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Printer ^ Stereotyper, and Elccirotypcr, 
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LIN, D.D. ; WlNAND M. WlGGER, D.D. ; B. J. McQUAID, D.D. ; 








THE History of the Catholic Church in the United States 
from the earliest period is a topic which was planned and 
laid out by abler hands than his who, yielding to the wishes 
of friends throughout the country, now presents the first of 
a series of volumes. 

The earliest project, that of the Rt. Rev. Simon Brute, the 
great Bishop of Yincennes, " Catholic America," a work in 
tended to consist of 400 pages octavo, was to give an outline 
of the history of the Church in South America, Mexico, 
Central America, and Canada, before taking up the annals of 
religion in the Thirteen Colonies, and under the Republic. 
The sketch would have been necessarily very brief, and from 
the heads of chapters, as given by him, would have been 
mainly contemporary. Unfortunately Bishop Brute seems 
never to have begun the work. 

The Rev. Dr. Charles I. White, author of the elegantly 
written Life of Mrs. Eliza A. Seton, had also proposed to 
write a History of the Church in this country, and with 
Colonel Bernard U. Campbell collected much relating to the 
early history of religion in Maryland, and drew a rich fund 
of material from the archives of the Society of Jesus and of 
the See of Baltimore. His library contained many volumes 
to aid him in his work, especially for the French missions at 
the ^N"orth, but not for the Spanish territory at the South. 
It would seem, however, that he never actually wrote any 



part of his projected work, nothing having been found 
among his papers, except a sketch of his plan. 

While the labors of the learned bishop and priest never 
appeared for the instruction and encouragement of the Cath 
olic body in this country, a contribution to the Ecclesiastical 
History of the United States was made by a French gentle 
man sojourning in our land. Henri de Courcy de la 
Roche Heron, one of the collaborators under Louis Yeuillot 
in. the Paris " Univers," an excellent Catholic, noble, talented, 
and gifted with keen appreciation and judgment, became en 
gaged in mercantile affairs in New York. He continued his 
contributions to the " Univers," and finding that the ideas 
he had imbibed in France as to the history of the Church in 
this country were very incorrect, he set to work in his leisure 
moments to obtain from the best sources accessible a clearer 
and more accurate view. He w r as encouraged by many high 
in position in the Church. Bishop Brute s papers were 
opened to him ; he received important aid from Archbishop 
Kenrick and from bishops and priests in all parts of the 
country. I placed at his disposal the books and collections I 
had made. In time he began a series of articles in the 
" Univers." They attracted attention, and I translated them 
for some of our Catholic papers. When his articles bad 
treated of the history of the Church in Maryland, Pennsyl 
vania, and New York in part, declining health compelled 
him to return to Europe, where he soon after died. His 
articles were never collected in book form in French, but 
the English translation was issued here, and has been for 
some thirty years the most comprehensive account accessible 
of the history of the Church in this country. He treated the 
subject from his point of view as a French Legitimist, and 
while I respected him, in many cases I could not share 
his ideas ; I simply translated his words. It is a stigma on 


us that the memory of this gallant Christian gentleman has 
been more than once cruelly assailed. He had not assumed 
to instruct American Catholics in the history of their Church, 
and did not write for them, or seek to press his work on their 
notice. He wrote honestly, and in good faith, after greater 
research than any of our own writers had given to the subject. 
That his work, abruptly closed by death, has done service, is 
evident from the constant references to it by all who have 
since written on the history of the Church in this republic, 
although it treated only of a very limited part of the subject. 

No other general work has appeared on the history of the 
Catholic Church in the United States, but local histories and 
biographies have gathered and preserved much to interest 
and edify. These works bear especially on New England, 
New York, Pennsylvania, Indiana, Kentucky, Oregon, and 
California, the members of the Hierarchy in general, and 
especially Lives of Archbishop Carroll, Archbishops Hughes, 
Spalding, Bishops Cheverus, Flaget, England, Neumann, 
Prince Galitzin, Father Jogues, Rev. Mr. Nerinckx, Mother 
Seton, etc. As a rule they treat of a period more recent 
than that embraced in this volume. 

In preparing the work I have used a collection of printed 
books and unpublished manuscripts, made patiently and 
laboriously by many years of search and enquiry ; and em 
bracing much gathered by my deceased friends, Buckingham 
Smith, Esq., Col. B. U. Campbell, Rev. Charles I. White, 
D.D., Rev. J. A. Ferland, and by Father Felix Martin, S.J. 
I have been aided in an especial manner by access to the 
archives of the diocese of Baltimore, afforded me by His 
Eminence Cardinal Gibbons ; to those of the diocese and 
Seminary of Quebec by His Eminence Cardinal Taschereau, 
who has enabled me also to profit by his own researches ; to 
those of the Maryland and New York Province of the Soci- 


ety of Jesus, afforded by the Yery Eev. Eobert Fulton, and 
for documents obtained from Kome by the kindness of the 
Most Eev. Michael A. Corrigan, D.D., Archbishop of New 
York, and Yery Eev. H. Yan den Sanden ; from the Et. Eev. 
Bishop of Havana through Bishop Moore, of St. Augustine, 
and Mr. William C. Preston. Great assistance was afforded 
by the early registers of St. Augustine, Mobile, Pensacola, 
Detroit, Kaskaskia, Yincennes, San Antonio, and other Tex 
an missions, for which I was indebted to Et. Eev. Bishops 
Moore, O Sullivan, Borgess, Chatard, Neraz, and the Yery 
Eev. Administrator of Alton. Besides the material thus 
obtained, the colonial newspapers down to 1763 were ex 
amined as far as possible, with very scanty result indeed, 
to obtain what scattered notices of Catholic life might be 
found in the columns of those early journals. I am also 
indebted to the Eoyal Academy of History, Madrid, for im 
portant papers, and to Mr. Sainsbury and Eev. J. H. Pollen, 
S.J., for documents from the British archives. To Sefior 
Bachiller y Morales, the Lenox Library, the New York, Mary 
land, and Wisconsin Historical Societies, I owe much. 

The work which I have endeavored to do carefully and 
conscientiously, has cost me more labor and anxiety than any 
book I ever wrote ; it has caused me not seldom to regret that 
I had undertaken a task of such magnitude. To my fellow- 
students of American History, from whom I have for so many 
long years received encouragement, sympathy, and aid, I sub 
mit my work with some confidence, trusting to their past 
courtesy and kindness. New light is to some extent thrown 
on the voyages of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Captain Wey mouth, 
on Ayllon s voyage, arid the general history of Yirginia, 
Georgia, and Florida, on the Capuchins in Maine, the New 
Mexico missions, and the development of the Catholic Church 
in the Mississippi Valley and Texas. 


From those of my own faith I ask forbearance, hoping 
that the volume may prove of some service till a writer 
with a clearer head for research, more patience in acquiring 
the necessary books and documents, and greater knowledge 
and skill in presenting the results affords the Catholics of the 
United States a book adequate to the subject. 

The worthies of the early American Church and its monu 
ments are, as a rule, overlooked in the general and local his 
tories of the country. For this reason no expense has been 
spared to obtain and present fittingly portraits of the most 
distinguished personages, views of the oldest chapels, institu 
tions, and sites connected with the Church, relics of the last 
centuries, fac-similes of Registers, and of the signatures of 
bishops, priests, and religious, whose labors are recorded in 
these pages. 

At the solicitation of a venerated friend, I have given 
the authorities in my notes,, although scholars generally have 
been compelled to abandon the plan by the dishonesty of 
those who copy the references and pretend to have consulted 
books and documents they never saw, and frequently could 
not read. 

For aid in obtaining illustrations I am indebted to Rev. 
Father Macias, of Zacatecas, the venerable Father Felix 
Martin, the Jesuit Fathers in Maryland, George Alfred 
Townsend, Esq., Professor Butler, Justin Winsor, Esq., and 
others, to all of whom I express my sincere thanks, as I do 
to Gen. John S. Clark for his invaluable topographical guid 
ance, and the clear and accurate mission map of New York. 

ELIZABETH, N. J., October, 1886. 







Position of Catholics in England Sir George Peckham and Sir 
Thomas Gerard plan a Catholic Settlement in Norumbega 
under Sir Humphrey Gilbert Queen Elizabeth sanctions it 
Winslade s Project Lord Arundell of Wardour Opposed by 
Father Persons Sir George Calvert proposes a Settlement in 
Newfoundland Visits Virginia Repulsed Obtains a Charter 
for Maryland 17 



The Ark and Dove The Society of Jesus undertakes the Mission 
Fathers Andrew White and Altham First Mass on St. Cle 
ment s Isle City of St. Mary s founded A Chapel Indian 
Missions begun Lands taken up by Father Copley Catholic 
Preponderance Questions raised by Missionaries Conversion 
of Indian Chief Chilomacon Labors of Missionaries Death 
of Father Brock Lord Baltimore solicits Secular Priests from 
Rome Is reconciled to the Jesuits Puritans take possession 
Missionaries arrested and sent to England Father Andrew 
White Fathers Rigbie and Cooper die in Virginia 37 




The Act of Toleration The Puritans overthrow the Government. 
Missionaries escape to Virginia Lord Baltimore s Authority 
restored Father Fitzherbert s Case Bretton s Chapel 68 



Mgr. Agretti s Report to the Propaganda A Franciscan Mission 
Father Massseus Massey Catholic Classical School First 
Protestant Ministers Sir Edmund Plowden and New Albion 
Catholics in New Jersey Dongan, Catholic Governor of 
New York Jesuit Mission and School Catholics in othei 
Colonies The Vicars-Apostolic in England Fall of James II. 
State of Catholicity in 1690 7? 




Ponce de Leon discovers Florida Attempted Settlement in 1521 
with Priests and Religious Ayllon s discovery Settlement at 
San Miguel de Guandape on James River, Virginia The 
Dominican Father Anthony de Montesinos at San Miguel 
Death of Ayllon Expedition of Narvaez The Franciscan 
Father John Xuarcz and other Priests Soto s Expedition ac 
companied by secular and regular Priests The Franciscan 
Father Mark of Nice penetrates to New Mexico Coronado s 
Expedition In the Valley of the Mississippi Death of the 
Franciscan Father Padilla Heroic attempt of {he Dominican 
Father Cancer Tristan de Luna attempts a Settlement Do 
minicans with him Peter Menendez undertakes to settle 
Florida St. Augustine founded Place of the first Mass The 
Parish founded Jesuit Missions Father Segura and his Com 
panions put to Death in Virginia Franciscan Missions In 
dian Revolt Fathers put to Death Books in the Timuquan 
Language Florida visited by Bishop Cabezas Religious con 
ditionBishop Calderon Synod held by Bishop Palacios Ex 
tent of Missions First attack from Carolina. . ... 100 




Brother Augustine Rodriguez Mission at Puaray Missionaries 
put to Death Espejo s Expedition Onate conquers New Mex 
ico Missions established Their success V. Mother Mary de 
Agreda Father Benavides Indian Revolt Missionaries put 
to Death Spaniards expelled 183 





First Church on De Monts or Neutral Island, Maine Jesuit Mission 
at Mount Desert Its destruction by the Virginians Canada 
founded Father Jogues plants the Cross at Sault St. Marie 
Taken Prisoner by the Mohawks His escape Father Bressani 
a Captive Father Jogues undertakes a Mohawk Mission His 
DeathHis Canonization solicited French Capuchins in Maine 
The Jesuit Father Druillettes founds an Abnaki Mission on 
the Kennebec Visits New England Father Poncet s captiv 
ity , 216 



Our Lady of Ganentaa Its close Mgr. Francis de Laval, Bishop 
of Petraaa and Vicar-Apostolic of New France Father Menard 
founds a Mission on Lake Superior His Death 246 



Father Claude Allouez Bishop Laval makes him Vicar-General 
Pastoral against attending Idolatrous Rites Sault St. Marie 
Green Bay 267 




Garaconthie effects Peace Missions restored Father Fremin on 
the Mohawk Bruyas at Oneida Carheil at Cayuga Lamber- 
ville at Onondaga The Great Mohawk and other Converts 
Catharine Tegukouita Veneration for her The Mission Vil 
lage at La Prairie Sault St. Louis 280 



Chapel at Pentagoet Sulpitian Mission to the West Father Mar- 
quette with Joliet descends the Mississippi Mission at Sault 
St. Marie destroyed Illinois Mission Death of Marquette 
La Salle establishes house at Niagara Recollect Chapel 
Chapel on the St. Joseph s On the Illinois Father Hennepin 
on the Upper Mississippi Recollect Missions in the West 
cease Death of Father de la Ribourde Milet at Niagara 
Father Lamberville at Onondaga Father Milet a Prisoner at 
Oneida Priests with La Salle in Texas Resignation of Bishop 
Laval 31 




Calumnies against Catholics A Royal Governor of Maryland- 
Catholics excluded from the Assembly Anglican Church es 
tablished by Law Tax for Ministers Catholics disfranchised 
Zeal of Catholic Priests Fathers Hunter and Brooke 
arraigned Governor Seymour s outrageous conduct Chapel 
at St. Mary s taken from Catholics Penal Laws in New York 
and Massachusetts In Maryland Queen Anne saves the Cath 
olicsMass permitted in private Houses How Religion was 
maintained 344 




Catholicity in Philadelphia and Pennsylvania Converts Jesuits 
at Bohemia Manor, Md. Apostasy of Lord Baltimore Ad 
ditional Penal Laws Catholics appeal to the King of England 
Chapel near Nicetown, Pa. Sir John James First Penn 
sylvania Priest St. Joseph s, Philadelphia Fathers Wapeler 
and Schneider Mission Work in New Jersey A Protestant 
Clergyman in New York hanged on suspicion of being a 
Priest Public Service of Father Molyneux 365 



Rev. Hugh Jones Protest against Popery Gov. Bladen s Procla 
mation Gov. Gooch s Proclamation Virginia Penal Laws 
Attempts in Maryland to pass still more cruel Laws St. 
Joseph s Chapel, Deer Creek Petition of Roman Catholics to 
the King Fathers Greaton and Harding in Philadelphia 403 



The Acadian Catholics Deprived of Priest and Sacrament Seven 
thousand seized as Popish Recusants A pretended Law 
Treatment in Massachusetts In New York In Pennsylvania 
In Maryland First Chapel in Baltimore In South Carolina 
and Georgia Many reach Louisiana A few in Madawaska, 
Maine 421 



Constant attempts in Maryland against Catholics Arrest of Father 
Beadnall Of another Jesuit The Missions in Pennsylvania 
and New Jersey 440 





St. Augustine The learned Florida Jesuit Father Florencia Pen- 
sacola and Father Siguenza New Missions under Father 
Lopez Missions as portrayed by Dickenson Catholic Mis 
sions ravaged from Carolina St. Augustine burnt by Gov. 
Moore Ayubale destroyed and Missionaries slain by Gov. 
Moore Bishop Compostela Auxiliary Bishops for Florida 
Bishop Rezino Shrine of Nuestra Senora de la Leche pro 
faned St. Mark Pensacola taken, retaken, and destroyed 
Church on Santa Rosa Island Bishop Tejada His labors in 
FloridaMissions in Southern Florida Siege of St. Augus 
tine Bishop Morell de Santa Cruz sent to Florida by the 
English 454 


THE CHURCH IN TEXAS, 1690-1763. 

Missions founded by Father Darnian Mazanet Missions near the 
Rio Grande The Ven. Father Anthony Margil and his Mis 
sionsFriar Joseph Pita killed City of San Fernando (San 
Antonio) founded Holidays of Obligation Fathers Ganzabal 
and Terreros and others killed Visitation by Bishop Tejada 
Apache Missions Father Garcia and his work 479 



Catholicity restored Revolt at Santa Fe Remains of Father 
John of Jesus Vargas doubts the Indian plot Missionaries 
massacred Zuiii Alburquerque Bishops Crespo and Eliza- 
cochea 510 



Missions founded by Father Ktthn San Xavier del Bac Missions 
revived by Bishop Crespo Fathers Keler and Sedelmayr 
Jesuits carried off by order of the King of Spain 526 





Bishop St. Vallier Synods Founds Mission of the Seminary of 
Quebec in the Mississippi Valley Jesuits at the Mouth of the 
1 River Questions raised Rev. M. Foucault killed Mobile, a 
Parish Rev. H. Roulleaux de la Vente The Register Rev. 
Mr. Gervaise s Project Indian Missions Death of Rev. Mr. 
de Saint Cosme The Seminary Priests at Tamarois Apala- 
ches Very Rev. Dominic M. Varlet, V.G. Father Charle- 
voix s visit Fort Chartres Bishop St. Vallier s Pastoral The 
Company of the West The Capuchins in Louisiana New 
Orleans founded A Carmelite The Jesuits The Ursulines 
Indian Mission Priests massacred by Natchez and Yazoos 
Cahokia Rev. Mr. Gaston killed Ouiatenon Vincennes 
The Register Bishop s right to appoint a Vicar-General con 
testedIrreligious spirit The Jesuits suppressed in France 
Unchristian conduct of Superior Council of Louisiana Jesuits 
from Vincennes to New Orleans seized Churches profaned 
and destroyed The Seminary Mission closed 533 


THE CHURCH IN MAINE, 1690-1763. 

False Position of Missionaries Jesuits and Quebec Seminary 
Priests Father Rale Churches destroyed by New England- 
ers Father Rale s Dictionary His Death The Penobscots. . . 592 



Father Milet at Oneida Iroquois Martyrs Missions restored 
Their close Chaplains at French Forts Rev. Francis Piquet 
and the Mission of the Presentation Visitation by Bishop de 
Pontbriand St. Regis 606 





Detroit A Church erected Recollect Father Delhalle Michili- 
mackinac Green Bay St. Joseph s River Ouiatenon Fa 
ther Delhalle killed A Priest on Lake Pepin Father Mesaiger 
nears the Rocky Mountains The Hurons at Detroit and San- 
dusky Bishop de Pontbriand at Detroit Relics at Michili- 
mackinac ................................................. 619 

CONCLUSION .................................................. 638 

INDEX.. . 643 


Map of the United States show 
ing Episcopal Jurisdiction, 
1521-1763 16 

Ancient Pewter Chalice and 
Altar Stone 36 

View of St. Clement s Island . . 42 

Site of St. Mary s, Md 44 

Map of Maryland 45 

Baptism of King Chilomacon. . 53 

Signatures of Fathers Rigbie 
and Cooper 60 

Bretton s House, Newtown 
Manor, Md 77 

Signature of Father Penning - 
ton 96 

Fort at New York where Mass 
was said 99 

Portrait of Father Juan Xua- 
rez 109 

Seal of Father Mark of Nice. .116 

Signature of Father Mark of 
Nice 116 

Signatures of Fathers Louis 
Cancer and Gregory de Be- 
teta ". 123 

Signatures of Fathers Diego de 
Tolosa and Juan Garcia 124 

Signature of Father Pedro de 
Feria 128 

Signature of Rev. Francisco de 
Mendoza, first Parish Priest 
of St. Augustine 136 

St. Augustine and its Environs. 137 

Death of Father Peter Marti 
nez, facing 141 

Signature of Father John Ro- 
gel 142 

Death of Father Segura, fac 
ing 145 

Signatures of Fathers Segura 
and Quiros 148 

Signature of Father Francis 
Pareja 156 

Signature of Father Alonzo de 
Penaranda 159 

Signature of Bishop Calderon. 168 

Fort and Church at St. Augus 
tine 169 

Signatures of Catholic Chiefs 
of Apalache and Timuquro. . 180 

Portrait of Von. Maria dc Jesus 
de Agreda 196 

Signature of Ven. Maria de 
Agreda 197 

Island of the Holy Cross, Me. . 217 

Signatures of Fathers Isaac 
Jogues and Charles Raym- 
baut 228 

Signature of Father Bressani. . 232 

Portrait of Father Isaac Jogues, 
to face 233 

Chapel near Auriesville, N. Y., 
to commemorate Death of 

Father Jogues 235 





Copperplate from Chapel of 
Our Lady of Holy Hope, 
Pentagoet 237 

Signature of Father Druillettes. 239 

Signature of Father Joseph 
Poncet 244 

Signatures of Fathers Le Moyne, 
Ragueneau, le Mercier, and 
Garreau 245 

Father Chaumonot s Wampum 
Belt 250 

Ancient Missionary Belt 250 

The Jesuit Well, Ganentaa 254 

Portrait of Bishop Laval, fac 
ing 257 

Signature of Father Rene Me- 
nard 262 

Signature of Father Claude Al- 
louez 269 

Signature of Father Marquette. 271 

Signature of Father Claude 
Dablon 273 

Signature of Father Ant. Silvy 279 

Map of the Sites of the Jesuit 
and Sulpitian Missions among 
the Iroquois, facing . 281 

Signature of Father Fremin. . . 284 

Signature of Father Julian 
Gamier 292 

Signature of Father Raffeix ... 294 

Signature of Father John de 
Lamberville 297 

Portrait of Catharine Tega- 
kouita, 301 

Signature of Father Chaumo- 
not 302 

Site of Father Marquette s 
Chapel and Grave 319 

Signature of Father John En- 
jalran 326 

Signatures of Fathers Albanel, 
Bailloquet, Gravier, and Ma- 
rest .328 

Perrot s Monstrance and Base 
showing Inscription 329 

Inscription on Father Milet s 
Cross at Niagara 334 

Signature of Father James 
Bigot 337 

Signature of Bishop Laval .... 343 

Signatures of Fathers Peter 
Attwood and George Thor- 
old 370 

Portrait of Bishop Bonaventura 
Giffard, facing 375 

Signature of Father James Had 
dock 377 

Title of Father Schneider s 
Register 393 

Geiger s House, Salem Co., 
N. J 395 

First entry in Father Schnei 
der s Register 402 

St. Joseph s Chapel House, 
Deer Creek, Md 414 

Fotteral s House, Baltimore, 
where Mass was first said . . 435 

Signature of Father John Ash- 
ton 435 

Signatures of Fathers George 
Hunter and James Beadnall. 444 

Signatures of Fathers Schnei 
der and Ferdinand Farmer. . 446 

Church at Goshenhopen 447 

Map of Spanish Florida, facing. 455 

Portrait of Bishop Tejada, to 
face 465 

View of Pensacola on Santa 
Rosa Island in 1743. From 
the Drawing by Dom. Serres. 467 

Ancient Silver Crucifix in the 
Church at Pensacola 468 

Map of St. Augustine in 1763. . 478 

Signature of Father Francis 
Hidalgo 481 

Signature of Father Olivares . . 482 



Signature of the Yen. Anthony 
Margil 484 

Portrait of Ven. Anthony Mar 
gil, to face 489 

Signature of Eev. Joseph de la 
Garza 498 

Signature of Father Ganzabal . 501 

Signature of Father Terreros , . 503 

Signature of Bishop Tejada . . . 505 

Signature of Father Diego 
Ximenez 508 

Signature of Father Garcia. . . . 509 

Record of Bishop Elizacochea s 
Visitation on Inscription 
Rock 525 

Signature of Bishop St. Val- 
lier 533 

Portrait of Bishop St. Vallier, 
to face 537 

Signature of Rev. Henry Roul- 
leaux de la Vente 546 

Fac-simile of the first entry 
in the Parish Register of 
Mobile .... 547 

Signature of Rev. F. Le Maire. 549 

Signature of Rev. Alexander 
Huve 552 

Portrait and Signature of Very 
Rev. Dominic Mary Varlet, 
Vicar - General, afterwards 
Bishop of Babylon 555 

Title of the Kaskaskia Register. 558 

Portrait of Father P. F. X. 
Charlevoix 561 

Signature of Father John Mat 
thew 564 

Signature of Father Matthew 
as Vicar-Apostolic 564 

Signature of the Carmelite Fa 
ther Charles 566 

Signature of F. de Beaubois . . 568 

Signature of Mother de Tran- 
chepain 569 

Ursuline Convent, New Or 
leans, begun in 1727, now 
residence of the Archbishop . 571 

Signatures of the Jesuit Father 
Mathurin Le Petit, and the 
Recollect Father Victorin . . . 573 

Signature of Rev. Mr. Forget 
Duverger 577 

First entry in the Parish Regis 
ter of Vincennes 579 

Signature of Father Vivier 579 

Signature of Father John Fran 
cis 580 

Signatures of Fathers Bau- 
douin and Vitry 583 

Signatures of Fathers le Boul- 
lenger, Guymonneau, and 
Tartarin 584 

Signature of Father Vincent 
Bigot 596 

Fac-simile of opening words of 
Father Rale s Dictionary and 
of his Signature. 602 

Portrait and Signature of Rev. 
Francis Piquet. 615 

Fort Presentation, Ogdensburg, 
with Abbe Piquet s Chapel. . 616 

Corner-Stone of Abbe Piquet s 
Chapel 618 

First entry in the Detroit Reg 
ister 624 

Signatures of Priests 626, 637 

Signature of Father Simplicius 
Bocquet 632 

Portrait of Rt. Rev. Henry 
Mary Du Breuil de Pont- 
briand, 6th Bishop of Que 
bec >. ... 633 

Signature of Father Julian De- 
vernai 635 

Bread-Iron preserved at Mich- 
ilimackinac 636 

Signature of Father du Jaunay 637 


THE Catholic Church is the oldest organization in the 
United States, and the only one that has retained the same 
life and polity and forms through each succeeding age. Her 
history is interwoven in the whole fabric of the country s 
annals. Guiding the explorers, she left her stamp in the 
names given to the natural features of the land. She an 
nounced Christ to almost every native tribe from one ocean- 
washed shore to the other, and first to raise altars to worship 
the living God, her ministry edified in a remarkable degree 
by blameless lives and often by heroic deaths, alike the early 
settlers, the converted Indians, and those who refused to 
enter her fold. At this day she is the moral guide, the spirit 
ual mother of ten millions of the inhabitants of the republic, 
people of all races and kindreds, all tongues and all countries, 
blended in one vast brotherhood of faith. In this she has no 
parallel. No other institution in the land can trace back an 
origin in all the nationalities that once controlled the portions 
of North America now subject to the laws of the republic. 
All others are recent, local, and variable. She alone can 
everywhere claim to rank as the oldest. 

The Church is a great fact and a great factor in the life of 
the country. Every man of thought will concede that the 
study of the history of that Church in its past growth and 
vicissitudes, and of her present position, is absolutely neces 
sary in order to solve the problems of the present and the 



future in the republic, for the influence of an organization 
fixed and unwavering in doctrine, polity, and worship, must 
be a potent element, and cannot be ignored or slighted. 

But while from the student and the statesman the history 
of the Church claims serious consideration, to the Catholic 
that history is a record full of the deepest interest and con 
solation, a volume to which he can appeal with pride. The 
pages teem with examples of the noblest and most heroic 
devotedness in the priesthood, of the beneficent action of the 
Church where she was free to do her work, of self-sacrifice 
in the laity, in generous adherence to the faith by the flock 
amid active persecution, insidious attacks, open violence, and 
constant prejudice, where Catholics were few amid a popu 
lation trained in unreasoning animosity. 

The Catholic Church in this country does not begin her 
history after colonies were formed, and men had looked 
to their temporal well being. Her priests were among the 
explorers of the coast, were the pioneers of the vast interior ; 
with Catholic settlers came the minister of God, and mass 
was said to hallow the land and draw down the blessing of 
heaven before the first step was taken to rear a human habi 
tation. The altar was older than the hearth. 

The entrance of the Catholic Church was not the erratic 
work of a few. It was part of her work begun at the fiery 
Pentecost, carried on from age to age with unswerving 
course, while all human institutions were changing and mod 
ifying around her. The command of our Lord to His apos 
tles to go and teach all nations, rested as an injunction on 
the bishops of the Church in whom the missionary spirit 
became inherent. The Church was constantly pushing for 
ward into new lands, priests commissioned by bishops bearing 
the faith, ministering to those who accompanied them, re 
maining to convert those whom they found. 


Priests sent out from Ireland, and subsequently from 
Scandinavia reached Iceland, and in time a church grew up 
in that northern island with bishops, churches, convents. Ad 
vancing still onward in the unknown seas the Northmen 
landed in Greenland, and Catholicity was planted on the 
American continent by priests from Iceland, and in 1112 the 
See of Gardar was erected by Pope Paschal II., and Eric was 
appointed the first bishop. Full of missionary zeal, this prel 
ate accompanied the ships of his seafaring flock, and reached 
the land known in the Sagas of the North by the name of 
Vinland, as an Irish bishop, John of Skalholt in Iceland, had 
already done. How far southward the navigators of the 
north and their spiritual teachers carried the cross and the 
worship of the Catholic Church, it is not our province to 

When Columbus revealed to Europe the existence of rich 
and fertile islands accessible from Spain, the ministers of the 
Church came. Priests accompanied the vessels with faculties 
from the bishop in whose diocese the port of departure lay, 
and where they remained in the new land the bishop s juris 
diction continued till a local ecclesiastical government was 
formed. Thus the See of Seville acquired a jurisdiction in 
the New World where the standard of Spain was planted, 
and she became the mother of the earliest churches in America. 
Not inaptly, the Cathedral of Seville preserves in her treasury 
the chalice made of the first gold taken to Europe by Co 
lumbus, for the first-fruits of the precious metals of the New 
World were dedicated to the service of Almighty God in the 
Catholic Church. The See of Santo Domingo was erected 
by the Sovereign Pontiff in 1512, that of Santiago de Cuba 
in 1522, that of Carolensis in Yucatan in 1519, and of Mexico 
in 1530. These followed up the work of Seville, the bishops 
of the new Sees sending priests commissioned by them to 


bear the faith northward till the territory over which our 
flag now floats was reached and the cross planted. 

The Church of Spain with her array of doctors and saints 
from an Isidore and a Leander, a Hosius, a Thomas of Villa- 
nova, was thus extended to our soil, and her priests offered 
the first worship of Almighty God on the shores of Florida, 
of the Chesapeake, in the valleys of the Mississippi and the 
Rio Grande. The work was followed up, and though the 
soil was reddened with the blood of many a priest who won 
the martyr s crown, there was no faltering, the work went on 
till in time bishops came and every sacrament of the Church 
was duly administered in that portion of our territory. 1 

Our alliance with the Catholic Church in Spain is not a 
mere episode. The first bishops of Louisiana and Mobile 
were suffragans of Santo Domingo and of Santiago de Cuba ; 
the first bishop of California a suffragan of Mexico, while 
Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona were in our time detached 
from dioceses which trace their origin to the glorious Church 
in Spain. 

Soon after the vessels of Columbus bore back the startling 
news of great discovery, a ship from Bristol, under Cabot, in 
149Y, bore to the northern shores of our continent the first 
band of English-speaking Catholics, and within five years, 
a priest, we know, crossed the Atlantic to administer the rites 
of religion to his countrymen in America, offer the holy 
sacrifice and announce the gospel in our tongue. 2 Thus 
Catholicity came from the land of a St. Anselrn, a St. 
Thomas of Canterbury, a St. John of Beverly, whose Church 
in the next century, while crushed like the primitive church 
by the State power of unbelieving rulers, extended her limits 

1 Gams, Series Episcoporum, Ratisbonne, 1873, pp. 334, 336 ; Torfaeus, 
Historia Vinlandiae, p. 71. 

2 Harrisse, " Jeanet Sebastian Cabot," Paris, 1882, p. 270. 


to the shores of the Chesapeake, the Church of Catholic 
England reviving the work of the earlier Spanish pioneers 
of the faith. 

Close on Cabot came French explorers. Cartier sailed 
with the blessing of the Bishop of St. Malo, and with priests 
to whom he gave faculties, and in after years Champlain 
founded Quebec, where altars were raised, and priests 
began their ministry, acknowledging as their ecclesiastical 
Superior the Archbishop of Rouen, who for years governed 
Canada as part of his diocese, through Vicars-General ap 
pointed by him, and even towards the close of the century 
gave powers to priests under which they offered the sacrifice 
of the mass and ministered to colonists in Texas. 

The Church knew no limits to her conquests. Her juris 
diction was extended as by a natural instinct over the whole 
land. It was never bounded by the mere limits of white 
settlements. Father Padilla, dying alone near the banks of 
the Missouri, to which he had penetrated, was still in the 
diocese of Mexico ; Hennepin at the Falls of St. Anthony, 
Marquette at the Arkansas, Douay at the mouth of the Mis 
sissippi, were in the diocese of Quebec. The first Catholic 
settlers in Oregon were from Canada, and the priest sent to 
minister to them went as Vicar-General of Quebec, to 
become in time Bishop and Archbishop of the distant flock 
he crossed the continent to serve. 

The Church has thus a continuous existence in this coun 
try, continuous in episcopal jurisdiction, in priestly work, in 
the faithful who clung to her altars. 

In the earlier period, where three great European nations 
laid claim to different portions of our territory, the history 
of the Church is to be traced in three different channels, 
descending from England, France, and Spain. K"o greater 
contrast could be found than that of the colonial spirit of 


the three nations. Spain, by her government under the vast 
system inaugurated by Philip II., planned, directed, controlled 
every department of colonial administration. Every new 
colonization was settled in detail in Spain. The bulls of 
the Sovereign Pontiffs made the King of Spain their Yicar 
in America, the tithes were assigned to him, the nomination 
of bishops was in his hands, the support of the ministry and 
the missions was devolved upon him. Portions of the royal 
revenue were then assigned by him to great religious works, 
and churches, convents, universities and schools arose with 
out direct contribution by the people. 

France was Catholic, but the Church and the missions in 
the territory she controlled in America were not supported 
by any governmental plan. The zeal and piety of individu 
als contributed far more than the monarch to maintain and 
carry on the work, and the colonists shared the feeling of the 
mother country and willingly paid their tithes, and aided 
to support the religious bodies which had been active agents 
in bringing in settlers and clearing the land for cultivation. 

In the English colonies, except for two brief seasons, Cath 
olics were oppressed by laws copied, from the appalling 
penal code of England. The Church was proscribed, her 
worship forbidden, her adherents visited with every form of 
degradation, insult, and extortion. 

Thus strangely different were the circumstances under 
which the Church grew in Florida, in Michigan, in Mary 
land. Yet in the designs of God it was that which seem 
ed least favored that was to develop most wonderfully, 
till the episcopate starting from a threefold source and 
blending into the hierarchy of the United States with the faith 
ful sprung from those lands, and from Ireland, Germany, 
Switzerland, Poland, Italy, Portugal, and from the native 
tribes, presents at the close of the nineteenth century a 





THE revolt of Henry VIII. against the authority of the Holy 
See and his suppression of the religious houses had greatly im 
paired the spirit of faith in the people of England, but 
still the new ideas, set up by Luther and Calvin on the Conti 
nent, found few proselytes, even after his death ; the establish 
ment of a Calvinistic church by those who assumed the regency 
for Edward YI. failed to win the mass of the English people 
from the faith of their forefathers. It was restored for a 
brief term by Mary, but Elizabeth, on her accession, revived 
the acts of the reigns of Henry and Edward. The mass was 
abolished, an act of supremacy passed, the images of our 
Lord and His Saints were ordered to be broken or burned. 
The churches were filled with a new set of clergy who were 
to perform a new religious service. 

The Catholics could not join in this. The mass was and 
is the only divine worship to be offered by a duly ordained 
priest. With the churches built by their ancestors diverted 
to unhallowed rites, they had no alternative but to hear mass 
in secret said by some lawful priest. Protestantism is essen 
tially intolerant. Nowhere, on obtaining power, did it permit 
the Catholic portion of a nation to enjoy the exercise of 
religion, even in private. Elizabeth began a series of laws 
3 (17) 


to crush the Catholics, to deprive them of all opportunity of 
enjoying the services of religion and forcing them to enter 
the Church her Parliament had set up. The penal laws of 
this woman, one of the most savagely bloody in the annals 
of history, though enforced during her long reign, failed to 
secure even half the population of England to the Church 
of which she was the head. 

To defend the jurisdiction of the Pope was punished by a 
heavy fine ; the universities, the professions, the public offices 
were closed to all who would not take an oath of supremacy ; 
a second offence or a refusal of the oath was punishable with 
death. 1 Priests who adhered faithfully to God were kept hid 
den, for the consolation of the faithful, but as their ranks 
thinned by death, some means was needed to maintain a succes 
sion of clergymen. A seminary was established at Douay for 
the education of priests. To prevent the success of this plan 
Elizabeth, by a new series of laws, made it high treason to 
declare her a heretic, to bring from Rome any instrument 
whatever emanating from the Pope, to use any such docu 
ment, to give or receive absolution. Perpetual imprisonment 
was the penalty for possessing an Agnus Dei, a rosary, cross 
or picture blessed by the Pope or any of his missionaries. 
Any Catholic who fled from England to evade the laws was 
required to return within six months, under penalty of con 
fiscation of all property belonging to him. 2 These laws 
were soon enforced. In 157T Eoland Jenks, an Oxford 
bookseller, for having Catholic books, was sentenced to be 
nailed to the pillory, his sentence being attended by the sud 
den death of many of the officials. Then the Rev. Cuthbert 
Maine, the protomartyr of Douay College, was convicted of 
high treason, in having a bull of the Pope granting a jubilee 

1 5Eliz., c. 1. 2 13 Eliz c i } 2j 3. 


and in having brought an Agnus Dei into the kingdom. 
For this he was hanged on the 29th of November, 1577. 
Then the gallows was kept busy with its bloody work. Two 
other priests were hanged the next year, four in 1581, eleven 
in 1582. 

While the government thus thought to keep priests from 
ministering to the English Catholics by fear of death, the 
laity were oppressed with fines and imprisonment for not 
attending Protestant worship, for hearing mass, for keeping 
Catholic books or objects of devotion. 

Flight to the Continent had been made a crime, and was 
always a pretext for a charge of treason. Under these cir 
cumstances it occurred to leading men among the Catholic 
body, who had still friends at court, to seek a refuge for 
their oppressed countrymen out of England, but yet within 
her Majesty s dominions. 

The foremost in this project was Sir George Peckham, of 
Dinand, in Buckinghamshire ; but, of course, care and pru 
dence were required. The application made by Sir Humphrey 
Gilbert to Queen Elizabeth for a patent to authorize him to 
explore and colonize the northern parts of America would 
seem to have been inspired by Sir George. As early as 
March 22, 1574, we find them both with Mr. Carlile, Sir 
Richard Greenville and others petitioning her to allow of an 
enterprise for discovery of sundry rich and unknown lands, 
" fatefully reserved for England and for the honor of your 
Majestie." Although Sir George s name does not appear in 
the patent actually issued June 11, 1578, it seems framed to 
meet the case of the Catholics, and an interest under it 
was very soon transferred to Sir George Peckham and a fellow 
Catholic, Sir Thomas Gerard. By its terms Sir Humphrey 

1 Domest. Corresp. Elizabeth, vol. 95, No. 65, Col. p. 475. 


Gilbert and his assigns are authorized from time to time to 
go and remain, to do so freely, " the statutes or actes of par 
liament made against fugitives, or against such as shall 
depart, remaine or continue out of our realm of England 
without license, or any other acte, statute, lawe or matter 
whatsoever to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding." 
He was authorized to take any of the Queen s subjects u as 
shall willingly accompany him," " so that none of the same 
persons, nor any of them be such as hereafter shall be spec 
ially restrained by us, our heires and successors." The only 
restriction on his power to make laws was that they should 
not " be against the true Christian faith, or religion now 
professed in the Church of England," or such as would 
withdraw men from their allegiance to the crown. 1 

This would authorize Catholics to go and remain there 
under the protection of the laws that might be established, 
so long as no law was passed against the Church of England. 
Haies, one of the historians of Gilbert s undertaking, men 
tions the discouragement that befel him, and says : " In 
furtherance of his determination, amongst others Sir George 
Peckham, knight, showed himself very zealous to the action, 
greatly aided him, both by his advice and in the charge. 
Other gentlemen to their ability joined unto him, resolving 
to adventure their substance and lives in the same cause." 

Two years were spent in gathering artisans and supplies 
for the projected settlement, but the Catholic projectors felt 
the necessity of some definite sanction of their undertaking. 
They applied openly and without disguise as the following 
petition shows : 

" Articles of peticion to the righte Hormorable Sr Fraun- 
cis Wallsinghame Knighte Principall Secretaire unto the 

1 Hakluyt, i., p. 677 ; iii., 174. Hazard s Collection, i., pp. 24-28. 


Quens Mat ie by S r Thomas Gerrarde and S r George Pecke- 
ham Knightes as followetli viz 

" That where Sr Humferie Gylberte Knighte hath granted 
and assigned to the saide S r Thomas and S r George authori- 
tie by virtue of the Quens Mat ie Ires Patents to discover and 
pocesse &c certain heathen Lands &c 

" Their humble peticion is 

" Firste that it wolde please her Mat ie that all souche par 
sons whose names shall be sett downe in a booke Indented 
made for that purpose th one pte remayninge with some one 
of her Mat ie pryvie Councell th other w th the said S r Thomas 
and S p George maye have lycens to travell into those coun- 
teris at the nexte viaige for conqueste w th all manne 1 " of 
necessarie provission for themselves and their families their 
to remaine or retorne backe to Englande at their will and 
pleasure when and as often as nede shall require. 

" Item the recusantes of abillitie that will travell as afore- 
saide maie have libertie uppon discharge of the penallties 
dewe to her Mat ie in that behallffe to prepare themselves for 
the said voiage. 

"Item that other recusantes not havinge to satisfie the 
saide penaltie maie not w th standinge have lyke libertie to 
provide as aforesaide and to stand charged for the paiement 
of the saide penallties untill suche tyme as God shall make 
them able to paie the same. 

" Item that none under color of the saide Lycence shall 
departe owte of this realme unto any other foren Christian 

" Item that they nor anye of them shall doo anye acte tend 
ing to the breache of the leage betwene her Mat ie and anye 
other Prince in amytie w th her highnes neither to the pre 
judice of her Mat ie or this Realme. 

" Item that the xth pson wch they shall carrie wth them 


shalbe souche as have not any certainetie whereuppon to 
lyve or maintaine themselves in Engknde." 

That Queen Elizabeth consented may be inferred from the 
fact of Peckham s continued interest ; but her policy required 
silence, and a government detective or spy discovered the 
real nature of the voyage, and in a report made known the 
connection of Sir George Peckham and Sir Thomas Gerard 
with the intended expedition. 

" I have heard it said among the Papists," writes this spy, 
" that they hope it will prove the best journey for England 
that was made this forty years." " I do not hear of any 
further cause of the departure of Sir George Peckham and 
Sir Thomas Gerard than that every Papist doth like very 
well thereof, and do most earnestly pray their good suc 
cess." a 

The place of the intended settlement was Norumbega, a 
district described in the then recently published Cosmog- 
raphie of Thevet, a Franciscan priest who claims to have 
visited it. This province is generally regarded as being the 
present State of Maine. 3 

The fleet that finally sailed from England, June 11, 1583, 
consisted of the Delight or George, of 120 tons ; the bark 
Raleigh, of 200 tons ; the Golden Hind and Swallow, each 
of 40 tons, and the Squirrel, of 10 tons, carrying in all 260 
persons. Sighting land on the 30th of July, they entered 
the harbor of St. John, Newfoundland, where Sir Hum- 

1 Public Record Office Copy. State Papers. Domestic. Eliz. 1580, 
(1583.) Vol. 146. No. 40. 

2 Letter from P. H. W. (There is reason to believe his real name 
was Tichbourne alias Benjamin Beard) dated April 19, 1582. Vol. 153, 
No. 14. I am indebted for the reference to J. H. Pollen, S. J. 

3 Prof. Horsford in a recent tract claims Massachusetts as Xorum- 


phrey took possession in the name of the queen. He then 
issued some laws. " The first for religion, which in publique 
exercise should be according to the Church of England." 

This while ostensibly setting up the Established Church so 
as to avoid all cavil, really allowed the Catholic service in 
private. Gilbert wrote from this port to Sir George Peck- 
ham,* from which it is evident that the Catholic knight 
did not accompany the expedition, and we are left entirely 
in the dark as to the Catholics who really came out. 

Sailing thence to select a place for settlement in I^orum- 
bega, Gilbert passed Cape Race. Soon after, his best vessel, 
loaded with all the supplies for his colonists, was lost, only 
a few who clung to the wreck surviving, when it was driven 
by the tides on the coast of Newfoundland. 

Thoroughly discouraged, Gilbert abandoned the projected 
settlement, and attempted to reach Europe, sailing himself 
in the frailest of his fleet. In a storm that would have 
tried stauncher ships, his voice was heard, from time to 
time, calling to the vessel near him : " We are as neere 
heaven by sea as by land." Then the voice was silent ; the 
wail of the waves alone was heard. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 
with his hopes and his projects, had disappeared, meeting 
his fate with a courage the world has never ceased to 
admire. 3 

The other vessels reached England, and the survivors of 
the Delight, taken to Spain and saved by the kindly captain 
who rescued them, also regained their native land. 4 

1 Haies, "A Eeport of the Voyage," etc. Hakluyt, iii., p. 151. 
" First, that Religion publiquely exercised should be such and none 
other, then is vsed in the Church of England." "A True Report," etc., 
Ik, p. 166. 

2 See letter in Purchas, iii., p. 808 ; Hazard s Collection, i., p. 32. 

3 Haies in Hakluyt, i., pp. 677-9 ; iii., p. 159. 

4 A Relation of Richard Clarke. Hakluyt, iii., p. 163. 


Sir George Peckham was not dismayed by this unfor 
tunate result of the attempt. He is the first English Catho 
lic whose writings call for our notice, so far as they regard 
the exploration, colonization, and Christianizing of this con 
tinent. His little work, " A true .Report of the late Dis 
coveries and possession taken in the right of the Crowne of 
England of the Newfound Lands by that valiant and worthy 
gentleman, Sir Humfrey Gilbert, Knight," is preserved to 
us in Hakluyt, and breathes a truly Christian spirit. That 
he hoped to organize a new expedition is evident. " Now 
where I doe understand that Sir Humfrey Gilbert, his 
adherents, associates and friends, doe meane with a conue- 
nient supply (with as much speed as may be) to maintaine, 
pursue and follow this intended voyage, already in part per 
formed, and (by the assistance of Almighty God) to plant 
themselves and their people in the continent of the hither 
part of America, between the degrees of 30 and 60 of sep- 
tentrionall latitude," he writes ; then he proceeds to expatiate 
on the benefit England would derive from colonies, and the 
necessity of endeavoring to rescue the Indians from their 
ignorance and idolatry. 

But if Sir George Peckham was sanguine, the Catholics in 
England were apparently in general opposed to any scheme 
of colonization. Speaking of a later project the famous 
Jesuit Father Persons wrote: "The Hereticks also would 
laughe and exprobrate the same unto them, as they did when 
Sr. George Peckhame and Sr. Thomas Gerrarde about xx 
years gone should have made the same viage to -Nerembrage 
by the Queen and Councells consente, with some evacuations 
of Papists, as then they called them, which attempte became 
presently then most odious to the Catholicke party." 

1 Persons, " My iudgement about transfering Englishe Catholiques to 
the northern partes of America." 1605. 


For some years no further steps were taken in regard to a 
Catholic colony, but in 1605 one Winslade, who had served 
in the Spanish Armada, formed a project for gathering the 
scattered English Catholic exiles on the continent, and with 
them establishing a settlement in America. The scheme evi 
dently found men to approve and men to condemn it. 

The expedition sent out in the Archangel, Capt. Wey- 
mouth, March 5, 1605, by the gallant Sir Thomas Lord 
Arundell of Wardour, and Henry Wriothesley, second Earl 
of Southampton, his relative, w T ho had conformed to the 
State Church, was probably connected with this project. 
An air of mystery was preserved with regard to this expedi 
tion, and the only published account of it leaves everything 
vague, yet the religious tone of the writer, James Rosier, 
indicates a higher motive than trade or discovery. " We," 
he says, " supposing not a little present private profit, but a 
publique good and true zeale of promulgating God s holy 
church, by planting Christianity to be the sole intent of the 
Honourable setters forth of this discovery." 

1 "A True Relation of most prosperous voyage made this present yeere, 
1605, By Captaine George Weymouth in the discovery of the land of Vir 
ginia : Where he discouered 60 miles vp, a most excellent Riuer, to 
gether with a most fertile land. Written by lames Rosier, a Gentleman 
employed on the voyage." Londini, Impensis Geo. Bishop, 1605, p. 34. 
The pious tone of Rosier s narrative would lead one to suppose him a 
clergyman : policy would require adapting the tone of his remarks to 
Protestant ears. If he were the Protestant minister sent by Southampton, 
he would have no motive for concealing his character and not speaking 
openly, and he would not ignore the Earl of Southampton and refer only 
to Lord Arundell, as Rosier does : while if he were the priest sent by the 
Catholic nobleman, it would be natural. He begins his Preface : 
"Being employed in this voyage by the Right Honorable Thomas 
Arundell, Baron of Warder, to take due notice and make true report of 
the discovery therein performed." He collected an Indian vocabulary of 
400 or 500 words, of which a part is given in Purchas Pilgrims, iv, pp. 
1659-1667. He concludes the Preface : "So with my prayers ?o God for 


He notes that they sailed on Easter day, reached the coast 
on Whitsunday, from which circumstance they named the 
place Pentecost Harbour ; he tells us too that they set up 
crosses at various points. 1 

The Archangel made the coast near Cape Cod in May, 
and running northward reached Monhegan, to which 
Weymouth gave the name of St. George s, planting a 
cross which remained there for years. He erected another 
at Booth Bay, which he named Pentecost Harbour, and 
ascended the Kennebec River. Mgr. Urban Cerri, in a 
report of the Propaganda to Pope Innocent XL, seems to 
refer to this expedition where he writes : " Soon after Vir 
ginia was discovered, the King of England sent thither a 
Catholic Earl, 2 and another nobleman who was a Heretick, 
Those two Lords were attended by Protestants and Catholicks, 
and two priests ; so that the Catholicks and Hereticks per 
formed for a long time the exercise of religion under the 
same roof." 8 

the conversion of so ingenious and well disposed people, I rest your 
friend J. R." 

1 pp. 13, 31, etc. Ballard, in his " George Weymouth and the Kenne 
bec," maintains the Kennebec to be the river. Prince, in his reprint of 
Rosier (Bath, 1860) the George s. 

2 Lord Arundell was a Count or Earl of the Holy Roman Empire 
and of course was spoken of at Rome by that title. 

3 " Instructions for our Holy Father Innocent XI. concerning the Pres 
ent State of Religion in the Several Parts of the World, By Consignor 
Urbano Cerri, Secretary to the Congregation de Propaganda Fide," in 
Steele, "An Account of the State of the Roman Catholick Religion 
throughout the World." London, 1715. See page 168. 

Lord Arundell of Wardour kindly informs me that owing to the 
destruction of papers during the siege of Wardour Castle in 1643 noth 
ing remains in the archives of that ancient Catholic house to give full 
light on this early Catholic expedition to our shores. The Earl of South 
ampton engaged with Lord Thomas Arundell was, he thinks, the second 
Earl, brother-in-law to Lord Arundell and son of the patron of Shake 


During Weymouth s absence the plan of Winslade had 
been submitted to the famous Jesuit Father Robert Persons, 
one of the ablest men of his time. His decision, entitled " My 
Judgement about transferring Englishe Catholiques to the 
northern parts of America for inhabiting those partee and 
converting those barbarous people to Christianize," was so 
adverse that it apparently led Lord Arundell to abandon the 

The reasons alleged by Father Persons were that the king 
and his council would never favor the plan, as it made them 
out persecutors, and without the consent of government 
men could not sell estates, and leave the kingdom. The 
wealthy Catholics would sooner risk losing part of their 
property by fines in England than venture it all on such an 
enterprise, and the poor could not go without the rich. In 
the next place " it would be verie ill taken by the Catholicks 
generally, as a matter sounding to their discredite and con- 
tempte, to have as it were theire exportatione to Bar- 
barouse people treated with Princes in theire name without 
theire knowledge or consente." He also feared that the dimin 
ishing of the number of Catholics in England might lead 
to laws to prevent Catholics from leaving the country. In 
the next place, the plan proposed assembling 1,000 in some 
part of the continent from which they were to sail. Persons 
objected that they could not be maintained while waiting the 
assemblage of the whole, and no foreign state would permit 
it. Spain, always jealous of European colonization, would 
surely obstruct their project not only in Spain, but in Flan 
ders and elsewhere. 

"Finally what theire successe would be amongst those 
wilde people, wilde beastes, unexperienced ayre, unprovided 
lande God only knoweth, yet as I sayd, the intentione of con- 
vertinge those people liketh me so well and in so high a de- 


gree as for that onely I would desire myself to goe in the 
iorney shutting my eyes to all other difficulties if it were pos 
sible to obtayne it." 

The plan embraced, therefore, not only a settlement as a 
refuge for the oppressed Catholics of England, but a system 
of missions for converting the Indians. How strange it is, 
that a mission settlement for converting the Indians on that 
very coast of Eorumbega, founded by one of his fellow-mem 
bers of the Society of Jesus, should be broken up by Per 
sons fellow-countrymen less than ten years after he wrote. 1 

Such was the second project of Catholic colonization in our 
present territory. It failed, but strangely enough, the plan 
proposed by Winslade was carried out by the English Sepa 
ratists, who gathered in Holland, and with scanty resources, and 
apparently a want of all prudence sailed in winter to land on 
the bleak IS r ew England coast, not to fail in their projected 
settlement, but to open the way for others who filled the 
land, and established enduring institutions. 

The next to take up the project of Catholic colonization 
was a convert, one who had held high and important offices 
in the English government, was thoroughly conversant with 
its spirit and ways, and who, as a member of the Virginia 
Company, must have been fully conversant with all that had 
been done to create colonies in America. 

Sir George Calvert, descended from a noble Flemish fam 
ily, was born at Kipling, in Yorkshire, in 1582. He took 
his degrees at Oxford as bachelor and master of arts, and 
showed ability as a poet. After making a tour of Europe, 
he obtained an appointment in Ireland, and was promoted to 
other offices, being often employed on public affairs at home 

1 Father Biard s mission settlement of St. Sauveur on Mont Desert 


and abroad, where a clear head, prompt action, and honest 
purpose were required. Sir Kobert Cecil, the trusted minister 
of Elizabeth, made the young man his chief clerk, and when 
he himself became lord high treasurer named Calvert clerk of 
the Privy Council. Knighted in 1617, he became one of the 
secretaries of state the next year. Favors flowed upon him, 
among others a large grant of land in Ireland. At a very early 
period he became interested in American colonization. In 
1609 he was one of the Virginia Company of Planters, and 
fifteen years later one of the provincial council in England 
for the government of that province. In 1620, too, he pur 
chased the southeast peninsula of Newfoundland, and sent 
out Captain Edward Wynne with a small colony, who formed 
a settlement at Ferryland. 

Meanwhile, this public man, brought up amid the wily and 
unprincipled statesmen of the courts of Elizabeth and James, 
able but faithless, grasping and insincere, to whom religion 
was but a tool for controlling the people, began to study re 
ligious affairs seriously. The Puritans and Separatists and 
Presbyterians were working among the lower and more ig 
norant classes, building up a large body of dissenters ; the 
Church of England was inert, many of the abler and purer 
men seeking to recover what they had lost at the reforma 
tion, rather than reject more. 

Calvert had not been indifferent to the salvation of his own 
soul, amid all the engrossing cares of office, and the allure 
ments of the court. He felt the importance of religion and 
gave it his serious thought and inquiry. In the Puritan 
school he saw only a menace to all government civil and 
ecclesiastical. In the Anglican Church only a feeble effort to 
retrieve a wrong step. To his decisive mind the only course 
for any man was to return to the ancient Church. This be 
came clearer and clearer to his mind, and he prepared to ar- 


range his affairs to meet the consequences attendant on a pro 
fession of a faith proscribed by the laws of the state. In 1624 
he relinquished his seat in Parliament, and was received into 
the Church. He then announced his change to the king 
and tendered his resignation as secretary of state. King 
James retained him as a member of the Privy Council ; he 
also regranted to him the estates in Ireland, exempting him 
from obligations which he now as a Catholic could not fulfil, 
and to reward his long and faithful service, created him 
Baron of Baltimore in the kingdom of Ireland. 

Evidently in anticipation of the return to the Church of 
his ancestors Calvert had on the 7th of April, 1623, obtained 
a charter for the province of Avalon in Newfoundland, mak 
ing him a lord proprietor where he was as yet only a land 

His view was to lead out a colony and make it his resi 
dence. That it was his design to make it a refuge for op 
pressed Catholics cannot be doubted. He was already in in 
timate relations with Sir Thomas Arundell, who had been 
connected with a previous scheme of the kind, and the union 
of the two families was soon cemented by a marriage. 

The charter of Avalon made him " true and absolute Lord 
and proprietary of the region " granted, which was erected 
into a province, with full power to make necessary laws, ap. 
point officers, enjoy the patronage and advowson of all 
churches. Full authority was given to all the king s subjects 
to proceed to the province and settle there, notwithstanding 
any law to the contrary. The settlers were to be exempt 
from all taxation imposed by the king or his successors. 

It was provided that the laws should not be repugnant or 
contrary to those of England, and a special clause " Provided 
allways that no interpretation bee admitted thereof (of the 
charter) whereby God s holy and truly Christian religion or 


allegiance due unto us, our heires and successors may in any 
thing suffer any prejudice or diminution." To give a 
charter directly favoring or protecting the Catholic religion 
was what the king could not do. But the Avalon charter en 
abled Catholics to emigrate to that province without hindrance, 
and enabled Calvert to make such laws as he pleased, and re 
served no power to require him to enforce the English penal 
laws against Catholics. Thus under the charter Catholics 
could hold lands, have their own churches and priests. It 
was unnecessary for Lord Baltimore to pass any special law 
permitting them to do so. 

Embarking in an armed vessel of three hundred tons, in 
1627, he reached Eerryland about the 23d of July, with 
colonists and supplies. With him went two seminary priests, 
the Rev. Messrs. Longvill and Anthony Smith. After a 
short stay in his province he returned, the Rev. Mr. Long 
vill accompanying him. A chapel had been set up, and 
mass was regularly offered, the Rev. Mr. Smith being joined 
next year by a priest named Hacket, when Lord Baltimore 
came over with most of his family to make his home in 
Newfoundland. The colonists were not all Catholics, how 
ever ; and Lord Baltimore showed his sense of the equal 
religious rights of all by giving the Protestant colonists a 
place for worship and a clergyman. This minister, a Rev. 
Mr. Stourton, was not content with full liberty ; he returned 
to England, and filed an information against Lord Baltimore 
for permitting mass to be said. His intolerance was that of 
his time and country. Lord Baltimore, in practically placing 
both religions on an equal footing, making both tacitly sanc 
tioned, giving religious freedom to all, rose pre-eminently 

1 The Charter is given at length in Scharf, " History of Maryland," 
i.,pp. 33-40. 


above his time. He nobly endeavored in Avalon to enable 
each class of settlers to worship God according to the dic 
tates of their conscience, and it was brought up against him 
as a crime. Taught by this rude experience, we shall see 
that in his next experiment, he left each class to provide 
ministers of religion for themselves, or neglect to do so, as 
they preferred. 

Lord Baltimore found the climate very severe, and was 
soon discouraged by the depredations of the French, with 
whom he had some sharp fighting, gaining, however, the 

Lady Baltimore, sailing down to Virginia to obtain sup 
plies, was charmed with the beauty of Chesapeake Bay, and 
apparently urged her husband to cast his fortunes there rather 
than on the bleak shore of Newf oundland. Lord Baltimore, 
who was a member of the Council of Virginia, visited that 
province in October, 1629, with a view of removing his 
settlement thither. The acting governor, John Pott, and 
other officials, including Clayborne, at once demanded that 
he should take the oath of supremacy. 1 In this they 
assumed powers not given to the officials in Virginia, such 
powers having been limited to the treasurer and council in 
England. 2 

This manifestation of hostility and bigotry was unexpected 

1 Sainsbury, " Calendar of State Papers," i., p. 104. In justifying their 
course, Potts and his associates boasted "that no Papists have been 
suffered to settle their abode amongst us." Neill, " Founders of Mary 
land," p. 45. In fact, Virginia broke up a French Catholic settlement in 
Maine, and at a later day had prevented Irish Catholics from landing. 

1 No such power is given in the first charter, 4 James, i. The second, 
7 James, i., empowers the treasurer, and any three of the council, to 
tender the oath to those going to Virginia ; and the third gives a similar 
power, but there is not a word empowering subordinate officials in the 
colony to tender the oath to a member of the council. 


by Lord Baltimore. Before leaving Newfoundland, he had 
written on the 19th of August, 1629, to King Charles L, 
soliciting the grant of a precinct of land in Virginia to which 
he wished to remove with forty persons, and there enjoy the 
same privileges that had been granted to him at Avalon. 1 
He evidently aimed at employing his means and ability to 
build up Virginia in which he had so long been interested. 

The conduct of the Virginia officials showed Lord Balti 
more clearly, however, that Catholics could not live in peace 
in that colony ; and that to secure them a refuge he must 
obtain a charter for a new province. Leaving his family in 
Virginia, he sailed to England to employ his influence in 
obtaining a new grant. In February, 1630, Lord Baltimore, 
with Sir Thomas Arundell of Wardour, applied for a grant 
of land, south of the James River, "to be peopled and 
planted by them," a the bravest Englishman of his time 
again renewing his attempt at colonization within our limits. 

Clayborne, who had been one of those who prevented 
Lord Baltimore from settling in Virginia, prompted, as their 
action shows, by hostility to his religion, was now secretary 
of that province. When the king, at the petition of Lords 
Baltimore and Arundell, signed a charter for territory south 
of Virginia, in February, 1631, Clayborne and other repre 
sentatives of that colony who were then in England, were 
appalled at the result. To their prejudiced minds it was 
dangerous for Virginia to have Catholic subjects, but that 
danger was little compared to having a colony controlled by 
Catholics at their very border. The charter just granted 
was, on their vehement remonstrance, revoked. Baron Arun- 

1 Colonial Papers, v. 27. Kirke," Conquest of Canada," i., p. 158. 
Scharf, "Maryland," i., p. 44. 

2 Sainsbury, " Calendar of State Papers." Johnson, "Foundation of 
Maryland," p. 18. 



dell died, but Lord Baltimore, persisting in his design, solic 
ited, in lieu of the territory south of Virginia, a district 
to the northward. Virginia had gained nothing, and further 
opposition on her part was treated as vexatious. 1 

Charles I. ordered a patent to be issued to Lord Baltimore, 
granting to him the territory north of the Potomac to the 
fortieth degree, with the portion of the eastern shore of the 
Chesapeake, lying opposite, and extending to the ocean. This 
province the king named Terra Marise, or Maryland, in 
honor of his queen, Henriette Marie, daughter of Henri IV., 
and doubtless, too, in memory of the old Spanish name of 
the Chesapeake, retained on many charts, " Baia de Santa 

The charter for Maryland, in which the long experience 
and political wisdom of Lord Baltimore are manifest, has 
generally been regarded as one of his best titles to the respect 
of posterity. Sir George Calvert " was a man of sagacity and 
an observing statesman. He had beheld the arbitrary admin 
istration of the colonies, and against any danger of future 
oppression, he provided the strongest defence which the 
promise of a monarch could afford." " The charter secured 
to the emigrants themselves an independent share in the 
legislation of the province, of which the statutes were to be 
established with the advice and approbation of the majority 
of the freemen or their deputies. Representative govern 
ment was indissolubly connected with the fundamental 
charter." The king even renounced for himself and his 
successors the right to lay any tax or impost on the people of 

" Calvert deserves," says Bancroft, " to be ranked among 

5 Ayscough MSS. in British Museum, cited by Scharf, Hist. Mary 
land, i., p. 50. 


the most wise and benevolent lawgivers of all ages. He 
was the first in the history of the Christian world to seek for 
religious security and peace by the practice of justice and 
not by the exercise of power ; to plan the establishment of 
popular institutions with the enjoyment of liberty of con 
science ; to advance the career of civilization by recognizing 
the rightful equality of all Christian sects. The asylum of 
Catholics was the spot where, in a remote corner of the 
world, on the banks of rivers, which, as yet, had hardly beer, 
explored, the mild forbearance of a proprietary, adoptee 1 
religious freedom as the basis of the state." 

Before the charter passed the Great Seal of England, 
Lord Baltimore died ; but his son obtained the promised 
grant under the same liberal conditions and proceeded at 
once to carry out his father s plans, chief among which w T as 
" to convert, not extirpate the natives, and to send the sober, 
not the lewd, as settler?, looking not to present profit, but 
future expectation." 

1 Some recent writers, notably S. F. Streeter and E. D. Neill, have 
endeavored to detract from the first Lord Baltimore s claim to our respect 
as an exponent of religious liberty. The older writers uniformly recog 
nized it. Gen. B. T. Johnson, reviewing the whole question, says : 
" Calvert adopted the principle of religious liberty as covered by, and 
included in, the guarantees of the Great Charter, not that there could be 
liberty of conscience without security of personal property, but that 
there could be no security of personal property without liberty of con 
science." " Foundation of Maryland," p. 12. Scharf, " History of Mary 
land," i., p. 52, says: "Calumny has not shrunk from attacking his 
honored name. Detraction has been busy, and as the facts could not be 
denied, Calvert s motives have been assailed, but empty assertion, con 
jecture, surmises, however ingeniously malevolent, have happily exer 
cised very little influence over the minds of intelligent and candid men." 
See the question of the credit to be given to the charter and to Lord 
Baltimore discussed in " American Catholic Quarterly," x., p. 658. Cal 
vert s giving equality to Catholic and Protestant worship in Avalon is 
the practical proof of his motive. That no charters but his allowed 
toleration or colonial legislation, shows that the ideas did not emanate 
from the crown. 


A Catholic nobleman, at a time when his faith was pro 
scribed in England, and its ministers constantly butchered 
by law, 1 was thus made proprietary of a colony in America, 
where the colonists were to make their own laws ; where no 
religion was established, where the laws required no royal 
assent. It was a colony where Catholicity might be planted 
and flourish. 

1 Within twenty years ten Catholic priests and several laymen had been 
hanged, drawn, and quartered in England for their religion, one of them 
as recently as 1628. 




THE project of a home beyond the Atlantic for the perse 
cuted Catholics of England was at last on the point of being 
successfully carried out. The attempts of Peckham and 
Gerard, of TVinslade, of Lord Baltimore at Avalon, all show 
the same object, and leave no room for doubt that Calvert s 
design in founding Maryland was to give his fellow-believers 
a place of refuge. The object was, of course, not distinctly 
avowed. The temper of the times required great care and 
caution in all official documents, as well as in the manage 
ment of the new province. 

Cecil, Lord Baltimore, after receiving his charter for Mary 
land, in June, 1632, prepared to carry out his father s plans. 
Terms of settlement were issued to attract colonists, and a 
body of emigrants was soon collected to begin the foundation 
of the new province. The leading gentlemen who were 
induced to take part in the project were Catholics ; those 
whom they took out to till the soil, or ply various trades, were 
not all or, indeed, mainly Catholics, but they could not have 
been very strongly Protestant to embark in a venture so abso 
lutely under Catholic control. At Avalon Sir George Cal- 
vert, anxious for the religious life of his colonists, had taken 
over both Catholic and Protestant clergymen, and was ill- 
repaid for his liberal conduct. To avoid a similar ground of 
reproach, Baron Cecil left each part of his colonists free to 
take their own clergymen. It is a significant fact that the 



Protestant portion were so indifferent that they neither took 
over any minister of religion, nor for several years after 
Maryland settlements began, made any attempt to procure 
one. On behalf of the Catholic settlers, Lord Baltimore 
applied to Father Kichard Blount, at that time provincial 
of the Jesuits in England, and wrote to the General of the 
Society, at Kome, to excite their zeal in behalf of the English 
Catholics who were about to proceed to Maryland. He could 
offer the clergy no support. " The Baron himself is unable to 
find support for the Fathers, nor can they expect sustenance 
from heretics hostile to the faith, nor from Catholics for the 
most part poor, nor from the savages who live after the man 
ner of wild beasts." 

The prospect was not encouraging, and the proximity of 
the colonies of Virginia and New England, both hostile in 
feeling to Catholicity, made the position of a Catholic mis 
sionary one of no little danger. The Jesuits did not shrink 
from a mission field where they were to look for no support 
from the proprietary or their flock, and were to live amid 
dangers. It was decided that two Fathers were to go as gen 
tlemen adventurers, taking artisans with them, and acquiring 
lands like others, from which they were to draw their sup 
port. This required means, and we are not told by whom 
they were furnished, but circumstances strongly indicate that 
Father Thomas Copley, of an old English family, but born 
in Spain, supplied the means by which the first missionaries 
were sent out and maintained. 1 The Maryland pilgrims 
under Leonard Calvert, brother of the lord proprietary, 

1 Memorial of Father Henry More, Vice-Provincial. Foley, " Records 
of the English Province," iii., pp. 363-4. Thomas Copley, known on the 
mission as Father Philip Fisher, took up lands, claiming that Fathers 
White, Altham, and their companions had been sent over by him, Kilty, 
Landholder s Assistant, pp. 66-8. 


consisted of his brother George, some twenty other gentle 
men, and two hundred laboring men, well provided. To con 
vey these to the land of Mary, Lord Baltimore had his own pin 
nace, the Dove, of fifty tons, commanded by Robert Winter, 
and the Ark, a chartered vessel of 350 tons burthen, Richard 
Lowe being captain. Leonard Calvert was appointed gover 
nor, Jerome Hawley and Thomas Cornwaleys being joined in 
the commission. Among the gentlemen who came forward to 
take part in the good work was Richard Gerard, son of the 
baronet Sir Thomas, one of the first, as we have seen, to pro 
pose Catholic colonization in America, and active with Peck- 
ham in Sir Humphrey Gilbert s expedition. 

Lord Baltimore met with many vexation s and delays. He ob 
tained from the Lords of the Admiralty a warrant exempting 
his men from impressment ; but as by his very charter the object 
of his colony was religious, the proprietary being praised for 
his pious zeal and desire to propagate the Christian faith, 
every engine was employed to defeat the expedition. On 
hostile representations, the attorney-general at last made an 
information in the Star Chamber that Lord Baltimore s ships 
had departed without proper papers from the custom-house, 
and in contempt of all authority. It was, moreover, alleged 
that the emigrants had abused the king s officers and refused 
to take the oath of allegiance. On these malicious charges 
ships were sent in pursuit of the Maryland vessels, and the 
Ark and Dove were brought back to London. The charges 
were soon disproved, but Lord Baltimore had been put to great 
expense, and his expedition jeoparded. His enemies, how 
ever, could not force him to abandon his undertaking. 1 

The Ark and Dove, when released, bore away again, and 
putting in at Cowes, in the Isle of Wight, took aboard other 

1 Lord Baltimore to the Earl of Strafford. Stafford s Letters. 


members of the expedition. From this period we have as 
our guide the narrative of the voyage, written, in all proba 
bility, by Father Andrew White. This learned man, who 
after serving on the English mission as a seminary prieet, had 
fallen into the hands of the .enemies of the true faith and 
spent years in prison, had been banished from England in 
1606. On the Continent he entered the Society of Jesus 
and filled professors chairs in several colleges. 1 He had 
been selected by the provincial as chief missioner to Mary 
land, and was accompanied by Father John Altham, or Grave- 
nor, and by Thomas Grervase, a lay brother. 2 

They sailed from Cowes on the 22d of November, 1633, 
the feast of Saint Cecilia. In the stormy weather which they 
soon encountered, the Dove was driven from her consort, and 
the two priests in the Ark expecting for their party the fate 
which seemed to have overtaken her, united all the Catholics 
in prayers and devotions to our Lord, to the Blessed Virgin, 
Saint Ignatius, and the Angel Guardians of Maryland, con 
secrating that province as a new votive offering to Our Lady 
of the Immaculate Conception. Sweeping around by Barba- 
does, by Montserrat, whence the fugitive Irish Catholics had 

1 Challoner, "Missionary Priests " (Phil, edn.), ii., p. 14. Foley, " Rec 
ords of the English Province," iii., pp. 334-9. The earliest printed ac 
counts of Father White s Life are in More, " Historia Anglo Bavarica," 
and in Tanner, " Societas Jesu," p. 803. Prague, 1694. 

The " Relatio Itineris " mentions no other priest except F. Altham, and 
White would, of course, not mention himself by name. Grants of lands 
were taken up only for White and Altham. Kilty s Land-Holder s Assist 
ant, p. 68. We must regard the mention of other priests at the time as 
erroneous. To some it may require explanation why Altham and other 
early missionaries had more than one name. This was a result of the penal 
laws in England, to save their relatives and those who harbored them 
from annoyance and clanger. Mr. Henry Foley has, at infinite trouble, 
collected the names which Fathers of the Society were compelled to 
assume. After his patient research I make no mere conjecture in any 


not yet been driven by English hate, by Nevis and other 
West India Islands, the two vessels, which had again joined 
company, glided peacefully at last between the capes into the 
bay which Spanish navigators named in honor of the Mother 
of God, but which was to bear its Indian name of Chesapeake. 

The avowed hostility of Virginia made Leonard Calvert 
anxious to learn what reception awaited him. He anchored 
for a time at Point Comfort and forwarded to the governor 
letters he bore from the king and the authorities in England. 

Encouraged by a courteous welcome, Calvert then proceeded 
up the bay to the territory embraced within the charter of 
Maryland. The Catholic character of the colony is at once 
apparent. For each natural landmark a title is drawn from 
the calendar of the Church. The Potomac is consecrated to 
St. Gregory ; Smith s Point and Point Lookout become Cape 
St. Gregory and Cape St. Michael. When the Pilgrims of 
Maryland reached the Heron Islands they named them after 
St. Clement, St. Catharine, and St. Cecilia, whose festivals re 
called the early days of their voyage. Near the island named 
St. Clement they came to anchor. " On the day of the An 
nunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary in the year 1634," 
writes the author of the " Relatio Itineris," " we celebrated 
the first mass on that island ; never before had it been offered 
in that region. After the holy sacrifice, bearing on our 
shoulders a huge cross, which we had hewn from a tree, we 
moved in procession to a spot selected, the governor, com 
missioners and other Catholics," putting their hands first unto 
it, " and erected it as a trophy to Christ our Saviour ; then 
humbly kneeling, we recited with deep emotion, the Litany 
of the Holy Cross." 

1 " Relatio Itineris ad Marylandiam," Baltimore, 1874, p. 33. The 
manuscript of the Relatio with an Indian catechism was found -in 1833 
in the Archives of the Professed House at Rome, by an American Jesuit, 




Catholicity thus planted her cross and her altar in the 
heart of the English colonies in America, March 25, 1634. 
The land was consecrated, and then preparations were made 
to select a spot for the settlement. Leaving Father White at 
St. Clement s, the governor, with Father Altham, ran up the 
river in a pinnace, and at Potomac on the southern shore 
met Archihau, regent of the powerful tribe that held sway 
over that part of the land. The priest, through an interpre 
ter, made known his desire to instruct the chief in the true 
faith. Archihau gave every mark of friendly assent. The 
emperor of Piscataway, who controlled a considerable extent 
of territory on the Maryland side of the river, was also won 
over by the Catholic pilgrims, although on their first ap 
proach the Piscataways came flocking to the shore to oppose 
them in arms. Having thus prepossessed the most powerful 
native rulers of the neighboring Indians to regard the new 

Father William McSherry. A translation by N. C. Brooks, LL.D., ap 
peared soon after and was reprinted in Force s Tracts, Vol. IV. The Mary 
land Historical Society printed the Latin with a translation edited by Rev. 
E. A. Dalrymple in 1874. A corrected version is given in the Woodstock 
Letters, I., pp. 12-24 ; 71-80 ; 145-155 ; II., pp. 1-13. It is evidently by 
Father White. See also, " A Relation of the Successful Beginnings of the 
Lord Baltimore s Plantation in Mary -land." London, 1634; New York, 
1865, p. 9. In this which follows the Relatio closely but prudently " cel 
ebrated the first mass" becomes "recited certain prayers." 


gettlers favorably, Leonard Calvert sailed back to Saint 
Clement s. Then the pilgrims entered the Saint Mary s, a 
bold broad stream, emptying into the Potomac about twelve 
miles from its mouth. For the first settlement of the new 
province, Leonard Calvert, who had landed, selected a spot a 
short distance above, about a mile from the eastern shore of the 
river. Here stood an Indian town, whose inhabitants, harassed 
by the Susquehannas, had already begun to emigrate to the 
westward. To observe strict justice with the Indian tribes 
Calvert purchased from the werowance or king, Yaocomoco 
thirty miles of territory. The Indians gradually gave up some 
of their houses to the colonists, agreeing to leave the rest also 
after they had gathered in their harvest. The colonists, who 
had according to tradition tarried for a time on the ground 
now known as St. Inigoes, 1 came up and the Governor took 
the colors ashore, the gentlemen and the servants under arms, 
receiving them with a salute of musketry, to which the can 
non of the vessels replied. He took possession of the Indian 
town and named it St. Mary s. One of the oblong oval In 
dian bark houses or witchotts was assigned to the priests. 
With the help of their good lay brother, the two Jesuit 
Fathers soon transformed it into a chapel, the first shrine of 
Catholicity in Maryland. 

The native tribes were conciliated ; Sir John Harvey, Gov 
ernor of Virginia, came as a welcome guest ; the new settle 
ment began with Catholic and Protestant dwelling together 
in harmony, neither attempting to interfere with the religious 
rights of the other, " and religious liberty obtained a home, 
its only home in the wide world, at the humble village which 
bore the name of St. Mary s." a 

1 Foley, "Records of the English -Province," iii., p. 322. "Relatia 
Itineris," p. 36. "A Relation of Maryland, 1635," p. 12. 

2 Bancroft, " History of the United States/ i., p. 247. 


Thus began the city of St. Mary s, March 27, 1634. 
" St. Mary s was the home, the chosen home of the disciples 
of the Roman Church. The fact has been generally received. 
It is sustained by the traditions of two hundred years, and by 
volumes of written testimony ; by the records of the courts ; 
by the proceedings of the privy council ; by the trial of law 
cases ; by the wills and inventories ; by the land records and 
rent-rolls ; and by the very names originally given to the towns 
and hundreds to the creeks and rivulets, to the tracts and 
manors of the county." 


The settlers were soon at work. Houses for their use were 
erected, crops were planted, activity and industry prevailed. 
St. Mary s chapel was dedicated to the worship of Almighty 
God, and near it a fort stood, ready to protect the settlers. 
It was required by the fact that Clayborne, the fanatical 
enemy of Lord Baltimore and his Catholic projects, who had 
already settled on Kent Island, was exciting the Indians 
against the colonists of Maryland. 

The little community gave the priests a field too limited 
for their zeal. The daily mass, the instructions from the 

1 Davis, " Day Star," p. 149. 

ouaTERR^-MARIA, tabula 



altar, private conferences with any desiring clearer knowledge 
of the faith ; all these were the ordinary work ; but the In 
dian tribes were to be reached. The Yaocoraocos near St. 
Mary s hunted and fished for the colonists and were constantly 
in the little town. The missionaries began to study their 
language, collecting words and endeavoring to understand its 
structure and forms. They found, however, that each little 
tribe seemed to have a different dialect or a distinct language ; 
but undeterred by this, they went steadily on, and the results 
of their investigations are still preserved. 1 

Another priest, with a lay brother, came to share their 
labors before the close of the year 1635 ; and the next year 
four priests were reported as the number assigned to the 
Maryland mission. Of their early labors no record is pre 
served, and we learn only that they were laboring diligently to 
overcome the difficulties presented by the Indian languages. 2 

The two priests last assigned to the mission, and who ap 
parently did not reach Maryland till 1637, were the Eev. 
Thomas Copley, known on the records of the Society of Jesus 
as Father Philip Fisher, with Father John Knolles. Father 
Copley (Fisher) became superior of the mission, and at once 
took steps to place the affairs of the community on a self-sup 
porting basis. Under the Conditions of Plantation issued by 
Lord Baltimore, August 8, 1636, every one of the gentlemen 
adventurers of 1633 was entitled to two thousand acres for 
every five men brought over, and the same quantity of land 
for every ten men brought over in the two succeeding years. 

1 The "Relatio Itineris," as printed, purports to be addressed to the 
General of the Society, but this address seems to have been added to 
Father McSherry s transcript by a later hand. See Latin notes, Mary 
land Hist. Society s edition, p. 101. 

2 Notes for 1635-1636; Ib., p. 54. There are allusions to a Father 
Hayes, who may have come over in 1635, and returned soon after. 


Under these provisions Father Fisher, using his real name 
of Thomas Copley, entered a claim for Mr. Andrew White, 
Mr. John Altham, and others to the number of thirty 
brought over by him in the year 1633 ; as well as for him 
self and Mr. John Knolles, and others to the number of nine 
teen brought over in 1637. 1 The position taken by Lord 
Baltimore that the Catholic priests who went to Maryland 
were not 10 look to him or to the settlers for support, left 
them no alternative but to maintain themselves, as there was 
no hope of any one establishing a fund for their use. The 
lands then taken up were cleared and put under cultivation 
by the missionaries and for two centuries may be said to have 
met all the cost of maintaining Catholic worship and its min 
isters in those portions of Maryland. 2 

Sickness prevailed in the colony, and the missionaries did 
not escape. Within two months after his arrival Father 
Knolles, a talented young priest of much hope, sank a vic- 

1 Kilty, " The Land-Holder s Assistant," Baltimore, 1808, pp. 30, 66, 
67, 68. Other lands were claimed by Copley, as assignee of settlers who 
had returned to England. 

Mr. Henry Foley, Records of the English Province, vii., 1146, etc.: 
and Woodstock Letters, xi., pp. 18-24, xv., pp. 44-7, discussing the sub 
ject ably, consider the identity of Thomas Copley and Father Philip Fisher 
established, and this was the result of my own studies. Both are repre 
sented as born at Madrid at the close of the 16th century ; each came to 
Maryland in 1637 (August 8) with Father Knolles ; each was carried off, 
and each died in 1652. Neither recognizes the existence of the other. 
Copley took up lands for all the Jesuit Fathers, but no lands for Fisher, 
and Fisher as superior alludes in his account of the mission to no Father 
Copley. A very interesting sketch of Father Copley by Mrs. K. C. Dor- 
sey is in Woodstock Letters, xiii. p. 250, cf . xiv. p. 345 ; xv. p. 44. 

2 It has been charged that the Catholic missionaries in adopting the 
course they did, became farmers and merchants ; but the taunt comes 
with a very ill grace from ministers, whether Episcopalian or Calviuist, 
whose predecessors in this country lived on money wrung by process of 
law from many who did not belong to their flock and who rejected their 


tim to the climate, and Brother Gervase, one of the original 
band of settlers, also died. 1 

The hostility excited by Clay borne prevented the establish 
ment of any mission among the Indian tribes, as the gov 
ernor deemed it rash for any missionary to take up his resi 
dence in an Indian village ; but among the settlers they 
found employment for their zeal, several Protestants being 
instructed and received into the Church. One of the Fath 
ers visited a neighboring province, Virginia as we may infer, 
and found two Frenchmen long strangers to the sacraments 
and their duties, who, struck down by sickness, availed them 
selves of this providential presence of a priest to make their 
peace with God. The Fathers found several Catholics in 
Virginia held for service whose terms they purchased to enable 
them to go to Maryland and live where they could practice 
their religion. 

We can picture to ourselves the little colony, the only 
place under the flag of England where Catholicity enjoyed 
even comparative freedom. A public chapel where mass 
was regularly said, where sermons were preached on Sun 
days and holidays, where the children each Sunday learned 
their catechism, and adults were grounded in the faith by 
instructions suited to their capacity undoubtedly the first 
Sunday-school in the country where retreats were given to 
those who wished to perform the spiritual exercises. 

After a time Father White took up his residence with 
Maquacomen, chief or king of Patuxent, a man of great 
power and influence, who showed every inclination to em 
brace the faith. His example led several of the tribe to lis 
ten to the missionary and they were baptized after being 
carefully instructed and their perseverance tested ; but Ma- 

1 Annual Letter of 1638. " Relatio Itineris," pp. 54-5. 


quacomen, though he followed the instructions and seemed 
convinced, hesitated and procrastinated. He had shown his 
good- will by bestowing on the mission a tract known as Meta- 
pawnien, a spot so fertile that its produce was the main reli 
ance of the Maryland missionaries. Yet with the unstable 
ness so frequent among Indians he soon changed, all design 
of embracing the faith vanished, and his hostility to the mis 
sionaries and to the Maryland settlers became so marked that 
Leonard Calvert recalled Father White to St. Mary s. The 
first permanent Indian mission was thus defeated, great as 
the hopes were that had been based on the influence which 
the Patuxent chief exercised over the surrounding tribes. 1 

The prevailing influence in Maryland was Catholic ; the 
leading gentlemen who had given their means and personal 
services to the project, like Captain Thomas Cornwaleys, 
Cuthbert Fenwick, Thomas Green, were Catholics, but several 
of those whom they brought over under the conditions of 
plantation were Protestants. For many years these had no 
clergymen, but a chapel was soon reared for their use. They 
were protected in its exclusive use, and interference with 
their religious views by taunts or opprobrious words was pun 
ished. 2 

Care was taken by the lord proprietary to maintain this 
equality of religious rights. The oath of office taken by the 
governors from the outset evinces this. " And I do further 
swear that I will not by myself or any other person, directly 
or indirectly, trouble, molest, or discountenance any person 

1 "Relatio Itineris," p. 63. 

2 Lt. William Lewis was fined in 1638 for abusing Protestants who were 
reading aloud a book that offended him. See proceedings analyzed in 
Scharf, i. pp. 166-7. Dr. Thomas Gerrard was fined in 1642 for taking 
away the keys and books of the Protestant chapel. Maryland Archives, 
i, p. 119 ; Johnson, " Old Maryland Manors," p. 29 ; Bozman, "History 
of Maryland," ii. pp. 199-200 ; Davis, " Day Star," p. 33. 



whatsoever, professing to believe in Jesus Christ, and in par 
ticular no Roman Catholic, for or in respect of religion, nor 
his or her free exercise thereof within the said province, . . . 
nor will I make any difference of persons in conferring of 
fices, rewards or favors, for or in respect to their said religion, 
but meerly as I shall find them, faithful and well deserving 
of his said Lordship and to the best of my understanding 
endowed with morall vertues and abilities . . . and if any 
other officer or persons whatsoever shall . . . molest or dis 
turb any person . . . professing to believe in Jesus Christ, 
meerly for or in respect of his or her religion or the free 
exercise hereof upon notice or complaint thereof made to 
him, I will apply my power and authority to relieve any per 
son so molested or troubled, whereby he may have right done 

Lord Baltimore s scheme embraced not only religious but 
legislative freedom, and his charter provided for a colonial 
assembly. Maryland begins her history in March, 1634, and 
in less than three years an assembly of the freemen of the 
little colony was convened and opened its sessions on the 
25-26th of January, 1637. All who had taken up lands were 
summoned to attend in person. The Catholic priests, sum 
moned like the rest, had no wish to take part as legislators. 
Through Robert Clerke they asked to be excused from serv 
ing. 3 When the Assembly met, John Lewgar, secretary 

3 Chalmers, p. 235 ; McMahon, " Hist. Maryland," 226. Langford, 
" Refutation of Babylon s Fall "; "Virginia and Maryland," pp. 22, 23, 26. 
The terms of the oath are taken from the Parliament Navy Committee 
31st Dec. , 1652, where they are given in a general way, and not as those 
of an oath introduced recently. Streeter, Maryland Two Hundred Years 
Ago," p. 26, and some subsequent writers endeavored to show that this 
oath did not date back to 1636 ; the whole question can be studied in 
Scharf, i., p. 171. 

3 "Maryland Archives," i., p. 5. 


to Lord Baltimore, was the leading spirit. A recently con 
verted Protestant minister, he was little versed in the canons 
and rules of the Catholic Church. Some of the laws intro 
duced by him excited grave doubts in the minds of Catholic 
gentlemen in the Assembly, who submitted the matter to 
the missionaries. To their minds the proposed acts so 
conflicted with the laws of the Church that no Catholic 
could conscientiously vote for them. Their opinion gave 
great umbrage to Leonard Calvert, the governor, and still 
greater to Lord Baltimore when the affair was reported to 
him. 1 

The variance of opinion was most unfortunate in its results 
to the colony, as impairing the harmony which had hitherto 
prevailed, and threatened to prevent the growth of the 
Church in its usefulness and the spreading of missions among 
the Indians. A chapel had by this time been erected at St. 
Mary s, and a cemetery was duly blessed to receive the remains 
of those who died in the faith. 2 

Secretary Lewgar, though sincerely a Catholic, and subse 
quently a priest, 3 was at this time too unacquainted with 
the canons of the Church to act dispassionately. His letters 
to Lord Baltimore seem to have excited that nobleman 
so much that he resolved to force the Jesuit Fathers to aban 
don the mission. He declared the grant of land by the 
Patuxent king null and void, and objected to a further 

1 Laws were introduced regarding marriage and proving wills, then 
regarded as within the province of ecclesiastical courts, establishing courts, 
and one curious enactment deprived a woman of lands descending to her 
unless she married before an age fixed by law. "Maryland Archives," 
i., p. 15. 

2 " Y e ordinary burying place in St. Mary s Chapel yard " is alluded to 
in John Lloyd s will, 1658. Davis, p. 33. 

3 He died at London in 1655, while attending the plague-stricken. As to 
his writings, see Dodd, iii., p. 264. 


acquisition of land by the missionaries. At the same time 
he took measures to request the Congregation de Propa 
ganda Fide at Kome to establish a mission in his province of 
Maryland. In carrying out his plan he acted disingenuously, 
evidently withholding all information as to the actual exist 
ence of a mission in his colony, founded by the English 
province of the Society of Jesus. A more direct arid 
straightforward course would have been to submit the case 
to the authorities in Rome and solicit such a modification of 
ordinary rules as the exceptional state of affairs in Maryland 
seemed to require. 

It was apparently to support his application to Rome that 
the Maryland Assembly, on the 19th of March, 1638 (O. S.), 
passed an act entitled " An Act for Church Liberties/ the 
first section of which provided that " Holy Church within 
this province shall have all her rights, liberties and immu 
nities, safe, whole and inviolable in all things." 

1 "Maryland Archives," i., pp. 35, 40, 82. It was to be in force till the 
next Assembly and then be made perpetual. That a law of general relig 
ious freedom was then passed has been asserted, but no such act can now 
be found. 

"After the Charter was thus granted to Lord Baltimore, who was then 
a Roman Catholic, his Lordship emitted his proclamation to encourage 
the settlement of his province, promising therein among other things, 
liberty of conscience and an equal exercise of religion to every denom 
ination of Christians who would transport themselves and reside in his 
province, and that he would procure a law to be passed for that purpose 
afterwards. The first or second Assembly that met after the colonists 
arrived here, some time in the year 1638, a perpetual law was passed in 
pursuance of his Lordship s promise, and indeed such a law was easily 
obtained from those who were the first settlers. This act was confirmed 
in 1649 and again in 1650." Reply of Upper to Lower House of Assem 
bly in 1758, cited by Scharf, i., p. 154. 

" The people who first settled in this province were for the most part 
Roman Catholics, and that although every other sect was tolerated, a 
majority of the inhabitants continued Papists till the Revolution." Gov. 
Sharpe s letter of Dec. 15, 1758, in Maryland State Library. 




Meanwhile the missionaries were continuing their labors, 
Father John Brock, who had become Superior of the Mis 
sion, residing with a lay brother at the plantation, apparently 
that known as St. Inigoes ; Father Altham, who had become 
well acquainted with the country, being stationed at Kent 
Island on the eastern shore, then a great centre of the Indian 
trade, and Father Philip Fisher at the chapel in St. Mary s, 
the capital of the colony. 

Father White had penetrated to a new field, a hundred 
and twenty miles from St. Mary s, having, in June, 1639, 
planted his mission cross at Kittamaquindi, capital of Pisca- 
taway, the realm of the Tayac or Chief, Chitomachen or 
Chilomacon. This was probably at or near the present town 
of that name, fifteen miles south of the city of Washington. 
The chief, predisposed by dreams, on which Indians depend 
so much, received the missionary warmly. He listened to 
the instructions and, touched by grace, resolved not only to 
encourage the missionary s labors among his people, but, 
with his wife and children, to embrace the faith preached to 
them. He put away his concubines, learned how to pray, 
and observed the fasts and abstinences of the Church. He 
openly avowed his renunciation of all his former supersti 
tions and idolatry, and declared that religion was far more 
to him than any other advantage he could derive from the 
whites. Visiting St. Mary s, this catechumen was received 
with every mark of friendship, and when he was sufficiently 
instructed, and his dispositions deemed certain, he was 
solemnly baptized at Kittamaquindi, his capital, on the 5th 
of July, 1640, receiving at the sacred font the name of 
Charles. His wife, the devoted friend of the mission, re 
ceived in baptism the name of Mary, and her infant child 
that of Anne. The king s chief councillor, Mesorcoques, 
with his son, enjoyed the same blessing. This interesting 


ceremony, the administration of the holy sacrament of regen 
eration to a chief of such influence and his family, took 
place in a new bark chapel, erected for the occasion. 
Leonard Calvert, the governor, came with Lewgar, the sec 
retary of the colony, and Father Altham, to show by their 
presence the importance of the event. 

In the afternoon the king and queen were united in matri 
mony according to Christian usage ; then a large holy cross 
was erected, the Indian chief, the English governor and 
secretary, with natives and settlers lending their shoulders 
and hands to bear it to its destined place, the two Jesuit 
Fathers chanting, as they went, the Litany of our Lady of 
Loretto, the murmur of the river as it flowed down past the 
site of the future capital of the country, and the voices of 
the hoary forests echoing the response. 1 

The two missionaries were soon after prostrated by fever, 
and they were conveyed to St. Mary s. Father Altham did 
not rally from its effects ; he sank under the disease and died 
on the 5th of November, 1640. Father White began to 
mend, and in February, having regained some strength, 
joined Father Brock, at Piscataway, in order to make the 
mission a solid one ; but he again fell sick, exciting the alarm 
of Father Brock, who feared that listening only to his zeal 
he would sink under his age and increasing infirmities, the 
result doubtless of the years spent in English prisons. Much 
of the success of the society s labors in Maryland depended 
upon Father White, inasmuch as he possessed the greatest 
influence over the minds of the Indians, and spoke their 
languages with greater fluency and accuracy than any of the 

Annual Letter, 1639, in "Relatio Itineris," p. 65, etc.; Foley, "Rec 
ords," iii., p. 372. Tanner, " Societas Jesu Apostoloram Imitatrix," 
Prague, 1694, pp. 803-4. The curious picture of the baptism of Chito- 
machen is reproduced exactly from the now rare work of Tanner. 


other missionaries. It was Father Brock, however, who was 
to be the next victim to the climate. After announcing the 
faith to the tribe of Anacostans or Snakes, and converting 
their king, lie died before the close of the year. 

Father Brock, whose real name was Ferdinand Poulton, 
belonged to a family which had given many members to the 
Society of Jesus. He was born in Buckinghamshire about 
the beginning of the century, and entering the Society in 
1622, was sent out as Superior of the mission in 1638 or 1639, 
being then a professed Father. He was accidentally shot 
while crossing Saint Mary s River. 

A letter written shortly before his death gives interesting 
details of the labors of the Fathers on the Maryland mission, 
which we have used in our account. Its closing sentences 
show how completely he was absorbed in the work. 1 " The 
mere idea of our Superiors recalling us or not sending others 
to help us in this glorious work of the conversion of souls, in 
some sort impugns the Providence of God and his care of his 
servants, as though he would now less than formerly provide 
for the nourishment of his laborers. On which account our 
courage is not diminished, but rather increased and strength 
ened ; since now God will take us into his protection, and 
will certainly provide for us himself, especially since it has 
pleased the divine goodness already to receive some fruit of 
our labors however small. In whatever manner it may seem 
good to his divine Majesty to dispose of us, may his holy will 
be done ! But as much as in me lies, I would rather, labor 
ing in the conversion of the Indians, expire on the bare 
ground deprived of all human succor and perishing with hun 
ger, than once think of abandoning this holy work of God 

1 Letter of Father John Brock, Stonyhurst MSS., iv., p. 109 ; U. S. 
Catholic Magazine, 1848, p. 534. Foley, "Records," iii., pp. 368, 382; 
" Relatio Itineris," p. 73. 


from the fear of want. May God grant me grace to render 
him some service and all the rest I leave to divine Provi 
dence. The King of Piscataway lately died most piously ; 
but God will for his sake raise up seed for us in his neigh 
bor, the King of Anacostan, who has invited us to come to 
him, and has decided to become a Christian. Many likewise 
in other localities desire the same. Hopes of a rich harvest 
shine forth, unless frustrated by the want of laborers who 
can speak the language and are in sound health." 

This energetic Superior was cut off amid plans approved 
by the Provincial for establishing new stations, and he had 
proposed a scheme for commencing a seat of learning for the 
province of Maryland. 1 

In 1642 Father Philip Fisher, again Superior, contin 
ued his labors at Saint Mary s, among the settlers and 
neighboring Indians. Here the young empress of Piscata 
way was solemnly baptized, and remained to be educated in 
Christian and civilized life. Father Andrew White attended 
Piscataway and the scattered missions. He suffered greatly 
from a Puritan captain on whose vessel he embarked to 
shorten his voyages, and he even feared that he might be 
carried off to New England ; but the vessel was frozen in the 
ice of the Potomac opposite the Indian town of that name 
to which Father White proceeded over the ice on foot, the 
inhospitable craft soon after sinking crushed by the ice of the 
river. The missionary was weather-bound at this point nearly 
two months, but they were a season of grace to the Indians. 
" The ruler of the little village with the principal men among 
the inhabitants was during that time added to the Church, 

1 " The hope of establishing a College which you hold forth, I embrace 
with pleasure ; and shall not delay my sanction to the plan, when it shall 
have reached maturity." Letter to Father Brock, U. S. Cath. Mag., 
vii., p. 580. 


and received the faith of Christ through baptism. Besides 
these persons, one was converted along with, many of his 
friends ; a third brought his wife, his son, and a friend ; and 
a fourth in like manner came, together with another of no 
ignoble standing among his people. Strengthened by their 
example, the people are prepared to receive the faith when 
ever we shall have leisure to instruct them." ] 

About this time the Fathers seem to have converted also 
some Virginia settlers so as to arouse animosity, for the 
acts of the colony show that the Catholics were deemed nu 
merous and active enough to crush. In 1641 it was enacted 
that no popish recusant should attempt to hold any office in 
that colony under the penalty of a thousand pounds of to 
bacco. 2 

Father Roger Rigby was soon after stricken down with 
illness amid his apostolic labors at Patuxent. 

The efforts of the missionary at Port Tobacco resulted in 
the conversion of almost all the tribe, so that Father White 
resolved to make their town his residence, Piscataway hav 
ing become exposed to the ravages of the Susquehannas, 
who had already attacked a mission station and killed all the 
whites who were there cultivating the soil. The report that 
the missionary himself had been slain spread far and wide, 
and reached the ears of the holy Jesuit Father Isaac Jogues, 

1 "Annual Letter," 1642. Foley, " Records," iii., p. 381. 

2 An unscrupulous enemy of the missionaries at this time attests the 
constant conversions of Protestants as distinctly as the Jesuits and their 
friends. " His country," writes the author of " Virginia and Maryland," 
" till he employed Captain Stone, never had but papist governors, 
and counsellors, dedicated to St. Ignatius, as they call him, and his 
Chappel and Holy day kept solemnly. The Protestants, for the most 
part, miserably disturbed in the exercise of their Religion, by many 
wayes plainly enforced, or by subtil practises, or hope of preferment to 
turn Papists, of which a very sad account may from time to time be 
given, even from their first arrivall to this very day." P. 13. 


who, rescued by the Dutch from the inhuman cruelties of 
the Mohawks, was then at Manhattan. 1 

The danger of the inroads of this fierce tribe compelled 
the missionaries to confine themselves to visits to the Indian 
towns instead of taking up their residence in them. " Where 
fore," says Father Fisher, "we have to content ourselves 
with excursions, many of which we have made this year 
(1640), ascending the river called the Patuxen. Hence this 
fruit has arisen, the conversion of young Queen of Pa 
tuxen and her mother, also of the young Queen of Por- 
tobacco, of the wife and two sons of Tayac the great, so- 
called, that is the emperor, who died last year, and of one 
hundred and thirty others. The following is our manner of 
making an excursion : We are carried in a pinnace or gal 
ley (the father, the interpreter, and a servant), two rowing 
when the wind fails or is contrary, the other steering. We 
take with us a little chest of bread, butter, cheese, corn cut 
and dried before ripening, beans and a little flour ; another 
chest with a bottle of wine for mass, a bottle of holy water 
for baptism, an altar stone, chalice, vestments ; while a third 
box contained trifles for presents to the Indians, bells, combs, 

1 In this raid the Susquehannas sent a spear at an Anacdstrm In 
dian, piercing him through the body below the arm-pits. He was car 
ried in a dying state to Piscataway, where Father White prepared him 
for death, and touched his wounds with a reliquary containing a particle 
of the True Cross. As he was summoned to attend an aged dying Indian 
at some distance, he directed the Anacostan s friends to take his body 
when he died to the chapel for burial. The next day as the missionary 
was returning in his canoe, he was met by this very man, perfectly re 
stored to health, a red spot on each side showing where the wound had 
been. He declared " that from the hour at which the Father had left 
him he had not ceased to invoke the most holy name of Jesus, to whom 
he ascribed his recovery. The missionary urged him in view of so great 
a favor to thank God and persevere, treating with love and reverence that 
holy name and the most holy cross." " Relatio Itineris," pp. 87-8. 


fishhooks, needles, thread, &c.; a small mat to pitch as a tent 
when they had to sleep in the open air, and a larger one for 
rainy seasons. The servant is equipped for hunting and for 
preparing food when taken. In our excursions we endeavor, 
when possible, to reach some English dwelling or Indian 
village at nightfall ; if not, we land, and the missionary se 
cures the boat, gathers wood and builds a fire, while the 
others go out to hunt. If they take any game it is prepared ; 
if not we lie down by the fire and take our rest. If fear of 
rain threatens we erect our hut and cover it with a larger 
mat spread over, and, thank God, we enjoy this humble fare 
and hard couch with as joyful a mind as we did more lux 
urious provisions in Europe ; with this present comfort that 
God imparts to us now a foretaste of what He will be 
stow on those who labor faithfully in this life, and He miti 
gates all hardships with a sense of pleasure, so that his divine 
majesty appears to be present with us in an extraordinary 
manner." 1 

Meanwhile Lord Baltimore had applied to the Propaganda 
to establish a mission in Maryland, and give faculties to a Pre 
fect and secular priests ; the Sacred Congregation accordingly, 
in August, 1641, issued faculties, which were transmitted to 
Dom Rossetti, afterwards Archbishop of Tarsus. The Jes 
uits remonstrated in an appeal to the Holy See, saying, " The 
Fathers do not refuse to make way for other laborers, but 
they humbly submit for consideration whether it is expedient 
to remove those who first entered into that vineyard at their 
own expense, who for seven years have endured want and 
sufferings, who have lost four of their number, laboring 
faithfully unto death, who have defended sound doctrine and 
the liberty of the Church, incurring odium and temporal 

1 "Relatio Itineris," Annual Letter, 1642, pp. 80-3. 


loss to themselves, who have acquired the languages of the 

This memorial arrived too late. The Propaganda had 
already acted on the petition of Lord Baltimore, and in 1642 
two secular priests arrived in Maryland to begin the mission 
established by the Sacred Congregation. The names of these 
pioneers of the secular clergy in this country are not re 
corded, and we have no details of their labors. On finding 
that they were expected to take a different theological view 
of questions for which they had not been prepared, they 
declined to condemn the course pursued by the missionaries 
already in the country, leaving it to superior authority to 
decide the question after due examination. 2 

Meanwhile attempts had been made in England, through 
the intervention of Mrs. Peasley, 3 to effect a reconciliation 
between the lord proprietor and the missionaries. Lord 
Baltimore long resisted all advances, but finally yielded, ex 
acting severe conditions, 4 which the provincial was to sign, 

1 " Memorial" of F. Henry More. Foley, " Records," iii., p. 363. 

5 Through the kindness of His Eminence Cardinal Jacobini search 
was made in the archives of the Propaganda for any record of the facul 
ties granted, but, unfortunately, none could be traced. Neill, in his 
"Founders of Maryland," p. 103, charges these priests with not keeping 
faith with Lord Baltimore ; but this is most unjust, the Propaganda hav 
ing sent them out to act as missionaries, not as judges on a point of canon 
law, which could have been decided at Eome had Lord Baltimore sought a 

3 Letters of W. Peasley, Oct. 1 and 7, 1642, of Ann Peasley, Oct. 5. 

4 They resigned all claim to the lands ceded by the Indian king, and 
agreed to take no others ; they accepted the English statutes against 
pious uses, as in force in Maryland, and agreed to take up no lands except by 
special permission of Lord Baltimore ; the missionaries were to claim no 
exemptions or privileges in Maryland not legally allowed them in Eng 
land, except that corporal punishment was not to be inflicted on any 
missionary unless for a capital offense. No missionary was to be sent to 
Maryland without special permission of Lord Baltimore ; any missionary 


and every missionary sent out was to obtain direct permission 
from the lord proprietor and take an oath of allegiance to 
him. 1 

Under these stringent conditions two Jesuit Fathers were 
proposed to Lord Baltimore, and, receiving his sanction, sailed 
for Maryland in 1642." But, though harmony was restored, 
the missionaries must have felt discouraged and hampered, 
and the new Conditions of Settlement issued by Lord Balti 
more 3 bear the impress of great jealousy of the Church, 
reviving the English ideas of mortmain, and inadvertently 
paving the way to direct persecution of the whole Catholic 

The Puritan party in England, while the Anglican church 
was dominant, sought the support of the Catholics who suf 
fered like themselves from the rule of the State church, 
although the scaffolds did not run red with Puritan as they 
did with Catholic blood. 

then in the colony, or subsequently sent, was to be recalled within a year 
at the request of Lord Baltimore. No missionary was to be allowed in 
the colony who did not take an oath of allegiance to him as lord pro 

1 The Conditions in 1648 excepted specially all corporations, etc., as 
well spiritual as temporal, and prohibited their acquiring or holding land 
without special license, either in their own name or in the name of any 
person to their use. Kilty, p. 41. Those in 1649 forbade any ad 
venturer or planter to transfer lands to any such corporation or in trust 
for it, without license. Ib., p. 50. 

2 "Relatio Itineris," p. 89, is incorrectly translated " two others"; it 
should read two new Fathers. " Who they were even the minute re 
searches of Br. Foley and Father Treacy fail to enable us to say posi 
tively. There are three letters extant of W. Peasley and his wife Ann, 
addressed evidently to the provincial in September and October, 1642. 
"I have prevailed for the present employment of two of yours." They 
were to sail in Ingle s vessel, but may not have come. 

3 "Puncta ab Illust. Dom. Barone Baltimore concepta quae subscribi 
exigit a R. Prov. Soc. Jesu in Anglia." MSS. Stonyhurst, vol. iv., No. 
108. "Omnibus has praesentes lecturis." Ib. 


In Virginia, Puritan settlers from New England were 
treated with great harshness by the authorities, zealous up 
holders of the Anglican church ; Clayborne, who had tendered 
the oath of supremacy to Lord Baltimore, being then an 
adherent of the dominant party. To these harassed Puritans 
Lord Baltimore offered an asylum, and many settled in Mary 
land. When the civil war was enkindled in England these 
men began to evince great hostility to Lord Baltimore and the 
Catholics. After the royal power fell Clay borne joined the 
Puritan side, and, taking as his lieutenant a reckless sea 
captain named Ingle, once, as generally believed, a pirate, 
but now a zealous Puritan, commanding a ship which he 
called The Reformation, resolved once more to attempt an 
overthrow of the authority of the Baltimores. Aided by the 
ungrateful Puritans, who supported their old enemy against 
their friend, Clayborne not only held Kent Island against 
all the efforts of Governor Calvert to reduce it, but with 
Ingle s aid invaded St. Mary s country, drove the governor 
from his capital, compelling him to seek flight in Virginia, 
and made himself master of the province. 1 He let Ingle 
loose on the Catholic settlers, and pretending the authority 
of a letter of marque, this ruffian plundered the houses of the 
chief Roman Catholics, like Cornwaleys and Fenwick, and 
especially the missionaries, and for two years maintained 
a reign of terror in Maryland. Ingle had brought some of 
the missionaries over to the province as captain of vessels 
chartered or owned by Lord Baltimore, and was familiar 

1 " The Maryland authorities had invited to the province the Puritans 
persecuted in Virginia, and any who wished to come from New England, 
where the rule was too strict for many. But these new comers proved 
most ungrateful. Finding themselves in a capacity to oversway those 
that had so received and relieved them, they began to pick quarrels, 
first, says an old writer, with the Papists. " " Leah and Rachel," cited 
by Hawks, "P. E. Church in Maryland," p. 39. 


with their residences and their persons. The Catholic gentry 
and the missionaries were the chief objects of his malice. 
Invading their estates with a lawless band, he drove out or 
seized the people, carried off and destroyed property, leaving 
the houses mere wrecks. Captain Cornwaleys estimated the 
damage done his place in February, 1645, at three thousand 

The houses of the Jesuit Fathers at Potopaco and St. 
Inigoes were similarly plundered and wrecked, but this tem 
poral loss was little compared to the affliction of the hunted 
and scattered Catholics when they beheld the venerable 
Father Andrew White, the founder of the Maryland mission, 
and Father Thomas Copley, fall into the hands of this man, 
who, treating them as criminals, loaded them with heavy 
irons. After being kept confined for some time, the two 
missionaries were sent by Ingle to England. 

There the two Fathers were indicted under the penal laws 
of 27 Elizabeth, for having been ordained priests abroad and 
coming into and remaining in England as such, contrary to 
the statute, a crime punishable with death. "When brought 
to trial, however, they pleaded that they had been brought 
violently into England, and had not come of their own will, 
but against it. The judges acknowledged the force of the 
argument and directed an acquittal. They were not, it 
would seem, liberated at once, but were detained in prison 
and finally sent out of England under an order of perpetual 

Father White reached Belgium, whence he endeavored in 
vain to regain the missions of his beloved Maryland ; but his 
advanced age and his broken constitution would in them 
selves have made him no longer fit for such a laborious life 
as awaited the priests who attempted to revive religion 


As we can no longer record his labors on our soil, it is 
well to sketch here the life of this founder of the Maryland 
mission. Father Andrew White was born in London in 
1579, and was educated at Douay, where he was ordained 
priest about the year 1605. Returning to England as a 
seminary priest he fell into the hands of the authorities at 
the very threshold of his missionary career, and after spend 
ing some time in prison, was sentenced to perpetual banishment 
with forty -five other priests in 1606. l Seeking admission to 
the Society of Jesus, he was one of the first to enter the 
novitiate opened at St. John s, Louvain, where one of his 
fellow novices was the celebrated Father Thomas Garnett, 
who, returning to England, died on the scaffold in the fol 
lowing year. Father White went through his period of 
probation with great humility and piety, preparing* for the 
dangerous mission of his native land, to which at the close of 
his noviceship he was at once sent. There he labored with 
great zeal and fruit, attending by stealth the oppressed Cath 
olics, encouraging them in trials, sustaining their faith, and 
when an opportunity offered, instructing Protestants and 
reconciling them to the faith of their fathers, the recollec 
tion of which was still fresh in most English families. After 
some years his superiors appointed him to a professor s chair 
in one of the colleges maintained by the English province in 

His ability, learning, and piety found an ample field, and 
he was prefect of studies, professor of sacred Scripture, dog 
matic theology, and Hebrew, at Valladolid and Seville, hold 
ing also the position of superior or minister. It is an evidence 
of his great merit and learning that he was admitted to the 
four vows as a professed Father on the 15th of June, 1619. 2 

1 Challoner, "Missionary Priests." 

2 Foley, " Records of the English Province," iii., p. 334. 


After forming future martyrs and apostles in the colleges of 
the society, he was sent to Belgium, where he taught theol 
ogy at Louvain and Liege for several years, till, at his earnest 
request, he was allowed to share the labors of those whom 
he had trained for the post of peril. 1 His career in the 
Maryland mission among whites and Indians has been 
already traced. After his second banishment he succeeded 
in reaching England, and was assigned to the Hampshire 
district, or residence of St. Thomas of Canterbury, spending 
the last years of his life in the house of a Catholic nobleman. 
As his weakness increased he was urged to prepare for death, 
but he answered, " My hour is not yet come, nor is St. John 
the Evangelist s day. 7 When that festival arrived, in the 
year 1656, he heard interiorly : " To-day thou shalt be with 
me." He then directed a fellow-priest to be summoned, 
and, receiving the last sacraments, closed his mortified life 
December 27, 1656. Through life to its close, on his mis 
sions and in prison, he fasted twice a week on bread and 
water. When his jailer once told him that if he treated his 
poor old body so badly he would not have strength to be 
hanged at Tyburn, the apostle of Maryland replied : "It is 
this very fasting which gives me strength enough to bear all 
for the sake of Christ." a 

When Fathers White and Copley fell into the hands of 
Ingle, Father Bernard Hartwell, who had been sent out in 
1645 as Superior of the Maryland mission, seems to have 

1 Tanner, " Societas Jesu Apostolorum Imitatrix," Prague, 1694, p. 803. 

2 Annual Letter, 1656, cited by Foley, in., p. 338. This author gives, 
pp. 268-270, two letters of Father Andrew White. His Indian Catechism 
is extant at Rome, but of his Maryland Grammar and Vocabulary noth 
ing is definitely known. The recovery of Father White s Indian works 
would be the more valuable, as he was beyond all doubt the first 
Englishman who attempted to reduce an Indian language to grammat 
ical forms. See, too, "Woodstock Letters," xiv., p. 384. 



eluded the persecutors ; while Father Roger Eigbie and John 
Cooper escaped to Virginia by the aid of Indian converts or 
were taken there as prisoners. Both died in that province 
in 1646, how or where no record remains to tell, but certainly 
victims to the hatred of the Catholic faith, even though they 
did not perish by the hand of violence. Both were young 
and zealous; both were of the number of twenty-three 
young Jesuits who in July and August, 1640, wrote to the 
Provincial, Father Edward Knott, earnestly seeking to 
be sent to the Maryland mission. These letters full of 
zeal and devotion, are preserved as precious treasures in the 
College of the Sacred Heart at Woodstock, Maryland, and 
from them we reverently traced the fac-similes of their signa- 

tures. Father Koger Eigbie arrived in Maryland in 1641, 
and soon won universal esteem. Though prostrated by 
serious disease at Patuxent, he persevered, mastered the 
language of his flock, and composed a catechism in it. 
Father John Cooper, a native of Hampshire, reached Mary 
land in 1644, and the next year was torn from his flock. 

Father Hartwell, the Superior of the mission, did not sur 
vive these terrible blows. His death too is recorded in this 
fatal year. Not a priest was left in the province of Mary 
land. 1 

So closed the first period of the Maryland mission. Its rec 
ord is a noble one. Imbued with Catholicity the province had 

1 Foley, "Records of the English Province," iii., pp. 375-387; vii., 
pp. 163, 342, 650; B. U. Campbell in U. S. Oath. Mag., vii., pp. 529, 
850 ; Rev. W. P. Treacy, " Catalogue of our Missionary Fathers, 1634- 
1805," Woodstock Letters, xvi., pp. 89-90. 


been conducted with a wisdom seen in no other colony. The 
destitution, famine, and Indian wars that mark the early days 
of other settlements were unknown in Maryland. Catholicity 
was planted with the colony, and exercised its beneficent 
influence ; the devoted priests instructed their people assid 
uously, teaching the young, and reviving the faith of the 
adults ; men led away by false doctrines in England, moved 
by their example, sought light and guidance. Full of apos 
tolic zeal these priests extended their care to the Indian tribes 
along both shores of the Potomac to the Piscataway, and up 
the Patuxent to Mattapany, so that nearly all the Indians on 
those two peninsulas were thoroughly instructed in the 
fundamental doctrines of Christianity, and many received 
into the church had learned to lead a Christian life. The 
success had not been attained without sacrifice ; five of the 
devoted priests in the short twelve years had laid down their 
lives; two were in chains to stand trial and perhaps face 
death on the scaffold. 1 

1 The question has been mooted whether it is proper to say that Mary 
land was a Catholic colony. It has been well replied: "The colony 
whose only spiritual guides were Catholics, whose only public worship 
was according to Catholic rites, was a Catholic colony" (Scharf, i., p. 
166) ; and surely it was so when the Catholicity was active, zealous, 
exemplary, and edifying. The " Objections Answered Concerning Mary 
land," a document of the time of the settlement, discusses at length 
whether the Catholic colony of Maryland would be dangerous to New 
England and Virginia. 



WITH the triumph of Clayborne and Ingle Catholicity 
seemed so utterly overthrown in Maryland that Lord Balti 
more lost heart, and thought of abandoning the province. 
He gave orders to secure his personal property and send it 
over to England. But his brother Leonard was made of 
sterner stuff. Gathering a force in Virginia he suddenly 
surprised the faction in Maryland and recovered possession 
of the province, where the authority of the lord proprietary 
was once more established. 

The field was again open to the labors of the priests of the 
Catholic Church. It would seem that Lord Baltimore again 
applied to the Holy See for secular missionaries, but failed to 
obtain them, 1 and the Jesuit Fathers were permitted to re- 

1 Foley, " Records, "iii., p. 387. 

Lord Baltimore complained to Agretti in 1669 that the Holy See for 
four and twenty years had refused to send missionaries to Maryland, 
which carries back his unsuccessful application to 1645. Mgr. Urban 
Cerri, in his report to Pope Innocent XI., speaking of Maryland, says : 
" A mission might easily be settled in that country, the said lord having 
frequently desired it of the Congregation." Steele, " An Account of the 
State of the Roman Catholick Religion," p. 169. It was apparently well 
known that Lord Baltimore wished, about this time, to substitute other 
missionaries. In " Virginia and Maryland ; or the Lord Baltimore s 
printed Case uncased and answered," London, 1655, we read : " The bet 
ter to get friends, first made it a receptacle for Papists and Priests and 
Jesuites, in some extraordinary and zealous manner, but hath since dis 
contented them many times and many ways ; though Intelligence with 
Bulls, Letters, &c. from the Pope and Rome, be ordinary for his own In- 
tersts." (Force s edition, p. 12.) 


visit the land where their heroic little band had labored amid 
suffering and death. Father Thomas Copley was sent over 
as he had been eleven years before. Writing to the General 
of the Society on the 1st of March, 1648, he reports his 
arrival with his companion in Virginia in January. From 
that province he penetrated to St. Mary s, where he found 
his flock collected after having been scattered for three years. 
Once more was the holy sacrifice offered in the land, confes 
sions heard, baptism conferred ; but caution was still required, 
and the priests performed their sacred duties almost secretly. 
Leaving his companion, Father Lawrence Starkey, concealed 
apparently in Virginia, Father Copley then proceeded to his 
Indian neophytes from among whom he had been torn by 
Ingle s men. 

Though the authority of Lord Baltimore was restored, the 
state of affairs, and especially of the Catholic Church in 
Maryland, became very precarious. Puritans expelled from 
Virginia had been allowed by Lord Baltimore to settle in 
Anne Arundel County, but from the first they disavowed his 
authority as supporting antichrist. As their numbers in 
creased they made common cause with Clayborne, and began 
to outnumber the Catholics, who, for a time, had formed the 
majority, especially of the landholders, as the contemporane 
ous records of wills show. 

The illustrious governor, Leonard Calvert, did not long 
survive his triumph. This devoted Catholic died amid his 
family and friends on the 9th of June, 1647, leaving the gov 
ernment of the colony to Thomas Greene. In the following 
year Lord Baltimore appointed William Stone as governor, 
and, in view of a future preponderance of Protestants, 
endeavored to establish, as by a charter of liberty, that free 
dom of conscience which his father and himself had so long 
advocated and practiced. 


In pursuance of his instructions Governor Stone convened 
an assembly at St. Mary s, on the 2d day of April, 1649. This 
body consisted of the lieutenant-governor, Stone represent 
ing the Catholic proprietary ; the council, Thomas Greene and 
Kobert Clarke, Catholics ; John Price and Eobert Vaughn, 
Protestants ; and nine burgesses, Cuthbert Fenwick, "William 
Bretton, George Manners, John Mauiisell, Thomas Thorn- 
borough and Walter Peake, Catholics, and Philip Conner, 
Eichard Banks, and Kichard Browne, Protestants. The as 
sembly is a famous one in history, as it passed an " Act con 
cerning religion," which, after inflicting penalties on any one 
who should call another by a sectarian name of reproach, 
proceeds in these noble words : " And whereas the enforc 
ing of conscience in matters of religion hath frequently 
fallen out to be of dangerous consequence in those common 
wealths where it has been practiced, and for the more quiet 
and peaceable government of this province, and the better 
to preserve mutual love and unity amongst the inhabitants, 
no person or persons whatsoever within this province or the 
islands, ports, harbors, creeks, or havens thereunto belonging, 
professiijg to believe in Jesus Christ, shall from henceforth 
be any ways troubled or molested, or discountenanced for or 
in respect of his or her religion, nor in the free exercise 
thereof within this province or the islands thereunto belong 
ing, nor any way compelled to the belief or exercise of any 
other religion, against his or her consent." 

" The passage of this act," says McSherry, " is one of the 
proud boasts of Maryland, and its exact execution until the 

1 The acts of 1649, 1650, eighteen in number, were drawn up by Lord 
Baltimore and transmitted to the Assembly, which passed only a part in 
1649 (April 21) and the rest April 25, 1650, in sessions held at St. Mary s. 
They were confirmed together by Lord Baltimore s declaration, dated 
August 26, 1650. " Maryland Archives," i. , pp. 244-7 ; Sainsbury, " Cal 
endar of State Papers," 1, p. 329 ; "Colonial Entry Book," vol. 53, pp. 4-20. 


government was overthrown by the Puritans, and from its 
restoration till the Protestant revolution, forms one of her 
greatest glories." 

Efforts have been made to deprive Catholics of the credit 
of this act. Gladstone s endorsement of the efforts gave rise 
to a triumphant Catholic vindication. 1 It was no novelty : it 
was the last Catholic act confirming the policy which had 
obtained from the founding of the colony, and which was 
maintained so long as Catholic proprietors were in power, 
ceasing only with Catholic influence. " The religious tolera 
tion which historians have so much extolled in the Catholic 
colonists and founders of Maryland did not originate with, 
or derive its existence from that law of 1649, but, on the 
contrary, it existed long anterior to and independent of it. 
This great feature in the Catholic government of Maryland 
had been established by the Catholic lord proprietary, his 
lieutenant-governor, agents and colonists, and faithfully prac 
ticed for fifteen years prior to the Toleration Act of 1649. 
From 1634 to 1649 it had been enforced with unwavering 
firmness, and protected with exalted benevolence." 

The act of 1649, with its broad views of religious freedom, 
is one of the grounds of pride in Catholic Maryland. Natu 
rally those who are haunted by a perpetual jealousy of every 
Catholic claim have sought, by specious arguments and 
cunningly arrayed facts, to make it appear that the Catholic 
body in Maryland could lay no claim to the honor. 

The history of the act and of others closely connected with 
it is now known. Lord Baltimore, who saw the necessity of 
adopting some plan for the future government of the prov 
ince that would save his own rights and the liberty of the 
Catholic settlers from being overthrown, drew up a body of 

1 R. H. Clarke, Catholic World, December, 1875. 


sixteen laws during the summer of 1648, and transmitted 
them from Bath, in England, to be passed and made per 
petual by the Assembly, and with them the oaths to be taken 
by the governor and the members of the council. These 
a*cts were to be passed without any alteration, addition, or 
diminution. The Assembly of 1649 passed nine of these 
acts in April, and in the Assembly held in the following 
year, the other seven were passed, Lord Baltimore having 
complained of their neglect. In their action in April, 1650, 
the whole sixteen laws were read and considered, and they 
were assented to by the proprietary in one instrument, dated 
August 20, 1650. 

The first of these laws was the act concerning religion. It 
emanated from the Catholic proprietary, and was passed by 
a legislature in which the majority were Catholics. 1 

The next year the Assembly required an oath from mem 
bers, which was in itself a harbinger to Catholics of coming 
difficulties. One Catholic member, Thomas Matthews, of 

1 Johnson, " Foundation of Maryland," pp. 111-123. Mr. Gladstone 
pretended that this act was based on an order of the English House of Com 
mons, giving freedom of conscience in the Summer Islands, and also on 
a British ordinance of 1647. The assertion, coming from a British Prime 
Minister, attracted attention. Examination shows that the order merely 
gave freedom of worship to an independent congregation, under Rev. 
Patrick Copland, in the Bermudas ; that it passed only one house, and 
never took effect. The ordinance of 1647, referred to by Mr. Gladstone, 
never passed, and so far as toleration was concerned, the House of Com 
mons resolved that it was not to extend to Catholics, or take away any 
penal laws against them. "Journals of the Commons," 1644-6. Rush- 
worth, "Collection," vii., p. 849. Johnson, "Foundation of Maryland," 
pp. 126-129. 

Father Hunter, in the last century, referred to the act as passed in 
1640, but it is more likely that this is only an error in copying for 1649. 
His statement that it was re-enacted in 1650 is easily understood. The 
entries show that in 1650 the whole sixteen laws were read and consid 
ered, and this was considered a re-enacting of the nine passed in 1649. 


Saint Inigoes, on his refusing to take this oath, to which he 
declared he had conscientious objections, was expelled ; and 
his successor, Fenwick, also a Catholic, took it only with the 
understanding that the craftly devised language was not 
meant to infringe liberty of conscience or religion. 

To preserve the Catholic missions among the native tribes 
in which so much had been accomplished since the estab 
lishment of the colony, Lord Baltimore, in 1651, set apart 
ten thousand acres of land at Calverton manor, on the Wico- 
mico Hiver, for the remnant of the Mattapany, Wicomicons, 
Fatuxent, Lamasconsons, Highahwixons, and Chapticon 
Indians ; the Assembly had already recognized his constant 
efforts to Christianize the native tribes, and thus the first 
Indian reserve was formed by a Catholic, and under the 
direction of the Catholic clergy. 

The Catholics were at this time, as estimated by the labo 
rious and accurate Mr. Davis, based on wills, conveyances, 
tax lists, and official records, three-fourths of the popula 
tion of Maryland. They enjoyed the services of zealous 
priests who attended chapels at different points from Corn- 
wallys Neck to Foint Lookout, and education secular and 
religious was fostered. 1 

In 1652, Clay borne and Bennett, as commissioners of the 
Commonwealth of England, overthrew the proprietary gov 
ernment, and when Lord Baltimore prepared to restore it, 
they convened an assembly, first prohibiting any Catholic 
to vote for or to sit as a delegate. The body called, after 
thus excluding the Catholic majority, passed an act con 
cerning religion, which began, " It is hereby enacted and 
declared that none who profess and exercise the Fopish 

1 There are some data showing the existence of a thriving school con 
ducted by Ralph Crouch, under the direction of the Catholic clergy at 
this time. 


(commonly called the Roman Catholic) religion, can be pro 
tected in this province by the laws of England, formerly 
established and yet unrepealed ; nor by the government of 
the Commonwealth of England, etc., but to be restrained 
from the exercise thereof." It concluded thus : " Provided 
such liberty be not extended to Popery or prelacy, nor to 
such as under the profession of Christ, hold forth and prac 
tice licentiousness." 1 

A reign of terror was thus established instead of the 
tolerant and friendly policy of the Catholic rulers. Gov 
ernor Stone endeavored to restore the proprietary s power. 
He took the field, with the support of the Catholics and the 
Protestants who adhered to Lord Baltimore, but was defeated 
in a hard-fought engagement, after which the Puritans 
evinced their ferocious cruelty by shooting four prisoners in 
cold blood. As three of these were Catholics, it shows that 
hatred of Catholicity guided them in this as in their legisla 
tion. 2 

Then we find the anti-Catholic power gaining. Thus, in 
1654, Luke Gardner was charged with enticing Eleanor 
Hatton to his house, " to train her up in the Roman Catholic 
religion." This was deemed " a great affront to the govern 
ment, and of very dangerous and destructive consequences 
in relation to the peace and welfare of the province." 

1 Scharf, " History of Maryland," i., p. 215. " Maryland Archives," 
i., pp. 340-1. Hawks, "Maryland," pp. 42-3. 

2 The Puritan account, " Virginia and Baltimore," p. 16, suppresses all 
mention of the execution in cold blood of Eltonhead, Lewis, Legate, 
Pedro. The character of the tract must be borne in mind in weighing 
its value elsewhere. For another account see Hammond, "Leah and 
Rachel," p. 25. The petition of Edward Lloyd and seventy-seven inhab 
itants of Severne alias Anne Arundel County, in 1653, against the oath 
of allegiance to Lord Baltimore, because Catholicity was tolerated is 
given in Virginia and Baltimore," pp. 28-9. They certainly had no part 
in passing the act of 1649. 


While Maryland was thus convulsed, and difficulties in 
creased for Catholics, Father Thomas Copley died in 1653, 
leaving Father Lawrence Starkey alone on the mission, but 
he was joined the next year by Father Francis Fitzherbert, 
who made St. Inigoes his residence, the veteran Starkey at 
tending the scattered missions from Portobacco. 

The Puritans, after their victory on the Severn, and their 
savage triumph, hastened to St. Mary s County. There they 
rushed into the houses of the priests, clamoring for the lives of 
the hypocrites, as they styled them, and certainly intending for 
any they might secure, the fate of the Catholics slaughtered 
on the field. Such had been their course in England, and it 
would find greater pretext here. But the two Fathers managed 
to escape, ascribing it to the Providence of God that they 
were carried away before the very eyes of their vindictive 
pursuers ; but their books, furniture, and everything else in 
the houses fell a prey to the spoilers. The missionaries were 
carried into Virginia amid constant peril, and in the utmost 
want of all things. There they lived in a mean hut, sunk 
in the ground like a cistern or a tomb, so that they com 
pared themselves to Saint Athanasius, who lay concealed for 
several years in a similar refuge. Their supplies from Eng 
land were intercepted ; they could obtain no wine to say 
mass, and their ministry was reduced to stealthy visits, by 
boats, to Catholics who could be reached from Virginia. 1 

The missionaries, unable to return to their congregations 
in Maryland, remained in Virginia, where Father Starkey 
died in the midst of his trials, February 19, 1657. 2 

Lord Baltimore, however, at last recovered his authority, 
liberty of conscience was restored, and Father Fitzherbert 

1 Foley, "Records," in., p. 389. 

2 His real name seems to have been Laurence Sankey. He was born in 
Lancashire in 1606, and entered the Society in 1636. Foley, vii., p. 685. 


returned to Maryland. The influx of Protestants after this 
increased, and the Jesuit Fathers labored with zeal to win 
over such as seemed well disposed. This led to a curious 
case, in 1658 ; when Father Francis Fitzherbert was indicted 
for treason and sedition, and giving out rebellious and mu 
tinous speeches, and endeavoring to raise distractions and 
disturbances. The grounds were that he had preached at 
the general muster of the militia, at Patuxent and Newtown, 
and had threatened to excommunicate Thomas Gerrard of 
the council for not bringing his wife and children to church. 
The arraigned priest demurred on the ground that by the 
very first law of the country, Holy Church within this 
province was to have and enjoy all her rights, liberties, and 
franchises, wholly and without blemish, amongst which that 
of preaching and teaching is not the least. " Neither imports 
it what church is there meant, since by the true intent of 
the act concerning religion, every church professing to 
believe in God the Father, Sou and Holy Ghost, is accounted 
Holy Church here." Moreover he claimed that by the act 
entitled, " An Act concerning Religion," no one was to be 
molested in the free exercise of his religion ; " and undoubt 
edly preaching and teaching is the free exercise of every 
churchman s religion." The court, all apparently Protestants 
except one, sustained the demurrer. 1 

The early Maryland Catholics were liberal in contributing 
to the support of the church, and frequent legacies and 
bequests appear in their wills. On the 10th of November, 
1661, as several of the good and zealous Roman Catholics of 
Newtown and St. Clement s Bay had agreed to erect a 
chapel, and had selected as most convenient for them all a 
spot on land of William Bretton, Esq., one of the lawgivers 

1 Davis, "Day Star," p. 55. 



of 1649, that gentleman, with the hearty good liking of his 
dearly beloved wife, Temperance Bretton, " to the greater 
honor and glory of Almighty God, the ever Immaculate 
Virgin Mary and all saints," granted to the said Roman 
Catholic inhabitants, and their posterity, an acre and a half 
of ground for a chapel and cemetery, and here rose the 
modest chapel of Saint Ignatius, the first Catholic church of 
Newtown. 1 

"With the restoration of the Stuarts and the fall of the 
Puritan rule, Lord Baltimore regained his authority, and 
Catholic settlers began to arrive. Before 1668, John and 
Joseph Hebron, Catholics, from Scotland, settled on the 
eastern shore, in Kent County, and their descendants retained 
the faith for some generations. 3 

1 The deed for the land for the church and graveyard bears date Nov. 
10, 1661. Davis, " Day Star," p. 227. It was a triangular piece at the head 
of St. Nicholas Creek, near Bowling s Cove. A few old bricks, with 
mortar still adhering, are the last relics of St. Ignatius Chapel, and near 
it is the graveyard used for more than two centuries. The church 
on Sundays in the old time was reached in sailboats from miles around. 

The manor at Newtown, or Bretton s Neck, passed from Bretton, and 
was purchased by the Jesuit missionaries. In their hands the house and 
chapel have been a centre of Catholicity, surrounded by lands and streams 
that bear the name of St. Francis, St. Margaret, St. Lawrence, St. Peter, 
St. John, St. Winifred, St. Michael, St. Gabriel, St. Anne. The house 
erected by Bretton, of old English brick, is still standing, its original one 
story having had another added, making it a stately mansion, beautifully 
situated on the Neck. It contains relics of Fathers who labored in Mary 
land in the last two centuries. "Historical points connected with New- 
town manor and church, St. Mary s Co., Md." Woodstock Letters, xiii., 
pp. 69, 116, and xiv., p. 61, etc. 

2 Hanson, " History of Old Kent," pp. 197-8. Virginia about this time 
(1661) showed the old intolerance by passing an act imposing a fine of 20 
on any one who neglected to attend the service of the Protestant church. 



FROM the difficulty in which the Society was involved in 
England, and a great loss of means for maintaining the mission, 
few of the Jesuit Fathers sent to Maryland during the admin 
istration of Charles Galvert, who was governor of the prov 
ince from 1661 to 1675, remained for any considerable 

When the Abbate Claudius Agretti, a canon of Bruges, 
was sent by the Holy See on a special mission to England in 
1669, he visited Cecil, Lord Baltimore, at his villa, and that 
aged nobleman complained that there were only two priests 
in Maryland to minister to the two thousand Catholics in 
that province, and that the Holy See, although solicited for 
twenty-four years to send missionaries there, had taken no 
action in the matter. 1 

Of the three priests of the Society on the mission in Mary 
land in 1669, one, Father Peter Pelcon or Manners, a young 

1 Brady, "Annals of the Catholic Hierarchy in England and Scotland," 
Rome, 1877, p. 116. So far as can be traced the Jesuit Fathers employed 
on the Maryland mission from 1660 to 1674, were Fathers Henry Pel- 
ham, Edward Tidder, John Fitzwilliam, Francis Fitzherbert, Peter Pel- 
con, Peter Riddell, George Pole, William Warren, Michael Forster (Gu- 
lick) ; but the only two actually there at the close of 1669 were William 
Pelham and Michael Forster (GulickX Father Treacy (Woodstock Let 
ters, xv. , p. 91), omits Fitzwilliam and Riddell, and places Forster later. 
Foley, " Records," vii., gives the number on the Maryland mission in 1660 
as 1 ; 1661, 2 ; 1663-7, 3 ; 1672-4, 2, vol. vii., xc-xcvi. The Annual Let 
ters, 1671-4 ("Rel. Itin.," pp. 98-99), gives two as the number for those 



and zealous missioner full of the apostolic spirit, met death in 
the discharge of his duty. He had bound himself by a 
special vow to consecrate his whole life and labors to the 
Maryland mission, if his superiors permitted it. A saintly 
man who had vowed to love no creature except in God and 
for God, his influence was extraordinary. Catholics were 
brought by him to a loving and exact discharge of all Chris 
tian duties, and to firmness of faith amid trials and seductions ; 
even Protestants, won by his pure and devoted character, 
sought guidance and instruction from him, so that nearly a 
hundred conversions were ascribed to his influence, although 
he did not live to receive them all into the Church. On 
Wednesday, in Easter week, April 24, 1669, he was sum 
moned to a distant call, and at once set out. The spring rains 
had swollen the streams into torrents, and in attempting to 
cross one, the missionary and his horse were swept down the 
current and engulfed in the waters. 1 

The report of the Abbate Agrettiwas considered in a Par 
ticular Congregation of the Propaganda, held September 9, 
1670, and the last decree then passed directed " that letters 
should be written to the Internuncio regarding the mission to 
the island of Maryland in America, in order that at the in 
stance of the temporal lord of the aforesaid island, he should 
depute missionaries of approved merit, and send in their 
names to the Cardinal Protector for the issue of the necessary 
faculties. 2 

1 He had been twelve years in the Society and died at the age of 38. 
Notice of him by Very Rev. F. Simeon, provincial of England, Foley, 
iii., p. 390 ; Annual Letter, in "Relatio Itineris," p. 93 ; his real name was 
apparently Pelcon, Foley, vii., p. 679. The Annual Letters report 54 
conversions in 1671 ; 70 in 1672 ; 28 in 1673. The baptisms for three 
years were 1(10, 70, 75. 

2 Brady, "Annals of the Catholic Hierarchy," pp. 118-9. The Inter- 
nuncio was the Abbate Airoldi at Brussels. 


A mission founded about this time in Maryland by the 
Franciscan Fathers of the English province was evidently a 
result of this decree of the Propaganda. The Jesuits had an 
illustrious founder of their mission in the person of Father 
Andrew White ; the Franciscan mission claims as its founder 
a truly apostolic man, Father Masseeus Massey a Sancta Bar 
bara. In a congregation of the province held October 12, 
1672, in Somerset House, one of the royal palaces in London, 
then apparently the residence of the Portuguese ambassador, 
the establishment of a mission of the order in Maryland was 
decided upon, and Father Massey was appointed to found 
it, with another Father to be selected by the provincial. 1 
Father Massey with his associate reached Maryland apparently 
in 1673, and entered into a portion of the labors and harvest 
of the missionaries already there ; perfect harmony being 
maintained between them for the common prosperity of the 
Catholic cause. 2 

In 1674, the French Jesuit Father John Pierron, who had 
been employed on the Mohawk mission, and had thus become 
familiar with the English colonial ways, was transferred for a 
time to the Acadian mission. While attached to this station, 
he made a tour through the English colonies as far as Virginia. 
On the way he was shocked to see baptism so generally neg 
lected, and endeavored to do what good he could, but he 
found few to benefit by his ministry. He had interviews 
with some of the ministers at Boston, and the Labbadists a 
few years after found his visit there still a topic of conversa 
tion. He was at last cited before the General Court, but he 
proceeded on his journey. " He found," says the Relation of 
1674, "in Maryland two of our English Fathers and one 

1 " Ex-Registro, FF.M., Prov. Angliae," p. 85 Oliver, Collections," 
p. 541. 

2 Annual Letter of 1673, in " Relatio Itineris," pp. 98-9. 



brother ; the Fathers dressed like gentlemen, and the brother 
like a farmer ; in fact, he has charge of the farm which gives 
the two missionaries their support. They labor with success in 
converting the Protestants of the country, where there are in 
fact many Catholics, among others, the governor. As these 
two Fathers are not enough alone, Father Pierron offers vol 
untarily to go and help them, and at the same time found a 
mission among the neighboring Indians, whose language he 
understands. But this scheme presents many difficulties and 
seems to me impossible." 

The want of all records of this period makes it impossible 
to tell in what field each of the Jesuit and Franciscan mis 
sionaries labored at this time. Kew York, in which Xew 
Jersey was then included, was open to Catholics and some may 
have settled there, to whom these Fathers occasionally made 
visits. There seems to have been a wider field than that of 
the two thousand Catholics in Maryland, who were nearly all 
in the same district, for in 1674 the Franciscans in a congrega 
tion held in May, appointed Fathers Polycarp Wicksted and 
Basil Hobart to the Maryland mission, and the next year the 
Jesuit Father Nicholas Gulick came to America with 
Father Francis Pennington and two lay brothers. 2 In the 
following year the Franciscan Father Henry a Sancto Fran 
cisco appears in Maryland, and in October, Father Edward 
Gold ing was sent out ; Father Massey remaining superior 
till 1677, when Father Henry Carew replaced him, his 
predecessor becoming guardian of the convent in London. 
The same year the Jesuit Superior Thomas Gawen arrived. 3 

1 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1674, in "Relations Inedites," ii., 
pp. 8, 10; Bankers and Sluyter, "Journal," p. 388. 

2 Ex Registro, FF.M., Prov. Angliae, p. 88. Jesuit Annual Letter, 
1675, in "Rel. Itineris," p. 99. 

3 Ex Registro, pp. 97, 104, 108 ; Annual Letter, 1677. "Rel. Itin.," p. 100 


Two Labbadists who visited Maryland about this time 
(1679-80) write : " Those persons who profess the Eoman 
Catholic religion have great, indeed all freedom in Maryland, 
because the governor makes profession of that faith, and con 
sequently there are priests and other ecclesiastics who travel 
and disperse themselves everywhere, and neglect nothing 
which serves for their profit and purpose." 

One result of this increase of the clergy was the opening 
in 1677 of a Catholic school in Maryland, with a course of 
study which included the humanities. It was directed by 
Father Forster and Mr. Thomas Hothersall, an approved 
scholastic of the Society, prevented by constant headaches 
from being ordained. The sons of the planters won applause 
by their application and progress. In 1681 two scholars who 
had passed through the course at this academy crossed the 
Atlantic to complete their university studies at St. Omer s, 
and with true American energy, at once made a bold effort 
to be the leaders in the various classes. 

This system was kept up by the Jesuit Fathers in Maryland 
till the American Revolution, their school being occasionally 
suspended by the hostility of the provincial government. 
Trained in preparatory schools, the sons and even the 
daughters of the more wealthy Maryland Catholics were sent 
abroad ; some returned to America to mix in the world ; not 
a few young Marylanders became religious laboring in the 
vineyard in England or America, or leading holy lives in 
convent cloisters. 2 

1 Bankers and Sluyter, "Journal of a Voyage to New York," Brooklyn, 
1867, p. 221. Of the Protestant ministers of Maryland and Virginia, they 
say, p. 218 : " You hear often that these ministers are worse than any body 
else, yea, are an abomination." 

9 Foley, "Records of the English Province," vii., p. 275 ; Woodstock 
Letters, xiii., p. 269. 


Among the early pupils of this academy, we should prob 
ably find on the roll the name of Robert Brooke, a member 
of a pious Catholic family, who was born in Maryland in 1663, 
and entering the Society of Jesus at Watten in 1684, was ap 
parently the first priest of the order ordained from Lord 
Baltimore s province, and he is the first of five priests his 
family gave to the Society of Jesus. 1 

The Protestants in Maryland, whether of the Established 
Church or the Puritan bodies, had been free to establish their 
own churches, but they were to all appearance profoundly in 
different. This was perhaps but the general rule, the French 
Calviiiists in Florida, the Dutch in ^ew York, the Swedish 
Lutherans on the Delaware, the Pilgrims of Plymouth, all 
coming over and remaining for some time without a minister 
of religion. It was not till 1650 that a Protestant clergyman, 
Kev. Mr. Wilkinson, appeared in the province, and he re 
flected no credit on his profession. The historians of the 
Episcopal Church in Maryland admit and deplore the un 
worthy character of the early ministers of their faith. In 
stead of building up Protestant congregations they induced 
many to seek the guidance of the Catholic priests, whose zeal 
and edifying life spoke louder than words. There could, 
under such circumstances, be little life in the Protestant body, 
and in 1676 we find the Rev. Mr. Yeo, one of the three Episco 
pal clergymen in Maryland, appealing to the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, drawing a sad picture of Protestantism in the col 
ony, and urging him to solicit from Lord Baltimore some sup- 

1 Foley, " Records," vii., p. 91. Matthew Brooke, born in Maryland in 
1672, is the first secular priest of the province. He subsequently entered 
the Society. Ib., p. 90. There is at Woodstock College, a very touch 
ing account by Father Peter Pelcom (Manners), of the death of Robert 
Brooke, Esq., "Narratio Mortis Admodum Piae Doni Roberti Brooke in 
Marylandia, Anno Doni 1667, Octobris 2." 


port for a Protestant ministry. The lord proprietary replied 
that he supported no clergy, that all denominations were free in 
Maryland, and that each had maintained its own ministers 
and churches voluntarily. 1 

During the period of Catholic influence in Maryland, the 
Indian converts in many cases lived side by side with the 
white settlers. The chiefs adopted the usages of civilized 
life ; their daughters were educated and frequently married 
into families of the colonists. Descendants of the aborigi 
nal rulers of the soil exist in the neighborhood of the Pisca- 
taway and on the eastern shore. It is constantly asserted by 
Maryland writers that the blood of the native chiefs is now 
represented by the Brents, Fen wicks, Goldsboroughs, and other 
distinguished families of the State. 

The original chapel at St. Mary s, although the first city 
of Maryland remained a kind of scattered village, had by 
this time grown too small or otherwise unsuited to the wants 
of the Catholics of white and Indian origin who attended it. 
In 1683 steps were taken in the council of the colony to lay 
out a site for a new church, and cemetery. Unfortunately 
no plan of St. Mary s exists and apparently no data by which 
to form one now to show the site of the original chapel and 
the ground where the early settlers and Governor Leonard 
Calvert were laid. 2 

1 Chalmers, "Annals," p. 375; Scharf, i., p. 282-3. Yet the Privy 
Council thought some provision should be made, and in a few years this 
was most iniquitously carried out. 

- Kilty, "Land-Holders Assistant," p. 123. Lord Baltimore in council 
ordered land to be laid out there for " the chappel, state house, and bury 
ing place." The Annual Letter, 1696, says of St. Mary s, that " with the 
residence of the illustrious Lord Baltimore surrounded by six other 
houses, it bore some semblance to a village. " Foley, Records, " vii. , p. clix. 
"But it can hardly be called a town, it being in length by the water 
about five miles, and in breadth upwards, toward the land, not above a 


The grant by Charles II. of territory in America under 
which his brother James, Duke of York, put an end to the 
Dutch rule in New Netherland, brought the whole coast 
from the borders of Connecticut to the Potomac, under the 
control of Catholic proprietors, who would naturally favor 
the immigration and freedom of their fellow-believers. The 
district acquired by James was one, however, in which Catho 
lics had always been few and rarely permanent residents. 
Two Portuguese soldiers at Fort Orange in 1626 ; a Portu 
guese woman, and a transient Irishman met by Father Isaac 
Jogues, in 1643, are the earliest on record. 1 

Yet soon after Lord Baltimore applied for his Maryland 
charter, another Catholic gentleman, Sir Edmund Plowden, a 
descendant of the famous lawyer of that name, solicited for 
himself and some associates a patent for lands on the Hudson 
and Delaware, including what is now known as New Jersey 
and Long Island. A charter was granted by writ of Privy 
Seal, witnessed by the Deputy General of Ireland, at Dublin, 
June 21, 1634, by which a county palatine was erected under 
the name of New Albion. Captain Thomas Yong, a corre 
spondent of the famous priest Sir Toby Mathews, under this 
erected a fort or trading house at Eriwomeck on the Jersey 
side of the Delaware about 1634 and resided there some years. 
Plowden himself came over in 1642 and nearly lost his life by 
a mutiny of his crew, who set him ashore on a desert island 
two years afterwards. Some of the English settlers recog 
nized his authority, but the Swedes stubbornly refused to si 
mile, in all which space, excepting only my own home and buildings 
wherein the said courts and public offices are kept, there are not above 
thirty houses, and those at considerable distance from each other, and 
the buildings .... very mean and little." Lord Baltimore, in Scharf, i., 
p. 294. 

1 Brodhead, "History of New York," i., p. 169 ; Martin, "Life of 
Father Isaac Jogues," p. 154. 


low him even to trade on the Delaware. His plans of 
settlement proposed a recognition of Christianity and beyond 
that the most complete toleration for all. That his object may 
have been to secure a refuge for oppressed Catholics is very 
probable, but nothing that can be deemed a Catholic settle 
ment was founded by him, nor is there any trace of any visit 
to New Albion by any Catholic priest, or the erection of a 
chapel. 1 

The grant to James, Duke of York, was followed by the 
establishment of English authority and the opening of the 
country to English colonization. James subsequently ceded 
part of his territory under the name of New Jersey to a num 
ber of persons, prominent among whom was James, the Cath 
olic Earl of Perth. There was no attempt to form any largely 
Catholic settlement at any point, though Catholics obtained 
positions under the new colonial governments and some came 
over to better their fortunes, and make homes for themselves 
in the New World. 

In 1674, James sent out as second in authority to Governor 
Andros, and his successor in case of death, Lieutenant An 
thony Brockholls. This gentleman was of a Catholic family 
in Lancashire, England, and would have been excluded from 
holding oftice in England by the Test Act recently passed in 
that country. " But as that statute did not extend to the 
British American Plantations, the Duke of York himself," 
says a New York historian, " a victim of Protestant intoler 
ance, was able to illustrate his own idea of f Freedom to 
worship God, by appointing a member of the Church of 
Eoine to be his second colonial officer in New York." 

1 In regard to New Albion and Plowden, see Rev. Dr. R. L. Burtsell, 
"A Missing Page of Catholic History," Catholic World, xxxii., p. 204 ; 
Gregory B. Keen, "Note on New Albion" in Winsor s "Narrative and 
Critical History of America," iii., p. 457. 


Brockholls took an active part in the affairs of the colony, 
as commander-in-chief (1677-8, 1680-3) and member of the 
council till the power of William III. was established. He 
married in the colony and many of his descendants exist to 
this day. 

Lieutenant Jervis Baxter, another Catholic, was a promi 
nent, active, and able officer of the colony, in administrative 
posts and in the council chamber. 

There is some ground for believing that there were several 
Catholics from the Netherlands at Albany in 1677, for whose 
spiritual consolation the Franciscan Father Hennepin was 
invited to settle at that place. 1 There were Catholics also in 
other parts, and there are indications that priests reached New 
York, either secular priests from England or Franciscans from 
Maryland. 3 Two Labbadists who visited New York and the 
neighboring provinces in 1679 with the view of selecting a 
spot for a colony of their sect, state that the Catholics believed 
them to be really priests, and were so persistent that they 
could not get rid of them or disabuse them. The poor 
Catholics, long deprived of mass and the sacraments, and evi 
dently looking for promised priests, took these French sec 
taries to be really ministers of their faith, and wished them to 
say mass, hear their confessions, and baptize their children. 
Dankers and Sluyter mention expressly a family of French 

1 Hennepin, " Nouvelle Decouverte," Utrecht, 1697, p. 29 ; Brodhead, 
" History of New York," ii., p. 307. 

2 Rev. Peter Smith, a Catholic priest, who is said to have been chaplain 
to Dongan, stated in an affidavit made in London in 1675, that he was in 
New York in 1665. Letter of Edward Antill to James Alexander, April 
18, 1752. A baptism apparently by him is noted in 1385. Brodhead 
supposes one of the Jesuit Fathers to have been known as John Smith, 
but this is mere conjecture. "Father Smith," Dongan s chaplain, is al 
luded to in K Y. Col. Doc., iii., pp. 613, 747; iv., p. 898; the name 
John Smith appears, ii., p. 17. 


Catholics who kept a tavern at Elizabethtown, New Jersey, 
and who treated them with every courtesy, convinced to the 
last that their guests were priests, afraid to avow their real 
character. 1 

There was one Catholic of note in New Jersey at this time 
who was active in all public affairs. This was William 
Douglas, who in 1680 was elected member of Assembly from 
Bergen. When that body convened in Elizabethtown in 
June, they promptly expelled Douglas, " the aforesaid mem 
ber upon examination owning himself to be a Roman Cath- 
olick," and a warrant was issued to the town of Bergen for a 
new choice. 2 

Richard Towneley was apparently of the staunch Catholic 
family which endured such memorable sufferings for the 
faith, but there is no evidence of his fidelity. 

In 1682, the Duke of York appointed as Governor of New 
York, Colonel Thomas Dongan, the younger son of an Irish 
Catholic baronet of great wealth and influence, who subse 
quently became Earl of Limerick. Colonel Dongan was a 
Catholic, a man of enlarged views and great energy ; he had 
seen service in the French armies, and had been English Gov 
ernor of Tangier. 

One great object of James was to detach the Five Nations 
from the French, and keep that rival nation north of the 
great lakes. The influence of the French over the Indians 
had been acquired and retained in no small degree by the 
zealous labors of the missionaries, who at this time were 
drawing many converts from the Five Nations in New York 
to La Prairie in Canada, where a Catholic Indian village had 

1 Dankers and Sluyter, " Journal of a Voyage to New York," Brook 
lyn, 1867, p. 147. 

2 " Documents Relating to the Colonial History of New Jersey," New 
ark, 1880, p. 312. 


been formed. To counteract this it was evidently arranged 
at this time to establish a Jesuit mission in New York, the 
Fathers to form a Catholic village of Iroquois Indians under 
English influence. This plan was subsequently avowed and 
Saratoga mentioned as the site. 1 

One of the English Fathers selected for the New York 
mission, Father Thomas Harvey, embarked with Gov 
ernor Dongan in the Constant Warwick, an old Parlia 
mentarian frigate, and arriving at Nantasket in August, 1683, 
proceeded overland with the governor, and reached New 
York before the close of that month. 3 

There is very good ground for believing that Father Forster 
(Gulick), Superior of the Maryland Jesuits, was already in or 
near New York to receive the new member of his mission 
and arrange for future action. A baptism at Woodbridge, 
New Jersey, in June, 1683, seems evidently to have been 
performed by him, and his presence near New York would, 
under the circumstances, be perfectly natural. 3 

Father Warner, the English provincial, writing to the 
general of the society, February 26, 1683, says: "Father 
Thomas Hervey, the missioner, passes to New York by con 
sent of the governor of the colony. In that colony is a 
respectable city, fit for the foundation of a college, if faculties 
are given, to which college those who are now scattered 
throughout Maryland may betake themselves and make ex 
cursions from thence into Maryland. The Duke of York, 

1 See Dongau s Report, N. Y. Colonial Doc., iii., p. 394. 

2 Brodhead, "History of New York," New York, 1871, pp. 374-5. 

3 Dollier de Casson, historian of Montreal, records, Aug. 20, 1700, the 
baptism in June, 1683, of Robert du Poitiers, born on Staten Island, " at 
Hotbridge, 3 leagues from Menate, by a Jesuit come from Mary-Land 
and named Master Juillet." The only name at all among the Fathers at 
the time approaching this is Gulick, also written Guilick. Foley, vii., 
p. 275. 



the lord of that colony, greatly encourages the undertaking of 
a new mission. He did not consent to Father Thomas Her- 
vey s sailing until he had advised with the provincial, the 
consultors and other grave fathers." * 

Father Henry Harrison and Father Charles Gage, with 
two lay brothers, soon joined Father Harvey in New York. 
Though of English family, Father Henry Harrison was 
born in the Netherlands, and was probably selected on that 
account, as being more likely to effect good among the 
Dutch. 2 

The Catholics had a small chapel in Fort James, which stood 
south of the Bowling Green, and this spot may be deemed 
the first where mass was regularly said in New York. Sixty 
pounds a year was paid, we are told, to " two Eomish priests 
that attended on Governor Dongan." The establishment of 
a Latin school was one of the early good works of the Jesuit 
Fathers. It was held apparently on the king s farm, subse 
quently leased by Governor Fletcher to Trinity Church, 8 and 
was attended by the sons of Judges Palmer and Graham, 
Captain Tudor, and others, 4 the bell of the Dutch church in 
the fort being rung to summon the pupils. 5 

One of the first acts of the administration of the Catholic 
governor, Dongan, was the convening of the first legislative 
assembly in New York, which met on the 17th of October, 
1683. In the Bill of Eights, passed on the 30th, the broad 
principle of religious freedom is recognized, as it was wher 
ever Catholics had any influence. It declared that " no per 
son or persons which profess faith in God by Jesus Christ 

1 Foley, "Records of the English Province," vii., p. 343. 

2 Harrison seems to coine in 1685 and Gage in 1686. Ib., pp. 335, 342. 

3 N. Y. Col. Doc. iv., p. 490. 

4 Leisler s correspondence in "Doc. History of N. Y.," ii., pp. 14, 147. 
6 Brodhead, ii., p. 487. 


shall at any time be anyways molested, punished, disquieted, 
or called in question for any difference of opinion or matter 
of religious concernment, who do not actually disturb the 
civil peace of the province ; but that all and every such per 
son or persons may, from time to time and at all times, 
freely have and fully enjoy his or their judgments or con 
sciences in matters of religion throughout all the province ; 
they behaving themselves peaceably and quietly, and not 
using this liberty to licentiousness nor to the civil injury or 
outward disturbance of others." The Christian churches in 
the province, and the Catholic was actually one, were to be 
" held and reputed as privileged churches, and enjoy all their 
former freedoms of their religion in divine worship and 
church discipline." 

The New York Legislature thus carried out the liberal spirit 
of James instructions to Andros in 1674, and subsequently to 
Dongan, who were to " permit all persons, of what religion 
soever, quietly to inhabit within their government, without 
giving them any disturbance or disquiet whatsoever for or by 
reason of their differing opinions in matters of religion, pro 
vided they give noe disturbance to the public peace, nor doe 
molest or disquiet others in the free exercise of their relig 

It was doubtless the freedom thus guaranteed that led the 
Jesuit Fathers to build hopes of founding a permanent mis 
sion in New York, with an increasing flock of Catholics. 
The arrival of Fathers Harrison and Gage enabled them to 
visit scattered Catholics and prepare for the promising future. 

While Catholicity was thus endeavoring to gain a foothold 
on the banks of the Hudson, a new field was opened to it. 
Charles II., to cancel a debt of the Crown to Admiral Penn, 

1 Brodhead, " History of New York," ii., p. 454 : 3 Ib., p. 487. 


granted to the Admiral s son, on the 4th of March, 1681, a 
territory in America, extending five degrees westward from 
the Delaware River, with a breadth of three degrees. This 
became the Province of Pennsylvania. Penn, from a fop 
pish young courtier had become a zealous member of the 
Society of Friends, and though he had written a most impas 
sioned book against the Catholic religion, enjoyed the friend 
ship of the Duke of York, and was fully in accord with the 
principles of religious liberty which James had so much at 
heart. These views Penn carried out in the province granted 
to him. Dutch Calvinists and Swedish Lutherans were al 
ready there, and Catholics had made an attempt at coloniza 
tion. Now it was to receive a large body of emigrants, 
chiefly followers, like Penn, of George Fox. In the thirty- 
fifth clause of the laws agreed upon in England by William 
Penn, it was provided : " That all persons living in the 
province who confess and acknowledge the one Almighty 
and Eternal God to be the Creator, Upholder and Ruler of 
the World, and that hold themselves obliged in conscience to 
live peaceably and justly in civil society, shall in no way be 
molested or prejudiced for their religious persuasion or prac 
tise in matters of faith and worship, nor shall they be com 
pelled at any time to frequent or maintain any religious 
worship, place or ministry whatever." 

Penn exerted himself to obtain emigrants from Germany, 
and among the settlers who came out there may have been 
Catholics who sought homes in this and other colonies now 
thrown open to them. As there was constant intercourse 
between New York and Maryland, official and personal, the 
Maryland missionaries might easily visit the rising city of 
Philadelphia. The northern visit of Father Gulick was not, 

1 " The Frame of Government," 1682. 


apparently, tlie only one ; and there are indications that 
Pennsylvania was visited at an early day by some of the 
Franciscan Fathers. 

After sending out Markham as his deputy, who bore let 
ters from King Charles and from Penn to Lord Baltimore, 
the proprietor of Pennsylvania himself landed at Newcastle 
in the latter part of October, 1682. That some Jesuit 
Father or other priest called upon him soon after is not un 
likely, as such a visit would explain the report of his death, 
which was soon carried to England, with the assertion that 
he had died a Jesuit. 1 

In Virginia and the New England colonies there were at 
this time few, if any, resident Catholics, occasional transient 
cases comprising nearly all, 2 Dr. Le Baron, a shipwrecked 
physician, being, perhaps, one of the few who professed the 
true faith amid that spiritual darkness. 

Such was the position of the Catholic Church in the Eng 
lish colonies when the weak Charles II. died, reconciled to 

1 " I find some persons have had so little wisdom and so much malice 

as to report my death, and to mend the matter, dead a Jesuit too 

I am still alive and no Jesuit." Letter, Philadelphia, August 1683, p. 3- 
Ford, " A Vindication of William Penn, Proprietary of Pennsilvania," 
1683, Penn. Mag. of Hist., vi., pp. 176-7, denies his being a Papist and 
keeping a Jesuit to write his books. A visit of a reputed priest to Penn 
when ill would easily give rise to such stories. Penn also justified him 
self against the charge of ill-treating a monk, Proud, " History of Penn 
sylvania," i., p. 317. Watson cited the allusion ^of Penn to an old priest, 
as showing the presence of a Catholic priest in the colony ; but Westcott, 
in his "History of Philadelphia," showed that the reference was to the 
Swedish Lutheran minister. Catholic writers in Pennsylvania have failed 
to throw any new light on this early period. They copy Westcott now 
as they formerly copied Watson. I called the attention of Rev. A. A. 
Lambing s publishers to Mr. Westcott s work, and enabled him to avoid 
repeating Watson. 

2 See "Report of a French Protestant Refugee in Boston," 1687; 
Brooklyn, 1868, pp. 16, 30. 


the Church, and his brother James, an avowed Catholic, as 
cended the throne in 1685. 

One of the first beneficial results was the appointment of a 
Yicar-Apostolic for England. Dr. John Leyburn, a divine 
of great zeal and learning, President of Douay College and 
Yicar-Gerieral of Bishop Smith, was appointed by Pope In 
nocent XI. Bishop of Adrumetum and Yicar-Apostolic of all 
England. He was consecrated in Eome on September 9, 1685, 
and on reaching England was provided with apartments in 
Saint James Palace. Three years subsequently his jurisdic 
tion was restricted to the London district, three other bishops 
being appointed as Yicars- Apostolic of the Western, Mid 
land, and Northern districts. 1 From the date of his appoint 
ment to the close of the American Eevolution, the Catholics 
in the British colonies in America and their clergy were 
subject to Doctor Leyburn and his successors, Bishops Gif- 
fard, Petre, and the illustrious Doctor Challoner, with his co 
adjutor, Talbot. It was nearly sixty years since a Catholic 
bishop had appeared in England, and Bishop Leyburn was 
the first who for a hundred and thirty years had traveled un 
molested through the island in the discharge of his episcopal 
functions. The Holy See in the time of Innocent XII. 
made the secular clergy, and all regulars, even Jesuits and 
Benedictines, subject to the Yicar-Apostolic in whose dis 
trict they w^ere, for approbation with regard to hearing con 
fessions, for the cure of souls, and for all parochial offices. 

During the closing years of the reign of Charles II. , Father 
Michael Foster, the Jesuit Superior in Maryland, continued 
the old mission work. Yet he had only two, or at most three, 
Fathers with him, one being Father Francis Pennington, who 

1 Brady, "Annals of the Catholic Hierarchy in England and Scotland," 
Rome, 1877, p. 140, etc. 


became superior on the death of Father Forster, and con 
tinued so for a considerable period, being for nearly five 

years the only priest of his or- 
^h\ , ftt+i bma ifff^ der in Maryland. 

" Father Henry Carew was ap- 


****** f ^ Fran- 


ciscan Mission in 1677, and 

served in Maryland for six years, dying at sea on the voyage 
back to England. 

From 1680 to 1684 Father Massey was again superior, and 
then disappears from Maryland, filling the position of Guard 
ian at Gronow, and Douay, then of Yicar, Minister, and 
Commissary-General of the Province. 

As Father Hobart died subsequently in Maryland, he ap 
parently remained in the colony during this period, but some 
of the others may have returned. There were not more than 
six Franciscans at any time on the mission, and apparently 
generally only three or four priests of that order. 3 

It is not easy to comprehend why the Church did not at 
this time show more vitality in the old Catholic province ; 
but the clergy were few in number, and the Society of Jesus 
thought of making Kew York the centre. 

That religion was not more prosperous under a Catholic 
king and with a Catholic lord proprietor, residing for a time 
in the province of Maryland, seems strange indeed. 

Among the interesting points connected with the history 
of Catholicity in this country during the reign of James, was 

1 Father Francis Pennington expired at the house of Mr. Hill, New- 
town, Md., February 22, 1699. F. Treacy s List, Woodstock Letters, xv., 
p. 92. 

2 "Ex-Registro FF.M., Prov. Angliae," pp. 85, 88, 97, 108, 115, 134; 
Oliver, "Collections," p. 541. Father Hobart s death was reported at 
the Chapter held July 10, 1698. 


the attempt of Captain George Brent to establish a Catholic 
settlement in Virginia. With Richard Foote, Robert Bar- 
stow, and Nicholas Hayward, of London, he purchased of 
Thomas Lord Culpeper thirty thousand acres of land between 
the Potomac and Rappahannock, and prepared to bring over 
settlers. They applied to the king for a guarantee of relig 
ious freedom, and James, by patent, dated February 10, 168 7, 
granted " unto the petitioners, and all and every the inhabitants 
which now are or hereafter shall be settled in the said towne 
and the tract of land belonging to them, the free exercise of 
their religion, without being prosecuted or molested upon 
any penall laws or other account of the same." 

The reign of James II. was too brief to produce any other 
permanent result for the Church in whose cause he had 
labored and suffered. The scheme of a grand union of all 
the American colonies into one government, with the broad 
charter of equal religious rights for all, which emanated from 
the able mind of James, was not to be carried out for a cen 
tury, when the united colonies shook off the yoke of the Prot 
estant sovereigns of England. 

Plots were formed to overthrow James and call over the 
Prince of Orange. All was ready in the colonies to forward 
the movement. No sooner did tidings arrive of the landing 
of William than a rising took place in New England. In 
New York, the fanatical Leisler, full of declamation against 
Popery, seized the government. In Maryland, Coode, a min 
ister, associated men as infamous as himself for the defence 
of the Protestant religion, and overthrew the proprietary 

In New York, Colonel Thomas Dongan had recently 

ceased to be governor, but a Catholic priest still resided in the 

-fort, under Nicholson, and probably fled with that officer. 

Dongan was hunted like a wolf. The Jesuits Harvey 



and Harrison narrowly escaped Leisler s hands. The latter 
managed to secure a passage to Europe, was captured and 
robbed by Dutch pirates^ but finally reached Ireland by way 
of France. Father Harvey, though forced to abandon his 
New York mission for a season, did not renounce all hope of 
continuing his labors there. He made his way on foot to 
Maryland, but succeeded in reaching New York again the 
next year in company with another Father, who did not, 
however, remain long to share his labors and perils. Father 
Harvey continued on the New York mission for some years, 
till health and strength gave way, when he sought Maryland, 
to die among his brethren. 1 

The fall of James, planned long before in a scheme for the 
establishment of the Church of England on a firmer basis 
than ever, was effected by inflaming the fanaticism of the old 
dissenting element which had overthrown Charles I., as it was 
now exerted to expel James. It was by no fortuitous acci 
dent that men like Leisler in New York, and Coode in 
Maryland, were allowed to rave like maniacs against Popery 
and seize the government of those provinces. Seeing nothing 
but visions of Papists around him, Leisler stimulated the In 
dians against the French, and congratulated them openly on 
the fearful scenes of massacre they perpetrated at Lachine. 
Coode urged William III. to redeem the people of Maryland 
" from the arbitrary will and pleasure of a tyrannical Popish 
government, under which they had so long groaned." Will 
iam made both royal provinces, profiting by disorders that 
were doubtless planned in England. Lord Baltimore was 
deprived of all his rights as proprietary without any form of 
law, or even a formal accusation that he had forfeited his 

Annual Letters, Foley, iii., pp. 394-5 ; vii., p. clix, p. 355, p. 343. 


In both colonies steps were taken to establish the Church 
of England formally. In New York the bill of rights was 
abolished, all toleration or religious freedom was scouted, and 
Catholics were excluded from office and franchise and the 
career of penal laws began,, 

Penn, shrewd and cautious, avoided any outward show of 
his kindly feelings in the affairs of his province, although he 
boldly, in a tract published in England, urged the repeal of 
all penal laws against Catholics. 

The year 1690 was an era when all hopes of the true faith 
on this coast seemed blasted, and the prospects of the Church 
in the English colonies gloomy beyond description. 






ALTHOUGH Columbus himself in his first landfall had nearly 
reached the coast of the northern continent, he turned south 
ward, and it was not till some years after his death that any 
European landed on our shores. Cabot, accompanied by a 
priest from Bristol, probably reached Newfoundland and 
Labrador, but it was not till 1513 that John Ponce de Leon, 
one of the early companions of Columbus, led by the Indian 
reports of a greater island of Bimini, sought of the Spanish 
monarch a patent authorizing him to discover and settle it. 
The document bore date February 23, 1512, but though 
countersigned by the Bishop of Palencia, no clause in the 
state paper required the establishment of churches for the 
settlers, or missions for the conversion of the Indians. He- 
turning to Porto Rico, where he had been employed in the 
royal service, Ponce de Leon obtained a vessel to make the 
discoveries authorized by his patent within the year prescribed 
by its tenor. The authorities in Porto Rico, however, seized 
his vessel under the pretext that it was needed in the royal 
service, and it was not till March, 1513, that he bore away 
from the port of San German with three caravels, the expe 
rienced Anton de Alaminos, of Palos, being his pilot. After 


threading the Bahamas he steered northwest, and on Easter 
Sunday, called in Spanish Pascua Florida, came in sight of 
the continent. Then running north till the 2d of April 
he landed, and prompted alike by its beauty, and by the re 
membrance of the day of its discovery, bestowed on the coun 
try the name Florida, which it retains to this day. Hav 
ing taken possession in the name of the King of Spain, he 
followed the coast southerly till he reached the Martyrs and 
Tortugas, and, doubling the cape, entered a fine bay that 
long bore his name. Satisfied with his discovery he returned 
to Porto Rico, leaving to one of his vessels the search for 

For the land which he had thus discovered for Spain, he 
solicited a new patent, which was issued on the 27th of Sep 
tember, 1514. The former asiento for an island, whose 
existence was not ascertained, had authorized the usual en 
slavement of Indians. This unjust and cruel system had 
been introduced by Christopher Columbus, and was followed 
by all. In a letter to Ferdinand and Isabella the discoverer 
of the new world proposed sending slaves and Brazilwood to 
Spain. He actually dispatched five shiploads of unfortunate 
Indians to be sold there, but Isabella, shocked and indig 
nant, caused the natives of America to be set free. 1 Las 
Casas declares that between 1494 and 1496 one third of the 
population of Hispaniola was swept off by this system. 
The Benedictine, Buil, delegate of the Holy See, the Fran 
ciscan, Francis Ruiz, afterward Bishop of Avila, and his 
companions, in vain endeavored to arrest the iniquity. 
But in the month of September, 1510, three Dominican 

1 Letter of Columbus to the sovereigns in Duro, " Colony la Historia 
Postuma," pp. 49-51. Columbus even ordered tht ears and noses of In 
dian slaves to be cut off for slight faults. Navarrete, ii., p. 110; Las 
Casas, " Historia de Indias," Lib. 1, cap xciii., cvi. 


Fathers, from the convent of San Estevan, in Salamanca, 
landed in Hispaniola. With the superior, Father Peter de 
Cordoba, came Father Anthony de Montesinos, a great lover 
of strict observance, a great religious and great preacher. 
When they had taken time to study the condition of affairs, 
Father Montesinos, in 1511, ascended the pulpit of the 
Cathedral of Santo Domingo, and in a sermon full of elo 
quence, denounced the enslavement and cruel treatment of 
the Indians as sinful and wicked, sure to draw down God s 
anger on them all. The bold denunciation of the great 
Dominican fell like a thunder-clap on the Admiral, Diego 
Columbus, on the officials and the Spaniards at large. They 
called upon his superior to censure him, but Father Peter de 
Cordoba replied that Father Anthony s sermon was sound, 
and was sustained by his brethren. Then the Dominicans 
were denounced to the king and his council for condemning 
what the Spanish monarchs had approved. Censured on the 
facts as presented, Father Montesinos and his superior were 
cited to Spain in 1512, but there they pleaded the cause of 
the Indian so eloquently and so ably that they returned the 
next year, having won a great triumph in inducing the king 
to take some steps to save the natives. 1 

The influence of the action of Father Montesinos, the first 
to denounce human slavery in America, can be seen in the 
second patent to John Ponce de Leon. This requires that 
the natives must be summoned to submit to the Catholic 
faith and the authority of the King of Spain, and they were 
not to be attacked or captured if they submitted. 8 Years 

1 Juan Melendez, " Tesoros Verdaderos de las Yndias," Rome, 1681, pp. 
10-14, citing Las Casas, " Historia Apologetica," Lib. 1, cap. ccxlv. Her- 
rera, Dec. 1, Lib. viii., cxi., xii. See Helps, " Spanish Conquest in Anier- 
ica," Bk. iv., ch. ii., which is devoted entirely to this affair; also book 
viii., ch. i., Cardinal Hefele, "Life of Cardinal Ximenes," pp. 503-4. 

- " Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos," xxii , pp. 33-8. 


rolled by, however, before Ponce de Leon, employed by the 
king in the wars with the Caribs, could sail to settle in Florida, 
At last, in 1521, he completed his preparations, and his pro 
ject shows the influence of the religious thought that was to 
control the settlement of Florida. Writing on the 10th of 
February to Charles V., Ponce says : "I return to that 
island, if it please God s will to settle it, being enabled to 
carry a number of people with whom I shall be able to do 
so, that the name of Christ may be praised there, and your 
Majesty served with the fruit that land produces." And a 
letter to the Cardinal of Tortosa, afterwards Pope Adrian 
VI., breathes the same spirit. Ponce de Leon sailed with 
two vessels carrying settlers with live stock and all requisites 
for a permanent establishment, and bore with him priests to 
minister to his people, and friars, in all probability, of the 
order of St. Dominic, to convert the Indians. He reached 
land, and began to erect dwellings for his people, though, 
unfortunately, we cannot fix the time or place, but facts lead 
to the inference that it was on the bay which he discovered 
on his first voyage. If this conjecture can be received, the 
altar reared by the priests and friars of this expedition 
must have been on the western shore of Florida, near Char 
lotte Harbor. The Spanish settlers while rearing house and 
chapel were, however, constantly attacked by the Indians, 
and at last Ponce de Leon, while bravely leading a charge 
to repulse them, received a severe and dangerous wound, the 
stone head of the arrow defying all the skill of a surgeon 
to extract it. Then the projected settlement was abandoned ; 
priests and people re-embarked ; the temporary homes and 
chapel were abandoned. One vessel, with the stricken com 
mander, reached the neighboring island of Cuba ; the other, 
was driven to the coast of Mexico, where Cortes, in his need, 


appropriated the stores. 1 The first offering of the Holy 
Sacrifice in this country, the initial point in the history of 
the Church, is thus unfortunately very vague, for we know 
not yet the time or place and have no clue to the name of 
any of the secular or regular priests. 

Before this disastrous effort at colonization by John Ponce, 
another point on the coast north of the limits of his explora 
tion had been reached by two vessels from Santo Domingo. 
Lucas Yasquez de Ayllon, one of the judges of that island, 
though in the enjoyment of an honorable office, great wealth, 
and a happy home, aspired to the glory of discovering and 
colonizing some land hitherto unknown. Having solicited 
the necessary permission, he despatched a caravel com 
manded by Francisco Gordillo, in 1520, to explore north 
of the limits of Ponce de Leon. While this vessel was run 
ning amid the Bahamas it came in sight of another caravel, 
which proved to have been sent out by Matienzo, also a 
judge in Santo Domingo. Its object was not exploration, 
but to carry back a cargo of Indian slaves. The captains of 
the two vessels agreed to sail in company, and holding on 
their course, in eight or nine days reached the coast near the 
mouth of a great river, on the 25th of June, 1521, and, 
adopting a custom constantly followed by the Catholic navi 
gators of those days, named river and land St. John the 
Baptist, the day being the feast of the precursor of our Lord. 

Ayllon had instructed the captain of his caravel to culti 
vate a friendly intercourse with the natives, and to avoid all 
hostilities ; but Gordillo, influenced by Quexos, commander 
of Matienzo s vessel, joined him in seizing a number of In 
dians, and sailed off with them. Ayllon, on the arrival of 

1 Oviedo, "Historia General y Natural de las Indias," iii., p. 622. Her- 
rera, "Decade," iii.; Lib. ii., f. 43. Valadares, "Historia de Puerto 
Rico," Madrid, p. 97. Torquemada, "Monarquia Indiana," i., p. 561. 


the vessels, condemned Gordillo ; he brought the matter 
before the Admiral Diego Columbus ; the Indians were de 
clared free ; but, though Ay lion released those brought on 
his vessel, Matienzo evaded the decision of the council and 
subsequent orders of the king. It is a strange fact that the 
history of this country, as written hitherto, represents the 
upright Ayllon, whose whole Indian policy was Christian 
and humane, as a man guilty of the greatest cruelty to the 
natives, while Matienzo, the real culprit, is ignored. 

Taking one of these Indians from our shores, whom he 
had placed under instruction, and who received in baptism 
the name of Francisco, Ayllon sailed to Spain to present to 
the king a report of the discovered territory, and obtain a 
cedula or patent for its occupation and settlement. Fran 
cisco gave wonderful accounts of the land, and Ayllon, 
on the 12th of June, 1523, received a patent, requiring him 
to explore the coast for eight hundred leagues, and form a 
settlement within three years. 

The patent shows the Christian obligation imposed on the 
adelantado. He was "to attract the natives to receive 
preachers who would inform and instruct them in the affairs 
of our holy Catholic faith, that they might become Chris 
tians." The document also says: "And whereas our prin 
cipal intent in the discovery of new lands is that the inhabit 
ants and natives thereof, who are without the light or 
knowledge of faith, may be brought to understand the truths 
of our holy Catholic faith, that they may come to a knowl 
edge thereof and become Christians and be saved, and this 
is the chief motive that you are to bear and hold in this 
affair, and to this end it is proper that religious persons 
should accompany you, by these presents I empower you to 
carry to the said land the religious whom you may judge 
necessarv, and the vestments and other things needful for 


the observance of divine worship ; and I command that 
whatever you shall thus expend in transporting the said 
religious, as well as in maintaining them and giving them 
what is needful, and in their support, and for the vestments 
and other articles required for the divine worship, shall be 
paid entirely from the rents and profits which in any manner 
shall belong to us in the said land." l 

Thus, in 1523, did the King of Spain assume the charge 
of maintaining divine worship on our coast. 

Various circumstances, and especially a vexatious lawsuit 
instituted by Matienzo, prevented Ay lion from attempting 
the colonization of the land of Saint John the Baptist, but 
in 1525 he sent Pedro de Quexos with two caravels to 
explore. That navigator ran along the coast for seven hun 
dred miles, setting up stone crosses with the name of Charles 
Y. and the date of taking possession. 

Early in June of the following year Ayllon completed 
the preparations for colonizing his grant, and sailed from 
Puerto de la Plata with three large vessels, carrying six 
hundred persons of both sexes, with abundant supplies and 
horses. The Dominican Fathers Anthony de Montesinos 
and Anthony de Cervantes, with Brother Peter de Estrada, 
accompanied the colonists. The vessels reached the coast 
north of the river Saint John, probably near the mouth of 
the Wateree, but one vessel was soon lost. Ayllon at once 
set to work to replace it, and finding the coast unsuited for 
settlement, sailed northward till he reached the Chesapeake. 
Entering the capes he ascended a river, and began the estab 
lishment of his colony at Guandape, giving it the name of 
St. Michael, the spot being, by the testimony of Ecija, the 

1 "Real Cedula que contiene el asiento capitulado con Lucas Yasquez 
de Ayllon" in Navarrete, " Coleccion de Viages y Descubrimientos," 
Madrid, 1829, ii., pp. 153, 156, 


pilot-in-chief of Florida, that where the English subse 
quently founded Jamestown. Houses were erected, and the 
holy sacrifice was offered in a temporary chapel by the zeal 
ous priests. Sickness soon showed itself, and Ayllon, sinking 
under a pestilential fever, died in the arms of the Dominican 
priests on St. Luke s day, October 18, 1526. Winter set in 
early, and the cold was intense. Francis Gomez, who suc 
ceeded to the command, could not control the people. His 
authority was usurped by mutineers, who provoked the negro 
slaves to revolt and the Indians to hostility. It was at last 
resolved to abandon the country, and in the spring Gomez, 
taking the body of Ayllon, set sail for Santo Domingo, but 
the vessel containing the remains foundered, and only one 
hundred and fifty of the whole party reached Hispaniola. 1 

1 For Ayllon the authentic documents are the Cedula of 1523 and the 
proceedings in the lawsuit brought by Matienzo, where the testimony of 
Quexos, Aldana, and others who were on the first voyage, is given, and 
the Act of taking possession. Father Cervantes survived Father Mou- 
tesinos, and in 1561 gave testimony in regard to the settlement on the 
James. Many facts relating to Father Montesinos are given in Fer 
nandez, " Historia Eclesiastica de Nuestros Tiempos," Toledo, 1611, 
p. 24 ; Melendez, " Tesoros Verdaderos de las Yndias en la Historia de 
la gran provincia de San Ivan Bavtista del Perv," Rome, 1681, pp. 10- 
15; Charlevoix, "Histoire de Saint Domingue," i., p. 233; Touron. 
"Histoire de 1 Amerique," i., pp. 213, 240-8, 253-5, 321; Valladares, 
"Historia de Puerto Rico," Madrid, 1788, p. 102. According to Helps, 
"Spanish Conquest of America," he went subsequently to Venezuela, 
and opposite his name on the list preserved in his convent at Salamanca 
are the words " Obiit martyr." Navarrete, iii., pp. 72-3, correctly states 
that Ayllon sailed north ; and the Relacion of Ecija, Piloto mayor of 
Florida, who was sent, in 1609, to discover what the English were doing, 
gives places and distances along the coast with great accuracy, and states 
that the English had settled at Guandape, the distance to which he gives. 
Writing only eighty-three years after Ayllon s voyage, and by his office 
being in possession of Spanish charts and derroteros of the coast, his 
statement is conclusive. The Father General of the Order of St. Dom 
inic, Very Rev. F. Larroca, had search made for documents as to the 
great priest Montesinos, but none were traced. The stone found at Pom- 
pey, N. Y., may be a relic of Ayllon. See H. A. Homes paper on it. 


The second altar of Catholic worship on our soil was thus 
abandoned like the first ; but its memory is linked with that 
of the illustrious missionary Montesinos, whose evangelical 
labors in Puerto Kico had won him the title of apostle of 
that island. 

Meanwhile the gulf shore had been visited and explored 
by expeditions sent out from Jamaica by Francis de Garay, 
governor of that island. By one of these the Mississippi was 
discovered, and received the name of Espiritu Santo ; but the 
only settlements attempted by Garay were south of the Eio 
Grande. In 1527, Panfilo de Narvaez, wishing to rival 
Cortes, obtained a patent for the territory explored by Garay, 
and projected a settlement at Eio de Palmas. He sailed 
from Spain on the 17th of June with five vessels, carrying 
six hundred persons, to settle and reduce the country. Sev 
eral secular priests 1 accompanied the expedition, and five 
Franciscan friars, the superior or commissary being Father 
John Xuarez, who, with one of his companions, Brother 
John de Palos, belonged to the original band of twelve who 
founded the mission of their order in Mexico. While en 
deavoring to enter the harbor of Havana, Narvaez s fleet was 
driven on the coast of Florida, near Apalache Bay. Sup 
posing that he was near his destination, Eio de Palmas, he 
landed most of his people, directing the ships to keep along 
the coast ; but so unwise were all his arrangements that his 
ships and his people never were able to find each other again. 
After undergoing many sufferings and finding the country 
sterile and destitute of wealth or resources, Narvaez returned 
to the gulf, and built five large boats, in which he hoped to 
coast along till he found some Spanish settlement. Each 
boat carried nearly fifty men, and in one of them the com- 

1 El Asturiano is the only one named. 


fa On/pi! RrKs in iki ffmrerit nffltkltla . 


missary, Father Xuarez, and his companions embarked in Sep 
tember, 1528. The whole party followed the shore, in great 
suffering for food and water, rarely able to obtain either from 
the Indians. About the first of November they reached a 
point where the Mississippi sent out its strong current, fresh 
ening the sea- water so that they could drink it ; but their 
clumsy boats, managed by unskilful men, could not cross the 
mouth of the great river safely. The boat with Narvaez 
perished ; that in which the missionaries were was found 
afterwards on the shore, bottom upward. No trace of the 
Fathers was ever discovered. Some of the boats were driven 
on the land, and a number of Spaniards reached land safely, 
among them the priest Asturiano. But he must have died 
before these wretched survivors endeavored, by rafts and 
otherwise, to work their way along the coast. Of the whole 
array of Panfilo de Narvaez, only four persons, Cabeza de 
Yaca, Dorantes, Castillo, and Stephen, a negro, after years 
of suffering and wandering, reached Petatlan, in Sinaloa, 
April 1, 1536. 

This expedition aimed at a point beyond the limits of our 
Republic, and was only by accident on our shores. In the 
vague narrative of Cabeza de Yaca, there is no mention of 
the celebration of the holy sacrifice by the priests after they 
landed, nor of any labors such as we may infer they undertook 
to solace their comrades in life and death. It is rather from 
their sufferings that this little band of clergymen find a place 
in the history of the Church in this country, while the merit 
of Father Xuarez and his humble companion, Brother John 
de Palos, have entitled them to an honorable place in the 
annals of their order. 

J For this expedition the leading authority is "La relacion que dio 
Aluar nuiiez cabeca de vaca," Zamora, 1542 ; reprinted, 1550 ; translated 
by Buckingham Smith, Washington, 1851 ; New York, 1871. 


Father John Xuarez was the fourth of the band of twelve 
Franciscans sent to Mexico. He belonged to the province 
of St. Gabriel, and came to America, in 1523, with Father 
Martin de Valencia, and was immediately made guardian of 
the convent established at Huexotzinco, where he was long 
remembered by the Indians as a holy religious. Brother 
John de Palos came from the convent of St. Francis, in 
Seville, and showed great zeal in acquiring the Mexican lan 
guage, so that he was able to instruct the Indians in their 
own tongue. 1 

The expedition of Panfilo de Narvaez would scarcely have 
found a place in the civil or ecclesiastical history of America 
had it not inspired expeditions from the Atlantic and from 
the Pacific coast, which reached the very heart of the conti 
nent, and one of which led to subsequent settlement and to 
mission work. 

Impelled by the accounts which Cabeza de Yaca spread 
through Spain, and apparently by the air of mystery assumed 
by that officer as to realms of which he heard, Hernando de 
Soto, a gentleman of Xerez, who, even in days of cruelty, 
was esteemed cruel in his career at Nicaragua, Darien, and 
Peru, obtained a grant of the lands previously embraced in 

1 Torquemada, " Monarquia Indiana," iii., pp. 437, 447. Their por 
traits were engraved by Mr. Smith from the originals preserved in the 
convent of Tlatelalco, and we give that of Father Xuarez. 

"Relacion of Alvar Nunez Cabeca de vaca," New York, 1871, pp. 99, 
100. Barcia, in his " Ensayo Cronologico, " speaks of Father Xuarez as 
Bishop, but. neither Cabeza de Vaca nof Torquemada evidently knew 
anything of his elevation to the episcopate, and the portrait is absolutely 
without anything indicative of his being a bishop. There is no trace of 
the erection of any see or diocese of Rio de Palmas ; his name occurs in 
no work giving the list of bishops in Spanish America, when even his 
nomination by the king would have entitled him to wear outward marks 
of the episcopal character. Aleman, "Hist, de Mexico," i., p. 37. We 
must therefore regard this statement of Barcia as utterly unfounded. 


the concessions to Narva ez and Ay lion. His project created 
the greatest enthusiasm in Spain ; men sold their estates and 
offices to join the expedition of Soto, elated at being ad 
mitted to share its dangers. 

The king made it one of the conditions of his grant to 
Soto that he should carry and have with him " the religious 
and priests who shall be appointed by us, for the instruction 
of the natives of that province in our holy Catholic faith, to 
whom you are to give and pay the passage, stores, and the 
other necessary subsistence for them according to their con 
dition, all at your cost, receiving nothing from them during 
the said entire voyage, with which matter we gravely charge 
you that you do and comply, as a thing for the service of 
God and our own, and anything otherwise we shall deem 
contrary to our service." 

The expedition set sail from Spain April 6, 1538, exceed 
ing in numbers and equipment anything yet seen for the 
conquest of the Indies. It was made up of men of high 
rank and blood, full of ambition, and attired in all the gay 
trappings of fashion, as though it were a party of pleasure 
rather than a dangerous expedition into an unknown land. 

The religious influence manifested throughout seems to 
have been very slight. Twelve priests, eight ecclesiastics and 
four religious, are said to have accompanied the expedition, 
consisting of nearly a thousand men ; but the names of none 
of thorn are given in the narratives of Soto s wanderings, ex 
cept that of Father John de Gallegos. 

No mention is made of the celebration of any Sunday or 
holiday by any special service, but the holy sacrifice was ap 
parently offered when they encamped, until in the terrible 
battle of Manila, vestments, church plate, wheat, flour, and 
bread irons were consumed in the general conflagration, Oc 
tober, 1540. After that, according to Garcilaso de la Yega, 


mass prayers were said before a temporary altar by a priest in 
vestments of dressed skins. 

Most of the priests and religious perished in the long and 
straggling march of the force from Tampa Bay to Pensacola, 
then to the Savannah and the land of the Cherokees, thence 
to Mobile, whence Soto struck to the northwest, crossing tho 
Mississippi at the lower Chickasaw Bluffs, and penetrating to 
the bison range south of the Missouri ; then pushing down 
the western valley of the Mississippi, till death ended all his 
projects and disappointments, May 21, 1542. When his suc 
cessor, Muscoso, reached the settled parts of Mexico with the 
few survivors of the brilliant array that had left Spain so full 
of delusive hopes, three friars and one French priest alone 
survived of the clergymen. Once only in the narratives do 
the clergy appear in any scene of interest. This was in the 
town of Casqui, on the western bank of the Mississippi, soon 
after Soto crossed it. The Indians came to the Spaniards as 
superior beings, worshipping a more powerful God, and be 
sought their mediation to avert the long drought and cure 
their blind. The Spanish commander said they were but 
sinful men, yet they would pray to the Almighty for them, 
and he ordered a huge pine tree to be felled and a cross made 
and reared. Then the whole force, except a small band left 
as a guard, formed a procession, and, led by the priests and 
religious, moved on toward the cross, chanting litanies, to 
which the soldiers responded. On reaching the cross all 
knelt, prayers were recited, and each kissed the symbol of 
man s redemption. Many of the Indians joined in the pro 
cession, and imitated the actions of the Spaniards. When 
the devotions at the cross were concluded, the procession re 
turned to the camp in the same order, chanting the Te Deum. 1 

1 No religious chronicle gives details as to any of the priests or friars 
who accompanied Soto, and the pages of the " Gentleman of Elvas," 


Less brilliant in its inception, more fortunate in its close, 
was another expedition, also inspired by the accounts of 
Cabeza de Yaca. Its course was not marked by wanton cru 
elty or by retributive suffering. It was judiciously managed ; 
the troops were well handled ; it laid open provinces where set 
tlements in time were formed. Above all, it claims our notice 
in this work because there was a religious influence through 
out. Zeal for the salvation of the native tribes was manifest, 
and it resulted in a noble effort of Franciscan Fathers to 
plant a mission in the very heart of the American continent, 
a thousand miles from either ocean, the Mexican Gulf or 
Hudson Bay. This was the expedition directed by the wise 
and upright viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza. Purchasing 
the negro slave Stephen from Dorantes, a companion of Cabeza 
de Yaca, and setting free all Indians who had followed the 
four survivors, he sent Yasquez de Coronado as governor to 
Sinaloa, directing Father Mark, an illustrious Franciscan from 
Nice, in Italy, to penetrate into the interior, with Stephen as 
his guide, assuring all the native tribes he encountered that 
the viceroy had put an effectual stop to the enslavement of 
the Indians and sought only their good. " If God our Lord 
is pleased," says the viceroy in his instructions to Father 
Mark, " that you find any large town where it seems to you 
that there is a good opportunity for establishing a convent 
and sending religious to be employed in the conversion, you 
are to advise me by Indians or return in person to Culuacan. 
With all secrecy, you are to give notice, that provision be 
made without delay, because the service of our Lord and the 

Biedma, and Garcilaso de la Vega are barren of information as to any 
thing ecclesiastical. The two former may be followed in Smith s 
Narratives of the Career of Hernando de Soto in the Conquest of 
Florida," New York, 1866, the latter in living s "Conquest of Florida 
by Hernando de Soto," New York, 1851. 


good of the people of the Land is the aim of the pacification 
of whatever is discovered." 

The instructions were handed to the Franciscan Father in 
November, 1538, by Governor Coronado, and after an inef 
fectual attempt by way of the province of Topiza, as directed 
by the viceroy, he set out, March 7, 1539, from San Miguel 
de Culuacan with Father Honoratus, 1 Stephen and liberated 
Indians: but on reaching Petatlan his religious companion 
fell sick and was left to recruit. Then Father Mark jour 
neyed on, keeping near the coast, meeting friendly tribes, 
who hailed him as a " Sayota," man from heaven. He heard 
of California and its people on the west, and of tribes at the 
north, dwelling in many large towns, who were clothed in 
cotton dresses and had vessels of gold. He spent Holy Week 
at Yacapa a and sent Stephen northward, with instructions 
that if he found any important place he was to send back a 
cross by the Indians, its size to be in proportion to the great 
ness of the town he might discover. In a few days messen 
gers came from Stephen, announcing that thirty days march 
beyond the point he had reached was a province, called Ci- 
bola, in which were seven great cities under one lord. The 
houses were of stone, three and four stories in height ; that 
the people were well clothed and rich in turquoises. After 
waiting for the return of his Indian messengers and receiving 
confirmation of the story of the seven cities, he left Yacapa 
on Easter Tuesday, urged by fresh messengers from Stephen 
to come on with all speed. On the way he met Indians who 
had visited Cibola, the first of the seven cities, and had ob- 

1 Castaneda de Najera, whoever he was, writing twenty years after 
Coronado s expedition, gives Father Mark two other friars, in direct con 
tradiction of F. Mark s contemporaneous account. Ternaux Compans 
edition, p. 10. 

2 Now San Luis de Bacapa, in Sonera, 



tained buffalo hides and turquoises there. These turquoises 
were greatly prized in Mexico, where the Aztecs, who called 
them chalchihuitl, used them both as jewelry and as money. 
As Father Mark proceeded, he re 
ceived confirmation of the intelligence 
from the Indians, who assured him 
that in Totonteac, a province near 
Cibola, the men wore woollen goods 
like his habit. He told them that 
they must mean cotton, but they as 
sured him that they knew the differ 
ence ; that it was w r oven from the 
W T OO! of an animal. They explained 
to him, also, how the people in the 
towns reached the top of their houses 
by means of ladders. Passing another 
desert, he traversed a delightful val 
ley, 1 still encouraged by tidings from 
Stephen, and came to a desert which was fifteen days 
march from Cibola. Accompanied by many Indians, he 



began to cross this desert on the 9th of May and travelled 
on till the 21st, when a messenger came, in terror and spent 

1 Whipple regards it as the valley of the Gila. 


with fatigue, bearing a tale of disaster. Stephen, when 
within a day s march of Cibola, had sent the chief some 
tokens of his coming, but the Indians refused to receive 
them, and threatened to kill him if he came. Stephen per 
sisted and reached Cibola. He was not allowed to enter, but 
was placed in a house without the town and stripped of all 
the goods he carried. The next day he and his companions 
were attacked by the natives, and the messenger alone escaped 
to carry back the sad tidings. Though his life was in peril 
from his Indian attendants, who held him responsible for the 
death of their countrymen in Stephen s party, Father Mark 
resolved to push on, at least to see the town, hoping to rescue 
any survivors. He declared that he came in sight of Cibola 
and planted a cross, to take possession of the country. He 
then returned and made a report of the expedition to the 
viceroy, who transmitted it to the king. 1 

1 We follow Father Mark s "Relation." Castaneda de Najera is not 
an eye-witness, and wrote more than twenty years afterwards. He must 
have written from vague recollections of what he had heard ; and in re 
gard to what he saw on Coronado s expedition, he shows great hostility 
to the commander, throwing doubts on his impartiality. Father Mark 
was a native of Nice, then a city of Savoy, now of France. He arrived 
in St. Domingo in 1531, and after visiting Peru went to Mexico, where 
he became the third Provincial of his order. He set out M 7 ith Coronado 
after his return from his first expedition, but returned, having contracted 
a disease from which he never recovered. He died in the convent of his 
order in the City of Mexico. Torquemada, iii., pp. 358, 373, 499, 610. 
It has been usual to assail this Franciscan in terms of coarse vituperation, 
but the early translations of his narrative contained exaggerations and in 
terpolations not found in his Spanish text. This is admitted. Haynes, 
in " YHnsor s Narrative and Critical History," ii., p. 499 ; Coronado, Let 
ter to Emperor, Aug. 3, 1540 ; Ramuzio, iii., p. 360 ; Oct. 20, 1541, Ter- 
naux, "Castaneda, "p. 362. Castaneda, "Relation," p. 48, originated the 
charges against him. Haynes follows his real narrative and does not note 
a single statement as false or bring any evidence to show any assertion 
untrue. That the Navajoes wove woollen goods and other tribes cotton ; 
that turquoises were mined in New Mexico ; that the Pueblo Indians en- 


Father Mark thus stands in history as the earliest of the 
priestly explorers who, unarmed and afoot, penetrated into 
the heart of the country, in advance of all Europeans a 
barefooted friar effecting more, as Viceroy Mendoza wrote, 
than well-armed parties of Spaniards had been able to ac 
complish. The point reached by Father Mark was certainly 
one of the towns of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and 
Arizona, whose remarkable dwellings and progress in civil 
ization he was the first to make known. 

Encouraged by the report of the Franciscan explorer, the 
viceroy ordered Francis Vasquez de Coronado to advance 
into the country with a considerable force. The army of oc 
cupation formed at Culiacan, and Coronado, on the 22d of 
April, 1540, took the advance with a detachment, accom 
panied by the missionaries, Fathers Mark of Nice, John de 
Padilla, Daniel and Louis, with the lay brothers Luis de Es- 
calona and John of the Cross. 1 Father Anthony Victoria, 
another missionary, broke his leg a few days afterwards, and 
was sent back to the main army. Taking the route by way 
of Chichilticale, known later as the Casas Grandes, in Arizona, 
Coronado, crossing a desert and the Gila, reached Cibola, 
twenty miles from its banks. It was a town, with houses 
three or four stories high, built on a rock, and contained two 
hundred warriors, some of whom sallied forth to check the 
invaders. Coronado sent forward G-arci Lopez, with Fathers 
Daniel and Louis, to explain his friendly intent, but the In 
dians replied with a shower of arrows, one piercing the habit 
of Father Daniel. Though they fled from a charge, the In 
dians defended the town bravely, but it was taken by storm, 
and the rest of the seven towns submitted. 

tered their houses by a door in the roof, reached by ladders, might appear 
at the time false statements, but are all now admitted to be true. 
1 Some make these the secular and religious names of one brother. 


Coronado dispatched an officer to Mexico to give an ac 
count of his operations, and Father Mark returned with him, 
Coronado and many of his followers holding him responsible 
for the exaggerations of the Indian accounts. 

While one detachment, attended by the fearless Father 
Padilla, visited Tusayan, 1 a district of seven towns like 
Cibola, and another subsequently reached the wonderful 
canon of the Colorado, the main body of the expedition came 
up from Sonora and the whole force united at Cibola. Co 
ronado then, in person or by his officers, reduced Acuco or 
Acoma, Tiguex, Cicuye or Old Pecos, the central town of the 
district, Yuquayunque and Jemez. None of these tow^ns 
gave indication of any rich mines, and the country did not 
encourage the Spaniards to attempt a permanent settlement. 
The troops were scattered and lived on the natives, whom 
their oppression forced into hostilities. No record remains 
of the services of the Franciscan Fathers during this period, 
but when, in April, 1541 , Coronado set out for the Province 
of Quivira, of whose wealth a treacherous Indian guide told 
the greatest marvels, we find Father John de Padilla in the 
detachment. The missionary thus crossed the bison plains, 
meeting only Querecho Indians, who lived in tents of bison 
skins and moved from place to place, with their trains of 
dogs. Marching to the northeast, Coronado, sending back 
part of his force, at the end of sixty-seven days arrived on 
the banks of a great river, to which he gave the name of St. 
Peter and St. Paul, as they reached it on the feast of the Holy 
Apostles. Quivira, as he found it, yielded nothing to repay 
his long march. No gold was to be seen, and the people 
were less advanced than those of New Mexico, though they 
cultivated Indian corn. He could not have been far from 

1 Bandelier regards this as the district of the Moqui towns. 


the Missouri River, for an Indian woman, held as a slave, 
escaping from Coronado s party, fell into the hands of the 
survivors of DeSoto s expedition and was taken to Mexico. 1 
After erecting a cross bearing the inscription, " Francis Yas- 
quez de Coronado, general of an expedition, reached this 
spot," the Spanish commander returned to Tiguex. Another 
winter spent in New Mexico without any further discoveries 
brought him to the resolution to abandon the country. 

Spaniards had thus occupied New Mexico for two years, 
but there is not the slightest hint that they anywhere erected 
the most perishable form of chapel ; yet we can scarcely con 
ceive it possible that Coronado s camp was planted so long 
without some action to erect a place for divine worship. 
The expedition was judiciously conducted, their live stock 
was abundant, and the men did not suffer from want or 
hardship. A settlement might easily have been formed, but 
no steps were taken to establish one, and when Coronado 
evacuated New Mexico, the little missionary party who so 
bravely remained were the only representatives of civiliza 
tion and Christianity. 

The temporary chapel at Tiguex, probably not far from 
the modern Bernalillo, was the first chapel of New Mexico, 
where during the two years occupation mass was regularly 
offered, and the gospel preached with zeal and fervor by the 
sons of St. Francis, Father Padilla effecting great good 
among the soldiers by his ministry, as Torquemada declares. 2 

Father Padilla and the lay brother, Luis de Escalona, re 
solved to remain, for the purpose of establishing a mission, 
the former having been impressed especially with the disposi 
tions manifested by the people of Quivira. Coronado, when 

1 Castaneda, "Relation du Voyage de Cibola," p. 135. 
8 " Monarquia Indiana," iii., p. 610. Bandelier, " Historical Introduc 
tion," p. 182. 


about to leave New Mexico in April, 1542, gave the mission 
ary as guides the Quivira Indians, who had accompanied him 
from their country ; Andrew del Campo, a Portuguese, a 
negro, and two Zapoteca Indians of Michoacan, Luke and 
Sebastian, also joined him. The little missionary party, for 
the negro and the last named Indians had received the habit 
of the order, 1 had a horse, some mules, and a little flock of 
sheep. The missionary took his vestments and chapel outfit 
and some trifles to give the Indians. 2 He set forth his design 
in a Lenten sermon preached to the Spanish force at Tiguex, 
and departed soon after for the scene of his projected 
mission. Brother Luis, who is represented by writers on the 
expedition as a very holy man, determined to take up his 
residence at Cicuye, hoping to set up the cross in all the 
neighboring villages, instruct the people in the faith, and 
baptize dying children. 

Father Padilla seems to have reached Quivira, but wishing 
to visit a neighboring tribe he set out for them, and was 
attacked by the wild savages of the plains. Seeing that 
escape was all but impossible, he thought only of his com 
panions. He bid del Campo, who was mounted, gallop for 
life, and the young Indians to fly, as escape was possible for 
them. Then he knelt down, and in prayer awaited the will 
of the Indians, commending his soul to God. A shower of 
arrows pierced him through, and the first martyr that the 
Church can claim on our soil fell in the very heart of the 
northern continent. Campo did not wait to see what fate 

1 Apparently as members of the Third Order, for Torquernada states ex 
pressly that they were not lay brothers, but men who devoted themselves 
to the mission. (Donados ; in French, donnes.) " Monarquia Ind.," iii., 
p. 611. 

s Jaramillo, "Relation," in Smith s Coleccion, p. 154; in Ternaux 
Compans, pp. 380-1, 214, 194. 


befel the missionary ; urging his horse to its utmost he dis 
tanced his pursuers, and in time was safe among the Spanish 
residents of Panuco. Not so Luke and Sebastian ; lurking 
amid the tall grass they waited till the murderous Indians 
had departed ; then they retraced their steps, and raising the 
mangled remains committed them to the earth, amid their 
tears and prayers. Only then did they in earnest endeavor 
to reach the Spanish settlements. Traversing New Mexico 
they bore to Culuacan the tidings of the glorious death of 
Father John de Pad ilia. 

Nothing definite was ever learned of the fate of Brother 
John of the Cross (Luis de Escalona). When Coronado was 
setting out he sent the pious Brother a little flock of sheep. 
The messengers found him near Cicuye, starting for some 
villages fifteen or twenty leagues distant. He was full of 
hope, but avowed that the old Indians regarded him with no 
favor, and would ultimately kill him. 

Father Padilla is properly the protomartyr of the mis 
sions in this country. Other priests had died by disease, 
hardship, or savage cruelty, but they were attached to Spanish 
expeditions, and had not begun any special labors for the 
conversion of the native tribes, as this worthy Father and his 
companions had done. 1 

The ministers of the Catholic faith had thus, before the 

1 Castafieda de Xajera (Ternaux), pp. 214-5; "Relation del Suceso" 
(Smith s Coleccion, p. 154); Jaramillo, "Relation" (Ib., p. 162); Tor- 
quemada, "Monarquia Indiana,"!., p. 609 ; Hi., pp. 610-1 ; Rapine, " His- 
toire Generate de 1 Origine et Progrez des Recolets," Paris, 1631, pp. 
331-4. Father John de Padilla was a native of Andalusia, and, after 
serving in the army, entered the Franciscan order in the Province of the 
Holy Gospel in Mexico. He was the first guardian of the convent of 
Tulantzinco, but yearning to devote himself to the Indian missions was 
sent as guardian to Tzopatlan, in Michoacan. He had accompanied 
Father Mark of Nice on some of his earlier explorations. 


middle of the sixteenth century, carried the cross and an 
nounced Christianity from the banks of the Chesapeake to 
the canons of the Colorado. Had the priests with Soto 
been able to say mass, the march of the Blessed Sacrament 
and of the Precious Blood across the continent would have 
been complete. 

Soon afterwards a memorable and heroic attempt was 
made to plant Christianity among the natives of Florida. 
The Dominican Father, Louis Cancer, full of the spirit of 
Montesinos and Las Casas, had alone and unsupported concil 
iated the fierce 
tribes of a pro 
vince of Central 
America, before 
whose conquest 
by force of arms Span 
ish prowess had re 
coiled. Armed only 
with his cross, Father 
Cancer so completely 
won the district that it 
bears to this day the 
name of Yera Paz, or 
True Peace, in token 
of his victory. In 
1546 this courageous 

missionary conceived the project of endeavoring a similar 
peaceful and Christian conquest of the natives of Florida. 
His plans were ably seconded by Father Gregory de Beteta, 
and other prominent men of his order, and were in time laid 
before the Spanish king, who gave them his hearty approval. 

On this remarkable man the emperor Charles V. now cast 
his eyes. Four tyrants, he said, had entered Florida, effect- 



ing no good, but causing much mischief, and now he would 
try religious. Father Cancer was formally appointed by the 
king and council to begin this pious conquest of Florida. 
Without deluding himself as to the dangers that awaited 
him, the devoted son of Saint Dominic accepted the perilous 
commission. By a royal decree, which proved, however, in 
effectual, all natives of Florida, especially those brought away 
by Muscoso, were to be set free and sent back to their native 
country with Father Cancer. So many difficulties arose that 
most persons would have abandoned the project, but the 
earnest Dominican regarded the royal instructions as per- 


emptory, and persevered to the end. In 1549 he sailed from 
Yera Cruz in an unarmed vessel called the Santa Maria de 
la Encina. Fathers Gregory de Beteta, Diego de Tolosa, 
John Garcia, and some others accompanied him, all prepared 
to land in Florida, and attempt founding missions among the 
Indians without the attendance of Spanish soldiers to protect 
them from the bloodthirsty impulses of those whom they 
sought to serve. After touching at Havana, where they ob 
tained as interpreter a converted Florida woman named 
Magdalena, the missionaries with their vessel ran across to 


the peninsula, and on Ascension-day anchored on the west 
ern shore, near Tampa Bay. The scheme of the Domini 
can Fathers was one that required an examination of the 
coast to find a tribe whose friendly attitude would justify 
remaining among them. But this the captain of the Santa 
Maria, John de Arana, who seems to have been utterly re 
gardless of the intentions or fate of the missionaries, reso 
lutely opposed. He ran a short distance up the coast, then 
returned to his anchorage, and insisted that the Dominican 
Fathers must land there or sail back with him. The mission 
aries held a consultation ; to most of them it seemed rash to 
attempt any mission under such circumstances, when they 
were not at liberty to select a favorable spot or a friendly 
tribe ; but Father Cancer felt bound by his instructions, and 
did not regard himself at liberty to abandon an attempt, pro 
posed by himself to the king, without making some endeavor 
to carry it out. A few Indians who were fishing near the 
vessel, and whose cabins were in sight, seemed well disposed, 
and the missionaries landed to open intercourse with them. 
Father Diego de Tolosa disembarked with Fuentes, a pious 
man who had given his services to the mission, a sailor, 
and Magdalena. They proceeded to the Indian cabins ; but 
while those on board were awaiting their return, a Spaniard 
reached the vessel who had been for many years a prisoner 
in the hands of the Indians. He assured the missionaries 
that Father Diego and Fuentes had been already murdered ; 
but as Magdalena was seen on the shore, and declared that 
they were alive and well, Father Cancer and his surviving 
companions were divided in opinion. Father Louis finally re 
solved to land, 1 notwithstanding the remonstrances of Beteta 

1 " Digo que un neg de tanta imp a que ha tres anos que se ordena, no 
es bien se deshaga asi, i mas qndo depues de m s trabajos estamos bien 
juntos al punto del Esp. S. do vamos." F. Cancer, MS. 


and Munoz, the escaped prisoner. The sailors were afraid to 
row their boat to the shore, and Father Louis jumped into 
the water and waded ashore. From the ship he was seen to 
ascend the sloping bank, till Indians surrounded him ; his 
hat was torn from his head, and as the good Father knelt in 
prayer, the Indians butchered him. Thus perished, in obe 
dience to a sense of duty, Father Louis Cancer de Barbastro, 
one of the most remarkable missionaries of his order, whose 
wonderful sway over the Indians of Central America justi 
fied a confidence that the same means would influence the 
Mobilian tribes. The boat was driven off by showers of ar 
rows, and the Santa Maria, with his dejected brethren, sailed 
back to Yera Cruz. 1 

For several years the northern shore of the Gulf of Mex 
ico, and the ocean-swept coast of Florida, were avoided by all 
who sought to colonize or conquer ; and the mariners of 
Spain knew them as a dangerous and inhospitable land, where 
many a rich galleon had been wrecked, where man escaped 
the danger of the sea only to meet a more cruel death at the 
hands of the savages. 

In 1553 a rich fleet, dispatched from Yera Cruz to Spain 
by the viceroy, Don Louis de Yelasco, was driven on the coast 
of Texas. Nearly all were wrecked. One vessel returned 
to the port with the disastrous news, three others reached 
Seville, all the rest perished ; and of the thousand persons 
on them, only three hundred reached the shore on spars, 
planks, and cases of merchandise, and made their way to the 

1 " Relation de la Florida " in Smith s Coleccion, pp. 190-202 ; " Requi- 
rimentos y respuestas "; opinions taken on the vessel, MS. Barcia, " En- 
sayo Cronologico," pp. 25-6. Davila Padilla, " Historia de la Provincia 
de Santiago de Mexico," ch. liv.-lvii. ; Touron, " Histoire de I Amerique," 
vi.,p. 81. Fernandez, " Historia Eclesiastica de Nuestros Tiempos," 1611, 
ch. 43, p. 150. 


Kio Grande, but nearly all perished before reaching Panuco, 
including several religious of the order of St. Dominic. 1 

It had become vitally important to Spain either to con 
vert and conciliate the natives on the northern shores of the 
Gulf of Mexico and the southern Atlantic, or to plant settle 
ments on the coast. The storms that sweep those seas had 
wrecked so many treasure ships that the French were begin 
ning to trade w T ith the natives for the silver that they secured, 
and the Indians seldom spared the shipwrecked Spaniards 
who fell into their hands. 

In 1555 the Archbishop of Mexico, and in the following 
year, on the accession of Philip II., the Viceroy of Mexico, 
John de Urango, Bishop of Santiago de Cuba, whose diocese 
embraced Florida, and others, urged upon the king the ne 
cessity of planting colonies in Florida. 2 Philip approved the 
project, and confided its execution to the viceroy Yelasco ; 
the Provincial of the Dominicans in Mexico, Father Domi 
nic of St. Mary, being commanded to send religious of his 
order with the colonizing expedition. 

A fleet of thirteen vessels was fitted out at Yera Cruz and 
placed under the command of Don Tristan de Luna y Are 
llano, son of the Marshal Carlos de Luna, Governor of Yucatan. 
It comprised a force of 1,500 soldiers, many of whom had 

1 Davila Padilla, "Ilistoria de la fundacion de la Provincia de San 
tiago de Mexico," Madrid, 1596, pp. 231-268. Barcia, "Ensayo Crono- 
logico," pp. 28-31. 

2 Porque a nuestro oflcio pastoral y al oficio apostolico que tenemos 
pertenece procurar por todas las vias y modos que pudieremos como la Fee 
de Christo Nuestro Redentor sea ampliada, y todas las gentes vengan eu 
conocimiento de Dios y salvar sus animas, suplicarnos a V. M. sea 
servido proveer y mandar por las vias que mas justas parecieren que la 
Florida y gente della vengan en conoscimiento de su Criador, pues la 
tenemos tan cerca y sabemos la innumerable gente que en ella se condena 
por no haber quien les predique el Santo Evangelic." Archbishop of 
Mexico to the emperor, Nov. 1, 1555. " Col. de Doc. Ined.," 3, p. 526. 


already been in Florida, with a number of settlers, and all 
necessary implements for tilling the earth, clearing the for 
ests, and building houses 
and defences. At the head 
of the spiritual direction of 
^ e i nten d e d colony was the 
Dominican Father Peter cle 
Feria, afterwards Bishop of 


FERIA. one settlement on the Gulf 

coast, one at Coosa, inland, 

and a third on the Atlantic at Santa Elena ; not reducing 
the Indians by conquest, but as Father Feria states in a letter 
announcing his departure, "by good example, with good 
works, and with presents, to bring the Indians to a knowledge 
of our holy Faith and Catholic truth." 

The viceroy acted with great prudence and forecast Be 
fore sending out the expedition he dispatched Guido de La- 
bazares, an experienced pilot, to examine the coast and select 
a port for the vessels to enter. The pilot selected Pensacola 
Bay, which he named Fernandina, a safe and good harbor, 
with a well-wooded country abounding in game and fish, and 
a soil that richly repaid the rude Indian cultivation. Then 
the expedition prepared to sail, the viceroy coming in person 
to Vera Cruz to address and encourage Tristan de Luna and 
those placed under his command. Father Peter de Feria went 
as vice-provincial of Florida, accompanied by Father Dominic 
of the Annunciation, Father Dominic de Salazar, Father John 
Mazuelas, Father Dominic of St. Dominic, and a lay brother. 
They sailed June 11, 1559, but though they entered Pensa 
cola Bay, Tristan de Luna, instead of settling there as was 
intended, yielded to the advice of his pilots, and lost time in 


looking for Icliuse or Santa Rosa Bay. Here the disembark 
ation began, but was carried on with little energy, the vessels 
riding at anchor for w r eeks, while an exploring party, accom 
panied by one of the missionaries, penetrated inland. On 
the 19th day of September a terrible hurricane came upon 
them ; five ships, a galleon, and a bark perished ; many of the 
people, and nearly all the year s provision, were destroyed. 
After this terrible blow, Tristan de Luna obtained relief 
from Mexico ; and another exploring party, attended by 
Fathers Dominic of the Annunciation and Father Salazar, 
reached ISTanipacna on the Escambia, an Indian town, which 
seemed so attractive that Tristan de Luna, leaving a detach 
ment on the coast, proceeded to it, and naming it Santa Cruz, 
resolved to settle there. The commander showed in every 
thing dilatoriness and inefficiency. At Santa Cruz he prob 
ably erected some dwellings, and perhaps a chapel ; though 
he wintered there, he cleared and planted no land in the 
spring; but Jaramillo was sent on an expedition to Cosa, 
on the Coosa, attended by the same missionaries, to obtain 
provisions from the Indians. Forming a friendly alliance 
with the Cosa tribe, the Spaniards accompanied their war 
parties against the Napochies, a tributary tribe on the Missis 
sippi, who sought to throw off their yoke. Father Dominic 
of the Annunciation, and Father Salazar, shared all the hard 
ships and dangers of the party, saying mass in rustic chapels 
made of boughs, as the camp moved from place to place. On 
one of these occasions, as Father Dominic was saying mass, 
he saw a huge caterpillar on the very rim of the chalice, just 
after the consecration. He was afraid to attempt to remove it 
for fear it should fall into the chalice ; he uttered a fervent 
prayer, and to his relief saw it fall from the chalice dead on 
the altar. 

Regarded as a divine interposition this incident filled the 


party with new confidence. Before the return of this party, 
Tristan de Luna abandoned Santa Cruz and retired to Pensa- 
cola, where finally the whole force was gathered. He washed 
to proceed to Cosa and form a settlement there, but his men 
refused. Three vessels sent to examine St. Helena Sound 
were scattered by a storm. The fine expedition fitted out 
from Mexico, and maintained at enormous expense, after 
nearly two years occupation of Florida had effected abso 
lutely nothing ; not a sign of settlement, no houses, chapels, 
or anything but mere temporary structures existed. Father 
Feria, finding that there was no hope of a successful coloni 
zation, embarked for Havana with Father John and Father 
Dominic, when Tristan de Luna returned to the coast ; he 
believed his fellow missionaries dead, but left some wheat 
flour to enable them to say mass. 1 The other Fathers labored 
among the Spaniards, but among the Indians found their 
ministry so fruitless that only one conversion is attributed to 
their zeal. The dissension that arose between Tristan de 
Luna, whose mind was unsettled by delirious fevers, and the 
next in command, George Ceron, gave the missionaries a 
field for their Christian charity, as it divided the camp into 
two hostile factions. Tristan issued an order menacing any 
deserter with death. Two soldiers attempted to escape from 
the camp, and were sentenced to die. In vain did Father 
Dominic of the Annunciation implore their pardon ; but as 
the commander sternly refused, he hastened to prepare the 
unfortunate men for death, urging them to recite the rosary 
and commend themselves to Our Lady. One hearkened to 
him, and spent the night performing the devotion with the 
zealous Dominican ; the other sullenly refused. In the morn- 

1 This little provision is reported to have lasted till the settlement 
broke up, and its inexhaustible nature recalled the miracle of the widow s 


ing Tristan de Luna remitted the punishment of the client 
of Mary, and the other paid the penalty of the law. 

As the dissension increased, the governor finally con 
demned Ceron and his adherents to death as rebels. After 
Father Salazar had in vain endeavored to appease the com 
mander, Father Dominic of the Annunciation resolved to 
make a solemn and public appeal to his Christian feelings. 
As Holy Week approached the missionaries commended the 
affair to God, and on Palm Sunday Father Dominic offered 
earnest prayers for peace. The general, Ceron, and the 
officers and soldiers gathered in the chapel for mass, 
which Father Dominic was to offer. The holy sacrifice went 
on till the moment of communion approached, when he 
suddenly called Tristan de Luna by name. The general, 
amazed, rose and approached the altar. Turning towards 
him with the sacred host in his hands, Father Dominic said : 
"You believe that it is the true Body of our Lord Jesus 
Christ, Son of the living God, who came from heaven to 
earth to redeem us from the power of sin and the devil, this 
Sacred Host, which I hold in my unworthy hands ? " " Yes, 
I believe it," replied the governor, not knowing what all this 
meant. " Do you believe that this same Lord is to come to 
judge the living and the dead, to reward the good and pun 
ish the wicked ? " " Yes, I believe," again replied Tristan ; 
and Father Dominic, believing that he had touched his heart, 
proceeded : " If then you believe, as a true and faithful 
Christian, in the real presence of the Supreme Judge of all, 
in this Holy Host, how, without fear of Him who is to judge 
us, can you permit so many evils, so many sins against Him, 
as for the last five months we have deplored and wept over ? 
It behooves you, as superior, to remedy it ; and to read in 
your own heart whether hatred, cloaked with zeal for justice, 
has room in your heart, when to distinguish them the least 


ray of the Divine Light, which you have before you, suffices. 
You beheld the innocent suffer as well as those you judge 
guilty, and you would confound the punishment of some 
with the unjustice you wreak on others. What account 
can you give of yourself on the tremendous day of judg 
ment, if against yourself you hate peace, and deprive us all 
of it, when God became man to give peace to men ? Do 
you wish to deprive us of this happiness, fanning the flames 
of Satan, the father of discord ? " 

He continued for a time in this strain, and when he turned 
to the altar, the governor returned to his place deeply 
moved. JSTo sooner was the mass ended than Tristan arose, 
declaring that he had never intended to wrong any man. If 
led by a sense of duty he had done so, he asked pardon. 
They did not allow him to proceed ; Ceron and his officers 
were kneeling around him, asking pardon at his hands. A 
general reconciliation followed, and all prepared to remedy 
the distress caused by the unfortunate discord. But in a few 
days vessels arrived under Angel de Yillafane, bearing 
Father John de Contreras, with Father Gregory de Beteta, 
who had renounced a bishopric, to spend his remaining days 
in Florida. But when a general council was held, it was de 
termined to abandon the country ; all except a small party of 
soldiers, left as a garrison, embarked, and Yillafane sailed 
with them to Saint Helena on the Atlantic coast, but deem 
ing it unsuited for settlement, returned to Mexico in 156 1. 1 

The only fruit of the voyage to the Atlantic coast was a 
young Indian, brother of the Cacique of Axacan, on the 

1 The story of Tristan de Luna s colony is given in Davila Padilla, 
"Relacion de la Fundacion de la Provincia de Santiago," 1567, pp. 247- 
277; "Coleccion de Documentos ineditos," v., p. 447; "Relacion" and 
Letters of Yelasco (Smith s Coleccion, p. 10); "Memorial of Tristan de 
Luna," Doc. ined., xii., pp. 280-3 ; testimony taken in regard to the col 
ony; and Barcia, "Ensayo Cronologico," pp. 32-41. 


Chesapeake, who was taken at this time by the Dominicans 
to Mexico. 

Florida seemed so utterly nnsuited to colonization, so de 
void of wealth to be drawn from mines or soil, that all fur 
ther attempts were regarded as visionary ; and a board ap 
pointed by the Spanish monarch decided that no project of 
the kind was to be entertained, since no other European na 
tion would attempt or could hope to form a prosperous set 
tlement there to the detriment of Spain. 

But the elements still strewed the shores with the wrecks of 
vessels, and the waves bore to the beach the bodies of white 
men or wretched survivors with fragments of the rich car 
goes. Heart-broken at the loss of a son, wrecked on Florida, 
Peter Menendez, a famous naval commander, arrived in Spain 
possessed with only one thought, that of asking the royal 
permission to sail to the rescue of the last scion of his ancient 
house. Enemies created by the brave but arbitrary com 
mander, caused his arrest on charges of misconduct, and he 
lingered for months in prison. On obtaining his release he 
sought the presence of Philip II., to obtain the gratification 
of his earnest desire. Notwithstanding the recent decision of 
his officials, the Spanish monarch proposed to Menendez the 
occupation and settlement of Florida. Menendez did not re 
fuse the unsought honor, attended, as it was, with toil and 
little prospect of success. He formed his plans, summoning 
around him kinsmen and vassals. While he was collecting 
ships, men, arms, and provisions of every kind, there came 
the startling intelligence that the Calvim sts of France, whose 
corsairs were the unsparing foes of Spain on the ocean, had 
actually sent out an expedition and occupied Saint Helena 
Sound in less than a year after YillafaTie had pronounced it 
entirely unfit for settlement. 

The expedition of Menendez, from being the affair of an 


individual proprietor, assumed a national importance. Philip 
gave him royal vessels and royal aid, to root out utterly a 
settlement which would be a constant menace to the com 
merce of Spain, and which from the days of Cartier s voyage 
to the St. Lawrence, it had been the resolution of the Spanish 
government to prevent. 

Charlesf ort, established by Eibault on Port Eoyal Sound in 
1562, did not subsist long. After indolence, mutiny, and 
starvation, a few survivors rescued by an English vessel, 
landed at last in England. Admiral Coligny, undismayed by 
this failure, sent out another expedition in 1564 under Rene 
de Laudonniere. In June that commander entered the St. 
John s River, which the French had named the River of May. 
Gaining the good-will of Saturiova and other chiefs, the 
French commander threw up Fort Caroline on the main 
river of Florida. This new settlement was no better man 
aged than the former. Mutiny ensued there also, and the 
rebellious party extorting a license from Laudonniere, took 
the vessels and proceeded on a piratical cruise against the 
Spanish ships and seaside settlements. Those who remained 
would have perished but for aid furnished by Sir John 
Hawkins, who, himself cruising against the Spaniards, hap 
pened to enter the river on the 3d of August. Even after 
this aid Laudonniere was on the point of abandoning Florida 
when Ribault arrived with a large force in seven vessels. 

The activity of Menendez s preparations for the occupation 
of Florida had become known in France, and Admiral Co 
ligny determined to maintain his settlement and resist the 
Spaniards. For this purpose he had equipped the expedition 
under Ribault, who sailed from Dieppe, in France, on the 26th 
of May, as Menendez did from Spain on the 29th of June, 

Each commander used all the resources of seamanship to 


outstrip his antagonist, Menendez to strike a decisive blow 
before Hibault could arrive, the French captain to reinforce 
Caroline so as to meet any Spanish attack. 

Menendez sailed from Cadiz with the San Pelayo, a 
royal vessel, and nineteen others carrying more than fifteen 
hundred persons, including mechanics of all kinds. Four 
secular priests with proper faculties sailed on the San Pe 
layo. Other vessels followed, one from Cadiz, and three 
from Aviles and Gijon under Stephen de las Alas, who sailed 
May 25th with 25 7 more persons^ including eleven Francis 
can Fathers, and one lay brother, a Father of the Merceda- 
rian order, one cleric, and eight Jesuit Fathers. 1 Including 
smaller vessels with supplies, the whole number that em 
barked for Florida was 2,646, Menendez having expended a 
million ducats in fourteen months. This great armament 
was scattered by storms, and Menendez reached Porto Rico 
with less than one-third his force in men and vessels. Learning 
there that Ribault had outsailed him, and captured a Spanish 
vessel in the West Indies, thus opening hostilities, Menen 
dez held a council of war, in which it was decided to proceed 
and attack the French at once. He reached the coast of 
Florida on the 28th of August, the feast of St. Augustine, and 
the Te Deum was chanted with great solemnity. Giving the 
name of the Bishop of Hippo to a harbor which he discovered, 
Menende-z sailed on to discover the French fort. Coming 
upon Ribault s vessels at the mouth of the St. John s, he an 
nounced his determination to put them all to death. No 
quarter at that time was shown to the Spaniards on sea or 
land by the French and English cruisers ; the Spanish sol 
diers in the army of the league in France ; those who es 
caped from the wreck of the Armada on the coast of Ireland, 

1 Barcia, p. 691. 


all were put to death without mercy by the English, unless 
they were rich enough to ransom their lives. Only a few 
years before Jacques Sorie, a French commander, had burned 
Havana and hung his prisoners amid the smoking ruins. 
The terms announced by Menendez to the French were pre 
cisely those given to the Spaniards by French and English. 1 

After an ineffectual pursuit of the French vessels, Me 
nendez sailed down the coast to the harbor of Saint Augus 
tine, where he had determined to plant his settlement. His 
resolution was to fortify his position there and hold out till 
the rest of his fleet arrived. 

Entering the harbor on the 6th of September, he sent three 
companies of soldiers ashore under two captains, who were 
to select a site and begin a fort. A cacique gave the new 
comers a large cabin near the seashore, and around it the 
Spanish officers traced the outline of a fort ; the soldiers, with 
their hands and anything they could fashion into an imple 
ment, digging the ditches and throwing up the ramparts. 
The next day, September 8, 1565, Menendez landed amid the 

thunder of artillery 
and the blast of 
jH^^v trumpets, the ban- 

n -L ) ners ^ ^ as ^^ e an( ^ 

Arragon unfurled. 
m ,, 

The priest, Men- 

doza Grajales, who 



OF ST. AUGUSTINE. vious day, took a 

cross and pro 
ceeded to meet him, followed by the soldiers, chanting the Te 

1 No Spaniard was found among Ribault s men, so that we must infer 
that those taken on the vessel he captured in the West Indies were put 
to death. 





(12) " Spot called Nombre de Dios, and is the same where the first mass 
was said, September 8, 1565, when the Spaniards went with the Adelan- 
tado Pedro Menendez de Aviles to conquer these provinces, and since 
then an Indian town has been formed there, with a chapel, in which was 
placed the statue of Nuestra Senora de la Leche. The town and chapel 
subsisted till March 20, 1728, when, in consequence of the British forces 
then obtaining possession of it (they were then endeavoring to take the 
said fortress by surprise), the Spanish governor ordered it to be demol 

(15) "The chapel of Nuestra Senora de la Leche, and lands occupied 
by the Indians, w T ho subsequently established their town there." 

(19) " Chapel of Our Lady of Guadalupe, with the territory occupied 
by the Indians of their town called Tolomato." 

(34) " Spot where there was a fort and Indian town, which was called 
Nombre de Dios Chiquito, from the second mass having been said there, 
at the time of the conquest by the said Pedro Menendez de Aviles." 

(36) " Spot called Casapullas, where there was another Indian town." 
(17) Fort. 

(22) City Wall. 

(23) City of St. Augustine. 

(24) Indian Church of La Punta. 

(26) San Sebastian River. 

(27) Potolaca. Fort and Indian Church. 

(28) Palica. Fort and Indian Church. 


Deum. Menendez advanced to the cross, which he kissed on 
bended knee, as did all who followed him. 1 The solemn mass 
of Our Lady was then offered at a spot, the memory of which 
has been preserved on Spanish maps. It received the name of 
Nombre de Dios, as there the name of God was first invoked 
by the awful sacrifice of the New Law. There in time the 
piety of the faithful erected the primitive hermitage or 
shrine of Nuestra Seiiora de la Leche. 2 Thus began the city 
of St. Augustine, and thus began the permanent service of 
the Catholic Church in that oldest city of the United States, 
maintained now with but brief interruption for more than 
three hundred years. The name of the celebrant is not stated, 
and we know that besides Grajales there was present Doctor 
Solis de Meras, brother-in-law of Menendez. 

The work of landing the supplies for the settlers, and arms 
and munitions for the soldiers went steadily on, directed by 
Menendez himself. His vessels could not cross the bar to 
enter the harbor, and were exposed to attack. In fact his 
boats while landing the supplies were nearly captured by the 
French, who suddenly appeared. The Spaniards ascribed 
their escape to Our Lady of Consolation at Utrera, whom 
they invoked in their sore strait. As soon as all needed by 
his settlement was disembarked, Menendez sent off his ves 
sels and prepared to act on the defensive. His force con 
sisted of six hundred men at arms ; the French were superior 
in numbers, and had their ships. But while the French 
vessels hovered around the entrance to the harbor of St. 
Augustine, wasting their opportunity to strike a decisive 

Francisco Lopez de Mendoza Grajales, "Memoria," Sept. 29, 1565, 

2 It was north of the present Fort Marion, and further from it than the 
second shrine of N. S. de la Leche. The offering of the mass is not men 
tioned by Mendoza, but is given by Barcia, p. 76. 


blow, the practiced eye of Menendez, trained by long experi 
ence to know the changes of tropical weather, discerned a 
coming norther. The French fleet must be driven south 
ward before it, far from their fort. In an instant he resolved 
to assume the offensive, to march on Fort Caroline, which he 
believed to be but fifteen miles distant, capture it, and leave 
the French without a foothold on the coast. A mass of the 
Holy Ghost was offered, and a council convened. Most of 
the officers opposed his plan as rash ; the two priests begged 
him not to leave his fort with helpless women and children 
exposed to the French or Indian foes. 

Selecting nearly all his soldiers able to march, Menendez 
set out on the 16th after hearing mass with his troops, leav 
ing the settlers and the feeble garrison of the fort in deep 
anxiety and fear. Gathering around their altar as days went 
on, they sought the protection of heaven against dangers that 
menaced them from the sea and from the land. Faint-hearted 
deserters from the expedition came back announcing that 
Menendez was marching to certain destruction. Every hour 
increased the possibility of a return of the French ships, con- 
scious, perhaps, of their defenceless state. 

Meanwhile Menendez had pushed on amid the storm, 
through swamps and flooded lands, his march impeded by the 
tropic vegetation. At daybreak on the 21st he dashed into 
Fort Caroline, putting all to the sword, sparing only the 
women, and boys under fifteen. It was not a battle ; it was 
a mere slaughter ; for Laudonniere seems to have made no 
preparation for defence. 

The next day mass was celebrated in the captured fort, 
which received the name of San Matheo its capture having 
taken place on the feast of the apostle St. Matthew. Then 
two crosses were set up on eminences, and a site marked out 


for a chapel to be built of wood prepared by the French for 
a vessel. 1 

The anxiety at St. Augustine was relieved on the 24th by 
the approach of a soldier announcing the victory. Mendoza, 
arrayed in his best cassock and surplice, went to meet the 
general with four ecclesiastics chanting the Te Deum, in 
which Menendez and the soldiers who accompanied him 
joined after kneeling to kiss the cross. 

When some days afterwards the shipwrecked Frenchmen 
of Ribault s force approached St. Augustine, Mendoza ac 
companied Menendez by his command. The Spanish general 
resolved to put all the unfortunate men to death ; but Men 
doza writes : " As I was a priest, and had the bowels of a 
man, I asked him to grant me a favor, and it was that those 
who should prove to be Christian should not die, and so he 
granted. Examination made, we found ten or twelve, and 
these we brought with us." 2 

Menendez, thus left in full possession of Florida, planned 
the occupation of Port Royal, the Chesapeake, and Tampa 
Bay. Besides strengthening St. Augustine and San Matheo, 
he visited Port Royal in April, 1566, and erected a stockade 
fort, which he named San Felipe, and assigned the command 
to Stephen de las Alas. 3 Menendez, in his asiento with the 

1 Barcia, who followed the manuscript of Don Soils de Meras, mentions 
the mass and projected chapel, so that probably that priest accompanied 
Menendez on his march. 

2 The terrible slaughter of shipwrecked men by Menendez aroused 
great indignation in France, and appeals were made to the king to avenge 
it. Only by perverting historical truth, however, can it be made a soli 
tary or unusual case. The French never gave quarter to the Spaniards, 
and only a few years before, Menendez had seen the burning ruins of 
Havana strewn with the corpses of its butchered inhabitants, and there is 
every reason to believe that the cruisers from Caroline and Ribault put 
to death the Spaniards whom they captured. 

3 Barcia, " Ensayo Cronologico," p. 108. 

facretd Ll 

Lpjii0J?idfi Christiana ocmmg cl 

iclaJtf<if(>&&Q,StVl;embvi$ J 
/ / f, -*j it i* 




king, March 20, 1565, bound himself to bring out ten or 
twelve religious of some order, men of exemplary life, and 
four Jesuits. He was himself zealous, and alive to the ne 
cessity of converting the Indians to Christianity, and at vari 
ous points erected crosses, and left Spaniards, men of probity, 
who were daily at the foot of the cross, to recite a short 
abridgment of Christian doctrine, to familiarize the natives 
with the devotions of Catholics. He earnestly appealed to 
the Society of Jesus for missionaries to labor for their con 

Of the first church at St. Augustine and the chapels at San 
Matheo and San Felipe we have no distinct accounts ; but in 
the mutinies and troubles incident to a new settlement, we 
find the Yicar Lopez de Mendoza interceding for mutineers 
and saving their lives. He was an active and zealous priest 
and seems to have labored from Cannaveral to the St. John s 
River. He was a native of Xerez de la Frontera, and was 
named by Menendez, with the consent of the Bishop of San 
tiago de Cuba, under the Royal Patronage, granted to the 
Spanish monarchs by Pope Julius II., 1 Yicar and Superior at 
St. Augustine and San Matheo, having four clergymen under 
him, one of whom soon proved to be most unworthy. 2 

In the vessels that arrived in 1566 there came some Do 
minican Fathers, and Menendez sent two of them with Don 
Luis Yelasco, the brother of the chieftain of Axacan, to the 
Chesapeake, with a captain and thirty soldiers for their pro 
tection. Menendez deemed it necessary to occupy the bay 

1 Barcia, " Ensayo Cronologico," p. 173. See Bull, " Universalis Eo 
clesiae Regirnini," July 28, 1538, in Ribadaneyra, "Manual, 6 Compendio 
del Regio Patronato," pp. 408-15. Hernaez, " Coleccion de Bulas," Brus 
sels, 1879, i., pp. 24-25. 

2 Barcia, "Ensayo Cronologico," p. 116; Letter of Vicar Mendoza, 
December 19, 1569. 


as the northern bulwark of the Spanish power. His inten 
tion was, however, baffled, for the captain, pretending to 
have been prevented by storms, made his way to Seville. 1 

The Spanish commander, as we have seen, had labored to 
give the Indians some ideas of Christianity. Philip II. had 
already requested St. Francis Borgia, General of the Society 
of Jesus, to send twenty-four of his religious to found a mis 
sion in Florida. Unable to assign so many at once, the Saint 
selected for the purpose Father Peter Martinez, a native of 
Celda, in the diocese of Saragosa ; Father John Eogel, of 
Pamplona, and Brother Francis de Villareal. These pioneers 
sailed from San Lucar in a Flemish vessel, but near the Flor 
ida coast it separated from the fleet to which it belonged. 


Ignorant of his position the captain sent a boat ashore, in 
which Father Martinez embarked to reassure the sailors. 
While they were on land a storm drove the vessel off, and it 
eventually put in at Havana ; meanwhile the missionary and 
his party, endeavoring to reach the Spanish port, were as 
sailed by Indians, who dragged Father Martinez from the 
boat and put him to death on the island of Tacatacuru, now 
Cumberland, not far from the mouth of St. John s Eiver. 2 

1 Barcia, " Ensayo Cronologico, " pp. 119, 123; Letter of Menendez 
to the king. The first chapel was apparently at Nombre de Dios Chi- 
quite, where the city was first begun. It was removed before 1570 to 
its present position. Discurso sobre la poblacion de la Costa de la 
Florida," MS. See plan of De la Puente, No. 34. 

2 Tanner, " Societas Jesu usque ad Sanguinis et Vitae Profusionem Mili- 
tans," Prague, 1675, pp. 443-5; Barcia, "Ensayo Cronologico," p. 120. 


With this good missionary were lost Bulls and Faculties of 
St. Pius Y. regarding the mission. 1 Father Rogel and his 
companion, at the request of Menendez, remained in Havana 
to study the language of the Indians of Southern Florida. 
In March, 1567, they proceeded with Menendez to the prov 
ince of Carlos, where the Spaniards had erected a block 
house. The governor ordered another house to be put up 
for Dona Antonia, the converted sister of the chief, and a 
chapel in which Father Rogel might offer the holy sacrifice. 
This third Catholic chapel in Florida was on Charlotte Har 
bor, on the western shore of the peninsula. Father Rogel 
immediately began a series of instructions to the soldiers, 
who had long been deprived of the sacraments. He re 
mained as chaplain of the post and missionary to the Indians 
till Menendez arrived from Spain in 1568, bringing ten mis 
sionaries chosen by St. Francis Borgia. They were Father 
John Baptist Segura, a native of Toledo, who had been ap 
pointed Vice-Provincial of Florida ; Fathers Gonzalo del 
Alamo, Antonio Sedeno, and Juan de la Carrera, with several 
brothers, Dominic Augustine Baez, John Baptist Mendez, 
Gabriel Solis, Peter Ruiz, John Salcedo, Christopher Re- 
dondo, and Peter de Linares. An Indian school was estab- 

1 Barcia, p. 121 ; Letter of Don Pedro Menendez, October 16, 1566, in 
Alcazar, " Chrono-Historia de la Provincia de Toledo"; translated by 
P. G. Brinton, in Historical Magazine, October, 1861, pp. 292^. The 
place where Father Martinez died was on the island of Tacatacuru. 
This was an island six leagues long, near the mouth of the St. John, 
evidently to the north, as the French occupied it in operating against 
Fort San Mateo. The Spaniards erected Fort San Pedro on it, and the 
island took that name, which Oglethorpe changed to Cumberland. "Col. 
deDoc. Ined.," 13, pp. 307-8 ; Stevens, " Georgia, "i., 135. The holy Pope, 
Saint Pius V., was deeply interested in the conversion and kind treat 
ment of the Indians, which he constantly urged. See letters in Hernaez, 
i., pp. 104-108 ; letter to Menendez, Barcia, an. 1569. 


lished in Havana under Father Rogel and Brother Villareal, 
to receive boys sent from the province of Carlos. 

Father Segura and the others, after proclaiming the Jubilee 
in St. Augustine, proceeded to Carlos, and also began missions 
in the provinces of Tocobaga and Tequesta, besides attending 
the Spanish posts ; Father Sedeno with Brother Baez finally 
taking up his abode in Guale, now Amelia Island, and he 
may be regarded as the pioneer priest of Georgia. Brother 
Baez applied himself so zealously to the language of the In 
dians that in time he drew up a grammar and prepared a 
catechism for the instruction of the neophytes. 1 

The next year (1569) Father Rogel went with some of his 
fellow religious to the post of Santa Helena, on Port Royal 
harbor, thus becoming the first resident priest in the present 
territory of South Carolina. After ministering to the Spanish 
soldiers and settlers, he entered the Indian town of Orista, 
twelve leagues from the post, which excited great hopes, as 
the natives seemed more civilized and docile than those of 
Carlos. Here a church was erected, and a house for him and 
three young men whom he took as assistants. At the end of 
six months, by diligent study, he acquired the language suffi 
ciently to instruct the Indians in the fundamental doctrines 
of the Unity and Omnipotence of God, the immortality of 
the soul, a state of rewards and punishment. But though 
they listened at first, his flock soon scattered. Father 
Sedeno retained his auditors only while the store of Indian 
corn lasted, which the Bishop of Santiago de Cuba, Don Juan 
del Castillo, had given him to win the good-will of the peo 
ple. Brother Baez died of malarial fever amid his labors, and 
Father Sedeno returned to Santa Helena ; but at the close of 
a year the labors of Fathers Segura, Sedeno, and Alamo, and 

1 Barcia, p. 138 ; Tanner, " Societas Militans," p. 447. 






Brother Villareal, had resulted in the baptism of seven, four 
children and three adults, at the point of death. 

Father Rogel found as little to console him at Orista, for 
though he induced the Indians to build houses and plant the 
Indian corn which he distributed among them, their fickle 
nature soon wearied of the restraint, and nearly all abandoned 
the rising village. The few who remained rose against him 
when he warned them to avoid the snares and deceits of the 
devil, for they declared him to be the best thing in the 
world, as he made men brave. Other tribes which the mis 
sionary visited gave him no encouragement; and in July, 
1570, he demolished his house and chapel, and promising the 
Indians to return as soon as they were willing to hear him, 
made his way, sad and dispirited, to Santa Helena, where 
Father Alamo had remained. There he labored among the 
Spaniards for a time, witnessing the sufferings for want of 
food, men reduced by hunger till unfit to labor. 1 To obtain 
relief he proceeded to Havana with Father Sedeiio, taking 
Indian boys from various tribes to the seminary. 

Menendez, in Spain, had received the following letter from 
Saint Pius V., then Pope : 


" Beloved Son and noble Sir 

" Health, grace, and the blessing of our Lord be with you. 

" We rejoice greatly to hear that our dear and beloved son 
in Christ, Philip, Catholic King, has named and appointed 

1 Letter of Father Rogel to Juan de Hinystrosa, Dec. 2, 1569, MS. Let 
ter of same to Menendez, Dec. 9, 1570, in Alcazar, " Chrono-Historia 
de la Compania de Jesus en la Provincia de Toledo," Dec. iii. : Ano viii. ; 
translated by D. G, Brinton in Histor. Magazine, 1861, p. 327. 


you Governor of Florida, creating you adelantado thereof; 
for we hear such an account of your person, and so full and 
satisfactory a report of your virtue and nobility, that we be 
lieve, without hesitation, that you will not only faithfully, 
diligently, and carefully perform the orders and instructions 
given you by so Catholic a king, but trust also that you, by 
your discretion and habit, will do all to effect the increase 
of our holy Catholic faith, and gain more souls to God. I 
am well aware, as you know, that it is necessary to govern 
these Indians with good sense and discretion ; that those who 
are weak in the faith, from being newly converted, be con 
firmed and strengthened ; and idolaters be converted, and re 
ceive the faith of Christ, that the former may praise God, 
knowing the benefit of his divine mercy, and the latter, still 
infidels, may, by the example and model of those now out of 
blindness, be brought to a knowledge of the truth : but noth 
ing is more important, in the conversion of these Indians and 
idolaters, than to endeavor by all means to prevent scandal 
being given by the vices and immoralities of such as go to 
those western parts. This is the key of this holy work, in 
which is included the whole essence of your charge. 

" You see, noble sir, without my alluding to it, how great 
an opportunity is offered you, in furthering and aiding this 
cause, from which result 1st, Serving the Almighty; 2d, 
Increasing the name of your king, who will be esteemed by 
men, loved and rewarded by God. 

" Giving you, then, our paternal and apostolical blessing, 
we beg and charge you to give full faith and credit to our 
brother, the Archbishop of Kossano, who, in our name, will 
explain our desire more at length. 

" Given at Rome, with the fisherman s ring, on the 18th 
day of August, in the year of our Redemption, 1569, the 
third of our pontificate." 


Letters from St. Francis Borgia urged the missionaries to 
persevere in the barren fields, and Sedeiio embarked with a 
party of soldiers going to Santa Helena. Sickness broke out, 
and the missionary with his comrade, Brother Yillareal, were 
both stricken down. The disease proved so obstinate that 
they were put on a vessel for Havana, but it was wrecked on 
the coast, and only after great privations and suffering did 
the invalids reach St. Augustine. 

Menendez still clung to the idea of occupying the Chesa 
peake, and coming from Spain brought the Indian Don Luis 
de Yelasco, and some additional Jesuit missionaries, Father 
Louis de Quiros and Brothers Gabriel Gomez and Sancho de 
Zevallos. After he reached Santa Helena in November, 
1570, Father Segura, the Vice-Provincial, resolved to go in 
person to found the new mission, relying on the promise of 
protection of the Indian Yelasco. He selected as his com 
panion Father Louis de Quiros, and Brothers Solis, IVIendez, 
Redondo, Linares, Gabriel Gomez, and Sancho Zevallos. 1 
Every preparation was made for a permanent mission ; the 
priests carried vestments, books, and chapel furniture, neces 
sary implements, provisions for the winter. Four Indian 
boys, who had for some time been under instruction, accom 
panied the missionaries. Don Luis Yelasco gave every as 
surance as to the personal safety of the missioners, declaring 
that they should want nothing, as he would aid them in 
everything. They sailed from Santa Helena, August 5, 1570, 
and crept slowly up the coast to the entrance of St. Mary s 
Bay. Passing through the capes they ascended the Potomac, 
and on the 10th of September reached their destination. 

1 There is a little obscurity as to these. F. Rogel s letter from Havana, 
December 9, 1570, says they were " nine in number, five of the Society 
and four youths who have been instructed"; but the names in Barcia 
and Tanner give two priests and seven brothers. 


Father Quiros, in a letter written from this spot two days 
after, says : " We found the country of Don Louis in a very 
different condition from what we anticipated, not because he 
misrepresented in his account of it, but because our Lord has 
chastised it with six years sterility and death, which has left it 
very thinly inhabited compared to what it used to be, many 
of the people having died and others removed to other lands 
to appease their hunger." The Indians had no corn ; the 
berries and roots they usually gathered had failed, and the 
winters had been severe. They manifested, however, great 
joy at the return of Don Louis, and earnestly besought the 
missionaries to stay ; the chief, who lived seven or eight 
leagues off, begging them to go to his child who was at the 
point of death. Father Segura sent one of the party to 

baptize it, and 
then held coun- 
cil as to their 
course. The 
Potomac was 

VIRGINIA SEPT. 12, 1570. riSG U1 m Un - 

tains beyond 

which lay the Pacific, and it was important to learn the real 
topography of the country. The field for preaching the 
gospel seemed a favorable one, and they resolved to face all 
hardships, depending on prompt relief from their country 
men. Yet so poorly had the vessel been fitted with stores 
that on the voyage the crew used two of four barrels of 
ship s biscuit intended for the winter supply of the mission 

Father Segura joined Father Quiros in his letter, urging in 
the strongest terms the importance and necessity of sending 
them further supplies with all possible expedition. For the 


spring too they asked seed corn to induce the Indians to 
plant crops for the. year. 

The vessel left them on the 12th, the captain having 
agreed to come on his return to the mouth of a river they 
had passed on the way, which ran near the one they ascended, 
and on which really the tribe of Don Luis lived. This was 
evidently the Rappahannock. At the mouth a fire by night 
or smoke by day was to be answered by a letter from the 

After the departure of the vessel the Jesuit mission party 
set out for their place of settlement, they and the Indians 
carrying their baggage a distance of two leagues to the other 
river, where they embarked in wretched canoes. 1 Don Louis 
does not seem to have guided them to his brother s village, 
but to have advised them to fix their residence at some dis 
tance. They erected a hut of logs and branches, and pre 
pared to winter there, making it their chapel and home. 
Louis remained with them for a time as their interpreter and 
teacher, but as weeks wore on. the hope of relief from Santa 
Helena faded. Their countrymen had abandoned them, and 
as their provisions failed they sought to sustain life by roots 
and herbs. Louis left them and retired to the village of his 
brother, a league and a half distant. In February the supe 
rior sent Father Quiros with Solis and Mendez to urge Ye- 
lasco to return, but he put them off with frivolous excuses, 
.and finally, on the 14th, treacherously attacked them with a 
party of Indians, slaying them by a shower of arrows. Four 
days after the chief with Louis and the warriors invested the 
mission chapel, and demanded all the axes and knives of the 
party. Father Segura saw the cassock of Father Quiros and 

1 Letter of Father Quiros, September 12, 1570, with addition by Father 
Segura, and supplement by Quiros. 


knew that the end had come. He prepared his companions 
for death, and all soon fell beneath the blows of the Indians 
dealt with the implements they had surrendered. 

One only of the party, Alonso, an Indian boy, escaped, 
having been concealed by a friendly native. 1 

When late in the spring Brother Vincent Gonzalez induced 
a Spanish pilot to sail to Axacan, no tidings of the Fathers 
could be obtained, but the conduct of the Indians inspired the 
worst fears. Menendez, who had gone to Spain after hear 
ing of Segura s landing in Axacan, received on his return the 
report of Gonzalez. He sailed to the Chesapeake, and seized 
several of the Indians, demanding the surrender of Don 
Luis. Alonso succeeded in reaching the Spaniards, and gave 
a full account of the death of the missionaries. Louis escaped, 
but eight of those who were proved to have been active in 
murdering the missionaries were hung by Menendez. They 
were, however, prepared for death and baptized by Father 
Rogel, who had come on the vessel, and who bore away as a 
relic of his martyred brethren a crucifix to which a miracle 
was ascribed. 3 

Father Segura had directed Fathers Eogel and Sedeno to 
remain at the Spanish posts, but they were in such distress 
and the Indians so hostile that they retired to Havana. 

St. Francis Borgia, on learning the death of Father Segura 
and the apparent hopelessness of any permanent Spanish set 
tlement in Florida, recalled the members of the Society, who 
thereupon proceeded to Mexico and founded a flourishing 
province. In fact the Spanish settlements, in spite of all 
Menendez s exertions and outlay, were on the brink of ruin. 

1 Barcia, " Ensayo Cronologico," pp. 142-146; Tanner, " Societas 
Military," pp. 447-451. 

2 Rogel, Letter of December 9, 1570. 


A report on their condition soon after says the few people 
there were losing their faith and piety, as for a considerable 
time there was no priest or friar at St. Augustine to say mass 
and administer the sacraments, and although friars had arrived, 
some were going and others had gone elsewhere. 1 

The friars referred to were apparently those sent over by 
Menendez in 1573, and whom the Governor of Florida found 
on his return to Santa Helena, after a voyage of exploration 
to the Chesapeake. 

Wretched as the condition of Florida was, it declined after 
the death of Don Pedro Menendez in 1574, till the Spanish 
Government, recognizing the importance to the kingdom and 
its commerce of retaining Florida, provided for its mainte 
nance. 2 In 1586 St. Augustine had made some progress. 
The city had its public buildings, a parish church, and well- 
cultivated gardens, when Francis Drake, in one of his pirat 
ical cruises, attacked it, and in revenge for the death of one 
of his men set fire to the place and destroyed it, the garrison 
and its inhabitants having retired to San Matheo. 

The Indian missions, which the sons of St. Dominic and 
St. Ignatius had failed to render successful, devolved at last 
on the sons of John Bernardon, St. Francis of Assisi. Father 
Alonzo de Reynoso arrived with a number of Fathers toward 
the close of the year 1577. They began their labors among the 
Indians at Nombre de Dios and San Sebastian, and with such 
success that Indian converts were soon regular attendants at 
the Sunday mass in the parish church. 3 

1 " Discurso sobre la poblacion de la costa de la Florida," MS. 

2 Barcia, p. 149. 

3 Ibid., p. 162. Testimony of Juan Menendez Marquez, 1588, MS. 
F. Alonzo Reynoso s arrival is given in this document as 37, but as he is 
mentioned as bearer of a letter from Florida in 1583, we infer that 1577 
is meant. 


The Franciscan mission about 1592 consisted of Father 
Francis Marron, the Gustos, the zealous Fathers Balthazar 
Lopez and Peter de Corpa, with another priest and two lay 
brothers. As they were especially designed for the Indian 
missions, they took up their residence in the towns of the 
natives from the island of St. Peter, now called Cumberland, 
to San Sebastian. 1 

The only secular priest whose name appears in Florida in 
1593, was the Eev. Eodrigo Garcia de Truxillo, parish priest 
of St. Augustine, then very old, broken by his twenty-eight 
years labor there and his previous service as navy chaplain. 2 

In this state of spiritual destitution an appeal was made to 
Father Bernardine de San Cebrian, Commissary General of 
the Indies, to increase the number of his Franciscan Fathers 
in Florida. The Council of the Indies gave free passage to 
twelve, who were sent with Father John de Silva as superior, 
a missionary who had already labored fruitfully in Mexico. 
These missionaries, who reached Havana in 1593, were Fa 
thers Michael de Auiion, Peter de Aunon, Peter Fernandez 
de Chozas, preachers ; Fathers Bias de Montes, Francis Pa 
re ja, Peter de San Gregorio, Francis de Yelascola, Francis de 
Avila, Francis Bonilla, and Peter Ruiz, priests and confess 
ors, and Brother Peter Viniegra, a lay brother. 

The next year these religious began their labors in Florida, 
Father Marron sending Fathers Peter de Corpa, Michael de 
Aunon, Francis de Yelascola, and Bias Rodriguez with Bro 
ther Anthony Badajoz to the island of Guale, the present 
Amelia Island, where the Indians had become so bold and 
violent that the Spanish soldiers durst not venture outside 

1 Stevens, "History of Georgia," i., p. 135. 

2 Barcia, pp. 166-7. Relation liecha a S. M. ano de 1593, MS. This 
priest must have been there from the time of the settlement. 


their palisades. 1 The missionaries by their instructions and 
kind ways soon changed the face of the province. For two 
years they labored with apparent success, baptizing many, 
especially in the older missions, as at Nombre de Dios, where 
Father Balthazar Lopez baptized eighty in 1595. Father 
Pedro de Chozas had meanwhile, fearless of danger, pene 
trated to Ocute, 150 miles from the coast. 2 

The city of St. Augustine had by this time received a par 
ish priest, Don Diego Scobar de Sambraiia, whose register 
is still extant in Havana. It extends from January to July, 
159-1, from which date Father Francis Marron discharged 
the parochial functions till the feast of the Annunciation in 
1597, when Don Ricardo Artur appears on the register as 
parish priest. 3 

In September, 159 7, the son of the Cacique of the Island 
of Guale, wearying of the restraints on his passions required 
by the Christian law, fell into great excesses, and at last went 
off to a pagan band. Finding kindred spirits there he re 
solved to silence the priest who had reproved him, and re 
turned by night to Father Corpa s village of Tolemato. 
Taking up his post near the church he waited for the dawn 
of day. When Father Corpa opened the door of his little 
cabin to proceed to the church, the conspirators tomahawked 
him, and cutting off his head set it on a pole. Having 

1 Barcia, an. 1594, p. 167 ; Torquemada, " Monarquia Indiana," iii., 
p. 350. 

2 Testimony of Alonso de las Alas, 1602. 

3 " Xoticias relativas a la Parroquial mayor de la ciudad de San Agus- 
tin de la Florida," kindly extracted for me from the Registers in his 
archives, by the Right Rev. Bishop of St. Christopher of Havana. The 
Registers of the Church of St. Augustine from Jannary 1, 1594, are ex 
tant in Havana and St. Augustine, and form the oldest and most com 
plete set of records in the country, antedating every English, Dutch, or 
Swedish settlement. 


brought his comrades to imbrue their hands in blood, the 
young chief easily persuaded them that they must kill all the 
religious and Spaniards. 1 

Proceeding then to the town of Topoqui, they burst into 
the house of Father Bias Rodriguez. The missionary en 
deavored to show them the wickedness and folly of their 
conduct, which would entail punishment here and hereafter, 
but finding his words of no avail, he asked the Indians to 
allow him to say mass. They granted his request, moved by 
a respect which they could not understand ; and the good 
priest, with his expectant murderers for his congregation, 
offered the holy sacrifice for the last time, and then knelt 
down before his altar to receive the death-blow which enabled 
him to make his thanksgiving in heaven. His body was 
piously interred by an old Christian Indian after the mur 
derers had departed. 

Learning of the approach of a band bent on massacre, 
Father Michael Aunon, at Asopo, 2 said mass and gave com 
munion to Brother Anthony Badajoz, his companion. They 
knelt in prayer till the apostate came, who first dispatching the 
brother, then with two blows of one of their war-clubs crowned 

1 The site of the present cemetery of St. Augustine was called Tole- 
mato, but it cannot be the scene of Father Aunon s death, as he was on 
Amelia Island, and the murderer was the son of the chief of that same 
island. Contemporary writers, like Gov. Mendes de Canco, April 24, 
1601, 14, speak of the missionaries as being put to death in the prov 
ince of Guale, which in the same report he declares to be forty leagues 
from St. Augustine. Stevens, "Hist. Georgia," i., p. 135, recognizes 
the identity of Santa Maria de Guale and Amelia Island. 

- Asopo was nine and a half leagues from Asao. Examination of Alonso 
de los Alas," 1602 ; Ecija in his " Derrotero," 1609, makes it ten and a half. 
It was north of 31 3.0 , and is evidently Ossibaw Island. The bodies of 
F. Aunon and Br. Badajoz were taken up in 1605 and interred, appar 
ently, at St. Augustine. Barcia, an. 1605. 


Father Michael with martyrdom. The weeping Christians 
interred the bodies at the foot of the tall mission cross. 

On reaching Asao 1 the insurgents found that Father Fran 
cis de Yelascola had gone to St. Augustine, but they lurked 
amid the vegetation on the shore till they saw his canoe ap 
proaching. When the Franciscan landed they accosted him 
as friends, and fearing his great strength, seized him suddenly 
and slew him. Father Francis Davila, at Ospo, 2 endeavored 
to escape at night ; but the moon revealed him, and he fell 
into their hands pierced by two arrows. An old Indian 
prevented their finishing the cruel work, and the mission 
ary, stripped and suffering, was sent as a slave to a pagan 

The revolted Indians, then in forty canoes, invested Saint 
Peter s (now Cumberland) Island, 3 but a small Spanish vessel 
lay at anchor there. This gave courage to the chief ,of the 
island, who, with a flotilla of canoes, met the invaders and 
completely routed them. Few escaped in their canoes ; many 
driven ashore were killed, perished of hunger or by their 
own hands. After this fearful outburst of pagan hatred of 
Christianity, none of the Guale missionaries survived except 
Father Avila ; and his owners, tiring of his presence, were 
about to burn him at the stake, when a woman, whose son 
was held prisoner in Saint Augustine, obtained him to effect 
an exchange, which the Spaniards readily made. 

1 Asao was eleven or eleven and a half leagues from San Pedro. Las 
Alas and Ecija. This makes it, in all probability, St. Simon s Island. 

2 Ospo I do not find in the "Derroteros," but it must have been be 
tween St. Simon and Cumberland. 

3 San Pedro was seven or eight leagues from San Mateo (Las Alas, 
Ecija), and must be Cumberland Island ; Stevens "Georgia," i., p. 135. 
"A Relation of the Martyrs of Florida," by F. Luis Geronimo de Ore, 
a native of Peru, appeared in 1604, in quarto, but I have never been able 
to trace a copy of it. I follow Torquemada, "Monarquia Indiana," iii., 
pp. 350-2 ; Barcia, pp. 170-172. 


On the 14th of March, 1599, the Convent of San Fran 
cisco, at Saint Augustine, was destroyed by fire, and till the 
building could be restored the Fathers occupied the Hermit 
age of Nuestra Senora de la Soled ad, which had previously 
been used as an hospital. The soldiers, Indians, and negroes 
soon felt the want of a place where they could be treated in 
sickness; and Governor Mendez de Canco, at his own ex 
pense, put up the Hospital of Santa Barbara, with six good 
beds. A curious question then arose ; the king had granted 
the Hospital of Soledad five hundred ducats from the treas 
ury, but the officials refused to pay it to the new hospital, and 
the governor was forced to appeal to the king. 1 

The earliest missions mentioned near Saint Augustine were 
those of Sombre de Dios, San Juan, and San Pedro, where 
missionaries were permanently stationed. The Indians were 
poor, but they cultivated corn, beans, and pumpkins ; they 
depended less on hunting, and were instructed in religion, 
not only hearing mass and approaching the sacraments, but 

having confraternities, and 
zealous in seeking to have 
masses said for their de- 
ceased kindred. 2 

The missionary at San 
Juan was the learned Fa 
ther Francis Pareja, whose 
labors were supported by 


FRANCIS PAREJA. Dona Maria, the woman 

chief of the province, and 
the chiefs of the towns. 3 This great missionary was born 

1 Governor Mendez de Can^o to the king, April 24, 1601. 
2 Testimony of Bartolome de Arguelles, 1602, and of Juan Menendez 
3 Letter of Governor Ibarra, 1604. 


at Aunon, in the diocese of Toledo in Spam, and spent six 
teen years in the study of the language of the Timuquan 
Indians. He was Guardian of the Convent of the Immacu 
late Conception of Our Lady in St. Augustine, in 1612, when 
two Catechisms by him, in the Timuquan language, were 
printed at Mexico. A Conf esonario was printed the same year 
and the next ; a Grammar in 1614, and another Catechism 
in 1627. Besides these works he is said to have written 
treatises on Purgatory, Hell, and Heaven, one on the Rosary, 
and a book of Prayers. Three of these rare works are pre 
served in the New York Historical Society. He died in 
Mexico, January 25, 1628. 1 

In 1602 Governor Canco estimated the Christian Indians 
at about twelve hundred, the venerable Father Balthazar 
Lopez being stationed at the town of San Pedro, Father 
Francis Pareja in San Juan, and Father Peter Bermejo in 
ISTombre de Dios, and Brother Viniegra at San Antonio, each 
of these places being resorted to by numbers of Indians in 
the neighborhood ; Tocoy, Antonico, and Mayaca, with con 
siderable Indian population, were regularly visited by the 
missionaries to say mass and enable the Indians to approach 
the sacraments, and by instructions keep up a knowledge of 
their religion. 

In St. Augustine the church and convent of St. Francis 
had not been rebuilt, and the house used as a chapel was unfit 
for the purpose. The King of Spain had contributed eight 
hundred ducats towards rebuilding the church and convent ; 
but beyond the collection of some material, nothing had been 
done to meet the wants of the people and the wishes of the 

1 Titles ot his works are given in Pilling, North American Linguis 
tics," pp. 560-8. His birthplace is given in the Cathecismo of 1627, 
much better authority than the index to Torquemada, which says Castro 
Urdiales ; or Barcia, p. 195, who says Mexico. 


king. 1 The Spanish monarch had also ordered the tithes to 
be devoted to the parish church. 

Everything was in a state of neglect ; and the settlers, as 
well as the soldiers in the garrison, would at this time have 
been deprived of the consolations of religion but for the 
Franciscan Fathers ; so that Governor Canco proposed that 
the Guardian of the Convent, on whom and his community 
the whole spiritual care of the place had devolved, should be 
made parish priest and chaplain of the fort. 2 

The vacancy in the parish church was filled, however, on 
the 20th of October, 1602, when Don Manuel Godino ap 
pears as incumbent, remaining till 1607, assisted for a time 
by Don Vicente Freire Dandrade. 

Meanwhile the Franciscans were joined by new mission 
aries of their order, and in the General Congregation held at 
Toledo, in 1603, the eleven convents in Florida, Havana, and 
Bayamo were erected into a cnstodia by Father Bernard de 
Salva, Commissary General of the Indies by patent of No 
vember 18, 1609 ; confirmed by royal order, June 5, 1610. 3 
Father Peter Euiz was the first custos. 

The Franciscans re-entered Guale, and in November, 
1606, established missions in the province of Potano, 
where, besides infants, more than a thousand adults re 
ceived the sacrament of regeneration before the end of 
October, 1607, the missionaries travelling for days through 
swamps, often waist-high in water. The province of 
Apalache also called for missionaries, and a great field 

1 Letter of Mendez de Canco to the king, September 22, 1602. There 
had been no chaplain in the fort for a year and a half. 

2 Letter of Governor Ybarra, January 8, 1604. 

3 Senate Report, March 21, 1848. The convents in Florida were St. 
Catharine, in the province of Guale ; that on St. Peter s Island, San Juan 
del Puerto ; St. Bonaventure, of Guadalquini ; St. Dominic, of Asao ; St. 
Anthony, of Guadulce ; St. Ann, of Potano. 


was opening there, and hopes were entertained of Tama and 
Ocute, to which Fathers Chozas and Berascula had pene 

The reports from Florida had, however, been so discour 
aging that King 
Philip III. pro 
posed to aban 
don all idea of 
settling the 
country, in 
tending merely 
to maintain a 
fort and to re 
move the Chris 
tian Indians to 
the island of 
St. Domingo. 
Against this 
step Father Pareja, who had become custos of Florida, and 
Father Alonso de Pefiaranda, Guardian of the Convent at 
St. Augustine, most earnestly protested in a letter to the 
king. 1 

The Bishops of Santiago de Cuba had lamented the condi 
tion of Florida, and a visitation of that province was earn 
estly recommended, but many difficulties and dangers inter 
vened. When Don Frai Juan Cabezas de Altamirano was 
appointed to the See, a visitation was one of the first duties 
to which he resolved to devote himself. In those days a 
bishop, whether in his cathedral or on a visitation, was sur 
rounded by peril. 

On arriving in Cuba this zealous bishop found his episcopal 

1 Letter from the Convent of the Immaculate Conception, St. Augus 
tine, November 20, 1607. 



city with its cathedral destroyed by French pirates, and while 
making a visitation of his diocese the next year, 1601, he was 
surprised by one of these marauders, Gilbert Giron, who held 
him as a prisoner aud gave him liberty only when he had 
advanced an enormous ransom. The Spaniards, after thus 
obtaining the release of their bishop, rallied, attacked the 
corsairs, and utterly defeated them, killing their leader and 
most of his party. There is extant a curious contemporary 
poem on this whole episode. According to a document of 
1607, the bishop embarked in that year from Bayamo " for 
the provinces of Florida as annexed to his diocese ; he visited 
them and consoled that new Christianity, which owes its 
planting to the Franciscan religious, some of whom have had 
the incomparable happiness of witnessing in their blood to 
the truth of the gospel, which they preached with truly apos 
tolical zeal. In fact the bishop fulfilled exactly his pastoral 
office, and was the first who discharged this obligation, and 
he came near being the only one, because, with the exception 
of Don Gabriel Diaz Yara Calderon, no other prelate has had 
the courage to undertake it." ] 

Fortunately we have some definite details of his visitation. 
On Holy Saturday, March 25, 1606, Bishop Cabezas de Alta- 
mirano administered the sacrament of confirmation to several 
candidates for holy orders. On subsequent days he confirmed 
many Spaniards and Indians. So far as any documents attest, 

1 This zealous bishop, who was perhaps the first to exercise episcopal 
functions within the present limits of the United States, was the son of 
the licentiate Juan Cabezas and of Dona Ana de Calzada. After a 
course in the University of Salamanca he took the habit of St. Dominic 
in 1583, and came to America nine years afterwards. He was professor 
of theology in Santo Domingo, and then delegate of the province to Rome. 
He was made Bishop of Cuba in 1603 and transferred to Guatemala in 
1610. He died there of apoplexy in December, 1615. " Historia de la 
ysla y Catedral de Cuba," by Bishop Pedro Agustin Morel, MS. 


this was the first administration of the sacrament of Confirm 
ation in any part of this country. The good bishop visited 
several provinces of Florida with great hardship and peril of 
life, the condition of the natives exciting his deepest compas 
sion and zeal. 1 

In the Lent of 1609 the great Cacique of Timucua, who 
had been instructed by the Franciscans, came to St. Augus 
tine to solicit baptism for himself, his heir and ten of his 
chiefs, as well as to beg for missionaries to reside among his 
people and bring them all to the faith. They were all bap 
tized 011 Palm Sunday, Governor Ybarra being sponsor for 
the cacique and his son, Spanish officers assuming the same 
charge for the chiefs. The whole ceremony was attended 
with all the solemnity the little town could impart to it. 
The Timuquans were entertained till after Easter, when they 
returned with a guard of honor. 2 

Poor as the country was the missionaries continued to 
come, thirty-one setting out from Spain for the Florida mis 
sion in 1612 and the following year. The custodia was then 
erected into the province of Santa Helena, the convent of 
Havana being the chief one, and Father John Capillas was 
elected the first provincial of this organization of regular 
clergy, mainly within our actual territory. 3 

For a time Saint Augustine also enjoyed the services of 

1 " Noticias relativas a la Yglesia Parroquial de San Agustin de la Flor 
ida, trabajo hecho por disposicion del Excmo e Illmo Sr. D. Karnon Fer 
nandez de Pierola y Lopez de Luzuriaga, Obispo de San Cristobal de la 
Habana." Barcia says that Don Frai Antonio Diaz de Salcedo, Bishop of 
Santiago de Cuba, made a visitation of Florida in 1595 ; but no writer on 
the Bishops of Cuba mentions the fact, and the Register of St. Augus 
tine is evidence against its probability. 

2 Letter of Governor Ybarra, April, 1609. 

3 Barcia, " Ensayo Cronologico," pp. 175, 181; Torquemada, " Mo- 
narquia Indiana," iii., pp. 350, 354. 



several secular priests at the parish church and fort, Simon 
de Ayllon being parish priest, assisted by Don Pedro de la 
Camarda, chaplain of the fort, followed by Don Luis Perez 
as parish priest, and Alonso Ortiz, whose names appear till 

Frai Alonso Henriquez Almendarez de Toledo of the 
Mercedarian Order for the Redemption of Captives had been 
appointed to the See of Santiago de Cuba in 1610. He was 
an active and energetic bishop, and found so much to engage 
his attention in the island of Cuba, where he was involved in 
disputes with the civil authorities, that he found it impossible 
to make a visitation of Florida, as he desired. He accord 
ingly deputed in his stead Father Louis Jerome de Ore, lec 
turer in theology and commissary of the Franciscan Order, 
to make a visitation of Florida. This religious was a native 
of Peru and highly esteemed. He visited Saint Augustine 
November 13, 1616. He found the parish church well sup 
plied with church plate, silver chalices, patens, cross, censer, 
boat and spoon of silver, and with suitable vestments, which, 
with the stocks for the holy oils, were well kept. The mis 
sals, manuals, bells, and choir books are also attested as being 
suitable, and the registers well kept by the actual parish 
priest, Juan de Lerdo. 

In 1621, during the administration of Bishop Almendarez, 
the first provincial Council of St. Domingo was held, and its 
decrees extended to Florida. 1 

In 1630 the king, by a decree of December 4th, made es 
pecial provision for the maintenance of the Franciscan mis 
sions in Florida, ordering money to be drawn annually from 

1 "Historia de la isla y Catedral de Cuba par el IP 10 Pedro Agustin 
Morel de Santa Cruz"; " Noticias relativas a la Iglesia parroquial de San 
Agustin para el Il mo S r D. Ramon Fernandez de Pierola y Lopez de Luzu- 
riaga, Obispo de la Habana." 


Mexico to purchase clothing and supplies. 1 More mission 
aries had been petitioned for by Father Francisco Alonzo of 
Jesus, Provincial of Florida, but he obtained only twelve ; 
and of these one died on the voyage from Spain, and two 
were left sick at Havana. The missionaries sank rapidly 
under their labors, five of them dying in Florida in the next 
five years. The Franciscans in 1634 numbered thirty-five, 
maintaining forty-four doctrinas or missions, in which they 
reckoned thirty thousand converted Indians. 

The Kev. Alonso de Yargas and Kev. Toribio de Pozada kept 
up the succession of parish priests till 1631, with Bartolome 
Garcia as chaplain, but much parochial work was done by 
the Guardians of the Franciscan Convent, Melchor Ferraz 
and Juan Gomez de Palma ; a teniente de cura, or temporary 
substitute, acting in 1632 and 1633, and Don Antonio Calvo, 
chaplain of the fort, supplying the place of Rev. Mr. de 
Pozada till April, 1640. 2 

The missionaries were far apart, unable to relieve each 
other ; and when any one wished himself to approach the 
sacred tribunal he had a weary journey afoot, through ever 
glade and streams, to reach a brother priest. Several broke 
down under the severe labors, so that the Apalaches, who 
earnestly sought clergy to instruct them, w r ere deferred 
till the Guardian of the Convent at Saint Augustine set out 
in person, in 1633, with a single assistant. The custos of 
Florida, writing in February, 1635, states that the zealous 
missionary was still there, and had baptized five thousand of 
the tribe. In the south of Florida the Indians of Carlos and 
Matacumbe were again soliciting missionaries with every 
mark of sincerity. 3 The king, in reply to the appeal for more 

1 Barcia, p. 197. 2 " Noticias. " 

3 Letter of F. Francisco Alonso de Jesus to the king. 


evangelical laborers, ordered eight to be sent. 1 The Apa- 
laches, harassed by the Choctaws, Apalachicolas, and other 
tribes, looked for protection to the Spaniards and their allies. 
In 1639 the Apalache Chief of Cupayca came to Saint Augus 
tine to be instructed and baptized. At the sacred font he 
received the name of Balthazar, Governor Damian de Yega 
Castro being his godfather. When he left the town he took 
with him a Franciscan Father, who was to found a mission 
in his tribe. 2 To open intercourse with these new stations 
the Spaniards, for the first time, sent vessels to coast around 
the peninsula from St. Augustine. Yet there were occasional 
difficulties between whites and Indians, and we find soon 
after a Governor of Florida compelling the Indians near the 
town to work on the fortifications, in punishment for some 
outbreak. 3 

In 1646 St. Augustine had about three hundred people, 
and a flourishing community of fifty Franciscan religious 
scattered through Florida, who not only labored among the 
Indians, but did much to maintain piety among the Span 
iards. Besides them there were in St. Augustine the Cura 
Yicario, or parish priest, Don Pedro Yerdugo de la Silveyra 
(April, 1640-47), 4 the Sacristan Mayor, and Antonio Calvo, 
the chaplain of the fort, who in 1647 became temporary par 
ish priest. There were not enough secular clergy to attend 
to all the whites. The parish church was still of wood, both 
walls and roof, and Bishop de la Torre was unable to replace 
it by a better one his whole income from Florida being 
$400, more than which he expended on the province. There 
was, also, the Hospital of Nuestra Senora de la Soledad, and 

1 Memorandum on letter just cited. Letter of Salinas and Sanchez ; 
Barcia, p. 203. 

2 Letter of Governor Castro, August 22, 1639. 3 Barcia, p. 204. 
4 " Noticias " kindly furnished by the Bishop of Havana. 


one for the poor, and the Hermitage or Chapel of Santa Bar 
bara. Piety was kept alive among the people by the confra 
ternity of the Blessed Sacrament, and one for the Faithful 
Departed. The people naturally gathered around the chapel 
of the Franciscans, finding encouragement there for their 

In that year Father Francis Perez, the custos, obtained 
several additional Fathers for the Indian missions. 1 

All felt the want of a bishop the visits of the one who 
occupied the See of Santiago de Cuba being rare, owing to 
the danger of the passage on account of storms, and of the 
pirates who infested the coast. Don Diego de Rebolledo, 
Governor of Florida in 1655, strongly urged the King of 
Spain to ask the Sovereign Pontiff to erect Saint Augustine 
into an Episcopal See, or at least to make Florida a Yicariate 
Apostolic (Abadia), so that there might be a local Superior, 
and that the faithful there might receive the sacrament of 
confirmation, of which many died deprived. The King and 
the Council of the Indies asked the opinion of the Arch 
bishop of Santo Domingo, the Bishop of Cuba, the Governor 
of Havana, and others, but there the matter ended. 

Of the Indian missions and their extent at that time we 
can glean some idea. The centre was the Convent of the 
Immaculate Conception in Saint Augustine, where the guar 
dian resided with two lay brothers. This was the refuge of 
missionaries overcome by sickness at their posts. The nearest 
missionary was at Nombre de Dios, about a mile from the 
city. Our Lady of Guadalupe was about ten miles distant, 
and San Juan del Puerto was on the sea. Thence along the 
coast northward were San Pedro del Mocarno, San Buenaven 
tura de Goadalquibi, Santo Domingo de Talege, San Jose de 

1 Juan Diaz de la Calle, "Noticias Sacras y Reales"; Barcia, " Ensayo 
Cronologico," p. 212. 


Zapala, Santa Catalina de Guale, and San Felipe, the last 
fifty-four leagues from St. Augustine. The most northerly 
on the coast was Chatuache, six leagues further. 1 

In another direction were Santiago de Ocone, Santa Cruz 
de Tarica, San Agustin de Urica, Santa Maria de los An 
geles de Arapaja, Santa Cruz de Cachipile, San Yldefonso 
de Chamini, San Francisco de Chuaquri, San Pedro y San 
Pablo de Potuturiba, Santa Elena de Machaba, San Miguel de 
Asile, ranging from thirty to sixty leagues from the capital. 

In the Apalache country were the missions of San Lo 
renzo, Concepcion, San Jose, San Juan, San Pedro y San 
Pablo, San Cosme y San Damian, San Luis, San Martin ; and 
between Apalache and Saint Augustine were San Martin de 
Ayaocuto, Santa Fe de Toloco, San Francisco de Potano. 

Southward lay Santa Lueia de Acuera, San Antonio de 
.Nacape, San Salvador de Mayaca, San Diego de Laca. At each 
one of these there was a missionary stationed, and the Chris 
tian Indians of Florida were then reckoned at 26,000. 2 

But the missions were to receive the first blow from the 
civil authorities. The Governor of Florida sent orders to 
the Cacique of Tarigica, an Apalache, that the chiefs of that 

1 Of the missions on the coast here mentioned, several were visited by 
Dickenson and his party after their shipwreck. Santa Cruz was two or 
three leagues from St. Augustine. It had a friar and a large chapel with 
five bells, and the Indians were as regular and attentive at their devotions as 
the Spaniards. There was besides a large council-house. San Juan, thirteen 
leagues further, on an island, was a large, populous town, with friar and 
chapel, the people industrious, with abundance of hogs, poultry, and 
corn. St. Mary s had a friar, church, and the Indian boys were kept at 
school. Santa Catalina was ruined ; but he mentions it October 10, 1699, 
"where had been a great settlement of Indians, for the land was cleared 
for planting some miles distant." 

2 "Memoria de las Poblaciones Principales, Yglesias y Dotrinas que 
ay en las Combersiones de las Provincias de la Florida a cargo de los 
Religiosos de San Francisco," MS. 


tribe should repair to Saint Augustine, and that each one 
must carry in person a certain load of corn. The chiefs re 
fused, saying that there were vassals whom the governor 
might order. They were not slaves because they obeyed the 
Holy Gospel and Law of God ; they had become Christians 
of their own accord ; they had been conquered only by the 
Word of God and what the missionaries had taught them. 
When the Spaniards attempted to force the chiefs to submit to 
the degradation, an insurrection broke out, in which some 
Spaniards were slain. The governor took the field against 
the great chief of Apalache, and several engagements were 
fought. The governor finally captured and hung six or seven 
chiefs. This war, provoked by Spanish oppression, com 
pletely broke up the missions among the Indians of that 
nation. The Franciscan Fathers, unable to exercise any ben 
eficial influence over the Apalaches, whose minds were bitter 
ly excited, embarked for Havana to await better times ; but 
they were all drowned on the passage, completing their own 
sacrifice, but depriving Florida of all religious teachers skilled 
in the Apalache tongue. 1 

The parish of Saint Augustine, about this time, was placed 
on another footing. After Don Lorenzo de Solis, who, be 
sides styling himself Cura and Yicario, adds the title of Eccle 
siastical Judge, the Church was made a benefice to be ac 
quired as property, according to a custom unfortunately 
prevailing. In 1650 Don Pedro Juan de la Oliva began as 
beneficed proprietor and vicar, and held the position till 
1661, replaced during an apparent absence in 1653, and the 
year following, by Don Pedro Bernaldez as vicar. He was 
succeeded, for five years, by Christopher Boniface de Rivera, 
not as proprietor, but as beneficed parish priest. 

1 Letter of Father John Gomez de Engraba, who had been forty-six 
years on the Florida mission, dated March 13 and April 4, 1657. 


When Don Gabriel Diaz Vara Calderon became Bishop of 
Santiago de Cuba on the 14th of December, 1671, he wished 
to examine the affairs of the Church in Florida, and deputed 
Don Francisco de Sotolongo 1 as visitor ; but as the Francis 
cans raised objections to his authority, the bishop commis 
sioned Father Juan Moreno Pizarro, and Father Joseph Yar- 
redo as secretary, to make a visitation in his name. 8 The re 
sult seems to have convinced Bishop Calderon of the neces 
sity of a personal visitation. Having made his arrangements 
in the early part of the year to leave Cuba, he embarked at 



Havana on the 18th of August, 16 74, convoyed by a fleet, 
and on the 23d entered the harbor of Saint Augustine. The 
next day he began the visitation. Unfortunately we have 
but a part of the record of his episcopal labors, yet enough 
to show that the visitation was not a mere form. He cel- 

1 Sotolongo was cura propietario of San Agustin, 1666-1674, his duties 
being discharged from 1671-4 by Antonio Lorenzo de Padilla, the chaplain 
of the fort. " Noticias." We reproduce part of a view of St. Augustine, 
published at Amsterdam in 1671, "DeNieuwe en Onbekende Weereld of 
Beschryving van America," by Arnold Montanus. If it is based on any 
authentic sketch, the church shown is apparently the parish church, not 
the chapel of Nuestra Senora de la Leche, north of the fort. 

2 " Memorial en Derecho " of Don Juan Ferro Machado. 


ebrated a pontificial high mass on the 24th of August in the 
ancient city, which had already celebrated its first centenary ; 
gave minor orders to seven young men, sons of respected 
citizens and this is the first recorded instance of the con 
ferring of the sacrament of Holy Orders within the present 
limits of the United States ; gave a thousand dollars in alms 
to poor widows, who were reluctant to make known their 
necessities, created or increased by a hurricane that inundated 
most of the city on the 17th. 

After making a formal visitation of the parish church on 
the feast of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin, where he was 
received by the parish priest, Bachelor Sebastian Perez de la 
Cerda, the bishop visited on the 39th the parish church, 
" Doctrine " of the Native Indians in the city and suburbs, 
which was attached to the Convent of Saint Francis. Here 
he was received by Father Antonio de Urchia, Commissary 
Visitor ; Father Francis Perete, Provincial ; Father Alonso 
del Moral, Custos and ex-Provincial. 

He then issued an edict requiring all who had Indians in 
their employ to send them within twenty-four hours to be 
examined as to their knowledge of Christian doctrine. The 
zealous bishop found such ignorance prevailing that on the 
7th of October he promulgated at the high mass an edict re 
quiring, under the penalty of excommunication, the Francis 
can Fathers versed in the Timuquan, Apalache, and G-uale 
languages, to hold a catechism class for Indians every Sunday 
and holiday, to which all masters were to send their Indian 
servants, under penalty of excommunication and a fine of 
twenty ducats. The masters were forbidden to force their 
Indian servants to work on Sundays and holidays, and this 
edict was to be read every Sunday in the parish church at 
high mass. 1 

1 Entry of visitation in Registers of St. Augustine. 


All the coasting vessels in the port of St. Augustine had 
been destroyed or shattered by the great hurricane, so that 
the bishop was unable at first to visit the missions in the 
province of Guale, but he confirmed the Indians of Guale 
and Mocana whom he could reach. 

There were nine confraternities in the city those of the 
Blessed Sacrament, True Cross, Our Lady of the Kosary, 
Our Lady of Soledad, San Telmo, the Faithful Departed, 
St. Patrick, the Conception, and Our Lady of the Milk at 
Nombre de Dios, a suburb of the city. These he visited, as 
well as the hospital, the resources and expenditures of which 
he examined carefully. 

About the middle of October, undeterred by the rains, 
crossing rivers in canoes lashed together, the bishop reached 
Santa Fe, the chief mission and centre of the Timuquan na 
tion, and gave confirmation to all who had been prepared for 
that sacrament. Thence we can trace his visitation as far as 
Taragica, in the Apalache country. 1 

The zealous bishop spent eight months in his laborious and 
thorough visitation, correcting many abuses and suppressing 
irregularities that had grown up. His desire to restore the 
discipline of the church excited opposition, for an attempt 
was made to take his life by poison. He founded churches 
in Florida, providing for their maintenance, supplied others 
with vestments, and gave liberal alms to the Indian chiefs 

1 " Eelacion de viage por Don Pedro Palacios, secretario de visita." Se 
bastian Perez de la Cerda, proprietary parish priest from 1674 to bis death 
at the end of 1682, received Bishop Calderon. He was replaced by Mark 
Gonzales as pastor ad interim and vicar in 1681-2. He was succeeded as 
parish priest and vicar ad interim by Joseph de la Mota, the chaplain of 
the troops, who was also Commissary of the Crusade, and Minister of 
the Holy Office, 1684-5. 


and their people. He expended no less than eleven thousand 
dollars among the faithful of this part of his diocese. 1 

As a fruit of this visit, we find the missions of St. Nicholas 
of Tolentino, and another among the Choctaws, that of the 
Assumption among the Caparaz, Amacanos, and Chines, 
founded in 1674, and those of Candelaria among the Tamas, 
and the Nativity of Our Lady in the following year. Father 
Pedro de Luna was then at Guadalquini on the Georgia 
coast ; Pedro de la Lastra at San Felipe ; Diego Bravo at San 
Juan del Puerto ; Bernabe de los Angeles at Santa Cathalina, 
now St. Catharine s ; Jqhn Baptist Campana at St. Joseph 
de Sapala, now Sapelo ; Juan de Useda at Asao, a from which 
it is evident that the missions were still maintained nearly to 
the new English settlements in Carolina ; and that the good 
bishop must have actually reached South Carolina in his 
visitation. The number confirmed by him, which, of course, 
included many adults, is stated by the Bishop to have been 
13,152. This agrees with the Catholic population given by 
the missionaries about that time. 3 The next year Father 
Alonso Moral, in spite of great opposition, reached Florida 
with twenty-four Franciscans for the Indian missions. 4 One 
missionary went to the province of Carlos, but the governor, 
Don Pablo de Hita, was so earnest to have greater eifort 
made there, that the Licentiate Sebastian Perez de la Cerda, 
then parish priest and Yicar of Saint Augustine, induced 
some secular priests in Havana to offer their services. 5 The 

1 Letter of Bishop Calderon to Don Juan de Mendoza Escalante, June 
8, 1675. He confirmed 630 whites, 1,510 Indians. 
- Apparently St. Simon s Island. See ante, p. 155. 

3 The bishop s entry of his visitation at St. Augustine is September 8, 

4 Distances of the Missions, MS., 1675. Letter of Bishop Calderon, 
June 8, 1675. 

5 Barcia, 1676, p. 231. 


king gave directions for the selection of worthy priests, mak 
ing appropriation for their expenses to Florida, and a yearly 
salary of one hundred and fifteen ducats, but the officials in 
Cuba raised so many difficulties that the whole project failed, 1 
though the learned Doctor Don Juan de Cisneros, the oldest 
canon of the Cathedral, a learned, virtuous, and charitable 
priest, offered to go. 2 

In 1680 the Indians of the mission of Mascarasi, just under 
the walls of St. Augustine, complained to the newly-arrived 
governor, Don Juan Marquez Cabrera, of their treatment by 
their missionary. The affair, trifling in itself, led to conten 
tions which for years troubled the peace of the Church in 
Florida. The Provincial making no reply to the Governor s 
request to examine into the matter, the case was carried to 
the Commissary of the Indies and to the King. A royal 
decree of September 27, 1681, required the Commissary to 
enjoin on his subjects to correct the Indians with gentle and 
mild means, without exasperating them, the better to win 
souls to the service of God, and to perseverance in their in 
structions. It moreover declared that the Indians must be 
paid for all work ; and all must obey the ordinances of the 
Commissary-General of the Indies. 3 

The King of Spain, finding that no Synod had been held 
in the diocese of Cuba from the time of its erection, although 
one had been convoked by Bishop Almendarez, had, by a 
decree of March 13, 1673, directed Bishop Calderon to con- 

1 Barcia, 1679, p. 234. 

2 Barcia, 1680, pp. 239, 240, 245. 

3 Barcia 1681, p. 243 ; 1682, p. 245, speaks of the death of a Bishop of 
Santiago de Cuba in 1681-2, and Gams, " Series Pontificorum," p. 146, 
makes Bishop Juan Garcia de Palacios die June 1, 1682 ; but this is im 
possible, for the Diocesan Synod in June, 1684, was held by Bishop 
Palacios, who signs the statutes. " Synodo Diocesano" (Ed. 1844), p. 


voke one ; but that zealous bishop, who wished first to know 
his diocese by a thorough visitation, and who completed the 
cathedral, apparently with a view to such an ecclesiastical 
assembly, died March 16, 1676. His successor, Don Juan 
Garcia de Palacios, convoked a diocesan synod, which was 
opened in Havana on Whitsunday, 1684. The Constitutions 
signed June 16th have continued in force in Cuba to this 
day, and obtained in Florida as long as that province re 
mained under the Spanish flag. 

The Synod recognized and put in force in the diocese the 
decrees of the Council of Santo Domingo, passed September 
21, 1622, Florida belonging to that ecclesiastical province, 
and so remaining till the erection of Santiago de Cuba into a 
metropolitan see in 1803. 

The Constitutions provide for the instruction of the young 
in Christian doctrine, one constitution inculcating the duty 
on heads of families, as others do on pastors and teachers. 
Confraternities were regulated and many suppressed. Im 
proper dances and amusements were prohibited, and care 
taken to prevent religious holidays from being transformed 
into wild and lawless merrymakings. Provision was made 
for the erection of a diocesan seminary in Havana, to which 
the See was then about to be transferred. The conferring of 
the Sacraments of Holy Orders and Extreme Unction were 
next regulated. Elaborate rules were adopted for ecclesias 
tical courts. The duties of parish priests and head sacristans, 
of collectors of offerings in churches, and of visitors appointed 
by the bishop or chapter, were prescribed. 

The inalienability of church property is distinctly laid 
down. " The goods and property held by churches are dedi 
cated to the divine worship, and to rob them is sacrilege ; 
and that no occasion may be given to commit it, and at the 
same time to attest the goods held by churches, and which 


caunot be usurped or alienated," the dean and chapter of the 
cathedral and all parish priests were required to have an au 
thentic book, in which all houses, farms, and other property 
belonging to churches should be recorded, and also a record 
of all vestments, plate, and other articles, and in the divine 
service or the adornment of the altar (Title iv., Const, i.-iv.). 
The right of sanctuary enjoyed by churches was also main 
tained (Title xiv., Const, i.-vii.). Other constitutions related 
to wills, funerals, the sacraments of penance and matrimony. 

The holidays of obligation established were the Circum 
cision, Epiphany, Purification, St. Mathias, St. Joseph, the 
Annunciation, St. Philip and St. James, the Finding of the 
Holy Cross, St. Ferdinand, St. John the Baptist, St. Peter 
and St. Paul, St. James, St. Christopher, St. Ann, St. Lau 
rence, the Assumption, St. Bartholomew, St. Augustine, St. 
Eose, the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin, St. Matthew, St. 
Michael, St. Simon and St. Jude, All Saints, St. Andrew, the 
Conception of the Blessed Virgin, St. Thomas, Christmas, 
St. Stephen, St. John, Holy Innocents and St. Sylvester, 
Easter Monday and Tuesday, Ascension, Whitmonday and 
Tuesday, Corpus Christi. Those who lived more than three 
miles from a church or chapel, and not more than three 
leagues, were to hear mass once a fortnight ; those within 
ten leagues, every month, and so on ; those who lived sixty 
or seventy leagues distant being required to hear mass at 
least once a year (Lib. ii., Tit. i., Const, i.-vi.). 

After Easter Sunday the parish priest was required to visit 
every house, and see all who lived there to be sure that they 
had approached the sacraments. A certificate was given to 
each communicant, and a list had to be taken to the bishop 
within a specified time. The parish priests in Florida were 
to come by the first vessel sailing to Cuba (Lib. i., Tit. vii., 
Const. iv.X 


The fasting days were the Ember days, all days of Lent 
except Sundays, the vigils of Whitsunday, St. Mathias, St. 
John the Baptist, St. Peter and St. Paul, St. James, St. Lau 
rence, the Assumption, St. Bartholomew, St. Matthew, St. 
Simon and St. Jude, All Saints, St. Andrew, St. Thomas, 
and Christmas (Lib. iii., Tit. xiii., Const, i.). Fridays and 
Saturdays were days of abstinence. 

A special title was devoted to Florida, the provinces of 
which the Synod declared had been intrusted to the bishop 
by the Apostolic See and by the Spanish monarch, and which 
belonged to that bishopric. The game of ball among the 
Indians as connected with superstitious usages was forbidden ; 
married Indian men were not to be kept in St. Augustine 
away from their wives ; it .appearing that many were in the 
habit of living there as hunters, carpenters, etc., the parish 
priest and his vicar were to see that they returned to> their 
own villages ; Indians employed in or near the city were to 
have every opportunity to hear mass on Sundays and holi 
days, and were to be sent to the Franciscan Convent to hear 
mass and receive instruction in Christian doctrine. 

The Indian Catholics were not obliged to observe the same 
holidays as the whites, the obligation extending only to the 
Sundays, Circumcision, Epiphany, Purification, Annuncia 
tion, Ascension, Corpus Christi, St. Peter and St. Paul, As 
sumption, All Saints, and Christmas, as they were relieved 
from the others by Bulls of the Sovereign Pontiffs. 1 They 
were obliged to fast only on Fridays in Lent, Holy Saturday, 
and Christmas Eve. Religious were not to hear confessions 
or administer the sacraments till they received faculties from 
the bishop, and were not to leave their missions for more 

1 Bull "Altitude Divini Consilii"of Pope Paul III., June 1, 1537. 
Hernaez, " Coleccion," i., pp. 65-7; "Bullarium de Propaganda Fide," 
App. i. , p. 25. This does not include All Saints. 


than two months at a time ; were to be assiduous in cate 
chising, teaching the boys every day, and, where possible, in 
Spanish. Indian converts instructed in the Christian doc 
trine were to receive communion at Easter and other con 
venient seasons, and certificates of having fulfilled their 
Paschal duty were to be given to them. Registers were to 
be kept of Indian baptisms, marriages, and funerals, and the 
Franciscan Fathers were not to serve the whites except in 
special cases. Nor were whites to endeavor to collect money 
due from Indians who came to church. This and other 
abuses were prohibited by royal orders of June 1, 1672, and 
August 2, 1678. The Florida title ends thus : " And obeying 
another royal order of May 21, 1678, in which his majesty, 
with his Catholic piety, charges us that we should, on our 
part, watch with all attention and vigilance for the relief and 
good treatment of the Indians, we most affectionately ad 
monish the said missionaries to treat them well and charita 
bly, and not to consent that any person, ecclesiastical or secu 
lar, should maltreat them in word or deed, using due effort 
in all cases, in a matter so important to the service of God 
and his majesty, wherewith we charge them in conscience " 
(Lib. iv., Tit. v.). 1 

Spain, although she found that Florida could not be self- 
subsisting, not being fitted for raising wheat or cattle, neg 
lected to plant settlements on the Chesapeake, where shell 
fish and wild-fowl would have proved a resource. She 
allowed the English to plant that district and at last extend 
their settlements to the country immediately north of Saint 
Helena Sound. As the new English colony of Carolina 

1 " Synodo Diocesana, que de orden de S. M. celebro el ilustrisimo 
Senor Doctor Don Juan Garcia de Palacios, Obispo de Cuba, en Junio 
de mil seiscientos ochenta y cuatro." There are three editions, the first 
about 1688 ; the second at Havana, 1816 ; the third, Havana, 1844. 


grew, it became a menace to Florida, and the result was not 
long delayed. 

The Bishop of Cuba used every exertion to have the royal 
orders in regard to the mission of secular priests in Florida 
carried out ; but all efforts failed. The Governor Juan Mar- 
quez Cabrera was by no means fitted for the difficult crisis 
in the affairs of the peninsula. 

On the Atlantic coast, seeing the missions menaced, the 
governor endeavored to persuade the converted Indians of 
the towns of San Felipe, San Simon, Santa Catalina, Sapala, 
Tupichi, Asao, Obaldaquini, and other missions, to remove to 
the islands of Santa Maria, San Juan, and Santa Cruz. His 
plan may have been wise, but it was not carried out with 
judgment. The Indians refused to go, and revolting, aban 
doned their missions. Some fled to the woods, others to Eng 
lish territory. The missionaries in 1684 used every means 
of persuasion and promises to induce the Jamagos, or Yam- 
assees, of the Guale province to remain ; but they went over 
to the English, followed by other tribes. Aided by their 
new friends with arms, and doubtless at their instigation, 
these Indians the next year suddenly and unexpectedly in 
vaded the Spanish territory of Timuqua, sacked the mis 
sion of Santa Catalina, carried off all the vestments, plate, 
and other articles from the church and Franciscan convent, 
killed many of the Catholic Indians, burned the town, and 
retired loaded with plunder, and Indians to sell as slaves to 
the settlers of Carolina. 1 

1 Barcia, 1687, p. 287 ; Ayeta, "La Verdad Defendida," fol. 213. Obal 
daquini is apparently Gualaquini or Jykill island. San Felipe was six 
leagues, and Mocama island, occupied by the Yamassees, was three 
leagues from it, MS. Statement of Missions in 1675. Chatuache or 
Satuache was sixty leagues from St. Augustine, and was the most north 
erly town attended by the missionaries. " Memoria de las Poblaciones, 
1655," MS. 


This mission of St. Catharine, the most important one in 
the province of Guale, was evidently on the island that still 
bears that name, on the coast of Georgia. In 1675, with the 
dependent town of Satuache, it was attended by Father Ber- 
nabe de los Angeles ; St. Joseph s mission being at Sapala, 
now Sapelo island, and St. Dominic s at Asao, or St. Simon s 

The aggressive fanaticism of English colonists was thus ar 
rayed against Catholicity in Florida. The destruction of St. 
Catharine s church and convent opens a new era. 

Don Juan Marques Cabrera when governor treated the 
Apalaches with great severity, and his adjutant, Antonio 
Matheo, burnt several of their towns, the Indians flying to 
the woods or seeking refuge with other nations. 

When Don Diego de Quiroga y Lossada was appointed he 
adopted a more conciliatory policy. The great Cacique of 
the Carlos Keys sent his son, the heathen Indians of Yasisa 
Hiver asked for missionaries, and Franciscans were sent to 
several of the Christian towns. A better feeling soon pre 
vailed throughout the peninsula, and there are extant let 
ters to the King of Spain, one written by the Apalache 
chiefs, 1 and the other by those of the Timuquan nation, 2 
expressing their satisfaction with the missionaries and the 

The documents are curious as evidence that the chiefs in 
Spanish Florida, at that time, were able to write their names. 

1 Don Matheo Chuba ; Chief Juan Mendoza ; Don Bentura, Chief of 
Ibitaclmco ; Don Alonso Pastrana, Chief of Pattali ; Don Patricio, Chief 
of Santa Cruz ; Don Ignacio, Chief of Tulpatqui. 

2 Don Francisco, Chief of San Matheo ; Don Pedro, Chief of San Pe 
dro ; Don Bentura, Chief of Asile ; Don Diego, Chief of Machaua ; 
Gregorio, Chief of San Juan de Guacara ; Francisco Martinez. 

Fac-similes of the signatures are given at page 180. The word 
" holahta" means " Chief." 


Reports of Indian discontent, and appeals for better eccle 
siastical government in Florida, induced the King of Spain, 
in 1687, to direct the newly appointed Bishop of Cuba, Don 
Diego Evelino de Compostela, to dispatch all urgent business 
as soon as possible after reaching his diocese, and then pro 
ceed to the provinces of Florida and make a complete visi 
tation. Finding, however, that the affairs of Cuba would re 
quire his attention for a considerable time, the bishop (Jan 
uary 7, 1688) appointed a learned Cuban priest, the Bachelor 
Don Juan Ferro Machado, his visitor-general of the provinces 
of Florida. Br. Ferro Machado proceeded to Florida at his 
own expense, with his secretary, Bachelor Joseph Manuel 
Aleman y Hurtado, and was received at St. Augustine, as the 
bishop s representative, by Rev. Joseph Perez de la Mota, the 
parish priest and vicar; but the Franciscan Fathers would 
not permit him to make a visitation of their houses and mis 
sions, as he was not the bishop or a religious of their order 
empowered for the purpose, citing in justification a royal 
order of December 21, 1595. The parish church in St. Au 
gustine was visited by him February 20, 1688. It was still 
only a wooden structure, poorly fitted up, and the clergy with 
but scanty means to give dignity to the worship of God. 1 

The report of Don Juan Ferro Machado drew forth a work 
by Father Francis Ayeta in which he denied that Florida 
was part of the diocese of Cuba, and questioned the bishop s 
authority to send a delegate to make a visitation of their 
houses. He reviewed the whole question at great length, 
with a vast array of authorities, and controverted some state 
ments of the visitor-general, especially in relation to the mis- 

1 Machado, "Memorial en derecho al Rei," 22 leaves, fol. 1688. Bar- 
cia, pp. 294, 300. Entry in the Register of St. Augustine. The chapel in 
the fort at Saint Augustine, begun about this time, is one of the oldest 
Catholic chapels in the country. 


sion of San Salvador de Mayaca, which had been removed 
by the Franciscans. Father Ayeta asserted that its location 
was so unhealthy that the people and their missionary, Father 
Bartholomew de Quinones, were constantly sick ; that the 
provincial, in consequence, sent his secretary, Father Salvador 
Bueno, who selected a healthy site, which pleased the Indi 
ans, so that he attracted others and made many converts. 1 

J F. Francisco Ayeta, "La Yerdad Defendida," a folio of 227 leaves. 
Ayeta was a prolific writer, whose pen was employed by his Order in 
several similar controversies. He wrote also the " Crisol de la Verdad," 
1693, against Bishop Palafox of Puebla in Mexico ; " Ultimo Recurso" 
(1694) on questions raised in Yucatan; "Defensa de la Verdad" (1689) 
against the Bishop of Guadalajara ; " Discurso Legal" against the Bishop 
of Quito, 1699. See as to him F. Marcellino da Civezza, " Bibliografia 
Francescana," pp. 29-30. 



WE have traced the history of the Church in the English 
colonies to 1690, and seen what she had accomplished in 
Florida till the same time. In another part of our present 
domain the Church had also labored, and not in vain. The 
year 1690 beheld there, indeed, naught but ruined churches 
and slaughtered priests ; but there is a century of evangelical 
labor to chronicle, and the check sustained by the Church in 
her holy work was but a temporary one. 

After the martyrdom of Father Padilla and his compan 
ion, no further effort was made in the direction of Xew Mex 
ico till the year 1581. A fervent Franciscan lay brother, 
Augustine Rodriguez, full of mortification, prayer, and zeal, 
had been sent at his own request to Zacatecas. From that 
point he penetrated northward, and found tribes who received 
him with every mark of good-will. He returned, expecting 
to induce his superiors to found a mission there. But the 
laborers were few, and the good lay brother retired to a con 
vent in the valley of San Bartolome, where he prayed, mor 
tified himself, and waited for the Lord. Three Indians came 
to tell him of civilized tribes to the north who lived in 
houses. He journeyed far enough to be convinced of the 
fact, and then made his way to Mexico to implore his supe 
riors to do something for these starving souls. His pleading 
was not in vain ; two young priests of the order Father 
Francis Lopez, who had come from the Franciscan province 



of Andalusia, and Father John of St. Mary, a Catalan were 
assigned to the work. They set out from the mines of Santa 
Barbara, June 6, 1581, escorted by eight soldiers, who with 
their leader, Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado, volunteered to 
protect the missionaries. Passing through wild tribes the 
brave religious came to the country of the Pueblo Indians. 
They gave the province the name of New Mexico, which it 
has borne for three centuries. The Tiguas, first to receive 
these Christian teachers, showed a disposition to listen to their 
words, so that Brother Augustine and his companions re 
solved to begin their mission there. Chamuscado and his 
men, after making some exploration, left the missionaries in 
apparent security in December, and journeyed back. For a 
time the mission prospered, and the field seemed so w r ide that 
Father John set out for Mexico to obtain other religious, 
with requisites for a permanent mission. Skilled in astron 
omy, and trusting to the guidance of the stars, he took a new 
route, crossing the Salinas and bearing straight for the Eio 
Grande. While sleeping one day by the wayside he w r as dis 
covered by some Tigua Indians, of a town subsequently called 
San Pablo, who crushed his head with a huge stone, and then 
burned his body. Father Lopez and Brother Augustine had 
remained at a Pueblo town, with three Indian boys and a 
half-breed, earnestly endeavoring to acquire the language, so 
as to be able to instruct the people in the doctrines of the 
gospel. One day a band from an unfriendly tribe entered 
the town and began quarreling with the people. Father 
Lopez reproved them, but they became furious at his cen 
sure, and turning upon him made his body a target for their 
arrows. The second of the priests thus laid down his life. 
Brother Augustine buried the body of Father Lopez in the 
town, and courageously resumed his labors ; but his Indian 
comrades took alarm and fled. One was slain, but the other 


reached a Spanish post to tell of the death of Father Lopez, 
and his fears that the good Brother had perished also, because 
he heard shouts and yells behind him when he escaped. It 
is said that some of the chiefs endeavored to save Brother 
Augustine, but others wished to rid themselves of an impor 
tunate monitor, and he was ere long dispatched. Father 
Zarate Salmeron, writing in 1626, says that he was killed 
by two blows of a inacana or wooden war-club, as his skull 
showed, and as the Indians of the town of Poala confessed ; 
for there were many still alive who witnessed his death, and 
revealed where his body was buried beside the grave he had 
dug for Father Lopez. 1 

The report of the soldiers filled the Franciscan Fathers on 
the frontier with alarm. Father Bernardine Beltran in vain 
sought men brave enough to accompany him in search of his 
valiant brethren, till at last a rich, brave, and pious gentle 
man, Don Antonio Espejo, resolved to go, and gathered a 
party of fourteen stout men for the purpose. He set out 
from the valley of Sari Bartolome, November 10, 1582, with 

1 Brother Augustine Rodriguez was a native of the county of Niebla, in 
Spain, and entered the Franciscan Order in Mexico. The place where 
Father John Mary perished cannot be identified ; but Poala, or Puaray, 
where Brother Rodriguez and Father Lopez were killed, must have been 
near, if not between, the present pueblos of Sandia and Isleta, as is evi 
dent from the itinerary of Espejo. The earliest account of these mis 
sionaries is in an " Itinerario del Nuevo Mundo," appended to the " His- 
toria de las Cosas mas Notables, Ritos y Costumbres del gran Reyno de 
la China," by Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza, published at Madrid in 1586. 
See also Zarate Salmeron, " Relacion de las Cosas que en el Nuevo Mex 
ico," Mexico, 1856, pp. 9-10 ; Villagra, " Historia de la Nueva Mexico," 
pp. 35, 126, 137; Torquemada, " Monarquia Indiana," iii., pp. 359, 
626-8 ; Arlegui, "Cronica de la Provincia de Zacatecas," Mexico, 1737- 
1851, pp. 212-217; Fernandez, "Historia Ecclesiastica de Nuestros Ti- 
empos," 1611, pp. 57-8 ; " Testirnonio dado in Mejico sobre el descubri- 
miento de doscientos leguas adelante de las minas de S a Barbara"; 
" Colec. de Doc. Ineditos," xv., p. 80 ; " Testimony of Pedro Busta- 
mente," p. 81. 


Father Beltran. Passing through the Indian tribes of the 
Conchos, Passaguates, Tobosos, Jumanas, or Patarabueyes, 
he finally reached Poala only to be assured of the assassina 
tion of the missionaries. The guilty Indians fled at his 

Finding himself baffled in the pious object of his expedi 
tion, Espejo resolved to explore the country before he re 
turned. He visited the Maguas, where Father John de 
Santa Maria was killed, the Queres, the Curiames, whose 
chief town was Zia, and the Amejes, Acoma, arid Zufii. At 
the last-named town he found three Christian Indians who 
had been left by Coronado. Father Beltran set out from 
Zufii for Mexico, but Espejo visited Moqui before his re 

Permission to occupy New Mexico was solicited by Espejo, 
but he lacked influence to support his well-earned claim. 
More fortunate than he, Captain Castanon obtained the con 
sent of the Yiceroy. Following the attempt of Lomas, he 
entered New Mexico with a small force, some families to 
settle, and droves of cattle, sheep, and goats, but when after 
advancing a considerable distance into the country he sent 
back for reinforcements, the Viceroy recalled him and confided 
the conquest of the country to Juan de Ofiate. 1 An attempt 
was made, however, in defiance of the Yiceroy, by Captain 
Leiva Bonilla. 

Though Ofiate, who was allied to the families of Cortes 
and Montezuma, had obtained a royal patent as early as 1588, 
it was not till August 24, 1595, that the Yiceroy of Xew 
Spain issued the official authority for his expedition. The 
Franciscans had purchased the right to evangelize the terri- 

1 " Ytinerario del Nuevo Mundo," fol. 287.2-301.2 ; Montoya, " Rela- 
cion del Descobrimiento del Nvovo Mexico," pp. 4, 9 ; Espejo in " Co- 
leccion de Documentos Ineditos," xv., pp. 101, etc. 


tory by the life-blood of five of their order. Father Roderic 
Duran was sent as commissary or superior with Fathers Diego 
Marquez, Balthazar, Christopher de Salazar, and others, and 
these priests were promptly at the emigrant camp formed at 
ISTombre de Dios ; but intrigues at the capital prepossessed 
the government against Oiiate. He was at last forbidden to 
advance, and Father Duran, with some of the Franciscans, 
returned to Mexico, leaving Father Diego Marquez as the 
only priest with Onate s company. This religious had been 
captured at sea and taken before Queen Elizabeth, who or 
dered him to be tortured to extort information regarding the 
Spanish provinces in America. That he yielded probably 
made him at this time unpopular, and the feeling was so 
strong that when the expedition at last set out, he was com 
pelled to return to Mexico soon after they reached the Rio 
Conchas. 1 

Another body of Franciscans were, however, already on 
their way to take charge of the settlers in New Mexico and 
of the Indian missions. At their head was Father Alonso 
Martinez, " a religious of singular virtue and noble gifts," 
says the poet of the expedition. His companions were Father 
Francis de Zamora, Fathers Rozas, San Miguel, Claros, Lugo, 
Andres Corchado, and two lay brothers. 

The expedition with heavy wagons, droves of cattle and 
sheep, and settlers to the number of four hundred, including 
one hundred and thirty married men with families, moved 
slowly, escorted by Spanish soldiers, and the flower of the 
Clrichimeca Indian auxiliaries. The Rio del Norte was 
finally reached at the close of April, and on Ascension Day, 
1598, after a solemn mass and sermon, possession was for- 

1 Villagra, " Historia de la Nueva Mexico," 1610, pp. 68, 86 ; Andres 
Cavo, " Tres Siglos de Mexico," i., p. 228 ; Barcia, " Ensayo Cronolog- 
ico," p. 164. 


mally taken of New Mexico, in the name of the Spanish King. 1 
The religious services were followed by a representation in 
the style of the old mysteries, a " Comedia," composed by 
Captain Farfan, in which New Mexico welcomed the Church, 
beseeching her, on bended knee, to wash away its sins in 
the waters of baptism. 

Captain Villagra, in his poetical account of the conquest 
of New Mexico, inserts this prayer, pronounced aloud at this 
time by Oiiate : 

" O holy Cross, who art the divine gate of heaven, altar of 
the only and essential sacrifice of the Body and Blood of the 
Son of God, path of the Saints, and possession of His glory, 
open the gate of heaven to these unbelievers, found the 
Church and Altars on which the Body and Blood of the Son 
of God may be offered ; open to us the way of security and 
peace, for their conversion and our own conversion, and give 
our king and me, in his royal name, peaceful possession of 
these kingdoms and provinces for His holy glory. Amen." : 

This is a gratifying monument of the religious and peace 
ful character of Ofiate s entrance into New Mexico. As 
they went on, mass was said by some of the Fathers before 
each day s march began. Dilate, finally, with Fathers Mar 
tinez and Christopher de Salazar, accompanied by sixty men, 
pushed on, and entering New Mexico took possession in the 
usual form, justifying the conquest by the murder of the 

missionaries. 3 

On the 27th of June they entered Puaray. Here they 

1 Villagra, p. 118 ; Zarate Salmeron, p. 28. 

2 Villagra, p. 130, gives this in prose. 

3 " Treslado de la posesion que en nombre de su Magestad tomo Don 
Joan de Oiiate de los reynos y provincias de la Nueva Mexico, ano de 
1598." " Coleccion de Documentos," xvi., p. 88; xviii., pp. 108-127; 
Villagra, pp. 119-132 ; Duro, " Penalosa," p. 155. 


found a house, with the walls within so carefully whitened 
as to excite their suspicion. On removing this coat the 
Spaniards found beneath a painting, representing with some 
skill the martyrdom of Fathers Santa Maria and Lopez and 
Brother Ruiz, depicting the scene where they perished be 
neath the weapons of the Indians. 1 

By the 25th of July Onate reached the Indian pueblo of 
Pecos, but retracing his course to the valley of Santo Do 
mingo, he began on the llth of August to lay out the city of 
San Francisco. This first seat of Spanish occupation in New 
Mexico was about two miles west of the former pueblo of 
Ojke, to which the Spaniards gave the name of San Juan de 
los Caballeros, and the proposed city, instead of its intended 
name of San Francisco, is referred to as the Real de San 
Juan. Here, on the 23d of August, the erection of the first 
church in New Mexico was begun, and on the 7th of Sep 
tember a building large enough to accommodate the settlers 
and garrison was completed. The next day, feast of the 
Nativity of our Lady, this church was dedicated under the 
name of Saint John the Baptist, the Father Commissary, 
Alonso Martinez, blessing it and consecrating the altars and 
chalices. Father Christopher de Salazar preached the sermon, 
and the day wound up with a general rejoicing and a mock 
battle between mounted Moors with lance and shield and 
Christians on foot with firearms. Thus was the first Cath 
olic settlement in New Mexico begun, just thirty-three years 
after the settlement of Saint Augustine. 2 

1 Villagra, p. 137 ; " Coleccion de Documentos," xvi., p. 256. 

2 " Discurso de las Jornadas," Coleccion de Documentos, xvi., pp. 247- 
264. Onate, in his letter of March 2, 1599, says that the first church 
was founded in the beginning of October. Montoya, " Relacion," p. 16. 
" Y como el real Alferez Penalosa Llego con todo el campo sin disgusto 
Al pueblo de San Juan, los Religiosos Hizieron luego Yglesia, y la ben- 
dijo El Padre Comisario " Villagra, pp. 144-2, 171. While endeavoring 


The sacristy of this first church was soon enriched with a 
relic which filled the missionaries with pious consolation. It 
was the paten used by Father Lopez, who had been put to 
death at Puaray, and which they had recovered from a chief 
at Jemez, whom they found wearing it as a gorget. 1 

Having thus established a religious centre, the Commissary 
Apostolic assigned his priests to fields of labor in the great 
vineyard opened before him. Father Francis de San Miguel 
was sent to Pecos ; Father Francisco de Zamora to Picuries 
and Taos ; Father John de Eozas to Cheres ; Father Alphon- 
sus de Lugo to Jemez ; Father Andrew Corchado to Zia ; 
Father John Claros to the Tiguas ; Father Christopher de 
Salazar was not yet ordained, but he took up his abode at 
the newly erected church of St. John with Brother John de 
San Buenaventura, and here the Commissary remained when 
not visiting the mission stations. Each missionary had a dis 
trict, with several pueblos, dependent on him. 

All through the summer the chiefs of the pueblos made 
their submission and acknowledged the Spanish authority, so 
that Onate and his officers thought the country completely 
reduced. Each pueblo received the name of the saint or 
mystery to which the church or convent was to be dedicated. 
Thus Puaray was placed under the patronage of St. Anthony 
of Padua ; the rising convent of Santo Domingo was dedi 
cated to our Lady of the Assumption ; Picuries to Saint Bon- 

to fix the location of this first church, the experienced antiquary, Adolph 
F. Bandelicr, wrote me, "The first church was not built at San Juan 
Baptista, as the Discurso de las Jornadas of Onate would seem to imply, 
but about two miles west of the former pueblo of Ojke, then called by 
the Spaniards San Juan. The site of Ojke is partly covered by the 
actual pueblo of San Juan." The pueblo of San Juan is on the banks 
of the Rio Grande, just above the junction of the Rio Charna, the new 
pueblo being somewhat west of the former one. 
1 " Discurso de las Jornadas," p. 259. 


a venture ; Galisteo to Saint Anne. But in December the 
Spaniards were startled in their fancied security by tidings 
from Acoma that the men of that pueblo, under Zutacapan, 
had suddenly attacked and killed Onate s lieutenant and 
several of his men. Onate sent a detachment which stormed 
the height, captured the town after a stubborn resistance, 
and gave it to the flames ; soon after the commander suc 
cessfully repelled an Indian attack on his camp at San 
Juan. 1 

"When spring opened, Onate sent to Mexico Captain Villa- 
gra, with Fathers Martinez and Salazar, to give an account 
of his conquest. Father Salazar died on the way ; and though 
the Commissary reached the City of Mexico, his health was 
greatly enfeebled by all that he had undergone ; he fell sick, 
and being unable to return, a venerable priest of great sanc 
tity, Father John de Escalona, was sent as Commissary, with 
six or eight additional Fathers, escorted by about two hun 
dred soldiers. 8 

Meanwhile Onate had abandoned the site selected east of 
the Rio Grande, and crossing that river founded San Gabriel, 
on the Chama, six leagues north of the junction, and near 
the Ojo Caliente. 3 

In October, 1599, the new Commissary, Father Escalona, 
reached San Gabriel, where the Spaniards were living peace 
fully, surrounded by Indians, many of whom had already re 
ceived the grace of baptism. Onate then set out, with eighty 

1 "Documentos Ineditos," 16, p. 39. 

>2 Onate, Letter March 2, 1599, from San Juan. Montoya, p. 24 ; " Co- 
leccion de Doe. Ineditos," xvi., p. 97, etc.; xviii., p. 265 ; Zarate Salme- 
ron, p. 23 ; Yillagra, pp. 195-277. 

3 "Coleccion de Documentos," xvi., p. 39 ; Zarate Salmeron, 1626, p. 
24 ; "Documentos para la Historia de Mexico," iii., 1, p. 158. The post 
of San Gabriel was maintained certainly till 1604 (Zarate Salmeron, p. 30) 
and probably till 1607. 


soldiers, to make discoveries in the direction followed by 
Coronado, and reach Quivira. Father Francisco Yelasco and 
Brother Vergara accompanied the force to tread the path 
which led Padilla to martyrdom. His course lay first to the 
east-northeast, and then turned directly to the east. After a 
march of two hundred leagues Onate reached the town of 
Quivira, whose occupants were attacked, as the Spaniards 
were, by a roving prairie tribe, called by the Spaniards the 
Escanjaques. 1 

The settlers and soldiers left at San Gabriel, without any 
one to direct the necessary works to fit it for defence as a 
place of refuge, oppressed the Indians, and soon fell into 
such want that they were all perishing. The natives, whom 
the Spaniards had robbed of their stores of corn, fled from 
their towns. The crops planted by the settlers seemed to 
have failed, and there was a general feeling that their com 
mander might never return/ It was the almost unanimous 
wish of the settlers to abandon the country and make their 
way to Santa Barbara, thence to report to the viceroy and 
await his answer. Even the missionaries favored the step. 
Fathers Francis de San Miguel and Francis de Zamora, with 
two lay Brothers, asked also to go and act as chaplains to the 
discouraged emigrants. Father Escalona remained at San Ga 
briel, with the King s Ensign and a few Spaniards, awaiting 
instructions either from Onate or from the viceroy. 3 When 
Onate returned to San Gabriel he was roused to fury on 
finding his settlement abandoned ; he proceeded against those 
who had left in form, proclaimed them traitors, and sen- 

1 "Memorial de Vicente de Zaldivar," Doc. Ined., xviii., p. 188 ; Tor- 
quemada, "Monarquia Indiana," i., pp. 672, 678. 

2 Zarate Salmeron, p. 26. 

3 Letter dated San Gabriel, October 1, 1601 ; Torquemada, i., p. 673. 


tenced them to death. 1 His highest officer, with the san 
guinary warrants, reached Santa Barbara twelve days after 
the slow-going caravan of disheartened settlers entered it. 2 
The missionaries justified the action of the people, and Oil ate 
was evidently compelled to conciliate his colonists, and seems 
to have induced them to return. Six Franciscan Fathers 
Francis de Escobar, one of them, being appointed Commis 
sary 3 were sent to maintain the missions ; but the religious 
complained of Oilate s arbitrary conduct in causing the Com 
missary to remove them from place to place, and forcing 
them to act as chaplains to the whites a duty rather for 
secular priests, when their object was the conversion of the 

Father John de Escalona, retiring from his office as Com 
missary, remained in the province, laboring as a missionary 
among the Indians, edifying all by his zeal, as he had done 
for years by his holy life. He had seen the first effort made 
for the conversion of New Mexico, and is said to have be 
held in ecstasy the death of Brother Eodriguez and his com 
panions. His own mission work began among the Queres, 
in the pueblo of Santo Domingo on the banks of the Rio 
Grande, and there he piously ended his days. 4 

In October, 1604, Oiiate, having restored his town of San 
Gabriel, set out from it to extend his explorations to the 
shores of the Pacific. Accompanied by Father Escobar he 
visited Zuili and the Moqui towns, then reached the Col 
orado and Gila, and followed the former to its mouth, taking 

1 Torquemada, i. , p. 675. 

2 Letter of F. Francis de San Miguel, Santa Barbara, February 26, 1602 ; 
Torquemada, i., pp. 676-7. 

3 Torquemada, i. , p. 678. 

4 " Many are the prodigious things which befel this holy man among 
those Indians," writes F. Zarate Salmeron, p. 53. 



possession in the name of the king on the 25th of January, 
1605, assigning, as far as he could, the whole extent of the 
province he had explored to the Franciscans, who, in mem 
ory of the day, made the Conversion of Saint Paul the pa- 
tronal feast of the mission of New Mexico. 1 

Soon after this Santa Fe was founded and became the seat 
of the Spanish power ; but as the religious devoted their ener 
gies more especially to the Indian pueblos, and there was 
perhaps a feeling that the new settlement might not be per 
manent, no church was erected, the services being conducted 
in a wretched hut. 2 

For twelve years the labors of the Sons of St. Francis in 
New Mexico bore little fruit to encourage them, 3 but they 
were at last able to begin more systematic labors in the In 
dian pueblos, and with such success that, by the year 1608, 
they reported eight thousand baptisms. The Teoas nation 
was the first to embrace the faith, their church at San Ilde- 
fonso being apparently the first erected for the Indians in 
New Mexico.* Father Escobar having resigned his office, 
Father Alonso Peinado was sent to New Mexico as Commis 
sary, with eight or nine additional priests to carry on the 
good work. 5 

Father Jerome de Zarate Salmeron became missionary to 
the Jemes about the year 1618, and during his eight years 
labor in their pueblo composed in their language a catechism 
and other works that would be needed by any priest who 
succeeded him. He baptized 6,566 in the Jeme nation, and 
many others at the Queres towns of Cia arid Santa Ana. 

1 Zarate Salmeron, pp. 30-37. 

2 Benavides, p. 27. A. F. Bandelier, who has written on the date of 
the foundation of Santa Fe, fixes it at 1607. 

3 Benavides, " Memorial," p. 2. 4 Ibid., p. 28. 
* Torquemada, i., p. 678. 


Acoma, which on its embattled height had defied the Span 
iards, yielded to his zeal. In all these missions he erected 
churches and residences. 1 

When Father Stephen de Perea was Commissary a most 
consoling ceremony took place. Thirty-three years after the 
death of Father John Lopez, an Indian of Puaray, who had 
witnessed his death and burial; guided Father Perea to the 
spot where Brother Rodriguez had interred him. The grave 
was opened, and the bones reverently encased were borne by 
the religious in procession, followed by their converts to the 
Church of Sandia, undeterred by the inclement weather of 
February. Miracles were ascribed to his intercession, for 
which Father Zarate Salmeron refers to the work of another 
missionary, apparently Father Perea himself. 2 The ancient 
chapel of the pueblo of Sandia in all probability holds to this 
day the remains of this protomartyr of the New Mexico 

About the year 1622, in the Provincial Chapter of the 
Franciscan Order held in Mexico, the missions which had 
hitherto been under the care of a Commissary were formed 
into a Custodia, of which Father Alonzo de Benavides was 
appointed the first custos. The Viceroy of New Spain there 
upon authorized him to take twenty-six missionaries to New 
Mexico, their expenses on the way and their maintenance 
being paid by the king. But though the new custos entered 
his district with that number, death, sickness, and hardship 
soon thinned their ranks, and at the close of the year 1627 
the king ordered the viceroy to send thirty Franciscan Fa 
thers to New Mexico. 3 

On the 4th of September, 1628, nineteen priests and two 

1 Torquemada, " Dedication." 2 Zarate Salmeron, p. 11. 

3 Cedula of November 15, 1627. 



lay brothers of the Order of Saint Francis left the City of 
Mexico with the newly appointed Gustos, Father Stephen de 
Perea ; these were maintained by the king and nine others, 


at the expense of the province of the Holy Gospel, all ready 
to meet toil and danger in the missions of New Mexico. 1 
In 1630 Father Benavides was dispatched to Spain to lay 

1 Perea, " Verdadera Relation de la Grandiosa Conversion que ha avido 
en el Nuevo Mexico," Seville, 1632. 


before the sovereign the consoling results of the missions 
which his zeal had established. 

At Chilili, the chief pueblo of the Tompiras, Father John 
de Salas founded a mission, which soon had six churches and 
residences. His zeal extended beyond the limits of that na 
tion. Hearing of the Xumanas, a tribe similar in mode of 
life to the tribes already known, whose pueblo lay east of the 
mesa still bearing their name, and not far from the Salt 
lakes, this missionary about 1623 endeavored to bear the 
light of the gospel to them. To his surprise he found the 
Xumanas familiar with the Christian doctrines, and they de 
clared that they had been instructed in the faith of Christ by 
a woman. Her attire, as they described it, was that of a nun, 
and the missionary showed them a picture of Sister Louisa 
Carrion, a religious in Spain highly esteemed for her sanc 
tity. The Indians declared that the dress was the same, but 
the lady who visited them was younger and more handsome. 
In 1629 Father Benavides resolved to found a mission among 
this interesting people, and he sent Fathers Perea and Lopez 
to take up their residence at the great pueblo of the Xumana 
nation, which he dedicated to St. Isidore, archbishop. When 
he subsequently re- 
turned to Spam, 
Father Benavides 
heard of Sister Maria 
de Agreda, and at * , 

her convent learned FAC . SIMILE OF THE SIGNATURE OF THE VEN. 
that she had in MARIA DE AGREDA. 

ecstasy visited New 

Mexico and instructed Indians there. The Franciscan writers 
all from this time speak of this marvellous conversion of the 
Xumanas by her instrumentality, as a settled fact. The 
ruins recently called Gran Quivira are, in all probability, the 


site of a Xumana town, the nation having been wasted away 
by wars and absorbed in some one of the New Mexican tribes. 1 
In 1632 Father John de Salas again visited the tribe, accom 
panied by F. Diego de Ortego, and finding the people friendly 
and disposed to receive the faith, he left Father Ortego there 
for six months. 2 The Tompiras by 1629 had six convents and 

1 This conversion of the Xumanas is detailed by Father Benavides in 
his "Memorial," pp. 23, 86, etc. ; and a separate tract, " Tanto que se 
saco," etc. ; is treated of by Father Joseph Ximenez Samaniego in his 
Life of Maria de Agreda prefixed to her "Mistica Ciudad," Lisbon, 
1681, vol. i., sig. M. 3; is referred to by Bishop Manzo y Zuniga of 
Mexico in 1682, and is constantly mentioned by later writers as an ac 
knowledged fact. During her life she underwent a rigorous examina 
tion before the Inquisition, of which her long and clear answers are pre 
served. The Sorbonne condemned the " Mistica Ciudad," and the Holy 
See for a time permitted its circulation only in Spain and Portugal. Her 
correspondence with Philip IV. ("Cartas de la Ven. M. Sor Maria de 
Agreda y del Seiior Key Don Felipe IV.," Madrid, 1885) show a clear 
political judgment, a firmness and decision that the king and his coun 
sellors seemed to lack. 

The Ven. Maria de Agreda, daughter of Francis Coronel and Cathe 
rine de Arana, was born at Agreda, April 2, 1602, and after a childhood 
of great piety and reserve, at the age of sixteen took the veil in the Order 
of Poor Clares with her mother and sister, their house becoming a con 
vent, her father w r ith her two brothers making their profession in the 
Convent of San Antonio the same day. Her austerities were extraordi 
nary, but they were supported by a solid and constant piety and virtue. 
Having become abbess at the age of twenty -five, she erected a new T con 
vent near the city, which is still standing. Through life she petitioned 
the Holy See to define clearly two points made de fide in our time the 
Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin and the Infallibility of the 
Sovereign Pontiff. She died on Whitsunday, 1665, and the process of 
her canonization, begun soon after her death, has been revived in our 

Since writing the above I find that A. F. Bandelier, in a series of arti 
cles on " Cibola and Quivira," identifies " Gran Quivira" as a Xumana 
town. It has one large church in tolerable condition and one in ruins. 
The Xumanas, harassed by the Apaches, retired, he thinks, in 1679 to 
Socorro and other towns ; but, as we shall see, they kept up their sepa 
rate tribal existence, and were friendly after the revolt of the Pueblos. 

2 F. Alonso de Posadas, in Duro, " Penalosa," p. 57. 


as many good churches. The Teoas, the first tribe to receive 
the faith, had three convents and churches, with five chapels 
in the smaller pueblos. The Tioas had convents and costly 
churches dedicated to St. Francis and St. Anthony at Sandia 
and Isleta, with chapels in the rest of the fifteen or sixteen 
pueblos. The Queres had three costly and elaborate churches, 
one at San Felipe, with chapels on four other pueblos. 1 The 
Tanos had a convent and very good church in their chief 
pueblo, and chapels in the four others. The Pecos, a branch 
of the Jemes, had a church of remarkable beauty in design 
and execution, reared by the talented and skilful missionary 
in that tribe. 3 

One of the first cares of Father Benavides on reaching 
Santa Fe as custos was to undertake the erection of a suita 
ble convent and church in that city, then peopled by about 
two hundred and fifty Spaniards, and seven hundred half- 
breeds brought in as servants and laborers, with some Indians 
from the neighboring tribes in the territory. In his work in 
1630 this Father speaks of the church he had erected, as 
being one that would be creditable anywhere. 3 A carved 
group of the Death of the Blessed Virgin which he brought 
from Mexico attracted Indians from all parts, even the Apa 
ches of the bison ranges coming to admire it. 4 

Before he presented his memorial to the king, Father Ben 
avides as custos had founded ten convents or missions. 
One was apparently that at Picuries, among a branch of 
the Tioas nation, who at first showed great hostility to the 

1 Benavides, "Memorial," pp. 23, 28, 21, 22. 

2 Benavides, pp. 24, 25. 

3 It is positive, therefore, that the first church in Santa Fe was erected 
"between 1622 and 1630 ; and that prior to 1622 there was no church in 
Santa Fe. Benavides, p. 27. 

4 Ibid., p. 81. 


faith, ill-treating the missionary, and several times attempting 
to take his life ; but his zeal and patience triumphed, so that 
they became docile and peaceful. The mission of San Ge- 
ronimo at Taos, a pueblo of the same nation, had its convent 
and church and was attended by two missionaries. The 
Queres on the rocky height at Acoma submitted in 1629 and 
received a missionary. Among the Zunis, who had then 
eleven or twelve pueblos, the religious met great difficulties, 
and underwent great hardships, being strenuously opposed 
by the medicine men ; one of the apostolic missionaries, 
Father Francis Letrado, after laboring among this tribe, was 
killed by the Cipias, to whom he attempted to unfold the 
truths of the gospel. 2 

Father Francis de Porras, leaving Father Roque at Zuni, 
proceeded with Father Andrew Gutierrez and the lay brother, 
Christopher of the Conception, with their crosses on their 
necks and staves in their hands, to announce the gospel in 
the towns of the Moquis. Reaching the first town on St. 
Bernard s day they gave his name to the town and mission. 3 

Among the fourteen pueblos of the Piras 3 Father Bena- 
vides founded a mission in 1626, dedicating Pilabo, the prin 
cipal pueblo, to Our Lady of Help (Nuestra Senora del 
Socorro), that at Senecu to St. Anthony of Padua, and that 
at Sevilleta to San Luis Obispo. 4 Besides these labors among 
the New Mexican tribes, and the attempt made to instruct 
the Moquis, Father Benavides, while laboring at Senecu, 

1 Benavides, pp. 31-5. 

2 Barcia, " Ensayo Cronologico" (1632), p. 199. Vetancurt, "Teatro 
Mexicano," List of Authorities. Bandelier makes him a missionary to 
the Xumanas. 

3 Perea, " Segunda Relation de la Grandiosa Conversion," Seville, 

4 Benavides, p. 14. 


converted Sanaba, an Apache chief of the Gila, and opened 
the way for missions in that wild race. On the 17th of Sep 
tember, 1629, he founded a convent and church in Santa 
Clara de Capoo, a pueblo of the Teoas nation on the Apache 
frontier, as a centre for instructing and converting the pow 
erful and warlike Apaches of Navajo. 1 

In these missions Father Benavides assures us 80,000 had 
been baptized as the registers would show. In the territory 
of New Mexico there were forty-three churches. For these 
the missionaries had been architects and directors of the 
work, which was accomplished by the women, boys, and 
girls. These Pueblo Indians all lived in houses several 
stories high, built of sun-dried bricks or adobes, or occasionally 
of stone, where it was a more convenient material. These 
houses were set compactly together fronting on a square, 
with a dead-wall outside, the upper stories receding slightly, 
leaving a ledge which could be reached by a ladder, and 
from which by drawing the same ladder up the next story 
could be reached and finally the roof, in which the door was. 
This system of towns made them fortresses defying the 
efforts of the wilder tribes who surrounded New Mexico on 
all sides. Ingenious as these buildings were, they were ex 
clusively the work of the women and children. The men 
would go to war, hunt, fish, spin, and weave, but disdained to 
till the soil or build a house that was woman s work. The 
New Mexican Adam did not delve or the Eve spin they 
reversed it. When the Franciscan missionaries wished to 
erect a church, they found the women and the children ready 
to make and lay the adobes, but could not induce the men to 
take part in the work. In vain did they endeavor to induce 
the men to undertake it and allow the women to withdraw. 

1 Benavides, pp. 35, 55, 59. 


Occasionally a man would take a hand, but ere long, unable to 
stand the ridicule of his comrades, he threw down the 
feminine implements. The missionaries found that there 
was no alternative ; the material as well as the spiritual church 
must depend mainly on the devout female sex. These old 
ruined churches are monuments of the faith and zeal of the 
early women converts. 

The missionaries did not attain the consoling results they 
reported without severe hardships, great suffering from cold, 
and journeying on foot over rocks and heights, as well as 
from the indifference and hostility of the Indians ; but they 
triumphed ultimately, and wherever they succeeded in 
establishing a house or convent in a pueblo, they began to 
develop the industry of the Indians, using the mechanical 
progress the Indians had made as the basis of improvement 
a much wiser course than that of the English, who induced 
the Indians to abandon altogether their former industries. 
The Spanish missionaries in New Mexico introduced horses 
cattle, and sheep, and induced the Indians to keep domestic 
animals ; they improved their machinery for spinning and 
weaving, established schools where they taught the young to 
read, write, chant, play on musical instruments, and after a 
time to handle tools as carpenters, masons, carvers, stone 
cutters. The missionaries aided cultivation by introducing 
acequias or irrigating trenches. 

The results obtained were effected in the last eight years ; 
but so general was the conversion that the Fathers went 
through the towns freely, welcomed on all sides, and greeted 
with the pious salutations : u Praised be Jesus Christ," or 
" Praised be the Most Holy Sacrament." 

Meanwhile Spanish settlements increased in New Mexico, 

1 F. Peter de Miranda was killed at Taos, Dec. 28, 1631. 


new towns were founded, mines were opened and worked. 
When a town was founded a certain number of families were 
transferred from some part of Mexico or one of the settle 
ments already formed in New Mexico. In this way a num 
ber of Tlascalans were brought in to form part of the first 
population of Santa Fe, and the church erected in their quar 
ter of the town and destined for their especial use, was known 
as San Miguel de los Tlascaltecas. 1 These Mexican Indians 
brought in their legends of the riches, power, and glory of 
Montezuma, till his name became in all the pueblos the hero 
of a great myth, easily engrafted on their old traditions, and 
remaining to this day. 

The Indian converts clung to their " estufas"; the rites of 
Sabseanism practiced in the lowest story of their houses, 
originally built for vapor baths, the favorite remedy of the 
Indians, but which became also under the medicine men the 
centre of their religious rites. From time to time the Spanish 
authorities and the clergy endeavored to effect the suppression 
of these superstitions, but in a few years when search re 
laxed the estufas would be reopened to the known adherents 
of the old idolatry. 

The Bishop of Guadalajara, whose jurisdiction extended 
over New Mexico, found it impossible to send secular priests 
to attend to the Spanish settlers, and maintain any super 
vision over them ; the Conchos and other nomadic and hostile 
tribes who lay between his See and New Mexico, making the 
journey dangerous, except with a considerable military force. 
Hence he committed not only the Indian missions, but all the 
parish churches and chapels of the Spaniards, to the Fathers 
of the Order of St. Francis, who were the only priests of New 
Mexico down to the present century, the Bishop of Durango, 

1 This church was erected after the parish church built by Father 


to whose diocese on its erection the province was assigned, 
adopting the same course. The habit of the Seraphic Order 
was there for more than two centuries, to the eyes of people, 
the only recognized garb of the Catholic priesthood. 1 

In 1645 there were in ISTew Mexico churches in the Spanish 
settlements attended by the Franciscans and twenty-five 
Indian missions, the whole employing sixty members of the 

New Mexico suffered constantly from the inroads of the 
Apaches, and toward the close of the century from the Yutes. 
One Zuni town and six in the valley of the Salinas, east of 
the Sandia range, were destroyed by the Apaches. 2 The 
Church continued its work in New Mexico in peace for 
several years, though in 1640 and 1650 revolts incited by the 
medicine men took place. About the middle of the seven 
teenth century, the civil power seems to have fallen into 
variance with the ecclesiastical. Governor Penalosa in 1664 
arrested and imprisoned the Superior of the mission, ap 
parently Father Alonso de Posadas, and his conduct was re 
garded as so illegal that on his return to Mexico he was 
brought before the court of the Inquisition and compelled to 
make reparation by a public penance. 3 This unfortunate 
conflict between the civil and religious authorities could not 
fail to lessen the respect of the Indians for the missionaries, 
and as a natural consequence made them regard with hostility 
the Spanish officials and settlers whom no sanctity of pro 
fession had ever exalted in their eyes. 

The sullen spirit of revolt was nurtured for years in the 

1 Pino, "Exposicion del Nuevo Mexico," Cadiz, 1812, p. 26 ; "Mexico," 
1849, p. 32. 

2 Letter of F. Sylvester Velez Escalante, April 2, 1778. 

3 Shea, "Penalosa," p. 11 ; Margry, iii., p. 39 ; Duro, "Penalosa," pp. 
82, 53. 


minds of the Indians, and in 1680 the whole country was 
permeated by a network of conspiracy, awaiting the signal to 
rise against the Spaniards. At this time ]S r ew Mexico con 
tained forty-six pueblos or towns of converted Indians, and 
the Spanish city of Sante Fe, with a number of smaller 
Spanish stations, chiefly on or near the banks of the Kio 
Grande. 1 

The plot was conceived and carried out by a Tejua Indian 
named El Pope, who had been pursued for committing mur 
ders, and instigating the Indians to revive their old heathen 
rites. Flying from pueblo to pueblo this man labored for 
fourteen years to effect a general insurrection against the 
Spaniards. He claimed power to injure any one he chose by 
his alliance with the Evil One, and was so implicitly believed 
that all the pueblos except those of the Piros and Pecos en 
tered into the plot. The 13th of August, 1680, was fixed 
upon for the general massacre of the Spaniards, but John 
Ye, Governor of the Pecos, warned the authorities of the 
danger, and finding his advice unheeded, as the fatal day 
drew near, told the missionary in his pueblo, Father Ferdi 
nand de Yelasco : " Father, the people are going to rise and 
kill all the Spaniards and missionaries. Decide then whither 
you wish to go, and I will send warriors with you to protect 
you." The Tanos of San Cristobal and San Lazaro also 
warned the Gustos of the Mission, Father John Bernal, who 
wrote to Governor Otermin. On the 9th that officer was at 
last convinced of the danger, and Pope seeing his plot dis 
covered, gave the order to the confederates to rise at once. 
At daybreak on the 10th the Taos, Picuries, and Tejuas at 
tacked the convents of the missionaries and the houses of the 
Spaniards, slaughtering and destroying. Then the other 

1 Letter of F. Sylvester Velez de Escalante, April 2, 1778. 


tribes rose and the massacre and destruction became general. 
The Spaniards at Isleta and San Felipe on the south fled to 
El Paso ; those in La Canada retreated to the strong house 
of the Alcalde and kept the Indians at bay till Otermin ena 
bled them to reach Santa Fe. In a few days not a Spaniard, 
except a few women held as slaves, was to be found in all 
New Mexico outside the walls of the capital. On the 19th 
that city was invested by nine hundred Tanos, Queres, and 
Pecos. They captured the Analco quarter occupied by the 
Tlascalans and set fire to their chapel of San Miguel. The 
Spaniards charged them, and after a desperate fight were 
gaining the advantage, when another Indian force, including 
more of the Taos, with the Picuries and Tejuas, attacked 
the city on the north. For five days the fight raged in the 
city night and day, till the Indians, capturing house after 
house and firing it, gave the parish church and convent to 
the flames, and held the Spaniards and Tlascalans in the royal 
buildings and the plaza. There one hundred and fifty sur 
vivors beheld themselves surrounded by three thousand furi 
ous Indians, under Pope and Alonso Catitis, who had gone 
so far that they panted to complete their work. Encouraged 
by the three religious, Father Francis Gomez de la Cadina, 
Father Andrew Duran, and F. Francis Farfan, one hundred 
Spaniards, drawn up by the governor, invoked the name of 
Mary, and charged the insurgents with such fury that they 
killed 300 and captured 43, putting the rest to flight. Gov 
ernor Otermin, wounded in the breast and forehead, profited 
at once by the confusion of the enemy, and marched towards 
El Paso. After meeting another band of refugees with seven 
religious at Fray Cristoval, the scanty remnant of the popu 
lation of New Mexico took up a fortified position at La Sali- 
neta and San Lorenzo, where Father Francis Ayeta, procura- 


tor of the kingdom, soon arrived with sorely needed supplies 
sent in the name of the king. 1 

All signs of Christianity and civilization were thus swept 
from ]^ew Mexico. Twenty-two priests of the Franciscan 
Order, including the custos, who made no attempt to fly 
though he warned others, and three lay brothers, perished 
with three hundred and eighty men, women, and children." 
The churches were profaned, the sacred elements trampled 
under foot, the vestments and plate destroyed, and, finally, 
the churches and houses of the clergy razed to the ground. 
The Indians even vented their rage on the cattle, orchards, 
and fields of European grain, as if seeking to destroy all trace 
of the hated whites. 3 To root out all Christian ideas, Pope 
bade the women and children wear no crosses or rosaries, 
but break them up and burn them ; Christ and Mary and 
the Saints were not to be named or invoked ; married men 
were required to put away their wives and take others. 4 

Of the twenty-one Franciscan missionaries whose lives were 
thus offered, Father John Talaban, ex-custos, Father Francis 
Anthony de Lorenzana, and Father Joseph de Montes de 
Oca were killed at Santo Domingo. Father John Baptist 
Pio from Victoria, province of Cantabria, was slain at Te- 
zuque ; Father Thomas Torres, a native of Tepozotlan, was 
killed at Nambe ; Father Louis de Morales, Father Sanchez 

1 Letter of F. Sylvester Velez de Escalante to F. Morfi, April 2, 1778. 
Siguenza y Gongora, " Mercuric Volante con las noticias de la recupera- 
cion de las provincias del Nuevo Mexico," 1693-4. Remonstrance of F. 
Salvador de San Antonio to Gov. Vargas, December 18, 1693. 

2 Letter of F. Sylvester de Velez Escalante ; Ayeta, " Crisol de la Ver- 
dad," pp. 32, 2. 

3 Siguenza y Gongora, " Mercuric Volante." 

4 Letter of F. Sylvester Velez de Escalante. 


de Pro, and Father Louis de Baeza at San Ildefonso ; 
Father Mathias de Eendon at Picuries ; Father Anthony 
Mora and Father John de Pedrosa at Taos ; Father Luke 
Maldonado at Acoma ; Father John de Bal at Alona ; Father 
Joseph de Figueras at the Moqui town Ahuatobi ; Father 
Joseph Trujillo at Xongopabi ; Father Joseph de Espeleta 
and Father Augustine de Santa Maria at Oraybe ; Father 
John Bernal, the Gustos of the Mission, and Father Do 
minic de Vera at G-alisteo ; Father Francis de Yelasco at 
Pecos ; Father Manuel Tinoco at San Marcos. 1 

Father John of Jesus, a venerable old priest at the pueblo 
of San Diego de los Jemes, was seized by the Indians, whom 
he had instructed with patience and love for nine years. 
They burst into his room, stripped and tied him upon a hog. 
In this state he was driven around the church and through 
the pueblo amid the curses and blows of the rabble. When 
weary of this mode of torture, they got upon him and made 
him carry them around on all-fours, till he sank lifeless, when 
he was evidently dispatched by an arrow or javelin which 
pierced his spine, as was seen when his venerated remains 
were recovered. 

1 Vetancurt, " Cronica de la Provincia del Santo Evangelic de Mex 
ico," Mexico, 1871, pp. 306-328 ; " Menologio Franciscano," Mexico, 
1871, pp. 273-276 ; Espinosa, " Cronica Apostolica y Serafica," i., p. 35 ; 
"Documentos para la Historia de Mexico," III., i., pp. 159-161. Father 
John of Jesus was a native of Granada, in Spain, and joined the prov 
ince of Michoacan, where he was eminent for his holy life. He was 
elected, in 1655, first guardian of the convent at Queretaro. He died on 
the feast of St. Lawrence. Espinosa, i., p. 35, who refers to Vetancurt, 
to the Cronica de San Diego de Mexico, and to the Sermon preached at 
his Requiem by Don Isidro Sarifiano, afterwards Bishop of Antequera, 

Father Joseph Trujillo was an eminent man, who after acquiring 
great renown at Mexico for learning and eloquence, went to the Philip 
pine islands. He was a native of Cadiz. 


These twenty-one missionaries belonged to the province of 
the Holy Gospel in Mexico. Kever before in the annals of 
the missions within our limits had so many heralds of the 
faith been immolated at once, or such desolation been effected. 
All the missions w r ere in ruins. Zandia, where lay the en 
ergetic founder, Father Perea, and where the skull of Bro 
ther Augustine Kodriguez was venerated ; Santo Domingo, 
which held the remains of Father Escalona ; Taos and Aguico, 
which held the relics of the earlier martyrs, Father Peter de 
Miranda de Avila, and Father Francis Letrado. Besides these 
Fathers of the Province of the Holy Gospel, one laid down 
his life who belonged to the Apostolic College of Queretaro. 1 

The fate of Father Simon of Jesus, the missionary among 
the Tan os, is strangely connected with the history of these 
tribes, who after living for fourscore years under the mild 
law of the gospel, rejected Christ to follow the wildest hea 
thenism of their medicine men. This missionary seeing the 
talent, intelligence, and apparent piety of an Indian boy 
\vhose name comes down to us as Frasquillo, devoted his time 
to the education of the youth. The apt scholar learned to 
read and write Spanish fluently and well ; he became a good 
Latinist, and the chants and service of the Church were fa 
miliar to him. The good missionary looked forward to the 
day when his pupil, ordained as a priest, would minister at 
God s altar. Yet when the conspiracy was formed and the 
day for the massacre was fixed, this precocious boy entered 
ardently into it. At the appointed time he began the mas 
sacre in his pueblo by slaying with his own hands the good 
priest who had done so much to elevate him. 2 The Tanos 
hailed the young monster as their king. Pope, the projector 
of the whole conspiracy, set himself up as absolute ruler, but 

1 Yetancurt, " Cronica de la Provincia," p. 314, etc. 
- " Doc. Hist. Mex." III., i., pp. 103, etc. ; Espinosa, " Cronica Aposto 
lica," i., p. 284. 


his cruelty and extortions soon drove the Queres, Taos, and 
Pecos to revolt against his authority. The other tribes then 
deposed Pope, despising his pretended powers from the evil 
spirits. Pope and the medicine men persuaded the people 
that their old pueblos had been cursed with misfortune by the 
Christian rites, and incited the people to erect new pueblos 
elsewhere. The old towns and cultivated fields were gener 
ally abandoned, and in the new selection tribal lines were 
broken up. "While the New Mexican Indians were thus en 
deavoring to create new homes, the Apaches and Utes were 
exterminating the exposed bands, a volcanic upheaval dried 
up the streams and covered the land with showers of ashes, 
crops failed, and to complete the misery, the Queres, Taos, 
and Pecos began a bitter war against the Tanos and Tehuas, 
the smaller tribes joining one side or the other. At this 
juncture the crafty boy Frasquillo proposed to the Tanos to 
divide into two parts by lot, one part to remain, while the 
other set out to seek a more fertile and quiet land. His 
project pleased them, and leaving a similar number he set 
out at the head of 4,000 men, women, and children, with their 
half of the plunder of the churches, the arms, implements, 
horses, cattle, sheep, and goats taken from the Spaniards. 
He marched to Zuni, but finding no welcome, kept on till he 
reached the gentle, industrious Moquis. Representing to 
this less warlike tribe the increasing danger from the Apaches 
and Utes, he offered to divide his fifteen hundred warriors 
among their different pueblos as a garrison able to defeat any 
foe, while the rest of his people formed new pueblos in the- 
pasture lands, ready always to come to their aid. Before 
long Frasquillo proclaimed himself king of Moqui, and as the 
Tano boys grew up found himself able to master the Moquis, 
whom he disarmed and subjected to his tribe as a kind of 


Frasquillo reigned here absolutely for thirty years, at times 
showing a wish to return to Christianity, but to the end hold 
ing the Spaniards at bay, for though some of his towns de 
luded the authorities by mock submission, they never in his 
day entered his capital, Oraybi. 1 

Meanwhile those who remained in New Mexico, under the 
scourge of wild Indians on the frontiers, war and famine 
within, and the Spaniards soon attacking from the south, 
diminished rapidly. The Piro and Tompira nations disap 
peared ; few of the Tiguas and Jemes survived ; of the 
Teguas, Taos, and Pecos there were indeed more. The Queres 
suffered least, for in the general shifting of homes, they 
erected their adobe pueblo within the walls of Santa Fe, on 
the ruins of the Spanish town, securing thus a double line of 

Father Francis Ayeta, the procurator-general of the Fran 
ciscans of the province of the Holy Gospel, on hearing of the 
destitute condition of the Spaniards and their faithful con 
verts at El Paso, hastened thither with supplies ; but seeing 
how difficult it would be for them to establish new settle 
ments there, he returned to Mexico in order to urge the Vice 
roy to send an expedition to recover New Mexico and restore 
the fugitives to their homes. A small force was sent to the 
Presidio of El Paso, and in November, 1681, Otermin ad 
vanced, accompanied by Father Ayeta and other relig 
ious. The Tiguas of Isleta submitted, but as the winter 
was too far advanced, Otermin returned and formed into 
pueblos near El Paso some Indians who followed him. 
The missionaries then renewed their labors, but it was with 
constant peril of their lives. In 1683 the Piros, Tanos, and 
Jemes of Socorro endeavored to kill their missionary, 

1 "Doc. Hist. Mex." III., i., pp. 103-106. 


Father Antonio Guerra. Gradually most of the New Mexi 
cans abandoned these new pueblos for their old homes. 

But the zeal of the missionaries was unabated, and when in 
December, 1683, a Xumana Indian came to solicit mission 
aries, 1 Father Nicholas Lopez had been appointed Procurator 
and Gustos of the missions of New Mexico, which the Francis 
cans were too devoted to abandon. The next year he set out 
from Mexico with some means supplied by the zeal of the 
charitable, to restore religion. At the convent of El Paso 
he found thirty-three Xumana chiefs come to seek instruction 
and baptism. He set out with Fathers John de Zaboleta and 
Anthony de Acevedo, accompanied by the Indians. They 
made their way barefoot to La Junta de los Rios, the con 
fluence of the Rio Grande and Conchos. Here the Indians 
had erected a house and two rustic chapels for the mis 
sionaries. Leaving Father Acevedo to minister to these 
well-disposed natives, Fathers Lopez and Zaboleta kept on, 2 
and following the Puerco River, reached the Xumanas and 
began a mission. Father Lopez drew up an extensive vocabu 
lary of the Xumana language, and acquired such a knowledge 
of it that he was able to preach to the natives in their own 
tongue, extending his influence to the Texas Indians on 
the Nueces. Soon after his return to La Junta, the Indians, 
excited by some rumor, rose against the missionaries, drove 
them out naked and without any provisions, profaning every 
thing connected with the service of God. The Franciscan 
Fathers, with great suffering, reached El Paso after long and 
painful wandering. Still more cruelly Father Manuel Bel- 
tran was slain, at a mission of the Yumas and Tanos, his 

1 Letter of F. Velez de Escalante. 

- " Memorial de F. Nicolas Lopez" in Duro s "Penalosa," pp. 68-9; 
Barcia, " Ensayo Cronologico," p. 266 ; F. Sylvester Velez de Escalante. 


church destroyed, and the sacred plate and vestments pro 
faned. 1 

Several expeditions were made into New Mexico, but no 
decisive advantage was gained. 

In the year 1690 the once flourishing church of New Mex 
ico had for the time disappeared ; a few fugitive Spaniards 
and Indians on the frontier alone represented the people who 
a few years before had thronged the comely churches in the 
upper valley of the Rio Grande. 2 

During the whole period that we have traced, JSTew Mexi 
co, though subject to the Bishops of Guadalajara, had never 
enjoyed the presence of any one invested with episcopal 
dignity ; the ecclesiastical administration for whites and In 
dians had devolved on the Gustos of the Franciscans, who gov 
erned as Superior of the religious of his order, Vicar-General 
of the Bishop, commissary for the Tribunal of the Holy 
Office, and Ecclesiastical Judge. Moreover, under the privilege 
of Leo X. and Adrian VI., he conferred the sacrament of con 
firmation. 3 Questions had arisen in various parts of the Span 
ish dominions in America whether religious in charge of 
mission stations or white settlements where a Bishop was as 
yet unable to establish secular priests belonging to his diocese, 
were really " paroclii," within the meaning of the Council of 
Trent. St. Pius V., in 1567, at the request of the King of 
Spain, by his Bull "Exponi Nobis," declared them to possess 
all the powers of parish priests for the Indians and for whites 
in their district not subject to a parish priest. 4 

1 Letter of Sylvester Velez de Escalante. 

2 Ayeta, " Crisol de la Verdad," p. 32, 2 ; Hernaez, " Coleccion de Bu- 
las," Brussels, 1879, I, p. 377. 

3 "Bullarium de Propaganda Fide," Appendix i., p. 42 ; Ayeta, "De- 
fensa de la Verdad," 77. 

4 Hernaez, " Coleccion de Bulas," Brussels, 1879, i., p. 397. 


The missionaries of ^ew Mexico had, as we have seen, 
opened intercourse with the Asinais or Cenis, whom the 
Spaniards called Texas because they met the whites crying 
" Texas ! Texas ! " which meant in their language, " We are 
friends ! " but which the Castilians mistook for their tribal 
name, and it not only remained the usual appellation for the 
nation, but is now that of one of the States of this Republic. 

When the authorities in Mexico heard of La Salle s landing 
in Texas and apparently obtained some clue to his designs, 
an expedition was sent to that province in January, 1689, 
under Don Alonso de Leon. It was accompanied by several 
missionaries, the Superior being Father Damian Mazanet of 
the Order of St. Francis. 1 Alonso de Leon proceeded to the 
territory of the Asinais to ransom French prisoners still in 
their hands. Here evidence was found that missionaries had 
held intercourse with the tribe, or received some ideas from 
their prisoners, for the Spaniards found a little chapel of 
boughs with an altar on which a crucifix and a rosary were 
honorably kept. 8 The object of the expedition was simply 
to explore, but so friendly a disposition was manifested by 
the Indians that after the return of the expedition to Coahuila 
in May, the Spanish authorities determined to occupy the 
country and established Indian missions. Catholicity had 
already reared an altar in this province, and several priests 
who accompanied La Salle had offered the holy sacrifice, and 
administered the sacraments, three remaining to perish after 
some years stay at Espiritu Santo Bay, being massacred by 
the Indians. 

The Spaniards visited the scene of desolation, and the 

1 Morfl, " Memorias para la historia de la provincia de Texas," p. 54 ; 
Espinosa, "Cronica Apostolica," i., p. 408; Barcia, "Ensayo Crono 
logica," p. 294 ; Carta in B. Smith, " Coleccion," p. 25. 

2 Smith, " Coleccion," p. 26. 


priests on the expedition performed the last rites for the un 
happy victims. 

Though the opening of the year 1690 saw no Catholic 
church or priest in Texas, it marks the active preparations 
for the spiritual conquest of that province. 

The Church in Spain had already, too, prepared the way 
for the spiritual conquest of California. 

Sebastian Vizcaino, after visiting Lower California with 
Father Perdomo and other Franciscans in 1596, ran up, in a 
second voyage, as far as Santa Barbara, Monterey, and the 
Bay of San Francisco. He was accompanied on this expe 
dition by three discalced Carmelites, Fathers Andrew of the 
Assumption, Anthony of the Ascension, and Thomas of 
Aquin, the two former of whom offered the holy sacrifice of 
the mass beneath a spreading oak tree at Monterey, in De 
cember, 1601. l 

1 Torquemada, "Monarquia Indiana," ii., p. 682; Venegas, "Historia 
de la California," i., p. 169. 




YORK. 1611-1652. 

THE Church was planted in Maryland amid a hostile 
Protestant population growing up and strengthening around 
it, so that it held its own with difficulty in that province and 
expanded but feebly in Virginia, Pennsylvania, and lS r ew 
York. It was planted under the protecting power of Spain, 
beginning at the Chesapeake, then in Florida and the Georgia 
coast, in Texas, New Mexico, and setting up a pioneer cross 
on the coast of California. 

It had also been planted at the north and west under the 
protecting banner of France. 

Where the cross was first reared by Frenchmen on our 
soil is not certain. If we are to credit the famous Franciscan 
Father, Andrew The vet, cosmographer to the King of France, 
who claims to have visited the coast known as Norumbega, 
and which was certainly some part of New England, the 
French had, previous to 15Y5, erected a little fort ten or 
twelve miles up the Norumbega River, on a spot surrounded 
by fresh water. 1 But history is silent as to the colonists who 
settled here. The earliest English settlers on the JSTew Eng- 

1 Thevet, "La Cosmographie Universelle," Paris, 1575, p. 1008. The 
river is most probably the Kennebec. 



land coast found traces of Frenchmen who had made efforts 
to check the vices of the natives and instruct them in the 
truths of religion. These are supposed to have been French 
men who had recently escaped the wreck of their vessel, but 
their visits may date further back. 1 

Leaving, however, the period of the voyages prompted by 
Cartier s exploration of the St. Lawrence, few of which are 
definitely recorded, we come to the commencement of the 
seventeenth century, when Pierre du Guast, Sieur de Monts, 
obtained of the French king a commission to colonize the 
American coast and to conduct the trade to the exclusion of 
all others. He sailed from Havre de Grace in France on the 
7th of March, 1604, and after reaching what is now called Nova 
Scotia, coasted along to an island in Scoodic River to which 
he gave the name of Sainte Croix, or Holy Cross. On this 
island, now called De Monts or Neutral Island, just on the bor 
ders of New Brunswick and within the jurisdiction of Maine, 
de Monts began a settlement. Of the little fort which he 
erected, Champlain, who was one of the party, has left us a 
sketch, in which appears " The house of our Cure " and a map 
showing a chapel and cemetery. Lescarbot speaks of the 
chapel as built Indian fashion, but he was not there at the 
time, and we possess no further description of the first 
Catholic chapel erected in New England, that on Ste. Croix 
Island in July, 1604. The position of the chapel where the 
first known mass was said in New England can be seen on the 
map of the island. 8 The priest referred to by Champlain 
was the Rev. Nicholas Aubry, a young ecclesiastic of a good 

1 Hildreth, "History of the United States," i., p. 222. 

2 On the map E is the cemetery with its cross, and F the chapel, A 
being the fort. Scholars agree that the settlement was on Dochet s or 
Neutral Island, now called De Monts. Slafter s " Champlain," ii., p. 32 
Lescarbot, (1611), p. 470. 


family at Paris. He was accompanied by another priest, 
whose name has not come down to us. 1 They ministered to 
the little colony till the spot was abandoned in the following 
year and the settlers transferred to Port Royal, near the pres 
ent Annapolis, Nova Scotia. 

The little chapel shown in Champlain s map is, therefore, 
the earliest structure of which we have any definite notice 
raised in our northern parts for the celebration of the 
mysteries of religion. 

No further details are given as to labors of the priests at 
Holy Cross Island, save an adventure of Rev. Mr. Aubry, 
who, landing on the coast before they reached the island, was 
lost in the woods, and had nearly perished of hunger when 
he was finally rescued. 2 

The settlement at Port Royal did not thrive and was re 
signed by de Monts to John de Biencour, Sieur de Poutrin- 
court, who applied to the King of France for a confirmation of 
his grant. This was given, but Henry IV. expressed a wish 
that some Jesuit Fathers should be sent over to labor for the 
conversion of the Indians. Father Peter Biard was sum 
moned in 1608 from a professor s chair in Lyons to found the 
mission. It was evident, at once, that this was by no means 
pleasing to Poutrincourt, who made no provision for the 
passage of the missionary. When in 1610 Father Biard and 
his companion, Father Enemond Masse, made an attempt to 
go by the only vessel then fitting out for Acadia, a fund hav 
ing been raised to maintain the mission with all requisites, 
other difficulties arose. Two Huguenots who had an interest 

1 Champlain, "Voyages," 1613, p. 16 (Quebec ed.); Slafter s "Cham- 
plain," ii., p. 35 ; Lescarbot, Lib. iv., c. 3, 4 (Edition 1611), pp. 453, 462, 

2 When the island was visited in 1798 by the English and American 
boundary commissioners, the remains of an ancient fortification could be 
traced though overgrown with large trees. Holmes "Annals," i., p. 
149, note; Williamson s "Maine," i., pp. 190-1, note. 


in the vessel refused to allow Jesuits to embark. Antoinette 
de Pons, Marchioness de Guercheville, who had been an 
active friend of the proposed mission, at once raised means to 
purchase the rights of these men, and made the share in the 
vessel and trade thus acquired a fund for the support of the 
mission and the colony. Although there was no other means 
by which the missionaries could reach their destination, the 
cry was immediately raised that the Jesuits had become trad 
ers, and bad faith has repeated the charge to our day. 

The vessel sailed in January, 1611, and at sea encountered 
Champlain on his way to Quebec. It was not till Whitsun 
day, May 22d, that the missionaries were able to land at Port 
Royal ; Father Masse remained in a cabin reared for him at 
that place, but Father Biard accompanied Poutrincourt and 
subsequently his son on several excursions along the coast to 
the St. John s River, Ste. Croix Island, where he spent some 
time, and even as far west as the Kennebec. While the French 
were trading with the Indians at the mouth of the Kennebec 
late in October, Father Biard went to a neighboring island 
to offer the holy sacrifice, attended by a boy to serve the 
mass. Here the Indians overran the little vessel and assumed 
so dangerous and rapacious an attitude, that Biencourt would 
have fired on them had he not feared that the missionary 
would at once be butchered. This island is the second spot 
on that northeastern coast of our territory where mass is cer 
tainly known to have been said. 

Poutrincourt, in France, had induced Madame de Guerche 
ville to advance a thousand crowns to fit out a vessel ; this 
was confided to a lay brother, who gave part of it to Poutrin 
court. In the sequel the missionaries could obtain no part 
of the supplies purchased for them with the means furnished 
by Madame de .Guercheville, on account of the joint prop 
erty. On the contrary, young Biencourt, disregarding their 


rights under the compact, and their character, treated the 
Fathers with every indignity, and when they attempted to 
leave the colony Biencourt prevented them. 1 In fact their 
position at Port Royal was rendered so insupportable that 
Madame Guercheville resolved to abandon all relations with 
Poutrincourt and establish a distinct missionary colonv. 

She obtained from de Monts a cession of all his rights, 
and King Louis XIII. made her a grant of all the territory 
of North America from the St. Lawrence to Florida. Pou 
trincourt became her vassal as he had been of du Guast. 
His seignory was subject to her. 

To take possession of her new domain, and to establish a 
mission for the conversion of the Indians where Catholic 
priests could begin the good work unhampered by any 
claims or interference of proprietors or merchants, she fitted 
out a vessel at Honfleur under the command of the Sieur de 
la Saussaye. It carried Father Quentin and Brother Gilbert 
du Thet, with thirty persons who were to winter in the 
country. The vessel sailed from France, March 12, 1613, 
and putting in at Port Royal in May, took Fathers Biard and 
Masse on board, and ran along the coast. De la Saussaye in 
tended to plant the colony at Kadesquit on the Penobscot, 
but after encountering storms and fogs he found himself near 
Mount Desert Island. His pilot ran into a fine large harbor 
on the eastern shore of the island. Here the missionaries 
landed, and planting a cross, offered the holy sacrifice of the 
mass, calling the port Saint Sauveur Holy Saviour. The 
Indians persuaded the French to abandon the project of going 
up to Kadesquit, and to adopt a site recommended by them. 
It was on a beautiful hillside sloping to the sea ; its harbor 

1 A well-known writer calls the Jesuit Fathers mutineers. They were 
the equals of Poutrincourt under the compact, and the deputy of one 
partner could not treat another partner as a mutineer. 


covered by Mount Desert and several smaller islands. Two 
streams of water flowed from the hill, and the ground was 
rich and productive. 1 Here the settlement was laid out 
about the middle of June, but de la Saussaye, instead of 
fortifying a position, employed the men in planting grain, 
beans, and other garden vegetables. In September the 
vessel was still there, and the missionaries and settlers in the 
tents and temporary houses raised on the shore, when during 
a temporary absence of the commander, an English vessel 
from Virginia under Samuel Argal appeared and opened fire 
on de Saussaye s vessel, which soon surrendered, Brother du 
Thet being mortally wounded by a musket-ball. Argal then 
landed, carried off the French commander s commission and 
plundered the little settlement, treating the party as intruders 
on English territory. 

An unprovoked attack by men pretending to be Christians 
on a mission station established for the conversion of the 
heathen, followed by bloodshed and indiscriminate plunder, 
has no parallel in history. Virginia shares the infamy by 
endorsing Argal s action, as England does by refusing repa 

Argal put Father Masse and fourteen Frenchmen in a 
small craft and turned them adrift ; Fathers Biard and Quen- 
tin were carried to Virginia, then ruled by a code of blood, 
where Sir Thomas Dale threatened to hang all the prisoners. 
Finally, resolving to extirpate the French settlements, he sent 
Argal back with a considerable force. The English vessels 
carried the missionaries and many of the French prisoners, 
who were glad to escape from the soil of Virginia. Argal 
completed the destruction at St. Saviour, then demolished the 
post on Ste. Croix Island and that at Port Royal, where Bien- 

1 Parkman following E. L. Hamlin, of Bangor, thinks the position was 
on Mount Desert Island, on the western side of Soames Sound. 


court showed his hatred of the missionaries. On the voyage 
back, the vessel containing the two Jesuits was driven to the 
Azores, but finally reached England, whence in time the 
survivors of a missionary settlement thus broken up by men 
boasting of Christianity, were allowed to reach their native 

It never could have entered into the mind of the mission 
aries or their protectors, that war would be made on a mission 
station, or they never would have attempted to plant one so 
near the Kennebec, already more than once visited by the 
English. 1 

Samuel Champlain had been connected with de Monts in 
the attempt to colonize Port Royal, In 1608 he and Font- 
grave were sent out with two vessels to establish a post on 
the Saint Lawrence. Above Isle Orleans, on a height which 
formed a natural fortification, Champlain founded a city re 
taining the name Quebec, given to the narrows by the neigh 
boring Montagnais Indians. Some temporary buildings 
reared July 3, 1608, were the commencement of Canada. 
De Monts thought only of trading-posts, but Champlain s 
projects were nobler and more patriotic ; he wished to build 
up a colony, and make the conversion of the natives an ob 
ject. Gaining the friendship of the Algonquin tribes on the 
St. Lawrence and Ottawa, he opened trade with the Hurons, 
Indians of a different race, dwelling near the lake that now 
bears their name. To retain the friendship of these tribes, it 
became necessary to aid them in their wars with a confederacy 

1 The story of this mission is told in Biard, " Kelation de la Nouvelle 
France," Lyons, 1616; Champlain, "Voyages," Paris, 1613; " Annuae 
Litterse Societatis lesv," Dilingae, 1611 ; Lyons, 1618 ; Juvencius, "Hist. 
Societatis Jesu"; Carayon, "Premiere Mission des Jesuites au Canada," 
Paris, 1864, pp. 1-116; Charlevoix, "History of New France," i., pp. 
260-284. Lescarbot, "Histoire de la Nouvelle France," (Ed. 1618), pp, 
681-86, is extremely hostile to the missionaries. 


of five nations, kindred in origin to the Hurons, who lay 
south of Lake Ontario. 

The little French settlement prospered, and in 1614 Cham- 
plain obtained from France four Franciscan Fathers of the 
Recollect reform to minister to the French settlers and to 
convert the natives. With Father Denis Jamay, the Com 
missary or Superior, came Fathers John d Olbeau and Joseph 
le Caron, with the lay brother, Pacificus du Plessis. The 
religious reached Tadoussac on the feast of the Annunciation, 
March 25, 1615. They soon began their labors at the trad 
ing-posts established by the French, and among the Mon- 
tagnais Indians on the St. Lawrence, while Father Joseph le 
Caron embarking with some canoes of the Hurons penetrated 
to the villages of that nation. The Recollects soon learned 
the two great languages of Canada, the Algonquin and Hu 
ron, and preached the gospel far and wide ; but though others 
of their order came to share their labors, they saw that the 
field was too vast for them to occupy profitably. Thereupon 
they invited the Fathers of the Society of Jesus to join them, 
and in 1625 Fathers Charles Lalemant, Enemond Masse, 
and John de Brebeuf arrived, to be welcomed by the Recol- 
lects, but to be eyed with distrust by many of the French 
who were full of the prejudices inspired by the Huguenots. 
The missions were then more zealously extended, and in the 
autumn of 1626 Father Joseph de la Roche Daillon, a Recol 
lect of noble family, set out from the Huron country for the 
towns of the Neuter nation, who occupied both banks of the 
Niagara, and reached their frontier nearest to the Senecas, 
but barely escaped with life. 

This zealous religious was, so far as can now be ascer 
tained, the first Catholic priest from Canada who penetrated 
into the present territory of the United States. He carried 
back a knowledge of the people, and of the country, noting 
among the products the mineral oil. 


The new colony of Canada had, however, but a feeble life. 
Neglected by the government at home, it was soon at the 
lowest extremity, and in July, 1629, Champlain surrendered 
to Captain David Kirk, an English commander, who appeared 
with a fleet before the starving post of Quebec. The Recol 
lects and Jesuits were all carried off by the English, and 
Catholicity had no altar or worship till the restoration of the 
country. 1 

When England, by the treaty of Saint Germain des Pres 
in 1632, finally restored Canada to France, after dishonorably 
retaining a province, captured when peace had been de 
clared between the two powers, Cardinal Richelieu offered 
the Canada mission to the Capuchins, but the religious of 
that reform seeing by the voyages of Champlain and the 
works of the Recollect Brother Sagard, how vast a field 
awaited evangelical laborers, even in the territory that French 
energy had laid open in twenty years, in itself a mere portal 
to immense unexplored regions, declined to undertake the 
task. The great Cardinal then summoned to the task the 
Society of Jesus, excluding the Recollects entirely. The 
passport of the first Jesuit missionaries was signed by the 
hand of his Eminence himself. 2 

The second Jesuit mission in Canada began with the land 
ing at Quebec July 15, 1632, of Fathers Paul le Jeune and 
Anne de Noue, with a lay brother. It was a small beginning 
where all was to be accomplished, a home and chapel to be 
reared amid the embers of Champlain s first town, and then 

1 For this earlier period see Sagard, " Grand Voyage du Pais des Hu- 
rons," Paris, 1632 ; " Histoire du Canada," Paris, 1636 ; Le Clercq, 
" Etablissement de la Eoi," 2 vols., Paris, 1690 in English, New York, 
1881 ; Champlain, " Voyages," 1603, 1613, 1619, 1632. 

2 1 saw it some years ago in the Bureau des Terres, Montreal, but it 
has since disappeared. 


a continent to be occupied. Other missionaries soon came ; 
and throughout France in the gay circles of the Court, in 
the chateaus of the provincial nobles, in college and con 
vent, among merchants and artisans, an interest was excited 
in the missions of New France. Annually for forty years a 
little volume appeared in cheap form, giving letters of the 
missionaries, so that their hopes and struggles, their suffer 
ings and triumphs, were familiar to the pious of every rank 
in France. Quebec was controlled by great commercial com 
panies, Acadia by corporations formed for fishery ; the zeal 
excited in France inspired the Venerable John Olier, founder 
of the Seminary of Saint Sulpice, to project the establish 
ment of a settlement in Canada, to be entirely guided by 
religious motives. From this great thought arose the city of 
Montreal, of which the Jesuits were the first pastors. 

The Catholic life of Canada grew, developing from these 
two centres, Quebec and Montreal, controlled by the Arch 
bishops of Rouen through local vicars-general, each city es 
tablishing houses of education for both sexes, convents, hos 
pitals, and confraternities among the faithful. 

The Jesuits resumed the missions begun by the Recollects 
on the Saint Lawrence and on the banks of Lake Huron, in 
which members of their own order had already labored. 
The Sulpitians, guiding in the paths of Christian virtue the 
settlers in and around the city of Montreal, never extended 
their Indian missions far after an attempt to explore the 
West. A temporary effort in Quinte Bay and a great mis 
sion at Oswegatchie, now Ogdensburg, mark their limit. 

The Jesuits, except in the district attended by the Sulpi 
tians, had for many years sole charge of all the French settle 
ments and the religious communities that grew up there, to 
gether with the Indian missions in Canada. 

The French settlements were chiefly at Tadoussac, a great 


trading post ; Quebec, Isle Orleans, Three Rivers, Montreal, 
to which the Huron s and their allies further west came down 
on flotillas of canoes by the way of the Ottawa River. The 
trading establishment at the Rapids above Montreal was the 
frontier post of the French. 

Under the zealous labors of Father Brebeuf and his asso 
ciates, men like Fathers Charles Garnier, Anthony Daniel, 
Leonard Garreau, Chatelain, Jogues, Raymbaut, many were 
converted in the great Wyandot or Huron nation, and in 
the kindred Tionontates. The long route to and from their 
stations near Lake Huron became annually more difficult 
and dangerous, as the Iroquois or Five Nations supplied with 
firearms by the Dutch at Manhattan waylaid the Indian 
flotillas descending to trade or returning from Quebec, at a 
hundred points along the tedious and difficult course. Yet 
it was only by these flotillas of bark canoes that the mission 
aries could reach the mission field, or return to the French 
colony when the necessities of the Huron church required 
it. With a few lay brothers, and some devoted men who 
gave their services to the mission, the Jesuits could raise 
wheat and make wine for the celebration of mass ; but cloth 
ing, books, paper, medicines, implements of various kinds, 
could be had only in the colony ; and sometimes the inter 
ruption of navigation was so prolonged that the missionaries 
suffered greatly. 

Yet so far were they from any idea of abandoning the 
field which Providence had placed under their care, that 
they planned the extension of their missions further west. 
In the summer of 1642, a peculiar institution of the cluster 
of tribes to which the Hurons belonged, known as the Feast 
of the Dead, gathered in the Huron country delegates from all 
tribes with whom they held friendly relations. Then, amid 
solemn rites and games, the bones of those buried temporarily 


during the last ten years were committed to a common grave, 
richly lined with furs, and with them articles regarded as 
of highest value. The Chippewa envoys to this ceremony, 
who came from the outlet of Lake Superior, invited the 

black gowns to 
visit their coun- 

try; and when 
the Feast of the 

Dead was ended 

and the Chip . 

pewas launch- 

ed their canoes 

on Lake Huron, 


Raymbaut and 

Father Isaac Jogues were selected to accompany them. Set 
ting out from the mission-house of St. Mary s, a sail of 
seventeen days over the lake brought the two priestly pio 
neers to the rapid outlet, which received from them the name 
it still bears, Sault St. Mary s. 

Here, in October, 1641, the Church of Canada, starting 
from Quebec as a centre, again reached the present territory 
of the United States. Here 

the two Jesuits planted the 0^0* &-S @u8P ff*"<*(#t f 
Cross of Christianity, looking ^^x^ 

still further west, and form- F ^-SIMILE OF THE SIGNATURE OP 


ing plans for the conversion 

of the Dakotas, of whom they heard by their Algonquin 

name, ^adouessis. 1 

Father Isaac Jogues, who thus stands as one of the two 
pioneer priests of Michigan, was destined soon to be the 

1 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1642, pp. 97-8. 


pioneer priest of another State. On the 2d of June, 1642, 
he and Father Raymbaut embarked in the Huron canoes, 
descending the great water highways ; Father Raymbaut, 
whose health was shattered, was to remain in the French 
colony ; Father Jogues was to return with the Indians after 
the trade, bringing with him supplies the Huron mission 
sorely needed. The journey descending and returning was 
fraught with danger from lurking parties of the Mohawks. 
They reached Quebec safely, and Father Jogues enjoyed for 
a season the pleasure of mingling among his brethren and 
his countrymen. On the 1st of August the missionary, with 
two Frenchmen, Rene Goupil, a candidate for entrance into 
the Society, and William Couture, embarked with the Hurons 
from Three Rivers, the great Chief Ahasistari being in com 
mand. Over-confident in their numbers and bravery, the 
Hurons, when suddenly attacked by the Mohawks, landed in 
confusion and were soon routed. A few only with the two 
Frenchmen made any stand. Father Jogues might have es 
caped, but he would not desert his flock ; Ahasistari and the 
few brave Hurons who remained with the Frenchmen were 
soon overpowered. The prisoners then underwent the usual 
Indian cruelties ; they were beaten to insensibility, mangled, 
and hacked. Father Jogues had his nails torn out, and his 
forefingers crunched till the last bone was completely crushed. 
Then the Mohawks compelled their prisoners to begin a ter 
rible march to the Mohawk. On their way they encoun 
tered on an island in Lake Champlain a war party just setting 
out. This, to ensure courage and success, wreaked its savage 
cruelty on the prisoners. 1 Father Jogues finally, on the 14th 
of August, reached Ossernenon, the first Mohawk town, near 

1 Smith s Island, near Westport, is traditionally believed to be the spot 
hallowed by the sufferings of these illustrious missionaries and their dis 
ciples. A cross keeps the memory alive. 


the present station of Auriesville, in Montgomery County. 
Here, after crossing the river, the prisoners were forced to 
run the gauntlet, and were placed on a platform for further 
cruelties. All the prisoners were cut and mutilated. Father 
Jogues had his left thumb sawed off at the root, an Algonquin 
woman being forced to execute the savage cruelty. Then 
followed days of torture in each of the towns of the nation, 
the missionary forgetting his own sufferings to instruct and 
baptize those of his own party not yet received into the 
Church, or others brought in by other war parties. When 
the council of the tribe finally decided the fate of the 
prisoners, several Hurons were burned at the stake, in 
cluding the brave Ahasistari ; but the lives of the French 
men were spared. No care was taken of their terrible 
wounds, and though the Dutch endeavored to ransom the 
European captives, the Indians refused to part with them. 
The next month Eene Goupil was killed while returning to 
Ossernenon with the missionary and reciting the rosary. The 
Indians regarded his prayers, and especially the Sign of the 
Cross, as magical acts for their injury, the making the sign 
on a child being the immediate cause of his death. Father 
Jogues endeavored to secure and bury the body of his com 
panion, but it was maliciously carried away. The good priest, 
who has left us an account of his young comrade, attests his 
deep and earnest piety, his zeal, and his services as a med 
ical assistant to the missionaries, whom he had voluntarily 
joined from religious motives, and served with no hope of 
reward. 1 Then began for Father Jogues a long and terrible 
captivity, in which his chief consolation was that of attend 
ing prisoners at the stake, and the instruction of a few 

1 Rene Goupil had been a novice of the Society of Jesus in France, but 
his health failed, and he came to America, hoping to enter in time. Fa 
ther Jogues received him before his death. 


Mohawks in sickness, whom he taught to look to God for 
forgiveness and grace. As the slave of savages he attended 
hunting and fishing parties, till at last when at Fort Orange, 
now Albany, he heard that he was to be put to death on his 
return. The Dutch urged him to escape, promising him pro 
tection. During the night he reached a vessel lying in the 
North River, near the Fort, but the Indians, on discovering 
their loss, became so menacing, that he was taken ashore, to 
be given up, if necessary, to save the lives of the Dutch. 
The Mohawks were, however, finally appeased, and the mis 
sionary, who had been confined with great discomfort, was 
taken down to the fort on Manhattan Island, around which 
had clustered a few cabins, the commencement of the great 
city of New York. In New Amsterdam, as the place was 
then called, Father Jogues found but two Catholics, the Por 
tuguese wife of a soldier, and an Irishman, recently from 
Maryland. His sufferings evoked the sympathy of all the 
Dutch, from their director, William Kieft, and the minister, 
Dominie Megapolensis, to the poorest. The Director of the 
Colony gave him passage in a small vessel he was dispatching 
to Holland, but the missionary had opportunity for addi 
tional suffering, and after being driven upon the English 
coast, reached his native land, just in time to celebrate the 
feast of Christmas. 

The future State of New York had thus been traversed 
from north to south by a great and heroic priest. Another 
soon followed him in the same path of suffering. 

At .the close of April, 1644, Father Joseph Bressani, a 
native of Rome, who had been two years on the Canada mis 
sion, soon after leaving Three Rivers with a Huron party, 
also fell into the hands of the Mohawks. This priest was 
not severely maltreated till his captors met a war party, when 
he was cruelly beaten with clubs, but on arriving at a large 


fishing village, the prisoners were compelled to run the 
gauntlet. Father Bressaui s hand was cloven open ; he was 
stabbed and burned all over his body, indeed his hands were 
burned no less than eighteen times ; a stake was driven through 

his foot, his hair and beard 

Q , . torn out by the roots. On 

jF^TpV ^T^P/ U^^^a^l reaching Ossernenon his 


FRANCIS j. BBESSANI. left thumb and two fingers 

of the right hand were cut 

off ; but the council of the tribe spared his life, and gave him 
to an old woman. His terrible wounds and ulcers brought 
him nearly to the grave ; but he rallied and was taken to the 
Dutch, who, effecting his ransom, sent him also to Europe. 
He arrived in Eochelle November 15, 1644. 1 

Father Jogues, honored in France as a martyr of Christ, 
had but one desire, and it was to return to his mission. He 
solicited from the Sovereign Pontiff permission to say mass 
with his mutilated hands, and it was given in words that 
have become historic : " Indignum esse Christi martyrem 
Christi non bibere sanguinera." He sailed from Rochelle in 
the spring of 1644, and was stationed at Montreal. Sum 
moned thence in July, he attended negotiations with the 
Mohawks at Three Rivers, where peace was concluded, but 
its ratification was delayed. In May, 1646, Father Jogues 
and John Bourdon were sent to the Mohawk country to rat 
ify it firmly. Passing through Lake George, to which he 
gave the name of " Lac St. Sacrement," as he reached it 
on the feast of Corpus Christi, Father Jogues, with his 
companion, arrived at the Mohawk castles, and peace was 

1 Father Bressani relates his own sufferings in his "Breve Relazione," 
Macerata, 1653 ; in French, Montreal, 1852 ; see also " Relation de la 
Nouvelle France/ 1644, ch. 9. 


LLE, N.Y. OCT. I 8 TH 164- 

. .rviiAt i- J.-Ln :-.S!u,.. .: :Y. 


apparently established. One great object was to cement this 
peace by establishing a mission in the Mohawk country. 
Father Jogues had come prepared to do so ; but leaving a 
small box containing his mission requisites, he returned with 
his fellow envoy to Canada. There the foundation of the 
Mohawk mission was decided upon, and Father Jogues set 
out for his dangerous post, accompanied by a young man 
named John de la Lande. The Mohawks had, however, 
already resolved to renew the war, and parties of their braves 
were then stealthily approaching the unsuspecting French 
settlements. Father Jogues and his companions fell into 
the hands of one of these parties. Deaf to his protests and 
his remonstrance the Mohawks stripped and maltreated the 
missionary and his companions, and led them as prisoners to 
Ossernenon, which they entered on the 19th of October, 
16^6, amid blows and execrations. One clan tried to save 
the missionary, but while a council was in session an Indian 
summoned him. Father Jogues rose to follow, but as he 
entered a cabin he was struck down lifeless by a blow of a 
tomahawk. His head was cut off and set on one of the pali 
sades of Ossernenon, his body was thrown into the Mohawk, 
which next morning bore down its tide the murdered bodies 
of la Lande and a Huron guide. The Dutch learned, and 
deploring his fate made it known to the authorities in Can 
ada. So ended the first attempt of the Church of Canada to 
extend its work of evangelization over any part of the soil 
of ^N"ew York. Father Jogues died without the consolation 
of once offering the Holy Sacrifice on the banks of the Mo 
hawk. Father Isaac Jogues, a native of Orleans, was a man 
of polished learning, gentle, enduring, firm, and had im 
pressed all who knew him in Canada as a priest of singular 
virtue, perfect forgetfulness of self, and untiring zeal. His 
death raised him in the minds of all to the rank of a martyr, 


His intercession was invoked in Canada and France, and 
miraculous favors were ascribed to him. The narrative of 
his sufferings and death was drawn up under the authority 
of the Archbishop of Rouen, and attested by oath to serve 
in any process for his canonization. In the Catholic body 
that now permeates the great population of the Republic, 
devotion to this early priest has become general ; and the 
third Plenary Council in Baltimore, in November, 1884, for 
mally petitioned the Vicar of Christ that the cause of his 
canonization might be introduced. 1 

Contemporaneous with this effort from Canada to establish 
the Church on the Mohawk, more consoling results were 
seen in Maine. The Eecollects of the province of Aquitaine, 
in France, came over in 1619 to attend the establishments 
begun in Acadia by sedentary fishery and fur companies 

1 "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1642 ; 1643, ch. 12, 14 ; 1647, ch. 
4-7; Creuxius, "Historia Canadensis," pp. 338-500; Tanner, " Societas 
Militans," Prague, 1675, p. 510 ; " Concilium Plenarium Baltiniorense 
III," Baltimore, 1886, p. Ixiv. This servant of God was born at Orleans, 
France, of a family still honored there, January 10, 1607. Entering a 
Jesuit college at the age of ten, he solicited entrance into the Society of 
Jesus and began his novitiate October 24, 1624. As novice and as scholas 
tic, student and teacher, he was regarded as a model. Considering himself 
as one of little ability for learning, he solicited a foreign mission, and 
having been assigned to Canada, was ordained in 1636 to be sent to that 
severe field. He evinced skill in acquiring a knowledge of the Huron 
character and language, and was a patient, successful, uncomplaining 
missioner, ready for any peril. In the hour of trial he showed the heroic 
degree to which he had ascended by his life of prayer and union with 
God. His life has been written by Father Felix Martin, S.J. Paris, 
1873 ; New York, 1885. His writings, including a narrative of his cap 
tivity, a notice of Rene Goupil, and an account of New Netherland in 
1642, have been published in a volume of the " Collections of the New 
York Historical Society." The site of Ossernenon has been identified 
by the exhaustive topographical studies of General John S. Clark, of 
Auburn, and it has been acquired by the Society of Jesus. A pilgrim 
age to the spot took place in August, 1884, when the little chapel was 


founded at Bordeaux. Their chief station and chapel were 
on St. John s River, and several Fathers labored in that dis 
trict till 1624, one dying of hardship in the woods. They 
then retired to Quebec, probably crossing part of Maine on 
the way. 1 Though they resumed their missions, they were 
driven out by the English in 1628 ; but even before the res 
toration of Canada to France, Recollect Fathers from the 
province of Aquitaine were again sent out in 1630. 8 Three 
years afterward, however, Cardinal Richelieu gave orders for 
their recall, and committed the Acadian mission to the Fa 
thers of the Capuchin Order. 3 

Of the extent of their labors there is no doubt. The Capu 
chins of the province of Paris, accepting the field assigned 
to them, sent missionaries who attended the French along the 
coast from Chaleurs Bay to the Kennebec. Their country 
men constituted a floating population of small proportion 
in winter, but swelling in summer to thousands as is the 
case to this day at Saint Pierre and Miquelon. 4 

The conversion of the Indians was one of the main objects 
of the mission, and the establishment of a seminary for the 
instruction of the young natives was especially provided for. 
Cardinal Richelieu had in 1635 become a partner in a com 
pany for settling Acadia, and in 1640 he transferred all his 

1 Le Clercq, " Establishment of the Faith," i., pp. 199, 227. 

2 Champlain, "Voyages" (Prince edn.), i., p. 298. 

3 Faillon, " Histoire de la Colonie Frangaise," i., p. 280 ; Letter of Bou- 
tliillier, secretary of state, March 16, 1633, cited by Moreau, "Histoire 
de 1 Acadie Frangoise," Paris, 1873, p. 131 ; Faillon, " Histoire de la 
Colonie Frangaise," i., p. 280. D Aulnay received the Capuchins, but 
La Tour retained Recollect Fathers till his open mockery of the Cath 
olic religion compelled them to withdraw in January, 1645 ; Moreau, 
pp. 131, 211. 

4 "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1651, pp. 14-15; Charlevoix, 
" History of New France," ii., p. 202, says Druillettes found the Capu- 
chins on the Kennebec, but the " Relation" of 1647 makes this doubtful. 


rights to the Capuchin Fathers as a fund for the foundation 
and maintenance of this Indian school, so that the great Car 
dinal of France was actively interested in the Christian edu 
cation of New England Indians long before Plymouth or 
Massachusetts Bay or the British rulers had paid any atten 
tion to it. 1 

The centre of the mission was at Port Royal, but there 
were stations attended by the Capuchins as far east as 


the Kennebec* and Penobscot. Among those who were sta 
tioned at the French post of Pentagoet on the Penobscot 

1 F. Pacificus de Provins, "Relazione," March 9, 1644, MS. 

2 Moreau, " Hiatoire de 1 Acadie Francaise," pp. 137, 164, 167. D Aul- 
nay was eventually selected to administer the revenues of the portion 
belonging to the Capuchins. Father Leonard of Chartres for baptizing 
a child which, with its mother, was in danger of death, was mortally 
wounded by an Indian. Before they could reach the hospice with the 
dying Capuchin, the post was captured by the English, and he was taken 
to a neighboring island, where he expired. See ."Bullarium Capuccino- 


may be named Father Leo of Paris, Father C.osmas de Mante, 
Father Bernardine de Crespy, and the Lay Brother Elzear 
de St. Florentin. Their chapel, which bore the title of Our 
Lady of Holy Hope, was evidently reared not far from the 
lower fort at the present town of Castine, for in the autumn 
of 1863 a copper-plate was found but little below the surface 
of the soil, which bore an inscription proving that it had 
once been in the corner-stone of the Catholic chapel. It ran 
thus : " 1648 : 8 Jun : F. LEO PARISIN CAPVC : Miss POSVI 


8th of June, 1648, I, Friar Leo of Paris, Capuchin mission 
ary, laid this corner-stone in honor of Our Lady of Holy 
Hope." It was apparently one of the last acts of this mis 
sionary, for in October of the same year his post was filled 
by Father Cosmas de Mante. 

While the Capuchin Fathers were thus engaged at Penta- 
goet, the Abnaki Indians on the Kennebec, who had through 
kindred Algonquin tribes visited the French at Quebec, asked 
for missionaries. As they at a later period told the people 
of New England, when they went to Canada they were not 
asked whether they had any furs, but whether they had been 
taught to worship the true God. 

The Superior of the Jesuit Mission took the matter into 
consideration, and on the same day, August 21, 1646, that it 
was decided to send Father Isaac Jogues to the Mohawk, it 
was also unanimously agreed that Father Gabriel Druillettes 
should proceed with the Abnakis to found on the Kennebec 
the Mission of the Assumption. He left Sillery August 

rum," v., p. 28; F. Ignatius of Paris, "Brevis . . . descriptio," MS.; 
"Eloges des Illustres Capucins de la Ville de Paris," MS. This last 
gives his death as in 1649, but it was more probably in 1655. The " An- 
nales des Peres Capucins," in the Mazarin library, unfortunately has no 
portion devoted to the Acadian mission. 


sick he instructed as 


29th, accompanied by Claude, a good Christian Indian, to 
winter with the Abnakis, and with his Indian guides, by 
canoe and portage, he in time reached their village on the 
Kennebec. Here he set to work to learn the language by 
means of the Algon- 
quin. which he had 
already acquired. The 


well as he could, and 

children in danger of death were baptized. He visited an 
English post on the river, and subsequently with his Indian 
guides descended to the sea and coasted along to Pentagoet. 
The Superior of the Capuchins, Father Ignatius of Paris, and 
his associates received the Jesuit Father at their hospice with 
every mark of affection, and Druillettes, after a short stay, 
returned to his mission, with a letter from the French com 
mandant at Pentagoet to the English authorities. 

A league above the English post on the Kennebec the 
Abnakis gathered in a little village, consisting of fifteen 
communal houses. Here they erected a little plank chapel 
in their style for the missionary. As he could by this time 
speak the language with some fluency, he taught them the 
necessity of believing in God, the Creator of mankind, the 
rewarder of the good, and the punisher of the wicked. He 
impressed on them above all to renounce the use of liquors 
offered them by traders, to avoid quarrels, and to throw aside 
the manitous in which each one confided. Following them 
in their winter hunt he continued his instructions in the 
fundamental truths of Christianity, and taught them the or 
dinary prayers which he had translated into their language. 

After revisiting the English post he returned to Quebec 
in June. 1 He fully expected to continue his mission ; but 

1 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1647, cli. x. (Quebec ed., pp. 51- 


he was soon followed by another Indian party who bore a 
letter from the Capuchins, deprecating the establishment of 
a mission in territory specially assigned to them. The Su 
perior of the Jesuit Missions in Canada at once relinquished 
a field that seemed full of promise. 1 

But the revolt of La Tour against orders from France and 
the consequent struggle between him and the Sieur Aulnay 
de Charnisay, in whose district the Capuchins were, menaced 
all the French establishments, for La Tour obtained aid from 
the English at Boston, though d Aulnay sent an envoy there, 
a Mr. Marie, whom the people of Massachusetts supposed to 
be one of the Capuchin Fathers. 2 

Foreboding apparently the close of their mission amid 
these distracting scenes, Fathers Cosmas de Mante and Ga 
briel de Joinville visited Canada, and were in 1648 at the 
Indian mission at Sillery. 3 The former, evidently con 
vinced by the results he witnessed, addressed the Jesuit Su 
perior, begging him, in most touching terms, to renew the 
Abnaki mission and give the poor Indians and others all the 
assistance his courageous and untiring charity could afford. 4 
But it was not till two years later that the Society of Jesus 
could take steps to continue the Mission of the Assumption. 

56) ; " Journal des Jesuites," pp. 44, 63, 88 ; Creuxius, " Historia Cana- 
densis," p. 483. 

1 " Journal des Jesuites," 1647, July 3-4, p. 91. 

2 Murdoch, "Nova Scotia," Halifax, 1865, i., pp. 105, 107. Indians 
of St. John s River, incited by La Tour, attacked one of d Aulnay s 
sloops, carrying off a soldier and one of the Capuchin Fathers, killing 
the soldier. Moreau, p. 155. The Letters Patent of the King to d Aulnay 
de Charnisay, February, 1647, in the " Collection de Manuscrits," Que 
bec, 1883, pp. 120-24, speak highly of his establishment of the Capuchin 
missions and schools. 

3 " Registre de Sillery," cited by Tainguay, " Repertoire General," pp. 

4 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1651, p. 14. 


In 1650 Father Gabriel Druillettes was again granted to 
the prayers of the Abnakis, who had year after year solic 
ited his return. On the last day of August, though spent 
with a laborious winter mission on the shores of the gulf, he 
took up his staff to accompany the Indians to their lodges on 
the Kennebec. The patient, self-denying Jesuit, went also 
in a new character. He bore letters accrediting him to the 
governing powers in New England, with whom the Canadian 
authorities proposed a free intercolonial trade, and to whose 
humanity they appealed for aid or volunteers, to check the 
Iroquois who menaced all that was Christian. Four-and- 
twenty days of hardship and suffering brought the mission 
ary to Norridgewalk, where he was received with rapture. 
The chief cried out as he embraced the missionary : " I see 
well that the Great Spirit who rules in the heavens, vouch 
safes to look on us with favor, since He sends our patriarch 
back to us." 

With souls thus prepared his mission labors were full of 
consolation. Visiting the English post to forward letters 
announcing the nature of the commission confided to him, 
he continued his priestly work till November, when he set 
out for Boston with Noel Negabamat, the Chief of Sillery, 
embarking at Merry Meeting Bay, with John Winslow, whom 
the missionary calls his Pereira, alluding to the friend of St. 
Francis Xavier. 

At Boston Major-General Gibbons received him courte 
ously. Father Druillettes says : " He gave me the key of a 
room in his house, where I could in all liberty say my prayers 
and perform the exercises of my religion." As he would 
naturally carry his missionary chapel service with him, we 
may infer that Father Druillettes offered the holy sacrifice in 
Boston in December, 1650. He delivered his credentials, 
urging the cause of his countrymen and the claims of his 


neophytes, which he pleaded also at Plymouth. At Eoxbury 
he visited Eliot, who pressed him to remain under his roof 
till spring, but winter had no terrors for him. After receiv 
ing a reply from the governor and presenting his case to the 
leading men, he sailed early in January for the Keunebec, 
and in the following month resumed his missionary labors. 
He returned to Canada in June, but was again accred 
ited in a more formal manner as envoy with Mr. Godefroy 
to the Commissioners of the New England Colonies, who 
were to meet at New Haven. Thither the missionary and 
his associate proceeded, and in September, 1651, the Cath 
olic priest pleaded in vain for a brotherhood of nations, 
and for a combined action against a destroying heathen 
power. The visit of a priest to New England, whose Chris 
tian civilization, three years before, had embodied its claims 
to the respect of posterity in a law expelling every Jesuit 
and dooming him to the gallows if he returned, is, in itself, 
a most curious episode. 1 

After concluding his diplomatic functions in Boston and 
New Haven, he returned to his little flock on the Kennebec, 
and spent the winter instructing and grounding them in the 
doctrines of Christianity. After many hardships he reached 
Quebec in March, 1652. 2 

For some years after these missions of Father Druillettes 
on the Kennebec, no further attempt was made to establish 
the church at Norridgewalk, but the Abnakis kept the faith 
alive by visits to Sillery and other missions in Canada. 

1 Druillettes, "Narre du Voyage," 1650-1, Albany, 1855 ; " Recueil de 
Pieces sur la Negotiation entre la Nouv. France et la Nouv. Angleterre," 
New York, 1866 ; Charlevoix, " History of New France," ii., pp. 201-18 ; 
Hazard, "Collections," ii., pp. 183-4; Hutchinson, "Collection," i., p. 

2 " Journal des Jesuites," 30 Mars, 1652. 


Nor were the Capuchin missions to be much longer con 

Brother Elzear de St. Florentin spent ten years in St. Pe 
ter s fort at Pentagoet, becoming thoroughly versed in the 
Indian language, and gaining many by his instructions, which 
his exemplary life corroborated. In 1655 the Yery Rev. 
Father Bernardine de Crespy, the missionary at Pentagoet, 
was carried off to England by an expedition sent out by 
Cromwell, 1 and the Catholic French on the coast, as well as 
the Indian converts, were deprived of the services of their 

The war declared by the Iroquois on the French and their 
allies, when the Mohawks so treacherously made Father 
Jogues a prisoner and put him to death, was carried on with 
the greatest vigor ; the Montagnais of the St. Lawrence, the 
Algonquins of the Ottawa, the Attikamegues, were nearly 
annihilated, and the great Huron, Tionontate, and Neuter 
Nations, though living in palisaded castles, saw town after 
town captured by their daring enemy. The upper country 
became a desert ; the surviving Hurons and Tionontates fled 
to Lake Superior or descended to Quebec to seek a refuge 
under the canons of the French. The little colony of Canada 
suffered fearfully. The Huron missions were destroyed, 
Fathers Anthony Daniel, John de Brebeuf, Gabriel Lalemant, 
Charles Gamier, and Noel Chabanel perishing amid their 
flocks, Brebeuf and Lalemant undergoing at the stake the 
utmost fury of the savages. Father James Buteux was slain 
among his faithful Attikamegues ; the secular priests, Rev. 

1 F. Ignatius of Paris, " Breuis ac dilucida Missionis Accadiae Descrip- 
tio," MS. ; Moreau, " Histoire de TAcadie," p. 263. In the struggle of 
d Aulnay, who endeavored to carry out the orders and decisions of tri 
bunals in France, and of the Court, against La Tour, the Capuchins 
labored in the interest of peace, on one occasion obtaining liberty for La 
Tour and his wife. Moreau, p. 160. 


Messrs. Lemaitre and Yignal, were killed in the neighbor 
hood of Montreal ; Father Joseph Poncet, while engaged in 
a work of charity, was captured in August, 1653, by a band 
of Mohawks, was hurried through the forest trails to their 

village, undergoing 
privation, hardship, 
and great torture, 


PONCET. hlS haildS beill g 

frightfully lacerated 

and burned. At the Hudson he and his companion were 
stripped, and forced to run the gauntlet of a party whom they 
encountered. At the Mohawk village the missionary was ex 
posed on a scaffold, and the Indians made a boy, not more 
than five years old, hack off the second finger of his left hand, 
and then staunch the blood with a hot coal. Taken the next 
day to another town, this missionary was burned by day with 
pipes and firebrands at any one s fancy, and hung up at night 
in ropes. The council called to decide on his fate spared his 
life, and gave him to an old woman. The Dutch of Fort 
Orange, to whom he was taken, dressed his wounds. Here he 
met Eadisson, afterwards famous in Canadian annals, who had 
been taken prisoner also, and a Belgian from Brussels, both of 
whom approached the sacrament of penance. Meanwhile it 
had been decided by the Mohawk sachems to restore the 
missionary to the French and propose peace. In October 
he set out with a party, and after a laborious march reached 
Montreal. 1 

Thus, at a moment when the prospect of the Church in 
Canada seemed beset on all sides by danger and difficulty, 
when any extension toward the Atlantic or the great un 
known West seemed impossible, peace came not only with 

1 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1653, ch. 4 (Quebec ed., pp. 9-17). 


startling suddenness, but in such a form that the way for the 
gospel was opened into the very heart of the Confederacy 
which had hitherto been the great obstacle. The blood of 
the martyred missionaries had pleaded, and not in vain, for 
the conversion of the Iroquois. 






THE extension of the Catholic Church ,of Canada to our 
present territory in a permanent manner, is coeval with the 
establishment and recognition of the jurisdiction of the 
Archbishops of Rouen over the portion of North America 
which the adventurous sons of France were exploring and 
claiming for their monarch. The earlier missionaries came 
in most cases with faculties from the diocese of Rouen. As 
settlements grew up, they were vaguely regarded as part of 
that bishopric, but no jurisdictional act recognized the trans 
atlantic authority of the French prelate. As religious com 
munities of women arose, however, the question of episcopal 
authority required a distinct settlement. 

Accordingly the Jesuit missionaries in Canada sent Father 
Vimont to France, and application was made to the Most 
Rev. Francis de Harlay, Archbishop of Rouen, who, in 1647, 
appointed Father Jerome Lalemant, the Superior of the 
Missions in Canada, his Vicar-General. These powers were 
renewed by his successor, Francis de Harlay Champallon, in 
1653, and in that year a Bull of Jubilee from the Pope was 
publicly proclaimed in Canada by the authority of the Arch 
bishop of Rouen, and accompanied by his pastoral. As the 
Church spread in Maine, New York, Michigan, Wisconsin, 

to use the names now borne by these districts, the authority 



of the See of Rouen was recognized till the Holy See formed 
the French colony into a vicariate. 1 

There was a general movement among the Iroquois can 
tons in favor of peace with the French. Though war parties 
were in the field, the On ondagas proposed negotiations, -and 
when their advances were favorably received, they induced 
the Oneidas and Cayugas to adopt the same course : the 
Mohawks, who had suffered heavily by war, sent back Father 
Poncet, so that all but the Senecas on the extreme west were 
in accord. 2 

Human policy, the wish to gain time to crush other 
enemies, discontent with their Dutch neighbors, may have 
had their influence, but they do not altogether explain the 
general desire of the Iroquois for peace. 

The treaty was actually concluded, and it became necessary 
to send some person to ratify it in the Iroquois cantons. The 
envoy was to undertake the task which cost Father Isaac 
Jogues his life. Yet there was no trouble in finding a Jesuit 
to assume a peril-fraught position. Father Simon le Moyne 
had succeeded to the Indian name of Isaac Jogues, and was 
ready to follow his footsteps as envoy of peace to an Iroquois 
canton. Putting his life into the hands- of the Almighty, he 
set out in July, 1654, with his Onondaga guides, ascending 
the Saint Lawrence by paddling and portage to the great 
lake, Ontario. Skirting its southern shore, he arrived at a 
fishing village, where he found some of his old Huron 

1 Faillon, " Histoire de la Colonie Francaise," i., p. 280, says that the 
Jesuit Fathers who came over in 1633 applied to the Archbishop of 

2 "Journal des Jesuites," August, 1653, pp. 185-7. The first attempt 
to have a bishop s see established in Canada, emanated from the Rec 
ollects. Faillon, i., p. 282 ; Le Clercq, " Establishment of the Faith," i., 
p. 339 ; Margry, "Documents," i., p. 15 ; the next was that of the Yen. 
Mr. Olier, in 1656. Faillon, "Vie de M. Olier," Paris, 1853, ii., p. 504. 


Christians, and heard the confession of his old Tiontate host. 
Confessing, baptizing, the missionary envoy came at last in 
sight of the Onondaga castle, to be greeted with an unusual 
welcome. In the solemn council he opened with a prayer in 
Huron, easily followed by the Iroquois, in which he anathe 
matized the evil spirits who should venture to disturb the 
peace, then he prayed the angel guardians of the land to 
speak to the hearts of the Five Nations, to the clans, the 
families, the individuals he named ; then he delivered the 
nineteen presents symbolizing as many words or propositions. 
In reply the Onondaga sachems urged him to select a spot on 
the banks of the lake for a French settlement, and confirmed 
the peace. Everything encouraged the envoy priest. The 
Onondagas seemed full of good-will ; their Christian captives 
full of fervor. Father le Moyne returned with two precious 
relics, a New Testament that had belonged to Father Brebeuf , 
and a prayer-book of Father Charles Garnier, both put to 
death by the Iroquois. His favorable report filled the French 
colony with exultation. 1 

To plant Christianity and civilization at Onondaga, was 
the next step. Fathers Joseph Chaumonot and Claude 
Dablon were selected, and leaving Quebec in September, 
were received in pomp by the sachems, about a mile from the 
Onondaga castles, on the 5th of November. A banquet was 
spread for the priests, who were welcomed by an orator in an 
eloquent address, to which Father Chaumonot replied in their 
own language and style. Then they were conducted, between 
a welcoming line on either side, to the great cabin prepared 
for them. As it was Friday, they had to decline the juicy 
bear-meat cooked for their repast, but it was at once replaced 
by beaver and fish. That very night a council was held, and 

1 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1654, ch. vi., (Quebec edition, p. 



the essential presents were exchanged. The erection of a 
chapel for Catholic worship was to be one of the first steps. 
The sachems told Chaumonot that as they had ascertained 
that the most gratifying intelligence they could send that fall 
to Onontio, that is, the Governor of Canada, would be that 
Onondaga had a chapel for the believers, they would, to 
please him, provide for it as soon as possible. The missionary 
replied that they had discovered the secret of winning the 
governor s heart, and gaining him over completely. 

For some days there were interviews, discussions, and in 
terchange of presents, the missionaries availing themselves 
of the opportunity to visit the sick. They visited the Salt 
Spring near Lake Ganentaa, which had been selected as the 
site of the proposed French settlement. On the same hill 
was another spring of pure water. The site was a delightful 
one, easy of access from all directions. 

On Sunday, November 14th, they consecrated their work 
by offering the holy sacrifice of the mass at a temporary 
altar in the cabin of Teotonharason, an influential woman 
who had visited Quebec and now openly declared herself in 
favor of Christianity. 

The next day the Sachems convened the nation in a public 
place that all might see and hear. Then Father Chaumonot 
prepared to deliver the wampum belts of which he was the 

Father Chaumonot, who had adapted his natural eloquence 
to the Indian mind, gave belt after belt, each with a symboli 
cal meaning which he explained. " The applause was general 
and every mind was on the alert to see and hear what came 
next. This was the finest wampum belt of all which Father 
Chaumonot displayed. He declared all that he had thus far 
said was but to assuage and soothe their evils ; that he could 
not prevent their falling sick and dying ; yet he had a 


sovereign remedy for all kinds of 
evils ; and that it was this properly 
which brought him to their coun 
try; and that they had displayed 
their intelligence in coming to 
Quebec to seek him ; that this 
great remedy was the Faith, which 
he came to announce to them, 
which they would undoubtedly re 
ceive as favorably as they had done 
wisely in soliciting it." Then walk 
ing up and down he eloquently 
portrayed the truth and beauty of 
Christianity, and called upon them 
to accept it. His address, the first 
eloquent presentation of the Chris 
tian faith to the Five Nations at 
their great council fire, was heard 
with deep attention, interrupted 
only by the applauding cries of the 
sachems and chiefs. 1 

How deeply the words of the 
missionary impressed the sachems, 
may be seen by the fact that the 
very wampum belt held up that 
day by Father Chaumonot, is still 
preserved among the treasures of 
the Iroquois League, at Onondaga, 

1 "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 
1656 (Quebec edition, p. 16). 




showing in its work of wampum beads, man, the onkwe on we 
led to the Cross of Christ. 1 

The Mohawks meanwhile had made proposals of peace, and 
Father le Moyne had been promised to them. Wearied by 
his past labors, a stout missionary might have pleaded for 
rest, but he shrank from no work of duty. He accepted the 
new charge with alacrity. Leaving Montreal on the 17th of 
August, 1656, with twelve Mohawks and two Frenchmen, 
they journeyed on foot a month before the missionary entered 
the Mohawks castles, where he was cordially welcomed. He 
delivered the presents of the French governor, and in Mo 
hawk invoked God to punish any one who violated the 
solemn pledges of the treaty. His presents were repaid by 
those of the canton, and peace was thus firmly established. 
Then, as missionary, he conferred baptism on the children of 
some captive Christians ; he visited the Dutch settlements, 
where he was courteously received, though the minister 
listened with doubt to the accounts of salt springs and other 
peculiarities of the country the missionary had visited. 2 

, l This belt is perfect, although evidently ancient. It is seven beads 
wide and three hundred and fifty long. The figures are white on a dark 
ground. We give an accurate drawing of it from a photograph kindly 
furnished by ,Gen. John S. Clark, of Auburn, who is convinced that it is 
that used by Chaumonot. In Dr. Hawley s " Early Chapters of Cayuga 
History," p. 19, he says : "The legend of this belt as explained at this 
day, is as follows : A great many years ago, a company from Canada 
presented this belt, desiring that missionaries from the Roman Catholic 
Church might be settled among the Five Nations, and erect a chapel at 
Onondaga, and that the road (represented by the white stripe) should be 
continually kept open and free between them." We show also another 
belt evidently of missionary origin, preserved by the Onondagas, ancient, 
but inferior in workmanship. See Powell, " Second Annual Report of 
the Bureau of Ethnology," Washington, 1883, p. 252. 

2 "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1656, ch. i. (Quebec edition, pp. 
2-4) ; O Callaghan, " History of New Netherland," ii., p. 303 ; Marie de 
llncarnation, "Lettres Historiques," Lettre, October 12, 1655. 


Meanwhile the missionaries went about freely among the 
people, meeting many old Huron converts, now slaves or 
adopted into the Onondaga nation. There was abundant 
work for their zeal in reviving or encouraging the faith in 
these poor exiles. When the Catholic world was celebrating 
the dedication of the grandest temple to the Most High, St. 
Peter s church at Home, a bark chapel was reared at Onon 
daga. " It is true," writes Father Dablon, " that for all mar 
ble and all precious metals we employed only bark. As soon 
as it was erected it was sanctified by the baptism of three 
children, to whom the way to heaven was opened as wide 
beneath those vaults of bark, as to those held over font be 
neath vaults fretted with gold and silver." St. John the 
Baptist had been adopted as the patron of the mission, and it 
was doubtless under his invocation that this first chapel on 
the soil of New York was dedicated. 

But the chapel was soon too small for those who gathered 
to listen to the doctrines of Christianity proclaimed in their 
own tongue by the eloquent Chaumonot. 1 

But the sachems of Onondaga wished a French settlement, 
and expressed dissatisfaction because no colonists arrived. 
to obtain them and so dispel all doubts, Father Dablon re 
turned to Canada. 

There a serious consultation was held. It was generally 
believed that the Onondagas were endeavoring to draw the 
French into their country only to massacre them : but un 
less some went, the cantons would declare war. Accordingly 
fifty Frenchmen under Mr. Dupuis, commandant of the fort 
at Quebec, left that city with all necessaries for a settlement, 
accompanied by Father Dablon, the Superior of the mission, 

1 "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1656, ch. vii. xiii., (Quebec ed. ( 
pp. 20, 35). 


F. Francis le Mercier, two other priests of the Society, Rene 
Menard and James Fremin, with two lay brothers. 1 

They set out amid the anxious fears of their countrymen, 
their white banner with the name of Jesus betokening the ob 
ject of their emigration. After a tedious journey, during which 
they suffered from hunger, the colonists on the llth of July 
reached the spot on Lake Onondaga which Fathers Chaumonot 
and Dablon had selected, and where the sachems of the tribe 
awaited them. The French canoes moved over the waters of 
the lake amid a salvo from their five cannon. A grand 
reception and banquet followed. The next day a solemn Te 
Deum was chanted for their safe arrival, and possession was 
taken of the country in the name of Jesus Christ, dedicating 
it to Him by the holy sacrifice of the mass. On Sunday all 
received holy communion, to fulfil a vow made amid the dan 
gers of their route. After the usual round of receptions and 
banquets to conform to the Indian custom, the French set to 
work in earnest to erect the blockhouse of Saint Mary of Ga- 
nentaa, as the headquarters of the settlers and of the mission 
aries. It stood on a hill from which flowed a stream of salt 
water, and one limpid, fresh, and pure. Before the close of 
August the house was well advanced, and the missionaries 
had reared in the Indian village of Onondaga a regular 
chapel, apparently a larger and more solid structure than that 
raised the year before. 2 

Fields were prepared and planted by the French with 
wheat, Indian corn, and vegetables, and places arranged for 
the swine and poultry which they had brought. 3 

"Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1657, ch. 4, (Quebec ed., pp. 
7-9). Marie de 1 Incarnation, "Lettres Historiques," p. 531, Lettre Oct. 
4, 1658. 

2 "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1657, ch. 5 (Quebec ed., p. 18). 
3 Radisson, "Voyages," p. 118. St. Mary s of Ganentaa was just north 



As soon as the commencement of the mission had been 
laid at Onondaga, the missionaries prepared to extend their 
sphere of action. Father Chaumonot towards the close of 
August, 1656, set out for Cayuga, and leaving Father Rene 
Menard there, pushed on to the Seneca country. The mis 
sionary of the Cayugas was not warmly received at Goio- 
goiien, Huron apostates having created prejudice against the 
messengers of the faith, but four days after his arrival a 
bark chapel was erected, draped with finely wrought mats 
and pictures of our Lord and His Blessed Mother. 1 Then his 
work began ; instructions were given daily, the sick and dy 
ing visited, calumnies refuted, difficulties explained. Some 
listened ; one a warrior, who had given wampum belts to 
rescue Fathers Brebeuf and Lalemant, but which the war 
chiefs subsequently returned. 

Father Chaumonot at Gandagan, a Seneca town, disposed 
the sachems to favor the cause of Christianity and to main 
tain the peace ; another town, Saint Michael s, made up al 
most entirely of Hurons, welcomed the priest, many of the 
exiles having adhered to the faith though long deprived of 
a pastor. 2 

The two missionaries also visited Oneida, although warned 

of the railroad bridge on lot 106, on the north side of Lake Onondaga, 
about midway between the two extremities. "The Jesuit s Well," of 
which an illustration is given from a drawing by A. L. Rawson, with its 
accompanying salt spring, marks the spot. The Onondaga village where 
the chapel was erected, was twelve miles distant, two miles south of the 
present village of Manlius. Gen. John S. Clark in Hawley s "Early. 
Chapters," p. 33. 

1 Gen. John S. Clark, who has so carefully studied the sites of Indian 
towns, places Goiogoiien three and a half miles south of Union Springs, 
near Great Gully Brook. Rev. Dr. Hawley s " Early Chapters of Ca- 
yuga History," p. 21. 

2 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1657, ch. 15-16 (Quebec ed., pp. 


that a plot was forming against their lives ; but they went 
on and boldly announced the gospel. 

Onondaga was, however, the central mission and that which 
afforded most consoling hope. Here they found more per 
sons ready to listen to their teaching, more who in sickness 
placed all their hope in Our Lord when He was made known 
to them. The old Christians and converts were so numerous 
that three Sodalities of the Blessed Virgin were established, 
one Onondaga, one Huron, and one of the Neuter Nation. 
They all assembled in the chapel on Palm Sunday, 1657, be 
fore daybreak, and prepared for mass by reciting the rosary. 1 
Yet the lives of the missionaries hung by a thread. While 
Father Ragueneau was on his way from Canada to Onon 
daga with a party from that canton accompanied by some 
Hurons, who liad agreed to settle there, an Onondaga chief 
tomahawked a Huron woman, and his companions massacred 
the men of the tribe, treating the women and children as 
slaves, stripping them of all their goods. 2 The missionary 
and a lay brother reached Onondaga alive, but felt that they 
were prisoners. If this nation had ever really been sin 
cere in their advances to the French, the jealousy of the Mo 
hawks and Oneidas, who wished all trade to pass through 
their country, soon by specious reasoning incited the Onon- 
dagas to join them in renewing hostilities against the French. 
While Father le Moyne was on the Mohawk, and the mis 
sionaries and French at Onondaga, the Oneidas slew and 
scalped three colonists near Montreal. Governor d Ailleboust 
acted with a decision that saved the lives of the missionaries. 
He seized all the Iroquois to be found in the colony and put 
them in irons. They saw that they were to deal with a man 

1 "Relation de la Nouvelle France," ch. 19, p. 47. 

2 Ib., ch. 22, pp. 54-6. Radisson, " Voyages," p. 119. 



CopyriSjliT iy JcliiL & Shea. 1881 


with whom they could not trifle. One was allowed to re 
turn and assure the Mohawks and Oneidas that the lives of 
their tribesmen depended on the safe return of Father le 

The position of the party at Onondaga was more serious, 
but the arrival of some Indians from that tribe gave the gov 
ernor the hostages he desired ; but he could not send an ex- 
pedition to save the French. The winter wore away, the mis 
sionaries faithfully discharging their duties, the French 
settlers looking forward to the opening of navigation for an 
effort to escape. Flat-boats and canoes were secretly con 
structed, and at last one of the French gave a grand banquet 
which gathered all the men of the Onondaga tribe. It was 
one that required the guests to eat everything set before 
them, and the French lavished their provisions to glut the 
guests, while music was kept up to drown all noise. At last 
far in the night the Onondagas returned to their village, and 
soon sleep held the whole tribe. Then the French embarked 
in haste, breaking a way through the ice, down the Oswego 
to the lake, and coasting along they finally reached Quebec. 1 

So ended the first French settlement and the first Catholic 
mission in New York, which had lasted from November 5, 
1655, to March 20, 1658, and which had erected chapels in 
the Onondaga towns, and among the Cayugas. 

No sooner had peace with the Iroquois allowed the Catho 
lic Church to extend its influence into the territory of the 
fierce Indians who had slaughtered priest and neophyte and 
catechumen, than it sought also to penetrate to the utmost 
limit then known to the French, the country of the Ottawas 
on Lake Superior, of the very existence of which few Euro- 

1 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1658. Letter of F. Ragueneau, 
pp. 2-6 ; Radisson, " Voyages," pp. 123-184. 


peans, few even of the English settlers on the Atlantic coast, 
had the remotest idea. 

At the first gleam of peace with the Iroquois, flotillas of 
canoes from Lake Superior made their way by the devious 
route of Lake Huron and the Ottawa to Montreal and Que 
bec. The Jesuit missionaries heard from these Indians of 
other tribes, the Winnebagoes, Illinois, Sioux, Crees. They 
resolved to plant the cross among them. The Ottawas asked 
for missionaries, and when their flotilla was ready, Father 
Leonard Garreau and Father Gabriel Pruillettes were ap 
pointed to accompany them on their long and difficult voyage, 
with Brother Louis le Boesme, destined to become the earli 
est metal-worker in the West. As the flotilla was passing 
the upper end of the island of Montreal it was attacked by a 
Mohawk war-party. At the first volley Father Garreau fell, 
his spine traversed by a ball. In this state he fell into the 
hands of the Mohawks, who dragged him into a little stock 
ade they had made, there to be stripped and left for three 
days weltering in his blood. The Ottawas abandoned the 
other missionary and hastened onward. The intended apostle 
of the West was at last carried to Montreal, to expire the 
same day, praying for his murderers, fortified with the sacra 
ments, and edifying all by his patient heroism. 1 

The Church acting through the heroic regular clergy of 
France, had made its almost superhuman efforts to gain a foot 
hold in Maine, in New York, in Michigan, but in the summer 
of 1658 the first signs of hope seemed blasted ; no permanent 
advantage had been gained ; nowhere south of the St. Law 
rence and the great lakes was the holy sacrifice offered, not a 
single French priest resided at any point. 

But the Church in Canada was at this time to receive new 

1 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1656, ch. xv.-xvi., pp. 38-43 
(Quebec edition). 


life and vigor by the formation of the colony into a Vicariate- 
Apostolic confided to a bishop of eminent personal qualities 
and of illustrious name. The Holy See requested by the 
King of France to erect a bishopric in Canada, deemed best 
after some consideration to establish a Vicariate- Apostolic. 
Francis de Laval de Montigny, recommended by the king for 
the Canadian bishopric, was preconised bishop in parties in- 
fidelium in May, 1658, and on the 3d of June a bull was is 
sued creating him bishop of Petrsea in the ecclesiastical 
province of Heliopolis. There was at once an opposition in 
France. The Archbishop of Rouen protested ; the parlement 
at that city went so far as to defy the authority of the Holy 
See ? and forbid Mgr. Laval to exercise the functions of Vicar- 
Apostolic in New France ; the bishop who was to consecrate 
him declined to proceed. This conduct excited astonishment 
at Rome, and after examining the question, the Pope decided 
against the pretensions of the Archbishop of Rouen. A bull 
was issued declaring Bishop Laval Vicar- Apostolic, but indi 
rectly confirming all acts done in Canada under the authority 
of the Archbishop of Rouen. Mgr. Laval was then conse 
crated by the Pope s nuncio at Paris on the 8th of December, 
1658, in the chapel of the Benedictine Abbey of St. Germain 
des Pres, which was then not within the diocese of any 
bishop. But the letters patent of the king showed a desire 
to incorporate the future diocese in Canada with the French 
hierarchy, and make Bishop Laval merely a vicar-general of 
the Archbishop of Rouen, while the Holy See desired to 
make him free from all control, and dependent directly on 

- Gathering a few priests to aid in the work before him 
in Canada, Bishop Laval disregarding the orders of the 
French parlement, sailed from Rochelle, and reached Quebec 
on the 16th of June, 1659. Although his coming had not 


been announced, lie was received with all possible pomp, 1 
" as a comforting angel sent from heaven." 

The Jesuit Fathers, who were still acting as parochial 
clergy in all the settlements except Montreal, at once re 
signed that portion of their work into the hands of the bishop, 
devoting themselves henceforward to their college, sodalities, 
and chapels in the colony, and to the Indian missions. 2 Bishop 
Laval s authority was universally recognized by the clergy 
except one priest, who receiving a new appointment as Vicar- 
General from the Archbishop of Kouen, attempted to ques 
tion the jurisdiction of the Yicar- Apostolic. At a later date 
Bishop Laval, in his endeavors to prevent the sale of liquor 
to the Indians, drew on himself the hostility of the governors ; 
but he always had the hearty support of the great mass of the 
people settled in the country and of his clergy. 

" Monseigneur de Laval," says the judicious Feiiand, 
u exercised a great influence over the destiny of Canada, both 
directly by himself, and indirectly by the institutions which 
he founded, as well as by the spirit he was able to infuse into 
the clergy of his immense diocese. All who have spoken of 
him agree in acknowledging that he possessed an elevated 
piety and the finest qualities of mind and heart. Based on 
profound conviction, and often required to crush evil at its 
outset, to prompt and develop some noble project, his firm 
ness yielded neither to the suggestions of friendship nor the 
threats of hatred. Some reproach him with a firmness car 
ried to stubbornness. On this earth no virtue is perfect ; he 
may have been mistaken at times ; but it is better for the 

1 Faillon, " Histoire de la Colonie Canadienne," ii, pp. 313-339 ; "Re 
lation de la Nouvelle France," 1659, p. 1 ; Langevin, "Notice Biogra- 
phique," Montreal, 1874, p. 9. 

2 At a later period Frontenac complained of the Jesuits because they 
would not do parochial duty among the French. 


founder of society to err through excessive firmness than 
from weakness. A vigorous hand was needed to guide in 
the straight way the little nation just born 011 the banks of 
the Saint Lawrence. If at the outset it had befallen him to 
take a wrong direction, he would have swerved more and 
more from the path of honor and duty as he advanced in his 
career ; he could have been recalled to the true path only by 
one of those severe chastisements which Providence employs 
to purify nations." l He entered at once on the exercise of 
his episcopal functions, Confirmation and Holy Orders were 
soon conferred for the first time in Canada, and the settlers 
and their dusky allies bowed in reverence before the repre 
sentative of the Episcopate, with whose blessing to animate 
them they went forth fearlessly to face all dangers. 

When a Catholic bishop thus reached Canada, he found 
the colony on the brink of ruin, ravaged by armies of Tro- 
quois against whom the most heroic bravery of the French 
settlers seemed ineffectual; but while he joined with the 
civil authorities in appealing to the home government for 
troops to protect the colony, he courageously undertook to 
visit his vicariate from Gaspe to La Prairie. With the Su 
perior of the Jesuit Fathers he projected new missions in the 
distant West. 

In the summer of 1660 a great flotilla reached Montreal 
from the upper lakes, composed of Ottawas guided by two 
Frenchmen, Groseillier and Kadisson, 2 and bearing several 
years accumulation of furs. Undismayed by the fate of 
Father Garreau, the missionaries were ready to accompany 
the Ottawas on their return. Bishop Laval, who saw the 

1 " Cours d Histoire du Canada," i., p. 449. 

2 "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1660, ch. 6, Quebec ed., p. 29 ; 
"Journal des Jesuites," p. 287 ; See Radisson, "Voyages," pp. 134-172, 
for his explorations and voyage down. 


flotilla at Montreal, would gladly have gone in person. 
Father Rene Menard, to whom the Cayugas had just sent 
belts to urge him to revisit them, was selected for the Otta- 
was with Father Charles Albanel, John Guerin, a devoted 
servant of the mission, and six other Frenchmen ; but the 
canoe assigned to Father Albanel would not receive him, and 
he was compelled to return. 1 Father Menard, fully conscious 
of the hardships before him, writing a parting letter to a fel 
low religious, said : " In three or four months you may put 
me in the Memento of the Dead, considering the life these 
people lead, my age and feeble health. Yet I felt so power 
fully impelled, and I saw in this affair so little of nature s 
prompting that I could not doubt that I should feel an 
eternal remorse if I allowed the opportunity to pass." : Be 
tween Three Rivers and Montreal, Father Menard, who had 

set out in such 

#*nWv*/ <W*^nL Joe,i*AxA* Tofa haste tliat he 

could not obtain 


a proper supply 

of clothing and other necessaries, met Bishop Laval, whose en 
couraging words filled him with consolation. " Father," he 
said, " every consideration seems to bid you remain here, but 
God, who is stronger than all, wishes you in those parts." The 
missionary was an old traveller, and had made many a jour 
ney with Huron and Iroquois ; but the treatment he then 
experienced was nothing compared to what he had to suffer 
from the brutal Ottawas. They snatched his breviary from 
his hand and flung it into the rapid stream. On another oc 
casion they set him ashore, leaving him to clamber over 

1 The " Relation" states that Groseillier and Radisson baptized many In 
dian children in danger of death. " Relation," 1660, p. 12, and Radisson s 
account, p. 160, seem to confirm it. 

2 Letter of Aug. 27, 1660. "Rel.," 1660, p. 30. 


frightful rocks to overtake them. Half his day was spent 
wading, his nights stretched on a rock without shelter or cov 
ering, hunger at last was relieved only by " tripe de roche," 
or bits of deer-skin. After they entered Lake Superior, their 
canoe was crushed by a falling tree, and the missionary and 
three Indians were left to starve. At last some less brutal 
Ottawas took them up, and on Saint Teresa s day, October 
15th, Father Menard reached a large bay on the south shore 
of Lake Superior ; and " here," he says, " I had the consola 
tion of saying mass, which repaid me with usury for all my 
past hardships. Here also I opened a mission." The spot of 
this first mass and first mission on Lake Superior was at Old 
Village Point, or Bikwakwenan on Keweenaw Bay, about 
seven miles north of the present village of L Anse. 1 

The nearest altar of the living God to that reared by this 
aged and intrepid priest was that of the Sulpitians at Mon 
treal, yet the altars at Santa Fe and St. Inigoes were but lit 
tle more remote. 

The aged priest stood alone in the heart of the continent, 
with no fellow-priest and scarcely a fellow-man of European 
race within a thousand miles of him. 

He began his instructions, but few besides the aged and 
infirm seemed inclined to listen. A good, industrious widow, 
laboring to maintain her five children ; a noble young brave, 
whose natural purity revolted against the debaucheries of his 
nation, were the first fruits of those in the prime of life. 
Testing his neophytes long and strictly, Father Menard ad 
mitted few to baptism. " I would not," he wrote, " admit a 
greater number, being contented with those whom I deemed 
certain to persevere firmly in the faith during my absence ; 

1 This is the result of V. Rev. Edward Jacker s careful study of the life 
of Father Menard. The tribe, though classed under the general name 
Ottawas by the French, were Chippewas. 


for I do not know jet what will become of me, or whither I 
shall betake myself." His care was attested by the fact 
that Fathers Marquette, Allouez, and Nouvel subsequently 
found converts of Father Menard adhering to the Christian 
faith and life. 

Keinouche, the chief to whose care the missionary had 
been especially confided, proved to be a brutal, sensual man, 
who finally drove Father Menard from his cabin, so that he 
was compelled to rear a rude shelter for himself, and to seek 
food as he might from the Indians or the rocks. Yet there 
was no thought of abandoning his mission. " I should do 
myself great violence were I to wish to descend from the 
cross which God has prepared for me in my old days, in this 
remote part of the world. There is not any desire in my 
heart to revisit Three Rivers. I do not know what sort of 
nails these are that fasten me to the adorable wood, but the 
mere thought of any one approaching to take me down from 
it makes me shudder." . ..." I can sincerely say that, in 
spite of hunger, cold, and other discomforts, almost unbe 
coming detail, I feel more content here in one day than I 
experienced all my lifetime in whatever part of the world I 

Amid all the hardships of a winter in a hovel of branches 
on Lake Superior, Father Menard was acquiring all possible 
information of the country and the tribes inhabiting it. He 
heard of distant nations and proposed setting out to an 
nounce the gospel to them. " It is my hope to die on the 
way." But a call came from a tribe to whom the Jesuits 
had already preached. A band of Tionontate-Hurons. fly 
ing from the Iroquois, had reached the land of the Dakotas, 
but acted so insolently as to provoke that warlike race. The 
Tionontates, thoroughly worsted, retreated up a branch of the 
Mississippi, called the Black River, to its headwaters, where 


they were at this time in an almost starving condition. 
Hearing that a Jesuit Father was on the shore of Lake Su 
perior, they sent imploring him to visit them, the pagan por 
tion promising to listen to his instructions. Father Menard 
sent three Frenchmen to ascertain the real state of affairs. 
They found the road so difficult and dangerous, the condition 
of the Hurons so wretched, that on returning they begged 
the missionary not to attempt to go, but his answer was a 
decided one : " God calls me thither ; I must go, should it 
cost me my life." " This is the finest opportunity of show 
ing to angels and men that I love my Creator more than the 
life I hold from him, and you wish me to let it slip ? " 

Some Hurons came to trade, and with these as guides, and 
taking a little stock of smoked fish and meat, he set out with 
one Frenchman July 13, 1661. He said to his converts and 
countrymen : u Farewell, my dear children ; I bid you the 
long farewell for this world ; for you shall never see me 
again. But I pray that the divine mercy may unite us all in 
heaven." l 

The party reached, as Rev. Edward Jacker thinks, Lake 
Vieux Desert, the source of the Wisconsin. Here the Huron 
guides left him, promising to push on to the village and 
bring relief. After waiting two weeks, Father Menard and 
his companion, finding an old canoe, attempted to descend 
the river, broken by a succession of rapids. It was a terrible 
undertaking for an aged man whose frame was shattered by 
years of exposure and toil. At one dangerous rapid Father 
Menard, to lighten the canoe, landed, and with some of the 
packages made his way over the rocks. When the French 
man had guided his canoe safely down the dangerous pass, 
he looked for the venerable priest. In vain he called him ; 

1 Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1663, Quebec ed., pp. 20-1. 


he fired his gun that the sound might guide the missionary 
if he had lost his way. A diligent search proved ineffectual. 
Then he set out in haste for the Hurons, meeting one of the 
Sac tribe able to guide him. There he endeavored to induce 
the Hurons to send out a party to search for him, but a scout 
who went out discovered a hostile trail. The fate of Father 
Hene Menard is uncertain. That he died by the hand of prowl 
ing Indians seems most probable ; his altar furniture, his cas 
sock, and breviary were subsequently, at different times, found 
in the hands of Dakotas and other western tribes. "Pater 
Frugifer " he was called by his fellow-laborers, who had seen 
the result of his mission work in Upper Canada and New 

Father Menard perished about August 10th, and Y. Eev. 
Mr. Jacker, after a very careful local study, decides that he 
was lost near the rapid on the Wisconsin, known as Grand 
father Bull, or Beaulieu rapids. 1 

1 It is so set down on an ancient unpublished map in Mr. S. L. M. 
Barlow s collection, as may be seen in Winsor, Narrative and Critical 
History," iv., p. 206. For the last missions of this great priest, see 
" Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1663, Quebec ed., 17-25 ; 1664, pp. 
2-6; 1665, p. 9. Perrot, " Mceurs et Coutumes des Sauvages," edited 
by F. Tailhan, p. 92. 



THE tidings of Menard s death were slow in reaching his 
brethren on the St. Lawrence ; but when they came, no idea 
of abandoning the mission was entertained. Danger from 
hostile Iroquois, the hardships of the long journey, the bru 
tality of the Indians whose conversion they were to seek, did 
not appall them. Father Claude Allouez was selected to con 
tinue the work of Menard. He reached Montreal in 1664 
only to find that the Ottawa flotilla had departed. The next 
year he embarked in one of their canoes, and on the 1st of 
September, 1665, reached Sault St. Mary s, and after a brief 
stay at St. Teresa s Bay landed, on the 1st of October, at 
Chegoimegon. Here he erected his bark chapel, dedicating 
it to the Holy Grhost, the spot taking the name of " La 
Pointe du Saint Esprit." The Church to this day exerts her 
influence there, and the present church, identified with the 
venerable Bishop Baraga, claims to be the oldest one in the 
State of Wisconsin. 

The population at Chegoimegon was a motley gathering of 
Indians belonging to eight different tribes. Father Allouez 
found them all preparing to take the field against the Sioux, 
and his first triumph was to cause them to abandon the pro 
ject. His chapel, adorned with striking pictures, such as hell 
and the last judgment, attracted Indians from all parts ; some 
asked to be instructed, others came to mock and jeer ; some 



brought children to be baptized ; a few Hurons sought to re 
vive the faith, now almost extinct, in their hearts. The 
Lord s Prayer and the Angelical Salutation in the Chippewa 
language were chanted after every instruction, and were soon 
generally known. The medicine-men were the great enemies 
of the missionary, and early in 1666 they incited profligate, 
ill-disposed men at a larger Indian town, where the mission 
ary had erected a second chapel, to break in the walls and to 
try and rob him of everything. He was forced to return to 
Chegoimegon, where the Hurons gave him more consolation. 
They had been deprived of a missionary since the death of 
Father Gamier, and Allouez baptized some whose instruc 
tion had been begun by that holy missionary. The Potta- 
watomies, of whom a large band visited La Pointe, showed 
better dispositions for the faith than the Ottawas ; but the 
priest could not say the same of the haughty and cruel Sacs 
and Foxes. The Illinois coming from their great river, which 
he believed to empty somewhere near Virginia, danced the 
calumet and listened to his instructions, carrying to their 
distant home the first tidings of the gospel. 

Bishop Laval, in the act by which he created Father Al 
louez his Vicar-General in the West, bears testimony to the 
work of the missionaries of the Society of Jesus. " We can 
not sufficiently praise God on beholding the zeal and charity 
with which all the Fathers of your Society continue to em 
ploy their lives in this new church to advance the glory of 
God and the kingdom of Jesus Christ, and to secure the sal 
vation of the souls whom He has confided to our care, but 
especially at the happy success which He gives to the labors 
which you have undergone for several years past, with equal 
fortitude and courage, to establish the faith in all the countries 
that lie on the North and West. We cannot but testify to 
you and all your companions the most signal joy and conso- 


lation that we derive from them, and in order to contribute 
with all our power by marks of our regard in the progress 
and advancement of these glorious designs, and confiding in 
your piety, purity of life, and ability, it is our will to appoint 
you our Vicar-General in all the said countries, as we do by 
these presents," etc. 1 

By this appointment Father Claude Allouez, or the Su 
perior of the Mission in the West for the time being, was 
created Yicar- General, and all missionaries to whom the 
Bishop had given, or might subsequently give, faculties for 
that district were made subject to him. This act, dated July 
21, 1663, is therefore the first ecclesiastical organization of 
the Church in the West. The Bishop of Quebec soon after 
announced that the holidays of obligation in his diocese, and 
of course in the district assigned to the Vicar-General, were 
those which were established by Pope Urban "VIII. in 1612, 
to which he added the feasts of Saint Francis Xavier, and of 
the Invention of the Holy Cross. 2 

Father Allouez went to the western extremity of Lake 
Superior, where he met a band of Sioux, and endeavored 
through an interpreter 
to tell them of the 

faith. He learned 

^ r o 

country lay the Kar- CLAUDE ALLOUEZ. 

ezi, after which the 

land was cut off. He met too Kilistinons, whose language 
resembled that of the Montagnais, of the lower Saint Law 
rence. In 1667, he penetrated to Lake Alimibegong, where 
he revived the faith in the hearts of the Nipissings, who 

1 "Archives of Archbishopric of Quebec," A., p. 166. 

2 " Ordonnance au sujet du retranchement et institution de quelques 
festes," 3 Dec., 1667 ; "Archives of Quebec," A., p. 58. 


had formerly been under the care of the Fathers of the 
Huron mission. He celebrated Pentecost among them in a 
chapel made of branches, but with a devout and attentive 
flock, whose piety was the great consolation of his laborious 

The Catholic Church had begun her work on Lake 
Superior with energy ; and Father Allouez, who, by this 
time, had acquired a thorough knowledge of the whole field 
open to missionary labor, descended with the trading flotilla 
in the summer of 166T, to lay his plans before his superiors. 
Two days only did he spend in Quebec, returning to the 
Ottawas, with Father Louis Nicolas, to pass through the hard 
ships of the long and dangerous route. 1 He bore with him 
a pastoral of the Venerable Bishop Laval, whose authority he 
had invoked to aid him in checking the unchristian lives of 
some of the early French pioneers. 

The labors of the missionaries in the West found other 
obstacles than the pagan ideas and practices of the Indian 
tribes. The bad example of some fur traders, who, throwing 
off the restraints of civilization, plunged into every vice, pro 
duced a most unfavorable impression on the Indians, who 
contrasted it with the high morality preached by the mission 
aries. To remove the scandal as far as possible, Father Al 
louez appealed to Bishop Laval. The following is probably 
the first official ecclesiastical act, applying directly and ex 
clusively to the Church in the West : 

" Francis, by the Grace of God and of the Holy See, 
Bishop of Petrsea, Yicar- Apostolic in New France, and 
nominated by the King first Bishop of said country : 
To our well-beloved. Father Claude Allouez, Superior of 

1 "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1667, ch. ii.-xvi. Quebec edition, 
pp. 4-26. Lettre du pere Marquette, Aug. 4, 1667. 


the Mission of the Society of Jesus among the Ottawas, 

" On the report which we have received of the disorder 
prevailing in your missions in regard to the French who go 
thither to trade, and who do not hesitate to take part in all 
the profane feasts held there by the pagans, sometimes with 
great scandal to their souls, and to the edification which they 
ought to give to the Christian converts, we enjoin you to 
take in hand that they shall never be present when these 
feasts are manifestly idolatrous, and in case they do the con 
trary of what you decide ought to be done or not done on 
this point, to threaten them with censures if they do not re 
turn to their duty, and in case of contumacy, to proceed 
according to your prudence and discretion, as also towards 
those who are given in an extraordinary degree to scandalous 
impurity, to act in the same manner. Given at Quebec this 
6th of August, one thousand six hundred and sixty-seven. 

" FRANCIS, Bishop of Petrcea" 1 

The next year these two priests were reinforced by the 
arrival of Father James Mar- 
quette and Brother Louis le ^cq^u, TTZ/^rz^e^ 

T / I 



The mission stations were FATHER MARQUETTE. 

Sault Sainte Marie, and La 

Pointe du Saint Esprit, at Chagoimegon, each provided with 
a chapel. At the last mission, about this time, bands of a 
very great number of tribes had gathered, flying from the 
war parties of the Iroquois, which had carried desolation 
around the shores of Lake Michigan, as of old, amid the 
nations seated on Lake Huron. This gave Father Allouez 

1 "Archives of Quebec," A., pp. 53-4. 


an opportunity to announce the faith to many tribes, to obtain 
a knowledge of their language, and the routes leading to their 
country. The Iroquois were the great obstacle, and peace 
with them was essential. The Ottawas (Queues Coupees) at 
La Pointe, among whom he had labored two or three years, 
showed little sign of conversion. They had been obdurate in 
the Huron country, and when Father Menard instructed 
them. Father Allouez at last announced his determination 
to leave them and go to the Sault, where the people showed 
docility. Finding him in earnest, the chiefs called a council, 
in the autumn of 1665. There they decided to put an end 
to polygamy, to abolish all offering to Manitous, and not to 
take part in the heathen rites of the tribes that had gathered 
around them. The change was sudden but sincere. They 
came during the winter regularly to the chapel with their 
wives and children to receive instruction, and to pray in com 
mon in the morning and at night. The whole tribe became 
Christians, and by its numbers and love of peace, gave great 

Father Marquette, at the Sault, found many correspond to 
his teaching, but was prudently waiting to test the strength 
of their good resolutions, before admitting them to baptism. 1 

Hoping to obtain more missionaries, and means to establish 
stations at Green Bay and other points, Father Allouez, in 
1669, went down to Quebec, taking several Iroquois whom 
he had rescued, and through whom he hoped to effect a peace 
between the Five Nations and the "Western tribes. This 
happy result followed. The Ottawa mission was organized, 
and Father Dablon went up as Superior. 2 

Father James Marquette then went to Chagohnegon in 
September, 1669, to take charge of the motley gathering 

1 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1668, p. 21. 
1 Ibid., 1669, pp. 19-20. 


there, the newly converted Kiskakons ; the Tionontate 
Hurons who had finally settled there, most of whom had 
been baptized, but in their wandering life, had lost nearly all 
traces of Christianity ; the Ottawa Sinagos and Keinouches, 
who, with few exceptions, derided the Christian teachers. 
He found the Kiskakons docile and attentive to all the in 
structions and exercises in the chapel, and could see in the 
modest behavior of the young women, that they were making 
real progress in virtue, and avoiding the old vices. He was, 
however, already selected by Father Dablon to found a 


mission among the Illinois, and in 1670, wrote, that during 
the winter, he had acquired some elementary knowledge of 
their language from a young man of the Illinois nation, who 
had come to Chagoimegou. He found it to differ widely 
from other Algonquin dialects, but he adds, " I hope never 
theless, by the help of God s grace, to understand and be 
understood, if God in his goodness leads me to that land." 
" If it pleases God to send some Father, he will take my place, 
while I, to fulfil Father Superior s orders, will proceed to 
found the mission of the Illinois." 1 Father Allouez had 
paved the way for this mission, by announcing the Gospel to 
some who came to La Pointe. 2 

In November, that pioneer of the Faith on the Upper 
Lakes, set out in the canoes of the Pottawatomies, accom- 

1 "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1670, pp. 89-90. 

2 A "book is still preserved in Canada, containing prayers in Illinois and 
French, which contains an ancient note stating that it was prepared by 
Father Allouez for the use of Father Marquette. 



panied by two other Frenchmen, and, amid storms and snow, 
toiled on till they reached Lake Michigan, and skirted its 
shores till they entered Green Bay, on the feast of Saint 
Francis Xavier. The next day, Father Allouez celebrated 
the first mass in that part, which was attended by eight 
Frenchmen. A motley village of six hundred Indians, Sacs 
and Foxes, Pottawatomies and Winnebagoes, had gathered 
here to winter, and similar groups were scattered at intervals 
around the Bay. The missionary spent the winter announc 
ing the Gospel, first to the Sacs, instructing them and teaching 
them to pray, having soon adapted the Algonquin Our 
Father and Hail Mary to their dialect. In February, he 
visited the Pottawatomies, convening the chiefs, and then 
visiting each cabin. In both villages, all sick children were 
baptized, and adults in danger were instructed and prepared. 
The winter wore away before he had made a thorough visita 
tion of all these villages, and to his regret, he saw them begin 
to scatter. Living on Indian corn and acorns, he had toiled 
and suffered, but could feel that something had been ac 
complished. In April, he ascended Fox River, passing a 
Sac village with its fish weir, passing Kakalin Rapids, 
threading Winnebago Lake, and keeping on till he reached 
the crowded town of the Foxes, where he was greeted as a 
Manitou. The chiefs came to the council he convened, and 
there he explained the fundamental doctrines of Christianity, 
the Commandments of God, the rewards and punishments of 
eternity. He consoled them for their recent losses at the 
hands of the merciless Iroquois. They responded at a later 
council, and urged him to remain to instruct them. Thus 
began the Mission of Saint Mark, so named from the day of 
its first work. 

Then he took his canoe again, and returning to Lake 
Winnebago, ascended Wolf River to the Mascoutin fort. 


Here he found a tribe ready to welcome a missionary. Re 
turning from this excursion, in which he found that, by a 
short portage, he could easily reach the great river Messi-sipi, 
he visited the Menomonees, with their corrupt Algonquin, 
and the Winnebagoes, whose language of the Dakota stock 
was utterly unlike any language he had yet heard. He set 
to work to study it, and to translate the Lord s Prayer and 
the Angelical Salutation, with a brief Catechism into it. 

Such was the first announcement of Christianity in the 
heart of Wisconsin. The teaching of the Church had begun. 
There were a few converts, but instructions and prayers were 
maintained regularly by the missionary in his chapel. Late 
in May he returned to Sault St. Mary s. 

The new field thus opened with the missions of the Illinois 
and Dakotas in prospect called for more evangelical laborers. 
Fathers Gabriel Druillettes and Louis Andre went up in the 
autumn of 1670. 1 In May, 1671, the Cross was formally 
planted at Sault St. Mary s amid a vast gathering of tribes. 
Here the chapel was a constant attraction. Indians came and 
listened ; children were baptized, and a class gathered for 
daily instruction. Amid great hopes their little chapel took 
fire on the 27th of January, 1671, and the missionaries were 
able to save little except the Blessed Sacrament. 

Meanwhile Father Andre visited the Missisagas, Manitou- 
line, Mackinac, and Lake Xipissing, encouraged by the 
docility of the Indians, but always constantly on the verge of 
starvation, living on pieces of deerskin, tripe de roche, or 
acorns. In the spring of 1671, Father Marquette, who had 
been at La Pointe, saw his flock of Hurons and Ottawas 
tremble before the wrath of the Sioux, whom they had pro 
voked. They fled, the Ottawas to Manitouline, the Hurons 

1 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1670, ch. xii. 


to Micliilimakinac, where Father Marquette took up his 
abode to continue the mission of Saint Ignatius. 

Father Allouez continued his labors around Green Bay, 
greatly encouraged by his reception among bands of Miamis 
and of Illinois, near the Maskouten fort. Here he was re 
ceived with respect by the great chief of the Illinois, whom 
his people regarded with the deepest reverence. The gentle 
and sweet disposition of this chief won the heart of the mis 
sionary, who built great hopes on the favor of one who could 
unite these traits with great valor in war. So deeply was 
the chief moved by our Lord s passion when the mis 
sionary described it, that all wondered ; grace seemed to be 
working in his heart. He escorted the missionary to his 
canoe when he left, urged him to visit them in their own 
country, and gave every hope that, in time, this most inter 
esting nation yet discovered by the missionaries would afford 
a field for consoling and fruitful labors. 1 

Father Henry Nouvel was sent up in the autumn of 1671 
as Superior of all the Ottawa missions, as those on the Upper 
Lakes were called. He took for his share the laborious mis 
sions on Lakes Huron and Nipissing. Father Gabriel Druil- 
lettes continued his labors at Sault St. Mary s, encouraged by 
cures that seemed so miraculous that the Indians redoubled 
their faith and zeal. He rebuilt his chapel, which greatly 
surpassed the first one. 3 At Micliilimakinac Father Mar 
quette was assiduous in his work, endeavoring to revive in 
the minds and hearts of the Hurons the knowledge and love 
of God which had become nearly effaced in their long wan 
derings and struggles. 

1 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1671, part in., ch. 1-5. 

2 "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1671, p. 31. Le Clercq, "Establish 
ment of the Faith" (Shea s translation), ii., p. 105, implies that it was a 
magnificent church, with the richest vestments, but this is a mere exag 


Father Allouez and Father Andre planted their little house 
and chapel at the Rapid e des Peres, from which the latter 
attended the tribes on Green Bay, the former those on the 
rivers beyond their mission station. 1 

Meanwhile the Church at Sault Ste. Marie had been re 
built, and fine vestments sent by charitable friends in more 
civilized parts filled the Indians with wonder, as they camped 
around the chapel a safer place, in their eyes, than their 
own fort against any attack of hostile braves, old Iskouakite, 
a Chippewa chief, seamed with wounds from Dakota or 
Iroquois, being the catechist. 

This new church stimulated a kind of jealousy. At Green 
Bay the Indians murmured, and to satisfy them a suitable 
site was selected on Fox River, which had taken the name of 
Saint Francis Xavier. Here, before the close of 1673, a 
large church was erected, to which the neighboring tribes 
might repair when not away on their distant hunting- 

From the Sault Father Druillettes directed the Chippewas 
and Kiskakons, and visited the Missisagas. There was much 
faith to encourage the missionaries, but the medicine-men 
labored to prevent the progress of Christianity and to seduce 
those who had embraced it. As in other parts, they endeav 
ored to persuade the people that the missionaries caused the 
death of the children of unbelievers. Father Henry Kouvel 
was three times attacked with uplifted hatchet by one of 
these medicine-men. 

In the summer of 1672 the Ottawa Sinagos and the Tio- 
nontate Hurons began to arrive at Michilimakinac, Father 
Andre having produced some fruit among the former on Lake 
Superior. A Huron stockade fort rose near the church. Some 

1 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1672, part ii., ch. 2-5. 


Hurons from near Quebec, who came up to trade, aided the 
missionary by their exhortations and the influence of their 
example. But Father Marquette was preparing to resign 
his mission to other hands and set out on a dangerous expe 
dition. 1 

Father Louis Andre, sent to Green Bay, began his labors 
at Saint Francis Xavier among the Sacs at Chouskouabika, 
endeavoring to dispel their superstitions, and, above all, their 
belief in Missipissi a deity on whom they relied for success 
in fishing. He found polygamy a great obstacle, and would 
not admit to his instructions any one who did not renounce 
it. Yisiting every cabin, he instructed the inmates amid the 
nets and drying fish. Just three days before Christmas, 
1672, his little cabin was burned down, and he lost his desk 
and papers, with many valuable articles. A new house and 
chapel was reared for him by piling up a wall of straw to the 
height of a man and roofing it with mats. Such was the 
winter home of a Western priest two centuries ago. Among 
the Pottawatomies at Oussouamigoung his experience was 
more cheering, the chapel being constantly visited by the 
women to receive instructions or to offer their devotions. 
Attached to this mission were, too, the Wmnebagoes and 
Menomonees. 2 

In the fields near the Maskouten village, Father Allouez 
had reared a chapel of reed mats, which he opened on the 
feast of the Assumption. Miamis came and camped around, 
so that he was compelled to go out and instruct them in the 
open air, using his chapel for mass, which he said behind a 
rood-screen of mats, leaving only a small space for the cate- 

1 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1673 ; Manate, 1861, pp. 146-157 ; 
"Relations Inedites," Paris, 1861, pp. 69-102. 

2 "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1673, pp. 157-186; "Relations 
Inedites," pp. 103-122, 229-233. 


clmmens ; and for them lie established two rules that there 
was to be no smoking or talking in the chapel. Then a cross 
was planted in the Maskouten village, and its meaning ex 
plained, with the veneration in which Christians held it. 
Besides this charge he also 

labored among the Foxes at i/^^ <J*<** </ ^ </? 
Saint Mark and the Indians * 


at Green Bay, to which the FATHER ANT. SILVY. 

next year came Kaskaskias 

and Peorias. In 1675 Father Silvy was sent to Green Bay to 
aid Father Allouez in his labors. 1 

1 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1673, pp. 123-147, 211-223, ii., p. 



THE services of the Catholic Church were thus begun on 


the shores of Lake Superior, near the fugitive Hurons, who 
still yearned for a priest. There were Catholics on the Ken- 
nebec and Penobscot, by the shore of Lake Onondaga and in 
the castles of the Senecas. Providence was paving the way 
for their consolation. The Catholics at Onondaga, French 
prisoners in hourly dread of a fearful death at the stake, 
Hurons and Algonquins groaning under a hopeless captivity, 
found a potent protector in the eloquent and wise Garaconthie, 
whose hospitality the missionaries had often enjoyed, and 
who now, by liberal presents, saved from a fearful death the 
French prisoners brought into the territory of the Five Na 
tions. An admirer of the Christian law, though he had 
never placed himself in the ranks of the catechumens, this 
remarkable man gathered the French and Indian Christians 
by the sound of a bell for morning and evening prayer at 
Onondaga, and on Sundays, by giving feasts, enabled the 
Catholics to spend the day in suitable devotions. 

Meanwhile he labored steadily to incline the minds of his 
countrymen to peace with the French. His wise policy at 
last prevailed. In July, 1661, two Iroquois canoes, bearing 
a white flag, were run up on the shore at Montreal, and a 
band of warriors advanced, accompanied by four Frenchmen. 
The Cayuga Saonchiogwa delivered his presents, proposing 
peace in the name of the Onondagas and Cayugas, and asking 


the French to return to Ganentaa, but raising his last belt of 
wampum, he said : " A black gown must come with me or 
there can be no peace ; on his coming hang the lives of the 
twenty Frenchmen now at Onondaga." 1 The decision was 
referred to Yiscount d Argenson, the Governor of Canada. 
The colony had suffered terribly, the Seneschal Lauson and 
a Sulpitian at Montreal had been slain, every Iroquois 
town had witnessed the torture and death of French prison 
ers. Peace was worth a risk and a sacrifice. A Jesuit was 
ready. Father Simon le Moyne was selected for the danger 
ous embassy. He went up to Montreal with Father Chau- 
monot, and after consulting Iroquois delegates he stepped 
into one of their canoes on the 21st of July, uncertain as to 
the fate before him. Mohawk w T ar parties threatened his 
life on the way, but he at last approached the Onondaga cas 
tle, to be welcomed before entering by Garaconthie and the 
sachems. With tact Garaconthie took the priest first, to the 
cabins of influential men to win their favor. Then his own 
cabin became the chapel of Catholicity at Onondaga. A 
council, convoked by the sound of the old mission-bell, de 
cided to send Garaconthie to Montreal with nine of the French 
prisoners, and he went; meeting on his way an Onondaga, 
who had butchered the Rev. Mr. Maitre, a Sulpitian. 2 

1 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1661, ch. ii., vii., pp. 7-32. 

2 Ibid., "Journal des Jesuites," p. 300. Father Peter Joseph Mary 
Chaumonot ceases from this time to appear as an evangelical laborer in 
this country. He was one of the most notable of the Jesuit missionaries 
in Canada. The son of a poor vine-grower, he ran away while a student 
and made his way to Italy, where, after a series of adventures, he became 
tutor in a Jesuit college, and finally entered the order, to offer his ser 
vices for the missions of New France. After being associated with Father 
Brebeuf in the Huron and Neuter missions, he took an active part in es 
tablishing Catholicity at Onondaga. Then he took charge of the fugitive 
Hurons at Quebec, founding the mission, which, from his devotion to 
the Santa Casa, he called " Lorette." The same devotion led him to 


During the winter Father le Moyne remained at Onon- 
daga offering mass daily in his chapel for the French and In 
dian Catholics, whom he gathered again at evening to recite 
the rosary. Sickness prevailed, and he visited the sick assid 
uously, giving them all the bodily relief in his power, and 
instructing for baptism all who showed good- will. His bap 
tisms of dying infants and of adults reached two hundred. 
Wine for mass failed him at last, and he wrote to the Dutch 
post, from which he received a small supply. During his 
stay he visited Oayuga also, and his influence as a missionary 
extended even to the Seneca country. In the summer of 
1662 he was sent back with the remaining French prisoners. 

Father Simon le Moyne, the first to open missions among 
the Mohawks and Onondagas, was born in 1604, and entered 
the Society of Jesus at the age of nineteen. He came to 
Canada in 1638, laboring from that time zealously among the 
Hurons. His intrepidity and ability were hallowed by his 
zeal and piety. Broken by years of labor, not long after this 
perilous stay at Onondaga, he died a holy death at Cap de la 
Magdeleine, Nov. 24, 1665. 1 

After Father Allouez set out to plant Catholicity on Lake 

take an active part in establishing the Confraternity of the Holy Family, 
which still exists in Canada, and which in the Indian missions in our 
present limits did incalculable good. Father Chaumonot was famous 
for his eloquence, preaching in the Italian style, not confined in a pulpit, 
but moving about. He became a perfect master of the Huron language, 
his grammar being the key to all the Iroquois dialects. In Onondaga he 
was equally at home. No one ever adapted himself more thoroughly to 
the Indian lines of thought and expression. He died in the odor of 
sanctity at Quebec, February 21, 1693, aged 82. Through obedience he 
wrote an account of his life, which has been printed, New York, 1858 ; 
Paris, 1869, and recently with the introduction of matter merely referred 
to in the text, by the venerable Father Felix Martin, Paris, 1885. 

1 "Journal des Jesuites," pp. 339-340 ; " Bannissement des Jesuites de 
la Louisiane," pp. 113, 132. 


Superior, the French government was roused, when too late, 
to send out a force sufficient to bring the Iroquois cantons to 
terms, if not to subjection. But it had allowed the oppor 
tunity to slip of acquiring New Netherland from the Dutch. 

In 1665 Alexander de Prouville, Marquis de Tracy, was 
sent over as Lieutenant-General of the King, Daniel Remy 
de Courcelles as Governor of Canada, and the regiment of 
Carignan-Salieres to operate against the Iroquois, and a num 
ber of settlers, nearly doubling the French population of 

The Marquis de Tracy established a line of forts along the 
River Richelieu, the last, Fort Saint Anne, erected in 1665, 
being on Isle la Mothe, in Lake Champlain, the first white 
structure in our present State of Yermont, as its chapel was 
the first edifice dedicated to Almighty God in that State. In 
January, 1666, de Courcelles, with a small force on siiowshoes, 
traversed the country to attack the Mohawks ; a slight skir 
mish was the only result, but he returned to Canada with the 
startling intelligence that the English were in possession of 
New Nether! and, and that thenceforward the Iroquois would 
be backed not by the easy-going Hollander, but by the grasp 
ing English, who held with a firm hand the whole coast from 
the Kennebec to the Roanoke. The boldness of de Cour 
celles march had its effect. The Mohawks and Oneidas 
sought peace as the Onondagas had already done. It was 
granted, and the Jesuit missionary Beschefer was sent to rat 
ify it. Before he could reach Lake Champlain tidings 
that the Mohawks had broken the peace, killed some French 
officers and captured others. 

The French force was soon in movement, new embassies 
from the cantons, and messages from the English, creating 
but little delay. It was accompanied by four chaplains, the 
Rev. Mr. DuBois, chaplain of the Carignan regiment, Rev. 


Dollier de Casson, a Sulpitian, and the Jesuit Fathers, 
Albanel and Kaffeix. The Mohawks, on hearing of the ap 
proach of a large force, abandoned three towns and took 
refuge in the fourth, which was strongly palisaded. Here 
they resolved to make a stand, but as Tracy advanced they 
fled. The French took solemn possession of the Mohawk 
country, a Te Deum was chanted and mass said in the great 
town. Then the country was ravaged, the stores of pro 
visions laid up by the Mohawks were destroyed, and their 
towns given to the flames. The humbled Indians, their old 
renown lost, returned to starve amid the ruins of their castles. 
They sought peace, they asked for missionaries. 

The Jesuits did not hesitate to trust their lives again to a 
nation which had caused the death of so many of their order. 
After kneeling to receive the blessing of the Bishop of 
Petrsea, Father James Fremin and Father John Pierron 

set out in July, 1667, for the 

^ , , / ,, 

Mohawk, and Father James 


FATHER JAMES FREMIN. ^3 f r tllG OneidaS, bllt 

at Fort Saint Anne, on Isle 

La Mothe, they found their way beset by Mohegans who 
hoped to ambuscade and slay the Mohawk envoys. They re 
mained at the fort for a month, giving a mission to the 
garrison, the first undoubtedly in the history of the Church 
in Vermont, then committing themselves to Divine Provi 
dence, went on. 1 They were taken by their guides to Granda- 
ouague, "the town," says Father Fremin, "which the late 
Father Jogues bedewed with his blood, and where he was so 
horribly treated during his eighteen months captivity." A 
congregation of Huron and Algonquin captives was already 
there anxious for their ministry, and Father Fremin gathered 

1 "Relation de la Xouvelle France," 1666-7, ch. 18 (Quebec ed., pp. 


them in an isolated cabin to instruct them, prepare them for 
the sacraments, and baptize their children. A Mohawk woman 
too came forward, and following his instructions, sought 
baptism. The missionaries then visited the other two towns 
of the Mohawk nation, and three smaller hamlets, so that they 
soon had an organized Christian flock. On the feast of the 
Exaltation of the Holy Cross, they addressed the sachems, 
and delivered the wampum belts which they bore from the 
French governor. 

A site was selected at Tionnontoguen for their chapel ; it was 
erected by the Mohawks, and similar chapels were reared in 
the other towns. Such was the beginning of the Mission of St. 
Mary of the Mohawks. Here the missionaries labored, mak 
ing at first little impression on the Iroquois, and exposed to 
insult and even danger from the braves when infuriated by 
the liquor which traders freely sold them. After visiting 
Albany, Father Pierron returned to Quebec, but was soon 
again on the Mohawk, Fremin leaving the field of his year s 
labor to found a mission among the Senecas. 1 

Reaching the Oneida castle in September, 1667, Father 
James Bruyas soon had his chapel dedicated to St. Francis 
Xavier, in which he said mass for the first time on St. 
Michael s day. He too found Christians to form a congrega 
tion, needing instruction, encouragement, and consolation. 
They were the nucleus around which some well-disposed 
Oneidas soon gathered. 2 During the year, he was joined by 
Father Julian Gamier, who soon after proceeded to Onon- 
daga. Garaconthie welcomed him cordially, and erected a 
chapel for his use, which was dedicated to St. John the 
Baptist. To place the Church on a solid basis, this chief pro- 

1 "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1668, ch. i.-ii., Quebec edition, 3, 
pp. 2-13. Havrley, "Early Chapters of Mohawk History." 
4 " Relation," 1668, ch. 3, Quebec edition, 3, p. 14. 


posed to the heads of the great families, an embassy to 
Quebec, with which he set out. 

Then Father Stephen Carheil and Father Peter Milet 
began at Cayuga to revive the work begun by Father 
Menard, 1 in this mission of St. Joseph. 

One thing was evident to the missionaries in all the can 
tons, that unless some check was given to the traders who 
sold liquor to the Indians, there was no hope for their civiliz 
ation and conversion. Father Pierron, with the Mohawk 
sachems, appealed to Governor Lovelace, of New York, that 
his influence might arrest the traffic. His reply acknowl 
edged the devoted labors of the Jesuit missionaries, and 
sympathy with their work. 

Father Fremin reached the first Seneca village November 
1, 1668, and was received with all the honors paid to am 
bassadors. A chapel was then reared for him, and captive 
Christians incorporated into the nation, came eagerly to obtain 
the benefits of religion. 2 Catholicity had thus her chapels in 
each of the five Iroquois cantons, with zealous priests labor 
ing earnestly to convert the Iroquois. The worship of 
Tharonhiawagon, the superstitious observance of dreams, 
the open debaucheries, formed a great obstacle, and the 
thirst for spirituous liquors inflamed all their bad passions. 
Besides this, prejudice against the Catholic priests was im 
parted to the Iroquois by the Dutch and English of Albany, 3 
and by Hurons, who, in their own country, had resisted all 
the teachings of the missionaries. Father Carheil tried to 
instruct and baptize a dying girl, but her Huron father pre 
vented him, and told him that he was like Father Brebeuf, 

1 "Relation," 1668, ch. 4, 5, Quebec edition, 3, pp. 16-20. 

2 "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1669, ch. 1-5, Quebec edition, pp. 

3 See "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1670, p. 32. 


and wished only to kill her. The missionary, driven from 
the cabin, could only weep and pray for the poor girl, who 
expired amid the wild rites of the medicine-men. The 
Huron then roused the people to slay the missionary, whom 
he accused of killing his child. 

The prisoners brought in and burned at the stake, were al 
ways attended by the missionaries, who sought to instruct 
them and prepare them for death by baptism, and there is no 
page more thrilling than that in which a missionary records 
his presence near the sufferer, amid the horrible tortures in 
flicted on him. 

The faith seemed to make but little progress in the hearts 
of the Iroquois themselves, yet many of the better and abler 
leaders had been careful observers, and in their own hearts 
recognized the superiority of the gospel law, though their 
immovable faces betrayed nothing of the inward conviction. 

The open avowal of Garaconthie, the able Onondaga chief, 
at a council convoked at Quebec, in consequence of a re 
newal of hostilities between the Senecas and Ottawas, was a 
startling surprise, as consoling as it was unexpected. " As to 
the faith which Onnontio (the French Governor) wishes to 
see everywhere diffused, I publicly profess it among my 
countrymen ; I no longer adhere to any superstition, I re 
nounce polygamy, the vanity of dreams, and every kind of 
sin." For sixteen years he had been a constant friend of the 
French, he had attended instructions, had even solicited bap 
tism, yet the Fathers had hesitated, though his pure life 
seemed to attest his sincerity. His avowal on this occasion, 
won Bishop Laval, who, finding him sufficiently instructed, 
resolved to baptize and confirm him. The ceremony took 
place in the Cathedral of Quebec, the Governor being his 
godfather, and Mile. Bouteroue, daughter of the Intendant, 
his godmother. In the church, crowded with Indians of 


almost every tribe in the valley of the St. Lawrence, he 
received at the font the name of Daniel, that of Governor de 
Courcelles, and was then entertained with honor at the 
Castle of Quebec. 1 The effect of this conversion was incal 
culable, not only at Onondaga, but in all the other cantons. 
Reaching the Mohawk towns at a critical moment, when 
Father Pierron, in attempting to expose the absurdity of the 
Indian traditional tales, had been commanded to be silent, but 
by treating their conduct as an insult, had made it an affair of 
state, to be discussed by the great council of the tribe, Gara- 
conthie threw his whole influence adroitly on the side of the 
missionary, and the result was a public renunciation of 
Agreskoue or Tharonhiawagon as their divinity, the act 
being ratified by an exchange of belts between the mission 
ary and the nation. 2 At Oneida, Garaconthie spoke in favor 
of the faith, and gave a wampum belt to attest the sincerity 
of his words. 3 At Onondaga, he urged Father Milet not to 
confine his instructions to the children, but to explain the 
Christian law to adults. The missionary gave a feast, and 
erected a pulpit covered with red, with a Bible and crucifix 
above, and all the symbols of the superstitions and vices of 
the country below. A wampum belt hung up conspicuously 
betokened the unity of God. His discourse, carefully pre 
pared, produced an immense influence, and thenceforward he 
had among his auditors the best men of the nation. 

The triumph of Father Pierron on the Mohawk was not 
a mere transitory one. The old gods of the Hotinonsionni 
fell and forever, not only in that canton, but in the others. 
Dieu, the God preached by the missionaries which soon on 
Iroquois lip became as it now is, "Niio," has since been 

1 "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1670, ch. 2, Quebec edition, pp. 

2 Ibid., c. 5. 3 Ibid., c. 6. 


worshipped by the Five Nations, whether they profess 
Christianity or not. By a providential law, the Iroquois 
term to express the Lord, or rather He is the Lord, is 
Hawenniio, which seems to embody the term for God. 

The open honor to their old gods was gone, but to eradicate 
superstitions, especially the idea that dreams must be carried 
out, no matter how absurd or wicked, was not easy ; and to 
build up in these hearts, ignorant of all control, the self-denying 
system of the law of grace, was a task of no ordinary magnitude. 
The missionaries resorted to all devices suited to the ignorant, 
to whom a book was a mystery. The symbolical paintings 
devised by Rev. Mr. Le Nobletz, in France, were of great ser 
vice, and Father Pierron invented a game which the Mohawks 
took up very readily, and in which some dull minds learned 
truths of faith as to which instructions seemed never clear 
enough to reach their comprehension. "When they saw, in 
this way, that mortal sin led to hell, unless one could, by the 
path of penance, return to grace, the whole came vividly be 
fore their minds while the missionary instructed them. 1 

Yet the profession of Christianity was not regarded with 
out aversion. A woman of rank, an Oyander, having be 
come a Christian, was in a council of the tribe, convoked for 
the purpose, degraded from her rank, although she held it by 
descent. Another was installed in her place, and, stripped of 
her property, she went to Canada to enjoy in peace the exer 
cise of her religion. 2 

It was not easy again for the missionaries to inculcate self- 
control, temperance, and chastity, when the English and 
French governments alike, permitted unlimited sale of liquor 
to the Indians, by which the doctrines of the missionaries 
were contradicted and vice encouraged. 

1 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1670, p. 38. * Ibid., p. 6. 



Father Bruyas, at Oneida, saw his efforts thwarted by the 
prevalent drunkenness of the men, who were deaf to all ex 
hortations, their hearts being like the rock from which the 
tribe derives its name, and they so influenced the women 
that it was only when the braves were absent on the war 
path or the hunts that they ventured to attend the instruc 
tions in the chapel. 1 

We see an example of this in the Huron, Francis Tonsa- 
hoten, who, though a Christian, did not avow or practice his 
religion openly, but when going off to a hunt, told his Erie 
wife to attend the instructions of the missionary during his 
absence. She became the earnest and pious Catholic, Catharine 
Ganneaktena, the foundress of the mission of La Prairie, 
after having been the tutor of Father Bruyas in the Oneida 
dialect. 9 At a later period, the missionary, at these seasons, 
assembled the old men, and expounded the mysteries of faith to 
them, refuting their superstitious fables. These conferences 
showed by their fruit that they had touched many a heart, 3 

Unable to celebrate the holidays of the Church at Oneida, 
Father Bruyas frequently went on those occasions to Onon- 
daga, where the children sang the truths of Christianity 
through the town ; and where Father Milet, addressing the 
sachems, attacked the Dream superstition, the last stronghold 
of Iroquois paganism. They yielded to his arguments and 
formally renounced it, reminding him that Agreskoue was 
no longer named at their feasts, which indeed, on all great 
occasions, were opened by the blessing asked by the priest. 4 
The failure of some dream prophecies of the medicine-men 

1 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1670, p. 53. 

2 Chauchetiere, " Vie de la B. Catherine Tegakouita." 

3 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1672, p. 19. 

4 Ib., 1670, p. 53 ; Chauchetiere, " Vie de la B. Catherine Tegakouita, * 
ch. 12. Catharine emigrated to Montreal in 1667,, 


about this time, aided the missionary cause by discrediting 
those impostors. 

Still the Catholic Church at Onondaga was made up mainly 
of old Huron and other Christian Indians, whom the misfor 
tunes of war had consigned to that place, with a few converts 
made during the existence of Saint Mary s, at Ganentaa. 1 
Father Carheil, at Cayuga, struggled with the same difficul 
ties, converting a few, chiefly in sickness, which ravaged 
many of the cantons, but with his auxiliary Rene he built a 
neat chapel of wood, resembling Indian cabins in nothing 
but the bark roof. Father Fremin, at the Seneca town of 
Saint Michael, erected his chapel for the large and distinct 
body of Huron Christians, many of whom were eminent for 
piety and fervor. Among these, James Atondo is recorded 
as one given to prayer, and constant in exhorting others to 
observe the commandments of God, and lead a pious life. 
Francis Tehoronhiongo, baptized by Father Brebeuf, the 
host of Father le Moyne, who, after edifying his own land, 
and that of his exile, died at the Mountain of Montreal, knew 
all the leading events of Scripture history as well as the 
Catechism, and not only trained his OWTI family to a Christian 
life, but was so constantly instructing all around him, that 
Father Garnier says : " If the Gospel had never been pub 
lished in this country by missionaries, this man alone would 
have announced it sufficiently to justify at the Day of Judg 
ment the conduct of God for the salvation of all men." a 
That missionary had come to Onondaga to aid Fremin, and 
had reared a chapel at Gandachioragou, as Fremin did in 
September, iete9, at St. Michael s. 3 

1 "Relation, "1670, p. 61. 

2 Ib., p. 71; "History of the Catholic Missions among the Indian 
Tribes," p. 328. 

3 St. Michael s (Gandougarae) was probably about five miles southeast 


The 26th of August, 1670, saw a little synod of the clergy 
of New York, held at Onondaga. Fathers Fremin from Sen 
eca, and Carheil from Cayuga, had joined Father Milet, and 
on that day Fathers Bruyas from Oneida, and Pierron from the 
Mohawk, arrived. They spent six days in concerting the steps 
to be taken to ensure success in their missions, and the means 
of overcoming the obstacles which impeded the establishment 
of the faith. 1 Yet their lives were in peril when tidings came 
that several of the tribe had been murdered by the French. 

The influence of this untoward tidings was soon perceived. 

Returning to his Seneca mission, Father Julian Gamier reach- 

rf s? ed Gandachioragou safely, 

* *r but while passing through 

FAC-SIMILE OF THE SIGNATURE OF Gaiidagarae, was assaulted 


by an Indian maddened with 

drink, who twice endeavored to plunge a knife into his body ; 
but as Father Fremin wonderingly attests, the brave Jesuit 
never paled in the hour of danger, such was his firmness and 
resolution. He took up his abode at Gandachioragou, where 
there were only three or four avowed Christians. Then he 
founded the Mission of the Immaculate Conception, and 
began to study the Seneca language, drawing up the outlines 
of a Grammar and a Dictionary which is still extant. 2 

Father Fremin, though still retaining charge of Saint 
Michael, St. James, and the other Seneca towns, was pre 
vented by illness from resuming his labors there. 3 But the 

of the present town of Victor ; Gandachioragou was probably at the site 
of Lima ; Gandagaro (St. James) south of the village of Victor, and Son- 
nontuan, or The Conception, a mile and a half N.N.W. of Honeoye 
Falls. This is the result of the careful and patient study of Gen. John 
S. Clark. Hawley, " Early Chapters of Seneca History," Auburn, 1884, 
pp. 25-6. 

1 "Relation de la ISTouvelle France," 1670, p. 77. 

2 It is preserved at the mission of Sault St. Louis. 
* " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1671, p. 21. 


next spring, the town of St. Michael s with his chapel, was 
utterly destroyed by fire, and it was regarded as a judgment 
for its resistance to the faith. The tribe promised to erect a 
new and finer chapel within the palisades that enclosed the 
new town. 

Saonchiogwa, the great Cayuga chief, undertook an embassy 
to Quebec in the year 1671, to make terms on behalf of the 
Senecas who had violated the peace ; after terminating that 
affair satisfactorily, he sought Father Chaumonot, whose 
words in the great address at Onondaga years before, had 
never left his mind. He had made his cabin the home of 
Fathers Menard and de Carheil, had carefully followed their 
instructions and studied their lives. Yet he was such a type 
of the w r ily, diplomatic Indian, that the missionaries were not 
convinced of his sincerity. Now, however, his conduct, his 
language, all convinced the missionary. He was baptized by 
Bishop Laval, Talon, the Intendant, acting as his godfather, 
and Huron, Algonquin, and Iroquois, sat down together at 
the bounteous feast spread after the ceremony. 1 The acces 
sion to the Christian cause of a man of the ability of Saon 
chiogwa, who now took his stand beside Daniel Garaconthie, 
was incalculable. Both were men of unblemished reputation, 
who had acquired the highest rank in the councils of the 
Five Nations, by their wisdom, ability, and eloquence. 
Garaconthie, after his conversion, gave a banquet, and an 
nounced that his actions were now to be guided by the Chris 
tian law, that his life should be pure, and what duties he had 
hitherto discharged, would now be still more exactly fulfilled 
from a higher motive. In regard to dreams, he announced 
that he would in no case do a single act to fulfil one, or take 
part in any of the superstitious customs of their forefathers. 

1 "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1671, pp. 3-4. 


These follies were the ruin, not the mainstay of their coun 
try. Many who had hesitated before, took courage and now 
came forward to embrace and to practice a faith professed by 
such superior men. At Albany, Garaconthie reproached the 
authorities for having sought the furs of his countrymen, 
corrupting them with liquor, but never seeking to deliver 
them from their spiritual blindness, or teach them the way 
to God. " You ask me why I wear this crucifix and these 
beads around my neck ? you ridicule me, you tell me that it 
is good for nothing ; you blame me, and show contempt for 
the true and saving doctrine taught us by the black-gowns. 
What blessing after that can you expect from God, in your 
treaties of peace, when you blaspheme against His most ador 
able mysteries and constantly offend Him ? " 

Almost at once by a single eloquent address, he prevented 
the annual saturnalia known as Onnonhouaroia. 

After four or five years toil at Oneida, Father Bruyas was 
assigned to the Mohawk and became Superior of the Iroquois 
missions, Father Milet succeeding him. At Cayuga, Father 
Carheil was so affected by a nervous disorder that he was 
forced to resign his mission for a time 
to Father Raffeix. Returning to Canada 
and finding medical skill unequal to the 


SIGNATURE OF cnre of hls malady, he turned to a high- 

FATHER RAFFEIX. er physician and sought his cure from 

God in prayer, before the shrines of Our 

Lady of Foye and St. Anne at Beaupre. He recovered 

and returned to his mission. Medals of Saint Anne, dug up 

to this day in the old land of the Cayugas, are doubtless due 

to the pious gratitude of this missionary, who diffused devo 

tion to the Mother of Our Lady. On his return, Father 

1 "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1671, p. 17. 



Raffeix hastened to the Seneca towns to aid Father Gamier, 
and Father de Lamberville was in charge at Onondaga. 

Among the Senecas there was great instability ; now the 
sachems of a town would hold a council and decide that all 
must pray to God, in other words, place themselves under in 
struction for baptism ; then on the prompting of some apos 
tate Huron, or some fire-brand from another Iroquois tribe, 
they would decide that the missionary was a spy and a sor 
cerer, and propose his death. 1 

Meanwhile the faith was gaining, especially among the 
Mohawks ; but the converts were assailed by temptations 
from within and without. The heathen party used every 
effort to lead the Christians into drunkenness, debauchery, and 
superstitious observances ; many after the first fervor had sub 
sided, yielded to these insidious advances, and the mission 
aries groaned to see that it was almost impossible for any one 
to persevere where all around breathed vice and corruption, 
and where there was no strong body of Christians to give 
moral support by a pious example. 

The war waged by the Mohegans on the Mohawks had 
kept the latter constantly on the alert, and prevented easy 
access to Albany. "With peace in 1673 came such a universal 
debauchery that a fatal epidemic ensued. Father Bruyas and 
his associate, Father Boniface, labored incessantly, attending 
the sick and preparing for a Christian death all who showed 
any disposition to embrace the faith, and recalling those who, 
having once professed Christianity, had yielded to tempta 
tion. Father Boniface at Gandaouague and Gannagaro, 
forming St. Peter s mission, had what were regarded as the 
first and principal Iroquois churches, the faith being more 
constantly embraced and more bravely professed. The towns 

1 "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1672, p. 25. 


were small, but they contained more practical Catholics than 
all the rest of the Iroquois castles. The result was attributed 
to the intercession of Father Jogues and Rene Goupil. The 
services of the Church were performed openly and with no 
little pomp, even the Blessed Bread being given as in French 
churches. The Catholic women wore their beads and medals 
openly, even when visiting the English settlements. 1 One 
of these faithful women was the wife of Kryn, the principal 
chief, and called by the French, " The Great Mohawk." So 
incensed was this haughty Indian that he abandoned her and 
went away from the village and the cabin. Moodily hunting 
he came at last to La Prairie. The order and regularity pre 
vailing in that little Catholic settlement so impressed his nat 
urally upright mind that he remained there. In a short time 
the bravest warrior and leader of the Mohawks was kneeling 
in all humility to receive instruction in the doctrine of Christ. 
When his rallying-cry resounded again through the valley of 
the Mohawk, Kryn entered the castle as a fervent disciple^ to 
the astonishment of the heathens and to the joy of his for 
saken wife. With her and many others he soon set out for 
the banks of the Saint Lawrence, accompanied, among the 
rest, by a young warrior, who, as Martin Skaudegonrhaksen, 
became the model of the mission. 2 

The Mohawks of Tionnotoguen did not show this inclina 
tion for the true faith, and they reproached Father Bruyas 
with trying to depopulate the country ; and he gave a wam 
pum belt to attest that neither he nor his associate had insti 
gated the Great Mohawk. 3 

1 "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1673, pp. 33; "Relations Ine- 
dites," i., pp. 1-19 ; 

2 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1673, p. 45, etc. ; " Relations Ine- 
dites," pp. 18-20; il, pp. 50-4; Chauchetiere, "Vie de Catherine Te- 

3 " Relation," 1673, p. 54 ; " Relations Inedites," i., pp. 20-21. 


Among the Onondagas Father John de Lamberville was 
consoled and supported by the zeal and fervor of Garaconthie. 
His open profession of 
Christianity drew on 
that remarkable man the 


hatred of some of the THER JOHN DE LAMBEKVILLE . 

sachems, who endeavor 
ed to break down his influence, declaring that he was no longer 
a man, that the black-robes had disordered his mind. They 
said that as he had given up the customs of the Onondaga 
nation, he evidently cared nothing for it ; but when any em 
bassy was to be sent or an eloquent speaker was desired for 
any occasion, all turned to Garaconthie. When he was once 
prostrated by disease, the whole canton was in alarm. To 
the Christians he was an example and a constant monitor. 
Father Carheil continued his labors among the Cayugas, Fa 
ther Julian Gamier at the Seneca mission of St. Michael, 
and Father Raffeix at that of the Conception, gaining a few 
adults in health, baptizing more who turned to them when 
the hand of sickness prostrated them. 1 

The next year Father Bruyas won the aged but able 
sachem, Assendase, one of the pillars of the old Mohawk 
faith, who, crafty and astute, upheld his influence by his re 
nown as a medicine-man. He had listened to the instructions 
of the missionary, but had for two years resisted God s grace, 
when the earnest words of Count Frontenac at Montreal gave 
him courage to avow his conviction, renounce his errors, and 
seek baptism. 2 Assendase s family followed his example, 
although sickness and misfortune came to test their con 
stancy. His conversion roused the heathen party, and one 

1 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1673, pp. 55-114 ; " Relations In& 
dites," i., pp. 57-68. 

2 Ibid., pp. 235-278. 


of his own kindred, maddened by drink, tore the rosary and 
crucifix from the neck of the aged chief and threatened to 
kill him. " Kill me," said Assendase ; " I shall be happy to 
die in so good a cause ; I shall not regret my life if I give it in 
testimony of my faith." His example exerted a great influ 
ence. The fervor of those already Christians was revived by 
the reception of a statue of the Blessed Virgin, received from 
the shrine of Notre Dame de Foye, which was exposed to the 
faithful on the feast of the Immaculate Conception with all 
possible pomp. Catholicity had an open and authorized ex 
istence, and scarcely a Sunday passed without the baptism of 
some child or adult. 

Father Boniface, prostrated by illness, was compelled to 
leave the mission, and was succeeded at Gandaouague by Fa 
ther James de Lamberville. 1 But the Mohawk mission sus 
tained a terrible loss by the death in August, 1675, of Peter 
Assendase, the Christian chief, who expired after a long and 
painful illness, which he bore with piety and patience, refus 
ing all the superstitious remedies proposed, and declaring : 
" I wish to die a Christian and keep the word I have pledged 
to God at my baptism. I do not ascribe my illness to it, as 
my kindred falsely imagine. We must all die ; the heathens 
will die as well as I. There is one God who sets a limit to 
my life ; He will do with me as He will ; I accept willingly 
all that comes from His hand, be it life or death." a 

This was a severe blow to Father Bruyas at Agnie, but 

1 "Relations Inedites," ii., pp. 35-45; "Relation," 1678-9, p. 178. 
Father Boniface wasted away in a delirious state. His religious brethren 
began devotions to invoke the intercession of Father Brebeuf, and re 
garded as a miracle Father Boniface s recovery of his senses, soon after 
which he expired in great piety December 17, 1674. MS. Attestation of 
the Miracle. 

2 " Relations Inedites," ii., p. 102 ; " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 
1673-9, pp. 147-151 ; " Relation," 1676-7, pp. 7, etc. 



Father James de Lamberville liad his consolations at Ganda- 
onague. Going one day through the town when most of the 
people were absent in the fields, he was impelled to enter the 
cabin of a great enemy of the faith. There he found the 
niece of that chief, Tegakouita, daughter of a Christian 
Algonquin mother, prevented by an injury to her foot from 
being at work with the rest. She was a lily of purity wiiom 
God had preserved unscathed amid all the dangers surround 
ing her. It had been the great longing of her heart to be a 
Christian, but her shy modesty prevented her addressing the 
missionary. Father Lamberville saw at once that she was a 
soul endowed with higher gifts, and he invited her to the in 
structions given at the chapel. These she attended with the 
strictest fidelity, learning the prayers and the abridgment of 
Christian doctrine readily in her desire to be united by bap 
tism to our Lord. She edified all by her fervor, and was 
solemnly baptized in the chapel on Easter Sunday, 1675, 
receiving the name of Catharine. 

Her uncle had at first done nothing to prevent her attend 
ing the chapel or performing her devotions in the cabin ; but 
persecution soon came when she declared that she would not 
go to the field to work on Sunday. They endeavored in vain to 
starve her into subjection by taking all food away with them, 
leaving her to fast all day unless she came to them, when 
they intended to compel her to work. She cheerfully bore 
the mortification rather than offend God by neglecting to 
sanctify the Lord s day. 

Father Lamberville soon found that the usual regulations 
adopted for the w r omen converts did not apply to Catharine. 
What they were urged to avoid she had always shunned. 
Higher and more spiritual was the life she was to lead. 
" The Holy Ghost," says her biographer, Father Chauche- 
tiere, " who wrought more in her than man, directed her in- 


teriorly in all, so that she pleased God and men, for the most 
wicked admired her, and the good found matter for imitation 
in her." 

Though her example and services were of the utmost ben 
efit to him, and the crosses she underwent increased her 
merit, the missionary was in constant fear, and urged her to 
go to La Prairie, and meanwhile to be incessant in prayer. 
Her uncle, who, in the system of Iroquois relationship, stands 
in the stead of a father, would, she knew, never consent to 
her departure. She feared that the attempt might lead to 
trouble, and perhaps result in the death of some one at the 
hands of her furious guardian, who once sent a brave into 
the cabin to kill the " Christian woman," as she had grown 
to be commonly called. She did not quail, and feared not 
her own death, but that of any one who attempted to aid her. 
At last, however, the resolute chief, Hot Cinders, came to 
Gaudaouague. Catharine felt that in him she had a tower of 
strength, and told Father Lamberville that she was ready 
to start for La Prairie with her brother-in-law, who had come 
with Hot Cinders. During her uncle s absence, she and her 
companions started by a circuitous route, and though pursued 
by her uncle with bloodthirsty design, reached La Prairie, 
which she was to edify in life and make glorious by her 
death and the favors ascribed to her intercession after the 
close of her virginal life. 1 

The year of Catharine s baptism Father de Lamberville 
had in vain endeavored to reach a Mohawk who had for 
eight months been lingering on a pallet of pain, but the 
doors of the cabin were closed against him. " In this ex 
tremity," he writes, " I had recourse to the venerable Father 
Jogues, to whom I commended this man, and at once the 

1 Chauchetiere, " Vie de Catherine Tegakouita," New York, 1886. 



cabin doors opened and gave me access to instruct and bap 
tize him. The conversion is a special work of divine grace, 
and a special favor obtained by the merits of Father Isaac 
Jogues, who shed his blood here in God s quarrel, having 
been massacred by these savages in hatred of the faith." 

At Oneida Father Milet made less progress, and it was 
only the higher and abler minds that were impressed. One 
chief was converted in 1672 ; a few years after another, who 
withdrew from the village and cabined apart to keep aloof 
from the superstitions and debaucheries of his tribe. In 
1675 Milet converted the great chief, Soenrese. The mis 
sionary was consoled by the fervor of his flock and the decay 
of the worship of Agreskoue. 

In the several cantons the missionaries derived great con 
solation from the Confraternity of the Holy Family, a pious 

association founded at Montreal 
by Father Chaumonot, Eev. 

FAC-SIMILE OF SIGNATURE OF FA- g aret Bourgeoys. It was at- 
THER JOSEPH M. CHAUMONOT. tached to every Catholic chapel 

in the Iroquois country and 

sustained the faith and Christian life of ah 1 . 1 But the mis 
sions were entering on a period of trial ; the death of some 
Christian chiefs, the removal of others to La Prairie had em 
boldened the heathens, who began to menace the lives of the 
missionaries and treat the Christians with oppression and in 
sult. Garaconthie was far advanced in years, and in 1676, 
feeling that his life was uncertain, he gave three solemn ban 
quets. One was to declare that they were not given in ac 
cordance with any dream, and that he renounced all super- 

1 "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1673; 1675; 1676; 1673-9, p. 
182 ; " Relations Inedites," ii., pp. 38, 106, 99-111. 


stitious rites ; in another he denounced the banquets where 
all must be devoured by the guests. In the third he sang 
his Death Song, as he was now so old. He saluted the 
Master of Life, whom he acknowledged as sovereign of our 
fortunes ; on whom, and not on dreams, our life and death 
depended. He also saluted the bishop in Canada, and other 
dignitaries there, telling them, as though they were present, 
that he wished to die a Christian, and hoped that they would 
pray to God for him. He concluded by making a public 
profession of his faith, and by disavowing all the errors in 
which he had lived before his baptism. 

He attended the midnight mass at Christmas with his 
whole family, coming a long distance through the snow. 
Attacked by a pulmonary disease, he repaired to the chapel, 
and after kneeling there in prayer, told Father Lamberville, 
" I am a dead man," and made his confession w T ith great 
compunction. During his illness his prayer was constant ; 
then giving the farewell banquet, in which two young war 
riors announced his wishes, the Rosary was recited, and after 
the Commendation of a Departing Soul, he peacefully yielded 
up his soul. The great Catholic chief of Onondaga, Daniel 
Garaconthie, stands in history as one of the most extraordi 
nary men of the Iroquois league. 1 

Father Carheil at Cayuga, aided for a time by Father 
Pierron, and Fathers Gamier and Raffeix in the Seneca 
towns, had not met the encouragement found in the Eastern 
cantons. The old Huron element was the nucleus of the 
Catholic body, with more converts from the subjugated Xeu- 
ters and Onnontiogas and captive Susquehannas ttmn from 
the Cayugas and Senecas. 

^ Relations Inedites," ii., pp. 112-114, 197-205; " Relation de la 
Nouvelle France," 1673-9, pp 185-192 ; "Relation," 1676-7, pp. 24-29. 


About the year 16 78 Father Francis Yaillant succeeded 
Father Bruyas at Tionnontoguen, and that master of the 
Mohawk language proceeded to Onondaga to continue the 
work of Father John de Lamberville, and Father John Pier- 
ron, leaving the Mohawks, joined the missionaries in the 
Seneca nation, after being at Cayuga in 1676. Bruyas labors 
on the Mohawk had been most fruitful and his influence 
great. The language of the nation he spoke with fluency 
and correctness, and he drew up a vocabulary and a work 
called " Racines Agnieres," or " Mohawk Radicals," in 
which the primitive words were given and the derivatives 
from them explained. He also wrote a catechism and prayer- 
book. 1 

During the period of the Iroquois missions of which we 
have more ample details, the missionaries, in constant peril 
and hardship, had earnestly labored among the Five Nations ; 
their great success was with the sick and dying, and the bap 
tisms of adults and infants, which, from 1668 to 1678, 
amounted to 2,221, did not in consequence greatly increase 
the church militant on earth, though it did the church tri 
umphant in heaven. The emigration of Christians to Can 
ada, which the missionaries urged to prevent apostasy, also 
prevented great increase of numbers in the cantons. The 
missionaries maintained their chapels and instructions mainly 
for the little body of Christians who were not able to with 

The attitude of the English in JS"ew York and their claims 
over the territory of the Five Nations showed the mission 
aries that in a few years the land of the Iroquois would be 
closed to them. 

1 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1673-9, p. 140 ; Bruyas "Racines 
Agnieres" was published in Shea s "American Linguistics" in 1862-3. 
It had been used by Father Hennepin, " Nouvelle Decouverte," p. 37. 


The Catholic Indian emigrants from JSTew York settled, 
some at La Prairie, some at Lorette with the Hurons, and 
others again at the Mountain at Montreal, where the Sulpi- 
tians of the Seminary had established an Iroquois mission, 
the fruit of their labors among the portion of the Cayuga 
tribe which settled on Quinte Bay. 1 

The Jesuits had, too, in 1669, erected a little house at La 
Prairie de la Magdeleine, as a place where missionaries com 
ing from the Iroquois or Ottawa missions might recruit; 
but Indians began to stop there, and some desired to remain 
for instruction, so that it soon required the constant service 
of two experienced priests to minister to people of many 
different languages. Indians from the cantons of the Five 
Nations, who lacked courage to avow their desire to become 
Christians, or who had embraced the faith, but feared to lose it, 
proposed to Father Fremin that they should settle at La 
Prairie. The missionary, fully aware of the difficulty of a 
convert s preserving the faith amid the prejudice and seduc 
tions of the Iroquois castles, beheld in this, a providential 
design. Catharine Ganneaktena, an Erie convert, was the 
foundress of the new village. Others soon followed her ex 
ample, and when the report spread that a new Iroquois town 
had been formed at La Prairie, so many came that a govern 
ment was organized, and chiefs to govern the town were 
elected with the usual Iroquois forms and ceremonies. By 
the first laws promulgated, no one was permitted to take up 
his residence unless he renounced three things, Belief in 
Dreams, Changing wives, and Drunkenness : and any one 
admitted who offended on these points was to be expelled. 

The village thus formed, showed the importance of the 
course. ~No longer opposed or persecuted, no longer allured 

1 Shea, " History of the Catholic Missions/ pp. 293-311. 


to resist or abandon the faith, catechumens came assiduously 
to instructions, and those already Christians, practiced their 
religion, praying and approaching the sacraments with fer 
vor. The better instructed became dogiques or catechists of 
others, and one of these attended every band that went out 
from the village for the winter hunt. A catechumen arid his 
wife while out on a hunting expedition, fell in with two 
leading Mohawks, one of them Kryn, the Great Mohawk. 
These listened with interest to what they heard of the new 
village and its moral code. They felt that it was a rightful 
course ; they joined the catechumens in their devotions, and 
going back to their tribe for their wives, came to La Prairie 
with forty -two companions. 1 Every hunting party that went 
out, acted as apostles, and the men of their tribe whom they met, 
were so impressed by their probity, their devotions, and their 
instructions, that a party seldom returned to La Prairie without 
bringing some candidate to the missionary. 2 In this way a 
famous Oneida chief, called by the French, " Hot Cinders," 
from his fiery disposition, who had left his own canton in 
disgust at some affront, was led to visit La Prairie, where he 
remained and became one of the most fervent Christians, his 
ability soon causing his election as one of the chiefs. He 
was installed with all the formalities used in the Iroquois 
cantons, the same harangues and symbolical acts : but through 
inadvertence, the presentation of a mat was omitted. He 
complained to the missionary that he had been made a fool 
of, that he was no chief, as he had no mat to sit upon, and 
the whole ceremonial was repeated to make his induction 
strictly legal. 3 This mission lost in 1673 its foundress, 

1 "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1673; New York, 1861, p. 30: 
" Relations Inedites," Paris, 1861, i., pp. 179-189. 

2 Ibid., i., pp. 279-283. 

3 Chauchetiere, " Vie de Catharine Tegakouita/ 


Catharine Ganneaktena, who died full of piety, having pre 
served her baptismal innocence unsullied, and regarded as a 
saint by the little Christian community which had grown up 
around her and revered her as a mother. 1 

On Whitmonday, May 26, 1675, Bishop Laval extended 
the visitation of his diocese to this mission, where he was 
received with great pomp and joy, and the next day he con 
ferred the sacrament of confirmation in an Iroquois chapel. 
The bishop was greatly touched and edified by the Christian 
deportment of the Indians, and the peace and happiness that 
prevailed in the village. He remained some days to visit 
the whole mission, giving free access to all. 2 

The mission had remarkable men in the Great Mohawk, 
and in the Oneida Chief, Louis Garonhiague. It received 
its most illustrious and holy member in the autumn of 1677, 
when Catharine Tegakouita arrived from the town of 
Gandawague. There she began the life of toil, recollection, 
and prayer, seeking in all things to do what was most agree 
able to God. The little bark chapel was the home w T here 
she spent the hours not required by the assiduous toil of an 
Indian woman, for having renounced for God all idea of mar 
riage, she lived with her brother-in-law, and not to be a bur 
then labored constantly. The work of an Iroquois woman 
included felling and cutting up trees for firewood. Once 
a tree she had felled as it descended hurled her to the ground, 
a branch striking her. As soon as she recovered her senses 
she exclaimed : " My Jesus ! I thank Thee for having pre 
served me from that accident," and took up her hatchet to 
continue her work : her companions compelled her to go 

1 Chauchetiere, " Vie de Catharine Tegakouita." " Relations Inedites," 
i., pp. 284-298. " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1673-9, pp. 162-174. 
2 " Relations Inedites," ii., pp. 58, etc., 168, etc. 


and rest, but she said that God lent her a little more life to 
do penance, and that she must employ her time well. 

A new church was rising under the hands of the carpen 
ters, something grand in the eyes of the Indians. To her in 
her humility it seemed that she was not worthy to enter, 
and was fit only to be driven from it. She enrolled herself 
in the Confraternity of the Holy Family, and adopted a rule 
of life which she followed exactly. When the family went 
off to hunt, and she could not hear masses daily, she made a 
little oratory to which she retired to pray. All soon re 
garded her as a holy virgin dedicated to God ; but this did riot 
affect her humility or spirit of penance except to increase it, 
and augment the austerity of her life. The winter spent 
with the hunting-party was to her one of such spiritual pri 
vation that she ever after preferred bodily privation in the 
village so long as she could attend the adorable sacrifice, 
spend hours before the Blessed Sacrament and often re 
ceive it. 

Her health, never sound, failed gradually. She could only 
drag herself to the chapel, and leaning on a bench commune 
with God. In the spring of 1680 she was unable to leave 
her mat, and prepared for her death. She had renounced 
the world in which she had lived, with its pleasures and its 
vanities ; she had practiced the evangelical counsels of chas 
tity, poverty, and obedience. When Father Fremin gave 
her the last sacraments he asked her to address those around 
her, for the cabin was filled. She had in life unconsciously 
to herself filled the mission with new fervor, and he wished 
her influence to be lasting. Assisted by all the consolations 
of religion she expired on Wednesday in Holy Week, and 
the Indians came to kiss her hands, and to spend the day and 
night in prayer beside her lifeless remains. The missionary 
pronounced her eulogium there, holding her up to all as a 


model for imitation. She was buried at a spot selected by 
herself three years before. 

The reputation of her virtue spread through Canada. The 
missionaries and all who had known her attested her exalted 
virtues and sanctity, and her grave became a pilgrimage. 
Bishop Laval came to the Sault with the Marquis de Denon- 
ville, and prayed at the tomb of " the Genevieve of Canada," 
as he styled her. The priests of neighboring parishes, who 
at first checked devotion to the " Good Catharine," came to 
pray, as did Rev. Mr. Colombiere from Quebec, and sturdy 
old soldiers like Du Lhut. 

The miracles ascribed to her intercession, of which a host are 
recorded, have kept devotion to her alive in Canada. Her rel 
ics, and all belonging to her, were eagerly sought ; little objects 
she had made, pieces of wood, even, that she had chopped. 
Father Chauchetiere painted her portrait, and this was copied 
and circulated. De la Potherie, in his " Histoire de 1 Ame- 
rique Septentrionale," gives an engraving based evidently on 
one of these pictures by the missionary, and we give an exact 
reproduction of it. 

The introduction of cause of her canonization with those 
of Father Jogues and Rene Goupil was solicited from the 
Holy See by the Fathers of the Third Plenary Council of 
Baltimore. 1 

1 The fullest account of Catharine is her Life by Father Claude Chau 
chetiere, New York, 1886 ; a shorter life by F. Cholonek is in the 
" Lettres Edifiantes," Vol. XII. (Paris, 1727). Kip s "Jesuit Missions," 
New York, 1847, pp. 82-113 ; and in Charlevoix, " Histoire de la Nou- 
velle France " (Shea s Translation, iv. , p. 283) ; Mgr. St. Valier, second 
Bishop of Quebec, records her holy life in his " Estat Present," pp. 48-9. 




SUCH was the position of the Church in the part of North 
America claimed by France. Devoted priests had established 
missions among the five Iroquois nations and among the 
Algonquin tribes around Lakes Huron, Michigan, and Supe 
rior. In all these parts France had not a single settlement, 
not a trading post or fort ; a few adventurous fur trappers 
alone threaded the Indian trails in those regions where the 
Catholic missionaries were patiently laboring. 

France seemed utterly indifferent to the vast realm in her 
grasp. No attempt was made to restore the settlement at 
Ganentaa, or the fort on Isle La Motte, in Lake Champlain ; 
no vessel was built to extend the trade on the lakes. In all 
our present territory there was not a post that France could 
claim till the treaty of Breda, in July, 1667, restored Penta- 
goet to the Most Christian king. 1 But the French Govern 
ment was at last aroused to the importance of the vast coun 
try in North America to which she could lay claim, and to 
consider it as something more than a territory from which 
heartless trading companies could draw furs. The Catholic 
missionaries on the Lakes had for some years been reporting 

1 " Memoires des Commissaires du Roi," Paris, 1755, ii., pp. 40, 295, 320. 
The " Estat du Fort," etc., " Collection de Manuscrits," Quebec, 1884, 
i., p. 200, makes the chapel there a frame building, 8 paces by 6. 


more and more definite intelligence of the great river in the 
West, which the Algonquin tribes called Missi sipi, great 
river ; and which the five Iroquois nations styled Ohio, great 
and beautiful river. Though the French Government took 
no steps, individuals did. Robert Cavelier, who had assumed 
the style of de la Salle, brother of a Sulpitian priest at Mon 
treal, had heard of this river through the Iroquois ; the Sul- 
pitians moved by missionary instinct resolved to seek it and 
win the tribes on its banks to Christianity. On the 6th of 
July, 1669, a little expedition set out from Montreal, La 
Salle with five canoes and the Sulpitians, Rev. Francis Dol- 
lier de Casson, priest, and Rene de Brehaut de Galinee, still 
in deacon s orders, with three canoes, guided by some Sene- 
cas who had wintered in Canada. Plodding along slowly 
they reached the chief Seneca town on the 12th of August, 
and there with Father Fremin s attendant as interpreter, 
they solicited from the Seneca Council an Illinois slave to 
guide them to his country. The sachems deferred a reply, 
but meanwhile the French were told on all sides that the 
route by land was long and dangerous, while the great river 
could easily be reached by way of Lake Erie. Abandoning 
the hope of reaching the river through the Seneca country 
they crossed the Niagara below the falls, and at a little vil 
lage near the head of Lake Ontario obtained two western 
Indians for guides. Soon afterward they met Louis Jolliet 
descending from the copper district on Lake Superior, who 
on learning their object recommended the route by way of 
Green Bay and the Wisconsin. La Salle left the Sulpitians 
on the plea of illness and started for Montreal. Rev. Dol- 
lier de Casson and his companion proceeding westward, win 
tered on the northern shore of Lake Erie. Setting out in 
the spring they lost all their chapel equipment, so that Dol- 
lier de Casson was deprived of the consolation of saying 


mass. On. the 25th of May, they descried the palisade around 
the house and chapel of the Jesuit Fathers at Sault Ste. 
Marie with, the cultivated fields near by. After enjoying 
the hospitality of Fathers Dablon and Marquette for a time 
at this mission the two Sulpitians returned to Montreal. 1 

La Salle, at some subsequent period, by way of Lake Erie 
reached the Illinois or some other affluent of the Mississippi, 
but made no report and made no claim, having failed to 
reach the main river. 

The Jesuit missionaries, however, had not abandoned the 
subject. Talon, Intendant of Canada, recommended Louis 
Jolliet to Count Frontenac as one who was capable of under 
taking an exploration which he deemed important for the 
interest of France. The French Government in Canada, at 
last resolved to send out an expedition of discovery. In 
November, 1672, Frontenac wrote to Colbert, the great prime 
minister of France : " I have deemed it expedient for the 
service to send the Sieur Jolliet to the country of the Mas- 
koutens, to discover the South Sea (Pacific Ocean), and the 
great river called Mississippi, which is believed to empty 
into the gulf of California." One single man with a bark 
canoe was all the Provincial Government could afford ; but 
Jolliet had evidently planned his course. Like the Sulpitians 
he proceeded to a Jesuit mission, to that of Father James Mar 
quette, who had so long been planning a visit to the country 
of the Illinois, and who speaking no fewer than six Indian 
languages was admirably fitted for such an exploration. 
That missionary received permission or direction from his 
superiors to join Jolliet on his proposed expedition, and there 
are indications that the venerable Bishop Laval, to accredit 

1 " Voyage de MM. Dollier de Casson et de Galinee, 1669-70," Mon 
treal, 1875. 


him to the Spanish authorities whom he might encounter, 
made him his Vicar-General for the lands into which they 
were to penetrate. 1 Jolliet reached Michilimackinac on the 
8th of December, 1672, the Feast of the Immaculate Con- 
eeption, and the pious missionary with whom he was to 
make the exploration, thenceforward made the Immaculate 
Conception the title of his discovery and mission. They 
spent the winter studying their projected route by way of 
Green Bay, acquiring from intelligent Indians all possible 
knowledge of the rivers they should meet, and the tribes they 
would encounter. 

All this information they embodied on a sketch-map, both 
possessing no little topographical skill. On the 17th of 
May, 1673, Father Marquette and Jolliet with five men in 
two canoes set out, taking no provision but some Indian corn 
and some dried meat. Following the western shore of Lake 
Michigan, they entered Green Bay, and ascended Fox Kiver, 
undeterred by the stories of the Indians who warned them of 
the peril of their undertaking. Guided by two Miamis 
whom they obtained at the Maskoutens town, they made the 
portage to the Wisconsin, and then reciting a new devotion 
to the Blessed Virgin, they paddled down amid awful soli 
tudes, shores untenanted by any human dwellers. Just one 
month from their setting out their canoes glided into the 
Mississippi, and the hearts of all swelled with exultant joy. 

1 Father Marquette, though never Superior of the Ottawa missions, was 
Vicar-General of the Bishop of Quebec, and apparently in his quality as 
missionary to the Illinois, as his successors there, Allouez and Gravier 
also held this office, then the priests of the seminary of Quebec, and last 
of all, Rev. Peter Gibault. (Letter of Father Gravier to Bishop Laval.) 
The appointment may have been given when he set out to found his 
Illinois mission in 1674, but there is no apparent reason for conferring 
such a dignity on him then, and there was when he set out on his 


The dream of Father Marque tte s life was accomplished ; he 
was on the great river of the West, to which he gave the 
name of the Immaculate Conception. On and on their 
canoes kept while they admired the game and birds, the fish 
in the river, the changing character of the shores. More 
than a week passed before they met the least indication of 
the presence of man. On the 25th they saw foot-prints on 
the western shore, and an Indian trail leading inland. The 
missionary and his fellow-explorer leaving the canoes followed 
it in silence. Three villages at last came in sight. Their 
hail brought out a motley group, and two old men advanced 
with calumets. When near enough to be heard Father Mar- 
quette asked who they were. The answer was : " We are 
Illinois." The missionary was at the towns of the nation 
he had for years yearned to visit. The friendly natives es 
corted them to a cabin, where another aged Indian welcomed 
them : u How beautiful is the sun, O Frenchman, when 
thou comest to visit us ! All our town awaits thee and thou 
shalt enter all our cabins in peace." 

These Illinois urged the missionary to stay and instruct 
them, warning him against the danger of descending the 
river, but they gave him a calumet and an Indian boy. He 
promised these Illinois of the Peoria and Moingona bands 
to return the next year and abide with them. Having an 
nounced the first gospel tidings to the tribe, the missionary 
with his associate was escorted to their canoes by the war 
riors. Past the Piesa, the painted rock which Indian super 
stition invested with terror and awe ; past the turbid Mis 
souri, pouring its vast tide into the Mississippi ; past the 
unrecognized mouth of the Ohio, coming down from the 
land of the Senecas, the explorers glided along, impelled by 
the current and their paddles. At last the character of the 
country changed, canebrakes replaced the forest and prairie, 


and swarms of mosquitoes hovered over laud and water. 
After leaving the Illinois, they had encountered only one 
single Indian band, apparently stragglers from the East, who 
recognized the dress of the Catholic priest. To them he 
spoke of God and eternity. But as the canoes neared the 
Arkansas River, the Metchigameas on the western bank came 
out in battle array, a band of the Quappa confederation of 
Dakotas. Hemming in the French above and below, they 
filled the air with yells. The missionary held out his calu 
met of peace, and addressed them in every Indian language 
he knew. At last an old man answered him in Illinois. 
Then Father Marquette told of their desire to reach the sea 
and of his mission to teach the red man the ways of God. 
All hostile demonstrations ceased. The French were regaled 
and referred to the Arkansas, the next tribe below. This 
more friendly nation, then on the eastern shore, was soon 
reached. The explorers had solved the great question, and 
made it certain that the Mississippi emptied into the Gulf of 
Mexico. The Jesuit Father had published the gospel as well 
as he could to the nations he had met, and opened the way 
to future missions. On the 17th of July they turned the 
bows of their canoes northward, and paddling sturdily against 
the current at last descried the mouth of the Illinois. On 
the way they met the Peorias, and Father Marquette spent 
three days with him, explaining in each cabin the funda 
mental truths of religion. That he made some impression 
we can see by the fact that as he was about to embark they 
brought him a dying child which he baptized, the first re 
corded administration of the sacrament on the banks of the 
great river. 

The voyage of the priest has become historic. The Gov 
ernment, which sent his companion, Jolliet, seems to have 
comprehended less the value of the discovery to France than 


the Church did the great field of labor which Providence 
had laid open to the zeal of her ministers. 1 

Ascending the Illinois River the missionary reached the 
town of the Kaskaskias, who extorted from Mm a promise to 
return and instruct them. A chief, with a band of warriors, 
escorted the party to Lake Michigan, and following its west 
ern bank they reached Green Bay in the closing days of 
September. While Father Marquette was thus exploring the 
territory stretching far away to the south, there had been 
strange scenes in the Ottawa missions. The Dakotas, who 
had so long been at war with the Algonquin tribes around 
Lake Superior, sent an embassy of ten leading men to Sault 
Sainte Marie to arrange a peace. The Chippewas, or Indians 
of the Sault, received them with hearty welcome, but some 
Crees and Missisakis resolved to kill them, and when the 
council was held a Cree contrived to slip in armed in spite 
of the precautions adopted. He struck a Dakota a deadly 
wound, and then the surviving Dakotas, believing themselves 
betrayed, turned upon the Indians nearest them, killing 
all they met. Many escaped, and the Dakotas barricaded 
the house, and with arms they found kept up a fire on those 
without till the building was set on fire. All were at last 
slain, with two of their women, while forty Algonquins were 
killed or wounded. The trading-house in w r hich they met 
was burned to the ground, and the flames spread to the 
chapel and residence of the missionary, which was also de 
stroyed. As their ambassadors were killed at the village of 
the Chippewas, that tribe, though not the assailants, were by 
Indian law responsible to the Dakotas. Dreading the resent- 

1 Marquette s Narrative is in French and in English in Shea, Discov 
ery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley," New York, 1852, pp. 3- 
52; his Life, pp. xli.-lxxx. "Relations Inedites," i., pp. 193-204; ii., 
pp. 239-329. 


ment of that powerful nation they fled, and of the mission 
conducted by Father Dmillettes naught remained but a de 
serted town and smoldering ashes. But the aged missionary 
clung to his flock, and after a time began to restore his 
chapel, aided by the Superior, Father Henry Nouvel, and a 
lay brother. 1 

After his return from his great voyage, Father Marquette 
was assigned to Green Bay, but having in 1674 obtained per 
mission to undertake to establish a mission among the Kas- 
kaskias, he set out in November with two companions, 
although he had been sick all the summer. The disease 
returned before he had reached the head of Lake Michigan, 
and he cabined for the winter at the portage of a river lead 
ing to the Illinois, generally regarded as the Chicago. 2 In 
the spring he made a novena in honor of the Immaculate 
Conception of the Blessed Virgin, and feeling new strength 
set out in March 29, 1675, and in eleven days reached the 
town of the Kaskaskias, who received him as an angel. A 
chapel was soon reared, adorned with mats and furs ; at the 
upper end the missionary draped it with hangings and pic 
tures of Our Lady. After delivering his words and presents 
to the chiefs of the tribe, he preached to them, and then 
founded his mission by the celebration of the first mass in 
Illinois on Holy Thursday, 1675. After beginning his reg 
ular mission labors he found that his disease was assuming a 
more dangerous form, and wishing to die assisted by his 
brethren, he set out for Michilimackinac. His two good 
canoe-men took the missionary with all care to Lake Michi 
gan, and embarking there plied their paddles, urging their 
canoe along the eastern shore. Convinced that he would 

1 " Relations Inedites," i., pp. 205-210 ; ii., pp. 3-8. 
* Ibid., ii., pp. 23, 318. 


not reach his old mission, Marquette instructed his compan 
ions how to assist him in his dying moments, and to bury 
him. One evening as they landed for the night, he told 
them he would die the next day ; they put up a bark cabin 
as well as they could and placed the dying missionary in this 
wretched shelter. He heard the confessions of his men, and 
with great difficulty recited his breviary an obligation whicli 
he always scrupulously performed. Then he sent them to 
rest. Some hours later he summoned them to his side, and 
taking off his crucifix asked them to hold it before his eyes. 
Kallying his strength to make a profession of faith, and 
thanking God for permitting him to die in the Society, a 
missionary, destitute of all things, he continued in prayer till 
his strength failed. Seeing him about to depart, his faithful 
attendants pronounced the names of Jesus and Mary, which 
he repeated several times, then sweetly expired, not far from 
midnight, May 19, 1 675. His body was interred in the place 
he had selected, and the river which skirts it bears his name 
to this day ; but some Ottawas in 1677 took up his remains, 
and placing the bones in a box of bark, carried them to the 
mission chapel at Michilimackinac. The remains were re 
ceived with solemnity by Father Henry Nouvel arid Father 
Pierson, and after a funeral service, the box was placed in a 
little vault in the middle of the church, u where," wrote Fa 
ther Dablon, " he reposes as the guardian angel of our Ottawa 
missions." His piety, zeal, and virtues had in life caused 
him to be regarded as a saint, and the repute increased after 
his holy death. Indian and white came to pray over the re 
mains of one whom all believed to be enjoying the beatific 
vision, and pleading for those whose salvation had been 
dearer to him than life. His devotion to the Immaculate 
Conception of the Blessed Virgin was remarkable. On his 
great voyage he recited with his companions a chaplet he 



had composed to honor that mystery ; he gave the name of 
the Immaculate Conception to the Mississippi, and to the 
mission among the Kaskaskias, which has never lost it. 
Providence has maintained his honor, for a city has been 
named after him, and has been made by the Pope a bishop s 
see. 1 He died at the early age of 38, having borne the robe 
of Saint Ignatius for twenty-one years. 

The church in which he was laid away was burned in 
1700, when the 
mission was aban 
doned. For years 
the very site was 
unknown, but was 
finally discovered 
in 1877, by Kev. 
Edward Jacker, 
then missionary at 
Pointe Saint Ig- 
nace. Excavations 
inside the founda 
tion-walls, about 
the centre in front 


of the altar reveal- GRAVE, AT POINTS SAINT IGNACE, MICH., 


ed a decaying bark 
box containing 
pieces of human 

bones. To his mind and to those of 

students generally, there was little doubt that remains thus 
peculiarly committed to the earth were those of Father 
James Marquette, of Laon, interred there in precisely that 
form in 1677. . The learned priest, thoroughly versed in 

1 "Relations Inedites," ii., pp. 21-33, 290-330; "Relation," 1673-9, 
pp. 100-120 ; Shea, " Discovery of the Mississippi Valley," pp. 53-66, 


all the early history of the missions, was not a man to be 
hasty in conclusions. He surrounded the spot once con 
secrated to religion with a fence to preserve it from neglect. 1 

The last work of Father Marquette, the mission he founded 
at Kaskaskia, was zealously taken up by Father Allouez, 
who set out from Green Bay, in October, 1676, but win 
ter set in so suddenly that he could not proceed till February. 
When he reached Kaskaskia, at the close of April, he found 
not only that band, but several others of the Illinois nation. 
Here he planted a cross and began his labors, which he re 
newed the following year. 8 

The great discovery made by Jolliet and Father Marquette 
did not at first prompt the French Government to any 
scheme for planting colonies to cultivate the rich lands of 
the Mississippi Valley, or develop its mineral wealth. A 
plan of settlement proposed by Jolliet was rejected. The 
attitude of the English in New York began, however, to ex 
cite alarm, but their action was regarded as a menace to the 
French fur trade rather than a step toward the destruction 
of French power in America. The Count de Frontenac, 
governor of Canada, went up to Lake Ontario, and at a spot 
near the present Kingston, called by the Iroquois Cataro- 
couy, laid in July, 1673, the foundation of a fort to bear his 
name. The engineers traced the fort, and the soldiers soon 
threw up earthworks and stockades. France had planted 
her first fort on the lakes. The command of this outpost 
was soon given to La Salle. He was full of projects for 
building up his fortunes in the West, not by colonization 
and agriculture, but by controlling the fur trade. Many 

1 "Catholic World," xxvi., p. 267. Our illustration shows the site of 
the old chapel and the Rev. Mr. Jacker near it. 

2 "Relations Inedites," pp. 306-317; "Relation," 1673-9, p. 121; 
Shea, "Discovery of the Mississippi," pp. 67-77. 


members of his family and others in France entered into his 
schemes, and he obtained a grant of Fort Frontenac, and a 
patent to explore the West with a monopoly of trade. Fron 
tenac suggested that a fort should be established at Niagara, 
and a vessel built on Lake Erie. 1 

All this La Salle undertook to accomplish. After rebuild 
ing Fort Frontenac with stone, he prepared to conduct an 
expedition to the "West. The grandiloquence with which 
he announced his projects led to the wildest hopes of results. 
A sycophant of Frontenac, he was in full harmony with that 
governor s hostility to the Bishop, secular clergy, and the 
Jesuits. He solicited Recollect Fathers as chaplains of his 
posts and expeditions. There were at the moment in Can 
ada several Flemish Recollects whom Louis XIY. had torn 
from their convents in territory he had wrested from Spain, 
and forced to annex themselves to a French province. The 
Superiors there gladly sent their unsolicited recruits to Can 
ada, and the Superior of their order at Quebec having no 
field to employ them in the colony, gladly assigned a large 
number of them to La Salle. Of these sons of St. Francis 
the Superior was the aged Father Gabriel de la Ribourde, 
last scion of an old Burgundian house, and under him were 
Fathers Zenobius Membre, Louis Hennepin, Luke Buisson, 
and Melithon Watteaux. 

The Sieur de la Motte in a brigantine accompanied by 
Father Hennepin reached the outlet of Niagara River, De 
cember 6, 1673, and the Recollect Father chanted the Te 
Deum in thanksgiving. Leaving their vessel there they 

1 Frontenac to Colbert, November 14, 1674, " New York Col. Doc.," 
ix., p. 121. In this very dispatch he announced that a Dutch frigate, 
" The Flying Horse," had captured Fort Pentagoet. The only spot within 
ou~ present limits where there was a chapel for French Catholics, had 
thus been temporarily lost. 


went in canoes to the Mountain Ridge, where a rock still 
bears Hennepin s name. Climbing the heights of Lewiston, 
they came in sight of the mighty cataract, where the massed 
waters of the upper lakes rushing through the narrow channel, 
plunge down what seemed to their astounded eyes as many 
hundreds of feet. Father Hennepin gave the first published 
description of this wonder of the Western world. 

Looking for suitable land to settle on, they reached Chip- 
pewa Creek, where they slept, and returning the next morn 
ing, Father Hennepin offered the first mass on the Niagara, 
where La Motte and his men were gathered to build a fort 
at the mouth of the river. 1 The Indians showed such hos 
tility to the fort that it was abandoned, and La Motte be 
gan a house and stockade at the Great Rock on the east side, 
which he called Fort de Conty. Here Father Hennepin at 
once began to erect a bark house and chapel. 2 

Returning to Fort Frontenac after blessing the " Griffin," 
the first vessel on Lake Erie, which La Salle had built above 
the falls, Father Hennepin came up again with the Superior 
of the mission, Father Gabriel de la Ribourde, and Father 
Zenobius Membre, and Melithon Watteaux. La Salle made a 
grant of land at Niagara to the Recollect Fathers for a resi 
dence and cemetery, May 27, 1679, and this was the first 
Catholic Church property in the present State of New York. 
When the " Griffin " safled, Father Melithon Watteaux remain 
ed in the palisaded house at Niagara as chaplain, and he ranks 
as the first Catholic priest appointed to minister to whites in 
New York. 3 

1 Hennepin, " Relation of Louisiana," p. 68. 

2 Ibid., p. 74. "Tonty in Margry," i., p. 576. The projected fort was 
soon destroyed by fire. Ibid., ii., p. 12. 

3 Le Clercq, "Establishment of the Faith," ii., p. 112; Hennepin, 
"Nouvelle Decouverte," p. 108. 


La Salle s party ou his barque, the " Griffin," reached Michi- 
limakinac, where at Pointe Saint Ignace, the Jesuit Fathers 
had their mission church, and minor chapels for the Hurons 
and Ottawas. After some stay here the expedition entered 
Green Bay, whence La Salle sent the vessel back to Niagara 
with a load of furs, but it never reached its port, and the 
fate of the first vessel which plowed the w-aters of the 
upper lakes is involved in mystery. La Salle then kept on 
in canoes along the shore of Lake Michigan, his party con 
sisting of himself, the three Franciscan Fathers, and ten other 

Beaching the mouth of St. Joseph s River, La Salle, dur 
ing the month of November, threw up a rude fort, and in it 
the Recollect Fathers built a bark cabin, the first Catholic 
church in the lower peninsula of Michigan. It was appar 
ently dedicated to Saint Anthony of Padua, as the com 
mander on the voyage had promised to dedicate the first 
chapel to that saint. 1 Here the three priests officiated for 
the party, swelled by Tonty s detachment, preaching on Sun 
days and holidays. 

Setting out from this post in December by toilsome travel 
and portage, La Salle reached the country of the Illinois In 
dians, and throwing up a little fort, began to build a vessel 
in which to descend the Mississippi. Fort Crevecceur was a 
little below the present episcopal city of Peoria. Upon the 
arrival of the party there, Father Gabriel de la Ribourde, 
with his fellow-priests, Fathers Zenobius Mernbre and Louis 
Hennepin, raised a cabin as a chapel for the French and for 
the Illinois Indians. This little chapel was of boards, but 
they were unable to say mass, their little stock of wine, made 

1 Hennepin, "Description of Louisiana," pp. 96, 133, 177 ; Le Clercq, 
" Establishment of the Faith," ii., pp. 114, 117, 130. 


from wild grapes gathered on the shores of Lake Michigan, 
having failed them. The services in the chapel consisted 
only of singing vespers and occasional sermons after morning 

La Salle hearing no tidings of his barque, which was to have 
brought his supplies, set out for Forts Niagara and Fronte- 
nac, having first dispatched Father Hennepin, with two of 
his men, in a canoe to ascend the Mississippi River. Leav 
ing his two fellow-religious at Fort Crevecoeur, this Francis 
can descended the Illinois River to its mouth, and after being 
a month on the Mississippi, fell in April into the hands of a 
large war party of Sioux, who carried him and his compan 
ions up to their country, where he saw and named the Falls 
of Saint Anthony. Held captive for some months, Father 
Hennepin and his companions were rescued by Daniel Grey- 
soloii du Lhut, who, after wintering in the Sioux country, 
returned for further exploration. With this protection Fa 
ther Hennepin reached Green Bay by way of the Wisconsin 
River, 1 having been the first to announce the gospel in the 
land of the Dakotas. 

The party left at Fort Crevecoeur had meanwhile had 
a dangerous and tragic experience. Devoting himself as 
aid to his Superior in instructing the Illinois, Father Membre 
took up his residence in the cabin of the chief, Ouiiia- 
houha, to whom La Salle had made presents to insure his 
good treatment of the missionary ; but the slow progress 
he made in the language and the brutal habits of the Indians 
effectually discouraged him. Gradually, however, he ac 
quired some knowledge of the language and began to instruct 
the people, finding it difficult to make any impression on the 
minds of these Indians. Tonty, who was left in command 

1 Hennepin, " Description of Louisiana," pp. 192-259. 


of the fort, was soon deserted by most of his men, and the 
aged Father de la Ribourde was adopted by Asapista, an Illi 
nois chief. When the clusters of grapes, carefully watched 
by the missionaries, began to ripen in the summer sun, they 
pressed them, and enjoyed the consolation of offering the 
holy sacrifice in their chapel, the second Catholic shrine in 
Illinois. They followed the Indians in their summer hunts 
and Father Mernbre visited the Miamis, but the fruit of their 
labors was not encouraging ; they baptized some dying chil 
dren and adults, but conferred the sacrament of regeneration 
on only two adults in health, in whom they found, as they 
supposed, solidity and a spirit of perseverance, yet were chs- 
tressed to see one of these die in the hands of the medicine 
men. In September the Illinois were attacked by an Iroquois 
army and fled. Tonty and the missionaries escaped narrowly, 
and seeing no alternative, set out to reach Green Bay in a 
wretched bark canoe, without any provisions. The next day 
an accident to the canoe compelled them to land ; while 
Tonty and Father Membre were busy repairing the damage, 
Father Gabriel de la Ribourde retired to the shade of a 
neighboring grove to recite the office of the day in his 
Breviary. When toward evening they sought the venerable 
priest, no trace of him could be found. Three Ivickapoos 
had come upon him, and although they recognized him as a 
Frenchman and a missionary, they killed him and threw his 
body into a hole, carrying off all he had, even his breviary 
and diurnal. These subsequently fell into the hands of a 
Jesuit missioner. 

Father Gabriel de la Ribourde was the last of a noble fam 
ily in Burgundy who gave up all to enter the Order of Saint 
Francis. After being master of novices at Bethune, he came 
to Canada in 1670, and was the first Superior of the restored 
Recollect mission in Canada. He was in his seventieth year 


when he fell by the hands of the prowling savages Septem 
ber 9, 1680. 1 

After enduring great hardships, want, and illness, Father 
Membre reached the Jesuit mission at Green Bay, and he 
says that he could not sufficiently acknowledge the charity 
which the Fathers there displayed to him and his compan 
ions. Father Enjalran 
fa- then accompanied him 
to Miehilimakinac, 



nepin had preceded 

them. He had recovered some of their vestments at Green 
Bay, where he, too, was able to say mass, after which he win 
tered at Michilimakinac with Father Pierson. 

When La Salle set out in November, 1681, to descend the 
Mississippi, Father Zenobius Membre bore him company, and 
his account of the canoe voyage is preserved. He planted 
the cross at the Quappa town and at the mouth of the Missis 
sippi, endeavoring to announce, as well as he could, the great 
truths of religion to the tribes he met on the way. It was 
his privilege to intone the Yexilla Regis and the Te Deum 
when they reached the Gulf of Mexico. This amiable relig 
ious returned with La Salle to Europe by the way of Canada, 
and the Recollect mission in the Mississippi Valley came to 
a close. "All we have done," says Father Membre, "has 
been to see the state of these nations, and to open the way to 
the gospel and to missionaries, having baptized only two in- 

1 Le Clercq, " Establishment of the Faith," ii., pp. 128-157 ; Letter of La 
Salle in Margry, " Decouvertes et Etablissements des Fran^ais," Paris, 
1877, ii., p. 124. " Relation de Henri de Tonty," ibid., i., p. 588 : Hen- 
nepin, " Description de laLouisiane," Paris, 1683 ; New York, 1880, pp. 


fants, whom I saw at the point of death, and who, in fact, 
died in our presence." ] 

There is reason to believe, however, that the Recollects 
regarded the Mississippi Valley as a field assigned to them, 
and the whole influence of Count de Frontenac, the Governor 
of Canada, supported by the French Government, was given 
to the Recollects and directed against the bishop and his sec 
ular clergy, and against the Jesuits who shared the views of 
the bishop. La Salle was in ardent sympathy with Frontenac, 
and his papers and those of his friends show the most viru 
lent hatred of the Jesuits. The venerable Father Allouez, 
who had labored so long and fruitfully in the northwest, was 
a special object of La Salle s detestation, and he was ready to 
lay any crime to the missionary s charge. 

In this position of affairs the French Government was in 
duced to ask the Holy See to erect one or more Vicariates- 
Apostolic in the Mississippi Valley, and the hopes of a success 
ful mission appeared to the Propaganda so well founded that 
Vicariates were actually established. But when information 
of this step reached Bishop Saint Vallier at Quebec, he for 
warded to Paris and Rome a strong protest against the dis 
memberment of his diocese, without his knowledge or con 
sent. He claimed the valley of the Mississippi as having been 
discovered by Father Marquette, a priest of his diocese, and 
Louis Jolliet, a pupil of his Seminary. He claimed that Fa 
ther Marquette had preached to the nations on that river and 
baptized Indians there more than twelve years before. Louis 
XIV. referred the matter to three commissioners, the Arch 
bishop of Paris, the King s Confessor, and the Marquis de 
Seignelay, and on their report he solicited from the Holy See 
a revocation of the Vicariates which had been established. 2 

1 Le Clercq, " Establishment of the Faith," ii., p. 194. 

8 " Memoire pour faire connaitre au Roy que tous les missiormaires de 

/^nrtw Jt$0m 


The Recollect Fathers had, however, withdrawn from the 
West, and the whole care of the missions and of the only 
French post, Fort Saint Louis, established by La Salle at 
Starved Rock, on the Illinois River, near the Big Vermillion, 

devolved on the Jes 
uits. The missiona 
ries of that order were 
the veteran Allouez, 

who labored amon s 

the Miamis, visiting 
Fort Saint Louis from 
time to time; Henry 
Nouvel and Enjalran 
at Green Bay ; Alba- 

, ^ . T 

nel, Bailloquet, James 


MABEBT. 6IieaU > Ste P hen de 

Carheil and Nicolas 

Potier ; while John Joseph Marest, of a family to be long 
connected with the West, was assigned to a projected mission 
among the Sioux. 1 

Nicholas Perrot, one of the most capable and honest of 
the French pioneers of the West, a man whose solid services 
contrast nobly with the great vaporings and petty results of 
La Salle, was a steady friend of the Catholic development of 

la Nouvelle France y doivent travailler sons la dependance de 1 Ev^que 
de Quebec," by Bishop St. Vallier. The date must be about 1685. See, 
too, Letter of the Bishop, August 20, 1688. Margry, iii., p. 579. It 
would be interesting to ascertain the names and limits of these Vicariates, 
the first distinct organization in this country, but these details cannot yet 
be traced in the archives of the Propaganda. 

1 "New York Co!. Documents," ix., p. 418 ; Charlevoix, " History of 
New France," Catalogue S. J., 1688 ; Baugy, " Journal d une Expedition 
centre les Iroquois en 1687," Paris, 1888, p. 166 ; F. Henri Nouvel to De 
la Barre, April 23, 1684, in Margry, ii., p. 344. 


the AVest^ and that he was especially a benefactor of the 
Church at Green Bay is attested by one of the most interest 
ing relics preserved in the country. This is a silver mon 
strance, now in the possession of the Bishop of Green Bay, 
which bears an inscription telling when and by whom it was 
given. Though buried for generations on the site of the old 
chapel at the Rapide des Peres, it is so well preserved that 


its original beauty can be seen. On the base is the inscrip 
tion : " 4* Ce soleil a ete donne par M. Nicolas Perrot a la 
mission de St. Francois Xavier en la Baye des Puants. ij* 
1686." " This ostensorium was given to the mission of St. 
Francis Xavier at Green Bay by Nicolas Perrot, 1686." 

1 A writer, who imbibed from La Salle and Margry a rooted prej 
udice against the Jesuits, we regret to say, has thrown on this noble 


The missionaries were in early times the only representa 
tives of civilized authority on the frontier, and alone exer 
cised control over the bushlopers and independent fur-trad 
ers. Under the ban of the law, as most of them were, for 
the French authorities in Canada favored only trading com 
panies and monopolists, these irregular traders, many of them 
born in the country and known from boyhood to the mission 
priests, found in them monitors in their waywardness, con 
solers in sickness and affliction, encouragers in all that tended 
to keep them within the laws of moral and civilized life. 
Frequently aided by them in their long journeys, and re 
lieved by their aid, the missionaries naturally sympathized 
with these young men of Canadian birth, and as naturally 
were, at times, reproached by those who grasped at the mo 
nopoly of the fur trade on the lakes. 1 

De la Barre, when Governor of Canada, was as favorable 
to the missionaries as Frontenac and his sycophant La Salle 
had been hostile. In his instructions to La Durantaye, an 
officer sent West in 1683, he says : " As the Eev. Jesuit Fa 
thers are the best informed as to the manner of treating with 

explorer the odium of attempting to poison La Salle. But Xicolas 
Perrot, who was Captain of the Cote de Becancour in 1670, and who 
had acted as the representative of the French Government in the West, 
could not be the man who was valet to La Salle. Another person of the 
name was a hired servant to the Sulpitians in 1667 (Faillon, iii., p. 220), 
and a workman at Fort Frontenac (Margry). He is, in all probability, 
the valet of La Salle. 

1 In the constant flings at them in the dispatches of Frontenac and the 
writings of La Salle, this should be borne in mind. Any missionarj , 
Catholic or Protestant, isolated on the frontier would be similarly influ 
enced. Father Marquette s unfinished journal gives us a kind of photo 
graph of life on the lakes in those days, and the punning words that 
close it are a kind of apology for the coureurs de bois. " Si les Francois 
ont des robbes de ce pays icy, ils ne les desrobbent pas, tant les fatigues 
sont grands pour les en tirer." 


the Indians, and the most zealous for Christianity, he will 
place confidence in them, will afford them all satisfaction in 
his power, and treat them as persons for whom I entertain a 
profound respect and a great esteem." 

Tonty, while faithful to La Salle, did not share the preju 
dices of his commander, and not only availed himself of the 
services of the Jesuit Fathers at Fort St. Louis, but sought 
to have them in the territory on the Arkansas granted him 
by La Salle, where he gave them land for a chapel and a 

The enterprises of La Salle, involving a monopoly of trade, 
had excited great discontent in Canada and the West, and his 
overbearing manner and violence had created him many ene 
mies. The Iroquois saw with no favorable eye his forts at 
Catarocouy, Niagara, and on the Illinois. They were a con 
stant menace to the existence and trade of the Five Nations. 
In 1683 a Seneca force was sent against Fort Saint Louis in 
Illinois, plundering French traders on the way. They ex 
pected to take the post by surprise, but the Chevalier Baugy 
and Tonty had been warned, and repulsed the Iroquois with 
loss. 1 The brave Breton, de la Durantaye, hearing of the 
danger of the fort, had set out for its relief, accompanied by 
an Indian force, and the veteran Father Allouez, who, rising 
above all personal motives, was ready to endure toil and 
danger to save the lives and property of La Salle s colony on 
the Illinois.* 

Father Claude Allouez, the founder of Catholicity in the 
West, closed his long labors by a happy death on the 27th or 
28th of August, 1689, in the seventy-sixth year of his age, 

1 Margry, ii., pp. 338, 344 ; Charlevoix, " History of New France," iii., 
p. 244; "N. Y. Col. Doc.," ix., p. 239; " Mercure Galant," August, 
1685, pp. 340-350. 

2 Tonty in Margry, p. 22. 


having been nearly thirty years on the missions around Lake 
Superior and Lake Michigan, which he had created. 1 

The Iroquois had thus openly made war on the French, 
and de la Barre prepared to invade their territory with a 
force sufficient to punish their perfidy. The other cantons 
renewed their treaties with the French, so that de la Barre 
was able to throw his whole army on the Senecas. 

The missionaries in that nation were no longer safe ; Fa 
thers Fremin and Pierron returned to Canada, followed in 
1683 by Father Gamier ; the Cayuga chiefs plundered Fa 
ther de Carheil, and in 1684 drove him from the canton. 
The missionaries on the Mohawk withdrew, and Father 
Milet, leaving Oneida, proceeded to the camp of de la Barre 
at Hungry Bay. The Catholic missions among the Five 
Nations were suspended, except at Onondaga, where the two 
brothers in blood and religion, Fathers John and James de 
Lamberville, still maintained their chapel. 

De la Barre was induced by the other cantons to accept 
vague promises made on behalf of the Senecas, with whom 
he made peace and returned to Canada. The Senecas, how 
ever, neglected to carry out the treaty on their side, and after 
a general council at Albany, a force was sent by the Five 
Nations against the Ottawas in Michigan. 

The Marquis de Denonville, who had arrived as Governor 
of Canada, made all preparations for a vigorous campaign. 
Father John de Lamberville went down to Canada to confer 
with him, leaving his brother alone at Onondaga. Colonel 

1 He was born at Saint Didier en Forest, and studied at the College of 
Puy en Velay, where he was under the direction of Saint Francis Kegis. 
Entering the Society of Jesus with one of his brothers, he was sent to 
Canada in 1658. His first labors were near Quebec, but August 8, 1665, 
he left Three Rivers for his great Western mission. To his merit there 
is uniform testimony, and the only dissonant voice is that of La Salle. 
Margry, " Decouvertes et Etablissements des Francais," i., pp. 59-64. 


Dongan, Governor of New York, was inciting the Iroqnois 
against the French and endeavored to obtain possession of 
Father James de Lamberville ; but he remained, and soon 
joined by his brother, they continued their mission amid 
a thousand dangers. In 1686 the younger Father was 
recalled, and when Denonville was ready to take the field, 
Father John de Lamberville was sent to Onondaga, mainly 
to cover his designs. To prevent knowledge of his move 
ments reaching the Indians, the governor arrested all the 
Iroquois in the colony, entrapping those living near Fort 
Catarocouy, and even treating as prisoners some who assumed 
to be ambassadors from the cantons. These prisoners were 
sent to France to be treated as galley-slaves. 

The missionary stood alone at Onondaga. In the eyes of 
the Indians he was responsible for the apparently treacherous 
acts of the governor, whose envoy he had been. But Teior- 
hensere was respected for his virtues. The sachems of Onon 
daga addressed him in noble words. They knew the honesty 
of his heart too well to believe him capable of duplicity, but 
the young braves would hold him responsible. u It is not 
safe for thee to remain here. All, perhaps, will not render 
thee the justice that we do, and when once our young men 
have sung the war song .... they will hearken only to 
their fury, from which it would be no longer in our power 
to rescue thee." They gave him guides and a guard, insist 
ing that he should depart at once, and led by devious paths 
the missionary, after closing the last Catholic chapel in the 
land of the Five Nations, reached his countrymen in safety. 

The missions of the Society of Jesus among the five Iro 
quois nations begun with the tortures of the saintly Isaac 
Jogaes, and maintained amid all disheartening opposition for 
forty years, closed virtually with the noble retirement of 
Father John de Lamberville. After this the Catholics in 


the cantons could depend only on occasional visits of a priest, 
and many gradually joined the village at Sault Saint Louis, 
or that under the Sulpitians on the island of Montreal. 

Denonville in his expedition against the Senecas, had a 
force of western Indians, who came attended by Father 
Enjalran. In the action with the Senecas at Gannagaro 
(Bought on s Hill), this missionary laboring among his In 
dians received a severe and dangerous wound. 

After ravaging the Seneca towns, Denonville erected a 
fort at Xiagara and garrisoned it. The chapel here was the 
next shrine of Catholicity. La Salle s block-house and Fa 
ther Melithon s chapel within it had been burned by the 
Senecas twelve years before. Now within the stockade were 
some eight cabins, one set apart for the priest, and another 
with double door and three small windows was evidently the 
chapel. Here the Chevalier de la Motthe was left with a 
garrison of a hundred men, but the provisions furnished 
were so unfit, that they bred disease that swept off most of 
the French, including the commander. 1 Father John de 
Lamberville, who had gone there to minister to the garrison, 
was stricken down with the disease, and in 1687 the surviv- 

ors were discovered and rescued by some Miami s. 2 Father 
Milet accompanied the next party sent, and on Good Friday, 
1688, he erected and blessed a large wooden cross in the cen- 

New York Doc. Hist.," i., p. 168. 

2 Charlevoix, "History of New France," iii., pp. 290-1, 303, and au 
thorities cited. 


tre of the square with the inscription, " Christ reigneth, con- 
quereth, command eth." 

But on the 15th of September, the palisades were demol 
ished, and the French withdrew. The last altar reared by 
the Catholic priests of France on the soil of New York was 
thus for a time abandoned. The labors of pioneers and mis 
sionaries from the days of Champlain, thrilling with their 
heroic effort had failed to plant a permanent settlement or 
chapel on the soil. The souls won from heathenism were 
numbered with the anointed dead, or in Catholic villages on 
the banks of the Saint Lawrence attested the thoroughness of 
the Christian teaching given. 

In 1690 only one Catholic missionary was in the land of 
the Iroquois. He was there as the first had been, a prisoner. 
Father Milet after the evacuation of Niagara was stationed 
at Catarokouy, where his knowledge of the Iroquois charac 
ter and language was reckoned upon as a means of drawing 
the cantons to peace. In June, 1689, a few Onondagas 
approached the fort, and declaring that peace had been made 
at Montreal, asked for a surgeon and priest to attend some 
of their sick. Father Milet with St. Amand, a physician, 
went out, but found themselves prisoners. The missionary 
was pinioned, deprived of his breviary, and all he had on 
him. Manchot, an Oneida chief, however, told him that he 
and his old Oneida converts would save his life. Yet he 
was soon stripped and subjected to ill usage, until he was 
given up to the Oneidas, who took him bound, but uninjured, 
to their canton. There his old Christian converts prevented 
any injury being done to him, but he was held as a prisoner. 1 

In the eastern portions of the country there seemed a 
more favorable prospect. But even after the restoration of 

1 " Lettre du pere Pierre Milet quelques Missionnaires du Canada," 
Onneiout, 1691. 


Pentagoet by treaty, difficulties raised by Colonel Temple 
delayed its execution, ^ot till the 5th of August, 1670, 
was Pentagoet actually surrendered to the Chevalier de 
Grande- Fontaine. The French sent to garrison the post, 
and the few settlers who had remained during English rule, 
were the only Catholics of European origin under the 
French flag in the land now embraced in the United States. 

The chapel once served by the Capuchin Fathers was re 
stored to the Catholic worship. It is described as u a chapel 
of about six paces long and four paces broad, covered with 
shingles, and built upon a terrace ; it was surmounted by a 
belfry containing a small bell weighing about eighteen 
pounds." This was the only church in the only French 
post on our soil at that time. When France recovered Aca- 
dia we trace the existence of only one priest in the province, 
the Franciscan, Laurence Molin, who seems to have visited 
all tho stations, and drawn up a census, so that he probably 
officiated in this chapel for the little garrison and the hand 
ful of French settlers. But the lone settlement did not 
grow, though the Baron de Saint Castin, ensign of Grande- 
Fontaine, Governor of Acadia, or his successor, Chambly, 
labored earnestly for years to develop the resources of the 
post and district soon known as the parish of the Holy 
Family. 2 

The people of Xew England, after King Philip s war, 
looked with suspicion and hostility on all Indians, even those 
who had been gathered in villages for instruction by men 

1 Moreau, " Histoire de 1 Acadie Francoise," Paris, 1873, p. 275. Some 
Recollects followed, and then four Penitents of Nazareth were sent. 
" Collection de Mamiscrits," Quebec, 1883, i., p. 395. " Centennial Cel 
ebration at Bangor," p. 24. 

- Pentagoet was taken by a Dutch frigate in 1674. In 1688 the plun 
dering English discovered a chapel in St. Castin s house. 


like Eliot. Many bands, in consequence, struck into the 
forests, and sought safer and more congenial homes with 
kindred tribes near the Saint Lawrence. 1 Thus in 1676 the 
Sokokis, Indians of Saco, settled near Three Rivers, where 
the Catholic missionaries immediately undertook their in 
struction in religion, and so many of the Abnakis from the 
Kennebec clustered around the old Algonquin mission 
chapel at Sillery, that it became an Abnaki mission. 
About the same time Father Morain was laboring among a 
band of Gaspesians and Etchemins who had wandered inland 
to the Riviere du Loup on the borders of Maine. 2 To re 
vive religion in Acadia, Bishop Laval, in 1684, sent to that 
part of his diocese a zealous secular priest, Louis P. Tlmry, 
who labored there to the close of his useful life. 3 Three 
years later he had taken up his residence at Pentagoet, and 
the holy sacrifice was again offered in the 
chapel of the French frontier. 4 Father ^ 
James Bigot, who after consolidating the 


Abnaki mission at Sillery, had transferred SIGNATUKE OF 
it to Saint Francois de Sales on the FATHER JACQUES 
Chaudiere in 1685, visited the country BIGOT - 
near Pentagoet in 1687, to lay the foundation of a church 
among the Indians. 5 

The English in that part of the country were already, by 
plundering the French and insulting missionaries who fell 

1 "New York Doc. Hist.," i., p. 169. 

2 "Relation," 1676-7, p. 107; "Relations Inedites," ii., pp. 138-159. 

8 Bishop St. Valier, " Estat Present del Eglise," Quebec, 1857, p. 12. 

4 Cardinal Taschereau, " Memoire sur les Missions de 1 Acadie." 

5 Bigot, " Journal de ce qui s est passe dans la Mission Abnaquise de- 
puis la feste de Noel, 1683, jusqu au 6 Octobre, 1684," New York, 
1857 ; " Lettre du pere Jacques Bigot, ecrite au mois de Juillet, 1685," 
New York, 1858; Bishop St. Valier, "Estat Present," p. 68; Denon- 
ville in Charlevoix, " History of New France," in., p. 308. 



into their hands, provoking hostilities. "When the war began 
the Catholic Indians were ready to meet their old enemies 
on the field. The Indians of Rev. Mr. Thury s mission, he 
tells us, numbering nearly a hundred warriors, almost all 
went to confession before setting out against Fort Pemaquid ; 
and while the force was absent their wives and children ap 
proached the holy tribunal to lift up clean hands to God, and 
the women kept up a perpetual recitation of the Rosary from 
early morn to night to ask God, through the intercession of 
the Blessed Virgin, to show them His favor and protection 
during this war. 1 

For a brief term of two years regular and secular priests 
of France established a chapel and exercised the ministry in 
a far distant portion of the country, with independent sanc 
tion from the Congregation " de Propagande Fide" at Rome 
and the Archbishop of Rouen, who still clung to his old 
jurisdiction beyond the Atlantic. 

When La Salle had continued the exploration of the Mis 
sissippi, begun by Jolliet and Marquette, and established the 
fact that no impediment to navigation existed, but that a 
vessel might sail from the mouth of the Illinois to Dieppe or 
Rochelle, he formed vague plans of trade in buffalo robes, 
but seems to have entertained no definite project of coloniz 
ing the valley of the great river. When he went to France 
his mind was filled with projects for collecting a vast Indian 
force with which to cross the country from the Mississippi 
to the Mexican frontier and capture the rich mining districts 
in Mexico, of which Santa Barbara was popularly supposed 
to be the real centre. In Paris he met Pefialosa, once Gov 
ernor of New Mexico, who had taken refuge in France, 

1 Lettres de M. Thury, " Collection de Manuscrits," Quebec, 1883, pp. 
464-5, 477. 


where to curry favor with the Government he prepared a 
narrative of an expedition to the Mississippi, which he pre 
tended to have made from Santa Fe. He put La Salle s 
schemes into practical form, and proposed that an expedition 
should be sent to Texas, whence the mines could be easily 
reached. 1 

The Government was deceived. La Salle was taken into 
favor, and was sent out to prepare the way for a large expe 
dition under Pen^losa. The real object of the expedition 
was of course kept secret, and La Salle s object was ostensi 
bly the mouth of the Mississippi, which he had discovered, 
and where he was to begin a settlement. A vessel was given 
to hinx, with authority to enlist soldiers among the rabble of 
Paris, and the " Joli," a vessel of the French Navy, com 
manded by Captain Beaujeu, was placed at his disposal, and 
subject to his orders till his expedition reached its destina 
tion. The expedition left France in July, 1684. 

After taking in some freebooters in the West Indies, La 
Salle entered the Gulf of Mexico, and passing the mouth of 
the Mississippi coasted along the Texan shore for a suitable 
port. He finally fixed on Passo Cavallo, to which he re 
turned. One vessel entered the bay, the other was run 
ashore by accident or design. Here the object of the expe 
dition was made known, and the plan of an attack on the 
Spanish settlements was revealed. 2 

Several priests had accompanied the expedition. The 
Recollect Father, Zenobius Membre, who had accompanied 
La Salle to Illinois, and subsequently down the Mississippi, 

1 Shea, "Penalosa," New York, 1882; Duro, " Penalosa," Madrid, 

2 Joutel, "Journal Historique," Paris, 1713 ; Cavclier, "Relation," New 
York, 1858 ; Margry, " Etablissements et Decouvertes," ii., pp. 485-606 ; 
Le Clercq, " Establishment of the Faith," New York, 1881, pp. 199-283. 


was one. He was accompanied by Fathers Anastasius Douay 
and Maximns Le Clercq of the same order. These Fathers 
had obtained from the Propaganda special powers establish 
ing a mission of their order. There were besides the Rev. 
John Cavelier, brother of La Salle, a Sulpitian, Rev. Messrs. 
Chefdeville and D esmanville of the same community. They 
had obtained faculties from the Archbishop of Rouen, who, 
in granting them, alleged as a ground for his action that 
Quebec was too remote from their destination to justify ap 
plication to the bishop of that see. 1 

When Rev. Mr. D esmanville learned the real object of the 
expedition he declared his intention to return to France. 
" He had come," he said, " to war against demons, not 
against Christians," and he sailed back with Beaujeu, who, 
having fulfilled the task imposed upon him, hoisted his sail 
for Europe. 3 

La Salle, entering Espiritu Santo Bay in January, 1685, 
threw up a fort on the spot subsequently occupied by the 
Bahia mission. From this point he made excursions to sound 
the native tribes, and formed an alliance with the Cenis or 
Asinais, evidently awaiting all the while the arrival of the 
great expedition under Pefialosa, which never came. Fear 
of capture by the Spaniards must have prevented his ventur 
ing into the gulf with his remaining vessel, and at last, ap 
parently convinced that his government had abandoned him, 
he set out from his fort, which he had named St. Louis, with a 
party, intending to reach the Mississippi overland and return 
with such force as he could gather. In the fort he left about 
twenty persons under Barbier, with Fathers Membre and 
Maximus Le Clercq, and the Sulpitian, Rev. Mr. ChefdeviDe. 

1 See " Faculties," in Le Clercq, ii., p. 196 ; Margry, ii., p. 475. 

2 D esmanville, in Margry, ii., pp. 510-517. 


He was accompanied on his march by his brother, Rev. Mr. 
Cavelier, and Father Anastasius Douay. For two years these 
five priests had offered the holy sacrifice in a chapel con 
structed in the fort, and administered the sacraments. There 
were marriages and baptisms, the sick to console with relig 
ious rites, and the dead for whom to offer the mass of requiem. 
Rev. Mr. Cavelier and Father Anastasius, after the murder 
of La Salle by his own men, reached a French post on the 
Arkansas, and by way of Illinois returned to Canada and 
France. 1 

How long the party at the fort remained unmolested is 
not definitely known, but they were nearly all finally cut off 
by the Indians. That this was the fate of the Recollect Fa 
thers and Rev. Mr. Chefdeville was positively asserted by 
two young Frenchmen named Talon, who were rescued by 
the Spaniards and by Francisco Martinez, afterward Sergeant 
Major at Pensacola, who in Texas obtained the chalices and 
breviaries of the murdered priests from the Indians. 2 

A Spanish expedition, sent to break up the French settle 
ment, found only charred ruins and the unburied bones of 
the unfortunate remnant of La Salle s great force. 3 

Sainte Croix Island, the Falls of Saint Anthony, and Fort 
Saint Louis in Texas are the three extreme points in our 
land marking the limits of the territory through which the 
clergy of France, under the Bishops of Rouen and Quebec, 
had. in less than fourscore years and ten, carried the ministry 
of the Catholic Church, offering its solemn sacrifice, an 
nouncing the word of God to civilized and unreclaimed men, 
spending strength and health and life s blood in the cause of 

1 Joiitel, "Journal Historique," p. 329. 

9 Letter of d Iberville, Rochelle, May 3, 1704. 

3 . Barcia, " Ensayo Cronologico," pp. 294-6 ; Smith, " Coleccion," p. 25. 


religion, from the fierce ocean tide of Fundy, the thunderous 
roar of Niagara, the copper-lined shores of Superior, and the 
bison plains of the Mississippi Valley to the gulf shore of 
Texas, while Protestantism had not yet ventured to proclaim 
its views or call men to prayer at the foot of the Alleghanies. 

Meanwhile the Bishopric of Quebec had seen its changes. 
The venerable Laval had, soon after the erection of the See, 
exerted himself to give existence to the chapter instituted by 
the bulls, but delays ensued, and he finally visited Europe. 
There failing health and increasing difficulties induced him 
to offer to resign his See. To succeed him as Bishop of 
Quebec, the Abbe John Baptist de la Croix Chevrieres de 
Saint Vallier, a native of Grenoble, a man of piety and worth, 
and at the time one of the king s chaplains, was selected. 
With the authority of Vicar-General conferred upon him by 
Bishop Laval, the Abbe de St. Vallier visited Canada and ex 
amined the condition of the Church on the Atlantic shore of 
Acadia and throughout the valley of the St. Lawrence, con 
signing the result of his observations to writing, and in time 
giving them to the press. 

Resolved, then, to undertake the direction of the diocese, 
he accepted the bulls of appointment, and Bishop Laval hav 
ing ratified his virtual resignation by a formal act on the 
2-ith of January, 1688, the Abbe Saint Vallier was duly con 
secrated bishop on the following day. 

Bishop Laval s desire, ardently entertained, was to return 
to Canada and end his days there. After some delay this 
was permitted. Though no longer the bishop of the diocese, 
his personal influence was great, and during the absence of 
Bishop St. Vallier, 1691-2, ITOO-lYll, the presence of its 
former bishop was a source of blessing to Canada, in his co 
operation with those entrusted with the administration, the 
exercise of episcopal functions, and the influence which his 


zeal evoked for the good of religion. Surrounded by the 
loving children of his clergy, religious, and flock, Bishop 
Laval died on the 6th of May, 1708. He died as a saint and 
was venerated as one ; many sought his intercession with 
God, and for nearly two centuries frequent miracles have 
been ascribed to him. 

The Church of Canada in our day has petitioned for the 


canonization of Bishop Laval. As by his authority the 
Church was established in New York, Michigan, Illinois, 
and Wisconsin, and the cross borne down the current of the 
Mississippi, the Catholic Church in the United States cannot 
be indifferent to the cause which may exalt to the honor of 
public suffrages at our altars one who exercised episcopal 
jurisdiction over so vast a part of our territory. 1 

1 La Tour, Memoires sur la Vie de M. de Laval, Premier Evgque de 
Quebec," Cologne, 1761. Langevin, " Notice Biographique sur Francois 
de Laval de Montmorency, l er Evgque de Quebec," Montreal, 1874; 
"Esquisse delavie . . . . de Mgr. Fr. Xavier de Laval Montmorency, 
Premier Eve^que de Quebec," Quebec, 1845. 





IT has been the custom with historians to speak contempt 
uously of the two Stuart brothers, Charles II. and James II., 
as rulers. Yet James seems to have been the first to appre 
hend the future greatness of America, and the necessity of 
uniting the colonies in one organized system. Charles, act 
ing by the advice of James in dispossessing the Dutch, and 
taking steps for the speedy settlement of New Jersey and 
Pennsylvania, as well as by the charters which he granted 
for the Carolinas, made England sole occupant of the whole 
coast from the rugged shores of Maine to the borders of 
Florida. A compact series of communities, blended together, 
ready to afford mutual aid, confronted on the north the ter 
ritories claimed by France, and on the south those occupied 
for more than a century by Spain. James II. as Duke of 
York, and as king, had been the first to check the increasing 
power of France on the north and west, and make the St. 
Lawrence and the Mississippi the boundaries of England s 
future empire. 

The fall of the Stuarts changed the whole political and 
religious character of events. England became heartily 
and intensely opposed to Catholicity in her internal relations, 
and in her intercourse with other nations. She was precipi 
tated into wars with France and Spain, and these involved 
her American colonies in hostilities with Canada and Florida. 
The struggle on the part of the colonies was not national 


merely. It heightened the old antagonism to the Church 
of God, and made her an object of unceasing hatred and 
dread, and caused her to be regarded as a menacing enemy 
at the very doors of the colonists. Within the provinces 
every Catholic was regarded as a Jacobite, ready at all times 
to join any enemy whatever against his fellow-countrymen. 

In Maryland a revolt against the authority of Lord Balti 
more was headed by one John Coode, whose character may 
be judged by the fact that having subsequently been or 
dained a minister of the Church of England, he was indicted 
and convicted in 1699 of " atheism and blasphemy." This 
man gathered a convention " for the defense of the Protest 
ant religion," w T hich sent to William III. an exposition of 
their motives. Among the grievances which they alleged 
was the following : 

" In the next place Churches and Chappells, which by the 
said Charter, should be built and consecrated according to 
the Ecclesiasticall lawes of the kingdome of England, to our 
greate regrett and discouragement of our religion, are erected, 
and converted to the use of popish Idolatry and superstition, 
Jesuits and seminarie priests are the onely incumbents (for 
which their is a supply provided by sending over popish 
youth to be educated at St. Ormes." 2 

It further charged that, " severall children of protestants 
have been committed to the tutelage of papists, and brought 
up in the Eomish superstition." And again, " The seizure 
and apprehending of protestants in their houses w r ith armed 
forces, consisting of papists, and that in time of peace, thence 

1 Hawks, "Contributions to the Ecclesiastical History of the U. S.," 
ii., p. 64. 

2 Maryland historians admit that these charges were groundless and 
malicious, McMahon, p. 240 ; Hawks, " Contributions," ii., p. 66 ; 
Chalmers, p. 383. 


hurrying them away to prisons, etc. We still find all the 
meanes used by these very persons and their agents, Jesuits, 
priests, and lay papists, that art of malice cann suggest, to 
divert the obedience and loyalty of the Inhabitants from 
their most sacred Maj ty " to that height of impudence that 
solemn Masses and prayers are used (as wee have very good 
information) in their Chappells and Oratoryes for the pros 
perous success of the popish forces in Ireland, and the 
French designes against England." l 

"William seized the opportunity to make Maryland a royal 
province. He recognized the convention, and sent out Sir 
Lionel Copley as royal governor in 1691. This official at 
once summoned a legislature, from which all Catholics, 
though they represented very great landed interests, were 
excluded. The first act recognized William and Mary ; the 
second was, " An Act for the service of Almighty God, and 
the establishment of the Protestant religion, in this Prov 
ince." The knell of religious liberty had sounded. " Under 
the gentle auspices of that government of the Lords Balti 
more," says the Maryland historian, McMahon, " that gov 
ernment, whose tyrannical and popish inclinations w r ere now 
the favorite theme, the profession and exercise of the Chris 
tian religion in all its modes, was open to all, no church 
was established : all were protected, none were taxed to sus 
tain a church to whose tenets they were opposed, and the 
people gave freely as a benevolence, what they would have 
loathed as a tax." 

The Puritans, ungrateful to the Catholics who offered them 
a home, had, on seizing the government, sought to crush the 
adherents of the ancient faith ; now they beheld their own 

1 Scharf, i., pp. 311-3. The charges were utterly preposterous, as 
Protestants far outnumbered the Catholics, but the document gave the 
authorities in England a pretext they desired. 


weapons turned against themselves, and saw a party, placed 
in power by their aid, establish the Church of England in 
Maryland. Nor was this merely in name. The whole prov 
ince was divided into parishes, vestrymen w^ere appointed, 
and every taxable inhabitant of Maryland, whether Cath 
olic, Puritan, or Friend, was taxed annually forty pounds of 
tobacco to form a fund for building Episcopal churches and 
maintaining Episcopal ministers. To annoy the Catholics, 
Saint Mary s County, in which the population was mainly of 
that faith, was divided into two parishes, one named William 
and Mary, the other King and Queen. Here as in other 
Catholic parishes, the people were compelled to contribute 
their means to erect Episcopal churches, some still existing, 
and for nearly a century to pay for the support of a hostile 
ministry which never had but a petty flock of its own. 

Being ere long disfranchised, the Catholics had no voice 
in making the laws or electing delegates, but they naturally 
united with the Friends and others, who felt the hardship of 
this unjust and oppressive system. 

The church thus established had not ministers enough to 
supply the parishes created in the province, for, according to 
some, " there were scarcely any ministers in it." Governor 
Nicholson found but three, so indifferent had members of 
the Church of England been in regard to their religion. 
" These three," says a representation of the Anglican clergy 
to the Bishop of London, " had to contend with double their 
number of priests belonging to the Church of Rome." l 
Another Protestant represents " his religion as in a manner 
turned out of doors " by the very loose morals and " scandal 
ous lives" of the Anglican clergy, and "by the Eoman 
priests cunning." The province then contained a popula- 

1 Hawks, " Contributions," ii., pp. 71, 76, 77. 


tion of twenty-five thousand, a majority being Protestant ; 
yet this was the state to which religion had fallen among 
them. 1 

But while the clergy of the Protestant faith were few, and 
by no means a credit, not a breath of suspicion is raised 
against the Catholic priests of Maryland. The only Jesuit 
Fathers then in the province, so far as we can gather, were 
the Kev. Nicholas Gulick, Eev. Francis Pennington, and 
Rev. William Hunter, with probably the Franciscan Father, 
Basil Hobart. Yet few as they were, these zealous priests 
not only kept alive the faith of Catholics, but won Protest 
ants to the Church. 3 

In the Assembly convened by Nicholson on his arrival, an 
act was passed transferring the seat of government from 
Saint Mary s to Anne Arundell. " The reasons alleged for 
the change," says Scharf, " were not without weight ; but it 
is probable that the true motives were to be found in the 
fact that Saint Mary s was especially a Catholic settlement, 
was beyond other towns devoted to the proprietary govern 
ment, and was closely connected with all those ties which it 

1 McMahon, " History of Maryland," p. 244 ; Hawks, i., p. 73. 

2 The Letter from the Maryland (Protestant Episcopal) Clergy to the 
Bishop of London, May 18, 1696 ("Hist. Mag.," March, 1868, p. 151), 
says : " When his Excellency Governor Nicholson came into the Coun 
try in the year 1694 there were but 3 Clergymen in Episcopal Orders, 
besides 5 or 6 popish priests who had perverted divers idle people from 
the Protestant Religion." . . . . " This expectation of the Lord Balti 
more being restored to the Government of Maryland animates the Priests 
and Jesuits to begin already to inveigle several ignorant people to turn 
to their religion. To which end they do (contrary to the Act of Parlia 
ment to deter them from perverting any of his Majesty s Protestant sub 
jects to popery) introduce themselves into the company of the sick when 
they have no Ministers that his Excellency hath been lately forced to 
issue out his proclamation against their so doing to restrain them." Ib., 
p. 153 


was the policy of the new government to break up." The 
Mayor, Common Council, and Freemen of Saint Mary s in 
vain appealed ; their remonstrance was treated with the ut 
most contempt ; the change was carried into effect, and 
though as late as 1Y05 government lingered at the old cap 
ital, Saint Mary s gradually declined, till nothing remains to 
mark the spot but a few bricks and the Protestant church 
erected with money wrung from the Catholics, and with the 
materials of the old Catholic church and governor s house. 

The veteran missioner, Thomas Harvey, died in Maryland 
in 1696. The next year Fathers John Hall and Nicholas 
Gulick attended the brick chapel at St. Mary s, and two frame 
chapels, apparently at St. Inigoes and Newtown ; the Super 
ior, Father William Hunter, with Father Robert Brook, 
residing at Port Tobacco, attended the chapel just erected 
near the house, and a little chapel 40 feet by 20 at Newport 
in Charles Co., and another only 30 feet long on the Boar- 
man estate near Zekiah Swamp Creek, the Recollect Father 
Basil Hobart also maintaining a chapel at his residence a 
mile and a half from Newport ; while the chapel at Don- 
caster in Talbot Co., " a clapboard house," was unattended 
and had perhaps been under a Rev. Mr. Smith. 2 

The next year Maryland was visited by a pestilence, and 
the Catholic priests showed their wonted zeal and devoted- 
ness. In many parts there were no Protestant clergy, or 
none who would face the danger, and the priest was fre 
quently summoned to the bedside of a sufferer. Their care 
and attention won so many to the faith, that an Episcopal 
minister addressed a letter to Nicholson which he sent to the 
Legislature. That body took alarm, and in an address to the 

1 Perry, "Historical Collections," iv. (Maryland), pp. 20-23; Scharf, 
i., pp. 345, 364. The Mortuary List. 

2 A priest of tins name is alluded to as now or late of Taibot County. 


governor said : " Upon reading a certain letter from a rev 
erend minister of the Church of England which your Excel 
lency was pleased to communicate to us, complaining to your 
Excellency that the Popish priests in Charles County do, of 
their own accord, in this raging and violent mortality in that 
county, make it their business to go up and down the county, 
to persons houses when dying and frantic, and endeavour to 
seduce and make proselytes of them, and in such condition 
boldly presume to administer the sacrament to them ; we 
have put it to the vote in the House, if a law should be made 
to restrain such their presumption or not ; and have con 
cluded to make no such law at present, but humbly entreat 
your Excellency that you would be pleased to issue your 
proclamation to restrain and prohibit such their extravagance 
and presumptuous behaviour." 

Such a proclamation probably issued. Ministers of the 
Gospel were forbidden in time of pestilence to visit the sick 
who were abandoned by their own pastors or destitute of 
them ! One would think that steps to increase the numbers 
or efficiency of the established clergy would have been more 

Yet the matter did not drop there. Some time after, the 
Upper House paid this tribute to the zeal of Father William 
Hunter. 3 Addressing the governor, they say : " It being 
represented to this board that William Hunter, a Popish 
priest, in Charles county, committed divers enormities in 
disswading several persons, especially poor, ignorant people 

1 " Maryland Manuscripts at Fulham," cited by Hawks, ii., p. 79. 

2 Father William Hunter, a native of Yorkshire, entered the Society of 
Jesus in 1679, and after a year on the English mission came to Maryland 
in 1692. He was Superior of the Mission from 1696 to 1708, and died at 
Port Tobacco August 15, 1723, at the age of 64. Foley, " Eecords," 
vii., p. 385 ; " Woodstock Letters," xv., p. 93. 


of the Church of England, from their faith and endeavour 
ing to draw them to the Popish faith, consulted and debated 
whether it may not be advisable that the said Hunter be 
wholly silenced, and not suffered to preach or say mass in 
any part of this province, and thereupon it is thought advis 
able that the same be wholly left to his Excellency s judg 
ment to silence him or not, as his demerits require." 

The Legislature resolved to annoy, if they could not crush, 
the Catholics. A law had been passed in 1696, under which 
it was evidently intended to make attendance on the Church 
of England service compulsory, but it was annulled by the 
King s Council in 1699 on the express ground that it con 
tained " a clause declaring all the laws of England to be in 
force in Maryland ; which clause is of another nature than 
that which is set forth by the title in the said law." The 
Legislature did not venture to act under the vague terms of 
this law by ordering any prosecution of the Catholic clergy. 

The Franciscan Father Basil Hobart ? and the Jesuit lay 
brother Nicholas Willart, whose deaths are reported in 
1698, were perhaps victims to their zeal, early pioneers in 
the long catalogue of priests and religious who have been 
martyrs of charity in the land of Mary. 

The Catholics had now entered on a period of great trial. 
The proprietary deprived of his government of the colony 
could exert no influence, and even his personal rights in the 
province he had secured only in part, the Assembly defying 
a royal decision. 

Year by year new laws were enacted bearing more and 
more heavily on Catholics. Thus in 1700 an act was placed 
on the statute-book which required the use of the Book of 

1 Scharf, " History of Maryland/ i., p. 864. 

2 "Acts of Chapter held in England," July 10, 1698. This Father 
had been laboring on the Maryland mission from 1674. 


Common Prayer " in every church or other place of public 
worship," but the remonstrances against a statute which 
affected the Presbyterian and the Friend no less than the 
Catholic, prevented its receiving the royal assent. 1 

The Church of England took a step toward organizing in 
America by sending out the Rev. Dr. Bray as Commissary. 
Yet in his first visitation this high official addressing a min 
ister arraigned for his scandalous life, bore testimony to the 
high character of the Catholic clergy. " It so happens, that 
you are seated in the midst of papists, nay, within two miles 
of Mr. Hunter, the chief amongst the numerous priests at 
this time in this province ; and who, I am credibly informed 
by the most considerable gentlemen in these parts, has made 
that advantage of your scandalous living that there have 
been more perversions made to popery in that part of Mary- 
Land since your polygamy has been the talk of the country, 
than in all the time it has been an English colony." 2 

The English Government indeed began to feel that its 
neglect of all care for the religious condition of its subjects 
in America was not creditable to the realm or to the richly 
endowed church established by law. The Charter granted 
by William III. on the 16th day of June, in the thirteenth 
year of his reign, to " The Society for the Propagation of the 
Gospel in Foreign Parts," admits the delinquency in a coarse 
and vulgar fling at the Catholic clergy whose zeal and disin 
terested labors were such a striking contrast to their revilers. 
" Many of our loving subjects," it says, " do want the admin 
istration of God s word and sacraments, and seem to be 
abandoned to atheism and infidelity ; and also for want of 
learned and orthodox ministers to instruct our said loving sub- 

1 Hawks, ii., p. 973 ; Scharf, i., pp. 365-6. 

2 " The Acts of Dr. Bray s Visitation, held at Annapolis, in Maryland * 
London, 1700, p. 12. Hawks, " Contributions," ii., pp. 497, etc. 


jects in the principles of true religion, divers Romish priests 
and Jesuits are the more encouraged to pervert and draw 
over our said loving subjects to Popish superstition and idol- 

Humphreys, the Historian of the Society, recording the 
work of the Society to the year 1718, is very cautious and 
gives no account of the extent of the Catholic Church in 
Maryland. There is not the slightest claim by him that the 
missionaries of this Protestant Society had gained any con 
verts from the ranks of the Catholics, but writing after a law 
had been passed to prevent the introduction of Catholic ser 
vants, he contents himself with saying : " the number of 
Papists who went over there hath decreased." 

Thus from hostile testimony we draw some idea of the 
labors of a prominent Catholic clergyman in Maryland at 
this time. 

By a law passed in 1702 which received the royal sanc 
tion, the English acts of toleration were extended to Protest 
ant dissenters in Maryland, who were permitted to have 
service in their meeting-houses when registered. The Cath 
olic was thus left the only victim of intolerance and op 
pression in a province founded by Catholics. 2 

John Seymour, the royal governor sent over in February, 
1703, was a fit instrument for the enforcement of an un 
christian policy. 

Soon after his arrival a complaint was lodged before him 

1 Humphrej^s, "An Historical Account of the Incorporated Society 
for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts." London, 1730, p. 
xvi., p. 21. 

2 And Maryland "presented the picture of a province, founded for 
the sake of religious opinion by the toil and treasure of Roman Catholics, 
in which of all who called themselves Christian, none, save Roman Cath 
olics, were denied toleration." Rev. Dr. Hawks in " Contributions," 
ii., p. 117. 



that Father William Hunter had consecrated a chapel, and 
that Father Robert Brooke had said mass in court time in 
the old Catholic chapel at Saint Mary s, as the Catholic 
clergy had done since the founding of the colony. The 
governor summoned the priests before him and his council, 
September 11, 1704, and though the accused asked to be at 
tended by their counsel, Charles Carroll, this was refused. To 
the charge of consecrating a chapel Father Hunter replied 
that " he did not consecrate it, for that is an Episcopal func 
tion, and that nobody was present but himself in his common 
priest s vestments, and that neither under his Excellency s 
eye, nor in his presence, but if any such thing was done, it 
was above fourteen months ago, and long before his Excel 
lency s arrival." Father Brooke pleaded justly that he had 
only done what others had formerly done without cavil. 

The action and language of the wretched bigot who then 
governed Maryland are thus recorded, and are a picture of 
unexampled arrogance, insolence, and intolerance : 

" Advised that this being the first complaint the said Mr. 
Hunter and Mr. Brooke be severely reprimanded, and told 
that they must not expect any favor, but the utmost severity 
of the law upon any misdemeanor by them committed ; and 
being called in 5 his Excellency was pleased to give them the 
following reprimand : 

"It is the unhappy temper of you and all your tribe to 
grow insolent upon civility, and never know how to use it, 
and yet of all people you have the least reason for consider 
ing that if the necessary laws that are made were let loose, 
they are sufficient to crush you, and which (if your arrogant 
principles have not blinded you) you must need to dread. 

" You might, methinks, be content to live quietly as you 
may, and let the exercise of your superstitious vanities be 
confined to yourselves, without proclaiming them at public 


times and in public places, unless you expect by your gaudy 
shows and serpentine policy, to amuse the multitude, and 
beguile the unthinking weakest part of them, an act of de 
ceit well known to be amongst you. 

" But, gentlemen, be not deceived, for though the clem 
ency of her Majesty s government, and of her gracious in 
clinations leads her to make all her subjects easy, that know 
how to be so, yet her Majesty is not without means to curb 
insolence, but more especially in your fraternity, who are 
more eminently than others abounding with it ; and I assure 
you the next occasion you give me you shall find the truth 
of what I say, which you should now do, but that I am will 
ing upon the earnest solicitations of some gentlemen to make 
one trial (and it shall be but this one) of your temper. 

"In plain and few words, gentlemen, if you intend to live 
here, let me hear no more of these things, for if I do and 
they are made good against you, be assured I ll chastise you ; 
and least you should flatter, yourselves that the severities of 
the laws will be the means to move the pity of your judges, 
I assure you I do not intend to deal with you so. I ll remove 
the evil by sending you where you will be dealt with as you 

" Therefore, as I told you, I ll make but this one trial, and 
advise you to be civil and modest, for there is no other way 
for you to live quietly here. 

" You are the first that have given any disturbance to my 
government, and if it were not for the hopes of your better 
demeanour you should now be the first that should feel the 
effects of so doing. Pray take notice that I arn an English 
Protestant gentleman, and can never equivocate." 

The two priests, who had really violated no law of the 

1 " Proceedings of the Council," cited by Scharf, i., p. 368. 


province, who had not been indicted or tried, were then dis 
charged, but the matter did not end there. The House of 
Delegates, always in Maryland more violently anti-Catholic 
than the Upper House, sent an address to Governor Seymour 
on the 19th of September, 1704, to express their satisfaction 
with his course and thank him for it. 

The Council also " taking under their consideration, that 
such use of the Popish chapel of the City of Saint Mary s, 
in St. Mary s County, where there is a Protestant church, 
and the said County Court is kept, is both scandalous and 
offensive to the government, do advise and desire his Excel 
lency the Governor, to give immediate orders for the shut 
ting up of the said Popish chapel, and that no person pre 
sume to make use thereof under any pretence whatever. 

" Whereupon it was ordered by his Excellency the Gover 
nor, that present the Sheriff of St. Mary s County, lock up 
the said chapel and keep the key thereof." 

Thus was the first Christian place of worship in Maryland, 
founded by the Catholics in 1634, wrested from them for 
ever. Of its subsequent fate, there is nothing to tell us. 8 

Anti-Catholic legislation and action were not confined to 
Maryland, though elsewhere, where Catholics were few and 
there were no priests or chapels, the enactments were com 
paratively harmless. 

In 1700 the Earl of Bellomont, Governor of New York, a 
fierce anti-Catholic zealot, son of a Colonel Coote, whose 
butcheries of Catholics in Ireland stand out horribly even on 
the records of that unhappy island, contrived to carry through 

1 Scharf, i., p. 369; "Woodstock Letters," xiii., p. 276. The early 
records of St. Mary s County down to 1827 have perished. Letter of 
J. Frank Ford, County Clerk. 

- According to the tradition of the Catholics of St. Mary s County, a 
barn occupies the site of the first chapel reared for the worship of Al 
mighty God in Maryland. 


the New York Legislature the first penal act against the 
Catholic clergy, and Massachusetts, of which he was also 
Governor, almost simultaneously passed a similar act. 

Common as misrepresentation in regard to Catholics then 
was and later too, the preamble of the !N"ew York act is a 
remarkable instance of disregard of truth as the context was 
of humanity. " Whereas divers Jesuits, Priests and Popish 
missionaries have of late come and for some time have had 
their residence in the remote parts of this Province, and 
others of his Majesty s adjacent colonies, who, by their 
wicked and subtle insinuations, industriously labour to de 
bauch, seduce and withdraw the Indians from their due obe 
dience to His most sacred Majesty, and to excite and stir 
them up to sedition, rebellion, and open hostility against his 
Majesty s government," says this preamble, although the ex 
istence of the missionaries and their residence in Xew York 
would be very difficult to prove, and the acts charged are 
without a particle of testimony in fact or probability. Yet 
the law enacted that every priest remaining in the province 
after the passage of the law, or coming in after November 1, 
1700, should be " deemed and accounted an incendiary and 
disturber of the public peace and safety, and an enemy to the 
true Christian religion, and shall be adjudged to suffer per 
petual imprisonment." Any priest imprisoned under the 
act who escaped from his dungeon was liable to the penalty 
of death if he was retaken. Any one who harbored a Cath 
olic priest was subject to a fine of two hundred and fifty 
pounds, and was to stand 011 the pillory for three days. 1 

The next year a law passed by which " Papists and Popish 
recusants were prohibited from voting for members of as- 

1 "An Act against Jesuits and Popish Priests," "Acts passed. . . . 
July, Aug., Oct., 1700," in "The Laws of Her Majesties Colony of New 
York." New York, 1710, p. 37. 


sembly, or any office whatever from thenceforth and for 

The Massachusetts law passed by Bellomont s influence 
was almost identical in language. 1 

Not to be behind in zeal for the Protestant supremacy, the 
Maryland Legislature, stimulated by Governor Seymour, who 
was incensed against the Catholics because they refused to 
make up a purse for him, passed an act, on the 3d of Octo 
ber, 1704, " to prevent the growth of popery within this 
province." 2 Its provisions contrast strangely with the char 
ity and liberality of the laws passed while Catholic influence 
prevailed. This law enacted that " whatsoever popish bishop, 
priest, or Jesuit, should baptize any child or children, other 
than such who have popish parents, or shall say mass, or ex 
ercise the function of a popish bishop or priest within this 
Province, or should endeavor to persuade any of his majes 
ty s liege people to embrace and be reconciled to the Church 
of Kome," should, upon conviction, pay the sum of 50 and 
be imprisoned for six months. And if, after such conviction, 
any popish bishop, priest, or Jesuit, should say mass or exer 
cise any function of a priest within the province, or if any 
persons professing to be of the Church of Rome should keep 
school, or take upon themselves the education, government, 
or boarding of youth, at any place in the province, upon con 
viction such offenders should be transported to England to 
undergo the penalties provided there by Statutes 11 and 12, 
"William III., " f or the further preventing the growth of 
Popery." And the fourth section provided that if any 

1 "An Act against Jesuits and Popish Priests." "Acts and Laws 
passed by the Great and General Court or Assembly, begun 29th of 
May, 1700." London, 1724, p. 169. 

2 " A Compleat Collection of the Laws of Maryland," Annapolis, 1727, 
p. 201. Acts of 1704, ch. 59. 


Popish youth shall not, within six months after he attains 
his majority, take the oaths prescribed, he shall be incapable 
of taking lands by descent, and his next of kin being a Prot 
estant shall succeed to them ; that any person professing the 
Catholic faith shall be incompetent to purchase lands. An 
other section provided that any person sending his child 
abroad to be educated in the Catholic faith should forfeit 

Another clause providing that " Protestant children of Pop 
ish parents might not, for want of a suitable maintenance, be 
compelled to embrace the Popish religion contrary to their 
inclinations," enacted, " if any such person refused a proper 
support to his Protestant child that the governor or keeper 
of the great seal should have power to make such order 
therein as suited the intent of the act." ] 

Of this fearful law of persecution the Rev. Dr. Hawks, 
an Episcopal clergyman, says : " The enactment enforced a 
gross violation of the best feelings of human nature ; it for 
bade a parent to fulfil the first duty which he owed to his 
offspring, that of instruction ; and dissolving filial obliga 
tion, offered to a wayward child a premium for youthful 
hypocrisy. He who can speak of such a law in any terms 
but those of indignant reprobation, deserves himself to en 
dure all its penalties." 2 

The act made the performance of any duty by a priest or 
bishop a crime : he could not baptize, offer the holy sac 
rifice, hear confessions, preach, or attend the dying. No 
Catholic could teach, no Catholic could send his child out of 
the province to receive instructions from those of his faith. 

1 "Acts of Assembly," passed in the province of Maryland, from 
1692 to 1715. London, 1723, p. 24. 

2 Hawks, " Contributions to the Ecclesiastical History of the United 
States," iii., pp. 125-127. Scharf, "History of Maryland," i., pp. 369- 


When this act was promulgated Maryland was in a fer 
ment. The Catholics complained of the hardship, ingrati 
tude, and injustice of such a penal law, for which they had 
not given the slightest pretext by any action on their part. 
Numbers of their Protestant neighbors sympathized with 
them so that the Assemblymen declared that it was neither 
their intention nor desire to forbid Catholics the free exer 
cise of their religion, and they addressed the governor asking 
that the Assembly should be reconvened. As soon as it 
met, the Legislature on the 9th of December suspended the 
operation of this law for eighteen months, as against priests 
exercising their functions only in the house of a Catholic 
family. 1 

The law did not emanate from the delegates, it would 
seem, but was probably sprung upon them by some tactics 
of the governor, whose hatred of the Catholics was intense. 

Another act of this year imposed a fine of twenty pounds 
on any one who brought in the sturdy arms of an Irish pa 
pist to till the soil of Maryland. 8 

It may seem somewhat strange to find the English sov 
ereign and government intervene to protect any part of the 
people from the intolerance and sectarian tyranny of a colo 
nial assembly, but such was now actually the case. The 
Commissioners of Trade and Plantations were shocked at the 
injustice of Governor Seymour and his pliant Assembly. 
After consulting with the Bishop of London, who was re 
garded as the Diocesan of the Anglican Church in the colo 
nies, they petitioned Queen Anne to extend her royal pro 
tection to her menaced Catholic subjects in America. Anne 

1 Bacon s "Laws," 1704, ch. 9. 

8 " Liberty and Property ; or, the Beauty of Maryland displayed," 
etc. " By a Lover of his Country." 


favored the Clmrch of England, and personally did more 
for it in America than any other English sovereign, her 
name being gratefully remembered to this day ; but in Mary 
land and Xova Scotia she won as enduring a claim to the 
gratitude of Catholics, and in both provinces for many a 
year the faithful appealed to her kindly interposition as their 
protecting segis. The Acts of the Maryland Assembly 
" being taken into her Majesty s Koyal Consideration, out of 
her Gracious Tenderness to all her Subjects, behaving them 
selves peaceably and quietly under Her Majesty s Govern 
ment she has been Graciously pleased by Her Order to His 
Excellency the Governour of this Province, bearing date at 
the Council Board at Whitehall, the Third Day of January, 
1T05, to direct that a New Law or Clause of a Law should 
be Enacted in this Province, whereby the said Act of Assem 
bly, suspending the Execution of that Part of the said First 
mentioned Law for preventing the Growth of Popery, viz., 
as to the Prosecution of any Priests of the Communion of 
the Church of Rome, incurring the Penalties of the said 
Act, by exercising their Function in a private Family of the 
Roman Communion, but in no other Case whatsoever, may 
be continued, without any other Limitation of Time than 
until Her Majesty s further Pleasure be declared and signi 
fied therein." And in obedience to this order of Queen 
Anne, the Maryland Assembly, March 26 April 15, 1707, 
passed the required law. 1 

The new act stands as a proof that the Catholics of Mary 
land had behaved themselves peaceably and quietly under 
Her Majesty s Government, for had it been possible for Sey 
mour and his followers to allege the contrary, as a pretext 

1 "A Compleat Collection of the Laws of Maryland," Annapolis, 1727, 
p. 50. 


for their tyrannical intolerance, they would not have failed 
to present charges to that effect. 

They had, however, already sought to elude the effect of 
the temporary suspension of the Act by passing a law, for 
extending to Maryland a certain act in regard to marriages, 
to which was added, in a way to escape notice, a clause that 
all the Penal acts mentioned in a law of I William III. 
" shall be and are in full force to all Intents and Purposes 
within this Province." * But the royal sanction to this law 
was withheld on the ground that it embraced matters not 
clearly expressed in the title. 2 

An indication of the feeling prevailing in Maryland at this 
epoch is seen in a little work printed at Boston, in 1707, prob 
ably because there was no press in Maryland to issue it. It 
was entitled, " A Catechism against Popery for Christians in 
Maryland." * 

The next year the Sheriffs of the several counties were re 
quired to report the number of Catholics within their several 
counties, and in a population exceeding forty thousand only 
2,974 were returned by the officers, nearly one-half, 1,238, 
being in Saint Mary s County, with 709 in Charles, and 248 
in Prince George s Counties. In the rest of the province 
the number was small, 161 in Anne Arundell, 53 in Balti 
more, 48 in Calvert Counties ; while on the eastern shore it 
was even less, 49 in Cecil, 40 in Kent, 179 in Queen Anne, 
89 in Talbot, 79 in Dorchester, and 81 in Somerset. This 

1 Laws, p. 48 The Act of 1704 was formally repealed in 1717. Ibid., 
p. 201. 

2 Rev. George Hunter, S. J. " A short Account of y e State and Con 
dition of y e Roman Catholicksin y e Province of Maryland, collected from 
authentick copys of y e Provincial Records and other undoubted testi- 

3 Thomas, "History of Printing," Second Edition, ad ann. 1707. 


little flock the vanguard of the phalanx of the faith in the 
English-speaking part of America, were guided by the great 
Father William Hunter, still Superior ; Father Robert Brooke, 
of the family from which Charles Carroll of Carrollton was a 
scion ; George Thorold, who was in time Superior ; Thomas 
Mansell, and William Wood, who came to the mission in 
1700, Father Mansell in 1704, founding the mission at Bohe 
mia, in Cecil County, near the more Christian and less intol 
erant province of Pennsylvania. 1 

The exemption granted temporarily, and confirmed per 
petually by Queen Anne s directions, allowed the offices of 
the Church to be performed only in a private family. 
Henceforward to the end of British rule, no separate Cath 
olic church or chapel was allowed. The step taken by the 
early missionaries in securing lands was now to show its prov 
idential character. The houses of the missionaries were 
adapted or new ones erected in such a form that while to all 
intents and purposes each was a dwelling-house, a large room 
within was a chapel for the Catholics of the district. The 
house of some Catholic planter at a convenient distance would, 
by the zeal and piety of the owner, have under the general 
roof a chapel-room where his family and neighbors could 
gather to join in the awful sacrifice so pleasing in the eyes of 
God, so terrible to hell. The ancient Carroll mansion at 
Doughoregan manor is a type of one of these private chapels 
which alone for generations enabled the Catholics in that dis- 

1 Rev. W. P. Treacy, "Catalogue of our Missionary Fathers," 1634- 
1805. " Woodstock Letters," x., p. 15 ; xv., pp. 90-1. Scharf, " History 
of Maryland," i., p. 370, and authority cited. 

Father Robert Brooke, of a pious Maryland family, one of the earliest 
American members of the Society, was sent back to his native province 
about 1696, and was Superior of the Mission from 1710 to his death at 
Newtown, July 18, 1714. Foley, "Records," vii., p. 91 ; "Woodstock 
Letters," xv., p. 93. 


trict to enjoy the privilege of worshipping God. Of the priest 
chapel-houses the most perfect example now remaining is 
the Rock Creek or Hickory Mission in Harford County, of 
which a sketch will be given in this work, as well as the 
ground-plan and elevation of a similar structure reared in the 
last century on the eastern shore. 1 

" When divine service was performed at a distance from 
their residence, private and inconvenient houses were used 
for churches." " Catholics contributed nothing to the sup 
port of religion or its ministers ; the whole charge of their 
maintenance, of furnishing the altars, of all travelling ex 
penses, fell on the priests themselves, and no compensation 
was ever offered for any services performed by them, nor did 
they require any so long as the produce of their lands was 
sufficient to answer their demand." 2 

1 See "Woodstock Letters/ vi., p. 13. 
8 "Bishop Carroll s Account." 



WHILE religion was thus oppressed in Maryland, Penn, 
who had recovered his Province of Pennsylvania, practiced, 
as far as he dared, the principles of religious liberty which 
he shared with the Cal verts and James II. 1 But with the 
prudent caution which marked his career, he avoided coming 
to any issue with the home government, fully aware that any 
collision on that point would imperil his power to do good 
and endanger the religious freedom of his own community. 

In the first clause of the Charter of Liberties and Privi 
leges, October 28, 1701, which reaffirmed the toleration al 
ready established, it was provided : " And that all persons 
who also profess to believe in Jesus Christ, the Saviour of 
the world, shall be capable (notwithstanding their other per 
suasions and practices in point of conscience and religion) to 
serve the government in any capacity, both legislatively and 
executively, he or they solemnly promising when lawfully 

1 In New Jersey the Liberty of Conscience proclaimed in 1702 ex- 
cepted Papists and Quakers. In Carolina, members of Assembly bad to 
receive communion in the Anglican church by Act of 1704. " Through 
out the Colonies at the beginning of the eighteenth century the man who 
did not conform to the established religion of the colony . . . . if he 
were a Roman Catholic was everywhere wholly disfranchised. For him 
there was not even the legal right of public worship." C. J. Stille, 
"Penn. Mag. of Hist.," ix., p. 375. All colonial officers were, by a 
declaration of Queen Anne in 1702, required to take the test oath, and 
thus all Catholics were excluded. Ibid., p. 390. See " Woodstock Let 
ters," vi., p. 13. 



required, allegiance to the king as sovereign, and fidelity to 
the Proprietor and Governor." 

Encouraged by the liberality of Penn s government, many 
Catholics, unable to settle in Maryland, began to make their 
homes in Pennsylvania. Who the pioneer Catholics were, 
and who was the first priest, is a point now involved in ob 
scurity. Evidence from several sources shows that mass was 
openly offered in Philadelphia at the close of 1T07, or early 
in the ensuing year, and Lionel Brittain, a man of means and 
position, became a convert to the Catholic faith. The Rev. 
John Talbot, an Anglican clergyman at Burlington, New 
Jersey, and a nonjuring bishop, learned these facts in New 
York, and reported them January 10, 1708, to the Secretary 
of the Society for Propagating the Gospel, and the next 
month, in a letter to Keith, mentions the conversion of sev 
eral persons. 1 

During those days of general persecution, Catholics in 
most parts of the British Empire acted with great caution so 
as not to excite hostility, but in Philadelphia they showed 
less prudence. The fact that mass was openly said, became 
known in England, and was made the basis of accusation 
against Penn, who wrote to Logan : " Here is a complaint 
against your government that you suffer publick mass in a 
scandalous manner." 

There is, however, no Catholic record or tradition as to the 

1 " Since Mr. Brooke, Mr. Moore, and Mr. Evans went away there s 
an Independancy set up again at Elizabeth Town, Anabaptism at Bur 
lington, and the Popish Mass at Philadelphia." Letter of Rev. John 
Talbot to the Secretary of the Soc. Prop. Gosp., New York, January 10, 
1707-8. Hill s "Hist. Burlington," p. 78. "I saw Mr. Bradford at 
New York ; he tells me mass is set up and read publicly in Philadelphia, 
and several people are turned to it, amongst which Lionel Brittain, the 
church warden, is one, and his son another." Letter of Rev. John Tal 
bot to Rev. Mr. Keith, 14th February, 1707-8. "Doc. Hist. P. E. 
Church, Connecticut," ii., p. 37, New York, 1862. 


Catholic clergyman whose zeal attracted this general notice, 
nor do we know anything of his flock. 

The place where the first mass was offered is not clearly 
settled. Watson, the annalist of Philadelphia, on the author 
ity of Samuel Coates, stated that it was the house at the 
northwest corner of Front and Walnut Streets. A later and 
careful historian, Thompson Westcott, raised a doubt by 
showing that this property belonged to Griffith Jones, a 
member of the Society of Friends, and one of the early 
Mayors of Philadelphia. But Jones or his grantee was the 
neighbor of the Catholics, Meade and Brown, near Nicetown, 
where a Catholic chapel is traditionally reported to have ex 
isted on ground once possessed by him. It is certainly a 
curious fact that his name is thus connected with two spots 
where Catholics are reported to have gathered to worship 
God. 1 Moreover, as early as 1698, Jones was suspected of 
disaffection, and was arrested as the writer of a petition fa 
voring the Anglican Church. 2 

We are up to this time equally in the dark as to the priest 
who officiated for the Catholics of Philadelphia in 1708 ; 
no evidence has yet been found. None of those who have 
written on the Jesuit missions in Maryland mention any 
Father of the Society as laboring in Pennsylvania prior to 
Father Greaton, whose name does not appear on the Mary 
land mission before 1721. 3 It may have been Father Man- 
sell from Bohemia, or the English Franciscan Father, James 

1 " Pennsylvania Magazine of History," ii., p. 447 ; iv., p. 423. 

2 Perry, " Papers relating to the History of the Protestant Episcopal 
Church in Pennsylvania," p. 10. A stepdaughter of Jones seems to 
have married into the Catholic family of Willcox. " Penn. Mag. of 
Hist.," x., p. 124. 

3 F. Treacy, " Catalogue of our Missionary Fathers," 1634-1805 ; 
" Woodstock Letters," xv., p. 93. 


Haddock, or one of the Scotch Fathers of that order, Peter 
Gordon, or Clement Hyslop, or indeed some secular priest. 1 

Induced probably by the hostility of the Maryland au 
thorities, the Catholics in the province seem to have moved 
towards the friendly borders of the territories of William 
Penn, taking up grounds and settling in the northern parts 
of both shores. The clergy took steps to extend their minis 
try to this new flock. As already stated, Father Thomas 
Mansell, a native of Oxfordshire, who had entered the Soci 
ety of Jesus in 1686, and after his ordination had been sent 
to Maryland in 1700,* is said to have taken up his residence 
about 1704 in Cecil County, near the manor of Augustine 
Herman. Two sisters of the name of O Daniel had obtained 
a warrant for lands, which they bequeathed to Father Man- 
sell and William Douglass. On the 10th July, 1706, Father 
Mansell obtained a patent for 458 acres, under the name of 
Saint Xaverius. It lay a few miles southeast of the junction 
of the Great and Little Bohemia Rivers. The estate was sub 
sequently enlarged by the purchase of the St. Inigo tract 
from a neighboring Catholic proprietor, James Heath. 8 
Here the manor-house became at once a residence for the 

1 Oliver, " Collections illustrating the History of the Catholic Relig 
ion," etc., London, 1857, p. 541. " Cong. Int.," Lond., January 30, 1699- 
1700, p. 167. 

Watson s traditional account was accepted by Catholics generally, and 
no one seems to have questioned it. Col. Bernard U. Campbell, Bishop 
O Connor, Archbishop Kenrick, all adopted it, and Henry de Courcy 
de La Roche Heron, finding it accepted by men of such standing 
in the Church, gave it on their authority in his Sketch of the Church 
which I translated. Dishonest writers attack this hist gentleman as though 
he had invented the story. They even cite Mr. de Courcy s words 
as mine ; I had written nothing on the history of the Church in Penn 
sylvania except in private letters, having called Mr. Westcott s attention 
to Brittain s conversion and the presence of Recollect Fathers. 

9 Foley, " Records of the English Province," vii., p. 487. 

3 Geo. Johnston, " History of Cecil County, Maryland," pp. 195-199. 


missionaries and a chapel for the Catholics in the vicinity, 
while those residing at other points on the peninsula were 
visited at stated periods by the priests stationed at Bohemia, 
which was known as " St. Xavier s Residence on the Eastern 
Shore." The stations attended from Bohemia were not as 
numerous as those in the older Catholic parts and the duty 
more laborious. The priests of St. Xavier s mission laid the 
foundation of Catholicity in Delaware by establishing a mis 
sion at Apoquinimink, where mass was said at stated times, 
perhaps at the residence of the Holohan family, who had 
settled on Mount Cuba. 2 

We get an idea of the labors of the priests at Bohemia 
from a description by Father Mosley several years later,, 
when things must have improved somewhat. 

" Ye congr . . . . ns are fewer but y e rides much longer. 
On y e 1 st Sunday 50 mile where I pass y e whole week in that 
Neighbourhood in close Business with y e Ignorant. On y f; 
2 nd I go down y e Chesapike Bay 40 mile farther, which 
makes me 90 mile from Home ; y e other 2 Sundays are 

When Father Mansell began his establishment at Bohemia, 
" it is highly probable that he brought w r ith him the ancient 
cross, which has been at Bohemia ever since. 3 This cross is 
about five feet high, and is said to have been brought to St. 

1 Father Mosley speaks of Bohemia as a fine plantation " nigh Phila 
delphia, which is a vast advantage." The lands at Bohemia were be 
queathed by Father Mansell to Thomas Hodgson, February 20, 1723. 
The founder of the Bohemia mission died March 18, 1724, aged 55, 
having been Superior of the Mission in 1714 and for several years 
thereafter. Foley, " Records," vii., p. 487 ; " Woodstock Letters," xv., 
p. 93. 

2 Perry, "Papers relating to the Church in Pennsylvania," p. 313; 
" Woodstock Letters," xv., p. 223. 

3 Geo. Johnston, " History of Cecil County," p. 199. 



Mary s by the first settlers who came there from England. 
It is made of wrought-iron and certainly looks ancient 
enough to have been brought over by the Pilgrims who 
came over in the Ark and Dove. " 

There seems to have been some ground for hope of better 

times for the Church in 1711, 

as ^ our Fathers ^ tne S c i- 
ety of Jesus, Peter Attwood, 


FATHER PETEK ATTWOOD. Y Beaumont, Charles 

Brockholes, and Thomas 

Hodgson, were sent out in that year. The zealous Fathers 
Hunter and Brooke, the latter Superior of the Mission, with 
Mansell, Wood, and Thorold, 
seem to have composed the 
Jesuit body. 3 

Father George Thorold was 


sent to Maryland m 1700, and FATHER GEORGE THOROLD< 
labored there for more than 

forty years, after having done service in England. He was, 
with slight interruption, Superior of the Mission from 1725 
to 1734. He was of a Berkshire family, born February 11, 
1670, and died at St. Thomas Manor, November 15, 1742. 3 

1 The kitchen at Bohemia is believed to be Father Mansell s house and 
chapel. A larger chapel-house was soon erected. 

" In 1705 the present house of St. Inigoes was erected, under Father 
Ashbey, with the bricks of the old Church of St. Mary s, which had 
been brought from England. About the same time a small church was 
erected in the chapel field and a graveyard attached to it." Bishop Fen- 
wick, " Brief Account of the Settlement of Maryland." 

- Henry Foley, Records of the English Province of the Society of 
Jesus," vii., pp. 23, 43, 87, 91, 364, 385, 487, 774. The young Father 
Henry Poulton died September 27, 1712, at the age of 33. Ibid., p. 623 ; 
Treacy, " Catalogue of our Missionary Fathers "; " Woodstock Letters," 
xv., p. 93; xiv., p. 378. 

3 Foley, " Records," vii., p. 774 ; " Woodstock Letters," xv., p. 95. 


Father Peter Attwood, an active and zealous missionary of 
this period, was the son of George Attwood, Esq., of Beverie, 
and Winifred Petre. He entered the Society of Jesus when 
about twenty-one, and coming to Maryland in 1Y11 was on 
active duty, showing ability in the management of affairs. 
He was on two occasions Superior of the Mission, and died 
while still in office on Christmas day, 1734. 1 

Lord Baltimore at this time, and perhaps on other occa 
sions, contributed to the support of the missionaries who 
were exposed to the persecution of governors in whose ap 
pointment he had no voice. In his " Instructions, power 
and authority to Charles Carroll, dated September 12, 1Y12," 
he directs that gentleman as his agent to pay yearly eight 
thousand pounds of tobacco to " Mr. Robert Brooke and the 
rest of his brethren, being in all eight persons," and he or 
ders the payment of another thousand pounds to " Mr. James 
Haddock," the Franciscan missionary already mentioned. 2 

In 1713 the cause of Catholicity in Maryland received a 
sad blow. Benedict Leonard Calvert, heir to the Barony, in 
the hope of recovering in time the control of the Province 
of Maryland, for which the English Government required 
apostasy from the true faith, w^eakly yielded, and on the 
third day of January renounced his religion. His father de 
plored the step and deprived his son of his income, till the 
Government compelled him to make an allowance. The 
young man s apostasy did not secure the boon that he cov 
eted ; he survived his father only a short time, and died 
without recovering his rights in Maryland. His infant son, 
Charles Calvert, Lord Baltimore, was brought up a Protest 
ant. When he came of age he was acknowledged as Lord 

1 Foley, " Records," vii., p. 23 ; " Woodstock Letters," xv , p. 94. 

2 Kilty, " Land-Holder s Assistant," p. 129. The eight seems to include 
only those in the lower counties, omitting Mansell, who was at Bohemia. 


Proprietor, and the house of Calvert till it ended in dishonor 
was one of the Protestant powers of the province. 

The influence of this desertion was naturally great. There 
were in Maryland weak Catholics who had been borne up 
and strengthened hitherto by the courageous fidelity of the 
Lords Baltimore and their families. Some of these began to 
waver ; some even thought it no shame to follow the sad ex 
ample of the late Lord Proprietary, and sacrifice their faith 
in order to secure immunity from dangers which seemed to 
threaten the whole Catholic body, or obtain civil rights and 
offices. 1 

The alarm among the adherents of true religion was in 
creased by the course of the Assembly in exacting new 
oaths from all who held any office in the province. A law 
of April 26, 1715, required every official to take oaths ab 
juring all allegiance to the son of the exiled king, James II., 
and swearing allegiance to George I. This did not affect 
Catholics, as such, but the Act of July IT, 1716, effectually 
excluded Catholics from any even the humblest office in the 
province which they had built up by their industry and en 
nobled by their liberality. To hold an office every man was 
required to take an oath of allegiance to King George ; an 
oath of abhorrence of the Pope s right to depose sovereigns ; 
an oath abjuring James III., and an oath that he did not be 
lieve in Transubstantiation. 

Even after taking this string of oaths an officer in Mary 
land was not yet sure of his position. For if he should at 
any time thereafter " be present at any Popish Assembly, 
Conventicle, or Meeting, and joyn with them in their Ser 
vice at Mass, or receive the Sacrament in that Communion," a 

1 Scharf, " History of Maryland," i., p. 379. 

2 "A Compleat Collection of the Laws of Maryland," Annapolis, 1727, 
pp. 74, 161-4. 


he forfeited his office, and became disqualified for any 

To prevent an increase of the Catholic body by immigra 
tion, a tax of twenty shillings was imposed in 1716, on every 
" Irish papist " servant introduced into the province, and 
this tax was doubled the next year. 1 

This was followed by the complete disfranchisement of 
the Catholics. An act regulating the election of delegates 
begins, " And whereas notwithstanding all the measures that 
have been hitherto taken for preventing the Growth of 
Popery within this Province, It is very obvious, that not 
only profest Papists still multiply and increase in Number, 
but that there are also too great numbers of others that ad 
here to and espouse their Interest in opposition to the Prot 
estant Establishment," and after reciting the dangers to be 
feared from Catholics electing a candidate the statute enacted, 
" That all profest Papists whatsoever, be (and are hereby de 
clared) uncapable of giving their vote in any Election of a 
Delegate or Delegates," unless they took the oaths required 
of office-holders. 2 

Yet the Catholic clergy only nerved themselves to greater 
zeal, and that their labors were not without fruit is evident 
from a letter addressed by Governor Hart to Bishop Robin 
son, of London, where speaking of the Anglican clergy he 
wrote : " I am sorry to represent to your lordship, that there 
are some whose education and morals are a scandal to their 
profession, and I am amazed how such illiterate men came 
to be in holy orders. The advantage which the Jesuits have 
from their negligence is but too evident in the many prose- 

1 " A Compleat Collection of the Laws of Maryland," Annapolis, 1721 
p. 192. 

2 Ibid., p. 197. 


lytes they make." l And the same governor addressing the 
Anglican clergy in 1718, expressed his regret that " Jesuits 
and other Popish emissaries " were gaining proselytes, and 
the assembled ministers admitted the fact as they had done 
two years before. 2 

The transportation to the plantations in America of many 
Scotchmen who had taken part in the rising in favor of the 
son of James II., must have thrown some Catholics into 
Maryland, and the two Scotch Recollects were apparently 
still in the country and may have ministered to them. 3 

The observance of the holidays of the Church by Cath 
olics in the midst of a Protestant population has always 
raised difficulties. The Jesuit Fathers in Maryland in 1722, 
through their provincial Father Hill, sought the decision of 
Bishop Giffard. Finding that many Catholics took the lib 
erty of working on holidays of obligation in a most disedify- 
ing manner, because such labor was, under certain contin 
gencies, a matter of necessity, the missionaries submitted to 
the Yicar- Apostolic regulations which they had adopted, 
aiming to carry out the spirit of the church by enforcing the 
proper observance of all the festivals she prescribed, but 
authorizing servile labor by farm-hands employed in getting 
in the crops, on any holidays that occurred between the be 
ginning of May and the end of September, excepting, how 
ever, Ascension, Whitmonday, Corpus Christi, and Assump 
tion, on which no work was allowed. On all holidays with 
out exception Catholics were required to hear mass, if said 
at a chapel within their reach, and when there was no mass 
said at any place which they could conveniently attend, 

1 Maryland MSS. in Records at the Episcopal Palace, Fulham, cited 
by Dr. Hawks, " Contributions," ii., p. 139. 
2 Hawks, " Contributions," ii., pp. 149, 161. 
3 Scharf, "History of Maryland," i., p. 385. 



Copvilto hv Job: _T.5hea..lSSe. 


parents and masters were to have public prayers, catechism, 
and spiritual reading. 

Bishop Gifikrd approved the regulations as equally pru 
dent and pious, " because," he writes, u there is a due regard 
to religious duties and corporal necessities. Wherefore I 
approve of the said regulations and order them to be ob 
served. London, December 21, 1722." 

These regulations remained in force apparently till the 
number of holidays for the Catholics of England was. re 
duced by Pope Pius VI. (March 9, 1777). 

Dr. Bonaventura Giffard, D.D., Bishop of Madaura and 
Vicar- Apostolic of the London District, who thus showed 
his zeal and interest in the welfare of his transatlantic flock, 
was a prelate of piety and learning long connected with the 
church in England. He was born at Wolverhampton of an 
ancient family in 1642, and at an early age lost his father, 
who was killed fighting for the king. After a course at 
Douay College he pursued his ecclesiastical studies at Paris, 
and took his degree from the Sorbonne, in 1677. He was 
appointed chaplain to James II., and on the 12th of January, 
1688, was elected by the Propaganda Vicar-Apostolic of the 
Midland District, and was consecrated April 22d, apparently 
by the Pope s Nuncio. James made him also President of 
Magdalen College, Oxford. He was ejected on the accession 
of William III., and was confined for nearly two years in 
Newgate Prison, and then in Hertford jail. In 1703 he was 
transferred to the London District, over which he presided 
to his death, on the 12th of March, 1734, governing also 
from 1708 to 1713 the Western District. 

He was such an object of persecution that he was com 
pelled to change his dwelling-place fourteen times in a sin 
gle year, large rewards tempting the priest- hunters to procure 
his arrest. 


In 1720 Henry Howard, brother of the Duke of Norfolk, 
was appointed Bishop of Utica, and coadjutor to Bishop Gif- 
fard, but he did not live to receive episcopal consecration, 
dying of a fever contracted in visiting the sick poor of his 
flock, in March, 1721. The Et. Rev. Benjamin Petre appoint 
ed coadjutor, succeeded Bishop Giffard, in the London Yica- 
riate and the charge of the American mission. Bishop Gif- 
fard was interred at St. Pancras Church, London, but his 
heart was taken to Douay. 1 

About this time Catholics and Catholicity seemed to have 
invaded the very capital of the Province of Maryland, as the 
Carrolls not only had a residence at Annapolis, but actually 
had a Catholic chaplain, Father John Bennet. The Calverts, 
though they had conformed to the State Church, showed a 
kindly interest in those who had suffered for their fidelity to 
the house of Baltimore. Though an intolerant legislature 
could disfranchise Catholics and deprive them of office, it 
could not prevent the Lord Proprietor from employing Cath 
olics in his private business. Charles Carroll as agent of 
Lord Baltimore enjoyed a kind of immunity which greatly 
incensed the foes of the Catholics. 

In 1723 there were twelve Jesuit Fathers on the Mary 
land mission, and as a Catalogue notes, " scattered through 
this immense tract of country, they strenuously labor in pro 
tecting and propagating the Catholic faith. Four temporal 
coadjutors attended to the care of their domestic affairs, and 
the cultivation of the land, the produce of which is sufficient 
to support all the members. Besides the land, there is no 
other source of support belonging to the mission." 

In 1725 we obtain another gleam of the zeal of the Cath- 

1 Brady, " Annals of the Catholic Hierarchy," Rome, 1883, pp. 203, 
149. Besides the rare portrait here copied there is said to be one ~by 
Du Bosc. 


olic clergy in Maryland. " The Jesuits were not idle," 
writes Dr. Hawks. " Their number had increased, and they 
not unfrequently challenged the Protestant clergy to public 
doctrinal disputations, such as have often occurred in the 
history of the Church ; and of no one of which can it be 
truly recorded (as we believe) that it has accomplished any 
good purpose." . . . . " The clergy of the establishment, 
however, did not decline the challenge." 

That Father Atwood maintained the truth against the Rev. 
Giles Rainford, we glean from a letter of that Protestant 
clergyman. 1 The little body of missionaries lost Father William 
Hunter in 1723, and Father Mansell, the founder of Bohemia, 
in the year following, but their number was increased in 172-i by 

the arrival of Fath- 
ers John Bennet, 
James Whitgrave, 
Francis Floyd, 
Henry Whetenhall, 
Peter Davis, and 
James Case. 

By the death of 
Father Haddock, 
who apparently 


STOCK, among the Jesuit 

Fathers to one of 

whose houses he had retired, closed the Franciscan Mission 
in Maryland, 2 and the whole care of the Catholics in the Brit- 

1 Hawks, "Contributions," ii., p. 180, citing Maryland Manuscripts, 
Fulham ; Perry, "Historical Collections," iv. (Maryland), pp. 251-252. 

2 Father Haddock signs himself in one place, "Jacobus Haddock, O. 
Min. Strict. Ob. Prov. Anglise in terra Mariana et coeteris partibus occi- 
dentalibus missionarius," which seems to indicate that some of his work 


ish provinces devolved on the Jesuit Fathers, who had from the 
outset alone constantly and persistently adhered to this field of 
mission labor. 1 In England the missions confided to the Soci 
ety were at times in charge of secular priests under their ap 
pointment. It is not impossible that secular priests may 
have been similarly employed by them on the Maryland mis 
sion, but no evidence exists to justify a probable suspicion of 
any actual case. 

Upon the accession of George II. to the throne of England 
in 1727, the Catholics of Maryland sent over a congratulatory 
address to the king, in testimony of their fidelity and duty. 

This document is worth inserting, as one of the few docu 
ments in which the Catholics of the province, as a body, ad 
dressed the throne. 

There is no reason to doubt their sincerity, as the Lords 
Baltimore and the Maryland Catholics had not been especially 
favored by James II., and had never taken any active part 
or shown any open sympathy in the attempts made by his 
son to regain the throne. 


" The humble address of the Eoman Catholics of the 
Province of Maryland. 


" We your Majesty s most dutiful subjects the Eoman 
Catholic inhabitants of the Province of Maryland, under the 
government of the Lord Baltimore, Lord and Proprietary 
thereof, out of our true and unfeigned sense of Gratitude for 
the great clemency and goodness of your late Eoyal Father 

in the ministry was outside of Maryland. He was in that province in 
1699-1700. " Archives Prov. Neo-Eb. Maryland S. J." 

1 Treacy, " Catalogue of our Missionary Fathers," Woodstock Letters, 
xv., p. 91 ; "Regist. F F. Min. Prov. Anglise," p. 210. 


toward us, humbly beg leave to express to your Majesty the 
share we bear with the rest of your Majesty s subjects in the 
general grief of the British Empire on the death of our late 
most gracious sovereign, and as we have the same happiness 
with them to see your Majesty peaceably succeed to the 
crown of your great Father, we humbly beseech your Maj 
esty to give us leave to join with them in our hearty con 
gratulations and in all humility we beg your Majesty s gra 
cious acceptance of our constant allegiance and duty according 
to our utmost capacity in this remote part of your Majesty s 
Dominions and we humbly hope by our Loyalty and a steady 
and constant adherence to our duty to deserve some share 
in that tender concern your Majesty has been so graciously 
pleased to express for all your subjects. We are 

" May it Please your Majesty, your Majesty s most dutiful 

Subjects and Servants." 

This address was presented by Lord Baltimore, wiio at the 
time held a position at Court. 

The centenary of the settlement of Maryland did not pass 
unnoticed. A " Carmen Seculare " was addressed to Lord 
Baltimore by a Mr. Lewis, of which, however, only an extract 
was printed. The poet thus speaks of Cecilius, the second 

" Maturest wisdom did liis act inspire, 
"Which ages must with gratitude admire, 
By which the Planters of his land were freed 
From feuds that made their native country bleed ! 
Religious feuds which in an evil hour, 
Were sent from hell poor mortals to devour ! 
Oh ! be that rage eternally abhor d 
Which prompts the worshippers of one mild Lord, 
For whose salvation one Redeemer died, 
By wars their orthodoxy to decide ! 
Falsely religious human blood to spill 
And for God s sake their fellow-creatures kill 1 
Horrid pretence ! 


Long had this impious zeal with boundless sway, 
Most direful urged o er half the earth its sway, 
Tyrannic on the souls of men to prey ! 
Til great Cecilius, glorious Hero, broke 
Her bonds, and cast away her yoke ! 
What praise, oh ! Patriot, shall be paid to thee ! 
Within thy province, Conscience first was free 
And gained in Maryland its native Liberty." 1 

This laudation of the spirit of religious liberty which ani 
mated Cecilius, Lord Baltimore, would not have been ad 
dressed to his successor had he been in sympathy with the 
spirit of persecution then dominant in Maryland. 

When, in 1733, Charles L, Lord Baltimore, came over in 
person to assume the government of the province and adjust 
the border disputes which had long existed with the neigh 
boring colony of Pennsylvania, the Catholics addressed him 
and again renewed the expression of their loyalty and fidelity 
to the ruling dynasty. 

Though he had abandoned their communion, Lord Balti 
more could not but bear testimony to their loyalty. u I 
thank you," he says in his reply, " for your kind address and 
cannot but be in a particular manner pleased with that duti 
ful regard which you express for his Majesty and the royal 
family, the continuance of which, will always secure to you 
my favour and protection." : 

All this helped the Catholics in darker days to show that 
when men s minds were not heated by prejudice and passion, 
none thought of ascribing to them any conduct incompatible 
with their duties as subjects and colonists. 

The forty pounds of tobacco per poll granted to each 

1 "Gentleman s Magazine," December, 1737. A note refers to the 
famous Act allowing Liberty of Conscience and punishing the use of op 
probrious names. 

2 Rev. George Hunter, "A Short Account," etc. 


clergyman of the Established Church from every one in 
his parish proved most disastrous. They became tobacco 
dealers, and incurred the hatred of all classes, while all the 
efforts of their superiors failed to make the Maryland clergy 
of the Establishment worthy of the respect of their own 
flock. A historian of that body says, under date of 1734 : 
" The papists did not fail to take advantage of the trouble in 
the church of which we have spoken. The number of their 
priests, most of whom were Jesuits, greatly multiplied, and 
they had several places of worship in different parts of the 
province ; indeed, in some parts, they were more numerous 
than the protestants. They flattered themselves that they 
were about to acquire the ascendancy, as under the adminis 
tration of Governor Calvert, many of them had been put 
into offices of honor and profit which they still retained. 
Most diligent were the priests also in distributing pamphlets 
among the people, the object of which was to maintain the 
Church of Rome ; and in all cases when a female of the 
Romish communion intermarried with a protestant, it was 
customary to make a previous contract that all the daughters 
of the marriage should be educated as papists. By thus se 
curing the future mothers of the country, the priests felt 
that they had very quietly accomplished, what has ever been 
with them the great end, of directing the early education of 
the country. Their prospects were certainly never more 
promising than at this time, for in some counties they were 
compared with the protestants, in the proportion of three to 
one : throughout the province, however, the latter were the 
more numerous body." : 

In Pennsylvania there is no notice of any priestly service 
for the Catholics from 1708 to 1729, at which time, accord 

1 Hawks, " Contributions," ii., p. 221. 


ing to a tradition recorded by Watson, there was a Catholic 
chapel near the city of Philadelphia. " At that time Eliza 
beth McGawley, an Irish lady and single, brought over a 
number of tenantry and with them settled on the land (now 
Miss Dickinson s) on the road leading from Nicetown to 
Frankford. Connected with her house (now standing oppo 
site Gaul s place) she had the said chapel." 

Bernard U. Campbell records in the following words a 
tradition ascribed to Archbishop Neale, who, while serving 
in Philadelphia, had opportunities of hearing accounts from 
aged Catholics : 

" The Superior of the Jesuits in Maryland having been 
informed that there were many Catholics in the capital of 
Pennsylvania, resolved to endeavor to establish a mission 
there. The priest designed for this duty had an acquaint 
ance in Lancaster of the name of Doyle, whom he visited 
and requested to furnish him the name of some respectable 
Catholic in Philadelphia. Being referred to a wealthy old 
lady remarkable for her attachment to the ancient faith, he 
waited on her in the garb of a Quaker, and after making in 
quiries about the various denominations of Christians in the 
city, asked first if there were any Catholics, and finally, if 
she was one ; to which she answered in the affirmative. He 
informed her that he also was of the same communion. 
Being informed that the Catholics had no place of worship, 
he desired to know, if they would wish to have a church. 
To which the lady replied, they would most certainly, but 
the great difficulty would be to find a clergyman ; for al 
though there were priests in Maryland, it was impossible to 
procure one from thence. He then informed the lady that 
he was a priest and of the intention of his visit. Overjoyed 

1 Watson, "Annals of Philadelphia," i., p. 453. 


at the sight of a priest after many years privation of that 
consolation, she communicated the intelligence to her Cath 
olic acquaintance and invited them to meet him at her house. 
A considerable number assembled, the most of whom were 
Germans. The priest explained to them the object of his 
visit, and a subscription was immediately commenced to pro 
cure the means to purchase ground and build a church. 
With the money raised they purchased the house and lot be 
longing to the lady, who also acted very generously in pro 
moting the pious undertaking." 1 

These two traditions seem to refer to the same chapel ; a 
lady has mass at her house, and a chapel is raised by sub 
scription. Archbishop Neale s statement cannot apply to St. 
Joseph s, which was begun some years later, on another plan, 
by a Jesuit Father purchasing land and rearing a house. 

Mr. Thompson "Westcott could find no documentary evi 
dence to substantiate Watson s statement, no Miss McGawley 
appearing as a holder of land in that vicinity, and finding 
that a Catholic gentleman living near the place conveyed 
lands to Father Greaton in 1747, he says: "If there ever 
was any Roman Catholic Chapel near Nieetown, it must have 
been built on this ground bought by Father Greaton and 
after 1747." 2 But this is very illogical ; a purchase of land 
in 1747 is perfectly compatible with the existence of a chapel 
on other ground in 1729. 

1 Campbell, "Life and Times of Archbishop Carroll," U. S. C. M., 
iv., pp. 252-3. He does not tell how or where this was first recorded. 
It is presumed to refer to Father Greaton and St. Joseph s, but seems 
more properly to refer to the earlier chapel near Nicetown, which a lady 
is said to have had on her own ground. In those days there are fre 
quent allusions to Catholics passing as Quakers, w r ith how much founda 
tion it is not easy to say. Perry, p. 202. 

3 History of Philadelphia." 


According to Townsend Ward, 1 the Priests Chapel was on 
Crump s land, north of the property owned by Dr. Brown. 
Watson cites the authority of Deborah Logan and Thomas 
Bradford, who remembered to have seen the ruins of such a 
chapel, and there is not the slightest documentary evidence 
or tradition to sustain the theory of a Catholic chapel on the 
ground conveyed to Father Greaton in 1747. 8 

As early as 1744 Father Schneider visited the Catholics 
near Frankford and Germantown, and was at the house of 
Doctor Brown, performing a baptism there, recording it in 
terms that show that his host was regarded as a person of 
some consequence. 3 There is evidence, therefore, that there 
were Catholic services in that vicinity before the deed of 

A mystery hangs over another matter connected with the 
early mission in Pennsylvania. Sir John James, apparently 
of Crichall, Essex, who was knighted May 14, 1665, 
established a fund of 4,000, which was held by the Yicar- 
Apostolic of London, and by his direction forty pounds a 

" Pennsylvania Magazine of History," iv., p. 423. 

2 The statement of the tradition as to the chapel given by Watson was 
accepted by Bishop Kenrick, who wrote to B. U. Campbell in 1845 that 
it was "conformable to local tradition, although the inscription on the 
tombstone does not determine the priestly character of Brown. The 
Natives were so convinced of the fact that they mutilated the stone in 
the late riots." Campbell on this guarantee, and Bishop O Connor in his 
Seminary Report, accepted it. Henry de Courcy accepted it and so gave 
it ; and I cannot see that Mr. Westcott has disproved it, though he 
showed, what Father Schneider s Register shows, that Dr. Brown w T as a 
married man. Yet Mr. de Courcy has been assailed in his honored grave 
with brutal insult because he stated what Bishops Kenrick and O Connor 
and Colonel Campbell had endorsed. 

3 174^ 30 Apr. in domo Dni Dris Brown Bapt. est Christiana nigra 
adulta, serva ejusdem Dris Brown, Patr. erant idem Dr. Brown et uxor 
ejus." Register of F. Schneider. 


year were to be applied for the benefit of the poor Catholics 
of London, and the residue to support the Catholic mission- 
ers in Pennsylvania. It was regarded as annexed to the 
church in Lancaster, and for many years gave twenty pounds 
annually to four missions in Pennsylvania. 1 

The founder of the fund was a convert w T on to the faith 
by the Rt. Rev. Dr. Challoner, and Archbishop Carroll im 
plies that the German Fathers were introduced into Penn 
sylvania to attend their countrymen by means of it. " I 
know nothing more of the generous founder," wrote Bishop 
Kenrick in 1815, u but this is certainly an evidence of 
zeal." 2 

That there were Catholics in the province in 1729 is evi 
dent from the fact that a boy, born in Pennsylvania Septem 
ber 22 in that year, John Royall, entered the Society of 
Jesus abroad, and died in England in 1770. He is probably 
the first native of Pennsylvania ordained to the priesthood. 3 

It is claimed, too, that mass was said about 1730 at the 
residence of Thomas "Willcox, at Ivy Mills, Delaware County, 
the ancestor of a well-known Catholic family, and strangely 
enough the Willcoxes seem to have been related to Griffith 

After this period of obscure beginnings of Catholicity in 
Pennsylvania, on which, it is to be hoped, some patient and 
thorough local investigator may in time throw light, we come 
to the more definite fact of the establishment of a congrega 
tion in Philadelphia which persists to this day. 

From the station established at Bohemia, the Fathers of 

1 " U. 8. Oath. Hist. Mag ," ii., p. 86. 

2 Smyth, " Present State of the Catholic Mission," gives an absurd ac 
count of the origin of the fund, which he did not know to have been 
created in England and held by the Vicar- Apostolic. 

3 Foley, " Records of the English Province," vii., p. 674 



the Society of Jesus in Maryland in time extended their 
missions into the Province of Pennsylvania. Unfortunately 
no contemporaneous documents are known which record the 
name of the first missionary or the time and place where his 
services began. 

When the Rev. John Carroll was appointed Prefect-Apos 
tolic, he was directed by the Propaganda to send an account 
of the Church in the United States. He drew up a paper, 
as he himself states, " from very imperfect memoirs," and it, 
of course, contained many inaccuracies, for as most of his life 
had been spent in Europe, he had not enjoyed the opportu 
nity of conversing with the older missionaries who had passed 
away during the quarter of a century of his absence. His 
statement, diffidently put forward by the illustrious author, 
is, however, the basis of nearly all that has since been written 
in regard to the Church in Philadelphia : 

" About the year 1730 or rather later, F r . Greaton, a Jesuit, 
(for none but Jesuits had yet ventured into the English colo 
nies) went from Maryland to Philadelphia, and laid the foun 
dations of that congregation, now so flourishing : he lived 
there till about the year 1750, long before which he had suc 
ceeded in building the old chapel, which is still contiguous 
to the presbytery of that town, & in assembling a numerous 
congregation, which at his first going thither, did not consist 
of more than ten or twelve persons. I remember to have 
seen this venerable man at the head of his flock in the year 
1748. He was succeeded by the Rev. F r . Harding, whose 
memory remains in great veneration ; under whose patronage 
and through his exertions the present church of St. Mary s 
was built. 

" In the year 1741 two German Jesuits were sent to Penn 
sylvania for the instruction and conversion of German Emi 
grants who from many parts of Germany had come into that 


province. Under great hardships and poverty they began 
their laborious undertaking, which has since been followed 
by great benedictions. Their names were F r . Schneider from 
Bavaria and F r Wapeler, from the lower Rhine. They were 
both men of much learning & unbounded zeal. Mr. Schnei 
der, moreover, was a person of great dexterity in business, 
consummate prudence and undaunted magnanimity. Mr. 
Wapeler having remained about eight years in America & 
converted or reclaimed many to the faith of Christ, was 
forced by bad health to return to Europe. He was the per 
son who made the first settlement at the place now called 
Conewago. Mr. Schneider formed many congregations in 
Pennsylvania, built by his activity and exertions a noble 
church at Coshenhopen & spread the faith of Christ far and 
near. He was used to visit Philadelphia once a month for 
the sake of the Germans residing there, till it was at length 
found proper to establish there permanently a German priest 
as the companion of F r . Harding. The person appointed 
was the venerable F r . Farmer who had come from Germany 
some years before & had lived an apostolical life at Lancas 
ter, in the same province of Pennsylvania. This event took 
place, I believe, about the year 1760 or rather later," 

No register, record, or report of Father Greaton exists to 
throw light on his ministry or fix the period when it began. 
Some papers are said to have existed down to recent times, 
but their character, antiquity, and contents are known only 
by recollection too vague to serve the historian. 

That some priest acquired property near Walnut Street 
about 1734 is attested by a public act. 

When the Provincial Council met on the 25th of July, 
1731, Patrick Gordon, the Lieutenant-Governor, who pre- 

1 Account in the handwriting of Archbishop Carroll still preserved. 


sided, informed the Board that " he was under no small con 
cern to hear that a house, lately built on "Walnut Street, in 
this city, had been set apart for the exercise of the Eoman 
Catholic religion, and is commonly called the Komish Chap- 
pel, where several persons, he understands, resort on Sundays 
to hear mass openly celebrated by a Popish priest ; that he 
conceives the tolerating of the publick exercise of that relig 
ion to be contrary to the laws of England, some of which 
(particularly the eleventh and twelfth of King William the 
Third) are extended to all his Majesty s dominions. But 
those of that persuasion here, imagining they have a right to 
it from some general expressions in the charter of privileges, 
granted to the inhabitants of thik orovernment by our late 
honorable Proprietor, he was desirous to know the sentiments 
of the Board on the subject." 

It was observed, hereupon, that if any part of the said 
charter was inconsistent with the laws of England, it could 
be of no force, it being contrary to the express terms of the 
royal charter to the Proprietary. But the council having sat 
long, the consideration thereof was adjourned to the next 
meeting, and the said laws and charters were then ordered to 
be laid before the Board. 

At the next meeting on the 31st of July, u it was ques 
tioned whether the said statute (11 & 12 William III., ch. 4), 
notwithstanding the general words in it, all others his Maj 
esty s dominions, did extend to the plantations in America, 
and admitting it did, whether any prosecution could be car 
ried on here by virtue thereof, while the aforesaid law of 
this province, passed so long since as the fourth year of her 
late Majesty Queen Anne, which is five years posterior to 
the said statute, stands unrepealed. And under this difficulty 
of concluding upon anything certain in the present case, it is 
left to the Governor, if he thinks fit, to represent the matter 


to our superiors at home, for their advice and directions 
in it." 

The Catholics, however, do not seem to have been mo 
lested, as no law or proclamation issued against them. 

Apparently on the statement of Archbishop Carroll, it is 
generally assumed that this house was erected by Father 
Joseph Greaton, and is said to have been on land purchased 
by him of John Dixon, south of Walnut Street and east of 
Fourth, May 15, 1733, but no deed is known to be in exist 

It is certain that prior to 1740 the Jesuit missionaries in 
Maryland had learned the condition, numbers, and residence 
of scattered Catholics in Pennsylvania and New Jersey. 
Finding that many were Germans, application was evidently 
made through the Provincial in England to the Provincials 
of the Order in Germany for some zealous priests able to 
minister to their countrymen in the colony founded by Will 
iam Penn. Several zealous and worthy priests responded to 
the call, and came over evidently with faculties from the 
Yicar- Apostolic of London. The first of these pioneers of the 
German priests in the United States was Father Theodore 
Schneider, who arrived in 1741. He was followed the next 
year by Father William Wapeler. In 1740-1 Pennsylvania 
appears in the records of the Society of Jesus as a distinct 
mission, under the title of Saint Francis Borgia, the saint 
who sent the first members of the Society of Jesus to Florida 
and Virginia. Father Joseph Greaton appears as the Supe 
rior of the new mission. The plan adopted in Maryland was 
pursued also in Pennsylvania. Lands were acquired by the 
missionaries with their own means, and held almost always 
in the name of Father Greaton, as his associates, generally 
Germans, being aliens, could not take title to land, and as 


Catholics were excluded from naturalization as British sub 
jects. 1 

Father Joseph Greaton, according to the most probable 
accounts, was born in London, February 12, 1679, and en 
tered the Society of Jesus on the 5th of July, 1708. After 
making his solemn profession eleven years later, he was as 
signed to the Maryland mission 2 in 1721. 3 He was certainly 
for many years pastor of Saint Joseph s Church, Philadel 
phia, and Superior of the Pennsylvania missions. It is to 
be lamented that we have so little that is authentic in regard 
to the long labors of this one of the founders of the Penn 
sylvania mission. 

Of the two German Jesuits who were his first auxiliaries, 
Father William Wapeler was a native of Neuen Sigmarin- 
gen, Westphalia, and was born January 22, 1711. He en- 

1 Deeds to Father Greaton, therefore, do not show his presence. I 
have met a receipt dated May 4, 1752, acknowledging payment in full by 
Father Greaton on lands at Colebrookdale, Goshenhopen, and Hanover. 
If the letters appealing to the German provinces can be found they will 
undoubtedly contain a statement of the condition of the Catholics in 

An Act of Parliament passed in 1740 (13th George II.), for naturaliz 
ing foreign Protestants and others therein mentioned, as are settled or 
shall settle in any of his Majesty s colonies in America, excluded from 
naturalization all, except Quakers and Jews, who did not receive com 
munion in some Protestant or Reformed Church within three months 
before taking the oath and making the declaration. 

2 Foley, " Records of the English Province," vii., p. 313. 

s Treacy, " Woodstock Letters," xv., pp. 93-4. In Mr. Foley s Tables, 
vii., p. cxxiii., there is no mention of Pennsylvania till "1740-1. Mission 
of Saint Francis Borgia, F. Joseph Greatou, Superior FF. 4," and iii., 
p. 396, he says : " We had opened a mission here about this year (1741), 
called Missio S. Fran. BorgiaB, Pennsylvaniae." As a sign of Catholic 
progress we may note that complaint was made in 1741 that " a native 
Irish bigotted Papist was set up as schoolmaster at Chester" by the 
Quakers. Perry, pp. 216, 220. 


tered the Society of Jesus at the age of seventeen. 1 Arriv 
ing in Pennsylvania in 1741, he founded the mission of the 
Sacred Heart at Conewago, by erecting a log-house. Early 
in 1742 he purchased some lots in Lancaster, 2 and began to 
erect a chapel there, for this building seems to have been rec 
ognized as a church from the very outset, and was dedica 
ted to Saint John Nepomucene. 3 Of Father Wapeler s 
labors we have scanty notices. After a few years the severe 
work of the mission, the constant journeys, extending appar 
ently beyond the Maryland frontier told on his health. His 
church at Lancaster perished by sacrilegious hands, Dec. 15, 
1760, but the Catholics at once began to rebuild. 3 The au 
thorities to their credit offered a reward for the incendiaries. 4 
As to Conewago we have less precise information. Ac 
cording to a statement in the history of a neighboring Prot 
estant church, a party of German emigrants in 1734-5 
passed a log mass-house near Conewago, but the statement 
seems vague. This district was settled under a Maryland 
grant of ten thousand acres by John Digges, in 1727, and 

1 Foley, "Records," vii., p. 813. 

2 The beginning of the Church in Lancaster is fixed by a letter of the 
Anglican minister, Rev. Richard Backhouse, June 14, 1742. " In Lan 
caster Town there is a Priest settled where they have bought some Lotts 
and are building a Mass-House, and another Itinerant Priest that goes 
back in y e country. This is a just and faithful account, which I re 
ceived last February in Lancaster Town from y e Prothonotary and some 
of the principal Justices of the Peace for that county." 

3 The church is said to have been completed in 1762. "Popery has 
gained considerable ground in Pennsylvania of late years. The profes 
sors of that religion here are chiefly Germans, who are constantly sup 
plied with missionarys from the Society of Jesus as they are pleased to 
style themselves. One of that order resides in this place, and had influ 
ence enough last summer to get a very elegant chapel of hewn stone 
erected in this Town." Thomas Barton to the Secretary, Lancaster, 
Nov. 8, 1762. Perry, p. 343. 

4 S. M. Sener, "An Ancient Parish," in "New Era." 


some Catholics may have coine in with the earliest colonists. 
The first mass is said to have been offered in the house of 
Robert Owings, on a slight elevation, about a quarter of a 
mile north of the present church of the Sacred Heart which 
occupies the site of Father Wapeler s humble chapel. Here 
by his zeal he converted and reclaimed many from sin and 
error. 1 Father "VVapeler returned to Europe in 1748, and 
was apparently succeeded by Father Neale, who did not sur 
vive long, and by Father Sittensperger (Manners). Many 
of the English and Irish settlers above Pipe Creek, and 
most of the Germans, were Catholics at this time. 2 

Of the third of the early missioners in Pennsylvania, 
who is referred to (in an ancient obituary list of the Province, 
and in a manuscript of Father Farmer) as the founder of the 
missions in that colony, Father Theodore Schneider, we have 
more satisfactory knowledge. He was a native of the Uni 
versity city, Heidelberg, Germany, where he was born, April 
7, 1703. He is said to have been Rector of the University, 
and professor of philosophy and polemics at Liege. His 
labors in Pennsylvania began in 1741, so that he renounced 
a brilliant future in the learned circles of his native land to 
devote the best years of his life to toilsome work among 
obscure emigrants in America. 3 His precious Register pre 
served at Goshenhopen is entitled, " Book of those Baptized, 
Married, and Buried, at Philadelphia, in Cushenhopen, Max- 
etani, Maguiischi, Tulpehaken, etc. Begun Anno Domini 

He was pastor of the German Catholics in Philadelphia 

1 Keily, " Conewago, A Collection of Catholic Local History," Mar- 
tinsburg, 1885, pp. 44, 45. The oldest Register in Conewago begins half 
a century after the foundation of the mission. 

2 " Affidavit of Henry Cassells of Frederic County," May 30, 1751. 

3 Foley, "Records," vii., p. 691. 


for many years, and his flock formed the majority of the 
faithful in that city ; but besides this he visited the scattered 
Catholics through many parts of Pennsylvania and New Jer 
sey, extending apparently into Delaware. The first entry 
records a baptism at the house of John Utzman in Falkner s 



s. / > 



Swamp, now called Pottsgrove, near the famous Kinging 
Hill, in Berks County. 1 Then follows a marriage at Phila 
delphia u in sacello nostro," being undoubtedly the oldest 
official record of any ecclesiastical act in Saint Joseph s 

1 See Schoepfs "Travels through Berks County, 1783." Perm. 
Mag. of Hist, v. p. 81. 


Church. Then we trace him to the Swedish settlements, 
to Bethlehem County, German town, and in the spring of 
1742 to Cedar Creek, and a cheerless district, where some 
Catholics had settled, so utterly unproductive as to obtain the 
title of "Allemangel" or "Lackall." 1 Toward the close 
of the year he returned by way of Lebanon and Xorth 
Wales to Philadelphia and Germantown. He soon, however, 
was in the Oley Hills, at Cedar Creek, New Furnace, and 
Maxetani, and in February, 1Y43, notes his coming to Cush- 
enhopen, where he in time reared an humble house, rather a 
chapel for the Catholics of that district than a home for him 
self, though he never gives it the name of church or chapel. 
The land he purchased of Beidler, a Mennonist, who had 
fallen out with the Brotherhood, and to mortify them sold 
his property to a Catholic priest. At the last moment he 
demanded security, but Father Schneider at once handed 
over the full amount and took the deed. 3 Here he soon had 
a school. In May he founded the mission at Haycock, cele 
brating the feast of the Holy Trinity in the house of Thomas 
Garden. Then we find him at Frankfort and his regular 
stations. Possessing medical skill, he travelled about as a 
physician, being thus enabled to avoid suspicion and danger. 
Laboring constantly to extend the benefit of his ministry to 
the poor miners and iron- workers, he crossed into JS^ew Jersey, 
and was at the house of Maurice Lorentz in August, 1743, and 
in October, at the Glass House 3 near Salem. The next year 

1 Rupp, " History of the Counties of Berks and Lebanon," Lancas 
ter, 1844, p. 122. 

- Tradition recorded in a letter of Father Lekeu, February 11, 1824. 
Deeds of Ulrick Beidler to Francis Neale, 1747, for 122 acres ; Thomas 
and Richard Penn to Joseph Greaton, 1752, for 373 acres 100 perches. 

3 Carkesse to Hill, July 31, 1740. "New Jersey Archives," vi., 
p. 98. Acton, " A short History of the Glass Manufacture in Salem 



he repeated his visits to that colony, was at Branson s Iron 
Works, at the Glass House, and in June records a baptism 
in the house of Matthew Geiger, which in his time and his 
son Adam s, was periodically visited by Father Schneider, 
and later by Father Farmer. 1 Before the close of the sum 
mer Father Schneider began a mission at Bound Brook. 


The Church was, however, under the ban in New Jersey, 
for in the Instructions to Lewis Morris, Governor of that 

Co., 1ST. J." Perm. Mag. of Hist., ix., p. 343. It was about a mile from 
Alloway. Shourds, " History of Fen wick s Colony," p. 360. 

1 This house, one of the earliest associated with Catholicity in New 
Jersey, is still standing, and I give an engraving from a photograph 
made for me. The old Registers of Father Schneider and Father Far 
mer enabled me to determine its proximity to Salem and Wister s Glass 
House. Investigation led to the house itself, still known in the neigh 
borhood as one where Catholics held service in the olden time. A Mr. 
Adam Kijar, a descendant of the early Geigers, still resides in Salem. 
Father Farmer s first visit to it noted in his register is June 27, 1759. 


colony in 1738, we read : " You are to permit a Liberty of 
Conscience to all Persons (except Papists)." 

In the next colony, New York, Catholicity was virtually 
extinct. The little body gathered there while James was in 
authority as Duke of York and King, had been scattered, 
and no indications are found of any Catholic residents. 
No priest visited the colony except some one brought in as a 
prisoner on a prize captured by a privateer. In the earliest 
New York newspapers, an examination of the files for several 
years gave only the following : 

u Ran away the 18th August, 1Y33, from Jacobus Van 
Cortlandt of the city of New York, a negro man slave, named 
Andrew Saxton the shirts he had with him and on his 
back are marked with a cross on the left breast. He pro- 
fesseth himself to be a Roman Catholic, speaks very good 
English." 2 

Some years after Backhouse, an Episcopal clergyman, 
speaking of the colony, wrote : " There is not in New York 
the least face of Popery." ; 

Somewhat later Leary, who kept a livery stable in Court- 
land Street and imported fine horses for officers and others, 
was one of the few avowed Catholics. 

In the Carolinas and Georgia Catholicity was practically 
unknown, for though a statement is printed of a Catholic 
settlement in North Carolina, it seems evidently fictitious, 
nothing being found to support it. 4 

New England was, of course, closed to the Church. In 

1 "New Jersey Archives," i., pp. vi, 38. Papists and Quakers had 
already been excluded from Liberty of Conscience in 1702. Stille, " Re 
ligious Tests," Penn. Mag. of Hist., ix., pp. 374-7. 

2 " New York Gazette," 1733. 

3 " Letter from Chester," June 26, 1748. 

4 In Bricknell, " History of North Carolina." 


1631 Sir Christopher Gardner on suspicion of being a 
Papist was seized and sent out of Massachusetts ; and when 
a minister in that year expressed the opinion that the Church 
of Eome was a true Church of Christ, the General Court 
denounced the opinion in a formal act. In 1647 a positive 
law enacted that all Jesuits should be forbidden to enter 
their jurisdiction. They were to be banished if they did, 
and put to death if they returned. 1 

Even in the days of James II., when the city of Boston 
gave the Catholic governor of New York and a Jesuit Fa 
ther an escort of honor, few Catholics entered New England. 
A French Protestant Kefugee, who was in Boston in 1687, 
wrote : " As for Papists, I have discovered since being here 
eight or ten, three of whom are French, and came to our 
church, and the others are Irish ; with the exception of the 
Surgeon who has a family, the others are here only in 
Passage." a 

During the border wars with Canada, New England pris 
oners taken to Canada in- some cases became Catholics, and 
not unfrequently remained there. Those who returned to 
New England, however, almost always relapsed. 

Such was the case of Christine Otis, who was brought up 
as a Catholic in Canada by her convert mother and married 
there. Left a widow she was won by Captain Thomas 
Baker, of Massachusetts, a commissioner sent to obtain a release 
of prisoners in that colony. Returning with him she be 
came his wife, leaving her mother and a daughter in Canada. 
The Rev. Francis Segue-not, one of the Sulpitian priests at 

1 "General Laws and Liberties of Massachusetts Colony," p. 67. It 
expressly, however, exempted from imprisonment any Jesuit shipwecked 
on the coast. 

2 Fisher, " Report of a French Protestant Refugee," Brooklyn, 1868, 
p. 30. The Surgeon was apparently Dr. Le Baron. 


Montreal, hearing that she had renounced the faith, addressed 
a long letter to her in June, 1727, urging her to repent and 
return. This letter seems to have attracted no little atten 
tion, as a translation was printed at Boston in 1729, with a 
reply which is ascribed to Governor Burnett. Seguenot s 
letter was undoubtedly the first argument on the Catholic 
side which had ever issued from the press of ISTew England. 1 

The Church in the English colonies was then confined 
mainly to Maryland and Pennsylvania, with a few Catholics 
in Virginia and !New Jersey. 

While Catholicity was then struggling to secure a perma 
nent foothold in Pennsylvania, the foreign relations and in 
ternal troubles of England had their effect on the position of 
Catholics in all the colonies. War broke out with Spain, in 
1739, and Spanish privateers menaced all the exposed places 
on the coast, and levies were made for expeditions against 
the colonies of the Catholic King in America. At the 
South, Oglethorpe aided by Carolina was actively engaged 
with the Spaniards in Florida. 

A revival of anti-Catholic feeling was soon apparent. In 
1740 or thereabouts the upper House in Maryland took 
ground against the Catholics, but in this instance the lower 
House showed a friendly disposition, and returned for an 
swer, " that they were well assured that the few of those 
people here amongst us had it neither in their power or in 
clination to disturb the peace or safety of the Province." 

Yet the Catholics had (done nothing to give offence either 
to the Government or their Protestant neighbors. In an 

" Letter from a Romish Priest in Canada, to one who was taken cap 
tive in her infancy, and instructed in the Romish faith, but some time 
ago returned to this her native country ; with an answer thereto. By a 
person to whom it was communicated," Boston, 1729. See American 
Catholic Quarterly Review, vi. , pp. 216-228. 


address some years later they said : " From the year 1717 or 
1718, to the year 1751, we were undisturbed, and though 
deprived of our rights and privileges, we enjoyed peace and 

In New York the mad feeling against Catholics in 1741 
caused the death of an unfortunate non juror Protestant cler 
gyman. The misconduct of a few slaves had filled the minds 
of the people with the idea that a fire which destroyed in 
part the chapel in the fort of that city, was the result of a 
negro plot for the massacre of the whites and the destruc 
tion of the city. In the height of this excitement a letter 
arrived from General Oglethorpe, then hotly engaged with 
the Spaniards. He wrote warning the northern governments 
against Spanish spies, chiefly priests, who were to burn the 
principal towns and magazines. Although a white man 
named Hughson, with his wife, and one Peggy Carey, with 
many negroes, had already been convicted and executed for 
a supposed plot of which Hughson had been sworn to be the 
originator, Oglethorpe s letter set the authorities to find a 
priest. The unfortunate nonjuring Episcopal clergyman, Rev. 
John Ury, a mild, inoffensive man, who lived by teaching, 
was arrested and brought to trial as the chief conspirator, 
and also for being a Roman Catholic priest remaining in the 
province in violation of Bellomont s law. The second charge 
was, of course, only to increase odium against him. The 
witnesses who on the previous trials had made Hughson the 
arch conspirator and never alluded to Ury at all, now con 
cocted an entirely new tale. Ury, like the rest of the ac 
cused, was not permitted to have any counsel. In spite of 
the glaring inconsistency of the witnesses and the weakness 
of the evidence against him, the jury, after hearing the in 
vectives of the prosecutor and the violent charge of Judge 
Horsinanden, deliberated only fifteen minutes, and then 


brought in a verdict of guilty. Ury was hanged on the 
15th of August, 1741. Among those executed were several 
Spanish negroes, taken prisoners of war, who claimed to be 
free, but were sold as slaves. While the negroes brought up 
in the colony died without any sign of Christianity, the his 
torian of the Negro Plot, Horsmanden himself, tells us that 
Juan, the Spanish negro, was " neatly dressed," " behaved 
decently, prayed in Spanish, kissed a crucifix, and died in 
sisting on his innocence to the last." 

Of his Catholicity there is no doubt : but Ury was evi 
dently what he claimed to be, a nonjuror. 1 

Pennsylvania had receded somewhat from the broad ground 
of religious freedom assumed by William Penn. From 1693 
to 1775 no one could hold even the most petty office in the 
province without taking an oath denying the Heal Presence 
and declaring mass idolatrous. None but Protestants were 
allowed by the Act of 1730 to hold land for the erection of 
churches, schools, or hospitals, and as we have seen, none but 
Protestants could be naturalized. The efforts of the Penn 
sylvania governors and assemblies to enlarge the religious 
freedom were constantly thwarted by the home government. 
The Pennsylvania authorities, though they submitted, seem 
to have made the laws virtually inoperative in many cases. 
German Catholics certainly held lands and had churches, 
without any attempt to dispossess them. In 1746 Daniel 
Horsmanden complained that many of Zinzendorf s German 
" countrymen have for several years successively been im 
ported into and settled in Pennsilvania, Roman Catholics as 

1 Horsmanden, " The New York Conspiracy, or a History of the Ne 
gro Plot," New York, 1744 ; " The New York Negro Plot of 1741," 
N. Y. Common Council Manual, 1870, p. 764; Chandler, "American 
Criminal Trials," Boston, 1844, i., p. 222. Ury s language is unmistak 
ably Protestant in tone. 


well as Protestants, without Distinction, where it seems by 
the Indulgence of the Crown, their Constitution granted by 
Charter, all Perswasions, Roman Catholicks as well as others, 
are tollerated the free Exercise of their Religion." 

The Pennsylvania authorities went further. On their 
western frontier were Indians, more or less under French 
influence, who menaced the exposed settlements. They knew 
that the French influence was acquired at first by the zealous 
labors of Catholic priests, and they prudently resolved to 
avail themselves of the Jesuit Fathers in the province to win 
the favor of the native tribes. 

The Senecas and other Western Indians were always well 
received at Philadelphia and encouraged to visit the Catholic 
missionaries. " When any of them come to Philadelphia," 
wrote Count Zinzendorf in 1743, " they go to the Popish 
chapel to Mass." The famous Madame Montour, wife of an 
Oneida chief, and on many occasions interpreter for the 
English, came to Philadelphia in her own carriage, and on 
one of the visits had her granddaughter baptized at Saint 
Joseph s. 1 

Jesuit Fathers, evidently by the wish and in the interest 
of the Pennsylvania government, attended conferences with 
the Indians. The Superior of the Maryland mission, Father 
Richard Molyneux, was with the Indians at Lancaster, just 
before the treaty made there in June and July, 1744. As 
the Pennsylvanians did not venture to avow their policy, this 
visit subjected Father Molyneux to suspicion in Maryland. 2 

1 Reichel, " Memorials of the Moravian Church," i., pp. 120, 99. 

2 " It is certain that about a fortnight before our treaty with y e Six 
Nations of Indians at Lancaster, Father Molyneux y e principal of our 
Jesuits was with them and there is good reason to suspect that he went 
as an agent for y e French, and that his business was no other than to 
dissuade y e Indians from making peace w th us." " Maryland Memorial 
to the Earl of Halifax." 




In that province, notwithstanding the general hostility of 
the legislature and the dominant church, Catholicity held its 
own, and succeeded in establishing a seat of learning, the 
fame of which is still preserved. Apparently, in conse 
quence of the alarm excited by Oglethorpe, a committee 
was appointed by the Town Meeting, Boston, Sept. 22, 1746, 
u to take care and prevent any Danger the Town may be in 
from Roman Catholicks residing here." 

Father Richard Molyneux was born in London March 26, 1696, and 
after mission services in England was sent to Maryland in 1733. Having 
been Superior of the Mission in 1736 and again in 1743, he returned to 
England in 1749. He enjoys the honor of having been arraigned for his 
faith before a civil tribunal. He died at Bonham, England, May 18, 
1766. "Woodstock Letters," xv., 94-97 ; Foley, "Records," vii., p. 514. 




THE war between England and France, which began in 
1744, however, greatly inflamed the minds of the Protestant 
colonists against the Catholics. The French in Canada men 
aced the English colonies, and Indians in their interest lay 
on their frontiers from Lake Ontario to the Tombigbee. 
Catholics were believed by the prejudiced colonists to be 
ready to join the French against their countrymen, although 
there were no facts or examples to sustain the prevalent 

When Charles Edward in 1745 raised his standard in 
Scotland and endeavored to regain for his father the throne 
of England, every Catholic in the colonies was believed to be 
a Jacobite and ready to commit any atrocity on his neighbors. 
The Catholics could only show by their conduct that the sus 
picions of their merciless persecutors were groundless. 

The mission at Bohemia prospered, and offered such ad 
vantages of seclusion, and such a ready means of removing 
beyond the reach of Maryland s persecuting laws, should any 
necessity arise, that it was decided to remove to it the acad 
emy which the Jesuit Fathers had maintained whenever it 
was possible. 1 

1 Young people were sent from Maryland to Catholic schools in Eng 
land, as well as to those on the continent. " Present State of Popery in 
England," London, 1733, p. 19. 



The classical school at Bohemia was opened in 1745 or the 
following year, under the supervision of Father Thomas 
Poulton, who joined the Maryland mission in 1738, and 
from 1742 to the commencement of 1749 was in charge at 
Bohemia. The terms for education at this early academy 
were 40 per annum for those who studied the classics and 
30 for those who did not. Peter Lopez, Daniel Carroll, 
Edward Neale, and others sent their sons to this Catholic 
seat of learning. Among the earliest known pupils were 
Benedict and Edward Neale, James Heath, Robert Brent, 
Archibald Richard, and " Jacky Carroll," a future arch 
bishop of Baltimore. The highest number of pupils did not 
apparently exceed forty. " Bohemia seems to have been 
for a long period in the early history of the American 
Church the Tusculum of the Society of Jesus." 

Father John Kingdon and Father Joseph Greaton were 
subsequently at Bohemia, and we can see from hostile sources 
that the academy was accomplishing a good work. It would 
be consoling to state that this early seat of learning had sur 
vived to our day ; but every vestige of it has disappeared, 
although it is well known that it stood on the lawn, a few 
feet south of the manse, and that the bricks that composed 
its walls were used in 1825 in erecting the dwelling-house. 1 

In 1760 a Protestant clergyman in Delaware wrote that 
" there was a very considerable Popish Seminary in the 
neighboring Province of Maryland," and that " this Semi 
nary is under the direction of the Jesuits." 2 

The Protestant rector of St. Stephen s parish, near the 
Jesuit Academy, was a Rev. Hugh Jones, who regarded his 
neighbors with no favorable eye. In 1739 he wrote to the 

1 " Bohemia" in " Woodstock Letters," vi., pp. 4-5, xiv., p. 354; B. 
U. Campbell in " U. S. Cath. Mag.," 1844, p. 34. 

2 Perry, p. 313. 


Secretary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel 
for books : " Since the Jesuits in my parish with them they 
favored and settled in Philadelphia seem to combine our ruin 
by propagation of schism, popery and apostacy in this neigh 
borhood, to prevent the danger of which impending tempest, 
tis hoped you will be so good as to contribute your extensive 
charitable benevolence, by a set of such books of practical 
and polemical divinity arid church history as you shall judge 
most suitable for the purpose." 

The apparent prosperity of the Jesuits at Bohemia did not 
render him more charitable. In 1745 he preached a sermon, 
which he published in the " Maryland Gazette " at Annapolis, 
as " A Protest against Popery." 

The Jesuit Fathers really had circulating libraries at their 
missions and encouraged the reading of good books. Mem 
oranda exist as to loans of volumes, and Father Attwood, in a 
letter to England, ordered a list of standard books for one of 
his flock. 2 

Yet bravely as the clergy were struggling to meet the 
wants of their flock, Catholics were liable at any moment to 
arrest. Thus in the "Annapolis Gazette " of March 25, 1746, 
we read : 

"Last week some persons of the Romish Communion, 
were apprehended, and upon examination, were obliged to 
give security for their appearance at the Provincial Court." 

The temper of the times may be seen in the following 
proclamation of the Governor of Maryland : 

1 Letter July 30, 1739. 

2 "Woodstock Letters," xiii., p. 72. The order of Father Attwood 
included the "Rheims Testament," Parson s "Three Conversions," 
"Catholic Scripturist," "Touchstone of the Reformed Gospell," the 
Whole " Manual," with Mass in Latin and English. 



" Whereas I have received certain information, -that sev 
eral Jesuits and other Popish priests and their emissaries 
have presumed of late, especially since the unnatural rebel 
lion broke out in Scotland, to seduce and pervert several of 
his Majesty s Protestant subjects from their religion, and to 
alienate their affections from his Majesty s royal person 
and government, altho such practises are high treason, not 
only in the priests or their emissaries who shall seduce and 
pervert, but also in those who shall be seduced or perverted. 
I have therefore thought fit, with the advice of his Lord 
ship s Council of State to issue this my Proclamation, to 
charge all Jesuits and other Popish priests and their emis 
saries to forbear such traitorous practises, and to assure such 
of them as shall dare hereafter to offend, that they shall be 
prosecuted according to law. And all magistrates within 
this province are hereby strictly required and charged, when 
and as often as they shall be informed, or have reason to sus 
pect, of any Jesuit or other Popish priests, or any of their 
emissaries, offending in the premises, to issue a warrant or 
warrants against such offender or offenders to take his or 
their examinations, and the examinations or depositions of 
the witnesses against them ; and if need be, commit such 
offender or offenders to prison, until he or they shall be de 
livered by due course of law. And I do hereby strictly 
charge and require the several Sheriffs of this province to 
make this my Proclamation public in their respective coun 
ties, in the usual manner, and as they shall answer the con 
trary at their peril. 

" Given at the City of Annapolis, this 3d day of July, 
Annoque Domini, 1746. T. BLADEN." 

1 "Maryland Gazette," July 22, 1746. 


It is interesting to know who were the terrible Jesuits 
against whom Maryland Protestantism and Maryland brains 
were so ineffectual. They were Fathers Richard Molyneux, 
Thomas Poulton in his Bohemia school, Yincent Phillips, 
Eobert Harding, James Farrar, Arnold Livers, Thomas 
Digges, Benedict Neale, James Ashbey, and James Le Motte. 
Jones " Protest against Popery," and Bladen s Proclamation 
do not seem to have alarmed these good Fathers. Some one 
of them prepared an answer to Jones u Protest against 
Popery " ; of course no printer would have dared to issue it 
from his press, and accordingly it was circulated in manu 
script. It leaked out that there was such a paper, and Jones 
was unhappy. He relieved his mind by inserting the fol 
lowing advertisement in a newspaper : 

" To the Jesuits established in Maryland and Pennsylvania. 


" Imagining myself principally concerned in the applauded 
answer to my Protest against Popery, that has been handed 
about by some of you in these parts, I have used all means 
in my power to procure one ; in order for which I applied 
to the gentleman on whom it is fathered, but he having in a 
very handsome manner disowned it, I presume I may be ex 
cused from making this my public request, that some one of 
you would vouchsafe to transmit me one of the books, that 
I may rejoin to any sophistical fallacies or sarcastical false 
hoods (those usual tropes of St. Omer) that I hear this smart 
performance (as your friends call it) abounds with ; assuring 
you that any assertions of mine that it truly demonstrates to 
be erroneous, shall readily be recanted. Your compliance 
with my request will confer a great favor on, 

" Learned Gentlemen, Your humble servant, 

"Bohemia, Sept. 15, 1746." ! " H. JoNES. 

1 " Maryland Gazette," Dec. 2, 1746. 


Among those arrested about tins time, was the Superior of 
the Maryland mission, Father Richard Molyneux, a native of 
London, who had been in America from 1733, and been 
twice placed at the head of the Fathers laboring in this coun 
try. He had shown his zeal for the public good by using 
his influence with the Indians at Lancaster. The proceed 
ings against him cannot be found in the Maryland archives, 
and there is no Catholic record known. In a document of 
the time strongly opposing the Catholics the affair is referred 
to in these terms : 

" In y e time of y e Rebellion this same F r Molyneux was 
taken up for treasonable practises, being carried before 
y e Provincial Court. He was so conscious of his guilt that 
he begged for liberty to leave the Province : the Judge, 
however, resolving to make an example of him, in order to 
get the fittest and clearest evidence of y e facts, postponed 
the affair for a few days, but Mr. Carroll, a Popish Gent", hav 
ing bailed him out, the Council called Mr. Molyneux before 
themselves, and having examined him privately, discharged 
him without any public mark of resentment." 

The panic spread to Virginia, which trembled., as its colo 
nists read on walls and fences such proclamations as this : 

" VIRGINIA, ss. : 

" By the Hon. William Gooch, Esqr., His Majesty s Lieu 
tenant Governor, and Commander-in- Chief of this Do 


" "Whereas it has been represented to me in Council, that 
several Roman Catholic priests are lately come from Mary- 

1 " Memorial to the Earl of Halifax." He undoubtedly convinced the 
Maryland Council that he was really carrying out the wishes of the Penn 
sylvania authorities. 


land to Fairfax county in this Colony, and are endeavouring 
by crafty Insinuations, to seduce his Majesty s good subjects 
from their Fidelity and Loyalty to his Majesty, King George, 
and his Royal House ; I have therefore thought fit, with the 
advice of His Majesty s Council, to issue this Proclamation, 
requiring all Magistrates, Sheriffs, Constables, and other His 
Majesty s Liege People, within this colony, to be diligent 
in apprehending and bringing to Justice the said Romish 
Priests, or any of them, so that they may be prosecuted ac 
cording to law. 

" Given under my hand in the Council Chamber in Will- 
iamsburg, this 24th day of April in the Nineteenth Year of 
his Majesty s Reign. 

" God Save the King." 

Some Catholic families had settled on the southern shore 
of the Potomac at Aquia Creek and above it, and priests 
ministering to this remote portion of their flock entered Vir 
ginia from time to time. 

Virginia seemed loth to be outdone by her sister colony, 
and had also placed on her statute-books a series of penal 
laws against the Catholics which are unparalleled in history. 
They began in January, 1641, when a Popish recusant was 
forbidden to hold office under a penalty of a thousand pounds 
of tobacco. The next year an act required every priest to 
leave Virginia on five days notice. Another statute of 1661 
required all persons to attend the service of the Established 
Church under a penalty of 20. In 1699 Popish recusants 
were deprived of the right to vote, and when the act was 
subsequently re-enacted, the fine for voting in defiance of 
law was five hundred pounds of tobacco. An act of 1705 
made Catholics incompetent as witnesses, and when this fear- 


fill act was renewed in 1T53, it was extended to all cases what 
ever. 1 Not even England herself sought to crush, humble, 
and degrade the Catholic as Virginia did ; he was degraded 
below the negro slave, for though the negro, mulatto, or 
Indian, could not be a witness against a white person, a 
Catholic could not be put on the stand as a witness against 
white man or black, the most atrocious crime could with im 
punity be committed in the presence of a Catholic on his 
wife or child, whom he was made powerless to defend, and 
his testimony could not be taken against the murderer. 2 

In the year 1750 a quarrel between two private gentlemen 
set all Maryland aflame, and enkindled the most bitter anti- 
Catholic movement known in the annals of the country. 

Charles Carroll, barrister and father of the future signer, 
and Dr. Charles Carroll, who had abandoned the Catholic 
faith, were co-trustees of an estate, the legatees of which 
were priests. The Catholic trustee wished to close up the 
estate, and was ready to account. He called upon his co-trus 
tee to hand in his accounts and pay the amount in his hands. 
Dr. Carroll offered a small sum to compromise the matter, 
but the Catholic said that it was a matter of accounting, not of 
compromise. On this the dishonest trustee intimated that he 
would resort to the penal laws, and he actually endeavored 
to have the Act of 11-12 William III. enforced in Maryland, 
so as to prevent the legatees from compelling him to account. 
How honorable Protestants could have lent their aid to so 
disgraceful a plot is inexplicable, but they took the matter 

1 Hening s "Statutes at Large," i., p. 268 ; ii., p. 48 ; iii., p. 172, 238, 
299 ; vi. , p. 338. In 1652 the Commissaries of the Commonwealth ordered 
"Irish women to be sold to merchants and shipped to Virginia," but I 
can find no traces of them in that colony. 

- "Acts of Assembly now in Force in the Colony of Virginia," Will- 
iamsburg, 1769, pp. 300-333. 


up warmly, and an act passed the lower House. By its 
provisions every priest convicted of exercising his functions 
was to suffer perpetual imprisonment ; and all persons edu 
cated in or professing the Popish religion, who did not within 
six months after attaining the age of eighteen take the oath 
of supremacy and make the declaration prescribed, were dis 
abled from taking any property by inheritance. 1 

Though this bill failed to pass the upper House and reach 
the governor for his sanction, the House of Delegates, ad 
dressing Governor Ogle, said : "We see Popery too assidu 
ously nurtured and propagated within this Province as well 
by the professors thereof as their teachers, preventing and 
withdrawing many of his Majesty s Protestant subjects both 
from our holy religion and their faith and allegiance to his 
Majesty s royal person, crown and family. 

" That y e number of Jesuits or popish priests now within 
this province and yearly coming in together with the estab 
lished settlements they have here and several youths sent 
from hence to St. Omers and other popish foreign seminaries 
out of his Majesty s obedience to be trained up in ways de 
structive to the Establishment of Church and State in his 
Majesty s dominions, some of whom return here as Popish 
priests or Jesuits together with others of like kind who live 
in societies where they have Publick Mass Houses and with 
great industry propagate their Doctrines, will if not timely 
prevented endanger y e Fundamental Constitution of our 
Church as well as the peace of this government." 

The fanatics, who wished to keep Catholics in ignorance, 
accordingly introduced a bill, which, in the legal verbiage of 

1 Father George Hunter, "A Short Account of y e State and Condition 
of y e Rom. Cath, in y e Prov e . of Maryland." That Dr. Charles was 
brought up a Catholic and became a Protestant is stated in the " Mary 
land Gazette," October 2, 1755. 


the day, was entitled, " An Explanatory Act to y e act enti 
tled an Act to repeal a certain Act of Assembly entitled an 
Act to prevent the Growth of Popery." It passed the lower 
House, but was laid on the table in the upper House. The 
lower House remonstrated, but the upper House declined to 
act upon the bill on account of the " great penalties and in 
capacities " it contained. 

The Catholics then addressed the upper House to thank 
them, and in their petition they say : " That several malicious 
Lies and Groundless Clamours continuing still to be spread 
against us, among others, that persons of the Roman Cath- 
olick persuasion had misbehaved in such a manner in some 
counties as to give his Majesty s loyal subjects just cause to 
fear an insurrection, and further it was intimated that some 
Roman Catholick priests of this Province had been lately 
absent from their usual Place of Residence a considerable 
time," and they proceed to state that " orders had been sent 
out to bind over such turbulent Catholicks and to arrest any 
such priests, but that not a single definite charge had been 
made against any Catholic priest or layman." 

Most of the Catholics in Maryland at that time resided in 
St. Mary s and Charles Counties, and the magistrates of the 
former, replying to the governor a few years later, not only 
declared the charges against the Catholics unfounded, but 
added : " We are not yet informed who have been the Au 
thors of those reports mentioned in your Excellency s letter 
which have been in some places so industriously spread, if 
we should discover them, we would take proper measures for 
their being brought to justice, as enemies to their country s 
peace and friends to a faction who labour to foment animosi 
ties among us to the endangering our common security." 

1 Petition of sundry Roman Catholics. 


And the governor expressly said : " The Magistrates assure 
me that after a careful inquiry and scrutiny into the conduct 
of the people of the Romish faith, who reside among us, they 
have not found that any of them have misbehaved or given 
just cause of offence." 

The attack on the Catholic body was all the more ungen 
erous because they responded generously when the legislature 
failed to provide for the protection of the frontiers against 
the French, and a subscription for that purpose was set on 
foot. The petition says boldly : " The Roman Catholics were 
not the men who opposed this subscription, on the contrary 
they countenanced it, they promoted it, they subscribed gen 
erously and paid their subscriptions." 

It was apparently while the future of Catholicity looked 
so dark that Thomas Shea left to the missioners in Maryland 
in 1704 a tract, of 115 acres on Deer Creek, near a spot still 
called Priest s Ford, in Harford County. Here they estab 
lished the mission of Saint Joseph, and erected a house such 
as the laws then permitted, embracing a chapel under the 
roof of the priest s house. The first missionary stationed 
here of whom we have any note was the Rev. Benedict 
Neale in 1747, and he was probably the one who erected 
the building which is still standing, and which was referred to 
about the time we mention as " Priest Neale s Mass House." 
The building has passed out of Catholic hands, but remains 
unaltered, and the graveyard where the faithful were interred 
has been respected by the present owners. 

The building stands on an eminence and is a long one of 
stone, giving room for a chapel, which is now the kitchen. 
The walls are of great strength and solidity, nearly three feet 
thick, and the roof and woodwork seem to have been made 

1 Examination of William Johnson, 1756. " Woodstock Letters," 
xv., p. 55. 



of most durable and well-seasoned wood. A room below at 
one end was the reception-room, above it the priest slept, 
most of the interior being devoted to the chapel. 1 

But the enemies of the Maryland Catholics had not aban 
doned their hostile measures. They passed through the lower 
House an act laying a double tax on the unfortunate class. 
So alarmed were the Catholics at the passage by the lower 


House of this act, that they resolved to appeal to the king 
himself, and the following petition was drawn up : 

" To the King s most excellent Majesty : 

" The humble petition of the merchants trading in Mary 
land, in the name and behalf of their correspondents who 
are Roman Catholics. 

" Humbly sheweth : 

" That the province of Maryland was granted to Csecilius 
Calvert, Lord Baltimore, a Roman Catholick : 

" That the propagation of the Christian religion was one 

1 In the early part of this century the place was sold, and St. Ignatius 
Church at Hickory erected for the benefit of the Catholics in those parts. 


of the motives for granting the said province to the said 
Lord Baltimore. 

" That all persons professing to believe in Jesus Christ 
were invited into the said province. 

" That in order to encourage all persons believing in Jesus 
Christ to settle in the said Province an Act of Assembly was 
passed in the said Province in the year 1640, entitled an Act 
concerning Religion, by which Act amongst other things it 
was enacted that no person in the said province should be 
disturbed for or on account of religion. 

" That an Act of Assembly hath lately passed in the said 
Province entitled an Act for granting a supply of 40,000 to 
your Majesty, etc., by which the lands of all Roman Cath- 
olicks are double taxed. 

" We therefore humbly beg leave to represent to your 
Majesty our fears that this and other hardships laid on the 
Roman Catholicks in the said Province may oblige them to 
remove into the dominions of the French or Spaniards in 
America, where they will cultivate Tobacco and rival our 
Tobacco Colonys in that valuable branch of Trade to the 
great detriment of the Trade of your Majesty s Kingdoms. 

" Wherefore your Petitioners humbly pray that taking the 
Premisses into consideration, your Majesty will be graciously 
pleased to afford such Relief as to your Majesty shall seem 

What a strange fact ! that a quarter of a century before 
the Revolution, the Catholics of Maryland were compelled 
to appeal to the English throne for protection against the in 
tolerance and tyranny of their Protestant fellow-subjects in 
that Province. 

The war on the Catholics in Maryland had become by this 
time so unrelenting, that a general desire prevailed to aban 
don the province which they had planted. Many of those 


who owned property, seeing it daily wrung from them by 
double taxes, by the money extorted for the support of the 
state clergy and under other pretexts, determined to emigrate. 
Charles Carroll, the father of the future signer of the Dec 
laration of Independence, actually proceeded to Europe in 
1752, as the representative of the oppressed Catholics of 
Maryland to lay their sad case before the King of France. 
It was not a time when a sense of faith or chivalry prevailed 
in that court. Carroll asked the French minister of state to 
assign to the Maryland Catholics a large tract of land on the 
Arkansas River, as unwise a selection as he could well have 
made. But when he pointed it out upon the map, the min 
ister, startled at the extent of the proposed cession, threw 
difficulties in the way, and Mr. Carroll left France without 
being able to effect anything in his project for securing a 
new home for the victims of Protestant intolerance and op 
pression. 1 

The excitement against the followers of the true faith and 
their devoted clergy did not die out in Maryland. The 
House of Delegates in 1754 addressed Governor Sharpe, 
asking him in view of " the impending dangers from the 
growth of Popery, and the valuable and extensive possessions 
of Popish priests and Jesuits," to " put into all places of 
trust and profit none but tried Protestant subjects." To this 
the governor replied, " that his concurrence should not be 
wanting to any measures looking to the safety of his Maj 
esty s good Protestant subjects." 2 

It was even discussed in the papers whether all the prop 
erty in the hands of the Jesuits ought not to be seized and 
applied to the establishment of a college, and laws enacted 
to prevent Catholics from sending their children abroad to 

1 B. U. Campbell, " U. S. Oath. Magazine," 1844, p. 40. 

2 "Maryland Gazette," March 14, 1754. 


obtain an education. 1 A bill introduced by the Committee 
on Grievances passed the lower House. Its object was to 
create a commission to inquire into the affairs of the Jesuits 
in the Colony, and also to ascertain by what tenure they held 
their land. They were also enjoined to tender the oaths 
of allegiance, abhorrence, and abjuration to members of the 
Society. The bill was, however, rejected by the upper 

Catholics were next charged with obstructing the raising of 
his Majesty s levies, and Governor Sharpe issued a proclama 
tion on the 30th of May, offering a reward for the arrest of 
two persons named. The Legislature in the same spirit 
passed a law to check the too great immigration of Irish ser 
vants, being Papists. 2 

With all the offices, all the legislative, executive, and judic 
ial power in their hands, with a State church supported by 
taxes levied on Catholics and plate bought with money aris 
ing from the sale of mulatto infants and their mothers, 3 with 
a virulent newspaper press, and vehement pulpit orators, the 
Protestants in Maryland could not hold their own. One 
newspaper writer asks : 

" Does Popery increase in this Province ? The great num 
ber of popish chapels, and the crowds that resort to them, as 
well as the great number of their youth sent this year to 
foreign popish seminaries for education, prove to a demon 
stration that it does. Moreover, many popish priests and 
Jesuits hold sundry large tracts of land, manors, and other 

1 Richard Brooke in "Maryland Gazette." May 16, 1754. 

2 "Maryland Gazette," May 30, Aug. 5, 1754; "New York Gazette," 
June 24, 1754. 

3 Gambrall, " Church Life in Colonial Maryland," Baltimore 1885 
pp. 72, 125. 



tenements, and in several of them have dwelling-houses 
where they live in a collegiate manner, having public Mass- 
Houses, where they exercise their religious functions, etc., 
with the greatest industry, and without controul." l 

One of the last efforts against the Catholic body was the in 
troduction of an act in the lower House at the session of 
1755, intended to prevent the " importation of Germans and 
French papists and Popish priests and Jesuits, and Irish 
papists via Pennsylvania, or the Government of Newcastle, 
Kent, and Sussex on the Delaware." But it failed to find a 
place among the statutes of Maryland. 

Of the feeling toward Catholics on the Potomac at this 
time, and especially toward their clergy, we have an instance 
in a paper by the famous Daniel Dulany, written at Annap 
olis, December 9, 1755. " One of our (Maryland) priests 
had like to have fallen into the hands of the army, when the 
troops were at Alexandria, and if he had, I believe he would 
have been hanged as a spy. The man had been sauntering 
about in the camp, and some one from Maryland whispered 
that he was a priest. This was soon noised about, and the 
priest thinking himself not very safe on the south side of the 
Potomack, made all the haste he could to a boat which was 
waiting for him, and had but just put off when he discovered 
a party of soldiers running to the place where the boat had 
waited for him. The officer who commanded the party 
called to the boatsmen to return, but the priest prevailed 
upon them to make all the expedition they could to the 
opposite shore. Something ought to be done in regard to 
these priests, but the present heat and ferment of the times 
are such that nothing short of a total extermination of them, 
and an absolute confiscation of all their estates will be heard 

1 " Maryland Gazette," Oct. 17, 1754. 


of with temper, and that the Romish laity might be laid 
under some restraints in the education of their children is 
greatly to be wished, but all moderate and reasonable propo 
sitions for this end would now be at once rejected." 

In Pennsylvania the decade from 1745 to 1755 was 
marked by progress. Beside the lot on Walnut Street on 
which St. Joseph s church had been erected, a lot adjoining 
it, and facing on Willing s alley, was obtained by Father 
Robert Harding by deed of June 5, 1752, being forty-eight 
on the alley by forty feet in depth. Kalm, in his Travels, 
mentions that the Catholics had a great house, well adorned 
with an organ, so that the original structure had evidently 
been enlarged. 

Father Greaton had closed his laborious pastorship at Saint 
Joseph s, with which his name had been so long identified. 
His associate, Father Henry Neale, who had been at Cone- 
wago and Philadelphia for several years, died in the latter 
city in 1748, and he himself retired two years afterward to 
Bohemia, where he died piously August 19, 1753, Father 
John Lewis officiating at his requiem. 

Rev. Robert Harding, S. J., was born in Nottinghamshire, 
England, October 6, 1701, and entering the Society of Jesus 
at the age of 21, was sent to Maryland in 1732. Selected 
about 1750 to succeed Father Greaton in Philadelphia, he 
was for more than twenty years rector of St. Joseph s. He 
identified himself with the people, devoted himself to his 
own flock, and in his large heart found sympathy for every 
good work. He was one of the earliest to encourage the 
American painter, Benjamin West ; by his love of the poor 
acquired the highest reputation as a philanthropist ; seconded 

1 Dulany, " Military and Political Affairs in the Middle Colonies in 
1755," Penn. Mag. of Hist., iii., p. 27. 


the claims of the colonists for their rights under Magna 
Charta, and gave Philadelphia a second Catholic Church. 

Father Schneider from Goshenhopen attended the German 
Catholics in Philadelphia, and continued his apostolical jour 
neys, visited the scattered Catholics, saying mass, hearing 
confessions, baptizing, instructing, and encouraging. His 
Register shows such constant activity as to excite wonder. 

Father Manners was in charge of Conewago from about 
1753, and Father Steynmeyer, known on the mission as 
Father Ferdinand Farmer, soon began his six years pastor 
ship at Lancaster. 1 

Foley, "Records," vii., pp. 333, 701; "Woodstock Letters," xv., 
pp. 95-6; v., pp. 202-213; "Register of Goshenhopen"; Molvneux, 
"Funeral Sermon on the Death of the Rev. Ferdinand Farmer," Phila 
delphia, 1786, p. 4 ; Kalm, " Travels into North America," Warrington, 



WHILE the dominant party in Maryland was thus paving 
the way for modern communists by advocating a seizure of 
property in disregard of vested rights, and was seeking to 
prevent the entrance of Catholics, and expel those already in 
the province, a large body of persons of that faith, ruthlessly 
torn from their happy homes, deprived of all their property, 
of liberty, and home, without any warrant of law, or form 
of trial, were flung as paupers upon the shores of Maryland, 
and the other colonies from New Hampshire to Georgia. 

Acadia, our modern Nova Scotia, was ceded to England 
by France at the treaty of Utrecht, May 22, 1713, and its 
population, industrious, thrifty, and peaceable, passed under 
a foreign flag ; a Catholic population passed to the rule of a 
government actuated by the most envenomed hatred of their 
religion. By the terms of the treaty the settlers were per 
mitted to remove from the province within a year, or if they 
chose to remain and submit to British rule, England guaran 
teed them their property, and the free exercise of their relig 
ion according to the usage of the Church of Eorne, u as far 
as the laws of England do allow the same." If this clause 
referred to Great Britain it was a fraud and a treachery, as 
there the laws did not permit it at all. If England acted in 
good faith, it must mean as far as England permitted it in 
the plantations and in Catholic districts falling into her 
power by force of arms. The capitulation of Port Eoyal 



confirmed by Queen Anne was even more general in its 

During the year granted France sent no vessels, and Eng 
land refused to permit the Acadians to leave the province on 
English vessels. By no fault of their own they were forced 
to stay. Nor could they sell their lands or stock, for as they 
were the sole inhabitants there were none to purchase from 
them. 1 In vain did they ask to be removed ; the English 
authorities, loth to leave so fine a province a desert before 
they could plant other settlers there, deemed it bad policy to 
let them depart, and to the very end, as their advocates do 
now, made it a crime in French officers and priests who 
urged them to leave all they possessed so as to preserve their 
nationality and religion. 2 

Indeed, Queen Anne by a letter in which she referred as a 
motive for her action to the release of Protestants by the 
French king, allowed the Acadians to retain their lands, 
without fixing any limit as to time, or to sell them if they 
chose to remove. 3 

Lulled thus into a fatal security the Acadians made no 
further effort to depart, but lived contentedly till about 1720, 
wiien they were called upon to take an absolute oath of 
allegiance to the British crown. As is evident from the 
sequel it was one of those embodying the oath of supremacy 
and abjuration which no Catholic could take. The Aca 
dians, simple peasants as they were, saw the difficulty, and 
upon their remonstrance the oath was modified by Governor 
Mascarene and taken by the people. 

1 Akins, "Nova Scotia Archives, "p. 15 ; Murdoch, "History of Nova 
Scotia," ii., p. 341. 

2 Akins, "Nova Scotia Archives," pp. 4, 265; 6-13; 33-41. Mur 
doch, ii., pp. 340-2. 

3 Akins, " Nova Scotia Archives," p. 15. 


Time ran on, another generation grew up, born on Eng 
lish soil, and undoubtedly entitled to all the rights of Brit 
ish subjects ; but they were held in a kind of vassalage, gov 
erned by military law, disfranchised as Catholics, and with 
no legislative assembly where they were represented. Each 
settlement sent delegates from time to time to the governor 
to receive his commands. 

In their religion they were constantly hampered. Their 
province was part of the diocese of Quebec, and they were 
attended by priests receiving faculties from the Bishop of 
that see. But these priests were arbitrarily imprisoned or 
expelled by the Nova Scotia governors, and treated with the 
utmost contumely. 1 The governors drew up a most extraor 
dinary " Collection of Orders, Eules and Kegulations in 
relation to the Missionary Romish Priests in His Britannick 
Majesty s Province of Nova Scotia." Under these regula 
tions no priest could say mass at the chapels of one who had 
been expelled, and as in some cases a priest would be kept 
a prisoner in or out of Nova Scotia, the people were for 
months and years without priest or sacrament, before a priest 
could reach them who proved acceptable to the ruling gover 
nor. No wonder Acadians feared that they would be treated 

1 Of the twenty priests allowed to attend the Catholics at Annapolis, 
Minas, Chignecto, Pigiguit, from 1713 to 1755, eight were at one time or 
another banished from the province, and three carried off as prisoners at 
the general seizure. Father Justinian Durand was nearly two years a 
prisoner in Boston, 1711-3, and expelled from Nova Scotia in 1720. 
Father Charlemagne was arrested and expelled for not warning the 
authorities of an Indian attack, of which there is nothing to show 
knowledge by the priests. He was expelled and a chapel destroyed. 
Though no other charge was then made, eight years after they were ac 
cused of having planned a massacre. The series of priests and their 
fortunes, and the treatment they underwent, can be traced in Murdoch, 
ii., pp. 409-484; Akins, "Nova Scotia Archives." It is lamentable to 
find any one in the face of these facts write : "Priests and sacraments 
had never been denied them." " Montcalm and Wolfe," i., p. 244. 


like the Irish, and denied their priests altogether as Governor 
Phillips wrote in 1720. 

When war broke out with France, the Acadians refused 
to furnish French officers on the frontiers with supplies : 
but in 1749, Governor Cornwallis announced that his Maj 
esty " is graciously pleased to allow that the said inhabitants 
shall continue in the free exercise of their religion, as far as 
the laws of Great Britain doe allow the same, as also the 
peaceable possession of such lands as are under cultivation, 
Provided that the said inhabitants do within three months 
take the oaths of allegiance appointed to be taken by the 
laws of Great Britain, and likewise submit to such rules and 
orders as may hereafter be thought proper to be made." 

In the face of such vague statements they asked to be 
guaranteed the presence of priests, inasmuch as they were 
frequently deprived of their clergy in a most arbitrary man 
ner, and they begged not to be required to bear arms against 
the French. They were answered harshly : " From the 
year 1714, you became subject to the laws of Great Britain, 
and were placed precisely upon the same footing as the other 
Catholic subjects of his Majesty." J They earnestly sought 
permission and means to emigrate. Then Cornwallis ren 
dered this testimony to their worth : " "We frankly confess 
that your determination to leave gives us pain. We are well 
aware of your industry and your temperance, and that you 
are not addicted to any vice or debauchery. This province 
is your country, you and your fathers have cultivated it : 
naturally you yourselves ought to enjoy the fruits of your 
labor," and again he endeavored to beguile them with vague 
promises. 2 

1 "Nova Scotia Archives," p. 174. 

3 Cornwallis, May 25, 1750. Ibid., p. 189, "N. Y. Col. Doc.," x., pp 
155, 164. 


Yet almost at that time the English authorities were dis 
cussing plans for a wholesale spoliation of the entire Aca 
dian population, determined to strip them of everything, and 
deport them without process of law. 

The fact that these Acadians of French origin occupied the 
best lands, was considered as keeping other settlers out. The 
question of confiscating their land was discussed. " But the 
mischief of dispossessing them," vrrites one, "is that it would 
be an unpopular Transaction and against the Faith of Trea 
ties." l 

The English did not wish any of the Acadians under their 
authority to escape. 2 They complained that French officers 
and clergymen were persuading the inhabitants to leave the 
province : the English authorities in every way allured those 
who went to return, and to this day the Bishop of Quebec 
and his clergy are censured for having advised those Aca 
dians who had emigrated, not to return without a specific 
pledge of religious liberty. 3 

There were three classes of Acadians, the distinction be 
tween whom should be borne in mind, although recent writ 
ers endeavor to confuse the minds of readers by stating of 
one class what referred to another. There were Acadians 
who had all along remained under the French flag, who had 
no obligations whatever to the English ; then there was a 
body comparatively small, who having been under the Eng 
lish flag in JS ova Scotia, had gone over to French territory, 

1 "A Genuine Account of Nova Scotia," Dublin, 1750, p. 12. 

2 Lords of Trade to Lawrence, Akins, p. 207. 

s Albemarle to Puysieulx, "N. Y. Col. Doc.," x., p. 216. In "Mont- 
calm and Wolfe," i., p. 256, the Bishop s letter is not fairly cited. Aca 
dians were fined in 1750 for attempting to leave the province with their 
effects. " New York Post Boy," Oct. 15, 1750. 


and lastly, those who remained peaceably under the English 
flag, giving no just cause of complaint. 

During the war which terminated at the peace of Aix-la- 
Chapelle (1748) the British Acadians had given no cause of 
complaint as a body. Some young men undoubtedly went- 
across the line and fought on the French side, but no arrests 
were made at the peace, none were tried for having given 
information or aid to the enemy. During a period of six 
years no charge of the kind was made, although the British 
had the power to try summarily and punish any offenders, 
or make examples of some to terrify the rest. That no steps 
were taken during that period shows that modern writers 
who make the charge against a whole community are merely 
framing a special plea, not acting as the impartial judges 
whom history requires. 1 

England by attacking French vessels at sea, and Fort Beau- 
sejour on land opened the way for a new war. Then she 
resolved to carry out a plan already formed for the seizure 
and deportation of the Acadians who had remained constantly 
or been born on English soil. 2 When all was ready for the 
blow, Lawrence, Governor of Nova Scotia, issued a peremp 
tory order requiring the Acadians to take certain oaths. Some 
writers without citing any authority declare that it was a 
simple pledge of fidelity and allegiance to George II. 3 Such 
an oath had been frequently taken by the Acadians, and 

1 The oath required after the war, in 1749, was simply one of allegiance, 
that a Catholic might take. " New York Post Boy," Oct. 9, 1749. 

2 A letter from Halifax, dated August 9, 1755, which appeared in the 
"New York Gazette," Aug. 25, and in the "Pennsylvania Gazette," 
Sept. 4, 1755, announced the intended removal. The Lords of Trade, 
however, notified Lawrence that if in the opinion of the Chief Justice 
they had forfeited iheir lands, he was to take measures to carry it into exe 
cution by legal process. Letter, Oct. 29, 1754. 

3 Parkman, " Montcalm and Wolfe," i., p. 265. 


there is no reason for supposing that it would have been re 
fused at this time. 1 Moreover, the refusal to take a pledge 
of fidelity and allegiance would not have constituted them 
Popish recusants. When the delegates from the Acadian 
settlements came, oaths were tendered to them, but no record 
thereof is preserved in the minutes of the council. From Law 
rence s subsequent language it is evident, however, that they 
were some or all oaths then prescribed by the penal laws 
against Roman Catholics, and which no Catholic could consci 
entiously take. The delegates of the Acadian s remonstrated, 
and asked assurances on their side, but were dismissed, and 
when they agreed the next day that the oaths should be 
taken, the reply was that the offer came too late. The oaths, 
whatever they were, were never tendered to the Acadians in 
dividually nor refused by them. The delegates were told, 
" that as there was no reason to hope that their proposed 
Compliance proceeded from an honest mind, and could be 
esteemed only the Effect of Compulsion and Force, and is 
contrary to a clause in an Act of Parliament of 1 George II., 
c. 13, whereby Persons who have once refused to take the 
Oaths cannot be afterwards permitted to take them, but are 
considered Popish Recusants ; a Therefore they would not be 
indulged with such Permission." 

It was thus distinctly avowed that the action taken against 
them was as Catholics, and under the English penal laws. 
This is corroborated by the fact that, instructions were sent 
to take special care to seize the priests. 

1 Akins, "Nova Scotia Archives," i., pp. 84, 21, 69, 91, 121, 167, 188, 
263-7, 309, 353-4. 

2 These words, which give a clue to the nature of the oath tendered, 
and to the penalty incurred, if any, are suppressed in Murdoch, His 
tory of Nova Scotia," ii., p. 282; Parkman, "Montcalm and Wolfe," 
i., p. 264. 

3 " Nova Scotia Archives," pp. 256, 260, 261. 


Haliburton, more honest than later writers, admits that the 
Acadians were tried by their accusers as judges, without any 
opportunity to put in a defence. Seven thousand British 
subjects were thus tried in their absence by a governor and 
four councillors, without any indictment framed, on a charge 
of refusing to take oaths never tendered to them individually, 
never refused except by deputy, and of the seven thousand 
cases not a single record was drawn up from which they 
could frame an appeal. Every principle of English law was 
disregarded, but this is not all. Every step of Lawrence was 
illegal and a crime. No such law as that of " 1 Geo. II., c. 
13," exists on the Statute Book of Great Britain which can 
apply to the case of the Acadians. No severe laws against 
the Catholics in England were enacted at that time, and in 
Ireland the existing penal statutes were actually mitigated. 
The law was a pure invention of Governor Lawrence. 
Moreover, the penal laws against the Catholics in England 
did not extend to the colonies, unless specially enacted 
there. We have seen how an attempt was made in Maryland 
to enact them by surprise in a bill which did not betray the 
design, and how sanction to that law was refused in England. 
We have seen how at this very time the lower House in 
Maryland, at successive sessions, made repeated efforts to ex 
tend the penal laws of William III. against the Roman Catho 
lics to that province. 

It can be irrefragably asserted that no law against the Cath 
olics, 1 Geo. II. , c. 13, 1 existed ; that no law existed making 

1 It may be said that the act referred to was really 1 Geo. I., c. 13 ; but 
this does not help the matter. That act refers to Catholics holding 
office ; the only penalty for refusing the oaths is the loss of the office, 
and so far from its preventing one who had once refused the oath from 
subsequently taking it, this statute of George I. expressly exempts a 
Catholic who had once refused from all the consequences of recusancy 
on his subsequently taking the oath. 


forfeiture of real estate and personal property absolute on re 
fusal of any oath ; that no law made a community guilty of 
refusing oaths tendered merely to a committee ; that no law 
made married women and infants guilty of refusing ; that 
Tinder no law was real property confiscated without legal pro 
ceedings in each case. And that cruel, heartless, and inhu 
man as the English laws against the Catholics were, it was a 
recognized principle that they had no force in America until 
they were formally adopted there. 

The means to execute the long-meditated sentence w r ere 
ready before the farce of tendering the oaths under a pre 
tended English law, which, if real, would have had no force 
in Nova Scotia. The troops to carry out the sentence were 
at hand, with a fleet, and provisioned transports. The wliole 
number of these doomed Catholics was seven thousand. 
From Minas, Piziquid and Cobequid, and Hiviere du Canard, 
five hundred were to be sent to North Carolina ; one thou 
sand to Virginia ; two thousand to Maryland. From Annap 
olis River three hundred were to be sent to Philadelphia, 
two hundred to New York, three hundred to Connecticut, 
and two hundred to Boston. 

The nefarious scheme was carried out promptly and se 
cretly. The Acadian men at the different points were sum 
moned to meet the English officials, and were at once sur 
rounded and disarmed, only five hundred escaping to the 
woods. Their cattle were slaughtered or divided among 
English settlers ; then the women and children were forced 
to leave their homes and march to the shore, seeing behind 
them their houses, barns, and churches blazing in one general 
conflagration. 1 The unfortunate people w r ere then marched 

1 After burning 181 houses and barns they proceeded to the Mass 
House, which, with what was therein contained, " was burnt to ashes." 
At Petcoudiack, the Acadians who had escaped and a party of Indians 


on board the ships, no regard being paid to ties of kindred 
and affection. The priests in Acadia, though French sub 
jects, and there under the faith of a treaty, were seized, ex 
cept the Abbe Miniac, who for a time eluded capture ; but 
the Kev. Messrs. Chauvreulx, Daudin, and Le Maire were 
conveyed to Admiral Boscawen s fleet as prisoners of war. 
Then after being detained some months at Halifax, they 
were taken to Portsmouth, and finally sent to Saint Malo. 1 

A large body of Catholics, nearly one-third as many as 
there were in the English colonies, were thus suddenly landed 
from Massachusetts to Georgia. All the vessels reached their 
destinations except one, on which the Acadians overpowered 
the crew and escaped. Two thousand apparently of these 
Catholics were landed in Massachusetts, and that colony, un 
able at once to provide comfortably for so large a number, 
appealed on grounds of humanity to New Hampshire to re 
lieve her of a portion, but that province declined on the pre 
text that she was on the frontier of Canada. 2 

Though the brutal falsifier, Lawrence, wrote to Boston to 
urge the people to proselytize the children of the exiles, the 
unhappy Acadians found sympathy in Massachusetts. Lieu- 

saw their houses fired, but when the English advanced to the church to 
include it in the conflagration, they opened fire, killing or wounding 23. 
" New York Gazette," October 6-13, 1755. 

1 " Historical Magazine," iv., p. 42 ; " Nova Scotia Archives," p. 282 ; 
Letter of Abbe de 1 Isle Dieu, October 23, 1755 ; Ferland, " Cours d His- 
toire," ii., p. 521. A writer, on the authority of Pichon, who, though a 
French officer, carried on a treacherous correspondence with the English, 
Boishebert and other officers, who had constantly urged priests in French 
territory to attract Acadians from English territory, accuses the priests 
seized, who were on English territory, with being the cause of the woes 
of the Acadians. This is confounding two sets of people, and is far less 
candid than Murdoch, who acknowledges that Pichon, Boishebert, etc., 
were freethinkers, constantly attacking the clergy. 

2 " New Hampshire Provincial Papers," vi., pp. 445, 452. 


tenant-Governor Hutchinson. was so affected by their suffer 
ings that he prepared a representation proper for them to 
make to the British Government, to be signed by the chief 
men in the name of the rest, praying that they either might 
have leave to return to their estates or might receive a com 
pensation, and he offered to forward it to England to a per 
son who would take up their case. The unhappy Acadians 
had lost all faith in English honor, and trusting that the 
French monarch would exert himself for them declined 
Hutchinson s offer, little dreaming that the war would last 
seven years and end in the disappearance of French authority 
in America. 

Hutchinson says distinctly : " In several instances the hus 
bands who happened to be at a distance," when the Acadians 
were seized, " were put on board vessels bound to one of the 
English colonies, and their wives and children on board other 
vessels bound to other colonies remote from the first." 
" Five or six families were brought to Boston, the wife and 
children only, without the husbands and fathers, who by ad 
vertisements in the newspapers, came from Philadelphia to 
Boston, being, till then, utterly uncertain what had become of 
their families." The father of Monseigneur Prince, Bishop 
of Saint Hyacinthe in Canada, was landed alone at Boston, 
where a kind family took him, and he did not discover his 
parents till after several years search. 2 

Private persons at Boston provided houses where the aged 
and infirm who were in danger of perishing were received. 
Hutchinson himself in vain endeavored to save the life of 
one poor woman ; but his care came too late. Then a law 
was passed authorizing justices of the peace and other offi- 

1 Hutchinson, " History of Massachusetts Bay," iii., p. 40. 

2 Ferland, " Cours d Histoire," ii., p. 520. 


cers to employ the Acadians at labor, and bind them, in fact 
treat them as paupers. Those advanced in years, and some 
who had evidently enjoyed a higher position in Acadia, were 
allowed support without labor. Yet if an Acadian attempted 
to visit his countrymen in another town without leave of the 
selectmen, he was fined or whipped. 

Lands were offered to them to settle, but as they would 
be deprived of the consolations of religion, these sincere 
Catholics declined. Hutchinson says : " No exception was 
taken to their prayers in their families, in their own way, 
which I believe they practiced in general, and sometimes 
they assembled several families together ; but the people 
would upon no terms have consented to the public exercise 
of religious worship by Roman Catholic priests." " It was 
suspected that some such were among them in disguise, but 
it is not probable that any ventured." 

When at last they despaired of being restored to their own 
estates, they endeavored to reach parts where they could 
find priests of their own faith, and if possible of their own 
language. Many went from New England to Saint Do 
mingo and Canada. 1 Yet in 1760 there were still more than 
a thousand in Massachusetts and the District of Maine. The 
prejudiced Williamson insults them as " ignorant Catholics," 2 
conscious that their religion was their only crime. Even in 
1T62 French Neutrals were shipped from Nova Scotia, 
" their Wives and Children were not permitted with them, 
but were ship d on board other vessels." : When the French 

1 Hutchinson, " History of Massachusetts Bay," iii., pp. 41-2. " N. E. 
Gen. Register," xxx., p. 17. P. H. Smith, ibid., 1886. 

2 "History of Maine," ii., p. 311. "Collections, Maine Hist. Soc y," 
vi., p. 379. 

3 " N". Y. Mercury," Aug. 30, 1762. Seven hundred arrived at Boston, 
Aug. 25th. Ib., Sept. 6, 1762, but were subsequently sent back. Ib. 5 
Oct. 11, 25. 


came as our allies some years later no mention is made of 
these Acadians. They had perished or emigrated, leaving 
their sufferings as a part of the history of the future Church 
of Massachusetts. 

The Acadians landed at New York were treated no better 
than those in New England ; the adults were put to labor, 
and the children bound out " in order to make the young 
people useful, good subjects," that is, Protestants. One 
hundred and nine children were thus scattered through 
Orange and Westchester Counties. In 1757 a party who had 
been in Westchester County made their escape, and attempted 
to reach Crown Point, but were captured near Fort Edward. 1 
A considerable number of Acadians were at one time quar 
tered in a house at Brooklyn near the ferry ; but no distinc 
tion was made in New York in favor of those who had occu 
pied a higher position in their own country. On the slightest 
pretext they were arrested, and at one time by a general order 
all throughout the colony were committed to the county 
jails. 2 Even as late as 1764, when Fenelon, Governor of 
Martinique, sent an agent to bring 150 Acadians to the West 
Indies, Lieutenant-Governor Colden refused to permit them 
to go. 3 

On the 18th of November, 1755, three vessels ascended 
the Delaware bearing 454 of these persecuted Catholics, 
most of them with insufficient clothing, many of them sickly 
and feeble, some actually at the point of death. The crime 
of Lawrence had in the eternal counsels been punished by the 
overthrow of a British army on the Monongahela, and Phila 
delphia saw in these wretched Acadians, men who with the 

1 " New York Mercury," July 11, 1757. 

- "N. Y. Col. Doc.," vii., p. 125; "Calendar N. Y. Hist. MSB.," 
pp. 658-678. 

3 " Colden Papers," ii., pp. 333, etc. 



Irish and Germans were to slaughter the Protestants. 1 But 
Benezet, dispelled the fears and aroused the benevolence of 
the people of Pennsylvania. Best of all they saw a priest, 
the Jesuit Father Harding, come to minister to them. More 
than half died within a short time after their arrival, but 
.they died consoled and fortified by the sacraments of the 
Church. 2 Many thus charitably received remained and made 
new homes, and soon lost their identity in the general popu 
lation. Others made their way to Canada and the West 
Indies, but the Catholic body in Pennsylvania certainly re 
ceived some additions from this body of Acadian Confessors 
of the Faith. 

Of the nine hundred who reached Maryland many were 
suffering from sickness and insufficient clothing, and their 
wants were to some extent relieved. The President of the 
Council acting as Governor retained one vessel at Annapo 
lis, sent one to Baltimore and to the Patuxent River, one 
to Oxford, and one to Wicomico.* The Council, however, 
commanded all the justices to prohibit the Roman Cath^ 
olic inhabitants to lodge these poor Acadians, and any who 
were of necessity placed in the houses of Catholics were 
promptly removed. 

One gentleman, Mr. H. Callister, relying on the honor of 
government to reimburse him, incurred considerable expense 
in relieving their wants, but he was never reimbursed. He 

1 "Pennsylvania Archives," ii., p. 506. W. B. Read in Memoira 
Penn. Hist. Soc.," vi., p. 292. 

2 Walsh, " Appeal from the Judgments of Great Britain," pp. 87-92, 
437. Westcott, " History of Philadelphia," ch. 193 ; Smith in " K E. 
Hist. Gen. Reg.," 1886. Walsh gives the Petition of the Acadians in 
Pennsylvania to the King of England ; but the pathetic appeal produced 
no effect. Yet the facts show that intelligent public men in Massachu 
setts and Pennsylvania then believed that the Acadiacs had a just claim 
on the English Government for compensation. 



also drew up a petition for them to the King of England, 
but nothing was ever heard of it. 

A law was passed in 1756 empowering the justices in each 
county to make provision for these Acadians, but the peo 
ple were not dis 
posed to bear the 
burthen. Talbot 
County addressed 
the Assembly, in 
a most bigoted 
document, urg 
ing some action 

for their removal 
from the province. 
Those in Balti 


found more be 
nevolent people. Some were lodged in private houses, and a 
number were sheltered in a large unfinished structure, the 
first brick house in Baltimore, begun by Mr. Edward Fotteral, 


an Irish gentleman, who subsequently returned to his native 
country. The Acadians occupied all that was habitable, and 
hearing that there was a priest at Doughoregan, the seat of 


Charles Carroll, the Barrister, they sent imploring the priest 
to extend his care to them. 1 

The Jesuit Father Ashton responded to their appeal, and 
mass was said for the first time, and was maintained for a 
considerable period in Baltimore in this house, where a room 
was prepared for use as a chapel, and a rude altar reared 
each time the priest arrived, bringing his vestments and 
sacred vessels. The first congregation in the city which be 
fore the lapse of two score years was to be the see of a bishop, 
and in little more than a century to be presided over by a 
Cardinal of Holy Eoman Church, was a little body not more 
than forty in all, chiefly Acadians, with a few Irish Catholics, 
among the latter Messrs. Patrick Bennet, Kobert Walsh, and 
William Stenson. 3 

The Acadians who reached Maryland, finding that they 
could practice their religion, and obtain the services of priests, 
remained, and being accustomed to the sea, found employ 
ment as coasters, fishermen, etc. ; but their faith which stood 
the persecutions of Protestantism was much weakened by 
the horde of f reethinking Frenchmen who came during and 
after our war of Independence. Many then were corrupted 

1 Scharf; "History of Maryland," i., pp. 474-9. 

2 A rough pen and ink sketch of Baltimore in 1752, by Moale, preserv 
ed by the Maryland Historical Society, shows this house. Our sketch is 
made carefully from it, without alteration. The house where mass was 
said for the Acadians by Father Ashton, is the large house at the left. 
It was near the northwest corner of Fayette and Calvert streets. See 
Campbell, " Desultory Sketches of the Catholic Church in Maryland," 
in Religious Cabinet, 1843, p. 310. 

Robin, "Nouveau Voyage dans 1 Amerique Septentrionale," Phila 
delphia, 1782, p. 99, speaks of the Acadians attachment to their faith, and 
the loving remembrance of their former priests, mentioning especially 
a Rev. Mr. le Clerc ( ? Le Maire), who when they came away gave them 
a chalice and vestments. This seems doubtful, as no priest of that name 
was in Acadia at the time. 


and lost the faith they had so nobly witnessed unto. 1 Yet 
there was some emigration. Captain Ford, of Leonardtown, 
Maryland, sailed with a number for Louisiana, and was 
driven on the coast of Texas, where they were seized by the 
Spaniards and carried to New Mexico, suffering greatly till 
a priest learned their history and obtained their release. 

Many, however, remained at Baltimore, where their de 
scendants are to be found to this day. 

Virginia, considering that the Governor of Nova Scotia 
had no right to throw the great mass of the inhabitants of 
his colony on other colonies to be supported as paupers, and 
knowing that it would be useless to look to England or Nova 
Scotia for compensation, refused to receive the deported Aca- 
dians. She remonstrated so firmly with the English Gov 
ernment, that 336 were transported to Liverpool, where they 
were detained for seven years as prisoners of war, and sub 
jected to many temptations to abandon their faith. At the 
peace they were claimed by France, and obtained lands in 
Poitou and Berry, still occupied by their descendants. 3 

The 1,500 sent to South Carolina were at first scattered 
through the parishes, but the compassion for their misfor 
tune was such that vessels were obtained at the public charge 
in which many went to France. A few remained in the 
colony ; others sought to reach Louisiana, or endeavored to 
return to their former homes. 4 

Georgia by its charter positively excluded Catholics, not 

1 Letter of Archbishop Carroll. 

2 Smyth, " Tour in the United States," ii., p. 377. 

3 Brymner, "Report on Canadian Archives, 1883," p. 145 ; "Memoire 
sur les Acadiens," Niort, 1867. 

4 Cooper, "Statutes," iv., p. 31. Two parties attempted to escape 
early in 1756, but were retaken. " K Y. Mercury," Mar. 1, 1756. Yet 
in 1760, 300 Acadians are reported as having had the small-pox, 115 
dying of it in South Carolina. " Maryland Gazette," April 17. 


one of whom was allowed to settle within its limits. When 
Governor Reynolds, who was attending an Indian Council, 
heard that the Governor of Nova Scotia had thus thrown 
four hundred Catholics upon his colony he decided that they 
could not remain. As winter had set in he gave them shel 
ter till spring. Then they were permitted to build rude 
boats, and numbers set out to coast along to Nova Scotia, 
encouraged by the help and approval of the Christian men 
of the South. 1 Toiling patiently along, a party of seventy- 
eight reached Long Island in August, 1756, but though they 
bore passports from the Governors of South Carolina and 
Georgia, they were seized by the brutal Sir Charles Hardy, 
who distributed them in the most remote parts of the colony, 
putting adults to labor, and binding out children, so that 
they should be brought up Protestants. 2 Ninety who reached 
the southern part of Massachusetts in July, were similarly 
treated by Lieut.-Gov. Phips. 

Though the fear was expressed that, exasperated at the 
cruel and inhuman treatment to which they had been sub 
jected, these people might take some terrible revenge, no case 
of crime is charged to these noble confessors of the faith in 
any of the colonies. They suffered, but not as evil-doers. 3 

Gradually during the war, and after its close in 1763, 
Acadians made their way from Pennsylvania, Carolina, and 
Georgia, as well as from Halifax to the French "West Indies, 
where many sank under the climate. Most of the survivors 
removed thence about 1765 to the colony of Louisiana, where 
they settled in Attakapas, and Opelousas. Here land was 
allotted to them ; six hundred and fifty-six being thus pro- 

1 Stevens, "History of Georgia," i., pp. 413-417. 

2 "New York Colonial Documents," vii., p 125. 

3 "Nova Scotia Archives," pp. 301-304. 


vided in the early months of 1765. This body with others 
who joined them from time to time constitute the source of 
the great Acadian body in Louisiana, which retains to this 
day the peculiarities of speech and manners that character 
ized their ancestors. 1 

Of those who in time reached Nova Scotia or its neighbor 
hood, or who escaped from the hands of Lawrence, some 
fearing fresh cruelties struck into the woods on the upper 
Saint John, and formed the Madawaska settlement. Strangely 
enough, in 1842 England claimed this part of the State of 
Maine, on the ground that it had been settled by the Neutral 
French, who were British subjects. 2 

The largest body of Catholics that in one year reached our 
shores did not materially alter the position of the adherents 
of the true faith in the existing British colonies. A small 
body remaining at Baltimore, a few in Philadelphia, the 
Acadian settlement in Louisiana, which did not come into 
the United States for some years after the recognition of in 
dependence, and the little Madawaska colony, overlooked by 
the authorities for years, and ministered to as their fathers 
had been by priests from Canada, alone were permanent. 

The fact that such an act could have been perpetrated by 
Governor Lawrence under the pretence that it was in accord 
ance with the penal laws against the Catholics, shows how 
bitter the feeling of the time was. 

1 "Nova Scotia Archives," pp. 347-350; Gayarre, "Histoire de la 
Louisiane," ii., pp. 127-128. 

2 See " The Acadian Confessors of the Faith, 1755," by me in "Am. 
Cath. Quarterly," ix. , p. 592. Acadia, a Lost Chapter in American His 
tory," by Philip H. Smith, Pawling, 1884 ; and a paper by the same 
author, " N. E. Hist. Gen. Register," 1886. H. R. Casgrain, "Un 
Pelerinage au Pays d Evangeline." 



THE war against the French was one against Catholicity, 
and as after a few years hostilities also began against Spain, 
England was arrayed against the two Catholic powers in 
America, and every hostile movement tended to inflame the 
minds of the people of the colonies against all who professed 
the faith. The conquest of Canada was especially sought in 
order to extirpate Catholicity utterly. The position of the 
faithful in the English colonies was one of constant peril and 

The newspapers teemed with diatribes against the Cath 
olics, and ministers like the Rev. Mr. Brogden preached 
series of sermons against Popery, and any reply or protest 
only made their tirades more virulent. 1 

Stimulated in this way a strong public feeling grew up 
against the Catholic body, and it would seem that the Prot 
estants of Sassafrax, Middle Neck, and Bohemia Manor, to 
whom the proximity of the Jesuits was very galling, peti 
tioned the legislature at the session of 1756, praying that 
stringent measures might be taken against the Jesuits. At 
all events the lower House at this session was about to pass a 
very stringent bill prohibiting the importation of Irish Papists 
via Delaware under a penalty of 20 each, and denouncing 
any Jesuit or Popish priest as a traitor who tampered with 

1 " Maryland Gazette," Annapolis, Feb. 26, 1755, May 16, 1754, Marcli 
14, 1754. 



any of his Majesty s subjects in the colony ; but the bill did 
not pass, the . governor having prorogued the legislature 
shortly after it was introduced. 1 

Yet for all this hostile legislation there was no pretext 
whatever. A writer of that period in England could say 
boldly : " In Maryland they have always shown a fidelity 
and remarkable submission to the English Government, and 
have particularly avoided a correspondence with the enemies 
of Great Britain." 3 

The Catholics in Maryland were accused of sympathizing 
with the French, but in proof of their innocence, and as a 
testimony of their zeal for the welfare of the country, they 
appealed to their conduct in behalf of the people of the fron 
tier, who had been driven from their homes after that disaster. 
Addressing the upper House of Assembly in 1756 the Cath 
olics said : " The Roman Catholics were not the men who 
opposed the subscription : on the contrary they countenanced 
it, they promoted it, they subscribed generously, and paid their 
subscriptions honourably : and if our numbers are compared 
with the numbers of our Protestant fellow-subjects, and the 
sum paid on this occasion by the Roman Catholicks be com 
pared with the sum total collected, it may be said the Roman 
Catholicks contributed prodigiously beyond their proportion 
to an aid so seasonable and necessary." 

Yet the lower House in 1755 had presented Governor 
Sharpe a furious address against the Roman Catholics, and 
passed a resolution that all the Penal laws mentioned in the 
Toleration Act were in force in Maryland, although some had 
actually been repealed. The Governor writing to Charles 

1 Johnston, "History of Cecil County, Md.," p. 202. 
8 " Considerations on the Penal Laws against Roman Catholics in Eng 
land, and the new acquired Colonies in America." London, 1764, p. 61. 


Calvert bore testimony to the good conduct of the Catholics. 
u For my part I have not heard but the Papists behave them 
selves peaceably and as good subjects. They are, I imagine, 
about one-twelfth of the people, and many of them are men 
of pretty considerable fortunes. I conceive their numbers 
do not increase, though I have reason to think the greater 
part of the Germans which are imported profess that re 

In the session ending May 22, 1T56, a law was passed for 
raising an amount to defend the frontiers, which the Assem 
bly had long neglected to do. They seized the opportunity 
to insert a clause imposing a double tax on all Catholic 
property owners in Maryland. The Governor and upper 
House made no effort to save the Catholics, and this iniqui 
tous system once inaugurated was continued during the colo 
nial period. 2 

A law was even introduced to make it high treason in any 
priest who converted a Protestant to the true faith, and to 
deprive of all right of inheriting any Catholic educated at 
a foreign popish seminary ; but these violent measures failed 
to pass, the upper House in 1758 even attempting, though in 
vain, to relieve Catholics from the double tax as " not to be 
defended upon a principle of justice or policy." The lower 
House stimulated by the Protestant clergy, whom Catholics 
were heavily taxed to support, adhered to the spirit of per 
secution, 3 and Governor Sharpe, himself a Protestant, writ 
ing to the Lord Proprietor indignantly details the oppres 
sions suffered by the Maryland Catholics from their enemies, 

1 Scharf, "History of Maryland," i., p. 461. 

2 The Catholics in vain appealed to the Governor to withhold his sanc 
tion to this bill. 

3 "Votes and Proceedings of the lower House of Assembly, Apl.. 
May, 1758." 


" and states that many were made such by envy or the hope 
of reaping some advantage from a persecution of the Papists," 
and he bore his testimony that- since he had administered the 
colony the conduct of the Catholics- had been most unexcep 
tionable. 1 

Besides these cruel laws a new method of persecution had 
been undertaken. Complaint was made before a magistrate 
against Father James Beadnall, and two writs were issued on 
which he was arrested by the Sheriff of Queen Anne s County, 
on the 22d of September, 1756. He was obliged to give bail 
in 1,500 for his appearance before the Provincial Court to 
be held at Annapolis on the 19th of October. Two indict 
ments were laid before the Grand Jury against him, the first 
for celebrating mass in a private family, and the second for 
endeavoring to bring over a dissenter, Quaker, or rion juror to 
" the Romish persuasion." The Grand Jury did not act on 
the matter, and he was brought before the Grand Jury of 
Talbot County, but that body on the 16th of April, 1757, 
refused to indict him ; they held that as to the first charge 
he was justified by the order issued by Queen Anne, at 
"Whitehall, January 3. 170 ; and as to the second charge they 
found the evidence insufficient. 2 

This good priest who enjoys the privilege of having been 
arrested for discharging his duty was a native of Northum 
berland, born April 8, 1718, and entered the Society of Jesus 
at Watten, September 7. 1739. His name appears first at 

1 Gov. Sharpe s Letter, Dec. 16. 1758, in "Ridgeley s Annals of An- 
napolis," p. 95. 

9 Father George Hunter, " A Short Account of y e State and Condi 
tion." " A Short Account of y e Proceedings of y e Assembly of Mary 
land." The Maryland Archives have no record of this prosecution of 
F. Beadnall. 


St. Thomas Manor in 1749, and after many years service on 
the mission, he died at Newtown, September 1, 1772. 1 

There were at this 

time fourteen Fa- 
thers on the Marj _ 

land and Pennsylva- 


GEORGE HUNTER, s.j. ma mission, Father 

George Hunter be 

ing the Superior, and returning to England for a time this 

Father Beadnall was not the only one of the Jesuit Fa 
thers molested at this time. A man was arrested at Fort 
Cumberland as a spy, 
and admitted that he 

> 6 c 

had been in the / 

Fort Du Quesne, hav- 

ing been carried oft by a party of Indians. The man swore 
that a certain priest had maintained correspondence by let 
ter with the French ; that he had been up in the country 
among them, and that several Catholic laymen whom he 
named had with the priest notified the French that they 
would give them all aid in their attempts against the prov 
ince. The accused priest was taken into custody to be tried 
at the Annapolis Assizes in February. 1757. The case broke 
down, however. When the man was put on the stand, he 
was asked whether he knew a Catholic layman pointed out 
to him. He replied that he did, that he was the priest, and 
that he had seen him say mass in Baltimore County, and had 
often carried letters from him to the French. He made 

1 Foley, "Records of the English Province," vii., p. 42. Treacy, 
" Catalogue," p. 98, thinks he died in 1775. 


similar answers in regard to other laymen introduced into 
the room. When the priest actually came, he swore that he 
did not know him, and had never seen him in his life. The 
Governor and Council before whom the examination took place 
knew the priest personally, and saw the knavery of the wit 
ness. The priest and the Catholic laymen were acquitted, 
and the informer was sent to Lord Loudon as a deserter. 1 

The alarm caused by the French operations on the Ohio 
had already excited suspicion and odium against the Cath 
olics of Pennsylvania. The Justices of Berks County, Con-, 
rad Weiser being one of them, unfolded their foolish fears 
in an address to Governor Morris, July 23, 1Y55. " We 
know," say these sapient magistrates, " that the people of 
the Roman Catholic Church are bound by their principles to 
be the worst subjects and worst of neighbours, and we have 
reason to fear, just at this time, that the Roman Catholics in 
Cussahopen where they have a very magnificent chapel, and 
lately have had long processions have bad designs." " The 
priest at Reading as well as at Cussahopen last Sunday gave 
notice to the people that they could not come to them again 
in less than nine weeks, whereas they constantly preach once 
in four weeks to their congregations : whereupon some im 
agine they have gone to consult with our enemies at Du 
Quesne." a And a publication of the time says : " There are 
near one-fourth of the Germans supposed to be Roman Cath 
olics who cannot be supposed Friends to any Design for de 
fending the Country against the French." 3 

1 F. George Hunter, "A Short Account of the State and Condition." 
The name of the Father is not given ; and the State Archives have no 
papers in the case. It was probably Father Hunter himself. 

2 " Provincial Records, 1755," p. 125 ; Hupp, " History of the Counties 
of Berks and Lebanon," Lancaster, 1844, p. 151. 

3 " Brief State of the Province of Pennsylvania," London, 1755, p. 35. 


An inquiry instituted by Lord Loudon gives us the Cath 
olic population of Pennsylvania in 1757. In and near 
Philadelphia there were 72 men, 78 women, Irish or Eng 
lish ; and in Chester County 18 men, 22 women under the 
care of Father Robert Harding. His associate Father Theo 
dore Schneider residing at Goshenhopen, had under his care 

107 men and 121 women, all 

Gerrnans > in and about Phila - 
delphia, and 198 men and 166 

f FAC-SIMILE OF THE SIGNATURE women in Philadelphia, Berks, 

OF FATHER THEODORE SCHNE!- Norfhampto]Qj Bucks? and Cheg _ 

ter Counties ; while Father Fer 
dinand Farmer, then at Lancaster, had 208 Irish and Ger 
man men and 186 women in Lancaster, Berks, Chester, and 
Cumberland Counties, and Father Matthias Manners, the 
missionary at Conewago, had 99 men and 100 women, in 
cluding both Irish and Germans, in York County. 1 

When precisely the church was built at Goshenhopen is 
not determined. The 
house mentioned by Fa- 7r (L 

t j ^ VtXK9 

ther Schneider in his 


register, had evidently THER FERDINAND FARMER. 

been replaced by a 

church, which must have been of some size 2 and beauty to be 
styled even in prejudiced exaggeration, " a very magnificent 
chapel." With a respect for antiquity worthy of praise, the 
walls of the old chapel of the last century were retained as 
part of the present church. 

The congregation at St. Joseph s Church, Philadelphia, 

1 F. Harding to Peters, "National Gazette," Philadelphia, June 14, 
1820. " Woodstock Letters," xv., p. 58. 

2 Father Enoch Fenwick, in his notes on Goshenhopen, says it was 
55 by 32. 



had increased so that the original chapel is said to have been 
enlarged or rebuilt in 1T5T. 1 Moreover as ground was re 
quired for a cemetery, and also to make provision in time 
for the erection of a second church, a lot extending from 
Fourth to Fifth Street, sixty-three feet in front, and three 
hundred and ninety-six feet deep, was conveyed May 10, 

& -"- 


1759, to two Koman Catholics, James Eeynolds and Bryan 
O Hara, evidently in trust for the desired object. It was re- 
conveyed the next year to Daniel Swan and others, and a 
declaration of trust was made by the direction and appoint- 

1 This seems very doubtful. The enlargement more probably preced 
cd Kalm s visit. 


ment of the members or congregation professing the Roman 
Catholic religion, and belonging to the Roman Catholic 
chapel on the south side of Walnut Street, in the city of 
Philadelphia, designated as St. Joseph s. 

The purchase money, 328. 16. G, was contributed by 
Rev. Robert Harding and eighty-one other subscribers ; 
and the ground was stated to be for the benefit of the chapel, 
especial reference being made to its use as a burial place, as 
by law Catholics could hold land for that object. A second 
subscription was begun in 1762, and was so successful that in 
the following year the erection of a church was begun on 
this property, the future St. Mary s. 1 

Father Ferdinand Farmer after six years service at Lan 
caster and its dependent missions, doing his part in complet 
ing the church in that town, was transferred to Philadelphia. 
The first entry in his register there is on the 17th of Septem 
ber, 1758, and he seems to have entered at once on part of 
the labors previously borne by Father Schneider, as the next 
year we find him at Concord, and at Geiger s in Salem 
County, New Jersey. His labors at Philadelphia as assistant 
to Father Harding were evidently onerous, but down to the 
close of the period we are considering, his visits to Geiger s 
and the Glass House in Salem County were constant. 

Small as this scattered body was, the militia act of 1757 
required that in enrolling the people, their religion should be 

1 So stated in "A Letter to the Roman Catholics of Philadelphia," 
Philadelphia, 1822, pp. 24-6, a Hoganite pamphlet aiming to show that 
the Society of Jesus had not contributed largely to the erection of St. 
Mary s. 

2 Father Farmer s Register. He visited Geiger s June 27, Aug. 22, 
Oct. 3, 1759 ; Jan. 1-2, Mar. 12, June 11, Oct. 1, 1760 ; Mar. 11 ; Gei 
ger s and Glass House, May 14 ; Geiger s, June 17, Aug. 12, Oct. 14, 
1761 ; June 24, New Jersey, Aug. 24, Geiger s Nov. 23, 1762. His other 
visits were to Concord and Chester Co. 


taken down to ascertain the Papists, who were to be excluded 
from the militia ; by a special clause every Catholic was re 
quired within a month to surrender all arms, accoutrements, 
gunpowder, or ammunition, under the penalty of three 
months imprisonment ; and every Catholic who would have 
been liable to military duty was compelled to pay a militia 
tax of twenty shillings a heavy amount for the times to the 
captain of the company in which, no matter how willing, he 
was not allowed to serve. 1 

About this same time Father George Hunter, the Supe 
rior of the Maryland mission, estimated the total adult Cath 
olic population of Maryland and Pennsylvania at 10,000. 
"We count about 10,000 adult customers sive comm ts , & 
near as many under age or non comm ts . Each master of a 
residence keeps about 2 Sundays in y e month a home, y e rest 
abroad at y e distance of more or fewer miles, as far some 
times as 20 or 30 & y other Gentlemen all abroad every 
such day." a " Pennsilvany has about 3,000 adult customers 
sive comm ts near as many under age or no" comm ts . The 
extent of their excursions is about 130 miles long by 35 

" Our journeys are very long, our rides constant and ex 
tensive. We have many to attend and few to attend em. 
I often ride about 300 miles a week, and ne er a week but I 
ride 150 or 200, and in our way of living we ride almost as 
much by night as by day in all weathers, in heats, colds, rain, 
frost, and snow," writes Father Joseph Mosley from Xew- 
town, September 1, 1759. 

" I find here business enough upon my hands in my way 
of trade," wrote this same Jesuit priest from Newtown, 

1 Westcott, "History of Philadelphia," ch. 193. 

2 F. George Hunter, " Report," July 23, 1765. " Customers " meant 



September 8, 1758. "I ve care of above fifteen hundred 
souls." . . . . "I am daily on horseback, visiting y e sick, 
comforting the infirm, strengthening y e pusillanimous, etc." 
This same Father attending Sakia and Newport in 1763, re 
ported 873 Easter communions. 

The mission-stations from which the priests attended the 
faithful in their districts were, the Assumption at St. Inigoes, 
where one missionary resided ; St. Xavier s at Newtown, 
three missionaries ; St. Ignatius at Port Tobacco, three; St. 
Francis Borgia at Whitemarsh, two ; St. Joseph s at Deer 
Creek, one; St. Stanislaus at Fredericktown, one; St. Mary s 
at Queenstown, or Tuckaho, one ; St. Xavier s at Bohemia, 
one ; St. Joseph s, Philadelphia, two ; St. Paul at Cushenho- 
pen, one ; St. John Nepomucene at Lancaster, one ; St. 
Francis Regis at Conewago, one. 

Of most of these missions we have spoken at some length. 
The mission of St. Francis Borgia at Whitemarsh is said to 
have been founded, but was probably revived, in 1760. 

Whitemarsh mission was fourteen miles from Annapolis, 
on the top of a hill about one hundred feet high, nearly half 
a mile from the Patuxent Eiver, a cultivated field extending 
from the foot of the hill to the stream which was crossed by 
" The Priest s Bridge." The circular plateau on top of the 
hill was nearly five hundred feet in diameter and well shaded. 
Here rose the mission of Saint Francis Borgia, with extensive 
plantations in the plain below. 

In 1751 five or six Catholic families in Dover, Delaware, 
were attended once a month by a Maryland priest. 1 

Soon after 1750 Charles Carroll, Esq., purchased 12,000 
acres watered by the Potomac and Monocacy, and let it out 
in small farms. Many of those who became tenants came 

1 Perry, " Historical Collections," v. (Delaware), p. 97. 


from St. Mary s, Charles, and Prince George Counties, as the 
names of Darnall, Boone, Abell, Payne, Brooks, Jameson, and 
Jarboe, show. These Catholics were at first attended from 
St. Thomas Manor, near Port Tobacco, but in 1763 Father 
John Williams, a native of Flintshire, in Wales, purchased 
a lot and in the f oUowing year erected a house, still standing, 
and forming part of the novitiate. This was the mission of 
St. Stanislaus. " It was a two-story building ; it included on 
the first floor three rooms and a passage, thus giving a front 
of about fifty feet." "The second floor was used as a 

This small chapel was for nearly forty years the only place 
of worship for Catholics in Frederick County. 1 

The Jesuit estates not only supported the missionaries, 
and paid all the expense of maintaining divine worship in 
the chapels at their residence and the stations, but also ena 
bled them to send over to England 200 to repay previous 
advances, and the passage of Fathers coming to or returning 
from Maryland.* 

The project of seizing the property held by the mission 
aries which was constantly urged at this time, aimed there 
fore at suppressing at a single blow all Catholic worship in 
Maryland, depriving the faithful of their principal chapels 
and the clergy of their only sure source of income. Some 
advised that this property when confiscated should be applied 
to found a college. 

Such was the condition of the Catholics in the colonies as 
the Seven Years War drew to a close. The faithful op 
pressed, ground down with taxes and disabilities, liable at 

1 St. John s Church and Residences, Frederick, Md. " Woodstock 
Letters," vol. v., pp. 29-36. The deed to Rev. George Hunter was not 
executed till Oct. 2, 1765. 

2 V. Rev. Henry Corbie, " Ordinations and Regulations for M y d." 


any moment to have all their property wrested from them, 
had lost all energy and hope. 

A writer of the time says : " The yearly repeated Bills of 
late for putting Penal Law r s in execution, have already pro 
duced this Effect in some measure, one Gentleman of an af 
fluent Fortune having already sold part of his lands with 
intention to quit the country, and many others judging they 
shall be necessitated to follow his Example unless assured of 
enjoying their possessions in greater peace and quiet than for 
these eight years past." 

There is no trace of any mission work about this time in 
Virginia and New York. 2 The Catholics in Pennsylvania 
were comparatively free. They had churches openly at 
Philadelphia, Conew r ago, Lancaster, and Goshenhopen, and 
proposed to erect one in Easton. They were, however, com 
paratively poor, few of their communion being possessed of 
any large means, but they contributed money to erect and 
maintain churches and support the priests who attended 
them. New Jersey was a mission field without a church, 
and the perquisites of the priests who penetrated into it 
must have been scanty indeed. 

In Maryland the Catholic population was more rural, com 
prising the owners of plantations with their slaves, and the 

1 " The Case of the Roman Catholics in Maryland, 1759." 

2 Accounts of visits of priests to New York at this period, are, so far 
as I can discover, absolutely unfounded. The Virginia penal act of 1756 
was very comprehensive. The usual oaths were to be rendered to all 
Papists ; no Catholic could have arms under penalty of three months 
imprisonment, forfeiture of the arms, and a fine of three times their 
value. Any Protestant who did not report a Catholic neighbor for keep 
ing arms was subject to the same penalties. A Catholic owning a horse 
worth more than 5 was liable to three months imprisonment and a fine 
of three times the value of the horse. Henings " Statutes at Large," vii., 
p. 37. The few Virginia Catholics of that day were, it is said, visited at 
times by the holy Father George Hunter. 


tradesfolk near them. The wealthy Mr. Carroll had a house 
in Annapolis with a private chapel, but in no town except 
Frederick was there even a priest s house for a congregation. 
Private chapels on plantations of Catholic proprietors or 
owned by the missionaries, were the stations attended from 
each central point. Beyond the few cases of private chapels, 
the Catholics did nothing to erect or maintain churches or 
support the clergy, and under the pressure of persecution 
were becoming inert, and losing the energy of faitli that 
shows itself in self-sacrifice. 

In both provinces the services of the Church were con 
ducted apparently in the plainest manner, without pomp, 
and in most cases without music. Sermons were read from 
manuscript in the English style. Cemeteries existed on the 
priests farms, but many interments were made in private 
burial plots in the grounds of Catholics. A funeral sermon 
was generally delivered. 

It was not possible for all to hear mass every Sunday and 
holiday, and the list of holidays then far exceeded those now 
kept. It included the Circumcision, Epiphany, Purification, 
the Finding of the Holy Cross, the Assumption, Nativity 
of the Blessed Yirgin, All Saints and Christmas, St. Mathias, 
St. Joseph, St. Philip and St. James, St. John the Baptist, St. 
Peter and St. Paul, St. James, St. Anne, St. Lawrence, St. 
Bartholomew, St. Matthew, St. Michael, St. Simon and St. 
Jude, St. Andrew, St. Thomas, St. Stephen, St. John the 
Evangelist, Holy Innocents, St. Sylvester, and St. George. 

The missionaries were certainly zealous and devoted, and 
so far as we can glean, communions were frequent, many 
who had strayed away from their duties were reclaimed, 
conversions were constantly made ; but when the struggle of 
England and her colonies against France closed, the little 
band of missionaries in Maryland and Pennsylvania and their 
flocks, saw not a ray of cheering hope in the future. 




THE CHUECH IN FLORIDA, 1 690-1 763. 

FLOKIDA, after a struggle for existence of a century and a 
quarter, was menaced with ruin. The English colony of 
Carolina was already an enemy at its very door ; the little 
settlement at St. Augustine was menaced by the sea, which 
threatened to wash away its fortifications, and by the Span 
ish government, which seeing its slow progress, proposed to 
abandon it, and transfer the inhabitants to Pensacola, so as to 
prevent any encroachments by the French on the west. 1 

In its parish church the Rev. Alonzo de Leturiondo, who 
had been in temporary charge for some years, was made par 
ish priest and proprietary rector in July, 1694, and he dis 
charged the duties in person or by deputy till early in 1707. 2 

A famous native of Florida, baptized in all probability in 
the parish church of Saint Augustine, died in Mexico about 
1695. This was the Jesuit Father Francis de Florencia, born 
in Florida in 1620, who took the habit of the Society of Je 
sus at the age of twenty-three, and who, after being professor 
of philosophy and theology in the College of Saint Peter and 
Saint Paul, and having rendered great services to the Bishops 

1 Barcia, " Ensayo Cronologico," pp. 299, 301. 

2 " Noticias relativas & la Iglesia Parroquial de San Agustin." 





whose confidence he enjoyed, was sent as procurator of the 
Mexican province to Madrid and then to Rome. He was 
subsequently appointed procurator at Seville of all the prov 
inces of his order in the Indies, but finally returned to Mexi 
co, where he died at the age of 75. 

He acquired a high reputation as an author, having pub 
lished a Menology of the illustrious members of the Society 
in New Spain, a work on the Shrine of Our Lady de los 
Remedies, a still more important work on the Apparition 
and Shrine of Our Lady of Guadalupe, a History of the So 
ciety of Jesus in New Spain, and other works. 1 

In 1693 Don Andres de Pes proceeded to Pensacola in a 
frigate, accompanied by a famous priest, Don Carlos de Si- 
guenza y Gongora, professor of mathematics in the University 
of Mexico. The frigate and a smaller vessel entered the bay 
on the 8th of April, and the Spanish commander retaining 
its ancient title, given in honor of Our Lady, named the har 
bor Santa Maria de Galve, after the chaplain had chanted a 
Te Deum before a statue of Our Lady. Father Siguenza 
made a careful survey of the bay, and a site having been de 
termined upon for a settlement, he said the first mass on St. 
Mark s day, April 25th, and the Spaniards marched in pro 
cession, chanting the Litany of Loretto, to the spot selected, 
where a cross was set up. This was the beginning of Pensa 
cola, the second Spanish town in Florida. The settlement 
was actually made in 1696 by Don Andres de Arriola, who 
erected Fort San Carlos on the Barrancas of Santo Tome. 
Quarters for the men and a frame church were immediately 
erected. 2 

At the instance of the Bishop of Santiago de Cuba, Don 

" Diccionario Universal de Historia y Geografia." Mexico, 1853, 
vol. iii. 

Barcia, " Ensayo Cronologico," pp. 308-311, 316. 


Diego Evelino de Compostela, a band of twenty Franciscan 
missionaries, under Father Felician Lopez, were sent over to 
found new Christian communities in tribes which professed 
a desire of embracing the Christian faith. Eight were sent 
to the new conversions of Mayaca, Tororo, Afiacapi, San An 
tonio, and St. Joseph ; six were selected for the province of 
Carlos, a son of the Cacique having visited Saint Augustine 
to solicit missionaries for his people : the rest were sent to 
other parts 

The Fathers entered on their work with zeal, and at first 
success seemed to encourage them, but in October, 1696, the 
heathen Indians of Tororo and the four other towns of that 
district rose against the Spaniards, killed one of the religious, 
with a soldier and five Indian converts, burned the churches 
and mission settlements, and retired to the woods. The sur 
viving missionaries, left without shelter or a flock, returned 
to Saint Augustine. The field was not abandoned, however. 
Five religious, with an experienced Superior versed in the 
language, were sent to reclaim the Indians, and apparently 
succeeded. 1 

The conversion of the Carlos Indians was undertaken by 
Father Felician Lopez himself. He sailed from Havana on 
the llth of September, 1697, with five other religious and 
supplies of all kinds for the projected missions, and after 
touching at Key West, proceeded to the town of Cayucos. 
The old Cacique, who was very ill, earnestly solicited bap 
tism, and after instruction the sacrament of regeneration was 
conferred upon him, as death seemed imminent. Meanwhile 
a house was erected for the residence and chapel of the Fran 
ciscan Fathers. But no attention was paid to their instruc- 

1 Letter of F. Martin de Alcano, Provincial, and others to the king, 
July 18, 1697. Report, August 15, 1698. 


tions ; a hut used for idolatrous ceremonies was thronged, and 
the Indians even called upon the missionaries to give food 
and clothing for their gods. "When the Franciscans refused, 
and urged the Indians to abandon their idolatry, the young 
Cacique told them that his gods were offended at them, and 
required them to leave the country. The missionaries en 
deavored to hold their ground, but they were seized and 
robbed of their provisions, vestments, and chapel service, and 
taken from Key to Key, till at last they were left naked at 
Matacumbe. There the vessel which had brought these en 
voys of Christianity over, found them on a return voyage, 
and rescued them. Processions of the religious at night are 
said to have alarmed the Indians at first, and were then made 
a pretext for their expulsion. The missionaries who left 
Havana in September, 1697, reached that port again on the 
21st of February. 1 

We get some glimpses of the Church and her missions in 
Florida in 1699, from an unexpected source. The barken- 
tine " Reformation " was wrecked on the coast of Florida in 
September, 1696, and Jonathan Dickenson drew up a jour 
nal of their adventures till they were rescued on the coast by 
a Spanish party, conveyed to Saint Augustine, and then sent 
northward along the coast, from one Indian mission to an 

Near where they were wrecked a zealous Franciscan Father 
had converted a chief, but his tribe demanded that he should 
renounce it and put the Friars to death. On his refusal they 

1 A despondent letter of F. Felician from Florida, Sept. 21, 1697. Let 
ters of F. Francis de Contreras, Oct. 16, 1697 ; Mar. 5, 1698. Report, 
August 15, 1698. "Extractos de Varias Relaciones." The companions 
of F. Felician were FF. Ferdinand Samos, Michael Carrillo, Francis of 
Jesus, and Francis of San Diego, lay brother. 


killed him and one of the Franciscans, two others who were 
there escaping. 

The shipwrecked men received very kind treatment at 
Saint Augustine, and in September set out with an escort. 
At Santa Cruz mission, two or three leagues from Saint 
Augustine, they found a large chapel with three bells, and a 
Franciscan in charge. The Indians went as constantly to 
their devotions at all times and seasons as any of the Span 
iards. The party were lodged in a large house, kept as a 
warehouse and general place of meeting. San Juan, on an 
island thirteen leagues further, had its chapel and priests. 
St. Mary s was next reached, where they found a Franciscan 
with his church, and his school of Indian boys. Near it was 
another mission, St. Philip s, which was soon reached, and so 
they made their way to St. Catharine s Island "a place 
called St. Catalina, where hath been a great settlement of 
Indians, for the land hath been cleared for planting for some 
miles distant." It was in fact the old mission station where 
church and convent had been destroyed by the Carolina In 
dians. 1 Yet Dickenson s narrative shows that these mission 
stations along the coast not only civilized the Indians and 
reformed their savage character, but were a life-saving organ 
ization on the coast where the shipwrecked found Christian 
welcome and aid ; yet the neighboring English colonies 
destroyed them. 

The Apalache Indians had been forced to come and labor 
on the fortifications and sea wall at Saint Augustine, and a 
letter signed by Patricio, chief of Ybitacucho, implores Don 
Juan de Ayala to represent their case to the king. But the 
fortifications saved Florida, for though the English from 

1 Dickenson, "God s Protecting Providence, Man s Surest Help and 
Defence," Philadelphia, 1699. It ran through many editions in England 
and America. 


Carolina in 1702 took and fired the city, the fort resisted 
their efforts. 1 

The war of the Spanish succession gave South Carolina a 
pretext for hostility against its Catholic neighbor, Florida, 
and Governor Moore was eager for the plunder of a Spanish 
town, and for Indian converts to enslave. He instigated the 
Apalachicolas to invade the Apalache country, where, after 
professing friendship, they attacked Santa Fe, one of the 
chief towns of the province of Timuqua, on the 20th of May, 
1702, just before dawn. The Apalachicolas burned the 
church, but the Indian Catholics succeeded in saving the vest 
ments and pictures. A Spanish force pursuing the enemy 
was defeated and the commander slain. Governor Moore 
then induced his colony to fit out an expedition. A land 
force of militia and Indians under Colonel Daniel attacked 
St. Augustine in the rear by way of Pilatka, while Governor 
Moore operated against it with vessels. Daniel occupied the 
town, the inhabitants retiring to the fort. Governor Moore 
coming in his vessels by sea, spread devastation along the 
coast. The Christian Indians on the islands, from Saint 
Catharine s to Amelia, had in consequence of previous hos 
tilities, withdrawn to St. Mark s Island, where they formed 
three towns. These were now committed to the flames with 
their churches and convents, three devoted Franciscan Fa 
thers falling as prisoners into the hands of the enemy, while 
the Indian converts fled from their savage foe to St. Augus 
tine. 8 Moore having reached the Spanish city with fourteen 
or fifteen vessels, and effected a junction with Colonel 
Daniel, endeavored on the 22d of October, 1702, to capture 
the fort. But the brave Governor, Joseph de Zuniga, who had 

Barcia, "Ensayo Cronologico," p. 320. 
2 Letter of Governor Zuniga, Sept. 30, 1702. 


received a few soldiers to reinforce his little garrison, held 
out bravely, the fort resisting all the efforts of the English. 
Moore sent to the West Indies for heavier artillery ; but be 
fore it arrived Spanish ships appeared in the harbor with re 
inforcements under Captain Stephen de Berroa. Moore 
raised the siege, which had lasted more than fifty days, and 
finding escape by sea impossible, set fire to his vessels and re 
treated overland. 1 " Before withdrawing," says a modern 
writer, " he committed the barbarity of burning the town." 
The parish church, the church and convent of the Franciscan 
Fathers, and other shrines perished in the general conflagra 
tion ; 2 but the plate to the value of a thousand dollars was 
carried off. A Protestant clergyman writing at the time records 
one act of vandalism which we cannot omit to state. " To 
show what friends some of them are to learning and books, 
when they were at Saint Augustine, they burned a library of 
books worth about 600, wherein were a collection of the 
Greek and Latin Fathers, and the Holy Bible itself did not 
escape, because it was in Latin. This outrage was done as 
soon as they arrived, by the order of ColoneLDaniel." 

This was evidently the fine library in the Franciscan con 
vent at Saint Augustine, and it is most creditable that a little 
place like the capital of Florida, then possessed a library of 
ecclesiastical works that could win for its extent and value 
such encomium from an enemy ; Father Martin de Aleano, 
guardian of the convent, proceeded to Spain to portray to 
the king the ruin of the ancient place. 4 

1 Letter of Don Joseph de Zuniga, San Marcos, Jan. 6, 1703. 
2 Fairbanks, "History of Florida," p. 174. 

3 Rev. Edward Marston to Rev. Dr. Bray, Charlestown, Feb. 2, 170f . 
"Documentary History P. E. Church, i., pp. 11, 12. 

4 Barcia, " Ensayo Cronologico," p. 324. Royal Decrees of April 31, 
1714, and Nov. 7, 1720. 


That the wanton destruction of a defenceless town was re 
garded by the Spanish monarch as a mark of English pro 
vincial hatred against the Church of God is evidenced by a 
public act. The antipathy to the true faith with which 
unprincipled rulers in England had imbued the ignorant 
settlers of Carolina prompted them to the work of devasta 
tion. The Spanish monarch at once ordered the income of 
vacant bishoprics, the revenues that the episcopate of Spain 
would have enjoyed had every see been filled, to be applied 
to rebuild the church and convent, the hallowed shrine and 
the domestic hearth that Carolinian bigotry had laid in ashes. 

The greed of Governor Moore prompted another expedi 
tion. If he could not take a Spanish fort he could carry 
off the Indian converts of Spanish priests to sell as slaves. 
He raised a force of English and Indians, and made a sudden 
inroad into the territory of the Apalaches. Lieutenant John 
Euiz Mexia, who commanded the little Spanish garrison, pre 
pared with the Apalaches to meet the enemy. Father John 
de Parga, the missionary at Patali, addressed the Indians, 
urging them to fight bravely, for God s holy law, as no death 
could be more glorious than to perish for the faith and truth. 
When he had given all absolution, Mexia advanced on the 
enemy with thirty Spanish soldiers and four hundred Apa 
laches. They wished Father Parga to remain behind, but 
he would not desert his flock. Mexia twice repulsed the as 
sailants near Ayubale, January 25, 1704, but his ammunition 
failing, most of his force were killed or taken. He himself 
was wounded and taken with Father John de Parga and Fa 
ther Angel Miranda. Many of the prisoners were at once 
tied to stakes, tortured and burned to death. Father Miranda 
appealed in vain to Governor Moore to prevent such horri 
ble cruelties on prisoners before his very eyes ; but to no 
purpose. Father Parga was burned at the stake, beheaded, 


and his leg hacked off. Another religious, Marcos Delgado, 
endeavoring to save Father Parga, was slain. 

A party of the enemy then approached Patali, and an 
apostate Indian called to Father Manuel de Mendoza, who 
opened a window in the palisade, but was at once shot 
through the head. The town was then fired. 

Consternation prevailed throughout the Apalache towns ; 
those which had not been taken, to escape the cruelties they 
saw perpetrated on their countrymen, submitted to the Eng 
lish and their allies, and of the eleven towns, Ybitacucho 
alone escaped. Moore sent to Perez, who still held the 
block-house at San Luis, 1 offering to give up Mexia, Father 
Miranda, and four soldiers ; but as the Spanish officer could 
not furnish the ransom demanded, they were all burned at 
the stake. Several of the Indians while undergoing the tor 
ture showed in prayer and exhortation the heroism of Chris 
tian martyrs, especially Anthony Enixa, of the town of San 
Luis, and Amador Cuipa Feliciano, of the same town. 

Moore retired at last, carrying off nearly a thousand Apa- 
laches to sell as slaves, besides the numbers he had put to 
death in and after the battle near Ayubale. 

When he had retired, Father John de Yillalba went with 
others to the ruined towns. A scene of unparalleled horror 
met them on every side, bodies half burned hanging from the 
stakes or pierced by them, men and women scalped, mutila 
ted, and burned. Father Parga s mangled body was found 
and carried to Ybitacucho ; that of Father Mendoza was found 
amid the ruins of Patali, half burned away, his beads and 
partly-melted crucifix sunk into the very flesh. Of Father 
Miranda and Marcos Delgado no trace seems to have been 
found. 4 

1 Two miles west of the Tallahassee (Fairbanks). 

2 Letter of Governor Zuniga, March 30, 1704. "Extractos de una 


The martyrdom of Ayubale has no parallel in our annals 
except in the deaths of Fathers Brebeuf, Lalemant, Daniel, 
and Gamier, in the Huron country, which has been so often 
and so pathetically described ; but the butcheries perpetrated 
there were not enacted before the eyes and by the order of 
the Governor of a Christian colony. 

The mission of Ybitacucho was maintained for a while, 
but the Indians feeling that Spain could not protect them, 
fled westward, and sought refuge under the cannon of the 
new French fort at Mobile. 

The missions on the Atlantic coast, from St. John s to the 
Savannah, had been already broken up, the Apalache country 
was a desert, and others nearer to Saint Augustine had been 
already invaded. 1 

In the Apalache country alone there had been thirteen 
considerable towns, each with a very good church and a con 
vent for the missionary ; but all were now destroyed, 2 and it 
is asserted, and is probable, that the churches were plundered 
by the invaders of all their plate and vestments, of every 
thing indeed that could tempt cupidity. 3 

In January, 1704, 4 Bishop Compostela sent the Licentiate 
Antonio Ponce de Leon to make a visitation of the afflicted 
Florida portion of his diocese, and the report of that dele 
gate seems to have led to what had long been desired, the 

information fecha en San Augustin de la Florida en 9 dias de Junio del 
ano 1705, por orden de fr. Lucas Alvarez de Toledo," including testi 
mony of several eye-witnesses. 

1 San Joseph de Ocuia, Pilitiriba, and San Francisco. 

2 Don Juan de la Valle, 1729. 

3 Fairbanks, "History of Florida," says, that "the remains of these 
mission stations may be traced at several localities in Florida," and the 
outlines of the earthworks around them can be distinctly seen at Lake 
City and elsewhere. 

4 Auto de 14 de Enero de 1704. 


appointment of a bishop to reside in Florida. The first one 
selected for this position was Don Dionisio Rezino, a native 
of Havana, who was preconized Bishop of Adramitum, and 
auxiliar to the Bishop of Santiago de Cuba, He was conse 
crated at Merida in Yucatan, in 1709. Bishop Kezino pro 
ceeded at once to Florida, and conferred confirmation in the 
parish church at Saint Augustine, on the 26th of June, 
1709, to a multitude of persons of every rank. On the 10th 
of the following month he made his formal visitation of that 
church, of which Rev. Peter Lawrence de Acevedo was the 
proprietary parish priest. 2 Of the length of the Bishop s 
stay in Florida at this time documents have not yet been 
found to give any definite account. 

In 1720, Bishop Valdez, of Santiago de Cuba, sent one of 
his priests, John Stephen Romero y Montafiez, to make a 
visitation, which he did strictly, Nov. 7, 1720, censuring 
somewhat severely the manner in which the Registers had 
been kept by the Proprietary parish priest, Acevedo. The 
chaplain of the fort had occasionally acted for the pastor, 
and now by the visitor s permission the Sacristan Mayor, 
Francisco Gabriel del Pueyo, who was also notary of the vis 
itor, acted temporarily, and at a later period Rev. John de 
Pared es, and John Joseph Solana. The long pastorship of 
Rev. Mr. Acevedo ended August 13, 1735. 

The venerable shrine of Nuestra Senora de la Leche erected 
in the Indian town at Xombre de Dios, where the first mass 
was celebrated on the 8th of September, 1565, was now to 
feel the results of the proximity of a nation of hostile faith. 

1 D. Rosain, "Necropolis de la Habana," 1875, p. 133. Bp. Rezino 
died in Havana, Sept. 12, 1711, and was interred under the sanctuary 
of the Cinirch of St. Catharine. 

2 Barcia, " Ensayo Cronologico," p. 363, places the visitation of Bishop 
Rezino in 1721, but the entry of visitation and confirmations in the Reg 
ister of Saint Augustine show that it was in 1709. 




According to a statement of a modern historian, Colonel 
Palmer with a party of Georgians made a raid into Florida, 
and approached St. Augustine. His men plundered the 
chapel, carrying off the church plate, votive offerings, and 
everything of value. One of the soldiers took the figure of 
the Infant Saviour from the arms of the statue of Our Lady, 
and carried it to Colonel Palmer, then at Fort Mosa, who re 
buked his men for their sacrilegious act, telling them that 
they would in time atone it, but he took the figure and threw 
it from him on the ground. 

The next year as the city was again menaced, the Governor 
of Florida, to prevent Nombre de Dios from being again oc 
cupied by the Georgians, commanded the town and chapel to 
be demolished on the 20th of March, 1728, and a new chapel 
was erected in a safer spot. 

The account proceeds to state that in 1735 Colonel Palmer 
was slain on the very spot where he threw the Holy Child. 1 

In the war with Carolina the Christian Indians were nearly 
exterminated, only three hundred survivors gathered under 
the guns of the fort at Saint Augustine, remaining to repre 
sent the once numerous happy towns of native converts. 

The missionaries turned their attention to tribes which had 
hitherto shown little disposition for the faith. 2 In 1726 they 
had made such progress that there were three Yamassee mis 
sions, two dedicated to St. Anthony, and one to St. Diego, 
each with a convent and church of palmetto ; three towns of 

1 This account is given by Williams, "Territory of Florida," New 
York, 1837, pp. 182-4, citing " Spanish Historians," but to whom he 
refers I do not know. He gives the date of the profanation of the shrine 
as 1725, but see Stevens "History of Georgia," New York, 1847, pp. 145, 
173, where it is given as 1727 ; the site of the first chapel, place of the 
first mass, and of the second chapel of Our Lady of the Milk are given 
on page 137 of this work. 

2 Letter of F. Anthony Florencia to the King, 1724. 



the Yguasa nation, Santa Catalina, Our Lady of Guadalupe, 
and St. Joseph, chiefly of old converts, Guadalupe having a 
church of boards. ]S r ombre de Dios, a Chiluca town of old 
Christians, had its church of stone ; Santa Fe, a Timuquan 
town ; San Luis, an Apalache town ; and San Antonio, a 
Casapulla town ; another San Antonio among the Costas, 
and a third in the Apalache country. Besides, there were 
a mission among the Macapiras, and one in the Pray a nation, 
and San Juan mission in the province of Apalache, estab 
lished for all who joined it from the Apalache nation, and 
the Yamassees. The church in Florida could still report 
more than a thousand Christians. 1 These Indians had no 
arms to defend themselves, and the heathen Indians all sided 
with the English. Each of six new towns had its missionary. 

A complaint was made at this time that natives of Florida, 
who were ordained under the title of missions, went to other 
places to receive holy orders, and did not return to the penin 
sula. 2 

St. Mark was fortified in March, 1Y18, to protect the In 
dian converts in that district, and steps taken to restore Pen- 
sacola, w r here church, houses, and fort were all insecure. 
The Confraternity of Our Lady of Soledad maintained the 
services of the church and funeral expenses. 8 

Steps were taken to found a new Apalache mission of La 
Soledad, near St. Mark, and two Franciscan Fathers were 
placed in charge of it. On Santa Rosa Island a fortification 
was thrown up, and a chapel erected, which Father Manuel 
de Hoaliso attended. When in 1719 Pensacola was invested 
by the French under Bienville, and captured, Father Joseph 

1 Visita, Dec., 1726. 

2 Letter, May 15, 1729, of Don Juan de la Balle. 

3 Barcia, " Ensayo Cronologico," pp. 336-7, 340. 



Usache, and Father Joseph del Castillo, of the order of St. 
Francis, the chaplains, were taken to Havana. 1 The Span 
iards recovered the place soon after, only to lose it a second 
time, Sept. 18, 1719, when Pensacola was taken by the Count 
de Charnpmeslin with a powerful squadron. Finding, how 
ever, that he could not easily hold the place, he set fire to the 
fort and town, laying Pensacola completely in ashes, not even 

sparing the church, and 
carrying off the sacred vest 
ments and plate. When 
the site was restored to 
Spain, Pensacola was re 
built in a new position near 
the western extremity of 
Santa Rosa Island. A sub 
stantial fort with palisades 
stood near, and the church 
and government house 
were suitable buildings. 
A view of the city taken 
by Dom. Serres in 1743, 
shows that the second Pen 
sacola church was a pecul 
iarly shaped, octagon struc 
ture. 2 

Some years later the 

city was transferred to its present position, and Santa Rosa 
Island was abandoned, no trace now remaining of the town 
or church. 

1 Barcia, " Ensayo Cronologico," p. 361 ; Morfi, "Memorias para la 
Historia de Texas," p. 84. 

2 Barcia, "Ensayo Cronologico," p. 361; Roberts, "An Account of 
the first Discovery and Natural History of Florida," London, 1763, pp. 
11, 91. 




Of the earlier churches of Pensacola, dedicated it would 
seem to Saint Michael, a relic was preserved to our times. 
It was an elegant silver crucifix of ancient work, probably 
the gift of some benefactor of the Church in the last 

A most important event for Florida was the appointment 
as Bishop of Tricali, and auxiliar to the Bishop of Santiago 
de Cuba, of Father Francis of Saint Bonaventure Martinez 
de Texada Diez de Velasco, a native of Seville, a member of 
the Kecollect reform of the Franciscan order. He had been 
professor of philosophy and theology, and guardian of the 
convent at Seville. After his consecration he crossed over 
to Florida in 1735, making a visitation of the whole prov 
ince, as there are evidences of his having done in 1 742 and 
1745. He resided for ten years at Saint Augustine, in a 
house occupying the site which the United States Govern 
ment, in disregard of its being property of the Catholic 
Church, bestowed on the Protestant Episcopal body. 

On his arrival he found the population of Saint Augus 
tine to be 1,509 souls, attended by the parish priest, Peter 
Lawrence de Acevedo, then more than eighty years of age 
too old to officiate ; the Sacristan Mayor, Francis Gabriel 
del Pueyo; John Joseph Solana as assistant, and a chap 
lain in the fort. Before the close of April, 1736, the 
Bishop had confirmed 630 Spaniards and 143 slaves and free 

From the time of the Carolinian invasion the Hermitage 


the Shrine of La Soledad, which had too been used as an hos 
pital had served as a parish church. This seemed unbecom 
ing to the good bishop, and knowing that the English colonists 
mocked at the Spaniards on account of the poverty to which 
Governor Moore had reduced them, he restored this chapel, 
strengthening the walls, and adding a stone sacristy so as to 


serve more worthily till the real parish church was erected. 
He also obtained suitable vestments. The classical school 
which he opened soon gave him young clerics whom he 
trained to assist in the sanctuary, and to whom he gave the 
habit. 1 

The occupation of Georgia by Oglethorpe completed the 
ruin of the Indian missions, the natives abandoning their vil 
lages from fear or interest. 

The bishop in his letters makes no allusion to the Indian 
missions of which the Governor, Manuel Joseph de Justiz, 
draws a deplorable picture. The scanty remnant of the once 
flourishing missions was in the hands of young, inexperi 
enced, and indifferent religious, so that the Indians showed 
little piety or knowledge of their faith. The governor bears 
testimony to the zeal and exertions of Bishop Tejada, who 
had aroused piety among the Spanish settlers, having proces 
sions of the Rosary on holidays, reviving the frequentation 
of the sacraments, and omitting no means to draw all to the 
fear of God. His school was the only one in Florida, all the 
rest having been closed since the English invasion. 2 

Although the king had appropriated forty thousand dol 
lars to rebuild the parish church, there was nothing to show 
for it but four bare walls, 3 and though Bishop Tejada and 
others exerted themselves to have the church completed, it 
was never done, and remained in an unfinished condition till 
Florida passed out of the hands of the Catholic king. 

1 Letters of Bishop Tejada to the king, April 29, Aug. 31, 1736. The 
salary of the parish priest was $389 ; the sacristan mayor, $200 ; the 
chaplain of the troops, who was vicar of the parish priest, $320 ; an or 
ganist, $275. Letter of Gov. Monteano. The little chapel was about 
fifty feet by thirty-six. Most of the congregation remained in the street. 

2 Letter of Gov. Justiz, Nov. 14, 1737. 

3 Letter of Gov. Monteano, Nov. 31, 1738. 


A question of the right of sanctuary occurred at Saint 
Augustine soon after the coming of the Bishop. Francis del 
Moral had been superseded as governor by Manuel Joseph 
de Justiz in 1737, yet he not only refused to recognize his 
successor, but even to allow him to land. As not unf requently 
happens, Moral contrived to form a party who regarded him 
as an injured man, the victim of a conspiracy, and he gath 
ered his adherents in the fort. The temperate course of the 
new governor, however, caused the band of malcontents to 
decrease rapidly, and Moral finding himself deserted, fled to 
the convent of the Franciscan Fathers, where he claimed the 
right of sanctuary. Not to violate the prerogatives of holy 
Mother Church, Governor Justiz appealed to the Bishop to 
suspend the right of sanctuary so as to enable him to arrest 
the offender and send him to Spain for such trial as the king 
might appoint. Having obtained it he proceeded to the con 
vent, when Moral surrendered himself a prisoner. 1 

As we have seen, money had been sent from Spain to re 
build the Franciscan convent; but official dishonesty pre 
vailed, the money was misapplied. Indeed, up to this time 
nothing had been done except to run up a WTetched chapel 
with four stone walls and a palmetto roof, while near by stood 
huts like those of the Indians, to serve for a convent. The 
eight Indian towns near the city 2 were as badly off, each mis 
sionary living in a hut like his flock, with a chapel but little 

At St. Mark s on the Apalache Eiver, there was a small 
garrison in charge of a Franciscan Father, who attended also 

1 Letter of Governor Justiz, Mar. 22, 1737. 

2 Nombre de Dios at Macariz, 43 souls ; San Antonio de la Costa, 23 ; 
N a .S*. de Guadalupe at Tolomato, 29 ; N a .S a . de la Asuncion at Palicia, 
48 ; N <l .S a . de la Concepcion at Pocotalaca, 44; N a .S a del Rosario at la 
Punta, 51 ; Santo Domingo de Chiquito, 55 ; San Nicolas de Casapullas, 
71. Letter of Gov. Monteano, Mar. 3, 1738. 


eight Indian families at Tamasle. The Fathers here had a 
well-built convent. 1 

St. Joseph s, near Point Escondido, had also a handsome 

The province of the Franciscans, known as " Santa Elena 
de la Florida," was disturbed from about this time by na 
tional rivalries, the religious born in Spain and those born in 
America forming two parties. The elections held at the 
chapters brought out these rivalries. That held in 1745 was 
declared by the higher authorities to be null, and a Provincial 
was named by the Commissary General of the Indies. 2 

In 1743 the Jesuit Fathers, Joseph Mary Monaco and 
Joseph Xavier de Alana, sailed from Havana to attempt a 
mission in Southern Florida, and landed at the mouth of the 
Rio de Ratones, near Cape Florida, on the 13th of July. 
The Indians there, at the Keys and of Carlos, and Santa 
Lucia and Mayaca at the north were to be the field for their 
zeal. With the help of the sailors the mission priests reared 
a hut for a dwelling and chapel, and began their ministry. 
A fish painted on a board was worshipped in a hut by these 
Indians, the chief medicine-man calling himself bishop. Sac 
rifices of children on important occasions were common, and 
the Indians were cruel, lewd, and rapacious. They showed 
no inclination to listen to the missionaries, whom they toler 
ated only from fear of the Governor of Havana. His favor 
they wished to conciliate in order to be able to sell fish at 
that port. Discouraging as the first attempts were, the Jesuit 

1 The statement that there was a Jesuit house here, made by C apt. 
Robinson (Roberts "Florida," p. 97), is certainly wrong. But where 
sober historians can talk of an adventurer like Priber as being a Jesuit 
(Stevens "Georgia"), we may expect any absurdity. There may have 
been at St. Mark s, the house of a secular parish priest, 

- Fogueras, Satisf accion que se da sobre el derecho f undado a la 
devolution que declaro de las elecciones del capitulo," etc. Mexico, 1747. 


missionaries persevered, and a community of Catholic Indians 
was formed there in time, and retained the faith till the 
period of the Seminole War, when they were transported to 
Indian Territory, although these Spanish Indians had taken 
no part in the hostilities against the whites. 1 

Fugitive slaves from Georgia and Carolina reached Florida, 
and Bishop Tejada extended his care to them at Fort Mose, 
where they were placed, assigning a young ecclesiastic to in 
struct and prepare them for baptism. 

In 1740 General Oglethorpe with 2,000 regulars, provin 
cials, and Indians, and a fleet of five ships and two sloops, 
laid siege to Saint Augustine, but the stout Governor Mon- 
teano, who refused to surrender, held out bravely till pro 
visions came to save the garrison and citizens from starvation, 
when the founder of Georgia raised the siege. 2 During these 
days of trial Bishop Tejada roused the zeal and piety of the 
people, and offered constant prayers for the deliverance of 
the city. When the enemy retired, and the citizens could 
replace their prayers for Divine aid by a joyous " Te Deum," 
he wrote a Relation of the Siege which was printed at Seville. 
It opens with the words, " Ave Maria ! " 

After his visitation in 1745, Bishop Tejada, who had done 
so much for religion in Florida, was presented for the see of 
Yucatan, and departed from the scene of his first episcopal 
labors. 4 

1 Letter of FF. Joseph Mary Monaco, S.J., etc., to Governor-Gen, of 
8 Stevens, " History of Georgia," New York, 1847, i., pp. 170-179. 

3 " Ave Maria ! Relacion que hace el Ilus. Senor D. Fray Francisco de 
San Buenaventura, Recollecto de la orden de N. P. S. Francisco, 
Obispo, etc." Seville, 1740. M. de Civezza, p. 534. 

4 He took possession of the see of Yucatan, June 15, 1746, and made 
two visitations of the diocese, not omitting the smallest ranches. He 
erected a diocesan seminary, rebuilt several parish churches from his 


Saint Augustine was saved, but the country had been rav 
aged on all sides ; the little Indian missions had been again 
and again decimated, till in 1753 there were only four, Tolo- 
mato, Pocatalapa, Palica, and La Punta, the whole contain 
ing only 136 souls. 1 

The parochial charge of the ancient church had devolved 
in February, 1743, on Kev. Francis Xavier Arturo, a parish 
priest who administered for eight years assisted by the Kev. 
John Joseph Solana, and the Deputy John C. Paredes, after 
whose services in December, 1752, Fathers belonging to the 
Franciscan mission, Uriza, Ortiz, and the Commissary Visitor 
Francis Rabelo and Father John Anthony Hernandez, alone 
ministered to the Catholic body till June, 1754, when Rev. 
Mr. Solana resumed his duties and discharged them with oc 
casional aid for the next nine years. 

Reduced as Saint Augustine was, and almost stripped of 
the great circle of Indian missions, which had been the dia 
dem of the Florida church, it had not been deprived of epis- 

own income ; adorned others. His charity extended to Spain, where he 
erected and endowed a refuge for female penitents. In 1752 he was 
translated to the see of Guadalajara, and on taking possession hung his 
jeweled cross on the statue of the Blessed Virgin, wearing a wooden one 
instead. There, as in Florida and Yucatan, he was diligent in visitations, 
zealous for the worship of God, building and adorning churches, and to 
facilitate pilgrimages to the Shrine of Our Lady of Tzapopan, erected 
three fine bridges on roads leading to it. He also spent large sums 
to enlarge and beautify the church. Always deeply pious, mortified, 
content with the poorest food and raiment, this most apostolic bishop 
died Dec. 20, 1760, after the second visitation of his diocese, from disease 
contracted in riding on horseback to all the missions of Texas, then em 
braced in the diocese of Guadalajara. He is to this (fey regarded as one of 
the holiest men who have adorned the Mexican hierarchy. He began and 
closed his episcopal career in parts now in the United States. I owe the 
portrait here engraved to the extreme kindness of Father Macias, who 
had the photograph taken from the original painting still preserved. Con- 
cilios Provinciales de Mexico," II., pp. 348-9, 364. 
1 From Manuel de San Antonio, 1753. 


copal care and vigilance. As successor to the venerated Bishop 
Tejada of Tricali, came the Rt. Rev. Peter Ponce y Car- 
rasco, Bishop of Adramitum, and auxiliar of Cuba, who re 
sided in the province from 1751 to 1755, and with his Secre 
tary Justo Lorenzo Lopez Barroso began a formal visita 
tion of that part of the diocese, June 8, 1754. 

But the grasp of Catholic Spain on her ancient province 
became daily more precarious, and seemed paralyzed when 
the city of Havana fell into the hands of England in 1762. 
That event led indirectly to an episcopal visitation of Florida, 
the last it was to enjoy for many years. When Havana was 
captured by the English, the Rt. Rev. Peter Augustine 
Morell de Santa Cruz, a learned and zealous prelate, occupied 
the see of Santiago de Cuba, and as he resided at the time in 
Havana, he fell into the hands of the enemy. The dignitary 
of the Catholic Church was treated with the usual insolence 
by the Earl of Albemarle, the British commander. When 
he declined to aid that nobleman in extorting forced levies 
from the clergy of his diocese, Bishop Morell was accused of 
conspiracy, and summoned to appear before the representa 
tive of the British crown. Declining to acknowledge such 
arbitrary measures, he was seized by a file of soldiers, Nov. 
4, 1762, and carried in his chair amid the tears of his flock 
to a man-of-war which sailed off with him as a prisoner to 
Charleston, South Carolina. He was thus the first Catholic 
bishop to enter the limits of the British colonies. 1 

After being kept on the vessel in that port for two weeks, 
Bishop Morell was sent to Saint Augustine, which was 

1 The arrest of Bishop Morell was the subject of an oil painting in the 
Cathedral at Havana: he was represented as seated in his chair in his epis 
copal robes and carried by four British soldiers. This painting with the 
portraits of the previous bishops of Santiago de Cuba was destroyed by 
order of Bishop Espada. The arrest is the subject of a very curious 


still under the flag of Spain. 1 Feeling that this stay might 
be but a brief one, the zealous prelate made the term 
of his unexpected residence in Florida a season of revived 
devotion and discipline in that part of his diocese. He be 
gan a formal visitation at Saint Augustine, January 30, 1763, 
recording his approval of the regularity of the parochial 
service and records. Between the 29th of December. 1762, 
and the llth of April, of the following year, he conferred 
the sacrament of confirmation on 639 persons. 2 In fact, his 
zeal and eloquence rendered his sojourn a mission for the 

In order to recover the city of Havana, Spain ceded Flor 
ida to England, on the 10th of February, 1763. After a 
time the clergy in Cuba obtained a vessel which was sent to 
convey the Bishop back to his see. 3 

poem by Don Diego de Campos, printed at the press of the Compute 
Eclesiastico, Havana, 8vo, 23 pp., with an illustration by Baez. This 
poem in the dialect of the Cuban peasantry has been reprinted in the 
" Parnaso Cubano," by the elegant scholar Don Antonio Lopez Prieto. 
I am indebted for a copy and information to Senor Bachiller y Morales, 
and Senor Guiteras of Philadelphia. As an illustration of an event con 
nected with the church in this country the poem is extremely curious. 

1 He arrived in Florida the 7th or 8th of December. 

2 " Noticias relativas a la Iglesia Parroquial de San Agustin de la 

3 Rt. Rev. Peter Morell de Santa Cruz was born in 1694 in Santiago de 
los Caballeros, in the island of Santo Domingo, of which his ancestors 
were early colonists. He was ordained April 24, 1718, was Canon of the 
Cathedral of Santo Domingo, Dean of the Chapter of Santiago de Cuba, 
was nominated in 1745 to the See of Nicaragua, and became Bishop of 
Santiago de Cuba in 1753, receiving episcopal consecration, Sept. 8, 1755. 
He founded an hospital at Guanabacoa, and began a similar institution 
at Guines. He distributed $800 a month to the poor, and $60 every 
Saturday. For the negroes he showed great charity, taking measures to 
secure their religious instruction. He died at Havana, Dec. 30, 1768, 
his last hours being disturbed by a fearful hurricane in which he thought 
only of his poor. Rosain, " Necropolis de la Habana," Habana, 1875, pp. 


At the time of the cession most of the Spanish inhabitants 
remained, but the arbitrary and rapacious conduct of the first 
English commander led to a general emigration. The un 
finished walls of the parish church, the church at Tolemato, 
sole remnant of the Indian towns near the city, the Francis 
can convent and the temporary parish church, both in a 
ruinous state, and a steeple of a church west of the town 
alone remained to betoken the long Catholic occupation. "It 
was at this time probably that the ornamentation around the 
entrance to the chapel in the fort, as too Catholic to suit the 
temper of the new occupants, was defaced and mutilated ; 
reduced to the condition in which it has long been. 1 

The accompanying plan of the city of St. Augustine in 
1763, will enable the reader to see the position of the spots 
connected with the ecclesiastical history of that ancient place. 2 

1 Romans, "Florida," p. 263. 

2 (M.) The unfinished Parish Church, 6 varas high, 35 x40, to replace 
that destroyed by Gov. Moore. (G-.) Temporary stone Parish Church 
fitted up and enlarged by Bishop Tejada ; 47 x 66 varas. (2.) Church of 
Tolemato, Indian town. (C.) Franciscan Convent and Chapel, wrested 
from the Catholic Church by the United States Government, and still re 
tained. (H.) Hospital, 44x51 varas. (Q.) Gate leading to chapel of 
Nuestra Senora de la Leche. (I.) House of the Auxiliary Bishop, 35 x 51 
varas, wrested from the Catholic Church by the United States Govern 
ment and given to the Episcopalians. House of the Confraternity 
of the Blessed Sacrament, 37 x 31 varas, third block from hospital on op 
posite side of street. 



THE CHURCH IN TEXAS, 1690-1763. 

THOUGH the first religious ministrations in Texas, of which 
we have any definite historical information, were those of 
the French secular and regular priests, who accompanied the 
wild and unfortunate expedition of La Salle to conquer the 
Spanish mining country, the church which grew up in that 
province, and has left the names drawn from the calendar 
to town, and headland, and river, was connected with that of 

The pioneer Spanish priest was the Franciscan Father 
Damian Mazanet, who accompanied the expedition of Alonso 
de Leon in 1689. So promising a field for the Gospel labor 
ers opened there before this son of Saint Francis, that he 
bent all his energies to effect the establishment of permanent 
missions beyond the Rio Grande. 1 

He depicted the success of missions among the Asinais in 
such sanguine colors, that he obtained the needed civil and 
ecclesiastical authority for his undertaking. The Apostolic 
College of Queretaro, founded by Father Anthony Linaz, 
had at this time formed a new corps of missionaries replete 
with energy, and inspired by all the fervor of the earliest 
period of the Franciscan order. It was from these exem 
plary religious that the little body was selected to evangelize 

1 Arricivita, " Cronica Seraficay Apostolica del Colegio de Santa Cruz 
de Queretaro," p. 213. 



tlie province of Texas. Father Damian Mazanet s auxilia 
ries were Fathers Michael Fonteubierta, Francis Casaiias of 
Jesus Mary, regarded in life and death as eminent in sanc 
tity, Anthony Bordoy and Anthony Perera. The mission 
aries left Monclova on the 27th of March, 1690, and crossing 
the Rio Grande, proceeded to the country of the Asinais, 
which they reached about the middle of May. The friendly 
Indians received them with joy, and the mission of San 
Francisco de los Texas was established. A temporary chapel 
was reared on the 24th, and the next day, the feast of Cor 
pus Christi was celebrated with great solemnity. A site was 
selected for a church and convent, which were erected within 
a month. Father Damian then returned to Mexico, leaving 
Father Fonteubierta as Superior of the Texas mission. The 
docility of the Indians in receiving instruction in the truths 
of Christianity encouraged the missionaries so much, that 
Father Casanas founded a second station under the invoca 
tion of Jesus, Mary, and Joseph, building his house and 
chapel with his own hands, and studying the language with 
such zeal that he was soon able to preach to his flock in their 
native tongue. Affliction soon came. Small-pox broke out 
and ravaged the villages. The sick became the especial care 
of the Franciscans, who were unremitting in their devotion 
to the afflicted, most of whom received baptism before death. 
Father Fonteubierta, the Superior, sparing himself in noth 
ing, was stricken down by the disease, and expired in the 
arms of his weeping companions, February 5, 1691. 1 

Meanwhile Domingo Teran de los Rios was appointed 
Governor of Coahuila and Texas, and as preparations were 

1 Life of Father Fonteubierta in Espinosa, " Chronica Apostolica y 
Seraphica," p. 258 ; Life of Father Casanas, p. 278 ; Life of Father 
Perera, p. 309; Morfi, "Memorias para la Historia de la provincia de 
Texas," pp. 54-83. 


made to found eight new missions, Father Mazanet set out 
with Father Hidalgo, two other Fathers from the college at 
Queretaro, two Observantine, and two Discalced Franciscans. 
These Fathers reached the mission of San Francisco on the 
2d of August, and chanted a Te Deum in thanksgiving. 1 
The next Superior, Father Francis Hidalgo, set to work to 
establish new missions, but Teran acted with little judgment. 
He took no proper steps 
to maintain communication ^ 
with Spanish posts, so as ^f& 
to secure supplies for the 
missionaries. Worse still 
he left a party of dissolute 


soldiers, who, instead of be- FATHER FRANCIS HIDALGO. 

ing a protection to the mis 
sionaries, excited the Indians against them. Several of the 
Fathers retired, but the more zealous remained, and encour 
aged by their success, deputed Father Casafias to proceed 
to Mexico, in order to obtain a regular establishment of the 
mission by royal order, which was in fact done, though too 
late, Dec. 30, 1692. 2 

The second winter proved especially severe, and in the 
spring of 1693 the soldiers abandoned their posts. Father 
Francis Hidalgo and his associates had visited the Caddoda- 
chos and the Chomas, the tribe called Jumanas in New Mex 
ico. But as winter approached, the Franciscans finding 
themselves isolated, exposed to attack from the French and 
their allies, and hearing no tidings of Father Casafias, re- 

1 Letter of Father Damian Mazanet, Mision de S. Fco. de los Tejas, 
Aug. 20, 1691 in " Documentos para la Historia Eclesiastica y Civil de la 
Provincia de Tejas," vol. I. " Parecer del P e Comisario, F. Damian Mag 
net," ibid., p. 173 ; "Diario del Viaje," p. 177. 

2 Altamiro, " TestimOnio " in Yoakum, " History of Texas," i p 390 



solved to retire to the missions south of the Rio Grande till 
the authorities in church and state placed the Texas mission 
on a solid basis. To this the Indians made every opposition, 
asking whether they had not done all that the Fathers re 
quired, and shown docility to their instructions. The Fran 
ciscans consoled them by promises that they should not be 
forsaken, and burying the bells and heavier objects of their 
chapels and houses, the Fathers set out in October, 1693, for 
the nearest post or mission amid their own tears and those of 
their neophytes. 1 

Father Hidalgo did not abandon the project of converting 
the Texas Indians. He drew up a statement of the import 
ance of the work, and forwarded it to the King of Spain. 
War delayed a reply, but a royal decree, August 18, 1708, 
authorized him to proceed in its establishment. 2 

Meanwhile the Franciscans of the Apostolic College of 
Zacatecas were at work. They founded a mission of San 

Juan Bautista on 
^ ie Sabinas, and 
pushing on open- 
ed a new mission 
on the first day of 
January, 1TOO, on 
the banks of the 


U VAR ES . Rl Grand6 t0 

which that on the 

Sabinas was transferred, retaining its name. The Franciscan 
Father who effected this was anxious to carry the mission 

1 Espinosa, " Chronica Apostolica y Seraphica," pp. 255-59, 279, 
309, 407; Arricivita, " Cronica Serafica y Apostolica," pp. 214, 219. 
The Fathers who went to Texas in 1691 with Father Hidalgo were Nico 
las Revo, Michael Estrelles, Peter Fortuni, Peter Garcia, Ildephonsus 
Monge, Joseph Saldana, Anthony Miranda, and John de Gara} T coechea. 

2 Arricivita, p. 221. 


work still further, and leaving his two companions at San 
Juan Bautista, Father Anthony de San Buenaventura y 
Olivares, with Father Isidro Felis de Espinosa, crossed the 
Kio Grande, and with a small escort, advanced to the Rio 
Frio, where he found the Indians docile and ready to listen 
to instructions. He remained some time among them, teach 
ing them the prayers which they recited with him. Re 
turning to the Rio Grande he informed his associates of the 
favorable aspect of the country, and proceeded to Coahuila, 
where Philip Charles Galindo, Bishop of Guadalajara, was then 
on a visitation, to propose a mission beyond the Rio Grande. 

The Bishop extended the visitation of his diocese at this 
time to the mission of Dolores, where he held a meeting of 
the missionaries and civil officers. By general consent steps 
were taken to establish four missions on the Rio Grande. 
These were maintained till 1718, when the chief mission was 
transferred to the San Antonio. 1 

The royal officers and soldiers, however, in the time of the 
former mission had not only under one pretext and another 
misappropriated the funds and stores intended for the work 
of Christianizing the Indians," but had continued to make so 
many claims against the Fathers, that the missionaries, who 
had suffered every privation, were reluctant to expose them 
selves to a similar experience. For some years Father Hi 
dalgo found his efforts to re-establish the mission fruitless. 
Still with Father Salazar in 1698 he was instrumental in 
establishing churches for converting the Indians at La Punta 
and on the Sabinas, which bore the names of Dolores and 
San Juan Bautista. These missions, though south of the Rio 
Grande, were finally transferred to San Antonio, in Texas. 2 

1 Espinosa, " Chronica Apostolica y Seraphica," i., pp. 416, 461-6, 

2 Arricivita, pp. 215, 216. 


In 1715 it was at last determined to revive the mission 
among the Texas or Asinais Indians. The Venerable An 
thony Margil had founded the Apostolic College of Our 
Lady of Guadalupe atZacatecas, and that institution with the 
college at Queretaro undertook the spiritual conquest. 1 

The missionaries from Our Lady of Guadalupe had as 
Superior the Venerable and holy Father Anthony Margil, 
" President of the Conversions of Zacatecas," while those 


from the College of the Holy Cross were directed by Father 
Isidro Felis de Espinosa, his future biographer. 

The two bodies met at the Mission of San Juan Bautista 
which had been already transferred to the banks of the Rio 
Grande, 2 and after mass on the 25th of April all assembled 
to give the viaticum to the Venerable Anthony Margil, who 
lay at the point of death with fever. His fellow missiona 
ries deeming it impossible for him to recover or take part in 
the new effort to win the Texas Indians to the faith, sorrow 
fully bade him farewell and proceeded on their way. It was 
not till the 28th of June that they reached the Texas Indians, 
who chanted the calumet of welcome to them. The mission 
of San Francisco was restored, and a wooden church erected 

1 The latter institution sent five religious, Fathers Francis Hidalgo, Ga 
briel de Vergara, Benedict Sanchez, Manuel Castellanos, Peter Perez de 
Mesquia ; the new college at Zacatecas, Fathers Mathias Sanz de San 
Antonio, Peter de Mendoza, and Augustine Patron. Morn, "Memorias 
para la Historia de Texas," p. 101. 

2 Margil, "Informe," Presidio Real, Feb. 26, 1716. " Documentos 
para la Historia Eclesiastica y Civil," i., pp. 278, 333. 


with a thatched roof. Then Father Espinosa selected a site 
some twenty miles distant among the friendly Ainai, where 
he planted the mission cross of u La Purisima Concepcion." 
Each mission had its banner with its name emblazoned on it, 
and each had all requisites for divine service in the chapel. 

The next step was to erect a temporary structure for that 
purpose. The missionary and a single companion at once 
set to work to erect a temporary structure of puncheons, with 
a thatched roof for church and house. The rainy season 
compelled the Fathers ere long to select more suitable sites 
and put up more solid structures. 

The Asinais worshipped Caddi or Ayi, the great Captain, 
and had a kind of temple in which a sacred fire was kept. 
The medicine-men exercised great influence, and were soon 
arrayed against the missionaries, accusing them of killing 
children by baptism. The Franciscan Fathers, though aban 
doned by most of the soldiers, sent especially to succor them 
in danger, and deprived of most of the provisions intended 
for their maintenance, began their labors zealously. They 
made lists of the inmates of every ranch and house, and gave 
instructions not only in the chapel, but at each dwelling. 
The women showed more docility than the men, w r ho were 
more influenced by the chenesi or medicine-men. Disease 
was frequent, and after mass the missionary would ascertain 
the name of the sick in order to visit them. The first year 
the great chief of the Texas Indians fell sick, and listened to 
the instructions of Father Espinosa, from whom he finally 
solicited baptism. "I gave it," says the missionary, "in 
creasing with my tears, the water in the vessel I used." 
The converted chief Francis survived several days, exhort 
ing his kindred and tribe to listen to the missionaries. Fa 
ther Yergara converted Sata Yaexa, a great medicine-man, 
the keeper of the sacred fire, who becoming a Christian 


made open acknowledgment of the impostures he had prac 
tised. Here, as elsewhere, the dying infants constituted the 
greater part of those baptized, and then the mothers, won by 
the interest the missionaries showed in their little ones, lis 
tened to the words of the Gospel. 1 

Father Margil had been left by his dejected companions 
apparently in his agony on the banks of the Rio Grande, 
but it w r as not in the designs of God that Texas was to be 
deprived of the labors, the example, and the merits of that 
illustrious and holy disciple of the seraphic Saint Francis of 

The illustrious servant of God, the Venerable Father 
Anthony Margil of Jesus, is one of the most remarkable men 
in the history of the Church in America, whether we regard 
his personal sanctity, the gifts with which he was endowed, 
or the extent and importance of his labors for the salvation 
of souls. His life in all its details has been subjected to the 
rigid scrutiny and discussion of a process of canonization at 
Kome, so that no national or local exaggeration can be sus 

He was bom at Valencia, August 18, 1655, of pious pa 
rents, John Margil and Esperanza Ros, receiving in baptism 
the name Agapitus Louis Paulinus Anthony. His home 
was a school of virtue, where he learned piety, devotion, 
mortification, and a love for the poor. As a child he de 
prived himself of food to give to the needy : his recreations 
evinced his piety. From the age of reason he placed him 
self in the arms of his Crucified Lord, and showed such a 
comprehension of religious truths, that at the age of nine he 
was allowed to make his first communion. From that mo- 

1 Espinosa, " Chronica Apostolicay Seraphica," Mexico, 1746, pp. 410- 
413, 440-2. 


ment the Church became a home. He served all the masses 
he could, and the hours not spent in school or study, or in 
services required by his parents were passed before the altar. 
At the age of sixteen, with the approval of his parents, he 
sought admission into the strict Franciscan convent, known 
as the " Crown of Christ." As a novice he wished to do the 
humblest and most laborious duties in the house, was obe 
dient, mortified, full of prayer, strict in fulfilling all points 
of the rule, but always cheerful and affable. When sent to 
Denia to study, he pursued the same course, giving his lei 
sure to the service of others, his nights to prayer. Though 
he appeared to give to study only occasional moments, when 
he might be seen reading by the sanctuary lamp, he never 
showed any want of knowledge of the studies pursued in his 
class. While pursuing his theological course his life was the 
same, his gentle piety winning him the nickname of the 
" Nun " among his fellow-students. When the time for his 
ordination approached, he prepared for it with extreme rec 
ollection and the deepest reverence. So high was the esti 
mate of his learning, piety, and prudence, that at the next 
provincial chapter, the young priest was empowered to 
preach and hear confessions. On receiving his faculties he 
began his missionary career at Onda and Denia, where his 
eloquence in the pulpit, and his wisdom in the confessional 
produced great fruit. 

When Father Anthony Linaz appealed for twenty-four 
Fathers for the American mission, Father Anthony Margil 
offered his services, and with the consent of his superiors, 
prepared to embark. His mother felt his going deeply, but 
he comforted her, promising to assist her at death. He 
joined Father Linaz in Cadiz, and after a long voyage, which 
he made a constant mission, he reached Yera Cruz, to find it 
a mass of smoking ruins, the city having been fired by 


French pirates. He proceeded on foot, trusting to charity, 
and reached the Convent of the Holy Cross in Queretaro, in 
August, 1683. Though young he was at once associated 
with older and experienced Fathers in giving missions at 
Queretaro and Mexico, edifying all by his zeal and mortifi 
cation. Having been selected to labor in Yucatan, he jour 
neyed on foot to Yera Cruz, where he embarked, and reach 
ing his destination, began with Father Melchior of Jesus, his 
mission life among the Indians, till the two apostles sank un 
der their labors and mortifications near Chiapa, and received 
extreme unction. Kecovering by what seemed a miracle, 
they traversed Central America, giving constant missions in 
what are now the Republics of that part of the Continent. 

He converted the Talamancas, Terrabas, and other tribes, 
and was preparing to confirm his labors by establishing solid 
missions, when he and his associate were summoned back to 
the college. The two Franciscans, full of obedience at once 
set out, resigning the Indian missions into the hands of the 
Bishop of Nicaragua. Their superior, learning the import 
ant work on which they were engaged, revoked his order, 
and the Bishop of Nicaragua assigned to them the district of 
Yera Paz, where they labored among the Choles and Lacan- 
dones, though their lives were in constant danger. Such 
was the ability of Father Margil in acquiring languages, 
in comprehending the pagan ideas and refuting them, in 
giving solid instruction, and in guiding neophytes in the 
path of Christian life, that bishops placed bodies of mission 
aries even of other orders under his direction, though the 
humble religious in vain endeavored to avoid such a position. 
He crowned his labors by establishing a Missionary College 
de Propaganda Fide in the city of Guatemala, of which he 
was elected Guardian. His labors and his knowledge seemed 
supernatural : in many cases he appeared to be laboring in 




two places at once, and the secret idolatries of the Indians which 
escaped the knowledge of others he exposed and suppressed. 

From Guatemala he was summoned to Zacatecas to organ 
ize an Apostolic College in that city, and in this new field of 
labor he seemed again to multiply himself, directing the in 
stitution under his care, preaching, giving missions, visiting 
and reclaiming neglected hamlets, as well as discharging 
many special duties assigned to him by the Commissary Gen 
eral of the Indies, for with all his prodigious activity in the 
ministry, Father Margil s accuracy in all theological points 
was as great as though his days were spent in constant study. 

He next by order of the king established missions in Xaya- 
rit, which had long defied all efforts to convert the tribe. Such 
had been the labors of this great man when he went with 
bis little band of Fathers to found missions in Texas. 1 
Though left in a dying state he recovered, and following the 
other missionaries, founded the mission of Our Lady of 
Guadalupe among the Nacogdoches, eight leagues from Con- 
cepcion, from which he wrote, July 20, 1716. Here a 
wretched hut was the convent of the four Zacatecas Fathers, 
but as happy as in a palace, they recited the office in com 
mon, had their hours of meditation, hours for the study of 
the Indian language, and time for cultivating the ground for 
their own support, and time for working on their church 
and convent. 2 

1 Espinosa, " El Peregrine Septentrional Atlante," Mexico, 1737 ; Va 
lencia, 1742 ; "Nuevas Empressas," Mexico, 1747; Villaplana, "Vida 
Portentosa del Americano Septentrional Apostol, El. V. P. F. Anto. Mar- 
gil," Madrid, 1775 ; Velasco, " TiernoRecuerdo," Mexico, 1726 ; Guerra, 
"Segunda Nube," Mexico, 1726; Aguado, "Voces que hicicron Eco," 
Mexico, 1726 ; Guzman, " Notizie della Vita del Ven. Servo di Dio 
Fr. Antonio Margil de Jesus," Rome, 1836 ; Arricivita, " Cronica Sera- 
fica y Apostolica," Mexico, 1792, ii., pp. 1-98. 

2 Carta del Mui Rev. y Ven. Padre Antonio Margil, Mision de N. S. 
dc Guadalupe de los Texas, " Documentos," i., p. 337. 


Soon after the mission of San Jose, seven leagues northeast 
of Concepcion, was founded among the Nassonis. 1 

In January, 1T1Y, the Venerable Father Anthony Margii^ 
suffering from cold and hardship, founded the Mission of 
Nuestra Seiiora de los Dolores Our Lady of Dolors among 
the Ays Indians west of the Sabine ; but the floods of spring 
prevented his reaching the Yatasees, where he had projected 
another mission. In March, however, he reached the Adayes 
Indians on the Arroyo Honda, fifty leagues from Dolores. 
Here within the limits of the present State of Louisiana, and 
near the sheet of water still called Spanish Lake, this vener 
able servant of God founded the mission of San Miguel de 
Linares, stationing as missionary at that most advanced post 
of his Christian conquest Father Augustine Patron de Guz 
man with a lay brother. Returning to Dolores he was 
deprived by death of the services of his humble com 
panion, Brother Francis of San Diego. A mission among 
the Caddodachos was concerted by him and Father Fran 
cis Hidalgo, but the guides on whom they depended failed 
them. 2 

Laboring among his Indians at Adayes, good Father 
Margil heard that the French at Natchitoches had never 
had a priest there. His charitable zeal impelled him to 
journey fifty miles on foot in order to say mass for the 
French, preach to them, and hear their confessions so as 
to enable them to receive holy communion. So fruitful 
were the labors of the Spanish priest at the neglected 
post, that the Vicar-General at Mobile wrote to thank him 

"Representation," July 22, 1716, in Documentos, i., p. 278. 
9 Representation hecha por el muy Rev. Padre Antonio Margil, 
Dolores, Feb. 13, 1718. "Documentos," p. 360. Carta del Padre Hi 
dalgo. Ib., Espiuosa, " Chronica Apostolica y Seraphica," p. 413. 


warmly for his Christian charity to the French at Natchi- 
toches. 1 

The missionaries endured great privations. As the corn 
crop in Texas had failed, they lived on herbs and nuts which 
they gathered, eked out by an occasional largess of a bit of 
meat from their Indians. Supplies had indeed been sent by 
the Viceroy of Mexico, and the caravan set out accompanied 
by a new band of missionaries ; but when the slow moving 
expedition reached Trinity Kiver in December, 1717, they 
found it so swollen that they were unable to cross it. The 
carriers of the supplies made a cache at Rio de las Cargas, 
and the missionaries before returning dispatched letters by 
Indian hunters to inform the Fathers among the Asinais of 
what had befallen them, with information as to the place of 
the cache. It was not, however, till the following July that 
tidings of the proximity of the needed provisions reached the 
famishing missionaries. 2 

Soon after the Viceroy of New Spain ordered the forma 
tion of two Spanish settlements in Texas. One of these was 
to be on the Rio San Antonio : but as usually happened, 
there were interminable delays. The missionaries at last 
took the initiative. Father Anthony de San Buenaventura 
y Olivares transferred his Xarame Indian Mission of San 
Francisco Solano from the banks of the Rio Grande to the 
San Antonio on the 1st of May, 1718, by .order of the Marquis 
of Valero, then Viceroy. He at once attracted the Pay ay as, 
who spoke the same language as the Xarames. Here this mis 
sionary remained for a year laboring to gain the neighboring 
Indians, and preparing the foundation of the future town. 
Unfortunately, while one day crossing a rude bridge, his horse 

^rricivita, " Cronica Serafica y Apostolica," p. 98; La Harpe, p. 
139. The Vicar-General must have been the Abbe de la Vente. 
2 Morfi, "Memorias," p. 108. 


broke through and threw the missionary, causing a fracture 
of bis leg. Father Peter Munoz hearing of his mishap, has 
tened from the Rio Grande to support his place and give him 
the necessary attention. When Father Olivares recovered he 
transferred his mission from its original site to one on the op 
posite side of the river which it maintained for years. 1 

The multiplicity of small tribes in Texas almost surpasses 
belief, and to this day ethnologists have made no attempt to 
classify them. At the San Antonio mission alone there were 
Indians of nearly thirty tribes. One of these tribes, the Hy- 
erbipiamos, was so numerous that the mission of San Fran 
cisco Xavier was undertaken for them about 1720. 

Though no formal settlement was begun, Spaniards began 
to gather around the presidios. Nacogdoches, even at this 
early day began its existence. Father Margil had been elected 
Guardian of the College of Zacatecas in 1716, but when he 
was notified of the appointment two years afterwards, he re 
nounced the office, 2 and spent four years in his Indian work. 
To this day the people of Nacogdoehes of Spanish origin 
point to a spring of pure water which their ancestors named the 
" Fountain of Father Margil," asserting that it was due to the 
prayers of that holy man in a season when all springs had 
failed. 3 

1 Espinosa, " Chronica Apostolica y Seraphica," pp. 449-450, 466. The 
mission of San Francisco Solano was founded in 1703 ; was transferred 
to San Ildephonso, then back to the Rio Grande at San Joseph, then to 
the San Antonio, taking that name, with the addition de Valero. The 
Register still preserved, begins Oct. 6, 1703, with a baptism by Father 
Estevez ; the first baptism at San Antonio being by Father Michael 
Nunez. On the 4th of Feb., 1720, there is a baptismal entry signed by 
the Ven. F. Anthony Margil. 

2 Arricivita, p. 99. 

3 Letters of Bishop of San Antonio, formerly parish priest of Nacog- 
doches, and of the present rector. 


When a Governor was appointed for Texas, he did not ad 
vance beyond San Antonio, so that the way was not opened to 
the remote missions. The six Fathers seeing this, assembled 
and deputed Fathers Espinosa and Sanz to lay the whole 
matter before the Viceroy. They set out, but Espinosa meet 
ing at San Antonio Don Martin de Alarcon on his way to 
Espiritu Santo Bay, let Father Sanz proceed, and returned 
to his mission with Alarcon ; but that officer s visit gave lit 
tle relief to the missionaries. Then again in 1718 Father 
Mathias was sent to Mexico to urge the necessity of active 
steps by the government, as the Indians were constantly ob 
taining arms from the French, who would soon be masters of 
the whole territory. Nothing was done, and war having been 
declared between France and Spain, the mission at Adayes 
was invaded by St. Denis from Natchitoches, who captured a 
soldier and a lay brother there, the Venerable Father Anthony 
Margil being absent at the time. The French officer plundered 
the mission, carrying off even the vestments and altar service. 

The lay brother managed to escape, and, reaching Father 
Margil, announced that the French intended to break up all 
the other missions. Father Margil accordingly with his re 
ligious retired from the stations they conducted, carrying all 
they could and burying what was too heavy to transport. The 
missionaries of the College of Queretaro, on learning from 
Father Margil the dangerous condition of the frontier, adopted 
the same course. A statement of their reasons for abandon 
ing their stations was drawn up and transmitted to the Vice 

The Indians were very reluctant to allow the Franciscans 
to depart from the mission of San Francisco, and to meet 
their wishes Fathers Margil and Espinosa returned to the 
mission of the Conception, allowing the rest of the party to 
proceed. After a time they followed, and with Fathers Jo- 


seph Rodriguez, Joseph Albadesa, and Joseph Pita took up 
their abode in temporary huts near San Antonio. 

It was not till March, 1721, that in consequence of further 
representations to the Court, the Marquis San Miguel de 
Adayo arrived to settle the country and restore the missions. 
Fathers Margil and Espinosa set out with him to renew their 
apostolic work. The mission of San Francisco was re-estab 
lished on the 5th of August, with great solemnity, and Fa 
ther Joseph Guerra was placed in charge. Three days after, 
that of La Purisima Conception was restored. 

The Yen. Father Margil proceeded in person to rebuild 
the church of Guadalupe which had been destroyed. He 
erected the new shrine of Our Lady in a beautiful plain 
surrounded by tree-clad mountains, near the point where the 
Baiiita flows into the Nana. Placing Father Joseph Rodri 
guez here as missionary, and Father Benedict Sanchez at 
San Jose de los Nazonis, he went on the 19th to rebuild the 
mission of Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores. As no vestige of 
the former structure remained, he erected a new chapel on 
an eminence by the bank of a stream, and after dedicating it 
confided the mission to Father Joseph Abadejo. 

On the 26th the expedition crossed the Sabine, and cut 
ting their way with axes through the woods reached San 
Miguel de los Adayes. The Indians who had retired to a 
dense forest to escape the French and their Indian allies 
were recalled, and a fort or presidio was laid out. About 
a mile from it the mission of San Miguel de Cuellar was 
restored. The church in the fort at Adayes was dedicated 
to Our Lady del Pilar, the patroness of the expedition, on 
September 12th by the Rev. Dr. Joseph Cadallos, the chap 
lain, who offered the holy sacrifice, the Yen. Father Anthony 
Margil preaching. To enable the Indians to revive the mis 
sion, they were supplied with provisions till they could gather 


in the next year s crop, and many cattle and sheep were left 
with them. 

This was not done at the other missions, and no effectual 
means were adopted to keep open communication between 
the old Spanish settlements and the missions, so as to ensure 
them supplies from time to time, or necessary aid in case of 

The missionaries, however, began their labors hopefully, 
many soon to sink under the hardships of their life, victims 
to the climate or to the savage Indians of the plains, espe 
cially the Apaches, who made constant raids. Brother Joseph 
Pita thinking that the presence of troops in the country had 
made travel safe, in the ardor of his zeal overlooked the dan 
ger, and undertook without an escort to reach the missions 
for which he had volunteered. At a place which has since 
borne the name of Carniceria, about sixty miles from San 
Xavier River, and on a site where a mission was subsequently 
erected, he fell into an ambuscade of Lipan Apaches. He 
might have escaped, but to deliver a soldier, he begged the 
Indians to turn on him, as they did, killing him and all his 
companions. He was the first Spanish religious who died 
by the hands of Indians in that province. 1 

As the Indians of Texas lived in scattered ranches or -ham 
lets, often changing their place of abode, their agriculture, 
being without irrigation, was precarious. The great object of 
the missionaries was to form reductions where large bodies 
of Indians could be drawn together, and formed to persistent 

1 Morn, " Memorias para la Historia de la provincia de Texas," iii., 
pp. 132-7. Espinosa, "Chronica Apostolica y Seraphica," pp. 414- 
478. Among the earliest to die were Brother Dominic de Urioste, the 
lay brother Francis de San Diego, and in 1718, Fathers Peter de Men- 
doza, Manuel Castellanos, John Suarez, Lorenzo Garcia Botello, Father 
Joseph Gonzales, of San Antonio, and Brother Louis de Moutesdoca, 
who perished in a prairie fire. 


agriculture and mechanical arts as well as be educated in 
Christian doctrine, morals, and life. This required a cer 
tain degree of restraint, for which a military force was essen 
tial in order to keep them on the reservation, a system now 
maintained by our government. 

The Spanish authorities in Mexico gave each mission a few 
soldiers, to protect the Fathers from sudden raids of hostile 
Indians, but would not establish the reduction or reservation 
system. To this the missionaries ascribed the comparatively 
slow progress of Christianity among the Indians. The mis 
sionaries of the College of Holy Cross at Queretaro finding 
their efforts not only not sustained but actually hampered by 
the military authorities, at last asked that three missions 
which they had for fourteen years maintained among the 
Asinais or Texas Indians should be transferred to the neigh 
borhood of the San Antonio Kiver, where there were num 
bers of unconverted Indians who could easily be reached, 
especially the Pacaos, Paalat, and Pitalaque. The Viceroy, 
Marquis of Casa Fuerte, approved the plan, and sites of the 
three missions were selected by Father Gabriel de Yergara 
on the banks of the San Antonio. 1 

When the College of Our Lady of Guadalupe at Queretaro 
removed its missions to the San Antonio, those which had 
been founded by the Venerable Father Anthony Margil 
were maintained. These were the mission of Our Lady of 
Guadalupe near the present city of Naeogdoches, the mis 
sion among the Ays, not far from the present town of San 
Augustin, and the mission of San Miguel de los Ad ayes. 
Near this was the Spanish frontier presidio or military post, 
which the missionaries attended as chaplains, 2 as they did 
also Nacogdoches when it was made a parish. 

1 Espinosa, " Chronica Apostolica y Seraphica," pp. 458-9. 

2 Ibid., pp. 459^60. 


The venerable founder was not content with these mis 
sions; he selected Father Michael Nunez to found another 
in honor of St. Joseph, and that priest proceeding to 
the San Antonio selected a populous rancheria, and estab 
lished the mission of San Jose with great care and judgment. 
He erected a church and house, and began to instruct the 
Indians, inducing them to dig acequias or trenches to irri 
gate their fields. The site was subsequently transferred to 
the other side of the river, but the mission prospered so that 
it became the finest one belonging to the Zacatecas College. 

When the Marquis of Valero in 1722 established a post at 
Bahia del Espiritu Santo, on the site of La Salle s fort, this 
same missionary college, by direction of the Venerable Father 
Margil, who had become Prefect of the missions de Propa 
ganda Fide, sent Father Augustine Patron to rear a chapel 
and convent there for the service of the Spaniards and In 
dians. This mission of Guadalupe remained there till 1727, 
when it was transferred to the Rio Guadalupe, 1 but not be 
fore two Fathers, Diego Zapata and Ignatius Bahena, had 
died in their apostolical labors victims to the malarious dis 

1 Espinosa, " Chronica Apostolica y Seraphica," p. 467; Arricivita, 
"Cronica Serafica y Apostolica," ii., p. 102; Morfi, "Memorias." The 
Venerable Father Margil re-elected Guardian of the College of Guadalupe 
at Zacatecas completed his term, and then resumed his missions in the 
Spanish cities and towns of Mexico. There he continued till he was 
stricken down by illness. He was conveyed to Mexico, and reaching 
the great Convent, insisted on entering the church to adore our Lord in 
the Sacrament of his Love. Then he entered his cell, and making a 
general confession of his innocent life with great compunction, he re 
ceived Holy Communion and Extreme Unction, and expired, August 
6, 1726. The fame of his virtues and miracles led the City of Mexico 
to petition for his canonization. The cause was introduced, and in 1778 
his remains were enshrined by the Archbishop of Mexico (Arricivita, ii., 
p. 157). His virtues were declared heroic by Pope Gregory XVI., in 
1836 ; and on proof of two miracles he may be solemnly beatified. 


Baliia became second only to San Antonio in importance, 
having a secular parish priest ; Nacogdoches, though a parish, 
remaining under the care of the Franciscan Fathers. 1 

While the Franciscans were endeavoring to convert the 
Indian tribes of Texas, thwarted too often by the Spanish 
officials, who were a greater obstacle than the heathenism and 
inconstancy of the Indians or the raids of enemies like the 
Apaches, little was done to colonize the territory, important 
as it was to the Spanish frontier. On the 14th of February, 
1729, the King of Spain ordered four hundred families to be 
transferred from the Canary Islands to San Antonio. Four 
teen families arrived the next year, and the city of San Fer 
nando was founded. 2 Near it was the presidio or garrison of 
San Antonio, which in time gave its name to the city also. 
Its ecclesiastical records date almost to its origin, though un 
fortunately some pages are lacking in the venerable parish 
register. A chapel was at once raised as a place of worship 
till a proper parish church could be built. The records of 
the church now date back to August 31, 1731, when Bach- 


elor Joseph de la Garza was parish priest, and by his leave 
Father Ignatius Augustine Cyprian baptized a child of Span 
ish parentage. 

The next year the church itself must have been opened, for 
for the first time a baptism is recorded as performed within its 
walls on the 17th of July, 1732. 

1 Arispe, " Memoria," Cadiz, 1812, pp. 12-3. 

2 Altamiro, "Parecer" in Yoakum, app. Morfl, "Memoria," p. 178. 


But the life of the city of San Fernando was feeble. The 
population fell away instead of gaining. There were twenty- 
two baptisms in 1733 ; fifteen the next year ; then twelve ; 
and for 1736 only eleven are recorded. Evidently some of 
the original settlers moved away, harassed, it is said, by the 
Apaches, and none came to replace them. The last entry 
of the first known parish priest of the first city of Texas is 
dated June 7, 1736 ; and then there is a gap of more than 
seven years. The few Spaniards who remained were proba 
bly attended from the neighboring missions. 

The new town was strengthened in 1731 by the removal 
to its vicinity by order of the Viceroy of the Asinais mis 
sions of San Francisco, Purisima Concepcion, and San Jose, 
the last often called San Juan Capistrano. Yet so little care 
had been taken for the subsistence of the Indians that the 
missionaries maintained the transferred Indians only by pro 
visions they solicited in Coalmila. 

The mission of San Antonio was founded on the San Pe 
dro, but was subsequently transferred to the Alamo, and its 
name lias prevailed over that of the city subsequently founded. 

Under the violent and oppressive rule of Governor Fran- 
qui the missions suffered. Yet in 1734 the three missions 
on the Rio Grande and four on the San Antonio reported 
2,170 baptisms. They took new life again about 1740, when 
many of the Tacanes were gained to the missions at San An 
tonio. 1 

In 1744 another effort was made to revive the city of the 
holy king Saint Ferclinand. By this time fifty families of 
Islanders, as the emigrants from the Canaries were called, 

1 Espinosa, " Chronica Apostolica," p. 466. The king allowed the par 
ish priest $400 a year ; the tithes were applied to the church. 

The mission of La Purisima Concepcion was founded March 5, 1731. 
Father Vergara s first marriage entry is July 9, 1733. 


and some Tlascalan Indians had arrived, and we find Bachelor 
John Francis de Espronzeda beginning the year as parish 
priest (cura vicario) and ecclesiastical judge of the city of San 
Fernando and the garrison of San Antonio. His baptisms in 
that year were twenty-two. 

On the 3d of December, 1746, Bachelor Francis Manuel 
Polanco makes an entry that he began on that day "to ad 
minister the holy sacraments in this Royal Garrison," and 
with occasional aid from neighboring Franciscan friars, Bar 
tholomew and Diego Martin Garcia, he continued till August 
5, 1753. Then Rev. Ignatius Martinez seems to have come 
in as acting parish priest. 

On the 13th of November, 1754, Bachelor John Ignatius 
de Cardenas, Pinilla y Ramos, became parish priest " in com- 
mendam," and replaced for a time by the Licentiate Manuel 
de Caro y Seixas, continued till the visitation of Bishop Te- 

An Edict of Et. Rev. John Gomez de Parada, Bishop of 
Guadalajara, issued on the 24th of March, 1746, fixed the 
holidays of obligation as follows : All the Sundays of the 
year, Easter Sunday and Monday, Whitsunday, Ascension, 
Corpus Christi ; Circumcision, Epiphany, Purification, An 
nunciation, Nativity of St. John the Baptist, St. Peter and 
St. Paul, St. James, Assumption, Nativity of the Blessed 
Virgin, All Saints, Conception, Christmas, and St. Stephen. 1 

Meanwhile Father Maria Ano Francis de los Dolores had 
penetrated to a valley between the San Xavier and Animas, 
where he found a large town made up of Bidays and other 
tribes, to whom he announced the Gospel. They heard it 
willingly, and sent subsequently to San Antonio to solicit 
missionaries. The authorities spent a year in discussing the 

1 Register of the Church of St. Fernando, San Antonio. 



question of the new foundation; but meanwhile Father 
Maria Ano began his labors. At last, on the 1st of February, 
1747, the Viceroy Revillagigedo ordered the establishment of 
the missions of San Francisco Xavier de Orcasitas, Nuestra 
Senora de Candelaria, and San Ildefonso. When the legal 
authorization came, the President of the Mission, Father Ben 
edict Fernandez de Santa Ana, went up and founded the 
mission of San Ildefonso, and laid plans for that of Cande 
laria, which was soon begun. These missions prospered for a 


time and gave great hopes ; but the arbitrary and cruel con 
duct of the officer stationed at the neighboring presidio or 
military post drove the Indians from the missions. That of 
San Ildefonso was completely deserted by the Cocos in 1749. 
Father Benedict Fernandez de Santa Ana followed the tribe 
and induced them to settle at Candelaria. Father Mariano 
An da and Joseph Pinella continued their labors at San Xavier 
amid constant oppression, but they with Father Manuel 
Mariano were at last compelled to leave, Father Parrilla re 
maining alone at that mission. In 1752 Father Joseph 


Francis Ganzabal, missionary ol San Ildefonso, went on As 
cension Day, May 11, to pass the festival with his fellow re 
ligious at Candelaria. At nightfall three Fathers were in 
the little room at the mission and a Spaniard standing at the 
door, when some Cocos fired and killed the Spaniard, who 
fell at the feet of one of the Fathers. The missionary has 
tened to aid him, but when Father Ganzabal called out to 
learn who they were, he received an arrow through his heart. 
The third religious being unseen, escaped. 

From that time the missions in the valley of the San Xav- 
ier declined, the Indians scattered, and finally the government 
ordered the military post and the missions to be transferred 
to San Saba. 1 

The Franciscans, besides gaining some of the coast Indians 
among whom the Rosario mission was established, had made 
strenuous efforts to gain Apaches. Among the earnest la 
borers in this field was Father Cajetan Aponte y Lis. 2 At 
last some prospect of the conversion of the tribe appeared. 
The Viceroy agreed to maintain a mission at San Saba for 
three years. It was to be established by Father Alonso Gi- 
raldo de Terreros of the College of Queretaro with missiona 
ries from that college and that of San Fernando of Mexico. 
In December, 1756, Father Terreros with Fathers Joseph 
Santiesteban and Michael Molina were joined by Fathers 
Joachim Banos and Diego Ximenez from Queretaro and 
reached San Antonio. 

The mission of San Saba was founded in March, and on 
the 17th of April, 1757, that of San Luis de Amarillas was 
established ; but the Apaches would not settle at the mission, 

1 Arricivita, " Cronica Serafica," ii., p. 334; Morfi, "Memorias." 
2 Arricivita, "Cronica Serafica," p. 368; Morfi, "Memorias." Fa 
ther Cajetan Aponte y Lis, a native of Pontevedra, came to America in 
1730, was ten years in the Texan mission, and died May 25, 1791. 



UK] in July Father Terreros wrote very despondingly, Fa 
ther Benedict Varela, seut to the Apaches, having failed in 
his mission, and subsequent negotiations proving ineffectual. 

The friendly intercourse with the Apaches seems to have 
aroused hostile feelings in the Texan tribes, who regarded 
them as their natural enemies. Father Silva was killed near 
the Rio Grande by a party of Indians who were recognized 
as belonging to tribes under the care of missionaries. 1 

On the 16th of March, 1T58, Father Alonso Terreros had of 
fered the holy sacrifice at daybreak, and Father Santiesteban 
had just put on his vestments, when their ears were saluted by 
the yells of a large Indian force, with occasional gunshots. 


When the Indians reached the mission many were recognized 
as Texas and Bidais. They professed friendship, and asked 

1 In 1759 there was received in Texas and promulgated through the 
parishes and missions the edict of Rt. Rev. Friar Francis De San Buena 
ventura Martinez de Tejada Diez de Velasco, Bishop of Guadalajara, 
the new Kingdom of Galicia, and Leon, the Provinces of Nayarit, Cali 
fornia, Coahuila, and Texas, making a holiday of obligation of De 
cember 12th, the feast of Our Lady of Guadalupe. Pope Benedict XIV. 
at the petition of the Archbishop of Mexico and Bishop of Michoacan 
had made the Blessed Virgin under that title Patroness of all the prov 
inces of Mexico. Register of Church of San Fernando, San Antonio, 
Dec. 12, 1759. 


a letter to the commandant of the garrison a few miles off. 
This Father Terreros gave, but they insisted on his accom 
panying them. He mounted a horse, but had ridden only a 
few feet from the gate when he was shot, and with a groan 
fell dead from his horse. Then the Indians made a general 
attack, killing the soldiers stationed at the mission. The 
other Fathers at once sought refuge. Father Santiesteban 
fled to the store-room, but that was the first place the assail 
ants visited. He perished, undoubtedly, under the blows of 
their weapons, as they carried off his habit, and his dying 
cries were heard. Father Michael Molina with the mission 
attendants took refuge in the room which Father Terreros 
had occupied, and here the Spaniards held out, escaping with 
their lives, although Father Molina and some others were se 
verely wounded. At night with the room on fire they escaped 
through the blazing church, and each for himself made their 
way to the presidio. 1 

This was a great blow to the projected Apache mission, 
but it did not defeat it. The Commissary-General, lest the 
Indians at San Saba should disperse, sent Father Francis 
Aparicio and Father Peter Parras, with Fathers Juniper Ser- 
ra and Francis Palou to continue the work. But as the tribe 
objected to San Saba, a new site was selected in the valley of 
San Jose, and there on the 9th of January, 1761, Father Jo 
achim Banos and Diego Ximenes founded the mission of 
San Lorenzo, and soon after that of Candelaria ; but they 
were planned and arranged by the civil authorities with little 
regard to the views or system of the missionaries. The mis- 

^rricivita, " Cronica Serafica," ii., pp. 375-8 ; Morfi, "Memorias." 
Father Morfi says that F. Santiesteban s headless body was found by F. 
Molina in the church, and that the bodies of the two missionaries were 
interred together in the cemetery. Father Arricivita writing a few years 
later says the body of Santiesteban was never found, so that some thought 
he was carried off alive. 


sions were maintained, however, for eight years till the in 
vasion of the Cornanches broke them up. 

In these Texan missions the Franciscans and the Spanish 
authorities had always entertained different views. The 
Franciscans wished the Indians placed on reservations, and 
kept by military force from wandering off. The officials 
wished the missionaries to instruct the Indians when and 
where they could. The latter plan kept the missionaries 
completely in the hands of the officials for their maintenance 
and the supplies needed by the mission, and from official 
corruption missionaries often suffered greatly. 

All these missions enjoyed in 1759 the presence of a 
Bishop, the Rt. Rev. Francis de San Buenaventura Tejada 


of Guadalajara in his visitation of his diocese, having trav 
ersed the whole of Texas. The report of his official examin 
ation would give a most authentic picture of the state of 
religion at that time, but unfortunately it is not accessible. 

On the 19th of November, 1759, Bishop Francis de San 
Buenaventura Tejada made his visitation of the Church of San 
Fernando in the city now known as San Antonio. He was 

1 " Informe of F. Ximenez," Arricivita, p. 386. " Relacion que hizo 
el R. P. Predicador Fr. Manuel Molina sobre las muertes de los PP. Fray 
Alonso Giraldo de Terreros y Fr. Jose de Santiesteban en San Saba. 
Mexico, Abril de 1758." 


duly received according to the prescribed forms by the parish 
priest, Bachelor Cardenas. All was done in due form. His 
secretary, Dr. Mathias Joseph de Arteaga, while he sat in 
the sanctuary, read the edict for the general visitation of the 
diocese, and against public sins. Then the good bishop, in a 
sermon explained the object of the visitation, and the nature 
and graces of the sacrament of confirmation, and the neces 
sity of proper preparation for it. 

The visitation of the church showed a condition of great 
neglect. There was no tabernacle for the preservation of the 
Blessed Sacrament ; the baptistery lacked door and window, 
as well a proper vessel for pouring the holy water, and he 
ordered one to be obtained of silver ; it also lacked an ambry 
with lock and key for the holy oils. He directed also that 
a painting of Saint John Baptizing our Lord in the Jordan 
to be placed there. Then the Bishop in a black cope made a 
commemoration of the faithful departed. 

The church had but one altar, with a picture of Saint 
Ferdinand, but no other adornment. The sacristy showed 
a lack of vestments, of proper church plate, procession 
cross, candlesticks, missal, censer and boat, in fact of every 
thing. There was not even a ritual or a repository for Holy 

This destitution in a church with five hundred and eighty- 
two parishioners pained the good Bishop deeply. 

The faculties of the incumbent were regular, but the Bishop 
continued them merely till the next conference of the clergy, 
when he was to appear personally, evidently regarding him 
as one ignorant or careless of his duties. The Rev. Mr. Car 
denas thereupon resigned the parish, and the Bishop ap 
pointed Bachelor Casimir Lopez de Lara, who produced 
his faculties, including power to preach in Spanish and 


Don Toribio de Urrutia then solicited and obtained the 
privilege of erecting an altar of the Immaculate Conception 
in one of the transepts with the privilege of making it a bur 
ial-place for his family on payment of four dollars at each in 
terment, and making an offering of wax, bread, and wine on 
All Souls Day. 

The Bishop also forbade the people of the city to receive 
the sacraments at the churches of the Indian missions, gave 
orders for the maintenance of a proper school and school 
master, and of catechetical instructions to the young on Sun- 
days and holidays by the parish priest. 

Such was the visitation of a Catholic Bishop in Texas in 
1759. He then examined the candidates for confirmation, 
and conferred that sacrament on 644, devoting the 19th of 
November and the ensuing days to the 25th to this duty. 
The long list of names preserved includes several Indians, 
some of them Apaches. 1 

The Bishop made the visitation of the missions of San An 
tonio de Yalero and La Purisima Concepcion on the 21st of 
November, and entered on the Register of each his approval 
of the management by the Franciscan Fathers in charge, 
Joseph Lopez and Francis Aparicio. 2 

The Spanish population of Texas at this time consisted of 
about 3,000 souls, at San Antonio, the presidios and ranches. 
Besides the parish at San Antonio with its priest, there were 
secular priests also at Sacramento and Nacogdoches, and gen 
erally a chaplain for the troops. There was also a priest at 

1 " Auto General de Visita," signed by Bp. Tejada in the Register. On 
March 13, 1763, the Rev. Mr. Casimir Lopez de Lara transferred the 
Registers, etc., to Bach. Joseph Ildephonsus de la Pena. 

2 The Indian missions were visited not only by the Bishop, but by Vis 
itors of the Franciscan order. There were such in Texas in June, 1745, 
June, 1756, April, 1759. Registers of the missions of San Antonio Va 
lero and La Purisima Concepcion. 


Bahia. Adayes was a place of some importance with forty 
houses, and a church attended by the Franciscan Father at 
tached to the Indian mission. It was maintained as a frontier 
post and town, but declined after Spain acquired Louisiana, 
and was suppressed in 1772. 1 

In January, 1761, Fathers Diego Ximenez and Joachim 
Baiios renewed the almost hopeless attempt to convert the 
Apaches. On the banks of the Rio San Jose they founded 
the mission of San Lorenzo, which they maintained for 
eight years, baptizing in danger of death eighty persons as 
the result of all their toil. It was found almost impossible 
to induce these Lipan Apaches to remain at the mission, 
and settle down to cultivate the soil or learn trades. The 
missionaries indeed gained their good-will, so that San Lo 
renzo was regarded as their reserve by about three thousand, 

four hundred re 
maining actually at 
the mission with 


from time to time 

they would insist on going to the bison plains, or forming war 
parties against the Comanches. In 1763 Father Diego 
Ximenez, President of the Texas missions, writing from San 
Lorenzo, reported that they were beginning to listen to the 
instructions, brought their children to be baptized, notified 

1 Morfi, "Memoria para la Historia de Texas" : Onys, "Memoria so- 
brelas Negociaciones," Mexico, 1826, p. 52. The presidio of Orquisaco 
near Dolores was also suppressed. As some guide to the work of the 
Texas missions, the numbers of baptisms to 1761 are given. San An 
tonio, 1,772; Purisima Concepcion, 792; San Jose, 1,054 ; San Juan Capi- 
strano, 847 ; San Francisco de la Espada, 815 ; Rosario, 200 ; Espiritu 
Santo, 623. 


the missionary when any adults were sick, and on setting 
off to hunt, brought their wives and children to the mis 
sionaries for 
protection. 1 

Father Bar 
tholomew Gar 
cia and Joseph 


veteran mis 
sionaries in Texas about this time. The former published 
a manual to aid his fellow-missionaries of the college of 
Queretaro in administering the sacraments to the Indians on 
the San Antonio and Rio Grande. It gives some idea of the 
number of tribes which even then were attended by the 
missionaries. 8 

The mission of San Jose was the centre of the Texas mis 
sions and residence of the President or Superior, and in time 
a fine church was erected here, and nearly as elegant struc 
tures at San Francisco de la Espada and La Purisima Con- 

Soon after the year 1763 the college of Queretaro with 
drew from Texas, leaving that field to the colleges of Zaca- 
tecas and Guadalajara. 3 

1 Letter of F. Ximenez, San Lorenzo, January 24, 1763, in Arricivita, 
" Cronica Serafica y Apostolica," pp. 386-9; also 390-3. The mission 
and presidio were suppressed in 1767. 

2 He names the Pajalates, Orejones, Pacaos, Pacoas, Telijayas, Alasa- 
pas, Pausanes, Pacuaches, Pampopas, Tacames, Chayopines, Venados, 
Pamaques, Pihuiques, Borrados, Sanipoas, and Manos de Perro. Gar 
cia, "Manual para administrar los Santos Sacramentos," etc., 1760. 
There is a copy in Harvard College. See Pilling, p. 281. 

3 Arricivita, p. 437. 



FOE a period in the latter part of the seventeenth century 
all evidence of Catholicity had been swept from the soil of 
New Mexico, and the expeditions undertaken by Spain to 
recover that province, had been merely incursions. To such 
an extent, however, had the revolted tribes by civil war, and 
the hostility of the Apaches, been reduced in numbers and 
spirit that every one of the pueblo nations submitted at last 
without striking a blow to Vargas and a handful of Spaniards. 

Diego de Vargas Zapata Luxan Ponce de Leon was ap 
pointed Governor of New Mexico in 1692, and prepared 
to take possession of the province. The whole force he had 
been able to gather amounted to fifty-four Spaniards and one 
hundred friendly Indians. On the 16th of August the van 
left El Paso, and Vargas after awaiting in vain for a de 
tachment of fifty men promised from Parral joined his van 
and entered New Mexico, his little force being attended as 
chaplains by Father Francis Corvera, President of the Mis 
sion, Fathers Michael Muniz and Christopher Alphonsus 
Barroso. Establishing a camp for his supplies, at a ruined 
estate, where he left fourteen Spaniards and fifty Indians, 
he pushed on through an utterly deserted country by way of 
the ruined towns of Cochiti and Santo Domingo to Santa 
Fe. Camping at night by a ruined chapel, the little force 
the next morning (Sept. 13th) heard mass, and received abso 
lution before moving upon the city. There the Tanos of 


Galisteo liad planted a new town. Vargas cut off the water 
supply, and prepared to besiege Santa Fe. Troops of In 
dians appeared on the hills to reliev.e the town, but Vargas 
drove these off, and before night the city surrendered. 

On the 14th, the feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, 
Vargas with Father Corvera and six soldiers entered. The 
Indians, who had been told that the main object of the expe 
dition was to restore them to the Catholic faith, had already 
erected a large cross in the plaza. There Vargas announced 
that King Charles II. had sent him to pardon the T\ew 
Mexico Indians for their apostasy, the sacrilegious murder 
of the missionaries, the profanation of the churches and sa 
cred things, and the massacre of the Spaniards, if they would 
return to the bosom of holy Mother Church, which like a 
fond mother implored them to return, and then renew their 
allegiance to the Spanish crown. 

To this the Tanos agreed, the standard of Spain was flung 
to the breeze, amid the vivas of the assembly, and while all 
knelt around the cross Father Corvera intoned the Te 
Deum. The next day mass was solemnly offered in the 
plaza, the President of the mission made the Indians a touch 
ing exhortation, and absolved them from their apostasy. 
Then the children born during the revolt were brought to 
the missionaries and baptized, to the number of 969. Soon 
after this the detachment from Parral arrived, and Luis 
Tupatu, who upon the death of Pope and Catiti had been 
recognized as chief by one portion of the insurgents, came in 
and submitted. He was ready to aid in reducing to the 
Spanish authority the Pecos, Queres, Taos, and Jemes, who 
had refused to acknowledge him. Before setting out to the 
other towns Vargas forwarded to Mexico an account of his 
success. The tidings, utterly unexpected, filled that capital 
with the utmost joy. The Count of Galve, Viceroy of New 


Spain, proceeded with all the high officials to the Cathedral 
to return thanks to God and to the Blessed Virgin for this 
peaceful recovery of the province, 

Meanwhile Yargas with Fathers Corvera and Barroso ad 
vanced to Pecos, where some reluctance was shown by that 
tribe, but they finally submitted. They were then absolved, 
and 248 children baptized. In the tribes which acknowl 
edged Tupatu the reception of Yargas was more cordial. 
Near the Canada of Cochiti were the people of San Marco, 
Cochiti, and San Felipe gathered in one town ; here 103 
children were baptized ; the remnant of the people of the 
pueblos of Cia and Santa Ana also lived together in one 
town ; there and at Santo Domingo, the people after being 
received again into the Church brought 123 children to be 

On a high mesa a band of Queres, Jemes, and Apaches 
at first defied the Spaniards, but they too finally yielded, 
were absolved, and brought to the sacred font 117 children. 

In this tour through the province, completed by the close 
of October, Yargas without firing a shot had restored the 
Spanish authority and Christianity. Forty-three Spaniards, 
chiefly t^omen and their children born in captivity, were res 
cued, with some half-breeds. 

Early in November he reached Acoma, a town never 
friendly to the Spaniards. In spite of a defiant attitude, it 
soon yielded, when the Governor with two Friars and only 
fifteen men fearlessly clambered to the pueblo. The new 
Zuni pueblo on the Galisteo cliff was next gained, the peo 
ple absolved and 294 children christened as 87 had been at 
Acoma. At Zuni the first and only sign of respect for re 
ligion was found. Here Yargas was taken to a room with 
a very diminutive door. Within on a table two tallow can 
dles were burning on a kind of altar covered with pieces of 


vestments. Beneath them were two crucifixes, an oil paint 
ing of the Crucifixion, and one of Saint John the Baptist, a 
monstrance with its luna, four silver chalices, and three 
patens, a missal and other books with two bells. Some of 
the Zunis who had clung to the faith amid the general apos 
tasy had secured these hallowed objects, and kept them with 
all due honor in absolute secrecy, waiting till religion reas 
serted her authority. With deep emotion the missionaries 
received these relics of their martyred brethren. Yargas 
then proceeded to the Moqui towns, which all submitted ex 
cept Oraybi, a town he was induced not to visit on account 
of its pretended distance. The baptisms were 273. 

Before the close of December, Yargas re-entered El Paso, 
having restored the Spanish influence in the province, by a 
singular display of prudence, judgment, and courage. 1 

With all this apparent success the Governor of Kew 
Mexico felt that the moral influence acquired would soon be 
lost unless the province was actually reoccupied. The Yice- 
roy professed great earnestness in the matter, but the year 
1693 was rapidly passing, and no effectual steps were taken. 
Yargas then collected all the old inhabitants of JS"ew Mexico, 
and other settlers whom he could influence, and set out from 
El Paso on the 13th of October, with seventy families, and 
many single persons, in all 800 souls. They were accom 
panied by Father Salvador of San Antonio as Gustos, who 
went to restore the missions with Fathers John de Zavaleta, 
Francis Casanas de Jesus Maria, John de Alpuente, John 
Munoz de Castro, John Daza, Joseph Diez, Anthony Car- 

1 Letters of Vargas to the Viceroy, Oct. 16, 1692. Narrative of Ex 
pedition, " Documentos para la Historia de Mexico," III., i., pp. 129-137 ; 
Siguenza y Gongora, "Mercurio Volante con las Noticias de la Recu- 
peracion de las provincias del Nuevo Mexico," 1693-4. Letter of F. Sil- 
vestre Velez de Escalante to F. Morfi, Santa Fe, Apl. 2, 1778. 


bonel, Francis Corvera, Jerome Prieto, John Anthony del 
Corral, Anthony Vahomonde, Anthony de Obregon, Dom 
inic of Jesus Mary, Boriaventure de Contreras, Joseph Nar- 
vaez Balverde, and Diego Zeinos. Escorted by soldiers from 
El Paso and other posts, Vargas advanced to the vicinity of 
Socorro, where leaving his heavier baggage and slower-mov 
ing settlers he pushed on. The Queres at San Felipe, Santa 
Ana, and Cia, renewed their submission to him, but other 
tribes at once began to plot against the Spaniards, though 
they professed submission and a desire for missionaries. On 
the 16th of December, Yargas entered Santa Fe, and bear 
ing the banner which Oilate bore when he made the first 
conquest, he followed the religious, who in procession moved 
to the cross chanting psalms. There the Te Deum and the 
Litany of Loreto were sung with the thrice repeated * Praised 
forever be the most Holy Sacrament of the Altar." Yargas 
then officially reinstated the Gustos in possession of the mis 
sions of New Mexico. 

As the city and government buildings were still occupied 
by the Taiios, Yargas encamped on the side of Mount Te- 
zuque. He had been warned of a conspiracy of tribes to 
attack him on the way, or in Santa Fe. His movements 
hitherto had disconcerted their plans. The parish church in 
Santa Fe had disappeared, the walls of that of San Miguel de 
los Tlascaltecas were still standing, and the church was capa 
ble of restoration. After examining it with Anthony Bolsas, 
chief of the Tanos in Santa Fe, Yargas ordered the Indians 
to proceed to repair and restore it, to serve as the church for 
white and Indian till spring, promising that his people should 
join in the work. Bolsas evaded the order under the pretext 
that the snows were too heavy in the mountains to cut tim 
bers for roofing the church, but he offered for use as a chapel 
one of the Indian estufas erected and used for their idola- 


trous rites. This the missionaries declined, believing, and 
not without some ground, that the Indians made the offer 
only in hope of secretly carrying on their heathen worship 
in the estufa while pretending to take part in the Catholic 
service. 1 

Several of the pueblos began to ask for resident mis 
sionaries, and Yargas seeing that the towns readily fur 
nished Indian corn for his use, was inclined to accede to 
their request, and Fathers were actually named for Santa 
Fe, Tezuque, Nambe, San Ildefonso, San Juan, San Lazaro, 
Picuries, Taos, Jemes, Cia, Pecos, and Cochiti. The mis 
sionaries, however, who had all been mingling with the In 
dians, and endeavoring to win their confidence, had learned 
that the object of the Indians was to get the missionaries into 
their power so as to massacre them when they rose on the 
Spaniards. Ye, governor of Pecos, whose timely warning 
had saved many in 1680, had now given them distinct infor 
mation of the plot. Yargas had promised Bishop Montene 
gro not to expose the lives of the missionaries rashly, and on 
the 18th of December, the Franciscan Fathers in a formal act 
laid the matter before him representing the danger of attempt 
ing missions at once. 2 Yargas replied, accusing them of 
" feigned obedience and envy," and tauntingly offered to 

1 This secret idolatry, called by Spanish writers Nagualism, was con 
ducted with the utmost cunning. The idols or fetishes of the medicine 
men were concealed under the altars, in the altar-lamps, behind pictures 
and in ornamental work of the churches, and the Indians were really 
worshipping these, while apparently hearing mass. The adherents of the 
old idolatry formed a secret society, and some by great professions of 
piety managed to gain the confidence of missionaries, and so aid in main 
taining the old heathen ideas. The Ven. Anthony Margil apparently by 
supernatural light often detected the presence of these idols, and un 
masked the hypocrites. 

2 Representation of the missionaries. 


escort them in safety to the central mission stations assigned 
to each. 1 

Meanwhile the Tanos showed no disposition to return to 
their old pueblo at Galisteo, and the settlers in the Spanish 
camp were suffering severely, many children dying. On the 
28th the Tanos openly declared war, closed the gate of the 
town, defying the Spaniards from the walls, shouting out 
that the Devil was more powerful than God and Mary. " All 
our friends are coming, and we will kill all the Spaniards 
and not let one escape. The Fathers shall be our servants 
for a time. We will make them carry wood, and bring it 
down from the mountain ; and when they have served us we 
will kill them all, as we did when \ve drove the Spaniards out 

Vargas saw that his confidence had been overweening and 
that prompt action was required. He prepared to storm the 
town. Father Zeinos said mass and exhorted the troops. 
Then bearing aloft the banner of Our Lady of Refuge, and 
chanting the Praise of the Blessed Sacrament, the Spanish 
soldiers rushed to the assault. Under a shower of stones and 
arrows they carried a tower by scaling it, and set fire to the 
great door of the town. An entrance to some houses was 
gained, loopholes were made in the walls, and a fire kept up 
on the Indians. Auxiliaries of the besieged approaching the 
town were twice driven off. By this time the Tanos were 
completely hemmed in, so that at daybreak they gave up the 
struggle, and began to excuse their conduct ; but they had 
shown their hatred of religion when they demolished the 
cross and beat to a shapeless mass a statue of Our Lady. Var 
gas felt at last that he must strike terror into the Indians or 
prepare for constant outbreaks. Bolsa and the men taken in 

1 " Documentos para la Historia de Mexico," III., i., pp. 142-8. 


arms were condemned to be shot, and after Father Alpuente 
had prepared them for death, the sentence was executed. 
The rest of the Tanos were distributed as slaves among the 
settlers, each captive being allowed to select his own master. 
Regulations required that none should be sold or taken out of 
the city, or be ill-treated, and all were to be sent daily to the 
missionaries for instruction. Santa Fe was once more in full 
possession of the Spaniards, and then apparently the Church 
of San Miguel was restored, to be rebuilt in the last century 
and remain to our day. 

The severity of Yargas did not crush the spirit of insur 
rection. The early part of 1694 was taken up in operations 
against the Indians, in which he was not always successful. 
But he was cheered by the intelligence that Father Francis 
Farfan was at El Paso with seventy-six families of settlers. 
As he durst not detach any portion of his force, he was un 
able to furnish them an escort, but he sent them provisions 
and they reached Santa Fe in June. The military operations 
continued during the summer, but amid them he captured 
two Jemes, who were pardoned on their offer to show where 
Father John of Jesus was buried and the church plate hid 
den. With the banner of Our Lady of Eefuge, and his 
principal officers, Yargas proceeded to the spot to which 
they guided him. Then, after chanting the Salva Regina, 
he ordered the ground to be opened. The bones of a person 
of small stature were found, an arrow fixed in the spine, the 
skull recognized by some present as resembling the mission 
ary. Deeming them sufficiently identified, Fathers Alpu 
ente, Obregon, and Carbonel collected the precious remains 
of their mortified and apostolical predecessor, and carried 
them reverently to Santa Fe, where they were placed in a 
box of cedar, covered with damask and fine linen, and on 
the llth of August, after a solemn service in presence of all 


the people, they were deposited on the gospel side of the 
chapel which served temporarily as the parish church. 1 

The Jemes at this time asked peace, and Vargas agreed 
on condition that they returned to their old pueblo, where 
they were to erect a chapel and house for the missionary as 
signed to them, Father Francis Casanas. That holy mission 
ary, whom we have seen already laboring in the unfruitful 
soil of Texas, appealed to Yargas for the release of the 
Jemes held by him as prisoners, and these, after the tribe 
had shown its good-will by co-operation in the field, were re 
leased by the Governor. 

Then the Tehuas and Tanos who had restored their old 
pueblos, solicited missionaries. On the 5th of October, 169^ 
Father John Munoz de Castro, the vice-custos, set out to in- 
stal the missionaries in their towns. Father Francis Cor- 
vera remained at San Ildefonso, from which he was to attend 
Jacona, Father Jerome Prieto in charge of Santa Clara, Fa 
ther Anthony Obregon to reside in San Cristobal and take 
charge of San Lorenzo. No chapel or house had been as yet 
erected in any of the towns, and the missionaries took up 
their abode in hastily constructed huts. In each pueblo Var 
gas explained to the people the veneration and obedience due 
the missionaries, and urged the Indians to erect churches and 
houses for them at once. He undoubtedly believed the 
presence of the Franciscan Fathers the best means of making 
the submission of the Indians sincere and lasting. The mis 
sionaries were less sanguine ; yet they remained cheerfully 
to exercise the ministry, though conscious that the Indians 
had not laid aside their hostile feelings, and regarded them 
with no friendly eye. 

Shortly after Father Diego Zeinos was installed in the 

1 " Documentos para la Historia de Mexico," III., i., pp. 143-161. 


mission of Our Lady of Portiuncula at Pecos, where the peo 
ple had already built him a house, and were roofing a tem 
porary chapel. Father Anthony Carbonel was placed at San 
Felipe and Father John Alpuente at Cia. The Queres of 
Santo Domingo submitted, and were absolved by their mis 
sionary, Father Francis of Jesus, for whom they had pre 
pared a convenient residence. 

Having thus restored the missionaries to the most import 
ant points in the territory, Father Salvador proceeded to El 
Paso, where he resigned his office and was succeeded as cus- 
tos of the mission by Father Francis Yargas, who had arrived 
with four other priests. The work of re-establishing the 
missions went on, the Indians returning with apparent readi 
ness to the old Catholic practices. Fathers John Muiioz de 
Castro and Anthony Moreno remained in Santa Fe ; Father 
Joseph Diaz, who had completely gained the good-will of the 
people of Tezuque by his devoted affection, remained with 
the Indians of that pueblo ; Father Joseph Garcia Marin be 
gan his labors at Santa Clara ; Father Carbonel, at the voice 
of his superior, left San Felipe for Cochiti, where the Indians 
had reared a chapel and house, more fortunate than Father 
Michael Tirso, who found at Santo Domingo no chapel or 
house, and a miserable hut as his only refuge. 

In 1695 a new city styled Yilla Xueva de Santa Cruz was 
founded at La Canada with sixty families from Mexico, and 
Father Anthony Moreno became the first rector. During 
the same year Father Anthony Azevedo was stationed at 
Nambe, and missionaries at last restored Catholic service at 
Picuries and Taos. 

All seemed so quiet that Spaniards scattered unsuspect 
ingly through the country : but the missionaries being in 
the very heart of the pueblos, discerned and reported that a 
new revolt was brewing. Yargas charged them with pusil- 


lanimity, and the Franciscans silently submitted. Yet in 
March, 1696, Father Vargas, the custos, represented to the 
Governor the evident danger of the missionaries, who were 
alone and unprotected, and who would certainly be the first 
victims, as the Governor could not in case of outbreak send 
a force to rescue them all. He asked a small body of soldiers 
at each mission, but the Governor professed his inability to 
send them. When further representations of danger were 
made to him, Vargas said that any missionary who felt he 
was in danger might come to Santa Fe, if he chose. A few 
did so, but as Vargas in writing to the Governor and Bishop 
accused them of cowardice, and said that* their withdrawal 
and removal of vestments and church plate would excite sus 
picion and cause the very danger they feared, the missionaries 
returned to their posts, offering their lives a sacrifice to God. 

The result was not long delayed. On the 4rth of June, 
1696, the Picuries, Taos, Tehuas, Tanos, Queres, and Jemes 
rose in rebellion. Their first act was to profane the churches 
and sacred vessels and objects, their next to butcher the mis 
sionaries. At San Cristobal the Tanos killed Father Joseph 
cle Arbizu and Father Anthony Carbonel, missionaries of 
Taos. Father Francis Corvera and Father Anthony Moreno, 
missionaries at Xambe, were shut up in a cell in San Ilde- 
fonso by the Tehuas, who closed every window and opening, 
then set fire to the convent and church, leaving the religious 
to die, suffocated by the heat and smoke. The holy Father 
Casafias was lured out of Jemes, under the pretext that a 
dying man wished a priest to hear bis confession. Then the 
war-chief of the pueblo and the interpreter killed him with 
their macanas or clubs, the holy missionary repeating the 
names of Jesus and Mary till he expired. 

Besides the missionaries, isolated Spaniards were every 
where cut down. 


Vargas at last saw that the conspiracy had long been 
formed, and embraced all but four or five pueblos. Once 
more he took the field, and a long war was maintained by 
him and his successor Cubero. During this period all the 
peaceful efforts of the missionaries were paralyzed. 1 

After the reduction of the revolted pueblos, the missions 
were restored, and for some years the Franciscans continued 
their labors undisturbed, the increasing number of Spanish 
settlers giving them an overpowering strength which held 
the Indians in check. 

In 1700 Father John de Garaicoechea won the Zunis, 
and induced them to leave the rocky fortress and return to 
their old pueblo in the fertile plain, and the same year Fa 
ther Anthony Miranda, a religious of singular virtue and 
zeal, obtained similar success at Acoma, and established a 
chapel at Laguna, which he visited regularly. To protect 
these apostolic men the Governor sent a small detachment 
of soldiers, but as frequently happened these men were more 
a detriment than a benefit to the missions, creating ill-will 
and setting an example of vice. Father John in vain solic 
ited their removal, but on Sunday, March 4, 1703, while he 
was chanting the versicle in praise of the Blessed -Sacrament 
after mass, the Indians killed one Spaniard in the choir, and 
two more at the door of the church in Zufii. The interpre 
ter and some others saved the missionary, and an Indian 
woman hurried him to her house, where she concealed him 
for three days in a chest. When all had become quiet in the 
pueblo he reappeared, and was received with joy by his flock, 
the great part of which were ignorant of the plot which was 
the work of seven men. Governor Cubero sent troops to 
Zuni, who conveyed Father Garaicoechea most unwillingly 

1 " Documentos para la Historia de Mexico," III., i., pp. 161-177. 


to Santa Fe, for he deemed his presence more essential than 
ever at Zufii to maintain the faithful in their religion. He 
was not able to return till 1705, when he was well received, 
and resumed his missionary duties ; but Zufii was soon added 
to the already onerous duties of Father Miranda. 1 

In 1706 the city of San Francisco de Alburquerque was 
founded, the name being subsequently changed to San 
Felipe. It began with thirty-five Spanish families, and 
steps were taken at the outset to meet their religious wants, 
a church being erected, which the king supplied with the 
requisite vestments, plate, and other articles required in the 
services of the altar. 

The temporary chapel erected by Governor Yargas on re 
capturing Santa Fe, had served as a parish church till this 
time, but was in a wretched condition, and far too small for 
the increasing number of the people and the garrison. The 
Marquis de la Penuela y Almirante, who was Governor of 
New Mexico in 1708, proposed to the Viceroy of New Spain 
to erect a suitable parish church at his own expense, if he 
was permitted to employ the Indians of the neighboring 
towns. This was permitted, but the Viceroy made it a con 
dition that the workmen were to be paid, and that they 
should not be required to work on the church at the time 
their services were required to gather in their crops. The 
Marquis then began the new church. 

In 1709 the pueblo of Jemes was sacked by the Navajos, 
who carried off all the vestments and church plate. The 
same year the energetic Gustos, Father John de la Pefia, col- 

" Documentos para la Historia de Mexico," III., i., pp. 177-186, 190, 
194. Letter of Father Garaicoechea, Zuiii, March 7, 1703 ; of Father 
Miranda, Laguna, March 12, 1703. In 1707 Father Francis de Irazabal 
appears as missionary at Alona or Zuni ; and in 1713 Father Carlos Del- 
gado, a young and zealous missionary, at Acoma and Laguna 


lected the Tehuas, who were scattered in different pueblos, 
and even among the Apaches, and revived their old mission 
at Isleta, obtaining all needed vestments and plate for the 
chapel. He also made a careful visitation of all the missions, 
accompanied by a secular priest. He suppressed many abuses, 
superstitions, and heathen observances among the converted 
Indians, especially scalp-dances and the estufas. 1 

The civil authorities took up the matter, and rigorous 
means were taken to suppress the estufas, which were origin 
ally vapor baths, but became the secret scene of heathen 
rites, and plots against the Christian religion and the whites, 
fomented by the medicine-men. From time to time active 
governors aided by the missionaries would make the attempt 
to eradicate this secret idolatry, but after a while vigilance 
would relax, and the old heathenism would revive. 

New Mexico upon its settlement was for a brief term in 
cluded in the diocese of Guadalajara, but when the see of 
Durango, or Guadiana, was erected by Pope Paul V., on the 
llth of October, 1620, it was included in the limits of the 
new diocese. The Kt. Kev. Benedict Crespo took posses 
sion of the see on the 22d of March, 1723. A bishop of 
energy and devotion to duty, he made three visitations of his 
extensive diocese during the eleven years that he filled the 
see, and during the second visitation he penetrated to New 
Mexico, and was the first bishop who had strength and 
courage to overcome all the difficulties in his way. His 
presence encouraged the missionaries and strengthened the 
faith of all. 

His successor, Rt. Rev. Martin de Elizacochea, who be 
came Bishop of Durango in 1736, followed the example of 
Bishop Crespo. He made a visitation of New Mexico, and 

1 "Documentos para la Historia de Mexico," III., i., pp. 192, 196-7. 


a record of his visit is graven on Inscription Rock near the 
Eio Zuni. " On the 28th day of September, 1737, the most 
Illustrious Dr. Don Martin de Elizacochea, Bishop of Du- 
rango, arrived here, and the 29th he proceeded to Zuni." 

In 1733 missions were begun among the Jicarilla Apaches 
near Taos, by the Father Gustos John Ortes de Yelasco, but 
the Governor broke them up, as the mission diminished the 
fur trade. In 1742 Father John Menchero attempted to re 
store religion among the Moquis and Navajos. The next 
year Fathers Delgado and Pino settled four hundred and 
forty-one souls from Moqui, in the mission of San Agus- 
tin de la Isleta, although the Governor refused to encourage 
the Franciscans. Attempts were also made to win the 
Navajos. 3 

Then the notices of the state of religion in New Mexico 
became few and vague. In 1748 the churches are reported 
as in good condition, and comparing favorably with those of 
Europe. Missionaries officiated in suitable churches at Santa 
Cruz, Pecos, Galisteo, El Paso, San Lorenzo, Socorro, Zia, Can- 
deleras, Taos, Santa Ana, San Agustin de Isleta, Tezuque, 
Xambe, San Ildefonso, Santa Clara, San Juan de los Cabal- 
leros, Picuries, Cochiti, Jemes, Laguna, Acoma, and Guada- 
lupe. 8 

1 " Concilios Provinciales Primero y Segundo celebrados en la ... 
ciudad de Mexico," Mexico, 1769, pp. 373-4. Gams, "Series Episcopo- 
rum," p. 149. Rt. Rev. Peter Tamaron, Bishop of Durango, 17F7-1768, 
who addressed to the king a full description of his diocese, and who died 
in Sinaloa, during a visitation, also apparently reached New Mexico, but 
the acts of these visitations are not in the archives of the Diocese, which 
were examined for me by the present Rt. Rev. Bishop ; and Bishop 
Tamaron s report, though recently seen, could not now be found for me 
in Spain. 

2 Morn, " Descripcion Geografica del Nuevo Mexico," 1782. 

3 Villasefior, " Teatro Americano," pp. 411-422. 


The Spanish settlements were Santa Fe, San Miguel del 
Bado, Alameda, Alburquerque, Tome, Belen, Sabinal, So- 
corro, Abiquiu, with several smaller places. Santa Fe had 
its secular parish priest, as El Paso also had ; all other 
churches whether of Spanish or Indians were attended bv 
the Franciscan Fathers, numbering about twenty-two. 




THE Franciscan missions in New Mexico had never ex 
tended successfully to the tribes beyond the limits of that 
province, although efforts were made at times from Texas and 
Kew Mexico to win the fierce Apaches. The Society of Je 
sus, after relinquishing Florida, founded a province in Mexi 
co which has a glorious history. At an early day the Church 
began to evangelize Sinaloa, 1 then pushed northward and es 
tablished her great Sonora mission in 1590, winning many 
tribes to the Church. 

The remarkable missionary, Father Eusebius Francis 
Kiihn, called in Spanish Kino, was the apostle of Pimeria 
Alta, the Upper Pirn a country, embracing much of our 
present territory of Arizona. He was a native of Trent, and 
entered the Society of Jesus in Bavaria. After being Su 
perior of the Fathers who served as chaplains in the fleet of 
Admiral Obando, he was appointed to found the Pima mis 

He entered Upper Pimeria March 13, 1687, and established 
his first mission at Nuestra Senora de los Dolores, having 
gained a chief named Coxi as his first convert. From this 
point he extended his influence in all directions, evincing 
wonderful ability in gaining the Indians, and in presenting 
the truths of Christianity in a way to meet their comprehen 
sion and reach their hearts. 

1 1t was founded in 1590 by Saint Francis Borgia, a saint identified also 
xvith the introduction of Christianity into Florida. 


Ko life has been written of this Father, who stands with 
the Venerable Anthony Margil as the greatest missionaries 
who labored in this country, extraordinary as were the ser 
vices of Fathers White, Fremin, Bruyas, Allouez, and Druil- 
lettes. Of Father Kulm, the historian of California says : 

" He labored with apostolic zeal in converting and civiliz 
ing the heathen Indians. He made constant excursions into 
their territory with intrepid valor and unattended. He as 
sembled many in towns, forming them to agriculture and the 
keeping of herds ; because this was a step towards maintain 
ing missionaries for their conversion and spiritual good, and 
for their civilization. Overcoming the tedious difficulties, 
he learned their different languages, translated the catechism 
and prayers, which he then taught them orally, undeterred 
by their boorishness and indocility. He formed vocabularies 
and instructions for his fellow-laborers and successors ; at 
tracted the Indians by his wonderful gentleness and affability, 
till they all confided in him, as though he were the father of 
each one individually. He built houses and chapels ; formed 
missions and towns; conciliated hostile nations; and if he 
could have obtained the auxiliary missioners whom he repeated 
ly solicited, and not been hampered by constant impediments., 
calumnies, and false reports," " he would then easily have con 
verted all the tribes lying between Sonora and the rivers Gila 
and Colorado." 1 Clavigero affirms all this, and states, more 
over, that he travelled more than twenty thousand miles, and 
baptized more than 48,000 infants and adults. " On his long 
and toilsome journeys he carried no provision but some 
parched corn ; he never omitted to say mass, and never 
slept in a bed. He journeyed on, communing with God in 
prayer, or chanting psalms and hymns." 

1 Venegas, " Noticia de la California," Madrid, 1757, ii., p. 88. 

2 Clavigero, "Storia della California," Venice, 1789, i., pp. 263-4. 


He was a man of constant prayer, visiting our Lord in the 
Blessed Sacrament a hundred times in the day, gifted with 
tears, and spending his nights in contemplation or austere 
exercises, yet finding time for mission work, such as few 
would have attempted and no other man could have sustained. 

An Indian outbreak, in which Father Saeta was cruelly 
put to death, convulsed all Sonora, and for a time checked 
the progress of the missions in Upper Pimeria, but when 
quiet was restored at the close of 1696, Father Kiilm obtained 
fellow-laborers, founding missions at Guevavi, Cocospera, San 
Cayetano, and San Xavier del Eac. The last was the largest 
rancheria in Upper Pimeria, with 176 houses and 803 souls. 
Hearing of the Casas Grandes near the Gila, Father Kiihn 
visited those remarkable ruins, and in 1698 descended the 
Gila to the mouth of the Colorado, announcing the Gospel 
to Pima, Papago, Cocomaricopa, and Yuma. Yet the lives 
of missionaries were in constant peril, for in January of that 
year Cocospera, where Father Peter Ruiz de Contreras was 
stationed, was sacked and burned by the Apaches and Yu- 

His appeals for aid were traversed ; the converts he col 
lected were driven away to the mines by Spanish offieials ? 
till by his complaints to the king a check was put to the un 
christian course. Four Fathers are said to have come in 
1701, two of whom were sent to Guevavi and San Xavier 
del Bac, but it was probably only an intention never carried out. 
His only permanent fellow-laborer was Father Augustine de 
Campos, who joined him in 1693. Though something was 
done in 1704, and some churches were rebuilt in Sonora, the 
movement does not appear to have reached Arizona. 

Undeterred by his reverses, Father Kuhn founded the 
mission of Santa Maria Soamca, or St. Mary Immaculate, 
and restored those at Guevavi and San Xavier del Bac He 


induced the Indians to settle around missions and stations 
where he erected adobe churches and houses. He encouraged 
them to build regular houses, dig irrigating trenches, and 
cultivate the soil. 1 

Early in 1711 his devoted fellow-laborer, Father Campos, 
who had completed the church of Saint Francis Xavier at 
Magdalena, invited Father Kiihn to its dedication. Praying 
before the altar over which hung the picture of his patron 
and model, the Apostle of the Indies, Father Kiilm felt that 
his lifework was ended, and prepared for a death which was 
the holy crown of his devoted life. 

After his death in 1711 his work was maintained by Father 
de Campos, but when he, too, was called away, none came to 
continue their labors till 1720. Nine missionaries sent in 
that year found much to be done. Churches had fallen to 
decay ; little trace of former teaching could be discerned in 
the Indians, who had relapsed into their old pagan ways. 

In 1727 the Rt. Rev. Benedict Crespo, Bishop of Durango, 
visited this portion of his diocese. He was pained to see that 
the missions had not been sustained, and that so many In 
dians were left without instruction. He resolved to make an 
appeal to the King of Spain. Philip V. ordered three cen 
tral missions to be established at the royal expense. In 1731, 
to the joy of the Bishop, three Jesuit Fathers were sent Fa 
ther Ignatius Xavier Keler, Father John Baptist Grashoffer, 
who took up his residence at Guevavi, and Father Philip 
Segesser, who revived the mission at San Xavier del Bac. Of 
the last two, one soon died, and another was prostrated by 
sickness, but Father Ignatius Keler became the leader of the 
new missions in that district, taking possession of Santa Maria 
Soamca April 20, 1732. The pious Marquis of Yillapuente, 

1 Letter of FF. Bernal, Kiiio, etc., Dec. 4, 1697. "Documentos para la 
Historia de Mexico," III., i., pp. 804-7. 


who died in February, 1739, left funds to found two other 
missions. 1 

San Xavier del Bac was the largest mission, surrounded by 
Sobaipuris, Papagos, and Pimas, with the presidio of Tucson 
not far off, which the Jesuits also attended, no secular priest 
accepting the dangerous ministry. 

Guevavi had as stations Sonoitac, Calabazas, Tumacacori, 
and Aribaca, with a presidio or military station at Tubac. 

These central missions and many of the stations visited 
from them had neat adobe churches, supplied with becoming 
vestments and altar service of silver; several of them had 
organs, obtained by the missionaries to gratify the Indian 
love of music. At each of these churches and chapels the 
children recited an abridgment of the Christian Doctrine 
every day in their own language and also in Spanish, while 
old and young did so on Sundays and holidays after mass, at 
which an instruction had been given. During Lent there 
were regular courses of sermons. 

Yet so dull were the minds of these Indians, that an old 
Sonora missionary once declared that there were no Christians 
in the world who recited the Christian Doctrine more con 
stantly, or who really knew it less than these Indians. 

On Saturday the Rosary and Litany of the Blessed Virgin 
were recited. 

In 1744 Father Keler reported that he had baptized more 
than two thousand, and had a Christian flock of one thousand 
brave, industrious Pimas, who had well-tilled fields with 
herds and flocks. Father Keler extended his mission labors 
at the peril of his life to the Gila and beyond it. 

In 1742 the moving camp of San Felipe de Jesus, estab- 

1 " Apostolicos Afanes," pp. 340-3. Pfefferkorn, " Beschreibung der 
Landschaft Sonora," p. 327. 


lished to protect the missions, was fixed permanently at Te- 
renate, to be a bulwark against the Apaches, and that presidio 
or garrison fell under the care of the Jesuit missionaries ; 
but of so little avail was it, that on the 16th of February, 1746, 
the Apaches attacked Cocospera, one of the dependent mis 
sions, and burned the church. Father Keler was succeeded 
in time by Father Diego Joseph Barrera. 

In 1750 Father Keler was still at Soamca, Father Joseph 
Garrucho at Guevavi, and Father Francisco Paver at San 
Xavier del Bac. The next year the Pimas rose and destroyed 
several missions, killing two missionaries, Fathers Tello and 
Kuhen, in Sonora. They also destroyed Aribaca, killing 
many of the Catholic Indians there. 

Father Keler opposing the injustice of an official was mis 
represented, and for a time was compelled to leave his mis 
sion, but his services were too much needed, and he was soon 
permitted to return. 

Soon after this tragedy we find Father Barrera at Santa 
Maria Soarnca, Father Ildefonso Espinosa at San Xavier, 
and Father Ignatius Pfefferkorn at Guevavi. 1 But they be 
held the Indians of their missions decreasing, many, from 
fear of the Apaches or other enemies, leaving their towns to 
seek refuge in the woods. 2 

About this time Father Sedelmayr, at the instance of 
the Spanish Government, was evangelizing the tribes on the 
Gila, erecting seven or eight churches in the villages of the 
Papagos, among whom the German Father Bernard Midden- 
dorf also labored, and Father Keler was endeavoring to reach 
the Moquis, who were willing to receive missionaries of any 
kind but Franciscans. 3 

1 "Rudo Ensayo," pp. 148-152. 

2 " Doc. para la Hist, de Mexico," III., i., pp. 686-7. 

3 " Noticias de la Pimeria del ano de 1740." Letter of Sedelmayr. 


While the Fathers were thus employed, the terrible order 
came from the King of Spain, under which every member of 
the Society of Jesus was seized at his mission as a criminal, 
and hurried off to a prison-ship. Father Barrera was the 
last at Santa Maria Soamca; Custodius Ximeno, an Arra- 
gonese, at G-uevavi ; Father Anthony Castro, an Andalusian, 
at San Xavier del Bac. Father Pfefferkorn, a native of 
Manheim in Germany, who has left us a most interesting 
account of the Sonora mission, had been transferred to Cu- 
curpe in 1Y5T. 1 

Up to 1763 no considerable Spanish town had grown up 
in Arizona, and though the fertility of the soil and the rich 
mineral wealth attracted settlers, the fierce and constant in 
roads of the Apaches made life insecure, and caused many 
places to be abandoned. 

By the summary act of the Spanish monarch every church 
in Arizona was closed, and the Christian Indians were de 
prived of priests to direct them. 

In the vast portion of our territory which had been subject 
to the Catholic kings, the state of religion about 1763 was 
not one to inspire any sanguine hopes. Florida had been 
ceded to Protestant England, and religion was menaced there 
with utter extinction the Indian missions had been almost 
annihilated ; in Texas progress was slow, the Indian missions 
grouped around a few Spanish settlements ; Xew Mexico 
seemed to need a local bishop to reanimate the faith of the 
people ; Arizona was deprived of its clergy. 

Pfefferkorn, i., p. 335. 





BISHOP ST. YALLIEE, of Quebec, was of a family that had 
seen several members honored with the mitre in France, and 
was full of the spirit of the episcopate of that country. With 
none of that charm of personal sanctity which enabled Bishop 
Laval to accomplish so much good, Bishop St. Yallier sought 
to bring everything in his vast diocese into strict regularity 
by precise rules and regulations, and suffered no infringement 


on what he regarded as the rights of his see. His administra 
tion was a succession of personal trials and troubles, arising 
from the protests made by him or against him. The difficul 
ties became such that the king insisted on his resignation of 
the See of Quebec, and the Bishop s attempted return to 
Canada was prevented by his capture at sea and a long cap 
tivity in England, where he was detained as a hostage for the 
surrender of the Provost of Liege. 

Many of his general and particular acts affected the Church 



in t^e Mississippi Valley and elsewhere within the present 
limits of the Republic. 

He prepared and published a catechism and ritual for his 
diocese, and in 1690 he held a diocesan synod, in which seven 
statutes were adopted, the most important prohibiting the 
celebration of mass or the conferring of baptism in private 
houses in any place where there was a church, and in places 
where there was yet no chnrch mass was not to be said in 
any house but one selected for the purpose and approved by 
the Bishop. The attendance of the faithful at mass on Sun 
days and holidays was to be rigorously maintained. In a 
second synod held at Montreal, March 3, 1694, seven other 
statutes were adopted, chiefly instructions to confessors. 
The statutes adopted in the third synod held at Quebec, Feb 
ruary 23, 1698, were twenty-nine in number. 1 Among other 
points they directed exclusion from communion of those who 
refused to pay tithes ; insisted on regular catechetical instruc 
tions, the proper registration of baptisms, marriages, arid in 
terments, and the suitable adornment of churches. They 
also regulated " Blessed Bread," censured the abuse of many 
in leaving the church during sermon, urged the establishment 
of the Sisters of the Congregation in all parishes to direct the 
schools, and exhorted the faithful to liberality in almsgiving. 2 

We have seen that he protested against the dismember 
ment of his diocese by the erection of Vicariates- Apostolic in 
the Mississippi Valley, and this was apparently prior to his 

1 " Statuts publics dans le premier Synode tenu le 9 e Novembre, 1690." 
Archives de Quebec, A. , p. 285. 

2 " Statuts II. Synod." Ib., A., p. 522 ; " III. Synod," A., p. 683. He 
issued pastorals in 1692, 1694, and 1695, announcing Jubilees proclaimed 
by the Sovereign Pontiff. Bishop St. Vallier s Statutes remained in 
force in all parts of our territory east of the Mississippi, embraced in the 
diocese of Quebec down to the erection of the see of Baltimore, and the 
recognition of the authority of the Bishop of Santiago in the West. 


consecration as- Bishop in 1688. Over the missions in the 
remote parts of the diocese he seems to have watched with 
great care. 

In the Illinois Father James Gravier succeeded the veteran 
Allouez about 1689, and in December of the following year 
Bishop St. Yallier appointed him his Vicar-General. The 
preamble of this document says : " Having recognized since 
we took possession of this see, that the Fathers of the Society 
of Jesus, who are engaged in the conversion of the Indians 
of this country, devote themselves thereto with all care, and 
take all pains that we can desire, without sparing their labors 
or even their life, and in particular as we know that for the 
last twenty years they have labored on the mission of the 
Illinois whom they first discovered, to whom Father Mar- 
quette of the same Society published the faith in the year 
1672, and subsequently died in this glorious task w r hich had 
been confided to him by our predecessor, and that after the 
death of Father Marquette, we committed it to Father Al 
louez, also a Jesuit, who after laboring there for several years 
ended his life, exhausted by the great hardships which he 
underwent in the instruction and conversion of the Islinois, 
Miamis, and other nations, and finally as we have given 
the care of this mission of the Islinois and other surrounding 
nations to Father Gravier of the same Society, who has em 
ployed himself therein with great benediction bestowed by 
God on his labors, for this cause we confirm and ratify what 
we have done, and anew confide the missions of the Islinois 
and surrounding nations, as well as those of the Miamis, 
Sious, and others in the Ottawa country, and towards the 
West to the Fathers of the Society of Jesus, and give the 
Superiors of the said missions all the authority of our Vicars- 
General," etc. 1 

1 " Archives de I Archev^che de Quebec." Registre, A., p. 502. 


The Miami mission on St. Joseph s River, also prospered. 
Governor Denonville had granted to the missionaries of 
the Society of Jesus a concession of twenty arpents along the 
river, by twenty arpents in depth, at such spot as they should 
deem most suitable to erect a chapel and house. 1 Father de 
Carheil was at the church at Michilimackinac, and the aged 
Father Henry Nouvel at Green Bay. Around these posts 
French were gathering slowly, and in Illinois several had set 
tled down, taking wives among the converted Indians. 

During Gravier s absence an old convert summoned the 
Catholic Indians morning and evening to prayers. Toward 
the end of April the missionary blessed a new chapel which 
he had erected outside of the French fort 2 for the greater 
convenience of the Indians, and erected a tall cross. The 
Peoria tribe, which he also visited, were less fervent, for the 
chief, Assapita, who was a medicine-man, used all his influ 
ence to thwart the missionary. Gravier planned missions to 
the Cahokia and Tamarois bands of Illinois, which he subse 
quently carried out, 3 as well as to the Osages and Missouris, 
tribes who kept up a friendly intercourse with the Illinois, 
and sent ambassadors, whom Father Gravier welcomed. The 
French at the post, whose lives drew down the reproof of 
the missionary, prejudiced the Indians against him ; Michael 
Ako, the old comrade of Father Hennepin, who sought to 
marry Aramipinchicwe, the daughter of the Kaskaskia chief, 
Rouensac, her parents compelling her most unwillingly to 
become his wife, especially labored to diminish the influence 

1 Gravier, " Lettre en forme de Journal de la Mission de 1 Immaculee 
Conception de IS". D. aux Illinois, 15 Fevrier, 1694 "; Margry, " Etablisse- 
ments et Decouvertes," v., p. 35. 

2 This was evidently Fort Peoria; see St. Cosme in "Relation de la 
Mission du Mississippi," p. 26. 

3 " Relation de la Mission du Mississippi," p. 35. 



Copyright ty Joan C-.Shea.13S6. 


of Father Gravier, till, touched by conscience, lie recanted all, 
and urged the chief to become a Christian, promising to 
amend his own life. 1 Rouensac and his family embraced 
the faith, and the Quebec missionaries a few years afterward 
attested his progress in civilization and Christianity. Father 
Gravier adapting himself to Indian usage went regularly 
through the town, giving his cry to invite the converts and 
the well-disposed heathen to prayer ; he also gave banquets, 
that he might without offense censure anything which he 
found amiss. 

Besides the Kaskaskia town, there was a Peoria town near, 
and several smaller villages, all of which Father Gravier visit 
ed regularly. Sickness prevailed, and he was ev ? er on the 
watch to instruct adults and baptize dying children. His 
baptisms between March 30, 1693, and November 29, num 
bered two hundred and six. 

In 1696 he was joined by Father Julian Binneteau, who 
apparently remained at Kaskaskia, while Father Gravier 
descended to Montreal, and subsequently devoted himself to 
the more distant missions, and Father Peter Pinet founded 
the Miami mission of the Angel Guardian at Chicago, 
where there were two villages containing in all some 300 
cabins, and where he converted the Peoria chief who had 
resisted Father Gravier s exhortations. Yet the Count de 
Frontenac, Governor of Canada, compelled Father Pinet to 
abandon his mission, until the influence of Bishop Laval en 
abled him to resume his Gospel labors. The next year Fa 
ther Gravier was confirmed in his powers as Vicar-General 
by Bishop St. Yallier, and was soon after joined by Father 

1 The records of the baptisms, etc., in his family, beginning Mar. 20, 
1695, are the first extracts in the ancient Register of Father Gravier s 
mission preserved at Alton. They show that the descendants of the 
young convert of Father Gravier were long prominent in Illinois. 


Gabriel Marest, who learned the Illinois language, and 
adapted himself to his new duties with remarkable facility. 
The venerable Bishop Laval was so interested in this mission 
that he gave the last pieces of silver which he had retained 
for his table, in order to make a chalice for it, and he pre 
sented a ciborium to the Church of the Immaculate Concep 
tion at Kaskaskia. 1 Prior to 1YOO the famous Father Rale 
arrived in the Illinois missions, where he spent two years. 2 

The priests of the Seminary of Quebec, which was an out 
growth of that of the Foreign Missions at Paris, felt it incum 
bent on them to do something for the conversion of those 
tribes in the West, among whom no permanent establish 
ment had yet been made. Bishop St. Yallier entered into 
their plans, and on the 1st of May, 1698, officially authorized 
them to establish missions in the West, investing the Supe 
rior sent out by the Seminary with the powers of Yicar- 
General. The field they solicited was that inhabited by na 
tions on both banks of the Mississippi and its tributaries. 3 

They purposed to plant their first mission among the 
Tamarois, but when this was known the Fathers of the 
Society of Jesus claimed that tribe as one already under their 
care. The Seminary regarded the Tamarois territory as 
" the key and necessary passage to reach the more distant 
nations," and therefore highly important to them. Bishop 
St. Yallier accordingly by letters of July 14, 1698, confirmed 

1 " Lettre du p. Jacques Gravier a Mgr. de Laval, Sept. 17, 1697." 
" Lettre du p. Julien Binneteau, 1699." " Relation des Affaires du Can 
ada," pp. 24, 34, 57. " Extrait des Registres de Baptesme de la Mission des 
Illinois," show Gravier officiating in 1695, 1712 ; Binneteau, 1697 ; Ga 
briel Marest, 1699, 1703, 1709 ; Mermet, 1707, 1712. Letter of F. Ga 
briel Marest (Kip, pp. 206-7). 

2 Letter of Oct. 12, 1723, in " Lettres Ediflantes " (Kip, p. 42). 

3 " Mandement de Mgr. de St. Vallier " in "Relation de la Mission du 
Mississippi," New York, 1861, pp. 9-12. 


those previously granted, and specially empowered the 
Seminary to send missionaries to the Tamarois and establish 
a residence there. 1 

To found the new missions on the Mississippi, the Semi 
nary selected Y. Rev. Francis Jolliet de Montigny, Rev. 
Anthony Davion, and Rev. John Francis Buisson de Saint 
Cosine. The outfit for this Christian enterprise amounted to 
more than ten thousand livres, nearly one-half being furnished 
by Messrs. Montigny and Davion. The party set out, and 
reaching Mackinac in September, passed by Father Pinet s 
Chicago mission, and by Father Marest s near Fort Peoria, 
where they obtained an Illinois catechism and prayer-book. 
On the 5th of December they entered the Mississippi River, 
and guided by Tonty, they visited the Tamarois, on the 
feast of the Immaculate Conception, and then sailed down 
the great river to the villages of the Arkansas, Tonicas, and 
Taensas, planting crosses at several points. 

The Yery Rev. Mr. Montigny took up his residence among 
the Taensas, a tribe allied to the Natchez. These Indians 
had a temple in which they worshipped nine gods. In 
March, 1700, Iberville, who had sailed from France to the 
mouth of the Mississippi, while ascending it found the mis 
sionary erecting a chapel, encouraged by his having been 
able to baptize eighty-five children in his first year. He sub 
sequently went to the Natchez, retaining his care of the 
Taensas. The Rev. Mr. Davion established his residence 
and chapel on a hill near the Tonica village, at the foot of a 
cross planted on a rock which for a long time bore his 

1 " Lettres Patentes de Mgr. de St. Vallier "; Archives de Quebec. Fron- 
tenac, by his Letters Patent, July 17, 1698, authorized Rev. Messrs. 
Montigny, Davion, and St. Cosme, to go to the Mississippi. Archives 
of the Propaganda. America Septentrionale, i., 1669-1791. 


name. 1 He extended his labors also to the Ounspik and 
Yazoo Indians, who numbered together about a hundred 
cabins; and nearly lost his life by destroying the idols in 
the Yazoo temple. 3 The Rev. Mr. Saint Cosme went up the 
river again to begin a mission at Tamarois. 

All these priests were at first prostrated by fevers, but 
none thought of abandoning the work which they had un 
dertaken. Hearing of the arrival of a French expedition at 
the mouth of the river, the Yery Rev. Mr. Montigny and 
Rev. Mr. Davion embarked in bark canoes, and reached 
Biloxi on the 1st of July, but finding the little post ill-pro 
visioned, they returned to their missions. 3 

While acquiring a knowledge of the Taensa language, the 
Yery Rev. Mr. Montigny visited the Natchez, and was there 
when the Great Sun or head chief of the nation died. When 
the good priest .saw these savages prepare to put several per 
sons to death, that they might attend the Sun in the next 
world, he made the tribe presents to induce them to abandon 
so cruel and foolish a custom. The ]S T atchez promised to 
consult his wishes, but Ouachil Tamail, the Female Sun, 
persuaded the priest to leave the village for a time, pretend 
ing that the noise would be very annoying to him. When 
he had departed the cruel ceremony was carried out in the 
usual manner. 4 

The next year the Seminary, to give the Mississippi mis- 

1 Roche a Davion, afterward called Loftus Heights, and now Fort 
Adams. Claiborne, "Mississippi," Jackson, 1880, p. 21. 

2 Penicaut in Margry, v. , p. 438. 

3 Benard de la Harpe, "Journal Historique," p. 1C. Cardinal Tas- 
chereau, "Mission du Seminaire de Quebec chez les Tamarois ou Illi 
nois sur le bord du Mississippi," written in 1849. De la Potherie, " His- 
toire de 1 Amerique Septentrionale," Paris, 1722, i., p. 238. Margry, 
" Decouvertes et Etablissements," v., pp. 401-8. 

4 Gravier, " Relation on Journal du Voyage," New York, 1859, p. 39. 


sion an effective force, sent out the Rev. Messrs. Bergier 
Bouteville and Saint Cosme, the last named a younger broth 
er of the missionary already at Tamarois, but not yet in 
priest s orders. These clergymen were accompanied by three 
pious men who had devoted themselves to the work, and 
went to attend to the menial work. On their arrival the 
elder St. Cosine descended to Natchez. 1 

The Fathers of the Society of Jesus received the Quebec 
missionaries with personal cordiality, but notwithstanding 
the official action of Bishop Saint Yallier, they showed much 
feeling in regard to what they regarded as an intrusion into 
a district occupied by tribes among which their religious had 
already begun to labor. The proximity to the Jesuit mis 
sions in the other bands of the Illinois nation, certainly made 
the choice injudicious. Ere long the Very Rev. Mr. Mon- 
tigny found his position so embarrassing and unpleasant that 
he began to foresee only loss and failure in the mission on 
which he had embarked so zealously and given his means so 
freely. In the hope of being able to adjust all matters in re 
gard to it satisfactorily in France, he embarked with Iber- 
ville, in May, 1TOO, and returned to France by way of .New 
York. 2 

On his departure, the Rev. Mr. Bergier became Superior 
of the secular missionaries in the Mississippi Valley, and made 
Tamarois his residence, Rev. Mr. St. Cosme remaining at 
Natchez. After reaching the mouth cf the Mississippi in 
1699, d Iberville built a little fort at Biloxi, and left Mr. 

1 Benard de la Harpe, "Journal Historique," p. 28. Margry, v., p. 404. 

2 Penicaut, "Relation Veritable," in Margry, v., p. 444. He was in 
Paris in September, 1700, when Rev. Mr. St. Cosme wrote complaining 
that Fathers Gravier and Binneteau wished to prevent his officiating in 
the chapel at the fort, and Gravier wrote complaining of the Quebec 


Sauvolle in command. At tins little post, the first French 
settlement in Louisiana, the Rev. Mr. Bordenave was chap 
lain, and he begins the line of zealous priests in that terri 
tory. Sauvolle bears testimony to his exemplary life, and 
records that he said mass daily for the French, and gathered 
them morning and evening to prayers, as on board ship. 
Thus began the regular services of the church in Louisiana, 
in May, 1699. 1 

D Iberville, on his second voyage in 1700, was accom 
panied by the Jesuit Father Du Eu, who on the 14th of Feb 
ruary, erected a cross, offered the holy sacrifice, and blessed 
a cemetery at Fort Mississippi, seventeen leagues from the 
mouth of the great river. When a post at Biloxi was decided 
upon, Father Du Ru took up his residence there, and began 
to visit the neighboring tribes of Indians, but he removed 
to Mobile when that post arose. Hearing of the arrival, 
Father Gravier set out from Chicago on the 8th of Septem 
ber, 1700, and visiting the various posts and missions on the 
way, reached Fort Mississippi on the 17th of December. 
At the Tonica village he found the Rev. Mr. Davion danger 
ously ill, and remained with him till Rev. Mr. Saint Cosme 
arrived from Natchez to minister to his associate. 

The Jesuit Father de Limoges, appointed to found a mis 
sion among the Oumas, was descending the Mississippi when 
his canoe drifted at night from the shore to which it had 
been made fast, and borne along by the current struck a 
floating tree. He saved nothing but his chalice, and clinging 
to a floating branch was finally driven ashore near a village 
of the Arkansas Indians. Having obtained relief he pursued 
his journey, and planting a cross at the Oumas village, be- 

1 Sauvolle in Margry, iv., p. 447 ; French s " Historical Collections," 
iii., p. 237. 


gan in March, 1700, to erect a chapel forty feet long, an 
nouncing the Gospel to that tribe and the Bayagoulas. 1 

With missions among the Illinois, and at the mouth of 
the Mississippi the Jesuit Fathers solicited from Bishop 
Saint Yallier the exclusive direction of the French posts in 
Louisiana, and asked that the Superior of the mission should 
always be appointed Vicar-General of the Bishop of Quebec. 2 
At the same time they complained to the king of France of 
the intrusion into their mission district of missionaries who 
belonged to another body. 

Bishop Saint Yallier consulted several members of the 
French hierarchy on the point, among others the Bishop of 
Chartres, and by their advice declined to give any religious 
order the complete and exclusive direction of Louisiana, 
deeming it better to assign districts to religious or collegiate 
bodies, or secular priests, all to be subject to a Vicar-General, 
named from time to time by the Bishop of Quebec, till such 
time as the state of the church would warrant the establish 
ment of a see at New Orleans. 3 He also withdrew the pow 
ers of Vicar- General from Father Gravier, and conferred 
them on Rev. Messrs. Colombiere, Montigny, and Bergier, 
requiring all priests, regular and secular, to apply to them. 

Meanwhile the appeal of the Jesuits with a memoir of 
Bishop Saint Vallier had been referred by the king to the 
Archbishop of Auch, but as he declined to decide the ques 
tion alone, the Bishops of Marseilles and Chartres, with the 
king s confesssor, were associated with him. On the 4th of 

1 Gravier, " Relation on Journal du Voyage," New York, 1859 ; Mar- 
gry, iv., pp. 418, 422. 

8 " Ministre de la Marine a Mr, 1 Ev^que de Quebec," 17 Juin, 1703. 
Margry, iv., pp. 634-5. 

3 " Memoire de Mgr. 1 EvSque de Quebec sur les missions de Missis 
sippi." Archives de l Archev6che de Quebec. Margry, iv., p. 431. 


June, 1701, this commission decided that the Seminary of 
Quebec was entitled to the Tamarois mission, and their de 
cision was accepted and signed by all parties interested. 

The Y. Kev. Mr. Montigny had, however, become com 
pletely discouraged, his management of the mission not being 
fully approved. He never returned to America, but went 
to the East, where he rendered signal services to religion. 

The Mississippi question having been satisfactorily ad 
justed, the Bishop of Quebec reappointed the Superior of 
the Jesuits in Illinois Vicar-General in his district. 

In 1700 Kev. Nicholas Foucault, sent by the Seminary, 
took up his residence among the Arkansas Indians, and be 
gan to announce the faith to them. 

The news that the French had settled at the mouth of the 
Mississippi produced a commotion among the tribes in Illi 
nois. The Kaskaskias resolved to go and settle near them. 
The Peorias remained around the church, but Father Marest 
accompanied the Kaskaskias, who finally on the advice of 
Father Gravier, who assembled them in council, abandoned 
their project, and took up their abode at the place which now 
bears their name. 1 Some of the Tamarois also left their old 
village ground, and Father Pinet became their missionary, 
succeeded ere long by Father Binneteau, who attended them 
and others on their long buffalo hunts beyond the Mississippi. 
The Rev. Mr. Bergier remained at the Tamarois post, with 
Thaumur de la Source devoting himself more especially to 
the French, who had by this time become numerous. The 
expenses of the missions had been so great that Y. Rev. Mr. 
Bergier, the new Superior, was urged to exercise judgment 
and economy. The Eev. Mr. Saint Cosme had projected 

1 In the Extracts from old Registers prefixed to the Kaskaskia register 
is the entry, " 1703 Apr. 25. Ad ripam Metchigamea dictam venimus," 
apparently giving the date of the removal of the Kaskaskias. 


a mission to the Pawnees or Missouris, but be was instructed 
to prevent him, as it would be almost impossible to send sup 
plies to so remote a station. 1 

The Rev. Nicholas Foucault was an aged priest, in poor 
health, but he devoted himself to the Mississippi mission in 
place of Rev. Mr. de la Colombiere, whom the people of 
Quebec would not allow to go. He had already accomplished 
much good among the Arkansas, when, in 1702, he set out 
for Mobile with his servant and two Frenchmen who had 
just established peace between the Chickasaws and Illinois. 
They took as guides two Indians of the Coroa tribe, akin to 
the Arkansas. They killed all the Frenchmen to rob them, 
and, as they pretended, to punish the priest for leaving the 
Arkansas. Rev. Mr. Davion at the time was ascending 
the Mississippi and discovered on the banks of the river the 
bodies of these victims of Indian ferocity. He interred them 
with the rites of the Church, but the memoirs of the time do 
not fix the last resting-place of this first martyr of the Sem 
inary of Quebec in the valley of the Mississippi. 2 

The first attempt by the French to establish any industrial 
work on the Mississippi was that of the Sieur Juchereau, 
who undertook to conduct a tannery at the mouth of the 
Ohio. Here Father John Mermet erected his altar for the 
little Catholic settlement, but it did not prosper, and by 1704 

1 The king of France gave 3,000 livres toward the Seminary missions, 
but Bishop St. Vallier now ceased to give the annual donation of 2,000 
livres, on the ground that so few missionaries were maintained there. 
Cardinal Taschereau, " Memoire." 

2 Cardinal Taschereau, "Memoire"; Benard de la Harpe, "Journal 
Historique," pp. 38, 73, 87. Nicholas Foucault was born in the diocese 
of Paris, ordained at Quebec Dec. 3, 1689, and was Cure of Batiscan in 
1690. Tainguay, "Repertoire," p. 65. Penicaut (Margry, v., p. 458) 
puts his death in 1705, evidently erroneously. It was announced by 
Davion in October, 1702. Benard de la Harpe, p. 73. 


the founder was dead, and the project abandoned. While 
Juchereau s establishment lasted Father Mermet ministered 
to the French, and made earnest efforts to convert the Mas- 
coutin Indians, who had planted their cabins around the 
post ; but his mission work, though carried out at the risk of 
his life, resulted only in the conversion of a few dying adults 
and the baptism of some infants. 1 

Bishop Saint Yallier in 1703 proposed to the Seminary at 
Quebec to erect Mobile into a parish, and to annex it in per 
petuity to that institution. The Seminary agreed to supply 
clergy for the new parish, which the Bishop formally erected 
on the 20th of July, 1703, uniting it to the Seminary of the 
Foreign Missions at Paris and Quebec. The Kev. Henry 
Eoulleaux de la Yente, a priest of the diocese of Bayeux > 



was then appointed parish priest, and Rev. Alexander Huve> 
curate. While awaiting their appearance, the Rev. Mr. 
Davion discharged the parochial functions till they arrived 
with other priests on the " Pelican," July 24, 1704. In the 
same vessel came two Gray Nuns (Sieurs Grises), but not to 
remain in the colony ; a number of marriageable girls had 
been placed in their care, and after seeing them properly 
placed, the Sisters returned. 2 

"Relation des Affaires du Canada, 1696," p. 31. Margry, " Etab- 
lissements et Decouvertes," v., p. 215. F. Gabriel Marest, Letter from 
Cascaskia (Kip s "Jesuit Missions," p. 202). 

2 Benard de la Harpe, pp. 84-5. Penicaut, "Relation" in Margry, v. s 
pp. 456, 470. Rev. Mr. La Vente s first entry in the Register is Sept. 18, 
1704, and Huve s, the 19th. 


The first entry in the ancient Register of Mobile, a volume 
of great historical interest and value, records the baptism of 
an Apalache girl by Rev. Mr. Davion, on the 6th of Septem 

/ r <? 


The maintenance of the clergy was expected from the 
king, who was to pay the parish priest one thousand livres a 
year, and the curate six hundred livres a year. They found that 
Rev. Mr. Davion had already taken steps to erect a church 
and parochial residence at Mobile. The parish priest on his 
arrival found Rev. Mr. Davion and the Jesuit Father Peter 
Donge lodged in a new house, built on credit, and still with 
out door or window. They borrowed seven hundred livres 
of Father Donge to enable them to complete it. 1 

On the 28th of September the Rev. Mr. de la Yente was 
formally inducted into his parish, as appears by the follow 
ing entry in the ancient parochial register of the Church of 
the Immaculate Conception at Mobile : 

"I, undersigned, Priest and Missionary Apostolic, attest 
to all whom it may concern that in the year of our salvation 
1704, on the 28th of the month of September, by virtue of 
letters of provision and collation granted and sealed on the 
20th of July of last year, by which Monseigneur the most Illus 
trious and most Reverend Bishop of Quebec erects a par- 

1 Fathers Donge and Limoge embarked for France in the " Pelican," 
in 1704. Penicaut, " Relation " in Margry, v., p. 456 ; but Father Donge 
died at Havana in September. Benard de la Harpe, p. 85. 


ish church in the place called Fort Louis de la Louisi- 
ane, and the cure and care of which he gives to Mr. Henry 
Roulleaux de la Vente, Missionary Apostolic of the diocese 
of Bayeux, I have placed the said priest in actual and cor 
poral possession of the said parish church and of all the 
rights thereto belonging, after observing the accustomed and 
requisite ceremonies, namely, the entry into the church, the 
sprinkling of holy water, the kissing of the high altar, the 
touching of the missal, the visit to the Blessed Sacrament of 
the altar, the ringing of the bells, which taking of possession 
I attest that no one opposed. 

"Given in the parish church of Fort Louis, the day 
of the month and year aforesaid, in presence of John 
Baptiste de Bieville, Lieutenant of the King, and Com 
mander of the said fort ; of Peter du Quay de Boisbriant, 
major ; Mcolas de la Salle, scribe and acting commissary of 
the Marine. 


Late in the year 1705 Father Gravier was attacked by the 
Illinois, among whom he had labored so long and so devot 
edly. Instigated by the medicine-men, whose knavery the 
priest had denounced, they discharged a shower of arrows at 
him. One flint-headed weapon pierced his ear, but another 
struck him in the elbow, and the stone head was so embedded 
in the muscle that it could not be extracted. He also received 
a hatchet wound in the arm. The arm swelled fearfully, and 
the suffering of the missionary was intense : but his misery 
did not touch the hearts of the obdurate Illinois. They 
came at night to the number of two hundred to complete 
their fell design. Tearing down the palisades around the 
house they hoped to find him alone and kill him. Provi 
dentially two Frenchmen were there, who after preparing 


for death, resolved to let one remain, while the other hastened 
to the neighboring camp of the Pottawatomies. A chief 
of that tribe hastened up and overawed the murderers. 
For three months his brother missioners, Mermet, and John 
Mary de Ville, endeavored to extract the arrow-head, but 
finding their efforts vain, he was sent to Mobile, whence he 
proceeded to Paris, and even there the surgeon gave him no 
hope of its extraction, though the treatment diminished the 
pain. 1 

He then returned to Louisiana in the " Renommee," which 
reached the roadstead at Isle Massacre, February 12, 1T08. 2 

At this time the Rev. Mr. Gervaise, a wealthy young 
priest in France, wished to devote some of his patrimony to 
found a mission in Louisiana in concert with the Seminary 


of the Foreign Missions. He drew into his project the Rev. 
Mr. Le Maire, a virtuous priest, who resigned a good position 
at Paris, that of Yicar of St. Jacques de la Boucherie, in or 
der to come to America and announce the gospel to the In 
dians. The Rev. Mr. Gervaise sent out provisions for three 
years, and three workmen to erect a house and chapel, and 
set apart sufficient of his estate to form a fund for the sup- 

1 Letter of F. Mermet ; Letter of F. Gravier, Paris, March 6, 1707, for 
which I am indebted to the venerable Father Felix Martin; Benard de la