, M.A., 1833-1866. 425 

Liberal and a born lighter, as his father had been before him. 
I owe my Christian name of Henry Warburton to the fact that 
a Member of Parliament for Kendal, of that name, was elected 
at the time of my birth, largely, I have been told owing to the 
energy and electioneering ability he displayed. He made good 
use of his connection with sitting members, especially Mr. George 
Carr Glyn (afterwards Lord Wolverton), not for his own benefit, 
but for that of young Kendal men, more than one of whom, 
through his influence, got situations in the clearing-house and in 
the London and North Western Railwa3% of which Mr. Glyn was 

He was also one of the band of lecturers who successfully 
agitated the country in opposition to the Corn-laws, and secured 
their repeal. 

Mr. Hawkes was a thorough Democrat, in so far as his sym- 
pathy with the poor of the town went, and he defended their 
rights and interests, again and again, against the aggressions of 
the wealthy and greedy. He carried on incessant warfare against 
attempts to alienate common-lands belonging to the whole town- 
ship, in order to provide eligible building sites for the well-to-do, 
and it was owing to his slashing letters in the local papers, his 
powerful and scornful speeches at town-meetings, and his general 
watchfulness that Kendal still retains much of its present common 
land. Ancient pathways were also an object of his vigilance, 
and many a charming walk through the fields has been kept 
open to the public through his efforts. 

He was a democrat also in his frank intercourse with working 
people. He put no side on with the humblest, but met them 
as man to man. He was largely concerned in the Mechanics' 
Institute where he lectured and discussed frequently at one time, 
and was always an advocate for education. As a consequence 
he was very popular amongst the working classes, who, on one 
occasion, subscribed for and presented him with, a silver cream 
jug bearing an inscription. I have, not many years ago, met 
with several working men who retained a warm affection and high 
respect for him, and who spoke of what the town owed to him. 

As a preacher, as far as my memory and judgment go, he 
was more refined and cultured than stirring or powerful. He 
almost invariably wrote and read both his sermons and prayers, 
and on the very rare occasions when he preached without manu- 
script (owing once or twice to his having left his sermon at home 
by accident) he so entirely adopted his written style and delivery, 
that everyone thought he had his manuscript before him. 


I have very little recollection of the matter of his sermons. 
They were quiet and rarely controversial. What his theological 
position was I hardly know. In those days the older Unitarianism 
was almost universal, and James Martineau, and John James 
Tayler were looked on as dangerous and heretical innovators. 
And yet I think his mind was of a rationalistic order. He laid 
no stress on the miracles and other supernatural elements of the 
Bible, and, had he lived later would have probably welcomed 
the newer thought. Personally, I do not think the pulpit was 
his right and fitting place. He would have been happier and 
more useful as a barrister ; but when a man has been brought 
up and educated with a view to one profession, it is very difficult 
to break away from it and make a new start. 

, He was acknowledged to be a most delightful conversationalist 
and companion. He was witty, had a wonderful store of apt 
anecdotes on almost every subject, and was overflowing, as a 
rule, with good humour. He could however, on occasion, be 
bitingly sarcastic and severe. 

With great powers of mind, real goodness of heart and with 
undeveloped possibilities in his nature, he was wasted and buried 
alive in a stagnant country town such as Kendal then was, and 
as a result lost heart and energy. He was a square peg in a 
round hole, or vice versa, and felt his life largely a failure. 

In one of his last conversations with me, he pathetically said, 
" If I had to write my own epitaph it would be ' Nearly did 
it ! '" 

Mrs. Hawkes had died at Lane Foot, near Kendal, on 
September 29th, 1847, " after a decline of several years," 
and was buried in the Chapel yard,* where there is a 
headstone inscribed : — 

The last resting place of 


wife of the Revd. Edward Hawkes, MA 

Minister of this chapel 

and fifth daughter 

of John Greenhow of this town 

and Ann his wife 

* The closing of the burial ground at the Chapel prevented the burial of 
Mr. Hawkes with his wife. He, as has been mentioned, was buried in the 

EDWARD HAWKES, M.A., 1833-1866. 427 

Born Deer. 23 1809 

Died Sepr. 29 1847 

An infant daughter Clara 

is buried in the same grave. 

Mr. Hawkes had issue, Louisa, born 7th June, 1837, 
died 2nd November, 1890 ; John Edward Hawkes, born 
4th March, 1839, ^ow of Abbot's Well, Birkenhead, to 
whom we are indebted for much help in the compilation 
of this chapter ; Hester Emily, born 28th November, 
1841, wife of Washington Champion Rawlins, J.P. ; the 
Rev. Henry Warburton Hawkes, born 26th October, 1843, 
Unitarian minister in Liverpool, Bootle and West Kirby, 
and sometime a voluntary missionary in Japan ; and 
Clara, born 30th July, 1846, died November, 1846. 



Recent History. 

THE history of Kendal Chapel during the last sixty 
years or so is rather melancholy reading. Its 
decadence set in during the later years of Mr. Hawkes's 
ministry. An unfriendly but probably accurate observer 
stated that " it is with difficulty a congregation sufficient 
to carry on the service is maintained."* This was pre- 
sumably towards the end of Mr. Hawkes's time, but 
shortly afterwards the congregation showed that it had 
some inherent vitality by reviving the annual tea meeting 
which had been suspended for a long time. On December 
31st, 1866, a tea meeting and festive party was held in 
a large room in the town, at which about 80 persons 
were present. " The hearty goodwill and friendly sym- 
pathy which animated all present, were regarded as a 
happy augury for the future energy and religious life of 
the congregation."! 

The pulpit was served by supplies for nearly two years, 
from 2ist January, 1866, to 5th January, 1S6S. During 
this period some of the best known men in the Unitarian 
ministry occupied the pulpit, many of them preaching 
on three or four Sundays. Amongst them may be men- 
tioned the Revs. C. B. Upton, John Robberds, S. A. 
Steinthal, John Lunn, John Cropper, Henry Green, J. 
Hamilton Thom, John Shannon, Charles W. Robberds, 
Dr. James Drummond, Dr. G. V. Smith, T. E. Poynting, 
Dr. J. R. Beard, J. Page Hopps, Goodwyn Barmby, A. 
W. Worthington, W. Blazeby, Dr. Marcus, W. H. Herford, 
M. C. Frankland, James Black, Henry Warburton 

* James's Presbyterian Chapels and Charities, 1867, p. 842. 
t Unitarian Herald, January 4th, 1867, p. 7. 


Hawkes, W. Binns, G. H. Wells, J. Harrop, and Thomas 

At length a minister was appointed, the choice of the 
congregation falling on the Rev. James Edwin Odgers,* 
M.A., whose term of oihce, however, covered only one 
year, from ist January to 31st December, 1868. His 
service at Kendal Chapel was too short to have affected 
its history seriously, but his subsequent ministerial and 
tutorial career suggests that by Mr. Odgers's resignation 
the Chapel lost a minister who might have restored it 
to great usefulness. 

In June, 1868, a new trust deed was executed. The 
retiring trustees under the deed of 1833 were Messrs. 
George Relph Greenhow Relph, Thomas Webster, and 
Thomas Ainsworth. The new trustees were John Green- 
how, Esq. ; John Robinson, plumber ; Robert Atkin, 
weaver ; Rawdon Briggs Lee, newspaper proprietor ; 
and Edgar Robinson, leather merchant, all of Kendal ; 
William Thornely, gentleman, and Alfred Thornely, 
gentleman, both of Windermere, and Robert Burning 
Holt, of Orrest Head, Windermere, gentleman. 

Before Mr. Odgers's term had expired the congregation 
had secured his successor — the Rev. John Tait Russell. 
He was born in Glasgow in 1841, and had attended the 
chapel there, of which H. W. Crosskey was minister. 
He studied at Manchester New College, London, from 
1861 to 1S68. Kendal was his first appointment. He 
had a hearty though informal welcome at the congre- 
gational party. 

At the morning service on Sunday, 27th December, 
1868, an induction service was held. Mr. Odgers read 

* Mr. Odgers was born at Plymouth 14th April, 1843, received his education 
at Manchester New College, and graduated at London in 1865. After 15 
months as assistant minister at Renshaw Street, Liverpool, he came to 
Kendal. Afterwards he was minister at Bridgwater (1869-1878), Toxteth 
Park (1878-1882), and Altrincham (1882-1893). In 1882 he was appointed 
Theological Tutor to the Unitarian Home Missionary Board, of which he 
was Principal from 1884-1801. In 1894 he was appointed Hibbert Lecturer 
on Ecclesiastical History at Manchester College, Oxford. 


the Scripture lesson and offered up a solemn prayer. 
The Rev. William Gaskell of Manchester also prayed. 
Then the Rev. H. W. Crosskey of Glasgow gave Mr. 
Russell the right hand of fellowship, and, in earnest and 
affectionate words, welcomed him to the arduous work 
of the ministry. Mr. Russell in reply expressed the 
aims and hopes with which he entered on his labours. 
Mr. Gaskell then delivered an address to the young 
minister and his congregation, in which he set forth the 
duties of both, arising out of the connection which had 
been voluntarily formed, and exhorted them to make 
it fruitful in spiritual profit. Mr. Crosskey preached at 
the evening service.* 

One of the first fruits of Mr. Russell's ministry was the 
re-establishment of the Sunday School on February 
14th, 1869. It opened with 14 scholars, and by May 
i6th had increased to 38 scholars with 12 teachers. j 
The Sunday School continued to be successful. At the 
annual party on 2nd January, 1871, Mr. Russell dis- 
tributed the prizes and stated that the school was in a 
flourishing and healthy condition, having improved 
during the year in the number, good conduct and regu- 
larity of the scholars. 

In the same year was held a combined meeting of the 
Unitarian congregations of Lancaster, Preston and 

The third reunion of the three congregations was held 
at Kendal on September 25th, 1873.^ The visitors 
arrived in the morning and made a full day, principally 
devoted to seeing the neighbourhood. But in the evening 
there was a social meeting at which Councillor John 
Robinson presided, and addresses were given by Messrs. 
Dalby and Richardson of Preston and the Rev. J. C. 

* Unitarian Herald, ist January, 1869. 
t Unitarian Herald, 21st May, 1869. 
% Unitarian Herald, 3rd October, 1873. 


Lunn of Lancaster on behalf of the visitors, and by Mr. 
Russell and Mr. Greenhow for the Kendal friends. 

At the Sunday School treat in January, 1874, it was 
reported that the School still continued successful, thanks 
principally to the ladies of the congregation. The school 
had quite as many scholars as there was accommodation 
for, and the need of a new school was beginning to be 
felt. Later in the year (September) a bazaar was held in 
the Mechanics' Institute in aid of a fund for erecting a 
Sunday School in connection with the Chapel. Mr. 
Russell gave an address at the opening of the bazaar.* 

On March 31st Kendal had a visit from the Rev. 
Charles Wicksteed, who dehvered a lecture in the Chapel, 
which, on this occasion, was well filled. 

Mr. Russell's term as minister expired on 5th April, 
1874. He and Mrs. Russell were the recipients of a 
of a walnut stationery case and a card basket respectively 
as expressions of the esteem in which they were held by 
the Sunday School scholars and teachers. f 

Mr. Russell was minister at Macclesfield from 1875 
to 1885, when he retired through ill health. He died 
27th February, 1888. 

Mr. Russell's successor was the Rev. WilHam Birks, 
a native of Stoney Middleton, Derbyshire, where he was 
born 29th April, 1843. After studying at the Unitarian 
Home Missionary Board College, 1864 to 1867, he became 
minister at Hastings in 1867 and removed to Gloucester 
in 1870. From Gloucester he came to Kendal, his 
ministry dating from 2nd December, 1874. The con- 
gregation had a social meeting in the Oddfellows' Hall 
in April, 1875, to welcome Mr. Birks. Councillor Robinson 
was the chairman, and proposed the welcome, being 
supported by Messrs. Greenhow and Crossley. Mr. Birks 
replied. The Rev. Joseph Lee of Barnard Castle was 

* Unitarian Herald, 2nd October, 1874. 
t Unitarian Herald, 30th October, 1874. 


also a speaker.* The new Sunday School was brought 
a little nearer by another bazaar, held in September, 
1875, in the Mechanics' Hall. Though the rain came 
down in torrents on the opening day the attendance was 
good. Mr. Birks spoke on the objects of the bazaar and 
recited some original poetry composed for the occasion. | 

Harvest Thanksgiving and Hospital Sunday services 
were held on the last Sunday in October. J 

Mr. Birks ceased to be minister 28th June, 1877. § 

In 1877 Mr. Birks's resignation and the death and 
removal of trustees made a new trust necessary, although 
the trust deed was but nine years old. Of the old trustees, 
Messrs. Edgar Robinson, William Thornely and R. D. 
Holt were disqualified by removal beyond the twenty- 
mile radius from Kendal, and Messrs. John Greenhow 
and Alfred Thornely were dead. The surviving resident 
trustees were John Robinson, Robert Atkin and Rawdon 
Briggs Lee, who, with the first three, transferred the trust 
to Philip Bateman, dyer ; James Crossley, iron moulder ; 
Samuel Naylor, warehouseman ; James Tyson, bank 
porter ; William Bolton, tailor ; Martin Hodgson, 
tailor ; John Barwise, maltster ; and Fergus Lamb, 
gardener, all of Kendal. 

The pulpit had been vacant nine months when the 
Rev. James Macdonald was, on ist April, 1878, appointed 
minister. He was born in Oldham in 1845, and was a 
student of the Unitarian Home Missionary Board. He 
had been minister at Nantwich from 1869 to 1873 and at 
Sunderland for four years before coming to Kendal. 
For some time fresh life animated the Kendal congre- 
gation, and the membership began to increase. In 

* Unitarian Herald, 23rd April, 1875. 

t Unitarian Herald, loth September, 1875. 

% Unitarian Herald, 5 th November, 1875. 

§ Subsequently he was minister at Wolverhampton, Portsmouth, Banbury, 
Sunderland and Aberdeen. He retired in 1893. He was interested in astronomy, 
and was elected F.R.A.S. in 1887. 


January, 1880, it was stated that during the previous 
18 months there had been an increase of 17 subscribers. 

Towards the end of 1879 Mr. Macdonald gave a series 
of Sunday evening lectures which attracted a considerable 
number of strangers. 

In January, 1880, the members of the Book Societies 
connected with the chapel had a soiree at the Mechanics' 
Institution,* and on 29th December the members of the 
congregation held their annual entertainment in the 
Oddfellows' HalLj 

In June, 1881, the Sunday School teachers and children 
had a happy gathering at Spitall Wood. They had tea 
in the Dutch Barn, but drenching rain prevented the 
singing of hymns in Mrs. Birkett's farm-yard as in former 
years. J 

In Mr. Macdonald's early years the chapel was renovated 
and a new Sunday School was built. 

In September, 1881, the chapel was closed for the 
purpose of " improving the barn-like appearance of the 
ceiling, putting in a new heating apparatus, in place of 
the unsightly stoves, and also erecting a new organ." 
Other matters wanted attending to, but the committee 
intended to defer until the following Spring the removal 
of the " antiquated leaden windows, and the dilapidated 
seats on the cold flag floor." But the organ builder was 
loath to erect his new organ and then have it damaged by 
the chapel being again filled with workmen and material, 
and the committee barkened to his counsel and decided 
to proceed with the work at once. Having insufficient 
funds, the committee earnestly appealed " for the con- 
tinuance of that prompt generosity they have so far been 
favoured with, in order that they might be enabled to 
meet further liabilities." 

* Unitarian Herald, 23rd January, 1880. 
t Unitarian Herald, 7th January, 1881. 
X Unitarian Herald, loth June, 1881. 

2 P 


Then began the restoration of the chapel, of which 
the Unitarian Herald* gave the following account : — 

Rev. J. Macdonald, has taken great interest in the restoration, 
and been most assiduous in seeing that the work was carried out 
thoroughly well in every detail. The cost of alterations and 
fittings is close upon ;^iooo. An artistic memorial window is 
given by Mr. John Robinson. 

The restoration of the chapel has been very complete, all the 
old fashioned seats and the three decker pulpit having been 
removed, and all the floors and windows taken out ; in fact very 
little remains of the old building but the walls. The new seats 
are made of the finest figured pitch-pine, open ends, with sloping 
and moulded backs. . . . All the aisles and the vestibule are 
tiled with 4 inch tiles, the space within the communion rails 
being laid with encaustic tiles of a very rich pattern. The neat 
pitch-pine rails to the communion, with the gilded ornamental 
brackets and the drapery about the reading desk, give this part 
of the chapel a very handsome appearance. The ceiling of the 
chapel is divided into panels and richly corniced ; the beams 
in the ceiling are also panelled and beaded, and panelled pilasters 
with ornamental capitals are carried down from each beam to 
the floor. In the centre of the panelled ceiling is fixed a very 
fine sunlight, which illumines the building remarkably well. In 
addition to the above has been built a very handsome stone 
porch, which connects the two entrances into the chapel. The 
porch is lighted with two three lighted stone mullioned windows, 
filled in with coloured glass. The doors in the porch are hung 
in two, and are of a very beautiful design with drapery panels. 

The new organ was thus described by its builders, 
Messrs. Wilkinson & Sons, of Kendal :— 

This instrument contains two complete manuals, the compass 
extending from C C to G, 56 notes each. The Pedal Organ 
extends from C C C to F, 30 notes. 

Great Organ. 


1. Open Diapason CC 8 

2. Hohl-Flote CC 8 

3. Dulciana (grooved) C 8 

* 17th March, 1882. 













Harmonic Flute 



Vidon Diapason 
Flute d'Amour i 
Voix Celeste 
Geigen Principal 

Mixture (2 ranks) 

C 4 
CC 4 
CC 2 

Swell Organ. 

CC 8 
CC 8 
rooved) C 8 
C 8 
CC 4 
CC 2 



wood and metal 


wood and metal 

15. Pedal Bourdon 

CC various 
CC 8 

Pedal Organ. 

CCC 16 wood 


16 Swell to Great. 

17 Swell to Pedals. 

18 Great to Pedals. 

2 Composition Pedals to Great Organ. 
I Swell Pedal. 
2i Octaves of German Pedals. 




General Summary. 



Great Organ 











Total 18 stops. 

Total 822 pipes. 

The outer Casing is of Polished Pitch-pine, with Moulds and 
Chamfers pointed in black, that portion in connection with the 
Manuals and Pedals being of Dantzic Oak. Hydraulic Power is 
employed to give the Wind-supply. The Front Screen Pipes 
are in Plain Gold, and are without ears — in the style of the 


When the new organ was inaugurated Mr. Smallwood, 
assisted by his pupil, Mr. J. S. Winder, gave a recital. 
An offertory was taken, the proceeds of which were 
appropriated to the restoration fund. 

The Chapel was re-opened at an afternoon service on 
Thursday, i6th March, 1882, when a sermon was preached 
by the Rev. S. A. Steinthal, of Manchester. The weather 
was most unfavourable and the attendance was small. 
Mr. Wilkinson, the builder of the organ, presided thereat, 
and well proved its qualities by skilful performance. 

In the same month that the chapel was re-opened for 
service the foundation stone of the Sunday School was 
laid by Miss Ann Kay Greenhow, of Anchorite's House, 
Kendal, on Friday morning. A silver trowel was pre- 
sented by Mr. Councillor Robinson to Miss Greenhow, 
bearing the following inscription : — " Presented to Miss 
A. K. Greenhow on the occasion of her laying the founda- 
tion stone of the Unitarian Sunday School, March loth, 

The following description shows the intentions of the 
builders of the School : — 

The school, which is now being built at the east side of the chapel, 
will be about 46 feet long by 22 feet wide, and 15 feet of a glass 
dome. It will be entirely lighted from the roof with coloured 
glass. The ceiling will be a fine dome shaped one with enriched 
frieze and ornamental brackets running all round, supported on 
twelve panelled pilasters ornamented with twelve beautiful 
Corinthian capitals. Round the dome above the frieze will be 
fixed foliage leaves about 18 inches high, above these again will 
be placed two rows of enrichments. The glass in the dome will 
be divided into three bays, separated by ornamental beams. 
The school will also be panelled all round with the best figured 
pitch-pine about 3 feet 6 inches high. At one end there will be a 
raised platform about 22 feet by 12 feet for the purpose of recitals 
and other entertainments when required. The school will 
be approached from the outside by a neat stone porch. There 
will also be two extra rooms at the end of the school for use when 
tea parties &c are held. A separate entrance will be made into 


the schoolroom from the chapel. It is proposed to decorate the 
school when built by painting and gilding the Corinthian capitals, 
frieze and pilasters, and the other elaborate ornaments in the 
beautiful dome shaped ceiling, and it will be, when completed, 
one of the handsomest schoolrooms either in this town or neigh- 

The cost of the restorations and buildings of 1881-2 
was £j.,y6^. To raise the funds the usual expedient was 
tried, and in May, 1882, a two days' bazaar was held in 
the Town Hall. The bazaar was opened by Mr. James 
Wrigley of Holbeck, Windermere, and amongst those 
present were the Mayor of Kendal (Mr. W. Bindloss), 
Mr. H. Swinglehurst, Mr. Ainsworth, Councillor Robinson, 
and Miss Greenhow. The receipts of the first day's sale 
were £104 los., and the total receipts slightly exceeded 

By this and various efforts all but £300 of the cost 
of the restoration and the school had been met, and to 
clear off this small balance a " Grand Bazaar and Old 
English Fancy Fair " was held in St. George's Hall, 
Kendal, on 9-1 ith March, 1893, during the ministry of 
Mr. Mills. 

Although it had opened so well, Mr. Macdonald's 
ministry at Kendal was fated to end unpleasantly. On 
31st December, 1886, he ceased to be minister. He 
was afterwards at Gloucester and Sunderland, but event- 
ually retired from the ministry. For a time he was a 
printer in Manchester, where he died 7th February, 1909. 

To Mr. Macdonald succeeded the Rev. Herbert Vincent 
Mills, whose term of office began ist July, 1887, and still 



Crook and Stainton Chapels. 

CLOSE to Kendal were, at an early date, two Noncon- 
formist chapels, one at Crook, in Kendal parish, 
and the other at Stainton, in Heversham parish, to whose 
histories a chapter may be devoted, as we are able to add 
a little to the information given by the Rev. Benjamin 

Persecution has been suggested as the reason for the 
out-of-the-way position of the two chapels, but this is 
improbable. In the days of persecution there were no 
chapels, and the further suggestion that the Five Mile Act 
had a specific bearing on the choice of situation is in- 
validated by the fact that both were well within the five 
mile radius from the borough of Kendal. The probability 
is that at the time of their foundation, which appears 
in both cases to have been after persecution had ceased, 
Crook and Stainton were convenient centres for the 
congregation using them. 

Mr. Nightingale made a suggestion that Crook owed 
its origin to the ministrations of the Rev. Gabriel Camel- 
ford, ejected, in 1662, from Staveley, which Mr. Night- 
ingale identified with Staveley in Westmorland, only 
2j miles from Crook. In this identification Mr. 
Nightingale was followed by the Rev. J. H. Colliganj and 
by the maker of the map which accompanies Mr. 
Colligan's paper. 

It was not, however, Staveley in Westmorland, but 
Staveley in the parish of Cartmel, Lancashire, from which 

* Lancashire Nonconformity, i . 

t Trans. Cong. Hist. Soc, iii., 225. 


Camelford was ejected,* and moreover the scene of his 
labours as a nonconformist minister was on the west 
side of Windermere. Camelford was a member of the 
Congregational church at Tottlebank in Colton, which 
was established iSth August, 1669, and became its first 
pastor, f Camelford was described as of Staveley within 
Cartmell in a deed of 1669, and as of Furness Fell when 
he took out a licence as a Congregationalist under the 
Indulgence of 1672. + In 1677, when he and his wife 
were " presented " for being " seismaticos," he was des- 
cribed as of Cartmell Fell.§ 

Considering the distance of Crook from Furness Fell,, 
we may reasonably conclude that Camelford can have 
had httle connection with the origin of the Crook con- 
gregation, which indeed is not heard of until long after 
his death. 

The date of the formation of the Crook congregation is 
not known. Crook is not mentioned by name in the 
Presbyterian Fund MS. which Mr. Gordon is editing, but 
it may be the anonymous " well inclined people " men- 
tioned in that record as being " 5 miles W. of Kendall." 
They longed after means of grace, but were destitute of 
preaching. The distance and direction from Kendal 
agrees more closely with the house at Crosthwaite, which 
was licensed in 1692 1| than with Crook. But Crosthwaite 
may have been a forerunner of Crook. 

The earliest reference we have found to the congregatioa 
at Crook^ is that contained in the will of the Rev. Richard 

* Baines's Lancashire. Ed. by Croston, v., 642 ; Shaw's Plundered 
Ministers' Accounts, p. 12 ; Calamy's Ace, p. 413. 

t H. Swainson Cowper's Hawkshead, p. 122. Tottlebank is regarded as 
the oldest Baptist Church in Lancashire, but Mr. Nightingale remarks that it 
was " as much Congregationalist as Baptist for many years of its early 
history," and Dr. Shaw [Vic. C. H. Lane, ii., 74) says it was not a Baptist 
Church' until 1725- 

% Cal. S.P. Dom., 1672, pp. 574, 676. 

§ Churchwardens' Presentment Books, Chester. 

II Ante, pp. 165, 232. 

^ There was, of course, an episcopal chapel at Crook at an earlier period. 
In 1684 Benjamin Dennyson was curate. (Aldingham Parish Registers, p. 128, 
Lane. Par. Reg. Soc.) 


Frankland in 1698. He made provision for a " wise 
sermon " to be preached annually at Crook and two 
other congregations by " wise sober and vertuous learned 
men." The first minister of whom we have any record 
was John Atkinson, and we know only the year of his 
departure. In May, 1701, John Atkinson, " a Presbiterian 
priest," was ordered by the magistrates to be indicted 
at the next sessions for " preaching without taking the 
oaths and signing the Articles of religion," and accordingly 
on loth October following " Johannes Atkinson nuper 
de parochia de Kendall Presbiter (Anglice) Presbyterian 
minister " was duly indicted for preaching without a 
licence and was promptly discharged.* The description 
of Atkinson as lately of Kendal enables us to identify 
him with the John Atkinson who became, in 1701, minister 
of the Congregational Church at Cockermouth. We are 
told by Lewisj that Mr. Atkinson's Church at Crook 
" gave him dismission, as appeared unto us under their 
hands, dated October 5, 1701." This would seem to 
imply that Crook was an organized Congregational 
church, but there is no other evidence that it was, and 
very soon after Atkinson's time it was receiving grants 
from the Presbyterian Fund. Atkinson, who was one of 
Frankland's pupils, had probably been at Crook for only 
a very short time. 

The first reference in the Presbyterian Fund Minutes 
to Crook is on 5th January, 1701-2,^ when it was agreed 
" Ustenton and Crooke nere Kendall 3 miles distance 
each, in Westmoreland have two Ministers and so lessen 
the allowance of Kendall from £24 per annum to £17." 
Nevertheless it does not appear that Crook was then 
receiving a grant from the Presbyterian Fund, though 
it may have had one from another Fund whose grants 
were known to the managers of the Presbyterian Fund. 

* Kendal Indictment Book, 1692-1724. 
t Cockermouth Church, p. 120. 
$ Minutes, ii., loi. 


In 1705 " Mr. Steevenson per Mr. Harris " had a grant 
of £4* and from the hsts of grants 1707-1711 we learn 
that Mr. Stevenson was then minister at Crook. f 
Stevenson is probably the Alexander Stephenson who 
entered Chorlton's academy at Manchester in July 1699, 
amongst his contemporaries there being Audland and 
Pendlebury. Evidently he fell into poverty, as in 1716 
IS. was given to " Mr. Stephenson formerly Minister at 
Crook," and in 1723 3d. was given to " Mr. Stephenson," 
out of the money collected at the sacrament at Kendal 
Chapel and usually bestowed on the poor of the 

Samuel Bourn was the next minister. Having " received 
an importunate invitation to settle with a smaU society 
at Crook, near Kendall, in Westmoreland, ... he 
accepted, and went to reside there in 171 1. In this 
retired situation he spent nine years in a close application 
to his studies."! Of Bourn's religious difficulties mention 
is made in chapter xxiv. (p. 275). Some of Bourn's 
congregation did not approve of infant baptism, but while 
respecting their views and preparing for the use of his 
congregation a service for the dedication of infants, he 
did not share their opposition to infant baptism for 
several of his children were entered in the Kendal register 
of baptisms. Bourn had an extraordinary grant from 
the Presbyterian Fund of £2 on 8th June, I7i3,§ and on 
7th March, 1714-5 ,the Fund increased its annual allow- 
ance to the minister at Crook to £6, the payment to 
date from the previous Midsummer. || In Bourn's time 
the Crook congregation is stated to have numbered 130, 
of whom only one had a vote.^ According to Toulmin, 

* Minutes, ii., 147. 

t Minutes, ii., 174, 190, 219, 225, 231. 

J Toulmin's Memoirs of Samuel Bourn. 

§ Minutes, ii., 243. 

II Minutes, ii., 269. 

If James's Presbyterian Chapels and Charities, etc., p. 681. 


Bourn continued at Crook until 1720, but he did not 
receive the Fund grant after 1719, and on ist November 
in that year it was agreed that the allowance formerly 
made to Mr. Bourn at Crook and Harborough* be con- 
tinued to Henry Knight, who in 1720 was paid the grant 
of £6 as minister of Crook and Harborough, and occurs 
again yearly to 1724, the grant having been reduced to 
£5 in 1723.1 Henry Knight was at Dob Lane, near 
Manchester, in 1724, and in 1739 removed to Cross 
Street, Cheshire. In 1725 the Fund made a grant to 
Crook and Harborough, but the minister's name is not 
given. J 

From 1726 to 1730 Abraham Ainsworth is named as 
the minister. § He was the son of the Rev. Ralph Ains- 
worth, sometime of Rivington, and was baptized loth 
September, 1696. 1| The baptism of one of his children is 
recorded in the Kendal Chapel register. His successor 
was John Helme, who is named in the 1731 and 1732 lists 
of allowances, Tl it having been agreed 5th April, 1731, 
" that the allowance to Crook be continued to Mr. Helm 
from the time of his settlement." ** Helme was the minister 
of that name who was afterw^ards at Penruddock and 
Walmsley and died 1760. 

To John Helme succeeded John Jackson, to whom the 
Fund allowance was continued, 6th May, 1734, from his 
settlement, and was continued to 1737.7 7 In the 1738 
list Crook and Harborough are stated to be vacant, and 
no minister is again named in the annual lists. The 
Minutes of the Fund show, however, that there were 

* This is presumably Hartbarrow, where Franldand's Academy had its 
home for a short time. 

t Minutes, ii., 356, 372, 396, 419; iii., 18, 30. 

% Minutes, iii., 42. 

§ Minutes, iii., 59, 72, 89, 109, 129. 

II Dukinfield Register. 

^Minutes, iii., 151, 166. 

** Minutes, iii., 143. 

•j-f Minutes, iii., 191, 196, 215, 234, 251. 


ministers who stayed only a short time. ' On 2nd October, 
1738,* the managers of the Fund continued the allowance 
to Crook to Mr. Benjamin Street,! and on nth October, 

1739, an extraordinary supply of £5 was granted to " 

Smith of Crook."! Crook appears in the list of allowances 
for 1742, no minister being named. 

On 3rd March, 1745-6, the managers of the Fund 
" agreed that the allowance formerly made to Crook and 
Harborough be granted to Mr. Jno. Blackburn at Russen- 
dale (Ravenstonedale) from Midsummer last, tih the 
congregation at Crook and Harborough revive. "§ 

The congregation never revived. The site of the chapel 
is unknown. 

Stainton is in Heversham parish, and in that parish 
two licences were taken out in 1672. Both of the houses 
licensed were for Presbyterians. It is probable that one 
of the licences, at any rate, was for Milnthorpe, where 
there was twenty years later a body of Dissenters. 
Stainton Chapel was commenced in 1697 and opened in 
1698, and amongst the subscribers to the cost of building 
were John Dickinson, Edward Briggs, Roger Dickinson, 
Thomas Wilson, Mary Pennington, Henry Strickland and 
Myles Addison. || 

Frankland's interest in the congregation is shown by 
his legacy, left in 1698, for an annual sermon to be 
preached at Stainton and other places. 

In recent years the Chapel has been re-seated, and the 
original pew doors, dated 1698, have been placed in a 
vestry. They are carved in the same manner as the com- 
temporary pew doors at Kendal Chapel. The full series 

* Minutes, iii., 269. 

t One of Rotheram's pupils. Afterwards minister at Chester and Maccles- 
field. Died 1764. 

J Minutes, iii., 292. Smith may be the John Smith who was one of 
Rotheram's pupils. 

§ Minutes, iii., 392. 

II H. C. Brookes in Kendal Mercury, 5 April, 1912. 


were E.I. ; EBMF ; RDED ; TWMP ; HSES ; MAHP ; 
Of three of these we give a photograph. 

On 13th January, i698[-9], 10 Wilham III. the house 
of John Hind in Stainton was allowed and licensed for a 
house of religious worship according to law.* John 
Atkinson is the first we find described as minister of 
Stainton. He was probably there as early as 1703, when 
a son of " Mr. John Atkinson of Stainton " was baptized. f 

Atkinson of Stainton, who must not be confused with 
his namesake of Crook, was an " orthodox " man, and it 
was no doubt the accident of having a Calvinistic minister 
right through the time of change that stamped Stainton 
with its orthodox character. It is stated to have received 
a grant from the Presbyterian Fund, J but the only 
reference we have found to the congregation in the 
Minutes of the Fund is a doubtful one where it is named 
Ustenton, and no grant appears to have been made. 

In the list prepared about 1717 by Dr. John Evans, 
Stainton is said to have had a congregation of 130 hearers, 
mostly yeomen, tradesmen and labourers. The number 
of voters is given as 86, § an incredible figure when com- 
pared with that of other chapels, and is probably merely 
a blunder. Josiah Thompson evidently also quoting 
from Evans's list gives the congregation in 1715 as 86. || 

When John Atkinson died we do not know, but John 
Kilpatrick, or Kirkpatrick, was minister of Stainton in 
1734. He and his successor, James Scott, who was 
minister in 1739, were Scotsmen. Judging by his 
later career Scott was strongly orthodox. Unpleasant 
circumstances led to his removal, in 1741, to Horton in 
Craven. From there he removed to Tockholes in 1750, 
and thence to Heckmondwike, where he was for a long 

* Kendal Indictment Book, 1692-1724. 

t Kendal Chapel Registers. 

J James's Presbyterian Chapels and Chanties, p. 695. 

§ James's Presbyterian Chapels and Charities, p. 695. 

11 Josiah Thompson's MSS. (Dr. Williams's Library). 


period tutor to an orthodox academy. He died in 1783. 
A " Rev. — Collins left Horton for Kendal " in 1741,* 
and it is just possible that he and Scott changed con- 
gregations. There is a long break in the list of ministers, 
and although Mr. Cohigan places in the breach, Richard 
Simpson as minister from 1749 (?)- 1763,! it is probable 
that during part of that time Thomas Dickinson was 
minister. On 14th October, 1754, when administration 
of his estate was granted to Richard Gilpin Sawrey, 
Dickinson was described as " late of Stainton, Protestant 
Dissenting Minister." In 1772 we are informed J that 
" the congregation at Stainton is reduced very low 
by the decay of some families and the removal of others. 
Their numbers do not exceed 30 or 40," and again in 1773 
" Phinton [i.e., probably Stainton] and Great Salkield 
are not inserted in this list as those two places are allmost 
deserted having only occasional service." However the 
Rev. James Somerville is named as minister in 1772. 
In three years he removed to Ravenstonedale. The 
chapel has since been served by supplies. The congre- 
gation is Congregationalist. 

* Miall's Congregationalism in Yorkshire, p. 284. 
t Cong. Hist. Sac., iii., 219. 
t Josiah Thompson's MSS. 



The Registers of Baptisms and Burials of the 

Market Place Chapel and of Births of the 

Unitarian Baptist Congregation. 

THE Register of Kendal Chapel is probably the oldest 
non-parochial register of the county, though the 
continuous record does not begin as early as 1687, as is 
stated by Nightingale.* The origin of the error is that 
preceding the register of baptisms there is a list of births, 
the earliest of which was in 1687. But it is quite evident 
that this list of births is not contemporary, for it is 
grouped by families instead of being chronological merely, 
as it would have been had it been written up at the time. 
The baptismal register proper begins in August, 1702. 
From that date to 1838 the record is almost continuous, 
though at two or three periods there were very few 
baptisms, or the registers were not properly kept. The 
latter is probably the explanation as in Dr. Rotheram's 
day some of the baptisms celebrated by the Presby- 
terian minister were entered, not in the Chapel register, 
but in that of the Parish Church. We have added a few 
of these to our transcript. 

The first burial (1722) in the Chapel ground is entered 
amongst the baptisms of that year. Several burials took 
place in the Chapel yard, and are recorded in the Parish 
Church register, 1725-1734. The Chapel register of 
burials begins in 1756 and is continuous to 1834. 

The Chapel Register, now in Somerset House, is in two 
volumes numbered Westmorland 6.1.3042 and West- 
morland 6.2.2896. 

* Lancashire Nonconformity, i., 281. 


The title of the first volume is : — • 

" A Register belonging to the Congregation of Protest- 
ant Dissenters in Kendal Westmoreland. Containing an 
Account of all the Briefs, which have been tend'red, and 
read in that said Congregation, since ye nth of June, 
1709. And also an Account of ye children that have been 
And how our Publick Contributions are bestowed." 

The list of briefs is a very long one, but it is not of 
sufficient local interest to justify our printing it. A 
" brief " was a royal authority for the collection in places 
of worship of contributions in aid of church building and 
other semi-public works. Individuals who had suffered 
from fires and other misfortunes also obtained briefs and 
presumably collected money by virtue of them. The 
system was open to many abuses, and was eventually 
discontinued. The amounts collected on briefs at Kendal 
Chapel suggest that the Kendal Dissenters thought that 
charity should begin at home, for usually a very small 
sum and often nothing was contributed unless the object 
was one which might be expected to appeal to a North 
Country Dissenter. Thus when the famous Bristol 
Church of St. Mary Redcliffe was destroyed by fire and a 
brief was obtained for its rebuilding the Kendal Dissenters 
contributed nothing, the entry in the register reading 
" 1709 July 17 The Brief for St. Mary Redcliff Church 
was read in our meeting and nothing was given or collected 

upon it 

Witness our Hands 

Samuel Audld, Minister 
Jonathan Birkett 
Tho: Strickland " 

The " account of the children " baptized is given in full 

The accounts showing how " our Publick Contributions 
are bestowed " contain some items of interest. The 



Contributions were made at the quarterly sacrament, and 
were spent in small grants to the poor of the congregation, 
to travelling men and women who had attracted the 
attention of the minister, in the carriage of Lord Wharton's 
charity books and in minor repairs to the fabric of the 
chapel. They show incidentally that at no period in the 
history of the congregation was the sacrament discon- 
tinued, excepting for brief periods which might easily be 
the result of a minister's illness or removal. The only 
long period when no accounts are given of money collected 
at the sacrament was towards the end of Dr. Rotheram's 
ministry and during the interregnum which followed his 

Our transcript is from a copy made about the time 
of the transfer, and has been checked by the original. 
In transcribing the frequently recurring words " son " 
and " daughter " have been abbreviated to " s." and 
" d.," and the dates have been reduced to uniformity. 
The register of births of Unitarian Baptists does not 
form part of the Market Place Chapel register. 

James s. of Tho 

Moore was born 

Feb. 7 1687 

Ellin d. of 

Apr. 22 1689 

Dorothy d. of 

Jul. I 1691 

John s. of 

Mar. 24 1692/3 

Sarah d. of 

May 14 1695 

Agnes d. of 

Sep. 19 1697 

Simon s. of 

May I 1699 

Jane d. of 

May 29 1700 

Margret d. of 

Nov. 23 1 701 

Tho s. of 

Jun. 19 1706 

Ellin d. of John 


born Jan. 15 1708/9 

Margret d. of Sam Williamson bom Oct. 4 Bapt. Oct. 8 1699 

Ellinor [d. of] S. 

Williamson bom Mar. 30 Bapt. April 3 1701 

Sam s. of Sam Williamson . . born Aug. 10 Bap. 18 1707 

Hannah d. of Will. Gowthorp of Underbarrow 

born Oct. 30 1696 

William s. of William Gowthorp of Underbarrow 


orn Feb. 7 1709 



Henry s. of Tho Gibson . . 
Elizabeth d. of Tho Gibson 
Mary d. of Tho Gibson 
Tho. s. of Tho Gibson 
Margret d. to Will. Mawson 
George s. of Will. Mawson 
John s. of Will. Mawson 
Sam. s. of Will. Mawson 

born Jul. lo bap. 

22 1695 

born Jun. 7 bap. 

13 1697 

born Feb. 9 bap. 

18 1699 

born Jan. i bap. 

13 1708 

born Sep. 

30 1696 

born Mar. 

24 1702 

born Aug. 

19 1705 

bom Mar. 

24 1708 






Children baptised since August 1702. 

Agnes d. of Thomas Hayton bap. . . . . Aug. 3 

Agnes d. of Stephen Williamson . . . . Aug. 10 

Agnes d. of William Warriner, Crook . . Aug. 11 

Joseph and Benjamin sons of Robert Wilson Sep. 15 
John s. of Tho. Gibson . . . . . . Nov. 10 

John s. of John Harrison . . . . . . Dec. 20 

Joseph s. of Wm Pull . . . . . . Dec. 23 

John s. of John Pull . . . . . . . . Apr. 19 

Edward s. of Tho. Holme . . . . . . May 9 

Agnes d. of Robert Scot . . . . . . June 22 

William s. of William Shepherd . . . . June 29 

James s. of Jaraes Cock . . . . . . Jul. 6 

Henry s. of Henry King . . . . . . Jul. 19 

Mary d. of Robert Nicholson . . . . Jul. 28 

Ellen d. of John Higgins . . . . . . Sep. 5 

Benj" s. of John Harrison, Cartmelfell . . Oct. 5 
John s. of Henry Robinson . . . . . . Oct. 26 

Tho. s. of Sam. Williamson . . 
John s. of Mr. John Atkinson of Stainton 
Elizabeth d. of John Braithwhait Crook 
Mary d. of Tho. Dodshon 
William s. of Richard Clark, Crook 
Robert s. of Stephen Williamson . . 
Jonathan s. of George Birket Crook 
Margret d. of Tho. Holme . . 
Hannah d. of William Shepherd 
Robert s. of Robert Nicholson 
John s. of William Mawson . . 
Richard s. of Tho Holme, bap. Dec 

of the same month 
John s. of William Brockbank 


Nov. 23 
Nov. 30 
22 born the ei 


born Oct. 27 1705 
2 G 
























[No entries 1707, 1708.] 
Children baptised since March 1709. 

1709 Ann d. of Rob' Harrison of Barley Bridge 

John s. of Stephen Williamson 
Elizabeth d. of William Brockbank bap. and 

Margret d. of Tho^ Dodgshon 
Lydia d. of Mr. Tho. Moor 

1 710 John s. of Thomas Poole of Hartbarrow . . 
Tho s. of Robert Harrison of Barley Bridge 

Deborah d. of Thomas Holme 
Isabell d. of Edward Blackstock 
William s. of Josiah Shaw . . 
Susanna d. of Thomas Walker 
Samuel s. of William Gowthorp of Under- 

barrow . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 7 

Sarah Gouge d. of Mr. Giles Whitthome w" 

she was three weeks old . . . . Oct. 26 

1 71 1 Thomas s. of Mr. William Shepherd of 

Hipshow . . . . . . . . . . Jan. 23 

Alice d. of George Ellerson . . . . . . Apr. 8 

William s. of William Mawson . . . . Aug. 5 

Anthony s. of Stephen Williamson, was bap. 

w" he was a fortnight and 4 days old . . Sep. 24 
Mary d. of Edward Blackstock, born upon ye 

Tuesday sevennight before . . . . Nov. i 

1712 John s. of William Gowthorpe, he was born 

the Saturday sevennight before . . Jan. 9 

Joseph s. of Mr. Thomas Moor, born Jan. 

28 10 min. past 12, bap. . . . . Feb. 8 

Elizabeth d. of Josiah Shaw, born and bap. Feb. 28 
Jonathan s. of Thomas Dodgshon, born 11, 

bap. . . . . . . . . . . May 25 

Sarah d. of William Brockbank, born Jun. 

22, bap. . . . . . . . . . . Jun. 24 

Isabel d. of Robert Harrison of Barley 

Bridge, b. Aug. 11, bap. . . . . Sep. 3 

Joseph s. of Mr. Sam. Bourn of Pow-bank, 

b. Jul. 23, 3 weeks and a day before bap. Aug. 14 
171:5 Elizabeth d. of Mr. William Shepherd of 

Hipshow, b. a fortnight before bap. . . Jan. 6 


1 71 3 Robert s. of Thomas Bricks of Nubikin in 

Russendale, b. about a fortnight and 3 

days before bap. . . . . . . . . Apr. 5 

Joseph s. of WiUiam Gowthroppe of Under- 

barrow, b. Jul. 30., bap. . . . . Aug. 17 

1714 Samuel s. of Mr. S. Bourn, b. Dec. 21, bap. Jan. 5 
Thomas s. of Stephen Williamson, b. Jan. 5, 

bap. . . . . . . . . . . Jan. iS 

Josiah s. of Josiah Shaw, b. and bap. . . Apr. 26 
[Last entry in Audland's handwriting.] 
[No baptisms 1715.] 
1716 Eleanor d. of William Mawson, b. May 29, 

bap. . . . . . . . . . . Jun. i^ 

Mary d. of Mr. John Harrison, b. and bap. Aug. 7 
Both by Mr. Bourn. 

[No baps. 1717, 1718.] 

1719 s. of Tho. Walker, bap. . . . . Aug. 9 

[Rotheram's writing begins.] 
Rowland s. of Daniel Scales, bap. . . 
Rebecca d. of Mr. John Harrison, bap. 
Thomas s. of Henry Gibson 
William s. of Anthony Fothergill, Russen- 
John s. of Caleb Rotheram, min'', b. and bap. 

1720 James s. of Josias Shaw 
Elizabeth d. of Joseph Allen 

1 72 1 *Thomas s. of George Braithwhaite, Stot Park 

Mary d. of Daniel Scales 

Agnes d. of Patrick Dixon, a Dragoon 

William s. of Will™ Watherston, a Dragoon 

Margaret d. of Will™ Stalker, a Dragoon . . 

Mary d. of Tho. Hunt, a Dragoon 

Margaret d. of Geo. Birkett 

Enos s. of Rich<i Noble (a Conformist) 

1722 Jonathan s. of Matthew Birket, b. and bap. 
Hannah d. of C. Rotheram, b. Mar. 8, bap. 
William s. of William Hunter 
Margaret d. of Henry Gibson 

* The Kendal parish register records an additional name for this year, 
"1721 March 20 Robert s. of Robt. and Ann Wilson of Stricklandgate was 
bap. by Mr. Rotherham." 









































N.B. — My daughter Hannah was the first 
that I baptized pubhckly and her 
dear Remains were the first that 
were deposited near the Meeting 
House . She slept in Jesus May 1 5th, 
and on the i6th a pretty httle Gar- 
ment was laid up in the wardrobe 
of the Grave to be worn again at the 
Resurrection. Blessed be God for 
the Hope of this. Mr. Atkinson of 
Stainton preach'd on this solemn 

Ruth d. of Mr. Anthony Fothergill, Russen- 
dale, bap. 

Thomas s. of Robert Greenhow 

James s. of Thomas Nivyson (a Scotchman) 

Robert s. of Josiah Shaw 
*Henry s. of James King, b. and baptized 

1723 Ruth d. of John Robinson . . 
Adan d. [sic] of William Middleton 
John s. of Tho. Harrison 
Elizabeth d. of Daniel Scales 
Thomas s. of John Strickland 
Thomas s. of C. Rotheram, min^', b. Oct. 2 

John s. of Rob* Greenhow . . 
Richard s. of Joseph AUein . . 

1724 Agnes d. of Stephen Nelson 
Elizabeth d. of Henry Gibson 
Agnes d. of Samuel Barr 
William s. of John Robinson 
Dorothy d. of Rich<i Noble 
Robert s. of Robert Wilson . . 
James s. of John Atkinson, Crostwhaite 

1725 Richard s. of Tho. Harrison 
John s. of Robert Mills 
Thomas s. of Stephen Nelson 
Mary d. of John Strickland . . 
Mary d. of C. Rotheram, b. Nov. 8, bap 

1726 Elkanah s. of Rich^ Noble . . 

Jul. 10 
Sep. 4 
Sep. 16 
Dec. 10 
Mar. 2 
Jun. 19 
Aug. 5 
Sep. 7 
Nov. 13 
Nov. 17 

Nov. 24 
Nov. 28 
Mar. 2 
Jul. 20 
Sep. 27 
Dec. 8 
Dec. 20 
Dec. 28 
Mar. 2 
Mar. 23 
Apr. 12 
Jun. 9 
Jul. 24 
Nov. 23 
Dec. 10 
Jul. 14 

*This baptism is recorded in the Kendal parish register, " 1722 Mar. 2. 
.Henry s. of James King and Margt. liis wife of Fincal street was bap. by the 
Presbeterian Minister." 









James s. of Robert Wilson . . 
Elizabeth d. of Stephen Nelson 
Rob* s. of Samuel Barr 
Mary d. of Tho. Harrison 
Elizabeth d. of John Gardiner 
Agnes d. of Jos. AUein 
Elizabeth d. of Rob* Nicholson 
Joseph s. of John Robinson 
William s. of John Strickland 
Margaret d. of Will™ Hunter 
Sarah d. of C. Rotheram, b. Feb. 22 


Lydia d. of Jno. Birket of Powbank 
John s. of John Crossfield 
Robert s. of Edmond Warriner 
Robert s. of John Atkinson 
John s. of Thomas Harrison 
Isabell d. of Stephen Crowkeld of 


Hannah d. of Mr. Ab"^. Ainsworth 
John s. of Joseph Allen 
Hannah d. of Mr. John Wilkinson 
John s. of Robert Wilson 
Isabel d. of Rob* Nicholson 
Deborah d. of George Braithwaite 
Agnes d. of John Birket 
Dorothy d. of Stephen Nelson 
Edward s. of C. Rotheram, b. 

Elizabeth d. of John Strickland 
Mary d. of John Robinson . . 
William s. of Stephen Crowkeld 
Mary d. of Joseph Allan 
Richard s. of Robert Wilson 
John s. of Edmond Warriner 
George s. of Matthew Whitaker 
Robert s. of Robert Nicholson 
Jane d. of Mr. John Helme . . 
Agnes d. of John Crossfield . . 
Agnes d. of John Atkinson . . 
Elizabeth d. of George Taylor 
Benjamin s. of George Braithwaite 
Benjamin s. of William Hunter 



Apl. iJ 

Sep. 27 
Oct. 13. 
Oct. 24 
Oct. 25 
Oct. 28- 
Oct. 30- 
Dec. 20' 
Jan. 4 
Jan. 23 
Feb. 28 

Mar. 24 
May 13 
Jun. 2 
Sep. 8 
Sep. i6- 
Sep. 17 

Dec. 3 
Jan. 3 
Jan. 12 
Jan. 14 
Jan. 21 
Apr. 6 
Aug. 14 
Sep. 23 
Jan. 21 

May 6- 
Jul. 20 
Nov. 17 
Feb. 4 
Feb. 4 
Feb. 23 
Feb. 28 
Mar. 18 
Apr. 29 
May 25 
Jun. 6 

Jul. 5 
Jul. 21 
Sep. 14 
Nov. 10 








Ann d. of Mr. Alexander Boyde* 

Agnes d. of George Birket . . 

Henry s. of William Cherry 

Jane d. of Mr. Richard Holme 

Sarah d. of Edmond Warriner 

Matthew s. of Matthew Whitaker 

Jonathan s. of John Robinson 

Thomas s. of John Strickland 

Caleb s. of C. Rotheram, b. Nov. 21, bap. 

Hannah d. of John Birket of Poolbank 

George s. of Richard Murthwaite, Russen 

Thomas s. of Richard Holme 
Joseph s. of Joseph Allan 
Thomas s. of Mr. Edward Holme . . 
Eleanor d. of Joseph Higgins 
Margaret d. of Matthew Whitaker . . 
William s. of Timothy Parsons 
Joseph and Mary twins of Rob* Wilson 
Deborah d.-of Mr. Boyde 
Richard s. of Stephen Crowkeld 
William s. of Thomas French 
John s. of Samuel Cherry 
Eleanor d. of Jonathan Peele 
Ann d. of John Crossfield 
, William s. of William Cherry 
William s. of C. Rotheram, b. Nov. i, bap 
Hannah d. of Thomas Harrison 
Sarah d. of Mr. Boyde 
Sarah d. of John Strickland 
John s. of John Harrison of Poolbank 
John s. of Cornelius Clark 
Mary d. of Joseph Higgins . . 
Rebecca d. of Richard Holme 
William s. of Edward Holme 
Stephen s. of John Williamson 
James s. of John Williamson 
James s. of Timothy Parsons 
Elizabeth d. of Rob' Atkinson 
Frances d. of Mr. Boyde 

Nov. 23 
Nov. 29 
May 21 
Jun. 6 
Jun. 13 
Jun. 15 
Jun. 15 
Oct. 22 
Dec. 6 
Dec. 27 

Jan. 25 
Mar. 27 
Jul. 3 
Aug. 6 
Aug. 19 
Oct. 25 
Nov. 20 
Nov. 27 
Dec. II 
Dec. 26 
May 5 
Jun. 9 
Aug. 28 
Oct. 6 
Oct. 13 
Nov. 17 
Dec. 10 
Dec. 10 
Dec. 29 
Feb. II 
Mar. 5 
Apr. 13 
May 29 
Jun. 25 
Jun. 30 
Jun. 30 
Jul. 27 
Nov. 30 
Feb. 27 

* This baptism is also recorded in the parish register " Anne dau. of 
Mr. Alexander and Anne Boyed of Stricke. bap. by Mr. Rotheram." 



1736 Benjamin s. of I. Atkinson (Tanner 
James s. of Thomas French 
James s. of Matthew Whitaker 
George s. of Matthew Whitaker 
Margaret d. of John Atkinson 
WiUiam s. of Cornehus Clark 
George s. of John Birket of Poolbank 
Thomas s. of Robert Wilson 
Elizabeth d. of John Strickland 
James s. of John Harrison, Poolbank 
Mary d. of Stephen Crowkeld 
Elizabeth d. of John Crossfield 

1737 Hannah d. of C. Rotheram, b. Apl. 22, bap 
Rebecca d. of Mr. Edw*! Holme 
Edward s. of Rob' Nicholson 
Margaret d. of Sam' Gowthorp 
Ann d. of Rob* Atkinson 
Lydia d. of William Colton 
Joseph s. of Joseph Allan 

1738 James s. of William Cherry . . 
John s. of Richard Holme . . 
Margaret d. of Jeremiah Nicholson 
John s. of Robert Grahame 

1739 John s. of John Strickland . . 
Edward s. of Mr. Edward Holme 
Ann d. of Mr. Rob' Greenhow 
Matthew s. of Matthew Whittaker 
William s. of David Stot 
William s. of Joshua Pull 
John s. of John Harrison 

1740 Lydia d. of Mr. Richti Holme 
Ann d. of Sam' Gowthorp . 
John s. of Joseph Higgins . 
Manuel s. of John Crossfield 
Ann d. of Robert Wilson 
John s. of John Atkinson 
John s. of Sam' Magill of Sailes 

1 74 1 Dorothy d. of Mr. Edw<^ Holme 
Andrew s. of Rob' Grahame 
John s. of Hugh Miles 
Hannah d. of Sam' Gowthorp 
Lucy d. of Joseph Melbourn 
Jane d. of Matthew Whitaker 

May 18 
Jun. 15 
Jul. 8 
Jul. 8 
Sep. 6 
Sep. 6 
Oct. 7 
Nov. 28 
Feb. 13 
Feb. 22 
Feb. 22 
Feb. 27 
May 22 
Jul. 5 
Sep. 15 
Sep. 25 
Dec. 18 
Dec. 26 
Jan. 22 
Mar. 26 
Dec. 15 
Dec. 31 
Jan. 21 
Aug. 12 
Aug. 22 
Oct. 2 
Dec. 23 
Feb. II 
Feb. 17 
Mar. 4 
Apr. 20 
Jun. 30 
Aug. 3 
Jul. 20 
Oct. 5 
Oct. 8 
Oct. 21 
Apr. 6 
Jul. 4 
Aug. 2 
Nov. 30 
Jan. 26 
Jan. 28 













Mary d. of Thomas Coulthred 

Daniel s. of Mr. John Thompson 

Mary d. of John Morton 

Janet d. of David Stot 

Mary d. of WilHam Dixon . . 

Isaac s. of John Harrison Poolbank 

Hannah d. of John Strickland 

Margaret d. of James Wilson 

Peter s. of Thomas Morris . . 

John s. of Francis Cunningham 

Margaret d. of Samuel Gowthorp 

Elizabeth d. of Joseph Milburn 

John s. of Mr. Edward Holme 

Richard s. of Will"" Dixon . . 

James s. of William Penman 

Agnes d. of Matthew Whittaker 

Mary d. of David Stot 

Sarah d. of Mr. Sam' Gowthorp, born 

Anthony s. of William Fothergill, bom 

William s. of Mr. Samuel Gowthorp, bom 

Thomas s. of John Atkinson,* bap. 

Samuel s. of Mr. Samuel Gowthorp, born 

Margaret d. of William Fothergill, born 

Thomas s. of Mr. Thomas Dodgson, mercer, 

bap . 
Ruth d. of William Fothergill, born 
Agnes d. of Thomas Gibson, jun' bap. 
Richard s. of Mr. Edward Holme . . 
John s. of John Smith at Burneshead 
Mary d. of John Mires 
Mary d. of Samuel Gowthrop 
John s. of Rob' Atkinson 
Jacob s. of Isaac Scarth 
Jane d. of James Stilling, Brigstear 
Rebecca d. of Mr. Thomas Dodgson 
Margaret d. of John Tomson 
George s. of James Watson . . 
William s. of John Bell 
Robert s. of Robert Grahme 
Thomas s. of Thomas Morris 
Catherine d. of Jacob Dunbavin 

















































































Also entered in the parish register as " bap. by Dr. Rotheram." 














1752 Nathaniel s. of George Taylor 

James Dearg s. of Archibald Lyle . . 

Anthony s. of William Fothergill . . 

Mary d. of Thomas Thompson 

[End of Rotheram's writing.] 

Margaret d. of Isaac Scarth (by Mr. Daye) 

Margaret d. of Mr. James Wilson (by Mr. 

Mary d. of Mr. J. Thomson (by Mr. Dickin- 
son of Penruddoc) . . . . . . Nov. 5 

Susannah Maria d. of George Carlyle, M.D. 

by Mr. Dickinson, sen. . . . . . . Oct. 31 

^^753 Anne d. of Thomas Nelson, grocer, born Jul. 
6, bap. by the Reverend Mr. Richie of 
Great Salkeld . . . . . . . . Jul. 22 

William s. of John Maclintoch, born July 

16, bap. by Mr. Dickinson . . . . [no date] 

Edward son of Mr. Edw<i Holme, bap. by 

Mr. Dickinson, sen"^ .. .. .. Jan. 11 

1754 Ann d. of William Fothergill, born . . Jun. 21 

1755 Robert and Rebecca, s. and d. of Mr. Samuel 

Gowthrop . . . . . . . . Feb. 15 

Elizabeth d. of Mr. Rich<i Harrison, b. Mar. 

20, bap. . . . . . . . . . . Apr. 12 

John s. of Mr. Thos. Nelson, grocer, b. Apr. 

22, bap. by Mr. Andrews . . . . May 24 

John s. of Mr. Jn° Thomson, bap. by the 

Revd Mr. Simpson . . . . . . Nov. 6 

1756 Charles s. of Mr. Archibald Lyle, bap. by 

Mr. Simpson 

Elisabeth d. of John Fife, bap. by Mr. Simp- 

Elizabeth d. of John M^lintoch by Mr. 

Agnes d. of George Taylor 

William s. of Robert Sanderson [corrected 
to] Anderson 

Robert s. of John Smith 

Anne d. of Mr. William Fothergill . . 

James s. of James Stilling of Brigstear, 
aged 3 years 

Agnes d. of James Stilling of Brigstear, 
aged 3 months 















1756 Isaac s. of Robert Graham of Natland Mill 
James s. of Mr. James Wilson, Shearman 

1757 John s. of John Craig 
Elizabeth d. of Mr. Thos. Gibson jun'' 
John s. of John Thomson, Farmer at Scalth 

waiterig Stocks 
John s. of Peter Halliday, Innkeeper 
Mary d. of Mr. Richard Harrison, Tanner . 
George s. of George Hamilton, Gardener . 
William s. of John Atkinson, a mason 
James s. of Alexander Bowman, Gardener. 
John s. of James Watson, Pedlar 
Anne d. of James Watson, Pedlar . . 
William s. of Thomas Nelson, Grocer, very 

weak, the other twin dead 
Stephen s. of Anthony Williamson, Tanner 
Catharine d. of Thomas Hunter, a Shoemaker 
Isabell d. of Thomas Gardner, an old Soldier 
John s. of Robert Gowdie, a Weaver 
James s. of James Drummond, a soldier . . 
Thomas s. of Thomas Thomson, son-in-law 

to Jos Allan 

Mary d. of Samuel Allan, weaver . . 

1758 Hannah d. of Mr. John Thomson, Merch' 
David s. of James Major, a Smith in Gray- 


Henry s. of John Thomson the Farmer at 

Margaret d. of William Pearson, Reed- 

Thomas s. of Mr. Thomas Nelson, grocer . . 

Jane d. of John Mclintoch, Journeyman 
Stocking-Weaver . . 

John s. of Robert Anderson 

1759 John s. of Mr. James Wilson, Shearman . . 
James s. of Peter Halliday, Innkeeper 
Dorothy d. of George Taylor, Barber 

Jane d. of John Smith, Taylor at Burneside 
Thomas s. of Mr. Thomas Greenhow of 

William s. of John Black, late of Stainton 
John s. of Mr, William Fothergill, Card- 

Nov. 10 
Dec. 19 
Jan. 30 
Feb. 10 

Feb. 20 
Feb. 23 
Mar. 16 
Mar. 20 
May 8 
May 29 
Jun. 6 
Jun. 6 

Jul. ID 
JuL 18 
Oct. 23 
Oct. 23 
Nov. 6 
Dec. 8 

Dec. II 
Dec. II 
Mar. 2 

Mar. 19 

May 22 





















Jul. 9 






























1759 Thomas s. of Mr. Richd Harrison, Tanner Aug. 27 
Margaret d. of Rob* Graham of Natland 


Ann d. of Mr. Richd Wilson, Shearman 
William s. of John Craig, a Soldier 
Mary d. of George Hamilton, a Gardener. 
Ellen d. of James Watson, Pedlar . . 

1760 James s. of John Thomson, Farmer at 

Hipshow . . . . . . . . . . Mar. 19 

Joseph s. of Thomas Thomson, Woolcomber, 

Janet d. of John Mitchell in Stricklandgate 
John s. of William Rawson in Finkle Street 
Anthony s. of Anthony Williamson of 

Kirkland . . 

1 76 1 Margaret d . of J ohn Maclintach, Stramongate 
Ann d. of Robert Gowdie, a weaver 
William s. of Mr. James Wilson, Shearman 
Agnes d. of Mr. James Wilson, Shearman. . 
John s. of John Black, Gardener.. 
Thomas s. of Peter Halliday, Innkeeper in 

Highgate . . . . . . . . . . May 3 

Alexander s. of Alexander Bowman, Gar- 
dener . . . . . . . . . . May 10 

Margaret d. of John Crosfield, of Fellside. . Aug. 16 
Eleanor d. of William Swainson, of Kirkland Sep. 27 
Agnes d. of Mr. Richard Harrison, Tanner, 

Stramongate . . . . . . . . Oct. 15 

Jane d. of George Hamilton, Gardener, 

Stricklandgate . . . . . . . . Nov. 12 

Dorothy d. of Mr. Thomas Nelson, Grocer, 

Highgate . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 1 1 

Thomas s. of Mr. Richard Wilson, Shearman, 

Stricklandgate . . . . . . . . Dec 21 

1762 Robert s. of Andrew Graham, Blacksmith, 

Stricklandgate . . . . . . . . Jun. 13 

William s. of William Fothergill, Strick- 
landgate . . . . . . . . . . Jul. 15 

John s. of Thomas Thomson, Strammongate Jul. 18 
Mary d. of George Birkett, jun'', Strickland- 
gate Oct. 3 

Rachel d. of John Mitchel, Weaver, Strick- 
landgate . . . . . . . . . . Nov. 21 


1763 Hannah d. of James Taylor, Weaver, Fellside Feb. 6 
Isabella d. of William Rawson, Watchmaker Feb. 13 
James s. of John Black . . . . . . Feb. 27 

Thomas s. of James Wilson, Shearman, 

Stricklandgate . . . . . . . . Jun. 19 

William s. of Peter Halliday, Innkeeper, 

Highgate . . . . . . . . . . Aug. I 

Anne d. of George Symon, Gardener, High- 
gate . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 7 

Hannah d. of John Maclintach, Strammon- 

gate . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 7 

Mary d. of William Fothergill, Stricklandgate Nov. 27 
Andrew s. of Andrew Graham, Burneside. . Dec. 31 

1764 Joseph s. of Joseph Allan, jun'', Highgate.. Feb. 26 
Robert s. of Robert Anderson, Baker, 

Stricklandgate . . . . . . . . Mar. i8 

Ellen d. of John Stanley, Shoemaker, Far 

Cross Bank . . . . . . . . Apr. 2 

Edward s. of George Hamilton, Strickland- 
gate . . . . . . . . . . May 13 

Isabel d. of Jane Stot, Highgate . . . . May 19 

George s. of Richard Wilson, Shearman, 

Stricklandgate . . . . . . . . May 27 

Elijah s. of Jacob Middleton, Taylor, 

Market Street . . . . . . . . Jun. 17 

Elizabeth d. of George Birkett jun'', Strick- 
landgate . . . . . . . . . . Oct. 7 

1765 William s. of Thomas and Agnes Thomson, 

Strammongate . . . . . . . . Jan. 13 

John s. of John and Christian Macdonald, 

Kirkland . . . . . . . . . . May 8 

Agnes d. of Andrew and Esther Graham, 

Burneside . . . . . . . . . . Jun. 18 

Elizabeth d. of James Wilson, Shearman, 

Stricklandgate . . . . . . . . Sep. 29 

Peter s. of Peter Halliday, Shoemaker and 

Innkeeper, Highgate . . . . . . Oct. 9 

Eleanor d. of William Rawson, Strickland- 
gate . . . . . . . . . . Nov. 2& 

1766 Thomas s. of Alexander Bowman, Highgate, 

Gardener . . . . . . . . . . Mar. 2 

Mary d. of John Maclintach, Strammongate Apr. 13 
John s. of John Black, Kirkland . . . . Apr. 13 


1766 Margaret d. of George Birkett jun"", Strick- 

Anne d. of Joseph Shaw, Highgate 
Tabitha d. of John Sinclair, Kirkland 
Agnes d. of Jacob Middleton, Market Street 
Esther d. of Andrew Graham, Burneside 
Robert s. of Mr Richard Wilson, Shearman, 

Jean d. of William Mackay, Soldier in the 

8th Regiment 
Margaret d. of Mr. James Patrick, Strick- 

1767 John s. of George Symonds, Gardener, 

Highgate . . 
John s. of Joseph Allan, Stricklandgate 
Harriet d. of William Fothergill, Strickland- 
Elizabeth d. of Myles Baldwin, Highgate 
Richard s. of Mr. James Wilson, Shearman, 

Joseph s. of George Hamilton, Underbarrow 
Richard s. of Thos. Thomson, Stramgte . . 
Eleanor d. of Thos. Thomson, Stramgte . . 

1768 Margaret d. of Andrew Graham of Burneside 
Robert s. of John Maclintach of Strammon- 

Agnes d. of Richard Wilson of Stricklandgate 
William s. of Joseph Shaw, Highgate 
Joseph s. of William Rawson, Stricklandgate 
Anne d. of Andrew Henderson, Gardener. . 
George s. of George Birkett, Shearman, 


1769 Mary d. of Thomas Holme, Mercer, F. Street 
James s. of Joseph Allan jun'', Kirkland . . 
Thomas s. of Thomas Christell, All-hallows 

Agnes d. of Robert Anderson, Stricklandgate 
William s. of George Symonds, Gardener, 

Highgate . . . . . . . . . . Oct. 6 

Thomas s. of John Mitchell, Weaver, 

Stricklandgate . . . . . . . . Nov. 5 

Mary d. of James Bennet, Weaver, French 

Lane Nov. 26 
































































1769 Ecroyde Claxton s. of John Claxton, Sur- 

geon, Market place 

1770 Elizabeth d. of James Cookson, Stramongate 
Joseph s. of James Wilson, Shearman, 

Christopher s. of Andrew Graham, Smith, 

Burneside . . 
Edward s. of Thomas Holme, Mercer, 

Stricklandgate . . . . . . . . Mar. 1 1 

Johns, of George Henderson, Far Cross Bank Apr. i 
Catharine d. of Daniel Campbell, Kirkland Apr. 11 
Sarah d. of George Hamilton of Underbarrow Aug. 12 
Alice d. of George and Dinah Ford of 

Bewcastle . . . . . . . . . . Sep. 6 

David s. of Joseph Shaw, Highgate . . Nov. 25 

Agnes d. of John Maclintach, Strammongate Dec. 16 

1 771 Martha d. John Macheaver, Serjeant in the 

20th regiment . . . . . . . . Jan. 27 

Hannah d. George Birkett, Stricklandgate. . Feb. 17 
Josiah s. and Elizabeth d. of Jos. Lewth- 

waite, Kirkland . . . . . . . . Mar. 5 

Margaret d. of Richard Wilson, Strickland- 
gate . . . . . . . . . . May 5 

Jane d. of John Claxton, Surgeon.. .. Sep. 10 

William s. of William Rawson, Watchmaker, 

Stricklandgate . . . . . . . . Sep. 22 

Elizabeth d. of Thomas Holme, Mercer, 

Stricklandgate . . . . . . . . Oct. 13 

John s. of James Bennet, Weaver, French 

lane . . . . . . . . . . Oct. 20 

Thomas, grandson of Thomas Thomson, 

Stramondgate . . . . . . . . Nov. 20 

John s. of Benjamin Brokenshear, a Soldier, 

Kirkland . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 28 

1772 Isabella d. of William Fothergill, Strick- 

landgate . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 16 

John s. of John Mitchell, Weaver, Strick- 
landgate . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 23 

Anne d. of John Shuttle worth, French lane Mar. i 
Isabella d. of Alexander Lambert, Far 

Cross bank . . . . . . . . Apr. 9 

Mary d. of James Wilson, Shearman, 

Stricklandgate Apr. 26 


1 772 James s. of George Hamilton of Underbarrow May 3 
John s. of William Yair, Far Cross Bank. . Jul. 15 

1773 John s. of Thomas Holme, Mercer, F. 

Street . . . . . . . . . . Jan. 2 

Ellen d. of William Thomson, Weaver, 

Fellside . . . . . . . . . . Jan. 10 

James s. of Andrew Graham, Burneside.. Feb. i 
Elizabeth d. of John Benson, Kirkland . . May 20 
Charles s. of John Claxton, Surgeon, Market 

Place . . . . . . . . . . Jun. i 

Ann d. of Isaac Steele, Drysalter and Dyer, 

Highgate . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 7 

John s. of John Anderson, Weaver, Strick- 

landgate . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 15 

Mary d. of Joseph Shaw, Gardener, Highgate Sep. 5 
Charles s. of William Dixon, Taylor, 

Stramongate . . . . . . . . Sep. 12 

John s. of George Birkett, Shearman, 

Stricklandgate . . . . . . . . Sep. 19 

Isabella d. of James Bennet, Weaver, 

French Lane . . . . . . . . Nov. 14 

Thomas s. of Samuel Cummim, Weaver, 

French Lane . . . . . . . . Dec. 5 

1774 Thomas s. of William Mawson, Hosier, 

Stramongate . . . . . . . . Feb. 27 

Tabitha d. of John Shuttle worth. Weaver, 

French Lane . . . . . . . . Mar. 6 

Margaret d. of Andrew Henderson, Gar- 
dener, Stricklandgate 

Thomas s. of Thomas Rodick, Linen-draper, 

Isaac s. of Isaac Steele, Dyer, Highgate . . 

William s. of John Mitchell, Weaver, Strick- 

Mary d. of Joseph Allan, Taylor, Kirkland 

1775 Caleb s. of John Claxton, Surgeon, Market 

Place . . . . . . . . . . Jan. 19 

John s. of Mary Simson, a poor Scotswoman, 

Stramongate . . . . . . . . Mar. 13 

William s. of James Cookson, dyer, Stra- 
mongate . . . . . . . . . . Apr. 9 

Mary d. of Agnes Wilson, widow of Rich^ 

Wilson, Stricklandgate . . . . . . May 5 












1775 Thomas s. of William Elyetson, Scar-sykes, 

Ravenstonedale . . . . . . . . May 26 

Catherine d. of Isaac Steele, dyer, Finckle 

Street . . . . . . . . . . Jul. 2 

Sarah d. of William Mawson, Hosier, Stra- 

mongate . . . . . . . . . . Jul. 23 

Mary d. of Andrew Graham, Smith, Burne- 

side . . . . . . . . . . Oct. 18 

James s. of William Millighan, Linen-draper, 

Mercer's Lane . . . . . . . . Nov. 26 

1776 Agnes d. of George Birkett, Shearman, 

Stricklandgate . . . . . . . . Feb. 18 

Richard s. of Mary Barker, Stramongate. . Aug. 25 
John s. of Joseph Lindsay, Cabinet-maker, 

French Lane . . . . . . . . Dec. 20 

1777 Sarah d. of William Millighan, Linen draper, 

M. Street Jan. 26 

James s. of Joseph Shaw, Gardener, High- 
gate . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 9 

Margaret d. of William Mawson, Hosier, 

Stramongate . . . . . . . . Mar. 23 

John s. of John Claxton, Surgeon, Market 

Place . . . . . . . . . . Apr. 10 

Richard s of James Cookson, dyer, Stramon- 
gate May 18 

Ann d. of Thomas Thomson, Woolcomber, 

Market Place . . . . . . . . May 25 

Joseph s. of Joseph Allan, Taylor, Kirkland Jun. 28 
Isabel d. of John Shuttleworth, Weaver, 

French Lane . . . . . . . . Jul. 21 

Sarah d. of James Bennet, Weaver, Highgate Jul. 27 
Ann d. of Isaac Steele, dyer, Finckle Street Aug. 22 
John s. of James Allison, Weaver, Kirkland Sep. 13 

1778 George s. of John Smith, Mason, French 

Lane . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 22 

Mary d. of John Claxton, Surgeon, Market 

Mary d. of Isaac Steele, dyer, Finckle Street 
Josiah s. of Joseph Allan, Taylor, Highgate 

1779 Hannah d. of John Nichol of Edinburgh, 

Jane d. of Joseph Shaw, Gardener, Highgate 
Jane d. of John Jardine, Taylor, Kirkland 




























1779 George s. of William Milligan, Linen draper, 

Highgate . . 

1780 Elizabeth d. of John Claxton, Surgeon . . 
William s. of James Watson,' Shoemaker, 

Sarah d. of John Thomson jun'. Merchant, 

Finckle Street 
George s. of John Armstrong, dyer, Kent 

Hannah d. of Isaac Steele, dyer, Finckle 

Benjamin s. of Robert Sinkinson, Strick- 

Catherine d. of Robert Parker, Milnthorp Nov. 18 

1 78 1 Elizabeth d. of John Jardine, Taylor, 

Highgate . . . . . . . . . . May 20 

Ann d. of James Bennet, Weaver, Fellside May 27 
Mary d. of John Thomson, Merchant, 

Finkle Street .. .. .. .. Jul. ir 

Mary d. of John Grant, Shoemaker in the 

militia, Highgate . . . . . . Jul. 19 

William the s. of William Christie, Merchant 

at Montrose . . . . . . . . Aug. 16 

Jane the d. of William Christie, Merchant 

at Montrose . . . . . . . . Aug. 16 

William s. of Christopher Grey, Strickland- 
gate . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 26 

Jane d. of John Armstrong, dyer, Kirkland Oct. 7 
William s. of William Milligan, Linen 

draper, Highgate . . . . . . Oct. 8 

George s. of William Edwards, Weaver, 

Highgate . . . . . . . . . . Oct. 14 

Gawens. of James Allison, Weaver, Kirkland Oct. 21 
Elizabeth d. of Isaac Steele, dyer, Finckle 

John s. of Alexander McMaster, Serjeant, 

44th Regiment 
Adam s. of William West, Lancaster i year 

and 8 months old 
Ann d. of William West, Shoemaker, Lan- 
1782 WiUiam s. of William Mawson, Hosier, 












2 H 


1782 Ellen d. of Joseph Shaw, Gardener, Highgate Feb. 11 
Isabel d. of James Watson, Shoemaker, 

Stramongate . . . . . . . . Mar. 7 

John s. of James Stilling, Weaver, Militia, 

Beast Fair . . . . . . . . Sep. 15 

John s. of John Thomson, Merchant, Finckle 

Street . . . . . . . . . . Sep. 25 

Ann d. of Robert Sinkinson, Stricklandgate Oct. 20 

1783 James s. of James Watson, Shoemaker, 

Stramongate . . . . . . . . Feb. 16 

Margaret d. of Isaac Steele, dyer, Stramon- 
gate . . . . . . . . . . Oct. 8 

James s. of John Grant, Shoemaker, Finckle 

Street . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 21 

1784 Elizabeth d. of John Thomson, Mercht, 

F. Street . . . . . . . . . . Mar. 17 

John s. of Peter Holland, tobacconist, 

Finckle Street . . . . . . . . Apr. 18 

Mary d. of William Milligan, Highgate . . Apr. 25 

Ann d. of James Watson, Shoemaker, Stra- 
mongate . . . . . . . . . . Jun. 20 

T785 Thomas s. of Robert Sinkinson, bookmaker, 

Highgate . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 6 

Robert s. of Barney O'Neil, Waller, Kirk- 
land . . . . . . . . . . Mar. 20 

Sarah d. of Joseph Shaw, Gardener, Highgate Mar. 27 

William s. of John Armstrong, dyer. Kirk- 
land . . . . . . . . . . Jun. 5 

Hannah d. of John Thomson, Merch', 

F. Street . . . . . . . . . . Jul. 5 

Mary d. of John Myers, Ropemaker, in 
Highgate and Ellen his wife, born Sep. 
16, 1785, was baptized Septr. 18, 1785 by 
me C. Rotheram, P.D. Min'' . . . . Sep. 18 

Jo- Ann d. of Arthur Walker, gardener, 

and Jane his wife, b. Oct. 30 . . . . Nov. 6 

1786 Ann d. of Isaac Steele and Mary his wife, 

Stramongate, born Mar. 9 . . . . Apr. 7 

Rebekah d. of James Watson, Cordwainer, 

and Rebekah his wife, b. Mar. 23 . . Apr. 16 

Margaret d. of Matthew Whitaker, Tobac- 
conist, and Ann his wife, b. May 15 . . Jun. 11 

Ann d. of William Atkinson, Waller, and 


1786 Margery his wife, b. and bap. Jul. 20, 

1786. Kirkland .. .. .. .. Jul. 20 

Joseph s. of John Musgrave, tanner in 

Highgate, and Ann his wife, b. Oct. 23 Nov. 19 

Agnes d. of John Thomson, Weaver, Entry- 
Lane, and Ann his wife, b. Aug. 22 . . Nov. 26 

Michael s. of Robert Sinkinson, hookmaker, 

and Agnes his wife, Highgate, b. Nov. 10 Dec. 10 

Jane d. of David Jack and Jane his wife, 
Gardener at Belle-isle in Winander Mere, 
b. Nov. 8, bap. Dec. 13, 1786 at Belle-isle Dec. 13 

1787 James s. of John Bowman, weaver, and 

Elizabeth his wife, Highgate, b. Feb. 23 Mar. 25 

Hannah d. of Charles Johnson, Weaver, and 

Agnes Middleton, Workhouse, b. Mar. 12 Apr. 3 

Margaret d. of Robert Petrie, Gardener, 
Finckle Street, and Mary his wife, b. 
May 7 

John s. of John Armstrong, dyer, Kirkland, 
and Elizabeth his wife, b. Aug. 29 . . 

Matthew s. of Matthew Whitaker, Tobac- 
conist, and Ann his wife, b. Aug. 28 . . 

1788 Jane d. of William Paton, weaver, and Jane 

his wife, b. Jan. 9, 1787 
John s. of Thomas Miller, Tobacconist, and 

Janet his wife, b. Jan. 16 
Mary d. of William Atkinson, Waller, in 

Kirkland, and Margery his wife, b. and 

Ann d. of James Stilling, Weaver, Banks, 

and Isabella his wife, born Apr. 10 . . 
Reginald s. of John Armstrong, Burneside, 

and Mary his wife, b. May 18. . 
John s. of William Ross, Cooper, Brewery, 

and Blanche his wife, b. Jun. 19 
John Christian s. of David Jack and Jane 

his wife, Winandermere, b. May 28 . . 
James s. of James Watson, Shoemaker, 

Finkle Street, and Rebekah his wife, 

b. Aug. 17 Sep. 14 

William s. of Charles Johnson, Weaver, 

Stricklandgate, and Agnes his wife, b. 

Nov. 30 . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 8 






















1788 David s. of John Musgrave, Tanner, High- 
gate, and Ann his wife, b. Oct. 31 . . Dec. 

A Register belonging to the 

Congregation of Protestant-Dissenters. 

Kendal, 1789. 

Kendal Meeting Christenings 

1789 Margaret d. of Robert Sinkinson and Agnes 

his wife, Market Place, b. Jan. 13 . . Feb. 8 
Jane d. of John Bowman, Weaver, Higli- 

gate, and Elizabeth his wife, b. Feb. 12 Mar. i 
Joseph s. of Matthew Whi taker. Tobacconist, 

Fishmarket, and Ann his wife, b. Feb. 16 Mar. 29 
Jane d. of Robert Petrie, Gardener, Finckle 

Street and Mary his wife, b. May 22 . . Jul. 12 
Alicia Ann d. of John Thomson, Merchant, 

Finckle Street and Hannah his wife, b. 

Aug. 15 Sep. 24 

William s. of William Ross, Cooper at the 

Brewery, and Blanche his wife, b. Oct. 25 Nov. 22 

1790 Jane d. of Jane Smith, Kirkland, b. Jan. 4 Feb. i 
Margaret d. of John Armstrong, Dyer, High- 
gate and Elizabeth his wife, b. and bap. Jun. 18 

Ellen d. of John Armstrong and Mary his 

wife, Burneside, b. Oct. 28 . . . . Dec. 6 

1 791 Allan s. of Allan Myers, Woolcomber, Far 

Cross Bank, and Ann his wife, b. Feb. 2 Feb. 16 

John s. of Caleb Rotheram Min'' and Hannah 
his wife, b. Jan. 14, bap. by Revd John 
Harrison of Lancaster . . . . . . Feb. 25 

Mary d. of Charles Johnson, Weaver, and 

Agnes his wife, Stramongate, b. Mar. 26 Apr. 3 

William s. of James Echlin, dyer, and Agnes 

his wife, Highgate, b. Apr. 7 . . . . Apr. 24 

[The following note is inserted here] 

We the undersigned certify that the name 
Echlin in the Register of William the 
son of James Echlin and of George 
the son of James Echlin, subsequently 
registered in this book in 1793 has 


always been spelled Eglin and is now 

so spelled. 

Charles Docker 
William Patton 
Edwd Holme 

I, George Taylor Eglin do hereby certify 
that I am the son of James Eglin and 
Agnes his wife, and the person mentioned 
in the certificate of Baptism. That my 
grandfather was called George Taylor 
and that such Christian name of George 
Taylor was given me by my father 
whose surname was Eglin but described 
in the register of baptisms Echlin. 
Dated this 12th day of August 1837. 

George Taylor Eglin. 

Jas. Goad, Solicitor 

179T Margaret d. of William Atkinson, Waller, 

and Margery his wife, b. Jun. 7 . . June 14 

Daniel s. of James Stilling, Waller, and 

Isabella his wife, Fellside, b. Jun. 4 . . June 22 
Thomas s. of Thomas Mackrel, Corporal in 

the 44th Regiment, and Margery his 

wife, Kirkland, b. Jul. 17 .. .. July 21 

William s. of John Musgrave, Tanner, and 

Ann his wife, Wildman St., b. Jul. 9.. Jul. 24 
Elizabeth d. of James Watson, Cordwainer, 

and Rebecca his wife, Finckle St., b. 

Sep. 6 . . . . .... . . Sep. 25 

Thomas s. of William Milligan and Martha 

his wife, Mantua maker, Finckle St., 

b. Oct. 29 . . . . . . . . Dec. 18 

1792 Andrew s. of Thomas Millar, tobacconist, 

and Jane his wife, Stramongate, b. Dec. 

27, 1791 . . . . . . . . . . Jan. 8 

Mary d. of Robert Petrie, Gardener, and 

Mary his wife, Finckle Street., b. Apr. 14 May 6 
William s. of Caleb Rotheram, Min^ and 

Hannah his wife, b. May 21, bap. by the 

Rev. Mr. Harrison, Lancaster . . . . Jul. 4 


1792 John s. of the late John Jackson and Mary 

his wife, b. Sep. 28 . . . . . . Oct. 14 

Thomas s. of William Ross, Cooper at the 
Brewery, and Blanche his wife, b. 
Oct. 16 . . . . . . . . . . Nov. II 

1793 John s. of John Bowman, Weaver, and 

Elizabeth his wife, Highgate, b. Mar. 

29, 1792 . . . . . . . . . . Jan. 21 

Jane d. of John Musgrave, Tanner, and Ann 

his wife, Wildman St., b. Jan. 25 . . Feb. 24 
Elizabeth d. of Hamilton Edwards, Weaver, 

and Elizabeth his wife, Wildman St., 

b. Feb. II .. .. .. .. Mar. 10 

George s. of James Echlin, dyer, and Agnes 

his wife, Highgate, b. Mar. 29 . . . . May 21 

Jane d. of Charles Johnson, weaver, and 

Agnes his wife, b. May 15, Stramongate Jun. 2 
Sarah d. of Ann Myers, widow of Allan 

Myers, b. Jul. 13, Far Cross Bank . . Jul. 29 
Agnes d. of the late Matthew Rodick, linen 

draper, and Elizabeth his wife, Strick- 

landgate, b. Aug. 8 . . . . . . Dec. i 

1794 Mary Ann d. of Dawson Gardner, Cabinet 

maker, and Elisabeth his wife, Strick- 
landgate, b. Mar. i . . . . . . Mar. 23 

Elizabeth d. of Hamilton Edwards, weaver, 
and Elizabeth his wife, Branthwaite 
Brow, b. May 12 .. .. .. Jun. 8 

Edward s. of Caleb Rotheram, Minister, and 
Hannah his wife, b. Aug. 9, bap. by the 
Rev. Mr. Harrison of Lancaster . . Sep. 14 

Robert s. of Robert Petrie, Gardener, 

Finckle St., and Mary his wife, b. Oct. 30 Nov. 5 

Sarah d. of Robert Petrie, Gardener, 

Finckle St., and Mary his wife, b. Oct. 30 Nov. 5 

1795 John s. of John Armstrong, Cotton Works, 

Burneside, and Mary his wife, born Sep. 

25, 1794 Jan. 8 

David s. of Samuel Relph, Tanner, Highgate, 

and Agnes his wife, b. Mar. 25 . . . . Apr. 22 

Mary d. of Thomas Thompson, Woolcom- 

ber, and Mary his wife, Stramongate, b. 

Apr. 18 May 24 


1795 John s. of John Musgrave, Tanner, and Ann 

his wife, Kirkland, b. May 26 . . . . Jun. 21 

James s. of WiUiam Ross, Brewer, and 

Blanch his wife, Wildman St., b. Aug. 19 Sep. 15 
Ellen d. of Robert Petrie, gardener, and 

Mary his wife, Finckle St., b. Oct. 23. . Nov. 29- 
Isabella d. of Hamilton Edwards, weaver, 

and Elizabeth his wife. Market Place, b. 

Oct. 31 . . . . . . . . . . Nov. 29^ 

1796 Caleb Charles s. of C. Rotheram, Minister, 

and Hannah his wife, b. Apr. 15, bap. by 

Rev. J. Harrison, Lancaster . . . . May & 

Kendal Meeting. Christenings. John Harrison Min'', 

John s. of Alexander Eraser, a soldier, and 

Sophia his wife, being one week old . . Sep. 4 
John s. of John and Elizabeth Mc.CuUey. . Dec. 4 

1797 Alexander s. of Richard Ware, a soldier, 

and Janet his wife, being 8 days old . . Feb. 17 

1798 John s. of John Armstrong of Burneside, b. 

Eeb. 25 . . . . . . . . . . Jun. 6 

1799 Margaret d. of Robt and Mary Petrie, b. 

Eeb. 23 . . . . . . . . . . Apr. 7 

Elizabeth d. of Thomas and Elizabeth 

Cookson, b. Oct. 14 . . . . . . Nov. 10 

1800 John s. of John and Elizabeth Bowman, b. 

Dec. 7, 1799 . . . . . . . . Feb. 3 

Margaret d. of William and Margaret Cook- 
son, b. Apr. 26 . . . . . . . . Jun. 8 

1801 William Strickland s. of Thomas and 

Elizabeth Cookson, b. June 18 . . Jul. 12 

John Allen, s. of John Allison and Catherine 

his wife, b. Jan. 3 . . . . . . Aug. 9 

1802 Margaret d. of Jas. and Agnes Pennington, 

bap. at their house . . . . . . Nov. 14 

1803 James s. of Thomas and Elizabeth Cookson, 

b. Feb. 18 . . . . . . . . Apr. 24 

David s. of William and Mary Kennedy, 

bap. at my own house . . . . . . Jul. 14 

John s. of James and Alice Corbet, b. Jul. 4 Aug. 7 

1804 John s. of Thomas and Elizabeth Cookson, 

b. Sep. 7 . . . . . . . . . . Oct. 7 

Eleanor d. of William Mawson, b. Sept. 13 Oct. 14 


1805 Henry s. of Agnes Pennington, bap. at her 

house Apr. 28 

Ameha d. of WiHiam and Jane Savage, bap. 

at the Meeting, being 5 months old . . May 5 
James s. of James and AUce Corbet, being 

8 weeks old . . . . . . . . July 18 

Thomas s. of Rob' and Nancy Rigg, b. Nov. 

27 . . . . . . ..... . . Dec. 25 

1806 Thomas s. of Thomas and Elizabeth Cook- 

son, b. May 31 . . . . . . . • Jun. 29 

Elizabeth d. of James and Jane Creighton, 

b. Sep. 28 Oct. 26 

1807 Mary d. of James and Alice Corbett, b. Jun. 21 Aug. 25 
Mary d. of Robert and Ann Rigg, b. Nov. 23 Dec. 20 

1808 Richard s. of Thomas and Elizabeth Cook- 

son, b. Mar. 13 . . . . . . . . Apr. 13 

Henry James s. of William and Mary 

Wightman, b. Mar. 17, 1805 . . . . Jul. 24 

Bennet, s. of William and Mary Wightman, 

b. Mar. 26, 1808 Jul. 24 

1809 Jane d. of Jane Creighton, a widow, b. 

Feb. 18 . . . . . . . . . . Apr. 2 

John Stubs s. of James and Agnes Willan, 

b. Jun. 23 . . . . . . . . Jul. 23 

Agnes d. of John Harrison, Tailor, and 

Agnes his wife, b. Dec. 4 . . . . Dec. 28 

Richard s. of Robert and Ann Rigge, b. 

Dec. 7 

3810 James s. of James Cassells, M.D., and Mary 

his wife, b. Mar. 23 
Henry s. of Thomas and Elizabeth Cookson, 

b. Apr. 10 
Elizabeth d. of James and Alice Corbet, b. 

June 30 

381 1 Newton Douglas s. of William and Mary 


Susannah d. of James Cassells, M.D., and 
Mary his wife, b. Apr. 14 

Thomas s. of Thomas Parkinson and Martha 
his wife, being about 15 weeks old 
1812 Eliza d. of William and Mary Wightman. . 

Hannah d. of Thomas and Elizabeth Cook- 
son, b. Mar. 17 .. .. .. •• Apr. 16 


















1812 Mary Ann d. of Robert and Ann Rigge, b. 

Jun. 16 JuL 5 

Jane Adeline d. of Robert and Agnes Boyd, 

being about 11 days old .. .. Aug. g 

John s. of James Cassells, M.D., and Mary 

his wife, b. Aug. 20 . . . . . . Aug. 23 

Robert s. of John Harrison, Tailor, and 

Agnes his wife, b. Jul. 31 . . . . Aug. 30 

1813 Anthony Fothergill, s. of James and Alice 

Corbet, b. Jan. 12 . . . . . . Mar. 7 

Walter s. of James Cassells, M.D., and Mary 

his wife, b. Aug. 9 . . . . . . Aug. 22 

George s. of Thomas and Ellen Scott, b. 

Apr. I . . . . . . . . . . Sep. 19 

Ann d. of Joseph Whitaker and Elizabeth 

his wife, b. Sep. 8 . . . . . . Nov. 2 

1 81 4 Mary d. of William and Mary Wightman, 

being one month old 
Thomas s. of James and Agnes Willan . . 
Margaret d. of Robt. and Ann Rigg, b. 

Feb. 16 . . 
Sarah d. of Thomas and Elizabeth Cookson, 

b. Apr. 14 
Edward s. of Robert and Isabella Gudgeon, 

b. Jul. 24 

1815 William s. of James and Alice Corbett, b. 

Apr. 10 
Elizabeth d. of Joseph Whitaker and 

Elizabeth his wife, b. Aug. 10 
John Mason, s. of Edward Harrison and 

Agnes his wife, b. Nov. 13 . . . . Dec. 6 

1816 Elizabeth d. of Robert Brooks and Jane 

his wife 
Hannah d. of Robert Gudgeon and Isabella 

his wife, b. Jun. 15 . . . . . . 

Edwin Mitford s. of Thomas and Elizabeth 

Cookson, b. Sep. 23 
George s. of Edwd. Harrison and Agnes 

his wife, b. Nov. 28 

1 8 1 7 Eleanor d. of Joseph Whitaker and Elizabeth 

his wife, b. Apr. 20 
Elizabeth d. of Edwd. Docker and Rebecca 
his wife, about 3 months old . . 




























i8i8 Thomas s. of Robert Brooks and Jane his 

wife, being i month old . . . . June 2S 

Edward s. of Edward Docker and Rebecca 

his wife, about i month old . . . . Sep. 6 

Margaret Airey d. of Edward Harrison and 

Agnes his wife, b. Nov. 21 . . . . Dec. 20- 

1819 Mary d. of Thomas and Elizabeth Cookson, 

b. Jan. 2 . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 8 

James s. of Margaret Golden, a widow, b. 

May 29 . . . . . . . . . . Jun. 27 

Jane d. of Robert and Isabella Gudgeon . . Sep. 25 

1820 Elizabeth d. of Robert and Jane Brooks, 

being about i month old . . . . Jan. 2 
Alice d. of Edward and Agnes Harrison, 

being about i month old . . . . Jan. n 

John s. of William Wightman . . . . Sep. 3 

Henry s. of Jonathan Roy and Jane his wife Oct. 28' 

1 82 1 Mary Anne d. of Edward and Rebecca 

Docker, b. Aug. i . . . . . . Aug. 26 

1822 Isabel d. of Alexander Orcherton and Isabel 

his wife, b. Jan. 16 . . . . . . Feb. 17 

Thomas s. of James and Margaret Strachan, 

b. Apr. 22 . . . . . . . . May 26' 

1823 Robert s. of Edward and Agnes Harrison, b. 

May 21 . . . . . . . . . . Jun. 15 

Mary d. of Joseph Barret and Ann his wife, 

b. Nov. 27 . . . . . . . . Dec. 21 

1825 Edmund s. of Jonathan and Mary Harker, 

b. Mar. 15, 1824, bap. . . . . . . Apr. 10 

1826 James s. of Thos. Glover and Ann his wife, 

b. the 26th . . . . . . . . Aug. 27 

1828 Margaret d. of John Rakestraw and Eliza- 
beth his wife, b. Nov. 21, 1825. . . . Sep. 21 
Robert s. of John Rakestraw and Elizabeth 

his wife, b. Aug. 24 . . . . . . Sep. 21 

1 83 1 Henry s. of John Rakestraw and Elizabeth 

his wife, b. Jul. 11 . . . . . . Aug. 14, 

1834 Mary Ann d. of John Rakestraw and Eliza- 
beth his wife, b. Feb. 11 . . . . May 25 
William Newton s. of James Spedding and 
Rebecca his wife, born Apr. 27, 1836 

1837 William s. of Margaret Stewart, b. Feb. 3, 

bap. May 7 


1837 William s. of William Hunt and Isabella 

his wife, b. May 3 . . . . . . May 27 

John Horsfall s. of Robert Atkin and Martha 

his wife, b. . . . . . . . . Jun. i& 

1838 John s. of Anthony Hudson and Agnes his 

wife, b. . . . . . . . . . . Apr. 17 

1843 Elizabeth d. of Anthony Hudson and Agnes 

his wife, b. . . . . . . . . Feb. 6* 

Although the burial ground was used from 1722, the 
first interment being that of an infant daughter of Dr. 
Rotheram (see Register of baptisms, 1722), the chapel 
register of burials does not begin until 1756. 

Mr. Jennings supplied us with the following notes 
of earlier burials at the chapel recorded in the parish 

1725 Apr. 24 Thomas Gibson of Stramongate bur. at the 
Presbittrion meeting house. 
Oct. 2 Sarah Ogton of Fincal street bur. at the 

Presbitiran meeting house. 
Thomas Strickland of Stricklandgate bur. 

at the Presbeterian meets house. 
Jno. Foster, a soldier bur. at the Presbeterian 

Meeting House. 
Mary d. of Joseph Allan of Kirkland at ye 

meeting house. 

Register of Burials. 

1756 Mary Mawson, aged 82 
Ann d. of Mr. William Fothergill, aged i . . 
Margaret Nevison, advanced in years, her 

age not mentioned 
Mrs. Mary Harrison, the widow of Mr. John 
Harrison .aged 80 

1757 Elizabeth d. of Thos. Thomson, son-in-law 
to J. Allan, aged i 

Mr. Benjamin Atkinson, Shearman, died 

May 2, aged 36 . . 
Martha Saul, d. May 17, aged 75 . . 
George Augustus Gale, d. Oct. 6, aged 38 . . 

This entry is not in the original register, but occurs in the transcript. 


Jan. 23 


Apr. 30 


May 30 





























1758 John Crossfield, Cobler, d. May 2, aged 65. . May 3 
William Burnyeats, a journeyman comber, 

d. May 29, aged 51 .. .. .. May 30 

Jane Woodburn, d. Oct. 22, a poor woman 

advanced in years . . . . . . Oct. 23 

Nathaniel s. of Geo Taylor, Barber in Kirk- 
land, aged 6 . . . . . . . . Oct. 31 

Mrs. Mary Harrison, late wife of Mr. Thos. 
Harrison, Tanner, who dep. this life 
Thursday night Nov. 30 between 12 and 
I, aged 70 . . 

Mrs. Hannah Gowthrop d. Dec. 14, aged 62 

1759 Agnes Baxter, advanced in years 
Mr. Thos. Gibson, weaver, d. Apr. 6 
Mary d. of John Gowthrop, aged 2 
William s. of Rich'^ Burnyeates, aged 5 . . 

1760 Mary wife of Mr. Archibald Lyle of Common 

Garden d. March 19, aged 33 
Anne, widow of Mr. Thomas Wilson of 

Patten, who departed this life Mar. 24, 

aged 90 . . . . . . . . . . Mar. 27 

William s. of John Craig, a soldier in the 

East Indies . . . . . . . . Apr. 25 

John Stevenson, a Tanner, Highgate, aged 34 May 15 
Jane, widow of Thomas Gibson of Stram- 

mongate, aged 95, within a few days 

of 96 . . . . . . . . . . Jun. 12 

William s. of Robert Anderson, Finckle St., 

aged 4 . . . . . . . . . . Oct. 30 

A very young child of Agnes Robinson's . . Nov. 2 

1 761 Mary wife of John Thomson of Hipshow, 

Farmer, aged 42 . . . . . . . . Jun. 15 

John Thomson of Hipshow, Farmer, aged 45 Jun. 18 

1762 John s. of John Black in the first year of his 

age Jan. 9 

James s. of John Thomson, late of Hipshow, 

in the 2"^ year . . . . . . . . Jan. 29 

Margaret d. of Robt. Graham of Natland 

Beck, in the 3rd year . . . . . . May 13 

Richard Harrison, Strammongate, who 

departed this life Sep. 14, aged 37 . . Sep. 16 

George s. of George Hamilton, Strickland- 
gate, aged 5 Oct. 20 


1762 Jane d. of George Hamilton, Stricklandgate, 

first year . . . . . . . . . . Oct. 22 

Rachel d. of John Mitchel, Weaver, Strick- 
landgate . . . . . . . . . . Dec. I 

William s. of William Fothergill, in the 

first year . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 25 

1763 Robert Graham of Natland Mill, aged 50. . Dec. 24 

1764 Isabel d. of John Mitchel, Weaver, aged 7. . Feb. 15 

1765 Robert s. of John Smith of Burneside, 

aged 8 . . . . . . . . . . Jul. 20 

Mr. Anthony Strickland, who departed this 

life Oct. 30, aged 69 . . . . . . Nov. i 

Mr. Josiah Shaw, late of Cheapside, London, 

Hosier, who departed this life Dec. 2, 

aged 51. See Reg"^^ 1714 •• •• Dec. 4 

1766 Robert s. of Robert Anderson, Strickland- 

gate, aged I . . . . . . . . Feb. 4 

Mrs. Rebecca Dodgson, wife of Mr. Thomas 
Dodgson, Mercer in Stricklandgate, who 
departed this life July 22, buried at the 
Sepulchre, Fellside, aged 46. See Register 
of Christenings Oct. 6, 1719 . . . . Jul. 24 

Mrs. Mary Harrison, sister of the above Mrs. 
Dodgson, who departed this life Aug. 21, 
aged 50. See Aug. 7, 1716 . . . . Aug. 22 

Mrs. Mary Thomson, wife of Mr. John 
Thomson, who departed this life Sep, 
7, aged 45. See Reg'' Apr. 27, 1721 . . Sep. 9 

1767 Tabitha d. of John Sinclair, who was bap. 

Jun. 25,1766 . . . . . . . . Jan. 27 

Margaret d. of Mr. James Patrick, who died 
the 22nd, of the small-pox by inocu- 
lation [see Reg'' of Baptism] Sep. 21, 1766 Nov. 23 
Margaret d. of Mr. Matthew Whitaker who 
departed this life Nov. 23rd, aged 34. 
See Reg'' Oct. 25, 1733 . . . . Nov. 26 

Thomas Morris who departed this life Dec. 

25, aged 57 . . . . . . . . Dec. 27 

1768 John Simpson from the Poor House, aged 

upwards of 80 . . . . . . . . Mar. 6 

George Birkett of Stricklandgate, Shearman, 
who departed this life the 22^^ in the 
67th year of his age . . . . . . Apr. 24 


1768 Thomas s. of Alexander Bowman, aged 2. 

See Mar. 2, 1766 .. .. .. Sep. 25 

Hannah d. of Thomas Harrison who died 

Oct. 8, aged 33. See Dec. 10, 1734 . . Oct. 10 

Robert s. of John MacUntach. See Jul. 2 Nov. 6 

1769 Rachel Radcliffe, aged 16, Stricklandgate Feb. 16 
A child of John Maclintach's, that died in 

the birth . . . . . . . . . . Sep. 8 

1770 George s. of John Shuttleworth of Kirkland, 

aged I . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 6 

Ann Harrison, grand-daughter of William 

Colton's wife, Stricklandgate, aged 18.. Jul. 15 
Dorothy the dear, beloved, wife of Caleb 
Rotheram, who died at 5 in the morning, 
Septr. 28, aged 37. She was born May 29, 
1733, and married to C. Rotheram Septr. 
24, 1755. The daughter of John Markett 
of Meopham in Kent, Gent. . . . . Oct. i 

John Maclear, Entry, Stricklandgate, aged 87 Dec. 16 

1 771 Prudence, widow of Henry Gibson, who died 

Mar. I, aged 83 . . . . . . . . Mar. 3 

Sarah Maclear, widow of John, who died 

Mar. 31 . . . . . . . . . . Apr. i 

Elizabeth d. of Joseph Lewthwaite, Kirkland Aug. 28 
Thomas, grandson of Thomas Thomson, 

bapfd Nov. 20 . . . . . . . . Dec. 15 

1772 Mary Allan, Highgate, who died Feb. 10, 

aged 22 . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 11 

Elizabeth d. of Thomas Holme, Mercer, 

bap. Oct. 1771 .. .. .. .. Jul. 2 

John Holme, Grocer, who died Aug. 15, aged 

28 . . . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 17 

John s. of George Symonds, aged 5. See 

Feb. I, 1767 . . . . . . . . Oct. 4 

George Symonds, Gardener, Highgate, aged 


Anne d. of John Shuttleworth in the ist year 
John s. of Benjamin Brokenshear, bap. Dec. 

28, 1771 

1773 John s. of Thomas Holme, bap. the 2nd inst. 
James Shaw, Kirkland, who died Mar. 24, 

by a fall from his horse, aged 52. See 
Register of baptisms. May 23, 1720 . . Mar. 26 










1773 Agnes d. of John Shuttleworth, aged 16. 

Fr. Lane . . . . . . . . . . Mar. 29 

Ann d. of Isaac Steele junr. See Aug. 7, 

1773, baptd. .. .. .. .. Aug. 8 

Matthew Whitaker, Tobacconist, who died 

the 15, aged 77 . . . . . . . . Oct. 17 

EHzabeth wife of WilUam Strickland, 

Brazier, who died the i8th inst. aged 

36, Stricklandgate . . . . . . Dec. 21 

1774 Agnes Lowman, widow, aged 84, Kent Lane Mar. 28 
Sharnall Sturman, formerly of Wapping, 

London, late of Kendal, who died the 

24th inst., aged 74, Stramongate . . May 29 

John Armstrong who died the 20th inst. 

aged 82, Stramongate . . . . . . Jun. 22 

John Mitchell, aged 2. See Register of 

Baptisms, Feb. 23, 1772 . . . . Sep. 14 

William Colton, Woolcomber, from the 

poor house, aged 81 . . . . . . Dec. 19 

1775 Elizabeth Atkinson, widow of Benjamin 

Atkinson, in Stricklandgate, who died 

Dec. 31, aged 51. See Reg. 1723 .. Jan. 2 

William Stephenson, a laborer at Benson 

Hall, aged 68 Oct. 29 

Mary d. of Joseph Allan, aged i. See Regis- 
ter 1774 .. .. .. .. .. Dec. 21 

1776 Mary Jackson, Kirkland, who died Jan. 2, 

aged 59 Jan. 5 

James s. of William Millighan, an infant, 

bap. Nov. 26, 1775 . . . . . . Feb. 8 

Mary wife of Joseph Allan, aged 85, from 

the Workhouse . . . . . . . . Mar. 15 

Agnes, widow of George Birkett, Strickland- 
gate, aged 86 . . . . . . . . Mar. 27 

Joseph s. of Joseph Allan jun"^ aged 12, bap. 

Feb. 26, 1764 . . . . . . . . Jul. 18 

Susan wife of Wilson, Stricklandgate, 

aged 54 Aug. 2 

Margaret d. of Widow Margaret Gibson, 

aged 22 . . . . . . . . . . Oct. 9 

1777 John s. of Joseph Lindsay, an infant. See 

Dec. 30, 1776 .. .. .. .. Feb. 3 












1777 Thomas Henderson, a soldier's son, aged 8, 

from Workhouse . . . . . . . . May 15 

Jane d. of John Claxton, Surgeon, aged 5. . Jun. 12 
Joseph s. of Joseph Allan, Taylor, Kirkland, 

an infant . . . . . . . . . . Jun. 30 

Thomas s. of Jane Stroddart, Highgate, 

aged 6 
Isabel d. of John Shuttleworth, an infant. . 
Elizabeth widow of Edward Holme, aged 62, 

Market Place 

Ann d. of Isaac Steele, Finckle Street, an 


1778 Joseph Allan, from the Workhouse, aged 81 
Alexander Douglas of Bolton, Lancashire, 

aged 26. He died of a consumption at 
the King's Arms in this town, on a 
journey to his friends at Wigtown in 
Galloway . . . . . . . . . . Nov. 13 

1779 James s. of John Mitchell, Finckle Street, 

aged II . . . . . . . . . . Mar. 6 

Agnes widow of Anthony Strickland, aged 

73, Stricklandgate . . . . . . May 5 

John s. of George Birkett, aged 6, Strick- 
Sarah d. of James Bennet, Weaver, aged 2 
Agnes d. of George Birkett, aged 3 . . 
Ann d. of Thomas Thomson, aged 2 
Sarah d. of William Mawson, aged 4 
Mary d. of John Claxton, Surgeon, aged i 
Joseph s. of Thomas Thomson, aged 19 . . 

1780 John Sinclair, aged 70, Kirkland . . 
George s. of John Armstrong, dyer, Kent 

Lane, an infant . . . . . . . . Jun. 22 

Agnes, widow of Matthew Whitaker, aged 

73, Fish Market . . . . . . . . Jun. 27 

John Smith, taylor, Natland Beck, aged 64 Oct. 31 
Jane d. of John Irving, Stricklandgate, an 

infant . . . . . . . . . . Nov. 26 

Agnes, widow of Robert Graham, Kirkland, 

aged 63 . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 27 

1 78 1 Jonathan Birkett, Stramongate, aged 76 Feb. 13 
Thomas Gibson of Stramongate, aged 73. 

Three years before his death he conveyed 




























1 781 Ralphfordhall in Stramongate to trustees 
for the use of the Protestant dissenting 
Minister, paying one guinea every Easter 
Tuesday to the Blue coat hospital in 
Kendal . . . . . . . . . . Apr. 10 

Tabitha d. of John Shuttleworth, aged 7, 

Fr. Lane . . 
George Taylor, Barber, Kirkland, aged 66 
Elizabeth Cookson, Stramongate, aged 84 
Thomas Dodgson, Stricklandgate, aged 76 
Thomas Harrison, Stramongate, aged 84 . . 

1782 Richard Holme, Brazier, Stricklandgate, 

aged 75 Jan. 20 

William Gowthorp, formerly a tanner, 

Highgate, aged 73 . . . . . . Feb. 7 

Isabel d. of James Watson, Shoemaker, an 

infant . . . . . . . . . . Mar. ir 

Thomas s. of William Mawson, Hosier, 

aged 8 . . . . . . . . . . Oct. 13 

Mary wife of Joseph Allan, Fish Market, 

aged 41 . . . . . . . . . . Nov. 26 

1783 John s. of John Claxton, surgeon, aged 6. . May 24 
Helen wife of Matthew Whitaker, Tobac- 
conist, aged 29 . . . . . . . . Aug. 5 

Gawen s. of James Allison, Weaver, Kirk- 
land, aged 2 . . . . . . . . Oct. 5 

Joseph Allan, Taylor, Fish Market, aged 46 Dec. 10 
James s. of John Grant, Finckle Street, an 

infant . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 22 

1784 Jane wife of James Ormiston, baker, 

Highgate, aged 64 . . . . . . Aug. 12 

James s. of James Watson, shoemaker, aged I Sep. 7 

1785 Willliam s. of Christopher Grey, Highgate, 

aged 3 . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 25 

Elizabeth Johnstone, Stricklandgate, aged 74 Jun. 2: 
Mary d. of Wilham Milligan, Highgate, 

aged I Jun. 5 

Ellen d. of Joseph and Jane Shaw, aged 4. . Oct. 30- 
1787 James Patrick of Kendal, Linen draper, 

aged 70, was buried the 5th day of Mar. 

1787 Mar. 5, 

Mary Gibson, widow of Thomas Gibson, 

aged 82 Apr. 20- 

2 I 


1787 Agnes Winder of Kirkland, aged 16 . . Aug. 6 
John Thomson Esq' of Kendal, aged 77 Aug. 9 
Mary, wife of Isaac Steele, aged 41, was 

buried the 14th day of November, 1787, 
and in the same grave, her infant which 
died soon after its birth . . 

1788 Elizabeth Turner of Kirkland, aged 55 
Dorothy Holme of Market Place, aged 47 
William Mawson of Stramongate, Hosier, 

aged 44 

Samuel Gowthrop of Finckle Street, Hosier, 
aged 77 

Jane, wife of William Paton, Weaver, 
aged 32 

Elizabeth Holme of Market Place, aged 42 

Margaret d. of Robert Petrie and Mary his 
wife, aged i 

Catharine Hardy, widow of Rev. John 
Hardy, aged 81 . . 
Nov. 8, 1788. Reed eight shillings being in full for the 
Register Duty on Christenings and Burials to the 
2<^ of October 1788 W. Pennington.* 

Sarah d. of Joseph Shaw, gardener. High- 
gate, aged 4 . . . . . . . . Dec. 7 

End of 1st volume. 














jThe 2nd volume begins : 

A Register belonging to the Congregation of 

Protestant-Dissenters in Kendal. 


1789 Mary Fothergill d. of WiUiam Fothergill, 

Cardmaker, Stricklandgate, aged 25 . . Apr. 3 
James s. of James Forth, a soldier, Kirkland, 

aged 6 months . . . . . . . . Jul, 2 

Daniel Murray, Kirkland, Weaver, aged 76 Aug. 8 

1790 Elizabeth, wife of Thomas Holme, mercer, 

Finkle St., aged 43 . . . . . . Jun. 15 

Elizabeth, wife of John Maclintach, stocking 

weaver, Stramongate, aged 71 . . . . Sep. 15 

* Similar entries occur later. 


1 790 Mary d. of William Paton, Weaver, Highgate, 

aged 6 . . . . . . . . . . Nov. 3 

Jane, wife of William Barnes, Highgate, 

aged 83 . . . . . . . . . . Nov. 21 

George s. of William and Martha Milligan, 

Stramongate, aged 11 . . . . . . Dec. 3 

William Stot, Highgate, Ropemaker, aged 

50 . . . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 27 

1 791 Jane d. of Robert Petrie, gardener, and 

Mary his wife, Finckle St., aged i y. 

and 9m... . . . . . . . . Feb. i 

Margaret d. of John Armstrong, dyer, and 
Elizabeth his wife, Highgate, aged 8 
months . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 21 

George Lockhart, Linen draper, Strickland- 
gate, aged 56 . . . . . . . . Mar. 18 

Robert Anderson, gardener, lately employed 
at Dockwray Hall Mills, Stricklandgate, 
aged 60 . . . . . . . . . . Apr. 29 

John s. of Robert Petrie, gardener, and 

Mary his wife, Finckle St., aged 6 . . Jul. 3 

An infant, s. of John Jackson, weaver, and 

Mary his wife, Highgate, aged 8 days. . Sep. 22 

Isabel Thomborrow, servant to Edward 

Holme, grocer. Market Place, aged 59.. Dec. 13 

1792 Allan s. of Allan Myers, Woolcomber, 

Far Cross Bank, and Ann his wife, aged i Apr. 16 
Mary d. of Charles Johnson, weaver, and 

Agnes his wife, Stricklandgate, aged i . . May 7 

1792 William Barnes, Highgate, aged 87 . . May 14 
John Jackson, weaver, Highgate, aged 23 Jul. 15 
Jane d. of Jane Smith, Highgate, aged 2. . Aug. 21 
Jane d. of Matthew Rodick, Mercer, and 

Elizabeth his wife, aged 11 months .. Oct. 11 

1 793 William s. of William Milligan and Martha his 

wife, Mantua maker, Kent Side, aged 11 Feb. 13 
Allan Myers, Woolcomber, Far Cross Bank, 

formerly a soldier, aged 40 . . . . Jun. 30 

Martha Milligan, mantua maker, wife of 

William Milligan, Kentside, aged 41 . . Jul. 12 
Mary Anderson, Widow, Hospital, aged 48 Oct. 24 
Matthew Rodick, Linen draper, Strickland- 
gate, aged 51 .. .. .. .. Nov. 11 


1794 William Fothergill, Cardmaker, Strickland- 

gate, aged 74 Jan. 15 

Thomas s. of William Ross, Cooper at the 
Brewery, aged i year and 3 months. 
Small-pox . . . . . . . . . . Jan. 20 

Elizabeth, wife of David Stott, Gardener, 

Highgate, aged 84 . . . . . . Jan. 26 

Elizabeth d. of Hamilton Edwards, Weaver, 
and Elizabeth his wife. Market Place, 
aged I . . . . . . . . . . Feb. 15 

William s. of John Musgrave, Tanner, and 
Ann his wife, Wildman St., aged 2, 
Small-pox . . . . . . . . . . Apr. 3 

Laetitia Birkett, widow of Jonathan Birkett, 

Tanner, Stramongate, aged 86 . . Jun. 30 

Elinor Thornbeck, Finckle St., aged 85 . . Dec. 21 

1795 Thomas Rodick, Linen draper. Market 

Place, aged 61 . . . . . . . . Feb. 12 

John s. of John Armstrong and Mary his 

wife, Burneside, aged 7 months . . Apr. 27 

Margaret Gawthrop, Finckle St., aged 51. . Jul. 28 
David Shaw, corporal in the nth Regiment 

of Light Horse, aged 24 . . . . Aug. 2 

Mary d. of Thomas Thompson, Woolcomber, 

and Mary his wife, Stramondgate, aged 

6 months . . . . . . . . . . Nov. 3 

John s. of the late John Jackson, Weaver, 

and Mary his wife, Highgate, aged 3 

years . . . . . . . . . . Dec. 11 

1796 Rev''. Caleb Rotheram, who had been 

40 years Minister at the Meeting . . Feb. 5 

John Anderson . . . . . . . . May 2 

James Watson sen'' . . . . . . . . Aug. i 

Elizabeth Cookson wife of James Cookson, 

dyer . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 30 

1797 Hannah d. of James Lickbarrow, aged 9 

years . . . . . . . . . . Jan. 15 

Mrs. Brockbank, aged 88 years . . . . May 4 

[No burials in 1798 recorded.] 
1799 Elizabeth, wife of James Braithwaite and 

d. of James Cookson, aged 29 years . . Feb. 28 

Andrew Henderson, aged 74 . . . . Apr. 14 

Richard Cookson, s. of James Cookson . . Sep. 16 









Mrs. Cockerill 

Ann Henderson, widow of Andrew Hender- 
son, aged 66 yrs. . . 

Isaac Steele, sen'' 

Edward s. of Mrs. Rotheram 

Thomas Holme 

William Strickland . . 

Mrs. Ann Gawthrop, aged 91 yrs. 

Mrs. Lowman, aged 85 yrs. 

Mrs. Relph, aged 56 yrs. . . 

James Wightman, aged 45 yrs. 

Mrs. Mawson, aged 54 yrs. . . 

James Lickbarrow, aged 54 

Miss Ann Gawthrop 

James Cookson, aged 65 

Matthew Whitaker jun"", aged 19 yrs. 

David Stott, aged 91 yrs. . . 

Mrs. Rodick, widow of Thomas Rodick 

James Watson, Shoemaker 

James Creighton 

Robert s. of the Rev. John Harrison, aged 21 

John Greaves 

Ellen Allen d. of Agnes Thompson 

Newton Douglas, infant son of William and 
Mary Wightman . . 

Margaret Henderson d. of Andrew Henderson 

Ellen Harrison, widow of Edw^ Harrison 
of Warrington and mother of Rev. John 
John Harrison, aged 76 

Rebecca Barrow 

John Claxton, surgeon 

Burials — J. Harrison min'. 

John Harrison, tailor, aged 50 

Robert s. of John Harrison, tailor, aged 

about 6 months . . 
Thomas Relph, Saddler, aged 70, d. Apr. 30 
Thomas Irving, aged 75, d. Oct. 21 
Catherine Hodgon, wife of Alderman 
Hodgson (and daughter of Isaac Steele), 
aged 38, d. Nov. 10 
1814 James Willan, aged 38, d. Mar. i 

Jan. 9 

Mar. 15 
Dec. 23 
Aug. 6 
Sep. 6 
Apr. 14 
Apr. 20 
Sep. 23 
Nov. 15 
Jan. 8 
Jan. 14 
Jun. 13 
Nov. 10 
Feb. 23 
May 13 
Jun. 10 
Sep. I 
Apr. 3 
Jan. 19 

Apr. 7 
Mar. 21 
Jul. 24 

Feb. I 
Mar. 15 

Jul. 29 
Apr. 24 
Jun. 3 

Jan. 18 

Jan. 24 
May 5 
Oct. 22 

Nov. 15 
Mar. 3 


1 814 Isabella, wife of William Wade, aged 71, 

d. Mar. 25 

1815 Alice Corbett, wife of James Corbett, d. 

May 18 

William, infant son of James Corbett 
Matthew Whitaker, d. Jul. 17, aged 75 . . 
John Shuttle worth, d. Sep. 11, aged 84 

1816 Agnes Thompson, d. Jun. 25, aged 89 . . 
The infant of Christopher Workman, aged 

I year 
Rebecca Watson, aged 69 . . 
Isabella Patten, aged 57 
Mary, wife of William Wightman, aged 37 

181 7 William Wade, aged 80 
Eleanor, infant d. of Joseph Whitaker . . 
Samuel Thompson, aged 67 
James Willan, aged 11 

181 8 Benjamin Allen, aged 47 . . 
Elizabeth d. of Robt. Brooks, unfortunately 

drowned, aged 2 years 

1819 Samuel Gawthrop, aged 70 

1820 Ann Watson, aged 35 
Mary Steele, aged 41 yrs. . . 
Mary d. of Robert Petrie, aged 28 yrs. . . 
The infant son of Mr. Richard Lough . . 

1 82 1 A child of Robt Atkin's 
The wife of Thomas Thompson, aged 64 . . 
The wife of Robert Atkins, aged 46 
Jane d. of Robt Gudgeon, aged 18 months Apr. 13 
Mrs. Mary Harrison, aged 94, d. Apr. 15. . Apr. 20 
An infant son of William Jennings . . May 8 

182 1 Agnes, widow of John Harrison, Tailor, 

aged 49 yrs. .. .. .. .. Jun. 17 

Anthony Fothergill, d. Jul. 5, aged 6g yrs. Jul. 9 
Alice, infant d. of Edward and Agnes 

Harrison . . . . . . . . . . Sep. 14 

1822 A daughter of William Cockroft, aged about 

6 years . . . . . . . . . . 

The wife of Mr. Robert Rigge 
The wife of James Stott, aged 74 
Sarah Gawthrop, d. Jun. 7, aged 76 yrs. 
Ann, wife of John Stockdale, aged 61 
William s. of John Garside, aged 6 yrs. 





































































Agnes Thompson, aged 66 yrs. 

Mrs. Rodick, d. Mar. 28, aged 66 yrs. . . 

William Docker, aged 9 yrs. 

Robert Brooks, aged 36, d. Aug. 15 

Hannah, wife of John Thomson Esq., d. 

Sep. 6, aged 70 years . . 
Mary, widow of Isaac Steele, d. Sep. 13 . . 
John Allison, aged 22 
Christopher Workman, d. Mar. 14, aged 40. 

His was the first body laid in the new 

George Cowan, aged 70 
Robert Petrie, aged 76 
John Corbett, d. Apr. 15, aged 21 yrs. 
Mary Cooper, aged 45 
Hannah, wife of William Wightman, aged 37 
Mrs. Ramsay, aged 85 
Elizabeth, wife of James Glover (Clerk), 

aged 68 . . 
Mrs. Birket, aged 93 
Thomas Thompson, aged 69 
James, infant son of Thos. and Ann Glover 
Richard Holme, aged 76 years 
Robert Atkins, aged 54 yrs. 
Thomas Glover, aged 30 yrs. 
Margaret Busher, aged 91 
Miss Birkett, aged 63 
Miss Rebecca Gawthrop, d. Feb. 4, aged 

73 yrs 

Jane Brown, aged 89 

Edward Docker, aged 57 

Edward Harrison, aged 41 

Mrs. Fothergill, aged 57 

George Kirkby, aged 53 

Margaret Whitaker, aged 43 

Mary Stubbs, aged 68 

James Busher, aged 83. He was killed by 

falling down Scouts Scar 
Mary Holme, aged 61 
Elizabeth Corbett, aged 20. 
Hannah Thomson, aged 45 
James Stockdale, aged 36 . 
Richard Lough, aged 40 

Feb. 2 

Apr. 4 

Apr. II 

Aug. 17 

Sep. 9' 

Sep. 16 

Oct. 22 

Mar. 16 
Apr. II 
Jan. iS 
Apr. 20' 
Mar. 12 
Jun. 30 
Aug. 15 




Nov. 30 
Jan. 15 
[no date] Jan. 
Jun. 26 
Dec. 2 
Jan. 27 
Jan. 31 

Feb. II 

Feb. 24 

May 8 

Aug. 16 

Sep. 20 

Sep. 21 

May 31 

Feb. 25 

Jul. 25 
Sep. I 
Nov. 29 
Jan. 4 
Feb. 2 
Feb. 6 



1831 Mrs. Strickland .aged 89 . . 
Margaret, wife of Richard Smith, aged 48 

Agnes d. of the Rev. John Harrison, aged 46 
John Thomson Esq., aged 75 
Catherine Allison, aged 63 . . 
John Thompson, aged 68 . . 

1832 Margaret Bellingham, aged 72 

Mary Jane d. of Thomas Webster, aged 5 

Alice, wife of the Rev. John Harrison, aged 

77 yrs 

James s. of Robert Davies, aged 5 yrs. 
William s. of Robert Davies, aged 2| yrs. . . 
Jane Cloudsdale, d. of Wm. Patten, aged 45 
James Glover, the Clerk of the Meeting, 

aged 72 
James Stott, aged 79 
Peter Halliday, aged 67 
Jonathan Atkinson, aged 25 

1833 William Jennings, aged 51 
Maria d. of Thomas Webster, aged 2 years 
John Bateman, aged 19. He was the s. of 

Robt Bateman, weaver. Union Buildings 
Revd. John Harrison, Minister of the Uni- 
tarian Chapel in Kendal, died on the 
6th of May 1833, aged 72, and was 
buried in the Chapel ground by Geo. 

1833 Ann d. of Robert Davis, aged I yr. Interred 

by Geo. Lee 
Jane Busher, aged 77 
William Wightman, aged 59 

1834 Margaret Thompson, aged 84 ; d. at the 

Workhouse, and was interred . . 
[No entries 1835-54.] 
1855 Jane Sirr, buried Apr. 15, 1855. E.H.* 

Feb. 17 













Mar. 8 





















May 7 

May 10 

May 10 
May 24 
Sep. 27 

Dec. 14 

* This entry occurs in the transcript only. 

unitarian baptists registers. 489 

Kendal Unitarian Baptists. 
Register of Births. 

Although copied into the same volume as the trans- 
cript of the registers of the Market Place congregation, 
this is a distinct record belonging to the congregation of 
Unitarian Baptists, which eventually joined the Market 
Place congregation but retained its objection to infant 
baptism. The original register does not appear to be at 
Somerset House. 

The entries are all, more or less, in the form of the 
first entry. The subsequent ones have been abbreviated, 
but all the essential facts are preserved. Each entry, 
from 1801 to 1816, is signed by " James Kay, Protestant 
Dissenting Minister," from 1818 to 1830 by John 
Harrison, and from 1833 to 1836 by Edward Hawkes. 

1801 These are to certify that Hannah d. of John 
Greenhow and of Ann his wife, was born 
in Stainton in the parish of Heversham 
in the County of Westmoreland the 1 7th 
day of February, in the year one thousand 
eight hundred and one. Registered by 
me, James Kay, Protestant dissenting 
John s. of William Chambers and Mary his 

his wife, b. in Leith, North Britain . . Aug. 4 

1803 Dorothy d. of John Greenhow and Ann his 

wife, b. in Stainton, par. of Heversham Jan. 27 
Samuel s. of James Kay and Hannah his 

wife, b. in New Street, Kendal . . . . May 5 

1804 Rachel d. of Richard Jackson and Agnes his 

wife, b. Highgate, Kendal . . . . Sep. 5 

James s. of James Kay and Hannah his 

wife, b. New Street, Kendal . . . . Sep. 20 

1805 Mary d. of Richard Smith and Margaret his 

wife, b. Kirkland, in the par. of Kendal Jan. 3 


1805 George Alexander s. of William Chambers 

and Mary his wife, b. in Wigton, Cumber- 
land . . . . . . . . . . Apr. 27 

John s. of Richard Jackson and Agnes his 

wife, Highgate, Kendal, b. . . . . Jun. 4 

Eliza d. of John Greenhow and Ann his wife, 

b. in Stainton, par. of Heversham . . Aug. 25 

1806 John Ibbetson s. of James Kay and Hannah 

his wife, b. Kirkland . . . . . . Feb. 9 

Thomas s. of Joseph Brockbank and 

Margaret his wife, b. Highgate. . . . Sep. 7 

1807 Sarah d. of Richard Smith and Margaret 

his wife, b. Kirkland . . . . . . Jan. 5 

John s. of John Richardson and Hannah his 

wife, b. Stricklandgate . . . . . . Jan. 27 

George Relph s. of John Greenhow and Ann 

his wife, b. at High House, Stainton . . Aug. 7 

1807 Elizabeth d. of James Kay and Hannah his 

wife, b. Kirkland . . . . . . Sep. 24 

1808 John s. of Robert Atkin and Mary his wife, 

b. Kirkland . . . . . . . . Feb. 6 

Margaret d. of James Braithwaite and 

Isabella his wife, b. Stricklandgate . . May 1 7 
Hines s. of Richard Jackson and Agnes his 

wife, b. Kirkland . . . . . . Oct. 20 

Ann d. of James Jennings and Betsy his 

wife, b. Kendal . . . . . . . . Nov. 9 

Robert s. of James Kay and Hannah his 

wife, b. Kirkland 

1809 Elizabeth d. of Joseph Brockbank and 

Margaret his wife, b. Highgate.. 
Mary d. of John Poole and Ellen his wife, 

b. Tatham, Lancashire . . 
James s. of Richard Smith and Margaret 

his wife, b. Kirkland 
Christiana d. of John Beattie and Christiana 

his wife, b. Orton, in par. of Orton . . Mar. 8 
Agnes d. of Thomas Trotter and Dorothy 

his wife, b. Highgate . . . . . . Oct. i 

Jane d. of John Greenhow and Ann his wife, 

b. Kirkland . . . . . . . . Dec. 23 

1 810 Jane d. of James Braithwaite and Isabella 

his wife, b. Stricklandgate . . . . Jan. 9 










1 8 10 Mary d. of Jame [sic] Kay and Hannah his 

wife, b. Kirkland . . . . . . May 9 

John s. of Joseph Bainbridge and Margaret 

. . his wife, b. Captain French Lane, Kendal Jun. 2 

Wilham s. of Jacob Scott and Ann his wife, 

b. in Co. Armagh . . . . Aug. 5 

Robert s. of Robert Atkin and Mary his wife, 

b. Kendal . . . . . . . . . . Sep. 15 

John s. of John Beattie and Christiana his 

wife, b. Orton . . . . . . . . Oct. 2S 

Joseph s. of John Richardson and Hannah 

his wife, b. Kendal . . . . . . Dec. 22 

181 1 Agnes d. of Richard Smith and Marg. his 

wife, b. Kirkland . . . . . . . . Jan. 24 

Margaret d. of John Poole and Ellen his 

wife, b. Stricklandgate . . . . . . Feb. 22 

181 1 William s. of William Johnson and Betty 

his wife, b. Stricklandgate . . . . Mar. 15 

Joseph s. of Joseph Radclifie and Ellen his 

wife, b. Fellside, par. of Kendal . . Apr. 26 

James Cookson s. of Joseph Bainbridge and 

Margaret his wife, b. Kirkland . . Aug. 19 

Jane d. of Thomas Trotter and Dorothy his 

wife, b. Kendal . . . . . . . . Aug. 21 

Eleanor d. of James Braithwaite and 

Isabella his wife, b. Stricklandgate . . Oct. 26 
Martha d. of William Jennings and Hannah 

his wife, b. Highgate . . . . . . Nov. 14 

Margaret d. of Joseph Brockbank and 

Margaret his wife, b. Highgate. . . . Nov. 26 

1812 Charles Hill s. of James Kay and Hannah his 

wife, b. Stricklandgate . . . . . . Jan. 5 

George s. of James Jennings and Elizabeth 

his wife, b. Kirkland . . . . . . Feb. 6 

Harfield s. of William Chambers and Mary 

his wife, b. Wigton, Cumberland . . Feb. 25 

Cuthbert Relph s. of John Greenhow and 

Ann his wife, b. Highgate . . . . Oct. 17 

William s. of John Beattie and Christiana 

his wife, b. Stricklandgate . . . . Dec. 8 


1813 Margaret d. of Richard Smith and Margaret 

his wife, b. Kirkland . . . . . . Feb. 12 

Mary d. of Robert Atkin and Mary his wife, 

b. Kendal . . Apl. 6 

Hannah d. of John Richardson and Hannah 

his wife, b. Stricklandgate . . . . Apr. 18 

Mary d. of James Braithwaite and Isabella 

his wife, b. Stricklandgate . . . . Jul. 25 

Agnes d. of John Poole and Ellen his wife, b. 

Stricklandgate . . . . . . . . Aug. 5 

Sarah d. of John Greenhow and Ann his wife, 

b. Highgate . . . . . . . . Nov. 19 

1814 Isabella d. of Joseph Brockbank and 

Margaret his wife, b. Highgate.. .. Mar. 16 

Jane d. of Joseph Bainbridge and Margaret 

his wife, b. Kirkland . . . . . . Jun. 18 

Frederick s. of James Kay and Hannah his 

wife, b. Stricklandgate . . . . . . Jul. 2 

Rachel d. of John Radcliffe and Ellen his 

wife, b. Fellside, Kendal . . . . Sep. 29 

Elizabeth d. of James Braithwaite and 

Isabella his wife, b. Stricklandgate . . Nov. 24 

1 815 George s. of Richard Smith and Margaret 

his wife, b. Kirkland . . . . . . Mar. 3 

Rachel d. of John Richardson and Hannah 

his wife, b. Stricklandgate . . . . Jun. 7 

Alfred s. of James Kay and Hannah his wife, 

b. Stricklandgate . . . . . . . . Aug. 31 

James s. of James Jennings and Elizabeth 

his wife, b. Kirkland . . . . . . Sep. 28 

1 81 6 Thomas s. of John Poole and Ellen his wife, 

b. Stricklandgate . . . . . . Jun. 13 

Ellen d. of Richard Smith and Margaret his 

wife, b. Kirkland . . . . . . Apr. 8 

Sarah d. of James Braithwaite and Isabella 

his wife, b. Stricklandgate . . . . Sep. 9 

1818 Elizabeth d. of Richard Smith and Margaret 
his wife, b. Kirkland, John Harrison, 

Min' May 3 

Ann d. of James Braithwaite and Isabella 

his wife, b. Stricklandgate . . . . Dec. 2 

Registered by me John Harrison Protes- 
tant dissenting Minister. 


1819 Thomas s. of John Poole and Ellen his wife, 

b. Strickland Place . . . . . . Jun. 13 

182 1 Thomas Shaw s. of James Braithwaite and 

Isabella his wife, b. Stricklandgate . . Nov. 10 

1823 William s. of John Poole and Ellen his wife, 

b. Strickland Place . . . . . . Jul. 5 

1819 William s. of Richard Smith and Margaret 

his wife, b. Kirkland . . . . . . Dec. 25 

1 82 1 George s. of Richard Smith and Margaret 

his wife, b. Kirkland . . . . . . Nov. 23 

1824 David s. of Richard Smith and Margaret his 

wife, b. Kirkland . . . . . . May 9 

1826 Margaret d. of Richard Smith and Margaret 

his wife, b. Kirkland . . . . . . May 13 

Henry s. of John Poole and Ellen his wife, 

b. Kendal . . . . . . . . . . Aug. 9 

1822 Mary Ann d. of William Jolly and Barbara 

his wife, b. Preston, co Lancas^r . . Jul. 25 

1823 Dorcas d. of William Jolly and Barbara his 

wife, b. Preston, co. Lancaster. . . . Sep. 13 

1828 Sarah d. of William Jolly and Barbara his