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Full text of "History of Scots affairs, from MDCXXXVII to MDCXLI"

"1 ' 






X ■ 








VOL. in. 





Pkeface, vii 


Various Readings, xxi 

Errata, '. xxvi 

History of Scots Affairs : 

The Argument, xxvii 

The Fourth Booke [continued], 1 

The Fyfth Booke, 171 

Appendix : 

No. I. Proceedings in the General Assembly at 
Aberdeen in 1640, with regard to the 

Familists, 267 

No. II. Proceedings in the Aberdeen Assembly with 


No. III. Proceedings in the Aberdeen Assembly with 
regard to the writings of bishop wll- 

liam Forbes, 283 

Index, 301 


While the Second Volume of this work was passing through the 
press, the Editors had the good fortune to obtain, through the 
courtesy of the now deceased General Gordon of Cairness and 
Buthlaw, the manuscript of the Memoirs to which they referred 
in a prefatory notice, as at one time in the possession of the 
learned Thomas Ruddiman. (') 

This is a well-preserved folio volume of four hundred and sixty- 
seven closely-written pages, and is undoubtedly autograph of the 
Parson of Rothiemay. Before it was bound up in its present form, 
it had consisted of ten fasciculi, each containing about twelve 
sheets. On the margin of the first page of every part, and in one 
or two places besides, the writer has marked the date when, appar- 
ently, he began or resumed his task, which would thus seem to 
have occupied him, at intervals, from the end of the year 1659 
till about the spring of 1661. The first fasciculus is inscribed, 
" (A) Cum bono Deo Dec"^ 23 d ? H ^ 3 P.M. 1659 ;" the last, 
" (K) February 27 ? 1661." (2) 

(1) Preface to the First Volume, p. 26. 

(2) The intermediate dates are these : Page 15, " Jany 2 d 1660 " ; page 47, " (B) 
Jany 5 1660" ; page 91, " (C) Cum bono Deo Jany 24 d (J 1660 H 6 P.M." ; page 
141, "(D) Febry 8 V H 10 A.M."; page 235, "Cum bono Deo Maij 1st 1660 
d V"; page 285, " (G) July 2 d « 1660 lib 4"; page 335, "Jany 1 $ 1661 "; 
page 375, " (I) Jany 25 ? 1661 lib. 4." 


viii PREFACE. 

On the fly-leaf of the first quire the Author has written, 
" O Deus Optume Maxume a TE principium Tibi desinat" 

and beneath this devout aspiration, anticipating Lord Clarendon, 
he has transcribed, by way of motto, the well-known sentence 
of Cicero, 

" Historic! est ne quid falsi audeat aut ne quid veri non audeat dicere " 

A facsimile of one of the pages^ of this Manuscript will be 
found at the end of this notice ; and, in order that the reader may 
have an opportunity of comparing it with what is certainly known 
to be the hand-writing of Gordon, a facsimile is also given of a 
portion of the Discharge of his Marriage Contract,'^' a deed which 
bears to be written by himself. 

The Manuscript now recovered removes any doubts that might 
have existed (') as to the authorship of the notes which are found 
in The King's College Transcript. These, it now appears, were 
in all instances written by the annalist himself, although obviously 
at different times, as the information which they record happened 
to reach him, or chanced to be recalled to his memory. One class 
of them there is every reason to think was added at a time when 
he had before him a Manuscript of Spalding's History of the 
Troubles and Memorable Transactions in Scotland and England.^^' 

(1) Page 292, corresponding witli pp. 278 — 281 of the Second Volume. 

(2) Printed at length in the First Volume, Appendix to the Preface, No. II., pp. 
xlv — xlvii. 

(3) See Preface to the First Volume, p. 45. 

(4) See vol. i., p. 19, note*; p. 34, note ': p. 61, note *; p. 82, note ' ; p. 84, 


Of the " Arguments," that of the Second Book alone is found 
in the autograph Manuscript ; the others, as the Editors had ven- 
tured to conjecture,''^ have been composed by another hand, pro- 
bably that of the transcriber of The King's College Manuscript, or 
of the gentleman who superintended that work. 

From the siwty-fifili page of the Second Volume, downwards, the 
text has been printed from that of Ruddiman's Manuscript ; and 
there are subjoined to this notice all the Various Readings of any 
moment which were discovered in collating the preceding portion 
of the work with that authentic copy. From these it will be seen 
that Paterson, on the whole, executed his task not unskilfully, 
although, in a few instances, chiefly in the notes, the Author's 
somewhat peculiar handwriting had perplexed or misled him. From 
some cause, which does not appear, at the end of the four hundred 
and twenty-ninth page of the original Manuscript (corresponding 
with the conclusion of the first paragi'aph of the hundred and eighty- 
sixth page of this volume), he suddenly drops the ancient ortho- 
graphy, which he had hitherto followed rather scrupulously, and 
not only modernises the spelling, but becomes less careful generally 
of the correctness of his copy. It may perhaps be conjectured 
that, weary of the labour or pressed by time, he had availed 
himself of the assistance of some one to dictate to him. 

No trace has been found of the manner in which the autograph 

note * ; p. 122, note * ; vol, ii., p. 210, note • ; p. 216, note • ; p. 225, note * ; p. 226, 
note • ; p. 228, notes * and % ; p. 233, note • ; p. 234, notes * and § ; p. 235, note * ; p. 
238, note*; p. 246, note*; p. 249, note*; p. 254, note*; p. 260, note'; p. 261, 
note • ; p. 262, note * ; p. 264, note * ; p. 265, note ' ; p. 267, note * ; p. 280, note * ; 
vol. iii. p. 128, note f. 

(0 Preface to the First Volume, p. 45. 

Manuscript came into Ruddiman's hands. It was in his keeping 
in the year 1753 ;(') and within a few years after his death in 
January 1767, it had passed into the possession of the family of 
Buthlaw,^^) where it has since remained. The volume bears the 
grammarian's ingenious book-plate/^) and on the first page is in- 
scribed, in his well-known handwriting : 

" History of Scots Affairs from the Year 1637 to 1641 in 5 Books, but the 
1st wanting, probably never written, being design'd only as an In- 
troduction to the rest 
This was written by either (as is supposed) by the famous Robert Gordon of 
Straloch, or by Gordon Parson of Rothemay." 

Although this Manuscript be an original one, another copy must 
have existed, in the Author's handwriting, if it be held that the 
" ninety Sheets of Paper, in close and small Write,"W which the 

(1) In that year Mr. James Man writes, " as Mr. James Gordon parson of Rothemay 
informs us in his MS. history under the year 1637, which MS. is in Ruddiman's posses- 
sion." A Censure and Examination of Mr. Thomas Ruddiman's philological notes on the 
works of the great Buchanan, more particularly on the History of Scotland, ]i. 71 . Aber- 
deen, 1753. 

(2) On the first leaf is written •' Liber Joannis Gordon de Buthlay advocati. Edinburgi 
16 Maij 1761." Mr. Gordon, a skilful antiquary and an accomplished scholar, is known 
as the author of a learned tract, published at Edinburgh in 1749: " De Nuptiis Ro- 
berti Sencscalli Scotiae atque Elizabethae Morae Dissertatio." Goodall, who has inserted 
this treatise in his edition of Fordun, writes of it : " Auctoris nomen non indicabat editio ; 
virum eruditissimum fuisse res ipsa clamabat : et quidem non alium quam Joannem Gor- 
donium Advooatum esse, compertum est ; quod etiam rarum ingenii acumen, juris utriusque 
peritia penitissima, et pressa argumenti tractatio, quae usquequaque occurrunt, vel nobis 
tacentibus, satis fere declarassent." (Joannis de Fordun Scotichronicon, vol. i., praef , p. v. 
Edinb. 1739.) An English translation of Mr. Gordon's Dissertation is included in a volume 
entitled " Scotia Rediviva : A Collection of Tracts illustrative of the History and Anti- 
quities of Scotland, vol. i. Edinb. 1826." 8vo. 

(3) See Chalmers' Life of Ruddiman, advert, and p. 467. Lond. 1794. 8vo. 

(4) History of the Illustrious Family of Gordon, vol. i.. Introduction, p. xxvii. 

Historian of the Gordons saw in 1 726, and which in 1 780 seem to 
have been in the possession of the Laird of Techmuiry/') were 
autograph of Gordon. The Parson of Rothiemay may have in- 
herited a habit, which we know to have been his father's, of mul- 
tiplying copies of his own writings. 

Since the publication of the First Volume, access has been 
obtained to the Register of the Provincial Assembly or Synod of 
Murray, from which the passages which follow, containing every 
notice of the Author, of any interest, have been transcribed. 

27 October, 16-10. " Anent the reference frome the Presbiterie of Strathbogie, 
concerning the plantatioune off the kirk of Rothimay : Their having come to them 
a presentatioune frome the factors of the Laird of Rothimay, in his absence, 
being out of the cuntrie, in favors off Mr. James Gordoune, sonne to Mr. Robert 
Gordoune of Petlurge ; And the said Presbiterie hawing nominal Mr. William 
Milne, minister at Glasse, to be admitted to the said kirk, be reasone ofl' a former 
richt of patronage belonging to the lait Bischop of Murray, now dewolved in thair 
power; As lykways the Assemblie hawing receawed ane earnest supplicatione 
frome the parochiners of Rothimay, subscryved with a considerable number ofl' 
the said parochine, in favors off Mr. Alexander Innes, thair lait minister, ear- 
nestlie desyring that he might be reponed againe to his owne place, to serve in 
Gods vyneyeard among them : Tlie Assemblie, after mature deliberatione, finding 
some weightie difficulties in the said plantatione, haive referred and continewed 
the same to the nixt Subsynod, to be holden at Elgine the twenty-first of Januarii 
nixt to come ; And in the mean tyme ordaines the Presbiterie to surceasse frome 
any proceiding in the tryall of any, till the said Subsynod.'" 

21 January, 1641. " Refer anent the plantatioune of Rothimay. Mr. James 
Gordoune, sonne to Mr. Robert Gordoune of Petlurge, expectant, hawing peti- 
tioned the Subsynod for libertie to be hard in his tryalls befoir the Presbiterie of 
Strathbogie, and tiiat the said Presbiterie wold, after tryall, goe on to his adrais- 
sione, he is referred back to the said Presbiterie, and they ordained to put him 
presentlie to his tryalls ; he tacking his presentatione to the kirk off Rothimay 
onlie frome the said Presbiterie, and disclameing all uther presentationes frome any 
pretendit patrone whatsumever, and they to doe heirin as they will be comjitable 
to the nixt Assemblie." 

(0 Preface to the First Volume, p. 28. 


2 May, 1641. " The visitors off the book of Strathbogie reports, That their 
ar some additiones maid, witliout exercise ; that they hawe had but one commone 
head since the last Synod : Quhairin the brethren excused themselves, be reasone 
off the winter seasone, and the long tyme taciien up in the tryall off Mr. James 
Gordoune, present minister at Rothimay : They exhorted to amend, and to be 
moir carefull in keiping thair meltings, and hawing thair exercise and additions." 

The Register of the Synod from April 1644 to April 1646 has 
not been preserved. 

6 April, 1647. " Presbyterie of Strathbogie. Mr. Alexander Fraser, moderator, 
by oathe declared he knew nothing of Mr. Robert Jamiesones compliance, nor 
melting with the Marqueis of Huntlye, excommunicat, neither subscryving bandis, 
receiving protectione, nor communing with any excommunicat persones, nor of 
the Marqueis nor his sonne thair being in his hous : And, in like maner, testified 
als much of Mr. Robert Watsone, Mr. George Meldrum, and Mr. George Chalmer ; 
except he could not say bot when the Laird of Innermarkie was in the bounds, the 
said Mr. George Meldrum was in his hous, and the said Mr. George Chalmer lived 
in the hous of Lesmoir when Lewes Gordon possessed it. Declared also, that 
Mr. James Gordoune, minister at Kinnoir, frequented the Marqueis of Huntlyes 
companie since tlie last Assemblie, and, in particular, at Fastins Even last, he went 
in commissione with Mr. William Forbes, minister at Mortulache, from Lewes 
Gordoune to the said Marqueis his father, to treat for agriement betwixt them. 
He declared he knew nothing of Mr. James Gordoune, minister at Rothimay, in 

the saids particulars The rest of the brethren of that Presbyterie (except 

Mr. Robert Jamieson and Mr. Robert Watson) apud acta cited to compeir before 
the Commissione of the Kirk, at Aberdeine, the second Wednesday of Maij nixt, 
and Mr. Alexander Fraser, moderator, to take charges, under the dark of the As- 
semblies hands, for summonding the two Mr. James Gordounes, now absent, to 
compeir befor that venerable judicatorie, tyme and place forsaid. The compilers 
and malignants, in present rebellione, within the Presbytrie of Strathbogie, ar re- 
ferred to the Venerable Commissione of the Kirk of Scotland, that they may tak 
course with them." 

At a meeting of the Synod on the second of April, 1650, a 
" Provincial Visitation" was ordained, and a committee of four and 
twenty ministers and seventeen elders was appointed for that pur- 
pose, " with full Synodical powers." The Parson of Rothiemay was 

PREFACE. xiii 

one of the ministers, and the Laird of Rothiemay one of the elders 
in this commission. It met at Keith on the twenty-first of May. 

21 May, 1650. " Visitation of the Kirk of Rothemay, quhairat Mr. James Gor- 
doun is minister. 

" The visitors of the sessione book reported they found severall informalities 
and improper expressiones in the book. The Coramissione ordaines these infor- 
malities to be insert in the said book, under the clerks hand of this Commissione, 
that they may be amended heirafter. Names of the elders quho wer present, 
George Abernethie of Claj'mjTes ; John Largue in Lusset ; Hendrie Sharpe in 
Torterie ; Robert Sharpe in Corsekellie. 

" Mr. James Gordoun being removed, and the elders being sworne to declaire 
faithfuUie quhat they knew of him, and being asked particularlie anent him of his 
diligence in his ministrie, honestie of his private conversatione, his affectione to 
the cause and work of reformatione, cair in punishing vices of all sortes, his car- 
riage in his familie, etc., reported weill of him in all these. 

" The brethren of the Presbyterie of Strabogie being sworne ut supra, and the 
rest being removed, Mr. Robert Jamiesone being asked ut supra, declaired iit supra; 
also William Gordoun of Newmill, also Mr. Johne Ridfoord, and the rest of the 
brethren of that Presbyterie being severallie asked ut supra, all gave him a good 

" They being all removed, the Commissione haveing weighed all these things, 
Ordaines Mr. James Gordoune to be gravelie admonished for the informalities and 
improper expressiones in the sessione book, and for his not sufRcientlie grave car- 
riage in heareing these things remarked be the Commissione ; and to be exhorted 
to be zealouslie forward in the cause and work of reformatione, and to attend his 
charge diligentlie : Quhilk, he being called in, was done be the moderator." 

The Provincial Synod of Murray met at Elgin in the autumn, 
when the Author's impatience of " the exercise of discipline" again 
subjected him to remark : 

1 October, 1650. " Mr. James Gordoun, now absent, and severall things 
being spoken of liim, declairing, in some particulares, the exercise of discipline to 
have been slighted by him, the Assemblie ordaines him, for these and for his ab- 
sence from this Assemblie, to be summoned to the melting of the Commissione at 
Elgin, the first Tuesday of November ; and gives power to the said Commissione, 
after tryell had of these things, to proceed to censure, as they find him guiltie." 


5 November, 1650. " Concerning the refer anent Mr. James Gordoun, for his 
absence from the last Synode, and for the things that wer reported of him, quhilk 
did import a slighting of the due executione of discipline be him, in some parti- 
culars : The said Mr. James compeireing, ansuered for his absence from the Sy- 
node, that he was attending the Laird of Rothemay, his brother-in-law and 
parochiner, upon his earnest desire, being then in extremitie of sicknes, and in all 
appearance unto death ; quhilk also he did signifie be letter to the Synode. The 
Commissione, considering that the other particulars reported of the said Mr. James 
cannot be cleared but at a visitatione of his kirk, did thairfoire ordaine the Pres- 
bj'terie to keip a visitatione of his kirk, and prepair things against the nixt dyet 
of the Commissione ; and to bring thair Presbyterie book to the said dyet, to be 
made use of in things that may be cleared from it." 

1 January, 1651. " Anent Mr. James Gordoun. The Presbyterie of Strabogie 
haveing made report of their diligence done anent him at the visitatione of his 
kirk. The Commissione finds many of the things reported of him to have been 
groundlesse, j'it they find of him : first. That he hath bein somequhat slow in a 
processe against Johne Fordice wiffe, for popperie, and not keiping the kirk : 
second, That he hath slighted over Rothemayes satisfactione for two casuall 
slaughters : third, That he too rashlie subscrived a testimoniall to George Gor- 
doun of Colithie, as Moderator of the Presbyterie, before he had consulted the rest 
of the brethren. The Commissione, taking these things to consideratione, did 
ordaine him to be sharplie rebuked for them, and admonished to walk more ex- 
actlie in a conscionable dischairge of his calling: Quhilk (he being called in) was 
done be the Moderator in name of the Commissione ; the quhilk sentence Mr. 
James accepted humblie, with expressiones of sense and felling, to the satisfactione 
of all the members of the Commissione." 

It does not appear that the Parson of Rothieraay gave the Synod 
any farther cause to censure him. 




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VOL. I. 

The King's College Transcript. 

The Author s Manuscript. 


line 20 

their several pulpits 

thes severall pulpitts 






note • line 1 Mr. Andrew Lamb 

one Mr. Andrew Lamb 


line 33 

the places 

thes places 




or loft 



to profane 

for to prophane 



with all 




the ministers 

ther ministers 



the severall 

ther severall 



the councell 

his councell 



The proclamatione 

That proclamatione 



telling then anew 

telling anew 



exhibited to them. A little waye 

exhibited to them, a little waye 

was made at first ; but 

was made at first. But 



and Burgesses, spacke 

and Burgesses, and subscryved 
with many handes, spacke 



the delegates 

ther delegates 



befor hande 

befor the hande 



to countenance 

for to countenance 



thir innovationes 

thes innovationes 



the materialls wer 

the materialls of it wei- 


note * line 1 the first protestatione 

ther first protestatione 


line 4 

not a little by 

not a little encouraged by 



thir thinges 

thes things 



unhearde of governement 

unhearde of forme of governement 



a general! confessione 

generall confessione 



exacting and reqwyring 

exacting or reqwyring 



who, with his detestationes and 

who, with his renounce and ab- 

abrenunciationes, did so amaze 

horre, his detestationes and ab- 
renunciationes, he did so amaze 



After this mandate, add 

' Heer insert the Covenant itself. 
Heer insert lyckewayes, befor 
the Covenant, the judgement of 
Joseph Hall, bishop of Exeter 
and Norwitche. 



The King's College Transcript. 
Page 44 line 21 After Mr. Thomas Abernethye 

44 32 et seq. He was in armes, as a soul- 

diour at the Bridg of Dee, and 
gloryd of a shot in his [ ] 

in Aberdeen [ ] 

at Rothemay of a perturbulent 
gentleman. Thomas Abernethy 
was bredd fifteen yearcs in a 
seminary abroad, sent to Catt- 
nesse [ ] as chamberlan ; 

but in ende, begetting a maid 
ther with chyld, was deposed by 
his superiours and deserted 
them, who wolde [ ] him 

no longer This I had from Sir 
J. [ ] 



and all that tyme 



for the maine 



men of the partye, who befor wer 
practiched upon, or 



for to pay oif his debt 



shortly by them 



was denyd 



the same gentlemen 



against it. 



or delegate 



a president 



courses. Yet such a band 



could ansuer 



with threatnings, tearing of 



he placed 



beganne, I saye, 



for Marquesse Hamiltons in Clidds- 



one way or other 



to give a cheke 




The Authors Manuscript. 

^^ Abernethy his conversion and 
declaration and revelation of 
popish plotts is in print. 

He was in armes, as asouldiour, at 
the bridg of Dee, and gloryd 
of a shott on his jackke in Aber- 
deen after it 

so he borne at Rothemay of 
a perturbulent gentleman J. 
Abernethy was bredd fifteen 
yeares in a seminary e abroade, 
sent to Cattnesse, served Lord 
Berridale as chamberlan, in ende 
begetting a maid ther with chyld, 
was deposed by his superiours 
and deserted them, quho wolde 
oune him no longer. This I 
had from Mr. J. Smart his cosen 

as that tyme 

for the mater 

men partye, who befor were prac- 
ticked, or 

tor to pay off his creditors 

shortly after by them 

is deneyd 

ther, some gentlemen 

against them. Mr. John Diodati 
his wrytting was as followethe 

or his delegate 

the president 

courses : That such a band 

wold ansuer 

with threatnings, beatings, tearing 
of clothes, 

that he placed 

, I saye, beganne 

for Marques Hamiltons followers 
in Cliddsdale 

one way nor other 

for to give a cheke 





College Transcript. 

Tlie Author's Manuscript. 


line 18 

wherof the substance 

wherof the substance was 



conveyd thither 

conveyd in thither 



to be keeped 

be keeped 



ther comissioner 

ther comissioners 



the citozens 

ther citizens 



at this tyme 

at that tyme 



relligione, the lawes 

relligione, lawes 



the courtes 

thes courtes 







authoritye; that 

authoritye ; but on the contrarye 



ther doubtes 

thes doubtes 


note * line 4 joyned in Covenant 

joyned in an Covenant 


note • line 1 Dr. William Jonston, professor 

Dr. William Jonston, medicener, 


86 line 36 





they went south 

went south 



the three ministers 

thes three ministers 



for them as yet 

as yet for them 



the conscience 

that conscience 




consequences, etcet. 



this booke 

that booke 



bring in all 

bring all 



by a pluralitye of votes 

by pluralitye of votes 



no intention 

no resolution 







ther offices 

ther office 



the comissioner 

ther comissioners 







in this waye 

thus way 



such at least 

such of them at least 



wer i)rofessed Covenanters 

professed Covenanters 



the Kings advocate 

Kings advocate 



a long 

of a long 



depth of thinges 

the depth of thinges 



the supplications 

ther supplications 



the Covenant 

ther Covenant 



ther posteritye 

the posteritye 



marche stones 

marche stone 



ther byble 

the byble 



his spiritt 

the spirite 



It vpas popery 

It is popery 



it is shame 

it is ther shame 


The King's College Transcript. 
Page 117 line 21 they being praelimiters, not tree 



by any meanes 



so contest 



subscrybe at the sessione : 




gottne tyme 



• : 

line 2 After proclamation. 


123 line 


for now 



the ministers 






Young ; Durye ; 




line 3 William Forbes 




all to be at November 





5 the declared pairtye 



• line 15 

receaved no ansuer 






• line 2 

and Mr. William 



the letters 



they said 



the Assembly 



the practise 



may be 



went into 



After moderate, add 



• line 6 

weall of 

146 line 






hundereth and twelve 



thes elections 



• line 2 

forced to second 








X line 2 

four comissiones 

157 line 20 





the Tables 



have interest 



who delyvered it 



voice. The Commissioner 


12 the Kins authorise 

The Author's Manuscript. 

they being praelimiters, not lie 

by any man 

so earnest 

at the sessione house subscrybe. 

gottne a tyme 

Vide supra misplaced 

for next 

ther ministers 


young Durye ; 

William Sanders 

all to be at Glasgow, November 

day ; and such as are on ther jour- 
ney upon ther way wher they 
best can Iceep it. 

ther declared pairtye 

they receaved no ansuer 

of whatsomever 

Mr. William 

thes letters 

only they said 

that Assembly 


might be 

went on with 

However by this colour he was 
laid by with his oune consaile. 

the weall of 


ane hundereth and twentye two 

ther elections 

forced for to second 

our commissioner 

four comissioners 

ther proceedings 

ther Tables 

are interest 

who had delyvered it 

voice. But fynding that the As- 
sembly would put it to a voice, 
the Commissioner 

the King should authorise 



The King's Colleye Transcript. 

The Author's Manuscript. 

180 line 6 


that albeit 

180 30 

the church governement 

ther church governement 

181 21 

is openly impugned 

is thus openly impugned 

187 11 

befor the daye 

chosne befor the daye 

188 note t line 3 their sons 

ther first sons 


9 all to morrow 

til to morrow 


9 imputations against 

imputations laid against 


1 1 must obey 

must doe 


35 to encounter 

for to encounter 

189 line 3 

to tacke advauntages 

tacke advauntages 

190 11 

this challendge 

his challendge 

190 29 

the qwarrells 

thes qwarrells 

192 6 

that tyme 


this tyme 

The King 

s College Transcript. 

The Author's Manuscript. 

3 line 18 

and is Earle 

and Earle 

4 9 

to enter 

for to enter 

4 10 

that honoer 

that hower 

7 note t line 1 the questione 

this questione 

9 line 13 

if he be present 

" if he be present " 

9 19 

not ratifie 

not to ratifie 

11 22 

answerable tor 

censurable for 

11 37 

prescrybe churche canones 

prescrybe to churche canone.s 

16 14 

for that 

so that 

16 16 

is the questione 

was the questione 

16 31 

being that 

seing that 

20 25 

all the churches 

all churches 

23 5 

the semi-papistes 

thes semi papistes 

24 23 

ought to be 

ought not to be 

25 7 

was first 

was at first 

28 22 



28 note t line 1 is challendged 

was challendged 

28 note { line 5 James Fletcher. 

James Gleghorn. 

34 line 5 

alleadged against them 

alleadged, or to be alleadged, 
against them 

35 12 

He challendged 

He challendgeth 

:H6 10 

For ther 

To ther 

•36 11 

he has 

that he has 

37 27 

ther electione 

the electione 


Tlie King's College Transcript. 

•age 37 

line 37 

thes ministers 



the oathe of supremacye 



the actes 



of thes 



this redemption 



ther was 



did at first 


note * line 6 of thes tenents 


line 17 

seven dayes 



from presbytryes 



in ther 



it fell out so 



and are not the presbyters 



after Epiphanye 






At the conclusion of the Third 
Booh, the Author has ivritten 
on the margin, by way of 
memorandttm . 

The Author's Manuscript. 
the ministers 

and the oathe of supremacye 
thes actes 
of ther 

his redemption 
ther wer 
did first 

for thes tenents 
ten dayes 

from some ])resbytryes 
in thes 

that it fell ont so 
for the presbyters are 
after the Epiphanye 
Heer adde ; 

1. The coming out of the Large 
Declaration, and all its con- 
clusion from pag. 402. 

2. The sume of Covenanters Infor- 

mation for Defensive Armes, 
and Mr. Corbetts Answer to 
it ; as also, 

3. Bishop Lesslys Declamation 

upon the Covenant. 


Vol. ii. p. 135, note 0), for November [1639], read November [1638], 
Vol. ii. p. 229, note (2), for Lewes of Fy vie, on the highway from Aberdeen to Banff.] read 
Lowesk in the parish of Rayne, on the old highway fi-om Aberdeen to Strathbogie.] 











Lesly about to march. Nobody will undertake to deliver the Scots 
petitions to the King ; Dr. John Mosely undertakes them ; also letters 
to Essex and other English noblemen 

Lesly begins his march. King's proclamation. 

The Scots answer. Sir John Hume sent with instructions to the Earl 
of Holland 

Holland marches to attack a party of Scots at Kelso ; but returns re 
infecta. The English take this as an affront . 

Scots project of asking assistance of the King of France ; their letter ; 

Overtures from the Scots sent by the Earl of Dunfermline ; their 
letter to the Earl of Holland. Sir Edmond Verney sent to the 
Scotish camp. Treaty between the King and the Scots. The desires 
of the Scots ; King's answer ; his queries ; Scots answer. State of 
the King's and the Scots armies 

King's distress. Third interview. Bishop of Ross 

Covenanters put different constructions on the King's delays ; press a 
quick conclusion. King's declaration gives no satisfaction ; words 
altered in it ; verbal promises which are afterwards denied by the 
counsel of England. Articles agreed upon by the Covenanters re- 
ferring to verbal promises 

The King's Declaration published, and the articles of the treatie sub- 
scribed by the Covenanters. The King's proclamation encountered 
with a protestation in the Scottish camp 


LXVII. Covenanters return thanks for the King's concessions 24 




LXVIII. Scottish army begins to disband. King changes his mind as to holding 
the Assembly in person, on account of the attack upon Aboyne's 

coach in the streets of Edinburgh : second reason. 24 

LXIX. The King calls for fourteen noblemen of Scotland to come to Berwick : 
refused ; and two sent to make their excuse, also renewing com- 
plaints. Huntly, released, goes to the King. Covenanters jealous. 
Traquaire appointed commissioner to Assembly and Parliament. 
King challenges the Covenanters for not performing articles. Cove- 
nanters' protestation at proclaiming the indiction of the General As- 
sembly. Two answers to the King's challenge 25 

L X X. Sense of the treaty controverted. King returns to London. Pembroke 
delivers to the councel a note of the King's verbal promises which 
the Scots had given him. Councel declares them false, and orders 

them to be burnt by the hand of the hangman. 3 1 

LXXI. Covenanters' second answers to the King's objections „_ 32 

LXXII. Acts of the General Assembly conveened at Edinburgh, twelfth August, 
1639 ; Traquair, Commissioner ; Mr. David Dickson, moderator. 
Grievances of the Church. Acts of Assembly read relating to Epis- 
copacy, from which the Commissioner agreed that Episcopacy was 
contrary to the Acts of the General Assembly. 36 

L XX III. Graham, bishop of Orkney, abjm-es Episcopacy. Mr. Patrick Adam- 
son. Causes and remedies of the bygone evils of the kirk, drawn 
up by a committee. Vote is put concerning them; the Commis- 
sioner's vote is asked ; he declines till all had voted ; vote concluded 
in the affirmative. Commissioner agrees, in the King's name, to 
the abolishing of Episcopacy, and declares the King should ratify and 

enact it. 43 

Lindsay, bishop of Dunkeld, abjures episcopacy. The King's Large 


ijures episcopacy. 
Declaration condemned. A supplication to the King to call it in 
and disown it, and supposed authors (particularly Dr. Balcanquel, 
dean of Durham) should be sent to Scotland to answer for it before 

the Parliament. The supplication itself, verbatim „ 

LXXV. Commissioner desired to subscribe the Covenant, and authorise an act 
enjoining the subscribing it. The Commissioner's answer. A sup- 
plication to the Commissioner and lords of council for subscription of 
the Covenant. The council grant an order accordingly. Commis- 




sioner as a subject subscribes the Covenant ; as Commissioner adds a 
declaration. The Assembly appoint the Covenant to be subscribed 
by masters of Colleges, etc., vrith a declaration prefixed. Last ses- 
sion : a supplication to the King : next Assembly appointed to be at 
Aberdeen, 1640, last Tuesday of July. Act for visiting the Univer- 


LXXVI. Parliament meets the day after concluding the Assembly. Lords of the 
articles. Debate concerning the Parliament being incomplete for 
want of the ecclesiastical order. Act of oblivion. Act rescissory. 

Act of relief for paying the charges of the war 

LXXVIL Restraining the broken Highlanders: Marquis of Huntly, accused as 

their supporter, summoned ; defended by Sir Ludovicke Stuart 

LXXVIH. Several articles proposed concerning new regulations and laws. Com- 
missioner writes to the King on the subject : King's answer ; threatens 
dissolving them ; orders a prorogation to the second of June, 1640, 
and will not allow them to protest, sit still and disobey. Commis- 
sioner ordered to court ; he urges the sending commissioners to the 
King: Dumfermling and Loudon sent; their instructions. Protesta- 
tion against the prorogation. 





The King's exceptions against their protestation. „ 

Parliament ended ; commissioners take journey. Traquaire returns to 
court ; inflames England against the Covenanters. Mary de Medicis, 
the King's mother-in-law, comes to England ; also the Prince Elector 
Palatine. The Palsgrave arrested at Lyons, as he was going to the 
Swedish army. Lord-Deputy of Ireland was called over to Eng- 
land. Spanish fleet come to the Downs ; attacked by Martin Har- 
person Tromp, (Note, his father a Peterhead man) ; Spaniards de- 
feated. Part of the low wall of the castle of Edinburgh falls 

Fire that burnt the Marischal College. Dr. Robert Baron dies ; also 

archbishop Spottiswood 

Counter oath to the Covenant 

Covenanters prepare for hostilities. Blind Band. The subscribing the 
Covenant without limitation is urged. Reparation of the castle wall ; 

ammunition for the castle 

A new manifesto from the Covenanters ; burnt by the hands of the hang- 
man. Commissioners get presence of the King ; give in a supplica- 





tion in writing. The counsel vote to reduce the Covenanters to 
duty by force. An English Parliament is called. Money subscribed 

by Strafford and other English lords 100 

LXXXV. Lord Lowdon's speech to the King and counsel. Second hearing, at 
which the commissioners exhibit their instructions. Additional in- 
structions inserted. The King, by advice of a committee of counsel, 
resolves to hear the commissioners- Covenanters exceptions to the 
King's declaration of the precedent passages. At the third hearing, 
the King objects to their power and instructions. Earl of Traquaire 
gives in writing the state of the question. At the fourth hearing, 

the commissioners give their answers in WTiting 109 

The commissioners debate Traquaire's carriage. Commissioners an- 
swers ; desire to be dispatched. Lord Lowdon imprisoned in the 
Tower ; three other commissioners put into the custody of the judges 

of London. 120 

King's Declaratione of his Proceedings since the Pacification 125 

Foot companies levied at Edinburgh ; a court of guard set up against the 
castle ; lay siege to it ; commissioners sent in to the castle ; Ruthven 
gives the citizens an hour to advise. They are about removing them- 
selves and goods ; an uproar. Many anti- Covenanters seized by the 
townsmen ; who wer soon released on subscribing the Covenant. 

Ruthven fires some shots on the town 125 

LXXXIX. Rampiers of earth raised fis defences against cannon shot ; batteries of 

XC. Subscription of the Covenant urged. Doctors of Aberdeen. Mr. David 
Lindsay causes the ministers in and about Aberdeen to subscribe. 
Names of those who stood out. New subscription by the citizens of 

Aberdeen 128 

XCI. Covenanters seek contributions ; silver plate given in and coined ; [they] 

call home officers from Holland and other places . 131 

XCII. Proclamation discharging Argyle from his ofiRce of justiciar ; ordering all 
to dissown the committee of Parliament sitting at Edinburgh ; sent 
to the magistrates of Edinburgh and by them slighted. King writes 

for eight noblemen from Scotland to come to London, but denied 131 

XCIIl. Irish subsidy and contributions. King's answer to the Covenanters' ob- 
jections. . 133 














English Parliament sits down. The King gives them a representation of 

the Scots affairs ; upon a disagreement dissolves the Parliament 140 

Covenanters resolve to call a Convention of Estates. Their Remon- 
strance to the Parliament of England ; Mr. Robert Bailey's book ; 
these two generally favoured in England. Supposed that, if the 
English Parliament had not been dissolved, it would have mediated 
between the King and the Scots. English Convocation continue 
sitting ; ordain an oath in favour of the bishops ; objected to, parti- 
cularly the " etc." ; assess themselves. The riot of the apprentices 148 
The King his own generalissimo ; StraiFord his lieutenant general. The 

King joins his army 157 

Scots Covenanters levie war ; correspond with a party in England 158 

Trade stopped ; castle fires on Edinburgh. 159 

Lesly made general ; Sir James Livingston, lieutenant general _I59 

Special eye to Huntly's followers, and to the town of Aberdeen. Mar- 
shal, the Forbesses, Erasers, entrusted until Monro should come with 

his regiment 1 5;) 

Marshal enters Aberdeen; extorts money Ifio 

Affair betwixt Tolquhon and Mr. George Lesly __160 

Treeve, a house of Nithsdale's, besieged ; also Carlaverock __. 162 

Argyle and Eglinton ordered to secure the west coast. Argyle falls upon 
Lochaber, of which he had a cautionary pledge for some of Huntly's 

debts 1 63 

Airly castle destroyed . 164 

Argyle's resentment against Sir John Ogilvy of Craige . . 165 

Monro comes to Aberdeen with his regiment ; his demands ; Covenanter 

faction, ready to grant them, give a satisfying answer 166 

Court de guard reared up _. 168 

Levies go on. Pulpits sound the alarm. Monroe keeps good discipline. 
King not able to countenance or protect ; his councels betrayed and 
revealed Ifjg 




I. Things gone to extremity ; deliberations how to proceed on the second of 
June, to which day the Parliament was prorogued, in case no Com- 
missioner came, which was their wish ; prorogate themselves being 
thin ; meet again ; chuse Burleigh president in absence of the Com- 
missioner; conclude thirty nine acts ; six more 173 

II. Reasons of the band. Parliament declared current ; their acts 180 

III. Committee of Parliament and its powers. Rupture in the committee ; 

Argylle not in the nomination; and why? 181 

IV. Formality of this Parliament 184 

V. Ruthven keeps Edinburgh in alarm. Invitations and assurances 186 

VI. Scots publish their Declaration ___. 186 

VII. Declaration of the Council of War of the Scots camp 188 

VIII. Observations. Levies. Committees 194 

IX. Captain Arthur Forbes' character . 196 

X. Indignation of the Covenanters against the Aberdeen's men 197 

XI. Munroe besieges the house of Drum 197 

XII. Mr. John Gregory's sufferings ___198 

XIII. Sir Alexander Cumming of Culter 199 

XIV. Udney of Ochterellon; Sir Alexander Irvine of Drum; Irvine of Fed- 

deret ; Sir John Gordon of Haddo ; Mr. John Ross, minister at 
Birse ; Constable of Dundee ; Sir George Gordon of Gight, called 

Ardestye 199 

XV. A mine sprung in the castle of Edinburgh ; and the breach stormed ; 

but the assailants repulsed 200 

XVI. Munro returns to Aberdeen 200 

XVII. George Lord Gordon lands on the coast of The Enzie 201 

XVIII. Munro, on his way to Strathbogie, plundered the house of Urquhart of 
Lethenty, son-in-law to Alrley ; Newton of Culsamond : the For- 

besses his directors. 201 

XIX. King's and bishop rents sequestered. 203 

XX. Mr. John Forbes, minister at Auchterless, turned out ; his opposer was 

Mr. Thomas Mitchell, minister at Turriff. ; 203 























Mr. Alexander Innes, minister at Rothiemay, turned out ; succeeded by 

Mr. James Gordon, our Author. 204 

Death of Dr. William Forbes ; Dr. William Gordon ; Dr. Alexander 
Ross ; Dr. William Johnston, professor of mathematics in The 

Marischal College __„_„_. 208 

Munro marches to Strafhbniry. ^ , __„_„___ 210 

Munro's men mutiny at Strathbogy ; cattle driven away ; brought back 

by a party and redeemed 21 1 

Marches to Spynie; castle surrendered; moves to Banff. 213 

Queen brought to bed of Prince Henry 214 

General Assembly at Aberdeen. Grayfriar church prepared : guard. 
Preceding moderator preaches ; Mr. Andrew Ramsay chosen mode- 
rator 2 1 4 

Order of the Assembly. Idolatrous monuments in Old and New Aber- 
deen destroyed during the sitting of the Assembly : witches : stu- 
dents of divinity : unprinted acts: family exercise 216 

Visitation of the University of Aberdeen 224 

A committee appointed for this purpose, to meet at Marshal's house 226 

Dr. Alexander Scrogy processed and deposed : vindicated by the author._226 
Dr. James Sibbald _„ 228 

Dr. William Lesly deposed ; vindicated by the author. . 

Dr. John Forbes interrogated 

Dr. Robert Barron. 


Dr. William Forbes' writings accused by William Ridge of heterodoxy. 

Mr. J. Kempt 239 

Eulogium of the Aberdeen Doctors 242 

Other masters of the two colleges 244 

Mr. John Gregory 244 

Mr. John Ross „., , ,. . . 24S 

Mr. Andrew Logie suspended; and then deprived; reponed, deprived 

again ; and a third time reponed. . 245 

Mr. Richard Maitland 246 


Mr. John Guthry cast out of his place.. 

Some northern commissioners, new proselytes, put to it 

Mr. Mungo ADalyell. Some ministers questioned; others overlooked. 247 

Subscriptions must be without reservation. ''d.f. 



XLVII. Progress with the ministers about subscribing. 248 

XLVIII. Church and State compared 249 

XLIX. The three Assemblies compared 250 

L. Set forms of prayer are disused ; Gloria Patri, etc 239 

LI. Assembly removes about the middle of August 251 

Lll. Letters from the protestant churches in Switzerland 251 

LIIL Munro marches from Strathbogie to Bamf. 251 

LIV. Doctor Alexander Douglas, a chief ringleader for the Covenant among 

the Bamf people. Bamf, also Inchdrewer, defaced ; also Forglen 252 

LV. Actings of Marshal and the Master of Forbes at Aberdeen 255 

LVL Projects for raising money ; silver plate called in 255 

LVn. Nithsdale house blocked up; Dumbarton taken by a stratagem ; castle 

of Edinburgh capitulates 256 

LVIIL Dr. Guild put in as principal of King's College authoritatively, but not 

canonieally ; degeneracy of the college .__ 256 

LIX. The Scots march for England 257 

LX. Montrose, by lot, passes the Tweed first ; about falling off. 257 

LXL The King publishes a proclamation against the Scots ; 258 

LXIL who arrive at the river Tine 258 

LXIIL Ford at Newburne 258 

LXIV. Conway secures the ford. Lesly desires licence to pass towards his 
Majesty with a petition. The Scots make good the passage at the 

ford 258 

LXV. Sir John Suckling's renowned troop was broken 260 

LXVL The English army retreat to York. The Scots seize Newcastle, August 

twenty-ninth ; behave civilly 260 

LXVIL Dress and ensigns of the Scots. They seize upon Durham, August 

LXVIIL The blowing up of the powder magazine of the Scots at Dunglass 261 

LXIX. Hadington's page suspected. Dame Jane Gordon, Haddington's lady, 
half frantick : she had before lost her brother. Lord Aboyn, by 

the burning of Frendraught. „_262 

LXX. This accident variously construed . 263 






LVIII. Befor Generall Leslye marched, the Covenanters wer resolvinge A. D. 1639. 
for to promove the worke of reformatione, as the temple was builded, ~ ~ 
with swordes in one hande, to defende what was ah-eadye done, and peti- to march. No- 
tiones and supplicationes in the other, for to invite the Kinge his consent body will un- 
to what yet remained : but hardly could they fynde any who wold undertacke liver the Scots 
to present ther petitiones. But, fynding that one Johne Mosley,('> ane Eng- petitions to 
lish doctor of divinitye, was come to Scottland about thes tymes, (either sent jQf,„ 'jj^isely 
pourposly, or seeking employment, and studying to patch up a syncretisme undertakes 
tuixt the episcopall partye and them, to whom Mr. Clevland, the great , 5^"" ' f„*E«. 
satyrist of his age, in one of his poyemes, seems to allude*), it is said that sex and other 
as a great civilitye, they suffered him for to f travail in his canonicall E'lghsh no- 
habite ; and that, fynding the Scotish farr qwyetter then was givne out, 
that he lamented the miserye of both natioues, who wer lycke to be putt by 
the eares by the calumneyes of a few lyars (the bishopps and ther party, I 
suppose) : finally, he urges such of the Covenanters noblemen as he was 
acqwaynted with for to send ther supplicatione to the King, whairof him- 
selfe undertackes to be the bearer ; as also, that he would informe the King 
to ther advaintage of all that he had heard and seene, vpon all hazard that 
might befall him, which was just none at all. 

Therfor did they give a supplicationeC^) to Dr. John Moseley, to be pre- 

(1) [Vicar of Newark- upon- Trent: " a man," says Heylyn, " of zeal enough to be put 
upon any business which the wiser ones durst not be seen in ; and of such silliness withal 
that no body could fear any danger from him." Life of Archbishop Laud, p. 388.] 

* See Clevland in his poyems : 

The preest to tye thes foxes tayles together, 

Mosley or Sancta Clara, chuse yow whether, 
t Spang, Historia Motmim, pag. 362. 

(2) [It is printed in the Records of the Kirk, p. 216. Baillie says, it was " conceaved 


A. D. 1639. sented to the Kinge, wherin they protested that they knew no offence that 
they wer guiltye of; they beseeche his Majesty that he wold give them 
aeqwall hearinge, and not trust ther enemyes wordes ; finally, that in all 
thinges they should never declyne to obey him, nor had ever refused to 
obey him, conforme to the lawes of church and state. <" 

Also, letters wer directed at that time lyckwayes unto the Earle of Es- 
sex, then governour of Bervicke for the Kinge, praying him for to interceed 
with the King for them, that matters mycht be otherwayes disputed and the 
controversy discyded, then with force of armes.<2) Lyckwayes, letters'^' 
wer sent with Dr. Moselye, to be delyvered to the Earles of Pembrocke 
and Hollande, shewing them that, wheras Dr. Mosely had informed them 
of ther zeale and desyre of amicable compositione, albeit Mosely had no 
publicke commissione, yet they so much approved his good will, therfor, 
since they could not hitherto prevaile by the mediatione of any of the no- 
bilitye about courte of ther owne natione, they would now adress themselves 
to ther lordshipps, beseeching them to mediat betuixt the King and them ; 
and beseeches and empowrs them to comunicat ther letter to the rest of the 
English nobilitye : Furder, they shew that they never wer enemyes to mo- 
narchicall government ; that they never intended for to invade Englande ; 
that all they desyred was that they might live acording to their owne lawes, 
and enjoye relligione in its puritye ; that this was the thing which they had 
sworne too, in the mantenance wherof they would both spende ther lyves 
and fortunes ; and that this was no just reasone for a nationall warre, since 
each natione had its owne lawes : And, with wordes eneuch, they runne on 
in this straine acording to ther uswall mode.**' 
Lesly begins LIX. Advertishment being come, that the King had marched out of 
Kino-sprocla- Newcastell, and was upon his marche towards Bervicke with his armye, Ge- 
mation. nerall Lesly, as I have told befor, marched towards the border, tacking his 

May 21. journey from Edinburgh, May twenty-first, with the vann, ordering the rest 
of the army to follow. His first encamping was at Hadingtoune ; his next 

by Mr. Henderson, in termes so submiss, that some were not pleased with the straine, fear- 
ing lest the baseness of it sliould be imputed to our quakeing for the approaching of the 
King's armes ; yet little in it was altered ; only Argyle was desyred to wryte with him, in a 
stouter style, a common letter to Pembrocke and Holland." Baillie's Letters, vol. i., p. 
294. Laing's edit., Edinb., 1841. 8vo.] 

ii) [Historia Motuum, p. 362.] (2) [Ibid.] 

(3) [This communication is printed in the Records of the Kirk, pp. '218, 219.] 

,4) [Historia Motuum, pp. 362—364.] 

Ch. LX.] 


marclie to Dumbarr, charging all the countrey, as he marched, to asiste and A. D. 1639. 
bring in necessaires to the armye ; and his next statione was .at Dunglasse, 
neer the border, that hee might ther confronte the Kings armye, which was 
hard by upon English grounde. 

Lesly being come to Dunglasse, ther comes to him from the Earle of 
Holland, generall of the Kings horse, ane trumpeter, with letters to the 
Scottish noblemen, and with other particular letters to the Earle of Ard- 
gylle,(') wherin he reqwyred them for to obey the Kings proclamatione, 
which was published latelye befor at Newcastell, May fourteenth, whilst 
the King and his army laye ther. The proclamatione was lyckwayes de- 
lyvered by the trumpetter, which was much to this pourposeC'^) : That for as 
muche as the King himselfe was to marche for Bervicke, in qwyett maner, 
with his army, for to settle the troubles of Scottland, and for to satisfee his 
subjectes just demandes in a parliamentarye conventione ; and since ther 
was a constant reports that the Scotts intended to enter Englande : therfor, 
that the subjectes of both nationes might be sure of his good will, he did 
commande strictlye, by the present proclamatione, that none of the Scottish 
armve should come within ten myles of Bervicke : and if any should con- 
traveen this his present command, in that case he warranted all the com- 
manders and officers of his army to hould all such for rebells, and for to 
persew them as invaders of the kyngdome of Englande. (') 

LX. The councell of warre of the Scottish army consult upon ane The Scots 
ansuer : Some thought that if they reteered backe it woidd be called feare, T"t^'^ij " 

° ■' , John Hiinip 

and they thought weacke, and would macke the King shortly after propose sent with 
harder commands to them : Others said, that if theye reteerd the Kings j"^ju"^p°"^ r 
army would enter Scottland, and garrisone the fronteer villages. But, after Holland. 
all ther constructiones, it was appoynted by common consent for to obey the 
Kings proclamatione ; and that so much the rather because they founde it of 
a mor peacefull strane then the former which Hamiltoune urged to be 
proclamed, and that out of the narrative therof it was not altogether un- 
probable that some hopes of a pacificatione might be gathered. (0 

Answer therfor is returned to the Earle of Holland, shewing that they 
war willing to obey the King, howbeit his fleet had used them ill, stopping 

(1) [Historia Motuum, p. 364.] 

(2) [It is printed in the Records of the Kirk, p. 220.] 

(3) [Historia Motuum, pp. 364, 365.] 

(4) [Historia Motuum, p. 365.] 


A. D. 1639. ther trading, etc, ; that they wer willing to macke himselfe and the rest of 
the English nobilitye arbiters betuixt the King and them ; finally, that 
they should keepe the distaunce commanded, albeit it was to be suspected 
that such a command was for to fetche them into ane inconvenience. 

Hollands trumpeter being dispatched back with this ansuer, they send 
after him Sir Johne Hume, with instructiones to the Earle of Hollande, for 
to informe him and the rest of the nobilitye of the true state of the con- 
troversye, which they drew upp in thes termes, viz: Whither it was laufull 
or not for the Scottish for to live acording to ther aune lawes, and whither 
or not the subjectes of Scottland wer holdne in all matters ecclesiasticall to 
stande to the determinatione of Generalle Assemblyes, and in matters civill 
to the knowne lawes and actes of Parliament ? 

To this they added, that to thes they wer willing to submitte, and in 
them they should render an accompt of ther actiones ; that they never 
thought upon diminishing the Kings greatnesse, nor invading England, but 
upon necessary defence ; that they saw no better nor neerer waye to com- 
pose differences then that some should be chosne on both sydes who should 
heare all thinges and ther desyres. 

To this the Earle of Holland ansuered that he should doe his best for to 
gett ther desyre accomplished. (') 
Hollaiul LXI. Whilst thes overtures are preparing, somewhat interveend which 

teck^a'^partv' ^^* \j^^'i to have disturbed all the hopes of peace. Ther wer lying about 
ot Scots at four thousand foote of the Scottish army, near Jedburgh and Kelso, at a 
Kelso; but distaunce from the rest. Lesly suspecting that either ther qwarter mierht be 

returns re in- j r n -i o 

fecta. The beatne upp, or the countrey about them wasted, ordered the Lord Lowdone, 

English take Lord Fleeming, Lord Erskin, and coUonel Robert Munroe, who were 

this as an n n i • • • • 

affront. coUonells to thoise respective regiments, that they should draw in all ther 

regiments to Kelso, a village which is scitwate upon the banke of the river 

Tweede, and should cast upp trenshes about it for preventing ane infall 

(for the Kings horsemen wer lying within four myles of them), and that 

they should keepe stricke watche and warde, because they could not easily 

be rescwed by Lessly if they wer in dainger. The colonells did as they 

wer commanded, and it fell out as Lesly suspected ; for the King being ad- 

vertished that ther was only one regiment ther (belonging to the Lord 

Erskyne), and so neer England as that they wer upon the very bancke of 

(') [Historia Motuuni, pp. 3G6, 36".] 

Ch. LXII.] 


the Tweede, commanded Holland for to dryve them awaye, as supposing A. D. 1639. 
them at neerer distaunce then ten myle of Englande. 

Holland, as he was ordered, upon the fourth day of June, marcheth for June 4. 
Kelso with thirteen troopes of horses, three thousand foote, and fowre feeld 
peeces. But thes regiments, who wer come ther the night befor, having 
notice of Hollands approache, stoode to ther gwarde, and made ready for 
to receave the Earle of Hollands assault ; who, fynding that he was dis- 
covered, first halted, and then having beheld the Scottish ther readynesse 
to draw upp and receave his charge, he straight way reteered with ane dis- 
orderd haiste, which being perceived by the Scottish souldiours they cryed 
to perswe the fleers ; but their colonells would by no meanes permitte them 
to tacke the advantage at that tyme. 

The Englishes tooke this for a kynde of affront, and because the Scottish 

supposd that Holland would bethinke himself how to repaire his credite, 

Lesly thought it meetest to draw out thes regments from Kelso, and ordered 

them to meete him at Duns Law, midd waye betuixt his qwarter and thers, 

wher they all did meete and encampe upon the fyft daye of June, pitching June 5. 

ther tents rownde about that hill, within six myles of English ground, 

whence they could easily see the Kings campe upon the other syd of Tweede 

river. Ther they lay in opne leagwe, to the number, as was givne out, of 

twenty-four thousand. Ther first comming ther did alarum the Kings 

campe, but, by the Scottish lying still, it was quicklye husht, and all was 

qwyett againe. It is affirmed that till the King, by spyes, learned ther * 

numbers and ther discipline, that he was made beleeve they wer but ane 

handfull, who dwrst not fight ;* which is scarcely credible, for the King had 

too many freends in Scottland to be ignorant either of ther praeparationes 

or numbers, he getting from thence dayly intelhgence of all ther publicke 

actiones, and sometynies of ther private actiones and plottes, as shall be 

instanced in the following particular, which the King challendged them upon 

after the pacificatione. 

LXII. It was a project that the pryme Covenanters had for to crave the Scots project 

King of Fraunce his assistaunce and mediatione ; to which pourpose they °.' ^^'^'"?/'*- 
1 1- iTr- i>T-> T- sistance of 

drew upp a letter, directed to the Kuig ot Fraunce, Lewis the Thirteenth, the Kin? of 

which spocke thus in English, being rendred out of the Frenshe for to save France ; 

repetitione :(') 

* Spang, Historia Motuutn, ^ajr. 370. 

(1) [This translation is transcribed from His Majesties Declaration, concerning his proceed- 


A. D. 1639. " Sir, 

. " Your Majestie being the refuge and sanctuary of afflicted 

instructions. Princes and States, wee have found it necessary to send this Gentleman, 
Mr. Collvill, to represent unto Your Majestie the candor and ingenuity, as 
well of our actions and proceedings, as of our intentions, which we desire 
to be engraved and written to the whole World with a beame of the Sunne, 
as well as to Your Majestie. We therefore most humbly beseech You (Sir) 
to give faith and credit to him, and to all that he shall say on our part, 
touching us and our aifaires, being most assured (Sir) of an assistance 
equall to Your wonted clemencie heretofore, and so often shewed to this 
Nation, which will not yeeld the glorie to any other whatsoever to be 
eternally, Sir, 

" Your Majesties most humble, most obedient, and 
most affectionate servants, 
" Rothes, Montrose, Lesly,(') Mar, Montgomery, Loudoun, 
I macke mentione of it now, though it came not to be canvassed till 
afterwards, because, Mr. Spang sayes, it was wryttne when the army of the 
Covenanters wer lying upon the border. Whither it wer so or not, it is 
hard to tell. 

And what thes instructions wer which wer givne to Mr. Colvill, the 
bearer, I suppose are scarcely yet knowne, howbeit Spang will have us 
tacke these following for thera,(2) which themselves after did publish : 

First, That he should putt the Frensh King in memory of the old leagwe 
made betuixt Charlemaigne and King Achaius, eight hundred yeares agoe. 
Second, That ther intentiones wer not against monarchicall governement, 
but to preserve ther relligione, lawes, and libertyes. 

Third, That he should not trust the calumneyes of ther adversaryes, 
which wer forged to make them odiouse to forraigne princes. 

ings with his subjects of Scotland, since the pacification in the camp neere Berwick, pp. 58, 
59, Lend., 1640; where the original French will likewise be found. Reference may be 
made to Hailes' Memorials of Charles I., pp. 57 — 61.] 

(1) [" The subscription of General Leslie," says Lord Hailes, " is so aukward and 
mishapen, that it confirms the tradition of his being absolutely illiterate. It is reported, that, 
once upon a march, passing by a house, he said. There is the House where I was taught to 
read. How, General, said one of his attendants, I thought that you had never been taught 
to read. Pardon me, replied he, / got the length of the letter G. Jlemorials of Charles 
I., p. 61.] 

(2) [Historia Motuum, pp. 37-2—373.] 

Ch. lxiii.] history of scots affairs. 9 

Fourth, Since they could not prevaile at the Kings hande with all their A. D. 1639. 
supplicationes, therefor they desyred that the King of Fraunce would me- 
diate for them, that they might be licencd to enjoye ther laues and li- 
bertyes, e<e.(') 

The letter was backed Au Roye, but the Covenanters saye not by them, 
nor thes instructiones ever sent, nor the letter ever sealed.C^) Ther will be 
fitter occasione to speacke to it heerafter : Sure I am, however they will 
vindicate themselves of this imputatione, yet all of ther leaders will not 
weall vindicate themselves from keeping a closse hande with Cardinal Riche- 
liew, an avowd fomentor of the troubles of Great Britaine. But to returne 
to our pourpose againe. 

LXIII. After the two armyes had layne some days in view cache of Overtures 

other, without any actione, some of both sydes being- licenced for to eoe to from the Scots 

sent by the 
either army, and amongst the rest the Earle of Dumferemlyne having Earl of Dun- 

gottne licence and safe conduct to come to the Kings camne for salutino- fermline ; their 

letter to the 
some freendes ther, it was told him that the Englishes expected that the Earl of Hol- 

Scottish should propose and present overtures of peace themselves, and '^'^^l- Sir Ed- 

macke applicatione to the Kinge ; which if the Scottish would doe, the "n"'to the*^^ 

English nobilitye ther present promisd to be asistinge. Scotish camp. 

Dunferlemlyne returnes to the Covenanters campe, and relates this t ^'^'^th 
raotione, which the English nobilitye had suggested to him ; wherupon the King and the 
Earle of Dunferlemlyne was made choise of to be the man who should re- ^*^°'^- ^JV^ 
turne to the Kings campe, and present the King with the supplicatione of Scots; King's 
the Covenanters, which was much to the pourpose followinge : answer ; his 

" To the Kings most excellent Majestye, the supplicatione of his ansn'^rV State 
Majestyes subjectes of Scottland, humbly shewing, "f the Kings 

" That, wher the former nieanes used by us have not been effectwall for '^ 
recovering your Majesties fiivour and the peace of this your Majesties native 
kyngdome, we fall downe againe at your Majesties feete, most humbly sup- 
plicatinge. That your Majesty would be gratiously pleased to appoynt some 
few of the many worthy men of your Majestyes kyngdome of England, 
who are weall affected to the trwe relligione and to our common peace, to 

(1) [These instructions are printed at length by Lord Hailes in his Memorials of Charles 
I., pp. 62—65.] 

(2) [" The letter in French by the Scottish Lords," says D'Israeli, " addressed • Au Roy,' 
we now know, was sent and was received. Monsieur Mazure recently discovered it in the 
State-Paper Office of France. Histoire de la Revolution de 16S8, par Mazure, iii., 405." 
Commentaries on the Life and Reign of Charles I., vol. iv., p. 351.] 



A. D. 16-39. heare, by some of us of the same dispositione, our humble desyres, and to 
■ macke knowne to us your Majestyes gratiouse pleasure ; That as, by the 

providence of God, we are joyned in one island, under one King, so, by 
your Majestyes great wisdome and tender care, all mistackings may be 
speedilye removed, and the two kyngdomes may be kept in peace and hap- 
pinesse, under your Majestyes long and prosperouse raigne ; for which we 
shall never cease to praye, as it becommeth your Majestyes most humble 

With this supplicatione, sent to the King by the hande of the Earle of 
Dunferlemlyne, ane letterW was sent to the Earle of Holland, and others 
of the councell of England, shewing that, Howbeit they had endeavoured 
for to macke the loyalty of ther intentions knowne to the King, and to all 
England, yet matters were growing worse : For this cause they had sent 
to the King ther supplicatione, beseeching ther lordshipps to asiste it ; 
that so, by a speedy meeting of pryme and weall affected men, matters 
might be fairly accommodate, least longer delayes should render the evills 
past cure : That they attest God, that they had left no faire meanes un- 
essayed to give just satisfactione to the King and the whole kyngdome of 
Englande, and that they desyred nothing but the preservatione of lawes 
and libertyes : Finally, that if fearful conseqwents ensue (if not prevented), 
they trust that they shall not be imputed to them, who hitherto have beene 
following peace, and wer desyrouse to shew themselves his Majestyes 
faithful] subjectes, and their lordships humble servauntes. 

How soone the Eai'le of Dunferlemlyne had presented the supplicatione 
unto the King, Sir Edward Verney,(2) ane English gentleman, was sent by 
the King to the Scottish campe, for to shew them, That he woidd give no 
answer to ther supplicatione till they first caused publish in ther campe his 
proclamatione, (of the date at Yorke, Apryle twenty-fifth), which they had 
deneyd to the Marquis of Hamiltoune.'^^ To this demande it was answered, 
That the said proclamatione was vitiouse, both for forme and matter, which 
they instanced, and delyvered ther exceptions against it to Sir Edward 
Verney, who related ther answer and reade ther exceptiones to the King, 

(1) [It is printed at length in the Records of the Kirk, p. 222.] 

(2) [Sir Edmond or Edward Verney, Varney, or Vernham, Knight- Marshal, bore the 
King's standard at Edgehill, where he was slain.] 

(3) [" The Answer sent from the King by Sir Edmond Verney," and " Sir Edmond 
Verney, his Memento of the Answer from the Scotts Noblemen," will be found in the 
Records of the Kirk, p. 226.] 



in presence of the English nobilitye, for they had givne him ther excep- A. D. 1639. 
tions in wrytte. The English noblemen, upon hearing therof, earnestly 
interceeded with the Kinge, that the Scottish should not be urged with that 
proclamatione, but that his Majesty would nominate some to hear them. 
At the last, the King was contented that such as the Covenanters should 
delegate shoiUd come to his campe, upon Munday nexte, June tenth, at June lo. 
which daye six of the English noblemen should be ready, at the tent of the 
Earle of Arrundell, generall of the Kings armye, to give them hearing, 
be eight a clocke in the morning ; to whiche pourpose ther was a safe con- 
ducte graunted, under the Kings hand, to such as they should appoynte to 
conferre. Some questione was made concerning their safe conducte, as 
being invalide, acording to the lawes of England, for to warrant any who 
war accused of treason and rebelUon, (as they wer by the Kings proclama- 
tiones), except it wer graunted under the greate scale : But it was not 
thought meete to object that, but for to trust the Kinges owne subscriptione. 
Therfor the Scottish doe instantly delegate the Earle of Rothesse ; the 
Lord Lowdone ; Sir William Douglasse of Cavers, high sheriff of Teviot- 
dale ; Mr. Alexander Hendersone, late moderator at Glasgow Assembly ; 
and Mr. Archibald Johnstone, church clerke. The author of King 
Charles his AnnallsO sayes that Dunferlemlyne was one of the delegates, 
though some of the Scottish wrytters" name him not, I suppose, because 
before named. 

Thoise whome the King named upon the English syde, for to meete with 
them, wer the Earle of Pembrocke, Earle of Salisbury, Earle of Holland, 
Earle of Barkshyre, Sir Harye Vane, and Secretary Coke ; who failed 
not to keepe the tyme appoynted, wher the King was contented for to be 
personally present, beyond ther expectatione, (and himselfe sayes beyond 
ther merit lyckwayes).t After some apologeticall speeche, which was de- 
lyvered by the Scottish comissioners, with much submissione and respect to 
the Kinge, they wer desyred at last to putt ther desyres all in wryttinge, 

(1) [Probably the Historie of the Reign of King Charles, by H. L. (Hammond 
L'Estrange.) Lend. 1656.] 

* Spang, Historia Motuum, pag. 375. 

t Declaration, p. 4. [His Majesties Declaration, concerning His Proceedings with His 
Subjects of Scotland, since the Pacification in the Camp neere Berwick. London, Printed 
by R. Young, His Majesties Printer for Scotland, and R. Badger, Printer to the Prince His 
Highnesse. M.DC.XL.] 


which they presented acordingly, having brought them along with them in 
paper : The summe whereof was,(') 

First, That the King would cause ratifie the late Assembly of Glasgow, 
in the parliament which is indicted to sitte downe the twenty-third of July 

Second, That ther might be, in aU tymes comming, triennial parliaments 
and yearly Generall Assemblyes of the churche ; the one for determining 
all matters civiU, the other for matters ecclesiasticall. 

Third, That he would recall his fleete from the Fyrthe ; that persons, 
shipps, and goods arrested, be restored ; losses sustained, by stopping of 
trade, repared ; and they securd heerafter from violence and invasione. 

Fourth, That all excommunicate persones, incendiars, and- informers 
against the kyngdome, who have, for ther private endes, raised these com- 
motions, may be returned, to suffer ther deserved punishment. 

Fifth, That the proclamationes and manifestoes sent abroade by suche, 
under his Majestyes name, to the Kings dishonour, and defamation of 
the kyngdome, may be suppressed. 

Thes wer ther desyres shortlye, for which they gave reasones in ane 
other paper, June thirteenth, Wednysdaye :(2) First, Because the civill power 
keepes both tables, and churche constitutions cannot be weall observed 
without civill sanctione. Second, Because Glasgow Assembly was in- 
dicted by the King, and laufully constitute acording to actes of praecedent 
Assemblyes. Third, Its actes are grounded upon actes of former Assem- 
blyes. Second, That a parliament be no longer delayed, is necessarye for 
peace of the kyngdome. Third, The only way to preserve lawes and relli- 
gione, is to determine thinges of different natures in ther proper judica- 
toryes. Fourth, Triennial parliaments, they said, wer necessair, because of 
his Majestys absence in ane other kyngdome, wherby his subjects their 
greivaunces could not alwayes be hearde. Fifth, Wheras it is affirmed that 
they intende to encroatche upon the Kings praerogative, and to invade Eng- 
land, they declare that they never meaned the lycke ; and therfor desyre 
that such as have spredd abroade such calumneyes against them may be 

(1) [" The humble Desires of his Majesty's Subjects of Scotland," are printed at length 
in Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., pp. 940, 941 ; Nalson's Impart. Collect., vol. i., 
pp. 234, 235 ; Records of the Kirk, p. 227.] 

(2) [See Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., pp. 942, 943 ; Nalson's Impart. Collect., 
vol. i., pp. 236, 237 ; Records of the Kirk, pp. 227, 228.] 

Ch. lxiii.] history of scots affairs. 13 

punished. All thes thinges they conceived would be a meanes to a blessed A. D. 1639. 
pacificatione ; other meanes for that ende they remitte to the Kinge his 
wisdome and consideratione. Thes reasones of ther desyres the King de- 
syred them to give ; but, being unwilling to surpryse them, he gave them 
tyme to goe and advyse them, and ansuer them distinctly, which they did, 
to the pourpose above mentioned, at ther returne to the Kings camp, June 
thirteenth. At ther returne the second tyme, the King desyred them to draw 
ther desyres into few wordes, and sett them downe under ther handes, which 
the Lord Lowdon did in the following wordes :(') 

" Memorandum, That our desires are onely the enjoying of our Reli- 
gion and Liberties according to the Ecclesiasticall and Civill Lawes of 
His Majesties Kingdome ; To cleare by sufficient Grownds, that the 
particulars which we humbly crave, are suche, and shall not insist to crave 
any point which is not so warranted ; And that we humbly offer all civill 
and temporall o"bedience to Your Majesty, which can be required or ex- 
pected of ley all subjects. 

" (Signed) Lowdon." 

To this the King answered as generallye,(2) That, if ther desyres wer only 
the enjoying of ther relligione and libertyes, acording to the ecclesiasticall 
and civill lawes of the kyngdome of Scottlande, he wold not onlye agree to 
the same, but should alwayes protect them to the outermost of his power : 
And if they shall not insiste upon any thing but that which is so warranted, 
he would most willingly and readily condiscende unto it, so that, in the 
meane time, they pay unto him that civill and temporall obedience which 
can be justly reqwyred and expected of loyall subjectes. 

Befor the King gave them ther ansuer, three qwereesO wer proposed 
by the King to the Scottish commissioners, which wer : 

First, Whither they acknowledged the Kings majestye to have the sole 
indictione of Assemblyes ? 

Second, Whither his Majestye hath a negative voice in Assemblyes ? 

Third, Whither his Majesty hath the power of raising Assemblyes? 

To thes qwerees they made a present ansuer by worde, and prepared one 
in wrytte, which was not called for. 

(1) [His Majesties Declaration, 1640, p. 3.] (2) [/Jerf.] 

(3) [These Queries, together with the Covenanters' Answers, are printed in the Histo- 
ria Motuum, pp. 377 — 379 ; in the Records of the Kirk, p. 228 ; and in Stevenson's 
Hist, of Ch. of Scot., vol. ii., pp. 739—741.] 



A. D. 1639. The sumirie of ther ansuer came to this, That it was proper to the 
Generall Assemblyes for to ansuer that questione : They confesse that it was 
in the Kings power to indicte Generall Assemblyes ; but that, in cases of 
extreme necessitye, the churche had power to conveen of herselfe. This 
they proved, First, From Chrystes promise to asiste the Churche ; Second, 
From the practise of the Churche of Scottlande, and her judgement rati- 
fyd in parliaments, specially in that of 1592, which tackes away the Kings 
negative voice in Assemblyes, because his praerogative is declared to be no 
waye praejudiciall to the preveleidges and libertyes which God has graunted 
to spiritwall office bearers of the churche ; and if Kings had negatives in 
Assemblyes, then the whole frame of relligione wold depende upon a King 
his pleasure, who might chaunge relligione contrare to all lawes, etc. But 
whither their verball answer wer the same with ther wryttne answer, which 
afterward they caused printe, must lye upon their oune credite who have 
related it. The King, in his declaratione, tackes no notice of thes qwerees, 
for it was not proper time to dispute ; his army being but in ane ill con- 
ditione, many of them sikning and ill provyded of entertanement, and such 
of the English nobilitye as wer with him rather enclynd to be mediators 
betuixt him and the Scottish, then for to fight with the Scottishe, who wer 
stronger of foote then the Kinge, ther army in better conditione then the 
Kings, in better healthe, and better provyded of all thinges necessaire. 
Besyde this, the Scottish wer mor animated and couragiouse, none being 
ther but sworne Covenanters, whom ther ministers in the armye, by ther 
dayly sermons, made beleeve that they wer fighting against no lesse then 
poperye, and slaverye, and the Kings tyranny, and ane arbitrary governe- 
ment ; whilst upon the other pairt, the King had little or no assuraince of 
the most of his soldiours, men levyd for money, living upon payment, and 
most of them unconcerned in the Kings qwarrell ; for the Kinges army wer 
not raised by any parliaraentarye authoritye, or maintaned by ther subsidye, 
who, longe ere now, wer farr from contributinge any thinge for the Kings 
asistance, evne against forraigne enemyes, lett bee against the Scottish, to 
whom the Commons of England wished all happinesse and good successe ; 
all which inconveniences wer not unknowne to the Kinge. 
King's dis. LXIV. Much troubled was the King in thes extremes, which assailed 

tress. Third him on evrye hande : He saw not how to carry his poynte if he engadged, 
BishopTf' °°^ ®^^ ^^ ^°^ ^° macke ane honorabill retreate, being alreadye so farr 
Ross. engadged. The Scottish knew what difficultyes he was in, and though they 

Ch. lxv.] history of scots affairs. 15 

gave him faire outward complements, yet they wer verye peremptorye in ther A. D. 1639. 

The third tyme that they returned to the Kings campe, they founde him 
muche troubled and angrye ; nor could they settle in any terms at that tyme, 
but returned backe as they came. This the Covenanters imputedO to the 
bishopp of Rosse, who was present with the Kinge, as sundrye others of 
the bishopps, and ministers, and nobilitye, and gentrye wer, who had iledd 
out of Scottlande, some of them abyding in Bervicke, some in Holy Islande, 
neer by, and others in the Kinges campe, and most of them a burthen to 
the Kinge, who was forced to give mantenance to thes of the meaner sorte, 
who wer drivne from ther stationes and livings. 

The Covenanters wer not ignorant that the Kings inflexibilitye flowed 
not from ill councellers, as froin time to time they gave it out ; for all knew 
him, and they saw him to be bothe wyse, solide, and rationall. But by 
qwarelling with such as wer about him, thus did they declyne challendging 
the King himselfe, whom otherwayes they behoved to have accused. Thus 
were ther wordes and actiones, one thing in the outwarde shew, and another 
in the inwarde, and for the substaunce therof. 

LXV. Thes things being told to the Covenanters by ther commis- Covenanters 

sioners, they beganne to conster the Kinges delayes diverslye : Some P"t different 

thought that the treaty was pourposly drawne out to a lenthe, till mor ^^ ^^^ King-s 

forces should be fetched over from Irelaunde : Others thought that the delays; press 

King did intende for to sterve them, macking them lye still till ther pro- gjo,""^ Kino-'? 

visiones wer spent. Nor was it the least cause of ther impatience that declaration" 

Abovnd, at this very tyme, had a considerable following:, and they, as yet, §"5* "° ^^*'' j' 
•' / . •■ ' o ' ^ ■''•'' taction ; words 

uncertaine of the event ; for they knew very weall that if Aboyne should altered in it ; 

worst Montrosse and Marishall, wherof ther was great probabiHtve, that '^'ei'bal promi- 

* ses which are 

Scottland wold breacke loose behynde them, and that Aboyne his numbers afterwards de- 
would encrease daylye ; and then, if the King should fight them with such "'<^d by the 
a disadvauntage upon ther syde, ther souldiours, of whom not a few wer Eno-land. Ar- 
forced out, and complyd with ther successe, might beginne to waver, to the tides agreed 
great discouragement of the rest ; so that, if they wer beatne, they could cov'ena^nters 
hardly recrute againe : Nor did the very pryme heades and leaders of ther referring to 
armye fully trust one another, which, not long afterward, appeared to have ^^J°^^ V^°' 
been not without some reasone. By all this, it is manifest that the Cove- 

(1)) [See Baillie's Letters, vol. i., p. 217 ; Historia Motuum, p. 380.] 


A. D. 1639. nanters wanted not ther owne feares, wherby they had as greate desyre and 
reasone to close the treaty as the King had ; and this may be supposed to 
have been a pairt of the cause that the treatye, in many poyntes therof, 
was willfully hudled upp upon both sydes, in such generall termes, as both 
the King and the Covenanters consterd cache to the advauntage of ther 
owne cause. 

Yet the Covenanters wysly dissembled all this, and withall did give ex- 
presse warrant to ther commissioners to presse a quicke closure of the be- 
gunne treatye, and to shew that they might no longer be postponed with 
delayes, that except the treatye went on they wold remove ther qwarters, 
and pitche ther campe within muskett shotte of the Kinges campe.C) Ther- 
for, the treatye is againe recommenced, and after much agitatione, and many 
consultationes, the Kings declaration, twoching the intended pacificatione, 
was reade to the Covenanters ther commissioners ; who, upon ther dis- 
lycke and exceptiones tackne both at matter and expressiones as contrary to 
the myndes of such as sent them, and praejudiciall to ther cause, they did 
humbly remonstrate that the declaratione, as it was conceeved, could not 
give satisfactione to thoise from whom they wer sente ; wherupon the King 
was gratiously pleased to command some wordes to be deleated, and other 
wordes to be chainged, and, as themselves affirmed afterwardes in ther 
print declaratione,* many pairtes therof wer, by verball promises and in- 
terpretationes from his Majestyes owne mouth, mitigated, which they saye, 
■ in ther estimatione, wer aeqwall to all that was wryttne ; some of the coun- 
cellors of Englande assuring ther commissioners that what was spokne and 
promisd befor men of honour, and in the face of two armyes, was no lesse 
certaine, and wold (no doubt) be as really performed, as if it had beene 
wryttne in capitall letters : all which they say ther commissioners observed, 
remembered, and related at the delyvery of the Kings declaratione to them, 
and without which they say they wold never have condiscended to, and con- 
sented to the articles of the declaratione, mor then they would have, against 
the light of ther myndes and consciences, sinned against God, and condemn- 
ed ther owne deede. But heer was all the miserye (as afterward shall be 
told), that all of the councell of England deneyd that they ever heard of 
such a commentair upon the Kings declaratione ; and the King and they, 

(1) [Historia Motuum, p. 380; Baillie's Letters, vol. i., p. 218.] 
• Covenanters Ansuer to the Declaration, 1640, pag. 16. 

Ch. LXV.] 



by a joint acte of councell, afterwarde caused ther commentaire upon the 
treatye to be burnt by the hand of the hangman at Londone, after the 
Kings returne thither. 

The Kings declaratione I have sett downe verbatim, because ther was 
so much adoe made about it afterwardes, and it is as followeth :* 

" We having considdered the papers and humble petitions presented to 
us by thoise of our subjectes of Scottlande who wer admitted to attende 
our pleasure in the canipe, and after a full hearing by ourself of all that they 
could saye or alledge theerupon, having communicated the same to our 
councell of both kyngdomes ther present, upon mature deliberatione, with 
ther unanimouse advyse, we have thought fitt to give this just and gratiouse 
answer ; That though we cannot condiscende to ratifie and approve the actes 
of the pretended Generall Assembly at Glasgowe, for many grave and 
weightye considerationes which have happned both befor and since, much 
importing the honour and securitye of that trwe monarchicall governement 
lineally descended upon us from so many of our ancestors ; yet such is our 
gratiouse pleasoure that, notwithstanding the many disorders committed of 
late, we are pleased not only to confirme and macke goode whatsoever our 
commissioner hath graunted and promisd in our name ; but also we are 
furder gratiously pleased to declare and assure, that, acording to the peti- 
tioners humble desyres, all matters ecclesiasticall shall be determined by the 
Assemblyes of the kirke, and matters civill by the Parliament, and other 
inferiour judicatoryes established by lawe ; which Assembly, accordingly, 
shall be kept once a yeare, or as shall be agreed upon at the GeneraO 

" And for settling the generall distractions of that our anciente kyng- 
dome, our will and pleasure is, that a free Generall Assemblye be kept at 
Edinburgh, the sixth daye of August next enswinge, wher we intende ( God 
willing) to be personally present ; and for the legall indictione wherof we 
have givne order and comraande to our councell, and therafter a Parliament 
to be holdne at Edinburgh the twentyth daye of August next enswinge, for 
ratifying of what shall be concluded in the saide Assemblye, and settling 

• See the Kings Declaration, 1640, p. 7, et seqq. [Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol, 
iii., pp. 944, 945 ; Nalson's Impart. Collect., vol. i., pp. 237, 238; Historia Motuum, pp. 
380, 382 ; Spalding-, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 157, 158 ; Balfour's Annales, vol. ii., pp. 
329, 333 ; Burnet's Memoires of the Hamiltons, pi». Ill, 142 ; Records of the Kirk, pp. 
228, 229 ; where also the " Articles agreed on," referred to in the succeeding chapter, wil 
be found.] 


such other thinges as may conduce to the peace and goode of our native 
kyngdome, and therm an acte of oblivione to be passed. 

" And wheras we are furder desyred, that our shipps and forces by land 
be recalled, and all persons, goods, and shipps restored, and they made safe 
from invasione, we are gratiously pleased to declare. That upon ther disarm- 
ing, and disbanding of ther forces, dissolving and discharging all ther pre- 
tended Tables and conventicles, and restoring unto us all our castells, fortes, 
and ammunitione of all sortes, as lyckways our royall honours, and to evry 
one of our good subjectes ther libertys, lands, houses, goods, and meanes, 
whatsoever tackne and detained from them since the late pretended Gene- 
rail Assemblye, we will presently therafter recall our fleete, and reteere 
our launde forces, and cause restitutione to be made to all persones of ther 
shippes and goods detained and arrested since the aforsaide tyme ; wherby 
it may appeare, that our intentione of tacking upp of armes, was no way for 
invading of our native kyngdome, or to innovate the relligione and lawes, 
but meerly for the mantaining and vindicating of our royall authoritye. 

" And since that heerby it doeth clearly appeare, that we nether have, nor 
doe intende any alteratione in relligione or lawes, but that both shall be 
mantained by us in ther full integritye, we expect the performance of that 
humble and dutifull obedience which becommeth loyall and dutiful! subjectes, 
and as in ther severall petitions they have oftne professed. And as we 
have just reason to beleeve that to our peacable and weall affected sub- 
jectes this will be satisfactorye, so we tacke God and the world to witfnesse, 
that whatsoever calamityes shall enswe by our necessitated suppressing of 
the insolencyes of such as shall continow in ther disobedient courses, is not 
occasiond by us, but by ther owne procurement." 

It is affirmed by some* who have wryttne the historye (whither in so say- 
ing they have tackne it upp upon the credite of the Covenanters, who 
printed it in the yearef 1640, in ther declaratione, I cannot tell), that the 
King declared verbally. That albeit some expressiones of his subjectes in 
Scottland seemed hard, yet his Majestye declared that he had no such 
opinione of them, but reqwyred the paper to stande for his credite, and for 
a poynt of honour with forraigne nationes, and reqwyred that they should 

• Salmonet, lib. 2, pag. 162. [p. 49, edit. Lond. 1733.] 

f A True Representatione of the Proceedings of the Kyngdome of Scottland since the 
late Pacificatione, by the Estates of the Kingdome, 1640, pag. 16; et Spang, Historia 
Motuum, pag. 384. [Records of the Kirk, p. 230.] 

Ch. lxvi.] history of scots affairs. 19 

not stand with him for wordes and expressiones, so they obtained the A. D. 1639. 

Whither this was true or not that the King had any such declarations, 
I cannot determine : This farr I am sure, that this short declaration was dis- 
claimed and burnt with the rest, and I am as sure that, in the Ansuer to the 
Kinges declaratione, anno 1640, the Covenanters stande to all thes articles 
that wer burnt by the hand of the hangman at Londone. 

LXVI. The articles of pacificatione, agreed upon on the Covenanters The King's 
pairt, wer thes foUowinge : ^tf ^f^*]"" 

First, The forces of Scottlande to be disbanded and dissolved within the articles of 

fourtv eiffht howres after the publicatione of the Kings declaratione beinge the treatie 

■', " ^ ^ ^ subscribed by 

agreed upon. the Covenant- 

Second, The Kings castells, fortes, ammunitiones of all sortes, and ers. The 
royall honours, to be delyvered after the saide publicatione, so soone as the n^^tion en"*^ ^' 
King shall send to receave them. countered with 

Third, The Kings shippes to departe presently after the delyverye of j'^PthTscottish 
the castells, with the first faire wynde, and, in the mean tyme, no interrup- camp. 
tione of trade or fishing. 

Fourth, The King is gratiously pleased to cause to be restored all per- 
sons, goods, and shipps, detaind and arrested since the first of November 
last past. 

Fifth, No meetings, treatings, consultationes, or convocationes of any of 
the Kings leidges, but such as wer warranted by Acte of Parliament. 

Sixth, All fortificationes to desiste, and no furder working therin, and 
they to be remitted to the Kings pleasure. 

Seventh, To restore to evrye one of the Kings good subjectes ther liber- 
tyes, laundes, houses, goodes, and meanes whatsomever, tackne or detained 
from them by whatsoever meanes since the aforsaide tyme. 

The Covenanters commissioners brought the forsaide declaratione and 
articles to the Scottish campe, and ther conveening ther committee, it was 
enqwyred if thes articles wer agreable to them all or not? Sundry e expres- 
siones therof wer qwarelled with ; but the commissioners ansuered that they 
had found a middse for that ; for they said that they forsaw that all thes 
expressions would be displeasing, and that therfor they had supplicated 
the King that he would sweetne his expressions, and explain other things 
more clearly, wherby all doubtes and suspitiones might be removed out of 
his subjectes myndes : They said that whatever the King had answered by 



1639. worde at that tyme, they had tackne a not of it in wrytte, by common con- 
sent, and recalling to ther memoryes and collationing amongst themselves 
all his wordes : Furder, they said they would delyver the just double of 
that wryting to such of the English nobilitye as had been instrumentall in 
the pacificatione (specially to Pembrocke), that in caise afterward any ques- 
tione should aryse concerning the generalitye or ambiguitye of any phrase 
or worde in the Kings declaratione, it might be cleared acording to what 
was sett downe in that paper which contained all the private transactione 
which was agreed upon in presence of the English noblemen. 

This was confidently affirmed by themselves afterwarde in ther declara- 
tiones, and the articles, they say, wer as foUowes : Thejirst I have already 
set downe.O 

Second, As for calling the late Assembly pretended, seing the subjects of 
Scottlande professe they would never passe from the saide Assemblye and 
decrees therof, his Majesty professed, as he did not acknowledge that As- 
semblye furder then as it had registred his declaratione, so wold he not de- 
syre the subjects to passe from the samen. 

Third, Concerning the constitutione of the Assemblye, it was showne to 
his Majesty that none could be members of the Assembly but such as had 
a comissione, viz. two or three elders from every presbytrye, with a rulinge 
elder, one from each brugh and universitye, and his Majestyes comissioner. 
His Majesty contended that his assessors had vote ; and, upon ane ex- 
pression in his Majestyes declaratione that referred to some reasones con- 
tained in former proclamations, which wer totally against the laufullnesse 
of ruling elders, it was desyred that, acording to the custome of this kirke, 
all controversyes arysing should be remitted to the Assembly itselfe. His 
Majestye had some expressions, craving these to be remitted to himselfe ; 
but being told that it was against the constitutione of the kirke to have 
any other judge but the voyces of the Assemblye, wher his Majestic or 
comissioner should be presente, and give the first voyce, it was concluded 
that the worde free Assemblye in his Majestyes declaratione did importe the 
freedome in judging all questiones arysing ther, concerning constitutione, 
members, or matter. 

Fourth, Concerning the restitutione of the castells, as the subjects did it 
freelye, so did they expresse that what might concerne the safety of the 

(1) [See above, p. 18 parag. ult.\ 

Ch. lxvi.] history of scots affairs. 21 

countreye, they referred to the tyme of the parliament, at whiche tyme they A. D. 1639. 
should signifie ther desyres, by petitione, to his Majestye ; as also, they told 
it had cost much charges in fortifying and keepinge therof, the rejn-esen- 
tatione wherof to his Majestye they referred to that tyme. 

Fifth, Concerning the restitutione of persones, goods, and houses, re- 
qwyred by his Majestye, it was promised ; provyding the great summes 
contracted for the publicke wer repayed in ane aeqwall waye by all, 
which behoved to be done, either by comissione from his Majestye, or by 
parliament. And when it was objected that much goodes wer already 
spent, the King answered, that as for goods and ammunitione that was 
spent, they could not be restored, but thes that are extant must be 

Sixth, His Majestyes not allowing of the late Assemblye, for the 
reasons contained in his severall proclamations, being excepted against, as 
a declaratione of his judgement against ruling elders, which praejudicateth 
the right constitutione of a free Assemblye, his Majesty, after full hearing, 
delated that clause. 

Seventh, That pairt of his Majestyes declaratione that beares that no 
other oathe be exacted of intrants then that which is contained in the actes 
of parliament, as also that clause bearing that the pretended bishopps shall 
be censurable by the Generall Assembly, being excepted against, as prae- 
supponing and importing the continwance of episcopacye, which we could 
not acknowledge, as being incompatible with the Confessione of Faithe 
and constitutions of the kirke, his Majestye was pleased to delate both 
thes clai'ses. 

Eighth, And it being with all instancye and humilitye prest, Saturdaye, 
June fifteenth, that his Majestye wold satisfee the maine desire of his sub- 
jectes by declaring that his Majestye wold qwyte episcopacye, he did answer 
that it was not sought in our desyres : And when it was replyed that our 
first desyre to have the actes of the Generall Assembly ratifyd, imported the 
same, his Majestye acknouledged it to be so, and averred that he did not 
refoose it, but wold advyse till Munday the seventeenth : At which time, his 
Majesty being prest to give some significatione of his qwyting episcopacye, 
and it being plainly shewed to his Majestye that if he wold labour to man- 
taine episcopacye it wold be a miserable shisme in this kirke, and macke 
such a rupture and divisione in this kyngdome as wold prove incurable ; 
and if his Majestye wold lett the kirke and countrey be freed of them, his 


Majesty wold receave as heartye and dutifiill obedience as ever prince 
receaved of a people : His Majesty answered, That he could not prelimite 
and forstall his voice, but that he had appoynted a free Assemblye, which 
might judge of all ecclesiasticke matters, the constitutions wherof he pro- 
misd to ratifie in the ensuing parliament. (') 

However this paper was afterward printed, yet at this tyme it was 
not seen in publicke, nor subscrybed. Only, for the present, the King, 
as has been told, published his declaratione ; and the articles of the treatye 
wer subscribed by the Covenanter noblemen, at ther campe, together 
with ane other short paper, containing a submissione to the King, as fol- 
loweth :(2) 

In the Campe, June 18, 16.39. 

In obedience to his Majestyes royall commandes, we shall, upon Thurs- 
day next, the twentieth of this June, dismisse our forces, and immediatly 
therafter delyver his Majestyes castells, etc., and shall ever, in all thinges, 
carrye ourselves lycke humble, loyall, and obedient subjectes. 

(Signed) Rothesse, Dumferlemlyn, Lowdon, Dowglasse, 
Al. Hendersone, Ar. Johnstone. 

The Kings declaratione was proclaimed in the Scottish campe, June 
twentieth, by Sir James Balfour, Lyon Heralde King of Armes for Scott- 
lande, in the presence of the Earle of Mortoune, and of Sir Edmund 
Verney and Sir John Burrough ; thoise three having been commissionate 
by the King to see the same performed.^ 

No sooner was the Kings proclamatione pubhshed in the Scottishe campe, 
but it was encountered with a protestatione, which had been prepared 
pourposlye some dayes before; which declared :(■*) 

Least ther should be any mistacking of the Kings declaratione, or of the 
acceptaunce thereof, etc., therefor the generalle, noblemen, barons, and 
burgesses, and ministers, and officers of the armye, conveening befor the 
disbanding of the armye, doe hold it necessaire to sett downe in wrytting 
that which has been related to us by our comissioners, viz. That the King 

(1) [Sanderson's Hist, of Charles I., pp. 267—269 ; Records of the Kirk, p. 230 ; His- 
toria Motuum, pp. 384 — 386 ; Stevenson's Hist, of Ch. of Scot., vol. ii., pp. 745, 746.] 

(2) [His Majesties Declaration, 1640, p. 12; Spalding, Hist, of Troiib., vol. i., 
p. 159.] 

(3) [See Balfour's Annales, vol. ii., p. 329.] 

(4) [It is printed in the Records of the Kirk, p. 229 ; in the Historia Motuum, pp. 387. 
388 ; and in Stevenson's Hist, of Ch. of Scot., vol. ii., pp. 749, 750.] 

Ch. lxvi.] history of scots affairs. 23 

has signifyd to them, that albeit he cannot ratifie nor owne the late Assam- A. D. 1639. 
bly at Glasgow, whence it is called a praetended synode in his declaratioue, 
yet he does not meane that his subjects, by acqwiesing in that declaration, to 
be for to macke them abjure it, or that they should condemne all ther owne 
former actings, as rebelliouse, unlaufuU, arrogante, etc.: Therfor, as they are 
desyrouse that all loyall subjectes may acknowledge his Majestyes gratiouse 
concessione in indicting a free Assembly, August sixth, and a Parliament, 
August twentye, for the ratifying the actes of the said Assemblye, so lycke- 
wayes they declare, that by no raeanes doe they renounce the former As- 
semblye, they doe esteeme themselves bounde to mantaine and obey its 
decrees ; and that all misconstructions may be obviated, be it knowne to 
all who shall come to know of the Kings declaratione. And as the King 
has oftne declared to our comissioners that this is his meaning, so we are 
persuaded that by this meanes his honour and ane happie peace will be only 
best advaunced : Therfor, they macke ther humble petitions unto God, and 
desyre all for to call to mynde ther late solemne covenant with God, that 
they may walke worthy therof, and be founde adhering therunto. 

To this protestatione was subjoyned ane other, as followeth :* And seing 
the sessione is now appoynted to sitt downe, which tendeth to the praejudice 
of his Majestyes subjectes who lately have beene so bussyd in ther prepara^ 
tiones for the defence of ther relligione and countreye, that they are now 
necessairly reteered to ther owne dwellings for settling of ther private af- 
faires, and that they cannot be tymously advertished to attende any law 
bussinesse without greater praejudice then benefitte, and that the best pairt 
of the leidges have so securd ther evidents that the samen cannot be 
in readinesse in this shorte tyme of sessione ; Therfor, and in respect the 
downe sittinge of the sessione now cannot be otherwayes intimated to them 
but upon forty dayes, wheras ther are only twenty dayes to runne after the 
appoynted day of this meetinge. We protest that all members of the Col- 
ledge of Justice, and all his Majestyes leidges are, in bona fide, not to at- 
tend this sessione ; but that all actes, sentences, decreets, and interloqwtors 
to be givne and pronounced against them (if any shall bee), ar in them 
selfes nulle, voyde, and ineffectwall, such lycke as if the samen had never 

* True Representation, pag. 40. Nota, This protestation against the Session was not 
read till July first, at the crosse of Edinburgh. See it afterwardes. [It will be found in 
the Records of the Kirk, pp. 231, 232.] 


A. D. 1(339. been givne nor pronounced ; and protest for remede of law against the 

samen and evrye one of them. 
Covenanters LXVII. After the publishing of the proclamatione in the Scottish campe, 
return thanks ^\^q Earle of Cassils was delegate by the Covenanters for to render to the 
concessionsf King p\iblicke thankes for his concessions so gratiously to his subjectes ; 
who tould the King that he hoped that ere longe the King wold conceive a 
better opinione of his subjectes, and of the Assembly of Glasgow, then that 
which he had specifyd in his declaratione : Also, the Earle declared that the 
Covenanters adheared to that Assembly and to ther Covenant ; which was 
the very substance of ther protestatione, intimated to the King as a com- 
plement by Cassills.(') 

When Lyon had ended the reading of the Kings proclamatione, and the 
protestatione was lyckwayes readde, they profered a copye therof to him ; 
and when the Kings declaratione was anewe proclaimed at the crosse of 
Edinburgh, the Lord Lindseye caused one for to reade the saide protesta- 
tione anew in name of the rest of the Covenanters. (-) 
Scottish army LXVIIL Acording to the agreement, the Scottish army beganne to dis- 

begins to dis- |j^j,(jg June twentieth, and to marche homewarde, to the great satisfactione 

banu. King ' _ ' _ _ _ . 

changes his of the most pairt of the Englishes, nobility, and souldiours, who wer about the 

(T'lir^th Kinge: For at that tyme they neither had stomache for warre, and, 

Assembly in generally, they had a better conceipt of the Scottish, and secretly bore them 

person, on ac- ^ood will in a farr greater measure then they did in the yeares following ; 

count 01 the ° lo-i i t ii-ii-i . 

attack upon ^or as yet the Scottish sought no expence from the Englishes : that pro- 

Aboyne's positione was reserved till afterwards. 

streets of ^^ ^^^ ^^^ desyre of some, and the King sayes* it was his intentione to 

Edinburgh : have come to the Generall Assembly at Edinburgh, but he laid by that re- 
secon reason, golutione for severall causes : One wherof was, that the Lord Viscount of 
Aboynde having, after the pacificatione, in his journey to Bervicke, come 
to Edinburgh, the people hearing therof sett upon a caroch wher they wer 
informed that Aboynde and the bishopp of Edinburgh wer ; the unruly 
multitude beganne to presse hard upon the coatche, but they founde them- 
selves quickly in a mistacke, by the discoverye of the high thesaurer, the 
Earle of Kinnoulle, the justice generall. Sir James Hamiltoune, councel- 

(0 [Historia Motuum, pp. 388, 389.] 

(2) [Balfour's Annales, vol. ii., pp. 332, 333.] 

* Lesser Declaratione, pag, 9. 

Ch. lxix.] history of scots affairs. 25 

lers of the kyngdome, wherupon the tumult ceased. But the King hearing A. D. 1639. 

of this hubbubb, thought it not fitt to entrust his persone amongst such who 

wer not yett qwelld of ther late tumultuary feavers, howbeit that much 
paines was tackne to extenuate the matter to the Kinge. 

A second reasone of his not going to Edinburgh at that tyme, the King 
aflBrmes to have been the Covenanters ther refusall for to permitte fourteen 
lords and others of ther number whom the King sent for to come to him to 
Bervicke, for to goe to him to speacke with him. This disobedience the 
King consterd as a distrust of him upon ther pairt ; and, therfor, concluded 
that it could not be thought reasonable that he should trust his persone with 
thes who distrusted him after so many arguments and assuraunces of his 
goodnesse towards them. 

The Covenanters, in ther booke called the Trwe Representatione, cast 

the blame pairtly upon the Kings evill counceUers ther disswasione, who did 

feare that such a journey should begett a better understandinge betuixt him 

and the Scottish. But ther second reasone is mor lycke, for ther, most in- 

genowsly, they tell us " when men simulat and macke a shew for to doe 

that of a free mynde which indeed necessitye constraineth them to doe for 

a tyme, there can be no firme peace expected :" so they tacke it for graunted N. B. 

that they forced some bodye to macke peace. 

LXIX. The Kings calling for fourteen noblemen of ther number begotte The King 

a great trepidatione amongst them, and they supposd it smelld ranke of a '^'''"^ '"'" ^°"^' 

,° , , . 1 1, 1 mi 1 1 • , , '^f^i noblemen 

plott to seize upon them all together. 1 hey thought it very straunge that the of Scotland to 

pacificatione having been transacted by a farr fewer number, that wher ther '^°™^ '" ^^'■- 
was lesse to doe as they did suppose, that the King should call for a greater and two sent ' 
number : Therfor they resolve for to sende two of ther number for to excuse '» make their 
the not coming of the rest, who did present the King with ane excuse why renewi'necom- 
the rest came not, which was drawne upp in a paper : The short summe plaints. Hunt- 
wherof was,* That neither the King hi mself nor his father, since he went /o'eTto^the' 
to England, had ever done the lycke, when ther was no feare nor jealousye : King. Cove- 
That his verball expressions of his being satisfeed with them (which they had "f"''^''^ 
diligently noted) wer now for the most pairt deney ed by the King, which quaire ap- 
did breed jealousye in ther heartes. Second, That it was none of the P™".'^^ com- 
articles of the peace that fourteen of ther number should come to Bervicke ; Assembly and 


King chal- 
* See True 'Repveionta.t'ion, pag. 21, et seqq. [This paper will be found at length in Spald- lenges the 
ing's Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 163, 104; and in Balfour's Annales, vol. ii., pp. 341 — 344.] Covenanters 



[B. IV 

A. D. 1639. 

for not per- 
forming arti- 
cles. Cove- 
nanters' pro- 
testation at 
the indiction 
of the Gene- 
ral Assembly. 
Two answers 
to the King's 

July 18. 

that if it had been proposed it woulde not have been graunted. Third, That 
ther enemyes wer countenanced, and ther actings called the Kings sei'vice ; 
and, upon the contrare, whole volumes wryttne against them, and particu- 
larly against thes who are called for : That ther wer heard threatnings of 
exemplar punishment against some of ther number ; that the northerne 
troubles wer not yet ceased ; that Bervicke was garisond, and other places 
upon the borders ; that the Castell of Edinburgh was fortifyd mor then 
ordinar; that ther freends in Ireland and England wer stopped of ther 
trade ; some made prisoners for refoosing to sweare ane oath contrare to 
the Covenant (the oath of alledgance they meand), a thing contrare to the 
law of nationes. Finalli/, That whatever is comitted contrare to the articles 
of the pacificatione, they doe interpret as proceeding fi-om wicked instru- 
ments about the King, who wer enemyes to ther peace, etc. 

However, acording to the capitulatione, the Kings casteUs and the am- 
munitione wer restord to the King, and Huntly released from his imprisone- 
ment, who came straight waye to Bervicke, wher the Kinge as yet laye, 
tacking course for fortifying of Edinburgh castell, and for to garrisone 
Bervicke and Carlisle. Thus ther jealousyes wer growing ; the King 
shewng his averssnesse from coming to Scottland both for the reasones 
above expressed, as also because bothe the Queene and councell of Eng- 
lande had wryttne to him to come backe unto London with expeditione, be- 
cause sundrye emergencyes of no small consequence reqwyred his presence 
ther : Upon the other pairte, the Covenanters wer jealouse of him, as may 
be seen in ther excuse for not coming to Berwicke. 

Yet befor he went awaye, he appoynted John Steward, Earle of Tra- 
qwaire, lord thesaurer, for to be comissioner to preseede both at the 
enswing Assembly and Parliament ; nor was his haist such but, as they did 
remonstrate that which they thought unagreable unto the pacificatione, so 
the Kinge, upon the other syde, fell to challendge the Covenanters for not 
performing the conditiones, having gottne about a moneths breathing tyme 
for that pourpose : For ther was a paper sent from the King, of the date July 
eighteenth, to the cheife of the Covenanters, contaning the charge fol- 
lowinge :(') 

First, That some English shippes wer abused at Leethe. 
Second, That the Kings ammunitione was not all restored. 

(1) [Balfour's Annales, vol. ii., pp^ 334—336.] 

Ch. lxix.] history of scots affairs. 27 

Third, That ther forces wer not yet dismissed, and, in particular, Mun- A. D. 1639. 
roes regiment yet keeped a foote. 

Fourth, General! Leslyes comissione not yet givne upp. 

Fifth, Fortifications not so much as begunne to be demolished. 

Sixth, Ther unlaufull meetings still keeped a foot, wherby the King his 
good subjectes are dayly pressed to adhere to ther unlaufull Covenant and 
pretended Assembly at Glasgow. 

Seventh, Ther protesting against the Kings gratiouse declaratione of the 
acte of pacificatione published in the Scottish campe at Dunce. 

Eighth, Ther protestatione made publickly at the time of the indictione 
of the Assemblye.* 

Ninth, Ther protestatione made against the Kings commande for doune 
sitting of the sessione. 

Tenth, Why seditiouse ministers, who, in ther sermons, preach seditious- 
ly, are not tackne order with? 

Eleventh, Why the Kings good subjectes are detterred and threatned if 
theye shall come home to ther owne native countrey and houses ? 

Ticelfth, The Kings subjectes are reqwyred to subscrybe the actes of the 
late pretended Assemblye, or the Covenant with the additione. 

Thirteenth, Order is not tackne with the persones who have comitted 
insolencyes upon the Kings officers and other his good subjectes. 

Fourteenth, None are admitted or allowed to be chosne members of the 
enswing Assemblye except such as doe subscrybe and sweare to the ratifica- 
tione of the former Assemblye. 

Fifteenth, The Kings good subjectes, who had stucke by the King and 
by his service, wer publickly railed upon in the streets and pulpitts, by the 
name of traitors and betrayers of the countreye. 

Sixteenth, Ministers dayly deposed for not subscrybing to the ordinance 
anent the pretended Assembly and Covenant. 

Seventeenth, Why Bahnerino and his associatts did stopp the King his 
good subjectes from coming to him when they wer ready and willing to have 
obeyd the Kings desyre and his commands ? 

Eighteenth, The paper divulged, [and] if they [will] avow the samen. 

This paper was sent to the Covenanters some weekes after the indiction 
of the Generall Assemblye, which had been proclaimed at the merkatt 

* Vide postea, [p. 28.] 


A. D. 1639. crosse of Edinburgh, July first, wher, amongst other thinges, " all and 
j^] J sundrie archbishoppes, bishoppes, comissioners of kirks, and others having 
place and voice in the Assemblye," wer commanded to be present at 
Edinburgh against the twelfth of August enswinge, ther to hold a Generall 
Assembly, etc. This clause was ill tackne by the Covenanters, who wold 
not have had archbishopps nor bishopps mentioned, since they had disclaimed 
them at Glasgow. And since it could not be graunted, therfor they fall to 
to protest, after the macking of the proclamation :0) 

First, That the Assembly of Glasgow was laufull, and to be followed in 
all its constitutions, particularlye in its deposing the bishopps, etc. ; and 
that they wold obey its constitutions. Second, That ther covenant with 
God was laufull, to which they wold adhere ; and, finally. That the excom- 
municatione of the bishopps was upon good groundes, and that the bishopps 
wer not to be holdne for members of the churche of Scottland, but to 
be looked upon as heathnes, and publicans, and incendiars, who fomented 
divisiones tuixt King and people. This was the reasoneof the Kings chal- 
lendge, article eighth. 

That very day lyckewayes, ther was a proclamatione published for doune 
sitting of the sessione, against which they lyckwayes did protest ; as you 
see, article ninth of the Kings challendge.* 

The forsaide challendge was afterwarde contracted into fewer articles, 
viz. to eleven, in the little booke, entitled " His Majestyes Declaration con- 
cerning His Proceedings with His Subjectes in Scottlande, since the Pa- 
cificatione in the Campe neer Bervicke ;" printed at London, the next 
yeare, 1640. t 

The foresaide challendge gott two ansuers ; one at the tyme that the 
paper was sent to them ;(2) the other the next yeare, when the Covenanters 
printed ther booke called " A True Representatione of the Proceedings of 
the Kyngdome of Scottland, since the late Paciticatione, by the Estates of 
the Kyngdome, against mistackings in the late Declaratione, 1640. Printed 
(at Edinburgh) in the year of God, 1640." 

To the first' they answer, That the processes ledde befor the bailiffs of 
Leethe, and depositions tackne befor Captain Feildoune, July twenty- 

(1) [Historia Motuum, p. 394; Records of the Kirk, p. 231.] 
• See it befor, [pp. 23, 24.] 

t See 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19,20, pages of that Declaratione. 

(2) [This is printed in Balfour's Annales, vol. ii., pp. 336 — 340.] 

Ch. lxix.] history of scots affairs. 29 

second, will cleare this, and witnesse that the pairtyes have contradicted A. D. 1639. 
themselves, so not to be beleeved. 

To the second they ansuer, That the canon which wer at Leethe wer de- 
lyvered already into the castell ; and the rest should bee delyvered against 
Saturday at night. Next, that the musketts wer delyvered alreadye ; and if 
the thesaurer could prove that nior wer receaved by the Covenanters, mor 
should be delyvered. As for fifty-four barell of powder, it shall be payed 
for. As for the ball, they wer safe lying wher they wer. 

To the third, They are content to disbande that regiment presently ; but 
withall, they request that the King will dismisse the garrisons of Bervicke, 
Carlisle, and the rest of the borders. 

To the fourth they answer. It is obeyed, and the generall has delyvered 
upp his patent of generallship. 

To the fifth they answer, That the toune of Edinburgh pretende that, by 
charter and preiveleidge graunted by his Majestyes predecessors, they have 
power and a right to fortifie Leethe, which must be discussed befor it be 
tackne awaye. Yet for to shw ther willingnesse to give the King content, 
the workes shall be stopped in one or two partes ; and if King and parlia- 
ment iynde that they must be castne downe, it shall be done, but at the 
Kings charges, not thers. 

To the sixth. They dency keeping of any but warrantable meetinges, 
agreable to actes of parliament ; and though they must adhere to ther most 
necessaire and laufull Covenant, yet (to ther knowledge) none has been 
urged to subscrybe it. 

To the seventh. It is deneyed that any protestatione was made against 
the Kings declaratione ; but, on the contrary, both at Dunce and Edin- 
burgh, publicke thankesgiving was givne, with a declaratione that we ad- 
here to the Assemblye. 

To the eighth, they saye. They could not passe by the citatione of the 
bishopps to the Assembly, without protestatione ; since ther silence might 
otherwayes have implyed that they acknowledged the bishopps to be mem- 
bers of the Assemblye. 

To the ninth. That they protested not against the sessione, as if either all 
or any subject had power to hinder them, or discharge them ; but only in 
respecte of the tymes, which the leidges could not attend, nor had they ther 
wryttes in readinesse to perswe or defende : Therfor they behoved for to 
protest for remedy of law, in caise any thing should be done to ther praejudice. 


To the tenth, They know no such seditiouse ministers ; and, when such 
shall be called befor the judge ordiiiare, they shall bee punished acording 
to justice. 

To the eleventh. They know non of his Majesties good subjectes debarrd 
or threatned, except excoramunicat persones be meand, who, by the lawes 
of the countrey, should be rebells, and captione used against them : such 
being authors of all thes evills, none can give assurance for ther indem- 
nitye, they being odiouse to the people. 

The twelfth is answered in the answer to the sixth. 

To the thirteenth, The thesaurer thought it not fitt that the magistratts 
of Edinburgh should goe on in the strickest way of justice in that parti- 
cular, as conceiving it praejudiciall to his Majesties service. Next, That 
they, having enqwyred after the actors, could fynde no proofes against 
any but against one Little, a barber, and the other was a wyfe at the 


To the fourteenth. They deney it simplye ; to ther knowledge, no such 

To the fifteenth, Such as have railed in pulpitts or streetes shall be made 
answerable, and lyable to law for what they have spockne, befor the judge 

To the sixteenth. It is deneyed. 

To the seventeenth, Balmerino was alreadye cleared from that imputa- 
tione ; that he was not the cause of ther stay ; and thoise that did stopp 
them did it for the reasones contained in the paper heerwith givne in. 

To the last, they answer, As they are most unwilling to fall upon any 
questione which may seem to importe the least contradictione with his Ma- 
jesty ; so if it had not been the trust which they gave to the relatione of 
ther comissioners, (who reported to them his Majesties gratiouse expres- 
sions related dayly to them at Dunce and putt in note by many of ther 
number, which wer a great deale to them mor satisfactorye then the 
wryttne declaratione,) the same wold not have been acceptable, which did call 
the Assembly praetended, our humble and loyall proceedings disorders, our 
courses disagreable to a monarchicall governement ; nor the castell of 
Edinburgh rendred (which was only tackne for the safety of the toune of 
Edinburgh), simply without assurance by wrytte of ther indemnitye, ex- 
cept for the trust we reposed in ther relatione, and confidence in his 
Majesties royall worde ; which they beleeved his Majesty did not forgett. 

Ch. lxx.] history of scots affairs. 31 

but will bring thes who did heare the treaty to a right rememberance A. D. 1639. 

therof ; which paper was only wryttne for that cause, lest either his Ma- 

jesty or his subjectes should averr that they spacke any thing without 


LXX. Thes answers wer all the satisfactione that the King gott at this Sense of the 

tyme ; so that it easily appeared that, whilst they beganne so soone to con- ^■"<=^ty'=o"t';<'- 

troverte upon the sence of the treatye, so quickly after the closure therof, returns to 

it was not lycke that it could longe abyde a firme peace and agreement. London. Pem- 

The King, therfor, leaving Traqwair behynde him as comissioner, returnes to the eouneel 

to London ; wher he was no sooner come, but the Earle of Pembrocke pro- 'l.P°'f °^ '^'\ 

duces a coppy of the forsaide paper at the councell board, tellinge that the jiromises which 

Scottish, at parting, had delyvered it to him as a memoriall of some verball ''.'^ Scots had 

conditions promisd by the King at the treatye. The paper (which I gave Councel de- 

accounte of befor) being readde, it was voted by the King, be way of in- elares them 

quest, amongst all the lordes of the councell of England, Whether or not ders'them to 

such articles wer agreed unto by him with the Scottish? and it was answered be burnt by the 

in the negative, that the contents of that paper wer false and faigued : Wher- , 

° . ' ' o hangman. 

upon ane acte of councell was published, declaring against the Scottish 
paper, and ordaining it to be publickly burnd by the hangman ; which was 
accordingly performed at Londone. The date of the acte of the English 
privy councell is August eleventh, 1639.* This acte was very unsatisfac- 
torye to the Covenanters ; who, for justiticatione of that paper, thus con- 
demned, used all the meanes they could : For when ther comissioners came 
immediatly therafter to London that winter, theye used all ther industry, 
by themselves and favouritts, to buy upp the coppys of that acte, which had 
been printed by the Kings warrant, and for to suppresse them. Lyckwayes, 
to such as knew not the particular, they made greate vse of the burning of 
that acte, to the Kings disadvauntage, for raising a new warre the yeare 
followinge ; for the pulpitts spocke it out very lowdlye that the King had 
caused burne all the articles of the paciticatione at Bervicke, by the hand of 
the hangman, after his returne to Londone ; which was beleeved by very 
manye, who, upon that accompt, looked upon the King as a truce breacker, 
and from that tyme fordwards contracted so great animositye against him, 
that they thought him not to be trusted ; whilst ther oune papers, yet extant 

* See it verbatim in Sandersons Hist, of King Charles, edit, prima, pag. 271. [Rush 
worth's Historical Collect., vol. iii., pp. 965, 966 ; Nalson's Impart. Collect., vol. i., pp. 
251, 252.] 



[B. IV. 

to the King's 

Objection 1. 

Objection '2. 

A. D. 1639. in print, doe vindicate him by confessing that they coulde alledge no furder 

of that paper, but that it contained verball promises : Yet could they prove 

thes promises and concessiones by no bodye but ther oune comissioners, 
who in that case could not be witnesses ; and ther credite so muche the mor 
questionable, that all such of the English nobilitye, at that tyme present 
with the Kinge, did disclaime ther being consciouse of such concessions. 
Covenanters' LXXI. It will not be from the pourpose to insert the Covenanters ther 
second answers second answers to the Kings objectiones, both which wer printed the next 
yeare ; wherby it will appeare that neither was the King content with ther 
first vindicatione, nor wer themselves confident that ther answers wer bas- 
table eneuche to hold twoch with the juditiouse. Therfor, wheras the King 
in his Little Manifesto, 1640, befor mentioned, objectes ther protestatione 
against his declaratione, June eighteenth, 1639, they answer, That nothing 
was done at that tyme but what was befor done at the Kings campe. 

" Secondh/e," sayes the King, " They delyvered into the handes of some 
of our English nobilitye, and spred amongst others, a scandalouse paper in- 
tituled, ' Some conditions of his Majestys treatye with his subjectes of 
Scottland befor the English nobilitye, are sett doune heer for remembe- 
raunce :' Wherin are contained such untruthes and seditiouse positions, and 
so contrary to that which was concluded in the articles of pacificatione, as 
therby it did playnly appeare, that, however they pretended a desyre of 
peace, yet they intended nothing lesse. This false and seditiouse paper 
comming to our knowledge, was after, by the advyce, and upon the humble 
petitione of our privy councell heer in Englande, and particularly, by such 
noblemen as wer pretended by them to be witnesses to the samen, ordered 
to be damned by proclamatione, and publickly burnt by the hande of the 
hangman : which was done accordinglye." 

To this they ansuer. That the paper containing some of his Majestys ex- 
pressions, in tyme of the treatye, which was putt in the handes of the Eng- 
lish and others, and which we have remembred befoi- in its oune place, hath 
suffered innocently ; for, first, it was the meane that brought aboute the 
pacificatione, and gave some satisfactione to his Majestys subjectes against 
certaine wordes and clauses of the declaratione, which, without that miti- 
gatione, they would never have been able for to disgeste. Second, It did 
beare nothing contrary to the articles of the pacificatione, but was a molly- 
fying of his Majestys declaratione, that it might be the mor readily receaved 
by his Majestys subjectes. Third, That it had been irapudencye to putte 


into the handes of the English nobilitye a paper professing that which was A. D. 1039. 
openly spockne a little bofor in ther oune hearinge, that it might be remem- 
bred afterwardes occasionalye, yet containing untruthes and seditiouse posi- 
tiones, contrare to all that was done for peace. Fourth, When ther wer 
great murmurings against the wordes of the declaratione, that then ther 
comissioners wer very carefull to remember evry lenifying sentence and 
worde which proceeded from his Majestys mouthe ; and the hearers wer no 
lesse carefull to note all, with ther pennes, which was by them related, evrye 
man acording as he was able to conceive ; and thus, at first, ther wer re- 
lationes ditferent one from another both in worde and wrytte (ane evill very 
ordinary at such tymes), till our comissioners joyning did bring all to re- 
memberaunce, that neither mor nor lesse might be wryttne then was spockne, 
and what was wryttne might be delyvered to some of the Englishes, ad futu- 
ram rei memoriam. One thing, it may bee, hath fallne forthe contrarye to 
his Majestys desyre, that the paper hath come to the knowledge of straun- 
gers : which we may averr hath not been done by us, and which was impos- 
sible for us to avoide: for our comissioners, to bring about the desyred peace, 
could not, in ther relationes, conceale his Majestys favourable expressions; 
and thois intended for our oune tranqwillitye, comming in so manye handes 
at home, have possibly been divulged, and unnecessarily carryed abroade, 
contrare to our intentiones and desyres. This, in the simplicitye of our 
heartes, we declare to be the plaine truthe of that which hath been befor 
and is now so much noysed ; and it is very lyckely that the snioacke of the 
fyre, and the hand of the hangman, have carryd it to the knowledge of 
manye who wold never have heard of it by the breathes and handes of 

The summe of all this vindicatione comes to this, That the King and Eng- 
lish nobilitye disclaimed the contents of that paper ; and the Scottish comis- 
sioners contradicte them, whom the Covenanters thinke it fitter to beleeve 
then either the King or his English councell. 

Thirdli/, The King objectes. That wheras they wer oblidged to disbande Objections, 
within forty-eight howres after his declaratione was pubHshed, yet they had 
kept still some forces in bodyes, and kept ever since in pay almost all ther 
officers (weall neer a yeare after the pacificatione, yow must suppose this 
was objected) ; wherby the King concludes they manifestly declared that they 
intended to tacke armes againe. 

To this they ansuer, as befor. That the regiments wer disbanded ; but for 


A. U. 1G39. ther officiers, they wer not kept in paye, but entertained by them till such 
tyme as they should be i-estored to ther oune, or called to some other ser- 
vice. This, say they, ought not to bee tackne for a breach or contempt, but 
for observation of the law of nature, and common aequitye, they being 
natives of Scottland, and having forsackne ther places and meanes for de- 
N. B. fence of the Covenanters and ther native countrey : finally, that thes officiers 
could expect no lesse, nor they performe lesse, although the peace had been 
firmly concluded. 

This answer I shall leave to the reader to judge of, it not being my pairt 
to macke observationes nor replyes. 
Objection 4. Fourthly, The King objectes. That neither was the ammunition all re- 
stored, nor Leeth fortification demolished. 

To this they ansuer. That all was restored except a few musketts and a 
little inconsiderable qwantitye of ponder (fifty-four barrell, I suppose, by 
ther oune confessione) remitted to compt and reockning; that a pairt of Leeth 
fortification was demolishd (which might have been repaird in the space of 
few dayes, not to saye howres) for the Kings satisfactione, and the whole 
remitted by his Majestye to the towne of Edinburgh, as having right to the 
Obiuction 5. Fijj'thj, The King objectes. That he had licenced ther meetinges only to 

July twenty-first, 1G39 ; yet that they had continowd to sitt still therin, 
consulting upon matters civill and ecclesiasticke, contrare to actes of par- 
liament, and therin troubling all who will not subscrybe ther Covenant, and 
adhere to the Assembly of Glasgow. 

To the fyft they answer, confessing that they continowd ther meetings, 
but, say they, they are such as are warranted by actes of parliament, law of 
nationes, and the Kings permissione; that the ende therof was for ther mu- 
tvvall releefe from ther common burthens, which the threatned invasione 
(anno 1640) caused grow greater; that they did nothing ther but consult 
for their oune necessarye defence, and for admitting of such to joyne with 
them as doe willingly offer themselves after ther straying from the Covenant, 
which they now acknowledge they ought from the beginning to have man- 
Obiectioii 6. Sextly, The King objectes. That all fortificationes wer continowd, non 


To which they answer. That they know of no fortificatione but that of 
Leeth ; to which they have ansuered. 

Ch. LXX!.] history OF SCOTS AFFAIRS. 35 

Seventhj, The King objectes ther spreading of scandalouse papers, and A. D. 1639. 
ther seditiouse sermons, wherby the people are animated for to dcterre his „, . '. '_ 

. •' \ ^ Objection i . 

good subjectes from returnmge to ther owne houses ; as also that neither 
wer ther libertyes nor ther goodes restored to them, etc. 

They ansuer, That although some non- Covenanters had laid ther compt 
for to enter into the houses and possessions of Covenanters, yet they had 
not done so by them, nor hindered any such for to returne to ther houses, 
albeit ther secrett vfryttings, boastings, and railings, against the Cove- 
nanters had been manye. Heerin ther memoryes wer evill that remembered 
not that they did seize some of the bishopps rentes, as after shall be told, 
which was done before this answer was penned. 

Eighth/, The King objectes ther pressing subscriptions to mantaine the Objection 8. 
Assembly of Glasgow, and the tumult in Edinburgh against Aboyne, etc. 

They answer. That whereas the King objectes that he could not approve 
the late Assembly of Glasgow "for the reasons conteyned in his former pro- 
clamatione," they say, it is weall knowne that the King in his declaratione 
commanded to blott out thes wordes " for the reasones conteyned, etc.," and 
it is printed in the seventh page of the declaration without it ; yet it behoved 
to be a contentiouse penne who had foysted in thes wordes againe, which the 
King caused blott out, therby macking matters worse then before. Next, 
for Glasgow Assembly, whatever was the power of the churche for to 
presse the oathe in ane ecclesiasticke way and subscription, yet no man de N. B. 
facto was urged unto it, but some prevaricators who wold have cheated 
them, have been refoosed. As for the tumult of Edinburgh, they referr it 
to ther former ansuer. 

Nijntlily, The King objectes, That, in choise of comissioners to the As- Objection y. 
sembly at Edinburgh, 1639, August twelfth, they had anticipat the voices 
by macking the subjectes sweare to the actes of Glasgow ; nor would choose 
any but such as wold sweare to mantaine Glasgow Assemblye ; and, thirdly, 
did deterr others whom the King calld to be ther, threatning them with 
losse of lyves, etc. 

To this they ansuer, That the King had acknowledged that the Assembly 
itselfe was fittest judge who wer to be its members ; secondly, de facto, 
they deney the challendge. 

Tenthly, The King objectes, That they called all such as did adhere to Objection lo. 
him traitors to God and ther countreye ; wheras, upon the contraire, by the 
actes of parliament, subjectes are to ryse in armes with him, and such as 



[B. IV. 

Ohjection 11. 

Acts of the 
General As- 
sembly con- 
veened at 

August, 1639; 
Commissioner ; 
Mr. David 
Dickson, mode- 
rator. Griev- 
ances of the 
Church. Acts 
of Assembly 
read relating 
to Episcopacy, 
from which the 
agreed that 
was contrary 
to the Acts of 
the General 

ryse in armes or rebellion against him, or comitte actes of hostilitye against 
his sacred persone, are declared traitors, and to incurre the paine of high 

To this they ansuer. That such as are traitors to God and ther countrey, 
must be traitors also to the King ; that it is evill policye to putt traitors to 
God and ther countrey upon one side, and traitors to ther King on the 
other ; that thes three are not to be disjoyned ; that they are to ryse with 
the Kinge when he is for God and the countreye, but no right nor acte of 
parliament forbiddes to stande for God and the countrey in caise of pub- 
licke invasione ; that they love not to stricke on this string ; and that such 
as have devyded King and countreye are drivne by the terrors of ther oune 
consciences, not by any threatts from them. 

Lastly, the King objectes ther protesting against the sitting of the ses- 
sione, as a contempt of royall authoritye, and ane hurt to his good subjectes. 

To this they ansuer. That because it was impossible for them to attende, 
they only protested for indemnitye, but did not tacke it upon them to hinder 
the sesslone. 

LXXII. But, having wearyed the readers patience with this dispute be- 
tuixt the King and Covenanters, it is now highe tyme for to give some ac- 
compt of the Assembly of Edinburgh, leaving this unsatisfactorye pacifica- 
tione, which the necessityes of bothe pairtyes drove them to acquiesce too, 
with a resolution for to improve it to ther best advauntage, one against the 
other, yet so as that both parted thence with grumblinge eneuche, as was 
cleare by the scquelle ; for it brought forth but a short livd peace, and proved 
but a weather breeder unto a second warre. Yet, being evill fevouredly 
patched upp, it gave breathing tyme for the Generall Assembly at Edin- 
burgh ; which, because it was but the epitome and superstructure of the As- 
sembly of Glasgow, and a confirmatione therof, wherin the Presbyterian 
pairtye gained grounde palpably upon the King and his authoritye, I shall 
therfor content myselfe for to give a far shorter accompt therof then I did 
of the solemne Assembly of Glasgow (as themselves terme it) : And if God 
spare my lyfe, and give me leiseur to follow out the narratione of the 
troubles, I shall twoch what is most materiall in the followng Assemblyes of 
the churche, esteeming it not necessaire to transcrybe all ther actes, after 
thes two Assemblyes ; which wer the basis and entrado to the presbyterian 
hierarchye for some tyme in Scottlande, and the foundatione wherupon 
threteen Assemblyes wer reared, besyde the prodigiouse excrescens of ane 

Ch. lxxii.] history of scots affairs. 37 

uncothe virtwall continwall Assembly, under the name of the Comissione of A. D. 1639. 

the Churche ; which was aggregated to other churche judicatoryes, as a ne- 

cessarye complement of the presbyterian governement, for to supplye, in 

place of bishopps or superintendents, the intervalls of Generall Assemblyes ; 

and, during that space, for to bee a crubb and brydle to overrule presbyteries 

and synods, as also for to controule Parliaments themselves, as theye be- 

ganne to doe, by the Kinge, putting in practise that coordinatione which for 

severall yeares in the raigne of King James the Sixth, they had enjoyed, 

and wer never at rest till duringe the raigne of Charles First, they wer 

reposest therof. 

TWELFTH, 1639 ; 

Johne, Earle of Traqwaire, high thesaurer of Scottland, being dele- 
gated Comissioner from the King, and Mr. David Dickson, moderator. 

The comissioners chosne from severall presbyteries(') failed not to be Sessio l«. 

August \2 

(1) [An imperfect roll of the members of the Assembly of 1639 is printed in the Records 
of the Kirk, pp. 237, 238. So much of it as relates to the Synods of Angus and The 
Mearns, Aberdeen, and Murray, is subjoined ; opportunity having been taken to correct 
some obvious errors. 

" Presbyterie of Meigill. . Burgh of Forfar. 

Mr George Somer [Symmer], minister at i David Hunter, Provest. 

., ^^^' ■ „ , , , ... . Presbyterie of Brechen. 

Mr George Halyburtowne, mmister at ,, , , ~„ 

Glenjdlay. Mr John \Veymes. 

Elder, James Lord Cowper. \Y ,'^^ Lightowne, [mmister at Dun]. 

Ti 1 .. • .^ r. J- Mr Lawrence Skinner, [minister at Na. 

Presbytene oj JJundie. -, '- 

Mr Androw Wood, minister at Mony- i Ruling elder, James Erie of Montrois. 

Mr John Robertsone, minister at Ochter- ! „ , . t^ 3 J 

jjQyg_ Robert Dempster. 

Ruling elder, David Grahame of Fintrye. Burgh of Montrois. 

Burgh of Dundye. John Gorgeine [?], Bailzie. 

James Fletcher, Provest. j Presbyterie of Arbrothk. 

Presbyterie of Forfar. \ Mr Alexander Inglis, at St. Vigeanes. 

Mr John Lyndsay, minister at Aberlemno. | ^"^''l? '^^^^l' J"*'" Auchterlony of 

Mr Silvester Lamy, minister at Glames. j l^orme [?]. 

Mr Alexander Kinningmont, minister at ! Burgh of Arbrothe. 

Kilmaur, [Kirriemuir.] Mr George Inglis, Buro-es. 

Ruling elder, James Lyone of Albar. 



[B. IV. 

A. D. lfi.39. present at Edinburgh against tlie twelftli of August, which was the day de- 
signed by the King for the downe sitting therof. That day, Mr. Alexander 

Presbyterie of Mernis IFordomi]. 
Mr James Reid, minister at Arbuth- 

Mr Androw Mylne, at Fitteresso. 

" Presbyterie of Aberdeine. 
Mr David Ljndsay, minister at Balhelvie. 
Mr Androw Abercrommy, minister at 

Ruling elder, Johne Erie of Kinghorne. 

Universitie of Aberdeine. 

Burgh of Aberdeine. 

Presbyterie of Deer. 
Mr James Martene, minister at Peterhead. 
Mr William Forbes, minister at Fraserburgh. 
Mr William Jafray, minister at Achreddie 

[New Deer.] 
Ruling elder, George Biurd of Auch- 


Presbyterie of Alfuird. 
Mr Andi'ow Strachan, minister at Tilli- 

Mr William Davidstoune, minister at Kil- 

Mr Robert Skeine, minister at Forbes. 
Ruling elder, Mr James Forbes of Hauch- 


Mr Alexander Sympsone, minister at 

Conveth [Laurencekirk]. 
Ruling Elder, Sir Robert Grahame of 



Presbyterie of Ellon, 
Mr William Strachan, minister at Meithlick. 
Ruling elder, William Setoune of Shithine. 

Presbyterie of Turreff. 
Mr Thomas Mitchell, minister at Turreff. 
Mr George Sharpe, minister at Fyvie. 
Ruling elder, Charles Erie of Dumfermling. 

Presbyterie of Kinkarne \_0'Neil.] 
Mr. Robert Forbes, minister at Eight. 
Ruling elder, William Forbes, fear of Cor- 

Presbyterie of Garioche. 
Mr William Wedderburne, minister at 

Bathelnie [Old Meldrum]. 
Ruling elder, John Erskine of Balhagardy. 

Presbyterie of Fordyce. 
Mr Alexander Seatoune, minister at Banffe. 
Ruling elder, Sir Alexander Abercrombie, 

Burgh of Coulen. 
George Hempsyd, Bailzie. 

Burgh of Bampfe. 
Androw Baird, [Burges]." 

" Burgh of Elgyne. 
Mr John Dowglas. I 

Presbyterie of Elgyne. 
Ml- Gawine Dumbar, minister at Alues. 
Mr Alexander Spence, at Birney. 
Ruling elder, Thomas M'Kenzie of Plus- 

Presbyterie of Aberlour. 
Mr John Weymes, minister at Rothes. 
Ruling elder, Walter Innes. 

Presbyterie of Strabogie. 
Mr William Mylne, minister at Glasse. ] 

Ruling elder, Patrick Gibsone. \ 


Presbyterie of Forres. 
Mr Patrick TuUoche, minister at Forres. 
Mr John Brodie, minister at Auldyrne. 
Mr William Falconer, minister at Dycke. 
Ruling elder, Patrick Campbell of Bothe. 

Burgh of Forres. 
Mr Johne Dumbar. 

Presbyterie of Innernes. 
Mr James Vaiss, minister at Croy. 
Mr William Frisell, minister at Conveth. 
Ruling elder, Mr James Campbell of Moy. 

Burgh of Innernes. 
Duncan Forbes, of Coulloden, Burges."] 


Henderson, who had preseeded at Glasgow, preachedC) and opned the As- A. D. 16c 
semblye, and desyred all coniissioners for to give in ther comissions to the 
clerke ; which, being performed, the sessione dissolved. 

At the next sessione, Johne Steward, Earle of Traqwair, thesaurer and Sessio 2a. 
Comissioner, gave in his comissione to be publickly reade and registred in 
the records of the Assemblye ; wherin the King excused his absence, being 
called away to England upon great and seriouse occasiones, " quod quidem 
gravissimis maximique momenti nef/otiis reditum nostrum in Anr/liam urgen- 
tibus impediti jam praestare non jjossumus" ; yet, neverthelesse, graunting 
as full power to his comissioner to doe as if his Majesty had beene present 
in persone, " sicuti nos facere potuissemus si in nostra sacratissima persona 
adessemus, secundum ecclesiae consuetudinem, legesque praedicti antiqui regni 
nostri ;" wordes which I fynde much laid hold vpon by the Covenanters 
therafter in ther publick papers.* 

After Traqwairs comissione was reade, Mr. Alexander Henderson, late 
moderator, with consent of the members, did put five ministersC^) upon liste 
for the moderators place. The suffrage downe waighed for Mr. David 
Dicksone (of whom mention has been made befor), who was no sooner in- 
stalld into the chaire, but he did give great thankes to Mr. Alexander Hen- 
dersone, late moderator ; and then turninge his discourse to the Assembly, 
beganne to shew what all of them ought to aime at.^) 

The fourth sessione of the Assemblye, the Comissioner beganne to Sessio 4. 
speacke and shew to the Assembly that amongst all the greevaunces of the 
subjectes which had givne occasione to the troubles (he wold not then dis- 
pute how reasonably or otherwayes) ther wer some which the Kings ma- 
jesty had already abrogate by his proclamatione, and that it wold be to no 
pourpose now to resume them or disscusse thes thinges anew. He said, 
therfor, that in his judgement two thinges remained to be cleared, First, 
The personall crymes and delinquencyes objected to the bishopps, which he 

(1) [The " Sermon preached by the Reverend Mr Alexander Hendersone, before the 
sitting doune of the General Assembly begun the 12 of August, 1639," is printed in the 
Records of the Kirk, pp. 238—241.] 

* True Representation, pag. 41 ; Historia Motuum, p. 396. 

(2) [Mr. William Livingston, minister at Lanark; Mr. David Dick or Dickson, minister 
at Irvine ; Mr. James Bonner, minister at Maybole ; Mr. Andrew Cant, minister at New- 
bottle ; and Mr. Alexander Somerville, minister at Dolphinton.] 

(3) [« Mr David Dick, Moderatour, his Speach" is printed in the Records of the Kirk, pp. 
•242, 243.] 



A. D. 1639. said the King desyred might be put to a legall tryall ; Secondly/, Episcopacy 
itself, or the very functione and power of bishopps ; and heerin he said that 
they had need all of them to considder seriously that the King being bredd 
upp in that churche wherin Episcopacye was approved, did expect solide 
arguments for to gaine his consent, and for to move him to resolve what he 
should determine therof in this churche: Therfor, he said, it was the As- 
semblyes pairt to stryve to satisfee the King in that particular.*.') 

The moderator answered to the Commissionair, telling him that the 
grievaunces of the churche wer. First, The wante of Nationall Asscmblyes 
for many yeares ; Second, The approbatione and ratificatione of corrupt 
Assemblyes, viz. of two at Linlithgow, the Assembly of Glasgow, of Aber- 
deen, of Saint Andrews, of Pearthe ; Third, The violent obtruding the 
practise of the Five Articles of Pearthe ; Fourth, And of the Service 
Booke, the Booke of Canons, and ane High Commissione ; Fifth, The 
breach of ther Nationall Covenant, which was solemnly made with God ; 
Sixth, Episcopacye ; Seventh, Civill places of churche men, and the 
tyranny of bishopps, and ther usurpatione upon synods and all ecclesiasti- 
call meetings. It is to this (said the moderator) that we impute all our 
evills, attesting God the searcher of heartes that it was ever ther aime to 
obey the King, and obey his laufull commandes conforme to the lawes of 
the launde, whatever ftier enemyes said to the contrarye ; and that albeit 
they judged that Kings wer subject to Chryste, and that all thinges wer to 
be rejected which should be founde contrarye to his glorye and kyngdome, 
yet that they would never suffer any injurye to be done, or any repi-oche to 
be offered to civill powers, as being Gods ordinances placed above men for 
ther good.* And mor to this pourpose he added, all very plausible in ap- 
pearance ; yet he spocke nothing de jure what he thought the people might 
doe by kings. 

The Commissionaire answered, That this Assembly was indicted by the 
King, to the ende that it might be seriously encjwyred, and in the feare of 
the Lord, whither or not thes wer the only and true greivances of the 
churche which the moderator had reockned out ; that if it could be shewed 
they wer such, it was aequitable for to remove them out of the churche ; but 
if that could not be shewed, then it was most aeqwitable that they should be 

(1) [See Records of the Kirk, pp. 244— 246.] 

• Historia Motuum.^a^. 397. [Records of the Kirk. pp. 246 — 247.1 

Ch. lxxil] history of scots affairs. 41 

lettne alone: For instance (sales he), if Episcopacye be one of the greiv- A. D. 1639. 

aunces of the churche, then lett it be shewed that it is contrarye to the 

constitutions of the churche, and so of the rest. 

The moderator undertooke for to prove that which the Commissioner 
desyred, viz. concerning Episcopacye, That ever since the reformation it had 
been the constant aime of the church of Scottland for to plucke upp Episco- 
pacye by the roote, and to restore the presbyterian governement, whiche 
he conceived to be apostolicke ; that the church had plucked it upp roote 
and braunch ; and that albeit it had begunne to ryse at severall tymes ther- 
after, yet that it no sooner did sett upp its heade but it was crubbed. 

The Commissioner saide that the best waye for shunning intricate dis- 
putes was, for to reade all that might be to that pourpose out of the regis- 
ters of the Assemblyes themselves. But then ther arose a controversye 
what yeare they should beginne att : some would have them stepp backe as 
farr as the yeare 1560, which was the yeare wherin the reformed relligione 
was established by the authoritye of Parliament : others urged to beginne 
ther searche twenty yeares afterwardes, viz. at 1580, because that yeare the 
Confessione of Faithe was first subscrybed. At last, by pluralitye of votes, 
it was agreed that they should beginne the reading of the actes of Assem- 
blyes at the yeare 1575 ; seinge that about that tyme the contest and 
struggle betuixt presbyteriall and episcopall governement grew very re- 
markable (as has been told in the First Booke), till, amio 1580, Episcopacye 
was declared against. And then ther was [read] a passage of a letter wryttne 
anno 1571, by Theodore Beza to Johne Knox, wherin Beza sliewes that as 
Episcopacye had brought forth the Papacye, so lyckwayes the psewdo-bishops, 
who wer the remaines of Poperye, would introduce Epicurisme ; and withall 
exhortes him, that once having drivne the first out of Scottland, not to re- 
admitte the other.C) 

The Commissioner ansuered, That he intended to urge nothing but that 
which should be satisfactorye to all honest men, but that ther wer some 
rockes on both handes, from which they wold doe best to keepe a loofe ; and 
of that kynde he saide wer all suche thinges that obstructed peace a nd 
truthe ; also, That he had it in his instructiones from the King, his mais- 

(1) [" Sed & istud, mi Cnoxe, te caeterosque fratres meminisse velim, quod jam oculis 
pene ipsis cernitur, sieut episcopi Papatum pepererunt, ita Pseudo-episcopos papatus reliquias 
epicureismum terris invecturos : banc pestem caveant qui salvam ecclesiam cupiunt ; & cum 
illam in Scotia profligaris, ne quaeso illam unquam admittas," etc.} 


A. D. 1G3U. ter, that he should leave nothing unessayed wherby both might be firmly 
established ; meane whyle, That the Assembly wold doe weall to have a 
speciall regarde unto the Kings honor : which the moderator promised, in 
name of the rest, they should doe. 

Befor the following sessione the members of the Assembly, in the ab- 
sence of the Kings Commissioner, made a fashione and kept a great rackett 
enqwyring what thes rockes wer ; and they fell to advyse by what meanes 
truthe and peace might be established, and the King his honor preserved. 

At the meeting of the Assembly, the moderator told the Comissioner, 
That all of them wer most willing to doe that which he had so earnestly 
urged upon them ; and that no neerer way to truthe and peace could they 
fall upon then the Kings Majestyes owne overture, r/.r. That since ther is 
nothing that is now questioned, or can be controverted, but the late As- 
sembly at Glasgow, 1 638 ; which, since the King will not ratifie, we are 
not resolved to urge it now, yet so as this our resolutione be not tackne for 
a passing ther from, and that so much the rather because the King has 
promised that he will not urge us so to doe, because that he was informed 
that the subjectes had bounde themselves by many straite tyes for to man- 
taine the authoritye of that Assemblye : That, therfor, it was best for to 
shunne both the extremes heedfuUye. 

The Commissioner ansuered. That thes rockes which he exhorted them to 
beware of wer happllye discovered ; therfor he wished that, with a lycke 
happinesse, they might saile by them, and that, for his pairte, he should 
steer his coufse in the midde chanell betuixt both the extremes.(') 

Therafter, the clerke of the Assemblye was commanded for to reade the 
actes of severall Assemblyes faithfully, and with a loude audible voice. 
They saye, that whilst the clerke was reading, at severall passages the 
Comissioner called for the principall register himselfe, and collationd exactly 
the extractes if they wer agreable to the register itselfe : And whilst the 
clerke continowd for to read the rest of the actes against Episcopacye, the 
Commissioner interrupted him, desyring him to passe to other greevaunces, 
telling, That he confessed that in that particular he was aboundantly satisfeed, 
viz. that Episcopacye was contrare to the actes of the Generall Assemblyes 
of the churche. In the mean tyme, that all might know how good growndes 
the Assembly of Glasgow had proceeded upon in all ther actes, which wer 

(1) [See the Records of the Kirk, p. 249.] 


so much cryed out upon by ther enemyes and calumniators, the clerke eon- A. D. 1639. 
tinowd to reade the actes even unto the Assembly at Dundee, anno 1580.* 

In the following- sessiones, the reasones wer reade against the Five Arti- 
cles of Pearthe, the Six Assemblyes, the Service Booke, Booke of Canons, 
Booke of Ordinatione and High Comraissione (all which you may fynde at 
large in the historye of the Assemblye of Glasgow) : And befor the rysing 
of the sessione, five wer named who should draw upp ane acte of Assembly, 
in due forme, concerninge the forsaide greivaunces. 

LXXIII. In the eighth sessione of the Assemblye, August seventeenth, Graham, 

ther was ffivne in to the Assemblye, a paper directed fi-om Mr. George b'shop of Ork- 

. neV) abiurss 

Grahme, bishop of Orkney, containing ane abjuration of Episcopaeye, sub- Episcopacy. 

scrybed with his hande ; the which paper was publickly reade in the Assem- ^^^- Patrick 

blye, and therafter it was appoynted to be registred in the Assembly bookes, Causes and re- 

ad perpetuam rej memoriani : Which was as followes :t meilies of the 

" To all and sundrye whom it effeires, to whoise knowledge thir presents offhe^bk "^ 

shall come, specially to the reverend and honourable members of the future drawn up by 

Assemblye to be holdne at Edinburgh, the twelth day of August, 1639 VoteTpur 

yeares : Me, Maister George Grahme, sometyme pretended bishopp of concerning 

Orkneye, being sorry e and greeved at my heart that I should ever, for any them ; the 

worldly respecte, have embraced the order of Episcopaeye, the same having er's vote is 

no warrant from the Worde of God, and being such ane order as hath had '''f.'^^'' ' .'l*' ."J^" 

. • /• /-ii ■ cimes till all 

sensiblye many fearfull and evdl consequences m many pairtes oi Christen- had voted ; 

dome, and particularlye within the kirke of Scottlande, as by dolefull and ^""j'? '^?"'^''^' 

deplorable experience this day is manifesto, to have disclaimed, lyckeas, I, mative. 

be the tenour heerof, doe altogether disclaime and abjure all episcopall Commissioner 

power and jurisdictione, with the whole corruptiones therof, condemned by Kino-'s' name, 

laufull Assemblyes within the said kirke of Scottlande, in regarde the to the abolish- 

same is such an order as is also abjured within the said kirke, by vertwe of '"° ° andde-' 

that nationall oathe which was made in the yeares 1580 and 1581 ; promising dares the 

and swearing by the great Name of the Lord our God, That I shall never, ^^J '^'j°}'''' 

whyles I live, directly nor indirectlye, exerce any such power within the enact it. 

kirke, neither yet shall I ever approve or allowe the samen, not so much as Sessio 8va. 

in my private or publicke discourse ; but, on the contrarye, shall standc August 17- 

and adhere to all the actes and constitutiones of the late Assemblye holdne 

* Historia Motuum, pag. 400. [Records of the Kirk, p. 250.] 

t See Print Actes, pag. 1. [Records of the Kirk, p. 204; Rushworth's Hist. Collect., 
vol. iii., p. 957.] 


A. D. 1639. at Glasgowe, November twenty-first, 1638, last by past, and shall concurre, 
to the uttermost of my power, sincerly and faithfully, as occasione shall 
serve, in executing the saides actes, and in advauncing the worke of refor- 
mation within this launde, to the glorye of God, the peace of the coun- 
trey, and the confort and contentment of all good Christians, as God shall 
be my helpe. In testimoney of the which praemises, I have subscrybed thir 
presents with my hande, at Breeknesse, in Stromnesse, the eleventh day of 
Februarye, the yeare of God 1639 yeares, befor thir witnesses, Mr. Walter 
Steward, minister at South Ronnaldsoye; Mr. James Hynd, minister at 
Kirkwall ; Mr. Robert Peirsone, minister at Firth ; and Mr. Patricke 
Grahme, minister at Holme, my sonne." 

I have sett downe the very true coppye of the abjuration, being, as I 
suppose, a peece wherof few patternes are to be founde, except that of Mr. 
Patrick Adamson, bishop of St. Andrewes, whoise abjurationeO^ is saide to 
have been extorted from him whilst he was a dying, and in such extreme 
necessitye that he was glad for to subsigne any thinge for his mantenance. 
The constant report beares lyckwayes that Mr. Patrick Adamson subscrybed 
fide impUcita whatever was presented to him at that tyme : Whether it 
wer so or not, I will not positively affirme, being acted many yeares since ; 
however, it is sure that the Presbyterians made no great objectione or use 
afterwardes of Mr. Patrick Adamson his deede : But this was farr beyond 
it ; severall bishopps, through age or for other reasones, have been hearde to 
laye downe ther charges, and to have reteered from the world ; but in this 
acte Mr. George Grahme out went them all, who, having lived bishop for 
severall yeares with a qwyett conscience, at last renounced and abjured it as 
ane antichristian functione, yet no arguments to maeke him doe so, but the 
actes of the Assembly of Glasgow. 

His abjuratione rendered him verye detestable to the episcopall pairty, and 
it is questionable if he was beleeved for all that, by the presbyterians. 
Joseph Hall, bishop of Norwitche, wrytinge about that tyme a treatise to 
justifie the jus divinum of Episcopacye, letts him not slipp, but in that 
booke falls upon him with a sharpe and disdainfull expostulatione. But to 
our pourpose againe. 

Heerafter was presented the acte containing the causes and reraedye of 
the bygone evills of the kirke, which had been appoynted to bee drawne upp 

(0 [See Calderwood, pp. 260—265; Archbishop Spottiswood, p. 385.] 

Ch. lxxiii.] history of scots affairs. 45 

by a comitte, and it was publickly reade,(') and after, by uniforrae voice, 
was approved and enacted. The acte was as followeth :* 

" The Kings majesty having gratiously declared. That it is his royall will 
and pleasure, that all questions about relligione, and matters ecclesiastickall, 
be determined by Assemblyes of the kirke ; having also, by publicke procla- 
matione, indicted this free nationall Assemblye, for settling the present dis- 
tractione of this kirke, and for establishing a perfect peace against such 
divisiones and disorders as have been sore displeasing to his Majestye, and 
greivouse to all his good subjectes : And now his Majestyes Comissionar, 
John Earle of Traqwaire, instructed and authorised with a full comissione, 
being present and sitting in this Assemblye, now fully conveend, and orderly 
constitute in all the members therof, acording to the order of this kirke, 
having at large declared his Majestyes zeale to the reformed relligione, and 
his royall care and tender afl'ectione to this kirke, wher his Majestye had 
bothe his birth and baptisme, his great displeasure at the manifolde dis- 
tractions and divisions of this kirke and kyngdome, and his desyres to have 
all our woundes perfectly cured, with a faire and fatherly hande : And al- 
though, in the way approvne by this kirke, tryall hath been tackne in for- 
mer Assemblyes befor, from the kirke registers, to our full satisfactione, 
yet the Comissioners grace macking particular enqwyrye from the members 
of the Assemblye, now solemnly conveened, concerning the reall and trwe 
causes of so many and great evills as this tyme past had so sore troubled 
the peace of this kirke and kyngdome. It was represented to his Majestyes 
Comissioner by this Assemblye, That, besyde many other, the maine and 
materiall causes wer. First, The pressing of this kirke by the prelatts with 
a Service Booke or Booke of Common Prayer, without warrant or direc- 
tione from the kirke, and containing, besydes the popish frame therof, 
diverse popish errors and ceremonyes, and the seeds of manifold grosse 
superstitions and idolatryes, with a Booke of Canons, without warrant or 
directione fi-om the Generall Assemblye, establishing a tyrannical power 
over the kirke in the persones of bishopps, and overthrowing the whole 
discipline and governement of the kirke by Assemblyes, with a Booke of 
Consecratione and Ordinatione, without warrant of authoritye, civill or 
ecclesiasticall, appoynting officers in the house of God which are not war- 

(') [By " Mr. Andro Cant, he having a strong voice." Records of the Kirii, p. 231.] 
• See Print Actes, pagij. 2, 3, 4 ; FRecords of the Kirk, pp. 204, 205 ; Rushworth's 
Hist. Collect., vol. iii., pp. 938, 959.] 


I'anted by the word of God, and repugnant to the discipline and actes of 
our kirke, and, with the High Comissione, erected without the consent of 
the kirke, subverting the jurisdictione and ordinary e judicatory s of this 
kirke, and giving to persones meerly ecclesiasticall the power of both 
swordes, and to persones meerly civill the power of the keyes and kirke 
censures : A second cause was the Articles of Pearth, viz. the observatione 
of festivall dayes, kneeling at the communione, confirmatione, administra- 
tione of the sacraments in privat places, the which are brought in by a null 
Assemblye, and are contrarye to the Confessione of Faithe, as it was 
meaned and stibscrybed 1580, and diverse tymes since, and to the order and 
constitutiones of this kirke : Thirdly, The chaunging of the governement 
of the kirke, from the Assemblyes of the kirke to the persones of some 
kirkemen, usurping prioritye and power over ther bretheren, by the way and 
under the name of episcopall governement, against the Confessione of 
Faithe, 1580, against the order sett downe in the Booke of Policye, and 
against the intentione and constitutione of this kirke fi'om the beginning : 
Fourthly, The civill places and power of kirkemen, ther sitting in sessione, 
councell, and in exchequer ; ther ryding, sitting, and voting in parliament, 
and ther sitting in the bench as justices of peace, which, acording to the 
constitutiones of this kirke, are incompatible with ther spiritwall functione, 
lifting them upp above ther bretheren in worldly pompe, and doe tend to 
the hinderaunce of the ministrye : Fyftly, The keeping and authorising 
corrupt Assemblyes, at Linlithgow, 1606 and 1608 ; at Glasgow, 1610 ; 
at Aberdene, 1616; at St. Andrewes, 1617; at Pearth, 1618, which are 
null and unlawfull, as being called and constitute qwyte contrarye to the 
order and constitutiones of this kirk, receaved and practised ever since 
the reformation of relligione, and, withall, labouring to introduce nova- 
tiones into this kirke against the order and relligione established : A sext 
cause is, the wante of laufull and free Generall Assemblyes, rightly consti- 
tute of pastors, doctors, and elders, yearlye or oftner, pro re nata, acording 
to the libertyes of this kirke expressed in the Booke of Policye and ac- 
knowledged in the Act of Parliament, 1592. After which, the whole Assem- 
blye, in one heart and voice, did declare, that these and such other, proceed- 
inge from the neglect and breache of the Nationall Covenant of this kirke 
and kyngdome, made in anno 1580, have been indeed the true and mains 
causes of all our evills and distractiones : And, therfor, ordaine acordinge 
to the constitutiones of the Generall Assemblyes of this kirke, and upone 

Ch. lxxiii.] history of scots affairs. 47 

the growndes respective above specifj'de, That the forsaid Service Booke, A. D. 1639. 

Bookes of Canons and Ordinatione, and the High Comissione, be still re- 

jected : That the Articles of Pearthe be no more practised : That episcopall 
governement, and the civill places and power of kirkemen, be holdne still as 
unlaufull in this kirke : That the above named pretended Assemblyes, at Lin- 
lithgow, 1606 and 1608 ; at Glasgowe, 1610; at Aberdeen, 1616 ; at St. An- 
drews, 1617 ; at Perthe, 1618, be heerafter accompted as null and of none 
effecte : And that for preservation of relligione, and preventing all such evills 
in tyme comminge, Generall Assemblyes, rightly constitute, as the proper 
and competent judge of all matters ecclesiasticall, heerafter be kept yearly, 
and oftner, pro re nata, as occasione and necessitye shall reqwyre ; the necessitye 
of thes occasionall Assemblyes being first remonstrate to his Majestye by 
humble supplicatione : As also, that kirke sessiones, presbytryes, and synodall 
assemblyes, be constitute and observed acording to the order of this kirke." 

Befor the vote was past,* the moderator asked the judgement of a 
number of the oldest ministers : Who had long discourses concerninge the 
former state of the churche, its puritye, and the zeale of the ministrye at 
that tyme ; which was afterwards qwelled, so that they wondered much 
that God did not poure a judgement downe upon thes apostates : That the 
restoring of all now to its former puritye had revived the former zeale ; 
which looked to them lycke a dreame : Finally, they gave many thankes to 
the Kinge, whom God was thus pleased to macke instrumentall to restore 
his mother church into its former splendour. 

Therafter, the moderator desyred that any who had any scruple might 
propose it; but all keeping silent, the moderator asked the lord Comis- 
sioners vote first. He protested that he might give his voice in the last 
place, telling the moderator that he had it in his instructiones not to vote 
till he first heard the judgement of the Asserablye, and then acordinglye to 
approve, as he saw occasione ; albeit (sayes he) it be not hard to judge by 
your countenances, and the discourses of thes grave pastors, what your 
vote will bee. His desyre was graunted, and the vote was concluded in 
the affirmative (for none came ther who wer otherwayes mynded). 

Then the Kings Comissioner saide, That he had oftne told to the venerable 
Assembly, and now he repeated it, that it was the Kings will, and had 
givne it to him in his instructiones, that if Episcopacye wer declard un- 

• Historia Motuum, pag. 405. [Records of the Kirk, pp. 251, 252.] 


A. D. 1639. laufull by the judgement of this synode, and contrare unto the constitu- 
tions of this churche, (as they had oftne remonstrated in ther supplicationes) ; 
that in that caise he should consent to the judgement of the Assemblye, and 
that he should ratifie it, and enacte it : Therefor he said that he approved 
that acte, from his hearte ; meanewhyle, that he was assured that none 
wold tacke it in ane evill pairt, that the Kinge had not been so haistye in 
his consente to this bussinesse, as many would have wished, if they would 
but considder wher and what waye the King was brought upp, and that he 
was not only King of this kyngdome, but of other two kyngdomes, which 
doe approve that which is heer rejected : Therfor, if heertofor any have 
been scrupled, he hoped ther feares might now be tackne awaye : Furder, 
That it was the pairt of the Assemblye for to make knowne unto the people 
the Kings bounty and justice : Finally, That what he had spockne with his 
raouthe he was willing to subscrybe with his hande ; promising to give in to 
the clerke, in wrytte, the declaratione of his consente, and that he should 
ratifie this acte in the enswing parliament : which he did acordingly, in the 
twenty-third sessione of this synode, Aiiffusti thirtieth, in the manner fol- 
io winge :* 

" I, Johne Earle of Traqwair, his Majestyes Commissioner in this pre- 
sent Assemblye, doe, in his Majestyes name, declare that, notwithstanding 
of his Majestys oune inclinatione, and many other grave and weightye 
considerationes, yet suche is his Majestyes incomparable goodnesse, that, 
for settling the present distractiones, and giving full satisfactione to the 
subjecte, he dothe allowe, lyckeas I, his Majestyes Comissionaire, doe 
consente to the forsaide acte, and have subscrybed the premisses." 

And immediatly therafter, the Kings Comissioner reade and gave in the 
declaratione followinge, in the termes that the print acte recordeth it in 
thes wordes : 

" It is alwayes heerby declared by me, his Majesties Comissioner, That 
the practise of the premisses, prohibited within this kirke and kyngdome, 
outwith the kyngdome of Scottlande, shall never bynde nor inferre censure 
against the practises outwith the kyngdome." 

This declaratione, when the Comissioner reqwyred to be insert into the 
register of the kirke, and the moderator, in name of the Assemblye, 
refused to give warrant for such practise, as not agreable with a good 

* See Print Actes, pag. 13. [Records of the Kirk, p. 208 ; Rushworth's Hist. Collect., 
vol. iii., p. 963.] 

Ch. lxxiv.] history of scots affairs. 49 

conscience, the Comissioner urged that it should be recorded, at least that A. D. 1639. 
he had made such a declaratione, whatsoever was the Assemblyes judtje- 
ment in the contrare : Wherupon they gave waye to inserte it into ther 
register, " vocitative only" ; I give yow ther owne termes. 

The ratificatione of the former acte was in effecte a materiall and solide 
ratificatione of all the most important actes of the Assembly of Glasgow; 
thus Episcopacye and Pearth Articles, whiche wer wounded at Glasgow 
Assembly, receaved ther deathes wounde at this Asemblye, by the Kings 
constrained consent, who saw that either he must give waye to it, other- 
wayes it would be done without his approbatione. 

LXXIV. In the following sessione, August nineteenth, Mr. Alexander Limlsay, 
Lindseye, bishopp of Dunkelde, sent his letter to the Assembly, wherin l»shop ot 
he renounced Episcopacye, and abjurd it, as Mr. George Grahme had abjures e'pisco- 
done ; declaring it to want warrant from Gods worde, and to be contrarye P?.cy- The 
to the Covenant and constitutions of this churche. Decfaratiorf 

From the ninth to the sixteenth sessione some privatt debates wer dis- condemnefl. 

puted, and the grievaunces of severall churches wer canvassed.C) Ther /^ ^upphcation 
r ' ^ to the King- to 

(0 [Session thirteenth, '22 August: " The Bill of Invernes against their Minister, 
referred to the Provinceall Assemblie. 

" A Supplicatione for the change of the Presbitrie seat of Mearnes, referred to the 
Committie for the Billes." Records of the Kirk, p. 257. 

Session fourteenth, 23 Aur/usl : " After prayer, the Moderatour desired the four 
severall Committies to give in their diligence ; and, first, for the north, Mr David Lindscy 
[minister at Belhelvie], Moderatour of that Committie, gave in the sunime of the proces 
against Mr George Gordoune, which was found to have beine clearlie proven, and the 
Assembly did approve the sentence of the Commission against him. 

" A Supplication from Mr James Sandilands, Canonist in the Kings Colledge of Aber- 
deene ; That whereas the late Commission from the Generall Assemblie had abolished the 
said facultie whereof he was Professor, did therefore supplicat the Assemblie for annulling 
the said Act, in respect he was only cited before the Commission to be examined upon his 
personall carriage ; and, therefore, neither had they warrand to doe farther, nor he was 
bound to answer them in further, and that becaus there were not a sufficient quorum there 
present at that tyme. 

" The Assemblie, at the desire of the Commissioners Grace, delayed it till the next 
Session." Ibid. 

Session eighteenth, 26 August : " A Supplication from Mr Thomas Tullidaff, 
minister at Foverane, a man of 98 years, having bein a minister 37 yeares ; that whereas 
he had demitted his place in favour of Mr Jolin Patersone for the soume of 400 merkcs 
a-yeare, and having no better securitie but the said Mr. Johns simple bond, who may be 
transported or suspendit, &c., and so the old man prejudged, therefore did supplicat for ane 
Act of the Assembly in his favours, that he might be secured of the forsaid soume during 
his life ; to the which the Assemblie willinglie condescendit." Id. pp. 20U, 261. 

Session nineteenth, 27M August: " A Supplication of the province of Aberdeine 
upon the cruell oppression and persecution of the enemies of this Church and Kingdome 



[B. IV. 

A. D. 1639. 

call it in and 
disown it, and 
supposed au- 
thors (particu- 
larly Dr. Bal- 
canquel, dean 
of Diu'liam) 
should be sent 
to Scotland to 
answer for it 
before the 
The supplica- 
tion itself, 

Scssio 9. 
August 19. 

Sessto 16. 
August 24. 

complaintes wer lyckewayes heard, who complained that they wer woronged 
by the proceedings and sentences of the comittyes who wer nominate by the 
Assembly of Glasgow ; whoise proceedings wer either ratifyd or disallowed, 
as the Assembly founde most fitting : all which was done mostly in the pre- 
sence of the Kings Comissionaire. 

The sixteenth sessione of the Assembly was remarkable foi' the com- 
plainte of some members of the Assembly givne in against a booke which 
they looked upon as a greate eye sore. This was the Kings Large De- 
claratione, wherin ther is historically deduced such passages as wer most 
remarkable, from the very first uproare in Edinburgh, July, 1637, unto the 
tyme that Hamiltoune commanded the Assembly of Glasgow to ryse, under 
paine of treasone. That booke lyckwayes containes ane inventaire of the 
Kings proclamations and declarations during the forsaide space, and, in the 
closure, his resolutione concerning the Covenanters. In it lyckwayes are to 
be scene the severall protestationes and remonstrances of the Covenanters, 
with the King his observationes therupon : A booke which now beganne to 
be qwarelled first in publick and judicially, and afterward was condemned in 
the Parliament, 1G41 ; as shall be related in its owne place, God willing : 
Yet whatever bustling was made about the perusall and censure therof, and 
its untruthes affirmed to be contained therin, it gott never ane answer to 
this daye ; and possibly will be answered when the doctors of Aberdeens 
duplyes are refooted. It was the opinion of many wyse men that the inno- 

daylie lying in wait for their lyves, so that Ministers were forced to retier themselves, and 
not to come to their flockes, recommended most humbly and earnestlie to the Parliament." 

" The Bill for the change of the Presbitrie seat of Mearnes referred back to the 

" Su- Alexander Carnegie of Bonnymoone having built a Church upon his oune ex- 
penses, did supplicat that it might be decerned to be a distinct paroche. 

" As lykewayes a Supplication of Duncan Campbell of Glenlyon, to the same effect, re- 
ferred to the Parliament." 

" Mr James Sandilands, canonist, his Supplication being againe presented to the Assem- 
blie, and many pressing arguments why the tfacultie could not be abolished, used by the said 
Mr James, which gave great light to the Assemblie, the Assemblie appoynted M" John 
Adamsone, David Lindsey, James Bonar, Doctor Strang, to consider of it till the mor- 
row, and then to give their best overtures in writt." Id. pp. 261, 262. [No farther 
notice of this matter appears.] 

Session twentieth, 28 August: " Boneymoons Bill for erecting of a new Kirk 
distinct from the Kirk of Brechin, being read and the reasons of both being read, the 
Assembly grants the said Bonymoone his desire, without prejudice of any parties civill 
right, which they reserve to any judge competent." Id. p. 264. 

Session twenty-first, 29 August: " The Acts of the Assemblie ratified, against Sal- 
mond Fisching on the Sabboth, upon a Supplication of Johne Forbes of Leslie." Ibid. 

ch. lxxiv.] history of scots affairs. 51 

cent booke had not mett with so harsh a measure, mor then others of the A. D. 1639. 

Kings papers did, which wer passed by at the pacificatione, and the narra- 

tiones either not qwarelled or buryd in ane acte of oblivion, had not that 
booke, in a certaine place,* made so farr bold with the Marquesse of Ar- 
gyle, as to conclude him a knave, by the force of a necessary conseqwence, 
from ane discourse and expressione used by him in the Assembly of Glas- 
gow, the preceeding winter. But to our purpose. 

The complainers (whoise names I meete not with) did ther affirme That all 
the church of Scottiande, and many of the principal members therof, wer 
highly woronged and intoUerablye calumniate by that booke, which, said 
they, albeit it was published under the Kings name, yet that it did most im- 
pudently belye his name : They challendged it for macking the King relate 
the historye of the preceeding actions, as if himself had been present at 
evrye one of them ; yet was this an innocent challendge, for he who will 
attentively peruse that booke will fynde no suche thing in it : Furder, thev 
alledged that it was so stuffed with reproaches, and calumneyes, and wrest- 
ings, and falshoods, that it could cemtaine no mor. 

The Comissioner pressed them for to waive ther complainte against that 
booke, and lay by ther challendge, or if they wold not graunt to doe so, at 
least that they would be mor sparing and mannerly in ther language, seing 
that it was a booke which was superscrybed with no other name, and no 
lesser title then the Kinges Majestyes. 

The Earle of Rothesse, who was one of the ruling elders, answered, That 
all who wer present did seriously laye to ther heart the Kings honor ; yet 
that a severe censure of suche ane infamous lybell (so he was pleased to 
terme it), could no waye praejudice the Kings honor, being that it was 
clearly knowne to all that the King was not the author ; therfor that the 
credite of the church was to be vindicated, and that the Kings name pre- 
fixed to a booke that was none of the Kings, could no mor free the author 
from punishment, no mor then the Kings image upon counterfitte money 
could free a coyner of false money from punishment acording to the laws. 
And otiiers said that they had heard the King affirme things contrary to the 
contents of that booke. 

Large Declaration, pag. [326. " And now if by his owne confession hee carried 
things closely for the Covenanters advantage, being then one of the Lords of Our secret 
Councell, and that in the end hee must openly joyne with them or bee a Knave ; what liee 
hath proved himselfe to bee by this close and false carriage, let the World judge." See 
above, vol. ii., pp. 171, 172.] 


A. D. 1639. The result of all was, that ther should be a comittye nominated who 
should peruse that booke, and give in to the Assembly a reporte of all that 
they found amisse therin : It is affirmed that heerafter ther was a diligence 
givne in to the Assemblye,0) which was publickly read in the Assemblye. 
Therafter the moderator fell to enqwyre the judgement of the gravest 
bretlieren, and some of the most eminent ruling elders : Amongst others the 
Lord Kircurbright his vote is remarkable, to that purpose, he said, that it 
was much to be regrated if some other good men (he meaned Bastwicke, 
Burton, and Prynne), had ther eares cropt for wryting of some bookes else 
wher in ther oune name, if such grosserowges as thes who had made bold with 
the King should not have ther heades cutt off for ther paines. To this the 
Moderator replyd, that such a sentence was without the sphere of the As- 
semblyes power.^^) At last, it was agreed that a suppllcatione should bo 
drawne and sent to the Kinge, humbly beseeching him to call in that de- 
claratione, and to declare against all the lyes therein contained, wherof it 
was appoynted that a note should be sent unto him ; finally, that all the 
authors and favourers of that booke, at least such of them as wer natives of 
Scottland, might be send to Scottlande, and caused ansuer ther befor the 
judges competent ; but in speciall that his Majesty wold be pleased for to 
give orders for presenting Dr. Balcanqwell (of whome I have had occasione 
to speacke oftne before), lately constituted deane of Durhame, that he 
might ansuer befor the Parliament ; and that, because he did boast himselfe 
to be the author therof, that by his exemplar punishement others might be 
scarrd from raising upp animosityes betwixt the Kinge and subjects, or 
sowing seditione betwixt them. 

The suppllcatione was afterwardes delyvered to the Kings Comissioner, 
who did connnunicate it to the parliament afterwardes, and promised to the 
Assembly to present it to the Kinge. 

I have conjoyned all that was spockne or done concerning the Large De- 
claratione (albeit it be true that the suppllcatione was not enacted till 
session twenty-third, August thirtyth), least it should heerafter interruppe 
the narrative of other passages. 

The suppllcatione verbatim is to be seene printed amongst the actes of 

(1) [An abstract of it is printed in the Records of the Kirk, pp. 265 — 268.] 

(2) [Historia Motuum, p. 409. " Mr Andro Cant said — It is [so] full of grosse absur- 
dities that I thinke hanging of the author should prevent all other censures. The Moderatour 
answered — That punishment is not in the hands of Kirkmen." Records of the Kirk, p. 268.] 

Ch. lxxiv.] history of scots affairs. 53 

that Assembly :* Which cafterwardes gave but little satisfactione unto the mor A. D. 1639. 
intelligent, because in that Assembly, and in the following parliaments, they 
kept such a clamour and bustlinge against the Large Declaratione, and chal- 
lendged it of so many lowde lyes, all which wer affirmed to be drawne upp 
in one collectione ; yet to this day, thes lyes are not instanced. The sup- 
plicatione, howbeit, for substance, the same with what is above related, yet 
I have heer sett downe : 

" We, the members of this present Assembly, for ourselves, and in 
name of the severall presbytryes, brughs, and vniversityes, for which we 
are comissioners, resenting the greate dishonour done to God, our king, 
this kirke, and whole kyngdome, by a booke called a Large Declaratione, 
have heer represented the same unto your grace, and have collected some, 
amongst many, of false, grosse, and absurde passages ; That, from the 
consideratione therof, your grace perceiving the intoUerable evills forsaide 
contained theriu, may be pleased to represent the same to our gratiouse 
Soveraigne, and, in our behalfs, humbly to beseeche his Majestie, so much 
woronged by the many fowle and false relations suggested and perswaded 
to him as truthes, and by stealing the protection of his royall name and 
authoritye to such a booke its patrocinye : To be pleased, first, to call in 
the saide booke, and thereby to shew his dislycke therof: Next, to give 
comissione and warrante to cite all such partyes as are knowne or suspected 
to have a hande in it, and to appoynte such as his Majestye knowes to be 
either authors, informers, or any waye accessarye, being natives of this 
kyngdome, to be sent hither to abyde ther tryall and censure befor the 
judge ordinarye ; and, in speciall, Mr. Walter Balcanqwell, now deane of 
Durham, who is knowne and hath professed to be the author, at least 
avower and mantainer, of a greate pairte therof ; that, by ther exemplar 
punishment, others may be detterred from such dangerouse courses, as in 
such a waye to raise seditione betuixt the Kinge and his subjectes, Gods 
honour may be vindicate from so highe contempt, his Majestyes justice may 
appeare, not only in cutting awaye such malefactors, but in discouraging 
all such undermynders of his throne, his loyall and loving subjects shall be 
infinitly contented to be cleared befor the world of so false and unjust im- 
putations, and will live heerafter in the greater securitye when so dangerouse 
a course of sedition is prevented, and so will have the greater and greater 
cause to pray for his Majestyes prosperouse raigne." 

• Assembly, Edinburgh, p. 9. [Records of the Kirk, pp. 206, 207 ; Rushworth's Hist. 
Collect., vol. iii., pp. 960, 961.] 


A. D. 1639. Traqwaire, the Comissioner, receaved ther supplicatione, and promised 
to imparte it to the Kinge, and to report a diligence therein. However, it 
is now tyme to leave furder mentioning of it till the parliament 1641. 
Cornmissioner LXXV. In the twentieth sessione of the Assembly, the moderator declared 
desired to sub- to the Comissioner that it was the desyre of all the Assemblye that not only 
veiiant and "' '"® grace for himself would be pleased to subscrybe the Covenante, but 
authorise an that lyckwayes he wold give his consent to ane aete ordaininge all subjectes 
th' Tb°'"'b'^ o- *° subscrybe it. To this desyre, the Comissionair answered, That the two 
it. The Com" partes of the Covenant wer of diverse natures ; first, the Confessione of 
nussioners an- p^ith, concerning which he said that now ther could be no questione, he 
idication to the being fully perswaded that both the formall words therof, and the explana- 
(Jommissioner tione therof by the Assembly, at his subscriptione therof, August seven- 
council for teenth, wer true : Yet he saide that the other pairte of ther Covenant, viz. 
subscription of ther mutwall bande against all men whatsomever, Was a pille that some 
Tile coiincu" ' could not easily digeste. This, he saide, in his judgment, could be helped 
grant an order easily by ane handsome explanatione therof, wherby the King might be 

accordingly, gatisfeed therin, who fownde himselfe not a little concerned therin. But 


as a subject this could not be graunted ; for the moderator answered the Comissioner 

subscribes the (.jj^j. (.jjg synode could saye no furder in vindication therof then had been 

as Commis- saide befor : yet the matter was referred to the next meeting of the As- 

sioner adds a sembly, sessio twenty-first. 

declaration. t i- i i • i- i i • i ^ • i • 

The Assembly '^ lynde nothing mor ot publicke concernment that past m this sessione, 

appoint the except ane aete of grace to deposed ministers, to the following pourpose : 

be subscribed That all synods, by ther recommendatione (for command I fynde none) 

by masters of had it left to ther arbitriment, that all ministers who wer deposed by them 

P,,""*,^' , ' for subscrybinw the bishopps Declinator, and reading the Service Booke, 
with a declara- j n i r ' o ^ 

tion prefixed, and no other grosse fault, upon ther trwe repentance and submissione to 

Last session : ^j^g constitutions of this kirke, and upon ther purgation and cleanesse from 
a supplication ,.,,■, , ,. . , 

to the King : any grosse taultes laide to ther charge in any new processe against them, 
next Assembly (j^gy j^j^y be founde by the synods capable of the ministry e, when God 
at Aberdeen, grauntes them ane ordinary and laufull callinge, by admission from the presby- 
1640, last trye, either in the church they served in befor, or in any other churche.C) 
.lulv- Act for -^ whyle after this, the lately deposed episcopall ministers beganne to 
. visiting the crowde SO thicke at this wicket into ther owne pulpitts againe, by the as- 
niversi les. gjgtaunce of ther parishoners, that in the following Assemblyes this latitude 
Amr'st"''8 ^^^ restrained ; and though all wer permitted to repent, yet (as after shall 

(1) [Records of the Kirk, p. 205.] 

Ch. LXXV.] 



be told), none wer permitted any mor to repossesse ther owne churches or 
benefices ; but they behoved to expecte ther call to some new place. Nay, 
and when that was not sufficient to keep them out, ther wer mor barriers 
of a long progresse of going from one churche judicatorye to ane other 
laide in ther waye, that either they might dye in the wildernesse, or give 
over a tediouse attempt, or fully prostitute ther consciences : But of all this 
afterward, God willinge. 

The twenty-first sessione conveend againe the next day, being August 
twenty-ninth. Ther they beganne to consult and argwe what course wer 
best to be tackne for to have the Covenant imposed upon all by a law or 
statute. It was thought fitt that to this pourpose a supplicatione should be 
drawne and presented to the Kinge his privie councell, whairby they should 
be besought for to enjoyne the subscriptione of the Covenant (rather Con- 
fessione of Faithe), as once befor had been done upon all subjectes of the 
kyngdome : the draught was appoynted to be perfected against the next 

In this sessione, ther was ane acte concerning better observing of the 
Lordes day revived, which once had past and been enacted befor in a Gene- 
rail Assemblye holdne at Haliroodhouse, 1602, session fifth, against Sab- 
bath breache, by going of raylnes, salt pannes, salmond fishinge, and whyte 

The twenty-second sessione conveened, afternoone, August twenty- 
ninth, wherin ther wer some overtours proposed and approved by the 
Assemblye :(2) 

Fhst, That the presbytery of Edinburgh should tacke paines to extracte 
all actes (that are for the use of the Churche in generall) out of the re- 
gisters of former old Assemblyes, since aiino 1560. 

Second, That the parliament should be sollicited for to impose a pecu- 
nialle fyne upon all who went to England to marrye. 

Third, That the parliament be sollicited for to passe ane acte for fur- 
nishing ministers expences, who are sent comissioners to Generall Assem- 
blyes, some other way then out of the said ministers ther steepends. 

Fourth, That sessione bookes of each paroshin be presented, once evrye 
yeare to presbytryes, and ther to be tryed. 

Sessio 2 1 . 
August -29. 

Sessio 22. 
August 29. 
a meridie. 

(1) [Records of the Kirk, p. 206 ; Rushworth's Hist Collect., vol. iii., p. 960.] 

(2) [Records of the Kirk, p. 206.] 


A. D. 1639. Fifth, That deposed ministers be charged with excommunicatione for to 
demitte ther places ; and withall, that it be recommended to the parliament 
to tacke course therin. 

Sixth, All actes of former Assemblyes against papistes and excommuni- 
cate persones, and keepers of company with them, be renewed, or receavers 
of them. 

Seventh, That ane uniforme catechisme be appoynted through all the 

Eighth, That all ministers presented to kirkes be tryed if they be qwali- 
fyd for the places they are to enter into, besyde the ordinar tryalls of 
Sessio 23. In the following sessione, August thirtieth, besyde the supplication 
August 30. against the Large Declaratione, which yow have alreadye gott an accompt of, 
ther was lyckwayes presented a draught of a supplicatione to be presented 
to the Comissioner and lords of councell, for subscriptione of the Cove- 
nant, to the pourpose following : * 

That they wer humbly thankeful for, and did much recent, the many 
favours bestowed upon them lately by the Kings Majesty : That nothinge 
remained to the crowning of the worke but that King and people should 
be all joyned in one Covenant with God and Confessione of Faithe amongst 
themselves : And, since they conceived that the only hinderance of this 
was a sinister informatione, that ther intentions wer to shacke of loyaltye 
and diminish the Kings authoritye. They therfor declare in ther owne 
name, and for the rest of the subjects and congregretations whom they re- 
presented, that befor God and the worlde, his Majestys Commissioner and 
Privy Councell, that they never had, nor has, the least thought from with- 
drawing themselves from ther dutifull obedience to the Kinge, or from his 
governement, settled upon them by one hundred and seven descents : That 
they never had, nor has any desyres or intentiones to attempe any thing 
to the dishonour of God, or diminution of the Kings greatnesse and 
authoritye; but, on the contrary, they acknowledge that ther safety did 
depende upon the safety of the Kings majestyes persone, greatnesse, and 
royall authoritye, who is Gods vicegerent over them, to mantaine relli- 
gione, and minister justice : That they did solemnly sweare, not only ther 
mutwall concurrence and assistaunce for the cause of relligione, to the out- 

* See Print Acts, pag. 10, et seqq. [Records of the Kirk, p. 207 ; Rushwortli's HiSt. 
Collect., vol. iii., pp. 961, 962.] 

Ch. lxxv.] history of scots affairs. 57 

most of ther power, with ther meanes and lyves to stande to the defence of 
ther King his person and authoritye, in preservatione and defence of the 
true relligione, libertys, and lawes of this kirke and kyngdome, but also in 
evry cause which may concerne his Majestyes honour, they should, acording 
to the lawes of the kyngdom, and the dutye of good subjectes, concurre 
with ther freends and followers, in qwyett manner or in amies, as they 
should be reqwyred by his Majestye, his councell, or any having his autho- 
rity : Therfor, being most desyrouse to cleare themselves of all imputatione, 
and following the lawdable example of ther predecessors, 1580, they doe 
most humbly supplicate the Comissioners grace, the lords of his Majestyes 
most honorable privy councell, to enjoyne, by acte of councell, that the 
Confessione and Covenant, which as a testimony of ther fidelitye to God 
and loyaltye to ther Kinge they had subscrybed, should be subscrybed by 
all the Kings subjects of what ranke or qwalitye so ever. 

This declaratory supplicatione being reade, was entertained by all the 
members, with a. placet ; and instantly was transmitted to the councell, then 
occasionally sitting, by such of the ruling elders and ministers as the As- 
sembly thought fittinge : Thes wer Johne Earle of Rothesse; James Earle of 
Montrosse; John Lord Lowdone ; Sir George Strivling of Keire; Sir Wil- 
liam Douglasse of Cavers (commonly calld sheriff of Teviodale) ; Sir Henry 
Woode of Bonnytoune ; Johne Smyth, burgess of Edinburgh ; Mr. Robert 
Barcley, provost of Irving ; Mr. Alexander Henderson, minister at Edin- 
burgh ; Mr. Archebald Johnston, clerke to the Generall Assemblye: Who, 
in the name of the Assembly, presently sitting, presented the above suppli- 
catione to the lord Comissioner and lords of privy councell. 

The councell having reade it and considdered it, ordained it to be regis- 
tred in the bookes of privy councell, and, acording to the desyre therof, 
ordaine a Jiat ut petitur, okdaining the said Confessione and Covenant to 
be subscrybed in tyme comming by all his Majestyes subjectes of this kyng- 
dome, of what ranke and qwality so ever. 

Many thought that the King did weall, as also the councell, for to make 
a vertwe of necessitye, and to give waye to that which they wer not able to 
hinder the last yeares, and, as the current did runne, as unlycke for to 
barre in the following tyme ; and that in effecte the lame distinctione of the 
supreme magistrates accumulative power, lately broached, was beer prac- 
tised in earnest ; confirme ther actings they might, but hinder them they 
could not. 


The Coraissioner, for his pairte, declared lyckwayes that he was con- 
senting to the forsaide acte of councell, as the Kings Coraissioner, to sub- 
scrybe and cause subscrybe the Covenant, with the Asserablyes declara- 
tione prefixed therunto, and that he was willing it should be enacted, by acte 
of Assemblye, that all should subscrybe it with the Assemblys explanatione. 
And because ther was a third thing desyred, viz. that he should subscrybe, 
as Kings Coraissioner, unto the Covenant, this, he saide, he behooved to 
doe with a declaratione prefixed therunto ; otherwayes, as a subjecte, he 
should subscrybe the Covenant as strictly as anye, with the declaratione of 
the Asserablye : As for that declaratione, givne in as Coraissioner, he saide 
no Scottish subjecte should have the benefitt of [it], nor himself, as Earle of 
Traqwaire. His declaratione was as followes :"> 

" Seing this Asserably, acording to the laudable forme and custome kept 
heertofor in the lycke cases, have in ane humble and dutifull waye suppli- 
cate to us his Majestyes Coraissioner, and the lords of councell, That the 
Covenant, with the explanatione of this Assembly, raight be subscrybed : And 
to that effect, that all the subjectes of this kyngdome be reqwyred to doe 
the same ; And that therin for vindicating themselves from all suspitions of 
disloyaltye, or derogating frora the greatnesse and authoritye of our dreade 
Soveraigne, have therwith added a clause wherby this Covenant is declared 
one in substance with that which was subscrybed by his Majestyes father, of 
blessed memorye, 1580, 1581, 1590, and oftner since renewed: Therfor, I, 
as his Majestyes Coraissioner, for the full satisfactione of the subjectes, and 
for settling a perfeite peace in churche and kyngdome, doe, acording to my 
forsaide declaration and subscriptione, subjoyned to the acte of this Assem- 
blye, of the date the seventeenth of this instant, allow and consent that the 
Covenant be subscrybed throughout all this kyngdome. In wittnesse whair- 
of, I have subscrybed the premisses. 

John Earle of Traqwair, Comissionair." 

Therafter the Coraissioner reqwyred at the Assembly, Whither the sub- 
scriptione of the Covenant, with the explanation forsaide, did obleidge the 
subscribents without the bownds of the kyngdome of Scotland? affirming that 
he thought it ought not doe so : To which it was answered, that evrye one 
ought to advvse with his owne conscience, although ther wer no feare of any 

(1) [Records of the Kirk, pp.207, -208, 269; Riishworth's Hist. Collect., vol. 
962, 963.] 

Ch. lxxv.] history of scots affairs. 59 

churche censure. Yet this ansuer proved not satisfactory to the Comissioner ; A. D. 1639. 
wherfor he reade and gave in another declaratione to this pourpose :(') 

" It is always heerby declared by me, his Majestys Comissionair, that the 
practise of the premisses prohibited within this kirk and kyngdome, outwith 
the kyngdome of Scottland, shall never bynde nor iuferre censure against 
the practises outwith the kyngdome. 

JoHNE Earl of Traqwair, Comissionair." 

This paper the Commissioner reqwyred to be insert in the register of the 
churche ; but the moderator of the Assembly refoosed to give warrant 
thertoo as not agreable to a good conscience. Yet the Comissioner urged 
that at least it should be recorded that he had made such a delaratione, 
whatsomever was the Assemblyes judgment to the contrare; so with much 
adoe, that was graunted that it should be insert, " vocitative only" ; to give 
yow ther owne terme.* 

Ther remained nothing materiall now to be done, but that, that which had 
been the finall cause of ther Assembly, and prima in intentione should be 
ultima in executione ; which behoved to be done by passing ane acte of As- 
sembly for subscriptione of the Covenant, with the Assemblyes declaratione, 
in all tyme comminge. That acte paste quickly, nemine contradicente, for 
ther was no member sitting ther, who had not subscrybed it themselves, 
and so would be sure for to ordaine others to doe the lyke. The acte for 
substaunce was. That they, by ther ecclesiastieall acte and constitutione, did 
approve the Covenant in all the heades and clauses therof, and did ordain of 
new, under all ecclesiastieall censure, that all the maisters of universityes, 
coUedges, and scooles, all scollers, at the passing of ther degrees, all per- 
sones suspect of papistrye, or any other errour, and, finally, all the members 
of the kirke and kyngdome of Scottland should subscrybe the same with thes 
wordes prefixed to ther subscriptione : 

" The article of this Covenant, which was at the first subscriptione re- 
ferred to the determinatione of the Generall Assembly, being determined ; 
and therby the Fyve Articles of Pearthe, the government of the church by 
bishopps, the civill places and power of kirke men, upon the reasons and 
growndes contained in the actes of the Generall Assembly, declared to be un- 
laufuU within this kirke. We subscrybe according to the determinatione for- 

(I) [Records of the Kirk, p. 208; Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., p. 963.] 
• See Printed Actes, pag. 13. [Records of the Kirk, p. 208 ; Rushworth's Hist. Collect., 
vol. iii., p. 963.] 


saide." And, withall, they ordaine the Covenant, with this declaratione, to be 
insert in the registers of the Assemblyes of the kirke, general), provinciall, 
and presby teriall, ad jierpetuam rej memoriarn ; and withall, supplicate the 
Comissioner and Parliament, by ther authoritye, to enjoyne it under civiU 
paines, as a thing that wold tend to Gods glorye, preservation of relligione, 
the Kings honour, and the perfecte peace of kirke and kyngdome. The 
printed acte has a long preface, which since it is but a repetitione of the 
councells acte, or is to be founde repeated in the conclusion, I have will- 
ingly omitted it, referring the reader to the print coppye in the *actes of this 

Ther was lyckewayes past heer ane acte for appeales, that they should 
not be per saltum, but orderly from sessiones to presbytryes, then to pro- 
vincialls, and, lastly, to Generall Assemblyes, except that the General! As- 
sembly wer after the synode, or wer actwally sittinge. 

Another acte lyckewayes past, that no novatione which might disturbe 
the peace of the churche should either be soddainly proposed, or enacted, 
but after such overturs wer first communicat unto, and approved by, synods, 
presbytryes, and kirkes, that so comissioners might come weall prepared to 
conclude a solide determinatione upon such poynts in Generall Assemblyes. 

This acte many thought misticall, and that it needed a glosse ; and, after- 
ward, when the Leagwe and Covenant with England was obtruded upon 
presbytryes and paroshins without ther advyce sought or had, such as had 
reade this acte, complained that the leading men transgressed ther owne 
former actes of Assemblyes, by a contradictorye practicke, in a matter of 
so great importance, as was verifyd in the seqwell. 

The last acte was concerning catechising. That ministers shoulde tacke 
a day in the weeke to catechise ; that masters should catechise ther servants 
at home, and childeren ; that ther should be prayers in familyes morning and 
evning ; this to be tackne count of by ministers and elders at ther family 
visits ; they to be countable to presbytryes, they unto the respective provin- 
ciaUs, and the successe therof to be represented to the next Generall As- 

This acte wanted not its own censure, for it was judged by this and the 
acte for uniformitye of a catechisme, that they wold have had the world 

• Pagg. 13, 14. [Records of the Kirk, p. 208; Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., pp. 
963, 964.] 
(1) [Records of the Kirk, pp. 208, 209.] 

Ch. lxxv.] history of scots affairs. 61 

beleeve that, till that tyme, ther had been no family worshipp nor cate- A. D. 1639. 
chising, into the tymes of the bishopps : Howbeit, in few yeares therafter, 
themselves foUowd the former practise of catechising, in many places, and 
neglected this new acte ; and not a few ministers, leading men, wer so tackne 
upp following parliaments and comittyes at Edinburgh or elsewhere, that 
ther paroshiners wer almost neglected. 

The last sessione mett, August thirtieth, in the afternoone, wher, first, Sessio 24. 
ther was a supplicatione reade and appoynted, after approbation therof, to i August, 
be sent to the King, which was to the following pourpose :(2) 

Being conveened by his Majestyes speciall indictione, and honored by 
his Comissioner, they had been waiting for a day of rejoycing and of 
thankes, to be rendered to God by all the kirke and kyngdome, for giving 
them a King so just and relligiouse, that it was not only lawful! for them 
to be Christians under the Kings governement, but for that he was pleased 
to macke knowne that it was his will that all matters ecclesiasticall should 
be determined in free National Assemblyes, and matters civill in Parliaments ; 
which was a noble expressione of his justice, and wold prove a powerfull 
meane of ther happiness under him : That upon the knees of ther heartes 
they blessed his Majesty for that happinesse already begunne in the late 
Assembly at Edinburgh, whaire they had laboured under God so to carrye 
as if he, ther vicegerent, had been looking on, and wold have wishd his 
presence to make ther joye full : That as yet they continowd his suppli- 
cants, that he wolde be pleased to ratifie the actes of the Assembly by his 
civill sanctione, that so, his power and ther authoritye concurring, relligione 
and justice, truth and peace, might embrace one another mutwally in the 
laund : This would be a resurrectione and a revivall to them to fill heaven 
and earth with ther praises, and to pray that king chakles may be mor 
and mor blessed, and his throne established befor the Lord for ever. 

Therafter, they appoynt the next Assembly to be at Aberdeene, 1640, 
the last Tewsday of Julye. 

And, finally, because the episcopall leaven, by the diligence of the former 
Assembly at Glasgow, or the comityes ordained therby, was not wholly 
purged out, therfor, ther wer actes lyckwayes past in this Assembly 
(which I mention not heer in ther order), for visitinge the Universityes 
of St. Andrews, and Glasgow, and Aberdeene; besyde some what done 

(2) [Records of the Kirk, p. "209 ; Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii. pp. 964, 965.] 


A. D. 1639. for adjoyning some parish churches unto the mor contigouuse presbytryes 
or provincialls. 

The moderator closed the Assembly with a long speeche/O wherin he 
shwed Gods justice to, First, Ministers ; Second, Noblemen ; Third, To 
the preiatts : Next, Gods mercy e in his justice. First, To ministers ; 
Second, To the King ; Third, To the commonwealthe ; since they saw a 
warre ended, without strocke of sword ; that they saw bishopps cast downe 
by God, and that as yet they had the illustriouse Charles for ther King, 
albeit the bishopps did still crye out no bishop, no king. He exhorted 
the ministrye to shunne pryde and divisione ; to preache obedience to the 
Kinge, and love to such a King, who, though he had never been a King, 
yet was renowned and eminent, and to be beloved for his many vertwes and 
giftes lent him from God, that, of his owne voluntar motione, his heart, 
once alienated, was now reconceiled to them ; which was a great mercye of 
God, considdering, First, His educatione ; Second, His councellers, the 
bishopps ; and, Third, His former resolutions, which breathed hostilitye 
in earnest. 

And because the Comissioner had made mentione of some noblemen, 
whoise advyce the King had used from the beginning of the troubles, pro- 
testing that the Assembly might have a charitable constructione of ther 
actiones, therfor the moderator fell to speacke concerning them, and ranked 
them in three classes. First Sort of politicians wer papistes, who be- 
tooke themselves to the prelaticall interest, as most for ther advauntage. 
Second, Such as wer not popish, but only episcopall in ther judgement ; 
and thes, he said, did deserve pittye. Third Sort of politicians wer two- 
faced, who did alycke love both King and Churche ; that themselves kept 
by the King, but suffered ther childeren to follow the Covenante, to lett 
them be pledges of ther good wishes to the couhtrey ; and thes, he saide, 
they wishd weall, especially the Marquesse of Hamiltoune, whom the 
Comissioner assurd them was most earnest for peace. And, finally, he 
gave thankes to the councellers who had been assessors to the Comis- 
sioner. And, lastly, he told the Comissioner how much the Assembly 
was indebted to him for his being a good instrument betuixt the 
King and them ; tellinge the Comissioner that, whatever harsh opinion 
they conceived of him formerly, they now had founde him a reall 

(1) [It is printed in the Records of the Kirk, pp. 270 — 272.] 

Ch. lxxvl] history of scots affairs. ' 63 

converte (the bishopps saide no lesse the winter following to the Klnge), A. D. 1639. 
and that all that he had to doe was to ratifie ther Assembly by acte of 

When the Moderator had ended his speeche, the Assembly sunge the AugusU 
twenty-third psalme, and the Moderator blessed the Assembly, which did penultimu, 
breacke up the penult of August, 1639. 

LXXVI. This is the short summe of that Assembly, wherin the epi- Parliament 
tome of Glasgow Assembly was acted over, at a gallopp, not only without ™cetsthe day 

..• . '—'11 J ii,tt6r conclud- 

oppositione, declinator,(') or protestatione, or charge of treason for to ino- the As- 
leave it, but countenanced by the Kings Comissioner, who yeelded all that sembly. 
was deneyd at Glasgow, and countenanced them to ther last sederunt- articles'. 
This the King did, hoping, no questione, for to pacifie and settle them ; Debate con- 
but they tooke his concessions as extorted, and fownde that the best way to pa™amlnT 
secure themselves was for to throw the helve after the hatchett, and to being incom- 
secure the new erected presbytrye in Scottland by pulling downe episco- Pl'^'f '"^ Y"* 
pacye in Englande, and setting up ther aune modell in its place : Ane siastieal order. 
actione very disagreable to ther former pretences, and such ane enterpryse 4*^' °' "''''" 
as concluded in all the horrible and unnatural trajaedyes that followed, scissory. Act 
which shall be sett downe in ther owne place, if God give me lyfe and °'^ '".^''^^ ^°'^ 
leisour to follow on and prosecute thes Annals. But it is now high tyme to charges of tlie 
stepp in to the Parliament house with my reader ; a few paces devyding the "a""- 
Assembly house and Parliament house, and fewer dayes ; for the Parliament 
conveend at Edinburgh the very next day after the dissolutione of the As- 
semblye; which, if yow looke upon it for its materialls, had ther the 
Comissioner sitting president, and not a few of the noblemen, gentlemen, 
and burgers, for members therof, who, in the former dayes, had borne the 
title of ruling elders in the GeneraU Assemblye. As for thes noblemen 
who had been in armes, or declared for the Kinge, they wer all rendred 
uncapable to sitt or voice, being all of them citted to ansuer the parliament 
as delinquents. With lycke measure wer many gentlemen served, who 
had either been active for the King, or who wer supected might be chosne 
comissioners by the shyres. As for the estate of the clergye, they wer 
outed ; and this parliament was singular heerin, that it was the first Par- 

(1) [A Declinator of the Assembly, signed by the archbishop of St. Andrews, and by the 
bishops of Edinburgh, Ross, Galloway, Brechin, Argyll, and Aberdeen, was presented to 
Traquair. Burnet's Memoires of the Hamiltons, p. 155; Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. 
iii., pp. 952, 953 ; Nalson's Impart. Collect., vol. i., p. 249, 250.] 


A. D. 1639. liament that, for severall hunderetbs of yeares befor, Scottland had seen sitt 
wanting representatives for the clergye. 


The Parliament being conveened by the Kings warrant, Mr. Alexander 
Henderson preached concerning the institutione, power, and necessitye of 
magistracye. Sermon being ended, and the Parliament constitute, acording 
to the fashione uswall, they fell first upon the choise of the lordes of the 
articles (as they are termed). Thes are eight persones, chosne out of 
evry estate, who are sett apart as a comittye for to prepare all thes propo- 
sitions which are afterwardes from them to be brought into the Parliament, 
and debated ther ; and because such proposalls use to be drawne upp in 
severall heades or articles, therefor they are called lords of the ar- 
TiCELS,* or lords for drawing up the articles. 

The Comissioner called the noblemen asyde unto the chamber wher the 
judges ordinarly sitte, leaving the two other estates of the comissioners for 
gentrye and burroughs sitting in the Parliament house, who seemed to be 
amazed at such a forme of procedure. Therfor they depute certaine of 
ther number to enqwyre that which they knew, viz. the reasone of the se- 
paratione and stay of the nobilitye. It was answered, that the Kings 
Comissioner was about the choosing of the lordes of the articles of the 
other estates, which was no new practise ; for by provisions and conditions 
mentioned in ane acte of Parliament, 1587, as also in the Parliaments 1609 
and 1612, and therafter, it had been the constant practise of the Parliament 
for cache estate to goe asyde and choose the lords of the articles out of the 
other estate. The noblemen choosed eight out amongst the bishopps. 
Comissioners for shyres and burroughs counted for one estate ; thes againe 
choosed eight out amongst the noblemen ; and both conjoyned choosed eight 
out amongst the shyres and townes. The bishopps wer not sitting, nor 
any to represent them, as abefor since the Reformatione. How soone this 
was related to the comissioners of the shyres and burghs, they protested 
presently that the lords of the articles might be chosne in face of Parlia- 
ment. Second, That evry estate might choose ther oune comissioners, or 

. * Apolectj. 

Ch. lxxvi.] history of scots affairs. 65 

lords of articles. Nor wanted they asistaunce amongst the nobilitye for to A. D. 1639. 

backe ther desyre, being animated therto by such noblemen as wer the 

great ringleaders of the Covenant ; to whom the project justly might be 
ascribed, who wer opposinge the Comissioner, and pressing this new over- 
ture as hottly upon him as the rest did after they gott this simulate in- 

They affirmed for themselves, that befor the year 1617, it had been still 
the practise of the Parliament to choose them publickly ; and they did urge it 
as most reasonable, since they wer the Parhaments delegates : They saide 
furder, that the bishopps had introduced that new forme of privatt choosing 
of them, and being now that the bishopps wer put to the doore and outed, it 
was most iitte to choose thes articles as befor ; or, if that could not be graunt- 
ed, they desyred, at least, a thing most rationall, that evry state should 
choose ther owne delegates : And for that which they wer informed of, that 
the noblemen wer urged by the Comissionaire for to choose lords of the 
articles for all the rest of the Parliament, they affirmed that it was ane acte 
most irrelevaint, and that such delegates could not be saide to be the Par- 
liaments delegates : Wherfor they protested that whatever wer done by them 
should be holdne for nuUe, as being done a non hahente potestatem. 

The Covenanter noblemen urged the same, and withall desyred that the 
power of the lords of the articles might be restrained : And furder, they al- 
ledged that ther was no statute law for lords of the articles, and that ther 
power was defyned by no acte of Parliament ; that they had been in some 
praeceeding Parliaments, in the yeares past, rather winked at then authorised 
orapprovne; that they urged no practise but what had been in use befor 1617; 
that, albeit since the days of King David Bruce (that was about 300 yeares 
befor then), ther had been still some called lords of the articles, yet such a 
practise de facto could not prescrybe to a Parliament, which being the su- 
preme judicatorye, in free actes, are to be judges what is meet for themselves, 
and to chaing things of this nature as they fynde it most expedient for them. 

The comissioners for the burroughs affirmed, morover, that they wer 
calld by the Kings proclamatione not only to vote, but to debate and dis- 
cusse matters ; which freedome, said they, was qwyte tackne from them by 
thes lords of the articles, who have engrossed into ther owne handes not only 
to determine what shall be proposed in Parliament, but lyckwayes the verye 
drawing up and forming the letter of the law, acqwaynting the Parliament 
itself with nothing but the titles of the actes of Parliament that are to be passt ; 


by which iiieanes, they saide that the Parliament had not so much as a negative ; 
Furder, they saide that the power of the members of the Parhament was in- 
herent, and could not be transferred upon* trustees ; therfor they concluded 
that it was meetest that all overtures and greivaunces should be proposed in 
opne Parliament, which therafter should be committed to lords of the articles, 
who should prepare matters, and draw upp draughts of lawes and actes, first 
to be readd, therafter to be allowd or rejected, as eache one should fynde it 

The Comissioner stoode to the former practise, and wold yeeld to none 
of thes proposalls : Yet, least this dispute should stopp the Parliament in the 
very entrye, ther was a midds fallne upon, by the consent of all partyes, 
That the Comissioner and nobilitye should choose lords of the articles, 
whom the rest of the Parliament should choose anew, and, meane whyle, that 
both partyes should enter a protestatione that such a practise should be 
salvo suo jure, which protestationes should be givne into the register of 
Parliament in wrytte ; and withall that the controversy concerninge the choise 
of the lords of the articles should bee decyded befor the dissolutione of the 
Parliament. So this controversy ended for the tyme, albeit the King in his 
declarationf, published the next yeare, complained upon this actione as ane 
attempt to chaunge and alter the constitution of the Parliament, and the 
very frame of governement : whairof ther will be occasione for to speacke 
mor in the debates betuixt the King and commissioners that wer sent from 
this Parliament to the Kinge. 

In that declaratione,J the King mantaines that by Parliament 4 Jacobi 
VI., cap. 218, that the reasone of thes lordes of articles is ther specifyd, for 
to bee for eschwing of confusions and impertinent motiones in Parliament ; 
that all propositiones to be made to the Parliament are to be delyvered to 
the clerke register, and by him to the lordes of the articles, that all frivo- 
louse and improper motiones may be rejected. 

§The next debate that they fell upon was concerning the constitutione 

* N. B. They made no use of this argument in the General Asssemblyes when they devolved 
all ther power into the hands of a kirke coniissione. 

t Pag. 21. X Pagg. 19,20, 21 ; et pag. 48. 

§ September 6. The Comissioner, as Comissioner, did snbscrybe the Covenant withe the 
Assembly its explanatione, first, in the house of Parliament, in presence of the lords of the 
articles. Secondly, he subscrybed it as Traqwair, simply as other subjectes did. Next, he 
subscrybed the Covenant in the new house of exchequer, as a counceller with other pryme 
lords of councell, Roxbrugh, Lauderdale, Southeske, and mannye others, without any de- 

Ch. lxxvi.] history of scots affairs. 67 

of the members of the present Parliament; for it was questioned how a Par- A. D. Ifi39. 
liament could be full wher the third estate (made upp of the bishopps and 
abbotts of old) was wanting. The Comissioner affirmed, and with him 
such as wer for the King, That no Parliament could be called compleet 
except all such members wer present as wer summond to be present there. 
The Covenanting partye replyed. That the bishopps wer excluded by a 
necessarie consequence ; for since, by the Comissioners owne consent, they 
wer declared no members of the churche but few dayes befor in the As- 
sembly, they could not be admitted to be members of the Parliament, since 
they represented the church no mor : Furder, they added, that, by the Cove- 
nant, civill places in churche men wer abjured as unlaufull; therfor, ther 
could be no representative ther for the churche ; and if ther was any inno- 
vatione beer, it was necessaire, and could not be shunned ; this lyckwayes, 
they said, the Commissioner had consented to by giving warrant to signe 
the Covenante. The Comissioner answered. That, howbeit it wer so, yet 
the tackinge downe of the third estate of Parliament was to destroy a fun- 
damentall law, which he had no warrant to give waye to. 

It will be most satisfactorye to heare the King himself speacke to this 
poynte ; for he sayes,* That, by this practise, they stryve for to alter the 
frame of Parliament, and to confounde and tacke away the third estate, 
wherin the civill power of Kings is so much concerned, as that his father 
and all his praedecessors in former Parliaments, both in tyme of popery and 
since the reformatione of relligione, wer still carefull for to preserve and 
mantaine the dignitye, honor, and preiveleidges, of the third estate, as was 
apparent anno 15(50, when all church jurisdiction, in the person of bishopps, 
is alledged to be abolished ; and anno 1587, when all the temporalityes of 
benefices wer annexed to the crowne, the clergye retained still ther vote in 
Parliament, and represented the third estate, and the civill power and prei- 
veleidges of the churche wer still preserved, and again ratifyd, as appeares 
by the first Parliament Jacobi VI., cap. 24, and by diverse actes of Parlia- 
ment, annis 158", 1597, and 1609 : By all which, and diverse other actes of 

claration at all : This was four tymes that Traqwair subscrybed it. The Marquesse of 
Huntly being present and debarred upon the account of his no subscription of the Cove- 
nant (as others wer), from voicing in Parliament, lyckways offered to subscrybe the Cove- 
nant, but with protestation of libertye outwith the kyngdome ; but the ministers who wer 
present to tacke the oathe of the lords, wold not admitte of such a subscriptione : so 
Huntly was debarred from the Parliament. See Covenanters Answer, pag. 80. 
* Declaration, I640, pag. 22. 


Parliament, it appeared clearly how much the King his praedecessors had 
conceived the civill power and honour of ther crowne to be concerned in 
the mantaining and upholding the honour, and dignity, and preiveleidges 
of the three estates : Nay, and by a speciall acte made in the tyme of 
Jacobi VI., Parliament 8, cap. 130, it is declared treason to impugne the 
authoritye of the Parliament, and three estates, or to procure the innovation 
of the power and authoritye of the same three estates, or any of them : From 
whence the King concludes, that since they sought the breach of that acte, 
how could they excuse themselves from treasone, and plead themselves not 
lyable to the punishment therof ? 

To this they ansuer,* as befor they urged, That the chainge was inevita- 
ble by consequence foUowng upon the acte of Assembly and the King his 
declaratione ; that the King and his Parliament had power to alter ther 
owne lawes and customs ; that that was no treasone ; that it was rather laese 
majesty divyne to mantaine actes of Parliament for advauncing the prelatts, 
contrare to the Confessione of Faith, and Covenants, and manye protesta- 
tions of the church of Scottland. 

The reply seemed not satisfactorye eneuch to many : For, first, the mor 
knowing saw great folly in the churchmen to debarre themselves from a voice 
in the legislative power, since it is a rule of nature that quod omnes tanqit 
ah omnibus tractarj debet,'\ and that they did confounde thinges extremly who 
did not distinguish betwixt the legislative power and execution of the law ; 
which last, although it have been declynd by churchemen, specially in cri- 
minalls, and by the canons of councells they prohibited to be present at the 
tryalls of persones accusd for capitall offences, yet they could fynde no prae- 
cedent in Christian commonwealthes for the former : Nay, some thought 
that it wold not be hard for to instance practises where, in the purer tymes 
of the churche, civill processes had been disputed befor bishopps ; and, 
furder, that 1 Cor. chap. vi. ver. 5, gives grounde for such a practise, which 
was mor then was pleaded for at this tyme : Morover, they did wonder much 
at the blyndnesse of thes churchemen, who wer so farr misled by the pryme 
Covenanting noblemen, as to be throun out of the Parliament with ther 
owne consent ; a thing which in the opinion of many it was thought thes 
Covenanting noblemen did dryve at extremlye. 

' Answer to the Kings Declaration, png. 48. 

t Vide supra. See mor to this pourpose lib. 3. sess. 25, of Glasgow Assemblye, [above 
vol. ii., pp. 163, 164.] 


Next, for ther ansuer* who saye that King and Parliament have power for 
to macke and aboMsh lawes as they thinke titte, It did not come home to the 
pourpose; for it was not the Kings will at that time for to abolish the bishopps 
vote in Parliament, except they would refoose to give him a negative : Besydes 
the dangerouse consequence was forseen that such a practise might implye ; 
for that being laide once for a grownde, that one estate might be outed, viz. 
the bishops, Might it not follow, that another of the remnant estates might 
be also turned out of doores ? a practice since that tyme verifyd by experience 
in the Long Parliament of England, wher the bishopps wer first turnd of by 
the example of Scottlande, the joynte vote of the two houses concurring and 
importuning the King to that effecte; and therafter, anno 1648, the com- 
mons turnd off the nobilitye, and then murdered the Kinge : Finally, they 
thought that the Comissioner was ill answered by objecting the subscriptione 
of the Covenant, for if it was tackne in the sence that formerly it had been 
administred, in anno 1580, all saw that then thes Covenanting consciences 
wer not so straite laced as now ; for after that, when bishopps wer gone, 
yet ther wer some still in the followinge Parliaments quho did represent the 
third estate, whom the rolles of the Parliaments marke with a sederunt pro 

The next proposall was concerning ane acte of oblivione to be passed. 
All agreed that ther should be ane acte of oblivione past, but ther was a 
great dispute concerning the forme and contryvance therof ; for the Comis- 
sioner urged that it should be drawne upp by way of pardone, therby im- 
plying that what was done by them had been illegally acted ; and he saide 
that to graunte it in other termes was contrare to the nature of ane act of 
oblivione, which still implyes a passing by and forgetting of guilt, and in- 
stanced the acte of oblivione, anno 1563. 

This the Covenanters wold by no meanes accept of; but, on the con- 
trary, they pressed that the acte might be such as might justifie ther 
actiones as legall and laudable ; that they wold never offend God so farr as to 
accept of that which might rubbe upon ther Covenant with God as a sinne. 
They saide that ther armes wer lawfully tackne upp ; that they wold be 
readye to tacke upp armes anew, if it wer necessaire. They saide that 
the Comissioner and councell had subscrybed and warranted others for to 
tacke the Covenant. Finally, they desyred that if that acte should imply 

' Ansuer to the Kings Declaratione, uhi supra. 


a pardone, lett it bee to the prelaticall pairty, to the Kings evill councellers, 
incendiars, and anti- Covenanters ; but they would have it bespeacke ther 
innocencye, who wer the Kings obedient and best subjects. 

The King, in his declaratione, 1640,* objectes this to them, That they 
did petitione him for nothing but ane acte of oblivione, yet at the Parlia- 
ment wold have chaunged it to ane acte of justificatione. 

To which objectione I fynde no new thing in ther ansuerf which is not 
already beer sette downe, except that they distinguish betuixt ane acte of 
oblivione and acte of remissione. 

Another acte was lyckewayes urged, which they called an acte resciss- 
iorye, or repealinge, wherby all former actes of Parliament in favours of 
bishopps behoved to be abrogated. The King, in his declaration, J qwarells 
it as an acte which, in the consequence therof, did barre him totally from 
the Assembly, or Assembly bussinesse, and cutt him off from all power in 
civill affaires, which, in the court of the kyngdome of Scottland, are in 
consequence heerupon. He said that heerby they trenshed upon regall 
power, and contrare to ther promise, which was, that they should desyre 
nothing that was not warranted by law. 

To this the Covenanters ansuer, in ther§ declaratione, That it wer a re- 
pugnancye to macke a new acte, and to lett the old actes of a contrarye 
nature stande in force. The rest of ther ansuer is only a declaration how 
fitting a thing it is that churche men should not meddle in civill places, and 
that it wold not worong the Kings authoritye though they did not meddle 
any mor in Parliaments. 

Thes propositions not succeeding, they fall upon mor new ones : The 
first was ane acte of releefe, wherby all the charges of the warre should be 
payed by all the subjectes of Scotland in common : The reason for this 
they alledged, because it concerned all the subjectes, and the defence of 
relligion and libertyes, except only a few noblemen who stood owt. 

The King ansuers, in his declaratione, || That this was contrary to the 
pacification, wher it was promised that whatever was tackne from his good 
subjects should be restored againe ; which the bynding pairt of that acte 
contradicted. Secondlij, That it was contrare to ther desyre at the campe, 
and his concession, July second, 1639, to allow them a liberty of meeting 
and conveening, untill a certain day, for distributing ther pretended charges 

• Pag. '24. f Pag. 50. t P"9- 24. § Pag. 49. || Pag. 2.5. 

Ch. lxxvil] history of scots affairs. 71 

amongst such as should willinglye condescende therunto : That, in steade A. D. 1639. 
therof, they wer laying it upon his good subjectes, who, during the tyme 
of the warre, had adhered to him, and suffered losse for him : That, by 
such an acte, both he most justifie and his faithfull subjectes contribute for 
[to] pay the charge of ther rebellions and treasones. 

Ther ansuer to this and to what follows will fall in better in ther commis- 
sioners negotiation at Londone, a little after this Parliament. 

LXXVII. Therafter they fell to argue how the brockne Highlanders, Restraining 

who, in the former yeares, had troubled and robbed the neerest places of „f pyoken 

■' . . Highlanders : 

the Lowclaundes, might be restrained. Thes wer a party of the Clangregor Marquis of 

cheefly, who had been conducted by a notoriouse robber, called Johne Dow Huntly, accus- 
Geare, or Little Blacke Johne Mackgregor ; as also some others, who wer supporter, 
commanded by James Graunt, sonne to Johne Graunt of Carron : a gentl- sunimoned ; 
man, who had formerly been prisoner and made his escape out of Edinburgh g^j^. Lmiovicke 
castell, and had rendred himself outlaw, not out of any pleasure he had to Stuart. 
dryve such a treade, but for to prosecute the revenge of a qwarell betuixt 
him and the family of Bellndallach, of that same surname, who had killed 
his nephew, Carron, as in the former tyme thes of Carron had done to one 
of the family of Bellnadalloche : Thus, acording to the Highland barbaritye, 
they beganne to bandye one against another, by mutwall slaughters, propa- 
gatinge the feade to the posteritye. 

All thes robberyes wer laid to the charge of the Marquesse of Huntlye ; 
not that they thought him guiltye, but, because they had detained him pri- 
soner into the castell of Edinburgh till the pacilicatione, they founde it ne- 
cessarye to fynde a colour for his unjust imprisonment. His accusers wer 
some gentlemen of the surname of Forbesse, professed enemyes to his 
famUye for many yeares befor ; of whom some, having suffered in ther goods 
or tenantry by the outlaw robbers Clangregor, wold needs draw in the con- 
sequence, that Huntly had givne them privat warrant so to doe. This accusa- 
tione was made plausible by James Earle of Aboynde, his admitting John 
Dow and James Graunt, with ther complices, into his payrty, to beare armes 
in the monethes of May and June, this summer befor in 1639 ; as also, be- 
cause James Graunt was a gentlman, by the mother, descended of Hunt- 
lyes familye, as being nephew to Sir Thomas Gordone of Clunye, Hunltyes 
cosen ; which made him favoured by the Gordones, and his actiones to be 
interpreted thers, howbeit they wer not so exorbitant by farr as thes of 
John Dow and his associatts. Huntly was accused for John Dows rob- 



[B. IV. 

Several arti- 
cles proposed 
new regula- 
tions and laws. 
writes to the 
King on tlie 
subject : 

beryes, because he and his associatts did oftne resorte in Huntlyes Highland 
countreys, which are very large.(0 To the Forbesses some gentlmen of 
the surname of Frazer, specially of the family of Mucholl, conjoynd them- 
selves in this accusatione : thes wer lately growne enemyes to Huntlye upon 
the accompt of the Covenant. Therfor Huntlye was citted by publicke 
summonds to ansuer to this Parliament, but so weall defended by the learnd 
and loyall gentlman, Sir Ludovicke Steward, that he gott off free, and was 
absolved from that alledged guilt.(2) True it is, they had urged him at 
Aberdene, in March, when they made him prisoner, for to settle thes High- 
landers ; but that was rather to ensnare him, then of any reall pourpose for 
to entrust him with such a service, being resolute, from his undertacking, 
for to draw in a conclusione disadvantageouse to him when ever occasione 
should serve to accuse him. But Huntly, at that tyme, did declyne that 
employment for many reasones, wherof that probablye was one ; howbeit, his 
declinator of ther proposall was upon that accompt, because he was no mor 
lievtenant of the north, as his father had been, and so not obleidged to gee 
about such a service but acording to his proportione. 

LXXVIII. Ther ne.xt motions was concerning the Kings Great Mani- 
festo, of which ther was so much noyse in the Assemblye.W 

Another propositione was, that it should be determined whither the com- 
missioners for shyres (since they are alwayes two in number), should have 
each of them a distincte vote in Parliament. 

That no patent of honour should be graunted to any strainger, but he 
who had 10,000 merkes free rent in Scottlande. 

(>) [" Mr James Baird condiscendit that the landis quhair the said Jhone du gar and his 
brother soncs had thair residence the tynies hbellit was Cabrach Glenrinnes Auchindowne 
Strabogie Blakwater Culblaine." Acts of Pari, of Scot., vol. v., p. 262. Thomson's edit.] 

(2) [" Then comes in ane other more malicious complaint against him, at the instance of 
the lau-ds of Frendraught, Lesslie, Craigievar, Glenkindie, Alexander Forbes alias Plagne, 
and diverse others of the Forbes' faction, his old enemies, for alledged receipting within his 
ground of John Dugar and remanent of his followers of the name of Clangregor, notorious 
theifFes, murtherers, and robbers of the king's leidges, and of themselves in speciall. This 
complaint was tryed before ane committie first, and therafter before the parliament, and dis- 
pute vigorously be advocatts in ther presence, which is not used before face of parliament. 
Sir Thomas Hope, the king's advocate, Mr. Roger Mowat, and Mr. James I3aird were 
advocatts for the persewers ; Sir Lewis Stewart and Mr. John Gilmoir were advocatts for 
the lord marquess. And after long disputation the marquess was absolved. This he pa- 
tiently suffered among the rest of his heavie crosses." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., 
p. 170. See also Geneal. Hist, of Earld. of Sutherland, p. 496 ; Acts of the Pari, of Scot., 
vol. v., pp. 254, 257, 260—263,268, 274, 275, 283.] 

(3) [See Acts of Pari, of Scot., vol. v., p. 256.] 


Whither the Kings councellers are not lyable to the Parliament ther A. D. 1639. 
iudsrement and censure? ... ~; 

,„ Kingsanswer; 

Whither remissiones should be graunted for crymes, such as blood shedd, threatens dis- 
without satisfying the pairtye woronged ? solving them ; 

That lawes should be renewed for barring protections, and supersederees rogation to 
not to be graunted to dettors, to the hurt of ther creditors. the second of 

That no comissione of justiciary or lievtenantrye may be graunted but anj '^,\\\ ^o't 
for a little tyme. allow them to 

That armes brought in to Scottland for the late warre should bee cus- g^t^sljii'anj 
tome free. disobey. 

That the president of the sessione should be chosne by the rest of the ^Xr'^^dto"^'^ 
judges ; and the thesaurer and lord privie seale not to pleade for praece- court ; he 
dencve, as not warranted by positive lawe. urges the send- 

• • c V> 1- / 11 • 11 \ 1 1 1 ing commis- 

That no comissioners of Parliament (noblmen specially), should vote sioners to the 
by proxies, id est, deputts sent to represent them. J^'"^- I^"'"- 

i,, , ,, PI- 1 1 • 1 • 1 1 termlmg and 

That the small copper larthmgs, struckne by a preiveleidge graunted to Louden sent; 
Sir William Alexander, should either be called downe, or at least reduced their instruc- 

, ,, . ,, tions. Pro- 

to the trwe worthe. testation 

That the valwe of the money should not be inhaunced but with consent o f against the 
the Parliament. prorogation. 

That the castells of Edinburgh, Strivling, and Dumbarton, be entrusted 
to no man but Scottish men borne, and thes keepers to be placed ther by 
acta of Parliament, and advyce of the states. 

That the customs upon merchandise be not raised without the consent 
and advyce of the estates of Parliament. 

Thes, and some other overtures of this nature, wer pressed for to be 
exhibite as articles to be past in lawes by the Parliament. The Comis- 
sioner opposed still, as not having comissione to yeeld to thes proposalls, 
till the Kings mynde was knowne ; which not only shortly after was mani- 
fested to ther comissioners, but lyckwayes excepted against in his declara- 
tione* the next yeare : 

Wherin he declares. That the coyne was a prerogative of his crowne, and 
none could meddle with it, without being guiltye of treasone. 

As for ther propositione, that the castells should not be entrusted to 
straingers, nor any straunger admitted to degrees of honour but with qwali- 
ficationes, the King affirmeth. That in both ther lurketh a great deale of 

• Pag. -27. 


A. D. 1639. malignitye and poysone ; that this was intended against the English, as was 
apparent by ther exceptiones tackne against such English souldiours as wer 
lately sent into the castell of Edinburgh and Dunbarton : That such a prac- 
tise tended in its consequences to devyde the nations : That it was injuriouse 
and unjust that Scottish men shoulde have titles of honour in England, and 
not English men in Scottlande; that it wer just that the post natj of Scott- 
land should be excluded from all office and dignitye in Englande. 

And for ther limetating the powers of justiciaryes, he wonders why they 
sought that, since some of themselves (Argylle he meand), had obtained 
from him the heritable right of justiciarye over a considerable pairt of 
Scottland, viz. over the westerne isles. 

To that propositione concerning the praecedency of the privy scale, the 
King ansuers,* That no man who is not a traitor can deney that the source 
and fountaine of all honour is in him, and that it is a pryme branche of his 
crowne to distribute honors, dignityes, and praecedencyes, on whom he 
pleased ; furder, that the chancellour of Scottland holds his place and 
praecedencye without any warrant or positive law, but meerly from his im- 
mediate and inherent power ; therfor, why might not the theasurer and 
privy scale do the lycke as weall as he ? 

Finally, he exceptes, amongst other ther articles, That they demanded 
the rescinding the actes of Parliament, concerning civill governemente, as 
the judicatorye of the excheqwer ; the acte concerning proxies ; the acte 
concerning the confirmation of warde laundes, wherby, he sayes, they would 
both destroye his governement and revenwe. 

The time was spent thus in long and fruitlesse janglings betwixt the Comis- 
sioner and Parliament. He affirmed that thes proposalls of thers wer not 
made knowne to the King at the treaty of Bervicke, and that for to graunte 
thes thinges was beyonde the boundes of his commissione. They, upon 
the tother pairt, affirmed that theKing had promised to send a Comissioner 
fully empowred (and not limited), for to yeeld to all things that the Parlia- 
ment should fynde for the good of the kyngdome. This moved the Comis- 
sioner to advertish the Kinge how things wer going in his Parliament in 
Scottland, sending him a double of ther new articles. 

The King worot his pleasure to the Comissioner as follows, vizM) That, 
wheras, it did evidently appeare that the aimes of diverse of his subjects was 
not for relligione now, as they had alwayes pretended (for it was manifest by 

• Pag. 29. (0 [His Majesties Declaration, 1640, pp. 30—32.] 

Ch. lxxviii,] history of scots affairs. 75 

his Comissioners declaratione, how willing he was to give satisfaetioneboth in 
Assembly and Parliament, twoehing such thinges as were promised by him 
or swed for by them under the name of relligione) : That he did perceive by 
ther many new strainge propositions, that nothing wold give them content 
but the alteratione of the whole frame of government of that kyngdome, and 
withall the totall overthrowe of royall authoritye. He did hould it now to be 
his care and endeavour to prevent that which did so neerly concerne him in 
safetye and honour ; and if immediatly therupon he should command the 
dissolving of the Parliament, it wer no mor then justly might be expected 
from him : Neverthelesse, that such was his tendernesse still for ther pre- 
servatione and establishment of a perfect peace in that kyngdome, as that 
he was pleased rather to prorouge the same, and to heare such reasones as 
they could give for ther demaundes: Wherfor, he commandes his Comissioner 
to prorouge the Parliament to the second of June, 1640, and that (since they 
had disputed it) by his authoritye onlye ; he holding it no way fitting that 
any assent of thers, but obedience, should be had to that acte, which did so 
properly belong to him as ther Kinge; and if they should presume to protest, 
sitt still, and disobey that his royall commande, his will and pleasur was, 
that his saide Commissioner should discharge ther so doing, under paine of 
treasone : But in caise of ther obedience and dissolving according to his com- 
mande, then he did reqwyre his Comissioner to declare unto them that he 
would not only admitte to his presence such as they should send unto him to 
represent ther desyres, and the reasons of them, but would also, as he was 
alwayes readye to doe, punctwally perform whatsoever he did promise : In 
the interim, he commanded the Comissioner with all convenient speede to 
come to courte, and to bring with him all that had passed, or had been de- 
manded, both in Assemblye and Parliament, that so he might noto nly be mor 
perfectly informed of all proceedings, but lyckewayes consult with him and 
thoise of the councell, what cowrse wold be best for the preservatione of his 
honour, and the happy accommodation of the bussnesse. 

And upon the returne of the Kings ansuer, the Comissioner urged them 
for to send commissioners to the Kinge ; assuring them that if they would 
send some commissionat to court, in name of the Parliament, for to informe 
the King of the aeqwitye of ther proposalls, he assured them that such 
would fynde a gratiouse acceptaunce from the King, being that it was the 
Kings owne desyre by his letter to him that it should be so. 

Wherupon it was at last condescended unto by the Parliament that the 


A. D. 1639. Earl of Dunferlemlyue and Lord Lowdon should be directed to the King, 
with letters of credite and instructiones, in name of the Parliament, which 
Nnvembris 1. were dated Nuvemhris first, 1639. Thes instructiones to ther comissioners 
for substance wer as foUowethe, subscrybed with ther handes, at Edin- 
burgh, day aforsaide, by some of each estate, for themselves, as repre- 
senting the rest of their number, as ther command and desyres to shew :* 

First, That it was ther desyre to enjoye relligione, acordiug to Gods 

worde, Confessione of Faith, and constitutions of the churche of Scott- 

lande ; and that matters ecclesiasticall be determined by Assemblyes of the 

kirke, without encroatching upon the liberty or preveleidge and governe- 

Nnta bene. ment of any other reformed kirke. 

Second, To shew that they never had nor has any intention to diminish 
the Kings greatnesse and authoritye, which is acknowledged by them as 
his dwe, by the law of God, and the descent of one hundred and eight 
Kings ; and that they intende not for to impaire or withdraw ther civill and 
temporall obedience to his Majestye, but, whenever the Kings service 
shall reqwyre it, to give demonstration of ther faithfullnesse and loyaltye. 

Third, To shew that it is very greivouse to them to heare that the 
King is misinfonned of, and displeased with, ther proceedings ; the laufull- 
nesse and loyalty wherof they warrant, and desyre ther comissioners to 
cleare to the Kinge. 

Fourth, To inform the Kinge of all ther proceedings in Assembly and 
Parliament, and justifie them, and render him a reason for them all ; but 
specially, lett him see that they trench not upon the Kings authoritye, 
wherof the King seems to be misinformed. 

Fifth, That the hinderaunce of the progresse of Parliament is a great 
praejudice to kirke and kyngdome ; that ther desyres are the subjectes 
greevaunces, givne in to the Parliament ; that they agree with the articles 
of pacificatione, and doe subsiste with the Kings authority and obedience 
of the subjectes. 

Sixth, Therfor, having cleared ther actings, to urge the ratifying of the 
actes of the Generall Assemblye, and the going on of the Parliament to 
determine the articles, and to settle other things that may conduce to the 
good of the kyngdome, acording to the articles of pacificatione, under the 
Kings great scale. 

* Covenanters Ansuer to the Kings Declaration, pagg. 66, 67, etc. 

Ch. lxxviii.] history of scots affairs. 77 

Seventh, To desyre (for clearing of all thinges), that the registers of 
Parliament may be produced ; which at that tyme wer in the castell of Edin- 
burgh, under the custody of generall Ruthen, governour. 

Eighth, If it be refoosed to lett the Parliament goe on, then, to urge the 
prorogation therof, in such termes as yow have with yow, in the offer made 
to the Comissioner. 

Ninth, If the King recall the Comissioner, for to trye and advertishe 
who will be thought fittest for to be sent from the estates as comissioners, 
to informe the Kinge, and to procure the Kings warrant for ther coming to 

Tenth, For to be frequent and sure in ther advertishments how bussnesse 

Eleventh, To shew the greivousc complaintes givne in to the Kings Com- 
missioner and lords of articles, by such Scottish as inhabite Irelande, of 
whom oathes are exacted unwarrantable by the lawes of the church of 
Irelande ; as also, that some of this natione have been pressed in England 
with the lycke oathes. 

Dunferleralin and Lowdone iraediatly therafter tacke journey with thes 
publicke instructions (for ther privatt ones wer not divulged) unto Londone ; 
but when they came to court, they wer enqwyred whither or not they came 
with warrant and licence from the Kings Comissioner ; and, next, if they 
had acqwaynted him with what they wer to propounde unto the Kinge ? 

Ther ansuer to thes propositions not being admitted as satisfactorye, they 
wer both sent backe without hearing. 

Ther owne answer and excuse, which they sett out in print (for thes 
omissions which it seems they deney not), wer,* first, That the Comissioner 
had shewed the Kings warrant (for sending comissioners to him), to 
diverse of ther members ; which they tooke as consent eneuch from the 
comissioner, and of greater authoritye then any thing from himselfe : For 
the next, they ansuer. That ther might have been some instructions to pro- 
pone or complaine to the King upon the Comissioner himselfe, very unfitt 
to have been imparted to the Comissioner himselfe (yet such instructiones 
are not instanced) ; that the King might have ansuered as he pleased ; but 
they could neither expect nor suspecte that the King wold have sent backe 
the comissioners of a Parliament of a kyngdome without hearinge. 

* Covenanters Answer, pa/j. 60. 


A. D. 1639. Ther returne, after this manner, bredd great grumbling amongst the 
Covenanters, and the constructione that many did putt upon it was,* That 
the King, by standing upon such formalityes, was seeking for to dryve them 
into some inconveniences, so as to provoicke them to runne into armes 
againe, that thus the King might gett a sufficient pretext of warre against 
them. Others saide that ther comissioners wer putt backe from court 
least they should, by ther long stay ther, prye into the Kings councells and 
projectes, which they supposed wer to arme anew : a frivolouse conjecture 
certainlye, for they needed no spye upon his actions from Scottlande, 
having Hamiltoune ther, who was admitted upon the Kinges most secret 
projectes as a counceller ; and having Traqwaire at home, whoise actings 
wer as ill consterd by the royall partye, as shall be told afterwarde. 

And as for the Kings inclinatione to a new warre, which it is affirmed he 
was willing to conceale, the world saw that the Covenanters inclinations 
wer as much that waye, ever since the pacificatione ; as the challendges 
givne in July eighteenth, 1639, in some pairt give a ground to the King to 

The Parliament fall, therfor, to new consultationes what wer best to be 
done, and, in ende, conclude upon a new supplicationeO to be sent to the 
King : Wherin they desire that the Parliament might goe on, or, at least 
befor he credite any sinister informatione concerning them, that he wold 
give warrand for sending for some of ther number to his presence, who 
might give his Majestie full satisfactione of all ther demaundes : This sup- 
NovenibiM- 2J. plicatione was past, Novemhris twenty-second, 1639. 

And being presented to the King at Londone, it gott the following re- 

DocemlxT 11, turne, December eleventh, 1639, at Whytehall, viz. That his Majesty having 

1039. reade and considdered this supphcatione, is graciously pleased to permitte 

such number of them to repaire thither as they shall please, for to shew the 

reasones of ther demaunds. 

Signed Steuline. 

And withall the King sends ane expresse warrant under the privie scale 
to the Comissioner for to dissolve the Parliament, and prorogate it unto the 
second daye of June, the next yeare, 1640 ; and that by vertwe of his 
Majestyes comissione, to whom it did belong both to call and dissolve Par- 

* Spang, Historia Motuuin, pag. 42". 
(I) [It is printed at length in Balfour's Annales, vol. ii., pp. 3G4 — 306.] 

Ch. lxxviil] history of scots affairs. 79 

liaments, for that he saw they intended nothing but the chaunge of governe- 
ment. Therfor the Comissioner reqwyres them for to ryse and begone, 
under paine of treasone ; but withall permittes them, first, to nominate 
comissioners to goe to court, acording to the Kings warrant and licence ; 
as also for to name a comitte who should remaine at Edinburgh and attende 
the returne of the comissioners, and corresponde with them at all tymes 
till ther returne to Scottland. The comissioners wer the Earle of Dum- 
ferlemlyn, and Lord Loudon ; Sir William Douglasse, sheriff of Teviot- 
dale ; and Mr. Robert Barely, provost of L'vinge, one who had been some- 
tyme paedagouge to Argylle. 

The members of the Parliament founde inconveniences aeqwalle almost 
both to sitt still and to ryse. If they disobey, they are to bee charged with 
treasone ; and they supposed it might give the Kinge occasione of a new 
qwarell, befor they had fixed the lawes for ther owne advauntage. If they 
arose, they saw the praeparative dangerous ; for thus they confessed to the 
world that, howbeit, they had declared by ther practise at Glasgow that the 
King could not hinder the course of a Generall Assemblye, yet he could 
sett and raise a Parliament at his pleasur : a praerogative that they tooke 
little rest till they wrested out of his hande by the acte for the trienniall 
Parliaments, anno 1641. 

To salve all this inconvenience, and to keepe all sure under foote that the 
King should lay no hold upon this acte of obedience, it was thought fitt for 
to have ther recourse to ther old buckler of a protestatione ; which was 
acordingly done upon the eighteenth day of December, by publicke reading 
of ther declaration in the Parliament house, for substance as followeth : 

That it was the first tyme that ever it was heard of in Scottlande, that a 
full Parliament, laufully constitute in all its members, after the choise of the 
lords of the articles, and sitting neer fifteen weekes after all the articles wer 
formed, should be dissolved without its awne consent, without offence upon 
ther pairt, contrare to the Kings warrant under the great seale, and upon 
pretence of a clause of his coraission under the qwarter seale, which was 
only for fencing and continowing the courte till the downe sitting of the 
Parliament, and that evne by representation of the estates, who now being 
present themselves cannot be represented by comissioners, but doe directly 
dissassent ; which warrant is now expyred in itselfe, and is not renewed 
under the qwarter seale, wherby he offends the Kings good subjectes, and 
endaungers the peace of the kyngdom, for which he must be lyable to his 


A. I). 1631). Majestyes animadversione, and to the censure of the Parliament ; That this 
practise was contrare to his Majestyes honour, who had promised to ratifie 
the acts of the kirke ; that it was contrare to lawes, libertyes, and practise 
of the kyngdome, by which all continuations of begunne Parliaments have 
ever been made with consent of the estates, as may be seene in all printed 
and wryttne records of the Parliament ; contrare to publieke peace of kirke 
and kyngdome, which cannot endure long delaye : That by such meanes 
ther adversaryes wer seeking to devyde betuixt both King and kyngdome, 
and to bring both to utter ruine : therfor they declare, in such ane ex- 
tremitye as is above spockne, that the Comissioners dissolving them by him- 
selfe, or any in his name, under the qwarter scale, or by the lords of coun- 
cell, who have no power in Parliament matters during the sitting therof, 
shall be of no force to hinder the laufull proceedings of the subjectes, and 
all the doers therof to be censured by the Parliament : Also, that the Com- 
missioner, his nominating articles by himselfe, commanding them to sitt 
continwallye, contrare to protestations against them ; keeping frequent 
sessions of councell during the tyme of the sessione of Parliament without 
consent of the Parliament ; his calling downe and upp money during ther 
sitting, they having tackne it into ther consideratione ; his frequent proro- 
gating and ryding of Parliament, without ther consent or an acte for it 
mentioned, are all contrare to the libertyes of Scottland, freedome, and 
custome of Parliament, and that they be no praeparatives, nor practickes, 
nor praejudices in tyme cominge : And since they are not now privat sub- 
N. B. jectes but sitting in a parliament, and that many sinistrouse informationes 
wer givne in against them, which had procured all this, and howbeit they 
mitrht sitt still, yet for giving of any cause of oflence to the King, they wer 
resolved for the present for to macke remonstraunces to the Kinge of the 
reasones of ther propositions and proceedings in ther Parliament, and how 
necessaire it was to tacke a speedy course for obviating the evills that ther 
enemyes longed for ; and, in expectatione of his Majestyes ansuer, that 
some of ther number have power from them all to awaite at Edinburgh, and 
to remonstrate ther humble desyres upon all occasiones, that therby ther 
loyalty may be manifested : And if it happne that, after all ther remon- 
strances, ther maliciouse, yet inconsiderable, enemyes shall prevaile against 
the declarations of a whole kyngdome, then they tacke God to wittnesse 
and men, that they are free of the outrages and insolencyes that may be 
committed in the mean tyme ; and that it be to them no imputatione if thev 

Ch. lxxix.] history of scots affairs. 81 

should tacke such courses as may best secure kirke and kyngdome from the A. D. 1639. 
extremitye of confusion and miserye : And withall they doe reqwyre the 
clerke of the Parliament to insert ther declaration upon the register, and 
graunte extractes therof under his hande and subscription e. 

The comissioners whom they nominated for to waite at Edinburgh, till 
the retume of the four comissioners from Londone, wer the Earles Lauthian 
and Dalhousye, Lords of Yester, Balmerino, Cranston, and Napier. The 
barrens wer, the comissioners of the three Lauthians, Fyfe, and Tweddale. 
The burrows nominated the comissioners of Edinburgh, Linlithgow, Striv- 
linge, Hadingtoune, Dumbarre, comissionated to attende at Edinburgh the 
returne of his Majestyes gratiouse answer to ther humble remonstrances, 
and subscrybed Alexr. Gibbsone. 

The coppy of this declaratione for substaunce is printed in the Kings De- 
claratione ;* wheratthe Covenanters tacke exceptione in ther ansuer, and doe 
affirme that the author of the Kings Declaratione has erred willfully in the 
transcrybing therof.t It had been weall done for to have poynted at his falsifi- 
cations ; for to ane attentive reader ther will appeare no substantial! chaunge, 
nor omissione ; and for the clauses omitted, printed by them in a diverse 
character, I can see none of them, though they be abstracted, that will either 
enervate ther reasones, or spoyle the sence : The Kings Declaratione has 
omitted something of ther long narrative, and in the rest has onlye sett it 
downe shortlye, yet at farr greater lenth then Mr William Spange in his 
Historia Motuum,t who uses not to omitte any thing that may justifie ther 
action es. 

LXXIX. The Kings exceptions against ther declaratione I shall sett The King's 

downe, and leave them without ther ansuer, fynding none in ther booke, but *'^'^?P™">' . 

' _ . . . against their 

" That the just coppy of ther declaratione, December eighteenth, itselfe may protestation. 

be in steade of ane ansuer against all that is opposed ; therfor they desyre that 

after the censure therof is reade, it may be reade a second tyme." The 

Kings sence of it is,(') That though in that declaratione ther be a spetiouse 

shew of obedience to him, yet, that it was evident that they had wounded his 

authoritye in the persone of the Earle of Traqwaire, who did nothing in that 

prorogation but by his speciall commandement ; and that therfor, for that, 

* Pag. 32. [The declaration is printed at length in the Acts of the Pari, of Scot., vol. 
v., pp. 286, 287 ; and in Stevenson's Hist, of Ch. of Scot., vol. iii., pp. 815—820.] 
t Pag.M. X Pag. 429. 

(0 [His Majesties Declaration, 1640, pp. 37, 38.] 


A. D. 1639. they could not censure Traqwaire without reflecting on the King. And it 

being positivly affirmed, " That any prorogatione made by the Comissioner 

alone, without consent of the Parliament, shall be inefFectwall and of no 

force," This (sayes the King) necessarly implyes that the Comissioner, nor 

the King himself, has no power to prorouge ; wheras, the contrarye is most 

manifest truthe : And that, though upon his command ther was a shew of 

prorogatione, yet that they continowd pairt of ther bodye at Edinburgh, 

upon pretence of receiving the Kings ausuer to ther reraonstraunce ; which, 

if it should not be to ther lycking, they conclude with a menacinge protesta- 

tione, " That it shall be no imputatione to them if they be constrained to 

tacke such course as may best secure kirke and kyngdome from the extre- 

mitye of confusione and miserye ;" having first tackne God and men to 

wittnesse " that they will be free of all outrages and insolencyes that 

may be comitted in the meaue tyme ;" then which nothing can be more 

boldly and insolently spockne : Thus farr the Kinge. 

Parliament LXXX. Thus ended the altercating Parliament, which had nothing of 

ended ; com- ^ Parliament in it, but that it conveened, and satt, and rose againe ; not one 

journey!'^^ * ^ acte being concluded ther that might tend to the healing of the present 

Traquaire re- distempers. But we shall have it all acted over againe the next yeare, and 

inflames EnL' ^^^ ^^'^^ controverted actes passed for lawes, without King or Comissioners 

land against consent. 

the Covenant- After the Parliament was prorogate, the four comissioners tooke journey 
Medicis, the towards Londone, and Traqwair lyckwayes, being called by the King for 
Kmg's mo- ^^ macke a report to the King of the estate of affaires ther, which he did 
comes to Eng- to the councell boord of Englande, by the Kings directione. I know not 
land; also the jj^^ ^.^ justifie Traqwair his relatione ther, for, howbeit, the King affirmes 
Palatine.'' in his Declaratione * that the four comissioners, after ther coming, did 
The Pals- u,Qr then justifie Traqwaires reporte. 

at LyonsTas*^ But the Covenanters in ther Ansuerf tell us. That ther adversaryes can 
he was going best discover how exact his reporte was, who had taught him befor to saye his 
^my! ^Tmt lessone in publicke as might best serve for the endes intended by them, es- 
Deputy of pecially to animate Englande against the Covenanters ; for the which they 
^"^ll^d*^ 7r^to ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ wittes since the treatye of peace to macke all meanes, wherof 
England. Traqwaires reporte was a powerfull meanes to cooperate. 

It will be hard to reconcile this with Mr. Sandersones relatione, t who 

• Parj. 40. t Paff. 60. J Sanderson in the Lyfe of King Charles, [p. 256.] 

Ch. lxxx.] history of scots affairs. 


tells us, that how soone Traqwaire came to the courte of England, Hamil- A. D. 1639. 
toune and he fell to then private consultationes, and did draw upp papers to Spanish fleet 
the councell of Englande seeking to foment the warre ; and that he was no come to the 
sooner come ther but that the archbishopp of St. Andrews, the bishops of tacked by" ' 
Rosse and Breichne, who at that tyme sojourned at London, did accuse Martin Har- 
Traqwaire to the Kinge, and charged him with many treasonable miscar- 5^^°" iUs°fa-'' 
riadges in his comissione, both at the Generall Assembly and Parliament :(') ther a Peter- 
By all which it wold seeme that Traqwaire, seeking to play with both par- 5*'*^'^,;^^^^'' ^^ 
ties, was trusted of neither ; a thing that very ordinarye followes such feated. Part 
carriadge. of the low wall 

. . c 1 1 1 • J °' t"6 castle 

Leave we now the comissioners tor a whyle upon the journey towards of Edinburgh 

London, and lett us looke backe upon some other things considerable that f^'ls. 
fell out in Scottland or England, or the coastes therof, in the latter pairt 
of the yeare. 

The last yeare, 1638, Mary de Medicis, Qweene Mother of Fraunce, 
and mother in law to the King of Brittaine, not knowing wher to goe, and 
beinge drivne out of Fraunce by the practises of Cardinal] Richeliew, having 
stayed a whyle at Brussells, was invited over to England by her daughter, 
the Qweene, wher she arryved, October thirty-first, 1638, not without 
the great grudge of the people, who beganne now to hate the Kinges 
relationes ; yet glade she was to sojourne at London this yeare, and 

This was not all ; for this yeare, in Julye, the Prince Elector, nephew to 
the Kinge, came over to Englande, his small army, wherwith he had 
invested Lenigen, being brockne by Hattfeeld, the Emperors generall, his 
brother. Prince Robert, and the Lord Craven, both prisoners, himself did 
hardly escape to England, wher he came seeking assistaunce from his 
ouncle the Kinge, whoise doubtefuU affaires could spare no helpe : Onlye 
the King dealt with the Frensh ambassadour, then at London, that he wold 
stryve to have a league made upp betuixt the Frensh king and his nephew, 
ther interests being neer coincident at that tyme. This was undertackne by 
the ambassadour, and siguifyd to Richeliew. Meane whyle, the Paltzgrave 
was unadvysedly advysed for to goe privattly through Fraunce, in Novem- 
ber, and to goe to the Sweddish armye ; but such was his ill lucke ther, 
that, being discovered by one of the Frensh ambassadors gentlmen at 

(') [See Burnet's Memoires of the Hamiltons, p. 160.] 


A. D. 1639. Lions, and deneying himself, he was arrested and carryd prisoner to Bois 

du Vincent, wher he was strickly keeped long after. This actione was ill 

tackne upon the King of Fraunce, his pairte ; being that it was done in the 
tyme of a treatye, and consequently savoured of perfidye or falshood at 
best, which Cardinall Richeliew was knowne not to stand much upon, so 
that it might serve his ends. 

In August, the lord deputye of Ireland was called over to Englande, 
who, at his coming, was created Earle of Strafford, and remained ther with 
the Kinge till December, 1639, and then returned to Ireland ; wher, after 
his comraing, immediatly, he calld a Parliament for opposing the Scottish 
actiones, and for raising money for the Kings assistaunce, fynding, befor 
his parting from England, that the Scottish treaty was lycke to breacke 
out into a new warre. 

This yeare, lyckwayes, September seventh and eighth, came the great 
Spanish fleet to Downs roade, being about seventy saile, bownde for Dun- 
kirke in Flanders, with a recruite both of men and money. They wer sett 
upon by the vice admirall of Holland, with seven shippes, wherof, ere he 
parted, he lost two. The report of ther ordinance gave the alarum to 
Martin Harperson Trumpe, the admirall of Hollande (sonne of a Scottish 
father, one Harper, borne at Peeterheade, in Buchaine), who was lying 
with the rest of the fleete befor Dunkirke. He came upp by two a clocke, 
September eighth, in the morning, and joyned with the vice admirall, and 
mantained a sharpe conflicte with the Spaniard till afternoone, sinking ane 
gallione, tacking two, and shattering the rest of ther fleete ; yet was he but 
twenty-five saile ; and, in ende, forced the Spaniard to the English coast, 
neare Dover, and left them ther. 

The Spaniard, meane whyle that he laye ther, conveyed away four thou- 
sand of his men to Dunkirke, in fourteen Dunkirke shippes, yet could not 
o-ett of, for day by day the number of the Holland shippes encreased, who 
did beleaguer the Spaniarde, and the east wynde continowd. The King had 
sent the Earle of Arundell to Don Antonio d' Oquendo, the Spanish 
admirall, desyring him to retreate with the first faire wynde, for he was un- 
willing they should engadge in his seas, he being at peace with both. But 
the Hollands fleete, now growne one hundred saile, stopped that, and the 
easterly windes. 

Thus they continowd till October eleventh, lying within pistoll shott of 
other ; the Kings admirall, Penniton, lying off, with thirteen or fourteen 



saile of the royall fleete, who had order from the King to syde with the A. D. 1639. 
defendour, if either should perswe. The Hollanders, wearye of delaye, 
used a stratageme for to provoacke the Spaniards ; for Van Trumpe, sail- 
ing by the admirall of Spaine, gave him a broad syde of his ordinance, 
loadne with powder only, without ball, which the Spaniarde not tacking 
notice of, presently payd him backe in earnest. It is affirmed that Van 
Trompe sent presently to Sir John Penniton, and craved his asistaunce, 
shewing him that for a vollie the Spaniarde had fallne upon him in earneste. 
However, it being hard at this tyme for Penniton to know whither that 
war trwe or not, he bore off, and gave them sea roome to fight it. 

And then immediatly Van Trompe charged the Spaniardes with canon 
and fyre shippes, so furiouslye as made them all cutt ther cables ; and 
being fifty-three in number, twenty-three ranne on shore and stranded in 
the Downes, wherof three wer burnt, two suncke, and two perished on 
the shore. One of thes was the gallion admirall of Gallitia, Don Andrea 
de Castro, who carryd no lesse than fifty-two peece of brasse ordinance. 
[The remainder of the] twenty-three [that wer stranded, being deserted by 
the Spaniard,] wer manned by the English, to save them from the Dutche. 
The other thirty, under the commande of Oquendo, and Lopus, a Portu- 
gese went to sea in order, till, overtackne by a great fogge or miste. Van 
Trompe tooke the advauntage, and gott betuixt the two admiralls and ther 
fleete, and fought till the day eleard, at what tyme the admirall of Portugall 
beganne to burne, being fyred by two Hollander shippes of warre. 
Oquendo perceiving this, sailed for Dunkirke, with the admirall of Dun- 
kirke and some few shippes mor ; the rest tackne, eleven sent prisoners to 
Holland, three perishd upon the coast of Fraunce, one neer Dover, fyve 
suncke in the fight, and only ten escaped of the admiralls threttye sail. 
Nor ended the slaughter at sea ; for being brought into Holland, and some 
eight hundred of the prisoners crowded together into a prison at Ramikins, 
the loft of the upper prison breacke, and crushed the most pairt of all that 
wer both above and in the lower rowme of the prisone. This short rela- 
tione I have, not only from the English wrytters, but lyckewayes from 
eye witnesses, who wer at that tyme upon the Hollands fleete in the 
actione, as also from such aS wer eye witnesses in Holland to ther prisoners 
coming ther.(') 

(O [" An Account of the Action between the Spaniards and Dutch in the Downs," will be 
found in Nalson's Impart. Collect., vol. i., pp. 258 — 260. And see Spalding, Hist, of 
Troub., vol. i., pp. 175—177.] 


Considdering the posture of affaires, the coming of this fleet looked 
very evill, lycke another eighty-eight ;(') and many consterd ther coming 
for no other ende but as calld in to fall upon England and Scottland ; 
and long afterwarde it was tackne in Scottland for a truthe, and 
preached in pulpittes, and many gave thankes for ther defeate upon that 
accompt. Some presumptions fortifyd the conjecture ; as, First, That 
twenty-five thousand launde souldiours wer too many for a recruite to 
Flanders. Secondly, That the adrairall of Naples refoosed to shew his 
comissione, though reqwyred by the King so to doe. Thirdly, That 
Dunkirke stood so much upon the receptione of four thousand of them, 
till the Cardinall Infanto sent his expresse order. And, Fourthly, That 
the Kinge did so little against them, and strove to hinder the Hollander 
from engadging. 

Yet is is certaine that they wer launde souldiours, unarmed, and fewe 
officers amongst them, brought out of Spaine by pressing them, and that by 
a stratageme, fetching them to the coast to defende a supposed invasione ; 
and for ammunition, they wer so ill stored, that they had little but what they 
bought by stealth out of Londone ; and for the King, they wer both 
freendes, nor was he in posture to qwarell with either, though it was ane 
affront done to hira by the Hollander to qwarell or fall on in his waters. 

It is reported that whilst thes two fleets laye in the Downes, the Kinge 
was heard to saye, he wished that he wer weall ridd of both of them. 

This yeare, November nineteenth, a pairt of the low walle of the castell 
of Edinburgh fell to the grownde. Generall Ruthven had been put in 
ther, short whyle after the pacificatione, with a considerable garrison of 
souldiours, with a proportionable quantitye of vitvvalls and ammunitione, 
and most pairt of them Englishes. He had for his lievtenant David Scrim- 
geour, brother to the Viscount of Diddipp ; and, it is to be remembered, 
that much about the same tyme the King comitted the keeping of the 
castell of Dunbarton to Sir Johne Hendersone. This troubled the Co- 
venanters, and rendred them jealouse for to see the castell garrisoned by 
straungers, but much mor to see generall Ruthen upon ther heade, a 
souldiour of knowne reputatione abroade, and for gallantrye, and loyaltye, 
and skill in militarye affaires, inferiour to none of his natione. They weall 
perceived that it wold not be gottne from him upon so easye termes as 
befor it had been tackne ; therfor, as much as they could they did, for to 

(0 [The memorable year of the Spanish Armada.] 

Ch. lxxx.] history of scots affairs. 87 

presse him in the importing of victwalls or ammunitione, after the paclfica- A. D. 1639. 

tione : But at the falling of the wall, they refoose to lett him have any ma- 

terialls for rebuilding therof, although he not only reqwyred them, but pro- 
duced the Kings letter commanding them, yet he gott no obedience. This 
generall Ruthven tooke so ill, that from thence fordwards his souldiours 
beganne to grow combersome neighbours to the towne of Edinburgh ; and 
the King, in his Declaratione, 1640, coraplaines of it as a poynte of rebel- 
lione ; but they ansuer him, in ther Ansuer* to his Declaration, that " ma- 
terialls wer not deneyd till, by boasting, professione was made that it was to be 
turned against themselves and the towne ; neither then wer they altogether 
deneyd, so farr as ther owne necessary use of materialls wold permitte." 

Yet neither did the King nor generall Ruthven boast so much at 
that tyme, nor any in ther name nor with ther warrant : And as for ther 
scarcitye of materialls to rebuild about twenty paces of a stone walle, such 
as have readde ther ansuer, and knowes what materialls are about Edin- 
burgh, cannot be convinced of this scarcitye beer spockne of. But however 
it was, generall Ruthen was necessitated to macke upp that breache with 
stackes and railes of timber, in steade of lyme and stone ; which railes wer 
to be seen ther standing at the Parliament, 1641. 

Many ther wer who concluded that this was an ill presage to the King, 
because it was upon his birthday, November nineteenth, that thes walls fell, 
and also at such tyme as the castellans were discharging some great ordinance 
in memorial! of that anniversarye. What constructione could be made 
thence in a superstitiouse waye, I determine not ; praejudice and superti- 
tione being aeqwally ready to misconster all eventes to the disadvauntage of 
such as they hate or suspecte. 

This yeare lyckwayes, Novembris second, the small copper farthings wer 
cryed downe to half worthe ;t but a little afterward they praescrybed and went 
out of fashione qwytte. The kyngdome had been much abused by them, 
both because they wer under the just weight of the copper money, as also, 
amongst other monopolyes which a whyle befor wer current in England, 
Sir William Alexander (once of Menstrye) then Earle of Sterlin, and secre- 
taire for Scottlande, a man extremly prodigall, had purchased a licence for 

• Pag. 85. 

I They wer first cryd downe by the councell, and within six days wer cry4 upp agane, 
by which meanes they came as it wer by a tacite consent of all the people to be rejected 
qwytte not long afterwards. 


A. D. 1639. to coyne above the value of ane hundereth thousands pounds Scottish (some 
said three hundereth thousande pounds worth), of thes small Tumors, for to 
be some reerute to his creacked fortune, after his former monopoly of sell- 
ing knyght barronetts patents for New Scottland was growne stale and gave 
no mor pryce, and after the planting of his kyngdome in Alexandria had mis- 
carryd. Nor was this all ; for, in liew of his preiveleidge, ther wer abound- 
ance more carryd in unto Scottland by merchants, who brought them from 
Machlyne, and other places, wher that trade of counterfitting coyne is drivne 
to the benefitt of none but thes impostors themselves. For some tyme no 
money was to be seen almost but Tumors, which for ease of the receipt, wer 
putt in many little baggs, and this way compted in dollars. The merchants 
did hurt the countrey much by this meanes, for some of the wealthyer sort 
did buy them from Sir William Alexanders factors by weight, in barrells, 
and entysed the ruder sorte of people to chaunge them for silver coyne, 
giving to the poorer sort some few Tumors of gaine, acording to the worth 
of the silver piece that they exchaunged with them. It is a probleme which 

1 can hardly determine, whither the countrey wer worse satisfeed, and com- 
plained mor, or sustained mor injurye, by coyning thes Tumors, or by cry- 
ing them downe ; for many wer losers evrye waye, and not a little of the 
silver coyne was transported at that tyme by the merchantes over seas (for 
many yeares before they had stollne all the gold coyne out of the countrey), 
and ther exchainged to the best advantage, seing that the money at that 
tyme was current at higher rates then it was in Scottlande. This is that 
decrying of the money by the Comissioners authoritye which the Coven- 
anters complaine upon in ther parliamentary declaratione, DecemLris 

The silver coyne, befor that tyme, had lyckwayes been miserably adul- 
terate in Scottlande, by one Mr. Beiote, a Frensh man, and a very cheat, 
who gott in to be maister of the minthouse, wher he exercisd his calling so 
insolently, that he dared upon the Scottish half crownes, coynd by him, for 
to putt the letter B, the initiall of his name ; in which practise he was imi- 
tated by his successor, Mr. Falconer, who sett ane F for the B ; yet all 
thes abuses, at that tyme, wer either unqwarrelld or not punishd, and the 
penny fyne of the silver scarcely since weall amended. 
Fire that LXXXI. This summer, the Highlands and north wer reasonable qwyett, 

burnt the little or nothing fallin"- out ther considerable, except the fyre that kindled 

Marischal o ?? ' k j 

Cnlleg-e. the Marischall College of new Aberdeen accidentally, by neglect of 

Ch. lxxxl] history of scots affairs. 89 

servants. This fell out September twenty-seventh, and was not tackne notice A. D. lt)39. 
of, it fyring in the night tyme, till a barke, lying in the roade, gave the y. „ , 
alarum to the cittizens, whoise mariners came ashore, and, together with the Baron dies ; 
calme night (for it was extreralv calme), wer very helpfull for to qwensh f!^" •''™''" 

n \ n P 1 ,'<• 1 1- . ., , bishop Spot- 

that flamme betor a qwarter oi the aediface was burnt ; which was all the tiswood. 

losse, except of some few bookes either embeasled or purloynd, or, by the 
trepidatione of the crowding multitude, throwne into a deepe well which 
standes in the colledge yard (or courte) ; which bookes the magistrattes of 
the cittye had givne order to carrye out of the librarye, which was next to 
the burning, and, had it once tackne fyre, wold have defaced the best library 
that ever the north pairtes of Scottland saw, being sent thither by the mu- 
nificence mostly e of Mr. [Thomas] Reade, sonne to James Reade, some- 
tymes minister at Banchorye, upon Dee, some sixteen myles from Aberdene. 
This Mr. Reade had been secretaire to King James the Sixth for the Latine 
tounge, and, duringe his residence at London with the King, had amassed 
this library, which at his death, he mortifyd to the New Colledge of Aber- 
dene, as his brother, Alexander Reade, doctor of medicine, and publicke 
professor of chirurgerye at Londone, diverse yeares afterwardes did, in his 
lyfe tyme, gyffe a considerable stocke of bookes to the Universitye of Aber- 
dene. This I could not but tacke notice of by the waye, being that the 
most pairt of James Reades childeren wer men of extraordinar qwalifications, 
as himself was a man of a notable heade peace for witte. 

This yeare lyckewayes dyed Doctor Robert Barron, minister of New 
Aberdeen, and professor of divinitye ther in the Colledge Marishall ; who, 
befor his death, had been designed bishopp of Orkney. He dyed at Ber- 
vicke, not long after the pacificatione, whither of melancolly or by hurt of 
travell, he being a corpulent man, and not much accustomd therunto, it is 
uncertaine, possibly of both. He was borne in Fyfe, and in his younger 
yeares had professed philosophy in the Universitye of St. Andrewes, with 
great applause, as his philosophicall wryttings, most pairte in printe, doe 
testifie, so acute in scoole philosophy and divinitye, that the after tymes 
admire him ; and none in Scottland has risne that can as yet paralell him, 
since his owne tyme. He had been minister at Keithe, in the presbytrye 
of Strathbogye, for some yeares after he was admitted to the functione of 
the ministrye, and from thence brought to Aberdeen, where he preached, 
and taught in the scoole, and worotte against the Jesuitte Turnbull, withe 
aeqwall applause. Some other of his ojmscida are in printe, but many mor 


A. D. 1639. as yet in manuscripts. He was set a worke to wryte an ansuer to Bellar- 
mine his Controversyes, which he perfyted, and carryd away with hira to 
England the manuscript copy therof, ready for the presse, wher he was 
forced to flye from the Covenanters in the beginning of this yeare ; but, 
after his deathe, his executors sold it away (amongst others of his bookes) 
to ane unknowne gentlraan, an English knyte ; this they did, not knowinge 
what it imported, and, for ought I could ever learne, it is not as yet re- 
covered to this daye. The controversye, De formal) objecto Jidej, had 
been bandyed tuixt him and George Turnbull, a learned Scottish Jesuitte ; 
but death preveend him befor he gott licence to duplye to the Jesuitte, 
whoise ansuer he had gottne into his handes and smyled at, and had shaped 
a duply to him at his spare howres, but it wanted the last hande, and so 
perishd with himself. Hee was one of thes who mantained the unansuer- 
able dispute, the yeare befor, against the Covenante, which drew upon him 
both ther envye, hate, and calumneyes ; yet so innocently lived and dyed 
hee, that such as then hated him, doe now reverence his memorye and ad- 
mire his workes.C) In hasting him to his grave, they did ridde the church 
of Rome of ane hurtfull enemye, and robbed the reformed church of one of 
her best championes that ever Scottland aifoorded ; and the worst that his 
most bitter enemyes, to this houer, can say against his memorye is, that he 
was a great opposer of the Covenant ; his judgement wherof dying was (as 
it had been whilst he lived), that the Covenant had givne the papistes the 
greatest advauntage, and done the greatest hurt to the protestant relHgione 
in Scottland of any thing that ever had befallne it since the reformatione : 
whairin, if he spocke true or not, I leave it unto the events that followd to 
determine, and either justifie or condemne his verdite givne therupon. 

Finally, this yeare upon the twenty-sixth day of November, dyed Johne 
Spottiswoode, archbishopp of St. Andrews, at Londone, in the seventy- 
fourth yeare of his age, and was honorably buryd in the chappell of West- 
minster, by the Kings owne appoyntment: Of whom I shall saye little heer, 
seing that his lyfe is to be reade in the beginning of his Historye of the 

CO [" My heart," says Baillie, " was only sore for good Dr. Barron: after he had been 
at London printing a treatise for the King's authoritie in church aifaires, I suspect too much 
to his countrey's prejudice, he returned heaviUe diseased of his gravell ; he lay not long at 
Berwick till he died. Some convulsions he had, wherein the violent opening of his mouth 
with his own hand or teeth, his tongue was somewhat hurt : of this symptome, very caseable, 
more dinn was made by our ])eople than I could have wished of so meeke and learned a per- 
sone." Letters, vol. i., p. 221.] 

Ch. lxxxi.] history of scots affairs. 91 

Churche of Scottlande ; a booke which (as Dr. Jeremy Taylor, in his pre- 
face ther unto prefixed, weall observes,) had the happ for to have such a 
storme treade upon the heeles of it, for to smother it, as had done the 
authors being alyve.(') He was a man hateful! to the Covenanters, and to 
all presbyterians. Befor the tymes of the Covenant, Mr. David Calder- 
wood had, in severall of his polemickes, fallne hottly upon him ; and after 
the Covenant beganne, he was qwarelled at almost in all ther remon- 
straunces, and, in ther esteem, judged no other than a papiste : His very 
memory hatefuU to them, and persecuted in his posteritye, specially in his 
worthy sonne. Sir Robert Spottswood, who felt the strocke of the parlia- 
mentary axe at St. Andrews, anno 1C45 ; of whoise noble martyrdome (if 
God give me lyfe and leiseur), I shall afterwards give a mor particular 
accompt. Yet bishop Spottswoods booke is a tombe, and a lasting epitaph, 
which his greatest enemyes will never deface ; a booke qwarelled at for 
nothing but for telling too much of the truthe. One thing is not to be 
omitted hear, which he spocke a dying.* When Hamiltoune came to him 
and asked his blessing, he said that he wold not refoose his lordship his 
blessing, but he behoved to tell him that church and state wer in a dan- 
gerouse conditione ; he, therfor, did exhorte and conjure his lordship to be 
instrumentall to qwensh that flamme, which he knew his lordship might bee; 
but, if he did it not, then he assurd his lordship that God wold raise upp 
and send a delyverance else wher, but that his lordship and his house wold 
perishe : Whither heerin he spocke with a profeticke spiritt or nott, the event 
has made it manifest. The occasione which brought him to Londone befor 
his death, was the declared enmitye which the Covenanters baire against 
him in Scottland ; which was so great, that neither his place, being both 
Lord Chancellor of Scottland and Archbishopp of St. Andrews, Primate 
of Scottland, nor his graye haires, could secure him from the effi'ontes of 
the unruly multitude ; which did necessitate him, in the begining of the Co- 
venant, to betacke himselfe to a voluntary exyle, wherin he founde mor civi- 
litye then at home, and founde his Princes court another native countrey, 
after his owne had castne him off in ane unworthy manner. 

(1) [" This History being wrote in calm and quiet Times, and by a person whose temper 
and disposition was not unsuitable to them, had the ill hap to have an hideous Storm tread 
upon the heels of it ; which, among other greater wrecks and Ruins, might very likely have 
buried this, never to have been raised up againe : But Providence had so disposed of it, 
that a Copy of it, etc."'\ 

* See bishop Spottswoods Lyfe [by Bryan Duppa, bishop of Winchester,] in the begin- 
ning of his booke. 



A. D. 1639. LXXXII. It was this yeare lyckwayes that the tacking of ane oath, 
Counter oath counter to the Covenant, was prosecuted in England and Ireland, which 
to the Cove- had been sett on foote by the deputy the yeare preceeding, and was much 
qwarelled at and remonstrated against by the Scottish comissioners, amongst 
other of ther instructiones, as afterward shall be told. The forme of the 
oath was as followeth :* " I, A. B., one of his Majestyes subjectes in the 
kyngdome of Scottland, doe, by thes presents, signe with my hande, upon 
my great oathe, and as I shall be answerable to God upon my salvatione and 
condemnatione, testifie and declare. That Charles, by the grace of God, 
King of Great Britaine, France, and Irelande, Defender of the Faithe, is 
my soveraine lorde ; and that, next unto Almightye God, and his sonne 
Chryst Jesus, he is over all persons in his Majestyes kyngdoms and domi- 
nions, and in all causes, as weall ecclesiasticall as civill, supreame governour : 
To whom, his heires and successors, I am bownde, in dutye and alledgiance, 
to all obedience, if it wer to the losse of my lyfe, estate, and fortunes ; and 
I doe heerby abjure all combinations, covenants and bandes that can be pre- 
tended upon pretext of relligione or libertye of the kyngdome; and specially 
the damnable and treasonable Covenant, commonly called the popular Co- 
venant, so much magnifyd now in Scottland ; and doe promise never to 
tacke armes against his Majestye, his heirs and successors, offensive or 
defencive, but to abyd constant in alledgiance, duty, and obedience, which I 
professe Almighty God hath tyed me too, and to doe the outermost of my 
power against all oppositions whatsomever, forraine or homebredd. So helpe 
me God." 

Such another oath did James Earle of Oboyne cause administer this 
yeare, 1639, in summer, during the tyme that he was in armes :(') It was 
givne to none but such as wer either suspected Covenanters, or had 

* Covenanters Ansuer to the Kings Declaration, pag. 72. [Stevenson's Hist, of Cli. of 
Scot., vol. iii., pp. 799, 800.] 

(1) ["I do faithfully swear and subscrive, profess and promise, that 1 will honour and 
obey my soveraigne lord king Charles, and will bear faith and true alledgeance unto him, 
and defend and maintaine his royall power and authoritie ; and that I will not bear armes, 
nor do any rebellious act or hostile against him, or protest against any of his royall com- 
mands, but submit myselfe in all due obedience ; and that I will not enter into any covenant 
or band of mutuall defence and assistance of any sort of persones by force, without his 
majestie's soveraigne royall authoritie ; and do renounce and abjure all other bands and 
covenants whatsomever contrair to what I have sworne, herein professed and promised, as 
help me God in Christ Jesus." 

" This oath," says Spalding, " was imprinted at England, sworne and subscrived by all 
the king's loyall subjects ther ; wherof the lord Aboyne brought ane imprinted double to 
he. subscrived here in thir parits." Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 148, 149.] 

Ch. lxxxiii.J history of scots affairs. 93 

avowedly subscrybed it. His oathe was of ane higher straine then this, for A. D. 1639. 

such as tooke it swore not to corresponde or have societye with any Cove- 

nanter, either directly or indirectly, but in so farr as the necessity of ther 
private aflaires should force them. It was tackne by some few, and 
observed by none of thoise who tooke it ; and it prescrybed with Aboynes 
comissione, about the tyme of the pacificatione, and was afterwards laid by, 
lycke ane almanacke out of date, by the prevalencye of the Covenanters, 
who, for severall yeares afterwarde, grew maisters of Scottlande, and con- 
federatts with the English Parliament : And now it is high tyme to putt 
an ende to this troublesome yeare, 1639, and such eventes as therin wer 
most remarkable. 

LXXXIII. The Covenanters being advertished, by ther private intelli- A. D. 164-0. 
eence from ther freinds about court, that the King was thinking upon a ^ 

'-' o o 1 C-ovGnsiitcrs 

new warre; and that all the bygone jangling in the Parliament, and post- prepare for 
poning ther comissioners, was for no other ende but till the King should hostilities. 
putt himselfe in a better posture, thought it not meete to relye muche upon T^g subscrib- 
the good successe of ther comissioners at London : Therfor they fall to con- ing the Cove- 
suit how to macke ready new forces, in caise they should fynde it needfull {imitation Ts 
to tacke armes againe. They had detained most of ther officers ; but the urged. Re- 
last yeares expeditione and levyes had emptyd ther purses very muche ; P^^'""* °' *he 
and ther project of releefe of ther burthen, by ane acte of Parliament, had ammunition for 
mett with a demurrer to ther great discontent : Therfor, they fall upon a ^■^'^ castle. 
new inventione, which was to valwe evry mans estate, and, in the interim, 
that all should subscrybe a Bande for Releefe of the Common Burthen, 
acording to the proportione of ther revenwes or estates. This projecte was 
at first givne out to be only for the payment of ther dettes already contract- 
ed ; but shortly after it was made use of for the succeeding tyme. The 
caball of ther depursments was kept up as a mystery amongst the pryme 
leaders of the Covenant, who, under colour of discharging what was 
already owing, imposed what they pleased for the tyme to come. And 
because all saw that, by this devyce, they wer involved in ane arbitrary 
taxe, so that they did not know how muche they wer to paye, nor for what, 
therfor it gott the name of the blynd bande, in a scoffing waye. And 
now many of the Covenanters eyes beganne to be opned by this Blynde 


A. D. 1640. Bande, for to see what they had obleidged themselves to in the Covenante, 
who at first httle apprehended how dcepe it was lycke to drawe. The 
ministers, lyckwayes, who wer by this tyme begunne againe to crye out 
against the King, and his evill counsellers, and the popish prelatts, did 
mainly exorte and recommend this worke in their pulpitis. For the 
readers satisfactione, I shall sett downe both the formulas of ther obliga- 
tiones, and the instructiones therwith conjoyned, as they wer sent through 
the countrey. It was called by themselves the Bande anent the Common 
Releefe ; ther wer two in number. 

The first and ouldest Band this : 

" Wee, and others undersubscrybers, within the 

of considdering that forasmeekle as in the late troubles of this kyng- 

dome, diverse weall alfected noblemen, gentlmen, burgesses, and others, did 
depurse in victwall and money, or otherwayes, and has takne upon ther 
credite great sums of moneye (the burthen wherof being too heavy for them 
to beare), equitye and reasone craveth that they wer releeved and reimbursed 
therof ; and specially seing the benefitt as weall of removing of evills as 
of the reformatione of relligione now established by the late Assembly, en- 
dyted by our dreade Soveraigne, and authorised by his highnesse regall 
authoritye, has communicate to all and everye good and loyall subject within 
this kyngdome, evrye one ought and should contribute aeqwally and pro- 
portionably acording to his meanes and fortunes for releefe of the saide com- 
mon charge : And because the determinatione of the Parliament [anent] the 
saide common releefe is delayed, and the tyme therof yet uncertaine, wherby 
thoise who have depursed, undertackne, or lent ther moneyes, victuall, and 
other, lyes out of payment as weall of principall as annuell rents, to the 
weackening and hazard of ther credite, and to the daunger and ruine of ther 
fortunes and estates, unlesse tymouse and speedy course and remeade be 
tackne be mutwall concourse of the whole kyndome for releefe and defi'ay- 
ing of the saids burthens : Therfor we bynde and obleish us, and evry one 
of us, our heires, executors, and sucessors, Uke one of us for our oune 
pairtes, and conform to the proportione of our estates, meanes, and fortunes, 
either in launde, money, goods, or others, wherby profite and commodity 
yearly aryse, to content and pay to persones appoynted for in- 

gathering the same, the just, aeqwall, and proportionable pairte of the saides 
haill common charges dehursed, advaunced, and furnishd, for the common 
bussinesse forsaide, and publicke use of the countreye, since the beginninge of 

Ch. lxxxiii.] history of scots affairs. 95 

the saide late troubles, as the same common charges shall be founde to cx- 
tende and amounte too, after tryall and just ealculatione of the haille ac- 
coumptes therof by thoise entrusted with the examinatione and tryall therof; 
and that acording to the proportione of our laundes, moneyes, goods, and 
others of our estates forsaide, as the same shall be valued and estimate by 
four or moe sworne launded men, or others of good credite, fame, and 
estimatione, to be appoynted, within ilke presbytrye of this kyngdome 
for that effecte, to whoise determination and estimatione to be givne up 
under ther handes and subscriptions, we doe heerby submitte ourselves 
anent the said estimatione of our estate and meanes, and that at the terme 
of Wittsonday next to come, in this instant yeare of God, 1640, or at such 
other tyme, or in such manner and forme as shall be appoytned by the gene- 
rail order to be tackn by thoise who are entrusted theranent ; And because 
the forsaid summes depursed, as said is, doe pay annuell rent, termly and 
yearlye, Therfor, in caise of not thankfuU payment be us, or any of us, ilke 
ane for our owne pairtes of our proportionable pairte of the saides sowmes, 
so to be imposed upon us at the saide termes respective, we obleidge us and 
our forsaides to pay annuell rent for the same at the ordinare rate, after the 
saides termes of payment, with ten merkes for ilke hundreth merkes in 
caise of faylye ; but praejudice alwayes to suite excecutione heeron : And 
because the saide proportionable pairtes are to be payed by us as weall 
heritors, lyverentars, as wthers, acording to the proportione of our yearly 
rente, worth, estate, and meanes, as free rent and worthe, and not burthened 
with debtts or other burthens ; Therfor it is hereby declared, that the debtor 
shall have retentione from his creditour in the first ende of the rente, or 
annwell rent, of the dwe proportionable pairte of the saide summe, effeir- 
and to the rate and quantitye of the saide annwell rent or burthen, payable 
be the saide debtor to him or them : It is heerby declared, that what summs 
of money, victwall, goods, or money depursed, lent or employed, for the 
publicke use, or tackne by warrant of the comissioners or ofBciers of arms, 
and for the armyes use, upon promise of repayment be worde or wrytte, the 
same shall be allowed to the persons debursers, or from whom the same was 
tackne, after tryall made by thosie entrusted upon the saides accoumptes, 
that the same is [just] and reasonable ; providing always, the saide depurs- 
ments be givne to the saides persons entrusted with the saides accomptes be- 
tuixt and the day of next to come, together with the 

instructions therof, wtherwayes no allowance nor retentione to be graunted ; 


A. D. 1640. As also it is declared, that whatsoever person or persons shall not paye ther 

annwell rentes yearlye, within the yeare, or at least within three moneths 

therafter, shall have no retentione of the saide proportionable pairte." Re- 
gistration in communj forma. 

The New Bande : 

" We, all and evry one of us, underscrybers, considdering how just, 
aeqwitable, and needfull a thing it is to have the common charges bestowed 
in the late trouble of this countreye payed, and thoise who have givne out 
money, victwall, or others, and thoise who have undergone the trouble 
therof, payed and releeved of the same as speedily and tymously as may 
bee; Doe heartily, willingly, and freely, offer and promise, for us, our heires, 
and successors, to pay and delyver ilke ane of us, for our oune pairtes, to 
, or ther deputes appoynted for receiving the same, the 
sowme of ten merkes Scottish money, of evry hunderethe merkes of yearly 
rent dwe and payable to us, and ilke ane of us, evry one of us for our owne 
pairtes, conforme to the estimatione to be made of the saides yearly rentes, 
by four or moe sworne men in cache presbytrye of the kyngdome; to 
whoise determinatione, anent the saides rentes, we doe heerby acquiesce, 
conforme to the instructiones directed for that effect, and under the condi- 
tions therin contained ; whilke summe of ten merkes moneye of evry 
hundereth merkes, as saide is, we obleige us and our forsaides to paye 
betuixt and the day of next to come, together with 

ten merks money forsaide for ilke hundereth merkes failye, by and attour 
annwell rent in caise of retention, after the saide daye. It is declared that, 
because evry man payes for his rent as if it wer free of any debtte or 
burthen, except ministers steepends, few and other dutyes, dwe to his 
Majestye, or with clause irritant ; Therfor the detter shall have retentione 
from his creditour of the lycke summe payd by him out of evry hundereth 
merkes of annwall rente, or other burthen, provyding the saide annwell 
rent, or other burthen, or dwytes, be always payd within the yeare or three 
moneths thereafter, at farrest, otherwayes they shall have no retentione." 
Registratione in communj forma. 

Ther was ane Informatione or instructiones lyckewayes sent along with 
thes obligations, which, after a long preface(') of the aeqwity and necessitye 
of that releefe and common benefitt that all had, (which was drawn in 

(1) [It is printed at length in Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 185.] 


wordes and substance not unlycke the first Bande its narrative) followd the 
instructions themselves. Tacke them shortlye : 

First, That the general! Bande be subscrybed be all noblemen, gentlmen, 
heritors, and others, within evry sheriifdome, who shall be conveened for 
that effecte, be the persone entrusted after specifyd ; which persone shall 
macke a particular accompt therof, betuixt and the day of 

next to come, with a particulare note of the names and designationes of 
thoise who have subscrybed the same, and of thoise who refoose or delay to 
subscrybe the same, as well burgers as launded men. 

Secondli/, That the noblemen, gentlemen, and heritors, within ilke pres- 
byterye, at the least so many of them as, after intimatione to be made to 
them, maye conveen and macke choise of four or moe sworne launded men, 
or others of good fame or credite ; who shall tacke exacte tryall in such man- 
ner as they shall thinke fitte, of the yearly worth of evry mans rente, in 
victwall, money, or otherwayes ; to distinguish the particulare rent of evry 
severall paroshin ; and to macke the estimation of the victwall, as they shall 
fynde reasonable. 

Thirdlye, To conceale the particulars of every mans rent, that it be not 
divulged but to ther own neighbours amongst themselves. 

Fourthly, In valuing rentes, nothing to be deduced except ministers steep- 
ends and few dutyes, or the Kings dwes, or wher ther is a clause irritant. 

Fifthly, The rent of merchants without burgh, such as buyers or sellers 
of victwall, to estimat according to ther stocke. 

Sixthly, Lyverenters must be valued as heritors. Rents that pay gir- 
sorasO) and small dutyes, to be considdered. 

A rolle of the totaU summe of ilke paroshin rent thus tackne upp to be 
set downe and subscrybed by some of them, testifying the truthe, upon 
honour and credite, acording to ther knowledge. Ther is ane agent ap- 
poynted within cache presbytry of Scottland to prosecute the bussinesse, 
who is to give his account of diligence at Edinburgh, against a day appoynted. 
In brughs, they have power to nominate ther owne valuators, who are to 
except nothing out of burgers estates, but ther dwelling houses ; the rolles 
in cumulo of the rent of evry burrough to be givne upp to ther magistratts, 
who under ther hands shall report it upon credite and conscience. 

(0 [" A sum paid to a landlord or superior, by a tenant or fiar, at the entry of a lease, 
or by a new heir who succeeds to a lease or feu, or on any other ground determined by the 
agreement of parties." Jamieson.] 


A. D. 1640. For eshewing the discoverye of mens estates, every man shall pay for his 

rent as for free rent, without burthen or debtte ; for recompense whairof 

every dettor shall have retentione from his creditor of ane proportionable 
pau't as the impositione shall be laid on ; and the annwell rent shall be free 
of any other payment ; [but] except the annwell rent be not payd yearly, or 
at least within yeares, ther shall be no retentione of the saide propor- 

tione. The lycke proportionable retentione to be had for valwed bolls or 
other burthens, or debts payd out of the laundes or rentes. 

Lastly, In caise the report come not from paroshins, presbytryes, or 
brughs, against the day appoynted, then thoise who have the trust in the 
commone affaires shall have power to impose upon the saide presbytry, 
paroshine, or brughs deficient, such a proportionable pairte as they shall 
thinke expedient. Therfor they entreate them to see all thinges done, as 
they shall bee ther assured freends. 

Subscrybed, Argylle, Montrosse, Eglintoune, Rothesse, Cassills. 
Dated at Edinburgh, Janwary eighteenth, 1640. 

This project, intended for all the natione, was rejected mostly by all the 
anti-Covenanting partye, except such as durst not refoose it ; and not a few 
of the Covenanters themselves fownde wayes for to shifte it off; and it was 
a pill so hard to swallow, that it stoode with the stomaches of many zealotts ; 
and although diligence was used, yet at that tyme it tooke not the effecte 
desio-ned ; though afterwarde ther wer mor effectwall wayes fownde out to 
command all mens estates at ther pleasure. 

About this time that ther was diligence used for subscriptione of the 
Blynde Bande for releefe, ther was as much diligence used by the zealotts of 
the ministrye, and others who wer knowne to be weall affected for subscryb- 
ino- of the Covenant generally, by all, with the interpretatione or additione of 
the Assembly of Glasgow, ratifyd in the Assembly of Edinburgh, 1639. And 
now as they grew mor imperiouse to urge subscriptions, so they beganne to 
refoose to lett any body subscrybe the Covenante with limitations, restric- 
tions, or declarations, as befor they had done. 

"Whilst these things are adoing, the King is advertished that they had 
refoosed to lett geuerall Ruthven have any materialls for reparation of the 
low out wall of the castell, which had fallne, November nineteenth, 1639 : 
Therfor he resolves to provyde it better with men and munition, which, if 
they refoosed to receive into the castell, it wold be an opne breach upon 
ther pairte. To this pourpose, two shipps, with a recruite of ane hundereth 

Ch. lxxxiii.] history of scots affairs. 99 

souldiours, wer directed towards the Firth of Forth ; these shippes had A. D. 1640. 

lycliwayes arraes and ammunitione to be putt into the castell ; and, withall, 

the King sent his letter, reqwyring (the secrett councell sayes one, others 

say, mor probably,) the provost and townes councell of Edinburgh,(') to 

asiste to the putting thes materialls safe into the castell : His letter was dated 

Jan wary twenty-fourth, 16 in, Whytehall, and was peremptory, to the straine 

following : 

" Charles Rex. 

" Trustye and weall beloved, we greet yow weall : Wheras, we have 
thought fitt to send some men and cannon to our castell of Edinburgh, we 
doe heerby will and commande [yow] upon your alleadgance to us, and upon 
paine of incurring the punishment of high treasoune, not only to suffer the 
saide men and canon to be forthwith launded and safely conveyd to our 
castell, by such numbers and parcells as the bearer heerof shall directe ; but, 
lyckwayes, to be aiding and asisting in the service to captain Slingsby and 
captain Shippman, and such others to whom we have comitted the charge 
of transporting and delyvering the same : And to this pourpose, we doe 
heerby straitly command yow to cause boats to be immediatly sent from 
Leethe to our shipps, to receave and bring upon shore the saide men and 
cannon ; and, when they shall be launded, to cause ane strong gwarde con- 
voye them safelye, and see them putt upp into the saide castell ; and to sup- 
presse and resiste such insolencye or oppositioune that shall be made to this 
our service ; the disturbers wherof we doe heerby reqwyre [yow] for to punish 
exemplarlye, as in caise of high treasoune : And we doe further heerby will 
and command yow to give us ane speedy accoumpt of your diligence and 
proceeding heerin, and that yow faile not in any of the praemisses, as yow 
will answer the contrarye at the outermost perill. Givne at our court of 
Whytehall, January twenty-fourth, 1640." 

The saylers made such speede that the two shippes came into the roade 
of Leethe, February ninth ; who, instantly after ther arryvall, sent a messen- February 9. 
ger to the provost of Edinburgh, with the Kings letters, reqwyring ane 
answer therunto ; wherof generall Ruthven was certifyd also. This putt the 
comittye of the Covenanters to ther wittes ende ; but much mor it did irri- 
tate the cittye of Edinburgh : They had the wolfe by the eares. To refoose 
was dangerouse : They feared that Ruthven, upon ther refoosall, wold dis- 

(1) [The King's letter was addressed " To the Provost, Baillies, and Council of Edinburgh." 
See Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 181, 182 ; Balfour's Annales, vol. ii., pp. 371 — 373.] 


A. D. 1640. charge his ordinance upon the towne, as some few dayes befor he had been 

threatning to doe upon ther refoosall formerly mentioned : The Kings letter 

of so high a straine fortifyd ther suspitione of this ; they feared lyckewayes, 

that if this wer refoosed ther comissioners should once mor be returned 

home without ane answer, if not worse. Upon the other pairt, to adraitte 

of that ammunitione and souldiourye, they thought, and not without cause, 

that it was for to admitte of that which some day, and theye knew not how 

soone, wold be a hurte to themselves. Yet, in ende, it was resolved that 

men and ammunitione should be safely putt upp ther, which was acordingly 

February 10. performed the next day, being the tenth of February ; yet with this protesta- 

tioune, that it was against the lawes of the kyngdome that castells, which 

are the keyes of the kyngdome, should be garrisond by straungers, specially 

the castell of Edinburgh, wher the honours of the kyngdome are kept, viz., 

crowne, scepter, and sworde, and the registers also and publicke recordes ; 

and King James the Sixth, in a speeche to the Parliament of England, 

aimo 1607, acknowledged such a practise to be the breach of the preive- 

leidges and fundamentall lawes of the kyngdome ; who saide that he could 

not, albeit a King, garrisone Scottland with straungers, as the King of 

Spaine did by Sicily and Naples : Yet they wold not refoose, to the ende 

that the King might see ther loyalty and obedience. But however things 

past thus for the tyme, yet the cittizens of Edinburgh grudged so much 

therat, that it was the occasione of blocking upp the castell (amongst other 

reasones) shortly after ; as shall be told in its owne place. 

Anewmani- LXXXIV. The cheife of the Covenanters, as they wer provyding for 

festo from the yyarre at home, so they thought it expedient to accoaste ther freends in 

burnt bj' the' England with a new manifesto ;(') wherin they strove both to enforme ther 

hands of the English freends of all that was past, for preventing calumneyes, as also to 

Commrssioners l^tt all know the aeqwitye of ther demandes : Which was for substance 

get presence muche to this pourpose :* 

of the King ; 'Yhat the last yeares pacificatione had putt them in greate hopes of peace, 
plication in and that the daungers should have evanishd which threatned both nations ; 
writing. The ^^^ .j^^ ^-^^^^ therbv thev expected to have seen a firmer peace and righter 

counsel vote j j r * ^ o 

to reduce the understanding than ever settled betuixt the English and them : And if pro- 
Covenanters to njjges had been kept, theve putt no questione but it wold have been so. 
duty by force. r j r 

(1) [Ane Information from the Estaits of the Kingdome of Scotlande to the Kingdome 
of England. Edinb. 1640.] 

* Spang, Historia Motuum, p. 435. 

Ch. lxxxiv.] history of scots affairs. 101 

But ther adversaryes wer so malitiouse, that they secrettly wer still plot- A. D. 1640. 
ting some mischeefe against them ; that fasl it was they who had made the . ~ — 7~. 

I- _i ./ An Ensrlish 

articles of the treaty be brockne, and the Parliament to be raised, ane Parliament is 
acte that wanted a paralell in Scottland at any tyme befor ; so they wer called. Money 
now stryving to calumniate them as seditiouse persons, both to the King Strafford and 
and to all the English natione, as if they intended nothing but rebellione ; "''her English 
that these calumneyes they vented by ther emisaryes, specially papistes in '^^ ^' 
Englande, who feared ere long to be served in England as they wer in 
Scottland, by this late reformatione. 

That the first injurye they sustained by this meanes was, that a few 
fugitives wer better beleeved then a whole natione, who are condemned un- 
hearde ; and that none of ther declarations gott any truste. Secondly, 
That thes had freedome to informe the King and the English as they 
pleased, wheras they (the Covenanters), are debarrd from vindicating 
themselves: That as the last yeares ther postes wer stopped, and ther 
letters intercepted, so ther enemyes wer doing the lycke now ; and, furder, 
had procured that ther comissioners sent from Parliament should gett no 
hearing from the King, albeit himselfe had wryttne to Traqwaire expressly 
for to cause comissioners come and give ane accounte of ther propositions ; 
being therby hopefull to involve both nations in bloode, expecting to reape 
a twofold benefitt therby, as they are two sortes of men our enemyes : For 
the churchmen that are ejected hope that the English will repone them 
by maine force ; which acte wold give great advauntage to the papists to 
fall upon both, thus weackned with civill warre. The other sorte of ther 
enemyes, they said, wer polititians, who heerbye aimed to sett up ther 
brockne fortunes ; or, such of them as wer guilty of crymes, by thes con- 
fusions, hoped to escape questione and punishment deserved by them, by 
ane acte of oblevione, after the warre. 

They therfor doe desyre the English nobilitye not to be deceaved againe, 
but that they wold remember ther owne confessione at the camp, the last 
summer, upon hearing the Covenanters proposalls : Which was. That hitherto 
they had been misenformed concerning the Scottish Covenanters actions 
and desyres, which they founde so just as that they interceeded with the 
King for to lett the Covenanters have ane Assembly and Parliament ; and 
no wayes set to chaunge the governement, nor to plunder England, as was 
givne out. 

They pray God may manifest the tocknes of his wrath against them, if 


they wer either yet intending invasione of England, or to chaunge the 
governement of Scottlande, or wished any to raigne over them but the 
King : Yet they thought none could blame them if, by all laufuU meanes, 
they endeavoured for to preveene confusiones, and resiste the hurt wher- 
with they wer lycke to be assaild, both by sea and launde, pairtly by not 
suffering judicatoryes to sitte, or by fostering divisiones amongst them- 
selves : Furder, that ther enemyes had threatned that ere long the seas wold 
be shutt upp, and all trade barrd, and incursiones to be made upon ther 
borders, to provouck them to a breache, seeking revenge therby, keeping 
them in continwall trouble, for to tyre them out and begger them : That 
it will be better for them for to fight it out then thus miserably to perishe ; 
for if trade be stopped, many familys will be beggered, and the husband 
man, drivne still to stand upon his gward, must be ruined: That they wer 
perswaded that all good men of the Enghsh natione wold be so farr from 
qwarrelling with them upon that accompt, that, upon the contrare, they 
hoped they wold concurre with them for to bring to deserved punishment 
such as wer the authors of ther miseryes : That it was the pairt of the 
Englishes to study how to preserve union betuixt them, who are many 
wayes united, but specially by the bonde of relligione : This ought 
to macke them joyne forces, that they might all stryve for to pull downe 
the whore of Babylone, and for to restore the Princess Palatine and her 
childereu to ther inheritaunce, from which, for many yeares, they are now 

They doe earnestly desyre the councell of Englande not to beleeve the 
informationes givne in to them concerning the Scottish Parliament, by such 
as have sought [rather] to curry favour with the greatest ther, then to re- 
late passages ingenuously as they paste. They hope withall that the 
councell of England will meddle as little with ther lawes as they have ever 
done with thers, when controversyes have arisen betwixt the King and 
them, since thes two kyndgoms are independent upon another ; and that 
to cure these ills with warre will be a remedy worse then the sicknesse. 

That discorde may interveene betwixt neighbour nationes by trusting 
the informations of enemyes to either ; that such has been the comissioners 
narratione of ther actions befor the councell table of Englande ; that it was 
ridiculouse that ther affaires and relationes therof should be tossd lycke a 
ball from hand to hande by ther enemyes, to the great hurt of both nationes ; 
that it wer farr meeter to joyne hand in hand for discoverye of thes deceipts. 

Ch. lxxxiv.] history of scots affairs. 103 

least both nationes repent it too late, after a few incendiary es have en- A. D. 1640. 
wrapped them into a warre. 

That the English second error proceeded from the ignorance of the 
Scottish lawes, who wer made to beleeve that all the articles proposed in the 
late Parliament by the Covenanters are contrary to the royall authoritye. 

That if they understoode which of all thes the Englishes questioned most, 
they should tacke the paines to prove that they had tackne nothing into 
ther cognitione but what was agreable to the law, and constant practise of 
the nationes. 

That they had sent comissioners to macke out all this to the King ; which 
they durst not have done if ther actings wer not agreable to the funda- 
mentall laws of the kyngdome, according to which the King is sworne to 
governe : That thes comissioners would macke it appeare to all that ther 
enemyes wer innovators, and not theye ; who being suppressed, all would be 
weall, " tacke away the wicked from the King, etc'' : As the Parliaments 
desyres is vox Populi, and the Kings concessions vox Regis, so they pray 
the conclusione may bee vox Dei, wherby Chrystes kyngdome may be pro- 
moved, and the kyngdome of anti-Chryst destroyed. 

That they wer confident the neighbour natione wold be so farr from 
trusting ther enemyes, that, upon the contrare, they would be asisting to 
them Covenanters ; and wold pleade for them, at the Kings hande, for to 
free them of ther greivaunces, and to procure a conclusione of ther Par- 

Then they beginne and give a short deductione of all passages since the 
pacificatione, showing what worong and breaches of promise theye had mett 
with. First, That the Comissioner refoosed to ratifie the actes of the 
Assembly in the Parliament, but with limitations, restrictions, and declara- 
tion, by a privat warrant from the King, contrare to his former orders ; 
that he wold have obtruded a declaration in part contrare to the acte of 
Assembly, August seventeenth,* to which himself had consented ; that he 
refoosed for to passe ane acte recissorye of such actes of Parliament as wer 
contrare to the newe actes of ther Assembly, at Edinburgh, 1639 ; that 
he had rejected all the propositiones of the comissioners of the churche, 
giving them oftne ill langwage, and telling them that the ministers wold be 
worse then the bishopps, and that the bishopps though voted downe by the 

* Vide supra. 


Assembly, doe yet retaine ther titles, and as much honor done to them 
as befor : That all thes things could not subsiste with the securing of 

Next for the state : The Comissioner had refoosed for to exclude the 
bishoppes from being members of Parliament, and had rejected ther acte 
for cboise of the lords of the articles, all which they did conforme to actes 
of Parliament ; that he did refoose to deliver to them the registers of 
Parliament ; that he wold passe no acte of oblivion, but such as made them 
acknowledge themselves rebells : That his ordinare ansuer to ther strongest 
arguments was, " The King will have it otherwayes, and will macke yow 
doe it, if not worse ;" ane iU argument to be heard in a free Parliament, 
which others might meet withall : That though it be contrare to the free- 
dome of Parliaments not to be licenced to passe actes untill the Kinge be 
advertished and advyse, yet they wer contented it should be so, provyding 
that the comissioner wold passe other necessaire actes ; but that was also 
refoosed : That ther comissioners wer returned from the King without 
hearing : That the Comissioner had adjourned the Parliament by the Kings 
authority, and that under paine of treasone ; which cannot legally be done 
by anye to declare a whole Parliament traitors unhearde ; yet they had 
obeyd him in this, both to pleasure the King and stoppe ther enemyes 
mouthes : That the courts of justice wer not lettne sitte ; that they wer 
barrd from getting of releefe of ther common burthens for expence of the 
warre ; that voide places are kept wanting ministers to preache ; that the 
poor seamen ther goods are not restored ; that councellours and statesmen 
are putt out of ther places, and no cause instanced whye ; that the author 
of the Large Manifesto is neither questiond nor punished, albeit that 
booke containe no lesse then two hundereth lyes, which ther comissioners 
offered at the Kings campe for to refoote : That all articles wer performed 
upon ther pairt, except the not restitutione of a little powlder which was 
spent, and some fewe musketts, in all, not worth four hundered pounds Scot- 
tish, which they oflPered for to deduce out of ther accomptes : That new 
fortificationes wer macking ; that Bervicke and Carlisle wer kept garrisond, 
wberby they, the Kings best subjectes, wer saide unjustly to mistruste the 
King, whilst places mor opne to forraigne enemyes are left unfortifyd ; 
that they had oiFered, upon a few dayes advertishment, for to put in eight 
thousand or ten thousand souldiours into thes townes ; that ther souldiours 
wer disbanded but not all the Kings souldiours ; that the castell of Edinburgh 

Ch. lxxxiv.] history of scots affairs. 105 

is provyded with six tymes as many men, and six tymes as much munitione, A. D. iMd. 

as the King and Marquesse of Hamiltoune judged at first needfull to garri- 

sone it, contrare to the article of the pacificatione, wherby it is agreed 
that all be putt in that same posture that things wer in befor the troubles ; 
that generall Ruthven sought but fifty or sixty souldiours ; that straungers 
wer putt in ther contrare to the lawes ; that ther armes wer canon and 
mortar peeces, fitter to burne townes then defende them ; that lyckwayes 
Dumbartoun castell was garrisond with straungers, contrare to the lawes : 
That the Scottish in England and Irelande are compelled to sweare new 
oathes ; that the countrey yet was full of dissentions : That the poor wer 
much hurt by the small Tumors ; that the councell had calld downe ther rate, 
and six days afterward they wer raisd to a rate six tymes above ther worthe ; 
that in liew of them, forraigners filld the countrey with much of that sorte of 
small coyne : That all meanes wer used to devyd them and sett them by 
the eares, yet it had not succeeded, albeit ther enemyes had bragged that 
the next yeare they wold stirr upp a factione amongst themselves who 
should destroye them all : That ther enemyes wer seeking nothing but ther 
ruine and destructione ; that, therfor, by the lawes of God and nature, they 
founde themselves obleidged for to doe somewhat for ther owne preserva- 
tione and ther harmlesse defence : That God wold blesse ther enterpryse 
they pray, and that he wold stirre upp the King, in imitatione of David, 
that his eyes should bee upon the just of the launde, etc.: And, withall, they 
praye God that all good English men may be endewd with the spiritt of 
prudence and fortitude, who may pleade ther cause without feare, and im- 
pede the evills hanginge over ther heades. 

The coppyes of this declaratione coming in printe and wrytte into the 
handes of diverse in Englande, founde credite or wer rejected, acordinge as 
the Scottish and ther cause was favoured by the severall readers therof. 
But a coppy therof comming into the Kings handes, he acounted it no bet- 
ter then* a seditiouse and scandalouse pamphlett, though they termed it 
" Ane Informatione from the Estates of the Kyngdome of Scottlande to 
the Kyngdome of Englande," and caused it to be reade publicklye at the 
councelle table ; and the lords of councell, in detestatione therof, became 
humble suitors to the Kinge, that it might be suppressed by proclamatione, 
and burnt by the hande of the hangman ; which was acordingly done, and 

* Declaration, 1640, pag. 53. 


A. D. If540. wherever the coppyes therof could be founde out, they wer supprest dili- 
gentlye. In all this nothing so much troubled the Covenanters as that the 
councell of England had caused burne it by ther acte. 

And now it is tyme to returne to the comissioners of the Parliament, 
whom we left upon ther journey to Londone ; who, arryved ther, upon the 
Kehniary 20. twentieth of February, 1640, they gotte presence of the Kinge, and wer 
admitted to kisse his hande. And then they did represent to the KingCOhow 
greivouse it was to them, his Majestyes loyall subjectes, that ther loyalty 
should be questioned, or ther actings traduced as encroaching upon his 
Majestyes authoritye or contrary to the lawes : Furder, they craved a 
publicke hearing befor his Majestyes councell of both kyngdomes, for clear- 
ing ther proceedings to be just and laufull, and for vindicating themselves 
from all unjuste aspersions laide upon them by sinister informations, and that 
relatione specially which was publickly made by the Earle of Traqwaire, 
befor the whole councell of England, to ther praejudice : Lyckwayes, they 
delyvered to the King a thankesgiving from the Generall Assemblye (which 
yow had befor) : And since it was the Kinges desyre and command that 
whatever they presented should be in wryte, and under ther handes, in 
obedience to his commandement they gave in another supplicatione, sub- 
scrybed by their handes. That supplicatione, although it contained many 
wordes (as most of their papers doe), yet it was nothing else for sub- 
stance but what is related ; except only that ther was craved therby, that 
Traqwaire should give them, in wryte under his hande, that selfe same 
relatione of ther actings which, befor ther comming, he had repre- 
sented publickly to the councell of England : which the King was so farr 
from thinking rational!, that, in his Declaratione,(2) he judgeth it insolent, 
as also unnecessaire ; for ther he affirmeth, that Traqwair had related nothing 
but what they had verefyd, and insisted upon themselves, after ther comis- 
sioners wer come to courte. 

They had good reasone (it is not to be denyd) for to labour to cleare 
ther actions by publicke hearing ; for, befor ther comming to court, upon 
Traqwaire his relatione of ther actings before the councell boord of Eng- 
lande, the King putt the whole bussinesse to questione. Whither, consid- 

(1) [" The Proceedings of the Scots Commissioners, sent from the Parliament of Scot- 
land, with the Kind's Majesty at Whitehall," will be found in Rushworth's Hist. Collect., 
vol. iii., pp. 99-2— 1015.] 

(a) [His Majesties Declaration, 1640, p. 42.] 

Ch. lxxxiv.] history of scots affairs 107 

dering the insolencye and height of ther demaundes, even concerning civill 
obedience, it wer not fitte to reduce the Covenanters to ther duty by force, 
rather then to give waye to ther demaundes, so praejudiciall to the Kings 
honor and safetye ? To this questione, the King having commanded evrye 
one of the councell of England to give ther answer, and to declare his opi- 
nion by vote, they did unanimously vote in the affirmative : Wherupon the 
King did resolve soon after to call a Parliament.(') 

But this resolutione was not divulged to all the councell of England ; for 
he had resolved that the transactione of his affaires should be mor clossly 
carryd then befor, for feare that all should be revealed to the Covenanters. 
Therfor it was thought necessary for to select a private juncto, apart from 
his councell, who wer to consult upon the Scottish affaires ; and great care 
was tackne that from thence should be excluded Pembrocke, Salisbury, 
Holland, etc., whom archbishop Lawd called the Hunting Lords, as being 
of that qworuvi, who wer comissioners at the pacificatione : Yet still Hamll- 
toune was kept in, who was esteemed, in the repute of many, the most 
dangerouse and fallaciouse of them all. It was at this secrett councell, 
December fifth, (2) that it was concluded that a Parliament should be called 
in England, Apryle thirteenth. The King told thes lordes that he approved 
ther councell, but he said, " My lords, the Parliament cannot suddenly con- 
veene, and the subsidyes they graunt will be so long a levying, as, in the 
interim, I may be ruined ; therfor, some speedy course must be thought 
upon for supplyes :" Wherupon the lordes told him they wold engadge ther 
owne credits ; and Strafford, with the first, subscrybed for twenty thousand 
pounds sterling ; other lords, pairtly out of loyalty e or for modesty e, fol- 
lowed his example ; and then other lordes wer putt to it to lende, of whom 
few refoosed : the judges also of the common and civill lawe, with all the 
officers and appendants of ther courts, did the lycke. None wer mor free 
in ther contributione then the Papistes, who founde, if things went amisse 
with the King, the comble of the mischeefe wold fall heavy upon them, who 

(1) [His Majesties Declaration, 1640, pp. 40, 41.] 

(2) [The following entry occurs in the private diary which was kept by Archbishop 
Laud : " Decemb. 5. [1639] Thursday, The King declared his Resolution for a Parlia- 
ment, in case of the Scottish Rebellion. The first Movers to it were my Lord Deputy of 
Ireland, my Lord Marquess Hamilton, and my self. And a Resolution Voted at the Board, 
to assist the King in extraordinary ways ; if the Parliament should prove peevish, and re- 
fuse," etc. Wharton's History of the Troubles and Tryal of the Most Reverend Father in 
God, and Blessed Martyr, William Laud, Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, p. 37. Lond. 
1695. fol.] 


A. D. 1040. expected nothing but to be ruined by the Covenanters, who declared so 
dovvneright against them : And it is affirmed by some wrytters* of thes 
tymes, that some ministers of England wer so farr transported, in ther pul- 
pitis, with ane indiscreete zeale against the Covenanters, that they cryd 
upp the recusants (papistes they meand) as the King his most loyall sub- 
jectes. However, that ther contributione might be putt unto the best fyne, 
Sir Kenelme Digbye and Mr. [Walter] Montagwe wer sett a works by 
the Qweene, for to negotiate for the popish contributione, which was cheer- 
fully givne, in a proportione agreable to ther abilityes, both at this tyme 
and afterwardes,(') upon new occasions in the following yeares. 

All thes transactiones wer no sooner projected but as soone they wer 
made knowne to the Covenanters ; who founde it much for ther intereste 
for to have ther comissioners about the Kings hande, not only for to cleare 
ther actings, bat lyckewayes to macke freends at Londone, and to draw in- 
telligence upon all occasions to be communicate to ther juncto at Edinburgh. 

February 16. February twenty sixth, The Earle of Traqwaire shewed the comissioners 
that it was the Kings pleasure that they should subscrybe the two former 
petitiones givne in [the twentieth day] by them to the King, and that they 
should heerafter doe the lycke by all wryttes which they gave in ; which they 
did. They lyckeways, upon the other pairte, reqwyred Traqwaire to wryte 
and subscrybe any directione or commanaement which he carryd from the 
King to them ; which he did lyckwayes.C^) 

March -2. March second, Traqwaire signifyd to the comissioners, under his hande, 

that they should attend at the councell chamber the next daye, for such was 
the Kings pleasure, that they should be heard ther by a comittye of some of 
his councell, at two a clocke in the afternoone : the King himself was going 
that daye to Hamptoune Courte. This was ill tackne by the commissioners, 
who, therfor, made ther applicatione to Marquis Hamiltoune, desyring him 
to shew the King that they wold declyne to propose ther desyres and rea- 
sones of ther demaundes, or ansuer to any comittye, or anye other, except 
to the King ther maister, to whom they were sent. This being signifyd to 
the King, he was contented to delaye his going to Hampton Courte till 
afternoone, with resolutione to heare them himselfe. 

* Annals of King ChuAes, pag. 167. 

(1) [Sanderson's History of King Charles I., pp. 285, 286.] 

(2) [Rushworths Hist. Collect., vol. iii., p. 993.] 

Ch. lxxxv.] history of scots affairs. 109 

LXXXV. March third, therfor, acordingly, in presence of the King A. D. 1640. 

and his comittye, the comissioners, by worde and wrytte, did both stryve to Lorj Lqw- 

cleare ther proceedings, to give reasones for ther demaundes, and did sup- don's speech to 

plicate that the ParUament might proceede to the ratificatione of the actes ^ '["^ "" 

of the Assembly, 1639- The lord Lowdone was spocksman for the rest; Second hear- 

his speech is very loncre, and many wordes in it :(') It contained a protesta- 'V^' "' ^'1"^" 

>: . . . . '"^ commis- 

tione of the independencye of the Parliament of Scottland, and that it is sioners exhibit 

subject to no other judicatorye ; next, he protestes befor God and the 'f"^"" '"^i""!"?" 
world. That they never had nor has any thought of withdrawing themselves tiona'l instruc- 
from that humble and dutifull subjectione and obedience to the King and his ''o"s inserted. 
11 111 • • 1 , . The King, bj' 

governement ; that they never had nor has any intentione or desyre to at- advice of acom- 

tempt any thing that may tende to the diminutione of the Kings power ; but mitteeofcoun- 
upon the contrarye, did acknowledge ther qwietnesse, stability, and happi- ^^ jj^j^^ jj^g 
nesse to depende upon the Kings persones safety, mantenance of his great- commissioners. 
nesse and royall authoritye, as Gods vicegerent sett over them for man- "J*^")^" ""T 
tenance of relligione, administratione of justice ; that they wold, in evry the King's de- 
cause which concerned the King's honour, they wold, acording to the lawes claration of 

^ , ■' . _,, the precedent 

of the kyngdome, and duty of good subjectes, concurre in armes, etc.: That passages. At 
they wold esteeme all dividers betuixt King and them as vipers ; that if the ^^^ third hear- 
King should lend the shaddow of his authoritye to ther enemyes, they wold objects to 
have ther recourse to the God of Jacob, they being sworne to defende ther their power 
relligione ; that, if they offended out of zeale, they fell doune at his Majes- ^^^^^^ ^^^ ^j- 
tyes feet and crave humble pardone : That if ther ansuers of the reasones Traquaire 
of ther demaunds gave not satisfactione, they craved pardon, and desyred fn'I'^the" state' 
to be excused, since the registers of Parliament, which they ought to have of the ques- 
had for that ende, wer kept from them ; that they, withall, expect the fXthhearino- 
judgement of charitye from thoise who ought, rather then passe rashe cen- the commis- 
sure upon them, to professe ignorantiam juris et facti alieni ; and that they ^j""^"^^ ^"*^ 
should distinguish betuixt the desyres and actions of a Parliamente, who in writing, 
being conveend by the Kings warrant, are mackers of lawes, and against March 3. 
whom ther is no law, and the actions of private persons, against whom 
lawes are made : That ther desyres are agreable with the pacificatione, and N. B. 
also with the lawes and practises of Scottland : That, particularly, they con. 
cerned either manufactoryes or trades, which are but the interests of private 
men, and de minimis non curat lex : That, for the publick actes, they had 

(1) [It may be seen at length in Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., pp. 994 — 997 ; and 
in Stevenson's Hist, of the Ch. of Scot., vol. iii., pp. 826—832.] 


A. D. 1640. limited themselves by reason and the rule of lawe : For better understanding 

this, ther ought to be a distinction betuixt Regnum constituendum, and Reg- 

num constitutum, a settled and not settled kyngdome ; that King James 
maxime was salus populi suprema lex, and this wold be contented to 
governe people acording to Gods law, and fundamentall lawes : That 
next they wer to distinguish betuixt kirk and state, ecclesiasticall and 
civill power ; which, though materially one, yet, formally, are contradis- 
tinguishd in power, jurisdictions, lawes, bodyes, ends, offices, officiers ; yet 
thes so united as Hippocrates twinnes, standing and falling, living and 
dying together : That this did macke them crave of the King who is custos 
utriusque tabulae, that [as] matters ecclesiasticke might be determind by As- 
semblys, and matters civill by Parliaments, so specially that ecclesiasticke 
constitutions might have a civill sanctione, least ther should be repugnancye 
betuixt them : That the King had condiscended that it should be so; that 
his Majestyes Comissioner, after enqwiry of the causes of ther evills, had 
founde the governement of the kirk by bishopps, and civill places of kirke- 
men, to be two maine reasones ; that his consent to remove thes things out 
of the churche obleidged him to consent to remove them lyckwayes out of 
the state, by necessaire consequence ; and so the church to be no raor the 
third estate, since bishopps are no mor ther representatives : That the 
kirke was not heerby woronged, who was content for to renounce her civill 
power, as incompatible with her spiritwall nature, et volenti non Jit injuria ; 
nor was the King heerby woronged, who, since he esteems that it is his pairt, 
preesse ut prosit, as the inscriptione of his coyne beares, therfor, he cannot 
thinke that to graunt his peoples rationall desyres is any diminutione of his 
prerogative : That his power is defyned by actes of Parliament to be that 
power that his Majesty has over all estates and persones, and not any 
particular interest mor in one than another, which is not ehaungable with 
the chaunge of any of the estates ; that the Kinge had his power befor 
bishopps wer in Scottland ; as also, when, in tyme of popery, bishopps 
depended on the pope ; and also, when bishopps, by oathe, wer formerly 
abjured ; yet the people sworne to maintaine the Kings greatnesse and 

And since they had no other endes but such as served for to establish 
relligione and peace, and such as are agreable to law and the articles of 
the treatye ; and since ther Parliament was the only laufull meanes for to 
rescinde ther evills and settle peace : Therfor they desyre that the Kinge 

Ch. lxxxv.] history of scots affairs. Ill 

wold lett the Parliament proceede to a determinatione ; and for anye ob- A. D. 1640. 
jectione against any poynte of ther procedure, they wer willing that it should 
be givne them in wrytte, and they should answer it. 

This discourse being ended by Lowdone, the King demanded what 
power and comissione they had to give him satisfaetione, and to obleidge 
thoise from whom they came ? seing if they had none, he behoved to heare 
them upon greate disadvauntage, they expecting satisfaction from him who 
had power to give it, but they none to render the lycke to him. The 
comissioners answered. That ther proposalls being agreable to lawe, they 
wer confident it wold give him satisfaetione. The King asked who should 
be judge of that ? They answered, the lawes wold be so cleere, that ther 
should be no neede of a judge. And though the King insisted muche upon 
that poynte, yet they urgd still the same answer ; furder, they said that 
they had power, and would lett the King see it. The King desyred them 
for to bring it to him, and leet it be scene what ther(') instructiones wer. 
And so for that daye they wer dissmissed to ther lodgings ; and the King 
tooke journey to Hamptone Courte. 

After the Kings returne from Hamptone Courte, March eighth, the com- 
missioners wer commanded to be at Whytehall the next daye after, at two Marche 9. 
a clok in the afternoone ; whither being come, the King caJld for ther in- 
structions, which they did exhibite and reade. They had two papers with 
instructions ; the first paper was that which was givne to Dunferlemlyn 
and Lowdone, at such tyme as they wer sent home without hearing ; of 
which paper, I have already givne ane accompt to the reader, November 
fyrst, 1639.'^' The second paper of instructions bore date at Edinburgh, 
January twentieth, 1640, directed from the estates of Parliament, and are 
called additionall instructiones to the former ; which wer as followes : 

First, To shew that ther desyres are agreable to lawe, and to cleare that 
by wryte, for avoiding contest about wordes in any tyme heerafter. 

Second, To answer or give accounte of ther proceedings to no English 
comitty, but to the King himselfe. 

Third, To desyre that the King would give licence to cleare ther act- 
ings from all imputations laide upon them by Traqwaires relatione ; and 
that ther clearing may be publicke befor the councells of both nations, but 
without acknowledging them as ajudicatorye. 

(1) [His Majesties Declaration, 1640, pp. 43, 44.] (2) [See above, pp. 76, 77.] 


A. D. 1640. Fourth, To desyre a shorte day from the King for downe sitting of the 
Parliament ; and that specially for tacking course about the copper coyne, 
which beinge cryd upp and downe within eight dayes by the councell, it is 
become qwytte to be rejected, or questionable at least. 

Fifth, That the King be desyred to lett his royall pleasure be known 
about such articles as the Comissioner reqwyred might be comraunicat with 
the King befor the Parliament should determine therof. 

Sixth, To beseech the King not to beleeve misreportes upon them till 
he first lett themselves know them. 

Seventh, To demonstrate to the King that the articles and overturs 
proposed in Parliament are so necessarye, that ther can be no settling if 
they be not graunted. 

Eighth, To shew the King that, contrare to the articles of pacificatione, 
and the desyres of the present commander, who sought but sixty men, and 
contrare to the former practise, which allowed but twenty-four or thirty 
men at most, the castell of Edinburgh is now manned with seven scoire 
souldiours or therbye, with a twelve moneths victwalls, with potte peeces, 
garnetts, and fyre workes, fitt rather for harming the toune of Edinburgh 
then for defence ; as also, that the castell of Dumbarton is manned in lycke 
manner with English souldiours, all which is contrare to actes of Parliament. 

Ninth, To answer objections against the actes of Parliament acording 
to your particular papers theranent. 

Tenth, To desyre that the Parliament may goe on and conclude all the 
articles, and ratifie the Generall Assemblyes actes, and all other things 
needfuU, acording to the articles of the pacificatione, and his Majestyes 
comissione, under the great seale. 

Eleventh, If any new challendges or propositions be made against us, 
which yow have no grownde nor warrant to answer, then to wrytte or send 
to the comissioners at Edinburgh, and crave ther advyce theranent. 

Twelfth, Since they heare ther is a Parliament to be called in England, 
which theye have long wished for, to shew they are confident that the 
English Parliament will considder the estate of ther bussnesse, albeit ther 
lawes are independent one upon another ; and that they will justifie ther 
proceedings to such a Parliament, if any therin euqwyre in ther actions and 

Thirteenth, To deale earnestly with the King for a quicke dispatche, 
againste the twenty-fifth day of Marche at farrest. Subscrybed by Lauthian : 

Ch. lxxxv.] history of scots affairs. 113 

Dalhousye; Balmerino ; Napier; Dundass of that Hke ; Wachtoune ; A. D. 1640. 
Thomas Myrtoun of Cambo ; William Rigg ; Sir David Murray ; Sir 
George Strivling of Keire ; John Smyth for Edinburgh ; Thomas Bruce 
for Strivling; James Glen for Linlithgow. 

Ther instructiones being reade, ther power was calld in questione, as 
being only subserybed by some Scottish lords, and other persones of no 
greate eminencye; and the King, with all the comittye present, judged 
that neither had they a comissione, and that they had neither power nor 
authoritye to give the King satisfactione, or to obleidge any that sent them 
to any thing that the King should yeeld to, or desyre. The King, therfor, 
asked, If they had any other powers ? They saide, That they had a paper 
formerly subserybed by a great many of the lords, and other members sitting 
in Parliament, wherby the Earle of Dunferlemlyne, and [Lord Lowdon] war 
authorised to present ther justification to the Kinge ; that both subscrybers 
and the eomissioners wer authorised, with the warrant of Parliament then 
sittinge ; that for the present they could have none other, since the Parlia- 
ment was not sitting now for the present.(') 

The King, after advysing with his comittee what was best to bee done in 
such ane exigence, concluded in ende, he would heare them and the reasones 
of ther demaundes. They answerd. That ther demands wer, that the Parlia- 
ment might proceed and ratifie the Assemblye, and determine anent the 
articles givne in to them acording to the lawes of the kyngdome, and arti- 
cles of the pacificatione : And if ther wer any answer to them, or objectione 
to the contrare, they wer ready to answer it in wrytte. The King saide. It 
was his Comissioner behoved to give thoise, and that he was to mantaine 
his Comissioners actions.(2) 

The Marquesse of Hamiltoune being present, and not satisfeed (seemingly 
at least), that none of the comissioners made shew of anye sence of the 
Kings favour in continowing hearing to them, though he did not fynde him- 
self by ther instructions so to doe, tooke occasion to saye, that though he wer 
not of ther companye, yet, being a Scottsh man, he held himself obleidged, 
in all humilitye, to acknowledge the Kings singular and princely favour to- 
wards his countrey, and besought the King to accept of his most humble 
thankes for it. By this the comissioners wer engaged to do the lycke, and so 

(1) [His Majesties Declaration, 1640, pp. 44, 45.] 

(2) [Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., pp. 1000, 1001.] 


A. D. 1640. they presentlye rendred to the King, upon ther knees, as reall thankes as 
Hamiltoun did befor them.O Therafter, Thursday, March twelfth, was 
appoynted for ther next hearing, and the Kings Comissioner commanded to 
give them his objections in wrytte against that tyme ; and so they wer dis- 

I have givne ane accompt of the former passages of the commissioners 
ther nogotiatione, as it is related in the Kings Declaratione, anno 1640, 
and in the Covenanters Answer therunto, published that yeare lyckewayes. 
Befor I goe furder we must see what exceptions the Covenanters tacke at 
the King his declaratione of the praecedent passages. 

They complaine that it should have been the judgement of the councell of 
England "to reduce them to ther duty by force, rather then give way to ther 
demaundes," for so declares the King.* To this they answer. That this sen- 
tence was the sentence of the councell of one kyngdome against the Parlia- 
liament of ane other ; and pronounced upon the hearing of one mans rela- 
tione {viz. Traqwaire), a new creature, and but of yesterdaye, against a 
free kyngdome of ancient nobles, barrons, and others, and ther two com- 
missioners barrd from hearing and presence : That it was in a matter of 
warre and peace, which did reqwyre leisourly deliberatione, and might con- 
cerne after ages ; that at first they thought it incredible, but afterwarde wer 
astonyed at it : Yet, for all the repulse of ther comissioners, they had sup- 
plicated for new hearing. 

Wheras the King, in his declaratione,t tells that ther next comissioners 
had not sufficient comissione. Secondlij, That they wer persons of no great 
eminencye who subscrybed it. Thirdhj, That the King complaines that 
thev did neglect a ceremony and complement, wittnessing in ther comis- 
siones the sence of his Majestyes grace and goodnesse in hearing of them 
who had no power to accomodate affaires. 

To the first,t That the comissioners answered sufficiently for themselves, 
they reply ; they say it had the authoritye first of the Parliament itselfe, and 
next of the comissione of the Parliament : Next, to prove that it was not de- 
fective in matters to be treated, they give us the coppy of the two severall 
commissions befor mentioned, which the King founde defective in ther lati- 
tude for accomodatione. 

(1) [His Majesties Declaration, 1640, p. 46.] 

• Declaration, peg'. 40 and 41 ; Ansuer, p. 61. t Declaration, paj^. 44, 45, 47- 

t Covenanters Ansuer, jsogr. 64. 

Ch. lxxxv.] history of scots affairs. 115 

To the second they answer,* That the first comissione was subscrybed by A. D. 1640. 
subjectes of evrye qwalitye sitting in Parliament ; that the second could not 
be so signed, the Parliament not sitting but prorogated ; that thes comis- 
sioners of Parliament had mor power, acting then as comissioners, then the 
rest of the noblemen, of whom ther war aboundance then in Edinburgh ; that 
thes frequent subscriptions, without authoritye, had been formerly repre- 
hended by the King ; that the Kings warrant for ther comming approved 
the manner of ther comissione, being that under the secretaires hand they 
wer warranted to come and give the reasone of the demaunds made in Par- 
liament. And then for ther latitude they appeale to the comissioners owne 
Ansuers, pag. 45, who declared that the Parliament doeth not sticke upon 
thes or any other articles of that kynd, anye furder then they have cleare 
warrant in lawe ; and as King and estates shall fiynde convenient for the 
subjectes goode. 

To the third, the neglect of ther complement they answer,! That the 
Scottish are mor for realityes in expressions of kyndness then of wordes 
and gesture ; that complements at that tyme wold have interrupted and 
been a losse of tyme in a matter so seriouse ; that at that tyme it wold have 
been interpreted fawning and flattering ; that the lycke aspersion had been 
putt upon them befor ; that ther sence was the lesse because they conceived 
ther instructions full eneuch ; that as they wer obleidged to Hamiltoun his 
example, so they will be more obleidged to the happy tyme longed for 
when ther heartes shall be so farr affected with the sence of his Majestyes 
grace and goodnesse, that ther supplicationes may be turned in thankes- 
givings to God and the King, ther troubles to peace, ther clamours into 
acclamations of joye ; and that tyme they promise ther shall be no want of 
ceremony, thankesgiving, or gratulation, for the whole natione. 

After the Kings returne from Hampton Court, the comissioners gott 
new hearing. Mar che twelfth. For the second tyme, the King called for ther March 12. 
power and warrant givne by the Parliament to thes noblemen to subscrybe 
ther instructions. They saide that the power and warrant that the Parlia- 
ment had givne thes noblemen, was contained in the declaratione of the Par- 
liament. The King commanded the whole declaratione to be reade, and com- 
plained much upon the same as trenshing upon his prerogative ; and di- 
verse objections wer proposed against that declaratione both by the King 

* Covenanters Ansuer, pag. 63. f Covenanters Aiisuer, pag "4. 


A. D. 1640. and comittee ; which the comissioners answered, wryting all that was rea- 

sond and ansuered upon the poynte, and withall craved that all that was to 

be objected against them or the Parliament, might be wryttne. The King 
commanded Traqwaire to sett downe the state of the questione in wrytte, 
which he did. 

At that meeting, lyckwayes,* the comissioners produced the paper givne 
at first to Dunferlemlyne and Lowdone. The King and comittye did, upon 
hearino- it reade, conclude that it did no mor empower the commissioners to 
o-ive him satisfactione, or to obleidge thes who sent them mor then the 
former, and that it warranted them only to justifie themselves. Of this the 
Kino- gave ane accompt to the councell of England, who wer of the same 
judo-ement with the comittye : And as for ther answers to the Kings objec- 
tiones, he calles them impertinent, and justifications of ther actions not any 
way satisfactorye to him, as being contrary to law and monarchicall 
o-overnement, so farr as that they ansuered themselves : And, furder,t that, 
upon debate of the poynte at the councell boorde of England, the lords of 
councell wer of opinion that untill the petitioners sent from the Cove- 
nanters wold acknowledge that the supreme magistrate must have authoritye 
' to call Assemblyes, and to dissolve them, and to have a negative voice in 
them, as is acustomed in all supreme powers of Christndome, they ought 
not to be hearde. 

The Covenanters reply,! That against some of ther demaunds, the King 
confessed in his Declaration, imgg. 45, 47, that ther was no exceptione to be 
tackne against them ; and for the rest, if they gave a reasone for the Par- 
liaments demaunds, they behoved to be satisfactorye : That for ther adver- 
saryes, they wer resolved to receive no satisfactione but in the overthrow 
of the relligione and liberty of Scottland. As for that qweree which the 
councell of England wold have urged, they tell us. That three or four comis- 
sioners could not hold a Parliament at Londone, and leave nothing to the 
Parliament of Scottland to doe but to approve ther doings ; that the 
councell of Englands opinione (as they thinke), was not ther sentence; that 
that councell should have remembered that ther errand was not to ansuer 
questions, but to give a reasone of ther demaundes ; that at the pacifica- 
tione, the King thought it not fitt to insiste upon querees of that nature ; 

• Declaration pagg. 46, 47. t Declaration, pag. 51. 

X Covenanters Answer, p. 75. 

Ch. lxxxv.] history of scots affairs. 117 

that he had acknowledged that the kirke ought for to determine matters A. D. 1640. 
ecclesiasticall ; that they questiond not what other powers of Christendome 
did, but they wold stryve to keep ther owne without woronging of others. 
But I returne to the comissioners. 

The Earle of Traqwaire, as he was enjoyned by the King, did give in 
the state of the questione in wrytte to the comissioners, as followeth, viz. :(') 

First, Whether are yow warranted or instructed from Parliament for to 
satisfee his Majesty, anent his power of prorouging Parliaments of himselfe, 
and of his owne royall prerogative simplye ? 

Second, And whether a Parliament thus prorouged simplye by his Ma- 
jestyes owne sole royall power, can or may sitt befor the tyme to which 
his Majesty has prorouged the same ? And, 

Third, And if you have no warrant nor instructiones heerin from the 
Parliament, What is your owne private judgement heerin ? 

Therafter some other propositiones wer givne to the comissioners by the 
Earle of Traqwaire to give in ther ansuers ; and the sixteenth day of 
Marche was assigned to them for their ansuer, viz .-C^) 

Fourth, Protestatione givne in at first prorogatione of the Parliament, at 
least givne in to the Comissioner to be represented to his Majestye. 

[Fifth'], Acte [deiyning] the power of [the] Articles. 

l_Sixfh'], New augmentation of customs to be discharged, and no custome 
nor impositione to be imposed herafter, but by advyce of the states. 

l_Seventh'], No chaunge of the value of money or coynage therof, but by 
advyce of Parliament. 

[Ei(/hth'], Bookes of rates to be revised by Parliament. 

[Ninthl, The castells of Edinburgh, Dumbarton, and Stirling, to be 
entrusted only to natives, and thes to be chosne from tyme to tyme of honest 
men, by advyce of the estates. 

ITenth'], Acte anent the judicatorye of excheqwer. 

The comissioners enqwyred if ther wer any objections to be made against 
any of thes articles, that then these objections should be givne to them. It 
was answered, that the King excepted against them all as praejudiciall to 
his Majestyes authoritye, and therfor reqwyred them to shew the reasones 
why they demaunded them. 

Upon the sixteenth of Marche, therfor, the comissioners appeared againe March 16. 

(1) [Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., p. 1001.] (2") [Id., vol. iii.. p. 1040.] 


A. D. 1640. befor the King, and presented ther ansuers, in wrytte, for matter as fol- 

First, That they wer not to answer but what was in ther instructions ; 
next, that propositions wer not actes, but to be castne by or ratifyd as the 
Parliament saw cause. As to the qweree concerning prorogatione of Parlia- 
ments, they ansuer, It has been alwayes done with consent of the three 
estates, and for this they instance actes of Parliament in the reignes of all 
the sex King Jameses ; and that they expected not that the King who gave his 
warrant under his great scale, ■pro tentione et observatione Parliamenti, 
without any power or clause of prorogatione, wold have reqwyred its proro- 
gatione without consent of the estates, till such tyme as the Kings condes- 
centions wer ratifyd : That if Parliaments are said to be prorouged de man- 
dato Regis, that meanes no mor but the denomination of the acte tackne 
from him ; but it did not inferr that it was without the estates ther consent, 
no mor then Parliaments prorouged by the state without mentioning the 
King (Parliment, Jacobi II., Edinburgh, June twenty-eighth, 1450, fol. 
33), wold inferr that it was done without the Kings consent : That, 
Jacobus VI., his letter wryttne May, 1604, to Balmerinoch, desyring that 
since England had continowd ther Parliament, that Scottland should doe 
the lycke, by this did evince that the Parliament was continowd with con- 
sent of the states : That they would not for all this defyne what his Majesty 
may doe in the heght of pouer, because to dispute a posse ad esse is against 
law and divinitye ; that they did hope whatever the King might doe in 
power, they wer confident he wolde rule by law, wherof they had shewed the 
continwalle practiks ; or if any affirme or iuforme other practickes, affirmanti 
incumbit probatio. 

As for the acte craving to defyne the power of the articles, they argwe 
from the narrative of the acte itselfe. They say that articles are not [older] 
then King David Bruce dayes ; that some Parliaments had no lords of 
articles ; that they wer chosne with the Parliaments consent till 1617 ; that 
it was the bishopps who tooke upon them to remove out of plaine Parlia- 
ment to the inner house, and to choise some out amongst the noblemen, 
and the noblemen them, and they two choised the commissioners to be upon 
articles of shyres and burroughs : That this was a new invention ; that now 

(1) [Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., pp. 1001—1007; Stevenson's Hist, of Ch. of 
Scot., vol. iii., pp. 836—844.] 

Ch. lxxxv.] history of scots affairs. 119 

effectus removendus est cum sua causa; otherwayes, since bishopps are re- A. D. 1640. 

moved, that evry state choose ther owne articles in plaine Parliament ; for 

quod ovines tangit, ah omnibus tractari debet et approbari ; et quod status 

ac ordbies regni potestatem universis commissam, paucis nan debent cuncedere, 

except in cases of necessity or utility : That the choise of articles de facto 

was and is arbitrarye, pro occasione et distinctione temporum ; et in actibus 

liberis non currit prescriptio : That the power of articles is not boundless, 

not determinative, but preparative ; it is but curatio virtute delegationis, 

which endes at the remaunde of the graunter ; that Parliaments are not to 

tacke ther voices upon trust from articles, but for to know what they are to 

vote too after advysement and dispute ; that the comissions graunted to 

shyres and burroughs give proofe of this, and actes of Parliament. 

To the augmentatione of customs, and booke of rates, they answer. That 
the augmentatione of customs was only condiscended to by some of the 
barons, being imposed by the exchequer ; that such impositions have been 
upon forraigne and native commodityes by the states consente ; that the bur- 
roughs craved that new augmentations might be agreable to justice and lawe. 

Coucerning the valwe of the copper money, they answer. That the coun- 
cell has caused it passe currant farr above its intrinseque rate, that is ther 
countreys coyne, and send it in great qwantityes ; that tinkers doe the 
lycke ; other money all removed, crying them lately upp and downe, hath 
made them to stoppe, so as not currant now, and has ruined many poor 
people : Lyckwayes, crying upp dollors above the rate in other places, has 
made the Kings coyne be tackne awaye ; and then crying the dollars 
downe when other money was scarce, has made it scarcer : That they 
only crave that the standard of money, which Parliaments from tyme Tto 
tyme] have defyned, be not altered without advyse of Parliament, which 
they prove by instancing many actes of Parliament : That the Kino- himself, 
Parliament 1633, gave the councell a comissione concerning dollars and 
copper moneye. 

Concerning the keeping of Edinburgh castell, etc. by natives, they doe 
give a reasone, from the nature of the charge, and practise of former Par- 
liaments of the Kings predecessors ; that the three estates in Jacobus VI. 
his tyme, ordaine the demolishing of Insh Keith fort, and of Dumbarr 
castell; that by actes of Parliament, 1578, 1585, 1606, the Kings houses 
wer dissposed of by actes of Parliament : That it is not consonant to the 
law of nature and nations to doe otherwayes ; and that when the Scottish 


A. D. 1640. consented to the unione with England, 1604, it was with reservatione of the 

fundamental! lawes, liberty es, and preveleidges of Scottland, wherof Jacobus 

VI., in his print speech befor the Parliament of England, acknowledgeth 
that he could not macke Scottland a nacked province, as the Spaniard does 
Sicily and Naples : That they had, notwithstanding, verifyd then loyaltye 
in this particular, having admitted straungers to keepe a place wher the 
honours and registers of the kyngdome are preserved: They seeke only that 
captaines be placed by advyce of Parliament, and such as are putt in in 
intervalles be tryed by the councell, and approved as faithfull men ere they 
be admitted. 

As for the judicatory of the excheqwer, they answer, The excheqwer is a 

judicatory not subordinate to sessione; to the sessione it belong es for to 

judge upon the validity of rightes, so cannot be competent to a coordinate 

judicatorye. Second, The lords of excheqwer are incompetent judges in 

a declaratour of nullitye. Third, The excheqwer, till it was givn them, 

anno 1593, by Parliament, had not power to judge of suspentions, farr 

lesse can they have power to descyde heritable rightes : That the act 1633, 

they conceive, grauntes only a power to the excheqwer to dispute heritable 

rightes, but not to dissyde them. 

The commis- L XXXVI. Thes answers being reade and debated, the commissioners 

sioners debate fell to debate Traqwairs carriadge, who refoosed to ratifie in Parliament 

carriage. the acte of the Assembly, August seventeenth, wherin he had consented to the 

Commission- abolitione of bishopps, etc. ; and then the comissioners pressed the Kinge to 

desire to be' dispatche them home, shewing that ther staye was dangerouse : Then the 

dispatched. King desyred them to attend his leisour furder, and appoynted Marche 

imprisone'd'^ki" twenty-third for ther next hearing ; and that befor that day all furder de- 

the Tower; maunds that wer to be made to them should be givne in. Therfor upon 

three other ^j^^ twentieth day of Marche, about six a clocke at night, the Earle of Tra- 

commissioners •' _ . . . 

put into the qwaire sent to the comissioners the propositions following, which wer the 

custody of the ^\^^ ^est of ther articles.C) 

judges 01 Lon- i • i 

(Ion. First, Protestatione agamst the thesawrer and privy scales precedencye, 

Martii 20. that ther giving way to the thesaurer and privy scale should not praejudge 
them of ther right. 

Second, Acte anent constitutione of Parliaments in tyme comming was 
therafter (although it had been remitted to his Majesty to be considdered 

(I) [Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., pp. 1040, 1041.] 

Ch. lxxxvi.] history of scots affairs. 121 

till the next Parliament), qwestiond by some of the nobility and barrens, 
who urged to bring it in to opne Parliament without any such reference. 

Thirds Article craving evry severall comissioner of shyres to have a 
severall voice. 

Fourth, Article craving the Parliament to choose ther owne clerke, or to 
have two of evry estate joyned with the register ; and that all actes voiced 
in Parliament be subscrybed by two of evry estate. 

Fifth, Article for evry estates choosing ther owne lords of articles. 

Sixth, Acta discharging proxies. 

Seventh, Acte discharging the booke called, A Large Declaratione. 

Eighth, Comissioners of shyres to give a rolle of free holders, out of the 
which justices of peace are to be chosne. 

Ninth, Acte anent the disorders of the northe. 

Tenth, Articles craving the councell to be subalterne and censurable by 
the Parliament. 

Eleventh, No patent of nobility to be graunted to any but such as have 
ten thousand merks of [yearlye] launde rente. 

Twelfth, No taxatione to be graunted but in plain e Parliament. 

Thirteenth, Acte of pacificatione. 

Fourteenth, Article craving particular comissions of justiciarye and liv- 
tenantrye to bee discharged. 

Fifteenth, Article in favours of sheriffs and stewards, only to be obleidged 
to produce horning for the taxatione. 

Sixteenth, Patent of macking powder to be discharged. 

Seventeenth, Acte discharging remissions for slaughter and theft, but 
upon satisfactione to the pairtye. 

Eighteenth, Acte discharging protections. 

Kinteenth, Acte of common releefe. 

Twentieth, Article craving the acte 1633 (ordaining that confirmations 
and infeftments of ward lands shall not praejudice the Kings warde), to be 

Twenty-first, Acte discharging the dutye payd to the conservatour upon 
the coale. 

Twenty-second, Article craving ammunition and armes, brought in since 
the beginninge of the troubles, to be free of custome. 

Twenty-third, Article anent the electione of the president of the sessione, 
and admission of judges presented by his Majestye. 



\. D. 1640. Tioenty-fourtli, Acte craving statesmen being noblemen to have but one 

\Twentii-Jiftli\, His Majestyes warrant for Mr. William Haye his de- 
putatione in his fathers place, opposed by the rest of the clerks. 
Martij 23. Martij twenty -third was the next tyme appoynted for the comissioners 
appearaunce befor the King ; upon which daye the ansuers following were 
presented to thes former propositions.^) 

To the First, They ansuer, That in law and practise all who conceive 
themselves praejudiced may protest (evne wher actes of Parliament pass 
against them), that ther giving way to what they conceive hath no law for 
it should not prejudge ther right, which is only craved prout de jure. 
N. B. To the Second, It was urged to be brought into opne Parliament, be- 

cause in that acte there was a clause for stataria Parliamenta, once in two 
or three yeares ; which being conceived praejudiciall to the King his autho- 
ritye, or that he wold qwarell at it, was rejected; though they confesse fre- 
qwent Parliaments necessaire in the Kings absence : Therfor they urged 
nothing but a right constitutione of Parliaments, and ane acte past for to 
repeale former actes of Parliament, contrare to the Assemblyes conclu- 
sions. For without ane acte recissory, they hold it impossible for to get a 
valide Parliament, because former actes of Parliament macke no acte valide 
but such as passeth with consent of the kirke : So the Parliament behoved 
to be declared laufully constitute without the kirke ; and prellatts had ther 
vote only in name of the kirke, which now declares bishopps no members 
therof, by the Kings Comissioners approbatione. 

To the Third, They say it is repiynantia in adjecto, that comissioners 
should be calld to determine matters in Parliament and yet have no desi- 
cive voice : That former Parliaments gave all free holders vote in Par- 
liament ; but no such preiveleidge is craved now, but only two for a shyre, 
who in law have decisive voice ; which if it bee not marked, so it is either 
the ignoraunce or corruptione of clerkes : That the contrare practise wold 
give two comissioners of shyres to cache half a voice, so that one of them 
could not be putt upon articles without the other, and the one being absent 
the other could never vote ; which is contrary to reasone and custome. 

To the Fourth, They saye, they only desyred some to asiste the clerke 
for right numbering the voices, and no mor. 

(1) [Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., pp. 1007—1014.] 


To the Fifthe, They say, it is agreable to the libertye of all juclicatoryes A. D. 1640. 
for to chuse ther owne preparatory delegatts, otherwayes ther actiones ai-e 
a mm habente /lotestatem. 

To the LSi.rtk and Seventh, They ansuer, first, Proxies can give no 
mans judgement a right, who knowes not what is to be determined in a 
Parliament wher he is not present, and knows not what is to be proponed. 
As for the Seventh, They doe remitte it to the King, and intended no 

Concerning the Great Manifesto, they ansuer. That they only recommend 
the Assemblyes supplicatione theranent to be represented to the King. 

That comissioners of shyres should give in roUes of justices of peace, 
they saye, was aequitable, because they best know the ablest men in ther 

Concerning the disorders of the north, they craved nothing but that for- 
mer actes of Parliament for punishment of theft, rapine, and oppression, 
might be reveeved, and such additions subjoynd as the King pleasethe. 

Concerning the councells being censurable by Parliament, ther is no mor 
craved but that the actes concerning leesing mackers and divyders betuixt 
King and people, be reveeved. 

For not graunting of taxts but in plaine Parliament, they remember it 

The acte of pacificatione (they saye) was framed by advyce of lawers, in 
such termes as might express the Kings justice, goodnesse, and fatherly 
care, without woronging the honest intentions of his subjectes. 

The acte for particular justiciaryes (they saye) craved nothing but the N. B. 
representatione of ther abuses to the King, to have them graunted upon 
necessitye, and rescinded when ther was no neede of them. 

The desyre that horning should exoner sheriffs of the taxatione, they 
saye, is not new, but has been oftne befor urged in former Parliaments. 

Concerning the patent for powder macking, they thinke that the Earle of 
Linlithgows patent falles by a clause irritant ; for he is therby obleidged to 
keep the workes going, and serve the countrey, which he has not done : 
therfor they desyre some other fitter to be employed. 

Concerning remissions for slaughter, they desyre that the praejudices 
flowing from such remissions may be represented to the King. 

For discharging of protections, they craved only the reveiving of former 
actes of Parliament. 


The acte for common releefe, they saye, has the consent of the most 
pairte, and itself is agreable to reasone, since the benefitt is generall to all ; 
all taxes being graunted ordinarly ad relevationem imperij, ob conservationem 
Kbertatis, ac dk/nitatis, ac relUgionis, vel ad utilitatem communem suhditorum. 

For the acte 1633, they crave only the meaning therof to be explained. 

For the conservators taxatione, they saye, he had no warrant for it in his 
gifte ; therfor the coale maisters craved to discharge it as unlaufull. 

For arraes and ammunition to be custome free, they say, it is warranted 
by law, which frees all things from custome that are not brought in to be 
sold againe, but for private use. 

For the article of electione of the president of the sessione, etc., they 
saye, they sought nothing in it but the ratifying the thirty ninth act of 
Parliament sixth, Jacobi VI., 1579. 

For statesmen, being noblemen, to have [but] one voice, they remember 
no such acte. 

Concerning oppositione of Mr. William Haye, they ansuer. That the 
Comissioner, to whom they produced ther reasones in printe, can best give 
ane accompt therof. Finally, they saye, some of thes articles are of small 
concernement, et de minimis non curat lex ; and, for any of them, the Pai'lia- 
raent stickes no furder upon them, then they are warranted by lawe, or as the 
King and estates shall fynde convenient. And, finally, they desyre that the 
King maye command the Parliament to go on and ratifie the Assembly, etc. 

After ther answers wer reade, the comissioners desyred to be dispatched 
to thoise who sent them ; wherupon they wer removed, and within halfe ane 
howers space called in, and the King saide. That he could not now appoynt 
them any tyrae for dispatche, but that he would tacke his owne tyme to con- 
sidder of his ansuer, and wold then macke his furder pleasure knowne to 
them. However, this was ther last hearing at that tyme ; so all ther nego- 
tiatione produced no other effecte but the imprisonment of the lord Low- 
done, one of ther number ; of which mor afterwards. 

The comissioners wer commanded to abyde still at Londone, and ther- 
after three of them wer putt into the custodye of the judges of Londone. 
Lord Lowdone was putt by himselfe into the Tower of Londone ; nor was 
the Kings pleasure made knowne to them till his printed Declaratione, in- 
titled, " His Majesties Declaration, Concerning His Proceedings with His 
Subjects of Scotland, Since the Pacification in the Camp neere Berwick :" 
which hithertoo, in the narratione, since that tyme, I have confronted with 

Ch. lxxxviii.] history of scots affairs. 125 

the Covenanters Large Ansure, which, in that same yeare, 1640, they A. D. I64ii. 

printed in ansuer to the mistackings therof ; for so they terme them. And 

this will save mye paines of giving a particular accompt of either, for both 

are mostlye historicall. 

LXXXVII. In that manifesto the King made not all these proposalls King's Declar- 

a grownd of a qwarell unto the Covenanters, but only such of ther intended ^'°"^ °'. "'^ 

T 1 • • 1 -11 c 1 roceedings 

actes as I have msisted most upon m the history of that abortive Parlia- since the Pa- 

raent. To it I must send backe the reader for to fynd the Kings excep- cification. 

tions and the Covenanters ansuers therunto, either ther or in ther papers 

givne in at court, wherof I have givne a trwe though a shorte accoumpt.* 

Yet wer not ther ansuers satisfactorye to the Kinge, though oftene repeated 

in ther Large Ansuer to his Declaratione, 1640 ; wherin they tyre the readers 

patience by oftne repeating the same ansuers, without any substantial! varia- 

tione. But it is now tyme for to lett the comissioners rest a whyle from ther 

ansuers, and to looke to Edinburgh; wher matters in this interim wer not 

disputed with arguments or with the penne, but all was turning to blowes 

and unto ane opne breache and hostilitye. 

LXXXVin. It hath been told how the King sent a supply of men and Foot com- 
ammunitione, in February, 1640, to the castell of Edinburcrhe ; which was pai"es levied 

1-1 • , 1 • 1, /. 1 • • ^ T^ ,. , , at Edinburgh; 

admitted not without reluctancye, specially- oi the cittizens ot Ldinburghe, a court of 
who grew so oifended therat, that they fall upon a resolutione for to levie S^^J<i set up 
some foote companyes ; which acordingly they performed. Ther pretence castle ; lay 
was to gwarde the towne of Edinburgh from the insolencys of the castel- siege to it; 
lans, but in effecte to blocke upp the castell ; and for that ende they sett upp sgj,t in to the 
a cotirt du yicarde not farr distant from the outmost gate of the castell of castle ; Ruth- 
Edinburgh, wher ther new souldiours did keep watch by turns. Tliis citizen^^a ^ 
startled generall Ruthven, who was too able a souldiour for to be thus hour to advise. 

bailed ; therfor, he desyres that ther court du (/ward and souldiours miffht \ \ ^""^ 

•' •' '^ about remov- 

be removed, otherwayes he wold tacke the next course for to remove it : ing themselves 

For it is to be remembered that ther refusall of materialls to reedifie the i*"*^ ^°°''^ ' 

castell wall had already put a jealousye betuixt him and the cittizens, and Many anti- 

ther gwardes wer not a waye to better thingres. But insteade of grauntinse Covenanters 
. . . o o seized by the 

Ruthven his desyre, the coniittye of Parliament, and townes councell of townsmen ; 

Edinburgh, resolve, by a joynte consultatione, to laye a closse seidge to who wer soon 

the castell ; and so much the rather because ther intelligence from England Q„bscribino- 

the Covenant. 

' See mor to that pourpose afterwarde, eight pagges after this page, [below, pp. 137, 138.] 



A. D. l(j4U. assurd them, that the King was provyding for a newe armye ; as also that, 
R ti V n fir - February fifteenth, Algernon, Earl of Northumberland, had been alreadye 
some shots on comissionate generall of the Kings armye, and that they wer to enter 
the town. Scottland in the spring tyme under Piercye his conducte. 

Meane whyle, Ruthven urgeth the removall of the courte de gwarde, 
otherwayes he threatnes to shoote great granads from his morter peeces 
upon the towne of Edinburgh ; which easily, they knew, he might doe. This 
both incensed and terrifyd the burgers, who therfore employed the Earle of 
Southeske, and Sir Lewis Steward, advocate, (both knowne to afl^ect the 
King, and consequently the nior acceptable to Ruthven, as they presumed), 
for to gee to the castell, and give generall Ruthven faire wordes, if possibly 
therby they could prevaile with him so farr as to macke him delaye his 
hostilitye for some tyme : but ther was no assurance givne to him that the 
gwards should be tackne oft". All that thes comissioners could prevaile was, 
that generall Ruthven was contented to give the cittizens ane howre to 
advyse themselves ; after which tyme, if they continowd in ther denyall, he 
bidd them expect the worst from him. Ruthvens answer being returned 
to the provost of Edinburgh, in the hearing of a multitude of the cittizens, 
who gott advertishment that a number of indwellers of Edinburgh, and 
others residents in the towne, wer tursing ther baggage and houshold stuife 
with intentione to remove from Edinburgh ; the multitude wer so startled 
therwith, that they fell into ane uproare, and in a tumultwary way they not 
only hindred such as wer upon ther removall from Edinburgh, and com- 
pelled them to staye in the towne ; but they lyckwayes seise upon the two 
comissioners, Southeske and Sir Lewis Steward, and leade them prisoners 
to some of the magistratts houses, setting gwardes upon them. Nor did 
ther furye stay or terminate thus, but such others as were knowne to be anti- 
Covenanters they lyckewayes seise upon ; particularly Mr. James Fairly, 
who had beene designed to be bishop of Argylle ; Mr. James Gordon, 
keeper of the signett; Mr. James Ferqhwardsone (brother to Donald 
Ferqhwardsone of Monaltrye), ane advocate, and Huntlys solicitor: thes 
wer lyckwayes made sure in severall lodgings, and gwards putt upon them. 
Mr. Robert Burnett, advocate('), (brother to Sir Thomas Burnett of 

(1) [Afterwards a Judge of the Court of Session, by the title of Lord Crimond. He 
was father of Gilbert Burnet, the well-known bishop of Sarum. This part of our author's 
narrative was, lilce some others, probably derived from the laird of Crimond's own lips, 
with whom Gordon was familiar. See The Miscellany of the Club, vol. i., p. 30.] 

Ch. lxxxviii.] history of scots affairs. 127 

Leyes), was seized upon lyckwayes by a pairty of townes souldiours, after 
he was gone to bedd ; and after some discourse with him, it was graunted to 
him, as a great courtesye, that a pairtye of souldiours shoulde gwarde him 
all that night at his owne house, he being sickly at that tyme by chaunce. 
But Sir Thomas Thomsone of Duddistono mett with ane harder measure, 
for they clappt him into fetters. The reason that Sir Thomas Thomson 
was putt in irons was, because it was supposed he had closser correspondence 
with the castell then any of the rest ; as being not only active for the King, 
but also neerly related to David Scrirageor (sonne to the constable of 
Dundee, lievtenant of the castell, under generall Ruthven), whoise sister 
was Sir Thomas Thomson his ladye. After some tymes resti'aint, they 
war all released and sett at libertye, most pairt of them having first sub- 
scrybed the Covenante as the pryce of ther libertye. The reasone that 
theye wer seised upon was, a suppositione that Ruthven, hearing that thes 
gentlmen wer involvd into the daunger, wold upon that accompt have for- 
borne shooting upon the towne, whilst the townsmen had such pledges of 
him. But they wer mistackne ; for Ruthven forbore not to lett flye some 
canon shott amongst them, for .all that. The multitudes fury being a little 
allayd, fynding that ther project failed, the magistratts of the towne steppt 
in and strove to pacific them towards ther prisoners, protesting that the 
miscarriadge of the multitude was much against ther myude. The lycke 
did such of the Covenanter noblmen as wer at Edinburgh for the tyme, 
who tooke paines for the enlargement of the prisoners. And they (particu- 
larly Southeske), in compensatione of that favour of being pulld out of 
the jaws of the unruly multitude, must wrytte apologeticke letters for the 
Covenanter noblemen, and for the magistrattes of Edinburgh ; wherin they 
cast the fault of all ther suflerings upon the unruly multitude, and withall, 
shwed that had it not been for the nobilitye and magistratts of Edinburgh, 
they had been in greater hazard ; wherfor they protest that the King 
should not laye it to the charge of the Covenanter noblemen and magis- 
tratts of Edinburgh, as ther deede : Which testificatts the Covenanters had 
reasone for to be earnest to procure, under Southeske and others of ther 
hands ; for at this very tyme ther comissioners wer at Londone, and in the 
Kings power. I dare not aflBrme whither they wer all at first putt under 
restraint upon any such accompt, as to compense the afl'ront done the 
King, by imprisoning Southeske, a eounceller, and other gentlemen of 
qwalitye ; but it is sure the King tooke it so ill, notwithstanding of 


A. D. 1640. Soutbeskes extenuatione therof, that afterwardes, in his manifesto,* which 
was published about that tyme, he made it one of the reasons of his new 
expedition against the Scottish. 
Rampiers of LXXXIX. In the meane whyle the cittizens wer raising a rarapier of 
earth raised earthe for defence of ther courte du gicarde, against the canon shott of the 
against cannon castell ; and qwickly after they raised great high traverses of earth, which 
shot; batteries crossed the High street of Edinburgh, in niainer of blynds. Thes traverses 
planted were canon proofe, and the earth made fast with timber, that the people 

might walke safe upon the High street ; and the houses neerest the castell 
wer filled with earthe. Ther was a regiment of foote under the com- 
mand of one collonel Blaire afterwards sett to beseidge the castell, and 
severall batteryes of canon planted about it ; wherof one was layd neer the 
Grey Freer Churche ; and ane other battery at the West Churche ; a thirde 
upon the corne feelds north from the castell, upon the place called com- 
monly the Hardgate ; and some peeces lyckwayes were planted in places con- 
venient, about, or, in the houses neerest the castell : All which batteryes wer 
framed by the directione and projecte of Sir Alexander Hamiltoune, brother 
to the Earle of Hadingtoune, ingeneer and master of artelliry to the Cove- 
nanters. Thes batteryes wer made use of some tyme afterwards rather for 
to keepe the townsmen in courage and hopes, then out of any hopes that the 
Covenanters had to gaine the castell by any such meanes ; and therfor 
they would be doing something, at the towne of Edinburgh ther charges, 
in shew, rather then the townesmen should thinke that they wer doing 
nothing ; for thes who understoode fortificatione knew that the castell had 
mor naturall strenth then to be tackne by storme or by canon shotte. 
Subscription XC. About this time,t the ministrye, and others employed for that 

of the Cove- 

* Declaration, 1640, pag. 55. 

f March [tenth], 1640, dyed Dr. William Gordon, professor of medicine in Old Aber- 
deen University, etc. [" Doctor Gordon, mediciner, and one of the founded members of the 
coUedge of Old Aberdein, and common procurator theiof, depairted this life upon the 10th 
of March, in his own house in Old Aberdein ; a godly, grave, learned man, and singular in 
common works about the coUedge, and putting up on the steiple therof most glorious, as 
you see, ane staitly crown, thrown down be the wynd before." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., 
vol. i., p. 191. Dr. Gordon was a contributor to the Funeralls of Bishop Patrick Forbes. 
See that work, ]ip. 347 — 352. He is commemorated in Strachan's Panegyrical Oration on 
the Founders and Benefactors of the University of Aberdeen : " Quam denique apte cum 
sublinii & a;therea suae artis contemplatione, facilem et expeditam praxin consociavit Gor- 
donius ! Mcdicus & Alchymista cximius, Eetate quidem aliis minor ; at prudentia, morum 
gravitate, & vitae sanctimonia (quam plerique dum causis secundis inherent negligunt) ne- 
mini secundus ; quibus omnibus de gcnte ilia (ex qua multi fuerunt, qui bello insignem 

Ch. xc] history of scots affairs. 129 

ende wer bussye errye wher, urging the subscriptione of the Covenant A. D. 1640. 
anew by people of all rankes and degrees, specially by ministers. And ' ~. 
because the Doctors of Aberdene wer thought by ther example to have dis- Doctors of 
gusted the most pairt of the ministrye of the diocese of Aberdene with the ^}"^^^^^\ 
Covenant, therfor speciall care was tackne that now all of them, without Lindsay causes 
protestatione or declaratione, should subscrybe, acording to the Assem- *he ministers 
blyes declaratione : And to this pourpose Mr. David Lindsey, minister at Aberdeen to 
Belhelvyes, a man glade to have any employment that might declare his subscribe. 
zeale for the Covenant, gott a comissione to conveene all the ministers of ji^^^g ^j^^ 
the diocese of Aberdene for that ende. To which pourpose, he came from stood out. 
Edinburgh, as the coraittye of Parliament ther comissioner ; and, by letters ^^^ ^oscnp- 
direct to each presbytrye, reqwyred all the ministers of that diocese to be citizens of 
present at New Aberdene, upon the twenty-fifth of Marche ; whither, Aberdeen, 
acording to Mr. David his indictione, they punctwally conveend, and all 
subscrybed, except Dr. James Sibbald, Dr. Alexander Scroggye, ministers 
in Aberdene ; Dr. John Forbesse, laird of Corse ; and Dr. William 
Lesly, principall of the colledge of Old Aberdene. Dr. Sibbald sent in a 
letter of excuse, pretending that he had catched a cold in his heade some 
of the dayes proceeding. The regents lyckwayes of the two colledges all 
subscrybed, except one, Mr. William Blackball, one of the regents of the 
new colledge of Aberdene, who asked a tyme to advyse upon his subscrip- 
tione ; but the result was that he tooke so great scandall at the Covenant, 
that shortly after he betooke himself to a voluntary exyle, and forsooke 
Scottland, and turnd papist, rendring himself relligiouse, and never re- 
turned agane to his native countrey to this bower. (0 The great argument 

glorian) pepererunt) posse etiani ingenia pacis artibus valentia prodire comprobavit." A. 
Strachani Panegyricvs Inavgvralis, quo Autores, Vindices, & Evergetae Ulustris Vniver- 
sitatis Aberdonensis, iustis elogiis ornabantur, pp. 22, 23. Aberd. 1631. Middleton 
speaks of him as " a very worthy person, of great Judgment, and well seen in tlie Science 
of Physick." Appendix to Archbishop Spottiswoode, p. 27. His son, James Gordon, 
parson of Banchory St. Devenick, was the author of a work of which great erudition is not 
the only remarkable feature : " The Reformed Bishop: Or, XIX Articles, Tendered by 
tif^a^X"'"' A. Well-wisher of the present Government of the Church of Scotland, (as it is 
settled by Law) In order to the further Establishment thereof. Printed for the Author, 
Anno Dom. 1679." 8vo. Maidment's Catalogues of Scotish Writers, pp. 63, 115.] 

(1) [" About the 24 of February [1642], Mr. Williame Blakhall, ane of the regentis 
of Colledge Marschall, a prompt scoller, bred, borne and brocht up in Aberdene, and 
never yit out of the countrie, refuisit to subscrive the countrie covenant, as the rest did, 
quhairupone he was deposit of his regency ; thairefter he leivit simply in sober maner 
within the toune. He is callit in suspitioun of poperie, he is convenit befoir the Sessioun of 


that Mr. David Lindsey used, to perswade the ministry to subscrybe (be- 
syde the acte of Assemblye) was ab incommodo, telling them that such as 
wold not subscrybe the Covenant, behoved to resolve no mor to be ministers 
in Scottland. Many who subscrybed at that time resolved to give obe- 
dience, saying they had rather fall into the hands of God by perjurye, then 
into the handes of the Covenanters by beggarye of themselves and fami- 
lyes ; and some of them at that tyme wer heard to saye, That, after ther 
subscriptione, they had been craving God pardon for ther oathe which 
they had tackne. 

The cittizens of Aberdene must now lyckwayes be authoritatively invited 
to a new subscriptione, (many of them having hithertoo stoode out) ; and 
the graund promovers of that worke wer Patrick Lesly, ther provost, and 
Dr. William Guild, their minister ; the rest of ther ministers being either 
deade, or opposite to that worke. To that pourpose, several invitations 
and intimations they had givne to them from the pulpitt, after ther weeke 
dayes sermons, for to come to the New Churche, and subscrybe the Co- 
venant. The worke went slowly on ; all ther proselytts at that tyme being 
some few burgers or tradesmen, who came by twos or by threes, at several! 
occasions, to subscrybe ; and thes beginning to follow the fortune of the 
Covenant, rather then any new convictione that they did meet with. The 
better sorte of cittizens, who wer mor knowing, stood out as yet mostly, 
though mor silent then befor ; and wer gained upon afterward by degrees, 
as the Covenant prosperd, and not a few of them by hard usage, after 
ther towne was garrisond, as after shall be told ; who wer glad to give ther 
names to the Covenant, to shunne oppressione, dayly [insolencyes], fynings 
and imprisonments. Some few of them fled, such as William Scott, a pylott,(" 

Abirdene, and at last brocht befoir the presbiterie vpone the forsaid 24 of Februar, the 
samen then sitting witliin the CoUedge of Old Aberdene, Mr. David Lindsay, persone of 
Balhelvy, moderatour. He is accusit of what religioun he wes of, and of what kirk he 
wes. Efter sum ansueris, at last he planelie and avouitlie declairit he wes ane Romane 
Catholik, and wold byd be the saraen, to the astoneishment of the haill heiraris, being of 
ane uther professioun, as appeirit, and so pertlie (now in tyme of the liottest persecution of 
papistis heir in this land) to manifest himself so. Aluaies, efter sum dealling with him by 
the ministrie and bretheren, at last he is excommunicat, and chargit to conforme or leave 
the countrie. This may be nottit with the fyre of the said Marschall Colledge, as ye have 
befoir, as ane second viseit ; the thrid foUouis. This Blakhall wes excommunicat upone 
the 20 of Marehe, syne leavis the countrie." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. ii., p. 10, 
11. See also p. 45.] 

(1) [The sufferings of this humble but devoted Loyalist are duly commemorated by 
Spalding. See Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp.|206, 207, 238, 237 ; vol. ii., p. 9.] 

Ch. xcii.] history of scots affairs. 131 

and others ; and for ther paines a pairt of ther goods wer seizd upon, and A. D. 1640. 
employd to publicke uses; as some of William Scottes timber was, to build 
court de gwards, and other things necessary for the Covenanters souldiours, 
this summer following, in 1640. Meane whyle Dr. Guild (as others who 
stoode for the Covenant, of the ministrye, in other places) made the pulpitt 
to ring with Covenant langwage, and arguments for it : and his zeale was 
such for it at that tyme (though afterward he fell off), that he was seene, in 
tyme of his sermons, to draw papers out of his pocketts, and spreade them 
opne upon the breast of the pulpitt, for convictione of some of the non- 
Covenanting cittizens, who denyd that ther wer anye such papers of con- 
cessions and agreements betuixt King and Covenanters as the doctor 
affirmed : yet wer thes papers at too farr a distaunce to be reade by thes 
incredulouse non-Covenanters from the severall corners of the churche. 

XCI. Nor was the King and the deputy of Ireland, his agent ther, any Covenanters 

whitte bussyer seeking for subsidye towards a new warre in England and ^1'^'' fontribu- 

tions * silver 
Ireland, then the Covenanters wer in Scottland : For contributione was evry piatg given in 

wher agented and urged, either voluntarly or by imposte, and no devyce ^"'' coined ; 

was ther left unessayed for getting money, the sinnew of warre ; such as the j^Q^g officers 

Blynde Bande, and tenth of the hundereth, and silver plate sought out and from Holland 

brought in to be coyned, the whole cupp boords of some familyes either ' j^jes 

voluntarly givne to that use, or lent upon publicke faithe. But thes things, 

specially the calling for plate, beganne not to be hottly urged till August 

following, this yeare 1640 ; about such tyme as the Scottish army wer niack- 

inge readye for Englande, to march in thither anew. 

Lyckwayes, the Covenanters beganne to call home severall expert otfi- 
ciers from Holland and other places, who came dropping over to Scottlande 
this yeare, as they had come the former yeare, to serve ther native coun- 
treye. And it is affirmed by some of the English historians of thes tymes, 
that such as came over to Scottland from Holland, had ther places kept for 
ther returne vacant in Holland ; but that suche as came over for to serve 
the King from Holland wer carsheered, and other officiers putt upon the 
heades of ther regiments and troopes or companyes. Whither this wer 
trwe or not, I affirme nothing ; I relate it only upon the credite of the 

XCII. Much about this tyme, the King sent a proclamatione to Edin- Proclamation 
burgh, with a letter to the magistratts, reqwyring them for to cause pro- discharging 

1 • • 11- ,1 ' -1 .? D m, , Argyle from 

claime it pubhckly at ther mercatt crosse ; the contents wheroi wer. That the his office of 


A. D. 1G40. earle of Ardgylle was discharged by the King, from that tyme fordwards, 
. ~. from executinge any office of iusticiarve of the Westerne Isles (ane office 

justiciar; or- . . . . . 

dering- all to which some of that family, befor him, had stuckne in the possessione of, 

dissown the without any patent that they had to produce for it, till such tyme as King 
committee oi ■' ' , ■ , , „■ ■ • , p i i , 

Parliament Charles graunted it to him, by the solucitatione and procurement or the old 

sittmg at Earle of Mortoun, father in law to Argylle), and he to surcease therfrom till 

sent to the' such tyme as he answer to the Parliament of England for misdemeanors 

magistrates of to be laid to his charge. Lyckwayes, that proclamatione ordered all per- 

and bv them ^°"^ whatsomever for to disowne thes lords, and others sitting for the tyme 

slighted. at Edinburgh, under the name of a comittye of Parliament. This procla- 

for"ei''ht'no- ™^tione, and letter from the King, being delyvered to the councell of Edin- 

blemen from burgh, it was by them communicated to the comittye of Parliament, and, by 

.Scotland to ^ joynte consent, laid by and slighted ; for now they wer gone a stepp be- 

don, but de- yond protestations. 

"'*''• The King lyckwayes, about this tyme, discharged some councellers and 

officiers of the state, whom he founde disafected to him, and stickling 

hottly for the Covennant : ane acte that the Covenanters complained upon, 

as upon his former proclamatione, as being actes neither agreable to law nor 

justice. But the breach was evrye day growing greater betuist the King 

and them, and it seems some of thes things wer done by the King to trye 

ther loyaltye, since they pretended to so great a measure therof. Of lycke 

designe, it seemes, was the Kings wryting for eight noblemen Covenanters 

for to come to Londone, about the tyme that ther comissioners wer confyned 

ther. But they who could not be induced the summer befor, immediatly 

after the pacificatione at Bervicke, for to come to Bervicke to the King, in 

any number, when new jealousyes wer not brockne out amongst them and 

the King, wer not so easily at this tyme to be drawne to Londone ; the de- 

tentione of ther comissioners ther, being of ane ominouse significatione to 

others who wold treade the same path after them (which they sticke not to 

tell the world in ther Answer to the Kings Declaration, 1640). Therfor his 

call to thes eight noblmen gott such obedience as his proclamatione for 

discharging of Argylles lievtenantrye ; who all alonge, albeit he made least 

noyse, and acted least, seemingly, against the Kinge, yet, long ere now, 

the King beganne to smell him out as his most dangerouse and implacable 

enemye, under hand carrying on the designes that wer masked with the 

Covenant against the King ; and, finally, the very spring and lyfe therof. 

Yet wyse men thought that thes actions by the King against him, disco- 

Ch. xciii.] history of scots affairs. 133 

vered the Kings ill wille to him to no good pourpose ; and consequently A. D. 1640. 
obdurd Argylle in his malice and enimitye against the King, so fan- as 
Argylle saw no waye for to secure himselfe (in his owne conceipt), but by 
the totall and finall ruine of the King and all his pairtye ; having dis- 
enabled both of them from hurting him, and cutting of such of the heades 
of the Kings pairty, whoise power, wisdome, or oppositione to the interest 
of his family, or envyouse greatnesse, did render them aeqwally suspected 
and hatefull to the Earle of Ardgylle. 

XCIII. The King forseeing what things wer lycke to tnrne to, betuixt Irish subsidy 

the Scottish and him, had sent the Earl of Strafford to Ireland, in Decern- f."'' contribu- 
tions. Kings 
ber, 1639, for to conveene a Parliament ther for procuring subsidies from answer to the 
them, towards the expense of the warre, which he forsaw. This was gone Covenanters' 
about so dilligently by Strafford, that now in Marche he returnes to Eng- 
land with a reporte of ane ample subsidye graunted ther by the Parliament 
of Ireland ; no less then four subsidyes for the mantenance of ten thou- 
sand foote, and fifteen hundred horses ; besyde voluntaire contributions 
offered or promised by many in Irelande. Yet in England ther free offer- 
ings wer not so greate ; all was cast over upon the Parliament, which was 
to meete Apryle thirteenth. 

Yet, however thes contributions went on but Icisourly in England, the 
Kinge, by what was promisd from Ireland, founde himself in some condi- 
tion for to stande upon princely termes with his Scottish subjectes. Therfor 
having confynde the Scottish comissioners, in steade of ane ansuer to ther 
demands, he putts out his Declaratione ; the last pairt wherof was (for I 
have givne account of the former pairtes of it, and the Covenanters Ansuer 
thertoo) : He, having first shwed how many wayes they had fallne short of the 
observatione of the articles of the pacificatione at Bervicke ; and, secondly, 
how many encroatchments they had made upon his royall prerogative in the 
late Parliament ; as also, how that, under pretext of a Parliament, they wer 
seeking to destroye the fundamentall lawes of Scottland, which actes of 
tbers, he saide, ther comissioners sent to London had stoode to, and did 
justifie all : Therfor now, in the third pairt of his Declaratione, he comes 
to ansuer ther objections, which the Covenanters pretended for themselves. 

The first objectione concerning his promise of a free Parliament, he sayes. 
That, for ansuer thertoo,* no man of ordinary sence could imagine that it 

' Declaration [1C40], p. 47. 


D. 1640. could be so free as not to be limited with the Covenanters owne conditions, 
subscrybed by the Lord Lowdon ; which was that they sought only to 
enjoye ther libertyes acording to the ecclesiasticall and civill lawes of 
Scottland : But now since they had passed thes boundes, he held himself 
disobleidged, except that the Covenanters wold have him only obleidged, 
and [themselves] left at libertye to flye at monarchical! governement without 
controlle, by destroying the royall power and authoritye, which they wer 
endeavouring to doe by ther insufferable intended actes and demandes, 
contrary to law and reasone. 

To this the Covenanters ansuer,t That the Comissioner refusing to 
repeale any actes of Parliament inconsistent with ther new actes of Assem- 
bly, therfor, in this particular, ther actes of Assembly are not ratifyd as was 
N. B. promised they should bee. Second, They tell us that Parliaments have 
power to macke and unmacke lawes, as they thinke expedient. Third, For 
other propositions, they tell us that they wer for the good of the kyngdome, 
and did not trensh upon the King his prerogative. 

The particulars that the King challengeth (though mentioned befor), 
yet I shall heer subjoyne with the Covenanters ther rejoynder. First, The 
King does except against ther attempt to chaunge the forme of the choise 
of the lordes of the articles ; he urgeth for them three hundred yeares pre- 
scription, and fourth Parliament Jacobi VI., cap. 218. The Covenanters 
ansuer (or rejoyne), that the new forme of choosing articles was introduced 
anno 1617, and must goe out with the bishopps againe. 

To the Kings second challendge, that when bishopps were abolished, 
1587, that evne at that tyme the church had a representative still in the 
Parliament; and that Parliament eighth, cap. 130, Jacobi VI., declares it 
treasone to impugne the authoritye of the three estates, or to innovate the 
power of all or any of them : To this the Coventanters rejoyne. That 
this alteratione was accidentall yet inevitable, vi necessariae consequentiae, 
by reasone of the King his Comissioners subscriptione of the Covenante, 
and the Kings irrevocable declaratione, which can never have affinitye with 
treasone. More of any importance they have not to saye. 

To the Kings objectione, that by ther acte rescissorye the third estate is 
removed, they rejoyne. That it was a repugnance to cast them out of the 
churche, and lett lawes stand which kept upp bishopps in the state ; that 

• Ansuer, pagg. "6, 77. 

Ch. xciii.] history of scots affairs. 136 

state aflFaires proved but unlucky in churche mens hands ; and that the A. D. 1640. 
church was willino: to renounce her right in the state or ParHament. ., „ 

... N. n. 

Thes rejoynders of thers gave but little satisfactione to the wyser and 
mor moderate sorte. For, First, It is not made out by them that church 
men cannot have power in the legislative pairte, acording to that maxime of 
lawe that themselves macke use of, cjiiod omnes tanr/it, etc. Next, it was 
verye disputable, as all men saw, Whither de facto all the church men of 
Scottland at that tyme wer willing to renounce ther interest in Parliaments ? 
Third, Suppose they had been illing, Whither they could doe so ? since 
that preiveleidge concerned them, and the church men who wer to be ther 
successors, so it looked lycke a betraying of ther trust. Fourth, Suppose 
both they and Parliament, both had conspyred so to doe. Whither they and 
Parliament joyned together could destroye a fundamentall constitutione of 
the kyngdome, by cutting off an essential member of Parliament ? Fifth, 
How could the Parliament doe this without the Kings consent, who is 
caput Parliamenti, and has a negative ? Sixth, Suppose bishopps ther . 
order was abolished, Did not former practickes of Parliaments give them un- 
denyable instances of such, qui sederunt pro clero, as the churche represen- 
tative ? Seventh, If ther actes wer unfaire without ane acte rescissorye, 
Were they not as unfaire without the consent of the third estate, settled by 
a fundamentall law, viz. of the church ? Eif/hth, What difference was ther 
betwixt the bishopps sitting in Parliament and voting, and ther sitting in a 
churche comittee, and controlinge Parliamentary acts by waye of coordina- 
tlone ? But leaving the opinion of such as compard the Kings objections 
with ther answers and rejoynders, I proceed to the next objectione. 

Concerning the acte of oblivione, they rejoyne, That they wold stand 
constant in the avowing of ther innocencye, and by such ane acte give ther 
adversaryes no grounde to dispute against them as rebells from ther oune 
concessions. They tell us, it is a peace macking and accomodating of 
affairs, which differs much from ane acte of remissione : But they speacke 
not with whom the peace is made, and the difference is left uncleard ; and 
the Kings instance of a desyre in the lycke case, in the acte of oblivione, 
anno 15(J3, they have forgottne to ansuer, else they know not how to doe so. 

Concerning the acte of releefe, and ther five demaundes, against whiche 
yow heard of the Kings objections befor, they referr us backe agane to 
the comissioners papers, givne in to the King at Londone ; whither I referr 
yow lyckwayes. 


A. D. 1640. The King objectes tlier keeping upp of ther Tables : This they doe 
not ansuer at all, except that the Parliament had sett downe the Tables 
agane to waite for ther comissioners ansuer from the King, and to cor- 
respond with them ther. 

The Kings answer to the second objectione, viz. : " That they assume 
that libertye, by allowance of the Covenante, and the Kings commanding 
Hamiltowne and his subjects to subscrybe it :" First, He answers that 
ther band in ther Covenant, and the band in the Covenant subscrybed by 
his fathers warrant, 1580, differ muche : For it obleidgcth the subscribents 
for to defende one another, as they should be commanded by the King, or 
any authorised by him : as for ther new bande, he telleth us, it was made 
without his consente, and by it they sweare mutwally to defende one 
another, not excepting the King : This (he sayes) is a meer cunning 
combyning against the King. Second, That, albeit they confessed the 
Kings Covenant and thers to be all one, yet they refoosed, and wold lett 
none subscrybe it, in the sence that Hamiltounc did putt upon it : wherby, 
he sayes, they did shew that it was not relligione that they sought to secure, 
as they pretended ; but to keepe his subjectes in such condltione as they 
might alwayes be tyed, and conceve themselves obleidged by oathe to tacke 
amies against him, the King, when ever they founde fitte tyme for a totall 
rebellione; which they never left endeavouring till they brought it to passe : 
So that he concludes that, by his approbatione or Hamiltons subscription of 
the old Covenante, they can never have solide foundatione to justifie ther 
new proceedings ; and that it will hardly appeare that ever any Covenant 
was made in the Christian world (except in cases of rebellion and trea- 
sone) wher the heade is left out, or hath not a negative voice. 

The Covenanters replye to all this is. That the Generall Assemblye 
declared the sence of the Covenant repugnant to Episcopacye; and for 
the rest, they referr us to ther papers and printes upon that subjecte sett 
out befor. As for the last pairt of the objectione of Covenants made in 
Christian kyngdomes, wher the heade is left out, I doe not know what 
paper of thers they referr us too for satisfactione, though I have carefully 
perused all ther former papers. 

To the next objectione, viz. that Traqwaire, his next coniissioner, had 
subscrybed the Covenant by the Kings warrant, he answers, that by ther 
oune petitione to him they declare that, " following the laudable example of 
ther predecessors, they doe humbly supplicate for the same, and that they 

Ch. xciii.] history of scots affairs. 137 

may be allowed and warranted to subscrybe it :" whence the Kinge con- A. D. \(Ho. 
eludes, That what they did befor, and of themselves without warrant and 
authoritye, was neither laudable nor warrantable ; secondly, That by what 
is prefixed to Traqwairs subseriptione, it appeares that he subscrybed it as 
it is one with that of 1580 : all which, he sayes, will never inferr the least 
shaddow of reasone for treasonable combinations against the King, or tacking 
upp armes against him and his authoritye, or deneyinge of his negative voice. 

They reply to this, That the wordes of ther supplicatione followng are 
omitted, which chaunge the sence, viz.: " That the Covenant which they had 
subscrybed as a testimoney of ther fidelitye to God, and loyaltye to fher 
King, maybe subscrybed by all his Majestyes subjectes ;" and the oraissione 
of thes wordes they call a grosse cossenage, and worong done to the Kings 
honor, and peace of kyngdoms, in a matter of so high concernement as is 
the Covenant. Second, That Traqwair subscrybed, with the Assemblyes 
esplanatione, in presence of the lords of articles, September sixth, 1639 ; 
that he never objected any grounde of scruple for a combination against the 
King upon that accompt. Third, That the difference betuixt the two 
Covenants is illustrated by a similie in ther protestatione, September 
twenty-second, 1638. Fourth, They referrthe reader to the supplicatione of 
the Generall Assemblye at Edinburgh, 1639, which was pourposly drawne 
upp to give satisfactione to that objectione of a combinatione. 

Yet that declaratory supplicatione has not tackne away this scruple from 
many (whatever it did from Traqwaire at that tyme) : for therin they 
sweare, in the first place, mutwall concurrence for the cause of relligione, 
etc. ; and, in the second place, but also they will concuri'e with ther freends 
and followers as they shall be reqwyred by his Majestye, or any in his name, 
in evry cause that may concerne the Kings honor, acording to the lawes of 
the kyngdome, and dutyes of good subjects.* And this they confesse, 
thes who compared thes clauses together, founde the one pairt destructive to 
the other ; and withall, that ther concurrence with the King has such limita- 
tions as wold neede a judge to cleere them : And who shall tell when the 
Kings honour is concerned ? We are to seeke for that. Whither the King or 
themselves should be judges in thes cases of asisting the King with ther 

To ther third defence, that thes proposalls wer but matters in fieri, and 

* Covenanters Answer, pag- 80. 


A. D. ir.40. not actwally concluded, the King ansuers, That Lowdon pressed him to 
warrant the Parliament to proceede and determine all thes articles pro- 
posed : However, it be the pairt of good subjectes to be wary how they 
come neere the suspitione of treasone and rebellione, much mor how they 
macke demaundes that carrye with them mor than a suspitione of rebel- 
liouse and treasonable intentions, as thes above mentioned most mani- 
festly doe. 

The Covenanters reply, That ther ansuer of matters in fieri is so pregnant 
that it cannot be replyed unto. Then they tell us that ther adversaryes wold 
have them follow the Jesuittes rules, viz. To tacke heade that they presse nor 
inculcat too muche the grace of God ; so they, being expelld the territory 
of Venice : Another rule, to believe the hierarchicall churche, though it tell 
us that it is blacke, which the eye judgeth whyte : And Loyolas third rule 
of blynde obedience ; which they say they have no mynde too : They desyre 
to know what treasone they comitted in the Assembly (which the Kings 
Declaration chargeth them with, jiag. 52). They tell us that usurping 
prelatts myters, may be throwne to the ground by nationall counceUs, 
without the smallest twoche of the crowne and scepter of imperiall ma- 
jestye; and that to overturne prelacye, they doe adjudge it no treasone 
against the King. 

Now we are at last come to the last pairt of the Kings Declaratione, 
wherin,_^r«?, he complaines,* That without any authoritye or comissione 
from him, they had tackne upon them to levy and raise forces in diverse 
pairts of Scottland, which they had continwally trained and exercised, and 
have assigned them a rendevouz, and a daye to be in readinesse to marche. 

Secondly, That they hade made provisione of great qwantityes of artil- 
Irye, munitione, and arraes from forreigne pairtes, which they have readye 
in magazin to macke use of against him ther Soveraigne. 

Thirdly, That they had laid taxes and impositions of ten merkes upon 
evrye hunderethe upon all and evry the Kings free subjectes, acording to 
ther severall revenwes, to be levyd of ther estates, for mantenance of ther 
rebellione ; and that they did it with great rigour and tyranny, however 
they pretended it to be voluntai'ye. 

To this the Covenanters ansuer,t That they confesse ther provisione of 

* Kings Declaration, 1640, pag. 52, et seqq. 

\ Covenanters Ansuer to the Kings Declaration, iMg. 83, e seqq. 

Ch. xciii.] history of scots affairs. 139 

men and money ; and they say it is laufull for them, who are the estates of a A. D. !(J4ti. 
free kyngdome, so for to doe, both by the law of God and nature, actes of 
ParHament, the practise of other reformed churches, the testimony of 
divynes, by asistaunce contributed by our princes, to other kirkes and 
states invaded and distressed; and by the judgment of many among them- 
selves, who in the beginning of the troubles, and befor the late paclticatione, 
had ther owne scruples about this, and that now, considdering what was 
done in England for advauncement of poperye, and what was done at home 
against the pacificatlone, they rest perfectly satisfeed. As for ther taxes, 
they tell us, that if the warre was laufull, so wer the taxes ; that Scottland 
had no treasures, nor will trust unto them although they had such ; for they 
esteeme not money the sinnews of warre, but a good cause, good con- 
science, stoute souldiours fearing God, who cannot be founde out by any 
gold, but will be able to fynde out gold. As for the taxtes, all the sub- N. B. 
jeets contribute most willinglye except some few, who except not against 
the thing itselfe, but against the proportion, yet it was lesse qwarelled then 
ever any ordinary taxatione. 

Such as readd this ansuer, however they knew little for the most part 
what to saye to the laufullnesse of defencive armes against a raonarche, yet 
the most pairt knew weall that what is affirmed heer in the last place, 
" concerning the willingnesse of people to contribute, etcet.," was a not- 
able untruthe, evry way false ; for many grudged as much at the taxt itself 
as its proportione ; yet such as refoosed wer compelled, and none durst 
complaine ; and though they wold, they had none to complaine too but to 
such as either could not helpe them, or to thoise who wer ther oppressors. 

The King objecteth, Fourtlihj, That they had published in print and 
wrytte, sundry false and seditiouse pamphletts concerning his proceedings ; 
specially one (wherof I gave you an accompt alreadye), intituled " Ane In- 
formatione from the Estates of the Kyngdome of Scottland to the Kyng- 
dome of England," which the lords of the councell of England had re- 
quested might be burnt by the hand of the hangman ; as it was used. 

The Covenanters ansuer. That the prelatts and ther partisans wryttings 
are full of railings and slanders against them, for to incense the King ; furder, 
ther was much wryttne for the unlaufullnesse of defence, but nothing 
against the unlaufullnesse of invasione ; that it was easye for to ansuer 
papers with fyre and faggutt ; yet ther papers wer full of respect to the 
King and English natione, and contained such truthes as wold ryse purer 


A. D. 164(1. and clearer out of ashes ; that they expected thatane informatione, comming 
from a whole kyngdome, should have mett with better entertainment from 
the councell of England ; yet they hoped it will fynde better entertainement 
with ther friends. 

The Kings next challendges are, Ther refusall of materialls to generall 
Ruthven to reedifie the castell wall ; ther comitting outrages upon the per- 
sons of some of that garrisone who came out of the castell to buy victwalls ; 
ther blocking upp the castell ; and ther fortifyinge sundrye other places of 
Scottland, particularly Inshgarvy, and placing ordinance therupon. 

They answer, That all this was done after threatning and violence of- 
fered them from the castell ; that ther blocking was defencive ; and that it 
was a wonder that they had done so little ; that they had supererogate in 
ther obedience, putting weapons in ther enemyes handes. 

To the Kings objectione of imprisoning Southeske and som others, they 
ansuer. That no other of qwalitye, except Sir Lewis Steward, was im- 
prisoned ; this they referr to ther owne letters that they sent to the King. 
They say it was ane harmelesse accident, and that ther noblmens carriadge in 
it deserved thankes; and, finally, that they will have none to suppose that 
they doe all that they are able to doe, or that what they doe for good is 
done for evill. 

The King objectes, That the towne of Edinburgh, to elide ther obedience 
to his commandos, did delyver the governeraent of ther towne into the 
handes of the comittye of ther pretended Tables ; therby disenablinge them- 
.selves to serve him, and devolving ther power, which they holde from him, 
into any other hand ; which cannot be done without treasone. 

This objectione they deney altogether, although all knew that materially 
it was a truth ; for the councell of Edinburgh and that comittye were by 
this tyme become a juncto, wlierin the comittye had the casting or lead- 
ing vote, nothing of consequence, in obedience to the Kinges com- 
mand, done by the Edinburgians, but with advyce and consent of the 

The King objectes, tenthli/, Ther letter drawne upp to have been sent to 
the King of Fraunce (wherof I gave the reader an accompt befor). In 
this he chargeth them with malignitye to ther naturall King, they being 
rather willing to prostitute themselves to a forraigne governement, and one 
of a different relligione, then to conforme to ther oune Prince. Secondly, 
He shewes that the drawinsr in of the Frenshes is of a dangerouse conse- 

Ch. xciii.] history of scots affairs 141 

quence to England ; All this, he sayes, is settling intelligence with for- 
raigners, and to practise in bringing of forraigners ; yet that they call ther 
actings relligione and lawes. 

For thes causes, the King declares he is necessitated to tacke up armes, 
yet so as he will not hinder the Scottish from enjoying relligione and 
libertye, acording to the ecclesiasticall and civill lawes of Scottlande, 
acording to his promise, at the pacificatione : And if they will yet crave 
pardoue for what is past, he is willing to desiste ; but if they doe persiste 
in trampling his crowne and authoritye under ther feete, and endeavouring 
to subverte law and relligione, under colour of enjoyment of ther libertyes, 
as hitherto they have done in ther Assembly and Parliamente, then he 
holds himself obleidged to macke use of his coercive power. Yet he at- 
testes God, that it is with sorrow and reluctancye ; and he is confident that 
God will not suifer his glory long to be despysed, in his persone, by grosse 
hypocrysy, under the counterfitt habite of relligione ; but will aryse, and 
scatter Gods and the Kings enemyes. And for the English natione, he is 
confident they will be so farr from suffering themselves to be debauched by 
the Scottish example, that theye will be asisting to him, by the example of 
the councell ; and that, since they are neerer the daunger, they will not be 
behynde with the Irishes, who in ther parliament have graunted him a 
cheerfull supplye, which they desyre may be published in printe, as a tes- 
timoney of ther loyaltye. Finally, He assures the Englishes, in the worde 
of a Prince, that he will tacke as much care for ther preservatione as for 
his owne, and all, that as it becomes a father of the country to doe, 

To that letter (which jeeringly the Covenanters call fluctus decximanus ) 
they replye. That to seeke for asistaunce, being invaded, is not to call in 
forreigners ; that ther is ane other way of helpe then ever to send armyes ; 
that seeking freends mediatione is not to acknowledge them subjectes ; that 
they love not to raise upp divisione twixt them and England so weall as to 
call in forraigners ; that informations sent over sea, to the praejudice of 
ther cause, made them wryte to the Frensh Kinge ; they doe referr to 
Lowdone, in prisone, to lett the instructions be seene, what assistaunce 
they meant ; that aide givne by one natione to another (though it wer so), 
implyes not subjectione ; that the letter was but ane embryo, and never 

(1) [His Majesties Declaration, 1640, pp. 60—63.] 


sent, as not rightly drawne upp ; that it wanted a date ; that its super- 
scriptione, Au Boy, was putt on by ane other hande (for the King objeetes 
the indorsing of the letter, as implying subjectione to the King of Fraunee, 
to whom subjectes only wrytte after this forme) ; that they loved not to 
harpe upon old or new letters sent evne to the pope hiraselfe, (they meand 
forsoothe by the King, at his being in Spaine ;(') nor needed they, for it is 
oftne canvassed, and nothing can bee made of it ; or it may be King James 
letter, for which Balmerinos father was made prisoner, which Balmerino 
confessd surreptitiouseC^)) : Furder, that Lowdons putting his hande to it at 
that tyme was not his personal deede ; and suppose it wer, being now clothed 
by a publick commissione, he ought not to suiFer upon that accompt, being 
comissioner for a state, (forsoothe) contrare to the law of nations to worong 
legatts or accuse them during ther legatione ; that our municipall lawes 
made him ansuerable in Scottland, not in Englande ; that it was contrarye 
to the King his comissione and conducte ; that the breach of the law of 
nations did bring with it horrible calamityes. 

This ansuer did not satisfee such as could state the questione arycht ; for 
Lowdon was gone upon a comissione from subjects to ther Prince, not from 
an aeqwal to ane aeqwall ; nor is ther any law instanced wherby a subject 
cannot be attached at his Princes courte, if ther be any treasonable practise 
to be laide against him ; and for the King his concessione of permitting co- 
misioners to come to Londone, it is verye short, and containes no protectione 
from accusations, or tryall upon treasone. As for the letter, it is not deneyd ; 
but how much it imported was then a mysterye since discovered. 

Then they proceede to ther conclusione, and tell us againe how muche 
they trusted the King, and took verball promises at the pacificatione ; that 
they had since, to shew obedience, past from ther advauntages ; and though 
thes thinges wer turnd against them, yet they are called breackers of the 
peace. Therafter they recapitulate shortly all done by them since the paci- 
ticatione, and shew that they have observed evry article, and have acted 
legally bothe in Assembly and Parliament, and had borne patientlye besyde, 
withe the repelhng of ther comissioners and prorogating the Parliament. 

Finally, Having justifyd all ther owne actings, they fall to complaine 

(0 [See it printed "from the original draught" in Hardwicke's State Papers, vol. !., 
pp? 452, 453. Lond. 1778.] 

(2) [See Archbishop Spottiswoodc. pp. 456, 507, 508 ; Calderwood, pp. 426—428, 604, 

Ch. xciii.] history of scots affairs. 143 

upon the King, First, For burning his owne verball interpretatione of his 
declaratione at the carape, though they protested that his declaratione wold 
not serve without his owne benigne interpretatione. 

Second, That he made new fortifications ; garrisond Bervicke and Car- 
lisle ; did not disniisse officiers brought from beyond sea. 

Third, Castells of Edinburgh and Dumbarton garrisond and fortify d ; 
porte of Leth graunted to be disposed upon by Edinburgh, then conter- 
maunded to qwarell. 

Fourth, Suspitions fomented in good subjectes heartes by frequent meet- 
ing with the prelatts, and then calling fourteen of the pryrae of ther num- 
ber to Bervick. 

Fifth, An oathe pressed in England and Ireland upon Scottish men, con- 
trarye to the Covenante. 

Sixth, Some wordes of the Kings declaratione, delet at the campe by 
him, printed at Parise, and tackne in againe in his last Declaratione. 

Seventh, The bishopps, though excommunicated, summoned to be mem- 
bers of the Assemblye. 

Eighth, The Kings Great Manifesto not calld in, nor the author punishd ; 
yet ther Manifesto burnt by the hangman. 

Ninth, Sessione commanded to sitte when the leidges could not attende 

Tenth, The Assembly, wher the Comissioner was present, accused for 
rebellione and treasone. 

Eleventh, Comissioner publisheth a declaratione, after the Assembly, 
praejudiciall and destructive to the actes therof. 

Twelfth, Comissioner refoosed to ratifie the actes of the Assembly, spe- 
cially that of August seventeenth, without a limitatione destructive to the 
Assemblyes actes. 

Thirteenth, Refusall to restore to the Kirke power to plant kirkes that 
belonged to the bishopps, or to graunt comissions to plante kirkes. 

Fourteenth, Registers of Parliament refoosed to be delyvered to them for 
clearing doubts. 

Fifteenth, Comissioners usurped in choosing the lordes of the articles. 

Sixteenth, Acte of oblivione refoosed, except it be made ane acte of par- 

Seventeenth, Acte of releefe refoosed, and matter of coyne disordered. 

Eighteenth, Parliament prorogate against lawe, practise, and the treatye. 


Ninteenth, Divisione sought to be raised in the tyrae of the Parliament, 
shamefull and unnaturall, by confessione of some of the conspiratours. 

Twentieth, First two comissioners gott no presence of the Kinge. 

Ticenty-Jirst, Pcirliament comitte qwarelld, and ane English comittye sittes 
and judges of ther Parliament. 

Ticenty-second, Ther ansuer calld impertinent, but no impertinencye in- 

Twenty-third, Covenant, subscrybed by the Comissioner, disallowd ; 
and that which was dissallowd {viz. Kings Covenant), esteemed. 

Txcenty-fovrth, Comissioners pressed to give ther judgement in some 
particulars, other wayes not to be hearde.* 

Twenty-fifth, Councellours discharged of ther places, no cause told whye. 

Twenty-sixth, Proclamatione to discharge Argylles hereditarye justi- 
tiarye, and for to disowne ther comittye. 

Twenty-seventh, Edinburgh commanded to receave a garrisone, and give 
them materialls for Edinburghs destructione. 

Twenty-eiyhth, Edinburgh castell doing great violence to buildings, 
women, and childeren, for many dayes past, yet unprovoucked by the towne. 

Twenty-ninth, Northumberland getts a terrible comissione to destroy 
them befor ther commissionei's wer hearde. 

Thirtyth, Preparations by sea and launde against them, yet ther fault not 

Thirty-first, Ther shipps and goods tackne, the owners stripped nacked, 
and they referred by the governor of Bervicke to the councell of Englande 
for satisfactione. 

Thirty-second, Letters commanding eight noblmen of ther number to 
repaire to courte, probably to be imprisond. 

Thirty-third, Ther comissioners restraind, Lowdon imprisond, against 
all aeqwitye, law, and conscience. 

Thirty-fourth, All thinges devysd and done that can make a rupture 
and irreconciliable warre betuixt King and subjectes. 

Thirty-fyfth, Scottland disgraced by bookes, paskqwills, maskes ; ther 
cursed prelatts, honored; and deposed ministers, advaunced. 

Thirty-si:rth, No ansuer givne to ther comissioners, but a print Declara- 
tion sett out denouncing a warre and armyes comming. 

* Vide supra. 

Ch. xciii.] history of scots affairs. 145 

Thirty-seventh, Parliament of England sees no cause of warre against, 
and does refoose to contribute money against them, therfor it is brockne 
upp ; yet the expeditione ceaseth not. 

For a conclusione, they tell us, That the Kings promise in his declaratione, 
for to graunte them ther relligione and libertyes, is a meere fallacye ; since 
the King thinkes that the Service Booke, Canons, and Episcopacye, are 
nothing against relligione, and therfor would graunte us a relligione that 
tacketh all within compasse of it ; in which sence they tell us that Lutherans, 
Arminians, Papistes, wer they above them, wold graunte them ther relli- 
gione : Furder, that this deceptione cannot be cleared till Assembly and 
Parliament determine what is ther relligione, and lawes, and libertyes ; 
and that this was refoosed, and they forced to runne the rownde and ende 
as they beganne : That councell was givne to his Majesty to alaram them 
upon ther borders, keepe them in continwall vexatione till they be irapo- 
verishd and wearyed, and then he wold obtaine his endes of them ; which 
was for to turne the worke into Penelopes webb, to doe and undoe : Furder, 
they affirme that corrupt Parliaments have been the occasione of corrupt- 
ing and thrallinge of the kirke ; that since they acte legally, and seeke 
but to have ther Assembly confirmed, that can be no trwe cause of the 
warre : therfor, they affirme that the fyre ryseth from the incendiaryes who 
kindled the fyre, and cannot gett ther nestes built againe ; and next, from 
such as feare that theye cannot escape deserved censure : That when the 
King and his attendants came last yeare to ther border, they saw what a 
Babel the childeren of men wer building, and theye saw the peoples afflic- 
tione, by ther taske maisters ; and wold the King now peruse ther papers, 
they doubte not but they wold be justifyd, and that the light of his justice 
to them is ecclipsed by evill ministers : That if his justice turne to a 
storme of unnecessary warre, they resolve to endure it ; that if English and 
Irish come against them, they shall not neede for to compell them to obey 
decrees of Assemblyes and Parliaments ; which are the judicatoryes to 
which the King remitts them : They appeale to that lawe of nature, quod 
tibi fieri non vis, etc. : They shew, furder, that wisdome wold direct, 
without woronging piety or justice, first to searche the fountaine of ther 
troubles at home, and to tacke awaye the wicked from the King, that his 
throne may be established, that therafter they might all joyne as one man 
to destroy pope, and King of Spaine, who in ther desyres long since have 
destroyed them, and doe invade or undermyne them, as opportunitye serveth : 


A. D. 1640. That this wold be a tryall both of others and them, whither they be dissaf- 
fected or not to the King his service ; that this wold maeke the kyng- 
dome gloriouse, and the kyngdome and both of them recover the glory that 
any of them have lost ; this wold macke the Lord saye, Dropp downe ye 
heavens from above, and lett the skeys power downe righteousnesse, etc. 

So now, at last, we are at ane ende both of the Kings Declaratione, 
1640, and of the Covenanters Answer therunto ; both which beganne at the 
pacificatione, and ende with the denunciatione of a new warre. I have 
sett them together by parcells, they being both historicaU, and the threede 
of the discourse reqwyring this methode. The conclusion of bothe extendes 
some what beyond the actions related already, and doe imply some things 
yet to be spockne of, such as the English Parliament, wherof mor anone; 
but the order of the relatione requyred it, that both the reader and I might 
be ridde, at last, of so longsome a coutradictione. Lett the readers peruse 
both, and give ther judgement. It will not be deneyed but that this pacifi- 
catione, at first, was drivne on by a necessitye which compelkl both sydes 
for to huddle upp a peace, to the disadvauntage of either ; and that it was 
pax itifida, closed with distrust upon both sydes, and to the full satisfactione 
of neither. This qwickly begatt jealousyes and misinterpretations of 
actiones upon all handes ; which begatt ane aeqwall disposition in bothe for to 
playe ther latter game mor warylye to the advauntage of ther pairtye : The 
King endeavouring to recover or keep that which was his just prerogative, 
or devolved into his handes either by prescriptione or consent, explicite or 
tacite : And the Covenanters, upon the other pairt, having once begunne to 
shacke ther yocke off, fynding no securitye for ther actions, but by leaving 
the King nothing but ane emptye name and title, disenabling him for to 
qwareU with them, whilst at ther pleasure they fell to macke and unraacke 
lawes ; and havinge constitute themselves the only members in Parlia- 
ments and Assemblyes, and having dispoyld the King of his negative voice, 
they became judge and pairtye in ther owne cause, and carvers to them- 
selves of ther owne libertyes and preiveleidges, when Royalty and the 
Kings praerogative, after many vaine strugglings and qwalmes, being be- 
trayd or abandoned, or deadly wounded, fell downe deade (not long after), 
at the feete of the Solemne Leagwe and Covenant. But I returne againe 
to the threed of our discourse. 
English Par- XCIV. Apryle thirteenth, The Parliament of England sate downe 
liament sits acording to the King's indictione therof. Ther did the Earle of Strafford 

ch. xciv.] history of scots affairs. 147 

appeare in the upper house, and gave them an accompt of the Irish eontri- A. D. 1640. 

butione for to stirre upp Enffland to doe the lycke. , ~ 

T 1 1 , T^- "i-i ^ ^ • . , down. The 

It was hear that the King did represent the Scottish letter to the King King gives 

of Fraunce (having befor imprisoned Lowdon* upon a private informatione "''^™ ^ repre- 

that the letter was his hande wryte), and withall he did represent shortly the Scots at- 

after to the lower house, by his message, such injuryes and indignityes as '¥''^' "P°" -^ 

the Scottes had treated him with ; and withall declared that if they wold dissoWes^th" 

give him supplye in that exigence, he wold for ever qwyte his claime of Parliament. 

shippmoneye, and to boote, he would satisfee all ther just demaundes. Apryle 13. 

Meane whyle ther was a reporte made to the lordes by the lorde Cottino-- 
towne, and secretarye Wyndybancke, and the atturney generalle (who wer 
sent by the King to the Lord Lowdone to examine him concerninsr the 
letter befor mentioned), That Lowdone did acknowledge the hand wryttino- 
to be his, but that it was framed befor the pacificatione and never sent, and 
upon that pacification qwyt laid by. Yet the Parhament thought fitt that 
Lowdon should remaine prisoner till clearer evidence wer givne either for 
him or against him.(') 

The King gott no other answer to his demaunde of supply from the lower 
house, but that, First, They expected securitye for clearing the subjects pro- 
pertye. Secorid, For establishing of relligion. Third, For the preive- 
leidges of Parliament. Much tyme was spent debating betuixt lords and 
commons. Whither King or people should be first satisfeed? The lords voted 
for the King, and the commons for the people. Some saye(2) that secretair 
Vane knavishlye did foster the divisione tuixt King and house of commons ; 
for when he should have sought by the Kings warrant but sis subsidyes, or 
three hundred thousand pounds sterling, he sought twell subsidyes. This 
propositione did enrage the house of commons extremly, who alreadye wer 

* I^ofa Be7ie. In the tyme that Lowdone was prisoner in the Tower, there was an expresse 
warrant sent, under the privy seale, to Sir William Balfour, keeper therof, orderino- him 
upon sight therof to beheade Lowdon instantly : This order he communicate to Lowdone, 
who advysed him to enqwyre at the King if fraude wer not in it. Sir William Balfour came 
to the Kings bedd syde and produced the warrant that very night, comniing upp the river 
in a pair of oares to Whytehall. The King startled, and swore that he knew not of it, but 
he thought it the devyce of that cheatt, Nedd Hyde ; and therupon ordered Sir William 
Balfour presently to dismiss Lowthon home unto Soottland, which he did, etc., and freed 
Lowdon from the terror tliat he was in all that whyle after he saw the warrant. [See 
Scot of Scotstarvet's Staggering State of Scots Statesmen, pp. 23, 24, Edinb. 1754 ; Bur- 
net's INIemoires of the Hamiltons, p. 161 ; Laing's Hist, of Scot., vol. iii., p. 189, Lond. 
1819, and the authorities there cited.] 

(1) [See Whitelocke's Memorials, p. 33.] (2) [Id. p. 34.] 


,\. D. 1640. fallnein ane mislycke of the King, and underhand for the mostpairte wished 
all prosperitye and good lucke unto the Covenanters. The King being 
advertished that ther was little good to be expected from the house of corn- 
May 5. mens, by advyse of his secrett councell, dissolved the Parliament, May fifth, 
1640. The dissolutione therof many wer offended att, and Canterbury bore 
the blame, as the man who bad advised the King to doe so ; and it was thought 
that the dissolutione therof at this tyme was contrare to reasone of state. 

Covenanters XCV. The Covenanters, who knew that the Parliament of England was 

resolve to call ^^ meete, resolve, in ther comittv, to call a Conventione of Estates (so did 

a Convention>v 

of Estates. themselves tearme it), for the tyme of the Parhameut was not yet come ; and 

Their Remon- -^^ ^j^jg conventione they wer to consult and laye downe wayes for levying a 
Parliament of new army in oppositione to the Kings preparations, as also for keeping 
England ; Mr. downe the royalists at home, or suppressing them, who then wer called anti- 
ley's book ;" Covenanters ; for so wer all termed who owned the King. Another ende of 
these two ge- ther meeting was for countenancing a declaratione, drawne upp about that 
ed'in EnMand' tyme, for to be sent unto the Parliament of England, as, indeed, it was 
Supposed that, directed unto them, under the title of " A Remonstrance concerning the 
ParlTanfenf "'' '^^* Troubles, directed from the Conventione of the Estates of the Kyng- 
had not been dome of Scottland, the sixteenth of Apryle, 1640, to the Parliament of 

dissolved, it Enffland."* The contents therof wer much to the following pourpose ; for I 
would have f , . . , . , ," , , , 

mediated be- will spare to sett it doun verbatim, it being extremely prolixe, lycke the rest 

tween the ^f (-lie Covenanters papers, eneuch to tyre the patience of a plodding reader. 
King and the ^ , , ,, *^ , j o ^. .i.- •. • • • i 1 

Scots. English and overburthen the memorye ; besyde that m many ttnngs it is coincident 

Convocation either with ther former papers or our forgoing narratione. 

tinff'"Trdai'n First, They shew how much the unione betuixt the two kyngdoms was (but 

an oath in fa- in vaine) sought for in former tymes ; and what great blessing the two nations 

bisho s •* ob- feape by it now, as being under one heade, one relligion, to ther great happi- 

jected to, par- ness and peace, as it beganne peacably, whilst all Europe is but a feeld of 

ticularly the ^QQ^jg . ^hat ther enemyes and neighbour kyngdomes had still envyed it ; that 

** etc* ' 3.SSGSS .I o •/ "^ -J 

themseives. thes nations had neither been thankfull for it, nor had sought to improve that 

The riot of the blessing hithertoo ; nor other reformed churches, groaning under the crosse, 

appren ices. ^^^^^ ^^^^ gottne such benefitt by it as they might expecte, but rather hurt 

from them. As for the two nationes, they saye, that ther is a spiritt of divi- 

sione entred betuixt them, by some who stryve to divyde King and people, 

and to sett the subjeetes by the eares together, that so they may the mor 

* Spang, Historia Motuum, pag. 466. 

Ch. xcv.] history of scots affairs. 149 

securly destroy all ; that amongst thes the cheefe are some politicall church- A. D. 1640. 
men, who have turnd the tenents of relligion into slavery to the subjectes, 
tyrrany to the King, and libertinisme to themselves ; that the house of 
commons in England had already, in former yeares, remonstrate against 
such with no successe ; that, by Englands example, Scottlaud had reasone 
to be jealouse of them, specially since they had been obtruding upon Scott- 
land a Service Booke, etc., which shewed how weall they did deserve of the 
church and court of Rome ; that it was ther endeavour that the kirke of 
Scottland, who had runne off farrest from Rome, should first returne backe 
to be an example to others ; that now, if they can involve both kyngdomes, 
in a warre, it will both be advantagiouse to Rome, and secure themselves 
from punishment, and be some satisfactions to them, and a revenge up- 
on the Scottish, who hithertoo have opposed ther plotts : That it will 
hardly be credidet afterwardes that the Scottish have so longe begged ther 
native Prince to heare them, and lett them enjoye ther oune laws and libei'- 
tyes, etc., yet cannot obtaine it ; that the posterity will farr lesse judge how 
one prelatt (Canterbury they meane) should prevails so farr with the King as 
to disswade him from hearing a whole natione, who have mantained the 
royall familye so long in one lyne beyond all Europe : That, when lately, 
ther enemyes had stopped the Kings eares against them, and had done ther 
outermost to keepe England ignorante of the controversye, and had made 
the King come against the Scottish with ane armye, yet had they shunned 
a nationall warre against England ; and when unusuall proclamationes wer 
putt out against them by the King, yet they had still prayed for him, and 
had chosne rather to expose ther oune kyngdome to mine then for to offer 
any violence or the least hurt to the kyngdome of Englande : That it was 
straunge how the English should be ther enemyes for standing to thes 
preiveleidges, which have nothing to doe with Englande ; but they saye it 
is Gods worke that ther enemyes actions have proved meanes to undeceive all 
men, and lett them know whom God has used as instruments : That in the 
former pacificatione, they had strivne to satisfee the King, to ther oime hurt, 
and had delyvered his castells, which they might have kept as pledges of 
the peace ; that albeit promise be now brockne to them, they confesse in- 
genously, that then they wer not circumveend by deceipt ; nor repented they 
ther trust in the Kings worde : for they knew it became them not to stande 
upon poyntes with ther King, who, if he wold reseede, would not wante pre- 
text eneughe so to doe. Therfor they had left the evente to God. That what- 


A. D. 1640. ever theye had yeelded to the King, or he graunted to them, was upon 
another accompt then they expected ; that from what was past, it was cleer 
that ther enemyes never intended peace ; that they had made the pacifica- 
tione ane engyne to undermyne them, disbanding ther arniyes seemingly, 
yet laying of garrisons on ther fronteers and garrisoning the countrey holds, 
contrare to conditione ; they had called for the cheefe of them to come 
to Bervicke to seize upon them ; then they laboured to surpryse some of 
the nobilitye ; that this plott was revealed ; they had permitted churche 
matters to be determind in a synode, and promisd to confirm all in Parha- 
raent ; yet the first promise was enervate by declarations and limitations, and 
the last refoosed : That the Parliament was prorogued without ther consente, 
ther comissioners sent backe from London, without hearinge of ther suppli- 
catione, by the meanes of the deputy of Ireland and archbishop of Canter- 
burye, who are the heade of the papiste factione, and, under pretext of vindi- 
catinu- the Kings honor, are destroying the reformed relligione and liberty of 
the subjectes. That if the graunting of ane Assembly (lycke that of Trent) 
prove the advancement of ther designe, it may be thought that they have 
spedde weall in ther wicked designe. That it was straunge a Parliament is 
deneyed to them who seeke it, and obtruded upon Ireland who care not 
for it ; that comissions wer givne out to destroy them for seeking a Parlia- 
ment, etc., and the ratificatione of the treatye ; that all meanes wer essayed 
for to provoucke them to breacke the peace, and now at last ane army levy- 
ing against them : Therfor, 

That they, the Conventione of the States of Scottland, cannot but lett 
the Parliament of England know that all thes mischeefes are hatched in 
the CONCLAVE OF Rome and in Spaine, and heer agented by unnaturall 
countreymen ; who, how soone they acknowledge the Roman Church for 
ther mother, doe as soone owne the King of Spaine for ther father, 
and disclaim ther oune King as an usurper, ane unjust possessor, and 
ane hereticke : So that now ther will be no mor neede of a Spanish 
armado, as in 1588, nor of a poulder plott, but for to raise civill ware 
at home, which they are lycke to doe, and which is very evill, cannot be 
extinguished without the hurt of the victor or conqweror. That albeit ther 
enemyes have called that Parliament for to foment the divisione, yet they 
hope all good men will be satisfeed that the Scottish declare that they are 
willing to preserve union with them, and, as farr as lyes in ther power, de- 
fende the preiveleidges of bothe nations against all enemyes ; that they are 

Ch. xcv.] history of scots affairs. 151 

all in one sliippe, and glade to see the English Parliament at the helme in 
this storine : They exhorte them to preserve the pretiouse ware of relligion 
and libertye, and to macke the greate pilott forseene of the clowdes that 
are gathering a farr off, and beseech him not to lett thes rule the shipp who 
will be sure, for ther oune endes, to splitt her upon a rocke. That they 
must tell them, as long as ther enemyes steer the rudder, it will not be Par- 
liaments, not Assemblyes, nor such rottne cables, that will secure ther peace, 
or freedome. Yet, though they will not heare their warning, for all that, 
they will not be wanting to them when ther turne comes in England. 

Then they crave licence to lett England know the fountaine of all ther 
evills, which wer, The suppressione of ther Parliaments of England, by the 
undermyning enemyes of both nations ; in place wherof a privy councell 
abownding with flattery, malice, and envye, was crept in and ruled all ; that 
by them the King was unfortunate, and Parliaments still raised, while they 
are disputing about the methode of cure of the politicall bodye, whoise dis- 
eases by this meanes are encrcased : That thes enemyes of thers taught the 
King that he has ane arbitrarye power, that peoples freedomes are the 
gratuitye of Princes, that Princes may call and raise Parliaments at ther 
pleasure ; thus macking the Kings power, which should be lycke a sunne 
beame, to be turned into a comete : That the Kings prerogative had not 
loosed so much of its lustre if some church men had not skrewd it up too 
hiffhe of the late, and declared all Kings arbitrarye, that so under them 
they may compasse the chaunge of relligione ; that such are perswadinge the 
King that all who oppose ther designes are not his faithfull subjectes ; they 
will have him to keep his subjects of both nations at discorde till he con- 
qwer bothe ; or if that cannot bee, he must call in forraigners and use all 
meanes for to establish his iliimited power ; nay, and to macke use of pa- 
pistes, whom they call the Kings faithfull subjectes : others they doe intyce 
and bynde in goldne chaines ; that all thes are numerouse ; yet that it is thoise 
who are seeking to destroy Scottland, and would ingadge the Parliament 
of England against them : And that it is for no other ende that the present 
Parliament of England is conveened ; that it is the pairte of all good men 
therfor (as it shall be thers), to pray for a happy successe to them ; that they 
hope it will be so, because necessitye has forced ther enemyes to call them ; 
yet whatever suggestions be throwne in for to exasperate them against the 
Scottish, they hope ther wisdome will discover the falshoode of them ; and 
they hope that the Parliament will judge otherwayes of ther actions then ther 


A. D. 1640. enemyes have done : That ther enemyes in vaine doe cover ther pretexts 

with zeale to the King, for his subjects rwine can not be his good ; that 

chainges has followd upon governments, and misery and ruine upon such 
actors, who having slaved themselves unto the world, and the politicall ac- 
tions of princes, have tackne upon them for to rule and chaunge, and pro- 
fane Gods worshipp : That Canterbury (lycke the papist bishopps in England), 
was doing all this that he might command both King and people, and 
tyranize over both ; that ther rage against the Scottish Covenante is not 
because it dirainisheth the Kings power, which is false, but because it is 
lycke to pull downe the pryde and riches of the prelatts, which they thinke 
can be no just cause of a nationall warre tuixt them and England ; that 
Kings may stirr upp warre by evill councell, but that civill warres ought to 
be prevented, as being worst to be cured ; that the best remedye presently 
will be if the King w ill perraitte both Parliaments to name and appoynte 
delegattes who may tacke inspectione in the whole matter; to which pour- 
pose, if the King will disbande his army they are content, lyckewayes for 
to disband ther armye. If this be not graunted, they will tacke it from 
God as a just punishment for ther being so slow in curing the growing sick- 
nesse, and for that they have hithertoo fomented the sickly humor. 

Then they compare the Parliament to Philotimus, a Greeke phisitian, 
who saide to a certaine persone (whom he observed to be sicke of a con- 
sumptione), who was desyring him to cure his finger, that he had mor need 
too looke after his whole bodye. So they say that this is the conditione of 
the English Parliament, who wer lately macking much adoe about tunnage 
and poundage, when as they had mor reasone to questione concerning ther 
libertyes and propriety of the goods themselves. Therfor they reqwest the 
English Parliament, befor they pronounce sentence upon other mens liber- 
tyes, to be sure that themselves be free men ; and that it wold be ther 
infamy to destroy the liberty of Scottish subjectes, who have heertofor 
stoode so much upon ther owne ; that if they knew that the ryse of all 
wer from Spaine, they perswade themselves that the English Parliament 
wold party tliem ; that oppressing the Scottish will not better ther con- 
ditione ; they desyre them for to looke upon the princes in Fraunce, who 
wer all bussy to beare downe the Protestants ther, wherby they are laide 
opne now to garrisons, and too late fynde ther owne error ; that ther adver- 
saryes wer stryving by might and maine to breacke off all tyes betwixt 
King and them, and the more they strove to preserve the lawes, which is 

Ch. xcv.] history of scots affairs. 153 

the knott of strait oblegatione, ther enerayes strave the mor diligently to 
breacke them. Therfor they doe beseeche the English Parliament to tacke 
notice of ther greivaunces, and to perswade the King to keepe off from 
thes praecipices, which, if he runne upon, will bring misery to King and 
subjectes ; and they doe beseeche them that the Kings ill councellers escape 
not unpunished : That it is very straunge that the councell of England 
should, upon one mans informatione, have condemned them unhearde, and 
decerned a warre against Scottland, without consent of Parliament ; which 
argued an greate insolencye in ther enerayes, to resolve to ruinate them, 
without any denunciatione of warre. Then they fall to complaine upon the 
arrestment of ther comissioners at Londone as illegally done, and that it is 
long since they heard from them, nor knows not wherin the King is yet 
unsatisfeed, by that restraint of thers: Therafter they shew that the 
seizing the Earle of Southeske could be no cause for that, and they excuse 
the arresting of him and others at Edinburgh. Then they complaine upon 
Lowdons imprisonment in the Tower for wrytting a draught of a letter, 
etc. ; yet they hope the Parliament will not startle at that letter. Therafter 
they object the wordes of the Kings proclaraatione at Yorke, Apryle 
twenty-fifth, 1639,* viz., that he was forced to have recourse to sharper 
medicins, and to draw his sword, etcet. : That it was that declaratione which 
made them thinke of ther vindicatione to the Frensh Kinge. Therafter 
they resume all ther excuses of that letter, and sett downe the instruc- 
tiones to have been sent with it for to justifie it though it had been sent. 
They shew that now they wer preparing themselves for harmlesse defence, 
and that ther actings wold refoote the calumneyes of ther enemyes, and 
should shew that they were seeking Englands good as weall as ther owne. 
Finally, they beseech them with them for to supplicate the King to subject 
all the controversye and his evill councellers to the tryall of a free Parliament, 
which wold tende much to the glorye of God and the Kings honor, etc. 

At this tyme, lyckewayes, Mr. Robert Baily, minister at Kilwinning, 
published a booke of one hundereth and twenty-eight pages, dedicated to 
the English Parliament, under the title of " Laudensium AwrcxxTdx^nxi! ■'' 
wherin he proves that the faction whairof William Laude is heade, are 
guiltye of opne Popery, Arminianisme, and ecclesiasticall and politicke 
tyrannye. This booke he did not praefixe his name unto. 

• Vide supra, [vol. ii., p. 248.] 


The Scottish Remonstrance and Baylyes booke could not be tackne to con- 
sideratione by the Parliament of England ; that was brockne upp ; but they 
wer generally favoured, and gott credite with the most pairt of the members 
of the house of commons ; nor wanted ther in the house of peers who favourd 
them. The pretextes and demaundes of the Scotts wer thought faire, and 
ther was somewhat in the Kings Declaratione which the Scottish layd holde 
upon, to the Kings disadvauntage, which they boldly challendged to be made 
out. That was the Kings possitive affirming in his Declaratione (as in- 
deed he doeth), that the Generall Assembly at Edinburgh wer guiltye of 
treasone. For all knew that they wer called by his owne indictione, 
and sate constantly countenanced (evne to ther voluntaire dissolutione), 
by Traqwair, Comissioner, who, one way or other, had approved all 
ther actes : nothing but fair weather tuixt him and them all the whyle ; 
no exceptione tackne by him against any of ther actings as treasonable all 
the whyle : That they, and all who reade his Declaratione, wer to seeke 
wberin the Generall Assembly haid plaide the traitors, except his Comis- 
sioner wer one of that number. Yet him does not the King challendge in 
that Declaratione, though others at that tyme (as I have alreadye told), 
did upbraide him to his face, after his returne to Londone. 

Many thought that if that Parliament had sittne still, it was ther inten- 
tione for to have mediate betuixt the King and the Covenanters ; and to 
have supplicated the King, that having disbanded his armyes, he would 
have been pleased to treate with them and examine the bussinesse ; and so 
much the rather because they were jealouse that if the King praevailed 
over the Scottish, he would have turned his amies against them for re- 
ducing the unruly commons of Englande to ther dutye, or macking them 
mor plyant to his demands and wille then he had founde them in former 

Although the Parliament of England was brockne upp, yet so was not the 
Convocatione of the church men, which about that tyme was conveend by 
Canterburys indictione. I know not whither to call it a Convocatione or a 
Synode ; some calld it a new Synode made of ane old Convocatione ; some 
maeke ther Synode and Convocatione identicall. What ther power was, or 
is, I shall give you in the langwage of ane English divyne :* " In the 
Churche of England (sayes he), ther should be Synods or Convocationes, 

* Dr. Hylyn's Geography, edit. ult. mfol.. Description of Englaiul, pag. 304. 

Ch. xcv.] history of scots affairs. 155 

which are the parliaments of the Clergye, assembled principally for the re- A. D. i«+i). 
forming of the Churche in doctrine and discipline; and, secondarly, for 
graunting tenths and subsidies to the King ; which synods, whether they be 
nationall, or provinciall onlye, doe naturally consiste of all the right reverend 
fathers, the archbishopps, bishopps, deans, archdeanes, and one prebende 
out of each Cathedrall, and a certaine number of the Clergye (two for evrye 
diocese), elected by the rest, to serve for them in that great assemblye ; 
the Clergye not being bounde anciently by any acte to which they had not 
givne consent, by thoise ther proxies : Of which so called and mette together ; 
the bishopps sitting by themselves macke the upper house ; the deanes, arch- 
deanes and the rest do constitute the lower house of Convocatione." So 
farr myne author. 

The endes of ther meeting will be best knowne from the result of ther 

One was, that the Scottish actiones in pulling downe ther bishopps had 
alarumd England so farr, as that now mor boldly then in former tymes, the 
title and jus divinum of bishopps beganne to be called in questione, and grow 
the occasion as of too frequent disputtes, so of sermons and bookes printed 
upon that theme. England, for many yeares befor, wanted not a pairty in 
ther churche who looked with ane evill eye upon the episcopall governe- 
ment, and would have gladly been ridde of it. And of thes who stoode for 
Episcopacye ryghtly stated, not a few, both preachers and laickes, distasted 
the episcopall soleshipp, which looked lycke a little papacye in evry diocese. 
This controversye awackned the bishopps and episcopall divynes for to 
pleade therjii*- divinum both from pulpitt and presse; amongst whom Joseph 
Hall, bishop of Norwitch, was one ; whoise penne, by a namelesse pamphletter, 
is called prostitute, for having wryttne on peace with Rome, and (as it is 
ther alledged) at Canterburys desyre, or command, a palinodia, under the 
name of " The Reconceiler." And they thought it was tyme to looke to 
ther oune myters and crosiers, since the Covenant had overthrowne and 
pulld the myters from the Scottish bishopps heades. For bookes, evry 
body did not, or would not, be at the paines to study ; all who reade that 
controversye understoode not the depth of it : Therfor they resolve in ther 
Synode to tacke a shorter course, and to counteracte, or rather countersweare, 
the Scottish Covenante by ane oathe pourposlye framed for upholding Epis- 

(1) [A succinct history of the Convocation of 1640, will be found in Nalson's Impart. 
Collect., vol. i., pp. 351—376 ; pp. 542— 562.] 


copacye, as the Covenant was formed for its destructione. Ther oath was 
as foUoweth : 

" I, A. B., doe sweare, That I doe approve the doctrine and discipline 
or governement established in the Church of Englande, as containing 
all things necessarye to salvatione : And that I will not endeavour, by 
rayselfe or any other, directly or indirectly, to bring in any popish doc- 
trine, contrarye to that which is so established : nor will I ever give my 
consente to alter the governement of this churche by Archbishops, Bishopps, 
Deanes, and Archdeacones, et cetera, as it stands now established, and as by 
right it ought to stande ; nor yet ever to subjecte it to the usurpations and 
superstitions of the sea of Rome. And all thes thinges I doe plainly and 
syncerly acknowledge and sweare, acording to the plaine and common sence 
and understanding of the same wordes, w ithout any aequivocatione, or men- 
tall evasione, or secrett reservatione whatsoever. And this I doe heartily, 
willingly, and trulye, upon the faithe of a Christiana. So helpe me God 
in Jesus Christe." 

Severall things wer qwarelled at in the oath, but speciallye the et cetera ; 
which imported mor, possibly, then either the exacters or tackers of that 
oath could tell ; and, next, it was excepted against that they declared that 
they swore willingly, though constrained. The Strieker sorte of protest- 
ants, specially the Scottish presbyterians, questiond much what they called 
popish doctrine, or what doctrine they understood therby ; for they supposed 
the Canterburians (as they termed them) nothing, or very little, ditlerent 
from papistes. 

Another acte of that Synode was the condemning the SociniansO ther 
tenets, without declaring what ther tenents wer : by which acte many 
thought that they tooke ther modell from the Assembly of Glasgow, who 
condemned the Arminians by vote of ther Assembly, although it was cer- 
taine that many ruling elders who voted wer not capable to understand the 
Arminian doctrine. 

Other actes wer past ther, such as the enclosing the Communion Table 
with railes, intra cancellos,('^^ whence the chancelle wall tooke its denomina- 
tione of old : And for bowing towards the east, they left it free, forsooth, 
to mens arbitriment. 

(1) [Canon iv. : Against Socinianism. Nalson's Liipart. Collect., vol. i., pp. 551, 552.] 

(2) [Canon vii. ; A Declaration concerning some Rites and Ceremonies. Id,, vol. i., 
pp. 555, 556.] 

Ch. xcvi.] history of scots affairs. 157 

Ther maine acte was graunting to the King a benevolenceO of four A. D. KWo. 
shillings sterlin the pownde, assest upon all the clergy, for six yeares, to- 
wards his expeditione against the Scottish. This was tackne exceptione at 
by such as fancyd not the King his enterpryse, and by none so much as the 
discontented members of the late Parliament, who exclaimed against that 
acte as ane usurpatione upon the Parliamentary preiveleidge : For they did 
affirme that the churche men could not assesse themselves without the Par- 
liaments confirmatione : This was ther coloure, though it was not hard to 
perceive that ther greatest reasone to qwarell with the churche men was 
because the clerge wer mor fordward to helpe the King then the laitye. 

The English Synode ended May twenty-ninth, x^s for the oath therin 
enjoyned, and other actes, as at first they gott not full obedience, so the 
following chaunges made it all evanishe in smoake. So did not the hate that 
was generally borne to Canterburye, who was supposed to be the cheife 
perswader of the King to raise the Parliament of England ; which so in- 
sensed the multitude against him, that they posted up a paperC^) upon the 
Old Exchaunge, the ninth of May, exhorting the Prentices to tacke armes 
and sacke his house at Lambeth, Munday following. And although the arch- 
bishopp had notice therof, and stood upon his gwarde, yet upon the night 
appoynted, in the deade of the night, about five hundred prentices trye, 
but in vaine, for to force his house : And although the next day, upon nar- 
row enqwyry, a number of them wer seized upon and coraitted to prison, 
yet ther comerads and partners, in broad day light, breacke opne the pri- 
sones and enlargd them who wer prisoners : And albeit. May twenty-third, 
one of ther captaines (who was tackne) was hangd and qwarterd, for exam- 
ple, yet that kept them not from after tumults. I tacke notice of this pai-- 
ticular, though acted in England, because this was ther first tumult against 
the bishopps ; wherin they lyckwayes fell to imitate Scottlande, whoise 
troubles beganne by ane assault of the bishopps. Scottland only exceeded, 
because it was on the Lords day, in the churche, against church men offi- 
ciating : England sett on ther bishops in the tyme of a Synode. 

XCVI. The clergy wer libei'all in ther contributione. Meanes was used The King his 
for to borrow from others for to helpe the King, but Londone would contri- '^."■'' generahs- 

, ,. , , . , , -n- ,. 1 ■ sinio ; Straf- 

bute little or nothing ; only the gentrye wer willing, tor the moste pairte, to ford his lieu- 
give contributione for the Kings assistaunce and releefe, and for his asistance tenantgcneral. 

(1) [Nalson's Impart. Collect., vol. i., pp. 533—541.] 

(2) [Written, it is believed, by the notorious John Lilburn.] 



[B. IV- 

A. D. 1640. 

The King 
joins his army. 

Scots Cove- 
nanters levie 
war; corres- 
jjoml with a 
party in Eng- 

towards the warre ; wherby in ende he beganne to forme and rendevouse ane 
armye, wherof Northumberland was appoynted general!, but he fell sicke, 
and so was freed of that charge : Wherupon the King appoynted Strafford 
to be lievtenant generall, and himself undertooke the cheife command as 
generalissimo ; but did not come to the armye himselfe till after the Qweens 
being delyvered of her sonne Henrye, Ducke of Glocester, whom she 
brought forth July eighth, 1640; so that it was August twentieth befor the 
King came in persone towards the northe. 

XCVII. Not longe after the rysingof the Parliament, the Scottish com- 
missioners, and Lowdone* lyckewayes, wer all released and sent home unto 
Scottland. We must now travell thither with them ; wher the Covenanters 
wer as bussy levying as the King was. Nor was Canterburys factione in 
England mor invective in the pulpitt against the Scottish Covenanters, 
then the Scottish Presbyteriane ministers wer in ther pulpitts against 
King, court, and Canterburye : They cryed out that the King was ledd and 
gwyded by papistes, that the bishops of England wer for popery, and 
the court corrupt ; finally, that all was amisse that made not ther way. 

They had prospered so weall the last year at the pacificatione, wher they 
founde England not only averse from warre for the most pairte, but lycke- 
wayes a discontented commonalitye ther who wished them weall, which dis- 
contents wer heightned by the breacking upp of the Parliament, and, fur- 
der, they had closse correspondence and encouragements from ther pairty 
in Eno-lande, that they wer little terrifyed with the Kings preparations. For 
now they had laide opne ane arcanum imperij that the consequence of ther 
tacking up armes against the King had discovered, that the name of Ma- 
jestye was the only crubb which during the reigne of King Charles had kept 
in the subjecte, and Scottlands being awed by England, as England was by 
Scottland : Which feare was removed upon both handes; they wer now com- 
ming not only to understand one ane other, but lyckewayes to communicat 
ther counccUs together ; so that Majestye was now looked upon as a bugge 
beare, and they saw that the King had little mor left but his name for to 
hemme them in, or to reduce them to ther former obedience. Therfor they 

* Nota. Lowdon was prisoner at the tyme of the Scottish Parliament, 1640, in June. 
See the actes of that Parliament, edil. la, acte 38, pag. 54. [Act 39, vol. v., pp. 314, 
315. Thomson's edit. Lord Lowdon seems to have been liberated on the twenty-seventh 
June, 1640. Burnet's Memoires of the Hamiltons, p. 171. He arrived in Edinburgh on the 
third of July. Bishop Guthrie's Memoirs, p. 74.] 

Ch. C] history of scots affairs. 


macke ready to enconter the King, not as unto ane uncertaine warre with A. D. 1640. 
anxietye, but with confidence as to a victorye, which they forsaw would cost 
little bloode. And now they wer resolute to dryve the naile to the heade be- 
for they should laye downe ther arraes againe ; macking a manifesto to jus- 
tifie ther new attemptts of ther last summers modest concessiones. 

XCVIII. The trade was stopped, and Scottish shippes at this tyme Trade stop- 
wer either arrested, seized upon, or ther goods tackne by thes men of {^'rps'^n^Edin- 
warre, or frigattes, to whom the King had graunted letters of marke for burgli. 
that pourpose. Lykewayes, they had letters of advyce sent them concern- 
ing the King his preparations, both by sea and launde ; and that much 
warlycke ammunitione was dayly laide up at Hull, Bervicke, and New- 
castell ; whairof it was alleged that a considerable pairte was transported 
from Holland, Denmarke, and Flaunders : in doing whairof, the Cove- 
nanters, the yeares past, wer not behynd with the King. Ruthven, lycke- 
wayes, was now begunne to disturbe the peace of the towne of Edinburgh, 
bv frequent canonads lett flye upon the towne, yet spared to doe all the 
hurt that he could have done ; wherby they wer already putt to the charge 
of souldiourye for to bear him upp, or amuse the people. 

XCIX. The King, with ther oune consent, had adjourned the Parlia- Lesly made 
ment to June second. The interest of ther bussnesse could not waite janfJs^ Livi,'[„. 
upon that dyet ; therfor, ther comittye must tacke order for putting all in a ston, lieuten- 
martiall posture till that tyme should approache. To which ende, they ap- ""' general. 
poynte a new levy greater than the last yeares, and over that army generall 
Lesly is designed generalissimo : Sir James Levistoune, Lord Almond, 
brother to the Earle of Lithgow, was appoynted lievtenant-generall, who 
to this ende was called home from Holland, wher he left behynde him a 
retriment which he commanded as colonell under the States Generall, albeit 
he had gottne this accessionarye charge in Scottland. Baillye, of the family 
of Lammingtoune was designed generall major of the foote, who wer to 
enter England ; and Mr. Robert Monroe, a colonell, a gentleman borne in 
Rosse, who had been bredd up under Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden, 
was designed generall major of that pairt of the army which was to abyde 
in Scottland for defence of the countreye. 

C. Whilst thes things wer a doing, the comittye had a specialle eye to Special eye 
Huntlys followers, and to the towne of Aberdeen ; who, albeit that the f-"iio^!"'g^''' 
Marquesse of Huntly himself wer all the past tyme, after the pacificatione, and to the 
at court with the King, yet his freends and followers had laid asyde nothing '°"" °^ ^^'^'^- 


A. D. 1640. of ther wonted animositye against the Covenante. They looked upon 

— -— themselves not as conquered in any just victorye, but traitord by colonell 

shal, the For- William Gunne ; and lived with hope, and longing, to have ther credite 

hesses, Fra- repaired : And to this pourpose, they wanted nothing but ane heade, who 

until Monro might be Huntlye or some of his sonnes, who wer all of them gentlemen 

should come of gallantrye suitable to ther noble extraicte. The comittye of estates 

ment '* '^^^' ^^^ ignorant of nothing of all this ; therfor (untill such tyme as collonel or 

generall-major Monroe should be ready for to marche northe with his 

foote regiment, appoynted for to suppresse and garrisone Aberdeen, and 

Huntlyes freends and followers, as after shall be specifyd), they appoynte 

William, Earl Marishall, for to draw together such of his freends, in 

Mearns and Buthquhan, together with the Forbesses and Frazers, as wer 

Covenanters, who wer to be under him, and putt themselves in a posture 

not only of defence, but otfensive, if neede wer, till Monroe wer readve to 

second them. It was Marishall, who, with Montross, had gained the passe 

of Dee the former yeare : a gentlman not ill disposed if left to himselfe, 

and at that tyme too youngW to see the deepth of thes courses that he was 

ledd upon by the wisdome of his cosen Ardgylle, though much against the 

good lycking of his mother. Lady Mary Erskyne, Countesse of Marishall, 

who laboured much (but in vaine), to reclaime her sonne to the Kings 

party e. 

Marshal enters CI. The pretext was, that Aberdeen refoosed to pay (as most part did), 

Aberdeen ; ^ ^^^^ ^^^. j-gigefe of the commone burthen. This gave Marishall a colour 

extortsmoney. • nr r-m i • i • 

May 5. to enter Aberdeen, May fifth, accompanyd with a considerable number of 

his freends and followers, and others Covenanters, Forbesses and Frazers. 

And ther having tackne upp ther qwarters, they conveend the magistrates of 

Aberdeen, and by threatnings extorte from them about sex thousand merkes 

Scottish. This was but for a taste, and to accustome them to the arbitrary 

taxtes which frequently therafter wer levyd off that suffering cittye. This 

being payed, after some dayes staye, he and his associatts reteere. 

Affair betwixt CII. Somewhat happned in ther retreate either ominouse or sportfull. 

Tolquhon and jj. ^^^ ^ scuffle that fell Out amongst his conveye neer the Bridge of Dee, 
Mr. George . . o ' 

Lesly. by occasione of a privat qwarell tuixt Walter Forbesse of Tolqhwone, and 

one of Marishalls followers, called Mr. George Leslye, who strucke Tol- 
qhwone in the head with the cocke of a pistoll so hard as to wonde him. 

(1) [" Being about 23 years of age," says Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 198.] 

Ch. cii.] history of scots affairs. 161 

This was lycke to have brocke the new, scarce weall cemented, associatione A. D. l(!4n 
betwixt the Keithes and Forbesses, had not Marishall shewne so much zeale 
and willingnesse to satisfee Tolqhwone, that he instantly at that tyme tooke 
Mr. George Lesly along with him to Dunnottyre, Marishalls cheefe resi- 
dence, within twelve myles ot" Aberdeen, or therby ; and ther laid him fast 
in fetters, without any order of law, and after a few dayes sent him prisoner 
to Aberdeen, causinge laye him fast in the common goale : all this without 
order of civill or military lawe. Nor ended it beer, but Marishall must 
needs have Mr. George Lesly es hand strucke oif ; and to this demanatione 
a solemne daye was prefixed. People did runne from all pairtes of the 
towne to see this new and unwswall spectacle ; a blocke was sett upp 
upon the markett streete ; but when the prisoner was looked for, he refoosed 
for to come out of prisone except they wold fetche him down staires per- 
force. Thus his hande was safe for that daye ; and Marishall was adver- 
tished of his mans obstinacye to parte with a hande : wherupon Marishall 
in a chaffe (seeming at least), sends new orders to him to delyver up his 
hand as a sacrifice for to attone Tolqhwons wrathe, otherways lett him 
be at his hazarde. Wealle, delayes could not availe ; if Mr. George Leslye 
will not come out voluntarly, he must be draggd to the blocke. A new 
day is assigned, and all runne and croude to the shewe ; Mr. George 
Leslyes hand is held forthe, and his wrist is tyde with a ribbon by the 
headsman. The blow is to be givne to his hande, laide upon the blocke, 
when forth steppes a gentlman sent from Tolqhwone, who reskwes him, 
and tackes upp his hand from the blocke, which from henceforth he must 
hold as Tolqhwons gifte. Thus ended this tragicke comaedy, which all 
along had been the occasione of sport to many : It beganne foolishly ; its 
progress was informall and ridicolouse ; and the conclusione therof was 
suitable to bothe.O 

(1) [" Thir things done, this generall or governour Marischall, upon the 8th of May, 
rydes back to Duunotter, and tlie rest goe home, and at that time dissolve; but young 
Tolquhone, and diverse others of the name of Forbes, went out to convoy generall or 
governour Marischall a piece of the way. Mr. George Lesslie and William Fraser of 
Bogheads (both good-brethern, and the generall's tenents) being with the rest in his com- 
pany, mett with the young laird of Tolquhone, and unhappiely discorded. Mr. George 
hurt him in the head, upon the TuUoch-hill ; they are pairted, he and Bogheads are taken 
and disarmed, and the governour promisses satisfaction to Tolquhone, who took his leave 
frae him and returns to Aberdein, and he forward to Dunnotter, wher the saids Mr. George 
Lesslie and William Fraser (suppose he was innocent) were both laid in the irons. Upon 
the morne, they were sent about be sea, shackled in irons, to Aberdein, with warrand to 
the provost of Aberdein to waird them both in the tolbuith, and to cause strike otf Mr. 


A. D. 1640 CIII. Marishall was no busyer about Aberdeene then Argylle was in 

— — — the west : For the comittye had tackne course for keeping all qwyett at 

house o't home ; and for eifectwating that, it was thought expedient that as Edin- 

Nithsdale's, buro-h castell was already begirt with a closse seidge, so that Dumbarton 

Ca'rl'fwock.*'* castell should lyckwayes be blocked upp. It was commanded by Sir Johne 

Hendersone, who had been lately placed ther (with a commanded party of 

souldiours and ammunitione proportionable), by the Kings directione. And 

because Robert Maxwell, Earle of Nithsdale, a Roman Catholicke to his 

professione, had fortifyd two of his castells, Carleavroke and Treeve, and 

garrisond them, it was therfor ordaind by the comittye that both his houses 

should be tackne in by seidge. Treeve was commanded by one of the 

Earles freends, and was first gained after some resistaunce. The castell 

of Carlaveroke, the cheife place and strenth of Nithsdale (thought to be 

the Carbantorigium of Ptolemee), as it is stronge by nature, so was it now 

strenthned by airte and armes, but cheefly by the presence of the Earle 

himselfe, who wold command ther in persone, and mantained a seidge for 

some considerable tyme, till the assailants getting leisour eneuche for to 

goe about ther worke, after they had made ther approaches acording to the 

rules of the moderne warre, being commanded by a skillfull souldiour, the 

Earle despairing of releefe, in ende rendred upon qwarter. 

George Lesslie's right hand at ane staik, for hurting the said young Tolquhone, in the 
generall's company, against the discipHne of warr. The provost receives them, wairds 
them, and caused loose their shackles ; but thought he was not judge to this punishment 
for such ane ryot committed within the sheritidome of Mearns, wher Marischall himself 
was sheriff, who was only judge therto. Many people murmured against this rigorous 
sentence given out against ane gentleman for such a slight fault, done also in his own de- 
fence. Nevertheless the generall, of his own authoritie, upon the 18th of May, caused 
fix fast in the calsey at the mercate croce of Aberdein ane stock, and an axe laid down 
besyde it ; and ane little scaffold of timber bigged about, with ane fire kindled to burn the 
blood when the hand was cutt off. There was also ane chair sett besyde the stock, and the 
hangman ready besyde. The gentleman is brought from the tolbuith ; and as he is comeing 
down staires, the people being conveined in great numbers about the croce, eryed out pitie- 
fuUy against this cross and crueltie of the gentleman's rigorous useage. Allwayes, he layes 
down his arme upon the stock, and the hangman readie to give the stroak ; but by the ex- 
])ectation of the beholders, the master of Forbes suddenly comes to, and lifts his hand from 
the stock, and made him free ; wherat the haill ])eople mightiely rejoyced. He was had 
back to the tolbuith, wher he was arriested at the instance of Mr. James Clerk, and 
remained in waird whyle the ^Sth of June following, syne putt to libertie ; but Wil- 
liam Fraser was releived out of the tolbuith upon the 25th of May, but any more danger. 
The generall did this for satisfieing of young Tolquhone, and, as was said, he had never mind 
to take the gentleman's hand who was his own tennent, but only made a shew as ye have 
heard, wherof doubtless the gentleman had certainty, otlierwayes it would not gone but 
more trouble." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 199, 200. See also vol. ii., pp. 
164, 165,282.] 

Ch. civ.] history of scots affairs. 163 

CIV. Argylle and Eglintoune wer ordered for to secure the westerne A. D. I(j40. 
coastes of Scottlande against such incursiones or invasiones as wer either , , , 
suspected or feared from Irelande, by the lord deputye Straffords meanes ; Eglinton or- 
who they knew wold leave nothing unessayed to fynde them worke at home, '''^'■^'' '" *<=- 
and was so much the mor formidable at that tyme because they had mtelli- coast. Argyle 

ofence that he was bussye levyinor both horse and foote. Eg-lintoune, thoug-h 'I'ls upon 

'^ ^ o Lochaber oi 

neerest Ireland, yet had the easyest charge, the people be south the fyrth which he had 
of Clyde standing mostly for the Covenant. Argylle tooke charge of the ^ cautionary 
Highlands, both because ther was greatest suspitione of sturres from thence, so,„e of Hmit- 
and of ther correspondence with Strafford, or his associats; and next because Iv's debts. 
Argylle his owne following consisted cheefly of Highlanders. But the 
cheefe cause, though least mentioned, was Argylle, his spleene that he 
carryd upon the accompt of former disobleidgments betuixt his family and 
some of the Highland clanns : therfor he was glade now to gett so faire a 
colour of revenge upon the publicke score, which he did not lett slippe. An- 
other reasone he had besyde ; it was his designe to swallow npp Badzenoch 
and Lochaber, and some laundes belonging to the Mackdonalds, a numer- 
ouse trybe, but haters of, and aeqwally hated by Argylle. He had gott 
some hold upon Lochaber and Badzenoche the last yeare, viz. 1639, as a 
cautionarye pledge for some of Huntlyes debtes, for which he was become 
engaged as cautioner to Huntlyes creditors. By this meanes his title was 
legall in caise of breache of conditione by Huntlye ; yet at this tyme he could 
not pretend so much against Huntly ; therfor this expeditione against thoise 
Highlanders was prosecuted for advancement of his privatt designe, either 
by drawing off such as he could, and macking them for his interest. Thes 
wer cheefly the clan Cameron in Lochaber, who albeit for the most pairt 
Huntlyes vassalls or tenents, yet ther had been stryfe betuixt Huntly and 
them in the former tymes, which had come the lenth of bloodshedd and mur- 
der upon ther pairt. After that, they had been reduced and punished by old 
Huntly ; but ther resentment stucke still in ther stomaches, whcrin they wer 
right Highlanders, viz. uncertaine friends for many generationes. Argylle 
knew that thoise feared Huntly but loved him not ; therfor he worought 
upon ther humors, and by them first wormd himselfe into thes places. And 
although it be weall knowne that thes clan Cameron for the generalitye 
(whatever may be saide of particular persones, of that name, ther civilitye 
or godlinesse), are very farr from relishing the Covenant, and wer so then ; 


A. D. 1640. yet some of the most profligate* murderers amongst them wer by Argylle his 

meanes tackne under the protectione of the Covenanters : And it is very weall 

knowne that in the yeares following, thes clan Cameron for the most pairt 
joyned themselves openly to Argylle, and persecuted Huntlye, ther maister, 
who, anno 1647, fledd to Lochaber for shelter. 

Ther is a race of the Mackdonalds who inhabite Lochaber,(') who are 
knowne under the name of the Mackrandalls, and are considerable ther. 
Argylle gave them no such qwarters as the clan Camerone gott, though 
bothe good Covenanters alycke ; for they stoode aifected to Huntlyes inte- 
rest, and they wer Mackdonalds : any of the two was cryme eneuche. They 
wer mor roughly dealt with ther, and Mackrandell his cheife dwelling(2) was 
burnt doune to the grounde, eether by Argylles warrant or connivence. 

Befor Argylles returne that summer, he made the laird of Achntillye pri- 
soner, and compelld the Athollmen to yeeld and delyver to him hostages of 
peace,(3) for they wer much suspected that they wold ryse in armes for the 
King if they saw asistaunce. Eglintoune gott little or nothing to doe, for 
Straflbrd being employd to be lieutenant-generall of the Kings armye, the 
feares from Ireland evanishd, I have conjoynde Argylles actiones in this 
Highland expeditione, though they tooke upp some tyme this summer, and 
mostly fell out after a pairt of such actiones of this yeare as are yet to be 
insisted upon, least I should confounde my reader (by intermixing actiones 
distant in place) too muche, although felling out much about one tyme. 
Airlv castle CV. I have seen some memorialls of the proceedings of thes tymes, who 

destroyed. ^^^ referr the demolishing of Airly castell (belonging to the Lord Ogilvye) 
to this expeditione,('') though I made mentione of it the last yeare.W Sure 
it is that, in anno 1639, it was burnt by Ardgylle; therfor what mor he did 
ther at this tyme, I can not peremptorly determine. This farr is certaine, 
that (if yow abstracte from the tyme) Montrosse, with a pairty, was the 

* Donald Gwirke. 

(1) [The Clanranald of Lochaber, or Macranalds of Keppoch, called also Macdonalds, 
and Sliochd Allaster Vic Angus.l 

(2) [The house of Keppoch. See Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 217.] 

(3) [" Eight hostages," says Spalding, " ])rincipall men and of note within the countrie, 
of Stuarts and Robertsons." " Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 202.] 

(<) [There can be no doubt whatever that the " Bonny House o' Airly" was not de- 
stroyed until the month of July, 1640.] 
(5) [See above, vol. ii., p. 234.] 

Ch. cvl] history of scots affairs. 165 

first who beseedged Airly, (') and left the prosecution of it to Argylle ; who, A. D. 1640. 
at the demolishing therof, is saide to have shewed himself so extremlye 
earnest, that he was seen tacking a hammer in his hande and knocking 
downe the hewed worke of the doors and windows, till he did sweate for 
heate at his worke. 

Ther was lyckewayes another dwelling, belonging to Airly s eldest sonne, 
the Lord Ogilvy, called Forthar,(2) wher his ladye sojourned for the tyme : 
This house, though no strenth, behoved to be sleighted ; and although the 
Lady Ogilvy, being great with chyld for the tyme, asked licence of Argylle 
for to stay in her owne house till she wer brought to bedd, that could not 
be obtained ; but Argylle causes expelle her, who knew not whither to goe. 
The Lady Drumme, Dame Marian Douglasse, who lived at that tyme at 
Kellye, hearing tell what extremitye her graund chyld, the Lady Ogilvy, was 
reduced too, did send a comissione to Argylle, to whom the saide Lady 
Drum was a kineswoman, requesting that, with his licence, she might 
admitte into her house her owne graund chyld, the Lady Ogilvye, who at 
that tyme was near her delyverye ; but Argylle wold give no licence. This 
occasiond the Ladye Drumme for to fetche the Ladye Ogilvye to her house 
of Kelly, and for to keep her ther upon all hazard that might follow : Yet, 
though Argylle wold not consent therunto, he had no face to qwarell after- 
wardes with this generouse matrone upon that accompt, she being universally 
knowne to have beene as eminently vertouse and relligiouse as any lady in 
her tyme. 

CVL At such tyme as Argylle was macking havocke of Airlyes laundes,(3' Argyle's re- 

(1) [" The earle of Airlie went from home to England, fearing the troubles of the land, 
and that he should be pressed to subscrive this covenant whither he would or not, whilk by 
tlying the land he resolved to eschew alse weill as he could, and left his eldest son, the lord 
Ogilvie, a brave young nobleman, behind him at home. The Estates or Tables, hearing of 
his depairture, directs the earle of Montrose and earle of Kinghorne to goe to the place of 
Airly, and to take in the same, and for that service to carry cartows with them ; who went 
and summoned the lord Ogilvie to render the house (being ane impregnable strength be 
nature, well manned with all sort of munition and provision necessar), who answered, his 
father was absent, and he left no such commission with him as to render his house to any 
subjects, and that he would defend the samen to his power whyle his father's return from 
England. There were some shotts shott at the house, and some shott from the house ; but 
the assailants finding the place, by nature of great strength, unwinnable without great 
skaith, left the seige without nieikle loss on either syde ; then departed therefrae in June 
[1640]." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 216, 217.] 

(2) [In Glenisla.] 

(3) [" Now, about this time, the committee of Estates or Tables, gave order to the 

earle of Argyle to raise men out of his own countrie, and first to goe to Airlie and Furtour, 



[B. IV. 

A. D. 1640. 

against Sir 
.lohn Ogilvy 
of Craige. 

Monro conies 
til Aberdeen 
with his regi- 
ment ; his de- 
mands ; Cove- 
nanter taction, 
ready to grant 
them, give a 

he was not forgettful to remember old qwarells to Sir Johne Ogilvy of 
Craige, cosen to Airlye ; therfor he directes one Serjeant Cambell to Sir 
Johne Ogilvyes house, and gives him warrant to slight it. The Serjeant 
comming thither founde a sicke gentle woman ther, and some servauntes, and 
lookino- upon the house with a full survey, returned without doing any 
thinge, telling Argylle what he had seene, and that Sir John Ogilvyes 
house was no strenth at all, and therfor he conceived that it fell not within 
his order to cast it doun. Argylle fell in some chaffe with the Serjeant, 
telling him that it was his pairte to have obeyd his orders ; and instantly 
commanded him backe againe, and caused him deface and spoyle the house. 
At the Serjeants parting with him, Argylle was remarked, by such as war 
neer, for to have turned away fi"om Serjeant Cambell with some dis- 
daine, repeating the Latine politicall maxime, Ahscindantur qui nos pertur- 
hant : a maxime which many thought that he practised acurately, which he 
did, upon the acoumpt of the proverbe consequentiall therunto, and which 
is the reasone of the former, which Argylle was remarked to have lycke- 
wayes oftne in his mouthe as a choice aphorisme, and weall observed by 
statesmen, Quod mortui non mordent. 

C VII. But leave we Argylle for a whyle practising his state aphorismes, 
and lett us follow Major Generall Monroe ; who, after midde May, tooke 
his journy, with his new levyd foote regiment, towards the north of Scott- 
land, who made such haste, that be ten a clocke, upon the twenty-eighth of 
Maye, he was within two myles of Aberdeen, at a place beyond the bridge 
of Dee ; wher he halted with his regiment and his baggage, and sent his 

two of the earle of Airlie's principal houses, and to talce in and destroy the samen 

Lylceas, conforme to his order, he raises ane army of about 5000 men, and marches towards 
Airlie ; but the lord Ogilvie, hearing of his comeing with such irresistible forces, resolves to 
fly, and leave the house manless ; and so, for their own saifi'ty, they wisely fled. But Argyle 
most cruelly and inhumanly enters the house of Airlie, and beats the same to the ground, 
and right sua he does to Furtour ; syne spuilzied all the insight plenishing within both houses, 
and such as could not be carried they masterfully brake down and pitiefuUy destroyed. Ther- 
after they fell to his ground, plundered, robbed, and took away from himselfe, his men ten- 
nents and servants, their haill goods and gear, cornes, cattle, horse, nolt, sheep, insight 
plenishing, and all which they could get ; and left nothing but bair bounds of sic as they 
could consume or distroy or carry away with them, and such as could not be carried was 
dispitefully brunt up be fyre." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 21". " It must not be 
forgottin how that the Earle of Argyle, in the begining of this same mounthe [July 1640], 
with 5000 men, tooke the housse of Airlie, (from wich the Lord Ogiluey, two dayes befor 
hes coming, had fled). This house he slighted, destroyed all the planting, and plundred 
the quhole poore tenants and landes belonging to the Earle of Airlie." Sir James Balfour's 
Annales, vol. ii., p. 380. See also Bishop Guthrie's Memoirs, pp. 76, 77.] 

Ch. cvii.] history of scots affairs. 


qwarter maisters to tacke up ther lodginge, and his comissioners with a A. D. iwo. 

paper to present to the magistrattes of Aberdeene, desyring a satisfactory satisfying 

answer therunto, otherwayes he wold tacke the next course. One Patrick answer. 

Lesly was then provost of Aberdeen, who some moneths befor had been May 28. 

mustering the Aberdeens men, and causing them keepe publicke rendc- 

vouzes in ther arraes, very far contrary to the good lycking of the most 

pairt of the cittizens, who did little fancye the Covenant, and therfor 

wer now giving obedience as freendes or servaintes, but wer trusted and 

treated like unfreends : He, I say, who, with some few mor, stoode 

stiiFe for the Covenant, no sooner receaved Monroes paper, but instantly 

he conveens the townes councell, who came together in a trepidatione and 


Monroes paper was presentedC) and readde befor the councell, and a 
present answer urged from them, who wer not in posture to delay nor re- 
foose. It contained about a twenty-three or twenty-four articles, tending 
to the qwarter and accommodatione of his regiment ; as, furnishing them 
money, clothes, shews, mattockes, and shovells, and spades, when calld fori 
and a present supplye of money in some competent measure, and free qwar- 
ter in ther towne, and to build for his use court du givardes upon ther 
charges, a,nd for to asiste him with a considerable number of baggage 
horses for transporting his ammunitione into the neighbouring countrey, if 
neede reqwyre ; and, finally, that the Aberdeens men wold obleidge them- 
selves for to be asisting to him with a commanded pairty of ther cittizens, 
armed and provyded upon the townes charges, to marche whithersoever they 
gott his orders, or should be conducted by him. True it is, that afterward 
all thes articles wer not reqwyred at ther handes to be fullfilled ; but it is 
as trew, that at first all thes, and many mor too tediouse to insert heer (all 
which I have seen and perused), wer both asked by Monroe, and graunted 
by Aberdeen. 

Thes articles wer insolent in the opinion of all sober men, and they 
thought that he could have sought little mor from a beleagwered towne, 
that had rendred to him upon discretione. Yet, though the greatest pairt 
thought them irrationall, they durst not refoose any thing to one who had 
power to tacke what was refoosed ; and such of the Covenanters factione, 
the provost I meane and his associats, who had the command of the towne 

(I) [It is printed in Spalding, Hist, of Truub., vol. i., pp. 204, 205.] 


A. D. 1640. at that tyme, wer that farr from pleading diminutione of any of thes iraposi- 
tions in favours of the cittizens, that Monroe could propose nothing which 
they wer not readyer to graunte then he was to aske ; though what was 
sought and givne neither Monroe nor his Aberdeens correspondents had 
right to seeke nor dispose of. The Covenanting magistrates, however, 
graunted all with the mor facilitye, because heerby they wold ingratiate 
with ther partye ; and besyde, scarce twoched they the burthen with ther little 
fingers which theye wer bynding upon the cittizens backes ; yet they made 
necessitye the pretence and motive to ther fellow cittizens, as qwestionlesse 
it was trwe that they durst not refoose. 

Monroes comissioners gotte quickly ther satisfactorye ansuer from the 
townes councell and others, who now must macke a vertue of necessitye, 
and give cheerfully, in seeming at least, that which they could not withhold. 
With this ansuer the comissioners, after few bowers staye, did crosse the 
bridge of Dee, and came to Monroe, who instantly marched that same after- 
noon for Aberdeen ; and as if it had been some specialle freende and con- 
qweror, coming in covered with lawrells, the magistrates and townesmen 
must runne out half-way to the bridge of Dee, with ther hosanna. Some 
wold not be absent, and welcomed ther protectour in earnest; others durst 
not but be present ; but thes last wer the far mor considerable number of 
the cittizens. 

Court de CVIII. The very next day after his entrye, Monroe settles the qwarter ; 

guard TSAreA .^^^^ f^j. ^j^g heade qwarter Marishalls house, the most conspicuouse lodging 
of Aberdene,0) was appoynted, with the Earles oune consent. There 
Monroe qwarterd. Ther next worke was to sett carpenters a worke for to 
reare upp a court du giearde, in the midst of the large merkatt streete of 
Aberdene ; which was quickly finished, being made upp of a portione of 
some timber belonging to one William Scott,^^) a townes pylott, an hott 
royalist, who was absent or fledd, and his goods seizd for the publickes 
use : For any thing that was illegally seazed upon in thes tymes, if it wer 

(1) [" Marischal's Hall stood on the south side of the Castlegate, at the head of the 
street, which is thence called Marischal Street. It consisted of several huildings, sur- 
rounding a court-yard or close ; there was a large garden behind it. It was pulled down 
about the year 1767." See The Book of Bon- Accord, pp. 118 — 121. J 

(2) [" Monro caused bigg up betuixt the croces ane court de guard, for saiffeing his 
souldiers frae weitt and cauld on the night, and wherin they should ly, except such as 
were on watch. William Scott's timber jjayed for all now in his absence, being a true 
royalist, who sustained much more skaith besydes." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., 
p. 207.] 

Ch. cix. history of scots affairs. 169 

done by the Covenanters, it was qwalifyd by such phrases as thes ; and not A. D. i«i4(i. 

a few new dictions wer coyned about thes tymes, for to put a speciouse 

face upon actions very unuswall in former tymes. 

CIX. The levyes wer now advauncing in all pairtes, and the pluralitye Levies go on. 

of the pulpitis bussve sowndino^ an alarm to the people. The King's P"'P''=' sound 

• 1 „ 11- • T 11 I- the alarm. 

popish councellers, and his actiones tending to the advauncement oi poperye, Munroe keeps 

and Canterburyes popish plottes, and Straflbrds bloody designes, and the S°'"l '^'^^_'.- 
excommunicate popish prelattes (for so they wer tearnied) ther misleading n^t j|'{,[g j^ 
the King, and the daunger of Christes kyngdome that it was standing countenance 
into, wer the ordinar pulpit thems. The anti-Covenanters in Scottland coun--elTbc- '^ 
wer silent ; and such of the ministers as favoured the King or episcopall traved and 
government, wer either thrust out of ther places, or conforming themselves '"'^ *•"''"'' • 
to the tymes, though scarcely credited. As for Monroe, at his comming 
to Aberdene, few or no body reteered or fledd, for he entred peacably, 
and kept strict discipline amongst his souldiours. His actiones, wherof 
more anone, wer by publicke order from the coinittye of estates, who wer 
now beginning to order all things in Scottland, as maisters, having as- 
sumed the Kings power into ther owne handes, and left to him nothing but 
a bare name. And the case was altered ; for, wheras in the former yeares 
Covenanters wer called rebells to the King, now all who owned the Kings 
interest wer used as traitors, and accompted rebells to the state, and 
enemyes to God and the good cause. And, which was yet higher and 
worse (as afterward shall be related), the King was glade to lett them be 
termed so, and used with indignity eneuche : So farr was he from beinge 
able to countenance or protecte his weall wishers and best freendes ; who in 
thes tymes wer glade to submitte to such punishments and to such mulctes 
and fyues as the Covenanters laide upon them ; fynding as little security (if 
not lesse) at court (wher all the King his councells wer betrayd and 
reveald), then they found at home in ther owne countrey, from whence thev 
had for some tyme reteered. 






I. The spring tyme was now growne old, and the summer posting on, and a. D. 1640. 
military praeparations wer made with aeqwall hast upon both sydes ; treatyes jj^j^^g 
givne upp, and actes of hostilitye alreadye begunne, the last summers to extremity ; 
pacificatione buryd and forgottne ; and now it seemed that it was rather a deliberations 

1 1 1 1 ■ • 1. 1 "°w to pro- 

truce betuixt two enemyes for a tyme, that tnerby cache pairtye might tacke ceedonthese- 
ther breath, and putt themselves in better posture to fall on againe with eond 9f June, 
greater advauntage, then a settled agreement betuixt King and subjectes ; the"parliament 
who by now beganne to see that ther was no waye to secure themselves, who was prorogu- 
had drawne ther swordes against ther naturall Prince, but by keeping them Com^Sbner 
continwally unsheathed in ther handes. Therfor they resolve now to dryve came, which 
the uaile to the heade, and to perfect the worke which they had begunne. pr^o'l'lltr'^'^ ' 

The Covenanters saw that ther comissioners labour was lost at Londone, themselves 
and ther most materiall proposalls and articles rejected by the King. ^"""^ '^'? • _ 
Ther was no doore left opne to help this but one; that was the King his chuse Burleigh 
prorogating of the Parliament unto the second of June. The comittye of president in 
the Covenanters therfor resolve to lay hold upon the King his new indie- Commissioner; 
tione, and to keepe the daye ; and if the Kings Commissioner came not to conclude 
countenance ther conventione, yet to proceede, and conclud, and vote, and ^^^^ •'''six more, 
enacte all thinges, as if he had beene present : Yet they neither wished him 
present nor expected him ; and it is a questione, if he had come, whither 
they wold have admitted him who sate last as the Comissioner amongst 
them. They wanted not a precedent for this ; for in Queen Maryes dayes, 
ther praedecessors had laid hold upon the Qweens indictione of a Parlia- 
ment, she being that tyme absent in Fraunce, and had conveened them- 
selves, and holdne a Parliament, which afterward was ratifyd. Yet this 


A. D. Ifi40. had a circumstance in it beyond that former ; for at this tymc the King and 
they war both actwally in armes, and the Parliament peers at this tyme 
wer both covered with ther cuirasses, and with ther Parliament robbes of 
peace ; so that ther gownes and robes wer now coates of armes. 

.Tune 2. The first day of meeting was June second ; but the comissioners not 

being frequently eneuch conveened that day, they prorogate themselves to 

June 11. the eleventh of June. That day they meet againe, and all in one voice 
they choose Robert Balfour, Lord Burleigh, to be president of Parliament, 
in absence of the Coraissioner : And therafter, in a short space, with a 
great deale of unanimitye, they voice and conclude thirty-nine acteS of 
Parliament, which wer afterwardes printed by themselves, at first under the 
name of " Actes past and done in this present sessione of the second Par- 
liament of King Charles, holdne at Edinburgh, the eleventh of June, 
1640." I tacke notice of the title, because in the print coppye I fynde no 
mentione of any day that they mett upon but June eleventh ; so that, either 
they used great expeditione in passing so many actes in one day (though I 
confesse it is probable, for all was made worko), or otherwayes the 
clerke of the register was to blame ; for ordinarly in other Parliaments 
the sessions and dayes of the sederunts are designed. Sex other actes wer 
past, which I fynde not in the print index ; yet I shall give the reader ane 
accompt of all the forty-three actes from ther oune informationes. 

1. After they had voted Lord Burleigh to be president, ther was a 
declaratione drawne upp concerning the reasons of the present Parlia- 
ment. But that acte was not printed.(0 

2. Ther next acte was the constituting of the Parliament,^ and all 
following Parliaments, to be of noblemen, barrens, and burgesses, who wer 
from henceforthe to be holdne for the three estates of Parliament, discharg- 
ing bishopps, and all churchemen from having any vote in Parliament therafter, 
and rescinding all former actes of Parliaments or lawes, that had givne 
them any voice in Parliament, in name of the churche, or upon any other 
accounte whatsomever. 

3. Ther third acteO was ane ordinance, that evrye estate should choose 

(1) [It will be found in The Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, vol. v., pp. 288, 290. 
It is entitled " Declaratioun be the estaittis of parliament premittit be thame to thair pro- 

(2) [" Act anent the Constitutione of Parliament." Acts Par. Scot. vol. v., p. 288.] 

(3) [" Act anent the chusing of committeis out of ilk estaitt." Id., pp. 290, 291.] 


ther owne lords of articles ; and thes lords to have power to conclude A. D. 164<». 
nothinge, but to propose overtures to the Parliament. 

4. Then they proceeded to the ratificatione of the actes of the Assembly 
of Edinburgh, anno 1639. (') 

5. And in ane acteC^) particularly, they ratifie the Covenant, and the 
supplicatione of the Assembly to the councell for subscrybing therof, and 
the acte of councell and acte of Assembly concerning the Covenante : all 
which are engrossed tit lenth in ther registers, together with the clause that 
was added to the conclusione of the Covenante. 

6. The acte called rescissoryeC^) followethe ; wherby the episcopall power, 
and all actes of Parliament in ther favours are rescinded, and presby- 
tryes putt in their places to doe all that bishopps befor did ; and withall 
they declare all the judiciall sentences of the High Comission to be voide 
and null. 

7. And because severall churches wer vacant, by deposing of ther 
ministers, or otherwayes, to which churches, the patrons, being Royalistes, 
refoosed to present others ; therfor they ordaine presbytryes to plante thes 
churches after six moneths, with consent of the parishioners, without prae- 
judice of the laufull patrons ther right, when thes churches shall vake heer- 

8. Next they ordaine that all churches which belonged to bishopps, 
by the acte of restitutione, 1606, shall heerafter belong to presbytryes, and 
be presented by them.C*) 

9. Ther ninth acte('') was ane inhibitione of mylnes or salt pannes to goe 
upon the Lords daye. But in this acte they have not determind the limits of 
the Lords daye, when it shall beginne or ende. 

10. And by a particular acte lyckewayes, they inhibite all salmond fishing 
upon the Lords daye.W 

(1) [" Ratificatioune of tlie actis of the Asscniblie." Id., pp. 291, 292.] 

(2) [" Act anent the ratificatioune of the Covenant, and of the Assemblies supplicatioun. 
Act of counsell, and Act of Assemblie concerning the Covenant. Id., pp. 292 — 298.] 

(3) \_Id., pp 298, 299.] 

(4) [" Act for planting of kirkis vnprovydit with ministeris throw the patrones default." 
Id., p. 299.] 

(5) [" Act anent admissioun of ministeris to kirkis qwhilks belonged to bischoprickis. " 
Id., pp. 299, 300.] 

(6) [" Act Dischargeing the goeing of salt pannes and mylnes vpoun the Sabbathe day." 
Id., p. 300.] 

(7) [" Act discharging salmond fisching vpon sonday. Ibid.] 


A. D. 1640. 11. The eleventh acte was against papistes,(') jesuittes, preestes, and 
resetters of them, and a ratificatione of all actes made against them in 
former tymes ; as also against all excommunicate persones, and against 
resetters of preests three dayes together. . 

12. The twelth acte(-') dischargeth Chrlstmasse vacance of the session, and 
appoynteth the sessione to sitt downe November first, and to ryse the last 
of February ; and therafter to sitt downe the first of June, and to ryse the 
last of Julye. 

13. Acte thirteenth(3) discharged Mundayes mercatt in Edinburgh and 
some other townes, or keeping of mercatts or trysts upon the Lords daye. 

14. Acte fourteenth^) discharged confluence of people for hyring 
shearers upon the Lords daye. 

15. Acte fifteenth ordained letters of horning and captione by the lords 
of sessione against the excommunicate prelates, and all other excommuni- 
cate persones.(^) 

16. Acte sixteentW^) ordained the authors and spreaders of the Kings 
Large Manifesto (wherof Dr. Balcanqwell was thought the penner) to be 
severly punished, acording to actes of Parliament against lee raackers be- 
tuixt the Kinge and his subjectes. 

17. Acte statutarye appoynting Parliaments to be holdne once evry three 

18. Acte ordaining the castells of Edinburgh, Strivling, and Dumbarton, 
to be kept by native Scottish ; and thoise to be chosne by advyce of Par- 
liament, and to tacke ane oath to be true to the King, and reformed relli- 
gion, as it is presently professed. (*) 

19. Ordinance for productione of the registers of Parliament to the first 
sessione of evrye Parliament, under the sanctione of depryving the clerke 
register of his ofiBce ; and that the clerke register should bee readye to give 
extractes at all tymes, as the subjectes should reqwyre.(') 

(0 [" Act against Papistis." Id., pp. 300, 301.] 

(2) [" Act Discharging the yule vacance, etc." Id., p. 301.] 

(3) [" Act anent the dischargeing of the mononday mercatt in Edinburgh, Jedburgh, 
Dunfreis, Brechine, and glasgow," Id., pp. 301, 302.] 

(4) [" Act for taking ordour with the abusses coramittit on the Sunday, by the confluens 
of pepill for hyiring of scheiraris in harvest," Id., p. 302.] 

(5) [JWrf.] (6) [" Act anent the Large Declaration," Ibid.} 
(J) [Id., p. 303.] (8) [Ihid.] (9J [Id., p. 304.] 


20. Acte discharging all proxies to be admitted in Parliament; and A. D. 1640. 
that no forraigne noblman shall have place or voice in Parliament, unlesse 

he have ten thousand merkes laund rent in Scottland.O) 

21. Acte discharging the graunting of protections by the lords of the 
councell or exchequer, or graunting of supersederees ; and whatsomever 
lord of session, etcet., grauntes them, to be lyable to the debt.(^) 

22. Acte declaring the exchequer to be only judge in matters concerning 
managing the Kings rents and casualityes, and of nothing else.(') 

23. Acte in favours of thoise who held ther laundes of archbishops, 
bishopps, or of ther chapters, that they shall not incurre the hazard of 
ther clauses irritant in ther charters or leases, notwithstanding the not 
payment of dutye which is unpayd betuixt the first of Apryle, 1638, and 
since that tyme.('') 

24. Concerning vassalls of erections, that they be not subject in double 
payment, nor the superiors defrauded of ther few dewtyes, notwithstanding 
of ther surrenderye in favours of the King.C^) 

25. Acte ordaining all greivaunces to be given in, in plane Parlia- 
ment, and not to the clerke register, conforme to old actes of Par- 
liament. («) 

26. Acte suppressing the distinctione of teniporall lords of session, and 
spiritwall lords therof.C) So wer the bishopps call'd. 

27. Acte against leesing mackers betuixt King and subjects, of what- 
somever qwalitye, office, place, or dignitye, to be punished acording to 
actes of Parliament. (') 

28. Acte annulling all proclamations made, under the paine of trea- 
sone to the disobeyers, since the beginning of the troubles ; and they all 
declared to be unjuste and unlaufull, and none of the disobeyers traitors ; 
and that no persone can be declared traitor but by the Parliament itselfe, or 
by a laufull and ordinar judge, after tryall.(^) 

29. Explanatione of the preceding actes of Parliament made against 
bandes and conventions amongst subjectes, without the Kings warrant, 
etc. ; as also declaring the bands and conventions made and keeped 
since the beginning of the present troubles, to be legall and laufull, 

(I) [Acts Pari. Scot., vol. v., p. 304.] 

(2) {Id., pp. 304,305.] (3) [Id., p. 305.] (i) [Id., pp. 305, 306.] 

(5) {Id., p. 306.] (G) [Ibid.-] 

(7) {Ibid.} (8) {Id., pp. 306, 307.] (9) [Id., p. 307.] 


A. D. 1640. because ther bands and meetings are now for the publicke good of 
kirke and state, and for defence and preservatione of the Kings Ma- 

30. Acte declaring that the warde and marriadge of such as shall 
happne to be killed in (the warre against the King), defence of the 
relligione and libertyes of kirke and kyngdome, shall pertane to ther 
heires or childeren, and that the King and all superiors are therfrae 

31. Ratificatione of the acte of the lords of sessione, Martij penultimo, 
1639, for supplying the absence of the signett, and discharging the trans- 
porting therof, or any other scale, in tymes comming.(') 

32. Acte discharging all custome of ammunitione brought home to the 
leidges, to ther owne use, for defence of relligione and libertyes of kirke and 
kyngdome, in the publicke cause.('') 

At the reading and voting this acte, WilUam Dicke protested.C*) 

33. Acte appoynting a comittye of estates, consisting of twelve of 
evry state, the one half to be with the army, the other half to stay at 
Edinburgh ; and thes to have the rule of the countrey, and to care for all 
thinges that concerned provyding for the armye, pay, or victwalls, etc. ; 
or taxing the countrey for that ende, and valuing shyres, or appoynting 
valuators, etcet.i^) 

34. Acte for laying a taxatione upon all the kyngdome, for releefe of 
the common burthen of the warre. (^) 

35. Acte ordaining summonds to be direct and execute against all 
persones, who are culpable of the crymes and faultes contained in the acte 
{viz. who syded with the King against the Covenanters), to compeer befor 
the next sessione of Parliament.(*) 

36. Acte in favours of the Kings vassalls of warde laundes, recom- 
mending ther praejudice, by acte anno 1633, to the consideratione of the 
next Parliament ; meane whyle, suspending the force and execution of 
that acte.(9) 

37. Acte appoynting a thousand merke yearly to be payd to procu- 
rator of the churche, Mr. Archibald Johnstone, and fyve hundereth 

(1) [Acts Pari. Scot., vol. v., p. 307.] 

(2) \_Id., p. 308.] (3) ITd., pp. .308, 309.] (4) \_Id., p. 309.] 

(5) [/rf., p. 325.] (6) {Id., pp. 309—311.] 

(7) [Id., pp. 311—313.] (8) [Id., pp. 313, 314.] (9) [Id., p. 314.] 


merkes yearlye to Mr. Robert Dalcleishe, church agent, out of the bishop.s 

38. Acte ordaining the whole subjectes and leidges of this kyngdom to 
obey, mantaine, and defende the conclusions, actes, and constitutions 
of this present Parliament, and to subscrybe the band appoynted for that 
eiFecte.(2) The band was as foUowethe :* 

" We, noblraen, barrons, burgesses, and others, undersubscribers. Consi- 
dering how necessary it is to establish our unione in the preservatione and 
mantenance of our relligione, lawes, and libertyes of this kyngdome, and of 
his Majestyes authoritye, and to prevent all factiones, contentions, and 
divisions, which may aryse in praejudice therof, from malitiouse sugges- 
tions and misinformations of our adversaryes ; Doe all and evrye one of us, 
with our heart and hande, testifie and declare our resolutione and obliga- 
tione (for the reasones and causes at length exprest in the acte of Parlia- 
ment immediatly preceding), to acknowledge the forsaide Parliament to 
have been, and to be a free and laufuU Parliament : Lyckeas, we bynd and 
obleidge us, and evrye one of us, upon our honours and credite, and as we 
desyre to bee, and to be holdne, true lovers of our countrey, and of the 
relligione, lawes, and libertyes therof, efauldly and faithfully, to the outer- 
most of our power, to joyne and concurre with our persones and estates, 
evrye one of us acordinge to our severall stations and callings, in the main- 
tenance of the freedome and laufullnesse of the forsaide Parliament ; and 
in the advauncement and furtheraunce and asistaunce of the executione, 
obedience, and observatione of the actes and constitutions therof; as the 
most fitt and necessary remedyes of the bygone and present evills and dis- 
tractions of this kirke and kyngdome, and for the preservatione of the relli- 
gion, lawes, and libertys therof, and of his Majestyes authoritye : And 
that, in the first Parliament whiche shall be holdne heerafter in this kyng- 
dome, and at aU other occasions, and against any oppositione whatsomever ; 
except in so farr as shall heerafter be thought fitt and expedient by the 
common advyce and consent of the estates. In wittnesse wherof, we have 
signed and subscrybed thes presents with our handes, at," etcet. 

Any man wold have thought that the Covenant might have obleidged 
them to stand to ther oune conclusiones ; but it was too general!, and therfor 

0) [Acts Pari. Scot., vol. v., pp. 315, 316.] (2) [Id., pp. 316—318.] 

• See print actes of Parliament 1640, edit, pt-ima, pagg. 56, 57. [Acts Pari. Scot.. 
vol. v., p. 318.] 



[B. V. 

Reasons of 
the band. 
declared cur 
rent ; their 

\. D. 1640. it behoved to gett this explanatory appendixe : for thes actes shewed what 
they founde necessaire to be reformed in the state, as the appendix to the 
Covenant explained ther churclie reformatione. 

II. Ther reasons for this mutwall band and Parliament (besyde such as are 
already spockne of in ther declarations, and repeated in this acte), wer :(') 

That since the tyme was come to the which the King did prorogat the 
Parliament, and no advertishment come from him to them to tacke any 
course for remedying the greate disorders of the church and state ; They, 
being the great councell of the kyngdorae, could not be altogether so for- 
gettfull of themselves, and deficient to ther countrey, as to suffer this Par- 
liament, which they had so oftne petitiond from his Majestye, and which was 
conditiond and accorded at the pacificatione, and indicted by his Majestyes 
speciall authoritye, to be deserted and expyred without anye conclusione to 
the good of the common wealthe in so great extremitye : But rather they 
thought themselves bounde in conscience and dutye for to proceede to the 
determinationes of such matters as are necessarye for establishing of the peace 
of this kirke and kyngdome ; as beinge the expresse and speciall endes of ther 
supplicationes, without trenshing any wayes on soveraigntye, or derogating 
in any sort from his Majestyes authoritye ; but, upon the contrary, looking 
first upon the constitutions of the Generall Assembly, past in presence of 
his Majestyes Comissioner, and the necessaire consequences therof, and 
provyding remedyes for the present evills of the kyngdome, by removing 
the cause, and establishing necessaire conclusiones for preventing the lycke 
heerafter, etcet. 

The band they ordained to be subscrybed by all members of Parliament, 
and by all subjectes of Scottland, as they shall be directed by the comis- 
sioners of Parliament, left at Edinburgh, and to be reported to the clerke 
betwixt that tyme of ther ordinance and the first of September, 1640. And 
they ordane all delayers, refoosers, or postponers to subscrybe, to be holdne 
as enemyes and oppositts to the common cause. 

39. Ther last acte was ane acte declaring the Parliament current, and 
continowing the same till the ninteenth of November, 1640; and withall 
they ordaine all the forsaide actes to be printed and publishedC^) : Which 
was acordingly done ; and it was from that print coppy that I have tran- 
scrybed this rubricke of ther actes. 

(1) [Acts Pari. Scot., vol. v., pp. 317, 318.] 

(2) [Id., p. 319.; 


Some other actes wer past ther which are not in the first editione of the A. D. 1640. 

printed actes of that sessione (first or second, I know not if I shall terme it) ; 

for most of the above mentioned actes wer concluded in the first meeting, 
and it seemes drawne upp when Traqwair was Comissionair, and present 
with them ; but none of them voted till ther now meeting in June. 

1. Thes actes wer, besyde the Declaratione concerning the reasons of 
the Parliament. 

2. Supplicatione of the Lady Lowden concerning her husbands losses 
by his imprisonment, and the Parliaments ansuer, promising to refound 
all his losses. (') 

3. Acte in favours of the Lord Lindsaye, anent the cokett of Saincte 
Andrews. (2) 

4. Acte approving generall Leslyes comissione, anno 1639, to be ge- 

5. Acte approving generall Leslyes present comissione to be generall in 
this expeditione, 1640, etcetS*) 

6. Acte approving the lieutenant generall, and two major generalls ther 

7. Acte for forfaultrye of Patricke, Lord Etricke (that is generall Ruth- 
ven), and his under commanders.(^) 

III. It will not be amisse to give some accounte of the members of the Committee of 

comittye of estate, and ther power, as it was specifyd in this Parliament ; Parliament 

because in the following yeares this new representative had the power of 'Rupture*'inthe 

Kings and Parliaments engrost in ther persones and judicatorye. committee; 

The members of it wer,* noblemen, Rothesse, Montrosse, Cassills, Wig-- t/^^ '^ "° '" 
' _ ' ' ' ' r the nomma- 

toune, Dunferlemlyne, Lothian, earles : for lords wer, Lord Lindsey ; tion;andwhy? 

Lord Balmerino ; Couper ; Burleighe ; Napier ; Lord Lower : lords of 

sessione wer Lord Durye ; Lord Craighall; Lord Scottistarvett : then 

foUowd Sir Thomas Nickolson of Carnocke, lawer ; Sir Patrick Hepburne 

of Wachtoune ; Sir David Hume of Wedderburne ; Sir George Strivling 

of Keir ; Sir Patrick Murray of Elibanke ; Sir Patrick Hamiltoune of 

Little Prestoune ; Sir William Cuninghame of Capringtoune ; Sir Wil- 

(1) [Acts Pari. Scot., vol. v., pp. 314, 313.] (2) [Not extant.] 

(3) [Acts Pari. Scot., vol. v., p. 320.] (i) [Id., pp. 319, 320.] 

(5) lid., pp. 320—323.] 
• See first edition of the print Actes of Parliament, 1640, p. 41, et seqg., acte 33. 
Acts Pari. Scot., vol. v., p. 309.] 


A. D. 1640. Ham Douglasse of Cavers; James Chamber of Gadgirthe ; Sir Thomas 

Hope of Carse ; Drummond of Ricardtoune ; Laird of Lesly, Forbesse ; 

Mr. George Dundasse of Manner ; John Smyth, a burgess of Edinburgh ; 
Edward Edgar, burgess of Edinburgh ; Thomas Patersone, taylor, Rich- 
ard Maxwell, sadler in Edinburgh ; William Hamiltoun, burgesse of Lith- 
gow ; Mr. Alexander Wedderburne, clerke of Dundee ; George Porter- 
feeld, bailiff of Glasgow ; Hugh Kennedy, ballif of Aire; John Rutherfoord, 
provost of Jedburghe ; Mr. Alexander Jaffray, burgess of Aberdeene, or 
Mr. William More, balliif of Aberdeen, in his absence ; James Sworde, 
burgess of Sanct Andrews ; and James Scott, burgesse of Monrosse. 

Thes wer a mixed multitude ; many heades heer, but few statesmen, though 
all nominate to sitt at the helme. Some of thes wer known to favour the 
King, yet wer nominated either to unmaske them or to deboshe them by 
ther concurrence against him ; others added for ther insufficiencye, as 
knowing that they bore a zeale to the cause without knowledge, so the 
fitter for ther endes : they wer added as cyphers to the few digittall statesmen 
who sate heer, to macke upp number, and for the greater authoritye ; and 
mainly to delude thes simple ignorants, by macking them beleeve that they 
had power and authoritye, when indeed they had but the name, and others 
the swaye. Thes wer added and augmented, and chaunged in the following 
yeares, or turnd off as the few ringleaders saw occasion in the following 
yeares, or as they founde them faithfuU and fordwards, or growing cold or 
slacke : And befor the yeare turnd rownd, ther interveend a fowle rupture 
and shisme amongst the principall members of this comittye. 

One thing was much remarked heer by all men, which shewed much mo- 
desty and selfe denyall in Ardgylle, as to be contented not to be preferred 
to this high honour.* But all saw he was major potestas, and though not 
formally a member, yet all knew that it was his influence that gave being, 
lyfe, and motioue to thes new modelld governours ; and not a few thought 
that this juncto was his inventione. If it wer so or not, I determine not. 

Thes had power to doe, order, directe, acte, and putt in executione evry 
thing necessaire, as weall for preservatione and mantenance of sea and 

* A reasone why he was not nominate was, his absence at this tyrae in the Highlands, 
and his being employed much of this summer in waiting upon Straffords army its supposed 
invasione. Yet ther was a doore left opne for him to enter the comitty whenever he 
pleased, both as ane officer of the army and upon the call of the comittye, for they had 
power to call any they pleased for to asiste them ; so, albeit he was not nominate, yet he 
was included in the state comittye. 


launde armyes, as for ordering the countreye, and whole bodye and inhabi- 
tants therof, decyding of questiones and debates which should happne to 
aryse or fall out in any bussnesse or occasion in this kyngdom, concerning 
the peace and qwyett therof; without praejudice alwayes of the Colledge of 
Justice, or any other ordinary laufull established judicatorye within the 
kyngdome, laufully established by acta of Parliament. 

Second, Power to borrow, uptacke, and leavy money for use of the pub- 
licke, and to order the depursing therof. 

Third, Power for all things that might concerne the peace and good of 
the countrey. 

Fourth, Power to call or conveen any subject befor them, for councell or 

Fifth, Power to order collectors of publicke dwes, and to call them to 
accompte by themselves or others, and to allow or dissallow ther depurs- 
ments as they pleased ; and the estates to pay whatever the comitty shall 
borrow upon publicke accompt. 

Sixth, Power to them to lay downe the wayes how thes publicke debtts 
shall be defrayd ; and to that pourpose to laye taxes on the countrey, and 
assigne evry shyres proportione therof. 

Seventh, Power to direct letters of horning against all refoosers to pay, 
and for to compell them to pay ten merkes fayly, per centum, of ilk hun- 

Eighth, Power to doe generally all things necessaire for the wealle of the 
kyngdome and preservatione of relligione. 

Ninth, Power to constitute comissioners in the army, and in the coun- 
treye, as they shall thinke necessaire. 

Ther residence shall be in pairt at Edinburgh, or wher they thinke expe- 
dient ; and the other half of them constantly at the armye ; and thes two 
for to keepe correspondence together. 

Twelve of evry estate for both comittyees, macking eighteen for evry 
comitty ; ther qworum to be three of evry estate, when the estates are full ; 
and if the estates keepe not all, then seven* promiscously shall be the 
quorum ; if any dye, the rest has power to choose one into his place ; and 
this power is graunted to eache of the two severall comittyes. 

[ Tenthl, The sentenceof the qworum as obligatorye as if all wer present. 

' Septemviri. 


A. D. 1640. [^EleventK], Both coraittyes must joyne together, either to conclude of 
warre or peace, but may not severally acta that waye. 

Maister Adam Heburne of Humby shall be clerke for to keepe ther 
recordes and actes, all which must be wryttne : He or his deputes for to 
keepe all the publicke papers, and ther subscriptions to macke faith unto 
publicke actes. 

The said comittye has power to call the conventione of estates as oftne 
as they please. 

Absents are to be fyned by such of the comitty as are present, and all of 
them must give ane oathe of fidelitye. 

Mr. Archbald Johnston, clerke to the kirke, must still attend the 
generall at the armye as a supernumerary comittye man. 

The generall, and all generall officiers, may be members of this comitty, 
as oftne as occasione shall offer .(') 

By vertwe of this acte we have the constitutione of the high mogen 
comittye of the estates, in place of the King ; a power that Scottland had 
never knowne, nor heard tell of befor. They wer the Parliaments dele- 
gatts, and a virtwall Parliament epitomised ; the acte scarcelye mackes 
them so much as comptable to a Parliament ; or if they wer, it was no great 
matter, for all saw that by this meanes they wer but accomptable unto 
themselves ; for they wer not only a commanded partye of the Parliament, 
but the ringleaders therof. Ther was one clause in ther power which mate- 
rially might macke them a Parliament ; that was, ther power to call for any 
they pleased to asiste them with councell. And ther power of macking peace 
and warre, and laying on impostes, wer verye highe and rampant ; so farr 
as very ordinar judgements saw clearly that they wer sett in place of King, 
Parliament, and privye councell. 
Formality of IV. It is not agreablc with my pourpose at this tyme to canvasse the 
this Parlia- formalitye of this Parliament, since the King allowd it all the next yeare, 
both roote and braunche. I shall only desyre the reader to looke backe a 
little and compare ther articles and propositiones to Traqwaire, then 
Comissioner, and to the King himselfe in winter, by ther comissioners at 
London ; wher in the Kings answers I have givne yow his sence of the 
most materiall actes. And if ther proposalls at court, and ther present actes 
of Parliament be confronted, ther will be mor founde in the conclusion then 

(1) [Acts Pari. Scot., vol. v., pp. 309—311.] 


in the premisses, mor enacted heer then was urged at Londone (some things A. D. 1640. 
not materiall are omitted), evne besyde thes new actes, the which the emer- 
gencye of this present warre did give them a colour for. 

Some actes of publicke concernement past, whicli tended really unto the 
rectifying of abuses, and wer laudable ; but thes wer but few and inconsi- 
derable, if compard with thes many actes wherby they did chaunge the 
governement in some of its fundaraentalls, and made the King nothing 
but a shaddow, and which they past for ther owne securitye, turning the 
lawes against such as had stoode for the knowne law, and drawing and 
wresting all thinges for ther oune securitye and profile, and for the impo- 
verishing or punishment of the royall partyc who opposd them. 

Ther twenty-ninth acte concerning bands and conventions of subjectes, 
is of so ambigouse a qwalificatione, that it opnes a doore to Anabaptistes and 
Qwackers, and all manner of sectes, if they once prevaile in number and 
strenthe for to lay hold upon it, and wounde them with ther owne weapone. 
For if this be once graunted that men shall be once judges in ther oune cause 
(as they wer in the passing of this acte), and be able to prevaile and backe 
it with force, will they not say that they are still for Gods glorye, for 
the puritye of relligion, and the libertye of the subjectes ? So much are 
men blynded in ther privat concernments and passiones. 

The Parliament that mett (after the happy returne of Charles the 
Second) anno 1661, in Janwarye, was so sensible of the great error com- 
mitted in that acte, evne in poynt of state, that they made no scruple to 
abrogate it root and braunche, as ane act that did opne a doore to seditione 
and tumults, and was a stepp for powerfull rebells to grippe the hio-hest 
power. Yet ther wer severall members sitting in the Parliament, 1661, who 
had v6ted to that acte, who now wer growne wyser by experience, scoole- 
maister to none of the wysest, who wer glade to gett the happinesse to vote 
doune much of that which, but twenty yeares befor, they had wrangled 
for against ther Prince with so great animositye. 

To conclude this Parliament : In one worde, as the Covenanters gott 
a shaddow of lawe at the Assembly of Glasgow to chaunge the governe- 
ment of the [Church], and, after tacking upp armes against the KiuCTe, 
obtained the Kings consent to ther actinges at Glasgow, whilst they enacte 
them anew at Edinburgh Assembly, 1639 ; so it was by meanes of this 
Parliament, 1640, that they chaunged the governement of the State with 
a colour of lawe ; and albeit the King, at this tyme, looked upon ther 

2 a 



[B. V. 

keeps Edin- 
burgh in 
alarm. Invi- 
tations and 

Scots publish 
their Declara- 

Parliament as treasonable and null, yet, after ther second tacking upp of 
armes and stepping into England, within a yeare or little mor, they gott 
all this and much mor twoched by the scepter in the Kings owne hande : 
But ther English neighbours (not ther strenth) wer the compulsorye causes 
therof, if not pourposly at least accidentallye. 

V. The Parliament sate not louge nor peacably ; for generall Ruthven, 
from the castell, was stiU keeping the towne of Edinburgh in alarum and 
annoyance with his greate and small shott from the castell of Edinburgh. 
Therfor, both befor and in the tyme of the Parliament, the levyes wer go- 
ing on apace with such expeditione, specially in the south pairtes of Scott- 
land, that be the twentieth of July, ther was ane indifferent number of 
ane army formed and brought to a rendevouze in the Merse, wher they 
encamped in Chansleye woode, with fourty dayes provisione and all manner 
of ammunitione necessaire, as it had been appoynted by their comittye of 
state. Befor they came that lenth, it was concluded in ther cabinet juncto, 
that they should passe over the border and enter into England. This they 
durst not have attempted, but they had invitations and assurance from 
England, both of pay and welcome, as afterward appeared, yet conceald at 
that tyme ; for England wer to use them as ther great ingyne to gett a 
Parliament and to suppresse the monarchick power : as afterwards, God 
willing, will appeare in its owne place. 

VI. Befor they marche for England, they thought it necessaire to pub- 
lish ther Declaratione, and to shew the aeqwitye of ther expeditione into 
England,(') much to the pourpose foUowinge : 

First, (after a preface, wherin they shew that they have still been so 
rationall as that they are ready to give ane accounte of ther actions to aUe 
who will aske them,) They shew us, that either they must goe to England 
and seeke peace, otherwayes they must sitt downe under three most heavy 
burthens : First, They behoved to mantaine ther owne armyes upon ther 
borders, and other places exposed to daunger, which wold force them to 
disbande in ende, and leave their countrey as a preye : Second, It wold 
hinder all sea trading and fishing : Third, It wold hinder the administra^ 
tione of justice at home. That one of thes was hurtfuU eneuch, muche mor 
three of them together, as they have found already by experience ; and such 
a lyfe, they say, is worse then deathe. 

(1) [" Six Considerations of the Lawfulness of their Expedition into England manifested." 
Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. iii., pp. 1223 — 1227 ; Historia Motuum, pp. 534 — 542 : 
Stevenson's Hist, of Ch. of Scot., vol. iii., pp. 902—906.] 


Second, They bidd considder the nature of ther expeditione, which is onlye A. D. 1640. 
defensive. To prove this, they instaunce, First, That the King had begune 
the warre this yeare ; had refoosed to ratifie the Asembly ; had denyd hear- 
ing to ther comissioners ; warre voted against them in the councell of Eng- 
land ; Northumberland named general! ; Ireland had contributed ; trade 
stopped ; shippes intercepted ; severall dayly both hurt and killed by the 
castell of Edinburgh : Second, They sought no mans hurt, if they were 
not sett upon ; for they brought provisione with them : Third, When the 
King grauntes ther desyres and supplications, they will reteere, and laye 
downe armes. They instance the protestants taking upp arines against the 
King of Fraunce, misledde by the Guisian faction: this, they saye, the 
hottest royalistes acknowledge to be defensive warre. They tell that this 
expeditione is not disagreable unto ther former remonstrances and declara- 
tions, but rather agreable thertoo ; that albeit their first Declaratione, sent 
this yeare into England, doe seeme to speacke against ofiensive armes, yet 
it shewes that, if they be invaded by sea and by launde, they must doe ther 
best to free themselves, as prisoners doe who are shutt upp in prisons. 
For if it bee laufull to a privatt man to free his house and familye unjustly 
blocked upp, then much mor it is laufull for them to free a whole natione 
from imprisonment be sea and be launde. 

Third, Gods providence invited them to it, which had ever gwyded 
them. After ther prayers to God for direction, they founde God enclyn- 
ing ther heartes that waye, as to that which wold tend to Gods glorye, 
etcet., and that God had givne them zeale and helpe for that ende. The 
events that have fallne out concerning the Parliament of England this 
yeare, lycke ther oune sufferings, doe encouradge them. That all other 
meanes and supphcations had failed, and were elided by ther enemyes ; and 
they wer confident that ther coming to England, which ther enemyes were 
desyrouse of as a meanes to draw on a nationall warre, wold tend to a 
stricter union betuixt the two nations. That the stepps of Gods call to 
them might be observed. For, first, they had begune at the grosser dreggs 
of poprye, viz. the Service Book, etcet. ; that now it was leading them to 
destroy the fountaine, viz. the diocaesan Episcopacy e of Englande. That n.B. 
they were hopefuU, when that was done, they should macke so happy a n.B. 
progresse that God should thrust the Beast and false prophett backe to 
Rome, if he did not free all the earthe from him. That this third reason 
flowed from the two former ; for if this expeditione be necessaire and only 


A. D. 1640. undertackne for defence, it will follow necessairly, that they are called unto 
it by God, since ther necessaire defence is not only laufull, but commanded 
by divyne and naturall law, and they obleidged to it by Covenant. 

Fourth, Ther expeditione, they saye, is not against the kyngdome of Eng- 
lande, but against Canterburyes factione, made upp of papistes, atheistes, 
arminians, and prelatts, seducers of the King, and enemyes to both king- 
domes. They hope England will not protecte these as Benjamin did wicked 
Gibea, Judges xx. They wish they may be lycke the woman of Abel, who 
caused throw Shebas heade over the walls to Joab beseedging the cittye 
[2 Samuel xx.] ; and for ther entcrtainement, they wUl expect it as from 
N.B. freends, since they come for Englands good. That they distaste Nabals 
carriadge to Davide in the wildernesse, 1 Samuel xxv. ; and the inhuma- 
nity of the people of Succoth and Peniele, who refoosed meate to Gideon, 
Judges viii. They shew that they will pay for all they gett ; or if the 
Englishes will refoose to give them entcrtainement, they bidd them remem- 
ber the Moabitts and Edomitts, who came not out to meet Israel with 
bread and water. Numbers xx. [Judges si.], and stopped their passage, for 
N.B. which cryme their tenth generatione was forbidd to enter the congregation, 
Deuteronomy xxiii. 

Fifth, They attest God, that they intende not to incroatche upon the 
Kings honor, nor to worong the English natione in any sort, who in ther 
distresse freed them from the French Guisian faction befor thes tymes ; 
but only are seeking to have removed out of England the troublers of the 
N.B. kyngdomes peace, such as Coraths, Balaams, Doegs, Rabshakees, Hamans, 
Tobias, Sanballatts ; and this being done, they declare that they shall be 
aboundantlye satisfeed. 

Sixth, If God bless ther expeditione, they shew that heerby reformation, 
so oftne wished for in England, will be estableshed as weall as in Scottland ; 
and that the popish prelatts, anti-Chrysts limbs, and all humane traditions, 
will be banished for ever ; no body will be calld sectary nor separatist 
any mor ; ther will be one God, one worshipp, through all the island, glory 
to him, honour to the Kinge, rejoycinge to the kyngdoms, comfort to the 
posteritye, ane example to all other Christian churches, both to praise and 
imitate, and confusione to all ther obstinate enemyes. Amen. 
Declaration of VII. The forsaide Declaratione was accompanyd with ane other mani- 
ww"the "^ '^^^*°' ^^® ^^'^^ ^'^^ entituled, " The Intentions of the Army of the King- 
Scots camp. dome of Scotland, Declared to their Brethren of England, by the Conimis- 


sioners of the late Parliament, and by the General!, Noblemen, Barons, A. D. 164U. 
and other Officers of the Army ;"(') which spoke to the followinge pour- 
pose in many wordes : 

First, They shew that it is most uswall with ignorance and malice for to 
censure and condemne actions undertackne with honest intentions for good 
endes, and governed by Gods finger and assisting band ; that thinges which 
are most pleasing to God are unpleasing to suche who desyre not the tem- 
ple to be builded ; that such had been the lott of the churche from the be- 
gining ; that except men wold be as blynde as mules, they might see the 
lycke in the oppositione that ther actions mett withall in the worke of refor- 
matione; and that now they wold raill upon ther commlng into England, 
as if they came thither for to enrich themselves with the spoyle of Englande 
under a pretext of relligione: To prove the contrare of this calumney, 
they attest ther oune former Declarations, and ther readynesse to lay doune 
armes ; yet that such calumnyes should not scare them from ther pourpose, 
and that they wold esteerae papists and prelatts, and ther party, as enemyes, 
who they were sure wished ther ruine : Yet for the good cittizens or coun- 
treymen of England, they had mor reasone then ever to thinke them 
freends ; because whilst the couneell of England had passed ther vote for a 
warre against them, and Ireland had contributed towards that warre, yet 
no threates nor allurements in the late Parliament could move them to 
contribute against the Covenanters. That for to worong such freendes 
wer great ingratitude, which God wold punish. That in owning ther 
cause, they owed not the least thankes unto London, who stood not awe 
neether of court, nor ther enemys resident ther. 

That if all this wold not cleare them of their syncer intentions. Then 
they offer to give them ther solemne oathe, that they shall doe no violence 
nor injurye, nor fight with any, except they be persued by the popish 
pairtye ; to which attempts they hope no good men will be accessorye. 
That the aimes of both kyngdoms ought to bee purity of relligione and 
liberty of the subject, which ther enemyes were seeking to undoe ; that 
they had now founde out a way to disapoynt ther enemyes [wish], which 
was [for] a sure waye to blocke them upp by sea and launde, that so they 
might compell them to rushe into England, and then to alarum England 

(1) [Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 241—247; Rushworth's Hist. Collect., vol. 
iii., Appendix, pp. 283 — 291 ; Historia Motuum, pp. 542 — 558 ; Stevenson's Hist of Cli. 
of Scot., vol. iii., pp. 906 — 914.] 


A. D. iii4n. with ther cominge, so to engadge both nations in a nationall quarrell, that 

both of them embrewd in blood, way might be made for rebuilding Rome. 

Yet, if men wer wyse, it might come to passe that ther enemyes plottes 
might be so farr defeated in this nicke of tyme, that they might be com- 
pelld to weare the chaines that they had forged for others ; and the Scottes 
incomming to England might redownd to the destruction of thoise who 
had necesitated them to come ther. That in ther late Declarationes they 
had made knowne to the full how they have been used since the pacifica- 
tione, evne farr worse then they could have expected from a native King ; 
yet that ther sufferings of corruption in relligion had been many years 
befor they did supplicatte ; also that ther liberty was destroyd, and no- 
thing but the very foundation of ther relligione standing undestroyd ; that 
when therafter popery and Service Books wer obtruded upon them, they 
used only prayers, and teares, and supplications to the Kings Majestye, yet 
all rejected; and the corrupt service commended and obtruded by evill 
counsellers meanes, and they forbiddne to supplicate mor under paine of 
treasone : Wherupon they did resume ther nationall oathe, as being per- 
swaded it was the breache therof that occasiond all ther evills : That ther- 
after, when the King for this tooke upp armes against them, they resolved, 
befor the English should mistacke them, to disband and restore the Kings 
fortes and casteUs, and to passe from ther former Assembly, and did referre 
all to the decisione of a new Assembly and Parliament. That they had 
carryd civilly, and without offence to the Kings Commissioner, in ther 
Assembly ; yet ther Parliament was prorogated without law or reasone. 
That they had sent once and agane comissioners to London who gott no 
hearnige. That it was wonderfuU with what zeale the archbishop of Can- 
terburye, and deputy of Ireland, strove to inlarge the Kings greatnesse 
with the destructione of the liberty of the subjecte. Then they instance 
the imprisonment of Lowdon, spoyling ther shipps, and killing of women 
and children, about Edinburgh castell ; wherin they say that Turkes could 
not be mor barbarouse. That in such extremes they saw it was to no pour- 
pose to send new comissioners or supplications. Yet they saw no reason to 
sitt downe under ther sufferings. That after long deliberatione, they had 
founde it necessarye for to macke ther desyres (which wer so much belyd 
and calumniated), knowne fully to the Englishe ; and that they wer re- 
solute for to procure to themselves a mor firme peace then the former peace 
was, together with the free exercise of ther relligione and libertyes ; that 


withall they wold have incendiars, who wer gone out from amongst them, 
to be sent backe to them againe ; as for such incendiars as belongd to Eng- 
land, they did remitte them for punishment to the discretion of the higest 
judicatory of that natione, as it was ther intention for to have ther oune 
browillions censurd in Scottland. That they could not but admire Gods 
providence and his doing, when they calld to mynde how this reformatione 
was begunne and carryd ou. Evne at such a tyme as the prelatts wer raised 
upp to ther greatest pouer and glorye, treading, as it wer, upon the state 
with one foote and upon the church with the other, having chiefe swaye in 
all judicatoryes, civill and ecclesiasticke, yet that evne then ther worke [did 
beginne. It] had been carried on from small beginninges, and hopelesse 
too, but upon a soddane evry body had owned it both with teares and ac- 
clamations of many thousands ; which made them hopefull that better wold 
follow. And evne when they wer at a stande, ther enemyes plotts had 
proved overturs and directions to them, and the promovall of ther worke, 
and the undoing of ther enemyes. That they had levyd men, and had 
publicke meetings, for some yeares past, with lesse tumult then if the tymes 
had been peacable. That, after the pacification, to ther hurt, they had 
laid downe armes ; yet ther enemyes malice was still, like the raging sea, 
dryving them on to that which, by all appearance, God has appoynted 
against ther enemyes. That the honesty of ther intentions, and meanes for 
prosecuting ther endes, gave them assuraunce that God wold not forsacke 
them : That they did not deny but God sometymes wold and did macke 
use of wicked men as instruments, in whoise power he putts great events. 
Yet as this was a spurre to macke them searche their oune heartes, so it 
ought not to scarre his servaunts from prosecuting the worke of the Lord. 
Yet all this should not have justifyd ther comming into England, if theve 
could have found a way for peace elsewher ; which they must seeke wherver 
they can fynde it ; which, how soone they can obtaine, they will macke it 
apparent to all, specially to England, by laying downe ther armes, that 
ther intentiones were none other for arming but only to defend them- 
selves. That necessity had no law, and was above all law, and over- 
ruled by no lawe : And no greater necessity there could bee then that 
they should defend relligion, the sowle ; ther countrey, the body ; ther 
ly ves, who are the members ; and the Kings honour, who is heade : All 
which are now endaingered ; nor doe they know another waye to attaine 
to it then by prosecuting the publicke enemyes wher they may be founde : 


if ther be any other way, they desyre it to be shewed to them, and they 
promise to follow it. That it was not the questione, If they should plun- 
der England to supply ther povertye ? Or fall upon ther neighbour natione 
with crueltye ? But it was now the questione, If they should sitte at home, 
in Scottland, tiU ther enemyes should be pleased to fall upon them and cutt 
their throates, and destroy reUigion, liberty, and ther countreye? Or if 
they should come into England and seeke for securitye, peace, and free- 
dome? If, by acting, they should tacke course for the publicke safety e, or 
perish by lazienesse? And, in few wordes to snmme up all, Whether they, 
who are not a few privatt men, but the body of a natione, who are calum- 
niate mor baselye then ever Christians wer in the worst tymes, shall ad- 
mite poperye and the Service Booke, and readmitte episcopacye, and re- 
nounce ther solemne vowes and covenant with God, and lose the fruit of all 
ther former labours, saddne ther friends and rejoice and strenthne ther 
enemyes, and forgett all ther former slaverye, etc., and desert the cause 
of the Sonne of God, which he has so much shewed himself for alreadye 
with a displayd banner, to his great dishonour, and therby draw upon ther 
heades the punishment dwe to apostates ? Whether they shoulde fold ther 
handes, [and] should expect the slavery of soule and bodye to themselves 
and posteritye ? Or if they shall fight for ther libertye in that place wher 
they are sure it can only be founde, and follow God in treading that path 
which he has opned unto them, all other wayes being closed upp from them ? 
That ther enemyes, at first, had made a pretext of the Kings authoritye, as 
if it could not be safe if they fall, or as if it wer to wounde Majesty to ac- 
cuse them. Yet they had lettne it be seen now that the diademe and mytre 
wer not so fast coupled, but that the one being struck downe the other 
could shyne with a brighter lustre and resplendencye : And, therefor, since 
that could no more serve ther turn, they were betacking themselves to ane 
other subterfuge, whilst they strove to perswade the world that the Scottish 
ther coming into England to demaunde justice upon them was no other 
thing but to invade Englande ; as if cutting off of vens or weales, or 
launcing of ulcers, wer to destroy all the bodye. That whatever ther 
enemyes forgd for to secure themselves, yet the Scottish wer not so madde 
as to fall upon all they first mett withall : That though it was true that the 
breach of the treatye, and ther usage since, (had England been guUtye ther- 
of,) wer cause of a nationall qwareU, yet since that the English Parliament 
had refoosed to grant a subsidy against them, and wer therfor prorogated 


or dissolved, therfor they neither accuse the EngUsh natione, nor ought A. D. 1640. 
the EngUsh to fall upon them, who only did prosecute the too powerfull 
factions of papistes and prelattes : Therfor, they exhorte all who wish 
wealle to relligione and liberty, for to be aiding and asisting unto them ; 
and they pray that ane heavy curse may befall all such as wish worse unto, 
or have lesse care of, the lawes and libertyes of ther neighbour natione than 
ther owne. As for the greivaunces of the Englishes, they confesse that 
the King promisd for to remedy them without a Parliament ; but, they 
say, that publicke and generalle greivaunces can only be curd by Parlia- 
ments, howbeit privat mens greivaunces may be helped without a Parlia- N.B. 

Finalli/, As they attest God that they have no other designes, so they 
promise faithfully that they will not tacke so much from England unpayd 
for as a latchett or a roote of garlicke : And that they will not enter into 
ther countrey with any other but brotherly affections, ledd by the feeling of 
the evills that oppresse both nationes, and most wilHnge to doe for the re- 
liefe of either, desyring the English to communicate ther counsells, and to 
concurre with them for thes endes. That when all ther owne is spent, they 
shall seeke nothing from the Englishes but upon good securitye of repay- 
ment, and this they hope will be graunted to them. And this being done, 
they are confident that the English, being repayed, shall sustaine no hurt 
by ther mcanes ; and for them, they hope that God will sett upp ther ex- 
pence and losse to the full, since it is his cause that they are venturing for. 
They desyre that private souldiours ther miscarriadges be not imputed to 
them, since they promise that they will use all meanes to restraine them, 
and punish them as severly as if it wer done against themselves. That, 
withall, they doe not thinke the papistes and prelatts and ther factions so 
poor, and such as doe recept or hyde ther goodes, that they will refoose for 
to graunte necessary mantenance to ther armye, being very myndfull how, 
in former tymes, they perswaded the King for to gift them with the forfal- 
tryes and escheatts of honest countreymen, as if the prelaticall faction had 
been the only men who had deserved best of the King. That they shall 
seeke nothing from the King but that relligione and liberty may be secured 
acording to the actes of the late Generall Assembly and Parliament, and 
such other thinges as a just King owes to graunt to his oppressed subjects, 
both by the obligatione of divyne law and his countrey lawes. That they 
shall stay no longer in England then ther greivaunces may be heard in 




[B. V. 




plaine Parliament, and a remedy provyded for them, then that ther ene- 
myes may be ther legally tryed, and the relligion and liberty of the Scot- 
tishe may be secured: this being done, they promise to returne home in 
qwyett manner. And as for the fruite of this ther present expeditione, 
they hope it shall tende to the rooting out of poperye ; and purging of the 
churche from prelaticall corruptions ; and the propagation of the gospell : 
and a bounde of a lasting peace betuixt bothe kyngdomes against all traitoi's 
and incendiaryes : This they pray God humbly to graunt them. 

Lastly, If ther be more adoe, they hope God will manifest it, and goe 
before both the nations ; and who will grudge for to follow him, and sub- 
mitte his necke to Gods yocke ? Amen. 

VIII. The language of this Declaratione is indifferent plaine. It was 
not hard to all to know whom they meant by ther enemyes, and who were 
cheifly poynted at : And by what they promise heer, and exhort the Eng- 
lishes too, and by ther desyre of a Parliament to England, it is easy to 
see that they wanted not invitations and encouragements to come into Eng- 
land : And the after relationes will macke it cleare what God opned the 
doore of England to them ; as also that they had reason to promise to them- 
selves that God would aboundantly sett upp ther losses; which was after- 
warde performed in the vote of ther brotherly assistaunce. Somewhat only 
they fell short of in ther promise ; for the Englishes thought that, tiU seve- 
ral] yeares after, the Scottish did not pay all that they borrowd in England; 
and that, therfor, they had some reason, about 1650, and some yeares 
after, for to qwarter upon Scotland for ther deficiencye, in repayment of 
former debtes resting to England : And not a few are of that opinione, 
that befor the English reteerd, anno 1660, they had qwytted scores with 
the Scottes ingadgements and debttes to them. 

The comittye and officers of the array wer no busyer in putting forth 
ther Remonstraunce, as ane usher and harbinger to ther entrye to England, 
then the comittye of Parliament wer bestirring themselves in the improv- 
ing of ther new power in setting fordwards the levyes evrye whaire ; to 
which pourpose they erected comittyes in evrye particular shyre, almost 
through all the kyngdome. These shyre comittyes wer constituted of the 
most active and zealouse Covenanters evry wher : such thinges had been, 
materially, in the shyres in the former yeares ; but at this tyme, and from 
this tyme fordwards, they had a power putt upon them by such law as the 
Covenanters wer able to strenthne them by. These comniittyes of the shyres 


were deleyatj deleqatorum, a practice which law, both civill and canonicke, 
in many cases, for the most pairt abhorres ; yet now they wer holdne formall 
eneuche. Useful! they wer surlye to ther endes ; for by them valuations 
were devyded, and levyes of souldiours promoved ; and they wer the watch- 
men of the shyre for to waite upon the motions of the anti-Covenanters ; 
and informers against such as wer dissaifected to the cause, as they wer 
lyckewayes of the personal! estates of private men, compelling such as were 
riche within ther respective praecinctes for to lend them such summes of 
money as they pleased to impose upon them. And not a few of them, 
under the shelter of that publicke employment, turnd oppressors of ther 
neighbours, by throwing on the burthen of ther owne proportions in valua- 
tions and publicke levyes, upon their neighburs, either in pairte or in whole. 
In some partes they proceeded to that heght of tyrrany, as to exeeme them- 
selves wholly, and to lay on the valuations of ther owne revenwes, and ther 
proportions payable theroutof, upon such as they esteemed either enemyes 
or dissaffected unto ther cause ; and this was holdne as good service done 
to the state. Also they tooke occasione oftne to revenge ther private 
qwarells upon suche of ther neighbours as they hated ; not only by compel- 
ling them to lend to the publicke, whilst many richer went free, so that they 
had the repute of wealle affected men ; but lyckewayes, not seldome did 
thes comittye men (who had the power of giving out qwarters of souldiours 
in the shyres), overburthen ther enemyes by numerouse and long lying 
qwarters; and failed not, when occasion could offer itselfe commodiously, 
for to cause plunder ther enemyes as oftne as armed partyes wer upon ther 
marches near thes places where ther private enemyes dwellings or lands 
wer. By such actes as thes the comittyes of the shyres were hurtfull to 
ther enemyes, not only publicke but privat, and evne formidable to ther 
freendes ; and evry comittye man was a petty tyrrant, so that you wold 
have thought Scottland not parted amongst thirty tyrrants, but amongst 
some hundreths of oppressors, and not a corner of the laund fi-ee. 

PoHticians observe, that it is better to be exposed to the irrational! op- 
pressive actes of one tyrrant then of many, seing that one man cannot, 
though he wold, nor dare not, oppresse so universally as a multitude ; and 
therfor argwe that monarchy, though degenerat into tyrranny, is better 
then aristocracye. The kyngdome of Scottland, by sadd experience, found 
this observatione true in the tymes that the comittyes ruled ; and too late 
begane to fynd out by experience what chaines they had been wreathing 



A. D. 1640. about ther owne neckes. Nor stoode it at comittyes ; for thes new judica- 
toryes did proceed to create other thinges which they called subcomittyes, 
upon whom they devolved ther power, in pairt or in whole, as they pleased. 
It wer longsome to speak of their informalityes, and tumultuarye, and 
confusd, and factiouse, and oftne irrationall procedurs, and it may be little 
pleasing to, and lesse believed by the reader ; to whom, once for all, lett it 
suffice in this place to have givne an accomt of these manifold generations 
of delegations begetting one another, as farr as to a fourth remove from a 
Captain Ar- IX. Thes comittyes could not be gottne sett upon foote vigorously at 
thur Forbes' Aberdeen, till Munroe brought his regiment thither for a gwarde ; of 
whom it is now tyme to give yow some account. For he, being come thither, 
and his regiment settled in ther qwarters, spent not the tyme idly : Ther- 
for one of his first actions was his publishing orders at all parosh churches 
within his divisione, reqwyring all concerned, against a day appoynted, for 
to muster at Aberdeen as many troopers, weaU armed and mounted, as 
might macke upp ane sufficient horse troope, under paine of being reputed 
dissaffected to the good cause, and esteemed as enemyes. The proportions 
of the severall heritors was cast upp by the comittye of the shyre, who now 
beganne to say ther lesson as the graund comittye had taught them, and out 
doing them too; for they beganne from this tyme ford wards for to laye 
heavy burthens upon the anti-Covenanters shoulders, who wer glade to 
contribute as if freends, yet wer held as enemyes, and all ther obedience 
looked upon as compelld ; wherin the comittye was not mistackne. In a 
shorte tyme, Monroe had ane horse troope mustered, and putt under the 
command of one Arthur Forbesse ; who, though he wer none of the wysest 
nor best commanders, yet his ftither, Mr. John Forbesse, sometymes mi- 
nister at Alfurd, his sufferinge banishment in King James the Sixths tyme 
for opposing Episcopacye, and his sonne Arthurs being seised upon at sea, 
anno 1639, and castne for some tyme into prisone, at Newgate, in Lon- 
done, by the Kings warrant, was sufficient recommendatione to preferre 
him ; albeit the event wer not answerable. For he and his troope performed 
no service considerable, only they burthend the countrey for a tyme ; and 
befor summer was spent, having been ordered to waite upon Monroe in his 
expedition to Strabogye, without order the captaine and his troope fell to 
robbe the countrey, or rather to steale away a number of the Straboggye 
mens cowes, and other bestiall; which was so displeasing to Monroe (though 


the coraittye of the shyre wold have tackne it for good service), that For- A. D. 1640. 
besse was putt out of credite by it, and his troope brockne and reduced ; he 
and they having been nothing else but a laughing stocke for some tyme in 
the countrey about.O 

X. The indignation that the Covenanters carryd to some of the Aber- Indignation of 

deens men (whom they looked upon as the leading men of that cittye), Covenant- 

11- 1111111 • • ' ers against 

was so very greate, and nothmg abated by the dayly clamours agamst them the Aber- 

of ther newly proselytted cocittizens, that the comittye of estates gave ''^^" ^ '"•'"• 
warrant to Munroe to seize upon the cheif men of the towne, and to carrye 
them prisoners to Edinburghe. They wer nine in number* who were laide 
hold upon, and carryd to Edinburgh, under sure gwarde ; wher they laie 
for some space therafter under arrest, till either they worought ther free- 
dom by moyen, or specially by payment of summes of money to the pub- 
licke:(^) for most of them who were seized upon wer reputed the richest 
cittizens of Aberdeen. 

XI. And, because ther was none in the precinct neir Aberdeen who Munrue be- 
stood out but Sir Alexander Irvin of Drumme, who had garrisond his house sieges tlie 
of Drumme with men and ammunition sufficient to endure a siedge, therfor Drun,. 
Munroes next worke was to reduce it to obedience. Thither he marched, 

June second, with his whole regiment, and commanded party of Aberdeens June 2. 
men (who, if they could have shunned it, had little mynde to the service). 
The castell of Drumme, not strong by nature, and scarcely fencible eneuch 
at that tyme by arte, was at that tyme defended by a gentlman, one of 
Drumms freends, in the absence of Drumm himselfe, and held out but few 
dayes ; for after the exchaunge of some few shottes of harqwebuses of 
crocke, and of feeld peces and small shotte upon either syde, and with the 
losse of very few souldiuurs to Monroe, and of none to thes who within, 

(1) [See Spalding, Hist, of Troub. vol. i., pp. 222—223.] 

* Viz. Mr. Thomas Gray ; George Jonston, baillie ; William Petrye ; George Morri- 
sone ; George Cullen ; Mr Alexander Reade. [According to Spalding, their names were 
Thomas Nicolsone ; George Johnstoun ; George Morison ; George Jamieson ; George 
Gordon ; Robert Forbes alias Dobrie ; Mr Alexander Reid ; David Rickart, and William 
Pettrie. Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 212.] 

(2) [See Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 213, 268. " Thomas Nicolson was fyned 
in 2000 merks ; George Johnstoun, 1000 pounds; Robert Forbes, 1000 pounds; David 
Rickart, 1000 merks ; William Pettrie, 1000 merks; George Morison, 1000 merks ; George 
Gordon, 1000 merks; George Jamieson by moyan wan free, and payed no fyne. Mr. 
Alexander Reid be means of the earle of Marr was translaited to Strivling, there to remaine 
in waird wliyle he payed 2000 merks, syne gott libertie."] 


A. D. 1640. the castell was rendered to Munroe, and all the armes therin ; and thes 

who wer within had leave to begone wher they pleased.(') 

The house of Drumme was garrisond, and continowed a garrison till the 

peace, or very neer to the tyme of the King's comming to Scottland, being 

much defaced during that tyme, and the laundes about it roughly handled. 

But this was but the beginning of the sufferings of that loyall family, who 

to the very last wer either active or passive for the Kinge. 

Mr. John XII. Nor did the Covenanters enmitye confyne itselfe upon Drumm 

Gregorys alone, but the minister of the place, Mr Johne Gregorye, must have a share 
sufferings. .,. „..,. 

in suffering. He was knowne to be of principalis opposite to the Cove- 

nante ; but ther was a worse indytment to lay to his charge : he was tackne 

notice of as a riche man (having been heire by his wyfeC^) to a very consider- 

(1) [" The second of June, the drum goes throw Aberdein, chargeing the haill inhabi- 
tants incontenent to bring to the tolbuith the haill spaids, shools, mattocks, metis, barrows, 
picks, gavellocks, and such like instruments within the town, meitt for undermyneing ; 
whilk was shortly done. Thereafter, Monro took up ane new muster of his own souldiers, 
and of the town's men also, warned be touk of drum, in the links. He directs before him 
four pot peices, then goes to array, and takes about one hundred and fjflie of the bravest 
men of Aberdein, (sore against their wilts,) and mixes in amongst his men. He caused 
Carrie also the instruments for undermyning foresaid ; and, upon the said second of June, 
began about ten hours at even to march towards the place of Drum, and encamps hard be- 
syde. The laird was not at home, but his lady with some prettie men was within the 
house, whilk was weill furnished with ammunition and all provision necessar for defence of 
this strong house. How soon Monro and Marischall came within distance and shott of 
muskett, they shott as off the house two of Monro's men dead, whilk they beheld. Then 
Marischall and Monro direct frae the camp to the house ane snmmonds, chargeing them to 
render and give over tlie house. Wherupon the lady craved some short space to be ad- 
vysed, whilk was granted. After advysement she craved some time to advertise her hus- 
band, whilk was also granted, frae that night at evin being Wednesday about six hours at 
night, to the morne Thursday at six hours at evin. In tlie mean time of this parley, 
Marischall rydes frae the camp to Dunnotter. The lady, upon her own good considera- 
tions, within this time renders up the castle to Monro, (Marischall being absent,) and deli- 
vers him the keys, upon condition that her souldiers should go out with their armes, bag 
and baggage, saiffe and frie, and that herselfe, with her childrein and some servant woemen, 
should have their tibertie to remaine within ane chamber of the place. Whilk conditions 
were granted, and Monro mans the castle, leaves ane commander with 40 souldiers to 
keep the samen, and to live upon the provision alreadie provyded ; and, when that was done 
to live upon the laird's rents, so long as they stayed ther ; and the lady to send the laird in 
to Monro. Many marvelled that this strong weill provyded house should have been so 
soon rendered without shott of pott peice or any danger. AUwayes, Monro upon Friday 
the 5th of June leaves Drum, and returnes back triumphantly to Aberdein, wher the earle 
Marischall mett him ; and that samen night about 6 hours at even they heard sermon, and 
gave thanks to God for the intakeing of this strong house with so little skaith. Thir 
souldiers lay in the place, frae the foresaid 5th of June to the 5th of September nixt, upon 
the laird's great charges and expenssis." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 209, 210.1 
(2) [Janet, daughter of David Anderson of Finzeauch, commonly called, from his great 
skill in mechanics, Davie Do a' thing. See The Book of Bon- Accord, pp. 279, 280.] 


able estate, which fell to her by her father, a riche cittizen of Aberdeen). A. I). i(i4(). 
This was cryme eneuch ; therfore he must be seized upon by Monroe, and 
[not] lett goe till he payd a round summe for a quietus estS^'> Yet all this 
was but the begining of that reverend divynes sufferings, who was knowne 
to all, and acknowledged by his enemyes, both piouse and learned. 

XIII. About this tyme lyckewayes, after hisreturne from Drum, Monroe Sir Alexander 
beganne to tacke course with other anti-Covenanters. Two gentlemen were Cumming ot 
aimed at and fyned by him ; yet neither of them either the richest or the 

most opposite by ther actings. The one was Sir Alexander Gumming of 
Culter, who dwelt not farr from Drumm ; a gentleman whoise meanes and 
estate held no proportion with his old descent, which made him capable 
of far greater estate then any that he possessd. Yet he must compounde.(^) 

XIV. The other was Alexander Vdny of Ochter Ellon, a gentleman of Udney oi 
ane harmelesse and innocent carriadge : But both of them wer anti-Cove- 0';''te''e"o" ■ 

" Sir Alexander 

nanters, and ther Covenanting neighbours, the Forbesses and Frasers, irvme oi 
lycked them not, and informed against them, (as they did mostly against ^.■""J" j I^vme 
all who suffered at that tyme ;) and therfor they must sufFer.(3) gj^ jyl^u qJ^ 

The laird Drumm, Sir Alexander Irvin, and his brother, Robert Irvin donolHaddo; 
of Fedderett, and Sir Johne Gordon of Haddo, were carryd south prisoners Ross minister 
to Edinburgh, and ther first imprisoned and then fyned. And Mr. Johne at Birse ; Con- 
Rosse, minister at Birse, being looked upon as a riche man, and ane anti- j . g: 
Covenanter, was no better used, for he was lyckewayes fyned : yet this was George Gor- 
but the beginning of his sufferings.O) '^°" °! f^'f^^' 

o ir> p _ called Ardes- 

Ther were two in Angusse who were not so weildy to be gonne as some tye. 

(1) [" Upon the second day of June, Mr. John Gregorie, minister at Drumoak, was 
brought in to Monro be ane pairtie of souldiers ; he was taken out of his naked bed upon 
the night, and his house pitiefully plundered. He was closely keeped in skipper Anderson's 
house, haveing five musketeirs watching him day and night, and sustained upon his own ex- 
penssis. None, no not his own wife, could have privat conference with him, so straitly was 
he watched. At last, he is fyned to pay major-generall Monro 1000 merks for his out- 
standing against the covenant, and syne gatt libertie to goe : but in the generall assembly 
holden in July, he was nevertheless simpliciter deprived, because he would not subscrive the 
covenant ; and when all was done, he is forced to yeild and come in and subscrive, as ye 
have hereafter." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 208, 209.] 

(2) [" The laird of Culter was fyned in 300 merks." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol- 
i., p. 213.] 

(3) [The laird of Auchterellon was fined in a thousand merks. Ibid.'] 

(*) [" Monro leaves 700 souldiers quartered in Aberdeen, and he goes south himselfe, 
haveing in his company the lairds of Drum, Haddo, Fedderet, Hilltoun, and Mr. John Ross, 
minister at Brass. He presents them to the Tables at Edinburgh. They are all wairded 
in the tolbuith, and for their loyaltie to the King, are fyned, viz. the laird Drum 10,000 


A. D. 1640. others were ; ther age had arrested them, but could not secur them. That 
was The Constable of Dundee, and Sir George Gordone of Gight, elder, 
commonly called Ardestye. Thes wer made prisoners and carryd to 
Edinburgh. Sir George Gordon quickly therafter dyed,(') either through 
age, or greefe, or bothe together. He was popish to his professione ; that 
was eneuch of indytment against him. 
A mine sprung XV. The Constable his sonne was one of thes who commanded in Edin- 
Edinburh*^ °^ burgh castell, under Ruthven, as I told befor : That made him suspected ; 
and the breach and he was a profest anti- Covenanter to boote. Yet this terrifyd not the 
stormed ; but castellans, nor a poulder myne sprung under the fore-bastione of the castell, 
repulsed. called the Spurr, (since tackne away by the Englishes). It blew upp the 

north east syde therof, at least a pairt of that side, as muche as made a 
considerable breache for assailants to enter at ; but it proved uselesse, for 
Ruthven was advertished of the tyme that the myne was to be fyred. His 
intelligence was from an incognito ; the waye of advertishment was by a 
paper rolled about an arrow, and shott into the castell yarde. The arrow 
alighting was challendged by the centinell and tackne upp, and paper and 
all brought to the generall, who founde the intelligence trwe by the event, 
and taught his souldlours how to shunne the blow. But the myne once 
beinge sprunge, when coUonell Blaire, with the Edinburgh infantrye, the 
beseidgers, oiFered to storme the breache, Ruthven repulsd them with 
slaughter and confusione, about twenty or thirty being killed of the be- 
seidgers, and many fewer to the castellans. This was the first and last 
myne and storme that the beseiged did endure, till after that the cas- 
tel was rendered ; of which in its owne place. In this interim, Argylle 
was playing rex in the Highlands ; yow have heard ane short accompt of 
his expeditione already. I returne to Monroe. 
Munro re- XVI. By the thirteenth of June he was settled againe in Aberdeen; 

turns to Abei- j^^j jjq^ f^jjg ^q exacte another imposte of the cittye. That behoved to bee 
June 13. no lesse then ten thousand pounds Scottish, with shoes, and other necessairs 
for his souldiours, to provyde them for a marche.(^) Ther was little 

merks, Fedderet 4000 mcrks, Haddo 2000 merks, Hiltoun by nioyan wan frie, and Mr. John 
Ross 3000 merks ; but whether taken up or coniponed 1 cannot tell." Spalding, Hist, 
of Troub., vol. i., p. 214.] 

(1) [On the seventeenth of November, 1640. Id., vol. i., p. 268.] 

(2) [" Major Monro u])on the 13th of June, received from the town of Aberdein 5000 
pounds for their tenths and twentyeths, to sustain his souldiers upon, and other 5000 pounds 
be virtue of the generall band, with 1200 pairs of shoes and 3000 ells of hardin to be his 


trouble in exacting of this ; it was but aske and have, as long as it was A. D. 1640. 

in the cittizens purses ; and the covenanting magistratts readilv, in name of 

the citty of Aberdeen, yeelded to his demaundes, without asking the townes 
consent, who they knew durst not deneye. 

XVII. Much about this tyme, George Lord Gordone having been George Lord 
directed to Scottland by his father, the Marquesse of Huntlye (who made Gordon lands 
his aboade at court all this whyle), for gathering upp some of his rents of The'Enzie. 
and revenwes, had come unexpected by the Covenanters by sea, and 

launded upon the coaste of The Einzie, a countrey belonging to his father, 
the Marquesse of Huntlye, and there made such hast and came such speed, 
that befor they could seize upon him, the Lord Gordon had shipped ao-aine 
at Banfe, a sea towne within eight myles of The Ji^ingie. To the toune 
of Banfe he came with a convey, and ther lay upon his gwarde till the 
shipp was ready to hoyse saile. Munroe was advertished of all his motiones 
by the townesmen of Banfe, mostly Covenanters ; but Gordon gott to 
sea, and by the favour of a prosperouse wynde, was quickly befor Aber- 
deen. Munroe, since he had missed him at laund, resolves to catche 
Gordon at sea ; and to that ende seizes a townes vessell, and manns her 
with a commanded pairty of musketeers, who, though they did what they 
could for to fetche the frigatt wher the Lord Gordon was, yet ther labour 
was lost, and Gordon gott cleare oif to seawarde of the persewers, and, 
after few dayes, safe to England to his father Huntlye. 

XVIII. Munroe was now looking towards Strabogye, which he re- Munro, on his 
solved must be his summer qwarter for a whyle. Yet ere he goe thither, ""^y. *° Strath- 
such as wer in his way, and knowne to be anti-Covenanters, they must defed the""' 
beare him a lashe. Therefor, June twenty-seventh, a pairty of two hundreth '^""^"^ °^ 

of his men are directed to the house of Patricke Wrqwhar of Lethintye, Lethenty, son- 
which is scitwated within twelve myles of Aberdeen. Himself an anti- in-law to Au-- 
Covenanter (who spared never his invectives against the Covenanters, yet Yc i '"T. 
did them little other harme), fledd, but his house sowndly plundered ; and the Forbesses 
yow may be sure that his being sonne in law to the earle of Airlye, was no '^'^ directors, 
argument for to purchase him kyndnesse amongst the Covenanters. How- '^""® ^^" 
ever, this was not the last hurt that himselfe and his house sustained. In 

souldiers' shoes and shirts. Marischall, at this samen time, took up frae them also 40,000 
pounds of fynes. Thus, is this noble burgh, but ane king, but any law, wracked in their 
persons, goods and gear, for their loyaltie to their king ; and all the rest of the burrows 
liveing in peace." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 214. 
" At this same werey time that Argyle wes scurging the heighlanders, Colonell Robert 


A. D. 1640. the way to Strabogye, laye Newtowne of Culsalmond, belonging to George 

Gordone, laird of the place. His house lyckewayes at this time was rifled 

(worse used afterwardes), it was suspected by the instigatione of Sir 
William Forbesse of Cragivarr, an active gentleman who stoode for 
the Covenanted') and Newtons enemye : If it wer so or not, I deter- 

Monro was commandit north, with the tytle of Maior Generall, and with him a thousand 
i'ootte ; bot quhen he cam to Aberdeine, he was recrutted with ane addition of 500 footte 
more, and tuo troupes of horsse, commandit by Capitane Forbesse. His first exployt was 
the apprehend of 26 citicens of Aberdeine, that wold not subscriue the couenant ; thesse he 
sent prissoners to Edinbrughe, wnder a gaurde, quher they wer all shutte wpe in closse 
prissone ; then tooke he the housse of Drum, and sent the Laird therof, and his brother 
Robert, bothe prissoners to Edinbrughe. Therafter he tooke 13 or 16 barrens and gentle- 
men, that wold not subscriue the couenant, and sent them wnder sure guardes prissoners to 
Edinbrughe, to be taught by the committee of estaites to speake ther auen countrey lan- 
guage. Monro manteind his armey one thesse gentlemens estaites ; and for the superplus of 
the samen, he was compteable to the committee of estaites at Edinbrughe." Balfour's An- 
nales, vol. ii., p. 381. 

In speaking of the " auen countrey language" of these Aberdeenshire loyalists. Sir James 
Balfour alludes to the well-known Scotish adage, " He's an Aberdeen man, he'll tak his 
word again." Henderson's Scotish Proverbs, p. 119. Edinb. 1832. " I do not know the 
original of this Proverb," says Kelly, " the people of that city say, that we mistake it ; 
that it had its rise from a Merchant in Dantzick, who having been never cheated by an 
Aberdeen's Man, said that he would take an Aberdeen's Man's Word again ; but in the 
mean time, we may apply it to them who deny what they have said." Complete Collection of 
Scotish Proverbs, p. 131. Lond. 1731. There can be no doubt that the adage was designed 
to convey reproach ; the records of the city show that, in the seventeenth century, a person 
was fined for quoting it : " 2 June, 1606. Leyth, Donaldson, convict. The quhilk day, 
Malcome Leyth, mariner in Leyth, being accusit be Dauid Cargill, deane of gild, for pub- 
lict sklandering of this burght, with the nichtbouris and inhabitantis thairoff, vpon the 
peirheid and schoir of the same, this day, in calling thame dyouris, fals theiffis, they wer 
Aberdens men, they wald tak thair word agane : The said Malcome, compearand per- 
sonallie, grantit and confessit that he vttered and spak the saidis wordis, alleging he spak 
thame nocht of malice, but in mowis : For quhilkis he wes convict and put in amerciament 
of court, and wes chargit to find cautioun to satisfie for the former wordis, according to the 
modeficatioun of the consall. According to the quhilk, William Leyth becom cautioun for 
the said Malcom to the effect forsaid, and he actit him to releive his cautionar. Siclyk, 
Alexander Donaldsoun wes convict for giving ane cuff to the said Malcom Leyth." Aber- 
deen Council Register, vol. xlii., p. 742.] 

(1) [" This gentleman, affected by the epidemical madness of the period, rashly engaged 
in the cause of the covenanters, and was for some time an active promoter of their 
measures ; but from the violence of their proceedings, and their disregard to every sober 
principle, he foresaw wliat nuist be the consequence. Having withdrawn from their coun- 
cils, he collected all the money he could and intended to have gone to the king ; but the 
party, who kept a strict eye over all those who seemed to draw back, found means to strip 
him of his cash, for the public good; which was the pretext for all their oppressive 
measures. This so much affected Sir William that he died soon after, of a broken heart. 
I was happy to have an anecdote which does honour to the gentleman's memory, from so 
good an author as the late Sir Arthur Forbes, his great grandson, whose veracity no man 
ever doubted." F. Douglas' Description of the East Coast of Scotland, pp. 224, 225, note. 
Paisley, 1782.] 


mine nothing certainlye. The little courtesy e shewed to George Gordone A. D. 1640. 
of Newtone (who was, by his mother, a Forbesse, neerly related to some of 
the best of that surname,) was but of ane ill portent and significatione of 
any qwarter that most part of Huntlyes freendes might expect ; for the 
Forbesses were the leading men of the committye, and for informatione 
and direction in thinges of this nature, that concerned the suppressing 
of the most dangerouse anti- Covenanters, Monroe was to tacke it from them 
by the committye of estates order. 

XIX. Meane whyle ther is an order published for sequestring the King's and 
Kings and the bishopps rents for the use of the publicke. It was later ggq')|'gPjg'^r"*| 
practeesed in the north then in the south ; although the project by the com- 
mittye of the estate eqwally concerned all the natione. 

XX. The ministers must not be lesse active in the northe for to qwyett Mr. John For- 

the churche then Monroe was to settle the countrey. They had been bussy aj^^JJjgr!' 

pressing the Covenant this yeare de novo, with the Assemblys explana^ less, turned 

tione ; and now such ministers as refoosed it (wher the major pairt of the °"*; '"^ °P- 

^ ,. t n u poser was 

presbytrye wer Covenanters) must be exauctorated. One of the nrst who Mr. Thomas 

suiferrd this waye was Mr. Johne Forbesse, minister at Achterlesse, in Mitchell, 
Aberdeens §hyre, a bishopps sonne,(') and episcopall in his principalis : besyde Turriff, 
this, he was hatefull to Mr. Thomas Mitchell, minister at Turreft', who now 
tooke his advauntage, and turnes him out of his place. Yet did not all that, 
nor twentye yeares suffering, and lying out of his mlnistrye, afterwardes, 
under much hardshipp, ever compell him to comply in the least, or to 
receed from his principles : a man to whom his most bitter enemyes could 
object nothing but that he was non-Covenanter, otherwayes learnd, and re- 
markable for austerity of lyfe and pietye ; a divyne who never did receede 
from his conscience, though pressed hard with argumentum ah incommodoX^) 
Mr. Thomas Mitchell, a popular man, who had chaingd with the tymes, to 
keepe him out tooke no rest till, by the asistance of such as then com- 
manded all thinges, he had tilled Mr. Johne Forbesse his place with another 
who wold be mor complyant. That was one Mr. Walter Hempseede, who 
for some yeares had been Mr. Thomas his scoolemaster, whoise entrye was 

(1) [He was the third son of Alexander Forbes, (a descendant of the house of Ardmurdo,) 
who was bishop of Caithness from 1606 to 1615, and of Aberdeen from 1615 till his death 
on the fourteenth of December, 1617. Lumsden's Genealogy of the Family of Forbes, p. 45.] 

(2) [The General Assembly which met at Edinburgh in 1645, issued an " ordinance to 
the Presbytery of Turreff, for excommunicating M. John Forbes, sometime Minister at 
Auchinles [Auchterles]." Records of the Kirk, p. 433.] 



[B. V. 

Mr. Alexan- 
der Innes, 
minister at 
turned out ; 
succeeded by 
Mr. James 
Gordon, our 

July 1. 

SO much opposed by the parishoners of Ouchterlesse, that Mr. Thomas 
Mitchell was faine to call for aide from hrachium secvlare ; and to that ende 
had a pairtye of musketteers lent him, by whoise asistaunce the doors of the 
parish churche of Ochterlesse wer made patent, and the minister entred by 
violence, the parishoners not daring to whisper at it. Mr. Johne Forbesse 
houses and goodes wer made over to the intrant, and himselfe, for many 
yeares afterward, frustrate of all payment of his debenturs as incumbent 
ther : Yet, I cannot tell by what fatalitye, such as followd Mr. Johne For- 
besse stayed ther but short tyme, that place having chaunged four ministers 
within lesse then nineteen yeares after Mr. Johne Forbesse was drivne out, 
three of them removed by deathe ; yet perhaps not for that cause. 

XXI. Murray wold not be behynde Aberdeen; therfor, such of the 
ministry as refoosed the Covenant must lyckwayes follow them ; non raor 
levelled at then Mr. Alexander Inness, minister at Rothemaye. He was 
brother in law to Mr. John Maxwell, bishop of Rosse ; that was eneuch, 
but he refoosed to tacke the Covenant, and aniio 1639, had gone to Ber- 
vicke to the King.(') Therfor, July first, he was turnd out of his place, and 
in the following yeares exposd to many mor sufferingsC^) : yet happyer therin 
then Mr. John Forbess, that his church, the very next yeare, 1641, was 

(1) [Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 138.] 

'2) [It appears from the register of the provincial synod of Murray, that, at a meeting 
of that court, at Elgin on the fourth of February, 1640, " Mr. Alexander Innes, 
minister at Rothimay being requyred to subsorive the Covenant, desyred tyme till the 
niorne to give his resolut ansuer : quhilk wes grantit." What that answer was does not 
clearly appear : but it would seem not to have satisfied the synod, which, therefore, " vpone 
some urgent and weightie consideratiounes, appoynted a visitatioune to be off the kirks of 
Rothimay, Abercheirder, and Inverkeithny, upone Tuysday, Wednisday, and Thursday, the 
23, 26, and 2" days of February instant " The following is the minute of the synod's 
proceedings at Rothiemay : " At the visitatioune of the kirk of Rothimay, according 
to the appoyntment of the lait synod, holden at the said kirk of Rothimay, the 25 day of 
February, 1640, be Mr. Williame Falconer, minister at Dyk, moderator of the assemblie, 
and the remanent brethren and elders assembled at the said visitatioune for the tyme. Mr. 
Alexander Innes, minister at the said kirk of Rothimay, taught on the 3 chapter oif the 
gospell of Luik, and 8 verse therof, it being his ordinarie text. . . The minister being 
removed, the elders present ar desyred to hold up ther hands to God, and to sweare as 
they should ansuer to God at the gryt day, to declair the treuthe in ewerie thing that 
should be askit of them concerning ther minister ; quhilk they did solemnlie sweare to doe 
but fead or favour. 1. Johne Fordyce, George Abirnethie, William Lemraan, with the 
rest of the elders, being particularlie and severallie posit upone ther conscience quhat 
they knew anent ther ministers lyf and conversatioune, ansuered, Nothing but guid, 
that he lived weill and preached Weill. 2. Being posit if he preached ordinarlie ewerie 
Sabbothe, ansuered. He did at sick tymes as they could convenientlie convene. 3. Being 
asked if he did eairfuUie catechise his people, ansuered. He did. 4. Being asked if his 
familie wes weill governed, ansuered. It wes, for any thing they knew. 5. If he visits the 



planted with another, whom himself had named, and to whoise entry e he A. D. 1040. 
gave his expresse consent ; one who was willing for to observe to Mr. 

seik, ansuered. He did, quhen he wes desyred. Lastlie, They being asked in general] ot 
his lyff and conversatioune, and if ther wer any thing wherot' they wold have him to he 
admonished, ansuered, They knew no fault in his lyf and conversatioune. . . . 

" The nnnister, according to the reference of the lait provinciall assemblie at Elginc, the 
4 of February, 1640, being desyred to give his ansucr anent the subscrywing of the Covenant, 
ansuered, That, since the last Generall Assembly, holden at Edinburgh, Agust 22, 1639, 
he had giwen obedience to the constitutions of the kirk of Scotland, and wes willing to 
liwe as ane obedient sonne of the said churche ; but, for the Covenant, that he wes not 
yet fullie resolved to subscryve the same ; that yet he had some doubts to be resolved of, 
quhairin he would conferr with Mr. William Falconer [minister at Dyke], Mr. Gavin 
Dunbar [minister at Alves], and Mr. Johne Annand [minister first at Dunbennan, after- 
wards at Inverness], in the afternoone ; and therfoir maist earnestlie desyred, that he might 
have tyme till the morne to giwe his resolute ansuer at the visitatioune off the kirk of 

" Being asked be the moderator. If, after the last assemblie, holden at Elgine, he had 
conversit with Mr. Johne Guthrie, sometyme bischop of Murray, now excoramunicat, said. 
He did ; that he was in Spynie with him thrie nights. Being asked, Why he came not 
home to his owne chairge, ansuered, He was seik on Saturday, and therfoir could not 
trawell. Being asked, Whome he heard preache that Sabbathe, ansuered. He heard Mr. 
Johne Guthrie," lait bischop, preach in the cheppell of Spynie. Being accusit for venting 
some taunting and disdainfuU speiclies in Spynie, in derision of what had past at the said 
assemblie, denyed the same." 

The record of the visitation of the kirk of Aberchirder, on the 26th February bears, 
that " Mr. Alexander Innes being this day requyred de novo to give his resolut answer, 
ansuered, That he was not yet fullie resolved, and therfoir requyred some longer tyme for 
resolutione. The brethren finding him to postpone them be delayes, yet being in some 
hoip to gaine him, or at least to mak him altogether inexcusable, after mature deliberatioune, 
halve continewed any sentence against him to the next sub-synod, to be holden at Elgine 
the 5 of Marche." 

He failed to attend that assembly, and " excused himself by his letter, by reasone of the 
grytnesse of the storme. He is ordained to compeir at the nixt sub-synod at Elgine, the 
15 of Apryll, 1640." 

On that day, Innes " compeired, and being asked quhat he now resolved to doe anent the 
subscryving of the Covenant and Confession of Faythe, now receeived and professed with- 
in the kirk of Scotland, alleged he had yet the samen scruples and doubts qnhilk he had 
befoir, and wes not yet resolved to subscryve the samen, and therefoir requyred tyme to the 
nixt Generall Assemblie to be advised of his doubts. The sub-synod, notwithstanding the 
certificat of the former acts, visitatioune of Abircheirdar, sess. 2a, that they may mak the 
said Mr. Alexander Innes the more inexcusable, after matur deliberatioune, have remitted 
him back to his awne presbiterie of Strathbogie, to be dealt with be them, and to be pro- 
cessit in caice he continew obstinat." 

In the sub-synod of Murray, held at Forres on the third of June, 1640, " The moderator 
of the presbitrie of Strathbogie reported that Mr. Alexander Innes, minister at Rothimay, 
had done nothing anent the subscryving of the Covenant and Confessione of Faythe, but 
onlie requyred a tyme till the nixt'Generall Assemblie, that frome the said Assemblie he 
may halve resolutione of his doubts, and some doubtsome expressiones in the act of the 
Generall Assemblie, Edinburgh, Agust 22, 1639, prefixed to the Covenant, might be 
therein cleired, and thairfoir is referred to this sub-synod. The said Mr. Alexander Innes 
compeired, and being asked quhat he wes now resolved to doe anent the subscriptione of the 
Covenant and Confessione of Faythe, gave the same ansuer that he had formerlie giwen to 
his awne presbiterie, requyring the same tyme as befoir. 


A. D. 1640. Alexander Innesse the common rule of aequitye of quod tibj Jierj non vis ; 
one who in the following yeares upon that selfe same very accompt that 

" The said Mr. Alexander Innes being remowed. The sub-synod, after mature delibera- 
tione, continewes the pronunoing of any sentence against him till the nixt sub-synod to be 
holden at Klgine, 1 Julii, 1640." 

On that day Innes, although " thryse called, compeired not. Quhairfoir, in regard of his 
obstinacie, he hawing declaired himself altogether refractar to the voyce and ordinances of 
the kirk, he hawing frequentlie conversit with excommunicat persones, both in preeching 
and prayer ; the sub-synod also considering that he had gotten lang tyme to be advysed, 
and had many dyats fra tyme to tyme assigned him, in hoip to gain him ; finding now that 
he is altogether averse from the present discipline established in the kirk of Scotland, and 
maist unwilling to subscryve the Covenant : Thairfoir, after mature deliberatioune, the said 
sub-synod, all in one voyce, have simpliciter depryved the said Mr. Alexander Innes frome 
his m'inisteriall functione, and declaires him uncapable off the said functione, or any pairt 
thairof, and declaires his plaice vacant ; and the said act of deprivatioune ordained to be 
intimat in all the severall churches off the presbiterie." 

It appears that there was presented to the provincial assembly or synod of Murray, held at 
Forres, on the twenty-seventh of October, 1640, " ane earnest su|)plicatione frome the 
parochiners of Rothimay, subscryved with a considerable number of the said parochine, in 
favors of Mr. Alexander Innes, their lait minister, earnestlie desyring that he might be re- 
poned againe to his owne place, to serve in Gods vyneyeard among them." 

The record of the synod of Murray, held at Elgin on the fifth of October, 1641, bears 
that, " the repentance and acceptatione of Mr. Alexander Innes, lait minister at Rothimay, 
were referred to the presbiterie of Strathbogie." 

The registers of that court have not been accessible to the Editors. The extracts which 
follow are from the records of the synod of Murray. 5 April, 1642. " Anent the letter 
sent to the synod be Mr. Alexander Innes, lait minister at Rothimay, excusing his absence 
frome the assemblie, and humblie desyring that he may be referred back to his owne pres- 
biterie ; and that any satistfactione may be injoyned quhairby he may give contentment to 
the assemblie and them ; as also macking mentione of ane letter wreittin frome the com- 
missioners of the Generall Assemblie attending the Parliament, in his favors to the 
presbiterie of Strathbogie, and of ane supplicatioune giwen in be him to them ; and thair- 
foir humblie desyring that, according to the discretione oft' the assemblie, they wold injoyne 
him what he sail doe for giwing contentment; promissing such full satisfactione as his wit or 
abilities is able to performe : Thairfoir, the assemblie, taking the caise oft" the said Mr. 
Alexander Innes to their consideratioune, hawe referred him back to his owne presbyterie, or- 
daining them to cause him preache a penitentiall sermone in the kirk off Rothimay, the 
brethren of the presbyterie, and the parochiners of Rothimay, being present; and that they 
designe him ane week" day to preache ane uther penitentiall sermone in the kirk of Eigine, 
quhair some of the uther presbyteries to be present upon advertisement, and the minister of 
Eigine to get tymouse notice heiroff, quhairby he may giwe dew advertisement to some off 
the uther presbiteries to keip the dyat." 

4 October, 1642. " Mr. Alexander Innes taught a penitentiall sermone upon the 14 Luc. 
v. 16. After incalling off the holy name of God, the moderator asked the brethren of the 
asseml)ly how they wer satisffied with him in that quhilk they had heard. All declaired 
themselves fullie satisfied with his doctrine, and ])raised God for him, wishing he had for- 
merly beine of the mynd he now professed himself to be of. The said Mr Alexander also 
promised faythfuUie in verba sacerdolis to stand to that whilk he had then delyvered, and 
to defend and mantaine the samen privatlie and publickly untill his ly wes end. Quhairupon he 
is recommendit back to his owne presbyterie, and they desyred to doe him all the furtherance 
they can for his advancement to a plaice in Gods house, whow soone occasione may offer." 

The registers of the synod, from April 1644 to April 1646, have not been preserved. 
Among the unprinted acts of the Generall Assembly which met at Edinburgh in 1646, is an 



turnd out Mr. Alexander Iiiness, did runne the hazard oftner then once A. D. 1C40. 
of beinge turnd out of that place, as weall as his predecesser had beene. 

" Act ratifying M. Alex. Innes his deposition, with an Ordinance to the Presb. of Aber- 
deen to proceed further against him." Records of the Kirk, p. 454. He was accord- 
ingly excommunicated. 

31 December, 1650. At a meeting at Elgin of "the commissione of the synod of 
Murray, appointed for visitation of the severall presbyteries of the province," " A suppli- 
catione was given in be Mr. .■\lexander Innes, a deposed excommunicate minister, bearing ane 
humble confessione of the sinnes for quhilk he was sentenced, ane acknowledgement of the 
equitie of the kirks procedour against him, and huniblie supplicateing the commissiones con- 
currence for his releasement. The commissione being informed be the brethren ot Stra- 
bogie that he hath frequentlie supplicated them to the same purpose, and that they find him 
greatlie humbled, under the sense of the grievousnes of his guilt, and sadnes of his sen- 
tence, did appoint Mr. William Falconer [at Moy and Dyke], William Clogie [at New 
Spynie], Joseph Brodie [at Forres], Thomas Law [at Elgin], ministers, and Patrick Camp- 
bell, ruleing elder, to conferr with him apart, and to report. 

" Eodem die a meridie, sess. 2nda. Mr. William Falconer, in name of the brethren ap- 
pointed to conferr with Mr. Alexander Innes, reported, that after they had posed him particu- 
larlie upon his severall transgressiones for quhilk he was deposed and excommunicate, and 
also upon his judgement of the |)resent governement of the kirk of Scotland, they found 
satisfactione anent his judgement and humiliatione. The commissione, upon consideratione 
heirof, did ordaine him to be recommended to the commissione of the kirk be letter, because 
be them he was sentenced." 

7 May, 1656. At a meeting of the synod of Murray, " A petitione was presented be Mr. 
George Hannay, sometyme minister at Alves, humblie supplicating that in regard the 
General Assemblie hath not now the freedome of her meittings, the synod would, in con- 
sideratione of his conditione, haveing stood these nyne yeares and above, deposed from 
the ministeriall office, open his mouth again to exercise his gift in publict preaching. The 
lik petitione was presented be Mr. Richard Meitland, and another be Mr. Alexander Innes, to 
that same purpose, they being in that same conditione. All being read, and they removed, 
the synode did appoint a committee to heare themselves, and tak inspectione of their pro- 
cedour in order to their satisfactione, according to the order prescribed be the Generall As- 
semblie anent the satisfactione of deposed ministers." 

16 July, 1656. " A supplicatione was read, given in be Mr. Alexander Innes, sometyme 
minister at Rothemay, humblie supplicateing the synode to open his mouth again to preach 
the Gospell : But because he had no instructiones in writte to cleare the processe of his re- 
laxatione from excommunicatione, under which sentence he did ly for a tyme, for his actuall 
joyneing in amies with the enemies of this kirk and kingdome, his supplicatione was put 
back till he cleare the foresaid processe." 

6 April, 1657. " The synode, anent Mr. Alexander Innes, lait minister at Rothemay, 
his supplicatione for opening his mouth to preach the Gospell, finding, upon grave considera. 
tiones, that it was not convenient at this tyme to answer the same, did referr him therwith 
to the nixt synode, or to the Generall Assemblie, if their sail occurr one betwixt and the 
nixt synode." 

6 October, 1657. " The synode taking to consideratione the supplicatione of Mr. Alex- 
ander Innes, late minister at Rothemay (referred be the last synode to this), did recommend 
him to the presbyterie of Strabogie, to heare him in foure sermones before their presby- 
terie, in the kirk where they sail meitt for the tyme, that so he may have occasione the 
further to evidence his repentance for his grosse fall ; and if they receave not satisffactione 
in the first sermone, that they proceid no further ; bot if they be satisfied with the first, that 
they proceid to heare him the rest of the days to the number of foure, and mak report of all 
to the nixt synode." 

6 April, 1658. " After incalling the name of God, Mr. Alexander Innes entered his sup- 


A D. 1640. XXII. Who will be pleased to tacke notice of the greate devastatione 
„ ~ 71 that befell Aberdeen in thes tvmes by the extinCTuishinff of ther lig-hts of 

Death 01 Dr. . . o o c 

William For- 

hfs : Dr. Wil- plication, beareing a humble acknowledgment of his deepe guilt, for which he was justlie 

liam Gordon ; deposed from the calling of the ministerie, and petitioning the opening of his mouth to 
preach the Gospell. He, moreover, exhibited ane extract of ane act of the presbytery of 
Strathbogie, beareing date at Botarie, 31 Martij, 1658, proporting that the said day, the 
said Mr. Alexander hade preached on Jude twenty-three, in which sermon, as in his former 
two sermons he hade preached before the said presbyterie by appointment of the synode, 
he had given satisfactione to, and was approven in, by all the brethren, and recommended to 
this present assemblie. The said Mr. Alexander being removed, the assemblie ordained 
the answer to his supplicatione to be delayed untill the next assemblie, and that a letter 
from this assemblie be directed to the presbyterie of Edinburgh, for advise in this matter, 
which letter is to be drawin up by the moderator, Mr. Murdo M'Kenzie [minister at Elgin], 
Mr. Robert Tod [minister at Rothes], Mr. Harrie Forbes [minister at Auldearn], and the 
Lord Brodie, in which is to be inclosed a double of the act of the said Mr. Alexander his 
deposition, and to proport the huinble manner of his frequent addresses, with the humble 
confessions of his grievous guilt, and the justnesse of the sentence of his deposition. Mr. 
Alexander being called in, the appointment of the assemblie was reported to him, where- 
unto he humblie submitted." 

4 October, 1659. " Mr. Alexander Innes, sometime minister at Rothiemay, entred his 
supplication, humblie acknowledging his great guilt, as sundrey tymes he hade done for- 
merlio befor the synod, and petitioning that his mouth may be opened to preach the Gos- 
pell : In consideration wherof, report was made, that according to the appointment of the 
synode, in Apryl, 165P, Mr. William Falconer, then moderator, hade written to the pres- 
byterie of Edinburgh, for advise anent the said Mr. Alexander Innes his addresses to the 
synode, and concerning his frequent petitioning for libertie to preach the Gospell, and hade 
receaved ane answer, under the hand of Mr. George Hutchieson, moderator of the said 
presbyterie, which being exhibited and reade in the assemblie, it was ordained to be insert 
in the synod book, the tenor wherof followeth : 

" ' Reverend and weilbeloved brother, haueing receaved your letter craveing our advice 
what shall be the carriage of your synod toward that man, who, after so sad and foul relapses, 
craves to have his mouth opened, and haueing once and againe considered upon the matter. 
Wee doe conceive that it is not expedient to grant such a desire, which wee apprehend is 
(on just grounds), liable to so manie exceptions. Nor doe wee apprehend anie necessitie of 
granting therof in reference to the end proposed by the supplicant, seeing there are manie 
other means wherby to testifie the truth of his repentance to the edification of others. Wee 
shall not trouble you with addeing anie reasons of this our advice, perceiveing by your letter, 
and state of the case propounded therin, that yourselves doe ponder the most of them. And 
therfor recommending you and the Lords work in your hands to his blessing, wee rest your 
loveing brethren in the Lord, the presbyterie of Edinburgh, and in our name, 

" ' George Hutchieson, moderator ^ro tempore. 
" ' Edinburgh, July 28, 1658.' 
" ' Direct, For our Reverend and weilbeloved brother Mr. William Falconer Minister at 

" The said letter being thiowlie considered, and after some time spent upon debateing the 
matter, the synode ordaines that another letter like unto the former be drawn up by the 
moderator, beareing the particulars mentioned in the former letter, and enquireing the reve- 
rend presbyterie of Edinburgh, whither they meant in ther letter, which is above written, 
that Mr. Alexander Innes, in respect of his former guilt and sad relaps therin, sould be 
declared utterlie incapable of haveing his mouth ever opened to preach the Gospell, and that 
the said letter be read in the assemblie befor the dissolveing therof, and being approven by 
the synode, may be signed and sent to the said presbyterie of Edinburgh, with the first 


learning, wold thinke that the tyme was approaching that darknesse and A. D. 1640. 
ignorance should tacke upp ther possessione ther. Dr. William Forbesse Dr. Alexan- 
ther minister, that most learnd and piouse divyne, was gone to Edinburgh, der Ross ; 
and deade ther :(') Dr. William Gordon, professor of medicine, deade , \' 7'"'*'" 

' _ ' Johnston, pro- 

this yeare in the spring :('^) Dr. Alexander Rosse, one of the ministers of fessorofma- 
the towne, deade lyckwayes about this tyme.O Thes wer followed by Dr. t-'u'"\{"^^,"I 
William Johnstone, professor of the mathematicke in The CoUedge Maris- College, 
chall of New Aberdeene, a gentlman who, in his younger yeares, had 
been bredd in Spaine, and professed philosophy in the chaire of Nemause 
in Fraunce, weall seen both in the mathematickes and medicine. He dyed 

"3 April, 1660. Thair was ane humble supplicatione, presentted to the assemblie be Mr. 
Alexander Innes, depoised minister, beseeching the assemblie to open his mouth as ane ex- 
pectant. The Sdid Alexander Innes being removed ; after much debaitt and serious consi- 
deratione of the supplicant his long deserved continovance wnder the sadd sentence ofde- 
positione, and his addresses from synod to synod for many years, wherin he gave reall evi- 
dence of much sence of his gross faults, and sorrow for the same, haveing also exhibit testi- 
monialls of his humble and Christian carriage from the presbytery wher he has reseided 
these dy verse years bygone, in consideratione quherof, and of his present bodilie infirmities 
through old age, and his werie earnest dcsyre to have his mouth opened for glorifieing of 
God, as he shall have a lawfuU call, the synod, by a woitt, have granted the opening of his 
mouth to preach the Gospell as ane expectant, and appoynts the extract of this act to be 
given him."] 

(1) [On the twelfth of April, 1634. He died suddenly, says Spalding, " after takeing of 
some physick, sitting in his own chair : a matchless man of learning, languages, utterance, 
and delivery, ane peerless preacher, of ane grave and godly conversation, being about the 
age of forty-four yeirs." Hist, of Troub. vol. i., p. 24.] 

(2) [On the tenth of March, 1640.] 

(3) On the eleventh of August, 1639. Dr. Rosse was the son of James Rosse, minister 
at Strachan in the Mearns, afterwards in the parish church of St. Nicholas in Aberdeen. 
He himself was, in 1631, translated from the parochial cure of Insch, in The Garioch, to the 
chapel of St. Clement, in Futtie, near Aberdeen ; and was, in 1636, preferred to St. Nicho- 
las' Church in Aberdeen. He was, says Spalding, a " learned divyne, weill beloved of his 
flock and people whyle he was on life, and after he was dead, heaviely regraited." Hist, of 
Troub., vol. i., p. 167. He is the author of " A Consolatorie Sermon, Preached vpon the 
death of the R. R. Father in God, Patricke Forbes, Late Bishop of Aberdeene ; By Alex- 
ander Rosse, Doctor of Divinitie, and minister of the Evangell in Aberdene, in Saynct 
Nicolas Church there. Anno 1635. the xv. of Aprill," printed in Bishop Forbes' Funeralls, 
pp. 149 — 178. He has been confounded with another divine of the same name, Alexander 
Ross, chaplain in ordinary to King Charles the First, and master of the free school of 
Southampton, a voluminous writer, who is now perhaps most generally known from the lines 
of Butler : 

" There was an ancient sage philosopher 
That had read Alexander Ross over. 
And swore the world, as he cou'd prove. 
Was made of fighting and of love." 

Hudibras, part i., cant, ii., v. 1 — 1. 
2 D 


A. D. 1640. June fourteenth, before the sixtiethC) yeare of his age, suflFocate with a 

J 77 squinaiice, a disease to which he was much subjecte, being a corpulent 

man, and a sanguinean : he was tackne awaye to the greate greefe of 

his freends and acqwayntance.C^) In ajino 1639, lyckwayes. Dr. Barron, 

the learnd professor of divinitye in Marishall Colledge, and minister of 

the towne, had dyed at Bervicke ; and the rest of thes learned divynes 

who outlived ther colleagwes, wer, this yeare, 1640, within few weekes 

after the death of Dr. WiUiam Johnstone, drivne out of ther stations by 

the Generall Assembly that satte downe in Aberdeen, July twenty-eighth, 

of which mor in its own place ; so that before harvest, 1640, all ther 

great luminaryes of learning wer ecclipsed or clowded. 

Muiiro XXIII. Monroe, meanewhyle, having reduced all the countrey about 

marches to Aberdeen, marches fordwards, July fifth, to Straboggye, the cheife resi- 
S^trathbosy. , . ■ • . 

Jul 5 dence of the Marquesse of Huntly ; and, being come thither, he lyes 

downe, with all his regiment, hard by Huntlyes castell, in a stronge 

grownde, wher the two rivers of Doverne and Boggy meete, not half a 

qwarter of a myle from Straboggy (or Huntlye) castell. The house 

(1) [Dr. William Jolinston was little more than fifty years of age at his death. His 
e/cfer brother was born in 1587.] 

(2) [Dr. William Johnston, the younger brother of the better known Dr. Arthur John- 
ston, was the sixth and youngest son of George Johnston of That Lk, by his wife, Chris- 
tian, daughter of William, seventh Lord Forbes. " He taught philosophy at the University 
of Sedan, in Germany, and from thence, returning to his native country, was, anno 1626, 
appointed the first Professor of Mathematics in the University of Marischal College, Aber- 
deen, which chair he occupied until his death.. ..He gave, anno 1632, to the Magistrates of 
Aberdeen, 1000 merks Scots as a fund for the benefit of the poor. He also made presents 
of books to the library of Marischall College." Genealogical Account of the Family of 
Johnston, pp. .38, 39. Edin. 1832. 4to. It has been said that "he wrote on the Mathema- 
ticks: his skill in the Latine was treuly Ciceronian." Maidment's Catalogues of Scotish 
Writers, p. 1 14. He appears among the contributors to Bishop Forbes Funerals (pp. 346, 
347) ; and panegyrical Latin verses by him are prefixed to Dr. Baron's Tetragonismum 
Pseudographum, Aberd. 1631, and to other works. He was, says Sir Thomas Urquhart, "a 
good poet in Latine, and a good mathematician acknowledged to be such (which was none 
of his meanest praises) by Master Robert Gordon of Straloch, one of the ablest men of 
Scotland in the mathematical faculties." Sir Thomas Urquhart's Tracts, p. 123. Edin. 
1774. " Quantum uterque lohnstonus, ejusdem uteri, cjusdem artis fratres, magnum 
gentis, maximum suk Ampliss. familiae decus, Mathesi profunda, quantum Poesi, & in 
pangendis carminibus valeant, novistis. Akthurds, Medicus Regius, & divinus Poeta 
ElegiEe & Epigrammatis, quibus non solum suEe setatis homines superat, verum antiquissi- 
mos quosque aequat : Gclielmus rei Herbariae, & Mathematum (quorum Professor meritis- 
simus est) gloria cluit. De Gulielmo certe idem usurpare possumus, quod olim de Tito 
Imperat. suavissimo dictum est, Delicice est hunumi generis ; tanta est ejus comitas, tanta 
urbanitas." A. Strachani Panegyricvs Inavgvralis, p. 22. See Dr. Irving's Lives of 
Scotish Writers, vol. ii., pp. 39, 40.] 


was made patent to him, and all the keyes delyvered ; yet, by his civilitye, A. D. I(i4(i. 

was preserved from being rifled or defaced, except some emblems and 

iraagerye, which looked somewhat popish and superstitiouse lycke ; and 
therfor, by the industry of one captain James Wallace (one of Monroes 
foote captaines), wer hewd and brocke downe off the frontispiece of the 
house ;('^ but all the rest of the frontispeece, containing Huntlys scutcheon, 
etc., was left untwoched, as it standes to this daye. The course that 
Monroe tooke to lodge his souldiours, was by cutting down the woods, or 
rather bushes of trees, next adjacent to the castell, which he caused his 
souldiours build upp in hutts and lodges, not permitting his men to qwarter 
in the countrey ; and then, for ther mantenance, he seized upon the Lord 
Huntlyes girnell at that castell, parting the meall therof amongst his 
souldiours, till it was spent.C^) Yet with great difficultye could he re- 
straine them from breacking out and comitting insolencyes in the countrey, 
howbeit not considerable ; and he was not wanting to punish such as wer 
thus guiltye. 

XXIV. Monroe had not so great trouble to protecte the countrey from Munro's uil-u 
his souldiours plunderings, as for to keepe them from mutiny ; for he had mutiny at 
not stayd ther many weekes till all his souldiours rose in a generall mutinye, cattle dr^eii 
and did beate drumms and tacke armes. Yet Monroe and his oiEcers wer away ; brought 
so vigilant, that upon the first alarum, himself running wher he saw the ^^^., ^^j ^ 
sturre greatest, and runing the first mutineer that he mett withall through deemed, 
the body with a long sworde, the rest of the mutinneers wer quickly settled, 
and by terror reduced to order againe. The reason of ther mutine I could 
never ceirtanly learne.(^) 

(1) [The General Assembly which met at Edinburgh in 1647j appointed "some Brethren 
to visit the Idolatrous Monuments brought from the late Marques of Huntlies house." 
Records of the Kirk, p. 482.] 

(2) [" C'omeing after this manner to Strathbogie, the first thing they entered to do was 
hewing down the pleasant planting about Strathbogie, to be huts for the souldiers to sleij) 
within upon the night ; wherby the haill camp was Weill provyded of huts to the distroying 
of goodly countrie policie. The marquess of Huntly being absent himselfe in England, 
Marischall sends to his gooddame's sister, the lady marchioness of Huntly, to render the 
keyes of Strathbogie, (herself dwelling in the Bog) ; whilk she willingly obeyed. Then 
they fell to and meddled with the meall girnells, whereof there was store within that place, 
took in the office houses, began shortly to baik, and brew, and make ready good cheir ; and, 
when they wanted, took in beiff, mutton, hen, capon, and such like, out of Glenfiddich and 
Auchindoun, wher the countrie people had transported their bestiall and store, of pur- 
pose, out of the way, from the bounds of Strathbogie." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., 
p. 222.] 

(3) ['' Thus he spulzied and ])lundred up ail, and keeped the moneyes fast, not paying his 


Att his coraming to Strabogye, vpon the newes of his approache, the 
most pairt of all the countrey people (except such as wer very poore)> 
fledde to the hills, dryving ther cattelle and bestiall befor them, leaving 
ther houses patent, and ther cornes to his mercye. Monroe getting adver- 
tishment heerof, perswes the bestiall, without tacking notice of the owners ; 
and fynding all the countreymens cowes keeping neer together, neer Achn- 
downe castelle, some six myles bewest of Strabogye castell, he drove them 
alKO befor him unto his qwarter, by the helpe of a commanded pairty ; the 
headlesse and discouraged countreymen not once oifering to dispute him, 
or for to rescwe ther cowes. This pryse compelkl the countreymen, man 
after man, for to come in and macke ther agreement, evry man paying for 
the redemptione of his cowes a peece of money, (2) which in all might be a 
considerable summe, though not much to evrye mans share. Such as wer 
popishe amongst them, wer most roughly used, and strictly looked too, 
and fyned more rigorously then the rest ; and all of them he tooke securitye 
of for ther peacable carriadge. This is the summe of his actings ther ; 
otherwayes, no mans blood was spilt ; and except at ther first coming to the 
countrey wher the souldiours founde opne houses which they rifled, without 
order, he did lye peaceably in the country ; so that befor he left them in 
harvest, the countreymen and souldiours wer growne acquaynted, and peac- 
able neighbours one to aneother.W 

souldiers, as became him, they liveing only upon meat and drink without wages, whilk bred 
a murmuring amongst themselves ; but Monro quickly pacified the same by killing of the 
princi))al niurniurers, and ane seditious personc, with ane sword in his own hand ; whereat 
the rest became affrayed." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 228.] 

(0 [To the number, according to Spalding, of " above 2500 head of horse, meirs, nolt, 
and kyne, with great number of sheep." Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 223.] 

(2) According to Spalding " 13s. 4d. the sheep, and ane doUai- the nolt.'' Hist, of Troub., 
vol. i., p. 223. " Monro . . . with all hostility plundred the Marques of Huntlies landes, 
tooke the castle of Strathbolgie, and putt a garisone on it. He tooke off'e Huntlies landes 
tuo thousand horsse and catle, forby maney thousandes of sheepe, and theroi keept ane open 
market at Strathbolgie, and soldo them backe to ther owners at 34 sh. Scottes the peice." 
Balfour s Annales, vol. ii., p. 382.] 

(3) [" The marquess with his three sons being absent, out of the countrie, and haveing 
no head nor captain left amongst his kine and freinds, they at last resolve to yeild and 
let this storme pass ; so both barrons, and gentlemen, and others able for service come in and 
undertake service. . . Such as were unable were plundered be the purse, and forced to 
furnish out able men ; but neither work horse nor saddle horse was lell about Strathbogie, 
but either the master was forced to buy his own horses, or then let them go for serveing of 
the army. Their muskets, hagbutts, swords, pikes, pistolls, and like armour, pitiefully 
plundered frae them, wherever Monro or his souldiers could apprehend or gett tryal of them. 
He also plundered the ground, barren, gentlemen, hird, and hyreman, be the purse, be ex- 


XXV. Befor Monroe marched from Strabogye, he drew out a com- A. D. 1640. 

manded pairtye, with some feeld peeces, and marches for Murrey, towards „ ~ 

the castell of Spynye, which the committye of Murrey advertished him was Spynie; castle 
fortifyd, and kept out, by Mr. John Guthrye, bishopp of Murrey. In his surrendered ; 
way thitherward, he was mett by Mr. Joseph Brodye, minister of Keithe, Banff. 
(sonne in law to the bishopp). This Mr. Joseph had been lately proselyted 
unto the Covenant,(') seing it lycke to prosper ; and by his meanes, who 
did mediate betuixt Monroe and his father in law the bishopp, the castell 
of Spyny was rendred upp to Monroe at his coming thither ;(2) who, taking 
the bishopp obleidged to appeare at a day appoynted, after a short stay 
ther, having disarmed the house, and putt it in the custodye of the Cove- 
nanter comission of Elgyne, returned backe to Strabogye, wher he laye 

action of heavy fines, according their power. This was his carriage at Strathbogie. ... They 
left thatcountrie almost manless, moneyless, horseless, and armeless, sopitiefully was the same 
borne down and subdued, but any mein of resistance. The people swear, and subscrived 
the covenant most obediently. And now Monro leaves them thus pitiefully opprest." Spald- 
ing, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 223, 2-24, 236.] 

(1) [He was one of the two commissioners from the presbytery of Strathbogie, who refused 
to sit in the Glasgow Assembly of 1638, after the King's Commissioner had commanded it 
to dissolve itself. See above, vol. ii., pp. 5 — 7.] 

(2) [" Monro now resolves to goe to see the bishop and the house of Spynnie. He takes 
300 muskateirs with him, with puttaris and peices of ordinance, with all other things ne- 
cessar, and leaves the rest of his regiment behind him, lying at Strathbogie, abydeing his 
returne. By the way, sundrie barrens and gentlemen of the countrie mett him, and con- 
voyed him ti) Spynnie. The bishop of Murray, (by expectation of many) comes furth of 
the place, and spake with Munro, and presently but more adoe upon Thursday the 16th of 
July renders the house, weill furnished with meat and munition. He delivers the keyes 
to Monro, who, with some souldiers, enters the house, and received good entertainment. 
Therafter Monro medles with the haill armcs within the place, plundred the bishop's 
rydeing horse, saddell and brydell ; but did no more injurie, nor used plundering of 
any other thing within or without the house. He removed all except the bishop and 
his wife, some bairnes, and servants, whom he suffered to remaine under the guard of 
ane captain, lieutenant, ane Serjeant, and 24 muskateirs, whom he ordered to keep 
that house, whyle farder order came frae the Tables, and to live upon the rents 
of the bishoprick, and on no wayes to trouble the bishop's household provision, nor 
be burdenable unto him. But the bishop used the three commanders most kindly, eating 
at his own table, and the souldiers were sustained according to direction forsaid. 

" Monro having thus gotten in this strong strength by his expectation, with so little paines, 
whilk was neither for scant nor want given over, he returns back againe to Strathbogie tryum- 
phantly, beginning wher he left, to plunder horse and armour, and to fyne every gentleman, 
yeoman, bird, and h3'reman that had any money, without respect ; and whilk obediently with- 
out a show of resistance was done and payed, besydes their tenths and twentieths which they 
were lyable in payment to the commissioners, as occasion offered." Spalding, Hist, of 
Troub., vol. i., p. 228.] 


A. D. 1640. stille constantly in his qwarter till the tenth of August, which was the 

daye of Monroes removall to Banfe.(') 
y„ggn XXVI. Whilst thes thinges were adoing in the north of Scottland, the 

brought to bed Queen at Londone was brought to bedd, July eighth, of a third sonne, 
Henry"'^^ who was baptised Henrye, and had the title of Ducke of Glocester given 
to him by the King his father, about the tyme of his christening. His 
birth had detained the King at Londone, sometyme after his array was 
marched northwards ; but, howsoone the Qween was in the way of re- 
covery, the King tooke his journey towards Yorke (August tenth), to his 
armye, the which was the very day that Monroe marched from Straboggy 
towards Banfe. 
General As- XXVII. Befor Monroe left Straboggye, the tyme appoynted for the 
sembly at Generall Assembly to sitt at Aberdeen was drawing neer. Nor did it faile 
Grayfriar to meete upon that day which was designed for its sessione, which was the 
church pre- iggt Tewsday of July, and the twenty-eighth daye of the moneth, this yeare 
Precediifg"^"^ 1640. Monroe had cleared the qwarter from all suspitione of disturbance 
moderator that they could feare, and was lying oiF ready at ther call.C^) The minis- 
|M-eachcs ; ^r. ^^^^ ^^j ruling elders of the southerne pairtes of Scottland came almost 
say chosen together in a triumphant manner, with no small joye to fynde themselves in 
moderator. ,^ capacitye for to give lawes, and exercise ther power over thoise who had 
bredd them mor trouble then all Scottland besyde. The worke was dar- 
ingly begunne at Glasgow and resolutly carryd on ; it was promoved a stepp 
ford wards at Edinburgh, Assembly 1639 ; ther wanted nothing of a full 
conquest but ther coming unto Aberdeene, and subjugating the remnant of 
the rebells. Yet did they macke shorter stay ther, by mor then halfe the 
tyme, then at Edinburgh ; and all ther actings in that Assembly are sup- 

(1) [" Munday the 10th of August Monro lifts his camp frae Strathbogie, sends back 

the haill keyes to the lady marchioness, but doeing any ofi'ence or deid of wrong to that 
staitly pallace ; but they amongst the rest, took up meikle bleitched cloath in whole webbs 
bleitching up and down Strathbogie ground, wherof ther uses yeirly ther to be plentie, and 
would hang over the walls of the place haill webbs (pittie to behold !) to dry, to the great 
hurt of the poor countrie people. Monro had lyen ther or his army frae the 9th of July 
to this tenth of August, when they flitted their camp. They sett all their lodges in fyre, 
they toomed out what was left unspent within the girnells, they carried with them some 
men. moneyes, horse, and amies, destroyed the bestiall, and left nothing behind them which 
might be carried." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 236.] 

(2) [On the day before the Assembly sat aown, " the earle Marischall with about 300 
horse, came into Aberdein. CoUonell Alexander master of Forbes came likewayes in with 
his regiment." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 232.] 



pressed and kept upp in the wrytte register, none being printed, but only A. D. 1640. 
some few of the most inconsiderable actes scarcely worth the reading.(') 

Some dayes befor ther comming, Patrick Lesly, provost of Aberdeene at 
that tyme, one of the Covenanters factione, had caused prepare the Gray- 
freere church of New Aberdeene with seates, after the forme of a theater, 
for accomodation of the Assembly ; which was done upon the towns 
charges, in so prodigall a forme, as ther was accomodation eneuch (the 
churche being large of itselfe) for five or six tymes as many as wer ap- 
poynted to sitte.C^) And, that Aberdeen might not be behynde with others 
in honouring the Assembly, ther was a select number of the yowthes of 
Aberdeen ordered, with partisans (made for that pourpose, and deyed 
blacke), for to gwarde the Assembly constantly at evry sessione, without 
the doores of the churche, through which gwarde evrybody must passe as 
through a lane.C^) 

(1) [One of the unprinted Acts of the General Assembly which met at Edinburgh in 
1643, is entitled, " Approbation of the advice of the Commissioners of the late Assembly 
at S. Andrews, for not printing two Acts of the last Assembly held at Aberdene." Records 
of the Kirk, p. 360. Baillie, in his account of that Assembly, writes, " A thornie bussinesse 
came in, which the Moderator, by great wisdome, got cannilie convoyed. The brethren of 
Stirling and Perth had made great outcryes that the commission had authorised the clerk, 
in printing the Assemblie-acts, to omitt two acts of Aberdeen, one anent the Sabbath, 
another about novations. In both these, satisfaction was given : That our bounding the 
Sabbath from midnight to midnight might offend some neighbouring kirks : As for the other 
act, about novations, it was expressed alse clearlie in the printed acts of the posteriour As- 
semblie, to be made use of by all who had occasion. These things were so well delivered 
that all were quyeted." Letters, vol. ii., p. 91.] 

(2) [On the seventeenth of June, 1640, the Town Council issued the following ordinance : 
" The provest, baillies, and counsall, appoiiites measones and wrightis to be enterit pre- 
sentlie to the wark of the Greyfreir kirk, for prepairing convenient seattis within the same 
to the niemberis of the Generall Assemblie, indicted to hauld and begin at this brughe the 
twentie eight day of Julij nixt to come ; and appointis George Sanderson to attend the 
warkmen, and to assist George Menzies, maister of wark, till the perfyting thairof. And 
the expenssis and chairges to be deburst be the said maister of wark thairvpon is ordaint to 
be allowit to him in his comptis." Council Register of Aberdeen, vol lii., p. 353. 

The accompts of the master of kirk and bridge work, for the year 1640, seem unfortu- 
nately not to have been preserved. 

The following entries occur in the accompts of the dean of guild from Michaelmas, 1639, 
to Michaelmas, 1640: 

" The 6 day of August gave the courtesie of the tune to the 
commissioners of Glasco and Perth, in Elspet Culones 

huse conforme to her count, 81ib. lis. 

" The said day in the same husse vithe Mr. Andrew Cant, 31ib. 

" The 10 day of August to James Muray, dark to the Assem- 
blie for extracting such actis as conserned the tune, 131ib. 9s. 4d."] 

(3) [" Tuesday the 28th of July, the General Assemblie sat down in the Gray Frier 
kirk of New Aberdein, Weill plenished with deasses and seats be the town upon their great 



A. D. 1640. Mr. David Dickson, who had been moderator at Edinburgh, anno 1639, 
did preache, and opned the Assembly, which meeting in the afternoone, 
they did proceede to choose a moderator. The vote enclyned to Mr. An- 
drew Ramsey, minister at Edinburgh. The rest of that day nothing was 
done ; the reasone was, because they wold attend if any Comissioner wold 
come from the King. This was done for a formalitye ; for all knew that 
none was to be expected. 

Order of the XXVIII. The next sessione mett July twenty-ninth; which day the 

Assembly. moderator openly did aske, in face of the Assembly, if ther was any Com- 
Idolatrous mo- . . ^ , • t,t • i <■ i- . ^ i • , i 

numents in missioner come from his Majestye ; and lyndmg ther was none (which he 

Old and New knew befor he asked), the Assembly did resolve to proceede acording to 

Aberdeen de- , ... 

stroyed during ther libertyes. 

the sitting of The first thing that was done was passing some actes for ordering the 

witches'^™stu^ Assembly house, which had been referred to a comittye to draw upp 

dents of divi- by waye of overture. They wer quickly agreed unto ; they wer as fol- 

nity : unprint- 1 (,) 

ed acts : ...,,, 

family exer- First, That the comissioners sitt by themselves, unmixed with others ; 

and the place where they sitt to be distinguished from others by railes, or 
Selsio 2 ^y some other convenient waye. Next, That convenient places be pro- 
vyded unto such as wer persons of respecte (who are not comissioners), 
acording to ther qwalityes, as the magistratts of the towne shall fynde most 

This order was neither weall observed at that tyme, nor in any following 

Second, That all comissioners, or members of the Assembly, shall re- 
ceive ticketts from the magistratts of the brugh at the delyvrye of ther 
comissions, that so they may have ready accesse to the Assembly whenever 
they come. Next, That all members who came late, after the calling of 
the rolls, should be censured as the Assembly thought meete. Thirdly, 
That whatsoever presbytrye, brugh, or universitye does not send comis- 
sioners to the Assembly, or they being sent, sitt not at all in the Assembly, 

expenssis befor their incomeing. The earles of Marischall and Findlater, the lord Fraser, 
the coUonel master of Forbes, with sundrie barrons and gentrie, as ruleing elders, were 
there. The kirk is Weill guarded with partisanes, and the doors weill keeped and attended." 
Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 232.] 

(1) [See Records of the Kirk, pp. 278, 279. They were drawn up by Baillie, who com- 
plains that they were but ill observed ; " through negligence to exact them thereafter, we 
fell at once into our old misorders." Letters, vol. i., pp. 363, 364.] 



to be summoned to the next Assembly and censured as the Assembly shall A. 
thinke reasonable. 

The two first poyntes of this acte war neglected quickly afterward ; and 
the calling of the rolls at every sessione was not constantly practised after- 
ward in all Assemblyes following. 

Third, That four persons of respecte have warrant from the Assembly to 
enjoyne that ther be no standing, nor noyse, nor disorderly behaviour ; or, 
if any should disobey, or direct his speeche to any but to the moderator, or 
speacke but one at once, with leave first asked and givne, to be rebooked 
publickly by the moderator ; and, if he desiste not, to be removed out of the 
Assembly for that sederunt. 

Yow may be sure that ther wer some ruling elders at the macking of 
this acte, for the modell of it is tackne, in pairt, from the barrons courtes : 
albeit it past in ane acte at this tyme, yet it was ill obeyd, and in after As- 
semblyes almost qwytte laughed at. 

Fourth, That no motion come into the Assembly but by the comittye 
appoynted (for overturs and bills) for matters of that nature ; and if the 
comittye refoose to answer it, lett it be propounded to the Assembly, with 
the answers therof. 

This acte is somewhat lycke the lordes of the articles in Parliament, and 
in following Assemblyes was licked into some better shape, by setting upp 
many distincte comittyes, not all created as yet at this tyme. 

Fifth, That the minuts of ilke sessione be readde befor ther rysing ; and 
if the matter concerne the whole kirke, lett it be drawne upp in forme, and 
readde in the beginning of the next enswing sessione, that the Assembly 
may judge whether or not it bee acording to ther mynde. 

Ane usefull and necessaire acte ; they wer beholdne to the Sessione of the 
Lords or Judges for the modell therof; but not weall observed in the sub- 
sequent Assemblyes. 

Another acte of that Assembly appoynted idolatrouse monuments to bee 
demolished in all places, specially in the north, wher they wer said to bee 
most frequent, such as crucifixes, images of Chryste, Mary, and sainctes 
departed, and that with all convenient dilegence ; and presbytryes and pro- 
vinciall assemblyes were to tacke care therof, and report it to the next 
enswing Generall Assemblye.C) 

(1) [Records of the Kirk, p. 279.] 


According to which acte, during the tyme that the Assembly was sitting, 
ther wer some designed who should purge both cittyes of Aberdeen from 
such trashe ; who instantly went about ther worke, and least they should 
seeme to have done nothing, they knocked downe some old weather beatne 
stones, which had stood in some publicke places of Old Aberdeen, which 
were grown sine nomine trunciS^) Ther was lyckwayes ane old crucifix of 
stone in a rouinouse church (called the Spittal church, rased since that 
tyme,) that was brockne downe lyckewayes. Ane image ther was of Sainct 
Andrew, which, some few yeares befor, had been sett upp upon the dwelling 
house of Sir Alexander Gordone of Cluny, in Old Aberdeen, for orna- 
ment, it being knowne that the gentleman who had built the house, and sett 
it upp hard by some other guilded scutcheons, was no papist : downe went 
Sainct Andrew with the rest. In the University of Old Aberdeen ther 
stood the remainder of ane old organ, upon which was painted, in a course 
draught, the pourtraicte of some woman, nobody could tell who, and had 
hunge ther half brockne and wholly neglected for many yeares : this was 
brokne downe and complained upon as a thing very intollerable in the 
churche of a colledge. The bishopps house in Old Aberdeen (as else 

(1) [" Wednesday the 5th of August, the earle of Seaf'orth, coUonell, master of Forbes, 
Mr. Jolin Adamsone, principal! of the colledge of Edinburgh, William Rigg, burgess ther, 
doctor Guild, rector of the Kings Colledge of Old Aberdein, with some other barrens and 

gentlemen came all rydeing up the gate, came to Machir Kirk, ordained our blessed 

Lord Jesus Christ his amies to be hewen out of the foir front of the pulpit thereof, and to 
take down the portraitt of our blessed Virgine Mary, and her dear sone babie Jesus in her 
armes, that had stood since the upputting therof, in curious work, under the sylring at the 
west end of the pend, wheron the great stipell stands, onmoved whyle now ; and gave orders 
to coUonell, master of Forbes, to see this done, whilk he with all dilligence obeyed. And 
besydes, wher ther was any crucifix sett in glassen windows, this he caused pull out in honest 
men's houses. He caused ane mason strike out Christs' armes in hewen work, on ilk end of 
bishop Gavin Dunbar's tomb ; and siclyke chissell out the name of Jesus, drawen cypher 
wayes, IHS, out of the timber wall on the foirsyde of Machir Isle, anent the consistorie 
door. The crucifix on the Old Toun cross dung down ; the crucifix on the New To\vn 
closed up, being loth to brake the stone ; the crucifix on the west end of St. Nicholas' 
Kirk in New Aberdein dung down, whilk was never troubled before. But this dilligcnt 
collonel master of Forbes kept not place long time therafter, but was shortly cashiered ; 
and after diverse fortunes, at last he, with his lady, went to Holland to serve." Spalding, 
Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 234, 235. 

In the preceding month, the following order had been issued by the Kirk Session of the pa- 
rish of St. Nicholas of Aberdeen : " 28 Junij 1640. Doctore Gulielmo Guild, moderatore. 
The Session wnderstanding that some capitanes and gentilmen of the regiment of sojours 
lying in this town had tein some oft'ence at the portrat of wmquhill Alexander Rcid, some- 
tyme of Pitfoddels, as smelling somequhat of poperie, and standing above the session hous 
door : For removing of the quhilk offence, ordaines the said portrait to be tein down, and 
not to be set wp again." Kirk Session Register, vol. iv.] 



wher), belycke, this yeare had been lyckwayes defaced, it seems, under the 
notione of ane idolatrouse monument. A marvell it is, how the two crosses 
that stand upon the two endes of the high church of New Aberdeen es- 
caped then and since ; as also the four crosses that are upon the four small 
leadne turretts of that steeple. That yeare, or not long befor, the magis- 
tratts of Aberdeen had tackne panes for to repaire the Grayfreere churche, 
and had adorned it with a costly seate, in a lofte just opposite to the pul- 
pitt. The carpenter had shewed his skill in cutting upon the sevei-all com- 
partiments of the frontispeece of that lofte, the images of Faithe, Hope, 
and Charitye, and the Morall Vertwes, as they use to be painted emblem 
wyse: ther stood Faithe leaning upon the crosse. This was as soon 
qwarrelled at as espyed by severall ministers, commissioners of the Assem- 
blye, who looked upon all that new frontispeece as savouring of superstitione, 
and wold needs have Faith or her crosse removed from her. The magis- 
tratts durst not excuse it ; and many others wer silent, least they should 
be suspected. In ende, Mr. Andrew Ramsey, the moderator, interposed 
himself, and shewed the offended bretheren that thes pourtraictes wer only 
emblems, and evry wher uswall, without scandall to protestants, with many 
wordes to that pourpose ; so that by his mediatione they wer pacifyd, and 
Faith, with the rest of the vertwes, wer permitted to stand still, wher they 
as yett remaine undefaced to this daye.W 

A third acte was passed against witches and charmers, said also to be 
freqwent in the northe (though some yeares after they wer discovered to be 
mor frequent in the southe).(-) The Assembly ordained ther comissioners 
who wer attended to waite upon the next session of the Parliament, for to 
recommend to the Parliament, and urge the execoutione of lawes against 

Lyckwayes, they ordained, in ane other acte, that whosoever subscrybes 

<i) [The General! Assembly which met at Edinburgh in 1647, remitted " to tlie Minis- 
ters of Edinburgh, to take course with the Monuments of Idolatrie brought from the 
North." Records of the Kirk, p. 482. The Assembly of 1648 made a " remit to the 
Presbyterie of Edinburgh concerning the Service-books and Idolatrous monuments, now 
lying in the high-School-yard." Id. p. 518.] 

(2) [In the Generall Assembly which met at Edinburgh in 1643, "upon the regrate of 
the extraordinar multiplying of witches, above thirlie beintf burnt in Fyfe in a few moneths, 
a committee was appointed to thinke on that sinne, the way to search and cure it." Baillie's 
Letters, vol, ii., p. 88.] 

(3) [Records of the Kirk, p, 279.] 


the Covenant, and speackes against it, if he be a minister, he shall bee de- 
pry ved of his place; if he continow so to doe after he is depryved, he shall 
be excommunicate ; and if it be any other man, he shall be dealt with as 
perjouriouse, and to satisfee for his perjurye.O The reasone of this acte 
was a complainte givne in against many ministers and others about Aber- 
deene, who wer alledged, after ther subscription, in ther ordinar discoui'se, 
to have openly mocked the Covenanters and ther actions. 

And because ther wer some yowng expectants, students in divinitye, in 
and about Aberdeen, who wer single men, and had no place and not much 
meanes to lose, who refoosed to subscrybe the Covenant, and ordinarly dis- 
puted against it, therfor the Assembly, by ther acte, doe declare, that all 
such shall be declared incapable of a pedagogye, teaching of a scoole, read- 
ing in a kirke (for at this tyme reading the scripture publickly in the church, 
without lecturing, was not thought ane error), or preaching within a presby- 
trye ; nor shall they have libertye to reside within brugh, universitye, or 
coUedge ; or, if they continow, to be processed with excommunicatione.(-) 

This acte proved a meane, if not to satisfee, yet to silence all ; and, 
shortly after, such students of divinitye about Aberdeene, who wold neither 
tacke the Covenant nor could be silent, wer glade for to betacke themselves 
unto voluntarye exyle, and leave ther native countrey. 

Hithertoo we have looked upon such actes of that Assembly as wer 
printed, yet thes thinges wer but praludia, and but prolouges to ther great 
worke that they came for ; though some of thes formentioned actes, as to 
the tyme that they wer enacted, wer past after the greate worke was done ; 
as, for instance, that acte against expectants refoosing to subscrybe the 
Covenante, which passed not till August fifth, Sessione tenth, wheras the 
ministry of Aberdeen wer thrust out befor that daye ; as, for instance, Dr. 
Scrogye, August first, which was the day that the acte for censuring 
speackers against the Covenant, past Sessio quinta. Other particular actes 
are mentioned in the index of the unprinted actes of that Assembly ;(3) 
such as. 

First, Acte against profaining of the Sabbath.CO This should have been 
printed, being of generall concernement. 

(1) [Records of the Kirk, p. 279.] (2) [Ibid.-] (3) [/ftzrf.] 

(••) [Baillie says it was suppressed because " our bounding the Sabbath from midnight to 
midnight might offend some neighbouring Kirks." Letters, vol. ii., p. 91.] 


Second, Acte for renewing of a former acta made against abbotts A. D. 1640. 
and against pryors. But we know neither what the former nor latter 
acte are. 

Third, Comissione for attending the Pariiament. The lycke had been 
established in the two former Assemblyes ; but we are to seeke for the 
number and nature of their comissione. Belycke this was the embryo of 
the formidable Churche Comissione, which, in few yeares after this, did en- 
grosse almost all the power of the Generall Assemblye. 

Fourth, Commissione anent the province of Rosse. It was graunted 
(as most of all comissions of that nature at that tyme wer), for casting out 
anti- Covenanter ministers. 

Fifth, Comissione anent the presbytrye of Kirkwall. 

Sixth, Report of the visitors of the Universitye of Glasgow, and a new 
comissione of visitation of that Universitye. The reader must know that 
Glasgow was not yet purged eneuche. 

Seventh, Acte anent the carriadge of ministers. I know not what it 
meanes ; it is lycke one of Caligulas lawes, and worse ; his wer only sett 
upp high in a small letter ; this acte is qwytte concealed. 

Eighth, Acte anent the ordering of family exercise. Of which mor 

Ninth, Acte for ruling elders ther keeping presbytryes. Ane acte 
evill observed, except when ruling elders have ther oune particular bussi- 
ness ther, and probably the ministrye not curiouse to censure them for 
breach of this acte. 

Tenth, Acte anent magistratts being members of kirke sessions. But 
what this meanes we are to seeke. 

Eleventh, Approbatione of the proceedings of the comissioners ap- 
poynted for to attende the preceeding Parliament. 

Twelfth, Acte anent abolishing of idolatrouse monuments. Of this 

Thirteenth, Acte anent abolishing of idolatrouse monuments in and 
about Aberdeene. Of this already lyckwayes. 

Fourteenth, The report of the visitors of the Universitye of Aberdeene. 

Fifteenth., Commissione for visiting the University of Aberdeene. Of 
which we now come to speacke. 

But, first, concerning the acte for ordering family exercise ; the occa- 
sione wherof was a reference brought from Strivling by Mr. Harye Guth- 


A. D. 1640. rye, minister of that towne.O Ther had been a delatione givne in to thes 

of Stirling against some night meetings for relligiouse family dutyes ; to 

which meetings many familyes used to resort together, and ther to use 
psalmes singing, reading and interpreting of scripture, and conceived 
prayers extempore. Thes dutyes were performed promiscouslye and by 
turnes, evry one, as he had the name to be better gifted then the rest, 
praying or interpreting the scripture. After thes meetings beganne, many 
flocked to them, pairtly for the noveltye of the thinge, and others out of 
devoutione, and some for to espy what they sawe ther worthe remarking, 
either good or evill. That unwswall resorte at such tyme of the daye, and 
ther circular prayers, and ther offering to interpret scripture, who were 
looked upon but as learners, gave offence to many, and several ministers 
excepted against it as ane incroatching of the calling of the ministrye. 
Wherupon they fall to examine such as had been present ; and fynding that 
many of the vulgar sorte carryd ther not gravely eneuch, nor suitably to 
the pretended endes of thes meetings, as was verefyd by ther confessions, 
it was thought fitt to referr the whole matter to the Assembly at Aberdeen, 
then approaching. Mr. Hary Guthry, minister of Strivling, brought ane 
authenticke extracte of the confessions of such as had been present along 
with him to Aberdeen, and gave them in to the Assembly, wher they wer 
publickly readde, not without the greate offence of many, and the lawghter 
of such as wer secrettly dissaffected, but to the little contentment of the mi- 
nisters of the westerue places of Scottland, who favoured such practises, 
and wer promoving them as much as they could. And many thought, that 
Mr. Hary Guthrye his bringing it to publicke hearing at such a tyme and 
place, though it was dissembled at that tyme, yet was none of the least 
causes which begott so manye enemyes to him in the following yeares, who 
tooke the first occasione they could fynde for to depryve him of his minis- 
trye ; albeit that was not any of the poynts of his indytment when he was 

After the matter had been fully hearde, the Assembly passed ane acte 
for ordering of family worshipp or exercise, for so the acte is superscrybed. 
In this acte it was ordained, first, that familyes should not conveene to- 

(1) [Afterward bishop of Dunkeld from 1665 to 1667. He left behind him Memoirs of 
Scotish Affairs from the year 1637 to the death of King Charles I., which have been more 
than once printed.] 

(a) [On the fourteenth of November, 1648. Guthry's Memoirs, p. 299.] 


gether for relligiouse exercise pourposly ; next, that scandalouse tymes of ^- ^- ^'^*^- 
meeting should be eschewed ; furder, that none except ministers or expect- 
ants, should tacke upon them to interpret the scripture in familyes ; and for 
thes circular prayers, they did abrogate them, layinge that taske on the 
master of the familye, or any abler in his family, or upon the minister of 
the place occasionally present, or upon any one occasionally present, to 
whom the master of the family should give the call.O 

This is the summe of that acte, as neer as I can remember it, for it was 
industriously concealed therafter, and much qwarelled at by all that en- 
clyned towards the independent or sectarian phanaticke wayes, which then 
wer beginning to budd in Scottlande ; and some of them proceeded so farr 
as to affirme, that had it not been in Aberdeene that the Assembly mette, a 
place disaftected to reformation, such ane acte, wherby the power of godli- 
nesse was so much restrained, had never been made. It is sure that it gott 
no obedience in thes westerne places, and afterwards it was concealed, 
never being printed ; and to please thes phanaticke people, who wer looked 
upon as the only godly and spiritwall people in the following yeares, in 
some of the following Assemblyes it was so commented, and limited, and 
qwalifyd, and interpreted, that to this acte the actes of some following As- 
semblyes proved lycke the glosse of Orleance, destructive to the text, for 
they opned a doore to any that pleased to preach or praye, which heer 
seemd to be closed, as may be seen by the acte of Assembly at Edinburgh 
concerning family worshipp, anno 164T.(^) 

The man who was most complained upon and tackne notice of as being a 
greate abettour and promover of thes new familye meetings, was a west 
countrey gentleman, laird of Lekkey, who had been at Strivlinge, and else 
wher ; upon such accorapts of whom ther went a reporte that amongst 
expressiones and invectives against sett formes of prayer, he overreatched 
so farr, as that he was hearde saye that the Lords Prayer was a threed 
bare prayer .(') 

(1) [See Appendix, No. I.] 

(2) [Records of the Kirk, pp. 472, 474.] 

(3) [" The Examination of Francis Tillet, taken upon oath before Sir Anthony Wieldon, 
William James, Richard Beale, and John Size, "Esquires, upon an information of some 
subornation against Robert Cogens, Novemb. 20. 1644. Who saith that Robert Cosens 
and this examinat being together upon the Gentry, they were talking of tlie Common Prayer, 
and the Lords Prayer ; and in this discourse the examinate affirmed, That the Lords Prayer 
was taught unto him by his Forefathers, and that it was of Christs mahitig and framirtg ; 


A. D. 1640. XXIX. And now I am come to speacke concerning the visitatione of 
y. .~ J. the Universitye of Aberdeene, wher it shall be necessaire to premise some- 
the University what of ther projecte and intentions, as also the way how thes devyses war 
of Aberdeen, prosecuted, wherby it will be cleare that they proceeded politically eneuche 
for suppressing the pillars of episcopacye, and setting upp ther owne 
pairty, or such as could be most instrumentall in place therof. First, ther- 
for, it is to be knowne that the Covenant meeting with no considerable 
oppositione of any of the clergy, comparable to thoise of Aberdeene, the 
Covenanters made it ther greate aime, in consideratione therof, for to dis- 
grace and ruinate thes learned men who had opposed them ; and, next, be- 
cause it was for to be presumed that the Universitye of Aberdeen and 
cittye had been principalled by them with tenents opposite to the Cove- 
nante and Presbyterian waye, therfor they founde it absolutely necessary 
to sett upp in ther places such as wold be diligent to principle, bothe people 
and scoUers, with Presbyterian tenetts ; a designe not only carryd on heer 
but begunne at Glasgow Assembly (as has been related befor), in order to 
all the Universityes and eminent places of Scottland, wher either bishopps 
had resyded or ministers zealouse for episcopacye. 

Ther was a delegatione named first in Glasgow Assembly for to goe to 
Aberdeen and visite that Universitye ;(') wherin they acted so bravly, that 

whereunto Robert Cosens replyed, TJiat if our Saviour were again upon earth, he would 
be ashamed of ivhat he had done ; and that afterward this examinate relating unto his 
Brother John Cosens this discourse, the said John Cosens replyed, that his Brother Robert 
had said unto him as much before." The Second Part of Gangrsena : Or, A fresh and 
further Discovery of the Errors, Heresies, Blasphemies, and dangerous Proceedings of 
the Sectaries of this Time. By Thomas Edwards, Minister of the Gospel, p. 98. Lon. 
don, 1646.] 

(1) [" Act Session 25, December [18th] 1638. The General! Assemblie haueing consi- 
dered, that it wes the continuall practise of this Kirk, as is evident by the books of Assem- 
blie, and that it is now most necessar, to give commission to some able and wyse men of the 
ministers and elders to visit the coUedges and vniversities of this Kingdome ; and now 
being presentlie convened in the citie of Glasgow, by God's providence, and vnabill to goe 
themselifs for the visitatioun of the Vniversitie of Old Aberdcin, Thairfoir nominats and 
apoints John Earle of Sutherland, the Master of Berridaill, my Lord Fraser, Alexander 
Master of Forbes, the Laird of Leyis, Robert Innes of that Ilk, Walter Barclay of Towy, 
Mr. David Lindsay at Bellhelvies, Doctor William Guild at Aberdean, ^Ir. Thomas 
Mitchell at Turreff, Mr. James Martein at Peterheid, Mr. John Patersoun at Foveraine, 
Mr. William Forbes at Fraserburgh, Sir Gilbert Ramsay of Balmaine, Mr. William 
Dougless, and anie aucht of thame, being foor Ministers andfoor Elders, a sufficient quorum, 
giveand and grantand vnto thame the full power and commissioun of the Assemblie, To 
meitt at Aberdein betwixt and the first Mononday or Tuesday of Apryll nixt to cum, to 
constitute their clerk and uther necesser members to visit the Vniversities of Old Aberdein, 
To summond and conveine befoir thame all the members thereof. To try and examine the 



that they procured one Mr. John Lirady, as if the University had desyred A. D. 1640. 
it, for to call for a visitatione, as hath been told befor ;(') and, withal, they 
made it a pretext of bringing armes north against Huntly. Trwe it is, 
that, anno 1639, they made a fashione of visiting that Universitye, but 
thinges wer not rype eneuch ; it was therfor laid by for that tyme. In the 
Assembly at Edinburgh the motione was kept on foote, but the long con- 
troversy after the pacificatione betuixt the King and the Covenanters, kept 
it off till now, that they brought the Assembly to Aberdeene for that pour- 
pose, as also for deposing such of the ministrye as yet stoode out against 
the Covenant (after it was authorised by the Assembly at Edinburgh, 
1639), which they were sure the ministers of Aberdeen, who had appeared 
in print against it, wold doe, and conseqwently be obnoxiouse to the censure 
of the Assemblys acte, which had beene countenanced by Traqwair, then 
Lord High Commissioner. Thes wer the reasones that drew ther Assem- 
bly to Aberdeen at this tyme ; nor wer they mistackne of ther expectatione, 
as presently shall be told. 

I fynde in the unprinted actes, a report of the visitors of the Universitye 
of Aberdeene, and a new comissione granted for to visite ;(^) but after 
Glasgow Assembly no reporte till now ; and, what is most straunge, ther 
maine worke is not mentioned, which was the turning out the ministers of 

qualities of the members therof giff they be correspondant to the order of their errectionis, 
to consider how the doctrine is vsit be ther masters and regents, and if the same be cor- 
respondant to the Confession of Faith, and acts of this Icirlc, and how the order is Iceiped 
amongst students, how ther rents and liveings ar bestowit, and all iither things to try and 
examine, whilk anie commissioners from the assembly had power to try, or whilk the Gene- 
rail Assemblie itsellF might have tryed in her visitatioun, an efter due tryell of the members 
and orders theirin, if they be agriable to ther erectioun, and the acts of this church ; to 
remoue all members superflouous, vnqualifiet, or corrupt, and to plant their roumes with 
moir sufficient and sound masters ; to remeid all dissorders, rectifie all abuses, and to doe all 
uther things necessarie for the preservatioun of religion and learning, whilk the Generall 
Assemblie themselffs might haue done, or anie commissioners from thame in ther visita- 
tiounes haiff done : Lykas the assemblie grants vnto the commissioners foirsaids, the 
power of sumounding befoir them all ministers and professors within the province of Aber- 
dien for to acknowledge the laitt assemblie and the constitutions therof, and vpon their re- 
fuisall, to cite them to compeir befoir the next Generall Assemblie, to be holden at Edin- 
burgh the third Wednisday of Julij, to be censoured for their contempt and dissobedience ; 
and this Commission to indure till the last day of May nix to cum, and the comissioners re- 
port their dilligence to the next General Assemblie, and be answerable for then- proceidings. 
" Extracted out of the books of assemblie by Mr. Archibald Jhonston, clerk to the 

(1) [See above, vol. i., p. 135.] 

(2) [Records of the Kirk, p. 279.] 

•2 F 



[B. V. 

A committee 
appointed for 
tliis purpose, 
to meet at 

Dr. Alexander 
Scrogy pro- 
cessed and de- 
posed ; vindi- 
cated by the 

Aberdeene : Ther depositions, and the reasons therof, is kept upp in the 
caball of the wryttne register of the Assemblyes. 

XXX. But once to close this pourpose: Sure it is, that the Assemblye, 
how soone they satte downe in Aberdeene, did delegate a committye befor 
whom both the members of the University, and the ministers of Aberdeene, 
and such other ministers as wer citted to answer this Assembly, wer to 
macke ther appearaunce to be tryed and examined ther. The place for 
that comittye to meet in was appoynted to be Marishalls house, at a large 
distaunce from the church wher the Assembly sate ; and they satte downe 
pro prima upon the last day of July, two dayes after the Assemblyes first 
sessione.''> Thes who wer summoned to macke ther appearaunce befor 
this comittye wer the principalis and members of both colledges of Aber- 
deen ; and, of the ministrye, Doctor Johne Forbesse of Corse, professor 
of divinitye in the Kings CoUedge ; Doctor Alexander Scroggye, minis- 
ter of Old Aberdeen ; Doctor James Sibbald, minister of New Aber- 
deene ; besyde Doctor William Leslye, principall of the Kings Colledge. 
All thes wer mainly aimed at, as having had ane hande in the qwerees, anno 
1638. Ther wer ly eke way as citted befor them of the countrey ministers, 
Mr. Johne Gregory, minister at Dalmoak (of whom already) ; Mr. Johne 
Rosse, minister at Birse ; Mr. Alexander Strathqhuan, minister at 
Chappell of Gereache ; Mr. Andrew Logye, minister at Raine, who all 
compeeired, and wer staged. Some others wer lyckewayes cited, but wer 
not qwestioned : all thes wer of the diocesse of Aberdeen. Of the diocess 
of Murrey wer cited and compeered Mr. Johne Guthrye, minister at 
DufFus, in the presbytry of Elgyne, sonne to the bishopp of Murrey ; and 
Mr. Richard Maitland, minister at Abercherdir, in the presbytrye of 
Strabogye : for some others of the the province of Murrey wer deposed 
by comittyes befor the meetinge of the Assembly of Aberdeene. As for 
Dr. William Guild, minister at Aberdeen, he was sittinge as a member of 
the Assembly. 

XXXI. Dr. Alexander Scroggye his parishoners wer examined con- 
cerning his lyfe and his calling. It was objected unto him that he preached 
long upon one texte, that he was cold in his doctrine, and edifyd not his 

(1) [" And that day there conveined the earle Marischall, the earle of Findlater, lord 
Fraser, collonell master of Forbes, (to whom also came upon the morne the earle of Sea- 
forth,) and Mr. Andrew Ramsay, moderator, persones of this Generall Assembly Commit- 
tee." Spalding, Hist, of Troub. vol. i., p. 233.] 


parishoners ; finally, that he refoosed to subscrybe the Covenant, evne 
then, though accused ; and with little ceremony he was sentenced and 
deposed from his ministrye by the voice of the Assembly, August fyrst.o 
He could have gott qwarter for all his other faultes ; but his joyning in the 
querees was unpardonable in ther eyes, who herein wer party as weall as 
judges to him and all the rest. I must vindicate him from the other asper- 
sions : To my knowledge, he was a man sober, grave, and painefull in his 
calling ; his insisting upon a text longe was never yet made, nor could be 
matter of accusatione to any, if the text wer materiall, and the discourse 
pertinent, and not tautologicall, which his observes ever wer : And for his 
cold delyvery, his age might excuse it, it being long since observd that 
" Intererit multum, divusne loquatur, an heros ; 

Maturusne senex, an adhuc florente juventa 


For he was then of great age, which might weall have excused other omis- 
sions or escapes in his discipline which wer impertinently objected, and, at 
farrest, could have pleaded only for a colleague to him, considering his 
numerouse and vast parosh, not to be paralelled in thes places,W as extend- 
ing not onlye over Old Aberdeen, but to the very portes of New Aber- 
deen, and a great pairt of the countrey neerest Aberdeene.* 

(1) [" Doctor Scroggie is accused for not subscriveing the covenant ; besydes, for conceal- 
ling of adulteries within his parish and some fornications, abstracting of the beidmen's rents 
in Old Aberdein, with some other particulars maliciously given up against him ; and wher- 
upon Mr. Thomas Sandielands, commissar (his extreme enemy), Mr. Thomas Lillie and 
Thomas Mercer, were brought in as witnesses, after doctor Scroggie's answer to ilk article 
was first wrytten : But shortlie upon the first day of August, be this committee was he de- 
posed and simpliciter deprived, and preached no more at Old Aberdein nor else where." 
Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 233. "Dr. Scroggie," says Baillie, was " ane old 
man, not verie corrupt, yet perverse in the Covenant emd Service Book." Letters, vol. i., 
p. 248.] 

(2) [Horat. Epist. ad Pisones, v. 114.] 

(3) [The parish of Newhills was not then separated from that of Saint Machar.] 

* Dr. Scroggy, after his deposition, got a pension from the King, anno 1641, at the Par- 
liament, and lived privatt till his death, which was at Rathven, anno 1659, in the ninety- 
fifth yeare of his age. [Dr. Scroggie was by Bishop Patrick Forbes preferred from the paro- 
chial cure of Drumoak to the cathedral church of Saint Machar, in Old Aberdeen, in 1621. 
He took the degree of Doctor of Divinity in the King's College and University, on the 
thirty.first of July, 162". The Theses which he maintained on that occasion bear this title : 
" De Imperfectione Sanctorvm in hac vita Theses TheologicEe. De quibus Deo benigne an- 
nuente, Christiana & publica instituetur <ruf/.f,i(ia.j,;, in vetusta Academia Aberdonensi, 31 lulii, 
Anno 1627. Pro S. S. Theologiae Doctoratu. Praeside loanne Forbesio, S. Theol. Doct. 
& publico in eadem Professore. Rcspondentis partes tuente M. Alexandro Serogaeo, 
Verbi Dei Ministro, in Cathedral! Ecclesia Aberdonensi. Aberdonis, Excudebat Edvardus 


A. D. 1640. XXXII. To Dr. James Sibbald it was objected befor the Assembly 

~ that he had preached poyntes of Arminianisme publickly in the pulpitt of 


Rabanus. Cum privilegio. Anno 1627." He is described by Dr. Garden as "vir prudentia 
insignis, eruditione hand contemnendus." Vita Johannis Forbesii, § xlix. Spalding calls 

him an " honest old reverend man, of good literature, judgment, and understanding 

ane learned, grave, ancient man, of singular good parts." Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 262, 
270. The only work which he is known to have left is " A Fvnerall Speach, In commemo- 
ration of the right Reverend Father in God, Patricke Forbes of Corse, late Bishop of 
Aberdene, Chancellour and Restorer of the Universitie thereof, one of his Majesties most 
honourable Privy Counsel, a Jewell both of Church and State, Baron of Oneill, &c. De- 
livered Apr. 12. 1635. by Alexander Scrogie, Doctor in Divinitie, and ordinarie Minister of 
Gods word in the Cathedrall Church of Aberdene," printed in Bishop Forbes' Funeralls, 
pp. 58 — 68. After his deposition, says Spalding, " he wrought so, tliat he had gifted to 
him, out of Ross, eight chalders victuall dureing his lifetime, since his kirk was taken frae 
him. Mr. Alexander Innes, minister at Rothemay, his goodsone, and deposed frae his kirk, 
also Mr. Alexander Scroggie, his son, dejjosed frae his regencie, ilk ane of them had gotten 
some pension frae the king." Hist, of Troubles, vol. i., p. 345. We learn from the same 
source that in 1641, on " Sunday, being Whytsunday, and 13th of June, Doctor Scroggie, 
notwithstanding he was forbidden out of pulpit to come to the table, as he had not subscrived 
the covenant, took his communion ; whilk bred some fear to the minister, doubtful! to re- 
fuise him the communion or to give it ; but no impediment was made to him, and so he received 
it." Id. p. 326. To the General Assembly which met at Saint Andrews in 1641, " Dr. 
Scrogie (after he is deposed, put frae his kirk and house, and spulzied of his goods), gives 
now in ane supplicatione (notwithstanding of his wryteing with the rest of the Aberdein's 
doctors against the Covenant), offering to swear and subscrive the samen, whilk he had re- 
fuised before, and to doe what forder it should please the brethrein to injoyne him. The As- 
sembly heard glaidly his supplication, and referred him to the Committee of the kirk at Edin- 
burgh, ordaining him to goe ther and give them full content, whilk he promised to doe, and 
whilk he did at leasure." Id. p. 333. See also p. 343. On the twenty-sixth of May, 
1642, he appeared before the Presbytery of Aberdeen, and subscribed the following re- 
cantation : 

" 1. Whairfoir, cleirly decerning my former mistakingis in opposing the Nationall Co- 
venant of this Kirk and Kingdome, I do now pass from all the ressonis and argumentis 
spoken or givin out be myself allone, or otheris, either before or at the lait Assemblie of 
Abirdene, against oure subscriveing thairof, in als far as thay militat against the Covenant, 
or utteris any thing to the prejudice thairof. 

" 2. And particularly, I declare now the pointis quhairupone I wes questiond at my de- 
position, and did not then cleirlie gif satisfactioun, as follouis : 

"1. I profes the humanitie of Christ ought not to be painted for religious uses, or to be 
had in public places of worship. 

" 2. That the kirk of Rome is ane hereticall, apostaticall and idolatrous kirk, and not the 
true kirk. 

"3. I now declare cleirly, that it is unlauchfull in a Christeane kirk to have, or use al- 
taris, cappingis and bowingis before them, the priestis habit whill he offeris (as surplessis, 
rochettis, keapis) the table standing altar wayes, prayeris touard the eist. 

" 4. I do also, according to our Covenant, refuse the Service book, book of Cannonis, 
Ordinatioun, and heighe Comissioun, evin as they ar condempned by oure General Assem- 
blies, and upone the same groundis. 

" 5. I farder do declare, that albeit in the Lordis Supper there is a commemoratioun of 
the sacrifice of Christ for ws, yit the samen ought not to be called properlie a Sacrifice, 
either propitiatorie or commemorative. 


New Aberdeen ; that speacklng to one who was doing pennance upon the ^ p ^(^^q^ 

stoole of repentaunce, he had saide that if he had improved the grace 

givne him fi-om God, he needed not to have fallne in that sinne, etc. Some 
of his private conferences to this pourpose was objected.'" His accuser was 
Mr. Sarawell Rutherfoord, who, in former tymes, had been his hearer at 
such tymes as Mr. Samwell was confyned in Aberdeene ; finally, that he 
refoosed to subscrybe the Covenant. His maine fault was, that he had 
opposd it, having had a hand in the Aberdeens querees ; that ruind him, 
though least objected. He spocke for himselfe, and deneyed Mr. Samwells 
accusation ; but it was bootlesse, for, by vote of the Assembly, he was 
deposed, and he and Dr. Scroggye (if my memory faile not) ordered to be 
processed, if they subscrybe not the Covenant ;(2) which seems to me to 

" 6. I also renunce the absolut necessitie of private baptisme. 

" 7. I deny the Sacrament of the Lordis supper sould be givin to dying persones as a 
viaticon, and thinli the giveing or talcing thereof to be superstitious. 

" 8. I confess, that the citing of the place, Mathew 26. 32., All those that tak the suord 
sail perish by the suord, and Rom. 13. 2., They who resist sail receave to them selfis con- 
dempnatioun, to condempne the just and necessarie defens of this natioun, ar misapplyed ; and 
do blis God that oure Sovereigne the King, and oure nightbour kingdome of England, have 
taken notice of, and caused to publish the dewtifulness and loyaltie of our nation thereanent. 

" 9. And if any other thing be found, set out be me or otheris about Abirdenej contrair 
to the just and lauchfuU caus of the Covenant, I disclaim them all. 

" 10. Fynallie, I allow and avow the lauchfulnes of reuUing elderis in the governament 
of the Kirk, and in all the Assembleis thereof. 

" At the Presbitrie of Abirdene 26 May 1642. Sic subscribitur, Mr. Alexr. 
ScROGiE." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. ii., p. 4". 

He was appointed by the Presbytery to preach before the provincial synod of Aber- 
deen, on the eighteenth of October ; his sermon " being censurit by the brethren, is 
found faultie in sum pointes ; 1. For not praying for the distressed kirk and state of Ireland, 
in particular ; 2. AUedging that no novations could be brocht in by subjects, either in 
church or poUicie, aganes the will and auchtoritie of ane monarche. But this dillit doune 
quyatlie without more din.'" Id. p. 94. Dr. Scrogie had two sons. The elder, Alexander, 
was successively a regent in King's College and University, minister at Forglen, and at 
Saint Machar's church in Old Aberdeen. The younger, William, " born and bred in Aber- 
deen," minister first at Rathven, then at Dunbarton, was consecrated Bishop of Argyll in 
1666. He died of a fever on the twenty-seventh of January, 1675, and was buried in the 
church-yard of Dunbarton, where his tomb yet remains. The inscription which it bears is 
printed in Menteith's Theater of Mortality, p. 244, edit. Glasg. 1834. Verses to his me- 
mory will be found in the Epigrammata of Ninian Paterson, p. 52, Edinb. 1678. He is said 
to have " published a sermon, 4to, Edin. 1660, the title wherof is Mirabilia Dei." Maid- 
ment's Catalogues of Scotish Writers, p. 43.] 

(1) [See Appendix, No. II.] 

(2) [" Dr. Sibbald," says Baillie, " in manie points of doctrine was found verie corrupt ; 
for the which we deposit him, and ordained him, without quick satisfaction, to be processed. 
The man was there of great fame : it was laid on poor me to be all their examiner, and 
moderator to their processe." Letters, vol. i., p. 248. 

" Doctor Sibbald was accused for not subscriveing the covenant, and upon preaching of 


A. D. 1640. have been the cause why not long after he fledd to Ireland, and ther was 
placed minister at Dublin till his deathe. As for his Arminianisme object- 
ed to him, it was strainge they should accuse him for preaching that way 
befor theye had condemned it in Glasgow Assemblye, 1638; for after that, 
they could laye nothing of it to his charge ; nor did I ever heare him 
tainted with it, except so farr as Mr. Samwell Rutherfoord objected it ther, 
yet but testis singularis. It wiU not be affirmed by his very enemyes, but 
that Dr. James Sibbald* was ane eloquent and painefull preacher, a man 
godly, and grave, and modest, not tainted with any vice unbeseeming a 
minister, to whom nothing could in reason be objected, if yew call not his 
antecovenanting a cryme.(') 

erroneous doctrine and Arminianisme. His papers wer brought by ane rott of muskateirs, 
at command of the committee, out of his own house, partly written be himself and partly 
be umquhile William Forbes, bishop of Edinburgh, which wer partly found orthodox, partly 
otherwayes. There was also ane minister, called Rutherfoord, who happened to be wairded 
in Aberdein at King James' command. He, hearing doctor Sibbald at that time preach, 
stood up and accused him of Arminianisme. But he defended him also. At last he was 
deposed, fled the country with a grievous heart, and passed to England." Spalding Hist, 
of Troub., vol. i., pp. 233, 234.] 

• Against whom they wer so curiouse to frame articles of indytment, that they caused a 
partye of souldiours goe and search his studye and seise all his papers ; but whither the 
bishop of Rosse his letters, concerning the printing of the Booke of Canons, wer found 
besyd him, or amongst Dr. Barrens papers, I doe not remember, for ther was nothing else 
founde in his study that could serve ther tm-ne for to be a grounde of any accusatione 
against him. 

(1) [Dr. Sibbald was descended from the ancient family of Sibbald of Keir in the Mearns. 
He studied at Marischall College and University, and in 1619 was chosen one of its regents. 
He was appointed to the cure of the parish church of Saint Nicholas, in Aberdeen, in 1626. 
After his deposition from the ministry, says Dr. Garden, " in Hiberniam profectus, ad idem 
Officium in civitate Dublinia vocatus est, in quo summo cum honore & integritate per de- 
cennium versatus est, usque dum pestilentia ibi grassante, in aegris visitandis & consolandis 
assidue pergens, ipse tandem eadem lue correptus, ex hac vita sublatus est. Vir apprime 
humilis, plus ac eruditus, in Officio assiduus, concionator gravis ac solidus." Vita Johannis 
Forbesii, §. xlvii. A posthumous volume of Dr. Sibbald's sermons bears this title, " Diverse 
Select Sermons upon severall texts of holy Scriptvre, Preached by that Reverend and faith- 
full Servant of Jesvs Christ, D. James Sibald ; Doctour of Divinity, late Preacher of the 
Gospell, at Aberdene, There-after at Dublin, in Ireland. Published after his death. 
Printed at Aberdene, by lames Brown. 1658." This volume contains a sermon first 
printed in Bishop Forbes' Funeralls, pp. 94 — 148 ; " Holinesse to the Lord, or A Sermon 
Vpon the 36 verse of the 28 chapter of Exodus : In commemoration of the most worthie 
and Reverend Praelate of blessed memorie, Patrick bishop of Aberdeene ; Preached by lames 
Sibbald, Doctor of Divinitie, and Minister of Sainct Nicola's Church of Aberdene, Apr. 16. 
1635." Dr. Sibbald is enumerated by Sir Thomas Urquhart among " men who have given 
great jjroof of their learning, as well by treatises which they have divulged, as in all manner 
of Academical exercitations." Tracts, pp. 122, 123. He is probably the " Ja. Sybald," 
whose name appears among those of the clergy of Dublin who subscribed a declaration in 
favour of the Liturgy in 1647. Bishop Mant's Hist, of the Ch. of Ireland, vol. i., p. 591. J 


XXXIII. To Doctor William Lesly was objected, that he was lazie, A. D. 1640. 
and neglective in his charge/') and they strove to brande him with per- Dr. William 
sonall escapes of drunknesse ; and, finally, that he wold not subscrybe the Lesly depos- 
Covenant, etc., for which he was deposed, as the rest wer. I must pleade ^ '.i!'" ju'*"" 
for him as for the rest, wherin I shall speacke truthe. His lazinesse might 
be imputed to his reteerd monasticke way of living, being naturally melan- 
colian, and a man of great reading, a painefull student, who delyted in 
nothing else but to sitte in his studye, and spend dayes and nights at his 
booke, which kynde of lyfe is opposite to a practicall way of living. He 
never marryd in his lyfe time, but lived solitary ; and if sometymes to 
refresh himself, his freends tooke him from his bookes to converse with 
them, it ought not to have been objected to him as drunknesse, he being 
knowne to have been sober and abstemiouse above his accusers. He was a 
man grave and austere, and exemplar. The Universitye was happy in 
havinge such a light as he, who was eminent in all the sciences, above the 
most of his age. He had studyed a full Encyclopedia ; and it may be 
questioned whither he excelld most in divinity, humanity, or the languages, 
he being (of course) professor of the Hebrew and divinitye. And it was 
ther unhappinesse to wante him ; for since that tyme he was never para- 
lelled by any principall who succeeded him. For some yeares therafter he 
lived private, in the house of the Mai-quesse of Huntlye, who was a freend 
to learning and learned men, and had him in great esteeme and honour. 
After Huntly was engadged in the warre. Dr. Lesly reteered to his kinnes- 
man, Alexander Douglasse of Spynye, a gentlman who entertaind him till 
his death, which fell not out till after the Englishes were maisters of Scott- 
land. He dyed of a cancer, whiche physitions know proceedes from melan- 
coliouse bloode. Pittye it was that he left not mor behynde him of his 
learned workes ; but the reason was, his naturall bashefullnesse, who had so 
small opinion of his owne knowledge, that he could scarce ever be gottne 
drawne for to speacke in publicke.C^) 

(1) [The lords commissioners appointed by the King to visit The King's College in 1638, 
" having takin notice of Doctor William Leslie his bygain careage in his office of primar- 
ship, and finding him to have been defective and negligent thairin, and worthie of censure, 
yet, nevertheless, in regard they know him to be ane man of gude literature, lyfF, and con- 
versation, and thairfoir unwilling to pas any rigorous censure agains him, They ordain him 
to teache weiklie in tyme comeing tuo lessons, onlie ane thairof in Theologie and the uther 
in the Hebrew tongue." Kennedy's Annals of Aberdeen, vol. ii., p. 441.] 

(2) [Dr. William Leslie was a descendant of the house of Kininvie, according to Dr. 
Garden, or of the family of Crichie, according to Bishop Keith. He studied at The King's 


A. D. 1640. XXXIV. Dr. Johne Forbesse of Corse, professor of divinity in the 
Dr. .lohn Universitye, was the bone of any that troubled the Covenanters to digest ; 

Forbes inter- for as he stoode opposite to the Covenant, which he had evidenced in his 


College and University, and was in 1617 chosen one of its regents. He became its Sub- 
Principal in 1623; and about 1630 was preferred to be its Principal. "He was," says 
Spalding, " ane singular learned man, who could never be moved to swear and subscrivc 
our covenant, saying he would not hurt his conscience for worldly means. He was never 
heard to speak immodestly against the covenant nor procedure of thir times, but suffered all 
things with great patience, attending God's will ; none more fitt for learning, to his charge 
in the CoUedge, and therwith godly and grave. It is said the King gave him some money 
at Berwick, wherupon he lived for a short whyle ; and it is true he had no great means to 
the fore of his own, at this time." Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 172. " Hie est ille cujus 
eruditio omne genus, & sacra & exotica, omnibus qui eum norunt mage nota est, quam sibi. 
Hie est ille, qui si se aut nosset (quaj est ejus modestia, & de se existimatio exilis) aut nosse 
vellet, singulari ornamento nobis esse posset, ut jam plane magno est. Hie est ille denique 
qui etsi omnia non sciat, nequc enim hoc mortalis est, pauca tamen ignorat." A. Strachani 
Panegyric. Inavg. in Aut. Acad. Aberd. p. 38. Sir Thomas Urquhart writes, " To the 
conversation of Doctor William Lesly (who is one of the most profound and universal 
scholars now living) his friends and acquaintance of any literature are very much beholding, 
but to any books of his einission nothing at all ; whereat every one that knoweth him, won. 
dreth exceedingly : and truly so they may ; for though scripturiency be a fault in feeble 
pens, and that Socrates, the most learned man of his time, set forth no works : yet can 
none of these two reasons excuse his not evulging somewhat to the publick view, because 
he is known to have an able pen, whose draughts would grace the paper with impressions of 
inestimable worth : nor is the example of Socrates able to apologize for him, unless he had 
such disciples as Plato and Aristotle, who having reposited in their braines the scientifick 
treasures of their masters knowledge, did afterwards (in their own works) communicate 
them to the utility of future generations : yet that this Caledonian Socrates (though willing) 
could not of late have been able to dispose of his talents, did proceed from the merciless 
dealings of some wicked Anites, Lycons, and Melits of the covenant ; the cruelty of whose 
perverse zeal, will keep the effects of his vertue still at under, till by the perswasion of some 
honest Lysias, the authority of the land be pleased to reseat him into his former condition, 
with all the encouragements that ought to attend so prime a man." Tracts, p. 123. Dr. 
Garden describes him as " Vir egregie literatus, in linguis Orientalibus versatissimus, in 
Latina & GrEeca Poeta eximius, cujus varia in utraque scripta adhuc exstant poemata. 
Eruditione politiori insignis, cui omncs Authores Classici probe noti ac familiares erant, in 
quos eruditas conscripsit notas ac emendationes, quae, cum Vir eximius iniquitate temporum 
varie jactatus fuerit, interciderunt. Prselectiones habuit Theologicas antiquas quarum 
quEedam exstant." Vita Johannis Forbesii, § 1. " The many high encomiums," says Dr. 
Irving, " bestowed on Dr. William Lesley, must excite our deepest regret, that he should 
have bequeathed so small a portion of his knowledge to posterity. Although he was re- 
garded as a profound and universal scholar, he never courted the fame of authorship." 
Lives of the Scotish Poets, vol. i., p. 136. Edin. 1814. Dr. Garden has preserved in his 
life of Dr John Forbes (§ li.) a learned fragment by Leslie on the writings of Cassiodorus, 
" Scriptoruni Cassiodori accuratior Nomenclatura ;" and Latin verses by him are printed in 
Bishop Forbes' Funeralls, pp. 343, 344. 

According to Bishop Keith (Catal. of Scot. Bish., p. 309), Dr. William Leslie was the 
brother of John Leslie, bishop successively of the Isles, of Raphoe, and of Clogher, father 
of the excellent and leai-ned Charles Leslie, the author of " A Short and Easy Method 
with the Deists," and many other admirable works.] 



Warning, anno 1638,(0 and had disputed against them in his qwerees, so A. D. 1640. 
they knew him to be a man most eminent for learning and for pietye; so that 
they feared it wold be a scandall to depose him. Muche panes was tackne 
upon him by some of his neer relationes, who stoode for the Covenanters, 
for to draw him to subscrybe ; but it wold not bee. Therfor he was con- 
veened befor ther comittye, at MarshaUs house, and ther interrogated 
concerning his doctrine and beleefe ; to all which he answered so readily, so 
learndly and orthodoxly, and with such candor and modestye, that the 
moderator of that comittye was forced to tell him that they had nothing to 
save to his lyfe, but that they founde him piouse, learnd, and fully ortho- 
doxe, and to disagree with them in nothing but in poynt of churche go- 
vernement ; and earnestly beseeched him he wold be pleased to tacke the 
Covenant, shewing him that it was ther greefe if they wer necessitated for 
to putt him from his statione upon his refusall.C^) He answered them, that 
he did humbly thanke them for ther undeserved good opinion of him, and 
that, if they wer pleased, he would obleidge himselfe not to speake nor 
dispute against the Covenant, and to give ther ordinances practicall obe- 
dience ; and furder, he saide, that, if they could satisfee him in his doubtes, 
he wold subscrybe it ; but he hoped they wold bidde him doe nothing 
against the light of his conscience. But all this wold not doe ; therfor he 
gott his sentence of depositione, as the rest had gottne befor him ; the which 
he tooke so humbly, that instantly therafter he declared that [he] wold and 
had givne freelye and mortifyd his dwelling house in Okie Aberdeen, to be 
a dwelling house to all succeeding professors of divinitye in that univer- 
sitye ; and it is presently possesed by his successor, upon that same very 
accompt. After his depositione, he was much putt at to subscrybe the 
Covenant, or bee excommunicate, and hardly could gett licence to stay in 
Scottland till he did putt his affaires in order ; after which tyme he reteered 

(1) [A Peaceable Warning, to the Subjects in Scotland: Given in the Yeare of God 
1638. Aberdene, Imprinted By Edw. Raban, The Yeare aboue written.] 

(2) [" Dr. Forbes's ingenuitie," says Baillie, " pleased us so well, that we have given him 
yet tyme for advysement." Letters, vol. i., p. '248. 

" Being set within the earle Marischall's house, Mr. Andrew Ramsay moderator caused 
call the foirnamed persons. And first, he begane at doctor Forbes of Corse, and after 
some queries and answers, no more process past against him at this time, but was con- 
tinowed upon good hopes of his incomeing ; but he could on nowayes be moved to sub- 
scrive the covenant ; wherupon he was also deposed from his place of professor." Spald- 
ing, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 233. See Dr. Garden's Vita Johannis Forbesii, JJ Ixxxii 
— Ixxxviii.] 


A. D. 1640. to Holland, to his ladyes freendes, of the Isle of Walker, and ther so- 
journed some yeares, with great applause of the learnd professors ther, 
wher he caused print his most learned worke of his Instructiones Historico- 
Theologicae, and his fathers * Commentaire upon the Apocalipse, (■) 
which, in memory of his father, he had translated into Latine.W His 
Commentaire upon the Decalouge, and the last four hookes of his //is^rwc- 
tiones Historico- The ologicae {makSxi^ treaty va all), he left behynde him, 
unprinted, at his deathe, in the handes of his neerest freends and execu- 
tors, and they are expected in printe. His Irenicum he worote in his 
younger yeares, which was very ill tackne by the presbyterian partye in 
thoise tymes. Some yeares befor his death, he gott licence from the 
states of parliament of Scottland to come home to Scottland, and stay a 
whyle for his healthe ; but he dyed not long after his home coming, about 
the yeare 1649.(^) 

* Bishop Patrick Forbesse. 

(0 [An Exqvisite Commentarie vpon the Revelation of Saint lohn. Wherein, Both 
the course of the whole Booke, as also the more abstruse and hard places thereof not here- 
tofore opened ; are now at last most clerely and euidently explaned. By Patrick Forbes of 
Corse. Lond. 1613. 4to. A second edition appeared abroad in the following year : An 
learned Commentarie vpon the Revelation of Saint lohn, wherein both the covrse of the 
whole booke, as also the more abstruse and hard places thereof, are more cleerly and 
euidently explained then heretofore they haue bene. Newly corrected, and the defectes 
and errors of the first edition supplied and amended. By Patrick Forbes of Cotharis, etc. 
Middelburg, 1614. 4to.] 

(2) [Commentarius in Apocalypsin, cum Appendice, eic. Amstelodami, 1646. 4to.] 

(3) [The well knovni Dr. John Forbes of Corse, the second son of Patrick Forbes, bishop 
of Aberdeen, was born on the second of May, 1598. He studied at Aberdeen, and at 
several foreign universities, and was appointed professor of divinity in The King's College, 
in 1620. The Theses which he maintained on that occasion bear the following title : " Dis- 
pvtationes Theologicae, Dvae, habitae in inclyta Aberdonensi Academia in magno avditorio 
Collegii Rcgii mense Febrvario anno 1620. Pro publica SS. Theologiae professione. Res- 
pondente loanne Forbesio. Edinbvrgi, Excudebat Andreas Hart. Anno 1620." It appears, 
from the deed of institution to the professorship, appended to these Theses, that Forbes 
was called to the ministry in the church of Middleburg, on the fourth of April, 1619. 
The certificate of this call is subscribed as follows : " loannes Forbesius senior, Anglicanae 
Ecclesiae quae est Middelburgi Pastor ; Gerson Bucerus Pastor Ecclesiae Verianae ; Guliel- 
mus Tellingus verbi divini minister in Ecclesia Christi quae est Middelburgi ; Alexander 
Makduifus Ecclesiae Scoticanae quae est Veriae Pastor: Ita attestor Enoch Sterthemius 
Ecclesiastes Middelburgensis. " After being deprived of his professorship, in 1 64 1 , for refusing 
to subscribe the National Covenant, Dr. Forbes was, in 1644, obliged to leave his native 
country, because he would not submit to the Solemn League and Covenant. During his 
exile, he resided in Holland ; and in 1646, was permitted to return to Scotland. He died at 
Corse, on the twenty -ninth of April, 1648, in the fifty-sixth year of his age. An applica- 
tion which he made, a short time before his death, to the presbytery of Aberdeen, for leave 
to be buried beside his father and his wife, in Bishop Dunbar's aisle, in the cathedral, was 


XXXV. Dr. Robert Barron was deade the yeare befor,(0 yet somewhat A. D. i64o. 
must be done concerning him. They thought him not orthodoxe in some of j^ „ 
his tenants ; therfor, such of his papers as wer unprinted they must see Barron, 
them, and they must be censurd and purgd. His widdow had reteered to 
the Strayla,(') wher she was borne ; therfor order was sent to Monroe, with 
all expeditione, for to searche the place wher she stayd, and send herselfe, 
and such papers of her husbands as she had besyde her (if ther should be 
any founde), to Aberdeen, under a sure gward.C) This was readily obeyd 

refused ; and he was interred in the churchyard of St. Marnan of Leochel. The com- 
plete edition of his Latin works, published by the Wetsteins, and edited by Dr. Garden, 
has been often referred to in these notes. " His learning," says Dr. Irving, " was such as 
to obtain the warm approbation of those eminent scholars, Vossius, Usher, Morhof, Ernesti, 
and Cave : and to this it would be superfluous to add any other commendation." Lives of 
the Scotish Poets, vol. i., p. 136.] 

(1) [See above, pp. 89, 90.] (2) [Strath Isla in Banffshire.] 

(3) [" Umquhile doctor Barron's wife was, by command of this Assembly, be ane rott of 
muskattiers brought out of her own house in Strylay, with her husband's preaching papers ; 
whilk being sein be the Assembly, were not found sound. Ther was also brought ther ane 
missive letter direct be the archbishop of Canterbury to the said umquhill doctor Barron, 
with two other missives direct to him and umquhill Mr. Alexander Ross, from the bishop of 
Ross, all tending to the mentainance of Arminianisme, promiseing therfor reward, and with- 
all willing them to cause Raban imprint in the Book of Common Prayer some passages of Ar- 
minianisme ; whilk papers and letters they carried with them, and suffered the gentlewoman 
to goe." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 234. 

" Poor Baroun, otherwayes ane ornament of our nation, we found hes been much in rmilHs 
the Canterburian way : great knaverie and direct intercourse with his Grace we fand among 
them, and yet all was hid from us that they could." Baillie's Letters, vol. i., p. 248. 

Dr. Robert Baron, a cadet of the house of Kinnaird, in Fife, was one of the most 
erudite theologians of the seventeenth century. 

Bishop Sydserf characterises him as " Vir in omni Scholastica Theologia & omni litera- 
tura versatissimus." Gul. Forbesii Consid. Modest, et Pacif. praef. 

" Et quis," asks Antonius Clementius, " Baronium ignoret, tot Theologorum pridem ac 
Philosophorum laudibus decantatum ? Philosophiam Theologiae ancillantem quis est qui 
non efferat ? utilitatem, perspicuitatem extollat ?" Baronii Metaph. Gener. praef. 

" Hie est ille mellitus Doctor," a contemporary writes, " qui morum suavitate, & elegan- 
tia ad omnes promerendos natus est. Hie est ille qui subtilitatem Seraphicam cum summa 
perspicuitate posse conjungi ostendit. Hie est ille denique qui scriptis inclaruit : & recens in 
vindicandis contra Adversarium negotiosissimum, Fidei, & divinae scientiae principiis, se 
eruditionis sacrae finem & perfectionem assequutum arguit." A. Strachani Panegyric. 
Inavg. in Avt. Acad. Aberd., p. 22. 

" Robert Baron," says Middleton, " was a person of incomparable worth and Learning. 
He had a clear apprehension of things, and a rare facultie of making the hardest things to 
he easily understood." Appendix to Archbp. Spottiswoode, p. 29. 

" Fuit Robertus Baronius" Dr. Garden writes, " vir perspicacissimi ingenii, qui singu- 
lari praeditus facultate, obscuriora elucidandi, difficiliaque enodandi, difficultatis alicujus no- 
dum ac facilem ipsius evolutionem expedite & acute perspiciebat. Ipse distinctos ac claros 
de rebus habens conceptus, eos methodica ac distincta expositione aliis intellectu faciles red- 
debat. In Theologia Scholastica versatissimus." Vita Johannis Forbesii, § xlii. 


A. D. 1640. by Munroe, who made the gentlwoman prisoner at the Assemblyes 
instance, and sent her, and all such papers as could be founde besyde her, 
under a safe convey to Aberdeen ; whither she was no sooner come but she 

" Dr. Baron," says Dr. Irving, " was one of the chief ornaments of the University of 
Aberdeen at a time when it abounded with men of ingenuity and learning." Lives of 
the Scotish Poets, vol. i., p. 133. See also Irving's Lives of Scotish Writers, vol. ii., 
pp. 3-2, 49. 

He was educated in the University of St. Andrew's, where, as we learn from an anecdote 
preserved by Clementius, his early proficiency in learning attracted the notice of King 
James VI. : " De ipso Authore ejusque vita & excessu plura fortasse alias trademus, si ne- 
cessaria subsidia suppeditentur. Lubet interim hie attexere, quod a B.M. Parente meo 
notatum comperio, dum in Andreapolitana Academia studiorum causa versaretur. Narrat 
ergo in Pugillaribus suis, nostrum hunc Baronium imberbem adhuc & admodum juvenem. 
Anno ClO lo CXVII coram Rege Jacofto, & frequentissimo Auditorum coetu, summa ingenii 
ac judicii dexteritate Disputationem sustinuisse de materia miscelli generis, maxime Politica. 
Regem inter haec vultu in Baronium defixo, singulareni attentionem atque admirationem prae 
se tulisse. Tandem in verba erupisse, Baronium interrogasse ut sibi vellet exhibere demon- 
strationem certae cujusdam Theseos, (quae fuerit, non possum scire) ; qua ab Adolescent? 
accepta, palam & ilium et illam laudavit, pluraque in eandem rem adjecit, omnia Latino ser- 
mone : admirantibus cunctis, turn singulareni Maximi Regis affectum & benevolentiam, turn 
ipsius Adolescentis miram jam ilia aetate sagacitatem ac promptitudinem." 

After having for a short while professed philosophy at St. Andrews, Baron was called on to 
succeed Patrick Forbes of Corse, as minister of the parish of Keith. In 1624, he was trans- 
lated to a pastoral charge in Aberdeen, where he was shortly afterwards, on the foundation 
of that chair, appointed professor of theology in Marisohal College. At the beginning of the 
troubles, he fled to Berwick, where he died, in 1639, having been a short time previously 
nominated to the bishopric of Orkney. The latter years of his life seem to have been 
weighed down by sickness and infirmity. In 1631, the town council dispensed with his 
preaching in the kirk, on account of his bodily weakness. (Counc. Reg., vol. lii., p. 40.) 

The following is as complete a list of Dr. Baron's writings as the Editors have been able to 
furnish : 

1. Philosophia Theologiae Ancillans, hoc est, Pia & sobria explicatio Quaestionum 
Philosophicarvm in Disputationibus Theologicis subinde occurrentium. Avctore Roberto 
Baronio, Philosophiae Professore, in illustri Collegio S. Salvatoris. Andreapoli, Excudit 
Eduardus Rabanus, Vniversitatis Typographus. 1621. Cvm Privilegio. 8vo. Oxoniae, 
1641, 8vo. Anistelodami, 1649, 12mo. : " et," says Antonius Clementius, " in Belgio 
saepius, in 12." The first part of the work is dedicated to the archbishop of St. Andrews ; 
the second to Alexander Gladstane, archdeacon of St. Andrews ; and the third to Sir John 
Scot of Scotstarvet. Prefixed to the volume are two commendatory poems : the one ad- 
dressed " Dn. R. Baronio, quondam discipulo suo," and subscribed " H. Danskinvs, amoe- 
niorum literarum professor Andreap. ;" the other signed " lacobvs Glegivs, humaniorum 
literaruni professor Taodvni." Henry Danskin is one of the contributors to the Delitiac 
Poetarum Scotorum. 

2. Disputatio de Authoritate S. Scripturae, sen de Formal! Objecto Fidei. Abredoniae, 
1627, 4to. This treatise, says Dr. Garden, " ediderat Baronius cum S.S. Theologiae 
Doctor renunciatus est." Vita Johannis Forbesii, § xliii. It was assailed by George Turn- 
bull, a learned member of the Society of Jesus, and professor of theology at Pont-a- 
Mousson, in a work published atRheims, in 1628, with the title of " De Imaginario Circulo 
Pontificio, contra Baronium." 

3. Ad Georgii TurnbuUi Tetragonismum Pseudographum Apodixis Catholica, sive Apo- 
logia pro Disputatione de Formali Objecto Fidei. Abredoniae, 1631, 8vo. "This work is 


must delyver the key of her husbands librarye, that it might be searched A. D. 1640. 
for manuscriptts and letters. Some letters wer founde wryttne by the 
bishopp of Rosse, concerninge the printing of the Booke of Canons, and a 

dedicated to Bishop Patrick Forbes, and commendatory verses by Dr. Arthur Johnstone 
and Dr. William Johnstone are prefixed to it. TurnbuU published in reply, " Sententia 
Juris in Calumniatorem, contra Baronium. Remis, 1632." " How much," says Sir Thomas 
Urquhart, " the Protestant faith oweth to Doctor Robert Baron for his learned treatises 
(against TurnbuU the Jesuite) de ohjccto formali fidei, I leave to be judged by those that 
have perused tlieni." Tracts, p. 122. Arthur Johnstone has two copies of verses, " De 
diatriba Roberti Baronii D. Theologi adversus Trumbullium." Art. lonstoni Poemata, 
p. 376. 

4. Disputatio Theologica, De vero discrimine peccati mortalis & venialis, deque impossi- 
bilitate implendi legem Dei ob quotidianam peccatorum venialium incursionem. Cui 
Annexa est Appendix de possibilitate praestandi legem consideratam secundum 'friuKua.ti 
Evangelicam. Authore Roberto Baronio, Ecclesiaste Abredonensi, S.S. Theologia Doc- 
tore, et ejusdem in Academia Marescallana Professore. Abredoniae, Excudebat Edwardus 
Rabanus, 1633, 8vo. Amstelodami, 1649, 12mo. This treatise is dedicated by the author to 
Sir Paul Menzies of Kynmundie, the provost, and to the other magistrates and the town 
council of Aberdeen. It was printed at their charge : the expense, it appears, amounting 
to nearly one hundred and eleven pounds Scots, of which twenty-one pounds were paid for 
the paper, " sevyn rym coft from Robert Cruickshank." Aberdeen Council Register, vol. 
Hi., p. 1 15., and the City Treasurer's Accounts for 1633. The work called forth an answer 
from William Chalmers, or Canierarius, a member of the Society of Jesus. 

5. A Sermon, Preached at the Funerall of the R. R. Father in God, Patricke Forbes, 
Late Lord Bishop of Aberdene, In the Cathedral! Church of that Dioces, the 9 of Aprill, 
1635 ; by Robert Baron, Doctor and Professor of Divinitie, and one of the Ministers of 
God's Word in the Burgh of Aberdene. This is printed in Bishop Forbes' Funeralls, pp. 

6. Rob. Baronii, Theologi ac Philosophi celeberrimi, Metaphysica Generalis. Acoedunt 
nunc primuni quae supererant ex Parte Speciali. Omnia ad Vsum Theologiae accommodata. 
Opus Postumum Ex museo Antonii Ciementii Zirizaei. Londini, Ex Officina J. Redmayne. 
n. d. 12mo. The preface is dated from Ziriczce in Zealand, the fifteenth of February, 1657, 
and the work was doubtless published in that year. Dr. Irving refers to an edition in 8vo. 
published in Leyden also in 1657. And a third, in 12mo., appeared at London in the fol- 
lowing year, bearing this imprint : Londini, Ex Officina R. Danielis, & vaeneunt apud Th. 
Robinson & Ri. Davis Bibliopolas Oxonienses. 1658. Dr. Watt, in his Bibliothcca 
Britannica, enumerates a fourth edition, at Cambridge, in 1685. 8vo. 

There is preserved in a volume of tracts, in the library of The Marischal College [N. 5. 10.] 
a fragment, consisting of sixteen pages in small quarto, evidently printed by Edward Raban, 
and, so far as can be determined from internal evidence, written by Dr. Baron. It is entitled 

7. An Epitaph, Or Consolatorie Epistle, Vpon the death of the sayd Young Man ; 
Written to his Mother, By M. R. B. Preaclier of the Evangel. 

The works which Baron left behind him in manuscript seem to have been numerous. The 
following are enumerated by Dr. Garden : 

8. Disputationes Theologicae de Tri])lici Hominis Statu. This is preserved in the li- 
brary of The King's College, and extends to two hundred and twelve pages. 

9. Isagoge ad saniorem doctrinam de Praedestinatione & de Articulis annexis. 

10. Tractatus de Antecedaneis sen Dispositionibus praeviis ad Justificationem, deque vero 
discrimine Vocationis & Sanctificationis. 

11. Disputationes quaedam Theologicae, la. De Regula Fidei principali. [This is pre- 
served in the library of The King's College] Ila. De visibili & ordinario Controver- 


timber peece of tailly du pierre, wherupon was cut the Kings armes, to 
be printed into the frontispeece of that boolie. Thes letters wer publickly 
reade in the Assemblye, as if they had imported something very extraordi. 
nar ; but ther was none present to ansuer for them. Only the printer, 
Edward Raban, ane Englishman, was calld upon ; and because they could 
not formally challendge him for printing the bishopps canons, therfor it was 
objected that he had manked ane common prayer in a new editione of the 
psalm booke, which some yeares befor he had printed, in a large octavo.") 
It was a forme of ane evning prayer, whence he had tackne of the conclu- 
sione for want of paper, it being the closure of the last sheete of the 
booke. Ther wer other coppyes of that prayer readde, and they wold 

siarum Judice. Ilia. De Monarchia, Suprematu, & Judiciaria Infallibilitate Pontificis Ro- 
mani. IVa. Dc Ecclesia Christi in terris militante. The contents of this last tract, which 
the author left unfinished, are more particularly indicated by Garden, Vita Johannis For- 
besii, § xliii. 

12. Septenarius Saeer de Principiis & Causis Fidei Catholicae. This is preserved in 
the library of The King's College, and extends to one hundred and twenty-six pages. 

Besides these, Charteris (who calls him " very learned in the scholastiek theology, and 
deservedly judged to be inferior to none of the Protestants in that kind of learning,") 
attributes to Baron other two works, " De Scientia Media," and " Disputatio de Universa- 
litate Mortis Christi, contra Rheterfortem." Maidment's Catalogues of Scotish Writers, 
p. 23. But these arc, perhaps, merely parts of some of the treatises enumerated by Garden. 
The latter work was directed against the well-known Samuel Rutherford, who, in his letters 
from Aberdeen, makes several allusions to his controversy with Baron : " Dr. Barron hath 
often disputed with me, especially about Arminian controversies and for the Ceremonies : 
three yokings laid him by ; and I have not been troubled with him since : now he hath ap- 
pointed a dispute before witnesses I am openly preached against in the pulpits, in 

my hearing, and tempted with Disputations by the Doctors, especially by D[octor] B[aron] 

I am here troubled with the disputes of the great Doctors (especially with D[octor] 

B[aron] in ceremoniall and arminian controversies, for all are corrupt here). Mr. Ruther- 
foord's Letters, The Third Edition, Now divided in three Parts, pp. 48, 180, 221. 
Printed in the year 1675. 8vo. 

13. Consilium Philosophicum. This occurs in an imperfect list of Baron's works pre- 
fixed to the edition of his Metaphysica Generalis which appeared at London in 1658. 
The same catalogue mentions, among the printed works of Baron, " Metaphysica Generalis, 
cum Reliquiis Partis Specialis. in 8." alluding apparently to some less perfect edition of the 
Metaphysica Generalis than that to which the list was prefixed. 

Arthur Johnstone has addressed more than one of his poems to Dr. Baron : " Ad D. Ro- 
bertuni Baroniura Theologum de obitu filioli," (A. lonstoni Poemata, p. 182), and " Ad 
Robertum Baronium," {Id. p. .308). In the following epigram by the same poet (Id. p. 363) 
he is commemorated, along with the bishop of Edinburgh : " De Gulielmo Forbesio & Ro- 
berto Baronio, Theologis Abredonensibus : 

" Nil, quod Forbesio, Christi dum pascit ovile. 
Nil, quod Baronio comparet, orbis habet. 
Eloquio sunt ambo pares ; discrimen in uno est ; 
Quo lubet, hie mentes pellicit, ille rapit."] 
(0 [See above, vol. ii., p. 128, note (2).] 


needs have the printer confesse that he had throwne away all that clause A. D. I(!40. 

out of designe, or by warrant of some of the ministers of Aberdeen. The 

printer protested solemnly, that what he did was of himself, and was done 

for want of paper ; and simply that if they wer offended, he craved them 

humble pardone ; that he could instance that, except in that coppy, he 

had never omitted to print the conclusione of that evning prayer in any 

other editione of the psalmes in meeter, and should never omitte it againe. 

So, after a rebooke for his rashnesse in curtailing a prayer, he gott licence 

to be gone, without furder censure. 

XXXVI. Dr. William Forbesse (of whom befor) who had been bishopp Dr. William 
of Edinburgh some yeares befor, and dyed ther the first yeare after his .F<""bes' wnt- 
entrye, was now mentioned. His memory was hatefull to them, as being a by William 
man anti-presbyterian to the outmost, and one who in his lyfe tyme, whilst Ridge of he- 
he was minister of Edinburgh, had been accused for heterodox doctrine Mr? .L^empt 
(preached publickly in Edinburgh) by one William Ridge,(') a great pre- 
cisian accompted in thes tymes, so farr as to affect a singularitye in his 
apperell, (which gave occasione to one who was none of the wysest to tell 
him, upon a tyme, that his relligion and his breeches wer both out of the 
fashione.) This William Ridge, as he had persecuted Dr. William For- 

(1) [William Ridg-e, or Rigg, of Athenrie, one of the baillies of Edinburgh. It was re- 
presented to the King, in 1624, " that he was the chief Ring-leader of the Non-con formit- 
ants in Edinburgh, and that he contributed liberally to the printing of books, which crossed 
the course of conformitie." Calderwood, p. 812. " Upon Thursday the 25. of March, 
[1624] Doctor Forbes in the Session denounced heavie judgements against some of the Elders 
and Deacons ; because they refused to attend upon the Celebration of the Supper. To JoJin 
Dickson he said, ye want wit, ye should be catechized, ye are an ignorant, and get too much 
libertie to censm-e the Doctrine of your Pastors. James Nearne, ye must be catechized, ye 
are an ignorant, a recusant, ye should be punished, ye are a bairne, howbeit ye have hair 
upon your face, and must be catechized. To JoJin Smith, ye are a bairne, ye should not 
speak, but be catechized. To William Rigg, Bailiff, ye are a debaucht vagerer, ye siiould 
be catechized. The Bailiff answered, he had been Catechized by very honest, worthie & 
learned men, of whom some were with the Lord, and some were yet alive. Mr Forbes 
replied, he was learneder then any of them, and would Catechise them that Catechised him ; 
they were but mercenarie men and pensioners. Bring out your Gamaliel, said he, produce 
him, if ye have any in your house, that we may see him. The Bailiff answered, they were 
frier of these imputations, than himself. O master Bailiff, said he, O master Rigg, a great 
Magistrat, O a great Clerk. In end he bad them all come down to the Magdalen Chappel, 
that he might Catechize them, and threatened they should smart. Many moe speeches he 
uttered, as if he had been bereft of his wits, for calling his Doctrine in question at the pub- 
lick meeting two days before." Id. pp. 804, 803. " Upon the seventh of June [1624] 
the King directed [a committee of the Privy Council] to deprive William Rigg of his 
Office, to fine him in fifty thousand pounds, to ward his Person in Blackness Castle, till 
the summe were payed, and after to confine him in Orkney." Id. p. 808. This sentence, 
it appears, was afterwards considerably modified.] 


A. D. 1640. besse living, so, at this tyme being a ruling elder at the Assembly of 
Aberdeene, he resolves to persecute his memorye, and, as farr as lyes in 
his power, for to suppresse the workes that Dr. Forbesse was saide to have 
left behynde him ; for ther was a report that he had wryttne a booke, in 
which he strove, as farr as was possible, for to reconceile the differences 
betuixt the protestants and papistes. The Assembly will have it enqwyred 
after, and all the young men expectants about Aberdeen are qwestioned 
what they knew of such a booke. The ministry lyckways are examined, 
and it was answered by some present that such a booke ther was extant, in 
manuscript, in severall handes. Amongst others, upp standes one Mr. 
Johne Kempe, a cittizen of Aberdeen, who had spent his stocke and was 
turnd preacher,(0 and tells them he had a coppy therof besyde him. 
William Ridge is employd for to goe fetche it, who had offered himselfe to 
that service, and withall to goe searche Dr. Robert Barrens study, if any 
such manuscript could be founde therin ; which instantly he did, and 
brought, into triumphant manner, a couple of coppyes into the Assembly 
house ; one delyvered by Mr. Johne Kempt, who gott the thankes of the 
house for his ingenuitye ; and another founde amongst Dr. Barrons librarye. 
Ther was lyckwayes founde another booke, much to the same pourpose, 
wryttne by one Warnesius.W Warnesius booke was lyckwayes publickly ex- 
hibited, and thes bookes wer putt into the handes of the moderator,(3) to be 
perused, and to some others, who failed not for to suppresse the coppyes of 
Dr. Forbesse booke so ; that it was esteemed as dead as the author, till 
the yeare 1659, in which yeare, beyond all mens expectatione, it came out 
in printe at Londone,(^) and since has been publickly sould by the stationers 

(1) [Probably the same person who is mentioned by Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 
145, 232 ; and who appears among the contributors to Bishop Forbes' Funeralls, pp. 396, 

(2) [The work alluded to was afterwards published at Oxford from a collation of three 
manuscripts belonging to Archbishop Sancroft, the Earl of Anglesey, and the Dean of St. 
Pauls. It is entitled, " Catholico-Romanus Pacificus. Auctore Joanne Barnesio, Bene- 
dictino Anglo. Oxonise, E Theatro Sheldoniano Anno MDCLXXX." In a short pre- 
face, some account is give of the author's unhappy fate.] 

(3) I See Appendix, No. III.] 

(<) [Considerationes Modestae et Pacifies Controversiarum, de Justificatione, Purgatorio, 
Invocatione Sanctorum et Christo Mediatore, Eucharistia. Per Gulielmura Forbesium 
S.T.D. & Episcopum Edenburgensem Primum. Opus Posthumum, diu desideratum. Lon- 
dini, M DC LVIII. 8vo. A more accurate edition appeared at Helmstadt in 1704 ; and a 
writer in the Biographic Universelle (t. xv. p. 237), mentions a third at Francfort-on-the 
Maine, in 1707.] 


in Scottland, to the great offence of the presbyterians ; but William Ridge 
was deade befor it appeared againe.(') That booke was published by the 
care of bishop Thomas Sydserfe, to whom the dying author delyvered a 
coppye, bidding him macke any use of it that he pleased. That manuscriptt 
did runne all the hazards that bishop Sydserfe endurd, till such tyme as 
all being in confusione, without oppositione he gott it printed at Londone, 
by the oversight of some of his freendes ther : A booke which speackes the 
authors great reading and learning ; as indeed he was one of the learndtest 
men and the most eloquent preachers in his age, or that ever Aberdeen, 
the nursery of so many great spiritts, ever brought forthe.(^) 

(1) [He died before the eighteenth of April, 1644. Inquisitiones Generales, 2970.] 

(2) [Dr. William Forbes was born, at Aberdeen, in 1585. His father was of the family 
of Corsindae, and his mother was sister of an eminent physician. Dr. James Cargill. He 
was educated in The Marischal College, and resided for some time at several of the 
continental universities, and at Oxford. He was successively minister at Alford, at 
Monymusk, and at Aberdeen ; and, in 1618, was appointed principal of The Marischal 
College. He was subsequently, for some time, one of the ministers of Edinburgh ; but his 
zeal for episcopacy and liturgical observances, rendered him unpopular among the inhabi- 
tants of the capital. He therefore gladly accepted an invitation to resume his former office 
as one of the ministers of Aberdeen, where his principles were more in accordance with 
those of his flock. When Charles I. visited Edinburgh, in 163rf, Dr. Forbes preached 
before him. The King was so pleased that he declared the preacher to be worthy having 
a bishopric created for him. This circumstance, no doubt, along with his acknowledged 
ability and uprightness, led to his nomination as first bishop of Edinburgh, on the creation 
of that see. He was consecrated in February, 1634, but did not long survive his promo- 
tion. He died on the 1 1th April following, and was interred in the cathedral of St. Giles, 
where a monument was erected to his memory, with an inscription, a copy of which will be 
found in Maitland's History of Edinburgh, p. 184. A brief memoir of Dr. Forbes was pre- 
fixed to his Considerationes Modestae et Pacificae ; and a more extended biography of him 
may be found in Dr. Irving's Lives of Scotish Writers, vol. ii., p. 1 — 10. An engraving 
from a contemporary portrait of the learned prelate is given in Pinkerton's Iconographia 
Scotica, Lend. 1797. Besides the ))osthumous work mentioned in a preceding note, he 
wrote Animadversions on the Works of Cardinal Bellarmin. These, after his death, came 
into the possession of Dr. Baron, who intended to prepare them for the press ; but they 
disappeared during the subsequent troubles, and have not since been discovered. Sir 
Thomas Urquhart, who says that he was " so able a scholar, that since the days of Scotus 
Subtilis, there was never any that professed either divinity or philosophy in Scotland, that 
in either of those faculties did parallel him," adds, that " he left manuscripts of great learn- 
ing behind him, which as I am informed were bought at a good rate by Doctor Laud late 
Archbishop of Canterbury." Sir T. Urquhart's Tracts, p. 133. Writers of almost every 
class have united in acknowledging the learning and the piety of Dr. William Forbes. 

" Scientiarum is est Oceanus," a contemporary writes, " eruditionis abyssus, quod de suo 
Scaligero dicebat vir clarissimus D. Heinsius : {iiiXioHxri 'iij,^vx.os, xc^t •jn^KpaiTm, quod de 
Dionysio Longino dicebat Eunapius. In Bibliotheca, quam habet instructissima, nullam se 
doctiorem schedam agnoscit : & tamen non mavult quicquam scribere, quam scire. Nescio 
an Theologum majorem oculus hie mundi norit. Meliorem certe virum haec aetas non tulit. 
Natus videtur, & ad Regiae hujus Academiae, & ad Collegii Mareschallani (cujus aliquando 

2 H 


A. D. 1640. XXXVII. Thus the Assemblyes errand was throughly done; thes 
„ ,~: ,. eminent divynes of Aberdeen, either deade, deposed, or banished, in whom 

Eulogium 01 ■' . ' r ' 

the Aberdeen fell mor learning then was left behynde in all Scottland besyde, at that 
Doetors. tyme. Nor has that cittye, nor any cittye in Scottland, ever since scene so 

Gymnasiarcha fuit dignissimus) ornamentum & commodum." A. Strachani Panegyric. 
Inavg, in Avt. Acad. Aberd., p. 19. 

" He was," says Middleton, " a person of rare Endowments, vast Learning, and a cele- 
brated Preacher. He was indeed a most holy person, of whom all that ever knew him give 
this Character, that they never saw him but they thought his heart was in heaven. He was 
indeed a fit pattern to all that should come after him." Appendix to Archbp. Spottiswoode, 
p. 29. 

" II estoit," says Arnauld, " le plus modere & le plus equitable de ces Episcopaux pacifi- 
ques, qui souhaitant que les Protestans & les Catholiques cussent pu se reunir, ne faisoient 
nuUe difficulte de se declarer pour les Catholiques contre les Calvinistes, quand ils croioient 
que les Calvinistes avoient tort, comme celuy-cy I'a cru en plusieurs des points de contro- 
verse qu'il a traitez." Arnauld, Calvinisme convaincu de nouveau, p. 120, cited by Bayle, 
Dictionnaire Historique et Critique, tome ii., pag. 487, edit. Basle, 1738. 

" He was a grave and eminent divine," says Bishop Burnet : " my father, that knew 
him long, and being of council for him in his law-matters, had occasion to know him well, 
has often told me that he never saw him but he thought his heart was in heaven, and he 
was never alone with him but he felt within himself a commentary on these words of the 
apostles, ' Did not our hearts burn within us, while he yet talked with us, and opened to 
us the scriptures ?' He preached with a zeal and vehemence that made him forget all the 
measures of time ; two or three hours was no extraordinary thing for him ; those sermons 
wasted his strength so fast, and his ascetical course of life was such, that he supplyed it so 
scantly that he dyed within a year after his promotion ; so he only appeared there long 
enough to be known, but not long enough to do what might have been otherwise expected 
from so great a prelate. That little remnant of his that is in print shews how learned he 
was. I do not deny but his earnest desire of a general peace and union among all Chris- 
tians has made him too favourable to many of the corruptions in the Church of Rome : but 
tho' a charity that is not well ballanced may carry one to very indbcreet things, yet the 
principle from whence they flowed in him was so truly good, that the errors to which it 
carried him ought to be either excused, or at least to be very gently censured." Burnet's 
Life of Dr. William Bedell, pref. Lond. 1683. 

" Bene autem factum," writes Dr. Grabe in a note on Bishop Bull's Harmonia Evan- 
gelica, " quod doctissimus auctor plerosque, non omnes, Protestantiura Doctores, hujus 
erroris accusarit : quippe aliqui rectius hac in parte senserunt, quorum nomina partim, par- 
tim verba adduxit, is, quem semper tanquam egrcgium in hac aliisque pluribus contro- 
versiis moderatorem, et vere apostolicum Edinburgensis Ecclesiae Praesulem, summopere 
veneratus sum, Gulielmum Forbesiura dico, in Considerationibus Pacificis ac Modestis, lib. 
iv. de Justificatione, cap. 2." Dr. Burton's Edition of Bishop Bull's Works, vol. iii., p. 43. 

" Vir," says Dr. Garden, " vitae sanctimonia, humilitate cordis, gravitate, modestia, tem- 
perantia, orationis & jejuni! frequentia, bonorum operum praxi, industria pauperum cura, 
clinicorum crebra visitatione & consolatione, & omnifaria virtute Christiana, inter optimos 
primitivae Ecclesiae Patres annumerandus. In concionando ad populum fervens, adeo ut 
Auditorum mentes & affectus raperet, doctrina & eruditione insignis, sublimato pollens 
judicio, memoria etiam tenacissima (de quo vulgo dictum, quod ignoraret quid sit oblivisci). 
Veritatis & Pacis amantissimus, ac proinde rerum controversarum momentis acutissime 
expensis & pensitatis, nulli parti addictus, partium lites componere, saltern mitigare satage- 
bat." 'Vita Johannis Forbesii, § xli. 


many learned divynes and scollers at one tynie together as wer immediatly A. h. 10411. 

befor this in Aberdeene.'" From that tyme fordwards, learning beganne to 

be discountenanced, and such as wer knowing in antiqwitye and in the 
wryttings of the fathers, wer had in suspitione as men who smelled of 

His friend, Dr. Arthur Johnstone, has commemorated him in the following ej)igrani, 
" De Gulielmo Forbesio, D. Theologo. 

Omnia mel vincit dulcedine, sidera lueem 

Prae reliquis, robur missile fulmen habet. 
Eloquium si quis Forbesi comparet istis, 

Mel fatuum, nigra sunt sidera, fulmen hebes." 
A. lonstoni Poeniata, p. 364. His son Andrew became " professor of humanity in the town of 
St. Jean D'Angel, near the town of La Rochelle." Maidment's Catal. Scot. Writ., p. 124.] 

(1) [The Doctors of Aberdeen, says Bishop Guthrie, "for their eminenoy in learning 
were famous not only at home, but also throughout other churches abroad." Memoirs, p. 38. 

Clarendon commemorates the " many excellent scholars and very learned men" under whom 
the Scotish " Universities, es/)ecia% Aberdeen, flourished." Hist, of Rebell., vol. i., ]i. 14.i. 

Archbisho]) Laud tells Mr. Alexander Henderson " he should do well to let Canterbitrif 
alone, and answer the learned Divines of -Aberdeen ; who have laid him and all that Faclion, 
open enough to the Christian World, to make the memory of them and their Cause, stink to 
all Posterity." H. Wharton's History of Laud's Troubles and Tryal, pp. 112, 113. 

Bishop Patrick Forbes, says Burnet, " took such care of the two colledges in his diocess, 
that they became quickl}- distinguished from all the rest of Scotland : so that when the 
troubles in that church broke out, the doctors there were the only persons that could main- 
tain the cause of the church ; as appears by the papers that past between them and the 
covenanters. And though they begun first to manage that argument in print, there has 
nothing appeared since more perfect than what they writ. They were an honour to the 
church, both by their lives and by their learning ; and with that excellent temper they sea- 
soned that whole diocess, both clergy and laity, that it c<jntinues to this day very much dis- 
tinguished from all the rest of Scotland, both for learning, loyalty, and peaceableness." 
Life of Bedell, pref. 

" These," says the genealogist of the Gordons, " were then the Ministers of Aberdeen, 
famous then, yet, and ever will be, for their eminent Learning, Loyalty, and Piety. While 
they were allowed to live there, there was no such cry heard in the streets of that then 
loyal City, To your Tents, O Israel ! the common Cant then of the Covenanters. They 
were faithful Pastors ; they led their Flocks to quiet Waters ; they fed them with whole- 
.some Food, brought from the Scriptures, and the Practice of the primitive Christians. 
They had read most exactly the Writings of the antient Fathers in their own Language 
(undervalued now, because unknown to the present Teachers in that City.) They knew 
the Practice of the primitive Christians, in the Time of their hottest Persecutions' by the 
heathen Em])erors. They taught their People to obey the King as Supreme, and those 
subordinate to him for Conscience sake, and not to rise up in arms and rebel for Conscience 
sake, as the Covenanters did. They were affectionate Fathers to their Flocks : Thev 
taught them in tlie Words of the wise Man, My son, fear G OD, and honour the king, 
and meddle not with those who are given to change; and as they taught, so did they |)rac- 
tise. In fine, the learned Works they left behind them, will continue their Fame, all the 
learn'd World over, as long as Learning is in any Esteem. Notwithstanding all which, 
neither their Learning nor Piety were sufficient armour to defend them from the Fury of the 
Covenanters, who most barbarously used them, all of them hereafter being deposed from 
their Ministry, turnd out of their livings, and some of them obliged to fly abroad, and seek 
their Bread in a foreign Land. And thus did the Covenanters begin their Work of Refor- 


A. D. 1640. poperye, and he was most esteemed of who affected novellisme and shigu- 

laritye most ; and the very forme of preaching, as wealle as the materialls, 

was chainged, for the most pairt. Learning was nicknamed human learn- 
ing, and some ministers so farr cryed it doune in ther pulpitts, as they wer 
heard to saye, " Downe doctrine, and upp Chryste." But mor of this 
afterwardes possiblye. 

I )ther masters XXXVIII. All the rest of the members and maisters of the two 

•)t t le two col- colledores either conformed, or wer protected by one meanes or other, and 
leijp.s. ° ^ ^ I J ' 

kept ther stations, except such as voluntarly forsooke ther places and pro- 

fessione ; yet the comissione to visite was continowd. 

Mr. .lolin Gre- XXXIX. The countrey ministers wer nest called in questione. Mr. 

~"^^' Johne Gregory his fault was mostly his refoosalto subscrybe the Covenant ; 

and he was referred for censure to the assembly provincial! of Aberdeen, 
wher his suspention was to be tackne off as they saw cause.(') 

niation in the North of Scotland." History of tlie Illustrious Family of Gordon, vol. ii., 
pp. 218, 219. 

" Quantum autem Ecclesiam Aberdonensem Episcopus hie [Patricius Forbesius a Corse], 
quantum Universitatem Aberdonensem Cancellarius hie auxerit & ornarit, dicere in proclivi 
non est : Almam Matrem jacentem attollens, ulnisque amplexus benignus fovit ; artus col- 
lapsos & amputata Membra mira dexteritate unit, medicaque manu sanos & integros restituit. 
Illi aedes quas incoleret instaurandas, censum & annuos reditus quibus aleretur, partim redi- 
mendos, partim confirmandos, sumrao cum labore curat. Cuncta quae nuper tenebris, situ & 
torpore squalebant, erexit & correxit, luce & calore suo vitali corusca & vegeta effecit. 
Exinde effoeta Mater juvenescere, foecunda natorura progenies sobolescere, languentes 
Musae reviviscere, & torpentia liberalium artiurn studia hie iterum revirescere coeperunt. 
Ita hujus auspiciis nata est aurea ilia aetas literarum Aberdonensium in qua floruerunt viri 
egreg'ie docti & pii, praefulgidae stellae ex aureo hoc sidere ortae." Donaides : sive Mu- 
sarum Aberdonensium de eximia Jacobi Fraserii, J. U. D. In Academiam Regiam Aber- 
donensem munificentia. Carmen Eucharisticum. Notis illustratura, etc. Auctore Joanne 
Ker, Grace. Litt. Prof, in Acad. Reg. Aberdon. p. 20. Edinb. 1725. 4to. 

" The University of Aberdeen," says the laborious Chalmers, " could then boast of se- 
veral doctors, with Baron at their head, who were celebrated by Clarendon for their forti- 
tude, and praised by Burnet for their temper, as well as their learning. These extraordi- 
nary scholars have not yet been surpassed in their knowledge of theology." Caledonia, 
vol. i., p. 884. " Nor," says the same author elsewhere, " is it easy to find a single person 
of any consequence in Scotland, who can fairly be considered guiltless of the ruin of their 
country ; so general were the delusions of the covenant ; all but T/ie Doctors of Aberdeen, 
who are so emphatically commended by Clarendon, for the superiority of theii- learning and 
the firmness of their spirit." Id., vol. ii., p. 693. 

The loyalty of the Doctors of Aberdeen was remembered at the Restoration. In June, 
1661, Parliament voted to the relict and children of Dr. Baron, two hundred pounds ; to 
the relict and children of Dr. Sibbald, two hundred pounds ; to the relict and children of 
Dr. Ross, one hundred and fifty pounds. Acts Pari. Scot., vol. vii., app., p. 78.] 

CD [Mr. John Gregory, the first of a family singularlj' distinguished for the many learned 
and scientific writers whom it has produced, was, according to Spalding, deposed by the 
Aberdeen Assembly of 1640, but was reponed by the Assembly which met at St. Andrew's 
in the succeeding year. He survived till about the year 1652.] 


XL. Mr. Johne Rosse of Birse was accused for some personall escapes, A. D. 1640. 
wherin he was founde to be calumniat by his enemyes. His fault was non- ,. TT~~j7 
subscriptione, but with teares (for what cause they wer shedd, it is uncer- 
tane), upon his cheekes, he offered to subscrybe ; and so his sentence con- 
tinowd, and he referred to his aune provincial! .(" 

XLI. Mr. Andrew Logy, minister at Raine, [was] accused for anti- Cove- Mr. Andrew 
nanting, and that he had carryd cholerickly and imperiously in his parishin, ^^'^,^"'*" , 
readye upon all ocasions to sqwable with his parishoners (of whom ther wer then deprived ; 
some at that tyme of a qwarellsome and tumultuary humor). Some of his reponed, de- 

» 1 • !• 1 1 Ml prived agani ; 

parishoners who wer summoned to beare witnesse, reioosed to depone till and a third 
they gott assurance that he should be depryved, if they tould the truth : t'""^ reponed. 
For, said theye, if we declare what we know, and yow deprive him not, it 
will be impossible for us afterwards to hve in qwyett besyde him. This 
was aequivalent to a depositione ; yet they gott assuraunce he should be de- 
pryved, if all wer provne whairof he was accused. The result of his 
processe was that he was suspended, then depryved of his ministrye, and 
shortly after, by the mediatione of Generall Leslye (who was Mr. Andrew 
Logye his wyfes kinsman) he was reponed ;(2) yet, upon new jealousyes, not 
long after deprived againe,(3) and never restored during his lyfe till anno 
1661, after the returne of King Charles the Second, upon the transplanta- 
tion of the then incumbent of Raine, he was for the third tyme restored to 
his oune place, in his old age. In his younger yeares, he had been bredd 
under Daniel Tilenus, in Sedan ;("•> and after his returne unto Scottland, 
settled in the archdeanrye of Aberdeene : No evill man, yet one whoise 

(') [Ross, it appears from Spalding, was afterwards reponed in his benefice. Among the 
unpriuted acts of the General Assembly of 1647, is one entitled " Ref. Master John Rosse 
at Birse, to the Synode of Aberdene." Records of the Kirk, p. 483.] 

* Patrick Leeth in Kirketoun. 

('-) [In the General Assembly which met at St. Andrews in 1641.] 

(3) [By the General Assembly which met at Edinburgh in 1643. Records of the Kirk, 
p. 341. " Mr. Andrew Logie," says Baillie, " who latelie had been reposed to his ministrie, 
being cited to answer many slanderous speeches in pulpit, not compeiring, bot by an idle 
letter to the Moderator, was deposed, without return to that Church for ever." Letters, 
vol. ii., p. 92.] 

(<) [Daniel Tilenus, for some time the colleague of Mr. Andrew Melville in the profession 
of theology at Sedan, was born at Goldberg, in Silesia, in 1563, and died at Paris in 1633. 
He is the author of the following, besides several other works ; " De Disciplina Ecclesiastica 
Brevis et Modesta Dissertatio, Ad Ecclesiam Scoticam. Autore Gallo quondam Theo- 
logo, Verbi Divini Ministro. Aberdoniae, Excudebat Eduardus Rabanus, Impensis Davidis 
Melvill, 1622. Cum Frivilegio."] 


A. D. 1640. chollricke humor shewed oftne rather want of staydnesse then learning. 

When he was accused, it was objected to him, be waye of taunt, by some 

who wer present, that he had been Tillens scoller, whom they fancyd not.O 

Mr. Richard XLII. Mr. Richard Maitlands accusatione was, that he had poasted to 

Maitland. ti^ complyance with the Service Booke, and other innovations ; also, that 

he had caused macke a great founte stone, and sett it upp in his parish 

CD [Mr. Andrew Logie, parson of Rayne and archdeacon of Aberdeen, is the author of 
the following work: " CUM BONO DEO. Raine from the Clovds, vpon a Choicke 
Angel ; Or, A returned Answere, to that common Quaeritur of our Adversaries, Where 
was your Church before Luther? Digested into severaU Meditations, according to the 
difference of Points. Extorted oft' the Author, for stilling the vncessant, and no lesse cla- 
morous Coassation of some Patinicke Frogges, against the lawfulnesse of our Calling. 
Matte, xxi. vers. 23. &c. And when Hee was come into the Temple, the chiefe Priests, 
and Elders of the People, came vnto Him, as he was teaching, and sayd ; By ivhat autho- 
ritie doest Thou these things f and who gaue Thee this authoritie ? Aberdene, Imprinted 
By Edward Raban, Dwelling vpon the Market-place, at the Townes Armes, 1 624. Cum 
privilegio." It is dedicated by the author who subscribes himself " Arch-Deane of Aber- 
dene," to " the right worshipfvU, and trvelie religiovs, Sr Alexander Gordon of Clunie, 
Knight." Prefixed are three commendatory poems, one in Latin, by David Wedder- 
burn; another in English, by Thomas Cargill. From the third, which is anonymous, we 
learn that the work was written in answer to the famous George Leslie, better known by 
his monastic appellation of Father Archangel. The analysis of Lord Hailes (Annals of 
Scot., vol. iii., pp. 461 — 483, edit. Edinb. 1818), may have made the English reader familiar 
with the singular memoir of this zealous monk, written by the Archbishop of Fermo. The 
work appears to have been first published in 1650: it went through many editions. One 
of the most complete bears the following title : " Le Capvcin Escossois ov la vie dv Pere 
Archange, Histoire Merveillevse & tres-veritable, arriuee de notre temps. Ov Ton void 
les motifs qui I'ont porte a quitter la Religion pretendue Reformee, & a se resoudre a perdre 
tous les grands biens qu'il pouuoit esperer de ses parens, pour suiure la Religion Catholique. 
Traduitte de I'ltalien de Monseigneur lean Baptiste Rinnucci, Archeuesque & Prince de 
Ferme. Par le R. P. Francois Barrault, Procureur general des PP. de la Doctrine Chres- 
tienne, resident a Rome. Reueue, corrigee & augraentee en la presente Edition, d' vne 
sixieme Partie, qui contient les choses les plus remarquables arriuees a sa mort. A Paris, 
En la Boutique de Langelier. Chez lean Gvignard le pere, au premier Pillier de la grande 
Salle du Palais, au Sacrifice d'Abel, M.DC.LXIV. Auec Priuilcge du Roy, & Approba- 
tion." 12mo. The genealogist of the Leslies truly remarks of this work, that its author 
(who is not, however, responsible for the fictions which are crowded into the later editions), 
" plus ostendendae nonnunquam eloquentiae, quam quoad circumstantias asserendae veritati 
studuisse videtur." Laurus Leslaeana explicata, § 125. Graecii, 1692, fol. Father Arch- 
angel is briefly mentioned liy Dempster, Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Scotorum, p. 434 ; 
and his name occurs in a catalogue of the " Names of Preists and Tratfecting Seminaries in 
the Dyoceis of Aberdene and Murraye," drawn up in the reign of Charles I. Maidment's 
Analecta Scotica, vol. ii., pp. 52, 33. Edinb. 1837. 

The archdeacon of Aberdeen wrote also " A Vindication of Episcopacy, and the nick- 
named Unlawful Engagement, written 1654, printed anno 1660." Maidment's Catal. Scot. 
Writ., p. 130. His loyalty was after the restoration rewarded by a grant, by Parlia- 
liament, of" 130 lib. ster : to Mr, And: Logie." Acts Pari. Scot., vol., vii., app., p. 81. 
His son, captain John Logie, was beheaded along with the gallant Sir John Gordon of 
Haddo, at Edinburgh, in July, 1644.] 

Ch. xlv.] history of scots affairs. 247 

churche, (which was verye true). But he subscrybed the Covenant, and A. D. 1640. 
cryed peccavj ; and so was referred to the enswing provinciall assembly of 
Murrey to have his suspentione tackne off, which was done accordingly, 
after he had preached a long penitentiall sermon, which signifyd little, yet 
satisfeed the new converted hearers. He abode in the ministrye till amio 
1647, and then, for beinge founde guiltye of maleversatione in the Leagwe 
and Covenant, he was depryved of his ministry that yeare, and so remained 
till anno 1659 ; then reponed, but outlived not his reposition half a yeare.(') 

XLIII. To Mr. Johne Guthrye nothing could be objected but his re- Mr. John 
fusall to subscrybe the Covenant, (except that he was the sonne of a """'^y^'"'' 
bishopp) ; otherwayes a man of a mylde temper, and grave and piouse. place. 
His sentence was delayd at that tyme, till he should be conferrd withe, nor 
was ther any ther who maligned him almost ; but his respitte was but for a 
short space, for, upon his constant scroupling at the Covenant, he was 
castene out of his place (which had thertoo a benefice annexed, as consider- 
able as any in Murrey). He was never reponed againe to his ministrye, 
and dyed some years befor his father, I suppose pairtly out of melanchollye. 

XLIV. In this Assembly sate some northerne commissioners, who wer Some north- 
newe proselyttes to the Covenant, and, being looked upon with suspitione, ''.'"" '^''"™'^" 

^ sioncrS) hgw 

the moderator (at the desyre of other zealotts present*) did putt them se- proselytes, 
verall tymes to it to declare ther judgements in things that not long befor P"' '^ ''• 
they had been of another opinion in ; therby either for to discover them, or 
macke them ridicolouse to all the hearers. One of thes was so muche putt 
to it to declare himself in a vote, that he could not fall upon a satisfactory 
declaratione, till, in end, he was forced to tell them publicklye that he was 
of the judgement of the Assembly, whatever it wer : Yet that satisfeed 
them not, howbeit after that the moderator putt him no furder too it. 

XLV. Againe, it was observable heer, which was befor remarked in the Mr. Mungo 
Assembly of Glasgow, 1638, the way that the first voted (that was one ^Dalyell, 
nT TIT A T~> 1 11 T-. 1 1 • • ,., ,, some ministers 

Mr. Mungo ADalyell, a Bordersyde minister) readily all the rest of the questioned ; 

comissioners of the Assembly voted that way, and very seldom contradicted "'hers over- 
the vote of Mr. Mungo ADayell. 

(1) [Among the unprinted Acts of the Assembly of 1647 is one entitled, " Ref. concern- 
ing Masters William Douglas, John Logie, George Hanna, Richard Maitland, and Coline 
Mackenzie." Records of the Ku-k, p. 483. Among the unprinted Acts oi the Assembly 
of 1649 occur, " Ref. Mr Richard Maitland to the visitation of the universitie of Aber- 
dene," and " Declaration concerning the Act granted in favours of Mr Richard Maitlands 
wife." Id. pp. 537, 559.] 

• Mr. J. P. 



[B. V. 

must be with- 
out reserva- 

Progress with 
the ministers 
about sub- 

The ministers who wer questiond at this Assembly war either such as 
opposed the Covenant, or did not tyraously subscrybe it ; and the escapes 
of all such ministers wer ripped upp, whilst some others (upon whom ther 
went a worde of greater scandall) who had come in tymously to the Cove- 
nant, wer lettne passe without questione. 

Some ministers who were but sillie simple men, and looked upon as such 
as could or durst doe no hurt to the worke of reformatione, though they 
wer knowne to carry little good will to the Covenant, yet they wer connivd 
at. But such ministers as had been able and active against them, either they 
wer qwytte turned out, or though they subscrybed the Covenant, and by 
that meanes kept themselves into ther stationes for a whyle, yet ther was 
still a strickk eye kept over them, and in ende most of them rwinated and 
drivne out of the ministrye. 

XL VI. In the yeare 1638, ther commissioners came supplicating for 
subscriptions to the Covenant, and suffered such as wer scrupulouse for to 
tacke it in ther owne sence, and with reservations. But now the case was 
chaunged ; all ministers and others must subscrybe, and none durste refoose ; 
and they must subscrybe without reservatione. And ministers who re- 
foosed must not only be deposed, but excommunicated. So wer others 
served, who durst refoose it ; they must be processed with excommunica- 
tione, yet, after ther subscriptione, never the better trusted, nor owned as 
freendes to the good cause and Covenante, but still wer had in jealousye ; 
and if they wer ministers or expectants, ther wordes and actions wer re- 
marked, if they savoured of dissaffectione to the Covenant. And severall, 
after they had subscrybed it, against ther consciences (which they who 
exacted the oathe oftneknew and dissembled, permittinge suche to subscrybe, 
therby for to ensnare them, and afterward with the greater facilitye for to 
fetche such subscribents within compasse of censure for the breache of ther 
engadgement) wer drivne from ther stationes, after they had cast their 
consciences besyde them ; not able, with the losse therof, for to gaine 
qwarters at the Covenanters handes : which acte of thers behoved to render 
their sufferings very confortlesse. 

XLVII. All this whyle no freende, no parishoner, could be helpfull to 
ministers, except they wer Covenanters, or except all ther parishoners wer 
anti-Covenanters, (for in such a case ther was little founde to objecte to 
ministers, so that they had subscrybed the Covenant). Indeed ther was one 
rule of charitye much brockne towards anti- Covenanter ministers; for they 
wer that farr from covering ther infirmityes, that, upon the contrarye, they 

Ch. xlviii.] history of scots affairs. 249 

used all meaues to gett somewhat against them to object and to defame A. D. 1640. 
them with, and awacked scandalls wher none wer ; and oftne defamed men 
with evill reportes, which wer never proved. 

At first it wold have been tackne in good pairt if ministers did not 
preache downe the Covenant ; but, after thes tymes, such as once had been 
questiond, behoved conversj fratres coiifinnare : they wer looked upon as 
dissaffected, if they did not, upon all occasions, preache for it, and urge it 
upon others ; which many with great difficulty performed, and with ana 
evill grace. Others did runne from one extreme to ane other, and many 
wer so zealouse, that they did reade all the publicke orders and warrants 
from ther pulpitis ; in which practise, for a long tyme, others wer forced to 
follow them, least they should seem dissaifected to the good cause, till in 
ende, for shame, they left off, by reasone of the inconveniences that ensewd 
therupon not many yeares afterwarde. As for sermons, they wer either 
declamations ; or invectives against the Kings pairty, or bishopps, or cere- 
raonyes ; or perswasives to owne the Covenant cordially, and to contribute 
liberally for the mantaining the good cause, for so it was ordinarly called. 

And it is very remarkable that thes ministers, who in the tymes of the 
bishopps pleaded tolleraunce for ther nonconformity, and argwed from the 
tendernesse of ther consciences, howsoone as they gott the power in ther 
handes, they spared not other mens consciences, but pressed them to obe- 
dience with threatnings of civill and ecclesiasticke punishments. 

XLVIII. In thes tymes the Churche and State acted much after one Church and 
fashion : for as Parliaments wer made upp of ther trustees, and others either ^'^^'^ '^'""' 
laid by or questioned ; so in Generall Assemblyes care was tackne that no 
minister should be chosne but such as wer weall affected to the cause : 
others wer either turnd out, or wer glade to be absente, and lurke at 
home. By thes meanes, it came to passe that as in Parliaments and comit- 
tyes of state the selfe same members, with the chaunge of a few, alwayes 
sate, so the lycke might be scene in Generall Assemblyes, a number of 
leading men, ministers, and elders, still sitting, and some present without 
comissione, yet getting mor vote then others who had comissiones. If ther 
was any members chainged, they wer sure to have others putt into ther 
place who wer as much for the pairty as the former. And though it be 
trwe that, in Parliaments and General Assemblyes, and the comittyes of 
either, ther wer some who fell to be chosne or nominate, whom they knew 
to be dissaffected, yet they wer inconsiderable, either for ther qwalifications 

2 I 



[B. V. 

The three 

A. D. 1640. or paucity e, or bothe; and many of thes either did not or could not be 
present, or wer silent, or, for want of expenses, glade to be gone. And 
then the qworums of ther comittyes wer mostly contrare to the nature 
of aristocracye, not major et sanior pars, but degenerate to oligarchye, 
minor pars: lett after tymes judge whither sanior or insanior pars. 

XLIX. The worke was begunne at Glasgow Assembly e, 1638 ; pro- 
moved at Edinburgh Assembly, anno 1639. In this Assembly they gott a 
full conquest and victory over all the episcopall pairtye, and dislodged such 
of them as wer either in eminent places or universityes. Aberdeen was 
the last place wher they voided pulpitts and chaires. Neither failed they, 
how scone as they had drivne out the contrarye factione, for to fill ther 
places with men who wer most zealouse for presbytrye and the Covenant. 
Mr. Alexander Henderson was already transplanted to Edinburghe, from 
a countrey charge ; Mr. Robert Blair and Rutherfoord to St. Andrews ; 
Mr. David Dickson must be professor in Glasgow ; and Mr. Andrew Cant 
must once mor stepp up in Dr. Forbesses chaire in Aberdeen, as he had 
befor done at Alforde : He wanted learning to tacke upon him the profes- 
sions of divintye in the universitye. 
Set forms of L. About the tyme of this Assembly lyckwayes, sett formes of prayers in 
\\^iiA^ C?/ S publicke beganne to be dishaunted by all ; and such as used them wer looked 
Pairi, etc. upon as not spritwall eneuch, or as not weall affected to the worke of re- 
formatione. The Lordes Prayer lyckewayes beganne to grow out of 
fashione, as being a sett forme ; and Gloria Patrj, which had been con- 
stantly used in the churche, since the reformatione, to be sung at the clo- 
sure of the psalmes, beganne to fall into a desuetude(') ; and not long after 
this, the saying of the Creede at baptisme was cancelld by many, and cele- 
brating baptisme refoosed, except upon Lords day at sermon, or at weeke 
dayes conventions. Two or three was not looked upon as a congregatione 
publicke aneuch for baptisme, though Chryst sayed that he was in the midst 
of such a number. Finally, all wer urged to family worshipp, but ther 
prayers behoved to be extempore, not sett formes ; and churches so farr 
decryed (least people should imagine any inherent holinesse with papistes 
to be in them), that from pulpitts by many the people wer taught that they 
wer to have them in no mor reverend esteeme then other houses, (some- 
tymes they wer worse used). Finally, whatever the bishopps had esta- 
blished, it was their worke to demolishe. 

(I) [See Baillie's Letters, vol. i., p. 362; 
reasons were against the Lord's Prayer."] 

vol. ii., pp. 09, 94. " Mr. John Nevay'; 


LI. The Assembly, which came to Aberdeene about July twenty-eighth, A. D. 1640. 
did remove befor the middle of August, having dispatched all these pro- ._ ~ 
cesses in a ten or twell sessions.C) They made all the haste they could, moves about 
for they wer sitting the very tyrae that the armye was beginning to move *|''^ middle of 
towards England. 

The reader I hope will pardone my long insisting upon thes three As- 
semblyes, as being necessaire to be knowne. From henceforth I resolve 
not to insiste so long upon the following Assemblyes, except wher any 
thing materiall occurres. 

LII. Befor I leave the churche actings, I shall tell yow that this yeare. Letters from 
in Janwary, of the date tenth, letters wer directed from the protestant '!"^ protestant 

churches in 

churches of Switzerland to the Covenanters, together with the coppye of Switzerland. 
another letter which had been directed to them in June, 1639 ; but they 
came long after they wer wryttne, and wer suppressed. Yet they resolved 
upon an ansuer, which was wryttne in Latine, and sent backe to Suitzer- 
land. The Covenanters answer, without resuming much of the contents of 
the Genevian epistle, containeth a short narrative of the troubles in Scot- 
land, till Apryle, 1640; as also, the history of episcopacye, its ryse and 
usurpation in Scottland, and how it was drivne out againe ; and all the 
troubles are putt upon the score of the bishopps. It is subscrybed by 
Andrew Ramsay, moderator. It shall not be necessaire to insert it 
heer,(2) its substance being so oftne already repeated in the Covenanters 
declaration es, and these letters, wherof it was the answer, not being visible ; 
of which I could never learne mor but that they exhorted ther bretheren of 
Scottland tit se tenerent intra limites inculpatae tutelae : And whither the 
Scottish did so or not, it is not my pairt to dispute heer, who undertacke 
nothing but a bare relation of thinges. 

LIII. About the tyme that the Assembly ended in Aberdeene, Monro Munro 
lifted his leagwer, and, leaving Strabogye, marches for Banfe, Auffust S'f""'^,,?^ ^''P"' 

1 1 ,• 11- p o, 1 , Strathbogie 

tenth, a sea towne about thirteen myles distant from Straboggye, north- to Bamf. 
easte. The reasone of his going ther was to tacke cowrse with Sir George 
Ogilvye (at that tyme called laird of Banfe, though shortly afterward 

(>) [" They indicted ane new General] Assembly to be holden at St. Andrews the third 
Tuesday of July nixt 1641 ; therafter dissolved, and ilk man ane sundrie gate, who had 
many blissings following them for eating and distroying the poor labourers' corncs about 
the town, with their ill attended horse, wherof they had litle regaird." Spalding, Hist, of 
Troub., vol. i., p. 235.] 

(2) [It will be found appended to the Historia Motuum.] 



[B. V. 

Doctor Alex- 
ander Douglas; 
a chief ring- 
leader for the 
among the 
Bamf people. 
Bamf, also 
defaced ; also 

created Lord by tbe King.) Banfe had been active against the Covenant- 
ers, a7mo 1639 ; and all this yeare, 1640, had made his residence at cowrt 
with the King, as some other northerne gentlemen and noblemen did, such 
as the Lord Ogilvye, Walter Urqhward of Cromby, William Seaton of 
Shythinn, Sir Gilbert Menezes of Pittfodells, etcet. 

LIV. The cittizens of Banfe, for the most pairt, wer Covenanters; and, 
albeit in former tymes they depended much upon Banfes familye, who dwelt 
ordinarlye in ther towne, yet now they wer so farr estranged from him, that 
they wer growne his enemyes. The cheif ringleader and agent amongst 
them for the Covenant was one Dr. Alexander Douglasse, a mediciner, 
who was gott into such credite with his townesmen and with the Covenant- 
ers, that in the following yeares he came to be provost of Banfe, oftner then 
any man ther ; as also high sheriif of the shyre of Banfe, and alwayes 
either a member of parliaments and comittyes of state, bearing great sway 
in thes places for severall yeares afterward : which preferrments (being a 
wittye man) he improved much to the inriching of himselfe, and, for the 
most pairt (considderinge the tymes), to the good lycking of all the shyre, 
except some particular enemyes, who either envyd his rysing or mislycked 
his wayes, which wer ambigously spockne of: or because ther was hatred 
tuixt him and them for ill offices done to them, and extortiones under colour 
of justice. This man was thought a maine instrument in bringing Monroe 
to Banfe, who no sooner came thither, but he sett downe his qwarter in the 
laird of Banfe his beautifull garden, which was a great ornament to the 
towne of Banfe, and, being gallantly planted and walled, overshadowd and 
enclosd the east syde of that towne. The souldiours wer no sooner sett 
downe there, but they fell to macke havocke of all the fruict trees and other 
trees which grew there in great aboundance ; leaving not so much as one 
standing tree, younge nor old, and cutting upp all the hedges to the rootes ; 
in which deformed condition it is yet to be seen as they left it. Adjacent 
to that garden, in the very heart of that towne, stood Banfes pallace, high 
built and qwarterly ; the structure magnificent, with two base cowrts ; and 
few houses in thes places of Scottland comparable to it. Upon it the 
souldiours fell next, and, in few dayes, defaced it; leaving neither any 
covering, glasse, timber, nor iron worke ther ; breacking downe the hewed 
worke, doors, windows, and knocking out the iron barrs of the windows ; 
leaving nothing to be seen but defaced walls, which yet speacke its beautye, 
as it now standes, lycke ane old rouinouse abbey. In this industriouse de- 

Ch. liv.] history of scots affairs. 253 

facing of so brave a pallace, the souldiours wer helped by the rascalitye of 
the cittizens and countrey people nearest adjacent, who either bought, stole, 
or embeasled the materials therof. It is reported, that when it was told to 
the Kinge, he said. That for the house it matterd not muche, since ex- 
pences could sett upp as good ane house againe in short tyme; but, he said, 
that it was a crwell thing to fall upon the garden, the losse wherof could 
not in many yeares be repaired, and so much the worse, because it neither 
had done evill, nor could hurt them ; besyde, that it was ane ornament to 
the toune and countrey. For to sett upp this losse. King Charles, in ayino 
1641, gave to Sir George Ogilvye of Banfe ten thousand merkes Scottish 
in gold, which Banfe brought home with him ; yet too little for to repaire 
his losses ; but the King could not do better to him at that tyme. 

And not only was the pallace defaced, but lyckewayes much houshold 
stuiF and spare furniture, which had belonged to Banfe his predecessors, was 
seised upon and embezled, together with a considerable librarye of bookes 
which wer ther.(') 

After they had defaced his paUace in Banfe, a pairty is directed to a 
countrey dwelling of his called Inshdrure, lying two myles south-west from 
Banfe ; and it was rifled lyckwayes, August eighteenth, but not so ill 
handled as his townes dwellinge.C'^) Thereafter they gee to another 

(1) [« From Strathbolgie Monro marches, the 2d of Agust, this same yeire, to BamfFe, 
quher he playes the deuill, and demolishes the Lord Bamffes housse, wich wes both faire 
and staitly, and a grate ornament to that pairt of the kingdome. Heire I leue him plundring 
and destroying the policey of the land ; and reducing all thesse tliat formerlie danced after 
Huntlie and Bamffes fidling (quho called themselues the Kinges frinds) to the obedience of 
the couenant." Balfour's Annales, vol. ii., p. 382.] 

" And now Monro leaves [Strathbogie land] thus pitiefuUy opprest, and forward marches 
he to Forgly ne, ane of the laird of Bantl's houses, and to Muiresk, his goodsone's house, (them- 
selves being both fled from the covenant into England), plagueing, poinding, and plundering 
the countrie people belonging to them be the way most cruellie, without any compassion ; 
syne comes directly to the burgh of Banff, and incamps upon a piatt of plaine ground called 
the Dowhaugh. The souldiers quickly fell to, and cutted and hew doun the pleasant plant- 
ing and fruitful young trees, bravely growing within the laird of Banff's orchyeards and 
yeards (pitiefuU to see 1) and made up to themselves butts wherin to lye in all night, and 
defend them frae stormy weitts and rain. They violently brake up the yeitts of his stately 
pallace of Banff, brake up doors, and went throw the haill houses, roumes, chalmbers, 
victuall houses, and others, up and down, brake up the victuall girnells, (whereof there were 
store) for their food, and spulzied his ground and his haill freinds of horse, nolt, kine, and 
sheep, silver and moneyes, and arraes, such as by any means they could try or gett. By and 
attour the earle of Findlater, his unnatural freind, by command of the committee, medled, 
mtrometted, and perforce took up his haill rents and leiveing out of the tennents' hands for 
mentainance of the good cause." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 236.] 

(2) [" The 18th of August, major Monro with some few company rydes frae Banff to- 
wards Murray, (leaveing his regiment behind him) for giveing order to them, Ross, Suther- 


A. D. 1640. coimtrey house of his, called Forglen ; which is about five myles distant 

from Banfe, south-west, and stands in sight of TurrefF, within a myle ther- 

cf, upon the water of Doverne ; and they search it lyckewayes and rifle it, 
but to lesse pourpose then the rest ; for Banfes servaunts, perceiving how 
the rest of his dwellings wer used, came in the night tyme, and either did 
lay upp in secrett places, or carrye away such houshold stufFe as was of 
most value. All his victwall that could be founde was tackne out of his 
crirnells and givne to the souldiours for to mantaine them (as at Strabogye), 
who mostly sold it at ane under worthe to the poor countrey people about. 
The reason why his pallace of Banfe was defaced seems to have been the 
jealousy of the cittizens of Banfe, who supposed that sometyme it might be 
made use of as a cittadel to overawe ther cittye : yet such as yet sees it, 
and understandes the forme of cittadells, know that could not be the true 
reasone ; for it was built for beauty, not for strenth, and not for defence, 
lett bee offence ; for it is scitwated low, and overlooked by the castell and a 
great pairt of the towne of Banfe, which hanges above it upon the syde of 
a swellinge grownde and hille. All the wonder heer is, that, using Banfes 
house so ill, they should have spared the earle of Airlyes lodging, which 
is distant and separate from Banfes house only by the lenthe of the for- 
mentioned garden interjected betuixt the two houses ; for which clemency 
I can give no reason, but possibly because Argylle was not ther at that 
tyme. This is the summe of Monroes actinges ther at Banfe and about 

September 4. it, where he stayed till September fourth ;('> at which tyme he returnd to 

land, Caithness, and Strathnaver, to raise the fourth man with 40 da.yes loan, to goe for 
Dunse to generall Lesslie, as ye shall shortly hear. Many barons and g-entlcmen mett him, 
and honoured him be the way ; he haistiely returned againe to the camp, and be the way 
brake up the iron yeitt of Inchdrower, (ane place where Banff used himselfe most commonly 
to keep and dwell intill) and forceablie took it otf, syne sold it for five merks to ane coun- 
trieman, whilk ane hundred pounds had not made up. They brake up doors and windowes, 
entered the haill house, defaced and dang down and abused beds, burds, and haill insight 
plenishing, and left nothing within which they might carry with them. Pitieful to behold 
the poUicie of the ground and kingdom so abused, but authoritie or law from our soveraigne 
lord the king's majestic !" Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 239, 240.] 

(1) [" Upon Friday the 4th of September, after Monro's souldiers had brunt up their 
hutts at Banff, spulzied and plundered horse, man and goods, and taken the haill insight 
plenishing carieagable out of the place of Banff, books, wrytes, and such as they could gett ; 
and after they had taken down the rooife and sklaitt of the haill house, broken down the 
geists, brak the iron windows, and carried [off] the iron work, brak down fixed work and 
sylerings, leaveing neither yeitt, door nor window, lock, nor other thing about this house; 
pitieful! to behold 1 planting of orchyeards and yeards destroyed, and all brought to confu- 
sion, his ground, men tenants, servants, freinds and followers plundred, (for the laird of 
Banfl"s cause), and greivously oppresst in their persones, goods, and gear : After thir deeds 

Ch. lvi.] history of scots affairs. 255 

Aberdeen his first qwarter, wher he stayed till September twelfth, at which A. D. Ifi4(i. 

tyme he was called away with his regiment for to lye upon the Border, c; 7"~j ,., 

wher we shall next heare of him againe. 

LV. Whilst Monroe is bussy macking warre upon empty e houses at Actings ot 

Banfe, the Earle of Marishall and Alexander Maister of Forbes wer not idle j^'*!^''';^"'' ^ 
' . the Master of 

about Aberdeene ; for they wer now macking hast cache of them to putt a Forbes at 

regiment on foote, having gotte the countreys neerest Aberdeen for ther Aberdeen, 
divisione. The proportione levyd was the fourth man ; and albeit theye 
wer favourable, as much as they could, to the Covenanters, yet bothe the 
towne of Aberdeen and all the anti-Covenanters in ther divisione wer made 
to grone under the burthen of ther oppressing levyes. But ther was no 
remedy but patience, and disobedience was no lesse then to be plundered, 
or at least to be quartered upon as a cowrtesye, till such tyme as the defi- 
cients satisfeed for such proportiones as the comittye of the shyre wer 
pleased to laye upon them.(') 

LVI. Meane whyle the comittys of the estates of Parliament wer using Projects for 
all meanes for getting money. The Bande could not doe it. Another pro- ■';'>'sing money: 
ject was sett on foot ; that was, by publicke orders, intimat in parosh called in. 
churches, to call in noblemen and gentlmens silver plate to the mint house. 
Such as brought it willingly against such a day to have Jides publica for re- 
payment ; such as refoosed, ther plate and cuppboords to be confiscat to the 
use of the publicke, without hopes of repayment (a sanction which alighted 
upon all alycke), and they to be reputed dissafected to the good cause if 
they concealed ther plate. By this meanes the minte was sett a worke. 
Some zealotts gave in all, and others gave in a pairt. Such as wer re- 
puted anti-Covenanters were enqwyred after, and if they wer knowne to 
have any, wer informd against, and compelld to delyver all or a pairt of ther 
plate ; others were taught by this order to conceale what they had, and re- 
were done, and no evill left undone that crueltie could devyse, (except in this, they spoilzied 
the places of Forglene, Inchdrour, and Rattie, three other housses pertaining to tlie laird of 
Banff, of girnells, goods, insight plenishing which they could gett, but left the houssis 
ontired or demolished as the place of Banff was;) then I say, and thereafter, Monro lifted 
his camp frae Banff." Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 250.] 

(1) [" Mounday the 10th of August, seven score burgesses, craftsmen, and apprentices, 
prest and perforce taken, to help to fill up Marischall's regiment to goe to generall Lesslie. 
The honest men of the town wondering at this manifold oppression, fled, took fisher boats 
and went to the sea, lurking about the craigs of Downy whyle this storme past." Id., vol. i., 
pp. 235, 236. See also, pp. 214-216, 219, 221, 225, 227, 229-231, 237, 238, 249, 251, 


A. D. 1640. solved to abyde the worst and lett the informers prove. Some pup ills plate 

was all givne in by ther tutors. Yet all could not fill the gape ; the pub- 

licke was a Tophett, a bottomless pitt ; all was swallowd upp, and nothing 

repayed; and no lesse being expected at first, it made the wyser sorte of 

Covenanters themselves hold ther handes a little. The result of it was, 

that for several yeares afterward, fearing the lycke order should be againe 

isswed out, little plate was to be seen in gentlemens houses, and scarcely 

so much as silver spoones in some places. 

Nithsdale LVII. In the southe of Scottland, about this tyme, lievtenant collonel 

house blocked Hume, with a regment, had laid seidge to Nithsdales house, of which 

ton taken by a befor : and by the twenty-first of August, Argylle, who was now returned 

stratagem ; from his Highland expeditione, was befor Dumbarton castell, which, as I 

biirgh capitu- have told, was blocked upp for many weekes befor, but at a distaunce. It 

lates. was tackne by stratageme. The captain of the castell had come downe to 

August 21. ^Yie churche, which is in a httle markett towne hard by, of the same name 

with the castell, and suspecting no daunger, was surprysed by an ambuscade 

of souldiours who wer hiddne neer by, of pourpose (unknown of by the 

castellans), for to seise upon any who should come out of the castell. 

Being seised upon, with his compaynons, without noyse, they instantly 

stripp the captain of his apperell, as they did his followers ; and clothing 

such therwith whom they thought meetest to goe about that enterpryse, 

they send them to the gate of the castell calling for entrye, causing one of 

the souldiours speacke, or naming such as wer within by ther names. The 

porter, who saw his captain, with little ceremoney opned the gate, and upp 

they went. No sooner wer they entred, but they macke good the gate, and 

seise the porter, tacking in ther comerads, who wer laid hard by for the 

pourpose ; and so with little adoe, gott the place from the rest, who wer 

suspecting no such deceipt.W 

Dr. Guild put LVIII. And since I am hastning to the Scottish army, who by this tyme 

in as principal g^^ wearyed of Chansly woode ; ere I leave the north, I shall, by way of 

iVe authori- parenthesis, tell yow that after the rysing of the Generall Assembly at 

tatively, but Aberdeen, befor August ended, ther comittye appoynted for perfyting the 

"ally ; degene- visitatione of the colledge, mett at Aberdeen, who did tacke it upon them 

racy of the for to putt in Dr. William Guild to be principall of the old colledge of 


(1) [It may, perhaps, be questioned if Gordon has not confounded the circumstances of the 
surprise of Dunbarton in March, 1639, with those of its capture in August, IBIO. See 
above, vol. ii., p. 210, note (2); Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., p. 253.] 

Ch. lx.] history of scots affairs. 257 

Aberdeen, in place of Dr. William Leslye.(') This was done authoritatively, A. D. 1640. 
for the electione was not canonicalle, acording to the foundatione of that 
universitye ; yet ther was none for to questione it, so it past for current, 
and he sate ther till some yeares afterward that themselves thrust him out 
againe, as irrationally as they had putt him in ther irregularly : But of this 
I will have occasione to speacke, God willing, in its oune place. He was 
not the last who was putt in unorderlye ; and that miserable universitye 
behoved to feele the revolutions of the tymes, most unhappye that its prin- 
cipalis degenered ah equis ad asinos, as after shall be toulde, and the worst 

LIX. The north is now qwyetted, and the harvest was approaching, and The Scots 
the King was preparing to goe to his army at Yorke. The Scotish resolve ^^1 T 
not to eate upp ther owne countrey ; therfor they lift from Chanslywood, 
hearing that all was sure behynde them, and marche for England twenty- 
four thousand foote, and two thousand fyve hundereth horses. Themselves 
gave upp no mor of muster the next spring to the English Parliament ; 
Spangt^^ will have them twenty-seven or twenty-eight thousand foote, and 
four thousand horse (so easye is it with one dash of a penn to adde thou- 
sands to armyes). Lord Aulmond ledd the vanne; Bailye, the bodye of 
the army ; and generall Leslye the reere. They did carry with them 
victwall to serve them for some weekes. 

LX. August seventeenth, they wer at the Tweed. When the army came Montrose, by 
ther, dice wer cast amongst the noblemen and commanders ; and it was ™*' P^f^f ^ '"^ 

. . 1 weed first ; 

Montrosse lott to passe first over the river, which he cheerfully performed about falling 
on his oune feete, his owne foote souldiours following him. In imitatione "*''■ 
of him, and to shew example to the common souldiours, the foote otficers August 17. 
did all the lycke. Yet at that tyme Montrosse his cheerfulnesse was but 
seeminglye ; for, befor they resolved to enter into England, Montrosse was 
fallne in dislycke with the Covenanters actings, and was now waiting for 
the first opportunity for to crosse them. He had the command of two 
thousand foote, and five hundred horse in the army ; his freends who wer 
most obleidged unto him, and had relligiouslye promised ther best endea- 
vours in the Kings service, had the command of fyve thousand mor ; but 
thes projectes of his failed at this tyme, and his opportunity e came not 

(1) [See Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 238, 239.] 

(2) [Historia Motuum, p. 559.] 

2 K 



[B. V. 

A. D. 1640. till afterwardes. How soone the armye entred Englishe grownde, all wer 

forbiddne, by publicke proclamatione, under paine of deathe, that they 

should tacke, plunder, nor sturre nothing, either man, beast, or any 
goodes in England. Means whyle the garrison of Bervicke made some 
saylies upon ther rear, seeking to apprehend stragling souldiours, yet with 
small successe. 

LXI. August twenty-second, the King caused publish a proclamatione 
against the Scottish, wherin he shewed that ther intentions wer to shacke 
oif his governement, under pretext of relligione ; that now they wer invading 
England, and therupon to be esteemed declared rebells ; yet he offers 
pardon to all of them who will crave pardone, goe home to Scottland againe, 
and return to ther loyalty and wonted obedience. This proclamatione 
Strafford caused publish at Yorke and other places. ''> 

LXII. The Scottish wer better upon ther growndes, knowing upon what 
assuraunce they wer come to England ; therfor, without tacking notice 
therof, they keepe on ther march through Northumberland, and by the 
twenty-eighth day of August, the army was come the lenthe of the river 
Tyne, and did encampe upon the heathe of Newcastell, upon the north 
banke of Tyne, fyve English myles above Newcastell. 

LXIII. Ther standes a village called Newburne, wher ther is a foord 
which can be passd on horse or foote at a low water ; for the sea flowes upp 
that lenth. 

LXIV. The day befor, viz. August twenty-seventh, the Lord Conowaye, 

cures the ford, hearing of the Scottish armyes approache, being commander in cheefe in 

licence to pass thes places, had drawne all his cavalrye, being about twelve hundereth horses 

towards his (^the Scottish called them two thousand fyve hundred horse), and three 

a petition. thousand foote, (Spang says fyve thousand), to secure the passe upon the 

The Scots river at Newburne. Conoway had lodged his foote behynde a breest worke, 

nisa^eTt the therby to trouble the enemy in ther passage. That night that he did cast 

ford. upp his breest worke, and planted his souldiours therein, generall Lesly 

had come to the other syde of the river, and befor the morninge had planted 

nyne peece of ordinance, having blynded them with bushes, that so the 

English neither could nor did espy them. The next morning, Lesly e sent 

a trumpetter to the Lord Conowaye, desyring his licence to passe towards 

his Majestye with ther petitione, and shewing them that they were come into 

(') [Nalson's Impart. Collect., vol. i., p. 411 ; Sanderson's History of King Charles I., 
p. 312.] 

The King 
publishes a 
against the 
Scots ; 

August 22. 

who arrive 
at the river 

August 28. 

Ford at New- 

Conway se- 

Ch. lxiv.] history of scots affairs. «»» 

England to worong nobodye, if they wer not persewd. Conoway answered A. D. 1640. 
that he wold permitte a few, but had no orders for to lett ane army passe ; 
and sundrye of his souldiours sent backe jeers and ill language with the 
trumpetter ; wpon whoise returne, Lesly commanded three hundereth horse 
to advaunce unto the river, and after they had crossed it, for to macke 
a stande ; and if the English persewed them, for to reteere, that so the fol- 
lowers might be drawne under the mercye of Leslyes canon, which wer 
hidd from the English. Thes, at ther first crossing, wer so galled by the 
English musketeers from behynde the breest worke, that they wer forced to 
reteer ; which Leslye perceiving, played upon the blynd with his canon so 
furiouslye as made the English musketeers abandon ther post, cast awaye 
ther armes and flee. Then the Scottish cavalry readvanced ; but no sooner 
crossed they, but they wer charged by Mr. WUmot, comissarye generall 
of the horse, so hottly as they either dissembled a retreate, or runne backe 
in good earnest. Wilmot persewed them, but Lesly did lett flye so hottly 
at him with his canon, that Wilmots horse beganne to reele ; wherupon 
the three hundred horse who first had fledd from them, tacking ther ad- 
vauntage, readvaunce upon their persewers. Meane whyle, the rest of the 
Scottish armye enter the river, and crosse without hinderance. The for- 
most of them comming upp, seconded ther forpairtye, so stiffly that all the 
burthen of the encounter being borne upp by Wilmott and a few gentlmen, 
annoyd with the Scottish cannon and overnumbered, they wer glade to 
runne for ther safetye. The light horsemen of the Scottish wer command- 
ed to performe this service, and fall upon Wilmot, who stood to it after 
the rest wer gone. The Scottish say they might have killed farr mor then 
they did, but they wer commanded to spare all who fledd, and only tacke 
them prisoners. The number of the English who wer killed or tackue wer 
three hundereth or therby, most of them foot souldiowrs. The common 
souldiowrs wer lettne goe free, and the ofiicei-s only kept prisoners. Few 
or nobody killed upon the Scottish syde, except only a young gentlman, 
called Mr. James Makgie, sonne to Sir Patrick Mackgie of Large. His 
death was condold afterwards by a presbyterian poett,* in his worke called 
Newburne Booke. Its short, and, for the raritye of the verse, I give yow 
it in the authors wordes : 

In this conflicte (which was a greate pitie). 

We losd the sonne of Sir Patrick Mackgie. 

* Mr. Z. B. [The well-knowii Zachary Boyd.] 


A. D. 1640. LXV. In this fight, Sir Johne Sucklins renowned troope of one hun- 

~r~ dred horse was brokne, and shewed they wer rather for muster then fight. 

Suckling's re- The Lord Conowaye perceiving the cavallry rowted, and the infantry runne 

iiowned troop q\\ awaye, hasted his retreate to the King ; and, for the same cause, Sir 

Jacob Ashley, then governour of Newcastell, deserted it, having first 

sunke the ordinance in the river, knowing it was not tenible, as having no 

wall that was fencible about it. 

The English LXVI. The English army retreating now from Newcastell, was tackne 

arniy retreat -^^^^ StrafFords commande, who brouo^ht upp the reare ; and being come 

to York. . ° rr ... 

The Scots backe to Yorke, wher the King then was, he charged the principall mis- 
seize New- carriadge of the actions upon the Lord Conowaye his cowardise, or 
twenty-ninth ; treachery, or his want of skille, or all three ; who, as weall as he could, vin- 
behave civilly, dicated his owne reputatione. 
August 29. The next day, which was August twenty-ninth, the Scottish seized New- 
castell, who receaved them without resistaunce (for the towne was aban- 
doned). Ther they qwartered two thousand of garrisone, with the general! 
himselfe and severall of the Scottish noblemen. Ther was founde laide 
upp therin muche armes, and ammunition and provisione, which had been 
laid upp ther for the use of the Kings armye ; all which was seized upon 
by the Scottish, and a note andinventour therof tackne. Lyckwayes, shippes 
comming in at Tynemouth from the Balticke sea ladned with corne, all ther 
fraught was seised upon, for it was alledged that it was belonging to the 
army, though afterward it was disputed and excepted against by the King. 
Many thought that the deputy of Ireland was not ill content with the de- 
feate of Newburne, for he hoped that it wold irritate the English against 
the Scottish, and macke them tacke armes against them ; but it is an irra- 
tional conjecture. However, the Scottish did carry civilly after ther vic- 
torye, and lay downe qwyettly in ther qwarters ; wheras it is affirmed that 
the Kings souldiours used the countrey mor rudelye. 
Dress and LXVII. And now the blew ribbons and blew cappes had opned the 

ensigns "^ t^e ^^^^e in the north of England, and the Covenant colours came triumph- 
seize upon antlye displayed to Newcastell : For it is to be knowne that, as the last 
Durham, yeare, so in this new expeditione, the Scottish officers mostly wore blew 

thirtieth. bonnetts, out of contempt of the Enghsh, who scoffingly called them blew 

cappes ; and they carryd blew ribbons, either in ther capes or hung about 
them, and ther spanners thertoo appended, lycke ane order of knythoode ; 
the Royalistes wearing reade ribbons in opposition of that colour. And then 

Ch. lxviii.] history of scots affairs. 261 

upon all their foote colours was wryttne, COUENANT FOR RELLI- A. D. 1640. 

GION CROWNE AND COUNTRY ; which motto was a little varyd 

afterwardes at ther next expedition. They wer now posessed of Newcastell ; 
the next day, being August thirtieth, they seise upon Durhame, which was August 30. 
lyckewayes garrisond, and the command of the toune given to the Earle of 
Dunferlemlyne. Lyckewayes the castell of Tynmouth, Shels betuixt New- 
castell and the sea, was posessed and garrisond by the Scottishe, and all the 
countrey villages about filld with the qwarters of the Scottish armye. 

LXVIII. The Scottish wer prospering in England; but ane accident, The blowing 
very odde, did chekke ther joyes for ther late victorye. The matter was as "P "' ''^^ 
folio wethe : generall Lesly had left some peeces of ordinance at Dunse, zjne of the 

which he thouo^ht not necessaire to transport at that tyme, and with them a Scots at Dun. 

. . «^lass. 

gwarde of about one hundred and sixty foote. The governour of Bervicke ^ 

getting advertishment therof, marches out of the towne with a commanded 
pairtye, and other things necessaire for tacking away the canon. He settes 
upon the village of Dunse, which was mantained for about two houres. 
The English wrytters saye that he carryd away the canon ; but the Scottish 
saye that he reteered without the canon, having losed a number of his men 
whom he carryd off in carts and sledds, hearing of the Earle of Hading- 
touns approache, whom he never rencountred. But some of the English 
wrytters affirme that the Earle of Hadingtoune (whom Leslye had left to 
command Lauthian and Merse) did come upp with two thousand horse and 
foote, and persewed the Englishes, and rescwed the canon from the go- 
vernour of Bervicke, after some skirmish with them, and carryd them to 
Dunglasse, a castell neer Twedsyde : but I suppose the English wrytter* 
is mistackne in his relatione ; for albeit it be true that Hadingtoune was 
comming upp to ther reskwe, yet, upon advertishment of his comming, the 
English gave over the interpryse, fearing for to be shutt out of Bervicke by 
him ; and Hadingtoune hearing of ther retreate, foUowd no furder, but went 
the next day to Dunglasse with fourteen or fifteen knyts and gentlemen his 

The next day, being August the thirtieth, having dyned very jovially 
with such gentlmen and officers as wer about him, after dinner he was 
going downe staires, reading a letter which he had newly receaved, when 
behold, upone a soddaine, the whole house is suddenly blowne upp with one 

* H[ammond] L['Estrange] his Annals of King Charles [p. 189 ; Sanderson's History 
of King Charles I., pp. 313, 314.] 


A. D. 1640. blast of gunnepoulder. All who wer within, except some fewe, were in- 

stantly killed with the ruine of the house; amongst thes the Earle himselfe : 

the forpairte of the castell was overthrowne, and by its fall overwhelmed a 

number of souldiours and others who wer standing in the castell yard (or 

closse) ; to the number of above ane hundereth persons perished within and 

without the castell.''^ 

Hadington's LXIX. It was never perfectly knowne how it fell out. Ther was a 

page suspect- p^^-^^ ^f ^jjg Scottish magazine of poulder lying in the vaults of the castell 

Jane Gordon, which gave the blast ; but who fyred it none can tell. It was suspected that 

Hadington's j(. ^^s done by Hadingtons page, ane English boy, called Edward Parise, 

tVantick: she whom his maister, the Earle, getting advertishment the day befor of the 

had before lost Scottish victorye at Newburne, did jeere, saying to him that his countrey- 

Loi-d'Abovn, ™en wer cowardly, or some wordes to that pourpose : wherupon the boy is 

by the burn- saide to have lefte his maisteres presence at that tyme grumbling; and then 

',"= °o.i,/^"" espying his occasione, having gottne the key of the magazine, to have fyred 

a parcell of poulder with a reed hotte laddie of iron. This was constantly 

affirmd, but it is not proved that he was the actor : sure it is, if he wer, he 

payd for his fault, for he was founde dead amongst the rest^^' who wer buryd 

August 30. under the ruins of that castell, which was thus blowne upp August thirtieth. 

Hither came the relations of such as wer killed, and gathered them upp ; 

many of them wer so disfigured, that scarcely they could be knowne. But 

this sadd newes strooke not so deepe a knell to the heart of any as to 

Dame Jane Gordones, daughter to the Marquesse of Huntly, to whom 

Haddingtoune had been marryd but the yeare befor. How soone she gott 

the sadd tydings of her husbands deathe, half besyd herselfe, in her hous- 

hold attyre, she mounted upon a common worke beast, behynde a servaint 

of her owne, and fell off amongst an heape of stones, wherby she was 

extremely bruised, and hardly could bee drawne backe by her freendes and 

servaintes, who all tooke a pairt of her greefe. She lived not many yeares 

after him, and dyed a widdow, never marryd againe in her lyfe tyme. 

(1) [" One thing wounderfuU hapned, befor this miserable accident, wich was, that about 
eighte of the cloclie, one the Thursday at night befor the blouing vpe of the housse of 
Dunglas, ther appeird a verey grate pillar of fyrc to arrysse from the northe easte of Dum- 
bar, as appeired to them in Fyffe, who did behold it, and so ascendit towards the southe, 
wntill it approached the Terticall poynt of our hemespheare, zeilding light as the moone in 
her full, and by litle euanishing wntill it became lyke a paralaxe, and so quyte euanished 
about II of the clocke in the night." Sir James Balfour's Annates, vol. ii., p. 397.] 

(2) [" He perished ther amongst the rest, no pairt of him was euer found, bot ane arme, 
holding ane iron spoune in his hand." Id., vol. ii., p. 396.] 

Cb. lxx.] history of scots affairs. 263 

LXX. This sadd accident was variously consterd by such as heard it, A. D. 1640. 
according as they loved or hated the Covenanters partye. Sure ther may ^,.' TT 
be one remarke drawne from it, that God mixes our honey with gall : variously con- 

Vt rebus laetis par sit mensura malorum.n) 

[To return to the Scotish army. There it was taken under deliberation 
what farther was to be done, whether they should march straight forward 
to York, where the King lay with the principal part of the army, or if they 
should anew accost his Majesty with a supplication. It was carried by a 
majority that the way of petitioning should be chosen, though they were not 
ignorant that the King by public proclamation had summond all the nobi- 
lity, with their vassals, to repair to his standard, September twentieth, in 
order to fight against the Scots. The petition was as followeth : 

" The humble petition of the commissioners of the late Parliament, 
and others, of his Majestys loyal subjects : 
" Humbly sheweth, 

" That, whereas, after our many sufferings the time past, extreme neces- 
sity hath constrained us for our relief, and obtaining our just and humble 
desires to come into England, where, according to our intentions formerly 
declared, we have in all our journey lived upon our own means, victuals, 
and goods, brought along with us, and neither troubling the peace of the 
kingdom, nor harming any of your Majesty's subjects, of whatsoever quality, 
in their persons or goods, but have carried ourselves in a most peaceable 
manner, till we were pressed by strength of arms to put such forces out of 
the way as did without our deserving, and (as some of them have at the 
point of death confessed), against their own consciences, oppose our peace- 
able passage at Newburn on Tine, and have brought their blood upon their 
own heads, against our purposes and desires, expressed in our letters sent 
unto them at Newcastle. For preventing the like or greater inconveniences, 
and that we may without further opposition come into your Majestys pre- 
sence for obtaining from your Majestys justice and goodness satisfaction to 
our just demands, we, your Majestys most humble and loyal subjects do 
still insist in that submiss way of petitioning, which we have keeped since 
the beginning, and from which no provocation of your Majestys enemies and 
ours, no adversity that we have before sustained, nor prosperous success 
can befall us, shall be able to divert our minds ; most humbly intreating 

(I) [Here the author's manuscript terminates ; but the copy in the library of The 
King's College contains the few paragraphs which are added within brackets.] 


A. D. 1640. that your Majesty would in the depth of your royal wisdom consider at 
last our pressing grievance, provide for the repairing of our wrongs and 
losses, and with the advice and consent of the estates of the kingdom 
of England, conveened in Parliament, settle a firm and durable peace 
against all invasion by sea or land ; that we may with chearfulness of 
heart pay unto your Majesty, as our native King, all duty and obedience 
that can be expected from loyal subjects, and that (against the many and 
great evils which at this time threaten both kingdoms, whereat all your 
Majestys good and loving subjects tremble to think, and which we beseech 
God Almighty in mercy timeously to avert), your Majestys throne may 
be established in the midst of us in religion and righteousness, and your 
Majestys gracious answer we humbly desire and earnestly wait for." 

To this petition the King commanded my Lord Lanerick to write the 
following answer, from York, September fifth : 

" His Majesty hath seen and considered this petition, and is graciously 
pleased to return this answer by me. That he finds it in such general terms, 
that till you express the particulars of your desires, his Majesty can give no 
direct answer : therefore his Majesty requires, that you set down the par- 
ticulars of your demands with expedition, he having been always willing to 
hear and redress the grievances of his people. And for the more mature 
deliberation of these great affairs, his Majesty hath already given out sum- 
mons for the meeting of the peers of the kingdom, in the city of York, upon 
the twenty-fourth of this month, that so with the advice of the peers you 
may receive such answer to your petition as. shall most tend to his honour, 
and the peace and welfare of his dominions. And in the meantime (if peace 
be that you desire as you pretend), he expects, and by these his Majesty 
commands, that you advance no farther with your army to these parts : 
which is the only means that is left for the present to preserve peace be- 
twixt the two nations, and to bring these unhappy differences to a reconcilia- 
tion, which none is more desirous of than his most sacred Majesty."]'" 

(1) [Nalson's Impart. Collect., vol. i., pp. 432, 433 ; Rushworth's Hist. Coll., vol. iii., 
pp. 1255, 1256 ; Balfour's Annales, vol. ii., pp. 394—396 ; Historia Motuum, pp. 564 — 
566 ; Spalding, Hist, of Troub., vol. i., pp. 231, 232 ; Burnet's Mcmoires of the Hamil- 
tons, pp. 175, 176; Sanderson's History of King Charles I., p. 314.] 



2 L 


No. I. 


(From Baillie's Letters, vol. i., pp. 248 — 255.J 

Our Assemhlie at Aberdeen was keepit with great peace. We fand great 
averseness in the hearts of raanie from our course, albeit little in countenance. 

That which troubled us most was a passage of Mr. Harie Guttrie's, which, 
because it may be the occasion of farder dinne, I will relate to you particularlie, 
so farre as I understand. Our countreymen in Ireland, being pressed there by 
the Bishops to countenance the Liturgie and all their ceremonies, did absteene 
much from the publict worship ; and in privatt, among themselves, their ministers 
being all banished, did in that place and tyme of persecution, comfort themselves 
with prayer and reading, and uther exercises of religion, whiles in the night, 
whiles in the day, as they had occasion. Sundrie of them intending ane voyage 
to New England, inclined towards the discipline of these churches ; yea, some 
Brunists, insinuating themselves among them whileas their ministers were away, 
did move diverse towards their conceits. The most of thir good people flying 
over to us, were heartilie embraced of us all ; their privat meetings were over- 
seen ; some of their conceits, though they were spreading, yet for causes we let 
alone till the Laird of Leckie, one who had suffered much by the Bishops, was 
marked, useing his Irish forme of privie exercises in Stirling, and in his prayers 
some expressions which were prejudiciall to Mr. Harie [Guthrie], minister of the 
said toun, and uther ministers of the land, who did not affect their wayes. At 
once Mr. Harie, with the brethren of that presbytrie, and magistrats of that toun, 
did begin with vehemencie and some violence, to suppi'esse these privie meetings, 
and to paint out in verie black letters all the singularities they knew or heard of 
in Leckie, or these who affected their wayes. They, on the other side, failled not 
to rander to Mr. Harie, and the brethren, the like. The last Assemblie of Edin- 
burgh was perplexed with this matter. Mr. Harie made verie loud complaints of 
their novations, both in word and wryte. Sundrie being conscious what in diverse 
parts of the countrie was broaching, was in some fear. Diverse of our chief 


ministers tendering verie much the credit of these verie pious people, were loath 
that any thing concerning them should come in publick. We had sundrie privat 
meetings with the chief that was thought to incline that way. Mr. Hendersoun 
vented himself, at manie occasions, passionatlie, opposit to all these conceits. We 
fand among ourselves great harmonie of judgment ; yea, Leckie, declareing his 
mind in a wryte, was found to differ from us in nothing considerable. Once we 
agreed for the framing of ane act for the preveening of such questions. Both 
sides laid it on me to forme it. All was pleased with the draught, onlie one, not 
lyking my conclusion of precise dischargeing of all novations till in a Generall 
Assemblie they were allowed, persuaded to leave off making of ane act, leist our 
adversaries should triumph in our so hastie disputations, if not divisions ; and did 
assure, by quiet dealing, to sopite smother all farder reasoning of such purposes ; 
onlie we concluded, for satisfaction of all, that Mr. Harie should preach for ad- 
vancement of religious exercises in everie familie, and Mr. Robert Blair, Mr. 
John Makclellan, Mr. John Levistoune, against night-meetings, and other abuses 
quhilk were complained of. Mr. Blair, in his sermon, did not so much cry downe 
these meetings as was expected ; wherefore Mr. Guttrie refused to preach at all. 
Some citizens of Edinburgh declared themselves not well satisfied with Mr. Hen- 
dersoun's zeall against their practise. One Livingstone, a traffiquer with the 
English who wer affected to our reformation, bot withall to the discipline of New 
England, in his letter to his friends abroad, did wryte verie dispytefullie of Mr. 
Hendersoun ; thir being intercepted, did grieve not onlie the man himself, bot us 
all, of all ranks, who had found him the powerfuU instrument of God, fitted ex- 
presslie much above all other to be a blessing to our Church, in this most danger- 
ous seasone. For preveening of farder inconvenience, it was thought meete to 
presse, in all the kingdome, religious exercises in families, according to a draught 
which Mr. Hendersoun, with the unanimous consent of all, gave out in print. 
This familie worship was expected ane sufficient remedie against the feared evills 
of utlier privie meetings ; bot when it was not found so, these that woidd have 
keeped on foot amongst us some of the Irish novations, foreseeing their severe 
condemnation by the insewing Generall Assemblie, thought good to eishu [eschew] 
that discreditable stroke, and drew together in Edinburgh, in tyme of the Parlia- 
ment, to a privie conference ; on the one syde, Mr. Hendersoun and Mr. Eliaezar 
Borthwick ; on the other, Mr. Blair and Mr. Dicksoun : these four agreed on a 
paper of caveats, limiting these privie meetings ; which being opened to the rest 
of the brethren there conveened, did please all. The report of this gladed all 
the land, hoping that these disputations had then been at a point. 

I heard no more of them till the Synod, at the beginning whereof, as the cus- 
tome is, a list being given up for preaching in the towne, Mr. Guttrie was one. 
He finding himself, as he avowed, indisposed in bodie, and unable without more 
books and leasure than there he could have, and unwilling, fra the Provost of the 
towne required he should be heard, having, as he heard, a mind to get him trans- 
ported to that towne, refused peremptorlie to preach there at all, and that with 
some words of headiness, more than it became to us, in the face of ane Assemblie. 
These who boore him at small good will, finding him in this snare, whether to 
punish him for bygone business, or to dashe him for attempting in that Assemblie 
any farder matter about Leckie his meetings, which they suspected was his maine 
eirand to that place, urged straitlie the publick censure of his presumption. When 


he was removed, all these who had relation to the Irish business, lighted so 
sharplie upon him, that manie did thinke that their censure was not so much for 
his present misbehaviour, as for some bygone quarrels. He took the Moderator's 
reproof submissivelie enough ; bot whether on that irritation, or preceeding reso- 
lution, he sett himself with all earnestness to have these matters concluded in 
Assembhe, which some of us were afrayed so much as publicklie to name. Pri- 
vatlie he had solicit the whole northern ministrie and elders, putting them in a 
great vehemence against all these things he complained of. It was one of my 
overtures for the ordering of the house at the beginning of the Assemblie, that no 
motion should come in publick till first it were considered in privat by the Com- 
mittee appointed for things of that nature whereof it wes, unless the Committee 
did refuse to receave it. Whereby Mr. Harie his first motion in publick, though 
he alleadged it had been proponed be him to the Committee and not receaved, was 
rejected again to the committee : by this raeanes he was holden of some dayes ; 
bot by no meanes could be gotten diverted from proponing these questions, which 
we were afraid should trouble us all. Accompt was taken of all the Commission- 
ers of the kingdome, in the face of the Assemblie, of settling of faniilie exercise 
in ilk house of their Presbyfrie ; it was avowed to be everie where prettie well 
advanced ; bot this was no water for the fire in hand. It was the advyce of the 
committee, to propone Mr. Hendersoun's paper before Mr. Harie was heard. This 
advyce, in my minde, was healthsome ; for lyklie all would have applauded to that 
paper, and no more needed for the settleing of these questions ; bot some, whether 
because they were loath, though privatlie they assented to that paper, that yet it 
should goe in a publick act, or being carryed with a clean contrare spaite, were 
willfull to have Mr. Harie to vent himself in publick, to the uttermost of his pas- 
sions, would not let the committee determine any thing in that afiair. Mr. Harie 
being permitted at last to speak in the Assemblie, in a long discourse, proclaimed 
what he was able to say of Leckie and these meetings : truelie he uttered manie 
things very odious, if trew. Mr. James Simpsone of Bathgate shew also manie 
scandalous things of that sort of people. A Commissioner from Galloway de - 
dared a number of uncouth passadges, reflecting on Mr. Samuel Rutherfoord, Mr. 
John Livingstone, and Mr. Makclellan. Presentlie all went to a heat and con- 
fused dinn ; the whole north, especiallie the earle of Seafort, a well spoken man, 
bot whose honestie in our cause ever has been much suspected, passionatelie syding 
with Mr. Harie ; some others fretting to hear pious people so shamefullie, as they 
thought, calumniat. In the midst of the clamour, I took leave sharplie to regrate 
that we did rush in a greater evill than any was complained of : the confused mis- 
order of a Generall Assemblie was the spoyling of the onlie remedie of that and 
all other diseases : Bot no possibilitie of order and silence ; the Moderator had 
neither weight in his discourse, nor dexteritie in guiding : we missed much Mr. 
Hendersoun, or some of our respected nobles. At last the confusion ended in a 
committee for the preparing of overtures to remedie these evills : the committee 
was for the most part of men at Mr. Harie's devotion. After much jangleing 
and repetition, with manie eikes of odious (whether true or fabulous) narrations, 
sundrie of us inclyned to have that fore-named paper past in ane act. Bot my 
Lord Seafort, and Mr. Harie, by no means could hear of that motion ; they told 
over, that caveats had brought in the bishops ; that this paper, though never so 
full of limitations, would be introductive at last of the thing limited. Mr. Ruther- 


foord all the while was dumb ; onlie in the midst of the jangleing he cast in a 
syllogisme, and required them all to answer it : " What Scripture does warrand, 
ane Assemblie may not discharge ; hot privie meetings for exercises of religion, 
Scripture warrants." Heb. xii. [Jam. v. 16.] " Confess your sinnes one to ano- 
ther, pray one for another ;" Mai. [iii. 16.] " Then did the godlie oft speak 
together, and God hearkened," etc. Thir things could not be done in publick 
meetings. A number greedilie hanshit at the argument, Mr. A. Ramsay, Mr. J. 
Adamsoun, and others ; bot came not near the matter, let be to answer formallie. 
My Lord Seafort would not have Mr. Samuell to trouble us with his logick syllo- 
gismes ; the trueth is, as I conceave, Mr. Harie intended to have all meetings pri- 
vate simpliciter abolished ; also Mr. Rutherfoord, I know, had, in a treatise, de- 
fended the lawfullness of these meetings in greater numbers, and for moe purposes 
than yet we have heard practised ; also Mr. Dicksoun had written, and practised, 
and countenanced some things in these meetings, that now, both of them finding 
the inconveniencies, and seeing the great opposition they got by manie good 
men, and especiallie by Mr. Hendersoun, were content to passe from, at leist to be 
silent of. We closed that night with this overture. That fyve of our number 
should draw up every one of us our conception, by way of act, to present to-mor- 
row to the committee, Mr. David, Mr. Harie, Mr. D. Lindsay, Mr. Alexander 
Petrie, and L In my act, I strave so cunninglie as I could, to convase Hender- 
soun's paper shortlie, with some of my own conceptions. I communicat it with 
the chief opposers of Mr. Harie, Mr. D. D., Mr. Sa. R., Will. Rigg, and others, 
got them at last to acquiesce. When we came to the committee, all fyve acts was 
read : the question came betuixi myne and Mr. Harie's ; myne was lykit by all, 
onlie Mr. Harie mislyked it, and conceived, that under everie word a dangerous 
serpent did lie ; there was no remead : his contentment was the contentment of 
the bodie of the Assemblie. Frae he mislyked my draught, I sett myself to per- 
swade that his draught might be accepted, for truelie it had nothing that was con- 
traverted : It consisted of tliree articles ; — the Second, " That read prayer was not 
unlawfuU," Mr. D. Dick did inlarge. That it should be lawfuU to read prayers, 
both in private and publick ; the Third, " That it should not be permitted to any 
to expone Scripture to people, bot onlie ministers, and expectants approvin by 
Presbytries," no man did contradict ; the First, " That familie worship should be 
declared to be of persones of one familie, not of diverse ;" liere was all the ques- 
tion. I did declare publicklie, oft without contradiction, that the meetings whereof 
he complained were not familie meetings, bot ane other kinde speeificallie differ- 
ing from the other ; so that his article of familie meetings would never touch any 
abuse of these meetings, were they never so manie or foule. Yet because this 
was Mr. Harie's own draught, and he alleaged, that the people with whom he had 
to doe did take their conventicles onlie for familie exercises, he required no more 
than the declaration of the Assemblie, that familie meetings extended no farder 
than to persones of the same families. This, though no man could refuse, yet 
these that lyked nothing that came from him, did question much more than they 
needed, and verie violentlie urged to have, in that article, limitations, which, in 
my judgement, were verie needless, and did further Mr. Harie's designe more nor 
his own words. Alwayes Mr. Harie was made content to admitt of ane excep- 
tion, which was, the practise of people flocking to their minister's familie exercise; 
bot of any moe exceptiones he would not hear ; and more they pressed to have. 


upon ane argument that did much amaze my minde, that except they gott ane 
other conceit, they had a written protestation readie against that act of the Synod ; 
the thing that the devill was seeking, and would have been sweet pastyme to that 
town of Aberdeen, and our small favourers in the North, who was greedilie gaze- 
ing on the event of that broyle. Alwayes at last the prayers of the land for God's 
blessing to that Assemblie prevailed, and in a moment God made the minds of 
these who differed to agree, to the great joy of all when they heard it. There 
was bot fyve of us then in privat, Mr. Harie and Mr. David as parties ; Belhelvie 
for Mr. Harie, the Moderator and I betuixt them. Mr. David at last acquiesced to 
my request to let Mr. Harie's article passe as it stood, and Mr. Harie, after once 
and againe I had inculcate to him, that all his act was bot a blephum if yow putt 
not in that clause yow see it hes against novations, was at last content to put it 
in ; so with great difficultie, the act being agreed upon in privat, and in the com- 
mittee, when it came to be voted in the Assembhe, it had no contrare voyce. 

All of us did think that then the storme was close over and gone ; yet behold, 
when leist we expectit, it does blow up againe as boysterouslie as ever: some 
that was grieved and freted that their opposite should have gotten so much way, 
desyreing to have some order of him, did give in a wryte, requireing, since so 
manie wyle [vile] abuses were in the Assemblie alleadged to have been committed 
by Leckie, and others, in diverse parts of the kingdome, it were expedient that a 
committee were ordained for the tryall and severe punishment of all these misor- 
ders ; and that this committee should sitt in Edinburgh, and consist of these whom 
the Assemblie had appointed Commissioners for the Parliament, with so manie 
other as the Assemblie thought meet to joyne with them. This bill was read near 
the end of the Synod be Mr. James Boner, moderator of the bills, as newlie given 
to him, by whom he knew not. Upon the hearing of it, at once there rose such 
a heat and universall clamour, that it was marvellous. Mr. John Makclellan 
was found tlie ingiver of it ; while he began to be hissed at, Mr. A. Cant and Mr. 
D. D. did speak for the reasonableness of it, and some few other ministers and 
gentlemen who had been on the councell of it ; bot they were so overwhelmed 
with the multitude of cryers. Away with it ! Away with it ! that they were forced 
to be silent, and let it goe. I much grieved to see the tumultuous disorder of our 
Assemblie ; and had I been on Mr. David's councell, I would have disuaded him 
to my power from such a motion, which, if it had been assented to, was like to 
have fyred our Church, more than any other brand that Satan at this tyme, in all 
his witt, could have invented : so, by God's goodness, water was cast on that.fyre 
for the tyme. The amirs [embers] yet seems to smoke ; bot we hope God will 
see to the peace of our Church, which is bot a brand newlie taken out of the fyre, 
or rather yet in the midst of the flame of warr and great danger. 

(From Bishop Guthrie's Memoirs, pp. 77 — 19-) 

Upon the last Tuesday of July the general assembly sate down at Aberdeen, 
without any commission from his majesty : Where the first thing that occurred 
was, the receiving of Mr. John Paterson, minister at Foveren, into the Covenant. 
He had at first fled to England to avoid it, but shortly after repented, and came 
home again, and upon his application to his presbytery, was referred to the gene- 


ral assembly, before which he made a recantation sermon, wherewith the as- 
sembly professed to have so full satisfaction, that he was received to their fel- 

The next thing done therein was, an act against conventicles (called by the 
owners thereof private meetings) which was upon this occasion. 

As soon as Episcopacy had been thrust out of this church, there came from 
England one Thomas Livingston, a taylor, and another, Mr. Cornall, a chirurgeon 
(both supposed to favour the Brownistical way), and from Ireland a fleece of Scots 
people, who being dissatisfied with the forms of that church, had long ago for- 
saken the public assemblies thereof, and betaken themselves to conventicles ; of 
whom the most eminent were the laird of Lecky, and one John Kelso, formerly 
one of the goodmen of Duchall's ploughmen. These arriving in the west of 
Scotland trafficked with the people in those parts, to comply with their way, of 
seeking edification by private meetings ; wherein their success was the greater, in 
that Mr. David Dickson, Mr. Robert Blair, Mr. Samuel Rutherford, and others, 
were said to countenance them therein. 

Upon the hearing whereof, the soundest of the ministers throughout the land 
were deeply affected, doubting that course might lead to Brownism in the end, 
such as Mr. Andrew Ramsay, Mr. Alexander Henderson, Mr. William Colvil, Mr. 
David Dalgleish, Mr. Robert Knox, Mr. Edward Wright, Mr. Henry Guthry, and 
many more, especially Mr. David Calderwood (who in the time of his exile had 
seen the wild follies of the English Brownists in Arnheim and Amsterdam) ; and 
therefore, at the former general assembly in Edinburgh, in the year 1639, these 
purposed to have had an act against the same ; but Mr. David Dickson, Mr. 
Robert Blair, Mr. Samuel Rutherford, and the rest of their stamp, opposed that 
motion, and proponed instead thereof, that there should be a conference, whereby 
brethren might unite their judgments upon the question, and afterwards by private 
admonition they would prevail with those people to amend what was amiss. 

This was hearkened to, and the conference was at Mr. Alexander Henderson's 
chamber ; where were present, on the one part, the said Mr. Alexander Hender- 
son, Mr. Andrew Ramsay, Mr. David Calderwood, Mr. William Colvil, Mr. David 
Dalgleish, Mr. Edward Wright, and Mr. Henry Guthry ; on the other part, Mr. 
David Dickson, moderator of the general assembly, Mr. Robert Blair, Mr. 
Samuel Rutherford, Mr. James Hamilton, Mr. John Livingston, Mr. John Mac- 
lellan, and Mr. George Dick ; and after reasoning at several diets, in the end, Mr. 
Dickson, and all his adherents, passed from the point, and agreed unanimously to 
this conclusion, viz. : 

" That whatsoever had been the effects of private meetings of persons from 
divers families for religious exercise in time of trouble or corruption (in which 
case many things may be commendable, which otherwise are not tolerable); yet 
now, when God hath blessed us with peace, and with the purity of the gospel, 
they could not but disallow them, as tending to the hindrance of the exercises of 
each family by itself, to the prejudice of the public ministry, and to the renting 
of particular congregations, and by progress of time of the whole kirk, besides 
many offences that may come thereby, to the hardening of the hearts of natural 
men, and the grief of the godly." 

This conclusion being agreed upon, was subscribed in all their names that had 
been upon the conference, by Mr. Alexander Henderson for the one part, and Mr. 


David Dickson for the other, and the custody of the paper committed to Mr. 
Henry Gutliry. 

Likeas Mr. David Dickson, and his adherents, did farther undertake, by their 
admonitions, to reclaim these conventiclers, and make them leave that way. 

Whereupon the brethren of the other part went from the conference well satis- 
fied ; but the event declared they made no conscience of what they had under- 
taken, and that whatsoever they had condescended to, was only to put by that 

For afterwards they were so far from performing what they had promised, that 
their admonitions turned to encouragements, whereby the conventiclers grew more 
bold than formerly, and prevailed with people so generally throughout the west, 
that they met with no rub, until they came the length of Stirling, where they 
found so harsh entertainment as made them quickly to withdraw, esteeming that 
town an unhallowed place ; yet elsewhere they found welcome enough (even in 
Edinburgh itself), where their way came to be so cried up, that such as favoured, 
or kept those private meetings, were by the rigid sort esteemed the godlj of the 
land, and others that opposed them were calumniated, as being in their opinion, 
reckoned unfriends to piety. 

Hereupon the assembly at Aberdeen took the matter into consideration, whe- 
ther those private meetings should be allowed or condemned. Mr. Dickson, 
Rutherford, and others of their stamp, pleaded so vehemently for them (having 
the assistance not only of the most part of the ministers, but also the ruling elders 
from the west), that it was likely they must have carried it, had not, by provi- 
dence, Mr. Guthry happened to have in his pocket that paper which contained the 
judgment of the brethren (at the conference at Edinburgh the year preceding) 
upon the question, which was subscribed by Mr. Henderson and Mr. Dickson, in 
all their names : Mr. Guthry kept up this paper, until he saw the business in 
hazard to miscarry ; but then produced it in the assembly, and being read, and 
Mr. Dickson's hand found to be at it, for himself and all his party, Mr. Dickson, 
and his adherents, were pleased afterwards to be silent ; and very unanimously 
the assembly made an act against those private meetings, not so much as one 
man protesting to the contrary. 


No. II. 


(From Dr. Gardeiis Vita Johannis Forhesii a Corse, §§ xc — xcv.) 

5 xc. Non ingratum fore Lectori nee intempestivum spero, si ulterius narrem quo 

sibbaWus erro- pacto Jacobum Sibbaldum traetarunt, cum Forbesii Collega asset, et iisdem mo- 
ic^sMu-i""*'"' lestiis agitatus. Sibbaldus a dicta Synodo An. 1640. Officio pastorali depulsus 
fuit, quod Foedus subsignave nollet. Varum id non satis fuit, sad direptis qui- 
busdam ex ipsius chartis, eum baud orthodoxum esse concludunt, ac de falsis doc- 
trinis accusant, anathema interminantas, si palinodiam non canaret. Sequitur ac- 

Catalogxis Errorum propter quos M. Jacobus Sibbaldiis (a ministerio hactenus de- 
positxis), anaihemate prosequendus est, si eisdem non recantaverit. 

I. Patet eum inimicum esse Ecclesiae Scoticanae at erroris occultatorem, ao 
ijuod non solum habuerit in sua potestata et custodia, D. Gul. Forbesii scripta, 
quae erronea esse agnovit, varum etiam ea dispergenda mutuo dedarit, ut inter 
studiosos de manu in manum communicarantur, et tamen nee contra horum er- 
rores locutus est, uec studiosos ut ab iis caverent, monuit. 

II. Apparet eum varies Papismi et Arminianismi Articulos docuissa ac pro- 
palasse. videl. 

1. In Funebri Concione, p. 125. ' Potestas libera aliquid agendi in nobis juncta 
est cum potestata circa oppositum.' 

2. In Funebri Concione, p. 134. 'A Deoprovenit omnis sanctificatio, etiam ad 
externa Symbola vel Sacramenta, quae pro nobis instituit qui rudes sumus et a 
sensibus ducti, ut per haec sensibilia nos sanctificaret, at corporao tactu Spiritum 
suum ajusque dona in animis nostris earumque facultatibus infunderet': ex quo ap- 
paret eum efficaciam Papisticam approbare, at opus oparatum, quod Papistae Sa- 
cramento ascribunt. 

3. In Concione Funebri, p. 96. ' Ecclesiae Christianae visum est sacerdotibus 
suis externum etiam habitum ab aliis diversum injungere.' 

4. In pag. 79. Responsionum duplicatarum, privati Baptismi necessitatem asserit. 


5. In earundem pag. 84. ' Non erubescimus cum primitivis Patribus Coenae 
Dorainicae Sacramentum lipihn vel viaticum appellare, licet vos id improbare 

6. Pag. 32. §. 5. sup. Matth. in Concione manuscripta ad populum habita, jejunii 
quadragesimalis institutionem approbare videtur. Ejus verba sunt : ' Christus tain 
diu jejunavit, non ideo maxime ut nos tam diu ipsius sequamur exemplum ; sed ut 
aeque diu ac Moyses jejunans, Evangelium praedicatum veniret, nobis tantum 
prout possimus sequentibus : nihilominus Ecclesia tam longura jejunium ante 
Pascha instituit.' 

7. Pag. 71. §• 4. super Luc. xi. v. 41. docuit ' eleeraosynas quodam sensu dici 
posse peccatum respectu culpae expurgare, quatenus dispositio sunt ad justifica- 
tionem, gratiam illius impetrans.' 

8. Super Rom. iii. v. 23. docuit fidem magis immediate vel distinete in eum 
ferri cujus potentia justificamur; eam solam esse dispositionem inter omnia 
nostra opera cui justitia ascribi possit sine periculo superbiae, vel derogatione de 
gratia Dei. 

9. Super Luc. xiii. v. 34. Docuit ' Christum ipsius meritis omnia acquisivisse 
auxilia, quibus hominibus opus est ex parte Dei, ut reconcilientur et salventnr ; a 
Deo impetravit, ut deposita ira quam adversus hominem ob peccatum habuit, om- 
nibus adesse et assistere velit. Filius omnes illuminare praesto est, si quis non 
videt, ipse in culpa est' 

10. In Concione super. 2. Job. et iv. ait : ' Hinc patet quam religiose versari de- 
bemus in domo Dei, et quam impie Christianorum Ecclesiae a multis profanentur, 
quibus major debetur reverentia quam templo Hierosolymitano, ob veram in iis 
Dei praesentiam, et sanctorum Sacrauientorum admiuistrationem.' Et paulo post, 
super eundem textum : ' Sed Deus in hac domo habitat, cum in hoc loco cultui 
ipsius consecrato facilem aurem praebuerit, ac proinde orationes servorum ipsius 
magis acceptae sunt, quam alibi, caeteris paribus, hoc est, si pari pietate, fervore 
ac fide invocetur, quas virtutes circumstantiae loci et eorum quae ibi gesta sunt, 
magnopere excitant et confirmant. Si Deus omnibus in locis aeque adesset, frustra 
dicereraus : Pater noster qui es in coelis.' 

III. In respondendo ad quaestiones ipsi propositas, repertus est in quibusdam 
errore imbutus, in aliis ambiguus et erroris suspectus, ubi apertius mentem dicere 

1. Interrogatus, num Papa Antichristus esset, respondit, se opinari Papam 
esse Antichristum, ac nescire num major Antichristus post eum veniet. 

2. Interrogatus de descensu Christi locali ad inferos, respondit Ecclesiam Scoti- 
canam in National! Synodo istum articulum non definivisse. Se credere Christum 
ad inferos descendisse, et quod ad localem animae ipsius ad inferos descensum 
attinet, eam fuisse priscorum quorundam sententiam, seque cum Zanchio eam 
improbare nolle. 

3. Interrogatus, num putaret omnes infantes baptizatos esse vere regeneratos, 
respondit, se illi articulo Ecclesiae Scoticanae adhaerere, quod per baptisnium in 
Christum insiti simus, ut ipsius justitiae participes fiamus, eumque in infantibus 
efficacem esse nisi ponatur obex ; sed num ponatur obex ratione praescientiae 
divinae vel aliter, se non velle determinare. 2. Interrogatus, quisnam esset ille 
obex, dixit se non velle ad id respondere, et si eum Augustino affirmasset, quod 
omnes infantes baptizati regenerentur, se nil absurdi locutum fuisse, opinari. 

4. Interrogatus, utrum Deus velit omnes salvos esse voluntate antece- 
denti, dixit, si spatium aliquod temporis illi concedatur, se responsurum. Id 



loquutus est mox, postquam dixisset se Canonibus Syiiodi Dordracenae subscribere 

5. Interrogatus quid opinaretur de altaribus, inclinationibus coram iis, sacerdo- 
tis habitu dum oblationem facit, qualia sunt superpelliceum, amiculum linteum, 
cappa, positio raensae per modum altaris, et conversio ad orientem orando, 
respondit, in solutione harum quaestionum se sibi nonduni satisfecisse. 

IV. In Concione super cap. 3. ad Rom. Feb. 1638, his usus est verbis: ' Cum 
Theologi nostri dicunt iios sola fide justificari, omnia opera auxilio gratiae facta, 
tanquam conditiones ac dispositiones praeparantes non excludunt, qualia sunt 
poenitentia, misericordiae desiderium, oratio. 2°. Opera per gratiam praestita 
tanquam fidei fructus non excludunt, nam eo modo fidei non sunt opposita, sed 
amice cum fide conveniunt.' Miratus est Tlieologos Protestantes docuisse, aut 
unquam cogitare potuisse, quod priusquam resipiscimus justificati simus, ' nam,' 
inquit, 'extra omne dubium est, resipiscentiam, emendationis propositum, veniae 
spem, orationem, ac gratiae desiderium, miseriae sensura, praeire tanquam con- 
ditiones et media praeparantia priusquam justificemur.' Interrogatus, num doctri- 
nam iianc approbaret, respondit, ' se priora verba rite iutellecta approbare, nempe 
haec opera adesse debere vel praeeuntia vel sequentia fidei justificantis actum, et 
media praeparantia auxilio gratiae praestita posse justificationem praecedere, 
nempe poenitentiam. Aflfirniavit se a Theologis nostris dissentire qui opinantur 
quod poenitentia justificationis actum non praecedat. Quod ad secundum attinet, 
nil mail in eo videt, cum Apostolus dicat, fidem per charitatem operari : De tertio 
existimavit idem esse cum praecedenti.' 

V. In Duplicationum, p. 26. nobis in aequissimo hoc bello nostro defensivo haec 
Scripturae loca applicat, Matth. xxvi. 52. ' Quicunque enim acceperint gla- 
dium, gladio peribunt.' Et Rom. xiii. ' Qui resistunt, ipsi sibi damnationem 

Interrogatus de nostro Foedere, num ei subscribere vellet, respondit, se illi 
subscribere non posse. De plurimis aliis etiam articulis propositae fuere ei 
quaestiones, et ubi Ecclesiae nostrae doctrinae et Theologoruni Reformatoruni 
principiis consentiebat, distincte et aperte respondit ; ubi vero in suspicionem 
vocatus fuit, in praecipuis nempe articulis, ambigue respondit, vel respondere 
detrectavit. Sic subscribitur, 

MuHRAY, Scriba Vicarius Synodi. 

Sibbaldi Autographum quoddam 6. vel. 7. fol. observationes quasdam in dicam 
banc continens apud me habeo, quarum sunimam hie breviter enarrabo. 
J Primo quod ad chartas suas attinet. Ex meis, inquit, schedis direptis ansam 
capiunt me de quibusdam articulis accusandi, et priusquam quinam essent distincte 
novissem, respondi, has chartas non posse in testimonium contra me adduci, cum 
ipsaruni quaedam essent breves librorum a me lectorum summae, (|uas exscripseram 
ut iis vel in refutando vel approbando facilius uterer ; Aliae vero collectiones essent, 
ex Commentariis aliisve libris quas pro meditationum materia in concionibus for- 
mandis exscripseram, ut eas pro ratione post justam examinationem, aut probare 
aut rejicere possem ; ac omnes privatae fuere, non publicae, neque publico sed 
proprio tantum usui destinatae. Et ad hoc confirmandum adducit resolutionem 
Navarri in simili casu Consil. 1. 5. de haer. Consil. 7. qui posito hoc fundamento, 
quod nemo sit accusandus vel arguendus eo quod hoc vel illud scripserit, et sua 
manu, in chartulis, comnientariolis, et aliis memorialibus imperfectis, indigestis, et 
inemendatis, posuerit, quibus manus extrema non sit adhibita, nee sunt usque 


adhuc edita, validis rationibus, distinctis legibis, et celeberrimorum Doctorum 
authoritate et exemplis, a Sibbaldo exscriptis, clare evincit, nuUani accusationem 
justam, multo minus sententiam, in hujusmodi chartis posse fundari. 

Ut plenius satisfaciat, articulos plerosque aecusationis sigillatim considerat 5 •«"• 
Sibbaldus, et quae de iis sentiat, dicit. 1°. Jejunium Quadragesimale licituni esse, Ejus sententia de 
superstitione et delectu ciborum amotis, negari baud posse existimat, et ad unani- gisimaii. 
mem Antiquitatis consensum, Theologorum etiam eruditorum Protestantium, 
jejunium hoc, prout a pura primitiva Ecclesia observatum fuit, approbantium sen- 
tentiam accedere ostendit. In hujus rei documentum, testimonia Zanehii, Doc- 
torum Field et Andrews, ac Petri Molinaei adducit, et cum hac quaestione con- 
cludit ; num scil. ii qui hoc jejunium non approbant, omnia improbent jejunia ; 
si id non faciant, cur hoc potius quam ullum aliud rejiciant, praesertim cum tarn 
antiquum sit, et ob graves causas institutum ; sed si nulla stata jejunia approbent 
(qua istorum doctrina et praxis est), quo pacto Aerii reatum devitabunt ? qui 
Epiphanio teste, haeres. 75. dixit : ' Neque jejunii instituendi ulla ratio est. Haec 
omnia Judaeorum propria sunt, et cuidam servitutis jugo subjecta, quippe justo 
nulla lex posita est, sed parricidii ac matricidii duntaxat et id genus aliorum : nam 
si jejunare omnino decreverim, quacunque libuerit die, sponte et integra libertate 
jejunabo. Hinc est,' inquit Epiphanius, ' quod isti Dominica die jejunare potius 
affectant ; quarta vero sextaque feria veseuntur, non ulla lege, sed voluntate ut 
asserunt inducti. Porro diebus ipsis Paschatis, quod tempus humi cubando, casti- 
moniam servando, afflictandoque corpore ; necnon et aridorum ciborum usu, pre- 
cibus, vigiliis, jejuniis, et reliquis id genus saluberrimis corporis cruciatibus, 
celebrare solemus ; illi e contrario jam turn diluculo obsonari solent, et carnibus 
vinoque distenti, cachinnari, ridere, eosque qui illam Paschatis hebdomadam, sanc- 
tissimis illis religionibus traduount, ludibrio habere.' 

Ad alium articulum e chartis ipsius adductiuii, nempe peccatum eleemosynis § xcm. 
expurgari, respondet, se nunquam privatim vel publice dixisse, peccatum eleemo- ^^ purgatione 
synis expurgari, sed eas tantum commendasse ut Deo plurimum gratas et acceptas niosjnas. 
cum rite fiant ; et si quid tale in chartis ipsius reperiatur, merum exscriptum esse, 
idque ut sibi videtur, e Fi-. White Orthodox, etc. Praeterea, si totidem verbis 
dixisset, peccatum quodam sensu eleemosynis purgari, quid amplius asseruisset 
quam in Scripturis diserte traditum est ? Nonne Salomon dicit Proverb, xvi. 6. 
Misericordia et veritate redimitur iniquitas ? Nonne licitum est Scripturae phrasi- 
bus uti ? Evidenter itaque- patet haec verba, Candida interpretatione, in vero et 
bono sensu capi posse. Sic S. Aug. in Encliir. cap. 72. ' Multa sunt genera elee- 
mosynarum, quae cum facimus, adjuvamur, et demittuntur nobis nostra peccata.' 
Et in scriptis Patrum plurima similia dicta reperiuntur. Si itaque talia verba in 
bono sensu sumi possint, hie et non alius iis ascribi debet. Lex enim diserte dicit, 
' dubia interpretanda esse in meliorem partem, et semper in dubiis benigniora esse 

Ad alios duos articulos de Ecclesiarum dedicatione et sanctitate, etc., respondet, 5 ='"»• 
se existimare, quod Ecclesiae precibus et eratiarum actionibus Deo eonsecrari De Ecciesiaruin 

,1.. ^ ..^p . ,. dedicatione et 

possint et debeant, in signum separationis a proiano et communi usu, et destina- sanctitate. 
tionis ad sacra et pia exercitia. 2. Dicit loca sic consecrata magis sacra esse 
quam domus communes ; se non adeo absurdum esse ut putet iis talem inesse 
sanctitatem qualis est in creaturis ratione praeditis, sed eam solum quae locis et 
temporibus convenire potest ; et quod quaedam sanctitas iis convenire possit, a 
nemine in dubium vocari posse qui S. Scripturam amplectitur, cum ex ea pateat, 
sanctos esse dies, et terram posse esse sanctam. ' Ne appropinques hue' (dicit 



Dominus ad Moysen), ' solve calceainentum de pedibus tuis, locus enim in quo stas, 
terra saiieta est.' Exod. iii. 5. Act. vii. 33. Sic Joli. v. 15. Item Lev. xxvii. 28. 
dictum est : ' Quicquid semel fuerit consecratum, Sanctum Sanctorum erit Do- 
mino.' S. Paulus, 1 Tim. iv. 5. docet ' omnem creaturam sanctificari per verbum 
Dei et preces.' Si itaque, inquit Sibbaldus, cuicunque bonae Dei creaturae sancti- 
tas convenire possit, cur non etiam Ecclesiis ? NuUius sunt res sacrae, et religiosae 
et sanctae. Quod enim divini juris est, id nullius in bonis est, dicit lex. Quis 
affirmare audet elementa panis et vini post consecrationem magis sancta non esse, 
quam sunt communis panis et vinum ? Peculiarem vero hunc sanctitatis gradum 
ideo habent, quod in sanctissimum et religiosum usum destinata et consecrata 
sunt ; eodem pariter modo, licet non gradu, sanctae sunt Ecclesiae, quoniam in 
sacros usus sepositae ac destinatae sunt, et per preces ac gratiarum actiones in hunc 
finem consecratae. Si mera rei in sacrum usum destinatio sanctam eam reddat, 
Levit. xxvii. sique preces et gratiarum actiones id in quodam gradu sanctum faciant, 
quod communi tantum usui destinatur, ut est ordinarius noster cibus ; ab omni 
ratione alienum est affirmare Ecclesias non ita se habere, etc. Si dicatur nos 
verbi divini authoritate muniri in elementis panis ac vini, non vero in Ecclesiis, 
consecrandis ; dico, inquit, id falsum esse, nam res communi tantum usui destina- 
tas, multo magis quae sacris usibus destinantur, per preces et gratiarum actiones 
benedicere jubemur. 3. Datur peccatum quod sacrilegium vocatur ; alioquin 
quo pacto diceret Paulus Rom. ii, 22. Qui abominaris idola, sacrilegium com- 
mittis ? Id ipsi Ethnici pro flagitiosissimo crimine, et pari poena cum parricidio 
plectendo, habuere. Jam una ex praecipuis sacrilegii speciebus est Ecclesiarum 
earumque dotationum violatio et expilatio, quae proprie sacrilegium dicitur. 
4. Tandem ostendit id esse sententiae et praxi veteris Ecclesiae consentaneum, 
ut patet ex Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis antiquis, quorum testimonia adducit, et 
Theologorum eruditorum Protestantium judicio, citans Bucerem, Pet. Martyrem, 
et Zanchium ; adeo ut Sibbaldi temporibus eximii hi viri in Ecclesiae Scoticanae 
communionem recipi non potuissent, sed ex ea ejicerentur, nisi doctrinae hujus 
palinodiam cecinissent. 
5 ^<^''- Dicit Sibbaldus, alium fuisse e chartis allegatum articulura de piorum afflic- 

pionra"quod"' tionibus, quod nempe poenae dici possint et a justitia Dei provenire. Sentit ille 
poenae, et a eas vere dici posse poenas, idque ob has rationes. 1. Inquit, quoniam in iis omnia 

justitia Dei pro- ad poenam necessario requisita reperiuntur, videl. quod respectum habeant ad 
possint '" culpam, tanquam fontem et scaturiginera primariam unde fluunt ; mors enim et 

quaecunque miseria eam introducit per peccatum intrarunt. Rom. v. 12. Gen. 
iii. 17, 18, 19. - - - - Praeterea Scriptura expresse docet cliarissimos Dei servos 
propter peccata ipsorum actualia afflictos fuisse. Sic Moses Ps. cvi. 32, 33. 
David, etc. Secundum ad poenam requisitum est, ut per eam patiantur et niultum 
patiantur. Tertium, quod ipsorum voluntati, si non actuali, tamen natural! ipsius 
propensioni et inclination! contrarium sit. 2. Iniquitates eorum a quibus Deus 
non aufert misericordiam suam virga visitantur. Ps. Ixxxix. 32, 33. Ps. Ixix. 26. 
Ps. xc. 7, 8. Heb. xii. 6. Tertio Scriptura asserit ' eos a Domino judicari,' 1 Cor. 
xi. 32. ' et quod judicium incipiet a domo De!,' 1 Pet. iv. 17. Si itaque piorum 
afflictiones prout a Deo veniunt sint ipsius judicia, sique eos judicet cum affligit, 
hinc patet eas et poenas esse et a justitia Dei provenire, quae duae inseparabi- 
liter connectuntur. Ubi dicitur afflictiones solum medicinam esse ad animam a 
morbis praeteritis curandam et a futuris servandam, ac Deum in iis vindictam 
suara aut justitiae suae satisfactionem non meditari, sed afflictorum aliorumque 
qui eorum calamit.ates observant, bonum spirituale ac aeternum ; respondet Sib- 


baldus, verum esse has afflictiones medicinae similes esse, ae Deum affligentem esse 
Medico similem, verum non ita tantum. Medicus nullum habet dominium in 
patientem suura, verum Deus, utpote supremus noster Dominus ac judex abso- 
lutum ac supremum in nos dominium habet, eoque in affligendo utitur, eo saltern 
mode quo Pater facit qui filium suum propter delictum castigat, Heb. xii. Et 
quemadmodum patris castigatio poena esse non desinit, eo quod virtutem medi- 
cam ad praeservandum a culpa habeat, ita se habet virga qua Deus liberos suos 
castigat. Ita pariter intentio divina, afflictorum aliorumque eos observantium 
bonum promovendi, naturani poenae ab ipsoium afflictionibus minime tollit. 
Quemadmodum inter homines judex fortassis reum flagellari aut per aliquod tem- 
pus in carcerem mitti decernit, ut in posterum emendetur, et alii a simili reatu 
sibi caveant. Dato afflictiones nil esse praeter castigationes paternas, haud tamen 
inde sequeretur eas non esse poenas, imo contrarium potius, cum castigationes 
sint una poenae species. Nil aliud vero inde inferri potest, nisi quod non sint ea 
poenae species, quae solius vindictae gratia infligitur. 

Ad id quod dicitur Sanctorum peccata condonata esse, ac proinde ob ea eos 
postea puniri non posse ; cum repugnantia videtur, ut peccatum sit remissum, et 
homo nihilominus propter id puniri possit ; respondet Sibbaldus : Remissio pec- 
cati a Deo ejusque cum peccatore reconciliatio magnos inquit et beatos habet 
effectus. Ex hoc plenum peccati suppliciura, quod in justitia ei congruit, 
aufertur ; ex hoc illius gratia potimur, et ad omnes salutiferos ipsius effectus jus 
habemus, nominatim plenam ab omnibus illis niiseriis quas hie patimur, libera- 
tionem quam justo tempore adipisceraur. Conceditur etiam gratia, qua afflictiones 
nostrae sanctificentur, ac bono nostro spirituali et aeterno subministrent. Sibi 
tamen potestatem reservat nos castigandi, quemadmodum Pater filium, in nostrum 
et praesens et futurum commodum, et ad justitiam ac sanctitatem suam patefa- 
ciendam. Quaenam in his repugnantia justitiae aut bonitati divinae ? Dicit 
Apostolus : Nulla est condemnatio iis qui sunt in Christo ; sed non dicit, nil esse 
in iis damnabile. Tenent nostri Theologi pravitatem originalem in Sanctis re- 
manentem, esse vere peccatum. Atque nuUus est qui non peccat. Patet itaque 
poenas Sanctorum temporales nee Dei justitiae repugnare, nee de benignitate 
ipsius in condonando, vel justificationis nostrae dignitate, derogare. Tam longe 
abest ut justam querelae ansam inde habeamus, ut in afflictionibus nostris Dei 
justitiam agnoscere teneamur, Ps. cxix. 137, sapientiam illius adorare, bonitatem 
mirari, qui e tantis malis nos hactenus eripuit, et ab omnibus justo tempore libera- 
bit, quod patienter a nobis expectandum est. 

Deinceps osteudit, has afflictiones non a sola justitia et simpliciter provenire, 
neque mere poenales esse ; sed a justitia ita cum misericordia temperata, ut vix 
poenae proprie sic dictae vocari mereantur, si cum peccatis nostris eorumque 
poenis meritis conferantur ; si ratio qua movetur nos affligere perpendatur, ipsius 
nempe amor, non minus, inio plus, quam misericordia ; si cum respectu ad 
effectus a Deo propositos et productos considerentur, quales sunt innatae cor- 
ruptionis mortificatio, peccatorum sensus, ea devitandi cura ; donorum Dei in 
nobis inceptorum exercitium, eorum probatio ; Filii ipsius imagini major confor- 
raitas ; ut ipsae sint aeterni gaudii ac beatitudinis seminarium. Ac Augustini 
diversis de hac re loquendi modis conciliatis, adductoque Melancthone ut idem 
secum sentiente, concludit Sibbaldus ostendendo differentiam hujus doctrinae a 


Denique prolixius tractat Sibbaldus distinctioneni voluntatis Dei in antece- 
dentem et consequentem. Et ostenso distinctionem lianc apud Patres, Scholasti- 
cos et Neotericos in usu esse, observat voluntatem antecedentem significare posse 
vel nudam et simplicem coniplacentiam in re aliqua quae in se ipsa considerata est 
bona, ae in eo sensu Deo ascribi posse, quo ad omnium creaturarum rationalium 
sanctitatera et salutem. Salus enim et Angelorum et horainum in se, inquit, con- 
siderata, amabilis est, Dei gloriam, et hominum et Angelorum, qui ad Dei imagi- 
nem facti sunt, utilitatem, ex sua natura spectans. Est itaque ex se objectum 
complacentiae divinae maxime congruum, qui est ipsa bonitas et amor, et in qua- 
cunque re bona, praesertim ipsius gloria et imagine, complacentiam non potest 
non habere. 

2°. Voluntas, inquit, antecedens significare potest, non tantum complacentiam 
simplicem, sed etiam actum qui per modum prosequtionis tendit versus objectum ; 
qua de causa, qui banc habet voluntatem, dat, vel paratus est dare id quod ad rem 
volitam perflciendam sufRcit ; haecque voluntas est vel absoluta et effecfiva ; 
sicque voluntas qua Deus decrevit homines vocare est antecedens, cum a nulla re 
in nobis oriatur, ac sine ulla praevisione determinationis voluntatis humanae fieri 
possit, a sola et mera benignitate divina proveniens ; estque haec voluntas efFec- 
tiva ; quoscunque enim Deus vocare decrevit, eos vocat, eoque modo quo decrevit. 
Vel (2.) potest haec voluntas fieri conditionata ; ut cum quis, banc voluntatem 
habens, vult talia et talia fieri, verum non absolute, nee sine omni limitatione, sed 
in quantum postulat providentia, quae sufficit in eo qui ita vult. Sic cum haec 
voluntas Deo ascribitur quoad sanctitatera et salutem eorum qui pereunt, banc for- 
raaliter vel virtualiter includit conditionem, se id operaturum, si homo obicem non 
ponat, se in hunc finem ea facturum quae providentiae ipsius congrua sunt, eaque 
nuUo modo impediturum. 

Pergit deinceps inquirere num talis sit in Deo voluntas, et perpensis argumen- 
tis contra earn adductis ac ad ea responsionibus, quae prolixe satis deducit, ulte- 
rius disquirit num talis sit in Deo voluntas, et quousque ei ascribi possit. Ac 
primum voluntas ilia antecedens sanctitatis et salutis Deo inesse videtur, inquit, 
cum respectu ad omnes homines in Adamo consideratos ; qui in eo non solum 
naturam aeternae beatitudinis capacem, verum etiam et earn jus(itiara, qua omnes 
salvari possint, iis dedit. 2. Si consideretur cum respectu ad hominem lapsum, 
non patet eam in Deo esse quoad omnes homines, cum innumeri (ait ille) quantum 
nos perspicimus, necessariis et sufficientibus salutis mediis destituantur. 3. Vide- 
tur in Deo esse quoad omnes qui in Ecclesia sunt, quibus media sufficientia, idque 
serio, ofFeruntur. 4. Dicit se doctrinam Arminianorum minime approbare, qui 
asserunt Deum electos plus quam alios amare voluntate consequenti, vel ex eo quod 
praevideat eos credituros, cum voluntate antecedenti omnes aequaliter amet. 

Eorum doctrinam non approbat qui asserunt Deum plerorumque humani 
generis damnationem voluisse voluntate antecedenti, et ante alicujus peccati in iis 
praevisionem. Agnoscit nil esse in homine propter quod Deus quosdam, aliis 
praeteritis, ad vitam ordinavit. - - - Dicit se id, cum Scriptura, voluntatis divinae 
beneplacito tribuere, quod, licet occultum, semper justum est. Verum si sermo 
sit de reprobatione positiva, quae est divinum poenae decretuni, dicit id esse ex 
voluntate Dei consequenti, et peccati praevisionem praesupponere, non tanquam 
causam voluntatis, sed tanquam rationem voliti. Ostendit 1. Synodum Dordra- 
censem in eadera fuisse sententia, idque patere ex ipsius Canonibus, et Theolo- 


gorum, praesertim Britannicorum suffrages. 2. Scholasticoruin doctissimos. 3. 
Patres, Augustin. ad art. falso sibi imposit. art. 3. " Nemo a Deo creatus est ut 
periret," vid. art. 11, 13, 15, 16. 4. Omnes Dei vias esse misericordiam et 
Justitiam. Cum itaque ordinatio quorundam ad mortem aeternam, non sit miseri- 
cordiae opus, oportet ut sit justitiae actus, et sic culpae praevisionem supponat. 
Ad id quod dicitur peccatorum punitionem Deo placere, ac proinde videri eum 
voluntate antecedenti eandem velle, non minus quam hominum saiutem ; respondet 
hominum saiutem esse in se Deo gratam, licet niliil respiciamus ex parte liominis, 
ac proinde congruum esse voluntatis Dei antecedentis objectum, quod res in se 
amabilis esse oportet. Sed quod ad hominum poenam simpliciter et in se con- 
sideratam, ea Deo grata non est, sed quatenus justa peccati vindicta est. Jerem. 
Thren. iii. 33. Hinc Aug. Confess. 1. iii. c. 2. dicit " miseriam non esse deside- 
randam ut manifestetur misericordia ; etsi approbatur, inquit, officio charitatis, 
qui dolet miserum, mallet tamen utique non esse quod doleret, qui germanitus 
misericors. Si enim est malevola benevolentia, quod fieri non potest, potest et 
ille qui veraciter sinceriterque miseretur, cupere esse miseros, ut misereatur." Hie 
notam addit Sibbaldus Casauboni " Deus perdit homines, non propter eorum pec- 
cata, sed quia illi lubet ; Apage," inquit Casaubonus, " doctrinani hanc ex male in- 
tellecto Paulo." Casaub. in Annot. Manuscript, in Calvini Instit. 1. 3. e. 22. § 11. 

6. Asserit se non posse capere, quomodo dici possit Deum peccatum velle vel 
voluntate antecedenti vel consequenti : id tantum, inquit, permittit, et permissum 
ordinat. Concilia antiqua doctrinam oppositam anatlieniizarunt. Patres Concil. 
2. Arausican. can. 23. ita definiunt : " Aliquos ad malum divina potcstate praedes- 
tinatos esse, non solum non credimus, sed etiam si sint, qui tantum malum cre- 
dere velint, cum omni detestatione illis anathema dicimus." Sic Concil. Valent. 
cap. 3. " Aliquos ad malum praedestinatos esse divina potestate, videlicet ut quasi 
alii esse non possent, non solum non credimus, sed etiam si sint, qui tantum mali 
credere volunt, cum omni detestatione, sicut Arausicana Synodus, illis anathema 
dicimus." Id etiam S. Scripturae plane contrarium videtur, Ps. v. 4., Habac. i. 13. 
ac sanctitati Dei infinitae in ea revelatae, cui nil magis repugnare videtur, quam 
actus sceleratos et peccaminosos velle, ac ad eos praedeterminare, cum quidani 
eorum sint intrinsece mali, ex quibus malignitas nulla circumstantia vel efficientis 
vel finalis causae, separari potest ; quique ideo prohibentur quod sint mali, neque 
ex sola prohibitione mali evadunt, ut odium Dei, blasphemia, perjuriura, menda- 
cium. Si aliter esset, et Dei voluntate ac efficientia hi actus a malo purgari pos- 
sent ; turn sequeretur quod Deus talia praecipere, et contrario prohibere potuisset. 
Ida nonnuUis conceditur. " Si Deus tum Angelis, tum hominibus imperasset longe Rhctoiiuit, 
diversa, imo opposita hisce, quae jam de facto imperat, non minus sanctus esset Exercit. Apoi. 
Jehova, quam nunc est" ; asserit quidam. Sic Deus Angelis et hominibus odium ^"11-' ^' '^' '' 
sui praecipere, et amorem sui prohibere potuisset, quod (inquit Sibbaldus) mihi 
maximum videtur absurdum. In tali casu Dei odium bonum esset, et ipsius amor, 
malum. 2. Sequeretur inde Deum posse negare seipsum, quae blasphemia est S. 
Scripturae contraria. 2 Tim. ii. Deus enim est essentialiter amor sui ipsius, et 
cum recta ratione conformitas, et illius odium est realiter et positive ipsius amori 
ac rectae ration! contrarium. 3. Ut in mendacio sit exemplum ; si hujus actus 
non esset intrinsece malus, tunc potuisset Deus hunc actum velle, absit verbo blas- 
phemia. Verum 1. id S. Scripturae contradicit, Hebr. vi. quae dicit "impossibile esse 
Deum raentiri." 2. Veracitati ac fidelitati quae in eo sunt essentialiter. 3. Si 



posset vel ipse contra veritatein loqui, vel ad id alios movere et praedeterminare, 
fidei nostiae fundamentum everteretur. Fides enim nostra fundatur in Deiv era- 
citate ut infallibili, quae nee decipi, nee decipere possit, etc. 

Si dicatur, Deura lege non teneri, quemadmodum nos, ipsiusque voluntatem 
sibi legem esse, ac proinde omne esse bonum vel malum, eo quod ipse libere velit 
vel nolit ; respondet, Deo, licet nullum habeat superiorem, suam tamen, intrinse- 
cam, naturalem ac essentialeni rectitudinem ac bonitatem, pro lege esse, quae est 
essentialiter ipsa bonitas vel virtus ; sive quod idem est, ipsi pro lege est, suae 
sapientiae de bono et honesto dictamen, cum necessario sui ipsius amore conjunc- 
tum; vi cujus necesse est ut seipsum tanquam supremum honestum et bonum 
amet, ac proinde impossibile ut creaturam illam odio habere aut contemnere velit, 
vel ad reaves et positives istius odii ac contemptus actus praedeterminet, ita enim 
contra sui ipsius amorem, suaeque sapientiae dictamen ageret, quod dictamen est ut 
cum sit supremum bonum, ab omnibus ametur, a nemine vero odio liabeatur. Vid. 
Aug. 1. 2. de peccat. meritis et remiss, c. 18. de praedestinatione Sanctorum c. 10. 

Denique observat eos qui Deum velle actus males, hominesque ad eos praede- 
terminare asserunt, confiteri se non posse concipere qua ratione Deus ita volens et 
concurrens excusetur. Sic Twiss. Vind. 1.2. digr. 8. sect. 23. p. 54. "Etiam," inquit, 
"non erubesco fateri, licet nunquam dubitarem de sancta Dei natura, tanquam ab 
omni sceleris reatu alienissima, hoc tamen diu me suspensum tenuisse, quaenam 
scilicet sit ilia vera ratio, qui modus operationis divinae, quo fiat ut se in omni 
actione tanquam causa efficaeissima imraisceat, extra tamen omnem vitii conta- 
gionem, citra justam culpae suspicionem. Et an hodie per omnia satis explicatum 
habeamus, Deus novit." 

Tandem cum Ecclesiae Lugdunensis in articulo de Deo omnes salvos fieri vo- 
lente, moderatione, quam raerito observandam existimat, finem facit. " Sit ergo 
inter nos" inquiunt " etiam hac de re istiusmodi pia cautela et moderatio, quatenus 
et Sanctis Patribus debitus servetur honor, et quolibet quis acquiescat raodo ex 
illis sensibus, qui de hac sententia ab eis positi sunt, non judicemus esse haereti- 
cum ; sed potius vitemus contentionis malum, per quod etiam depacificis et Eccle- 
siasticis sensibus, potest, qui contentiosus esse voluerit, haereticum efficere quod 
sentit. Itaque in rebus talibus cohibeamus nos ipsos salubri moderatione, ut nee 
contemnere audeamus, nee quasi necessaria atfirmare conemur, memores semper 
illius Apostolicae sententiae : ' Si quis autem contentiosus videtur esse, nos talem 
consuetudinem non habemus, nee Ecclesia Dei.' Legamus ergo pacifice, et quan- 
tum Dominus donat, intelligamus dogmata Ecclesiasticorum virorum, nee pro aliis 
doctoribus, adversus alios litigemus ; quia et ipsi pacific! in suo sensu abundave- 
runt, alius quidem sic, alius vero sic, expectantes fideliter atque humiliter, quod 
Apostolus promittit dicens : ' Et si quid aliter sapitis, hoc vobis revelabit.' Nam 
qui non tranquille et pacifice moderatur quod sentit, sed statim paratus est ad 
contentiones, dissensiones et scandala, etiamsi non habeat haereticum sen- 
sum, CERTE HABET HAERETICUM ANIMUM. Quam pietatis moderationem, si 
etiam isti boni viri, qui banc definitionem statuerunt, servare voluissent, melius 
hanc rem silentio praeteriissent, et unicuique de ea secundum fidem suam et aucto- 
ritatem, cui magis agnoscendum putaret, sententiam permitterent, finitoque inter 
eos tam longae et perniciosae contentionis jurgio, pax et unitas Christi Ecclesiae 
reformaretur." Hucusque Ecclesia Lugdunensis. Salutare equidem et vere Chris- 
tianum monitum, cui si Christian! Orbis Rectores et Pastores universaliter et serio 
auscultarent, tot non forent contentiones et scandala in Ecclesia Dei. 


No. III. 


(From Baillie's Large Supplement of the Canterhvrian Self-conviction. Openi?i</ 
to the World, yet more of the wicked Mysteries of that Faction from their own 
Writs, appended to the third edition of his Ladensivm ArroKATAKPisis, 
The Canterhvrians Self-Conviction. London. 1641.) 

Tlie Preface. 

The factions delaj' to answer the heavie challenge of their selfe conviction seemes 
to proceed from inabilitie and despaire. 

The progresse of the Canterburian plot in Ireland. 

The well neer accomplishment of it in England. 

Episcopacie has cut off the eares from the house of Convocation. 

Presbyterian government a great hammer to beat in pieces all Heresies and 

Examples hereof. 

Episcopacie the root of all the evils which vexe the Church of England. 

It is well knowne, That in our Land none did share so much in the affections of Doct. Forbes &a- 
Laud, as the two Doctors, Forbes and Wedderburne. The King by him was '"need in scot- 
made to believe, that of all our Church men these two, for every good quality, j""^ ^^ Canier- 
were the flower for learning, pietie, lecture of the ancients, and especially for that his evm talents. 
rare Jewell, and, where it can be found in a learned divine in this intemperate age, 
of a price inestimable, to wit, sobrietie, and moderation of judgment in our Con- 
troversies witli the Church of Rome. For these eminencies a new Chaire behoved 
to be set up, at the Kings great charge, for Doctour Forbes in Edenburgh, albeit, 
a little before he had left the Ministery of that Towne, being necessitate, as he y 
declared upon oath, for feare of his life, to flee from the unwholsomnesse of that 
Cities aire. Notwithstanding, when a Bishops Seat was their erected for the 
daunting of the Puritan faction, when the Liturgie was in that place to be estab- 
lished, and grounds to be hayed for the propagating of the Canterburian Dictates 
through our Kingdome, No excuse of health, or corruption of the aire of Eden- 
burgh, was hard : but the Archbishops letter incontinent obeyed, and the Episco- 



Doctor llirliler 

The contt?nts 

Doctour Forbes 
writs readie for 
the iirc-ssi;, vet 
not printed. 

pall See with a place in the secret Counsell and Exchequer very readily imbraced; 
The Kings favour, b_v his great Patrones procurement, still increasing till death 
did arraigne him before his heavenly Judge. 

Wedderburne, though fugitive from our Church discipline for his Arminian 
lectures to his Schollers in Saint Andrewes, was not onely kindly entertained and 
richly beneficed in England by the Archbishop, but also sent liacke by him Bishop 
oi Dumbla lie, though hee had never beene a Minister amongst us. Neither alone 
was hee returned a simple Bishop, but also Deane of that Royall Chappell, to the 
end that his gracious parts might be employed to instill the Canterburian Tenets 
in the heads of the new Societie of the twenty foure Royall Chaplains lately in- 
stituted amongst us, as also to discipline our Lords of the Counsell and Session, 
the proper Parishioners of that Chappell, whom the key coldnesse of all former 
Deans had permitted to rot in that worst of all soules diseases Puritanisme. It is 
like that no more faithfuU interpreters of the great Prelates mysteries can be 
found, then these two so confident and so much honoured friends. It is the testi- 
monies of their pens that I intend mainly in this Supplement to make use of. 

The Writs for a time were keeped closed from the e3'es of all, but these of 
their owne faction : amongst them, they went in the darke from hand to hand as 
a most precious treasure : yet at last, when by the providence of God, wee had 
lighted upon them at Aberdein, in our late Assembly, wee found the truth of the 
old word Thcsauriis Carbonis, a Treasure of fiery coales, ready to enflame and 
burne to ashes, if not quickly quencht, the whole Protestant Church. 

We found in Aberdein three Copies of one Volume, consisting every one of 
three Books, the one written by Doctor Forbes of Edenburgh, intending directly 
the reconciliation of Papists and Protestants in all their controversies. He does 
there his best endeavours almost in all the questions concerning the three prime 
controverted heads of the Eucharist, Justification, and Purgatory. Death pre- 
vented him that he could wonne no farther. In his latter Will he referred the 
printing of these his labours to his inward brethren the Bishops of Rosse, Brichen, 
and Dumblane, Doctour Sibbaldc of Aberdeine, and Master Mitchel of Edenburgh, 
and above all to his Father and Patron of Canterburie. According to this his will, 
the writs were revised, and so farre as ever wee could learne, in no jot corrected : 
after their revise they were sent to Lambeth, and there received with great admira- 
tion. But the challenge of Master Burton then comming in, and Doctour Bast- 
wicks censure, having made some noise in the Citie, It was the Archbishops wis- 
dome, to delay their printing to a fitter season. Yet the Copies went through the 
hands of that faction very fast both in Edenburgh and Aberdein. Yea, while the 
Doctours were most busied in writing their quaeries and duplyes, against our pro- 
ceedings, the hands of their Scholers were most employed in doubling over and 
over these excellent pieces. 

The second Treatise of the said volume is a little writ of Bishop Wedderburn 
in high esteeme amongst that party both here and in Scotland. The third was a 
^mceoi Barnesius an English Fryer, which hee calls Romano Catholicus pac/ficus, 
much prized by that faction as conducing not a little for their ends of reconcilia- 
tion ; for in sundry of the Roman errours hee seemes to moderate the rigour of the 
moderne Jesuites, and so is used as a stale to draw with the greater iaciltie the 
raindes of young Schollers towards the Church of Rome, unto which for all his 
moderation hee cleaves so stifly as may be. 


From these three Treatises joyned togetlier in one volume in all the three The contents and 
copies we found, and also from some few mort, passages of Mountague, Wren, Hall, ''^''P'^ of the foi- 
Hoord, and others, wee shall set downe in a new briefe table the doctrine of these ^"n"^ "'"'' "' 
men, to the end the world niaj- yet more cleerly see their ways and be forced to 
proclaime the Justice of God in all the judgments, which in Scotland already has 
lighted, and in England are ready to tumble down upon them. 

Chap. I. The mayne designe of the faction is to bring its back to Borne. 

They will have all Protestants ready to return to Rome. 

But they scare all Papists to convert to Protestants. 

They whom worldly commodities keep still in the Protestant Church, must be 
carefuU to keejie communione with Rome, notwithstanding. 

England ought to conforme more with Rome. 

That the Pope for the I'egaining of England, will grant both to the King and 
Canterbury, great conditions. 

In Rome, no Heresie, no Idolatry. 

Only the Cassandrians are cleere sighted, and judicious Divines. 

These alone who are of their judgement have true grace. 

Cap. 2. Their most grosse poperie in the Doctrines of Faith, lustijication. Merit, 
fulfilling of the Late, election, perseverance, certainty of salvation, and 
connex Heads. 

Bishop Forbes his ordinary course through his whole booke, is ever to extenuate 
the dift'erence in the most of the controversies that comes by his hand ; as if the 
matter were not much which of the sides any peaceable minde did beleeve ; and 
that all who make so much noyse about these things, whether Papists or Prote- 
stants, are but rigid, passionate, uncharitable, and weak witted men. But no 
sooner hath he brought his SchoUar to a low estimation and contempt of the ques- 
tion, then quickly it is his custome to slide to the popish side, and passionately to 
oppugne the Protestant tenet as false, absurd, and contrary both to Scriptures, and 
Fathers. This may be showne in a number of particulars. 

After hee hath declared sundrie of our questions about the nature of faith to 
bee Logomachies, he tells us downe right :(0 

1. That saving and justifying faith diifereth not from a temporarie belief (from 
which there is frequently a iinall and totall apostasie) in nature, essence, or spece, 
but only in the accident of duration: That the Divines who in this tenet goe 
with the Papists and Arminians must be dignified with the stiles of moderation 
and learning.(2) 

2. That justifying faith is nothing else but a meere assent of the mind to di- 
vine Truths : nothing else but that Catholike, Dogmatick, and Historicall faith. 

i\) Forbei, de j'ustific. 1. i. c. 3. [p. 16. edit. Lond. 1658.] Sed pertaesi logomachiarura quibus plaerique 
utriusque partis litigantiura sese veluti oblectant, de re ipsa dicamus. 

(2) Id. 1, i. c. 1. [p. 3.] Fides T^oirxatfioi vera est et non simulata, ejusdemque specie! cum fidejustifi- 
cante, quicquid quidam contra sentiunt : neque enim essentialein fidei distinctionem constituit conslantia 
Tel inconstaotia credeodi, cum ad essentiam rei non faciat duratio : distinctionem hanc non nisi ii probant 
Protestantes qui tidem veram et justificantem amitti non posse contendunt, quod dogma alii Protestantes docti 
et moderati rejiciunt. 


That no particular application comes within the nature of it:Ci) That trust is no 
part of faith: Th^t fducm belongs more to hope than faith: yea rather it belongs 
to other vertues, than either to faith or hope:(2) That this trust is a fruit and ef- 
fect of faith, yet not necessary not inseparable :(3) That the application of the 
promises: That the griping and laying hold upon grace and salvation belongs to 
works, and other vertues as truely as to faith.(4) 

3. That the object of faith is no way a mans owne salvation, nor his owne peace 
or justification. That these things cannot be knowne by the certainty of faith, 
without an extraordinary revelation : That the ordinary certainty which the most 
gracious men can have that they are in the state of grace or shall be saved, is not 
a divine perswasion, but an humane and morall one, arising in a great part from 
humane sence, which is never so certaine as the Word of God, the onely object of 
divine faith.C^) No man can know that he is in the state of election without a 

(1) Forb. dejust. 1. i. c. 2. [p. 7.] Fides justificans, distincle et theologice loquendo, nihil aliud estquam as- 
seDSus Annus et certus a Spiritu Saneto per verbum productus, quo omnia a Deo in Scripturis revelata, et 
praesertim de mysterlo redemptionis et salutis nostrae per Christum factae verissima esse credinius, propter 
authoritatem Dei revelantis. Proinde in se et essentia sua spectata, nihil aliud est quam fides Catholica, quae 
et ipsa procul dubio hominem justificat, si caetera omnia ad justificationem necessaria ei adsiut. C. 5. [p. 36.] 
Per fidem veram et justificantem nihil aliud intelligi debet, propria et distincte loquendo, quam fides dogmatica. 

(2) lb. [pp. 2, 5, 6, 7.] Fides justificans non est fiducia, quod multi Protestantes contendunt. Haec 
fiducia non est fidei forma; sed quoddam effectura, et non fidei solius, sed aliarura virtutum fidem concomi- 
tantium Fides in intellectu, fiducia in voluntate sita est. Distinctionem fidei et fiduciae, praeter multa 
Scripturae loca, Patres probant, quibus a contra sententientibus nihil praeter mera K^yitripvyira reponitur. 
Credere proprie loquendo nihil aliud est, quara ei quod dtcitur assentire, illudque pro vero habere. Hacte- 
nus enim demonstratum fiduciam nullam partem fidei esse, ut neque proprie spes est: spes enim futuri est, 
fiducia praesentis, magis tamen ad spei naturam accedit quara fidei. 

(3) Il>. [p. 4.] Non est fidei justificantis forma, sed quoddam efi'ectum : neque etiam est inaeparablle et 
necessarium efi'ectum. 

(4) lb. c. 3. [p. 15-] Meminerint etiam Protestantes verbum, atque etiam verboslgnificatam actionem aceipiendi 
velapprehendendi non nirois superstitiose soli fidei tribuendum esse; nam etiam bonis operibus salutem aceipere 
seu apprehendere in Scriptura dicimur. C. 5. [p. 27.] A. Fricius, vir eruditissimus et concordiae ac modera- 
tionis amantissimus, de hac controversia agens rectissirae sic scribit : " fidei justificationem ideo assignamus, 
quod ilia apprehendanius et tendaraus in raisericordiam Dei. Cur non idem de spe et charitate loqui fas sit, 
quibus et ipsis amplectimur Deum nos sua boritate justificantem ? Non tantum igitur fidei, sed et spei et 
charitati, et aliis bonis operibus remissio peccatorum, accessus ad Deum, et alia bona ofl"eruntur. Fides est 
instruraentum, seu organura recipiens justificationem. Q,uid autem prohibet quo minus ciiaritati idem tribua- 
mus? dicarausque, ut non propter fidem, ita nee propter charitatera, sed fide et charitate nos justifieari ? Re- 
missio peccatorum et vita aeterna ut fidei, ita bonis operibus frequentur tribuitur." Haec et plura observatu 
dignissima legas apud Authorem, serio ex sensu pietatis cum veritate coniunctae, et studio tollendae dissen- 
sionis inter partes profecta. 

(5) lb. 1. i. c. 2. [p. 4.] Haec fiducia et si vis assen?us, quo speciali quadam appHcatione sigillatim quisque 
credit aut certo statuit sibi remissa esse peccata, non est fidei justificantis forma; sed quoddam efi'ectum, ne- 
que id fidei solius, sed aliarum etiam virtutum ; neque etiam est inseparabile et necessariumeff'ectum. L. iii. c. 1. 
[p. 93.] Negant Romanenses, quia docent fideles non habere certitudinem fidei de sua justificatione inde sequi, 
jubere se fideles semper dubitare de sua cum Deo reconciliatione, ut rigidiores Protestantes illis in:pingunt, 
quia datur aliquid medium inter haec extrema, soil, certitude quaedam ujoralis ex parte intellectus. Recte 
Remonstrantes, " inter dubitationem et divinam certitudinem, humana certitudo media est," quae etsi formidi- 
nem contrarii (cum dubitatione, sell, conjunctam) excludit, infallibilJtatem tamen divinam non includit. 
Ibid, c 2. [pp. 104 — 107.] Ilia summi gradus certitudo seu divinae fidei Tk»i^o(po^iee. ne importune nimis urgeatur, 
nee ab omnibus fidelibus peremptorie exigatur, utinam illani moralem certitudinem assequi possent. Sententia 
cum plurimorura Protestantium turn nonnuUorum Romanensium de certitudine fidei divinae, ut libere dicamus 
quod res est, minus tuta est : pugnat enim cum multis Scripturae locis ; cum plurimis Patrum dictis ; pugnat 
cum recfa ratione : minor enim syllogismi istius, Omnes vere credentes et resipiscentes peccatorum veniam 
et gratiam obtinere. Sed ego vere credo et resipisco, Ergo mihi certum est fide divina mea peccata esse re- 
missa, nomini fidelium, quantamcunque evidentiae certitudinem habere videatur, aeque certa esse potest 
quam Major quae ipsissiroum Dei verbum est; pugnat cum commimi fidelium sensu et experientia : eequis 
enim fidelium ausit dicere sibi tam certo constare se esse in gratia, quam quod Deus sit unus et trinus ? 


divine revelation of his perseverance, which is granted to few :(') Many have a 
conditional! certainty, that they shall continue if they doe their duty : wee may 
be sure that God will never be wanting unto us, if wee bee not first wanting unto 
ourselves : but no absolute promise of perseverance in grace is to be found in 
Scripture: yea, it were unlit that any such promise should bee extant there : (2) 
Further regenerating and justifying grace is in all baptized infants, from which 
many fall away totally and finally : (3) The Elect themselves, who fall not finally 
doe often make a totall apostasie from grace, if you consider the acts of grace 
which alone are saving. As for the habits of faith and other vertues, which may 
remain as a seed, when the elect by their crimes fall into the state of damnation, 
they cannot profit, for they are neither saving nor justifying. (*) Concerning his 
particular judgement about election and reprobation he hath*no occasion to declare 
it, only hee avowes in passing, that it matters little Mhat we beleeve in these ques- 
tions, whether vre side M'ith Arminius and the worst of Papists, or with Ausiine, 
with the Synod of Dori, and the rest of the reformed. His moderation here is to 
permit the profession of either side if so it be with peace and charity.(5) He tells 

(1) lb. 1. iii. c. 2 [p. ]0G.] Nemini fidelium quantamcunque evidentiae certitudinem habere videatur citra 
revelationem specialem quae non nisi paucissimis sapientissimo Dei consilio indulta est. 

(2) 2/iid. lib. iii, c, 3. [p. 112.] Nihil certius quam certitudinem praedestinationis ad gloriam seuelectionis, sine 
eertitudine finalisperseverantiae, haberi non posse ab homine vere fideli : cum autem haec absoluta certitudo 
nee habeatur, nee haberi possit absque speciali revelatione, certe necesaario inde efficitur, neque illiua certi- 
tudinem absolutam et fidei haberi posse. Quid clarius illis B. Augnstini verbis ? *' Quis ex muUitudine fide- 
lium, quamdiu in hac mortalitate vivitur, praesuraat se in numero praedeatinatorum. quia id occuUari in hoc 
loco opus est, ubi cavenda est elatio." Et Bemardy *' Quis potest dicere ego de electis sum ? certitudinem, 
inquit, non habemus sed spei fiducia consolatur, nedubitationisanxietate penitus cruciemur : quales sumus id 
nosse possumus saltem ex parte ; quales autera futuri simus, id nosse penitus irapossibile est. Quae ad haec 
a contra sentientibus responderi solent, nimis frivola sunt, et a patrum mentenimis aliena, imo plane contraria. 
Audeo provocare ad judicium cuiusHbet lectoris in quo vel mica est iudicii liberi et non affectui mancipati. 
lb. [p. 114,] De finali fidelium perseverantia, plurirai etiam doctissimi Protestantium contra gregales suos 
sic statuunt: Quod vere fideles, si cum pia solicitudine pergant salutera operari, de continue gratiae divinae 
auxilio, et ex eodem de sua finali in fide et gratia perseverantia certi esse possint et debeant, nisi ipsi sibi desint, 
ac penes Deum non staturum quo minus perseverent : sed absolutam certitudinem fidelibus, se in officio in 
posterura non defuturos, sed in fide viva semper perseveraturos, uspiam in Scripturis esse promissum negant; 
irao nee nece?sarium nee utile fuisse ut promitteretur, quin imo ut non promitteretur utilissimum esse affir- 
mant. Hanc sententiam tuentur Lutherani omnes, et qui in foederato Belgio Remonstrantes vocantur, 
aliique doctissimi Protestantes : /111 this hiviselfe also doth maintaine. 

(3) lOid. [p. 114.] Esistiraant fidem iustificantem et gratiam regenerantem non esse electorum propriam, 
sed aliis etiam multis vocatis, irao omnibus infantibus baptizatis, non xetva ^iKtjffiv, nee solum Sacra- 
mento tenus ut diversa sentientes respondent, sed reverp contingere, qui tamen a fide iustificante excidere 
possunt imo non rare excidere solent, cum totalitcr tum finaliter. 

(4) Ibid. [p. 115.] Existimant etiam ipsos electos iustificatos in gravia crimina lapses a fide viva et iustificante 
proprie ad tempus deficere, lb. [p. 121.] Admittunt, qui in hac causa rigidiores sunt, non tantum electos, sed 
etiam multos reprobos, ad tempus vere credere et iustificari, postea tamen a sua fide et justitia, vel, si vis, a fidei et 
iustitiao initiis, penitus et in perpetuum excidere ; quod certe verissimum esse plurima Scripturae el Patrum tes- 
timonia, multae eliam rationes efflcacissimae evincunt ; et quae ad haec responderi solent, inanes tantura sunt 
argumentorum elusiones et evasiones. In electis iustificatis profitentur doctiores totalem fidei defectum intelli- 
gere se tantura ratione actuum salutarium qui e potentia seu habitu fidei emanant ; potentiam enim hanc in electis 
haud unquam omnino estingui, agnoscere se, sed otiosam et inefficacem pro praesenti, fidei aut charitatis no- 
mine minime dignari, eo quod talis ad salutem et iustitiam consequendam non sufficiat. [p. 119.] Quod aiunt 
contra sentientes eflFectum tantum iustificationis interveniente peccato suspendi ad tempus, statura tamen iusti- 
ficationis non intercidi,nec id omnino frivolum est. Si quidem licet omnium peccatorum praecedentium veniam 
Deus peccatori poenitenti indulserit, tamen si is in peccati gravioris et conscientiam vastantis reatum lapsus 
fuerit, ne dum actu resipuerit, omnis ilia primo concessa remissio ad salutem nihil prorsus valet. Nam vel 
unum atrox peccatum ad hominem, nondum actu super eodem poenitentem coelis escludendum sufficit. 

(5) Ibid. 1. iii. c. 3. Qui electionetn describunt vel a priori, id est, ab absolutp quodam Dei decreto, vel a 
posteriori, id est, a finali in fide et gratia perseverantia, qua de re in Ecclesia dissidentes semper fuere senten- 


us also that wee wrong the Church of Rome in saying it teacheth the doctrine of 
doubting: No more certainty either of present grace, or future salvation can be 
had than it doth teach : yea, some papists and most protestants do teach men but 
too much certainty of salvation.CO 

4. However he professeth that the question anent the formall cause of iustifica- 
tion in the opinion both of papists and protestants, is of very great consequence ; 
yet he pronounces, very Dictator-like, that the difference is onely Metaphysicall, 
Notional], and about words. (2) Neither content thus to have slighted the question, 
hee comes up in the end to embrace the Tridentine Doctrine to a haire, avowing 
that the Protestant Thesis : Fides sola j^istijicat is false, both against Scriptures 
and Fathers :(3) for he makes justification to consist essentially of two parts, re- 
mission of sins, and sanctification by inherent righteousnes iC^) and teacheth that 
the very first part therof, the removing of our sins, is produced by way of efficient 
disposition, by our faith, repentance, feare, and other acts inherent in us, which 
the assisting spirit of God helpes our free will to doe before we be regenerate :(&) 

tiae, sed non hostiles et ab omni Christiana cbaritate alienae, ut bodie, contentiones et pugnae. Hac mode- 
ratione adbibita, lis baec, quae dudc tautum fervet et agitatur, si non plane toUi saltern minui facile potest. 

(1) Vide supra ad signum (5), p. 286. 

(2) Ibid. lib. ii. c. 1. [p. 38 ] Quaestionem de causa formalijustificationis ^eWannmu^dicitmagnam, Paraeus 
earn facit potissiniam causam dissidii inter Ecclesias. Quis tamen unitatis ecclesiasticae magisquam rixarum 
amansnonaliter sentiat ? An justificationis causa formalisposita sit inremissionepeccatorumsola, an veroetiam 
in imputatione justitiae Christi, aut an etiam in interna renovatione et sanctificatione, dissidia videri possunt 
ferme Metapbysica, inquit Stapfetonus, baud absimilia disputationi Logicorum in quo ponenda sit raiio 
essentialis quantitatis, an in mensura ? an in divisibiUtate ? aut an in extentione partium? Jbid. cap. 4. [p. 61.] 
Sanctificationem Protestantes confitentur cum justificatione perpetuo conjunctara, earn tamen esse justifica- 
tionis partem aliquam, aut ad formam essentialem pertinere, communiter nan admittunt. Dissentio haec 
licet magni monienti, imo maxirai videatur dissidentibus, praecipue rigidioribus Protestanlibus, omnibus 
tamen diligenter et absque praeiudicio expensis, forte magis notionalis et verbalis esse comperietur, quam 
realis. Imo sententiara rigidiorum Protestantium, nee Scripturis, nee Patribus, nee rationi satis esse 

(3) Ibid. 1. i. c.5. [p.36.]Cumnusquara^nsacrisliterisdisertedicaturnos sola fideiustificari,nequePatres tan- 
quam in eadem sententia particulam (sola) usurparunt, sicut nunc a plerisque Protestantibus usurpatur, quiequid 
contra hi sentiant : Cum explicationes et conciliationes nuper excogitatae inanes sint prorsus : Cumque tandem 
viri quidara doctissimi et harum et illarum Partium, litem banc minirae necessariam esse existimarunt, atque 
etiaranum esistimant : Nos solius veritatis et unitatis in Ecclesia studio inducti iUis acccdentes, censemus de 
ilia non amplius pertinaciter altercandum, et proinde omnium rigidiorum Protestantium sententiani et a 
verilate, et a cbaritate Christiana alienam esse, qui assertlonem de sola fide non iustificante communiter a 
Romanensibus defensam, citra opinionem meriti, etiam improprie dicti, vel fidei ipsius, vel aliorum actuum 
cum fide ad iustificationera concurrentiura, non solum cum ipsa Scriptura et piis Patribus e diametro pugnare 
conteiidunt ; sed etiam praeter alia innumera, iustam Protestantibus a Romana Ecclesia secedendi causam prae- 
buisse. Id. c. 4. Per vocem (sola) Patres nunquam omnia simpliciter gratiae et tidei opera a ca-^sa iustifica- 
tionis, et salutis excludere voluerunt; sed tantum opera naturae et legts, &'c. Multi insicnes Protestantes 
de particula (sola) in propositione {fides sola iustiGcat) praesertim cum in Scriptura non inveniatur aTAwf, 
non esse pertinacius contendendum censuerunt ; imo potuisse totaliter omitti pacis causa. Pctrus Baro ma- 
nifeste demonstrat non fide sola proprie sic dicta, sed etiam spe, dilectione, et resipiscentia nos iustificari. 

(4) U'id. lib. ii. c. 4- [p. G8.] Si ad iustificationis impii formalem rationem non pertinet Justi-factio, ut ita 
loquar, turn in peccatoris iustificatione non tollitur peccati macula: multis rationibus, ex Scriptura et Patribus 
de promptis prubari potest sanctificationem etiam, et non solum, remissionem peccatorum, ad iustiflcationem 
pertinere ; quas urgent vebementer Romanenses ; nee ad illas Pareausy Chamierusy aliique quicquam solidi 
respondent. Cap. 5 [p. 72.] Hanc fuisse communem Patrum, tum Graecorum, tum Latinorum sententiam 
ex plurimis iUorum dictis, Jitgustini praesertim, nemini in Patrum scriptis versato non constare potest. 

(5) Ibid. 1. i, c. 3. Negant Protestantes quidam actus illos timoris. spei, poenitentiae, orationis, propositi 
suscipiendi Sacramenta, quibus Romanen?es atque etiam saniores Protestantes, peccatores ad resipiscentiam 
saltem disponi affirmant ; negant, inquam, illi actus hosce cum fide ad iustificationem uUo modo concurrere 
posse; sed rectius alii moderatiores ultro coneedunt varios actus dispositorios et praep-iratorlos per Spiritum 
sanctum assistentem, non per solas liberi arbitrii Tires in nobis productas, ante iustificationem requiri, quan- 


Also that after our regeneration, the true, proper, efficient, immediate, and formall 
cause of our justification is alone the works of our faith, our repentance, receiving 
of the Sacraments, confession of our sins to men, deeds of charity, &c.(0 And 
that this our inherent righteousnes, whereby we are immediately justified, whereby 
our sins are formally purged away, may be called Christs righteousnesse onely, 
because God puts it in us for the sake of Christs satisfaction. (2) Christ is our 
righteousnesse not properly, his merits cannot be the inmiediate and formall cause 
of justification, but only the externall and procatarctick eflicieut.(3) That it were 
many Avays absurd to say, that C/trists righteousnesse were imputed unto us, or 
that our sins were imputed unto himXO 

5. That the best way to conciliate St. Paul excluding works from our justifica- 
tion, and Saint James including workes therein, is to take St. Pauls workes for 
these of the Ceremoniall Law ; also for these of nature, and of the Morall Law 

quam vim iustificandi eosdem habere plerique eorum negent. Ibid. Non tamen idcirco dispositorios hosce 
actus vim aliquam iustificandi habere negandum est cum plurimis Protestantibus ; nisi plurimis et apertissimis 
Scripturae locis vim apertam inferre veliraus. 

(1) I/nd. 1. i. c. 3. Concedendum est eos actus esse causas ipsius iustificationis aliquo mode efflcientes, non 
quidem per modum meriti, sed ex sola Dei benignitate : poenitentiam non tantum ad iustlficationeoi disponere, 
sed et medium esse, eonsequendi remissionem peccatorum, ideoque rationem causae aliquam habere probant 
varia Scripturae loca, ubi docetur non tantum quibus et quales sunt quibus peccata rcmittuntur, ut frigide ea 
diversum sentientes quidara Protestanles exponunt ; sed et quam ob causam, causam, inquara, suo mode 
et in suo genere, et sub qua fonditione remittuntur. Inter alios Protestantes videatur I'orstius, nihil 
frequentius apud patres legas quam per poenitentiam peccata deleri, ablui, purgari, et ut per medicinam 
abstergi. Idem etiam affirmant doctiores Protestantes, et quotquot contentioso hoc saeculo et pugnaci, 
pacis et concordiae studiosi extiterunt. Polanus vi veritatis coactus, remissionem peccatorum resipis- 
centta, eonfessione, lachrjmis, precibus, ex fide profectis impetramus, sed uon meremur. Utinam Protestantes 
omnes banc sententiam a Polano sic expressam profiterentur constanter : nihil enim fere litis hac de 
re inter saniores utriusque partis interesset. Item Pelicanus, multae sunt apud Christianos viae eonsequendi 
remissionem peccatorum, baptysmus, martyrium, eleemosyna, remissio in delinquentes contra nos, humilis 
confessio facta vel Deo, vel cum lachrymis et cordis amaritudine, homini. Eadem legere est de eflficacia pii 
fletus et ieiunii in delendis peccatis nostris per Dei misericordiam. Haec quidem damnant rigidi et pertina- 
ces Zelotae. Innumera sunt Scripturae loca quibus remissio peccatorum bonis operibus attribultur ; imo si quis 
non oscilanter Scripturas legat, plura fere numerabit loca, quae conditionem bonorum operum exigunt, ut ve- 
niam peccatorum et vitam aeternam adipiseamur, quam quae conditionem fidei, simpliciter sic dictae, requirunt. 

(2) Ibid. I. 2. c. 4. Non quaeritur, ut rigidiores Protestantes arbitrantur, quid sit propter quod Deus pec- 
catores iustificet et in gratiam recipiat. Nam si de causa meritoria quaeratur, quae proprie designatur voce 
(propter) Hbenter concedunt Romanenses banc esse solum Christi meritum, neque quicquam nobis inhaerens. 
Quod side causa formali, quae proprie voce (per) designatur, i.e. Quid illud sit per quod homo iustiticetur, affir- 
mant Romanenses iustificari hominem per iustitiam sibi a Deo propter Christi merita donatam, et non per 
ipsum Christi meritum forinsecus imputatum : quae contra pro Chemnitio respondentur a Gerhardo et Pareo, 
solida non sunt, nee statum quaestionis reete propositum attingunt. 

(3) Ibid. 1. 2. c. 3 Rectius nonnuUi alii Protestantes et communiter Romanenses, iustitiam seu obedien- 
tiam Christi nobis imputatam, non causam formalem, sed meritoriam tantum et impulsivam, quam 
^poxecTapxTitizv voeant, iustificationis nostrae statuuut. Justitia enim Christi nos iustificari, et ut causa 
formali, et ut meritoria, dici non potest ; cum causa formalis interna, efficiens vero tantum externa sit. Cum 
Christus iustitia nostra dicitur.intelligendum, non, ut Lancelotus Andreas et caeteri omnes Protestantes, pro- 
prie, sed in sensu causali et improprie ; quia scilicet Christi merito iustitiam proprie dictam a Deo accipimus. 

(4) Ihid. Nulla necessaria ratio imputationis iustitiae Christi aflferri potest : ita ut praeter remissionem 
peccatorum et iustitiam inhaerentem, quae utraque effecta sunt satisfaetionis et meriti Christi nobis imputati, 
haudquaquam opus sit ad formalem iustificationis rationem constituendam nova ilia imputatione iustitiae 
Christi. Imo si per iustitiam Christi nobis imputatam iusti haberemur et essemus, proinde ac si propria sit et 
intrinseca ac formalis iustitia, haec incommoda sequi viderentur, 1. ut urgent Romanenses, Non minus 
iusti censeri deberemus quam ipse Christus. 2. Omnes qui iustificantur aeque iustificarentur. Denique se- 
queretur adeo iustos esse in hoc saeculo ac in futuro. A vero alienum est, quod hie et alibi passim ab illis 
affirmatur, Christum vere et realiter per imputationem peccatorem coram Deo habitura fuisse. Suscepit quidem 
Christus in se, debitum soWendae poenae nostris peccatis debitae, peccata tamen nostra eorumque reatum pro- 
prie in se noD suscepit ; longe enim aliud est peccatum et debitum solvendae poenae. 

2 o 


wrought before faith, and considered in themselves without grace: But St. James 
of the workes of grace flowing from faith.O) 

6. That faith dothjustifie us not improperly by way of metonymie, as standing 
for Christs righteousnesse applyed unto us by the hand of faith : but properly as 
it is a work of grace in us, and a beginning of all other inherent graces, which flow 
from it as a fountaine.(2) 

7. That justification is rightly distinguished, in primam et secundam : The 
first consisting of the remission of sinnes, and inherent righteousnesse : The se- 
cond of the continuance and progresse of both these two.(3) 

8. That inherent righteousnesse in the godly is often so perfect as it fulfilleth 
the Law, so far as God requireth the Law under the Gospell to be fulfilled ; for 
God in the Covenant of grace commandeth nothing impossible :(■*) Sundry of our 
workes performed in that measure of grace we get from God are perfect without 
the spot of sinne.(5) 

(1) Ibid. lib. 4. c. 6. Nulla alia solida lacobi verba expUoandi et cum Paulo concIliaDdi ratio relinquitur, 
quam baec saepius exposita, Paulum sc. a negotio justificationis excludere tantum opera quae fidem praecedunt, 
et ex sola legis cognitione profluunt : lacobum vero loqui de operibus fidem consequentibus, et ex ilia natis, 
atque ab ea directis. Ibid, 1. i. c. 4. Opera quae a negotio salutis et justificationis excluduntur, Rom. Iv. 
Gal. ii. et alibi, sunt legis naturae et Mosaicae, non tantum ceremonialis, sed etiam moralis a Geutilibus et 
ludaeis ante fidem vel gratiam Chrisii, ex solis liberi arbitrii viribus facta, quae operantes sibi imputabant et 
non gratiae Christi. Non autem opera ex fide et special! gratiae auxilio facta. Apostolus suam justitiam quae 
ex Lege est, id est, Legalem et ludaicam, quam ante conversionem ad fidem Christi pro justitia habuit, 
prae ilia quae est ex fide Christi pro detrimento habet. De omnibus vero suis tam ante quam post factis ope- 
ribus loqui ibi Apostolum et omnia omnino pro damno et stercoribus habere, error est crassus quorundam Pro- 
testantium. Quod affirmant raulti Protestantes negare Apostolum simpliciter Abrahamum ex operibus, etiam 
fidei, justificatum esse, falsum est ; sic enim B. Paulo contradiceret lacobus disertissime contrarium asserens. 
Ineptas horura locorum in specie pugnantium conciliationes nihil moror, 

(2) Ibid. 1. i. c. 4. Nee possunt omnia omnino opera a causis justificationis excludi, nisi excludatur fides 
ipsa; quam esse opus quoddam nostrum, id est, auxilio gratiae a nobis praestitum, quis neget? Errant illi 
Protestantes qui fidem non proprie sed correlative et metonymice accipi volunt, cum ilia justificari dicimur, 
scil. pro justitia Christi et remissione peccatorum fide apprebensis : certe Scripturam non interpretantur sed 
torquent, et vim fidei frigidissime exponunt, illi qui sic sentiunt. Errant etiam illi qui fidem a negotio justifi- 

c ationis excludunt, ut est opus ; nam fidei actione non habttu justitiam apprehendimus ; proinde fides in nego- 
tio justificationis accipienda est, ut actio et operatio. 

(3) Ibid, 1. vi. c. 6. Perperam a Protestantibus rigidioribus rejicitur dlstinctio usitatissima justificationis 
in primam et secundam ; nam, praeter primam quae in omnium peccatorum praecedentium remissione et gratiae 
sanctificationis donatione posita est, necessario etiam admittenda et agnoscenda est justificatio secunda, quae 
consistit in progressu, augmento, et complemento (pro statu viae) justiiiae primum donatae, et in remissione 
illorum delictorum in quae justi quotidie incidunt. De hac loquitur Scriptura, qui Justus est justificetur adbuc. 
De Patrum sententia quis hie dubitet ? Nimis igitur absurda est rigidiorum Protestantium sententia, qui non 
tantum cum eaeteris rigidis Protestantibus a iustificationis formali ratione manentem in nobis iustitiae habi- 
tum, et eraanantem ex ea operum iustitiam excludunt, &c. lustificatio certe actus est continuus, quum sit et 
duret, quamdiu fidei vitae actus durent ; interrumpitur, vero semper et toties quoties illi cessant, Christianae 
pietatis oflicio ita postulante. 

(4) Ibid. 1. iv. c. 3. Legem consideratam non in rigore, sed xar' iTiiixosiav, seu pro modulo et viribus 
quas in hac vita habemus, et quoad praestationis gradum quern Deus foedere Euangelico a nohis praecise requirit, 
ut promissae remissionis peccatorum et vitae aeternae participes fiamus, impleri posse, negari non potest, neque 
debet ; ut recte Remonstrantes, Apol. c. 17. De Patrum sententia dubitari non potest, qui Deum justum et bo- 
uum, simpliciter nobis impossibiliapraecipisse sub poena damnationis aeternae, simpliciter negant. 

(5) Ibid. 1. iv. c. 5. Cum Deus suaviter et benigne nobiscum agere velit, nee quicquam foedere Euangelico 
exigat quod vires gratiae coHatas omnino excedat, certe nimis plus rigidi et hyperbolici sunt Protestantes illi 
qui praestantissima etiam justorum opera peccato inquinata, et aeterna morte digna es se, quanquam per gra- 
tiam Christi facta esse contendunt. In multis, inquit lacobus^ oflfendimus omnes, non dixit in omnibus. 
Omitto alia innumera ad quae contra sentientes nihil reponunt praeter inania eflfugia. Opera quae hie a renatis 
fiunt ea fidei et charitatis mensura quae foedere gratiae praescribitur, et nobis possibilis est, et in qua Deus 
gratiose acquiescit, apeccati macula et reatu oraniao immunia sunt. 


9. The question of merit is but a Logomachie :(') The Councell of Trents act 
about merit may be subscribed : for it speaks about merit absolutely, m ithout ex- 
pressing any proper merit of condignity : That good works merit salvation needs 
notbedenyed: neither also that in good workes there is an improper merit of 
condignity; that is, a true and proper efficiency in obtaining salvation : for good 
works are not only the way to the kingdome, but also the true and proper efficient 
causes in their owne kinde, for which we obtain the kingdome. In respect of tliis 
efficiency, and not only necessity of presence, the Fathers in an harmelesse sence 
call good works commonly merits.(2) These of the papists who do vaunt most of 
their merits, and presse furthest Justification by workes, may well obscure, but doe 
not evert, as did the Galatians, the vertue of Christs merits.(3) 

Cap. 3. Tlieir faith in the heads of Transubstaiitiation, halfe Communion, adora- 
tion of the Bread, sacrifice of the Masse, prater for the Dead, and 

In the Sacrament of the Lords Supper consider their Doctrine: Bishop Forbes 
in his booke of the Eucharist, concerning the presence of Christs body in the Sa- 
crament teaclieth : 

1. That the doctrine of Calvine and his fellowes in this head is very uncertaine, 
doubtsome, and slipperie.O) 

(1) Ibid. I. v. c. 4. Tota haec disputatio demeritis, multis Theologis moderatis logomacbia tantum videtur. 
Dissidium, inquil Spalatenxis, Id verbis est, ubi de raeritis certant partes. Idern 1. iv. c. 1. Conclusionem 
illam quam ponit Bellarmmus in fine cap. 9. necessaria esse ad salutem bona opera, non solum ratione praesen- 
tiae, sed etiam ratione alicujus efficientiae, et non minus opera ad salutem quam fideni suo modo referri, ad- 
mittunt plurimi et doctissimi Protestantes, et disputationem banc inter partes plane inanem et inutilem, irno 
esse meram logoraacbiam nos esistimamus. 

(2) Ibid. lib. V. c. 4. Quibusdam Protestantibus et aliis viris moderatis et pacis amantibus non oranino 
iraprobatur senteutia Romanensium, qui meritum de condigno propria sumptum simpliciter rejicientes, ad- 
mittunt tamen in bonis justorum operibus meritum aliquod, sed improprie dictum, congruisse ; sed non ut 
Scholastici meritum illud exponunt. Ibid, in Concii Trident. Absque omni mentione meriti, vel de congruo, 
vel de condigno hoc tantum dicitur, si quis diserit hominis justificati opera bona vere non mereri vitam 
aeternam, Anathema sit: scil. Patres hi non ignari acerrimarum contentionum quae in scholia agitantur de 
raerito condigni, ilHusque ratione et fundamento, more suo, ut de pluribus aliis, generaliter tantum et am- 
bigue loqui tutum et commodura esse censuerunt. Ibid. Sufficiat hie dicere esse meritum aliquod, et digni- 
tatem aliquam operum nostrorum, quae tota a dignatione divina pendeat, sed a merito de condigno proprie et 
exacte dicto, asserendo abstineatur. Ibid. cap. 1. Cum Deus nee promiserit dare, nee juxta promissum reddat 
vitam nisi bene operantibus, necesse est in considerationem aliquam veniant in rei promissae redditione bona 
opera, juxta conditionem requisitam praestita, et rationem aliquam habeant causae suo modo efficientis, et ut 
Patres ioquuntur merentis, id est. impetrantis, praesertim quum id quod redditur toties in Scripturis mer- 
cedis nomine insignJatur. Ibid. I. iv. c. 1. Hi sunt qui venerunt ex magna tribulatione, 3/a touto sunt ante 
thronum Dei. Haec verba clarissime demonstrant bona opera ad salutem relationem habere, non ordinis tan- 
tum, ut frigide cum aliis respondet Paraeiis, qualem habet medium ad finem, Antecedens ad Consequens, 
Conditio sine qua non, ad effectum ; sed relationem etiam causalem, qualis est relatio causae suo loco et modo 
efficientis. Eadem semper fuit sententia Patrum, quorum plerosque etiam vocabulo, meriti, ad banc efficientiam 
significandam usos constat, non tamen eo sensu quo bodie a multis Romanensibus usurpatur. Quod auteraex 
Bernardo objicitur, bona opera esse viam regni, non causam regnandi, nae illud valde debile est ; nam negat 
Bernardus tantum bona opera esse causam proprie, et ex condigno meritoriam eoelestts regni. 

(3) Ibid. 1. i. c. 4. Romanensium plurimi sua nimia meritorium jactantia, quanquam es Christi gratia 
provenientium, multum Christi gratiam obscurant, quanquam non omnino evertant, quod faciebant ilU qui- 
buscum Apostolo res fuit. Gal. ii. 

(4) Forbes, de Eucharist. I. i. c. 1. paragr. 6. Cum bona Calvini venia dictum esto, Cahini sententia, et 
doctrina hac de re, incerta maxime, dubia, atque lubrica multis viris doctissimis semper visa est. Et abunde 
id a pluribus cum Romanensibus turn Lutheranis Theologis est demonstratum. 



2. That the reall and substantial! presence of Christs body in the Sacrament is 
out of question most firmly beleeved by both sidesXO 

3. That Christs body in the Sacrament is received not only by our spirit, by our 
faith, by our understanding, but also with our very body : that it enters into us, 
and is received in some sence corporally, both in regard of the object, Christs body 
being received ; and in regard of the subject our body being the receiver.(2) Yet 
the way of receiving is spiritual! because miraculous, above the capacity of our 
spirit and faith, to be left unto the omniscience of God to be understood, and his 
omnipotent power to be wrought.(3) 

4. That Transubstantiation is no heresie,(4) but an error of very meane qua- 
lity.(5) That it is not so great an errour as ConsubstantiationX^) That since 
many of our Divines esteeme Transubstantiation, yea and Ubiquitie also to bee er- 

(1) Ibid, paragr. 7. Tutissima et reetissima videtur illorum Protestantium et aliorum sententia, qui 
corpus et sanguinem vere, et realiter, et substantialiter in Eucharistia adesse, et sumi esistiicant, imo fir- 
missime credunt, sed modo bumano ingenio incomprehensibili, ac multo magis inenarrabili, soli Deo noto, et 
in Seripturis non revelato. 

(2) Ibid. par. 2. Qui digne haec raysteria sumit, ille vere et realiter corpus et sanguinem Christi in se, 
sed modo spirituali, miraculoso, et imperceptibili, sumit. Ibid. par. 24. Neque etiam Frotestantes illi mentem 
Spiritus sancti in Seripturis et patrum assequuti sunt, qui illud spiritualiter recipere intelligunt, solo intelleetu 
et pura fide recipere Christi corpus^ sic enira (ut Spalatensis verbis utar de Repub. 1. v. c. 6. in appendice 
ad Cf/rilfum Alex.), Nihil differret Sacramenti receptio a fide incarnationis, adde etiam mortis et passionis, 
dififert tamen plurimum non in effectu, quia per fidem incarnationis assequimur et corporis immortalitatem et 
animae salutem, in Eucharistia rero idem assequimur, sed in modo operandi ; praeter fidem qua per solum 
intellectum unimur carni Christi, quae est objectum nostrae fidei, ponimus conjuiictionem quandam spiritu- 
alem verae et realis carnis Christi cum anima et corpore etiam nostro, quam melius vocare non possumus 
quam Sacramentalem, quod ait Cyritlus nos corpori Christi corporaliter uniri significat certe, ubi de Eucha- 
ristia est sermo, nos corpore ipso nostro recipere verum Christi corpus, non sola et pura fide per intellectum 
solum, quasi Christus nobis uniretur tanquam objectum nostrae potentiae intellectivae, sed vere et proprie 
etiam corpore ipsum Christi corpus recipimus, non tamen per os et trajectionem in stomachum, sed modo 
nobis ignoto et penitus miraculoso, quo in comestione ipsa et concoctione panis, et vini verum Christi corpus 
nostro etiam corpori comraunicetur ; sed quomodo in particulari id fiat, ne fidei quidem nostrae esse revela- 
tum, Itaque nos Christi corpori corporaliter in Eucharistiae sumptione uniri, potest habere duplicem sen- 
sum ; alter est, Corpus ipsum Christi materialeper os nostrum in stomachum trajici : alter vero, Nos corpore 
etiam nostro et non solo intelleetu ac spiritu si digne accedamus verum Christi corpus recipere, non per os et 
stomachum, sed alia via soli Deo nota, quam ideo spiritualem vocamus. Primura illud corporaliter non est 
admittendum, quia jam non esset modus occultus et soli Deo notus ; alterum vero, corporaliter, omnino est in 
Cynllo admittendum, quod et objective et subjective intelligitur ita, ut corpus Christi sit receptionis objectum, 
et corpus nostrum huiusmodi receptionis subjectum, non solum spiritus aut intellectus, ita ut corpus Christi 
sit in nobis non solum objective, sed etiam subjective, modo tamen spiritual! divino et ineff"abili. He clears 
this more cap. iv. parag. vii. from a passage qf his much commended Barnesius in these wordSf De Transsub- 
stantiatione non est litigandum cum iis qui admittunt realem corporis Christi praesentiam in Sacramento, ita ut 
Christi corpus cum pane intret in os, et manducetur non solum spiritualiter fide cordis, sed etiam sacrament- 
aliter fide oris, justa illud Augu:,tini, qui ait, Nos in Eucharistia lesum fideli corde et ore suscipere. 

(3) Ibid, lib. I, c. 1., par. 24. Modum fatemur cum Patribus esse ineff"abilem, inexplicabilem. inexquisitum, 
ut CyriUus vocat, hoc est non inquirendum, non indagandum, sed sola fide credendum, imo vero nee fidei 
nostrae esse revelatum quomodo in particulari id fiat. 

(4) Ibid. lib. 1., cap. 4., in titulo, Ostenditur nee Transsubstantiationem, nee Consubstantiationem 
haereses esse. Paragr. 5. Hookerus, licet et Transsubstantiationem et Consubstantiationem improbet, pro 
opinionibus tamen superfluis babet. And in Spalato his words^ Fateor neque Transsubstantiationem, neque 
ubiquitatera haeresin uUam directe continere, ac propterea qui eas tenent et asserunt, non sunt tanquam haeretici 
a Catholicis reputandi. 

(5) Ibid, paragr. 3. Lutherus scribit in maiore confessione se hactenus docuisse et adhuc docere parum 
referre nee magni momenti quaestionem esse, sive quis panem in Eucharistia manere, sive non manere, sed 
Trans substantiari credat. Haec ille cum paulo pacatior esset : eius viri inconstantiam in aliis scriptis non 

(6) Ibid, paragr. d. Longius consubstantiatorum quam transsubstantiatorum sententiam a verbis Christi 
recedere, si vel litera spectetur, sive sensus, Calviniani communiter affirmant. 



rors, praeter-fundamentallCO whicli may bee well tolerated. And notwithstanding 
whereof Communion in preaching, praying, and Sacraments may well be kept with 
the LiUhermis, as brethren in Christ :(2) Why should not the like charity bee 
transferred to the doctrine of Transubstantiation(3) which Luther when hee was 
in a right and peaceable mood professed to be a Tenet not to be stood upon, (4) for 
it is contrary to no Article of faith, C^> nor to any ground of nature : It imports 
no contradiction, nor any thing impossible.C^) That dimensions be penetrate ; 
That one bodie be in mo places at once : That mo bodies should bee in one place ; 
That accidents should bee without a subject ; all this is not onely possible, but hath 
actually beene oftentimes already, for the body of Christ in his birth, in his resur- 
rection, in his ascention, and when he came to his Disciples Jcniuis clausis, did 
penetrate the dimensions of other bodies, and was in the same place with them : 
The body of Ambrose was in two places at once: Light in the first three dayes 
before the creation of the Sunne, was an accident without asubject.(7) 

(1) Ibid, paragr, 5. 7k Paraeus Ms trords, Stipulas et ligna intelligit Apostolus dogmata non plane haere- 
tica, impia, blaspfaema non cum fundamento pugnantia, sed erronea, vana, curiosa, qualia, sunt credere quod 
caro Christi ubique sit, quod in pane sit et oraliter mauducetur. Non sunt igitur haec dogmata baeretica, et 
cum fundamento doctrinae salutaris pugnantia. 

(2) Ibid, paragr. 5. Porro qui in uno tantum doctrinae capite eoque fundamentum directe non concernente 
dissentiunt. eos charitatem nequaquam abrumpere, sed pacem colere omni modo convenit, Jind from t/te 
Polonick St/nod ^ reconciling Lutherans and CalvinistSy as they are called, Illorum Eeclesias Christiano amore 
prosequamur et Orthodoxos fateamur, extremuroque valedicamus : et altum silentium iraponamus omnibus 
rixis, distractionibus, dissidiis. Ad haec recipimus persuasuros nos omnibus, atque invitaturos ad hunc Christi- 
anum consensum amplectendum, alendum et obsignandum praecipue auditione verbi, frequentando tam huius 
quam alterius confessionis coetus, et Sacramentorum usu. 

(3) Cap. iv., paragr. 5. In Spalato his words^ Credat qui vult panera transsubstantiari in Christi corpus, 
et Tinum in sanguinem, credat qui vult corpus Christi sua ubiquitate coniungi pani Eucharistico, ego neutrum 
credo ; Uli qui credunt sue tempore suae credulitatis accipient confustonem, Cum his ego in reliquo Catbo- 
llcis communieare, et volo et debeo, non enim levi de causa faciendum est schisma, sed in eorum eiroribus 
nolo communieare. 

(4) Vide pag. 292, ad signum (5) 

(5) Lib. i. cap. 4, par. 6. In Spalato his words, Non tamen errores hi sunt in fide, quia nulli fidel articulo 
sunt contrarii. 

(S) Lib. i. cap. 2. paragr. I. Nimis audacter et admodum periculose negant Protestantes multi Deum 
posse transsubstantiare panem in corpus Christi, id quidem quod implicat contradictionera non posse fieri 
concedunt omnes : Sed quia in particulari nemine evidenter constat quae sit uniuscuiusque rei essentia, 
ac proinde quid implicet ac non implicet contradictionem, magnae profecto tenieritatis est Deo limites prae- 
scribere. Placet nobis indicium Theologorum Vitebergensium qui asserunt Potentiam divinam tantam ut 
possit in Eucharistia substantiam panis et vini in corpus et sanguinem Christi coramutare. 

(7) He strtveth to prove all this by divers authorities, at last he bringeth in Casus the Philosopher^ Audiatur 
etiam si libet, benigue lector, Joan. Casus Anglus in Comment. PhysiCy lib. viii. Non, inquit, nego quin divina 
potentia fieri possit ut unum numero corpus in locis pluribus simul existat, cum constat virtute divina corpo- 
rum penetrationem posse fieri, quod manifests probat, duo corpora posse esse in eodero loco : quare a pari, non 
minus possibile per eandem virtutem unum corpus in locis pluribus contineri. De priuri parte nemo Christiano- 
nim dubitat qui credit Christum illaeso virginis utero natum, clauso sepulchre resurrexisse, ad Discipulos ob- 
seratis foribus intrasse, et ascendentera ad patrem coelura penetrasse. De altera vero parte quis litigare debet, 
si placeat Divinae Majestati potentem virtutis raanum Petro porrigere, ut supra aquas inambulet, et divo Jm- 
brosio ut eodem instanti Divinis rebus Mediolani assistere, et Turonibus esequiis divi Martini episcopi in- 
teresse dicatur, si yintonino viro fide digno, sic narrantl credamus. Neque est quod hinc concludas contra- 
dictionem in Deo, quae enim potest esse in infinito contradictio ? si rationem ergo non videas, ne statim excla- 
mes ut soles, haec fabula est, fieri non potest : imo sine contradictione Deus efficere potest ut unum idemque 
numero corpus in duobus simul subsistat locis, aut duo in uno ; Q,u\ enim omnia ex nihilo finsit, efficere po- 
test ut corpus clauso sepulchre, non per angelos, ut ais, remoto lapide, surgat ; et clauso ostio, non cedente ut 
somnias, ad Discipulos intraret. Haec ille quem cum opere laudant miriticeplurimi turn Theologi, turn Medici, 
et Philosophi Oxonienses, ut videre est in operis initio. Viri moderationem commendo : saepe etiam est aliter 
verba opportune loquutus. Ibid, paragr. si Accidentia per divinam omnipotentiam extra omne subjectum 
posse existere putavit David Gorlaeus Ultrajectinus in suis Esercit. Pbyaicis, quia etestitiase ait, videri deduci 
ex historia creationis, nam prima lux in nullo erat subjecto. 

2 p 



5. That many poynts of our faith are of greater difficulty to beleeve then Tran- 
substantiation :(U That it is against chanty; yea, against verity to call Papists 
Capernaitick eaters of Christs flesh :(2) That not onely the Latin Church, but also 
the Greek, for many ages, hath believed Transubstantiation : That it is rashnesse 
in Chemnitius and Morton to deny this :(3) Yea Cyrils Patriarch the other yeare of 
Constantinople, persecuted by the papists even unto death for his Orthodox Doc- 
trine, opposite to Transubstantiation, is railed upon by our men in tlie words of a 
Jesuite one ArcudiasX^) 

6, Doctor Forbes professeth his admiration : That Morton, or any English 
Bishop should count Transubstantiation an intollerable difference, hindring recon- 
ciliation, it being but a question rather modall then reaUX^) 

Anent communicating in one kinde, He professeth many cases, wherein it is 
lawfull to use the Bread alone without the Cup,(6) and that the Church of Rome is 
in no case to be condemned for depriving the people of the Cup in their most so- 
lemne Communions.C?) 

Concerning the Consecration, he telleth us, That the consecratory words must 

(I) iS/rf. parag. xiv. Certe baud pauca firmiter credimus omnes, quae si ratio huraana consulatur, non 
minus impossibilia esse, et eontradictionem raanifestam impUcare videntur quam ipsa Transsubstantiatio. 

(2 Lib. i. cap. iv, parag. ult. Ob banc sententiara de orali indignorum nianducatione corporis Cbristi so- 
brie et modeste defensam, quod a plerisque cum Lutheranis turn Romanensibus fit, nolim illos infaroari ut 
Capernaitas carnivoros, aifx.aro-ro'ra.s ; Haec enim convitia, ut nihil veri in se habent, ita ab ooini Christiana 
charitate aliena sunt, ac proinde ab illis abstinendum est, si Deum, si veritatem et unitatem Ecclesiae amamus. 

(3) Ibid, cap. iv. par. ii. Certum est recentiores Graecos a Transsubstantiationis opinione non fuisse, nee 
etiamnum esse omnino alienos, hosce autem omnes pietatis Christianae cultores, haereseos aut erroris exitialis 
damnare, magnae profecto temeritatis est et audaciae. Ibid. Dicti omnes Graeci in suis opuscuHs Trans- 
substantialionem confitentur, et in Concilio Florentino non fuit quaeHtio inter Graecos et Latinos, ut Chemni- 
tius aJiique multi Protestantes affirmant. An panis substantialiter in Christi corpus mutaretur, sed quibusnam 
verbis lUa ineflfabilis mutatio fieret. lOid. Non possum non mirari quomodo Thomas Mortomis neget Hieronymo 
Patriarchae Transsubstantiationem creditam fuisse. Ante paucos annos cum hac de re ego cum Episcopo 
Dyrrachiensi, viro certe non indocto conferrem, Transsubstaatiationem clarissime cunfitebatur. 

(4) Vnde Petrus Arcudias in Praefatione operis sui ad Poloniae Regem, Non destiterunt, inquit, illi haere- 
tici vexare infoelices Graecos, dum quendam Cyrillum pseudo-Patriarcbam Alexandrinum Calvinianae furiae 
alumnum, soluta Turcarum Imperatori peeunia, Graecis alterum Anti-Papam obtruserunt, Is quamvis genere, 
nomine, habituque sit Graecus, alterius taraen gentis nefaria dogmata toto pcctore hausit. 

(5) Ibid, parag. 2. Non levis subit animum meum admiratio, quando apud Thomam Mortonum Episcopum 
Ecclesiae jJnglicanae legi, nemini Protestantium earn moderationem placere posse de discrepantibus super 
modo praesentiae corporis Christi in Sacramento sententiis, ut sectam Romanam vel tolerabilem vel recon- 
ciliabilem esse existimet, praesertim cum quaestio tantum sit de modo, atque proinde tota eontroversia hac de 
re inutilis et inauis sit. 

(6) Lib. ii. c. 1. He sheweth this by sundry authorities, especially by Causabone m these ivords, Speciales 
tantum casus hie semper excipimus in quibus alteram speciem suflBcere non admodum coiitentiose negamus. 
And in these words qf Vorstius, Status quaestionis est an ordinarie in coetu fidelium, et ubi nullum est ne- 
cessarium impedituentum utraque Sacramenti species omnibus communicantibus administranda sit, speciales 
tamen casus hie semper excipimus in quibus alteram sufficere posse non contentiose negamus. Ibid, parag. 
7. et 8. Legatur integer ille tractatus Cassandri, lectu enim dignissimus est, ubi docet, Quod aliquando in 
antiqua Ecclesia in altera tantum specie Eucharistia data sit sed tantum privatim et extra non 
nisi necessitate impellente. Ibid, de estraordinaria infirmorum, abstemiorum, infantium, peregrinorum. 
Domestica item et privata communione hie non loquor. 

(7) Ibid. 1. ii. cap. 2. parag. In Cassander his words, Optimos quosque desiderio calicis teneri, sed plerosque 
expetendo non rectam rationem sequi, quod ilium simpliciter a Christo praeceptum atque adeo necessarium 
existimant ut nullo tempore in altera specie verum Sacramentum corporis Domini praeberi posset, quae per- 
suasio illis facile et damnandae Ecclesiae Romanae, et ab ea deficiendi occasionem praebet. Ibid. Speaking 
of the popish custome in Vicelius his words, parag. 8. Non impugnantes nee ullo modo contendentes, aut con- 
demnantes, aut improbe ridentes, sed aequi bonique consulentes, et quidem ita tulerunt tempora novissima in 
bonam et meliorem partem interpraetantes pro aliorum inlirmitate, ignorantia et meticulositate, aliqua 


not be directed to the people for their instructionXO That if the words of the in- 
stitution be only explained and applyed to the present purpose, as the fashion is 
in many Protestant Church, there is no Sacrament at all celebrate. Except the 
consecratory and mystick prayers, such are used in the old Missalls, be used upon 
the elements, for incalling of the Spirit of God to employ his omnipotency in 
making a conversion of them into Christs body and bloud.(2) 

For extenuating the controversie which wee have with the Papists about their 
Idolatrous processions, He learneth us to approve of the old custome of reserving 
the Sacrament in a repository, and carrying it through the streets to the sick, and 
to others who were not present at their publike celebration.(3) 

The giving of the bread unbroken, the mixing of wine with water, the using of 
unleavened Wafers, and such like, seeme to him but small ceremonies not to be stood 

Concerning the Adoration of the bread, the vilest Idolatry, that any Protestant 
layeth to the charge of the Church of Ro?ne, He teacheth us, That we are in- 
jurious to challenge the Papists of Bread-worship, or of any Idolatry in the Sacra- 
ment.(5) That it is lawfull to lift the hat to the Elements. That Bellarmines 
proposition attributing to the elements a religious worship of a lower degree, must 
be granted. (6) That divine Latvia is not any wayes given by the Papists to the 
Bread. That Bellarrimie in the same respect making this kind of worship reflect 
upon the elements is singular, and his opinion is disclaimed by the rest.(7) To give 

(1) L. 2. cap. 2. parag. 1. Verba quibus conficitur Eucbartstia debere esse vere eonsecratoria, non con- 
cionalia tantuui, i. e. non tantum dici debere ad populum instituendum.sed etiam imo potius ad Eucharistiam 
consecrandam fatentur omnes saniores Protestantes. 

(2) Ibid, parag. 3. In Spalato his ivords, Aliae vero a Calvino reformatae Ecclesiae si sola concione et 
ministri autoritate conficiunt Eucharistiam nullis specialibus adhibitis precibus saeramenti consecratoriis, ego 
plurimum suspicor eas veram Eucharistiam non habere neque video quam escusationem adferre possunt, cur 
antiquas aut non accipiant aut non iraitentur, in partibus saltern essentialibus Liturgias, et praesertim Eccle- 
siae Latinae antiquissimae. Item, parag. 1. Non solis iUis verbis Christi consecrationem fieri existiniant, sed 
etiam mystica prece qua spiritus sancli adventus imploratur qui elementa sanctificet. 

(3) Lib. 2. c. ii. parag. 5. Negari non potest in veteriEcclesia obtinuisse reservationem Eucharistiae priva- 
tim domi ab ipsis fidelibus, quod mnlta patrura loca clare evincunt ; vide Beliarminum. Deinde etiam morem 
veterem fuisse ui Sacramentum a saeerdote in pasto-forio, vel piside publice observaretur ob delationem ad 
absentes aut infirmos ; Sed publica ilia observatio et delatio ut non ubique, ita nee ab omnibus recepta fuit, 
atque ubi obtinuit pro more libero non necessario habebatnr. Hie mos neutiquam damnari debuit. 

(4) Ibid, parag. 6. Alias quaestiuneulas de pane fermentato et azymo, de vino aqua temperando in sacro 
calice, et de fractione panis omitto. Parum enim momenti in bis situm est, neque ob hujusmodi minoris 
momenti lites Ecclesiae pax turbanda est. 

(b) Ibidem parag. 10. Perperam artolatreia Romanensibus a plerisque protestantibus objicitur, et illi 
Idolatriae crassissimae ab his insimulantur; Cum plerique Romanenses ut et alii fideles credant panem conse- 
cratum non esse amplius panem sed corpus Domini, unde illi panem non adorant, sed tantum ex suppositione 
licet falsa non tamen haeretica et cum fide directe pugnante ; Christi corpus, quod vere adorandum est, adorant. 
Et parag. 11. Adorationem elementorum seu specierum negare Romanenses fatetur Episcopus Roffensis. Et 
parag. 13. Respondeo, inquit Spalatensis, me nullum Idolatricum crimen in adoratione, si recte dirigatur in- 
tentio, agnoscere. Qui enim decent panem non amplius esse panem, illi profecto panem non adorant, sed 
solum Christi corpus vere adorabile adorant es suppositione licet falsa 

(6) Ibid, parag. 10. Q,uod ad primam assertionem Bellarmini attinet, de symbolis venerandis cultu quo- 
dam minori, admittimus. 

(7) Ibid, parag. 23. Quod Spalatensis afiirmat parum sibi constans, doctos pliirimos in Ecclesia Romana 
nedum rudem plebem adorare, id quod vident seu si vis species panis : sententia ista pluribus doctioribus Ro- 
manensibus displicet, neque audet Bellarminus ipse, quern ibi oppugnat Spalatensis earn aperte defendeie. And 
yet ere he close, he commeth up to the adoration of the Eucharist for the presence of Christ therein, as the 
Ark was adored of old, or the humanitte of Christ is adored now for the presence of the God therein. In 
these words, parag. 17. Duplex adoratio definitur. Altera qua Deum ipsum prosequimur ; Altera qua prae- 


outward adoration in the Sacrament to Christs Body their most present, To adorne 
with our body the blessed Body of Christ, which we with our very body doe receive, 
is not only lawfull but necessaryXO Who refuse this outward adoration, they 
misse all benefit of Christs death.(2) That the question is rightly here stated by 
Bellarminey Whether Christ in the Eucharist is to bee adored, which sober Pro- 
testants doe grant, but rigid ones by huge errour deny, declaring by this deniall 
their misbelief of Christs presence there.(3) 

This was the man who penned our Perth Article concerning geniculation, what 
hee intended to bring into our Kirke by this ceremony, it is apparent by these 

Concerning the Sacrifice of the Masse, He honours the abominable Missall with 
the stile of the Liturgie of the Latine Church.(4) 

Neither doth he refuse the name of the Masse itselfe, or the Sacrifice, or the 
Oblation : Yea, he is no better then Pocklington^ who maketh Andreid's professe 
that nothing in the Sacrifice of the Masse doth displease him but Transub- 

Howsoever, he confesseth that there be nothing in Scripture proving Melchize- 
deks Oblation of Bread and Wine to God.(6) 

Yet hee telleth us that the harmonious consent of the Fathers must here be 
embraced, who teach that Melchizedeke in his feasting Abraham^ did ofl^er up to 
God a Sacrifice of Bread and Wine, and in this was a type of Christ in his last 

scripta signa et mysteria dirina, juxta illud, Adorate scabellum pedum ejus ; quod plerique de area foederis 
intelligunt, alii de bumanitate Christi interpretantur. A\x\, si eandem ubique adorationem esse censent, 
poterimus dicere adorandam esse carnem Christi quamvis creatura sit propter conjunctam divinitatem, ado- 
randam Arcam foederis propter divinae Majestatis praesentiam, quiaDeus ipse pollicitus est se affuturum. 
Ad quern modum etiam Eucharistiam possumus adorare propter ineffabilem et invisibilem, ut ait Augustinus, 
Christi gratiam conjunctam, non venerantes id quod videtur et transit, sed quod creditur et intelligitur. 
Haec de adoratione. 

(l) Ibid^ parag. 7. Quod ad adorationem hujus sacrament! attinet. cum qui digne surait sacra symbola 
vere et realiter corpus et sanguinem Christi in se corporaliter modo tamen quodam spirituali et impercepti- 
bili sumat, Omnis digne communicans adorare potest, et debet, corpus quod recipit. 

(2) Ibid, parag. 7. Nemo carnem Christi manducat, nisi prius adoraverit. 

(3) Ibid, parag. 10. Status questionis non est nisi an Christus in Eucharistia sit adorandus, sed de hoc 
protestantes saniores non dubitant. Ibid, parag. 8. Inanis est rigidiorum proteslantium error, qui negant 
Christum in Eucharistia adorandum nisi adoratione interna et mentali, non autem externo aliquo ritu adora- 
tivo ut geniculatione aut aliquo alio consimili corporis situ ; hi fere omnes male de praesentia Christi in Sa- 
cramento sentiunt. 

(4) L. iii. cap. 1. parag. 8. In Liturgia autem Latinae Ecclesiae cum ante consecrationem dicunt, suscipe 
sancte Pater. 

(5) Lib. iii. cap. I. parag. 2, 3. A missae nomine non abhorrent Protestantes saniores ; nam in rituali 
Ecclesiae Anglicanae legere est Christi Missam, Michaelis Missam : neque etiam a nomine oblationis, et 
sacrificii, et immolationis, abhorrent. Episcopus Eliensis contra BeHarminuvif Vos tollite de Missa ves- 
tram transsubstantionem, et non diu lis erit de sacrificio. 

(6) Ibid, parag. 4. Panem et Vinum in Missa Deo oflFerri Scriptura clare et diserte non docet. Es loco 
famoso Gen. 14. 18, Melchizedek obtulit Panem et Vinum, et erat Sacerdos Dei altissimi, fatetur ingenue 
Cajetanus in locum. 

(7) Ibid. 1. 3. parag. 4. Sed Patres magno consensu, qui non eat spernendus, affirmant Melchizedek Panem 
et Vinum non tantum protulisse et exhibuisse Abrahamo ad alendum esercitum, sed Deo primum quem prae- 
clarissimae victoriae autorom agnoscebat usitato more obtuHsse; ac proinde Christum cujua ille figura fuit 
in institutione Eucbaristiae idem egisse ; testimonia Patrum cum Graecorum turn Latinorum magno studio 
colligit post alios BtUarmmus : idcirco illis recensendis nos supersedemus. 


That in the holy Communion the Bread is offered up in a true sacrifice to 

That Christs body also is there offered up in an unbloudy Sacrifice/^) 

Yea in a propitiatory sacrifice.C') 

And that not only for the good of the soules both of the living and the dead ; 
But also for the obtaining of peace, plenty, faire weather, and many other tem- 
porall blessings.(4) 

That we wrong the Papists in challenging them for teaching the Opus opera- 
turn of the Masse to bee profitableXO 

And yet he grants they teach the great good which fioweth from the work it 
selfe in the midst of the wickednesse both of Priest and people/^) 

Finally, he would Iiave us to believe that the worst of the popish opinions in 
these points are no Heresies nor impious errours contrary to faith.(7) 

Lastly, Anent purgatory wee are taught That the popish errours here are not 
hereticall, not impious, not such for which any ought to be excluded from our 

That after death there is a third temporall place for the receiving of these 
soules who have departed in some sinns, not fully forgiven, beside the two ever- 
lasting Mansions of extreame misery and suprearae blessednesse.C^) 

(1) Ibid, parag. 8. Dicimus licet ex Scriptura dare et dilucide evinci non possit Panem et Vinum in Missa 
offerri, Patres tamen passim hoc docere, ut constat ex Jraenaeo, et aliis fere innumeris. Negari non potest, quin 
Deo specialiter ofFeratur, imo ad hoc offertur ut benedicatur et commedatur : fit igitur ibi quodam mode sacri- 
ficium panis, qui oflFertur Deo, et circa quern ex Christi instituto tot mystica verba dicuntur, et ritus sacri 
peraguntur; ut recte Cassalius de sacrificio Missae. 1. 1. cap. 20. 

(2) Ibidem, Dicunt saepissime Patres in Euchariatia offerri et sacrificari ipsum Christi corpus ut ex innu- 
meris fere locis constat. Ibid, parag. 18. In Barnesius his words, Recte tamen in Missa dicitur offerri et 
sacrificari et admittitur in hoc sensu sacrificium ineruentum. 

(3) Lib. 3, cap. 2. Missam non tantum esse sacrificium Eucharisticum sed etiam hilasticum seu propitia- 
torium sano sensu dici posse aflirmant Roraanenses moderatiores. 

(4) Ibid, parag. 6. Sacrificium hoc Coenae non solum propitiatorium esse ac pro peccatorum quae a nobis 
quotidie committuntur remissione off'erri posse, modo praedicto, corpus Dominicum, sed etiam esse impetra- 
torium omnis generis beneficiorum, ac pro iis etiam rite offerri, licet Scripturae diserte et expresae non dicunt, 
Patres tamen unanimi consensu sic intellexerunt Scripturas, quemadmodura ab aliis fuse demonstratum est; 
et Liturgiae omnes veteres non serael inter offerendum praecipiunt orandum pro pace, pro copia fructuum et 
pro aliis id genus temporalibus beneficiis ut nemini ignolum est. 

(5) Ibid- parag 8. Perperam scholasticis doctoribus aliisque Romanensibus aflSngitur, quasi docuerint, vel 
adhuc doceant opus sacerdotis in Missa valere coram Deo ex operato, sine bono motu utentis, hoc est, etiamsi 
nee sacerdos, nee populus suum opus, hoc est, veram fidem adjangant. ^7td in the same place in Cassander 
his icords, Vno ore, inquit, omnes hodie Ecclesiastici scriptores clamant falso Ecclesiam Roir.anam accusari, 
quod doceat missae actionem ex operc operato, hoc est, ex opera esterno, quatenus id a sacerdote fit, mereri 
atiis remissionem peccatorum pro quibus applicatur. 

(6) Ibid. Tantum docent sacramentum vlrtutem sanctificandi obtinerenon ex opere operantis, i.e. dignitate 
et merito celebrantis ministri ; sed es opere operato h. e. ordinatione ipsius Christi banc sacram actionem 
instituentis. Sacrificium, inquit Bellarminus, simile est oratloniquod attinet ad efficientiam : Oratio enim non 
solum prodest oranti, sed iis etiam pro quibus oratur. 

(7) Lib. 3. cap, 2. parag. 1. S:ntentia quani multi hodie Romanenses tuentur, utut falsa sit, haereseos 
tamen aut erroris impii cum fide pugnantis minime damnanda est. 

(8) De Purgatorio cap. ult. parag. 16. Ad controversiam banc de Purgatorio toUendam aut saltern minu- 
endam, protestantes quibus ista opinio improbatur, et quidem jure, tamen haereseos, aut impietatis apertae ne 
damnent. Ibid, parag. 12. in Spalato his irurds^ Sed neque Protestantes possunt tanquam haereticos dam- 
nare, et a communione sua, quantum in ipsis est, repellere Pontificios, licet purgatorium et indulgentias mordi- 
cus retineant, in his proculdubio errant, sed non contra fidem, excessus hie non defectus ; neque per hos falsos 
articulos uUi vero articulo sit injuria. 

(9) Ibid. c. 3. parag. 9. Citant contra purgatorium plerique omnes Protestantes atque etiam nounulli mo- 



That these sins are remitted by the meanes of the prayers of the living for the 
dead, both private and publicke, especially these which are said in the Liturgie at 
the Altar in the communion. That such prayers and ahnesdeeds of the living are 
profitable to relieve the dead from some sinnes, and some degree of miserieXO 

That such prayers, though not enjoyned by Scripture, yet according to Apos- 
tolike tradition by Christians in all times and in all places used, are not to be 
neglected, for they are truly profitable for the departed souls.(2) 

That it was the part of Aei'ius his heresy to deny the profitable use of these 
prayers for the dead.C^) 

That the Church oi England was inconsiderate to scrape out these prayers for 
the Dead from King Edwards first Liturgie by the advice of BucerM 

deratiores RomaTtenses^ locum ex authore Hypognosticon ; eed locus ille ad rem parum videtur facere ; loquitur 
enim author ille de locis aeternis (ut vere Romanenses) qui, omnibus vere catholicis confitentibus, duo tantum 
sunt coelum soil, et gehenna. Similiter intelligendus est locus ille, (NuUus relictus estmedius locus, utpossit 
esse nisi cum diabolo qui Don est cum Christo) : non hie negari simpliciter certum locum temporaneum post 
banc vitam, constare potest, non tantum quod ante Christi passionem aiiimas fidelium veteris Testamenti in 
sinu Abrahae, i.e. in loco a gehenna distinctissimo et remotissimo, atque etiam extra sanctuarium coeli existima- 
veritautor; sed etiam quod, cum plurimis patrum aliis, In secretis receptaculis quietem animarum justorum 
post escessum suum eollocaverit. Ibid, parag. 10. Jugustimis secutus plurimorum patrum sententiam, ani- 
mas justorum usque ad diem resurrectionis corporum in sinum ^6r<i7iae, vel in quibusdam abditis et secretis 
receptaculis extra coelum beatorum requiescere, affirmat ; aut certe de loco ambigit. Ibidem, parag. 19. 
Thomas Bihonics osfendit ex Scripturis, ex patribus, ex Calvini locis, justorum animas ante diem judicii in su- 
premum coelum, ubi Christus ad dextram patris sedet, non admitti neque plena gloria et beatitudine frui, non 
solum non extensive, ut volunt Romanenses, sed neque intensive. Ibid. c. i. parag. 20. Concesso quod multi 
patres et viri quidam hujus saeculi doctissmi et moderatissimi ut probabile admlttunt, fideles aliquos posse et 
solere ex hac vita decedere cum peccato aliquo, vel etiam aliquibus levioribus hie non remissis, sed in vita 
futura post mortem intercessione Ecclesiae remittendis; moriuntur nihilominus in Domino et in gratia Christi, 
statimque a raorte ad quietem et requiem coelestem abeunt, majorem interim beatitudinis gradum in die visionis 
l>ei clarae et plenae ardentibus votis expetentes, et cum plena fiducia, ut plurimum expectantes. 

1 1) Cap. iii. parag. 23. Peccata etiam quaedam leviora in hac vita quod culpara et poenam forte non re- 
niissa, post mortem remitti, per intercessionem Ecclesiae in precibus publicis, ac praesertim illis quae fiebant 
in tremendorum raysteriorum celebratione, et per orationes factas ac oblationes seu eleemosynas pro illis 
datas a privatis, censuerunt plurimi patrum ; quibus suffragantur etiam multa Concilia, vetustissima Ecclesiae 
consuetudo, nemini temere spernenda aut rejicienda, nisi Scripturis aperte adversetur, quod hac in re difficilli- 
mum est demonstratu. Communis protestantium responsio minime satisfacit plerisque patrum locis, ut cuivis 
ea vel leviter inspicienti perspicuum est, Multo magis ingenue Graeci,manifestum, aiunt, cuivis est remissio- 
nem peccatorum nonnullis vita functis concedi : quonam vero modo an per punitionem, et quidem illam per 
ignem, etc. Jlnd in Spalato his words, parag. 26. Non esset absurdum fateri peccata leviora si quae in hac 
vita quoad culpam remissa non sunt, post mortem remitti, idque paulo post obitum, dum piae et religiosae exe- 
quiae Ecelesiastieae peraguntur, virtute Ecclesiasticae intercessionis in precibus publicis ac praesertim illis 
quae fiebant in sacrae Liturgiae celebratione. 

(2) Cap. ult. parag. 16. Mos orandi et offerendi pro defunctis antiquissimus, et in universa Christi Ecclesiaab 
ipsis fere Apostolorum temporibus receptissimus, ne amplius a Protestantibus, ut illicitus vel inutilis rejiciatur : 
revereantur veteris Ecclesiae judicium, et perpetua tot saeculorum serie confirmatam praxin agnoscant et reli- 
giose dehinc hunc ritum, licet non ut absolute necessarium, seu lege divina imperatum, ut licitum tamen atque 
etiam utilera, semperque universae Ecclesiae probatum, cum publice tum privatim usurpent, ut orbi Christiano 
pax tantopere omnibus viris doctis et probis exoptata tandem redeat. Ibid. e. iii. parag. 26. /n Spalato fii-t 
icoidi^ Haec quae disi de remissione culpae alicujus venialis post mortem, per Ecclesiae intercessionem, admitti 
possunt, et sua non carent probabilitate, ut sic Ecclesiae preces pro defunctis utiles esse et non otiosas as- 
seramus, quatenus ex Apostolica institutione mos ille Ecclesiae orandi pro defunctis, ut fatetur Chrysostomus 
et valde probabile videtur, promanasse dicitur. Ibid, parag. 27. Ecclesia autem universa hunc ritum non 
solum licitum, sed etiam defunctis aliqua ratione utilem esse credidit, et religiosissime, ut si non ab Apostolis, 
saltern a Patribus antiquis traditum semper observavit, quod ex innumeris Patrum locis patet. Conccdaturhunc 
morem licitum atque etiam utilem piae vetustati semper visum, et universalissime in Ecclesia semper receptum. 

(3) Ibid. c. iii. parag. 12. Dogma adversarium Aevii, orationes et oblationes pro defunctis damnantis, fuisse 
iamuatum ex Epiphanio et Augustino cui non constat ? 

(4) Ibid, parag. 13. In sepultura mortuorum sic orabatur, Praestahuic famulo tuo, ut peccata quae in hoc 
mundo commisit non imputentur ei, sed ut superatis portis mortis, et aeternae caliginis, semper in regione 

APPENDIX. ^i^>^ 

That the Church of England would doe well to restore, with many otlier things 
which they want. This must prove an ancient practice of praying for the Dead.O) 

That King James, by the important clamours of the Puritans, was unhappily 
marred in his designe to restore this and other such things.(2) 

That an expiatory purgatory may well be granted, wherein the sins of the 
Dead may be gotten remitted by the prayers of the living ; Albeit a punitive 
purgatory, purging away sins by a fiery paine must be denied.(3) 

lucis inhabitet. Hasce preces antiquissimas et piissimas, BuceiH aliorumque monitu, Praesules Ecclesiae Angli- 
canae expunxere; aut in aliani, nescio quam formam, hodiernam novitatem redolentem, coDvertere. 

(1) Ibid, parag 14. Sed utinam Ecclesia ^n^/irana. quae singularem certe alioqui meretur laudem, oh 
raagnani raultis in aliis rebus, et si non forte parts raoraenti, moderationem adhibitam, universalis Ecclesiae 
antiquissiniae consuetudini hoc in negotio, et in aliis nonnullis, sese potius conformasset, quam ob errores et 
abusus, qui paulatim postea irrepserant, ingenti aliorura Christianorum scandalo, simpliciter rejecisset et 
penitus sustulisset. 

(2) Jbid, Sereniss. et nunquara satis laudatus Princeps Jacobus sextus, cum nihil haberet prius et antiquius 
pacis et concordiae inter Christianas Ecclesias procurandae studio, nunquam tamen per pernictoaa et rixos» 
niultorum tbeologastrorum ingenia id consequi, aut eflectum dare potuit, quod maxime voluit. 

(3) Ibid. Sententiae vero communi Graecorum atque etiam quorundam veteruQi doctorum in Ecclesia La- 
tina de Purgatorio expiatorio (quod solum Purgatorii nomen proprie loquendo meretur) in quo sine poenis 
gehennalibus, animae sanctorum quorum quasi media quaedam conditio est, in eoelis quidera, sed in coeloruni 
loco Deo noto, magis raagisque ad diem visionis Dei clarae, fruentes conspectu et consortio humanitatis 
Christi et sanctorum Angelorum, perficiunt se in Dei charitate per fervida et morosa suspiria, ut supra 
dictum est, neutri pertinaciter obluctentur ; sua enim, atque ea non exigua, probabilitate raininie destituitur. 



2 Q 


Abdie. See Ebdy. 

Aberchirder, ii. 139; iii. 204, 205, 

Abercorn, Catherine, countess of, ii. 

Abercrombie, Sir Alexander, knight, 
iii. 38. 

Abercrommy, Mr. Andrew, minister at 
Fintray, iii. 38. 

Aberdeen, i. 9, 10, 19, 26, 33, 44, 50, 
51, 57, 61, 69, 70, 75, 82, 83, 84, 85, 
86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 94, 95, 96, 97, 
116, 117, 126, 129, 135, 140, 143, 
153, 154, 155 ; ii. 4, 5, 6, 22, 28, 36, 

39, 43, 48, 53, 55, 99, 114, 115, 122, 
129, 133, 134, 135, 149, 154, 155, 
157, 158, 160, 161, 162, 163, 165, 

166, 170, 180, 184, 185, 196, 197, 
205, 214, 215, 216, 218, 219, 220, 
221, 222, 223, 225, 226, 227, 228, 
229, 230, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 
238, 246, 255, 257, 260, 261, 262, 
264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 
271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 
278, 279, 280, 281,282; iii. 37, 38, 

40, 46, 47, 49, 50, 61, 63, 72, 88, 89, 
129, 130, 159, 160, 161, 162, 166, 

167, 168, 169, 182, 196, 197, 198, 
199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 207, 
208, 209, 210, 214, 215, 218, 219, 
221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 
228, 229, 230, 233, 234, 235, 236, 
237, 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 
244, 245, 246, 250, 251, 255, 256, 

Aberdeen, archdeacon of, see Logye, 

Aberdeen, bishop of. See Bellenden ; 
Dunbar ; Elphinstone ; Forbes, Alex- 
ander ; Forbes, Patrick ; Mitchell. 

Aberdeen, constable of. See Kennedy. 
John, of Carmuck. 

Aberdeen, University and King's Col- 
lege of, i. 9, 10, 50, 51, 83, 85, 88, 
154, 155 ; ii. 154, 155, 156, 157, 
161, 165, 166, 220, 225, 226, 228; 
iii. 49, 89, 128, 129, 130, 218, 221, 
224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 231, 
232, 234, 237, 238, 244, 256, 257. 

Aberdeen, Marischal College and Uni- 
versity of, i. 9, 83, 84, ; ii. 5 ; iii. 88, 
89, 129, 130, 209, 210, 216, 226, 
230, 236, 237, 241, 244. 

Aberdeen, Old, i. 9, 33, 70, 83, 155; 
ii. 166, 225, 226, 228, 234, 281 ; 
iii. 49, 128, 129, 130, 218, 224, 226, 
227, 229, 233. 

Abergeldie, laird of, ii. 259. 

Aberlemno, parish of, ii. 5 ; iii. 37- 

Aberlour, presbytery of, ii. 6, 16 1 ; 
iii. 38. 

Abernethie, George, one of the elders 
of Rothiemay, iii. 204. 

Abernethie, Mr. Thomas, (sometime 
Jesuit), i. 44, 45; ii. 49, 98, 136, 
137, 140, 143, 146, 279. 

Abernethy, John, bishop of Caithness, 
ii. 131, 146, 150. 

Abernethj', presbytery of, ii. 6, 16 1. 

Aber-Ruthven, ii. 154. 

Aboyne, James, viscount of, ii. 214, 
215, 216, 231, 235, 238, 249, 254, 
259, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 


•271, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 
279, 280, 282; iii. 15, 24, 35, 71, 
92, 93. 

Acliintillye (Ashentilly), laird of, iii. 

Achreddie. See Deer, New. 

Achterardour, presbytery of, ii. 154. 

Achterhouse, parish of, ii. 5 ; iii. 37. 

A Dalyell, Mr. Muiigo, a border mi- 
nister, iii. 247. 

Adamson, John, principal of the Uni- 
versity of Edinburgh, i. 147 ; ii. 29, 
127; iii. 50, 218. 

Adamson, Patrick, (titular) archbishop 
of St. Andrew's, i. 147, 173; ii. 98; 
iii. 44. 

Airdrye, laird of, 127. 

Airlye, castle of, ii. 234 ; iii. 164, 165, 

Airlye, James, first earl of, ii. 196, 
218, 234 ; iii. 165, 166, 201, 254. 
See Ogilvy, Lord. 

Airth and Menteith, William, first earl 
of, i. 109, 132. 

Aiton, John, of Aiton, i. 127. 

Aldbarr, laird of, i. 109 ; ii. 5, 28, 
127, 134, 228; iii. .37. 

Alexander, Sir William, of Menstrye, 
iii. 73, 88. See Stirling, earl of. 

Alford, parish of, ii. 4, 165, 166; iii. 
196, 241, 250. 

Alford, presbytery of, i. 85 ; ii. 6, 161 ; 
iii. 38. 

Alvah, parish of, i. 58. 

Alves, minister of, iii. 38, 205, 207. 

Araont (Almond) James, Lord Living- 
stone of, (earl of Calendar), i. 108, 
109, 110; ii. 26, 27; iii. 159, 257. 

Anderson, Alexander, in Turriff", ii. 

Anderson, David, of Finzeauch, iii. 198. 

Anderson, Janet, wife of Mr. John 
Gregory, minister at Drumoak, iii. 

Anderson, Skipper, his house in Aber- 
deen, ii. 236 ; iii. 199- 

Anderson, William, goldsmith in Aber- 
deen, ii. 282. 

Andrewes, Lancelott, Bishop of Win- 
chester, i. 5, 20; ii. 41, 82. 
Andrew's, St., i. 6, 45, 51, 162; ii. 5. 

9, 39, 43, 45, 51, 53, 99, 108, 1.36. 

137, 152, 154, 163, 169, 170, 184; 

iii. 40, 46, 47, 181, 215, 228, 236. 

244, 245, 250, 251. 
Andrew's, St., archbishop of, i. 8, 17, 

25, 34, 74, 126, 139, 140, 159, 168 ; 

ii. 22, 53, 57, 99, 149; iii. 63, 8,3, 

90, 91, 236. See Spottiswoode, John. 
Andrew's, St., New College of, i. 6 ; ii. 

Andrew's, St., St. Salvator's College, ii. 

5 ; iii. 236. 
Andrew's, St., Universitj' of, ii. 5, 163; 

iii. 61, 89, 236. 
Andrew's, St., presbytery of, ii. 96. 
Andrew's, St., kirktoun, ii. 139. 
Anglesey, Arthur, earl of, iii. 240. 
Angus, Archibald (earl of Ormond), 

Lord, i. 108, 109, 110 ; ii. 27, 31. 
Angus, William, tenth earl of, ii. 41. 
Annan (Annand), Mr. John, minister at 
Kinore, afterwards at Inverness, ii. 

5; iii. 205. 
Annand, Mr. William, minister at Air, 

ii.95, 151. 
Annandale, James, first earl of, i. 108, 

110; ii. 27, 31. 
Antrim, earl of, ii. 196, 205. 
Anwoth, parish of, ii. 28. 
Arbroath, town of, ii. 5, 160 ; iii. 37. 
Arbuthnot, minister at, iii. 38. 
Arbuthnott, Sir Robert, first viscount 

of, i. 109. 
Archangel, Father. See Leslie, George. 
Ardchattan, priory of, ii. 159- 
Ardestye. See Gordon of Gight, Sir 

Ardmurdo, family of, iii. 203. 
Ardrosse, laird of, i. 127. 
Argyle, i. 10 ; ii. 53, 141, 142, 149, 159, 

16.3, 204, 206, 218, 233, 234 ; iii. 6.3, 

126, 229. 
Argylle, Archibald, seventh earl of, i. 

70, 96. 
Argylle, Archibald, eighth earl, and 


first marquis of, i. 27, 73, 96, 108, 
109, 110, 144, 191, 192; ii. 26, 27, 
28, 32, 38, 45, 46, 95, 102, 104, 171, 
172, 173, 196, 204, 205, 206, 218, 
233, 234, 252, 267 ; iii. 4, 5, 51, 74, 
79, 98, 132, 133, 144, 160, 162, 163, 
164, 165, 166, 182, 200, 201, 254, 

Argylle, Archibald, ninth earl of, i. 52. 

Argyle, bishop of. See Fairly, James ; 
Scrogie, William. 

Arnot, Sir Michael, of Arnot, i. 127. 

Anindell, Thomas, earl of (earl of 
Norfolk), ii. 195, 196; iii. 11, 84. 

Arradowle, laird of, ii. 280. 

Arran, Captain James Stewart of Both- 
well-muir, earl of, ii. 126. 

Athenrie, laird of, iii. 239. 

Athole, John, earl of, i. 127. 

Auchindowne, ii. 256; iii. 72, 211. 

Auchindowne, castle of, ii.2l6 ; iii. 212. 

Auchmedden, laird of, ii. 259 ; iii- 38. 

Auchnlecke, Mr. James, ii. 96. 

Auchnoul, laird of, ii. 133. 

Auchterellon, laird of, iii. 199. 

Auchterless, minister at, iii. 203, 204. 

Auchterlony, John, of Corme, iii. 37. 

Auldearn, minister at, iii. 38, 208. 

Ayr, town of, ii. 28, 95, 151, 169; iii- 

Badenoch, i. 61 ; ii. 218 ; iii. 163. 

Bailie, Robert, bailie of Inverness, ii.6. 

Baillie, Robert, principal of the Uni- 
versity of Glasgow, i. 5, 8, 18, 21, 68, 
85, 136, 159, 168, 169, 178, 184 ; ii. 
3, 26, 28, 29, 39, 45, 49, 58, 59, 79, 
82, 85, 96, 97, 98, 100, 106, 107, 108, 
109, 110, 113, 130, 132, 133, 136, 
137, 138, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 
151, 154, 162, 165, 166, 167, 174, 
202, 204, 210, 279, 281 ; iii. 3, 4, 15, 
16, 90, 153, 154, 215, 216, 219, 220, 
227, 229, 233, 235, 245, 250. 

Baillye, major-general William, iii. 159, 

Baird, Andrew, burgess of Banff, ii. 
6; iii. 38. 

Baird, George, of Auchmedden, ii. 259 ; 

iii. 38. 
Baird, Mr. James, advocate, i. 86 ; iii. 72. 
Balbirney, laird of, i. 127. 
Balcanquhal, Dr. Walter, dean of Dur- 
ham, i. 8, 60, 156, 176, 177, 178, 179, 

180, 181; ii. 18, 173; iii. 52, 53, 

Balcanquell, Mr. Walter, ii. 28. 
Balcarress, David, lord, i. 109, 123, 127. 
Balcomby, laird of, i. 109. 
Balfour, Sir James, Lord-Lyon-King- 

at-arms, i. 18; ii. 171,209, 210; iii. 

17, 22, 24, 25, 26, 28, 78, 99, 166, 

202, 212, 253, 262, 264. 
Balfour, laird of, i. 127. 
Balfour, Sir Michael, of Deane-Mill, i. 

Balfour, Sir William, keeper of the 

tower of London, iii. 147. 
Balgouny, laird of, i. 127. 
Balgouny (Aberdeenshire), laird of, ii. 

Balhagardy, laird of, iii. 38. 
Balmain, laird of, ii. 5, 279 ; iii- 224. 
Balmerino, James, first lord, iii. 118, 142. 

See Elphinston, James. 
Balmerino, John, second lord, i. 27, 

68, 122, 123, 135 ; ii. 28, 39, 127, 

154, 202; iii. 27, 30, 81, 113, 181. 
Balmerino, minister at, i. 127- 
Balvaird, laird of, i. 43, 109, 127- 
Balveny, ii. 216, 229, 230. 
Banchorv (St. Devenick), ii. 277 ; iii. 

Banchory (St. Ternan), i. 84 ; iii. 89. 
Banff, i. 58, 61, 68; ii.6, 161,211, 214, 

215, 218, 229, 234, 255, 256, 259, 

261, 263, 279; iii. 38, 201, 214, 251, 

252, 253, 254, 255. 
Bangor, bishop of, Lewis Bayly, ii. 51. 
Barlcay, David, of Onwerme, i. 127. 
Barclay, Walter, of Towie, ii. 6, 39, 

258, 259 ; iii. 224. 
Barclay, Dr. William, his treatise 

Contra Monarchomachos, ii. 170. 
Barely, Robert, provost of Irvine, 

iii. 79. 



Barnesius, John, author of the Catho- 

lico-Romanus Pacijimis, iii. 240. 
Barrach, ground of, ii. 229. 
Barron, Dr. John, provost of St. Salva- 

tor's College, St. Andrew's, ii. 5. 
Barron, Dr. Robert, professor of divi- 
nity in The Marischal College of 
Aberdeen, i. 9, 10, 83, 154 ; ii. 5, 
225, 226 ; iii. 89, 90, 210, 230, 235, 
236, 237, 238, 240, 241, 244. 
Bastwieke, Dr. John, iii. 52. 
Bath and Wells, James Montague, 

bishop of, ii. 41. 
Bathelnie. See Meldrum, Old. 
Bayly, Lewis, bishoiJ of Bangor, ii. 51. 
Beaton, David, of Balfour, i. 127. 
Beiote, Mr., master of the mint, iii. 88. 
Belhaven, Lord, i. 108, 110 ; ii. 31. 
Belhelvie, i. 85, 154 ; ii. 6, 98 ; iii. 38, 

49, 129, 1.30, 224. 
Bell, Mr. John, elder, minister at Glas- 
gow, i. 139, 143 ; ii. 39, 158. 
Bellabeg (Balabeg), laird of, ii. 6. 
Bellandallache, ii. 267 ; iii. 71. 
Bellenden (Ballenden, Ballantyne, Ban- 
natine), Dr. Adam, bishop of Aber- 
deen, ii. 133, 134, 135, 155, 157, 
Bellenden, Mr. David, parson of Kin- 
cardine O'Neil, ii. 48, 135. 
Bellenden, Mr. John (nephew to Adam, 

bishop of Aberdeen), ii. 226. 
Bellenden, John (son to Adam, bishop 

of Aberdeen), ii. 226. 
Bellenden, Sir John of Auchnoul, ii. 

Benholme, minister at, ii. 5. 
Berkshire, Thomas, earl of, iii. 11. 
Berridale, John, master of, i. 127 ; iii. 

Berriedail, Lord, i. 45. 
Bervie, burgh of, ii. 5. 
Berwick, i. 65 ; ii. 198, 218, 225, 239, 
240, 253, 266, 278, 281, 282 ; iii. 4, 
5, 8, 11, 15, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, 
74, 89, 90, 104, 124, 132, 133, 143, 
144, 150, 159, 204, 210, 232, 236, 
258, 261. 

Beza, Theodore, letter from, to John 

Knox, iii. 41. 
Birnie (Birney), minister at, iii. 38. 
Birsbane, Mr." Matthew, ii. 97. 
Birse, iii. 199, 226, 245. 
Blaccater, John, servitor to Adam, 

bishop of Aberdeen, ii. 226. 
Blackat, Mr. Andi'cw, minister at Aber- 

ladye, i. 127. 
Blackliall, laird of, i. 108, 109, 111 ; 

ii. 27, 48. 
Blackball, Mr. William, regent in The 

Marischal College, iii. 129, 130. 
Blackness castle, iii. 239. 
Blacktoun, laird of, ii. 259. 
Blair, Mr., minister at Glasgow, i. 

Blair, Mr. Alexander, depute-clerk of 

the general assembly, i. 145, 172, 

Blair, Mr. Andrew, ii. 39. 
Blair, collonel, iii. 1 2«, 200. 
Blair, Mr. Robert, minister at Avr, ii. 

28, 169 ; iii. 250. 
Blakwater, The, in Strathbogie, iii. 72. 
Blebo, laird of, i. 127. 
Boath (Bothe), laird of, iii. 38. 
Boghall, laird of, i. 127. 
Bogheads, laird of, iii. 161. 
Bogie, water of, iii. 210. 
Bonhard, laird of, i. 127. 
Bonhill, minister at, i. 8 ; ii. 81, 203. 
Bonnar, Mr. James, minister at Mav- 

bole, i. 143, 147; ii. 97, 163; iii. 

39, 50. 
Bonner, Captain, ii. 277. 
Bonnymoone, iii. 50. 
Bonnytoune, laird of, iii. 57. 
Botarie, iii. 208. 
Both well, Francis Stewart, earl of, i. 

Bothwell-muir, laird of, ii. 126. 
Boyd, Robert, lord, i. 123, 127. 
Boyd, Mr. Zachary, i. 169;. iii. 259- 
Braemar, ii. 261. 
Bramhall, Archbishop, i. 8, 9. 
Bray (Brae), laird of, ii. 6. 
Brechin, i. 7, 12, 34, 95, 151, 152, 168; 



ii. 5, 41, 44, 56, 100, 101, 149, 160 ; 

iii. 37, 50, 63, 83, 176. 
Brechin, bishop of. See Lindsay,David ; 

Sydserf, Thomas ; Whiteford, Walter. 
Breeknesse, in Stromness, iii. 44. 
Brodie, Mr. John, minister at Auldearn, 

iii. 38. 
Brodv, Mr. Josepli, minister at Keith, 

ii.57, 139; iii. 207, 213. 
Brody, laird of, i. 109 ; ii. 215 ; iii. 208. 
Brown, James, printer in Aberdeen, iii. 

Brown, Sir Richard, the English ambas- 
sador at Paris, ii. 98. 
Bruce, George, of Carnocli, i. 1 27. 
Bruntiland, ii.60, 154, 207, 249. 
Brutus, Junius Stephanus, the Vindicim 

contra Tyrannos of, ii. 170, 203. 
Buchanan, Mr. David, i. 18, 62. 
Buchanan, George, his Treatise De Jure 

Regni, ii. 170, 203. 
Buchanan, laird of, i. 127, 129. 
Burleigh, Robert Balfour, lord, i. 122, 

123 ; ii. 28, 147, 158 ; iii. 174, 181. 
Burn, Mr. Robert, regent in the Uni- 
versity of Edinburgh, i. 52. 
Burnet, Dr. Gilbert, bishop of Sarum, 

i. 33, 45, 184; ii. 174, 194, 209, 210, 

213, 250; iii. 17, 63, 83, 126, 147, 

158, 242, 244, 264. 
Burnet, James, of Cragmj'le, ii. 262. 
Burnet, Robert. See Crimond, Lord. 
Burnet, Sir Thomas, of Leys, i. 33, 82, 

88, 109; ii. 262, 270; iii. 126, 127, 

Burrough, Sir John, iii. 22. 
Burton, Henry, minister in Friday 

Street, London, iii. 52. 

Cabrach, iii. 72. 

Caerlaverock (Carleavroke), castle of, 

iii. 162. 
Caitliness, i. 44, 45 ; ii. 4, 53, 112, 131, 

143, 146, 150, 152, 163, 218, 266; 

iii. 203, 254. 
Caithness, bishop of. See Abernethy, 

John ; Forbes, Alexander ; Forbes, 


Calderwood, David, minister at Pen- 
caitland, i. 51, 95, 169; ii. 26, 42, 
85, 98, 110, 133, 134, 159, 166; 
iii. 44, 91, 142, 239- 

Calendar, Earl of. See Almond, Lord. 

Calvin, John, i. 99 ; ii. 81, 82, 130. 

Cambell, serjeant, iii. 166. 

Cambo, laird of, iii. 1 1 3. 

Cameron, Allan, of Lochiel, ii. 205, 

Cameron, Clan, ii. 205, 206. 

Cameron, Donald, of Lochiel (Donald 
Guirke), ii. 205, 206 ; iii. 164. 

Cameron, Donald, of Lochiel, ii. 205, 

Cameron, Sir Ewen Dubh, of Lochiel, 
ii. 205. 

Campbell, Duncan, of Glenlyon, iii. 

Campbell, James, of Moy, iii. 38. 

Campbell, Neill or Nigel, bishop of The 
Isles, ii. 142. 

Campbell, Patrick, of Bothe, iii. 38, 207. 

Campvere, i. 21, 37, 90, 168 ; ii. 107- 

Cant, Mr. Andrew, minister at Aber- 
deen, i. 10, 82, 85, 88; ii. 6, 28, 
1.34, 140, 165, 166, 169; iii- 39, 45, 
52, 215, 250. 

Canterbury, archbishop of, i. 3, 12, 14, 
24; ii.60, 82, 133, 174, 193, 194, 
243; iii. 107, 149, 150, 152, 154, 
155, 157, 158, 169, 188, 190, 235, 
241, 243. See Laud, Dr. William. 

Capringtoune, laird of, iii. 181. 

Cargill, David, dean of guild of Aber- 
deen, iii. 202. 

Cargill, Dr. James, physician in Aber- 
deen, iii. 241. 

Cargill, Mr. Thomas, rector of the 
grammar school of Aberdeen, iii. 

Carlisle, ii. 198, 253; iii. 26, 29, 104, 

Carmichael, Mr. Frederick, ii. 140. 

Carmichael, Mr. James, i. 173. 

Carmichael, Sir James, treasurer-depute 
of Scotland, i. 73, 108, HI ; ii. 27, 



Carneborrow, laird of, ii. 256. 
Carnegie, Sir Alexander, of Bonny- 

moone, iii. 50. 
Carnegy, Sir John, of Eithye, i. 109 ; 

ii. 5. 
Carnegy, Lord, i. 109, 151, 152, 153; 

ii. 5, 44. 
Carnock, laird of, i. 127 ; iii. 181. 
Carnocke, minister at, i. 147; ii. 

Carnwath, earl of. See Dalyell, Lord. 
Carron, laird of, ii. 267, 268 ; iii. 71. 
Carse, laird of, iii. 182. 
Carsphairn, laird of, ii. 157. 
Carss (Kerss), Mr. Alexander, minister 

at Pollwart, ii. 29, 39; 131, 135, 140, 

142, 175. 
CarstewjTe, laird of, i. 129. 
Cassilis, John, sixth earl of, i. 27, 68, 

77, 109, 122, 123; ii. 253; iii. 24, 

98, 181. 
Cavers, laird of, ii. 131; iii. 11, 57, 

181, 182. 
Chalmers, George, quoted, iii. 244. 
Chalmers, or Camerarius, William, a 

Jesuit, iii. 237. 
Chamber, James, of Gadgirthe, iii. 

Chansleye-woode, iii. 186, 256, 257. 
Charles I., King, i. 9, 49, 113; ii. 59, 

63, 98, 114, 120, 133, 134, 139, 165, 

184, 195, 206, 227, 266 ; iii. 8, 9, 11, 

22, 31, 37, 61, 62, 82, 92, 99, 108, 

158, 174, 222, 241, 246, 253, 258, 

261, 264. 
Chichester, Richard Montague, bishop 

of, ii. 78. 
Chirk castle, i. 8. 
Chirnside, minister at, ii. 143. 
Clarendon, Edward, Earl of, ii. 194, 

196 ; iii. 243, 244. See Hyde, Ed- 
Clava, laird of, ii. 6. 
Clementius, Antonius, quoted, iii. 235, 

236, 237. 
Clerk, Mr. James, iii. 162. 
Clerkington, laird of, i. 127. 
Cleveland, the poet, quoted, iii. 3. 

Cliddsdale, i. 62. 

Clogher, John Leslie, bishop of, iii. 

Clogie, Mr. William, minister at New 

Spynie, iii. 207. 
Cluny, i. 153; ii.6, 134, 216, 236, 237 ; 

iii. 71, 218, 246. 
Clyde, firth of, ii. 204, 205 ; iii. 163. 
Cochrain, the favourite of King James 

IIL, ii. 216. 
Cockburn, Patrick, of Clerkington, i. 

Cockburn, Sir William, of Langton, i. 

Coke, secretary, iii. 11. 
Colm, Inch, ii. 249. 
Columba, Saint, ii. 143. 
Collvill, Mr., iii. 8. 
Conwaye, Edward, lord, iii. 258, 259, 

Conveth, near, Inverness, iii. 38. 
Conweth. See Laurencekirk. 
Corbet, Mr. John, minister at Bonhill, 

in the Lennox, i. 8 ; ii. 81, 203, 204. 
Corme, laird of, iii. 37. 
Cornwall, Walter, of Bonhard, i. 127. 
Corrichy, battle of, i. 57. 
Corse, laird of, i. 9, 50, 51, 82, 95 ; ii. 

4, 48, 155, 226; iii. 129, 226, 232, 

233, 234, 236, 243, 244. 
Corsindae, iii. 38, 241. 
Cottingtowne, Francis, lord, iii. 147- 
Couper of Fyfe, i. 179, 189. 
Couper, James, lord, i. 82 ; ii. 5, 39, 

214, 215, 227, 231, 232; iii. 37, 

Couper, William, bishop of Galloway, 

ii. 134. 
Cowper, John, of Gogar, i. 127. 
Cowye, ii. 269, 275. 
Cragmillar, laird of, i. 127. 
Cragmyle, laird of, ii. 262. 
Craig, John, minister at Edinburgh, i. 

39,42; ii. 119. 
Craig, Sir John Ogilvy of, iii. 166. 
Craig (of Auchindoir), laird of, ii. 259. 
Craig, Scottish, laird of, i. 82. 
Craig, Thomas, of Riccardtoun, i. 127 




Craighall, lord, iii. 181. See Hope, 

Sir Thomas, lord advocate. 
Craigievar, laird of, ii. 48, 134, 135, 

259 ; iii. 72, 202. 
Crail, minister at, ii. 95, 96. 
Cranston, lord, i. 123; ii. 39; iii. 81. 
Cranston, Mr. Thomas, minister at 

Tranent, ii. 130. 
Craven, William, first lord, iii. 83. 
Creiehton, Aloisia, ii. 101. 
Creighton, James, of Frendraught, ii. 

236 ; iii. 72. 
Creighton, Mr. John, ministerat Paisley, 

ii. 57. 
Crichie, family of, iii. 231. 
Crimond, laird of, ii. 257. 
Crimond, Robert Burnet, lord, i. 33 ; 

ii. 97 ; iii. 126. 
Cromarty, sheriff of. See Urquhart, Sir 

Cromarty, young laird of, ii. 259. 
Crombie, Sir Thomas, of Kemnay, ii.229. 
Cromie, laird of, ii. 259, 263 ; iii. 252. 
Cromwell, Oliver, i. 133 ; ii. 264. 
Croy, minister at, iii. 38. 
Cruickshank, Robert, stationer in Aber- 
deen, iii. 237. 
Culblaine (Culbleen), iii. 72. 
CuUen, burgh of, ii. 6 ; iii. 38. 
Cullen, George, burgess of Aberdeen, 

iii. 197. 
Culloden, battle of, i. 58. 
Culioden, laird of, iii. 38. 
Culone, Elspet, her house in Aberdeen, 

iii. 215. 
Culsamond, Newton of, iii. 202, 203. 
Culter, laird of, iii. 199. 
Cumming, Sir Alexander, of Culter, iii. 

Cunningham, Mr. James, ii. 147. 
Cunningham, Thomas, factor at Camp- 

vere, i. 37. 
Cunningham, Sir William, of Capring- 

toune, iii. 181. 

Daxgleish, Mr. David, minister at 
Couper of Fyfe, i. 179, 180, 189, 
191 ; ii: 29. 

Dalgleish, Mr. Robert, agent for the 

general assembly, ii. 167 ; iii. 179. 
Dalhousie, William, first earl of, i. 109, 

123, 127; iii. 81, 113. 
Dalkeith, palace of, i. 29, 30, 35, 63, 

66, 67, 72 ; ii. 208, 209. 
Dalkeith, presbytery of, ii. 166. 
Danskin, Henry, professor of humanity 

in the University of St. Andrew's, 

iii. 236. 
A Dalyell, Mr. Mungo, a border side 

minister, iii. 247. 
Dalyell, Sir John, of Newton, i. 109. 
Dalvell,(Dayell) lord, i.62,73, 108, 109, 

110; ii. 27, 31. See Carnwath, earl of. 
Davidson, Robert, in Turriff, ii. 158. 
Davidstoune, Mr. William, minister at 

Kildrummy, iii. 38. 
Deane Mill, laird of, i. 127. 
Dee, bridge of, i. 44 ; ii. 261, 276, 277, 

278, 279, 281 ; iii. 160, 166, 168. 
Dee, river of, i. 19 ; ii. 226, 261, 276; 

iii. 89, 160. 
Deer, New, iii. 38. 
Deer, Old, ii. 6, 161. 
Delgettie, laird of, ii. 259. 
Dempster, Thomas, LL.D., professor of 

humanity in the University of Bo- 
logna, iii. 246. 
Demster, Mr. Robert, bailie of Brechin, 

ii. 5 ; iii. 37. 
Derry, Dr. John Bramhall, bishop of, 

i. 8, 9. 
Deskford, Lord Ogilvy of. See Findla- 

ter, earl of. 
Deveron (Doverne), river of, iii. 210, 

Dick, Sir William, provost of Edin- 
burgh, i. 22; ii. 236; iii. 178. 
Dickson, Mr. David, minister at Irvine, 

i. 10, 82, 88 ; ii. 28, 46, 47, 158, 

169 ; iii. 37, 39, 216, 250. 
Digbye, Sir Kenelme, iii. 108. 
Diodati, John, minister at Geneva, i. 52. 
Do-a'-thing, Davie, iii. 198. 
Dolphinton, minister at, iii. 39- 
Donaldsoun, Alexander, in Aberdeen, 

iii. 202. 

2 R 



Douglas, Alexander, of Spynie, iii. 231. 
Douglas, Dr. Alexander, raediclner in 

Banff, iii. 252. 
Douglas, Francis, bookseller in Aber- 
deen, iii. 202. 
Douglas, marquis of, i. 62, 1 10 : ii. 196. 
Douglas, Mr. William, minister at 

Forgue, i. 85 ; ii. 6, 29, 58 ; iii. 224, 

Douglas, Sir William, sheriff of Teviot- 

dale, i. 109, 189; ii. 28, 131 146, 

158; iii. 11, 22,57, 79, 181, 182. 
Douglas, Mr. John, in Elgin, iii. 38. 
Down and Connor, Dr. Henry Leslie, 

bishop of, i. 8 ; ii. 81, 204. 
Downs, the, iii. 84, 85, 86. 
Drum, dame Marrian Duglasse, lady 

of, ii. 234; iii. 165. 
Drum, laird of. See Irving, Sir Alex- 
Drum, house of, iii. 198, 202. 
Drumoak, minister at, iii. 199, 226, 227. 
Drummond, Patrick, third lord, i. 29. 
Drummond, Sir Patrick, i. 37. 
Drummond of Ricardtoune, iii. 182. 
Dublin, i. 4 ; ii. 203 ; iii. 230. 
Duddingston, minister at, i. 18. 
Duddistoune, laird of. See Thomson, 

Sir Thomas. 
Dudhope, viscount of. See Serimgeour, 

constable of Dundee. 
Dumbarton, ii. 203 ; iii. 229. 
Dumfries, ii. 28, 129, 252 ; iii. 176. 
Dumfries, William, earl of, i. 108, 1 10 ; 

ii. 27, 31. 
Dun, minister at, iii. 37. 
Dunbar, iii. 5, 81, 262. 
Dunbar, castle of, iii. 119. 
Dunbar, minister at, ii. 50, 51. 
Dunbar, presbytery of, ii. 96. 
Dunbar, Mr. David, minister at Edin- 

killie, ii. 6. 
Dunbar, Sir George Hume, earl of, ii. 

40, 41. 
Dunbar, Gavin, bishop of Aberdeen, ii. 

155, 156 ; iii. 218, 234. 
Dunbar, Mr. Gavin, minister at Alves, 

iii. 38, 205. 

Dunbar, Mr. John, bailie of Forres, ii. 

6 ; iii. 38. 
Dunbar, Mr. Patrick, minister at Dores, 

or Durris, (Inverness-shire), ii. 6. 
Dunbarton, castle of, ii. 210; iii. 73, 

74, 86, 105, 112, 117, 143, 162, 176, 

Dunbennan, minister at, iii. 205. 
Dunblane, i. 4, 12; ii. 95, 133, 134, 

136, 138, 146, 149. 
Dunblane, bishop of. See Bellenden, 

Adam ; Gillan, John ; Graham, 

George ; Wedderburn, James. 
Dundas, George, of Duddistoune, i. 127. 
Dundas, George, of Manner, iii. 182. 
Dundas, John, of New Liston, i. 127. 
Dundas, of that ilk, iii. 113. 
Dundee, i. 4, 20, 33, 62, 77, 103, 162, 

163; ii. 5, 11; 14, 52, 95, 96, 107, 

111, 158, 160, 163, 227, 253, 275, 

277, 279 ; iii. 37, 43, 127, 182, 200. 
Dundee, constable of. See Scrimgeor. 
Duneycht, hill of, i. 57. 
Dungias, iii. 5, 261, 262. 
Dunkeld, Alexander Lindsay, bishop of, 

ii. 95, 145, 150, 163; iii. 49- 
Dunkeld, Henry Guthry, bishop of, iii. 

Dunn, laird of, i. 109, 151. 
Dunnotter, ii. 215, 261, 269, 270, 271, 

272, 273; iii. 161, 198. 
Dunoen, laird of, ii. 275. 
Dunse, ii. 39, 146, 279; iii. 27, 29, 30, 

254, 261. 
Dunse Hill, or Dunse Law, ii. 253, 254, 

269 ; iii. 7. 
Dunsmill, laird of, ii. 277- 
Duppa, Bryan, bishop of Winchester, 

ii. 100; iii. 91. 
Durham, i. 8 ; ii. 134, 197 ; iii- 52, 53, 

Durris, or Dores (Inverness-shire), 

minister at, ii. 6. 
Durris (Doors) in The Mearns, ii. 261, 

262, 264. 
Dury. See Gibson, Alexander. 
Dyke, minister at, ii. 6 ; iii. 38, 204, 

"205, 207, 208. 


Earleshall, laird of, ii. 163. 

Earlston, laird of, ii. 28. 

Ebdy, in Fife (Abdie), minister at, i.43. 

Edit, The Barmekyne of, i. 57. 

Edit, laird of, i. 58; ii. 259, 260. 

Edit, minister at, iii. 38. 
cht, tlie place of, i. 57. 

Edinburgh, i. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 
12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 24, 
25, 27, 29, 32, 3.3, 34, 38, 39, 40, 41, 
42, 43, 44, 45, 52, 65, 66, 67, 68, 70, 
71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 90, 91, 98, 103, 
104, 106, 107, 109, 111, 112, 115, 
117, 118, 121, 122, 124, 125, 126, 
127, 129, 130, 131, 132, 13.3, 134, 
135, 143, 146, 147, 150, 151, 152, 
156, 157, 162, 163, 165, 167, 172, 
183, 187; ii. 7, .32, 35, 45, 49, 50, 
59, 80, 95, 98, 102, 108, 110, 111, 
112, 113, 114, 118, 125, 127, 131, 
132, 136, 138, 139, 140, 141, 144, 
149, 152, 153, 154, 158, 159, 163, 
166, 168, 169, 170, 176, 177, 178, 
179. 181, 184, 186, 202, 207, 208, 
209, 222, 237, 238, 239, 250, 253, 
282 ; iii. 4, 17, 23, 24, 25, 28, 29, 
30, 34, 35, 36, 37, 50, 53, 55, 57, 61, 
63, 79, 80, 81, 87, 97, 98, 99, 100, 

103, 108, 111, 112, 113, 115, 118, 
125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 131, 132, 
137, 140, 143, 147, 153, 154, 158, 
159, 174, 175, 176, 180, 181, 182, 
183, 185, 186, 197, 199, 200, 202, 
203, 205, 206, 208, 209, 210, 211, 
214, 215, 216, 218, 219, 223, 225, 
228, 229, 230, 232, 234, 238, 239, 
240, 241, 242, 244, 245, 246, 250. 

Edinburgh, bishop of. See Forbes, 
William ; Lindsay, David ; Wishart, 

Edinburgh, castle of, i. 66, 67, 71, 124 ; 
ii. 30, 96, 208, 209, 210, 239, 240,' 
267; iii. 26, 71, 73, 74, 77, 86, 100, 

104, 112, 117, 119, 125, 143, 162, 
176, 186, 187, 190, 200. 

Edinburgh, university of, i.45, 52, 147 ; 

ii. 127; iii. 218. 
Edinkillie (Edinkaylly), minister at, ii. 6. 

Edwards, Thomas, author of the Gati- 

grtena, iii. 224. 
Edzell, castle of, ii. 223. 
Edzell, family of, ii. 140. 
Eglinton, earl of, i. 109, 151 ; ii. 2y, 

158, 253; iii. 98, 163, 164. 
Eithye, laird of, i. 109; ii. 5. 
Eldio, David, lord, i. 123, 127 ; ii. 227, 

Elgin, i. 129; ii. 6, 161, 263; iii. 38, 

204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 213, 226. 
Elibanke, laird of, iii. 181. 
Eliot, Dr., i. 124; ii. 45. 
Eliot, Mr. Robert, i. 150, 156. 
Ellon, presbytery of, ii. 5, 6, 161 ; iii. 

Elphinston, lord, i. 108, 110; ii. 27. 
Elphinston, Midiael, of Bellabeg, ii. 6. 
Elphinston, James, secretary (lord Bal- 

merino), ii. 156. 
Elphinston, William, bishop of Aber- 
deen, ii. 154, 155, 156. 
Elphinston, Sir William, lord justice 

general, i. 21, 22, 36, 108, HI ; ii. 

24, 27, 31. 
Elsick, ii. 275. 
Ely, Lancelot Andrewes, bishop of, i. 

Ely, Francis White, bishop of, ii. 78. 
English, David, of Inglishton, i. 127. 
Enzie, The, iii. 201. 
ErroU, Francis, eighth earl of, ii. 41. 
Erroll, William, ninth earl of, ii. 214, 

253, 259. 
Erskine, Arthur, of Scottish Craig, i. 82. 
Erskine, house of, ii. 179- 
Erskine, John, of Balhagardy, iii. 38. 
Erskine, lord, ii. 3, 4, 31, 229, 232; 

iii. 6. 
Erskine, Thomas, of Pittodrie, ii. 282. 
Erskine, William, brother to the laird 

of Pittodrie, ii. 282. 
Essex, Robert, earl of, ii. 195; iii. 4. 
Ettricke, Patrick, lord Ruthven of. See 

Ruthven, general. 
Evelick, laird of, ii. 145. 

Fair, Hill of, i. 57. 



Fairly, James, bishop of Argyle, i. 10 ; 
ii. 141 ; iii. 126. 

Falconer, master of the mint, iii. 88. 

Falconer, Mr. William, minister at 
Dyke, ii. 6, 29; iii. 38, 204, 205, 
207, 208. 

Falconer, Mr. William, minister at El- 
gin, i. 129. 

Falkland, minister at, ii. 134. 

Farquharson, Donald, of Monaltry, ii. 
261 ; iii. 126. 

Farquharson (Ferqhwardsone), Mr. 
James, advocate, brother to the laird 
of Monaltry, iii. 126. 

Fechill, laird'of, ii. 275. 

Fedderett, laird of iii. 199, 200. See 
Irving, Robert, of. 

Feildoune, captain, iii. 28. 

Fergus, King, i. 71 ; ii. 203. 

Fermo, archbishop of, iii. 246. 

Fetteresso, church of, ii. 270. 

Fetteresso, minister at, ii. 5 ; iii. 38. 

Findlater, James, first earl of, i. 61, 
109; ii. 213, 214, 215; iii. 216, 226, 
353. , ■ ■■ 

Fintray, minister at, iii. 38. 

Fintry, laird of, ii. 5 ; iii. 37- 

Finzeauch, laird of, iii. 198. 

Firth, in Orkney, iii. 44. 

Fleming, Mr. John, ii. 145. 

Fleming, lord, iii. 6. 

Fletcher, Sir Andrew, of Aberladye, i. 

Fletcher, Sir Andrew, lord Innerpeffer, 
i. 53, 109. 

Fletcher, Mr. James, provost of Dun- 
dee, i. 77 ; ii. 5, 28 ; iii. 37- 

Fletcher, Sir Robert, of Salton, i. 52, 53. 

Flisk, parson of, i. 127. 

Fodringhame, Thomas, of Dunoen, ii. 

Footdee. See Futtie. 

Forbes, Alexander, master of (tenth 
lord Forbes), i. 33, 34, 82; ii. 214, 
215, 225, 227, 246, 259 ; iii. 162, 
214, 216, 218, 224, 226, 255. 

Forbes, Alexander, servant to the laird 
of Tolqhwone, ii. 258. 

Forbes, Alexander, alias Plagne, iii. 72. 

Forbes, Alexander, bishop of Aber- 
deen, iii. 203. 

Forbes, Andrew, professor of humanity 
at St. Jean D' Angel, son of Dr. 
William Forbes, bishop of Edin- 
burgh, iii. 243. 

Forbes, Arthur, of Echt, i. 58 ; ii. 259, 

Forbes, Arthur, ninth lord, i. 109, 127. 

Forbes, Arthur, of Blacktown, ii. 259. 

Forbes, captain Arthur, son of Mr. 
John Forbes, minister at Alford, iii. 
196, 197, 202. 

Forbes, Sir Arthur, of Craigievar, iii. 

Forbes, Duncan, of CuUoden, iii. 38. 

Forbes, Mr. Harrie, minister at Aul- 
dearn, iii. 208. 

Forbes, James, of Hauchtowne, iii. 38. 

Forbes, Dr. John, of Corse, professor 
of theology in The King's College, 
i. 9, 20, 50, 51, 82, 95 ; "ii. 226 ; iii. 
129, 226, 227, 228, 230, 232, 233, 
234, 235, 236, 238, 242, 243. 

Forbes, Mr. John, minister at Alford. 
ii. 2; iii. 196. 

Forbes, Mr. John, minister at Kincar- 
dine O'Neil, ii. 48. 

Forbes, John, burgess of Aberdeen, 
ii. 277, 279. 

Forbes, John, of Leslie, iii. 50, 72, 182. 

Forbes, Mr. John, minister at Auchter- 
less, iii. 203, 204. 

Forbes, minister at, iii. 38. 

Forbes, Patrick, of Corse, bishop of 
Aberdeen, i. 85, 155 ; ii. 4, 48, 155, 
156, 157, 166; iii. 128, 209, 210, 
227, 228, 230, 232, 233, 234, 236, 
237, 240, 243, 244. 

Forbes, Patrick, bishop of Caithness, 

• ii. 4. 

Forbes, Mr. Robert, professor of phi- 
losophy in The Marischal College, 
i. 9. 

Forbes, Robert, of Riress, i. 127. 

Forbes, Mr. Robert, minister at Echt, 
iii. 38. 


Forbes, Robert, alias Dobrie, burgess 
of Aberdeen, iii. 197- 

Forbes, Walter, of Tolqhwone, ii. 258, 
259; iii. 160, 161, 162. 

Forbes, Mr. William, minister at Bellj'e, 
i. 129. ^ 

Forbes, Sir William, first baronet of 
Craigievar, ii. 48, 134, 135, 259 ; iii. 
72, 202. 

Forbes, Mr. William, minister at Fraser- 
burgh, iii. 38, 224. 

Forbes, William, fiar of Corsindae, iii. 38. 

Forbes, Dr. William, bishop of Edin- 
burgh, iii. 209, 230, 235, 238, 239, 
240, 241, 242, 243, 250. 

Forbes, William, seventh lord, iii. 210. 

Fordoun, presbytery of, ii. 5 ; iii. 38. 

Fordyce, John, one of the elders of 
Rothiemay, iii. 204. 

Fordyce, presbytery of, ii. 6, 161 ; iii. 38. 

Forfar, pre&bj'tery of, ii. 5, 160 ; iii. 37. 

Forglen, house of, ii. 211, 214, 215 ; iii. 
253, 254, 255. 

Forglen, minister at, iii. 229. 

Forgue, minister at, i. 85 ; ii. 6, 29, 58 ; 
iii. 224, 247. 

Forres, ii. 163 ; iii. 205, 206, 207. 

Forres, presbytery of, ii. 6, 161 ; iii. 38. 

Forrester, George, lord, i. 68, 123, 127 ; 
iii. 8. 

Forrester, Mr. Thomas, minister at Mel- 
rose, ii. 143, 144. 

Forsyth, Mr. Gavin, i. 1 19. 

Forsyth, Mr. James, minister at Kil- 
patrick, ii. 57, 137, 138. 

Forth, Firth of, ii. 96, 196, 205, 207, 
218, 248, 249, 253, 254, 265; iii. 12, 

Forthar, house of, ii. 234 ; iii. 165, 166. 

Foveran, ladj' of, ii. 215. 

Foreran, laird of, ii. 215, 226, 259. 

Foveran, minister at, iii. 49, 224. 

Fraser, Alexander, of Philorth, ii. 6. 

Fraser, Andrew, second lord Fraser, i. 
33, 109 ; ii. 214, 215, 227, 258, 259, 
281 ; iii. 216, 224, 226. 

Fraser, Castle. See Muehalls (in Mar.) 

Fraser, James, of Bray, ii. 6. 

Fraser, Dr. James, secretary of Chelsea 

Hospital, iii. 244. 
Fraser, William, of Bogheads, iii. 161 ,I62. 
Fraserburgh, minister at, iii. 38, 224. 
Freebairn, Jlr. John, ii. 145. 
Frendraught, laird of, ii. 236 ; iii. 72. 
Freucliie, laird of, ii. 206. 
Frisell, Mr. William, minister at Con- 

veth, iii. 38. 
Futtie, near Aberdeen, chapel of St. 

Clement in, iii. 209. 
Fyvie, minister at, ii. 6 ; iii. 38. 

Gadgirthe, laird of, iii. 182. 
Galloway, i. 4, 5, 12, 21, 23, 24, 34, 

168 ; ii. 27, 29, 41, 47, 56, 97, 149, 

253 ; iii. 63. 
Galloway, Alexander, first earl of, ii. 

26, 27, 31. 
Galloway,bishop of. SeeCoupar, William: 

Lamb, Andrew ; Sydserf, Thomas. 
Galloway, Mr. Patrick, ii. 52. 
Garden, Mr. Alexander, regent in The 

King's College, ii. 226. 
Garden, Dr. George, minister at Aber- 
deen, iii. 228, 230, 231, 232, 233, 

235, 236, 237, 238, 242, 243. 
Garioch, chapel of The, minister at, iii. 

Garioch, presbytery of The, ii. 6, 161 ; 

iii. 38. 
Geare, Dow John, ii. 235, 236, 267 ; 

iii. 71, 72. See Mackgrigour, John. 
Gibson, Alexandei-, younger of Dury, i. 

77, 115, 127, 129, 147, 159, 160 ; ii. 

29, 136; iii. 81, 181. 
Gibson, Patrick, ruling elder from the 

presbytery of Strathbogie, iii. 38. 
Gight, Ijog of (Gordon Castle), ii. 216, 

229, 230, 238, 261, 263 ; iii. 211. 
Gight, castle of, ii. 265. 
Gillan, John, bishop of Dunblane, i. 10. 
Gillespie, Mr. George, minister at 

Wemyss, i. 20 ; ii. 46. 
Gilmoir, Mr. John, advocate, iii. 72. 
Gladstone (Glaidstons), Mr. Alexander, 

archdean of St. Andrew's, ii. 45, 51 : 

iii. 236. 



Glamniis, John, tenth lord, ii, 253. See 

Kinghorn, earl of. 
Glamrais (Glames), minister at, ii. 5, 
98 ; iii. 37. 

Glasgow, i. 36, 38, 40, 44, 45,51, 56, 62, 
70,98,99, 104, 106, 107,110,115, 
119, 120, 127, 129, 130, 131, 132, 
133, 134, 135, 139, 144, 147, 151, 
155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 161, 162, 
168, 169, 170, 171, 177, 179, 183, 
184, 190 ; ii. 3, 5, 10, 11, 27, 30, 31, 
32, 34, 35, 36, 39, 40, 41, 43, 44, 45, 
48, 49, 50, 52, 54, 85, 91, 98, 100, 
102, 105, 108, 110, 111, 112, 113, 
128, 131, 133, 138, 139, 140, 146, 
147, 148, 149, 153, 158, 162, 163, 
167, 169, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 
177, 181, 186, 191, 195, 211, 220, 
222, 224 ; iii. 11, 12, 17, 23, 24, 27, 
28, 34, 35, 36, 39, 40, 41, 43, 44, 46, 
47, 49, 50, 51, 61, 63, 68, 79, 98, 156, 
176, 182, 185, 213, 214, 215, 221, 
224, 225, 229, 230, 247, 250. 

Glasgow, archbishop of. See Lindsay, 
Patrick ; Spottiswoode, John; (titular) 
Montgomery, Robert. 

Glasgow, university of, i, 156, 169; ii. 
5, 162, 163; iii. 221. 

Glass, minister at, iii. 38. 

Glassford, minister at, i. 141, 168 ; ii. 
56, 151. 

Gleg, James, teacher of Latin at Dun- 
dee, iii. 236. 

Glencairn, William, ninth earl of, i. 109- 

Glenfiddich, iii. 211. 

Glenkindie, laird of, iii. 72. 

Glenlivet, ii. 261. 

Glenlyon, laird of, iii. 50. 

Glenrinnes, iii. 72. 

Glenylla, ii. 5 ; iii. 37, 165. 

Gloucester, Henry, duke of (son of 
King Charles I.), iii. 158, 214. 

Gogar, laird of, i. 127. 

Gordon. See Huntly. 

Gordon, Lord Adam, of Achndown (son 
of George, first marquis of Huntly), 
ii. 256. 

Gordon, Sir Alexander, of Cluny, i. 

153 ; ii. 134, 216, 236, 237 ; iii. 218, 

Gordon, Alexander, of Earlston, ii. 28. 
Gordon, Alexander, of Carneborrow, ii. 

Gordon Castle. See Gight, bog of. 
Gordon, lord Charles (first earl of 

Aboyne), ii. 238. 
Gordon, dame Elisabeth. See Ward- 
house, ladj'of. 
Gordon, George, lord (son of George, 

second marquis of Huntly), i. 96 ; ii. 

215, 216, 227, 235, 238 ; iii. 201. 
Gordon, Sir George, younger of Gight, 

ii. 2, 15, 259, 265. 
Gordon, George, iii. 49. 
Gordon, George, burgess of Aberdeen, 

iii. 197. 
Gordon, Sir George, elder of Gight, iii. 

Gordon, George, of Newtone of Culsa- 

mond, iii. 202, 203. 
Gordon, Gilbert, of Sallagh, ii. 266, 278, 

Gordon, lady Henrietta (daughter of the 

second marquis of Huntly), ii. 240. 
Gordon, lord Henry (son of the second 

marquis of Huntly), ii. 238. 
Gordon, Mr. James, keeper of the 

signet, Edinburgh, i. 126; iii. 126. 
Gordon, Captain James, ii. 278. 
Gordon, James, parson of Banchory St. 

Devenick, iii. 129. 
Gordon, Lady Jane (countess of Had- 
dington), ii.240; iii. 262. 
Gordon, John, of Rothiemay, i. 53. 
Gordon, Dr. John, minister at Elgin, i. 

Gordon, John, of Carsphairn, ii. 157. 
Gordon, Sir John, of Haddo, baronet, ii. 

215, 256, 259; iii. 199, 200, 246. 
Gordon, John, of Fechill (second son 

of Robert Gordon of Straloch), ii. 
Gordon, John, of Inshstomack, in Strath- 
bogie, ii. 279- 
Gordon, Lord Ludovick (third marquis 
of Huntly), ii. 238, 261. 


Gordon, Major Nathaniel, of Ardlogie, 
ii. 275. 

Gordon, Patrick, of Cluny, his Abridge- 
ment of Britanes Distemper quoted, 
ii. 206, 268. 

Gordon, Sir Robert, of Gordonston, i. 
58,59, 109; ii. 206. 

Gordon, Robert, of Straloch, ii. 219, 
221, 230, 232, 233, 260,261,262; 
iii. 210. 

Gordon, Sir Thomas, of Cluny, iii. 71. 

Gordon, Dr. William, professor of me- 
dicine in The King's College, ii. 154, 
219, 221 ; iii. 128, 209. 

Gordon, William, of Arradowle, ii. 280. 

Gorgeine, Mr. John, bailie of Montrose, 
iii. 37. 

Gorthie, estate of, ii. 138. 

Gorum, Donald. See M'Donald, Sir 

Grabe, Dr., quoted, iii. 252. 

Graham, David, of Fintry, ii. 5 ; iii. 37. 

Graham, George, of Gorthie, bishop of 
Orkney, ii. 134, 138 ; iii. 43, 44, 49. 

Graham, John, bailie of Montrose, 
ii. 5. 

Graham, Mr. Patrick, minister at Holme, 
iii. 44. 

Graham, Sir Robert, of Morphie, i. 82, 
109 ; iii. 38. 

Grant, Sir James, of Freuchie, ii. 206. 

Grant, James, of Carron (the outlaw), ii. 
235,236, 267, 268; iii. 71. 

Grant, John, of Carron, ii. 267. 

Grant, John, of Ballandallache, ii. 267. 

Gray, of Scheves, i. 45. 

Gray, Mr. Tliomas, burgess of Aber- 
deen, iii. 197. 

Gregor, The Clan, ii. 181. 

Gregory, Mr. John, minister at Drum- 
oak, iii. 198, 199,226, 244. 

Greig, Mr. Walter, minister at Balme- 
rino, i. 127. 

Grotius, Hugo, ii. 7, 170. 

Guild, Dr. William, principal of The 
King's College, i. 69, 70, 83, 84, 88, 
154; ii. 6, 28, 129, 161, 162,226; 
iii. 130, 131, 218, 224, 226, 236. 

Guirke, Donald. See Cameron, Donald. 

Gunn, Colonel William, ii. 266, 269, 
270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 276, 
277, 278, 279, 280, 282; iii. 160. 

Guthrie, in Angus, ii. 139. 

Guthrj', Henry, minister of Stirling, after- 
ward bishop of Dunkeld, iii. 221, 222. 

Guthry, Mr. James, minister at Stirling, 
i. 82. 

Guthry, John, of That Ilk, bishop of 
Murray, ii. 138, 139, 140, 144, 202, 
209, 249, 268, 281 ; iii. 158, 166, 
205, 213, 243. 

Guthry, Mr. John, parson of Duifus, 
iii. 226, 247. 

Hadington, iii. 4, 81. 

Haddington, Thomas, second earl of, 
i. 73, 108, 110; ii. 26, 31, 44, 240; 
iii. 128, 261, 262. 

Haddo, (Haddoch, Hadda), ii. 215,256, 
259; iii. 199, 200, 246. See Gor- 
don, Sir John, of Haddo. 

Haddo house. See Kellie in Buchan. 

Hailes, Sir David Dalrymple, lord, ii. 
97, 133, 206 ; iii. 89, 246. 

Haldane (Haddin), Archibald, of Glen- 
eagles, ii. 209. 

Haldane (Haddin), George, writer, ii.21 0. 

Halkerton (Hackerton), laird of, i. 109. 

Halyburton, Mr. George, minister at 
Glenylla, ii. 5, 29 ; iii. 37. 

Hall, Dr. Joseph, bishop of Norwich, ii. 
47, 48; iii. 44, 155. 

Halliburton, Mr. George, minister at 
Crail, ii. 95, 96. 

Halliburton, George, of Keillor, ii. 96, 

Hamilton,!. 123, 124, 156; ii. 266. 

Hamilton, Colonel Alexander, ii. 208, 
228; iii. 128. 

Hamilton, Lady Anne Cunningham, 
marchioness of, ii. 250. 

Hamilton, Mr. George, minister at Nu- 
burne, i. 127. 

Hamilton, James, third marquis and 
first duke of, i. 27, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 
65, 66, 67, 68, 70, 73, 74, 78, 82, 96, 



97, 98, 103, 108, 139, 140, 141, 183, 
184; ii. 26, 31, 96, 100, 113, 118, 
126, 168, 172, 174, 181, 186, 187, 
196, 197, 205, 218, 219, 248, 249, 
250, 251, 253, 254, 265, 266, 270, 
282; iii. 5, 10, 50, 62, 83, 91, 105, 

107, 108, 113, 114, 115, 136. 
Hamilton, Mr. James, minister at Dum- 
fries, ii. 28. 

Hamilton, Sir James, iii. 24. 
Hamilton, Sir John, of Orbestoun, lord 
justice clerk, i. 27, 36, 58, 59, 73, 

108, 111 ; ii. 27, 31. 

Hamilton, John, of Boghall, i. 127, 129. 
Hamilton, Sir Patrick, of Little Pres- 

toune, iii. 181. 
Hamilton, Dr. Robert, minister at Glass- 
ford, i. 141, 143, 160, 168 ; ii. 56, 57, 

97, 100, 131, 149, 151. 
Hamilton, Mr. Robert, minister at Les- 

mahago, ii. 151. 
Hamilton, Mr. William, i. 1 27. 
Hamilton, William, burgess of Linlith- 
gow, iii. 182. 
Hampton Court, i. 42, 135; iii. 108, 

111, 115. 
Hanna, Dr. George, dean of Edinburgh, 

Hannay, Mr. George, minister at Alves, 

iii. 207, 247. 
Hartfell, James, first earl of, i. 62 ; ii. 

101, 252. 
Harthill, laird of, ii. 259- 
Harper, , father of Martin Van 

Trump, admiral of Holland, iii. 84. 
Harvye, Mr. Francis, ii. 143. 
Haughton, (Hauchtowne), laird of, iii. 

Hay, Sir Alexander, secretary, ii. 41. 
Hay, Sir John, clerk-register, i. 73, 74, 

75, 108, 110, 142, 188 ; ii. 27, 31. 
Hay, Mr. John, minister at RafFert, ii. 6, 

29, 58. 
Hay, Mr. Walter, ii. 139. 
Hay, Sir William, of Delgaty, ii. 258. 
Hay, Mr. William, depute-clerk-regis- 

ter, iii. 122, 124. 
Heburne, Adam, of Humbj', iii. 184. 

Hempseede, Mr. Walter, minister at 
Auchterless, iii. 203. 

Hempsyd, George, bailie of Cullen, 
iii. 38. 

Henderson, Mr. Alexander, minister at 
Edinburgh, i. 10, 17, 18, 43, 82, 88, 
143, 191 ; ii. 149, 154, 158, 169, 173, 
202; iii. 3, 11, 22, 38, 39, 57, 64, 

Henderson, Sir John, iii. 86, 162. 

Henderson, Mr. Patrick, reader at Edin- 
burgh, i. 22. 

Henderson, Mr. Robert, ii. 28. 

Hepburn, Sir Patrick, of Waughton, ii. 
96; iii. 113, 181. 

Hereford, Dr. Nicolas Monk, bishop of, 
ii. 266. 

Herries, John, eighth lord, ii. 196. 

Hervye, Mr. James, minister at New 
Machar, i. 154. 

Hilltoun, laird of, iii. 199, 200. 

Holme, in Orkney, iii. 44. 

Holland, Henry, first earl of, ii. 195 ; iii. 
4, 5, 6, 7, lb, 11, 107. 

Holyroodhouse, i. 4, 24, 67, 68, 70, 72, 
73, 96, 106, 108, 125, 168, 174; ii. 
52, 161, 162, 209, 212; iii. 55. 

Home (Hume), James, earl of, i. 32, 109, 
123; ii. 39, 146. 

Hooper, John, bishop of Gloucester, ii. 

Hope, Sir Thomas, lord advocate, i. 12, 
14, 73, 108, 109, 110; ii. 202, 209; 
iii. 72, 181. 

Hope, Sir Thomas, of Carse, iii. 1 82. 

Howistoun, Mr. John, minister at Kirk- 
hill, ii. 6. 

Hull, iii. 159. 

Humby, laird of, iii. 184. 

Hume, Lieutenant Colonel, iii. 256. 

Hume, Sir David, of Wedderburne, iii. 

Hume, Sir John, iii. 6. 

Hunter, David, provost of Forfar, ii. 
5 ; iii. 37. 

Huntly, Lady Anne Campbell, marchio- 
ness of, i. 70. 

Huntly, George, fourth earl of, i. 57. 



Huntly, George, first marquis of, i. 48 ; 
ii. 41. 

Huntlv, George, second marquis of, i. 
33, 34, 48, 49, 50, 51, 60, 61, 69, 70, 
82, 84, 86, 90, 109, 122, 135, 140, 
155; ii. 114, 157, 196, 197, 198,205, 

206, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 
216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 
223, 224, 225, 226, 228, 229, 230, 
231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 
238, 239, 240, 254, 255, 256, 257, 
260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 267, 
270, 280, 282, 283; iii. 26, 67, 71, 
72, 159, 160, 163, 164, 201, 203, 
210, 211, 212, 225, 231, 253, 262. 

Huntly, Lady Henrietta Stewart, mar- 
chioness of, iii. 211, 214. 

Huntly, minister at, ii. 5. See Dunben- 
nan and Kinore. 

Hutcliieson, Mr. George, moderator of 
tlie presbytery of Edinburgli, iii. 208. 

Hya, isle of, (lona or Icolmkill), ii. 143. 

Hyde, Edward, iii. 147. See Clarendon, 
earl of. 

Hynd, Mr. James, minister at Kirkwall, 
iii. 44. 

Inchbrakt, laird of, ii. 138. 
Inch-Colm. See Colm, Inch. 
Inch-Keith. See Keith, Inch. 
Inglis, Mr. Alexander, minister at St. 

Vigeans, iii. 37. 
Inglis, Mr. George, burgess of Arbroath, 

iii. 37- 
Inglis (Inglishe), Mr. Richard, ii. 39, 

Inglishton, laird of. See English, David. 
Innerpeffer, lord. See Fletcher, Sir 

Innerwicke, laird of. See Maxwell, 

Innes, Mr. Alexander, minister at Rc- 

thiemay, ii. 283 ; iii. 204, 205, 206, 

207, 208, 209, 228. 

Innes, Sir Robert, of That Ilk, i. 109 ; 

ii. 215, 234, 263; iii. 224. 
Innes, Walter, ruling elder from the 

presbytery of Aberlour, iii. 38. 

Insch, in The Garioch, iii. 209- 

Inshdrure, house of, iii. 253, 254, 255. 

Inshgarvy, iii. 140. 

Inshstomack, in Strathbogie, ii. 279. 

Inverkeithny, iii. 204. 

Inverness, ii. 6, 48 ; iii. 38, 205. 

Inverness, presbytery of, ii. 6, 161 ; iii. 

Inverury, ii. 6, 210, 215, 217, 220, 221, 

225, 227, 228, 229, 230, 232, 234, 

235, 237. 
lona, or Icolmkill. See Hya, isle of. 
Irving (Irvine), Mr. Alexander, ii. 226. 
Irving (Irvine), Sir Alexander, of Drum, 

i. 61, 109, 110, 122; ii. 215, 226, 

233, 255 ; iii. 197, 199, 200. 
Irving (Irvine), Robert, of Fedderett, 

ii. 226; iii. 199, 200. 
Isla, river of, (in Angus), ii. 234. 
Isla, Strath. See Strath Isla. 
Island, Holy, iii. 15. 
Isles, The, ii. 53, 142, 149, 163; iii. 232. 
Isles, The, bishop of. See Campbell, 

Neill ; Leslie, John. 
Isles, West, ii. 143; iii. 132. 

Jaffray, Alexander, of Kingswells, pro- 
vost of Aberdeen, ii. 224, 226 ; iii. 

Jaffray, Mr. William, minister at New 
Deer, iii. 38. 

James I. of Scotland, ii. 93, 179- 

James H. of Scotland, ii. 178; iii. 118. 

James III. of Scotland, ii. 216. 

James IV. of Scotland, ii. 34, 37, 93, 
155, 184. 

James VI. of Scotland, i. 4, 6, 8, 29, 
38, 39, 40, 42, 45, 47, 48, 53, 55, 
103, 105, 108, 113, 117, 121, 126, 
130, 144, 161, 165, 169, 176; ii. 9, 
34, 36, 40, 43, 44, 51, 91, 105, 114, 
120, 125, 130, 156, 178, 179, 181, 
184, 185, 199 ; iii. 37, 66, 67, 68, 
89, 100, 110, 118, 119, 120, 124, 
134, 142, 196, 230, 236. 

Jaraesoun, George, burgess of Aber- 
deen, ii. 219; iii. 197. 

Jedburgh, ii. 153, 163; iii. 6, 176, 182. 



Jedburgh, presbytery of, ii. 131. 

Johnston, Sir Archibald, lord Warris 
toun, i.27, 33,68,77, 111, 115, 122 
145, 146, 147, 158 ; ii. 5, 31, 32, 85 
96, 97, 98, 104, 109, 118, 122, 148 
167, 168, 177, 246; iii. 11, 22, 5) 
178, 184, 225. 

Johnston, Dr. Arthur, i. 84; ii. 134 
iii. 210, 237, 238, 243. 

■Johnston, Christian, wife of George 
Johnston of That Ilk, iii. 210. 

.Johnston, George, bailie of Aberdeen, 
iii. 197. 

Johnston, George, of That Ilk, iii. 210. 

.Johnston, James, first lord Johnston. 
See Hartfell, earl of. 

.Johnston, Robert, of Crimond, provost 
of Aberdeen, ii. 257. 

Johnston, Saint, ii. 145, 205. See 

Johnston, Dr. William, professor of ma- 
thematics in The Marischal College, 
i. 84; ii. 219, 220, 221 ; iii. 209, 210, 

.Johnston, lieutenant-colonel William, ii. 

257, 258, 259, 265, 269, 272, 273, 
276, 277, 278, 280, 282. 

Keig, minister at, ii. 6. 

Keillor, laird of. See Halliburton, 

Keir, laird of, i. 158 ; ii. 28, 97, 100 ; 

iii. 57, 113, 181. 
Keith, minister at, ii. 5, 139; iii. 89, 

21.3, 236. 
Keith-Inch, ii. 249; iii. 119. 
Keith, Robert, bishop of Fife, i. 10 ; 

ii. 138, 139, 140, 141 ; iii. 231, 232. 
Keith, Sir William, of Ludquharne, ii. 

258, 259. 

Kellie (in Buchan), ii. 215. 

Kelly (in Angus), House of, ii. 234 ; 
iii. 165. 

Kelso, iii. 67. 

Kelso Abbey, i. 29. 

JCemnaj', ii. 229. 

Kempt, Mr. John, preacher in Aber- 
deen, iii. 240. 

Kennedy, John, of Kermuck, constable 

of Aberdeen, ii. 5. 
Keppoch, house of, iii. 164. 
Ker, laird of, i. 153. 
Kermuck, laird of, ii. 5. 
Kerr, Mr. John, minister at Salt Pres- 
ton, i. 77, 143. 
Kerr, John, professor of Greek in The 

King's College, iii. 244. 
Kerr, Sir Thomas, ii. 39, 131, 146. 
Kilconquhar (Kinnocher), ii. 134. 
Kildrummy, ii. 229. 
Kildrummy, minister at, iii. 38. 
Killala, see of, i. 4. 
Killeith, laird of, ii. 126. 
Kilpatrick, minister at, ii. 57, 137. 
Kilwining, minister at, i. 168; ii. 49; 

iii. 153. 
Kinbettock. See Towie. 
Kincardine O'Neil, ii. 48, 134, 135. 
Kincardine O'Neil, presbytery of, ii. 6, 

161 ; iii. 38. 
Kinghorn, ii. 154, 207. 
Kinghorn, John, earl of, i. 73, 108, 109, 

110; ii. 26, 27, 31, 127, 214, 215, 

227, ' 228, 232, 234, 246 ; iii. 38, 

165. See Glammis, earl of. 
Kininvie, family of, iii. 231. 
Kinnaird (in Fife), family of, iii. 235. 
Kinnoul, George, second earl of, i. 73, 

108, 110; ii. 27, 31; iii. 24. 
Kinore. See Huntly. 
Kintore, ii. 215, 229, 230, 267, 268. 
Kirkcudbright, ii. 28, 153, 157, 163. 
Kirkcudbright, Robert, first lord, iii. 

Kirkhill (or Wardlaw), minister at, ii. 6. 
Kirktoun, St. Andrew's, minister at, ii. 

Kirkwall, ii. 98, 163 ; iii. 44, 221. 
Kirriemuir, minister at, ii. 5 ; iii. 37- 
Knowles (Knolls), Mr. Christopher, ii. 

Knox, John, 1. 39; ii. 106, 108, 109, 

129, 130, 144; iii. 41. 
Kynninmount, Mr. Alexander, minister 

at Kirriemuir, ii. 5 ; iii. 37. 
Kynmundie, laird of, iii. 237. 



Lamb, Andrew, bishop of Galloway, i. 5. 
Lamb (or Lawmont), Mr. Andrew, ii. 

Lambeth, the primate's palace at, iii. 

Lammingtoune, family of, iii. 159. 
Lammy, Mr. Silvester, minister at Glani- 

mis, ii. 5, 97, 98 ; iii. 37. 
Lanark, i. 45. 

Lanark, minister at, i. 68 ; iii. 39. 
Laneriek, lord, iii. 264. 
Langtoune, laird of, i. 127. 
Languet, Hubert, ii. 170. 
Large, laird of, iii. 259. 
Laswade, in Lothian, minister at, ii. 141. 
Laud, Dr. William, archbishop of Can- 
terbury, i. 3, 12, 50 : ii. 60, 76, 82, 

133, i95; iii. 107, 153, 241. See 

Canterbury, archbishop of. 
Lauderdale, John, second earl (after- 
wards duke) of, i. 27, 73, 108, 109, 

110, 144; ii. 27, 31, 66. 
Laurencekirk (Conveth), minister at, ii. 

5 ; iii. 38. 
Law, Thomas, minister at Elgin, iii. 

Lawers, laird of, i. 109 ; ii- 145. 
Learmont, Sir James, of Balcomby, 

i. 109. 
Legatsden, ii. 231, 236. 
Leightoune, laird of, i. 127- 
Leith, i. 66, 67 ; ii. 51, 140, 207, 249, 

250, 252; iii. 26, 28, 29, 34, 99, 143, 

Leith, Patrick, in Kirktoun of Raine, 

iii. 245. 
Lekkey, laird of, iii. 223. 
Lemnian, William, one of the elders of 

Rothiemay, iii. 204. 
Lennox, Catherine (countess of Aber- 

corn), duchess of, i. 18, 68. 
Lennox, Esme, first duke of, i. 39- 
Lennox, Esme, third duke of, i. 18. 
Lennox, James, fourth duke of, i. 18, 

62, 68. 
Leochel, church of St. Marnan, at, iii. 

Leslie, Charles, the non-juror, iii. 232. 

Leslie, Dr. Henry, bishop of Down and 
and Connor, i. 8, 9 ; ii. 81, 204. 

Leslie, George, commonly called Father 
Archangel, iii. 246. 

Leslie, John, bishop of Clogher, iii. 

Leslie, Sir John, of Wardhouse, ii. 134. 

Leslie, laird of, iii. 50, 72, 182. 

Leslie, Dr. William, principal of The 
King's College, i. 9, 10, 83; ii. 226; 
iii. 129, 226, 231, 232, 257. 

Lesly, Sir Alexander (afterwards earl of 
Leven), i. 37, 127 ; ii. 205, 209, 226. 
227, 228, 234, 235, 252, 253, 255, 
279 ; iii. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 27, 159, 181. 
245, 254, 255, 257, 258, 259, 261. 

Lesly, John, of Neuton, i. 127; ii. 151. 

Lesly, Mr. George, ii. 29. 

Lesly, Mr. George, iii. 160, I6l, 162. 

Lesly, Sir Patrick, provost of Aberdeen, 
ii. 166; iii. 130, 167, 215. 

Lesmahago, minister at, ii. 151. 

L'Estrange, Hammond, iii. 11, 261. 

Lethintye, house of, iii. 201. 

Leuchars, minister at, i. 10, 143 ; ii. 

Leys, laird of. See Burnet, Sir Thomas. 

Leyth, Malcom, mariner, Leyth, iii. 202. 

Lhanbryde, ii. 263. 

Libertoune, laird of, ii. 144. 

Lightowne, Mr. James, minister at Dun, 
iii. 37. 

Lilburn, John, iii. 157. 

Lindsay, Alexander, bishop of Dunkeld. 
ii. 95, 145, 150, 163 ; iii. 49. 

Lindsay, Dr. David, bishop of Edin- 
burgh, i. 7, 20, 95; ii. 44, 131. 

Lindsay, Mr. David, minister at Bel- 
helvie, i. 85, 154 ; ii. 6, 28, 98, 134 ; 
iii. 38, 49,50, 129, 130, 224. 

Lindsay, John, Lord, (earl of Crawford- 
Lindsay), i.27, 32, 68, 109, 122, 123. 
170; ii. 95, 96, 163, 196; iii. 24^ 

Lindsay, Mr. John, minister at Aber- 
lemno, ii. 5 ; iii. 37. 

Lindsay, Patrick, archbishop of Glas- 
gow, ii. 102, 131, 139, 140. 



Linlithgow, i. 20, 28, 29, 32, 90 ; ii. 22, 
39, 40, 41, 52 ; iii. 40, 46, 47, 81, 
113, 182. 
Linlitligow, earl of, i.73, 108, 109, 110; 

ii. 26, 31; iii. 123, 159. 
Lismore, or Lissmoir, see of, ii. 141. 
See Argyle, and The Isles. 

Little, , barber in Edinburgh, iii. 

Livingston (Levistoune), Mr. John, mi- 
nister of Stranraer, ii. 28. 
Livingston (Levistoune), laird of, i. 

Livingston, Mr. William, minister at 

Lanark, i. 68, 143 ; iii. 39. 
Lochaber, i. 61 ; ii. 159, 206, 218, 267 ; 

iii. 163, 164. 
Lochiel, laird of, ii. 205, 206. 
Lockhart of Lee, i. 109. 
Logie, Mr. Andrew, parson of Rayne, 
and archdeacon of Aberdeen, i. 145, 
153 ; ii. 5 ; iii. 226, 245, 246. 
Logie, captain John, iii. 246. 
Logie, Mr. John, iii. 247. 
London, i. 3, 8, 18, 19, 31, 37, 57, 59, 
90, 95, 176; ii. 7, 41, 49, 59, 98, 
100, 109, 133, 156, 169, 170, 176, 
195, 198, 202, 239, 281; iii. 8, 11, 
17, 18, 19, 26, 28, 31, 71, 77, 78, 81, 
82, 83, 86, 89, 90, 91, 93, 106, 107, 
108, 116, 124, 127, 132, 1.33, 135, 
142, 147, 150, 153, 154, 157, 173, 
184, 185, 189, 190, 196, 202, 214, 
224, 234, 237, 238, 240, 241, 242. 
London, George Abbot, bishop of, ii. 41. 
London, tower of, iii. 124, 153. 
Lorn, ii. 204. 

Lorn, lord. See Argylle, marquis of. 
Lothian, earl of, i. 109, 122, 123; ii. 

41, 158, 166; iii. 81, 112, 181. 
Loudon, John Campbell, first earl of, i. 
27, 30, 43, 68, 109, 122, 123, 140, 
142, 151, 155, 170, 187, 188, 192; 
ii. 28, 102, 110, 128, 131 ; iii. 6, 8, 
11, 13, 22,57,76,77,79, 109, 111, 
113, 116, 124, 134, 138, 141, 142, 
144, 147, 153, 158, 190. 
Loudon, Margaret, lady, iii. 181. 

Lovat, lord, i. 109 ; ii. 234, 262. 

Lower, John, lord, iii. 181. 

Lowesk (Lowess), in the parish of Rayne, 
ii. 229, 230, 232. 

Ludquharne, laird of, ii. 258, 259- 

Lumsden, Matthew, of Tilliecairn, ii. 
48 ; iii. 203. 

Lundy, John, of Lundy, i. 127. 

Lundy, Mr. John, professor of huma- 
nity in The King's College, i. 155 ; 
ii. 6, 154, 155, 157, 228 ; iii. 225. 

Lyon, James, laird of Aldbarr, i. 109; 
"ii. 5, 28, 127, 134, 228; iii. 37. 

Lyon, Mr. Patrick, ii. 5. 

Macdonald, Sir Donald, of Sleat, sur- 

nained Gorme Oig, ii. 196. 
Machar, New, i. 154. 
Machar, Saint, church of, at Old Aber- 
deen, iii. 227, 229. 
Mackaile, M attliew, ii. 4. 
Mackenzie, Sir John, of Tarbott, ii. 152. 
Mackenzie, Mr. Colin, iii. 247- 
Mackenzie, Mr. Thomas, archdeacon of 

Ross, i. 153, 155; ii. 5, 152. 
Mackgie, Mr. James, son to Sir Patrick 

Mackgie of Large, iii. 259. 
Mackgie, Sir Patrick, of Large, iii. 259. 
Mackgill, Mr. Patrick, ii. 5. 
Mackgillivorich, Mr. Donald, ii. 29. 
Mackgregor, laird of, ii. 268. 
Mackgregor, Patrick, brother to the 

laird of Mackgregor, ii. 268. 
Mackgrigour, John, ii. 235, 236, 267 ; 
iii. 71, 72. See Geare, Dow, John. 
Macklellan, Mr. James, minister at Kirk- 
cudbright, ii. 28. 
Macklellan, Mr. John, i. 145. 
Mackmath, Mr. John, minister at Chirn- 

side, ii. 143. 
Mackrandall, chief of the Clan Ranald 

of Lochaber, iii. 164. 
Madoes, St. ii. 146, 150, 163. 
Maitland, Mr. Richard, minister at 
Aberchirder, ii. 139 ; iii. 207, 226, 
246, 247. 
Makduff, Alexander, pastor of the 
Scotish Church at Campvere, iii. 234. 



Makgie, Mr. John, ii. J32. 

Makgill, Mr. John, parson of Flisk, i. 127. 

Malcohn, James, burgess of Edinburgh, 
ii. 4. 

Manner, laird of, iii. 182. 

Marischall, Lady Mary Erskyne, coun- 
tess of, iii. 160. 

Marischall, William, seventh earl, i. 61, 
84, 89, 108, 109, 110; ii. 214, 215, 
219, 227, 229, 236, 246, 253, 259, 
260, 261, 262, 269, 270, 271, 275, 
278,279, 281 ; iii. 15, 160, 161, 162, 
168, 198, 201, 211, 214, 216, 226, 
233, 255. 

Marnan, Saint, ii. 139. See Aberchir- 
der and Leochel. 

Marnoch, i. 58; ii. 139. See Aber- 

Marr, John, eighth earl of, i. 68, 73, 82, 
108, 110 ; ii. 3, 26, 27 ; iii. 8, 197. 

Marr, John, ninth earl of, ii. 3. 

Martin, Mr. Alexander, minister at Old 
Deer, ii. 6, 29, 133. 

Martin, Mr. James, minister at Peter- 
head, ii. 6, 28, 133 ; iii. 38, 224. 

Martin, Mr. John, ii. 97. 

Marv, Queen of Scots, i. 55 ; ii. 207, 
252; iii. 173. 

Maule (MauUl), Patrick, of Panmure, i. 
50, 109; ii. 198. 

Maunderlee, hill of, i. 58. 

Maxwell, James, of Innerwicke, i. 50, 
109; ii. 198. 

Maxwell, Dr. John, bishop of Ross, i. 
4, 8, 9, 60, 168; ii. 102, 134, 170; 
iii. 204. 

Maxwell, Richard, sadler in Edinburgh, 
i. 127, 129; iii. 182. 

Maxwell, Mr. William, minister at Dun- 
bar, ii. 50. 

Maybole, minister at, i. 147 ; iii. 39. 

Mayen, family of Abernethy of, i. 45. 

M'Kenzie, Mr. Murdoch, minister at 
Elgin, iii. 208. 

M'Kenzie, Thomas, of Pluscardyne, ii. 
215; iii. 38. 

M'Ward, Robert, minister at Glasgow, 
i. 21. 

Mearns, presbytery of The, ii. 5, 160 ; 
iii. 38. 

Megrav (Meagre), hill of, ii. 272, 

Meigle (Meggill), ii. 5, 160; iii. 37. 

Meithlick, minister at, iii. 38. 

Meldrum, Old. See Oldmeldrum. 

Melvill, Andrew, i. 162; ii. 98, 111 ; 
iii. 245. 

Melvill, David, bookseller in Aberdeen, 
iii. 245. 

Melvill, John, lord, i. 127. 

Menzeis, Mr. William, ii. 29, 145. 

Menzies, George, master of kirk-work 
in Aberdeen, iii. 215. 

Menzies, Sir Gilbert, of Pitfoddels, i. 
53 ; ii. 215, 226, 233, 234, 235, 236, 
255, 266 ; iii. 252. 

Menzies, Sir Paul, provost of Aber- 
deen, iii. 237. 

Mercer, Thomas, iii. 227. 

Merse, The, iii. 186. 

Methven, minister at, i. 50, 147 ; ii. 
145, 198. 

Middleburg, i. 21 ; iii. 234. 

Middleton, Mr. Alexander, regent in 
The King's College, ii. 226. 

Middleton, lieutenant-colonel John (af- 
terwards earl of Middleton), ii. 279, 

Middleton, Thomas, author of the Ap- 
pendix to Spottiswoode's History, i. 
10 ; iii. 129, 2.35, 242. 

Mill, Mr. Andrew, minister at Fetter- 
esso, ii. 5 ; iii. 38. 

Mitchell, David, bishop of Aberdeen, i. 
8, 9, 124, 125; ii. 45, 49,51. 

Mitchell, Mr. Thomas, minister at Tur- 
riff, i. 85 ; ii. 6, 28, 135, 258, 260 ; 
iii. 38, 203, 204, 224. 

Mitchellson, Mrs., the Shee Prophetesse, 
i. 131, 132. 

Monaltry, laird of, ii. 261 ; iii. 126. 

Moncreiff, Mr. John, ii. 97, 127- 

Moncrieff, laird of, ii. 145. 

Monk, general, ii. 266. 

Monk, Dr. Nicholas, provost of Eaton, 
and bishop of Hereford, ii. 266. 



Monro, Mr. David, ii. 29. 

Montague, Richard, bisliop of Norwicli, 
ii. 78. 

Montague, Mr. Walter, iii. 108. 

Monteitli, Robert, of Salmonet, i. 18 ; 
ii. 194, 268; iii. 18. 

Montgomery, Hugh, lord, i. 68, 127 ; 
iii. 8. 

Montgomery, Robert, titular archbishop 
of Glasgow, i. 179; ii. 33, 111, 112, 

Montrose, i. 127- 167; ii. 5, 13, 21, 29, 
149, 164, 184, 208, 219, 221, 222, 
223; iii. 37, 182. 

Montrose, James, marquis of, i. 33, 68, 
82, 84, 85, 86, 96, 109, 115, 123, 151, 
152; ii. 152, 205, 209, 211, 212, 213, 
214, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 
221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 
228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 
235, 237, 238, 253, 255, 263, 264, 
265, 266, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 
274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 281, 
282; iii. 8, 15, 37, 57, 98, 160, 164, 
165, 181,257. 

Montrose, John, third earl of, ii. 111. 

Montrose, John, fourth earl of, ii. 43. 

Montrose, Old, ii. 220, 221, 223. 

Monyfooth, minister at, ii. 5 ; iii. 37. 

Monymusk, minister at, iii. 241. 

Moray. See Murray. 

More, Mr. William, bailie of Aberdeen, 
iii. 182. 

Moresoun, George, burgess of Aber- 
deen, ii. 219, 221; iii. 197. 

Morphie, laird of, i. 82, 109 ; iii. 38. 

Mortimer, Alexander, ii. 141. 

Morton, William, seventh earl of, i. 73 ; 
iii. 22, 132. 

Mortoun, Mr., ii. 99. 

Mortoun, Dr. Thomas, bishop of Dur- 
ham, ii. 197. 

Mosley, Dr. John, iii. 3, 4. 

Mowat, Mr. Roger, advocate, iii. 72. 

Moy, iii. 38, 207. 

Moyll, Mr. John, in deacon's orders at 
Dundee, ii. 158. 

Moynes, laird of, ii. 206. 

Muchalls in Mar, (Castle Fraser), the 

place of, ii. 214, 215. 
Muchalls, lord. See Fraser, Andrew, 

second lord. 
Muchalls in The Mearns, castle of, i. 

88, ; ii. 270. 
Muiresk, house of, iii. 253. 
Munro, colonel Robert, i. 49 ; ii. 139, 

204; iii. 6, 159, 160, 166, 167, 168, 

169, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 

202, 203, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214, 

235, 236, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255. 
Murray, bishop of. See Guthrie, John. 
Murray, Sir Andrew, Lord Balvaird, 

minister at Ebdy in Fife, i. 43, 109, 

Murray, Mr. David, ii. 29. 
Murray, Sir David, iii. 113. 
Murray, James, earl of, the Regent, i. 

Murray, James, third earl of, i. 108, 109. 

110; ii. 26, 31, 234. 
Murray, James, clerk to the general 

assembly at Aberdeen in 1640, iii. 

Murray, Sir Patrick, of Elibank, iii. 181. 
Murray, Mr. Robert, minister at IMeth- 

ven,"i. 50, 147; ii. 145, 198. 
Murray, the sheriff of, ii. 215. 
Murray, Walter, of Levistoun, i. 127. 
Murray, William, of the King's bed- 
chamber, i. 50 ; ii. 198. 
Murray, Sir William, of Blebo, i. 127. 
Mylne, Mr. William, minister at Glass, 

iii. 38. 
Myrtoun, Thomas, of Cambo, iii. 113. 

Nairn, ii. 6, 161. 

Napier, Lord, i. 73, 108, 109, 110; ii. 
27; iii. 81, 112, 181. 

Navar, minister at, iii. 37. 

Nevay, Mr. John (nephew of Mr. An- 
drew Cant), iii. 250. 

Newbottle, ii. 165, 166; iii. 39. 

Newburn, iii. 258, 259, 260, 262, 263. 

Newcastle, i. 168 ; ii. 266 ; iii. 4, 5, 159. 
258, 260, 261, 263. 

New Deer. See Deer, New. 



Newhills, iii. 227. 

New Liston, laird of, i. 127. 

New Machar. See Machar, New. 

New Spynie. See Spynie, New. 

Newton, laird of (Dallyell), i. 109. 

Newton, laird of (Gordon), il. 215, 259. 

See Culsalinond, Newton of. 
Newton, laird of (Lesly), i. 127 ; ii. 151. 
Nicholas, St., church of, at Aberdeen, 

ii. 165; iii. 230. 
Nickolson, Sir Thomas of Carnock, iii. 

Nicol, Mr. John, 145. 
Nicolson, Mr. Thomas, clerk to the 

general assembly, i. 172. 
Nicolson, Thomas, burgess of Aber- 
deen, iii. 197. 
Nisbitt, Philip, ii. 144. 
Nithsdale, Robert Maxwell, earl of, i. 

62; ii. 196, 204, 252 ; iii. 162, 256. 
Northumberland, Algernon, earl of, iii. 

126, 144, 158, 187. 
Norwich, ii. 48, 78, 103 ; iii. 44, 155. 
Nuburne, minister at, i. 127. 

Ochiltree, Andrew, second lord, ii. 1 26. 

Ogilvie, Captain James, i. 18. 

Ogilvie, Mr. Robert, sub-principal of 

The King's College, ii. 226. 
Ogilvy, Sir George, Lord Banff', i. 61 ; 

ii. 211, 214, 215, 234, 255, 256, 259, 

261, 263, 279; iii. 251, 252, 253. 

254, 255. 
Ogilvy, Sir John, of Craig, iii. 166. 
Ogilvy, lady, ii. 234; iii. 165. 
Ogilvy, lord, i. 62, 109 ; ii. 234 ; iii. 

164, 165, 166, 252. 
Ogilvy, , younger of Powery, ii. 

Oldmeldrum, minister at, ii. 6 ; iii. 38. 
Oliphant, lord, ii. 231, 235. 
Oneill, barony of (in Aberdeenshire), 

iii. 228. 
Onwerme, laird of, i. 127. 
Oquendo, Don Antonio d', admiral of 

Spain, iii. 84, 85. 
Orbestoun, i. 27, 36, 58. See Hamilton, 

Sir John. 

Orkney, i. 12, 156; ii. 5, 41,47,48, 
53, 96, 138, 149, 163; iii. 43, 89, 
236, 239. 

Orkney, bishop of. See Baron, Robert ; 
Graham, George ; Sydserf, Thomas. 

Oswell, Mr. John, ii. 29. 

Oxford, ii. 194 ; iii. 240, 241. 

Paisley, i. 18 ; ii. 57 ; iii. 202. 

Panmure, laird of. See Maule. 

Panter, Di-. Patrick, professor of divi- 
nity, and principal of the New Col- 
lege at St. Andrew's, ii. 45. 

Paris, i. 18; ii. 97, 98, 215; iii. 143, 

Paris, university of, ii. 113, 156. 

Paterson, Mr. John, minister at Foveran, 
iii. 49, 224. 

Paterson, Ninian, minister at Liber- 
ton, iii. 229. 

Paterson, Thomas, tailor in Edinburgh, 
ii. 35, 50; iii. 182. 

Peebles, presbytery of, i. 98, 150, 189 ; 
ii. 5, 45. 

Peerson, Mr. Alexander, advocate, i. 
147; ii. 29. 

Peirson, Mr. Robert, minister at Firth, 
in Orknej', iii. 44. 

Pembrocke, earl of, iii. 4, 11, 20, 31, 

Pennington, Sir John, admiral of Eng- 
land, iii. 84. 

Perth, i. 6, 38, 43, 47, 51, 54, 55, 65, 
86, 87, 91, 92, 94, 95, 98, 107, 112, 
114, 116, 1.30, 139, 163, 164, 165, 
172, 181; ii. 12, 19, 39, 40, 44, 51, 
52, 53, 105, 106, 115, 122, 127, 128, 
130, 131, 132, 138, 139, 141, 145, 
146, 167, 176, 182, 218; iii. 40, 43, 
46, 47, 49, 59, 215. 

Perth, earl of, i. 108, 110 ; ii. 26, 31. 

Peter, Mr. John, minister at St. 
Andrew's Kirktoun, in Murray, ii. 

Peterhead, iii. 84. 

Peterhead, minister at, ii. 6, 133; iii. 
38, 224. 

Petry, Mr. Alexander, ii. '29. 



Petrie, William, burgess of Aberdeen, 
iii. 197. 

Philorth, laird of, ii. 6. 

Pitcaple, ii. 231. 

Pitfoddels, laird of. See Menzies, Sir 

Pitmedden, laird of. See Settoii, John. 

Pittodry, laird of, ii. 282. 

Pitsligo, i. 10 ; ii. 6, 165, 166. 

Pitsligo, lord, ii. 259. 

Pluscardyne, laird of. See M'Kenzie, 

Poak, John, drummer in Aberdeen, ii. 

Poeklington, Dr., canon of Windsor and 
prebendary of Peterborough, ii. 78. 

PoUwart, minister at, ii. 39. 

Pont, Mr. Robert, minister in the 
church of St. Cuthbert, at Edin- 
burgh, ii. 112. 

Powery, laird of, ii. 275. 

Porterfield, George, burgess of Glas- 
gow, i. 115, 127; iii. 182. 

Preston, Sir John, of Airdry, i. 127 ; 
ii. 41. 

Preston, Mr. Robert, i. 127. 

Preston, Salt, minister at, i. 77. 

Prestoune, Little, laird of, iii. 181. 

Prynne, William, iii. 52. 

Raban, Edward, printer in Aberdeen, 
iii. 227, 228, 233, 235, 236, 237, 
238, 245, 246. 

Ratford (Raffert), minister at, ii. 6. 

Rait, Mr. David, principal of The King's 
College, ii. 156. 

Raittie (Rattie), place of, iii. 255. 

Ramsay, Andrew, ministerat Edinburgh, 
i. 10, 17, 22, 44, 121, 124, 143, 147, 
156, 188; ii.26, 29, 47,58, 105, 128, 
147, 181 ; iii. 216, 219, 226, 233, 

Ramsay, captain Andrew, ii. 279, 281, 

Ramsay, David, i. 59. 

Ramsay, Sir Gilbert of Balniain, ii. 5, 
279 ; iii. 224. 

Ramsay, Mr. "Thomas, ii. 29. 

Rankine, Mr. John, regent in the Uni- 
versity of Edinburgh, i. 52. 

Rannoch (Rennach), ii. 267. 

Raphoe, bishop of, iii. 232. 

Rathen, kirk of, i. 58. 

Rathven, iii. 227, 229. 

Rayne (Raine), i. 145, 153 ; ii. 5, 230 ; 
iii. 226, 245, 246. 

Reay, Donald, lord, i. 59, 61. 

Reay (Rae), master of, ii. 215. 

Reid, Mr. Alexander, in Kildrummy, ii. 

Reid (Read), Dr. Alexander, professor 
of chirurgery at London, iii. 89. 

Reid (Read), Mr. Alexander, burgess of 
Aberdeen, iii. 197. 

Reid, Alexander, of Pitfoddels, iii. 

Reid, Mr. James, minister at Arbuthnot, 
iii. 38. 

Reid (Read), James, minister at Ban- 
chory St. Ternan, iii. 89. 

Reid (Reed), Mr. Robert, minister at 
Banchory St. Ternan, i. 84. 

Reid (Read), Mr. Thomas, secretary to 
James VI., iii. 89- 

Renfrew, barony of, i. 62. 

Ricardtoun, laird of, i. 127 ; iii. 182. 

Richelieu, cardinal, i. 18; iii. 9, 83, 

Rickart, David, burgess of Aberdeen, 
iii. 197. 

Ridfurd, Mr. John, minister at Towie, 
ii. 6. 

Rigg (Ridge), William, of Athenry, 
burgess of Edinburgh, iii. 113, 218, 
239, 240, 241. 

Riress, laird of, i. 127. 

Ritchie (Richy), Mr. James, clerk to 
the general assembly, i. 172, 173. 

Rivett, Dr. Andrew, professor in Ley- 
den, i. 53. 

Rupert, (Robert) Prince, iii. 83. 

Robertson, Mr. Alexander, minister at 
Cluny, ii. 6. 

Robertson, Mr. John, minister at 
Achterliouse, ii. 5, 39, 161, 162; iii. 



Robertson, Mr. John, minister at Saint 
Johnston, ii. 145. 

Robson, John Gun, ii. 266. 

Rochester, dean of, i. 8, 176. 

Rollock, Mr. Andrew, minister at Dunse, 
ii. 146. 

Rollock, Mr. Harv, minister at Edin- 
burgh, i. 4, 5, 10, 17, 22, 115, 119, 
121, 122, 124, 131, 132; ii. 28, 140, 

Ronnaldsaye, South, minister at, iii. 

Ross, i. 61, 86, 153, 155; ii. 53, 140, 
152, 163, 218 ; iii. 159, 221, 228, 253. 

Ross, Dr. Alexander, minister at Aber- 
deen, i. 9, 10, 83 ; ii. 226 ; iii. 209, 
235, 244. 

Ross, Dr. Alexander, chaplain to King 
Charles I., and master of the free 
school of Southampton, iii. 209. 

Ross, archdeacon of. See Makenzie, 

Ross, bishop of, i. 4, 8, 60, 61, 168, 171 ; 
ii. 95, 102, 134, 136, 149 ; iii. 15, 63, 
83, 204, 230, 235, 237. See Maxwell, 
Dr. John. 

Ross, Mr. Gilbert, ii. 29- 

Ross, Mr. Gilbert, reader in Old Aber- 
deen, ii. 226. 

Ross, Mr. James, minister at Strachan, 
iii. 209. 

Ross, Mr. John, minister at Birse, iii. 
199, 200, 226, 245. 

Rothes, earl of, i. 27, 33, 34, 49, 68, 
109, 123, 124, 140, 141, 155, 159, 
169, 174, 187, 188, 192; ii. 28, 31, 
35, .38, 96, 102, 151 ; iii. 8, 11, 22, 
51,57, 98, 181. 

Rothes, minister at, iii. 208. 

Rothiemay, i. 44, 45. 

Rothiemay, laird of, i. 53. 

Rothiemay, minister at, ii. 283 ; iii. 204, 
205, 206, 207, 208, 228. 

Rothsay, presbytery of, i. 153, 156. 

Row, Mr. John, minister at Carnock, i. 
147; ii. 127, 134. 

Roxburgh, earl of, i. 11, 17, 27, 28, 29, 
31,73, 108, 110, 144; ii. 26, 66. 

Roxburgh, Jane Drummond, countess 

of, i. 29. 
Rubislaw, laird of, i. 57. 
Rucheid, James, bailie of Edinburgh, 

i. 13. 
Rutherfoord, John, provost of Jedburgh, 

iii. 182. 
Rutherfoord, Mr. Samuel, minister at 

Anwoth, ii. 28, 29, 58, 97, 100, 108, 

109, 169, 170; iii. 229, 230, 238, 

Ruthven, general, i. 109 ; iii. 77, 86, 

87,98,99, 105, 125, 126, 127, 140, 

159, 181, 186, 200. 

Sage, bishop, i. 10 ; ii. 109. 

Salisbury, earl of, iii. 11, 107. 

Saliagh, laird of, ii. 266, 278, 281. 

Salmonet. See Monteith. 

Salton, laird of, i. 52. 

Sammedoose. See Madoes, St. 

Sancroft, Dr. William, archbishop of 
Canterbury, iii. 240. 

Sanders, Mr. James, precentor in Glas- 
gow, ii. 147. 

Sanderson, George, in Aberdeen, iii. 

Sandilands, Mr. James, advocate, com- 
missary of Aberdeen, i. 126, 140, 145, 
146; ii. 154; iii. 49, 50. 

Sandilands, Mr. Thomas, commissary of 
Aberdeen, i. 140, 145, 146, 172, 173 ; 
iii. 227. 

Sarum, bishop of, i. 33 ; iii. 126. 

Scoone, lord, ii. 44. 

Scot, Sir John, of Scotstarvet, iii. 147, 
181, 236. 

Scotstarvet, laird of, iii. 147, 181, 236. 

Scott, James, burgess of Montrose, iii. 

Scott, William, of Ardross, i. 127. 

Scott, Mr. William, minister at Cowper, 
i. 127. 

Scott, Sir William, ii. 96. 

Scott, William, pilot at Aberdeen, iii. 
130, 131, 168. 

Scrimgeor, constable of Dundee, vis- 
count of Dudhope, i. 62. 

2 T 



Scrimgeor, lieutenant David, son to the 

viscount of Dudliope, iii. 86, 127. 
Scrimgeor, Mr. Henry, a minister, ii. 

Scrogie, Dr. Alexander, minister at Old 

Aberdeen, i. 9, 83 ; ii. 226 ; iii. 129, 

220, 226, 227, 228, 229. 
Scrogie, Mr. Alexander, regent in The 

King's College, ii. 226 ; iii. 228, 229. 
Scrogie, William, bishop of Argyll, ii. 

Seaforth, earl of, i. 109; ii- 234, 262, 

264; iii. 218, 226. 
Seaton, lord, ii. 240. 
Seaton, William, of Shethinn, ii. 273 ; 

iii. 38, 252. 
Seatoun, Mr. Alexander, minister at 

Banff, iii. 38. 
Sedan, University of, iii. 210, 245. 
Setton, John, of Pitmedden, ii. 229, 278, 

281, 282. 
Sharp, Mr. George, minister at Fyvie, 

ii. 6 ; iii. 38. 
Shelms (Selmys), family of, ii. 156. 
Shepherd, Mr. Andrew, a minister, ii. 

Shethinn, laird of. See Seaton, William. 
Shields (Shels), iii. 261. 
Shippman, captain, iii. 99. 
Sibbald, Dr. James, minister at Aber- 
deen, i. 9, 83, 154 ; ii. 226 ; iii. 129, 

226, 228, 229, 230, 244. 
Sibbald, Mr. James, minister at Ben- 
holme, ii. 5, 127. 
Simpson, Mr. Alexander, minister at 

Laurencekirk, ii. 5 ; iii. 38. 
Simpson, Mr. Patrick, ii. 134. 
Simpson, Mr. William, ii. 29. 
Sinclair, lord, ii. 39, 147. 
Skeine, Mr. Robert, minister at Forbes, 

iii. 38. 
Skene, ii. 229. 

Skene, James, of Rubislaw, i. 57. 
Skene, James, of That Ilk, i. 58 ; ii. 

6, 260. 
Skene, loch of, i. 58. 
Skinner, John, presbyter at Longside, 

ii. 98. 

Skinner, Mr. Lawrence, minister at Na- 
var, iii. 37. 

Sleat, laird of, ii. 196. 

Slingsby, captain, iii. 99- 

Smart, Mr. John, minister at Wick, ii. 

Smith, John, bailie of Edinburgh, i. 13 ; 
iii. 239. 

Smyth, Mr. Andrew, ii. 39. 

Smyth, John, burgess of Edinburgh, i. 
127, 129; iii. 113, 182. 

Somerville, Mr. Alexander, minister at 
Dolphinton,ii. 97 ; iii. 39. 

Southesk, earl of, i. 17, 18, 62, 73, 108, 
109, 110, 144, 151, 152; ii. 27, 31, 
66; iii. 126, 127, 128, 140, 153. 

Southesk, river of, ii. 221. 

Spalding, John, commissary clerk of 
Aberdeen, his History of the Troubles 
quoted, i. 5, 19, 34, 45, 61, 70, 
82, 84, 85, 96, 97, 122, 155 ; ii. 5, 
133, 134, 135, 139, 155, 162, 197, 
210, 214, 216, 220, 225, 226, 227, 
228, 229, 231, 233, 234, 235, 238, 
239, 246, 249, 260, 261, 262, 263, 
264, 265, 267, 268, 278, 280, 281, 
282; iii. 17, 22, 25, 72, 85, 92, 96, 
99, 128, 130, 160, 162, 164, 165, 
166; 167, 168, 189, 197, 198, 199, 
200, 201, 204, 209, 211, 212, 213, 
214, 216, 218, 226, 227, 228, 229, 
230, 232, 233, 235, 240, 244, 245, 
251, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257, 264. 

Spang, William, minister at Campvere, 
i. 21, 90, 168; ii. 26, 49, 59, 61, 68, 
78, 83, 106, 107, 118, 128, 136, 143, 
151, 153, 155, 163, 164, 195, 198, 
203, 219, 250, 267, 278; iii. 3, 7, 
8, 18, 78, 81, 100, 257, 258. 

Spence, Mr. Alexander, minister at 
Birney, iii. 38. 

Spey, river of, ii. 218, 262, 263, 264, 

Spottiswoode, John, archbishop of St. 
Andrew's, i. 8, 10, 20, 126, 139, 
146, 168 ; ii. 41, 42, 43, 44, 98, 100, 
110; iii. 44, 90, 91, 129, 142, 235, 
242. See Andrew's, St., archbishop of. 



Spottiswoode, Mr. John, superintendent 

of Lothian, ii. 109. 
Spottiswoode, Sir Robert, lord presi- 
dent of the Court of Session, i. 74, 

75 ; iii. 91. 
Spynie, castle of, ii. 139 ; iii. 205, 

Spynie, laird of, iii. 231. 
Spynie, New, minister at, iii. 207- 
Stalker (Stacker), James, servant to 

the Lord Fraser, ii. 258. 
Sterthemius, Enoch, preacher at Mid- 

dleburg, iii. 234. 
Steuart of Pardovan, his Collections, ii. 

Steward, Sir Archibald, of Blackhall, 

i. 109 ; ii. 48. See Blackhall, laird 

Steward, Francis, son to the earl of 

Both well, i. 21. 
Steward, James, provost of Glasgow, 

i. 119. 
Steward, Sir Lewis, advocate, i. 144, 

152; iii. 72, 126, 140. 
Steward, Mr. Walter, ii. 29. 
Steward, Mr. Walter, minister at South 

Ronnaldsaye, iii. 44. 
Steward, William, i. 119. 
Steward, Mr. William, ii. 138. 
Stewart, captain James, of Bothwell- 

muir. See Arran, earl of. 
Stewart, captain, of Dunbarton, ii. 210. 
Stewart, Sir James, of Killeith, ii. 126. 
Stirling, i. 29, 31, 32. 33, 35, 36, 38, 

42, 82; ii. Ill, 134, 252; iii. 81, 

113, 197, 215, 221, 222, 223. 
Stirling, castle of, iii. 73, 117, 176. 
Stirling, €arl of, iii. 78. See Alexan- 
der, Sir William. 
Stirling, Sir George, of Keir, ii. 97, 

100; iii. 57, 113, 181. 
Stonehyve, ii. 261, 269, 270, 271, 272, 

273, 275. 
Stormont, Mimgo, viscount of, i. 127; 

ii. 44. 
Strachan (Strathqhuan), Mr. Alexander, 

minister at Chapel of The Garioch, 

iii. 226. 

Strachan, Mr. Andrew, minister at Tul- 
lynessle, ii. 6 ; iii. 38. 

Strachan, Mr. Andrew, regent in King's 
College, iii. 128, 129, 210, 232, 235, 

Strachan, Mr. William, minister at 
Meithlick, iii. 38. 

Stradawin, or Stradowne. See Strath- 

Strafford, Thomas Wentworth, earl of, 
i. 56; ii. 196, 203, 204, 205, 252; 
iii. 84, 107, 133, 146, 158, 163, 
164, 169, 182, 258, 260. 

Straloch, laird of. See Gordon, Ro- 
bert, of. 

Strang, Dr. John, principal of the Uni- 
versity of Glasgow, i. 119, 156, 169, 
170;"ii. 5 ; iii. 50. 

Stranraer, minister at, ii. 28. 

Strath Avin (Stradowne), i. 61 ; ii. 261. 

Strath Bogie, i. 86; ii. 211, 214, 216, 
224, 230, 231, 235, 236, 237, 238, 
254, 255, 256, 257, 259, 260, 262, 
267, 275, 276, 279, 280; iii. 72, 
196, 201, 202, 210, 211, 212, 21.3, 
214, 251, 253, 254. 

Strath Bogie, presbytery of, i. 86 : ii. 5, 
6, 139, 161 ; iii. 38, 89, 205, 206, 
207, 208, 226. 

Strath Dee (Stradee), ii. 261. 

Strath Erne (Stranern), i. 62. 

Strath Isla (Stryla), in Banftshire, iii. 

Strath Naver (Stranever), i. 61 ; iii. 254. 

Strath Spey (Straspey), ii. 262. 

Stromness, iii. 44. 

Suckling, Sir John, iii. 260. 

Sutherland, John, earl of, i. 43, 109, 
127; ii. 266; iii. 224. 

Sworde, James, burgess of St. An- 
drew's, ii. 163; iii. 182. 

Sydserf, Thomas, bishop of Galloway, 
i. 12, 21 ; ii. 29, 47, 97, 98 ; iii. 235, 

Symmer, Mr. George, minister at Meg- 
gill, ii. 5, 29, 145 ; iii. 37. 

Tarbett, laird of, ii. 152, 215. 



Tay, the river, ii. 157. 

Taylor, Bishop Jeremy, quoted, iii. 91. 

Tellingus, Guliehnus, minister at Mid- 
dleburg, iii. 234. 

Teviot, earl of, ii. 4. 

Thoirs (Thores), Mr. Thomas, minister 
at Udny, i. 145 ; ii. 5. 

Thomson, Mr. Alexander, minister at 
Edinburgh, i. 124. 

Thomson, Sir Thomas, of Duddistoune, 
i. 22; iii. 127. 

Tilen (Tilenus), Daniel, professor of 
theology at Sedan, i. 20 ; iii. 245, 

Tillifour, ii. 133. 

Tod, Mr. Robert, minister at Rothes, 
iii. 208. 

Tollo-hill (TuUoeh-hill), iii. 161. 

Tolqhwone, laird of. See Forbes, Wal- 
ter, of. 

Torry, ii. 226. 

Towie (Kinbettock), ii. 6. 

Towie-Barclay, ii. 6, 39, 258, 259 ; iii- 

Towie-Barclay, Broadefoord of, ii. 212, 

Tranent, minister at, ii. 130. 

Traquair, John, earl of, i. 12, 14, 17, 
22, 23, 24, 27, 31, 62, 63, 66, 68, 
73, 108, 110, 144, 150, 189; ii. 26, 
31, 208; iii. 26, 31, 37, 39, 45,48, 
54, 58, 59, 63, 64, 66, 67, 78, 81, 
82, 83, 101, 106, 108, 111, 114, 
116, 117, 120, 136, 137, 154, 181, 
184, 225. 

Treeve, Castle of, iii. 162, 

Trumpe, Martin Harperson Van, ad- 
miral of Holland, iii. 84, 85. 

Tuam, archbishopric of, i. 4. 

Tullibardin, earl of, i. 108, 109, 110; 
ii. 26, 31, 266. 

Tullidaff, Mr. Thomas, minister at Fo- 
veran, iii. 49. 

TuUoch, Mr. Patrick, minister at Forres, 
iii. 38. 

Tullynessle, minister at, ii. 6 ; iii. 38. 

Turnbull, George, a member of the So- 
ciety of Jesus, iii. 89, 90, 236, 237. 

Turriff, i. 85, 86; ii. 158, 210, 211, 
212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 217, 255, 
256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 263, 264; 
iii. 254. 

Turriff, minister at. See Mitchell, Mr. 

Turriff, presbytery of, ii. 6, 158, 161 ; 
iii. 38. 

Tweed, river, iii. 6, 7, 257. 

Tyne, river, iii. 258, 263. 

Tynemouth, iii. 260. 

Tynemouth, castle of, iii. 261. 

Udny, Alexander, of Auchterellon, iii. 

Udny, kirk of, ii. 264. 

Udny, minister at, i. 145 ; ii. 5. 

Urquhart, Patrick, of Lethinty, iii. 201. 

Urquhart, Sir Thomas, sheriff of Cro- 
marty, i. 61 ; iii. 210, 230, 232, 237, 

Urquhart, Walter, of Cromby, ii. 259, 
263 ; iii. 252. 

Vaiss, Mr. James, minister at Croy, iii. 

Vane, Sir Hary, iii. 11, 147. 
Verney, Sir Edward, kniglit marshal of 

England, iii. 10, 22. 
Vigeans, St., minister at, iii. 37- 

Walcheren (Walker), Isle of, i. 37 ; 

iii. 234. 
Wallace, captain James, iii. 211. 
Wardhouse, Dame Elizabeth Gordon, 

lady of, i. 153; ii. 133, 134. 
Wardhouse, laird of, ii. 134. 
Wardlaw (Wartlaw). See Kirkhill. 
Warnesius. See Barnesius, John. 
Warristoun, lord. See Johnston, Sir 

Water, North, ii. 223. 
Watertoun, laird of, ii. 259- 
Watson, Mr. John, ii. 5. 
Waughton, laird of. See Hepburn, Sir 

Wedderburn, Mr. Alexander, advocate, 

i. 147; iii. 182. 



Wedderburn, David, rector of the Gram- 
mar School of Aberdeen, iii. 246. 
Wedderburn, Dr. James, bishop of 

Dunblane, i. 4 ; ii. 136, 146. 
Wedderburn, laird of. See Hume, Sir 

Wedderburn, Mr. William, minister at 

Oldmeldrum. ii. 6 ; iii. 38. 
Weemes, Mr. Matthew, ii. 101. 
Wemyss (Weems), earl of, i. 9, 109, 

123; ii. 102, 147. 
Wemyss, minister at, i. 20 ; ii. 46. 
Westergarthie, in Sutherland, ii. 266. 
Westminster, iii. 90. 
Weymes, Mr. John, minister in the 

presbytery of Brechin, iii. 37. 
WejTnes, Mr. John, minister at Rothes, 

iii. 38. 
WhitehaU, Palace of, i. 141 ; ii. 176, 

202; iii. 78, 99, 106, 111, 147. 
Whiteford, Dr. Walter, bishop of 

Brechin, i. .34; ii. 100, 101. 
Wliyte, Dr. Francis, bishopof Ely, ii. 78. 
Wick (Wike), minister at, ii. 152. 
Wigtoun, earl of, i. 22, 73, 108, 110; 

ii. 26, 27, 151 ; iii. 181. 
Wilkie. Mr., ii. 99- 

Wilkie, Mr. Thomas, ii. 28, 146. 
Winchester, bishopof, ii. 82, 100; iii. 

Winrham (Winerhame), Mr. George, ii. 

Winrham (Winerhame), Mr. Robert, 

depute-clerk of the general assembly, 

i. 172. 
Winton (Wenton), earl of, i. 73 ; ii. 

41, 240. 
Wishart, Mr. George, ii. 145. 
Wishart, Dr. George, of St. Andrew's, 

(afterwards bishop of Edinburgh), ii. 

Wood, Mr. Andrew, minister at Mony- 

footh, ii. 5, 39 ; iii. 37- 
Wood, Sir Henry, of Bonnytoune, iii. 

Wright, Mr. Edward, ii. 29, 58. 
Wyndybancke, secretary, iii. 147. 

Yestee, lord, i. 150 ; ii. 39 ; iii- 81. 
York, ii. 194, 195, 196, 208, 225, 240, 

246, 248, 250; iii. 10, 153, 214, 

257, 258, 260, 263, 264. 
Young, Mr. John, minister at Keig, 

ii. 6.